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f  V. 


DIARY 

GIDEON  W 

IN  THREE  VC 
VOLUME 


:^,'P 


DIARY  OI 

GIDEON  WE 

SECEETARY  OF  THE  NAVY 
LINCOLN  AND   JOHNSC 

WITH  AN  INTEODUCTION  BY  JOH1 

AND 
WITH  ILLUSTRATION! 

VOLUME  II 

APRIL  i,  1864— DECEMBE: 


t  e 


COPYRIGHT,   1909,   AND  IQIO,  BY  EDGAR  ' 
COPYRIGHT,   igil,  BY  EDGAR  T.  WELLES  AND  HOUGH- 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 

Published  October  iqii 


CONTENTS 

XVIII 
APRIL,  1864 

Seward  and  the  Case  of  the  Sir  William  Peel,  cap 
Waters — John  M.  Forbes's  Opinions  on  the  Na 

—  The  Seymours  of  Connecticut  —  The  Wilkes  < 
journed  —  Du  Pont's  Intrigues  against  the  Dep 
of  John  C.  Rives  —  The  Debate  on  the  Resoluti< 
sentative  Long  from  the  House  —  The  Matter  < 
bacco  at  Richmond — Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  I 

—  The  Gold  Panic  abated  —  Chase's  Financier] 
Officers  sustain  the  Secretary's  Course  in  Relati 
Sumner  on  the  Currency  Question  —  An  Est: 
Banks  —  Halleck's  Opinion  of  Banks  —  Propos< 
up  the  James  River  —  The  Feud  between  Chase 
Charges  of  Improprieties  in  the  Treasury  Dep? 
found  Guilty 

XIX 

MAY,  1864 

Investigating  the  Massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  —  Cabine- 
Massacre  —  Rumors  of  the  Battle  of  the  Wild 
Porter's  Report  of  Banks's  Mismanagement  of  th< 
dition  —  The  President's  Disappointment  in  Bar 


vi  CONTENTS 

Vice-President  —  Rigorous  Dealing  with  the  ( 
advocated  —  Gathering  of  Delegates  for  the 
tion  —  The  Abduction  of  Arguellis  —  The  Rej 
nominates  Lincoln  and  Johnson  —  The  Rel 
Welles  and  Vice-President  Hamlin  —  Fogg  rec 
Switzerland  —  His  Detailed  Account  of  the  Fo 
Cabinet —  John  P.  Hale  defeated  for  the  Sena 
Hampshire  Legislature  —  Admiral  Gregory's  Ui 
the  Light-Draft  Monitors  —  The  Smith  Brothe 
with  Contract  Frauds  —  The  Case  of  Hender 
The  Presidential  Excursions  to  Army  Headc 
diet  of  the  Court  Martial  in  Charles  W.  SCO£L< 
Management  of  the  Country's  Finances  —  A 
Cullen  Bryant  in  behalf  of  Henderson  —  Bryj 
the  Evening  Post  —  The  Resignation  of  Chasi 

XXI 

JULY,  1864 

Governor  Tod  declines  the  Treasury  Portfolio  and 
appointed  —  The  Sinking  of  the  Alabama  —  ( 
the  Cotton  Trade  —  The  Trial  of  General  Di: 
New  York  Papers  —  The  Kearsarge  and  the  A 
in  the  War  Office  as  to  the  Confederate  Inva 
The  Confederates  near  Washington  —  Watchi 
Fort  Stevens  —  Conversation  with  General 
Whiting  on  Halleck's  Incompetency  —  The  . 
York  Evening  Post  towards  the  Navy  Depa 
Henderson's  Removal  — The  Mistakes  in  the  1 

—  Thomas  G.  Welles  goes  to  the  Front  —  G 
ference — The  Unofficial  Peace  Movements — ] 

—  Talk  with   Solicitor  Whiting  on   Recons 


CONTENTS 

ful  Peace  Proposals  at  Richmond  — -  The  PJ 
Greeley  —  How  Farragut  was  discovered  — 
—  The  Character  of  Chase  —  Politics  in  the  Br 
Pressure  from  Massachusetts  in  behalf  of  th 
Proposed  Movement  against  Wilmington,  N 
Navy  benefited  by  the  Army  Draft  —  McC 
President  by  the  Democratic  Convention  . 

XXIII 
SEPTEMBER,  1864 

Farragut  and  Du  Pont  contrasted  —  New  Yoi 
Clellan  —  Political  Pressure  on  the  Brooklyi 
New  York  Collectorship  —  The  Question  c 
South  —  Effect  of  the  Success  of  Sherman  at  A 
tion  to  Lincoln  —  Embarrassment  caused  by 
in  Payment  of  Navy  Requisitions  —  Talk  \ 
Chairman  Raymond  of  the  Republican  Nation 
from  a  Committee  in  reference  to  the  Brookly 
ragut  asks  for  Rest  and  Shore  Exercise  —  I 
Command  of  North  Atlantic  Squadron  —  Spei 
on  the  Subject  of  Abandoned  Plantations  —  3 
federate  Refugees  on  Lake  Erie  —  Reception 
dan's  Victory  at  Winchester  by  the  Opponen 
tion  —  Robert  C.  Winthrop's  Unfortunate  PC 
the  Cabinet  —  Cotton-Trading  in  Texas  — r. 
in  reference  to  Acting  Admiral  Lee's  Detaclu 
Atlantic  Squadron  —  The  Court  Martial  in  tin 
Downes  —  Seward  and  the  Presidential  Proc 
Admission  as  a  State 

XXIV 


viii  CONTENTS 

Labor  of  preparing  an  Annual  Report  —  Pro] 
Department  take  a  Ship  building  in  the  Unite< 

XXV 
DECEMBER,   1864 

The  President  reads  his  Message  in  Cabinet  — 
Japanese  Vessel  —  The  President  appoints 
Justiceship  —  Usher's  Anxiety  as  to  Ms  E-ea; 
Political  Plans  —  Sumner  on  Chase's  Ap] 
praises  Welles' s  Report  —  Conversation  with  ] 
ard's  and  Chase's  Views  on  States'  Rights  —  T. 

—  Hood's  Army  defeated  by  Thomas  —  The 
towards  the  Old  Party  Hacks  —  The  Office 
ated  —  McClellan  accused  of  Treachery  in  1 
paign  —  Death  of  William  L.  Dayton,  Minis 
closure  in  the  Newspapers  of  Plans  for  the  W 

—  An  Arrest  in  the  Case  urged  —  The  Presic 
mitigate  Punishment  and  grant  Favors  —  An 
ness  —  The  Capture  of  Savannah  —  The  J; 
The  Question  of  the  Right  of  Congress  or  t 
Executive  Documents  —  Failure  of  Butler  in 
pedition 

XXVI 

JANUARY,   1865 

The  Peace  Mission  of  the  Blairs  —  Sherman's  Ca] 
Wilmington  Expedition  —  Discussion  of  wha 
groes  —  General  Butler's  Dismissal  from  Con 
the  James  —  An  Estimate  of  his  Character 


CONTENTS 

gan  his  Possible  Successor  —  General  Sherman's 
gan  declines  the  Treasury  Portfolio  —  News  of  the 
Anderson  —  The  Brightest  Day  in  Four  Years  —  I 
mentioned  for  the  Treasury  —  Seward  on  Chased 
Cabinet  —  Blair  on  Seward's  Intrigues  with  Sect 
Beginning  of  the  War 

XXVIII 

MARCH,  1865 

Secretary  Welles  assured  of  Reappointment  —  Attiti 
Blaine  towards  the  Navy  Department  —  Lincoln's 
ration — The  New  Vice-President's  Rambling  Spee 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  John  P.  Hal 
to  Spain  —  Admiral  Porter  on  Buchanan's  Secessic 
—  A  Committee  from  Maine  —  Bennett  of  the  A 
talked  of  as  Minister  to  France  —  The  Combinati 
Papers  against  the  Navy  Department  —  The  Presi< 
the  Verdict  against  F.  W.  Smith  —  Mr.  J.  M.  Forl 
Case  —  Paymasters'  Accounts  and  the  Appropria 
and  the  Smith  Case  —  Comptroller  Taylor's  Acti 
Navy  Requisitions  —  Seward  asks  for  a  Man-of-W 
P.  Hale  to  Spain  —  An  Interesting  Statement  by  G 

XXIX 

APRIL,   1865 

Greeley's  "bleeding,  bankrupt,  ruined  country"  leti 
England  —  Greeley's  Morbid  Appetite  for  Notorie 
over  the  Fall  of  Richmond  —  Stanton's  Account  of 
cussion  in  Buchanan's  Cabinet — Seward  injurec 
Accident  —  Mutual  Misconceptions  of  the  Nort! 
corrected  bv  the  War  —  News  of  Lee's  Surrender  — 


x  CONTENTS 

Question  of  Negro  Suffrage  —  The  Trial  of  th< 

—  The  Cabinet  calls  on  Secretary  Seward  — 
Davis  —  Great  Review  of  the  Union  Armies  in 
to  Charleston,  Savannah,  and  Wilmington  — 
in  favor  of  the  Republic  in  Mexico  —  The  ( 
Appointees  in  the  South  —  France  and  Eng 
gerent  Rights  from  the  Confederates  —  Death 

—  Du  Font's  Differences  with  the  Secretary 
and  his  Relations  with  Lincoln  —  Preston  Ki 
President  —  The  President  overrun  with  Vis 
Aspect  of  the  Negro  Suffrage  Question  —  S 
Usurpation  of  Power  by  the  Executive  .     . 

XXXI 

JULY,   1865 

McCulloch  alarmed  for  the  Treasury  —  Lack  of 
Department  —  Sumner's  Work  in  behalf  of  I 
Closing  of  Ford's  Theatre  —  Alexander 'H. 
Book  —  Generals  Grant  and  Sherman  hostile 
in  Mexico  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Subjec 
against  President  Lincoln  sent  to  the  Tortugas 
Trial  of  Jefferson  Davis  discussed  in  Cabinet 
the  Iron  Ram  Dunderberg  —  Ex-Vice-Presi< 
Navy  Agency  in  Washington 

XXXII 
AUGUST,  1865 

The  Military  annuls  the  Municipal  Election  in  ] 
federates  organizing  to  regain  Political  Asce: 


CONTENTS 

XXXIII 

SEPTEMBER  — DECEMBER,   1865 

3STegro  Suffrage  Question  in  Connecticut  —  Circular  again 
Laical  Assessments  in  the  Navy  Yards  —  Conversation  with  ] 
On,  Stanton,  and  Harlan  in  regard  to  such  Assessments  — 
•ominated  for  Congress  —  Opinion  of  General  Thomas  —  W 
*idllips's  Uselessness  —  Seward's  Speech  at  Auburn,  N.  Y.  • 
Compliments  for  the  Secretary  and  the  Assistant  Secretary 
T"a,vy  —  Suicide  of  Preston  King  —  His  Character  and  Cai 
Conversation  with  the  President  on  the  Subject  of  the  Congress 
'ducus  in  regard  to  the  Admission  of  Representatives  fro 
o-uthern  States  —  Fogg  recalled  from  Switzerland  —  His  Im 
knowledge  of  the  Construction  of  the  Lincoln  Cabinet  —  H 
ie  Story  in  Detail  —  The  President's  Message  —  Conver 
i"tli  Sumner  on  the  President's  Reconstruction  Policy  —  ] 
Lent  for  the  Impeachment  of  the  President  —  Grant's  Rep 
-s  Southern  Journey  —  Another  Talk  with  Sumner  —  The  C 
B,QCO,  Master  Plumber  at  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard  —  I 
Stanton's  Proposed  Resignation  —  Arrest  of  Captain  Se 
"dered  —  Senator  Morgan  on  Sumner  and  the  President's  '. 
-  Seward's  Projected  Cruise  —  Conversation  with  Senator 

XXXIV 
JANUARY,   1866 

President's  New  Year  Reception  —  Death  of  Henry  "\ 
Efvis  —  Seward  off  to  the  West  Indies  —  General  Webb  and 
a,;poleon  —  The  Charges  against  Semmes  —  The  Shena 
ts<3  —  Congress  seems  disposed  to  open  War  on  the  Presid 
i  Animated  Conversation  with  Sumner  —  Assistant  Sec: 


CONTENTS 

ie  President's  View  of  the  Revolutionary  Intentions  of  the  Ri 
Js  —  The  Republican  Convention  in  Connecticut  —  Cabi] 
.scussion  of  the  President's  Veto  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill 
ie  Senate  sustains  the  Veto  —  Thaddeus  Stevens  and  the  Tenc 
3  Delegation  —  Memorial  Meeting  in  Honor  of  Henry  Win 
ivis — The  President's  Speech  on  the  Veto — A  Design  to  atten 
ipeachment  of  the  President .  .  .  . 

XXXVI 

MARCH,   1866 

as's  Influence  in  his  Reconstruction  Committee  —  Conversat 
th  Baldwin  of  the  Committee  —  The  Committee  reports  a  Re 
}ion  for  admitting  Representatives  from  Tennessee  —  The  Tre 
y  Department  embarrassed  by  the  Test  Oath  in  procuring  Offici 
the  South  —  A  Call  from  Governor  Dennison  in  reference  t 
sstoration  of  Harmony  in  the  Republican  Party  —  A  Talk  w 
:nator  Grimes  —  Attitude  of  Grimes  and  Fessenden  towards 
resident  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Fenian  Situation  —  1 
snnecticut  Gubernatorial  Candidates  —  General  Hawley  calls 
jcretary  Welles  and  on  the  President  —  Sumner  on  Louis  I 
>leon's  Action  in  regard  to  the  Presidency  of  the  World's  Congi 
Savants  —  The  President  vetoes  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  —  Cabi 
iscussion  of  the  Bill  —  Seward  and  the  Proposed  Purchase  of 
anish  West  Indies  —  The  Semmes  Case  —  The  Outlook  in  C 
icticut  —  Banks  and  the  Use  of  Naval  Vessels  for  the  French  ! 
>sition  —  Butler  and  the  Grey  Jacket 

XXXVII 

APT?TT.      IQAft 


CONTENTS 

to  United  States  Minister  Motley  in  Austria  in  re 
ican  Situation — Conversation  with  Senator  Trui 
dition  of  the  Country  —  General  Butler's  Intrig 
Jacket  Case  —  The  Programme  of  the  Reconstruc 

XXXVIII 
MAY,   1866 

Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Reconstruction  Programir 
Stanton's  Position  —  Publication  of  the  Discussi 
mentioned  for  Senator  from  Connecticut  —  Colo: 
the  Union  —  The  Objections  to  her  Admission  — 
sending  a  Naval  Vessel  to  attend  the  Laying  of  tl 

—  Captain  S.  P.  Lee  objects  to  his  Appointment 
of  the  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard,  and  Mr.  Blair  as 
tion  for  his  Son-in-Law  —  The  Senatorial  Situatic 

—  Assistant  Secretary  Fox's  Proposed  Europea 
from  Captain  Lee  —  Cordial  Farewells  from  Fox 
and  his  Cabinet  serenaded  —  Speeches  of  the  Ci 
Captain  Lee's  Orders  to  the  Mare  Island  Navy 
His  Intrigues  —  Death  of  General  Scott  —  His 
President  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War  and  hi 
Seward  —  A  Constitutional  Amendment  reported 

XXXIX 
JUNE,   1866 

The  Fenian  Situation  on  the  Great  Lakes  — What  to 

'-•*.  tured  Fenians  —  Seward's  Position  as  a  Supporte 

tration  —  The  President  issues  a  Proclamation 

Fenians  —  Attorney-General  Speed's  Preliminary 

in  the  Cabinet  considered  —  Call  for  a  Nation; 


xiv  CONTENTS 

Idea  of  the  Radical  Programme  —  The  Radi 
son's  Resignation  —  Attorney-General  Spee< 
sident  vetoes  the  New  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill 
it  over  the  Veto  —  General  Thomas  requested 
Local  Politics  in  Tennessee  —  Montgomery  Bl 
War  —  The  President's  Position  weakened  I 
ing  Influence  —  Tennessee  ratifies  the  Fourt 
Henry  Stanbery  nominated  as  Attorney-Gene 
ual  Reticence  —  The  Senate  passes  the  Resc 
Tennessee  Delegation  to  Congress  —  The  Joy  i 
Promotions  —  Attorney-General  Stanbery  t 
Japanese  Government  asks  for  a  Delay  in  I 
due  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  United  S 
Japan  —  The  Army  and  Navy  Promotions  - 
dall  of  Wisconsin  appointed  Postmaster-Gene: 
sends  in  his  Resignation  —  The  President  sig 
Senator  Daniel  Clark  of  New  Hampshire  apj 
for  New  Hampshire  —  General  Dix  appointee 

XLI 

AUGUST,  1866 

Riot  in  New  Orleans  —  Conversation  with  Govei 
The  Situation  in  that  State  —  Further  Intr 
Suspected  Participation  of  the  Radicals  in  the 
ances  —  Rumor  of  a  Captured  Slaver  —  She] 
—  Stanton  declares  himself  against  the  Philac 
Estimate  of  Secretary  McCulloch  —  Dennisc 
tions  —  Reception  to  Queen  Emma  of  the  Ha 
Philadelphia  Convention  Full  and  Harmonic 
Government  in  Texas  established  —  Seward  s 
a  Peace  Proclamation  in  Consequence  —  The 


CONTENTS 

ington  —  The  Democrats  failing  to  take  Advantage 

—  Ante-Election  Pressure  for  Removals  —  Sewa 
No  Disunionist  to  be  employed  in  the  Navy  Yards 
with  Senator  Fogg  of  New  Hampshire  on  the  Subj 
sion  of  States  —  Judge  Holt,  charged  with  Miscon 
of  Lincoln's  Assassins,  asks  for  a  Court  of  Inquiry 
appointed  Minister  to  France  and  also  Naval  Office 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  —  Naval  Constructor  Webb  and 

—  The  Aged  Widow  of  Commodore  Barney  pleads 

XLIII 

OCTOBER  AND  NOVEMBER, 

Letter  from  General  Sherman  indorsing  the  President' 
mate  of  General  Dix  —  The  Case  of  Jefferson  Da^s 
the  Cabinet  —  The  Suppression  of  the  Constitutic 
Issue  in  the  Philadelphia  Convention  —  Thurlow  \ 
parted  —  The  Results  of  Political  Inaction  on  the 
ministration  —  The  Removal  of  J.  G.  Bolies  frc 
Colleetorship  —  Texas  desires  Protection  from  Indi 

—  The  Jefferson  Davis  Case  —  Election  Returns  f r< 

—  The  Elections  go  against  the  Administration  - 
in  Consultation  with  Chief  Justice  Chase  —  Distu; 
land  feared  —  General  Sherman  to  accompany  M 
to  Mexico  —  Louis  Napoleon  and  the  Mexican  Sitt 
of  War  with  France  —  Thaddeus  Stevens  as  a  Lei 
look  for  Congressional  Action  —  The  President's  3V 

XLIV 

DECEMBER,   1866 
A  Call  from  Charles  Sumner  —  San  Domingo  prop 


xvi  CONTENTS 

sident's  Speechmaking  —  Speechmaking  on  th 
and  Cabinet  Ministers  a  Mistake  —  Seward's 
a  Bungling  Piece  of  Business  —  Radical  Meml 
the  South  —  The  Question  of  Naval  Courtes: 
Tucker  of  the  Peruvian  Navy  —  Senator  Dix< 
—  Sad  Death  of  Robert  G.  Welles  .  .  . 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN Phot 

From  a  photograph  taken  in  1864  (copyright,  1891,  b; 


SALMON  P.  CHASE  .... 
DAVID  GLASGOW  FARRAGUT 
MONTGOMERY  BLAIR  .  .  . 

EDWARD  BATES 

GUSTAVUS  V.  Fox  .... 
HUGH  McCuLLOCH .... 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  , 


From  a  portrait  by  Matthew  Wilson,  painted  for  S 
and  said  to  be  the  last  portrait  of  Lincoln.  Now  re] 
first  time  by  permission  of  Mr.  Edgar  T.  Welles. 


SAMUEL  F.  Du  PONT 
PERCIVAL  DRAYTON 
PRESTON  KING    .    . 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELL 

VOLUME   II 
APRIL  1,  1864— DECEMBER  31,  If 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

APRIL  1,  1864  — DECEMBE 

XVIII 

Seward  and  the  Case  of  the  Sir  William  Peel,  captun 
John  M.  Forbes's  Opinions  on  the  National  ( 
mours  of  Connecticut  —  The  Wilkes  Court  3V 
Font's  Intrigues  against  the  Department  —  De* 
The  Debate  on  the  Resolution  to  expel  Repres 
House  —  The  Matter  of  the  French  Tobacco  a 
Discussion  of  the  Financial  Situation  —  The 
Chase's  Financiering  —  Able  Naval  Officers  i 
Course  in  Relation  to  Du  Pont  —  Sumner  on  tt 
An  Estimate  of  General  Banks  —  Halleck's  0{ 
posed  Demonstration  up  the  James  River  —  TJ 
and  the  Blairs  —  Charges  of  Improprieties  in 
ment  —  Wilkes  found  Guilty. 

April  1,  1864,  Friday,  The  Chronicl 
contains  my  letter,  with  some  errors,  t< 
sponse  to  a  call  relating  to  transfers.  It 
motion  among  the  Members  of  Congr* 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [A: 

ward  spoke  to  me  concerning  the  case  of  tl 
am  Peel,  captured  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Gi 
lad  carried  contraband  ostensibly  to  Matamora 
.ons  had  gone  direct  to  Brownsville,  and  cottoj 

brought  direct  from  that  place  in  return, 
led,  however,  that  she  was  captured  in  M€ 
rs,  though  near  the  United  States,  and  the: 
j-d  says  she  must  be  given  up.  I  asked  him  to  \\ 
ptured  in  Mexican  waters,  no  power  but  Mexico 
5  the  claim.  This  he  undertook  to  deny,  provide 
rnment  of  Mexico  was  enfeebled  by  revolution  ar 
to  sustain  itself.  But  I  told  him  if  able  to  asser 
.tain  neutrality,  then  Mexico,  and  she  alone, 
vene ;  if  not  able  to  maintain  her  claim  of  neuti 
ther  one  could  make  a  claim  of  Mexican  jurisdi 
im  fearful  he  will  make  a  misfire  on  this  questioi 
never  looked  into  maritime  law,  and  will  mak 
fice  of  national  or  individual  rights  to  keep  in 
and. 

ml  2,  Saturday.  John  M.  Forbes  called.  After 
n  one  or  two  subjects  he  spoke  of  the  National 
ion  and  his  regret  that  the  call  was  so  early 
i  me  as  one  of  the  committee  to  reconsider  the  su 
him  I  would  hear  and  consider  anything  from 


1864]    THE  SEYMOURS  OF  CON] 

and  hence  he  desired  delay.  Forbes  mea 
is  right.  He  is  shrewd  and  sagacious,  bu 
feelings  and  partialities  unavoidably.  I 
desires  to  have  Mr.  Chase  a  candidate, 
of  only  Ben  Butler,  whom  he  dislikes. 

Cautioned  Fox  to  beware  of  yielding 
and  opinions  of  detective  Olcott,  unless 
facts  in  his  possession.  Mr.  Wilson,  1 
advise  in  these  matters,  and  nothing  be 
seizure  and  arrest  but  by  Mr.  Wilson's  c 

April  4,  Monday.  Heard  an  excellen 
day  from  Bishop  Whipple. 

Called  on  Stanton,  respecting  the  1 
Gillmore  from  June  12  to  July  6,  1863. 

Had  a  call  from  J.  P.  Hale  respecti 
This  man,  so  long  a  Senator,  has  no 
statesmanlike  views.    Would  set  aside 
and  law  because  he  thinks  it  operates  hs 
whom  he  knows. 

April  5,  Tuesday.  The  returns  of  the 
tion  come  in  favorably.    Buckingham 
largely  increased  majority,  and  the  Ui 
thirds  at  least  of  the  Legislature.  This  d 


6  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  T 

returning  sense  among  some  of  the  cor 
he  was  chosen  by  a  majority  of  some  t! 
he  is  defeated, 

April  6,  Wednesday.  Little  of  impor 
ments  by  the  army  in  contemplation,  y 
communicated  to  the  Navy  Departm 
mation  that  ironclads  may  be  wanted 
This  intimation,  or  obscure  request,  cc 
General  Grant;  nothing  from  the  War '. 

April  7,  Thursday.  Adjourned  the  T 
to-day  until  Monday,  the  18th  inst.  r. 
in,  and  the  case  will  go  to  judgment  z 
ments  are  delivered.  Defense  wantec 
and  the  members  of  the  Court  desired  1 
days.  Every  effort  has  been  made  to  ev 
case  and  to  get  up  false  ones.  All  of  1 
have  been  introduced,  etc.,  etc. 

April  8,  Friday.  Answered  a  lette 
Chairman  of  Naval  Committee,  on  the 
ing  the  Marine  Corps.  In  answering 
Hale,  it  is  important  to  so  word  my 
to  leave  the  honorable  gentleman  son 
makes  it  a  rule  to  oppose  any  measure 


1864]  DU  FONT'S  INTKIGT 

But  little  at  the  Cabinet.  Neither 
attended.  Seward  says  our  friends  in  th 
are  to  be  defeated.  Told  him  I  regretted 
not  an  unmitigated  evil.  I  had  not  the  a 
it  which  he  seemed  to  entertain.  I  certai 
to  make  concessions  to  retain  them. 

Called  this  evening  on  Admiral  Dahlj 
solable  for  the  loss  of  his  son.  Advised 
and  mingle  in  the  world,  and  not  yield  1 
irremediable. 

Wise,  who  is  Chief  ad  interim  of  the  ( 
is  almost  insane  for  the  appointment  c 
too  many,  supposes  the  way  to  promotio: 
those  who  stand  in  his  way,  or  whom  '. 
in  his  way.  Mr.  Everett  writes  to  old 
Dahlgren.  Admiral  Stringham  and  Wo 
yesterday  in  behalf  of  Wise  and  both  < 
were  sent  by  Wise. 

April  9,  Saturday.  Senator  Wilson  to- 
yesterday  called  in  relation  to  the  inv 
Olcott  is  prosecuting  in  Boston.  They 
to  call  by  Smith  brothers,  who  are  beg 
easy.  Their  attacks  on  others,  if  not 
have  provoked  inquiries  concerning  t 


x-v-f    4-1r\  rt.     rvf\-*\  4-1  s\w\  s\v\ 


8  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

intrigue,  and,  to  his  discredit,  calle< 
which  I  had  sent  in  with  report  and  w 
before  his  resolution  was  offered,  thoi 
presented  them.  Few  of  the  Member 
work  thoroughly,  or  give  matters  exa 
like  Spaulding,  are  often  victimized, 
friend  Winter  Davis,  like  all  intrigi 
selves  in  some  of  their  movements.  F 
was  the  petted  man  of  the  Departm 
and  had  courted  and  brought  into  h 
best  officers  of  the  Navy.  These  alw* 
Those  who  were  not  of  his  circle  wer 
form  my  opinions  and  conclusions  f 
heard.  Fox  was  very  devoted  to  hin 
too  much  for  him.  To  no  man  has  1 
partiality.  As  a  general  thing,  I  ha^ 
sidering  his  associations  and  preju 
service,  has  been  fair  and  just  tow* 
DuPont  asked  for  nothing  that  Fox  w* 
ent  to  have  me  grant,  yet  eventually 

April  11,  Monday.  John  C.  Rives, : 
terday.  He  was  a  marked  charact< 
simple-hearted,  and  sagacious,  witl 
without  fear,  generous  and  sincere,  w 


1864]    FRENCH  TOBACCO  AT  RI< 

discussion  has  been  carried  on,  on  a  resc 
by  the  Speaker,  Colfax,  to  expel  Long, 
from  Ohio,  for  some  discreditable  partis; 
in  a  speech  last  Friday.  There  being  ai 
I  went  to  the  Capitol  for  the  first  time  tl 
Orth,  Kenyon,  Winter  Davis,  and  one  o: 
latter  was  declamatory,  eloquent,  but  tl 
please  me,  nor  the  subject.  Long  I  despi 
tions,  but  Coif  ax  is  not  judicious  in  his  ] 
went  beyond  the  line  of  his  party,  and  Cc 
them  responsible  for  Long's  folly. 

April  12,  Tuesday.  To-day  have  a  let 
Lee  respecting  the  exportation  of  Fren 
Richmond.  This  is  an  arrangement  o1 
which  I  have  always  objected,  but  to  wl 
was  persuaded  to  yield  his  assent  some  ] 
subject  has  lingered  until  now.  Admi: 
French  naval  vessels  and  transports  are  , 
about  to  proceed  up  the  James  River,  s 
shall  keep  an  account  of  their  export. 

I  took  the  dispatch  to  the  Cabinet-me 
from  Mr.  Seward  what  his  arrangements 
not  present.  When  the  little  business  ( 
posed  of,  I  introduced  the  subject  to  th 


10  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  1 

War  and  Assistant  Secretary  of  .Stai 
me,  or  consulting  me  on  the  subject, 
saw,  when  I  introduced  the  topic.   Tt 
I  well  understood.  He  knew  full  well  n 
whole  proceeding,  which  I  had  foug] 
times,  until  he  finally  gave  in  to  Sewar 
some  of  the  difficulties  which  I  had  sugg 
the  President  preferred  not  to  see  me. 
me  if  this  is  but  the  beginning  of  the 
perience. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting,  Chase,  a 
weekly  exhibit,  showing  our  national 
teen  hundred  millions,  said  he  should 
Navy  Department  and  also  that  of  the 
farther  calls  on  the  Treasury  for  coin, 
provide  for  foreign  bills  which  stood 
others,  and  if  he  had  paid  the  Interic 
partment  than  the  State  and  Navy,  wh 
and  possibly  the  War  Department  sore 
I  thought  it  not  right;  that  I  had  exp 
culty  in  making  California  payments, 
because  I  supposed  all  domestic  bills 

Chase  did  not  meet  the  point  squa 
other  subjects,  and  answered  some  qi 
sident's  about  the  daily  custom  rece 


1864]    CABINET  DISCUSSION  OF  I 

Treasury  paper  instead  to  an  unlimited 
would  be  no  relief;  that  by  reducing  the  £ 
and  making  it  payable  in  specie  on  demanc 
his  legal  tenders  and  gold  nearer  to  equal! 
ent  remarked  that  something  must  be  do 
ing  the  bank  paper;  said  he  did  not  fully 
financial  questions  in  all  their  bearings;  n 
ble  inquiries  of  Mr.  Chase  concerning  h 
were  bought  for  custom-house  purposes. 

Mr.  Usher  made  some  inquiries  and  su 
bringing  down  the  price  of  gold  and  comp< 
others  to  disgorge  that  were  worthy  an  ok 
years  gone  by.  His  ideas  were  crude,  absi 
ous.  He  evidently  has  never  given  the  sub 

Mr.  Grimes  and  Mr.  Hale  had  a  roun 
yesterday.  The  former  had  the  best  of  the 
did  not  do  himself,  the  Department,  and 
justice. 

April  13,  Wednesday.  Matters  press 
ment.  Have  been  very  busy.  Some  talk  ^ 
Annapolis  and  the  Naval  School,  League 
navy  yard.  Suggested  that  New  Englan< 
nopolize  and  that  we  should  avoid  even 
of  sectionalism. 

f~^^m-m"[4-^A      ~I\/T-w         U11  o -rvn-krM      -rr/irt-f-^-w^n-v-r      f*v*A 


12  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

it.  Du  Pont  and  his  satellites  have  b< 
and  others  take  such  a  partisan,  pers< 
tions  that  no  honest  or  fair  treatmer 
them  in  a  case  like  this.  Without  e 
Greeley  has  always  vigorously  indors 
his  flings  at  the  Navy  Department. 

Gold  is  reported  at  190  to-day;  th 
hundred  and  ninety  dollars  of  Tre; 
standard,  to  buy  one  hundred  dollars 
depreciated. 

April  15,  Friday.  Chase  and  Blair 
at  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day,  nor  \? 
takes  upon  himself  the  French  to 
wishes  me  to  procure  some  one  to  in 
on  the  facts  of  the  case  of  the  Sir  Wil 
I  thought  Charles  Eames  as  good  t 
matters  as  any  lawyer  whom  I  kne1 
me  I  should  give  the  case  to  Eames. 

The  gold  panic  has  subsided,  or  rat 
in  New  York.  It  is  curious  to  see  th< 
tures  and  remarks  on  the  expedients 
are  resorted  to.  Gold  is  truth.  Its 
fiction,  sustained  by  public  confide 
there  is  a  belief  that  it  will  ultimately 


1864]  CHASE'S  FINANGIERIN 

within  our  lines.    But  for  the  gunboats, 
possess  themselves  of  the  defenses,  yet  G 
wants  the  magnanimity  and  justice  to  i 
even  mention  the  service. 

There  is  still  much  excitement  and  uneas 
gold  and  currency  question.  Not  a  day 
spoken  to  on  the  subject.  It  is  unpleasai 
views  are  wholly  dissimilar  from  the  policy 
Department,  and  Chase  is  sensitive  and  te: 
I  may  say  —  if  others  do  not  agree  with  hii 
expedients.  Mr.  Chase  is  now  in  New  Yc 
rected  the  payment  of  the  May  interest,  a] 
thro  wing  out  so  much  gold  will  affect  the  m* 
It  will  be  likely  to  have  that  effect  for  a  f ev 
cure  for  the  evil.  The  volume  of  irredeema 
be  reduced  before  there  can  be  permanent  i 
butes  to  speculators  the  rise  in  gold!  As 
manufacturers  with  affecting  the  depth  of  ^ 
ers,  because  they  erect  dams  across  the  fa 
one  cannot  reason  with  our  great  financi 
ject.  He  will  consider  it  a  reflection  on  hii) 
and  claims  he  cannot  get  along  successful!; 

I  remarked  to  Senator  Trumbull,  whom  ] 
ing  my  evening  walk  last  Thursday,  and  \ 
that  I  could  hardly  answer  or  discuss  his  in 


14  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

paper,  by  the  contrivances  he  is  th 
dollar,  the  customs  certificates,  the : 
ury  notes,  etc.,  etc.,  are  all  failures 
prove  so.  The  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
rich  country  filled  with  enthusiasm 
full  of  wealth,  with  which  they  res] 
their  recourses  and  sacrifices  were  n 
talent  on  the  part  of  the  Secretary 
The  Secretary  is  not  always  bold 
taxation;  he  is  not  wise  beyond  othi 
tained  the  true  measure  of  value;  h 
instead  of  abiding  by  fixed  princi 
irredeemable  paper  and  general  infl 
five-per-cents  may  be  taken,  but  at 
try!  He  is  in  New  York  and  may  n 
he  does,  it  will  be  with  the  banks  anc 
cent.  If  so,  the  banks  will  not  be  abl 
ors,  and  they,  being  cramped,  will  si 
The  fancy  stocks  will  be  likely  to  fal 
and  the  surplus  money  may  seek  % 
but  under  the  inflation  how  expensi 

April  18,  Monday.  The  steamei 
her  boilers  in  New  York  Harbor,  am 
have  been  mischief.  sn<?h  a,s  Fan!  11 


1864]        THE  PRESIDENT'S  RECE 

loan  with  the  banks,  and  they  have  closed 
customers.  Money,  or  investments,  are  tc 
ment  securities,  rather  than  railroad  and 
ments,  for  the  moment. 

April  19,  Tuesday.  The  President  did  i 
pearance  to-day  in  Cabinet.  He  was  i] 
evening  at  the  opening  of  the  fair,  and  is 
made  a  speech.  He  has  a  fondness  for 
shows  only  surpassed  by  Seward.  Neit! 
Blair,  nor  Chase  was  present  with  us  to 
with  the  President  at  Baltimore.  Beinj 
there  was  propriety  in  his  attendance. 

April  20,  Wednesday.  The  last  publi 
tion  of  the  season  took  place  last  evening 
Mansion.  It  was  a  jam,  not  creditable  in 
to  the  authorities.  The  multitude  were  ] 
farther  than  crowding  together  in  disoi 
sion  may  be  so  regarded.  Had  there  beei 
or  even  a  few  police  officers,  present,  th 
been  regulations  which  would  have  bee: 
esced  in  and  observed.  There  has  always 
order  and  proper  management  at  these 
tions,  which  I  hope  may  soon  be  corrects 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [AP: 

?es  and  specifications  against  the  parties  in  New 
ared  and  in  the  hands  of  the  copyists. 

ml  22j  Friday.  Neither  Seward  nor  Chase  nor 
ras  at  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day.  For  some 
;e  has  been  disinclined  to  be  present  and  evident 
rpose.  When  sometimes  with  him,  he  takes  occasi 
e  to  the  Administration  as  departmental,  —  a 
ag  council,  not  acting  in  concert.  There  is  much 
,  and  his  example  and  conduct  contribute  1 
ixd  is  more  responsible  than  any  one,  howeve 
gh  he  is  generally  present.  Stanton  does  not 
lly  to  come,  for  the  President  is  much  of  his  time  '<. 
Department,  and  what  is  said  or  done  is  comi 
1  by  the  President,  who  is  fond  of  telling  as  well 
ing  what  is  new.  Three  or  four  times  daily  the 
it  goes  to  the  War  Department  and  into  the  tele; 
5  to  look  over  communications. 
>ngress  is  laboring  on  the  tax  bill.  The  Member 
D  their  duty  because  taxation  is  unpopular.  A 
nity.  Chase  has  not  pressed  for  it  heretofore  fc 
5  reason. 

wil  23,  Saturday.  We  have  met  with  some  disas 
h  Carolina.   Am  apprehensive  the  army  has  b 


1864]  STANTON'S   CABINET 

said  that  things  in  these  days  must  conf 
opinions.  It  is  evident  that  our  statesm* 
the  importance  nor  condition  of  the  mon 
question. 

April  25,  Monday.  Reverses  in  North  < 
at  this  time.  The  death  of  Flusser  is  mos 
presume  the  blame  of  the  disasters  will 
the  Navy,  which,  in  fact,  is  merely  auxili 
Letter-writers  and  partisan  editors  who 
petted  by  the  military  find  no  favor  with 
as  a  consequence  the  Navy  suffers  detrac 

Burnside's  army  corps  passed  throu 
to-day,  whites,  blacks,  and  Indians  m 
30,000.  All  the  indications  foreshadow  a 
and  battle  in  Virginia  at  an  early  day. 

Fox  and  Edgar  have  gone  to  Fortress 
for  naval  aid  and  assistance  come  up  from 

April  26,  Tuesday.  Sent  a  letter  to  Nav 
favor  of  an  iron  navy  yard,  transmitting  f< 
cations.  Action  is  required  and  should  ha^ 
Congress  long  since. 

Neither  Chase  nor  Blair  were  at  the  Cat 
was  Stanton.  The  course  of  these  men  is  re 

tm-f   +-V»£k   T^-rv^oix'l^kYfJ-      T    o-rv»    nstvtw 


18  DIARY  OP  GIDEON 

frequent  assemblages  and  mutual  c< 
measures  would  secure.  At  such  a  tine 
have  the  combined  wisdom  of  all. 

Rear-Admiral  Porter  has  sent  me 
letter  in  relation  to  affairs  on  Red  ] 
that  have  taken  place  at  Mansfield 
The  whole  affair  is  unfortunate.  Grea 
property  has  been  made  in  consequen 
general  in  command.  It  is  plain  frc 
account  that  Banks  is  no  general,  has 
is  wholly  unfit  for  the  position  assigne 
exhibited  military  capacity,  and  I  ] 
should  adhere  to  him.  It  is  to  be  a 
degree  to  Seward,  who  caused  Butler 
Banks,  and  naturally  desires  he  shouli 
and  therefore  hopes  and  strives  agaii 
much  of  the  demagogue,  is  superficig 
bility  and  a  smack  of  party  manage] 
successful.  The  President  thinks  he  ] 
tensions  and  friends  to  back  him,  but 
Banks  is  not  only  no  general,  but  he  is 
man.  He  is  something  of  a  politicia 
of  his  own  stamp,  and  for  his  own  j 
not  true  and  reliable. 

There  is  an  attempt  to  convert  th: 


1864]         GENERAL  BANKS'S  CAP. 

April  27,  Wednesday.   The  Wilkes  c< 
closed  its  labors.  The  proceedings  have  n 
but,  as  the  members  are  anxious  to  get 
journed  the  court  for  ten  days,  unless  so 
dissolved. 

George  Bliss,  Jr.,  counsel  for  Scofield,w. 
as  a  fraudulent  contractor,  writes  a  tart 
his  client.  I  have  referred  him  to  Wilson, 
He  says  by  telegraph  Wilson  has  not  res 
I  am  sorry  for  this  delay.  Fox  and  Edj 
evening  from  Hampton  Roads,  —  absenl 

April  28,  Thursday.  Admiral  Lee  sends 
dispatch  and  also  a  communication  to  h 
Butler.  On  the  latter  Fox  has  made  a  prc 
On  the  26th  inst.  General  B.  calls  on  the  1 
cooperation.  Wants  ironclads  and  gunbo 
Richmond;  is  going  to  move  on  the  30th 
tion  or  movement  is  to  be  secret;  they  a 
City  Point,  etc.,  etc.  Only  four  days  to  i: 
and  they  are  to  proceed  up  a  river  who 
buoyed  out.  The  scheme  is  not  practice 
sanction  of  General  Grant.  It  must,  ho^ 
intended  to  deceive  the  enemy,  and  to  do  \ 
must  first  deceive  our  own  people.  A  som< 


20  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

censured.   Whether  the  President  wil 
him  is  to  be  seen. 

General  Frank  Blair  has  resigned  I 
and  the  President  has  revoked  the  a< 
itary  resignation.  This  is  a  stretch  of 
tion  that  I  do  not  like.  Much  censure 
sident  for  this  act,  and  it  will  have  add 
violent  and  injudicious  speech  of  Gene 
in  unmeasured  terms  Mr.  Chase.  H< 
pointees  of  Chase,  and  his  general  po 
permits  in  the  valley  of  the  Missis! 
corrupt.  I  have  an  unfavorable  opir 
management  there  and  on  the  coast, 
things  in  the  conduct  of  Chase  hi: 
prove. 

The  Blairs  are  pugnacious,  but  • 
especially  those  of  Montgomery  Blair 
sound  and  judicious  in  the  main.  A 
General  Blair  has  been  much  used  a 
mittee  of  Congress  has  pronounced  1 
ery,  having  been  altered  so  as  to  cc 
worth  of  stores  some  $8000  or  $10,( 
wrong  on  the  Treasury  agents,  and  < 
certainly  have  actively  used  it.  Whei 
encouragement  to  the  scandal  is  mu 


1864]  WILKES  FOUND   GUIL1 

among  the  subordinates  of  a  licentious  cha 
Chase  is  cognizant  of  the  facts.  It  has  su] 
knowing  the  facts,  he  should  have  perm; 
most  implicated  to  retain  a  position  of  gr 
great  weakness,  or  implication  in  error  we 
tion.  I  do  not  for  a  moment  entertain  th( 
former  is  not  a  trait  in  his  character. 

These  matters  cannot  be  suppressed.  I 
will  not  assent  to  a  committee.  He  cann 
since  Frank  Blair  has  left,  I  think  he  will 
Colfax,  the  Speaker,  will  give  him  prett 
committee  as  he  wishes.  The  majority  ^ 
Chase,  as  they  should  be,  and  none  probab 
opponents. 

The  President  to-day  related  to  two  or 
circumstances  connected  with  his  giving  a 
sister  of  his  wife,  Mrs.  White.  He  gave 
frankness,  and  without  disguise.  I  will  n< 
all,  though  they  do  him  credit  on  a  subjec' 
abuse.  The  papers  have  assailed  him  for 
Mrs.  White  to  carry  merchandise.  Briefly 
at  the  White  House  and  sent  in  her  card  1 
her  sister,  who  declined  to  receive  or  see  he 
or  three  times  repeated  these  applications 
the  President,  with  the  same  result.  The  '. 

no  CG    onr»l^  a  a  in  onrrm  PQCOQ  IIA  Via  a  mxrcm    fn 


22  DIARY  OP  GIDEON  ' 

suspension  and  a  reprimand.  It  is  a  . 
the  conviction. 

Army  movements  indicate  an  ear 
but  when  and  where  to  be  fought  is  u: 
ton. 

Congress  to-day  has  ordered  a  com 
ury.  It  is  made  up  as  only  Colfax  coi 
friends  of  Chase  are  on  it,  and  Brool 
with  them. 

Thirty  years  ago  I  was  accustomed 
a  resident  of  Portland,  Maine.  He 
zealous  Whig  partisan,  with  no  settl< 
ing  from  the  New  York  Express,  his  p 
changed  very  little,  though  now  elei 
with,  those  who  call  themselves  Dei 
Democratic  organization. 


XIX 

Investigating  the  Massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  —  Cabine 
Massacre  —  Rumors  of  the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness 
Report  of  Banks's  Mismanagement  of  the  Red  I 
The  President's  Disappointment  in  Banks  —  News 
eral  Wadsworth  and  General  Sedgwick  —  McCle 
Secretary  Chase  declines  to  pay  Bills  abroad  in  C 
Victory  at  Spottsylvania  —  A  Visit  to  the  Confe< 
Belle  o?lain  —  Talk  with  Governor  Morgan  on  Abus 
lations  —  Trouble  at  the  Charlestown  Navy  Yard 
Forged  Proclamation  —  Arrest  of  a  Spaniard  charge* 
in  the  Slave  Trade  —  Chase  on  the  Cotton  Speculat 
of  two  New  York  Newspapers  for  publishing  the  Fc 

May  2,  Monday.  Rumors  thick  and  unpl< 
to  the  clerks  and  women  employed  at 
Much  is  doubtless  exaggeration,  but  then 
agreeable  truths. 

May  3,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meetin 
requested  each  member  to  give  him  an  opi: 
course  the  Government  should  pursue  in 
recent  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow.  The  comm 
gress  who  have  visited  the  scene  returned 


A  11    J.T.  - 


24  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

Tom  is  filled  with  unrestrained  ze* 
It  is  much  of  it  youthful  fervor  but  i 

May  4,  Wednesday.  Our  forces  are 
erable  strength  at  Hampton  Roads 
vessels  there  are  in  the  Roads  ovei 
transports.  Whether  the  movemen 
River  exclusively  or  a  portion  up  the 
is  not  known. 

May  5,  Thursday.  I  have  written  i 
ent  in  relation  to  the  Fort  Pillow  m 
satisfactory  to  me,  nor  can  I  make  it 
ence  of  what  was  done,  nor  am  I  cei 
I  could  come  to  a  conclusion  on  so  j 
a  question.  The  idea  of  retaliation,  — 
—  which  is  the  popular  noisy  demanc 
cannot  assent  to  or  advise  it.  The  le 
be  held  accountable  and  punished,  b 
of  killing  negro  soldiers  after  they  ha 
not  be  permitted,  and  the  Rebel  leac 
upon  to  avow  or  disavow  it.  But  ho' 
Shall  we  go  to  Jeff  Davis  and  his  gov 
General  Lee?  If  they  will  give  us  no  ai 
will  kill  the  negroes,  or  justify  Forres 


1864]        RUMORS  OF  THE  WILDEE 

ously  been  offered.  It  is  that  the  Presk 
proclamation  declare  the  officers  who  had  c 
massacre  outlaws,  and  require  any  of  our  o: 
capture  them,  to  detain  them  in  custody  ar 
them,  but  hold  them  to  punishment.  Tl 
not  very  distinctly  enunciated.  In  a  coi 
followed  the  reading  of  our  papers,  I  ex 
favorable  to  this  new  suggestion,  which  relic 
of  much  of  the  difficulty.  It  avoids  comn 
the  Rebel  authorities.  Takes  the  matter  in 
We  get  rid  of  the  barbarity  of  retaliation. 

Stanton  fell  in  with  my  suggestion,  so  fa 
that,  should  Forrest,  or  Chalmers,  or  any  c 
ous  in  this  butchery  be  captured,  he  should 
for  trial  for  the  murders  at  Fort  Pillow.  I  s; 
and  mentioned  to  him  some  of  the  adv* 
course,  and  he  said  it  made  a  favorable  impi 
him  to  say  so,  for  it  appeared  to  me  that  th< 
Seward  did  not  appreciate  it. 

We  get  no  tidings  from  the  front.  Thei 
sion  that  we  are  on  the  eve  of  a  great  ba1 
may  already  have  commenced. 

May  7,  Saturday.  Some  fragmentary  int 
to  us  of  a  conflict  of  the  two  great  armiei 

l  t,n  Tmvp  f.a.lrAn  r»lfl.r»A.    Thft 


26  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

precipitated  in  advance.    A  dispatch 
to  Quartermaster-General  Meigs  ca 
indicates  an  onward  movement.  Oth< 
ation  is  to  the  same  effect.  At  least 
and  others'  also. 

To-day's  news  confirms  the  impr< 
nothing  specific.  All  our  conclusion 
way,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  th( 
back  and  our  forces  have  advanced. 

Mr.  Heap,  clerk  to  Rear-Admiral  P 
day  from  Alexandria  on  the  Red  Rn 
plorable  account  of  affairs  in  a  confid 
Admiral  Porter  and  more  fully  detal 
misfortunes  are  attributed  entirely  ai 
incapacity  of  General  Banks.  Neithei 
Mr.  Heap  admit  any  mitigating  circ 
pute  to  his  imbecility  the  loss  of  the 
probable  sacrifice  of  the  fleet  and  the 
him  of  equivocating,  of  electioneerin 
cotton  and  general  malfeasance  and  i 

I  took  Heap  with  me  to  the  Presid< 
Ms  own  story.  It  was  less  full  and  dem 
but  it  seemed  to  convince  the  Pref 
thought  was  over-partial  to  Banks,  J 
that  Seward  contributed  to  that  feel: 


1864]  LOSS  OF  WADSWORTH  AND  £ 

of  a  certain  description;  has  great  ambitio 
principle.  It  was  Seward's  doings  that  s 
Orleans. 

Who  got  up  the  Red  River  expedition  I ! 
wise  than  by  Admiral  Porter,  who  writes 
the  orders  from  Halleck.  I  know  that  I  a 
in  company  with  Seward  last  summer  wil 
ting  up  an  expedition  to  capture  Mobile;  t! 
for  General  Halleck;  that  the  latter,  wht 
not  prepared  to  adopt  our  views,  want* 
General  Banks,  was  thinking  of  operati 
Mississippi,  etc.  Seward  surrendered  wi1 
remonstrance.  Halleck  was  to  let  us  kno 
heard  from  Banks,  and  I  have  never  had  i 
since. 

May  10,  Tuesday,  At  the  Cabinet,  th< 
dispatches  from  General  Grant,  General 
Sherman,  and  some  others.  I  had  previou 
these  dispatches.  They  were  all  in  good  i 
tone.  There  have  been  some  conflicting  ( 
to  General  Wadsworth,  who  is  undoubted 
body  is,  I  think,  in  the  hands  of  the  Rel 
spirits  have  fallen  in  this  war.  He  shoulc 
and  fair-dealing,  have  been  at  this  mom< 

AT/vwr  "V/AT.1j-     Kn4-  -i-Vi/% 


28  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  ' 

ing,  I  apprehend,  than  this,  and  his  lc 
will  be  felt  by  the  army  and  country. 

May  II,  Wednesday.  A  craving,  i 
vaded  the  community  through  the  da 
from  any  quarter  received,  yet  a  c< 
everywhere  that  much  is  being  done. 
Department  at  9  P.M.  The  President 
anxiously  waiting  intelligence. 

I  met  Blair  as  I  came  from  the  Depai 
me  to  go  to  his  house.  A  letter  from 
asking  me  to  name  the  month  to  whicl 
the  Union  National  Convention,  if  I  c 
ment,  was  received  and  answered  by  E 
was  a  singular  document  and  surprised : 
Blair,  who  said  he  had  seen  the  circub 
gave  me  even  greater  surprise,  for  Moi 
consulted  and  interchanged  views  wii 
concurring  against  postponement.  It  v 
at  our  last  interview. 

Blair,  as  well  as  myself,  was  puzzled 
willing  to  believe  that  no  mischief  ^ 
course  of  Thurlow  Weed  and  some  Ne 
has  been  singular.  Blair  took  from  his  j 
Barlow  of  New  York,  a  Copperhead  lea 


1864]         VICTORY  AT  SPOTTSYLV. 

giving  up  party  politics.  Barlow  replied  tl 
give  up  their  principles,  and  quotes  a  lette 
was  written  by  a  distinguished  member  o 
Cabinet  last  September,  urging  the  organi 
servative  party  on  the  basis  of  the  Crittend 
This  extract  shocks  Blair.  He  says  it  n 
written  by  Seward.  I  incline  to  the  same  < 
Usher  crossed  my  mind,  and  I  so  remarkec 
September  U/s  position  was  more  equivocal 
and  he  might  have  written  such  a  letter 
perfidy.  Seward  could  not. 

May  12,  Thursday.  Late  last  night,  ]V 
newspaper  correspondent,  called  at  my  1 
General  Grant's  headquarters  at  8  A.M.  ; 
ports  hard  fighting  on  Tuesday,  but  repres 
to  have  had  the  best  of  it.  General  Rot 
wounded,  arrived  in  Washington. 

Secretary  Chase  sends  me  a  letter  that 
unwilling  to  pay  bills  drawn  abroad  in  coin, 
Department  to  buy  coin  and  pay  the  bills 
the  Treasury.  In  other  words,  the  Treasu: 
declines  to  meet  government  obligations  as 
is  incapable  of  discharging  its  fiscal  duties, 
be  a  fiscal  but  a  brokerage  establishment 


30  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

trains,  and  destroyed  the  depot  of  Eel 
Dam.  Our  troops  are  in  good  heart 
auspicious  for  the  republic.  Many 
been  offered  up  for  the  Union,  anc 
fallen.  I  dwell  not  on  particulars.  r. 
documents  will  give  them.  The  tidini 
the  patriotic  everywhere,  but  among 
known  as  Copperheads,  it  is  obvious 
tion  in  the  success  of  the  Union  arms 
ness  this  factious  and  traitorous  spirit 
itself. 

I  saw  Governor  Morgan  yesterday 
lar.  He  says  he  sent  it  out  in  self-de 
knew  I  would  stand  by  him  in  resistii 
the  convention,  he  was  not  certain 
should  things  by  any  possibility  be  a 
answers  are  all  one  way,  except  that 
who  is  for  a  postponement.  This  is  in 
influence. 

To-night  Governor  Morgan  inforj 
in  which  the  convention  is  to  meet  h 
malcontents,  through  the  treachery  2 
Winter  Davis,  in  whom  he  confided, 
advise  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued, 
theatre,  can  build  a  temporary  struc 


EXCURSION  TO   BELLE   PLAIN 

'.  Representative  Gooch  of  the  Charlestown,  M 
>tts,  district,  has  undertaken,  with  a  few  other 
spirits,  to  discuss  the  management  of  the  navy 
las  had  much  to  say  of  the  rights  of  the  citizen 
e  naval  gentlemen.  Wants  the  civilians  to  cc 
ard.  In  all  matters  of  conflict  between  the  govern 
he  mischievous  element  of  the  yard,  Mr.  Gooch 
.st  the  government.  This  morning  he  called  on  ] 
st  against  Admiral  Smith  and  the  naval  manage 
>  yard.  After  hearing  his  complaints  I  remarkec 
[ifficulties  at  that  yard  were  traced  mainly  tc 
iam,  and  antagonisms  got  up  between  civilian! 
.  officers  had  their  origin  with  him  and  his  assoc 
ished  me  to  order  a  restoration  of  all  appointi 
•tain  departments  to  Merriam,  which  I  declinec 
lim  I  would  select  two  masters  instead  of  leavic 
}yment  of  workmen  with  the  Chief  Engineer. 

ly  14,  Saturday.  Attended  the  funeral  of  C< 
is.  His  death  gives  embarrassment  as  to  a  succ 
higher  class  of  marine  officers  are  not  the  mei 
levate  or  give  efficiency  to  the  corps.  To  supe 
will  cause  much  dissatisfaction.  Every  man  v 
slaughed  and  all  his  friends  will  be  offended  wi1 
hat  will  be  deemed  an  insult.  But  there  is  a  di 


32  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

rough  place  with  no  dwelling,  —  an 
way  from  the  shore  some  twenty  or  tl 
Some  forty  or  fifty  steamers  and  b 
crowded  with  persons,  were  there.  R 
to  reinforce  Grant's  army,  or  the  w 
returning  from  battle.  Rows  of  st: 
which  was  a  maimed  or  wounded  Unic 
ing  towards  the  steamers  which  were  t 
ington,  while  from  the  newly  arrived 
the  fresh  soldiers  going  forward  to  th 
way  along  the  new  and  rough-made 
of  mules  and  horses,  we  arrived  at  tl 
two  or  three  hundred  feet  in  height,  a 
broken  footpath  to  the  summit,  on  ^ 
quarters  of  General  Abercrombie  ar 
was  steep  and  laborious.  We  had  < 
prisoners  here,  but  were  told  they  we: 
and  a  half  miles.  The  majority  were 
thither,  and,  though  tired  and  relu 
The  prisoners,  said  to  be  about  7000 
camped  in  a  valley  surrounded  by  st< 
ference  of  the  basin  being  some  two 
turning,  we  passed  through  the  cen 
basin.  The  prisoners  were  rough, 
good  and  effective  soldiers,  I  should  j 


1864]    ABUSES  IN  COTTON   SPECI 

believe  that  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  was  killed,  : 
received  just  as  I  came  on  board  the  bo 
He  was  earnest,  though  uninformed,  and  i 
western  North  Carolina.  Returning,  we  re 
ton  at  9  P.M. 

To-day  I  have  been  busy  in  preparii 
letters  and  matters  for  Congress. 

Governor  Morgan  called  on  me  relati 
cotton  speculations,  and  malconduct  of 
and  others.  Some  of  the  malpractices  wh 
izing  the  army  and  the  officials  and  disgi 
people  in  the  lower  Mississippi  are  becon 
will,  I  trust,  lead  to  legislative  correeti* 
introduced  the  subject  and  thought  propc 
I  freely  gave  him  facts  and  my  views,  wh 
Chase  and  the  Treasury  management.  A 
gan  showed  me  is  crudely  drawn  but  intro 
an  entire  change.  It  is  not,  in  some  of  its 
should  have  proposed,  but  it  will  inaprov 
system. 

May  17,  Tuesday.  A  painful  suspense  ii 
tions.  It  is  a  necessary  suspense,  but  the  i: 
oppressive,  and  almost  unfits  the  mind  for 
We  know  it  cannot  be  long  before  one  or  r 


34  DIARY  OF  GIDEOI 

Smith,  with  opposition  to  the  Ad] 
briefly  to  the  President  some  of  th 
Mr.  Gooch  was  not  a  free  agent  whei 
difference  between  the  Governmem 
that  G.  could  not  do  otherwise  than 
yard,  and  that  Merriam  was  a  cum 
up  a  citizen's  feeling  for  selfish  pur] 

Things  are  getting  in  such  condit 
native  but  to  dismiss  the  man  Mer 
ham  writes  me  that  M.  has  got  up  ; 
the  Massachusetts  Senators  and  '. 
he  has  hired  a  man  to  circulate  for  j 
ing  against  the  naval  management 
up  a  hostile  feeling.  It  is  this,  I  pre 
call  on  the  President. 

Met  Governor  Morrill  this  eveni 
of  the  misconduct  of  the  Treasury  a 
cussed  the  subject.  He  is  on  the  Cc 
and  has  a  right  to  know  the  facts,  \ 
whole  proceeding  is  a  disgrace  an 
with  Governor  M.  that  the  Secreta 
enough  to  do  to  attend  to  the  finar 
the  cotton  trade.  But  Chase  is  ve 
fond  of  power.  He  has,  moreover,  1 
politicians,  who  believe  that  the  pa 


1864]  A  FORGED  PROCLAMATI 

of  the  East  Gulf  Squadron,  had  left  me  but 
previously,  I  sent  for  him,  there  having  be 
the  case.  While  waiting  for  Temple,  Mr.  ! 
that  a  forged  proclamation, had  been  public 
papers  in  New  York,  among  others  by  the  T 
nal  of  Commerce,  imposing  a  fast  on  aecoun 
of  Grant  and  calling  for  a  draft  of  300,00( 
said  he  at  once  sent  on  contradicting  it  ai 
the  English  steamer  to  be  delayed.  He  the 
Stanton  to  know  whether  such  a  document  1 
the  regular  telegraph.  Stanton  said  then 
(S.)  then  ordered  that  the  other  line  sho 
seized,  which  was  done.  Seward  then  ask< 
and  Journal  of  Commerce  had  been  shut  up 
he  knew  of  their  course  only  a  minute  befoi 
the  papers  had  been  published  a  minute 
Stanton  said  if  he  and  the  President  direct 
be  suspended.  Seward  thought  there  shou 
Gold,  under  the  excitement,  has  gone  u 
and  the  cotton  loan  will  advance  on  the 
steamer  at  Liverpool  with  the  tidings.  It 
been  a  cunningly  devised  scheme,  —  pr< 
Rebels  and  the  gold  speculators,  as  they  j 
are  in  sympathy  with  them. 


36  DIARY  OF  GIDE01 

I  told  him  she  was  yet  in  the  hands 
was  likely  to  be  for  some  time,  and 
not  certain  that  it  would  be  best 
Atlantic.   But  he  was  nervous;  sai 
to  stop  the  Eebel  ironclads  from  co: 
should  happen  to  get  a  victory. 

The  recent  arrest  of  a  Spaniard 
New  York,  and  who  was  abducted 
officials  under  instructions  or  by  dir 
of  State  is  exciting  inquiry.  Arguell 
in  some  way,  participated  in  the  si 
assertion  be  true,  we  have  no  e5 
Spain,  and  I  am  therefore  surpris< 
There  is  such  hostility  to  the  sla 
wrong  may  perhaps  be  perpetrate 
without  scrutiny,  but  I  hope  not.  '. 
said  in  Cabinet  on  the  subject,  nor 
regard  to  it,  except  what  I  see  in  th 

Mr.  Seward  sometimes  does  strs 
inclined  to  believe  he  has  committ 
which  make  me  constantly  appreh 
knows  that  slavery  is  odious  and 
traffic  are  distrusted,  and  has,  it  seei 
sion  to  exercise  arbitrary  power,  < 
win  popular  applause  by  doing  an 


1864]        THE   COTTON  SPECULAT 

speculations.  It  was  a  new  and  singula 
and  I  said  it  could  not  be  otherwise  than  ( 
said,  "Yes,  your  whole  fleet  out  West  is 
devotes  his  attention  to  getting  cotton  z 
himself,  with  a  piano  and  his  pipe,  on  th 
I  replied  this  could  not  be  so.  The  nava 
ture  and  retain  nothing,  which  the  court 
to  be  good  prize.  We  were  interrupted  at 
elude  the  Committee  on  Commerce  ha^ 
that  they  disapprove  of  his  "  Trade  Rega 
outburst  on  the  Navy  is  to  turn  off  atten 
cials.  But  we  shall  see. 

Lieutenant-Commander  S.  L.  Phelps  t 
this  evening  and  given  me  many  interes 
cerning  the  Red  River  expedition  and  the 
General  Banks.  Among  other  matters 
facts  in  regard  to  cotton  speculations  by  p 
with  General  Banks  —  some  of  his  staf 
ceedingly  discreditable.  Among  others  w 
mentions  is  one  Clark  from  Auburn,  ! 
appears  to  be  managing  director  of  the  c< 

Our  gunboats  are  detained  above  the  h 
and  we  may  lose  them,  though  it  is  possifc 
be  a  rise  before  June.  The  expedition  ha 
ures,  of  which  we  shall  be  better  informe< 


38  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

Times.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  he  has 
ants  and  a  def amer  of  the  Departmer 
ous  class  of  reckless  sensation-writer 
set  of  journalists  who  misinform  the  j 
one  of  them  has  regard  for  truth, 
use  of  their  positions  to  subserve  se! 
This  forger  and  falsifier  Howard  is  a 
arable  tribe. 

The  seizure  of  the  office  of  the  1 
Commerce  for  publishing  this  forgerj 
considerate,  and  wrong,  and  cannot 
are  mischievous  and  pernicious, 
against  the  Union  and  the  Governm 
enance  and  encouragement  to  the  I 
this  instance  the  dupes,  perhaps  th 
knave  and  wretch.  The  act  of  suspe 
and  the  whole  arbitrary  and  oppresi 
its  origin  with  the  Secretary  of  State 
doubt,  was  willing  to  act  on  Seward's 
President,  in  deference  to  Seward,  y: 

These  things  are  to  be  regretted 
Administration  and  strengthen  its  e 
ministration  ought  not  to  be  conden 
of  one,  or  at  most  two,  of  its  memb 
be  if  the  President  was  less  influence 


1864]     MR.  SANFORD  AND  THE  NI 

Seward  sent  to  my  house  on  Saturday  ev 
of  dispatches  from  Mr.  Dayton,  and  also 
low,  our  consul  at  Paris,  relative  to  the  co 
ings  of  the  French  Government.  That  br 
the  blockade  for  tobacco  looks  mischievo 
more  vessels  ought  doubtless  to  appear  in  E 
Bigelow,  in  his  confidential  dispatch,  te 
it  was  not  judicious  to  have  explained  to  tl 
ernment  in  regard  to  the  resolution  of  our  I 
sentatives  that  they  would  maintain  the  M< 

May  30,  Monday.  My  constant  applicat 
no  time  for  several  days  to  jot  down  occurs 
remarks. 

Mr.  Sanford  was  very  pertinacious  and 
his  scheme  of  going  out  in  the  Niagara,  a 
that  Mr.  Seward  favored  it.  I  am  inclinec 
ard  fell  into  the  arrangement  without  i 
This  is  the  best  view  for  Seward.  Sanford  : 
notoriety;  delights  to  be  busy  and  fussy,  to  s 
power;  and  to  have  a  vessel  like  the  Niagai 
to  his  mission  would  have  filled  him  wit 
would  not  have  elevated  the  country,  for 
character  is  known  abroad  and  wherevei 
which  is  one  of  obtrusive  intermeddlings,  — 


40  DIARY  OF  GIDEON 

May  31,  Tuesday.  No  special  matl 
Seward  sent  me  on  Saturday  a  corr 
himself  and  Lord  Lyons  and  the  TJ 
relative  to  a  large  amount  of  cotton  \ 
a  few  months  since  in  Georgia  by  one , 
Englishman,  who  desires  to  bring  it  o\ 
do  that,  to  have  it  protected.  The  Sec 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  vi 
thought  the  proposition  to  bring  it  o 
when  our  military  lines  were  so  extenc 
cotton  the  agents  of  the  Treasury  wo 
care  as  the  property  of  loyal  citizens 
well  to  advise  the  Navy  and  War  Dep 
their  officers.  Hence  the  communica 

I  decline  giving  any  such  instructio] 
ten  Mr.  Seward,  considering  it  illegal  a 
telling  him  it  would  be  a  precedent  f  o: 
products  of  the  South  into  foreign  hai 
tions  of  war  which  we  should  be  bour 
but  Englishmen  would  have  the  presui 
a  request.  It  is  entitled  to  no  respe 
Not  unlikely  it  is  cotton  of  the  Rebel 
up. 


XX 

Fremont  nominated  to  the  Presidency  by  the  Clevela 
Estimate  of  Fremont  —  General  Cochrane,  the 
President  —  Rigorous  Dealing  with  the  Conf ed 
cated  —  Gathering  of  Delegates  for  the  Baltimoi 
Abduction  of  Arguellis  —  The  Republican  Conve 
coin  and  Johnson  —  The  Relations  of  Secretai 
President  Hamlin  —  Hamlin  and  Johnson  and 
Nomination  —  John  P.  Hale  defeated  for  the  Sens 
Hampshire  Legislature  —  Admiral  Gregory's  Unfa 
Light-Draft  Monitors  —  The  Smith  Brothers  of 
Contract  Frauds  —  The  Case  of  Henderson,  ! 
Presidential  Excursions  to  Army  Headquarters  - 
Court  Martial  in  Charles  W.  Scofield's  Case  —  Ch 
the  Country's  Finances  —  A  Letter  from  Willia 
behalf  of  Henderson  —  Bryant  and  Godwin  and 
The  Resignation  of  Chase. 

June  I,  Wednesday.  Called  on  the  Pres 
the  appointment  of  midshipmen.   After 
list  with  some  care,  he  finally  designated  to 
[and]  one  apprentice,  and  desired  me  to  cc 
inations. 

When  I  called  on  the  President,  Major- 
was  with  him,  and,  as  I  went  in,  was  givi 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     p 

put  forward  as  the  representative  of  the  pric 
fhich  we  were  contending,  and  I  have  no  reas 
that  he  was  not  faithful  to  the  cause.  He  was, 

as  soon  as  nominated,  surrounded,  to  a  great  e: 
ad  men,  in  whom  no  good  man  had  confidence 
ng  was  very  well  so  far  as  he  appeared  befoi 
.c.  I  saw  that  he  was  anxious  to  be  elected  bi 
sively  so;  he  was  not  obtrusive,  but,  on  the  con 
ved  and  retiring.  In  nothing  did  he  show  exti 
r  ability  or  character,  but  my  conclusions  were  th 
traits  were  undeveloped.  He  did  not  grow  upc 
served  men  usually  do.  Colonel  Benton  had  in  f< 
3  extolled  him,  though  opposed  to  his  candi 
^rnor  Marcy,  no  friend  of  Benton,  and  not  part 
lont,  had,  when  Secretary  of  War,  given  him 
fame  by  a  most  remarkable  indorsement  in  his 
:t  in  (I  think)  1848. 

.ave  since  learned  that  that  part  of  Marcy7s  repo] 
en  by  Colonel  Benton  himself,  and  that  Pres 
compelled  Marcy  to  incorporate  it  in  the  annu 
of  the  War  Department.  The  affair  seems  incr< 
st  to  me,  who  knew  the  several  parties,  but  I  le 
way  that  leaves  no  doubt  of  its  truth.  Marc; 
:y  but  was  timid  and  subservient.  Fremont  has  g 
putation  during  the  War.  In  power  his  surroun 


1864]         FREMONT  AND   COCHRA? 

I  am  surprised  that  General  Cochrane  si 
barked  in  the  scheme.  But  he  has  been  w 
ratio.  A  Democrat,  a  Barnburner,  a  cc 
Abolitionist,  an  Anti-abolitionist,  a  Democrs 
and  now  a  radical  Republican.  He  has  son 
inent,  ability;  can  never  make  a  mark  as  a 
will  not  surprise  me  if  he  should  change  his 
the  close  of  the  political  campaign,  and  su 
inees  of  the  Baltimore  Convention.  There  i 
ence  of  views  and  policy  between  him  anc 
the  convention  which  has  nominated  the 
geneous  mixture  of  weak  and  wicked  mer 
jeopard  and  hazard  the  Republican  and  TJj 
many  of  them  would  defeat  it  and  give  succ 
perheads  to  gratify  their  causeless  spite  a 
sident.  He  is  blamed  for  not  being  more  ei 
cause  he  is  despotic  in  the  same  breath.  He 
being  too  mild  and  gentle  towards  the  Rebe 
tyrannical  and  intolerant.  There  is  no  dou 
ficult  part  to  perform  in  order  to  satisfy  a] 

This  war  is  extraordinary  in  all  its  aspec 
and  no  man  was  prepared  to  meet  them.  11 
for  the  censorious  and  factious  to  compl 
right.    I  have  often  thought  that  greater 
well  be  exercised,  and  yet  it  would  tend  to 

TVT      4-       *J-    -M  V.rt/-,  T-x    ^>-\   !•»-.  •!««.       T   ,3 /•%•« •« "U 4-   *•£  4-"U 


44  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JUNE  i 

work  benignantly.  Were  a  few  of  the  leaders  to  be  stripped 
of  their  possessions,  and  their  property  confiscated,  their 
families  impoverished,  the  result  would  be  salutary  in  the 
future.  But  I  apprehend  there  will  be  very  gentle  measures 
in  closing  up  the  Rebellion.  The  authors  of  the  enormous 
evils  that  have  been  inflicted  will  go  unpunished,  or  will 
be  but  slightly  punished. 

June  2,  Thursday.  There  is  intense  anxiety  in  relation 
to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Great  confidence  is  felt  in 
Grant,  but  the  immense  slaughter  of  our  brave  men  chills 
and  sickens  us  all.  The  hospitals  are  crowded  with  the 
thousands  of  mutilated  and  dying  heroes  who  have  poured 
out  their  blood  for  the  Union  cause.  Lee  has  returned  to 
the  vicinity  of  Richmond,  overpowered  by  numbers, 
beaten  but  hardly  defeated. 

June  3,  Friday.  For  several  days  the  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention  have  been  coming  in.  Had  a  call 
from  several.  Met  a  number  at  the  President's.  All  favor 
the  President.  There  is  a  spirit  of  discontent  among  the 
Members  of  Congress,  stirred  up,  I  think,  by  the  Treasury 
Department.  Chase  has  his  flings  and  insinuations  against 
the  President's  policy,  or  want  of  policy.  Nothing  suits 
him. 

There  seems  some  difference  among  the  delegates  about 
the  Vice-Presidency,  but  they  will  be  likely  to  renominate 
Hamlin,  though  he  has  not  much  personal  strength  and  has 
not  the  mind  and  temperament  to  build  up  a  party  for  the 
country.  There  is  an  impression  here  that  he  has  great 
strength  in  New  England,  but  that  is  not  my  opinion.  He 
has  party  cunning  and  management  but  not  breadth  and 
strength  and  is  but  little  cared  for  there;  is  not  offensive  or 
obnoxious,  but  there  is  no  zeal  for  him.  As  the  President 
is  a  Western  man  and  will  be  renominated,  the  Convention 
will  very  likely  feel  inclined  to  go  East  and  to  renominate 
the  Vice-President  also.  Should  New  York  be  united  on 


VV  U  U.JLVJ. 


the  Empire  State,  but  there  can  be  no  union  in  that  State 
upon  either  of  those  men  or  any  other. 

June  4,  Saturday.  Many  delegates  to  Convention  in 
town.  Some  attempts  made  by  Members  of  Congress  to 
influence  them.  The  friends  of  Chase  improve  the  oppor- 
tunity to  exclaim  against  Blair. 

There  has  been  continued  fighting,  though  represented 
as  not  very  important.  Still  there  is  heavy  loss,  but  we 
are  becoming  accustomed  to  the  sacrifice.  Grant  has  not 
great  regard  for  human  life. 

June  6,  Monday.  Am  urged  to  go  to  Baltimore  but  do 
not  deem  it  advisable.  Some  talk  with  Blair  respecting 
Chase  and  Seward,  who,  though  not  assimilating  and  un- 
like in  many  respects,  continue  to  get  along.  Each  has  a 
policy  which  seems  to  me  unsound,  and  Blair  coincides 
with  me,  but  is  so  intent  on  other  matters,  personal  to  the 
Blairs  and  the  vindictive  war  upon  them,  that  he  is  com- 
pelled to  defer  the  differences  on  grave  questions  to  what 
so  nearly  concerns  him. 

I  am  uncomfortable  about  the  extradition,  or  rather  the 
abduction,  of  Arguellis,  the  Spaniard.  The  act  shocks  me, 
and  the  Administration  will  justly  be  held  accountable. 
Some  of  us  who  know  nothing  on  the  subject  will  have  to 
share  the  responsibility.  I  knew  nothing  of  the  subject,  nor 
that  there  was  such  a  man,  until  after  the  wrong  had  been 
committed  and  the  man  was  on  his  way  to  Cuba.  Marshal 
Murray  then  informed  me,  and  said  he  was  here  to  escape 
the  grand  jury.  A  few  days  after  the  subject  was  alluded 
to  in  the  Cabinet.  Seward  introduced  it  incidentally,  partly 
as  a  feeler  and  partly  to  affirm  hereafter  that  the  subject 
had  been  mentioned.  A  few  words  passed  between  him 
and  the  President.  As  no  one  said  a  word  by  way  of  com- 
ment, I  inquired  if  there  was  not  a  law  in  New  York  against 
abduction?  Seward  claimed  there  was  no  law  prohibiting 


46  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JUNES 

the  extradition,  —  that  we  might  do  it  or  not.  It  was  an 
act  of  comity  merely;  Spain  could  not  demand  it,  etc.,  etc. 
It  was  in  answer  to  these  remarks  that  I  put  the  inquiry. 
I  saw  it  grated,  and  when  I  further  remarked  if  there  was 
no  treaty  or  law  for  it,  I  should  doubt  the  propriety  of  act- 
ing, I  saw  I  was  making  discord,  and  the  subject  dropped. 
The  arrest  is  an  arbitrary  and  unauthorized  exercise  of 
power  by  the  Secretary  of  State. 

June  7,  Tuesday.  The  Convention  to-day  is  the  absorb- 
ing theme  but  there  is  something  from  the  army  relative  to 
the  late  fights  that  disturbs  me.  We  have  had  severe 
slaughter.  Brave  men  have  been  killed  and  maimed  most 
fearfully,  but  Grant  persists. 

June  8,  Wednesday.  The  President  was  renominated 
to-day  at  Baltimore.  A  contest  took  place  in  regard  to 
Missouri,  and  the  wrong  delegates  were  admitted  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote.  A  strange  perversion.  There  was 
neither  sense  nor  reason  nor  justice  in  the  decision. 
Rogues,  fanatics,  hypocrites,  and  untruthful  men  secured 
and  triumphed  over  good  and  true  men.  Prejudice  over- 
came truth  and  reason.  The  Convention  exhibited  great 
stupidity  and  actually  stultified  itself  in  this  matter. 

When  the  vote  of  the  Convention  was  taken  on  the  nom- 
ination for  President,  it  was  found  the  Missouri  delega- 
tion who  had  been  admitted  were  not  in  harmony  with  the 
Convention.  They  would  not  vote  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  He 
had  all  the  rest  of  the  votes.  There  was  much  intrigue 
and  much  misconception  in  this  thing. 

On  the  question  of  Vice-President  there  was  greater 
diversity  of  opinion  at  the  beginning,  but  ultimately  and 
soon  all  united  on  Andrew  Johnson.  Personally  I  did  not 
regret  this  result,  although  I  took  no  part  in  its  accom- 
plishment. The  delegates  and  papers  of  my  State  gener- 
ally have  disapproved  of  Hamlin's  course  towards  me,  and 
I  have  no  doubt  it  contributed  to  their  casting  a  united 


vote  at  the  start  for  Johnson.  Hamlin  and  his  friends 
will  give  me  credit  for  influence  which  I  do  not  possess, 
and  ascribe  to  me  revenge  for  malevolence  I  have  never  felt. 
Without  cause  and  because  I  would  not  extend  undue 
favor  to  one  of  his  friends  by  official  abuse,  he  has  treated 
me  coldly,  discourteously,  and  with  bad  temper,  —  so 
much  so  as  to  attract  attention  and  inquiry,  and  lead  to 
opposition  to  his  renomination. 

June  9,  Thursday.  There  seems  to  be  general  satisfac- 
tion with  the  nominations  made  at  Baltimore,  and  with  the 
resolutions  adopted.  Except  the  nomination  for  Vice- 
President,  the  whole  proceedings  were  a  matter  of  course. 
It  was  the  wish  of  Seward  that  Hamlin  should  again  be  the 
Vice,  and  the  President  himself  was  inclined  to  the  same 
policy,  though  personally  his  choice  is  Johnson.  This,  I 
think,  was  the  current  Administration  opinion,  though 
with  no  particular  zeal  or  feeling.  Blair  inclined  to  the 
policy  of  taking  Hamlin,  though  partial  to  Johnson.  I 
took  no  part  and  could  not  well  take  any.  Yet  to-day 
from  several  quarters  it  is  said  to  me  that  Connecticut 
overthrew  Hamlin,  and  that  it  was  my  doings  which  led  to 
it.  While  this  is  not  correct,  I  am  nowise  disposed  to  be 
dissatisfied  with  the  change  that  has  been  made. 

Concluded  to  retire  the  marine  officers  who  are  past  the 
legal  age,  and  to  bring  in  Zeilin  as  Commandant  of  the 
Corps.  There  seems  no  alternative.  .  .  . 

1'  June  10,  Friday.  The  caucus  of  the  New  Hampshire 
members  of  the  legislature  friendly  to  the  Administration 
has  resulted  in  the  substitution  of  Cragin  for  John  P.  Hale. 
This  will  be  a  sore  and  sad  disappointment  to  Hale,  who 
had  until  recently  thought  himself  invincible  in  New 
Hampshire.  Although  I  have  no  doubt  he  would  make 
terms  with  the  Copperheads  if  he  could,  they  would  not 
with  him,  and  it  therefore  seems  scarcely  possible  that  it 
can  be  otherwise  than  he  will  be  fully  and  finally  defeated. 
1  Four  pages  omitted  on  account  of  a  duplication  in  the  manuscript, 


52  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [JUNE  10 

I  rejoice  at  it,  for  he  is  worthless,  a  profligate  politician,  a 
poor  Senator,  an  indifferent  statesman,  not  without  talents, 
though  destitute  of  industry,  and  I  question  his  integrity. 
He  has  some  humor,  is  fond  of  scandal,  delights  in  defam- 
ing, loves  to  oppose,  and  is  reckless  of  truth  in  his  assaults. 
The  country  will  sustain  no  loss  from  his  retirement.  As 
chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee  and  the  organ  of  com- 
munication between  the  Navy  Department  and  the  Senate, 
he  has  rendered  no  service,  but  has  been  a  constant  em- 
barrassment and  obstruction.  During  the  whole  of  this 
civil  war,  when  all  our  energies  and  efforts  were  exerted 
in  the  cause  of  the  Union  and  the  country,  no  assistance, 
no  word  of  encouragement  even,  has  ever  come  to  the  De- 
partment from  John  P.  Hale;  but  constant  assaults,  insinu- 
ations, and  pronounced,  if  not  wilful  and  deliberate,  mis- 
representations have  emanated  from  him.  Of  course,  I 
shall  not  regret  his  defeat,  for  though  his  term  does  not 
expire  till  the  close  of  this  Administration,  and  my  connec- 
tion with  the  Government  may  terminate  at  the  same  time, 
I  am  glad  that  his  factious  conduct  is  not  indorsed  by  his 
State,  and  that  the  buffoon  and  vilifier  will  not  be  in  a  po- 
sition to  do  further  injury.  He  has  been  less  offensive  this 
session  than  heretofore,  whether  because  he  had  become 
aware  that  his  conduct  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the 
people  and  the  election  was  at  hand,  I  care  not  to  judge. 
A  letter  from  Admiral  Gregory,  inclosing  a  report  from 
himself  and  Chief  Engineer  King  on  the  Chimo,  one  of  the 
light-draught  monitors,  gives  a  bad  account.  There  have 
been  mistakes  and  miscalculations  in  this  class  of  vessels 
of  a  serious  character.  Stimers  and  Fox  have  had  them  in 
charge,  and  each  has  assured  me  that  my  apprehensions 
were  groundless.  Fox  has  been  persistent  in  this  matter,  and 
assumed  that  the  objections  were  wholly  groundless.  Ad- 
miral Gregory  has  also  given  me  strong  assurances  that  all 
was  right.  The  Chimo,  the  first,  would,  he  said,  be  a  little 
deep,  but  this  would  be  obviated  in  all  the  others,  and  not 
very  bad  in  her  case.  I  am  not  satisfied  with  Stimers's 


1864]  •      CONTRACT  FRAUDS  53 

management,  yet  Fox  has  in  this  matter  urged  what  has 
been  done.  The  report  indicates  unfitness  on  the  part  of 
Stimers,  who  miscalculated  or  made  no  calculation  for  dis- 
placement, has  become  vain,  and  feared  to  acknowledge 
his  error. 

June  11,  Saturday.  There  is  very  little  from  the  army 
that  is  decisive  or  satisfactory.  Constant  fighting  is  going 
on,  killing  without  any  battle.  The  bodies  of  our  brave 
men,  slain  or  mutilated,  are  brought  daily  to  Washington 
by  hundreds.  Some  repulse  we  have  had  beyond  what  is 
spoken  of,  I  have  no  doubt.  But  our  army  holds  on  with 
firmness,  and  persistency,  and  courage, — being  constantly 
reinforced. 

June  20,  Monday.  A  very  busy  and  eventful  week  has 
passed  without  my  having  time  to  jot  down  incidents, 
much  less  observations  and  reflections.  Among  other  mat- 
ters, on  representations  made  by  attorneys,  detectives, 
and  others,  I  directed  the  arrest  of  Smith  Brothers,  in  Bos- 
ton. It  is  stated  they  have  attempted  to  defraud  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  delivery  of  the  articles  under  contract.  Mr. 
Wilson,  Mr.  Goodman,  Mr.  Eames,  Mr.  Watkins,  Mr.  Fox, 
Mr.  Faxon,  Admiral  Smith,  all  concur  in  opinion  as  to  the 
criminality  of  the  Smiths.  Yet  they  stand  high  in  Boston 
as  pious,  sharp  men,  who  profess  great  honesty  and  much 
religion.  The  arrest  will  bring  down  abuse  and  hostility 
upon  me  from  many.  But  duty  demanded  action,  however 
unpleasant. 

Mr.  Rice  called  on  me  early  Saturday  morning  with  a 
telegram  received  at  midnight  from  Mrs.  Smith,  concern- 
ing the  arrest  of  her  husband.  She  is  in  great  distress  and 
has  the  earnest  sympathy  of  Mr.  Rice,  who  believes  the 
Smiths  innocent.  He  says  the  arrest  has  ruined  forever  the 
families,  whether  innocent  or  guilty.  Mr.  Gooch  soon  came 
in  with  a  similar  telegram,  received  at  midnight,  and  went 

SQTYIA  strvrv  rnnrp  Kripflv.    OnnrVh  fplf.  hn.rl  n.nrl 


54  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [JUNE  20 

slept  but  little.  I  told  Mr.  Rice  that  the  parties  should  have 
the  benefit  of  bail,  or  rather  that  I  had  written  Mr.  Wilson, 
authorizing  bail.  Colonel  Olcott  writes  Fox,  to  whom  these 
matters  are  specially  committed,  opposing  bail;  wants 
them  confined  in  Fort  Warren,  where  they  have  been  sent, 
until  he  has  examined  their  papers.  He  is  a  cormorant, 
searching  papers,  utterly  reckless.  I  told  Fox  that  I  wished 
a  firm  but  mild  man ;  that  I  would  not  be  oppressive.  But 
Fox  is  violent  against  these  men,  who,  he  believes,  are 
hypocrites  and  rascals.  While  I  may  not  differ  with  him  in 
that  respect,  they  have  rights  in  common  with  us  all  that 
must  be  respected  and  not  rudely  violated. 

Preliminary  measures  for  the  arrest  and  trial  of  Hender- 
son, Navy  Agent  at  New  York,  have  been  taken.  From 
the  .statements  of  Savage,  Stover,  and  others  he  has  been 
guilty  of  malfeasance,  although  standing  high  in  the  com- 
munity as  a  man  of  piety  and  purity.  It  has  been  with  re- 
luctance that  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  my 
duty  to  ask  his  removal  and  take  measures  against  him. 
But  I  am  left  no  alternative.  That  he,  like  all  the  Navy 
Agents,  was  getting  rich  at  the  public  expense  I  have  not 
doubted,  —  that  there  were  wrong  proceedings  in  this  mat- 
ter I  fully  believed, — and  yet  to  break  with  old  friends  was 
and  is  unpleasant.  My  own  impression  is  that  Henderson 
has  kept  more  accurate  accounts  than  his  predecessors,  and 
I  expect  his  books  will  square  up  faithfully,  —  accurate  in 
dollars  and  cents,  —  but  the  wrong  has  been  in  another 
way.  His  representative,  and  friend,  and  fellow  church- 
member  Odell  has  looked  into  the  subject,  and  says  he  has 
committed  great  frauds. 

The  gold  bill,  as  it  is  called,  has  been  finally  enacted  and 
we  shall  soon  ascertain  whether  it  effects  any  good.  Chase 
and  his  school  have  the  absurd  follies  of  the  Whigs  and 
John  Law  in  regard  to  money  and  finance.  I  have  no  con- 
fidence in  his  financial  wisdom  or  intelligence  on  those 
subjects. 

We  get  no  good  army  news  from  Petersburg.   Our  troops 


1864]  PRESIDENTIAL  EXCURSIONS  55 

have  suffered  much  and  accomplished  but  little,  so  far  as  I 
can  learn.  But  there  is  disinclination  to  communicate 
army  intelligence,  as  usual.  Were  the  news  favorable,  it 
would  be  otherwise. 

The  President  in  his  intense  anxiety  has  made  up  his 
mind  to  visit  General  Grant  at  his  headquarters,  and  left 
this  P.M.  at  five.  Mr.  Fox  has  gone  with  him,  and  not  un- 
likely favored  and  encouraged  the  President  in  this  step, 
which  I  do  not  approve.  It  has  been  my  policy  to  discour- 
age these  Presidential  excursions.  Some  of  the  Cabinet 
favored  them.  Stanton  and  Chase,  I  think,  have  given  them 
countenance  heretofore. 

He  can  do  no  good.  It  can  hardly  be  otherwise  than 
harmful,  even  if  no  accident  befalls  him.  Better  for  him  and 
the  country  that  he  should  remain  at  his  post  here.  It 
would  be  advantageous  if  he  remained  away  from  the  War 
Department  and  required  his  Cabinet  to  come  to  him. 

June  21,  Tuesday.  The  President  being  absent,  there 
was  no  Cabinet-meeting  to-day.  Massachusetts  Represent- 
atives are  sensitive  and  sore  concerning  the  arrest  of  the 
Smiths.  I  wrote  Mr.  Wilson  not  to  be  severe  and  to  take 
bail. 

June  22,  Wednesday.  Much  sensational  news  concerning 
delay  of  army  movements.  I  am  inclined  to  think  our  peo- 
ple have  learned  caution  from  dear  experience,  —  dear  in 
the  best  blood  of  the  country. 

Gold  had  gone  up  to-day  to  230.  Legislation  does  not 
keep  down  the  price  or  regulate  values.  In  other  and 
plainer  terms,  paper  is  constantly  depreciating  and  the 
tinkering  has  produced  the  contrary  effect  from  that  in- 
tended by  our  financiers. 

June  23,  Thursday.  A  call  in  force  this  A.M.  from  a  large 
portion  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  in  behalf  of  the 
Smith  brothers,  now  in  Fort  Warren,  wanting  them  to  be 


56  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [JUNE  23 

bailed,  but  at  the  same  time  admitting  a  bail  bond  to  be 
useless  or  valueless.  They  proposed,  however,  the  whole 
Massachusetts  delegation  should  unite  in  a  bond,  guaran- 
teeing the  appearance  of  the  Smiths  for  trial.  Told  them  I 
thought  this  not  a  proper  proceeding,  that  it  was  perhaps 
doubtful  whether  bail  could  properly  be  taken,  that  I  had 
written  to  Mr.  Wilson  that  I  wished,  if  it  could  be  done, 
that  there  should  be  bail,  etc.,  etc.  The  interview  was  long; 
Senator  Wilson,  Mr.  Rice,  Mr.  Dawes  were  the  principal 
speakers. 

In  the  afternoon  Mr.  Rice  called  at  my  house  with  a  tele- 
gram to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Wilson  would  be  willing  to  take 
bail,  but  that  Assistant  Secretary  Fox,  who  has  the  matter 
in  special  charge,  had  written  him  not  to  do  so  without  the 
consent  of  Colonel  Olcott,  etc.  I  told  Mr.  Rice,  I  thought 
there  must  be  some  misapprehension,  that  I  thought  Mr. 
Wilson  would  act  discreetly  and  properly,  that  we  should 
probably  hear  from  him  by  to-morrow  morning's  mail. 
He  was  earnest,  sensitive,  and  expressed  great  distrust,  or 
want  of  confidence  in  Mr.  Fox.  I  told  him,  while  Mr.  Fox 
was  very  earnest  and  persevering,  I  thought  it  an  error  to 
impute  to  him  personal  enmity  against  the  Smiths  and 
others. 

Admiral  Lee  sends  me  some  papers  relative  to  a  permit 
issued  by  General  Butler  to  one  Lane,  of  the  steamer  Phila- 
delphia, to  trade  in  Chowan  River,  North  Carolina.  It  was 
a  little,  dirty,  speculating  intrigue,  initiated  as  early  as  last 
March,  in  a  letter  from  General  Butler  addressed  to  the 
President,  proposing  to  send  in  ploughs,  harrows,  and 
farming  utensils  to  loyal  farmers  in  North  Carolina,  in  ex- 
change for  cotton  and  products  of  the  country,  —  plausible 
and  taking  rascality.  The  President  indorsed  that  he  ap- 
proved the  object.  On  this  General  Butler  granted  a  per- 
mit. Captain  Smith,  senior  officer  in  the  Sounds,  declined 
to  recognize  it,  but  detained  the  boat  and  sent  the  papers 
to  Admiral  Lee.  The  latter  failed  —  called  the  paper  many 
names,  said  President's  permit  must  be  respected. 


1864]    VERDICT   IN  THE  SCOFIELD   CASE        57 

I  showed  the  papers  to  Seward  and  Blair,  and  was  dis- 
posed to  telegraph  and  detain  the  vessel.  B.  was  inclined, 
though  doubtingly,  to  favor  my  views,  S.  advised  waiting 
the  arrival  of  the  President,  but  both  condemned  the  pro- 
ceedings as  wholly  improper. 

Some  warm  discussion  took  place,  Rice  tells  me,  in  the 
House  on  the  currency  and  financial  questions,  showing 
serious  differences  in  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  and 
between  them  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  It  will 
not  surprise  me  should  radical  differences  be  developed. 
The  whole  system  is  one  of  error,  ruinous  error  to  the  coun- 
try. 

June  24,  Friday.  Telegraphed  to  Wilson  directly  on 
reaching  Department  (and  finding  no  letter  from  Wilson), 
directing  him  to  bail  the  Smiths  in  sums  of  $20,000  each. 

Have  given  some  examination  of  the  Scofield  trial,  which 
is  very  voluminous,  and  had  Watkins  investigate,  review, 
and  report.  I  conclude  to  approve  the  finding,  though 
there  may  be  some  irregularities  and  mistakes  adverse  to 
the  Government.  Mr.  Bliss,  counsel  for  S.,  filed  a  docu- 
ment, excepting  to  some  legal  points,  yesterday.  To-day, 
after  learning  my  conclusion  and  looking  at  the  finding, 
he  takes  stronger  exceptions  and  declares  the  finding  not 
conformable  to  facts  and  evidence.  He  wishes  me  to  sub- 
mit the  legal  questions  to  the  Attorney-General  or  some 
one  else.  Alluded  to  Mr.  Eames.  Wishes  Mr.  Watkins 
to  examine  the  evidence.  To  Eames  he  says  that  it  is  the 
intention  of  Scofield  and  his  counsel  to  prosecute  the  mem- 
bers of  the  court  individually  for  false  imprisonment.  To 
Watkins,  he  further  says  that  it  is  their  intention  to  hold 
me  accountable,  and  to  have  me  arrested  when  I  am  in 
New  York.  All  this  does  not  induce  me  to  change  my  con- 
clusion of  approving  the  verdict  of  the  court  martial,  but  I 
think  it  may  be  proper  to  advise  the  court  that  it  is  in 
error  on  the  subject  of  jurisdiction,  —  that  they  can  take 
cognizance  of  open-market  purchases  as  well  as  others,  and 


58 

though,  had  they  done  so,  the  punishment  might  have  been 
greater,  yet  I  will  still  approve  the  finding.  Let  him  have 
the  benefit  of  the  mistake  the  court  has  made. 

Fox  is  much  dissatisfied  with  the  verdict.  Thinks  it  in- 
adequate; should  have  been  imprisoned  five  years  and  fined 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  He  wishes  me  to  return  the 
papers  for  revision,  and  to  state  the  punishment  is  inade- 
quate. But  this  is  not  advisable,  even  were  it  strictly  cor- 
rect and  allowable.  The  ends  desired  will  be  accomplished 
by  this  punishment.  A  more  severe  one,  such  as  he  sug- 
gests, will  endanger  a  reaction. 

The  President  was  in  very  good  spirits  at  the  Cabinet. 
His  journey  has  done  him  good,  physically,  and  strength- 
ened him  mentally  and  inspired  confidence  in  the  General 
and  army.  Chase  was  not  at  the  Cabinet-meeting.  I  know 
not  if  he  is  at  home,  but  he  latterly  makes  it  a  point  not  to 
attend.  No  one  was  more  prompt  and  punctual  than  him- 
self until  about  a  year  since.  As  the  Presidential  contest 
approached  he  has  ceased  in  a  great  measure  to  come  to 
the  meetings.  Stanton  is  but  little  better.  If  he  comes,  it 
is  to  whisper  to  the  President,  or  take  the  dispatches  or  the 
papers  from  his  pocket  and  go  into  a  corner  with  the  Pre- 
sident. When  he  has  no  specialty  of  his  own,  he  withdraws 
after  some  five  or  ten  minutes. 

Mr.  Seward  generally  attends  the  Cabinet-meetings, 
but  the  questions  and  matters  of  his  Department  he  sel- 
dom brings  forward.  These  he  discusses  with  the  President 
alone.  Some  of  them  he  communicates  to  me,  because  it  is 
indispensable  that  I  should  be  informed,  but  the  other  mem- 
bers are  generally  excluded. 

June  25,  Saturday.  There  are  some  blunders  in  the 
finding  of  the  court  in  Scofield's  case  that  I  do  not  like.  I 
telegraphed  to  Wilson,  Judge-Advocate,  to  come  here  for 
consultation  and  explanation,  but  a  telegram  just  received 
says  he  is  unable  from  indisposition. 

The  Treasury  management  is  terrible,  ruinous.   Navy 


1864]  CHASE'S  MISMANAGEMENT  59 

requisitions  are  wantonly  withheld  for  weeks,  to  the  ruin 
of  the  contractor.  In  the  end  the  government  will  suffer 
greatly,  for  persons  will  not  under  these  ruinous  delays  deal 
with  the  government  at  ordinary  current  rates.  The  pay  of 
the  sailors  and  workmen  is  delayed  until  they  are  almost 
mutinous  and  riotous.  There  is  no  justifiable  excuse  for 
this  neglect.  But  Mr.  Chase,  having  committed  blunders 
in  his  issues,  is  now  desirous  of  retiring  certain  paper,  and 
avails  himself  of  funds  of  creditors  on  naval  account  to  ac- 
complish this.  It  is  most  unjust.  The  money  honestly  due 
to  government  creditors  should  not  be  withheld  for  Treas- 
ury schemes,  or  to  retrieve  its  mistakes. 

I  am  daily  more  dissatisfied  with  the  Treasury  manage- 
ment. Everything  is  growing  worse.  Chase,  though  a  man 
of  mark,  has  not  the  sagacity,  knowledge,  taste,  or  ability 
of  a  financier.  Has  expedients,  and  will  break  down  the 
government.  There  is  no  one  to  check  him.  The  President 
has  surrendered  the  finances  to  his  management  entirely. 
Other  members  of  the  Cabinet  are  not  consulted.  Any  dis- 
sent from,  or  doubts  even,  of  his  measures  is  considered  as  a 
declaration  of  hostility  and  an  embarrassment  of  his  ad- 
ministration. I  believe  I  am  the  only  one  who  has  expressed 
opinions  that  questioned  his  policy,  and  that  expression 
was  mild  and  kindly  uttered.  Blair  said  about  as  much  and 
both  [he  and  I]  were  lectured  by  Chase.  But  he  knew  not 
then,  nor  does  he  know  now,  the  elementary  principles  of 
finance  and  currency.  Congress  surrenders  to  his  capri- 
cious and  superficial  qualities  as  pliantly  as  the  President 
and  the  Cabinet.  If  they  do  not  legalize  his  projects,  the 
Treasury  is  to  be  closed,  and  under  a  threat,  or  something 
approaching  a  threat,  his  schemes  are  sanctioned,  and 
laws  are  made  to  carry  them  into  effect ;  but  woe  awaits 
the  country  in  consequence. 

June  27,  Monday.  I  sent  Mr.  Eames  to  New  York  last 
evening  to  consult  with  Mr.  Wilson  in  the  New  York  and 
Boston  cases,  giving  my  views  in  each.  Henderson  will 


60  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [JUNE  27 

struggle  hard  to  get  clear,  and  no  effort  must  be  spared  to 
elicit  the  truth.  Scofield's  case  must  be  straightened,  or 
rather  court  must  be  straightened  in  his  case.  In  the  case 
of  the  Smiths  at  Boston,  I  fear  there  has  been  unnecessary 
harshness.  Olcott  has  made  an  ostentatious  display  of  au- 
thority and  been,  I  apprehend,  tyrannical  and  oppressive. 
He  is  a  harsh,  rough  instrument,  and  I  shall  be  glad  when 
he  shall  have  done  service  with  me.  Yet  in  saying  this  I 
admit  from  what  I  have  seen  he  has  some  good  qualities  as 
a  detective.  I  have  seen  nothing  to  doubt  his  honesty;  he 
is  industrious  and  indefatigable,  but  vain,  reckless,  re- 
gardless of  private  rights,  and  all  his  qualities  have  been 
exercised  in  the  case  of  the  Smiths,  who  are  shrewd,  piously 
honest,  self-righteous,  and  wary  as  well  as  sharp.  It  will 
not  surprise  me  if  they  prove  an  overmatch  for  him  and  the 
lawyers. 

I  have  a  very  earnest  letter  to-day  from  William  C. 
Bryant  in  behalf  of  his  partner  and  publisher,  Henderson. 
It  was  handed  to  me  by  Mr.  Odell,  Representative  from 
Brooklyn,  and  inclosed  was  also  an  open  letter  to  the  Pre- 
sident, which  he  wished  me  to  deliver.  Mr.  0.  is,  like  H.,  a 
prominent  member  of  the  Methodist  Church.  They  are  of 
opposite  politics.  Of  course  Mr.  H.  stimulated  Mr.  B.  to 
write  these  letters,  and,  having  got  them,  sends  them 
through  his  religious  associate.  Mr.  B.  evidently  believes 
H.  innocent  and  injured.  This  is  natural.  Odell  knows  he 
is  not.  Morgan  believes  that  both  Bryant  and  Godwin  are 
participants  in  the  plunder  of  Henderson.  I  have  doubts 
as  regards  B.,  who  is  feeling  very  badly,  and  thinks  there  is 
a  conspiracy  in  which  Seward  and  Thurlow  Weed  are 
chiefs.  I  am  supposed  to  be  an  instrument  in  their  hands, 
and  so  is  the  President.  But  it  so  happens  that  neither  of 
them  knew  any  of  the  facts  until  the  arrest  of  Henderson 
and  his  removal  were  ordered. 

It  grieves  me  that  the  Evening  Post  and  Mr.  Bryant 
should  suffer  by  reason  of  the  malfeasance  of  Henderson. 
As  regards  Godwin,  I  cannot  say  that  my  faith  in  him  is 


1864]       THE  EVENING  POST'S   EDITORS          61 

much  greater  than  in  Henderson,  and  yet  I  know  but  little 
of  him.  The  Evening  Post  does  not  sustain  the  character 
which  it  had  under  Bigelow  and  Leggett.  Bryant  is  a  good 
general  editor  in  many  respects,  but  the  political  character 
of  the  paper  has  been  derived  in  a  great  degree  from  others. 
Of  late  there  have  been  some  bad  surroundings.  Opdyke, 
J.  G.  C.  Gray,  D.  D.  Field,  and  others  of  like  complexion 
have  been  the  regents  and  advisers  of  Godwin,  until  the 
paper  is  losing  some  of  its  former  character,  —  perhaps 
more  than  any  of  us  are  aware. 

I  dined  to-day  with  Attorney- General  Bates,  and  after 
my  return  this  evening  wrote  a  reply  to  Bryant's  letter, 
disabusing  his  mind  of  some  of  its  errors,  provided  his 
convictions  are  open  to  the  truth. 

Mrs.  Franklin  J.  Smith  of  Boston  sends  me  through  Sen- 
ator Sumner  a  touching  and  affecting  letter  in  behalf  of  her 
husband.  I  gave  Mr.  Bryant's  letter  to  the  President,  who 
read  it  aloud  to  me  and  said  he  would  reply. 

June  28,  Tuesday.  We  have  bad  news  from  Sherman 
to-day.  Neither  Seward,  Chase,  nor  Stanton  was  at  the 
Cabinet-meeting.  The  President,  like  jmyself ,  slightly  in- 
disposed. 

Mrs.  General  Hunter  was  at  our  house  this  evening  and 
has  tidings  of  a  favorable  character  from  her  husband,  who 
is  in  the  western  part  of  Virginia.  Has  done  great  mischief 
to  the  Rebels,  and  got  off  safely  and  well.  This  small  bit  of 
good  news  is  a  relief,  as  we  are  getting  nothing  good  from 
the  great  armies. 

Gold  has  gone  up  to  240.  Paper,  which  our  financiers 
make  the  money  standard,  is  settling  down  out  of  sight. 
This  is  the  result  of  the  gold  bill  and  similar  measures,  yet 
Chase  learns  no  wisdom.  We  are  hurrying  onward  into  a 
financial  abyss.  There  is  no  vigorous  mind  in  Congress  to 
check  the  current,  and  the  prospect  is  dark  for  the  country 
under  the  present  financial  management.  It  cannot  be  sus- 
tained. 


62  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [JUNE  29 

June  29,  Wednesday.  Nothing  from  the  army.  We  hear 
that  the  pirate  Alabama  is  at  Cherbourg.  Is  she  to  remain 
there  to  be  repaired?  Seward  tells  me  he  knows  one  of  the 
French  armed  vessels  recently  sold  is  for  Sweden,  and  he 
has  little  doubt  both  are;  that  the  French  government  is 
not  deceitful  in  this  matter. 

Congress  is  getting  restive  and  discontented  with  the 
financial  management.  The  papers  speak  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  Field,  Assistant  Secretary,  to  be  Assistant  Treas- 
urer at  New  York,  in  the  place  of  Cisco.  I  doubt  if  any  one 
but  Chase  would  think  of  him  for  the  place,  and  Chase,  as 
usual,  does  not  know  the  reason.  But  Field  has  talents, 
and  Chase  takes  him  from  association.  Morgan  prefers 
Hillhouse,  and  Seward  wants  Blatchford. 

The  closing  hours  of  Congress  are  crowded,  as  usual,  but 
I  believe  matters  are  about  as  square  as  usual.  Our  naval 
bills  have  mostly  been  disposed  of. 

June  30,  Thursday.  All  were  surprised  to-day  with  the 
resignation  of  Secretary  Chase  and  the  nomination  of  Gov- 
ernor David  Tod  as  his  successor.  I  knew  nothing  of  it  till 
the  fact  was  told  me  by  Senator  Doolittle,  who  came  to  see 
and  advise  with  me,  supposing  I  knew  something  of  the 
circumstances.  But  I  was  wholly  ignorant.  Chase  had  not 
thought  proper  to  consult  me  as  to  his  resignation,  nor  had 
the  President  as  to  his  action  upon  it,  or  the  selection.  My 
first  impression  was  that  he  had  consulted  Seward  and  per- 
haps Blair.  I  learn,  however,  he  advised  with  none  of  his 
Cabinet,  but  acted  from  his  own  impulses.  I  have  doubts 
of  Tod's  ability  for  this  position,  though  he  has  good  com- 
mon sense  and  was  trained  in  the  right  school,  being  a 
hard-money  man.  Not  having  seen  the  President  since  this 
movement  took  place,  I  do  not  comprehend  his  policy.  It 
can  hardly  be  his  intention  to  reverse  the  action  of  Chase 
entirely  without  consulting  those  who  are  associated  with 
him  in  the  Government.  And  yet  the  selection  of  Tod  indi- 
cates that,  if  there  be  any  system  in  the  movement.  The 


SALMON  P.  CHASE 


1864]        THE  RESIGNATION  OF  CHASE  63 

President  has  given  but  little  attention  to  finance  and  the 
currency,  but  yet  he  can  hardly  be  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that  Chase  and  Tod  are  opposites.  The  selection  of  Tod  is 
a  move  in  the  right  direction  if  he  has  made  the  subject  a 
sufficient  study  to  wield  the  vast  machine.  On  this  point  I 
have  my  doubts.  His  nomination  will  disturb  the  "Bub- 
bles," —  the  paper-money  men,  —  and  the  question  was 
not  acted  upon  but  referred  to  the  Finance  Committee,  who 
have  been  with  the  Senate.  I  have  no  doubt  their  astonish- 
ment at  the  obtrusion  of  a  hard-money  man  upon  them  was 
made  manifest. 

Blair  and  Bates  both  called  at  my  house  this  evening  and 
gave  me  to  understand  they  were  as  much  taken  by  sur- 
prise as  myself.  Mr.  Bates  says  he  knows  nothing  of  T. 
Blair  expresses  more  apprehensions  even  than  myself,  who 
have  my  doubts. 

The  retirement  of  Chase,  so  far  as  I  hear  opinions  ex- 
pressed, —  and  they  are  generally  freely  given,  —  appears 
to  give  relief  rather  than  otherwise,  which  surprises  me.  I 
had  thought  it  might  create  a  shock  for  a  brief  period, 
though  I  did  not  fear  that  it  would  be  lasting.  I  look  upon 
it  as  a  blessing.  The  country  could  not  go  on  a  great  while 
longer  under  his  management,  which  has  been  one  of  expe- 
dients and  of  no  fixed  principles,  or  profound  and  correct 
financial  knowledge. 

It  is  given  out  that  a  disagreement  between  himself  and 
the  President  in  relation  to  the  appointment  of  Assistant 
Treasurer  at  New  York  was  the  cause  of  his  leaving.  I 
think  likely  that  was  the  occasion  of  his  tendering  his  re- 
signation, and  I  have  little  doubt  he  was  greatly  surprised 
that  it  was  accepted.  He  may  not  admit  this,  but  it  is  none 
the  less  true,  I  apprehend.  Yet  there  were  some  circum- 
stances to  favor  his  going,  —  there  is  a  financial  gulf  ahead. 


XXI 

Governor  Tod  declines  the  Treasury  Portfolio  and  Senator  Fessenden  is 
appointed  —  The  Sinking  of  the  Alabama  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the 
Cotton  Trade  —  The  Trial  of  General  Dix  for  suspending  two  N  ew 
York  Papers  —  The  Kearsarge  and  the  Alabama  —  Ignorance  in  the 
War  Office  as  to  the  Confederate  Invasion  of  Maryland  —  The  Con- 
federates near  Washington  —  Watching  the  Fighting  from  Fort 
Stevens  —  Conversation  with  General  Halleck  —  Solicitor  Whiting 
on  Halleck's  Incompetency  —  The  Attitude  of  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  towards  the  Navy  Department  after  Agent  Henderson's  Removal 
—  The  Mistakes  in  the  Light-draft  Monitors  —  Thomas  G.  Welles 
goes  to  the  Front  —  Greeley's  Futile  Interference  —  The  Unofficial 
Peace  Movements  —  Blair  speaks  his  Mind  —  Talk  with  Solicitor 
Whiting  on  Reconstruction  —  Secretary  Fessenden  advertises  a  New 
Loan  —  Newspaper  Attack  on  the  Navy  Department. 

July  1,  Friday.  This  day  is  the  anniversary  of  my  birth. 
I  am  sixty-two  years  of  age.  Life  is  brief.  Should  I  survive 
another  year,  I  shall  then  have  attained  my  grand  climac- 
teric. Yet  it  is  but  the  journey  of  a  day,  and  of  those  who 
set  out  with  me  in  the  morning  of  life  how  few  remain! 
Each  year  thins  out  the  ranks  of  those  who  went  with  me 
to  the  old  district  school  in  my  childhood. 

Governor  Tod  has  declined  the  position  of  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  It  does  not  surprise  me.  Senator  Fessenden 
has  been  appointed,  who  will,  it  is  said,  accept,  which  does 
surprise  me.  I  doubt  if  his  health  will  permit  him  to  bear 
the  burden.  He  has  abilities;  is  of  the  same  school  as  Chase. 
Has  been  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Finance  during 
Chase's  administration  of  the  Treasury,  and,  I  have  sup- 
posed, a  supporter  of  his  policy.  Yet  I  have  had  an  im- 
pression that  Fessenden  is  an  improvement  upon  Chase, 
and  I  trust  he  is. 

But  the  President's  course  is  a  riddle.  Tod  is  a  hard- 
money  man;  Fessenden  has  pressed  through  Congress  the 
paper  system  of  Chase.  One  day  Tod  is  selected ;  on  his  re- 


fusal,  Fessenden  is  brought  forward.  This  can  in  no  other 
way  be  reconciled  than  in  the  President's  want  of  know- 
ledge of  the  subject.  His  attention  never  has  been  given  to 
the  finances.  He  seems  not  aware  that  within  twenty-four 
hours  he  has  swung  to  opposite  extremes. 

Seward  can  hardly  have  been  consulted,  for  Fessenden 
has  been  his  sharp  and  avowed  opponent  of  late,  and 
unless  he  has  changed,  or  shall  change,  will  prove  a  trouble- 
some man  for  him  in  the  Cabinet. 

The  President  has  great  regard  for  Chase's  abilities  but 
is  glad  to  be  relieved  of  him,  for  C.  has  been  a  load  of  late, 
—  is  a  little  disappointed  and  dissatisfied,  has  been  cap- 
tious, and  uncertain,  favored  the  faultfinders,  and,  in  a 
way,  encouraged  opposition  to  the  President. 

July  2,  Saturday.  The  last  business  day  of  the  session, 
and  many  of  the  Members  have  gone  home  already.  Much 
is  done  and  omitted  to  be  done  during  the  last  hours  of 
Congress.  Members  do  wrong  in  abandoning  their  post  at 
these  important  periods,  and  no  one  who  does  it  should  be 
trusted.  I  am  told  by  the  members  of  our  naval  commit- 
tees that  all  naval  matters  are  rightly  done  up  in  the  two 
houses,  but  I  discredit  it.  Some  matters  will  be  lost,  and 
hurried  legislation  is  always  attended  with  errors. 

July  5,  Tuesday.  On  the  morning  of  Sunday  the  3rd, 
went  with  Postmaster-General  Blair  and  family  and  my 
own  family,  also  Mr.  Fox,  Mr.  Faxon,  Dr.  Horwitz,  Com- 
mander Aulick  on  an  excursion  down  the  Potomac  and  Bay 
to  the  Capes,  to  Norfolk,  and  Fortress  Monroe,  returning 
to  Washington  this  A.M.  at  five  o'clock.  National  salutes 
were  fired  from  the  American,  English,  and  French  frigates 
and  also  from  the  Fortress  at  meridian  on  the  4th.  The 
jaunt  was  very  pleasant. 

Telegrams  this  A.M.  inform  us  that  the  pirate  Alabama 
was  sunk  on  the  19th  of  June  off  Cherbourg  by  the  steamer 
Kearsarge,  Commodore  Winslow,  after  a  fight  of  one  hour 
2 


66  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JULYS 

and  a  half.  Informed  the  President  and  Cabinet  of  the 
tidings,  which  was  a  matter  of  general  congratulation  and 
rejoicing. 

Mr.  Fessenden  appeared  at  Cabinet-meeting  as  the  suc- 
cessor of  Mr.  Chase.  Although  the  regular  day  of  meeting, 
all  were  specially  notified,  and  all  promptly  attended.  The 
President  appeared  more  constrained  and  formal  than 
usual.  When  Mr.  Stanton  came  in,  he  was  accompanied  by 
a  clerk,  whom  he  seated  at  the  President's  table.  The  sub- 
ject of  trade  and  especially  trade  in  cotton  with  the  Rebels, 
was  the  subject  of  general  interest  which  the  President  de- 
sired to  lay  before  us.  He  appeared  to  have  no  fixed  pur- 
pose in  his  own  mind.  Alluded  to  a  Mr.  Atkinson  who  had 
called  on  him.  Said  that  Mr.  A.  had  impressed  him  with 
some  very  striking  facts.  The  most  prominent  was,  that 
although  the  Rebels  sold  less  cotton  they  received  about 
as  much  for  it  in  consequence  of  high  price  as  when  they 
had  more  of  the  article.  The  President  thought  it  might  be 
well  to  take  measures  to  secure  the  cotton,  but  was  opposed 
to  letting  the  Rebels  have  gold. 

Seward  was  voluble  but  not  clear  and  pointed.  Fessen- 
den had  seen  Atkinson,  had  interview  with  him,  thought 
him  intelligent.  On  the  subject  of  trade  with  the  Rebels 
was  not  posted.  Stanton  made  extended,  and  in  the  main 
sensible  and  correct,  remarks,  being  wholly  opposed  to 
fighting  and  trading  at  the  same  time  with  the  Rebels, 
ground  which  I  have  uniformly  taken,  but  have  not  al- 
ways been  supported.  Blair  made  a  few  sensible  remarks, 
as  did  Mr.  Bates.  Usher,  thinking  it  apparently  a  duty  to 
say  something,  talked  without  much  point  or  force,  on  a 
subject  he  did  not  understand,  nor  to  which  he  had  given 
much  attention.  Mr.  Bates  made  a  legal  suggestion.  As 
Stanton  had  pretty  clearly  expressed  my  views,  I  did  not 
care  to  multiply  words  farther  than  to  say  so,  and  to  regret 
that  a  bill  had  passed  the  last  moment  of  the  session  depriv- 
ing the  Mississippi  Squadron  of  prize. 

This  was  Hrmp   T  TmHp.rKt.nnfl.  n.t.  fVip  insrf-.iora.'Hrm  nf  r^Vinaa 


1864]        THE  TRIAL  OF  GENERAL  DIX  67 

who  could  not  have  been  aware  of  the  effect  of  what  he 
urged.  The  incidental  remarks  of  some  of  the  gentlemen 
on  the  subject  of  trade,  and  especially  of  restrictions  on 
gold,  struck  me  as  the  wretched  remnants  of  error  which  I 
hope  will  go  out  with  Mr.  Chase.  I  also  trust  we  shall  get 
rid  of  his  trade  regulations,  trading  agents,  and  other  mis- 
chievous machinery. 

The  subject  of  the  arrest  and  trial  of  General  Dix  in  New 
York  for  suspending  the  publication  of  the  World  and  Jour- 
nal of  Commerce  was  brought  forward.  There  was  a  little 
squeamishness  with  some  on  the  subject.  The  President 
very  frankly  avowed  the  act  to  be  his,  and  he  thought  the 
government  should  protect  Dix.  Seward  was  positive  and 
bold  on  that. 

I  expressed  no  opinion,  nor  did  Blair  or  Bates.  While  I 
regret  that  the  papers  should  have  been  suppressed  or 
meddled  with,  I  would  not,  I  think,  permit  a  general  officer 
to  be  arrested  and  tried  by  a  State  judge  for  obeying  an 
order  of  the  President.  If  there  is  a  disposition  to  try  the 
question  before  the  United  States  tribunals,  it  would  be 
well  to  permit  it.  This  was  my  hasty  conclusion. 

July  6,  Wednesday.  Admiral  Porter  called  on  me  to-day 
direct  from  his  command.  Had  a  long  interview  on  his 
affairs. 

Received  dispatches  to-day  from  Captain  Winslow  of 
the  Kearsarge  relative  to  sinking  the  Alabama.  Wrote 
congratulatory  letter.  There  is  great  rejoicing  throughout 
the  country  over  this  success,  which  is  universally  and 
justly  conceded  a  triumph  over  England  as  well  as  over  the 
Rebels.  In  my  first  draft,  I  made  a  point  or  two,  rather  too 
strong  perhaps,  against  England  and  the  mercenary,  pirat- 
ical spirit  of  Semmes,  who  had  accumulated  chronometers. 

While  our  people  generally  award  me  more  credit  than  I 
deserve  in  this  matter,  a  malevolent  partisan  spirit  exhibits 
itself  in  some,  which  would  find  fault  with  me  because  this 
battle  did  not  sooner  take  place.  These  assaults  disturb  me 


68  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JULY  6 

less,  perhaps,  than  they  ought;  they  give  me  very  little 
uneasiness  because  I  know  them  to  be  groundless.  Violent 
attacks  have  been  made  upon  the  Department  and  myself 
for  the  reason  that  our  naval  vessels  were  not  efficient,  had 
no  speed;  but  in  the  account  of  the  battle,  the  Kearsarge  is 
said,  by  way  of  lessening  the  calamity,  to  have  had  greater 
steaming  power  than  the  Alabama,  and  to  have  controlled 
the  movement.  Our  large  smooth-bore  guns,  the  Dahl- 
grens,  have  been  ridiculed  and  denounced  by  the  enemies 
of  the  Navy  Department,  but  the  swift  destruction  of  the 
Alabama  is  now  imputed  to  the  great  guns  which  tore  her 
in  pieces. 

A  summer  raid  down  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  by  the 
Rebels  and  the  capture  of  Harper's  Ferry  are  exciting  mat- 
ters, and  yet  the  War  Department  is  disinclined  to  com- 
municate the  facts.  Of  course,  I  will  not  ask.  A  few  words 
from  Stanton  about  "  cursed  mistakes  of  our  generals," 
loss  of  stores  that  had  been  sent  forward,  bode  disaster. 
General  Sigel  is  beaten  and  not  the  man  for  the  command 
given  him,  I  apprehend.  He  is  always  overwhelmed  and 
put  on  the  run.  It  is  represented  that  the  Rebel  army  is  in 
large  force,  30,000  strong,  under  Ewell.  We  always  have 
big  scares  from  that  quarter  and  sometimes  pretty  serious 
realities.  I  can  hardly  suppose  Ewell  there  with  such  a 
command  without  the  knowledge  of  Grant,  and  I  should 
suppose  we  would  hear  of  the  movement  of  such  a  body 
from  other  sources.  But  the  military  authorities  seem  not 
to  know  of  them. 

I  have  sometimes  thought  that  Lee  might  make  a  sudden 
dash  in  the  direction  of  Washington  or  above,  and  inflict 
great  injury  before  our  troops  could  interfere,  or  Grant 
move  a  column  to  protect  the  city.  But  likely  Grant  has 
thought  and  is  prepared  for  this ;  yet  he  displays  little  strat- 
egy or  invention. 

July  7,  Thursday.  I  am  apprehensive  of  trouble  in  mak- 
ing future  contracts.  Old  contractors  have  been  attacked 


1864]  A  CONFEDERATE  RAID  69 

and  called  to  account,  and  will  be  shy.  But  the  great  damage 
is  from  the  neglect  or  delay  of  the  Treasury,  which  does  not 
pay.  Honest  contracts  are  not  fairly  treated  by  the  Treas- 
ury. Men  are  kept  out  of  their  money  after  due,  wrong- 
fully. I  had  the  material,  and  began  the  preparation,  for  a 
pretty  strong  statement  to  Mr.  Chase  at  the  time  he  re- 
signed. 

Very  mischievous  efforts  are  being  made  in  some  quar- 
ters to  injure  the  President  and  assist  Chase  by  reason  of 
his  going  out.  I  know  nothing  of  the  particulars  from  either 
of  them,  but  I  feel  a  conviction  that  the  country  is  bene- 
fited by  Mr.  Chase's  retirement.  His  longer  continuance 
in  the  Treasury  would  have  been  a  calamity.  It  would  have 
been  better  could  he  have  left  earlier. 

July  8,  Friday.  The  War  Department  keeps  very  close 
as  to  matters  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  vicinity.  There  is 
either  little  knowledge  of  what  is  doing,  or  a  very  great 
reluctance  to  communicate.  Mr.  Felton,  President  of  the 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington  &  Baltimore  R.  R.  sends  me  a 
letter  by  private  hands,  stating  that  while  he  was  not 
alarmed,  he  desired  a  gunboat  at  Gunpowder  Creek,  etc., 
to  protect  railroad  property.  Sent  Fox  to  inquire  of  Gen- 
eral Halleck  as  to  the  necessity.  General  H.  thinks  it  un- 
necessary; but  will  advise  us  in  season  if  wanted.  Beyond 
this  nothing  is  communicated. 

Stanton  tells  me  that  he  has  no  idea  the  Rebels  are  in 
any  force  above,  and  should  not  give  them  a  serious 
thought,  but  that  Grant  says  he  thinks  they  are  in  force, 
without,  however,  giving  his  reasons  or  any  facts.  The 
President  has  been  a  good  deal  incredulous  about  a  very 
large  army  on  the  upper  Potomac,  yet  he  begins  to  mani- 
fest anxiety.  But  he  is  under  constraint,  I  perceive,  such  as 
I  know  is  sometimes  imposed  by  the  dunderheads  at  the 
War  Office,  when  they  are  in  a  fog,  or  scare,  and  know  not 
what  to  say  or  do.  It  is  not  natural  or  the  way  of  the  Pre- 
sident to  withhold  information,  or  speculation  at  such  times, 


70  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JULYS 

and  I  can  always  tell  how  things  are  with  Halleck  and 
Stanton  when  there  are  important  movements  going  on. 
The  President  is  now  enjoined  to  silence,  while  Halleck  is  in 
a  perfect  maze,  bewildered,  without  intelligent  decision  or 
self-reliance,  and  Stanton  is  wisely  ignorant.  I  am  inclined 
to  believe,  however,  that  at  this  time  profound  ignorance 
reigns  at  the  War  Department  concerning  the  Rebel  raid 
in  the  Shenandoah  Valley;  that  they  absolutely  ;know 
nothing  of  it,  —  its  numbers,  where  it  is,  or  its  destination. 
It  has  to  me  appeared  more  mischievous  than  to  others.  I 
think  we  are  in  no  way  prepared  for  it,  and  a  fierce  onset 
could  not  well  be  resisted.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
the  onset  will  be  made,  for  it  is  the  nature  of  man  to  lose  his 
opportunities.  The  true  course  of  the  Rebels  is  to  strike  at 
once  at  this  point. 

July  9,  Saturday.  The  Rebel  invasion  of  Maryland,  if 
not  so  large  or  formidable  as  last  year  and  year  before,  looks 
to  me  very  annoying,  the  more  so  because  I  learn  no- 
thing satisfactory  or  reliable  from  the  War  Office,  and  am 
persuaded  there  is  both  neglect  and  ignorance  there.  It  is 
evident  there  have  not  been  sufficient  preparations,  but 
they  are  beginning  to  move.  Yet  they  hardly  have  any  ac- 
curate information.  Stanton  seems  stupid,  Halleck  always 
does.  I  am  not,  I  believe,  an  alarmist,  and,  as  I  have  more 
than  once  said,  I  do  not  deem  this  raid  formidable  if  rightly 
and  promptly  met,  but  it  may,  from  inattention  and 
neglect,  become  so.  It  is  a  scheme  of  Lee's  strategy,  but 
where  is  Grant's? 

The  Blairs  have  left,  strangely,  it  appears  to  me,  at  this 
time,  on  a  fishing  excursion  among  the  mountain  streams 
of  interior  Pennsylvania,  and  the  ladies  have  hastily  run 
off  from  Silver  Spring  to  Cape  May,  leaving  their  premises 
at  a  critical  moment. 

Our  Alabama  news  comes  in  opportunely  to  encourage 
and  sustain  the  nation's  heart.  It  does  them  as  well  as  me 
good  to  dwell  upon  the  subject  and  the  discomfiture  of  the 


1864]      THE  ENEMY  NEAR  WASHINGTON        71 

British  and  Rebels.  The  perfidy  of  the  former  is  as  infam- 
ous as  the  treason  of  the  latter.  Both  were  whipped  by  the 
Kearsarge,  a  Yankee  ship  with  a  Yankee  commander  and  a 
Yankee  crew. 

July  10,  Sunday.  When  at  the  Department,  Sunday 
morning,  the  10th,  examining  my  mail,  one  of  the  clerks 
came  in  and  stated  that  the  Rebel  pickets  were  on  the  out- 
skirts of  Georgetown,  within  the  District  lines.  There  had 
been  no  information  to  warn  us  of  this  near  approach  of 
the  enemy,  but  my  informant  was  so  positive  —  and  soon 
confirmed  by  another  —  that  I  sent  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment to  ascertain  the  facts.  They  were  ignorant  —  had 
heard  street  rumors,  but  they  were  unworthy  of  notice  — 
and  ridiculed  my  inquiry. 

Later  I  learned  that  young  King,  son  of  my  neighbor 
Z.  P.  K.,  was  captured  by  the  Rebel  pickets  within  the  Dis- 
trict lines  and  is  a  prisoner. 

July  11,  Monday.  The  Rebels  are  upon  us.  Having 
visited  upper  Maryland,  they  are  turning  their  attention 
hitherward.  General  Wallace  has  been  defeated,  and  it 
was  yesterday  current  that  General  Tyler  and  Colonel 
Seward  were  prisoners,  the  latter  wounded.  But  it  seems 
only  the  last  is  true  of  the  latter. 

There  is  now  a  call  from  the  War  Department  for  gun- 
boats at  Havre  de  Grace,  Gunpowder  and  Bush  Rivers. 
Have  ordered  off  three,  but  was  afraid  they  would  not  ar- 
rive in  season,  for  the  call  was  not  made  and  its  necessity 
was  scouted  at  Headquarters  until  the  Rebels  had  cut  the 
York  and  Baltimore  Road.  We  have  word  by  telegram  this 
P.M.  that  the  bridge  over  Gunpowder  has  been  burned  but 
a  gunboat  was  on  hand.  Have  no  particulars. 

Tom  G.  Welles  was  this  day  appointed  to  the  staff  of 
General  McCook.  I  regret  his  passion  for  the  service  and 
his  recklessness  and  youth. 

The  Rebel  pickets  appear  in  strength  in  front  of  Forts 


72  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JTJLTII 

Stevens  and  DeRussy  on  the  borders  and  within  the  Dis- 
trict lines.  Went  to  Stanton,  but  got  from  him  nothing  at 
all.  He  exhibits  none  of  the  alarm  and  fright  I  have  seen  in 
him  on  former  occasions.  It  is  evident  he  considers  the 
force  not  large,  or  such  that  cannot  be  controlled,  and  yet 
he  cannot  tell  their  number  nor  where  they  are. 

I  rode  out  this  evening  to  Fort  Stevens,  latterly  called 
Fort  Massachusetts.  Found  General  Wright  and  General 
McCook  with  what  I  am  assured  is  an  ample  force  for  its 
defense.  Passed  and  met  as  we  returned  three  or  four 
thousand,  perhaps  more,  volunteers  under  General  Meigs, 
going  to  the  front.  Could  see  the  line  of  pickets  of  both 
armies  in  the  valley,  extending  a  mile  or  more.  There  was 
continual  firing,  without  many  casualties  so  far  as  I  could 
observe,  or  hear.  Two  houses  in  the  vicinity  were  in  flames, 
set  on  fire  by  our  own  people,  because  they  obstructed  the 
range  of  our  guns  and  gave  shelter  to  Rebel  sharpshooters. 
Other  houses  and  buildings  had  also  been  destroyed.  A 
pretty  grove  nearly  opposite  the  fort  was  being  cut  down. 
War  would  not  spare  the  tree,  if  the  woodman  had. 

I  inquired  where  the  Rebel  force  was,  and  the  officers 
said  over  the  hills,  pointing  in  the  direction  of  Silver  Spring. 
Are  they  near  Gunpowder  or  Baltimore?  Where  are  they? 
Oh!  within  a  short  distance,  a  mile  or  two  only.  I  asked 
why  their  whereabouts  was  not  ascertained,  and  their 
strength  known.  The  reply  was  that  we  had  no  fresh 
cavalry. 

The  truth  is  the  forts  around  Washington  have  been 
vacated  and  the  troops  sent  to  General  Grant,  who  was 
promised  reinforcements  to  take  Richmond.  But  he  has 
been  in  its  vicinity  more  than  a  month,  resting,  apparently, 
after  his  bloody  march,  but  has  effected  nothing  since  his 
arrival  on  the  James,  nor  displayed  any  strategy,  while  Lee 
has  sent  a  force  threatening  the  National  Capital,  and  we 
are  without  force  for  its  defense.  Citizens  are  volunteer- 
ing, and  the  employees  in  the  navy  yard  are  required  to 
man  the  fortifications  left  destitute.  Stanton  and  Halleck, 


1864]     THE  ENEMY  NEAR  WASHINGTON        73 

who  scouted  Fenton's  application  and  bluffed  my  inquir- 
ies, are  now  the  most  alarmed  men  in  Washington. 

I  am  sorry  to  see  so  little  reliable  intelligence.  It  strikes 
me  that  the  whole  demonstration  is  weak  in  numbers  but 
strong  in  conception  that  the  Rebels  have  but  a  small 
force.  I  am  satisfied  no  attack  is  now  to  be  apprehended  on 
the  city;  the  Rebels  have  lost  a  remarkable  opportunity. 
But  on  our  part  there  is  neglect,  ignorance,  folly,  imbe- 
cility, in  the  last  degree.  The  Rebels  are  making  a  show  of 
fight  while  they  are  stealing  horses,  cattle,  etc.,  through 
Maryland.  They  might  easily  have  captured  Washington. 
Stanton,  Halleck,  and  Grant  are  asleep  or  dumb. 

The  waste  of  war  is  terrible;  the  waste  from  imbecility 
and  mismanagement  is  more  terrible  and  more  trying  than 
from  the  ravages  of  the  soldiers.  It  is  impossible  for  the  coun- 
try to  bear  up  under  these  monstrous  errors  and  wrongs. 

July  12,  Tuesday.  The  Rebels  captured  a  train  of  cars 
on  the  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  Road,  and  have  burnt 
the  bridges  over  Gunpowder  and  Bush  Rivers.  It  is  said 
there  were  1500  of  these  raiders. 

Governor  Bradford's  house,  a  short  distance  out  of  Bal- 
timore, was  burnt  by  a  small  party.  General  demoraliza- 
tion seems  to  have  taken  place  among  the  troops,  and  there 
is  as  little  intelligence  among  them  as  at  the  War  Office  in 
regard  to  the  Rebels.  General  Wallace  and  his  force  were 
defeated,  and  panic  and  folly  have  prevailed. 

Admiral  Goldsborough  and  some  of  our  naval  officers 
tendered  their  services,  if  required.  It  seemed  to  me  unnec- 
cessary,  for  I  do  not  believe  the  Rebels  have  a  large  con- 
centrated force  in  this  vicinity,  or  that  they  design  to 
make  an  attack  on  the  city,  but  for  the  Navy  to  hold  back 
when  all  are  being  called  out  would  appear  bad.  I  there- 
fore requested  Fox  to  see  General  Halleck,  who  much 
wanted  aid,  and  Goldsborough  and  the  men  were  therefore 
ordered  and  have  gone  to  Fort  Lincoln.  It  would  be  much 


74  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  12 

We  have  no  mails,  and  the  telegraph  lines  have  been  cut; 
so  that  we  are  without  news  or  information  from  the  outer 
world. 

Went  to  the  President's  at  12,  being  day  of  regular  Cab- 
iriet-meeting.  Messrs.  Bates  and  Usher  were  there.  The 
President  was  signing  a  batch  of  commissions.  Fessenden 
is  absent  in  New  York.  Blair  informs  me  he  had  been  early 
at  the  council  chamber  and  the  President  told  him  no  mat- 
ters were  to  be  brought  forward.  The  condition  of  affairs 
connected  with  the  Rebels  on  the  outskirts  was  discussed. 
The  President  said  he  and  Seward  had  visited  several  of 
the  fortifications.  I  asked  where  the  Rebels  were  in  force. 
He  said  he  did  not  know  with  certainty,  but  he  thought  the 
main  body  at  Silver  Spring. 

I  expressed  a  doubt  whether  there  was  any  large  force  at 
any  one  point,  but  that  they  were  in  squads  of  from  500  to 
perhaps  1500  scattered  along  from  the  Gunpowder  to  the 
falls  of  the  Potomac,  who  kept  up  an  alarm  on  the  outer 
rim  while  the  marauders  were  driving  off  horses  and  cattle. 
The  President  did  not  respond  farther  than  to  again  re- 
mark he  thought  there  must  be  a  pretty  large  force  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Silver  Spring. 

I  am  sorry  there  should  be  so  little  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  Rebels,  sorry  that  at  such  a  time  there  is  not  a  full 
Cabinet,  and  especially  sorry  that  the  Secretary  of  War  is 
not  present.  In  the  interviews  which  I  have  had  with  him, 
I  can  obtain  no  facts,  no  opinions.  He  seems  dull  and  stu- 
pefied. Others  tell  me  the  same. 

It  was  said  yesterday  that  the  mansions  of  the  Blairs 
were  burned,  but  it  is  to-day  contradicted. 

Rode  out  this  P.M.  to  Fort  Stevens.  Went  up  to  the 
summit  of  the  road  on  the  right  of  the  fort.  There  were 
many  collected.  Looking  out  over  the  valley  below,  where 
the  continual  popping  of  the  pickets  was  still  going  on, 
though  less  brisk  than  yesterday,  I  saw  a  line  of  our  men 
lying  close  near  the  bottom  of  the  valley.  Senator  Wade 
came  up  beside  me.  Our  views  corresponded  that  the 


ceeded  tnem  in  numbers.  We  went  together  into  tne  tort, 
where  we  found  the  President,  who  was  sitting  in  the  shade, 
his  back  against  the  parapet  towards  the  enemy. 

Generals  Wright  and  McCook  informed  us  they  were 
about  to  open  battery  and  shell  the  Rebel  pickets,  and 
after  three  discharges  an  assault  was  to  be  made  by  two 
regiments  who  were  lying  in  wait  in  the  valley. 

The  firing  from,  the  battery  was  accurate.  The  shells 
that  were  sent  into  a  fine  mansion  occupied  by  the  Rebel 
sharpshooters  soon  set  it  on  fire.  As  the  firing  from  the  fort 
ceased,  our  men  ran  to  the  charge  and  the  Rebels  fled.  We 
could  see  them  running  across  the  fields,  seeking  the  woods 
on  the  brow  of  the  opposite  hills.  It  was  an  interesting  and 
exciting  spectacle.  But  below  we  could  see  here  and  there 
some  of  our  own  men  bearing  away  their  wounded  com- 
rades. I  should  judge  the  distance  to  be  something  over 
three  hundred  yards.  Occasionally  a  bullet  from  some  long- 
range  rifle  passed  above  our  heads.  One  man  had  been  shot 
in  the  fort  a  few  minutes  before  we  entered. 

As  we  came  out  of  the  fort,  four  or  five  of  the  wounded 
men  were  carried  by  on  stretchers.  It  was  nearly  dark  as 
we  left.  Driving  in,  as  was  the  case  when  driving  out,  we 
passed  fields  as  well  as  roads  full  ©f  soldiers,  horses,  teams, 
mules.  Camp-fires  lighted  up  the  woods,  which  seemed  to 
be  more  eagerly  sought  than  the  open  fields. 

The  day  has  been  exceedingly  warm,  and  the  stragglers 
by  the  wayside  were  many.  Some  were  doubtless  sick, 
some  were  drunk,  some  weary  and  exhausted.  Then  men 
on  horseback,  on  mules,  in  wagons  as  well  as  on  foot,  bat- 
teries of  artillery,  caissons,  an  innumerable  throng.  It  was 
exciting  and  wild.  Much  of  life  and  much  of  sadness. 
Strange  that  in  this  age  and  country  there  is  this  strife  and 
struggle,  under  one  of  the  most  beneficent  governments 
which  ever  blessed  mankind  and  all  in  sight  of  the  Cap- 
itol. 

In  times  gone  by  I  had  passed  over  these  roads  little 


76  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  12 

anticipating  scenes  like  this,  and  a  few  years  hence  they 
will  scarcely  be  believed  to  have  occurred. 

July  13,  Wednesday.  It  is  no  doubt  true  that  the  Rebels 
have  left.  I  called  on  General  Halleck  on  a  matter  of  busi- 
ness, and  while  there,  about  11,  he  had  a  telegram  saying 
the  Rebels  passed  through  Rockville  to  the  northwest 
about  3  this  A.M.  They  are  making,  I  remarked,  for  Ed- 
wards Ferfy  and  will  get  off  with  their  plunder  if  we  have 
no  force  there  to  prevent.  He  said  it  was  by  no  means  cer- 
tain they  would  cross  at  Edwards  Ferry.  We  looked 
over  the  map  together,  and  he,  like  myself,  thought  it  prob- 
able they  had  taken  that  course.  I  remarked  that  they  ap- 
peared not  to  have  concentrated  their  force  at  any  one 
place.  Halleck  asked  by  what  authority  I  said  that.  There 
was  harshness  and  spite  in  his  tone.  I  coolly  said  by  my 
own  judgment  and  the  observation  of  almost  any  one  who 
had  any  intelligence  on  the  subject.  He  said  he  did  not 
think  I  had  heard  so  from  any  military  man  who  knew 
anything  about  it.  I  said  no  military  man  or  any  other  had 
been  able  to  tell  me  where  they  were  concentrated  to  the 
amount  of  five  thousand.  Nor  have  I  found  any  except 
Halleck,  Hitchcock,  and  a  few  around  the  Department  ex- 
press an  opinion  that  there  was  a  large  number,  or  that 
they  were  concentrated.  They  were  defiant  and  insolent, 
our  men  were  resolute  and  brave,  but  the  Bureau  generals 
were  alarmed  and  ignorant,  and  have  made  themselves  and 
the  Administration  appear  contemptible. 

The  Rebels,  before  leaving,  burnt  the  house  of  Judge 
Blair,  Postmaster-General.  This  they  claimed  to  have  done 
in  retaliation  for  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  Governor 
Letcher,  —  a  disgraceful  act  and  a  disgraceful  precedent. 
I  have  no  idea  that  General  Hunter  or  any  officer  author- 
ized the  burning  of  Letcher's  house.  It  was  doubtless  done 
by  some  miscreants,  hangers-on,  stragglers,  who  ought  to 
be  punished.  But  men  in  authority  appear  to  have  had 
direction  in  burning  Blair's  house. 


1864]  A  NATIONAL   DISGRACE  77 

July  14,  Thursday.  Communication  is  again  opened 
with  the  North.  It  is  evident  there  was  never  any  force 
sufficient  to  have  interrupted  it,  had  there  been  ordinary 
ability  and  sagacity  on  the  part  of  the  military.  The  Chron- 
icle and  the  army  papers  are  striving  to  make  it  appear 
there  was  a  large  Rebel  force  and  that  there  had  been  seri- 
ous danger,  —  that  we  have  had  a  great  deliverance. 

July  15,  Friday.  We  had  some  talk  at  Cabinet-meeting 
to-day  on  the  Rebel  invasion.  The  President  wants  to  be- 
lieve there  was  a  large  force,  and  yet  evidently  his  private 
convictions  are  otherwise.  But  the  military  leaders,  the 
War  Office,  have  insisted  there  was  a  large  force.  We  have 
done  nothing,  and  it  is  more  gratifying  to  our  self -pride  to 
believe  there  were  many  of  them,  especially  as  we  are  likely 
to  let  them  off  with  considerable  plunder  scot-free. 

The  National  Intelligencer  comments  with  a  good  deal  of 
truth  and  ability  on  our  national  humiliation,  as  exempli- 
fied in  this  late  affair.  There  is  no  getting  away  from  the 
statements  and  facts  presented. 

Seward  and  Stanton  seem  disturbed.  There  is  something 
which  does  not  suit  them.  Seward  followed  Stanton  out, 
and  had  a  talk  in  the  anteroom.  I  met  Solicitor  Whiting 
as  I  left  the  White  House,  who  was  very  anxious  to  talk. 
Deplored  the  miserable  military  management.  Imputes 
the  whole  folly  and  scare  to  General  Halleck.  Says  Stanton 
has  disapproved  his  policy,  but  [that]  the  President  clings 
to  Halleck,  who  is  damaging  him  and  the  Administration 
greatly;  that  Halleck  and  Blair  are  both  injuring  the  Pre- 
sident. "Why,"  said  I,  "you  do  not  mean  to  identify  Blair 
with  this  pitiful  business."  "Oh  no,"  said  he,  "but  Blair  is 
so  perverse  on  the  slavery  question  that  he  is  getting  all  the 
radical  element  of  the  country  against  the  Administra- 
tion." As  I  did  not  care  to  enter  into  controversy  on  that 
topic,  and  it  was  late,  I  left  him.  But  the  conversation 
indicates  that  Stanton  intends  to  throw  off  responsibility 
on  to  Halleck. 


78  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  is 

Grant  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  are  reposing  in  im- 
mense force  near  Richmond.  Our  troops  have  been  sent 
from  here  and  drawn  from  all  quarters  to  reinforce  the 
great  army,  which  has  suffered  immense  losses  in  its  march, 
without  accomplishing  any  thing  except  to  reach  the  ground 
from  which  McClellan  was  withdrawn.  While  daily  rein- 
forced, Grant  could  push  on  to  a  given  point,  but  he  seems 
destitute  of  strategy  or  skill,  while  Lee  exhibits  tact.  This 
raid,  which  might  have  taken  Washington  and  which  has 
for  several  days  cut  off  our  communications  with  the 
North,  was  devised  by  Lee  while  beleaguered  at  Richmond, 
and,  though  failing  to  do  as  much  as  might  have  been  ac- 
complished, has  effected  a  good  deal. 

The  deportment  of  Stanton  has  been  wholly  different 
during  this  raid  from  any  former  one.  He  has  been  quiet, 
subdued,  and  apparently  oppressed  with  some  matter  that 
gave  him  disquiet.  On  former  occasions  he  has  been  active, 
earnest,  violent,  alarmed,  apprehensive  of  danger  from 
every  quarter.  It  may  be  that  he  and  Halleck  have  dis- 
agreed. Neither  of  them  has  done  himself  credit  at  this 
time. 

The  arrest  of  Henderson,  Navy  Agent,  and  his  removal 
from  office  have  seriously  disturbed  the  editors  of  the  Even- 
ing Post,  who  seem  to  make  his  cause  their  own.  This  sub- 
ject coming  up  to-day,  I  told  the  President  of  the  conduct 
of  his  District  Attorney,  Delafield  Smith,  who,  when  the 
case  was  laid  before  him  by  Mr.  Wilson,  attorney  for  the 
Department,  remarked  that  it  was  not  worth  while  to 
prosecute,  that  the  same  thing  was  done  by  others,  at 
Washington  as  well  as  New  York,  and  no  notice  was  taken 
of  it.  Wilson  asked  him  if  he,  the  prosecuting  law  officer  of 
the  Government,  meant  to  be  understood  as  saying  it  was 
not  worth  while  to  notice  embezzlement,  etc.  I  related 
this  to  the  President,  who  thereupon  brought  out  a  cor- 
respondence that  had  taken  place  between  himself  and 
W.  C.  Bryant.  The  latter  averred  that  H.  was  innocent, 
and  denounced  Savage,  the  principal  witness  against  him, 


1864]    ATTITUDE  OF  THE  EVENING  POST      79 

because  arrested  and  under  bonds.  To  this  the  President 
replied  that  the  character  of  Savage  before  his  arrest  was 
as  good  as  Henderson's  before  he  was  arrested.  He  stated 
that  he  knew  nothing  of  H.'s  alleged  malfeasance  until 
brought  to  his  notice  by  me,  in  a  letter,  already  written, 
for  his  removal;  that  he  inquired  of  me  if  I  was  satisfied  he 
was  guilty;  that  I  said  I  was;  and  that  he  then  directed,  or 
said  to  me,  "Go  ahead,  let  him  be  removed." 

These  are  substantially  the  facts.  I  said  to  him  that  the 
attorneys  who  had  investigated  the  subject  expressed  a  full 
conviction  of  his  guilt;  that  I  had  come  to  the  same  con- 
clusion, and  did  not  see  how  a  prosecution  and  summary 
proceedings  could  be  avoided. 

The  Evening  Post  manifests  a  belligerent  spirit,  and  ev- 
idently intends  to  make  war  upon  the  Navy  Department 
because  I  will  not  connive  at  the  malfeasance  of  its  pub- 
lisher. In  a  cautious  and  timid  manner  they  have  sup- 
ported the  policy  of  the  Navy  Department  hitherto,  though 
fearful  of  being  taunted  for  so  doing.  Because  their  pub- 
lisher was  Navy  Agent  they  have  done  this  gently.  But 
they  now,  since  Henderson's  arrest  and  trial,  assail  the 
monitors  and  the  monitor  system,  which  they  have  hither- 
to supported,  and  insidiously  and  unfairly  misrepresent 
them  and  the  Department. 

I  am  surprised  at  the  want  of  judgment  manifested  in 
hastening  to  make  this  assault.  It  would  have  been  more 
politic,  certainly,  to  have  delayed,  for  the  motive  which 
leads  them  to  make  this  abrupt  turn  cannot  be  misunder- 
stood. They  know  it  is  painful  for  me  to  prosecute  one  of 
their  firm,  that  it  pains  me  to  believe  him  guilty,  but  that 
when  the  facts  are  presented,  they  should  know  me  well 
enough  to  be  aware  that  I  would  not  cover  or  conceal  the 
rascality  even  to  oblige  them.  I  claim  no  merit,  but  I 
deserve  no  censure  for  this  plain  and  straightforward  dis- 
charge of  my  duty. 

I  hear  it  said  to-day  that  there  has  been  disagreement 


1 j. C(J J_ J     /"I J_.     J.1 


80  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  15 

General  Hinks  to  Point  Lookout  and  Stanton  counter- 
manded the  order  for  General  Barnes. 

July  16,  Saturday.  Mr.  Faxon,  Chief  Clerk,  is  ill  and 
leaves  for  New  York  in  the  Tacoma.  Shall  greatly  miss 
him.  No  one  can  fill  his  place.  Thomas  G.  Welles  is  with 
his  general,  McCook,  relieved  from  duty  at  Fort  Stevens. 
I  observe  and  have  for  some  time  past  that  the  Gazette  at 
Cincinnati,  a  paper  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Chase,  has  been 
violent  and  reckless  in  its  assaults  on  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment. With  some  smattering  information  of  matters  gen- 
erally, there  is  much  palpable  ignorance  in  regard  to  our 
monitors,  ordnance,  etc. 

July  18,  Monday.  I  yesterday  went  with  my  sons  and 
Dr.  Horwitz  to  Silver  Spring,  passing  over  the  ground 
of  the  late  fight.  The  chimneys  of  the  burnt  houses,  the 
still  barricaded  road,  the  trampled  fields,  and  other  evid- 
ences bear  testimony  to  what  had  occurred.  The  Blairs 
were  absent  from  Silver  Spring,  but  we  turned  down  the 
lane  which  leads  to  it  and  went  to  the  walls  of  Montgomery 
Blair's  house,  situated  pleasantly  on  a  little  wooded  em- 
inence. But  all  was  silent.  Waste  and  war.  Judge  B.  tells 
me  the  house  and  furniture  cost  him  just  about  $20,000. 
The  Rebels  have  done  him  this  injury,  and  yet  some  whom 
they  have  never  personally  harmed  denounce  him  as  not 
earnest  in  the  cause,  as  favoring  the  Rebels  and  their  views. 
We  went  through  the  grounds  to  the  mansion  of  the  elder 
Mr.  Blair.  The  place  was  less  injured  than  I  had  supposed, 
and  there  must  have  been  extra  pains  taken  for  the  preserv- 
ation of  the  shrubbery  and  the  growing  crops.  Fields  of 
the  best  corn  I  have  seen  this  year  were  untouched.  What 
depredation  or  plunder  had  been  committed  in  the  house 
I  could  not  tell,  for  it  was  closed.  My  son,  who  led  our 
pickets,  was  the  first  to  enter  it  after  the  Rebels  left.  He 
found  some  papers  scattered  over  the  floor,  which  he  gath- 
ered up.  There  had  been  crowds  of  persons  there  filling 


1864]   THE  MISTAKES  IN  THE  MONITORS      81 

the  house,  sleeping  on  the  floors,  prying  into  the  family 
privacy,  but  not  more  rudely,  perhaps,  than  our  own  sol- 
diers would  have  done,  had  the  place  been  in  their  power. 

July  19,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day,  the 
President  brought  forward  specially  the  riot  in  Coles 
County,  Illinois,  and  the  controversy  between  Governor 
Pierpont  and  General  Butler,  with  especial  reference  in  the 
latter  case  to  affairs  at  Norfolk,  where  the  military  authori- 
ties have  submitted  a  vote  to  the  inhabitants  whether  they 
will  be  governed  by  martial  law.  Of  course  the  friends  of 
civil  administration,  who  denied  the  validity  of  the  whole 
proceeding,  would  not  vote,  and  the  military  had  it  all  as 
they  pleased.  This  exhibition  of  popular  sovereignty  de- 
stroying itself  pleases  Butler.  He  claims  to  have  found 
large  quantities  of  whiskey,  which  he  seized  and  sold.  But 
all  the  whiskey  in  Norfolk  is  there  under  permits  issued 
by  himself.  While  Butler  has  talents  and  capacity,  he  is 
not  to  be  trusted.  The  more  I  see  of  him,  the  greater  is  my 
distrust  of  his  integrity.  All  whiskey  carried  to  Norfolk  is 
in  violation  of  the  blockade. 

Mr.  Ericsson  and  the  newspapers  are  discussing  the 
monitors.  He  is  honest  and  intelligent,  though  too  enthu- 
siastic, and  claiming  too  much  for  his  invention,  but  the 
newspapers  are  dishonest  and  ignorant  in  their  statements, 
and  their  whole  purpose  is  to  assail  the  Department.  But 
the  system  will  vindicate  itself.  There  have  been  errors  and 
mistakes  in  the  light-class  monitors.  I  trusted  too  much 
to  Fox  and  Stimers,  and  am  therefore  not  blameless.  But  I 
was  deceived*  without  its  being  intended  perhaps,  suppos- 
ing that  Ericsson  and  Lenthall  had  a  supervision  of  them 
until  considerable  progress  had  been  made  towards  their 
completion.  I  confided  in  Fox,  who  was  giving  these  ves- 
sels special  attention,  and  he  confided  in  Stimers  without 
my  being  aware  that  he  was  giving  him  the  exclusive  man- 
agement of  them.  Fox  and  Lenthall  were  daily  together, 
and  I  had  not  a  doubt  that  much  of  the  consultation  was 


82  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  19 

in  regard  to  them,  until,  becoming  concerned  from  what  I 
heard,  I  questioned  Lenthall  direct,  when  he  disclaimed  all 
responsibility  and  almost  all  knowledge  of  them.  I  then 
inquired  clearly  and  earnestly  of  Fox,  who  placed  the 
whole  blame  on  Stimers.  The  latter,  I  heard,  had  quar- 
relled with  Ericsson  and  had  been  carrying  forward  the 
construction  of  these  vessels,  reporting  and  consulting 
with  no  one  but  Fox  and  Admiral  Gregory. 

July  20,  Wednesday.  My  son,  Thomas  G.  Welles,  left 
to-day  for  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  having  received 
orders  from  the  War  Department  to  report  to  General 
Grant.  To  part  with  him  has  been  painful  to  me  beyond 
what  I  can  describe.  Were  he  older  and  with  more  settled 
principles  and  habits,  some  of  the  anxieties  which  oppress 
me  would  be  relieved.  But  he  is  yet  a  mere  youth  and  has 
gone  to  the  camp  with  boyish  pride  and  enthusiasm,  and 
will  be  in  danger  of  being  misled  when  beyond  a  parent's 
control.  He  is  just  eighteen  and  goes  alone  on  his  mission. 
I  have  tried  to  dissuade  him  so  far  as  I  could  with  pro- 
priety, but  there  was  a  point  beyond  which  I  could  not 
well  go.  In  the  condition  of  the  country  and  when  others 
were  periling  their  lives  and  the  lives  of  their  children,  how 
could  I  refrain,  and  resist  the  earnest  appeals  of  my  son, 
whose  heart  was  set  upon  going?  To  have  positively  pro- 
hibited him  would  have  led  to  bad  results,  and  perhaps  not 
have  accomplished  the  end  desired.  Yet  it  has  been  hard 
to  part  with  him,  and  as  he  left  me,  I  felt  that  it  was  uncer- 
tain whether  we  should  ever  meet  again,  and  if  we  do  he 
may  be  mutilated,  and  a  ruined  man.  I  have  attended 
closely  to  my  duties,  but  am  sad,  and  unfit  for  any  labor. 

July  21,  Thursday.  Edgar  and  John  left  this  morning 
for  Connecticut. 

Wrote  a  letter  to  Attorney-General  Bates,  transmitting 
copy  of  the  report  of  Mr.  Wilson  inculpating  Attorney 
Delafield  Smith,  of  New  York  in  the  management  of  the 


1864]     GREELEY'S  FUTILE  INTERFERENCE     83 

prosecution  of  the  Navy  Agent  for  embezzlement,  suggest- 
ing that  it  be  laid  before  the  President  for  such  action  as 
he  may  order.  I  have  already  mentioned  the  course  of 
Smith  to  him.  I  am  apprehensive  that  Smith  himself  may 
be  liable  to  be  called  to  account  for  malconduct  in  other  re- 
spects. But  he  is  a  pet  of  Seward,  who  sometimes  closes  his 
eyes  to  the  obliquities  of  his  friends. 

It  will  not  surprise  me  if  Seward,  Weed,  and  Smith  make 
friends  with  Henderson  and  the  Evening  Post  concern,  with 
whom  they  have  hitherto  quarrelled,  and  try  to  screen  or 
exculpate  Henderson.  In  so  doing  a  common  war  will  be 
made  on  me.  The  Post  has  broken  ground  already  in  a  re- 
mote way  but  sufficient  to  indicate  malice  and  revenge,  and 
their  determination  to  defend  Henderson's  guilt. 

July  22,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  the  President 
read  his  correspondence  with  Horace  Greeley  on  the  sub- 
ject of  peace  propositions  from  George  Saunders  and  others 
at  Niagara  Falls.  The  President  has  acquitted  himself  very 
well,  —  if  he  was  to  engage  in  the  matter  at  all,  —  but  I 
am  sorry  that  he  permits  himself,  in  this  irregular  way,  to 
be  induced  to  engage  in  correspondence  with  irresponsible 
parties  like  Saunders  and  Clay  or  scheming  busybodies 
like  Greeley.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  President  and  the 
whole  Administration  are  misrepresented  and  misunder- 
stood on  the  subject  of  peace,  and  Greeley  is  one  of  those 
who  has  done  and  is  doing  great  harm  and  injustice  in  this 
matter.  In  this  instance  he  was  evidently  anxious  to  thrust 
himself  forward  as  an  actor,  and  yet  when  once  engaged  he 
began  to  be  alarmed;  he  failed  to  honestly  and  frankly 
communicate  the  President's  first  letters,  as  was  his  duty, 
but  sent  a  letter  of  his  own,  which  was  not  true  and  correct, 
and  found  himself  involved  in  the  meshes  of  his  own  frail 
net. 

Colonel  Jaquess  is  another  specimen  of  inconsiderate 
and  unwise,  meddlesome  interference.  The  President  as- 
sented to  his  measure  and  gave  him  a  card,  or  passport,  to 


84  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  22 

go  beyond  our  lines.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Colonel 
was  sincere,  but  he  found  himself  unequal  to  the  task  he  had 
undertaken.  Instead  of  persuading  Jeff  Davis  to  change 
his  course,  Davis  succeeded  in  persuading  poor  Jaquess 
that  the  true  course  to  be  pursued  was  to  let  Davis  &  Co. 
do  as  they  pleased.  The  result  was  that  Jaquess  and  his 
friend  Gilmore  (alias  Kirke),  who  went  to  Richmond  to 
shear,  came  back  shorn. 

In  these  peace  movements,  the  President  has  pursued 
his  usual  singular  course.  Seward  was  his  only  confidant 
and  adviser,  as  usual  in  matters  of  the  greatest  importance. 
He  says  that  Mr.  Fessenden  accidentally  came  in  on  other 
business  while  he  was  showing  Seward  the  Greeley  corre- 
spondence; and  he  was  let  into  a  knowledge  of  what  was 
going  on,  but  no  one  else.  John  Hay  was  subsequently 
told,  before  going  off,  and  now,  to-day,  the  Cabinet  are 
made  acquainted  with  what  has  been  done.  The  President, 
instead  of  holding  himself  open  to  receive  propositions,  has 
imposed  conditions  and  restrictions  that  will  embarrass 
the  parties. 

July  25,  Monday.  There  has  been  a  little  ferment  in 
military  circles,  as  newspaper  correspondents  write.  Blair 
told  me  a  few  days  since  that  Cutts  came  on  his  steps  to 
sympathize  and  express  his  regret  that  the  vandals  should 
have  burnt  his  (Blair's)  house.  Blair  said  that  nothing 
better  could  be  expected  while  poltroons  and  cowards  had 
the  management  of  military  affairs.  Cutts  left  abruptly. 
I  now  hear  it  stated  that  General  Halleck  reported  the  re- 
mark to  Stanton,  and  Stanton  forwarded  Halleck's  letter 
to  the  President,  who  remarked  that  men  would  speak 
their  minds  freely  in  this  country.  I  have  no  idea  that 
either  Halleck  or  Stanton  will  press  the  subject  farther. 
It  would  please  Blair,  I  think,  if  they  would. 

Mr.  Solicitor  Whiting  spent  an  hour  at  my  house  last 
evening.  The  principal  topic  of  discussion  was  that  of  Re- 
construction. He  maintains  that  the  States  which  have 


1864]         RECONSTRUCTION  DISCUSSED  85 

seceded  have  no  rights, — that  they  cannot  resume  position 
in  the  Union  without  consent,  and  the  formation  of  a  new 
constitution  in  each  which  excludes  slavery.  I  denied  the 
right  of  Congress  to  impose  that  condition  on  a  State,  like 
North  Carolina  for  instance,  and  insisted  that  the  States 
must  be  equal  in  political  rights,  —  that  if  Massachusetts 
or  any  of  the  old  States  reserved  and  retained  that  power, 
it  belonged  as  well  to  North  Carolina.  An  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  would  be  necessary  abolishing  slavery  in 
all.  Without  meeting  that  point,  he  expressed  a  disbelief 
in  the  reserved  right  of  Massachusetts  on  that  subject.  He 
denied  that  a  majority,  or  the  whole  people,  of  North  Caro- 
lina could  establish  or  reestablish  a  government  and  con- 
tinue to  be  or  to  become  a  member  of  the  Union  after  hav- 
ing been  in  rebellion,  except  by  consent  or  permission. 
"Then,"  said  I,  "you  recognize  the  right  and  the  fact  of 
secession."  This  he  was  unwilling  to  admit,  but  dwelt  on 
international  law,  belligerent  attitudes,  and  matters  out- 
side of  the  Constitution  to  punish  States  inside.  I  asked 
what  he  would  do  with  loyal  citizens  in  Rebel  States,  — 
those  who  had  never  borne  arms  or  done  any  act  to  forfeit 
their  allegiance,  men  like  John  Minor  Botts  or  Andrew 
Johnson,  for  instance.  He  maintained  that  being  in  States 
that  rebelled  they  were  to  be  treated  like  the  Rebels. 

Solicitor  Whiting  is  self -sufficient  but  superficial,  with 
many  words,  some  reading,  but  no  very  sound  or  well- 
founded  political  views.  Yet  he  considers  himself  a  pater 
conscriptus,  a  teacher  learned  in  the  law  and  wise  on  the 
subject  of  government.  Seward  consults  him,  and  Stanton 
uses  him.  He  writes  letters  and  opinions  to  order,  gets  up 
pamphlets;  is  serving  without  pay,  and  is  careful  to  tell 
that  fact.  One  of  these  years,  sooner  or  later,  let  no  one  be 
surprised  to  find  all  his  services  fully  compensated.  Men 
who  profess  to  serve  the  government  gratuitously  are 
usually  better  paid  than  others. 

Met  General  Emory  at  Blair's.  Has  just  come  in  from 
pursuit  of  the  raiders,  without  overtaking  them.  Had  quite 


86  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  25 

a  talk  concerning  matters  on  the  Red  River  and  our  dis- 
aster there.  He  gives  an  interesting  detail.  Tells  the  old 
story  of  a  multitude  of  fussy  men  who  accompanied  Banks 
with  little  carpet-bags  filled  with  greenbacks,  etc. 

Donald  McKay  publishes  a  letter  defending  the  Navy 
Department  from  newspaper  attacks  on  the  subject  of  the 
monitors.  It  is  very  well  done  and  unexpected.  The  Even- 
ing Post  publishes  it,  and  so  does  the  Times  copy  it,  but 
not  yet  the  Tribune. 

Blair  is  sore  and  vexed  because  the  President  frequently 
makes  a  confidant  and  adviser  of  Seward,  without  consult- 
ing the  rest  of  the  Cabinet.  I  told  him  this  had  been  the 
course  from  the  beginning;  Seward  and  Chase  had  each 
striven  for  the  position  of  Special  Executive  Counsel;  that 
it  had  apparently  been  divided  between  them,  but  Seward 
had  outgeneraled  or  outintrigued  Chase.  The  latter  was 
often  consulted  when  others  were  not,  but  often  he  was  not 
aware  of  things  which  were  intrusted  to  Seward  (who  was 
superserviceable)  and  managed  by  him. 

July  26,  Tuesday.  Fessenden  has  got  out  an  advertise- 
ment for  a  new  loan  and  an  address  to  the  people  in  its  be- 
half. Am  not  certain  that  the  latter  is  judicious.  Capital- 
ists will  not  as  a  general  thing  loan  or  invest  for  patriotism, 
but  for  good  returns.  The  advertisement  gives  high  inter- 
est, but  accompanied  by  the  appeal  will  excite  doubt,  rather 
than  inspire  confidence  among  the  money-lenders.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  he  will  get  funds,  for  his  plan  is  sensible 
and  much  wiser  than  anything  of  his  predecessor.  The  idea 
with  Chase  seemed  to  be  to  pay  low  interest  in  money  but 
high  prices  in  irredeemable  paper,  a  scheme  that  might 
have  temporary  success  in  getting  friends  and  popularity 
with  speculators  but  is  ruinous  to  the  country.  The  errors 
of  Chase  in  this  respect  Mr.  Fessenden  seems  inclined  to 
correct,  but  other  measures  are  wanted  and  I  trust  we  shall 
have  them. 

Only  Bates,  Usher,  and  myself  were  at  the  Cabinet  to- 


1864]  ATTACK  ON  THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  87 

day.  Stanton  sent  over,  to  inquire  if  his  attendance  was 
necessary. 

There  are  rumors  that  the  retreating  Rebels  have  turned 
upon  our  troops  in  the  valley,  and  that  our  forces,  badly 
weakened  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  Sixth  Army  Corps,  are 
retreating  towards  Harper's  Ferry.  This  is  not  improbable. 
They  may  have  been  strengthened  as  our  forces  were  weak- 
ened. 

Rode  out  this  evening,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Welles, 
and  spent  an  hour  with  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  at 
the  Soldiers'  Home. 

The  papers  contain  a  letter  from  Governor  Letcher  stat- 
ing that  General  Hunter  gave  the  order  for  burning  his 
(L.'s)  house.  I  shall  wish  to  hear  from  H.  before  believing 
that  he  could  give  such  an  order,  and  yet  I  confess  I  am  not 
without  apprehensions,  for  Hunter  is  not  always  possessed 
of  so  much  prudence  as  one  should  have  who  holds  so  re- 
sponsible a  position.  The  burning  of  the  Institute  at  the 
same  place  and  time  was  not  creditable  to  the  army,  and  if 
there  is  any  justification  or  ameliorating  circumstances, 
they  should  be  made  to  appear.  The  crude  and  indefensi- 
ble notions  of  some  of  our  people,  however,  are  not  general. 
Indiscriminate  warfare  on  all  in  the  insurrectionary  region 
is  not  general,  and  few  would  destroy  private  property 
wantonly. 

The  New  York  papers  are  engaged  in  a  covert  and  sys- 
tematic attack  on  the  Navy  Department,  —  covert  so  far 
as  the  Republican  or  Administration  press  is  concerned. 
Greeley  of  the  Tribune  is  secretly  hostile  to  the  President 
and  assails  him  indirectly  in  this  way;  so  of  the  Evening 
Post,  a  paper  hitherto  friendly  but  whose  publisher  is  under 
bail  for  embezzlement  and  fraud  which  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment would  not  conceal.  The  Times  is  a  profligate  Seward 
and  Weed  organ,  wholly  unreliable  and  in  these  matters 
regardless  of  truth  or  principle.  It  supports  the  President 
because  it  is  the  present  policy  of  Seward.  The  principal 
editor,  Raymond,  is  an  unscrupulous  soldier  of  fortune,  yet 


88  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  26 

recently  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Executive  Committee.  He  and  some  of  his  colleague's  are 
not  to  be  trusted,  yet  these  political  vagabonds  are  the 
managers  of  the  party  organization.  His  paper,  as  well  as 
others,  are  in  a  combination  with  Norman  Wiard  and  pre- 
tenders like  him  against  the  monitors.  Let  the  poor  devils 
work  at  that  question.  The  people  will  not  be  duped  or 
misled  to  any  great  extent  by  them. 

There  are  demonstrations  for  a  new  raid  into  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania.  I  told  the  President  I  trusted  there 
would  be  some  energy  and  decision  in  getting  behind  them, 
cutting  them  off,  and  not  permitting  them  to  go  back,  in- 
stead of  a  scare  and  getting  forces  to  drive  them  back  with 
their  plunder.  He  said  those  were  precisely  his  views  and 
he  had  just  been  to  see  and  say  as  much  to  Halleck.  I  in- 
quired how  H.  responded  to  the  suggestion.  The  President 
said  he  was  considering  it,  and  was  now  wanting  to  ascer- 
tain where  they  had  crossed  the  Potomac  and  the  direction 
they  had  taken. 

I  apprehend  it  is  not  a  large  force,  but  a  cavalry  raid, 
which  will  move  rapidly  and  create  alarm.  Likely  they  will 
go  into  the  Cumberland  Valley  and  then  west,  for  they  will 
scarcely  take  the  old  route  to  return.  But  these  are  crude 
speculations  of  mine.  I  get  nothing  from  Halleck,  and  I 
doubt  if  he  has  any  plan,  purpose,  or  suggestion.  Before  he 
will  come  to  a  conclusion  the  raiders  will  have  passed  be- 
yond his  reach. 


XXII 

The  Fiasco  at  Petersburg  —  Welles's  Lack  of  Confidence  in  Grant  —  At- 
torney-General Bates's  Opinion  of  the  Cabinet  and  of  General  Halleck 

—  Assault  of  Wade  and  Winter  Davis  upon  the  President  for  omitting 
to  sign  a  Reconstruction  Bill  —  Sheridan  supersedes  Hunter  on  the 
Upper  Potomac  —  Party  Assessments  in  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  — 
Publication  of  the  Niagara  Peace  Proceedings  —  Farragut  passes  Forts 
Morgan  and  Gaines  —  Count  Gurowski  and  his  Published   Diary  — 
The  New  York  Press  —  Depredations  by  the  Tallahassee  —  Outburst 
of  Seward  in  the  Cabinet  —  Unsuccessful  Peace  Proposals  at  Richmond 

—  The  President's  Opinion  of  Greeley  —  How  Farragut  was  discovered 

—  Du  Font's  Intriguing  —  The  Character  of  Chase  —  Politics  in  the 
Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  —  Pressure  from  Massachusetts  in  Behalf  of  the 
Smith  Brothers  —  Proposed  Movement  against  Wilmington,  N.  C.  — 
The  Navy  benefited  by  the  Army  Draft  —  McClellan  nominated  for 
President  by  the  Democratic  Convention. 

August  1,  Monday.  We  yesterday  had  word  that  our 
forces  had  mined  and  blown  up  a  fortification  in  front  of 
Petersburg.  All  sorts  of  stories  were  current,  some  of  them 
absurdly  wild  and  ridiculous.  Petersburg  was  said  to  be 
in  flames.  Our  army  were  reported  to  have  undermined  a 
large  portion  of  the  city.  Men  of  sense  gave  credit  to  the 
absurdity.  I  went  over  to  the  War  Department,  and  Stan- 
ton  showed  me  a  telegram  from  Grant,  stating  the  mine 
had  been  sprung,  but  the  result  is  inconclusive,  and  evid- 
ently, I  think,  a  disappointment.  Stanton  seemed  uncer- 
tain and  confused. 

Exciting  and  silly  stories  prevailed  about  the  raid  into 
Pennsylvania.  Street  rumors  put  the  Rebels  at  40,000, 
and  the  press  states  that  number,  but  reports  are  contra- 
dictory. Am  still  of  the  opinion  that  the  force  is  small  and 
the  scare  great.  Governor  Curtin  and  all  Harrisburg  are 
doubtless  in  a  ferment.  Was  told  the  bells  in  Harrisburg 
were  all  ringing  an  alarm.  I  asked  if  it  included  the  dinner- 
bell  of  Governor  Curtin,  for  he  would  be  frantic  to  stir  up 
the  ueoDle.  and  never  disbelieved  the  largest  fib  that  was 


90  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  i 

Had  a  letter  from  Tom  this  A.M.,  dated  at  Headquarters 
of  the  18th  Army  Corps,  at  midnight  of  the  29th,  stating 
an  assault  was  to  be  made  in  the  morning.  Could  not  give 
details.  There  would  be  a  sharp  conflict,  and  he  would  do 
his  duty.  Bidding  good-bye  and  sending  love  to  all.  This 
evening  we  hear  from  him  after  the  fight,  that  he  was  well 
but  tired  and  exhausted. 

The  President  went  yesterday  to  Fortress  Monroe  to 
meet  General  Grant,  by  prior  arrangement,  which  made 
me  distrust  final  operations  at  Petersburg,  for  if  such  were 
the  fact,  he  could  not  well  be  absent.  The  President  tells 
me  the  movement  was  well  planned  and  well  executed  up 
to  the  closing  struggle,  when  our  men  failed  to  do  their 
duty.  There  must,  I  apprehend,  have  been  fault  in  the 
officers  also,  —  not  Grant,  who  originates  nothing,  is  dull 
and  heavy,  but  persistent. 

August  2,  Tuesday.  Judge  Thomas  and  Mr.  Train,  coun- 
sel for  Smith  Brothers  of  Boston,  had  an  interview  of  nearly 
two  hours  with  me  on  Saturday,  wishing  the  trial  postponed, 
a  different  court,  and  that  the  trial  should  take  place  in 
Boston.  They  called  and  were  with  me  half  an  hour  yes- 
terday. Finally  arranged  that  the  trial  should  be  post- 
poned four  weeks,  until  Tuesday  the  30th,  although  their 
friends  had  urged  a  speedy  trial,  but  declined  other 
changes.  Two  hours  later  the  President  sent  for  me  and 
also  for  Mr.  Fox.  On  going  to  the  Executive  Mansion,  I 
found  Messrs.  Thomas  and  Train  with  the  President, 
where  they  had  gone  over  the  whole  subject  that  they  had 
previously  discussed  with  me.  The  President  heard  them 
kindly  and  then  said  he  could  not  act  without  consulting 
me.  I  remarked  that  I  had  given  the  subject  a  hearing  and 
examination,  and  supposed  it  was  disposed  of.  The  Pre- 
sident said  he  could  not  interfere,  but  should  be  glad  if  it 
could  be  arranged  so  as  to  give  them  time  and  also  a  trial 
at  Boston. 

I  wrote  a  letter  to  Pickering,  Winsiow  &  Co.,  who,  with 


1864]         THE   FIASCO   AT  PETERSBURG  91 

certain  Bostonians,  wish  to  do  something  to  assist  the 
blockade.  They  hardly  know  what  or  how. 

At  the  Cabinet,  Messrs.  Blair,  Bates,  and  myself  were 
present.  Fessenden  and  Usher  are  absent.  Seward  and 
Stanton  had  been  there  in  advance.  There  is  design  in  all 
this.  Went  over  proceedings  of  the  armies  at  Atlanta  and 
Petersburg.  Stanton  dislikes  to  meet  Blair  in  council, 
knowing  that  B.  dislikes  and  distrusts  him.  Seward  and 
Stanton  move  together  in  all  matters,  yet  Seward  fears  a 
quarrel  with  Blair,  and  he  tries  to  keep  in  with  him  and  at 
the  same  time  preserve  his  intimacy  with  Stanton.  Both 
mouse  about  the  President,  who,  in  his  intense  interest  and 
inquisitiveness,  spends  much  of  his  time  at  the  War  De- 
partment, watching  the  telegraph.  Of  course, opportunities 
like  these  are  not  lost  by  Stanton,  and,  General  lialleck 
being  placed  here  indorsed  by  General  Scott  as  the  mil- 
itary adviser  of  the  President,  he  has  equal  or  greater  ad- 
vantages to  play  the  sycophant,  and  does  so. 

The  explosion  and  assault  at  Petersburg  on  Saturday 
last  appears  to  have  been  badly  managed.  The  results  were 
bad  and  the  effect  has  been  disheartening  in  the  extreme. 
There  must  have  been  some  defect  or  weakness  on  the 
part  of  some  one  or  more.  I  have  been  waiting  to  get  the 
facts,  but  do  not  yet  get  them  to  my  satisfaction.  It  is 
stated  in  some  of  the  letters  written  that  lots  were  cast  as 
to  which  corps  and  which  officers  should  lead  in  the  assault. 
I  fear  there  may  be  truth  in  the  report,  but  if  so,  and  Grant 
was  in  it  or  cognizant  of  it,  my  confidence  in  him  —  never 
very  great  —  would  be  impaired.  I  should  not  be  sur- 
prised to  learn  that  Meade  committed  such  an  act,  for  I  do 
not  consider  him  adequate  to  his  high  position,  and  yet  I 
may  do  him  injustice.  My  personal  acquaintance  with  him 
is  slight,  but  he  has  in  no  way  impressed  me  as  a  man  of 
breadth  and  strength  or  capabilities,  and  instead  of  select- 
ing and  designating  the  officer  for  such  a  duty,  it  would  be 
hi  accordance  with  my  conceptions  of  him  to  say,  Let  any 
one,  Cast  lots,  etc.,  but  I  shall  be  reluctant  to  believe  this 


92  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  2 

of  Grant,  who  is  reticent  and,  I  fear,  less  able  than  he  is 
credited.  He  may  have  given  the  matter  over  to  Meade, 
who  has  done  this.  Admiral  Porter  has  always  said  there 
was  something  wanting  in  Grant,  which  Sherman  could 
always  supply,  and  vice  versa,  as  regards  Sherman,  but  that 
the  two  together  made  a  very  perfect  general  officer  and 
they  ought  never  to  be  separated.  If  Grant  is  confiding  in 
Meade,  —  relying  on  him,  as  he  did  on  Sherman,  —  Grant 
will  make  a  failure,  I  fear,  for  Meade  is  not  Sherman,  nor 
the  equal  of  Sherman.  Grant  relies  on  others,  but  does  not 
know  men,  —  can't  discriminate.  I  feel  quite  unhappy 
over  this  Petersburg  matter,  —  less,  however,  from  the 
result,  bad  as  it  is,  than  from  an  awakening  apprehension 
that  Grant  is  not  equal  to  the  position  assigned  him.  God 
grant  that  I  may  be  mistaken,  for  the  slaughtered  thou- 
sands of  my  countrymen  who  have  poured  out  their  rich 
blood  for  three  months  on  the  soil  of  Virginia  from  the 
Wilderness  to  Petersburg  under  his  generalship  can  never 
be  atoned  in  this  world  or  the  next  if  he  without  Sherman 
prove  a  failure.  A  blight  and  sadness  comes  over  me  like  a 
dark  shadow  when  I  dwell  on  the  subject,  a  melancholy 
feeling  of  the  past,  a  foreboding  of  the  future.  A  nation's 
destiny  almost  has  been  committed  to  this  man,  and  if  it  is 
an  improper  committal,  where  are  we  ? 

The  consequence  of  the  Petersburg  failure,  and  the  late 
successful  raid  of  the  Rebels,  will  embolden  them  to  our 
injury.  They  will  take  courage,  keep  fewer  troops  to  man 
their  batteries  at  Richmond,  and  send  more  to  harass  our 
frontiers,  perhaps  to  strengthen  Hood  in  opposing  Thomas 
and  Sherman. 

In  the  mean  time,  where  is  Halleck  and  what  is  he  doing? 
I  hear  nothing  of  him,  do  not  see  him.  The  President  goes 
to  advise  with  him,  but  I  do  not  think  he  is  ever  wiser  or 
better  for  these  interviews. 

Seward  and  Stanton  make  themselves  the  special  confid- 
ants of  the  President,  and  they  also  consult  with  Halleck, 
so  that  the  country  is  in  a  great  degree  in  the  hands  of  this 


1864]  BATES   ON  THE   CABINET  93 

triumvirate,  who,  while  they  have  little  confidence  in  each 
other,  can  yet  combine  to  control  or  influence  the  President, 
who  is  honest. 

Attorney-General  Bates,  who  spent  last  evening  with 
me,  opened  his  heart  freely  as  regards  the  Cabinet.  Of 
Blair  he  thought  pretty  well,  but  said  he  felt  no  intimacy 
with,  or  really  friendly  feelings  for,  any  one  but  me;  that  I 
had  his  confidence  and  respect,  and  had  from  our  first 
meeting.  Mr.  Seward  had  been  constantly  sinking  in  his 
estimation;  that  he  had  much  cunning  but  little  wisdom, 
was  no  lawyer  and  no  statesman.  Chase,  he  assures  me,  is 
not  well  versed  in  law  principles  even,  —  is  not  sound  nor 
of  good  judgment.  General  Halleck  he  had  deliberately 
charged  with  intentional  falsehood  and  put  it  in  writing, 
that  there  should  be  no  mistake  or  claim  to  have  misappre- 
hended him.  He  regretted  that  the  President  should  have 
such  a  fellow  near  him. 

August  4,  Thursday.  This  day  is  set  apart  for  fasting, 
humiliation,  and  prayer.  There  is  much  wretchedness  and 
great  humiliation  in  the  land,  and  need  of  earnest  prayer. 

General  Hooker  has  arrived  from  Atlanta,  having  left  in 
a  pet  because  General  Howard  was  given  McPherson's 
position.  He  is  vain,  has  some  good  and  fighting  qualities 
and  thinks  highly  and  too  much  of  himself.  t 

August  5,  Friday.  Only  four  of  us  with  the  President  to- 
day. Mr.  Fessenden  has  gone  to  Maine.  Seward  and  Stan- 
ton  were  absent  when  the  rest  were  there. 

I  was  with  the  President  on  Wednesday  when  Governor 
Morgan  was  there,  and  the  President  produced  the  corre- 
spondence that  had  passed  between  himself  and  Chase  at 
the  time  C.  resigned.  It  was  throughout  characteristic.  I 
do  not  think  the  event  was  wholly  unexpected  to  either, 
and  yet  both  were  a  little  surprised.  The  President  fully 
understands  Chase  and  had  made  up  his  mind  that  he 
would  not  be  again  overridden  in  his  own  appointments. 


94  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  5 

Chase,  a  good  deal  ambitious  and  somewhat  presuming, 
felt  he  must  enforce  his  determinations,  which  he  had  al- 
ways successfully  carried  out.  In  coming  to  the  conclusion 
that  a  separation  must  take  place,  the  President  was 
prompted  by  some,  and  sustained  by  all,  his  Cabinet  with- 
out an  exception.  Chase's  retirement  has  offended  no- 
body, and  has  gratified  almost  everybody. 

I  told  Blair  as  we  left  the  Executive  Mansion  to-day  that 
I  felt  depressed  in  consequence  of  the  result  at  Petersburg, 
beyond  what  I  ought  from  the  fight  itself,  in  consequence 
of  impaired  confidence  in  Grant.  He  tried  to  encourage  me 
and  partially  succeeded.  I  do  not  distrust  or  depreciate 
General  G. ;  but,  if  he  has  ability,  I  think  he  needs  a  better 
second  in  command,  a  more  competent  executive  officer 
than  General  Meade,  and  he  should  have  known  that  fact 
earlier.  The  knowledge  of  the  worth  of  our  generals  is  often 
purchased  at  too  great  a  cost  of  blood  and  treasure.  It  is 
dear  tuition. 

August  6,  Saturday.  I  had  a  telegram  from  Tom  this 
morning,  stating  that  Colonel  Stedman  was  mortally 
wounded  and  would  probably  not  survive  the  night,  that 
General  Ord  desired  his  promotion  without  delay,  that  it 
might  be  received  before  his  death,  and  wishing  me  to  call 
at  once  on  the  President.  I  did  so,  who  responded  readily 
to  the  recommendation,  and  I  then,  at  his  request,  saw 
Secretary  Stanton,  who  met  me  in  the  right  spirit. 

While  at  the  President's  Blair  came  in,  and  the  President 
informed  us  he  had  a  telegram  from  Greeley,  desiring  the 
publication  of  the  whole  peace  correspondence.  Both  Blair 
and  myself  advised  it,  but  the  President  said  he  had  tele- 
graphed Greeley  to  come  on,  for  he  desired  him  to  erase 
some  of  the  lamentations  in  his  longest  letter.  I  told  him 
while  I  regretted  it  was  there,  the  whole  had  better  be  pub- 
lished. Blair  said  it  would  have  to  come  to  that  ultimately. 
But  the  President  thought  it  better  that  that,  nart  should 


1864]    AN  ASSAULT   ON   THE   PRESIDENT       95 

I  remarked  that  I  had  seen  the  Wade  and  Winter 
Davis  protest.  He  said,  Well,  let  them  wriggle,  but  it  was 
strange  that  Greeley,  whom  they  made  their  organ  in  pub- 
lishing the  protest,  approved  his  course  and  therein  dif- 
fered from  the  protestants.  The  protest  is  violent  and 
abusive  of  the  President,  who  is  denounced  with  malignity 
for  what  I  deem  the  prudent  and  wise  omission  to  sign  a 
law  prescribing  how  and  in  what  way  the  Union  shall  be 
reconstructed.  There  are  many  offensive  features  in  the 
law,  which  is,  in  itself,  a  usurpation  and  abuse  of  authority. 
How  or  in  what  way  or  ways  the  several  States  are  to  put 
themselves  right  —  retrieve  their  position  —  is  in  the  fu- 
ture and  cannot  well  be  specified.  There  must  be  latitude 
given,  and  not  a  stiff  and  too  stringent  policy  pursued  in 
this  respect  by  either  the  Executive  or  Congress.  We  have 
a  Constitution,  and  there  is  still  something  in  popular  gov- 
ernment. 

In  getting  up  this  law  it  was  as  much  an  object  of  Mr. 
Winter  Davis  and  some  others  to  pull  down  the  Adminis- 
tration as  to  reconstruct  the  Union.  I  think  they  had  the 
former  more  directly  in  view  than  the  latter.  Davis's  con- 
duct is  not  surprising,  but  I  should  not  have  expected  that 
Wade,  who  has  a  good  deal  of  patriotic  feeling,  common 
sense,  and  a  strong,  though  coarse  and  vulgar,  mind,  would 
have  lent  himself  to  such  a  despicable  assault  on  the  Pre- 
sident. 

There  is,  however,  an  infinity  of  party  and  personal  in- 
trigue just  at  this  time.  A  Presidential  election  is  approach- 
ing, and  there  are  many  aspirants,  not  only  for  Presidential 
but  other  honors  or  positions.  H.  Winter  Davis  has  a  good 
deal  of  talent  but  is  rash  and  uncertain.  There  is  scarcely 
a  more  ambitious  man,  and  no  one  that  cannot  be  more 
safely  trusted.  He  is  impulsive  and  mad  and  has  been  acute 
and  contriving  in  this  whole  measure  and  has  drawn  Wade, 
who  is  ardent,  and  others  into  it.  Sumner,  I  perceived,  was 
bitten  before  he  left  Washington.  Whether  he  has  improved 
I  am  not  informed.  Sumner  is  not  a  constitutionalist,  but 


96  DIARY  OF  "GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  6 

more  of  a  centralist  than  the  generality  of  our  people,  and 
would  be  likely  to  sanction  what  seem  to  me  some  of  the 
more  offensive  features  of  this  bill.  Consolidating  makes  it 
more  a  government  of  the  people  than  of  the  States. 

The  assaults  of  these  men  on  the  Administration  may 
break  it  down.  They  are,  in  their  earnest  zeal  on  the  part 
of  some,  and  ambition  and  malignity  on  the  part  of  others, 
doing  an  injury  that  they  cannot  repair.  I  do  not  think 
Winter  Davis  is  troubled  in  that  respect,  or  like  to  be,  but 
I  cannot  believe  otherwise  of  Wade  and  others;  yet  the 
conduct  of  Wade  for  some  time  past,  commencing  with  the 
organization  of  the  present  Congress  in  December  last,  has, 
after  the  amnesty  proclamation  and  conciliatory  policy  of 
reconstruction,  been  in  some  respects  strange  and  difficult 
to  be  accounted  for,  except  as  an  aspiring  factionist.  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  he  has  been  bitten  with  the  Pre- 
sidential fever,  is  disappointed,  and,  in  his  disappointment, 
with  a  vague,  indefinite  hope  that  he  may  be  successful, 
prompted  and  stimulated  not  only  by  Davis  but  Colfax, 
he  has  been  flattered  to  do  a  foolish  act. 

August  8,  Monday.  Going  into  the  War  Department 
yesterday  morning  to  inquire  if  any  tidings  had  been  re- 
ceived concerning  Colonel  Stedman  of  the  llth  Connecti- 
cut Infantry,  who  was  wounded,  probably  mortally,  on 
Friday,  I  found  the  President  with  General  Grant,  Stan- 
ton,  and  General  Halleck  in  the  Secretary's  room.  I  pro- 
posed leaving  on  making  the  single  inquiry,  provided  they 
were  in  secret  council,  but  the  President  and  General  Grant 
declared  they  were  not,  for  me.  Learning  that  poor  Sted- 
man was  dead,  and  that  some  little  intelligence  had  been 
received  from  Mobile,  I  soon  left,  for  there  was,  it  appeared 
to  me,  a  little  stiffness  as  if  I  had  interrupted  proceedings. 
General  Grant  has  been  to  Frederick  and  placed  Sheridan 
in  command  of  the  forces  on  the  upper  Potomac  instead  of 
Hunter,  which  is  a  good  change,  for  H.,  though  violently 
earnest,  is  not  exactly  the  man  for  that  command.  I  think 


1864]        POLITICS   IN  THE   NAVY  YARD  97 

him  honest  and  patriotic,  which  are  virtues  in  these  days, 
but  he  has  not  that  discretion  and  forbearance  sufficient  to 
comprehend  rightly  the  position  that  was  given  him. 

Mr.  Seward  sent  me  to-day  some  strange  documents 
from  Raymond,  Chairman  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee. I  met  R.  some  days  since  at  the  President's,  with 
whom  he  was  closeted.  At  first  I  did  not  recognize  Ray- 
mond, who  was  sitting  near  the  President  conversing  in  a 
low  tone  of  voice.  Indeed,  I  did  not  look  at  him,  supposing 
he  was  some  ordinary  visitor,  until  the  President  re- 
marked, "Here  he  is;  it  is  as  good  a  time  as  any  to  bring  up 
the  question."  I  was  sitting  on  the  sofa  but  then  went  for- 
ward and  saw  it  was  Raymond.  He  said  there  were  com- 
plaints in  relation  to  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard;  that  we 
were  having,  and  to  have,  a  hard  political  battle  the  ap- 
proaching fall,  and  that  the  fate  of  two  districts  and  that  of 
King's  County  also  depended  upon  the  Navy  Yard.  It  was, 
he  said,  the  desire  of  our  friends  that  the  masters  in  the 
yard  should  have  the  exclusive  selection  and  dismissal  of 
hands,  instead  of  having  them  subject  to  revision  by  the 
Commandant  of  the  yard.  The  Commandant  himself  they 
wished  to  have  removed.  I  told  him  such  changes  could  not 
well  be  made  and  ought  not  to  be  made.  The  present  or- 
ganization of  the  yard  was  in  a  right  way,  and  if  there  were 
any  abuses  I  would  have  them  corrected. 

He  then  told  me  that  in  attempting  to  collect  a  party 
assessment  at  the  yard,  the  Naval  Constructor  had  ob- 
jected, and  on  appealing  to  the  Commandant,  he  had  ex- 
pressly forbidden  the  collection.  This  had  given  great 
dissatisfaction  to  our  party  friends,  for  these  assessments 
had  always  been  made  and  collected  under  preceding 
administrations.  I  told  him  I  doubted  if  it  had  been  done, 
—  certainly  not  in  such  an  offensive  and  public  manner; 
that  I  thought  it  very  wrong  for  a  party  committee  to  go 
into  the  yard  on  pay-day  and  levy  a  tax  on  each  man  as  he 
received  his  wages  for  party  purposes;  that  I  was  aware 
parties  did  strange  things  in  New  York,  but  there  was  no 

2 


98  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [AUG.  8 

law  or  justice  in  it,  and  the  proceeding  was,  in  my  view, 
inexcusable  and  indefensible;  that  I  could  make  no  record 
enforcing  such  assessment;  that  the  matter  could  not  stand 
investigation.  He  admitted  that  the  course  pursued  was  not 
a  politic  one,  but  he  repeated  former  administrations  had 
practiced  it.  I  questioned  it  still,  and  insisted  that  it  was 
not  right  in  itself.  He  said  it  doubtless  might  be  done  in  a 
more  quiet  manner.  I  told  him  if  obnoxious  men,  open  and 
offensive  opponents  of  the  Administration,  were  there, 
they  could  be  dismissed.  If  the  Commandant  interposed  to 
sustain  such  men,  as  he  suggested  might  be  the  case,  there 
was  an  appeal  to  the  Department ;  whatever  was  reasonable 
and  right  I  was  disposed  to  do.  We  parted,  and  I  expected 
to  see  him  again,  but,  instead  of  calling  himself,  he  has 
written  Mr.  Seward,  who  sent  his  son  with  the  papers  to 
me.  In  these  papers  a  party  committee  propose  to  take 
the  organization  of  the  navy  yard  into  their  keeping,  to 
name  the  Commandant,  to  remove  the  Naval  Constructor, 
to  change  the  regulations,  and  make  the  yard  a  party  ma- 
chine for  the  benefit  of  party,  and  to  employ  men  to  elect 
candidates  instead  of  building  ships.  I  am  amazed  that 
Raymond  could  debase  himself  so  far  as  to  submit  such  a 
proposition,  and  more  that  he  expects  me  to  enforce  it. 

The  President,  in  a  conversation  with  Blair  and  myself 
on  the  Wade  and  Davis  protest,  remarked  that  he  had  not, 
and  probably  should  not  read  it.  From  what  was  said  of  it 
he  had  no  desire  to,  could  himself  take  no  part  in  such  a 
controversy  as  they  seemed  to  wish  to  provoke.  Perhaps 
he  is  right,  provided  he  has  some  judicious  friend  to  state 
to  him  what  there  is  really  substantial  in  the  protest  en- 
titled to  consideration  without  the  vituperative  asperity. 

The  whole  subject  of  what  is  called  reconstruction  is 
beset  with  difficulty,  and  while  the  executive  has  indicated 
one  course  and  Congress  another,  a  better  and  different 
one  than  either  may  be  ultimately  pursued.  I  think  the 
President  would  have  done  well  to  advise  with  his  whole 
Cabinet  in  the  measures  he  has  adopted,  not  only  as  to 


1864]  THE  NIAGARA   PEACE  PROCEEDINGS    99 

reconstruction  or  reestablishing  the  Union,  but  as  to  this 
particular  bill  and  the  proclamation  he  has  issued  in  re- 
gard to  it. 

When  the  Rebellion  shall  have  been  effectually  sup- 
pressed, the  Union  government  will  be  itself  again,  —  re- 
union will  speedily  follow  in  the  natural  course  of  events, 
—  but  there  are  those  who  do  not  wish  or  intend  reunion 
on  the  principle  of  political  equality  of  the  States.  Unless 
they  can  furnish  the  mode  and  terms,  and  for  fear  they 
may  not  be  successful,  various  schemes  are  projected. 

The  issuing  of  the  proclamation  with  reasons  for  not 
signing  the  bill,  and  yet  expressing  his  acquiescence  in  the 
policy  if  any  of  the  States  adopt  it,  is  denounced  as  anom- 
alous; so  is  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  so  will  be  re- 
union, whenever  and  however  it  may  take  place.  I  have 
never  asked  who  was  the  adviser  and  counsellor  of  the 
President  in  issuing  the  proclamation.  It  is  sufficient  that  I 
was  not.  There  is  one  who  was,  and  how  many  more  is  not 
material.  There  may  have  been  one,  possibly  two,  but  the 
project  is  wholly  the  President's. 

August  9,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet  to-day  there  was  no 
special  business.  Seward  and  Stanton  were  not  present. 
Mr.  Fessenden  is  absent  in  Maine.  Governor  Hahn  of 
Louisiana  was  present  a  short  time. 

Alluding  to  the  Niagara  peace  proceedings,  the  President 
expressed  a  willingness  that  all  should  be  published. 
Greeley  had  asked  it,  and  when  I  went  into  the  President's 
room  Defrees1  was  reading  the  proof  of  the  correspondence. 
I  have  advised  its  entire  publication  from  the  first  moment 
I  had  knowledge  of  it.  Whether  it  was  wise  or  expedient 
for  the  President  to  have  assented  to  Greeley's  appeal,  or 
given  his  assent  to  any  such  irregular  proceedings,  is  an- 
other thing,  not  necessary  to  discuss.  Mr.  Seward  was  con- 
sulted in  this  matter,  and  no  other  one  was  called  in  that  I 
am  aware.  Mr.  Fessenden  says  he  happened,  accidentally 

1  John  D.  Defrees,  the  government  printer. 


100  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  9 

and  uninvited,  to  come  in  and  was  knowing  to  it.  No  other 
member  of  the  Cabinet  was  consulted,  or  advised  with, 
until  after  the  meeting  took  place  at  Niagara. 

Fox  left  this  P.M.  for  his  annual  vacation  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. Faxon  returned  last  Wednesday.  The  absence  of 
either  of  them  makes  my  duties  more  arduous. 

General  Averill  is  reported  to  have  thrashed  the  raiders 
on  the  upper  Potomac. 

News  of  Farragut's  having  passed  Forts  Morgan  and 
Gaines  was  received  last  night,  and  sent  a  thrill  of  joy 
through  all  true  hearts.  It  is  not,  however,  appreciated  as 
it  should  be  by  the  military.  The  President,  I  was  sorry, 
spoke  of  it  as  important  because  it  would  tend  to  relieve 
Sherman.  This  is  the  narrow  view  of  General  Halleck, 
whom  I  tried  to  induce  to  make  a  joint  demonstration 
against  Mobile  one  year  ago.  He  has  done  nothing  new 
and  only  speaks  of  the  naval  achievement  as  a  step  for 
the  army.  While  I  regard  the  acts  and  opinions  of  Hal- 
leck as  of  little  worth,  I  regret  that  from  constant 
daily  intercourse  he  should  be  able  to  imbue  the  Presid- 
ent at  times  with  false  and  erroneous  notions.  Halleck 
never  awarded  honest  credit  to  the  Navy;  the  President 
neve'r  knowingly  deprived  them  of  any  merit.  Yet  I  have 
mentioned  the  result. 

Passing  from  the  Executive  Mansion  to  the  Navy  De- 
partment, I  met  the  Count  Gurowski,  a  Polish  exile  and  a 
very  singular  man  of  most  unhappy  manners  and  temper. 
He  has  made  himself  obnoxious  to  almost  everybody  by 
constant  and  everlasting  faultfinding  and  denunciation  of 
almost  everybody.  Yet  he  has  a  strong  but  fragmentary 
mind  with  quite  a  retentive  memory.  Violent,  self-opin- 
ionated, acrimonious,  dissatisfied,  he  nevertheless  has  had 
great  experience  and  often  expresses  opinions  on  questions 
that  have  passed  and  been  disposed  of  that  are  sound  and 
striking.  They  are,  however,  rather  reminiscences  of  the 
opinions  of  others,  reflections  of  their  views,  than  original 
thoughts  on  his  part.  At  least,  such  have  been  my  con- 


1864]   COUNT   GUROWSKI  AND  HIS  DIARY    101 

elusions  of  him.  So  far  as  I  can  judge,  he  has  no  proper  dis- 
criminating powers,  no  just  perceptions  of  character,  is  a 
creature  of  'violent  impulses  and  hatreds.  Easily  flattered, 
and  as  easily  offended.  A  rough,  uncouth  bear,  with  no 
nice  sense  of  honor,  and  when  his  prejudices  are  enlisted, 
has  not  a  very  great  regard  for  truth,  I  fear. 

He  has  just  put  out  two  volumes  of  a  diary,  in  horrid 
style  and  bad  English,  commenting  with  great  freedom 
on  men  and  things,  abusing  in  clumsy  language  almost  all 
public  characters.  It  so  happens  that  I  am  one  of  the  few 
that  have  escaped  his  assaults,  without  ever  having  courted 
favor,  or,  it  seems,  offended  him.  But  shortly  after  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  last  volume,  a  party  was  given  by  me  to 
the  Cabinet  and  to  Congress.  All  my  associates  except 
Stanton  he  had  coarsely  abused  and  very  many  of  the  mem- 
bers. I  did  not  think  proper  to  invite  the  Count  to  meet 
these  men,  and  he  has  exhibited  unmistakable  rage  and 
disgust  at  the  supposed  slight.  Of  course,  no  cause  of  of- 
fense having  been  given,  there  is  no  way  of  appeasing 
this  Polish  bear.  I  have,  therefore,  not  attempted  it  nor 
noticed  his  indignation.  Meeting  him  to-day,  as  I  have 
stated,  he  saw  and  recognized  me,  seemed  to  be  embar- 
rassed and  to  hesitate,  then  dropped  his  head  and,  turning 
off  when  within  about  fifty  feet,  he  went  far  around,  with 
his  head  bent  over,  shame  and  passion  in  his  countenance. 
Poor  Gurowski! 

August  10,  Wednesday.  The  tidings  this  evening  from 
Mobile,  derived  from  the  Rebels,  are  satisfactory.  It  is 
stated  that  the  Tecumseh  was  sunk  by  Fort  Morgan's 
guns.  I  discredit  this.  She  may  have  grounded  or  she  may 
have  encountered  a  torpedo;  but  most  likely  it  was  one  of 
the  river  boats,  though  they,  being  of  light  draft,  would 
be  less  likely  to  keep  the  channel  and  encounter  the  obstruc- 
tions and  torpedoes.  If  the  guns  of  Fort  Morgan  sunk  an 
ironclad,  it  was  doubtless  one  of  the  river  monitors. 


102  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  10 

August  11,  Thursday.  The  papers  speak  of  a  violent 
altercation  between  Blair  and  Stanton  on  Tuesday  in 
Cabinet.  It  so  happened  that  Stanton  was  not  present  with 
Blair.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  two  have  interchanged 
words  for  weeks.  There  never  was  cordiality  between 
them.  It  is  also  stated  that  three  or  four  members  of  the 
Cabinet  have  resigned.  Stanton,  it  is  said  with  some  earn- 
estness, and  reasserted,  has  tendered  his  resignation. 
There  is  no  truth  in  any  of  these  rumors,  —  not  a  shadow 
to  build  upon.  If  Stanton  ever,  at  any  time  or  under  any 
circumstances,  has  spoken  in  whisper  to  the  President  of 
resigning,  he  did  not  mean  it,  for  he  would  be,  I  think,  one 
of  the  very  last  to  quit,  and  never  except  on  compulsion.  I 
have  little  doubt  that  Blair  would  leave  to-morrow,  pro- 
vided he  could  carry  Stanton  out  with  him  and  he  could 
be  got  out  in  no  other  way. 

August  12,  Friday.  This  has  been  one  of  the  warmest 
and  most  uncomfortable  days  of  the  season.  For  several 
days  the  weather  has  been  extremely  warm.  A  telegram 
from  New  York  to-day  said  that  ice  could  not  be  procured 
so  rapidly  as  was  wanted  for  the  steamer  to  proceed  to  the 
squadron  at  Mobile  to  relieve  the  wounded  and  sick.  I 
directed  them  to  seize  if  necessary.  Delay  is  not  admissible 
at  such  a  time. 

Have  news  this  evening  that  a  new  pirate  craft,  the 
Tallahassee,  has  appeared  off  New  York,  burning  vessels. 
Steamers  ordered  off  in  pursuit. 

Stanton  not  at  the  Cabinet.  Had  undoubtedly  seen  the 
President  and  Seward  in  advance,  done  his  errand,  and  got 
away  before  Blair  arrived.  Fessenden  has  not  yet  returned. 

August  13,  Saturday.  Had  some  talk  with  Senator  Lot 
Morrill,  who  is  a  good  deal  excited,  not  to  say  alarmed. 
The  slow  progress  of  our  armies,  the  mismanagement  of 
military  affairs  exemplified  in  the  recent  raids,  the  factious 
and  discontented  spirit  manifested  by  Wade,  Winter 


1864]  THE  NEW  YORK  PRESS  103 

Davis,  and  others,  have  generated  a  feeling  of  despondency 
in  which  he  participates.  Others  express  to  me  similar 
feelings. 

There  is  no  doubt  a  wide  discouragement  prevails, 
from  the  causes  adverted  to,  and  others  which  have  con- 
tributed. A  want  of  homogeneity  exists  among  the  old 
Whigs,  who  are  distrustful  and  complaining.  It  is  much 
more  natural  for  them  to  denounce  than  to  approve,  —  to 
pull  down  than  to  build  up.  Their  leaders  and  their  follow- 
ers, to  a  considerable  extent,  have  little  confidence  in 
themselves  or  their  cause,  and  hence  it  is  a  ceaseless  labor 
with  them  to  assail  the  Administration  of  which  they  are 
professed  supporters. 

The  worst  specimens  of  these  wretched  politicians  are  in 
New  York  City  and  State,  though  they  are  to  be  found 
everywhere.  There  is  not  an  honest,  fair-dealing  Adminis- 
tration journal  in  New  York  City.  A  majority  of  them 
profess  to  be  Administration,  and  yet  it  is  without  sin- 
cerity. The  New  York  Herald  with  a  deservedly  bad  name, 
gives  tone  and  direction  to  the  New  York  press,  particu- 
larly those  of  Whig  antecedents  and  which  profess  to  sup- 
port the  Administration.  It  is  not,  of  course,  acknowledged 
by  them,  nor  are  they  conscious  of  the  leadership,  but  it  is 
nevertheless  obvious  and  clear.  When  the  Herald  has  in 
view  to  defame  or  put  a  mark  upon  a  man,  it  commences 
and  persists  in  its  course  against  him.  He  may  be  the 
friend  of  the  Tribune  and  Times.  Of  course,  they  do  not  at 
first  assent  to  what  is  said  by  the  Herald.  Sometimes  they 
will  make  a  defense,  —  perhaps  an  earnest  and  strong  one, 
—  but  the  Herald  does  not  regard  it  and  goes  on  attacking, 
ridiculing,  abusing,  and  defaming.  Gradually  one  of  the 
journals  gives  way,  echoes  slightly  the  slanders  of  the 
Herald,  and  having  once  commenced,  it  follows  up  the 
work.  The  other  journals,  when  things  have  proceeded  to 
that  length,  also  acquiesce.  This  is  a  truthful  statement 
of  the  standing  and  course  and  conduct  of  the  papers  I 
have  named. 


104  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  is 

The  Times  is  a  stipendiary  sheet;  its  principal  editor, 
Raymond,  mercenary,  possessing  talent  but  a  subservient 
follower  of  Weed  and  Seward.  At  present,  the  paper  being 
in  the  hands  of  Thurlow  Weed  and  sic,  it  will  not  for  the 
campaign  openly  attack  the  President,  who  is  the  candi- 
date. But  it  will,  unde-r  the  lead  of  the  Herald,  attack  any 
and  every  member  of  the  Cabinet  but  Seward,  unless  Sew- 
ard through  Weed  restrains  him. 

The  Tribune  is  owned  by  a  company  which  really  de- 
sired to  give  a  fair  support  to  the  Administration,  but 
Greeley,  the  editor,  is  erratic,  unreliable,  without  stabil- 
ity, an  enemy  of  the  Administration  because  he  hates 
Seward,  a  creature  of  sentiment  or  impulse,  not  of  reason 
nor  professed  principle.  Having  gone  to  extremes  in  the 
measures  that  fermented  and  brought  on  this  war,  he 
would  now  go  to  extremes  to  quell  it.  I  am  prepared  to  see 
him  acquiesce  in  a  division  of  the  Union,  or  the  continu- 
ance of  slavery,  to  accomplish  his  personal  party  schemes. 
There  are  no  men  or  measures  to  which  he  will  adhere 
faithfully.  He  is  ambitious,  talented,  but  not  considerate, 
persistent,  or  profound. 

The  Evening  Post  is  a  journal  of  a  different  description 
and  still  retains  some  of  its  former  character  for  ability  and 
sense.  Bryant,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  means  well,  and  of 
himself  would  do  well.  But  he  is  getting  on  in  years,  and 
his  son-in-law  Godwin  attempts  to  wield  the  political 
bludgeon.  In  him  the  mercenary  and  unscrupulous  parti- 
san is  apparent.  I  was  compelled  to  expose  Henderson,  the 
publisher,  for  malfeasance,  and  the  commission  before 
whom  he  was  arraigned  held  him  to  bail  for  embezzle- 
ment. The  Post  blackguarded  the  witness,  and  Godwin 
said  that  if  the  Navy  Department  could  afford  to  do  with- 
out the  Evening  Post,  the  Evening  Post  could  afford  to  do 
without  the  Navy  Department.  This  Colonel  Oloott  tells 
me  Godwin  said  to  Wilson,  the  attorney  for  the  Depart- 
ment. 

These  are  the  Administration  journals  in  the  city  of  New 


1864]  THE  TALLAHASSEE'S  DEPREDATIONS  105 

York.  Thurlow  Weed  has  control  of  the  Evening  Journal 
of  Albany  and  to  a  considerable  extent  of  the  press  of  the 
State  of  Whig  antecedents.  He  is  sagacious,  unscrupulous, 
has  ability  and  great  courage,  with  little  honest  principle, 
is  fertile  in  resources,  a  keen  party  tactician,  but  cannot 
win  respect  and  confidence,  for  he  does  not  deserve  them. 
For  some  time  past  he  has  been  ingratiating  himself  with 
the  Copperhead  journals  and  leaders,  and  by  his  skill  has 
made  fools  of  their  editors,  but  I  apprehend  has  not  fooled 
their  leading  managers.  He  evidently  believes,  not  without 
reason,  he  is  using  them;  they  know  they  are  using  him;  to 
some  extent  each  may  deceive  the  other.  There  is  a 
feigned  difference  between  him  and  Seward,  or  there  has 
been,  but  no  one  is  misled  by  it.  Weed  is  indispensable  to 
Seward  and  the  master  mind  of  the  two.  This  is  as  well 
known  to  the  Copperhead  leaders  as  to  any  persons.  Re- 
cently Weed  has  been  here  and  has  had  interviews  with  the 
President,  to  what  purpose,  whether  of  his  own  volition  or 
by  invitation,  I  have  never  inquired.  I  have  noticed  that 
Seward  endeavors  to  impress  on  the  President  the  value  of 
Weed's  opinion,  especially  in  party  matters. 

August  15,  Monday.  Depredations  by  the  piratical 
Rebel  Tallahassee  continue.  We  have  sixteen  vessels  in 
pursuit,  and  yet  I  feel  no  confidence  in  their  capturing  her. 
It  is  so  easy  to  elude  the  pursuit  of  the  most  vigilant  —  and 
many  in  command  are  not  vigilant  —  that  it  will  not  sur- 
prise me  if  she  escapes.  Should  that  be  the  case,  the  Navy 
Department  will  alone  be  held  responsible.  I  am  already 
censured  in  some  of  the  papers  for  not  having  vessels,  two  or 
three,  cruising  at  the  time  she  appeared.  Had  that  been 
the  case  we  could  not  have  communicated  with  them  when 
we  received  intelligence,  but,  being  in  port,  several  were 
at  once  dispatched  in  pursuit.  I  find  I  have  become  very 
indifferent  to  the  senseless  complaints  of  the  few  loud 
grumblers. 

From  Mobile  Bay  the  news  continues  favorable.   Had 


106  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  15 

Farragut's  preliminary  dispatch  of  the  5th  to-day.  Have 
just  written  a  congratulatory  letter  to  him.  These  letters 
are  difficult  to  pen.  They  must  be  brief  and  comprehensive, 
satisfactory  to  the  Navy,  the  Government,  and  country, 
and  not  discreditable  to  the  Department. 

August  16,  Tuesday.  Have  been  compelled  to  advise  the 
Treasury  that  their  management  and  delay  is  destroying 
the  public  credit.  Men  will  not  contract  with  the  govern- 
ment if  in  violation  of  good  faith  they  are  kept  out  of  their 
pay  for  months  after  it  is  due.  Mr.  Fessenden  has  not  yet 
returned. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day  Mr.  Seward  inquired  of 
me  in  relation  to  some  captured  cotton  claimed  by  the 
French.  I  told  him  I  had  no  recollection  of  it,  but,  if  a 
naval  capture,  it  had  been  sent  to  the  courts  for  adjudica- 
tion. This,  he  said,  would  not  answer  his  purpose.  If  they 
had  no  business  to  capture  it,  the  French  would  not  be 
satisfied.  I  remarked  that  neither  would  the  courts,  who, 
and  not  the  State  or  Navy  Departments,  had  exclusive 
jurisdiction  and  control  of  the  matter;  it  was  for  the  judi- 
ciary to  decide  whether  the  capture  was  good  prize,  and 
whether,  if  not  good  prize,  there  was  probable  cause,  and 
to  award  damages  if  there  had  been  a  flagrant  wrong  com- 
mitted. 

As  Mr.  Seward  has  no  knowledge  of  admiralty  or  mari- 
time law  or  of  prize  proceedings,  I  was  not  displeased  that 
Mr.  Bates  took  up  the  matter  and  inquired  by  what  au- 
thority he  or  the  Executive  Department  of  the  government 
attempted  to  interfere  with  a  matter  that  was  in  court. 
Seward  attempted  to  reply,  but  the  Attorney-General  was 
so  clearly  right,  and  Seward  was  so  conscious  of  his  inabil- 
ity to  controvert  the  law  officer,  that  he  flew  into  a  violent 
rage  and  traversed  the  room,  said  the  Attorney-General  had 
better  undertake  to  administer  the  State  Department,  that 
he  wanted  to  keep  off  a  war,  he  had  kept  off  wars,  but  he 
could  not  do  it  if  he  was  to  be  thwarted  and  denied  inf  orma- 


1864]    SEWARD'S  OUTBURST   IN  CABINET     107 

tion.  I  told  him  he  would  have  all  the  information  we  had 
on  the  subject,  but  it  was  no  less  clear  that  until  the  judi- 
cial remedies  were  exhausted  there  should  be  no  Executive 
interference,  no  resort  to  diplomacy  or  negotiations. 

It  was  to  me  a  painful  exhibition  of  want  of  common  in- 
telligence as  to  his  duties.  He  evidently  supposes  that  his 
position  is  one  of  unlimited  and  unrestrained  power,  that 
he  can  override  the  courts  and  control  and  direct  their  ac- 
tion, that  a  case  of  prize  he  can  interfere  with  and  with- 
draw if  he  pleases.  All  his  conversation  exhibited  such 
utter  ignorance  of  his  own  duties  and  those  of  the  court  in 
these  matters  that  one  could  scarcely  credit  it  as  possible. 
But  it  has  been  so  through  his  whole  administration  of  the 
State  Department. 

My  impression  was,  on  witnessing  his  outbreak  and 
hearing  his  remarks,  that,  having  the  senatorship  in  view, 
he  was  proposing  to  leave  the  Cabinet,  and  I  am  by  no 
means  certain  that  he  has  not  some  thoughts  of  such  a 
step,  —  men  aspiring  for  office  often  have  strange  fancies, 
—  and,  in  his  wild  fancy  and  confidence  in  the  ability  and 
management  of  his  friend  Weed,  thinks  that  he  can  in- 
dorse him  into  the  Chicago  Convention  a  fortnight  hence. 
This  last  I  do  not  suppose,  and  yet  there  is  design  in  what 
took  place.  "There  were,"  said  he,  "twenty-eight  Senators 
who  undertook  to  expel  me  from  the  Cabinet,  but  they  did 
not  succeed.  I  have  been  here  to  keep  the  peace  and  I  have 
done  it  so  far.  You,"  turning  to  the  Attorney-General, 
"may  get  another  and  have  war,"  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

August  17,  Wednesday.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  softly  pointing  out  the  proper  course  of  proceeding 
in  this  French  claim  for  captured  cotton,  for  I  should  be 
sorry  to  have  him  let  down  himself  and  the  Government. 
But  I  know  not  how,  having  taken  charge  of  this  claim,  he 
will  receive  it.  I  think,  however,  he  will  show  his  shrewd- 
ness and  tact  and  take  the  hint,  if  he  has  not  committed 
himself,  as  he  often  does,  without  being  aware  of  the  effect. 


108  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  'WELLES      [AUG.  17 

Had  quite  a  talk  to-day  with  Mr.  Lenthall,  Naval  Con- 
structor, on  the  subject  of  the  light-draft  monitors  and 
his  duties  generally.  He  claims  to  know  but  little  about 
them.  I  told  him  this  would  not  answer,  that  I  should  hold 
him  responsible  for  what  pertained  to  his  bureau;  that  it 
was  his  duty  to  criticize,  and  let  me  know  what,  in  his 
opinion  was  wrong;  that  it  was  his  duty  to  know,  and  he 
must  not  plead  ignorance  to  me;  that  on  important  matters 
I  did  not  want  his  views  second-handed,  but  he  must  come 
to  me  direct.  From  what  I  could  learn  in  relation  to  the 
light-draft  vessels,  I  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that, 
while  I  had  trusted  to  him,  he  had  mere  superficial  conver- 
sations with  Mr.  Fox,  without  seeing  or  advising  with  me, 
and  I  apprehended  Fox  and  Stimers  had  been  going  on 
without  consulting  others,  with  confident  belief  they  would 
give  us  very  superior  vessels,  until  they  awoke  to  the  fact 
that  they  were  not  Naval  Constructors  or  the  men  to  do 
this  work,  except  under  the  advice  and  direction  of  experts. 
I  had  supposed  until  last  spring  that  Lenthall  and  Ericsson 
were  giving  the  light  ironclads  their  attention,  but  I  found 
they  were  not,  and  I  had  not  been  advised  of  the  fact.  My 
plain  talk  seemed  to  astonish,  and  yet  not  altogether  dis- 
please Lenthall.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt  Mr.  Fox  and  Mr. 
Stimers  had  committed  the  great  mistake  I  alluded  to. 
They  thought  after  submitting  their  plans  to  him,  without, 
however,  procuring  from  him  any  computations,  but  an 
expression,  that  struck  him  more  favorably  than  Ericsson 
that  they  could  show  off  something  for  themselves  that 
would  give  them  a  name. 

Fred  Seward  called  on  me  with  a  letter  from  Raymond 
to  his  father  inquiring  whether  anything  had  been  effected 
at  the  navy  yard  and  custom-house,  stating  the  elections 
were  approaching,  means  were  wanted,  Indiana  was  just 
now  calling  most  urgently  for  pecuniary  aid.  I  told  Seward 
that  I  knew  not  what  the  navy  yard  had  to  do  with  all 
this,  except  that  there  had  been  an  attempt  to  levy  an  as- 
sessment on  all  workmen,  as  I  understood,  when  receiving 


1864]   MISSION  OF  JAQUESS  AND  GILMORE   109 

their  monthly  pay  of  the  paymaster,  by  a  party  committee 
who  stationed  themselves  near  his  desk  in  the  yard  and 
attempted  the  exaction;  that  I  was  informed  Commodore 
Paulding  forbade  the  practice,  and  I  certainly  had  no  cen- 
sure to  bestow  on  him  for  the  interdiction.  If  men  choose 
to  contribute  at  their  homes,  or  out  of  the  yards,  I  had  no 
idea  that  he  would  object,  but  if  he  did  and  I  could  know 
the  fact,  I  would  see  such  interference  promptly  corrected; 
but  I  could  not  consent  to  forced  party  contributions. 
Seward  seemed  to  consider  this  view  correct  and  left. 

I  am  sadly  oppressed  with  the  aspect  of  things.  Have 
just  read  the  account  of  the  interview  at  Richmond  be- 
tween Jaquess  and  Gilmore  on  one  side  and  Jeff  Davis  and 
Benjamin  on  the  other.1  What  business  had  these  fellows 
with  such  a  subject?  Davis  asserts  an  ultimatum  that  is 
inadmissible,  and  the  President  in  his  note,  which  appears 
to  me  not  as  considerate  and  well-advised  as  it  should  have 
been,  interposes  barriers  that  were  unnecessary.  Why 
should  we  impose  conditions,  and  conditions  which  would 
provoke  strife  from  the  very  nature  of  things,  for  they  con- 
flict with  constitutional  reserved  rights?  If  the  Rebellion 
is  suppressed  in  Tennessee  or  North  Carolina,  and  the 
States  and  people  desire  to  resume  their  original  constitu- 
tional rights,  shall  the  President  prevent  them?  Yet  the 
letters  to  Greeley  have  that  bearing,  and  I  think  them 
unfortunate  in  this  respect. 

They  place  the  President,  moreover,  at  disadvantage  in 
the  coming  election.  He  is  committed,  it  will  be  claimed, 
against  peace,  except  on  terms  that  are  inadmissible. 
What  necessity  was  there  for  this,  and,  really,  what  right 
had  the  President  to  assume  this  unfortunate  attitude 
without  consulting  his  Cabinet,  at  least,  or  others?  He  did, 
he  says,  advise  with  Seward,  and  Fessenden,  who  came  in 

1  An  account  of  the  interview  of  Colonel  James  F.  Jaquess  and  Mr.  James 
E.  Gilmore  with  the  President  of  the  Confederacy  and  his  Secretary  of  State, 
written  by  Mr.  Gilmore,  appeared  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  September, 
1864. 


110  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  17 

accidentally,  also  gave  it  his  sanction.  Now  Seward  is  a 
trickster  more  than  a  statesman.  He  has  wanted  to  get  an 
advantage  over  Horace  Greeley,  and  when  the  President 
said  to  Greeley,  therefore,  that  no  terms  which  did  not  in- 
clude the  abolition  of  slavery  as  one  of  the  conditions 
[would  be  admissible],  a  string  in  Greeley  Js  harp  was 
broken.  But  how  it  was  to  affect  the  Union  and  the  great 
ends  of  peace  seems  not  to  have  been  considered.  The 
Cabinet  were  not  consulted,  except  the  two  men  as  named, 
one,  if  not  both,  uninvited,  nor  as  regarded  Jaquess  and 
Gilmore  in  their  expedition.  It  will  be  said  that  the  Pre- 
sident does  not  refuse  other  conditions,  and  that  he  only 
said  "  to  whom  it  may  concern"  he  would  make  peace  with 
those  conditions,  but  that  he  does  not  refuse  different  and 
modified  conditions  to  others.  (It  was  undoubtedly  an 
adroit  party  movement  on  the  part  of  the  President  that 
rebuked  and  embarrassed  Greeley  and  defeated  a  wily  in- 
trigue.) But,  after  all,  I  should,  even  with  this  interpreta- 
tion, wish  the  President  not  to  be  mixed  up  with  such  a 
set,  and  not  to  have  this  ambiguity,  to  say  the  least.  Most 
of  the  world  will  receive  it  as  a  distinct  ultimatum. 

August  18,  Thursday.  Mr.  Seward  brought  me  this  A.M. 
a  dispatch  from  Consul  Jackson  at  Halifax,  saying  the  pi- 
rate Rebel  Tallahassee  had  arrived  at  that  port.  I  had  on 
Sunday  morning  last,  the  14th,  sent  orders  to  Commodore 
Paulding  to  immediately  dispatch  the  San  Jacinto,  then 
just  arrived  at  New  York  and  in  quarantine,  to  proceed  to 
Halifax,  anticipating  that  the  pirate  craft  would  go  thither 
for  coal.  The  Commodore  on  the  same  day  sent  me  a  dis- 
patch that  orders  had  been  given  the  San  Jacinto  to  pro- 
ceed to  sea,  and  a  second  telegram,  received  that  evening, 
said  she  would  pass  through  the  Sound.  When,  therefore,  I 
to-day  got  word  that  the  Tallahassee  was  in  Halifax,  I 
thought  the  San  Jacinto  should  be  there.  I  immediately 
inquired  at  what  time  she  had  sailed,  that  I  might  calcu- 
late with  some  certainty.  This  evening  I  have  a  telegram 


1864]      THE   TALLAHASSEE  AT  HALIFAX       111 

from  Captain  Case,  Executive  Officer,  Brooklyn  Yard, 
that  the  San  Jacinto  has  not  yet  sailed  but  was  coaled  and 
ready  and  would  proceed  in  the  morning.  I  know  not  when 
I  have  been  more  disappointed  and  astonished,  and  I  have 
just  written  for  an  explanation.  It  cannot  have  been  other- 
wise than  there  was  inattention  and  neglect,  for  there  could 
have  been  no  purpose  or  design  to  defeat  my  orders.  But 
the  sin  —  which  is  great,  and  almost  inexcusable  —  of  this 
neglect  will  fall  on  me,  and  not  on  the  guilty  parties.  They 
have  defeated  my  plans  and  expectations,  and  I  shall  be 
assailed  and  abused  by  villainous  partisans  for  it. 

I  trust  some  of  the  officers  who  have  been  sent  in  pursuit 
will  have  the  perseverance  and  zeal  to  push  on  to  Halifax, 
yet  I  have  my  apprehensions.  They  lack  persistency.  Not 
one  of  them  is  a  Farragut,  or  Foote,  or  Porter,  I  fear.  But 
we  will  see. 

I  have  ordered  the  Pontoosuc,  which  is  at  Bangor,  to 
proceed  immediately  to  Halifax,  and  trust  she  will  get 
there.  The  Merrimac  is  somewhere  on  the  Banks  and  may 
fall  in  with  the  Tallahassee.  Budd,  who  commands  the 
Merrimac,  will  prove  an  ugly  customer  for  the  pirate,  if  he 
falls  in  with  him. 

August  19,  Friday.  Much  pressed  with  duties.  A  pleas- 
ant hour  at  the  Cabinet,  but  no  special  subject.  Fessenden 
still  absent.  Stanton  did  not  attend.  Blair  inquired  about 
the  Niagara  peace  correspondence.  The  President  went 
over  the  particulars.  Had  sent  the  whole  correspondence 
to  Greeley  for  publication,  excepting  one  or  two  passages 
in  Greeley's  letters  which  spoke  of  a  bankrupted  country 
and  awful  calamities.  But  Greeley  replied  he  would  not 
consent  to  any  suppression  of  his  letters  or  any  part  of 
them;  and  the  President  remarked  that,  though  G.  had  put 
him  (the  President)  in  a  false  attitude,  he  thought  it  better 
he  should  bear  it,  than  that  the  country  should  be  dis- 
tressed by  such  a  howl,  from  such  a  person,  on  such  an  oc- 
casion. Concerning  Greeley,  to  whom  the  President  has 


112  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  19 

clung  too  long  and  confidingly,  he  said  to-day  that  Greeley 
is  an  old  shoe,  —  good  for  nothing  now,  whatever  he  has 
been.  "In  early  life,  and  with  few  mechanics  and  but  little 
means  in  the  West,  we  used,"  said  he,  "to  make  our  shoes 
last  a  great  while  with  much  mending,  and  sometimes,  when 
far  gone,  we  found  the  leather  so  rotten  the  stitches  would 
not  hold.  Greeley  is  so  rotten  that  nothing  can  be  done 
with  him.  He  is  not  truthful;  the  stitches  all  tear  out." 

Both  Blair  and  myself  concurred  in  regret  that  the  Pre- 
sident should  consult  only  Seward  in  so  important  a  mat- 
ter, and  that  he  should  dabble  with  Greeley,  Saunders,  and 
company.  But  Blair  expresses  to  me  confidence  that  the 
President  is  approaching  the  period  when  he  will  cast  off 
Seward  as  he  has  done  Ghase.  I  doubt  it.  That  he  may 
relieve  himself  of  Stanton  is  possible,  though  I  see  as  yet 
no  evidence  of  it.  To  me  it  is  clear  that  the  two  S.'s  have  an 
understanding,  and  yet  I  think  each  is  wary  of  the  other 
while  there  is  a  common  purpose  to  influence  the  President. 
The  President  listens  and  often  defers  to  Seward,  who  is 
ever  present  and  companionable.  Stanton  makes  himself 
convenient,  and  is  not  only  tolerated  but,  it  appears  to  me, 
is  really  liked  as  a  convenience. 

Seward  said  to-day  that  Mr.  Raymond,  Chairman  of 
the  National  Executive  Committee,  had  spoken  to  him 
concerning  the  Treasury,  the  War,  the  Navy,  and  the 
Post-Office  Departments  connected  with  the  approaching 
election;  that  he  had  said  to  Mr.  Raymond  that  he  had 
better  reduce  his  ideas  to  writing,  and  he  had  sent  him 
certain  papers;  but  that  he,  Seward,  had  told  him  it 
would  be  better,  or  that  he  thought  it  would  be  better,  to 
call  in  some  other  person,  and  he  had  therefore  sent  for 
Governor  Morgan,  who  would  be  here,  he  presumed,  on 
Monday.  All  which  means  an  assessment  is  to  be  laid  on 
certain  officials  and  employees  of  the  government  for  party 
purposes.  Likely  the  scheme  will  not  be  as  successful  as 
anticipated,  for  the  depreciation  of  money  has  been  such 
that  neither  can  afford  to  contribute.  Good  clerks  are 


1864]       INDIFFERENT  NAVAL  OFFICERS        113 

somewhat  indifferent  about  remaining,  and  so  with  me- 
chanics. I  cannot,  for  one,  consent  to  be  an  instrument  in 
this  business,  and  I  think  they  must  go  elsewhere  for  funds. 
To  a  great  extent  the  money  so  raised  is  misused,  misap- 
plied, and  perverted  and  prostituted.  A  set  of  harpies  and 
adventurers  pocket  a  large  portion  of  the  money  extorted. 
It  is  wanted  now  for  Indiana,  a  State  which  has  hosts  of  cor- 
rupt and  mischievous  political  partisans  who  take  to  them- 
selves large  pay  for  professed  party  services  without  con- 
tributing anything  themselves. 

August  20,  Saturday.  My  sons  Edgar  and  John  got  home 
this  morning  from  a  visit  to  Connecticut.  Have  word  that 
the  Pontoosuc  arrived  at  Halifax  about  four  hours  after 
the  Tallahassee  had  sailed,  —  having  been  ordered  off  by 
the  authorities.  This  warning  was  not,  however,  until  she 
had  got  more  than  half  the  coal  she  wanted,  and,  I  am  sus- 
picious, after  a  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  the  Pontoosuc 
was  on  its  way  to  Halifax,  for  the  order  of  the  Department 
to  the  Pontoosuc  was  sent  to  Bangor  by  open  telegraph, 
not  in  cipher. 

I  yesterday  wrote  a  rebuke  to  Paulding  in  relation  to  the 
neglect  in  sending  forward  the  San  Jacinto,  also  for  omit- 
ting to  send  me  a  copy  of  instructions,  and  also  for  not  ad- 
vising me  of  the  return  of  the  Grand  Gulf  and  the  Eolus, 
by  telegraph.  All  was  lazily  sent  by  mail.  On  sending  to 
him  to  at  once  send  out  the  Grand  Gulf  again,  I  am  in- 
formed her  engines  are  taken  to  pieces  and  it  will  require 
two  days  to  get  her  ready.  Among  the  commanders  there 
has  been,  as  I  apprehended,  an  indifference  that  is  dis- 
creditable. Several  of  them  were  on  the  track  of  the  pirate, 
fell  in  with  the  wrecks  and  floating  cargoes  of  his  victims, 
and,  with  an  eye  to  salvage,  then  turned  about  and  re- 
turned. These  fellows  will  never  wear  an  admiral's  flag  on 
the  active  list,  or  command  a  squadron  in  time  of  war. 

As  I  exnected.  the  Daoers  —  uarticularlv  the  Adminis- 


114  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  20 

cause  the  Tallahassee  is  not  captured.  The  blame  is 
thrown  entirely  on  the  Department,  no  censure  on  the 
officers  who  were  negligent  in  obeying  orders.  On  the 
other  hand,  not  one  word  of  commendation  is  given  by 
these  journals  to  the  Department  for  the  success  at  Mo- 
bile. Such  is  the  justice  and  intelligence  of  miserable  parti- 
sans and  an  unscrupulous  partisan  press. 

August  22,  Monday.  Mr.  Fessenden  returned  yesterday, 
—  a  long  absence  for  such  a  period  as  this.  The  course 
pursued  at  the  Treasury  Department  in  withholding  money 
from  the  naval  contractors  for  months  after  it  is  due  is  rep- 
rehensible and  injurious  in  the  highest  degree  to  the  public 
credit.  Mr.  F.  is  not  responsible  for  this  wrong.  It  was  the 
work  of  Chase,  who,  in  order  to  retire  his  interest-bearing 
notes,  seized  the  money  which  legitimately  belonged  to  the 
naval  contractors  to  the  amount  of  $12,000,000.  As  a  con- 
sequence we  shall  lose  some  of  our  best  contractors,  who 
feel  there  is  bad  faith  and  no  dependence  on  the  govern- 
ment. 

Some  of  the  contractors  for  light-draft  monitors  are  writ- 
ing pressing  letters.  If  disposed  to  act  fairly,  they  should 
be  promptly  met;  but  if  attempting  to  take  advantage  of 
our  necessities,  we  must  see  that  the  public  suffers  no  detri- 
ment. 

Olcott,  the  detective,  sends  me  a  curious  letter  of  E. 
Delafield  Smith,  with  a  not  less  curious  indorsement  by 
Olcott.  Smith  thinks  the  transactions  of  his  office  have 
been  scrutinized  and  asks  Olcott.  0.  inquires  of  me  how  he 
shall  answer, 

August  23,  Tuesday.  Received  dispatches  to-day  from 
Admiral  Farragut  confirming  intelligence  received  several 
days  since  through  Rebel  sources.  The  official  account 
confirms  my  own  previous  impressions  in  regard  to  opera- 
tions. Secretary  Stanton  in  one  of  his  bulletins  represented 
that  Fort  Gaines  had  surrendered  to  General  Granger  and 


1864]        THE  NAVY  AND   FORT  GAINES         115 

the  army.  It  is  shown  that  the  proposition  of  Colonel 
Anderson,  who  commanded  the  fort,  was  to  surrender  to 
the  fleet  after  the  monitors  had  made  an  assault,  that  Ad- 
miral Farragut  consulted  with  General  Granger,  that  the 
terms  were  dictated  from  the  squadron,  that  Colonel  An- 
derson and  Major  Brown  went  on  board  the  Admiral's 
vessel  when  the  arrangement  was  consummated,  etc. 

Why  should  the  Secretary  of  War  try  to  deprive  an  of- 
ficer like  Farragut  and  the  naval  force  of  what  is  honestly 
their  due?  It  is  only  one  of  many  like  occurrences  during 
the  War.  I  do  not  recollect  a  single  instance  of  generous 
award  to  the  Navy  by  Stanton  or  Halleck.  Some  will 
doubtless  get  in  error  by  it,  but  I  think  the  country  mainly 
rightly  appreciates  it,  and  history  may  put  all  right.  Not 
the  history  of  this  day  and  period;  a  generation  at  least 
must  pass  away  before  the  errors,  prejudices,  and  perver- 
sion of  partisans  will  be  dissipated,  and  the  true  facts  be 
developed.  I  have  had  but  brief  opportunities  to  look  into 
the  so-called  histories  of  the  great  events  now  passing,  but 
the  cursory  examination  which  I  have  given  let  me  see 
mountains  of  error,  and  much  of  it,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  was 
not  unintentional  on  the  part  of  the  writers.  Facts  were 
made  or  worked  to  suit  the  partialities  or  prejudices  of  the 
person  who  professed  to  record  them.  Many  in  this  day 
who  read  and  hear  of  the  capture  of  New  Orleans  believe  it 
was  taken  by  General  Butler  and  the  army,  who  were  a 
hundred  miles  distant  when  the  city  surrendered,  and  it  is 
obviously  the  purpose  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  so  spread 
such  an  impression  in  regard  to  the  capture  of  Fort  Gaines, 
so  that  the  Navy  shall  not  have  the  credit. 

It  does  not  surprise  nor  grieve  me  that  another  and  dif- 
ferent class  —  the  intense  partisan  —  should  wholly  ignore 
the  Navy  Department  in  all  naval  victories.  No  word  of 
credit  is  awarded  us  by  them  for  the  late  achievement,  yet 
I  know  the  people  are  not  wholly  ignorant  on  the  subject. 
Some  of  the  more  thoughtful  will  appreciate  the  labor  and 
responsibility  devolving  on  those  who  prepared  the  work, 


116  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [AUG.  23 

and  furnished  the  means  for  the  work  in  hand.  Some  credit 
is  due  for  the  selection  of  Farragut  in  the  first  instance. 
Mervine  had  been  first  assigned  to  command  the  blockade 
in  the  Gulf.  I  found  when  organizing  the  squadron  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Rebellion  that  there  was  pressure 
and  claim  of  usage  for  the  senior  officers.  Many  who  were 
counted  best  had  seceded  and  proved  traitors.  My  thoughts 
turned  to  Gregory  for  that  command,  but  Paulding,  who 
was  then  the  detailing  officer,  persuaded  me  to  take  Mer- 
vine. It  was  a  mistake.  Gregory  is  infinitely  the  better 
man.  A  few  months  satisfied  me  that  Mervine,  a  worthy 
man  doubtless,  was  good  for  nothing  as  an  officer  for  such 
duties  as  the  times  required,  and  he  was  detached.  He  and 
his  friends  were  greatly  miffed  and  wanted  a  court  of  in- 
quiry. Anxious  to  secure  an  efficient  man  for  his  successor, 
I  consulted  many  and  scrutinized  carefully.  The  choice 
was  eventually  narrowed  down  to  two,  McKean  and  C.  H. 
Bell.  Foote,  whom  I  consulted  with  others,  after  much 
hesitation  inclined  me  to  McKean,  of  whom  I  thought  well 
from  his  promptness  and  patriotism  immediately  on  his  re- 
turn from  Japan  in  the  Niagara.  He  was  certainly  an  im- 
provement on  Mervine,  but  yet  not  the  man,  I  was  soon 
convinced,  —  partly  from  ill  health,  —  for  the  work  that 
was  wanted. 

When  the  expedition  to  New  Orleans  was  determined 
upon,  the  question  as  to  who  should  have  command  of  the 
naval  forces  became  a  subject  of  grave  and  paramount  im- 
portance. I  had  heard  that  Farragut  resided  in  Norfolk  at 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  but  that  he  abandoned  the 
place  when  Virginia  seceded  and  had  taken  up  his  residence 
inthecityof  New  York.  The  fact  interested  me.  Ihadknown 
something  of  him  in  Folk's  administration,  and  his  early 
connection  with  Commodore  Porter  was  in  his  favor.  All 
that  I  heard  of  him  was  to  his  credit  as  a  capable,  energetic, 
and  determined  officer,  of  undoubted  loyalty.  Admirals 
Joe  Smith  and  Shubrick  spoke  well  of  him.  The  present 
Admiral  D.  D.  Porter,  who,  with  others,  was  consulted, 


DAVID  GLASGOW  FARRAGUT 


1864]    HOW  FARRAGUT  WAS  DISCOVERED     117 

expressed  confidence  in  him,  and  as  Porter  himself  was  to 
take  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  expedition,  it  had  an  im- 
portant influence.  But  among  naval  officers  there  was  not 
a  united  opinion.  Most  of  them,  I  think,  while  speaking 
well  of  Farragut,  doubted  if  he  was  equal  to  the  position,  — 
certainly  not  so  well  appointed  a  man  as  others,  —  but  yet 
no  one  would  name  the  man  for  a  great  and  active  campaign 
against  Mobile  or  some  other  point.  They  knew  not  of  New 
Orleans.  After  the  question  was  decided,  and,  I  believe, 
after  Fox  and  D.  D.  Porter  both  wrote  Farragut  unofficially 
of  his  probable  selection  to  command  the  new  Gulf  Squad- 
ron, I  was  cautioned  in  regard  to  the  step  I  was  taking. 
Senator  Hale,  when  he  learned  the  fact,  asked  me  if  I  was 
certain  of  my  man,  —  Southern  born,  a  Southern  resident, 
with  a  Southern  wife,  etc.  Several  Members  of  Congress 
questioned  me  closely;  few  knew  Farragut,  who  had  not 
then  carved  out  a  great  name,  and  there  was,  I  became  con- 
scious, a  general  impression  or  doubt  whether  I  had  not 
made  a  mistake.  I  will  not  follow  the  subject  here.  His 
works  speak  for  themselves,  and  I  am  satisfied  the  selec- 
tion was  a  proper  one,  probably  the  very  best  that  could  be 
made. 

At  that  time  Du  Pont  was  in  favor,  almost  a  favorite. 
He  had  sought  to  be,  or  his  friends  had  sought  to  have  him, 
transferred  to  Washington  to  take  the  place  of  Paulding. 
Seward  proposed  it,  and  thought  Paulding  might  be  other- 
wise provided  for,  suggesting  the  navy  yard  at  Philadel- 
phia or  Brooklyn,  or  a  squadron.  I  did  not  assent  to  the 
arrangement,  and  the  President,  who  saw  I  had  some  feel- 
ing on  the  subject,  concurred  with  me  emphatically. 
Seward  said  the  subject  had  been  brought  to  him  by  Winter 
Davis,  —  in  other  words,  Du  Pont. 

I  did  not  then,  as  I  do  now,  know  thoroughly  either 
Davis  or  Du  Pont.  It  was  a  skillful  intrigue,  yet  it  did  not 
succeed.  But  the  blockade,  requiring  a  close  and  minute 
hydrographical  knowledge  of  the  coast,  brought  me  in  con- 
tact with  Mr.  Bache  of  the  Coast  Survey.  Mr.  Bache 


118  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.! 

sought  to  make  our  acquaintance  personal  and  intimat 
and  but  for  my  unremitting  and  ceaseless  devotion  topres 
ing  current  duties  I  should  have  fully  responded.  But 
had  not  time.  I  think  he  saw  and  appreciated  it,  and  he  ii 
timated,  not  exactly  proposed,  a  board  to  take  up  the  sul 
ject  of  our  Southern  coast,  its  channels,  approaches,  inlet 
and  defenses  in  detail,  and  report  to  me.  It  struck  n 
favorably,  and  Du  Pont  was  put  upon  that  board  wit 
him,  was  brought  to  Washington,  and  commenced  formir 
a  clique  while  reporting  on  the  surveys  of  the  coast.  E 
moved  with  great  skill,  and  I,  being  unsuspicious,  was, 
can  perceive,  to  some  extent  deceived.  But  I  think  the  i 
success  of  the  intrigue  of  H.  Winter  Davis  and  himse 
through  Seward  led  Du  Pont  to  the  conclusion  that  1 
would  not  be  likely  to  make  head  against  me  during  th 
administration.  He  therefore  changed  his  tactics,  becarr 
greatly  friendly  and  profoundly  respectful,  designing,  if  1: 
could,  to  use  me.  To  some  extent  he  did  so.  Old  Admin 
Shubrick  was  his  relative  and  patron.  Mr.  Fox  was  devote 
to  him,  and  I  listened  much  to  Fox  as  well  as  to  Shubric] 
Admiral  Paulding,  then  here,  was  kindly  disposed,  as  d< 
tailing  officer,  to  second  Du  Pont,  and  Admiral  Davis  wi 
his  shadow.  Of  course  with  such  surroundings,  and  wil 
Du  Pont  himself,  who  became  friendly,  I  think  trul 
friendly,  and  almost  deferential,  I  yielded  much  to  h 
wishes  and  recommendations.  It  was  early  arranged  thi 
he  should  have  a  squadron  to  effect  a  lodgment  at  son 
port  on  the  South  Atlantic.  Fernandina  was  much  thougl 
of,  but  Port  Royal  and  Bull's  Bay  were  mentioned.  A  drv 
sion  of  the  Atlantic  Squadron,  then  commanded  by  Ai 
miral  Stringham,  became  indispensable,  and  Stringha 
himself,  having  taken  offense,  unwisely,  at  some  order  i 
sued  in  my  absence,  proposed  to  resign  just  as  the  subje 
of  dividing  the  squadron  was  taken  up,  which  made  tl 
way  clear  for  Du  Pont.  He  took  the  Navy  Register  ai 
made  to  a  great  extent  his  selection  of  officers.  It  was 
Du  Pont  squadron  emphatically.  Poor  Mercer,  who  hi 


1864]  DU  FONT'S  INTRIGUING  119 

been  his  devoted  friend,  was  detached  from  the  Wabash, 
which  was  made  Du  Font's  flag-ship,  and  died  of  a  broken 
heart.  But  neither  Farragut  nor  David  D.  Porter  were 
within  the  charmed  circle.  DuPont  had  some  jealousy,  I 
saw,  of  Porter,  but  none  of  Farragut.  I  do  not  remember 
to  have  ever  heard  a  complimentary  remark  of  F.  from 
Du  Pont,  but  he  evidently  considered  him  a  fair  fighting 
officer,  of  ordinary  standing,  —  not  one  of  the  elite,  not  of 
the  Du  Pont  Navy.  Of  Porter  he  entertained  a  higher 
opinion,  but  he  was  no  favorite,  and,  without  any  charge 
against  him,  I  was  given  to  understand  that  he  was  a 
troublesome  fellow.  .  .  . 

August  24,  Wednesday.  A  comparatively  quiet  day.  The 
consul  at  Halifax  is  telegraphing  me  that  Rebel  armed  ves- 
sels are  soon  to  be  off  the  coast.  He  does  not  give  me  his 
authority  nor  any  facts.  Such  apprehensions  are  constantly 
being  expressed  by  the  Northern  Governors  and  municipal 
authorities  every  season.  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  there  is 
some  foundation  for  this.  At  all  events,  have  sent  orders 
to  be  prepared. 

August  25,  Thursday.  Most  of  the  vessels  sent  out  in 
pursuit  of  the  Tallahassee  have  returned,  and  with  scarcely 
an  exception  the  commanders  have  proved  themselves 
feeble  and  inefficient.  Imputations  of  drunkenness  and  of 
disloyalty  or  of  Rebel  sympathy  are  made  against  some  of 
them.  As  usual,  there  may  be  exaggerations,  but  there  is 
some  truth  in  some  of  the  reports. 

Calling  on  the  President  near  eleven  o'clock,  I  went  in  as 
usual  unannounced,  the  waiter  throwing  open  the  door  as  I 
approached.  I  found  Messrs.  Seward,  Fessenden,  and  Stan- 
ton  with  Raymond,  Chairman  of  the  Executive  National 
Committee,  in  consultation  with  the  President.  The  Presid- 
ent was  making  some  statement  as  to  a  document  of  his, 
and  said  he  supposed  his  style  was  peculiar  and  had  its  ear- 
marks, so  that  it  could  not  be  mistaken.  He  kept  on  talk- 


120  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  25 

ing  as  if  there  had  been  no  addition  to  the  company,  and  as 
if  I  had  been  expected  and  belonged  there.  But  the  topic 
was  not  pursued  by  the  others  when  the  President  ceased. 
Some  inquiry  was  put  to  me  in  regard  to  intelligence  from 
the  fleet  at  Mobile  and  the  pursuit  of  the  Tallahassee.  Mr. 
Fessenden  rose  and,  putting  his  mouth  to  the  ear  of  the 
President,  began  to  whisper,  and  as  soon  as  I  could  answer 
the  brief  inquiries,  I  left  the  room. 

It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  Seward,  Stanton,  and  Ray- 
mond were  disconcerted  by  my  appearance.  Except  the 
whispering  by  Fessenden  I  saw  nothing  particular  on  his 
part.  It  appeared  to  me  he  was  being  trained  into  a  process. 
Stanton,  with  whom  he  seems  to  have  a  sort  of  sympathy, 
is  evidently  used  as  an  intermediate  by  Seward  to  make 
them  (Seward  and  Fessenden)  friends,  and  this  gathering  I 
could  easily  read  and  understand,  although  it  may  be  diffi- 
cult to  describe  the  manner,  etc.,  which  made  it  clear  to  me. 

The  Democrats  hold  a  party  nominating  convention 
next  Monday  at  Chicago,  which  is  naturally  attracting  a 
good  deal  of  attention.  There  is  a  palpable  effort  to  give 
6clat,  and  spread  abroad  a  factitious  power  for  this  assem- 
blage in  advance.  To  this  the  Administration  journals,  and 
particularly  those  of  New  York,  have  conduced.  I  do  not 
think  that  anything  serious  is  to  be  apprehended  from  that 
convention,  if  Seward  can  keep  quiet;  but  his  management, 
which  is  mismanagement,  and  his  shrewdness,  which  is  fre- 
quently untowardness,  will  ever  endanger  a  cause. 

I  hear  little  of  Chase,  though  I  doubt  not  that  his  aspira- 
tions are  unextinguished.  That  he  is  disappointed  because 
his  retirement  made  so  little  sensation  and  has  been  so 
readily  acquiesced  in,  I  have  no  doubt.  I  have  heard  that 
he  had  written  a  friend  here  to  the  effect  that  it  was  expe- 
dient, under  the  circumstances,  to  support  Lincoln,  al- 
though he  had  many  dislikes  to  the  man  and  his  policy. 
But  I  am  assured  he  has  an  expectation,  sometimes  amount- 
ing to  confidence,  that  Fremont  will  ultimately  be  with- 
drawn and  that  there  will  then  be  union  and  harmony.  I 


1864]          THE  CHARACTER  OF  CHASE  121 

can  believe  most  of  this.  Chase  has  a  good  deal  of  intellect, 
knows  the  path  where  duty  points,  and  in  his  calmer  mo- 
ments, resolves  to  pursue  it.  But,  with  a  mind  of  consider- 
able resources,  he  has  great  weaknesses  in  craving  aspira- 
tion which  constantly  impair  his  strength.  He  has  inord- 
inate ambition,  intense  selfishness  for  official  distinction 
and  power  to  do  for  the  country,  and  considerable  vanity. 
These  traits  impair  his  moral  courage;  they  make  him  a 
sycophant  with  the  truly  great,  and  sometimes  arrogant 
towards  the  humble.  The  society  of  the  former  he  courts, 
for  he  has  mental  culture  and  appreciation,  but  his  political 
surroundings  are  the  mean,  the  abject,  the  adulators  and 
cormorants  who  pander  to  his  weaknesses.  That  he  is  ir- 
resolute and  wavering,  his  instinctive  sagacity  prompting 
him  rightly,  but  his  selfish  and  vain  ambition  turning  him 
to  error,  is  unquestionably  true.  I  have  little  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  he  will,  eventually,  when  satisfied  that  his  own 
personal  aspirations  are  not  to  be  gratified,  support  the  re- 
election of  the  President.  Am  not  certain  it  is  not  already 
so  arranged. 

August  26,  Friday.  Am  harassed  by  the  pressure  on  the 
enlistment  question.  A  desire  to  enter  the  Navy  to  avoid 
the  draft  is  extensive,  and  the  local  authorities  encourage 
it,  so  that  our  recruiting  rendezvous  are,  for  the  time  being, 
overrun.  The  Governors  and  others  are  applying  for  more 
rendezvous  in  order  to  facilitate  this  operation.  The  draft 
for  five  hundred  thousand  men  is  wholly  an  army  conscrip- 
tion. Incidentally  it  aids  the  Navy,  and  to  that  extent 
lessens  the  number  of  the  army.  I  have  been  willing  to  avail 
ourselves  of  the  opportunity  for  naval  recruiting,  but  the 
local  authorities  are  for  going  beyond  this  and  making  our 
enlistments  a  primary  object  of  the  draft.  Because  I  cannot 
consent  to  this  perversion  I  am  subjected  to  much  captious 
criticism,  even  by  those  who  should  know  better. 

Neither  Stanton,  Blair,  nor  Bates  were  to-day  at  the 
Cabinet-meeting.  Judge  Johnson  of  Ohio  informs  me  that 


Wade  is  universally  denounced  for  uniting  with  Winter 
Davis  in  his  protest,  and  that  he  has  been  stricken  from  the 
list  of  speakers  in  the  present  political  campaign  in  that 
State. 

August  27,  Saturday.  Much  party  machinery  is  just  at 
this  time  in  motion.  No  small  portion  of  it  is  a  prostitution 
and  abuse.  The  Whig  element  is  venal  and  corrupt,  to  a 
great  extent.  I  speak  of  the  leaders  of  that  party  now  asso- 
ciated with  Republicans.  They  seem  to  have  very  little 
political  principle;  they  have  no  belief  in  public  virtue  or 
popular  intelligence;  they  have  no  self-reliance,  no  confid- 
ence in  the  strength  of  a  righteous  cause,  little  regard  for 
constitutional  restraint  and  limitations.  Their  politics  and 
their  ideas  of  government  consist  of  expedients,  and  cun- 
ning management  with  the  intelligent,  and  coercion  and 
subornation  of  the  less  informed. 

Mr.  Wakeman,  the  postmaster  at  New  York,  with  whom 
I  am  on  very  good  terms,  —  for  he  is  affable,  insinuating, 
and  pleasant,  though  not  profound  nor  reliable,  —  a  New 
York  politician,  has  called  upon  me  several  times  in  relation 
to  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard.  He  is  sent  by  Raymond,  by 
Humphrey,  by  Campbell  and  others,  and  I  presume  Seward 
and  Weed  have  also  been  cognizant  of  and  advising  in  the 
matter.  Raymond  is  shy  of  me.  He  evidently  is  convinced 
that  we  should  not  harmonize.  Wakeman  believes  that  all 
is  fair  and  proper  in  party  operations  which  can  secure  by 
any  means  certain  success,  and  supposes  that  every  one 
else  is  the  same.  Raymond  knows  that  there  are  men  of  a 
different  opinion,  but  considers  them  slow,  incumbrances, 
stubborn  and  stupid,  who  cannot  understand  and  will  not 
be  managed  by  the  really  ready  and  sharp  fellows  like  him- 
self who  have  resources  to  accomplish  almost  anything. 
Wakeman  has  been  prompted  and  put  forward  to  deal  with 
me.  He  says  we  must  have  the  whole  power  and  influence 
of  the  government  this  coming  fall,  and  if  each  Depart- 
ment will  put  forth  its  whole  strength  and  energy  in  our 


favor  we  shall  be  successful.  He  had  just  called  on  Mr. 
Stanton  at  the  request  of  our  friends,  and  all  was  satisfac- 
torily arranged  with  him.  Had  seen  Mr.  Fessenden  and 
was  to  have  another  interview,  and  things  were  working 
well  at  the  Treasury.  Now,  the  Navy  Department  was 
quite  as  important  as  either,  and  he,  a  Connecticut  man, 
had  been  requested  to  see  me.  There  were  things  in  the 
Navy  Yard  to  be  corrected,  or  our  friends  would  not  be 
satisfied,  and  the  election  in  New  York  and  the  country 
might  by  remissness  be  endangered.  This  must  be  pre- 
vented, and  he  knew  I  would  use  all  the  means  at  my  dis- 
posal to  prevent  it.  He  then  read  from  a  paper  what  he 
wanted  should  be  done.  It  was  a  transcript  of  a  document 
that  had  been  sent  me  by  Seward  as  coming  from  Ray- 
mond, for  the  management  of  the  yard,  and  he  complained 
of  some  proceedings  that  had  given  offense.  Mr.  Halleck, 
one  of  the  masters,  had  gathered  two  or  three  hundred 
workmen  together,  and  was  organizing  them  with  a  view  to 
raise  funds  and  get  them  on  the  right  track,  but  Admiral 
Paulding  had  interfered,  broken  up  the  meetings,  and  pro- 
hibited them  from  assembling  in  the  Navy  Yard  in  future. 

I  told  him  I  approved  of  Paulding' s  course;  that  there 
ought  to  be  no  gathering  of  workmen  in  working  hours  and 
while  under  government  pay  for  party  schemes;  and  there 
must  be  no  such  gatherings  within  the  limits  of  the  yard  at 
any  time.  That  I  would  not  do  an  act  myself  that  I  would 
condemn  in  an  opponent.  That  such  gatherings  in  the 
government  yard  were  not  right,  and  what  was  not  right  I 
could  not  do. 

He  was  a  little  staggered  by  my  words  or  manner,  or 
both;  insisted  we  could  not  succeed  without  doing  these 
things,  that  other  parties  had  done  them,  and  we  must; 
but  he  had  full  confidence  I  would  do  right  and  should  tell 
them  so  when  he  returned. 

Neither  Wakeman  nor  those  who  sent  him  are  aware  that 
the  course  which  he  would  pursue  would  and  ought  to  de- 
stroy any  party.  No  administration  could  justify  and  sus- 


tain  itself  that  would  misuse  power  and  the  public  means 
as  they  propose.  Such  action  would  sooner  or  later  destroy 
the  government.  Their  measures  would  not  stand  the  test 
of  investigation,  and  would  be  condemned  by  the  public 
judgment,  if  healthy.  They  are  not  republican  but  imperial. 

August  29,  Monday.  We  have  word  through  Rebel 
channels  that  the  Union  forces  have  possession  of  Fort  Mor- 
gan. This  will  give  us  entire  control  of  the  Bay  of  Mobile. 

The  President  sent  me  a  bundle  of  papers,  embracing  a 
petition  drawn  up  with  great  ability  and  skill,  signed  by 
most  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  in  Congress  and  a 
large  number  of  the  prominent  merchants  in  Boston,  asking 
special  favors  in  behalf  of  Smith  Brothers,  who  are  under 
arrest  for  fraudulent  deliveries  under  contract,  requesting 
that  the  trial  may  be  held  in  Boston  and  that  it  may  be 
withdrawn  from  the  military  and  transferred  to  the  civil 
tribunals.  Senator  Sumner  and  Representative  Rice  wrote 
special  letters  to  favor  the  Smiths.  The  whole  scheme  had 
been  well  studied  and  laboriously  got  up,  and  a  special 
delegation  have  come  on  to  press  the  subject  upon  the 
President. 

He  urged  me  to  relieve  him  from  the  annoying  and  tre- 
mendous pressure  that  had  been  brought  to  bear  upon  him 
in  this  case  by  religious  or  sectarian  and  municipal  influ- 
ence. I  went  briefly  over  the  main  points;  told  him  the 
whole  subject  ought  to  be  referred  to  and  left  with  the 
Navy  Department  in  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  that  I 
desired  him  to  relieve  himself  of  all  care  and  trouble  by 
throwing  the  whole  responsibility  and  odium,  if  there  was 
odium,  on  the  Navy  Department,  that  we  could  not  pur- 
sue a  different  course  in  this  case  from  the  others,  —  it 
could  not  be  made  an  exception.  He  then  asked  why  not 
let  the  trial  take  place  in  Boston  and  thus  concede  some- 
thing. I  told  him  this  might  be  done,  but  it  seemed  to  me 
inexpedient;  but  he  was  so  solicitous — political  and  party 
considerations  had  been  artfully  introduced,  against  which 


54]     A  QUEER  STORY  FROM  BERMUDA     125 

tie  could  be  urged,  when  Solicitor  Whiting  and  others 
erred  that  three  Congressional  districts  would  be  sacri- 
ed  if  I  persisted  —  that  the  point  was  waived  and  the 
esident  greatly  relieved.  The  President  evinced  shrewd- 
ss  in  influencing,  or  directing  me,  but  was  sadly  imposed 
on  by  the  cunning  Bostonians. 

A  Mr.  Buel,  formerly  of  Connecticut,  who  has  recently 
ien  up  his  residence  in  Bermuda,  called  on  me  a  day  or 

0  since  with  a  letter  from  Collins  Brothers,  of  Hartford, 
10  presented  him  as  a  worthy,  truthful,  and  reliable  man, 
Dught  up  by  themselves,  —  had  lived  with  them  from 
54  to  1862,  etc.,  —  representing  that  he  had  matters  of 
)ment  to  communicate,  etc.  Buel  wanted  permission  to 
port  four  horses  to  Bermuda,  where  he  was  engaged 
gely  in  agriculture,  with  a  view  of  supplying  New  York 
d  New  England  with  early  vegetables.  In  this  matter  I 
dined  to  interfere  farther  than  to  indorse  the  respecta- 
ity  of  the  Messrs.  Collins.  But  Buel  had  a  public  matter 
communicate.  When  at  Bermuda,  Consul  Allen  had  in- 
duced him  to  a  Mr.  Bailor,  who  claimed  to  be  a  com- 
ssioner  duly  authorized  by  the  authorities  of  the  State  of 
iorgia  to  negotiate  for  peace.    His  credentials  he  had 
ren  into  the  hands  of  Consul  Allen,  from  whom  they 
re  stolen  when  going  from  Hamilton  to  St.  George's,  at  a 
use  where  he  stopped  with  a  lady  who  had  come  with 
n  that  distance.    Not  only  were  Bailor's  credentials 
den,  but  his  own  dispatches  to  our  government.  As  he 
3med  the  subject  of  great  importance,  and  as  Bermuda 
a  filled  with  Rebels  and  their  sympathizers,  Consul 
^en  hastened  to  St.  George's,  where  the  packet  was  about 
sail,  and,  having  no  time  to  write  an  explanatory  letter, 

1  merely  penned  a  line,  and  opened  his  heart  to  Mr. 
.el,  to  whom  he  communicated  the  above  facts,  which 
el  narrated  to  me.  Bailor  had  come  on  from  Bermuda 
New  York  with  Buel,  and  is  now  in  Washington  or  on 

way  hither  from  New  York. 
Buel,  besides  the  indorsement  of  the  Messrs.  Collins, 


126  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  29 

had  the  appearance  of  an  honest  man,  but  the  story  ap- 
peared to  me  so  absurd  and  incredible  in  many  and  most 
respects,  that  I  gave  it  little  weight,  and  felt  inclined  to 
believe  that  both  he  and  Allen  were  imposed  upon.  So  be- 
lieving, I  soon  dismissed  Mr.  Buel,  referring  him  in  the 
matter  of  his  horses  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or 
War,  or  both. 

To-day,  when  leaving  the  President,  Buel  met  me  in  the 
outer  hall,  where  he  was  in  waiting,  and  again  introduced 
the  subject  of  his  horses  and  Bailor.  The  latter,  he  said, 
was  in  Washington,  had  had  interviews  with  the  President 
and  Mr.  Seward,  had  dined  with  the  Secretary  of  State  on 
Saturday,  etc.,  and  suggested  that  it  might  be  well  for  the 
President  to  see  him  (Buel)  on  the  matter  of  Bailor's  cre- 
dentials; and  he  wanted  also  a  definite  answer  about  the 
horses.  The  latter,  I  perceived,  was  the  most  interesting 
and  absorbing  topic  with  him,  and  I  was  therefore  for 
passing  on,  when  it  occurred  to  me  that  if  Bailor  was  really 
here,  having  interviews  with  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  State,  whether  empowered  or  not,  —  an  intriguing 
busybody  or  mischief-maker,  —  I  ought  perhaps  to  inform 
the  President  in  regard  to  Buel  and  mention  my  own  im- 
pressions. I  therefore  returned  to  the  President,  briefly 
stated  the  facts,  and  asked  if  he  would  see  Bailor.  He  was 
evidently  a  little  surprised  at  my  knowledge  of  Bailor,  said 
he  had  been  here  and  got  in  with  Seward,  who  had  become 
sick  of  him,  he  thought,  and  the  President  himself  believed 
Bailor  a  "shyster."  I  introduced  Buel,  who  did  not  re- 
move the  impression  that  Bailor  was  a  "shyster,"  and 
most  of  the  conversation  was  on  the  condition  of  Bermuda 
and  Buel's  private  affairs. 

The  Rebel  leaders  understand  Seward  very  well.  He  is 
fond  of  intrigue,  of  mystery,  of  sly,  cunning  management, 
and  is  easily  led  off  on  a  wild  chase  by  subtle  fellows  who 
can  without  difficulty  excite  his  curiosity  and  flatter  his 
vanity.  Detectives,  secret  agents,  fortune-tellers  are  his 
delight:  and  the  stupid  statements  of  Bailor,  especially 


1864]     ATTACK  ON  WILMINGTON  URGED     127 

when  corroborated  by  Allen,  who  is  evidently  a  victim, 
imposed  upon  him. 

August  30,  Tuesday.  Not  much  of  interest  at  the  Cabi- 
net. Seward,  Blair,  and  Bates  absent  from  Washington. 
The  capture  of  Fort  Morgan  is  confirmed  by  accounts 
from  Sherman. 

Am  trying  to  arrange  for  changes  in  command  of  our 
squadrons  and  of  our  navy  yards.  Something  must  be 
done  to  close  the  entrance  to  Cape  Fear  River  and  port  of 
Wilmington.  I  give  no  credit  to  the  newspaper  gossip  of 
connivance  on  the  part  of  our  naval  officers  with  blockade- 
runners  which  many  good  men  believe;  but  there  is  a  want 
of  effective  action.  Admiral  Lee  is  true  and  loyal,  careful, 
and  circumspect  almost  to  a  fault,  but,  while  vigilant,  he 
has  not  dash  and  impetuous  daring,  and  there  seems  some 
defect  in  the  blockade  which  makes  Wilmington  appear  an 
almost  open  port.  It  is  true  that  blockade-running  has 
become  systematized  into  a  business,  and  the  ingenuity  and 
skill  of  Englishmen  and  the  resources  of  English  capital 
are  used  without  stint  in  assisting  the  Rebels. 

I  have  been  urging  a  conjoint  attack  upon  Wilmington 
for  months.  Could  we  seize  the  forts  at  the  entrance  of 
Cape  Fear  and  close  the  illicit  traffic,  it  would  be  almost  as 
important  as  the  capture  of  Richmond  on  the  fate  of  the 
Rebels,  and  an  important  step  in  that  direction.  But  the 
War  Department  hangs  fire,  and  the  President,  whilst 
agreeing  with  me,  dislikes  to  press  matters  when  the  mil- 
itary leaders  are  reluctant  to  move. 

Fox  urges  the  immediate  recall  of  Farragut  and  giving 
him  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron.  But  to  withdraw  Farra- 
gut from  Mobile  suddenly  will  give  cause  for  censure.  The 
country  is  expecting  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Mobile.  I 
do  not  think  it  an  important  object  at  this  moment.  We 
have  the  bay  and  have  closed  all  communication  from 
abroad.  To  capture  the  city  will  be  difficult,  very  difficult 
if  the  army  does  not  take  the  principal  work  in  hand.  If 


Farragut  is  recalled,  the  failure  or  omission  to  take  the 
city  will  be  imputed  to  the  Navy  Department.  Besides,  to 
withdraw  Farragut  and  place  him  in  the  North  Atlantic 
Squadron  will  be  to  advertise  our  object,  and  cause  the 
Rebels  to  prepare  for  the  work  of  defense.  These  and  other 
considerations  have  weight,  and  prevent  me  from  acting. 
It  is  important,  however,  that  the  port  of  Wilmington 
should  be  closed,  and  no  effort  should  be  spared  to  secure 
that  object.  Stantofr  expressed  himself  willing  in  our  last 
conversation  but  doubted  if  General  Grant  could  be 
brought  into  the  movement  just  now,  and  was,  I  saw,  dis- 
inclined himself  to  advise  or  recommend  the  measure. 
Have  had  some  talk  with  Fox  and  sent  him  to  urge  Halleck 
and  Stanton.  He  had  an  errand  to  perform  with  the  Pre- 
sident and  proposed  to  open  the  subject  to  him  also.  As  I 
had  done  so  several  times,  and  always  found  the  President 
willing,  and  on  the  last  two  or  three  occasions  solicitous, 
yet,  like  Stanton,  deferring  to  Grant,  I  thought  well  of  the 
proposition.  It  was  suggested  that  Gillmore  was  at  leisure 
or  would  be  a  good  officer  to  command  in  such  an  expedi- 
tion. I  have  a  good  opinion  of  Gillmore  as  a  second  officer 
and  as  an  engineer  or  artillery  officer,  but  his  skill  and 
strength  in  other  respects  and  particularly  in  organizing 
and  controlling  men  and  planning  and  carrying  out  de- 
tails of  an  important  movement  as  chief  are  questionable, 
and  therefore,  I  should,  unless  satisfied  by  competent  men 
who  know  him  better  than  I  do,  hesitate  in  regard  to  his 
selection.  This  is  pretty  plain  and  direct  work,  and  he 
may  succeed.  Stanton  has  agreed  to  send  for  Gillmore  and 
get  his  views.  In  some  proposed  changes  of  our  squadron 
commands  I  find  embarrassments.  This  one  of  taking 
Farragut  from  the  West  Gulf  and  transferring  him  to  the 
North  Atlantic  is  one.  It  will  be  a  right  and  proper  measure 
at  the  right  time.  But  who  shall  succeed  him?  Dahlgren 
has  asked  to  be  relieved  of  his  present  command,  which  he 
earnestly  sought,  but  I  am  doubtful  about  giving  him  the 
Western  Gulf.  Though  I  do  not  question  his  courage, 


1864]          McCLELLAN  FOR  PRESIDENT  129 

which,  however,  is  artificial,  he  evades  responsibility,  is 
craving  in  his  demands,  and  profuse  in  expenditure.  Fox 
has  advised  his  transfer  to  the  Mississippi,  and  that  Porter 
should  take  Dahlgren's  command.  But  this  change  does 
not  suit  me  nor  would  it  gratify  either  of  those  admirals. 
A  second  suggestion  from  Fox  is  that  Porter  should  have 
command  of  a  flying  squadron  for  the  defense  of  the  coast 
and  the  West  Indies  which  it  is  proposed  to  raise.  This 
strikes  me  more  favorably,  provided  he  is  to  leave  the  Mis- 
sissippi. 

August  31,  Wednesday.  The  complaints  in  regard  to  re- 
cruiting are  severe  and  prolonged.  They  come  in  numbers. 
It  seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  that  we  can  open  a  ren- 
dezvous in  every  county.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  ren- 
dezvous are  overcrowded  and  that  abuses  are  practiced  in 
consequence.  The  impending  draft  for  the  army  indirectly 
benefits  the  Navy,  or  induces  persons  to  enter  it.  Their 
doing  so  relieves  them  and  their  localities  from  the  draft. 
Hence  the  crowd  and  competition.  Then  come  in  the 
enormous  bounties  from  the  State  and  municipal  authori- 
ties over  which  naval  officers  have  no  control,  and  which 
lead  to  bounty-jumping  and  corruption. 

Admiral  Porter  came  by  order.  Says  he  prefers  remain- 
ing in  his  present  command.  In  a  long  interview  our  inter- 
change of  opinion  concerning  men  and  naval  matters  was 
on  the  whole  satisfactory. 

General  McClellan  was  to-day  nominated  as  the  candi- 
date of  the  so-called  Democratic  party.  It  has  for  some 
days  been  evident  that  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion  and  the 
best  and  only  nomination  the  opposition  could  make.  The 
preliminary  arrangements  have  been  made  with  tact  and 
skill,  and  there  will  probably  be  liberality,  judgment,  and 
sense  exhibited  in  launching  and  supporting  the  nominee, 
which  it  would  become  the  Union  men  to  imitate.  That 
factious,  narrow,  faultfinding  illiberality  of  radicals  in 
Congress  which  has  disgraced  the  press  ostensibly  of  the 


130  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  si 

Administration  party,  particularly  the  press  of  New  York 
City,  has  given  strength  to  their  opponents.  McClellan 
will  be  supported  by  War  Democrats  and  Peace  Democrats, 
by  men  of  every  shade  and  opinion;  all  discordant  elements 
will  be  made  to  harmonize,  and  all  differences  will  be  sup- 
pressed. Whether  certain  Republican  leaders  in  Congress, 
who  have  been  assailing  and  deceiving  the  Administration, 
and  the  faultfinding  journals  of  New  York  have,  or  will, 
become  conscious  of  their  folly,  we  shall  soon  know.  They 
have  done  all  that  was  in  their  power  to  destroy  confidence 
in  the  President  and  injure  those  with  whom  they  were 
associated.  If,  therefore,  the  reelection  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is 
not  defeated,  it  will  not  be  owing  to  them. 

In  some  respects  I  think  the  President,  though  usually 
shrewd  and  sensible,  has  mismanaged.  His  mistakes,  I 
think,  are  attributable  to  Mr.  Seward  almost  exclusively. 
It  has  been  a  misfortune  to  retain  Stanton  and  Halleck.  He 
might  have  brought  McClellan  into  the  place  of  the  latter, 
and  Blair  had  once  effected  the  arrangement,  but  Seward 
defeated  it.  As  I  have  not  been  in  the  close  confidence  of 
the  President  in  his  party  personal  selections  and  move- 
ments, I  am  left  to  judge  of  many  things,  as  are  all  the 
Cabinet  except  Mr.  Seward  and  to  some  extent  Mr.  Stanton, 
who  is  in  the  Seward  interest.  It  has  seemed  to  me  a  great 
misfortune  that  the  President  should  have  been  so  much 
under  the  influence  of  these  men,  but  New  York  State  is  a 
power  and  Seward  makes  the  most  of  it.  I  have  regretted 
that  the  President  should  have  yielded  so  much  to  Greeley 
in  many  things  and  treated  him  with  so  much  considera- 
tion. Chase  and  Wade,  though  not  in  accord,  have  by 
their  ambition  and  disappointments  done  harm,  and,  in  a 
less  degree,  the  same  may  be  said  of  Mr.  Sumner.  Others 
of  less  note  might  be  named.  Most  of  them  will  now  cease 
grumbling,  go  to  work  to  retrieve  their  folly  so  far  as  they 
can.  Possibly  the  New  York  editors  may  be  perverse  a 
few  weeks  longer,  sufficiently  so  to  give  that  city  over- 
whelmingly to  the  opposition,  and  perhaps  lose  the  State. 


1864]    LINCOLN  AND  THE   NEWSMONGERS    131 

Seward  will,  unintentionally,  help  them  by  over-refined 
intrigues  and  assumptions  and  blunders.  It  has  some- 
times seemed  to  me  that  he  was  almost  in  complicity  with 
his  enemies,  and  that  they  were  using  him.  I  am  not  cer- 
tain that  the  latter  is  not  true. 

It  is  an  infirmity  of  the  President  that  he  permits  the 
little  newsmongers  to  come  around  him  and  be  intimate, 
and  in  this  he  is  encouraged  by  Seward,  who  does  the  same, 
and  even  courts  the  corrupt  and  the  vicious,  which  the 
President  does  not.  He  has  great  inquisitiveness.  Likes  to 
hear  all  the  political  gossip  as  much  as  Seward.  But  the 
President  is  honest,  sincere,  and  confiding,  —  traits  which 
are  not  so  prominent  in  some  by  whom  he  is  surrounded. 


XXIII 

Farragut  and  Du  Pont  contrasted  —  New  York  shouting  for  McClellan  — 
Political  Pressure  on  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  —  The  New  York  Col- 
lectorship  —  The  Question  of  Trading  with  the  South  —  Effect  of  the 
Success  of  Sherman  at  Atlanta  on  the  Opposition  to  Lincoln  —  Em- 
barrassment caused  by  the  Treasury's  Delay  in  Payment  of  Navy  Re- 
quisitions—Talk with  J.  M.  Forbes  —  Chairman  Raymond  of  the 
Republican  National  Committee  —  Call  from  a  Committee  in  reference 
to  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  —  Farragut  aska  for  Rest  and  Shore  Exer- 
cise —  Embarrassment  as  to  Command  of  North  Atlantic  Squadron  — 
Special  Cabinet-Meeting  on  the  Subject  of  Abandoned  Plantations  — 
Piratical  Acts  of  Confederate  Refugees  on  Lake  Erie  —  Reception  of  the 
News  of  Sheridan's  Victory  at  Winchester  by  the  Opponents  of  the  Ad- 
ministration—  Robert  C.  Winthrop's  Unfortunate  Position  —  Blair 
leaves  the  Cabinet  —  Cotton-Trading  in  Texas  —  The  Elder  Blair 
calls  in  reference  to  Acting  Admiral  Lee's  Detachment  from  the  North 
Atlantic  Squadron  —  The  Court  Martial  in  the  Case  of  Commander 
Downes  —  Seward  and  the  Presidential  Proclamation  of  Nevada's 
Admission  as  a  State. 

September  1,  Thursday.  Great  is  the  professed  enthusi- 
asm of  the  Democrats  over  the  doings  at  Chicago,  as  if  it 
were  not  a  matter  of  course.  Guns  are  fired,  public  meet- 
ings held,  speeches  made  with  dramatic  effect,  but  I  doubt 
if  the  actors  succeed  even  in  deceiving  themselves.  Not- 
withstanding the  factious  and  petty  intrigues  of  some 
professed  friends,  a  species  of  treachery  which  has  lurked 
in  others  who  are  disappointed,  and  much  mismanagement 
and  much  feeble  management,  I  think  the  President  will 
be  reflected ,  and  I  shall  be  surprised  if  he  does  not  have  a 
large  majority. 

At  Chicago  there  were  extreme  partisans  of  every  hue, 
— Whigs,  Democrats,  Know-Nothings,  Conservatives,  War 
men  and  Peace  men,  with  a  crowd  of  Secessionists  and 
traitors  to  stimulate  action,  —  all  uniting  as  partisans, 
few  as  patriots.  Among  those  present,  there  were  very 
few  influential  names,  or  persons  who  had  public  confid- 


ence,  but  scoundrels,  secret  and  open  traitors  of  every 
color. 

General  Gillmore  and  Fox  went  yesterday  to  the  front 
to  see  General  Grant  and  try  to  induce  him  to  permit  a 
force  to  attack  and  close  the  port  of  Wilmington.  It  is, 
undoubtedly,  the  most  important  and  effective  demonstra- 
tion that  can  be  made.  If  of  less  prestige  than  the  capture 
of  Richmond,  it  would  be  as  damaging  to  the  Rebels. 

September  2,  Friday.  Admiral  Farragut's  dispatch  relat- 
ive to  the  capture  of  Fort  Morgan  and  the  infamous  con- 
duct of  General  Page  in  spiking  his  guns  after  his  surrender 
is  received.  It  was  most  disgraceful  and  would  justify  se- 
vere treatment. 

Some  of  the  Administration  presses  and  leaders  have 
undertaken  to  censure  me  for  slighting  Du  Pont.  Not  one 
of  them  awards  me  any  credit  for  selecting  Farragut.  Yet 
it  was  a  great  responsibility,  for  which  I  was  severely  crit- 
icized, and  until  he  had  proved  himself  worthy  of  my  choice, 
I  felt  it. 

The  contrast  between  Farragut  and  Du  Pont  is  marked. 
No  one  can  now  hesitate  to  say  which  is  the  real  hero ;  yet 
three  years  ago  it  would  have  been  different.  Farragut  is 
earnest,  unselfish,  devoted  to  the  country  and  the  service. 
He  sees  to  every  movement,  forms  his  line  of  battle  with 
care  and  skill,  puts  himself  at  the  head,  carries  out  his 
plan,  if  there  is  difficulty  leads  the  way,  regards  no  danger 
to  himself,  dashes  by  forts  and  overcomes  obstructions. 
Du  Pont,  as  we  saw  at  Sumter,  puts  himself  in  the  most 
formidable  vessel,  has  no  order  of  battle,  leads  the  way 
only  until  he  gets  within  cannon-shot  range,  then  stops, 
says  his  ship  would  not  steer  well,  declines,  however,  to  go 
in  any  other,  but  signals  to  them  to  go  forward  without 
order  or  any  plan  of  battle,  does  not  enjoin  upon  them  to 
dash  by  the  forts ;  they  are  stopped  under  the  guns  of  Sum- 
ter  and  Moultrie,  and  are  battered  for  an  hour,  a  sufficient 
length  of  time  to  have  gone  to  Charleston  wharves,  and 


Admiral  out  of  harm's  way. 

When  I  appointed  Du  Pont  to  command  a  squadron,  I 
met  the  public  expectation.  All  but  a  few  naval  officers, 
most  of  whom  were  under  a  cloud,  approved  and  applauded 
so  judicious  a  selection.  But  no  cheering  response  was  made 
to  the  appointment  of  Farragut.  Some  naval  officers  said 
he  was  a  daring,  dashing  fellow,  but  they  doubted  his  dis- 
cretion and  ability  to  command  a  squadron  judiciously. 
Members  of  Congress  inquired  who  he  was,  and  some  of 
them  remonstrated,  and  questioned  whether  I  was  not 
making  a  mistake,  for  he  was  a  Southern  man  and  had  a 
Southern  wife.  Neither  the  President  nor  any  member  of 
the  Cabinet  knew  him,  or  knew  of  him  except,  perhaps, 
Seward,  but  he  was  not  consulted  and  knew  nothing  of  the 
selection  until  after  it  was  made.  When  told  of  the  ap- 
pointment, he  inquired  if  Farragut  was  equal  to  it,  and 
asked  if  it  would  not  have  been  better  to  have  transferred 
Du  Pont  to  that  command. 

Farragut  became  a  marked  man  in  my  mind  when  I  was 
informed  of  the  circumstances  under  which  he  left  Norfolk. 
At  the  time  the  Virginia  convention  voted  to  secede  he  de- 
nounced the  act,  and  at  once  abandoned  the  State,  leaving 
his  home  and  property  the  day  following,  avowing  openly 
and  boldly,  in  the  face  and  hearing  of  the  Rebels  by  whom 
he  was  surrounded,  his  determination  to  live  and  die  owing 
allegiance  to  no  flag  but  that  of  the  Union  under  which  he 
had  served.  This  firm  and  resolute  stand  caused  me  not 
only  to  admire  the  act,  but  led  me  to  inquire  concerning 
the  man.  I  had  known  of  him  slightly  during  Folk's  ad- 
ministration, when  I  had  charge  of  a  naval  bureau,  remem- 
bered his  proposition  to  take  San  Juan  d'Ulloa  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  all  I  heard  of  him  was  well,  but  he  was  generally 
spoken  of  as  were  other  good  officers.  Fox,  Foote,  and 
Dahlgren  gave  him  a  good  name.  Admiral  D.  D.  Porter 
was  emphatic  in  his  favor,  and  his  knowledge  and  estimate 
of  men  were  generally  pretty  correct.  Admiral  Smith  con- 


1864]  NEW  YORK  SHOUTS  FOR  McCLELLAN  135 

sidered  him  a  bold,  impetuous  man,  of  a  great  deal  of 
courage,  and  energy,  but  his  capabilities  and  power  to 
command  a  squadron  was  a  subject  to  be  determined  only 
by  trial. 

Had  any  other  man  than  myself  been  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  it  is  not  probable  that  either  Farragut  or  Foote 
would  have  had  a  squadron.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Re- 
bellion, neither  of  them  stood  prominent  beyond  others. 
Their  qualities  had  not  been  developed;  they  had  not  pos- 
sessed opportunities.  Foote  and  myself  were  youthful 
companions  at  school.  And  I  have  stated  the  circum- 
stances under  which  Farragut  was  brought  to  my  notice. 
Neither  had  the  showy  name,  the  scholastic  attainments, 
the  wealth,  the  courtly  talent,  of  Du  Pont.  But  both  were 
heroes.  Du  Pont  is  a  polished  naval  officer,  selfish,  heart- 
less, calculating,  scheming,  but  not  a  hero  by  nature,  though; 
too  proud  to  be  a  coward. 

September  3,  Saturday.  New  York  City  is  shouting,  for 
McClellan,  and  there  is  a  forced  effort  elsewhere  to  get  a 
favorable  response  to  the  almost  traitorous  proceeding  at 
Chicago.  As  usual,  some  timid  Union  men  are  alarmed, 
and  there  are  some,  like  Raymond,  Chairman  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee,  who  have  no  fixed  and  reliable  princi- 
ples to  inspire  confidence,  who  falter,  and  another  set;  ,like  • 
Greeley,  who  have  an  uneasy,  lingering  hope  that  they  can, 
yet  have  an  opportunity  to  make  a  new  candidate.  But 
this  will  soon  be  over.  The  Chicago  platform  is  unpatri- 
otic, almost  treasonable  to  the  Union.  The  issue  is  made 
up.  It  is  whether  a  war  shall  be  made  against  Lincoln  to 
get  peace  with  Jeff  Davis.  Those  who  met  at  Chicago 
prefer  hostility  to  Lincoln  rather  than  to  Davis.  Such  is 
extreme  partisanism. 

We  have  to-day  word  that  Atlanta  is  in  our  possession, 
but  we  have  yet  no  particulars.  It  has  been  a  hard,  long 
struggle,  continued  through  weary  months.  This  intelli- 
gence will  not  be  gratifying  to  the  zealous  partisans  who 


136  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  3 

have  just  committed  the  mistake  of  sending  out  a  peace 
platform,  and  declared  the  war  a  failure.  It  is  a  melan- 
choly and  sorrowful  reflection  that  there  are  among  us  so 
many  who  so  give  way  to  party  as  not  to  rejoice  in  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Union  arms.  They  feel  a  conscious  guilt,  and 
affect  not  to  be  dejected,  but  discomfort  is  in  their  coun- 
tenances, deportment,  and  tone.  While  the  true  Unionists 
are  cheerful  and  joyous,  greeting  all  whom  they  meet  over 
the  recent  news,  the  Rebel  sympathizers  shun  company 
and  are  dolorous.  This  is  the  demon  of  party,  —  the  days 
of  its  worst  form,  —  a  terrible  spirit,  which  in  its  excess 
leads  men  to  rejoice  in  the  calamities  of  their  country  and 
to  mourn  its  triumphs.  Strange,  and  wayward,  and  unac- 
countable are  men.  While  the  facts  are  as  I  have  stated,  I 
cannot  think  these  men  are  destitute  of  love  of  country; 
but  they  permit  party  prejudices  and  party  antagonisms 
to  absorb  their  better  natures.  The  leaders  want  power. 
All  men  crave  it.  Few,  comparatively,  expect  to  attain 
high  position,  but  each  hopes  to  be  benefited  within  a 
certain  circle  which  limits,  perhaps,  his  present  ambition. 
There  is  fatuity  in  nominating  a  general  and  warrior  in 
time  of  war  on  a  peace  platform. 

September  5,  Monday.  Mr.  Blair  returned  this  morning 
from  Concord.  He  had,  I  have  little  doubt,  been  sent  for, 
partly  to  see  and  influence  me.  I  am  not  sufficiently  duc- 
tile for  Mr.  Raymond,  Chairman  of  the  National  Exec- 
utive Committee,  who  desires  to  make  each  navy  yard  a 
party  machine.  The  party  politicians  of  King's  County 
wish  to  make  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  control  their  county 
and  State  elections,  and  this  not  by  argument,  persuasion, 
conviction,  personal  effort  on  their  part,  but  by  the  arbi- 
trary and  despotic  exercise  of  power  on  the  part  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy.  I  told  Blair  I  could  not  be  instrument- 
al in  any  such  abuse,  and  read  to  him  Admiral  Paulding's 
letter.  I  should  have  read  it  to  Ravmond,  had  he  DOS- 


1864]     THE  NEW  YORK  COLLECTORSHIP      137 

approachable,  a  wall  that  he  cannot  penetrate  or  get  over. 
E.  B.  Washburne  is  in  this  business;  so  are  Usher  and 
others.  They  want  me  to  do  a  mean  thing,  and  think  it 
would  benefit  the  party,  —  a  most  egregious  error,  were 
I  so  weak  as  to  listen  to  them.  The  wrong  which  they  would 
perpetrate  would  never  make  a  single  convert,  control  a 
single  vote,  but  it  would  create  enmities,  intensify  hatred, 
increase  opposition.  They  would  remove  any  man  who  is 
not  openly  with  us  and  of  our  party  organization,  would 
employ  no  doubtful  or  lukewarm  men  in  the  yard,  whatever 
may  be  their  qualifications  or  ability  in  their  trade.  But  re- 
moving them  would  not  get  us  their  vote,  and  instead  of 
being  lukewarm  or  doubtful  they  would  be  active  election- 
eers against  us,  exciting  sympathy  for  themselves  and 
hatred  towards  the  Administration  for  its  persecution  of 
mechanics  and  laborers  for  independent  opinions. 

Blair  like  a  man  of  sense,  has  a  right  appreciation  of 
things,  as  Paulding's  letter  satisfied  him.  Whether  it  will 
Raymond  and  Washburne  is  another  question,  about  which 
I  care  not  two  straws;  only  for  their  importuning  the  Pre- 
sident, would  not  give  the  old  Whig  Party  a  moment's  at- 
tention. His  good  sense  and  sagacity  are  against  such  exer- 
cise or  abuse  of  power  and  patronage,  as  I  heard  him  once 
remark.  It  is  an  extreme  of  partyism  such  as  is  practiced 
in  New  York. 

Blair  informed  me  that  Simeon  Draper  is  appointed  Col- 
lector of  New  York,  and  the  evening  papers  confirm  the 
fact.  I  also  learn  from  Blair  that  Chase  opposed  the  ap- 
pointment of  Preston  King,  saying  he  was  not  possessed  of 
sufficient  ability  for  the  place.  Gracious  heaven!  A  man 
who,  if  in  a  legal  point  of  view  not  the  equal,  is  the  superior 
of  Chase  in  administrative  ability,  better  qualified  in  some 
respects  to  fill  any  administrative  position  in  the  govern- 
ment than  Mr.  Chase!  And  in  saying  this  I  do  not  mean  to 
deny  intellectual  talents  and  attainments  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  Mr.  Fessenden  also  excepted  to  King,  but 
not  for  the  reasons  assigned  by  Mr.  Chase.  It  is  because 


138  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [SEPT.  5 

Mr.  King  is  too  obstinate!  He  is,  indeed,  immovable  in 
maintaining  what  he  believes  to  be  right,  but  open  always 
to  argument  and  conviction.  If  the  opposition  of  Fessenden 
is  not  dictated  by  Chase,  he  has  fallen  greatly  in  my  estima- 
tion, and  I  am  in  any  event  prepared  to  see  the  Treasury 
Department  fall  away  under  such  management.  The  se- 
lection of  Sim  Draper  with  his  vicious  party  antecedents 
is  abominable.  I  am  told,  however,  that  prominent  mer- 
chants advised  it.  This  shows  how  little  attention  should 
be  paid  in  such  matters  to  those  who  traffic.  I  have  no 
confidence  in  Draper.  I  look  upon  him  as  corrupt,  and 
his  appointment  will  beget  distrust  in  the  Administration. 
I  so  expressed  myself  to  Mr.  Blair,  although  he  had  ac- 
quiesced in  the  selection, — not  from  choice,  but  to  pre- 
vent the  place  from  being  conferred  upon  another. 

September  6,  Tuesday.  A  disagreeable,  rainy  day.  Only 
a  light  Cabinet-meeting.  As  usual  the  dignitaries  were 
absent,  but  Seward  is  not  in  Washington.  Fessenden  and 
Stanton  were  not  with  us,  and  Usher  has  gone  to  Indiana. 
Mr.  F.  W.  Seward  is  always  punctually  present  when  his 
father  is  away,  and  remained  to  the  last.  Governor  Koer- 
ner  sent  his  name  in  before  we  left  and  was  introduced.  He 
is  recently  from  Spain.  Says  Semmes  was  taunted  into 
fighting  the  Kearsarge  by  French  and  other  European 
officers. 

September  9,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet  council  Fessenden 
introduced  some  trade  regulations  prepared  with  the  inten- 
tion of  carrying  out  the  last  enactment  of  Congress,  and 
designed  to  supersede  all  former  regulations.  This  last  law 
is,  so  far  as  he  could  make  it  so,  a  creation  of  Mr.  Chase, 
and  I  am  surprised  that  Senators  Morrill  and  Morgan 
should  have  yielded  to  him.  The  regulations  of  Mr.  Fes- 
senden are  tainted  with  Chase's  schemes  and  errors,  and 
belong  to  the  same  school  of  monopoly  permits  and  favor- 
itism. They  met  with  little  favor,  however.  The  President 


1864]          TRADING  WITH  THE   SOUTH  139 

objected  at  the  threshold  to  that  part  of  the  plan  which 
threw  upon  him  the  odium,  and  labor,  and  responsibility 
of  selecting  the  agents  who  were  to  proceed  within  the 
Rebel  lines.  Both  he  and  Mr.  Fessenden,  however,  started 
with  the  assumption,  and  as  a  settled  fact,  that  the  cotton 
within  the  Rebel  lines  must  be  sought  for  and  brought  out, 
—  trading  on  the  part  of  the  government  with  the  enemy. 
The  only  difference  between  them  was  whether  it  should 
be  by  a  few  selected  agents  specially  permitted,  or  whether 
it  should  be  open  to  all  who  wished  to  trade  with  the 
Rebels.  Mr.  Fessenden's  plan  was  the  first,  the  President's 
was  the  last.  All  gave  a  preference  to  the  President's  plan, 
or  view  of  opening  the  traffic  to  all  if  to  any.  Mr.  Stanton 
stated  some  of  the  objections  to  traffic  beyond  our  lines, 
and  thought,  if  it  were  to  be  done,  it  should  be  in  concur- 
rence with  the  generals  in  the  Departments.  Mr.  Blair 
questioned  the  whole  policy  of  trading  with  the  enemy,  or 
having  dealings  with  them  while  in  a  state  of  war.  The 
principles  of  absolute  non-intercourse  with  those  in  arms 
which  I  have  always  maintained  no  one  undertook  now  to 
controvert  when  suggested  by  Mr.  Blair.  The  President 
explained  his  views  were  that  extensive  regions  lay  open 
where  neither  army  was  in  possession,  where  there  was  an 
abundance  of  cotton  which  the  parties  or  owners  (non-bel- 
ligerents) would  bring  forward,  but  the  moment  the  cotton 
appeared,  approaching  a  market,  it  was  immediately 
seized  and  appropriated  by  our  own  soldiers  and  others. 
It  was  plunder.  He  desired  to  correct  this,  and  wished  Mr. 
Fessenden  to  so  modify  and  so  shape  his  regulations  as  to 
effect  it. 

The  position  of  Mr.  Blair  I  deem  eminently  correct  as 
between  people  of  different  nations.  But  this  is  not  our 
case;  ours  is  not  an  ordinary  war,  and  our  great  primary 
fundamental  purpose  is  a  restoration  of  the  Union.  Com- 
mercial intercourse  is  not  one  of  the  means  of  attaining  that 
end.  A  large  portion  of  the  people  in  the  Rebel  region  are 
not  enemies  of  the  Union;  they  sincerely  desire  its  restora- 


140  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [SEPT.  9 

tion  and  the  benefits  that  would  flow  from  it.  Give  them, 
whenever  amicable,  the  opportunity.  Promote  friendly 
intercourse.  Let  the  people  in  such  portions  of  the  country 
as  are  not  strictly  in  military  occupation  come  forward  with 
their  cotton  and  begin  to  feel  that  they  are  of  us  and  we  of 
them.  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  northern  Georgia  and 
Alabama,  the  entire  country  bordering  on  the  Mississippi, 
etc.,  etc.,  can  thus,  under  skillful  and  right  treatment  be 
soon  reclaimed.  We  want  no  frontiers. 

The  success  of  Sherman  at  Atlanta,  following  on  that  of 
Farragut  at  Mobile,  has  very  much  discomposed  the  op- 
position. They  had  planned  for  a  great  and  onward  dem- 
onstration for  their  candidate  and  platform,  but  our  naval 
and  army  successes  have  embarrassed  them  exceedingly. 
General  McClellan,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  has  sent  out 
a  different  and  much  more  creditable  and  patriotic  set  of 
principles  than  the  convention  which  nominated  him;  but 
the  two  are  wholly  irreconcilable.  It  will  be  impossible  for 
Vallandigham,  Wood,  Tom  Seymour,  Long,  Brooks,  and 
men  of  that  stripe  to  support  McClellan  without  an  utter 
abandonment  of  all  pretensions  to  consistency  or  principle. 
Yet  some  of  that  class  will  be  likely  to  adhere  to  him,  while 
those  who  are  sincere  will  not.  But  the  letter  will  be  likely 
to  secure  him  more  friends  than  he  will  lose  by  it. 

September  10,  Saturday.  Seward  made  a  speech  at 
Auburn,  intended  by  him,  I  have  no  doubt,  as  the  keynote 
of  the  campaign.  For  a  man  of  not  very  compact  thought, 
and  who,  plausible  and  serious,  is  often  loose  in  his  expres- 
sions, the  speech  is  very  well.  In  one  or  two  respects  it  is 
not  judicious  and  will  likely  be  assailed. 

Chase,  who  has  been  expressing  his  discontent,  not  in 
public  speeches  but  in  social  intercourse  down  East,  is 
beginning  to  realize  that  the  issue  is  made  up, — no  new 
leaders  are  to  be  brought  forward,  —  and  he  will  now  sup- 
port Lincoln  in  order  to  defeat  McClellan.  So  with  others. 
After  doing  what  they  could  to  weaken  the  President  and 


1864]  TALK  WITH  J.  M.   FORBES  141 

impair  confidence  in  him,  they  now  turn  in  and  feel  the 
necessity  of  counteracting  their  own  unwise  and  mistaken 
policy. 

Mr.  Fessenden  assures  me  that  the  payment  of  Navy 
requisitions  commences  forthwith,  and  will  be  prosecuted 
earnestly.  It  certainly  is  time.  There  are  over  thirteen 
millions  of  suspended  requisitions  in  the  Treasury,  every 
dollar  of  which  is  due  the  parties.  Many  of  them  should 
have  been  paid  three  and  four  months  ago.  Chase  com- 
menced this  system  of  deferring  payments  for  value  re- 
ceived. I  have  explained  matters  to  Mr.  Fessenden,  who, 
however,  does  not  yet,  I  apprehend,  fully  realize  the  conse- 
quences and  the  great  wrong.  The  credit  of  the  Depart- 
ment and  of  the  government  is  seriously  impaired,  and  the 
Navy  Department  is  by  these  delays  compelled  to  pay  an 
extra  price  for  everything  it  purchases,  because  the  Treas- 
ury does  not  promptly  pay  the  requisitions  drawn  on  it.  My 
administration  of  the  Department  is  injured  by  these  de- 
lays, and  made  to  appear  extravagant  in  its  expenditures, 
when  it  is  in  fact  the  only  one,  except  the  Post-Office,  that 
struggles  for  economy. 

September  12,  Monday.  No  news  of  special  importance 
to-day.  The  election  in  Maine  is  eliciting  comments.  The 
opposition  are  expecting  to  make  large  gains,  while  the 
friends  of  the  Administration  are  pretty  confident  they  will 
maintain  their  majority  of  last  year.  Both  parties  evidently 
consider  the  result  as  indicative  of  the  great  result  in  the 
fall,  and  for  this  reason  more  than  usual  interest  is  mani- 
fested. 

September  13,  Tuesday.  Had  an  interesting  half-hour 
talk  with  J.  M.  Forbes,  a  sensible  man  and  true  patriot. 
He  wishes  the  President  to  make  the  issue  before  the  coun- 
try distinctly  perceptible  to  all  as  democratic  and  aristo- 
cratic. The  whole  object  and  purpose  of  the  leaders  in  the 
Rebellion  is  the  establishment  of  an  aristocracy,  although 


lew  loiiowers.  ivir.  roroes  wisnes  me  uo  urge  urns  suojecc 
upon  the  President.  It  is  not  in  my  nature  to  obtrude  my 
opinions  upon  others.  Perhaps  I  err  in  the  other  extreme. 
In  the  course  of  the  conversation  he  related  a  violent  and 
strange  assault  that  was  made  upon  him  by  Mr.  Seward 
some  time  since,  in  the  railroad  cars  or  on  the  platform  at  a 
stopping-place,  denouncing  him  for  trying  to  postpone  the 
nominating  convention.  Mr.  Blair,  in  walking  over  with 
me,  took  the  opportunity  of  stating  his  conviction  that 
there  was  a  deep  intrigue  going  forward  on  the  part  of  the 
"little  villain"  —  using  Greeley's  epithet  to  Raymond  — 
to  effect  a  change  of  Cabinet  next  March.  The  grumbling 
and  the  complaint  about  the  employe's  in  the  Navy  Yards 
meant  more  than  was  expressed.  It  is  to  gradually  work 
upon  the  President  and  get  him,  if  possible,  dissatisfied 
with  me  and  with  the  administration  of  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment. I  doubt  if  this  is  so  and  yet  should  not  be  at  all 
surprised  to  find  Blair  to  be  right  in  his  conjectures.  I 
know  that  the  managers  are  very  much  dissatisfied  because 
I  do  not  make  the  yards  bitterly  partisan,  and  permit  levies 
for  money  to  be  made  on  the  workmen  for  party  purposes. 
This  is  particularly  the  case  at  the  Brooklyn  yard.  Ray- 
mond has  in  party  matters  neither  honesty  nor  principle 
himself,  and  believes  that  no  one  else  has.  He  would  com- 
pel men  to  vote,  and  would  buy  up  leaders.  Money  and 
office,  not  argument  and  reason,  are  the  means  which  he 
would  use.  This  fellow,  trained  in  the  vicious  New  York 
school  of  politics,  is  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee;  is  spending  much  of  his  time  in  Washington, 
working  upon  the  President  secretly,  trying  to  poison  his 
mind  and  induce  him.  to  take  steps  that  would  forever 
injure  him.  Weed,  worse  than  Seward,  is  Raymond's 
prompter,  and  the  debaucher  of  New  York  politics. 

September  14,  Wednesday.  I  had  a  formal  call  to-day 
from  a  committee  consisting  of  Mr.  Cook  of  Illinois,  a 
member  of  the  National  Committee,  Mr.  Humphrey,  an 


1864]  THE  BROOKLYN  NAVY  YARD  MATTER  143 

ex-Member  of  Congress  from  Brooklyn,  and  two  or  three 
other  gentlemen.  Mr.  Cook  opened  the  subject  by  present- 
ing me  a  resolution,  adopted  unanimously  by  the  National 
Committee,  complaining  in  general  terms  that  the  em- 
ploye's of  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  were,  a  majority  of 
them,  opposed  to  the  Administration.  He  also  presented  a 
paper  which  the  President  had  given  him  from  certain 
persons  in  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  complain- 
ing in  a  similar  manner  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
Charlestown  and  Kittery  navy  yards.  Our  interview  was 
long,  and  matters  were  pretty  fully  gone  into.  After  read- 
ing the  papers,  I  stated  that  these  were  charges  in  general 
terms,  and  asked  if  they  had  any  specific  facts,  anything 
tangible  for  us  to  inquire  into.  Was  there  any  case  within 
their  knowledge,  or  the  knowledge  of  any  one  to  whom 
they  could  refer,  of  wrong,  of  disloyalty,  of  offensive  po- 
litical bearing?  They  were  evidently  unprepared  to  an- 
swer. Mr.  Cook  said  he  had  understood  there  were  some 
warrant  officers  who  ought  to  be  removed.  I  explained 
there  were  naval  officers  and  there  were  civilians  in  the 
Navy  Yards.  The  former  were  detailed  to  duty,  the  latter 
are  appointees  of  the  Department.  The  masters  are  ap- 
pointed by  the  Department  and  they  employ  all  the  work- 
men, subject  to  the  approval  of  the  chiefs  of  their  respect- 
ive departments.  I  had  appointed  and  retained  all  the 
masters  in  Brooklyn  by  the  advice  of  Mr.  Humphrey  and 
his  associates.  If  there  were  any  improper  persons  em- 
ployed there,  it  was  by  the  masters  thus  selected  on  Mr. 
Humphrey's  recommendation.  Mr.  Cook  said  he  had  not 
fully  understood  this  matter.  Mr.  Humphrey  said  there 
were  a  good  many  disloyal  men  in  the  yard.  I  requested 
him  to  point  them  out,  to  give  me  their  names,  to  specify 
one.  He  was  not  prepared,  nor  were  either  of  the  men  with 
him.  Mr.  Humphrey  said  that  a  majority  of  the  men  in  the 
yard  were  Copperheads,  opposed  to  the  Administration.  I 
asked  him  how  he  knew  that  to  be  the  case,  for  I  could  not 
credit  it.  He  said  he  had  been  told  so,  and  appealed  to  the 


144  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  14 

master  joiner,  who  was  present,  —  a  little  deaf.  The  mas- 
ter joiner  thought  that  four  sevenths  were  opposed  to  the 
Administration.  I  inquired  on  what  data  he  made  that 
statement.  He  said  he  had  no  data  but  he  could  tell  pretty 
well  by  going  round  the  yard  and  mingling  with  the  men. 
I  told  him  that  besides  introducing  partyism  into  the  yard, 
which  was  wrong,  his  figure  was  mere  conjecture,  and 
asked  if  their  ward  committees  in  the  city  outside  the  yard 
did  their  duty,  —  if  they  canvassed  their  wards,  knew  how 
many  navy  yard  men  were  in  each  ward,  and  how  they 
stood  relatively  with  parties.  They  were  aware  of  no  such 
canvass,  had  no  facts,  had  done  nothing  outside. 

But  the  burden  of  their  complaint  was  against  Mr. 
Davidson,  the  Assistant  Naval  Constructor,  who  would  not 
dismiss,  or  give  his  approval  to  dismiss,  any  man  of  the  op- 
position. Again  I  asked  for  facts.  "Why,  if  there  is  this 
wrong,  has  not  a  case  been  brought  to  my  knowledge?  You 
must,  certainly,  among  you  all,  know  of  a  single  case  if 
there  is  such  a  grievance  as  you  represent."  Mr.  Hum- 
phrey appealed  to  the  master  joiner,  who  related  the  cir- 
cumstance of  a  difference  that  had  grown  up  between  a 
workman  and  a  quarterman,  an  appeal  was  made  to  Mr. 
Hallock,  the  master,  Hallock  wrote  his  dismissal  for  insub- 
ordination, and  Mr.  Davidson  had  not  approved  it;  no 
action  had  yet  been  taken. 

This  was  the  only  case  they  could  recollect.  This,  I  told 
them,  was  not  a  case  of  disloyalty,  or  objectionable  party 
opinion,  but  one  of  discipline.  If  as  stated,  the  facts  should 
have  been  reported  to  me,  and  I  would  have  given  them 
attention.  But  nothing,  they  were  confident,  could  be  done 
with  Mr.  Davidson  to  favor  the  Republican  Party.  I  asked 
Mr.  H.  if  he  knew  Mr.  Davidson's  political  opinion.  Told 
him  Mr.  D.  had  been  recommended  by  every  Republican 
Member  of  Congress  from  Philadelphia.  Mr.  H.  did  not 
know  what  his  opinions  were,  but  he  had  no  sympathy 
with  us.  I  told  him  my  impressions  were  that  D.  was  a 
friend  and  supporter  of  the  President,  but  he  had  gone  a 


1864]  THE  BROOKLYN  NAVY  YARD  MATTER  145 

stranger  to  Brooklyn,  and  been  treated  with  neglect  and 
now  was  much  misrepresented;  that  I  was  satisfied  and 
confirmed  that  my  impressions  were  correct,  that  there 
was  no  proper  party  organization  in  Brooklyn,  that  they 
had  no  proper  canvass,  that  they  did  not  labor  and  exert 
themselves  properly,  but  sat  down  leisurely  and  called  on 
the  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  do  their  party 
work  and  organization  for  them;  that  in  this  way  they 
could  never  make  themselves  formidable.  They  must 
mingle  with  the  people,  be  with  them  and  of  them,  con- 
vince them  by  intercourse  that  the  Republicans  were  right. 
That  they  should  invite  the  employees  to  their  meetings, 
furnish  them  with  arguments,  get  them  interested,  and 
they  would,  in  that  way,  have  their  willing  efforts  and 
votes. 

They  thought,  they  said,  they  had  a  pretty  good  organiz- 
ation, but  if  allowed  to  go  into  the  yard  they  could  better 
organize,  it  would  help  them  much.  I  told  them  I  thought 
such  a  proceeding  would  be  wrong;  it  was  a  maxim  with  me 
not  to  do  that  which  I  condemned  in  another.  They  said  if 
they  could  go  near  the  paymaster  when  he  was  paying  the 
men  off,  and  get  the  assessment  off  each  man,  it  would 
greatly  aid  them.  I  told  them  it  would  help  them  to  no 
votes.  The  man  who  was  compelled  to  pay  a  party  tax 
could  not  love  the  party  who  taxed  him.  His  contribution 
must,  like  his  vote,  come  voluntarily,  and  they  must  per- 
suade and  convince  him  to  make  him  earnest  and  effective. 

I  promised  to  write  instructing  Delano,  the  constructor, 
to  pass  on  the  selections  and  dismissals  of  men,  and'  not  to 
depute  this  duty  to  his  assistant.  This,  they  thought, 
would  afford  them  relief,  and  though  I  perceived  there  was 
disappointment  hi  the  matter  of  money-getting,  which  is 
obviously  the  great  object  in  view,  they  went  off  appar- 
ently satisfied  with  the  victory  for  Delano. 

September  15,  Thursday.  Admiral  Farragut  writes  that 
his  health  is  giving  way  under  the  great  labor  imposed  and 


146  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  15 

long-continued  service  in  the  Gulf  and  the  Caribbean  Sea. 
Says  he  must  have  rest  and  shore  exercise.  The  Depart- 
ment had  ordered  him  North  to  command  the  North  At- 
lantic Blockading  Squadron  and  capture  Wilmington. 
These  orders  he  had  not  received  when  his  dispatch  was 
written,  and  I  am  exceedingly  embarrassed  how  to  pro- 
ceed. Fox  tells  me  that  Grant,  with  whom  he  has  con- 
versed, would  not  be  satisfied  with  Lee.  Grant  had  so  said 
or  intimated  to  him  when  Fox  was  sent  with  Gillmore  to 
consult  with  Grant  in  regard  to  operations  at  Wilmington. 
My  own  convictions  are  that  Lee  is  not  the  man  for  that. 
That  kind  of  work  is  not  in  him,  except  under  the  imme- 
diate orders  of  another.  He  is  true  and  loyal,  prudent  and 
cautious.  Farragut  would  take  the  place  three  times  while 
Lee  was  preparing,  and  hesitating,  and  looking  behind  for 
more  aid.  It  pains  me  to  distress  him  and  the  Blairs  by 
detaching  him  and  ordering  another  to  the  work,  but  indi- 
vidual feelings,  partialities,  and  friendships  must  not  be  in 
the  way  of  public  welfare. 

The  importance  of  closing  Wilmington  and  cutting  off 
Rebel  communication  is  paramount  to  all  other  questions, 
—  more  important,  practically,  than  the  capture  of  Rich- 
mond. It  has  been  impossible  to  get  the  War  Department 
and  military  authorities  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  this  work. 
They  did  not  appreciate  it.  But  they  and  Grant  have  now 
engaged  in  it,  and  Grant  is  persistent.  Just  at  this  crisis 
Farragut  unfortunately  fails.  It  is  unavoidable,  a  necessity. 
He  would  not  ask  relief  if  not  compelled  to,  and  may  try  to 
obey  the  orders,  though  I  think  not;  and  if  he  offers  to,  I 
shall  not,  under  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  accept  the 
service  from  him.  But  who  shall  take  his  place?  Lee  is  not 
the  man,  whatever  his  worth  in  other  respects.  Admiral 
Porter  is  probably  the  best  man  for  the  service,  but  his  se- 
lection will  cut  Lee  to  the  quick.  Porter  is  young,  and  his 
rapid  promotion  has  placed  him  in  rank  beyond  those  who 
were  his  seniors,  some  of  whom  it  might  be  well  to  have  in 
this  expedition.  But  again  personal  considerations  must 


1864]  PORTER  FOR  THE  NORTH  ATLANTIC    147 

yield  to  the  public  necessities.  I  think  Porter  must  perform 
this  duty.  Neither  Goldsborough  nor  Du  Pont  are  men  for 
such  service.  Nor  is  Davis.  Dahlgren  has  some  good  quali- 
ties, but  lacks  great  essentials  and  cannot  be  thought  of  for 
this  command.  His  promotion  is  not  and  never  will  be 
popular  with  the  Navy.  Men  as  well  as  officers  participate 
in  this  feeling.  I  regret  it.  I  strove  to  have  him  suppress 
his  aspirations  as  premature  and  not  earned  afloat.  But  it  is 
difficult  to  reason  with  vain  ambition.  Dahlgren  is  not  for 
such  a  duty  the  equal  of  Porter,  even  were  he  popular  with 
the  service  and  the  country.  I  see  no  alternative  but 
Porter,  and,  unprejudiced  and  unembarrassed,  I  should 
select  him.  The  movement  is  secret,  and  I  have  no  one 
to  confer  with  but  Fox,  who  is  over-partial  to  Porter 
.and  whose  opinion  is  foregone,  and  known  already  before 
asking. 

Now,  how  to  dispose  of  Lee?  I  think  we  must  send  him 
for  the  present  to  the  West  Gulf,  and  yet  that  is  not  strictly 
right,  perhaps,  to  others.  His  harvest  of  prize  money,  I 
think,  is  greater  than  that  of  any  other  officer,  and  the 
West  Gulf,  should  Wilmington  be  closed,  will  be  likely,  if 
the  war  continues,  to  be  the  theatre  of  blockade-running. 
I  think,  however,  Lee  must,  for  a  time  at  least,  have  the 
position. 

September  16,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet  nothing  of  interest. 
Seward  and  Fessenden  were  early  there  and  left.  Judge 
Otto,1  who  was  present  in  the  place  of  Usher,  presented  a 
paper  for  the  removal  of  Charles  L.  Lines,  a  land  officer  in 
Kansas,  stating  he  was  a  troublesome  man  and  an  opponent 
of  the  Administration.  It  is  not  usual  for  me  to  volunteer 
remarks  touching  the  appointments  of  another  Depart- 
ment, but  I  could  not  forbear  saying  this  statement  if  cor- 
rect was  extraordinary,  —  that  Lines  was  an  old  Whig,  — 
we  had  been  old  opponents  in  Connecticut,  —  that  he,  in 
earnest  zeal,  went  early  to  Kansas,  had  made  sacrifices  of 

1  William  T.  Otto,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 


148  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  ie 

domestic  comfort,  had  lost  one  or  two  sons  there,  and  I 
should  be  surprised  if  he  was  not  a  Mend  of  the  President. 
Otto  said  he  knew  nothing  on  the  subject.  It  was  a  ques- 
tion in  which  Senator  Jim  Lane  took  an  interest  and  had 
been  submitted  by  Mr.  Edmunds.1  The  President  said  he 
was  sorry  Lane  had  come  here  just  at  this  time,  for  he 
would  want  him  (the  President)  to  adopt  all  his  personal 
quarrels.  For  the  present,  and  until  he  knew  more,  he  de- 
clined to  interfere. 

Acting  Admiral  Bailey  has  come  here,  and  dislikes,  I  pre- 
sume, his  orders  to  the  Portsmouth  Navy  Yard,  —  would 
have  preferred  his  command  of  the  East  Gulf  Squadron. 
I  had  supposed  he  desired  and  would  be  gratified  with  the 
change.  But  prize  money  is  a  great  stimulant. 

September  17,  Saturday.  Talked  over  the  subject  of  Wil- 
mington, examined  its  localities,  and  considered  the  posi- 
tion of  things  fully  with  Porter  and  Fox.  I  had  intended 
Blair  should  have  been  present,  for  the  meeting  was  at  his 
house,  but  he  was  compelled  to  leave  for  Baltimore. 

Porter  has  preferred  retaining  the  Mississippi  Squadron, 
but  repeated  what  he  has  heretofore  said,  —  that  he  had 
been  treated  kindly  by  the  Department,  and  if  I  ordered 
him  to  go  over  Niagara  Falls  in  an  iron  pot  he  should  obey 
the  order.  In  other  words,  he  and  every  naval  officer  must 
submit  and  give  up  their  own  wishes  to  the  orders  of  the 
Department  without  a  murmur  of  dissent. 

There  was  a  special  Cabinet-meeting  to-day  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  abandoned  plantations.  A  person  of  the  name 
of  Wright  wishes  the  President  to  put  him  in  possession  of 
what  he  claims  to  be  his  plantation,  now  in  the  occupancy 
of  Mr.  Flanders,  the  Treasury  agent.  It  seems  that  F.  has 
fifty-two  of  these  plantations,  —  or  had  some  time  since, 
perhaps  he  has  more  now. 

The  President  said  serious  questions  were  rising  in  re- 
gard to  this  description  of  property;  appeals  were  made  to 

1  James  M.  Edmunds,  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office. 


1864]  ABANDONED  PLANTATIONS  149 

him,  and  he  could  not  undertake  to  investigate  and  adjust 
them.  Quite  a  discussion  took  place  in  which  the  President, 
Mr.  Bates,  and  Mr.  Stanton  took  the  principal  part.'*  It  was 
not  made  distinctly  to  appear  how  these  plantations  came 
into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Flanders,  the  Treasury  agent. '  All 
who  were  present,  except  Mr.  Bates  and  myself,  seemed  to 
take  it  for  granted  that  it  was  legitimate  and  proper.  They 
said  the  law  had  prescribed  how  abandoned  plantations 
became  forfeit.  Mr.  Stanton  said  he  had  given  the  subject 
great  attention  and  most  thorough  investigation,  and  he 
made  a  somewhat  emphatic  and  labored  argument,  telling 
the  President  (very  properly  I  think)  he  could  not, 'and 
ought  not  to,  take  upon  himself  the  details  of  these  em- 
barrassing questions;  that  when  Admiral  Farragut  and 
General  Butler  took  possession  of  New  Orleans,  many  of 
the  inhabitants  fled,  leaving  their  plantations,  and  kept 
themselves  within  the  Rebel  lines;  thousands  of  negroes 
were  left  unprovided  for.  It  became  necessary  for  the  gov- 
ernment to  provide  for  them ;  the  military  authorities  had 
taken  up  their  deserted  plantations  and  seized  others,  and 
let  them,  out  for  the  negroes  to  work.  When  Mr.  Chase  got 
his  Treasury  agents  at  work,  it  was  thought  best  to  turn 
these  plantations  over  to  him.  After  a  little  time,  Chase 
became  sick  of  his  bargain,  and  desired  the  War  Depart- 
ment to  retake  possession  and  responsibility  but  he  (S.)  had, 
declined. 

Mr.  Bates  wanted  a  definition  of  "abandoned."  Was  it 
"abandonment"  for  a  man  to  leave  his  home  with  his 
family  and  go  for  a  few  months  to  the  North,  or  to  Cuba, 
or  to  Richmond?  etc.  Mr.  Stanton  said  the  statute  made 
that  clear,  but  Mr.  Bates  thought  Congress,  though  they 
made  law,  did  not  make  dictionaries.  I  put  the  question  if  a 
man  had  two  plantations,  one  in  Alabama  and  one  in  Louis- 
iana, at  the  time  of  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  and  he, 
being  in  Alabama,  remained  there,  within  the  Rebel  lines, 
attending  to  his  private  domestic  affairs,  whether  ^that 
would  be  an  abandonment  of  his  Louisiana  plantation  so 


150  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  i? 

that  Mr.  Flanders  could  take  and  hold  it.  I  also  asked  if 
there  was  not  a  preliminary  question  to  all  this,  —  would  it 
not  be  necessary  to  ascertain  by  proper,  legal  inquiry 
whether  the  owner  was  a  Rebel  and  traitor. 

There  is  too  much  of  a  disposition  to  jump  to  a  conclu- 
sion —  to  take  for  granted  —  on  many  occasions.  The 
owner  by  legal  title-deeds  and  records  is  entitled  to  his  land 
unless  he  has  forfeited  it.  If  a  Rebel  and  traitor,  he  may 
have  forfeited  it,  but  who  is  to  decide  that  he  is  a  traitor? 
Not  the  military  commander  or  quartermaster,  and  yet  no 
other  officer  or  tribunal  has  passed  over  them. 

Some  difference  appeared  between  Fessenden  and  Stan- 
ton  as  to  which  should  have  the  custody  of  the  plantations. 
F.  thought  the  agent  should  report  to  S.  and  vice  versa.  If 
seized  or  taken  possession  of  from  military  necessity,  I  have 
never  been  able  to  see  why  the  Treasury  agent  should  have 
them.  If  not  a  military  necessity,  how  can  he  have  posses- 
sion, except  under  some  legal  decision?  It  is  not  sufficient 
that  the  law  says  the  land  of  a  traitor  shall  be  forfeited. 
Who  shall  expound  and  carry  the  law  into  effect,  trans- 
ferring title?  Not  the  Treasury  agent,  certainly. 

The  President  said  he  wished  some  means  devised  to  re- 
lieve him  from  these  questions.  He  could  not  undertake  to 
investigate  them.  Stanton  said  that  was  true,  but  that, 
having  given  the  subject  great  consideration,  he  was  pre- 
pared to  say  what  in  his  opinion  was  best,  —  that  was  that 
the  whole  of  the  matters  pertaining  to  abandoned  planta- 
tions should  be  turned  over  to  the  War  Department  and  he 
would  organize  a  bureau  or  tribunal  to  make  rightful  dispo- 
sition of  each  case  presented. 

September  19 .  Monday.  Grant  has  gone  up  to  the  Shen- 
andoah  to  see  Sheridan.  I  had  advised  Porter  and  Fox  to 
visit  Grant  on  James  River,  but  this  prevented,  and  yes- 
terday it  was  said  at  the  War  Department  he  would  be 
here  to-day.  We  now  learn  he  has  already  returned  to  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  so  P.  and  F.  left  this  P.M.  to  visit 


1864]      PIRATICAL  ACTS  ON   LAKE  ERIE       151 

him  and  arrange  particulars.  Grant  has  not  yet  decided 
or  made  known  what  general  he  shall  select  for  this  serv- 
ice. 

September  20,  Tuesday.  Intelligence  reaches  us  this 
morning  that  Sheridan  has  achieved  a  great  victory  over 
Early  in  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  after  much  hard 
fighting.  This  will  do  much  to  encourage  and  stimulate  all 
Union-loving  men,  and  will  be  ominous  to  Lee. 

At  Cabinet-meeting.  Met  Fessenden  on  my  way,  who 
said  he  had  called  in  but  the  President  told  him  there  was 
"no  business."  This  is  the  announcement  three  out  of  four 
days  of  meeting.  Sometimes  matters  are  brought  forward 
notwithstanding.  I  found  the  Postmaster-General  and  the 
Attorney-General  with  the  President.  In  a  few  minutes 
Fessenden  returned,  and  shortly  after  Stanton  came  in. 
It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  the  latter  was  full,  —  that  he 
had  something  on  the  brain,  —  and  I  concluded  he  had 
additional  tidings  from  Sheridan.  But,  the  President 
being  called  out  just  as  he  entered,  Stanton  went  and 
seated  himself  by  Fessenden  and  conversed  in  an  under- 
tone. He  had  remarked  as  he  came  in  that  he  had  sent  for 
Mr.  Seward.  When  Seward  arrived,  Stanton  unfolded  and 
read  a  telegram,  stating  two  steamers  had  been  captured 
on  Lake  Erie  by  Rebels  from  Canada.  This  he  said  was  a 
matter  that  immediately  concerned  the  State  and  Navy 
Departments.  He  inquired  what  naval  force  we  had  there. 
I  told  him  I  apprehended  more  than  we  were  authorized  to 
have  by  treaty  stipulations.  He  inquired  what  the  treaty 
was;  said  he  knew  nothing  about  that.  Seward  explained. 
Stanton  wanted  to  know  where  the  Michigan  was.  I  told 
him  she  had  lain  at  Johnson's  Island  most  of  the  summer 
to  aid  the  army  and  guard  prisoners  and  my  impression  was 
that  she  was  still  there.  As  usual,  he  was  excited,  and, 
as  usual,  a  little  annoyed  that  I  viewed  the  matter  coolly. 
He  soon  left,  and  Seward  also,  each  agreeing  to  let  me 
know  as  soon  as  they  had  farther  information.  On  my  re- 


152  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  20 

turn  to  the  Department  I  telegraphed  to  Commodore 
Rodgers  in  New  York  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  obey 
any  orders,  and  also  to  Admiral  Paulding  to  have  one 
hundred  picked  men  and  officers  ready  to  proceed  on  im- 
mediate service  if  required.  I  then  called  on  Stanton,  who 
agreed  to  furnish  transportation  for  these  men  and  four 
guns  to  Buffalo,  if  the  occasion  needed  them,  —  and  he  was 
confident  it  would,  —  thought  they  had  better  be  sent  at 
all  events,  officers,  men,  and  guns.  I  thought  it  premature 
but  that  we  would  be  prepared.  Just  before  leaving  the 
Department  for  the  day,  Stanton  sent  me  a  dispatch  just 
received,  that  some  Rebel  refugees  had  come  on  board  the 
packet-boat  Parsons  at  Maiden,  the  boat  being  on  her  way 
from  Detroit  to  Sandusky;  had  risen  on  the  officers  and 
crew  and  seized  the  boat,  had  subsequently  seized  and  sunk 
the  Queen  of  the  West,  then  run  their  own  boat  into  a 
Canada  port  and  disabled  and  then  deserted  her.  I  called 
on  Stanton  at  the  War  Department  on  my  way  home  and 
remarked  the  flurry  was  pretty  well  over,  and  the  fuss 
ended.  He  did  not,  he  said,  consider  it  so  by  any  means. 
One  vessel  was  destroyed,  and  one  was  rushing  over  the 
lake  and  all  our  vast  shipping  on  the  Lakes  was  at  its  mercy. 
I  requested  him  to  reread  the  dispatch  he  had  sent  me. 
He  did  so,  and  was  a  little  nonplussed;  but  said  the  pirate 
was  there  and  would  do  the  same  thing  over  again.  I 
thought  not  immediately.  He  thought  they  would  at  once, 
and  we  should  be  prepared  by  having  two  more  naval  ves- 
sels. The  army  had  two,  he  said,  which  they  would  turn 
over  to  us.  I  remarked  that  we  had  best  keep  within  the 
terms  of  the  treaty,  and  call  on  the  British  authorities  to 
do  then*  duty.  I  remarked  this  was  a  piece  of  robbery  and 
could  not  be  considered  in  any  other  light;  that  the  robbers 
had  come  from  Canada  and  risen  upon  the  vessel  upon 
which  they  had  embarked,  and  had  fled  into  Canada  with 
the  stolen  property.  The  State  Department  had,  or  should 
have,  the  question  now  in  hand.  This,  I  perceived,  was 
letting  off  the  affair  in  too  quiet  a  way  to  suit  the  Secretary 


1864]  ROBERT  C.  WINTHROP  153 

of  War,  and  I  left  him.  He  is  always  in  an  excited  panic,  a 
sensational  condition,  at  such  times. 

There  was  some  conversation  after  the  others  left,  be- 
tween the  President,  Blair,  and  myself  —  chiefly  by  them 
—  in  regard  to  men  and  things  in  Maryland.  In  the  early 
days  of  the  Administration,  H.  Winter  Davis  and  his  crew 
had  been  more  regarded  than  they  deserved. 

Some  matters  in  Dakota  were  also  alluded  to.  Todd, 
who  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  seat  of  delegate  over  Dr. 
Jayne,  brother-in-law  of  Trumbull,  had  undertaken  to  be 
exacting,  and  the  President  had  told  him  so.  I  well  remem- 
ber that  early  in  the  Administration  Trumbull  had  pressed 
the  appointment  of  his  brother-in-law  to  that  Territory, 
against  the'  wishes  and  convictions  of  the  President.  It 
appeared  to  me  that  Trumbull  was  unreasonable,  but  he 
then  succeeded.  His  brother-in-law  had  just  previously 
been  elected  to  the  Illinois  Senate  by  seven  votes  in  a  dis- 
trict that  was  usually  Democratic;  his  appointment  com- 
pelled him  to  resign  and  a  candidate  of  opposite  politics 
was  elected.  The  control  of  the  legislature  went  into  other 
hands;  Richardson,  an  opponent  of  the  Administration,  was 
elected;1  a  quarrel  then  broke  out  in  Nebraska  between  the 
two  —  Jayne  and  Todd  —  from  Springfield,  etc.,  etc. 

September  21,  Wednesday.  The  victory  of  Sheridan  has  a 
party-political  influence.  It  is  not  gratifying  to  the  op- 
ponents of  the  Administration.  Some  who  want  to  rejoice 
in  it  feel  it  difficult  to  do  so,  because  they  are  conscious 
that  it  strengthens  the  Administration,  to  which  they  are 
opposed.  The  partisan  feeling  begins  to  show  itself  strongly 
among  men  of  whom  it  was  not  expected.  In  New  York 
there  has  been  more  of  this  than  elsewhere.  Robert  C. 
Winthrop,  once  potent  and  powerful  in  Massachusetts,  a 
man  of  position  and  of  talent,  not  a  great  man,  but  a 
scholar  of  taste  and  pretension,  a  gentleman  and  states- 
man, made  his  appearance  in  New  York,  with  Fernando 

1  To  the  United  States  Senate,  —  William  A.  Richardson. 


154  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  21 

and  Ben  Wood,  Rynders/and  others,  whom  in  other  days 
he  detested.  Winthrop  is  a  disappointed  man.  He  had  high 
aspirations  and  high  expectations,  and  not  without  reason. 
Had  he  pursued  a  faithful,  conscientious  course,  he  would 
have  won  high  official  distinction  and  influence.  But,  con- 
fident of  his  strong  position  in  New  England  and  with  the 
Whigs,  he  courted  their  enemies,  repelled  the  Republicans 
and  fell.  As  he  swerved  from  the  track,  Sumner  and  others, 
who  did  not,  perhaps,  regret  his  error,  stepped  forward,  and 
poor  Winthrop  in  a  very  short  time  found  that  instead  of 
gaming  new  friends  he  had  lost  old  ones.  For  several  years 
he  felt  very  uncomfortable,  and  has  now  committed  an- 
other great  mistake.  The  National  Intelligencer,  which  has 
endeavored  to  hold  a  position  of  dignified  neutrality  during 
this  Administration,  has  finally  given  way  and  become 
strongly  partisan.  This  I  regret,  for  the  editor  has  ability, 
and  has  made  his  paper  respectable.  His  discussions  of 
current  and  important  questions  have  been  highly  credit- 
able and  often  instructive,  and  I  cannot  but  think  it  un- 
fortunate that  he  should  take  an  attitude  which  will  injure 
him  and  his  paper  and  do  good  to  no  one. 

Some  attempt  is  made  by  the  Richmond  papers  to  help 
the  cause  of  McCiellan  by  an  affectation  of  dread  of  his 
superior  military  attainments  and  abilities  and  his  greater 
zeal  for  the  Union.  The  effort  is  so  bald,  so  manifestly  in- 
tended for  their  sympathizing  friends,  that  no  one  can  be 
deceived  by  it.  There  was  a  time  when  such  stuff  had  a 
market  in  the  North,  but  that  time  has  gone  by. 

September  22,  Thursday.  Senator  Harris  called  on  me. 
He  is  jubilant  over  Sheridan's  success,  but  much  disturbed 
by  the  miserable  intrigues  of  Weed  and  Seward  in  the  city 
of  New  York.  Says  he  has  told  the  President  frankly  of  his 
error,  that  he  has  only  given  a  little  vitality  to  Weed,  whose 
influence  has  dwindled  to  nothing,  and  would  have  entirely 
perished  but  for  the  help  which  the  President  has  given 
1  Isaiah  Rynders,  a  local  politician  of  New  York. 


1864]   WEED  AND  SEWARD   MANOEUVRING    155 

him.  This  he  is  aware  has  been  effected  through  Seward, 
who  is  a  part  of  Weed.  The  removal  of  Andrews  as  Naval 
Officer,  the  appointment  of  Wakernan  to  his  place,  causing 
Wakernan  to  leave  the  post-office,  into  which  they  have 
thrust  Kelly,  an  old  fiddler  for  Seward  in  other  years,  is  a 
Weed  operation.  Seward  carried  it  out. 

Blair  tells  me  that  Weed  is  manoeuvring  for  a  change  of 
Cabinet,  and  Morgan  so  writes  me.  He  has  for  that  reason, 
B.  says,  set  his  curs  and  hounds  barking  at  my  heels  and  is 
trying  to  prejudice  the  President  against  me.  Not  unlikely, 
but  I  can  go  into  no  counter-intrigues.  If  the  President 
were  to  surrender  himself  into  such  hands,  —  which  I  do 
not  believe,  —  he  would  be  unworthy  his  position.  He  has 
yielded  more  than  his  own  good  sense  would  have  prompted 
him  already.  For  several  months  there  has  been  a  pretended 
difference  between  Seward  and  Weed;  for  a  much  longer 
period  there  has  been  an  ostensible  hostility  between  Weed 
and  Sim  Draper.  I  have  never  for  a  moment  believed  in 
the  reality  of  these  differences ;  but  I  am  apprehensive  the 
President  is  in  a  measure,  or  to  some  extent,  deceived  by 
them.  He  gives  himself  —  too  much,  I  sometimes  think  — 
into  the  keeping  of  Seward,  who  is  not  always  truthful,  not 
sensitively  scrupulous,  but  a  schemer,  while  Weed,  his 
second  part,  and  of  vastly  more  vigor  of  mind,  is  reckless 
and  direct,  persistent  and  tortuous,  avaricious  of  late,  and 
always  corrupt.  We  have  never  been  intimate.  I  do  not 
respect  him,  and  he  well  knows  it.  Yet  I  have  never  treated 
him  with  disrespect,  nor  given  him  cause  of  enmity,  except 
by  avoiding  intimacy  and  by  declining  to  yield  to  improper 
schemes  of  himself  and  his  friends.  On  one  occasion,  at  an 
early  period  of  the  Administration,  Mr.  Seward  volun- 
teered to  say  that  he  always  acted  in  concert  with  Weed,  — 
that  " Seward 's  Weed  and  Weed's  Seward."  If,  as  Blair 
supposes,  Weed  is  operating  against  me,  Seward  probably 
is  also,  and  yet  I  have  seen  no  evidence  of  it,  —  certainly 
none  recently. 


156  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  23 

September  23,  Friday.  No  business  of  importance  brought 
before  the  Cabinet  to-day.  Some  newspaper  rumors  of 
peace,  and  of  letters  from  Jeff  Davis  and  others,  all  wholly 
groundless.  Seward  and  Fessenden  left  early.  Mr.  Bates 
and  myself  came  out  of  the  Executive  Mansion  together 
and  were  holding  a  moment's  conversation,  when  Blair 
joined  us,  remarking  as  he  did  so,  "  I  suppose  you  are  both 
aware  that  my  head  is  decapitated,  —  that  I  am  no  longer 
a  member  of  the  Cabinet."  It  was  necessary  he  should  re- 
peat before  I  could  comprehend  what  I  heard.  I  inquired 
what  it  meant,  and  how  long  he  had  had  the  subject  sub- 
mitted or  suggested  to  him.  He  said  never  until  to-day; 
that  he  came  in  this  morning  from  Silver  Spring  and  found 
this  letter  from  the  President  for  him.  He  took  the  letter 
from  his  pocket  and  read  the  contents,  —  couched  in 
friendly  terms,  —  reminding  him  that  he  had  frequently 
stated  he  was  ready  to  leave  the  Cabinet  when  the  Pre- 
sident thought  it  best,  etc.,  etc.,  and  informing  him  the 
time  had  arrived.  The  remark  that  he  was  willing  to  leave 
I  have  heard  both  him  and  Mr.  Bates  make  more  than 
once.  It  seemed  to  me  unnecessary,  for  when  the  President 
desires  the  retirement  of  any  one  of  his  advisers,  he  would 
undoubtedly  carry  his  wishes  into  effect.  There  is  no  Cab- 
inet officer  who  would  be  willing  to  remain  against  the  wishes 
or  purposes  of  the  President,  whether  right  or  wrong. 

I  asked  Blair  what  led  to  this  step,  for  there  must  be  a 
reason  for  it.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt  he  was  a  peace- 
offering  to  Fremont  and  his  friends.  They  wanted  an  offer- 
ing, and  he  was  the  victim  whose  sacrifice  would  propitiate 
them.  The  resignation  of  Fremont  and  Cochrane  was  re- 
ceived yesterday,  and  the  President,  commenting  on  it, 
said  F.  had  stated  "the  Administration  was  a  failure,  po- 
litically, militarily,  and  financially,"  that  this  included  the 
Secretaries  of  State,  Treasury,  War,  and  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, and  he  thought  the  Interior,  but  not  the  Navy  or  the 
Attorney-General.  As  Blair  and  myself  walked  away  to- 
gether toward  the  western  gate,  I  told  him  the  suggestion 


MONTGOMERY  BLAIR 


1864]         BLAIR  LEAVES  THE   CABINET          157 

of  pacifying  the  partisans  of  Fremont  might,  have  been 
brought  into  consideration,  but  it  was  not  the  moving 
cause;  that  the  President  would  never  have  yielded  to  that, 
except  under  the  pressing  advisement,  or  deceptive  appeals 
and  representations  of  some  one  to  whom  he  had  given  his 
confidence.  "Oh,"  said  Blair,  "there  is  no -doubt  Seward 
was  accessory  to  this,  instigated  and  stimulated  by  Weed." 
This  was  the  view  that  presented  itself  to  my  mind,  the 
moment  he  informed  me  he  was  to  leave,  but  on  reflection 
I  am  not  certain  that  Chase  has  not  been  more  influential 
than  Seward  in  this  matter.  In  parting  with  Blair  the  Pre- 
sident parts  with  a  true  friend,  and  he  leaves  no  adviser  so 
able,  bold,  sagacious.  Honest,  truthful,  and  sincere,  he  has 
been  wise,  discriminating,  and  correct.  Governor  Denni- 
son,  who  is  to  succeed  him,  is,  I  think,  a  good  man,  and  I 
know  of  no  better  one  to  have  selected. 

Blair  has  just  left  me.  I  was  writing  and  just  closing  the 
preceding  page  as  he  called.  He  says  he  has  written  his 
resignation  and  sent  it  in  or  rather  handed  it  to  the  Pre- 
sident. The  letter  from  the  President  which  he  received 
this  morning  was  to  him  entirely  unexpected.  But,  though 
a  surprise,  he  thinks  it  right  and  will  eventuate  well.  That 
Seward  has  advised  it  he  does  not  doubt,  though  the  Pre- 
sident does  not  intimate  it.  But  the  President  tells  him  that 
Washburne  recommended  it.  Strange  if  the  President  is 
influenced  by  so  untruthful,  unreliable,  and  mean  a  man  as 
Washburne.  But  Washburne  thinks  it  will  help  the  Pre- 
sident among  the  Germans.  The  President  thinks  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  conciliate  Weed  (he  might  have  said  Chase  also) 
who,  with  his  friends,  defeated  Wadsworth  for  Governor 
two  years  ago.  Such  are  Blair's  conclusions  and,  I  may 
add,  my  own.  Yet  I  cannot  but  think  there  must  be  some- 
thing ulterior,  for  it  is  unlike  the  President  to  dismiss  an 
acknowledged  and  true  friend,  a  public  officer  who  has,  he 
says,  discharged  his  duties  well  and  against  whom  there  is 
no  complaint.  Why,  then,  is  he  dismissed  or  asked  to  re- 
sign, when  there  is  no  cause?  My  impression  is  that  the 


158  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  23 

President  does  not  intend  to  part  with  Blair,  and  I  shall  be 
disappointed  if  he  is  not  recalled,  perhaps  to  some  other 
position  in  the  Cabinet,  perhaps  to  act  in  an  important 
capacity  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  But  this  is  all 
speculative.1 

September  24,  Saturday.  Sheridan  follows  up  his  work, 
and  bids  fair  to  disperse  and  annihilate  Early's  entire 
army.  The  effect  of  his  successive  victories  has  been  a 
great  fall  in  the  price  of  gold,  or  an  appreciation  of  paper 
currency.  We  are,  I  think,  approaching  the  latter  days  of 
the  Rebellion.  The  discomfiture  of  Early  is  likely  to  make 
Lee's  continuance  in  Richmond  uncomfortable,  yet  where 
can  he  go  to  make  a  more  effectual  stand?  Some  indica- 
tions of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  of  Georgia  to 
effect  a  restoration,  are  more  than  intimated,  and  a  prev- 
alent feeling  of  despondency  is  manifest  throughout  the 
Rebel  region.  An  effective  blow  by  Grant  at  Richmond  or 
the  retreat  of  the  Rebel  army  will  be  the  falling  in  of  the 
crater. 

September  26,  Monday.   The  consuls  in  London,  Liver- 

1  At  a  subsequent  period  the  President  informed  me  that  Mr.  Chase  had 
many  friends  who  felt  wounded  that  he  should  have  left  the  Cabinet,  and 
left  alone.  The  Blairs  had  been  his  assailants,  but  they  remained  and  were 
a  part  of  the  Administration.  This  Mr.  C.  and  his  friends  thought  invidious, 
and  the  public  would  consider  it  a  condemnation  of  himself  and  an  approval 
of  the  Blairs.  If  Montgomery  Blair  left  the  Cabinet,  Chase  and  his  friends 
would  be  satisfied,  and  this  he  (the  President)  thought  would  reconcile  all 
parties,  and  rid  the  Administration  of  irritating  bickerings.  He  considered 
both  of  them  his  friends,  and  thought  it  was  well,  as  Chase  had  left,  that 
Blair  should  go  also.  They  were  both  in  his  confidence  still,  and  he  had  great 
regard  for  each  of  them. 

The  relations  of  Stanton  with  Blair  were  such  that  it  was  difficult  for  the 
two  to  remain  and  preserve  the  unity  and  freedom  necessary  for  good  ad- 
ministration and  social  intercourse.  It  was  not  Seward's  policy  to  advise  the 
dismissal  of  Blair,  but  he  would  strenuously  urge  that  Stanton,  between 
whom  and  Blair  there  was  hostility,  should  be  retained.  At  this  time  the 
President  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  contentions  among  his  friends,  by 
nominal  Republicans,  by  intense  radicals,  and  the  strong  front  of  the  Demo- 
crats. —  G.  W. 


1864]          COTTON-TRADING  IN  TEXAS  159 

pool,  etc.,  report  a  probable  change  of  tactics  by  the  Rebels 
in  fitting  out  fast-sailing  privateers  to  depredate  on  our 
commerce.  It  is  a  policy  that  has  been  a  constant  source  of 
apprehension  to  me  from  the  time  it  was  determined  to 
have  a  blockade  —  an  international  process  —  instead  of 
closing  the  ports,  which  is  a  domestic  question.  The  Rebels 
failed  to  push  the  privateering  scheme,  as  I  have  always 
believed  under  secret  admonitions  from  England  and 
France.  Those  governments  have  not  conformed  to  the 
extent  expected  to  Rebel  views,  and  not  unlikely  a  demon- 
stration may  be  made  on  our  commerce,  perhaps  on  some 
one  of  our  light-armed  blockaders  by  a  combination  of  two 
or  three  of  their  purchased  cruisers. 

September  -27,  Tuesday.  Received  mail  from  Admiral 
Farragut.  Among  his  dispatches  one  confidential,  inclos- 
ing a  letter  from  General  Canby,  who  had  received  a  singu- 
lar order  signed  by  the  President,  directing  that  one  A.  J. 
Hamilton  should  be  permitted  to  export  cotton  from  Sa- 
bine  Pass,  Galveston,  etc.,  himself,  and  that  Hamilton's 
written  order  should  be  a  permit  for  others  to  export.  As 
General  Canby,  to  whom  this  document  was  directed,  has 
no  control  over  the  squadron,  he  had  inclosed  the  Presid- 
ent's order  to  Admiral  Farragut.  The  Admiral  had  trans- 
mitted it  to  the  senior  officer  off  Galveston,  and  communi- 
cated copies  of  the  whole  correspondence  to  me,  remarking 
that  it  would  lead  to  immense  swindling. 

I  submitted  this  extraordinary  document  to  the  Presid- 
ent, and  remarked  as  I  did  so,  that  in  the  discussions  that 
had  taken  place  on  this  subject  on  two  or  three  occasions 
within  the  last  six  weeks,  and  since  this  order  (dated,  I 
think,  the  9th  of  August)  was  issued,  no  allusion  had  been 
made  to  it,  that  it  conflicted  with  the  blockade  which  the 
Department  was  obliged  to  enforce,  and  that  I  was  sur- 
prised on  receiving  the  information.  The  President  seemed 
embarrassed  but  said  he  believed  it  was  all  right.  "How 
right?"  I  inquired.  He  said  it  was  one  of  Seward's  ar- 


160  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  27 

rangements,  that  he  guessed  would  come  out  well  enough; 
but  evidently  did  not  himself  know,  or,  if  he  knew,  was 
unwilling  or  unable  to  explain. 

This  is  another  specimen  of  the  maladministration  and 
improper  interference  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Com- 
mencing with  the  first  expedition  sent  out  to  supply  Sum- 
ter,  which  he  took  measures  to  defeat,  there  has  been  on 
his  part  a  constant  succession  of  wrong  acts,  impertinent 
intrigues  in  the  affairs  of  other  Departments,  blunders 
and  worse  than  blunders,  that  disgrace  the  Administra- 
tion. There  is  unmistakable  rascality  in  this  cotton  order. 
Thurlow  Weed  was  here  about  the  time  it  was  issued,  and 
it  will  not  surprise  me  if  he  has  an  interest  in  it. 

Seward  thinks  to  keep  his  own  name  out  of  the  transac- 
tion. The  President  has  been  made  to  believe  that  the 
order  was  essential;  the  Secretary  of  State  has  so  presented 
the  subject  to  him  that  he  probably  thought  it  a  duty. 
There  are  times  when  I  can  hardly  persuade  myself  that 
the  President's  natural  sagacity  has  been  so  duped,  but  his 
confidence  in  Seward  is  great,  although  he  must  know  him 
to  be,  I  will  not  say  a  trickster,  because  of  his  position  and 
our  association,  but  over-cunning  to  be  strictly  honest. 
And  when  I  say  this,  I  do  not  apply  to  him  dishonesty  in 
money  transactions  when  dealing  with  men,  or  the  gov- 
ernment perhaps,  but  political  cheating,  deceiving,  wrong 
administration.  He  knows  this  scheme  to  bring  out  cotton 
was  a  fraud,  and  hence,  instead  of  coming  directly  to  me, 
who  have  charge  of  the  blockade,  or  bringing  the  question 
before  the  Cabinet  in  a  frank  and  honorable  manner,  there 
is  this  secret,  roundabout  proceeding,  so  characteristic  of 
the  Secretary  of  State. 

He  insisted  on  a  blockade  at  the  beginning.  Would  not 
listen  to  closing  the  ports.  Would  make  it  an  international, 
not  permit  it  to  be  a  domestic,  question.  Now,  in  violation 
of  international  law  and  of  fair  and  honorable  blockade,  he 
and  his  friends  are  secretly  bringing  out  cotton  from  Texas. 
This  is  not  in  good  faith,  but  is  prostituting  the  govern- 


1864]         ACTING  ADMIRAL  LEE'S  CASE          161 

ment  and  its  'action.  I  regret  that  Farragut  did  not  disre- 
gard the  order  until  it  came  to  him  legitimately  through 
the  proper  channel. 

Had  a  call  from  my  old  friend  the  elder  Blair.  It  was  not 
unexpected.  Detaching  Lee  from  the  North  Atlantic 
Squadron  I  supposed  would  cause  dissatisfaction  to  Lee, 
who  would,  through  his  wife,  stimulate  her  father  to  make 
an  effort  in  his  behalf.  The  old  man  got  word  to-day  that 
Lee  was  detached  and  hastened  to  me.  He  thought  himself 
hard  used  in  the  blows  that  fell  upon  his  children.  Frank 
had  been  smitten  for  exposing  Fre'mont  and  Chase.  Mont- 
gomery had  been  dismissed  from  the  Cabinet,  and  simul- 
taneously Lee  had  been  detached  from  his  command  after 
two  years'  faithful  service.  I  told  him  the  case  appeared  a 
hard  one  as  he  presented  it;  that  I  felt  the  removal  of  Mont- 
gomery from  our  counsels  as  the  greatest  misfortune  that 
had  befallen  the  Cabinet,  but  my  consolation  was  that  it 
would  only  be  temporary  and  he  would  certainly  soon  have 
as  honorable  a  position;  that  Frank  had  done  and  was 
doing  great  service,  which  the  country  would,  if  it  did  not 
already,  appreciate;  that  Lee  was  not  degraded  in  being 
assigned  to  another  command.  I  knew  him  to  be  cautious 
and  vigilant,  but  not,  perhaps,  the  man  for  an  immediate 
demonstration,  an  assault  requiring  prompt  action.  He 
had  labored  well,  and  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view  been 
better  paid  than  any  man  in  the  Navy. 

The  old  man  wanted  me  to  recommend  him  for  promo- 
tion to  a  full  commission  as  rear-admiral,  but  that,  I  told 
him,  followed  deserving  action.  It  must  be  earned. 

Acting  Admiral  Lee  has  acquitted  himself  very  well,  — 
has  discharged  his  duties  intelligently  and  firmly.  But  he 
can  never  be  a  great  commander.  While  he  has  adminis- 
tered the  affairs  of  his  squadron  safely,  he  has  failed  to 
devise  and  execute  any  important  act.  The  same  oppor- 
tunities in  the  hands  of  Porter,  or  Foote,  or  Farragut,  and, 
I  think,  of  John  Rodgers,  would  have  shown  vastly  more 
important  results.  His  caution  runs  into  timidity.  He  is 
2 


162  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  27 

avaricious  and  ambitious,  I  fear  ungenerous  and  illiberal ; 
is  destitute  of  heroic  daring. 

September  28,  Wednesday.  I  called  to-day  on  Secretary 
Fessenden  with  Farragut's  dispatch  and  the  order  of  the 
President  permitting  A.  J.  Hamilton  of  Texas  to  bring  out 
cotton,  to  the  Treasury  agent.  He  disclaims  all  knowledge 
of  the  transaction  and  says  he  will  not  recognize  it.  Looks 
upon  it  as  an  outrageous  swindle,  violating  the  blockade, 
and  imposing  upon  the  country.  "Why,"  he  pertinently 
inquires,  "was  not  this  question,  so  important,  not  sub- 
mitted to  the  whole  Cabinet."  He  was  very  earnest  and 
wished  me  to  again  inquire  of  the  President  in  regard  to  it. 

Had  an  interview  with  Attorney-General  Bates  respect- 
ing some  questions  submitted  to  him  for  opinion.  The  old 
gentleman  is  very  honest  and  right-minded;  delights  to  be 
thought  a  little  —  or  a  good  deal — obstinate,  if  satisfied  he 
is  right. 

The  finding  of  a  court  martial  in  the  case  of  Commander 
Downes  of  the  R.  R.  Cuyler,  which  ran  short  of  fuel,  and 
he,  instead  of  using  his  sails  and  striving  to  get  into  port, 
proceeded  to  dismantle  his  vessel,  burning  his  spars,  gun- 
carriages,  caissons,  etc.,  bought  lumber  from  on  board  a 
merchant  vessel  on  its  way  to  Cuba;  and  for  all  this  sends 
hi  a  dispatch  complaining  of  his  engineer  and  preferring 
charges  against  him,  without  any  seeming  consciousness 
that  he  was  responsible  himself,  or  blamable.  But  the 
court  condemns  Downes  and  dismisses  him  from  the  serv- 
ice. The  sentence  is  severe  but  correct,  though  the  pun- 
ishment may  be  mitigated.  It  is  necessary,  however,  to 
correct  a  rising  error  among  a  certain  class  of  officers  who 
are  inclined  to  relieve  the  commander  of  a  ship  of  responsi- 
bility, —  a  pernicious  error  that  would,  if  acquiesced  in, 
demoralize  the  service.  That  his  engineer  was  in  fault  is 
doubtless  true,  but  the  commander  must  make  himself 
acquainted  with  the  condition  of  his  vessel  and  its  equip- 
ment. Downes  has  proved  himself  an  officer  of  merit  in 


1864]    NEVADA  ADOPTS  A  CONSTITUTION    163 

some  respects,  and  it  must  be  remembered  to  his  credit  at  a 
time  when  a  great  failing  has  put  him  in  jeopardy. 

September  29,  Thursday.  The  appointments  to  the  Naval 
Academy  are  a  great  annoyance  and  often  a  great  embar- 
rassment. Of  course  the  Secretary  is  much  blamed  for 
every  disappointment,  although  he  has  none  but  contingent 
appointments.  Persons  often  apply  to  the  President,  who  is 
restricted  in  his  appointments,  but  who  gives  a  favorable 
indorsement  to  almost  all.  Each  considers  this  abundant 
to  secure  him  a  place,  and  denounces  me  if  he  does  not 
succeed. 

I  again  spoke  to  the  President  in  relation  to  his  order  to 
A.  J.  Hamilton,  and  remarked  to  him  that  it  was  in  conflict 
with  the  blockade.  He  was  disturbed,  and  said  Seward  had 
fixed  that  up,  and  he  presumed  it  was  right.  "Suppose 
you  see  Seward  yourself,"  said  he.  This  I  must  do,  but  to 
little  purpose,  I  apprehend. 

The  great  fall  in  gold  within  a  few  days  begins  to  effect 
prices.  In  other  words,  commodities  are  getting  nearer 
their  actual  value  by  the  true  money  standard.  Recent 
victories  have  largely  contributed  to  this,  but  there  are 
other  causes,  and  I  think  Fessenden  may  be  a  more  correct 
financier  than  Chase,  but  neither  is  exactly  fitted  for  the 
place. 

September  30,  Friday.  'At  the  Cabinet-meeting  Seward 
produced  a  telegram  from  Governor  Nye  of  the  Nevada 
Territory,  stating  that  the  new  constitution  had  been 
adopted  by  the  people,  and  desired  the  President  to  issue 
a  proclamation  announcing  the  fact  pursuant  to  law.  The 
telegram  stated  the  vote,  which  was  very  decisive,  and 
Seward  thought  sufficient  was  done  by  the  Governor  in 
sending  this  word  to  authorize  the  President  to  act ;  but  the 
latter  queried  whether  he  ought  not  first  to  see  the  consti- 
tution, and  know  what  were  its  provisions,  and  whether  a 
more  formal  communication  than  a  telegraphic  dispatch 


164  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [SEPT.  so 

ought  not  to  be  received.  Seward,  however,  was,  in  his 
loose  way  of  treating  the  most  important  questions,  ready 
to  act,  said  almost  everything  was  done  nowadays  by 
telegraph.  He  received  and  sent  the  most  important  com- 
munications in  that  way,  and  presumed  the  other  Depart- 
ments did  also,  and  turned  to  Fessenden  as  if  to  have  him 
verify  the  fact.  Fessenden  said,  however,  with  some  sharp- 
ness, the  President  would  do  as  he  pleased,  but  that  he, 
Fessenden,  would  not  put  his  name  to  a  proclamation 
under  such  circumstances,  but  would  have,  in  a  proper 
form,  the  fact. 

The  President,  differing  with  Seward,  yet  unwilling  to 
give  dissatisfaction,  told  him  he  might  prepare  a  procla- 
mation, and  in  the  mean  time  he  would  examine  the  laws 
and  consider  the  subject.  No  reasons  were  given  for  the 
extreme  haste  exhibited.  Seward  said  the  Governor  was 
very  anxious  about  it,  and  Nye,  a  Democrat  of  former 
years,  is  one  of  his  pets  and  somewhat  thick  of  late  with 
both  him  and  Weed.  I  suggested  that  if  the  people  had 
framed  and  adopted  their  constitution,  and  it  was  not  in- 
consistent with  the  Federal  Constitution,  it  was  and  would 
be  their  form  of  government,  whether  the  President  enun- 
ciated the  fact  a  few  days  earlier  or  not,  that  being  a  mere 
ministerial  act.  But,  supposing  there  was  some  objection- 
able feature,  —  that  they  had  extended  or  altered  the  pre- 
scribed boundaries,  or  inserted  some  improper  provisions, 
—  the  President  might  feel  himself  greatly  embarrassed  if 
he  acted  without  knowledge. 

This,  however,  is  a  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
Secretary  of  State  administers  affairs.  He  would  have 
urged  on  the  President  to  this  unwise  proceeding  to  gratify 
one  of  his  favorites.  It  is  a  trait  in  his  character. 


XXIV 

Seward  and  the  Texas  Cotton  Matter  —  Arranging  for  an  Exchange  of 
Uf  Naval  Prisoners  —  Fessenden  on  the  Naval  Officers  —  Relations  of 
Fessenden,  Stanton,  and  Seward  —  The  Bounty  to  enlisting  Marines  — 
Death  of  Judge  Taney  —  A  Call  from  General  Banks  —  Getting  the 
Election  Returns  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  President's  Message, 
especially  as  to  Reconstruction  —  The  Discovery  of  Gold  in  the  Terri- 
tories and  the  Treasury's  Fiscal  Policy  —  Discussion  of  the  Chief-Jus- 
ticeship of  the  Supreme  Court  —  Resignation  of  Attorney-General 
Bates  —  Solicitor  Whiting's  Aspirations  —  Judge  Taney 's  Compli- 
ment to  the  Navy  Department  —  The  Case  of  the  Captured  Confeder- 
ate Cruiser  Florida  —  The  Attitude  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post 
towards  the  Navy  Department  —  Political  Tour  of  Governors  Morgan 
and  Morrill  before  the  Election  —  The  Labor  of  preparing  an  Annual 
Report  —  Proposal  that  the  Navy  Department  take  a  Ship  building  in 
the  United  States  for  Japan. 

October  1,  Saturday.  The  President  yesterday  made  in- 
quiry of  me  as  to  the  disposition  made  of  Farragut.  In- 
formed me  that  General  Canby  wanted  him  to  remain  at 
Mobile,  and  that  F.  preferred  doing  so  to  coming  to  Wil- 
mington. I  told  him  Farragut  was  relieved  of  the  latter 
duty,  and  he  could  remain  as  long  as  he  pleased  in  the  Gulf. 
This  morning  the  President  called  at  the  Navy  Department 
and  made  further  inquiry.  Said  that  Halleck  and  Sherman 
had  some  movements  on  hand,  and  the  War  Department 
also,  and  would  like  to  know  if  F.  could  remain.  I  told  him 
he  could. 

Shortly  after  he  left,  two  dispatches  from  Admiral  Far- 
ragut came  on  to  my  table,  received  by  this  morning's 
mail,  in  which  he  expressed  decided  aversion  to  taking 
command  at  Wilmington. 

These  dispatches  inform  me  that  General  Canby  has  an 
expedition  on  foot  for  the  capture  of  Mobile,  that  he  is 
getting  troops  for  this  purpose,  etc.,  all  of  which  has  been 
studiously  kept  from  the  Navy  Department,  and  now 


166  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  i 

when  ready  to  move,  they  are  embarrassed.  I  immediately 
went  over  to  the  War  Department  and  the  President  was 
there.  He  was,  I  soon  saw,  but  slightly  informed  of  the 
proposed  army  movement,  but  Stanton  and  Halleck,  find- 
ing they  had  refined  too  much,  had  communicated  hastily 
with  him,  in  order  that  he  should  see  me. 

All  this  is  bad  administration.  There  will  be  want  of 
unity  and  concert  under  such  management.  It  is  not  be- 
cause the  President  has  any  want  of  confidence  in  his 
Cabinet,  but  Seward  and  Stanton  both  endeavor  to  avoid 
Cabinet  consultations  on  questions  of  their  own  Depart- 
ments. It  has  been  so  from  the  beginning  on  the  part  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  who  spends  more  or  less  of  every 
day  with  the  President  and  worms  from  him  all  the  inform- 
ation he  possesses  and  can  be  induced  to  impart.  A  dis- 
position to  constantly  intermeddle  with  other  Depart- 
ments, to  pry  into  them  and  often  to  control  and  sometimes 
counteract  them,  has  manifested  itself  throughout,  often 
involving  himself  and  others  in  difficulty.  Chase  for  some 
time  was  annoyed  that  things  were  so  but  at  length  went 
into  competition  for  the  President's  ear  and  company.  He 
did  not  succeed,  however,  as  against  Seward,  though  adopt- 
ing his  policy  of  constant  attendance.  Stanton  has  been 
for  the  departmental  system  always.  Pressing,  assuming, 
violent,  and  impatient,  intriguing,  harsh,  and  arbitrary,  he 
is  often  exceedingly  offensive  in  his  manners,  deportment, 
and  many  of  his  acts. 

A  majority  of  the  friends  of  the  Administration  in  the 
last  Congress  was  opposed  to  the  President,  but  his  oppo- 
nents were  the  cronies  and  intimates  of  Stanton,  or  Chase, 
who,  however,  were  not  cordial  towards  one  another  or  in 
anything  but  in  their  hostility  to  the  President.  Stanton 
kept  on  more  intimate  terms  with  the  President,  while 
his  friends  were  the  most  violent  in  their  enmity.  Wade, 
Winter  Davis,  and  men  of  that  description  were  Stanton's 
particular  favorites  and  in  constant  consultation  with 
him. 


1864]    SEWARD  AND   THE  TEXAS  COTTON    167 

October  3,  Monday.  Had  an  interview  with  Seward, 
agreeable  to  the  wishes  of  the  President,  concerning  the 
order  to  A.  J.  Hamilton  for  bringing  out  cotton.  I  per- 
ceived that  S.  was  prepared  for  me,  and  had  expected  an 
earlier  call.  He  said  that  the  scheme  was  one  by  which  cer- 
tain important  persons  in  the  Rebel  cause  were  to  be  con- 
verted. Had  himself  not  much  faith  that  it  would  amount 
to  anything,  and  yet  it  might.  The  President  believed 
there  would  be  results;  but  had  been  very  confidential  and 
secret  in  all  that  was  done.  He  (S.)  had  drawn  up  the  order 
carefully  by  special  request  of  the  President,  but  had  never 
communicated  to  anyone  but  Stanton  what  had  been  done. 
Some  time  since  Stanton  had  got  some  inkling  of  the  sub- 
ject and  had  directly  applied  to  him  for  information,  and 
when  this  was  done  he  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  withhold 
from  a  colleague  intelligence  sought.  But  he  at  once  in- 
formed the  President  that  he  had  told  Stanton.  Nothing 
had  yet  been  done,  and  nothing  farther  said,  until  I  had 
brought  up  the  subject.  I  remarked  that  the  subject  was 
of  a  character  which  seemed  to  deserve  general  consulta- 
tion in  the  Cabinet,  for  three  of  the  members  besides  him- 
self were  concerned  in  its  executions;  that  I  was  especially 
so,  it  being  my  special  duty  to  prevent  intercourse  with  the 
Rebels  and  enforce  the  blockade.  But  this  order  conflicted 
with  that  duty,  was  not  in  good  faith,  I  apprehended,  with 
others  of  our  people,  or  with  foreign  powers.  I  told  him  I 
had  made  inquiries  of  Fessenden,  for  the  order  expressly 
referred  to  the  Treasury  agents,  and  they  would  of  course 
report  to  him.  Seward  said  there  was  no  interference  with 
the  blockade.  He  had  prepared  the  order  with  great  care 
and  sent  one  copy  to  General  Canby,  and  one  to  Admiral 
Farragut,  and  proposed  to  send  and  get  it  for  my  perusal, 
give  me  a  copy  if  I  wished.  I  told  him  I  already  had  a  copy, 
which  seemed  to  surprise  him.  He  appeared  not  to  be  aware 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  a  naval  officer  to  communicate  his 
official  acts  to  the  Navy  Department;  that  all  the  three 
Departments  must  come  into  possession  of  this  confidential 


circular,  ana  not  uniiKeiy  it  would  go  into  trie  courts.  ±ie 
is  not  yet  dispossessed  of  his  early  error  that  the  govern- 
ment can  be  carried  on  by  executive  order  regardless  of 
Department  or  laws. 

October  4,  Tuesday.  But  little  at  the  Cabinet  of  special 
importance.  Governor  Dennison,  the  new  Postmaster- 
General,  for  the  first  time  took  his  seat. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  the  President  called  upon  me  to 
inquire  respecting  arrangements  for  a  proposed  exchange 
of  naval  prisoners  which  was  making  some  disturbance  at 
the  War  Department  and  with  General  Butler.  For  some 
.fifteen  months  our  naval  officers  and  men  who  had  been 
captured  remained  in  Rebel  prisons.  Their  number  was  not 
large,  but  the  omission  to  exchange,  whether  from  neglect 
or  design,  was  justly  causing  dissatisfaction.  For  more  than 
a  year  I  had,  at  various  times,  made  inquiry  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  and  at  the  War  Department,  generally  oral, 
but  sometimes  by  letter,  and  received  evasive  answers,  — of 
•difficulties  on  account  of  remoteness,  of  unusual  prisoners, 
of  refusal  by  the  Rebels  to  exchange  negroes,  —  but  with 
•assurances  that  matters  would  be  soon  adjusted.  Some  of 
our  men  we  had  learned  were  in  irons  and  in  close  confine- 
ment, with  slight  prospect  of  relief.  I  gave  the  President 
briefly  the  facts,  —  that  there  had  been  no  exchange  of 
naval  prisoners  for  fourteen  or  fifteen  months,  that  in  the 
exchanges  going  on  no  naval  prisoners  were  embraced,  that 
appeals  earnest  and  touching  had  been  made  to  me  by  our 
prisoners  and  by  theirs,  but  I  had  been  able  to  afford  no 
relief. 

An  informal  correspondence  after  months  of  unavailing 
effort  through  the  War  Department  channel  had  sprung 
up  between  Mr.  Fox  and  Webb,  who  commanded  the 
Atlanta,  and  was  a  prisoner  in  Fort  Warren,  they  having 
been  some  years  ago  shipmates.  Fox  had  written  Webb 
in  reply  to  an  application  for  release  that  we  were  willing  to 
exchange  but  the  Rebel  authorities  would  not.  This  had 


1864]     EXCHANGE   OF   NAVAL  PRISONERS      169 

led  the  Rebel  prisoners  in  Fort  Warren  to  write  most  earn- 
estly to  Richmond.  A  few  weeks  since  Lieutenant-Com- 
mander Williams  had  been  released  at  Charleston,  and  sent 
to  our  fleet  under  flag  of  truce  with  thirty  days'  leave  to 
effect  an  exchange,  and  brought  me  a  letter  from  Mallory, 
"  Secretary  Confederate  Navy,"  stating  he  had  not  re- 
ceived letters  which  had  been  sent,  but  accepting  a  propo- 
sition to  exchange  naval  officers,  and  proposing  himself  to 
exchange  all  naval  prisoners.  This  had  been  assented  to  by 
us,  and  we  now  sent  orders  for  the  Circassian  to  proceed  with 
a  hundred  or  two  prisoners  to  Port  Royal  and  bring  home 
our  men.  But  after  instructions  had  been  sent  to  Boston  for 
them  to  go  by  the  Circassian,  we  had  received  by  telegram 
from  Ould1  word  that  the  yellow  fever  prevailed  at  Charles- 
ton, with  a  suggestion  that  the  proper  exchange  could  take 
place  on  the  James  River.  When  this  suggestion  was  made, 
I  objected  to  it  from  an  impression  that  it  would  come 
within  the  army  cartel  and  cause  difficulty,  but  after  dis- 
cussing the  subject  with  Mr.  Fox,  who  dwelt  on  the  infec- 
tion, getting  yellow  fever  in  the  squadron  and  at  Port 
Royal,  and  some  conversation  with  General  Hitchcock,  I 
reluctantly  yielded  assent.  Word  had  been  sent  to  our 
senior  officer,  Melancthon  Smith,  on  the  James,  who  had 
communicated  with  Butler,  and  hence  the  difficulty. 

October  5,  Wednesday.  The  President  came  to  see  me 
pretty  early  this  morning  in  relation  to  the  exchange  of 
prisoners.  It  had  troubled  him  through  the  night.  I  was  at 
no  loss  to  perceive  that  behind  the  subject  of  exchange 
there  were  matters  undisclosed  to  me.  He  read  again  this 
morning  the  closing  remarks  of  a  long  telegram  from  But- 
ler. I  have  no  question  there  were  improper  remarks  in 
that  dispatch  which  they  at  the  War  Department  were  un- 
willing either  Mr.  Fox  or  myself  should  see,  for  I  called 
Fox  in  to  have  all  the  facts  disclosed.  He  and  Webb  had, 
by  their  correspondence,  led  to  the  late  movement,  which 

1  Acting  for  the  Confederate  government. 


170  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  5 

was,  however,  humane  and  right.  The  President  said  he 
wanted  the  subject  to  be  got  along  with  harmoniously,  that 
they  were  greatly  ruffled  at  the  War  Department,  and  if  I 
had  no  objection  he  would  go  and  see  Seward,  tell  him  the 
facts,  get  him  to  come  over,  and  bring  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  all  in  interest  to  a  consultation.  I  told  him  I  had  no 
objection,  nor  any  feeling,  as  it  affected  myself,  on  the  sub- 
ject. All  I  wanted  was  our  imprisoned  men. 

In  less  than  an  hour  the  President  returned  with  Seward. 
We  went  briefly  over  the  question  and  read  to  him  Mai- 
lory's  letter.  After  discussing  the  subject,  went,  by  request 
of  the  President,  with  him  to  the  War  Department.  Gen- 
eral Hitchcock  and  General  Halleck  came  in  soon.  Stanton 
was  ill-mannered,  as  usual,  where  things  did  not  please  him, 
and  on  one  or  two  occasions  a  little  offensive.  Did  not 
know  why  there  should  be  different  exchanges;  the  Rebels 
would  not  recognize  negroes.  I  told  him  that,  while  general 
cartel  was  neglected,  the  army  were  making  exchanges  here, 
and  by  Butler  on  the  James,  Sherman  at  Atlanta,  Canby 
at  New  Orleans,  and  Foster  at  Hilton  Head.  I  thought  it 
proper  and  felt  it  my  duty  to  see  that  the  naval  men  were 
not  entirely  neglected.  That  no  question  as  regards  color 
had  ever  come  up  in  regard  to  naval  exchange ;  that  colored 
men  in  our  service  were  not  a  distinct  organization,  etc., 
etc.  It  was,  he  said,  our  duty  to  prevent  Rebel  masters 
from  reclaiming  slaves  who  had  been  in  our  service.  He 
thought  I  ought  not  to  write  the  Confederate  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  recognizing  him  as  Secretary.  That  the  slave- 
owners would  insist  on  retaining  and  reclaiming  their 
slaves  wherever  and  whenever  they  could,  I  had  no  doubt. 
It  was  a  question  of  property,  and  of  local  and  legal  right 
with  them  which  we  could  not  prevent.  It  was  a  compli- 
cated and  embarrassing  question,  but  he  must  not  suppose, 
nor  would  the  country  permit  our  countrymen  to  suffer  in 
captivity  on  such  a  question.  To  absolutely  stop  exchanges 
because  owners  held  on  to  their  slaves  when  they  got  them 


1864]    EXCHANGE   OF  NAVAL   PRISONERS      171 

As  regarded  Mallory,  I  told  him  I  had  carefully  avoided 
giving  him  a  title,  —  that  I  had  written  to  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Mallory  in  answer  to  a  communication  I  had  received. 

The  President  said  that  the  correspondence  was  a  past 
transaction,  —  that  we  need  not  disturb  that  matter;  the 
Navy  arrangement  must  go  forward,  and  the  Navy  have 
its  men.  He  wrote  and  read  a  brief  letter  to  General  Grant 
proposing  to  turn  over  the  prisoners  we  had  sent  to  him. 
After  reading  it  he  asked  for  comments  and  opinions. 
General  Hitchcock,  a  man  of  warm  sympathies  but  little 
moral  courage,  began  a  speech,  sycophantic  to  Stanton,  in- 
timating that  the  War  Department  should  have  exclusive 
control  of  the  cartel,  etc.  I  told  him  I  was  perfectly  willing 
and  desired  it,  if  they  would  not  obstruct  the  exchange  but 
get  back  our  men.  All  assented  to  the  President's  letter. 
Stanton  and  Seward  preferred  it  should  be  addressed  to 
General  Butler  instead  of  General  Grant,  but  the  Presid- 
ent preferred  addressing  the  General-in-Chief  and  I  com- 
mended his  preference.  We  telegraphed  Capt.  Melancthon 
Smith,  to  turn  the  prisoners  over  to  General  Grant  to  be 
disposed  of. 

In  the  course  of  the  conversation,  Stanton,  who  began 
to  feel  that  his  position  might  not  stand,  said  he  had  known 
nothing  about  these  exchanges.  I  told  him  we  had  written 
him  requesting  that  the  Rebel  prisoners  at  different  points 
might  be  sent  to  Fort  Warren  in  order  to  be  exchanged. 
General  Hitchcock,  his  commissioner,  had  been  consulted 
in  the  matter,  and  had  communicated  with  Mr.  Fox,  to 
whom  had  been  given  the  charge  of  details  for  the  Navy,  as 
General  Hitchcock  had  them  for  the  War  Department. 
General  Hitchcock  himself  had  proposed  that  we  should 
take  some  one  or  two  army  men  on  board  the  Circassian  as 
a  special  favor.  After  this  matter  was  disposed  of,  and  be- 
fore leaving  the  room,  Seward  spoke  aside  to  the  President 
and  also  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  stating  he  had  appointed 
a  meeting  between  them  and  Weed  and  Raymond,  who 
were  in  the  building,  he  had  no  doubt.  As  I  came  out  of  the 


172  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  5 

Secretary's  apartment,  Weed  was  in  the  opposite  room, 
and  evidently  saw  me,  for  he  immediately  stepped  aside  so 
as  not  to  be  seen.  It  was  not  an  accidental  move,  but 
hastily  and  awkwardly  done.  They  waited  half  behind  the 
door  until  we  passed  out. 

October  6,  Thursday.  Admiral  Porter  has  arrived  from 
Cairo  and  proceeds  to-morrow  to  Hampton  Roads  to  take 
command  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron.  It  is  with  re- 
luctance that  he  comes  into  this  transfer,  but  yet  he 
breathes  not  an  objection.  I  should  not  have  mentioned 
the  circumstance  but  for  the  fact  that  many  put  a  false 
construction  upon  it.  He  will  have  a  difficult  task  to  per- 
form and  not  the  thanks  he  will  deserve,  I  fear,  if  success- 
ful, but  curses  if  he  fails. 

October  7,  Friday.  The  President  was  not  at  his  house 
to-day.  Mr.  Bates  had  said  to  me  that  the  President  told 
him  there  was  no  special  business.  Nevertheless,  I  preferred 
soon  after  twelve  to  walk  over,  having  some  little  business 
of  my  own.  Fessenden,  Usher,  and  myself  arrived  about 
the  same  moment,  and  we  had  half  an  hour's  friendly  talk. 
In  the  course  of  it,  Fessenden  took  an  occasion  to  pass  an 
opinion  upon  certain  naval  officers,  showing  the  prejudiced 
partisan  rather  than  the  enlightened  minister  and  states- 
man. Farragut,  he  said,  was  the  only  naval  officer  who  has 
exhibited  any  skill  and  ability;  there  were  undoubtedly 
other  officers,  but  they  had  not  been  brought  out.  I  in- 
quired what  he  thought  of  Foote.  "Well,  I  allude  more 
particularly  to  the  living,"  said  he,  "but  what  is  Lee,  that 
you  have  kept  him  in?  Is  there  any  reason  except  his  re- 
lationship to  the  Blairs  and  to  Fox?"  — he  knew  of  no 
other  reason.  I  inquired  when  Lee  had  been  remiss,  and 
asked  him  if  he  knew  that  Montgomery  Blair  and  Lee  were 
not  on  speaking  terms  and  had  not  been  for  years.  He 
seemed  surprised  and  said  he  was  not.  I  told  him  such  was 
the  case;  that  he  had  never  expressed  a  wish  in  Lee's  be- 


1864]  FESSENDEN,  STANTON,  AND  SEWARD  173 

half  to  me,  or  manifested  any  gratification  at  that  selection, 
but  on  the  contrary,  I  knew  Blair  had  thought,  with  him, 
that  it  was  an  appointment  not  judicious.  I  did  not  tell  F. 
of  the  narrow  animosity  of  Lee  towards  Fox.  But  all  this 
spleen  came,  I  knew,  from  the  War  Department  and  cer- 
tain influences  connected  with  it.  Dahlgren  he  also  de- 
nounced, yet  when  I  inquired  if  he  had  ever  investigated 
the  subject,  if  he  was  aware  that  Dahlgren  had  maintained 
an  efficient  blockade,  while  Du  Pont,  whom  he  half  com- 
plimented, had  not  [sic].  "Then,"  said  I,  "  what  do  you  say 
of  Porter  ?  "  He  admitted  that  he  had  thought  pretty  well 
of  Porter  until  he  begun  to  gather  in  cotton,  and  run  a  race 
with  Banks  to  get  it  instead  of  doing  his  duty.  I  told  him 
this  was  ungenerous  and,  I  apprehended,  a  sad  mistake  on 
his  part.  The  whole  tenor  of  the  conversation  left  no  doubt 
on  my  mind  that  Stanton,  Winter  Davis,  Wade,  Chase,  the 
thieving  Treasury  agents  and  speculators  had  imposed  on 
Fessenden. 

.  .  .  Fessenden  is,  in  some  personal  matters,  very  much 
of  a  partisan,  and  his  partisan  feelings  have  made  him  the 
victim  of  a  very  cunning  intrigue.  He  dislikes  Seward,  and 
yet  is,  through  other  instrumentalities,  the  creature  to 
some  extent  of  Seward. 

Stanton,  having  been  brought  into  the  Cabinet  by  Sew- 
ard, started  out  as  a  radical.  Chase  and  others  were  de- 
ceived by  his  pretensions  at  the  beginning,  but  some  time 
before  leaving  the  Cabinet,  Chase  found  a  part  of  his  mis- 
take. Fessenden  and  others  have  not  yet.  They  suppose 
Stanton  is  with  them;  Seward  knows  better.  I  have  no 
doubt  but  Stanton  when  with  Fessenden,  Wade,  and  others 
acquiesces  and  participates  in  their  expressed  views  against 
Seward.  Hating  Blair,  it  has  grieved  Stanton  that  Lee,  the 
brother-in-law  of  Blair,  should  have  command,  and  Fes- 
senden has  been  impressed  accordingly.  Himself  inclined 
to  radicalism  on  the  slavery  issue,  though  in  other  respects 
conservative,  Fessenden,  who  is  in  full  accord  with  Chase. 


174  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  7 

sented  as  the  friend  of  Seward.  Yet  Blair  has  no  more  con- 
fidence in,  or  regard  for,  Seward  than  Fessenden  has,  and  I  f 
have  been  surprised  that  he  should  acquiesce  in  the  errone-  | 
ous  impression  that  is  abroad.  It  is  easy  to  perceive  why  I 
Seward  should  favor  the  impression  alluded  to.  Blair  was  [ 
ready  to  accept  the  denunciatory  resolution  of  the  Balti-  « 
more  convention  as  aimed  at  him,  whereas  it  was  intended 
more  particularly  for  Seward.  The  Missouri  radicals  are 
some  who  were  deceived  by  the  impression  that  Seward  | 
and  Blair  were  a  unit.  In  the  convention  there  was  a  de-  \ 
termination  to  get  rid  of  Mr.  Seward,  but  the  managers,  i 
under  the  contrivance  of  Raymond,  who  has  shrewdness,  : 
so  shaped  the  resolution  as  to  leave  it  pointless,  or  as  not  | 
more  direct  against  Seward  than  against  Blair,  or  by  others  I 
against  Chase  and  Stanton.  1 

October  10,  Monday.  Advised  with  the  President  in  re-  j 
gard  to  a  proceeding  of  the  late  Colonel  Harris,  who  offered  j 
a  bounty,  or  directed  the  recruiting  officer  to  promise  a  | 
bounty,  of  $100  to  each  marine  who  should  enlist.  It  came  } 
to  my  knowledge  in  July,  1863,  and  I  prohibited  it,  because  ! 
it  would  create  dissatisfaction  with  the  sailors.  The  legal 
point  I  did  not  examine,  but  I  was  opposed  to  it  as  impol-  I 
itic  and  inexpedient.  In  reply  to  my  inquiries  as  to  when  ! 
he  commenced  giving  this  bounty,  he  said  in  June,  and  I 
supposed  it  was  the  preceding  June  and  therefore  covered 
but  one  month,  the  bounty  to  be  paid  after  two  years 
service.  But  I  now  learn  it  commenced  in  June,  1862,  and 
consequently  covers  thirteen,  instead  of  'one  month,  and 
that  there  are  over  eleven  hundred  so  enlisted.  I  decided 
they  must  be  discharged  or  paid  the  bounty,  and  as  there 
was  a  question  as  to  the  legality  of  the  bounty,  I  thought  it 
best,  so  long  as  I  supposed  there  was  only  one  month's  en- 
listment, to  discharge,  but  when  I  ascertained  it  was  for 
more  than  a  year  and  embraced  over  eleven  hundred,  I 
thought  best  to  reexamine  the  whole  subject  with  the 
President.  He  concurs  with  me  and  decides  it  is  best  to 
pay  the  bounty, 


on  me  this  forenoon  relative  to  New  York  voters  in  the 
Navy.  Wanted  one  of  our  boats  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  New  York  commission  to  gather  votes  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi Squadron.  A  Mr.  Jones  was  referred  to,  who  sub- 
sequently came  to  me  with  a  line  from  the  President,  and 
wanted  also  to  send  to  the  blockading  squadrons.  Gave 
permission  to  go  by  the  Circassian,  and  directed  command- 
ers to  extend  facilities  to  all  voters. 

Much  is  said  and  done  in  regard  to  the  soldier's  vote,  and 
many  of  the  States  not  only  have  passed  laws  but  altered 
their  constitutions  to  permit  it.  The  subject  is  one  that  has 
not  struck  me  favorably.  I  have  not,  perhaps,  given  it  the 
consideration  that  I  ought,  —  certainly  not  enough  to  ad- 
vocate it, — and  yet  it  seems  ungracious  to  oppose  it.  Were 
I  to  vote  on  this  question  at  all,  I  should,  with  my  present 
impressions,  vote  against  it. 

October  12,  Wednesday.  Returns  of  the  elections  from 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  Indiana  come  in  to-day.  They 
look  very  well,  particularly  the  two  latter.  Pennsylvania 
does  not  quite  come  up  to  my  expectations.  The  city  of 
Philadelphia  has  done  very  well,  but  in  too  many  of  the 
counties  there  are  Democratic  gains,  —  not  such,  perhaps, 
as  to  overcome  the  Union  majorities,  but  will  much  reduce 
them. 

October  13,  Thursday.  The  President  is  greatly  impor- 
tuned and  pressed  by  cunning  intrigues  just  at  this  time. 
Thurlow  Weed  and  Raymond  are  abusing  his  confidence 
and  good  nature  badly.  Hay  says  they  are  annoying  the 
President  sadly.  This  he  tells  Mr.  Fox,  who  informs  me. 
They  want,  Hay  says,  to  control  the  Navy  Yard  but  dis- 
like to  come  to  me,  for  I  give  them  no  favorable  response. 
They  claim  that  every  mechanic  or  laborer  who  does  not 
support  the  Administration  should  be  turned  out  of  em- 
ployment. Hay's  representations  alarmed  Fox,  who  made 


176  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [OCT.  13 

it  a  point  to  call  on  the  President.  F.  reports  that  the  Pre- 
sident was  feeling  very  well  over  the  election  returns,  and, 
on  the  subject  of  the  Navy  Yard  votes,  expressed  his  inten- 
tion of  not  further  interfering  but  will  turn  the  whole  mat- 
ter over  to  me  whenever  the  politicians  call  upon  him.  I 
have  no  doubt  he  thinks  so,  but  when  Weed  and  Raymond, 
backed  by  Seward,  insist  that  action  must  be  taken,  he 
will  hardly  know  how  to  act.  His  convictions  and  good 
sense  will  place  him  with  me,  but  they  will  alarm  him  with 
forebodings  of  disaster  if  he  is  not  vindictive.  Among 
other  things  an  appeal  has  been  made  to  him  in  behalf  of 
Scofield,  a  convicted  fraudulent  contractor,  who  is  now  in 
prison  to  serve  out  his  sentence.  Without  consulting  me, 
the  President  has  referred  the  subject  to  Judge-Advocate- 
General  Holt,  to  review  and  report  to  him.  Holt  knows 
nothing  of  the  case,  and,  with  his  other  duties,  cannot  ex- 
amine this  matter  thoroughly.  Why  should  the  President 
require  him,  an  officer  of  another  Department,  wholly  un- 
acquainted with  the  subject,  to  report  upon  it?  There  are 
probably  two  thousand  pages  of  manuscript.  The  New 
York  party  jobbers  are  in  this  thing.  They  will  .  .  .  try  to 
procure  [Scofield's]  release  and  pardon  for  a  consideration. 

October  14,  Friday.  Seward  was  quite  exultant  over  the 
elections;  feels  strong  and  self -gratified.  Says  this  Ad- 
ministration is  wise,  energetic,  faithful,  and  able  beyond 
any  of  its  predecessors;  that  it  has  gone  through  trials 
which  none  of  them  has  ever  known,  and  carried  on,  under 
extraordinary  circumstances  and  against  combinations 
such  as  the  world  has  never  known,  a  war  unparalleled  in 
the  annals  of  the  world.  The  death  of  Judge  Taney  was 
alluded  to.  His  funeral  takes  place  to-morrow.  The  body 
will  pass  from  his  residence  at  7  A.M.  to  the  depot;  and  be 
carried  to  Frederick,  Maryland.  Seward  thought  it  his 
duty  to  attend  the  funeral  in  this  city  but  not  farther,  and 
advised  that  the  President  should  also.  The  Attorney- 
General  deemed  it  his  duty  and  a  proper  courtesy  to  go 


1864]  DEATH  OF  JUDGE   TANEY  177 

with  the  remains  to  F.  The  President  inquired  my  views. 
I  thought  the  suggestions  in  regard  to  himself  and  Messrs. 
Seward  and  Bates  very  well,  and  it  would  be  best  not  to  take 
official  action  but  to  let  each  member  of  the  Cabinet  act 
his  pleasure.  For  my  own  part,  I  felt  little  inclined  to  par- 
ticipate. I  have  never  called  upon  him  living,  and  while  his 
position  and  office  were  to  be  respected,  I  had  no  honors 
for  the  deceased  beyond  those  that  were  public.  That  he 
had  many  good  qualities  and  possessed  ability,  I  do  not 
doubt;  that  he  rendered  service  in  Jackson's  administra- 
tion is  true,  and  during  most  of  his  judicial  life  he  was  up- 
right and  just.  But  the  course  pursued  in  the  Dred  Scott 
case  and  all  the  attending  circumstances  forfeited  respect 
for  him  as  a  man  or  a  judge. 

October  15,  Saturday.  The  speeches  of  Jeff  Davis  betoken 
the  close  of  the  War.  The  rebellion  is  becoming  exhausted, 
and  I  hope  ere  many  months  will  be  entirely  suppressed. 
Not  that  there  may  not  be  lingering  banditti  to  rob  and 
murder  for  a  while  longer,  the  offspring  of  a  demoralized 
state  of  society,  but  the  organized  rebellion  cannot  long 
endure. 

One  of  the  assistants  from  the  office  of  Judge-Advocate 
Holt  came  from  that  office  to  make  some  inquiries  as  to  the 
views  of  the  Department  in  Scofield's  case.  He  says  that 
Thurlow  Weed  and  Raymond  are  very  urgent  in  the  mat- 
ter, and  that  some  one  named  Williamson  is  active  and 
pressing.  I  have  no  doubt  a  heavy  fee  lies  behind  a  pardon 
in  this  case,  which  is  pressed  upon  the  President  as  if  it 
were  all-essential  that  it  should  be  granted  before  the  elec- 
tion. It  pains  me  that  the  President  should  listen  to  such 
fellows  in  such  a  matter,  or  allow  himself  to  be  tampered 
with  at  all.  The  very  fact  that  he  avoids  communicating 
with  me  on  the  subject  is  complimentary  to  me;  at  the 
same  time  it  is  evident  that  he  has  some  conception  of  the 
unworthy  purpose  of  the  intriguers  I  mention. 

General  Banks  called  on  me  yesterday  formally  before 


178  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [OCT.  15 

leaving  Washington.  I  have  not  previously  seen  him  since 
he  returned,  though  I  hear  he  has  called  on  part  of  the 
Cabinet.  We  had  some  conversation  respecting  his  com- 
mand and  administration  in  Louisiana.  The  new  consti- 
tution, the  climate,  etc.,  were  discussed.  Before  leaving, 
he  alluded  to  the  accusations  that  had  been  made  against 
him,  and  desired  to  know  if  there  was  anything  specific.  I 
told  him  there'liad  been  complaints  about  cotton  and  errors 
committed;  that  these  were  always  numerous  when  there 
were  reverses.  That,  he  said,  was  very  true,  but  he  had 
been  informed  Admiral  Porter  had  gone  beyond  that,  and 
was  his  accuser.  I  remarked  that  several  naval  officers  had 
expressed  themselves  dissatisfied,  —  some  of  them  stronger 
than  Admiral  Porter,  —  that  others  besides  naval  officers 
had  also  complained. 

The  Republican  of  this  evening  has  an  article  evidently 
originating  with  General  Banks,  containing  some  un- 
worthy flings  at  both  Lee  and  Porter.  Banks  did  not  write 
the  paragraph  nor  perhaps  request  it  to  be  written,  but  the 
writer  is  his  willing  tool  and  was  imbued  with  General 
Banks's  feelings.  He  is  doubtless  Hanscom,  a  fellow  without 
conscience  when  his  interest  is  concerned,  an  intimate  and, 
I  believe,  a  relative,  of  Banks. 

November  25.  For  some  weeks  I  have  been  unable  to 
note  down  occurrences  daily.  On  the  evening  of  the  elec- 
tion, the  8th,  I  went  to  the  War  Department  about  nine 
o'clock  by  invitation  of  the  President.  Took  Fox  with 
me,  who  was  a  little  reluctant  to  go  lest  he  should  meet 
Stanton,  who  had  for  some  days  been  ill.  The  Department 
was  locked,  but  we  were  guided  to  the  south  door.  The 
President  was  already  there,  and  some  returns  from  dif- 
ferent quarters  had  been  received.  He  detailed  particulars 
of  each  telegram  which  had  been  received.  Hay  soon  j  oined 
us  and,  after  a  little  time,  General  Eaton.  Mr.  Eckert,  the 
operator,  had  a  fine  supper  prepared,  of  which  we  partook 
soon  after  10.  It  was  evident  shortly  after  that  the  election 


1864]     THE  RECONSTRUCTION   QUESTION     179 

had  gone  pretty  much  one  way.  Some  doubts  about  New 
Jersey  and  Delaware.  We  remained  until  past  one  in  the 
morning  and  left.  All  was  well. 

The  President  on  two  or  three  occasions  in  Cabinet- 
meeting  alluded  to  his  message.  It  seemed  to  dwell  heavy 
on  his  mind,  —  more  than  I  have  witnessed  on  any  former 
occasion.  On  Friday,  the  25th,  he  read  to  us  what  he  had 
prepared.  There  was  nothing  very  striking,  and  he  evid- 
ently labors  in  getting  it  up.  The  subject  of  Reconstruc- 
tion and  how  it  should  be  effected  is  the  most  important 
theme.  He  says  he  cannot  treat  with  Jeff  Davis  and  the 
Jeff  Davis  government,  which  is  all  very  well,  but  whom 
will  he  treat  with,  or  how  commence  the  work?  All  ex- 
pressed themselves  very  much  gratified  with  the  document 
and  his  views.  I  suggested  whether  it  would  not  be  well  to 
invite  back  not  only  the  people  but  the  States  to  their  ob- 
ligations and  duties.  We  are  one  country.  I  would  not 
recognize  what  is  called  the  Confederate  government,  for 
that  is  a  usurpation,  but  the  States  are  entities  and  may 
be  recognized  and  treated  with.  Stanton,  who  was  present 
for  the  first  time  for  six  weeks,  after  each  had  expressed  his 
views,  and,  indeed,  after  some  other  topic  had  been  taken 
up  and  disposed  of,  made  some  very  pertinent  and  in  the 
main  proper  and  well-tuned  remarks,  advising  the  Pre- 
sident to  make  no  new  demonstration  or  offer,  to  bring  for- 
ward his  former  policy  and  maintain  it,  to  hold  open  the 
doors  of  conciliation  and  invite  the  people  to  return  to  their 
duty.  He  would  appeal  to  them  to  do  so,  and  ask  them 
whether  it  would  not  have  been  better  for  them  and  for  all, 
had  they  a  year  since  accepted  his  offer. 

Each  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  requested  to 
prepare  a  brief  statement  of  the  affairs  of  their  respective 
Departments.  Seward  had  already  handed  in  much  of  his. 
I  told  the  President  I  would  hand  him  my  brief  the  next 
day. 

At  this  meeting  on  the  25th,  Mr.  Usher  made  some  allu- 
sion to  the  gold  that  was  forthcoming  in  the  Territories  „ 


180  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [NOV.  25 

The  President  interrupted  him,  saying  he  had  been  giving 
that  matter  a  good  deal  of  attention  and  he  was  opposed  to 
any  excitement  on  the  subject.  He  proposed  that  the  gold 
should  remain  in  the  mountains  until  the  War  was  over, 
for  it  would  now  only  add  to  the  currency  and  we  had  al- 
ready too  much  currency.  It  would  be  better  to  stop  than 
to  increase  it. 

Mr.  Fessenden  said  something  must  be  done,  for  he 
could  not  any  longer  negotiate  on  the  basis  of  paying  in- 
terest in  coin.  We  cannot,  he  says,  get  the  specie  and  must 
stop  paying  it  out.  I  was  amused.  Neither  of  them  ap- 
peared to  have  even  the  rudiments  of  finance  and  currency. 
Gold  is  no  longer  a  currency  with  us.  It  is  merchandise,  and 
all  that  may  be  got  from  Idaho,  Nevada,  Arizona,  and  Cali- 
fornia will  not  swell  the  volume  of  currency.  Our  banking 
and  irredeemable  paper  issues  are  legal  tenders  and  made 
currency  not  based  on  specie,  and  of  course  it  is  an  inferior 
currency. 

Our  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  must  learn  that  if  he  does 
not  demand  and  pay  out  gold  he  will  have  none.  If  he  will 
reduce  the  volume  of  paper  currency,  so  as  to  create  a  de- 
mand for  gold,  he  will  get  it,  but  he  will  never  have  it  if  he 
slights  it.  He  has  schemes  for  getting  out  cotton  to  relieve 
him  and  the  Treasury  in  making  payments,  and  the  block- 
ade is  to  be  indirectly  violated  in  order  to  get  cotton  from 
the  Rebels  with  which  to  purchase  gold.  Of  course  we  shall 
have  to  pay  the  Rebels  if  not  in  gold,  in  its  equivalent,  for 
all  the  cotton  we  get  of  them,  and  shall  thus  furnish  them 
with  the  sinews  of  war. 

It  cannot  be  otherwise  than  that  the  country  will  be- 
come impoverished  with  such  ideas  pervading  the  govern- 
ment. There  will  be  devastation  and  ruin,  if  not  corrected, 
before  us.  Fessenden  is  of  the  old  Whig  school  of  folly  on 
finance  and  currency;  is  resorting  to  flimsy  expedients,  in- 
stead of  honest,  hard  truth.  Gold  is  truth;  irredeemable 
paper  and  flimsy  expedients  are  not. 


1864]  THE   CHIEF-JUSTICESHIP  181 

[November  26,  Saturday.]  I  called  on  the  President  Satur- 
day, the  26th,  as  I  had  promised  him  I  would  the  day  be- 
fore, with  my  abstract  for  the  message,  intending  to  have  a 
full,  free  talk  with  him  on  the  subjects  that  were  under  re- 
view the  day  previous.  But  Mr.  Bates  was  there  with  his 
resignation,  and  evidently  anxious  to  have  a  private  inter- 
view with  the  President. 

The  question  of  Chief  Justice  has  excited  much  remark 
and  caused  quite  a  movement  with  many.  Mr.  Chase  is 
expecting  it,  and  he  has  many  strong  friends  who  are  urg- 
ing him.  But  I  have  not  much  idea  that  the  President  will 
appoint  him,  nor  is  it  advisable  he  should.  I  had  called  on 
the  President  on  the  23d,  and  had  some  conversation,  after 
dispatching  a  little  business,  in  regard  to  this  appointment 
of  Chief  Justice.  He  said  there  was  a  great  pressure  and  a 
good  many  talked  of,  but  that  he  had  not  prepared  his  mes- 
sage and  did  not  intend  to  take  up  the  subject  of  judge  be- 
fore the  session  commenced. 

"There  is,"  said  he,  "a  tremendous  pressure  just  now 
for  Evarts  of  New  York,  who,  I  suppose,  is  a  good  lawyer?  " 
This  he  put  inquiringly.  I  stated  that  he  stood  among  the 
foremost  at  the  New  York  bar;  perhaps  no  one  was  more 
prominent  as  a  lawyer.  ' '  But  that, ' '  I  remarked, ' '  is  not  all . 
Our  Chief  Justice  must  have  a  judicial  mind,  be  upright,  of 
strict  integrity,  not  too  pliant ;  should  be  a  statesman  and  a 
politician."  By  politician  I  did  not  mean  a  partisan.  [I 
said]  that  it  appeared  to  me  the  occasion  should  be  im- 
proved to  place  at  the  head  of  the  court  a  man,  not  a  parti- 
san, but  one  who  was  impressed  with  the  principles  and 
doctrines  which  had  brought  this  Administration  into 
power;  that  it  would  conduce  to  the  public  welfare  and  his 
own  comfort  to  have  harmony  between  himself  and  the 
judicial  department,  and  that  it  was  all-important  that  he 
should  have  a  judge  who  would  be  a  correct  and  faithful 
expositor  of  the  principles  of  his  administration  and  policy 
after  his  administration  shall  have  closed.  I  stated  that 


182  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  26 

gomery  Blair,  it  appeared  to  me,  best  conformed  to  these 
requirements;  that  the  President  knew  the  man,  his  ability, 
his  truthfulness,  honesty,  and  courage. 

The  President  at  different  points  expressed  his  concur- 
rence in  my  views,  and  spoke  kindly  and  complimentarily 
of  Mr.  Blair,  but  did  not  in  any  way  commit  himself,  nor 
did  I  expect  or  suppose  he  would. 

I  have  since  seen  and  had  a  full  conversation  with  Blair. 
We  had  previously  exchanged  a  few  words  on  the  subject. 
I  then  stated  to  him  that,  while  it  would  gratify  me  to  see 
him  on  the  bench,  I  preferred  that  he  should  continue  in 
active  political  life,  and  that  I  had  especially  desired  he 
should  go  into  the  War  Department.  This  point  was  al- 
luded to  in  our  present  interview,  and  he  confessed  the  War 
Department  was  more  congenial  to  his  feelings,  but  Seward 
wanted  a  tool  there,  and  if  he  had  influence,  it  would  be 
exerted  against  him  (Blair)  for  that  place.  Yet  in  a  conver- 
sation which  he  had  with  Seward  about  a  week  since,  Sew- 
ard had  given  him  (Blair)  to  understand  that  he  was  his 
(Seward's)  candidate  for  Chief  Justice.  I  told  him  that  he 
could  hardly  be  sincere  in  this,  for  Evarts  would  not  con- 
sent to  be  a  candidate  nor  think  of  it  if  Seward  was  not  for 
him.  Blair  seemed  a  little  shocked  with  this  view  of  facts, 
and  remarked  that  if  Seward  was  not  for  him  he  was  an 
infernal  hypocrite. 

Blair  .says  he  is  singularly  placed  at  this  juncture,  for  the 
Marylanders  are  disposed  to  put  him  in  the  Senate  at  this 
time,  while  this  judicial  appointment  is  pending.  I  told  him 
that  personally  I  should  be  as  much  pleased  to  see  him  in 
the  Senate  as  in  the  Court. 

Governor  Dennison,  Postmaster-General,  called  at  my 
house  this  evening  to  have  some  conversation  on  the  sub- 
ject of  judge.  He  says  he  is  and  was  at  the  last  session 
committed  for  his  fellow  townsman  Judge  Swayne,  who  was 
at  the  time  recommended  by  all  on  the  bench;  that  he  had 
called  on  the  President  at  that  time  in  behalf  of  Swayne, 
and  the  President  then  remarked  that  that  seemed  a  set- 


EDWARD  BATES 


1864]          RESIGNATION   OF  MR.  BATES  183 

tied  question  in  which  all  were  agreed.  Governor  D.  is 
now  a  little  embarrassed,  for  he  feels  particularly  friendly 
to  Blair. 

As  regards  Mr.  Chase,  Governor  D.,  like  myself,  thinks 
it  impossible  that  he  should  receive  the  appointment,  — 
that  it  is  one  which  the  President  cannot  properly  make. 
Says  they  could  not  assimilate,  and  that,  were  Chase  in 
that  position,  —  a  life  tenure,  —  he  would  exhibit  his  re- 
sentments against  the  President,  who  he  thinks  has  pre- 
vented his  upward  official  career.  He  then  told  me  that  he 
labored  to  get  Chase  into  the  Treasury,  and  how  sadly  he 
had  been  disappointed  over  his  failure  as  a  financier.  One 
of  the  strong  traits  of  Chase,  he  says,  is  the  memory  of  dif- 
ferences, and  that  he  never  forgets  or  forgives  those  who 
have  once  thwarted  him.  He  may  suppress  his  revenge,  but 
it  is  abiding. 

The  resignation  of  Attorney-General  Bates  has  initi- 
ated more  intrigues.  A  host  of  candidates  are  thrust 
forward,  or  are  thrusting  themselves  forward.  Evarts, 
Holt,  Gushing,  Whiting,  and  the  Lord  knows  who,  are  all 
candidates.  Under  the  circumstances  it  appears  to  me  the 
appointment  must  go  to  one  of  the  Border  States,  and  hence 
I  have  thought  Holt  would  most  probably  be  the  candidate ' 
of  the  President.  He  is,  moreover,  of  Democratic  anteced- 
ents; still  I  have  no  information  on  the  subject. 

Fox  tells  me  that  Whiting  sought  him  yesterday  and  in- 
troduced the  subject  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  in- 
quired of  Fox  if  he  would  remain  were  I  to  leave.  To  this 
F.  says  he  replied  he  thought  not,  for  we  had  got  along  so 
well  together  that  he  did  not  believe  he  could  be  reconciled 
to  another..  Whiting  told  him  that  would  have  great  influ- 
ence in  the  matter;  that  it  was  thought  Senator  Grimes 
might  be  offered  the  appointment  if  there  was  a  change. 
All  of  this  means  that  Whiting  wants  to  be  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, but  New  England  cannot  have  more  appointments, 
and  the  little  fellow  is  intriguing  for  a  remote  chance. 
Could  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  come  from  Iowa,  the  At- 


184  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  26 

torney-General,  he  thinks,  might  be  selected  from  New 
England.  The  game  is  very  easily  read.  Little  Whiting's 
intrigues  are  not  equal  to  his  egotism,  and  yet  he  is  a  con- 
venient instrument  for  others.  He  writes  for  Stanton,  for 
Seward,  and  for  the  President,  and  intrigues  generally. 
But  he  overestimates  himself.  He  will  never  go  into  the 
Cabinet. 

R.  H.  Gillett,  formerly  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury,  now  a 
practicing  lawyer,  chiefly  in  the  Supreme  Court,  stopped 
me  a  few  mornings  since  to  relate  his  last  interview  with 
Judge  Taney.  They  were  discussing  governmental  affairs. 
The  Chief  Justice  was,  he  says,  communicative  and  in- 
structive. He  said  the  Navy  Department  made  less  noise 
than  some  of  the  others,  but  no  Department  of  the  govern- 
ment was  so  well  managed  or  better  performed  its  duty. 

This  was,  and  is,  high  praise  from  a  quarter  that  makes 
it  appreciated.  The  Chief  Justice  could,  as  well  as  any  man, 
form  a  correct  opinion,  and  in  giving  it  he  must  have  been 
disinterested.  Twenty-five  and  thirty  years  ago  we  were 
slightly  acquainted,  but  I  do  not  remember  that  I  have 
exchanged  a  word  with  him  since  the  days  of  Van  Buren, 
—  perhaps  I  did  in  Folk's  administration.  The  proceed- 
ings in  the  Dred  Scott  case  alienated  my  feelings  entirely. 
I  have  never  called  on  him,  as  I  perhaps  ought  in  courtesy 
to  have  done,  but  it  was  not  in  me,  for  I  have  looked  on 
him  and  his  court  as  having  contributed,  unintentionally 
perhaps,  but  largely,  to  the  calamities  of  our  afflicted  coun- 
try. They  probably  did  not  mean  treason  but  thought 
their  wisdom  and  official  position  would  give  national 
sanction  to  a  great  wrong.  Whether  Judge  T.  retained 
any  recollection  of  me,  or  our  former  slight  acquaintance, 
I  probably  shall  never  know,  but  his  compliment  I  highly 
value. 

The  case  of  the  Florida  has  from  time  to  time  and  in 
various  ways  been  up.  She  was  taken  by  Collins  in  the 
Wachusett  at  Bahiaand  brought  to  Hampton  Roads.  Hav- 
ing been  captured  in  neutral  waters,  a  great  outcry  has 


1864]         THE   CASE   OF   THE  FLORIDA  185 

gone  up  from  the  English  press  and  people,  and  some  of  our 
own  have  manifested  a  morbid  sentiment  with  those  Eng- 
lish who  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject.  The  Secre- 
tary of  State  has  not  known  what  to  say,  and,  I  think,  not 
what  to  do.  In  our  first  or  second  conversation  he  ex- 
pressed a  hope  that  we  should  not  be  compelled  to  give  up 
the  Florida,  and  this  he  repeated  in  each  of  our  subsequent 
interviews.  I  told  him  the  idea  ought  not  to  be  seriously 
thought  of  for  a  moment,  and  said  that  I  knew  of  no  in- 
stance where  a  belligerent  armed  vessel  had  been  restored. 
That  he  owed  a  respectful  apology  to  Brazil,  I  not  only 
admitted  but  asserted.  We  have  disturbed  her  peace,  been 
guilty  of  discourtesy,  etc.,  etc.  Yet  Brazil  herself  has  in  the 
first  instance  done  wrong.  She  has  given  refuge  and  aid  to 
the  robbers  whom  she  does  not  recognize  as  a  government. 
She  has,  while  holding  amicable  relations  with  us,  seen  these 
pirates  seize  and  burn  our  merchant  vessels,  and  permitted 
these  plundering  marauders  to  get  supplies  and  to  refit  in 
her  ports,  and  almost  make  her  harbors  the  base  of  opera- 
tions. What  Brazil  will  demand  or  require  I  know  not. 
Although  she  has  done  wrong  to  us  in  giving  comfort  and 
assistance  to  these  robbers,  I  would  make  amends  for  her 
offended  sovereignty  by  any  proper  acknowledgments.  I  do 
not  believe  she  will  have  the  impudence  to  ask  restitution. 
If  she  did,  it  would  be  under  British  prompting  and  I  would 
not  give  it.  The  case  is  not  as  if  the  war  was  between  two 
nations.  Yet  some  of  our  politicians  and  editors  are  treat- 
ing it  as  such.  Among  others  the  New  York  Evening  Post.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  there  is  something  personal  towards 
me  in  this  pertness  of  the  Evening  Post.  The  papers  have 
alluded  to  differences  between  Seward  and  myself.  There 
has  been  no  such  controversy  or  difference  as  the  Post  rep- 
resents on  this  subject.  All  our  talk  has  been  amicable, 
he  doubtful  and  hesitating,  I  decided  and  firm  on  certain 
points  which,  if  he  does  not  assent  to,  he  does  not  contro- 
vert. But  the  publisher  of  the  Evening  Post  is  held  in  bail 
for  malfeasance  at  the  instance  of  the  Navy  Department. 


186  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  26 

Great  efforts  have  been  made  to  let  him  off,  to  which  I 
could  not  yield,  and  his  case  is  to  come  off  before  the 
grand  jury  now  in  session.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
editors  of  the  Post  are  very  willing  to  differ  with  me  on  a 
public  question,  and  yet  they  would  never  admit  that  they 
were  actuated  by  personal  considerations  or  a  design  to  in- 
fluence and  bias  the  jury.  It  is,  they  think,  their  nice  sense 
of  honor,  which  would  have  us,  as  a  nation,  humble  our- 
selves to  Brazil  for  having  taken  a  pirate  by  the  throat 
within  her  jurisdiction,  and  that  same  sense  of  honor  would 
screen  a  malefactor  from  exposure  and  punishment. 

Brazil,  and  other  governments  who  have  given  shelter, 
comfort,  and  aid  to  the  piratical  vessels  that  have  plund- 
ered our  commerce  under  a  pretended  flag  which  neither 
Brazil  nor  any  other  nation  recognizes,  committed  the  first 
great  wrong.  The  government  of  Brazil  is  aware  that  tho 
Rebel  pirates  have  no  admiralty  court,  that  they  have 
never  sent  in  a  vessel  captured  for  condemnation;  there- 
fore Brazil  herself,  by  permitting  and  acquiescing  in  the 
outrages  on  a  friendly  nation,  is  the  first  aggressor,  and  she 
should  be  held  to  it.  If  we  have  injured  Brazil,  let  us  make 
reparation,  full  and  ample.  If  she  has  injured  us,  let  her 
do  her  duty  also,  in  this  respect.  So  far  as  her  majesty  is 
disturbed  by  our  taking  a  sneaking  thief,  whom  she  was 
entertaining,  by  the  throat,  —  an  outlaw  with  some  of  his 
robberies  upon  him,  —  let  all  proper  atonement  be  made. 

I  suggested  to  Mr.  Seward  that  proceedings  should  be 
commenced  against  the  prisoners  captured  on  the  Florida 
as  pirates,  but  he  shrank  from  it,  although  it  would  have 
relieved  him  of  many  difficulties.  It  would  not  have  been 
wrong  to  have  gone  to  extremes  with  them,  but  the  prose- 
cution would  bring  out  the  true  points  and  stop  noise. 

Governor  Morgan  detailed  his  journey  with  Governor 
Morrill  through  the  different  States,  visiting  the  different 
governors  and  our  political  friends  prior  to  the  election, 
under  an  appointment,  it  seems,  from  the  Secretary  of 
War,  ostensibly  to  attend  to  the  draft.  It  was  when  polit- 


1864]    TOUR   OF  MORGAN  AND   MORRILL     187 

ical  affairs  looked  darkest.  He  thinks  that  he  and  M.  unde? 
this  appointment  and  visit  did  much  to  dissipate  the  gloom. 
The  intrigues  of  the  radicals  were  totally  defeated,  and, 
after  opposing  and  abusing  the  President,  all  of  them 
finally  came  in,  as  I  had  no  doubt  they  would.  Morgan 
says  the  malcontents  held  their  final  secret  meeting  at  the 
house  of  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Evening  Post. 

Chase  was,  Morgan  says,  open  and  sharp  in  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  President,  —  they  heard  of  him  at  various 
places,  —  but,  finding  he  could  accomplish  nothing,  he 
eventually  came  in,  called  on  the  President,  procured  the 
sacrifice  of  Blair  as  a  pretext  for  his  wounded  and  bruised 
feelings  and  those  of  his  friends.  This  is  Morgan's  repre- 
sentation. 

There  was  probably  something  in  this,  and  also,  I  think, 
in  the  intrigues  of  Thurlow  Weed.  Strange  antagonisms 
seem  to  have  been  harnessed  up  together  in  some  party- 
political  personal  operations.  Morgan  thinks  Chase  will  be 
appointed  Chief  Justice,  but  I  do  not  yet  arrive  at  that 
conclusion.  The  President  sometimes  does  strange  things, 
but  this  would  be  a  singular  mistake,  in  my  opinion,  for 
one  who  is  so  shrewd  and  honest,  —  an  appointment  that 
he  would  soon  regret.  In  this  M.  agrees  with  me,  and  also 
that  Blair  is  the  man. 

The  place  of  Attorney-General  has  been  tendered  to 
Holt,  who  declines  it,  preferring  his  present  position.  This 
I  think  an  error;  that  is,  no  man  should  decline  a  place  of 
such  responsibility  in  times  like  these  when  the  country  is 
so  unanimous  in  his  favor.  Whiting,  Solicitor  of  the  War 
Department  and  patent  lawyer,  is  sorely  disappointed. 

November  30,  Wednesday.  Have  just  finished  and  sent 
my  report  to  the  printer.  It  is  long  and  has  been  a  weari- 
some and  laborious  business.  To  weigh  conflicting  claims 
and  opinions,  to  make  needed  suggestions  of  reform  and 
improvement,  without  exciting  hostility  or  committing 
error,  to  do  justice  to  merit,  to  avoid  the  commission  or 


188  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  so 

omission  of  acts  which  provoke  controversy,  to  speak  of 
one's  own  acts  without  egotism  and  yet  without  want  of 
manly  self-respect,  to  condense  much  in  little  space,  to 
narrate  briefly  the  deeds  of  our  naval  men,  to  encourage 
and  stimulate  them  in  well-doing,  with  a  multitude  of 
detail,  make  the  preparing  of  an  annual  report  in  a  time 
like  this  very  laborious.  The  reports  of  the  Chiefs  of  Bu- 
reaus and  of  naval  officers  are  to  be  scanned  with  care;  the 
various  briefs  and  suggestions  submitted  have  to  be  can- 
vassed and  weighed,  and  the  views,  whether  adopted  or 
rejected,  to  be  criticized.  To  get  this  off  my  hands  is  a 
great  relief.  What  censures  and  complaints  and  criticisms, 
just  and  unjust,  may  follow  for  the  next  few  days  and  weeks 
do  not  trouble  me.  I  am  only  now  glad  that  the  labor  is  off 
my  hands,  and  I  dismiss  it  from  my  mind.  If  its  sugges- 
tions and  recommendations  shall  elicit  investigation,  in- 
quiry, or  action,  I,  conscious  of  right  intentions,  shall  try 
to  be  prepared  in  the  premises. 

There  are  some  singular  movements  in  regard  to  our  re- 
lations with  Japan  and  certain  transactions  connected  with 
that  people  that  cause  me  annoyance.  Some  two  years  ago, 
or  more,  our  Minister  or  Commissioner  to  Japan  notified 
the  State  Department  or  the  Secretary  of  State  that  the 
Japanese  government  wanted  two  or  three  of  our  vessels, 
and  had  placed  in  his  hands,  or  would  place  in  the  hands 
of  such  persons  as  he,  the  Minister,  might  select,  $600,000 
for  the  purpose.  Mr.  Pruyn,  the  Minister,  accepted  the 
trust  and  appointed  his  brother-in-law,  Lansing,  and  Thur- 
low  Weed  to  execute  it.  Mr.  Seward  addressed  a  note  to 
me  on  the  subject,  submitting  the  letter.  I  advised  that 
the  government  in  no  way  should  become  involved  in  the 
affair,  and  gave  offense  to  Weed,  who,  not  friendly  before, 
has  intrigued  against  me  ever  since.  My  advice  would  have 
been  the  same,  had  any  other  person  than  Weed  been 
named.  Without  regarding  my  suggestions,  the  work  went 
on.  One  of  the  vessels  is  finished.  I  know  not  whether 
more  than  one  has  been  commenced.  A  difference  has 


1864]         A  VESSEL  BUILT  FOR  JAPAN          189 

grown  up  between  Japan  and  the  European  powers,  and, 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Pruyn,  our  Minister,  we  have 
joined  in  the  fight,  become  involved  in  'an  English  and 
French  war  with  Japan,  although  the  Japanese  have  no 
quarrel  with  us.  Now  comes  an  inquiry  to  me  from  per- 
sons sent  here  by  Weed,  to  know  if  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment will  not  examine,  approve,  and  take  this  vessel, 
which  has  been  built  and  been  paid  for.  I  am  not  pleased 
with  the  management  or  proposed  arrangement.  This 
whole  proceeding  on  the  American  side  had  appeared  to 
me  a  fraud  and  swindle  to  enrich  Weed  &  Co.  It  is  wicked 
to  prostitute  the  government  to  such  a  private  purpose, 
and  to  impose  upon  the  Japanese,  who  have  trusted  us. 
I  am  opposed  to  having  the  Navy  Department  mixed  up 
in  any  manner  with  this  scheme,  and  have  let  the  Presid- 
ent know  what  I  think  of  it  and  Seward  also.  Weed  does 
not  approach  me  on  the  subject.  He  has  not  been  able  to 
use  the  Navy  Department  as  he  wishes,  and,  like  John 
P.  Hale,  is  at  enmity  with  me  because  I  will  not  consent 
to  be  used  in  swindling  operations.  New  York  party  pol- 
itics are  always  more  or  less  personal.  Party  organizations 
are  considered  convincing  contrivances  to  be  used  by  lead- 
ing managers  for  their  benefit. 


XXV 

The  President  reads  his  Message  in  Cabinet  —  The  Question  of  the  Japan- 
ese Vessel  —  The  President  appoints  Chase  to  the  Chief-Justiceship  — 
Usher's  Anxiety  as  to  his  Reappointment  —  Blair's  Political  Plans  — 
Sumner  on  Chase's  Appointment  —  Sumner  praises  Welles's  Report  — 
Conversation  with  Preston  King  —  Seward's  and  Chase's  Views  on 
States'  Rights  —  The  Scofield  Case  again  —  Hood's  Army  defeated  by 
Thomas  —  The  President's  Leniency  towards  the  Old  Party  Hacks  — 
The  Office  of  Vice-Admiral  created  —  McClellan  accused  of  Treachery  in 
the  Peninsular  Campaign  —  Death  of  William  L.  Dayton,  Minister  to 
France  —  Disclosure  in  the  Newspapers  of  Plans  for  the  Wilmington 
Expedition —An  Arrest  in  the  Case  urged  —  The  President's  Disposition 
to  mitigate  Punishment  and  grant  Favors  —  An  Instance  of  his  Kindness 
—The  Capture  of  Savannah  —  The  Japanese  Difficulty  —  The  Question 
of  the  Right  of  Congress  or  the  Courts  to  call  for  Executive  Documents 
—  Failure  of  Butler  in  the  Wilmington  Expedition. 

December  3,  Saturday.  The  President  read  his  message 
at  a  special  Cabinet-meeting  to-day  and  general  criticism 
took  place.  His  own  portion  has  been  much  improved. 
The  briefs  submitted  by  the  several  members  were  incor- 
porated pretty  much  in  their  own  words.  One  paragraph 
proposing  an  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  recogniz- 
ing the  Deity  in  that  instrument  met  with  no  favorable 
response  from  any  one  member  of  the  Cabinet.  The  Pre- 
sident, before  reading  it,  expressed  his  own  doubts  in  regard 
to  it,  but  it  had  been  urged  by  certain  religionists. 

I  should  have  been  glad,  and  so  stated,  had  there  been 
a  more  earnest  appeal  to  the  Southern  people  and  to  the 
States  respectively  to  return  to  duty.  I  would  have  said  to 
the  people  that  their  States  are  part  of  the  Union;  that 
they  were  not  to  be  considered,  not  to  be  treated,  as  out- 
laws; that,  by  returning  to  their  allegiance,  their  persons 
and  property  should  be  respected;  and  I  would  have  in- 
vited State  action. 

Mr.  Seward  spoke  to  me  before  the  message  was  taken 


1864]  THE  JAPANESE  VESSEL  191 

up,  respecting  the  Japanese  vessel.  He  said  it  was  desir- 
able we  should  take  it.  I  inquired  if  it  would  not  involve 
us  in  difficulty  with  Japan,  and  whether  we  were  really 
acting  in  good  faith.  "Oh,"  he  said,  "the  money  should 
be  returned  to  them  whenever  they  made  a  demand,  but 
if  they  got  such  a  vessel  they  would  begin  to  play  the 
pirate  and  raise  the  devil." 

The  President  seemed  disinclined  to  interest  himself  in 
the  matter,  indicating,  I  thought,  that  Seward  had  set- 
tled the  question  with  him,  and  that  my  objections  would 
not  be  likely  to  prevail.  Fessenden  made  one  inquiry,  and 
Dennison  another,  each  of  a  general  character  but  indi- 
cating a  concurrence  with  me,  and  Seward  made  haste  to 
turn  off  and  introduce  another  topic. 

Thurlow  Weed  and  Lansing,  the  brother-in-law  of 
Pruyn,  are  awaiting  the  action  of  the  government.  They 
have,  and  for  two  years  have  had,  $800,000  in  gold  be- 
longing to  the  Japanese  in  their  hands,  and  it  is  an  im- 
portant question  to  them. 

December  5,  Monday.  Congress  convened.  A  quorum 
present  in  each  house,  but  the  President  did  not  send  in 
his  message.  I  had  calls  from  many  Members.  All  in  good 
spirits  and  hopeful. 

Mr.  Seward  sent  for  my  perusal  a  draught  of  an  execu- 
tive order  forbidding  the  Japanese  vessel  from  leaving, 
and  authorizing  the  Navy  Department  to  purchase.  I  dis- 
like this  thing  in  every  aspect,  and  am  not  disposed  to  be 
mixed  up  with  it.  Some  weeks  since  application  was  made 
for  a  survey  and  appraisal  of  this  vessel.  This  was  ordered, 
as  is  usual  in  all  cases,  and  without  any  connection  with 
the  government  or  the  Japanese.  The  Board  valued  her  at 
$392,000,  and  at  this  price  we,  under  direction  of  the 
President  at  the  solicitation  of  Seward,  agreed  to  take  her. 
These  late  government  movements  make  it  embarrassing. 
I  declined  to  give  any  opinion  or  make  any  suggestion  in 
regard  to  the  executive  order,  but  said  orally  to  the  clerk 


192  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  5 

that  our  offer  was  still  considered  as  good,  irrespective  of 
other  matters.  Two  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  gold 
would  purchase  this  vessel;  in  paper  currency  she  is  ap- 
praised at  1392,000.  It  is  easy  to  perceive  that  Mr.  Weed 
and  Mr.  Pruyn  will  realize  a  clever  sum  for  their  labors. 
They  have  had  for  one  or  two  years  the  use  of  $800,000  in 
gold.  This  vessel  has  not  cost  them  over  $200,000  in  gold. 
The  government  takes  it  at  $392,000  and  must  pay  that 
sum  in  gold  to  Japan.  Who  pockets  the  $192,000?  It  can- 
not be  otherwise  than  that  this  subject  will  be  inquired 
into.  It  ought  to  be. 

December  6,  Tuesday.  Nothing  of  moment  at  the  Cabi- 
net. Neither  Seward  nor  Fessenden  was  present.  The  new 
Attorney-General  declines  to  be  sworn  in  until  confirmed. 

Shortly  after  leaving  the  Cabinet  I  heard  that  Chase 
had  been  nominated  to,  and  confirmed  by,  the  Senate  as 
Chief  Justice.  Not  a  word  was  interchanged  in  the  Cabinet 
respecting  it.  Stanton,  who  came  in  late  and  just  as  we 
were  leaving,  professed  to  have  come  over  merely  to  learn 
if  the  message  had  been  received,  and  how.  It  is  possible 
he  was  in  the  secret,  but  no  other  one  who  was  present, 
and  his  knowledge  is  perhaps  doubtful.  The  President  had 
said  to  us  before  Stanton  came  in  that  he  had  sent  up  yes- 
terday the  nominations  of  Dennison  and  Speed,  but  men- 
tioned no  others.  I  am  sorry  he  should  have  withheld  the 
fact,  which  we  all  knew  in  less  than  one  hour,  that  he  had 
to-day  sent  in  Chase  for  Chief  Justice.  Dennison  informs 
me  that  [he  went  to  the  theatre  with  the  President  last 
evening  and  parted  with  him  after  11  o'clock,  and  not  a 
word  was  said  to  him  on  the  subject. 

I  hope  the  selection  may  prove  a  good  one.  I  would  not 
have  advised  it,  because  I  have  apprehensions  on  that  sub- 
ject. Chase  has  mental  power  and  resources,  but  he  is 
politically  ambitious  and  restless,  prone  to,  but  not  very 
skillful  in,  intrigue  and  subtle  management.  If  he  applies 
himself  strictly  and  faithfully  to  his  duties,  he  may  sue- 


1864]    GHASE  APPOINTED   CHIEF-JUSTICE     193 

ceed  on  the  bench,  although  his  mind,  I  fear,  is  not  so  much 
judicial  as  ministerial.  He  will  be  likely  to  use  the  place 
for  political  advancement  and  thereby  endanger  confid- 
ence in  the  court.  He,  though  selfishly  stubborn  some- 
times, wants  moral  courage  and  frankness,  is  fond  of  adula- 
tion, and  with  official  superiors  is  a  sycophant.  I  hope  the 
President  may  have  no  occasion  to  regret  his  selection. 

December  8,  Thursday.  The  Senate  have  since  commence- 
ment of  the  session  labored  over  the  question  of  continu- 
ing or  displacing  Hale  from  the  position  of  Chairman  of 
the  Naval  Committee.  He  has  been,  without  cause  or 
reason,  a  constant  and  vindictive  opponent  of  the  Depart- 
ment, at  times  annoying  and  almost  embarrassing  its 
action.  I  have  forborne  any  controversy  with  him,  and, 
in  my  acts  and  recommendations,  have  generally  been 
sustained  by  Congress  and  the  country.  One  year  ago, 
at  the  commencement  of  this  Congress,  it  appeared  to  me 
that  the  Senate  owed  to  itself,  not  less  than  the  Depart- 
ment and  the  country,  the  duty  of  substituting  another  for 
this  factious  and  unworthy  man.  As  they  did  not  do  it 
then,  I  scarcely  expected  they  would  do  it  now.  He  then 
appealed  to  them  feelingly,  and  implored  them  to  help 
him  because  his  election  was  pending.  Some  of  them 
thought  the  lesson  had  been  instructive  and  would  prove 
useful,  as  they  assured  me,  and  therefore  voted  for  him. 
His  conduct  disappointed  them  but  did  not  me. 

This  year  he  is  not  present,  but  went  to  Halifax  the 
week  before  the  session  commenced,  and  from  there  writes 
a  beseeching  letter,  begging  to  serve  out  the  few  weeks  that 
remain  of  his  Senatorial  life  on  the  Naval  Committee. 
Sumner,  who  too  often  permits  his  personal  sympathies 
to  overrule  public  duty  in  matters  of  this  land,  labored 
hard,  I  am  told,  for  Hale.  Action  was  postponed  from 
day  to  day  to  gather  strength,  but  a  last  attempt  to  retain 
him  was  made  this  morning  and  he  received  but  seven 
votes.  I  have  avoided,  properly,  introducing  the  subject 


194  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  8 

to  any  Senator  while  the  question  was  pending,  and  to 
three  or  four  who  have  spoken  to  me,  I  have  been  cool  and 
reserved.  Yet,  not  unlikely,  Hale  will  be  violent  and  abus- 
ive towards  me.  Perhaps  not;  he  is  uncertain  and  unreli- 
able. I  feel  indifferent.  His  career  is  about  closed.  It  has 
never  been  useful  or  wholesome.  He  has  no  constructive 
ability;  can  attack  and  try  to  pull  down,  but  is  unable  to 
successfully  defend  and  build  up. 

The  Members  of  Congress  and  the  press,  with  scarcely 
an  exception,  are  complimentary  to  my  report.  Even  the 
New  York  Times  and  Herald  commend  it.  But  the  Times 
of  to-day  has  a  captious,  faultfinding  article.  It  is  dissatis- 
fied, because,  in  stating  facts,  I  mention  that  the  Navy 
has  been  always  ready  to  cooperate  with  the  army  at  Wil- 
mington, was  ready  and  waited  at  Mobile,  Texas,  etc., 
etc.  This  the  Times  denounces  as  attacking  the  War  De- 
partment or  army.  If  to  tell  the  truth  is  so  construed,  I 
cannot  help  it.  For  a  long  time  the  Times  has  been  profuse 
in  its  censures  of  the  Navy  Department  in  regard  to  Wil- 
mington. Mr.  Seward,  knowingly,  was  guilty  of  the  same 
injustice  in  his  speech  delivered  to  the  crowd  from  his 
parlor  window  the  week  of  the  election.  These  men  do  not 
wish  the  truth  disclosed.  They  cannot  romance  and 
falsify  me  as  they  have  done  in  this  respect. 

December  9,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet  little  as  usual  was 
done.  Fessenden  and  Stanton  were  not  present.  Seward 
came  late.  No  measure  of  any  importance  was  introduced. 
Seward,  Usher,  and  myself  came  out  together,  the  other 
two  a  little  in  advance  of  me.  Seward  took  Usher  aside 
in  the  large  hall  just  as  they  were  coming  out,  and  he 
spoke  and  beckoned  to  me  also  after  the  others  had  turned 
off  to  come  with  them.  He  said,  as  I  came  up,  that  he  was 
remarking  to  Usher  that  Congress  and  the  country  were 
full  of  speculations  about  appointments;  that  he  did  not 
care  a  damn  about  himself,  —  if  the  President  wanted  him 
he  would  remain,  and  would  go  if  he  did  not.  He  was  going 


1864]  USHER'S  ANXIETY  195 

to  take  no  part  against  any  other  member  of  the  Cabinet, 
but  should  stand  by  them.  Usher  said  it  was  important 
that  he  should  know,  for  he  had  to  depend  on  his  salary 
or  income  for  his  support,  and  probably  Mr.  S.  could  let 
him  know  what  were  the  President's  intentions.  The  sub- 
ject seemed  to  be  one  on  which  the  two  had  been  previously 
conversing,  and  U.  was  evidently  in  some  suspense  or 
anxiety.  I  did  not  see  nor  apprehend  the  pertinency  or 
occasion  for  the  conversation,  except  that  U.  may  have 
heard,  or  learned,  something  which  has  disturbed  him, 
and  sought  information  from  S.,  who  chose  to  have  me 
hear  him  utter  nonsense  to  Usher. 

I  remarked  that  I  gave  no  thought  to  the  rumors,  manu- 
factured by  correspondents  and  quidnuncs;  that  if  Mem- 
bers of  Congress  or  committees  attempted  to  dictate  to 
the  President,  he  would  know  how  to  appreciate  them. 
The  conversation  did  not  exceed  five  minutes,  perhaps  not 
more  than  three.  We  then  came  out,  but  Usher  seemed 
disturbed  and  clung  to  and  walked  off  with  Seward,  al- 
though his  carriage  was  waiting  in  the  opposite  direction. 

December  10,  Saturday.  Blair  called  on  me  in  somewhat 
of  a  disturbed  state  of  mind  and  wanted  my  advice.  He 
had  had  one  interview  with  the  President  since  I  last  saw 
him,  in  which  the  President  said  he  disliked  to  remove 
Hoffman  from  the  collectorship  of  Baltimore,  but  that  the 
Spanish  mission  would  be  vacant,  and  he  would  place 
that  at  Blair's  disposal  to  arrange  with  Senator  Hicks  and 
Hoffman,  as  he  pleased.  Blair  replied  that  he  could  go  into 
no  such  arrangement;  that  he  had  no  confidence  in  Hoff- 
man, who  is  wholly  unreliable,  had  deserted  everybody 
and  ought  to  be  discarded.  The  appointment  of  Chase  has 
brought  the  Maryland  malcontents  into  position,  and  the 
trimmers,  including  Hicks  and  his  friend  Governor  Swann, 
were  looking  to  what  they  thought  the  rising  power.  Blair 
fears  the  President  is  flinching  and  will  succumb,  and 
thought  it  advisable  that  he,  or  some  one,  should  have  an 


196  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  10 

explicit  conversation  with  the  President,  and  wanted  my 
advice.  I  told  him  that  it  seemed  to  me  very  important 
that  such  a  conversation  should  take  place,  but  no  one 
could  do  this  so  well  as  himself.  As  regarded  myself,  it 
was  a  weakness  with  me  not  to  obtrude  advice;  it  was  with 
reluctance  I  gave  the  President  unasked  my  opinion  on 
any  subject,  and  on  the  several  matters  connected  with  his 
plans  he  himself  could  best  discuss  them  with  the  Pre- 
sident. Blair  agreed  with  me  and  said  he  would  see  the 
President,  and  would  boldly  and  frankly  express  himself. 
Blair's  present  view  is  to  go  into  the  Senate,  in  place  of 
Governor  Hicks,  who  wishes  to  be  made  collector  of  Balti- 
more. Of  course  Hoffman,  the  present  collector,  must  be 
removed  as  the  initiatory  step  to  this  end. 

December  15,  Thursday.  The  Members  of  Congress  have 
hardly  commenced  work  as  yet.  They  are  feeling  about. 
The  malcontents  are  not  in  better  mood  than  before  the 
election.  Chase's  appointment  gives  satisfaction  to  Sen- 
ator Surnner  and  a  few  others;  but  there  is  general  dis- 
appointment. Public  sentiment  had  settled  down  under 
the  conviction  that  he  could  not  have  the  position.  Sumner 
helped  to  secure  it  for  him.  The  President  told  Chandler 
of  New  Hampshire,  who  remonstrated  against  such  selec- 
tions, that  he  would  rather  have  swallowed  his  buckhorn 
chair  than  to  have  nominated  Chase. 

Sumner  declares  to  me  that  Chase  will  retire  from  the 
field  of  politics  and  not  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
I  questioned  it,  but  S.  said  with  emphasis  it  was  so.  He 
had  assured  the  President  that  Chase  would  retire  from 
party  politics.  I  have  no  doubt  Sumner  believes  it.  What 
foundations  he  has  for  the  belief  I  know  not,  though  he 
speaks  positively  and  as  if  he  had  assurance.  My  own 
convictions  are  that,  if  he  lives,  Chase  will  be  a  candidate 
and  his  restless  and  ambitious  mind  is  already  at  work. 
It  is  his  nature. 

In  his  interview  with  me  to-day,  it  being  the  first  time 


1864]  CONVERSATION  WITH  PRESTON  KING  197 

we  have  met  since  he  reached  Washington,  Sumner  com- 
menced by  praising  my  report,  which  he  complimented 
as  a  model  paper,  —  the  best  report  he  had  read  from  a 
Department,  etc.,  etc.  As  he  is  a  scholar  and  critic,  a 
statesman  and  politician  capable  of  forming  an  opinion, 
has  culture,  discrimination,  and  good  judgment,  I  could 
not  but  feel  gratified  with  his  praise.  He  says  he  read  every 
word  of  it.  Very  many  Members  have  given  me  similar 
complimentary  assurances,  but  no  one  has  gratified  me  so 
much  as  Sumner. 

December  16,  Friday.  Met  Attorney-General  Speed  to- 
day at  Cabinet-meeting  and  was  introduced  by  the  Pre- 
sident. Mr.  Seward  read  the  correspondence  with  the 
Brazilian  representative  in  relation  to  the  capture  of  the 
Florida.  It  is  quite  diplomatic,  but  Seward  has  the  best  of 
it  thus  far,  for  the  Brazilian  commenced  too  strong  and 
has  overshot  the  mark.  What  ground  Seward  will  ulti- 
mately occupy  is  uncertain.  He  does  not  know  himself,  I 
apprehend;  indeed,  he  has  more  than  once  said  as  much  to 
me.  I  desire  him  to  maintain  our  rights  while  doing  jus- 
tice to  Brazil.  Why  has  she  given  shelter  and  refuge  and 
aid  and  supplies  to  Rebel  pirates  who  are  depredating  on 
the  commerce  of  a  nation  with  which  she  is  on  terms  of 
amity?  Put  her  on  the  defensive. 

Preston  King  dined  with  me  to-day.  Had  a  couple  of 
hours'  very  agreeable  conversation  with  him.  He  is  a  man 
of  wonderful  sagacity;  has  an  excellent  mind  and  judgment. 
Our  views  correspond  on  most  questions.  On  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Rebellion,  on  the  rights  of  the  States,  on  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  Union,  on  the  extinguishment  of  slav- 
ery, there  was  entire  concurrence  of  opinion.  I  did  not 
doubt  our  agreement  on  these  points  before  we  met.  I 
had  touched  on  them  with  some  others  and  found  great  be- 
wilderment. There  is,  I  think,  no  man  in  the  Cabinet  but 
Dennison  who  agrees  with  me  on  the  subject  of  State 
rights.  Seward  on  two  or  three  occasions  has  had  flings 


200  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  w 

when  parties  fail  with  me,  they  go  to  the  President,  and  of 
course  state  their  ill  success,  but,  claiming  to  have  a  case, 
press  him  to  act,  and  he,  knowing  from  them  my  decision, 
sends  for  Fox  to  get  the  facts.  It  is  not  a  very  satisfactory 
way,  but  is  the  President's  peculiarity.  He  sometimes  has 
excused  himself  on  the  ground  that  he  did  not  wish  to  dis- 
turb me  to  come  over  when  he  only  wished  to  make  a  sim- 
ple inquiry,  etc., — supposed  Fox  might  know  the  facts. 
Weed  and  his  set  have  Scofield  in  hand;  want  his  money 
for  electioneering  purposes.  Thinks  he  would  succeed  if  I 
were  away  or  not  consulted. 

Stanton  came  in  this  morning  to  tell  me  he  had  just  got 
a  telegram  from  General  Thomas,  announcing  the  defeat 
and  annihilation  of  Hood's  army.  Present  indications  are 
an  early  closing  of  the  Rebellion.  If  we  have  tolerable  suc- 
cess the  next  ten  days,  they  will  have  no  formidable  army 
but  Lee's  at  Richmond. 

December  17,  Saturday.  Admiral  Dahlgren  writes  me 
that  Sherman  is  with  him  in  his  cabin  (14th  inst.). 

Mr.  Chandler,1  employed  by  the  Department  to  attend 
to  alleged  frauds  in  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard,  arrived 
here  this  morning.  Discloses  great  rascalities,  of  which  we 
shall  have  more  hereafter.  Among  others  he  mentions  the 
facts  connected  with  young  Clandaniels,  who  was  seduced 
by  Scofield.  Living  on  a  salary  of  $750,  pinched  for  sub- 
sistence, the  serpent  Scofield  approached  him,  gave  him  in 
friendly  kindness  $50.  He  made  further  gratuities,  then 
proposed  to  him,  he  being  clerk  of  the  storekeeper,  to  pass 
short  weights  and  measure.  To  receipt  for  70,000  pounds 
when  there  were  but  50,000.  His  share  in  these  villainies, 
C.  says,  is  about  $5000.  He  restores  $3600  and  his  gold 
watch. 

I  directed  Fox  to  go  and  request  the  President  to  be  pre- 

1  William  E.  Chandler,  subsequently  Secretary  of   the  Navy  under 

TJriso:  J  __  i       A*.4-lm«,     An/4     QAnn4-A       fw\«vt      XTnwr    TTnmv^flVk iwrt 


1864]       WEED   IN   THE   SCOFIELD   CASE         201 

sent  in  order  that  he  might  hear  Chandler's  statement,  for, 
as  I  anticipated,  the  President  had  sent  for  Fox  yesterday 
to  inquire  respecting  Scofield.  The  President  came,  and  on 
hearing  Chandler's  statement,  seemed  glad  to  know  the 
facts.  Says  Thurlow  Weed  first  came  to  him  in  behalf  of 
Scofield;  that  he  was  disposed  to  act  from  representations 
then  made,  two  or  three  months  ago  (it  was  before  elec- 
tion) ;  that  he  had  communicated  with  me  at  that  time,  and 
sent  the  papers  to  Governor  Morgan,  who  had  given  them 
over  to  Anthon,  Judge- Advocate-General,  to  make  a  sum- 
mary; that  Anthon  had  done  so  and  said  Scofield  was 
rightly  convicted.  Yesterday  Mr.  Spencer  and  others  had 
pressed  him  very  hard  to  release  Scofield  on  his  paying  the 
fine,  but  he  remarked  he  had  some  other  matters  pending. 
He  therefore  had  sent  for  Fox  to  know  how  matters  were. 

I  hardly  think  they  will  get  Scofield  released,  after  to- 
day's interview.  But  the  President  does  not  rightly  appre- 
ciate Weed  &  Co.,  who  are  concerned  in  this  business.  He 
says  Weed,  on  seeing  Judge  Anthon's  report,  said  he  had 
nothing  further  to  say.  Nor  has  he.  But  Raymond  and 
Darling  and  others  have  been  pushed  forward,  Raymond 
willingly,  and  doubtless  under  the  expectation  of  high  fees, 
for  Scofield  and  others  bid  high. 

This  is  one  of  the  cases  that  has  caused  the  malevolent 
intrigues  of  Raymond,  Weed,  and  others  against  me.  I 
have  been  in  the  way  of  their  greed  and  intrigues.  They 
could  not  use  me  but  they  have  secretly  slandered  me,  — 
had  their  insinuations,  flings,  and  contrivances  through 
the  press  and  social  circles  to  injure  me  in  public  estima- 
tion. The  work  has  been  very  adroitly  done,  but  the  Pre- 
sident, while  standing  firmly  by  me,  is  not  aware,  I  think, 
of  the  real  motives  that  move  them. 

December  19,  Monday.  The  contractors  for  the  Puritan 
and  Dictator  are  in  trouble  and  embarrassed.  Congress 
has  extended  to  them  relief,  contingent  on  my  action.  If 
I  do  not  so  interpret  the  resolution  as  to  render  imme- 


202  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  19 

diate  assistance,  I  shall  be  censured  for  delay.  If  I  take 
the  responsibility  of  acting  promptly  and  before  reports 
are  made  the  censure  will  be  no  less  severe.  That  the  con- 
tractors can  fulfill  all  the  stipulations,  every  one  knows  to 
be  improbable,  —  I  may  say  impossible.  If  I  rigidly  re- 
quire them,  the  men  will  be  ruined  and  the  country  not 
benefited.  If  I  waive  the  impossible,  and  accept  what  is 
practicable,  I  shall  give  the  censorious  and  malicious  op- 
portunities to  assail  and  denounce  me.  I  covet  no  such  dis- 
cretionary power. 

Commodore  Rodgers  writes  that  the  Dictator  has  ar- 
rived safely  at  Hampton  Roads  and  performed  satisfac- 
torily, but  fails  to  give  details. 

Captain  Winslow  called  on  me  to-day.  He  is  looking 
well  and  feels  happy.  Luck  was  with  him  in  the  fight  with 
the  Alabama. 

The  House  of  Representatives  to-day  passes  a  resolution 
of  H.  Winter  Davis,  aimed  at  the  Secretary  of  State  for  his 
management  of  foreign  affairs,  and  asserting  the  authority 
of  the  House  in  these  matters.  There  is  a  disposition  to 
make  the  legislative,  fortunately  the  representative  branch, 
the  controlling  power  of  the  government.  The  whole  was 
conceived  in  a  bad  spirit  and  is  discreditable  to  the  getters- 
up  and  those  who  passed  the  resolutions.  Davis  has  never 
been,  and  never  will  be,  a  useful  Member  of  Congress.  Al- 
though possessing  talents,  he  is  factious,  uneasy,  and  un- 
principled. He  is  just  now  connected  with  a  clique  of  mal- 
contents, most  of  whom  were  gathering  a  few  months  [ago] 
around  our  present  Chief  Justice.  An  embryo  party  is 
forming  and  we  shall  see  what  comes  of  it  and  whether  the 
ermine  is  soiled. 

Wise  of  the  Ordnance  Bureau  writes  me  a  long  letter  in 
answer  to  a  dispatch  from  Dahlgren  in  regard  to  casting 
solid  and  hollow  guns,  etc.  It  is  a  controversy  in  which  I 
do  not  care  to  become  embroiled,  D.  is  sensitive  and  proud; 
W.  has  been  meddlesome  and  perhaps  unjust.  D.  feels 
hurt;  W.  feels  rebuked. 


meeting.  Speed  is  attending  the  Court.  The  others  ab- 
sent, as  usual,  without  cause,  and  the  course  pursued  sus- 
tains them  in  this  neglect.  Seward  is  at  the  President's 
everyday  when  there  is  no  Cabinet-meeting  and  at  a  differ- 
ent hour  on  Cabinet  days.  As  Stanton  does  not  go  to  the 
President,  the  President  goes  to  Stanton.  Not  unfre- 
quently  he  hurries  at  the  close  to  go  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment. Fessenden  frets  because  there  are  no  Cabinet  con- 
sultations and  yet  stays  away  himself. 

Old  Tom  Ewing  of  Ohio  was  hanging  around  the  door  of 
the  Executive  Mansion  as  I  went  in.  I  stopped  for  a  mo- 
ment to  exchange  civilities.  Usher,  who  followed  me,  in- 
formed the  President  that  the  old  man  was  waiting  for  an 
interview  and  thought  of  leaving,  but  U.  advised  him  to 
remain  now  that  he  had  got  there.  The  President  ex- 
pressed his  regret  at  Usher's  advice  and,  turning  to  me, 
said,  "You  know  his  object?"  I  said  it  was  probably 
Wilkes'  case.  The  President  said  it  was,  and,  notwithstand- 
ing Wilkes  had  abused  both  him  and  me,  he  was  inclined 
to  remit  his  sentence,  —  looking  inquiringly  at  me  as  he 
spoke.  I  told  him  that  I  should  not  advise  it;  that  at  the 
proper  time  and  in  the  proper  way  something  might  be  done, 
perhaps,  without  injury,  though  Wilkes  had  no  claim,  and 
this  hiring  old  Mr.  Ewing,  who  is  sellinghis  personal  influence, 
is  all  bad.  Usher  took  strong  and  emphatic  ground  against 
any  favor  to  Wilkes,  who  is  heartless  and  insubordinate. 

It  is  a  misfortune  that  the  President  gives  his  ear  to  a 
class  of  old  party  hacks  like  Ewing  and  Tom  Corwin,  men 
of  ability  and  power  in  their  day,  for  whom  he  has  high  re- 
gard but  who  are  paid  to  come  here  and  persuade  the  Pre- 
sident to  do  wrong.  Ewing  would  not,  of  himself,  do  or 
advise  another  to  do  what  he  beseeches  of  the  President, 
except  for  money.  All  this  the  President  has  the  sagacity 
to  see,  but  hardly  the  will  to  resist.  I  shall  not  be  surprised 
if  he  yields,  as  he  intimated  he  was  ready  to  do  before  any 
remark  from  me. 


204  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  20 

The  Senate  and  House  to-day  passed  an  act  in  conform- 
ity with  my  recommendation,  indorsed  by  the  President, 
creating  the  office  of  Vice-Admiral,  to  correspond  with  the 
army  grade  of  Lieutenant-General. 

Mr.  Usher  relates  a  conversation  he  had  with  General 
Heintzelman  at  Steubenville  in  regard  to  General  McClel- 
lan,  in  which  General  H.  says  he  has  been  reading  and  re- 
viewing the  events  and  incidents  of  the  Peninsular  Cam- 
paign, and  he  is  fully  convinced  that  McClellan  intended 
to  betray  the  army.  General  H.  tells  how  he  was  left  and 
the  guard  at  a  bridge  over  which  it  was  necessary  he  should 
pass  was  withdrawn,  without  notice  to  him,  although  he 
had  sent  three  times  to  McClellan  for  instructions  and  re- 
ceived none.  Other  singular  and  unaccounted-for  facts  are 
mentioned. 

I  have  heard  these  intimations  from  others  who  had  sim- 
ilar suspicions  and  convictions,  but  I  have  never  yet  been 
willing  to  believe  he  was  a  traitor,  though  men  of  standing 
call  him  such.  His  conduct  was  strange  and  difficult  to  be 
reconciled  with  an  intelligent  and  patriotic  discharge  of 
the  duties  of  his  position.  I  long  ago,  and  early  indeed,  was 
satisfied  his  heart  was  not  earnest  in  the  cause.  He  wanted 
to  be  victorious  in  any  conflict  as  he  would  in  a  game  of 
chess.  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina  were  equally  at 
fault  in  his  estimation,  and  he  so  declared  to  me  at  Cum- 
berland on  the  Pamunkey  in  May,  1862. x  The  disasters 
before  Richmond  followed  soon  after,  and  these  were  suc- 
ceeded by  his  inexcusable  conduct  and  that  of  his  subord- 
inate generals  in  failing  to  reinforce  and  sustain  Pope  and 
our  army  at  the  Second  Battle  of  Bull  Run. 

But  while  I  have  never  had  time  to  review  the  acts  of 
that  period,  I  still  incline  to  the  opinion  that  his  conduct 
was  the  result  of  cool  and  selfish  indifference  rather  than  of 
treachery  and  positive  guilt.  General  Heintzelman  and 
others  are  not  only  prejudiced  against  him  but  positively 
inimical. 

1  See  vol.  i,  p.  107. 


1864]       DEATH  OF  MINISTER  DAYTON         205 

December  21,  Wednesday.  Wrote  Gilpin,  District  Attor- 
ney at  Philadelphia,  in  answer  to  his  private  letter  as  to 
prosecution  for  frauds  in  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard. 

The  papers  are  publishing  the  details  of  the  expedition 
to  Wilmington,  and  disclosing  some  confidential  circum- 
stances which  ought  not  to  be  made  public.  One  of  the 
Philadelphia  editors  says  the  facts  were  ascertained  and 
given  to  the  press  by  Osborn  of  New  York,  a  prowling  mer- 
cenary correspondent  of  the  newspapers  who  buys  black- 
mail where  he  can,  and  sells  intelligence  surreptitiously  ob- 
tained. I  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  giving  him  the 
facts  for  such  action  as  he  may  be  disposed  to  take.  He  in- 
formed Fox  that  he  would  arrest  and  try  by  court  martial. 

Intelligence  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Dayton,  our  Minister  to 
France,  creates  some  commotion  among  public  men.  The 
event  was  sudden  and  his  loss  will  be  felt.  .  .  .  I  had  a  light 
and  pleasant  acquaintance  with  him  when  in  the  Senate 
some  fifteen  or  eighteen  years  ago,  and  we  had  some  cor- 
respondence and  one  or  two  interviews  in  the  Fremont 
campaign  in  1856,  when  he  was  pleased  to  compliment  me, 
on  comparing  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey,  with  having 
done  much  to  place  my  own  State  in  a  right  position.  We 
met  again  in  the  spring  of  1861.  He  was  a  dignified  and 
gentlemanly  representative,  not  a  trained  diplomat,  and 
unfortunately  not  acquainted  with  the  language  of  the 
French  Court.  A  numerous  progeny  has  arisen  at  once  to 
succeed  him.  John  Bigelow,  consul  at  Paris,  has  been  ap- 
pointed Charge",  and  I  doubt  if  any  other  person  will  be 
selected  who  is  more  fit.  Raymond  of  the  Times  wants  it, 
but  Bigelow  is  infinitely  his  superior. 

December  22,  Thursday.  The  Secretary  of  War  returns 
my  letter  concerning  the  disclosures  made  of  the  Wilming- 
ton expedition  with  an  indorsement  of  Assistant-Secre- 
tary Dana  stating  the  Secretary  desires  to  know  what  ac- 
tion I  wish  to  have  taken. 

T  hfl.vp.  nnt.inpHI  that,  nnr  pnprcrptirt  n.nH  nTYvrYmt. 


206  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  22 

of  War  always  desires  a  strong  backer.  He  does  rash  and 
violent  things,  but  he  always  wants  some  one  to  bear  the 
brunt,  or  one  on  whom  he  can,  if  trouble  ensues,  throw  the 
responsibility.  The  Judge-Advocate-General  is  attached 
to  the  War  Department,  there  is  a  Solicitor  of  the  War  De- 
partment, the  provost  marshals  are  appointments  of  that 
Department.  I  sent  the  Secretary  the  facts  in  Osborn's 
case,  giving  names,  and  he  now  wishes  me  to  specify  his 
course  of  action,  while  I  have  none  of  the  machinery  or  offi- 
cers which  Congress  has  assigned  to  him  in  abundance. 

I  indorsed  on  the  letter  that  as  the  expedition  was  joint, 
—  Army  and  Navy,  —  I  had  supposed  it  sufficient  to  ad- 
vise him  of  the  facts  in  order  to  have  the  offenders  pun- 
ished, that  I  thought  the  offense  ought  not  to  pass  unnot- 
iced, and  that  I  recommended  the  person  who  had  given 
the  subject  for  publication  should  be  arrested  and  tried  by 
military  court  martial.  This  I  know  will  not  be  satisfac- 
tory, but  it  is  as  much  as  I,  clothed  with  no  power,  ought  to 
do. 

December  23,  Friday.  Being  a  little  late  at  Cabinet, 
found  the  President,  Seward,  and  Stanton  with  my  letter 
before  them  in  relation  to  Osborn.  Stanton  was  evidently 
not  satisfied  with  my  presentation  of  the  case,  and  yet  was 
not  prepared  to  specify  his  objections.  He  spoke  of  the 
publishers  as  equally  deserving  arrest,  which  I  did  not  con- 
trovert, but  expressed  an  opinion  that  all  implicated  should 
be  attended  to.  I  furnished  proof  as  to  the  complicity  of 
Osborn.  On  this  further  proceedings  might  be  had.  Sew- 
ard was  interested  in  a  late  singular  decision  of  Judge  Wylie 
of  the  District  Court  against  Baker,  for  false  arrest  and 
imprisonment  at  the  instigation  of  the  late  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  the  present  Chief  Justice  Chase.  Under  this  de- 
cision, he  said,  no  Cabinet  officer  was  safe.  Stanton  said 
he  would  be  imprisoned  a  thousand  years  at  least. 

This  proceeding  of  the  court  had  evidently  caused  Stan- 
ton  to  hesitate  in  the  matter  of  Osborn,  and  hence  he 


1864]  DISCLOSURE  OF  WILMINGTON  PLANS  207 

wanted  me  to  make  special  request  for  the  arrest,  not  only 
of  0.  but  the  different  editors,  who,  he  thought,  should  be 
punished.  I  did  not  incline  to  that  view.  0.  .had  surrepti- 
tiously obtained  information  and  sold  to  editors.  The 
President  remarked  that  he  thought  an  example  of  Osborn 
might  answer  without  a  squabble  with  the  editors.  Both 
he  and  Stanton  dwelt  on  the  disinclination  of  General  Dix 
to  have  a  fight  with  newspapers. 

An  investigation  as  to  the  true  condition  of  matters 
with  Judge  Wylie  in  the  Baker  and  Gwin  case  was  directed. 
The  President  suggested  a  difference  in  this  and  arrests 
under  the  military  department. 

I  have  had  much  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  Dictator  and 
the  Puritan.  The  large  balance  due  falls  heavily  on  the 
contractors,  who  claim  they  are  losing  interest  at  the  rate 
of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  per  day.  It  is  very 
hard  that  they  should  thus  suffer,  but  the  law  for  their  re- 
lief is  very  bungling  in  its  phraseology.  I  have  delayed  ac- 
tion, and  consulted  with  several.  Admiral  Smith,  Fox,  and 
Faxon  advise  payment.  Lenthall  objects.  I  requested 
Senator  Grimes  to  examine  the  papers  and  the  law  yester- 
day, and  had  intended  to  associate  Mr.  Rice  with  him,  so 
as  to  have  an  opinion  from  the  Chairman  of  each  naval 
committee;  but  Rice  had  gone  to  Boston.  Grimes  advised 
payment,  so  I  ordered  half  a  million  to  be  paid  towards  the 
Puritan,  but  none  to  the  Dictator  until  we  had  a  more  satis- 
factory and  full  report. 

December  24,  Saturday.  Called  on  the  President  to  com- 
mute the  punishment  of  a  person  condemned  to  be  hung. 
He  at  once  assented.  Is  always  disposed  to  mitigate  pun- 
ishment, and  to  grant  favors.  Sometimes  this  is  a  weak- 
ness. As  a  matter  of  duty  and  friendship  I  mentioned  to 
him  the  case  of  Laura  Jones,  a  young  lady  who  was  resid- 
ing in  Richmond  and  there  engaged  to  be  married  but 
came  up  three  years  ago  to  attend  her  sick  mother  and  had 
been  unable  to  pass  through  the  lines  and  return.  I  briefly 


208  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  24 

stated  her  case  and  handed  a  letter  from  her  to  Mrs.  Welles 
that  he  might  read.  It  was  a  touching  appeal  from  the  poor 
girl,  who  says  truly  the  years  of  her  youth  are  passing 
away.  I  knew  if  the  President  read  the  letter,  Laura  would 
get  the  pass.  I  therefore  only  mentioned  some  of  the  gen- 
eral facts.  He  at  once  said  he  would  give  her  a  pass.  I  told 
him  her  sympathies  were  with  the  Secessionists,  and  it 
would  be  better  he  should  read  her  own  statement.  But 
he  declined  and  said  he  would  let  her  go;  the  war  had  de- 
populated the  country  and  prevented  marriages  enough, 
and  if  he  could  do  a  kindness  of  this  sort  he  was  disposed 
to,  unless  I  advised  otherwise.  He  wrote  a  pass  and  handed 
me. 

The  numerous  frauds  at  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard 
are  surprising.  But  it  is  well  to  have  an  exposure,  hit 
where  and  whom  it  may. 

In  the  trial  of  Thurlow  Weed  at  New  York  for  libel  on 
Opdyke,  Stover,  contractor,  convicted  of  fraud,  was  a  wit- 
ness and  gave  strange  testimony.  Plaintiff's  counsel  sued 
for  exemplified  copy  of  his  conviction.  If  it  comes  properly 
from  the  court,  must  grant  it,  but  am  not  disposed  to  be 
mixed  up  with  the  parties. 

Osborn  writes,  or  telegraphs,  denying  explicitly  and  un- 
equivocally any  knowledge  of  the  publication  of  the  con- 
traband news  respecting  the  attack  on  Fort  Fisher,  and 
wishes  me  to  communicate  to  Secretary  Stanton.  Sent 
Stanton  a  copy  of  the  dispatch. 

December  25,  Sunday.  Have  intelligence  this  evening 
of  the  capture  of  Savannah.  Hardee  fled  with  his  forces. 

The  Rebellion  is  drawing  to  a  close.  These  operations  in 
the  heart  of  the  Rebel  region  are  destroying  their  self-con- 
fidence, and  there  are  symptoms  of  extreme  dissatisfaction 
among  them. 

Mr.  Eads  and  Miss  Eads  of  St.  Louis,  Mr.  Faxon,  and 
Sam  Welles  and  L.  F.  Whitin  dined  with  us. 


1864]        THE  CAPTURE  OF  SAVANNAH         209 

December  26,  Monday.  Received  a  letter  from  Osborn 
denying  that  he  furnished  information  concerning  opera- 
tions against  Fort  Fisher.  At  the  same  time  Mr.  Faxon 
tells  me  that  Hart,  a  correspondent  of  the  Rochester  Demo- 
crat, says  that  paper  was  informed  a  fortnight  previous. 

Mr.  Fox  presses  for  further  and  more  earnest  application 
to  Stanton  for  the  punishment  of  0.  Says  Stanton  thinks 
and  asserts  that  I  am  not  very  anxious  on  the  subject.  In 
other  words  he  desires  me  to  importune  him  to  harsh  and 
general  measures  against  0.  and  others.  As  O.  is  doubt- 
less already  arrested,  I  wrote  Stanton  transmitting  his  de- 
nial, also  the  letter  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  stating  besides 
the  assertion  of  Hart,  and  recommended  a  speedy  trial. 

Three  hundred  guns  were  fired  by  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  on  Vermont  Avenue  on  account  of  the  capture  of 
Savannah.  I  felt  as  joyful  as  any  one,  perhaps,  over  Sher- 
man's success,  but  I  should  have  dispensed  with  over  two 
hundred  and  sixty  of  those  guns,  had  I  made  the  order. 

We  have  nothing  definite  or  satisfactory  from  the  Wil- 
mington expedition.  The  weather  has  not  been  favorable, 
and  there  has  been  almost  too  imposing  a  force  to  furnish 
us  as  good  success  as  we  have  sometimes  had. 

I  have  no  faith  in  General  Butler's  scheme  of  knocking 
down  Fort  Fisher  by  bio  wing  up  a  vessel  filled  with  powder. 
Herein  I  differ  with  military  men.  The  ordnance  officers 
of  the  Navy  and  army  advised  the  scheme,  and  are,  as  is 
also  Fox,  quite  confident  of  its  success.  (Butler's  influence.) 
I  hope  it  may  be  so,  and  that  the  powder  vessel  may  get 
near  Fort  Fisher,  and  be  left  by  the  crew  before  the  explo- 
sion. Could  we  get  Wilmington  now  along  with  Savannah, 
the  Rebellion  would  run  low. 

December  27,  Tuesday.  Mr.  Seward  sends  me  a  letter 
from  the  British  Charge",  stating  her  Majesty's  desire  to 
confer  the  Order  of  the  Bath  on  Lieutenant  Pearson  1  and 

1  Lieut.  Frederick  Pearson,  who  commanded  the  United  States  ship  in 
the  fight  of  Sept.  5-8,  1864,  with  the  Japanese. 
2 


210  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  27 

desiring  my  opinions.  I  am  opposed  to  the  whole  thing, 
and  regret  that  our  Minister  should  have  pressed  our  naval 
officers  to  take  any  part  in  the  fight  with  the  Japanese.  It 
appears  to  me  to  have  been  unnecessary  to  say  the  least, 
and  this  English  compliment  is  designed  to  fasten  us  more 
closely  with  the  allies  against  a  people  who  have  mani- 
fested more  friendly  feelings  towards  us  than  any  Christian 
power.  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed  and  Mr.  Pruyn  may  be  bene- 
fited. They  have  the  money  of  the  Japanese  in  their 
pockets. 

At  Cabinet  to-day  Seward,  Fessenden,  and  Stanton  were 
absent,  the  three  most  important  of  all  who  should  be  pre- 
sent at  these  meetings.  The  President  was  very  pleasant 
over  a  bit  of  news  in  the  Richmond  papers,  stating  the 
fleet  appeared  off  Fort  Fisher,  one  gunboat  got  aground 
and  was  blown  up.  He  thinks  it  is  the  powder  vessel  which 
has  made  a  sensation.  It  will  not  surprise  me  if  this  is  the 
fact.  I  have  at  no  time  had  confidence  in  the  expedient. 
But  though  the  powder-boat  may  fail,  I  hope  the  expedi- 
tion will  not.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Butler  went  with 
the  expedition,  for  though  possessed  of  ability  as  a  civilian 
he  has  shown  no  very  great  military  capacity  for  work  like 
this.  But  he  has  Weitzel  and  if  he  will  rely  on  him  all  may 
be  well.  I  am  apprehensive  from  what  I  have  heard  that 
too  large  a  portion  of  the  troops  are  black  or  colored,  but 
fear  there  are  too  few  of  either  kind,  and  no  first-rate  mili- 
tary officers  to  command  and  direct  them.  The  Navy  will, 
I  think,  do  well.  It  is  a  new  field  for  Porter,  who  has  been 
amply  supplied  with  men  and  boats. 

December  28,  Wednesday.  I  received  a  dispatch  last  even- 
ing about  midnight,  from  Lieutenant-Commander  Preston 
on  board  the  Santiago  de  Cuba  at  Fortress  Monroe,  having 
been  sent  off  from  Wilmington  by  Admiral  Porter.  The 
information  is  not  altogether  satisfactory.  The  powder- 
boat  was  blown  up  about  three  hundred  yards  from  Fort 
Fisher.  No  mention  is  made  of  results.  I  apprehend  noth- 


ing  serious.  Have  had  no  faith  in  this  experiment  at  any 
time.  I  fear  Porter  relied  too  much  upon  it,  and  should  not 
be  surprised  if  the  expedition  would  have  done  better  with- 
out than  with  it.  The  troops  are  said  to  have  disembarked 
above  Fort  Fisher,  to  have  taken  some  earthworks  and 
prisoners,  and  then  to  have  reembarked.  This  reads  of 
and  like  Butler.  I  will  not  prejudge  the  men  or  movements. 

Mr.  Seward  sent  me  to-day  a  line  from  Thurlow  Weed, 
who  wanted  the  pardon  or  release  of  Stover.  I  sent  Mr. 
Seward  word  how  I  had  disposed  of  a  similar  application 
from  the  opposite  party,  viz.  declining  to  furnish  copies  to 
outside  parties  who  were  in  controversy.  Mandates  from 
the  court  must  be  respected.  He  made  a  second  application 
with  similar  result,  and  directly  after  the  second  call  I  re- 
ceived an  application  from  Mr.  Brown,  agent  for  the  oppo- 
site parties,  stating  the  court  had  granted  a  commission 
which  would  be  here  to-morrow  with  interrogatories  to  ex- 
amine me  and  the  Assistant  Secretary.  Calling  on  Mr. 
Seward  in  the  afternoon,  I  showed  him  Brown's  letter. 
He  advised  me  not  to  testify  nor  to  give  any  copies  of  any 
record.  I  told  him  there  might  be  some  difficulty  or  com- 
plaint. He  said  no,  he  always  refused;  told  of  their  sending 
an  officer  on  one  occasion  to  arrest  him,  [and  that]  he  ap- 
plied to  and  got  from  the  War  Department  a  guard.  It 
was  all  under  the  authority  of  the  President,  who  would 
refuse  to  give  copies  of  the  record  and  restrain  the  heads 
of  Department  from  acting  as  witnesses  in  such  cases.  I 
told  him  I  had  received  no  such  authority  from  the  Pre- 
sident and  should  prefer  to  have  it  in  writing  from  the 
President  himself.  I  added  that  if  he  knew  what  was  the 
President's  order  or  position,  he  could  put  it  in  writing  on 
the  back  of  the  paper  of  Brown,  and  I  would  stop  and  get 
the  President's  signature.  He  took  up  a  pen,  but  dropped 
it  and  said  it  had  better  not  be  in  his  handwriting. 

After  being  out  a  little  time,  he  returned,  followed  soon 
after  by  Mr.  Hunter  with  a  paper  a  little  longer  than 
seemed  to  me  necessary,  and  with  an  unfinished  sentence. 


212  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  28 

I  remarked  that  the  President  might  say  if  he  thought 
proper  the  public  interest  required  this  testimony  should 
be  withheld.  But  this  did  not  suit  S.,  who  directed  how 
the  paper  should  be  finished. 

Returning,  I  called  on  the  President,  who  had  a  large 
crowd  in  attendance,  chiefly  females.  I  stated  briefly  the 
case  and  handed  him  the  paper,  which  he  carefully  read, 
but  said  he  should  want  to  think  of  the  subject  some  be- 
fore putting  his  name  to  the  paper.  I  told  him  I  was  glad 
of  it,  and  would  leave  the  paper  with  him  and  would  call  at 
ten  to-morrow  for  an  answer,  provided  he  should  then  be 
ready  to  give  one.  This  met  his  approval. 

December  29,  Thursday.  I  called  at  the  Executive  Man- 
sion at  precisely  ten  this  A.M.  The  President  was  not  in. 
Mr.  Attorney-General  Speed  came  in  soon  after,  and, 
while  waiting  for  the  President  I  stated  to  him  the  case. 
He  said  he  had  heard  something  from  Mr.  Seward  concern- 
ing it  last  evening.  On  the  question  of  giving  exemplified 
copies  of  public  records  and  trial  by  court  martial  he  was 
partly  decided  that  copies  should  be  furnished.  The  Presid- 
ent came  in  while  we  were  discussing  the  subject,  and  said 
he  had  not  fully  determined,  but  his  opinion  from  the  con- 
sideration he  had  given  it  coincided  with  that  of  Mr.  Speed, 
but  he  proposed  to  send  for  Mr.  Seward,  who  shortly  came, 
On  hearing  that  the  President  had  hesitated  in  signing  the 
paper  prepared  by  him  and  doubted  its  correctness,  he  was 
very  much  surprised,  not  to  say  chagrined;  but  when  Speed 
joined  in  those  doubts,  Seward  was  annoyed,  indeed  quite 
angry.  He  denied  that  the  public  papers  of  any  Depart- 
ment were  to  be  subjected  to  private  examination,  and  most 
emphatically  denounced  any  idea  of  furnishing  copies  on 
the  claim  or  demand  of  any  State  court  or  any  court  in 
a  private  suit.  If  it  was  conceded  in  a  single  instance,  it 
must  be  in  all.  "And,"  said  he,  pointing  to  the  private 
shelves  of  the  President,  which  he  keeps  locked,  "they  will 
demand  those  papers."  "But  those,"  said  the  President, 


1864]"  BUTLER'S  FAILURE  AT  WILMINGTON  213 

"are  private  and  confidential,  a  very  different  affair." 
"Call  them,"  said  Seward,  "what  you  please,  you  cannot 
retain  them  from  Congress  or  the  court  if  you  concede  the 
principle  in  this  case.  You  cannot  discriminate  on  their 
call;,  they  will  not  admit  the  rectitude  of  your  judgment 
and  discrimination,  if  you  give  up  to  them  the  right  of  the 
demand  now  made  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He 
must  not  furnish  them  copies  nor  must  he  testify." 

Without  being  convinced,  the  President  was  an  attentive 
listener,  and  I  think  his  faith  was  somewhat  shaken.  "We 
will  look  at  this  matter  fully  and  carefully,"  said  he.  "If 
the  Secretary  of  State  is  right,  we  shall  all  of  us  be  of  his 
opinion,  for  this  is  a  big  thing,  and  this  question  must  have 
been  up  and  passed  upon  before  this  day." 

He  then  decided  he  would  have  a  legal  opinion  from  the 
Attorney-General,  and  framed  questions  for  him  to  answer. 
Some  modifications  were  suggested,  and  the  matter  closed 
for  the  present  by  the  President  instructing  me  not  to  give 
my  evidence  or  copies  till  this  question  was  decided. 

Lieutenant[-Commander]  Preston  arrived  this  P.M.  with 
dispatches  from  Rear-Admiral  Porter  off  Wilmington.  The 
expedition  has  proved  a  failure.  The  powder-ship  was  a 
mere  puff  of  smoke,  doing  no  damage  so  far  as  is  known. 
In  this  I  am  not  disappointed.  The  Navy  silenced  the  bat- 
teries and  did,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  all  that  we  had  a  right 
to  expect.  From  Lieutenant[-Commander]  Preston's  oral 
account,  as  well  as  from  the  dispatches,  the  troops  appear 
to  have  behaved  well.  It  was  a  mistake  that  General  But- 
ler, a  civilian  without  military  knowledge  or  experience  in 
matters  of  this  kind,  should  have  been  selected  for  this 
command.  He  is  not  an  engineer,  or  an  artillerist.  He 
did  not  land.  General  Weitzel  is  wholly  under  his  influ- 
ence, and  the  two  did  nothing.  Had  the  military  been 
well  commanded  the  results  would,  in  some  respects,  have 
been  different,  and,  I  think,  a  success.  General  Butler  has 
won  laurels  under  the  smoke  and  fire  and  fight  of  the  Navy, 
—  as  at  Hatteras  or  at  New  Orleans,  —  and  he  flattered 


214  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  29 

himself  that  he  should  in  like  manner  be  favored  at  Wil- 
mington. 

General  Grant  ought  never  to  have  given  him  this  com- 
mand. It  is  unfortunate  that  Butler  is  associated  with 
Grant,  for  he  has  great  mental  power  which  gives  him  un- 
due ascendancy  over  his  official  superior.  Certainly  Gen- 
eral Grant  must  have  known  that  Butler  was  not  the  pro- 
per officer  for  such  an  expedition.  Why  did  he  give  B.  this 
command? 

Fox  says  Grant  occasionally  gets  drunk.  I  have  never 
mentioned  the  fact  to  any  one,  not  even  to  my  wife,  who 
can  be  trusted  with  a  secret.  There  were  such  rumors  of 
him  when  in  the  West.  .  .  . 

Went  with  Fox  to  the  President  with  Admiral  Porter's 
dispatches.  He  read  them  carefully  through,  and  after  a 
very  brief  conversation  I  asked  what  was  now  to  be  done. 
The  President  said  he  must  refer  me  to  General  Grant  so 
far  as  the  military  part  was  concerned.  He  did  not  know 
that  we  wanted  any  advice  on  naval  matters. 

I  said  we  had  a  large  squadron  there  which  we  could 
not  retain  on  that  station  unless  something  was  to  be  ef- 
fected, for  it  was  wasting  our  naval  strength.  He  said  he 
hoped  we  had  at  this  time  enough  vessels  to  close  the  ports 
to  blockade-runners,  and  again  said,  "  I  must  refer  you  to 
General  Grant." 

We  left  the  President  about  3.30  P.M.  I  had  then  much 
of  my  mail  to  get  off.  Did  not  leave  the  Department  until 
ten.  After  dinner,  took  my  usual  walk.  Fox  called  at  my 
house,  and  a  dispatch  was  framed  to  Grant  as  the  President 
had  directed.  I  said  to  Fox  that  it  ought  to  go  through 
Stanton,  or  that  he  should  see  it.  When  he  was  leaving 
and  after  he  had  got  the  door  open,  Fox  said  Stanton  might 
not  be  at  the  Department,  and  would  be  likely  to  oppose 
if  he  was,  and  he  doubted  if  it  was  best  to  say  anything  to 
him.  Inconsiderately  I  assented,  or  rather  did  not  dissent. 

December  30,  Friday.  At  Cabinet  various  speculations. 


18641  BUTLER'S  FAILURE  AT  WILMINGTON  215 

Fessenden  and  Stanton,  as  usual,  absent.  President  says 
Stanton  readily  gives  up  Butler,  but  makes  a  point  whether 
Porter  is  any  better.  I  do  not  admit  this  to  be  just  to  Por- 
ter, who  is  an  energetic  officer,  though  naval-wise  not  a 
lucky  one,  nor  has  he  some  of  the  qualities  which  give  an 
easy  time  to  those  who  administer  the  Department  and 
would  wish  to  economize  in  expenditures.  There  may  be 
with  some  of  those  who  cooperate  with  him  cause  to  com- 
plain that  he  is  not  always  observant  of  their  rights,  yet  I 
do  not  remember  to  have  heard  that  complaint  from  Sher- 
man, Grant,  or  any  trained  military  man.  I  do  not  sup- 
pose he  has  great  respect  for  Butler,  as  a  general  or  as  the 
commander  of  the  military  of  this  expedition.  But  I  have 
not  yet  heard  of  anything  derelict  on  his  part,  or  any 
act  of  commission  or  omission  towards  the  military  com- 
mander. 

December  31,  Saturday.  Mr.  Stanton  sent,  informing  me 
he  had  a  private  telegram  from  General  Grant  which  he 
would  submit.  I  had  last  night  word  from  General  G.  in- 
forming me  of  the  fact. 

Stanton  I  found  in  a  very  pleasant  mood,  not  at  all  dis- 
posed to  defend  or  justify  Butler,  whose  course  he  com- 
mented on  and  disapproved.  In  doing  this,  however,  he 
censured  Porter  as  being  indiscreet  and  at  fault;  but  when 
I  dissented  and  asked  wherein  he  was  to  blame,  Stanton 
made  no  attempt  to  specify,  but  spoke  of  him  as  blatant, 
boisterous,  bragging,  etc.  The  dispatch  of  General  Grant 
stated  he  had  received  my  telegram,  that  he  should  imme- 
diately organize  another  expedition  secretly,  which  he 
hoped  to  get  off  by  Monday,  would  give  sealed  orders  not 
to  be  opened  until  outside,  and  that  no  one  but  himself, 
the  quartermaster,  and  telegraphic  operator  in  cipher 
should  have  the  contents.  Stanton  said  no  one  but  him- 
self and  the  telegraph-operator  knew  the  contents.  I  told 
him  I  should  inform  Fox,  for  I  must  have  some  one  to  as- 
sist and  with  whom  alone  I  would  consult. 


Commodore  Rodgers  came  up  from  the  fleet  and  en- 
tered just  after  I  returned  from  the  War  Department.  He 
is  very  indignant  that  the  military  part  of  the  expedition 
should  have  been  such  a  total  failure,  and  is  indignant  to- 
wards Butler,  who,  he  says,  has  defeated  the  whole  expe- 
dition, which,  with  a  military  commander  of  courage  and 
skill,  would  have  been  a  success.  I  went  with  the  Commo- 
dore to  the  President,  who  read  Admiral  Porter's  dispatch 
and  listened  calmly  to  the  statements  of  Rodgers  denounc- 
ing Butler  and  his  failures,  at  Petersburg,  at  Richmond, 
and  now  at  Wilmington. 

Sent  Fox  to  Stanton  to  detain  the  steamboat  at  Balti- 
more until  a  special  messenger,  Lieutenant-Commander 
Preston,  could  arrive  and  proceed  in  her  to  Hampton 
Roads  and  there  take  a  boat  for  Wilmington.  Telegraphed 
to  Norfolk  to  have  a  boat  ready  for  Preston  to  go  immedi- 
ately on  board.  The  Newbern  was  ready,  Barry  telegraphs 
this  evening.  Preston  bore  dispatch  to  Porter  to  hold  his 
own,  for  Grant  promises  to  send  a  military  force  by  Mon- 
day or  at  farthest  by  Tuesday. 

Butler  has  a  well-prepared  article  in  the  Norfolk  Regime, 
written  by  Clark,  the  editor,  a  creature  of  his  but  a  man  of 
some  ability.  The  general  himself  undoubtedly  assisted  in 
its  concoction.  But  military  as  well  as  naval  men,  without 
a  single  exception  that  has  come  to  my  knowledge,  cen- 
sure the  general  and  commend  the  admiral.  My  own  con- 
victions are  decidedly  with  the  Navy,  and  I  believe  I  can 
judge  impartially,  notwithstanding  my  connection  with 
the  Navy.  I  do  not  think  Grant  entirely  exempt  from 
blame  in  having  permitted  such  a  man  as  Butler  to  have 
command  of  such  an  expedition.  I  so  told  Stanton  this 
morning,  and  recommended  to  him  that  they  should  be 
dissociated, — that  Butler  should  be  sent  to  some  distant 
position,  where  he  might  exercise  his  peculiar  and  extra- 
ordinary talent  as  a  police  officer  or  military  governor,  but 
not  to  trust  him  with  any  important  military  command. 
I  am  not  certain  we  should  have  been  able  to  engage  the 


1864]  BUTLER'S  FAILURE  AT  WILMINGTON  217 

army  in  this  expedition  but  for  Butler,  and  we  could  not 
have  enlisited  Butler  had  we  not  assented  to  the  powder- 
boat.  That  was  not  regular  military,  and  had  it  been  a  suc- 
cess, the  civilian  General  would  have  had  a  triumph. 


XXVI 

The  Peace  Mission  of  the  Blairs  —  Sherman's  Captured  Cotton  — The 
Wilmington  Expedition  —  Discussion  of  what  to  do  with  the  Negroes  — 
General  Butler's  Dismissal  from  Command  of  the  Army  of  the  James  — 
An  Estimate  of  his  Character  —  Death  of  Edward  Everett  —  His  Sup- 
port of  the  Navy  Department  —  Rejoicings  over  the  Capture  of  Fort 
Fisher — Attitude  of  Evening  Post  and  Mr.  Bryant  towards  the  Navy 
Department  —  Stanton's  Visit  to  Savannah — Southern  Pride — Efforts 
on  behalf  of  the  Smith  Brothers  after  their  Conviction  —  Prospects  of 
Peace  — The  Qualities  of  Assistant  Secretary  Fox  — The  Constitu- 
tional Amendment  abolishing  Slavery  passes  the  House. 

January  1,  1865,  Sunday.  The  date  admonishes  me  of 
passing  time  and  accumulating  years.  Our  country  is  still 
in  the  great  struggle  for  national  unity  and  national  life; 
but  progress  has  been  made  during  the  year  that  has  just 
terminated,  and  it  seems  to  me  the  Rebellion  is  not  far 
from  its  close.  The  years  that  I  have  been  here  have  been 
oppressive,  wearisome,  and  exhaustive,  but  I  have  labored 
willingly,  if  sometimes  sadly,  in  the  cause  of  my  country 
and  of  mankind. 

What  mischief  has  the  press  performed  and  is  still  doing 
in  the  Rebel  States  by  stimulating  the  people  to  crime  by 
appeals  to  their  manhood,  to  their  courage,  to  all  that  they 
hold  dear,  to  prosecute  the  war  against  the  most  benignant 
government  that  a  people  ever  had !  Violent  misrepresenta- 
tion and  abuse,  such  as  first  led  them  to  rebel,  are  still  con- 
tinued. The  suppression  for  a  period  of  the  Rebel  press  in 
Richmond,  Charleston,  and  one  or  two  other  points  would 
do  more  than  armies  in  putting  an  end  to  this  unnatural 
war. 

Mr.  Solicitor  Chandler,  who  has  charge  of  the  cases  of 
fraud  at  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard,  made  a  report  and 
spent  some  time  with  me  this  morning. 


1865]         THE  BLAIRS'  PEACE  MISSION          219 

Had  some  talk  with  Mr.  Merritt,1  Fox,  and  Faxon  con- 
cerning Osborn,  the  reporter  for  Sunday  newspapers  of 
naval  matters.  Merritt  thinks  he  is  misapprehended  in  re- 
gard to  late  publications.  Fox  thinks  not,  and  claims  he 
has  facts  showing  Osborn  to  be  an  unmitigated  rascal.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  him  a  bad  fellow,  but  am  not  alto- 
gether satisfied  with  the  course  pursued  in  his  arrest. 

January  2,  Monday.  This  is  the  day  for  official  inter- 
change, yesterday  being  Sunday.  Was  at  the  Executive 
Mansion  precisely  at  twelve,  as  requested,  with  Mrs. 
Welles,  the  first  Cabinet  officer  to  arrive,  I  believe,  al- 
though the  others  were  there  within  ten  minutes.  Many 
of  the  foreign  ministers  and  their  suites  were  there,  prob- 
ably all.  Some  of  them  came  in  advance.  Remained  over 
half  an  hour  and  returned  home.  Received  until  4  P.M. 
The  day  is  one  which  the  people  seem  to  enjoy,  and  one 
which  they  want.  A  little  more  system  at  the  President's 
would  improve  matters. 

January  3,  Tuesday.  Much  engaged.  The  two  days 
have  brought  an  amount  of  business  which  it  is  difficult  to 
dispose  of  in  a  single  day.  But  three  of  us  at  the  Cabinet- 
meeting.  Various  little  matters  talked  up. 

Old  Mr.  Blair  was  lingering  hi  an  adjoining  room  during 
the  latter  part  of  our  sitting.  Rumor  has  said  that  he  and 
his  son  Montgomery  had  gone  on  a  peace  mission,  and  that 
Davis  had  invited  them  to  Richmond.  Nothing  has  been 
said  to  me  on  the  subject,  yet  I  am  inclined  to  believe  there 
has  been  a  demonstration  sufficient  for  the  rumor.  They 
have,  for  some  purpose,  been  to  the  front,  their  absence  has 
been  longer  than  was  contemplated,  but  I  am  not  confident 
that  any  results  have  been  obtained. 

Simeon  Draper,  Collector  of  Customs  at  New  York, 
called  on  me  a  few  days  since,  stating  that  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed cotton  agent  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to 

1  M.  F.  Merritt  of  Connecticut,  a  personal  friend  of  Secretary  Welles. 


220  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES         [JAN.  3 

proceed  to  Savannah  and  dispose  of  the  captured  cotton 
recently  taken  by  Sherman.  Draper  called  to  get  from  me 
a  letter  of  introduction  to  Rear-Admiral  Dahlgren,  as  he 
would  be  likely  to  be  thrown  in  Dahlgren's  company.  Of 
course,  I  could  not  refuse.  But  the  idea  of  sending  such  a 
man  on  such  a  mission,  when  he  has  more  than  any  one 
honest  man  can  do  to  discharge  his  duties  as  a  collector 
faithfully,  sickened  me.  Fessenden  certainly  knows  as  lit- 
tle of  men  as  Chase.  This  mission  of  Draper  will  be  a  swin- 
dle, I  can  scarcely  doubt.  A  ring  will  be  formed  for  the 
purchase  of  the  cotton,  regardless  of  public  or  private 
rights. 

January  4,  Wednesday.  Called  on  the  President  to  con- 
sult as  to  the  selection  of  counsel  in  the  Henderson  case, 
since  the  death  of  William  Curtis  Noyes.  Told  him  I 
thought  we  should  have  the  best  lawyer  we  could  obtain, 
for  the  defense  had  secured  Evarts  and  Pierrepont,  and 
suggested  the  name  of  0' Conor  provided  we  could  secure 
his  services.  He  is  of  the  opposite  party  in  politics,  but  in 
a  matter  of  this  kind  the  public  interest  should  not  be  per- 
mitted to  suffer  from  that  cause.  It  may  be  difficult  to 
secure  him,  for  I  understand  he  has  relinquished  his  prac- 
tice. The  President  heartily  concurred  in  my  views  and 
earnestly  advised  that  0' Conor  should  be  employed. 

The  President  does  not  yet  decide  whether  exemplified 
copies  shall  be  furnished  in  the  Stover  case,  but  Mr.  Speed 
informs  me  that  there  can  be  no  question  that  they  should 
be  furnished.  This  will,  I  presume,  be  the  result;  but,  in- 
quiring to-day  for  the  record,  it  is  found  to  be  missing  from 
the  Department.  Some  months  since  the  President  called 
for  it,  and  it  was,  I  understood,  committed  to  the  custody 
of  Mr.  Browning,  counsel  for  Stover. 

A  special  messenger  from  Admiral  Porter  brings  word 
that  the  fleet  is  at  Beaufort.  Rode  home  with  Stanton, 
who  tells  me  the  troops  are  embarking  at  Hampton  Roads 
to-day  for  Wilmington. 


]       THE  WILMINGTON  EXPEDITION        221 

anuary  5,  Thursday.  Congress  reassembled  to-day, 
ay  Members  absent.  Some  talk  with  Montgomery 
ir  relative  to  the  visitation  of  himself  and  father  with  a 
v  of  reaching  Richmond.  He  says  they  got  no  answer 
a  Jeff  Davis  until  since  their  return  to  Washington, 
father  will  go  down  again  in  a  few  days.  Sent  for  Com- 
ider  Parker  to  come  here  with  the  Don  to  convey  [him] 
ikely  to  attract  less  attention. 

he  papers  comment  on  his  mission.  A  corps  of  corre- 
idents  always  on  the  watch  will  form  often  very  shrewd 
sometimes  very  correct  opinions  as  to  the  object  and 
pose  of  movements.  In  this  instance,  the  first  intima- 
.  which  I  had  or  saw  was  in  the  National  Intelligencer, 
eh  has  recently  changed  hands,  and  which  heretofore 
not  had  the  reputation  of  giving  first  news. 

anuary  6,  Friday.  Special  messenger  from  Admiral 
ter  arrived  this  morning  with  dispatches.  Left  the 
airal  and  the  fleet  in  Beaufort,  coaling,  refitting,  tak- 
in  supplies,  etc.  He  is  not  for  giving  up,  but  is  deter- 
ed  to  have  Wilmington.  We  shall  undoubtedly  get 
place,  but  I  hardly  know  when.  In  the  mean  time  he 
Ls  a  large  part  of  our  naval  force  locked  up.  Admirals, 
generals,  do  not  like  to  part  with  any  portion  of  their 
mands.  As  things  are,  I  cannot  well  weaken  him  by 
idrawing  his  vessels,  yet  justice  to  others  requires  it. 
airal  Porter  wrote  to  General  Sherman  in  his  distress, 
he  sent  me  Sherman's  reply.  It  shows  great  confid- 
3  on  the  part  of  General' Sherman  in  the  Admiral,  and 
confidence  is  mutual.  Instead  of  sending  Porter  troops 
writes  him  that  he  proposes  to  march  through  the 
olinas  to  Wilmington  and  in  that  way  capture  the 
e.  He  does  not  propose  to  stop  and  trouble  himself 
L  Charleston.  Says  he  shall  leave  on  the  10th  inst. 
3  can  get  his  supplies,  and  names  two  or  three  places 
the  seaboard  to  receive  supplies;  mentions  Bull's 
,  Georgetown,  and  Masonborough.  His  arrangement 


222  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES         [JAN.  e 

and  plan  strike  me  favorably;  but  it  will  be  four  or  five 
weeks  before  he  can  reach  Wilmington,  and  we  cannot 
keep  our  vessels  there  locked  up  so  long.  Besides,  General 
Grant  has  sent  forward  a  military  force  from  Hampton 
Roads  to  cooperate  with  the  fleet,  a  fact  unknown  to 
Sherman  when  his  letter  was  written.  Whether  this  will 
interfere  with  or  disarrange  Sherman's  plan  is  a  question. 
I  am  told  General  Terry  is  detailed  to  command  the  mil- 
itary. He  is  a  good  man  and  good  officer  yet  not  the  one 
I  should  have  selected  unless  attended  by  a  well-trained 
and  experienced  artillery  or  engineer  officer. 

I  am  apprehensive  that  General  Grant  has  not  discrim- 
inating powers  as  regards  men  and  fails  in  measuring  their 
true  character  and  adaptability  to  particular  service.  He 
has  some  weak  and  improper  surroundings;  does  not  ap- 
preciate the  strong  and  particular  points  of  character, 
but  thinks  what  one  man  can  do  another  can  also  achieve. 

The  papers  are  discussing  the  Wilmington  expedition. 
Generally  they  take  a  correct  view.  The  New  York  Trib- 
une, in  its  devotion  to  Butler,  closes  its  eyes  to  all  facts. 
Butler  is  their  latest  idol,  and  his  faults  and  errors  they 
will  not  admit,  but  would  sacrifice  worth  and  truth,  good 
men  and  the  country,  for  their  parasite. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  no  very  important  matter  was 
taken  up.  There  was  a  discussion  opened  by  Attorney- 
General  Speed,  as  to  the  existing  difficulties  in  regard  to 
the  government  of  the  negro  population.  They  are  not 
organized  nor  is  any  pains  taken  to  organize  them  and 
teach  them  to  take  care  of  themselves  or  to  assist  the 
government  in  caring  for  them.  He  suggests  that  the 
Rebel  leaders  will  bring  them  into  their  ranks,  and  blend 
and  amalgamate  them  as  fighting  men,  —  will  give  them 
commissions  and  make  them  officers.  The  President  said 
when  they  had  reached  that  stage  the  cause  of  war  would 
cease  and  hostilities  cease  with  it.  The  evil  would  cure 
itself.  Speed  is  prompted  by  Stanton,  who  wants  power. 


1865]        GENERAL   BUTLER'S  DISMISSAL        223 

January  14,  Saturday.  The  week  has  been  one  of  inter- 
esting incidents,  incessant  occupation.  Admiral  Farra- 
gut  came  a  week  since  and  called  on  me.  After  half  an 
hour  or  more  of  conversation  on  affairs  connected  with 
his  command,  the  capture  of  Mobile,  and  matters  gener- 
ally, I  went  with  him  to  the  President.  In  the  evening, 
he,  with  Mrs.  F.  and  Captain  Drayton,  spent  the  evening 
with  us. 

Much  speculation  has  been  had  concerning  the  dismissal 
of  General  Butler.  It  was  anticipated  that,  being  a  fa- 
vorite with  the  extremists,  his  dismissal  would  create  a 
great  excitement,  but  it  has  passed  off  without  irritation, 
almost  without  sensation.  The  quidnuncs  and,  indeed, 
most  of  the  public  impute  his  dismissal  from  the  Army  of 
the  James  to  the  Wilmington  failure;  but  it  will  soon  be 
known  that  General  Grant  desired  to  get  rid  of  him. 
Butler's  greater  intellect  overshadowed  Grant,  and  an- 
noyed and  embarrassed  the  General-in-Chief. 

General  Butler's  farewell  to  his  army  is  in  many  respects 
skillful  and  adroit,  but  in  some  respects  will  prove  a  fail- 
ure. He  does  not  conceal  his  chagrin  but  has  hardly  dis- 
covered whom  to  strike. 

The  New  York  Tribune  has  striven  to  warp  and  torture 
facts  to  help  Butler,  regardless  of  others  and  of  stern  truth. 
But  the  Tribune  is  unsupported.  Of  course  the  Rebels  and 
Copperheads  will  be  gratified,  and  do  not  conceal  their  joy. 
They  have  some  cause  for  their  hate,  for  he  has  been  a 
severe,  perhaps  in  some  cases  an  oppressive,  governor. 

I  cannot  forget,  while  glad  he  is  withdrawn  from  the 
Fort  Fisher  command,  which  he  was  unfitted  to  fill,  the 
service  which  he  rendered  at  Baltimore  and  in  Maryland 
early  in  the  War,  nor  his  administrative  ability  at  New 
Orleans,  with  some  infirmities  it  is  true,  but  which  was  in 
many  respects  valuable  to  the  country.  Not  a  merit  which 
he  has  should  be  obscured.  I  am  not  his  admirer,  and 
should  lament  to  see  him  in  any  responsible  position  with- 
out a  superior.  He  has  inordinate  and  irrepressible  am- 


224  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JAN.  14 

bition,  and  would  scruple  at  nothing  to  gratify  it  and  his 
avarice. 

The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  have  sum- 
moned him  to  Washington.  There  was  mischief  in  this. 
He  had  been  ordered  by  the  President  to  Lowell.  The 
President  yielded.  It  was  well,  perhaps,  for  Butler  was 
off  duty.  But  in  Washington  he  will  help  the  mischief- 
makers  make  trouble  and  stimulate  intrigue  and  faction. 
Allied  with  Wade  and  Chandler  and  H.  Winter  Davis, 
he  will  not  only  aid  but  breed  mischief.  This  is  intended, 

Seward  fears  him.  There  is  no  love  between  them,  and 
yet  S.  would  prefer  to  avoid  a  conflict.  Butler  has  the 
reckless  audacity  attributed  to  tbe  worst  revolutionists  of 
France,  in  the  worst  of  times,  but  is  deficient  in  personal 
courage.  He  is  a  suitable  idol  for  Greeley,  a  profound 
philanthropist,  being  the  opposite  of  G.  in  almost  every- 
thing except  love  of  notoriety. 

The  discoveries  and  disclosures  in  the  Philadelphia 
Navy  Yard  are  astounding.  Some  twenty  or  more  ar- 
rests have  been  made,  and  many  of  the  parties  confess 
their  criminality.  Some  of  the  worst  have  not,  but  the 
proof  against  them  is  strong. 

As  these  men,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  are  friends 
of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  and  appointees  of  the  Ad- 
ministration, extraordinary  efforts  will  be  made  in  their 
behalf.  The  Representatives  in  Congress  have,  however, 
thus  far  behaved  pretty  well.  Kelley  protests  that  he  will 
stand  by  no  culprit,  yet  several  he  pronounces  to  be  among 
the  honestest  men  in  Philadelphia,  —  wants  them  released 
and  restored. 

In  Boston  the  trial  of  Smith  Brothers  is  brought  to  a 
close.  It  has  been  on  hand  some  three  months.  This  P.M. 
(Saturday)  Senator  Sumner  and  Representative  Hooper 
called  on  me  with  a  telegram  from  the  counsel  of  Smith 
objecting  to  the  court  for  the  next  trial.  F.  W.  Smith's 
trial  is  ended;  Ben  is  assigned  for  next  week.  The  counsel 
request  Sumner  to  call  upon  me,  and,  if  I  will  not  grant 


55]        DEATH  OF   EDWARD  EVERETT         225 

eir  request,  to  go  to  the  President.  I  told  them  I  was 
•t  disposed  to  consider  the  subject,  and  Sumner  said  he 
is  not  inclined  to  call  on  the  President. 
Contentions  and  rivalries  in  the  Washington  Navy  Yard 
ve  annoyance.  Twenty  per  cent  of  the  workmen  are 
smissed  by  order  of  the  Department,  and  the  Senators 
id  Representatives  from  Maryland  object  that  any  Mary- 
cider  should  be  of  the  number  dismissed.  These  strifes 
aong  the  men  and  the  combinations  among  the  rogues 
id  their  friends  in  the  different  cities  are  exciting  and 
awing  out  attacks  and  intrigues  against  me.  The  inter- 
fence  of  Members  of  Congress  is  injurious. 

January  16,  Monday,  Mr.  Eames  has  returned  and 
ings  me  word  that  0' Conor  decides  he  will  not  break 
rer  his  rule  of  trying  no  more  jury  cases.  He  therefore 
sclines  to  undertake  the  case  of  Henderson.  Advises  that 
should  take  Caleb  Gushing.  This  does  not  exactly  corn- 
et with  my  views,  and  yet  after  looking  over  the  whole 
ound  it  appears  to  me  that  the  best  thing  I  can  do 
.11  be  to  give  him  the  cases  of  the  Navy  agencies.  The 
•esident,  with  whom  I  have  consulted,  approves  this 
urse. 

Edward  Everett  died  suddenly  yesterday  morning, 
e  15th.  It  seems  a  national  loss,  although  he  has  reached 
ripe  age.  His  last  four  years  have  been  useful  and  dis- 
ayed  more  manly  vigor  and  wholesome,  intellectual,  en- 
getic  action  than  he  has  ever  before  exhibited.  Hereto- 
re,  with  high  mental  culture  and  great  scholastic  attain- 
ents,  his  policy  has  been  artificial  and  conventional, 
it  latterly  his  course  has  been  natural.  At  no  moment  of 
3  life  did  he  stand  better  with  his  countrymen  than  when 
ricken  down.  I  am  indebted  to  him  for  many  encour- 
;ing  words  and  kind  support  in  my  administration  of  the 
avy  Department.  Our  party  associations  ran  in  differ- 
.t  channels  until  the  advent  of  Lincoln,  but  from  the 
mmencement  of  the  War  he  frankly,  earnestly,  and  ef- 
2 


226  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  ie 

ficiently  aided  me  in  many  ways.    He  has  written  much, 
and  with  success,  for  the  Navy  in  this  great  struggle. 

General  Butler  called  on  me  this  P.M.  He  has  come  to 
testify  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
—  called  probably  on  his  own  suggestion,  —  greatly  pre- 
ferring Washington,  for  the  present  at  least,  to  Lowell.  I 
am  sorry  he  has  come  here.  It  is  for  no  good  or  patriotic 
purpose,  I  apprehend.  As  for  the  "Committee  on  the  Con- 
duct of  the  War,"  who  have  brought  him  here,  they  are 
most  of  them  narrow  and  prejudiced  partisans,  mischiev- 
ous busybodies,  and  a  discredit  to  Congress.  Mean  and 
contemptible  partisanship  colors  all  their  acts.  Secretly 
opposed  to  the  President,  they  hope  to  make  something 
of  Butler,  who  has  ability  and  is  a  good  deal  indignant, 
I  am  not  disposed  to  do  injustice  to  Butler,  nor  do  I  wish 
to  forget  the  good  service  he  has  rendered,  but  I  cannot 
be  his  partisan,  nor  do  I  think  the  part  he  acted  in  the 
Wilmington  expedition  j ustifiable.  He  does  not  state  clearly 
what  his  expectations  and  intentions  were,  but  is  clear 
and  unequivocal  in  his  opinion  that  Fort  Fisher  could  not 
be  taken  except  by  siege,  for  which  he  had  no  preparation. 
General  Grant  could  not  have  been  of  that  opinion  or 
a  siege  train  would  have  been  sent.  In  a  half-hour's  con- 
versation he  made  no  satisfactory  explanation,  although 
ingenious  and  always  ready  with  an  answer. 

January  17,  Tuesday.  The  glorious  news  of  the  capture 
of  Fort  Fisher  came  this  morning.  We  had  two  or  three 
telegrams  from  Porter  and  officers  of  the  Navy  and 
Generals  Terry  and  Comstock  of  the  army.  Fort  Fisher 
was  taken  Sunday  evening  by  assault,  after  five  hours' 
hard  fighting.  The  sailors  and  marines  participated  in 
the  assault.  We  lose  Preston  and  Porter,  two  of  the  very 
best  young  officers  of  our  navy.  Have  not  yet  particulars. 

This  will  be  severe  for  Butler,  who  insisted  that  the 
place  could  not  be  taken  but  by  a  siege,  since  his  powder- 
boat  failed. 


THE  CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER        227 

te  Admiral  Porter  a  hasty  private  note,  while  the 
iger  was  waiting,  congratulating  him.  It  is  a  great 
ih  for  Porter,  —  greater  since  the  first  failure  and 
ference  with  Butler. 

he  Cabinet-meeting  there  was  a  very  pleasant  feel- 
sward  thought  there  was  little  now  for  the  Navy  to 
Dennison  thought  he  would  like  a  few  fast  steamers 
,il  service.  The  President  was  happy.  Says  he  is 
I  with  the  manners  and  views  of  some  who  address 
rho  tell  him  that  he  is  now  reflected  and  can  do 
he  has  a  mind  to,  which  means  that  he  can  do  some 
ihy  thing  that  the  person  who  addresses  him  has  a 
o.  There  is  very  much  of  this, 
an  interview  with  Caleb  Gushing,  who  called  at  my 
on  the  subject  of  retaining  him  in  the  cases  of  the 
agencies.  Mr.  Eames,  who  came  with  him,  had 
i  the  subject,  and  agreed  as  to  the  compensation 
as  which  I  had  previously  stipulated. 

lary  18,  Wednesday.  The  congratulations  over  the 
3  of  Fort  Fisher  are  hearty  and  earnest.  Some  few 
[  have  met  are  a  little  out  of  humor.  General  Butler 
Dt  appear  gladsome,  and  it  is  not  in  human  nature 
3  should.  H.  Winter  Davis,  who  for  some  cause 
me,  is  not  satisfied.  I  do  not  doubt  that  he  is  glad 
•e  succeeded,  but  he  does  not  like  it  that  any  credit 
even  remotely  come  to  me.  There  are  three  or  four 
to  him. 

tractors  are  here  innumerable  for  relief.  Dema- 
assail  me  on  one  hand  for  expenditures,  while  con- 
s  complain  that  their  bargains  with  the  Depart- 
re  so  losing  that  they  must  have  relief. 

mry  21,  Saturday.  The  congratulations  and  hearty 
>f  the  people  over  the  victory  at  Fort  Fisher  are 
ratifying.  It  is  a  comfort,  too,  to  see,  with  scarcely 
option,  that  there  is  a  rightful  appreciation  of  the 


228  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  21 

true  merits  of  those  who  engaged  in  the  contest,  as  well  as 
of  those  who  planned  and  persistently  carried  out  this  work. 

But  there  is  a  contemptible  spirit  in  one  or  two  partisan 
journals  that  indicates  the  dark  side  of  party  and  per- 
sonal malice.  The  Evening  Post  in  the  capture  of  Fort 
Fisher  makes  no  mention  of  the  Navy.  In  some  comments 
the  succeeding  day,  the  ill  feeling  again  displays  itself. 
The  army  is  extolled,  the  Navy  is  ignored  in  the  capture, 
and  turned  off  and  told  to  go  forward  and  take  Wilmington, 
which  the  editor  says  Admiral  Porter  can  do  if  as  eager  as 
he  has  been  for  cotton  bales.  This  gross  and  slanderous 
injustice  called  out  a  rebuke  from  G.  W.  Blunt  which  the 
editor  felt  bound  to  publish,  but  accompanied  it  with  churl- 
ish, ill-natured,  virulent,  and  ill-concealed  malevolence. 
All  this  acrimony  proceeds  from  the  fact  that  the  pub- 
lisher of  the  Post  is  arrested  and  under  indictment  for  fraud 
and  malfeasance,  and  the  Navy  Department  has  declined 
to  listen  to  the  appeals  of  the  editors  to  forbear  prosecut- 
ing him.  Henderson's  guilt  is  known  to  them,  yet  I  am 
sorry  to  perceive  that  even  Mr.  Bryant  wishes  to  rescue 
H.  from  exposure  and  punishment,  and,  worse  than  that, 
is  vindictive  and  maliciously  revengeful,  because  I  will  not 
condone  crime.  No  word  of  kindness  or  friendship  has 
come  to  me  or  been  uttered  for  me  in  the  columns  of  the 
Post  since  Henderson's  arrest,  and  the  Navy  is  defamed 
and  its  officers  abused  and  belied  on  this  account.  In  this 
business  I  try  to  persuade  myself  that  Godwin  and  Hen- 
derson are  the  chief  actors;  but  Mr.  Bryant  himself  is  not 
wholly  ignorant  of  what  is  done. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  yesterday  Stanton  gave  an  in- 
teresting detail  of  his  trip  to  Savannah  and  the  condition 
of  things  in  that  city.  His  statements  were  not  so  full  and 
comprehensive  as  I  wished,  nor  did  I  get  at  the  real  object 
of  his  going,  except  that  it  was  for  his  health,  which  seems 
improved.  There  is,  he  says,  little  or  no  loyalty  in  Sa- 
vannah and  the  women  are  frenzied,  senseless  partisans. 
He  says  much  of  the  cotton  was  claimed  as  British  pro- 


1865]      STANTON'S  VISIT  TO   SAVANNAH        229 

perty,  they  asserting  it  had  the  British  mark  upon  it.  Sher- 
man told  them  in  reply  he  had  found  the  British  mark  on 
every  battle-field.  The  muskets,  cartridges,  caps,  projec- 
tiles were  all  British,  and  had  the  British  mark  upon  them. 
I  am  glad  he  takes  this  ground  and  refuses  to  surrender  up 
property  purchased  or  pretended  to  be  purchased  during 
the  War,  but  which  belongs  in  fact  to  the  Confederate 
government.  Mr.  Seward  has  taken  a  different  and  more- 
submissive  view,  to  my  great  annoyance  on  more  than  one 
occasion,  though  his  concessions  were  more  generally 
to  French  claimants. 

I  am  apprehensive,  from  the  statement  of  Stanton,  and 
of  others  also,  that  the  Rebels  are  not  yet  prepared  to 
return  to  duty  and  become  good  citizens.  They  have  not, 
it  would  seem,  been  humbled  enough,  but  must  be  reduced 
to  further  submission.  Their  pride,  self-conceit,  and  arro- 
gance must  be  brought  down.  They  have  assumed  supe- 
riority, and  boasted  and  blustered,  until  the  wretched 
boasters  had  brought  themselves  to  believe  they  really 
were  a  superior  class,  better  than  the  rest  of  their  country- 
men, or  the  world.  Generally  these  vain  fellows  were  desti- 
tute of  any  honest  and  fair  claim  to  higher  lineage  or  fam- 
ily, but  are  adventurers,  or  the  sons  of  adventurers,  who 
went  South  as  mechanics  or  slave-overseers.  The  old 
stock  have  been  gentlemanly  aristocrats,  to  some  extent, 
but  lack  that  common-sense  energy  which  derives  its 
strength  from  toil.  The  Yankee  and  Irish  upstarts  or 
their  immediate  descendants  have  been  more  violent  and 
extreme  than  the  real  Southerners,  but  working  together 
they  have  wrought  their  own  destruction.  How  soon  they 
will  possess  the  sense  and  judgment  to  seek  and  have 
peace  is  a  problem.  Perhaps  there  must  be  a  more  thor- 
ough breakdown  of  the  whole  framework  of  society,  a 
greater  degradation,  and  a  more  effectual  wiping  out  of 
family  and  sectional  pride  in  order  to  eradicate  the  aristo- 
cratic folly  which  has  brought  the  present  calamities  upon 
themselves  and  the  country.  If  the  fall  of  Savannah  and 


230  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  21 

Wilmington  will  not  bring  them  to  conciliatory  measures 
and  friendly  relations,  the  capture  of  Richmond  and 
Charleston  will  not  effect  it.  They  may  submit  to  what 
they  cannot  help,  but  their  enmity  will  remain.  A  few 
weeks  will  enlighten  us. 

January  23,  Monday.  There  was  a  smart  brush  in  the 
House  to-day  between  Brooks  and  Stevens,  the  cause  of 
controversy  General  Butler,  or  rather  a  letter  which 
Brooks  had  received  and  construed  into  a  challenge.  It 
will  serve  for  a  day  or  two  to  divert  attention  from  the 
Wilmington  affair,  which  must  annoy  Butler,  who  is  still 
here  under  the  order  of  the  summons  of  the  Committee  on 
the  Conduct  of  the  War. 

January  24,  Tuesday.  President  sent  for  me  this  even- 
ing. Found  Stanton  with  him,  having  a  dispatch  from 
General  Grant  desiring  him  to  request  me  to  remove  Com- 
mander Parker,  the  senior  officer  on  the  upper  James. 
After  some  conversation,  informing  them  that  we  had  two 
gunboats  above,  and  that  the  Atlanta  and  Ironsides  had 
been  ordered  thither,  I  mentioned  that  Farragut  was  here, 
and  the  President  sent  for  him.  On  hearing  how  matters 
stood,  he  at  once  volunteered  to  visit  the  force.  The 
President  was  pleased  with  it,  and  measures  were  at  once 
taken. 

I  rode  down  to  Willard's  after  parting  at  the  Executive 
Mansion  and  had  a  few  additional  words  with  Admiral 
Farragut  and  invited  Mrs.  F.  to  stop  at  our  house  during 
the  Admiral's  absence. 

January  28,  Saturday.  Have  been  busy,  with  no  time 
to  write  in  this  book,  —  Congress  calling  for  information, 
bills  preparing,  and  a  mass  of  investigations  at  the  navy 
yards,  all  to  be  attended  to  in  addition  to  current  busi- 
ness. Mr.  Fox  has  gone  with  General  Grant  to  Fort  Fisher. 

Strange  efforts  are  being  made  by  some  of  our  Massa- 


1865]  PROSPECTS   OF  PEACE  231 

chusetts  men  for  Smith  Brothers,  who  have  been  tried  for 
frauds  and  convicted.  This  is  but  one  of  many  cases,  and 
to  relieve  them  because  they  are  wealthy,  and  have  posi- 
tion, ecclesiastical  and  political,  must  prevent  the  punish- 
ment of  others.  The  President  wrote  me  that  he  desired 
to  see  the  case  before  it  was  disposed  of.  I  told  him  I  cer- 
tainly intended  he  should  do  so  after  witnessing  the  press- 
ure that  was  brought  to  bear.  He  said  he  had  never 
doubted  it,  but  "  There  was  no  way  to  get  rid  of  the  crowd 
that  was  upon  me,"  said  he,  "but  by  sending  you  a  note." 

The  Philadelphia  cases  of  fraud  are  very  annoying  and 
aggravating.  Our  own  party  friends  are  interceding  for 
some  of  the  accused.  They  have  not  yet,  like  the  Massa- 
chusetts gents,  besieged  the  President,  but  they  will  do 
so.  Their  wives  and  relatives  are  already  appealing  to 
me. 

To-day  J.  P.  Hale  had  a  tirade  on  the  Department,  de- 
nouncing it  for  prosecuting  the  Smiths.  Was  malicious 
towards  both  the  Assistant  Secretary  and  myself,  and 
strove,  as  he  has  formerly  done,  to  sow  dissension,  and 
stir  up  bad  feeling.  The  poor  fellow  is  having  his  last  rant 
and  raving  against  the  Navy  Department. 

January  30.  Great  talk  and  many  rumors  from  all 
quarters  of  peace.  The  journeys  of  the  elder  Blair  to 
Richmond  have  contributed  to  these  rumors,  both  here  and 
at  Richmond.  I  am  not  certain  that  early  measures  may 
not  be  taken,  yet  I  do  not  expect  immediate  results.  There 
were,  however,  many  singular  things  in  the  early  days  of 
these  troubles,  and  there  may  be  as  singular  things  in 
its  close.  There  is  difficulty  in  negotiating,  or  treating, 
with  the  Rebels.  At  the  commencement  Mr.  Seward  con- 
sulted and  diplomatized  with  the  organs  of  the  Rebels,  and 
supposed  he  could  shape  and  direct  their  movements.  I 
should  not  be  surprised  were  he  to  fall  into  the  same  train 
of  conduct  at  the  close,  —  perhaps  with  more  success  now 
than  at  the  beginning.  The  President,  with  much  shrewd- 


232  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  so 

ness  and  much  good  sense,  has  often  strange  and  incompre- 
hensible whims;  takes  sometimes  singular  and  unaccount- 
able freaks.  It  would  hardly  surprise  me  were  he  to  under- 
take to  arrange  terms  of  peace  without  consulting  any 
one.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  senior  Blair  has  made  his 
visits  in  concert  with  the  President.  Seward  may  have 
been  in  the  movement.  He  has  queer  fancies  for  a  states- 
man. He  told  me  last  week  that  he  had  looked  in  no  book 
on  international  law  or  admiralty  law  since  he  entered 
on  the  duties  of  his  present  office.  His  thoughts,  he  says, 
come  to  the  same  conclusions  as  the  writers  and  students. 
This  he  has  said  to  me  more  than  once.  In  administrat- 
ing the  government  he  seems  to  have  little  idea  of  constitu- 
tional and  legal  restraints,  but  acts  as  if  the  ruler  was 
omnipotent.  Hence  he  has  involved  himself  in  constant 
difficulties. 

Admiral  Farragut  returned  from  James  River  Saturday 
night  and  came  directly  to  my  house,  and  spent  yesterday 
with  me.  The  condition  of  things  on  the  upper  James  was 
much  as  I  supposed.  Commander  Parker  seems  not  to 
have  been  equal  to  his  position,  but  I  must  have  his  own 
account  before  forming  a  decided  opinion. 

I  subsequently  learned  that  Fox,  who  was  present  at 
the  close  of  the  interview  at  the  President's  on  the  evening 
of  the  24th,  and  by  whom  I  sent  telegrams  to  General 
Grant  and  Commodore  Parker,  had,  on  reaching  the  tele- 
graph office,  substituted  his  own  name  for  mine  to  the  com- 
munications. Farragut,  who  was  present  and  knew  the 
facts  and  what  took  place  at  the  President's,  learned  what 
Fox  had  done  when  he  arrived  at  Grant's  quarters,  for 
he  saw  the  telegrams.  The  proceeding  was  certainly  an 
improper  one,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  Farragut  was 
indignant. 

I  have,  on  one  or  two  occasions,  detected  something 
similar  in  Fox  in  regard  to  important  orders,  —  where  he 
had  been  intrusive  or  obtrusive,  evidently  to  get  his  name 
in  the  history  of  these  times,  and  perhaps  to  carry  the 


GUSTAVUS  V.  FOX 


1865]          THE   QUALITIES   OF  MR.   FOX  233 

impression  that  he  was  at  least  a  coadjutor  with  the 
Secretary  in  naval  operations. 

Farragut  "assures  me  he  has  observed  and  detected  this 
disposition  and  some  objectionable  acts  in  Fox,  as  in  this 
instance,  which  he  thinks  should  be  reproved  and  cor- 
rected, but  while  I  regret  these  faults  I  have  deemed  them 
venial. 

I  perceive  that  Admiral  Farragut,  like  many  of  the 
officers,  is  dissatisfied  with  Mr.  Fox,  who,  he  says,  as- 
sumes too  much  and  presumes  too  much.  There  is  truth 
in  this,  but  yet  it  is  excusable  perhaps.  I  wish  it  were 
otherwise.  He  is  very  serviceable  and,  to  me,  considerate, 
deferring  and  acquiescing  in  my  decision  when  fixed, 
readily  and  more  cheerfully  than  most  others;  but  he  is, 
I  apprehend,  often  rough  with  persons  who  have  business 
at  the  Department.  In  many  respects,  in  matters  that  are 
non-essentials,  I  yield  to  him  and  others,  and  it  annoys 
many  by  reason  of  his  manner  and  language.  His  position 
is  a  hard  one  to  fill.  The  second  person  in  any  organiza- 
tion, especially  if  he  is  true  and  faithful  to  his  principal, 
incurs  the  censure  and  ill-will  of  the  multitude.  For  these 
things  allowance  must  be  made.  Fox  commits  some  mis- 
takes which  cause  me  trouble,  and  it  is  one  of  his  infirmities 
to  shun  a  fair  and  honest  responsibility  for  his  own  errors. 
This  is  perhaps  human  nature,  and  therefore  excusable. 
With  the  Naval  officers  he  desires  to  be  considered  all- 
powerful,  and  herein  is  another  weakness.  But  he  is  fa- 
miliar with  the  service  and  has  his  heart  in  its  success. 

Admiral  Farragut  favors  a  Board  of  Admiralty.  It  is  a 
favorite  theme  with  others  to  give  naval  ascendancy  in 
court  sessions.  I  can  perceive  arguments  in  its  favor  which 
would  relieve  the  Secretary  of  labor,  provided  rightly  con- 
stituted and  properly  regulated.  There  would,  however,  be 
jealousies  in  the  service  of  such  a  board,  as  there  are  of  the 
Assistant  Secretary.  It  would  be  claimed  that  it  dictated 
to  the  Secretary  and  abused  his  confidence.  It  would  not 
be  beneficial  to  the  government  and  country. 


234  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  31 

January  31,  Tuesday.  I  made  a  short  stay  at  Cabinet 
to-day.  The  President  was  about  to  admit  a  delegation 
from  New  York  to  an  interview  which  I  did  not  care  to 
attend.  The  vote  was  taken  to-day  in  the  House  on  the 
Constitutional  Amendment  abolishing  slavery,  which  was 
carried  119  to  56.  It  is  a  step  towards  the  reestablishment 
of  the  Union  in  its  integrity,  yet  it  will  be  a  shock  to  the 
framework  of  Southern  society.  But  that  has  already  been 
sadly  shattered  by  their  own  inconsiderate  and  calamitous 
course.  When,  however,  the  cause,  or  assignable  cause  for 
the  Rebellion  is  utterly  extinguished,  the  States  can  and 
will  resume  their  original  position,  acting  each  for  itself . 
How  soon  the  people  in  those  States  will  arrive  at  right 
conclusions  on  this  subject  cannot  now  be  determined. 

John  P.  Hale  is  giving  his  last  venomous  rants  against 
the  Navy  Department.  He  has  introduced  a  resolution 
calling  for  certain  information,  the  adoption  of  which  was 
opposed  by  Conness,  the  small-pattern  Senator  from  Cali- 
fornia. I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  it  slightly  amended 
and  adopted,  although  it  might  give  me  some  labor,  at  a 
time  when  my  hands  are  full,  to  respond. 


XXVII 

miral  Porter's  Advancement  —  The  President  and  Seward  meet  the 
Confederate  Commissioners  at  Hampton  Roads  —  A  Board  of  Admi- 
ralty proposed  in  the  House  and  voted  down  —  The  President's  Peace 
Measure  —  Fessenden  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  •—  Morgan  his  Pos- 
sible Successor  —  General  Sherman's  Ability  —  Morgan  declines  the 
Treasury  Portfolio  —  News  of  the  Capture  of  Fort  Anderson  —  The 
Brightest  Day  in  Four  Years  —  Hugh  McCulloch  mentioned  for  the 
Treasury  —  Seward  on  Chase's  Service  in  the  Cabinet  —  Blair  on 
Seward's  Intrigues  with  Secessionists  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War. 

February  1,  Wednesday.  The  board  of  which  Admiral 
,rragut  is  President  is  in  session.  Their  duties  to  advise 

the  subject  of  promotion  for  meritorious  conduct  in 
ttle.  I  am  not  disposed  to  act  under  this  law  without 
nsultation  with  and  advice  from  earnest  men  in  the 
•vice.  There  is  a  disposition  to  place  Porter  in  advance 

Fox,  to  which  I  cannot  assent  unless  it  comports  with 
3  views  and  opinions  of  senior  men,  who  are  entitled  to 
3ak  on  a  question  that  so  nearly  concerns  them.  Ad- 
ral  Porter  is  a  man  of  courage  and  resources,  but  has 
•eady  been  greatly  advanced,  and  has  some  defects 
d  weaknesses. 

February  2.  The  President  and  Mr.  Seward  have  gone 
Hampton  Roads  to  have  an  interview  with  the  Rebel 
Domissioners,  —  Stephens,  Hunter,  and  Campbell.  None 
the  Cabinet  were  advised  of  this  move,  and  without 
3eption,  I  think,  it  struck  them  unfavorably  that  the 
lief  Magistrate  should  have  gone  on  such  a  mission. 

February  4,  Saturday.  There  was  yesterday  no  meeting 
the  Cabinet.  This  morning  the  members  were  notified 
meet  at  twelve  meridian.  All  were  punctually  on  hand, 
le  President  with  Mr.  Seward  got  home  this  morning. 


Both  speak  of  the  interview  with  the  Rebel  commissioners 
as  having  been  pleasant  and  without  acrimony.  Seward 
did  not  meet  or  have  interview  with  them  until  the  Pre- 
sident arrived.  No  results  were  obtained,  but  the  discus- 
sion will  be  likely  to  tend  to  peace.  In  going  the  Presid- 
ent acted  from  honest  sincerity  and  without  pretension. 
Perhaps  this  may  have  a  good  effect,  and  perhaps  other- 
wise. He  thinks  he  better  than  any  agent  can  negotiate 
and  arrange.  Seward  wants  to  do  this. 

For  a  day  or  two,  the  naval  appropriation  bill  has  been 
under  consideration  in  the  House.  A  combination,  of 
which  H.  Winter  Davis  is  the  leader,  made  it  the  occasion 
for  an  onset  on  the  Department  and  the  Administration. 
The  move  was  sneaking  and  disingenuous,  very  much  in 
character  with  Davis,  who  is  unsurpassed  for  intrigue  and 
has  great  talents  for  it.  He  moved  an  amendment,  having 
for  its  object  a  Board  of  Admiralty,  which  should  control 
the  administration  of  the  Department.  The  grounds  of 
this  argument  were  that  the  Department  had  committed 
errors  and  he  wanted  a  board  of  naval  officers  to  prevent 
it.  He  presents  the  British  system  for  our  guidance  and  of 
course  has  full  scope  to  assail  and  misrepresent  whatever 
has  been  done.  But,  unfortunately  for  Davis,  the  English 
are  at  this  time  considering  the  question  of  abandoning 
their  system. 

Mr.  Rice,  Chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee,  a  Boston 
merchant,  is  reported  to  have  made  a  full  and  ample  and 
most  successful  reply  to  Davis,  who  was  voted  down.  I 
have  not  doubted  the  result,  but  there  was  a  more  formid- 
able effort  made  than  was  at  first  apparent.  The  Speaker, 
who  is  not  a  fair  and  ingenuous  man,  although  he  professes 
to  be  so,  and  also  to  be  personally  friendly  to  me,  is  strictly 
factious  and  in  concert  with  the  extremists.  In  prepara- 
tion for  this  contest  he  had  called  General  Schenck  to  the 
chair.  Schenck  is  one  of  the  Winter  Davis  clique,  and  so 
far  as  he  dare  permit  it  to  be  seen,  and  more  distinctly  than 
he  supposes,  has  the  sympathy  of  Colfax.  Stevens,  Chair- 


565]    THE  PRESIDENT'S  PEACE  MEASURE   237 

ian  of  the  Ways  and  Means,  is  of  the  same  stripe.  It  is 
combination  of  the  radicals  prompted  and  assisted  by 
>u  Pont  and  Wilkes.  Hitherto  hating  each  other,  and  in- 
idiously  drawing  in  others,  the  miserable  wretched  com- 
mations  of  malcontents  and  intriguers,  political  and 
ival,  had  flattered  themselves  they  should  succeed.  But 
ley  were  voted  down.  I  am  told,  however,  that  under 
ie  rulings  and  management  of  the  hypocritically  sancti- 
.onious  Speaker  the  subject  is  to  be  reopened. 

February  6,  Monday.  There  was  a  Cabinet-meeting 
st  evening.  The  President  had  matured  a  scheme  which 
3  hoped  would  be  successful  in  promoting  peace.  It  was 
proposition  for  paying  the  expenses  of  the  war  for  two 
indred  days,  or  four  hundred  millions,  to  the  Rebel 
:ates,to  be  for  the  extinguishment  of  slavery,  or  for  such 
irpose  as  the  States  were  disposed.  This  in  few  words 
as  the  scheme.  It  did  not  meet  with  favor,  but  was 
:opped.  The  earnest  desire  of  the  President  to  conciliate 
id  effect  peace  was  manifest,  but  there  may  be  such  a 
ling  as  so  overdoing  as  to  cause  a  distrust  or  adverse 
eling.  In  the  present  temper  of  Congress  the  proposed 
easure,  if  a  wise  one,  could  not  be  carried  through  suc- 
issfully. 

I  do  not  think  the  scheme  could  accomplish  any  good 
suits.  The  Rebels  would  misconstrue  it  if  the  offer  was 
ade.  If  attempted  and  defeated  it  would  do  harm. 
The  vote  of  to-day  in  the  House  on  the  renewed  effort 
Winter  Davis  to  put  the  Navy  Department  in  commis- 
m  was  decided  against  him.  He  and  his  associates  had 
trigued  skillfully.  They  relied  on  the  Democrats  going 
ith  them  in  any  measure  against  the  Administration, 
id,  having  succeeded  in  rebuking  Seward  for  his  con- 
ict  of  our  foreign  affairs  in  not  conforming  to  their  views, 
avis  and  his  friends  now  felt  confident  that  they  could 
directly  admonish  me.  But  a  portion  of  the  Democrats 
icame  aware  of  the  intrigue,  and  declined  to  be  made  the 


DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [FEB.  6 

instruments  of  the  faction.   It  seems  to  have  been  a  sore 
disappointment. 

February  1,  Tuesday.  Very  little  before  the  Cabinet. 
The  President,  when  I  entered  the  room,  was  reading  with 
much  enjoyment  certain  portions  of  Petroleum  V.  Nasby 
to  Dennison  and  Speed.  The  book  is  a  broad  burlesque 
on  modern  Democratic  party  men.  Fessenden,  who  came 
in  just  after  me,  evidently  thought  it  hardly  a  proper  sub- 
ject for  the  occasion,  and  the  President  hastily  dropped 
it. 

Great  efforts  continue  to  be  made  to  get  the  release  of 
Smith  brothers.  Quite  a  number  of  persons  are  here  in 
their  interest,  and  Members  of  Congress  are  enlisted  for 
them. 

Efforts  are  being  made  to  aid  a  set  of  bad  men  who  have 
been  cheating  and  stealing  from  the  government  in  Phila- 
delphia. Strange  how  men  in  prominent  positions  will, 
for  mere  party,  stoop  to  help  the  erring  and  the  guilty. 
It  is  a  species  of  moral  treason. 

J.  P.  Hale  is,  as  usual,  loud-mouthed  and  insolent  in  the 
Senate,  —  belying,  perverting,  misstating,  and  misrepre- 
senting the  Navy  Department.  The  poor  fellow  has  but 
few  more  days  in  the  Senate,  and  is  making  the  most  of 
them  for  his  hate. 

February  10,  Friday.  On  Wednesday  evening  Mrs.  W. 
held  a  levee,  which  always  disarranges.  The  season  has 
thus  far  been  one  of  gaiety.  Parties  have  been  numerous. 
Late  hours  I  do  not  like,  but  I  have  a  greater  dislike  to 
late  dinners.  The  dinner  parties  of  Washington  are  to  be 
deprecated  always  by  those  who  regard  health. 

The  President  has  communicated  his  movements  tending 
to  peace.  Jeff  Davis  has  published  the  letter  of  Stephens, 
Hunter,  and  Campbell.  They  do  not  materially  differ. 
The  prospect  of  peace  does  not  seem  nearer  than  before 
the  interview  took  place,  yet  I  trust  we  are  approximating 


HE  PRESIDENT'S  PEACE  MEASURE    239 

;h  desired  result.    There  are  ultras  among  us  who 
favor  the  cessation  of  hostilities  except  on  terms 
iditions  which  make  that  event  remote.    A  few 
radicals  are  inimical  to  the  Administration,  and 
ill  measures  of  the  Administration  which  are  likely 
;  an  immediate  peace.    They  are  determined  that 
;es  in  rebellion  shall  not  resume  their  position  in 
m  except  on  new  terms  and  conditions  independent 
in  the  proposed  Constitutional  Amendment.  Wade 
enate  and  Winter  Davis  in  the  House  are  leading 
i  this  disturbing  movement.  It  is  the  positive  ele- 
iolent  without  much  regard  to  Constitutional  or 
'hts,  —  or  any  other  rights  indeed,  except  such  as 
,y  themselves  define  or  dictate, 
auch  was  done  to-day  at  the  Cabinet.    Some  dis- 
of  general  matters.    Speed  suggested  what  if  one 
States,  Michigan  for  instance,  should  decline  to 
nators  or  Representatives  to  Congress,  or  take 
ion  of  themselves  in  the  conduct  of  the  federal 
tent;  or  supposing  Michigan  were  to  take  such  ac- 
non-action,  and  the  western  peninsula  of  that 
sing  a  minority,  should  non-concur  with  the  State 
ist  in  being  represented  in  Congress.  In  the  course 
marks,  I  inquired  what  would  be  said  or  done  pro- 
iy  State  should  choose  to  adopt  a  different  organ- 
rom  any  that  we  now  have,  —  for  instance,  corn- 
executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  powers  in  the 
nds,  elect  perhaps  ten  men  and  have  one  go  out 
The  subjects  were  novel.  The  President  thought 
are  implied  obligations  on  the  part  of  each  State 
m  its  duties  to  the  general  government  which  they 
t  neglect  or  refuse. 

t  as  yet  no  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Fessenden 
tenens,  reluctantly,  I  apprehend.  The  place  is  one 
>  does  not  like  and  cannot  fill,  and  he  is  aware  of 
3  he  a  very  useful  man  to  devise  measures  in  coun- 
las  ability  as  a  critic  and  adviser  but  is  querulous 


240  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.IO 

and  angular.  Some  allowance  must  be  made  for  infirm 
health,  which  has  sharpened  a  sometimes  unhappy  temper. 
On  two  or  three  occasions  he  has  manifested  a  passionate 
and  almost  vindictive  ferocity  towards  Preston  King  which 
surprised  me.  His  ability  is  acute  rather  than  compre- 
hensive. My  intercourse  with  him  has  been  pleasant,  but 
not  very  intimate.  We  must  soon  know  his  successor.  Of 
all  the  men  named,  Morgan  is  probably  the  best,  and  my 
impression  is  that  he  will  finally  be  appointed.  Some  will 
object  because  Seward  is  from  the  same  State,  but  that  is  a 
frivolous  objection.  I  am  not  certain  who  the  radicals  are 
pressing  for  the  place.  They  will  not  be  pleased  with  Mor- 
gan if  S.  remains,  but  who  their  favorite  is  I  do  not  learn. 

February  11,  Saturday.  The  local  municipal  authorities 
of  New  York  City  are  taking  high-handed  ground  in  re- 
gard to  naval  enlistments  in  that  city,  —  such  as  cannot 
be  permitted.  They  forbid  the  recruiting  of  any  in  the 
city  unless  they  are  accredited  to  that  locality. 

A  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  the  sub- 
ject of  trade  regulations  was  got  up  by  one  who  did  not 
understand  what  he  was  writing  about,  or  else  intended  no 
one  else  should  understand.  There  is  great  swindling  and 
rascality  in  carrying  out  these  regulations. 

February  21,  Tuesday.  Have  had  no  time  the  last  ten 
eventful  days  to  open  this  book;  and  am  now  in  haste. 

In  the  Senate  as  well  as  in  the  House,  there  has  been 
a  deliberate  and  mendacious  assault  on  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment, but  with  even  less  success  than  the  first.  Senator 
Wade  moved  to  adopt  the  Winter  Davis  proposition  for 
a  Board  of  Admiralty.  It  obtained,  I  am  told,  but  two 
votes.  A  proposition  which,  under  proper  direction  and 
duly  prepared  was  not  destitute  of  merit  as  a  naval  meas- 
ure, provided  the  government  is  to  have  a  more  military 
and  central  character,  has  been  put  down,  probably  for 
vears.  rcerharjs  forever. 


1865]  ASSAULT  ON  THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  241 

The  scheme  in  this  instance  was  concocted  by  a  few 
party  aspirants  in  Congress  and  a  few  old  and  discom- 
fited naval  officers,  with  some  quiddical  lawyer  inventors, 
schemers,  and  contractors.  They  did  not  feel  inclined 
to  make  an  open  assault  on  me;  they  therefore  sought  to 
do  it  by  indirection.  Much  of  the  spite  was  against  the 
Assistant  Secretary,  who  may  have  sometimes  been  rough 
and  who  has  his  errors  as  well  as  his  good  qualities,  but 
who  has  well  performed  his  duties,  —  sometimes,  per- 
haps, has  overdone,  —  has  his  favorites  and  decided  pre- 
judices. 

Senator  Hale,  while  he  does  not  love  me,  has  now  par- 
ticular hatred  of  Fox,  and  in  striving  to  gratify  his  grudge 
is  really  benefiting  the  man  whom  he  detests.  He  and 
others  in  the  House  have  spoken  of  F.  as  the  actual  Secre- 
tary instead  of  the  Assistant,  striving  thereby  to  hold  him 
to  a  certain  degree  of  accountability,  and  also  hoping  to  sow 
dissension  between  him  and  me.  For  three  years  Hale  made 
it  his  chief  business  to  misrepresent  and  defame  me,  and 
he  had  with  him  at  the  beginning  some  who  have  become 
ashamed  of  him.  In  the  mean  time  he  has  obtained  other 
recruits.  Blaine  of  Maine  dislikes  Fox,  and  in  his  dislike 
denounces  the  Navy  Department,  which  he  says,  in  gen- 
eral terms,  without  mentioning  particulars,  is  misman- 
aged. 

But  I  have  no  reason  to  complain  when  I  look  at  results 
and  the  vindication  of  able  champions.  They  have  done 
me  more  than  justice.  Others  could  have  done  better, 
perhaps,  than  I  have  done,  and  yet,  reviewing  hastily 
the  past,  I  see  very  little  to  regret  in  my  administration 
of  the  Navy.  In  the  matter  of  the  light-draft  monitors 
and  the  double-enders  I  trusted  too  much  to  Fox  and  Sti- 
mers.  In  the  multiplicity  of  my  engagements,  and  suppos- 
ing those  vessels  were  being  built  on  an  improved  model, 
under  the  approval  and  supervision  of  Lenthall  and  the 
advice  of  Ericsson,  I  was  surprised  to  learn  when  they  were 
approaching  completion,  that  neither  Lenthall  nor  Erics- 


242  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.  21 

son  had  participated,  but  that  Fox  and  Stimers  had  taken 
the  whole  into  their  hands.  Of  course,  I  could  not  attempt 
to  justify  what  would  be  considered  my  own  neglect.  I 
had  been  too  confiding  and  was  compelled,  justly  perhaps, 
to  pay  the  penalty  in  this  searching  denunciation  of  my 
whole  administration.  Neither  of  the  men  who  brought  me 
to  this  difficulty  take  the  responsibility. 

We  have  made  great  progress  in  the  Rebel  War  within 
a  brief  period.  Charleston  and  Columbia  have  come  into 
our  possession  without  any  hard  fighting.  The  brag  and 
bluster,  the  threats  and  defiance  which  have  been  for 
thirty  years  the  mental  aliment  of  South  Carolina  prove 
impotent  and  ridiculous.  They  have  displayed  a  talking 
courage,  a  manufactured  bravery,  but  no  more,  and  I 
think  not  so  much  inherent  heroism  as  others.  Their  ful- 
minations  that  their  cities  would  be  Saragossas  were 
mere  gasconade,  —  their  Pinckneys  and  McGrawths  and 
others  were  blatant  political  partisans. 

General  Sherman  is  proving  himself  a  great  general,  and 
his  movements  from  Chattanooga  to  the  present  demon- 
strate his  ability  as  an  officer.  He  has,  undoubtedly, 
greater  resources,  a  more  prolific  mind,  than  Grant,  and 
perhaps  as  much  tenacity  if  less  cunning  and  selfishness. 

In  Congress  there  is  a  wild,  radical  element  in  regard  to 
the  rebellious  States  and  people.  They  are  to  be  treated 
by  a  radical  Congress  as  no  longer  States,  but  Terri- 
tories without  rights,  and  must  have  a  new  birth  or  crea- 
tion by  permission  of  Congress.  These  are  the  mistaken 
theories  and  schemes  of  Chase,  —  perhaps  in  conjunction 
with  others. 

I  found  the  President  and  Attorney-General  Speed  in 
consultation  over  an  apprehended  decision  of  Chief  Jus- 
tice Chase,  whenever  he  could  reach  the  question  of  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Some  intimation 
comes  through  Stanton,  that  His  Honor  the  Chief  Justice 
intends  to  make  himself  felt  by  the  Administration  when 
he  can  reach  them.  I  shall  not  be  surprised,  for  he  is  am- 


1865]  MORGAN  DECLINES  THE  TREASURY  243 

bitious  and  able.    Yet  on  that  subject  he  is  as  much  im- 
plicated as  others. 

The  death  of  Governor  Hicks  a  few  days  since  has 
brought  on  a  crisis  of  parties  in  Maryland.  Blair  is  a  can- 
didate for  the  position  of  Senator,  and  the  President  wishes 
him  elected,  but  Stanton  and  the  Chase  influence,  including 
the  Treasury,  do  not,  and  hence  the  whole  influence  of 
those  Departments  is  against  him.  Blair  thinks  the  Presid- 
ent does  not  aid  him  as  much  as  he  had  reason  to  suppose 
he  would,  and  finds  it  difficult  to  get  an  interview  with  him. 
I  think  he  has  hardly  been  treated  as  he  deserves,  or  as  the 
President  really  wishes,  yet  the  vindictiveness  of  the  Chief 
Justice  and  Stanton  deter  him,  control  him  against  his 
will. 

The  senior  Blair  is  extremely  anxious  for  the  promotion 
of  his  son-in-law,  Lee,  and  has  spoken  to  me  several  times 
on  the  subject.  He  called  again  to-day.  I  told  him  of  the 
difficulties,  and  the  great  dissatisfaction  it  would  give  the 
naval  officers.  Pressed  as  the  old  man  is  by  not  only  Lee 
but  Lee's  wife,  and  influenced  by  his  own  willing  partial- 
ity, he  cannot  see  this  subject  as  I  and  others  see  it. 

A  few  days  since  the  President  sent  into  the  Senate 
the  nomination  of  Senator  E.  D.  Morgan  for  the  Treasury. 
It  was  without  consultation  with  M.,  who  immediately 
called  on  the  President  and  declined  the  position. 

Seward,  whom  I  saw  on  that  evening,  stated  facts  to 
me  which  give  me  some  uneasiness.  He  called,  he  says, 
on  the  President  at  twelve  to  read  to  him  a  dispatch,  and 
a  gentleman  was  present,  whom  he  would  not  name,  but 
S.  told  the  gentleman  if  he  would  wait  a  few  moments  he 
would  be  brief,  but  the  dispatch  must  be  got  off  for  Europe. 
The  gentleman  declined  waiting,  but  as  he  left,  the  Pre- 
sident said,  "I  will  not  send  the  paper  in  to-day  but  will 
hold  on  until  to-morrow."  Seward  says  he  has  no  doubt  the 
conversation  related  to  M.'s  nomination,  but  that,  the 
paper  being  made  out,  his  private  secretary  took  it  up 
with  the  other  nominations,  and  the  President,  when  aware 


244  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.  21 

of  the  fact,  sent  an  express  to  recall  it,  in  order  to  keep 
faith  with  the  gentleman  mentioned.  This  gentleman 
was,  no  doubt,  Fessenden. 

I  called  on  Governor  Morgan  on  Sunday  evening  and 
had  over  an  hour's  conversation  with  him,  expressing  my 
wish  and  earnest  desire  that  he  should  accept  the  place, 
more  on  the  country's  account  than  his  own.  He  gave  me 
no  favorable  response.  Said  that  Thurlow  Weed  had  spent 
several  hours  with  him  that  morning  to  the  same  effect  as 
myself  and  trying  to  persuade  him  to  change  his  mind,  but 
he  would  give  Weed  no  assurance ;  on  the  contrary  had  per- 
sisted in  his  refusal.  He,  Morgan,  was  frank  and  com- 
municative, as  he  has  generally  been  with  me  on  important 
questions,  and  reviewed  the  ground,  State-wise  and  na- 
tional-wise. "What,"  he  inquired,  "is  Seward's  object? 
He  never  in  such  matters  acts  without  a  motive,  and  Weed 
would  not  have  been  called  here  except  to  gain  an  end." 

Seward,  he  says,  wants  to  be  President.  What  does  he 
intend  to  do?  Will  he  remain  in  the  Cabinet,  or  will  he 
leave  it?  Will  he  go  abroad,  or  remain  at  home?  These, 
and  a  multitude  of  questions  which  he  put  me,  showed 
that  Morgan  had  given  the  subject  much  thought,  and 
especially  as  it  affected  himself  and  Seward.  Morgan  has 
his  own  aspirations  and  is  not  prepared  to  be  used  by 
Weed  or  Seward  in  this  case. 

My  own  impressions  are  that  Morgan  has  committed  a 
great  mistake  as  regards  himself.  Seward  may  be  jealous 
of  him,  as  M.  is  suspicious  he  is,  but  I  doubt  if  that  was 
the  controlling  motive  with  S.  I  think  he  preferred  Mor- 
gan, as  I  do,  for  the  Treasury,  to  any  tool  of  Chase.  The 
selection,  I  think,  was  the  President's,  not  Seward's,  though 
the  latter  readily  fell  in  with  it.  Blair  had  advised  it. 
Fessenden  was  probably  informed  on  the  morning  when 
Seward  met  him  at  the  President's  and  desired  to  have 
the  nomination  postponed. 

I  am  told  Thurlow  Weed  expressed  great  dissatisfaction 
that  Morgan  did  not  accept  the  position.  That  Weed  and 


1865]    THE  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  ANDERSON    245 

Seward  may  have  selfish  schemes  in  this  is  not  unlikely, 
but  whether  they  have  or  not,  it  was  no  less  the  duty  of 
Morgan  to  serve  his  country  when  he  could. 

February  22.  The  late  news  combines  with  the  anni- 
versary to  make  this  an  interesting  day.  While  the  heavy 
salutes  at  meridian  were  firing,  young  Gushing  came  in 
with  the  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Anderson.  I 
went  with  him  to  the  President.  While  there  General  Joe 
Hooker  came  in;  and  Seward,  for  whom  the  President 
had  sent,  brought  a  dispatch  from  Bigelow  at  Paris  of  a 
favorable  character.  General  H.  thinks  it  the  brightest 
day  in  four  years. 

The  President  was  cheerful  and  laughed  heartily  over 
Cushing's  account  of  the  dumb  monitor  which  he  sent 
past  Fort  Anderson,  causing  the  Rebels  to  evacuate  with- 
out stopping  to  even  spike  their  guns. 

The  belief  seems  general  that  McCulloch  will  receive 
the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  If  I  do  not 
mistake,  the  rival  opponents  of  the  President  desire  this 
and  have  been  active  in  getting  up  an  opinion  for  the 
case.  So  far  as  I  know  the  President  has  not  consulted  the 
Cabinet.  Some  of  them,  I  know,  are  as  unenlightened  as 
myself.  I  know  but  little  of  McC.;  am  not  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  him  to  object,  or  even  to  criticize  the 
appointment.  The  fact  that  Fessenden  and  Chase  are  re- 
puted to  be  in  his  favor,  and  that  he  has  been  connected 
with  them  and  is  identified  with  their  policy  gives  me 
doubtful  forebodings. 

Governor  Morgan  called  upon  me  and  expresses  a  pretty 
decided  conviction  that  McCulloch  is  not  the  candidate 
of  Chase  and  Fessenden,  does  not  indorse  Chase's  schemes 
and  will  put  himself  on  the  true  basis.  This  gives  me  some 
confidence. 

Met  Speed  at  the  President's  a  day  or  two  since.  He  is 
apprehensive  Chase  will  fail  the  Administration  on  the 
question  of  habeas  corpus  and  State  arrests.  The  President 


initials  ui  ^iia»e  uu  uiieseiuea-sures.  ivi  j.  U.IIIIK  a,ii  a-uroio 
intriguer  can,  if  lie  chooses,  escape  these  committals.  I  re- 
member that,  on  one  occasion  when  I  was  with  him,  Chase 
made  a  fling  which  he  meant  should  hit  Seward  on  these 
matters,  and  as  Seward  is,  he  imagines,  a  rival  for  high 
position,  the  ambition  of  Chase  will  not  permit  the  oppor- 
tunity to  pass,  when  it  occurs,  of  striking  his  competitor. 
There  is  no  man  with  more  fierce  aspirations  than  Chase, 
and  the  bench  will  be  used  to  promote  his  personal  ends. 
Speed  and  myself  called  on  Seward  on  Monday,  after 
the  foregoing  interview  with  the  President.  Seward  thinks 
Chase,  if  badly  disposed,  cannot  carry  the  court,  but  this 
is  mere  random  conjecture.  He  has,  so  far  as  I  can  ascer- 
tain, no  facts.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  Seward,  who 
was  very  much  disturbed,  broke  out  strongly  against  Chase, 
who  had,  he  said,  been  a  disturber  from  the  beginning  and 
ought  never  to  have  gone  into  the  Cabinet.  He  had  ob- 
jected to  it,  and  but  from  a  conviction  that  he  (Seward) 
could  better  serve  the  country  than  any  other  man  in  the 
State  Department,  he  would  not  have  taken  office  with 
Chase  for  an  associate.  The  Cabinet,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  Chase,  had  been  harmonious  and  united.  He  spoke 
of  the  early  trouble  of  the  blockade,  which  he  said  Chase 
opposed,  and  then  tried  to  make  difficulty.  It  is  not  the 
first  time  when  I  have  detected  an  infirmity  of  memory  and 
of  statement  on  this  point.  I  at  once  corrected  Seward, 
and  told  him  I  was  the  man  who  made  the  strong  stand 
against  him  on  the  question  of  blockade,  and  that  Chase 
failed  to  sustain  me.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Seward  in  those 
early  days  imputed  my  course  on  that  question  to  Chase's 
influence,  whereas  nothing  was  farther  from  the  truth. 
I  had  not  even  the  assistance  I  expected  and  was  promised 
from  Chase.  Mr.  Blair  and  Mr.  Bates  stood  by  me;  Chase 
promised  to,  but  did  not.  This  conversation  confirms  an 
impression  I  have  had  of  Seward,  who  imputed  to  others 
views  derived  from  his  rival  antagonist.  If  I  differed  from 


1865]       RUMORS  OF  CABINET  CHANGES       247 

him,  he  fully  believed  it  was  the  intrigue  of  Chase  that 
caused  it,  —  a  very  great  error,  for  I  followed  my  own  con- 
victions. 

Rumors  and  speculations  of  Cabinet  changes  have  been 
thick  for  the  last  half  of  this  month.  Much  has  been  said 
and  done  to  effect  a  change  in  the  Navy  Department. 
Not  that  there  is  very  great  animosity  towards  me  per- 
sonally, or  my  course  and  policy,  but  then  aspirants  for 
Cabinet  positions  and  changes  multiply  chances.  There 
are  three  or  four  old  naval  officers  who  are  dissatisfied 
with  me  and  with  almost  everybody  else,  and  who  would 
be  satisfied  with  no  one.  They  fellowship  with  certain  in- 
triguers in  Congress  and  out,  and  have  exhausted  them- 
selves in  attacking,  abusing,  and  misrepresenting  me. 

This  violence  is  just  now  strongest  against  Fox,  who, 
as  second  or  executive  officer,  is  courted  and  hated.  Find- 
ing that  he  sustains  me,  they  detest  him,  and  as  is  not 
uncommon  are  more  vindictive  towards  him  than  towards 
the  principal.  He  is  sometimes  rough  and  sailor-like  in 
manner,  which  gives  offense,  but  stands  true  to  his  chief. 

There  is  a  little  clique  of  self-constituted  and  opinion- 
ated but  not  very  wise  radicals  who  assume  to  dictate  to 
the  Administration  as  regards  men  and  measures,  but  who 
have  really  little  influence  and  deserve  none.  Hale  in  the 
Senate  and  H.  Winter  Davis  in  the  House  may  be  con- 
sidered the  leaders.  The  latter  is  the  centre  of  his  few  as- 
sociates and  has  far  greater  ability  than  either.  Generals 
Schenck  and  Garfield  and  a  few  others  gather  round  him. 
The  same  men  with  a  larger  circle  are  hostile  to  Seward, 
against  whom  the  strongest  secret  war  is  waged.  Stanton 
is  on  terms  with  these  men,  and  to  some  extent  gives  them 
countenance,  even  in  their  war  upon  the  President,  to 
whom  they  are  confessedly  opposed.  Seward  thinks  to 
propitiate  these  men  by  means  of  Stanton,  and  perhaps 
he  does  in  some  measure,  but  the  proceeding  gives  him 
no  substantial  strength.  Stanton  is  faithful  to  none,  not 
even  to  him. 


248  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.  22 

In  preparing  a  reply  to  Hale  it  has  been  necessary  to  ap- 
pend a  reply  also  from  Fox,  who  is  drawn  into  the  resolu- 
tion. He  (F.)  and  Blair  have  been  preparing  this  with  some 
circumspection  and  care.  I  do  not  think  it  a  judicious 
paper  in  some  respects.  It  is  a  tolerable  statement  of 
facts  and  proceedings  in  regard  to  the  attempt  to  relieve 
Fort  Sumter  in  1861.  Fox  is  the  hero  of  his  own  story, 
which  is  always  unpleasant.  There  is  an  extra  effort  to 
introduce  and  associate  with  him  great  names,  which  will 
be  seized  by  his  enemies.  I  am  not  sorry  that  certain 
facts  come  out,  but  I  should  be  glad  to  have  the  whole 
story  told  of  that  expedition  and  others  connected  with 
it.  No  allusion  is  made  to  Commander  Ward,  who  vol- 
unteered for  this  service  and  persisted  in  it  until  Gen- 
eral Scott  and  Commodore  Stringham  finally  dissuaded 
him. 

Blair,  in  talking  over  the  events  of  that  period,  gives  me 
always  some  new  facts,  or  revises  old  ones.  He  reminds  me 
that  he  was  determined  at  the  time  when  the  relief  of  Sum- 
ter was  discussed,  in  case  it  was  not  done  or  attempted, 
to  resign  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  and  had  his  resignation 
prepared.  But  his  father  remonstrated  and  followed  him 
to  the  Cabinet-meeting,  and  sent  in  a  note  to  him  from 
Nicolay's  room.  After  the  meeting  adjourned  and  the 
members  left,  the  elder  Blair  had  an  interview  with  the 
President  and  told  him  it  would  be  treason  to  surrender 
Sumter.  General  Scott,  General  Totten,  Admiral  String- 
ham,  and  finally  Ward  had  given  it  up  as  impossible  to 
be  relieved.  Blair  maintains  that  Seward  was  all  that  time 
secretly  intriguing  with  the  Rebel  leaders,  —  that  he  was 
pledged  to  inform  them  of  any  attempt  to  relieve  that 
fortress. 

It  was  Seward,  Blair  says,  who  informed  Harvey  and 
had  him  telegraph  to  Charleston  that  a  secret  expedition 
was  fitting  out  against  Sumter.  This  betrayal  by  Harvey 
did  not  interfere  with  his  mission  to  Lisbon.  Why?  Be- 
cause he  had  Seward  in  his  power.  There  are  facts  which 


1865]  SEWARD'S  INTRIGUES  249 

go  to  confirm  this.  I  have  a  confidential  letter  from  the 
President  of  April  1,  1861,  which  reads  more  strangely 
now,  if  possible,  than  then,  though  I  was  astonished  at  that 
time  and  prepared  for  strange  action  if  necessary. 


XXVIII 

Secretary  Welles  assured  of  Reappointment  —  Attitude  of  James  G.  Blaine 
towards  the  Navy  Department  —  Lincoln's  Second  Inauguration  — 
The  New  Vice-President's  Rambling  Speech  —  McCulloch  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  John  P.  Hale  made  Minister  to  Spain  — 
Admiral  Porter  on  Buchanan's  Secessionist  Sympathies  —  A  Commit- 
'tee  from  Maine  —  Bennett  of  the  New  York  Herald  talked  of  as  Minis- 
ter to  France  —  The  Combination  of  New  York  Papers  against  the 
Navy  Department  —  The  President  disapproves  the  Verdict  against 
F.  W.  Smith  —  Mr.  J.  M.  Forbes  on  the  Smith  Case  —  Paymasters' 
Accounts  and  the  Appropriations  —  Sumner  and  the  Smith  Case  — 
Comptroller  Taylor's  Action  in  regard  to  Navy  Requisitions  —  Seward 
asks  for  a  Man-of-War  to  carry  John  P.  Hale  to  Spain  —  An  Interesting 
Statement  by  General  Butler. 

March  1,  Wednesday.  Judge  J.  T.  Hale  called  on  me 
to  say  he  had  had  a  conversation  with  the  President  and 
had  learned  from  him  that  I  had  his  confidence  and  that  he 
intended  no  change  in  the  Navy  Department.  He  said  a 
great  pressure  had  been  made  upon  him  to  change.  I  have 
no  doubt  of  it,  and  I  have  at  no  time  believed  he  would 
be  controlled  by  it.  At  no  time  have  I  given  the  subject 
serious  thought. 

Mr.  Eads  and  Mr.  Blow  inform  me  that  Brandagee  in 
his  speech,  while  expressing  opposition  to  me  for  not  favor- 
ing New  London  for  a  navy  yard,  vindicated  my  honesty 
and  obstinacy,  which  Blaine  or  some  one  impugned, 
Blaine  is  a  speculating  Member  of  Congress,  connected, 
I  am  told,  with  Simon  Cameron  in  some  of  his  projects, 
and  is  specially  spiteful  towards  the  Navy  Department. 
I  do  not  know  him,  even  by  sight,  though  he  has  once  or 
twice  called  on  me.  Some  one  has  told  me  he  had  a  diffi- 
culty with  Fox.  If  so,  the  latter  never  informed  me,  and 
when  I  questioned  him  he  could  not  recollect  it. 

March  2,  Thursday.  Had  a  houseful  of  visitors  to  wit- 
ness the  inauguration.  Speaker  Colfax  is  grouty  because 


1865]    LINCOLN'S  SECOND  INAUGURATION    251 

Mrs.  Welles  has  not  called  on  his  mother,  —  a  piece  of  eti- 
quette which  Seward  says  is  proper.  I  doubt  it,  but  Seward 
jumps  to  strange  conclusions. 

Hale,  as  I  expected  he  would,  made  an  assault  on  Fox's 
appendix  to  my  reply,  and  denounces  it  as  egotistical  auto- 
biography, and  is  determined  it  shall  not  be  printed.  The 
poor  fellow  seems  not  aware  that  he  is  advertising  and 
drawing  attention  to  what  he  would  suppress. 

March  3,  Friday.  The  city  quite  full  of  people.  General 
Halleck  has  apprehensions  that  there  may  be  mischief. 
Thinks  precautions  should  be  taken.  Advises  that  the 
navy  yard  should  be  closed.  I  do  not  participate  in  these 
fears,  and  yet  I  will  not  say  it  is  not  prudent  to  guard 
against  contingencies. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day,  the  President  gave 
formal  notice  that  he  proposed  inviting  McCulloch  to  the 
Treasury  early  next  week.  He  said  that  doing  this  rend- 
ered a  change  necessary  or  essential  in  the  Interior,  con- 
cerning which  he  already  had  had  conversation  with  Mr. 
Usher,  and  should  have  more  to  say;  that  in  regard  to  the 
other  gentlemen  of  the  Cabinet,  he  wished  none  of  them 
to  resign,  at  least  for  the  present,  for  he  contemplated  no 
changes. 

March  4,  Saturday.  Was  at  the  Capitol  last  night  until 
twelve.  All  the  Cabinet  were  present  with  the  President. 
As  usual,  the  tune  passed  very  pleasantly.  Chief  Justice 
Chase  came  in  and  spent  half  an  hour.  Later  in  the  night 
I  saw  him  in  the  Senate.  Speed  says  Chase  leaves  the 
Court  daily  to  visit  the  Senate,  and  is  full  of  aspirations.  I 
rode  from  the  Capitol  home  at  midnight  with  Seward.  He 
expressed  himself  more  unreservedly  and  warmly  against 
Chase  than  I  have  ever  heard  him  before. 
•  The  inauguration  took  place  to-day.  There  was  great 
want  of  arrangement  and  completeness  in  the  ceremonies. 
All  was  confusion  and  without  order,  —  a  jumble. 


252  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  4 

The  Vice-President  elect  made  a  rambling  and  strange 
harangue,  which  was  listened  to  with  pain  and  mortifica- 
tion by  all  his  friends.  My  impressions  were  that  he  was 
under  the  influence  of  stimulants,  yet  I  know  not  that  he 
drinks.  He  has  been  sick  and  is  feeble;  perhaps  he  may 
have  taken  medicine,  or  stimulants,  or  his  brain  from  sick- 
ness may  have  been  overactive  in  these  new  responsibil- 
ities. Whatever  the  cause,  it  was  all  in  very  bad  taste. 

The  delivery  of  the  inaugural  address,  the  administer- 
ing of  the  oath,  and  the  whole  deportment  of  the  President 
were  well  done,  and  the  retiring  Vice-President  appeared 
to  advantage  when  contrasted  with  his  successor,  who  has 
humiliated  his  friends.  Speed,  who  sat  at  my  left,  whis- 
pered me  that "  all  this  is  in  wretched  bad  taste  " ;  and  very 
soon  he  said,  "The  man  is  certainly  deranged."  I  said  to 
Stanton,  who  was  on  my  right,  "Johnson  is  either  drunk  or 
crazy."  Stanton  replied,  "There  is  evidently  something 
wrong."  Seward  says  it  was  emotion  on  returning  and  re- 
visiting the  Senate;  that  he  can  appreciate  Johnson's  feel- 
ings, who  was  much  overcome.  I  hope  Seward  is  right, 
but  don't  entirely  concur  with  him.  There  is,  as  Stanton 
says,  something  wrong.  I  hope  it  is  sickness. 

The  reception  at  the  President's  this  evening  was  a 
crowded  affair,  —  not  brilliant,  as  the  papers  say  it  was. 
In  some  respects  the  arrangement  was  better  than  here- 
tofore for  the  Cabinet  gentlemen  and  their  families,  but 
there  is  room  for  much  improvement.  Such  was  the  crowd 
that  many  were  two  hours  before  obtaining  entrance  after 
passing  through  the  gates.  When  I  left,  a  little  before 
eleven,  the  crowd  was  still  going  in. 

The  day  has  been  fatiguing  and  trying.  The  morning 
was  rainy.  Soon  after  noon  the  clouds  disappeared  and 
the  day  was  beautiful;  the  streets  dreadful. 

March  6,  Monday.  The  weather  continues  to  be  fine. 
Thousands  have  left  the  city,  which  is  still  crowded.  The 
inauguration  ball  of  this  evening  is  a  great  attraction, 


HUGH  McCULLOCH 


1865]     THE  VICE-PRESIDENT'S  CONDUCT      253 

particularly  to  the  young.  Seward  has  sent  to  me  a  re- 
quest to  attend,  and  Dennison  desires  it.  I  have  no  desire 
to  go,  but  my  family  have,  as  well  as  my  associates. 

Current  business  at  Department  has  accumulated,  and 
the  day  has  been  one  of  unceasing  application.  Did  not 
leave  Department  until  after  five  o'clock.  McCulloch's 
name  was  sent  in  to-day  for  the  Treasury.  I  fear  he 
wants  political  knowledge  and  experience,  though  as  a 
financier  he  may  not  be  unequal  to  the  position;  but  will 
not  prejudge  him.  He  has  been  a  successful  banker,  and 
that  seems  to  have  furnished  the  argument  for  his  appoint- 
ment. It  by  no  means  follows,  however,  that  a  successful 
banker,  good  at  business  details  and  accumulating  inter- 
est, is  able  to  strike  out  and  establish  the  policy  of  the  na- 
tion in  regard  to  its  currency  and  finance.  He  may  have 
these  essential  financial  qualities,  but  I  do  not  think  they 
entered  into  the  considerations  which  led  to  his  selection. 

March  7,  Tuesday.  The  meeting  at  the  Cabinet  was  in- 
teresting, the  topics  miscellaneous.  Vice-President  John- 
son's infirmity  was  mentioned.  Seward' s  tone  and  opin- 
ions were  much  changed  since  Saturday.  He  seems  to  have 
given  up  Johnson  now,  but  no  one  appears  to  have  been 
aware  of  any  failing.  I  trust  and  am  inclined  to  believe 
it  a  temporary  ailment,  which  may,  if  rightly  treated,  be 
overcome. 

Chief  Justice  Chase  spent  an  hour  with  the  President 
last  evening,  and  is  urging  upon  him  to  exempt  sundry 
counties  in  eastern  Virginia  from  the  insurrectionary 
proclamation.  He  did  not  make  his  object  explicit  to  the 
President,  but  most  of  the  Cabinet  came,  I  think,  to  the 
conclusion  that  there  was  an  ulterior  purpose  not  fully 
disclosed. 

It  is  obvious  that  Chase  has  his  aspirations  stimulated. 
This  movement  he  considers  adroit.  By  withdrawing 
military  authority  and  restoring  civil  jurisdiction  he  ac- 
complishes sundry  purposes.  It  will  strike  a  blow  at  State 


254  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [MARCH? 

individuality  and  break  down  Virginia,  already  by  his  aid 
dismembered  and  divided.  It  will  be  a  large  stride  in  the 
direction  of  the  theory  of  the  radicals,  who  are  for  reduc- 
ing old  States  to  a  Territorial  condition.  It  is  centralizing, 
to  which  he  has  become  a  convert;  [it]  will  give  the  Chief 
Justice  an  opportunity  to  exercise  his  authority  on  ques- 
tions of  habeas  corpus,  military  arrests,  etc. 

The  Chief  Justice  had  also  certain  views  on  the  present 
condition  of  the  blockade,  and  took  occasion  to  inform  the 
President  that  his  original  opinion,  which  corresponded 
with  mine,  had  undergone  quite  a  modification;  that  he  is 
now  satisfied  that  closing  the  ports  by  a  public  or  inter- 
national blockade  was  better  than  to  have  closed  them 
by  legislative  enactment  or  executive  order,  in  effect  a 
municipal  regulation.  Artful  dodger.  Unstable  and  unre- 
liable. When  Speed  made  some  inquiry  on  these  matters, 
the  President  stated  "it  related  to  one  of  the  early  and  most 
unpleasant  differences  we  had  ever  had  in  Cabinet."  It 
was  one  of  the  subjects  that  made  me  distrust  and  doubt 
Chase,  who,  while  fully  assenting  to  my  opinions  in  our 
private  conversations,  did  not  vigorously  sustain  me  in  a 
Cabinet  discussion. 

The  Spanish  mission  being  vacant,  it  was  asked  if  any 
of  the  number  wished  it.  Whether  it  was  intended  as  a 
polite  tender  to  Usher  I  know  not,  or  to  any  other,  but  I 
think  not  to  any  one  but  Usher,  and  perhaps  not  to  him, 
This  mission  is  a  sort  of  plaything  in  the  hands  of  Seward. 
The  truth  is,  there  is  little  utility  in  these  legations  near 
the  governments  of  foreign  potentates,  but  they  are  con- 
venient places  for  favorites  or  troublesome  fellows  who 
are  to  be  sent  away. 

March  10,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet  to-day  Seward  could 
not  suppress  his  delight  over  intelligence,  just  received, 
that  the  Danish-French  ironclad  sold  to  the  Rebels  was 
stopped  at  Corunna.  We  have  had  multitudinous  and 
various  pieces  of  intelligence  respecting  this  vessel,  none 


1865]    JOHN  P.  HALE  MINISTER  TO  SPAIN     255 

of  them  reliable.   The  next  arrival  may  bring  statements 
in  direct  opposition  to  those  we  now  have. 

Each  of  the  Departments  finished  up  their  matters  with 
the  Senate,  which  will  doubtless  adjourn  to-morrow. 

March  11,  Saturday.  Mr.  Eames  tells  me  the  Court  has 
decided  adversely  in  the  matter  of  cotton  captured  by 
the  Navy  on  the  Red  River.  I  perceive  that  the  Court  is 
adjudicating  on  the  Treasury  regulations  and  policy  of  the 
Chief  Justice. 

John  P.  Hale  has  been  nominated  and  confirmed  as 
Minister  to  Spain,  a  position  for  which  he  is  eminently 
unfit.  This  is  Seward's  doings,  the  President  assenting. 
But  others  are  also  in  fault.  I  am  told  by  Seward,  who  is 
conscious  it  is  an  improper  appointment,  that  a  majority 
of  the  Union  Senators  recommended  him  for  the  French 
mission,  for  which  they  know  he  has  no  qualifications,  ad- 
dress, nor  proper  sense  to  fill.  Some  of  the  Senators  pro- 
tested against  his  receiving  the  mission  to  France,  but 
Seward  says  they  acquiesced  in  his  going  to  Spain.  I  am 
satisfied  that  Seward  is  playing  a  game  with  this  old  hack. 
Hale  has  been  getting  pay  from  the  War  Department  for 
various  jobs,  and  S.  thinks  he  is  an  abolition  leader. 

March  13,  Monday.  Rear-Admiral  Porter  spent  the 
evening  at  my  house.  Among  other  things  he  detailed 
what  he  saw  and  knew  of  Jeff  Davis  and  others  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Rebellion.  He  was,  he  admits,  and  as  I  was 
aware,  on  intimate  terms  with  Davis  and  Mrs.  Davis, 
and  had  been  so  for  some  years.  On  the  evening  after 
reception  of  the  news  that  South  Carolina  passed  the  se- 
cession ordinance  he  called  at  Davis's  house.  A  number 
of  Secession  leaders,  he  says,  were  there.  It  was  a  rainy, 
disagreeable  evening,  but  Mrs.  Davis  came  down  stairs 
bonneted  and  prepared  to  go  out.  She  caught  him  and 
congratulated  him  on  the  glorious  news.  South  Carolina 
had  declared  herself  out  of  the  Union,  which  was  to  be 


256  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MABCHIS 

broken  up.  She  was  going  to  see  the  President,  Buchan- 
an, and  congratulate  him.  Wanted  to  be  the  first  to 
communicate  the  intelligence  to  him.  Porter  told  her  the 
weather  and  roads  were  such  she  could  not  walk,  and,  one 
of  the  Members  of  Congress  having  come  in  a  hack,  he, 
Porter,  took  it  and  accompanied  her.  On  the  way  he  in- 
quired why  she  should  feel  so  much  elated.  She  said  she 
wanted  to  get  rid  of  the  old  government;  that  they  would 
have  a  monarchy  South,  and  gentlemen  to  fill  official  po- 
sitions. This,  he  found,  was  the  most  earnest  sentiment, 
not  only  of  herself  but  others.  Returning  in  the  carriage 
to  Davis's  house,  he  found  that  the  crowd  of  gentlemen 
was  just  preparing  to  follow  Mrs.  D.  to  call  on  the  Pre- 
sident and  interchange  congratulations.  They  all  spoke 
of  Buchanan,  he  says,  as  being  with  them  in  sentiment,  and 
Porter  believes  him  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  guilty 
in  that  nefarious  business;  that  he  encouraged  the  active 
conspirators  in  his  intercourse  with  them,  if  he  did  not 
openly  approve  them  before  the  world. 

Governor  Canby  of  Maine  called  on  me  a  week  ago  and 
spoke  of  having  a  naval  vessel  on  the  eastern  coast  for  re- 
cruiting purposes  and  for  protection.  After  a  little  discus- 
sion of  the  subject,  he  said  there  was  a  committee  in  Wash- 
ington who  had  procured  themselves  to  be  appointed  to 
come  on  and  make  formal  application;  that  they  desired 
to  attend  the  inauguration,  and  had  got  up  this  excuse; 
would  make  probably  a  little  display  and  hoped  they  might 
be  gratified  with  a  few  words  of  recognition,  etc.,  etc.  Two 
or  three  hours  later,  the  committee,  Mr.  Poor  and  his  two 
associates,  came  in  with  Mr.  Pike,  who  introduced  them. 
Mr.  Poor  was  the  chairman  and  presented  me  a  paper 
containing  sundry  resolutions  indorsed  by  the  President, 
to  the  effect  that  he  wished  them  to  have  vessels  if  they 
could  be  spared.  Mr.  Poor  was  verbose  and  pompous;  let 
me  know  his  official  importance;  wanted  their  application 
should  be  granted.  I  told  them  their  proposition  for  steam- 
ers to  patrol  the  Maine  coast  was  inadmissible,  but  such. 


1865]          A  COMMITTEE  FROM  MAINE          257 

protection  as  could  be  extended  and  the  occasion  required 
would  be  regarded.  My  remarks  were  not  such  as  suited 
the  pragmatical  chairman.  The  other  gentlemen  exhib- 
ited more  sense. 

Two  or  three  days  after,  I  had  a  communication  from 
the  committee,  who  wanted  to  know  if  their  application 
in  behalf  of  the  State  of  Maine  could  be  granted.  Remem- 
bering Governor  Canby's  remarks,  I  wrote  them  at  some 
length  the  views  I  had  expressed  orally  at  our  interview. 

Soft  words  and  a  superfluity  of  them  only  added  fuel  to 
Chairman  Poor's  vanity,  and  he  replied  by  a  supercilious 
and  silly  letter  which  indicated  a  disposition  to  cut  a  figure, 
and  I  replied  by  a  brief  but  courteous  line,  tersely  con- 
taining the  same  opinions  I  had  given. 

March  14,  Tuesday.  The  President  was  some  indisposed 
and  in  bed,  but  not  seriously  ill.  The  members  met  in  his 
bedroom.  Seward  had  a  paper  for  excluding  blockade- 
runners  and  persons  in  complicity  with  the  Rebels  from 
the  country. 

John  P.  Kale's  appointment  to  Spain  was  brought  up. 
Seward  tried  to  gloss  it  over.  Wanted  Hale  to  call  and  see 
me  and  make  friends  with  Fox.  Hale  promised  he  would, 
and  Seward  thought  he  might  get  a  passage  out  in  a  govern- 
ment vessel. 

The  capture  and  destruction  of  a  large  amount  of  to- 
bacco at  Fredericksburg  has  created  quite  a  commotion. 
It  was  a  matter  in  which  many  were  implicated.  Several 
have  called  on  me  to  get  permission  to  pass  the  blockade 
or  have  a  gunboat  to  convoy  them.  One  or  more  have 
brought  a  qualified  pass  from  the  President.  Colonel 
Segar,  the  last  of  them,  was  very  importunate.  I  told  him, 
as  I  have  all  others,  that  I  should  not  yield  in  this  matter; 
that  I  was  opposed  on  principle  to  the  whole  scheme  of 
special  permits  to  trade  and  had  been  from  the  time  that 
Chase  commenced  it;  that  I  was  no  believer  in  the  policy 
of  trading  with  public  enemies,  carrying  on  war  and  peace 

2 


258  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MARCH  14 

at  the  same  time.  Chase  was  the  first  to  broach  and  in- 
troduce this  corrupting  and  demoralizing  scheme,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  he  expected  to  make  political  capital  by  it, 
His  course  in  this  matter  does  much  to  impair  my  confid- 
ence in  him.  It  was  one  of  many  not  over  scrupulous 
intrigues.  Fessenden  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Chase, 
not  from  any  corrupt  motives,  nor  for  any  political  or 
personal  aspirations,  but  in  order  to  help  him  in  financial 
matters.  He  had  a  superficial  idea  that  cotton  would  help 
him  get  gold,  —  that  he  must  get  cotton  to  promote  trade 
and  equalize  exchange. 

March  15,  Wednesday.  A  rumor  is  prevalent  and  very 
generally  believed  that  the  French  mission  has  been  offered 
Bennett  of  the  New  York  Herald.  I  discredit  it.  On  one 
or  two  occasions  this  mission  has  been  alluded  to  in  Cab- 
inet, but  the  name  of  B.  was  never  mentioned  or  alluded 
to.  There  are  sometimes  strange  and  unaccountable  ap- 
pointments made.  .  .  . 

March  16,  Thursday.  Mr.  Blair  wishes  a  young  friend 
paroled,  and  requests  me  to  see  the  President.  I  am  disin- 
clined to  press  these  individual  cases  on  the  President, 
Mrs.  Tatnall,  wife  of  the  Rebel  commodore,  desires  to 
come  North  to  her  friends  in  Connecticut.  Mrs.  Welles, 
wife  of  Albert  Welles,  wants  a  permit  to  go  to  Mobile  to 
join  her  husband.  Miss  Laura  Jones,  an  old  family  ac- 
quaintance, wishes  to  go  to  Richmond  to  meet  and  marry 
her  betrothed.  These  are  specimen  cases. 

Blair  believes  the  President  has  offered  the  French  mis- 
sion to  Bennett.  Says  it  is  the  President  and  not  Seward, 
and  gives  the  reasons  which  lead  him  to  that  conclusion, 
He  says  he  met  Bartlett,  the  [runner]  of  Bennett,  here  last 
August  or  September;  that  Bartlett  sought  him,  said 
they  had  abused  him,  B.,  in  the  Herald  but  thought  much 
of  him,  considered  him  the  man  of  most  power  in  the 
Cabinet,  but  were  dissatisfied  because  he  had  not  con- 


1865]  BENNETT  FOR  MINISTER  TO  FRANCE   259 

trolled  the  Navy  Department  early  in  the  Administration 
and  brought  it  into  their  (the  Herald's)  interest.  Blair  re- 
plied that  the  Herald  folks  had  never  yet  learned  or  un- 
derstood the  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  that  he  was  a  hard- 
headed  and  very  decided  man  in  his  opinions.  He  says 
Bartlett  then  went  on  to  tell  him  that  he  was  here  watch- 
ing movements  and  that  they  did  not  mean  this  time  to 
be  cheated.  .  .  . 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  Blair  speak  approvingly  of  the  ap- 
pointment of  Bennett,  —  ...  an  editor  without  character 
for  such  an  appointment,  whose  whims  are  often  wickedly 
and  atrociously  leveled  against  the  best  men  and  the  best 
causes,  regardless  of  honor  or  right. 

As  for  Bartlett,  he  is  a  mercenary  .  .  .  who  sought  to 
use  the  Navy  Department  and  have  himself  made  the 
agent  to  purchase  the  vessels  for  the  Navy.  Because  I 
would  not  prostitute  my  office  and  favor  his  brokerage, 
he  threatened  me  with  unceasing  hostility  and  assaults, 
not  only  from  the  Herald  but  from  nearly  every  press  in 
New  York.  He  said  he  could  control  them  all.  I  was 
incredulous  as  to  his  influence  over  other  journals,  and  at 
all  events  shook  him  off,  determined  to  have  nothing  to  do 
with  him.  In  a  very  short  time  I  found  the  papers  slash- 
ing and  attacking  me,  editorially  and  through  corre- 
spondents. Washburne,  Van  Wyck,  D ,  J.  P.  Hale, 

and  others  cooperated  with  them,  perhaps  intentionally; 
most  certainly  they  were,  intentionally  or  otherwise,  the 
instruments  of  the  combination  of  correspondents  led  on 
by  this  Bartlett,  who  boasted  of  his  work  and  taunted  me 
through  others. 

But  the  New  York  press  was  unable  to  form  a  public 
sentiment  hostile  to  the  administration  of  the  Navy  De- 
partment. There  were  a  few,  very  few,  journals  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  that  were  led  astray  by  them,  and 
some  of  the  frivolous  and  surface  scum  of  idle  loungers 
echoed  the  senseless  and  generally  witless  efforts  to  depre- 
ciate my  labors,  but  the  people  and  a  large  portion  of  the 


260  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES  [MARCH  ie 

papers  proved  friendly.  The  New  York  Tribune  was,  while 
professing  friendship,  the  most  malicious  and  mean;  the 
Times  and  the  Herald  were  about  alike;  the  Evening  Post 
gave  me  a  halting  support;  the  Express  was,  as  usual, 
balderdash;  the  Journal  of  Commerce  in  more  manly  op- 
position; the  Commercial  Advertiser  alone  was  at  that  time 
fair  and  honestly  friendly.  Most  of  the  weeklies  were  ve- 
hicles of  blackguardism  against  me  by  the  combined 
writers.  Although  somewhat  annoyed  by  these  concerted 
proceedings  in  New  York  and  Washington,  formed  for 
mischief,  I  was  too  much  occupied  to  give  much  heed  to 
the  villainous  and  wicked  course  pursued  against  me. 

March  18,  Saturday.  The  President  this  day  returned 
the  abstract  made  by  Eames  in  the  case  of  F.  Smith  of 
Boston  with  an  indorsement  in  his  own  handwriting,  dis- 
approving the  verdict  and  annulling  the  proceedings.  It  is, 
I  regret  to  say,  a  discreditable  indorsement,  and  would, 
if  made  public,  be  likely  to  injure  the  President.  He  has, 
I  know,  been  much  importuned  in  this  matter,  as  I  have, 
and  very  skillful  and  persistent  efforts  have  been  pursued 
for  months  to  procure  this  result.  Senators  and  Represent- 
atives have  interposed  their  influence  to  defeat  the  ends  of 
justice,  and  shielded  guilty  men  from  punishment,  and 
they  have  accomplished  it.  They  have  made  the  President 
the  partisan  of  persons  convicted  and  pronounced  guilty 
of  fraud  upon  the  government.  Of  course,  rascality  will 
flourish.  I  regret  all  this  on  the  President's  account,  as  well 
as  that  of  the  ends  of  justice.  I  had  in  my  letter  to  the 
President  invited  a  conference  after  he  had  examined  the 
case,  and  on  Tuesday  last,  when  he  was  not  well  and  was  in 
bed,  I  had,  among  other  things,  mentioned  Smith's  case.  He 
said  he  had  gone  through  with  Mr.  Eames'  summing-up,  an 
opinion  which  seemed  to  him  to  be  able  and  impartial;  that 
he  had  handed  the  paper  to  Sumner  to  read,  etc.,  and  he 
would  see  me  in  relation  to  it  when  Sumner  returned  the 
document. 


1865]  THE  CASE  OF  THE  SMITH  BROTHERS   261 

Having  got  excited,  he  may  have  forgotten  my  request 
and  his  promise,  and  I  have  no  doubt  was  reluctant  to  see 
me  before  the  question  was  disposed  of,  knowing  I  should 
be  unwilling  to  bring  it  up  after  such  disposition.  But 
this  is  unavoidable,  for  I  must  consult  him  as  to  Ben  Smith 
and  other  cases  hinged  in  with  this. 

The  news  from  the  army  continues  favorable,  and  it 
seems  impossible  for  the  Rebel  leaders  to  continue  much 
longer  to  hold  out.  Everything  is  giving  way  to  the  Union 
forces.  The  currency  is  getting  into  better  shape,  but 
there  will  be  still  tremendous  struggles  and  revulsions  be- 
fore its  sound  restoration  can  be  accomplished. 

March  20,  Monday.  Seward  sends  me  a  half-scary 
letter  from  Sanford,  who  is  in  Paris,  that  Page  intends 
coming  out  of  Ferrol  and  righting  the  Niagara.  I  do  not 
believe  it,  though,  were  Page  a  desperate  and  righting  man, 
it  would  be  probable.  But  Page  wants  power.  Not  un- 
likely his  associates  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  there 
is  no  alternative,  and  that  he  must  make  up  his  mind  to 
fight.  Under  this  stimulant  he  may  do  so,  but  I  have  my 
doubts. 

Craven  is  a  good  officer,  though  a  little  timid  and  inert 
by  nature.  The  occasion  is  a  great  one  for  him  and  will 
rouse  his  energies.  I  wish  he  had  smooth-bores  instead 
of  rifles  on  his  vessel,  provided  they  have  a  conflict;  wish 
he  was  more  of  a  rifle  himself. 

I  apprehend  Seward  has  been  cheated  and  humbugged 
in  regard  to  this  vessel  by  the  Rebels  and  the  French,  and 
I  am  not  satisfied  with  the  part  Denmark  has  played. 
Our  Minister  does  not  appear  to  have  been  efficient  in  the 
matter,  or  if  so,  it  has  not  been  disclosed.  The  State  De- 
partment is  mum,  troubled. 

March  21,  Tuesday.  Called  on  the  President  this  morn- 
ing concerning  the  Smith  case.  Asked  if  the  same  course 


262  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  21 

if  there  was  no  more  evidence.  I  asked  what  I  was  to  do 
with  the  employees  who  had  been  in  complicity  with  Smith 
and  passed  his  articles.  We  then  had  a  little  conversation 
as  regards  the  master  machinist,  Merriam,  and  one  or  two 
others.  The  President  said  if  they  had  been  remiss,  Smith's 
pardon  ought  not  to  cover  them. 

I  stated  the  case  of of  Philadelphia,  a  young  con- 
tractor who  had  been  detected  like  Smith,  and  under  the 
stern  commands  of  his  father-in-law  had  made  a  full  con- 
fession, and  the  latter  had  made  full  restitution  to  the 
amount  of  more  than  $14,800.  That  the  President  said 
was  a  large  amount,  greatly  exceeding  Smith's.  I  told  him 
Smith  had  not  been  taken  in  hand  by  his  father-in-law, 
had  made  no  confession,  no  restitution.  Now  the  question 

was  whether  I  should  prosecute ,  and  have  him  fined 

and  imprisoned  after  doing  all  in  his  power  to  make  the 
government  good,  while  Smith,  an  older  and,  I  feared,  a 
much  greater  offender,  who  made  no  confession,  no  resti- 
tution, went  unpunished. 

The  President  was  annoyed.  I  told  him  there  were  a 
number  of  persons  under  bonds,  who  had  confessed  and 
made  restitution  of  smaller  amounts.  Were  their  offenses 
to  be  overlooked  or  excused? 

After  some  little  talk,  he  wished  me  to  get  our  solicitor 
to  look  into  these  cases,  and  call  again.  He  has  evidently 
acted  without  due  consideration,  on  the  suggestion  and 
advice  of  Sumner,  who  is  emotional,  and  under  the  press- 
ure of  Massachusetts  politicians,  who  have  been  active 
to  screen  these  parties  regardless  of  their  guilt. 

When  at  the  Cabinet  to-day,  the  President  and  McCul- 
loch  wished  to  know  if  I  would  be  willing  to  take  Arnold 
of  Chicago  for  Solicitor  of  the  Navy,  and  release  Chandler 
for  a  Treasury  appointment.  While  I  think  Arnold  a 
worthy  and  an  estimable  man,  I  told  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  I  preferred  that  Chandler 
should  go  forward  with  his  duties.  McCulloch  was  a  little 
pressing;  the  President,  however,  did  not  urge  the  matter. 


1865]    J.  M.  FORBES  ON  THE  SMITH  CASE    263 

March  22,  Wednesday.  Mr.  Eames  brings  me  the  opinion 
of  the  Court  in  the  cotton  case  of  prize  —  Alexander  — 
Red  River  cotton.  I  think  Chief  Justice  Chase  has  got 
himself  in  a  fix,  and  will  have  to  back  down.  He  must  divest 
himself  of  personal  aspiration  and  partisan  feeling  to  be  a 
successful  judge.  The  Court  will  not  be  subservient  to  him 
if  he  commits  such  grave  mistakes. 

Olcott,  the  detective,  or  commissioner,  writes  Fox  a 
strange  letter  about  the  conclusions  in  Smith's  case.  He 
has  seen  Sumner's  argument,  or  a  part  of  it,  and  is  alarmed. 
Sumner  says  the  Smiths  should  have  some  redress.  Olcott 
intimates  that  if  they  propose  to  arrest  him  he  will  flee 
the  country.  The  fellow  has  no  moral  courage.  So  long 
as  the  responsibility  was  with  me,  he  was  very  courageous. 
He  feared  I  would  not  fearlessly  meet  questions,  was  in- 
clined to  encourage  me;  but  as  soon  as  a  cloud  shadows  his 
path  —  an  ounce  of  responsibility  comes  upon  him  — 
the  valiant  commissioner  wilts  and  is  abject.  I  had  on 
Monday  told  Chandler  that  in  my  opinion  these  traits 
belonged  to  Olcott;  that  he  was  rash,  reckless,  and  arbi- 
trary in  the  exercise  of  power  but  would  cringe  himself. 
C.  reminds  me  of  this  estimate. 

March  23,  Thursday.  An  extra  of  the  Boston  Journal 
contains  Senator  Sumner's  review,  or  argument,  of  the 
case  of  Smith  Brothers.  It  is  not  a  creditable  document 
for  Mr.  Sumner  in  any  aspect,  and  he  will  probably  regret 
that  he  ever  sent  out  such  a  document.  A  letter  from 
Hooper  accompanies  the  paper,  quite  as  discreditable. 

J.  M.  Forbes  tells  me  he  went  into  Sumner's  room  and 
found  Hooper  and  Gooch  there.  The  three  were  in  high 
glee,  and  Sumner  was  detailing  his  success  in  getting  the 
executive  pardon.  Forbes  told  them  it  was  proper  they 
should  understand  his  position.  He  believed  it  was  an 
executive  error,  but  a  greater  error  for  Massachusetts  Re- 
presentatives to  interfere  and  stop  legal  proceedings 
through  their  political  influence.  Sumner  spoke  of  the 


264  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MARCH  23 

smallness  of  the  amount  involved.  Forbes  replied  that  if 
one  of  his  servants  was  detected,  and  convicted  of  having 
stolen  a  silver  spoon,  though  only  a  teaspoon,  he  would 
kick  him  out  of  the  house  and  not  trust  him  farther.  Nor 
would  he  be  persuaded  to  excuse  and  take  the  thief  into 
favor  because  he  had  been  trusted  with  all  his  silver  and 
only  stolen,  or  been  detected  in  having  stolen,  one  small 
spoon. 

The  President  has  gone  to  the  front,  partly  to  get  rid  of 
the  throng  that  is  pressing  upon  him,  though  there  are 
speculations  of  a  different  character.  He  makes  his  office 
much  more  laborious  than  he  should.  Does  not  generalize 
and  takes  upon  himself  questions  that  properly  belong  to 
the  Departments,  often  causing  derangement  and  irregu- 
larity. The  more  he  yields,  the  greater  the  pressure  upon 
him.  It  has  now  become  such  that  he  is  compelled  to  flee, 
There  is  no  doubt  he  is  much  worn  down;  besides  he  wishes 
the  War  terminated,  and,  to  this  end,  that  severe  terms 
shall  not  be  exacted  of  the  Rebels. 

March  24,  Friday.  Attorney-General  Speed  calls  upon  me 
in  some  trouble.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  asked 
his  opinion  whether  appropriations  for  the  next  fiscal  year 
which  have  been  covered  into  the  Treasury  can  be  now 
drawn  upon.  This  has  been  the  practice  during  the  War, 
but  the  First  Comptroller  objects  to  passing  requisitions 
and  questions  its  legality.  In  this  ruling  the  Comptroller 
is  probably  strictly  legally  correct,  but  to  attempt  to 
rigidly  enforce  the  law  would  be  disastrous.  The  fault 
originates  in  the  Treasury;  the  usage  has  been  theirs;  not 
only  this,  it  has  been  their  delinquency  which  makes  the 
present  difficulty.  Paymasters  do  not  settle  their  accounts 
promptly.  The  Fourth  Auditor's  office  is  two  years  behind, 
and  their  requisitions  cannot  be  adjusted  and  carried  to 
the  proper  appropriation  until  their  accounts  are  settled  at 
the  Auditor's  office.  The  Attorney-General  thinks  he  shall 
legally  be  compelled  to  go  with  the  Comptroller  if  required 


1865]  PAYMASTERS'  ACCOUNTS  265 

to  give  an  opinion,  and  he  thinks  McCulloch  inclined  to 
exact  it.  In  that  event  both  Navy  and  Army  must  come  to 
a  standstill,  the  credit  of  the  Treasury  will  be  injured,  loans 
cannot  be  negotiated,  and  the  government  will  be  involved 
in  financial  embarrassments. 

A  paymaster,  for  instance,  especially  a  new  one,  commits 
errors  in  his  drafts.  He  makes  a  requisition,  perhaps  for 
$100,000,  and,  in  uncertainty  from  what  appropriation 
the  money  should  come,  he  draws  the  whole  amount  from 
"Pay  of  the  Navy";  but  $12,000  should  have  been  from 
" Equipment,"  for  coal,  etc.,  $10,000  from  "Provisions 
and  Clothing,"  $10,000  from  "Construction,"  and  $12,000 
is  to  pay  prize;  so  that  only  $56,000  should  have  been  taken 
from  "Pay  of  the  Navy."  But  this  cannot  be  corrected 
and  carried  to  the  proper  heads  until  the  paymaster's  ac- 
count is  settled,  which  will  not  be  sooner  than  1867.  In 
the  mean  time  the  appropriation  of  "Pay  of  the  Navy" 
is  exhausted,  through  ignorance  of  the  new  paymasters 
and  the  carelessness  of  the  old  ones. 

Wrote  a  letter  to  Olcott,  the  detective,  as  Stanton  calls 
him,  or,  as  he  calls  himself  and  wishes  to  be  called,  Commis- 
sioner, in  answer  to  a  strange  letter  from  him  proposing  to 
make  a  report  for  Congress,  to  prevent  the  repeal  of  the 
law  which  subjects  contractors  to  military  arrest  and  trial 
by  court  martial.  I  gave  him  to  understand  that  I  had  no 
hand  in  originating  the  law  and  could  not,  nor  did  I  feel 
disposed  to,  interpose  to  prevent  its  repeal  when  Congress 
thought  proper.  Notified  him  that  he  would  hereafter 
correspond  with  the  Solicitor  instead  of  Assistant  Secre- 
tary, enjoined  economy,  etc.,  etc.  It  will  not  do  to  let  this 
man  go  on  unchecked.  He  is  zealous,  in  a  certain  sense  I 
think  honest,  but  is  rash,  reckless,  at  times  regardless  of 
the  rights  of  others,  assumes  authority,  but  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  acts  with  good  intentions;  and  he  is  wild  in 
his  expenditures.  Of  course  he  will  be  dissatisfied  and  not 
unlikely  abusive  of  me  for  checking  and  correcting  his 
errors. 


266  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES  [MARCH  25 

March  25,  Saturday.  Called  on  Secretary  McCulloch 
to-day  in  relation  to  payment  of  our  requisitions  which 
the  Comptroller,  under  the  impression  he  is  the  govern- 
ment, has  rejected.  He  sees  the  difficulty  and  the  necessity 
of  doing  away  with  the  objections  interposed  by  the  Comp- 
troller, but  yet  knows  not  how  to  do  it. 

Senator  Sumner  called  on  me  in  relation  to  the  case  of 
the  Smiths,  or  rather  he  introduced  that  subject  among 
others  in  his  visit.  He  usually  calls  on  me  for  half  an  hour 
or  an  hour's  conversation  Saturday  afternoon.  He  read  me 
two  or  three  letters  from  Boston  correspondents,  lauding 
his  course  and  censuring  the  prosecution.  They  had 
touched  his  weak  point.  He  was  feeling  well  and  was  ready 
now  to  "  do  something  for  these  men,  who  had  been  greatly, 
deeply  wronged."  I  asked  him  if  he  was  satisfied  the  gov- 
ernment had  not  been  injured  by  their  transactions.  He 
said  the  government  could  have  been  injured  to  but  a  small 
amount  in  very  extensive  transactions,  and  the  injury,  if 
there  was  any,  only  a  single  article,  on  which  the  govern- 
ment was  under  a  strange  misapprehension.  Mr.  Hooper 
was  cited  as  authority  in  the  matter  of  Banca  and  [Straits?] 
tin,  which  he  claimed  was  identical.  I  told  him  the  last 
Prices  Current  showed  a  difference  of  eight  cents  a  pound. 
But  I  asked  him  what  he  had  to  say  of  the  transaction  of 
the  Smiths  in  regard  to  anchors,  an  article  in  which  they 
did  not  deal,  but  for  which  they  had  by  some  means  and 
for  some  purpose  got  the  contract;  had  them  by  collusion 
paid  for  in  May;  they  were  arrested  on  the  17th  of  June, 
when  the  articles,  though  paid  for,  were  not  all  delivered. 
They  had  underlet  the  contract  to  Burns,  who  made  the 
deliveries,  and  the  anchors  were  many  of  them  worthless, 
would  not  pass  inspection;  and  the  arrest  before  full  and 
final  delivery  was  plead  as  the  excuse,  although  requisition 
had  been  issued  in  May.  What  of  the  files,  machine-cut, 
instead  of  hand-cut  as  contracted?  What  of  the  combina- 
tion with  Henshaw  not  to  bid,  whereby  they  got  a  contract 
for  a  number  of  hundred  tons  of  iron  at  $62.50,  when  other 


1865]        CRAVEN  AND  THE  STONEWALL        267 

parties  sold  at  the  same  time  for  $53?  Simmer  had  not 
looked  into  these  matters.  He  could  not  answer  me.  I 
showed  him  the  correspondence  of  the  Smiths  with  the 
Trenton  Iron  Company,  expressly  stipulating  for  inferior 
iron  to  be  delivered  to  the  navy  yard,  if  it  would  pass  in- 
spection. After  reading,  he  said  he  did  not  like  the  trans- 
action. Evidently  knew  not  the  case  in  which  he  had 

interfered.   I  stated  to  him 's  case,  and  asked  his 

advice  how  to  proceed,  when had  confessed  and  made 

full  restitution,  while  the  Smiths  had  done  neither,  and 
were  pardoned. 

March  27,  Monday.  Immediately  after  the  capture  of 
Charleston,  it  was  suggested  at  one  of  the  Cabinet-meet- 
ings, by  Dennison  and  Speed,  that  we  should  go  thither 
on  the  anniversary  of  the  fall  of  Sumter  and  raise  again  the 
old  flag.  I  declined  to  be  a  party  in  such  a  movement,  as 
Sumter  was  already  taken  and  the  flag  had  been  raised  on 
its  ruins.  But  others,  I  see,  have  taken  a  different  view,  and 
Stanton  with  a  party  is  to  go  to  Charleston  for  the  purpose 
indicated.  Without  having  heard  a  word  from  Seward, 
I  shall  expect  him  to  work  into  the  party.  He  likes  fuss  and 
parade;  is  already  preparing  his  speech. 

Ordered  to-day  the  Wyoming  to  the  East  Indies.  Had 
dispatches  on  Saturday  from  Craven,  who  is  on  the  Niagara 
watching  the  Rebel  ironclad  Stonewall  at  Corunna.  He 
says  he  is  "in  an  unenviable  and  embarrassing  position." 
There  are  many  of  our  best  naval  officers  who  think  he  has 
an  enviable  position,  and  they  would  make  sacrifices  to 
obtain  it.  Perhaps  Craven  will  fight  well,  though  his 
language  is  not  bold  and  defiant,  nor  his  sentiments  such 
as  will  stimulate  his  crew.  It  is  an  infirmity.  Craven  is 
intelligent,  and  disciplines  his  ship  well,  I  am  told,  but  his 
constant  doubts  and  misgivings  impair  his  usefulness. 

March  28,  Tuesday.  Edgar,  Fox,  and  others  left  to-day 
for  a  trip  on  the  Santiago  de  Cuba,  to  Havana.,  Charleston, 


268  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  28 

etc.,  etc.  They  were  to  return  by  the  15th  prox.,  but  will 
hardly  get  back  before  the  17th. 

The  President  being  absent  on  a  visit  to  the  army  near 
Richmond,  there  was  to-day  no  Cabinet-meeting. 

Comptroller  Taylor  declines  to  pass  requisitions,  and 
refuses  to  obey  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  will  act  on 
the  order  of  the  President.  I  see  not  the  distinction.  If 
illegal,  the  order  of  the  President  does  not  legalize  it. 

The  strict  letter  of  the  law  is  doubtless  with  the  Comp- 
troller in  this  matter  of  drawing  money  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fiscal  year.  But,  unfortunately  for  him, 
he  has  acted  otherwise  and  the  usage  of  himself  and  prede- 
cessor, Comptroller  Whittlesey,  under  Mr.  Secretary,  now 
Chief  Justice,  Chase,  have  been  wholly  different.  Mr. 
Taylor  said  yesterday  that  he  did  not  pass  requisitions 
last  year,  that  the  appropriation  bill  did  not  pass  until 
after  the  commencement  of  the  fiscal  year.  But  he  is  mis- 
taken. The  appropriation  was  covered  into  the  Treasury 
in  May,  and  we  had  drawn,  and  he  had  passed,  over  four 
millions  before  the  1st  of  July.  He  has  this  year  paid  over 
one  million  before  he  accidentally  discovered  that  his  action 
conflicted  with  the  law.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sent 
to  notify  me  that  a  draft  for  ten  thousand  dollars  on  "Pay 
of  the  Navy"  was  presented  by  Riggs  &  Co.,  and  desired 
to  know  if  I  would  not  pay  from  some  other  appropriation. 
I  declined  to  do  the  illegal  act  and  complicate  and  embar- 
rass accounts. 

March  29,  Wednesday.  The  Secretary  of  State  has  writ- 
ten me,  requesting  that  J.  P.  Hale,  recently  appointed 
Minister  to  Spain,  should  be  sent  out  in  a  public  ship.  I 
have  written  him  in  reply  that  it  cannot  be  done  without 
much  inconvenience  and  expense;  that  it  would  be  better 
to  send  out  a  purchased  steamer  with  cabin  room  than  to 
attempt  to  crowd  him  and  suite  on  board  a  man-of-war. 
The  whole  scheme  is  petty  foolishness,  an  attempt  on  the 
part  of  Seward  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Abolitionists, 


whom  he  privately  denounces  and  ridicules.  It  is  one  of 
those  small  meannesses  which  aspiring  and  not  over- 
scrupulous men  sometimes  resort  to.  A  shameful  prosti- 
tution, waste,  and  wrong. 

March  30,  Thursday.  The  President  still  remains  with 
the  army.  Seward  yesterday  left  to  join  him.  It  was  after 
I  saw  him,  for  he  was  then  expecting  the  President  would 
return  last  evening  or  this  morning.  Stanton,  who  was 
present,  remarked  that  it  was  quite  as  pleasant  to  have  the 
President  away,  that  he  (Stanton)  was  much  less  annoyed. 
Neither  Seward  nor  myself  responded.  As  Seward  left 
within  less  than  three  hours  after  this  interview,  I  think 
the  President  must  have  telegraphed  for  him,  and,  if  so, 
I  come  to  the  conclusion  that  efforts  are  again  being  made 
for  peace. 

I  am  by  no  means  certain  that  this  irregular  proceeding 
and  importunity  by  the  Executive  is  the  wisest  course. 
Yet  the  President  has  much  shrewdness  and  sagacity.  He 
has  been  apprehensive  that  the  military  men  are  not  very 
solicitous  to  close  hostilities,  —  fears  our  generals  will 
exact  severe  terms. 

Mr.  Faxon  left  this  P.M.  for  Connecticut.  His  absence 
and  that  of  Mr.  Fox  and  Edgar  will  make  my  labors  ex- 
ceedingly arduous  for  the  next  fortnight,  for  Faxon  will 
not  return  until  week  after  next,  and  the  others  the  week 
following. 

March  31,  Friday.  I  had  a  call  to-day  from  Wylly  Wood- 
bridge  of  Savannah.  We  were  fellow  students  and  fellow 
boarders  at  good  Parson  Cornwall's  at  Cheshire  Academy 
forty-four  years  ago.  He  much  younger  than  myself.  Time 
has  ploughed  his  furrows  deep  since  then,  and  of  our  com- 
panions much  the  larger  portion  have  passed  from  earth. 

General  Butler  called  on  me  while  we  were  conversing 
and  had  a  pleasant  interview.  In  speaking  of  his  brief  ad- 
ministration at  Baltimore,  General  B.  said  if  he  had  not 


270  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MARCH  31 

been  summarily  displaced  and  called  to  Washington,  he 
would  within  forty-eight  hours  have  had  Winans  hung  in 
Union  Square.  Had  that  been  done,  he  is  confident  it 
would  have  checked  the  Rebellion.  To  have  executed  a 
man  of  Winans'  wealth  and  position  would  have  struck 
terror,  —  showed  we  were  in  earnest. 


XXIX 

Greeley's  "bleeding,  bankrupt,  ruined  country"  Letter  published  In  Eng- 
land —  Greeley's  Morbid  Appetite  for  Notoriety  —  Rejoicings  over  the 
Fall  of  Richmond  —  Stanton's  Account  of  the  Sumter  Discussion  in 
Buchanan's  Cabinet  —  Seward  injured  in  a  Runaway  Accident  — 
Mutual  Misconceptions  of  the  North  and  the  South  corrected  by  the 
War  —  News  of  Lee's  Surrender  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Convening 
of  the  Virginia  Legislature  —  The  President's  Dream  —  News  of  Lin- 
coln's Assassination  and  the  Attack  on  the  Sewards  —  Visit  to  Seward's 
House  —  The  President's  Last  Hours  —  Johnson  takes  the  Oath  as 
President  —  Grief  of  the  Colored  People  —  Lincoln's  Funeral  —  Gen- 
eral Sherman's  Attempt  to  make  Peace  Terms  —  Sherman  suspected  of 
Designs  against  the  Government  —  Proposed  Proclamation  against 
Attacks  on  the  Commerce  of  the  United  States. 

April  I,  Saturday.  The  President  yet  remains  with  the 
army,  and  the  indications  are  that  a  great  and  perhaps 
final  battle  is  near.  Tom  writes  me,  dating  his  letter  "  Head- 
quarters Army  of  the  James,  near  Hatcher's  Run/'  saying 
he  had  scarcely  slept  for  forty-eight  hours,  the  army  having 
commenced  moving  on  the  evening  of  the  27th,  and  his 
letter  was  dated  the  evening  of  the  29th.  General  Ord 
must,  therefore,  have  moved  his  army  from  before  Rich- 
mond, crossed  the  James,  and  got  below  Petersburg.  I 
infer,  therefore,  that  the  demonstration  will  be  on  that 
plan,  and  I  trust  defeat  and  capture  of  Lee  and  his  army. 

Greeley's  letter  of  last  summer  to  the  President,  urging 
peace  for  our  "bleeding,  bankrupt,  ruined  country"  has 
been  published  in  England.  This  was  the  letter  which 
led  to  the  Niagara  conference.  I  advised  its  publication 
and  the  whole  correspondence  at  the  time,  but  the  Presid- 
ent was  unwilling  just  then,  unless  Greeley  would  consent 
to  omit  the  passage  concerning  our  ruined  country,  but  to 
this  Greeley  would  not  consent,  and  in  that  exhibited  weak- 
ness, for  it  was  the  most  offensive  and  objectionable  part 
of  his  letter. 


272  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [APRIL  i 

How  it  comes  now  to  be  published  in  England  I  do  not 
understand.  I  should  have  preferred  its  appearance  at 
home  in  the  first  instance.  Poor  Greeley  is  nearly  played 
out.  He  has  a  morbid  appetite  for  notoriety.  Wishes  to  be 
noted  and  forward  in  all  shows.  Four  years  ago  was  'zeal- 
ous —  or  willing  —  to  let  the  States  secede  if  they  wished, 
Six  months  later  was  vociferating,  "On  to  Richmond." 
Has  been  scolding  and  urging  forward  hostile  operations, 
Suddenly  is  for  peace,  and  ready  to  pay  the  Rebels  four 
hundred  millions  or  more  to  get  it,  he  being  allowed  to 
figure  hi  it.  He  craves  public  attention.  Does  not  exhibit 
a  high  regard  for  principle.  I  doubt  his  honesty  about  as 
much  as  his  consistency.  It  is  put  on  for  effect.  He  is  a 
greedy  office-hunter. 

April  2,  Sunday.  A  telegram  from  the  President  this 
morning  to  the  War  Department  states  that  a  furious  fight 
is  going  on.  Sheridan  has  got  west  of  Petersburg  on  the 
South  Side  Railroad,  creeping  from  the  west,  at  the  same 
time  Grant  has  ordered  an  advance  of  our  lines.  Wright 
and  Parke  are  said  to  have  broken  through  the  Rebel 
lines.  General  Ord  is  fighting,  but  results  unknown. 
General  Halleck  states  that  Lee  has  undoubtedly  sent  out 
his  force  to  protect  the  railroad  and  preserve  his  communi- 
cations, that  this  has  left  Richmond  weak,  and  Ord  is  press- 
ing on  the  city.  I  inquired  if  Ord  was  not  below  Peters- 
burg at  Hatcher's  Run.  He  said  no,  that  was  newspaper 
talk.  Told  him  I  had  supposed  otherwise. 

On  going  to  the  War  Department  a  few  hours  later  to 
make  further  inquiries,  I  carried  with  me  Tom's  letter, 
but  Halleck  was  not  there.  Stanton,  however,  maintained 
the  same  ground  until  I  read  Tom's  letter,  when  he 
yielded. 

April  3,  Monday.  Intelligence  of  the  evacuation  of 
Petersburg  and  the  capture  of  Richmond  was  received  this 
A.M.,  and  the  city  has  been  in  an  uproar  through  the  day. 


1865]  THE  FALL  OF  RICHMOND  273 

Most  of  the  clerks  and  others  left  the  Departments,  and 
there  were  immense  gatherings  in  the  streets.  Joy  and 
gladness  lightened  every  countenance.  Secessionists  and 
their  sympathizers  must  have  retired,  and  yet  it  seemed  as 
if  the  entire  population,  the  male  portion  of  it,  was  abroad 
in  the  streets.  Flags  were  flying  from  every  house  and  store 
that  had  them.  Many  of  the  stores  were  closed,  and 
Washington  appeared  patriotic  beyond  anything  ever 
before  witnessed.  The  absence  of  the  Assistant,  Chief 
Clerk,  and  Solicitor  compelled  my  attendance  until  after 
3  P.M.  close  of  mail. 

Attorney-General  Speed  and  myself  met  by  agreement 
at  Stanton's  room  last  night  at  nine,  to  learn  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  with  the  armies.  We  had  previously  been 
two  or  three  times  there  during  the  day.  It  was  about 
eleven  before  a  dispatch  was  received  and  deciphered. 
The  conversation  between  us  three  was  free,  and,  turning 
on  events  connected  with  the  Rebellion,  our  thoughts  and 
talk  naturally  traveled  back  to  the  early  days  of  the 
insurrection  and  the  incipient  treason  in  Buchanan's 
cabinet.  Stanton  became  quite  communicative.  He  was 
invited,  as  I  have  previously  understood,  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Black.  Says  Buchanan  was  a  miserable  coward, 
so  alarmed  and  enfeebled  by  the  gathering  storm  as  to 
be  mentally  and  physically  prostrated,  and  he  was  appre- 
hensive the  President  would  not  survive  until  the  fourth 
of  March.  The  discussion  in  regard  to  the  course  to  be 
pursued  towards  Anderson  and  the  little  garrison  at  Sum-r 
ter,  became  excited  and  violent  in  December,  1860.  On 
the  27th  or  29th  of  that  month  there  were  three  sessions 
of  the  Cabinet  in  council.  Sitting  late  at  night,  Buchanan, 
wrapped  in  an  old  dressing-gown  or  cloak,  crouched  in  a 
corner  near  the  fire,  trembled  like  an  aspen  leaf.  He  asked 
what  he  should  do.  Declared  that  Stanton  said  he  ought 
to  be  hung  and  that  others  of  the  Cabinet  concurred  with 
him.  This,  Stanton  said,  grew  out  of  his  remarks  that  if 
they  yielded  up  Sumter  to  the  conspirators  it  was  treason, 
2 


274  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [APRILS 

and  no  more  to  be  defended  than  Arnold's.  In  the  discus- 
sion Holt  was  very  emphatic  and  decided  in  his  loyalty, 
Toucey  the  most  abject  and  mean.  When  called  upon  by 
the  President  for  his  opinion,  Toucey  said  he  was  for  order- 
ing Anderson  to  return  immediately  to  Fort  Moultrie. 
He  was  asked  if  he  was  aware  that  Moultrie  was  dis- 
mantled, and  replied  that  would  make  no  difference,  An- 
derson had  gone  to  Sumter  without  orders,  and  against 
orders  of  Floyd,  and  he  would  order  him  back  forthwith. 
Stanton  says  he  inquired  of  Toucey  if  he  ever  expected 
to  go  back  to  Connecticut  after  taking  that  position,  and 
Toucey  said  he  did,  but  asked  Stanton  why  he  put  the 
question.  Stanton  replied  that  he  had  inquired  in  good 
faith,  that  he  might  know  the  character  of  the  people  in 
Connecticut  or  Toucey's  estimate  of  them,  for  were  he, 
S.,  to  take  that  position  and  it  were  known  to  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania,  he  should  expect  they  would  stone  him 
the  moment  he  set  foot  in  the  State,  stone  him  through 
the  State,  and  tie  a  stone  around  his  neck  and  throw  him 
in  the  river  when  he  reached  Pittsburg.  Stanton  gives 
Toucey  the  most  despicable  character  in  the  Buchanan 
cabinet,  not  excepting  Floyd  or  Thompson. 

April  4,  Tuesday.  Very  little  intelligence  received  from 
the  armies  to-day.  The  President  still  at  City  Point,  or 
its  vicinity,  holding  interviews  with  the  generals  and  hav- 
ing an  eye  to  the  close,  which  is  near.  In  the  mean  time  the 
Treasury  is  likely  to  suffer.  The  First  Comptroller  will  not 
pass  bill  or  requisition  for  pay.  A  draft  for  ten  thousand 
dollars  was  presented  to  the  Treasury  which  matured  to- 
day, and  the  holder,  Kiggs,  was  referred  to  me  to  see  if  I 
could  not  make  arrangement  to  pay  under  some  other 
appropriation.  I  declined  to  move  in  the  matter.  The  Kear- 
sarge,  destined  for  Europe,  the  Wyoming  for  Brazil,  and 
other  vessels  are  detained,  and  trouble  wells  up  on  every 
side. 


1865]  PROPOSAL  TO   CLOSE  PORTS  275 

April  5,  Wednesday.  We  get  no  particulars  of  the  sur- 
render of  Richmond,  of  the  losses  and  casualties,  of  the 
time  and  circumstances  of  the  evacuation.  On  Sunday 
afternoon  Lee  sent  word  to  Davis  that  they  were  doomed, 
and  advised  his  immediate  departure.  With  heavy  hearts 
and  light  luggage  the  leaders  left  at  once. 

Mr.  Seward  read  to  Mr.  McCulloch  and  myself  a  pro- 
clamation which  he  had  prepared  for  the  President  to  sign, 
closing  the  ports  to  foreign  powers,  in  the  Rebel  States. 
He  and  myself  have  had  several  conversations  for  the  last 
two  or  three  months  on  this  subject.  The  time  had  ar- 
rived when  it  seemed  to  him  proper  to  issue  it,  and  unless 
the  President  returned  forthwith  it  was,  he  thought,  ad- 
visable that  he,  Mr.  Seward,  should  go  to  Richmond  and 
see  him.  He  could  also  communicate  with  the  President 
on  the  subject  of  payment  of  requisitions  of  the  Navy  and 
War  Departments.  Accordingly,  a  telegram  was  prepared 
and  sent  to  the  President,  and  Seward,  anticipating  that 
the  President  would  remain  a  few  days  longer,  made  pre- 
parations to  leave  by  procuring  the  promise  of  a  revenue 
cutter  to  convey  him.  He  is  filled  with  anxiety  to  see  the 
President,  and  these  schemes  are  his  apology. 

Within  half  an  hour  after  parting  from  Mr.  Seward,  his 
horses  ran  away  with  the  carriage  in  which  he  was  taking 
a  ride,  he  jumped  from  the  vehicle,  was  taken  up  badly 
injured,  with  his  arm  and  jaw  broken,  and  his  head  and 
face  badly  bruised. 

April  6,  Thursday.  Commander  Collins  of  the  Wachu- 
sett,  who  captured  the  Florida,  arrived  to-day  for  trial, 
ordered  by  request  of  the  State  Department  to  satisfy  the 
wounded  honor  of  Brazil. 

A  telegram  from  Dr.  E.  W.  Hale  states  J.  T.  Hale,  late 
Member  of  Congress,  is  dying.  He  was  a  Representative 
in  the  three  last  Congresses,  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Claims,  and  one  of  the  most  sensible,  useful,  yet  unpre- 
tending Members  of  the  House.  Too  few  men  of  that  de- 


276  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [APRIL  6 

scription  are  sent  to  Congress.  Noisy,  blatant,  superficial 
declaimers  and  mere  party  intriguers  are  favorites. 

April  7,  Friday.  We  have  word  that  Sheridan  has  had 
a  battle  with  a  part  of  Lee's  army,  has  captured  six  Rebel 
generals  and  several  thousand  prisoners.  His  dispatch 
intimates  the  almost  certain  capture  of  Lee. 

In  the  closing  up  of  this  Rebellion,  General  Grant  has 
proved  himself  a  man  of  military  talent.  Those  who  have 
doubted  and  hesitated  must  concede  him  some  capacity 
as  a  general.  Though  slow  and  utterly  destitute  of  genius, 
his  final  demonstrations  and  movements  have  been  mas- 
terly. The  persistency  which  he  has  exhibited  is  as  much 
to  be  admired  as  any  quality  in  his  character.  He  is,  how- 
ever, too  regardless  of  the  lives  of  his  men. 

It  is  desirable  that  Lee  should  be  captured.  He,  more 
than  any  one  else,  has  the  confidence  of  the  Rebels,  and 
can,  if  he  escapes,  and  is  weak  enough  to  try  and  continue 
hostilities,  rally  for  a  time  a  brigand  force  in  the  interior. 
I  can  hardly  suppose  he  would  do  this,  but  he  has  shown 
weakness,  and  his  infidelity  to  the  country  which  edu- 
cated, and  employed,  and  paid  him  shows  gross  ingrati- 
tude. His  true  course  would  be  to  desert  the  country  he  has 
betrayed,  and  never  return. 

Memo.  This  Rebellion  which  has  convulsed  the  nation 
for  four  years,  threatened  the  Union,  and  caused  such  sac- 
rifice of  blood  and  treasure  may  be  traced  in  a  great  degree 
to  the  diseased  imagination  of  certain  South  Carolina 
gentlemen,  who  some  thirty  and  forty  years  since  studied 
Scott's  novels,  and  fancied  themselves  cavaliers,  imbued 
with  chivalry,  a  superior  class,  not  born  to  labor  but  to 
command,  brave  beyond  mankind  generally,  more  in- 
tellectual, more  generous,  more  hospitable,  more  liberal 
than  others.  Such  of  their  countrymen  as  did  not  own 
slaves,  and  who  labored  with  their  own  hands,  who  de- 
pended on  their  own  exertions  for  a  livelihood,  who  were 
mechanics,  traders,  and  tillers  of  the  soil,  were,  in  their 


1865]         SECTIONAL  MISCONCEPTIONS  277 

estimate,  inferiors  who  would  not  fight,  were  religious  and 
would  not  gamble,  moral  and  would  not  countenance 
duelling,  were  serious  and  minded  their  own  business, 
economical  and  thrifty,  which  was  denounced  as  mean  and 
miserly.  Hence  the  chivalrous  Carolinian  affected  to,  and 
actually  did  finally,  hold  the  Yankee  in  contempt.  The 
women  caught  the  infection.  They  were  to  be  patriotic, 
Revolutionary  matrons  and  maidens.  They  admired  the 
bold,  dashing,  swaggering,  licentious,  boasting,  chivalrous 
slave-master  who  told  them  he  wanted  to  fight  the  Yankee 
but  could  not  kick  and  insult  him  into  a  quarrel.  And  they 
disdained  and  despised  the  pious,  peddling,  plodding,  per- 
severing Yankee  who  would  not  drink,  and  swear,  and 
fight  duels. 

The  speeches  and  letters  of  James  Hamilton  and  his 
associates  from  1825  forward  will  be  found  impregnated 
with  the  romance  and  poetry  of  Scott,  and  they  came  ul- 
timately to  believe  themselves  a  superior  and  better  race, 
knights  of  blood  and  spirit. 

Only  a  war  could  wipe  out  this  arrogance  and  folly, 
which  had  by  party  and  sectional  instrumentalities  been 
disseminated  through  a  large  portion  of  the  South.  Face 
to  face  in  battle  and  in  field  with  these  slandered  Yan- 
kees, they  learned  their  own  weakness  and  misconception 
of  the  Yankee  character.  Without  self-assumption  of 
superiority,  the  Yankee  was  proved  to  be  as  brave,  as 
generous,  as  humane,  as  chivalric  as  the  vaunting  and 
superficial  Carolinian  to  say  the  least.  Their  ideal,  how- 
ever, in  Scott's  pages  of  "Marmion/3  "Ivanhoe,"  etc.,  no 
more  belonged  to  the  Sunny  South  than  to  other  sections 
less  arrogant  and  presuming  but  more  industrious  and 
frugal. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Yankees,  and  the  North  generally, 
underestimated  the  energy  and  enduring  qualities  of  the 
Southern  people  who  were  slave-owners.  It  was  believed 
they  were  effeminate  idlers,  living  on  the  toil  and  labor  of 
others,  who  themselves  could  endure  no  hardship  such  as 


278  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRIL  7 

is  indispensable  to  soldiers  in  the  field.  It  was  also  be- 
lieved that  a  civil  war  would,  inevitably,  lead  to  servile 
insurrection,  and  that  the  slave-owners  would  have  their 
hands  full  to  keep  the  slaves  in  subjection  after  hostilities 
commenced.  Experience  has  corrected  these  misconcep- 
tions in  each  section. 

April  10,  Monday.  At  day-dawn  a  salute  of  several 
guns  was  fired.  The  first  discharge  proclaimed,  as  well  as 
words  could  have  done,  the  capture  of  Lee  and  his  army. 
The  morning  papers  detailed  the  particulars.  The  event 
took  place  yesterday,  and  the  circumstances  will  be  nar- 
rated in  full  elsewhere. 

The  tidings  were  spread  over  the  country  during  the 
night,  and  the  nation  seems  delirious  with  joy.  Guns  are 
firing,  bells  ringing,  flags  flying,  men  laughing,  children 
cheering;  all,  all  are  jubilant.  This  surrender  of  the  great 
Rebel  captain  and  the  most  formidable  and  reliable  army 
of  the  Secessionists  virtually  terminates  the  Rebellion. 
There  may  be  some  marauding,  and  robbing  and  murder 
by  desperadoes,  but  no  great  battle,  no  conflict  of  armies, 
after  the  news  of  yesterday  reaches  the  different  sections. 
Possibly  there  may  be  some  stand  in  Texas  or  at  remote 
points  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

Called  on  the  President,  who  returned  last  evening, 
looking  well  and  feeling  well.  Signed  the  proclamation 
closing  the  Southern  ports.  Seemed  gratified  that  Seward 
and  myself  were  united  in  the  measure,  remembering,  I 
think,  without  mentioning,  the  old  difference. 

April  11,  Tuesday.  The  cotton  question  was  the  chief 
topic  at  the  Cabinet.  Secretary  McCulloch  is  embarrassed 
how  to  dispose  of  the  Savannah  capture.  I  am  afraid  of 
replevin  and  other  troubles.  Told  him  I  thought  it  an  er- 
ror that  the  Rebel  cotton  had  not  been  brought  forward 
and  sold  in  parcels  instead  of  accumulating  public  and  priv- 
ate in  such  quantity  as  to  attract  the  vultures. 


1865]  AFTER  LEE'S  SURRENDER  279 

April  12,  Wednesday.  The  President  to-day  issued  a 
proclamation  excluding  after  a  reasonable  time  the  naval 
vessels  of  those  powers  which  deny  hospitality  to  our  ships, 
—  in  other  words  applying  the  principle  of  reciprocity. 
This  rule  I  have  long  since  urged  upon  the  Secretary  of 
State,  but  he  has  halted,  put  it  off,  and  left  us  to  put  up 
with  the  insolence  of  the  petty  officials  of  John  Bull.  But 
we  shall  now  assert  our  rights  and,  I  hope,  maintain  them. 

The  President  addressed  a  multitude  who  called  upon 
him  last  evening  in  a  prepared  speech  disclosing  his  views 
on  the  subject  of  resumption  of  friendly  national  relations. 

April  13,  Thursday.  Gave  the  President  the  case  of 
Stiners,  court-martialed  and  condemned  for  fraud  as  a 
contractor,  —  similar  in  principle  to  the  case  of  the  Smiths 
in  Boston. 

Some  conversation  with  him  yesterday  and  to-day  in 
regard  to  his  speech  Tuesday  night  and  the  general  ques- 
tion of  reestablishing  the  authority  of  the  government 
in  the  Rebel  States  and  movements  at  Richmond. 

The  President  asked  me  what  views  I  took  of  WeitzePs 
calling  the  Virginia  legislature  together.  Said  Stanton  and 
others  were  dissatisfied.  Told  him  I  doubted  the  policy 
of  convening  a  Rebel  legislature.  It  was  a  recognition  of 
them,  and,  once  convened,  they  would,  with  their  hostile 
feelings,  be  inclined,  perhaps,  to  conspire  against  us.  He 
said  he  had  no  fear  of  that.  They  were  too  badly  beaten, 
too  much  exhausted.  His  idea  was,  that  the  members  of 
the  legislature,  comprising  the  prominent  and  influential 
men  of  their  respective  counties,  had  better  come  to- 
gether and  undo  their  own  work.  He  felt  assured  they 
would  do  this,  and  the  movement  he  believed  a  good  one. 
Civil  government  must  be  reestablished,  he  said,  as  soon 
as  possible;  there  must  be  courts,  and  law,  and  order,  or 
society  would  be  broken  up,  the  disbanded  armies  would 
turn  into  robber  bands  and  guerrillas,  which  we  must 
strive  to  prevent.  These  were  the  reasons  why  he  wished 


280  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  13 

prominent  Virginians  who  had  the  confidence  of  the 
people  to  come  together  and  turn  themselves  and  their 
neighbors  into  good  Union  men.  But  as  we  all  had  taken 
a  different  view,  he  had  perhaps  made  a  mistake,  and  was 
ready  to  correct  it  if  he  had. 

I  remarked,  in  the  course  of  conversation,  that  if  the 
so-called  legislature  came  together,  they  would  be  likely 
to  propose  terms  which  might  seem  reasonable,  but  which 
we  could  not  accept;  that  I  had  not  great  faith  in  negoti- 
ating with  large  bodies  of  men,  —  each  would  encourage 
the  other  in  asking  and  doing  what  no  one  of  them  would 
do  alone;  that  he  could  make  a  better  arrangement  with 
any  one  —  the  worst  of  them  —  than  with  all;  that  he 
might  be  embarrassed  by  recognizing  and  treating  with 
them,  when  we  were  now  in  a  condition  to  prescribe  what 
should  be  done. 

April  14,  Friday.  Last  night  there  was  a  general  illum- 
ination in  Washington,  fireworks,  etc.  To-day  is  the  anni- 
versary of  the  surrender  of  Sumter,  and  the  flag  is  to  be 
raised  by  General  Anderson. 

General  Grant  was  present  at  the  meeting  of  the  Cab- 
inet to-day,  and  remained  during  the  session.  The  subject 
was  the  relations  of  the  Rebels,  the  communications,  the 
trade,  etc.  Stanton  proposed  that  intercourse  should  be 
opened  by  his  issuing  an  order,  that  the  Treasury  would 
give  permits  to  all  who  wished  them  to  trade,  excluding 
contraband,  and  he,  Stanton,  would  order  the  vessels  to 
be  received  into  any  port.  I  suggested  that  it  would  be 
better  that  the  President  should  issue  a  proclamation 
stating  and  enjoining  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the 
several  Departments. 

McCulloch  expressed  a  willingness  to  be  relieved  of  the 
Treasury  agents.  General  Grant  expressed  himself  very 
decidedly  against  them;  thought  them  demoralizing,  etc. 
The  President  said  we,  i.  e.  the  Secretaries  of  Treasury, 
War,  and  Navy,  had  given  the  subject  more  attention  than 


he  had  and  he  would  be  satisfied  with  any  conclusion  we 
would  unite  upon.  I  proposed  to  open  the  whole  coast  to 
any  one  who  wished  to  trade,  and  who  had  a  regular  clear- 
ance and  manifest,  and  was  entitled  to  a  coast  license. 
Stanton  thought  it  should  not  extend  beyond  the  military 
lines.  General  Grant  thought  they  might  embrace  all  this 
side  of  the  Mississippi. 

Secretary  Stanton  requested  the  Cabinet  to  hear  some 
remarks  which  he  desired  to  make,  and  to  listen  to  a  pro- 
position or  ordinance  which  he  had  prepared  with  much 
care  and  after  a  great  deal  of  reflection,  for  reconstruction 
in  the  Rebel  States.  The  plan  or  ordinance  embraced  two 
distinct  heads,  one  for  asserting  the  Federal  authority  in 
Virginia,  the  other  for  reestablishing  a  State  government. 
The  first  struck  me  favorably,  with  some  slight  emenda- 
tions; the  second  seemed  to  me  objectionable  in  several  es- 
sentials, and  especially  as  in  conflict  with  the  principles  of 
self-government  which  I  deem  essential.  There  was  little 
said  on  the  subject,  for  the  understanding  was  that  we 
should  each  be  furnished  with  a  copy  for  criticism  and  sug- 
gestion, and  in  the  mean  time  we  were  requested  by  the 
President  to  deliberate  and  carefully  consider  the  proposi- 
tion. He  remarked  that  this  was  the  great  question  now 
before  us,  and  we  must  soon  begin  to  act.  Was  glad  Con- 
gress was  not  in  session. 

I  objected  that  Virginia  occupied  a  different  position 
from  that  of  any  other  .State  in  rebellion;  that  while  regu- 
lar State  governments  were  to  be  established  in  other 
States,  whose  Secession  governments  were  nullities  and 
would  not  be  recognized,  Virginia  had  a  skeleton  organiza- 
tion which  she  had  maintained  through  the  War,  which 
government  we  had  recognized  and  still  recognized;  that  we 
to-day  acknowledged  Pierpont  as  the  legitimate  Governor 
of  Virginia.  He  had  been  elected  by  only  a  few  border 
counties,  it  was  true;  had  never  been  able  to  enforce  his 
authority  over  but  a  small  portion  of  the  territory  or  popu- 
lation; nevertheless  we  had  recognized  and  sustained  him. 


282  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRIL  14 

The  President  said  the  point  was  well  taken.  Governor 
Dennison  said  he  thought  we  should  experience  little  diffi- 
culty from  Pierpont.  Stanton  said  none  whatever. 

I  remarked  the  fact  was  not  to  be  controverted  that  we 
had  treated  with  the  existing  government  and  could  not 
ignore  our  own  acts.  The  President  and  a  portion  of  the 
Cabinet  had,  in  establishing  the  new  State  of  West  Vir- 
ginia, recognized  the  validity  of  the  government  of  Vir- 
ginia and  of  Pierpont's  administration,  which  had  given  its 
assent  to  that  division.  Without  that  consent  no  division 
could  legally  have  taken  place.  I  had  differed  with  others 
in  that  matter,  but  consistency  and  the  validity  of  our 
own  act  required  us  to  continue  to  acknowledge  the  ex- 
isting government.  It  was  proper  we  should  enforce  the 
Federal  authority,  and  it  was  proper  we  should  aid  Gov- 
ernor Pierpont,  whose  government  was  recognized  and 
established.  In  North  Carolina  a  legal  government  was 
now  to  be  organized  and  the  State  reestablished  in  her 
proper  relations  to  the  Union. 

Inquiry  had  been  made  as  to  army  news  on  the  first 
meeting  of  the  Cabinet,  and  especially  if  any  information 
had  been  received  from  Sherman.  None  of  the  members 
had  heard  anything,  and  Stanton,  who  makes  it  a  point  to 
be  late,  and  who  has  the  telegraph  in  his  Department,  had 
not  arrived.  General  Grant,  who  was  present,  said  he 
was  hourly  expecting  word.  The  President  remarked  it 
would,  he  had  no  doubt,  come  soon,  and  come  favorable, 
for  he  had  last  night  the  usual  dream  which  he  had  pre- 
ceding nearly  every  great  and  important  event  of  the 
War.  Generally  the  news  had  been  favorable  which  suc- 
ceeded this  dream,  and  the  dream  itself  was  always  the 
same.  I  inquired  what  this  remarkable  dream  could  be. 
He  said  it  related  to  your  (my)  element,  the  water ;  that 
he  seemed  to  be  in  some  singular,  indescribable  vessel, 
and  that  he  was  moving  with  great  rapidity  towards  an  in- 
definite shore;  that  he  had  this  dream  preceding  Sumter, 
Bull  Bun,  Antietam,  Gettysburg,  Stone  River,  Vicksburg, 


1865]      THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  LINCOLN     283 

Wilmington,  etc.  General  Grant  said  Stone  River  was 
certainly  no  victory,  and  he  knew  of  no  great  results  which 
followed  from  it.  The  President  said  however  that  might 
be,  his  dream  preceded  that  fight.1 

"I  had,"  the  President  remarked,  "this  strange  dream 
again  last  night,  and  we  shall,  judging  from  the  past,  have 
great  news  very  soon.  I  think  it  must  be  from  Sherman. 
My  thoughts  are  in  that  direction,  as  are  most  of  yours." 

I  write  this  conversation  three  days  after  it  occurred, 
in  consequence  of  what  took  place  Friday  night,  and  but 
for  which  the  mention  of  this  dream  would  probably  have 
never  been  noted.  Great  events  did,  indeed,  follow,  for 
within  a  few  hours  the  good  and  gentle,  as  well  as  truly 
great,  man  who  narrated  his  dream  closed  forever  his 
earthly  career. 

I  had  retired  to  bed  about  half  past-ten  on  the  evening 
of  the  14th  of  April,  and  was  just  getting  asleep  when 
Mrs.  Welles,  my  wife,  said  some  one  was  at  our  door. 
Sitting  up  in  bed,  I  heard  a  voice  twice  call  to  John,  my 
son,  whose  sleeping-room  was  on  the  second  floor  directly 
over  the  front  entrance.  I  arose  at  once  and  raised  a  win- 
dow, when  my  messenger,  James  Smith,  called  to  me  that 
Mr.  Lincoln,  the  President,  had  been  shot,  and  said  Sec- 
retary Seward  and  his  son,  Assistant  Secretary  Frederick 
Seward,  were  assassinated.  James  was  much  alarmed  and 
excited.  I  told  him  his  story  was  very  incoherent  and  im- 
probable, that  he  was  associating  men  who  were  not  to- 
gether and  liable  to  attack  at  the  same  time.  "  Where," 
I  inquired,  "was  the  President  when  shot?"  James  said 

1  General  Grant  interrupted  to  say  Stone  River  was  no  victory,  —  that 
a  few  such  fights  would  have  ruined  us.  The  President  looked  at  Grant 
curiously  and  inquiringly;  said  they  might  differ  on  that  point,  and  at  all 
events  his  dream  preceded  it.  This  was  the  first  occasion  I  had  to  notice 
Grant's  jealous  nature.  In  turning  it  over  in  my  mind  at  a  later  period,  I 
remembered  that  Rawlina  had  been  sent  to  Washington  to  procure  action 
against  General  McClernand  at  Vicksburg.  Later  there  was  jealousy 
manifested  towards  General  Thomas  and  others  who  were  not  satellites. 
—  G.  W. 


284  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  u 

he  was  at  Ford's  Theatre  on  10th  Street.  "Well,"  said  I, 
"  Secretary  Seward  is  an  invalid  in  bed  in  his  house  yonder 
on  15th  Street."  James  said  he  had  been  there,  stopped  in 
at  the  house  to  make  inquiry  before  alarming  me. 

I  immediately  dressed  myself,  and,  against  the  earnest 
remonstrance  and  appeals  of  my  wife,  went  directly  to  Mr. 
Seward' s,  whose  residence  was  on  the  east  side  of  the  square, 
mine  being  on  the  north.  James  accompanied  me.  As  we 
were  crossing  15th  Street,  I  saw  four  or  five  men  in  earn- 
est consultation,  standing  under  the  lamp  on  the  corner 
by  St.  John's  Church.  Before  I  had  got  half  across  the 
street,  the  lamp  was  suddenly  extinguished  and  the  knot 
of  persons  rapidly  dispersed.  For  a  moment  and  but  a 
moment  I  was  disconcerted  to  find  myself  in  darkness, 
but,  recollecting  that  it  was  late  and  about  time  for  the 
moon  to  rise,  I  proceeded  on,  not  having  lost  five  steps, 
merely  making  a  pause  without  stopping.  Hurrying  for- 
ward into  15th  Street,  I  found  it  pretty  full  of  people, 
especially  so  near  the  residence  of  Secretary  Seward, 
where  there  were  many  soldiers  as  well  as  citizens  already 
gathered. 

Entering  the  house,  I  found  the  lower  hall  and  office  full 
of  persons,  and  among  them  most  of  the  foreign  legations, 
all  anxiously  inquiring  what  truth  there  was  in  the  horrible 
rumors  afloat.  I  replied  that  my  object  was  to  ascertain 
the  facts.  Proceeding  through  the  hall  to  the  stairs,  I 
found  one,  and  I  think  two,  of  the  servants  there  holding 
the  crowd  in  check.  The  servants  were  frightened  and 
appeared  relieved  to  see  me.  I  hastily  asked  what  truth 
there  was  in  the  story  that  an  assassin  or  assassins  had 
entered  the  house  and  assaulted  the  Secretary.  They  said 
it  was  true,  and  that  Mr.  Frederick  was  also  badly  injured. 
They  wished  me  to  go  up,  but  no  others.  At  the  head  of 
the  first  stairs  I  met  the  elder  Mrs.  Seward,  who  was 
scarcely  able  to  speak  but  desired  me  to  proceed  up  to  Mr. 
Seward's  room.  I  met  Mrs.  Frederick  Seward  on  the  third 
story,  who,  although  in  extreme  distress,  was,  under  the 


1865]  VISIT  TO  SEWARD'S  HOUSE  285* 

circumstances,  exceedingly  composed.  I  asked  for  the 
Secretary's  room,  which  she  pointed  out,  —  the  southwest 
room.  As  I  entered,  I  met  Miss  Fanny  Seward,  with  whom 
I  exchanged  a  single  word,  and  proceeded  to  the  foot  of  the 
bed.  Dr.  Verdi  and,  I  think,  two  others  were  there.  The 
bed  was  saturated  with  blood.  The  Secretary  was  lying 
on  his  back,  the  upper  part  of  his  head  covered  by  a  cloth, 
which  extended  down  over  his  eyes.  His  mouth  was  open, 
the  lower  jaw  dropping  down.  I  exchanged  a  few  whispered 
words  with  Dr.  V.  Secretary  Stanton,  who  came  after 
but  almost  simultaneously  with  me,  made  inquiries  in  a 
louder  tone  till  admonished  by  a  word  from  one  of  the 
physicians.  We  almost  immediately  withdrew  and  went 
into  the  adjoining  front  room,  where  lay  Frederick  Seward. 
His  eyes  were  open  but  he  did  not  move  them,  nor  a  limb, 
nor  did  he  speak.  Doctor  White,  who  was  in  attendance, 
told  me  he  was  unconscious  and  more  dangerously  injured 
than  his  father. 

As  we  descended  the  stairs,  I  asked  Stanton  what  he  had 
heard  in  regard  to  the  President  that  was  reliable.  He  said 
the  President  was  shot  at  Ford's  Theatre,  that  he  had 
seen  a  man  who  was  present  and' witnessed  the  occurrence. 
I  said  I  would  go  immediately  to  the  White  House.  Stan- 
ton  told  me  the  President  was  not  there  but  was  at  the 
theatre.  "Then,"  said  I,  "let  us  go  immediately  there." 
He  said  that  was  his  intention,  and  asked  me,  if  I  had  not 
a  carriage,  to  go  with  him.  In  the  lower  hall  we  met 
General  Meigs,1  whom  he  requested  to  take  charge  of  the 
house,  and  to  clear  out  all  who  did  not  belong  there. 
General  Meigs  begged  Stanton  not  to  go  down  to  10th 
Street;  others  also  remonstrated  against  our  going.  Stan- 
ton,  I  thought,  hesitated.  Hurrying  forward,  I  remarked 
that  I  should  go  immediately,  'and  I  thought  it  his  duty 
also.  He  said  he  should  certainly  go,  but  the  remonstrants 
increased  and  gathered  round  him.  I  said  we  were  wasting 
time,  and,  pressing  through  the  crowd,  entered  the  car- 

1  Montgomery  C.  Meigs,  Quartermaster-General. 


286  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRIL  14 

riage  and  urged  Stanton,  who  was  detained  by  others  after 
he  had  placed  his  foot  on  the  step.  I  was  impatient.  Stan- 
ton,  as  soon  as  he  had  seated  himself,  turned  round,  rose 
partly,  and  said  the  carriage  was  not  his.  I  said  that  was 
no  objection.  He  invited  Meigs  to  go  with  us,  and  Judge 
Cartter  of  the  Supreme  Court *  mounted  with  the  driver. 
At  this  moment  Major  Eckert2  rode  up  on  horseback 
beside  the  carriage  and  protested  vehemently  against  Stan- 
ton's  going  to  10th  Street;  said  he  had  just  come  from 
there,  that  there  were  thousands  of  people  of  all  sorts  there, 
and  he  considered  it  very  unsafe  for  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  expose  himself.  I  replied  that  I  knew  not  where  he 
would  be  more  safe,  and  that  the  duty  of  both  of  us  was 
to  attend  the  President  immediately.  Stanton  concurred. 
Meigs  called  to  some  soldiers  to  go  with  us,  and  there  was 
one  on  each  side  of  the  carriage.  The  streets  were  full  of 
people.  Not  only  the  sidewalk  but  the  carriage-way  was 
to  some  extent  occupied,  all  or  nearly  all  hurrying  towards 
10th  Street.  When  we  entered  that  street  we  found  it 
pretty  closely  packed. 

The  President  had  been  carried  across  the  street  from 
the  theatre,  to  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Peterson.  We  entered 
by  ascending  a  flight  of  steps  above  the  basement  and  pass- 
ing through  a  long  hall  to  the  rear,  where  the  President  lay 
extended  on  a  bed,  breathing  heavily.  Several  surgeons 
were  present,  at  least  six,  I  should  think  more.  Among  them 
I  was  glad  to  observe  Dr.  Hall,  who,  however,  soon  left. 
I  inquired  of  Dr.  H.,  as  I  entered,  the  true  condition  of  the 
President.  He  replied  the  President  was  dead  to  all  intents, 
although  he  might  live  three  hours  or  perhaps  longer. 

The  giant  sufferer  lay  extended  diagonally  across  the 
bed,  which  was  not  long  enough  for  him.  He  had  been 
stripped  of  his  clothes.  His  large  arms,  which  were  occa- 
sionally exposed,  were  of  a  size  which  one  would  scarce 
have  expected  from  his  spare  appearance.  His  slow,  full 

1  That  is,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 


1865]        THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  HOURS        287 

respiration  lifted  the  clothes  with  each  breath  that  he  i 
took.  His  features  were  calm  and  striking.  I  had  never  i 
seen  them  appear  to  better  advantage  than  for  the  first  ! 
hour,  perhaps,  that  I  was  there.  After  that,  his  right  eye  j 
began  to  swell  and  that  part  of  his  face  became  discolored,  i 

Senator  Sunnier  was  there,  I  think,  when  I  entered.  If 
not  he  came  in  soon  after,  as  did  Speaker  Colfax,  Mr. 
Secretary  McCulloch,  and  the  other  members  of  the  Cab- 
inet, with  the  exception-  of  Mr.  Seward.  A  double  guard 
was  stationed  at  the  door  and  on  the  sidewalk,  to  repress 
the  crowd,  which  was  of  course  highly  excited  and  anxious. 
The  room  was  small  and  overcrowded.  The  surgeons  ancT~~| 
members  of  the  Cabinet  were  as  many  as  should  have  i 
been  in  the  room,  but  there  were  many  more,  and  the  hall 
and  other  rooms  in  the  front  or  main  house  were  full.  One 
of  these  rooms  was  occupied  by  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  her  at- 
tendants, with  Miss  Harris.  Mrs.  Dixon  and  Mrs.  Kinney 
came  to  her  about  twelve  o'clock.  About  once  an  hour  Mrs. 
Lincoln  would  repair  to  the  bedside  of  her  dying  husband 
and  with  lamentation  and  tears  remain  until  overcome  by 
emotion. 

[April  15.]  A  door  which  opened  upon  a  porch  or  gallery, 
and  also  the  windows,  were  kept  open  for  fresh  air.  The 
night  was  dark,  cloudy,  and  damp,  and  about  six  it  began 
to  rain.  I  remained  in  the  room  until  then  without  sitting  or 
leaving  it,  when,  there  being  a  vacant  chair  which  some  one 
left  at  the  foot  of  the  bed,  I  occupied  it  for  nearly  two  hours, 
listening  to  the  heavy  groans,  and  witnessing  the  wasting 
life  of  the  good  and  great  man  who  was  expiring  before  me^~ 

About  6  A.M.  I  experienced  a  feeling  of  faintness  and  J 
for  the  first  time  after  entering  the  room,  a  little  past 
eleven,  I  left  it  and  the  house,  and  took  a  short  walk  in  the 
open  air.  It  was  a  dark  and  gloomy  morning,  and  rain  set 
in  before  I  returned  to  the  house,  some  fifteen  minutes 
[later].  Large  groups  of  people  were  gathered  every  few 
rods,"  all  anxious  and  solicitous.  Some  one  or  more  from 
each  group  stepped  forward  as  I  passed,  to  inquire  into 


288  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  is 

the  condition  of  the  President,  and  to  ask  if  there  was  no 
hope.  Intense  grief  was  on  every  countenance  when  I 
replied  that  the  President  could  survive  but  a  short  time. 
The  colored  people  especially  —  and  there  were  at  this 
time  more  of  them,  perhaps,  than  of  whites  —  were  over- 
whelmed with  grief. 

~~~  Returning  to  the  house,  I  seated  myself  in  the  back 
parlor,  where  the  Attorney-General  and  others  had  been 
engaged  in  taking  evidence  concerning  the  assassination, 
Stanton,  and  Speed,  and  Usher  were  there,  the  latter 
asleep  on  the  bed.  There  were  three  or  four  others  also 
in  the  room.  While  I  did  not  feel  inclined  to  sleep,  as  many 
did,  I  was  somewhat  indisposed.  I  had  been  so  for  several 
days.  The  excitement  and  bad  atmosphere  from  the 
crowded  rooms  oppressed  me  physically. 

A  little  before  seven,  I  went  into  the  room  where  the 
dying  President  was  rapidly  drawing  near  the  closing  mo- 
ments. His  wife  soon  after  made  her  last  visit  to  him. 
The  death-struggle  had  begun.  Robert,  his  son,  stood 
with  several  others  at  the  head  of  the  bed.  He  bore  him- 
self well,  but  on  two  occasions  gave  way  to  overpowering 
grief  and  sobbed  aloud,  turning  his  head  and  leaning  on 
the  shoulder  of  Senator  Sumner.  The  respiration  of  the 
President  became  suspended  at  intervals,  and  at  last  en- 
tirely ceased  at  twenty-two  minutes  past  seven. 

A  prayer  followed  from  Dr.  Gurley;  and  the  Cabinet, 
with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  McCulloch, 
immediately  thereafter  assembled  in  the  back  parlor,  from 
which  all  other  persons  were  excluded,  and  there  signed 
a  letter  which  was  prepared  by  Attorney-General  Speed 
to  the  Vice-President,  informing  him  of  the  event,  and 
that  the  government  devolved  upon  him. 

Mr.  Stanton  proposed  that  Mr.  Speed,  as  the  law  officer, 
should  communicate  the  letter  to  Mr.  Johnson  with  some 
other  member  of  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Dennison  named^me. 
I  saw  that,  though  all  assented,  it  disconcerted  Stanton, 
who  had  expected  and  intended  to  be  the  man  and  to  have 


I865J  JOHNSON  TAKES  THE  OATH  289 

Speed  associated  with  him.  I  was  disinclined  personally 
to  disturb  an  obvious  arrangement,  and  therefore  named 
Mr.  McCulloch  as  the  first  hi  order  after  the  Secretary  of 
State. 

I  arranged  with  Speed,  with  whom  I  rode  home,  for  a 
Cabinet-meeting  at  twelve  meridian  at  the  room  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  order  that  the  government 
should  experience  no  detriment,  and  that  prompt  and  ne- 
cessary action  might  be  taken  to  assist  the  new  Chief  Magis- 
trate in  preserving  and  promoting  the  public  tranquillity. 
We  accordingly  met  at  noon.  Mr.  Speed  reported  that  the 
President  had  taken  the  oath,  which  was  administered  by 
the  Chief  Justice,  and  had  expressed  a  desire  that  the  affairs 
of  the  government  should  proceed  without  interruption. 
Some  discussion  took  place  as  to  the  propriety  of  an  in- 
augural address,  but  the  general  impression  was  that  it 
would  be  inexpedient.  I  was  most  decidedly  of  that  opinion. 

President  Johnson,  who  was  invited  to  be  present,  de- 
ported himself  admirably,  and  on  the  subject  of  an  inau- 
gural said  his  acts  would  best  disclose  his  policy.  In  all  es- 
sentials it  would,  he  said,  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  late 
President.  He  desired  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  to  go 
forward  with  their  duties  without  any  change.  Mr.  Hunter, 
Chief  Clerk  of  the  State  Department,  was  designated  to 
act  ad  interim  as  Secretary  of  State.  I  suggested  Mr.  Speed, 
but  I  saw  it  was  not  acceptable  in  certain  quarters.  Stan- 
ton  especially  expressed  a  hope  that  Hunter  should  be 
assigned  to  the  duty. 

A  room  for  the  President  as  an  office  was  proposed 
until  he  could  occupy  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  Mr. 
McCulloch  offered  the  room  adjoining  his  own  in  the 
Treasury  Building.  I  named  the  State  Department  as 
appropriate  and  proper,  at  least  until  the  Secretary  of 
State  recovered,  or  so  long  as  the  President  wished,  but 
objections  arose  at  once.  The  papers  of  Mr.  Seward  would, 
Stanton  said,  be  disturbed;  it  would  be  better  he  should 
be  here,  etc.,  etc.  Stanton,  I  saw,  had  a  purpose;  among 

2 


290  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  15 

other  things,  feared  papers  would  fall  under  Mr.  Johnson's 
eye  which  he  did  not  wish  to  be  seen. 

On  returning  to  my  house  this  morning,  Saturday,  I 
found  Mrs.  Welles,  who  had  been  ill  and  confined  to  the 
house  from  indisposition  for  a  week,  had  been  twice  sent 
for  by  Mrs.  Lincoln  to  come  to  her  at  Peterson's.  The 
housekeeper,  knowing  the  state  of  Mrs.  W.'s  health,  had 
without  consultation  turned  away  the  messenger,  Major 
French,  but  Mrs.  Welles,  on  learning  the  facts  when  he 
came  the  second  time,  had  yielded,  and  imprudently  gone, 
although  the  weather  was  inclement.  She  remained  at  the 
Executive  Mansion  through  the  day.  For  myself,  wearied, 
shocked,  exhausted,  but  not  inclined  to  sleep,  the  day, 
when  not  actually  and  officially  engaged,  passed  off 
strangely. 

I  went  after  breakfast  to  the  Executive  Mansion.  There 
was  a  cheerless  cold  rain  and  everything  seemed  gloomy, 
On  the  Avenue  in  front  of  the  White  House  were  several 
hundred  colored  people,  mostly  women  and  children, 
weeping  and  wailing  their  loss.  This  crowd  did  not  appear 
to  diminish  through  the  whole  of  that  cold,  wet  day;  they 
seemed  not  to  know  what  was  to  be  their  fate  since  their 
great  benefactor  was  dead,  and  their  hopeless  grief  affected 
me  more  than  almost  anything  else,  though  strong  and 
brave  men  wept  when  I  met  them. 

At  the  White  House  all  was  silent  and  sad.  Mrs.  W.  was 
with  Mrs.  L.  and  came  to  meet  me  in  the  library.  Speed 
came  in,  and  we  soon  left  together.  As  we  were  descending 
the  stairs,  "Tad,"  who  was  looking  from  the  window  at 
the  foot,  turned  and,  seeing  us,  cried  aloud  in  his  tears, 
"Oh,  Mr.  Welles,  who  killed  my  father?"  Neither  Speed 
nor  myself  could  restrain  our  tears,  nor  give  the  poor  boy 
any  satisfactory  answer. 

[April  16.]  Sunday,  the  16th,  the  President  and  Cabinet 
met  by  agreement  at  10  A.M.  at  the  Treasury.  The  Presid- 
ent was  half  an  hour  behind  time.  Stanton  was  more  than 
an  hour  late.  He  brought  with  him  papers,  and  had  many 


.1865]      DISCUSSION  OF  RECONSTRUCTION      291 

suggestions  relative  to  the  measure  before  the  Cabinet  at 
our  last  meeting  with  President  Lincoln.  The  general  policy 
of  the  treatment  of  the  Rebels  and  the  Rebel  States  was  dis- 
cussed. President  Johnson  is  not  disposed  to  treat  treason 
lightly,  and  the  chief  Rebels  he  would  punish  with  exem- 
plary severity. 

Stanton  has  divided  his  original  plan  and  made  the  re- 
establishing of  State  government  applicable  to  North. 
Carolina,  leaving  Virginia,  which  has  a  loyal  government 
and  governor,  to  arrange  that  matter  of  election  to  which 
I  had  excepted,  but  elaborating  it  for  North  Carolina  and 
the  other  States. 

Being  at  the  War  Department  Sunday  evening,  I  was 
detained  conversing  with  Stanton.  Finally  Senator  Sum- 
ner  came  in.  He  was  soon  followed  by  Gooch  and  Dawes 
of  Massachusetts  and  some  two  or  three  others.  One  or 
more  general  officers  also  came  in.  Stanton  took  from  his 
table,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  from  Sumner,  his  document 
which  had  been  submitted  to  the  Cabinet  and  which  was 
still  a  Cabinet  measure. 

It  was  evident  the  gentlemen  were  there  by  appoint- 
ment, and  I  considered  myself  an  intruder  or  out  of  place. 
If  so,  Stanton  did  not  know  how  to  get  rid  of  me,  and  it 
seemed  awkward  for  me  to  leave.  The  others  doubtless 
supposed  I  was  there  by  arrangement;  perhaps  I  was, 
but  I  felt  embarrassed  and  was  very  glad,  after  he  had 
read  to  them  his  first  programme  for  Virginia,  and  had 
got  about  half  through  with  the  other,  when  Sumner  de- 
manded to  know  what  provision  was  made  for  the  colored 
man  to  vote.  A  line  was  brought  me  at  this  time  by  the 
messenger,  which  gave  me  an  opportunity  to  leave. 

[April  17.]  On  Monday,  the  17th,  I  was  actively  engaged 
in  bringing  forward  business  which  had  been  interrupted 
and  suspended,  issuing  orders,  and  in  arranging  for  the 
funeral  solemnities  of  President  Lincoln.  Secretary  Seward 
and  his  son  continue  in  a  low  condition,  and  Mr.  Fred  Sew- 


292  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  is 

April  18,  Tuesday.  Details  in  regard  to  the  funeral, 
which  takes  place  on  the  19th,  occupied  general  attention 
and -little  else  than  preliminary  arrangements  and  con- 
versation was  done  at  the  Cabinet-meeting.  From  every 
part  of  the  country  comes  lamentation.  Every  house,  al- 
most, has  some  drapery,  especially  the  homes  of  the  poor, 
Profuse  exhibition  is  displayed  on  the  public  buildings 
and  the  dwellings  of  the  wealthy,  but  the  little  black 
ribbon  or  strip  of  black  cloth  from  the  hovel  of  the  poor 
negro  or  the  impoverished  white  is  more  touching. 

I  have  tried  to  write  something  consecutively  since  the 
horrid  transactions  of  Friday  night,  but  I  have  no  heart 
for  it,  and  the  jottings  down  are  mere  mementos  of  a 
period,  which  I  will  try  to  fill  up  when  more  composed, 
and  I  have  leisure  or  time  for  the  task. 

Sad  and  painful,  wearied  and  irksome,  the  few  preceding 
incoherent  pages  have  been  written  for  future  use,  for  the 
incidents  are  fresh  in  my  mind  and  may  pass  away  with 
me  but  cannot  ever  be  by  me  forgotten. 

[April  19.]  The  funeral  on  Wednesday,  the  19th,  was 
imposing,  sad,  and  sorrowful.  All  felt  the  solemnity,  and 
sorrowed  as  if  they  had  lost  one  of  their  own  household, 
By  voluntary  action  business  was  everywhere  suspended, 
and  the  people  crowded  the  streets. 

The  Cabinet  met  by  arrangement  in  the  room  occupied 
by  the  President  at  the  Treasury.  We  left  a  few  minutes 
before  meridian  so  as  to  be  in  the  East  Room  at  precisely 
twelve  o'clock,  being  the  last  to  enter.  Others  will  give 
the  details. 

I  rode  with  Stanton  in  the  procession  to  the  Capitol. 
The  attendance  was  immense.  The  front  of  the  procession 
reached  the  Capitol,  it  was  said,  before  we  started,  and 
there  were  as  many,  or  more,  who  followed  us.  A  brief 
prayer  was  made  by  Mr.  Gurley  in  the  rotunda,  where  we 
left  the  remains  of  the  good  and  great  man  we  loved  so  well. 
Returning,  I  left  Stanton,  who  was  nervous  and  full  of 
orders,  and  took  in  my  carriage  President  Johnson  and 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

From  n  portrait  by  Matthew  Wilson,  painted  for  Secretary  Welle 


1865]  LINCOLN'S  FUNERAL  293 

Preston  King,  their  carriage  having  been  crowded  out  of 
place.  Coming  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue  after  this 
long  detention,  we  met  the  marching  procession  in  broad 
platoons  all  the  way  to  the  Kirkwood  House  on  Twelfth 
Street. 

There  were  no  truer  mourners,  when  all  were  sad,  than 
the  poor  colored  people  who  crowded  the  streets,  joined 
the  procession,  and  exhibited  their  woe,  bewailing  the  loss 
of  him  whom  they  regarded  as  a  benefactor  and  father. 
Women  as  well  as  men,  with  their  little  children,  thronged 
the  streets,  sorrow,  trouble,  and  distress  depicted  on  their 
countenances  and  in  their  bearing.  The  vacant  holiday 
expression  had  given  way  to  real  grief.  Seward,  I  am  told, 
sat  up  in  bed  and  viewed  the  procession  and  hearse  of  the 
President,  and  I  know  his  emotion.  Stanton,  who  rode 
with  me,  was  uneasy  and  left  the  carriage  four  or  five 
times. 

[April  21.]  On  the  morning  of  Friday,  the  21st,  I  went 
by  appointment  or  agreement  to  the  Capitol  at  6  A.M. 
Stanton  had  agreed  to  call  forme  before  six  and  take  me  in 
his  carriage,  the  object  being  to  have  but  few  present  when 
the  remains  were  taken  from  the  rotunda,  where  they  had 
lain  in  state  through  Thursday,  and  were  visited  and  seen 
by  many  thousands.  As  I  knew  Stanton  to  be  uncertain  and 
in  some  respects  unreliable,  I  ordered  my  own  carriage  to  be 
ready  at  an  early  hour.  I  wished  also  to  take  my  sons  with 
me  to  the  obsequies,  the  last  opportunity  they  or  I  would 
have  to  see  the  remains  and  to  manifest  our  respect  and 
regard  for  the  man  who  had  been  the  steady  and  abiding 
friend  of  their  father.  Stanton,  as  I  expected,  was  late, 
and  then  informed  me  he  had  not,  as  he  agreed  he  would, 
informed  Governor  Dennison  of  our  purpose.  He  said  he 
had  to  go  for  another  friend,  and  wished  me  to  take  up 
Governor  D.  Not  until  I  had  got  to  Dennison's  house  was 
I  aware  of  Stanton's  neglect.  It  was  then  about  six.  Gover- 
nor D.,  who  had  not  yet  risen,  sent  me  word  he  would  be 
ready  in  three  minutes.  I  think  he  was  not  five.  Stanton, 


294  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRIL  21 

I  perceived,  did  not  tell  me  the  truth  about  another  visitor. 
He  moved  in  great  haste  himself,  being  escorted  by  the 
cavalry  corps  which  had  usually  attended  the  President. 

We  hurried  on,  reached  the  Capitol,  and  entered  the 
rotunda  just  as  Mr.  Gurley  was  commencing  an  earnest 
and  impressive  prayer.  When  it  was  concluded,  the  re- 
mains were  removed  and  taken  to  the  depot,  where,  in 
waiting,  were  a  car  and  train  prepared  for  the  commence- 
ment of  the  long  and  circuitous  journey  of  the  illustrious 
dead  to  his  last  earthly  resting-place  in  Springfield,  in  the 
great  prairies  of  the  West.  We  were,  as  we  had  intended, 
an  hour  in  advance  of  the  time,  and  thus  avoided  the 
crowd,  which  before  the  train  departed  thronged  the  roads 
and  depot. 

The  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  was  not  protracted.  Stanton 
did  not  bring  forward  his  reconstruction  or  reestablishing 
scheme.  He  seemed  desirous  of  evading  or  avoiding  the 
subject.  I  alluded  to  but  did  not  care  to  press  it,  if  no  one 
seconded  me.  We  discussed  the  measure  of  amnesty,  and 
the  Attorney-General  expressed  his  views  as  to  the  con- 
struction which  he  would  put  upon  the  proclamation  and 
declarations  of  the  late  President.  Stanton  and  he,  I  per- 
ceived, were  acting  in  concert,  and  one  if  not  two  others 
had  been  spoken  to  in  advance. 

Stanton  called  at  my  house  about  6  P.M.  and  invited  me 
to  a  hasty  Cabinet  convention  at  8  P.M.  on  important  mat- 
ters requiring  immediate  action.  When  we  had  assembled, 
General  Grant  and  Preston  King  were  also  present.  Stan- 
ton  briefly  mentioned  that  General  Grant  had  important 
communications  from  General  Sherman,  and  requested 
that  he  would  read  them,  which  he  did.  It  stated  he  had 
made  a  peace,  if  satisfactory,  with  the  Rebels,  etc.,  etc. 
This  and  everything  relating  to  it  will  be  spread  before  the 
world.  Among  the  Cabinet  and  all  present  there  was  but 
one  mind  on  this  subject.  The  plan  was  rejected,  and  Sher- 
man's arrangement  disapproved.  Stanton  and  Speed  were 
emphatic  in  their  condemnation,  though  the  latter  ex- 


1865]  SHERMAN'S  PEACE  TERMS  295 

pressed  personal  friendship  for  Sherman.  General  Grant, 
I  was  pleased  to  see,  while  disapproving  what  Sherman 
had  done,  and  decidedly  opposed  to  it,  was  tender  to  sens- 
itiveness of  his  brother  officer  and  abstained  from  censure. 
Stanton  came  charged  with  specified  objections,  four  in 
number,  counting  them  off  on  his  fingers.  Some  of  his  ar- 
gument was  apt  and  well,  some  of  it  not  in  good  taste 
nor  precisely  pertinent. 

It  was  decided  that  General  Grant  should  immediately 
inform  General  Sherman  that  his  course  was  disapproved, 
and  that  generals  in  the  field  must  not  take  upon  them- 
selves to  decide  on  political  and  civil  questions,  which  be- 
longed to  the  executive  and  civil  service.  The  military 
commanders  would  press  on  and  capture  and  crush  out  the 
Rebels. 

[April  22.]  On  Saturday,  the  22d,  I  learned  that  General 
Grant  left  in  person  to  go  to  General  Sherman  instead  of 
sending  written  orders.  This  was  sensible,  and  will  insure  the 
work  to  be  well  and  satisfactorily  done.  Senator  Sumner 
called  on  me  with  inquiries  which  he  heard  in  the  street 
relative  to  General  Sherman.  As  he  came  direct  from  the 
War  Department,  I  was  satisfied  that  Stanton,  as  usual, 
after  enjoining  strict  secrecy  upon  others,  was  himself  com- 
municating the  facts  in  confidence  to  certain  parties.  One 
or  two  others  spoke  to  me  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon  on 
the  same  subject. 

[April  23.]  Sunday  morning,  the  papers  contained  the 
whole  story  of  Sherman's  treaty  and  our  proceedings,  with 
additions,  under  Stanton' s  signature.  I  was  not  sorry  to  see 
the  facts  disclosed,  although  the  manner  and  some  of  Stan- 
ton's  matter  was  not  particularly  commendable,  judicious, 
or  correct.  But  the  whole  was  characteristic,  and  will  be 
likely  to  cause  difficulty,  or  aggravate  it,  with  Sherman, 
who  has  behaved  hastily,  but  I  hope  not,  as  has  been  in- 
sinuated, wickedly.  He  has  shown  himself  a  better  general 
than  diplomatist,  negotiator,  or  politician,  and  we  must 
not  forget  the  good  he  has  done,  if  he  has  only  committed 


296  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  23 

an  error,  and  I  trust  and  believe  it  is  but  an  error,  —  a 
grave  one,  it  may  be.  But  this  error,  if  it  be  one,  had  its 
origin,  I  apprehend,  with  President  Lincoln,  who  was  for 
prompt  and  easy  terms  with  the  Rebels.  Sherman's  terms 
were  based  on  a  liberal  construction  of  President  Lincoln's 
benevolent  wishes  and  the  order  to  Weitzel  concerning  the 
Virginia  legislature,  the  revocation  of  which  S.  had  not 
heard. 

Speed,  prompted  by  Stanton,  who  seemed  frantic  but 
with  whom  he  sympathized,  expressed  his  fears  that  Sher- 
man at  the  head  of  his  victorious  legions  had  designs  upon 
the  government.  Dennison,  while  disapproving  what  Sher- 
man had  done,  scouted  the  idea  that  he  had  any  unworthy 
aspirations.  I  remarked  that  his  armies  were  composed  of 
citizens  like  ourselves,  who  had  homes  and  wives  and 
children  as  well  as  a  government  that  they  loved.1 

April  25,  Tuesday.  I  find  myself  unable  to  get  Stanton 
and  McCulloch  to  the  sticking-point  on  the  subject  of 
opening  our  ports  to  coast  trade.  This  and  Reconstruction 
were  the  last  subjects  before  President  Lincoln  at  the 
Cabinet-meeting  on  the  day  before  his  death. 

The  course  and  position  were  discussed  to-day  in  Cabinet 
with  some  earnestness.  Speed  came  strongly  charged,  and 
had  little  doubt  that  Sherman  was  designing  to  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  army.  Thought  he  had  been  seduced 
by  Breckinridge,  and  was  flattering  himself  that  he  would 

1  In  reading  and  reconsidering  this  whole  subject  after  the  excitement 
and  apprehensions  stimulated  by  the  impulsive  zeal,  if  nothing  more,  of 
Stanton,  I  am  satisfied  that  Sherman  was  less  censurable  than  under  the 
excitement  at  the  time  appeared,  that  he  was  in  fact  substantially  carry- 
ing out  the  benignant  policy  of  President  Lincoln  to  which  Stanton  was 
opposed.  No  one,  except  perhaps  Speed,  fully  sympathized  with  Stanton, 
yet  all  were  in  a  degree  influenced  by  him.  At  the  time  we  had  been 
made  to  believe,  by  the  representations  of  Stanton,  that  he  and  Judge- 
Advocate-General  Holt  had  positive  evidence  that  Jeff  Davis,  Clay, 
Thompson,  and  others  had  conspired  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr. 
Johnson,  and  most  of  the  Cabinet.  Strange  stories  were  told  us  and  it  was 
inder  these  representations,  to  which  we  then  gave  credit,  that  we  were 
less  inclined  to  justify  Sherman.  —  G.  W. 


1865]  SUSPICIOUS  OF  SHERMAN  297 

be  able  to  control  and  direct  public  affairs.  Governor 
Dennison,  while  censuring  Sherman,  would  not  condemn 
him  unheard;  he  may  have- some  reasons  that  we  know  not 
of,  may  have  been  short  of  ammunition  or  supplies. 

I  suggested  that  it  might  be  vanity,  eccentricity,  an 
error  of  judgment,  —  the  man  may  have  thought  himself 
to  be  what  he  is  not,  —  that  I  had  no  fears  of  his  misleading 
the  army  or  seducing  them  to  promote  any  personal 
schemes  of  ambition,  if  he  had  such.  Every  regiment,  and 
probably  every  company,  in  that  army  had  intelligent  men, 
fit  to  be  legislators;  they  were  of  us  and  a  part  of  us,  would 
no  more  tolerate  usurpation  on  the  part  of  Sherman  than 
we  would. 

"Suppose,"  said  Speed,  "he  should  arrest  Grant  when 
Grant  arrived  at  Raleigh/'  etc.,  etc.  Men  will  have  strange 
phantoms.  I  was  surprised  at  Speed,  but  he  has,  evidently, 
conversed  on  this  subject  before  with  some  one  or  more, 
who  has  similar  opinions.  This  apprehension  which  I  have 
sometimes  heard  intimated  has  never  made  a  serious  im- 
pression on  me,  for  I  have  confidence  in  our  people,  and 
so  I  have  in  Sherman,  who  believed  himself  to  be  carry- 
ing out  the  wishes  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  policy  of  the 
Administration.  It  is  the  result  of  the  conference  at  City 
Point,  and  intended  to  be  in  furtherance  of  the  proclama- 
tion of  Weitzel,  the  revocation  of  which  he  has  not  seen. 

In  reflecting  on  this  subject,  I  think  we  have  permitted 
ourselves  amid  great  excitement  and  stirring  events  to  be 
hurried  into  unjust  and  ungenerous  suspicions  by  the 
erroneous  statements  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  Speed 
adopts  and  echoes  the  jealousies  and  wild  vagaries  of 
Stanton,  who  seems  to  have  a  mortal  fear  of  the  generals 
and  the  armies,  although  courting  and  flattering  them. 
He  went  to  Savannah  to  pay  court  to  Sherman  when  that 
officer  was  the  favored  general  and  supposed  to  have  eclipsed 
Grant,  but,  the  latter  having  gained  the  ascendant  by  the 
fall  of  Richmond  and  the  capture  of  Lee,  Stanton  would 
now  reinstate  himself  with  Grant  by  prostrating  Sherman. 


298  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  25 

Had  conversation  with  President  Johnson  in  regard  to 
a  proclamation  that  we  would  no  longer  forbear  proceed- 
ing against  those  who  might  be  taken  plundering  our  com- 
merce as  pirates.  He  concurred  with  me  most  fully,  after 
discussing  the  question,  and  desired  me  to  bring  him  the 
form  of  proclamation  or  have  it  prepared  for  the  next 
Cabinet  day.  As  the  subject  of  preparing  these  papers 
belonged  properly  to  the  State  Department,  I  felt  it  would 
be  improper  to  slight  Mr.  Hunter,  who  is  Acting  Secretary. 
I  therefore  called  upon  him,  and  fortunately  met  Senator 
Sumner,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
who  entered  heartily  into  the  measure  and  said  he  had  some 
days  since  alluded  to  it  as  a  step  that  should  be  taken. 

When  brought  before  the  Cabinet,  Stanton  objected 
to  it  because  the  declaration  had  been  made  April  19, 
1861,  and  though  we  had  forborne  for  four  years,  no  new 
enunciation  should  be  made,  but  every  man  we  now  had  or 
whom  we  should  hereafter  capture,  should  be  hung.  Speed 
took  much  the  same  ground,  though  more  narrow  and 
technical.  President  Johnson  was  very  explicit  in  ex- 
pressing his  opinions,  but  as  the  subject  was  new  and 
there  were  these  differences  of  opinion  it  was  postponed 
for  consideration. 

April  29,  Saturday.  Mellen,  the  Treasury  agent,  called 
on  me  to-day  with  a  crude  mess  in  relation  to  Treasury 
agents  and  trade  regulations.  I  told  him  they  were  not 
what  we  wanted  and  I  did  not  like  them,  that  I  thought 
the  whole  fabric  which  had  been  constructed  at  the  Treas- 
ury should  be  swept  away.  He  claims  it  cannot  be  done 
by  the  Executive  under  the  law,  and  it  is  true  Chase  and 
his  men  have  tied  up  matters  by  legislation,  literally  plac- 
ing the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  Treasury. 


XXX 

McCulloch  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Stanton's  Proclamation  offering 
a  Reward  for  the  Apprehension  of  Davis  and  Others  —  The  Question  of 
Negro  Suffrage  —  The  Trial  of  the  Assassins  of  Lincoln  —  The  Cabinet 
calls  on  Secretary  Seward  —  Capture  of  Jefferson  Davis  —  Great 
Review  of  the  Union  Armies  in  Washington  —  Visit  to  Charleston, 
Savannah,  and  Wilmington  —  Grant  urges  Action  in  favor  of  the 
Republic  in  Mexico  —  The  Oath  administered  to  Appointees  in  the 
South  —  France  and  England  withdraw  Belligerent  Rights  from  the 
Confederates  —  Death  of  Admiral  Du  Pont  —  Du  Font's  Differences 
with  the  Secretary  —  Senator  Trumbull  and  his  Relations  with  Lincoln 
—  Preston  King  an  Adviser  to  the  President  —  The  President  overrun 
with  Visitors  —  The  Political  Aspect  of  the  Negro  Suffrage  Question  — 
Senator  Wade  on  the  Usurpation  of  Power  by  the  Executive. 

May  1,  1865 

May  2.  A  very  protracted  session  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
chief  subject  was  the  Treasury  regulations.  There  was 
unanimity,  except  McCulloch,  who  clings  to  the  schemes 
of  Chase  and  Fessenden.  The  latter  can,  however,  hardly  be 
said  to  have  schemes  of  his  own.  But  the  policy  of  Chase 
and  his  tools,  which  F.  adopted,  is  adhered  to  by  McCul- 
loch, who  is  new  in  place  and  fears  to  strike  out  a  policy 
of  his  own.  He  fears  to  pursue  any  other  course  than 
the  one  which  has  been  prescribed. 

McCulloch  is  a  correct  man  in  business  routine  but  is  not 
an  experienced  politician  or  educated  statesman.  He 
wants  experience  in  those  respects,  and  needs  grasp  and 
power  to  extricate  himself  from  among  a  rotten  and  cor- 
rupt swarm  of  leeches  who  have  been  planted  in  the  Treas- 
ury. Some  legal  points  being  raised,  the  subject  was  re- 
ferred to  Attorney-General  Speed  to  examine  and  report. 

Stanton  produced  a  paper  from  Judge-Advocate-Gen- 
eral Holt,  to  the  effect  that  Jeff  Davis,  Jacob  Thompson, 
Sanders,1  and  others  were  implicated  in  the  conspiracy  to 
1  George  N.  Sanders,  a  Confederate  agent  in  Canada. 


300  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES         [MAY  2 

assassinate  President  Lincoln  and  others.  A  proclamation 
duly  prepared  was  submitted  by  Stanton  with  this  paper 
of  Holt,  which  he  fully  indorses,  offering  rewards  for  their 
apprehension.  McCulloch  and  Hunter,  whose  opinions 
were  asked,  went  with  Stanton  without  a  question.  I,  on 
being  asked,  remarked  if  there  was  proof  of  the  complicity 
of  those  men,  as  stated  there  was,  they  certainly  ought  to 
be  arrested,  and  that  reward  was  proper,  but  I  had  no  facts, 

May.  The  calls  upon  the  President  by  associations 
claiming  to  represent  States  and  municipalities  are  be- 
coming less.  To  some  extent  they  may  have  been  useful  in 
the  peculiar  condition  of  public  affairs  by  inspiring  con- 
fidence, and  in  giving  the  President  an  opportunity  to 
enunciate  his  opinions  in  the  absence  of  any  inaugural,  but 
they  have  been  annoying  at  times,  obstructions  to  busi- 
ness, and  were  becoming  irksome.  The  President  was  not 
displeased  with  these  manifestations  and  has  borne  him- 
self well  through  a  period  which  has  been  trying  and  ardu- 
ous, and  is  gathering  to  himself  the  good  wishes  of  the 
country. 

I  called  up  the  subject  of  free  communication  through 
the  coast  to  all  vessels  having  regular  clearance,  but  was 
told  the  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  were  en- 
deavoring to  make  a  satisfactory  arrangement  which  should 
be  in  conformity  with  the  act  of  July  2,  1864.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  intention  of  that  act  was  to  place  the  Treasury 
above;  or  independent  of,  the  President,  —  one  of  Chase's 
demonstrations,  and  his  hand  is  in  this  movement. 

A  proclamation,  or  order,  that  those  who  were  taken 
plundering  our  commerce  should  be  punished,  and  that 
forbearance  to  put  in  execution  the  proclamation  of  the 
19th  of  April,  1861,  would  not  longer  be  exercised,  was  op- 
posed by  Stanton  and  Speed.  Others  failed  to  sustain  me, 
except  McCulloch,  who  gave  me  partial  support.  Stanton 
considers  it  his  special  province  to  guard  Seward's  policy 
as  it  has  been,  not  being  aware  that  Seward  has  changed. 


1865]  THE  QUESTION  OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE  301 

The  subject  of  reestablishing  the  Federal  authority,  and 
of  a  reorganization  of  the  State  governments  in  the  insur- 
rectionary region  was  discussed.  The  Secretary  of  War 
was  requested  to  send  copies  of  the  modified  plan  to  each 
head  of  Department,  and  a  special  Cabinet-meeting  was 
ordered  on  Monday,  the  8th,  to  consider  the  subject. 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  the  plan  of  asserting  the  Federal 
authority  and  of  establishing  the  State  government  in  Vir- 
ginia was  fully  considered.  Stanton's  project  with  several 
radical  amendments  presented  by  me  was  adopted.  I  was 
surprised  and  gratified  with  the  alacrity  and  cheerfulness 
he  exhibited,  and  the  readiness  with  which  he  adopted  and 
assented  to  most  of  my  amendments.  In  one  instance  he 
became  a  little  pugnacious,  Speed  and  Dennison  having 
dissented.  Two  of  my  recommendations  were  not  adopted, 
and  as  no  other  one  presented  amendments,  I  cared  not  to 
appear  fastidious,  but  am  nevertheless  satisfied  I  was  right. 
The  session  was  long,  over  four  hours. 

May  9,  Tuesday.  A  proclamation  of  amnesty  proposed 
by  Speed  was  considered  and,  with  some  changes,  agreed  to. 

The  condition  of  North  Carolina  was  taken  up,  and  a 
general  plan  of  organization  intended  for  all  the  Rebel 
States  was  submitted  and  debated.  No  great  difference  of 
opinion  was  expressed  except  on  the  matter  of  suffrage.. 
Stanton,  Dennison,  and  Speed  were  for  negro  suffrage; 
McCulloch,  Usher,  and  myself  were  opposed.  It  was 
agreed,  on  request  of  Stanton,  we  would  not  discuss  the 
question,  but  each  express  his  opinion  without  preliminary 
debate.  After  our  opinions  had  been  given,  I  stated  I  was 
for  adhering  to  the  rule  prescribed  in  President  Lincoln's 
proclamation,  which  had  been  fully  considered  and  ma- 
tured, and  besides,  in  all  these  matters,  I  am  for  no  further 
subversion  of  the  laws,  institutions,  and  usages  of  the 
States  respectively,  no*  for  Federal  intermeddling  in  local 
matters,  than  is  absolutely  necessary,  in  order  to  rid  them 
of  the  radical  error  which  has  caused  our  national  trouble. 


302  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MAY  9 

All  laws,  not  inconsistent  with  those  of  the  conquerors, 
remain  until  changed  to  the  conquered,  is  an  old  rule. 

This  question  of  negro  suffrage  is  beset  with  difficulties 
growing  out  of  the  conflict  through  which  we  have  passed 
and  the  current  of  sympathy  for  the  colored  race.  The 
demagogues  will  make  use  of  it,  regardless  of  what  is  best 
for  the  country,  and  without  regard  for  the  organic  law, 
the  rights  of  the  State,  or  the  troubles  of  our  government. 
There  is  a  fanaticism  on  the  subject  with  some,  who  per- 
suade themselves  that  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the  Union 
is  with  the  negro  and  not  the  white  man.  White  men,  and 
especially  Southern  white  men,  are  tyrants.  Senator 
Sumner  is  riding  this  one  idea  at  top  speed.  There  are 
others,  less  sincere  than  Sumner,  who  are  pressing  the 
question  for  party  purposes.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
may  be  unjust  prejudices  against  permitting  colored  per- 
sons to  enjoy  the  elective  franchise,  under  any  circum- 
stances ;  but  this  is  not,  and  should  not  be,  a  Federal  ques- 
tion. No  one  can  claim  that  the  blacks,  in  the  Slave  States 
especially,  can  exercise  the  elective  franchise  intelligently, 
In  most  of  the  Free  States  they  are  not  permitted  to  vote. 
Is  it  politic,  and  wise,  or  right  even,  when  trying  to  restore 
peace  and  reconcile  differences,  to  make  so  radical  a 
change,  —  provided  we  have  the  authority,  which  I  deny, 
—  to  elevate  the  ignorant  negro,  who  has  been  enslaved 
mentally  as  well  as  physically,  to  the  discharge  of  the  high- 
est duties  of  citizenship,  especially  when  our  Free  States 
will  not  permit  the  few  free  negroes  to  vote? 

The  Federal  government  has  no  right  and  has  not  at- 
tempted to  dictate  on  the  matter  of  suffrage  to  any  State, 
and  I  apprehend  it  will  not  conduce  to  harmony  to  arro- 
gate and  exercise  arbitrary  power  over  the  States  which 
have  been  in  rebellion.  It  was  never  intended  by  the  found- 
ers of  the  Union  that  the  Federal  government  should  pre- 
scribe suffrage  to  the  States.  We  shall  get  rid  of  slavery  by 
constitutional  means.  But  conferring  on  the  black  civil 
rights  is  another  matter.  I  know  not  the  authority.  The 


1865]  THE  QUESTION  OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE  303 

President  in  the  exercise  of  the  pardoning  power  may  limit 
or  make  conditions,  and,  while  granting  life  and  liberty  to 
traitors,  deny  them  the  right  of  holding  office  or  of  voting. 
While,  however,  he  can  exclude  traitors,  can  he  legiti- 
mately confer  on  the  blacks  of  North  Carolina  the  right  to 
vote?  I  do  not  yet  see  how  this  can  be  done  by  him  or  by 
Congress. 

This  whole  question  of  suffrage  is  much  abused.  The 
negro  can  take  upon  himself  the  duty  about  as  intelligently 
and  as  well  for  the  public  interest  as  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  foreign  element  which  comes  amongst  us.  Each  will 
be  the  tool  of  demagogues.  If  the  negro  is  to  vote  and  ex- 
ercise the  duties  of  a  citizen,  let  him  be  educated  to  it.  The 
measure  should  not,  even  if  the  government  were  empow- 
ered to  act,  be  precipitated  when  he  is  stolidly  ignorant  and 
wholly  unprepared.  It  is  proposed  to  do  it  against  what 
have  been  and  still  are  the  constitutions,  laws,  usages,  and 
practices  of  the  States  which  we  wish  to  restore  to  fellow- 
ship. 

Stanton  has  changed  his  position,  has  been  converted,  is 
now  for  negro  suffrage.  These  were  not  his  views  a  short 
time  since.  But  aspiring  politicians  will,  as  the  current 
now  sets,  generally  take  that  road. 

The  trial  of  the  assassins  is  not  so  promptly  carried  into 
effect  as  Stanton  declared  it  should  be.  He  said  it  was  his 
intention  the  criminals  should  be  tried  and  executed  before 
President  Lincoln  was  buried.  But  the  President  was 
buried  last  Thursday,  the  4th,  and  the  trial  has  not,  I 
believe,  commenced. 

I  regret  they  are  not  tried  by  the  civil  court,  and  so  ex- 
pressed myself,  as  did  McCulloch;  but  Stanton,  who  says 
the  proof  is  clear  and  positive,  was  emphatic,  and  Speed 
advised  a  military  commission,  though  at  first,  I  thought, 
otherwise  inclined.  It  is  now  rumored  the  trial  is  to  be 
secret,  which  is  another  objectionable  feature,  and  will  be 
likely  to  meet  condemnation  after  the  event  and  excite- 
ment have  passed  off. 


304  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MAYS 

The  rash,  impulsive,  and  arbitrary  measures  of  Stanton 
are  exceedingly  repugnant  to  my  notions,  and  I  am  pained 
to  witness  the  acquiescence  they  receive.  He  carries 
others  with  him,  sometimes  against  their  convictions  w 
expressed  to  me. 

The  President  and  Cabinet  called  on  Mr.  Seward  at  his 
house  after  the  close  of  the  council.  He  came  down  to  meet 
us  in  his  parlor.  I  was  glad  to  see  him  so  well  and  animated, 
yet  a  few  weeks  have  done  the  work  of  years,  apparently, 
with  his  system.  Perhaps,  when  his  wounds  have  healed, 
and  the  fractured  jaw  is  restored,  he  may  recover  in  some 
degree  his  former  looks,  but  I  apprehend  not.  His  head 
was  covered  with  a  close-fitting  cap,  and  the  appliances  to 
his  jaw  entered  his  mouth  and  prevented  him  from  articu- 
lating clearly.  Still  he  was  disposed  to  talk,  and  we  to  lis- 
ten. Once  or  twice,  allusions  to  the  night  of  the  great 
calamity  affected  him  more  deeply  than  I  have  ever  seen 
him. 

May  10,  Wednesday.  Senator  Sumner  called  on  me.  We 
had  a  long  conversation  on  matters  pertaining  to  the  affairs 
of  Fort  Sumter.  He  has  been  selected  to  deliver  an  oration 
on  Mr.  Lincoln's  death  to  the  citizens  of  Boston,  and  de- 
sired to  post  himself  in  some  respects.  I  told  him  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Blairs,  and  especially  of  the  elder,  had  done 
much  to  strengthen  Mr.  Lincoln  in  that  matter,  while 
Seward  and  General  Scott  had  opposed. 

Sumner  assures  me  Chase  has  gone  into  Rebeldom  to 
promote  negro  suffrage.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Chase  has 
that  and  other  schemes  for  Presidential  preferment  in 
hand  in  this  voyage.  S.  says  that  President  Johnson  is 
aware  of  his  (Chase's)  object  in  behalf  of  the  negroes,  and 
favors  the  idea  of  their  voting.  On  this  point  I  am  skep- 
tical. He  would  not  oppose  any  such  movement,  were 
any  State  to  make  it.  I  so  expressed  myself  to  Sumner, 
and  he  assented  but  intended  to  say  the  negroes  were  the 
people. 


1865]        THE  TRIAL  OF  THE  ASSASSINS         305 

May  11.  The  papers,  and  especially  those  of  New  York, 
are  complaining  of  the  court  which  is  to  try  the  assassins, 
and  their  assault  is  the  more  severe  because  it  is  alleged 
that  the  session  is  to  be  secret.  This  subject  is  pretty  much 
given  over  to  the  management  of  the  War  Department, 
since  Attorney-General  Speed  and  Judge-Advocate-Gen- 
eral Holt  affirm  that  to  be  legal,  and  a  military  court  the 
only  real  method  of  eliciting  the  whole  truth.  It  would  be 
impolitic,  and,  I  think,  unwise  and  injudicious,  to  shut  off 
all  spectators  and  make  a  " Council  of  Ten"  of  this  Com- 
mission. The  press  will  greatly  aggravate  the  objections, 
and  do  already. 

May  12,  Friday.  The  President  does  not  yet  sufficiently 
generalize.,  but  goes  too  much  into  unimportant  details, 
and  personal  appeals.  He  will,  however,  correct  this  with  a 
little  experience,  I  have  no  doubt. 

I  inquired  of  the  Secretary  of  War  if  there  is  any  founda- 
tion for  the  assertion  that  the  trial  of  the  assassins  is  to  be 
in  secret.  He  says  it  will  not  be  secret,  although  the  doors 
will  not  be  open  to  the  whole  public  immediately.  Full  and 
minute  reports  of  all  the  testimony  and  proceedings  will  be 
taken  and  in  due  time  published;  and  trusty  and  reliable 
persons,  in  limited  numbers,  will  have  permission  to  at- 
tend. This  will  relieve  the  proceeding  of  some  of  its  objec- 
tionable features. 

Stanton  has  undertaken  to  get  the  projected  amnesty 
proclamation  (as  last  altered,  amended,  corrected,  and 
improved)  printed,  also  the  form  of  government  for  North 
Carolina  as  last  shaped,  and  as  far  as  anything  decisive  had 
taken  place.  Dennison  inquired  when  he  might  have 
copies,  and  he  promises  to  send  immediately.  The  truth  is, 
it  is  still  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  who  will  shape  it 
right.  King  has  been  of  service  in  this  matter. 

May  13  and  14.  The  piratical  ram  Stonewall  has  reached 
Nassau  and  is  anchored  in  the  outer  harbor,  from  which 

2 


ish  authorities. 

Extraordinary  efforts  are  made,  in  every  quarter  where 
it  is  supposed  influence  can  be  felt,  to  embarrass  the  Navy 
Department  and  procure  favor  for  Henderson,  Navy 
Agent,  whose  trial  is  near.  G.  W.  Blunt  has  come  on  from 
New  York  for  the  express  purpose  of  getting  the  case  post- 
poned, by  inducing  the  Department  to  interfere.  Told 
Blunt  the  case  had  gone  to  the  courts  and  I  could  not 
undertake  to  interfere  and  direct  the  courts  in  the  matter. 
The  attorneys  had  the  case  in  hand.  Blunt  requested  me 
not  to  give  a  positive  refusal  till  Monday.  In  the  mean 
time  Preston  King  called  on  me  on  Sunday,  as  I  ascer- 
tained at  the  request  of  Blunt.  King  had,  on  two  previous 
occasions,  conversed  with  me  on  the  subject,  and  then  and 
now  fully  concurred  in  the  propriety  and  correctness  of  my 
course.  Mr.  Lowrey,  brother-in-law  of  Fox,  has  written 
the  latter  entreating  him  to  favor  Henderson,  saying  I 
would  yield,  if  Fox  would  only  take  ground  for  H.  Morgan 
has  written  me  begging  I  will  not  incur  the  resentment  of 
the  editors  of  the  Post  by  insisting  on  the  prosecution.  I 
am  urged  to  do  wrong  in  order  to  let  a  wrongdoer  escape. 

Intelligence  was  received  this  morning  of  the  capture  of 
Jefferson  Davis  in  southern  Georgia.  I  met  Stanton  this 
Sunday  P.M.  at  Seward's,  who  says  Davis  was  taken  dis- 
guised in  women's  clothes.  A  tame  and  ignoble  letting- 
down  of  the  traitor. 

May  15.  Sir  Frederick  Bruce  has  not  yet  returned.  Had 
an  interview  with  Seward  on  the  subject  of  the  Stonewall. 
He  is  confident  the  English  will  deny  her  hospitality,  but 
Hunter  tells  me  they  let  her  have  enough  coal  to  reach 
Havana.  They  dared  not  refuse!  Will  send  two  ironclads  to 
encounter  her,  provided  they  can  meet  her. 

May  16,  Tuesday.  Great  questions  not  taken  up  at  the 


1865]  COMPLIMENTS  FROM  SENATOR  DIXON  307 

Cabinet.  Several  minor  matters  considered.  Mr.  Harlan, 
successor  of  Mr.  Usher  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
was  with  us  to-day.  Remarked  to  President  Johnson  that 
Governor  Dennison  and  myself  proposed  leaving  on  Satur- 
day next  for  Charleston,  and  if  the  subject  of  reconstruc- 
tion and  amnesty  was  to  be  taken  up  before  we  left,  there 
might  be  haste.  He  said  the  whole  matter  would  be  sat- 
isfactorily disposed  of,  he  presumed,  before  Saturday;  is 
expecting  some  North  Carolina  Union  men. 

May  17,  Wednesday.  The  Stonewall  has  gone  to  Ha- 
vana. Seward  promises  to  have  Tassara  posted.  Is  confid- 
ent the  Spaniards  will  exclude  her  from  their  ports;  but 
thinks  it  would  be  well  to  have  our  ironclads  sent  out. 

Seward  is  getting  better,  but  is  seriously  injured  and  will 
be  long  in  getting  well.  Fred  lingers  in  a  low  state. 

May  18,  Thursday.  Notice  is  given  to-day  of  a  grand 
parade  of  the  armies  of  the  Potomac,  of  the  Tennessee,  and 
Georgia,  etc.,  etc.,  to  take  place  on  Tuesday  and  Wednes- 
day next.  This  interferes  with  our  proposed  trip,  which 
has  so  often  been  deferred.  But  there  is  no  alternative.  It 
will  not  do  to  be  absent  on  such  an  historic  occasion. 

May  19,  Friday.  Preston  King  tells  me  he  has  a  letter 
from  Senator  Dixon,  speaking  of  me  in  very  compliment- 
ary terms  and  expressing  a  wish  that  I  may  continue  in 
the  Cabinet,  assuring  K.  that  this  is  the  sentiment  of  all 
parties  in  Connecticut.  The  President  is  not  yet  prepared  to 
complete  the  Amnesty  Proclamation,  nor  to  issue  the  order 
for  the  reestablishment  of  the  authority  of  the  local  State 
governments.  Our  North  Carolina  friends  have  not  ar- 
rived. Seward  was  to-day  in  the  State  Department,  and 
the  President  with  the  rest  of  us  went  to  his  room.  I  not- 
iced that  his  old  crony  and  counterpart,  Thurlow  Weed, 
was  with  him  as  we  entered.  Seward  was  gratified  and  ev- 
idently felt  complimented  that  we  called.  Was  very  decis- 


308  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  19 

ive  and  emphatic  on  the  subject  of  a  proclamation  declar- 
ing the  Rebel  vessels  pirates  and  also  a  proclamation  for 
opening  the  ports.  Both  these  measures  I  had  pressed 
rather  earnestly;  but  Stanton,  and  Speed  under  Stanton's 
prompting,  had  opposed,  for  some  assumed  technical  reas- 
on [?],  the  first,  i.  e.  declaring  the  Rebel  vessels  pirates,  and 
McCulloch  the  last,  opening  the  ports.  I  was,  therefore, 
pleased  when  Seward,  unprompted,  brought  them  both  for- 
ward. I  suggested  that  the  proclamation  already  issued 
appeared  to  me  to  be  sufficient,  but  I  was  glad  to  have  his 
opinions  on  account  of  the  opposition  of  Speed. 

Received  a  telegram  this  P.M.  from  Commander  Frailey 
and  one  from  Acting-Rear-Admiral  Radford,  stating  that 
the  former,  in  command  of  the  Tuscarora,  had  convoyed 
to  Hampton  Roads  the  William  Clyde,  having  on  board 
Jeff  Davis,  Stephens,  etc. 

This  dispatch,  addressed  to  me,  Stanton  had  in  his  hand 
when  I  entered  his  room,  whither  he  had  sent  for  me.  The 
telegraph  goes  to  the  Department  of  War,  where  it  has  an 
office,  and  I  before  have  had  reason  to  believe  that  some 
abuse  —  a  sort  of  an  espionage  —  existed.  Half  apologiz- 
ing for  an  obvious  impropriety,  he  said  the  custody  of  these 
prisoners  devolved  on  him  a  great  responsibility,  and  until 
he  had  made  disposition  of  them,  or  determined  where 
they  should  be  sent,  he  wished  their  arrival  to  be  kept  a 
secret.  He  was  unwilling,  he  said,  to  trust  Fox,  and  spe- 
cially desired  me  to  withhold  the  information  from  him, 
for  he  was  under  the  Blairs  and  would  be  used  by  them, 
and  the  Blairs  would  improve  the  opportunity  to  embar- 
rass him. 

I  by  no  means  concur  in  his  censures  or  his  views.  Fox, 
like  Stanton,  will  sometimes  confide  secrets  which  he  had 
better  retain,  but  not,  I  think,  when  enjoined.  The  Blairs 
have  no  love  for  Stanton,  but  I  do  not  think  he  has  any 
cause  of  apprehension  from  them  in  this  matter. 

He  wished  me  to  order  the  Tuscarora  to  still  convoy  and 
guard  the  Clyde,  and  allow  no  communication  with  the 


1865]   DAVIS  AND  STEPHENS  IN  CUSTODY    309 

prisoners  except  by  order  of  General  Halleck  or  the  War 
Department,  —  General  Halleck,  Stanton  has  ordered 
down  from  Richmond  to  attend  to  this  business,  —  and 
again  earnestly  requested  and  enjoined  that  none  but  we 
three  —  himself,  General  Grant,  and  myself  —  should 
know  of  the  arrival  and  disposition  of  these  prisoners.  I 
told  him  the  papers  would  have  the  arrivals  announced  in 
their  next  issue. 

Stanton  said  no  word  could  get  abroad.  He  had  the  tele- 
graph in  his  own  hands  and  could  suppress  everything. 
Not  a  word  should  pass.  I  remarked  he  could  not  stop  the 
mails,  nor  passenger-boats,  and  twenty-four  hours  would 
carry  the  information  to  Baltimore  and  abroad  in  that  way. 
Twenty-four  hours,  he  said,  would  relieve  him. 

Stanton  is  mercurial,  —  arbitrary  and  apprehensive, 
violent  and  fearful,  rough  and  impulsive,  —  yet  possessed 
of  ability  and  energy.  I,  of  course,  under  his  request,  shall 
make  no  mention  of  or  allusion  to  the  prisoners,  for  the 
present.  In  framing  his  dispatch,  he  said,  with  some  em- 
phasis, the  women  and  children  must  be  sent  off.  We  did 
not  want  them.  "They  must  go  South/'  and  he  framed 
his  dispatch  accordingly.  When  he  read  it  I  remarked, 
"The  South  is  very  indefinite,  and  you  permit  them  to 
select  the  place.  Mrs.  Davis  may  designate  Norfolk,  or 
Richmond."  "True,"  said  Grant  with  a  laugh.  Stanton 
was  annoyed,  but,  I  think,  altered  his  telegram. 

May  20,  Saturday.  Stanton  informed  me  this  P.M.  that 
Halleck  had  gone  from  Richmond  to  Fortress  Monroe  and 
he  wished  certain  persons,  whom  he  named,  should  be  sent 
in  a  naval  vessel  to  Fort  Warren,  certain  others  to  Fort 
Delaware,  others  to  Fort  McHenry.  He  still  urged  secrecy, 
but  in  less  than  an  hour  our  regular  dispatches  by  mail 
stated  the  facts.  Others  also  had  them. 

General  Sherman  is  here.  I  have  not  yet  met  him,  but  I 
understand  he  is  a  little  irate  towards  Stanton  and  very 
mad  with  Halleck.  This  is  not  surprising,  and  yet  some 


310  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  20 

allowance  is  to  be  made  for  them.  Sherman's  motives 
cannot  be  questioned,  although  his  acts  may  be.  Stanton 
was  unduly  harsh  and  severe,  and  his  bulletin  to  General 
Dix  and  specifications  were  Stantonian.  Whether  the 
President  authorized,  or  sanctioned,  that  publication  I 
never  knew,  but  I  and  most  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
were  not  consulted  in  regard  to  the  publication,  which  was 
not  in  all  respects  correct.  General  Grant,  who  as  unequiv- 
ocally disapproved  of  Sherman's  armistice  as  any  member 
of  the  Administration,  was  nevertheless  tender  of  General 
Sherman,  and  did  not  give  in  to  the  severe  remarks  of 
Stanton  at  the  time.1 

[May  22  and  23.]  On  the  22d  and  23d,  the  great  review 
of  the  returning  armies  of  the  Potomac,  the  Tennessee,  and 
Georgia  took  place  in  Washington.  I  delayed  my  pro- 
posed Southern  trip  in  order  to  witness  this  magnificent  and 
imposing  spectacle.  I  shall  not  attempt  at  this  time  and 
here  to  speak  of  those  gallant  men  and  their  distinguished 
leaders.  It  was  computed  that  about  150,000  passed  in 
review,  and  it  seemed  as  if  there  were  as  many  spectators. 
For  several  days  the  railroads  and  all  communications 
were  overcrowded  with  the  incoming  people  who  wished 
to  see  and  welcome  the  victorious  soldiers  of  the  Union. 
The  public  offices  were  closed  for  two  days.  On  the  spacious 
stand  in  front  of  the  Executive  Mansion  the  President,  Cab- 
inet, generals,  and  high  naval  officers,  with  hundreds  of  our 
first  citizens  and  statesmen,  and  ladies,  were  assembled. 
But  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  there.  All  felt  this. 

May  24.  I  went  with  Postmaster-General  Dennison  and 
a  portion  of  our  families  and  a  few  friends  on  board  the 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  one  of  our  fast  vessels  of  about  fourteen 

1  At  a  later  period  President  Johnson  assured  me  that  Stanton's  publica- 
tion was  wholly  unauthorized  by  him,  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it  until  he 
saw  it  in  the  papers.  We  were  all  imposed,  upon  by  Stanton,  who  had  a  pur- 
pose. He  and  the  Radicals  were  opposed  to  the  mild  policy  of  President 
Lincoln,  on  which  Sherman  had  acted,  and  which  Stanton  opposed  and  was 
determined  to  defeat.  —  G.  W. 


18Q5]  VISIT  TO  CHARLESTON  311 

hundred  tons,  on  a  trip  to  Savannah.  The  late  President 
had  suggested  to  me  some  weeks  before  his  death  that  he 
would  be  pleased  to  go  on  such  an  excursion  to  Charleston, 
and  visit  Dahlgren,  who  was,  with  him,  a  favorite.  Subse- 
quent events  and  his  protracted  visit  to  the  upper  waters 
of  the  James  and  Richmond  altered  this  plan,  and  might 
have  defeated  it,  even  had  his  life  been  prolonged. 

His  death  postponed  and  seemed  at  times  likely  to  de- 
feat it  altogether,  but  after  repeated  delays  we  on  this  day 
embarked  and  went  down  the  Potomac.  Of  the  voyage  and 
its  incidents  I  make  here  brief  mention,  for  what  is  written 
is  penned  after  our  return,  and  from  memory  chiefly. 

[May  25  and  26-1  The  day  was  fine  and  our  sail  down  the 
river  exceedingly  pleasant.  When  I  arose  on  the  following 
morning,  the  25th,  we  had  passed  Cape  Henry  and  were  at 
sea.  The  wind  was  strong  from  the  southeast  and  the  sea 
rough,  with  one  or  two  smart  storms  of  rain.  Most  of  the 
passengers  and  some  others  were  sick  this  and  the  follow- 
ing day,  when  we  passed  Cape  Hatteras  and  Frying-Pan 
Shoals.  Unexpectedly  to  myself,  I  was  not  seasick. 

On  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  27th  [sic],1  we  were  off 
Charleston  Bar,  waiting  the  tide  and  a  pilot.  Admiral 
Dahlgren  came  down  in  a  tug  and  brought  the  fleet  pilot, 
who  took  us  in.  Fort  Sumter,  whose  ruins  were  prominent, 
we  passed,  and  Morris  and  Sullivan's  Islands,  with  their 
batteries,  and  anchored  the  Santiago  near  the  town. 

May  27  [sic].  Mrs.  Welles,  who  had  not  left  her  bed  after 
retiring  on  the  24th  on  the  lower  Potomac,  was  brought 
upon  deck  and  had  a  bed  under  the  awning.  The  day  was 
delicious,  the  air  balmy,  and  she,  as  did  all  of  us,  enjoyed 
the  scene.  Our  whole  company,  with  the  exception  of  Mrs. 
Welles  and  Mrs.  Howard,  went  on  shore  and  dispersed  in 
squads  over  the  city.  With  Dahlgren  and  a  few  others,  I 
went  to  the  Rebel  navy  yard  and  thence  to  the  citadel 
and  various  parts  of  the  city.  Late  in  the  afternoon  we 

1  Sunday  was  the  28th. 


312  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  27 

took  carriages  which  were  politely  furnished  by  General 
Hatch,  and  rode  through  the  principal  streets  and  into  the 
suburbs,  visiting  the  cemeteries,  etc. 

[May  29.]  On  Monday  we  took  a  morning  ride,  Mrs. 
Welles  being  able  to  go  with  us,  and  drove  about  the  place, 
Returning  to  the  wharf,  we  took  a  tug,  visited  the  Pawnee, 
and  then  went  to  Sumter,  Moultrie,  Fort  Johnston,  etc, 
The  day  was  beautiful  and  all  enjoyed  it. 

There  was  both  sadness  and  gratification  in  witnessing 
the  devastation  of  the  city  and  the  deplorable  condition  of 
this  seat  of  the  Rebellion.  No  place  has  suffered  more  or 
deserved  to  have  suffered  more.  Here  was  the  seat  of 
Southern  aristocracy.  The  better  blood  —  the  superior 
class,  as  they  considered  themselves  —  here  held  sway  and 
dictated  the  policy,  not  only  of  Charleston  but  of  South 
Carolina,  and  ultimately  of  the  whole  South.  The  power 
of  association  and  of  exclusiveness  has  here  been  exempli- 
fied and  the  consequences  that  follow  from  the  beginning 
of  evil.  Not  that  the  aristocracy  had  more  vigorous  in- 
tellects, greater  ability,  for  they  had  not,  yet  their  wealth, 
their  ancestry,  the  usage  of  the  community  gave  them 
control. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  the  leading  genius  and  master  mind  of  the 
State,  was  not  one  of  the  elite,  the  first  families,  but  was 
used,  nursed,  and  favored  by  them,  and  they  by  him.  He 
acknowledged  their  supremacy  and  deferred  to  them ;  they 
recognized  his  talents  and  gave  him  position.  He  pandered 
to  their  pride;  they  fostered  his  ambition. 

Rhett,  one  of  the  proudest  of  the  nobility,  had  the  ambi- 
tion of  Calhoun  without  his  ability,  yet  he  was  not  desti- 
tute of  a  certain  degree  of  smartness,  which  stimulated  his 
aspirations.  More  than  any  one  else,  perhaps,  has  he  con- 
tributed to  precipitating  this  Rebellion  and  brought  these 
terrible  calamities  on  his  State  and  country.  The  gentle- 
manly, elegant,  but  brilliantly  feeble  intellects  of  his  class 
had  the  vanity  to  believe  they  could  rule,  or  establish  a 
Southern  empire.  Their  young  men  had  read  Scott's 


1865]         CHARLESTON  AND  SAVANNAH          313 

novels,  and  considered  themselves  to  be  knights  and  barons 
bold,  sons  of  chivalry  and  romance,  born  to  fight  and  to 
rule.  Cotton  they  knew  to  be  king,  and  slavery  created  cot- 
ton. They  used  these  to  combine  other  weak  minds  at  the 
South,  and  had  weak  and  willing  tools  to  pander  to  them 
in  certain  partisans  at  the  North. 

The  results  of  their  theory  and  the  fruits  of  their  labors 
are  to  be  seen  in  this  ruined  city  and  this  distressed  people. 
Luxury,  refinement,  happiness  have  fled  from  Charleston; 
poverty  is  enthroned  there.  Having  sown  error,  she  has 
reaped  sorrow.  She  has  been,  and  is,  punished.  I  rejoice 
that  it  is  so.  fc 

On  Monday  evening  we  left  for  Savannah,  but,  a  storm 
coming  on,  the  Santiago  put  into  Port  Royal,  having  lost 
sight  of  our  consort.  It  had  been  our  intention  to  stop  at 
this  place  on  our  return,  but,  being  here,  we  concluded  to 
finish  our  work,  and  accordingly  went  up  to  Beaufort.  Re- 
turning, we  visited  Hilton  Head  and  Fort  Welles  on  invita- 
tion from  General  Gillmore. 

[May  30.]  Tuesday  we  proceeded  up  the  Savannah  River, 
and,  on  reaching  the  city,  were  provided  with  carriages  to 
examine  it  and  the  environs.  Savannah  has  suffered  less 
from  war  than  Charleston,  and,  though  stricken,  has  the 
appearance  of  vitality  if  not  of  vigor. 

We  drove  out  to  Bonayentura,  the  former  possession  of 
Tatnall,  which  has  been  converted  into  a  cemetery.  The 
place  has  an  indescribable  beauty,  I  may  say  grandeur,  im- 
pressing me  beyond  any  rural  place  I  have  visited.  Long 
rows  of  venerable  live  oaks,  the  splendid  and  valuable  tree 
of  the  South,  festooned  with  moss,  opened  up  beautiful 
vistas  and  drives.  The  place  I  can  never  forget. 

I  called  on  General  Grover,  in  company  with  Admiral 
Dahlgren,  and  had  half  an  hour's  interesting  conversation 
on  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Georgia  and  the  South  gener- 
ally. General  Birge  of  Connecticut  called  on  us  at  the 
boat,  where  we  also  met  Samuel  Cooley  of  Hartford,  an  old 
and  familiar  acquaintance. 


314  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  30 

Mrs.  Jefferson  Davis  was  at  the  Pulaski  House.  She  had 
accompanied  her  husband  to  Fortress  Monroe,  and  been 
ordered  South  when  he  was  committed  to  the  Fortress, 
The  vessel  in  which  she  came  had  been  in  sight  of  ours  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  day  before  we  reached  Charles- 
ton, and  was  in  that  harbor  when  we  arrived  there,  but  left 
and  arrived  here  before  us. 

We  took  our  departure  on  the  afternoon  of  Tuesday  and 
passed  down  Thunderbolt  Inlet  to  Wassaw  Sound,  going 
over  the  ground  where  the  Weehawken  captured  the  At- 
lanta. This  Southern  coast  is  a  singular  network  of  interior 
navigable  waters  interlacing  each  other,  of  which  we  knew 
very  little  before  this  Civil  War.  The  naval  men  seemed 
to  be  better  informed  as  regards  the  coast  of  Europe  than 
their  own  country. 

The  sun  had  set  when  we  reached  Savannah  River,  and 
it  was  dark  when  we  left.  Most  of  the  company  were  im- 
portunate to  visit  Havana,  but  I  thought  it  not  best,  and 
the  steamer  therefore  turned  homeward. 

[May  31- June  7.]  We  had  calm  and  delightful  weather. 
Were  amused  as  persons  on  shipboard  usually  are.  Off  the 
entrance  to  Cape  Fear  we  had  some  fishing .  Saw  and  signalled 
a  steamer  on  the  inside  near  Fort  Caswell,  which  came  out 
to  us.  Two  or  three  Treasury  agents  were  on  board,  and 
Judge  Casey  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  who  is  here,  I  sur- 
mise, like  many  others,  for  speculation. 

During  the  night  we  were  serenaded  by  a  fine  band, 
which  had  come  off  in  a  steamer.  We  ascertained  in  the 
morning  that  it  was  General  Hawley  and  staff  in  an  army 
boat,  they  having  come  down  from  Wilmington  to  meet 
us.  By  invitation  we  went  on  board  with  them  and  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Cape  Fear  to  Wilmington.  The  Santiago 
was  directed  to  proceed  around  Smith's  Island  opposite  to 
Fort  Fisher  and  await  us.  The  beach  for  some  distance 
was  strewn  with  wrecks  of  blockade-runners,  —  or,  more 
modestly  and  correctly  speaking,  several  were  beached. 
Our  jaunt  to  Wilmington  was  pleasant,  and  our  ride 


1865]        THE  RETURN  TO  WASHINGTON         315 

through  various  streets  exceedingly  warm.  We  returned 
early  in  order  to  visit  Fort  Fisher  by  daylight.  These 
formidable  defenses,  which  we  finally  captured,  have  given 
me  exceeding  annoyance  for  several  years.  The  War  De- 
partment and  military,  so  long  as  Halleck  controlled,  had 
no  comprehension  of  the  importance  of  capturing  this  place, 
and  by  so  doing  cutting  off  Rebel  supplies. 

We  stopped  a  few  hours  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  walked 
round  on  the  ramparts.  Jeff  Davis  was  a  prisoner  in  one  of 
the  casemates,  but  I  did  not  see  him. 

June  8.  The  Santiago  arrived  at  the  Navy  Yard,  Wash- 
ington, this  day,  shortly  after  meridian.  My  two  sons, 
Edgar  and  Tom,  were  awaiting  our  arrival  and  came  off  in 
the  boat  to  receive  us.  All  were  well. 

Governor  Dennison  and  myself  called  immediately  on 
the  President*  and  reported  our  return.  We  found  him  with 
a  delegation  headed  by  Judge  Sharkey  from  Mississippi, 
concerning  the  subject  of  reorganizing  that  State.  The 
President  was  glad  to  receive  us,  and  invited  us,  after  in- 
troduction, to  participate  in  the  discussion.  Subsequently, 
after  the  delegation  had  withdrawn,  we  briefly  reported 
the  results  of  our  observation  as  to  the  condition  and  senti- 
ments of  the  people  of  North  and  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia. 

Found  matters  at  the  Department  had  proceeded  satis- 
factorily. Some  matters  which  might  have  been  disposed 
of  awaited  my  action. 

June  9,  Friday.  Attended  Cabinet-meeting.  Mr.  Seward 
was  present.  We  met  in  the  Blue  Room  for  his  accommo- 
dation. Affairs  of  Texas  were  discussed.  Hamilton,  who 
was  appointed  military  governor  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  is  here 
pressing  himself  for  a  continuance  in  that  position.  There 
seemed  a  general  disposition  to  acquiesce  in  that  arrange- 
ment. I  remarked  that  I  was  not  personally  familiar  with 
Hamilton,  but  I  supposed  him  loyal.  He  had  been  a  pro- 


316  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES 

fuse  talker,  but  his  profoundness  and  capability,  an 
may  add,  his  sincerity  had  sometimes  appeared  to 
questionable.  I  mentioned  Governor  Pease  as  a  loyal  i* 
reliable  man  of  sound  judgment,  and  undoubted 
and  rightmindedness. 

June  10,  Saturday.  Absorbed  in  bringing  forward  n 
ters  which  had  accumulated  and  disposing  of  them. 
instructions  to  Rear- Admiral  Goldsborough  essentially 
understood.    Paymaster   Cunningham  says  he  has 
told  there  will  be  expenditures  to  officers  to  travel 
visit  navy  yards,  and  desires  an  authorization  to  pay 
Declined  to  give  it. 

June  12,  Monday.  Sat  an  hour  to  Simmons  for  medallion. 
The  President  asked  me  if  it  would  not  be  best  under  the 
circumstances,  and  as  we  had  no  word  from  Govern*  »r 
Pease,  to  continue  Hamilton  in  the  position  of  Governor  «<f 
Texas  for  the  mere  purpose  of  organizing,  etc.  I  acqui- 
esced in  most  of  his  suggestions,  though  I  told  him  my  im- 
pressions of  H.  were  not  favorable. 

June  13,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  to-day  Judge 
Sharkey  and  Mr.  George  were  formally  introduced  to  tlic 
Cabinet,  remaining,  however,  but  a  moment.  It  is  con- 
cluded to  make  Sharkey  provisional  Governor.  He  is  a 
man  of  mind  and  culture,  Whig  in  his  antecedents,  and  I 
think  with  some  offensive  points  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
and  popular  rights;  but  he  was  and  is  opposed  to  repudia- 
tion and  bad  faith  by  Mississippi.  The  subject  of  Treasury 
agents  and  tax  of  twenty-five  per  cent  on  cotton  was  dis- 
cussed at  great  length  in  the  Cabinet.  All  but  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  for  abolishing  agents  and  tax.  McC. 
thinks  the  Executive  has  no  authority. 

Asked  McCulloch  if  it  was  true  that  Clerk  Henderson 
had  been  reappointed.  He  said  yes,  after  Solicitor  Jor- 
dan investigated  and  reported  the  charge  against  him 


1865]  GRANT  ON  THE  MEXICAN  SITUATION  317 

groundless.  Told  him  I  was  satisfied  H.  was  not  a  proper 
man,  etc. 

June  14  and  15.  Not  well,  but  pressed  in  disposing  of 
current  business.  Acting  Rear-Admiral  Godon  reported  in 
person.  Had  returned  with  Susquehanna  to  Hampton 
Roads  from  Havana.  The  authorities  of  Cuba,  he  says, 
very  courteous,  and  the  people  entirely  American. 

June  16,  Friday.  At  Cabinet-meeting  General  Grant 
came  in  to  press  upon  the  government  the  importance  of 
taking  decisive  measures  in  favor  of  the  republic  of  Mex- 
ico. Thought  that  Maximilian  and  the  French  should  be 
warned  to  leave.  Said  the  Rebels  were  crossing  the  Rio 
Grande  and  entering  the  imperial  service.  Their  purpose 
would  be  to  provoke  differences,  create  animosity,  and  pre- 
cipitate hostilities.  Seward  was  emphatic  in  opposition  to 
any  movement.  Said  the  Empire  was  rapidly  perishing, 
and,  if  let  alone,  Maximilian  would  leave  in  less  than 
six  months,  perhaps  in  sixty  days,  whereas,  if  we  inter- 
fered, it  would  prolong  his  stay  and  the  Empire  also. 
Seward  acts  from  intelligence,  Grant  from  impulse. 

Seward  submitted  a  paper  drawn  up  by  himself,  favor- 
able to  the  purchase  of  Ford's  Theatre  to  be  devoted  to 
religious  purposes.  Governor  Dennison,  who  sometimes 
catches  quickly  at  schemes,  expressed  his  readiness  to  sign 
this,  but  no  others  concurred,  and  it  was  dropped. 

June  17,  Saturday.  Called  on  the  President  with  lists  of 
the  candidates  for  the  Naval  School.  After  going  over  the 
lists,  he  requested  they  might  be  left,  and  that  I  would  call 
on  him  at  noon  to-morrow.  I  reminded  him  that  it  was 
Sunday.  He  remarked  if  any  other  time  would  be  more 
convenient  to  me,  it  would  be  acceptable  to  him. 

June  19,  Monday.  Called  yesterday  on  the  President,  as 
requested  and  appointed  by  him  on  Saturday.  After  run- 


318  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  w 

ning  over  the  different  classes  of  appointments  which  the 
President  is  authorized  to  make  at  the  Naval  School,  he 
said  he  knew  little  of  them  and  should  leave  them  chiefly  to 
me.  There  were  four  selections  of  the  class  of  ten  at  large 
to  be  made,  and  perhaps  thirty  candidates,  three  of  whom 
were  from  Tennessee.  He  spoke  highly  of  each  and  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  all  three  should  be  appointed.  I  said  he 
could  so  order,  but  suggested  that  exception  might  be 
taken  to  the  appointment  of  three  from  his  own  State,  and 
only  one  to  all  others.  He  appreciated  the  objection,  but 
said  they  were  all  good  boys.  I  intimated  a  probability 
that  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  candidates  were  also  excellent 
young  men.  It  was  finally  left  that  two  of  them  should  be 
appointed,  and  that  the  other  must  if  possible  come  in 
under  another  class. 

June  20,  Tuesday.  Mr.  Seward  was  absent  from  the 
Cabinet-meeting.  All  others  were  present.  The  meetings 
are  better  and  more  punctually  attended  than  under  Mr. 
Lincoln's  administration,  and  measures  are  more  generally 
discussed,  which  undoubtedly  tends  to  better  administra- 
tion. Mrs.  Seward  lies  at  the  point  of  death,  which  is  the 
cause  of  Mr.  Seward's  absence. 

The  subject  of  appointments  in  the  Southern  States  — 
the  Rebel  States  —  was  discussed.  A  difficulty  is  experi- 
enced in  the  stringent  oath  passed  by  the  last  Congress. 
Men  are  required  to  swear  they  have  rendered  no  volun- 
tary aid  to  the  Rebellion,  nor  accepted  or  held  office  under 
the  Rebel  government.  This  oath  is  a  device  to  perpetuate 
differences,  if  persisted  in. 

I  was  both  amused  and  vexed  with  the  propositions  and 
suggestions  for  evading  this  oath.  Stanton  proposed  that 
if  the  appointees  would  not  take  the  whole  oath,  to  swear 
to  as  much  as  they  could.  Speed  was  fussy  and  uncertain; 
did  not  know  but  what  it  would  become  necessary  to  call 
Congress  together  to  get  rid  of  this  official  oath.  Harlan  1 

1  Harlan  had  succeeded  Secretary  Usher  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 


1865]  THE  NEW  OATH  OF  OFFICE  319 

believed  the  oath  proper  and  that  it  should  stand.  Said  it 
was  carefully  and  deliberately  framed,  that  it  was  de- 
signed, purposely,  to  exclude  men  from  executive  appoint- 
ments. Mr.  Wade  and  Mr.  Sunnier  had  this  specially  in 
view.  Thought  there  was  no  difficulty  in  these  appoint- 
ments except  judges.  All  other  officers  were  temporary; 
judges  were  for  life.  I  remarked  that  did  not  follow.  If  the 
Senate,  when  it  convened,  did  not  choose  to  confirm  the 
judicial  appointments,  the  incumbents  could  only  hold 
until  the  close  of  the  next  session  of  Congress.  But  above 
and  beyond  this  I  denied  that  Congress  could  impose  limit- 
ations and  restrictions  on  the  pardoning  power,  and  thus 
circumscribe  the  President's  prerogative.  I  claimed  that 
the  President  could  nominate,  and  the  Senate  confirm,  an 
officer  independent  of  that  form  and  oath,  and  if  the  ap- 
pointee took  and  faithfully  conformed  to  the  constitu- 
tional oath,  he  could  not  be  molested.  McCulloch  inclined 
to  my  views,  but  Stanton  insisted  that  point  had  been 
raised  and  decided  and  could  not,  therefore,  be  maintained. 
I  claimed  that  no  wrong  decision  could  be  binding,  and  I 
had  no  doubt  of  the  wrongfulness  of  such  a  decision,  deny- 
ing that  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  Executive  could  be 
frittered  away  by  legislation.  There  is  partyism  in  all  this, 
not  union  or  country. 

June  21,  Wednesday.  Mrs.  Seward,  wife  of  Secretary 
Sewardj  died  this  A.M.  Mr.  Seward  sends  me  a  letter  in- 
closing dispatch  of  Lord  John  Russell  in  relation  to  belli- 
gerent rights  to  the  Rebels.  Both  France  and  England 
withdraw  belligerent  rights  from  them,  —  France,  it  would 
seem,  unconditionally,  but  England  with  conditions,  and, 
as  usual,  our  Secretary  is  outmanoeuvred.  He  writes  me 
that  our  naval  vessels  will  not  extend  courtesies  to  British 
naval  vessels,  etc.  Disagreed  and  wrote  him  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  instructing  naval  officers.  But  called  at  State 
Department.  It  was  late  and  no  one  there. 


320  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JUNE  22 

June  22,  Thursday.  I  called  early  on  the  President  in 
relation  to  Seward's  letter  concerning  the  blockade  and 
courtesy  to  British  vessels.  He  concurred  in  my  views.  I 
went  to  the  State  Department  and  saw  Mr.  Hunter.  He 
agreed  with  me  and  complimented  my  letter,  and  also  one 
I  wrote  a  few  days  since  regarding  the  Japanese  vessel, 
which  seems  to  have  made  an  impression  upon  him,  and 
which  he  complimented  as  very  statesmanlike  and  in- 
structive. 

June  23,  Friday.  Rear-Admiral  Dahlgren  returned  this 
morning  from  Charleston.  Two  years  since  he  left.  Simul- 
taneous with  his  return  come  tidings  of  the  death  of  Rear- 
Admiral  Du  Pont,  whom  he  relieved,  and  who  died  this 
A.M.  in  Philadelphia.  Du  Pont  possessed  ability,  had  ac- 
quirements, was  a  scholar  rather  than  a  hero.  He  was  a 
courtier,  given  to  intrigue,  was  selfish,  adroit,  and  skillful. 
Most  of  the  Navy  were  attached  to  him  and  considered 
his  the  leading  cultured  mind  in  the  service.  He  nursed 
cliques.  There  are  many  intelligent  and  excellent  officers, 
however,  who  look  upon  him  with  exceeding  dislike;  yet 
Du  Pont  had,  two  and  three  years  ago,  greater  personal 
influence  than  any  man  in  the  service.  He  knew  it,  and  in- 
tended to  make  it  available  in  a  controversy  with  the  De- 
partment on  the  subject  of  the  monitor  vessels,  to  which 
he  took  a  dislike.  Although  very  proud,  he  was  not  phys- 
ically brave.  Pride  would  have  impelled  him  to  go  into 
action,  but  he  had  not  innate  daring  courage.  He  was  de- 
termined not  to  retain  his  force  or  any  portion  of  it  in 
Charleston  Harbor,  insisted  it  could  not  be  done,  dis- 
obeyed orders,  was  relieved,  and  expected  to  rally  the 
Navy  and  country  with  him,  but  was  disappointed.  Some 
of  his  best  friends  condemned  his  course.  He  sought  a 
controversy  with  the  Department,  and  was  not  successful. 
Disappointed  and  chagrined,  he  has  been  unhappy  and 
dissatisfied.  I  believe  I  appreciated  and  did  justice  to  his 


SAMUEL  F.  DU  PONT 


1865]        DEATH  OF  ADMIRAL  DU  PONT         321 

any  time  provoked  to  do  him  wrong.  He  challenged  me 
to  remove  him,  and  felt  confident  I  would  not  do  it.  I 
would  not  have  done  it  had  he  obeyed  orders  and  been 
zealous  for  operations  against  Charleston.  As  it  was,  I 
made  no  haste,  and  only  ordered  Foote  and  Dahlgren  when 
I  got  ready.  Then  the  step  was  taken.  Du  Pont  was 
amazed,  yet  had  no  doubt  the  Navy  would  be  roused  in  his 
favor,  and  that  he  should  overpower  the  Department. 
Months  passed.  He  procured  two  or  three  papers  to  speak 
for  him,  but  there  was  no  partisanship  in  the  Navy  for 
him,  except  with  about  half  a  dozen  young  officers,  whom 
he  had  petted  and  trained,  and  a  few  mischievous  politi- 
cians. 

Returning  to  Delaware,  he  went  into  absolute  retire- 
ment. None  missed  or  called  for  him.  This  seclusion  did 
not  please  him  and  became  insupportable,  but  he  saw  no 
extrication.  He  therefore  prepared  a  very  adroit  letter  in 
the  latter  part  of  October,  1863,  ostensibly  an  answer  to  a 
dispatch  of  mine  written  the  preceding  June.  This  skillful 
letter,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  was  prepared  in  concert 
with  H.  Winter  Davis,  and  was  intended  to  be  used  in  an 
assault  on  me  at  the  session  of  Congress  then  approaching. 
Although  much  engaged,  I  immediately  replied,  and  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  close  up  Du  Pont.  Davis,  however, 
made  his  attack  in  Congress,  but  in  such  a  way  as  not  to 
draw  out  the  correspondence.  Others  remedied  that  de- 
ficiency, and  Davis  got  more  than  he  asked.  Du  Pont  sank. 
He  could  rally  no  force,  and  the  skill  and  tact  at  intrigue 
which  had  distinguished  him  in  earlier  years  and  in  lower 
rank  was  gone.  He  felt  that  he  was  feeble  and  it  annoyed 
him.  Still,  his  talent  was  not  wholly  idle.  False  issues  were 
put  forth,  and  doubtless  some  have  been  deceived  by  them. 

Admiral  Porter  is  ordered  to  superintend  the  Naval 
School.  In  some  respects  a  good  officer,  but  is  extravagant 
in  expenditure  sometimes,  and  I  am  apprehensive  has  a 
tendency  to  be  partial.  I  trust,  however,  he  may  prove 
successful. 


322  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  23 

A  letter  of  General  Grant/urging  the  necessity  of  prompt 
action  against  the  Imperial  Government  of  Mexico,  was 
read  in  Cabinet.  Differences  of  opinion  were  expressed,  but 
there  was  not  a  general  concurrence  in  the  apprehensions 
expressed  by  General  Grant,  who,  naturally  perhaps,  de- 
sires to  retain  a  large  military  force  in  service. 

In  a  long  conversation  with  Blair  this  evening  he  told 
me  he  had  put  himself  in  communication  with  some  of  the 
New  York  editors.  Greeley  had  disappointed  him,  and 
was  unreliable.  Marble  of  the  World  he  commends  highly, 
I  incline  to  think  he  has  ability  and  he,  or  some  of  his 
writers,  exhibits  more  comprehension  of  the  true  principles 
and  structure  of  the  government  than  in  other  journals. 
There  is  in  the  World  more  sound  doctrine  in  these  days 
than  in  most  papers. 

Blair  still  holds  on  to  McCleilan,  —  stronger,  I  think, 
than  he  did  a  year  ago.  Perhaps  Marble  and  his  New 
York  friends  have  influenced  him  more  than  he  supposes, 
and  that  he,  instead  of,  or  as  well  as  they,  may  have  been 
at  least  parti  illy  converted. 

June  24,  Saturday.  Senator  Trumbull  called  on  me  to- 
day. Says  he  is  and  has  been  Johnsonian.  Is  not  pre- 
pared to  say  the  Administration  policy  of  Reconstruction 
is  not  the  best  that  could  be  suggested.  As  Trumbull  is  by 
nature  censorious,  —  a  faultfinder,  —  I  was  prepared 
to  hear  him  censure.  But  he  has  about  him  some  of  the 
old  State-rights  notions  which  form  the  basis  of  both  his 
and  my  political  opinions. 

He  expressed  a  hope  that  we  had  more  regular  Cabinet- 
meetings  and  a  more  general  submission  of  important 
questions  to  the  whole  council  than  was  the  case  under  Mr, 
Lincoln's  administration.  Trumbull  and  the  Senators  gen- 
erally thought  Seward  too  meddlesome  and  presuming. 
The  late  President  well  understood  and  rightly  appreciated 
the  character  and  abilities  of  Trumbull,  and  would  not 
quarrel  with  him,  though  he  felt  him  to  be  ungenerous  and 


1865]   LINCOLN  AND  SENATOR  TRUMBTJLL    323 

exacting.  They  had  been  pretty  intimater  though  of  op- 
posing parties,  in  Illinois,  until  circumstances  and  events 
brought  them  to  act  together.  In  a  competition  for  the 
seat  of  Senator,  Mr.  Lincoln,  though  having  three  fourths 
of  the  votes  of  their  combined  strength,1  when  it  was  neces- 
sary they  should  have  all  to  succeed  in  choosing  a  Senator, 
finding  that  Trumbull  would  not  give  way,  himself  with- 
drew and  went  for  T.,  who  was  elected.  The  true  traits  of 
the  two  men  were  displayed  in  that  contest.  Lincoln  was 
self-sacrificing  for  the  cause;  Trumbull  persisted  against 
great  odds  in  enforcing  his  own  pretensions.  When  L.  was 
taken  up  and  made  President,  Trumbull  always  acted  as 
though  he  thought  himself  a  more  fit  and  proper  man  than 
Lincoln,  whom  he  had  crowded  aside  in  the  Senatorial 
contest. 

Preston  King  thinks  that  D.  D.  T.  Marshall  had  better 
be  retained  as  storekeeper  at  Brooklyn  for  the  present, 
unless  there  is  evidence  of  fraud  or  corruption.  On  these 
matters  K.  is  very  decided  and  earnest  and  would  spare  no 
one  who  is  guilty.  I  have  always  found  him  correct  as  well 
as  earnest.  King  is  domiciled  at  the  Executive  Mansion, 
and  I  am  glad  the  President  gives  him  so  truly  and  fully 
his  confidence,  and  that  he  has  such  a  faithful  and  com- 
petent adviser. 

The  President  permits  himself  to  be  overrun  with  vis- 
itors. I  find  the  anteroom  crowded  through  the  day  by 
women  and  men  seeking  audience,  often  on  frivolous  and 
comparatively  unimportant  subjects  which  belong  pro- 
perly to  the  Departments,  often  by  persons  who  have  cases 
which  have  been  investigated  and  passed  upon  by  the 
Secretaries  or  by  the  late  President.  This  pressure  will,  if 
continued,  soon  break  down  the  President  or  any  man.  No 
one  has  sufficient  physical  endurance  to  perform  this  labor, 
nor  is  it  right. 

June  26,  Monday.  A  very  wet  day.  Was  to  have  visited 

1  On  the  first  ballot  Lincoln  had  45  votes  and  Trumbull  5. 


Admiral  Dahlgren  on  the  Pawnee  with  the  President,  but, 
the  day  being  inclement  and  the  President  somewhat  indis- 
posed, the  visit  was  deferred. 

June  27,  Tuesday.  The  President  still  ill,  and  the  visit 
to  the  Pawnee  further  postponed.  No  Cabinet-meeting. 
The  President  is  feeling  the  effects  of  intense  application  to 
his  duties,  and  over-pressure  from  the  crowd. 

A  great  party  demonstration  is  being  made  for  negro 
suffrage.  It  is  claimed  the  negro  is  not  liberated  unless  he 
is  also  a  voter,  and,  to  make  him  a  voter,  those  who  urge 
this  doctrine  would  subvert  the  Constitution,  and  usurp 
or  assume  authority  not  granted  to  the  Federal  govern- 
ment. While  I  am  not  inclined  to  throw  impediments  in  the 
way  of  the  universal,  intelligent  enfranchisement  of  all 
men,  I  cannot  lend  myself  to  break  down  constitutional 
barriers,  or  to  violate  the  reserved  and  undoubted  rights  of 
the  States.  In  the  discussion  of  this  question,  it  is  evident 
that  intense  partisanship  instead  of  philanthropy  is  the 
root  of  the  movement.  When  pressed  by  arguments  which 
they  cannot  refute,  they  turn  and  say  if  the  negro  is  not 
allowed  to  vote,  the  Democrats  will  get  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  each  of  the  seceding  or  rebellious  States,  and  in 
conjunction  with  the  Democrats  of  the  Free  States  they 
will  get  the  ascendency  in  our  political  affairs.  As  there 
must  and  will  be  parties,  they  may  as  well  form  on  this 
question,  perhaps,  as  any  other.  It  is  centralization  and 
State  rights.  It  is  curious  to  witness  the  bitterness  and  in- 
tolerance of  the  philanthropists  in  this  matter.  In  their 
zeal  for  the  negro  they  lose  sight  of  the  fundamental  law 
of  all  constitutional  rights  and  safeguards,  and  of  the  civil 
regulations  and  organization  of  the  government. 

June  30,  Friday.  The  weather  for  several  days  has  been 
exceedingly  warm.  For  some  time  there  have  been  com- 
plaints of  mismanagement  of  affairs  in  the  storekeeper's 
department  at  Boston,  and  on  Monday  last  I  made  a 


5J    WADE  ON  EXECUTIVE  USURPATION     325 

a/nge,  appointing  an  officer  who  lost  a  leg  in  the  serv- 

Mr.  Gooch  comes  to  me  with  an  outcry  from  the 

ston  delegation  wanting  action  to  be  deferred.    Told 

if  there  was  any  reason  for  it  I  would  give  it  consider- 
on.  He  wished  to  know  the  cause  of  the  change.  I 
d  him  the  welfare  and  best  interest  of  the  service, 
is  not  my  purpose  in  this  and  similar  cases  to  be  placed 

-fche  defensive.  I  do  not  care  to  make  or  prefer  charges, 
b  I  feel  it  a  most  unpleasant  task  to  remove  even  objec- 
XDL able  men. 

IThe  President  is  still  indisposed,  and  I  am  unable  to  per- 
t  some  important  business  that  I  wished  to  complete 
:li  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year.  There  are  several  Radical 
ambers  here,  and  have  been  for  some  days,  apparently 
sdlous  to  see  the  President.  Have  met  Senator  Wade 
3  or  three  times  at  the  White  House.  Complains  that 

>  Executive  has  the  control  of  the  government,  that 
ngress  and  the  Judiciary  are  subordinate,  and  mere  in- 
uirnents  in  his  hands ;  said  our  form  of  government  was 
-the  whole  a  failure;  that  there  are  not  three  distinct  and 
dependent  departments  but  one  great  controlling  one  with 
D  others  as  assistants.  Mentions  that  the  late  President 
led  out  75,000  men  without  authority.  Congress,  when 
same  together,  approved  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  then  asked  for 
>,000  men  and  four  hundred  millions  of  money.   Con- 
>ss  gave  him  five  of  each  instead  of  four.  I  asked  him  if 
supposed  or  meant  to  say  that  these  measures  were  pro- 
sed without  consulting,  informally,  the  leading  members 
each  house.  He  replied  that  he  did  not,  and  admitted 
Lt  the  condition  of  the  country  required  the  action  which 
s  taken,  that  it  was  right  and  in  conformity  with  public 
>ectation. 

Chad  Stevens  called  on  me  on  business  and  took  occasion 
express  ultra  views,  and  had  a  sarcastic  hit  or  two  but 
•liout  much  sting.  He  is  not  satisfied,  nor  is  Wade,  yet  I 
nk  the  latter  is  mollified  and  disinclined  to  disagree  with 

>  President.   But  his  friend  Winter  Davis,  it  is  under- 


326  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  30 

stood,  is  intending  to  improve  the  opportunity  of  deliver- 
ing a  Fourth-of-July  oration,  to  take  ground  distinctly  an- 
tagonistic to  the  Administration  on  the  question  of  negro 
suffrage. 


XXXI 

McCulloch  alarmed  for  the  Treasury  —  Lack  of  Economy  in  the  War  De- 
partment—  Sumner's  Work  in  behalf  of  Negro  Suffrage  —  The  Closing 
of  Ford's  Theatre  —  Alexander  H.  Stepheus's  Proposed  Book  —  Gen- 
erals Grant  and  Sherman  hostile  to  Maximilian's  Rule  in  Mexico  — 
Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Subject  —  The  Conspirators  against  Pre- 
sident Lincoln  sent  to  the  Tortugas  to  await  Trial  —  The  Trial  of  Jef- 
ferson Davis  discussed  in  Cabinet  —  The  Completion  of  the  Iron 
Ram  Dunderberg  —  Ex-Vice-President  Hamlin  and  the  Navy  Agency 
in  Washington. 

July  1,  Saturday.  I  am  this  day  sixty-three  years  old  — 
have  attained  my  grand  climacteric,  a  critical  period  in 
man's  career.  Some  admonitions  remind  me  of  the  frail- 
ness of  human  existence  and  of  the  feeble  tenure  I  have  on 
life.  I  cannot  expect,  at  best,  many  returns  of  this  anni- 
versary and  perhaps  shall  never  witness  another. 

July  8,  Saturday.  The  week  has  been  one  of  intense 
heat,  and  I  have  been  both  busy  and  indolent.  Incidents 
have  passed  without  daily  record.  The  President  has  been 
ill.  On  Friday  I  met  him  at  the  Cabinet.  He  has  been 
threatened,  Dennison  tells  me,  with  apoplexy.  So  the 
President  informed  him. 

Mr.  Seward  has  undertaken  to  excuse  and  explain  his 
strange  letter  to  me  stating  "our  vessels  will  withhold  cour- 
tesy from  the  English."  He  was  not  aware  what  he  wrote. 
Damns  the  English  and  said  he  was  ready  to  let  them 
know  they  must  not  insult  us,  and  went  into  pretty  glib 
denunciation  of  them.  Says  the  French  want  to  get  out 
of  Mexico  and  will  go  if  we  let  them  alone.  In  Cabinet  yes- 
terday, Dennison  mentioned  a  call  he  had  from  Sir  Freder- 
ick Bruce,  who  desired  him  to  bring  to  the  notice  of  the 
President  the  grievance  of  an  Englishman.  Seward  and 
Stanton  objected  to  the  informality  of  the  proceedings, 


322  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNI 

A  letter  of  General  Grant/urging  the  necessity  of  pro: 
action  against  the  Imperial  Government  of  Mexico, ' 
read  in  Cabinet.  Differences  of  opinion  were  expressed, 
there  was  not  a  general  concurrence  in  the  apprehensi 
expressed  by  General  Grant,  who,  naturally  perhaps, 
sires  to  retain  a  large  military  force  in  service. 

In  a  long  conversation  with  Blair  this  evening  he  t 
me  he  had  put  himself  in  communication  with  some  of 
New  York  editors.  Greeley  had  disappointed  him,  i 
was  unreliable.  Marble  of  the  World  he  commends  hig] 
I  incline  to  think  he  has  ability  and  he,  or  some  of 
writers,  exhibits  more  comprehension  of  the  true  princi] 
and  structure  of  the  government  than  in  other  journ 
There  is  in  the  World  more  sound  doctrine  hi  these  d 
than  in  most  papers. 

Blair  still  holds  on  to  McClellan,  —  stronger,  I  thi 
than  he  did  a  year  ago.  Perhaps  Marble  and  his  £ 
York  friends  have  influenced  him  more  than  he  suppo 
and  that  he,  instead  of,  or  as  well  as  they,  may  have  b 
at  least  parti  illy  converted. 

June  24,  Saturday.  Senator  Trumbull  called  on  me 
day.  Says  he  is  and  has  been  Johnsonian.  Is  not  ] 
pared  to  say  the  Administration  policy  of  Reconstrucl 
is  not  the  best  that  could  be  suggested.  As  Trumbull  i£ 
nature  censorious,  —  a  faultfinder,  —  I  was  prepa 
to  hear  him  censure.  But  he  has  about  him  some  of 
old  State-rights  notions  which  form  the  basis  of  both 
and  my  political  opinions. 

He  expressed  a  hope  that  we  had  more  regular  Cabii 
meetings  and  a  more  general  submission  of  import 
questions  to  the  whole  council  than  was  the  case  under  J 
Lincoln's  administration.  Trumbull  and  the  Senators  g 
erally  thought  Seward  too  meddlesome  and  presurn 
The  late  President  well  understood  and  rightly  apprecia 
the  character  and  abilities  of  Trumbull,  and  would 
quarrel  with  him,  though  he  felt  him  to  be  ungenerous  i 


1865]   LINCOLN  AND  SENATOR  TRUMBULL    323 

exacting.  They  had  been  pretty  intimate,  though  of  op- 
posing parties,  in  Illinois,  until  circumstances  and  events 
brought  them  to  act  together.  In  a  competition  for  the 
seat  of  Senator,  Mr.  Lincoln,  though  having  three  fourths 
of  the  votes  of  their  combined  strength,1  when  it  was  neces- 
sary they  should  have  all  to  succeed  in  choosing  a  Senator, 
finding  that  Trumbull  would  not  give  way,  himself  with- 
drew and  went  for  T.,  who  was  elected.  The  true  traits  of 
the  two  men  were  displayed  in  that  contest.  Lincoln  was 
self-sacrificing  for  the  cause;  Trumbull  persisted  against 
great  odds  in  enforcing  his  own  pretensions.  When  L.  was 
taken  up  and  made  President,  Trumbull  always  acted  as 
though  he  thought  himself  a  more  fit  and  proper  man  than 
Lincoln,  whom  he  had  crowded  aside  in  the  Senatorial 
contest. 

Preston  King  thinks  that  D.  D.  T.  Marshall  had  better 
be  retained  as  storekeeper  at  Brooklyn  for  the  present, 
unless  there  is  evidence  of  fraud  or  corruption.  On  these 
matters  K.  is  very  decided  and  earnest  and  would  spare  no 
one  who  is  guilty.  I  have  always  found  him  correct  as  well 
as  earnest.  King  is  domiciled  at  the  Executive  Mansion, 
and  I  am  glad  the  President  gives  him  so  truly  and  fully 
his  confidence,  and  that  he  has  such  a  faithful  and  com- 
petent adviser. 

The  President  permits  himself  to  be  overrun  with  vis- 
itors. I  find  the  anteroom  crowded  through  the  day  by 
women  and  men  seeking  audience,  often  on  frivolous  and 
comparatively  unimportant  subjects  which  belong  pro- 
perly to  the  Departments,  often  by  persons  who  have  cases 
which  have  been  investigated  and  passed  upon  by  the 
Secretaries  or  by  the  late  President.  This  pressure  will,  if 
continued,  soon  break  down  the  President  or  any  man.  No 
one  has  sufficient  physical  endurance  to  perform  this  labor, 
nor  is  it  right. 

', 
June  26,  Monday.  A  very  wet  day.  Was  to  have  visited 

1  On  the  first  ballot  Lincoln  had  45  votes  and  Trumbull  5. 


328  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULYS 

which  should  come  through  the  State  Department.  The 
objection  was  well  taken,  but  Seward  could  not  well  pre- 
vent, having  been  constantly  committing  irregularities  by 
interfering  with  other  Departments. 

McCulloch  is  alarmed  about  the  Treasury,  Finds  that 
Fessenden  had  neither  knowledge  nor  accuracy;  that  it 
would  have  been  as  well  for  the  Department  and  the  coun- 
try had  he  been  in  Maine,  fishing,  as  to  have  been  in  the 
Treasury  Department.  His  opinion  of  Chase's  financial 
abilities  does  not  increase  in  respect  as  he  becomes  more 
conversant  with  the  finances.  But  McCulloch,  while  a  busi- 
ness man,  and  vastly  superior  to  either  of  his  two  immediate 
predecessors,  or  both  of  them,  in  that  respect,  has  unfor- 
tunately no  political  experience  and  is  deficient  in  know- 
ledge of  men. 

In  some  exhibits  yesterday,  it  was  shown  that  the  mil- 
itary had  had  under  pay  during  the  year  about  one  million 
men  daily.  Over  seven  hundred  thousand  have  been  paid 
off  and  discharged.  There  are  still  over  two  hundred  thou- 
sand men  on  the  rolls  under  pay.  The  estimates  of  Fessen- 
den are  exhausted,  the  loan  is  limited  by  law,  and  McCul- 
loch is  alarmed.  His  nerves  will,  however,  become  stronger, 
and  he  can  —  he  will  —  find  ways  to  weather  the  storm. 
Stanton  has  little  idea  of  economy,  although  he  parades 
the  subject  before  the  public.  It  is  notorious  that  no  econ- 
omy has  yet  penetrated  the  War  Department.  The  troops 
have  been  reduced  in  number,  —  men  have  been  mustered 
out,  —  because  from  the  cessation  of  hostilities  and  the 
expiration  of  their  terms  they  could  not  longer  be  retained, 
but  I  have  not  yet  seen  any  attempt  to  retrench  expenses 
in  the  quartermasters',  commissary,  or  any  other  branch 
of  the  military  service,  —  certainly  none  in  the  War  De- 
partment proper. 

On  Tuesday  the  4th,  I  went  with  Mrs.  Welles  and  Mrs. 
Bigelow,  wife  of  John  B.,  our  minister  to  France,  to  Silver 
Spring,  —  a  pleasant  drive.  The  Blairs,  as  usual,  were  hos- 
pitable and  interesting.  They  do  not  admire  Louis  Napo- 


A  PRESIDENTIAL  EXCURSION  329 

ind  want  his  troops  should  be  expelled  from  Mexico. 
B.  is  j  oyous,  pleasant,  and  happy,  and  it  is  evident  her 
md  wished  her  to  see  and  get  something  of  the  views 
i  Blairs,  but,  while  intelligent  and  charming,  she  is  not 
und  on  matters  of  State,  and  was  a  little  disconcerted 
3  plain,  blunt  remarks  of  the  elder  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blair. 
las,  however,  a  woman's  instincts. 

ly  9.  I  yesterday  proposed  to  the  President  to  take  a 
excursion  down  the  river.  He  is  pale  and  languid.  It 
lonth  since  he  came  to  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  he 
ever  yet  gone  outside  the  doors.  I  told  him  this  would 
answer,  —  that  no  constitution  would  endure  such 
and  close  confinement.  While  impressing  him  with  my 
5,  Speed  came  in,  who  earnestly  joined  me  and  im- 
d  the  President  to  go  and  take  Stanton  with  him.  It 
i,  he  said,  do  them  both  good.  Stanton  was  not  well, 
is  overworked.  There  was,  Speed  said,  a  beautiful 
the  River  Queen,  the  President's  yacht,  intended  by 
:on  for  his  use,  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  taken  his 
•sions  to  Hampton  Roads  and  to  Richmond.  He  made 
appeal  to  me  on  this  point.  But  I  told  him  that  I 
•  nothing  of  such  a  boat ;  that  she  did  not  belong  to  the 
r,  nor  had  I  any  control  over  her.  Speed  said  that  he 
'  the  boat,  that  he  came  from  Richmond  on  board  of 

.e  President  said  he  thought  he  would  go  and  would 
me  word.  About  noon,  his  clerk,  Muzzy,  sent  me 
that  the  President  would  go  the  next  day  at  11  A.M. 
.e  River  Queen.  Here  was  a  dilemma.  I  went  over  to 
Vliite  House  to  ask  whether  it  was  expected  I  would 
T  I  could  not  order  the  Queen.  Muzzy  said  the  Queen 
lot  the  boat;  it  was  his  mistake;  that  the  President 
I  not  put  his  foot  on  that  vessel,  would  go  with  me  on 
vy  vessel,  etc.  While  talking,  the  President  came  in 
the  library  and  said  he  wanted  a  naval  vessel, 
snt  with  the  President,  his  daughter  Mrs.  Patterson, 


her  two  children,  Mrs.  Welles,  Edgar,  and  John,  Marshal 
Gooding,  Horace  Maynard,  and  two  or  three  of  the  Pres- 
ident's secretaries  on  the  Don,  and  proceeded  down  the 
Potomac  below  Acquia  Creek.  It  was  a  cloudy  summer 
day,  extremely  pleasant  for  a  sail.  The  President  was 
afflicted  with  a  severe  headache,  but  the  excursion  was  of 
benefit  to  him. 

Commander  Parker  gave  us  a  specimen  of  squadron  drill 
and  movements  which  was  interesting.  We  returned  to 
Washington  about  8  P.M. 

July  10,  Monday.  A  rainy  day.  We  were  to  have  had  an 
excursion  to  the  Pawnee,  the  flag-ship  of  Admiral  Dahl- 
gren,  but  the  weather  has  prevented. 

I  read  to  the  President  two  letters  from  Senator  Sumner 
of  the  4th  and  5th  of  July,  on  the  subject  of  negro  suffrage 
in  the  Rebel  States.  Sumner  is  for  imposing  this  upon  those 
States  regardless  of  all  constitutional  limitations  and 
restriction.  It  is  evident  he  is  organizing  and  drilling  for 
that  purpose,  and  intends  to  make  war  upon  the  Adminis- 
tration policy  and  the  Administration  itself.  The  President 
is  not  unaware  of  the  scheming  that  is  on  foot,  but  I  know 
not  if  he  comprehends  to  its  full  extent  this  movement, 
which  is  intended  to  control  him  and  his  Administration. 

July  11,  Tuesday.  The  Cabinet-meeting  was  full.  Stan- 
ton  submitted  an  application  from  Judge  Campbell,  asking 
to  be  released  from  imprisonment  in  Pulaski.  .Seward 
talked  generalities,  but  on  the  whole  would  not  advise 
Campbell's  release  at  present.  Said  C.  was  a  fool;  that  he 
lacked  common  sense  and  had  behaved  singularly.  I  re- 
marked that  he  was  a  judge  of  the  highest  court,  had  failed 
in  his  duty  at -a  critical  moment,  that  he  was  the  only  judge 
on  that  bench  that  had  been  recreant  and  a  traitor,  and  he 
would  be  one  of  the  last  I  would  recommend  for  special 
favor.  The  others  coincided  with  me,  and  some  were  even 
stronger. 


1865]   THE  CLOSING  OF  FORD'S  THEATRE    331 

Stanton  also  stated  the  circumstances  under  which  he 
had  sent  a  guard  to  close  Ford's  Theatre,  and  prevent  it 
from  being  reopened.  Was  opposed  to  its  ever  being 
again  used  as  a  place  of  public  amusement.  Ford,  he  said, 
expected  to  make  money  from  the  tragedy,  by  drawing 
crowds  to  the  place  where  Lincoln  was  slain.  McCulloch 
and  Harlan  said  that  a  crowd  was  gathering  for  riotous 
purposes,  and  that  commotion  would  have  followed  the 
opening  of  the  theatre.  Stanton  assigned  that  as  one  of  the 
principal  reasons  for  his  course.  It  was  concluded  that  it 
would  not  be  advisable  for  the  present  to  permit  any  at- 
tempt to  open  the  theatre,  for,  in  the  present  state  of  the 
public  mind,  tumult  and  violence,  endangering  not  only  the 
theatre  but  other  property  in  the  vicinity  and  human  life, 
would  be  certain  to  follow. 

The  President  and  Cabinet  agreed  to  visit  Rear-Admiral 
Dahlgren  on  the  Pawnee.  Went  on  the  tug  Geranium  from 
the  foot  of  7th  St.  at  half  past-four.  Had  a  pleasant  time. 
A  heavy  shower  came  upon  us  on  our  return  and  delayed 
us  at  the  wharf  for  nearly  an  hour. 

Both  Stanton  and  Seward  are  disposed  to  exercise  arbi- 
trary power,  —  have  too  little  regard  for  personal  rights. 
The  two  men,  I  think,  act  in  concert  and  have  an  under- 
standing with  each  other  on  most  important  questions.  If 
neither  felt  quite  so  severe  towards  Campbell,  the  traitor 
judge,  as  the  rest  of  us,  they  were  harsher  towards  the 
other  prisoners.  On  the  question  of  Ford's  Theatre  there 
had,  I  thought,  been  preconcert  between  them.  True  some 
others  of  the  Cabinet  were  under  apprehension  of  a  mob 
disturbance  and  concurred  with  them.  I  thought  Ford's 
course  not  commendable  in  some  respects,  but,  after  all, 
who  shall  destroy  his  property  or  take  it  from  him?  A 
wrong  is  done  him  whether  deprived  of  his  own  by  arbitrary 
government  acts  or  by  mob  violence.  Stanton  says  he  has 
been  compelled  to  seize  buildings  for  public  use  and  can 
take  this.  But  this  is  a  perversion.  He  does  not  need  this 
building;  it  is  an  excuse,  a  false  pretext.  And  I  doubt  if  he 


332  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  n 

will  put  it  to  any  public  use,  though  I  presume  he  will  pay 
Ford  for  depriving  him  of  his  property. 

July  12,  Wednesday.  The  Pawnee  left  to-day  for  Ports- 
mouth. Edgar  went  in  her,  though  with  some  reluctance. 

Newton  Case,  of  Hartford,  wishes  me  to  get  permission 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  for  him  to  visit  and  correspond  with 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  now  in  Fort  Warren,  who  is  prepar- 
ing a  work  which  Case  and  others  are  to  publish.  Stanton 
declines  extending  any  facilities.  Says  Stephens  can  write 
and  they  can  publish,  but  he  won't  help  them.  I  thought 
the  refusal  injudicious.  The  work  will  be  forthcoming. 
Why  be  discourteous  and  harsh  to  the  prisoner?  I  have  not 
a  high  regard  for  Stephens,  who  has  not  erred  in  ignorance, 
but  he  has  ability  and  I  would  let  him  tell  his  story. 

July  13,  Thursday.  Read  to  the  President  a  letter  from 
Col.  Ashbel  Smith  of  Texas,  who  sends  me  resolutions 
adopted  at  Houston,  and  writes  me  on  the  condition  of 
affairs.  The  President  was  pleased  with  the  letter.  A  num- 
ber of  Senators  and  Representatives  are  here  in  behalf  of 
the  Navy  Agents  whose  terms  are  about  to  expire.  The 
public  interest  does  not  influence  these  men.  They  are 
here  to  help  men  retain  positions  which  they  are  occupying 
to  no  advantage  to  the  country.  I  stated  the  case  to  the 
President  briefly,  and  my  opinion  of  the  policy.  He  re- 
ferred the  whole  subject  to  me  to  dispose  of.  I  told  him  I 
had  no  doubts  or  embarrassments  except  in  the  case  of 
Brown,  for  whom  the  President  was  committed  on  an 
urgent  appeal  of  Mr.  Hamlin. 

July  14,  Friday.  But  little  of  importance  at  the  Cabinet. 
Seward  read  a  letter  from  Bigelow,  Minister  at  Paris,  re- 
presenting that  indications  were  that  Maximilian  would 
soon  leave  Mexico,  —  had  sent  to  Austria  considerable 
amounts  of  money,  etc.  Also  read  extracts  from  a  private 
letter  of  Prince  de  Joinville  of  similar  purport.  All  of  this, 


5]     CABINET  DISCUSSION  OF  MEXICO      333 

-ell  understood,  was  intended  to  counteract  a  speech  of 
>ntgomery  Blair,  delivered  last  Tuesday  at  Hagerstown, 
vhich  he  makes  an  onslaught  on  Seward  and  Stanton,  as 
LI  as  France. 

Before  we  left,  and  after  all  other  matters  were  disposed 
the  President  brought  from  the  other  room  a  letter  from 
neral  Sheridan  to  General  Grant,  strongly  indorsed  by 
5  latter  and  both  letter  and  indorsement  strongly  hostile 
the  French  and  Maximilian.  Seward  was  astounded. 
sCulloch  at  once  declared  that  the  Treasury  and  the 
intry  could  not  stand  this  nor  meet  the  exigency  which 
Dther  war  would  produce.  Harlan  in  a  few  words  sus- 
ned  McCulloch.  Seward  was  garrulous.  Said  if  we  got 
war  and  drove  out  the  French,  we  could  not  get  out  cur- 
ves. Went  over  our  war  with  Mexico.  Dennison  in- 
ured why  the  Monroe  Doctrine  could  not  be  asserted, 
ivard  said  if  we  made  the  threat  we  must  be  prepared  to 
antain  it.  Dennison  thought  we  might.  "How,  then," 
rs  Seward,  "will  you  get  your  own  troops  out  of  the 
intry  after  driving  out  the  French?"  "Why,  march 
>m  out,"  said  Dennison.  "Then,"  said  S.,  "the  French 
.1  return."  "We  will  then,"  said  D.,  "expel  them  again." 
remarked  the  country  was  exhausted,  as  McCulloch 
,ted,  but  the  popular  sentiment  was  strongly  averse  to 
mch  occupancy.  If  the  Mexicans  wanted  an  imperial 
fernment,  no  one  would  interfere  to  prevent  them,  though 
might  and  would  regret  it,  but  this  conduct  of  the 
3nch  in  imposing  an  Austrian  prince  upon  our  neighbors 
s  very  revolting.  I  hoped,  however,  we  should  not  be 
npelled  to  take  the  military  view  of  this  question. 
Fhurlow  Weed  passed  into  the  White  House  as  I  came 
3n  the  portico  this  morning.  I  had  seen  a  person,  with- 
:  recognizing  that  it  was  Weed,  hurrying  forward,  as  if 
be  in  advance  of  me.  Following  him  immediately,  I  saw 
o  it  was  and  was  surprised  to  see  him,  instead  of  going 
ect  to  the  stairs,  turn  square  round  the  bulkhead  and 
it  until  I  had  passed. 


334  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  15 

July  15,  Saturday.  Had  some  conversation  with  the 
President  in  regard  to  an  application  of  F.  W.  Smith,  for  an 
indorsement  made  by  the  late  President  Lincoln  on  Smith's 
trial.  It  was  an  irregular  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Pre- 
sident L.,  procured  by  Sumner,  and  I  have  no  doubt  he 
regretted  his  action.  The  President  (Johnson),  after  read- 
ing the  indorsement,  remarked  it  was  very  sweeping,  and 
wished  me  to  wait  a  few  days. 

July  17,  Monday.     Last  Tuesday,  when  on  board  the 
Pawnee  with  the  President  and  Cabinet,  Stanton  took  me 
aside  and  desired  to  know  if  the  Navy  could  not  spare  a  gun- 
boat to  convey  some  prisoners  to  Tortugas.  I  told  him  a 
vessel  could  be  detailed  for  that  purpose  if  necessary,  but  I 
inquired  why  he  did  not  send  them  by  one  of  his  own  trans- 
ports. He  then  told  me  he  wanted  to  send  the  persons  con- 
nected with  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln  to 
Tortugas,  instead  of  a  Northern  prison,  that  he  had  men- 
tioned the  subject  to  the  President,  and  it  was  best  to  get 
them  into  a  part  of  the  country  where  old  Nelson  or  any 
other  judge  would  not  try  to  make  difficulty  by  habeas 
corpus.  Said  he  would  make  further  inquiries  and  see  me, 
but  wished  strict  secrecy.   On  Friday  he  said  he  should 
want  a  boat  and  I  told  him  we  had  none  here,  but  the 
Florida  might  be  sent  to  Hampton  Roads,  and  he  could 
send  his  men  and  prisoners  thither  on  one  of  the  army 
boats  in  the  Potomac.  I  accordingly  sent  orders  for  the 
Florida.  Yesterday  General  Townsend  called  on  me  twice 
on  the  subject,  and  informed  me  in  the  evening  that  Gen- 
eral Hancock  would  leave  in  a  boat  at  midnight  to  meet 
the  Florida.  I  suggested  that  General  H.  had  better  wait; 
we  had  no  information  yet  that  the  Florida  had  arrived, 
and  she  would  be  announced  to  us  by  telegraph  as  soon  as 
she  did  arrive.  To-day  I  learn  the  prisoners  and  a  guard 
went  down  last  night,  and  I  accordingly  sent  orders  by 
telegraph,  by  request  of  Secretary  of  War,  to  receive  and 
convey  the  guard  and  prisoners  to  Tortugas. 


1865]    DISCUSSION  OF  THE  DAVIS  TRIAL     335 

Seward  sent  to  see  me.  Had  dispatches  from  the  Span- 
ish government  that  the  Stonewall  should  be  given  up.  Is 
to  send  me  copies,  but  the  yellow  fever  is  prevalent  in 
Havana  and  it  would  be  well  to  leave  the  Stonewall  there 
until  fall. 

July  18,  Tuesday.  The  President  to-day  in  Cabinet, 
after  current  business  was  disposed  of,  brought  forward  the 
subject  of  Jefferson  Davis'  trial,  on  which  he  desired  the 
views  of  the  members.  Mr.  Seward  thought  there  should 
be  no  haste.  The  large  amount  of  papers  of  the  Rebel  gov- 
ernment had  not  yet  been  examined,  and  much  that  would 
have  a  bearing  on  this  question  might  be  expected  to  be 
found  among  them.  Whenever  Davis  should  be  brought  to 
trial,  he  was  clear  and  decided  that  it  should  be  before  a 
military  commission,  for  he  had  no  confidence  in  proceed- 
ing before  a  civil  court.  He  was  very  full  of  talk,  and  very 
positive  that  there  should  be  delay  until  the  Rebel  papers 
were  examined,  and  quite  emphatic  and  decided  that  a 
military  court  should  try  Davis.  Stanton  did  not  dissent 
from  this,  and  yet  was  not  as  explicit  as  Seward.  He  said 
he  intended  to  give  the  examination  of  the  Rebel  papers  to 
Dr.  Lieber, :  and  with  the  force  he  could  give  him  believed 
the  examination  could  be  completed  in  two  weeks'  time. 
Subsequently  it  was  said  Dr.  L.  had  gone  home  and  would 
return  next  week. 

McCulloch  was  not  prepared  to  express  an  opinion  but 
thought  no  harm  would  result  from  delay. 

I  doubted  the  resort  to  a  military  commission  and 
thought  there  should  be  an  early  trial.  Whether,  were  he 
to  be  tried  in  Virginia,  as  it  was  said  he  might  be,  the  coun- 
try was  sufficiently  composed  and  organized  might  be  a 
question,  but  I  was  for  a  trial  before  a  civil,  not  a  military, 
tribunal,  and  for  treason,  not  for  the  assassination.  Both 
Seward  and  Stanton  interrupted  me  and  went  into  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  assassination,  and  the  impossibility  of  a  con- 

1  Francis  Lieber. 


336  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  is 

viction,  Seward  taking  the  lead.  It  was  evident  these  two 
intended  there  should  be  no  result  at  this  time  and  the 
talk  became  discursive.  Twice  the  President  brought  all 
back  to  the  question,  and  did  not  conceal  his  anxiety 
that  we  should  come  to  some  determination.  But  we  got 
none. 

While  in  Cabinet  a  dispatch  from  Admiral  Radford  was 
sent  me,  stating  that  the  Treasury  agent,  Loomis,  at  Rich- 
mond, claimed  the  ship  timber  in  the  Navy  Yard  at  that 
place.  I  handed  the  dispatch  to  McCulloch  and  asked  what 
it  meant.  He  professed  not  to  know  and  I  told  him  I  would 
bring  the  matter  up  as  soon  as  the  subject  under  discussion 
was  disposed  of.  He  directly  after  came  to  me  and  said  he 
must  go,  and  should  be  satisfied  with  whatever  conclusion 
we  came  to.  Before  he  got  away,  the  matter  in  hand  was 
postponed,  and  I  then  called  his  attention  to  the  dispatch. 
He  said  there  was  no  necessity  for  discussing  the  matter,  he 
was  disposed  to  yield  to  whatever  I  claimed,  which  I  told 
him  was  all  ship  timber  and  all  naval  property. 

I  was  satisfied  that  there  was  money  in  this  proceed- 
ing. Governor  Pierpont  wrote  me  a  week  or  two  since  that 
the  railroad  companies  wanted  this  timber  for  railroad 
purposes,  but  I  declined  letting  them  have  it.  Hence 
these  other  proceedings,  wholly  regardless  of  the  public 
interest. 

Later  in  the  day  I  went  to  the  Treasury  Department  and 
was  assured  that  a  telegram  should  be  sent  to  the  Treasury 
agent,  to  give  up  this  timber  to  the  Navy. 

Seward  explained  farther  about  the  French-Mexican 
matter.  He  is  evidently  much  annoyed  by  Blair's  speech. 
Says  Bigelow  never  made  the  remarks  imputed  to  him, 
and  those  which  he  did  make  were  unauthorized  and  de- 
nounced. 

July  19,  Wednesday.  Sent  telegram  to  Admiral  Radford 
and  General  Terry  in  regard  to  the  ship  timber  at  Rich- 
mond. Wrote  to  Ashbel  Smith  of  Texas. 


1865]     DISCUSSION  OF  THE  DAVIS  TRIAL     337 

July  20,  Thursday.  Mrs.  Welles  and  John  departed  to- 
day for  Narragansett,  leaving  me  lonely  and  alone  for  two 
months.  I  submit  because  satisfied  it  is  best,  yet  it  is  a 
heavy  deprivation,  quite  a  shadow  on  life's  brief  journey, 
—  the  little  that  is  left  for  me. 

On  receiving  a  letter  to-day  from  General  Terry,  saying 
the  Treasury  agent  needed  specific  instructions  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  called  on  Mr.  McCulloch.  He 
thought  all  could  be  put  right  without  difficulty.  The  way 
to  effect  it  was  for  me  to  send  a  requisition,  or  request  the 
naval  officer  to  make  a  requisition  for  the  timber,  and  the 
agent  would  grant  it.  I  told  him  that  neither  I  nor  any 
naval  officer  would  make  requisition;  that  the  order  in  the 
President's  proclamation  was  sufficient  authority  for  me 
and  for  naval  officers,  though  it  might  not  do  for  the 
Treasury  agents,  who  were  presuming  and  self-sufficient. 
He  thought  I  was  more  a  stickler  for  forms  than  he  had  sup- 
posed ;  said  they  had  receipted  for  this  timber  to  the  War 
Department.  I  told  him  I  knew  not  what  business  either 
they  or  the  War  Department  had  with  it,  but  because  they 
had  committed  irregularities,  I  would  not,  unless  the 
President  countermanded  his  own  very  proper  order.  He 
still  declared  they  wanted  something  to  show  for  this,  after 
having  receipted  for  it.  I  told  him  I  would  instruct  an 
officer  to  make  demand,  and  the  demand  would  be  his 
voucher  if  he  needed  one.  He  said  very  well,  perhaps  it 
would.  I  accordingly  so  sent. 

July  21,  Friday.  A  very  warm  day.  Thermometer  90 
and  upward.  Chief  subject  at  the  Cabinet  was  the  offense 
and  the  disposition  of  J.  Davis.  The  President,  it  was  ev- 
ident, was  for  procuring  a  decision  or  having  the  views  of 
the  Cabinet.  Seward  thought  the  question  might  as  well 
be  disposed  of  now  as  at  any  time.  He  was  satisfied  there 
could  be  no  conviction  of  such  a  man,  for  any  offense,  be- 
fore any  civil  tribunal,  and  was  therefore  for  arraigning 
him  for  treason,  murder,  and  other  offenses  before  a  mil- 

2 


338  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  21 

itary  commission.  Dennison,  who  sat  next  him,  immedi- 
ately followed,  and  thought  if  the  proof  was  clear  and  be- 
yond question  that  Davis  was  a  party  to  the  assassination, 
then  he  would  have  him  by  all  means  brought  before  a 
military  tribunal,  but  unless  the  proof  was  clear,  beyond  a 
peradventure,  he  would  have  him  tried  for  high  treason 
before  the  highest  civil  court.  When  asked  what  other  court 
there  was  than  the  circuit  court,  he  said  he  did  not  wish 
him  tried  before  the  court  of  this  District.  And  when 
further  asked  to  be  more  explicit  on  the  subject  of  the 
question  of  murder  or  assassination,  he  said  he  would  trust 
that  matter  to  Judge  Holt  and  the  War  Department,  and, 
he  then  added,  the  Attorney-General.  McCulloch  would 
prefer,  if  there  is  to  be  a  trial,  that  it  should  be  in  the 
courts,  but  was  decidedly  against  any  trial  at  present, 
would  postpone  the  whole  subject.  Stanton  was  for  a  trial 
by  the  courts  for  treason,  the  highest  of  crimes,  and,  by 
the  Constitution,  only  the  courts  could  try  him  for  that 
offense.  Otherwise  he  would  say  a  military  commission. 
For  all  other  offenses  he  would  arraign  him  before  the  mil- 
itary commission.  Subsequently,  after  examining  the  Con- 
stitution, he  retracted  the  remark  that  the  Constitution 
made  it  imperative  that  the  trial  for  treason  should  be  in 
the  civil  courts,  yet  he  did  not  withdraw  the  preference  he 
had  expressed.  I  was  emphatically  for  the  civil  court  and 
an  arraignment  for  treason;  for  an  early  institution  of  pro- 
ceedings; and  was  willing  the  trial  should  take  place  in  Vir- 
ginia. If  our  laws  or  system  were  defective,  it  was  well  to 
bring  them  to  a  test.  I  had  no  doubt  he  was  guilty  of  trea- 
son and  believed  he  would  be  convicted,  wherever  tried. 
Harlan  would  not  try  him  before  a  civil  court  unless  satis- 
fied there  would  be  conviction.  If  there  was  a  doubt,  he 
wanted  a  military  commission.  He  thought  it  would  be 
much  better  to  pardon  Davis  at  once  than  to  have  him 
tried  and  not  convicted.  Such  a  result,  he  believed,  would 
be  most  calamitous.  He  would,  therefore,  rather  than  run 
that  risk  prefer  a  military  court.  Speed  was  for  a  civil 


1865]    DISCUSSION  OF  THE  DAVIS  TRIAL     339 

tribunal  and  for  a  trial  for  treason;  but  until  the  Rebellion 
was  entirely  suppressed  he  doubted  if  there  could  be  a  trial 
for  treason.  Davis  is  now  a  prisoner  of  war  and  was  enti- 
tled to  all  the  rights  of  belligerent,  etc.,  etc.  I  inquired  if 
Davis  was  not  arrested  and  a  reward  offered  for  him  and 
paid  by  our  government  as  for  other  criminals. 

The  question  of  counsel  and  the  institution  of  proceed- 
ings was  discussed.  In  order  to  get  the  sense  of  each  of  the 
members,  the  President  thought  it  would  be  well  to  have 
the  matter  presented  in  a  distinct  form.  Seward  promptly 
proposed  that  Jefferson  Davis  should  be  tried  for  treason, 
assassination,  murder,  conspiring  to  burn  cities,  etc.,  by  a 
military  commission.  The  question  was  so  put,  Seward  and 
Harlan  voting  for  it,  the  others  against,  with  the  exception 
of  myself.  The  President  asked  my  opinion.  I  told  him  I  did 
not  like  the  form  in  which  the  question  was  put.  I  would 
have  him  tried  for  military  offenses  by  a  military  court,  but 
for  civil  offenses  I  wanted  the  civil  courts.  I  thought  he 
should  be  tried  for  treason,  and  it  seemed  to  me  that  the 
question  before  us  should  first  be  the  crime  and  then  the 
court.  The  others  assented  and  the  question  put  was, 
Shall  J.  D.  be  tried  for  treason?  There  was  a  unanimous 
response  in  the  affirmative.  Then  the  question  as  to  the 
court.  Dennison  moved  a  civil  court.  All  but  Seward  and 
Harlan  were  in  the  affirmative;  they  were  in  the  nega- 
tive. 

Stanton  read  a  letter  from  Fortress  Monroe,  saying 
Davis'  health  had  been  failing  for  the  last  fortnight;  that 
the  execution  of  the  assassins  had  visibly  affected  him. 
Davis  remarked  that  President  Johnson  was  "  quick  on  the 
trigger." 

I  this  day  took  possession  of  the  rooms  in  the  new  wing 
which  had  been  prepared  and  furnished  for  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy.  •.»  > 

The  solicitor,  Mr.  Bolles,  arrived  to-day  and  entered 
upon  his  duties  so  far  as  to  take  possession  of  his  rooms. 
He  was  not  anxious,  I  perceived,  to  enter  upon  his  new 


340  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  21 

duties  on  Friday,  although  he  did  not  assign  that  as  the 
reason  for  delay. 

July  24,  Monday.  On  Saturday  evening  I  went  with  the 
President  (whose  health  is  suffering  from  excessive  labor 
and  care)  and  Preston  King  down  the  Potomac  and  took  a 
sail  yesterday  hi  the  Bay,  returning  last  evening  to  Wash- 
ington. Mr.  Fox  and  Mr.  Faxon  accompanied  us,  also 
Wright  Rives,  the  President's  private  secretary,  also  Dr. 
Duval.  It  was  a  small,  pleasant,  quiet  party,  intended  to 
promote  health  and  strength,  especially  to  the  President, 
who  permits  himself  to  be  overtaxed. 
f  The  great  iron  ram  Dunderberg  was  launched  on  Satur- 
day. The  papers  give  details  of  the  vessel  from  its  incep- 
tion to  the  launch,  but  much  of  it  warped.  Among  other 
things  it  is  said  the  Navy  Department  entered  upon  the 
construction  of  this  ship  with  great  reluctance.  It  was 
after  deliberate  consideration.  If  it  had  been  stated  that  I 
engaged  in  this  work  and  made  this  contract  with  great 
caution  and  circumspection  it  would  have  been  true.  At 
the  time  this  decision  was  made  and  the  vessel  commenced, 
a  foreign  war  was  feared.  We  had  a  large  defensive  force, 
but  not  as  many  and  formidable  vessels  as  we  should  need 
in  the  event  of  a  war  with  a  maritime  power. 

We  had  contracted  for  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan,  tur- 
reted  vessels,  which,  if  completed,  would  break  up  any 
attempted  blockade  of  our  harbors  or  coasts,  but  we  could 
not  cruise  with  them.  Admiral  Smith  urged  that  one  of 
these  vessels  should  be  of  iron,  the  other  of  wood.  The 
Assistant  Secretary,  Mr.  Fox,  was  urgent  and  persistent 
for  the  construction  of  four  vessels.  Mr.  Lenthall  was  not 
partial  to  the  turreted  form  of  vessel.  I  decided  in  favor  of 
two,  and  but  two,  and  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan  were 
the  results  of  that  decision.  I  have  since  wished  that  one 
of  these  vessels  was  of  wood,  as  Admiral  Smith  proposed, 
and  I  have  rejoiced  that  I  did  not  yield  to  the  appeals  for 
more.  Probably  those  who  urged  the  construction  of  more 
are  glad  also. 


1865]        THE  IRON  RAM  DUNDERBERG         341 

The  Dunderberg  was  a  different  description  of  vessel. 
Mr.  Webb  had  been  importuned  to  build  a  large  vessel  for 
the  government  and  was  urged  as  the  best  man  for  such  a 
contract  in  the  country  by  numbers  of  the  first  men  in 
New  York  and  elsewhere.  While  glad  to  have  the  indorse- 
ment of  such  men,  I  by  no  means  entered  into  a  contract  to 
oblige  them  or  Mr.  Webb,  who,  I  have  no  doubt,  procured 
the  names  by  solicitation.  In  view  of  what  was  being  done 
by  England  and  France,  and  of  the  then  condition  of  our 
affairs,  I  felt  that  we  might  need  such  a  vessel.  So  feeling, 
I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  Mr.  Webb  was  the  best 
builder  with  whom  I  could  contract,  offered  the  best  terms, 
and,  under  the  circumstances,  his  plan,  though  excep- 
tionable, was  perhaps  the  best,  with  some  modifications. 
These  he  made,  reserving  the  turrets,  to  which  Mr.  Lent- 
hall  strongly  objected,  and  which  he  predicted  Mr.  Webb 
would  wish  to  abandon  before  the  ship  was  completed. 
Events  have  verified  his  anticipations.  These  are  some  of 
the  facts  in  regard  to  the  Dunderberg.  I  take  no  special 
pride  in  the  vessel,  and  could  I  have  the  money  which  she 
costs,  I  should  prefer  it  to  the  vessel.  Yet  I  feel  assured  I 
did  right  in  ordering  her  to  be  built.  We  could  not,  in  the 
crowded  condition  of  the  yards,  attempt  to  build  her  in 
either  of  them. 

In  the  violent  assaults  of  Winter  Davis  and  others  upon 
the  Department,  I  was  accused  of  not  having  a  navy  of 
formidable  vessels.  I  had  vessels  for  the  purposes  then 
wanted.  Ships  of  a  more  expensive  and  formidable  char- 
acter, like  the  Dunderberg,  could  not  be  built  in  a  day. 
Now,  when  they  are  likely  not  to  be  wanted,  and  when 
they  are  drawing  near  completion,  the  same  class  of  per- 
sons abuse  me  for  what  I  have  done  towards  the  building 
up  of  a  formidable  navy.  But  one  must  not  expect  to 
escape  the  abuse  and  unjust  attacks  of  demagogues.  I  cer- 
tainly ought  not  to  complain,  for  the  country  has  nobly 
stood  by  me  through  all  the  misrepresentation  and  detrac- 
tion of  the  malicious  and  ungenerous  who  have  made  it  a 


342  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  24 

point  to  assail  me.  Conscious  that  I  have  tried  to  do  my 
duty,  I  have  borne  with  patience. 

I  called  on  the  President  in  relation  to  the  Navy  Agent 
in  Washington,  Brown,  whose  term  expires  on  the  27th 
inst.  Last  winter,  it  was  understood  between  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  myself  that  paymasters  should  hereafter  perform  the 
duty  of  Navy  Agents,  and  thus  save  the  expense  of  that 
class  of  officers.  But  about  the  4th  of  March  Vice-Presid- 
ent  Hamlin  made  a  special  appeal  in  behalf  of  Brown,  and 
in  view  of  Hamlin's  disappointments  and  retirement,  the 
good  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  the  stamina  to  refuse  him,  or  to 
say  to  him  that  it  conflicted  with  a  policy  which  he  had 
deliberately  adopted.  My  relations  with  Hamlin  were  such 
that  I  could  not  very  well  argue  this  point,  and  the  Pre- 
sident could  modify  or  yield  his  own  opinions.  He  under- 
stood my  embarrassment  and  addressed  me  a  note,  stating 
his  pledge  inconsiderately  made  to  Hamlin.  I  have  sub- 
mitted this  note  and  the  circumstances  to  President  John- 
son. He  concurs  with  me,  and  is  also  somewhat  embar- 
rassed from  delicacy,  in  consequence  of  his  attitude  towards 
Hamlin,  whom  he  superseded.  I  suggested  that  he  might 
oblige  Hamlin  by  giving  some  other  place  to  Brown  or  to 
any  one  else  whom  H.  should  name.  This  met  his  approval, 
and  he  suggested  that  I  should  have  a  letter  prepared  to 
H.  for  him,  the  President,  to  sign.  I  proposed  speaking  to 
Brown  himself,  stating  the  general  policy  of  appointing  no 
Navy  Agent,  and  that,  by  acquiescing,  the  President  would 
feel  disposed  to  consider  him  and  Hamlin  favorably.  He 
liked  this,  and  I  accordingly  stated  the  case  to  Brown  soon 
after,  who  was  a  good  deal  flurried  and  not  prepared  to 
decide  whether  he  would  resign  or  let  his  appointment  run 
out  and  another  be  appointed,  but  would  inform  me  on 
Wednesday. 

While  with  the  President,  I  remonstrated  on  his  severe 
labors  which  are  overtasking  his  system.  The  anterooms 
and  halls  above  and  below  were  at  the  time  a  good  deal 
crowded.  He  said  he  knew  not  what  to  do  with  these  peo- 


THE  TREASURY  AGENT  SYSTEM       343 

that  a  large  delegation  from  Maryland  had  just  left 
,  having  called  in  relation  to  appointments  in  that  State 
here. 

re  had  some  conversation  in  regard  to  the  Baltimore 
ers  and  Maryland  matters  and  differences  which  there 
bed.  The  combination  against  the  Blairs  is  fed  and 
tulated  from  MJaryland].  I  expressed  myself  very  de- 
dly  for  the  Blairs,  whom  I  had  long  known  and  who 
brue  men.  To  which  he  fully  responded  and  made  the 
a,rk  that  they  were  true  to  their  friends  always,  —  a 
ity  ever  to  be  commended. 

jily  25,  Tuesday.  McCulloch  remarked  that  he  had  lost 
onfidence  in  Treasury  agents,  that  the  system  was  one 
emoralization.  Of  this  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and 
Q  was  mischief  in  the  inception.  Chase,  with  an  over- 
lened  Department  and  with  more  duties  than  he  could 
large,  coveted  this  business  and  fancied  its  patronage 
Id  aid  his  popularity. 

ae  Chief  Justice  is  now,  I  see,  at  Hanover,  N.  H.,  mak- 
>arty  speeches  on  negro  suffrage  and  expressing  opin- 
on  questions  that  may  come  before  him  for  adjudica- 


ily  26,  Wednesday.  Blair  called  on  me  in  some  trouble 
acting  the  Maryland  appointments,  which  have  been 
>ntly  contested.  From  some  intimation  he  appre- 

Is  that  his  friend  B ,  the  marshal,  is  in  danger,  and 

touches  him  in  a  tender  point.  He  therefore  wished 
o  have  an  interview  with  the  President.  I  went  almost 
ediately  to  the  Executive  Mansion.  General  Slocum 
with  the  President,  but  I  waited  till  he  was  through, 
then  stated  the  case.  He  told  me  it  was  his  intention  to 
f  the  Maryland  appointments  to-day  and  get  them  off 
ands,  and  asked  if  I  really  supposed  Blair  cared  much 
.t  the  marshalship.  I  assured  him  he  did  and  was  sens- 
in  regard  to  it.  He  reached  over  and  took  up  a  paper, 


344  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  26 

which  he  examined  closely.  It  convinced  me  that  Blair's 
suspicions  were  right,  and  I  spoke  earnestly  and  zealously 
for  the  Blairs.  We  had  a  free  conversation  in  regard  to 
them,  and  as  to  the  policy  which  should  be  pursued  in 
Maryland.  I  did  not  hesitate  to  oppose  the  selection  of 
opponents  or  doubtful  friends,  and  to  express  my  opinion 
that  the  friends  were  the  reliable  supporters  of  the  Adminis- 
tration in  that  State. 

July  27,  Thursday.  Brown,  the  Navy  Agent,  did  not  call 
on  me  yesterday  as  he  promised.  I  therefore  sent  a  pay- 
master to  take  charge  of  the  office  and  directed  a  transfer 
to  be  made  at  two  o'clock.  But  the  messenger  returned 
about  that  hour  with  a  letter  from  Brown,  stating  that  a 
consultation  had  been  had  with  the  President,  who  would 
see  me,  but  if  no  change  of  programme  was  ordered  by 
5  P.M.  he  would  immediately  thereafter  transfer.  About 
three  I  received  a  note  that  the  President  wished  to  see 
me.  He  said  Hamlin  had  been  to  see  him  and  was  very  vehe- 
ment, from  some  cause,  in  behalf  of  Brown.  I  stated  what 
had  been  done;  that  I  felt  a  little  delicate  in  consequence  of 
my  relations  with  H.,  so  had  President  Lincoln  and  him- 
self also.  I  informed  him  I  had  a  frank  conversation  with 
Brown,  who  said  he  wanted  time  to  consider,  but  had  obvi- 
ously telegraphed  to  Hamlin.  The  President  said  he  could 
not  understand  why  H.  should  take  such  extraordinary  in- 
terest in  this  case.  He  then  got  me  the  statutes  and 
showed  me  a  law  on  which  Hamlin  dwelt  with  some  empha- 
sis. We  read  it  over  together.  I  told  the  President  the  law 
offered  no  serious  obstacle  to  me.  He  said  he  took  the  same 
view  and  would  not  deviate  from  his  convictions.  But 
Hamlin  was  vehement,  and  he  wished  to  treat  him  with 
courtesy,  and  give  him  time  to  fully  examine  the  case. 

The  paymaster  (Fulton),  who  called  to  have  the  transfer 
made,  said  Brown  told  him  he  should  not  be  prepared  to 
transfer  at  two.  F.  then  said  he  would  wait,  when  a  man 
whom  he  did  not  know,  but  who  sat  smoking  a  cigar,  said  it 


1865]    HAMLIN  AND  THE  NAVY  AGENCY     345 

would  be  of  no  use,  F.  could  wait  or  not.  This  man  was 
Hamlin.  Fulton  replied  that  his  business  was  with  the  Navy 
Agent  and  not  with  him  (Hamlin.)  The  latter  soon  re- 
marked he  would  go  over  and  see  Harlan,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

Postmaster-General  Dennison  took  a  walk  with  me  this 
evening.  Returning,  we  had  a  cup  of  tea  together.  A 
shower  came  on,  which  detained  him  through  the  evening, 
and  among  a  variety  of  topics  we  got  on  this  of  Hamlin 
and  the  Navy  Agent.  He  thought  the  proceeding  most 
extraordinary,  and  was  especially  surprised  at  the  conduct 
of  Hamlin.  This  led  to  some  exposure  of  Hamlin's  conduct 
which  I  have  made  to  no  others. 

July  28,  Friday.  Immediately  after  reaching  the  De- 
partment this  morning  I  was  told  there  was  a  suspension  of 
action  in  the  case  of  the  Navy  Agency.  Soon  after,  Mr. 
Brown  called.  I  told  him  he  had  not  kept  his  promise  of 
seeing  me  on  Wednesday.  He  was,  as  Jack  Downing  says, 
"a  little  stumped"  but  said  he  supposed  it  was  of  no  use. 
He  then  informed  me  that  the  President  had  been  seen  the 
night  before,  and  had  referred  the  case  of  the  Navy  Agency 
to  the  Attorney-General  and  the  Solicitor  of  the  Depart- 
ment for  their  written  opinion  on  a  legal  point. 

Mr.  Bolles,  the  Solicitor,  came  in  soon  after  Brown  left, 
and  said  he  had  been  with  the  President  and  Hamlin  the 
previous  evening,  and  that  the  President  would  in  writing 
call  for  the  written  opinion  of  himself  and  Ashton,  Acting 
Attorney-General.  In  a  little  time  B.  and  A.  came  in. 
Ashton  did  not  at  first  rightly  comprehend  the  case,  but 
soon  reached  it,  and  a  brief  but  clear  opinion  was  soon 
given  and  transmitted  to  the  President.  It  will,  I  think,  be 
conclusive,  and  dispense  with  the  farther  services  of  Ex- 
Vice-President  Hamlin  for  the  present.  Perhaps  I  judge 
him  severely,  but  he  seems  to  me  a  violent  and  unscrupu- 
lous man,  avaricious  and  reckless.  Mr.  Bridge,  Chief  of 
Provisions  and  Clothing,  says  he  has  no  doubt  Hamlin  is  a 


348  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [ATJG.  i 

Rebels  appear  to  be  arrogant  and  offensively  dictatorial. 
Perhaps  there  is  exaggeration  in  this  respect. 

The  military,  it  seems,  have  interfered  and  nullified  the 
municipal  election  in  Richmond,  with  the  exception  of  a 
single  officer.  Why  he  alone  should  be  retained,  I  do  not 
understand.  Nor  am  I  informed,  though  I  have  little 
doubt,  who  directed  and  prompted  this  military  squelching 
of  a  popular  election.  It  was  not  a  subject  on  which  the 
Cabinet  was  informed.  Such  a  step  should  not  have  been 
taken  without  deliberation,  under  good  advisement,  and 
with  good  reasons.  There  may  have  been  such,  for  the 
Rebels  have  been  foolish  and  insolent,  and  there  was  want- 
ing a  smart  and  stern  rebuke  rightly  administered.  If  not 
right,  the  wicked  may  be  benefited  and  their  malpractices 
strengthened  by  the  interference. 

From  various  quarters  we  learn  that  the  Rebels  are 
organizing  through  the  Southern  States  with  a  view  to  re- 
gaining political  ascendency,  and  are  pressing  forward  pro- 
minent Rebels  for  candidates  in  the  approaching  election. 
Graham  in  North  Carolina,  Etheridge  in  Tennessee,  are 
types. 

Seward  and  Speed  are  absent  at  Cape  May.  Dennison 
tells  me  that  Stanton  on  Friday  stated  we  had  a  military 
force  of  42,000  on  the  Rio  Grande.  I'f  so,  this  on  the  part  of 
the  military  means  war,  and  we  are  in  no  condition  for  war. 
I  have  not  been  entirely  satisfied  with  Seward's  manage- 
ment of  the  Mexican  question.  Our  remonstrance  or  pro- 
test against  French  influence  and  dictation  has  been  feeble 
and  inefficient,  but  Stanton  and  Grant  are,  on  the  other 
hand,  too  belligerent. 

August  2.  General  Butler  called  on  me  to-day.  Came 
direct  from  the  Executive  Mansion.  Says  the  President  is 
no  better.  He  could  not  see  him.  Is  confined  to  his  room, 
indeed  he  every  day  confines  himself  to  the  house  and 
room.  General  B.  was  very  much  inclined  to  talk  on  public 
affairs,  and  evidently  intends  taking  an  active  part  in  the 


1865]    BUTLER'S  RECONSTRUCTIVE  VIEWS    349 

rising  questions.  Much  of  our  conversation  related  to  Jeff 
Davis  and  General  Lee,  both  of  whom  he  would  have  tried, 
convicted,  and  executed.  Mild  and  lenient  measures,  he 
is  convinced,  will  have  no  good  effect  on  the  Rebels. 
Severity  is  necessary. 

Cameron  called  on  me  with  his  friend  for  the  twentieth 
time  at  least,  in  relation  to  two  appointments  in  the  Phila- 
delphia Navy  Yard.  He  does  not  conceal  from  me,  nor 
probably  from  any  one,  that  he  intends  to  be  a  candidate 
for  the  Senate.  Hence  his  vigilance  in  regard  to  certain 
appointments,  and  he  has  prevailed  in  the  Treasury  and  in 
the  Post  Office,  against  the  combined  efforts  of  all  the 
Members  of  Congress.  In  sustaining,  as  he  does,  the  policy 
of  the  President  he  shows  sagacity.  Kelley  and  the  Mem- 
bers, but  especially  K.,  have  shot  wild  on  negro  suffrage. 
There  is  a  strong  pressure  towards  centralism  at  this  time. 
Many  sensible  men  seem  to  be  wholly  oblivious  to  constitu- 
tional barriers  and  restraints,  and  would  have  the  Federal 
government  assume  authority  to  carry  out  their  theories. 
General  Butler,  to-day,  speaks  of  the  Rebel  States  as  dead. 
I  suggested  that  it  was  a  more  correct  theory  to  consider 
them  as  still  States  in  and  of  the  Union,  but  whose  proper 
constitution  functions  had  been  suspended  by  a  con- 
spiracy and  rebellion.  He  said  that  was  pretty  much  his 
view. 

Chief  Engineer  Stimers  sends  in  his  resignation.  I  had 
given  him  orders  to  the  Powhatan,  and  he  does  not  wish  to 
go  to  sea. 

Unfortunately  Stimers  has  got  into  difficulty  with 
Lenthall  and  Isherwood;  others,  perhaps,  are  in  fault. 
Stimers  rendered  good  service  in  the  first  Monitor,  and 
afterwards  at  Charleston,  for  which  I  felt  under  obliga- 
tions to  him,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  express  it.  Subse- 
quently, when  preparing  to  build  the  light-draft  monitors, 
he  and  the  Assistant  Secretary  took  the  subject  in  hand. 
Stimers  became  intoxicated  with  his  own  importance. 
While  I  supposed  the  Naval  Constructor  and  Chief  Eng- 


362  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  16 

be  correction,  the  truth  will  come  out,  but  to  some  extent 
the  slander  will  long  remain  to  taint  the  minds  of  many. 

August  17,  Thursday.  Alden  came  to-day.  Said  he  was 
sent  for  by  Porter  in  relation  to  the  place  made  vacant  by 
Drayton's  death.  In  many  respects  I  like  Alden,  who  is, 
however,  a  sycophant  and  courtier,  but  the  very  steps 
taken  by  Porter  must,  for  the  present,  exclude  him.  Porter 
is  Superintendent  of  the  Naval  Academy  and  reports  to  the 
Navigation  Bureau  made  vacant  by  Drayton's  death.  It 
will  not  do  to  have  the  Chief  of  that  Bureau  subordinate  to 
Porter  or  an  instrument  in  his  hands.  I  apprehend  that 
such  would  be  the  case  were  Alden  selected.  He  is  particu- 
larly intimate  with  Porter  and  would  defer  greatly  to  him, 
—  be,  in  fact,  a  mere  instrument  to  him.  I  shall,  I  think, 
take  Jenkins  for  this  place,  though  he  is  really,  from  his  in- 
dustry, better  adapted  to  and  must  ultimately  have  another 
Bureau,  either  Yards  and  Docks  or  Equipment  and 
Recruiting. 

August  18,  Friday.  Senators  Doolittle  and  Foster  and 
Mr.  Ford,  who  have  been  on  a  mission  to  the  Plains,  visit- 
ing New  Mexico,  Colorado,  etc.,  had  an  interview  with 
the  President  and  Cabinet  of  an  hour  and  a  half.  Their 
statement  in  relation  to  the  Indians  and  Indian  affairs  ex- 
hibits the  folly  and  wickedness  of  the  expedition  which  has 
been  gotten  up  by  somebody  without  authority  or  the 
knowledge  of  the  government. 

Their  strong  protestations  against  an  Indian  war,  and 
their  statement  of  the  means  which  they  had  taken  to  pre- 
vent it  came  in  very  opportunely.  Stanton  said  General 
Grant  had  already  written  to  restrict  operations;  he  had 
also  sent  to  General  Meigs.  I  have  no  doubt  a  check  has 
been  put  on  a  very  extraordinary  and  unaccountable  pro- 
ceeding, but  I  doubt  if  an  entire  stop  is  yet  put  to  war  ex- 
penses. 

Stanton  is  still  full  of  apprehension  and  stories  of  plots 


he  evidently  wishes  the  President  to  be  alarmed.  He  had 
quite  a  story  to-day,  and  read  quite  a  long  affidavit  from 
some  one  whom  I  do  not  recall,  stating  he  had  been  in  com- 
munication with  C.  C.  Clay  and  others  in  Canada,  that 
they  wanted  him  to  be  one  of  a  party  to  assassinate  Pre- 
sident Lincoln  and  his  whole  Cabinet.  Dennison  and 
McCulloch  and  I  thought  the  President  seemed  inclined  to 
give  this  rigmarole  some  credence.  I  think  the  story,  though 
plausibly  got  up,  was  chiefly  humbug.  Likely  Stanton  be- 
lieves me  stupid  because  I  give  so  little  heed  to  his  sensa- 
tional communications;  but  really  a  large  portion  of  them 
seem  to  me  ludicrous  and  puerile.  He  still  keeps  up  a  guard 
around  his  house,  and  never  ventures  out  without  a  stout 
man  to  accompany  him  who  is  ordinarily  about  ten  feet  be- 
hind him.  This  body-guard  is,  I  have  no  doubt,  paid  for 
by  the  public.  He  urged  a  similar  guard  for  me  and  others. 

August  19,  Saturday.  I  have  a  letter  from  Eames,  who  is 
at  Long  Branch,  ill,  and  has  been  there  for  three  weeks.  He 
informs  me  that  Senator  Sumner  wrote  Mrs.  E.,  with 
whom  he  corresponds,  wishing  that  she  and  her  husband 
would  influence  me  to  induce  the  President  to  change  his 
policy.  This  letter  Eames  found  on  his  arrival  at  Long 
Branch,  and  wrote  Sumner  he  could  not  change  me. 

Sumner  bewails  the  unanimity  of  the  Cabinet;  says 
there  is  unexampled  unanimity  in  New  England  against 
the  policy  of  the  Administration;  thinks  I  ought  to  resign; 
says  Wade  and  Fessenden  are  intending  to  make  vigorous 
opposition  against  it,  etc.,  etc. 

The  proceedings  of  the  political  conventions  in  Maine 
and  Pennsylvania  leave  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  exten- 
sive operations  are  on  foot  for  an  organization  hostile  to 
the  Administration  in  the  Republican  or  Union  party. 
The  proceedings  alluded  to  indicate  the  shape  and  charac- 
ter of  this  movement.  It  is  the  old  radical  anti-Lincoln 
movement  of  Wade  and  Winter  Davis,  with  recruits. 


364  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  19 

That  Stanton  has  a  full  understanding  with  these  men 
styling  themselves  Radicals,  I  have  no  doubt.  It  is  under- 
stood that  the  Cabinet  unanimously  support  the  policy  of 
the  President.  No  opposition  has  manifested  itself  that  I 
am  aware.  At  the  beginning,  Stanton  declared  himself  in 
favor  of  negro  suffrage,  or  rather  in  favor  of  allowing,  by 
Federal  authority,  the  negroes  to  vote  in  reorganizing  the 
Rebel  States.  This  was  a  reversal  of  his  opinion  of  1863 
under  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  have  no  recollection  of  any  disavowal 
of  the  position  he  took  last  spring,  although  he  has  acqui- 
esced in  the  President's  policy  apparently,  —  has  cer- 
tainly submitted  to  it  without  objection  or  remonstrance. 
The  Radicals  in  the  Pennsylvanian  convention  have 
passed  a  special  resolution  indorsing  Mr.  Stanton  by  name, 
but  no  other  member  of  the  Cabinet.  Were  there  no  under- 
standing on  a  point  made  so  prominent  by  the  Radicals, 
such  a  resolution  would  scarcely  have  been  adopted  or 
drafted.  Convention  resolutions,  especially  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, I  count  of  little  importance.  A  few  intriguing  man- 
agers usually  prepare  them,  they  are  passed  under  the 
strain  of  party  excitement,  and  the  very  men  who  voted 
for  them  will  very  likely  go  against  them  in  two  weeks. 
At  this  time,  however,  unusual  activity  has  been  made  by 
Forney,  Kelley,  and  others,  and  the  resolution  has  particu- 
lar significance. 

August  21,  Monday.  I  took  a  ride  yesterday  with  Gov- 
ernor Dennison  to  Silver  Spring  and  had  a  pleasant  inter- 
view of  a  couple  of  hours  with  the  elder  Blair.  He  has  great 
political  sagacity,  tact,  and  ability  and  watches  with  keen 
eyes  the  movements  of  men  and  parties.  I  find  his  views 
in  most  respects  correspond  with  my  own  as  to  demon- 
strations now  being  made  by  ultra-partisans .  He  attributes 
much  to  Stanton,  and  suggested  that  General  Grant  ought 
to  be  made  Secretary  of  War.  Therein  I  differed  from  him. 

General  Rousseau  called  on  me  to-day  in  behalf  of  Com- 
mander Pendergrast,  who  has  been  suspended  by  court 


1865]          THE  JEFFERSON  DAVIS  CASE  365 

martial  for  two  years.  The  sentence  I  have  thought  severe 
and  intended  to  mitigate  it.  Admiral  Porter,  as  well  as 
General  R,.,  thinks  P.  has  been  sufficiently  punished;  says 
Fox  has  been  a  little  vindictive  in  the  matter.  This  I  am 
unwilling  to  believe,  although  Fox  has  remonstrated  on 
two  occasions,  when  I  have  had  the  case  under  considera- 
tion. Pendergrast  says  that  most  of  the  court  which  tried 
him  were  retired  officers,  placed  on  the  retired  list  by  the 
board  of  which  his  uncle,  the  late  Commodore  P.,  was 
a  member,  and  that  they  as  well  as  others  have  supposed 
that  he  was  a  son  instead  of  nephew  of  the  Commodore, 
and  he  is  apprehensive  there  was  a  prejudice  against  him 
on  that  account. 

August  22,  Tuesday.  Seward  presented  some  matters  of 
interest  in  relation  to  the  Spanish- American  States.  Spain 
is  getting  in  difficulty  with  Chili  and  also  Peru,  and  Seward 
writes  to  Mr.  Perry,  Secretary  of  Legation  (J.  P.  Hale  is 
Minister),  suggesting  arbitration,  etc. 

Stanton  submitted  some  reports  in  regard  to  the  health 
of  Jeff  Davis,  who  has  erysipelas  and  a  carbuncle.  Attor- 
ney-General Speed  says  he  is  waiting  to  hear  from  associate 
counsel  in  the  case.  These  associates,  he  says,  are  Evarts  of 
New  York  and  Clifford  of  Massachusetts,  both  learned  and 
able  counsel  before  the  court,  but  not  as  distinguished  for 
success  with  a  jury.  The  President,  I  saw  by  his  manner 
and  by  an  inquiry  which  he  put,  had  not  been  consulted  or 
was  not  aware  that  these  gentlemen  had  been  selected.  So 
with  other  members  of  the  Cabinet,  except  Stanton  and 
Seward.  These  two  gentlemen  had  evidently  been  advised 
with  by  the  Attorney-General,  —  no  doubt  directed  him. 

I  would  have  suggested  that  General  Butler  should  be 
associated  in  this  trial,  not  that  I  give  him  unreserved  con- 
fidence as  a  politician  or  statesman,  but  he  possesses  great 
ability,  courage,  strength,  I  may  add  audacity,  as  a  lawyer, 
and  he  belongs  to  a  school  which  at  this  time  and  in  such  a 
trial  should  have  a  voice.  Our  friends  should  not  permit 


366  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  22 

personal  feelings  to  control  them  in  so  important  a  matter 
as  selecting  counsel  to  try  such  a  criminal. 

The  President  said  he  had  invited  an  interview  with 
Chief  Justice  Chase  as  a  matter  of  courtesy,  not  knowing 
but  he  might  have  some  suggestion  to  make  as  to  time, 
place  of  trial,  etc.;  but  the  learned  judge  declined  to  hold 
conference  on  the  subject,  though  not  to  advise  on  other 
grave  and  important  questions  when  there  was  to  be  judi- 
cial action.  I  see  the  President  detests  the  traits  of  the 
Judge.  Cowardly  and  aspiring,  shirking  and  presumptu- 
ous, forward  and  evasive;  ...  an  ambitious  politician; 
possessed  of  mental  resources  yet  afraid  to  use  them,  irre- 
solute as  well  as  ambitious;  intriguing,  selfish,  cold,  grasp- 
ing, and  unreliable  when  he  fancies  his  personal  advance- 
ment is  concerned. 

August  23,  Wednesday.  A  very  perceptible  change  of 
weather  since  yesterday.  Had  a  call  from  Rev.  Mr.  Boyn- 
ton,  who  proposes  to  write  a  history  of  the  Navy  during 
the  great  Rebellion.  Had  half  an  hour's  conversation. 
Made  various  suggestions. 

General  (Commander)  Carter,1  a  naval  officer  to  whom  I 
gave  leave  in  the  summer  of  1861  to  enter  the  army,  called 
and  proposes  to  relinquish  the  army  appointment  and  re- 
turn to  his  old  profession. 

[August  25.]  A  number  of  days  have  passed  since  I 
opened  this  book.  On  Friday,  25th,  we  had  a  pleasant  Cab- 
inet-meeting. Speed  read  an  elaborate  opinion  on  the  au- 
thority of  judges  in  the  State  of  Mississippi.  The  President 
dissented  wholly  from  some  of  his  positions.  Provisional 
Governor  Sharkey  wanted  the  judges  appointed  by  him 
should  have  authority  to  enforce  the  habeas  corpus.  Speed 
thought  they  were  not  legally  empowered  to  exercise  judi- 
cial functions.  The  President  thought  they  were.  Read 
from  his  proclamation  establishing  a  provisional  govern- 
1  Samuel  Powhatan  Carter. 


1865]  REPUBLICAN  REVERSES  IN  MEXICO    367 

ment  in  Mississippi  and  said  he  had  drawn  that  part  of 
the  proclamation  himself  and  with  special  reference  to 
this  very  question.  I  inquired  whether  the  habeas  corpus 
privilege  was  not  suspended  in  that  State  so  that  no  judge 
whatever  could  issue  the  writ. 

A  telegram  from  General  Carleton  in  New  Mexico  gives 
a  melancholy  account  of  affairs  in  Mexico.  The  republican 
government  has  met  with  reverses,  and  the  President, 
Juarez,  is  on  our  borders,  fleeing  to  our  country  for  pro- 
tection. Seward  is  in  trouble;  all  of  us  are,  in  fact.  Many 
of  the  army  officers  are  chafing  to  make  war  on  the  impe- 
rial government  and  drive  the  French  from  that  country. 
They  are  regardless  of  the  exhausted  state  of  our  affairs. 

[August  26.]  Called  with  Postmaster-General  Dennison 
on  the  President  on  Saturday  evening  and  spent  a  couple 
of  hours  with  him  conversing  on  the  condition  of  the  times, 
and  matters  relating  to  the  war.  The  President  is  animated 
and  warms  up  to  enthusiasm  when  dwelling  on  the  occur- 
rences in  Tennessee,  and  especially  the  services  of  General 
Thomas,  whom  he  loves  not  less  than  Grant,  to  whom  he 
is  quite  friendly.  His  description  of  the  fight  of  Nashville 
is  graphic  and  highly  interesting. 

[August  27.]  On  Sunday,  the  27th,  I  took  the  President 
in  my  carriage,  with  Postmaster-General  Dennison,  for  a 
ride  of  a  couple  of  hours  or  more.  Went  out  14th  Street, 
crossed  Rock  Creek  at  Pease's  Mill,  thence  to  Tenally- 
town,  and  returned  via  Georgetown.  It  was  a  pleasant 
afternoon  and  we  all  enjoyed  the  drive.  I  think  it  will  do 
the  President  good. 


August  29,  Tuesday.  At  the  meeting  to-day  Speed  said 
he  had  associated  with  him  in  the  case  of  Jeff  Davis,  Evarts 
of  New  York,  Clifford  of  Massachusetts,  and  [no  name 
given]  of  Kentucky.  It  was  suggested  that  General  Butler 
would  be  of  use,  perhaps.  But  the  question  arose  whether 
he  would  be  acceptable  to  the  associate  counsel.  Speed 


368  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [AUG.  29 

said  he  would  write  to  him  if  it  were  wished,  and  he  would 
consult  with  the  others.  All  admitted  that  such  a  man 
would  be  well  in  most  respects,  —  had  quickness,  aptness, 
will,  vigor,  force,  etc.,  etc.,  —  but  yet  might  be  an  unpleas- 
ant associate,  and  there  is  danger  that  he  would  think  more 
of  Benjamin  F.  Butler  than  the  case  in  hand. 

Speed  says  no  court  can  be  held  until  November  in  Vir- 
ginia, North  Carolina,  or  Tennessee.  At  that  late  day,  the 
session  of  the  Supreme  Court  will  be  so  near  that  it  will  be 
difficult  to  have  such  a  protracted  trial. 

The  President  sent  for  the  Chief  Justice  a  few  days  since 
with  a  view  to  confer  with  him  as  to  the  place,  time,  etc.,  of 
holding  the  court,  but  Chase  put  himself  on  his  judicial  re- 
serve. Of  course  the  President  did  not  press  the  subject. 
Yesterday,  Chase  called  voluntarily  on  the  President  and 
had  some  general  conversation  and  was  in  the  President's 
opinion  not  disinclined  to  talk  on  the  very  subject  which  he 
the  other  day  declined,  but  he  little  understands  the  char- 
acter of  President  Johnson  if  he  supposes  that  gentleman 
will  ever  again  introduce  that  subject  to  him. 

Judge  Chase  talked  more  especially  of  the  inconvenient 
court  arrangements  at  Norfolk,  to  which  place  the  courts 
had  been  ordered  by  act  of  Congress  instead  of  Richmond. 
I  inquired  if  the  Chief  Justice  could  not  order  a  special 
session  of  the  court  at  an  earlier  day  than  the  fourth 
Tuesday  of  November.  Speed  said  he  undoubtedly  could 
if  so  disposed.  I  suggested  that  the  inquiry  had  best  be 
made.  The  President  earnestly  approved  the  suggestion. 
Thought  it  would  be  well  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  sev- 
eral Departments  of  the  government,  and  know  whether 
they  were  harmonious.  If  Judge  Chase  was  disposed,  the 
trial  might  come  off  in  October,  —  ample  accommodation 
would  be  provided  in  Norfolk;  but  unless  the  Chief  Justice 
would  order  a  special  session,  there  must  be  delay.  I  have 
seen  no  indications  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Chief 
Justice  to  preside  at  the  trial  of  Davis. 


1865]  THE  RADICALS  AND  RACE  EQUALITY  369 

August  30,  Wednesday.  At  my  special  request  the  Pre- 
sident made  an  order  restoring  General  Hawley  to  duty,  who 
had  been  mustered  out  of  service.  Had  some  conversation 
with  General  Hawley,  who  was  an  original  and  earnest 
Abolitionist,  on  political  subjects.  I  perceive  that  the 
negro  is  pretty  strong  on  his  brain.  Advised  him  to  keep 
within  constitutional  limitations  and  not  permit  humani- 
tarian impulses  to  silence  reason  or  break  our  govern- 
mental restraints.  Suggested  that  he  should  also  caution 
Warner  not  to  commit  his  paper  too  strongly  and  incon- 
siderately to  Radical  impulses. 

There  is  an  apparent  determination  among  those  who  are 
ingrained  Abolitionists  to  compel-  the  government  to  im- 
pose conditions  on  the  Rebel  States  that  are  wholly  un- 
warranted. Prominent  men  are  striving  to  establish  a 
party  on  the  basis  of  equality  of  races  in  the  Rebel  States, 
for  which  the  people  are  not  prepared,  —  perhaps  they 
never  will  be,  for  these  very  leaders  do  not  believe  in  social 
equality,  nor  will  they  practice  it.  Mr.  Sumner,  who  is  an 
unmarried  man,  has  striven  to  overcome  what  seems  a 
natural  repugnance.  A  negro  lawyer  has  been  presented 
by  him  to  practice  in  the  Supreme  Court,  and  extra  demon- 
strations of  that  kind  have  been  made  by  him  and  Chief 
Justice  Chase.  Sumner,  I  think,  has  become  a  devotee  in 
this  matter;  it  is  his  specialty,  and,  not  being  a  Constitu- 
tionalist in  politics,  he  is  sincere,  I  have  no  doubt,  in  his 
schemes.  I  cannot  say  quite  as  much  in  favor  of  the  Chief 
Justice.  His  work  is  connected  more  closely  with  political 
party  aspirations.  Sumner  is  not  divested  of  them.  General 
Hawley  is  of  that  school.  Wants  to  do  for  the  negro.  His 
old  associates  are  on  that  idea.  Many  of  them  —  most  of 
them  —  would  assume,  and  have  the  government  assume,  • 
arbitrary  power,  regardless  of  the  Constitution,  to  carry 
into  effect  their  opinions  and  wishes.  General  H.  is  too 
intelligent  for  this,  yet  it  is  evident  he  would  strain  a  point 
for  the  negro. 

Judge  Blair  has  been  making  a  speech  at  Clarksville  in 

2 


370  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.SO 

Maryland  which  appears  to  Hie  to  be  in  some  respects  in- 
judicious just  at  this  time.  Yet  it  is  a  demonstration  de- 
liberately made  and  for  a  purpose.  He  anticipates  a  new 
formation  of  parties  and  is  preparing  for  it  in  advance,  all 
of  which  may  be  well,  provided  he  does  not  go  too  fast  and 
too  far.  I  think  his  speech  is  too  intensely  personal  to  be 
effective.  This  is  not  the  time  to  make  assaults  on  Seward, 
perhaps  not  on  Stanton,  unless  confident  not  only  that  he 
is  right  but  that  he  will  be  sustained.  He  will  not  be  sup- 
ported by  the  press  of  either  party.  I  am  not  certain  that 
he  wishes  to  be  at  present;  but  whether,  if  he  loses  the  gen- 
eral confidence,  he  can  regain  it  when  he  exhibits  so  much 
acrimony,  is  doubtful. 

I  think  better  of  Blair  than  most  persons  will  on  reading 
his  speech.  He  is  not  a  malignant  or  revengeful  man;  is 
generous,  frank,  truthful,  honest;  scorns  a  mean  thing, 
detests  duplicity,  and  abhors  a  liar.  He  has  good  political 
and  general  intelligence,  understands  men  generally  very 
well,  but  I  think  is  sometimes  imposed  upon.  In  his  friend- 
ships and  hates  he  occupies  no  middle  ground,  and  some- 
times, I  think,  judges,  severely  and  harshly.  I  see  no  rea- 
son for  the  onslaught  on  Seward  at  this  time. 

Holt  is  also  assailed,  as  if  Seward  and  Stanton  were  not 
enough.  It  is  painful  to  have  a  man  like  Holt  denounced. 
He  is  a  stern,  stubborn,  relentless  man, — has  his  faults, — 
but  I  believe  is  a  patriot  and  a  statesman  of  ability.  I  have 
esteemed  him  to  be  the  ablest  man  in  Buchanan's  cabinet, 
and  beyond  any  other  one  the  principal  mind  to  sustain  the 
national  integrity  in  that  combination  during  the  winter 
preceding  the  advent  of  President  Lincoln,  and  I  regretted 
that  he  was  not  preferred  to  Stanton  as  the  successor  of 
Cameron  if  one  of  that  cabinet  were  taken.  Why  Blair 
should  attack  Holt,  I  do  not  understand,  unless  because  of 
his  identification  with  Stanton,  which  is  certainly  not  to 
his  credit.  Blair  brings  out  a  singular  and  unfortunate  let- 
ter of  Holt's  to  some  one  in  Pittsburg,  which  had  escaped 


1865]  BLAIR'S  ATTACK  ON  HOLT  371 

days.  But  the  changes  and  vicissitudes  which  have  oc- 
curred during  the  last  few  eventful  years  have  taught  me 
to  have  forbearance  for  men's  utterances  and  actions.  My 
own  language  was  sometimes  mild  and  gentle  when  it  should 
have  been  strong  to  resist  the  coming  storm  which  I  vainly 
hoped  might  be  averted;  at  other  times  it  was  rash  and 
almost  violent  when  mildness  and  conciliation  were  neces- 
sary. Human  foresight  is  short  and  insufficient,  and  in- 
dulgence is  due  to  men  in  positions  of  responsibility  who  were 
compelled  to  act,  and  who  in  view  of  the  calamities  that 
overhung  the  country  strove  to  extricate  the  government 
and  country. 


XXXIII 

The  Negro  Suffrage  Question  in  Connecticut  —  Circular  against  Political 
Assessments  in  the  Navy  Yards  —  Conversation  with  Dennison, 
Stanton,  and  Harlan  in  regard  to  such  Assessments  —  Banks  nominated 
for  Congress  —  Opinion  of  General  Thomas  —  Wendell  Phillips's  Use- 
lessness  —  Seward's  Speech  at  Auburn,  N.  Y.  —  His  Compliments  for 
the  Secretary  and  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  —  Suicide  of 
Preston  King  —  His  Character  and  Career  —  Conversation  with  the 
President  on  the  Subject  of  the  Congressional  Caucus  in  regard  to  the 
Admission  of  Representatives  from  the  Southern  States  —  Fogg 
recalled  from  Switzerland  —  His  Intimate  Knowledge  of  the  Construc- 
tion of  the  Lincoln  Cabinet  —  He  tells  the  Story  in  Detail  —  The 
President's  Message  —  Conversation  with  Sumner  on  the  President's 
Reconstruction  Policy  —  Movement  for  the  Impeachment  of  the  Pre- 
sident —  Grant's  Report  on  his  Southern  Journey  —  Another  Talk  with 
Sumner  —  The  Case  of  Pasco,  Master  Plumber  at  the  Philadelphia 
Navy  Yard  —  Rumor  of  Stanton's  Proposed  Resignation  —  Arrest  of 
Captain  Semmes  ordered  —  Senator  Morgan  on  Sumner  and  the  Pre- 
sident's Policy  —  Seward's  Projected  Cruise  —  Conversation  with 
Senator  Dixon. 

September  28.  I  have  been  absent  during  most  of  the 
month  of  September  in  my  native  State  and  among  the 
scenes  of  my  childhood  and  youth.  Change  is  there.  Of  the 
companions  who  fifty  years  ago  it  was  my  pleasure  to  love, 
and  who  I  truly  believe  loved  me,  few,  only  few,  remain, 
while  of  those  who  were  in  middle  life  or  more  advanced 
age,  men  who  encouraged  and  stood  by  me,  who  volun- 
tarily elected  me  to  the  Legislature  when  I  was  but  twenty- 
four,  scarcely  one  remains.  Their  children  and  grandchild- 
ren to  some  extent  occupy  their  places,  but  a  different 
class  of  persons  have  come  into  the  old  town  and  much 
altered  its  character. 

Little  of  importance  has  transpired  during  the  month. 
The  rebellious  States  are  reorganizing  their  governments 
and  institutions,  —  submitting  to  results  they  could  not 
arrest  or  avert.  In  the  Free  States,  political  conventions 
have  been  held  and  movements  made  to  revivify  old  par- 


hibition  of  intense  hate  towards  the  Rebels  which  bodes 
mischief  has  manifested  itself. 

In  New  York  an  extraordinary  step,  a  coup  d'etat,  was 
taken  by  the  Democratic  organization,  which  indorsed 
President  Johnson  and  nominated  Union  men  to  some  of 
the  most  important  places  on  the  ticket.  A  counter  move 
was  made  by  the  Union  party,  which  nominated  an  entire 
new  ticket,  and  passed  resolutions  not  remarkable  in  any 
respect. 

The  Massachusetts  Republican  convention  did  not  like 
to  take  ground  antagonistic  to  the  Administration,  al- 
though the  leaders,  particularly  Sumner  and  his  friends, 
cannot  suppress  their  hostile  feelings.  Their  resolutions, 
adopted  at  Worcester,  are  very  labored,  and  abound  more 
in  words  than  distinct  ideas,  reminding  one  of  the  old 
woman  who  wished  to  scream  but  dared  not. 

In  Connecticut  the  question  of  amending  the  State  Con- 
stitution so  as  to  erase  the  word  "white"  is  pending. 
Some  feeling  among  the  old  Abolitionists  and  leading 
politicians  was  exhibited,  and  they  may,  and  probably 
will,  work  up  some  feeling  in  its  favor;  but  generally  the 
people  are  indifferent  or  opposed  to  it.  But  for  the  na- 
tional questions  before  the  country,  the  amendment  would 
be  defeated;  the  probabilities  appeared  to  me  in  its  favor. 
I  avoided  interfering  in  the  question  or  expressing  an  opin- 
ion on  the  subject,  but  the  partisans  are  determined  to 
draw  me  out.  It  is  asserted  in  the  Times  that  I  am  op- 
posed to  negro  suffrage.  Two  of  the  editors  deny  this  and 
have  so  written  me.  I  replied  in  a  hasty  note  that  no  one 
was  authorized  to  say  I  had  expressed  opposition  to  it. 
Since  then  I  have  had  a  telegram  from  the  editor  of  the 
Press,  Warner,  asking  if  I  am  in  favor  of  negro  suffrage. 
Disliking  to  be  catechized  in  this  way  and  not  disposed  to 
give  a  categorical  answer,  I  replied  that  I  was  in  favor  of 
intelligence,  not  of  color  for  qualification  for  suffrage.  The 
truth  is  I  have  little  or  no  feeling  on  the  subject,  and  as  we 


374  DIARY  OF  GIDEOJN    WUJJLLUS     [SEPT.  28 

require  that  the  electors  shall  read,  and  have  few  negroes 
in  Connecticut,  I  acquiesce  in,  rather  than  advocate,  the 
amendment.  I  would  not  enslave  the  negro,  but  his  en- 
franchisement is  another  question,  and  until  he  is  better 
informed,  it  is  not  desirable  that  he  should  vote.  The  great 
zeal  of  Sumner  and  the  Abolitionists  in  behalf  of  the  negro 
voting  has  no  responsive  sympathy  with  me.  It  is  a  species 
of  fanaticism,  zeal  without  discretion.  Whenever  the  time 
arrives  that  he  should  vote,  the  negro  will  probably  be  per- 
mitted. I  am  no  advocate  for  social  equality,  nor  do  I  labor 
for  political  or  civil  equality  with  the  negro.  I  do  not  want 
him  at  my  table,  nor  do  I  care  to  have  him  in  the  jury-box, 
or  in  the  legislative  hall,  or  on  the  bench.  The  negro  does 
not  vote  in  Connecticut,  nor  is  he  taxed.  There  are  but  a 
few  hundreds  of  them.  Of  these  perhaps  not  half  can  read 
and  consequently  cannot  vote,  while,  if  the  restriction  is 
removed,  all  will  be  taxed. 

Judge  Blair  came  to  see  me  the  day  after  I  came  back. 
He  is  preparing  a  reply  to  Judge  Holt.  During  my  absence 
the  papers  have  published  a  statement  made  by  Mr.  Fox 
in  relation  to  the  Sumter  expedition,  which  was  sent  to  the 
Senate  as  an  appendix  to  my  reply  to  a  call  of  the  Senate, 
but  that  body  declined  to  receive  FVs  statement.  It  comes 
in  now,  aptly,  with  Blair's  speech,  and  will  doubtless  be 
considered  a  part  of  the  scheme.  General  Meigs  hastened 
too  fast  to  reply  in  order  to  assure  Mr.  Seward. 

There  are  serious  mistakes  or  blunders  in  Meigs's  letter, 
which,  however,  will  doubtless  be  corrected.  Blair  wished 
to  get  the  armistice  signed  by  Holt,  Toucey,  and  Mallory, 
and  asked  if  I  remembered  it.  I  told  him  I  did,  and  that 
we  had  it  on  our  files.  But  on  sending  for  the  volume  I 
find  it  is  only  a  copy.  Yet  my  convictions  were  as  positive 
as  Blair's  that  the  original  was  in  the  Navy  Department. 
I  thought  I  remembered  the  paper  distinctly,  —  its  color 
and  general  appearance,  —  but  the  copy  does  not  corre- 
spond with  my  recollection,  yet  I  cannot  doubt  it  is  the 
paper  which  I  saw.  From  this  difference  I  am  admonished 
of  the  uncertainty  and  fallibility  of  human  testimony. 


1865]  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE  IN  CONNECTICUT  375 

October.  Some  slight  indisposition  and  pressing  duties 
have  postponed  my  daily  remarks.  The  President  had  ex- 
pressed to  me  his  intention  to  go  to  Richmond  and  Raleigh 
on  the  3d  inst.,  and  invited  me  to  accompany  him,  but  I 
doubted  if  he  would  carry  the  design  out,  and  he  said  on 
the  3d  he  must  postpone  it  for  the  present,  which  I  think 
will  be  for  the  season. 

A  vote  was  taken  in  Connecticut  on  Monday,  the  2d,  on 
the  proposed  Constitutional  Amendment  to  erase  the  word 
"white"  and  permit  the  colored  persons  to  vote.  I  was  not 
surprised  that  the  proposition  was  defeated  by  a  very  de- 
cided majority,  yet  I  had  expected  that  the  question  might 
be  carried  on  the  strong  appeal  to  party.  But  there  is 
among  the  people  a  repugnance  to  the  negro,  and  a  posi- 
tive disinclination  to  lower  the  standard  of  suffrage.  They 
will  not  receive  the  negro  into  their  parlors  on  terras  of  so- 
cial intimacy,  and  they  are  unwilling  to  put  him  in  the 
jury-box  or  any  political  position.  There  are  probably  not 
five  hundred  colored  persons  who  could  be  made  electors, 
and  the  grievance  is  therefore  not  very  great. 

The  defeat  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment  has  caused 
a  great  howl  to  be  set  up  by  certain  extremists,  in  the  State 
and  out  of  it.  While  I  might  have  voted  affirmatively  had 
I  been  in  the  State,  I  have  no  wailing  over  the  negative 
results.  I  regret  to  witness  the  abuse  of  the  Press  and  other 
papers  on  those  whom  it  failed  to  convince,  and  who  con- 
sequently voted  according  to  their  convictions.  This  abuse 
and  denunciation  will  tend  to  alienate  friends,  and  weaken 
the  influence  of  the  Union  leaders  in  future  elections. 

The  effect  of  the  vote  elsewhere  will  be  to  impair  cen- 
tralization, which  has  been  setting  in  strong  of  late,  and 
invigorate  State  action,  and  in  this  respect  the  result  will 
be  beneficent.  I  apprehend  our  extreme  negro  advocates 
are  doing  serious  injury  to  the  negro  in  their  zeal  in  his  be- 
half, and  they  are  certainly  doing  harm  to  our  system  by 
insisting  on  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  and  unauthorized 
power  in  aid  of  the  negro. 


376  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES  [OCT. 

Some  of  the  workmen  in  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard 
complained  that  an  assessment  had  been  levied  upon  them 
for  party  purposes.  I  had  written  a  pretty  decisive  letter 
correcting  the  evil  when  I  went  to  the  Cabinet-meeting  on 
Tuesday,  and  had  given  it  out  to  be  copied.  After  the  gen- 
eral business  before  the  Cabinet  had  been  disposed  of,  the 
President  took  me  aside  and  said  complaints  of  a  similar 
character  had  been  made  to  him.  I  told  him  my  own  con- 
clusion and  what  I  had  done,  which  he  approved.  The  op- 
portunity is  most  favorable  to  correct  a  pernicious  prac- 
tice, which  I  last  year  would  not  sanction,  and  which  led 
Raymond,  Thurlow  Weed,  and  others  to  try  to  prejudice 
President  Lincoln  against  me. 

On  Wednesday  Amos  Kendall  called  and  wished  me  to 
go  with  him  to  the  President.  He  alluded  to  old  friendly 
political  associations  and  relations  between  us.  I  was  glad 
of  the  opportunity  of  taking  him  to  the  President,  whom  I 
was  about  to  call  upon  with  my  letter  to  the  Commandant 
of  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard,  respecting  the  improper 
assessment  of  workmen.  After  a  brief  interview  Mr. 
Kendall  left,  and  I  read  my  letter  concerning  the  assess- 
ment of  workmen,  which  the  President  complimented  and 
desired  it  should  go  to  other  yards  and  be  made  public. 

[The  letter  follows.] 

NAVY  DEPARTMENT, 

gIR.  3  October,  1865. 

The  attention  of  the  Department  has  been  called  to  an  at- 
tempt recently  made  in  Philadelphia  to  assess  or  tax  for  party 
purposes  the  workmen  in  the  Navy  Yard.  It  is  claimed  by  those 
who  have  participated  in  these  proceedings,  that  the  practice  has 
prevailed  in  former  years,  at  that  and  other  Navy  Yards,  of 
levying  contributions  of  this  character  on  mechanics  and  laborers 
employed  by  the  Government. 

Such  an  abuse  cannot  be  permitted;  and  it  is  the  object  of  this 
communication  to  prohibit  it,  wherever  it  may  be  practiced. 

From  inquiries  instituted  by  the  Department,  on  the  com- 
plaint of  sundry  workmen,  who  represented  that  a  committee 
had  undertaken,  through  the  agency  of  the  masters,  to  collect 


1865]  POLITICAL  ASSESSMENTS  377 

equal  to  one  day's  labor,  for  party  purposes — it  has  been  ascer- 
tained that  there  had  been  received  from  the  workmen  before 
these  proceedings  were  arrested,  the  sum  of  $1052. 

This  and  all  other  attempts  to  exact  money  from  laborers  in 
the  public  service,  either  by  compulsion  or  voluntary  contribu- 
tion, is,  in  every  point  of  view,  reprehensible,  and  is  wholly  and 
absolutely  prohibited.  Whatever  money  may  have  been  exacted, 
and  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Masters,  will  be  forthwith  re- 
turned to  the  workmen  from  whom  it  was  received;  and  any 
Master  or  other  appointee  of  this  Department  who  may  be 
guilty  of  a  repetition  of  this  offense,  or  shall  hereafter  participate 
in  levying  contributions  in  the  Navy  Yards,  from  persons  in  the 
Government  service,  for  party  purposes,  will  incur  the  displeasure 
of  the  Department,  and  render  himself  liable  to  removal.  The 
organization  of  the  Yard  must  not  be  perverted  to  aid  any  party. 
Persons  who  desire  to  make  voluntary  party  contributions,  can 
find  opportunities  to  do  so,  at  ward  or  other  local  political  meet- 
ings, and  on  other  occasions  than  during  working  hours.  They 
are  neither  to  be  assisted  nor  opposed,  in  this  matter,  by  govern- 
ment officials.  The  Navy  Yards  must  not  be  prostituted  to  any 
such  purpose,  nor  will  Committee  men  be  permitted  to  resort 
thither,  to  make  collections  for  any  political  party  whatever. 
Working  men,  and  others  in  the  service  of  the  Government,  are 
expected  and  required  to  devote  their  time  and  energies  during 
working  hours,  and  while  in  the  Yard,  to  the  labor  which  they  are 
employed  to  execute. 

It  has  been  also  represented  that  some  of  the  Masters  at  some 
of  the  Navy  Yards  employ  extra  hands  preceding  warmly  con- 
tested elections,  and  that  much  of  the  time  of  these  superfluous 
hands  is  devoted  to  party  electioneering.  Such  an  abuse,  if  it 
exists  in  any  department  of  any  of  the  Navy  Yards,  must  be  cor- 
rected. No  more  persons  should  be  retained  in  the  Navy  Yards 
than  the  public  service  actually  requires.  Party  gatherings  and 
party  discussions  are  at  all  times  to  be  avoided  within  the  Yards. 
It  will  be  the  duty  of  the  Commandants  of  the  respective  Yards, 
and  of  all  officers,  to  see  that  this  order  is  observed. 

Very  respectfully, 

COMMO.  CHAS.  H.  BELL,  G-  WELLES, 

Commdt.  Navy  Yard,  Secty.  of  the  Navy. 

New  York. 

(Also  written  to  all  the  other  Commandants  of  Navy  Yards.) 


380  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [OCT.  10 

brary,  he  took  occasion  to  express  his  satisfaction  with  my 
circulars  and  his  thorough  conviction  of  their  rectitude. 
He  was  exceedingly  pleased  with  the  manner  of  their  recep- 
tion by  the  public.  Said  Preston  King,  when  last  there,  had 
advised  that  we  should  pursue  a  straightforward  course 
and  leave  consequences  to  themselves. 

Leaving  the  President,  I  went  on  to  the  library.  Stan- 
ton  and  Dennison  were  there,  and,  I  think,  Ashton  and 
W.  E.  Chandler.  Harlan  soon  came  in.  Dennison  almost 
immediately  addressed  me  on  the  subject  of  my  circular 
respecting  assessments.  He  said  it  was  likely  to  have  an 
effect  on  other  Departments.  He  had  received  this  morn- 
ing a  petition  from  the  clerks  in  the  New  York  post-office 
inclosing  my  circular,  and  asking  to  be  relieved  of  a  five 
per  cent  assessment  which  had  been  levied  upon  them  for 
party  purposes.  I  remarked  that  they  were  proper  sub- 
jects to  be  exempt  from  such  a  tax  in  times  like  these,  that 
I  disliked  and  was  decidedly  opposed  to  this  whole  princi- 
ple of  assessment  of  employe's  of  the  government  for  party 
objects,  —  if  not  broken  up  it  would  demoralize  the  gov- 
ernment and  country. 

Stanton  said  if  I  had  issued  such  a  circular  one  year  ago, 
we  should  have  lost  the  election.  I  questioned  the  correct- 
ness of  that  assertion,  and  told  him  that  I  took  the  same 
ground  then  that  I  did  now,  although  I  issued  no  circular. 
He  said  he  was  aware  I  objected  to  assessments  in  the 
yards,  but  had  understood  that  I  finally  backed  down  and 
consented.  I  assured  him  he  was  greatly  mistaken;  that 
Raymond  had  annoyed  President  Lincoln  with  his  de- 
mands, and  that  I  had  been  importuned  to  permit  the  tax  to 
be  levied  but  that  I  had  never  consented  or  changed  my 
views,  or  actions,  or  been  ever  requested  to  do  so  by  Pre- 
sident Lincoln. 

Dennison  said  that  Mr.  Harlan' s  committee  —  he, 
Harlan,  being  chairman  —  had  made  an  assessment  on  all 
office-holders  and  he  thought  it  was  right.  Stanton  earn- 
estly affirmed  its  rightfulness,  and  said  the  Democrats 


1865]  BANKS  NOMINATED  FOR  CONGRESS   381 

raised  two  dollars  for  every  one  raised  by  us.  Asked  if  I 
did  not  pay  an  assessment.  I  told  him  I  contributed 
money,  but  did  not  submit  to  be  assessed  or  taxed.  Harlan 
sat  by  and  said  nothing,  though  occasionally  rolling  up  his 
eye  and  showing  his  peculiar  smile.  I  told  the  gentlemen 
that,  while  differing  with  them,  I  was  gratified  to  have  the 
President  with  me.  He  came  in  a  few  moments  after,  and 
the  subject  was  dropped. 

October  11.  The  elections  in  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and 
Iowa  come  in  favorable,  though  the  vote  and  the  majori- 
ties are  reduced  from  the  Presidential  election.  I  am  glad 
that  the  Union  party  has  done  well  in  Philadelphia,  for  if 
we  had  lost  the  city  or  given  a  small  vote,  there  would  have 
been  a  claim  that  it  was  in  consequence  of  my  circulars.  As 
it  is,  I  get  no  credit,  but  I  escape  censure  for  doing  right. 

October  12,  Thursday.  General  Banks  has  received  the 
nomination  for  Congress  from  the  Middlesex  district, 
made  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  Gooch,  appointed  Naval 
Officer.  Stone  and  Griffith  were  competitors  for  the  nom- 
ination, neither  of  them  known  abroad.  If  I  mistake  not, 
Stone  has  a  musty  reputation  as  a  politician.  While  they 
were  struggling,  Banks  came  home  from.  New  Orleans  and 
succeeded  over  both.  He  will  probably  be  elected,  for  I  see 
by  his  speech  he  classes  himself  among  the  Radicals  and 
foreshadows  hostility  to  the  Administration. 

The  Radicals  of  Massachusetts  are  preparing  to  make 
war  upon  the  President.  This  is  obvious,  and  Sumner  has 
been  inclined  to  take  the  lead.  But  there  is  no  intimacy 
between  Banks  and  Sumner.  They  are  unlike.  Sumner  is 
honest  but  imperious  and  impracticable.  Banks  is  precisely 
the  opposite.  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  Banks  makes  war 
upon  the  Navy  Department,  —  not  that  he  has  manifested 
any  open  hostility  to  myself,  but  there  is  deep-seated  ani- 
mosity between  him  and  Admiral  Porter  and  other  naval 
officers  of  his  command  who  were  on  the  Red  River 
expedition. 


378  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES          [OCT. 

I  called  on  Seward  on  Wednesday  in  relation  to  the 
Stonewall,  the  Harriet  Lane,  the  Florida,  etc.,  as  he  was 
about  leaving  to  be  absent  for  a  fortnight,  and  we  may 
wish  to  send  to  Havana  before  he  returns.  After  disposing 
of  business,  and  I  had  left  his  room,  he  sent  his  messenger 
to  recall  me.  He  seemed  a  little  embarrassed  and  hesitating 
at  first,  but  said  he  wished  to  say  to  me  that  he  had  had  full 
and  free  and  unreserved  talks  recently  with  the  President; 
that  he  had  found  him  friendly  and  confiding,  and  more 
communicative  than  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  had  been;  that  he 
knew  and  could  say  to  me  that  the  President  had  for  me, 
for  him  (Seward),  and  indeed  for  all  the  Cabinet  a  friendly 
regard;  that  he  had  no  intention  of  disturbing  any  member 
of  the  Cabinet;  that  I  had  reason  to  be  specially  gratified 
with  the  President's  appreciation  of  me.  Some  general 
conversation  followed  on  past  transactions  and  events. 
Among  other  things  we  got  on  to  Blair's  letters  and 
speeches.  He  says  the  original  armistice,  alluded  to  by 
Blair,  was  left  by  Buchanan  with  other  papers  on  the  office 
table  at  the  Executive  Mansion  or  with  the  Attorney- 
General. 

Seward,  McCulloch,  Harlan,  and  Speed  were  absent 
from  Washington  on  Friday,  the  6th,  the  day  of  the  last 
Cabinet-meeting.  No  very  important  questions  were  pre- 
sented and  discussed.  The  presence  of  the  assistants  in- 
stead of  the  principals  operates,  I  perceive,  as  an  obstruc- 
tion to  free  interchange  of  opinion. 

At  the  last  Cabinet-meeting  in  September,  Seward  read 
a  strange  letter  addressed  to  one  of  the  provisional  gov- 
ernors, informing  him  that  the  President  intended  to  con- 
tinue the  provisional  governments  in  the  several  insurrec- 
tionary States  until  Congress  assembled  and  should  take 
the  subject  in  hand  with  the  newly  formed  constitutions.  I 
was  amazed,  and  remarked  that  I  did  not  understand  the 
question  or  status  of  the  States  to  be  as  stated,  and  was 
relieved  when  the  President  said  he  disapproved  of  that 
part  of  the  letter.  Speed  asked  to  have  the  letter  again  read 


1865]     THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENTS     379 

and  was  evidently  satisfied  with  it.  Seward  made  a  pencil 
correction  or  alteration  that  was  unimportant  and  mean- 
ingless, when  the  President  said  very  emphatically  he 
wished  no  reference  to  Congress  in  any  such  communica- 
tion, or  in  any  such  way.  Stanton,  I  observed,  remained 
perfectly  silent  though  very  attentive.  It  appeared  to  me 
that  the  subject  was  not  novel  to  him. 

In  an  interview  with  the  President  the  Monday  follow- 
ing (the  2d  inst.),  I  expressed  my  wish  that  no  letter  should 
be  sent  defining  the  policy  of  the  Administration  without 
full  and  careful  consideration.  The  President  said  he 
should  see  to  that,  and  that  Seward's  letter  as  modified  by 
himself  was  a  harmless  affair. 

I  have  sent  out  another  circular  in  relation  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  masters  in  the  navy  yards.  These  appoint- 
ments have  caused  great  difficulty  in  the  Department,  the 
Members  of  Congress  insisting  on  naming  them,  and  al- 
most without  an  exception  the  party  instead  of  the  mechan- 
ical qualifications  of  the  man  is  urged.  It  is  best  to  be 
relieved  of  this  evil,  and  I  shall  try  to  cure  it. 

I  see  that  Senator  Grimes  by  letter  expresses  his  disap- 
proval of  the  Radical  movements  in  the  Iowa  State  Conven- 
tion. Doolittle  has  been  still  more  emphatic  in  Wisconsin. 
Things  are  working  very  well.  The  conventions  in  the 
Rebel  States  are  discharging  their  duties  as  satisfactorily, 
perhaps,  as  could  be  expected.  Some  of  the  extreme  Repub- 
licans, of  the  Sumner  school,  are  dissatisfied,  but  I  think 
their  numbers  are  growing  less.  The  Democrats,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  playing  what  they  consider  a  shrewd  party 
game,  by  striving  to  take  advantage  of  the  errors  and  im- 
practicable notions  of  the  ultras.  Therefore  the  policy  of 
the  Administration  appears  to  be  growing  in  favor,  though 
the  machinery  of  politics  is  at  work  in  an  opposite  direc- 
tion. 

October  10,  Tuesday.  As  I  went  into  the  President's 
office  this  morning  and  was  passing  him  to  enter  the  li- 


382  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [OCT.  13 

October  13.  Met  General  Thomas  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  at  the  President's.  He  has  a  fine,  soldierly  ap- 
pearance, and  my  impressions  are  that  he  has,  intellect- 
ually and  as  a  civilian,  as  well  as  a  military  man,  no  su- 
perior in  the  service.  What  I  saw  of  him  to-day  confirmed 
my  previous  ideas  of  the  man.  He  has  been  no  courtly 
carpet  officer,  to  dance  attendance  at  Washington  during 
the  War,  but  has  nobly  done  his  duty. 

Little  was  done  at  the  Cabinet.  Three  of  the  assistants 
being  present  instead  of  the  principals,  there  was  a  disin- 
clination to  bring  forward  measures  or  to  interchange 
views  freely.  Stanton  took  occasion  before  the  President 
came  in  to  have  a  fling  at  my  circular  against  party  assess- 
ments, which  seems  to  annoy  him.  I  told  him  the  princi- 
ples and  rule  laid  down  in  that  circular  were  correct;  that 
the  idea  which  he  advocated  of  a  tax  upon  employe's  and 
office-holders  was  pernicious  and  dangerous,  would  em- 
bitter party  contests  and,  if  permitted  to  go  on,  would 
carry  the  country  to  the  devil.  Stanton  said  he  then  wished 
to  go  to  the  devil  with  it;  that  he  believed  in  taxing  office- 
holders for  party  purposes,  compelling  them  to  pay  money 
to  support  the  Administration  which  appointed  them. 
Weed  and  Raymond  are  in  this  thing,  and  mad  with  me  for 
cutting  off  supplies. 

October  21.  Have  been  unable  to  write  daily.  The  Pre- 
sident has  released  A.  H.  Stephens,  Regan,  Trenholm,  and 
others  on  parole,  and  less  dissatisfaction  has  manifested 
itself  than  I  expected. 

The  Episcopal  convention  at  Philadelphia  is  a  disgrace 
to  the  church,  to  the  country,  and  the  times.  Resolutions 
expressing  gratification  on  the  return  of  peace  and  the 
removal  of  the  cause  of  war  have  been  voted  down,  and 
much  abject  and  snivelling  servility  exhibited,  lest  the 
Rebels  should  be  offended.  There  are  duties  to  the  country 
as  well  as  the  church. 

Montgomery  Blair  made  a  speech  to  a  Democratic  meet- 


55]    WENDELL   PHILLIPS'S  USELESSNESS    383 

I  at  Cooper  Institute,  New  York.    As  much  exception 

II  be  taken  to  the  audience  he  selected  as  to  his  remarks, 
though  he  has  cause  for  dissatisfaction,  it  is  to  be  re- 
stted  that  he  should  run  into  an  organization  which  is 
stile  to  those  who  have  rallied  for  the  Union.  True,  they 
ofess  to  support  the  President  and  approve  his  course, 
lis  is  perhaps  true  in  a  degree,  but  that  organization  was 
stious  during  the  War,  and  was  in  sympathy  with  the 
jbels  prior  to  hostilities.  Their  present  attitude  is  from 
tred  of  the  Republicans  more  than  sympathy  with  the 
esident.  Those  of  us  who  are  Democrats  and  who  went 
:o  the  Union  organization  ought  to  act  in  good  faith 
th  our  associates,  and  not  fly  off  to  those  who  have  im- 
rilled  the  cause,  without  fully  reflecting  on  what  we  have 
ne,  and  are  doing.  Perhaps  Blair  feels  himself  justified, 
.t  I  would  not  have  advised  his  course. 

Wendell  Phillips  has  made  an  onset  on  the  Administra- 
>n  and  its  friends,  and  also  on  the  extremists,  hitting 
inks  and  Sumner  as  well  as  the  President.  Censorious 
d  unpractical,  the  man,  though  possessed  of  extraordin- 
Y  gifts,  is  a  useless  member  of  society  and  deservedly 
thout  influence. 

Secretary  Seward  has  been  holding  forth  at  Auburn  in  a 
idied  and  long-prepared  speech,  intended  for  the  special 
idation  and  glory  of  himself  and  Stanton.  It  has  the  art- 
.  shrewdness  of  the  man  and  of  his  other  half,  Thurlow 
eed,  to  whom  it  was  shown,  and  whose  suggestions  I 
ink  I  can  see  in  the  utterances.  Each  and  all  the  Depart- 
mts  are  shown  up  by  him;  each  of  the  respective  heads 
mentioned,  with  the  solitary  exception  of  Mr.  Bates, 
litted  by  design. 

The  three  dernier  occupants  of  the  Treasury  are  named 
th  commendation,  so  of  the  three  Secretaries  of  the  In- 
ior  and  the  two  Postmasters-General.  The  Secretary  of 
3  Navy  has  a  bland  compliment,  and,  as  there  have  not 
en  changes  in  that  Department,  its  honors  are  divided 
tween  the  Secretary  and  the  Assistant  Secretary.  But 


384  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [OCT.  21 

Stanton  is  extolled  as  one  of  the  lesser  deities,  —  is  abso- 
lutely divine.  His  service  covers  the  War  and  months  pre- 
ceding, —  sufficient  to  swallow  Cameron,  who  is  spoken  of 
as  honest  and  worthy.  Speed,  who  is  the  only  Attorney- 
General  mentioned,  is  made  an  extraordinary  man  of  ex- 
traordinary abilities  and  mind,  for  like  Stanton  he  falls  in 
with  the  Secretary  of  State. 

It  is  not  particularly  pleasing  to  Seward  that  I,  with 
whom  he  has  had  more  controversy  on  important  ques- 
tions than  with  any  man  in  the  Cabinet,  —  I,  a  Democrat, 
who  came  in  at  the  organization  of  the  Lincoln  Cabinet 
and  have  continued  through  without  interruption,  espe- 
cially at  the  dark  period  of  the  assassination  and  the  great 
change  when  he  was  helpless  and  of  no  avail,  —  it  is  not 
pleasing  to  him  that  I  should  alone  have  gone  straight 
through  with  my  Department  while  there  have  been 
changes  in  all  others,  and  an  interregnum  in  his  own. 
Hence  two  heads  to  the  Navy  Department,  —  my  Assist- 
ant's and  mine.  Had  there  been  two  or  three  changes  as 
in  the  others,  this  remark  would  probably  not  have  been 
made.  Yet  there  is  an  artful  design  to  stir  up  discord  by 
creating  ill  blood  or  jealousy  between  myself  and  Fox, 
whom  they  do  not  love,  which  is  quite  as  much  in  the  vein 
of  Weed  as  of  Seward.  I  have  no  doubt  the  subject  and 
points  of  this  speech  were  talked  over  by  the  two.  Indeed, 
Seward  always  consults  Weed  when  he  strikes  a  blow. 

His  assumptions  of  what  he  has  done,  and  thought,  and 
said  are  characteristic  by  reason  of  their  arrogance  and 
error.  He  was  no  advocate  for  placing  Johnson  on  the 
ticket  as  Vice-President,  as  he  asserts,  but  was  for  Hamlin, 
as  was  every  member  of  the  Cabinet  but  myself.  Not  that 
they  were  partisans,  but  for  a  good  arrangement. 

December  1.  It  is  some  weeks  since  I  have  had  time  to 
write  a  word  in  this  diary.  In  the  mean  time  many  things 
have  happened  which  I  desired  to  note  but  none  of  very 
great  importance.  What  time  I  could  devote  to  writing 


1865]  SUICIDE  OF  PRESTON  KING  385 

when  absent  from  the  Department  has  been  given  to  the 
preparation  of  my  Annual  Report.  That  is  always  irksome 
and  hard  labor  for  me.  All  of  it  has  been  prepared  at  my 
house  out  of  the  office  hours,  except  three  mornings  when  I 
have  remained  past  my  usual  hour  of  going  to  the  Depart- 
ment. 

My  reports  are  perhaps  more  full  and  elaborate  than  I 
should  make  them;  but  if  I  wish  anything  done  I  find  I 
must  take  the  responsibility  of  presenting  it.  Members  of 
Congress,  though  jealous  of  anything  that  they  consider, 
or  which  they  fear  others  will  consider,  dictation,  are 
nevertheless  timid  as  regards  responsibility.  When  a  mat- 
ter is  accomplished  they  are  willing  to  be  thought  tfce 
father  of  it,  yet  some  one  must  take  the  blows  which  the 
measure  receives  in  its  progress.  I  therefore  bring  forward 
the  principal  subjects  in  my  report.  If  they  fail,  I  have 
done  my  duty.  If  they  are  carried,  I  shall  contend  with  no 
one  for  the  credit  of  paternity.  I  read  the  last  proof  pages 
of  my  report  this  evening. 

Members  of  Congress  are  coming  in  fast,  though  not 
early.  Speaker  Coif  ax  came  several  days  since.  His  coming 
was  heralded  with  a  flourish.  He  was  serenaded,  and  de- 
livered a  prepared  speech,  which  was  telegraphed  over  the 
country  and  published  the  next  morning.  It  is  the  off- 
spring of  an  intrigue,  and  one  that  is  pretty  extensive. 
The  whole  proceeding  was  premeditated. 

My  friend  Preston  King  committed  suicide  by  drowning 
himself  in  the  Hudson  River.  His  appointment  as  Col- 
lector was  unfortunate.  He  was  a  sagacious  and  honest 
man,  a  statesman  and  legislator  of  high  order  and  of 
unquestioned  courage  in  expressing  his  convictions  and 
resolute  firmness  in  maintaining  them.  To  him,  a  Demo- 
crat and  Constitutionalist,  more  than  to  any  other  one 
man  may  be  ascribed  the  merit  of  boldly  meeting  the  arro- 
gant and  imperious  slaveholding  oligarchy  and  organizing 
the  party  which  eventually  overthrew  them.  While 
Wendell  Phillips,  Sumner,  and  others  were  active  and  f  ana- 


386  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  l 

tical  theorists,  Preston  King  was  earnest  and  practical. 
J.  Q.  Adams  and  Giddings  displayed  sense  and  courage,  but 
neither  of  them  had  the  faculty  which  K.  possessed  for  con- 
centrating, combining,  and  organizing  men  in  party  meas- 
ures and  action.  I  boarded  in  the  same  house  with  King 
in  1846  when  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  introduced  on  an 
appropriation  bill.  Hoot  and  Brinkerhoff  of  Ohio,  Rath- 
bun  and  Grover  and  Stetson  [sic] *  of  New  York,  besides 
Wilmot  and  some  few  others  whom  I  do  not  recall,  were  in 
that  combination,  and  each  supposed  himself  the  leader. 
They  were  indeed  all  leaders,  but  King,  without  making 
pretensions,  was  the  man,  the  hand,  that  bound  this  sheaf 
together.  From  the  day  when  he  took  his  stand  King 
never  faltered.  There  was  not  a  more  earnest  party  man, 
but  he  would  not  permit  the  discipline  and  force  of  party 
to  carry  him  away  from  his  honest  convictions.  Others 
quailed  and  gave  way  but  he  did  not.  He  was  not  eloquent 
or  much  given  to  speech-making,  but  could  state  his  case 
clearly,  and  his  undoubted  sincerity  made  a  favorable 
impression  always. 

Not  ever  having  held  a  place  where  great  individual  and 
pecuniary  responsibility  devolved  upon  him,  the  office  of 
Collector  embarrassed  and  finally  overwhelmed  him. 

Some  twenty-five  years  ago  he  was  in  the  Retreat  for  the 
Insane  in  Hartford,  and  there  I  knew  him.  He  became 
greatly  excited  during  the  Canadian  rebellion  and  its  disas- 
trous termination  and  the  melancholy  end  of  some  of  his 
townsmen  had  temporarily  impaired  his  reason.  But  it  was 
brief;  he  rapidly  recovered,  and,  unlike  most  persons  who 
have  been  deranged,  it  gave  him  no  uneasiness  and  he  spoke 
of  it  with  as  much  unconcern  as  of  a  fever.  The  return  of 
the  malady  led  to  his  committing  suicide.  Possessed  of  the 
tenderest  sensibilities  and  a  keen  sense  of  honor,  the  party 
exactions  of  the  New  York  politicians,  the  distress,  often 

1  There  was  no  Stetson  in  Congress  at  the  time.  Perhaps  Wheaton  of 
New  York,  who  was  one  of  the  supporters  of  the  Proviso,  was  the  man 
whom  Mr.  Welles  had  in  mind. 


PRESTON  KING 


1865]         THE  CONGRESSIONAL  CAUCUS          387 

magnified,  of  those  whom  he  was  called  upon  to  displace, 
the  party  requirements  which  Weed,  who  boarded  with 
him,  and  others  demanded,  greatly  distressed  him,  and  led 
to  the  final  catastrophe. 

King  was  a  friend  and  pupil  of  Silas  Wright,  with  whom 
he  studied  his  profession ;  was  the  successor  of  that  grand 
statesman  in  both  branches  of  Congress.  Both  had  felt 
most  deeply  the  bad  faith  and  intrigue  which  led  to  the 
defeat  of  Van  Buren  in  1844,  and  to  the  ultimate  downfall 
of  the  Democratic  party,  for  the  election  of  Polk,  Pierce, 
and  Buchanan  were  but  flickering  efforts  to  rekindle  the 
fires  of  the  old  organizations.  Confidence  and  united  zeal 
never  again  prevailed,  and  parties  subsequently  took  a  sec- 
tional or  personal  character. 

December  3.  Told  the  President  I  disliked  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Congressional  caucus  on  Saturday  evening. 
The  resolution  for  a  joint  committee  of  fifteen  to  whom  the 
whole  subject  of  admission  of  Representatives  from  States 
which  had  been  in  rebellion  [should  be  referred]  without 
debate  was  in  conflict  with  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  Con- 
stitution, which  gives  to  each  house  the  decision  of  elec- 
tion of  its  own  members,  etc.  Then  in  appointing  Stevens, 
an  opponent  of  State  rights,  to  present  it  there  was  some- 
thing bad.  The  whole  was,  in  fact,  revolutionary,  a  blow 
at  our  governmental  system,  and  there  had  been  evident 
preconcert  to  bring  it  about.  The  President  agreed  with 
me,  but  said  they  would  be  knocked  in  the  head  at  the 
start.  There  would  be  a  Representative  from  Tennessee 
who  had  been  a  loyal  Member  of  the  House  since  the  War 
commenced,  or  during  the  War,  who  could  present  himself, 
and  so  state  the  case  that  he  could  not  be  controverted.  I 
expressed  my  gratification  if  this  could  be  accomplished, 
—  knowing  he  alluded  to  Maynard,  —  but  suggested  a 
doubt  whether  the  intrigue  which  was  manifest  by  the 
resolution,  the  designation  of  Stevens,  and  Colfax's 
speech  had  not  gone  too  far. 


388  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  3 

Congress  organized  about  the  time  this  conversation 
took  place.  Maynard  was  put  aside,  I  think  by  concert 
between  himself  and  the  Radical  leaders.  The  resolution 
introduced  by  Stevens  passed  by  a  strict  party  vote.  In 
the  Senate,  Sumner  introduced  an  avalanche  of  radical  — 
and  some  of  them  absurd  —  resolutions.  These  appeared 
to  have  absorbed  the  entire  attention  of  that  body,  which 
adjourned  without  the  customary  committee  to  wait  upon 
the  President  and  inform  him  that  Congress  was  organized. 
This  was  not  unintentional.  There  was  design  in  it. 

Fogg  of  New  Hampshire,  our  late  Minister  to  Switzer- 
land, came  to  see  me  this  evening  with  Chandler,  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  recall  of  Fogg  was  an  unwise,  unjust,  and  I  think  an 
impolitic  act  on  the  part  of  Seward,  and  I  shall  not  be  sur- 
prised if  he  has  cause  to  rue  it.  Fogg  was  associated  with 
me'  on  the  National  Executive  Committee  in  the  Presiden- 
tial campaign  of  1860,  and  was  brought  in  particularly  inti- 
mate relations  with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  that  time.  No  one,  per- 
haps, knows  better  than  F.  the  whole  workings  in  relation 
to  the  formation  of  the  Cabinet  of  1861.  These  he  detailed 
very  minutely  this  evening.  Much  of  it  I  had  known  be- 
fore. He  has  a  remarkable  memory,  and  all  the  details  of 
1860  and  1861  were  impressed  upon  his  mind.  He  was  the 
first  to  bring  me  assurance  that  I  was  selected  for  the  Cab- 
inet from  New  England.  I  thought  at  the  time  his,  F.'s, 
original  preferences  were  in  another  direction,  although 
the  selection  of  myself  was,  he  then  and  now  assured  me, 
acceptable  to  him.  At  that  time  F.,  listening  to  Seward' s 
friends,  believed  he  would  not  accept  an  appointment  in  the 
Cabinet.  Such  were  the  givings-out  of  his  friends  and  of 
Seward  himself.  I  told  F.  at  the  time,  as  he  still  recollects, 
he  was  deceiving  himself,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  a 
strange  delusion  if  he  believed  it. 

Weed  tried  to  induce  Mr.  Lincoln  to  visit  Mr.  Seward  at 
Auburn.  Said  General  Harrison  went  to  Lexington  in 
1841  to  see  Mr.  Clay,  who  advised  in  the  formation  of  that 


1865]     FOGG  ON  THE   LINCOLN   CABINET    389 

Cabinet.  Mr.  Lincoln  declined  to  imitate  Harrison.  The 
next  effort  was  to  try  to  have  a  meeting  at  Chicago,  but 
this  Mr.  L.  also  declined.  But  he  did  invite  Hamlin  to  meet 
him  there.  On  his  way  Hamlin  was  intercepted  by  Weed, 
who  said  the  offer  of  the  State  Department  was  due  to  Mr. 
Seward,  but  S.  would  decline  it.  The  courtesy,  however, 
was,  he  claimed,  due  to  Mr.  S.  and  to  New  York.  H.  was 
persuaded,  and  Mr.  L.  intrusted  him  with  a  letter  tender- 
ing the  appointment  to  Seward. 

Shortly  after  the  commencement  of  the  session  of  Con- 
gress in  December,  1860,  Fogg  says  Hamlin,  when  coming 
down  from  the  Capitol  one  afternoon  after  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  Senate,  fell  in  company  with  Seward,  or  was 
overtaken  by  him.  They  walked  down  the  avenue  together, 
Seward  knowing  H.  had  been  to  Chicago.  On  reaching 
Hamlin's  hotel,  he  invited  S.  to  go  in,  and  a  full  conversa- 
tion took  place,  S.  declaring  he  was  tired  of  public  life  and 
that  he  intended  to  resign  his  seat  or  decline  a  reelection 
and  retire,  that  there  was  no  place  in  the  gift  of  the  Pre- 
sident which  he  would  be  willing  to  take.  Several  times  he 
repeated  that  he  would  not  go  into  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Having  heard  these  refusals  in  various  forms,  Ham- 
lin then  told  him  he  had  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lincoln,  which 
he  produced.  Seward,  H.  says  to  Fogg,  trembled  and  was 
nervous  as  he  took  it.  He  read  the  letter,  put  it  in  his 
pocket,  and  said,  while  his  whole  feelings  were  repugnant 
to  a  longer  continuance  in  public  employment,  he  yet  was 
willing  to  labor  for  his  country.  He  would,  therefore,  con- 
sult his  friends  before  giving  a  final  answer.  The  next,  or 
succeeding,  day  he  left  for  New  York,  but  before  going  he 
mailed  a  letter  to  the  President  elect  accepting  the  appoint- 
ment. Hamlin  repeated  all  the  facts  to  Fogg  last  week,  so 
far  as  he  was  concerned. 

Great  efforts  were  made  to  secure  the  Treasury  for  Cam- 
eron. This  was  a  part  of  the  programme  of  Weed  and 
Seward.  I  have  always  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  be- 
came committed  to  this  scheme  in  a  measure,  though  it  was 


390  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  3 

unlike  him.  Fogg  explains  it  in  this  way :  In  the  summer  and 
fall  a  bargain  was  struck  between  Weed  and  Cameron.  The 
latter  went  to  Albany  and  then  to  Saratoga,  where  he  spent 
several  days  with  the  intriguers.  Cameron  subsequently 
tried  to  get  an  invitation  that  fall  to  Springfield,  but  Lin- 
coln would  not  give  it.  This  annoyed  the  clique.  After  the 
election,  Swett,  who  figured  then  as  a  confidential  friend 
and  intimate  of  Lincoln,  not  without  some  reason,  was 
sent,  or  came,  East  to  feel  the  public  pulse.  At  a  later  day 
he  went  to  California  and  had  a  finger  in  the  Alameda 
quicksilver  mine.  Swett  was  seized  by  Weed  and  Com- 
pany, open  rooms  and  liquors  were  furnished  by  the  New 
York  junto,  and  his  intimacy  with  Lincoln  was  magnified. 
Cameron  took  him  to  his  estate  at  Lochiel  and  feasted  him. 
Here  the  desire  of  Cameron  to  go  to  Springfield  was  made 
known  to  Swett,  who  took  upon  himself  to  extend  an  invi- 
tation in  Mr.  Lincoln's  name.  With  this  he  took  a  large 
body-guard  and  went  to  Springfield.  Although  surprised, 
Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  disavow  what  Swett  had  done. 
Cameron  was  treated  civilly;  his  friends  talked,  etc.  After 
his  return,  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  him  that  in  framing  his 
Cabinet  he  proposed  giving  him  a  place,  either  in  the 
Treasury  or  the  War  Department.  Cameron  immediately 
wrote,  expressing  his  thanks  and  accepting  the  Treasury. 
Mr.  Lincoln  at  once  wrote  that  there  seemed  some  misap- 
prehension and  he  therefore  withdrew  his  tender  or  any 
conclusive  arrangement  until  he  came  to  Washington.  I 
have  heard  some  of  these  things  from  Mr.  L[incom].  Fogg, 
who  now  tells  them  to  me,  says  he  knows  them  all. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  has  the  credit  of  excluding  Judd  of  Chicago 
from  the  Cabinet.  The  President  was  under  great  personal 
obligations  to  Judd,  and  always  felt  and  acknowledged  it. 
When  excluded  from  the  Cabinet,  he  selected  the  mission 
to  Berlin. 

Caleb  Smith  was  brought  in  at  a  late  hour  and  after 
Judd's  exclusion.  Weed  and  Seward  had  intended  to  bring 
in  Emerson  Etheridge  and  Graham  of  North  Carolina,  and 


1865]     FOGG   ON   THE   LINCOLN   CABINET    391 

Smith  was  adopted  when  the  New  York  junto  could  do  no 
better. 

After  the  President  came  to  Washington,  a  decided  on- 
set was  made  by  the  anti-Seward  men  of  New  York  and 
others  against  Chase.  An  earlier  movement  had  been 
made,  but  not  sufficient  to  commit  the  President.  Senator 
Wade  of  Ohio  did  not  favor  Chase.  Governor  Dennison 
was  strongly  for  him,  and  Wade,  who  disliked  Seward, 
finally  withdrew  opposition  to  C.  But  about  the  time  I 
reached  Washington  on  the  1st  of  March  another  hitch  had 
taken  place.  I  had  remained  away  until  invited,  and  had 
been  mixed  up  with  none  of  the  intrigues. 

The  President  (Lincoln)  told  me  on  Sunday,  3d  March, 
that  there  was  still  some  trouble,  but  that  he  had  become 
satisfied  he  should  arrange  the  matter.  Fogg  tells  me  that 
Greeley  and  others  who  were  here  attending  to  the  rightful 
construction  of  the  Cabinet  had  deputed  him  to  call  upon 
the  President  and  ascertain  if  Chase  was  to  be  excluded.  A 
rumor  to  that  effect  had  got  abroad  and  Lamon,  a  close 
friend  of  Lincoln  (too  close),  was  offering  to  bet  two  to  one 
that  C.  would  not  have  the  Treasury.  Fogg  called  on  the 
President,  but  first  Mrs.  L.  and  then  Seward  interrupted 
them.  On  Tuesday,  the  5th,  at  7  A.M.,  Fogg  and  Carl 
Schurz  called  on  the  President  to  make  sure  of  Chase. 
Seward  followed  almost  immediately.  Lincoln,  in  a  whis- 
per, told  F.  all  was  right,  and  subsequently  informed  him 
that  he  had  been  annoyed  and  embarrassed  by  Seward  on 
the  1st  of  March,  who  came  to  him  and  said  that  he,  S.,  had 
not  been  consulted  as  was  usual  in  the  formation  of  the 
Cabinet,  that  he  understood  Chase  had  been  assigned  to 
the  Treasury,  that  there  were  differences  between  himself 
and  Chase  which  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to  act  in 
harmony,  that  the  Cabinet  ought,  as  General  Jackson  said, 
to  be  a  unit.  Under  these  circumstances  and  with  his  con- 
viction of  duty  and  what  was  due  to  himself,  he  must  insist 
on  the  excluding  of  Mr.  Chase  if  he,  Seward,  remained. 
Mr.  Lincoln  expressed  his  surprise  after  all  that  had  taken 


392  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  3 

place  and  with  the  great  trouble  on  his  hands,  that  he 
should  be  met  with  such  a  demand  on  this  late  day.  He 
requested  Mr.  S.  to  further  consider  the  subject. 

The  result  was  that  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  the  conclusion 
if  Seward  persisted,  he  would  let  him  go  and  make  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  Secretary  of  State.  But  Seward  did  not 
persist. 

December  5.  The  organization  of  Congress  was  easily 
effected.  There  had  been  manifestly  preliminary  arrange- 
ments, made  by  some  of  the  leading  spirits.  Stevens's 
resolution  was  passed  by  a  strict  party  vote.  The  new 
Members,  and  others  weak  in  their  understandings,  were 
taken  off  their  legs,  as  was  designed,  before  they  were  aware 
of  it. 

In  the  hurry  and  intrigue  no  committee  was  appointed 
to  call  on  the  President.  I  am  most  thoroughly  convinced 
there  was  design  in  this,  in  order  to  let  the  President  know 
that  he  must  wait  the  motion  of  Congress. 

I  think  the  message,  which  went  in  this  P.M.,  will  prove 
an  acceptable  document.  The  views,  sentiments,  and  doc- 
trines are  the  President's,  not  Seward's.  He  may  have 
suggested  verbal  emendations ;  nothing  except  what  related 
to  foreign  affairs.  But  the  President  himself  has  vigorous 
common  sense  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  I  have  seen 
him  correct  Seward's  dispatches.1 

December  6.  Seward,  apprehending  a  storm,  wants  a 
steamer  to  take  him  to  Cuba.  Wishes  to  be  absent  a  fort- 
night or  three  weeks.  Thinks  he  had  better  be  away;  that 
the  war  will  be  pretty  strong  upon  us  for  the  first  few  weeks 
of  the  session  and  he  had  better  show  the  Members  that 
we  care  nothing  about  them  by  clearing  out. 

A  court  martial  of  high  officers  in  the  case  of  Craven, 
who  declined  to  encounter  the  Stonewall,  has  made  it- 

1  I  became  satisfied  subsequently  that  none  of  the  Cabinet  had  any  more 
than  myself  to  do  with  it.  —  G.  W. 


1865]        CONVERSATION  WITH  SUMNER        393 

self  ridiculous  by  an  incongruous  finding  and  award  which 
I  cannot  approve.  It  is  not  pleasant  to  encounter  so  large 
a  number  of  officers  of  high  standing,  but  I  must  do  my 
duty  if  they  do  not. 

December  7.  This  is  a  day  of  National  Thanksgiving. 
Heard  a  vigorous  sermon  from  Mr.  Lewis.  Should  not 
subscribe  to  all  his  doctrines,  but  his  sermon  increased  my 
estimate  of  him. 

Seward  called  at  my  house.  Wished  me  to  examine  and 
put  an  estimate  on  the  French  possessions  in  the  West 
Indies,  the  Spanish  Main,  and  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  He 
did  not  explain  himself  further.  He  may  think  of  buying 
France  out  of  Mexico,  but  he  mistakes  that  government 
and  people.  Besides  we  do  not  want  those  possessions.  If 
we  could  have  Martinique  or  Guadaloupe  as  a  naval  or 
coaling-station,  we  should  embrace  the  opportunity  of  get- 
ting either,  but  we  want  only  one.  We  do  not  want  [inde- 
cipherable]. The  islands  in  the  [Gulf  of]  St.  Lawrence  we 
want,  and  so  do  the  French,  as  fishing-stations. 

December  8,  Friday.  Sumner  called  on  me  with  young 
Bright.  We  had  quite  a  talk  on  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  his  own  views.  Sumner's  vanity  and  egotism 
are  great.  He  assumes  that  the  Administration  is  wholly 
wrong,  and  that  he  is  beyond  peradventure  right;  that 
Congress  has  plenary  powers,  the  Executive  none,  on  re- 
establishing the  Union.  He  denounced  the  policy  of  the 
President  on  the  question  of  organizing  the  Rebel  States 
as  the  greatest  and  most  criminal  error  ever  committed  by 
any  government.  Dwelt  on  what  constitutes  a  republican 
government;  says  he  has  read  everything  on  the  subject 
from  Plato  to  the  last  French  pamphlet.  Tells  me  that 
a  general  officer  from  Georgia  had  informed  him  within  a 
week  that  the  negroes  of  that  State  were  better  qualified  to 
establish  and  maintain  a  republican  government  than  the 


394  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  s 

the  men  who  have  involved  the  President  in  this  trans- 
cendent error,  —  I,  a  New  England  man,  New  England's 
representative  in  the  Cabinet,  have  misrepresented  New 
England  sentiment.  McCulloch  was  imbued  with  the  per- 
nicious folly  of  Indiana,  but  Seward  and  myself  were  foully, 
fatally  culpable  in  giving  our  countenance  and  support  to 
the  President  in  his  policy. 

I  insisted  it  was  correct,  that  the  country  aside  from 
heated  politics  approved  it,  and  asked  if  he  supposed  there 
was  any  opposition  to  that  policy  in  the  Cabinet.  He  said 
he  knew  Stanton  was  opposed  to  it,  and  when  I  said  I  was 
not  aware  of  it,  he  seemed  surprised.  He  asked  if  I  had 
read  his  Worcester  speech.  I  told  him  I  had  but  did  not 
indorse  it.  He  replied,  " Stanton  does."  "Stanton,"  said 
he,  "came  to  Boston  at  that  time;  the  speech  was  thrown 
into  the  cars,  and  he  had  read  it  before  I  met  him.  Stanton 
complimented  the  speech.  I  said  it  was  pretty  radical  or 
had  pretty  strong  views.  Stanton  said  it  was  none  too 
strong,  that  he  approved  of  every  sentiment,  every  opinion 
and  word  of  it." 

I  told  Sumner  I  did  not  understand  Stanton  as  occupy- 
ing that  position,  and  I  apprehended  the  President  did  not 
so  understand  him.  I  told  him  that  I  well  recollected  that 
on  one  occasion  last  spring,  when  I  was  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment, he  and  Dawes  and  Gooch  came  in  there.  He  said, 
"Yes,  and  Colfax  was  there."  "I  recollect  he  was.  Stan^ 
ton  took  out  his  project  for  organizing  a  government  in 
North  Carolina.  I  had  heard  it  read  on  the  last  day  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  life,  and  had  made  a  suggestion  respecting  it,  and 
the  project  had  been  modified.  Some  discussion  took  place 
at  the  War  Department  on  the  question  of  negro  suffrage. 
Stanton  said  he  wanted  to  avoid  that  topic.  You  [Sumner] 
wanted  to  meet  it,  When  that  discussion  opened  I  left,  for 
I  knew  I  could  not  agree  with  you." 

Sumner  said  he  well  recollected  that  meeting;  that  he 
and  Colfax  had  proposed  modifications  of  the  plan  and  put 
it  in  an  acceptable  shape,  but  that  we  had  upset  it.  One 


1865]      MOVEMENT  FOR  IMPEACHMENT       395 

other  member  of  the  Cabinet  had  written  him  a  few  days 
before  he  left  home  expressing  sympathy  with  him,  and  one 
other  had  spoken  equally  cordially  to  him  since  he  arrived 
here.  "You  may  have  had  a  letter  from  Speed,"  I  re- 
marked. "No,"  said  he,  "but  Speed  has  had  a  conversa- 
tion with  me." 

I  think  Harlan  must  be  the  man,  yet  my  impressions  were 
that  Harlan  held  a  different  position.  Perhaps  Iowa  has 
influenced  him.  Our  conversation,  though  earnest,  was  not 
in  anger  or  with  any  acrimony.  He  is  confident  that  he 
shall  carry  Stevens's  resolution  through  the  Senate,  and  be 
able  to  defeat  the  President  in  his  policy. 

December  9,  Saturday.  Mr.  Fox  informed  me  a  day  or 
two  since  that  he  had  an  offer  of  the  charge  of  a  coal  com- 
pany in  Pennsylvania.  Thinks  they  will  give  him  very 
high  pay.  Will  not  go  unless  they  do.  He  spoke  of  it  again 
to-day.  Wishes  to  go  to  Pennsylvania  for  a  few  days  next 
week.  I  should  personally  regret  to  lose  either  him  or 
Faxon.  Each  seems  indispensable  to  me.  It  would  be  a  job 
to  train  others. 

December  11,  Monday.  I  gave  the  President  a  full  rela- 
tion of  my  interview  with  Sumner.  He  was  much  inter- 
ested and  maintains  well  his  position.  I  think  they  will  not 
shake  him.  Sumner  sent  me  through  the  mail  a  newspaper 
containing  a  memorial  for  the  impeachment  of  the  Pre- 
sident. He  marked  and  underscored  certain  passages  which 
he  said  —  wrote  on  the  margin  —  were  answers  to  some 
of  my  questions  put  to  him  in  our  conversation.  The 
attack  upon  the  President  is  coarse  and  unworthy  of 
a  thought. 

December  12,  Tuesday.  Not  a  very  long  session  of  the 
Cabinet.  Some  conversation  in  regard  to  the  Rebel  leaders 
led  me  to  inquire  whether  it  might  not  be  best  to  parole 
Mallory,  who  has  written  me  personally.  He  offers  to  make 


396  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  12 

t 

disclosures  and  assist   in  reestablishing  Union  feeling. 

Stanton  objected;  says  Judge  Holt  advises  his  trial,  etc. 

Senator  Nye  called  and  had  a  long  talk  with  me,  chiefly 
in  regard  to  the  Rebels.  Is  pretty  strongly  touched  with 
the  Sumner  notions,  but  seems  disposed  to  recant  and  con- 
sider suggestions.  To  him  and  others  I  have  stated  my 
objections  to  the  Stevens  resolution.  Most  of  the  Members 
have  said  their  principal  object  was  to  have  the  two  houses 
in  perfect  accord  and  of  one  mind.  I  have  declared  this  an 
indirect  attempt  to  defeat  or  evade  the  Constitution, 
which  intended  separate  action.  Hence  the  two  branches. 
This  proposed  committee,  I  maintain,  is  revolutionary  and 
calculated  to  promote,  if  not  designed  to  create,  alienation 
and  sectional  parties.  Nye  says  the  resolution  will  be  dis- 
emboweled and  of  little  moment,  but  Nye  himself  is  unre- 
liable. 

December  13,  Wednesday.  The  Radicals  have  been 
busy.  They  are  feeling  their  way  now.  The  President  has 
been  deceived,  I  think,  in  some  persons  in  whom  he  has  con- 
fided, and  the  patronage  of  the  government,  without  his 
being  aware  of  it,  has  been  turned  against  the  Administra- 
tion. 

December  14,  Thursday.  Admiral  Farragut  came  this 
morning,  and  the  general  order  setting  aside  the  doings  of 
his  court  was  printed  and  handed  in  shortly  after  his  ar- 
rival. The  proceedings  were  a  shocking  jumble,  a  fellow 
feeling  probably  among  some  members  of  the  court.  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  Farragut's  kind  and  generous 
heart  acquiesced  against  his  better  judgment,  but  I  do  not 
know.  We  had  some  talk  in  regard  to  promotions.  It  will 
make  lifelong  enmities  to  supersede.  F.  suggests  that 
medals  will  answer  an  equal  purpose. 

December  15,  Friday.  A  sudden  change  of  weather.  In- 
tensely cold.  General  Grant  was  in  the  council-room  at  the 


1865]         GRANT'S  SOUTHERN  JOURNEY          397 

Executive  Mansion  to-day,  and  stated  the  result  of  his  ob- 
servations and  conclusions  during  his  journey  South.  He 
says  the  people  are  more  loyal  and  better-disposed  than  he 
expected  to  find  them,  and  that  every  consideration  calls 
for  the  early  reestablishment  of  the  Union.  His  views  are 
sensible,  patriotic,  and  wise.  I  expressed  a  wish  that  he 
would  make  a  written  report,  and  that  he  communicate 
also  freely  with  the  Members  of  Congress. 

December  16,  Saturday.  Senator  Sumner  called  again  this 
evening.  He  is  almost  beside  himself  on  the  policy  of  the 
Administration,  which  he  denounces  with  great  bitterness. 
The  President  had  no  business  to  move,  he  says,  without 
the  consent  and  direction  of  Congress.  I  asked  him  if  the 
Southern  States  were  to  have  no  postmasters,  no  revenue 
officers,  no  marshals,  etc.  I  said  to  him:  "There  are  two 
lines  of  policy  before  us.  One  is  harsh,  cold,  distant,  defi- 
ant ;  the  other  kind,  conciliatory,  and  inviting.  Which,"  said 
I,  "will  soonest  make  us  a  united  people?"  He  hesitated 
and  gave  me  no  direct  answer,  but  said  the  President's 
course  was  putting  everything  back.  This  I  told  him  was  a 
general  assertion;  that  conciliation,  not  persecution,  was 
our  policy,  and  therein  we  totally  disagreed  with  him. 

It  was  not  right  to  accuse  him,  he  said,  of  a  persecuting 
spirit.  He  had  advised  clemency,  had  taken  ground  against 
the  execution  of  Jefferson  Davis,  and  asked  if  I  was  op- 
posed to  his  being  hung.  I  told  him  that  I  was  not  pre- 
pared to  say  that  I  was,  and  while  he  was  so  charitable 
towards  Davis,  he  was  very  different  toward  all  others 
South,  though  a  large  portion  of  the  people  were  opposed  to 
secession.  I  stated  to  him  the  views  of  General  Grant,  who 
had  found  the  people  disposed  to  acquiesce  and  become 
good  citizens,  —  that  he  found  those  who  had  been  most 
earnest  and  active  in  the  Rebellion  were  the  most  frank 
and  thorough  in  their  conversion.  Governor  McGrath  ad- 
mitted his  error,  was  satisfied  slavery  was  a  curse,  had  no 
wish  for  its  restoration;  but  Governor  Aiken,  who  has  been 


398  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  ie 

passively  loyal  during  the  whole  years  of  the  war,  was 
wanting  some  apprentice  system,  introduction  of  coolies, 
or  some  process  for  legal  organized  labor.  While  McGrath 
had  made  great  advances,  Aiken  had  made  none.  Sumner 
wanted  to  know  what  Grant's  opinion  was  worth  as  com- 
pared with  Chase's.  I  valued  it  highly,  for  it  seemed  to  me 
practical  common  sense  from  a  man  of  no  political  know- 
ledge or  aspiration,  while  Chase  theorized  and  had  great 
political  ambition. 

Sumner  closed  up  with  a  violent  denunciation  of  the 
provisional  governors,  especially  Perry  and  Parsons,  and 
said  that  a  majority  of  Congress  was  determined  to  over- 
turn the  President's  policy. 

December  18,  Monday.  Called  on  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury in  behalf  of  Pease  of  Janesville  for  collector.  He, 
McCulloch,  defers  too  much  to  the  dictates  of  Members  of 
Congress,  who  have  personal  objects  in  view,  and  many  of 
them  unfriendly  to  the  Administration.  Told  him  of  my 
interview  with  Sumner.  McCulloch  said  in  regard  to 
Stanton  that  if  he  had  said  to  Sumner  he  approved  of  the 
Worcester  speech,  he  was  a  double-dealer,  —  wore  two 
faces,  —  that  if  really  opposed  to  the  President's  policy  he 
ought  not  to  remain  in  the  Cabinet. 

On  my  way,  returning  to  the  Navy  Department,  I  called 
and  had  an  interview  with  the  President.  Told  him  of  my 
conversation  with  Sumner,  and  that  I  was  confirmed  in  the 
conviction  that  a  deep  and  extensive  intrigue  was  going  on 
against  him.  He  seemed  aware  of  it,  but  not  yet  of  its  ex- 
tent or  of  all  the  persons  engaged  in  it.  I  remarked  that  the 
patronage  of  the  Executive  had,  I  believed,  been  used  to 
defeat  the  policy  of  the  Executive,  and  a  summary  removal 
of  one  or  two  mischievous  men  at  the  proper  time  would  be 
effective  and  salutary.  He  said  he  should  not  hesitate  one 
moment  in  taking  off  the  heads  of  any  of  that  class  of 
busybodies. 

I  showed  him  a  copy  of  the  New  Orleans  Tribune  which 


1865]  DENNISON  ON  STANTON  399 

Siimner  had  sent  me,  with  passages  underscored  in  a  me- 
morial for  the  impeachment  of  the  President.  He  wished 
the  copy  and  I  gave  it  to  him. 

Called  on  Dennison  this  evening  and  had  a  full  and  free 
interchange  with  him.  He  inquired  if  I  had  ever  heard  a 
distinct  avowal  from  Seward  on  the  question  of  negro 
suffrage  or  the  provisional  governments,  or  from  Stanton 
explicitly  in  its  favor.  I  replied  that  I  had  not  and  he  said 
he  had  not.  He  tells  me  that  he  hears  from  some  of  Stan- 
ton's  intimates  that  he  will  probably  soon  resign.  This  is 
mere  trash,  unless  he  finds  himself  about  being  cornered; 
then  he  will  make  a  merit  of  what  cannot  be  avoided.  Den- 
nison ridicules  the  flagrant  humbug  which  Seward  and  the 
papers  have  got  up  of  Stanton's  immense  labors,  which  are 
really  less  than  those  of  his  own,  McCulloch's,  or  mine. 
Grant,  Meigs,  and  others  discharge  the  labors  for  which  S. 
gets  credit.  D.  intends  leaving  to-morrow  for  Ohio,  to  be 
absent  for  ten  days.  Wants  me  to  accompany  him  in  the 
morning  to  the  President. 

December  19,  Tuesday.  Cabinet-meeting.  Not  much  of 
special  interest.  Harlan  brought  forward  a  little  complica- 
tion with  a  Rhode  Island  editor,  in  which  he  was  involved 
when  chairman  of  the  electioneering  committee  in  1864. 
He  was  rather  laughed  down. 

Dennison  called  for  me  this  A.M.  to  go  to  the  President. 
We  had  over  half  an  hour's  conversation  on  the  graver 
questions  before  Congress,  and  the  factious  partisan  in- 
trigues that  are  being  carried  on. 

Dennison  had  three  or  four  important  post-office  ap- 
pointments which  he  submitted,  and  said  they  were  recom- 
mended by  Members  of  Congress.  I  asked  if  he  knew  their 
status  on  the  great  questions  pending.  He  said  he  had  not 
made  that  inquiry.  I  asked  if  the  time  had  not  arrived 
when  we  should  know  who  was  who,  and  what  we  were 
doing  to  fortify  or  weaken  ourselves  and  the  cause  of  right. 
The  President  said  he  thought  it  a  duty. 


400  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  20 

December  20,  Wednesday.  Senator  Sumner,  by  his  im- 
petuous violence,  will  contribute  to  put  things  right  be- 
yond any  other  man.  The  President's  message  and  Gen- 
eral Grant's  letter  seem  to  have  made  him  demented. 
Some  who  have  acted  with  him  and  been  indoctrinated  in 
his  extreme  views  are  suddenly  roused  to  consciousness. 

December  21,  Thursday.  Chandler,  Assistant  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  sent  me  a  note  this  evening,  stating  that 
a  pardon  had  been  proposed  for  Pasco,  recently  convicted, 
after  long  struggles  and  delays,  of  a  series  of  outrageous 
frauds  and  villainies  upon  the  Government.  Pasco  was 
master  plumber  in  the  Philadelphia  Navy  Yard,  one  of  a 
combination  of  thieves,  cheats,  and  rascals.  He  was  the 
principal  scoundrel  of  the  gang.  He  acknowledges  that  he 
had  signed  fraudulent  certificates;  in  one  instance  admits 
that  a  party  had  delivered  20,000  pounds  of  copper,  for 
which  he  was  paid,  when  he  actually  delivered  but  16,000; 
in  another  instance  for  25,000  when  only  19,000  was  de- 
livered. He  received  $8200  for  the  last  false  certificate, 
or  one  third  of  the  swindle,  the  Government  losing  or  being 
cheated  out  of  about  $26,000  in  a  single  transaction.  So  of 
the  former.  Specifications  of  eleven  distinct  cheats  similar 
to  these,  some  of  them  of  larger  amounts,  besides  cases  of 
actual  theft,  were  proven  on  this  fellow.  He  plead  guilty, 
and  was  a  week  or  two  since  sentenced  to  eighteen  months 
imprisonment.  Judge  Cadwalader  gave  light  punishment 
for  the  alleged  reason  that  Pasco  plead  guilty  and  had 
made  restitution  when  he  could  not  escape  conviction  and 
fine.  How  much  he  may  have  cheated  and  defrauded  the 
Government  without  detection  cannot  be  known. 

I  called  on  the  President  after  receiving  Chandler's  note 
and  stated  the  facts.  He  was  a  good  deal  disturbed  and 
seemed  unable  to  express  himself.  He  is  evidently  sur- 
prised, and  I  apprehend  has  blindly  committed  himself  for 
a  pardon.  He  says  a  large  portion  of  the  Pennsylvania 
delegation  applied  for  the  pardon,  the  district  attorney 
among  them,  also  a  portion  of  the  jury. 


principal  chat  was  on  the  great  question  and  he  expresses 
himself  as  concurring  in  my  opinions. 

December  22,  Friday.  McCulloch,  Stanton,  and  Denni- 
son  are  absent  from  Washington.  Seward  read  a  letter 
from  Bigelow  at  Paris,  which  indicates  peace,  though  all 
the  diplomats  here  believe  a  war  inevitable.  Seward  re- 
presents that  Montholon  was  scared  out  of  his  wits  when 
General  Logan  was  appointed  to  Mexico.  He  certainly  is 
not  a  very  intelligent  or  cultured  diplomat.  The  horizon 
is  not  perfectly  clear,  but  the  probabilities  are  peaceful. 
Had  a  talk  with  the  President  on  the  subject  of  Pasco. 
Chandler  was  the  attorney  of  the  Department  in  this  in- 
vestigation and  prosecution  at  the  Philadelphia  Navy 
Yard,  and  I  had  him  state  the  case  to  the  President.  He 
presented  the  whole  very  well,  confirming  all  that  I  had 
stated,  and  making  the  case  stronger  against  Pasco.  The 
President  was  puzzled  and  avoided  any  direct  answer.  I 
have  little  doubt  he  has  been  imposed  upon  and  persuaded 
to  do  a  very  improper  thing.  But  we  shall  see.  This  case 
presents  the  difficulties  to  be  surmounted  in  bringing 
criminals  to  justice.  Pasco  was  a  public  officer,  an  active 
partisan,  very  popular  and  much  petted  by  leading  party 
men  in  official  position.  Detected  in  cheating  and  stealing, 
public  men  for  a  time  thought  the  Department  was  harsh 
and  severe  in  bringing  him  to  trial.  Objections  were  made 
against  his  being  tried  by  court  martial,  and  he  was 
turned  over  to  the  civil  courts.  But  a  trial  could  not  be 
had.  Term  after  term  it  was  carried  along.  Confessions 
from  others  implicated  and  the  books  and  documents  pro- 
duced were  so  conclusive  that  finally  he  plead  guilty  and 
disgorged  so  far  as  he  was  actually  detected.  In  censer 
quence  of  his  pleading  guilty  and  making  restitution  of  the 
amounts  clearly  ascertained,  Judge  Cadwalader  gave  him 
a  mild  sentence  of  only  one  year  and  a  half  of  imprison- 
ment. Having,  after  a  long  struggle,  reached  this  stage,  the 


402  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  22 

politicians  and  the  court  favoring  him,  we  now  have  the 
President  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  Members  of  Congress, 
and,  without  inquiry  or  a  call  for  the  records  or  the  facts, 
pardoning  this  infamous  leader  of  fraud  and  crime.  The 
influence  will  be  pernicious,  and  scoundrels  will  be 
strengthened.  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  that  the  President 
has  not  committed  himself  irretrievably. 

December  23,  Saturday.  R.  J.  Meigs  called  on  me  by  re- 
quest of  the  President  in  relation  to  Captain  Meade,  who 
is  under  suspension,  having  been  convicted  and  sentenced 
last  May.  He  now,  through  his  friend  Meigs,  appeals  to 
the  President.  I  told  him  there  was  no  appeal.  He  could 
have  a  pardon  from  the  President,  or  perhaps  he  could 
order  the  proceedings  to  be  set  aside. 

A  late  general  order  prohibiting  officers  from  coming  to 
Washington  without  permission  troubles  Meade,  who 
claims  this  is  his  residence  and  that  he  is  here  on  private 
business.  Fox  protests  against  his  being  here  intriguing 
and  annoying  the  President,  Department,  Congress,  and 
others,  and  has  appealed  to  me  earnestly  and  emphatically 
to  order  Meade  to  leave  Washington,  but  it  is  one  of  those 
cases  which  we  cannot  enforce  arbitrarily,  although  no  in- 
justice would  be  done.  He  has  some  excuse  for  being  in 
Washington,  and  we  must  not  be  tyrants. 

Governor  Pease  left  to-day.  His  brother  John  went 
three  or  four  days  since.  Yesterday,  when  all  the  others 
had  withdrawn  from  the  Cabinet  council  but  the  Pre- 
sident, Seward,  and  myself,  —  and  perhaps  Chandler, 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  had  been  pre- 
sent, —  Seward  inquired  if  there  was  any  truth  in  the  re- 
port or  rumor  that  Stanton  had  left,  or  was  about  to  leave, 
the  Cabinet.  The  President  replied  warmly,  as  it  seemed 
to  me,  that  he  had  not  heard  of  any  such  rumor.  Seward 
said  it  was  so  stated  in  some  of  the  papers,  but  he  had  sup- 
posed there  was  nothing  in  it,  for  he  and  Stanton  had  an 
understanding  to  the  effect  that  Stanton  would  remain  as 


1865]  RUMOR  OF  STANTON'S  RESIGNATION  403 

long  as  he  did,  or  would  give  him  notice  if  he  changed.  The 
President  said  he  presumed  it  was  only  rumor,  that  he 
reckoned  there  was  not  much  in  it;  he  had  heard  nothing 
lately  and  we  might  as  well  keep  on  for  the  present  without 
any  fuss.  Seward  said  he  knew  Stanton  had  talked  this 
some  time  ago.  "I  reckon  that  is  all,"  said  the  President. 
Seward  had  an  object  in  this  talk.  He  knows  Stanton's 
views  and  thoughts  better  than  the  President  does.  The 
inquiry  was  not,  therefore,  for  information  on  that  specific 
point.  If  it  was  to  sound  the  President,  or  to  draw  out  any 
expression  from  me,  he  wholly  failed,  for  neither  gave  him 
an  explicit  reply. 

December  26,  Tuesday.  Captain  Walker,  of  the  De  Soto, 
called  last  evening.  He  has  been  actively  engaged  at  Cape 
Haytien,  and  should  not  have  left  with  his  vessel  until  the 
arrival  of  another.  Seward  made  a  formal  request  that  he 
should  be  recalled  and  reprimanded  on  the  ex  parte  state- 
ment of  the  consul,  who  himself  was  in  error.  I  declined 
acceding  to  Seward's  strange  request,  and  desired  him  to 
possess  himself  of  all  the  facts.  Subsequently  he  wrote  me 
approving  Walker's  course,  and  told  me  he  should  require 
an  explanation  from  Folsom,  the  consul. 

I  have  detailed  the  De  Soto  to  take  Seward  to  Cuba,  and 
he  obscurely  hints  that  his  ultimate  destination  will  be 
some  point  on  the  Mexican  coast.  Has  mystical  observa- 
tions and  givings-out.  I  give  them  little  credit,  as  he  seems 
to  be  aware.  After  some  suggestions  of  a  public  nature,  he 
subsides  into  matters  private,  intimating  a  wish  that  it 
should  be  understood  he  goes  for  his  health,  for  a  relaxa- 
tion, wishes  to  escape  the  tumult  and  reception  of  New 
Year's  Day,  wants  the  f  actionists  in  Congress  should  un- 
derstand he  cares  little  for  them  and  has  gone  off  recreating 
at  the  only  time  they  are  leveling  their  guns  at  us.1 

1  Stanton  contrived  to  have  the  President  surrounded  most  of  the  time 
by  his  detectives,  or  men  connected  with  the  military  service  who  are 
creatures  of  the  War  Department.  Of  ^course,  much  that  was  said  to  the 


\ 

404  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  26 

No  very  important  matters  before  the  Cabinet.  Seward 
had  a  long  story  about  Mrs.  Cazneau1  and  St.  Domingo.  I 
judge  from  his  own  statement  or  manner  of  stating,  and 
from  his  omission  to  read  Mrs.  C.'s  communication,  that  he 
has  committed  some  mistakes  which  he  does  not  wish  to 
become  public. 

December  27,  Wednesday.  Have  ordered  Raphael 
Semmes  to  be  arrested.  He  was,  I  see  by  the  papers, 
taken  in  Mobile,  and  will  soon  be  here.  There  are  some 
nice  points  to  be  decided  in  his  case,  and  I  should  have 
been  glad  had  he  absented  himself  from  the  country,  though 
his  case  is  one  of  the  most  aggravated  and  least  excusable 
of  the  whole  Rebel  host.  He  did  not  belong  in  the  Rebel 
region  and  has  not  therefore  the  poor  apology  of  those  who 
shelter  themselves  under  the  action  of  their  States;  he  was 
educated  and  supported  by  that  government  which  he  de- 
serted in  disregard  of  his  obligations  and  his  oath;  he  made 
it  his  business  to  rob  and  destroy  the  ships  and  property  of 
his  unarmed  countrymen  engaged  in  peaceful  commerce; 
when  he  finally  fought  and  was  conquered  he  practiced  a 
fraud,  and  in  violation  of  his  surrender  broke  faith,  and 
without  ever  being  exchanged  fought  against  the  Union  at 
Richmond;  escaping  from  that  city,  he  claims  to  have  been 
included  in  Johnston's  surrender,  and  therefore  not  amen- 
able for  previous  offenses.  Before  taking  this  step,  I  twice 
brought  the  subject  before  the  President  and  Cabinet,  each 
and  all  of  whom  advised,  or  concurred  in  the  propriety  of, 
the  arrest  and  trial  of  Semmes.  It  is  a  duty  which  I  could 

President  in  friendly  confidence  went  directly  to  Stanton.  In  this  way 
a  constant  espionage  was  maintained  on  all  that  transpired  at  the  White 
House.  Stanton,  in  all  this  time  had  his  confidants  among  the  Radicals  — 
opponents  of  the  President  —  in  Congress,  —  a  circle  to  whom  he  betrayed 
the  measures  and  purposes  of  the  President  and  with  whom  he  concocted 
schemes  to  defeat  the  measures  and  policy  of  the  Administration.  The 
President  knew  my  opinion  and  convictions  of  Stanton's  operations  and  of 
Stanton  himself.  —  G.  W. 

1  General  William  L.  Cazneau  was  the  special  agent  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Dominican  Republic,  and  the  negotiations  for  the  purchase  of 
the  Bay  of  Samana  were  conducted  through  him. 


1865]        ARREST  OF  SEMMES  ORDERED         405 

not  be  justified  in  evading,  yet  I  shall  acquire  no  laurels  in 
the  movement.  But  when  the  actors  of  to-day  have  passed 
from  the  stage,  and  I  with  them,  the  proceedings  against 
this  man  will  be  approved. 

December  28,  Thursday.  Senator  Morgan  tells  me  that 
Sumner  grows  more  radical  and  violent  in  his  views  and 
conduct  on  the  subject  of  reestablishing  the  Union,  de- 
clares he  will  oppose  the  policy  of  the  Administration,  and 
acts,  Morgan  says,  as  if  demented.  It  has  been  generally 
supposed  that  Wilson  would  occupy  a  different  position 
from  Sumner,  but  Morgan  says  they  will  go  together. 
Morgan  himself  occupies  a  rather  equivocal  position. 
That  is,  he  will  not,  I  am  satisfied,  go  to  the  extreme  length 
of  Sumner.  Yet  he  does  not  frankly  avow  himself  with  the 
President,  nor  does  he  explicitly  define  his  opinions,  if  he 
has  opinions  which  are  fixed.  He  was  one  of  the  sixteen  in 
the  Republican  caucus  who  opposed  Stevens's  joint  resolu- 
tion, while  fourteen  supported.  As  there  must,  I  think,  be 
a  break  in  the  Administration  party,  Morgan  will  be  likely 
to  adhere,  in  the  main,  to  the  Administration,  and  yet  that 
will  be  apt  to  throw  him  into  unison  with  the  Democrats, 
which  he  will  not  willingly  assent  to,  for  he  has  personal 
aspirations,  and  shapes  his  course  with  as  much  calculation 
as  he  ever  entered  upon  a  speculation  in  sugar. 

He  says  Grimes  told  him  that  Harlan  was  expecting  to  be 
President.  Not  unlikely,  and  Grimes  himself  has  probably 
similar  expectations.  So  has  Morgan,  and  so  have  a  num- 
ber of  Senators  and  Representatives  as  well  as  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet.  Both  Seward  and  Stanton  are 
touched  with  the  Presidential  fever,  or  rather  have  the 
disease  strong  in  their  system. 

December  29,  Friday.  Dennison  and  Speed  were  not  at 
the  Cabinet  council  to-day.  Not  much  was  done.  Stanton 
has  got  back,  and  in  some  allusions  to  Sumner  appeared  to 
think  him  as  absurd  and  heretical  as  any  of  us.  Of  course, 


406  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  29 

some  one  is  cheated.  Seward  is  preparing  to  take  a  cruise, 
and  will  leave  to-morrow  for  the  West  Indies  in  the  steamer 
De  Soto.  There  has  been  much  mystery  in  this  premedi- 
tated excursion.  I  am  amused  and  yet  half-disgusted  with 
Seward's  nonsense.  He  applied  to  me  some  weeks  since 
for  a  public  naval  vessel  to  proceed  to  Havana,  and  per- 
haps beyond.  Without  inquiries,  I  take  it  for  granted  he 
goes  on  public  business,  or  he  would  not  ask  for  a  public 
vessel,  for  I  told .  him  that  we  had  not  one  ready,  but 
would  have  one  if  necessary.  When  it  was  settled  he  should 
have  a  vessel,  he  talked  of  a  family  excursion.  Wanted  re- 
laxation, wanted  Fred  should  go,  said  he  wanted  to  get 
away  from  the  receptions,  etc.,  of  the  New  Year.  There  is 
not  a  man  in  Washington  who  is  more  fond  of  these  parades. 
Another  time  he  whispers  to  me  that  Congress  will  try  to 
raise  the  devil,  and  their  fiercest  guns  will  be  directed  to 
us.  He  prefers  to  be  out  of  the  way  and  let  them  spend 
their  wrath.  Once  or  twice  he  has  said  to  me  that  his  in- 
tention is  to  visit  Mexico.  To-day  he  took  me  aside  and 
made  some  inquiries  about  St.  Thomas,  which  during  the 
war  I  had  said  might  be  a  desirable  acquisition  as  a  coaling-- 
station and  central  point  in  the  West  Indies.  His  action 
and  talk  indicate  anticipated  trouble  and  perhaps  compli- 
cations, the  development  or  denouement  of  which  he  cares 
not  to  be  here  to  witness.  From  his  conversation  to-day,  it 
would  seem  he  expects  no  embarrassment  from  France. 
Without  any  distinct  and  explicit  committal  on  the  "Re- 
construction" question,  he  means,  in  Cabinet,  to  be  under- 
stood as  with  the  President,  and  Sumner  so  understands. 
His  man  Raymond  went  off  at  first  with  Stevens  and  the 
Radicals,  but  after  having  been  harnessed  in  that  team,  he 
has  jumped  out  of  the  traces.  Interest,  patronage,  Seward's 
influence  have  caused  this  facing  about  and  may  compel 
him  to  act  with  the  Administration;  but  he  is  unreliable. 
I  have  so  told  the  President,  yet  I  am  glad  to  have  him 
move  in  the  right  direction. 
I  submitted  Semmes's  case  again  in  Cabinet.  Told  the 


1865]         TALK  WITH   SENATOR  DIXON          407 

President  he  was  here,  and  had  some  conversation,  general 
in  its  character,  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  him,  with- 
out any  other  indication  than  approval,  but  no  suggestion. 

December  30,  Saturday.  The  closing-up  of  the  year,  —  an 
eventful  one.  A  review  of  it  from  my  standpoint  would  be 
interesting  in  many  respects,  and,  should  God  grant  me 
length  of  days  and  mental  and  physical  strength,  I  shall  be 
glad  to  present  my  views  when  my  official  days  have  term- 
inated. Senator  Dixon  called  this  morning,  and  we  had  a 
long  and  frank  talk.  I  approved  of  his  course  in  the  Senate, 
and  his  reply  to  Sumner.  He  is  evidently  prepared  for  a 
breach  in  the  party,  and  I  think  desires  it.  While  I  do  not 
desire  it,  I  do  not  deprecate  it  if  the  counsels  of  Sumner, 
Stevens,  and  the  extreme  Radicals  are  insisted  upon  and  the 
only  alternative.  His  principal  inquiry  was  as  to  the  course 
our  friends  in  Connecticut  would  pursue  in  case  of  a  breach 
of  the  party.  I  told  him  I  thought  they  would  be  disposed 
to  stand  by  the  Administration,  yet  at  the  first  go-off  the 
Radical  element  might  have  the  ascendancy  in  the  State 
convention,  which  would  assemble  in  about  a  month.  But 
before  that  time  the  lines  would  probably  be  drawn.  The 
organization  or  party  machinery  will  control  most  of  the 
party,  irrespective  of  the  merits  of  the  questions  in  issue. 

I  gave  Colston,  Semmes's  son-in-law,  a  pass  to  visit  him 
to-day,  and  take  the  papers  and  the  report  of  Winslow  to 
him.  Had  a  conversation  with  Dr.  Lieber,  who  was  at  my 
house  yesterday,  respecting  Semmes's  offenses.  The  Doctor 
has  no  question  on  that  point,  and  thinks  Lee  and  the 
whole  of  his  army  liable  for  treason,  notwithstanding 
Grant's  terms.  Advised  Solicitor  Bolles  to  call  on  Dr.  L. 
Bolles  thinks  the  trial  of  Semmes  should  be  by  a  military 
or  naval  commission  instead  of  by  court  martial. 

The  President  sends  a  singular  paper  for  a  new  trial  of 
Captain  Meade,  who  has  already  been  tried  and  is  under 

r>o  rvf  pmivf.  mQ.rf.ia.l      T  Irnnw  nnf.  Vinw  VIA  <mr»  V»P 


XXXIV 

The  President's  New  Year  Reception  —  Death  of  Henry  Winter  Davis  — 
Seward  off  to  the  West  Indies  —  General  Webb  and  Louis  Napoleon  — 
The  Charges  against  Semmes  —  The  Shenandoah  Case  —  Congress 
seems  disposed  to  open  War  on  the  President  —  An  Animated  Conversa- 
tion with  Sumner  —  Assistant  Secretary  Fox  to  resign  his  Position  — 
The  Case  of  Naval  Constructor  Hoover  —  Another  Call  from  Sumner  — 
The  Semmes  Case  —  Social  Calls  from  former  Secessionist  Sympathizers 
—  Henry  Wilson  on  the  Question  of  a  Break  in  the  Party. 

January  1,  1866,  Monday.  Made  complimentary  call 
with  my  family  on  the  President  at  11  A.M.  By  special 
request  I  went  some  fifteen  minutes  before  the  time  speci- 
fied, but  there  were  sixty  or  eighty  carriages  in  advance  of 
us.  The  persons  who  got  up  the  programme  were  evid- 
ently wholly  unfit  for  the  business.  Instead  of  giving  the 
first  half-hour  to  the  Cabinet  and  the  several  legations,  and 
then  to  Army  and  Navy  officers,  Members  of  Congress, 
etc.,  in  succession,  numbers,  including  Members  of  Con- 
gress, —  and  they  embrace  everybody,  all  the  members 
of  their  respective  boarding-houses,  all  their  acquaint- 
ances, immediate  and  remote,  who  were  in  Washington, 
—  were  there  at  an  early  hour.  Consequently  there  was 
neither  order  nor  system.  After  a  delay  of  about  twenty 
minutes  we  were  landed  in  the  Executive  Mansion,  which 
was  already  filled  to  overflowing  in  the  hall  and  ante- 
rooms. While  moving  in  the  crowd,  near  the  entrance  to 
the  Red  Room,  some  of  the  officials  signed  to  us  and  threw 
open  the  door  to  the  Blue  Room,  or  reception-room,  which 
we  entered,  much  relieved;  but  on  turning,  we  found  the 
President  and  his  family  immediately  behind  us.  The 
affair  passed  off  very  well.  A  great  want  of  order  and  sys- 
tem prevails  on  these  occasions,  owing  to  the  ignorance  and 
want  of  order  of  the  marshal.  No  one  having  any  concep- 
tion of  discipline  or  forethought  directs  or  counsels  those 


1866]    DEATH  OF  HENRY  WINTER  DAVIS     409 

in  charge.  We  left  in  a  very  short  time,  and  the  company 
began  to  flock  in  upon  us  at  our  house  before  twelve,  and 
until  past  four  a  pretty  steady  stream  came  and  went, — 
naval  and  army  officers,  foreign  ministers,  Senators  and 
Representatives,  bureau  officers  and  clerks,  civilians  and 
strangers.  Pleasant  but  fatiguing,  and  the  day  was  murky 
and  the  roads  intolerable. 

Mr.  Seward  left  on  Saturday.  The  rest  of  the  members 
received,  as  did  many  other  officials. 

Henry  Winter  Davis,  a  conspicuous  Member  of  the  last 
Congress  and  a  Maryland  politician  of  notoriety,  died  on 
Saturday.  He  was  eloquent,  possessed  genius,  had  ac- 
quirements, was  eccentric,  ambitious,  unreliable,  and 
greatly  given  to  intrigue.  In  politics  he  was  a  centralist, 
regardless  of  constitutional  limitations.  I  do  not  consider 
his  death  a  great  public  loss.  He  was  restless  and  active, 
but  not  useful.  Still  there  will  be  a  class  of  extreme  Radi- 
cals who  will  deplore  his  death  as  a  calamity  and  eulogize 
his  memory. 

When  at  the  Executive  Mansion  the  memory  of  the  late 
President  crowded  upon  my  mind.  He  would  have  enjoyed 
the  day,  which  was  so  much  in  contrast  with  all  those  he 
had  experienced  during  his  presidency. 

January  2,  Tuesday.  Neither  Seward  nor  Stanton  was  at 
Cabinet  council.  Seward  is  on  his  way  to  the  West  Indies, 
Gulf,  etc.  He  wishes  to  be  absent  until  the  issues  are  fully 
made  up  and  the  way  is  clear  for  him  what  course  to  take. 
There  maybe  other  objects,  but  this  is  the  chief.  The  talk 
about  his  health  is  ridiculous.  He  is  as  well  as  he  has  been 
at  any  time  for  five  years.  Stanton  had  no  occasion  to  be 
present.  Some  discussion  as  to  whether  the  State  of  Louis- 
iana is  entitled  to  cotton  bought  by  the  Rebel  organization 
or  government.  Dennison  and  myself  had  a  free  talk  with 
the  President  after  the  others  left.  Although  usually  reti- 
cent, he  at  times  speaks  out,  and  he  expressed  himself  em- 
phatically to-day.  The  manner  in  which  things  had  been 


410  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [JAN.  2 

got  up  by  the  Radicals  before  the  session  he  commented 
upon.  "This  little  fellow  [Coif ax]  shoved  in  here  to  make  a 
speech  in  advance  of  the  message,  and  to  give  out  that  the 
principle  enunciated  in  his  speech  was  the  true  policy  of  the 
country/'  were  matters  alluded  to  with  sharpness,  as  were 
the  whole  preconcerted  measures  of  the  Radicals.  "  I  do  not 
hear  that  the  colored  people  called  or  were  invited  to  visit 
Sumner  or  Wilson/'  said  the  President,  "but  they  came 
here  and  were  civilly  treated." 

January  3,  Wednesday.  General  James  Watson  Webb 
called  on  me.  He  has  been  laid  up  by  the  gout  at  his  son- 
in-law's,  Major  Benton's,  house.  He  came  home  from 
Brazil  via  Paris,  saw  Louis  Napoleon,  dined  with  him,  gave 
him  good  advice,  wants  to  get  out  of  Mexico,  etc.,  etc.  Has 
communicated  to  the  President  the  Emperor's  feelings  and 
wishes.  No  doubt  he  saw  Louis  Napoleon,  with  whom  he 
had  a  close  acquaintance  when  that  dignitary  wanted 
friends  —  and  perhaps  a  dinner.  It  is  creditable  to  him 
that  he  is  not  ungrateful  to  Webb. 

Colonel  Bolles,  Solicitor  and  Judge  Advocate,  desires  to 
prefer  a  number  of  charges  against  Semmes,  and  has,  I 
fear,  more  thought  of  making  a  figure  than  of  the  point  I 
wish  presented;  that  is,  a  breach  of  parole,  bad  faith,  viola- 
tion of  the  usages  of  war  in  the  surrender  and  escape  from 
the  Alabama.  That  he  and  a  million  of  others  have  been 
guilty  of  treason  there  is  no  doubt;  that  he  ran  the  block- 
ade, burnt  ships  after  a  semi-piratical  fashion  there  is  no 
doubt;  so  have  others  been  guilty  of  these  things,  and  I  do 
not  care  to  select  and  try  Semmes  on  these  points,  though 
perhaps  the  most  guilty. 

January  4,  Thursday.  The  messages  of  the  Governors 
and  other  indications  favor  the  conciliatory  policy  of  the 
Administration  rather  than  the  persecuting  spirit  of  Ste- 
vens and  other  extreme  Radicals.  These  latter  are  hesitating 
and  apparently  moderating  their  tone.  They  commenced 


1866]  THE  SHENANDOAH  CASE  411 

with  too  strong  a  purchase.  Sumner,  I  am  told,  is  ex- 
tremely violent,  and  I  hear  of  some  others.  They  are  gen- 
erally men  that  will  not  yield  a  hobby  or  theory,  and  I 
therefore  doubt  if  they  can  be  toned  down  and  made 
reasonable. 

January  5,  Friday.  I  submitted  the  two  cases,  one  of 
Judge  Wayne  for  money  due  his  granddaughter,  and  one 
of  Mallory  for  a  cylinder,  to  the  Cabinet.  The  parties 
claim  the  first  money  due,  and  the  last  property  seized  by 
the  Rebels  and  recaptured  by  the  Union  forces.  All 
seemed  united  in  the  opinion  that  no  action  could  be  taken 
in  behalf  of  these  and  similar  claims  at  present. 

Mr.  Seward  being  absent,  Mr.  Hunter,  who  is  Acting 
Secretary  of  State,  stated  that  there  was  some  embarrass- 
ment in  regard  to  the  Shenandoah.  Both  the  State  and  the 
Treasury  Departments  appear  to  have  been  anxious  to  get 
possession  of  this  vessel,  but  they  are  much  more  anxious 
to  get  rid  of  her.  Dudley,  consul  at  Liverpool,  undertook 
to  send  her  to  the  United  States  by  a  captain  and  picked- 
up  crew,  but  after  proceeding  about  six  hundred  miles  and 
encountering  rough  weather  she  returned.  Seward  sent 
me  word,  a  few  hours  before  he  left,  with  Dudley's  dis- 
patch that  the  vessel  was  on  his  (D.'s)  hands,  that  he  had 
sent  to  Admiral  Goldsborough  for  an  officer  and  crew  to 
navigate  her,  but  if  the  Admiral  declined,  he  desired  that 
I  should  send  out  the  necessary  force  to  England.  This  I 
did  not  feel  inclined  to  do,  but  told  him  we  would  receive 
her  here  when  delivered.  Hunter  now  brings  up  the  ques- 
tion in  Cabinet,  and  advises  that  the  vessel  remain  in 
Liverpool  until  after  the  vernal  equinox,  unless  the  Navy 
Department  would  receive  her  in  Liverpool.  Stanton 
thought  this  the  proper  course,  and  that  I  should  send  out 
for  her.  This  suggestion  I  was  satisfied  came  from  Seward, 
who  had  turned  the  subject  over  to  him  before  leaving.  I 
incline  to  think  she  had  best  be  sold  for  what  she  will  bring 
in  Liverpool. 


412  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [JAN.  5 

An  effort  to  procure  the  pardon  of  K ,  a  swindler 

now  in  Sing  Sing,  was  made  through  McCulloeh.  But  on 
learning  the  nature  of  the  case  he  at  once  dropped  it.  The 
President  sends,  making  inquiry  concerning  Hale,  prisoner 
in  Philadelphia,  and  Wetmore  in  Boston.  The  first  is  one 
of  a  nest  of  swindlers  and  thieves,  of  whom  Pasco,  just 
pardoned  by  the  President,  was  chief;  the  second  swindled 
men  under  him,  or  was  guilty  of  a  breach  of  trust  like 
Marston,  whom  the  President  also  pardoned. 

January  8.  The  Members  of  Congress  since  their  return 
appear  more  disposed  to  avoid  open  war  with  the  Pre- 
sident, but  yet  are  under  the  discipline  of  party,  which  is 
cunningly  kept  up  with  almost  despotic  power.  I  am  con- 
fident that  many  of  those  who  are  claimed  as  Republicans, 
and  who  are  such,  are  voting  against  their  convictions,  but 
they  have  not  the  courage  and  independence  to  shake  off 
the  tyranny  of  party  and  maintain  what  they  know  to  be 
right.  The  President  and  the  Radical  leaders  are  not  yet 
in  direct  conflict,  but  I  see  not  how  it  is  to  be  avoided. 
When  the  encounter  takes  place  there  will  be  those  who 
have  voted  with  the  Radicals,  who  will  then  probably  go 
with  the  President,  or  wish  to  do  so.  This  the  leaders 
understand,  and  it  is  their  policy  to  get  as  many  committed 
as  possible,  and  to  get  them  repeatedly  committed  by  test 
votes.  Williams  of  Pittsburg,  a  revolutionary  and  whiskey- 
drinking  leader,  introduced  a  resolution  to-day  that  the 
military  should  not  be  withdrawn,  but  retained  until  Con- 
gress, not  the  President,  should  order  their  discharge.  This 
usurpation  of  the  Executive  prerogative  by  Congress  is 
purposely  offensive,  known  to  be  such,  yet  almost  every 
Republican  voted  for  it  in  the  House.  The  Representatives 
who  doubted  and  were  opposed  dare  not  vote  against  it. 
While  thus  infringing  on  the  rights  of  the  Executive,  the 
Radical  leaders  studiously  claim  that  they  are  supporting 
the  President,  and  actually  have  most  of  his  appointees 
with  them.  Were  the  President  to  assert  his  power  and  to 


1866]   ESTIMATE  OF  WILLIAM  D.  KELLEY    413 

exercise  it,  many  of  those  who  now  follow  Sunmer  and 
Stevens  would  hesitate,  for  the  home  officials  are  neces- 
sary to  their  own  party  standing.  The  President  will  sooner 
or  later  have  to  meet  this  question  squarely,  and  have  a 
square  and  probably  a  fierce  fight  with  these  men.  Seward 
expects  but  deprecates  it,  and  has  fled  to  escape  respons- 
ibility. 

January  9,  Tuesday.  The  Freedmen's  Bureau  wants 
three  Jboats  which  are  on  the  Tombigbee.  They  were 
blockade-runners  which  were  ordered  to  be  turned  over  to 
the  Navy,  but  they  are  not  naval  captures.  The  Freedmen's 
Bureau  has  no  funds.  This  is  an  indirect  way  of  obtaining 
means,  as  wrong  as  the  Bureau  scheme  itself.  I  think  it 
would  be  better  to  go  direct  to  Congress  for  money.  If, 
however,  the  President  rescinds  the  order  turning  over 
those  boats,  the  Navy  Department  cannot  interfere  or 
object.  The  boats  are  strictly  abandoned  property  and 
fall  within  the  scope  of  the  Treasury.  The  last  three  days 
have  been  severely  cold. 

January  10,  Wednesday.  Judge  Kelley  had  a  long  inter- 
view with  me  to-day.  Asks  for  favors  that  cannot  be 
granted.  Advised  him  that  the  attempts  to  give  the  Navy 
Yard  a  party  character  exclusively  were  injudicious,  and 
he  assented.  We  talked  of  various  matters.  Kelley  is  earnest, 
with  aspirations,  as  have  most  active  politicians;  has  de- 
termination and  zeal,  but  not  profound  or  correct  ideas; 
does  not  possess  influence  to  a  great  degree,  and  will  never 
be  a  man  of  mark.  I  think  him  a  better  man  than  many 
others,  but  yet  not  always  safe  or  sound. 

Judge  Blair  called  this  P.M.,  and  his  views  and  positions 
are  diametrically  opposed  to  those  of  Kelley.  But  if  less 
demonstrative,  he  is  more  profound  and  has  vastly  greater 
qualities,  and  grasp  and  comprehension.  Better  under- 
stands men.  Is  more  of  a  statesman  and  more  of  a  politi- 
cian, —  and  by  politician  I  do  not  mean  party  demagogue, 


Blair  believes  a  rupture  inevitable,  and  thinks  the  President 
is  wise  in  delaying  the  conflict.  Therein  I  think  he  is  mis- 
taken. He  attributes  Williams's  move  to  Stanton,  who  he 
avers  is  intriguing,  and  he  thinks  there  is  a  cloud  between 
Stanton  and  the  President.  It  would  be  well  if  there  was  a 
wall  between  them. 

January  12,  Friday.  Nothing  very  particularly  interest- 
ing to-day  in  Cabinet.  Stanton  said  he  was  to  introduce 
some  persons  to  the  President  and  had  appointed  soon 
after  1  P.M.  for  the  purpose.  This  was  a  play.  Mr.  Cox,  a 
Rebel  of  Georgetown,  fled  South  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Rebellion,  leaving  his  fine  residence.  This  was  taken  and 
used  as  a  school  for  colored  children.  Cox  has  now  re- 
turned and  wants  his  house,  —  demands  it.  The  charitable 
occupants,  who  are  filled  with  benevolence  for  the  negro, 
are  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  house,  which  is  very  valu- 
able, to  the  owner.  Some  of  those  who  have  the  matter  in 
charge  went  to  Stanton,  who  said  it  would  be  necessary  to 
apply  to  the  President.  He  consented  to  introduce  them, 
but  suggested  that  a  formidable  array  of  ladies  whose  hus- 
bands occupy  prominent  positions,  such  as  the  wives  of 
Senators  and  members  of  the  Cabinet,  [would  be  effective.] 
Mrs.  Senators  Trumbull,  Morgan,  Wilson,  Pomeroy,  etc., 
Mrs.  McCulloch,  Stanton,  Harlan,  etc.,  were  of  the  num- 
ber. Mrs.  Welles  was  appealed  to,  but  sensibly  concluded, 
as  she  had  no  fact  to  communicate,  that  she  would  dis- 
charge her  duty  best  by  remaining  away,  and  leaving  the 
President  to  form  his  decision  without  annoyance  from 
those  who  could  not  aid  him.  To  this  assemblage  of  ladies, 
and  for  the  purpose,  —  robbing  a  man  of  his  dwelling,  — 
Stanton  performed  the  part  of  usher. 

January  13,  Saturday.  I  had  this  P.M.  quite  an  animated 
talk  with  Senator  Sumner.  He  called  on  me  in  relation  to 
Semmes.  Wished  him  to  be  tried  on  various  important 


1866]         CONVERSATION  WITH  SUMNER        415 

points  which  would  bring  out  the  legal  status,  not  only  of 
the  Rebels,  but  their  cause.  He  thinks  that  many  of  the 
important  points  which  we  have  from  tune  to  time  dis- 
cussed, and  on  which  we  have  generally  agreed,  might  be 
passed  upon  by  a  commission.  I  am  not,  however,  in- 
clined to  make  the  trial  so  broad. 

Passing  from  this,  we  got  on  to  the  question  of  Recon- 
struction. I  was  anxious  to  get  an  inside  view  of  the  move- 
ments and  purposes  of  the  Radicals,  and  in  order  to  do  this, 
it  would  not  do  to  put  questions  direct  to  Sumner,for  then 
he  would  put  himself  on  his  guard,  and  be  close-mouthed. 
I  therefore  entered  into  a  discussion,  and  soon  got  him 
much  interested,  not  to  call  it  excited.  We  went  over  the 
ground  of  the  status  of  the  States,  —  their  political  condi- 
tion. Pie,  condemning  unqualifiedly  the  policy  of  the  Pre- 
sident, said,  while  he  would  not  denounce  it  as  the  greatest 
crime  ever  committed  by  a  responsible  ruler,  he  did  pro- 
claim and  declare  it  the  greatest  mistake  which  history  has 
ever  recorded.  The  President,  he  said,  was  the  greatest 
enemy  of  the  South  that  she  had  ever  had,  worse  than  Jeff 
Davis ;  and  the  evil  which  he  had  inflicted  upon  the  country 
was  incalculable.  All  was  to  be  done  over  again,  and  done 
right.  Congress,  he  says,  is  becoming  more  firm  and  united 
every  day.  Only  three  of  the  Republican  Senators  — Doo- 
little,  Dixon,  and  Cowan  —  had  given  way,  and  he  under- 
stood about  a  like  proportion  in  the  House.  Asked  if  I 
had  read  Howe's1  speech,  which  Foot  and  Fessenden  in- 
dorsed. Understood  Fessenden  was  as  decided  as  Foot,  but, 
not  being  on  speaking  terms,  had  not  himself  heard  Fessen- 
den. All  Congress  was  becoming  of  one  mind,  and  while 
they  would  commence  no  war  upon  the  President,  he  must 
change  his  course,  abandon  his  policy.  The  President  had 
violated  the  Constitution  in  appointing  provisional  gov- 
ernors, in  putting  Rebels  in  office  who  could  not  take  the 
test  oath,  in  reestablishing  rebellion,  odious,  flagrant  rebel- 
lion. Said  he  had  three  pages  from  one  general  in  Arkansas, 

1  Timothy  Otis  Howe,  Senator  from  Wisconsin. 


' '  whitewashing ' '  message. 

I  told  him  the  Executive  had  rights  and  duties  as  well  as 
Congress,  and  that  they  must  not  be  overlooked  or 
omitted.  That  the  Rebel  States  had  an  existence  and 
would  be  recognized  and  sustained  although  their  func- 
tions were  for  a  time  suspended  by  violence.  That  under 
military  necessity,  martial  law  existing  and  the  President 
being  commander-in-chief ,  provisional  governors  had  been 
temporarily  appointed,  but  the  necessity  which  impelled 
their  appointment  was  passing  away,  the  States  were  re- 
suming their  position  in  the  Union,  and  I  did  not  see  how, 
without  abandoning  our  system  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment, they  were  to  be  disorganized,  or  unorganized,  and 
deprived  of  their  local  civil  government  and  the  voice  of 
the  people  suppressed.  That  he  spoke  of  them  as  a  "  con- 
quered people,"  subject  to  terms  which  it  was  our  duty  to 
impose.  Were  his  assumption  true,  and  they  a  foreign  con- 
quered people,  instead  of  our  own  countrymen,  still  they 
had  their  rights,  were  amenable  to  our  laws  and  entitled  to 
their  protection;  modern  civilization  would  not  permit  of 
their  enslavement.  That  were  we  to  conquer  Canada  and 
bring  it  within  our  jurisdiction,  the  people  would  retain 
their  laws  and  usages  when  they  were  not  inconsistent  with 
our  own,  until  at  least  we  should  make  a  change.  That  I 
thought  our  countrymen  were  entitled  to  as  much  consid- 
eration as  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  practice  of  our  own 
government  had  and  did  recognize  as  belonging  to  a  con- 
quered people  who  were  aliens.  That  this  was  the  policy 
of  the  President.  He  had  enjoined  upon  them,  it  was  true, 
the  necessity  of  making  their  constitutions  and  laws  con- 
form to  the  existing  condition  of  affairs  and  the  changes 
which  war  had  brought  about.  They  had  done  so,  and  were 
each  exercising  all  the  functions  of  a  State.  Had  their  gov- 
ernors, legislatures,  judges,  local  municipal  authorities,  etc. 
We  were  collecting  taxes  of  them,  appointing  collectors, 
assessors,  marshals,  postmasters,  etc. 


1866]        CONVERSATION  WITH  SUMNER         417 

I  saw  I  had  touched  on  some  views  that  impressed  him, 
and  our  interview  and  discussion  became  exceedingly  ani- 
mated. 

"The  President,  in  his  atrocious  wrong,"  said  Sumner, 
"is  sustained  by  three  of  his  Cabinet.  Seward  is  as  thick- 
and-thin  a  supporter  of  the  whole  monstrous  error  as  you 
orMcCulloch." 

I  asked  him  if  he  supposed  the  Cabinet  was  not  a  unit  on 
the  President's  policy.  He  said  he  knew  it  was  not.  Three 
of  the  members  concurred  with  him  (Sumner)  fully,  en- 
tirely. 

I  expressed  doubts.  "Why,"  said  he,  "one  of  them  has 
advised  and  urged  me  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a  bill  which 
should  control  the  action  of  the  President  and  wipe  out  his 
policy.  It  has  got  to  be  done.  Half  of  the  Cabinet,  as  well 
as  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  two  houses  of  Con- 
gress, are  for  it,  and  the  President  must  change  his  whole 
course."  If  he  did  not  do  it,  Congress  would. 

January  15,  Monday.  Was  much  disturbed  by  what 
Sumner  said  in  regard  to  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  who  had 
urged  him  to  bring  in  a  bill  adverse  to  the  President's  pol- 
icy. Sumner  is  truthful  and  therefore  his  statement  is  re- 
liable. Although  he  is  credulous,  I  cannot  think  he  was 
deceived,  nor  is  he  practicing  deception.  I  started  out  last 
evening,  thinking  I  would  see  the  President  on  this  sub- 
ject, but  stopped  and  talked  over  the  matter  with  Gov- 
ernor Dennison,  who  proposed  to  go  with  me  some  evening 
this  week. 

January  16,  Tuesday.  Told  Mr.  Hunter  that  it  would  be 
best  to  turn  over  the  Shenandoah  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  as  abandoned  property,  and  let  Consul  Dudley 
sell  her  in  Liverpool.  McCulloch  says  he  has  no  agent 
there,  but  Dudley  can  do  the  work.  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
mixed  up  with  the  Anglo-Rebel  affairs  of  this  vessel. 


418  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  17 

January  17,  Wednesday.  Mr.  Fox,  the  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  informed  me  some  days  since  of  an  offer 
which  he  had  for  the  presidency  of  the  new  steamboat  line 
about  to  be  established  between  New  York  and  San  Fran- 
cisco. I  regret  to  lose  him  from  the  Department,  where, 
notwithstanding  some  peculiarities  which  have  caused  dis- 
satisfaction with  a  few,  he  is  of  almost  invaluable  service, 
and  he  has  in  him  a  great  amount  of  labor.  He  has  a  com- 
bination of  nautical  intelligence  and  common  sense  such 
as  can  hardly  be  found  in  another,  and  we  have  worked 
together  with  entire  harmony,  never  in  a  single  instance 
having  had  a  misunderstanding.  I  have  usually  found  his 
opinions  sensible  and  sound.  When  I  have  had  occasion  to 
overrule  his  opinions,  he  has  acquiesced  with  a  readiness 
and  deference  which  won  my  regard.  His  place  I  cannot 
make  good  in  some  respects.  Faxon,  Chief  Clerk,  would  be 
as  great  a  loss  to  me,  —  in  some  particulars  greater,  — but 
there  are  certain  subjects  wherein  Fox,  from  his  naval  ex- 
perience, is  superior  to  any  man  who  can  be  readily  found. 

January  27.  My  letter  to  the  Naval  Committee  in  rela- 
tion to  the  contract  of  Paul  S.  Forbes  for  the  Idaho  has 
disturbed  certain  parties.  It  interposes  pretty  decisive  ob- 
jections against  lobby  intrigues  and  deviations  from  the 
contract.  Certain  party  men  wish  to  be  considered  econo- 
mists, and  yet  would  be  glad  to  pay  Forbes  a  few  hundred 
thousand  dollars  more  than  the  contract  price.  They  would 
be  glad  to  censure  the  Department,  but  find  they  cannot  do 
this  and  occupy  an  economical  position.  Forbes  acts 
stupidly.  His  vessel  is  likely  to  prove  a  failure.  He  can- 
not build  her  and  complete  her  on  his  own  offer.  He  has 
proved  himself  less  sagacious  and  less  capable  than  he  had 
the  reputation  of  being,  or  than  he  himself  supposed  he 
was,  but  yet  makes  no  admission  of  error  and  failure. 

Forney1  and  the  Union  Representatives  of  Philadel- 
phia have  appealed  to  me  to  reinstate  Hoover,  the  Naval 

1  John  W.  Forney,  Secretary  of  the  Senate. 


1866]  THE  CASE  OF  HOOVER  419 

Constructor,  whom  they  pronounce  an  honest  man,  etc., 
backed  by  a  formidable  list  of  names.  I  wrote  Forney  that 
Hoover  had  been  guilty  of  accepting  bribes  and  that  I 
could  not  give  him  my  confidence,  and  requested  him  to 
so  inform  his  associates.  He  answers  in  an  apologetic  letter 
and  promises  to  be  more  careful  in  future.  I  saw  him  at 
one  of  McCulloch's  receptions,  and  told  him  the  corre- 
spondence ought  to  be  published  in  order  to  set  the  Depart- 
ment right.  He  assented  and  said  he  would  publish  it  with 
his  last  letter  if  I  had  no  objection.  I  assented  and  sent 
him  the  correspondence  and  after  a  day  or  two  he  writes 
that  he  has  consulted  with  the  Union  Representatives  and 
concluded  the  disclosure  was  not  best.  In  reply,  I  state 
that  if  I  rightly  understan4  them,  they  ,wish  to  have  the 
Philadelphia  public  remain  ignorant  of  the  facts,  and  con- 
tinue to  believe  the  Department  oppressive.  Differing  with 
them,  I  ask  a  return  of  the  correspondence. 

January  30.  I  had  another  long  talk  with  Senator  Sum- 
ner,  who  called  on  me  on  Saturday.  It  was  of  much  the 
same  purport  as  heretofore.  He  is  pleased  with  a  speech 
of  Secretary  Harlan,  made  the  preceding  evening,  which  I 
had  not  then  read,  and  said  it  came  up  to  the  full  measure 
of  his  requirements.  "Then,"  said  I,  "he  probably  is  that 
member  of  the  Cabinet  who  has  been  urging  you  to  bring 
in  a  bill  to  counteract  the  President's  policy."  "No,"  said 
Sumner,  "it  was  not  Harlan  but  another  member.  There 
are,"  continued  he,  "four  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  are 
with  us  and  against  the  President."  "Then,"  replied  I, 
"you  must  include  Seward."  This  he  promptly  disclaimed. 
I  told  him  he  must  not  count  Dennison.  He  was  taken 
aback.  "If  you  knowfrom  D.'s  own  mouth, — have  it  from 
himself,  —  I  will  not  dispute  the  point,"  said  Sumner.  I 
told  him  I  knew  D.'s  views,  that  last  spring  he  had,  at  the 
first  suggestion,  expressed  himself  for  negro  suffrage,  but 
that  he  had  on  reflection  and  examination  come  fully  into 
the  President's  views.  He  replied  that  he  had  known 


420  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  30 

D.'s  original  position  and  had  supposed  it  remained  un- 
changed. Sumner  told  me  he  should  make  a  very  thorough 
speech  this  week  on  the  great  question — the  treatment 
of  the  States  and  people  of  the  South  —  but  should  avoid 
any  attack  on  the  President;  would  not  be  personal.  Tells 
me  that  Governor  Hamilton  of  Texas  has  written  him  im- 
ploring him  to  persevere. 

I  am  afraid  the  President  has  not  always  been  fortunate 
in  his  selection  of  men.  Either  Hamilton  is  a  hypocrite  or 
there  is  a  bad  condition  of  things  in  Texas.  The  entire 
South  seem  to  be  stupid  and  vindictive,  know  not  their 
friends,  and  are  pursuing  just  the  course  which  their  op- 
ponents, the  Radicals,  desire.  I  fear  a  terrible  ordeal  awaits 
them  in  the  future.  Misfortune  and  adversity  have  not 
impressed  them. 

Have  had  much  canvassing  and  discussion  of  Semmes's 
case  with  Solicitor  Bolles,  Mr.  Eames,  Fox,  and  others, 
and  to-day  took  the  papers  to  the  Cabinet.  When  I  men- 
tioned the  purport  of  the  documents,  which  were  somewhat 
voluminous,  the  President  proposed  that  he  and  I  should 
examine  them  together  before  submitting  them  to  the 
Cabinet  and  thus  save  time.  After  going  over  the  papers 
with  him,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  leave  the  whole  subject 
in  my  hands  to  dispose  of  as  I  saw  proper.  I  remarked  that 
the  questions  involved  were  so  important  that  I  preferred 
the  course  taken  should  be  strictly  administrative,  and  I 
wished  to  have  the  best  authority,  and  careful  and  deliber- 
ate consideration  and  conclusion.  The  offenses  charged 
being  violation  of  the  laws  of  war,  I  thought  our  action 
should  be  intelligent  and  certain.  The  President  said  he 
had  confidence  in  my  judgment  and  discretion,  inquired 
why  a  purely  naval  court  martial  could  not  dispose  of  the 
subject.  He  exhibited  a  strong  disinclination  to  commit 
the  case  to  the  military,  and  was  more  pointed  and  direct 
on  that  subject  than  I  have  before  witnessed.  He  requested 
me  to  take  the  papers  and  consult  such  persons  as  I  pleased 
and  report  in  due  time. 


1866]  NEW  SOCIAL  RELATIONS  421 

We  had  some  general  conversation  on  the  tone  and  tem- 
per of  Congress  and  the  country.  The  President  is  satis- 
fied that  his  policy  is  correct,  and  is,  I  think,  very  firm  in 
his  convictions  and  intentions  to  maintain  it.  The 
Radicals  who  are  active  and  violent  are  just  as  determined 
to  resent  it. 

I  took  occasion  to  repeat  what  I  have  several  times  urged, 
the  public  enunciation  of  his  purpose,  and  at  the  proper 
time,  and  as  early  as  convenient  or  as  there  was  an  oppor- 
tunity, to  show  by  some  distinct  and  emphatic  act  his  in- 
tention to  maintain  and  carry  into  effect  his  administrative 
policy.  That  while  a  conflict  or  division  was  not  sought  but 
avoided,  there  should  be  no  uncertainty,  yet  a  demonstra- 
tion which  should  leave  no  doubt  as  to  his  determination. 
On  this  we  concurred. 

January  31.  The  new  shape  of  affairs  shows  itself  in 
the  social  gatherings.  At  Mrs.  Welles's  reception  to-day,  a 
large  number  of  the  denizens  of  Washington  who  have  not 
heretofore  been  visitors  and  whose  sympathies  and  former 
associations  were  with  the  Rebels  called.  So  many  who 
have  been  distant  and  reserved  were  present  as  to  excite 
her  suspicions,  and  lead  her  to  ask  if  I  was  not  conceding  too 
much.  These  new  social  friends  are  evidently  aware  of  ex- 
isting differences  in  the  Administration.  I  noticed  at  the 
reception  at  the  Executive  Mansion  last  evening  the  fact 
that  there  was  a  number  in  attendance  as  if  by  preconcert. 
This  I  attribute  more  to  the  insane  folly  of  the  Radicals, 
who  under  Thad  Stevens  are  making  assaults  on  the  Pre- 
sident, than  to  any  encouragement  which  the  President  has 
given  to  Rebel  sympathizers.  If  professed  friends  prove 
false  and  attack  him,  he  will  not  be  likely  to  repel  such 
friends  as  sustain  him.  I  certainly  will  not. 

While  at  a  party  at  Senator  Harris's,  Senator  Wilson  took 
me  one  side  and  inquired  if  we  were  to  have  a  break  in  the 
party.  I  told  him  I  saw  no  necessity  for  it.  The  President 
was  honest  and  sincere  in  his  policy;  it  has  been  adopted 


422  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JAN.  31 

with  care  and  great  deliberation,  and  I  thought  intelli- 
gently. I  knew  it  to  be  with  right  intentions.  If  any  con- 
siderable number  of  our  friends  were  resolved  to  oppose  the 
President  and  the  policy  of  the  Administration  a  division 
would  be  unavoidable.  He  could  not  abandon  his  convic- 
tions to  gratify  mere  factious  schemers. 

We  then  got  on  the  subject  of  the  recently  published  let- 
ter of  a  "  conversation  between  the  President  and  a  dis- 
tinguished Senator,"  in  which  there  were  indications  that 
the  President  would  not  go  for  unlimited  negro  suffrage  in 
the  District.  Wilson  inquired  what  course  the  President 
would  be  likely  to  pursue.  I  told  him  I  was  unable  to 
answer  that  question,  except  as  he  would,  from  a  general 
knowledge  of  the  President's  opinions  on  fundamental 
questions.  He  would  be  disposed  to  have  the  people  of  the 
District  exercise  the  same  rights  in  this  regard  as  the  people 
of  the  States. 


XXXV 

A  Mixed  Commission  proposed  to  try  Semmes  —  Judge-Advocate-General 
Holt  —  Party  Politics  and  Reconstruction  —  The  Democratic  Conven- 
tion in  Connecticut  —  Welles's  Part  in  the  Organization  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  in  Connecticut  —  The  Naval  Appropriation  Bill  —  Sumner 
makes  his  Weekly  Call  —  Bancroft's  Oration  on  the  Death  of  Lincoln  — 
The  Freedmen'e  Bureau  Bill  —  The  President's  View  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary Intentions  of  the  Radicals  —  The  Republican  Convention  in 
Connecticut  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  President's  Veto  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill  —  The  Senate  sustains  the  Veto  —  Thaddeus 
Stevens  and  the  Tennessee  Delegation  —  Memorial  Meeting  in  Honor 
of  Henry  Winter  Davis  —  The  President's  Speech  on  the  Veto  —  A 
Design  to  attempt  Impeachment  of  the  President. 

February  1.  Colonel  Bolles  and  Eames  have  prepared  an 
order  for  the  President  to  sign  for  a  mixed  commission  to  try 
Semmes.  I  took  it  to  the  President  this  P.M.  He  expressed 
himself  strongly  against  a  military  trial  or  military  control. 
Wished  the  Navy  to  keep  the  case  in  its  own  hands.  Said  he 
wished  to  put  no  more  in  Holt's  control  than  was  ab- 
solutely necessary;  that  Holt  was  cruel  and  remorseless, 
made  so  perhaps  by  his  employment  and  investigations; 
that  his  tendencies  and  conclusions  were  very  bloody.  The 
President  said  he  had  a  large  number  of  Holt's  decisions 
now — pointing  to  the  desk — which  he  disliked  to  take  up; 
that  all  which  came  from  that  quarter  partook  of  the  traits 
of  Nero  and  Draco.  I  have  never  heard  him  express  himself 
so  decidedly  in  regard  to  Holt,  but  have  on  one  or  two  pre- 
vious occasions  perceived  that  his  confidence  in  the  Judge- 
Advocate-General  was  shaken. 

I  long  since  was  aware  that  Holt  was  severe  and  unre- 
lenting, and  am  further  compelled  to  think  that,  with  a 
good  deal  of  mental  vigor  and  strength  as  a  writer,  he  has 
strange  weaknesses.  He  is  credulous  and  often  the  dupe 
of  his  own  imaginings.  Believes  men  guilty  on  shadowy 
suspicions,  and  is  ready  to  condemn  them  without  trial. 


424  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [FEB. 

Stanton  has  sometimes  brought  forward  singular  pape 
relating  to  conspiracies,  and  dark  and  murderous  desigi 
in  which  he  had  evident  faith,  and  Holt  has  assured  hi: 
in  his  suspicions. 

I  am  glad  that  the  President  does  not  consider  him  ii 
fallible,  and  that  he  is  guarded  against  the  worst  trait 
the  others  will  develop  themselves,  if  they  have  n< 
already. 

I  stated  to  the  President  that  I  would  not  advise 
military,  naval,  or  mixed  commission  to  try  Semmes  f< 
treason  or  piracy,  for  the  civil  tribunals  had  cognizance  < 
those  offenses.  But  if  he  had  violated  the  laws  of  war  f< 
which  he  could  not  be  arraigned  in  court,  there  was  pe 
haps  a  necessity  that  we  should  act  through  a  commissio: 
He  realized  the  distinction  and  the  propriety  of  acting  ar 
wished  me  to  bring  the  subject  before  the  full  Cabinet. 

One  of  my  troubles  in  the  matter  of  the  charges  ai 
specifications  has  been  to  limit  our  action  to  violations  • 
the  law  of  war.  The  lawyers  who  have  it  in  charge,  esp 
cially  Colonel  Bolles,  are  for  embracing  a  wider  range.  I 
wishes  to  figure  in  the  case. 

Senator  Dixon  gave  me  to-day  a  slip  from  the  N( 
Haven  Courier,  written  by  Babcock,  the  Collector,  takii 
issue  with  Deming  in  his  late  speech.  Babcock  sustains  tl 
policy  of  the  President,  and  his  article  is  very  creditabl 
Dixon  wished  me  to  write  him  and  says  McCulloch  will  < 
so.  I  wish  some  of  our  more  reliable  friends  would  have  tl 
sagacity  and  determination  to  do  this  subject  justice. 

February  2,  Friday.  I  think  the  President,  though  cal 
and  reticent,  exhibits  indications  of  not  being  fully  sat] 
fied  in  some  respects  with  the  conduct  and  course  of  sor 
in  whom  he  has  confided;  yet  he  carefully  abstains  fro 
remarks  respecting  persons.  There  can  be  no  doubt  th 
Stanton  has  given  certain  of  the  leading  Radicals  to  und* 
stand  that  his  views  correspond  with  theirs,  but  I  do  n 
know  that  the  President  is  fully  aware  of  that  fact.  Se1 


1866]      POLITICS  AND  RECONSTRUCTION      425 

ard,  while  he  says  nothing  very  decisively,  leaves  no  doubt 
that  he  coincides  in  the  general  policy  of  the  President. 
Harlan  made  a  singular  speech  to  the  Iowa  Radicals  a 
week  ago,  but  has  written  an  explanatory  letter  which  is  no 
explanation.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Dennison  is  sincerely 
with  the  President  and  means  to  sustain  his  measures,  yet 
he  makes  visible,  without  intending  it,  his  apprehension 
that  by  this  policy  the  Democrats  may  get  a  controlling 
influence.  In  this  he  is  not  singular,  for  many  of  the  lead- 
ing Radicals,  especially  those  of  Whig  antecedents,  have 
similar  apprehensions  and  are  afraid  to  trust  the  people. 
Having  power,  they  do  not  scruple  at  means  to  retain  it. 
The  truth  is  the  Radical  leaders  in  Congress  openly  and 
secretly  have  labored  to  defeat  the  President,  and  their 
hostility  has  engendered  a  distrust  in  their  own  minds,  and 
caused  fairer  men,  like  Dennison,  to  have  fears  that  the 
President  might  identify  himself  with  the  Democrats. 
This  subject  gives  me  no  uneasiness  whatever.  I  shall  not 
be  surprised  if  the  extreme  men  become  alienated,  but 
their  abandonment  of  the  President  will,  under  the  work- 
ing of  our  system  of  intelligent  free  thought  and  action, 
make  room  for  the  more  reasonable  and  calculating  of  the 
opposition,  if  met  with  intelligent  candor  and  determina- 
tion. He  will  naturally  feel  kindly  disposed  towards  those 
who  sustain  him  and  his  measures,  and  will  not  be  likely  to 
give  his  confidence  to  those  who  oppose  both.1 

1  The  President  was  at  this  time  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  advice  and 
suggestions  of  Mr.  Seward,  who,  though  personally  friendly  to  the  President 
and  the  Administration,  was  himself  so  much  of  a  party  man,  and  so  much 
under  the  influence  of  extreme  partisans,  as  to  be  governed  rather  by  party 
than  by  country.  It  was  the  aim  and  object  of  his  New  York  friends  to  keep 
alive  party  distinctions  created  by  Secession  and  the  War,  and  to  throw  the 
power  of  the  Administration  into  the  Republican,  or,  in  other  words,  Radical, 
hands.  New  York  is.  a  great  State  and  has  local  controversies  of  its  own, 
independent  of  the  Federal  Government,  but  the  centralists  could  not  secure 
and  hold  the  ascendancy  there  except  by  the  aid  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. The  New  York  politicians  had,  therefore,  a  double  part  to  play,  and 
Mr.  Seward  was  their  agent  to  effect  their  purpose.  Whilst  Thad  Stevens 
and  the  extreme  Radicals  were  making  war  on  the  Executive,  it  was  im- 
portant for  the  New-Yorkers,  and  indeed  for  men  of  similar  views  in  other 


426  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [FEB.  5 

February  5,  Monday.  I  wrote  Calvin  Day  a  general  let- 
ter on  the  condition  of  affairs.  What  are  his  views  and 
opinions  I  know  not.  His  usual  good  sense  leads  me  to  hope 
he  is  correct,  yet  his  feelings  are  very  decided,  perhaps, 
like  others,  unrelenting,  against  the  Rebels.  He  can,  I 
think,  have  no  confidence  in,  or  respect  for,  Stevens,  but 
his  sentiments  in  regard  to  Dixon  are  not  more  favorable. 
The  papers  in  Connecticut  have  most  of  them  launched 
off  with  the  Radicals,  especially  those  with  which  he  is  asso- 
ciated. I  did  not  wish  to  intermeddle  or  even  to  express  an 
opinion  on  the  eve  of  the  nominating  convention  or  the 
elections,  but  there  seemed  a  duty  to  counsel  an  old  friend 
whose  prejudices  are  strong.  Whether  he  will  heed  what  I 
have  written  remains  to  be  seen. 

States  not  to  break  immediately  with  the  President,  but  to  use  the  power 
and  patronage  of  the  Executive  to  promote  their  own  ends.  He  had  been 
elected  by  them,  and  Mr.  Seward  urged  that  he  should  not  neglect  them, 
even  if  they  disagreed  with  him,  for  he  insisted  that  the  Democrats,  al- 
though their  views  were  with  him  on  present  questions,  were  opposed  to 
him  and  his  Administration.  Party  before  country  was  inculcated  by  both 
Radicals  and  Democrats.  The  President  had  in  the  past  as  in  the  pre- 
sent placed  country  above  party,  and  was  consequently  not  a  favorite  with 
either. 

Almost  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  strict  party  men  and  were 
subjected  to  severe  discipline  in  those  days.  Without  an  exception  they 
approved  the  principles  and  assented  to  the  opinions  and  purposes  of  the 
President,  but  it  was  soon  given  out  that  they  must  conform  to  the  theory 
and  doctrines  of  Thad  Stevens  if  they  designed  to  preserve  their  Republican 
Party  identity.  Congress  was  the  supreme  department  of  the  Government 
and  must  be  recognized  as  the  supreme  power.  Members  of  Congress  must 
be  permitted  to  exercise  executive  duties.  The  legislative  department  must 
control  the  action  of  the  Government,  prescribe  its  policy,  its  measures,  and 
dictate  appointments  to  the  executive,  or  subordinate,  department.  Most 
of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  acquiesced  or  submitted  to  the  usurpation. 
No  appointments  or  nominations  to  office  made  by  the  Executive,  who  was 
bound  to  see  the  laws  executed,  were  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  except  the 
nominees  were  first  recommended  or  indorsed  by  Radical  Members  of  Con- 
gress. Some  of  the  Cabinet  under  these  circumstances  surrendered  and 
made  terms. 

Mr.  Seward  advised  that  there  should  be  compromise  and  concession. 
The  President,  unwilling  to  break  with  those  who  elected  him,  yielded  and 
failed  to  make  a  stand  and  appeal  to  his  countrymen  for  support.  As  a  con- 
sequence, the  unscrupulous  Radicals  wielded  the  government  in  all  its 
departments.  —  G.  W. 


1866]       THE  PARTIES  IN  CONNECTICUT       427 

February  6,  Tuesday.  Seward  read  a  letter  in  regard  to 
the  Shenandoah,  expressing  my  views  and  adopting  my 
suggestions  and  almost  my  language.  The  city  is  full  of 
visitors,  and  Washington  is  gay  with  parties.  Attended 
reception  at  the  Executive  Mansion  and  afterward  called 
on  Sir  Frederick  Bruce  and  his  niece  Lady  Elma  Thurlow. 
Met  at  each  [place]  Madame  La  Verte  (and  daughter),  of 
Mobile,  who  is  making  demonstration  here  and  writing,  I 
am  told,  a  South-side  view  of  the  Rebellion.  I  met  her  here 
nearly  forty  years  ago,  —  then  Miss  Wharton,  a  gay  and 
intelligent  young  lady. 

February  7,  Wednesday.  The  Democratic  Party,  as  it 
calls  itself,  held  yesterday  its  convention  in  Connecticut, 
and  the  nomination  of  Governor  as  well  as  the  resolutions 
adopted  exhibit  more  sense  and  patriotism  than  has  been 
shown  for  years.  Mr.  English,  the  candidate  for  Governor, 
was  a  useful  Member  of  Congress  of  enlarged  and  liberal 
views,  who  was  not  in  his  votes  controlled  strictly  by 
party,  herein  differing  widely  from  a  class  of  narrow  and 
pig-headed  party  leaders  who  have  been  a  discredit  to  the 
State.  In  no  State  has  mere  partyism  shown  itself  during 
the  War  to  greater  disadvantage  than  in  Connecticut. 
Party  and  party  organizations  rose  above  country,  or 
duty.  In  fact,  party  was  a  substitute  for  country.  Ad- 
versity has  taught  them  wisdom,  yet  the  leaders  are  most 
of  them  short-sighted  and  narrow-minded,  incapable  of 
comprehending  the  true  "principles  of  government  or 
of  foreseeing  results.  Instead  of  considering  how  questions 
will  affect  the  country,  free  institutions,  or  the  cause  of 
human  rights  and  justice,  the  whole  aim,  study,  and  pur- 
pose have  been  to  get  a  party  ascendancy,  power,  and  the 
patronage  of  office.  With  them  party  is  the  end,  not 
the  means. 

The  organization  of  the  Democratic  Party  of  Connecti- 
cut has  been,  perhaps,  the  most  efficient  and  effectual  of 
any  party  in  any  State.  Whatever  of  good  or  evil  it  may 


428  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [FEB.? 

have  had,  I,  probably  beyond  any  other  person,  am  respons- 
ible for.  When  in  1826  I  took  charge  of  the  Times  and  ad- 
vocated Jackson's  election,  there  was  no  systematic  party 
organization  nor  much  interest  manifested  in  political  prin- 
ciples on  national  subjects,  nor  much  concerted  political 
action  hi  the  State.  Few,  comparatively,  attended  the 
polls.  There  were,  it  is  true,  the  more  intelligent  and  at 
the  same  tune  the  old  contending  partisans  in  the  State. 
Disagreeing  and  contending  among  themselves,  they 
nevertheless  each  hated  Jackson.  Embittered  local  con- 
troversies affecting  the  State  had  for  several  years  ab- 
sorbed general  questions. 

February  8.  Neither  of  the  feeble  organizations  dis- 
cussed or  professed  much  regard  for  any  of  those  funda- 
mental principles  which  had  created  and  previously  influ- 
enced parties,  or  which  were  then  again  just  looming  up 
above  the  horizon.  The  Federalists  had  been  beaten  in  1818 
and  felt  that  they  deserved  it,  but  they  had  always  until 
then  been  in  the  ascendant  and  wielded  the  power  of  the 
State,  and  still  desired  most  earnestly  to  do  so.  The  Re- 
publicans of  those  days  were  held  in  subjection  and  had 
great  deference  for  the  Federal  dignitaries.  Scarcely  one  of 
the  leaders  possessed  independence  and  strength  of  char- 
acter sufficient  to  firmly  resist  the  well-organized  dominant 
party  and  form  and  avow  individual  opinion.  The  mass 
or  body  of  the  people  were  patriotic,  but,  under  ecclesias- 
tical as  much  as  political  ruling,  had  little  zeal  or  devotion 
for  parties  or  leaders.  This  was  the  condition  of  things 
when  I  came  upon  the  stage  of  action,  full  of  enthusiasm 
and  earnest  work,  and  commenced  the  labor  of  bringing 
together  the  minds  which  sympathized  and  agreed  with 
me.  Very  few  of  the  prominent  men  came  into  the  fold, 
and  such  as  did  were  most  of  them  disappointed  and  disaf- 
fected men.  Some  aspiring  individuals  whispered  encour- 
agement, but  kept  out  of  sight.  By  letters,  by  private  cor- 
respondence and  personal  interviews  with  the  people,  by 


1866]       THE  PARTIES  IN  CONNECTICUT        429 

ascertaining  names  of  men  in  different  towns  and  localities, 
urging  and  inviting  them  to  come  forward,  I  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  what  was  and  is  known  as  the  Democratic  Party 
of  Connecticut.  John  M.  Niles  aided,  and  as  he  was  the 
elder  man  by  some  years,  he  was  more  openly  recognized 
as  the  leader.  But  Niles  had  not  perseverance  and  was 
often  and  easily  discouraged.  Circumstances  favored,  and 
though  abused,  hated,  insulted,  and  at  first  despised,  the 
organization  thus  commenced,  after  many  trials  and  re- 
verses, obtained  an  ascendancy  in  the  State. 

When  this  became  established,  the  vicious,  the  corrupt, 
the  time-serving,  and  the  unprincipled  flocked  to  us.  The 
Seymours,  the  Ingersolls,  the  Phelpses,  etc.,  became  Demo- 
crats. The  organization  was  thorough,  and  the  discipline 
rigid  and  severe.  Trimmers  and  mere  office-hunters  be- 
came jealous  and  dissatisfied,  made  secret  and  sometimes 
open  war  upon  me,  were  whipped  and  returned.  The  drill 
and  discipline  of  twenty  years  made  the  organization  com- 
pact, and  when  the  Democratic  Party  of  the  country  in 
1848  became  unfaithful  in  a  measure  to  their  principles, 
the  discipline  of  party  carried  many  into  a  false  position.  I 
declined  to  follow  the  nullifiers,  compromisers,  and  seces- 
sionists, but  the  organization  which  I  had  instituted  held 
to  party  and  became  perverted.  New  men  who  ' '  knew  not 
Joseph"  controlled  the  organization.  For  a  time  they  re- 
tained the  ascendancy,  but  ultimately  they  broke  down, 
and  for  ten  or  twelve  years  they  have  been  in  a  minority. 
Through  the  War  the  leaders  have  been  almost  all  of  them 
hostile  to  the  Administration  and  malignant  against  the 
cause  of  the  Union.  Some,  like  English,  have  risen  above 
the  trammels  of  party. 

The  ticket,  with  the  exception  of  English,  has  not  much 
strength,  and  some  bad  men  are  on  it.  I  -am  apprehensive 
that  the  Republicans  will  not  be  as  judicious  in  their  move- 
ment, will  not  nominate  a  better  man  for  Governor  nor 
give  as  hearty  an  indorsement  to  the  President  and  his 
policy. 


430  DIAEY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [FEB.  9 

February  9,  Friday.  Mr.  Seward  read  a  very  elaborate 
paper  on  French  affairs,  which  was  under  discussion  over 
two  hours  and  seemed  then  not  entirely  satisfactory.  The 
old  story  as  to  what  Louis  Napoleon  is  going  to  do  was 
repeated.  He  has  'signified  that  he  will,  on  receiving  an 
assurance  from  us  of  non-intervention  in  Mexico,  inform  us 
what  his  arrangements  are  for  withdrawing  his  troops.  I 
thought  Seward  a  little  too  ready  to  give  an  assurance,  and 
that  he  was  very  little  trusted  and  got  very  little  in  return. 

February  10,  Saturday.  Was  last  night  at  a  loud-heralded 
and  large  party  given  by  Marquis  Montholon,  the  French 
Minister.  Am  inclined  to  believe  there  was  something 
political  as  well  as  social  in  the  demonstration.  No  similar 
party  has  been  given  by  the  French  Minister  for  five  years. 

The  Naval  Appropriation  Bill  has  been  before  the  House 
this  week,  when  demagogues  of  small  pattern  exhibited 
their  eminent  incapacity  and  unfitness  for  legislation.  It 
is  a  misfortune  that  such  persons  as  Washburne  and 
Ingersoll  of  Illinois  and  others  are  intrusted  with  import- 
ant duties.  Important  and  essential  appropriations  for 
the  navy  yards  at  Norfolk  and  Pensacola  were  stricken 
out,  because  they  are  in  the  South;  in  Boston  because  it 
is  a  wealthy-  community.  Without  knowledge,  general  or 
specific,  the  petty  demagogues  manifest  their  regard  for 
the  public  interest  and  their  economical  views,  by  making 
no  appropriations,  or  as  few  as  possible  for  the  Navy,  re- 
gardless of  what  is  essential.  "We  have  now  Navy  enough 
to  thrash  England  and  France,"  said  one  of  these  small 
Representatives  in  his  ignorance;  therefore  [they]  vote  no 
more  money  for  navy  yards,  especially  none  in  the  South- 
ern States. 

Sumner  made  me  his  usual  weekly  visit  this  P.M.  He  is 
as  earnest  and  confident  as  ever,  probably  not  without 
reason.  Says  they  are  solidifying  in  Congress  and  will  set 
aside  the  President's  policy.  I  inquired  if  he  really  thought 
Massachusetts  could  govern  Georgia  better  than  Georgia 


could  govern  herself,  —  for  that  was  the  kernel  of  the 
question:  Can  the  people  govern  themselves?  He  could 
not  otherwise  than  say  Massachusetts  could  do  better  for 
them  than  they  had  done  for  themselves.  When  I  said 
every  State  and  people  must  form  its  own  laws  and  gov- 
ernment; that  the  whole  social,  industrial,  political,  and 
civil  structure  was  to  be  reconstructed  in  the  Slave  States; 
that  the  elements  there  must  work  out  their  own  condition, 
and  that  Massachusetts  could  not  do  this  for  them,  he  did 
not  controvert  farther  than  to  say  we  can  instruct  them 
and  ought  to  do  it,  that  he  had  letters  showing  a  dreadful 
state  of  things  South,  that  the  colored  people  were  suffering 
beyond  anything  they  had  ever  endured  in  the  days  of 
slavery.  I  told  him  I  had  little  doubt  of  it;  I  had  expected 
this  as  the  first  result  of  emancipation.  Both  whites  and 
blacks  in  the  Slave  States  were  to  pass  through  a  terrible 
ordeal,  and  it  was  a  most  grievous  and  melancholy  thing  to 
me  to  witness  the  spirit  manifested  towards  the  whites  of 
the  South  who  were  thus  afflicted.  Left  to  themselves,  they 
have  great  suffering  and  hardship,  without  having  their 
troubles  increased  by  any  oppressive  acts  from  abroad. 

February  12,  Monday.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  to-day  deliv- 
ered his  oration  on  the  death  of  Lincoln.  It  is  the  anni- 
versary of  his  birth,  and  hence  the  occasion.  The  orator, 
or  historian,  acquitted  himself  very  well.  Some  things  were 
said  which  would  hardly  have  been  expected  at  such  a 
time,  particularly  some  sharp  points  against  England  and 
Lord  John  Russell,  which  I  was  not  sorry  to  hear.  Both 
the  Minister  and  the  Government  were  bad  enemies  of  ours 
in  our  troubles;  they  added  to  these  trials;  they  made  them 
formidable;  they  intended  our  ruin. 

February  13,  Tuesday.  McCulloch  asked  me  yesterday, 
in  the  President's  room  in  the  Capitol,  if  I  had  examined 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill,  and  when  I  told  him  I  had  not, 
that  I  had  never  been  partial  to  the  measure,  had  doubted 


432  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.  13 

its  expediency,  even  during  the  War,  but  as  Congress,  the 
Administration,  and  the  country  had  adopted  it,  and  as  I 
had  no  connection  with  it,  I  had  little  inclination  to  inter- 
est myself  in  the  matter,  he  said  he  wished  I  would  examine 
the  bill,  and  I  told  him  I  would,  though  opposed  to  that 
system  of  legislation,  and  to  Government's  taking  upon  it- 
self the  care  and  support  of  communities.  To-day  the 
President  inquired  of  me  my  opinions,  or  rather  said  he 
thought  there  were  some  extraordinary  features  in  the  bill, 
and  asked  what  I  thought  of  them,  or  of  the  bill.  My  reply 
was  similar  to  that  I  gave  McCulloch  yesterday.  He  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  I  would  give  the  bill  consideration,  for 
he  apprehended  he  should  experience  difficulty  in  signing 
it.  The  bill  has  not  yet  reached  him. 

Showed  the  President  the  finding  of  the  court  in  the  case 
of  Meade,  who  had  obtained  a  new  trial  and  had  a  little 
severer  punishment  than  in  the  former  case.  The  President 
thought  it  would  be  well  not  to  hurry  Semmes's  case.  Told 
him  there  were  reasons  why  delay  would  be  acceptable  and 
I  should  prefer  it,  only  I  wished  it  off  my  hands.  But  as  he 
desired  delay  we  would  not  hurry  the  matter.  He  alluded 
with  some  feeling  to  the  extraordinary  intrigue  which  he 
understood  was  going  on  in  Congress,  having  nothing  short 
of  a  subversion  or  change  in  the  structure  of  the  govern- 
ment in  view.  The  unmistakable  design  of  Thad  Stevens 
and  his  associates  was  to  take  the  government  into  their 
own  hands,  the  President  said,  and  to  get  rid  of  him  by 
declaring  Tennessee  out  of  the  Union.  A  sort  of  French 
Directory  was  to  be  established  by  these  spirits  in  Con- 
gress, the  Constitution  was  to  be  remodeled  by  them,  etc. 

February  14,  Wednesday.  Have  examined  the  bill  for  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  which  is  a  terrific  engine  and  reads 
more  like  a  decree  emanating  from  despotic  power  than  a 
legislative  enactment  by  republican  representatives.  I  do 
not  see  how  the  President  can  sign  it.  Certainly  I  shall  not 
advise  it.  Yet  something  is  necessary  for  the  wretched 


1866]      THE  FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU  BILL       433 

people  who  have  been  emancipated,  and  who  have  neither 
intelligence  nor  means  to  provide  for  themselves.  In  time 
and  briefly,  if  let  alone,  society  will  adapt  itself  to  cir- 
cumstances and  make  circumstances  conform  to  existing 
necessities,  but  in  the  mean  time  there  will  be  suffering, 
misery,  wretchedness,  nor  will  it  be  entirely  confined  to 
the  blacks. 

I  am  apprehensive  that  the  efforts  of  our  Northern  phil- 
anthropists to  govern  the  Southern  States  will  be  product- 
ive of  evil,  that  they  will  generate  hatred  rather  than  love 
between  the  races.  This  Freedmen's  Bureau  scheme  is  a 
governmental  enormity.  There  is  a  despotic  tendency  in 
the  legislation  of  this  Congress,  an  evident  disposition  to 
promote  these  notions  of  freedom  by  despotic  and  tyran- 
nical means. 

February  15,  Thursday.  The  State  Convention  yesterday 
appears  to  have  got  along  better  in  Connecticut  than  I  ap- 
prehended, yet  there  is  obviously  Radical  animosity  lurking 
and  fermenting  there  which  will  be  likely  to  show  itself 
soon.  Among  the  leaders,  most  of  whom  have  been  impreg- 
nated with  Radical  views,  there  is  no  love  for  the  President 
nor  any  intention  to  support  his  policy.  In  Hartford  they 
detest  Dixon  and  Cleveland,  who  support  the  Adminis- 
tration, and  they  like  Hawley,  who  is  much  given  to  the 
negro,  but  is  really  well-intentioned  and  as  fair-minded  as 
one  can  be  who  has  been  a  zealous  Abolitionist,  and  is  hope- 
ful of  political  honors. 

February  16,  Friday.  After  Cabinet-meeting  I  had  an 
interview  and  pretty  free  interchange  of  opinion  with  the 
President  on  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill  and  other  sub- 
jects. I  expressed  myself  without  reserve,  as  did  the 
President,  who  acquiesced  fully  in  my  views.  This  being 
the  case,  I  conclude  he  will  place  upon  it  his  veto.  Indeed, 
he  intimated  as  much.  Desired,  he  said,  to  have  my  ideas 
because  they  might  add  to  his  own,  etc. 
2 


434  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [FEB. 

There  is  an  apparent  rupturing  among  the  Radicals,  01 
portion  of  them.  They  wish  to  make  terms.  Will  adrr 
the  representation  from  Tennessee  if  the  President  w 
yield.  But  the  President  cannot  yield  and  sacrifice  1 
honest  convictions  by  way  of  compromise. 

Truman  Smith  came  to  see  me  yesterday.  Says  tl 
House  wants  to  get  on  good  terms  with  the  President,  ai 
ought  to;  that  the  President  is  right,  but  it  will  be  well 
let  Congress  decide  when  and  how  the  States  shall  be  repi 
sented.  Says  Deming  is  a  fool,  politically  speaking,  ai 
that  our  Representatives,  all  of  them,  are  weak  ai 
stupid.  I  have  an  impression  that  Truman  called  at  tl 
suggestion  of  Seward,  and  that  this  matter  of  concedii 
to  Congress  emanates  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  ai 
from  good  but  mistaken  motives. 

February  17,  Saturday.  Governor  Morgan  called  tt 
morning  on  matters  of  business.  Had  some  talk  on  curre 
matters.  He  says  Tennessee  Representatives  will  be  a 
mitted  before  the  close  of  next  week;  that  he  so  told  Wils< 
and  Sumner  yesterday,  whereat  Sumner  seemed  great 
disturbed.  From  some  givings-out  by  Morgan,  intimatio 
from  Truman  Smith,  and  what  the  President  himself  h 
heard,  I  think  there  is  a  scheme  to  try  and  induce  him 
surrender  his  principles  in  order  to  secure  seats  to  t' 
Tennessee  delegation.  But  they  will  not  influence  him 
do  wrong  in  order  to  secure  right. 

February  19,  Monday.  Attended  special  Cabinet-meeti] 
this  morning,  at  ten,  and  remained  in  session  until  abo 
1  P.M.  The  President  submitted  a  message  which  he  h: 
prepared,  returning  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill  to  the  Se 
ate  with  his  veto.  The  message  and  positions  were  ful 
discussed.  Seward,  McCulloch,  and  Dennison  agreed  wi 
the  President,  as  did  I,  and  each  so  expressed  himse 
Stanton,  Harlan,  and  Speed,  while  they  did  not  absolute 
dissent,  evidently  regretted  that  the  President  had  n 


1866]      THE  FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU  BILL        435 

signed  the  bill.  Stanton  was  disappointed.  Speed  was 
disturbed.  Harlan  was  apprehensive.  The  President  was 
emphatic  and  unequivocal  in  his  remarks,  earnest  to  elo- 
quence in  some  portion  of  a  speech  of  about  twenty  min- 
utes, in  which  he  reviewed  the  intrigues  of  certain  Radical 
leaders  in  Congress,  without  calling  them  by  name,  their 
council  of  fifteen  which  in  secret  prescribed  legislative 
action  and  assumed  to  dictate  the  policy  of  the  Adminis- 
tration. The  effect  of  this  veto  will  probably  be  an  open 
rupture  between  the  President  and  a  portion  of  the  Repub- 
lican Members  of  Congress.  How  many  will  go  with  him, 
and  how  many  with  the  Radical  leaders,  will  soon  be 
known.  Until  a  vote  is  taken,  the  master  spirits  will  have 
time  to  intrigue  with  the  Members  and  get  them  com- 
mitted. They  will  be  active  as  well  as  cunning. 

Senator  Trumbull,  who  is  the  father  of  this  bill,  has  not 
been  classed  among  the  Radicals  and  did  not  intend  to  be 
drawn  in  with  them  when  he  drew  up  this  law.  But  he  is 
freaky  and  opinionated,  though  able  and  generally  sensible. 
I  shall  be  sorry  to  have  him  enter  into  associations  that  will 
identify  him  with  extremists,  and  yet  it  will  not  surprise 
me  should  such  be  the  case.  He  will  be  the  champion  of  his 
bill  and,  stimulated  and  courted  by  those  with  whom  he 
does  not  sympathize,  will  strive  to  impair  the  effect  of  the 
impregnable  arguments  and  reasoning  of  the  message. 

February  20,  Tuesday.  The  Cabinet  was  pleasant  and 
harmonious  on  the  matters  before  it  to-day,  though  out- 
side rumors  make  them  divided.  Much  excitement  exists 
in  Congress  and  out  of  it  on  the  subject  of  the  veto.  The 
dark,  revolutionary,  reckless  intrigues  of  Stevens  manifest 
themselves.  In  the  House,  the  bigoted  partisans  are 
ready  to  follow  him  in  his  vindictive  and  passionate 
schemes  for  Radical  supremacy.  Radicalism  having  been 
prevalent  during  the  War,  they  think  it  still  popular. 

On  the  vote  which  was  taken  to-day  in  the  Senate,  the 
veto  was  sustained  and  the  bill  defeated,  there  not  being 


436  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [FEB.  20 

the  requisite  two  thirds  in  its  favor.  Morgan,  Dixon,  Doo- 
little,  and  four  or  five  others  with  the  Democrats,  eighteen 
in  all  against  thirty.  Violent  and  factious  speeches  were 
made  in  the  Senate,  and  also  in  the  House.  Stevens,  as  I 
expected  he  would,  presented  his  schemes  to  oppress  the 
South  and  exclude  the  States  from  their  constitutional 
right  of  representation.  Such  men  would  plunge  the  coun- 
try into  a  more  wicked  rebellion,  one  more  destructive  of 
our  system  of  government,  a  more  dangerous  condition 
than  that  from  which  we  have  emerged,  could  they  pre- 
vail. As  an  exhibition  of  the  enlightened  legislation  of  the 
House,  Stevens,  the  Radical  leader,  Chairman  of  the  Re- 
construction Committee, — the  committee  which  shapes 
and  directs  the  action  of  Congress,  and  assumes  executive 
as  well  as  legislative  control,  —  announced  that  his  com- 
mittee, or  directory  it  may  be  called,  was  about  to  report 
in  favor  of  admitting  the  Tennessee  Members,  but  the 
President  having  put  his  veto  on  the  Freedmen's  Bill,  they 
would  not  now  consent,  and  he  introduced  his  resolution 
declaring,  virtually,  that  the  Union  is  divided,  that  the 
States  which  were  in  rebellion  should  not  have  their  con- 
stitutional right  of  representation. 

February  21,  Wednesday.  Took  the  President  the  execut- 
ive order  for  the  trial  of  Semmes.  Found  that  he  hesitated. 
Told  him  I  had  no  feeling  whatever  in  regard  to  it.  That 
I  was  not  willing  nor  did  I  believe  we  could  legally  try  him 
for  treason  or  piracy  by  a  military  commission,  for  those 
crimes  were  cognizable  by  the  civil  courts,  but  a  violation 
of  the  laws  of  war  required,  perhaps,  a  commission  and 
could  be  reached  in  no  other  way.  He  assented  to  these 
views,  but  thought  it  would  be  better  to  get  an  opinion 
from  the  Attorney-General.  Moreover,  he  thought  delay 
rather  advisable  at  this  time.  I  told  him  I  thought  it  a 
good  opportunity  to  show  that  he  was  ready  to  bring  crim- 
inals to  trial  when  the  duty  devolved  on  him. 

Senators  Doolittle  and  Cowan  were  with  the  President 


when  I  called  on  him  this  morning.  Doolittle  had  the 
rough  plan  of  a  bill  to  modify  and  terminate  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  Bill.  I  prefer  non-action.  So  does  Cowan, 
and  I  think  the  President  also.  Doolittle  thinks  something 
will  be  advisable  to  satisfy  the  public,  whose  sympathies 
have  been  excited  by  cunning  appeals.  This  is  Seward. 

Whiting,  Solicitor,  or  late  Solicitor,  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment, came  to  see  me.  It  was  amusing  to  see  how  self- 
satisfied  he  was  in  weaving  a  pleasant  web  on  the  subject 
of  negro  suffrage  and  the  questions  at  issue.  He  is  writing 
and  publishing  a  series  of  numbers  in  the  Republican, 
which,  he  says,  were  penned  at  my  suggestion  some 
months  since,  doubtless  in  part  at  least  for  my  benefit. 
In  the  midst  of  our  talk  Montgomery  Blair  came  in,  and 
Whiting  left  with  great  speed.  Blair  is  gratified  with  the 
stirring-up  of  the  waters  of  controversy,  and  anticipates, 
I  doubt  not,  that  Stanton,  who  still  occupies  an  ambiguous 
attitude,  may  be  brought  to  a  plain  development  of  his  true 
position.  He  insists  that  Stanton  is  playing  false  to  the 
President.  No  doubt  of  it  in  my  mind,  yet  he  and  Seward 
are  in  accord,  but  Seward  is  not  treacherous. 

February  22,  Thursday.  Washington's  Birthday.  Ad- 
vantage is  taken  of  it  by  those  who  sustain  the  late  veto  to 
assemble  and  give  expression  to  their  feelings,  for  there  is 
quite  as  much  of  feeling,  partisan  feeling,  as  of  honest 
opinion  in  what  is  done  and  said  on  this  subject.  The  lead- 
ing Radicals,  on  the  other  hand,  are  precipitating  them- 
selves into  monstrous  error  and  showing  their  incapacity  to 
govern  or  even  organize  a  permanent  party.  Only  want  of 
sagacity  on  the  part  of  their  opponents,  the  Democrats, 
prevents  them  from  slipping  into  the  shoes  which  the  Rad- 
icals are  abandoning.  It  is  complained  that  the  President 
treats  the  Rebels  and  the  Copperheads  kindly.  It  is  not 
strange  that  he  does  so,  for  kindness  begets  kindness. 
They  treat  him  respectfully,  while  the  Radical  leaders  are 
arrogant,  presuming,  and  dictatorial.  They  assume  that 


438  D1AKY    Ub'  G1DEUJN    WELLES       [FEB. 

the  legislative  branch  of  the  Government  is  absolute,  tl 
the  other  departments,  and  especially  the  executive,  i 
subordinate.  Stevens  and  his  secret  joint  committee 
directory  have  taken  into  their  hands  the  government  a: 
the  administration  of  affairs.  It  is  an  incipient  conspirac 
Congress,  in  both  branches,  or  the  majority  of  Congre 
are  but  puppets  in  the  hands  of  the  Directory  and  do  lit 
but  sanction  and  obey  the  orders  of  that  committee. 

To-day  both  branches  of  Congress  have  adjourned  a: 
there  are  funeral  solemnities  at  the  Capitol  in  memoris 
of  the  late  Henry  Winter  Davis,  a  private  citizen,  w 
died  in  Baltimore  two  or  three  months  since,  but  who  h 
been  a  conspicuous  actor  among  the  Radicals.  He  possess 
genius,  a  graceful  elocution,  and  erratic  ability  of  a  certe 
kind,  but  was  an  uneasy  spirit,  an  unsafe  and  undesiral 
man,  without  useful  talents  for  his  country  or  mankir 
Having  figured  as  a  leader  with  Thad  Stevens,  Wade,  a 
others,  in  their  intrigues,  extraordinary  honors  are  n< 
paid  him.  A  programme,  copied  almost  literally  from  tl 
of  the  12th  in  memory  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  is  sent  out.  Ord< 
to  commemorate  this  distinguished  "Plug  Ugly"  a 
"Dead  Rabbit"  are  issued.  President  and  Cabin 
judges,  foreign  ministers,  and  other  officials  have  se* 
assigned  them  in  the  Hall  of  the  Representatives  for  t 
occasion.  The  whole  is  a  burlesque,  which  partakes  of  t 
ridiculous  more  than  the  solemn,  intended  to  belit 
the  memory  of  Lincoln  and  his  policy  as  much  as  to  ex 
Davis,  who  opposed  it.  I  would  not  go,  —  could  not 
without  a  feeling  of  degradation.  I  yesterday  suggest 
to  the  President  my  view  of  the  whole  proceedings,  —  tt 
they  were  in  derogation  of  the  late  President  and  the  A 
ministration.  The  Radicals  wished  Davis  to  be  consider 
the  equal  or  superior  of  Lincoln. 

There  was  a  large  gathering  of  the  citizens  to-day  at  1 
theatre  to  approve  the  veto,  and  they  subsequently  w< 
to  the  Executive  Mansion,  where  the  President  address 
them  in  quite  a  long  speech  for  the  occasion. 


1866]  ABUSE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  439 

February  23,  Friday.  The  papers  of  this  morning  con- 
tain the  reported  speech  of  President  Johnson  yesterday. 
It  is  longer  than  the  President  should  have  delivered,  —  if 
he  were  right  in  addressing  such  a  crowd.  His  remarks 
were  earnest,  honest,  and  strong.  One  or  two  interruptions 
which  called  out  names  I  wish  were  omitted. 

The  Chronicle,  Forney's  paper,  is  scandalously  abusive 
and  personally  indecent,  false,  and  vindictive.  An  attempt 
is  made,  by  innuendo,  to  give  the  impression  that  the 
President  was  excited  by  liquor.  Count  Gurowski,  the 
grumbler,  is  around  repeating  the  dirty  scandal.  Says  the 
President  had  drunk  too  much  bad  whiskey  to  make  a  good 
speech.  Eames  tells  me  that  Gurowski,  who  now  lives  with 
him,  says  that  Stanton  declared  to  him  that  he  was  op- 
posed to  the  veto.  Well,  he  did  suggest  that  there  might, 
he  thought,  be  an  improvement  by  one  or  two  alterations, 
but  as  a  whole  he  was  understood  to  acquiesce  and  assent  to 
the  message.  I  doubted  if  he  was  sincere,  for  there  was  an 
ambiguity  in  what  he  said,  yet,  having  said  something,  he 
could  to  his  Radical  friends  aver  he  was  opposed. 

I  told  the  President  I  was  sorry  he  had  permitted  him- 
self to  be  drawn  into  answering  impertinent  questions  to  a 
promiscuous  crowd  and  that  he  should  have  given  names 
of  those  whose  course  he  disapproved.  Not  that  his  re- 
marks were  not  true,  but  the  President  should  not  be 
catechized  into  declarations.  Yet  it  is  the  manner  and  cus- 
tom in  the  Southwest,  and  especially  in  Tennessee,  to  do 
this  on  the  stump.  Stanton  patronizes  Forney's  Chronicle 
and  proscribes  the  Intelligencer.  Conversing  with  the 
President,  I  told  him  I  thought  this  improper.  He  said  he 
would  bring  the  subject  before  us  at  the  next  meeting. 

February  24,  Saturday.  The  extremists  are  angry  and 
violent  because  the  President  follows  his  own  convictions, 
and  their  operations  through  the  press  are  prolific  in  manu- 
facturing scandal  against  him.  No  harm  will  come  of  it,  if 


440             DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [FEB.  24  j 

[ 

selves  that  they  had  more  than  two  thirds  of  each  house,  1 

and  could,  therefore,  carry  all  their  measures  over  any  veto.  ! 

The  President  says  there  has  been  a  design  to  attempt  im-  j 

peachment  if  he  did  not  yield  to  them.  I  am  inclined  to  be-  \ 

lieve  this  has  been  talked  of  among  the  leaders,  but  they  j 

would  not  press  a  majority  of  their  own  number  into  the  j 

movement.  ' 

February  26,  Monday.  Senator  Doolittle  called  to  have 
a  conversation  with  me  on  existing  topics  and  consult  as  to 
the  propriety  of  his  attending  a  public  meeting  and  speaking 
at  Baltimore.  Governor  Dennison  came  in  with  Governor 
Cox  of  Ohio  while  we  were  conversing,  and  spent  the  even- 
ing with  us.  The  great  questions  before  the  country  were 
canvassed  freely,  and  Governor  Cox  displayed  intelligence 
and  decision  that  pleased  me.  He  has  quick  perception 
and  a  right  appreciation  of  what  is  taking  place,  and  a 
pretty  correct  estimate  of  the  actors. 

In  the  Senate,  Sherman  has  been  speaking  against  the 
declaratory  resolution,  which  passed  the  House  under  the 
lash  of  Stevens  from  the  Directory  Committee,  asserting 
that  eleven  States  are  out  of  the  Union  and  must  not  be 
represented  until  Congress  shall  permit  them.  This  resolu- 
tion is  fulminated  in  spite,  because  the  President  put  his 
veto  on  the  Freedmen's  Bill.  Such  legislation  is  character- 
istic of  Stevens  and  his  colaborers. 


XXXVI 

Stevens's  Influence  in  his  Reconstruction  Committee  —  Conversation  with 
Baldwin  of  the  Committee  —  The  Committee  reports  a  Resolution  for 
admitting  Representatives  from  Tennessee  —  The  Treasury  Depart- 
ment embarrassed  by  the  Test  Oath  in  procuring  Officials  in  the  South 
—  A  Call  from  Governor  Dennison  in  reference  to  a  Restoration  of 
Harmony  in  the  Republican  Party  —  A  Talk  with  Senator  Grimes  — 
Attitude  of  Grimes  and  Fessenden  towards  the  President  —  Cabinet 
Discussion  of  the  Fenian  Situation  —  The  Connecticut  Gubernatorial 
Candidates — General  Hawley  calls  on  Secretary  Welles  and  on  the  Pre- 
sident —  Sumner  on  Louis  Napoleon's  Action  in  regard  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  World's  Congress  of  Savants  —  The  President  vetoes  the  Civil 
Rights  Bill  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Bill — Seward  and  the  Proposed 
Purchase  of  the  Danish  West  Indies — The  Semmes  Case — The  Outlook 
in  Connecticut  —  Banks  and  the  Use  of  Naval  Vessels  for  the  French 
Exposition  —  Butler  and  the  Grey  Jacket. 

March  3,  Saturday.  The  week  as  usual  has  been  busy. 
The  faction  in  Congress  holds  possession  of  the  majority  in 
both  houses,  yet  there  are  signs  of  restiveness,  of  mis- 
giving, on  the  part  of  many.  Baldwin,  from  the  Wor- 
cester District,  Massachusetts,  who  is  on  the  Directory,  or 
Reconstruction,  Committee,  assures  me  that  Stevens  has 
in  a  great  measure  lost  his  influence  in  that  committee.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  Baldwin  and  others  so  believe  when 
away  from  Stevens  and  perhaps  when  with  him,  but  with- 
out intending  it  or  even  being  fully  aware  of  the  extent  to 
which  it  is  carried,  they  are  subjected,  controlled,  and  di- 
rected by  him.  They  may,  by  appeals,  modify,  but  not  to 
great  extent,  Stevens's  plans.  Baldwin  intimates  that  action 
will  be  taken  in  behalf  of  the  Tennessee  Members,  admit- 
ting them  to  the  seats  to  which  they  are  elected,  early  next 
week.  The  same  thing  has  been  repeated  to  me  to-day  by 
others.  There  is  a  manifest  feeling  of  the  gross  wrong 
committed  by  their  exclusion,  not  only  to  the  State  but  to 
the  Federal  Union. 


442  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  3 

They  have  made  the  necessity  of  action  in  this  case  felt, 
and  Stevens  has  had  to  yield,  but  he  will,  I  presume,  make 
the  proceeding  odious  and  unjust.  Baldwin  asks,  Why  not 
pass  a  law  admitting  those  States?  I  told  him  Tennessee 
had  been  admitted  seventy  years  ago.  He  said  he  did  not 
strictly  mean  admission,  but  a  law  authorizing  them  to 
resume  their  relations  with  the  Government.  I  said  I  could 
not  see  the  necessity,  or  even  the  expediency  of  such  a  law, 
for,  the  Rebellion  being  suppressed,  Tennessee  and  each  of 
the  States  resumed  their  position  as  States,  and  if  they 
sent  loyal  men  here,  I  thought  they  should  be  admitted ;  if 
disloyal  or  unpardoned  Rebels,  such  could  be  rejected.  He 
was,  however,  very  tenacious  on  this  point,  and  I  doubt 
not  is  committed  to  it.  What  harm,  inquired  he,  can  come 
from  passing  such  a  law,  preliminary  to  receiving  the 
Members.  I  told  him  it  was,  as  a  general  rule,  harmful  to 
over-legislate,  it  is  harmful  to  pass  laws  without  authority, 
to  assume  powers  or  to  concede  them;  that  Congress,  as 
a  body,  had  no  business  with  the  election  of  Members,  but 
the  Constitution  directs  each  house  shall  decide  for  itself 
in  regard  to  the  members  of  the  respective  bodies.  The  two 
houses  could  not  legally  or  by  any  constitutional  authority 
exclude  a  State  or  deny  it  representation.  It  was,  however, 
unpleasant  for  the  President  and  Congress  to  be  in  antag- 
onism, and  if  it  was  mere  form  which  he  had  in  view  with- 
out objectionable  points  or  ulterior  purpose,  possibly  such 
a  bill  might  not  be  vetoed,  yet  I  thought  it  very  question- 
able, for  it  would  be  centralizing  and  magnifying  federal 
power  here  and  dwarfing  the  State. 

I  therefore  anticipate  that  Stevens,  finding  the  Commit- 
tee and  Congress  are  determined  to  admit  the  Tennessee 
Members  to  their  seats,  will  set  to  work  to  frame  an  of- 
fensive bill  such  as  the  President  cannot  sign,  or  which, 
if  he  does  sign,  will  discredit  himself  and  violate  his,  and  all 
correct,  principles.  This,  however,  I  am  satisfied  he  will 
not  do.  Then  on  him  is  to  be  thrown  the  responsibility  of 
excluding  the  Tennessee  Members. 


1866]        STEVENS  AND   HIS   DIRECTORY        443 

I  intimated  to  the  President  my  conjectures,  and  he  re- 
marked he  was  prepared  for  such  an  alternative  whenever 
it  was  presented.  He  had,  from  some  quarter,  been  pre- 
viously admonished  in  regard  to  the  doings  of  the  Com- 
mittee. 

Stevens  is  determined  to  have  an  issue  between  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  Congress,  and,  notwithstanding  a  majority  of 
Congress  and  of  the  country  deprecate  such  an  issue,  and 
Members  to  me  and  others  express  their  dislike  of  and  op- 
position to  Stevens,  I  incline  to  the  opinion  that  he  will,  by 
the  working  of  his  Directory  machinery,  be  successful  in 
raising  that  issue.  Should  he,  the  result  will  be  likely  to  rend 
the  party,  unless  the  minority  are  subservient  and  tamely 
submissive.  The  Administration  must  be  supported  or 
opposed.  The  positive  and  violent  will  oppose;  the  mild 
and  passive  will  yield.  Congress  must  be  with  the  Admin- 
istration or  against  it.  Double-dealing  cannot  continue.  I 
am  apprehensive  that  there  is  treachery  to  the  President  in 
quarters  which  he  will  ultimately  keenly  feel.  Sometimes 
I  think  he  suspects  the  mischief,  but  is  unwilling  to  have 
a  breach  just  at  this  time  and  listens  to  those  who  advise . 
temporizing  and  expediency. 

Sherman  (Senator),  after  speaking  against  the  concur- 
rent resolution,  finally  voted  for  it  in  the  face  of  his  own 
delivered  opinion,  argument,  and  conviction.  This  is  a 
specimen  of  the  influence  of  party  discipline  at  this  time  in 
Congress.  It  is  all-powerful. 

Governor  Dennison  tells  me  this  evening  that  he  has 
written  a  letter  to  Patterson  of  New  Hampshire,  stating 
that  he  has  removed  no  man  and  intends  to  remove  none 
on  account  of  differences  between  Congress  and  the  Presi- 
dent, provided  they  belong  to  the  Union  party.  I  am  afraid 
he  has  gone  farther  than  is  wise  in  this  matter,  for  if 
Stevens  gets  up  the  issue  between  the  President  and  Con- 
gress, it  may  be  necessary  for  the  President  to  relieve  him- 
self of  troublesome  and  officious  electioneers  in  post-offices. 
I  suspect  Dennison  has  been  entrapped  by  fair  words. 


444  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [MARCH  3 

If  I  mistake  not,  the  Union  League  organization  has 
contributed  largely  to  present  difficulties.  It  is  controlled 
by  extreme  Radicals  and  rules  many  Members  of  Congress. 
An  irresponsible  faction,  organized  for  mischief. 

March  5,  Monday.  The  Reconstruction  Committee  have 
reported  a  resolution  for  admitting  Tennessee  Members.  It 
is,  in  its  phraseology  and  conditions,  in  character  with  the 
dissimulating  management  and  narrow,  unpatriotic  parti- 
sanship of  those  who  control  the  action  of  Congress.  Ten- 
nessee is  pronounced  to  be  in  a  condition  to  exercise  all  the 
functions  of  a  State,  therefore  she  shall  not  send  Repre- 
sentatives until  she  complies  with  certain  conditions  which 
Congress  exacts  but  has  no  authority  to  impose,  and  which 
the  people  of  that  State  cannot  comply  with  and  preserve 
their  independence,  self-respect,  and  the  right  guaranteed 
to  them  by  the  Constitution.  How  intelligent  and  sensible 
men,  not  opposed  to  our  government  and  the  Constitution 
itself  can  commit  themselves  to  such  stuff  I  am  unable  to 
comprehend,  but  the  madness  of  party,  the  weakness  of 
men  who  are  under  the  discipline  of  an  organization  which 
chafes,  stimulates,  threatens,  and  coaxes,  is  most  astonish- 
ing. 

In  conversation  with  Senator  Grimes,  Chairman  of  the 
Naval  Committee,  I  regret  to  see  he  still  retains  his  rancor 
towards  the  South,  though  I  hope  somewhat  modified.  He 
is  unwilling  to  make  needful  appropriations  for  the  navy 
yards  at  Norfolk  and  Pensacola  because  they  are  in  the 
Rebel  States.  Yet  a  navy  yard  at  Pensacola  is  important, 
it  may  be  said  necessary,  to  the  protection  of  the  Gulf 
Coast  and  the  Mississippi  in  time  of  war.  A  foreign  power 
can  blockade  that  region,  the  whole  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi be  locked  up ;  and  Western  Members  would  permit 
this  rather  than  expend  a  small  sum  for  necessary  purposes 
in  a  navy  yard  at  the  South.  But  Grimes  is  not  so  in- 
tensely wrong  as  others  living  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  He 
will  not,  however,  avail  of  the  opportunity  of  procuring  a 


1866]  THE   TEST  OATH  445 

magnificent  site  at  Hampton  Roads  for  the  Naval  School, 
because  it  is  in  Virginia. 

March  6,  Tuesday.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
embarrassed  by  the  test  oath.  He  finds  it  difficult  to  pro- 
cure good  officers  for  collectors  and  assessors  in  the  Rebel 
States  and  still  more  difficult  to  get  good  subordinates. 
When  he  attempts  to  reason  with  Members  of  Congress, 
they  insist  that  their  object  is  to  exclude  the  very  men  re- 
quired and  say  they  want  Northern  men  sent  into  those 
States  to  collect  taxes.  As  if  such  a  proceeding  would  not 
excite  enmities  and  the  foreign  tax-gatherer  be  slain! 

I  advised  McCulloch  to  address  a  strong  and  emphatic 
letter  to  the  President,  stating  the  difficulties,  which  letter 
the  President  could  communicate  to  Congress.  A  direct 
issue  would  then  be  made,  and  the  country  could  see  and 
appreciate  the  difficulties  of  the  Administration.  Dennison 
took  the  same  view,  and  stated  some  of  his  difficulties,  and 
I  suggested  that  he  should  also  present  them  to  the  Pre- 
sident. Seward  was  not  prepared  to  act.  Harlan  was  ap- 
prehensive that  a  confession  of  the  fact  that  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  procure  men  of  integrity  who  could  take  the  test 
oath,  would  operate  injudiciously  just  at  this  time.  There 
is,  he  thinks,  a  growing  feeling  for  conciliation  in  Congress, 
and  such  a  confession  would  check  this  feeling.  The  sug- 
gestion was  adroitly  if  not  ingenuously  put.  Stanton  half- 
responded  to  Harlan;  doubted  the  expediency  of  a  letter 
from  McCulloch;  said  it  was  unnecessary;  that  he  paid 
officers  who  could  not  take  the  oath;  thought  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  might  also ;  but  concluded  by  saying  he  had 
not  examined  the  question.  Finally  the  subject  was  post- 
poned to  Friday.  Stanton  said  it  had  presented  itself  to 
him  in  a  new  form  during  the  discussion,  and  he  required  a 
little  time  for  examination  and  reflection  before  submitting 
his  views. 

March  7,  Wednesday.  I  have  addressed  a  letter  concern- 
ing League  Island,  communicating  the  report  of  Mr.  Fox, 


446  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES  .  [MAKCH  7 

the  Assistant  Secretary,  who  visited  Philadelphia  with  the 
Naval  Committee.  The  improvidence  and  neglect  of  Con- 
gress on  this  subject  shows  how  unreliable  all  legislation  is 
for  the  public  interest  in  high  party  times.  By  an  intrigue 
Brandegee  of  New  London  was  placed  on  the  Naval  Com- 
mittee. Colfax  purchased  his  support  by  that  appoint- 
ment, and  the  displacement  of  English,  —  an  act  of  dis- 
simulation and  discourtesy  to  me  personally  as  well  as  a 
sacrifice  of  the  public  interest.  Brandegee  wants  the  navy 
yard  at  New  London  because  he  lives  there  and  it  is  his 
home,  not  for  the  public  interest  and  the  national  welfare, 
and  for  that  narrow,  selfish,  low  object  the  Navy  and  the 
country  are  sacrificed. 

March  8,  Thursday.  Myers  of  Philadelphia  had  a  long 
conversation  with  me  in  regard  to  the  "admission"  of  Ten- 
nessee. I  told  him,  as  I  have  others,  that  Tennessee  had 
been  admitted  more  than  seventy  years  ago.  Well,  he  said, 
he  did  not  mean  admission,  but  to  permit  her  to  send  Repre- 
sentatives. I  told  him  he  did  mean  admission  and  nothing 
else,  and  that  permission  to  send  Representatives  was  quite 
as  offensive  as  his  first  position.  The  Constitution  secured 
her  that  right  when  the  State  was  admitted  and  made  part 
of  the  Union,  and  Congress  could  neither  deprive  nor  grant 
her  the  privilege  of  representation.  Much  more  of  like 
tendency  passed  between  us  —  pleasantly.  He  expects  to 
make  a  speech  on  the  subject. 

Governor  Dennison  called  this  evening  to  see  whether 
he,  McCulloch,  and  myself  had  not  best  consult  with  the 
President  in  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  Republican  Party 
and  endeavor  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  with  the  fac- 
tious majority  in  Congress.  I  told  him  I  could  see  no  bene- 
fit that  would  result  from  such  an  effort;  that  the  Presid- 
ent's policy  was  well  defined;  that  when  Congress  assem- 
bled, the  Members  well  understood  that  policy,  and  that 
they,  the  Radicals,  had  promptly  organized  to  oppose  and 
defeat  it ;  that  this  hostility  or  antagonism  had  gone  forward 


GIDEON  WELLES 


1866]        TALK  WITH   SENATOR  GRIMES         447 

for  three  months,  Congress  doing  nothing,  accomplishing 
nothing  towards  a  restoration  of  the  Union,  but  on  the 
contrary  had  devoted  its  time  and  energies  to  prevent  it. 
What,  I  asked  him,  could  the  President  do  under  these 
circumstances?  He  cannot  abandon  his  honest,  rightful 
convictions,  and  to  approach  or  attempt  to  approach  these 
Radical  leaders  in  their  present  state  of  mind  would  be 
misconstrued  and  retard  rather  than  promote  the  work. 
The  Republican  Party  had  evidently  about  accomplished 
its  mission.  Slavery  was  abolished  and  the  Rebellion  sup- 
pressed. Perhaps  it  would  result  beneficially  to  take  a  new 
departure.  He  appeared  to  acquiesce  in  my  suggestions. 

March  9,  Friday.  Senator  Grimes,  after  an  interview 
this  A.M.  on  naval  matters,  got  on  to  the  subject  of  our 
public  affairs  generally,  and  particularly  the  differences 
between  the  President  and  the  party  in  Congress.  He  dis- 
claims Stevens  and  Sumner,  and  spoke  of  each  in  severe 
and  denunciatory  terms,  —  the  former  as  a  pretty  un- 
scrupulous old  fellow,  unfit  to  lead  any  party,  Sumner  as 
a  cold-blooded,  selfish,  dangerous  man.  When  I  spoke  of 
him  as  honest  but  theoretical  and  yet,  I  believe,  truthful, 
Grimes  was  disinclined  to  award  him  these  traits,  and  I  per- 
ceive has  a  strong  prejudice  —  perhaps  I  should  better 
define  it  by  saying  hate  —  of  the  Massachusetts  Senator, 
who,  though  a  student  learned  in  books,  Grimes  asserts  is 
not  a  statesman  or  wise  legislator. 

With  very  respectable  talents,  Grimes  is  of  a  suspicious 
and  somewhat  jealous  nature,  inclining  to  be  misanthropic. 
He  must  be  classed  as  of  the  Radical  school,  but  recognizes 
no  Radical  leader,  has  no  respect  for  them;  abhors  Stevens 
as  a  debauchee  in  morals  and  politics.  He  is  intimate  with 
Fessenden,  who  is  dyspeptic  and  has  similar  traits,  and  the 
two  hunt  in  couples.  They  were  both  former  admirers  of 
Seward,  but  now  and  for  some  time  past  they  dislike  him, 
think  his  influence  on  Johnson  pernicious. 

When  I  saw  during  the  fall  that  the  extremists  were 


448          DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [MARCH  9 

gathering  up  their  strength  against  the  President,  it  was  a 
question  with  me  how  these  two  Senators  would  go.  Their 
natural  tendency  would,  I  knew,  incline  them  to  the  oppo- 
sition. They  are  both  intense  on  the  negro.  But  neither  of 
them  liked  Sumner  or  Stevens,  who  were  in  the  extreme 
advance.  The  President  was  originally  of  a  different  school 
of  politics,  and  there  is  not,  therefore,  that  intimacy  between 
them  which  begets  zeal,  but  during  the  War  they  have 
been  bound  by  a  common  interest.  They  had  no  personal 
opposition  to  the  President  and,  I  think,  no  feeling  against 
him  except  that  which  minds  like  theirs  would  have  against 
the  elevation  above  them  of  an  old  associate  Senator  whom 
they  had  regarded  as  an  equal  rather  than  a  superior. 
Though  differing  with  him  in  fundamental  principles  of  our 
government,  they  respected  his  honesty. 

Grimes  says  he  came  here  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  session  kindly  disposed  to  the  President  and  not 
very  hostile  to  his  policy.  But  he  soon  found  that  certain 
obnoxious  Democrats  had  free  access  to  the  White  House, 
and  that  pardoned  Rebels  hung  around  there.  He  was  not 
satisfied  with  this  state  of  things,  and  spoke  of  it,  and  was 
asked  why  he  and  others  remained  away.  Soon  after  he 
was  invited  to  breakfast  with  the  President,  and  spent  two 
hours  with  him  discussing  all  subjects  in  full  and  most 
satisfactorily.  Allusion  was  made  to  Fessenden,  and  he 
expressed  a  wish  that  the  two  should  come  together  and 
interchange  opinions.  The  President  requested  him  to 
speak  to  Fessenden  and  invite  an  interview.  As  the  next 
day  was  Sunday,  Grimes  inquired  if  it  would  be  agreeable 
for  the  President  to  see  him  on  the  Sabbath.  The  Pre- 
sident assented,  and  F.  spent  several  hours  most  satisfact- 
orily at  the  White  House  and  went  over  general  measures 
now  prominent. 

On  the  following  day  appeared  the  celebrated  letter  of 
"a  conversation  of  the  President  with  a  distinguished 
Senator."  Grimes  says  on  reading  it  he  asked  Fessenden 
if  that  was  his  conversation.  F.  after  reading  the  letter  said 


1866]        TALK  WITH  SENATOR  GRIMES         449 

he  had  had  no  such  conversation,  and  they  soon  ascertained 
that  Dixon  was  the  Senator.  The  two,  finding  that  they 
were  not  the  only  confidants  of  the  President,  thereupon 
left  him,  and  allied  themselves  to  the  Radicals.  They  had 
ascertained  that  the  President  conversed  freely  with  others, 
was  not  likely  to  commit  himself  to  their  keeping  exclus- 
ively, and  therefore  should  have  their  opposition  or  at  all 
events  could  not  rely  on  their  support. 

I  inquired  of  Grimes  what  there  was  offensive  in  the  let- 
ter, or  the  President's  policy,  or  wherein  he  was  inconsist- 
ent; said  that  doubtless  many,  who,  like  him  and  Fessen- 
den,  had  peculiar  views  of  their  own,  had  called  on  the 
President  and  he  had  frankly  conversed  with  each  of  them, 
notwithstanding  their  different  shades  of  opinion,  and 
each,  perhaps,  had  construed  the  friendly  courtesy  and 
kindly  greeting  as  favoring  his  tenet,  while  the  aim  had 
been  to  commit  himself  to  none,  but  to  be  friendly  and  con- 
ciliatory with  all. 

I  asked  Grimes  where  all  this  was  to  end;  what  we  were 
to  expect  when  Members  of  Congress  made  it  a  point  to  dis- 
agree, organized  a  joint  committee  of  the  two  houses  to  get 
round  constitutional  difficulty,  which  committee  was  to 
establish  a  policy  for  Congress  and  the  country,  arrogated 
to  itself  and  stimulated  Congress  to  arrogate  or  usurp 
executive  powers,  were  passing  declaratory  resolutions 
which  had  no  force,  but  were  designed  to  irritate  and  be 
offensive,  with  other  extraordinary  proceedings.  I  told 
him  the  country  had  a  present  and  a  future  before  it,  and  its 
fate  was  to  some  extent  in  the  hands  of  men  in  responsible 
positions  and  for  which  they  were  accountable.  The  coun- 
try, I  said,  appeared  to  me  to  be  in  peril;  that  we  must 
either  reunite  or  diverge  still  farther  soon.  We  cannot 
remain  inactive,  must  either  advance  or  recede. 

I  could  perceive  he  was  disturbed,  but  soon  remarked 
that  the  Southern  people  were  a  damned  set  of  traitors,  as 
bad  now  as  at  any  time  during  the  Rebellion,  and  he  had 
no  confidence  in  them. 


450  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MAECH  9 

I  admitted  they  were  bad,  malignant,  foolish  to  a  great 
extent,  but  asked  when  they  would  be  better,  and  if  no 
better,  were  we  to  be  forever  a  disunited  country.  Their 
indebtedness  in  various  forms  under  their  sham  organiza- 
tion could  not  be  less  than  twenty-five  hundred  millions; 
the  property  in  slaves  which  was  extinguished  by  emanci- 
pation could  not  be  less  than  twenty-five  hundred  millions 
more;  other  individual  losses  were  immense.  To  all  this 
they  were  compelled  to  submit,  and  besides  this  they  were 
to  pay  then-  proportion  of  our  debt  incurred  in  whipping 
them.  Now  was  it  strange  that  they  were  sore  and  com- 
plaining, and  were  we  doing  right  in  excluding  them  from 
all  participation  in  the  government,  to  which  they  were 
entitled  under  the  Constitution?  We  must  adopt  concilia- 
tory measures  or  national  calamities  would  soon  be  upon 
us,  and  we  ought  not  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  facts. 

He  admitted  something  must  be  done,  but  said  that  he 
had  confidence  that  all  would  come  right.  He  guessed  we 
were  nearer  now  than  some  apprehended.  This  he  said 
with  a  smile  and  manner  that  impressed  me  as  coming 
from  one  who  thinks  he  and  his  associates  have  the  reins  in 
their  hands  and  intend  to  guide  the  government  car  safely. 
But  the  subject  should  not  be  trifled  with. 

McCulloch  inquired  of  Stanton  if  he  had  reached  a  solu- 
tion of  the  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  oath.  Stanton  replied 
that  he  had  given  it  considerable  thought  and  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  it  would  be  best  for  McCulloch  to  prepare 
a  letter  setting  forth  the  difficulties  of  the  case.  This  letter, 
I  remarked,  had  better  be  addressed  to  the  President. 
Stanton  did  not  respond  favorably  to  this  suggestion.  He 
thought  it  would  do  as  well  to  send  it  to  one  of  the  commit- 
tee. This  was  also  Harlan's  view.  Dennison  took  very 
decided  ground  with  me. 

The  rumors  that  the  Fenians  had  seized  Navy  Island 
and  that  ten  thousand  volunteers  had  been  called  out  by  the 
Canadian  authorities  were  current  this  morning.  Seward 
was  unwell  and  not  at  the  Cabinet-meeting.  The  British 


1866]  THE  FENIAN  SITUATION  451 

and  Canadian  Governments  were  each  much  excited.  The 
last  arrival  brings  information  that  the  habeas  carpus  is  sus- 
pended in  Ireland  and  the  propriety  of  some  governmental 
action  here  was  discussed. 

Stanton  thought  a  proclamation  should  be  issued  and 
decisive  measures  taken,  as  was  done  by  Van  Buren  in  his 
day.  Regretted  Seward  was  not  present,  for  we  knew  not 
what  appeals  had  been  made  by  the  British  Government. 
The  propriety  of  taking  some  action  was  generally  con- 
curred in,  and  Stanton  rather  pressed  it.  I  proposed  that 
General  Grant  should  be  consulted,  sent  to  the  frontiers, 
and  perhaps  it  would  be  well  to  address  a  communication 
on  the  subject  which  would  form  the  basis  of  government 
action.  Stanton  could  see  no  necessity  for  bringing  Grant 
out;  a  proclamation  from  the  President  to  put  down  these 
Fenian  organizations  was  what  was  required.  I  assented, 
but  stated  that  the  occasion  and  condition  of  the  country 
and  of  our  public  affairs  were  such  that  I  thought  it  would 
be  wise  to  have  the  public  authorities  fully  heard,  and  all 
of  them.  The  Irish  element,  I  stated,  was  a  strong  one  and 
clannish,  and  if  a  movement  against  an  organization  of 
theirs  was  to  be  made,  I  wished  to  see  others  besides  the 
President  moving,  and  especially  did  I  desire,  under  exist- 
ing circumstances,  when  the  militia  might  be  called  to  act, 
that  General  Grant  should  be  consulted.  Harlan  thought 
a  circular  from  the  Attorney-General  exhorting  vigilance 
on  the  part  of  attorneys  and  marshals  would  be  sufficient; 
the  circular  could  be  got  into  print.  While  I  did  not  object 
to  that  process,  I  expressed  my  conviction  that  it  would  be 
wise  to  have  General  Grant  identified  with  the  Adminis- 
tration in  these  movements.  Dennison  and  McCulloch 
concurred  with  me. 

After  the  others  left,  the  President  expressed  his  satisfac- 
tion with  the  direction  I  had  indicated  and  the  bearing  it 
seemed  to  have  on  others. 

March  10,  Saturday.  Thad  Stevens  has  to-day  made  a 


452  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  10 

blackguard  arid  disreputable  speech  in  the  House.  Begin- 
ning with  the  false  assertion  that  the  speech  was  prepared 
two  months  ago,  and  continuing  with  the  equally  false 
assurance  that  an  interlude,  or  byplay,  which  was  intro- 
duced was  unpremeditated,  this  wretched  old  man  dis- 
played more  strongly  than  in  his  speech  those  bad  traits 
of  dissimulation,  insincerity,  falsehood,  scandal-loving, 
and  defamation  that  have  characterized  his  long  life. 
The  Radical  managers  and  leaders  were  cognizant  of  his 
speech,  and  had  generally  encouraged  it,  but  I  shall  be  dis- 
appointed if  they  do  not  wish  the  vain  old  man  had  been 
silent  before  many  months.  Such  disgraceful  exhibitions 
can  do  the  author  and  his  associates  no  good,  nor  those 
whom  he  assails  enduring  harm.  The  people  may  not  in  the 
first  excitement  and  under  the  discipline  of  party  be  enabled 
to  judge  of  the  conspirators  correctly  who  are  striving  to 
divide  the  Union,  not  by  secession  but  by  exclusion.  It  is 
clearly  a  conspiracy,  though  not  avowed. 

March  13,  Tuesday.  Had  a  call  this  evening  from  Mr. 
English,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  in  Con- 
necticut. He  is  very  decidedly,  and  I  think  sincerely,  in 
favor  of  the  President's  policy.  With  General  Hawley,  who 
is  the  Administration  candidate,  I  am  more  intimate,  and 
for  him  I  personally  feel  special  regard,  yet  such  is  the 
strange  mixture  of  parties  that  his  election  would  be  hailed 
as  a  triumph  by  the  opponents  of  the  Administration.  I  am 
much  embarrassed  by  this  state  of  things.  I  believe  Haw- 
ley  intends  to  support  the  President,  yet,  tainted  by  party, 
he  also  aims  to  support  Congress  in  its  differences  with  the 
Executive.  He  will  rind  it  difficult  to  reconcile  the  two, 
and  if  compelled  to  make  an  election  he  would  be  more 
likely  at  the  present  moment  to  go  wrong,  I  fear,  than 
right. 

Mr.  English  desired  an  introduction  to  the  President, 
whom  he  wishes  to  see  concerning  some  person  who  is 
imprisoned  in  Tennessee,  and  is  acting  in  concert  with 


1866]  THE  TEST  OATH      .  453 

a  Mr.  Fleming,  whom,  with  his  beautiful  wife,  I  met  this 
evening  at  the  President's  house. 

Seward  was  not  at  the  Cabinet  to-day.  I  brought  for- 
ward the  subject  of  the  test  oath,  and  McCulloch  says  he 
has  prepared  a  letter  which  he  will  show  me.  Dennison  is 
to  prepare  one  also. 

On  the  subject  of  the  Fenians  there  was  less  inclination 
to  converse,  but  the  subject  was  referred  to  the  Attorney- 
General  to  send  circulars  to  the  District  Attorneys,  etc.  I 
suggested  that  the  Administration  should  show  a  solid 
front,  and,  therefore,  General  Grant  should  send  a  com- 
munication. To  this  Stanton  demurred.  It  would  neces- 
sarily come  through  his  Department,  and  he  would  be 
openly  committed. 

March  14,  Wednesday.  Secretary  McCulloch  sent  me  his 
letter  this  morning  on  the  subject  of  the  test  oath,  to  read 
and  criticize.  It  is  in  the  main  very  well  done.  I  would 
have  proposed  some  alterations,  but,  on  making  one  or  two 
suggestions  as  feelers,  I  perceived  he  had  the  usual  sens- 
itiveness in  regard  to  his  own  production  and,  therefore, 
desisted.  My  course  differs  from  his  in  this  respect,  for  in 
public  communications  I  want  criticism  from  friends  until 
the  document  is  signed  and  has  gone  from  me. 

I  called  upon  him  with  the  paper,  and  we  had  a  talk  on 
subjects  generally.  The  communication  of  Clarke,  Comp- 
troller of  the  Currency,  was  printed  this  A.M.  in  the  Intel- 
ligencer. It  is  a  piece  of  impertinence  and  insubordination 
which  deserves  rebuke,  prompt  and  summary.  I  advised 
McCulloch  to  have  his  scalp  off  before  sundown.  He  is 
more  forbearing;  says  that  is  what  Clarke  wishes. 

March  16,  Friday.  A  quiet  Cabinet-meeting  with  no- 
thing of  interest  discussed.  Dennison  read  his  communica- 
tion on  the  test  oath.  It  is  less  vigorous  and  pertinent  than 
McCulloch' s,  but  will  do  as  a  backer.  McCulloch  showed 
me  a  letter  from  Henry  Ward  Beecher  to  Defrees  in  which 


454  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  .WELLES  [MARCH ie 

it  is  said  that  the  postmaster  at  Brooklyn  (Lincoln)  in- 
formed him  (Beecher)  that  Senator  Pomeroy  had  author- 
ized and  requested  him  (L.)  to  inform  B.  that  he  (P.)  called 
at  the  White  House  a  week  since,  and  found  the  President, 
his  son,  and  son-in-law  all  drunk  and  unfit  for  business, 
that  the  President  kept  a  mistress  at  the  White  House,  etc. 
I  advised  that  these  slanders  should  be  told  the  President 
in  order  that  he  might  be  aware  of  the  character  of  the 
scandals  circulated. 

By  appointment  McCulloch,  Dennison,  and  myself 
agreed  to  meet  the  President  this  evening  at  seven.  At  that 
hour  McCulloch  and  I  came  together  near  Dennison' s  door 
and  went  in.  Soon  after  Speed  and  his  wife  were  an- 
nounced. D.  went  in  to  them  with  an  understanding  that 
he  would  join  us  at  the  White  House.  But  he  failed  to 
do  so. 

Mr.  English  of  Connecticut  was  with  the  President  when 
we  went  in,  but  left  almost  immediately.  The  President 
expressed  himself  pleased  with  English,  and  dissatisfied 
with  something  which  Hawley  had  said,  —  some  answers 
to  inquiries,  as  I  understood.  McCulloch  remarked  that  it 
would  not  do  for  us  to  disconnect  ourselves  from  the  War 
Party,  even  if  some  had  got  astray,  for  every  loyal  house- 
hold had  its  representative  in  the  army,  and  the  feeling 
was  strong  in  their  favor. 

The  letter  on  the  test  oath  McC.  read  to  us.  I  suggested 
a  single  alteration  which  I  mentioned  before,  calling  the 
Southerners  "our  rebellious  countrymen"  instead  of  a 
' '  hostile  people . ' '  The  President  approved  the  suggestion, 
and  McCulloch  came  into  it.  Some  other  alterations, 
chiefly  verbal,  suggested  themselves,  but,  witnessing  the 
sensitiveness  of  McC.,  I  did  not  mention  them. 

March  17,  Saturday.  This  being  St.  Patrick's  Day,  con- 
siderable apprehensions  were  entertained  by  the  English- 
men here  that  there  would  be  more  active  demonstration 
by  the  Fenians.  Sir  Frederick  Bruce  did  not  hesitate  to  say 


1866]        THE   CONNECTICUT  CAMPAIGN        455 

to  me  on  Thursday  evening  at  the  Marquis  Montholon's 
party  when  I  met  him,  that  he  had  great  anxiety  and 
should  feel  relieved  after  Saturday.  But  the  day  has  passed 
off  peaceably.  We  have  had  no  telegraphs  of  riot  or  dis- 
order on  the  frontier  or  in  Canada.  There  is  less  disturb- 
ance in  our  own  country  than  is  usual  on  this  anniversary. 

By  special  invitation  from  Secretary  Seward  himself,  I 
went  this  evening  to  meet  a  Belgian  delegation  at  his  house. 
Mrs.  Welles  and  Edgar  went  with  me.  McCulloch,  Denni- 
son,  and  Speed  were  similarly  invited,  as  were  others.  I 
found  we  were  after-dinner  guests,  appendages  to  the  spe- 
cial party,  called  in  to  set  off  the  Secretary's  party.  The 
evening  was  cold,  fires  low  or  out,  and  though  the  persons 
assembled  put  on  the  best  face,  it  was  an  uncomfortable 
affair,  and  I  for  one  in  no  very  good  humor,  believing  I  had 
been  uselessly  put  to  inconvenience  without  cause. 

Am  having  sharp  questions  and  importunities  in  regard 
to  the  Connecticut  election,  and  do  not  choose  to  answer 
them  or  to  be  mixed  up  in  the  contest,  which  has  been 
badly  shaped.  The  fault  is  as  much  here  in  Washington  as 
elsewhere.  Foreseeing  the  issues  which  the  Radicals  in 
Congress  were  forming,  I  suggested  near  the  commence- 
ment of  the  session  to  the  President,  that  unless  the  lines 
were  sharply  drawn,  they  would  have  him  at  disadvantage. 
We  now  see  it  in  the  result  in  New  Hampshire,  and  similar 
consequences  may  be  expected  in  Connecticut.  General 
Hawley's  sympathies  and  feelings  are  with  the  Radicals 
in  the  differences  between  the  President  and  Congress,  or 
rather  with  Congress  than  the  President.  English,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  wholly  with  the  President,  and  totally,  earn- 
estly opposed  to  the  Congressional  policy.  The  election  of 
English  would  secure  a  friend  to  the  President,  but  English 
and  those  who  support  him  opposed  his  (the  President's) 
election  and  most  of  them  opposed  the  War.  Hawley, 
while  not  in  full  accord  with  the  President  on  present  ques- 
tions, and  I  am  afraid  not  on  the  rights  of  the  States,  sup- 
ported his  election,  and  was  an  earnest  soldier  from  the 


456  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES 

beginning  of  the  War  until  the  whole  Rebel  for 
dered  and  dispersed.  While  I  think  well  of  both  c 
I  have  a  particular  personal  regard  for  Hawl© 
well  as  intimate  party  relations  in  the  past. 

The  President  and  very  many  of  his  friends 
pleased  to  have  English  succeed.  But  they  do  nx 
hend  the  whole  circumstances,  personal  and  po 
they  cannot  know  them.  It  is  not  a  personal  ques 
organization  is  a  revival  of  ante- War  difference: 
menced  and  has  gone  on  under  the  old  party  t> 
stand  for  the  Administration  should  have  been, 
autumn,  but  the  nominations  from  Governor  c 
been  made  by  parties  as  organized  years  ago.  It> 
to  change  front,  or  get  up  a  new  arrangement 
issue  should  have  commenced  last  December,  an 
sident  himself  should  have  led  in  the  fight  by  a/ 
the  policy  of  his  Administration  and  rallying  his 
its  support.  He  would  have  had  the  State,  tih. 
and  Congress  with  him,  but  he  hesitated,  was  re 
encounter  those  who  elected  him,  and  then  posl 
long  for  us  to  begin  in  Connecticut,  for  this  elec 
place  in  three  weeks. 

As  things  are,  I  cannot  take  an  active  part  ir 
test.  Were  Hawley  more  emphatic  and  unequivc 
the  President,  I  should  enter  earnestly,  heartily 
struggle,  although  I  did  not  advise  his  nominatic 
it  to  be  made.  I  think,  when  elected,  he  will  gl"1 
ministration  fair  support,  but  he  is  an  ardent  pj 
doubt  on  the  subject  of  his  course  paralyzes  rn; 
efforts.  I  am  unwilling  to  believe  that  Hawley  d 

March  19,  Monday.  Allen  of  the  Intelligencer  c 
me  to-day  in  reference  to  the  Connecticut  elec -I 
it  is  stated  in  the  papers  that  I  have  written  letl 
Hawley's  election,  yet  Hawley  is  making  speech 
the  President.  Told  him  I  had  written  no  let-* 
purport  indicated,  had  purposely  abstained  anc 


1866]        THE   CONNECTICUT  CAMPAIGN        457 

to.  Asked  what  statements  and  what  papers  he  referred  to, 
and  doubted  if  Hawley  had  made  speeches  in  opposition 
to  the  Administration.  It  would  not  be  politic  for  him  to 
do  so.  That  English  is  in  favor  of  the  President's  policy 
as  distinguished  from  that  of  Stevens  or  Congress,  is  true. 
The  Republicans  of  Connecticut  thought  they  did  a  shrewd 
thing  in  passing  one  resolution  in  favor  of  the  President 
and  another  in  favor  of  Congress.  This  inconsistency, 
equivocation,  or  contradiction  is  now  troublesome. 

March  20,  Tuesday.  Little  of  interest  at  the  Cabinet- 
meeting.  After  the  others  had  left  had  a  free  talk  with  the 
President.  He  thinks,  in  view  of  the  feeling  manifested  by 
Congress  and  the  favorable  reception  of  Stewart's  resolu- 
tions for  general  amnesty,  it  will  be  well  to  delay  the  case 
of  Semmes. 

I  read  to  him  a  letter  received  from  General  Hawley  in 
regard  to  the  election  in  Connecticut,  and  a  letter  from  my- 
self to  Crofut,  stating  my  views  on  present  questions,  and, 
believing  General  H.  concurred  in  them,  I  wished  him 
success,  but  not  if  he  was  opposed  to  them  and  the  Admin- 
istration. 

The  President  approved  my  letter.  Said  Mr.  English 
appeared  to  be  a  gentleman  of  character  and  friendly. 
Asked  what  had  been  his  previous  party  course  and 
whether  I  had  seen  a  series  of  questions  which  were  put  to 
Hawley  and  Hawley's  answer.  I  informed  him  that  Eng- 
lish had  always  been  a  Democrat,  but  patriotic,  gentle- 
manly, and  not  extreme  or  ultra.  Had  given  support  to 
some  important  questions  of  ours  during  the  War.  The 
questions  and  answers  I  had  seen,  but  knew  not  how 
correct. 

March  21,  Wednesday.  Collectors  Babcock  of  New 
Haven  and  Smith  of  Bridgeport  called  on  me  this  morning. 
They  had  just  arrived,  having  come  on  in  relation  to  the 
Connecticut  election.  English  appears  to  have  created  an 


458  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MAECH21 

excitement,  almost  a  panic,  in  regard  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Administration.  There  is  alarm  on  the  part  of  the  gentle- 
men and  doubtless  much  at  home  which  has  impelled  them 
to  come  here.  English  has  represented  to  them  that  he  had 
had  a  long  interview  on  one  or  two  occasions  with  the  Pre- 
sident, and  that  United  States  officers  were  to  be  turned  out 
if  they  voted  for  Hawley.  Babcock  said  three  or  four  in  his 
office  had  their  resignations  ready  and  he  should  tender  his 
if  that  was  exacted.  They  informed  me  that  Cleveland, 
Postmaster  at  Hartford,  had  called,  or  was  to  participate 
in,  a  meeting  favorable  to  English,  and  under  the  excite- 
ment Starkweather  of  Norwich,  Chairman  of  the  State 
Committee  of  the  Republicans,  had  sent  in  his  resignation 
as  Postmaster.  There  is  excitement  and  a  party  panic  in 
that  State,  Both  Babcock  and  Smith  admitted  and  as- 
serted that  these  troubles  had  their  origin  in  the  equivocal, 
ambiguous,  and  inconsequential  resolutions  of  the  Repub- 
lican Convention,  which  spoke  two  voices,  and  made  the 
party  support  antagonistic  positions. 

General  Hawley  and  Mr.  E.  H.  Owen  came  and  spent 
more  than  an  hour  with  me  after  the  interview  with  B.  and 
S.  They  had  come  to  Washington  impelled  by  the  same 
causes  as  those  of  the  other  two  gentlemen,  but  without 
preconcert.  Much  the  same  ground  was  reviewed  and  the 
same  arguments  used,  and  I  told  them  their  difficulties 
were  the  results  in  a  great  measure  of  the  inconsistent  atti- 
tude of  the  convention  in  indorsing  both  the  President 
and  the  Radical  majority  in  Congress,  who  were  in  direct 
antagonism;  that  no  man  could  support  the  two  honestly. 

Hawley  two  or  three  times  expressed  a  wish  that  I  would 
write  a  letter  indorsing  him.  This,  had  the  issue  been  direct 
and  fair,  I  could  have  done  cheerfully,  but  I  asked  him 
what  I  could  say.  I  was  a  supporter  of  the  measures  of  the 
policy  of  the  Administration;  these  measures  and  that 
policy  had  my  earnest  approval;  I  was  advising  to  them, 
was  identified  with  them.  Of  course  I  desired  their  success. 
If  I  knew  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  Administration  policy 


1866]     A  CALL  FROM  GENERAL  HAWLEY     459 

and  opposed  to  the  schemes  of  the  Radicals  who  would 
defeat  it,  I  could  say  something  definite  and  positive,  but 
unless  that  were  the  case  I  could  do  him  no  good.  As 
things  were,  I  should  be  compelled,  while  expressing  my 
personal  regard  and  belief  that  he  would,  if  elected,  be  in 
accord  with  the  Administration,  [to  say]  that  my  under- 
standing of  his  position  was  that  his  views  coincided  with 
those  of  the  President,  and  particularly  that  he  favored  the 
early  reestablishment  of  the  Union  and  of  the  Government 
in  all  its  departments,  that  he  recognized  the  rights  of  each 
and  all  of  the  States,  was  for  the  admission  of  loyal  Sen- 
ators and  Representatives  promptly,  was  against  sectional 
division  and  the  exclusion  of  any  of  the  States.  Both 
Hawley  and  Owen  gave  a  hesitating  but  full  assent  at  first; 
but  Hawley  thought  the  word  confidence  or  belief  would  be 
better  than  understanding.  Owen  concurred,  yet  all  of  us 
saw  the  embarrassment,  and  I  expressed  again  my  doubts 
whether  I  could  give  any  letter  or  written  statement  as 
things  were  without  accompanying  it  with  qualifications 
which  would  destroy  its  effect. 

They  left  me  at  1  P.M.  to  meet  Senator  Foster,  who  was 
to  accompany  them  to  the  President,  and  they  were  to 
see  me  after  the  interview,  which  lasted  over  two  hours. 
They  expressed  themselves  satisfied  with  the  views  of  the 
President  and  his  course  in  regard  to  the  election,  his  ob- 
ject being  to  sustain  his  own  measures  and  policy  and  his 
preference  being  for  those  candidates  of  his  own  party  who 
occupy  that  position.  He  had  given  Mr.  English  no  letter 
and  did  not  intend  to  take  part  with  any  candidates  in  a 
merely  local  election. 

Hawley  wished  to  know  if  I  had  read  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill  and  whether  I  thought  the  President  would  veto  it.  I 
told  him  I  had  been  through  the  bill,  but  had  exchanged 
no  opinions  regarding  it;  that  I  thought  it  very  centralizing 
and  objectionable,  and  my  impressions  were  the  President 
would  disapprove  of  it,  though  very  reluctant  to  have 
further  difficulty  with  Congress. 


460  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  21 

They  left,  I  thought,  better  satisfied  with  the  President 
than  I  was  with  the  course  of  the  Republicans  in  Connec- 
ticut. 

In  yesterday's  Intelligencer  was  a  leading  editorial  arti- 
cle in  relation  to  myself  and  my  position.  The  editor  had 
called  on  me  the  preceding  evening,  and  we  had  a  conver- 
sation in  relation  to  public  affairs,  the  substance  of  which 
he  has  incorporated  in  his  article.  What  he  says  regarding 
my  course  or  stand  in  the  Connecticut  election  is  a  little 
stronger  than  the  actual  conversation  will  warrant.  I  de- 
clined giving  any  letter  or  authorization  of  the  use  of  my 
name,  and  informed  him  I  did  not  wish  to  become  mixed 
up  with  the  election,  which  was  in  many  respects  unpleas- 
ant to  me,  in  consequence  of  the  ambiguous  and  equivocal 
course  of  the  Republican  Convention.  An  honest,  open, 
fair  expression  of  views  on  their  part  would  have  left  me 
free  to  approve  or  condemn. 

March  22,  Thursday.  Messrs.  Babcock  and  Smith  called 
this  morning  with  a  written  statement  correcting  the 
Chronicle,  which  they  proposed  to  present  that  paper  for 
publication.  I  concurred  in  the  propriety  of  their  course. 
Both  gentlemen  expressed  themselves  highly  pleased  with 
their  interview  with  the  President  and  with  other  friends 
in  Washington. 

March  23,  Friday.  Special  notice  from  the  President 
that  there  would  be  no  Cabinet-meeting.  Called  upon  him 
this  P.M.  and  gave  him,  generally,  my  views  in  regard  to 
what  is  called  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  which,  if  approved  by 
him,  must  lead  to  the  overthrow  of  his  Administration  as 
well  as  that  of  this  mischievous  Congress  which  has  passed 
it.  The  principles  of  that  bill,  if  carried  into  effect,  must 
subvert  the  government.  It  is  consolidation  solidified, 
breaks  down  all  barriers  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  States, 


1866]       THE   CONNECTICUT  SITUATION         461 

between  the  States  and  citizens  and  between  citizens  of  the 
same  State.  No  bill  of  so  contradictory  and  consolidating  a 
character  has  ever  been  enacted.  The  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws  were  not  so  objectionable.  I  did  not  inquire  of  the 
President  what  would  be  his  course  in  regard  to  the  bill, 
but  we  did  not  disagree  in  opinion  on  its  merits,  and  he 
cannot  give  it  his  sanction,  although  it  is  unpleasant  to  him 
to  have  these  differences  with  Congress. 

He  tells  me  that  Senator  Pomeroy  disavows  having 
stated  that  he  saw  the  President  drunk  at  the  White 
House,  but  says  he  (Pomeroy)  wrote  Lincoln,  the  Post- 
master at  Brooklyn,  that  he  saw  Robert,  the  President's 
son,  in  liquor,  and  he  thought  the  same  of  his  son-in-law, 
Senator  Patterson. 

March  24,  Saturday.  The  Intelligencer  of  this  morning 
contains  an  adroit  letter  from  Cleveland,  the  Hartford 
Postmaster,  stating  that  he  is  openly  supporting  English 
for  Governor,  who  is  in  favor  of  the  measures,  policy,  veto, 
and  speech  of  the  President,  and  that  he  is  opposing  Haw- 
ley,  who  is  opposed  to  them,  and  tendering  his  resignation 
if  his  course  is  disapproved.  On  this  letter  the  President 
indorsed  that  his  (C.'s)  action  in  sustaining  his  (the  Pre- 
sident's) measures  and  policy  is  approved  and  the  resigna- 
tion is,  therefore,  not  accepted. 

This  correspondence  will  be  misconstrued  and  misunder- 
stood, I  have  no  doubt.  The  Democrats  will  claim  that  it 
is  a  committal  for  English,  and  the  Republicans  will  acqui- 
esce to  some  extent.  Yet  the  disposition  of  the  subject  is 
highly  creditable  to  the  sagacity  and  tact  of  the  President. 
I  regret  that  he  did  not  earlier  and  in  some  more  conspicu- 
ous case  take  action. 

I  do  not  like  the  shape  things  are  taking  in  Connecticut, 
and  to  some  extent  the  position  of  the  President  is  and  will 
be  misunderstood.  He  is,  I  think,  not  satisfied  with  the 
somewhat  equivocal  position  of  Hawley,  and  would  now 
prefer  that  English  should  be  the  Union  candidate.  Herein 


462  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MAKCH24 

he  errs,  as  things  are  situated,  for  most  of  his  friends  are 
supporting  Hawley  and  some  of  his  bitterest  opponents 
are  supporting  English.  He  should  soon  draw  the  line  of 
demarcation.  In  the  break-up  of  parties  which  I  think  is 
now  upon  us,  not  unlikely  Hawley  will  plunge  into  central- 
ism, for  thither  go  almost  all  Radicals,  including  his  old 
Abolition  associates.  The  causes  or  circumstances  which 
take  him  there  will  be  likely  to  bring  English  into  the 
President's  support.  Nevertheless,  under  the  existing  state 
of  things,  I  should,  unless  something  farther  occurs  between 
this  and  election,  probably,  on  personal  grounds,  prefer 
Hawley.  It  is  too  late  to  effect  a  change  of  front  with 
parties. 

Senator  Sumner  came  this  P.M.  as  usual  on  Saturdays. 
He  doubts  the  correctness  of  taking  naval  vessels  for  the 
French  Exhibition.  Grimes,  with  whom  I  have  had  some 
conversation,  has  contributed  to  Sumner Js  doubts.  It  is 
certainly  a  strange  proceeding  to  require  or  expect  the 
Navy  to  furnish  four  vessels  with  their  crews  for  this  carry- 
ing service  without  any  appropriation  of  funds  for  that 
object.  It  is  not  a  naval  matter,  enters  not  into  our  esti- 
mates, and  we  have  no  suitable  vessels.  The  House  is  very 
loose  and  reckless,  however,  in  its  proceedings,  and  ap- 
pears to  be  careless  of  current  legislation.  Specific  appro- 
priations they  would  misapply,  and  are,  in  fact,  pressing 
and  insisting  that  I  shall  divert  funds  appropriated  by  law 
for  one  purpose  to  another  and  different  purpose.  But  this 
was  not  Sumner's  trouble.  He  thought  it  bad  economy,  as 
it  undoubtedly  is.  I  said  to  him  that  if  I  was  called  to  do 
this  transportation  without  instructions,  I  would,  as  a 
matter  of  economy,  sooner  charter  merchant  ships  than 
dismantle  and  attempt  to  convert  and  use  naval  vessels 
for  the  purpose. 

I  learn  in  confidence  from  Sumner  that  dispatches  from 
our  legation  in  France  have  reached  the  State  Department 
which  have  not  been  brought  before  the  Cabinet.  Louis 
Napoleon  has  quarreled  with  his  cousin,  who  was  president 


1866]     THE  CIVIL  RIGHTS  BILL  VETOED      463 

of  the  commission  of  savants,  and  he  has  left  Paris  and 
resigned  the  presidency.  Napoleon  has  appointed  in  his 
place,  as  president  of  the  World's  Congress  of  wise  men 
and  inventors,  his  son,  now  some  eight  or  ten  years  of  age. 
This  Sumner  thinks  an  insult  or  worse,  and  is  disposed  to 
give  the  whole  thing  a  rebuff.  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  him, 
but  he  will  not  attempt  to  move  without  first  consulting 
Seward,  and  that  gentleman  has  his  heart  so  much  in  the 
interest  of  France,  his  friends  are  so  engaged  in  the  Exhibi- 
tion, that  he  has  held  back  this  information  and  will  set 
himself  earnestly  at  work  to  overpersuade  Sumner,  who,  as 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  has 
seen  the  dispatches.  He  may  succeed.  Sumner  was,  how- 
ever, very  earnest  and  pleased  with  his  own  idea  of  hitting 
Louis  Napoleon  a  blow. 

March  26,  Monday.  Senator  Doolittle  called  at  my 
house  last  evening  on  the  subject  of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill, 
which  it  is  now  well  understood,  outside,  will  meet  an 
Executive  veto.  Doolittle  has  an 'elaborate  bill  of  his 
own  which  he  proposes  to  submit.  Something,  he  thinks, 
must  be  done.  His  bill  is,  perhaps,  somewhat  less  offens- 
ive than  the  one  which  has  been  passed  by  both  houses, 
but  the  whole  thing  is  wrong  and  his  plan  has  the  same 
objectionable  machinery  as  the  other.  I  frankly  told 
him  that  the  kind  of  legislation  proposed,  and  which 
Congress  was  greedy  to  enact,  was  not  in  my  view  cor- 
rect, was  sapping  the  foundation  of  the  government  and 
must  be  calamitous  in  its  results.  We  went  together  to 
Senator  Morgan's  and  talked  over  the  subject  an  hour  or 
more  with  him.  ~ 

The  President  convened  the  Cabinet  this  A.M.  at  ten 
and  read  his  message  returning  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  with 
his  veto.  Before  reading  it  he  desired  the  members  to  ex- 
press their  opinions.  Seward  said  he  had  carefully  studied 
the  bill  and  thought  it  might  be  well  to  pass  a  law  declar- 


fc^rtm-i  ny-v      4- in  f\"V*r\       rt  O  r*l        r"\rA.^"i  f\ 


464  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  26 

questions  raised  on  that  point,  though  there  never  was  a 
doubt  in  his  own  mind.  The  rest  of  the  bill  he  considered 
unconstitutional  in  many  respects,  and  having  the  mis- 
chievous machinery  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  did  not 
help  commend  it. 

McCulloch  waived  remark;  had  not  closely  scrutinized 
the  bill,  and  would  defer  comment  to  Stanton,  merely  re- 
marking that  he  should  be  gratified  if  the  President  could 
see  his  way  clear  to  sign  the  bill. 

Stanton  made  a  long  argument,  showing  that  he  had 
devoted  much  time  to  the  bill.  His  principal  point  was  to 
overcome  the  obnoxious  features  of  the  second  section, 
which  he  thought  should  be  construed  favorably.  He  did 
not  think  judges  and  marshals,  or  sheriffs  and  local  officers 
should  be  fined  and  imprisoned;  did  not  think  it  was  in- 
tended to  apply  to  officers,  but  merely  to  persons.  The  bill 
was  not  such  a  one  as  he  would  have  drawn  or  recom- 
mended, but  he  advised  that  under  the  circumstances  it 
should  be  approved. 

The  President  having  previously  been  put  in  possession 
of  my  views,  I  briefly  remarked  that  my  objections  were 
against  the  whole  design,  purpose,  and  scope  of  the  bill, 
that  it  was  mischievous  and  subversive. 

Mr.  Dennison  thought  that,  though  there  might  be 
some  objection  to  parts,  he,  on  the  whole,  would  advise 
that  the  bill  should  receive  Executive  approval. 

Mr.  Harlan  had  not  closely  read  the  bill,  but  had  met 
difficulties  in  the  second  section,  and  in  one  or  two  others 
which  had  been  measurably  removed  by  Stanton's  argu- 
ment. He  thought  it  very  desirable  that  the  President  and 
Congress  should  act  in  concert  if  possible. 

Speed  was  ill  and  not  present. 

The  Senate  to-day  deprived  Stockton  of  New  Jersey 
of  his  seat.  It  was  a  high-handed,  partisan  proceeding,  in 
which  Sumner,  Fessenden,  Morrill,  and  others  exhibited  a 
spirit  and  feeling  wholly  unworthy  of  then-  official  position. 
While  I  have  no  special  regard  for  Stockton  and  his  party 


1866]      SENATOR   STOCKTON  UNSEATED        465 

in  New  Jersey,  I  am  compelled  to  believe  they  have  in  this 
instance  certainly  been  improperly  treated  and  for  a  fac- 
tious purpose,  and  I  apprehend  that  I  can  never  think  so 
well  of  some  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  conspicuous  in 
this  proceeding.  Had  Stockton  acted  with  Sunmer  and 
Fessenden  against  the  veto,  he  never  would  have  been 
ousted  from  his  seat.  Of  this  I  have  no  doubt  whatever, 
and  I  am  ashamed  to  confess  it,  or  say  it.  I  am  passing  no 
judgment  on  his  election,  for  I  know  not  the  exact  facts, 
but  the  indecent,  unfair,  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  few 
master  spirits  is  most  reprehensible. 

March  27,  Tuesday.  The  proceedings  of  the  Senate, 
though  exciting,  do  not  overshadow  the  interest  felt  in  the 
Connecticut  election.  Although  the  President  strives  to 
be  disinterested  and  indifferent  between  the  candidates  for 
Governor,  I  cannot  be  mistaken  in  the  fact  that  he  inclines 
favorably  to  English.  I  am  sorry  for  this,  because,  his 
friends,  those  who  elected  him,  are  almost  all  of  them  sup- 
porters of  Hawley.  Those  who  voted  for  him,  those  who 
have  stood  by  his  measures  since  called  to  administer  the 
Government  and  are  sincerely  friendly  to  his  policy  are 
committed  to  Hawley  and  the  ticket  which  he  heads.  True, 
Hawley  on  mere  organized  party  grounds  is  himself  in- 
clining to  Congress,  and  I  am  constrained  to  believe  will 
eventually  identify  himself  with  the  centralists.  English 
will  be  the  opposite.  But  these  questions  are  not  made 
controlling  in  this  election,  as  they  should  have  been  at  the 
beginning  of  the  contest. 

March  28,  Wednesday.  The  death  of  Senator  Foot  has 
checked  excitement.  Senators  have  put  off  discussing  the 
veto  till  next  week.  Many  of  them  are  going  to  Connecti- 
cut to  electioneer.  Some  will  accompany  the  remains  of 
the  deceased  Senator  to  Vermont.  In  the  mean  time  Trum- 
bull  will  prepare  himself  to  attack  the  veto  with  all  his 
power.  So  with  others. 
2 


466  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MARCH  29 

March  29,  Thursday.  Attended,  with  the  rest  of  the 
Cabinet,  the  President  to  the  Capitol,  —  the  funeral  of 
Senator  Foot.  Great  interest  was  felt.  He  was  pater 
senatus  and  much  loved  and  respected.  Had  been  twenty- 
three  years  in  Congress. 

He  was  on  the  Naval  Committee  in  the  first  years  of  my 
administration  and  always  a  firm  friend  of  the  Depart- 
ment. This  brought  him  intimate  with  me  and  somewhat  in 
collision  with  J.  P.  Hale,  who  was  Chairman  of  the  Naval 
Committee  and  an  opponent  and  faultfinder,  ending  with 
the  retirement  of  Foot  from  the  Committee,  much  to  my 
regret,  for,  next  to  Grimes,  he  interested  himself  more  in 
naval  matters  than  any  of  his  associates  on  the  Senate 
Committee.  Although  indisposed  to  complain  and  always 
avoiding  censorious  remarks,  he  in  apologizing  for  his 
course  in  retiring  from  the  Committee  stated  that  the 
association  with  the  Chairman  was  unpleasant. 

March  30,  Friday.  Mr.  Seward  brought  up  in  the  Cab- 
inet to-day  the  subject  of  the  purchase  of  the  Danish 
islands  in  the  West  Indies,  particularly  St.  Thomas.  For 
a  year  or  so  the  question  has  been  under  consideration. 
The  Danes  wish  to  sell  and  first  edged  in  the  matter  gently. 
The  Secretary  of  State  did  not  give  the  matter  earnest  at- 
tention, but  the  Navy  Department  in  our  war,  feeling  the 
want  of  a  station  in  the  West  Indies,  has  favored  the  sub- 
ject. My  Report  of  1865  roused  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  he  began  when  the  War  was  over  to  press  the  purchase, 
first  talking  round  about  the  French  islands.  Finally  he 
visited  St.  Thomas  in  a  public  ship.  I  do  not  think  there 
has  been  over-much  shrewdness  in  the  transaction  on  our 
part  as  yet.  It  would  have  been  better  for  Seward  to  have 
remained  away  from  the  islands,  but  should  we  acquire  it 
his  visit  will  undoubtedly  become  historical,  and  it  will  not 
afflict  him,  perhaps,  if  the  country  pays  largely  for  the 
record  of  his  name  and  visit. 

He  proposes  to  offer  ten  millions  for  all  the  Danish 


islands.  I  think  it  a  large  sum.  At  least  double  what  I 
would  have  offered  when  the  islands  were  wanted,  and  three 
times  as  much  as  I  am  willing  the  Government  should 
give  now.  In  fact  I  doubt  if  Congress  would  purchase 
for  three  millions,  and  I  must  see  Seward  and  tell  him  my 
opinion. 

I  again  brought  the  subject  of  Semmes's  trial  before  the 
Cabinet.  The  question  should  be  disposed  of,  for  we  are 
detaining  our  officers  and  others  as  witnesses.  Speed  has 
recommended  that  the  trial  should  go  forward  under  the 
mixed  commission,  and  to-day  recommended  it  anew.  Said 
it  would  be  an  interesting  trial.  Stanton  said  he  did  not 
advise  it  for  mere  curiosity,  but  if  the  proceedings  were  to 
take  place  he  would  wish  thorough  work  should  be  made 
and  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law  inflicted.  Governor 
Dennison  was  very  prompt  and  decided  in  the  expression  of 
his  wish  that  Sernmes  should  be  tried  and  punished. 

I  repeated  what  I  have  frequently  stated,  that  the  Navy 
Department  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  trying  him  for 
treason,  piracy,  or  any  offense  which  could  be  reached  by 
the  civil  courts,  but  he  was  charged  with,  and  I  suppose 
was  guilty  of,  violating  the  usages  and  laws  of  war.  The 
truth  was,  however,  on  investigating  the  subject,  the  points 
had  been  narrowed  down  and  mitigated,  so  that  I  believed 
his  offense  was  really  less  aggravated  than  had  been  charged 
and  believed. 

The  President  was  evidently  not  prepared  to  decide  what 
course  to  take.  I  submitted  Semmes's  application  for  a 
parole,  which  was  favorably  indorsed  by  Judge-Advocate- 
General  Bolles.  As  the  session  of  the  Cabinet  was  some- 
what protracted  and  Stanton  was  wishing  a  special  niter- 
view,  I  proposed  to  the  President  to  call  to-morrow,  which 
seemed  to  relieve  and  gratify  him. 

March  31,  Saturday.  I  had  an  interview  with  the  Pre- 
sident concerning  Semmes,  as  understood  yesterday. 
Showed  him  the  papers,  and,  after  some  conversation,  he 


468  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MAECHSI 

proposed  to  see  Judge- Advocate-General  Bolles,  Solicitor  of 
the  Navy  Department;  said  he  would  on  the  whole  prefer 
him  to  the  Attorney-General  in  this  matter,  and  named 
Monday  next. 

By  the  President's  request  I  went  into  the  library  and 
was  introduced  to  Doctor  Norris,  with  whom  the  President 
desired  me  to  have  some  conversation.  Doctor  N.  said 
he  believed  that  the  President  and  I  had  had  some  consult- 
ation in  relation  to  a  sea  voyage  for  Robert,  the  President's 
son.  He  supposed  I  knew  the  circumstances.  I  told  him  I 
was  aware  of  the  young  man's  infirmity,  that  he  had  once 
spoken  to  me  himself  on  the  subject  in  a  manner  to  touch 
my  sympathy  in  his  behalf.  That  I  had  also  conversed 
with  his  father,  as  he  seemed  to  be  aware,  and  as  he  (the 
father)  had  doubtless  advised  him.  He  said  that  was  so, 
and  proceeded  to  tell  me  that  R.  had  been  beguiled  into 
intemperance  after  he  became  of  age,  through  his  generous 
qualities,  goodness  of  heart,  and  friendly  disposition.  He, 
therefore,  thought  it  possible  to  reclaim  him. 

I  had  very  little  expectation  of  such  a  result,  but  it  is 
important,  for  his  father's  sake  and  for  the  country's,  that 
the  President  should  in  these  days  be  relieved  of  the  care 
and  anxiety  which  his  excesses  and  passions  involve.  To 
send  him  abroad  in  a  public  ship  is  the  best  disposition  that 
can  be  made  of  him,  and  a  voyage  to  the  East  Indies  would 
be  better  than  any  other,  and  such  a  voyage  was  now  in 
preparation.  Doctor  Norris  thought  this  desirable. 

I  subsequently  saw  the  President  and  told  him  what  had 
taken  place  and  that  I  could  make  the  arrangement  with 
little  trouble  to  him.  It  seemed  to  give  him  consolation. 

Letters  from  Connecticut  do  not  speak  with  confidence 
of  the  result  of  the  election  next  Monday.  But  my  impres- 
sions are  that  the  Union  Party  with  Hawley  will  be  suc- 
cessful. The  battle  will  not  be  on  the  strict  political  issues 
before  the  country.  On  these  issues,  if  well  defined  and  the 
candidates  were  sauarelv  presented.  I  have  no  doubt  that 


1866]      THE  OUTLOOK  IN  CONNECTICUT      469 

would  be  union  against  disunion,  the  President  versus 
Congress  under  the  lead  of  Stevens.  But  politics  and  par- 
ties have  become  strangely  mixed.  Hawley;  I  am  appre- 
hensive, leans  to  the  Congressional  policy  at  present,  but 
I  trust  observation  and  reflection  will  bring  him  right. 

The  true  Union  men  who  sustain  the  President  feel  that 
the  defeat  of  Hawley  would  be  a  triumph  to  Toucey,  Sey- 
mour, Eaton,  and  others  who  opposed  the  Government  in 
war  and  whom  they,  for  that  reason,  detest,  and  they  will 
band  together  to  support  Hawley  from  matters  of  the  past 
rather  than  issues  of  the  present.  Moreover  Hawley  has 
popular  qualities.  For  ten  years  he  has  fought  the  Union 
battles  in  our  political  contests  and  in  the  field,  and  though 
he  may  be  touched  with  Radicalism,  he  has  good  reasoning 
faculties  and  a  sense  of  right  within  him  on  which  I  rely. 
The  people  have  correct  instincts  in  these  matters,  and  I 
therefore  feel  pretty  sure  he  will  succeed.  The  worst  is, 
should  that  be  the  case,  the  curse  of  party  will  claim  that 
it  is  a  triumph  over  the  Administration.  No  harm  will 
come  of  it,  perhaps,  but  it  is  annoying  and  vexatious  to 
have  results  to  which  men  have  contributed  turned  against 
themselves.  But  it  cannot  be  helped.  The  distinction  can- 
not now  be  drawn.  Parties  are  in  a  transition  state. 

Sumner  tells  me  this  P.M.  that  his  committee  will  go 
against  the  use  of  naval  vessels  for  the  French  Exhibition. 
This  will  be  counter  to  Banks,  who  laid  himself  out  largely 
in  this  matter,  and  Sumner  will  not  be  grieved  to  have 
Banks  disappointed.  There  is  obviously  no  special  love 
between  these  two  gentlemen.  They  are  opposites  in  many- 
respects.  Banks  has  thought  to  gain  popularity  in  this 
move,  which  was  concocted  by  himself  and  Seward,  to  use 
naval  vessels  and  naval  appropriations  for  a  purpose  not 
naval.  To  make  their  scheme  appear  less  expensive,  I  am 
told  that  General  Butler  has  succeeded  in  inducing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  interfere  in  the  matter  of 
the  Grey  Jacket,  condemned  as  prize.  If  so,  I  regret  it. 
McCulloch  has  been  imposed  upon.  Butler  is  reckless, 


470  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES   [MAECHSI 

avaricious,  unscrupulous.  He  knows  there  is  neither  law 
nor  justice  in  his  course  on  this  question,  but  he  has  the 
promise  of  large  fees.  For  three  months  he  has  been  an- 
noying me  on  this  subject.  He  then  went  to  the  Attorney- 
General  and  for  a  time  made  some  headway.  Failing 
there,  he  has  now  imposed  upon  McCulloch,  who  has 
been  deceived  by  Butler's  cunning  and  browbeaten  by 
his  audacity. 


XXXVII 

The  Semmes  Case  —  The  President's  Son  Robert  to  investigate  the  Slave- 
Trade  on  the  African  Coast  —  The  Price  of  the  Danish  Islands  —  Pro- 
clamation announcing  Peace  in  all  the  Southern  States  except  Texas  — 
Hawley  elected  in  Connecticut  by  a  Small  Majority  —  The  President's 
Kind  Heart  —  A  Call  from  Commodore  Stockton  —  The  Outlook  for 
John  P.  Stockton's  Return  to  the  Senate  from  New  Jersey  —  The  Civil 
Rights  Bill  in  the  Senate  after  the  Veto  —  Semmes's  Release  decided 
upon  —  The  Senate  passes  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  over  the  Veto  —  Sen- 
ator E.  D.  Morgan's  Vote  for  the  Bill  —  Incongruous  Elements  at  Gen- 
eral Grant's  Reception  —  Talk  with  Theodore  Tilton  there  — The 
House  passes  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  over  the  Veto  —  Senator  Doolittle 
suggests  Cabinet  Changes  —  Discussion  of  the  Cabinet  Situation  with 
the  President  —  Pessimistic  Views  of  Montgomery  Blair  and  Congress- 
man Maynard  of  Tennessee  —  The  Fenians  in  Maine  —  Seward's  Dis- 
patches to  United  States  Minister  Motley  in  Austria  hi  regard  to  the 
Mexican  Situation  —  Conversation  with  Senator  Trumbull  on  the  Con- 
dition of  the  Country  —  General  Butler's  Intrigues  in  the  Grey  Jacket 
Case  —  The  Programme  of  the  Reconstruction  Committee. 

April  2,  Monday.  Called  with  General  Bolles  on  the 
President  in  relation  to  the  case  of  Raphael  Semmes.  The 
call  was  pursuant  to  appointment.  Secretary  Harlan  was 
with  the  President  when  we  called,  about  1  P.M.  The  Pre- 
sident inquired  as  soon  as  the  subject  was  taken  up  whether 
any  facts  were  ye't  public  in  relation  to  the  decision  of 
the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Indiana  cases.  He  said  the 
Court  was  nearly  tied,  but  that  judgment  would  probably 
be  rendered  to-morrow,  at  all  events  within  a  day  or  two. 
That  decision  might  have  a  bearing  on  Semmes's  case.  I 
remarked  that  it  might  be  well  to  delay  action  until  we 
heard  from  the  Court.  The  President  said  he  thought  so 
and  that  was  why  he  had  made  the  inquiry,  but  added  we 
might  as  well  talk  over  the  matter  at  this  time  and  get  the 
points  designated.  Bolles  said  he  had,  perhaps,  no  remarks 
to  make  in  the  present  position  of  things,  but  if  Semmes  was 
not  to  be  immediately  tried,  a  parole  would  be  advisable, 


472  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRIL  2 

unless  the  case  was  wholly  abandoned.  I  remarked  that  it 
appeared  to  me  best  that  he  should  be  tried  or  the  case 
abandoned,  rather  than  have  a  parole.  A  trial  would  best 
satisfy  the  public  and  serve  the  ends  of  justice.  It  would 
place  the  Government  in  the  best  attitude.  If  tried  at  all  it 
should  be  for  violating  the  laws  of  war,  —  a  case  which  the 
established  legal  tribunals  could  not  reach.  His  conduct  as 
a  buccaneer  or  rebel  in  capturing  and  destroying  the  ships 
of  peaceful  merchants  was  not  the  question,  but,  escaping 
after  striking  his  colors  and  sending  his  boat  to  the  Kear- 
sarge  announcing  his  surrender,  and  without  an  exchange, 
he  had  subsequently  entered  first  the  Rebel  naval  serv- 
ice and  then  the  military,  and  made  war  upon  those  who 
claimed  him  as  their  lawful  prisoner.  If  in  this  he  had  not 
acted  in  bad  faith  and  violated  the  usages  of  civilized  war- 
fare, we  had  no  case  against  him.  But  if  he  had  done  these 
things,  it  was  proper  he  should  be  tried,  and  it  must  be  by 
a  military  commission,  for  it  did  not  belong  to  the  courts. 
It  was  in  that  view  I  favored  a  trial.  The  courts  were  pro- 
ceeding against  no  parties  for  treason;  partisans  were 
blaming  the  President  because  there  were  no  trials  and 
convictions  when  it  was  not  within  his  province  to  pro- 
secute or  try.  But  here  was  a  case  which  belonged  to  him 
specially  and  no  one  else.  Hence  if  he  ordered  Semrnes  to 
trial  the  country  would  be  satisfied  that  he  was  sincere  and 
discharging  his  duty  towards  the  worst  Rebels,  and  they 
would  understand  that  the  courts  were  not  as  prompt  as  the 
Executive.  He  would,  however,  await  the  decision  of  the 
Court. 

When  alone  I  brought  up  the  subject  of  placing  his  son 
on  a  naval  vessel.  Told  him  of  the  Monocacy,  Commander 
Carter,  late  brigadier-general  in  Tennessee.  The  Pre- 
sident said  at  once  he  did  not  wish  connection  with  Carter 
in  this  matter.  I  then  mentioned  the  Chattanooga,  Cap- 
tain McKinstry.  This  vessel  would  have  an  interesting 
voyage.  Stated  to  him  the  purpose  of  the  Department  in 
regard  to  her.  He  approved  it.  Said,  however,  it  was  desir- 


1866]  THE  PEACE  PROCLAMATION  473 

able  Robert  should  have  something  to  do.  We  spoke  of 
positions,  and,  perhaps  the  Secretary  of  State  would  find 
him  some  civil  employment.  This  met  his  views.  I  in- 
quired if  he  or  I  should  see  Seward.  He  desired  me  to  do  so, 
and,  feeling  that  he  should  be  relieved  of  the  care  and 
anxiety  of  a  parent  in  this  crisis,  I  took  upon  myself  that 
object.  I  called  immediately  at  the  State  Department. 
Seward,  appreciating  the  whole  case,  at  once  entered  into 
the  subject  and  said  he  would  employ  Robert,  whom  he 
knew  to  be  capable,  to  look  into  the  slave-trade  at  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  and  on  the  African  coast. 

I  stated  to  Seward  that  he  had  named  too  high  a  price 
for  the  Danish  islands;  that  five  millions  was,  I  appre- 
hended, more  than  our  people  would  feel  like  giving;  that 
I  would  not  offer  more  than  three.  He  thanked  me;  said  he 
would  inquire  their  lowest  terms,  that  Raasloff  was  anxious 
to  sell,  etc.,  etc.,  but  thought  not  less  than  five  millions 
would  be  required. 

April  3,  Tuesday.  The  proclamation  announcing  peace 
in  all  the  Rebel  States  but  Texas  appeared  in  the  National 
Republican  this  morning.  I  was  at  first  a  little  startled  by 
it,  apprehending  it  would  cause  some  difficulty  with  our 
volunteer  officers,  who,  by  law,  ceased  to  act  on  the  return 
of  peace.  This  provision  towards  that  class  of  officers  was 
one  of  those  headless  moves  of  J.  P.  Hale,  made  in  the 
spirit  of  a  demagogue  under  professed  apprehension  that 
Mr.  Lincoln,  or  whoever  might  be  President,  would  use  the 
Navy  to  make  himself  dictator.  The  proclamation  does 
not  include  Texas;  therefore  the  Rebellion  is  not  declared 
wholly  suppressed.  When  I  spoke  of  the  subject  to-day 
in  Cabinet,  I  found  that  none  of  the  members  had  been 
apprised  of  the  fact,  except  Seward,  and  he  not  until  five 
o'clock  the  preceding  evening,  when  he  was  compelled  to 
send  to  Hunter,  Chief  Clerk,  at  Georgetown.  A  sudden 
determination  seems  to  have  influenced  the  President.  He 
did  not  state  his  reasons,  but  it  is  obvious  that  the  Radicals 


474  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [APRILS 

are  taken  by  surprise  and  view  it  as  checkmating  some  of 
their  legislation. 

The  returns  from  Connecticut  leave  no  doubt  of  the 
election  of  Hawley,  though  by  a  very  small  majority,  some 
six  or  eight  hundred.  This  is  well,  —  better  than  a  larger 
majority,  —  and  serves  as  a  warning  to  the  extremists. 
There  is  no  denying  that  the  policy  of  the  President  would 
have  been  sustained  by  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of 
Connecticut,  were  that  the  distinct  issue.  But  this  was 
avoided,  yet  Forney,  in  his  Chronicle,  asserts  that  the 
President  is  defeated,  and  his  veto  has  been  vetoed  by  the 
State.  An  idle  falsehood.  Mere  partisanship  will  not  con- 
trol, and  there  has  been  much  of  it  in  this  election.  Each 
of  the  parties  shirked  the  real,  living  issues,  though  the 
Democrats  professed  to  respect  them  because  the  Repub- 
licans were  divided  upon  the  issues,  and  to  press  them 
destroyed  or  impaired  that  organization. 

April  4,  Wednesday.  Consulted  again  with  the  President 
in  regard  to  the  case  of  Semmes.  Peace  having  been  de- 
clared in  all  the  States  and  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  the  Indiana  cases — Milligan  and  others — being 
adverse  to  military  commissions,  I  thought  there  should  be 
prompt  decision.  The  President  inquired  if  it  would  not  be 
best  to  parole  him  and  require  him  to  be  in  readiness  when 
called.  I  replied  it  was  for  him  to  decide,  but  that  it 
seemed  to  me  best  to  dispose  of  Semmes,  and  if  it  was  de- 
termined not  to  proceed  to  try  him  after  this  decision  of 
the  Court,  I  would  advise  his  unconditional  release  rather 
than  a  parole.  The  President  said  he  had  some  doubts, 
but  wished  to  get  rid  of  the  subject,  for  Semmes's  wife  was 
annoying  him,  crying  and  taking  on  for  her  husband.  The 
President  has  a  gentle  and  kind  heart,  melted  by  woman's 
tears.  I  said  I  should  be  satisfied  with  whatever  conclusion 
he  came  to ;  that  it  might  go  over  to  the  next  meeting  of  the 
Cabinet,  or  he  could  decide  when  it  pleased  him  and  send 
me  word. 


1866]  THE  CIVIL  RIGHTS  BILL  475 

Commodore  Stockton  came  to  see  me.  Says  things  are 
in  a  satisfactory  condition  in  the  New  Jersey  Legislature. 
Is  confident  that  his  son  John  will  be  returned  to  the  Senate 
with  a  good  Johnson  Republican.  Is  confident  Scovel  will 
hold  out,  and  have,  if  necessary,  others  to  help  him;  and 
assures  me  that  enough  Republicans  will  unite  with  the 
Democrats  to  return  two  such  men.  Wright,  the  present 
Senator,  is  ready  for  the  arrangement.  This  may  all  be  so, 
but  I  have  grave  doubts  of  its  success.  It  is  undoubtedly 
Stockton's  arrangement,  and  he  and  his  associates  have 
heretofore  been  omnipotent  in  New  Jersey,  which  is  a 
strange  State  in  some  respects.  Possibly  he  may  succeed 
there.  He  could  not  in  any  other  State.  But  the  return 
of  John  Stockton,  after  what  has  taken  place,  would  be 
honorable  to  New  Jersey  and  one  of  the  greatest  triumphs 
that  was  ever  achieved. 

April  5,  Thursday.  The  Senate  did  not  get  to  a  vote  to- 
day on  what  is  called  the  Civil  Rights  Bill.  Much  interest 
is  felt  in  the  result,  increased  by  the  uncertainty  which 
exists  in  regard  to  the  decision.  Just  about  one  third  of  the 
Senate  is  with  the  President,  but  two  of  the  Senators  are 
in  bad  health,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  they  can  be  present, 
though  it  is  believed  they  will  be.  Wright  of  New  Jersey 
has  been  brought  here  at  the  peril  of  his  life,  and  will,  it  is 
said,  be  present  and  vote.  Dixon,  long  and  seriously  ill, 
rode  out  a  short  time  to-day,  and  will  attend  if  a  time  be 
fixed  for  the  vote.  Stewart  of  Nevada  has  persuaded  him- 
self that  it  is  best  for  him  to  desert  and  go  with  the  majority. 
Stockton  was  deprived  of  his  seat  by  the  Radical  majority 
in  order  to  carry  this  vote.  There  are  some  vague  intima- 
tions that  Morgan  is  equivocating  and  may  go  with 
Stewart,  but  I  discredit  it.  He  has,  without  direct  assur- 
ance, given  me  to  understand  otherwise;  took  tea  with  me 
night  before  last,  and  spent  an  hour  or  more  in  conversation, 
chiefly  on  this  subject.  While  I  did  not  get  or  expect  a 
pledge,  I  could  form  no  other  conclusion  than  that  he 


476  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [APRILS 

approved  and  stands  by  the  President's  veto.  He  spoke, 
among  other  things,  of  a  letter  he  wrote  the  editor  of  the 
Evening  Post,  indicating  his  difference  with  them  on  the 
Civil  Rights  Bill.  In  speaking  of  the  fate  of  the  bill  in  the 
House,  in  case  it  should  pass  the  Senate,  I  alluded  to  the 
position  and  strong  feeling  of  Bingham  and  told  him  what 
the  President  had  that  day  said  to  me  of  the  committals  of 
Bingham.  Morgan  expressed  himself  highly  gratified  with 
this,  for  he  had  heard  that  Bingham  was  wavering.  I, 
therefore,  gave  little  heed  to  the  insinuations  that  Morgan 
dissembles  or  will  prove  false;  should  not  give  it  a  second 
thought,  did  I  not,  since  these  rumors,  recall  a  remark  of 
Mr.  George  D.  Morgan,  that  the  Senator,  E.  D.  M.,  would 
vote  for  the  bill.  But  every  look  and  thought,  as  well  as 
expression,  is  watched  and  published.  The  sentiments, 
language,  and  course  of  Senator  Wade  and  some  others  are 
in  the  highest  degree  reprehensible. 

April  6,  Friday.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
the  Indiana  cases  —  Milligan,  Bolles,  and  others  —  was 
discussed.  Attorney-General  Speed  could  not  state  ex- 
actly the  points.  The  judges  do  not  give  their  opinions  until 
next  winter.  They  seem  to  have  decided  against  the  legal- 
ity of  military  commissions. 

I  inquired  what  should  be  done  in  Semmes's  case,  which 
had  been  long  pending.  Little  was  said,  and  the  President 
remarked  he  would  see  me  after  the  session,  and  I  therefore 
remained.  He  remarked  that  there  was  a  somewhat  strange 
state  of  things.  Grant  thought  the  paroles  he  had  given 
covered  almost  everything.  The  courts  were  taking  up 
some  of  the  cases  for  treason  and  were  showing  them- 
selves against  military  commissions.  He  therefore  thought 
it  would  be  as  well  to  release  Semmes  on  his  parole. 

I  suggested,  in  view  of  the  present  condition  of  affairs, 
and  this  late  decision  of  the  Court,  that  if  Semmes  could 
not  have  a  nrorrmt  trial,  it  would  ho  he.ttfir  to  release  him 


1866]    SEMMES'S  RELEASE  DECIDED  UPON   477 

two  paroles  from  him,  —  one  on  the  surrender  of  the  Ala- 
bama, and  another  at  the  time  of  Johnston's  surrender. 
I  would  not  take  another.  Nor  would  it  be  right,  after 
holding  him  over  three  months  in  custody,  to  prolong  his 
imprisonment. 

The  President  assented  to  my  suggestion  and  wished 
me  to  present  it  in  some  form  for  his  action.  My  first 
thought  was  to  place  the  grounds  of  his  release,  first  on 
the  proclamation,  and  second  on  the  recent  decision  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  making  no  allusion  to  Semmes's  long 
imprisonment;  but  on  second  thought  I  omitted  the 
President's  own  act,  the  proclamation,  for  it  would  be  used 
against  him  by  the  captives. 

The  Senate  by  a  vote  of  33  to  15  this  evening  overrode 
the  veto  on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill.  Wright  of  New  Jersey 
was  in  his  seat,  but  Dixon  was  not.  Morgan,  unexpectedly 
to  me,  and,  I  think,  to  most  persons,  voted  with  the  ma- 
jority. The  vote  of  M.  was  one  of  calculation,  not  of  con- 
viction. I  shall  be  disappointed  if  he  does  not  lose  rather 
than  gain  by  the  step  he  has  taken.  Such  is  usually  the 
righteous  termination  of  calculations  made  by  scheming 
and  ambitious  men  who  consent  to  do  wrong.  In  this 
instance  M.  may  have  had  honest  reasons.  It  is  true  he 
voted  for  the  passage  of  the  bill,  but  that  was,  as  he  has 
said  to  me,  without  much  consideration  given  to  the  law, 
and,  in  repeated  interviews  and  conversations  since,  he  had 
left  the  impression  on  my  mind  that  he  should  sustain  the 
veto. 

General  and  Mrs.  Grant  gave  their  last  reception  for  the 
season  this  evening.  Being  somewhat  indisposed,  I  did  not 
propose  to  attend,  but  Edgar  had  not  returned  and  there 
was  no  one  to  accompany  Mrs.  Welles  and  her  friend,  and 
I  was,  consequently,  under  the  necessity  of  going,  though 
afflicted  with  a  severe  headache.  The  party  was  in  some 
respects  unlike  any  of  the  season,  and  there  was  present 
not  only  a  numerous  but  a  miscellaneous  company  of  con- 
tradictions. There  had  been  some  pre-understanding  on 


478  DIAEY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [APRIL  6 

•the  part  of  the  Radicals,  or  a  portion  of  them,  to  attend 
and  to  appropriate  General  Grant,  or  at  least  his  name  and 
influence,  to  themselves.  But,  most  unexpectedly  to  them, 
as  I  confess  it  was  to  me,  the  President  and  his  two  daugh- 
ters appeared  early,  and  Montgomery  Blair  and  some  of 
his  ladies  were  also  on  hand.  There  came  also  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  Vice-President  of  the  late  Confederacy,  so 
called.  When,  therefore,  Thad  Stevens,  Trumbull,  and 
others,  not  exactly  homogeneous  though  now  acting  to- 
gether, came  in,  they  were  evidently  astonished  and 
amazed. 

Stevens,  though  a  brave  old  stager,  was  taken  aback  and 
showed  himself  discomfited.  Trumbull  betrayed  surprise. 
I  was  not  in  a  condition  to  circulate  much  in  the  crowd,  but 
heard  repeatedly,  amid  the  exultation  over  the  vote  of  the 
Senate,  expressions  of  vexation  that  there  was  such  a 
strange  attendance  here.  Theodore  Tilton,  as  full  of  fanat- 
ical, fantastical,  and  boyish  enthusiasm  as  of  genius  and 
talent,  but  with  no  sensible  ideas  of  the  principles  on  which 
our  government  is  founded  or  accurate  knowledge  of  our 
republican  federal  system,  or  of  the  merits  involved  in 
pending  questions,  was  boisterous  over  the  result  in  the 
Senate.  It  was  sufficient  for  him  that  a  victory  had  been 
achieved  for  an  ideal  and  fanciful  theory,  regardless  of 
consequences,  and  indifferent  whether  we  had  a  union  or 
an  empire,  so  that  he  could  do  a  little  more  for  the  black 
man  than  for  the  white  man.  When  a  little  older,  if  his 
erratic  genius  does  not  spoil  him,  he  will  be  a  little  wiser. 
For  a  time  he  fastened  himself  on  me,  but  I  was  too  indis- 
posed to  do  more  than  listen.  He  gloated  over  Morgan's 
vote;  said  he  could  have  thrown  his  hat  to  the  ceiling  when 
he  heard  it,  —  not  that  he  cared  for  Morgan. 

General  and  naval  officers,  as  well  as  politicians,  were 
present,  with  most  of  the  foreign  ministers.  Of  the  Cabinet 
I  saw  none  but  Harlan. 

April  7,  Saturday.   Senator  Doolittle  informs  me  that, 


i860]  THE  CIVIL  RIGHTS  BILL  479 

had  Morgan  held  true,  Dixon  would,  though  still  quite 
sick,  have  gone  to  the  Senate,  and  the  veto  would  have 
been  sustained;  but  D.  considered  it  too  much  in  his  feeble 
health  to  go  there  and  give  an  unavailing  vote.  Doolittle 
says  Morgan  informed  him  early  in  the  day  of  his  course, 
but  assigned  no  reasons  for  this  unexpected  stand. 

Ajyril  10,  Tuesday.  Though  not  well  to-day  nor  for 
several  days  past,  I  went  to  Department  and  to  Cabinet- 
meeting.  Quite  a  discussion  on  the  Mexican  question. 
Seward  proposes  to  give  Austria  notice  that  she  must  not 
assist  the  Imperialists  in  Mexico.  Some  of  us  asked  why 
notice  to  that  effect  had  not  already  been  served  upon  the 
French.  He  said  the  French  had  been  notified,  but  there 
had  not  boon  sufficient  time  to  receive  an  answer.  I  had 
little  faith  in  French  promises,  as  I  have  often  said  when 
this  subject  has  been  up.  Dennison  to-day  expressed 
similar  opinion  and  has  always  been  ardent  on  this  matter 
of  French  occupancy  in  Mexico.  Seward  showed  some 
irritability,  as  I  have  seen  him  on  one  or  two  occasions 
when  this  subject  has  been  discussed. 

The  President  inquired  privately  in  regard  to  the  Chat- 
tanooga, —  when  she  would  probably  be  ready,  what  Mr. 
Seward  thought  of  it,  etc.  I  told  him  all  was  right,  that 
the  vessel  would  probably  sail  soon  after  the  1st  prox. 

The  Civil  Eights  Bill  passed  the  House  yesterday  by  a 
vote  of  nearly  three  to  one.  The  party  drill  was  very  effect- 
ive. Only  Raymond  of  the  Radicals  voted  to  sustain  the 
veto.  He  has  been  general  manager  in  the  House,  but  could 
not  carry  a  single  member  with  him  if  he  tried,  nor  could 
Seward  help  him,  or  he  did  not.  All  of  Stanton's  pets  were 
active  in  opposing  the  veto,  Bingham,  who  had  been 
vehement  in  denouncing  the  bill  as  a  bundle  of  unconstitu- 
tional outrages,  had  besought  a  veto,  urged  objections, 
was  quieted,  paired  off;  did  not  vote;  listened  to  Stanton 
and  could  not  shake  off  the  fetters  of  party.  Not  a  word 
escaped  the  President  to-day  on  the  subject,  but  it  was 


480  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRILIO 

evident  he  felt  deeply.  I,  for  one,  would  not  introduce  the 
topic,  for  I  could  not,  unasked,  state  my  opinions,  which 
would  be  in  opposition,  and  almost  discourteous,  to  some 
of  my  associates.  Oh,  Bingham!  Bingham! 

April  13,  Friday.  I  do  not  get  well.  But  little  of  interest, 
British  fund  agents  and  brokers  show  great  impudence  in 
regard  to  Rebel  debts  and  cotton  loans.  McHenry,  Rich- 
ardson, and  others  present  plans  and  schemes  which  are 
deserving  such  a  rebuke  as  should  be  felt  by  them  and  their 
countrymen. 

Stanton  made  some  crude  suggestions  for  national 
quarantine,  —  not  very  explicit,  and  beset  with  difficul- 
ties. I  asked  if  anything  of  the  kind  had  ever  been  at- 
tempted, if  it  was  not  a  matter  for  State  or  municipal, 
rather  than  federal,  regulation.  He  admitted  it  was,  but 
the  other  members  had  not  given  the  subject  a  thought, 
and  did  not  like  to  come  athwart  Stanton. 

Doolittle  called  on  me  last  night  full  of  exceeding  great 
trouble.  Insists  the  President  has  not  as  yet  taken  so  firm 
and  decided  a  stand  as  duty  requires.  Wishes  me  to  coun- 
sel and  urge  upon  him  the  necessity  of  doing  something 
positive.  Says  the  impression  is  getting  pretty  universal 
that  the  President  can  do  nothing  for  himself,  etc.,  etc. 
There  is  some  truth  in  all  this ;  not  that  the  President  lackn 
courage,  but  he  dislikes  to  break  with  those  who  elected 
him. 

Doolittle  wishes  Speed  to  leave,  and  Stanton  also.  Say?« 
the  first  has  no  stamina,  nor  power,  nor  character  as  a  law- 
yer. That  he  is  the  laughing-stock  of  the  court  and  of  the8 
first  lawyers.  Does  not  and  cannot  strengthen  the  Pre- 
sident. Suggests  that  Stanton  should  be  turned  out  ami 
that  Grant  should  be  assigned,  temporarily,  to  the  Depart- 
ment. Doolittle  earnestly  desires  me  to  counsel  the  Pre- 
sident. I  told  him  it  would  be  delicate  for  me  to  do  sc>, 
even  if  invited  by  the  President,  but  I  would  not  obtrude 
upon  him  in  such  a  matter  concerning  my  colleagues. 


1806]  THE   CABINET  SITUATION  481 

April  14,  Saturday.  This  being  the  anniversary  of  the 
assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  the  several  Depart- 
ments were  closed  by  order  of  the  President. 

Had  an  hour's  talk  with  the  President  on  several  mat- 
ters, but  chiefly  in  relation  to  the  policy  of  the  Administra- 
tion, which  was  brought  about  by  my  referring  to  the  inter- 
view which  I  had  had  with  Senator  Doolittle  on  Thursday 
evening,  and  his  urgent  request  that  I  would  communicate 
with  the  President  on  the  subject-matter  of  our  consulta- 
tion. I  remarked  that  there  were  certain  suggestions, 
which  delicacy  forbade  rne  to  mention,  unsolicited,  but  that 
thero  was  an  apprehension  that  the  Radicals  were  strength- 
ening themselves  by  the  non-action,  or  limited  actions,  of 
the  Executive  and  by  conceding  to  Members  of  Con- 
gress almost  all  opportunities  [for  placing]  their  Radical 
friends. 

The  President  said  it  was  exceedingly  annoying  and  dis- 
couraging; to  witness  so  good  a  man  as  Doolittle  despond- 
ing, and  especially  on  the  subject  of  removals  and  appoint- 
ments, when  Doolittle  himself  was  not  prepared  to  take  or 
recommend  action,  even  in  his  own  State.  It  was  true  that 
his  Cabinet  was  not  in  all  respects  what  he  wished;  but  he 
had  taken  it  as  he  found  it.  Harlan,  to  be  sure,  came  in 
later,  but  it  was  understood  he  Bought  and  desired  the 
position,  although  he  had  since  obtained  an  election  to  the 
Senate.  He  supposed  Ilarlan  was  not  in  accord  with  the 
policy  of  the  Administration,  and  delicacy  and  propriety 
would  seem  to  prompt  him  to  resign.  But  he  had,  as  yet, 
shown  no  disposition  to  give  up  his  place.  Speed,  he  said, 
certainly  added  no  strength  to  the  Administration,  was 
manifestly  in  harmony  with  the  Radicals,  advising  with 
and  encouraging  them.  Delicacy  should  cause  him,  feeling 
as  he  did,  to  retire,  but  he  had  made  no  advance  in  that 
direction,  nor  would  he,  probably,  uninvited.  Stanton,  he 
remarked,  was  claimed  by  the  Radicals  to  be  in  their  inter- 
est, and  probably  such  was  the  fact,  yet  he  had  given  him  no 
intimation  of  that  character,  except  in  some  general  crit- 


482 

icism  on  one  or  two  measures  in  which  he  finally  yielded 
and  acquiesced.  His  Department  had  been  an  absorbing 
one  during  the  War  and  still  was  formidable.  To  have  an 
open  rupture  with  him  in  the  present  condition  of  affairs 
would  be  embarrassing  certainly,  yet  Stanton  held  on. 

The  delicacies  and  proprieties  which  should  govern  the 
relations  that  are  supposed  to  exist  between  a  President 
and  his  Cabinet  associates  —  his  political  family,  as  it  were 
—  would  indicate  to  men  of  proper  sensibility  the  course 
which  they  should  pursue,  if  they  did  not  agree  with  the 
person  whom  they  were  expected  to  advise  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  affairs.  If  these  three  men  did  not  approve  his 
general  policy,  the  President  said  they  had  not,  as  he  was 
aware,  disapproved  of  it.  Statements  were  made  in  some 
of  the  Radical  papers  that  the  persons  named  were  opposed 
to  the  Administration  of  which  they  were  a  part.  Rumors 
to  that  effect  had  come  to  him  in  such  a  way  and  from  such 
sources  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  doubt  it.  "Still  they 
hold  on  here,  and  some  of  them  likely  report  our  proceed- 
ings. I  do  not,  however,  know  the  fact.  What,  then,  can 
I  do?  Are  these  men  to  whom  I  give  my  confidence  hypo- 
crites, faithless,  insincere,  treacherous?  The  time  has  not 
arrived  for  a  decisive  stand.  With  mischievous  Radical 
leaders,  who  appear  to  have  little  regard  for  the  country, 
it  is  not  a  proper  time  to  take  upon  ourselves  other  quarrels 
nearer  home." 

The  President  said  he  had  borne,  as  well  as  he  could,  the 
malicious  war  which  had  been  waged  upon  him  for  doing 
his  duty,  administering  the  Government  for  the  whole 
country,  not  for  a  faction.  If  the  schemes  of  the  Radical 
managers  to  control  the  Executive  had  sometimes  an- 
noyed him,  they  had  not  caused  him  to  deviate  from  what 
he  was  satisfied  was  right  and  for  the  best  interest  of  the 
country.  But  it  did  grieve  and  wound  him  to  witness  such 
men  as  Doolittle  desponding  and  giving  way.  Cowan,  an 
intelligent,  sensible,  and  good  Senator,  he  said,  was  also 
complaining,  and  it  was  hard  to  be  under  the  necessity 


1866]  THE  CABINET  SITUATION  483 

of  holding  these  men  up,  while  compelled  to  encounter 
the  whole  opposition.  Their  discouragement  afflicted  him 
more  than  all  that  the  Radicals  had  done  or  would  do. 

Only  a  day  or  two  since  Cowan  had,  with  others,  pressed 
earnestly  for  some  changes  in  Pennsylvania  which  they 
said  ought  by  all  means  to  be  made,  and  on  their  repre- 
sentations he  had  finally  agreed  to  make  some  changes.  But 
just  as  they  were  being  ordered,  Cowan  began  to  show  and 
have  doubt,  asked  a  suspension,  and  finally  backed  down 
and  would  consent  to  but  two  of  the  same  changes  he  had 
urged.  "These  men  take  upon  themselves  no  responsibility 
while  goading  me  on  to  move,  when  I  am  breasting  this 
storm. J '  This  he  said  he  was  ready  to  do.  It  was  a  duty  and 
he  could  meet  it,  but  it  pained  him  to  have  good  and  true 
friends  waver. 

At  the  proper  time  he  should  be  ready  to  act,  but  his 
friends  must  permit  him  to  judge  when  to  act.  It  would  be 
pleasanter  to  him  to  have  more  cordiality,  a  more  free 
interchange  of  opinions,  more  unity  and  earnestness  on  the 
part  of  all  his  Cabinet,  for  there  was  obvious  distrust 
among  them,  —  distrust  of  each  other,  —  and  that  on 
topics  where  the  Administration  was  most  interested. 

I  have  given  the  substance  and,  so  far  as  I  can  recall,  the 
words.  There  was  much  desultory  conversation  inter- 
mixed. 

April  16,  Monday.  Senator  Doolittle  came  yesterday. 
I  told  him  I  had  seen  the  President  on  Saturday  and  learned 
from  him  that  he  (D.)  had  been  at  the  Mansion  on  Friday 
evening.  I  made  known  to  him  the  feelings  of  the  President 
and  that  he  was  not  prepared  for  an  open  rupture,  but  Doo- 
little said  that  would  not  do.  The  President  must  act 
promptly.  We  were  losing  by  delay.  Wanted  to  know  how 
Dennison  stood  and  asked  me  to  go  with  him  and  call  on 
Dennison. 

But  the  Governor  was  not  in,  and  we  went  on  to  the 

T» •  i j.»_ i : ~A-,-,J,'~~   «*.   4-1**   s4s>/%-M      T 


484  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  ie 

said  we  must  not  deter  the  President  from  his  ride,  he  took 
so  little  exercise.  Patterson,  his  son-in-law,  we  met  at  the 
top  of  the  stairs,  who  told  us  the  President  had  company 
through  the  day,  that  Smythe  had  been  there  and  it  was,  he 
thought,  definitely  settled  that  S.  should  be  Collector  at 
New  York.  Smythe,  from  what  I  hear  of  him,  is  better 
than  some  of  the  candidates,  perhaps  better  than  any.  It 
has  occurred  to  me  that  certain  New  York  gentlemen  were 
selecting  for  themselves,  rather  than  the  Administration. 

Passing  Montgomery  Blair's  with  a  view  of  calling  on  his 
father,  the  former  came  to  the  door  and  asked  me  in,  while 
he  sent  for  his  father.  As  usual,  the  Judge  was  strong  in  his 
opinions  against  Seward,  Stanton,  and  others.  He  predicts 
another  revolution  or  rebellion  as  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  measures  now  being  pursued.  Says  there  will  be 
two  governments  organized  here  in  Washington. 

Maynard  of  Tennessee  made  a  similar  suggestion  at  my 
house  two  or  three  evenings  since.  He  believes  that  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  of  the  next  Congress  will 
appear  from  all  the  States,  that  those  from  the  Rebel 
States  will,  with  the  Democratic  Members  from  the  loyal 
States,  constitute  a  majority,  that  they  will  organize  and 
by  resolution  dispense  with  the  test  oath  and  have  things 
their  own  way.  The  extreme  and  reprehensible  course  of 
the  Radicals  is  undoubtedly  hurrying  on  a  crisis,  which  will 
overwhelm  them,  if  it  does  not  embroil,  perhaps  subvert, 
the  government,  but  the  South  is  too  exhausted  and  the 
Northern  Democrats  too  timid,  narrow-minded,  and  tired 
for  such  a  step. 

The  Fenians  are  reported  to  be  gathering  in  some  force 
at  Eastport  in  Maine.  The  Winooski,  gunboat,  was  sent 
thither  last  week  with  orders  to  wait  instructions.  Seward 
advised  that  no  instructions  should,  for  the  present,  be 
sent,  but  on  Saturday  I  forwarded  general  orders  to  pre- 
serve neutrality.  This  evening  Seward  called  at  my  house 
and  wanted  instructions  sent  by  telegraph.  Told  him  I  had 
already  sent  by  mail,  but  would  send  a  telegram  also. 


1866]      PRANCE,  AUSTRIA,  AND  MEXICO       485 

Sperry,  Postmaster  at  New  Haven,  was  at  my  house  last 
evening,  and  is  very  full  of  Connecticut  parties  and  Con- 
necticut politics,  with  a  professed  desire  to  sustain  the 
Administration,  and  the  usual  wish  to  make  the  Party  in 
Connecticut  and  the  Administration  identical,  —  a  work 
which  more  distinguished  men  than  he  are  laboring  in  vain 
to  effect,  not  only  in  that  State  but  elsewhere.  What  is  ir- 
reconcilable cannot  be  made  to  harmonize.  The  organiza- 
tion, or  those  who  control  the  organization,  of  the  Union 
Party,  are  studiously,  designedly  opposed  to  the  Adminis- 
tration, and  it  is  their  purpose  to  break  it  down,  provided 
they  cannot  control  it  and  compel  unconstitutional  action. 
They  have  no  thought  for  the  country,  but  are  all  for 
party.  Sperry  is  for  himself. 

April  17,  Tuesday.  Seward  read  the  dispatches  which  he 
proposed  to  send  to  Mr.  Motley,  —  the  first,  protesting 
against  the  sending  of  troops  to  Mexico  by  the  Austrian 
Government,  the  second,  in  case  they  did  send,  after  being 
thus  notified,  that  he  ask  for  his  papers  and  withdraw  from 
Vienna. 

McCulloch  favored  the  first  paper,  but  objected  to  the 
last;  deprecated  war  under  any  circumstances,  and  even  at 
any  time  for  so  worthless  a  people  as  the  Mexicans.  Stan- 
ton  was  for  both.  Dennison  was  most  emphatic  for  both 
and  for  maintaining  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Was  ready  to 
fight  the  European  Powers,  if  they  presumed  to  interfere 
with  the  American  states;  considered  the  honor  and  wel- 
fare of  the  country  involved  in  this.  Speed  concurred  with 
McCulloch,  Harlan  with  Dennison.  I  suggested  it  would 
have  been  better,  and  would  now  be  better,  to  meet  the 
real  party  if  we  were  to  do  anything;  that  we  should  take 
the  head  of  France  rather  than  the  tail  of  Austria.  That 
I  did  not  mean  to  object  to  the  measures  marked  out  by 
the  Secretary  of  State,  which  I  looked  upon  as  a  menace, 
but  that  to  fire  off  an  ultimatum  to  remote  Austria,  while 
we  had  done  nothing  of  the  kind  as  regards  France,  whose 


486  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  17 

troops  were  on  our  Southwestern  frontiers,  did  not  strike 
me  favorably. 

Seward  said  he  was  only  waiting  Bigelow's  dispatches  to 
take  the  same  course  towards  France,  if  she  did  not  recede. 

Have  a  telegram  this  evening  from  Commander  Cooper 
of  the  Winooski  that  the  Ocean  Spray  had  arrived  at  East- 
port  with  five  hundred  stand  of  arms  and  asking  if  he 
should  permit  them  to  land.  Within  five  minutes  Colonel 
Seward  came  in  with  papers  from  the  Secretary  of  State, 
consisting  of  a  note  from  Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  inclosing 
two  telegrams  from  Eastport  in  regard  to  arms  on  the 
Spray,  urging  that  the  arms  and  the  Fenians  should  not  be 
permitted  to  meet.  These  had  been  sent  to  Stanton,  who 
had  returned  them  with  a  note  [to  the  effect]  that  General 
Meade  was  on  his  way  to  Eastport,  but  he  disliked  to  send 
an  order  by  telegraph,  for  that  would  apprize  the  Fenians 
of  his  coming,  and  suggesting  that  the  Navy  could  take 
some  action.  Seward  wrote  in  pencil  on  the  back  of  the 
envelope  inclosing  the  papers,  that  I  "could  send  orders 
to  restrain  action,  or  another  to  that  effect." 

I  observe  that  these  men  are  very  chary  about  disturbing 
the  Fenians,  and  I  do  not  care  to  travel  out  of  the  line  of 
duty  to  relieve  them.  I  therefore  sent  word  that  I  was  con- 
tent to  leave  the  subject  with  Cooper  till  to-morrow,  when 
General  Meade  would  doubtless  be  at  Eastport;  if  not,  the 
civil  authorities  were  there,  with  whom  the  Navy  would 
cooperate,  or  whom  they  could  assist. 

Speed  and  Stanton  expressed  an  opinion,  in  which  others 
of  the  Cabinet  concurred,  that  property  once  taken  and 
used  by  the  Rebel  Government  became  forfeited  to  the 
original  owner  and  was  legal  capture.  I  had  so  previously 
decided  last  fall  on  the  question  of  twenty-two  rollers  and 
machinery  captured  at  Charlotte  and  now  at  Norfolk. 

Thad  Stevens  yesterday  introduced  a  resolution  direct- 
ing that  three  copies  of  Forney's  Chronicle  should  be  sent 
to  our  legations  and  consuls  abroad  and  be  paid  for  out  of 
the  contingent  of  the 'House,  —  a  monstrous  proposition 


1866]  THE  CONDUCT  OF  SENATOR  MORGAN  487 

made  in  wanton  recklessness  and  supported  by  sixty  votes. 
Forney  in  return  puffs  Stevens  as  the  "Great  Commoner." 

April  18,  Wednesday.  The  President  was  to  have  sent 
me  word  when  he  would  see  Captain  McKinstry,  but,  hav- 
ing failed  to  do  so,  I  called  on  him  to-day  and  he  appointed 
this  evening  or  any  hour  to-morrow. 

Some  conversation  took  place  on  the  subject  of  New 
York  appointments.  I  congratulated  him  that  he  had  got 
the  Collector  and  Attorney  off  his  hands,  and  though  I  had 
personally  but  slight  knowledge  of  either,  it  seemed  to  me 
they  were  as  good  as  any  of  the  candidates  named.  The 
President  said  he  found  New  York  broken  up  into  cliques; 
that  he  could  satisfy  neither  without  dissatisfying  all 
others.  That  all  had  selfish  objects  of  their  own  to  gratify 
and  wished  to  use  him  for  their  own  personal  ends. 

The  conduct  of  Morgan  had,  he  said,  been  very  extraor- 
dinary. In  all  his  conversations  he  had  expressed  him- 
self in  accord  with  the  Administration  on  the  question  of 
the  Civil  Rights  Bill  and  the  veto.  But  he  wanted  the 
nomination  of  Collector  should  be  sent  in  before  the  vote 
was  taken,  was  particularly  urgent  on  Monday  morning, 
and  from  what  had  since  transpired  there  was,  he  thinks, 
a  sinister  design.  Results  had  shown  that  it  was  well  he 
did  not  comply  with  Morgan's  urgent  request. 

In  nominating  Stanbery  to  the  Supreme  Court,  he  had 
a  desire  to  get  a  sound  man  on  the  bench,  one  who  was 
right  on  fundamental  constitutional  questions.  Stanbery, 
he  says,  is  with  us  thoroughly,  earnestly. 

Alluding  to  certain  persons  in  the  Cabinet,  he  expressed 
himself  with  much  feeling  and  said  a  proper  sense  of  de- 
cency should  prompt  them  to  leave,  provided  they  were 
not  earnestly  and  sincerely  with  the  Administration. 

April  19,  Thursday.  The  President  last  evening  ad- 
dressed a  large  concourse  who  assembled  under  a  call  of 
soldiers  and  sailors  who  desired  to  serenade  and  thank  him 


488  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRILS 

for  a  proclamation  in  their  favor  for  government  em- 
ployment. His  speech  is  bold  and  well  enough  if  it  was 
advisable  that  the  Chief  Magistrate  should  address  such 
gatherings. 

Senator  Trumbull  called  upon  me  this  morning  for  the 
first  time  in  several  months.  It  was  to  ask  a  favor,  and  for 
Mrs.  Trumbull  more  than  himself.  I  regretted  that  I  could 
not  without  violating  regulations  grant  it,  for  both  of  them 
have  been  a  little  miffed  because  I  opposed  his  two  great 
measures  which  have  been  vetoed.  The  speech  of  the* 
President  last  evening  was  alluded  to,  and  Trumbull  was 
very  emphatic  in  condemning  Presidential  speechmaking. 
We  did  not  greatly  differ  on  this  subject,  for  it  has  never 
been  regarded  favorably  by  me.  Sometimes  ib  may  be  ex- 
cusable, but  omission  is  better  than  compliance  with  calln 
from  irresponsible  gatherings.  Frequent  harangues  t<s 
promiscuous  crowds  lessen  the  dignity  of  the  President. 

Passing  from  this  subject  to  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, he  asked  me  if  I  was  willing,  or  would  consent,  that 
Senators  and  Representatives  should  be  admitted  to  takt* 
part  in  the  Government,  coming  from  Rebel  States  and 
districts.  I  told  him  I  was  most  assuredly  willing,  pro- 
vided they  were  loyal  and  duly  and  properly  elected. 
"Then,"  inquired  he,  "how  could  you  deny  one  a  seat  in 
Congress  from  South  Carolina  during  the  existence  of  the* 
Rebellion?"  "That,"  said  I,  "is  a  different  question,  but  I 
am  by  no  means  prepared  to  say  I  would  not  have  been  glad 
to  have  seen  a  true  and  loyal  man  like  Andrew  Johnson,  or 
yourself,  here  from  that  State  during  the  War.  I  regretted 
that  more  did  not,  like  Johnson,  remain  in  1861.  Would 
you  have  expelled  them?"  Without  answering  me  direct, 
Trumbull  became  a  good  deal  excited  and  was  very  em- 
phatic against  the  Rebels.  I  said  we  would  have  no  con- 
troversy on  that  point.  I  was  not  their  apologist,  though  I 
was  not  their  persecutor,  now  that  the  Rebellion  was  sup- 
pressed. They  had  greatly  erred  and  wronged  us,  had  slain 
our  kindred  and  friends,  wasted  our  treasure,  etc.,  but  he 


1866]     TALK  WITH  SENATOR  TRUMBULL      489 

and  I  should  not  bear  resentment.  We  had  a  country  to 
care  for  and  should,  I  thought,  exert  ourselves  to  promote 
reconciliation  and  reestablish  the  Union  in  all  its  integ- 
rity at  the  earliest  attainable  moment. 

' '  Without  conditions?' '  inquired  he.  "  The  Constitution, ' ' 
replied  I,  "  provides  for  all  that  is  necessary  to  be  done. 
The  condition  of  affairs  is  anomalous,  but  the  path  is  plain. 
Each  State  is  entitled  to  the  Senators  and  Representatives 
according  to  population.  Why  are  eleven  unrepresented 
and  denied  their  rights  by  an  arbitrary  and  despotic 
majority  of  Congress?" 

He  imputed  the  difficulty  chiefly  to  the  President,  who, 
he  declared,  had  failed  to  act  up  to  the  principles  of  his 
message ;  and  he  quoted  a  passage.  I  told  him  the  course  of 
the  President  I  thought  perfectly  consistent  and  I  knew  it 
was  honest.  But  why  was  Tennessee,  for  instance,  more 
loyal  than  Kentucky,  excluded  from  representation  in 
either  branch  of  Congress?  He  said  the  President  was  to 
blame  for  that,  for  had  he  not  put  his  veto  on  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  Bill,  Tennessee,  and  he  thought  Arkansas 
and  Louisiana  also,  would  long  before  this  have  had  their 
Representatives  in  Congress.  I  told  him  this  did  not 
appear  to  me  very  enlightened  and  correct  statesmanship. 
Why  those  States  should  be  denied  their  undoubted  con- 
stitutional rights,  because  the  President  and  Congress  dis- 
agreed, I  could  not  understand.  He  complained  that  the 
President  was  not  frank,  that  he  had  advised  civil  rights 
in  his  message  to  all,  and  yet  vetoed  the  very  bill  which 
confirmed  those  rights. 

I  remarked  that  the  subject  of  civil  rights  —  personal 
rights — belonged  to  the  States,  not  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  had  abolished 
slavery,  and  the  blacks  had  the  same  remedies  that  the 
whites  had  to  preserve  their  freedom.  That  undoubtedly 
some  of  the  States  would,  at  least  for  a  time,  make  dis- 
criminating laws.  Illinois,  I  presume,  did,  and  I  thought 
Connecticut  also.  He  denied  that  Illinois  made  any  dis- 


490  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APBIL  19 

tinction  affecting  the  civil  rights  of  the  negro,  and  asked 
when  and  in  what  respects  the  civil  rights  were  affected  in 
Connecticut. 

"Both  States,"  said  I,  "deny  them  suffrage,  which  is 
claimed  as  a  right  by  the  extreme  Radicals  in  Congress." 
He  said  there  were  not  ten  men  in  Congress  who  took  that 
view;  there  were  just  eight,  he  finally  remarked  in  the 
Senate,  and  perhaps  double  that  number  in  the  House. 
"But,"  said  he,  "suffrage  is  a  privilege,  not  a  right."  I  re- 
marked I  so  considered  it,  but  Sumner  and  others  took  a 
different  view.  "Well,  then,"  said  he,  "in  what  other  re- 
spects are  the  civil  rights  of  the  negro  affected?"  "He  is 
not,"  said  I,  "by  our  laws  put  on  terms  of  equality.  He  is 
not  permitted  to  get  into  the  jury  box;  he  is  not  allowed  to 
act  as  an  appraiser  of  property  under  any  circumstances, 
and  there  are  other  matters  wherein  distinctions  are 
made."  "These,"  replied  he,  "are  all  matters  of  privi- 
lege." 

"What,  then,"  said  I,  "do  you  mean  by  civil  rights? 
Please  to  define  it."  "The  right,"  replied  he,  "to  his  lib- 
erty, to  go  and  come  as  he  pleases,  have  the  avails  of  his 
own  labor,  not  to  be  restricted  in  that  respect.  Virginia/' 
continued  he,  "has  passed  a  law  that  they  shall  not  leave 
the  estate  on  which  they  reside  without  a  permit."  I  know 
not  that  Virginia  denies  or  restricts  the  right  to  emigrate. 
The  other  rights  mentioned  the  negro  possesses. 

April  20,  Friday.  The  subject  of  advertising  came  up. 
Dennison  had  made  inquiry  and  ascertained  that  the 
Intelligencer  had  the  largest  circulation.  Stanton  said 
President  Lincoln  had  ordered  him  to  publish  in  the 
Chronicle.  There  was  evidently  a  wish  to  get  along  without 
action.  I  advised  that  there  should  be  uniformity  in  the 
Departments  as  to  the  papers  employed.  The  President 
said  certainly  it  was  best  there  should  be  general  accord. 

April  24,  Tuesday.  Admiral  Farragut  and  Mrs.  F.  are 


1866]        C.  A.  WASHBURN'S  DIFFICULTY         491 

staying  with  us,  and  I  find  little  time  to  write.  Have  had 
several  interviews  with  the  President  and  Mr.  Seward  in 
relation  to  the  cruise  of  the  Chattanooga  and  passage  of 
Colonel  Robert  Johnson,  under  an  appointment  of  the 
State  Department.  The  President  evidently  feels  embar- 
rassed, yet  anxious  on  his  son's  account.  He  is  aware  of 
the  importance  to  himself  and  the  country  that  he  should 
be  relieved  from  the  care  of  this  unfortunate  young  man, 
but  is  unwilling  that  anything  personal  to  himself  should 
be  done. 

I  called  last  Thursday  with  Captain  McKinstry  and 
introduced  him  first  to  the  President  and  then  to  Messrs. 
Stover  and  Robert  Johnson.  Subsequently  I  saw  Mr. 
Seward,  who  arranged  the  subject-matter  of  the  mission. 
I  addressed  him  a  letter,  stating  the  cruise  of  the  Chatta- 
nooga and  the  principal  points  at  which  she  would  stop. 
By  request  of  Mr.  S.  an  alteration  was  made,  avoiding 
Australia  and  going  to  China  and  Japan  instead  of  running 
directly  on  the  west  coast  of  South  America.  .  .  . 

At  the  Cabinet-meeting  I  submitted  Admiral  Godon's 
dispatch  of  the  23d  of  January,  stating  the  demands  and 
difficulties  of  Mr.  Washburn,1  our  Minister  to  Paraguay, 
who  had  been  absent  from  his  post  more  than  a  year  and 
has  been  wintering  since  last  September  with  his  family 
in  Buenos  Ayres.  In  the  mean  time  the  allies  have  block- 
aded the  river  and  object  to  his  passing  through  the  lines, 
and  he  has  made  a  demand  for  the  Wasp  or  some  other 
naval  vessel  to  convey  him  and  his  family. 

Mr.  Seward,  without  knowing  all  the  facts,  at  once 
requested  that  Mr.  Washburn  should  have  public  convey- 
ance. I  showed  him  Godon's  dispatch,  who  states  that  no 
foreign  power  has  attempted  to  pass  the  blockade,  that  he 
cannot  do  it  without  obtaining  from  the  Buenos  Ayres 
authorities  coal,  and  that  to  return  the  courtesy  by  setting 
them  at  defiance  would  be  ungracious;  that  no  foreign 
government  has  a  representative  in  Paraguay;  that  we 
1  Charles  Ames  Washburn,  brother  of  Elihu  B.  Washburne. 


492  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  24 

have  no  interests  there,  and  that  if  Mr.  Washburn  gets 
there  he  will  be  almost  the  only  American  in  the  territory 
and  will  require  a  naval  force  to  protect  him. 

Although  taken  a  little  aback  by  the  statements  of 
Godon,  Seward  had  committed  himself  too  strongly  to 
back  down.  He  said  the  Minister  must  go  through  the 
blockade,  whether  it  cost  $3000  or  $30,000;  that  he  must 
get  the  coal  of  the  Buenos  Ayres  authorities  and  dis- 
oblige them  by  violating  the  blockade,  if  Mr.  Washburn 
could  not  go  without;  and  he  (Seward)  wanted  to  take 
Godon's  dispatch  and  read. 

April  25,  Wednesday.  Major-General  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler is  exercising  a  great  and  dangerous  influence  at  the 
Treasury  Department.  He  has  been  employed  in  some 
cases  and  is  using  his  opportunities  to  press  others  where  he 
is  employed  as  counsel.  As  he  has  talents  but  no  principles, 
is  avaricious  and  unscrupulous,  I  have  given  our  friends 
McCulloch  and  Chandler  at  the  Treasury  an  occasional 
admonition  concerning  him. 

In  1863  the  Grey  Jacket,  a  steamer  laden  with  cotton, 
was  captured  by  the  Kennebec  on  the  way  from  Mobile  to 
Cuba.  The  cargo  and  vessel  were  valued  at  about  half  a 
million  of  dollars,  and  were  condemned  on  the  showing  of 
the  captain  and  owners.  An  appeal  was  taken,  but  the 
case  was  so  flagrant  that  there  was  no  avoiding  condemna- 
tion. The  owners  had  employed  various  counsel,  —  first 
Nott  and  others  of  New  Orleans,  then  Seward  and  Blatch- 
f ord  of  New  York,  —  but  all  have  on  hearing  the  facts 
abandoned  the  case.  About  the  first  of  last  December  it 
was  put  in  the  hands  of  General  Butler,  who  commenced  a 
series  of  intrigues  and  manoeuvres,  and  from  his  persistency 
and  unscrupulousness  had  evidently  a  large  contingent 
fee.  I  have  heard  it  stated  at  $125,000.  But  he  found  no 
favor  at  the  Navy  Department.  His  last  appeal  with  me 
was  a  half -threat  to  go  to  Congress  and  make  an  appeal  to 
their  sympathies  for  a  man  who  had  lost  his  all  by  this 


1866]     INTRIGUES   OF  GENERAL  BUTLER      493 

capture  and  condemnation.  I  replied  that  my  appeal  for 
sympathy  in  behalf  of  the  sailors  who  had  nobly  done 
their  duty  in  sunshine  and  storm,  in  winter  and  summer, 
day  and  night,  would  probably  be  as  effective  as  his.  He 
then  changed,  —  proposed  that  the  captors  should  take 
one  half  and  the  claimant  the  other,  surrendering  by  this 
arrangement  the  moiety  which  should  go  to  the  naval  pen- 
sion fund.  I  told  him  that  was  impossible;  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  should  make  no  such  arrangement;  moreover  he 
was  the  trustee  of  that  fund  and  held  it  sacred. 

One  other  futile  attempt  was  made  in  company  with  the 
Attorney-General,  whom  he  persuaded  to  come  with  him, 
but  after  a  brief  talk  Speed  appeared  to  think  he  had  been 
imposed  upon  and  abandoned  the  case. 

Failing  at  these  points,  Butler  commenced  intriguing  at 
the  Treasury,  where  he  was  listened  to  by  Chandler,  and 
finally  Caleb  Gushing  was  employed  at  Chandler's  sugges- 
tion to  give  a  written  opinion,  General  Butler  being  the 
prompter.  Gushing  was  timid,  hesitated  to  present  his 
opinion  unsustained,  and  General  Butler  drew  up  a  pre- 
amble and  resolution  which  he  procured  Thad  Stevens  to 
present  and  procured  to  be  passed  under  the  previous 
question,  without  debate,  to  the  effect  that  cases  of  this 
description  should  be  suspended  until  the  judgment  of  the 
Supreme  Court  should  be  obtained  next  winter.  There  are 
one  or  two  clauses  in  certain  acts  which  Chase  procured 
to  be  inserted  when  he  was  striving  to  absorb  the  whole 
government  in  the  Treasury  Department,  having  the  Pre- 
sidency in  view.  These  clauses  Butler  and  Gushing  made 
the  foundation  of  their  proceeding.  Stevens 's  resolution 
was  passed  on  the  9th,  and  Cushing's  opinion  is  dated  on 
the  llth.  The  whole  thing  is  disgraceful  even  to  a  lobby 
agent  and  discreditable  to  the  Treasury  Department,  which 
has,  so  far  as  the  Secretary  is  concerned,  unwittingly  lent 
itself  to  Butler.  How  far  the  Assistant  Secretary  is  in- 
volved is  uncertain.  .  .  .  Great  derangement  in  order  to 
get  a  great  fee  has  been  effected. 


494  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [APRIL  27 

April  27,  Friday.  .  .  .  Senator  Guthrie  has  thrown  a 
mischievous  resolution  into  the  Senate  in  relation  to  an 
order  forbidding  officers  from  visiting  Washington,  and 
inquiring  if  any  have  been  refused  permission  to  come  here 
and  appeal  to  the  President  or  to  Congress.  The  object 
is  to  show  that  naval  officers  are  denied  the  privileges  of 
citizens,  and  to  make  out  that  the  Navy  Department  is 
arbitrary.  Senator  G.  seemed  not  aware  that  persons  on 
entering  the  service,  officers  as  well  as  privates,  surrender 
certain  privileges  which  private  citizens  enjoy  who  are  not 
in  the  service  and  subsisting  on  the  Treasury,  and  subject 
themselves  to  certain  restraints.  The  inquiry  is  designed 
to  get  up  sympathy  for  the  officers ;  no  interest  is  manifested 
for  or  given  to  the  men,  who  are  under  greater  restraint. 
.  .  .  Senator  Guthrie  himself  is  guiltless  of  any  mischiev- 
ous intent  and  has  been  prompted  by  some  one,  and  I  can- 
not be  mistaken  as  to  who  that  some  one  is. 

April  30,  Monday.  The  Central  Directory,  or  Stevens' s 
Reconstruction  Committee,  have  submitted  their  plan  of 
Reconstruction,  which  means  division  for  four  years  longer 
at  least.  The  papers  of  the  day  contain  this  extraordinary 
programme,  which  is  an  outrage,  and  yet  is  said  to  have 
had  the  approval  of  all  the  Republican  members  of  that 
extraordinary  committee.  It  makes  me  sad  to  see  men  in 
trusted  and  responsible  positions  so  devoted  to  party,  so 
trained  and  subservient  to  faction  as  to  trifle  with  the  wel- 
fare of  a  great  nation.  No  one  can  read  the  propositions 
submitted  without  seeing  that  the  whole  scheme  is  one  for 
party  ascendancy.  The  result  will  be,  after  a  struggle, 
perhaps  of  years,  the  ultimate  overwhelming  and  dis- 
graceful defeat  of  the  authors  and  their  party. 


XXXVIII 

Cabinet  Discussion  of  the  Reconstruction  Programme  of  Congress  —  Stan- 
ton's  Position  —  Publication  of  the  Discussion  —  Mr.  Welles  mentioned 
for  Senator  from  Connecticut  —  Colorado  admitted  to  the  Union  —  The 
Objections  to  her  Admission  —  The  Question  of  sending  a  Naval  Vessel 
to  attend  the  Laying  of  the  Atlantic  Cable  —  Captain  S.  P.  Lee  objects 
to  his  Appointment  as  Commandant  of  the  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard,  and 
Mr.  Blair  asks  for  Consideration  for  his  Son-in-Law  —  The  Senatorial 
Situation  in  Connecticut  —  Assistant  Secretary  Fox's  Proposed  Euro- 
pean Trip  —  A  Call  from  Captain  Lee  —  Cordial  Farewells  from  Fox  — 
The  President  and  his  Cabinet  serenaded  —  Speeches  of  the  Cabinet 
Officers  —  Captain  Lee's  Orders  to  the  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard  revoked 
—  His  Intrigues  —  Death  of  General  Scott  —  His  Influence  on  the 
President  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War  and  his  Relations  with  Seward  — 
A  Constitutional  Amendment  reported  to  the  Senate. 

May  1,  Tuesday.  We  have  intelligence  that  Valparaiso 
has  been  bombarded  by  the  Spaniards.  A  brutal  and  semi- 
barbarous  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Spain. 

In  Cabinet  the  President  brought  forward  the  subject  of 
Reconstruction  as  now  before  Congress  in  the  report  of  the 
Committee  of  Fifteen.  He  said  his  purpose  was  to  know  the 
opinions  of  the  several  members  of  the  Cabinet  in  regard 
to  these  propositions  of  the  Committee  and  his  own  policy, 
which  was  different. 

Seward  in  a  very  long  talk  expressed  himself  opposed  to 
the  plan  of  the  Committee.  Stanton  broke  in  upon  the 
President  before  Seward.  Was  very  glad  the  President  had 
brought  the  matter  before  the  Cabinet  in  this  formal  man- 
ner. He  had,  like  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  approved 
the  policy  of  the  President  from  the  beginning.  With  one 
or  two  others  he  had,  he  said,  taken  at  the  inception  a  dif- 
ferent view  of  negro  suffrage,  or,  as  he  expressed  it,  of 
allowing  all  the  people  of  the  State  to  vote.  But  in  all  his 
talk,  which  was  very  loud  and  emphatic,  he  expressed  no 


496  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MAY  i 

opinion  on  the  subject  before  us,  either  of  sustaining  or 
opposing  the  scheme  of  Thad  Stevens  and  his  Com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  McCulloch  was  very  decided  in  his  opposition  to  the 
plan  of  the  Committee  and  equally  decided  in  favor  of  the 
President's  policy.  He  declared  himself  not  so  hopeful  as 
Mr.  Seward,  especially  since  reading  the  scheme  of  the 
Committee. 

Dennison,  who  interposed  out  of  the  usual  order, 
thought  it  premature  to  express  any  opinion,  for  it  was  not 
yet  certain  what  course  Congress  would  take. 

Stanton,  who  should  have  followed  McCulloch,  was 
silent,  evidently  intending  to  be  passed  as  having  already 
spoken,  though  really  giving  no  opinion.  I  was  not  dis- 
posed to  permit  any  such  get-off  and  therefore  waited. 

The  President,  whose  feelings  were  very  intense,  spoke  at 
some  length  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  country,  the 
effect  which  these  schemes  must  have  on  the  efforts  to  re- 
establish the  Union. 

Mr.  Dennison  again  spoke  at  some  length,  expressing 
himself  opposed  to  many  things  in  the  programme  of  the 
Committee,  and  was  not  prepared  to  say  how  long  repre- 
sentation should  be  denied  to  the  Southern  States. 
Thought  four  years  too  long. 

McCulloch,  who  has  important  business  at  his  Depart- 
ment almost  always  when  we  have  grave  and  important 
questions,  obtained  permission  to  leave,  having  stated  his 
views. 

The  President,  holding  the  paper  in  his  hand,  said  he 
had  brought  the  subject  forward  that  he  might  know  how 
each  one  viewed  it.  I  remarked  that  was  very  proper  and 
I  trusted  each  would  state  his  opinion,  that  I  thought  it 
due  to  him,  and  I  then  turned  towards  Stanton.  Thus 
appealed  to,  and  the  President  turning  towards  him  also, 
Stanton  said  he  did  not  approve  the  propositions  of  the 
Committee  hi  the  present  form;  he  believed  they  might  be 
amended  and  essentially  improved,  and  thought  it  worth 


1866]  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PROGRAMME  497 

the  attempt  to  reconcile  action  between  the  President  and 
Congress. 

I  declared  myself  unequivocally  opposed  to  the  whole 
scheme,  which  I  considered  an  outrage  and  a  wrong.  I  said 
that  I  was  not  in  favor  of  any  Constitutional  Amendment 
in  the  present  condition  of  the  country,  that  I  knew  not 
what  right  Congress  had  to  pass  amnesty  laws  or  prescribe 
terms  to  the  States. 

Stanton  interrupted  to  say  that  I  was  opposed  to  any 
terms  with  Congress,  that  I  was  ironclad  on  this  subject  of 
Reconstruction,  and  had  not  only  fifteen-inch  guns  leveled 
against  Congress,  but  was  for  running  my  prow  into 
them. 

I  replied  that  I  was  not  aware  that  I  was  unreasonable, 
but  my  convictions  were  that  Congress  had  no  authority 
to  prescribe  terms  on  which  States  should  be  represented; 
that  the  Constitution  had  done  this;  that  each  house  was 
entitled  to  pass  on  the  election  and  qualifications  of  each 
member  of  its  own  body. 

Stanton  said  that  the  convictions  of  Congress  were 
exactly  opposed  to  mine,  and,  therefore,  I  could  make  no 
compromise  with  them.  I  told  him  I  could  compromise 
no  principle,  nor  consent  to  any  usurpation. 

Dennison  again  said  he  was  opposed  to  the  plan,  but 
repeated  that  he  did  not  know  how  soon  the  people  or 
States  should  be  represented.  I  said  immediately,  if  the 
Representatives  were  loyal,  I  wish  they  could  be  sworn  in 
to-morrow. 

Harlan  was  very  reserved.  He  agreed,  he  said,  with  Mr. 
Stanton  in  pretty  much  all  he  had  said,  and  had  no  doubt 
a  majority  of  Congress  wanted  to  be  in  harmony  with  the 
President. 

The  session  was  very  long,  extending  over  nearly  four 
hours,  most  of  the  time  on  the  subject  of  Reconstruction, 
the  President  speaking  twice  at  considerable  length  and 
objecting  to  all  conditions  precedent  to  admitting  loyal 
Members  to  the  seats. 


498  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  2 

May  2,  Wednesday.  The  papers  to-day  contain  a  synop- 
sis of  what  took  place  yesterday  in  the  Cabinet  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Reconstruction.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  Pre- 
sident himself  furnished  the  information  and  probably  the 
report  precisely  as  it  is  published.  He  has  shown  tact  and 
sagacity  in  doing  it.  The  report  of  the  position  of  each 
member  is  accurate,  although  I  think  Stanton  was  less 
decided  than  stated.  Nevertheless  he  intended  that  the 
President  should  take  that  impression,  and  I  appreciate 
the  adroitness  of  the  President  in  giving  publicity  to  Stan- 
ton's  position  as  he  represented  himself  in  the  Cabinet. 
The  Radical  friends  of  Stanton  will  be  incredulous  as  to 
his  position  in  the  Cabinet.  He  must,  however,  content 
himself  with  the  exposition  made  or  openly  deny  it.  He 
can  no  longer  equivocate  or  dissemble. 

In  a  conversation  which  I  had  with  the  President  yes- 
terday after  the  other  members  left,  he  remarked  that  the 
tune  had  come  when  we  must  know  whether  we  had  a 
united  or  divided  Cabinet;  that  the  Radicals  had  strength- 
ened themselves  by  constant  representations  that  portions 
of  the  Cabinet  were  with  them. 

To-day  Seward  remarked  to  me  that  while  he  should  say 
nothing  in  regard  to  the  opinion  of  his  associates,  he  had 
said,  and  should  repeat  to  others,  that  he  was  not  misrepre- 
sented in  the  report.  I  told  him  I  was  glad  that  Stanton's 
position  was  so  clearly  defined,  for  I  had  not  so  understood 
him.  Seward  said  Stanton  had  gone  along  with  us  so  far; 
that  Stanton  had  come  into  Mr.  Lincoln's  Cabinet  under 
peculiar  circumstances,  and  had  said  to  him  (Seward)  that 
he  should  stand  by  his  (Seward' s)  policy  while  he  remained 
in  the  Cabinet  and  go  with  him  on  all  essential  questions. 

May  3,  Thursday.  Had  a  pretty  full  talk  with  Mr.  Rice, 
Chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee,  on  the  subject  of  Re- 
construction. He  said  he  did  not  approve  of  the  report  of 

the  Rfifirmstrnr.t.irm  rirvmm  if/tap  in  n.ll  rpsnAP.ts    n.nH  hn.d  nn 


us]  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PROGRAMME  499 

State  adopted  the  requirement  prescribed  by  Congress, 
3  should  be  permitted  to  send  Representatives  without 
jting  the  action  of  other  States.  This  was  Bingham's 
lendment,  and  a  majority  of  Congress  would  adopt  that 
licy. 

I  told  him  our  differences  were  fundamental;  that  I  did 
t  admit  Congress  could  prescribe  terms  or  make  preced- 
t  conditions  to  any  State  before  it  could  exercise  the 
institutional  right  guaranteed  to  all  the  States  of  send- 
5  Senators  and  Representatives  to  make  laws  for  the 
lole  country.  That  this  was  a  right  guaranteed  in  the 
>st  imposing  and  solemn  form,  yet  for  five  months  Con- 
jss  had  violated  that  Constitutional  guaranty. 
The  Southern  people  were  still  Rebels  in  heart,  he  said, 
d  would  I  admit  them  to  be  represented  while  this  was 
3  case?  They  were  violent  in  their  language  and  conduct, 
d  would  we  allow  them  to  take  part  in  the  government 
die  that  state  of  things  continued?  I  told  him  I  knew  not 
w  he  could  prevent  it;  men  would  use  language  that  was 
ensive;  but  if  he  regarded  the  Constitution  he  would  not 

that  account  deprive  them  of  their  rights,  or  lay  down 
written  tests.  The  whole  scheme  of  imposing  conditions 

the  States,  denying  them  representation,  was  usurpa- 
m  and  an  outrage;  Congress,  not  the  Southern  people, 
sre  in  this  matter  the  criminals.  I  asked  whether  he  sup- 
sed  that  by  excluding  the  Southern  States  and  people 
im  the  government,  denying  them  rights  guaranteed  by 
B  Constitution,  taxing  them  without  allowing  them 
Dresentation,  would  conciliate,  would  reconcile,  would 
sten  restoration,  make  them  better  friends  six  months 
nee,  or  six  years  hence? 

May  4,  Friday.  The  subject  of  Reconstruction  was  not 
scussed  to-day  in  Cabinet.  Seward,  while  the  President 
is  engaged  with  some  one,  remarked  on  the  publication 
lich  had  been  made  of  our  last  meeting,  saying  that  he 
nchided  the  report  had  been  made  by  Stanton,  for  the 


500  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MAT 

papers  had  said  it  was  from  a  Cabinet  Minister,  and  the 
was  no  interest  felt  as  regarded  any  one  else  but  Stanto 
There  were,  he  remarked,  some  other  indications.  All  th 
was  said  playfully  as  he  walked  the  room  and  took  snu 
But  I  could  see  it  was  not  play  for  Stanton,  whose  counte: 
ance  betrayed  his  vexation.  Seward  saw  it  also,  and  wh< 
Stanton  said  that  Seward  was  the  only  one  who  would  ( 
this,  —  draw  up  and  publish  proceedings  hi  Cabinet,  - 
the  subject  was  dropped. 

As  we  came  out  at  the  close  of  the  meeting,  McCulloi 
said  to  me  that  he  had  hoped  there  would  have  been  sor 
call  for  a  decided  expression  from  Stanton,  for  the  new 
papers  and  many  honest  men  were  disputing  in  regard 
the  truth  of  the  report  of  his  views  in  the  Cabinet  expoi 
tion,  and  he  (McC.)  thought  it  wrong  that  a  Cabinet  Mi 
ister  should  occupy  a  false  or  an  equivocal  position  on  su 
a  question,  at  such  a  time.  In  all  of  which  I  concurred. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Radicals  are  surprised  ai 
many  of  them  incredulous  at  the  enunciation  of  Stantoi 
remarks  and  position  in  the  Cabinet.  I  apprehend  that  ] 
one  was  more  astounded  at  the  publication  than  Stant< 
himself .  It  ended  any  double  course,  if  one  had  been  pi; 
sued.  Sumner  has  repeatedly  assured  me,  most  emphati 
ally,  that  Stanton  was  with  him  and  opposed  to  the  Pi 
sident's  policy.  Others  have  said  the  same.  These  m< 
were  deceived  and  have  been  until  now,  and  they  cann 
believe  they  have  been  duped. 

The  President  has  not  been  unaware  of  the  conflict! 
statements  in  regard  to  Stanton,  and  for  this  reason  adopt 
the  course  of  calling  out  the  individual  opinions  of  ea 
member  of  his  Cabinet  and  then  took  the  opportunity 
throwing  them  in  a  condensed  form  before  the  public.  Tl 
gives  the  attitude  and  views  of  the  Administration  and 
each  member  of  it  on  the  subject  of  the  report  of  the  Recc 
struction  Committee  in  advance  of  the  debate  in  Congre; 
and  prevents  misrepresentations  and  false  assumptions 
regard  to  them.  It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Radical  lead* 


1866]  STANTON'S  POSITION  501 

to  claim  that  the  Cabinet  was  divided,  that  Stanton  and 
others  were  with  them,  and  hence  their  papers  and  orators 
have  eulogized  and  magnified  Stanton  into  enormous  pro- 
portions. All  this  has  now  terminated.  I  did  not  under- 
stand Stanton  as  expressing  himself  quite  so  decidedly  as 
he  is  represented  to  have  done  in  the  report,  though  it 
appeared  to  me  he  meant  to  be  understood  as  represented. 
No  doubt  he  dissembles.  He  said  he  did  not  approve  the 
Directory  plans  in  many  respects,  and  if  he  were  compelled 
to  act  upon  them  as  now  presented  he  should  avow  him- 
self opposed;  and  he  thought  Congress  and  the  President 
not  so  far  apart  that  they  could  not  come  together. 

I  followed  in  direct  antagonism  and  objected  unequivo- 
cally to  the  whole  programme,  I  had  no  faith  in  Constitu- 
tional amendments  at  this  time,  in  the  present  existing  state 
of  affairs,  with  eleven  States  unrepresented  and  without 
any  voice  in1:he  deliberations;  nor  could  I  admit  that  Con- 
gress could  prescribe  terms  to  the  States  on  which  they 
should  be  permitted  to  enjoy  their  Constitutional  right 
of  representation,  or  that  Congress  should  usurp  and  take 
to  itself  the  pardoning  power,  which  is  a  prerogative  of 
the  Executive,  nor  were  they  to  prosecute  and  punish  the 
people  without  trial.  I,  therefore,  antagonized  Stanton 
purposely.  He  saw  and  felt  it.  Hence  I  think  he  hardly 
committed  himself  so  fully  as  represented.  But  he  does  not 
deny  it.  Will  he? 

May  5,  Saturday.  Senator  Morgan  says  that  in  the 
debate  on  Lewis  Campbell's  appointment  as  Minister  to 
Mexico,  Wade  declared  in  executive  session  he  intended  to 
vote  in  favor  of  no  man  for  any  appointment  who  favored 
the  Johnson  policy  and  opposed  the  policy  of  Congress. 
Campbell,  he  said,  was  in  favor  of  the  Johnson  policy.  He 
then  launched  off  into  a  tirade  against  Maximilian,  in 
which  he  got  terribly  excited,  but  finally  closed  by  voting 
for  Campbell,  who  is  an  Ohio  man. 

The  Senate  rejected  the  nomination  of  Frank  Blair  for 


502  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MATS 

Collector  at  St.  Louis.  No  man  in  the  country,  perhaps, 
did  so  much  and  so  efficiently  and  timely  against  the  Re- 
bellion as  General  Blair  in  Missouri  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Rebellion.  But  he  is  not  of  the  Radical  faction. 

A.  E.  Burr,  who  is  a  member  of  the  Connecticut  Legisla- 
ture from  Hartford,  writes  me  that  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
feeling  on  the  subject  of  Senator;  thinks  that  a  majority 
might  be  concentrated  on  me  if  I  am  so  disposed.  One  of 
the  newspaper  correspondents,  Ripley,  has  called  on  me  on 
the  same  subject.  R.  has  seen  Dixon,  who  says  he  should 
like  to  have  me  elected  and  will  do  anything  to  bring  it 
about,  provided  it  is  my  wish,  but  he  adds  the  difficulty  is 
I  will  do  nothing  for  myself.  D.  says  there  is  not  a  doubt  of 
my  election  if  I  will  earnestly  enter  the  canvass.  He  may 
be  correct,  probably  is,  but  I  cannot  approve,  or  do,  what 
others  do  in  these  matters.  While  I  should  feel  gratified 
with  the  unsolicited  compliment  of  such  a  testimonial,  I  do 
not  so  crave  it  as  to  employ  or  enter  into  such  means  as  are 
too  freely  used  to  obtain  it.  If  a  good  and  true  man  can  be 
secured  I  will  aid  him. 

May  8,  Tuesday.  The  subject  of  admitting  Colorado 
was  to-day  before  the  Cabinet.  The  bill  has  passed  both 
houses  after  having  been  once  rejected.  Congress  in  1863 
authorized  the  formation  of  a  State  constitution,  and  the 
people  refused  to  take  upon  themselves  local  State  govern- 
ment. Subsequently  the  people  formally  adopted  it  by  a 
small  majority  in  a  vote  of  some  six  thousand,  and  elected 
Senators,  who  are  here  anxious  to  get  their  seats.  After  the 
proposition  and  Senators  were  rejected,  it  was  ascertained 
the  latter  would  vote  with  the  Radicals,  and  that  their 
votes  would  contribute  to  overrule  and  defeat  the  Execu- 
tive. This  new  light  led  Senators  to  re  vise  their  votes.  The 
Constitution  restricts  suffrage  to  the  whites,  but  Senators 
and  others  who  insist  on  negro  suffrage  where  the  blacks 
are  numerous,  and  in  States  where  Congress  has  no  right  to 
intervene,  voted  for  Colorado. 


1866]      THE   ADMISSION   OF   COLORADO          5( 

Seward,  McCulloch,  and  myself  were  against  admittii 
the  State.  She  had  a  population  of  less  than  twenty  thoi 
sand,  as  claimed  by  some,  and  not  exceeding  thirty  < 
thirty-five  thousand,  as  insisted  by  the  most  strenuous  f< 
admission.  As  a  principle  I  have  uniformly  opposed  recoi 
nizing  and  admitting  States  with  a  population  below  tl 
ratio  for  one  Representative.  This  has  always  ruled.  Tl 
slaveholders  thrust  in  Florida  and  Arkansas  as  an  offset  1 
Free  States;  and  Kansas  was  authorized  under  peculiar  an 
extraordinary  circumstances  to  form  a  constitution  wit! 
I  think,  less  than  sixty  thousand.  There  was,  perhap 
some  excuse  for  admitting  and  authorizing  Colorado  1 
frame  a  constitution  when  the  difficulties  of  the  count] 
and  the  attempts  of  the  Rebels  to  lessen  the  number  i 
States  was  before  us.  But  the  people  then  refused  sel 
government. 

I  therefore  had  no  difficulty  in  coming  to  my  conclusioi 
on  general  principles.  Stanton  thought  it  might  in  th 
instance  be  well  enough  to  let  them  in  and  avoid  furtb 
trouble.  Harlan  argued  for  admission  with  some  abilil 
and  tact,  but  did  not  meet  the  great  underlying  principl 
He  thought  it  expedient,  and  with  so  much  effect  as 
cause  Dennison  to  doubt,  who  was  at  first  opposed  to  tl 
bill.  The  question  was  deferred. 

The  subject  of  sending  naval  vessels  to  attend  the  layii 
of  the  Atlantic  telegraph  was  considered.  Seward,  Denr 
son,  and  Harlan  in  the  affirmative.  McCulloch  and  Sta; 
ton  opposed.  I  felt  very  indifferent;  had  advised  Field  • 
go  to  Congress.  Told  him  I  should  not  act  without  autho 
ity  from  Congress  or  an  order  from  the  Executive.  State 
to  the  President  that  we  could,  without  any  difficulty  < 
much  additional  expense,  detail  a  vessel,  Mr.  Seward  ha' 
ing  said  we  did  not  require  all  the  four  ordered  to  the  fisl 
ing-ground.  Although  my  faith  in  the  success  of  the  oces 
telegraph  is  not  great,  yet,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Congre 
had  once  ordered  a  vessel  and  of  our  present  ability 
spare  one,  and  the  further  fact  that  a  vessel  had  be< 


504  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [MATS 

ordered  to  assist  or  be  present  at  laying  the  Russian  tele- 
graph, it  might  be  expedient  to  show  a  friendly  feeling  as 
regards  this,  and  I  would  assent,  though  unwilling  to 
advise  it. 

The  President  thought  it  would  be  well  for  Congress  to 
take  up  the  subject,  or,  at  all  events,  that  we  should  delay 
a  day  or  two  before  deciding.  This  I  approved  as  the  bet- 
ter course.  Stanton,  who  had  seen  my  previous  indiffer- 
ence, immediately  slapped  me  on  the  shoulder  and  said  I 
could  decide  readily  with  the  President.  I  said  I  could,  for 
he  usually  was  not  far  wrong.  Stanton  was  vexed. 

May  12,  Saturday.  Moore,  the  President's  Private  Secre- 
tary, came  to  me  on  Wednesday,  the  9th,  by  request  of  the 
President,  who  desired  him  to  consult  with  me  respecting 
orders  recently  issued  to  Captain  S.  P.  Lee  to  take  com- 
mand at  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard.  He  said  the  elder  Blair 
was  very  importunate  on  the  subject  and  made  it  a  personal 
matter.  I  told  him  I  was  aware  of  what  Lee  was  procuring 
to  be  done  through  others,  and  that  therein  he  was  violat- 
ing regulations  and  usage,  but  that  it  was  characteristic  of 
him.  The  orders  to  him  were  complimentary,  for  he  had 
seniors  who  had  prior  claims,  but  I  considered  Lee  a  good 
yard  officer.  His  case  was  peculiar.  I  had  given  him  the 
command  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron  when  other  and 
older  officers  were  entitled  to  the  position.  But,  knowing 
that  he  had  good  business  qualities,  and  that  much  that 
was  improper  was  then  being  carried  on  in  violation  of 
blockade  by  Treasury  men  and  by  General  Butler,  I  had 
purposely  selected  him  for  that  position.  The  business  por- 
tion of  his  duties  were  well  performed,  but  as  an  officer  he 
has  not  sufficient  energetic  fighting  qualities.  Some  efforts 
towards  getting  possession  of  the  entrance  of  [the]  Cape 
Fear  [River]  and  capturing  Fort  Fisher  were  proposed,  but 
eventuated  in  nothing,  and  when  the  army  finally  in- 
dicated a  willingness  to  join  in  a  cooperative  movement, 
the  first  step  taken  was  to  detach  Lee.  While  in  command, 


1866J    CAPTAIN  S.  P.  LEE'S  APPOINTMENT     605 

however,  he  had  been  wonderfully  favored  in  procuring 
prize  money,  being  entitled  to  one  twentieth  of  all  the  cap- 
tures on  that  extensive  blockade.  He  had,  consequently, 
accumulated  a  handsome  fortune  of  over  $150,000.  With 
the  fortune  he  now  sought  rank  to  which  the  Navy  was 
opposed.  I  have  been  more  blamed  for  favoritism  to  Lee 
than  to  any  other  officer.  But  while  others  blamed  me  for 
favors  to  Lee,  he  was  dissatisfied  because  I  did  not  give 
him  promotion  and  was  continually  harassing  my  old 
friend  his  father-in-law  to  press  his  promotion.  I  had 
repeatedly  assured  Mr.  Blair,  as  well  as  Lee,  that  it  was 
impossible  to  gratify  him.  Both  they  and  those  opposed 
to  him  had  done  me  injustice.  I  had  in  view  the  good  of  the 
service  without  partiality  or  prejudice. 

I  told  Moore  to  tell  the  President  that  Lee  had  now  had 
about  nine  months'  waiting  orders,  that  every  officer  of  his 
grade  was  on  duty,  that  he  could  not  expect  to  escape  duty 
and  remain  in  the  service;  that  his  rank  did  not  entitle  him 
to  a  squadron,  but  it  would  be  unpleasant  for  him  after 
having  acted  as  rear-admiral  to  take  a  single  ship  and  go 
under  the  command  of  another.  I  had,  therefore,  given 
him  the  California  shore  station,  to  which,  however,  he 
was  not  entitled,  but  as  a  compromise  under  the  peculiar 
circumstances.  But  this  duty  he  was  trying  to  evade 
through  political  influence,  and,  instead  of  coming  to  the 
Department,  he  was  intriguing  and  operating  through  his 
father-in-law  and  annoying  the  President.  I  requested 
him  to  communicate  the  facts  in  full  to  the  President,  for 
I  desired  him  to  know  them  and  would  myself  speak  to 
him  on  the  subject. 

At  a  caucus  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  Connecti- 
cut Legislature  General  Ferry  on  the  seventh  ballot  was 
nominated.  Senator  Foster  had  been  confident  of  a  re- 
election, but  there  never  was  a  case  worse  managed.  His 
friends  went  into  a  caucus  without  qualification,  having 
Governor  Buckingham  and  Ferry  for  competitors.  B.  was 
from  the  same  town  with  Foster,  and  the  contest  conse- 


506  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MAT  12 

quently  had  a  personal  bearing.  Ferry,  being  from  the 
western  part,  slipped  hi  between  them.  I  had  told  Dixon 
and  had  written  to  some  friends  that  the  struggle  would  be 
likely  to  eventuate  in  Ferry's  nomination. 

Babcock  and  Sperry  of  New  Haven  have  undertaken  to 
manage  the  matters,  and  they  have,  as  I  expected  they 
would,  made  a  failure.  They  have  been  afraid  of  dividing 
the  party,  and,  as  the  Radicals  outnumber  them  in  the 
organization,  they  must  go  against  their  conviction  and 
do  wrong.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  vim  enough  among  the 
friends  of  Johnson  to  make  a  stand  in  this  matter.  Bab- 
cock  has  run  his  head  into  a  bag  and  taken  others 
with  him.  He  is  afraid  to  withdraw  it  lest  he  should  see 
something.  By  this  action  he  has  demoralized  the  mem- 
bers. 

Fox  is  bewildered  with  the  idea  of  going  out  in  his  official 
capacity  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  Europe. 
I  am  sorry  to  see  so  much  self-glorification.  But  he  is 
stimulated  by  Seward,  Grimes,  and  others. 

Old  Mr.  Blair  came  in  to-day  and  had  more  than  an 
hour's  talk  with  me  in  behalf  of  Lee.  I  went  over  the  ground 
with  him,  as  I  did  with  Moore.  "But,"  said  Mr.  Blair, 
"I  ask  as  a  favor  to  myself,  who  have  labored  here  in 
Washington  for  thirty-five  years  without  office,  that  Lee 
may  have  a  position  in  Washington."  He  said  his  sons, 
Montgomery  and  Frank,  had  been  sacrificed,  and  he  asked 
me  as  an  old  friend  to  spare  Lee.  I  told  him  I  was  willing  to 
do  anything  in  my  power  for  him  or  either  of  his  sons,  but 
I  could  not  depart  from  what  is  right  and  the  usages  of 
the  service;  that  Lee  had  been  guilty  of  great  impropriety 
in  procuring  him  to  take  up  his  cause  with  the  President  or 
myself;  that  Lee  had  received  special  favors,  had  become 
rich  in  a  place  which  others  believed  justly  theirs,  and  that 
they  had  imputed  his  success  to  the  Blair  influence;  that, 
were  I  to  give  Lee  position  here  in  one  of  the  bureaus,  as  he, 
Mr.  Blah*,  requested,  or  were  I  to  give  him  promotion  as 
asked,  it  would  cause  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  service, 


FRANCIS  PJJESTON  ELAIK,  SR. 


1866]     CAPTAIN  S.  P.  LEE'S  APPOINTMENT    507 

and  be  charged  to  the  Blairs;  that  I,  as  a  friend,  was  un- 
willing that  discontent  against  them  should  be  incurred  for 
Lee;  that  he  ought  not  to  absorb  their  influence  nor  strive 
to  get  court  favor  at  their  expense. 

Mr.  Blair  claimed  that  Lee  stood  next  to  Farragut  and 
Porter  in  the  Navy  and  ought  to  be  made  an  admiral;  says 
he  would  have  been  but  for  Fox,  and  named  some  things 
against  Fox  which  I  told  him  were  incorrect.  At  length  he 
drew  out  an  application  from  Lee,  but  not  signed  though 
in  his  handwriting,  asking  a  year's  leave.  I  told  him  it  was 
an  extraordinary  application,  such  as  no  one  of  his  rank 
had  made,  and  that  Lee  must  know  it  was  improper.  He 
could  not  think,  after  his  great  pecuniary  success,  of  re- 
maining idle  in  the  service,  nor  must  he  strive  to  evade  its 
duty.  If  he  declined  the  Navy  Yard  at  Mare  Island,  he 
might  take  Pensacola,  or  he  might  have  a  good  ship,  but  he 
must  not  decline  service  after  nine  months'  leisure.  I  told 
him  I  could  do  better  for  Lee  if  absent  than  if  here,  that 
whatever  I  had  done  for  him  had  been  unsolicited  and  when 
he  was  away. 

Mr.  Blair  deprecated  the  desolation  of  his  house  from 
this  order  to  move;  said  his  daughter  and  grandchildren 
would  leave  him,  and  he  and  his  old  woman  would  pack  up 
and  go  to  California  also,  which  was  very  hard  at  seventy- 
five.  I  said  that  neither  he,  his  wife,  nor  daughter  would  go, 
that  he  had  been  urged  to  this  application  by  this  improper 
view. 

May  14,  Monday.  Mr.  Smythe,  Collector  in  New  York, 
called  at  my  house  yesterday  with  Senator  Doolittle,  and 
both  were  much  interested  in  the  election  of  Senator  in  Con- 
necticut. I  remarked  to  them  that  the  subject  had  been 
greatly  mismanaged,  and  I  doubted,  knowing  the  men  and 
their  management,  or  mismanagement,  whether  anything 
could  now  be  done;  that  Foster  and  his  friends  had  been 
sanguine  and  full  of  confidence,  —  so  much  so  that  they 
had  taken  no  precautionary  measures,  —  and  he  and  his 


508  DIARY  OF  GIDEON   WELLES      [MAY  u 

friends  could  not,  in  good  faith,  make  farther  move  for  him, 
and  yet  they  would  do  nothing  for  any  one  else. 

Mr.  Smythe  said  that  from  information  which  he  had 
there  was  no  doubt  that  Ferry  would  be  defeated  and  a  true 
man  elected.  There  were,  he  said,  three  candidates  spoken 
of,  —  myself,  Foster,  and  Cleveland;  that  they  could  do 
better  with  me  than  with  either,  Foster  next,  and  Cleve- 
land last. 

I  repeated  that  I  could  not  well  see  how  Foster  could  now 
be  taken  up,  and  yet  so  intense  were  he  and  his  friends  that 
they  would  engage  for  no  others.  Smythe  said  he  would 
leave  this  evening  and  would  go  on  to-morrow  to  New 
Haven,  confident  he  could  do  something. 

But  all  will  be  labor  lost.  I  have  little  doubt  that  if  the 
matter  were  taken  up  sensibly  the  election  of  a  true  man 
could  be  secured.  But  Babcock,  Sperry,  Starkweather,  and 
others,  who  had  managed  things  at  New  Haven,  would 
interest  themselves  for  no  one  but  Foster,  while  his  chances 
are  the  worst  after  what  has  been  done,  and  to  now  be  a 
candidate  would  be  dishonorable. 

The  Democrats,  who  would  securely  control  this,  would 
probably  unite  on  me  sooner  than  any  one  named,  but  the 
Republican  friends  of  Johnson  have  been  manipulated  by 
Foster's  friends  and  taught  to  stand  by  their  party  until 
they  have  no  independence  or  strength.  The  weak  and 
simple  conduct  of  Babcock  and  the  Republican  Johnson 
men,  is  disgusting.  They  have  resolved  and  re-resolved 
that  they  will  not  divide  the  Republican  Party.  Conse- 
quently they  must  go  with  it  in  all  its  wrongdoing  and  mis- 
chief, because  the  Radicals,  being  a  majority,  will  control 
what  is  called  the  Republican  Party.  This  is  the  light,  friv- 
olous training  and  results  of  Connecticut  Whiggery.  While 
preferring  to  be  Johnson  men  and  to  support  the  Admin- 
istration, they  are  aiding  the  election  of  a  Radical,  anti- 
Johnson,  anti-Administration  man  to  the  Senate,  —  all, 
as  they  claim,  to  preserve  the  party,  but  certainly  without 
regard  as  to  consistency  or  principle. 


1866]  FOX'S  EUROPEAN  TRIP  509 

May  17,  Thursday.  Have  been  some  indisposed,  with 
a  good  deal  to  do.  Fox  is  about  leaving,  but  is  managing 
and  contriving  to  get  position  and  go  abroad  with  eclat. 
Seward  has  encouraged  him  in  this,  and  it  is  not  pleasant 
for  me  to  oppose  it,  although  the  whole  proceeding  is  wrong 
in  my  opinion,  or  rather  is  such  as  should  not  be  encour- 
aged. Faxon  thinks  the  demonstration  is,  on  the  part  of 
Fox,  for  self-glorification  and  with  a  design  to  steal  fame  at 
my  expense.  This  may  have  some  foundation,  but  I  hope 
not,  and  believe  not,  in  so  aggravated  a  degree  as  Faxon 
and  some  others  conjecture.  The  President  spoke  of  this 
queer  mission  to-day  in  rather  contemptuous  terms,  and 
said  there  were  efforts  on  the  part  of  some  to  glorify  Fox  as 
an  indispensable  part  of  the  Government.  I  made  the  mat- 
ter as  pleasant  as  I  well  could  to  the  President,  for  Fox 
has  been  useful  and  I  wish  him  to  have  the  full  benefit  of  it. 
To  me  he  has  been  respectful  and  always  obedient  and  at- 
tentive. I  do  not  believe  he  intends  to  arrogate  anything 
at  my  expense.  If  he  attempts  it,  time  will  correct  it.  His 
work,  as  I  understand,  is  to  be  made  the  agent  of  some  of 
the  South  American  states  in  building  some  turreted  ves- 
sels and  perhaps  others,  and  he  fancies  that  by  going  across 
the  Atlantic  in  the  Miantonomah  he  shall  obtain  useful 
celebrity.  This,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  impelling  motive 
and  he  is  not,  perhaps,  sufficiently  considerate  of  myself 
and  others  in  pressing  forward  his  scheme. 

Faxon  does  not  believe  that  he  intends  to  resign  his  place 
in  the  Department,  but  thinks  that  he  means  to  resume 
his  position  here  on  his  return.  That  cannot  be  and  I  am 
unwilling  to  believe  he  would,  if  he  could,  be  guilty  of  the 
bad  faith  and  duplicity  that  would  be  involved  in  such 
a  procedure. 

May  18,  Friday.  Ferry  was  elected  Senator  on  the 
part  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Connecticut  by 
some  thirty  majority  on  Wednesday.  In  the  Senate  the 
election  was  postponed  for  a  week,  three  of  the  Republican 


consternation  among  the  Radicals  here,  and  I  have  no 
doubt  at  home  also.  A  violent  onset  will  now  be  made  on 
the  three  recusant  or  independent  Senators.  Intriguers  at 
New  Haven,  and  intriguers  in  their  respective  districts 
will  be  at  work  to  influence  them,  and  I  have  my  doubts 
whether  one  or  more  of  them  may  not  be  shaken. 

In  the  mean  time  our  friends  should  be  at  work  upon 
others.  A  great  mistake,  however,  has  been  committed  in 
getting  the  members  pledged  for  persons  instead  of  prin- 
ciples. I  have  advised'  that  they  should  put  themselves 
on  impregnable  ground  for  the  Union,  irrespective  of  men 
or  parties. 

Seward  has  gone  home.  He  told  me  he  intended  to  make 
a  speech  while  absent  in  favor  of  the  President  and  his 
policy.  Originating  no  measure  himself,  and  cautious  and 
calculating  in  adopting  the  plans  of  others,  he  nevertheless 
supposes  that  what  he  says  has  wonderful  influence.  I  do 
not  think  he  has  ever  made  a  speech  which  gave  shape  or 
character  to  a  party,  though  usually  the  oracle  of  Weed  and 
the  managers  of  his  party.  Often  his  remarks  have  been 
more  harmful  than  beneficial.  His  harangues  at  Auburn 
are  studied  orations,  prepared  after  consultation  with  his 
confidants,  and  he  is  now  pregnant  with  one.  If  it  is  a 
quiet  baby,  passive  and  pleasant,  I  shall  be  satisfied;  if 
it  has  some  deformities,  I  shall  not  be  surprised. 

May  19,  Saturday.  Dixon  informed  me  last  evening 
that  he  was  apprehensive  Foster  would  leave  his  friends  in 
the  lurch.  Brandegee  and  some  others  came  on  from  New 
Haven  and  had  a  private  interview  with  Fessenden,  who 
took  Foster  in  hand,  and  D.  believes  has  succeeded  in  cap- 
turing or  controlling  him.  I  think  it  probable,  for  Foster 
has  wanted  stamina  and  decision  in  this  instance,  though 
I  think  he  is  very  well  disposed  and  possessed  of  a  pretty 
good  share  of  good  sense,  if  he  had  the  courage  to 
use  it.  - 


1866]  A   CALL  FROM   CAPTAIN   LEE  511 

May  21,  Monday.  Captain  S.  P.  Lee  called  on  me  to-day 
respecting  his  orders  to  Mare  Island.  The  President  on 
Saturday  showed  me  an  application  which  Lee  had  made 
to  him  to  be  relieved  from  the  orders  and  placed  on  leave 
for  one  year.  Mr.  Blair  had  left  with  me  a  similar  paper, 
unsigned,  however.  The  President  inquired  what  he  should 
do  with  the  paper.  I  answered  that  it  was  an  extraordinary 
application  even  if  made  to  the  Department,  but  more  ex- 
traordinary in  passing  over  the  Department  and  applying 
to  the  President  to  rid  himself  of  orders. 

The  President  said  he  would  refer  the  paper  to  me  to  dis- 
pose of.  [It  reached  me  this  A.M.,  and  Lee  followed  it  within 
half  an  hour.  He  showed  a  consciousness  of  manner  in 
opening  the  subject,  and  made  a  half -turn  apology  for  hav- 
ing gone  to  the  President  by  saying,  if  he  had  not  called  on 
me,  his  father-in-law,  Mr.  Blair,  had.  I  did  not  conceal 
from  him  my  surprise  at  the  unusual  course  he  had  pur- 
sued, the  more  so  as  his  age,  experience,  and  long  attend- 
ance at  Washington  precluded  any  idea  that  it  was  the 
result  of  ignorance. 

I  told  him  that  he  had  been  favored  and  fortunate  in 
some  respects  beyond  any  officer  of  his  grade,  perhaps  be- 
yond any  officer  in  the  service;  that  he  could  not  expect  to 
remain  off  duty  while  all  others  were  on  duty;  that  he  had 
been  eight  months  on  waiting  orders,  and  that  no  officer 
had  asked  a  year's  leave;  that  he  assigned  no  reason,  nor 
could  I  conceive  of  any  that  would  justify  such  leave. 

He  said  his  case  was  peculiar  and  he  wished  to  remain  in 
Washington  to  attend  to  his  promotion. 

Then,  said  I,  any  officer  would  be  entitled  to  the  same 
privilege,  and  the  service  would  soon  be  in  a  demoralized 
state ;  that  I  did  not  desire  for  his  own  reputation  to  see  him 
seated  at  the  threshold  of  the  Executive  Mansion,  or  at  the 
door  of  the  Senate,  beseeching  for  undue  favors;  that  he 
would  do  well  to  leave  his  case  in  the  hands  of  the  Depart- 
ment, as  did  other  officers.  He  certainly  would  fare  as  well 
if  away  as  if  here. 


512  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES    [MAY  21 

The  interview  was  long  and  unpleasant.  Again  this  even- 
ing he  has  called  at  my  house  to  repeat  the  same  plea. 

The  President,  I  find,  is  by  no  means  pleased  with  the  steps 
that  have  been  taken  in  regard  to  Fox's  going  to  Russia. 
He  thinks  that  injustice  is  designed  towards  me  by  Seward, 
certain  Radicals,  and  by  Fox  himself.  His  surmises  are 
probably  correct,  except  as  regards  Fox,  who  does  not  wish 
to  do  me  wrong,  though,  perhaps,  not  sufficiently  ^consider- 
ate in  his  efforts  for  this  mission;  and  on  other  occasions 
the  same  fault  may  appear. 

May  22,  Tuesday.  Little  of  interest  transpired  to-day 
hi  Cabinet.  Wrote  Lee  repeating  the  order  to  Mare  Island. 
But  for  a  word  from  the  President  he  would  have  been 
court-martialed.  He  presumes  greatly  on  his  connection 
with  the  Blairs  and  would  himself  monopolize  all  that  is 
due  them;  is  full  of  low  intrigue,  is  selfish  and  is  avaricious, 
regardless  of  what  belongs  to  others. 

May  23,  Wednesday.  Fox  called  on  me  last  evening 
and  unexpectedly  bade  me  farewell.  Said  he  would  not 
trust  himself  to  call  at  the  Department  to-day.  He  was 
very  much  affected,  said  words  were  wanting  to  express  his 
high  respect  and  admiration  for  me  and  the  qualities  which 
I  possessed  for  the  position  which  I  filled.  Spoke  of  over 
five  years'  intercourse,  during  which  there  had  not  been  one 
unpleasant  word,  nor,  as  he  was  aware,  an  unpleasant 
thought  between  us.  I  have  not  time  now  to  speak  of  F. 
and  his  qualities,  but  shall  do  so.  He  has  been  useful  to 
the  country  and  to  me,  relieving  me  of  many  labors  and 
defending  me,  I  believe,  always.  His  manner  and  ways 
have  sometimes  given  offense  to  others,  but  he  is  patriotic 
and  true. 

The  President  and  his  Cabinet  were  serenaded  this  even- 
ing. I  am  opposed  to  these  methods  of  calling  out  public 
men;  have  respectfully  suggested  to  both  Presidents  Lin- 
coln and  Johnson  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  address  gath- 


1866]     CAPTAIN  LEE'S  ORDERS  REVOKED    513 

erings  at  such  times,  and  was  determined  not  to  break  over 
the  rule  myself.  I  had,  therefore,  given  the  subject  no  at- 
tention and  was  embarrassed  when  a  crowd  of  perhaps  a 
thousand  appeared  before  my  door  with  a  band  of  music. 
Declining  to  make  remarks,  I  stated  that  I  approved  the 
policy  of  the  Administration  and  was  for  the  union  of  the 
States  and  the  rights  of  the  States. 

I  understand  Stanton  read  off  a  long  address  and  McCul- 
loch  and  Dennison  each  made  speeches.  The  latter  ac- 
quitted himself  with  credit,  and  Stanton  read  his  prepared 
address  from  his  door,  a  man  standing  each  side  of  him 
with  a  lighted  candle.  Dennison  made  a  soothing  speech 
for  the  party;  said  everything  was  lovely.  Speed  ran  away, 
and  Harlan  would  not  show  himself. 

May  28,  Monday.  Events  have  crowded  thick,  and  I 
have  been  unable  to  find  time  to  record  them.  Judge  Blair 
called  on  me  yesterday  with  a  request  that  I  would,  for  his 
father's  sake,  revoke  the  orders  of  Captain  Lee  to  Mare  Is- 
land. Lee  has  been  busy  and  mischievous  in  his  intrigues 
to  evade  duty.  I  am  told  has  seen  every  Senator  but  one 
and  related  his  services  and  sorrows.  As  a  last  resort  he 
threatens  to  take  his  wife  and  child  to  California  and  thus 
leave  his  father-in-law's  family  desolate.  His  persisting  in 
this  respect  has  made  Mr.  Blair,  who  is  now  seventy-five, 
sick  and  is  likely  to  permanently  affect  his  health. 

Judge  Montgomery  Blair,  who  for  nine  years,  he  tells  me, 
has  not  spoken  to  Lee,  and  who  would,  I  have  no  doubt, 
feel  relieved  were  Lee  in  California,  earnestly  requested  for 
his  father's  sake,  that  the  orders  might  be  revoked.  I  fin- 
ally told  him  that  I  would,  with  the  approval  of  the  Presi- 
dent, to  whom  Lee  himself  had  appealed,  revoke  them  and 
place  Lee  on  leave  for  two  months.  The  President,  on  whom 
we  called,  assented,  and  I  this  morning  sent  Lee  a  revoca- 
tion of  the  order  to  Mare  Island.  He  knew  the  fact  yester- 
day. Two  hours  after  the  order  revoking  his  detail  to  Mare 
Island,  I  received  a  long  communication  of  eight  or  ten 


514  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [MAY  28 

foolscap  pages,  dated  the  26th.,  accepting  the  order,  and 
stating  he  should  proceed  to  Mare  Island  by  next  steamer. 
I  immediately  wrote  him  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  go  or 
remain,  and  that  I  made  it  optional  with  him  to  present 
a  future  claim  for  favor  for  indulgence  granted. 

The  intrigues  of  this  man  to  get  his  orders  counter- 
manded have  been  as  wonderful  as  disgusting.  His  wife 
was  made  to  harass  her  old  father  and  threaten  him  with 
an  interruption  of  domestic  arrangement  and  family  repose 
if  he  was  not  permitted  to  remain.  Appliances  and  meas- 
ures through  others  were  used.  My  wife  was  compelled  to 
listen  to  lamentations  on  account  of  the  cruel  orders  of  the 
Department.  I  called  on  the  President  the  latter  part  of 
last  week,  and  there  were  sixty  or  eighty  children  from  the 
orphan  asylum  with  the  matron  and  others,  and  I  was  im- 
plored, for  the  children's  sake,  to  revoke  the  orders,  that 
Mrs.  Lee  could  remain,  for  she  was  one  of  the  managing 
directors  of  the  school,  etc.,  etc. 

The  President  invited  me  to  come  and  see  him  on  Satur- 
day. He  was  not  reconciled  to  the  arrangement  in  regard 
to  Fox.  We  went  over  the  whole  subject,  and  I  told  him 
Fox  had  rendered  great  service,  such  as  I  thought  would 
justify  his  visiting  Europe  for  six  months  in  behalf  of  the 
Department.  Among  other  things  the  President  has  re- 
ceived from  some  quarter  an  impression  that  Fox  is  a  Rad- 
ical and  strong  in  that  interest.  This,  I  think,  is  one  of  the 
intrigues  of  Lee,  through  the  elder  Blair. 

May  29,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  word  was 
received  of  the  death  of  Lieutenant-General  Scott  at  West 
Point  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty.  He  was  great  in  stat- 
ure, and  had  great  qualities  with  some  singular  weaknesses 
or  defects.  Vanity  was  his  great  infirmity,  and  that  was 
much  exaggerated  by  political  or  party  opponents.  He  had 
lofty  political  aspirations  in  former  years,  but  they  had  ex- 
pired before  him.  Courteous,  deferential,  and  respectful  to 
his  official  superiors  always,  he  expected  and  required  the 


1866]  DEATH  OF  GENERAL   SCOTT  515 

same  from  others.  Though  something  of  a  politician,  I  do 
not  think  his  judgment  and  opinion  in  regard  to  public  af- 
fairs were  always  correct  or  reliable.  In  the  early  stages  of 
the  late  Civil  War  I  thought,  and  still  think,  his  counsels 
were  not  wise,  and  yet  they  received  extraordinary  favor 
and  had  great  weight  with  President  Lincoln.  My  impres- 
sions are  that  Mr.  Seward  persuaded  the  President  that 
the  opinions  and  advice  of  General  Scott  were  of  more 
value  than  those  of  any  others  or  all  others,  and  Seward  was 
before  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration  thought  to  be  the  coming 
man.  This  he  used  and  contrived  by  flattery  to  infuse  into 
General  S.  the  advice  on  public  affairs  which  he  wished  to 
have  commended  to  the  President  when  he  made  military 
inquiries. 

The  course  of  the  General  at  the  beginning  of  our  troubles 
was  equivocal  and  unreliable.  He  began  right  and  with 
good  advice  to  Mr.  Buchanan  to  garrison  the  forts  of  the 
South.  A  small  military  force  in  different  localities  would 
have  served  as  rallying-points,  strengthened  the  union 
sentiment  and  checked  disunion.  But  he  seemed  to  have 
doubted  his  own  advice,  halted,  and  after  Congress  con- 
vened in  1860  would  fall  into  Mr.  Seward's  views  and  was 
ready  to  let  the  "wayward  sisters  go  in  peace."  He,  in 
those  days,  imbibed  an  impression,  common  among  the 
politicians  in  Washington,  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  newly 
elected  President,  was  unequal  to  the  position,  for  he  had 
not  figured  on  the  national  arena.  It  was  supposed, there- 
fore, that  one  of  his  Cabinet  would  be  the  managing  man 
of  the  incoming  administration,  and  that  Mr.  Seward,  his 
principal  competitor  in  the  Republican  nominating  con- 
vention, who  was  to  be  the  Secretary  of  State,  would  be 
that  manager.  This  was  the  expectation  of  Mr.  Seward 
himself,  as  well  as  of  General  Scott  and  others.  He  had 
been  a  conspicuous  party  leader  for  twenty  years,  with  a 
reputation  much  overrated  for  political  sagacity,  and  with 
really  very  little  devotion  to  political  principles,  which  he 
always  subordinated  to  his  ambition.  It  was  not  surpris- 


516  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [MAY  29 

ing  that  General  Scott  viewed  him  as  the  coming  man,  and 
as  Mr.  Seward  was  a  man  of  expedients  more  than  prin- 
ciple, he  soon  made  it  obvious  that  he  intended  to  have 
no  war,  but  was  ready  to  yield  anything  —  the  Constitu- 
tion itself  if  necessary  —  to  satisfy  the  Secessionists.  The 
General  under  this  influence  abandoned  his  early  recom- 
mendations and  ultimately  advised  surrendering  all  the 
forts. 

The  Senate,  after  many  caucuses  on  the  part  of  the  Re- 
publican members,  have  an  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion modified  from  that  reported  by  the  construction,  or 
obstruction,  committee.  This  amendment  may  be  less  of- 
fensive than  that  which  passed  the  House  by  excluding  one 
of  the  States  from  any  voice  or  participation,  but  it  ought 
not  to  receive  the  sanction  of  the  Senate.  Yet  I  have  little 
doubt  that  it  will  and  that  the  canvassing  has  been  a  pro- 
cess of  drilling  the  weak  and  better-minded  members  into 
its  support.  Disgraceful  as  it  may  seem,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  secret  party  caucus  machinery  has  been  in  operation 
to  carry  through  a  Constitutional  Amendment.  Senators 
have  committed  themselves  to  it  without  hearing  opposing 
arguments,  or  having  any  other  discussion  than  that  of  a 
strictly  party  character  in  a  strictly  private  meeting.  Of 
course  this  grave  and  important  matter  is  prejudged,  pre- 
determined. Eleven  States  are  precluded  from  all  repre- 
sentation in  either  house,  and,  of  the  Senators  in  Wash- 
ington, all  not  pledged  to  a  faction  are  excluded  from  the 
caucus  when  the  decision  is  made.  This  is  the  statesman- 
ship, the  legislation,  the  enlightened  political  action  of  the 
present  Congress.  Such  doctrines,  management,  and  prin- 
ciples, or  want  of  principles,  would  sooner  or  later  ruin  any 
country. 

I  happen  to  know  that  Fessenden  had  long  interviews 
with  Stanton  last  week,  though  I  know  not  the  subject- 
matter  of  their  conferences.  Fessenden  sometimes  hesi- 
tates to  support  a  wrong  measure.  Seward  has  a  personal 
party  in  Congress, — men  who  seldom  act  on  important 


1866]       SEWARD'S  PARTY  IN   CONGRESS       517 

questions  in  opposition  to  him  and  his  views.  All  of  these 
men  vote  in  opposition  to  the  President's  policy.  Raymond 
alone  vacillates  and  trims,  but  this  is  with  an  understand- 
ing, for  Raymond  and  Seward  could,  if  necessary,  carry 
others  with  them,  provided  they  were  earnestly  disposed. 


XXXIX 

The  Fenian  Situation  on  the  Great  Lakes  —  What  to  do  with  the  Captured 
Fenians  —  Seward's  Position  as  a  Supporter  of  the  Administration  — 
The  President  issues  a  Proclamation  in  regard  to  the  Fenians  —  Attor- 
ney-General Speed's  Preliminary  Order  —  Changes  in  the  Cabinet  con- 
sidered —  Call  for  a  National  Convention  of  Friends  of  the  Union  pro- 
posed —  The  President  reads  his  Message  to  the  Cabinet  —  Dennison 
fails  to  concur,  and  the  President  strikes  out  the  Concurrence  Clause  — 
Intrigues  of  Seward  and  Weed  in  connection  with  the  Convention  Call — 
The  Connecticut  Senate  adopts  the  Constitutional  Amendment  — 
Party  Politics  and  the  Convention  Call. 

June  2,  Saturday.  There  was  no  Cabinet-meeting  yes- 
terday, and  labor  in  the  Department  was  suspended  on 
account  of  the  funeral  of  Lieutenant-General  Scott. 

Seward  sends  me  a  note  in  pencil,  signed  by  his  'initials, 
with  a  telegraph  from  Dart,  District  Attorney  of  Western 
New  York,  stating  that  Captain  Bryson  wanted  two  tugs 
to  assist  him  in  guarding  the  river.  Seward  says,  in  pencil, 
that  the  President  thinks  I  had  better  charter  the 
steamers.  He  sent  his  clerk,  Mr.  Chew,  with  this  note. 
The  whole  thing  was  one  of  those  low,  intriguing,  petty, 
contemptible  proceedings,  shunning  responsibility,  to 
which  Seward  sometimes  resorts.  I  am  sorry  to  write  so  of 
one  in  his  position  and  an  associate,  but  I  expressed  the 
matter  to  Chew  without  hard  words,  showing  Seward's 
weakness,  [and  saying]  that  this  is  a  war  on  the  Irish  in 
which  he,  Stanton,  and  Grant  fear  to  do  their  duty,  but 
wish  me  to  assume  it. 

I  called  on  the  President  and  spoke  of  the  management 
of  this  Fenian  movement  a  little  earnestly,  and  a  little 
freely.  Reminded  him  that  I  had  some  weeks  ago,  when 
the  subject  was  brought  forward  in  Cabinet,  suggested 
that  the  Irish  population  was  an  element  in  our  politics, 


1866]    FENIAN  SITUATION  ON  THE  LAKES    519 

and,  therefore,  it  seemed  proper  that  there  should  be  unity 
in  the  Cabinet  and  among  high  officials.  I  consequently 
proposed  that  General  Grant,  who  was  stationing  the  mili- 
tary forces  on  the  frontiers  West  and  South,  should  make  a 
formal  communication  in  accord  with  the  Secretary  of 
War,  which  all  could  approve  and  with  which  we  should  all 
be  identified.  Stanton  was  alarmed,  I  saw;  did  not  think  it 
necessary  to  take  such  steps ;  and  from  that  time  the  subj  ect 
has  been  dropped.  I  remarked  to  the  President  that  the 
proceedings  had  been  singular;  that  this  Fenian  move- 
ment had  appeared  to  me  to  be  a  great  bubble,  —  never- 
theless there  was  no  denying  the  fact  that  large  numbers 
were  engaged  in  it ;  that  they  had  large  supplies  of  arms ; 
that  along  our  frontier  from  Eastport  to  Detroit  there  had 
been  gatherings  of  armed  men  threatening  to  cross  into 
Canada;  that  we  had  sent  a  naval  force  by  request  to 
Eastport;  that  our  only  gunboat  on  the  Lakes  had  been 
detained  by  special  request  at  Buffalo ;  and  now  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  was  calling  on  me  to  charter  steamers  and  arm 
them;  chartering  vessels  for  military  purposes  belonged 
properly  to  the  Army  or  War  Department.  By  treaty  stip- 
ulation we  are  to  have  but  one  naval  vessel  on  the  Lakes. 
Where,  I  asked  him,  were  the  revenue  cutters  which  per- 
formed police  duty?  In  all  this  time  the  War  Department 
has  done  nothing.  No  proclamation  has  been  issued.  How 
and  by  what  authority  are  we  to  capture  or  interfere  with 
prisoners? 

The  President  said  it  would  be  well  to  communicate  with 
Commander  Bryson,  of  the  naval  steamer  Michigan,  and 
ascertain  whether  additional  vessels  were  wanted.  I  said 
that  we  had  revenue  cutters  on  the  Lakes,  but  none  were 
at  Buffalo,  where  they  were  most  wanted;  that  the  Michi- 
gan had  been  detained  there  now  some  weeks  awaiting  a 
cutter.  He  thought  I  had  better  see  the  Secretaries  of 
Treasury  and  State. 

McCulloch  was  confident  there  were  cutters  at  Buffalo, 
but  on  sending  for  the  clerk  in  charge  he  found  he  was  mis- 


520  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JUNE  2 

taken.  He  said  he  had  turned  the  whole  subject  of  Fenian- 
ism,  over  to  Attorney-General  Speed,  who  is  devoted  to 
Stanton  and  Seward. 

Seward  was  in  a  fog.  Did  not  want  to  issue  a  proclama- 
tion. I  asked  what  the  naval  vessels  were  to  do,  —  what 
authority  I  had  to  charter  steamers  if  there  was  not  a  state 
of  war.  If  it  was  police  duty,  he  or  the  Treasury  should 
attend  to  it.  I  inquired  about  the  military.  He  said  Stan- 
ton  wanted  to  keep  clear  of  this  question.  I  well  knew 
this,  and  he  wants  me  to  do  duties  which  belong  to  him 
and  thus  enlist  the  Irish  element  against  the  Administra- 
tion. 

June  4,  Monday.  Bryson  telegraphed  yesterday  that  he 
had  captured  seven  hundred  Fenians  crossing  the  river  at 
Black  Rock.  I  sent  the  telegram  to  the  President  and  to 
Seward,  and  soon  after  called  on  the  President.  He  seemed 
a  little  perplexed.  Said  we  had  an  elephant  on  our  hands. 
I  asked  whether  they  were  prisoners  of  war  and  what  was 
to  be  done  with  them.  He  thought  we  must  wait  and  we 
should  soon  have  inquiries. 

Shortly  after  my  return  Seward  sent  his  carriage  for  me. 
I  went  to  his  house.  He  and  Speed  were  sitting  on  the  back 
porch.  Speed  had  a  telegram  from  Dart,  District  Attor- 
ney, stating  the  capture  and  making  inquiries.  Seward 
asked  about  the  prisoners  and  what  accommodations  the 
Navy  had.  I  told  him  none  whatever  and  that  these  men 
could  hardly  be  considered  prisoners  of  war,  even  if  we  had 
accommodations;  that  they  ought,  if  prisoners  of  war,  at 
once  to  be  turned  over  to  the  custody  of  the  military.  He 
said  that  would  not  do.  Stanton  wanted  nothing  to  do  with 
them,  —  there  was  no  military  force  there.  I  told  him  there 
were  officers  and  they  could  call  on  the  militia  or  call  out 
volunteer  companies  in  Buffalo.  This  would  be  necessary, 
for  such  a  number  could  not  be  retained  by  the  civil  au- 
thorities without  a  guard.  He  said,  "  Let  them  run  away." 
Speed  said  that  would  not  do.  There  might  be  and  prob- 


1866]  THE  CAPTURED  FENIANS  521 

ably  would  be  extradition  claims  for  the  leaders.  I  asked 
them  if  they  thought  that  these  men  were  prisoners  of  war, 
for  I  did  not.  Nor  did  I  know  how  far  their  capture  would 
be  justified. 

Seward  said  the  capture  was  all  right;  they  should,  per- 
haps, be  considered  prisoners  of  state;  that  he  and  Speed 
had  talked  over  the  matter  before  I  came,  and  he  had  pre- 
pared a  couple  of  telegrams.  Fred  Seward  read  one,  which 
was  signed  by  Speed.  Seward  proposed  that  I  should  tele- 
graph Bryson  that  he,  Seward,  would  take  charge  of  them 
as  prisoners  of  state.  Said  Dart  must  attend  to  them.  I 
thought  the  marshal  the  proper  person.  He  said  that  was 
the  same  thing.  Asked  how  much  it  would  cost  to  feed 
them,  whether  it  could  be  done  for  a  dollar  each  day.  I 
told  him  it  would  cost  more  than  that,  for  he  could  not  con- 
fine them  in  Buffalo  jail,  or  any  inclosure,  but  must  have 
a  guard.  I  did  not  see  how  he  could  get  along  without 
military  help,  which  would  necessarily  be  attended  with 
expense.  He  said  he  would  send  word  to  Meade. 

I  again  adverted  to  the  matter  of  a  proclamation  when 
such  movements  were  being  made  upon  the  border,  but 
Seward  interrupted  me,  said  no,  that  was  not  necessary. 
The  thing  was  just  right.  He  felt,  he  said,  very  happy  over 
it.  Wanted  neither  Speed  nor  myself  should  say  anything 
about  the  matter  until  the  regular  Cabinet-meeting  on 
Tuesday. 

Governor  Morgan  at  my  house  last  evening  introduced 
the  subject  of  Reconstruction  and  the  position  of  things 
in  the  Senate,  remarking,  as  though  casually,  there  really 
was  now  very  little  difference  between  the  President  and 
Congress.  I  promptly,  and  perhaps  unwisely  in  my 
promptness,  differed  with  him,  and  told  him  it  was  not 
wise  to  attempt  to  deceive  ourselves  in  the  matter,  —  that 
the  difference  was  broad,  deep,  and  such  as  could  not  be 
reconciled. 

He  asked  if  I  did  not  think  the  proposed  amendment  of 
the  Constitution,  of  the  Senate,  an  improvement  on  that 


522  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [JUNE  4 

which  had  passed  the  House;  and  whether  that  was  not  a 
step  towards  getting  together.  I  told  him  that  for  myself, 
without  speaking  for  others,  I  was  opposed  to  the  scheme 
for  changing  the  Constitution  now  before  Congress  and 
opposed  to  any  amendment  while  one  third  of  the  States 
were  excluded  from  participating  or  giving  their  views, 
deprived,  in  fact,  of  their  rightful  representation;  that  I, 
therefore,  did  not  feel  as  though  there  could  be  harmonious 
action,  and  it  appeared  to  me  a  mistake  to  suppose  that 
the  President,  a  Constitutionalist,  and  the  exclusionists, 
who  were  not,  were  likely  to  act  together. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  Morgan  came  expressly  to  sound 
me  and  ascertain  whether  we  would  be  united  on  the  ex- 
clusion plan.  Not  unlikely  Seward  sent  him.  Morgan  has 
evidently  been  trapped  in  the  caucus  into  a  pledge,  direct 
or  implied. 

June,  5,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  an  hour  or 
more  was  wasted  in  discussing  a  claim  of  Madame  Berti- 
natti,  a  piece  of  favoritism  in  which  the  President  has  been 
imposed  upon  by  Seward  and  Stanton.  It  seemed  to  me 
that  it  was  brought  forward  and  talked  over  for  the  express 
purpose  of  excluding  more  important  subjects.  There  is  in 
the  Cabinet  not  that  candor  and  free  interchange  of  opin- 
ions on  the  great  questions  before  the  country  that  there 
should  be.  Minor  matters  are  talked  over,  often  at  great 
length. 

As  McCulloch  and  myself  came  away,  we  spoke  of  this 
unpleasant  state  of  things,  and  we  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  we  would,  as  a  matter  of  duty,  communicate 
with  the  President  on  this  subject  of  want  of  frankness 
and  freedom  in  the  Cabinet,  also  in  regard  to  his  general 
policy  and  the  condition  of  public  affairs.  The  great  mis- 
take, I  think,  is  in  attempting  to  keep  up  the  Republican 
organization  at  the  expense  of  the  President.  It  is  that 
organization  which  the  conspirators  are  using  to  destroy 
the  Executive. 


1866]  SEWARD'S  POSITION  523 

June  6,  Wednesday.  Montgomery  Blair  still  persists  that 
Seward  is  false  to  the  President  and  that  he  and  Stanton 
have  an  understanding.  There  are  many  strange  things 
in  Seward's  course,  and  he  is  a  strange  man.  I  am  inclined 
to  think  he  is  less  false  to  the  President  than  adhesive  to 
the  Secretary  of  State.  He  does  not  like  Johnson  less,  but 
Seward  more.  Seward  is  afraid  of  the  Democrats  and  does 
not  love  the  Republicans.  But  he  feels  that  he  is  identified 
with  the  Republicans,  thinks  he  has  rendered  them  service, 
and  considers  himself,  under  the  tutoring  of  Thurlow 
Weed,  as  more  than  any  one  else  the  father  of  the  party. 
The  managers  of  the  party  dislike  him  and  distrust  him, 
fear  that  he  will  by  some  subtlety  injure  them,  and  do  not 
give  him  their  confidence.  The  Democrats  look  upon  him 
as  a  puzzle,  a  Mephistopheles,  a  budget  of  uncertainties, 
and  never  have  and  never  will  trust  him. 

The  President  believes  Seward  a  true  supporter  of  his 
Administration.  I  think  he  means  to  support  it.  The  Pre- 
sident finds  him  a  convenience,  but  does  not  always  rely 
upon  his  judgment.  His  trust  in  Seward  begets  general 
distrust  of  the  Administration.  It  is  remarkable  that  none 
of  Seward's  devoted  friends  —  men  who  under  Weed 
breathe  through  his  nostrils  —  sustain  the  President  on  his 
great  measures.  Raymond  has  been  a  whiffler  on  public 
measures,  but  no  others  have  ever  doubted,  or  dared  express 
a  doubt  of,  the  Radical  policy.  This  puzzles  me. 

Stanton  is  very  anxious  to  retain  his  place,  and  yet  he 
has  a  more  intimate  relation  with  the  Radical  leaders  than 
with  the  President  or  any  member  of  the  Cabinet.  His 
opinion  and  judgment,  I  think,  the  President  values  more 
than  he  does  Seward's,  yet  he  distrusts  him  more,  —  feels 
that  he  is  insincere.  But  Stanton  studies  to  conform  to  the 
President's  decisions  and  determinations  when  he  cannot 
change  them,  apparently  unaware  that  he  occupies  an 
equivocal  position,  both  with  the  President  and  the  public. 

June  7,  Thursday.   The  President  has  finally  issued  a 


524  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JUNE  7 

proclamation  in  regard  to  the  Fenians.  It  should  have 
appeared  earlier,  but  Seward  has  counseled  delay.  Speed 
put  out  a  preliminary  order,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be 
designedly  mischievous.  I  so  said  to  the  President,  who 
remarked  that  it  had  struck  him  as  offensive,  and  he  so  told 
Speed  before  it  was  published,  yet  it  was  not  altered.  The 
effect  will  be  likely  to  throw  the  Irish  against  the  Adminis- 
tration, or  make  them,  at  all  events,  indifferent  towards  it, 
whereas  this  all  might  have  been  different. 

It  is  one  of  many  little  things  which  impresses  me  there 
is  intended  mischief  towards  the  President.  Speed  acts 
with  Seward  and  Stanton  thoroughly,  and  his  peculiarly 
worded  order,  if  not  suggested  by  them,  is  just  what  they 
wished. 

June  8,  Friday.  But  little  of  importance  at  the  Cabinet. 
I  had  some  conversation  with  the  President  after  adjourn- 
ment, and  in  the  evening  McCulloch  and  myself  called 
upon  him  by  appointment.  Our  conversation  was  frank, 
extending  more  than  an  hour.  We  all  concurred  that  it 
was  not  possible  to  go  on  much  longer  with  a  view  of  pre- 
serving the  integrity  of  the  Republican  Party,  for  the 
Radicals  are  using  the  organization  to  injure  the  President. 
There  is  direct  antagonism  between  the  leaders  who  control 
Congress  and  the  Administration.  The  Democrats  in  Con- 
gress are  more  in  harmony  with  the  Administration  than 
are  the  Radicals;  —  then  why  repel  the  Democrats  and 
favor  the  Radicals? 

We  —  McCulloch  and  myself  —  spoke  of  the  want  of 
cordial  and  free  intercourse  among  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  that  important  questions  touching  differences  in 
the  Republican  Party  were  never  discussed  at  our  meetings, 
that  it  was  obvious  we  did  not  concur  in  opinion,  and,  there- 
fore, the  really  important  topics  were  avoided.  The  Pre- 
sident admitted  and  lamented  this,  as  he  has  done  to  me 
repeatedly.  He  expressed  his  surprise  that  Harlan  and 
Speed  should,  with  these  understood  views,  desire  to 


1866]      CABINET   CHANGES  CONSIDERED       525 

remain.  I  asked  if  there  were  not  others  among  us  as 
objectionable  and  more  harmful.  McCulloch  said  he  could 
not  believe  Seward  was  faithless,  that  he  fully  agreed  with 
him  whenever  they  had  conversed.  I  admitted  the  same  as 
regarded  Seward  and  myself,  still  there  were  some  things 
I  could  not  reconcile.  He  is  not  treacherous  to  the  Pre- 
sident, but  is  under  the  influence  of  Stanton  and  acts  with 
him.  His  intimates,  as  well  as  Stanton's,  in  Congress, 
voted  steadily  with  the  Radicals;  his  speech  at  Auburn  was 
a  whistle  for  the  Republicans  to  keep  united  and  repelled 
Democrats.  The  President  was  reluctant  to  give  up 
Seward,  whose  equivocal  course  is  characteristic,  but  evi- 
dently had  some  doubts  as  to  his  sincerity  and  ulterior 
purpose.  He  suggested  that  Seward  should  be  called  in  to 
a  conference  and  come  to  an  explicit  understanding.  This 
we  all  concurred  in,  though  I  remarked  we  should  have  fair 
words  and  no  decisive  action.  But  it  was  left  to  the  Pre- 
sident to  invite  a  meeting. 

June  11,  Monday.  Went  to-day  to  Annapolis  and  exam- 
ined the  school  and  premises.  Midshipmen  had  just  com- 
pleted the  annual  examination  and  were  feeling  merry 
and  well.  Jenkins  and  Commodore  Radf  ord  accompanied 
me. 

June  12,  Tuesday.  Not  much  of  importance  before  the 
Cabinet.  Some  little  attempt  to  converse  on  general  sub- 
jects. Seward,  McCulloch,  and  myself  were  first  there,  and 
allusion  was  made  to  our  getting  together  and  coming  to  an 
understanding  on  the  true  condition  of  affairs.  Seward 
looked  a  little  sharp,  I  thought,  at  me,  and  said  he  had  no 
objection,  but  he  knew  not  that  any  good  would  come  of  it. 
He  said  he  was  preparing  a  paper  which  would  bring  all 
things  right,  but  was  not  yet  quite  ready.  To  what  he 
alludes  I  know  not  and  cannot  yet  conjecture,  but  I  have 
little  faith  in  it  as  assuring  any  useful  purpose  for  the 
Administration  or  the  country. 


526  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES 

June  13,  Wednesday.  Dined  this  evening  at 
the  Spanish  Minister.  The  banquet  was  given  in 
of  Dulce,  late  Governor-General  of  Cuba.  Seward 
Stanton  were  the  only  Cabinet-members  besides 
who  were  present.  Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  Montholon,  B »r<  J  n 
Gerolt,  etc.,  etc.,  were  present.  General  Dulce  does  *1M* 
speak  nor  understand  English,  and  therefore  all  comrcr***1" 
tion  was  through  an  interpreter.  As  I  sat  at  his  right,  ****** 
could  not  talk  Spanish,  we  were  not  very  sociable.  He  i^  :i 
quiet,  gentlemanly  man  with  little  of  the  look  of  a  Span*-*1 
grandee. 

I  was  sorry  to  hear  Seward  and  Stanton  chuckling  o  vc»r 
an  allowance  which  they  had  succeeded  in  getting  f°r 
Mrs.  Bertinatti,  the  wife  of  the  Italian  Minister.  Th<*>* 
evidently  thought  it  an  adroit  piece  of  management,  a-*8** 
I  judge  the  President  has  been  misled  in  regard  to  it.  3V I  *"•***• 
B.  was  a  Rebel  Mrs.  Bass,  of  Mississippi,  and  her  clftlfti 
unjust.  I  apprehended  it  should  not  have  been  allowed. 

The  President  has  made  the  annual  Executive  appoint- 
ments of  midshipmen.  In  this  he  exhibited  more  pains- 
taking than  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  gave  less  authority  to  ni<*» 
which  I  did  not  regret.  Usually  Mr.  Lincoln  specified  two 
or  three  special  cases  and  then  turned  over  the  residue*  to 
me.  Mr.  Johnson  desired  me  to  go  over  the  applicants 
twice  with  him  in  detail,  got,  as  far  as  he  could,  particulur!1**, 
and  retained  the  whole  schedule  of  names  for  more  •fclnin 
a  week,  occasionally  speaking  of  some  one  or  more  to  m«*. 
His  aim  seemed  to  be  to  confer  the  appointment  on  list* 
poor  and  deserving,  regardless  of  locality,  names,  and  influ- 
ence. His  selections  were  probably  good  ones,  but  so  it  if* 
of  them  would  have  been  different  had  the  choice  devolve*! 
on  me. 

June  14,  Thursday.  The  House  yesterday  passed  the 
Senate  proposition  to  change  the  Constitution.  It  wa& 
before  that  body  about  two  hours  and  was  passed  under 
the  previous  question.  Such  a  reckless  body,  ready  to  break 


1866]   FOURTEENTH  AMENDMENT  PASSED   527 

up  the  foundations  of  the  government,  has  never  been  as- 
sembled, and  such  legislation,  regardless  of  the  organic 
law,  would  not  only  destroy  public  confidence  but  ruin  the 
country.  All  is  for  party,  regardless  of  right  or  of  honest 
principle. 

Representations  are  sent  out  that  Congress  has  made 
great  concessions  in  adopting  the  Senate's  proposition, 
that  they  have  yielded  about  everything,  and  that  the 
President  is  pretty  well  satisfied  with  the  question  as  now 
presented.  There  is  design  in  all  this,  and  some  professed 
friends  of  the  President  are  among  the  most  active  in  it. 
The  New  York  Times,  and  papers  strongly  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Seward  and  Weed,  as  well  as  their  partisans,  main- 
tain these  views.  Thurlow  Weed  has  been  here  within  a 
few  days  and  is  always  on  errands  of  mischief.  All  looks 
to  me  like  a  systematic  plan  to  absorb  the  President,  or  to 
destroy  him.  He  still  leans  on  Seward  and  seems  under  his 
influence,  though  with  doubts  and  occasional  misgivings. 
Seward  himself  defers  to  Stanton,  —  is  becoming  afraid  of 
him.  That  Seward  is  cheated  I  cannot  believe,  and  if  he  is 
not  cheated  I  am  constrained  to  believe  the  President  is. 
And  who  is  to  undeceive  him?  I  have  on  more  than  one  oc- 
casion suggested  my  doubts,  but  while  he  has  received  my 
suggestions  attentively  he  has  pondered  in  obvious  distress, 
and  the  subject  is  of  so  delicate  a  nature  that  I  cannot  do 
more. 

At  the  very  time  that  the  House  was  adopting  this 
Constitutional  change,  Green  Clay  Smith  was  nominated 
Governor  of  Montana.  Smith  professes  to  be  with  the 
President,  but  went  with  the  Radicals  on  the  test  oath,  and 
is  made  Governor. 

June  15,  Friday.  Nothing  special  at  Cabinet.  On  Tues- 
day Seward  submitted  a  correspondence  between  Schenck 
and  Romero,  the  Mexican  Minister.  It  was  a  very  im- 
proper proceeding,  and  R.  evidently  thought  it  wrong  in 
giving  a  copy  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  Seward  mentioned 


528  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  15 

it  as  of  little  moment,  —  a  sort  of  irregularity.  Stanton 
said  there  was  nothing  wrong  so  far  as  Schenck  was  con- 
cerned, but  that  it  was  a  questionable  proceeding  on  the 
part  of  Romero.  I  declared  my  entire  disapproval  of  the 
whole  transaction  and  that  it  was  one  of  the  many  indica- 
tions of  ignoring  and  crowding  on  the  Executive. 

The  others  were  silent,  but,  after  a  little  earnest  talk, 
Seward  said  he  would  give  the  subject  further  considera- 
tion. To-day  he  brought  forward  the  correspondence  with 
an  indorsement  disapproving  it  and  said  he  should  com- 
municate it  to  Romero. 

Senator  Doolittle  took  breakfast  with  me  this  morning. 
We  went  over  the  political  questions  and  discussed  what 
had  best  be  done.  Both  were  satisfied  that  the  time  had 
arrived  when  the  Administration  must  take  a  stand.  The 
game  of  the  Radicals  and  of  certain  conspicuously  pro- 
fessed friends  of  the  President,  that  the  Republican  Party 
must  be  sustained  and  kept  united  at  any  sacrifice,  even  the 
surrender  of  the  Constitution  in  some  of  its  important 
features,  and  to  the  jeopardy  of  the  Union  itself,  must  be 
checked,  and  the  opposition  to  any  such  policy  made 
clearly  manifest.  We  called  on  the  President  and  made 
known  our  opinions.  He  concurred  and  thought  a  prompt 
call  for  a  national  convention  of  friends  of  the  Union 
should  be  issued.  Doolittle  agreed  to  undertake  to  draw 
up  such  a  call,  but  desired  that  I  would  also  place  on  paper 
my  views.  He  proposed  that  the  call  should  be  signed  by 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  or  such  of  them  as  approved 
the  measure.  I  told  them  that  I,  personally,  had  no  objec- 
tion, but  I  questioned  its  propriety  and  effect. 

McCulloch,  with  whom  I  had  a  brief  interview  after 
Cabinet-meeting,  told  me  that  the  elder  Blair  was  prepar- 
ing the  call.  I  saw  Judge  Blair  this  evening  and  found  him 
much  engaged,  yet  not  altogether  satisfied.  He  expresses 
apprehension  that  Seward  has  control  of  the  President  and 
has  so  interwoven  himself  into  the  mind  and  course  of  the 


1866]        PROPOSED  UNION  CONVENTION       529 

crats  must  go  forward  independent  of  both  President  and 
Congress.  Says  the  Democratic  leaders,  many  of  whom  he 
has  seen,  such  as  Dean  Richmond,  Dawson,  and  others,  say 
they  will  go  in  under  the  President's  lead  provided  he  will 
rid  himself  of  Seward,  but  they  have  no  confidence  in  him, 
—  would  rather  give  up  Johnson  than  retain  Seward.  Gov- 
ernor Andrew  of  Massachusetts  takes  a  similar  view.  B. 
says  his  father  has  had  a  talk  with  the  President;  that  he 
himself  has  written  him  fully;  that  he  advised  the  President 
not  to  dismiss  Harlan  unless  Seward  also  went ;  that  the 
President  expressed  doubts  whether  the  Senate  would  con- 
firm two  Cabinet  officers;  that  he  was  told  there  would  be 
no  difficulty;  if  there  were,  he  would  let  the  assistants  carry 
on  the  Departments,  and  assign  General  Grant  ad  interim 
to  the  War;  that  Grant  had  been  consulted  and  assented  to 
the  arrangement. 

June  18,  Monday.  Senator  Doolittle  brought  me  last 
evening  the  rough  draft  of  a  proposed  call  for  a  national 
Union  convention  which  he  had  prepared.  Some  of  the 
points  were  well  put,  but  there  was  too  much  restriction, 
too  much  fear  that  we  should  have  men  we  did  not  care 
to  fellowship  with,  although  we  might  agree  on  present 
issues.  To  this  I  excepted,  but  my  strongest  point  was  the 
omission  to  meet  and  present  the  real  issue,  —  our  objec- 
tions to  the  proposed  change  of  the  Constitution  which  has 
passed  the  two  houses  of  Congress. 

"  What,"  said  I,  "are  the  reasons  for  calling  a  convention 
at  this  time?  Is  it  not  because  the  faction  in  Congress, 
assisted  by  schemers  out  of  Congress,  have  concocted  a 
scheme  under  party  excitement  and  by  party  machinery  to 
change  the  Constitution  in  important  particulars,  and  that 
by  a  snap  judgment  Governor  Curtin  has  addressed  a  cir- 
cular letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  several  States,  inviting 
an  immediate  convening  of  the  State  legislatures  to  adopt 
the  proposed  change,  before  the  people  can  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  express  an  opinion  ?  An  alarm  should  be  sounded, 


530  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  is 

warning  the  people  of  the  movements  that  are  being  made 
to  alter  the  organic  law,  and  insidiously  change  the  gov- 
ernment." 

These  and  other  suggestions  I  saw  made  an  impression 
on  Doolittle,  but  still  he  hesitated  and  was  embarrassed. 
Pressing  him  on  this  point,  he  admitted  he  wanted  Ray- 
mond to  sign  the  call,  he  being  Chairman  of  the  National 
Republican  Committee,  and  Doolittle  wanted  others  of 
that  committee  also  to  sign  it.  This  I  thought  of  less  im- 
portance than  to  have  a  proper  call;  certainly  I  would  not 
suppress  the  great  essential  for  such  a  trimming,  unreliable 
man  as  Raymond.  As  I  urged  the  matter,  he  admitted 
that  Raymond  had  seen  the  call  and  approved  it;  further 
that  the  President  had  read  it,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
Seward  had  also  seen  it,  although  that  was  not  distinctly 
stated.  The  call,  if  not  the  convention  itself,  is,  I  think, 
perverted  to  an  intrigue  in  behalf  of  the  old  Whig  Party,  on 
which  Weed  and  Seward  rely. 

I  proposed  that  we  should  go  and  see  Mr.  McCulloch.  It 
was  raining  intensely  hard,  but  he  at  once  accorded.  He 
had  been  to  Silver  Spring  and  submitted  the  document  to 
Mr.  Blair  and  his  son,  who,  he  said,  approved  it. 

Mr.  McCulloch  was  not  at  home,  and  we  parted,  but  the 
paper  which  D.  presented,  the  convention,  and  the  aspect 
of  affairs  gave  me  infinite  concern.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Seward  and  Stanton  have  a  personal  understanding  to  act 
together.  Stanton  is  in  concert  with  the  Radicals,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  Seward  is  prompting  Doolittle.  The  public 
is  ripe  for  a  convention,  but  this  call  is  an  artful  contriv- 
ance to  weaken  it.  The  President  is  being  subordinated 
by  the  intriguers,  and  the  design  is  obviously  to  weaken 
the  Administration  and  give  the  Radical  Party  the 
ascendant.  Seward,  beguiled  by  Stanton,  expects  to  con- 
trol the  convention  by  the  aid  of  Weed  and  Raymond. 
The  fruition  of  seven  months'  intrigue  means  that  and 
nothing  else.  They  intend  to  rule  the  President,  and  I  fear 
he  will  let  them.  . 


1866]       PROPOSED  UNION  CONVENTION        531 

I  stopped  early  this  morning  at  Judge  Blair's  and  in- 
quired what  he  thought  of  the  call.  He  said  he  had  not 
been  in  any  mood  or  mind  to  think  of  anything,  having 
been  without  sleep  the  previous  night,  but  it  had  appeared 
to  him  to  have  a  too  narrow  basis.  I  then  told  him  my 
view  and  the  conversation  Doolittle  and  myself  had.  Blair 
most  earnestly  agreed  with  me,  said  my  views  corresponded 
with  his  own,  and  promised  to  see  the  President  if  he  could. 

I  called  on  McCulloch,  who  agreed  to  come  to  my  house 
this  evening  and  go  with  me  to  the  President.  When  he 
called^  I  detailed  the  conversation  with  Doolittle,  told  him 
of  my  apprehensions,  and  dwelt  emphatically  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Constitutional  changes  as  the  true  basis  of 
action,  and  our  sounding  the  bugle-note  of  warning  to 
arouse  the  people.  My  earnestness  and  the  facts  excited 
him,  and  we  went  to  the  President. 

We  spent  an  hour  in  a  free  and  unrestricted  conversation 
with  the  President.  McCulloch,  full  of  the  views  which  I 
had  urged,  advised  that  the  President  should  at  once  issue 
a  proclamation  after  the  manner  of  Jackson  in  regard  to 
nullification,  appealing  to  the  people. 

I  inquired  of  the  President  if  he  had  seen  Doolittle  since 
Sunday,  and  told  him  what  I  thought  of  the  proposed  form 
of  call,  and  that  the  just  alarm  on  the  proposed  change  of 
the  Constitution  ought  not  on  any  account  to  be  omitted. 
The  people  ought  not  to  be  deluded  and  cheated  by  trash. 
He  concurred  with  me.  I  inquired  if  he  had  noticed  that 
important  omission  in  the  proposed  call.  He  did  not  answer 
direct,  but  said  the  call  was  too  much  in  detail. 

June  19,  Tuesday.  After  current  business  at  the  Cabinet 
was  closed,  I  inquired  of  Seward  if  it  was  true  that  he  had 
sent  out  a  special  official  certificate  of  the  Constitutional 
Amendment  to  Governor  Hawley  of  Connecticut.  I  saw 
notice  to  this  effect  in  the  papers.  Seward  said  yes,  and  his 
manner  indicated  that  he  wished  I  had  not  put  to  him  the 
question. 


532  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  19 

Stanton  at  this  moment,  without  any  design  perhaps, 
drew  off  the  President's  attention  and  they  went  to  one  of 
the  windows,  conversing  audibly.  In  the  mean  time  Seward 
and  myself  got  into  an  animated  conversation  on  the 
subject  of  these  proposed  changes,  or,  as  they  are  called, 
amendments  of  the  Constitution.  I  thought  the  President 
should  pass  upon  them.  At  all  events,  that  they  should  not 
have  been  sent  out  officially  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  ob- 
viously to  be  used  for  electioneering  purposes,  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  President.  McCulloch  agreed  with  me 
most  decidedly.  Seward  said  that  had  not  always  been  the 
practice.  Dennison  made  some  undecisive  remarks,  evincing 
indifference.  But  all  this  time  Stanton  and  the  President 
were  engaged  on  other  matters,  and  as  the  President  him- 
self had  proposed  last  evening  to  bring  up  this  subject  in 
Cabinet,  I  was  surprised  that  he  remained  away  during  the 
conversation,  the  purport  of  which  he  must  have  known. 
I  became  painfully  impressed  with  the  apprehension  that 
Seward  had  an  influence  which  he  should  not  have,  and 
that  under  that  influence  the  President  did  not  care  to  be 
engaged  in  our  conversation. 

On  leaving  the  council  chamber  I  went  into  the  Secre- 
tary's room  adjoining.  McCulloch  was  already  there,  and 
we  had  a  free  talk  with  Colonel  Cooper,  the  Private  Secre- 
tary of  the  President  and  his  special  confidant  in  relation  to 
public  matters,  about  the  necessity  there  was  for  prompt 
and  decisive  action  on  the  part  of  the  President.  Colonel 
C.  fully  agreed  with  us. 

June  20,  Wednesday.  Went  with  G.  W.  Blunt  to  see  the 
President  this  morning.  Blunt  wants  to  be  Naval  Officer 
and  has  been  a  true  and  earnest  friend  of  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment during  the  War  and  boldly  met  our  opponents  when 
friends  were  needed.  Of  course  I  feel  a  personal  regard  for 
him  and  have  two  or  three  times  told  the  President  that, 
personally,  Blunt  was  my  choice.  If  other  than  personal 
consideration  governed  I  had  nothing  to  say. 


1866]        PROPOSED  UNION  CONVENTION        533 

After  Blunt  left,  the  President  and  myself  had  a  little 
conversation.  I  expressed  my  apprehension  that  there 
were  some  persons  acting  in  bad  faith  with  him.  Some  men 
of  position  were  declaring  that  he  and  Congress  were  assim- 
ilating and  especially  on  the  Constitutional  change.  He 
interrupted  me  to  repeat  what  he  said  to  McCulloch  and 
me,  —  that  he  was  opposed  to  them  and  opposed  to  any 
change  while  any  portion  of  the  States  were  excluded.  I 
assured  him  I  well  knew  his  views,  but  that  others  near  and 
who  professed  to  speak  for  him  held  out  other  opinions.  I 
instanced  the  New  York  Times,  the  well-known  organ  of  a 
particular  set,  which  was  constantly  giving  out  that  the 
President  and  Congress  were  almost  agreed,  and  that  the 
Republican  Party  must  and  would  be  united.  The  fact 
that  every  Republican  Representative  had  voted  for  the 
changes,  that  the  State  Department  had  hastened  off 
authenticated  copies  to  the  State  Executives  before  sub- 
mitting to  him,  the  idea  promulgated  that  special  sessions 
of  the  legislatures  in  the  States  were  to  be  called  to  im- 
mediately ratify  the  amendments,  or  innovations,  showed 
concert  and  energy  of  action  in  a  particular  direction,  but 
that  it  was  not  on  the  road  which  he  was  traveling. 

He  answered  by  referring  to  yesterday's  conversation 
with  Seward;  said  he  had  sent  early  yesterday  morning 
to  stop  action  at  the  State  Department,  but  found  the 
circulars  had  been  sent  off.  He  seemed  not  aware  that 
there  was  design  in  this  hasty,  surreptitious  movement. 

June  21,  Thursday.  Senator  Doolittle  took  tea  with  me. 
He  wished  me  to  go  with  him  to  the  President,  where  some 
friends  were  to  assemble  to  consider  and  decide  in  relation 
to  the  proposed  call  for  a  national  convention.  Senator 
Cowan,  Browning,1  Randall,2  and  three  other  persons 
whom  I  did  not  know,  but  who  seemed  attache's  of  Ran- 

1  0.  H.  Browning,  who  shortly  succeeded  Harlan  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

2  A.  W.  Randall,  soon  to  succeed  Dennison  as  Postmaster-General. 


534  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  21 

dall,  and  who,  I  understood,  belonged  to  the  National 
Union  Johnson  Club,  composed  the  sitting.  The  call, 
which  had  been  modified  in  slight  respects,  still  omitted 
any  allusion  to  the  Constitutional  changes,  the  really  im- 
portant question  before  the  country.  This  I  thought  a 
great  and  radical  defect,  and  Cowan  and  Browning  con- 
curred with  me,  as  did  McCulloch.  Randall,  who  is  flat- 
tered and  used  by  Seward,  opposed  this,  and  his  principal 
reason  was  that  he  would  leave  something  for  the  conven- 
tion to  do.  I  asked  why  the  convention  was  called,  if  not  on 
this  great  issue  which  stood  prominent  beyond  any  other. 
"Well,"  he  said,  "it  would  hasten  the  calling  of  the  State 
Legislatures  to  pass  upon  it."  That,  I  told  him,  if  properly 
used  might  be  made  to  weaken  them  and  strengthen  us,  — 
we  would  demand  an  expression  of  popular  sentiment 
through  the  instrumentality  of  an  election,  and  thereby 
expose  the  recent  hasty  action  which  was  intended  to  stifle 
public  opinion. 

Much  of  the  conversation  between  eight  and  eleven 
o'clock  was  on  this  point,  during  which  I  became  satisfied 
that  Randall  was  prompted  by  Seward  and  unwittingly 
used  for  party  purposes  of  Weed  and  Seward.  The  Pre- 
sident evidently  was  with  me  in  his  convictions  but  forbore 
taking  an  active  part.  My  impressions  are  that  Seward 
has,  in  his  way,  indicated  objections  to  making  the  Consti- 
tutional question  a  part  of  the  call ;  that  it  would  prevent 
Raymond  and  others  from  uniting  in  the  movement. 
Finally,  Browning  and  then  McCulloch  and  Cowan 
yielded.  They  probably  saw,  as  I  did,  that  it  was  a  fore- 
gone conclusion,  was  predetermined,  that  the  meeting  had 
been  cunningly  contrived  and  pushed  by  Randall. 

Doolittle  stated  his  purpose  of  having  the  members  of 
the  Cabinet  sign  the  call.  Both  McCulloch  and  myself 
had  doubts  of  its  expediency  and  effect.  The  President, 
without  expressing  an  opinion,  showed  that  he  concurred 
in  Doolittle's  suggestion. 

McCulloch  asked  if  Seward  would  put  his  name  to  it,  and 


1866]        PROPOSED  UNION  CONVENTION       535 

two  or  three  undertook  to  vouch  for  him.  I  expressed  my 
readiness  to  unite  in  what  would  be  best  for  the  Adminis- 
tration and  the  cause.  If  it  was  to  have  official  significance, 
a  proclamation  I  thought  best.  Seward,  I  am  satisfied, 
would  not  sign  it  if  the  Constitutional  point  was  presented, 
and  I  doubt  if  he  will  under  any  circumstances. 

Something  was  said  respecting  Thurlow  Weed,  and  the 
President  remarked  that  Weed  would  be  here  to-morrow, 
but  he  knew  Weed  approved  this  movement  and  would 
sign  the  call.  All  this  pained  me.  Seward  and  Weed  are 
manifestly  controlling  the  whole  thing  in  an  underhand 
way;  they  have  possession  of  the  President  and  are  using 
the  Administration  for  themselves  and  party  rather  than 
the  President  and  country.  They  have  eviscerated  the 
call  and  will  dissect  and,  I  fear,  destroy  the  effect  of  this 
move.  Randall  is  a  man  of  lax  political  morality,  and  I 
think  his  influence  with  the  President  is  not  always  in  the 
right  direction.  Seward  knows  his  influence  and  intimacy 
in  that  quarter  and  has  captured  him,  probably  without 
R.'s  being  aware  of  it.  The  President  finds  that  R.  agrees 
with  Seward,  and  it  carries  him  in  that  direction.  While 
R.  means  to  reflect  the  President's  wishes,  he  is  really  the 
tool  of  Seward  and  Weed,  and  is  doing  harm  to  the  cause 
and  to  the  President  himself.  But  this  matter  cannot  be 
corrected  and  will,  I  fear,  prove  ruinous. 

I  left  soon  after  eleven  and  came  home,  desponding  and 
unhappy.  The  cause  is  in  bad  and  overcunning  if  not 
treacherous  hands,  I  fear.  The  proposed  convention  has  no 
basis  of  principles.  It  will  be  denounced  as  a  mere  union 
with  Rebels. 

June  22,  Friday.  When  I  went  to  Cabinet-meeting  only 
Seward  was  there  with  the  President.  I  was  prompt  to 
time;  Seward  was  in  advance.  Directly  on  entering,  the 
President  handed  me  a  message  which  he  had  prepared, 
with  an  accompanying  letter  from  Seward,  relative  to 
the  proposed  Constitutional  changes  which  Congress  had 


536  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  22 

requested  him  to  forward  to  the  State  Executives.  The 
whole  was  very  well  done.  As  Seward  had  sent  off  authenti- 
cated copies  to  the  Governors,  the  ready,  officious  act  was 
very  well  gotten  over  by  a  declaration  in  the  message  that 
it  was  a  ministerial  act  which  was  not  to  be  understood  as 
giving  the  sanction  of  the  Executive  or  of  the  Cabinet  to 
the  proceeding. 

I  made  a  complimentary  remark  on  the  message,  with 
my  regret  that  there  had  not  been  more  time  and  considera- 
tion in  sending  off  copies  to  the  States.  Seward  was  an- 
noyed by  the  remark  and  said  he  had  followed  the  precedent 
of  1865,  but  the  President  was,  I  saw,  not  at  all  displeased 
with  my  criticism. 

Subsequently,  when  all  the  Cabinet  were  present  except 
Stanton  and  Speed,  the  message  and  papers  were  read. 
McCulloch  expressed  his  approval  of  the  message  and  said 
he  should  have  been  glad  to  have  had  it  more  full  and 
explicit.  In  this  I  concurred. 

Dennison  took  exception,  which  served  to  show  that  he 
had  been  consulted  by  the  Radicals  and  had  advised  or 
consented  to  the  course  previously  adopted.  He  and 
Seward  each  made  some  remarks,  and  Dennison  showed 
much  indignation  because  Seward  had  used  the  word 
"trick"  on  the  part  of  Congress  in  sending  this  resolution 
to  the  President.  Seward  disclaimed  the  word  and  denied 
he  had  used  it.  I  was  not  aware  he  had  done  so. 

Dennison  proceeded  to  say  that  Bingham  had  intro- 
duced, or  been  the  means  of  introducing,  the  resolution; 
had  consulted  with  him;  that  his  object  was  pure;  that  he 
approved  it ;  that  although  the  proposed  Amendment  was 
not  in  the  precise  shape  he  wished,  he,  nevertheless,  gave  it 
his  support;  that  it  had  been  approved  by  the  Republicans 
of  Ohio,  and  were  he  at  home  in  October,  he  should  vote  for 
candidates  who  favored  it. 

I  assured  him  that  therein  he  and  I  differed,  for  that  I 
would  not  vote  for  the  Amendment,  nor  knowingly  vote  for 
any  man  who  supported  it. 


1866]  THE  MESSAGE  ON  THE  AMENDMENT  537 

Seward  said  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  Republicans  of  the 
Auburn  district  would  oppose  it  very  generally,  and  that 
if  he  was  at  home  in  November  he  expected  to  vote  for  men 
who  would  oppose  it. 

I  took  higher  ground.  I  cared  not  what  parties  favored 
or  what  parties  opposed  it,  my  convictions  and  opinions 
were  in  my  own  keeping,  and  I  would  vote  for  no  man  of 
any  party  who  favored  that  Amendment. 

Dennison  said  that  with  the  explanations  of  Mr.  Seward 
he  took  no  exceptions,  but  he  expected  to  act  with  the 
Union  Party  of  Ohio. 

Harlan  said  he  thought  the  views  of  each  would  be 
reconciled.  I  doubted  if  we  were  a  unit.  Party  seemed  to 
have  a  stronger  hold  than  country. 

When  the  others  had  left,  the  President  told  McCulloch 
and  myself  that  he  had  struck  from  the  message  the  con- 
currence of  his  Cabinet.  This  I  regretted,  but  he  said 
Dennison's  assent,  even  with  his  explanation,  was  not  full 
and  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  evade,  if  convenient  here- 
after; he,  therefore,  chose  to  stand  uncommitted,  or 
trammeled  by  others.  Before  sending  off  the  message, 
which  he  had  done  while  we  were  there,  he  had  erased  the 
words  referred  to. 

Dennison  has  evidently  been  tampered  with  and  has 
made  up  his  mind  to  go  with  his  party,  though  aware  that 
the  party  organization  is  being  committed  against  measures 
of  the  Administration.  He  certainly  does  not  yet  anti- 
cipate leaving  the  Cabinet  on  that  account,  but  will  soon 
come  to  it.  How  the  President  is  to  get  along  with  such  a 
Cabinet  I  do  not  see.  McCulloch  spoke  of  it  and  said  there 
were  four  in  opposition.  "  Yes,"  said  the  President,  "from 
what  we  now  see  of  Dennison,  and  if  we  count  Stanton 
after  his  patched-up  speech;  but  it  is  uncertain  where  he 
wishes  to  place  -himself."  There  is  no  uncertainty  on  the 
part  of  any  but  the  President.  Speed  and  Harlan  should, 
from  a  sense  of  propriety  and  decent  self-respect,  resign. 
This  the  President  has  repeated  to  me  many  times.  Why 


538  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUHE  22 

he  should  cling  to  Stanton,  who  is  working  insidiously 
against  him,  and  to  Seward,  who  works  with  and  shields 
Stanton,  either  doing  more  against  him  than  the  two  feeble 
men  of  whom  he  speaks  so  freely,  I  do  not  understand. 
Stanton  he  knows  is  not  in  accord  with  him,  though  he 
does  not  avow  it,  and  if  Seward  is  presumably  friendly,  the 
fact  that  all  the  influence  which  he  can  exercise  is  dumb  or 
hostile  is  notorious. 

June  23,  Saturday.  The  President  sent  me  a  note  this 
A.M.  to  call  upon  him  this  evening  at  eight.  Although 
under  the  doctor's  care  and  ordered  to  remain  perfectly 
quiet,  I  rode  over  at  the  time.  Doolittle  called  and  went 
with  me.  Seward  soon  came  in,  followed  by  McCulloch, 
Cowan,  Browning,  and  Randall.  We  went  into  the  library, 
where  the  proposed  call  for  a  national  convention  was 
finished  up.  Seward,  who,  with  Weed  and  Raymond,  drew 
up  or  arranged  this  call  which  Doolittle  fathers,  now  sug- 
gested two  or  three  verbal  alterations,  most  of  which  were 
adopted.  It  is  intended  that  these  " suggestions3'  shall 
cover  up  Weed's  tracks. 

In  all  that  was  said  and  done  Seward  fully  agreed.  He 
intends  to  keep  within  the  movement,  which  has  become  a 
New  York  scheme,  in  order  to  control  it.  His  belief  is  that 
the  Republicans,  of  New  York  at  least,  will  respond 
promptly  to  the  call  and  make  the  President's  cause,  which 
he  means  shall  be  his  and  the  old  Whigs',  their  own.  How 
this  is  to  be  done,  and  the  course  of  the  Senators  and 
Representatives  of  that  State  be  sustained  by  the  Admin- 
istration, he  does  not  disclose.  The  Democrats,  who  in  their 
way  are  the  chief  supporters  of  the  President's  measures, 
are  snubbed.  I  perceive  Seward  is  satisfied  with  both  the 
President's  and  his  and  Weed's  positions.  The  President, 
I  think,  is  aware  of  this  discrepancy,  yet  tries  to  believe  all 
is  right. 

Seward  remarked  that  McCulloch  and  myself  had  been 
uneasy  because  there  had  not  been  an  earlier  demonstra- 


1866]   INTRIGUES  OF  SEWARD  AND  WEED    539 

tion  made  and  the  President's  policy  distinctly  stated,  but 
he  had  been  satisfied  it  was  best  to  delay.  I  said  that  by 
the  delay  many  of  our  friends  had  got  committed  against  us, 
particularly  on  those  Constitutional  changes, — men  whom 
we  could  by  a  plain,  frank  course  have  kept  with  us.  He 
said  they  would  come  right,  but  we  must  give  Congress  an 
opportunity  to  show  its  hand.  They  had  had  seven  months 
and  had  done  nothing  that  they  were  satisfied  with  them- 
selves. We  have  done  nothing  which  it  was  our  duty  to 
have  done,  and  are  we  and  sound  principles  benefited  by 
the  Seward  policy  of  delay? 

Throughout  the  preliminary  proceeding  of  this  call 
there  was  a  disinclination  to  make  the  proposed  Constitu- 
tional changes  an  issue,  yet  it  is  the  real  question.  This 
shirking  from  an  open,  honest  course  I  can  trace  chiefly  to 
Seward,  though  others  have  become  complicated  with  him. 
Even  the  President  himself  has  incautiously  and  without 
sufficient  consideration  used  some  expression  in  relation  to 
the  basis  of  representation  which  embarrasses  him;  and  so 
of  Doolittle  and  some  others.  Seward's  confidants  are 
fully  committed,  and  hence  he  and  they  cannot  act  freely; 
consequently  the  great  and  important  question  is  omitted 
in  the  call,  which  should  have  made  the  invasion  of  organic 
law  prominent  above  all  other  points.  He  also,  whilst  con- 
forming to  the  President's  policy,  strives  to  preserve 
Stanton  as  an  ally,  who  intrigues  with  the  Radicals. 

This  movement  is  an  important  one,  and  it  has  annoyed 
and  pained  me  that  there  should  have  been  a  sacrifice  of 
principle  to  gratify  any  one.  If  it  proves  a  failure,  which 
I  do  not  mean  to  anticipate,  it  will  be  mainly  attributable 
to  the  intrigues  by  which  Seward  and  Weed  have  been 
brought  into  it  and  finally  controlled  or  shaped  proceed- 
ings. The  intrigue  has  been  cunningly  and  artfully  man- 
aged by  them.  They  have  mainly  shaped  the  call,  although 
it  is  in  all  respects  not  what  they  wished.  The  President, 
I  think,  flatters  himself  that  he  has  arranged  to  bring  them 
in,  whereas  the  truth  is,  he  would  have  found  it  difficult  to 


540  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  23 

keep  them  out.  Their  aim  and  purpose  are  to  remain  with 
the  old  Republican  organization,  of  which  the  Radicals,  or 
old  Whigs,  have  possession,  but  which,  by  the  assistance  of 
the  President's  patronage  and  the  hocus-pocus  of  New 
York  politics,  Seward  and  Weed  will  work  into  their  own 
schemes  in  that  State.  I  am  apprehensive  that  this  move- 
ment in  the  cause  of  the  Administration  will  by  their 
intrigues  and  deceptions  be  made  secondary  to  their  pur- 
pose. 

June  25,  Monday.  For  two  or  three  days  I  have  been 
prostrated  by  a  severe  attack  of  indigestion,  yet  against 
the  remonstrance  of  Dr.  H.  I  went  to  the  President's  Sat- 
urday evening.  What  took  place  and  subsequent  reflection 
while  prostrated  on  my  lounge  have  disquieted  and  greatly 
disturbed  me.  It  is  a  lost  opportunity.  The  President  fails 
to  comprehend  the  true  condition  of  affairs  and  the  schemes 
of  prominent  men  around  him,  or  hesitates  to  grapple  with 
them.  In  either  case  he  is  deceived  and  fatally  wrong.  He 
must,  and  evidently  expects  to,  rely  on  the  Democrats  to 
overcome  the  Radicals  who  are  conspiring  against  him  and 
the  Constitution.  But  the  Democrats  have  no  confidence 
in  Seward  and  will  not  fellowship  with  him.  Seward  knows 
that,  if  the  President  does  not.  This  call  for  a  national 
Union  convention  which  has  been  gotten  up  is  perverted 
into  a  Seward  call;  the  party  is  to  be  Seward' s  party,  and 
it  cannot,  therefore,  be  Democratic.  The  President  is,  con- 
sequently, purchasing  or  retaining  Seward  and  his  follow- 
ers at  too  high  a  price,  too  great  a  sacrifice.  Enough  Re- 
publicans may  rally  with  this  call  to  defeat  the  Radicals, 
but  cannot  themselves  become  a  formidable  and  distinct 
power.  If,  however,  the  movement  defeats  the  reckless 
plans  of  the  Radicals,  it  will  accomplish  a  great  good.  I  have 
my  doubts  if  the  flimsy  expedient  will  do  much  good. 

Our  President  has  been  too  forbearing,  has  wasted  his 
strength  and  opportunities,  and  without  some  thorough 
changes  will  find  himself,  I  apprehend,  the  victim  of  his 


1866]  THE  AMENDMENT  IN  CONNECTICUT  541 

own  yielding  policy  in  this  regard.  I  do  not  see  how  it  is 
possible  to  sustain  himself  with  Seward  on  his  shoulders. 

June  26,  Tuesday.  We  had  not  a  protracted  Cabinet- 
meeting  nor  any  specially  interesting  topic.  I  had  thought 
the  subject  of  the  call  for  the  convention,  which  appeared 
in  this  morning's  paper,  might  be  alluded  to  either  before 
or  after  the  business  session,  but  it  was  as  studiously 
avoided  as  if  we  had  been  in  a  Quaker  meeting.  There  is 
no  free  interchange  nor  concurrence  of  views.  Stanton  is 
insincere,  more  false  than  Seward,  who  relies  on  expedients. 

Blair  tells  me  he  likes  the  call  and  thinks  it  will  be  effect- 
ive. This  inspires  me  with  more  confidence,  for  I  had 
doubted  whether  he  and  men  of  his  traits  and  views  would 
acquiesce  in  it,  particularly  in  its  omissions.  He  does  not 
apprehend  the  difficulty  from  Seward  and  Weed  which  has 
troubled  me,  for  he  says  the  President  will  cast  Seward  off 
and  Stanton  also.  I  had  long  seen  that  this  was  a  necessity, 
but  continued  delay  has  disheartened  expectation.  Whether 
Blair  has  any  fact  to  authorize  his  assertion,  I  know  not. 
I  can  suppose  it  certain  as  an  alternative.  Stanton  is 
unfaithful  and  acting  secretly  with  the  Radicals.  He  has 
gone.  Either  Seward  must  be  discarded  or  the  people  will 
discard  both  him  and  the  President.  The  latter  does  not 
realize  that  he  is  the  victim  of  a  double  game,  adapted  to 
New  York  intrigues. 

The  papers  state  that  the  Senate  of  Connecticut  adopted 
the  Constitutional  Amendment  at  midnight  yesterday. 
This  does  not  surprise  me,  yet  had  the  President  showed 
his  hand  earlier,  the  result  might  have  been  different  in  that 
State.  But  Seward,  Weed,  Raymond,  and  company  are 
satisfied  with  this  Radical  Amendment.  The  latter  voted 
for  it.  Weed  has  given  it  a  quasi  indorsement,  and  I  do  not 
remember  to  have  heard  Seward  say  a  word  against  it.  He 
hastened  off  a  notice  to  Connecticut  and  the  other  States  as 


542  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNE  26 

necticut,  or  elsewhere,  any  deliberate,  enlightened,  intel- 
ligent, or  comprehensive  discussion  of  this  measure,  but  a 
paltry,  narrow,  superficial  talk  or  rant,  all  of  the  shallowest 
and  meanest  partisan  character. 

June  27,  Wednesday.  Had  some  conversation  with 
Senator  Grimes  respecting  the  legislation  of  this  Congress, 
which  is  passing  acts  of  corporations,  special  privileges,  and 
grants  ad  libitum.  Members  of  Congress  have  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  largely  interested  in  many  of  their  legislative 
favors.  I  think  Grimes  is  not.  Among  other  things  a  pro- 
position to  create  a  Department  of  Education  is  pending, — 
not  a  Bureau,  which  would  be  bad  enough,  but  a  Depart- 
ment. Grimes,  I  see,  did  not  favor  it  and  in  the  course  of  his 
remarks  said  the  high  pressure  for  an  extreme  and  almost 
prohibitory  tariff  was  fast  driving  him  into  free  trade.  This 
is  the  natural  result  of  extreme  measures,  —  pushed  too 
far  they  cause  a  reaction. 

June  28,  Thursday.  I  understand  that  the  Democratic 
Members  of  Congress  have  concluded  to  unite  in  the  move- 
ment for  the  national  convention  of  the  14th  of  August.  I 
had  some  doubts  whether  they  would  readily  come  into  it. 
Old  party  organizations  and  associations  are  strong.  The 
Democratic  papers  have  hesitated,  and  the  New  York 
World  opposed  the  movement. 

This  opposition  of  the  World  is  agreeable  to  Weed  and 
company,  and  was  intended  by  the  New  York  Times, 
which  was  prompted  by  Weed  and  Seward,  to  foreshadow 
the  convention  and  to  assume  that  it  was  the  Union  Con- 
vention or  Union  Party  Convention. 

Senators  Doolittle,  Nesmith,  Buckalew,  and  Harris  and 
myself  met  in  Colonel  Cooper's  room  this  evening,  casu- 
ally and  accidentally.  Most  of  the  conversation  was  on  the 
convention  and  the  condition  of  parties.  Harris  is  some- 
thing of  a  trimmer,  and,  I  perceive,  a  good  deal  embar- 
rassed how  to  act,  yet  not  prepared  to  take  anti-Radical 


1866]     POLITICS  AND  THE  CONVENTION      543 

ground.  Doolittle  tried  to  persuade  him  that  his  true 
course  was  to  go  forward  with  the  new  movement,  and, 
among  other  things,  said  that  it  was  the  movement  which 
would  ultimately  prevail,  —  we  should  not  succeed  this  fall 
but  that  the  next  election  we  should  be  successful.  Of 
course  such  an  admission  would  make  such  a  calculating 
politician  as  Harris  stick  to  the  Radicals,  for  the  next  fall 
elections  will  be  decisive  of  the  Senatorial  contest  in  New 
York.  He  will,  therefore,  under  Doolittle's  admission,  go 
with  the  Radicals  as  the  most  likely  way  to  secure  his 
return  to  the  Senate,  —  of  which,  however,  there  is  not  the 
remotest  probability.  He  will  be  disappointed. 

June  29,  Friday.  Not  much  of  special  interest  in  the 
Cabinet.  Seward  read  dispatches  to  Washburn,  the  poor 
Minister  at  the  poor  Government  of  Paraguay,  expressing 
expectation  that  he  had  ere  this  reached  his  destination, 
assisted  by  Acting  Rear-Admiral  Godon.  The  course  of 
Washburn  has  been  inexcusably  wrong,  and  the  State 
Department  scarcely  less  so.  He  has  wasted  time  and  op- 
portunities at  Montevideo,  when  he  should  have  been  at 
his  post,  if  we  are  to  have  a  Minister  at  Paraguay,  and  is 
now  asking,  and  the  State  Department  is  conceding,  too 
much  in  order  that  he  may  get  there. 

June  30,  Saturday.  Had  a  long  talk  this  afternoon  with 
the  President  on  the  condition  of  affairs  and  especially  in 
regard  to  the  proposed  national  convention.  He  does  not 
like  the  composition  of  the  Cabinet,  yet  does  not,  in  rny 
opinion,  perceive  the  most  questionable  feature  in  it. 
Harlan  and  Speed,  he  does  not  conceal  from  me,  are  in  the 
way.  The  course  and  position  of  Dennison  do  not  suit  him. 
Dennison,  like  others,  has  been  drawn  into  the  Radical 
circle  against  his  better  judgment,  is  committed  to  the 
Republican  Party,  and  is  appointing  extreme  Radicals  to 
the  local  post-offices,  carrying  out  the  views  of  the  Radical 
Members  and  strengthening  them  by  displacing  friends  of 


544  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [JUNESO 

the  President.  In  this  I  do  not  think  D.  intends  antagon- 
ism to  the  President,  although  it  is  that  and  nothing  else, 
But  he  does  not  permit  himself  to  believe  that  the  Pre- 
sident and  the  Party,  which  is  now  a  mere  machine  of 
Thad  Stevens,  are  not  identical. 

Seward  knows  the  distinction  and  yet  contrives  to  per- 
suade the  President  to  acquiesce,  while  favoring  the  Rad- 
icals. It  is  curious,  but  by  no  means  pleasant,  to  witness 
this  proceeding.  The  President,  usually  sagacious,  seems 
not  to  discern  the  management  and  ultimate  purpose  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  who  is  prompted  by  Stanton,  one  of 
the  Radical  chiefs.  Stanton  has  an  assumed  frankness,  but 
his  coarse  manner  covers  a  good  deal  of  subtle  duplicity, 
Seward  never  differs  with  the  President.  If  lie  has  taken 
an  opposite  view  from  or  with  others,  or  before  the  Pre- 
sident's opinion  is  known,  it  disappears  forever  when  the 
sentiments  of  the  latter  are  ascertained.  Ilia  knowledge 
and  estimate  of  men  are  weak  and  erroneous  in  the 
extreme. 

The  President  understands  the  political  dexterity  of 
Seward  and  yet  does  not  apprehend  that  it  may  over  oper- 
ate adverse  to  himself,  nor  does  Seward  intend  to  antagon- 
ize his  chief.  Some  recent  proceedings,  connected  with  the 
schemes  of  the  Radicals,  are  to  me  inexplicable,  and  in  our 
talk  I  so  informed  the  President.  I  could  not  understand 
how  all  the  Republican  Members  from  New  York,  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  whom  are  under  the  influence  of 
Seward  and  Weed,  should  vote  steadily  with  the  Radicals 
and  against  him,  if  Seward  and  Weed  arc  his  true  friends, 

The  New  York  Times,  Raymond's  paper  controlled  by 
Weed,  declared  that  the  President  and  Radicals  were4 
pretty  much  reconciled  on  the  Constitutional  changes,  and 
by  this  representation  multitudes  were  entrapped  into 
the  measure.  Seward,  hastily  and  without  consulting  the 
President,  hastened  to  send  certified  copies  of  the  Amend- 
ment by  the  first  mail  to  the  State  Executives.  These  and 
other  things  I  alluded  to  as  very  singular,  and  that  I  could 


1866]      POLITICS  AND  THE  CONVENTION      545 

hardly  reconcile  them  to  sincere  and  honest  friendship. 
The  President  was  puzzled;  said  it  was  strange. 

I  told  him  I  could  account  for  these  proceedings  readily, 
if  it  were  to  build  up  and  sustain  the  Weed  and  Seward 
party  in  New  York,  but  it  certainly  was  not  strengthening 
the  Administration. 

Raymond  and  Seward  knew  of  the  movements  for  the 
convention,  and  the  Times  in  advance  spoke  of  it  as  amove 
to  unite  the  Republican  Party  while  it  would  certainly 
injure  the  Administration.  The  effect  was,  when  the  call 
appeared,  to  cause  distrust  among  Democrats,  and  to 
repel  the  World,  the  Herald,  etc.  It  looks  like  design  or 
stupidity.  I  knew  they  were  not  fools. 

My  efforts  to  incorporate  with  the  call  a  clause  adverting 
to  the  proposed  Constitutional  changes  which  made  a  con- 
vention advisable  were  resisted  and  defeated  by  the  tools 
of  Seward,  because  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the  Democrats 
and  opposed  to  the  Radicals.  His  friends  were  committed 
on  that  subject.  They  had  adopted  it  and  were,  therefore, 
antagonistic  to  Johnson,  yet  they  succeeded  through  the 
assistance  of  Radicals  who  care  little  for  principles . 


XL 

The  Reasons  for  Morgan's  Vote  on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  —  A  Call  from 
Senator  Morgan  —  The  Administration's  Cause  injured  by  Raymond  — 
Death  of  Samuel  Welles  —  His  Character  and  Ability  —  Rumor  of 
Postmaster-General  Dennison's  Resignation  —  Blair's  Idea  of  the  Rad- 
ical Programme  —  The  Radical  Caucus  —  Dennison's  Resignation  — 
Attorney-General  Speed  resigns  —  The  President  vetoes  the  New 
Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill,  and  Congress  passes  it  over  the  Veto  —  Gen- 
eral Thomas  requested  not  to  interfere  with  Local  Politics  in  Tennessee 
—  Montgomery  Blair  fears  another  Civil  War  —  The  President's  Posi- 
tion weakened  by  Seward's  Restraining  Influence  —  Tennessee  ratifies 
the  Fourteenth  Amendment  —  Henry  Stanbery  nominated  as  Attorney- 
General —  Johnson's  Habitual  Reticence  —  The  Senate  passes  the 
Resolution  admitting  the  Tennessee  Delegation  to  Congress  —  The  Joy 
and  Sadness  attending  Promotions  —  Attorney-General  Stanbery  takes 
his  Seat  —  The  Japanese  Government  asks  for  a  Delay  in  Payment  of 
Indemnity  due  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  United  States  —  Our 
Course  in  Japan  —  The  Army  and  Navy  Promotions  —  Alexander  W. 
Randall  of  Wisconsin  appointed  Postmaster-General  —  Secretary 
Harlan  sends  in  his  Resignation  —  The  President  signs  the  Bounty 
Bill  —  Senator  Daniel  Clark  of  New  Hampshire  appointed  District 
Judge  for  New  Hampshire — General  Dix  appointed  Minister  to  Holland 

July  2,  Monday.  I  wrote  on  Saturday  night  replies  to 
Randall  in  regard  to  the  convention,  to  the  Tammany 
Society,  which  had  invited  me  to  Fourth  of  July  anni- 
versary, to  the  Mayor  of  Boston  also.  In  those  letters  I 
indicate  pointedly  my  views  on  the  great  questions  before 
the  country. 

McCulloch  hesitates  about  sending  a  letter  to  Randall, 
lest  he  shall  experience  hostility  from  the  Radicals  in  Con- 
gress on  important  measures  connected  with  his  Depart- 
ment, which  are  there  pending.  My  own  opinion  is  that 
his  opinions  should  be  expressed,  and  if  for  that  reason  the 
public  welfare  is  to  be  put  in  jeopardy,  let  the  country  so 
understand.  This  is  my  view,  and  I  have  written  accord- 
ingly, although  I  am  also  in  the  same  category  with  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Only  two  bills,  one  for  accept- 


1866]    MORGAN'S  VOTE  ON   CIVIL  RIGHTS    547 

ing  League  Island  for  a  Navy  Yard  and  the  bill  for  naval 
promotions,  are  strangely  delayed,  —  the  former  in  the 
Senate,  the  latter  in  the  House.  I  am  ready,  however,  to 
proclaim  my  position  on  the  great  questions  affecting  the 
country,  but  do  not  care  to  isolate  and  obtrude  myself  if 
other  members  of  the  Cabinet  hold  back. 

July  6,  Friday.  Went  down  to  the  Capes  of  the  Chesa- 
peake on  Tuesday,  and  remained  at  Hampton  Roads  and 
in  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  not  returning  until  this  morning. 
Have  overdone,  been  indisposed  for  some  weeks,  or  rather 
not  in  right  condition.  Seward,  Doolittle,  and  three  or  four 
naval  officers,  and  my  two  sons,  Edgar  and  John,  went  with 
me.  Had  a  pleasant  time,  but  did  not  much  recruit  or 
improve  in  health. 

Had  several  conversations  with  Seward  in  regard  to  the 
proposed  convention,  as  well  as  public  affairs  generally. 
He,  as  usual,  is  very  oracular  and  confident.  Says  the 
movement  will  be  a  great  success.  It  might  have  been,  had 
the  real  issue  been  presented.  The  convention,  he  says,  is 
very  well  and  will  bring  together  many  who  have  differed, 
will  be  a  success,  etc.,  etc.  What  will  be  the  attitude  of 
parties  and  persons  in  New  York  was  not  so  clearly  stated. 

Doolittle  tells  me  that  Seward  has  written  a  letter  to  the 
Tammany  Society,  which  he,  Seward,  thought  was  better 
than  to  write  to  Randall.  In  this  D.,  indoctrinated  by  Sew- 
ard, seemed  inclined  to  acquiesce;  said  he  had  seen  the  let- 
ter, or  had  it  read  to  him  by  S.  I  questioned  whether  it  was 
the  best  way,  and  thought  it  would  have  more  influence 
and  be  more  creditable  to  frankly  and  directly  communi- 
cate to  Randall.  It  is  a  characteristic  dodge. 

Seward  says  Morgan  (Senator)  was  not  apprised  of  the 
call  until  it  was  published.  He,  Morgan,  had  concluded  to 
go  with  the  Radicals  on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  which,  of 
course,  meant  the  whole  Radical  policy;  had  told  him  (S.) 
how  he  intended  to  vote,  the  day  preceding  the  final  pass- 
age; said,  in  justification,  the  Evening  Post  favored  it;  that 


the  legislature  had  instructed  him.  Seward  remonstrate^ 
but  Morgan  took  his  course,  and  thenceforth  the  intim»i*>* 
had  been  broken.  This  modifies  my  conception  of  the  m»*~ 
ter,  provided  Weed  was  [not]  in  the  thing;  but  if  \W** 
advised  or  was  in  anyway  committed,  Morgan  was  dujH4^* 
and  yet  not  that,  perhaps,  unless  duped  by  his  own  fuHX 
and  ambition,  for  he  knows  perfectly  well  the  intim:***' 
relations  of  Seward  and  Weed,  and  that  they  always  act  s*5 
concert  and  understandingly,  though  apparently  on  opp*** 
site  sides  at  times.  But  this  pretended  opposition  is  alwu>'  * 
deceptive  and  for  a  purpose,  —  they  never  antagonize. 

When  the  call  for  a  convention  was  in  preparation  »»•' 3 
about  to  be  issued,  Seward  tells  me  he  sent  for  Weed,  wl**  * 
looked  it  over  and  approved  the  measure  and  the  st'$»U* 
ments  set  forth.  He  (S.)  then  told  Weed  he  must  infof*** 
Morgan,  so  that  he  should  not  be  wholly  taken  by  surpri***- 
but  Weed  delayed  and  finally  missed  the  opportunity, 

I  am  not  sorry  if  Morgan  feels  himself  slighted.  Hi*  ha*H 
proved  to  be  a  calculating  but  not  prof oundly  skillful  (ri«*- 
mer  during  the  session,  and  has  lost  irrevocably  the  hijth'-r 
position  which  he  occupied  early  in  the  session.  That  ln»  haw* 
flattered  himself  he  could  screen  his  vote,  if  irnfortomn**% 
under  legislative  instruction,  I  have  never  doubted,  win!** 
if  it  was  popular  he  should  take  to  himself  credit,  waJ* 
equally  clear. 

I  find  in  the  papers  on  my  return  to-day  Seward's  Tam- 
many letter.  It  is,  aslsupposedit  would  be,  a  Seward  dtxitt«~. 
With  tints  and  hues  and  words  to  amuse,  and  hereafter 
turn  as  he  may  wish.  It  will  not  help  the  cause  or  help  tJ*»* 
President,  and  I  am  surprised  that  Doolittle  should  !** 
satisfied  with  it.  It  shows  how  much  he  is  under  Sewar»l '  * 
influence. 

July  7,  Saturday.  Am  in  better  health  than  at  any  tins*-* 
for  the  last  two  or  three  weeks.  Congress  accomplish*  -?* 
little  that  is  good,  and  is  really  delaying  national  unity  at  ^  I 
prosperity.  There  is  little  statesmanship  in  the  body,  l»ui 


1866]     A  CALL  FROM   SENATOR  MORGAN     549 

a  vast  amount  of  party  depravity.  The  granting  of  acts  of  in- 
corporation, bounties,  special  privileges,  favors,  and  profli- 
gate legislation  of  every  description  is  shocking.  Schemes 
for  increasing  the  enormous  taxation  which  already  exists 
to  benefit  the  iron  and  wool  interests  are  occupying  the 
session. 

July  9,  Monday.  Senator  Morgan  spent  last  evening  at 
my  house.  Our  conversation  was  chiefly  on  public  affairs, 
but  there  was  not  that  unreserved  and  cordial  intimacy 
which  we  have  sometimes  had.  No  allusion  was  made  to 
the  national  convention,  which  was  unnatural  and  could 
not  have  been,  had  there  been  our  old  and  friendly  sym- 
pathy. 

I  censured  strongly,  perhaps  harshly,  the  proposed  Con- 
stitutional changes  and  the  method  of  getting  them 
through  Congress  by  caucuses,  excluding  the  Democratic 
minority  and  one  third  of  the  States,  etc.  He  attempted 
no  defense  or  justification.  Trumbull,  he  tells  me,  has  in- 
troduced another  of  his  revolutionary  bills  to  deprive  the 
President  of  his  Constitutional  right  of  removing  from 
office.  This  subject,  like  most  measures  in  each  house, 
was  passed  through  a  caucus  crucible.  M.  says  he  refused 
to  give  it  his  sanction,  and  so  did  one  other. 

I  have  no  doubt  Morgan  feels  a  little  uncomfortable  in 
the  existing  state  of  things,  and  I  fancy  he  is  conscious  he 
has  committed  a  mistake.  There  are  strange  men  in  posi- 
tion in  New  York.  The  Weed  school  is  a  bad  one.  Ray- 
mond is  a  specimen.  A  man  of  considerable  talent,  but  of 
little  consistency  of  principle.  I  have  so  said  to  the  Pre- 
sident more  than  once,  and  I  think  he  understands  R.,  yet 
Seward  is  in  with  him,  directs  his  movements  by  Weed's 
help,  and  has  influenced  the  President  in  R.'s  favor  to  some 
extent.  No  man  has  more  in j  ured  the  cause  of  the  President 
in  Congress  or  more  strengthened  the  Radicals  than  Ray- 
mond, the  pronounced  organ  of  the  Administration,  but 


TT_     1 1 1    •_    J2_1-l_       


550  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  9 

tile  changes,  attempting  to  go  with  the  President  but  al- 
ways deserting  him,  and  always  clinging  to  party,  deterred 
[some]  by  his  example,  others  by  his  ridiculous  somersaults. 
No  one  follows  him. 

July  10,  Tuesday.  No  very  striking  matters  in  Cabinet. 
Seward  read  a  long  dispatch  to  Mr.  Adams.  Stanton  ex- 
cepted  to  the  mention  of  our  domestic  affairs  in  such  a 
document.  I  cared  less  about  it  in  a  confidential  dispatch 
to  our  own  Minister,  but  I  did  not  like  the  phrase,  or  ex- 
pressed hope,  that  Congress  would  concede  to  the  Southern 
Members  then1  seats.  I  preferred  to  hope  that  Congress 
would  not  much  longer  deny  them  their  rights  to  seats. 

Dennison,  who  has  been  absent  for  a  fortnight  in  Ohio, 
was  present. 

Received  telegram  from  California  that  my  nephew, 
Samuel  Welles,  was  severely  injured  by  explosion  of  a 
boiler.  Am  distressed  and  anxious  about  him. 

Doolittle  called,  and  I  went  with  him  to  McCulloch'a. 
Had  an  hour's  conversation.  Doolittle  is  getting  along  and 
doing  well.  He  is  an  honest,  conscientious,  and  patriotic 
but  credulous  man.  In  this  movement  for  a  convention,  of 
which  he  is  the  principal  getter-up,  he  had  permitted  him- 
self to  be  hampered  by  a  hope  that  he  could  control  in  a 
great  degree  the  Republican  organization  and  retain  it 
intact.  He  cannot  give  up  that  organization,  of  which  the 
Radicals  have  possession,  without  reluctance.  This  is 
Seward' s  policy,  and  he  has  influenced  Doolittle  much  on 
this  point.  Even  yet  he  clings  to  Raymond.  Is  confident 
that  Raymond  will  get  a  majority  of  the  National  Repub- 
lican Committee  to  unite  in  favor  of  the  Philadelphia 
Convention.  It  may  be  well  enough,  but  is  of  less  con- 
sequence than  D.  supposes.  I  think  R.  has  scarcely  any 
influence  with  the  Committee.  Seward  thinks  otherwise. 

I  told  both  Doolittle  and  McCulloch  that  I  would  thank 
them  to  inform  me  of  the  shape  things  were  in,  and  were  to 
be  in,  in  New  York.  The  President's  friends  and  supporters 


were  the  Democrats,  whom  Seward,  Weed,  and  Raymond 
were  opposing,  while  their  special  friends  were  all  Radicals 
and  fighting  the  President.  But  while  their  followers  are 
thwarting  and  resisting  the  President,  the  triumvirate 
claim  to  be  his  friends,  and  are  actually  and  undeniably,  by 
their  intrigues,  directing  his  movements,  influencing  and 
controlling  such  men  as  Doolittle  to  evade  the  true  issue.  I 
trust  D.  is  beginning  to  have  a  more  correct  appreciation 
of  matters. 

July  11,  Wednesday.  This  morning  received  telegram 
that  my  nephew,  Samuel  Welles,  constructing  engineer  at 
Mare  Island,  died  last  evening  at  7.15  from  injuries  re- 
ceived by  the  explosion  of  a  steam  boiler  in  the  Navy  Yard. 
His  death  is  a  loss  to  his  country  as  well  as  his  family,  for 
he  was  one  of  the  most  promising  young  men  in  all  my 
acquaintance.  Had  it  pleased  God  to  spare  his  life,  he  bade 
fair  to  be  at  the  very  head  of  his  profession,  and  would  from 
his  ability  and  integrity  have  been,  if  he  chose  public  life, 
among  the  first  citizens  of  California.  Although  young, 
he  was  the  ablest  and  best  civil  engineer  in  the  service,  and 
I  know  not  how  nor  whom  to  select  to  fill  his  place.  Of  fine 
abilities,  excellent  judgment,  great  kindness  of  heart, 
suavity  of  manners,  and  readiness  to  serve  and  befriend 
others,  he  endeared  himself  to  all  who  knew  him.  I  loved 
him  as  a  son.  He  had  always  great  respect  and  affection 
for  me,  had  spent  much  time  in  my  family,  and  was  almost 
as  one  of  our  household.  In  September  he  was  to  have 
returned  home  and  to  have  been  married.  But,  alas,  all  is 
changed. 

There  is  rumored  this  evening  that  Postmaster-General 
Dennison  has  resigned.  I  shall  not  be  disappointed  if  such 
is  the  case.  For  two  or  three  months  he  has  wavered  on 
important  measures,  been  less  intimate  and  familiar  per- 
sonally than  he  was,  and  some  recent  indications  and  re- 
marks have  prepared  me  for  this  step.  If  it  has  not  been 
taken  already,  I  have  little  doubt  that  it  soon  will  be. 


552  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  11 

Harlan  and  Speed  will  follow.  Whether  Stanton  will  go 
with  them  is  doubtful.  Although  he  has  been  fully  with 
the  Radicals  in  all  their  extreme  measures  from  the  begin- 
ning, he  has  professed  to  abandon  them  when  the  President 
made  a  distinct  stand  on  any  subject.  I  am,  therefore,  un- 
certain what  course  he  will  take;  but  if  he  leaves  he  will  be 
likely  to  be  malevolent.  He  is  selfish,  insincere,  a  dissem- 
bler, and  treacherous.  Dennison,  however,  is  honorable 
and  manly.  If  his  Radical  friends  have  finally  succeeded  in 
persuading  him  to  go  with  them,  he  will  do  it  openly  and 
leave  the  Cabinet,  not  remain  to  embarrass  and  counteract 
the  President,  or,  like  them,  strive  to  retain  place  and  seek 
the  confidence  of  his  chief  to  betray  him. 

I  read  to  Blair  my  answer  to  Doolittle  concerning  the 
national  convention.  He  is  highly  pleased  with  it  and  sug- 
gested I  should  make  a  point  on  the  imminent  danger  of 
another  civil  war.  Blair  repeats  a  conversation  with  Bout- 
well,  a  Massachusetts  fanatic,  who  avows  that  the  Rad- 
icals are  preparing  for  another  war. 

Blair  says  the  Radical  programme  is  to  make  Wade 
President  of  the  Senate,  then  to  impeach  the  President. 
Having  done  this  the  Radicals  will  be  prepared  to  exclude 
the  Southern  Members  from  the  next  Congress,  and  the 
Southern  States  from  the  next  Presidential  election. 

July  12,  Thursday.  The  Radicals  held  a  caucus  last 
evening  at  the  Capitol,  to  determine  in  relation  to  their 
future  course,  and  also  in  regard  to  the  adjournment  of 
Congress.  It  was  resolved  their  proceedings  should  be 
secret,  but  the  doings  are  published.  They  appear  to  have 
come  as  yet  to  no  conclusion.  The  plan,  or  conspiracy,  for 
it  is  nothing  else,  seems  to  be  some  contrivance  first  of  all 
to  embarrass  and  hamper  the  Executive,  some  scheme  to 
evade  an  honest,  straightforward  discharge  of  duty,  some 
trick  to  cheat  the  President  out  of  his  prerogative  and 
arrogate  to  themselves  unauthorized  executive  power. 

Raymond  is  reported  to  have  played  the  harlequin  and 


WILLIAM  DENNISON 


1866]  DENNISON'S   RESIGNATION  553 

again  deserted.  Although  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  one 
of  his  culture  and  information  could  make  such  an  exhibit 
of  himself,  I  am  prepared  to  credit  any  folly  of  his.  He  has 
clearly  no  principles,  no  integrity,  and  is  unconscious  how 
contemptible  he  appears.  Under  Weed's  teaching  he  has 
destroyed  himself. 

The  President  informs  me  that  Dennison  has  handed  in 
his  resignation.  His  reasons  are  his  adherence  to  the  Re- 
publican Party.  He  was  president  of  the  national  conven- 
tion which  nominated  Lincoln  and  Johnson,  and  has  im- 
bibed the  impression  that  his  character  is  involved,  that 
his  party  obligations  are  paramount  to  all  other  considera- 
tions. He  has  been  trained  and  disciplined.  In  due  time  he 
will  be  a  wise  man. 

July  13,  Friday.  The  morning  papers  contain  my  letter 
to  Senator  Doolittle  in  response  to  his  inquiry  conveying 
my  views  of  the  Republican  Convention.  It  is  very  explicit 
and  much  complimented. 

Seward  read  to  the  President  and  myself  a  letter  which 
he  had  written  on  the  same  subject.  I  told  the  President  I 
ought,  perhaps,  to  apologize  for  not  having  read  my  letter 
to  him  also,  that  I  had  thought  of  it,  but  concluded  I  ought 
not  to  make  him  in  any  way  responsible  for  my  unofficial 
acts.  He  said  he  would  cheerfully  assume  the  responsibility 
of  every  sentiment  of  my  letter,  which  he  had  twice  read 
and  heartily  approved. 

July  15,  Sunday.  Senator  Doolittle  took  breakfast  with 
me  this  morning.  He  is  pleased  that  a  cane  on  which  there 
had  been  great  competition  at  the  fair  between  him  and 
Senator  Harris  had  been  voted  to  him.  The  rivalry  had 
run  the  cane  up  to  over  $3000.  I,  of  course,  was  glad  he  was 
victor. 

Doolittle  says  my  letter  was  complimented  by  men  of  all 
parties  in  the  Senate  and  that  Senators  referred  to  my 
reports  and  other  writings  in  flattering  terms.  Blair  says  it 


554  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  15 

was  read  at  a  meeting  at  his  house  the  evening  before  pub- 
lication, and  that,  about  fifty  being  present,  they,  every 
man,  extolled  it,  although  men  of  different  shades  of  poli- 
tics and  parties  were  present. 

There  are  flying  rumors  that  Speed  and  Harlan,  and 
some  say  Stanton,  have  sent  in  their  resignations.  It  is 
excessively  warm  and  I  have  not  thought  proper  to  call  on 
the  President  and  inquire.  Possibly  Speed  has  resigned, 
though  I  have  some  doubts;  more  as  regards  Harlan;  and 
I  am  incredulous  as  regards  Stanton. 

July  16,  Monday.  We  are  having,  I  think,  as  warm 
weather  as  I  have  ever  experienced.  The  papers  have  a 
curt  letter  from  Speed  resigning  his  office.  He  has  also 
written  an  elaborate  but  not  very  profound  letter  to  Doo- 
little,  dissenting  from  the  Philadelphia  Convention. 

The  President  sent  in  a  veto  on  the  new  bill  establishing 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  or  prolonging  it.  His  reasons 
against  it  were  strong  and  vigorous,  but  the  two  houses, 
without  discussing  or  considering  them,  immediately  passed 
the  bill  over  the  veto,  as  was  agreed  and  arranged  by  the 
leaders,  Stevens  and  others.  Very  few  of  the  Members 
know  anything  of  the  principles  involved,  or  even  the  pro- 
visions of  the  bill,  nor,  if  informed,  had  they  the  inde- 
pendence to  act,  but  they  could  under  the  lash  of  party 
vote  against  the  President.  Two  or  three  of  the  Members, 
in  telling  me  the  result,  spoke  of  it  as  a  great  triumph  in  the 
manner  of  the  final  hasty  passage  without  any  considera- 
tion. 

July  17,  Tuesday.  Still  excessively  warm.  Not  much  at 
the  Cabinet  to  note.  Stanton  read  a  strange  dispatch  from 
Gen.  George  H.  Thomas  at  Nashville,  stating  that  some  of 
the  Tennessee  members  of  the  legislature  would  not  attend 
the  sessions  and  asking  if  he  should  not  arrest  them.  The 
President  promptly  and  with  point  said,  if  General  Thomas 
had  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  intermeddle  in  local  contro- 


1866]    .GENERAL  THOMAS  IN  TENNESSEE     555 

versies,  he  had  better  be  detached  and  ordered  elsewhere. 
Stanton,  who  should  have  rebuked  Thomas,  had,  I  thought, 
a  design  in  bringing  the  subject  to  the  President,  who  has 
warm  personal  friendship  for  the  General.  On  hearing  the 
emphatic  remark  and  witnessing  the  decided  manner  of  the 
President  against  Thomas's  proposition,  Stanton  dropped 
his  tone  and  said  he  had  proposed  to  say  to  T.  that  he 
should  avoid  mixing  up  in  this  question.  "But  shall  I  add 
your  remark?"  said  he.  "My  wish  is,"  replied  the  Presi- 
dent, "that  the  answer  should  be  emphatic  and  decisive, 
not  to  meddle  with  local  parties  and  politics.  The  military 
are  not  superior  masters." 

July  18,  Wednesday.  The  President  tells  me  that  Denni- 
son  did  not  intend  to  leave,  —  that  his  purpose  was  to 
maintain  his  party  relations  but  conform  to  the  Adminis- 
tration in  his  action.  He  did  not  want  nor  expect  his  re- 
signation would  be  accepted.  These  were  the  President's 
impressions.  He  looked  upon  it  as  a  refined  partyism  to 
which  he  would  give  no  attention.  Speed,  he  says,  thought 
to  be  very  short,  and  he,  therefore,  did  not  reply  to  Speed's 
note  resigning,  but  considered  it  a  fact  in  conformity  with 
the  terms  of  the  note. 

The  authentic  published  proceedings  of  the  Radical 
leaders  are  disgraceful  to  the  Members  who  were  present 
and  took  part.  It  shows  their  incapacity  as  statesmen  and 
their  unfitness  as  legislators.  Raymond  publishes  the 
statement,  the  injunction  of  secrecy  having  been  removed. 
He  also  prints  a  letter  in  his  paper,  the  New  York  Times, 
disclosing  the  revolutionary  feeling  of  the  leading  Radicals, 
who  are,  in  fact,  conspirators. 

Montgomery  Blair  is  possessed  of  the  sentiment  that 
another  civil  war  is  pending  and  that  the  Radical  leaders 
design  and  are  preparing  for  it.  I  am  unwilling  to  believe 
that  a  majority  of  Congress  is  prepared  for  such  a  step,  but 
the  majority  is  weak  in  intellect,  easily  led  into  rashness 
and  error  by  the  few  designing  leaders,  who  move  and  con- 


556  DIAEY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  is 

trol  the  party  machinery.  There  is  no  individuality  and 
very  little  statesmanship  or  wise  legislation,  and  as  little 
in  the  Senate.  The  war  on  the  President  and  on  the  Con- 
stitution, as  well  as  on  the  whole  of  the  people  South,  except 
the  negroes,  is  revolutionary. 

The  President,  while  he  has  a  sound  and  patriotic  heart, 
has  erred  in  not  making  himself  and  his  office  felt  as  a  power. 
He  should  long  since  have  manifested  his  determination  to 
maintain  and  exercise  his  executive  rights,  in  fact  should  in 
the  first  month  of  the  session,  and  as  soon  as  the  spirit  and 
hostility  of  the  Radical  leaders  was  apparent,  have  drawn 
the  lines  and  made  his  own  position  known  and  felt.  I  so 
said  to  him  on  more  than  one  occasion.  But  the  influence 
and  counsel  of  Seward,  who  deals  in  vacillating  expedients, 
have  been  disastrous.  He  has  striven  to  keep  alive  and 
strengthen  the  party  organization,  which  is  opposed  to  the 
President,  and  thus  given  power  to  the  Radicals,  who  are 
conspiring  against  him.  The  President's  friends  have,  as 
a  result,  been  proscribed  and  his  opponents  favored  by  his 
own  Administration.  In  this  way  Congress,  where  the 
Administration  had  or  might  have  a  majority,  has  be- 
come consolidated  against  the  President.  Those  Members 
who  were  kindly  disposed  have  been  disciplined  and  drawn 
away  from  him  by  this  trimming  New  York  management. 
His  mind  is  tardy  in  its  movements,  though  honest  and 
firm,  and  required  stimulating  and  urging  onward  at  the 
very  time  when  Seward  was  exerting  himself  to  suppress  and 
hold  back  any  decisive  action  in  order  to  secure  a  party 
ascendancy  in  New  York  under  Thurlow  Weed.  Stanton, 
of  course,  operated  with  Seward  to  prevent  Executive 
action,  for  he  was  in  all  his  feelings  with  the  extreme  Radi- 
cals, though  contriving  to  so  far  keep  in  with  the  President 
as  to  retain  his  place. 

•  July  19,  Thursday.  The  Democrats  have  had  a  large 
meeting  at  Reading  in  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Blair  is  reported 
to  have  made  an  ultra  speech,  denouncing  the  intrigues  and 


1866]   TENNESSEE  AND  THE  AMENDMENT    557 

schemes  of  the  Radical  leaders  and  predicting  civil  war  if 
they  are  not  defeated  at  the  fall  elections.  The  country  has 
had  too  recent  and  too  exhausting  an  experience  for  another 
war. 

A  telegram  from  the  coarse,  vulgar  creature  who  is  Gov- 
ernor of  Tennessee  says  that  there  is  a  quorum  of  the  legis- 
lature and  that  they  have  ratified  the  Constitutional 
Amendment.  This  legislature  was  chosen  when  war  existed 
and  under  circumstances  and  animosities  which  would  not 
be  justified  or  excusable  in  peace.  It  is,  of  course,  no 
exponent  of  popular  sentiment  in  that  State.  But  under 
the  urgent  appeals  of  the  Radical  Members  of  Congress, 
Brownlow,  the  Governor,  convened  a  special  session  of 
this  dead  body  on  the  4th  of  July,  to.  ratify  the  changes  in 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  But  he  was  unable 
to  get  a  quorum  together.  Fifty-six  were  necessary  for  a 
quorum;  only  fifty-four  would  be  assembled,  and  two  were 
arrested  and  brought  to  Nashville  as  prisoners.  These 
made  the  requisite  fifty-six,  and  forty-three  of  these  bogus 
members  voted  for  the  Constitutional  changes.  This  is  an 
exhibition  of  Radical  regard  for  honest  principle,  for  popu- 
lar opinion,  and  for  changes  in  the  organic  law.  The  change 
is  to  be  imposed  upon  the  people  by  fraud,  not  adopted  of 
choice. 

I  asked  by  way  of  suggestion  to  the  President,  how  it  hap- 
pened that  General  Thomas's  telegram  of  the  14th  respect- 
ing the  arrest  of  members  of  the  legislature  was  not  re- 
sponded to  until  the  17th.  He  said  he  could  not  tell,  and, 
evidently  apprehending  my  object,  said  perhaps  General 
Grant  did  not  get  it  until  the  15th  and  passed  it  over  to 
the  War  Department  possibly  the  next  day,  and  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  brought  it  here  on  the  17th.  "  Yet  it  does  seem 
to  have  been  some  tune  on  the  way  for  a  telegram,"  said 
he.  "In  the  mean  time,"  continued  I,  "two  members  of 
the  legislature  appear  to  have  been  arrested  and  brought 
to  Nashville."  This  is  Stantonian.  Why  does  the  Pre- 
sident submit  to  be  victimized? 


558  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  19 

The  irregular  tidings  that  Tennessee  had  in  any  way, 
however  illegal  or  by  force  and  fraud,  confirmed  the  Amend- 
ment, as  it  is  called,  caused  great  exultation  in  Congress. 
The  Radicals  felt  as  if  they  were  relieved,  or  those  of  them 
who  felt  uneasy  under  the  dictation  of  Stevens,  Boutwell, 
Schenck,  etc.  Conscious  of  their  wrongdoing  and  that  they 
were  trifling  with  the  country  for  mere  party  ascendancy 
and  power,  they  broke  away  from  Stevens  and  refused  to 
follow  him.  Tennessee  can  now  be  permitted  to  have  Re- 
presentatives,— a  right  from  which  she  has  been  excluded. 

July  20,  Friday.  I  learn  that  the  President  to-day  sent 
in  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Stanbery  for  Attorney-General. 
He  made  no  mention  of  it  in  Cabinet.  There  is  a  reticence 
on  the  part  of  the  President — an  apparent  want  of  confid- 
ence in  his  friends  —  which  is  unfortunate,  and  prevents 
him  from  having  intimate  and  warm  personal  friends  who 
would  relieve  him  in  a  measure.  Doolittle  spoke  of  this  to 
me  last  evening  as  we  came  from  the  President's,  with 
whom  he  wanted  some  frank  and  friendly  conversation, 
and  he  felt  a  little  hurt  that  he  was  not  met  in  the  same 
spirit.  It  is  a  mistake,  an  infirmity,  a  habit  fixed  before  he 
was  President,  to  keep  his  own  counsel.  I  find  no  want  of 
confidence  or  frankness  in  him  when  I  introduce  a  topic,  or 
make  an  inquiry,  but  it  is  unpleasant  to  seek  information 
which  should,  in  friendly  courtesy,  be  communicated  or 
invited  by  him. 

Professor  Davies  comes  to  see  me.  Wants  his  nephew, 
General  Davies,  to  be  made  N^val  Officer  at  New  York. 
Says  Smythe,  the  Collector,  is  doing  nothing  to  sustain  the 
President,  or  the  Philadelphia  movement.  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  there  is  truth  in  it  and  that  Smythe  is  a  very  indif- 
ferent officer,  as  well  as  a  useless  politician,  or  party  man, 
and  that  the  President  has  been  deceived  in  him.  I  have 
heretofore  expressed  my  doubts  of  his  fitness  to  the  Pre- 
sident, McCulloch,  and  Doolittle,  and  they,  neither  of 
them,  controverted  my  opinion.  He  is  a  weight,  no  aid. 


1866]         THE   TENNESSEE   RESOLUTION         559 

July  21,  Saturday.  The  Senate  has  altered  and  passed 
the  resolution  and  preamble  concerning  the  right  of  Tennes- 
see to  be  represented,  Congress,  or  the  Radical  majority, 
graciously  permitting  it,  —  not  because  the  Constitution 
sanctions,  or  that  the  people  or  State  have  any  rights,  but 
because  a  fragment  of  a  legislature,  less  than  a  quorum, 
elected  nearly  two  years  ago  and  summoned  by  the  vulgar 
Governor,  have  adopted  or  ratified  the  Constitutional 
Amendment.  The  whole  proceeding  is  a  burlesque  on  re- 
publican government  and  our  whole  system  of  popular 
rights,  opinion,  State  action,  and  constitutional  obliga- 
tion. 

July  23,  Monday.  Had  a  discussion  last  evening  with 
McCulloch  and  Doolittle  in  the  council-room,  the  Presid- 
ent being  by,  respecting  the  preamble  and  resolution  of 
Congress  in  regard  to  Tennessee.  McCulloch  thought  it 
might  injure  the  President  or  help  the  Radicals  if  he  did  not 
sign  it.  I  preferred  that  he  should  not,  especially  that  he 
should  not  give  his  assent  to  the  preamble.  My  own  course 
would  be  to  approve  of  neither,  for  it  would  be  claimed  as 
a  precedent  in  future  toward  the  other  States.  If  it  were 
an  isolated  instance,  the  resolution  affirming  that  the  State 
might  send  Representatives  would,  perhaps,  be  harmless, 
but  the  precedent  in  the  present  state  of  things  would  be 
bad.  The  President  listened  and  then  read  a  dispatch  from 
the  Speaker,  saying  he  would  not  sign  a  certificate  that  the 
Amendment  had  been  ratified. 

Admiral  Farragut  and  myself  have  been  busy  to-day  on 
promotions  under  the  recent  law. 

July  24,  Tuesday.  Busy  through  the  day  until  dark  on 
the  subject  of  promotions,  except  for  a  short  time  at  the 
Cabinet.  The  promotions  will,  unavoidably,  give  pain  to 
many  worthy  men,  but  the  principle  which  I  have  adopted 
will  cause  immensely  less  dissatisfaction  than  the  original 
recommendations  of  the  boards  convened  under  the  previ- 


560  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  24 

ous  law.  My  action  has  been  based  on  their  recommenda- 
tions, only  deviating  in  a  few  cases  when  I  was  convinced 
injustice  had  been  done  by  partiality  or  prejudice. 

Many  would  be  glad  to  dispense  these  promotions,  but  it 
has  been  to  me  a  labor  of  sadness  in  many  respects,  and, 
though  as  glad  as  any  one  to  assist  in  rewarding  merit,  yet, 
when  accompanied  with  the  knowledge  that  a  lifelong  sor- 
row is  to  be  inflicted  on  others,  necessarily,  because  extra 
promotion  cannot  be  made  without  overriding  others, 
some  of  them  estimable  men  though  not  proved  heroic 
officers,  I  am  grieved. 

Mr.  Stanbery,  the  new  Attorney-General,  took  his  seat 
to-day  in  the  Cabinet.  He  seems  to  have  encountered  no 
opposition  in  the  Senate. 

Seward  presented  a  letter  which  he  had  prepared  to  our 
Minister  to  Japan.  I  did  not  like  it,  nor  have  I  been  favor- 
able to  the  course  which  our  Government  and  authority 
have  in  some  respects  pursued  towards  the  Japanese.  We 
Americans  had  found  favor  in  their  eyes  above  any  Christ- 
ian nation.  To  us  they  had  opened  ports  and  permitted 
trade.  The  English  and  French  sought  the  same  privilege; 
ultimately  these  countries  and  the  Japanese  became  in- 
volved in  hostilities,  and  the  two  powers  had  their  fleets 
there.  They  intrigued  to  get  us  to  unite  with  them.  But 
the  Japanese  wanted  no  quarrel  with  us.  Yet  Mr.  Pruyn, 
our  then  Minister,  persuaded  or  directed  Captain  McDou- 
gal,  commanding  the  Jamestown,  to  furnish  a  small  de- 
tachment to  go  on  board  a  small  steamer  which  was  char- 
tered and  entered,  with  the  American  flag,  into  the  fight. 
Although  performing  little  or  no  service,  the  two  powers 
were  delighted,  extolled  our  men,  who  were  mere  spectators, 
gave  honors  to  our  officers,  who  rendered  no  service,  and 
when  the  Japanese  came  to  terms  and  agreed  to  pay  three 
millions,  it  was  insisted  the  Americans,  with  their  little 
chartered  steamer  and  with  no  expectation,  should  receive 
the  same  as  the  other  powers  with  their  large  fleets  and 
great  expense.  Of  this  money,  called  indemnity,  three 


1866]  THE   JAPANESE   INDEMNITY  561 

hundred  thousand  dollars  have  been  received.  The  Japan- 
ese have  now  requested  delay  in  the  payment  of  the  other 
installments.  Seward7  s  letter  was  very  arrogant,  dictator- 
ial, and  mandatory.  This  Government  would  consent  to 
no  delay;  immediate  and  full  payment  must  be  promptly 
made,  unless  the  two  other  powers  decided  on  a  different 
course,  when  our  hostile  policy  would  yield  and  conform  to 
theirs.  I  was  disgusted  and  said  so. 

There  was,  moreover,  a  by-transaction  in  which  Thur- 
low  Weed  and  Lansing  of  Albany,  a  brother-in-law  of  the 
Minister,  were  interested  to  the  amount  of  several  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  gold,  which  had  been  intrusted  to  their 
hands  under  the  advisement  of  the  Minister  for  building 
ships  years  ago.  When  the  war  came  on  in  Japan  these  two 
gentlemen  with  Japanese  money  in  their  pockets  desired 
our  Government  to  take  the  vessel  which  they  had  then 
built.  President  Lincoln,  when  I  declined  the  purchase,  was 
appealed  to.  He  had  one  or  two  interviews  with  me,  and 
as  I  considered  the  proceeding  improper  he  put  his  name  to 
a  paper  expressing  a  wish  that  she  might  be  taken  into  our 
service.  But  I  was  finally  successful,  though  with  much 
difficulty,  in  resisting  the  scheme.  Difficulties  between  our 
Government  and  Japan  on  other  subjects  relieved  Weed 
and  company  in  their  matters. 

When,  therefore,  Seward  read  his  letter  to-day,  I  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  if  a  refusal  were  to  be  sent,  it  might  be 
less  harsh.  I  preferred,  if  he  so  shaped  our  relations  that 
we  must  be  tied  to  England  and  France,  they  should  take 
the  initiative,  and  we,  acting  independently,  should  con- 
sent to  a  reasonable  delay  even  if  they  did  not  assent. 
This,  I  thought,  sufficiently  humiliating.  Seward  was  not 
pleased.  Stanton  saw  the  point  of  my  suggestion  and 
doubted  whether  we  should  complicate  ourselves  with  the 
other  powers.  No  other  one  made  a  remark  or  asked  a 
question  to  draw  me  out.  They  saw,  which  indeed  was 
very  perceptible,  that  Seward  was  nettled,  and  they  knew 
not  the  preceding  history. 


562  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JTJLY  24 

I  took  occasion,  immediately  after  the  adjournment,  to 
inform  the  President  of  the  main  points  and  also  McCul- 
loch.  On  learning  the  facts,  both  declared  themselves 
against  Seward's  letter.  The  President  said  he  recollected 
former  remarks  of  mine  in  Cabinet  when  the  notice  of  the 
first  installment  was  announced  and  Seward  took  great 
credit  to  himself  for  the  money.  I  said  it  cost  the  nation 
dear. 

July  25,  Wednesday.  I,  early  this  morning,  took  to  the 
President  the  carefully  prepared  list  of  promotions.  He  did 
not  fully  understand  the  subject  and  was  disposed  to 
delay.  Stanton  came  in  and  took  him  aside.  I  compre- 
hended the  whole  matter. 

Senator  Doolittle  breakfasted  with  me  and  said  some 
discontent  was  manifested  because  General  Grant's  nom- 
ination had  not  been  sent  in  to  the  Senate.  I  told  him  I  pre- 
sumed it  was  because  Stanton  intentionally  or  from  neglect 
had  not  made  out  and  sent  it  to  the  President,  but  that  the 
whole  might  be  remedied  by  sending  up  Grant's  and  Farra- 
gut's  nominations  together,  and  as  our  bill  for  the  Navy 
was  only  this  day  confirmed,  the  conclusion  would  be  that 
there  was  an  object  in  having  their  commissions  of  the  same 
date.  Doolittle  went  from  me  to  the  President  with  these 
suggestions,  and  the  President  had  immediately  dispatched 
Colonel  Moore,  his  Secretary,  requesting  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  send  him  Grant's  nomination,  and  to  me  to  send 
Farragut's.  Colonel  Moore  did  not  get  to  the  Navy  De- 
partment until  I  had  left  and  overtook  me  as  I  was  taking 
the  Navy  nominations,  including  Farragut's,  to  the  Pre- 
sident. 

This  accounted  for  Stanton's  sudden  appearance.  He 
and  the  President  thought  it  not  [advisable]  to  send  in  the 
nominations  before  adjournment  of  others  than  the  two 
principal  officers.  I  differed  and  wanted  the  naval  ap- 
pointments off  my  hands.  Stanton  said  the  Army  Bill  had 
not  got  through  Congress.  That  was  his  fault. 


1866]  CABINET  CHANGES  563 

Farragut  and  myself  were  at  General  Grant's  this  even- 
ing. He  said  great  noise  had  been  made  over  the  Army  Bill 
and  nothing  had  been  done,  while  the  Navy  had  been  quiet 
and  accomplished  everything.  Mrs.  Grant  said  Mr.  Grant 
had  better  see  Stanton  about  it. 

I  rode  to  the  Capitol  this  evening  with  Admiral  Farra- 
gut. It  is  the  first  time  I  have  visited  the  Capitol  during 
this  session  of  eight  months  while  the  houses  were  sitting. 
I  did  not  now  go  in,  for  I  found  the  Miscellaneous  Bill  was 
on  the  tapis  and  should  be  during  this  evening's  sitting. 

Farragut  and  Grant  were  this  day  confirmed. 

July  26,  Thursday.  Congress  has  agreed  to  adjourn  on 
Saturday.  God  speed  them  home.  Still  there  is  much  im- 
portant business  undone.  League  Island  has  not  been  ac- 
cepted by  the  Senate.  This  is  the  most  important  matter 
affecting  the  Navy  which  is  now  pending.  Grimes  says  he 
must  leave  to-morrow  evening.  He  seems  to  have  lost  zeal 
in  this  matter,  after  being  earnest  for  it  for  years. 

July  27,  Friday.  The  naval  nominations  were  confirmed 
as  submitted.  I  have  labored  hard  to  have  as  little  wrong 
committed  as  possible,  and  yet  I  fear  injustice  may  have 
been  done  to  some  worthy  officers. 

Randall,  appointed  Postmaster-General  in  place  of 
Dennison,  this  day  attended  the  Cabinet-meeting,  and 
Harlan  sent  in  his  resignation.  He  was  at  the  meeting  of 
the  Cabinet,  but  made  no  mention  of  it  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Stanbery,  the  Attorney-General,  read  the  rough 
notes,  as  he  called  them,  of  an  embryo  report  on  the  sub- 
ject of  filling  vacancies.  The  paper  possesses  ability. 

July  28,  Saturday.  Went  to  the  Capitol  a  little  before 
ten  this  A.M.  Apprehended  I  should  be  late,  for  we  had 
agreed  yesterday  in  Cabinet  to  meet  in  the  President's 
room  at  nine.  Only  Randall  was  there  when  I  arrived,  and 


J.1 T> U J_ J    —J.T 


564  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  28 

came.  There  had  been  some  misunderstanding  as  to  the 
hour  of  adjournment,  on  which  there  had  been  conflicting 
votes. 

The  two  houses  sat  all  night,  and  finished  their  labor  of 
the  session  by  increasing  their  own  salaries  $2000  each  per 
annum,  and  by  a  bounty  bill  involving  an  expenditure  of 
probably  one  hundred  millions.  Trumbull,  who  has  gone 
astray,  says  not  over  sixty-five  millions.  This  is  waste  and 
reckless  extravagance  as  well  as  imprudent  and  careless 
legislation  in  almost  all  respects. 

The  President  spoke  to  me  on  the  subject  soon  after  he 
arrived.  I  said  promptly  I  hoped  he  would  not  sanction 
the  proceeding;  that  it  was  profligate  legislation  and  a  good 
question  with  which  to  go  before  the  people,  —  I  should 
be  glad  of  such  an  issue;  —  that  neither  wisdom,  sound 
policy,  nor  good  government  would  sanction  such  reckless 
extravagance,  though  the  country  appears  dumb  and  in- 
different over  extravagant  inroads;  that  the  result  of  such 
waste  and  profligacy,  if  countenanced  and  approved  by 
Executive  and  Congress,  must  end  in  the  prostration  of  the 
Government  and  general  repudiation. 

When  the  bill  was  received  and  read,  Seward  at  once 
remarked  that  the  President  was  not  responsible  for  the 
act  and  he  had  but  one  course  to  take,  which  was  to  sign 
the  bill.  Stanton  said  promptly  he  would  not  have  voted 
for  it  had  he  been  a  Member,  but  that  he  would  not  advise 
a  veto.  McCulloch  said  the  bill  was  not  so  bad  as  it  might 
have  been  and  thought  the  Government  could  stagger 
through  it.  Stanbery  thought  it  had  better  be  approved.  I 
still  objected.  The  President  was  reluctant,  but  at  length 
signed  the  bill.  McCulloch  put  his  arm  around  me  as  I 
walked  around  the  room  and  brought  me  up  towards  the 
President.  As  he  did  so,  he  said,  "I  know  this  is  against 
your  opinion,  but  under  the  circumstances  we  all  think  it 
is  best."  I  told  him  and  the  President  that  I  submitted, 
and  he  perhaps  could  hardly  be  expected  to  do  otherwise 
than  assent  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  supported  by  his  entire 


1866]  THE   BOUNTY  BILL   SIGNED  565 

Cabinet,  including  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  only 
differing.  The  President  yields  on  questions  when  his 
friends  advise  and  urge  him.  They  do  not  always  have  an 
opportunity.  In  the  Cabinet  economy  is  not  a  cardinal 
point.  McCulloch  has  correct  views,  but  he,  also,  yields 
too  much.  I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  stood  out  with 
the  President  on  this  issue,  or  rather  to  have  had  him  with 
me.  The  country  would  have  been  with  him,  because  he 
would  have  been  right. 

I  told  the  President  that  I  regretted  the  appointment  of 
Clark  1  to  be  judge  in  New  Hampshire.  He  said  it  was  not 
acceptable  to  him,  but  there  was  a  confused  state  of 
things.  It  was  hard  to  ascertain  who  was  worthy.  He 
thought  some  good  results  might  grow  out  of  it.  I  can  see 
nothing  good  and  so  said.  On  every  Constitutional  point 
that  has  been  raised,  Clark  has  opposed  the  President.  He 
has  been  vindictive.  He  was  the  tool  of  Fessenden  in  ex- 
pelling Stockton,  and  has  been  as  mischievously  hostile  as 
any  man  in  the  Senate.  Yet  he  is  selected  to  be  a  judge. 
Such  selections  destroy  public  confidence. 

So  far  as  I  am,  or  the  Navy  Department  is,  concerned, 
Clark  has  been  friendly  and  kind,  but  in  his  course  towards 
the  President  and  as  a  politician  and  legislator  I  think 
badly  of  him.  The  President  has,  under  bad  advice,  com- 
mitted a  mistake.  I  am  told  Hendricks  and  some  other 
Senators  interfered  for  Clark.  There  are  loose  political 
morals  in  the  Senate,  and  the  President  should  disregard 
Senatorial  interposition  for  their  own  members,  for  they 
favor  one  another  at  the  country's  expense. 

I  do  not  think  the  Members  were  exactly  satisfied  with 
themselves  in  closing  up  the  session.  A  feeling  of  disap- 
pointment was  apparent,  and  by  many  confessed,  accom- 
panied with  conscious  guilt  of  wrong  and  feebleness.  Weak 
capabilities,  shallow  statesmanship,  and  intense  partisan- 
ship are  the  qualities  of  this  Congress. 

1  Daniel  Clark,  Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  1857-66,  appointed 
United  States  Judge  for  the  District  of  New  Hampshire. 


566  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [JULY  so 

July  30,  Monday.  Senator  Doolittle  called  and  wished 
me  to  accompany  him  to  the  President  to  meet  General 
Dix,  and  we  sent  to  McCulloch  to  go  there  also.  The  selec- 
tion of  Dix  as  Minister  to  The  Hague,  a  third-class  mis- 
sion, is  doing  good.  It  is  opening  the  eyes  of  Doolittle  and 
McCulloch,  and  I  think  the  President,  to  the  course  of 
Weed  and  Seward. 

Doolittle  called  on  me  the  morning  that  this  nomina- 
tion was  announced,  and  asked  what  it  meant.  Said  we 
could  not  spare  Dix  from  the  country  at  this  time.  I  told 
him  there  was  no  probability  that  Dix  would  leave.  Cer- 
tainly not  on  that  mission.  "What,  then,  does  it  mean?" 
said  Doolittle.  I  replied  that  it  was  intended  to  dispose  of 
Dix.  The  appointment  was  derogatory  and  designed  to 
belittle  him,  and  then,  as  he  would  not  accept,  the  place 
would  be  kept  open  for  Seward  to  play  with. 

I  saw  when  I  met  Dix  this  morning  that  he  was,  for  him, 
a  good  deal  disturbed,  and  was  glad  to  have  him  express  his 
dissatisfaction  and  his  opinions,  and  the  views  of  others. 
He  says  Weed  is  playing  a  strange  game  in  relation  to 
Governor  of  New  York.  Tells  of  Weed's  and  Seward's 
policy,  though  only  Weed's  name  used.  Says  that  when 
Weed  wants  his  own  party  and  servants  to  be  beaten,  he 
selects  a  weak  candidate,  etc. 

Smythe,  the  Collector,  came  in  soon  after  Dix  went  out, 
and  he  was  even  more  full  than  Dix  in  disclosing  Weed's 
intrigues  and  the  lectures  and  teachings  of  which  he  was 
the  recipient.  Weed  told  Smythe  he  was  a  merchant  and 
no  politician.  Smythe  said  he  knew  enough  to  fire  at  » 
mark,  though  he  might  not  hit  it. 


XLI 

Riot  in  New  Orleans  —  Conversation  with  Governor  Pease  of  Texas  —  The 
Situation  in  that  State  —  Further  Intrigues  of  S.  P.  Lee  —  Suspected 
Participation  of  the  Radicals  in  the  New  Orleans  Disturbances  — 
Rumor  of  a  Captured  Slaver  —  Sheridan  at  New  Orleans  —  Stanton 
declares  himself  against  the  Philadelphia  Convention  —  Estimate  of 
Secretary  McCulloch  —  Dennison's  Senatorial  Ambitions  —  Reception 
to  Queen  Emma  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  —  The  Philadelphia  Con- 
vention Full  and  Harmonious  —  The  New  State  Government  in  Texas 
established  —  Seward  submits  to  the  Cabinet  a  Peace  Proclamation  in 
Consequence  —  The  Philadelphia  Convention  opposed  to  the  Retention 
of  Stanton  in  the  Cabinet — The  President  receives  the  Committee  from 
the  Convention  —  Slidell  inquires  on  what  Terms  he  may  return  to  thia 
Country  on  a  Matter  of  Business  —  The  President  declines  to  treat  with 
him  —  The  President's  Speechmaking  Tour. 

August  2,  Thursday.  For  several  days  have  been  so 
much  engaged  that  I  have  found  no  time  to  open  this  book 
and  innumerable  private  letters  go  unanswered. 

An  adroit  and  skillful  counterfeit  has  been  perpetrated, 
and  two  drafts,  one  of  $50,000  and  one  of  $10,000,  have 
been  cashed.  There  was  much  heedless  and  careless  man- 
agement at  the  Fourth  Auditor's  office,  or  there  would  have 
been  prompt"  detection,  yet  they  have  rushed  into  the 
papers  and  claim  that  they  discovered  the  forgery.  All  of 
which  is  untrue.  We  learn  to-day  that  the  forger  has  been 
arrested.  He  was  married  this  morning  to  a  lady  of  for- 
tune, left  with  his  bride  for  New  York  and  Europe,  and 
was  arrested  when  he  reached  Philadelphia. 

The  convention  yesterday  in  Connecticut  to  elect  dele- 
gates to  Philadelphia  passed  off  well.  It  was  a  convention 
strong  in  good  names. 

Violent  and  revolutionary  proceedings  have  taken  place 
in  New  Orleans.  A  fragment  of  an  old  convention  held  hi 
1864  met  for  the  purpose  of  overturning  the  government. 
Riot  and  bloodshed  were  the  unavoidable  consequences. 
There  are  indications  that  the  conspirators  were  instigated 


568  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [AUG.  2 

by  Radicals  from  Washington  and  the  North  to  these  dis- 
turbances. 

I  have  had  two  interviews  with  Governor  Pease  of  Texas. 
He  is  earnest  and  honest,  and  gives  a  deplorable  account 
of  affairs  in  that  State,  where  he  has  just  been  defeated  in 
a  gubernatorial  canvass.  There  is,  he  says,  no  toleration  of 
Union  men;  five  sixths  of  the  people  are  hostile  to  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  and  they  persecute  those  who  do  not 
agree  with  them.  The  only  way  by  which  Union  men  can 
live  there,  he  says,  is  under  the  protection  of  Union  troops, 
and  the  Federal  Government,  he  claims,  is  bound  to  pro- 
tect loyal  men  in  person  and  property. 

After  listening  to  his  statement  and  canvassing  the  sub- 
ject with  him,  I  inquired  whether  the  remedy  he  proposed 
was  practicable  and  consistent  with  our  system  of  govern- 
ment. If  there  is  danger  to  person  and  property  in  any 
State,  the  person  aggrieved  or  in  danger  must  look  to  the 
local,  municipal,  and  State  authorities  for  protection.  But 
it  is  claimed  the  authorities  will  not  do  this  and  that  five 
sixths  of  the  people  approve  their  course.  This  is  unfor- 
tunate and  wrong,  but  under  these  circumstances  and  in 
these  times,  is  it  wise  for  the  one  sixth  to  come  forward  and 
place*themselves  in  direct  antagonism  to  the  five  sixths  and 
ask  the  Federal  Government  to  sustain  them  by  force? 
Would  it  not  be  better  to  remain  passive  and  quietly  and 
patiently  strive  to  modify  public  opinion,  and  get  it  right 
gradually?  This  Government  is  not  one  of  form;  it  cannot 
attempt  to  control  the  elections  in  the  States,  and  that  by 
military  force,  without  overthrowing  free  government,  — 
destroying  free  elections.  Are  you  not,  then,  asking  too 
much,  and  unawares  taking  steps  to  subvert,  or  change  our 
whole  system? 

This  was  the  tenor  of  our  conversation  and  my  remarks. 
Governor  Pease  was,  I  thought,  affected  by  them.  His 
good  sense  made  him  appreciate  the  case,  though  he  said 
that  if  this  was  the  policy  he  should  be  compelled  to  leave 
Texas  and  so  would  every  Union  man.  This,  I  told  him, 


1866]  THE   NEW  ORLEANS   RIOTS  569 

did  not  follow.  Yet  free  speech,  would,  perhaps,  be  neces- 
sarily restrained. 

The  condition  of  things  is  bad,  but  it  is  attributable  in 
a  degree  to  the  nature  of  our  institutions.  Our  people  will 
go  violently  into  the  elections.  The  few  outspoken  Union 
men,  numerically  weak,  insist  that  they  must  be  the  con- 
trolling power  in  the  Rebel  States,  although  in  a  minority, 
and  they  expect  to  secure  this  by  military  instrumentality 
exercised  by  the  Federal  Government,  which  is  to  put 
down  the  majority  by  the  bayonet. 

August  3,  Friday.  I  had  a  letter  last  evening  from  Secre- 
tary McCulloch,  inclosing  copy  of  one  addressed  to  the 
President,  requesting  that  Commodore  S.  P.  Lee  might  be 
put  on  the  Lighthouse  Board  in  place  of  Admiral  Davis, 
who  had  consented  to  retire.  The  intrigue  and  the  impu- 
dence of  the  thing  annoyed  me  excessively.  McCulloch  is 
guiltless  of  intentional  wrong,  but  is,  unaware,  the  instru- 
ment of  Lee,  who  has  moved  his  father-in-law,  Blair,  in  the 
matter.  I  wrote  a  strong  remonstrance  to  the  President 
and  also  to  McCulloch  against  this  mischievous  and  de- 
moralizing scheme.  The  President  and  McCulloch  both 
spoke  to  me  on  the  subject  to-day,  neither  having  received 
my  letter.  The  President  wished  me  to  dispose  of  Lee  as  I 
pleased.  Said  he  was  a  great  annoyance  to  him.  McCul- 
loch said  he  cared  nothing  about  Lee,  but  was  willing  to 
oblige  Mr.  Blair. 

Stanton  read  telegrams  in  Cabinet  from  General  Sheri- 
dan concerning  New  Orleans  disturbances.  Stanton  mani- 
fested marked  sympathy  with  the  rioters,  and  the  Presi- 
dent and  others  observed  it.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the 
New  Orleans  riots  had  their  origin  with  the  Radical 
Members  of  Congress  in  Washington.  It  is  part  of  a  de- 
liberate conspiracy  and  was  to  be  the  commencement  of 
a  series  of  bloody  affrays  through  the  States  lately  in  rebel- 
lion. Boutwell  and  others  have  stated  sufficient  to  show 
their  participation  in  this  matter.  There  is  a  determina- 


570  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  3 

tion  to  involve  the  country  in  civil  war,  if  necessary,  to 
secure  negro  suffrage  in  the  States  and  Radical  ascendancy 
in  the  General  Government.  Stanton,  in  great  excitement, 
repeatedly  spoke  of  the  Attorney-General  of  Louisiana  and 
the  Mayor  of  New  Orleans  as  pardoned  Rebels  who  had 
instigated  the  murder  of  the  people  in  the  streets  of  the 
city,  [said]  that  they  were  guilty  of  this  terrible  blood- 
shedding. 

Sheridan's  dispatches  are  somewhat  conflicting.  Al- 
though a  brave  and  excellent  officer,  Sheridan  lacks  judg- 
ment and  administrative  ability.  He  is  impulsive,  but  his 
intentions  are  honest  and  his  first  telegram  was  an  honest 
impulse.  It  struck  me  that  he  was  tutored  as  regards  the 
others,  either  from  Washington  or  by  some  one  at  New 
Orleans  duly  advised. 

Stanton  is  evidently  in  deep  sympathy  and  concert  with 
the  Radicals  in  this  matter,  though  he  studied  to  conceal  it. 
In  striving  to  influence  the  President  and  prejudice  him 
against  the  authorities  of  New  Orleans,  he  betrayed  his 
feelings. 

There  has  been  a  story  circulating  in  the  newspapers  that 
a  naval  vessel  had  captured  a  slave-trader  with  a  cargo  of 
negroes  on  board,  which  were  being  transported  from  the 
South  to  Cuba.  It  was  a  manufactured  rumor  which  came 
from  the  Radical  Freedmen's  Bureau  agents  or  tools. 
Seward  alluded  to  some  information  from  Cuba  to  the 
effect  that  they  wanted  none  of  our  negroes  on  the  island, 
and  in  conversation  growing  out  of  his  allusion,  I  men- 
tioned the  fabrication  of  a  rumor  of  a  captured  slaver.  I 
saw  at  once  that  Stanton  was  disturbed.  I  mentioned  that 
I  two  or  three  months  since  instituted  inquiries  on  infor- 
mation communicated  by  the  War  Department,  which  I 
found  to  be  totally  groundless.  Stanton  rose  at  once  on  his 
feet  and  said  the  information  came  from  General  Foster.  I 
answered,  yes;  it  was  a  rumor  of  negroes  kidnapped  at 
Indian  River,  but  our  inquiries  had  satisfied  us  that  the 
rumors  were  without  foundation. 


1866]       THE  PHILADELPHIA  MOVEMENT      571 

Stanton  is,  in  matters  of  this  description,  a  Radical  sen- 
sationalist, ready  to  believe  anything  bad  of  those  to  whom 
he  is  opposed;  and  is  himself  complicated  with,  if  not  a 
prime  mover  in,  the  New  Orleans  difficulties  and  these 
mischievous  rumors. 

August  4,  Saturday.  The  Philadelphia  movement  is 
gaming  strength,  but  at  the  same  time  encountering  tre- 
mendous and  violent  opposition  from  the  Radicals.  I  trust 
and  think  it  will  be  successful,  but  the  convention  will  be 
composed  of  various  elements,  some  of  them  antagonistic 
heretofore,  and  the  error  is  in  not  having  distinctive  prin- 
ciples on  which  these  prevailing  opposing  elements  can 
centre.  The  time  has  arrived  when  our  countrymen  must 
sacrifice  personal  and  mere  organized  party  hostility  for 
the  general  welfare.  Either  the  Radicals  or  the  Govern- 
ment are  to  be  overthrown.  The  two  are  in  conflict. 

I  have  confidence  that  all  will  come  out  right,  for  I  rely 
on  an  overruling  Providence  and  the  good  sense  and  intel- 
ligence of  the  people.  Hatred,  deadly  animosity  towards 
the  whole  South,  a  determination  to  deny  them  their  Con- 
stitutional rights,  and  to  oppress  and  govern  them,  not 
allow  them  to  govern  themselves,  are  the  features  of  Rad- 
icalism. It  is  an  unsavory,  intolerant,  and  persecuting 
spirit,  disgraceful  to  the  country  and  age.  Defeat  in  the 
elections  will  temper  and  subdue  its  ferocity,  while  success 
at  the  polls  will  kindle  it  to  flames,  which  will  consume 
every  sentiment  of  tolerance,  justice,  and  Constitutional 
freedom. 

August  6,  Monday.  Am  beset  by  disappointed  naval 
officers  who  think  they  have  not  had  due  promotion.  This 
may  be  the  case  with  some,  but  the  more  I  examine  the 
whole  ground  the  better  satisfied  I  am  with  the  action 
taken.  One  of  the  most  afflicted  is  Commodore  Hitchcock, 

a.n  olrl   so.hnnlhnv  frifind.  a  priori  rvffir.fir  in  nftn.cfta.hle  times 


572  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [AUG.  6 

performed  ordnance  duty,  but  who  has  no  war  record,  no 
ambition  but  to  live  at  ease  and  in  style,  proud  and  gentle- 
manly. He  has  taken  such  excellent  care  of  himself 
during  the  War  —  done  so  little  in  the  heroic  line  —  that 
he  is  dissatisfied  with  the  result  when  heroes  are  to  be 
rewarded. 

August  7,  Tuesday.  The  President  submitted  two  long 
telegrams,  one  from  himself  to  General  Sheridan  inquiring 
as  to  the  difficulties  at  New  Orleans  and  Sheridan's  reply, 
which  was  no  answer. 

Seward  and  Stanbery  had  much  to  say.  The  latter  was 
very  earnest  to  have  the  President  send  immediately  to 
Sheridan,  telling  him  the  police  must  be  dismissed.  There 
was,  he  said,  great  excitement  in  the  country  and  the 
President  must  at  once  respond. 

I  inquired  to  what  he  was  to  respond.  On  Friday  he  had 
directed  Sheridan  to  keep  the  peace  and  pursue  his  investi- 
gations. Since  that  inquiries  had  been  made  which  had  pro- 
cured a  feeble  and  confused  response,  concluding  with  a 
request  or  suggestion  that  the  Governor  of  the  State  and  the 
Mayor  of  New  Orleans  be  displaced.  Sheridan  might  be 
told  that  the  President  had  no  authority  to  displace  these 
officers ;  but  I  expressed  a  hope  that  he  would  not  at  this 
distance  undertake  to  give  detailed  instructions  to  his 
generals  or  agents. 

I  asked  who  General  Baird  was  that  he  should  be  charged 
with  this  responsibility,  and  how  it  came  about  that  such  a 
man  as  was  now  described  happened  to  be  at  such  a  place 
at  this  juncture.  As  for  Sheridan,  I  considered  him  an 
honest,  bold,  impulsive  officer,  without  much  knowledge 
of  civil  government  or  administrative  ability,  who  obeyed 
orders,  but  I  apprehended  him  badly  prompted  after  his 
first  telegram,  and  regretted  that  we  had  not  men  of  differ- 
ent calibre  there  at  this  time. 

Seward  said  my  estimate  of  Sheridan  he  thought  correct. 
As  for  Baird,  he  knew  nothing  of  him.  The  President 


1866]  STANTON  SHOWS  HIS  FLAG  573 

expressed  dissatisfaction  with  what  he  heard  of  Baird. 
Stanton  kept  silent. 

Stanbery  was  persistent  that  the  President  should  in- 
struct Sheridan  in  regard  to  the  police  of  the  city. 

Stanton  said  application  had  been  made  to  him  for 
bunting  for  the  building  at  Philadelphia  where  the  conven- 
tion was  to  meet,  but  he  had  none  for  them,  and  said,  with 
a  sneer,  he  would  turn  them  over  to  the  Navy.  I  told  him 
that  my  bunting  had  always  been  promptly  shown  and  it 
would  be  well  were  he  now  to  let  us  have  a  sight  of  his. 

Stanton,  who  has  skulked,  was  taken  aback,  colored,  and 
remarked  he  had  no  bunting  for  them. 

"Oh,"  said  I,  "show  your  flag." 

"You  mean  the  convention,"  said  he.  "I  am  against  it." 

"I  am  sorry  to  hear,  but  glad  to  know,  your  opinion," 
said  I. 

"Yes,  I  am  opposed  to  the  convention,"  he  continued. 

"I  did  n't  know  it.  You  did  not  answer  the  inquiry  like 
the  rest  of  us." 

"No,"  said  he;  "I  did  not  choose  to  have  Doolittle  or 
any  other  little  fellow  draw  an  answer  from  me." 

The  conversation  amused  the  others,  as  it  did  me. 
Seward  looked  troubled.  Whether  he  knew  Stanton's  posi- 
tion, I  am  in  doubt.  It  is,  I  am  satisfied,  very  recent  that 
he  has  concluded  to  avow  himself,  although  I  have  never 
doubted  that  he  was  as  much  opposed  as  any  Radical  to 
the  Union  movement.  I  think  he  would  rather  have  the 
Government  overthrown  than  that  the  real  Unionists 
should  come  in  power.  He  seems  to  have  personal  appre- 
hensions. .  .  . 

I  called  on  the  President  this  evening  to  advise  caution 
in  his  communications  with  New  Orleans.  Expressed  my 
regret  that  he  had  not  better  officers  for  the  business 
required  at  this  time  in  that  quarter.  He  concurred  with 
me  and  said  Baird,  so  far  as  he  could  learn,  had  caused  the 
trouble  or  might  have  prevented  it. 

"Who,"  inquired  I,  "placed  Baird  there?  Was  it  not 


574  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES.       [AUG.  7 

part  of  the  Radical  scheme  to  bring  this  difficulty  upon  us? 
It  certainly  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  these  men  there." 
He  said  he  believed  Baird  was  attached  to  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau.  I  said  this  might  have  been  ordered  otherwise  and 
should  have  been;  that  the  Administration  could  not  get 
along  intelligently  and  well  without  faithful  and  reliable 
agents.  I  inquired  if  he  noticed  the  remarks  of  Stanton 
to-day  respecting  the  convention,  "though  probably  you 
knew  his  opinions  previously."  The  President  said  he  had 
not  known  them  before,  that  it  was  the  first  intimation  he 
had  received,  and  he  noticed  the  remark.  "This  is  wrong," 
said  I;  "we  cannot  get  along  in  this  way."  "No,"  replied 
he,  "it  will  be  pretty  difficult." 

August  8,  Wednesday.  Judge  Blair  gave  me  yesterday 
a  carefully  prepared  paper  intended  for  the  Philadelphia 
Convention.  It  had  twelve  specifications,  —  declarations 
and  denials,  affirmations  and  disavowals.  Blair  is  de- 
lighted with  them  and  says  the  President  is  also.  I  told 
him  there  would  not  be  unanimity  on  one  or  two  of  the 
propositions  and  suggested  emendations  or  modifications 
of  two  or  three  others.  To  some  of  them  he  assented;  but 
I  saw  he  was  very  much  in  love  with  the  paper,  which  he 
informed  me  was  prepared  by  William  B.  Reed.  But  no 
one,  save  the  President,  him,  the  author,  and  myself,  knew 
the  fact  of  authorship. 

I  remarked  that  there  would  doubtless  be  other  strong 
and  able  papers  submitted,  that  my  own  views  were  for 
a  few  points  timely  expressed.  I  thought  all  could  unite 
against  changes  of  the  Constitution  with  only  a  broken 
Congress,  and  States  excluded.  In  so  large  a  body  as  there 
is  likely  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia  there  would  be  con- 
flicting opinions  on  any  proposition  which  might  be 
submitted. 

Blair  leaves  to-morrow  for  Philadelphia.  Browning  says 
he  shall  and  likely  Randall  will  go  also.  I  would  rather  the 

rtf 


1866]    THE  COMING  UNION  CONVENTION    575 

The  President  is  deeply  interested,  yet  retains  Stanton, 
who  is  not  only  opposed,  but  is  covertly  in  accord  with 
the  Radicals. 

August  9,  Thursday.  A  strange  dispatch  was  read  to-day 
from  Commodore  Winslow,  written  at  Pensacola,  exhibit- 
ing intense  partisan  bitterness  in  the  New  Orleans  dis- 
turbances, and  reproving  Lieutenant-Commander  McCann 
of  the  Tallapoosa,  who  was  at  New  Orleans  and  behaved 
very  discreetly.  I  am  almost  induced  to  believe  that  Win- 
slow  is  demented. 

Ordered  a  board  for  examining  volunteer  officers,  S.  P. 
Lee,  President.  It  will  be  less  acceptable  to  him  than  some 
other  position  more  permanent  here  in  Washington,  but  he 
cannot  always  select  the  best  places. 

August  10,  Friday.  Seward  was  not  at  Cabinet,  having 
had  a  sudden  call  to  Auburn.  It  was  a  dodge  to  avoid  an 
open  committal  with  the  Philadelphia  Convention.  Attor- 
ney-General Stanbery  had  charge  of  his  portfolio,  Assist- 
ant Secretary  Fred  Seward  being  also  absent.  There  was 
a  little  meaning  in  this.  Whether  Stanton  was  a  party  to 
it  in  order  to  avoid  being  in  any  way  committed,  or  is 
slighted,  I  know  not.  If  the  last,  I  think  it  was  uninten- 
tional, but  Seward  is  paying  hard  court  to  Stanbery.  I  per- 
ceive it  every  day. 

A  dispatch  from  Vice-Consul-General  Savage  at  Cuba 
in  relation  to  the  steamers  Harriet  Lane  and  Pelican  was 
read,  with  Seward's  reply.  I  thought  Seward  conceded  too 
much  and  so  stated.  The  threat  from  some  person  who  is 
in  charge,  that  he  would  sell  them  if  not  paid  his  charges, 
is  simply  ridiculous.  Any  proper  charges  the  Government 
would  pay  ere  this,  as  on  any  other  government  vessel,  but 
the  idea  of  an  individual  selling  a  public  ship  is  absurd. 
Still  Seward  concedes  it. 

Queen  Emma  of  the  Sandwich  Islands  is  to  visit  Wash- 
ington as  the  guest  of  the  Government  on  invitation  of 


576  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  10 

Secretary  Seward,  who  is  conveniently  absent.  As  Stan- 
bery  is  delegated  by  Seward  in  other  matters,  Stanton 
thought  he  should  do  the  honors  to  the  young  dowager. 

August  11,  Saturday.  Read  Commodore  Winslow's  let- 
ter and  correspondence  relative  to  New  Orleans  riot  and 
my  reply  to  the  President,  who  was  pleased  and  approved 
of  my  course. 

Read  Admiral  Farragut's  acknowledgment  and  thanks 
to  the  President  for  his  commission;  also  Farragut's 
letter  accepting  the  invitation  to  be  of  the  party  to 
Chicago. 

Many  delegates  from  the  South  to  the  Philadelphia  Con- 
vention are  in  the  city  on  their  way  thither.  Generally 
they  seem  in  good  spirits  and  cheered  with  the  prospect 
of  a  restored  Union.  So  far  as  I  have  conversed  with  them 
they  are  of  right  tone  and  temper. 

I  remarked  to  the  President  that  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  North  and  South  had  no  correct  idea  of  the  condi- 
tion of  men  and  things.  The  claim  of  the  "Union  men  in  the 
Rebel  States,  that  they  alone  must  hold  office  and  govern, 
while  the  great  mass  of  the  people  were  to  be  excluded, 
proscribed,  and  eventually  disfranchised,  was  preposterous. 
The  majority  must  govern  or  elections  be  abandoned.  In 
looking  to  the  Central  Government  to  keep  the  minority 
in  power  by  force,  the  Unionists  were  committing  a  serious 
error.  The  condition  of  things  is  anomalous  and  must 
be  treated  with  great  circumspection  and  wisdom.  The 
President  agreed  and  fully  responded. 

August  13,  Monday.  Secretary  McCulloch  arrived  this 
A.M.  Met  him  at  the  President's.  His  trip  has  been  of  bene- 
fit to  him.  .  .  .  McCulloch  has  grown  upon  me  since  he 
entered  the  Cabinet.  Perhaps  I  have  not  been  as  observant 
and  critical  as  I  should  have  been  had  we  differed,  but  from 
the  beginning  our  views  have  coincided,  and  I  have  con- 
sidered him,  though  not  trained  in  public  office  or  an 


1866)  DENNISON'S  AMBITIONS  577 

experienced  politician,  as  the  most  reliable  and  sensible 
man  in  the  Cabinet. 

Dennison  has  written  a  strange  letter  and  made  a  speech 
of  like  character.  I  am  disappointed  in  him,  for  he  is 
exceedingly  unjust  and  unfair  towards  the  President.  It 
is  a  bid,  but  he  will  be  disappointed. 

Dennison  is  very  ambitious,  and  has  a  wife  more  ambi- 
tious than  himself.  Of  the  two,  she  is  smarter,  but  D.  is 
gentlemanly,  kind,  affable,  has  great  suavity  of  manners. 
He  will  never  obtain  a  higher  position  than  the  one  he  has 
recently  resigned.  It  is  said  he  wishes  to  secure  the  seat  in 
the  Senate  held  by  Wade;  but  that  can  hardly  be  brought 
about,  though  strange  results  sometimes  take  place  in 
these  selections. 

The  letter  and  speech  which  now  appear  are  mere  party 
drivel,  without  statesmanship  or  enlarged  and  compre- 
hensive views.  Such  stuff  can  convert  no  one,  and  retain 
no  one.  I  am  sorry  to  witness  this  exhibition,  for  Den- 
nison aside  from  factions,  is  not  destitute  of  merit,  has 
some  pleasant  social  qualities,  and  our  families  have  been 
intimate.  He  is  evidently  expecting  to  make  an  impression 
in  party  harangues,  but  will  scarcely  succeed. 

August  14,  Tuesday.  Seward  has  run  off  to  Auburn  and 
left  Stanbery  to  attend  upon  the  Hawaiian  dowager, 
Queen  Emma.  He  finds  it  awkward  and  embarrassing,  but 
does  very  well.  The  President  expressed  a  wish  that  the 
Cabinet,  and  such  of  their  families  as  could,  might  be  at 
the  reception  this  evening.  McCulloch  and  myself  were 
the  only  ones  present  except  Stanbery,  who  escorted  her. 
She  is  a  good-looking,  well-developed  woman  of  about 
thirty,  with  a  complexion  a  shade  darker  perhaps  than 
a  brunette,  a  full,  round  eye,  a  good  form,  of  graceful 
deportment,  etc. 

We  hear  that  the  convention  at  Philadelphia  is  full  and 
harmonious  and  all  is  progressing  satisfactorily.  The  effect 
must  be  salutary  on  the  whole  country  and  will,  I  trust, 


578  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [AUG.  14 

contribute  to  overcome  that  intense  sectional  hate  and 
party  rancor  which  it  is  the  aim  and  purpose  of  the  Rad- 
icals to  inculcate  towards  the  South.  These  Radical  leaders, 
and  to  a  great  extent  their  followers,  are  vindictive  and 
have  apparently  no  wish  or  intention  to  reestablish  the 
Union  or  recognize  the  political  equality  of  the  States. 

August  15,  Wednesday.  There  are  comparatively  few 
persons  here  in  attendance  on  the  President  or  Depart- 
ments. The  Philadelphia  Convention  has  drawn  off  most 
of  them  for  the  time,  but  only  to  come  back  in  crowds  when 
the  convention  adjourns. 

Informed  the  President  that  I  proposed  to  detail  Rear- 
Admiral  Stribling  for  lighthouse  duty.  He  said  he  had  no 
objections.  Should  be  glad  to  have  Lee  disposed  of.  Told 
him  I  had  made  him  president  of  the  board  to  examine 
volunteer  officers  under  the  late  Act  of  Congress. 

The  Lees  and  old  Mr.  Blair  are  behaving  badly.  I  do  not 
blame  Mr.  B.  so  much,  for  he  is  old  and  affectionate,  yet  he 
should  have  some  consideration  for  others.  It  would,  and 
ought  to,  injure  him,  his  children,  Lee,  and  myself,  were 
I  to  assign  Lee  to  the  Lighthouse  Board  here  in  Washing- 
ton. After  having  the  best  post  during  the  War,  with 
high  pecuniary  reward  and  very  little  danger,  he  should 
not  now,  with  his  ample  fortune,  derived  from  that  post, 
think  to  sit  down  for  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  the 
easy  post  of  lighthouse  duty  on  full  pay.  But  he  is  very 
mercenary. 

August  16,  Thursday.  The  convention  at  Philadelphia 
has  finished  its  labors  and  adjourned  without  disturbance 
or  conflict,  as  some  hoped  and  predicted,  and  without 
speechmakmg. 

I  have  written  another  letter  to  Commodore  Winslow, 
who  is  running  into  partisanship,  and  will,  if  he  continues, 
be  an  unsuitable  person  to  command  a  squadron  in  the 
Gulf,  or  on  our  seaboard,  cautioning  him  on  this  subject. 


1866]  TEXAS  RECONSTRUCTED  579 

He  manifests  too  much  bitter  feeling  and  is  too  ready  to 
decide  against  those  from  whom  he  has  differed  to  be  a  dis- 
creet and  judicious  commander  in  times  like  these.  His 
prejudices  are  evidently  all  enlisted  against  Southern  white 
men  and  their  case  prejudged.  Those  who  have  been 
Rebels,  he  thinks,  have  no  rights. 

August  17,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet  Seward  submitted  a 
proclamation  in  relation  to  a  paper  blockade  of  Maximilian. 
It  was  a  sort  of  godsend  which  he  received  and  blew  up  for 
outside  effect.  He  stated  the  case  strong,  —  stronger  than 
was  necessary,  —  and  the  phraseology  was  modified  and 
some  part  omitted. 

Seward  also  submitted  a  proclamation  for  peace  re- 
stored, Texas  having  elected  her  Governor,  who  has  been 
inaugurated,  and  her  legislature  under  the  amended  con- 
stitution being  in  session.  This  closes  and  disposes  of  the 
provisional  governors,  and  the  interposition  of  Federal 
authority  in  the  States  which  were  in  rebellion  will  be  no 
longer  necessary.  If  the  President  has  sometimes  taken 
strong  and  questionable  ground  for  the  Executive  in  re- 
gard to  the  reestablishment  of  State  Governments  within 
those  States,  his  motives  were  pure  and  disinterested,  and 
the  results  have  been  favorable  to  his  action.  In  some  of 
his  dispatches  to  the  States,  I  have  wished  the  language 
could  have  been  suggestive  and  less  mandatory,  in  requir- 
ing them  to  make  constitutions,  instead  of  adapting  their 
existing  constitution  to  the  altered  condition  of  things 
brought  about  by  the  War.  It  was,  indeed,  necessary  that 
they  should  so  amend  their  organic  law  in  one  funda- 
mental particular,  that  of  abolishing  slavery.  War  in  its 
progress  and  results  had  decreed  emancipation,  and  the 
Federal  Constitution  had  been  so  amended  as  to  prohibit 
it.  Repudiation  of  the  Rebel  debt  was  an  indispensable 
requisite  for  proper  relations,  but  it  was  a  question,  per- 
haps, whether  the  President  could  demand  it  as  a  con- 
dition precedent.  Some  suggestions,  almost  requirements, 


580  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  17 

for  negro  suffrage  when  there  was  intelligence,  etc.,  were 
proposed.  His  wishes  and  the  tendency  of  his  mind  are  to 
ameliorate  and  benefit  the  negro  so  far  as  it  can  consist- 
ently be  done,  and  he  early  listened  to  the  counsel  and 
views  of  Sumner  and  others  in  that  respect,  but  he  pretty 
early  came  to  understand  that  he  could  not  satisfy  them 
unless  he  adopted  all  their  extreme  views,  and  this  he  could 
not  do  without  sacrificing  his  own  convictions  and  prin- 
ciples. Their  aims  and  objects  were  partisan  and  factious; 
his  were  patriotic  and  statesmanlike. 

Some  of  his  appointments  were  unfortunate.  I  could 
never  ascertain  from  him  who  advised  the  sending  of  Carl 
Schurz  or  John  Covode  to  the  South.  Neither  of  them 
could  assimilate  to  him.  Schurz  is  a  transcendental  red 
republican  of  a  good  deal  of  genius,  but  national,  with 
erroneous  views  of  our  federal  system.  Covode  is  a  cun- 
ning, mischievous,  selfish  party  politician  of  no  intellectual 
culture,  of  limited  comprehension,  and  no  right  ideas  or 
capacity  for  such  an  agency.  Many  of  the  governors 
whom  the  President  appointed  were  indifferent  men. 
Holden,  the  first  of  these  appointees,  and  Hamilton,  the 
last,  are  not  fitted  for  such  positions.  The  first  is  a  hollow 
pretender.  The  latter  is  a  deceptive,  vain,  self-conceited 
partisan,  who  ought  never  to  have  been  sent  back  to  Texas 
clothed  with  authority. 

The  occasion  for  the  proclamation  being  that  of  the 
establishment  of  the  local  State  Government  in  the  last  of 
the  States,  Texas,  there  was  a  recitation  in  full  in  the  pre- 
amble of  what  had  occurred.  This  statement  of  facts  is  an 
argument  that  tells  with  effect  against  the  Radicals.  Stan- 
ton  at  once  perceived  it  and  immediately  took  exception 
to  it  as  an  argument  out  of  place.  He  did  not  wish  the 
President  to  state  his  reasons.  It  was,  he  said,  undignified, 
etc.  There  was  the  cunning  of  the  partisan  and  lawyer, 
however,  in  all  he  said,  and  I  think  every  one  detected  it. 
"The  Radical  stood  out  distinct  and  clear  at  a  time  when  he 
flattered  himself  it  was  disguised.  Stanbery  took  upon 


1866]     THE   PHILADELPHIA   CONVENTION     581 

himself  to  say  that  his  views  differed  entirely  from  the 
Secretary  of  War.  He  thought  the  preamble  was  warranted 
by  facts,  and  the  facts  were  arguments  for  the  President's 
policy. 

It  soon  came  out  that  this  proclamation  was  only  a  repe- 
tition of  the  proclamation  of  April,  with  Texas  added,  and 
the  fact  of  the  closing-up  of  the  War.  Radicalism  was  not 
then  paramount.  Stanton  had  taken  no  exception  when 
that  proclamation  was  issued  in  April,  but  now,  when  it 
was  obvious  that  the  Radicals  were  to  be  hit  and  hurt, 
his  whole  sensibilities  were  aroused.  But  the  discussion 
exhibited  his  awkwardness,  and  he  felt  it. 

Doolittle  and  Browning  called  on  me  this  evening,  fresh 
from  the  convention  and  overflowing  with  their  success  and 
the  achievements  of  that  assemblage.  They  insisted  that  I 
should  go  with  them  to  the  President  and  hear  their  verbal, 
friendly,  social  report.  It  was  made  very  gratifying,  and 
the  President  enjoyed  it.  On  our  way  to  the  President 
both  gentlemen  insisted  that  Stanton  must  leave  the  Cabi- 
net, and  said  it  was  the  strong  and  emphatic  voice  of  the 
convention;  that  there  were  committees  to  communicate 
with  the  President  on  the  subject.  I  told  them  I  would 
leave  that  matter  with  them  and  the  committee.  While 
we  were  with  the  President  the  subject  was  alluded  to  by 
Browning,  but  Doolittle  immediately  took  it  up  and  said 
it  would  be  proper  for  him,  not  being  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet,  to  make  known  to  the  President  the  sentiment 
of  the  convention  and  the  country,  etc. 

They  informed  the  President  that  there  was  a  committee 
of  about  one  hundred  who  would  call  to-morrow  and  de- 
liver to  him  the  proceedings  of  the  convention,  and  they 
suggested  that  the  Cabinet,  with  General  Grant,  should 
be  present.  The  President  assented  and  requested  me  to  be 
on  hand. 

August  18,  Saturday.  Many  calls  from  delegates  who  are 
in  town.  Went  a  little  before  1  P.M.  to  the  White  House. 


582  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  is 

The  President  was  not  in  the  council-chamber,  but  in  the 
library  and  invited  me  to  come  in  and  join  him.  Browning 
and  Colonel  Moore,  his  Private  Secretary,  were  with  him. 
Marshal  Gooding  soon  came  in  and  said  the  committee 
had  arrived  and  would  wait  upon  the  President.  It  had 
been  arranged  that  he  would  receive  them  in  the  East 
Room.  We  accordingly  went  down  by  the  private  stairs. 
Marshal  Gooding,  though  a  very  good  man,  perhaps,  has 
no  organizing  or  arranging  powers,  and  there  was  consid- 
erable delay  and  awkwardness  in  getting  things  in  trim. 
The  President,  with  those  of  us  who  were  with  him,  had  to 
stand  for  about  ten  minutes  in  the  room  near  its  centre, 
while  Gooding  was  beckoning  the  crowd  forward  with 
his  hat,  and  occasionally  entreating  them  to  move  on. 
McCulloch,  Browning,  Randall,  and  myself  were  with  the 
President.  General  Grant  soon  joined  us,  and  it  was  so  ar- 
ranged, whether  properly  or  not  I  do  not  know,  that  Gen- 
eral Grant  should  be  on  the  immediate  right  and  I  on  the 
left  of  the  President.  The  absence  of  Stanton  was,  there- 
fore, the  more  conspicuous.  Reverdy  Johnson  read  the 
address  to  the  President  with  some  earnestness  and  em- 
phasis. The  latter  replied  extemporaneously,  but  happily 
and  well. 

Dined  with  Seward  this  evening.  The  dinner  was  in 
honor  of  Queen  Emma  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  President 
Johnson  and  all  the  Cabinet  with  their  ladies,  except 
Stanton  and  Mrs.  Stanton,  were  present.  Mrs.  S.  is  said 
to  be  not  very  well. 

August  19,  Sunday.  Senator  Doolittle  spent  three  hours 
with  me  this  morning.  He  had  breakfast  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  came  from  there  to  my  house.  We  went  over  the 
questions  of  the  day  very  fully.  He  is  very  earnest  to  get 
rid  of  Stanton;  wished  me  to  go  with  him  and  see  Seward 
and  Grant.  I  satisfied  him  it  was  not  best  for  me  to  meddle 
with  the  subject;  told  him  I  would  not  unless  requested  by 
the  President. 


1866]   POWER  OF  REMOVAL   FROM  OFFICE   583 

August  20,  Monday.  Many  calls  to-day  from  dele- 
gates who  have  been  to  Philadelphia.  Had  many  compli- 
ments for  my  letter  and  the  views  which  I  had  informally 
expressed  in  regard  to  this  movement  and  our  public 
affairs.  Governor  Orr,  Manning,  and  others  from  South 
Carolina;  Shorter,  Parson,  etc.,  of  Alabama;  Abel,  General 
Brown,  Governor  King,  etc.,  from  Missouri.  All  in  good 
spirits  and  patriotically  disposed. 

Most  of  these  men,  as  well  as  those  whom  they  repre- 
sent, have  been  connected  in  some  degree  with  the  Rebel- 
lion, but  they  submit  and  acquiesce  in  the  result  with 
grace,  and  I  believe  with  sincerity.  But  the  Radicals  are 
filled  with  hatred,  acrimony,  and  revenge  towards  them, 
and  would  persist  in  excluding  not  only  them  but  the 
whole  people  of  the  South  from  any  participation  in  the 
government.  For  four  years  war  was  waged  to  prevent 
them  from  going  out;  now  the  Radicals  would  wage  as  fine 
a  war  to  shut  them  out. 

August  21,  Tuesday,  The  peace  proclamation  takes  well 
with  the  people.  It  has  the  effect  which  I,  and  I  think 
Stanton,  anticipated.  There  comes,  I  see,  a  strong  pressure 
against  Stanton  from  Philadelphia.  Whether  it  will  have  an 
effect  upon  him  or  the  President  is  doubtful.  The  latter 
cannot  need  to  be  undeceived. 

Stanbery  says  he  is  preparing  an  opinion  on  the  matter 
of  appointing  to  vacancies  created  during  the  session.  He 
thinks  the  case  clear  that  the  President  can  appoint.  On 
the  question  of  removals  he  is  unequivocal  as  to  the  author- 
ity to  make  them  at  any  time.  This  he  repeated  on  a  ques- 
tion from  me.  I  wished  to  fix  attention  on  his  admissions, 
for  he  had  previously  given  an  opinion  that  Congress  has 
power  to  prohibit  dismissals  from  the  Army  and  Navy.  If 
they  have  the  power  in  these  cases,  they  have  it  as  clearly 
in  the  cases  of  civilians.  All  of  our  Presidents  have  ex- 
ercised this  power  from  Washington  down,  and  if  it  is 


11  11  is  not  a,u  nixeuuuve  ngiib,  me  acis  01  our 
Presidents  have  been  illegal  from  the  foundation  of  the 
government. 

August  22,  Wednesday.  General  Marston  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, who  has  been  in  West  Virginia  since  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  called  to  see  and  converse  with  me  on  public 
affairs.  The  General  has  voted  mostly  with  the  Radicals, 
yet  I  think  with  some  doubts  and  misgivings  at  times. 

I  expressed  my  regret  that  he  had  not  continued 
straight  on  with  us  in  sustaining  the  Union  cause.  He  inter- 
rupted me  to  know  whether  I  supposed  he  was  a  disunion- 
ist.  I  replied  that  I  had  supposed  he  was  a  firm  Union  man, 
but  that  during  the  session  he  had  fellowshiped  with  the 
present  disunionists.  That  the  Secessionists  had  been 
conquered  and  had  given  up  their  Secession  notions,  but 
another  class,  the  exclusionists  with  disunion  theories,  had 
appeared,  to  whom  I  was  as  much  opposed  as  to  the  Seces- 
sionists. The  General  was  vexed  Jand  disturbed,  and  I 
was  not  sorry  to  see  it.  He  said  he  had  fought  four  years 
for  the  Union  and  supposed  no  one  could  doubt  where  he 
stood.  I  admitted  that  during  the  War  we  were  together  in 
the  Union  cause,  and  I  regretted  that  he  should  lend  him- 
self now  to  those  who  persisted  in  excluding  ten  States 
from  their  Constitutional  rights. 

The  convention  will,  I  hope,  lead  the  General,  who  is 
a  well-intentioned  but  not  very  great  man,  -to  review  his 
ground,  but  whether  he  will  have  the  courage  to  avow  and 
act  up  to  his  convictions  is  doubtful. 

August  23,  Thursday.  Seward  is  full,  arranging  for  the 
excursion  to  Chicago.  Wants  General  Grant  and  Admiral 
Farragut  should  be  of  the  party,  especially  through  Phil- 
adelphia, where  he  apprehends  there  may  be  trouble.  I 
have  little  apprehensions  of  mischief  in  Philadelphia,  but 
in  these  reckless  and  violent  times  some  rash  and  ruffianly 


1866]    A  COMMUNICATION  FROM   SLIDELL    585 

partisans  may  place  obstruction  on  the  railroad-track  in 
the  more  sparsely  populated  districts.  I  therefore  sug- 
gested to  the  President  several  days  since  that  it  would  be 
well  to  take  Stanton  along,  who  is  in  favor  of  the  excursion 
and  has  urged  it,  as  he  is  a  favorite  with  the  Radicals,  who 
would  not  endanger  or  hurt  him.  Seward  proposed  some 
other  naval  officer  than  Farragut  also,  and  I  named  Rad- 
ford  to  him  and  also  to  the  President,  provided  another 
was  desired.  The  President  was  indifferent,  —  thought  we 
should  have  plenty  of  company. 

August  24,  Friday.  Seward  presented  a  letter  to  the 
President  from  John  Slidell,  inclosed  to  him  by  Mr.  John 
Bigelow,  our  Minister  at  Paris.  Slidell  wishes  to  return 
on  some  business  matters,  and  was  desirous  of  knowing  on 
what  terms  he  could  be  permitted  to  do  so.  Seward  had 
prepared  an  answer  to  the  effect  that  the  President  did  not 
deem  it  advisable  to  give  him  any  terms.  Stanton  ap- 
proved the  letter,  provided  the  President  would  direct  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  seize  him  on  the  high  seas  and 
bring  him  in  a  prisoner,  etc.  Bigelow,  Stanton  thought, 
should  be  recalled  for  making  the  Legation  an  organ  for 
traitors  like  Slidell  to  communicate  with  the  President. 

I  remarked  that  the  Navy  could  hardly  afford  to  go  into 
a  general  search  of  the  vessels  of  all  nations ;  it  was  a  cause 
of  difficulty  when,  in  time  of  war,  we  captured  the  Trent. 

The  President  said  that  instead  of  Seward's  dispatch, 
which  entered  into  details,  he  would  prefer  that  he  should 
say  to  Mr.  Bigelow  the  President  declined  any  correspond- 
ence with  Mr.  Slidell. 

Senator  Dixon  called  on  me  yesterday.  Says  Crosby,  the 
Assessor  for  Hartford  District,  had  a  meeting  at  the  United 
States  Hotel  at  which  Hawley  and  Deming  were  invited  to 
select  Assistant  Assessors.  I  asked  why  Crosby  was  not 
removed,  if  he  acted  under  the  advice  of  such  Radicals. 
Dixon  then  half-apologized  for  Crosby,  who,  he  said, 
always  consulted  him.  He  then  spoke  to  me  in  relation  to 


586  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [AUG.  24 

James  G.  Bolles,  the  Collector,  Bolles  being  my  old  friend. 
I  inquired  if  B.  took  any  such  ground  as  C.  or  was  offens- 
ively Radical.  D.  thought  not,  perhaps,  yet  did  not  know. 
I  remarked  that  I  would  justify  no  such  conduct,  that  I 
hoped  and  believed  B.  did  not  so  act,  but  that  if  he  did  and 
was  a  rampant  Radical,  old  friendship  could  not  interpose 
to  spare  him.  I  would  not  wish  my  brother  to  be  retained 
in  place  if  a  Radical  disunionist  by  either  exclusion  or 
secession,  a  supporter  of  Thad  Stevens  or  Robert  Toombs, 
but  B.  was  no  such  man. 

August  25,  Saturday.  A  great  pressure  is  made  from 
Maine  for  changes  in  the  Kittery  Navy  Yard.  No  doubt  the 
men  in  office  there  are  generally  Radicals  who  have  thrust 
themselves  upon  the  Department  and  been  crowded  for- 
ward by  partisan  friends  on  the  grounds  that  they  were 
supporters  of  the  Administration,  friends  of  the  Union. 
But,  being  office-seekers  of  the  time-serving  class  and  be- 
lieving the  Radical  Congress  controls  appointments,  they 
no  longer  maintain  that  position.  They  are  opponents  of 
the  Administration  and  identified  with  the  exclusionists. 
Under  these  circumstances  they  are  now  unwilling  to  take 
from  the  Executive  their  own  medicine  and  will  be  dis- 
satisfied if  I  continue  to  act  on  the  principle  which  they 
formerly  advocated  and  which  helped  them  to  place. 

That  some  changes  ought  to  be  made  I  have  no  doubt, 
but  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  go  to  the  extent  which  the 
anti-Radicals  urge  on  the  eve  of  election.  I  have  changed 
the  storekeeper,  removing  Wentworth,  an  active  and 
prescriptive  Radical  electioneerer,  and  appointing  Stim- 
son,  and  one  or  two  other  changes  will  soon  be  made. 

Committees  (and  others)  from  the  Philadelphia  Conven- 
tion are  here  pressing  changes,  and  I  am  glad  that  some 
are  effected.  There  may  be  abuses  in  some  instances  in 
these  removals  and  appointments,  but  it  is  indispensable 
that  the  Radical  cohorts  and  recruiting  partisan  office- 


1866]  THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOUR  587 

the  President,  should  be  broken  in  upon.  There  will  be  a 
fine  conflict  in  the  fall  elections.  An  intense  partisan  bit- 
terness prevails  and  will  increase  until  the  elections  are 
passed.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  the  President  permitted 
the  Radicals  to  remove  his  friends  and  substitute  their 
tools;  that  he  had  not  drawn  the  line  of  demarcation, 
resented  usurpation,  and  maintained  the  rights  of  the 
Executive,  six  or  eight  months  earlier,  before  the  Radicals 
had  intrenched  themselves  so  strongly.  His  delay  and  the 
activity  of  the  Radicals,  who  operated  through  most  of  the 
Departments,  have  weakened  his  cause  and  strengthened 
his  opponents,  who  now  bid  him  defiance.  I  have  little 
doubt  that  some  contemplate  further  infringement  on 
Executive  rights,  provided  they  can  compact  their  party 
to  that  end. 

In  taking  up  the  proposed  excursion  to  Chicago  yester- 
day, only  Seward  and  myself  held  to  the  original  under- 
standing. McCulloch  thinks  he  cannot  leave,  business  is  so 
pressing.  Stanton,  who  has  been  urgent,  now  regrets  that 
he  cannot  go,  his  wife  is  ill,  —  were  it  not  for  that  he  de- 
clared he  should  not  fail  to  go.  I  think  Mrs.  S.  may  be 
some  but  not  seriously  indisposed,  but  at  no  time  have  I 
entertained  a  thought  that  S.  himself  would  be  with  us. 
Browning  has  not  expected  to  go,  for  he  enters  upon  his 
duties  on  the  1st  prox.  Randall  will  go  on  post-office  busi- 
ness, be  sometimes  with  the  President  and  sometimes  else- 
where, dodging  about.  Stanbery,  who  talked  earnestly  of 
going  at  first,  with  his  wife,  now  doubts,  has  business,  his 
health  is  not  very  good,  and  he  fears  a  journey  might  affect 
him  injuriously.  No  one  is  more  disinclined  than  myself  for 
this  excursion, — I  dislike  pageants  always,  — but,  the  Pre- 
sident having  decided  to  go  and  specially  requested  some  of 
us  to  accompany  him,  I  have  made  no  excuse  or  evasion. 
I  should  be  glad  to  be  relieved  and  have  never  at  any  time 
advised  the  excursion,  but  acquiesced  after  the  President 
had  made  up  his  mind.  It  was  different  with  Seward, 
Stanton,  McCulloch,  and  Stanbery,  who  all  advised  it. 


XLII 

Itinerary  of  the  President's  Speechmaklng  Tour  —  Composition  of  his 
Party  —  Probable  Effect  of  the  Tour  on  the  Political  Situation  —  Gen- 
eral Grant  and  the  Copperheads  —  Grant  goes  over  to  the  Radicals  — 
Seward  slighted  by  Senate  and  Governor  at  Albany  —  Character  of  the 
Reception  in  the  Various  Cities  —  Turbulence  in  Indianapolis  —  Mr. 
Seward  falls  seriously  ill  and  is  taken  to  Washington  —  The  Demo- 
crats failing  to  take  advantage  of  the  Situation  —  Ante-Election  Press- 
ure for  Removals  —  Seward  improving  —  No  Disunionist  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  Navy  Yards  —  Conversation  with  Senator  Fogg  of  New 
Hampshire  on  the  Subject  of  the  Exclusion  of  States  —  Judge  Holt, 
charged  with  Misconduct  in  the  Trial  of  Lincoln's  Assassins,  asks  for  a 
Court  of  Inquiry  —  General  Dix  appointed  Minister  to  France  and  also 
Naval  Officer  at  New  York  —  Samuel  J.  Tilden  —  Naval  Constructor 
Webb  and  the  Dunderberg  —  The  Aged  Widow  of  Commodore  Barney 
pleads  for  her  Son. 

September  17,  Monday.  Returned  on  Saturday,  the  15th, 
from  excursion  with  the  President.  Our  route  was  via 
Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  West  Point,  Albany, 
Auburn,  Niagara  Falls,  —  where  we  spent  our  first  Sun- 
day, —  Buffalo,  Cleveland,  Toledo,  Detroit,  Chicago,  — 
where  we  remained  Thursday  the  6th  inst.,  —  Springfield, 
Illinois,  Alton,  St.  Louis,  —  where  we  spent  our  second 
Sunday,  —  Indianapolis,  Louisville,  Cincinnati,  Colum- 
bus, Pittsburg,  Harrisburg,  Baltimore,  home.  We  only 
traveled  by  daylight,  excepting  when  coming  from  Louis- 
ville to  Cincinnati  by  steamer.  I  have  not  enumerated  the 
intermediate  places  of  our  visit,  but,  having  special  train, 
no  stops  were  made  except  at  places  of  importance. 

The  newspapers  of  the  day  give  detailed  statements  of 
our  journey,  the  places  at  which  we  stopped,  generally  the 
introductions  that  were  made,  and  caricatured  statements 
of  speeches  which  were  delivered.  Our  party  consisted  of 
Secretary  Seward  and  myself,  of  the  Cabinet,  —  Post- 
master-General Randall  was  with  us  part  of  the  time,  — 
General  Grant,  Admiral  Farragut,  Admiral  Radford, 


1866]  THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOUR  589 

Generals  Rousseau,  Custer,  Stedman,  Stoneman,  and 
Crook,  E.  T.  Welles,  J.  A.  Welles,  Mrs.  Patterson,  Mrs. 
Welles,  Mrs.  Farragut,  Judge  Patterson,  Colonel  Moore, 
and  others. 

The  President  made  brief  remarks  at  nearly  every 
stopping-place  to  the  crowds  which  assembled  to  meet  and 
welcome  him.  In  some  instances  party  malignity  showed 
itself,  but  it  was  rare  and  the  guilty  few  in  numbers.  It 
was  evident  in  most  of  the  cases,  not  exceeding  half  a 
dozen  in  all,  that  the  hostile  partisan  manifestations  were 
prearranged  and  prompted  by  sneaking  leaders.  The 
authorities  in  some  of  the  cities  —  Baltimore,  Philadel- 
phia, Cincinnati,  Indianapolis,  and  Pittsburg  —  declined 
to  extend  courtesies  or  participate  in  the  reception,  but 
the  people  in  all  these  cases  took  the  matter  in  hand 
and  were  almost  unanimous  in  the  expression  of  their 
favorable  regard  and  respect  for  the  Chief  Magistrate. 
The  Governors  of  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Missouri,  and  Pennsylvania  were  all  absent.  In 
Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  the  Secretary  of  State  appeared 
and  each  apologized  for  the  absence  of  the  Executive,  but 
extended  formal  courtesies.  Only  one  Radical  Congres- 
sional Representative,  Mr.  Blow  of  Missouri,  called  upon 
the  President.  Mr.  Spaulding  of  Cleveland  was  boarding  at 
the  house  where  we  stopped,  and  we  therefore  saw  him,  but 
along  the  whole  line  of  travel  of  over  two  thousand  miles, 
and  through  perhaps  thirty  or  forty  Congressional  districts, 
the  Radical  Members  absented  themselves,  evidently  by 
preconcert,  and  the  Radical  State  and  municipal  authorities 
acted  in  almost  every  case  in  concert  with  them. 

The  President  spoke  freely,  frankly,  and  plainly.  For 
the  first  three  or  four  days  I  apprehended  he  would,  if  he 
did  not  forbear,  break  down,  for  it  seemed  as  though  no  one 
possessed  the  physical  power  to  go  through  such  extra- 
ordinary labor  day  after  day  for  two  or  three  weeks.  I 
therefore  remonstrated  with  and  cautioned  him,  but  he 
best  knew  his  own  system  and  powers  of  endurance.  He 


590  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  17 

felt,  moreover,  that  he  was  performing  a  service  and  a  duty 
in  his  appeals  to  his  countrymen,  and  desired  to  address 
them  face  to  face  on  the  great  issues  before  the  country.  It 
was  the  method  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  in 
Tennessee  and  the  Southwest,  and  he  believed  it  would  be 
effective  in  the  North. 

I  was  apprehensive  that  the  effect  would  be  different, 
that  his  much  talking  would  be  misapprehended  and  mis- 
represented, that  the  partisan  press  and  partisan  leaders 
would  avail  themselves  of  it  and  decry  him.  I  am  still 
apprehensive  that  he  may  have  injured  his  cause  by  many 
speeches;  but  it  is  undeniably  true  that  his  remarks  were 
effective  among  his  hearers  and  that  within  that  circle  he 
won  supporters. 

To  a  great  extent  the  Radicals  are  opposed  to  him  and 
his  policy,  yet  when  the  true  issue  was  stated,  the  people 
were,  and  are,  obviously  with  him.  The  President  himself 
has  sanguine  belief  that  he  has  so  aroused  his  countrymen 
that  they  will  sanction  his  measures  for  reestablishing  the 
Union  on  the  Constitutional  lines  and  oppose  the  Radicals' 
revolutionary  measures.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  honest 
sentiments  of  the  people  are  for  the  Union,  but  the  Rad- 
icals have  the  party  organizations  and  have  labored  to 
make  those  organizations  effective  for  almost  a  year,  while 
the  President  has  done  comparatively  nothing. 

Speeches  to  a  few  crowds  —  or  the  same  speech,  essen- 
tially, to  many  crowds  —  are  not  in  themselves,  I  fear, 
sufficient.  In  the  mean  time  there  is  want  of  sagacity,  judg- 
ment, and  good  common  sense  in  managing  the  party 
which  supports  him.  Candidates  who  are  Copperheads, 
i.e.,  who  opposed  the  Government  during  the  War,  cannot 
become  earnestly  engaged  or  really  enthusiastic  support- 
ers, yet  the  Radical  Republicans  hold  back  while  this  class 
is  pressed  forward.  Such  advocates  can  gain  no  recruits. 
There  is  a  kinder  feeling  among  Republicans  towards 
beaten  Rebels  than  towards  Copperheads.  But  these  last 
pay  court  to  the  President  in  the  absence  of  the  greater 


1866]       GRANT  AND   THE   COPPERHEADS      591 

part  of  the  Republicans,  who  have  become  Radicals.  It  is 
not  strange  while  the  Radicals  conspire  against  him  that  he 
assimilates  with  those  who,  if  they  opposed  his  election, 
now  doubtingly  sustain  his  policy.  It  is  out  of  sympathy 
and  charity  to  them.  They,  however,  are  still  selfish  parti- 
sans and  are  unpatriotic  and  in  adherence  to  mere  party 
policy  and  a  President  they  did  not  elect. 

Seward,  who,  during  the  whole  session  of  Congress,  held 
off  and  gave  the  Radical  leaders  full  room  for  intrigue, 
yielded  to  their  aggressive  conduct,  and  was  unwilling  to 
give  up  his  party  organization  until  that  party  had  so 
fortified  itself  as  to  set  him  at  defiance,  appears  to  have 
finally  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  not  best  to  repel  the 
Democrats,  for  the  Administration  must  rely  upon  them. 
He  has  throughout  the  excursion  generally  seconded  the 
President,  assented  to  all  his  positions,  and  rather  encour- 
aged his  frequent  speeches,  which  I  opposed,  for  it  was  the 
same  speech,  sometimes  slightly  modified,  which  was  soon 
burlesqued  and  published  in  anticipation  of  its  delivery. 

General  Grant,  whom  the  Radicals  have  striven  to  use 
and  to  offset  against  the  President,  who  generally  received 
louder  cheers  and  called  out  more  attention  than  even  the 
President  himself,  behaved  on  the  whole  discreetly.  Of 
course  he  saw,  as  did  all  others,  the  partisan  designs  and 
schemes  of  the  Radicals,  but  he  did  not,  so  far  as  I  could 
perceive,  permit  it  to  move  him  from  his  propriety,  at  least 
during  the  first  week  or  ten  days.  He  gave  me  to  under- 
stand in  one  or  two  conversations  which  we  had  that  our 
views  corresponded.  He  agreed  with  me  that  he  is  for  re- 
establishing the  Union  at  once  in  all  its  primitive  vigor,  is 
for  immediate  representation  by  all  the  States,  etc.,  but 
while  he  would  forgive  much  to  the  Rebels,  he  is  unsparing 
towards  those  whom  he  denounces  as  Copperheads.  Mr. 
Hogan,  the  Representative  of  St.  Louis  District,  accom- 
panied us,  by  invitation  of  the  President,  on  our  way  from 
St.  Louis  to  Washington.  'He  is  a  very  earnest,  zealous 


592  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  17 

admirer  of  the  President.  It  gave  him  pleasure  with  his 
strong  lungs  to  introduce  the  President  and  his  associates 
to  the  crowds  at  the  stopping-places.  General  Grant  told 
me  in  Cincinnati  that  it  was  extremely  distasteful  to  him 
to  be  introduced  to  the  crowds  assembled  at  the  stations  by 
Hogan,  who  was  a  Copperhead,  he  said,  and  Rebel  sym- 
pathizer during  the  War.  He  had,  he  remarked  to  me, 
no  desire  to  fellowship  with  such  a  man.  A  Rebel  he  could 
forgive,  but  not  a  Copperhead. 

The  reception  was  everywhere  enthusiastic  and  the 
demonstrations,  especially  at  the  principal  cities,  were  in 
numbers  most  extraordinary  and  overwhelming.  In 
Philadelphia,  where  the  Radical  authorities  would  not 
participate,  the  people  filled  the  streets  so  that  it  was  dif- 
ficult to  get  through  them.  This  proceeding  at  Philadelphia 
was  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  petty  spite  on  the  part  of 
the  Radical  managers,  which  was  advised  and  determined 
upon  before  we  left  Washington  and  of  which,  I  became 
satisfied,  Stanton  was  cognizant.  Between  him  and  Grant 
there  was,  at  that  time,  very  little  sympathy  or  friendly 
feeling,  and  until  we  had  completed  more  than  half  of  our 
journey,  Grant  clung  to  the  President.  Though  usually 
reticent,  he  did  not  conceal  from  me  his  dislike  of  Seward. 
But,  first  at  Detroit,  then  at  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  and  finally 
at  Cincinnati,  it  became  obvious  he  had  begun  to  listen 
to  the  seductive  appeals  of  the  Radical  conspirators.  The 
influence  of  his  father,  who  was  by  his  special  request  my 
companion  and  associate  at  Cincinnati  in  the  procession, 
finally  carried  him  into  the  Radical  ranks.  New  York 
poured  forth  her  whole  population. 

The  Senate  of  New  York,  in  session  at  Albany,  deliber- 
ately struck  Mr.  Seward's  name  from  the  list  of  those  who 
were  welcomed,  and  Governor  Fenton,  in  the  spirit  of  a 
narrow  mind,  undertook  to  overslaugh  the  Secretary  of 
State  when  we  were  introduced  at  the  Capitol.  When 
ushered  through  the  crowd  into  the  executive  rooms,which 
were  filled,  Governor  F.  introduced  the  President  to  the 


1866]        SEWARD  SLIGHTED  AT  ALBANY       593 

Senators  and  the  throng.  Passing  by  Secretary  Seward, 
who  stood  beside  the  President,  he  called  for  General 
Grant,  who  was  in  the  rear,  and  presented  him  and  was 
then  addressing  himself  to  me,  but  Seward,  who  was  aware 
of  the  action  of  the  Senate  and  Governor,  felt  the  inten- 
tional discourtesy  most  keenly,  waited  for  no  further  action 
of  the  Governor,  but  stepped  to  the  table  and  said:  "I  am 
here  among  old  friends  and  familiar  scenes  and  require  no 
introduction  from  any  one.  Here  are  men  and  objects  that 
I  have  known  in  other  days,  and  have  honored  and  been 
honored  here."  Taking  one  and  another  by  the  hand  with 
"How  do  you  do,"  he  exchanged  courtesies  with  several. 
Governor  F.  then  introduced  me  and  Admiral  Farragut. 
At  Auburn,  Seward's  home,  where  we  were  to  remain 
overnight,  there  were  little  neighborhood  bickerings  and 
jealousies.  Mr.  Pomeroy,  the  Representative  of  the  dis- 
trict (who,  by  the  way,  did,  as  did  also  Mr.  Blow,  call  on 
us),  was  intensely  Radical,  and  had  broken  away  from  his 
old  friend  and  neighbor  in  his  party  course.  Naturally  he 
carried  many  with  him.  There  was  also  a  jealous  feeling  of 
Mr.  Seward  himself  on  the  part  of  the  village  aristocracy. 
A  Mr.  Morgan  made  himself  conspicuous  and  intruded 
himself  upon  the  party  at  Auburn  and  all  the  way  to  Nia- 
gara and  Buffalo.  He  had  the  petty  jealousy  of  a  little 
mind  towards  his  neighbor,  Seward,  and  was  constantly 
toadying  to  General  Grant,  and  making  himself  disagree- 
ably officious  with  that  officer.  As  the  fellow  was  obviously 
opposed  to  the  President,  his  intrusion  was  impertinent 
and  we  were  all  glad  to  get  rid  of  him,  —  none  more  so  than 
Grant. 

At  Cleveland  there  was  evidently  a  concerted  plan  to 
prevent  the  President  from  speaking  or  to  embarrass  him 
in  his  remarks.  Grant,  I  think,  had  been  advised  of  this, 
and  it  affected  him  unfavorably.  They  did  not  succeed,  but 
I  regretted  that  he  continued  to  address  these  crowds. 
Although  it  is  consistent  with  his  practice  in  Tennessee,  I 


would  rather  the  Chief  Magistrate  would  be  more  reserved, 
and  both  Governor  Tod  and  myself  suggested  to  Seward 
that  it  was  impolitic  and  injudicious,  but  Seward  did  not 
concur.  He  said  the  President  was  doing  good  and  was  the 
best  stump  speaker  in  the  country.  The  President  should 
not  be  a  stump  speaker. 

At  Chicago  and  at  St.  Louis  the  reception  was  magni- 
ficent. There  was  in  that  of  the  latter  place  a  cordiality 
and  sincerity  unsurpassed.  We  were  met  at  Alton  by 
thirty-six  steamers  crowded  with  people  and  were  escorted 
by  them  to  St.  Louis. 

There  was  turbulence  and  premeditated  violence  at 
Indianapolis  more  than  at  any  other  and  at  all  other  places. 
At  Indianapolis  I  became  convinced  of  what  I  had  for  some 
days  suspected,  —  that  there  was  an  extreme  Radical 
conspiracy  to  treat  the  President  with  disrespect  and  in- 
dignity and  to  avoid  him.  Morton,1  who  had  early  been 
obsequious  to  him  and  was  opposed  to  negro  suffrage  and 
Radical  demands,  had  become  a  Radical  convert.  He  fled 
from  us  as  we  entered  Indiana,  —  so  of  the  little  Gov- 
ernors of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  who  were  purposely 
absent  when  we  arrived  at  Columbus  and  Harrisburg. 

Louisville  gave  us  a  grand  reception. 

Mr.  Seward  had  an  attack  of  the  cholera  on  the  steam- 
boat after  we  left  Louisville  and  was  unable  thereafter  to 
participate  with  us.  He  had  a  car  and  a  bed  to  himself  from 
Cincinnati.  At  Pittsburg  we  parted,  he  going  with  the 
regular  train  in  a  car  by  himself,  while  we  had  a  special 
train  in  advance.  After  reaching  Harrisburg  and  while  at 
supper,  we  were  in  a  whisper  informed  that  Mr.  Seward 
was  in  a  car  at  the  depot,  unable  to  be  moved,  and  that 
Doctor  Norris  was  apprehensive  he  might  not  survive  the 
night.  The  President  and  myself  immediately  but  quietly 
withdrew  from  the  table  and  went  to  the  depot,  where  we 
found  Mr.  Seward  very  low  and  weak.  On  the  following 
morning  he  was  little  if  any  better,  and  was  certainly 

1  Oliver  P.  Morton,  the  War  Governor  of  Indiana. 


1866]  SEWARD'S  SERIOUS  ILLNESS  595 

weaker  than  on  the  preceding  evening.  He  was  evidently 
apprehensive  he  should  not  survive,  and  I  feared  it  was  our 
last  interview.  His  voice  was  gone  and  he_spoke  in  whis- 
pers. Taking  the  President's  hand,  he  said,  "My  mind  is 
clear,  and  I  wish  to  say  at  this  time  that  your  course  is 
right,  that  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  sustain  you  in  it,  and 
if  my  life  is  spared  I  shall  continue  to  do  so.  Pursue  it  for 
the  sake  of  the  country;  it  is  correct."  His  family,  which 
had  been  sent  for,  arrived  and  joined  him  at  Harrisburg 
soon  after,  and  he  proceeded  to  Washington  in  advance  of 
us  and  arrived  there  Saturday  P.M. 

At  Columbus  we  were  reviewed  by  a  large  assemblage. 
Not  only  the  residents  of  the  place  but  of  the  surrounding 
country  gathered  to  meet  us.  Ex-Postmaster-General 
Dennison  called  upon  us  in  the  evening;  was  in  good  health, 
though  he  says  he  has  been  unwell  most  of  the  time  since  he 
left  Washington.  One  or  two  of  his  neighbors  say  that  he 
was  ill  in  consequence  of  his  resignation  and  its  acceptance. 

There  was  here,  as  I  had  noted  at  some  other  places, 
some  scheming  to  antagonize  General  Grant  and  the 
President  and  make  it  appear  that  the  interest  was  specially 
for  the  former.  Great  pains  have  been  taken  by  partisans 
to  misrepresent  the  President  and  misstate  facts  and  to 
deceive  and  prejudice  the  people  against  him.  There  is 
special  vindictiveness  and  disregard  of  truth  by  Members 
of  Congress  everywhere.  Hate  of  the  South  and  the  whole 
people  of  the  South  is  inculcated,  Constitutional  obliga- 
tions are  wholly  disregarded,  a  new  Constitution  [is  pro- 
posed], or  such  changes  in  the  present  as  will  give  us  es- 
sentially a  new  Central  Government  which  shall  operate 
especially  against  the  States  and  the  people  of  the  South, 
while  the  people  there  are  denied  all  representation  or 
participation  in  these  changes. 

The  Democrats  of  the  North  and  almost  the  whole 
South,  who  might  benefit  themselves  and  the  country  by 
taking  advantage  of  these  errors  and  follies  of  the  Radicals, 


596  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  17 

are  devoted  to  party  regardless  of  country.  Instead  of 
openly  and  boldly  supporting  the  President  and  the  policy 
of  the  Administration,  showing  moderation  and  wisdom  in 
the  selection  of  candidates,  they  are  pressing  forward  men 
whom  good  Unionists,  remembering  and  feeling  the  recent 
calamities  of  the  War,  cannot  willingly  support.  In  this 
way  they  have  put  in  jeopardy  the  success  of  the  cause 
of  the  Administration,  which  is  really  their  own  in  most  of 
the  States.  Prudent  and  judicious  management  would 
have  given  us  a  different  Congress  even  in  the  Free  States, 
but  I  think  it  can  scarcely  be  expected  in  view  of  the  great 
mistakes  committed  in  the  nominations  which  have  been 
made.  It  is  to  the  Democrats  and  the  South  a  lost  oppor- 
tunity. 

September  18,  Tuesday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  Attor- 
ney-General Stanbery  read  the  prepared  opinion  in  regard 
to  removals  from  office  of  which  he  had  given  us  the  sub- 
stance some  weeks  since.  I  submitted  the  question  whether 
I  should  be  authorized  to  relinquish  the  Dunderberg  to  the 
contractor,  Webb,  on  his  refunding  the  money  which  had 
been  paid  him;  also  whether  we  would  sell  the  Agamenti- 
cus,  or  other  of  our  ironclads;  but  could  get  no  distinct 
avowal  of  opinion.  I  also  inquired  as  to  the  expediency 
of  sending  Queen  Emma  to  the  Sandwich  Islands  in  the 
Vanderbilt,  as  the  Secretary  of  State  requested,  but  no  one 
advised  it. 

A  great  pressure  is  being  made  for  changes  in  the  navy 
yards,  especially  at  Philadelphia.  The  leading  politicians 
and  men  who  ask  these  changes  are  heated  to  the  highest 
partisan  heat,  and  really  are  not  aware  what  they  ask  and 
its  consequences.  In  most  of  the  cases  their  requests,  if 
granted,  would  do  them  more  harm  than  good.  Some  few 
changes  may  be  advisable,  but  only  a  few  should  be  made, 
particularly  on  the  eve  of  election.  Because  I  do  not  give 
in  to  their  request,  they  deem  me  unreasonable  and  timid. 
They  give  me  nothing  specific  for  my  action,  but  only  their 


1866]  PRESSURE  FOR  REMOVALS  597 

opinions,  and  my  opinions  in  these  matters  are  as  good  as 
theirs,  —  I  think  better.  I  removed  one  of  the  masters 
before  going  West,  and  to-day  on  their  assurance,  unitedly, 
in  regard  to  Stahl,  the  master  blacksmith,  I  directed  his 
removal  at  the  Philadelphia  Yard. 

They  also  ask  that  the  Commandant,  Selfridge,  may  be 
displaced  and  Turner  appointed  in  his  stead.  I  told  them 
it  would  not  be  advisable  to  change  S.,  and  T.  is  out  of  the 
question. 

September  19,  Wednesday. 

Commodore  Melancthon  Smith  appointed  Chief  of 
Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruiting.  Many  applicants 
and  expectants  and  consequent  disappointment. 

Navy  yard  pressures  still  continue,  particularly  from 
Philadelphia.  Welsh,  one  of  the  political  committee,  is 
here,  and,  being  a  candidate  for  Congress,  says  Stahl,  the 
master  blacksmith,  ought  not  to  have  been  removed.  I 
asked  him  why  he  did  not  openly  object  when  the  subject 
was  discussed.  He  said  he  had  intended  to,  or  to  have 
spoken  to  me  in  S.'s  behalf.  The  truth  is  Welsh  knows  not 
his  own  case.  I  have  little  doubt  that  Stahl  is  against  both 
him  and  the  President,  for  he  has  been  an  earnest,  zealous 
tool  of  Kelley.  Still  it  shows  how  crude  and  unreliable  and 
unprofitable  are  the  doings  of  party  committeemen. 

Colonel  Babcock  of  New  Haven,  who  is  here,  says  that 
a  mistake  has  been  made  in  the  appointment  of  Lamb  to 
be  assessor  at  Norwich  in  place  of  Ely  removed.  Yet  Bab- 
cock  united  with  Dixon  and  English  for  the  change.  Why 
will  not  party  men  consider  what  they  are  about,  and  act 
for  country?  Lamb  called  on  me,  but  I  did  not  recommend 
him.  I  do  not  think  the  man  adapted  or  qualified  for 
the  place,  yet  the  recommendations  which  he  had  would 
have  influenced  me.  Babcock  places  the  fault  at  Dixon's 
door,  who  was,  he  says,  deceived  and  imposed  upon  by 
Lamb. 


598  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  20 

September  20,  Thursday.  Had  a  call  from  Philip  Dors- 
heimer  of  Buffalo,  who  says  he  has,  he  understands,  been 
removed  from  the  office  of  Collector  for  that  district.  I 
apprehend  here  is  another  mistake.  A  delegation  from 
Massachusetts  introduced  themselves  with  the  modest  re- 
quest that  I  would  remove  about  every  officer  in  the  Navy 
Yard  at  Charlestown.  They  presented  a  package  which 
took  a  full  day  for  examination.  Told  them  that  indis- 
criminate sweeping  removals  on  the  eve  of  election  were 
harmful,  and  that  if  all  the  persons  whom  they  requested 
to  be  removed  were  opponents,  it  would  as  a  party  measure 
be  injudicious  and  unwise  to  turn  them  out  at  this  mo- 
ment. There  is  much  mismanagement.  The  Democrats  are 
ravenous  for  place  and  are  pressing  for  office  regardless 
of  the  welfare  of  the  Administration  or  the  country. 

Glancy  Jones 1  of  Eeading,  Pennsylvania,  and  also  Judge 
Smalley  of  Vermont  were  at  my  house  this  evening,  and 
both,  though  conspicuous  Democrats,  concurred  with  me 
in  deploring  and  objecting  to  the  hasty  changes  which  are 
urged.  Let  there  be  slow  speed  to  make  good  work. 

September  21,  Friday.  A  stormy  day.  Mrs.  W.  left  this 
A.M.  for  Connecticut.  I  called  on  Seward  in  regard  to  send- 
ing out  the  Vanderbilt  with  Queen  Emma  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  as  had  been  discussed  in  Cabinet.  Found  him  much 
improved,  but  weak.  Was  unable  to  advise.  Requested 
delay  until  Tuesday. 

Spoke  to  McCulloch  in  regard  to  Dorsheimer  and  subse- 
quently to  the  President.  McC.  says  D.  is  Radical,  or  is  so 
represented  to  him.  When  I  asked  by  whom  he  is  so  repre- 
sented, he  said  by  Weed  and  others.  I  think  there  is  some 
villainy  in  all  this;  still  there  may  not  be.  I  cautioned  the 
President  on  the  subject. 

I  called  on  Seward.  He  was  in  bed,  but  very  materially 
better.  Tells  me  he  was  for  a  time  on  his  feet  this  morning. 

1  John  Glancy  Jones,  Member  of  Congress,  1850-58,  and  Minister  to 
Austria,  1858-61. 


1866]  TALK  WITH  SENATOR  FOGG          599 

He  has  wonderful  elasticity  of  constitution  and  physical 
vigor  for  one  of  such  feeble  frame  and  appearance.  When 
I  saw  him  last  Saturday  morning  in  Harrisburg  I  had  very 
great  doubts  whether  I  should  ever  again  see  him  alive. 

September  22,  Saturday.  Wrote,  perhaps  unwisely,  to  a 
man  who  signs  his  name  Price,  in  Hollidaysburg,  in  answer 
to  a  partisan  communication  he  sent  me. 

Am  terribly  annoyed  by  party  committees  who  wish  to 
manage  the  navy  yards,  or  rather  to  officer  and  man 
them,  I  taking  the  responsibility.  On  all  sides  I  am  im- 
portuned by  persons  who  know  nothing  on  the  subject  of 
their  importunity  and  who  would  not  benefit  themselves  or 
their  cause  were  I  to  give  in  to  them. 

Commodore  Selfridge  writes  me  that  he  manages  the 
yard  without  any  knowledge  of  the  political  opinions  of 
those  under  him,  yet  is  fearful  he  may  be  misunderstood, 
etc.  I  replied  that  the  policy  and  rule  had  been  to  employ 
no  disunionist,  that  I  desired  this  practice  to  continue, 
that  exclusionists  or  Radical  disunionists  were  as  objection- 
able as  Secession  disunionists. 

September  24,  Monday.  Junius  Morgan  of  London  called 
and  spent  yesterday  with  me.  He  was  a  Hartford  boy, 
though  now  a  London  banker.  Some  pleasant  talk  of  old 
days  when  neither  of  us  had  the  gray  hairs  that  now  mark 
us.  Went  with  him  to  see  Secretary  McCulloch,  with 
whom  he  had  business,  and  made  an  appointment  for 
to-day.  I  went  with  him  to-day  to  see  General  Grant  and 
subsequently  the  President.  He  was  much  interested  with 
each  of  them. 

Had  last  evening  a  long  talk  with  Mr.  Fogg,  newly 
appointed  Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  late  Minister  to 
Switzerland.  Fogg  and  myself  were  associated  for  several 
years  on  the  National  Committee,  commencing  with  the 
Fremont  campaign.  He  has  a  good  deal  of  vigor,  mental 
and  physical,  is  an  intense  partisan,  with  a  cast  of  mind 


600  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  24 

that  would  naturally  throw  him  among  the  Radicals,  with 
whom,  moreover,  are  most  of  his  associates.  A  dislike  of 
Seward,  who,  he  thinks,  and  not  without  cause  perhaps, 
improperly  induced  his  recall,  adds  to  his  feeling  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  Administration,  an  opposition  which  he  dis- 
claims except  from  a  belief  that  its  policy  is  not  in  all 
respects  right.  This,  however,  is  affectation.  He  is  more 
hostile  than  he  supposes  and  it  is  not  from  principle  but  is 
personal  and  partisan  hostility. 

The  elections  will,  he  says,  go  strongly  against  the  Ad- 
ministration this  fall,  because  the  people  have  an  impres- 
sion that  the  President  is  leagued  with  the  traitors  and 
Copperheads  and  wishes  to  bring  them  into  power.  These 
[ideas]  are,  he  admits,  false,  and  when  I  asked  why  he  did 
not  exert  himself  to  correct  the  errors,  he  would  make  no 
justification  or  defense.  He  claimed  that  Congress  was 
authorized  to  exclude  States  from  the  Union,  because  Con- 
gress had  sovereign  power.  I  told  him  that,  as  an  old 
strict  Constitutionalist  and  States'-Rights  man,  he,  I  sup- 
posed, meant  to  be  governed  by  the  Constitution,  which 
he  declared  was  true.  I  then  asked  that,  as  the  powers  of 
Congress  are  specified  and  enumerated,  he  would  point 
out  the  grant  or  power  which  authorized  Congress  to  ex- 
clude States.  He  repeated  it  was  by  the  sovereignty  with 
which  Congress  was  invested.  I  requested  him  to  inform 
me  in  what  part  of  the  instrument  this  sovereignty,  as  he 
called  it,  was  conferred  upon  Congress.  Without  answer- 
ing me,  he  said  if  Congress  had  the  right  to  admit  States 
it  had  the  right  to  exclude  them.  This,  I  said,  did  not  by 
any  means  follow.  There  is  explicit  authority  to  admit,  and 
if  there  was  authority  to  exclude,  it  was  a  granted  power, 
and  he  could  point  it  out,  for  all  powers  not  granted  are 
expressly  reserved  to  the  States  and  people.  He  then  said 
they  had  excluded  themselves,  —  withdrawn  from  the 
Union.  ' '  Then, ' '  said  I,  "  you  admit  Secession  to  have  been 
successful?"  This  he  denied.  "Then,"  said  I,  "how  can 
the  States  be  without  the  Union?"  He  could  give  no 


1866]    HOLT  ASKS  A   COURT   OF  INQUIRY    601 

answer.  The  subject  is  one  which  he  and  a  class  of  parti- 
sans like  him  have  not  considered  in  any  other  than  a 
factious,  partisan  spirit. 

I  found  him  closeted  with  the  President  to-day.  McCul- 
loch  has  employed  him  and  trusts  him.  Randall  said  to  me 
a  few  days  since  he  thought  Fogg  was  getting  about  right. 
That  he  may  ultimately  possess  correct  views  I  hope,  but 
he  is  now  in  gross  error  and  doing  mischief,  —  a  Senator 
who  does  not  comprehend  the  principles  of  the  government 
he  attempts  to  serve. 

September  25,  Tuesday.  Judge  Holt  asks  a  court  of  in- 
quiry or  court  martial  for  the  reason  that  certain  partisans 
charge  him  with  subornation  and  other  misconduct  in  the 
trial  of  the  assassins  and  Mrs.  Surratt.  Stanton  seemed  to 
think  he  was  entitled  to  it  and  that  he  should  have  one  if 
he  wished.  I  thought  it  unnecessary,  —  that  it  would  pro- 
duce harm  rather  than  good  to  attempt  to  revive  and  bring 
forward  those  matters  at  this  juncture.  A  court  of  inquiry, 
or  court  martial,  I  claimed,  was  a  military  tribunal,  and 
if  it  was  to  be  resorted  to,  the  subject  did  not  properly 
belong  to  the  Cabinet  but  the  War  Department;  if  he  was 
a  civil  officer  and  was  charged  like  the  rest  of  us  with 
political  faults  for  partisan  purposes,  a  military  tribunal 
was  not  the  remedy.  The  courts,  at  any  rate,  were  open  to 
him  if  he  thought  best  to  institute  a  suit,  but  I  would  not 
advise  it.  Being  in  a  civil  office,  as  I  concluded,  he  must 
like  the  rest  of  us  be  passive  under  the  grievance.  Stanton 
said  he  was  a  brigadier-general  and  that  these  officers  in 
the  military  service  differ  from  the  Navy.  But  all  except 
Stanton  were  opposed  to  the  military  tribunal.  There  has 
been  some  queer  legislation  to  secure  a  military  life  office 
for  Holt. 

The  Cabinet  ordered  that  the  Vanderbilt  should  be 
tendered  to  Queen  Emma  to  convey  her  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  and  I  telegraphed  to  Admiral  Thatcher  to  that 
effect. 


602  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES     [SEPT.  25 

It  was  also  advised  in  Cabinet  that  we  sell  more  of  the 
turreted  ironclads  from  the  Navy. 

General  Dix  was  designated  Minister  to  France  in  place 
of  Bigelow,who  asks  to  be  relieved.  Dix  was  also  appointed 
Naval  Officer  at  New  York.  Between  the  two  I  know  not 
which  he  will  take.  McCulloch  says  Dix  is  poor,  which  I 
did  not  suppose  and  still  doubt. 

September  26,  Wednesday.  A  delegation,  headed  by  ex- 
Governor  Johnson,  from  Pennsylvania,  came  with  a  note 
from  the  President.  The  delegation  ask  for  extensive  re- 
movals at  the  Navy  Yard  and  that  three  thousand  men 
should  be  employed  there  for  a  few  weeks.  I  declined  to 
employ  or  have  men  in  the  pay  of  the  Government  if  not 
wanted.  Admiral  Smith,  Chief  of  Yards  and  Docks,  re- 
ports that  the  gangs  are  full.  I  therefore  informed  the  gen- 
tlemen I  could  not  do  more.  They  said  if  I  did  not,  the 
Administration  would  lose  two,  and  probably  three,  Mem- 
bers of  Congress  which  it  would  otherwise  carry.  I 
doubted  whether  they  could  accomplish  so  much  as  they 
supposed,  provided  I  could  properly  gratify  their  demand. 
But  I  could  not. 

September  27,  Thursday.  Sam  J.  Tilden  and  De  Wolf  of 
Oswego  spent  the  evening  with  me.  Tilden  has  good  sense, 
intelligence,  honesty,  but  is  a  strong  party  man.  Sees 
everything  with  partisan  eyes,  yet  understandingly.  In 
1848  and  for  a  time  thereafter  he  was  a  Barnburner,  going 
with  the  Van  Burens,  but  very  soon  was  homesick,  sighed 
for  the  old  organization,  and  continued  to  long  for  the 
" leeks  and  onions"  of  his  political  Egypt,  until  he  got  once 
more  into  the  regular  Democratic  fold.  From  that  time  he 
has  clung  to  the  horns  of  party  with  undying  tenacity. 
During  the  War  he  did  not  side  with  the  Rebels,  but  he  dis- 
liked and  abjured  the  Administration. 

At  this  time  he  supports  the  President,  but  I  perceive  he 
aims  to  do  it  as  a  Democrat  rather  than  as  a  patriot,  and 


1866]  SAMUEL  J.  TILDEN  603 

that  he  is  striving  to  identify  the  President  with  the 
Democratic  Party  organization.  I  regret  that  he  and  other 
New  York  extremists  should  pursue  this  course.  It  will  be 
likely  to  give  strength  to  the  Radicals  and  defeat  the  Ad- 
ministration in  the  coming  elections.  Tilden  speaks  of  suc- 
cess, which  I  am  confident  he  cannot  feel.  He  and  his  party 
have,  it  appears  to  me,  alienated  instead  of  recruiting  men 
who  would  have  united  with  them,  and  thereby  given  vic- 
tory to  the  Radicals. 

The  people  of  the  North  are  not  ready  to  place  the  Gov- 
ernment in  the  hands  of  the  Copperheads/^or  even  of  the 
Democrats  who  were  cold  and  reserved  during  the  War. 
This  hostility  to  those  who  sympathized  with  the  Rebels  is 
natural.  It  is  an  honest  feeling  which  Stevens,  Boutwell, 
Butler,  and  other  reckless  partisans  are  abusing  and  striv- 
ing to  work  into  frenzy.  Had  the  Democrats  given  up  their 
distinctive  organization  and  worked  in  with  the  real  Union 
men  against  the  Radical  exclusionists,  the  President  and 
his  policy  would  have  been  triumphantly  vindicated  and 
sustained.  But  they  were  jealous  of  the  President,  feared 
that  he  instead  of  a  New-Yorker  would  lead;  and  their  self- 
ish, narrow  adherence  to  the  organization,  their  avarice 
for  power,  their  exclusion  and  arrogance,  will  be  likely  to 
destroy  them.  Perhaps  it 's  for  the  best. 

September  28,  Friday.  Webb,  the  naval  constructor,  has 
been  negotiating  for  a  relinquishment  of  the  Dunderberg, 
provided  he  refunded  the  money,  some  nine  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars,  to  the  Government.  This  morning  he  came  to 
my  house  wishing  me  to  aid  him  in  getting  an  opinion  from 
the  Attorney-General,  whether  he  could  be  permitted  to 
leave  the  United  States  with  his  vessel  after  she  was  com- 
pleted. I  told  him  the  Attorney-General  could  give  him  no 
more  light  on  the  subject  than  any  other  intelligent  at- 
torney; that,  if  not  a  naval  vessel,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  might  have  to  decide  whether  a  clearance  should 
be  given  her. 


said  Webb  had.  not  called  on  mm.  tttanbery  said  a  call  had 
been  made  upon  him.  But  S.  did  not  understand  the  ques- 
tion; said  Webb  wanted  the  vessel  should  be  guaranteed  to 
a  foreign  port.  I  told  him  he  must  have  misunderstood 
Webb.  He  thought  not,  but  Webb  tells  me  this  evening 
he  was  wholly  misapprehended. 

In  Cabinet,  McCulloch  said  he  would  give  a  clearance, 
Stanton  said  he  would  not  part  with  the  vessel;  would 
hold  on  to  her  and  let  her  rot  down  in  three  or  four  years, 
as,  being  built  of  green  timber,  she  certainly  would.  The 
name,  he  said,  was  worth  more  than  a  million  dollars  to  us. 

Judge  Holt's  case  was  again  brought  forward.  He  wanted 
the  Administration  to  indorse  him,  if  he  could  not  have  a 
court  of  inquiry.  Seward,  Stanton,  Browning,  and  Stan- 
bery  were  favorably  inclined.  It  seems  he  had  called  on 
them  personally,  and  they  represent  him  as  under  intense 
personal  excitement.  I  regretted  his  sensitiveness,  but 
remarked  that  our  naval  bureaus  were  filled  by  officers  in 
the  naval  service,  that  they  had  been  violently  assailed, 
but  we  never  thought  of  a  court  of  inquiry  or  court  martial 
in  their  cases. 

Seward  promised  to  pay  extra  outfit  for  Queen  Emma  on 
the  Vanderbilt. 

Paymaster  Paulding's  case  was  considered,  but  action 
delayed  for  the  present. 

Commodore  Jenkins  read  me  a  letter  from  McCrea  in- 
timating that  Rear-Admiral  Goldsborough  is  vexed  because 
he  was  not  made  Vice-Admiral.  I  never  supposed  that  he 
expected  it.  He  is  improperly  on  the  active  list. 

Gave  orders  for  Dahlgren  to  relieve  Pearson  of  the  com- 
mand of  the  South  Pacific  Squadron. 

September  29,  Saturday.  Seward  says  he  wishes  the 
inquiries  and  information  which  Robert  Johnson  was 
authorized  to  procure  in  relation  to  the  slave  coolie  trade 
should  be  made  by  a  naval  officer.  Colonel  J.  declines  the 


1866]  CASE  OF  COMMODORE  BARNEY'S  SON  605 

mission.  The  President  says  he  would  not  have  the  ves- 
sel detained  or  diverted  on  the  Colonel's  account.  Seward 
wishes  to  get  back  the  instructions  from  Colonel  J.  which 
were  given  him. 

Captain  Collins  sends  word  that  the  Sacramento  will  be 
ready  by  the  2d  of  October,  but  I  allow  some  days'  grace. 
Communicated  with  the  President  on  the  subject. 

Mrs.  Barney,  widow  of  Commodore  Barney,  has  pre- 
sented the  case  of  her  son  to  the  President  and  brings  it  also 
to  me.  Assumes  he  was  dismissed  unjustly.  Although 
eighty-three  years  old,  she  has  fire  and  vinegar  in  her  com- 
position; boasts  that  her  injured  son  has  the  blood  of  the 
Chases  and  the  Barneys  in  his  veins,  the  best  blood  of  the 
Revolution.  ...  I  furnished  the  President  with  the  docu- 
ments on  which  President  Lincoln  ordered  him  dismissed. 
They  were  long,  and  President  Johnson  wished  me  to  state 
the  case  and  save  him  from  reading  them.  I  did  so  briefly. 
There  were  also  unwritten  facts  of  an  aggravated  charac- 
ter which  entered  into  the  question  that  I  did  not  [com- 
municate]. 


XLIII 

Letter  from  General  Sherman  indorsing  the  President's  Policy  —  Estimate 
of  General  Dix  —  The  Case  of  Jefferson  Davis  brought  up  in  the  Cabinet 
—  The  Suppression  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment  Issue  in  the 
Philadelphia  Convention  —  Thurlow  Weed's  Power  departed  —  The 
Results  of  Political  Inaction  on  the  Part  of  the  Administration  — 
The  Removal  of  J.  G.  Bolles  from  the  Hartford  Collectorship  —  Texas 
desires  Protection  from  Indian  Depredations  —  The  Jefferson  Davis 
Case  —  Election  Returns  from  Pennsylvania  —  The  Elections  go  against 
the  Administration  —  The  President  in  Consultation  with  Chief  Justice 
Chase  —  Disturbances  in  Maryland  feared  —  General  Sherman  to 
accompany  Minister  Campbell  to  Mexico  —  Louis  Napoleon  and  the 
Mexican  Situation  —  Danger  of  War  with  France  —  Thaddeus  Stevens 
as  a  Leader —  The  Outlook  for  Congressional  Action  —  The  President's 


October  1,  Monday.  The  President  showed  me  a  letter 
from  General  Sherman,  written  last  February,  strongly 
indorsing  his  policy  and  condemning  the  conduct  of 
Stevens  and  Sumner.  It  was  written  from  St.  Louis.  Could 
it  be  published  at  this  time,  it  would  do  much  good.  He 
asked  my  opinion  in  regard  to  its  publication,  as  Sherman 
was  absent  on  the  Plains.  The  closing  paragraph,  which  was 
complimentary  to  the  President  and  expressed  the  hope 
that  he  would  be  reflected,  the  President  said  would,  of 
course,  be  omitted.  I  remarked  that  the  names  ought  also 
to  be  stricken  out  unless  he  authorized  their  use,  although 
it  would  weaken  the  letter.  I  suggested  that  he  should 
telegraph  to  Sherman  on  the  subject. 

I  regretted  to  him  that  we  could  not  communicate  unre- 
servedly and  with  a  common  feeling  in  Cabinet-meeting. 
The  President  said  it  was  unfortunate  just  now  and  was  all 
wrong,  but  did  not  say  he  would  correct  it,  although  his 
manner,  more  than  his  expression,  indicated  that  there 
would  be  a  change. 

General  Slocum  came  to  see  and  converse  with  me 


1866]  AN   INTRIGUE  OF   WEED'S  607 

relative  to  New  York  affairs.  He  has  intelligence  and  vim. 
Among  other  things  he  told  me  that  the  State  and  district 
committees  and  the  influence  of  the  strongest  men  in  that 
quarter  had  been  unable  to  remove  the  postmaster  at 
Lockport ;  that  the  Member  from  there,  who  is  in  opposi- 
tion, laughed  at  and  defied  them.  Said  he  had  an  under- 
standing with  Thurlow  Weed,  who  wanted  to  control  the 
vote  of  the  member  of  the  legislature  on  the  Senatorial 
question,  and  for  that  consideration  the  obnoxious  post- 
master, Weed  says,  shall  be  retained.  General  S.  had 
doubted  this,  but,  being  here  with  authority  to  look  into 
New  York  cases,  he  had  examined  that  of  Lockport,  where, 
indeed,  he  found  a  letter  from  Weed  stating  that  he  had 
pledged  the  retention  of  the  postmaster  to  the  Member. 

I  advised  General  S.  to  state  these  facts  and  others  to  the 
President.  Weed  is  evidently  intriguing,  not  for  the  Presi- 
dent but  for  himself  and  Seward.  There  are  circumstances 
which  satisfy  me  that  the  present  aim  is  to  get  a  legislature 
in  New  York  which  will  return  Seward  once  more  to  the 
Senate. 

October  2,  Tuesday.  Seward  to-day  was  very  urgent  that 
General  Dix,  who  has  entered  upon  the  duties  of  Naval 
Officer,  should  embark  for  France  on  the  mission  to  that 
country  which  he  has  accepted.  McCulloch  was  anxious 
that  he  should  remain  in  the  Naval  Office  a  few  weeks 
longer,  but  Seward  was  very  persistent  without  assigning 
any  substantial  reason.  I  think  I  see  the  bearing  which  the 
vacation  of  the  Naval  Office  may  have  on  the  New  York 
elections.  No  conclusions  were  come  to,  though  I  see  Sew- 
ard is  determined  and  shall  not  be  surprised  if  he  succeeds. 
I  expressed  a  wish  to  McCulloch  that  he  would  retain  Dix 
until  after  the  election.  He  said  he  would  try  to.  It  is  not 
that  Dix  himself  has  much  power  or  efficiency,  but  he  is, 
without  effort  of  his  own,  checking  the  intrigues  of  Weed, 
—  is  in  the  way  of  that  obnoxious  faction  in  New  York. 

General  Dix  is,  just  at  this  time,  apparently  popular,  yet 


608  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  2 

has  no  zealous,  earnest  friends.  He  is  a  pure  man,  I  think, 
of  reputable  scholarly  attainments,  but  without  much  force 
or  energy.  He  has  abilities  to  fill  any  station  respectably, 
but  can  give  character  to  none.  The  New-Yorkers  and  the 
country  have  for  him  respect,  but  no  enthusiastic  regard  is 
felt  for  him  anywhere.  His  most  intimate  friend  and  crony 
just  now,  who  associates  with  him  everywhere,  is  Ludlow, 
who  was  on  his  staff;  a  selfish  man,  wanting  in  the  higher 
qualities.  ...  He  wishes  Dix  to  go  to  France,  because  he 
thinks,  mistakenly,  he  may  have  a  chance  for  the  Naval 
Office. 

Attorney-General  Stanbery  brought  up  the  case  of  Jef- 
ferson Davis;  says  that  he  is  improperly  detained  at  Fort- 
ress Monroe.  If  amenable  to  military  law,  he  should  be 
tried;  if  not,  should  be  turned  over  to  the  civil  authorities. 
Thought  he  should  be  given  up  on  a  capias,  etc.  Stanton 
was  not  prepared  to  advise  that  he  should  be  given  up. 

In  the  discussion  which  took  place,  the  action  which  was 
taken  a  year  since  was  brought  up.  The  then  Attorney- 
General,  Speed,  took  ground  that  Davis  could  not  be  tried 
by  a  military  commission  and  advised  that  he  should,  for 
security,  be  retained  in  Fortress  Monroe  until  his  trial,  or 
until  a  suitable  prison  should  be  found  elsewhere. 

October  3,  Wednesday.  The  party  excitement  increases 
and  probably  will  until  the  Pennsylvania  and  other  elec- 
tions take  place  next  Tuesday.  The  prospect  is  not  cheer- 
ing, and  yet  I  cannot  satisfy  myself  that  the  shouting  and 
misrepresentation  of  the  Radicals  will  be  so  triumphant  as 
they  confidently  assume.  They  have  exhibited  more  activ- 
ity and  party  skill  and  really  more  industry  than  the  friends 
of  the  Administration.  The  issues  have  not  been  well  made 
up.  When  in  June  last  we  were  getting  up  the  call  for  the 
Philadelphia  Convention,  I  urged  that  the  Constitutional 
change,  or  Amendment  as  it  is  called,  should  distinctly  and 
emphatically  appear  as  a  part  of  the  President's  policy. 
Some  of  the  gentlemen  concurred  with  me,  but  others,  and 


1866]  DODGING  THE  REAL  ISSUE  609 

particularly  Randall,  obj  ected,  but  without  a  reason.  I  told 
the  gentlemen  they  could  not  dodge  this  issue  and  that  it 
was  weakness  to  attempt  to  evade  it;  that  it  was  the  impor- 
tant question  before  the  country,  and  the  more  they  strove 
to  get  around  and  away  from  it,  the  more  earnestly  it 
would  be  pressed  home  upon  them  by  the  Radicals.  I 
assured  them  they  could  not  escape  this  question;  that  the 
Administration  must  be  either  for  or  against  it;  that 
timidity  was  a  weakness  at  such  a  time.  All  admitted  they 
were  opposed  to  it.  "Why,  then,"  said  I,  "not  boldly 
avow  it  at  the  threshold  and  make  it  a  rallying-point  at  the 
start." 

Unable  to  succeed  by  argument,  Randall  said  he  wished 
to  have  something  for  the  convention  to  present  when  it 
assembled,  and  this,  he  thought,  belonged  to  them.  I 
maintained  we  should  call  the  convention  to  meet  for  this 
purpose  in  particular.  This  principle  and  great  advantage 
—  the  real  national  issue  —  was  thrown  away  in  the  vain 
and  delusive  hope  that  Weed  and  Seward  could,  by  feeble 
expedients,  concentrate  and  unite  the  waning  political 
elements  in  New  York  and  thus  reinstate  themselves  in 
power.  Randall  and  Raymond  were  their  tools.  Doolittle, 
honest  and  sincere,  was  hoodwinked,  and  the  President 
probably  sacrificed. 

Well,  the  result  is  that  opposition  to  the  Constitutional 
Amendment  does  not  enter  into  the  policy  of  the  Adminis- 
tration or  Union  Party.  Its  friends  are  embarrassed  by  this 
cowardly  silence.  The  true  policy  of  the  Administration  is 
sound  and  correct  and  should  be  [indecipherable]  and  pro- 
mulgated. It  embraces  opposition  to  the  Constitutional 
changes,  at  all  events  until  the  States  are  all  represented, 
but  such  is  not  its  defined  creed  or  principle.  Seward, 
Weed,  and  Randall  have  suppressed  it.  The  consequence 
is  that  in  the  very  pinch  of  the  struggle,  and  when  the 
Radicals  felt  they  were  to  be  thrown,  they  made  a  new 
issue,  and,  instead  of  openly  opposing  the  President's  Union 
policy,  they  charge  him  with  uniting  with  the  Rebels, 


610  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  3 

and  the  Constitutional  Amendment  to  prevent  Rebel 
ascendancy  is  the  great  absorbing  question.  But  the 
Constitutional  change  has  not  been  discussed,  is  imper- 
fectly understood.  Some  have  inconsiderately  given  it  a 
quasi  approval,  and  there  is  danger  that  the  Radicals 
will  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  timid  counsels  of  last 
June.  Then  Raymond  was  to  be  considered  and  concil- 
iated. When  the  great  truths  of  a  cause  are  put  aside, 
true  issues  suppressed,  to  obtain  the  support  of  any  one, 
but  especially  a  trimmer  entitled  to  no  confidence,  the 
cause  must  suffer. 

October  4,  Thursday.  Saw  Seward  this  morning.  ...  I 
asked  him  what  we  were  to  expect  from  New  York.  Said 
the  course  of  the  Times  and  Evening  Post  was  vacillating 
and  harmful  in  the  highest  degree. 

Seward  undertook  to  explain;  said  the  Democrats  had 
been  too  exacting  and  assuming,  and  so  also  had  the 
Rebels;  and,  philosophizing  on  this,  he  was  satisfied  that 
their  extreme  views  would  defeat  themselves  in  the  end. 
At  the  fall  elections  the  Administration  would  accomplish 
but  little.  We  should,  he  thought,  hold  our  own  in  Con- 
gress, but  the  contest  would  be  continued  two  or  three 
years. 

Weed  and  Raymond  have  overrefined  and  irreparably 
injured  the  cause  of  the  Administration.  In  doing  this  they 
have  also  destroyed  their  own  influence.  How  far  Seward 
is  implicated  with  them  is,  perhaps,  doubtful.  Weed  has 
been  the  tactician  and  master  mind  in  New  York  politics. 
My  impressions  are  that  Seward  was  not  advisory,  nor 
perhaps  consulted  in  the  first  twist  that  has  recently  been 
taken,  but  his  connections  with  the  men  named  are  such 
that  he  acquiesces,  and  is  now,  as  he  always  has  been, 
identified  with  them.  Weed  is  an  old  stager  and  autocrat  in 
New  York,  with  a  vigorous  intellect,  much  demoralized, 
never  very  scrupulous  and  now  wholly  unconscionable.  He 
is  fond  of  intrigue,  fond  of  power,  and  the  end  and  aim  of 


1866]    RESULTS  OF  POLITICAL   INACTION     611 

his  political  and  party  efforts  are  to  have  the  controlling 
management  in  the  State  and  Nation,  to  dispense  favors, 
and  latterly  to  secure  for  himself  pecuniary  rewards  and 
favors.  At  present  both  he  and  his  friend  Seward  are  with- 
out influence,  but  Weed  is  struggling  to  again  get  position. 
This,  he  flatters  himself,  can  be  done  by  electing  Seward 
to  the  United  States  Senate.  But  the  day  of  his  power  has 
departed  forever.  His  intrigues  cannot  effect  a  restoration. 
He  can  elect  Seward  to  nothing.  The  time  has  gone  by, 
though  he  is  unwilling  to  confess  it  even  to  himself. 

October  5,  Friday.  All  were  present  at  Cabinet-meeting 
except  Seward,  who  has  a  relapse.  Stanton  and  Randall 
afflicted  with  severe  colds.  No  measures  of  special  im- 
portance. A  board  appointed  by  Stanton  made,  some 
days  since,  a  report  on  the  New  Orleans  matter.  With 
a  different  Secretary  of  War  there  would  doubtless  have 
been  a  different  board  and  a  different  report. 

These  matters  are  paralyzing  the  efforts  and  labor  of 
the  friends  of  the  Administration,  and  working  injustice 
to  the  President  and  his  supporters.  Want  of  unity  and 
concentrated  strength  and  effect  in  the  Cabinet  is  to  be 
deplored.  I  asked  the  President,  a  few  days  since,  if  he  was 
not  aware  of  the  embarrassment  and  weakness  caused  by 
this  state  of  things,  and  whether  we  were  not  to  have  some- 
thing different.  His  answer  was  evasive,  but  to  the  effect, 
I  thought,  that  things  must  continue  for  a  time  as  at  pre- 
sent. Whether  he  deems  it  inexpedient  to  make  any  change 
until  after  election,  or  that  there  should  be  any  change 
even  then,  I  do  not  know.  He  is  very  reticent  on  these  mat- 
ters, and  I  am  not  inclined  to  press  them. 

But  the  Radicals  are  greatly  encouraged  and  animated 
by  the  absence  of  any  concerted  action  in  the  Cabinet. 
They  understand  the  situation  of  affairs  inside,  and  are 
themselves  now  known  and  active  outside.  Hence  they 
have  inspired  their  own  party  with  confidence  that  they 


612  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  5 

majorities,  and  have  in  a  measure  intimidated  many  of  our 
own.  men,  our  strong  men.  The  last  long  session  of  Con- 
gress was  devoted  chiefly  to  Radical  party  organization 
and  intrigue,  while  the  Administration  did  nothing,  and 
the  Radicals  have  now,  consequently,  extraordinary  ad- 
vantages in  this  contest.  Opportunities  have  been  lost  and 
opportunities  have  been  thrown  away.  Issues  have  been 
dodged  and  issues  not  forcibly  met.  If,  therefore,  we  hold 
our  own  we  shall  do  well.  We  might  have  had  a  decisive 
majority. 

October  6,  Saturday.  I  called  at  the  Treasury  this  morning 
to  make  inquiries  concerning  the  removal  of  J.  G.  Bolles 
from  the  office  of  Collector  of  Hartford,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Doctor  Grant.  It  was  the  work  of  Dixon  when 
I  was  absent  with  the  President.  McCulloch  was  by  dis- 
tinct understanding  to  have  notified  me  before  making 
any  change  in  that  office.  I  reminded  him  of  this.  He  was 
embarrassed,  but  I  think,  as  he  asserts,  he  acted  inadvert- 
ently in  this  respect,  not  recollecting  at  the  moment  that 
I  was  of  Hartford.  But  to  tell  me  this  frankly,  would,  he 
thought,  not  be  complimentary. 

Dixon  should  not  have  taken  such  a  step  without  con- 
sultation. Mr.  Bolles  was  a  good  officer,  correct  and  reli- 
able. I  presume  he  was  inclined  to  Radicalism,  and  not 
unlikely  threw  his  influence  quietly  for  that  party.  He 
could  do  more  in  a  silent  way  than  many  others  by  loud 
and  boisterous  activity.  His  deputy,  I  have  been  repeatedly 
told,  was  officiously  busy  and  mischievous. 

As  Bolles  and  myself  have  been  lifelong  friends  and  old 
brother-soldiers  in  many  a  political  campaign,  I  could  take 
no  part  against  him,  if  as  objectionable  as  Dixon  repre- 
sents. Nor  could  I,  nor  can  I  now,  under  Dixon's  state- 
ments, severely  remonstrate.  Yet  I  think  Bolles  would 
ultimately  have  come  right.  I  hope  he  will  still,  for  he  has 
a  good,  clear,  and  well-balanced  mind,  one  that  should 
detect  the  errors  and  follies  of  Radicalism.  But  prejudices, 


1866]     INDIAN   DEPREDATIONS   IN   TEXAS    613 

preconceived  notions,  and  unfortunate  delays  and  move- 
ments without  much  calm  investigation  have,  in  the  gen- 
eral prevailing  error  and  Radicalism  at  the  North,  warped 
his  judgment  as  well  as  others'.  They  are  for  imposing 
conditions  upon  the  Southern  States  without  ever  thinking 
whether  they  have  authority  to  do  so  and  that  their  con- 
duct is  in  direct  conflict  with  our  whole  governmental 
system.  They  are  making  our  Federal  Government,  not  of, 
or  for,  the  whole  people,  but  a  part  imposed  on  the  whole, 
—  a  section  to  govern  all. 

October  8,  Monday.  Montgomery  Blair  got  home  yester- 
day after  six  weeks'  active  electioneering,  much  of  the 
time  in  Pennsylvania.  He  is  strong  in  the  belief  that  the 
Administration  will  carry  the  State,  and  vexed  that  any 
one  should  doubt  it.  But  although  almost  all  our  friends 
from  Pennsylvania  have  equal  confidence,  I  have  not.  On 
the  contrary  I  have  felt  discouraged,  not  because  our 
cause  is  not  right,  not  that  I  have  doubt  it  will  ultimately 
prevail,  but  the  President  must  get  rid  of  the  advice  and 
influence  and  association  of  such  men  as  Raymond.  And 
there  are  also  others  in  more  intimate  relation  that  injure 
him.  I  alluded  to  these  things  with  Blair.  He  says  the 
President  is  killing  himself  politically  by  them,  and  anathe- 
matizes Seward  and  Stanton. 

October  9,  Tuesday.  Stanton  submitted  some  correspond- 
ence between  Generals  Grant  and  Sheridan  and  Governor 
Throckmorton  of  Texas  relative  to  Indian  depredations  on 
the  frontier.  The  legislature  of  Texas  has  authorized  the 
raising  of  one  thousand  troops  for  the  purpose  of  protection, 
and  wishes  the  Federal  Government  to  defray  expenses, 
etc.,  and  suggests  to  General  Sheridan  that  the  troops  now 
located  in  the  interior  of  the  State  should  go  to  the  frontier. 
Sheridan  thinks  this  unnecessary.  [Stanton]  would  leave 
the  subject  with  Sheridan,  whom  I  suspect  he  or  Grant, 
or  both,  secretly  advises  and  controls.  Stanton  speaks 


614  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [OCT.  9 

contemptuously  of  the  whole  affair;  thinks  the  statement 
of  suffering  on  the  frontier  of  little  account;  denies  that 
the  State,  or  Throckmorton,  can  raise  troops.  Stanbery 
boldly  met  Stanton  and  insisted  that  outrages,  such  as  were 
mentioned,  should  not  be  treated  lightly;  that  if  the  Fed- 
eral Government  did  not  protect  them  they  must  protect 
themselves.  The  sentiments  of  the  Cabinet  were  with 
Stanbery,  and  Stanton  feels  that  justice  and  right  were 
with  him  also,  yet  I  think  I  can  see  a  lurking  inclination  on 
his  part  to  slight  Texas,  to  permit  the  people  to  be  harassed, 
—  that  spirit  of  Radical  hate  and  oppression  which  if  not 
extinguished  must  ultimately  bring  sorrow  to  our  country- 
men. 

The  Attorney-General  reported  that  Jefferson  Davis 
should  be  surrendered  to  the  civil  authorities  whenever 
they  required  him,  and  that  notice  should  be  given  to  that 
effect.  This  notice  he  thought  should  come  through  the 
Secretary  of  War,  who  now  had  Davis  in  custody.  Stanton 
was  pretty  emphatic  in  saying  he  would  give  no  such  notice 
and  that  he  did  not  concur  in  the  views  of  the  Attorney- 
General. 

An  indictment  is  now  pending  against  Davis  in  Vir- 
ginia, but  Chandler,  the  District  Attorney  who  proposed 
it,  is  dissatisfied  with  it  and  desires  to  frame  another. 
Stanton  inquired  of  the  Attorney-General  if  he  did  not 
intend  to  give  the  subject  his  personal  attention,  see  to 
framing  the  indictment,  preparing  the  case,  etc.  Stanbery 
said  he  did  not.  A  sharp  debate  ensued. 

My  impressions  are  that  Attorney-General  Speed  in- 
tended to  take  this  case  in  hand  himself,  but  the  President 
tells  me  that  Speed  did  not  propose  to  go  into  court  with 
the  case  but  to  supervise  it.  He  had,  I  know,  corresponded 
with  counsel  who  were  to  be  associated  wth  him  in  the 
trial. 

Called  in  at  the  White  House  about  10  o'clock  P.M. 
The  President  had  about  half  a  dozen  telegrams  from 
Philadelphia,  which  gave  gratifying  accounts  of  the  results 


1866]        ADVERSE   ELECTION  RETURNS         615 

of  to-day's  voting  in  that  city.  If  the  rest  of  the  State 
comes  in  with  corresponding  gains,  Clymer  will  be  elected. 
I  am,  I  confess,  agreeably  disappointed  in  Philadelphia. 
It  has  done  better  than  I  expected;  still  I  have  doubts  of 
general  success.  We  may  gain  one  or  two  Members  of 
Congress.  It  is  reported  that  we  have  gained  the  Fifth 
District.  No  returns  from  Pittsburg  and  the  West  up  to 
the  time  I  left,  almost  eleven  o'clock.  The  President  is  in 
good  spirits  and  Randall  full  of  confidence,  —  hoping  too 
much,  for  there  is  a  good  deal  of  bad  material  and  much 
political  debauchery  in  Pennsylvania. 

October  10,  Wednesday.  The  election  returns  this  morning 
are  adverse  and  render  it  doubtful  whether  the  Adminis- 
tration will  hold  its  own.  Still  the  result,  so  far  as  I  have 
seen  particulars,  is  quite  as  satisfactory  as  I  expected.  I 
think  there  will  be  a  gain  for  the  real  Union,  or  Adminis- 
tration, cause.  Had  the  Democratic  Party  been  more  wise 
and  liberal,  the  result  might  have  been  different  and 
better.  But  there  has  been  an  attempt  to  revive  the  old 
Democratic  organization,  instead  of  joining  in  the  new 
issues,  and  to  have  very  pronounced  Democrats  —  Cop- 
perheads or  men  of  extreme  anti-War  feeling  —  for  candi- 
dates. The  rebuke  to  them  is  deserved,  but  it  is  sad  that  so 
good  a  cause  should  be  defeated  by  such  vicious,  narrow 
partisanship. 

October  11,  Thursday.  A  stock-jobber's  telegram  to  the 
Philadelphia  Ledger  has  created  some  commotion,  stating 
that  the  President  had  propounded  certain  questions, 
which  are  given,  to  the  Attorney-General,  asking  whether 
the  present  Congress  is  a  Constitutional  body.  It  may  have 
the  effect  of  setting  some  men  thinking,  and  in  that  respect 
do  good,  though  the  trick  is  of  mischievous  intent  and  will 
be  harmful.  Of  course  no  one  should  have  been  deceived  a 
moment,  for  had  the  President  called  upon  the  Attorney- 
General  for  an  opinion  on  so  important  and  grave  a  mat- 


sponuenu  ana  uouumumuateu  one  suujeai/.  DO  many  ana 
such  infamous  falsehoods  have  been  stated  concerning  the 
President,  which  men  have  believed,  or  affected  to  believe, 
that  it  is  well  they  should  be  punished. 

October  12,  Friday.  The  correspondence  between  the 
President  and  Attorney-General  respecting  Jeff  Davis  was 
directed  to  be  published. 

The  question  of  a  court  of  inquiry  for  Judge  Holt  was 
considered.  All  thought  it  inexpedient  but  Stanton.  Sew- 
ard  seemed  disposed  to  yield,  but  I  strongly  objected  and 
he  held  his  own. 

October  13,  Saturday.  I  read  yesterday  to  the  President 
a  letter  to  Admiral  Charles  H.  Bell,  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard, 
relative  to  the  employment  of  Secessionists  and  exclusion- 
ists  in  the  Navy  Yard,  and  especially  to  the  exclusion  of 
Union  men.  He  gave  it  his  decided  approval;  said  there 
was  no  other  course  to  pursue. 

Senator  Sumner  has  sent  me  his  speech,  —  he  delivers 
one  annually.  This  one  does  him  no  credit.  Is  not  frank 
and  truthful  and  honest,  —  traits  that  I  have  heretofore 
awarded  him,  though  pedantic  and  somewhat  fanatical,  as 
well  as  always  egotistical. 

November  17,  Saturday.  Several  weeks  have  elapsed, 
and  many  interesting  incidents  have  gone  which  I  wished 
to  note,  but,  employed  through  the  days  and  until  late  at 
night,  have  not  had  the  time.  The  fall  elections  have 
passed,  and  the  Radicals  retain  their  strength  in  Congress. 
False  issues  have  prevailed.  Nowhere  have  the  real  polit- 
ical questions  been  discussed.  Passion,  prejudice,  hate  of 
the  South,  the  whole  South,  were  the  Radical  element  and 
ailment  [sic]  for  reestablishing  the  Union.  Equal  political 
rights  among  the  States  are  scouted,  toleration  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  South  denied.  The  papers  and  orators  appealed 


1866]  A   MISMANAGED  CAMPAIGN  617 

to  the  Northern  public  to  know  if  they  would  consent  to 
have  the  Rebels  who  had  killed  their  fathers,  brothers,  sons, 
etc.,  brought  into  power.  President  Johnson  was,  and  is, 
denounced  as  a  traitor  because  he  does  not  repel  and  perse- 
cute the  beaten  Rebels.  The  passions  of  the  people  are 
inflamed  to  war  heat  against  the  whole  South  indiscrimin- 
ately, while  kindness,  toleration,  and  reason  are  discarded 
and  the  Constitutional  changes  and  all  real  political  ques- 
tions are  ignored. 

The  Democrats,  with  equal  folly  and  selfishness,  strove 
to  install  their  old  party  organization  in  force,  regardless 
of  the  true  interest  of  the  country.  They  saw  the  weakness 
and  wickedness  of  the  Radical  majority  in  Congress  and 
believed  that  they  had  committed  suicide.  The  public 
was  dissatisfied  with  the  course  pursued  by  Congress  and 
rejoiced  that  the  Philadelphia  Convention  was  called.  In 
that  convention,  so  unfortunately  mismanaged  from  its 
inception,  and  in  subsequent  meetings,  the  Democrats  pre- 
dominated, and  they  narrowed  the  contest  down  to  an  at- 
tempt to  fortify  and  intrench  their  old  organization,  not 
aware  that  the  once  proud  party  had  made  itself  odious 
by  its  anti-War  conduct  and  record.  The  consequence 
has  been  that  instead  of  reinstating  themselves  they  have 
established  the  Radicals  more  strongly  in  power.  - 

Never  was  a  political  campaign  so  poorly  managed. 
When  the  call  was  preparing  for  the  Philadelphia  Conven- 
tion, I  urged  that  the  real  issues  should  be  embraced,  for 
otherwise  the  Administration  would  be  placed  at  a  disad- 
vantage, and  charged,  in  the  absence  of  avowed  principles, 
with  a  coalition  with  Rebels  for  power.  We  were,  I  told 
them,  throwing  away  an  opportunity.  We  could,  on  the 
proposed  revolutionary  Constitutional  changes,  meet  and 
whip  the  Radical  faction,  whereas  if  we  omitted  any  allu- 
sion to  them  and  evaded  the  true  test,  there  would  be 
a  general  scramble,  in  which  the  Radicals  would  have  the 
advantage,  for  they  had  been  organizing  and  preparing  for 
the  contest.  But  Postmaster-General  Randall  and  others, 


618  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  17 

secretly  prompted  by  Seward,  were  unwilling  to  take  an 
open,  bold  stand.  They  wanted  to  satisfy  Raymond  and 
the  calculating  party  trimmers,  and  so  let  themselves  down. 

We  ha,ve;  therefore,  had  elections  without  any  test, 
statement,  or  advocacy  of  principles,  except  the  false  one 
that  the  Radicals  have  forced,  that  the  Administration  had 
united  with  the  Rebels.  It  was  a  contention  of  partisans, 
striving  for  the  ascendancy.  The  President's  friends  were 
willing  to  support  him  and  sustain  his  policy  in  the  elec- 
tions if  they  could  get  at  the  question,  but  a  large  portion 
of  them  would  not  vote  to  restore  the  old  obnoxious  Demo- 
crats to  power  on  old  issues. 

Now  that  the  elections  are  over  on  this  superficial, 
evasive,  and  skulking  fight,  this  after-war  feeling  which  has 
been  prolonged  and  renewed  for  party  purposes  on  the  one 
hand,  and  this  pitiful  attempt  to  revive  a  defunct  and  de- 
servedly defeated  organization  on  the  other  hand,  the  Rad- 
icals say  the  people  have  decided  on  the  Constitutional 
questions  and  indorsed  the  changes,  when  in  fact  they  were 
never  brought  out. 

Senator  Grimes  writes  me  that  if  the  President  does  not 
take  the  present  terms,  harder  ones  will  be  proposed,  — 
that  never  was  more  leniency  shown  to  conquered  by  con- 
querors. These  are  the  sentiments  and  views  of  our  pro- 
minent legislators  and  statesmen. 

I  replied  that  the  beaten  Rebels  were  our  countrymen, 
amenable,  individually,  to  our  laws;  that  as  many  as  might 
be  thought  proper  could  be  tried  and  punished  if  found 
guilty.  That,  the  Rebellion  being  suppressed,  no  terms 
could  be  made,  for  no  authority  existed  on  their  part  to  ap- 
point negotiators,  as  would  be  the  case  had  we  conquered 
a  foreign  country.  Here  the  Constitution  and  laws  must 
do  the  work.  If  they  are  weak  and  insufficient,  the  fault 
was  ours  as  much  as  theirs,  and  we  must  do  the  best  we  can 
under  the  circumstances. 

But  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  reason  with  embittered 
partisans.  The  great  scheme  of  the  Radicals  is  to  inflict 


1866]         THE   PRESIDENT  AND   CHASE          619 

vengeance  on  the  whole  South  indiscriminately,  regard- 
less of  their  legal  and  constitutional  rights.  This  was  the 
steady  aim  of  the  centralists  through  the  whole  of  the  late 
long  session;  this  is  their  present  purpose,  though  such  a 
scheme  is  subversive  of  the  Government  and  the  Union. 

Seward  said  to  me  yesterday  before  the  Cabinet  session 
commenced,  though  most  of  the  Cabinet  and  President 
were  present,  that  I  must  look  out,  for  he  had  invited  Ran- 
dall and  Browning,  and  I  think  he  said  McCulloch,  to  meet 
him  at  the  President's  room  on  the  matter  of  an  appoint- 
ment, and  they  found  Chief  Justice  Chase  closeted  with 
the  President.  This  may  have  been  all  accidental,  but 
there  are  some  things  which  lead  me  to  suppose  that  it  is  a 
plan  to  beguile  the  President  and  induce  him  to  yield  to  the 
Radicals.  Stanton  was  not  present,  nor  was  it  necessary, 
for,  absent  or  present,  he  is  not  in  principle  or  policy  with 
the  President.  It  would  not  have  been  advisable  to  have 
had  me  present,  for  I  am  more  decided  against  the  whole 
scheme  of  changing  and  subverting  the  Constitution  than 
the  President  himself.  We  two  —  Stanton  on  one  side  and 
I  on  the  other — were  not  there.  Stanbery  is  in  New  York. 
I  made  no  inquiry  as  to  the  subject-matters  of  discussion. 
They  may  have  related  exclusively  to  Jeff  Davis;  they  may 
have  related  to  Reconstruction  and  reconciliation  with 
the  Radicals.  But  Chase  has  just  now  scarcely  more  influ- 
ence than  Seward.  He  cannot  strengthen  nor  change  the 
President  when  he  knows  he  is  right. 

General  Dix  called  on  me  this  P.M.  He  leaves  next  Sat- 
urday for  France.  He  says  the  Democratic  leaders,  many 
of  them,  now  see  their  error  in  striving  to  make  their  organ- 
ization the  great  end,  but  it  is  too  late.  They  made  too 
much  haste.  Peace  Democrats  cannot  be  popular  favorites 
at  present,  nor  can  they  recruit  or  build  up  a  successful 
party  with  such  candidates. 

The  Radicals  have  elected  General  Butler  to  Congress  in 
a  district  of  which  he  was  not  a  resident.  The  Democrats 
in  New  York  have  elected  Morrissey,  the  boxer  and  gam- 


620  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [NOV.  17 

bier,  to  Congress.  It  is  not  creditable  that  either  of  these 
men  should  have  been  elected.  It  shows  the  depravity  of 
parties  and  the  times.  Two  negroes  have  been  elected 
to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  not  for  talents,  ability, 
or  qualifications,  but  because  they  are  black.  Had  they 
been  white,  no  one  would  have  thought  of  either  for  the 
position. 

In  Maryland  a  strange  contest  was  carried  on.  The  Rad- 
icals set  the  laws  and  the  authorities  aside  and  denounced 
the  Unionists  as  revolutionists.  The  legal  commissioners 
were  imprisoned  until  after  the  election,  and  the  illegal 
ones  were  kept  in  place.  When  the  election  was  over  and 
the  Radicals  were  beaten,  the  judge  ordered  the  legitimate 
commissioners  to  be  freed,  pronounced  their  election  legal, 
and  commanded  the  Radical  commissioners  to  vacate. 

Forney  in  the  Chronicle,  and  other  Radical  editors,  de- 
nounced the  Governor  (Swann)  and  the  law-abiding  people 
of  Maryland  and  called  on  the  Radicals  of  other  States  to 
be  prepared  to  assist  in  putting  down  the  State  author- 
ities. The  President  felt  concerned  and  anxious.  If  there 
was  riot  and  bloodshed  and  the  United  States  troops  were 
not  there  under  such  warning,  he  would  be  blamed,  but  if 
he  were  to  send  troops  there,  he  would  be  accused  of  trying 
to  control  the  election  by  military  force.  On  inquiry  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  he  said  there  were  but  eighty-three  sol- 
diers in  Fort  McHenry.  It  was  known  there  were  over  five 
hundred  disbanded,  but  armed,  negro  soldiers  in  Baltimore. 
The  President  and  Cabinet,  with  the  exception  of  Stanton, 
who  has  withdrawn  the  troops  and  is  in  conspiracy  with 
the  exclusionists,  thought  there  should  be  additional 
troops  in  the  vicinity. 

I  met  Stanton  at  the  President's  this  morning,  after  this 
discussion,  and  asked  him  what  was  done.  He  said  he 
should  send  General  Grant  to  Baltimore;  General  Canby 
has  been  there. 

During  all  this  discussion  of  days  and  weeks,  Governor 
Swann  came  once  or  twice  a  week  to  Washington  to  confer 


1866]  SHERMAN   GOES  TO   MEXICO          621 

with  the  President  and  Judge  Bond,  the  leading  Radical, 
and  was  as  often  at  the  War  Department  to  consult  Stan- 
ton.  While  the  President  sustained  the  Governor,  they 
were  both  defeated  and  tricked  by  the  audacious  and  ille- 
gal conduct  of  Bond  and  his  advisers. 

It  was  concluded  in  October  to  send  Campbell,  our 
Minister  to  Mexico,  to  that  country.  Instructions  were 
duly  prepared  and  read  to  the  Cabinet,  General  Grant, 
who  has  been  zealous  on  that  subject,  being  present.  It 
was  stated,  and  the  instructions  so  expressed,  that  Grant 
should  accompany  the  Minister.  But  after  the  instructions 
had  been  read  and  discussed,  General  Grant  said  he  did 
not  think  it  expedient  for  him  to  go  out  of  the  country. 
Stanton  had  expressed  this  idea  at  the  preceding  meeting, 
when  the  instructions  were  first  read.  The  President  was 
surprised  and  a  little  disconcerted.  He  could  not  fail  to 
see  there  was  an  intrigue.  I  think  something  more. 

General  Sherman  had  in  the  mean  time  been  sent  for 
and  it  was  rumored  that  Stanton  was  to  leave  the  War 
Department  and  Sherman  would  be  assigned  to  that  duty. 
Whether  there  was  any  truth  in  this,  or  whether  Stanton 
apprehended  it,  I  never  inquired.  If  there  was  anything 
in  it,  at  any  time,  it  was  frustrated  by  Grant,  who  cooled 
down  and  declined  to  go  with  Campbell.  He  could  not  be 
willing  to  receive  orders  from  his  subordinate,  General 
Sherman,  of  whom  he  is  jealous,  though  intimately  friendly. 
His  suspicion  has  been  excited.  The  result  was  Sherman, 
instead  of  Grant,  accompanied  Campbell. 

A  steamer  was  wanted  to  convey  them,  and  I  directed 
the  Susquehanna,  which  had  just  been  fitted  for  the  North 
Atlantic  Squadron,  to  proceed  on  this  special  mission.  In 
the  midst  of  other  duties  and  with  some  holding  back,  I  do 
not  precisely  understand  the  course  that  is  to  be  taken,  if 
others  do.  There  is  an  intention  to  recognize  Juarez  as  the 
President  of  Mexico.  It  is  hoped  he  will  meet  our  Minister 
at  Vera  Cruz  and,  pressing  the  French  War  Department,  he, 
with  Campbell,  will  proceed  to  the  City  of  Mexico.  There 


622  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  17 

is  some  of  SewarcTs  refining  and  something  Johnsonian  in 
the  scheme  and  the  sudden  change  of  Grant,  who  has 
carried  forward  the  measure,  indicating  apprehension  or 
suspicion.  It  strikes  me  as  a  party  political  contrivance, 
such  as  Seward  is  fond  of  concocting  for  effect.  A  Radical 
Congress  is  about  assembling  after  a  succession  of  party 
triumphs,  and  he  is  afraid  of  it.  This  embassy  is  to  draw 
off  attention.  He  may,  however,  be  premature.  The 
French  have  not  left,  and  though  from  all  accounts  they 
are  doing  so,  Louis  Napoleon  will  not  hesitate  to  break 
faith  if  it  is  for  his  interest.  I  told  Seward  fifteen  months 
ago  that  I  had  no  faith  in  Louis  Napoleon's  honor  or  fair- 
ness. Look  at  Rome  and  at  all  his  acts. 

November  22,  Thursday.  Special  meeting  of  the  Cabinet. 
Seward  was  in  fidgets.  A  dispatch  from  John  Bigelow,  our 
Minister,  says  the  embarkation  of  the  French  troops  in 
Mexico  is  postponed  till  spring.  This  step  was  taken  some 
weeks  since,  but  we  had  not  been  consulted  or  notified.  In 
the  mean  time  Seward,  anticipating  the  departure  of  the 
French  troops,  has  sent  out  his  Minister  with  Lieutenant- 
General  Sherman  for  a  State  Department  triumph  in  re- 
establishing the  Mexican  Republic. 

The  President  and  Seward,  I  saw,  were  ready  to  take 
decisive  measures.  Seward  was  full  of  palaver,  —  had 
many  things  to  say  that  were  nothing.  The  President  was 
disturbed  and  disappointed,  but,  as  usual,  reticent. 

Seward  read  a  thunder-and-lightning  dispatch,  a  sort  of 
ultimatum,  full  of  menace  and  monitions  in  every  respect, 
as  a  telegram.  All  the  Cabinet  disapproved  of  it,  except 
Seward  and  Randall. ,  Stanton  was  very  clear  and  firm, 
and  his  position  disappointed  me.  McCulloch  and  Stan- 
bery  were  unqualifiedly  against  the  style,  language,  and 
the  whole  dispatch.  I  concurred  with  them,  which  I  saw 
annoyed  the  President.  He  and  Seward  think  a  war  or 
demonstration  against  France  for  republican  Mexico  will 
be  popular.  The  President  is  very  emphatic  and  sincere  on 


1866]       LOUIS  NAPOLEON  AND   MEXICO       623 

the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Seward  talks  much  but  cares  little 
about  it.  Randall  was  short  and  passionate.  Had  no  fear 
of  a  war  with  France;  would  send  defiance.  She  could  not 
help  herself.  Seward,  as  well  as  Bigelow,  in  his  dispatch  ex- 
pressed confidence  and  full  faith  in  Napoleon.  I  had  little. 
But  sending  out  Campbell  and  Sherman  with  parade  is 
making  them,  if  not  the  Government,  ridiculous.  Seward, 
I  think,  feels  it. 

I  am  in  doubts  about  this  stroke  of  Louis  Napoleon.  In 
not  noticing  or  consulting  with  us,  after  what  has  taken 
place,  he  has  slighted  if  not  insulted  us.  Seward  says  it 
was  an  inadvertence.  I  do  not  think  so,  but  if  an  inadvert- 
ence it  is  scarcely  less  offensive.  Whether  he  thinks  a  war 
with  us  will  relieve  him  in  a  measure  of  European  difficul- 
ties, or  whether  he  thinks  we  will  guarantee  his  Mexican 
debt,  I  know  not.  Perhaps  neither.  The  latter  seems  to  me 
most  probable.  He  was  probably  advised  by  the  cable 
telegraph  of  the  preparations  for  Campbell's  and  Sher- 
man's departure.  His  course  indicates  it. 

There  is  something  in  the  fact  that  he  cannot  withdraw 
his  troops  by  detachments,  or  at  different  periods.  They 
must  all  go  at  once  or  the  last  remnant  be  sacrificed.  Per- 
haps he  may  wish  us  to  guarantee  them  a  safe  embarkation. 

Seward  read  over  a  dispatch  to  Campbell,  advising  him 
of  the  turn  things  had  taken.  There  were  some  statements 
and  pledges  alluded  to  that  I  know  nothing  of,  and  Mc- 
Culloch,  who  walked  home  with  me,  is  equally  ignorant  of 
them.  I  apprehend  Seward,  who  seemed  to  have  had  an 
object  in  this  movement,  has  committed  himself  farther 
than  some  of  us  know  of.  Perhaps  the  President  is  aware 
of  these  committals.  I  thought  so  from  the  manner  in 
which  he  received  the  statement.  But  it  was  concluded  to 
put  off  the  Campbell  dispatch  until  to-morrow,  and  finally 
the  whole  subject  was  postponed.  There  is,  I  fear,  but  little 
statesmanship  in  this  whole  Mexican  movement,  which 
has  been  recently,  partially  at  least,  developed.  I  do  not 
believe  the  Cabinet  have  been  fully  consulted  or  even 


[IN  «J  V  . 


apprised  of  the  true  state  of  the  case.  A  great  trick  is  likely 
to  be  a  great  fizzle. 

November  23,  Friday.  General  Grant  was  present  to-day 
at  the  Cabinet-meeting,  invited  evidently  by  the  President 
by  the  advice  of  Seward.  The  Mexican  matter  was  taken 
up.  Seward  had  rewritten  his  telegraphic  dispatch  to  Bige- 
low  and  much  improved  his  yesterday's  document.  But 
Browning,  who  was  not  present  yesterday,  at  once  broke 
ground  against  this  as  an  ultimatum,  —  a  threat.  The  rest 
of  us  laughed  and  regretted  he  was  not  with  us  'to  have 
heard  the  first  paper  read.  Stanton  thought  it  an  excellent 
document  now,  with  the  exception  of  the  paragraph  inform- 
ing the  Emperor  through  Bigelow  of  our  army  instructions 
on  the  Rio  Grande.  General  Grant,  who  is  intensely  Mexi- 
can and  would  not  regret  a  little  military  action,  extolled 
the  dispatch  except  the  part  to  which  Stanton  excepted. 
Both  of  them  assigned  an  objection  that  it  committed  us 
to  do  nothing,  but  on  rereading,  it  was  clear  they  had  mis- 
apprehended it.  I  did  not  like  the  dispatch,  nor  the  aspect 
of  the  case.  Some  propositions  to  omit,  Seward  did  not 
assent  to,  thought  it  would  weaken  the  dispatch;  said  it 
was  good  writing,  prepared  with  much  care.  All  but  Sew- 
ard and  Randall  thought  the  passage  to  which  exception 
was  taken  might  as  well  be  omitted.  The  President  decided 
to  retain  it.  Stanton  and  Grant  don't  want  peace,  and  they 
influence  Seward. 

In  the  crowded  condition  of  things,  —  preparing  my 
Report  and  other  almost  overwhelming  duties,  —  I  have 
had  no  time  to  consult  any  one  of  my  associates,  nor  to 
give  this  Mexican  subject  the  reflection  it  deserves;  but 
the  whole  strikes  me  unfavorably.  Seward  has  evidently 
tried  to  be  a  little  shrewd,  to  perform  a  trick,  and  has  failed. 
The  President  has  been  drawn  into  the  scheme  and,  hav- 
ing become  committed,  is  very  earnest.  If  between  his 
earnestness  and  Seward's  performance  we  escape  without 
difficulty,  I  shall  be  glad. 


1866]      DANGER  OF  WAR  WITH   FRANCE      625 

Nothing  was  said  to-day  about  the  dispatch  to  Camp- 
bell. It  was  read  yesterday  and  dropped  without  remark, 
but  there  were  allusions  in  it  to  some  arrangement,  or  un- 
derstanding, which  are  novel  to  me.  Some  of  us  said  we 
recollected  no  agreement,  but  Seward  insisted  it  was  so, 
and,  in  a  way  which  he  often  practices,  passed  to  another 
subject.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  whenever  these  mat- 
ters are  brought  to  light  we  are  to  share  the  odium  if  there 
be  any  responsibility,  but  are  to  have  no  credit.  I  perceive 
we  shall  not  again  be  consulted  about  the  Campbell  dis- 
patch, and  it  will  be  claimed  that  we  all  assented  to  and 
approved  it. 

I  noticed  that  Stanbery  was  quiet  to-day,  though  yes- 
terday decided.  He  often  listens  to  Seward,  who  courts 
him.  Stanton  was  passive  also.  The  President,  while  he 
said  but  little,  felt  strongly.  He  has  no  apprehension  of 
difficulty  with  France.  Seward  says  there  certainly  will  be 
none;  repeatedly  declared  that  he  would  guarantee  there 
would  be  none.  My  own  impressions  are  that  there  will  be 
no  war  between  the  two  countries.  I  know  there  would  not 
be  if  a  man  of  steady  purpose,  like  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr. 
Madison,  were  Secretary  of  State.  Seward  does  not  want 
or  intend  war,  but  desires  diplomatic  success. 

Stanton  proposed  that  the  army  be  promptly  recruited 
to  the  maximum  point  and  that  six  ironclads  be  immedi- 
ately got  ready  for  sea.  Stanbery  and  McCulloch  both 
objected.  Seward  and  Randall  were  in  favor.  Stanbery 
wanted  the  subject  delayed  to  a  future  meeting.  Stanton 
said  half  a  dozen  ironclads  would  shut  up  Vera  Cruz  and 
prevent  the  French  from  reinforcing  their  army.  I  asked 
what  was  to  be  done  with  our  commerce  and  exposed  coast. 
It  did  not  appear  to  have  occurred  to  him  that  there  was 
to  be  any  fight  elsewhere  than  in  the  Gulf  and  with  French 
Mexico  if  we  had  war.  He  had  not,  in  this  instance,  been 
the  confidant  of  Seward,  but  I  am  persuaded  that  both  he 
and  Stanbery  have  been  seen  since  yesterday  by  either 
Seward  or  the  President. 


626  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  23 

To  me  it  appears  as  if  Seward  had  been  arranging  for 
a  pretty  piece  of  acting  and  had  overshot  his  mark.  The 
recall  of  Bigelow,  the  sending  out  of  Dix,  the  parading  of 
General  Sherman  with  Campbell  in  a  national  ship,  are  all 
parts  of  a  comedy  which  I  hope  will  have  nothing  tragical 
attending  it.  The  President  and  General  Grant  are  so  earn- 
est on  the  Mexican  question  that  they  readily  fall  in  with 
any  scheme  which  is  desired  to  get  rid  of  the  French.  But 
a  war  with  that  country  or  with  England  would  be  a  ter- 
rible calamity  to  us,  and  there  should  be  no  trifling  on  the 
subject.  We  could,  it  is  true,  injure  them  greatly,  but  they 
would  just  now  injure  us  more.  From  these  and  other 
causes,  therefore,  we  ought  not  to  invite  hostilities. 

The  results  of  the  elections  have  greatly  disappointed 
Seward,  and  as  he  has  little  faith  in  political  principles,  pop- 
ular intelligence,  or  public  virtue,  he  resorts  to  expedients, 
and  if  they  fail,  he  becomes  depressed.  I  am  mistaken 
if  there  is  not  much  shambling  statesmanship  in  this 
Mexican  demonstration.  If  I  am  not  in  error,  there  have 
been  some  steps  taken  of  which  most  of  us  are  not  advised. 
The  condition  of  things  does  not  suit  me,  though,  as  Seward 
says,  France  has  trouble  and  cannot  afford  to  go  to  war 
with  us.  I  would  not  tempt  or  dare  her  unnecessarily. 

November  29,  Thursday.  A  number  of  Members  of  Con- 
gress have  arrived.  Thad  Stevens  and  some  of  the  ranting 
Radicals  are  on  the  ground  early  to  block  out  work  for  their 
followers  when  they  assemble  on  Monday  next.  Thad  is 
a  very  domineering  and  exacting  leader  and  has  great  con- 
trol over  the  Radicals,  though  many  of  them  are  unwilling 
to  admit  it,  and  in  a  cowardly  way  deny  it.  Lacking  well- 
grounded  political  principles,  they  want  moral  courage  in 
the  peculiar  condition  of  affairs.  Afraid  of  Stevens,  they 
shrink  from  the  avowal  of  an  honest  policy.  Stevens  has 
genius  and  audacity  but  not  wisdom,  imagination  but  not 
sagacity,  cunning  but  not  principle;  will  ruin  his  party  or 
country,  doubtless  injure  both. 


days,  but  the  extreme  Radicals  will  press  it  if  they  have 
a  shadow  of  hope  that  they  can  succeed.  It  is  a  deliberate 
conspiracy  which  should  send  the  leaders  to  the  peniten- 
tiary. If  Thad  Stevens  can  get  his  caucus  machinery  at 
work  he  will  grind  out  the  refractory  and  make  the  timid 
guilty  participants. 

Forney,  with  his  "two  papers,  both  daily,"  and  a  scrub 
committee  which  he  and  the  Radical  leaders  have  fixed,  are 
trying  to  get  up  a  great  reception  for  the  Members  of  Con- 
gress. It  is  one  of  the  revolutionary  demonstrations,  and 
the  conspirators  have  been  counting  on  tens  of  thousands 
to  be  present,  but  the  people  are  not  all  fools.  These  at- 
tempts to  crowd  forward  extreme  Radicalism  embolden  it 
and  make  it  despotic,  but  do  not  strengthen  them  or  inspire 
confidence.  Still,  after  the  last  long  session  and  its  works, 
the  late  wretched  elections,  the  weak  men  of  this  Congress 
are  not  to  be  relied  on  for  wise,  patriotic,  and  judicious 
legislation. 

In  the  mean  time  the  President  is  passive,  leaning  on  Sew- 
ard  and  Stanton,  who  are  his  weakness.  Seward  has  no 
influence ;  Stanton  has  with  the  Radicals  but  with  no  others. 
Of  course  the  Executive  grows  weaker  instead  of  stronger 
with  such  friends. 

As  Congress  has,  by  excluding  two  States,  a  sufficient 
majority  to  override  any  veto,  there  will,  under  the  law  of 
Stevens,  Boutwell,  Kelley,  etc.,  be  strange  and  extraordin- 
ary legislation.  The  power  and  rights  of  the  Executive  will 
be  infringed  upon,  and  every  effort  will  be  made  to  subord- 
inate that  department  of  the  Government,  subject  it  to  the 
legislative  branch,  and  deprive  the  Executive  of  its  legiti- 
mate authority.  Seward  does  not  encourage  but  will  not  re- 
sist them.  Stanton,  though  subtle,  is  a  sly  Radical  prompter 
and  adviser.  Yet  there  are  no  men  in  whom  the  President 
confides  more  than  in  those  two  men.  I  shall  not  be  sur- 
prised, but  disappointed,  if  Congress  does  not  proceed  im- 
mediately to  tie  up  the  hands  of  the  President  in  every  con- 


628  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [NOV.  29 

ceivableVay,  taking  from  the  President  the  appointments 
conferred  by  the  Constitution  and  essential  to  an  efficient 
Executive,  passing  laws  regardless  of  the  Constitution,  and 
in  other  ways  turning  down  the  Government. 

This  is  Thanksgiving  Day.  A  fast,  if  either  observance 
is  religious  and  proper,  would  be  more  appropriate.  We 
may  thank  Providence  for  his  mercies  and  goodness,  but 
we  should  fast  and  lament  the  follies  and  wickedness  of 
partisans  and  speculators  who  are  afflicting  and  destroying 
the  country. 

I  have  given  my  Annual  Report  its  final  proof-reading. 
In  it  I  have  stated  facts  and  expressed  opinions  which  I 
might  have  avoided,  indicating  unmistakably  my  position 
and  views.  It  would  have  been  politic  to  have  omitted 
these  passages  in  the  usual  acceptation  of  the  term,  but  I 
feel  it  a  duty  to  my  country,  to  the  Constitution,  to  truth, 
to  the  President,  to  shrink  from  no  honest  expression  of  my 
opinion  in  times  like  these. 

November  30,  Friday.  At  the  Cabinet-meeting  the  Pre- 
sident had  his  message  read  by  Colonel  Moore,  his  Private 
Secretary.  All  expressed  their  approval.  Stanton  said  he 
should  have  been  glad  to  have  seen  an  approval  of  the 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  in  it.  I  expressed  my  grati- 
fication that  it  was  not  and  said  that  I  had  never  supposed 
it  possible  the  President  would  approve  it.  Browning  and 
Randall  were  equally  strong,  particularly  the  former.  I 
ought  not  to  say  Randall  was  equally  strong,  for  there  was 
a  halting  and  hesitation  that  I  did  not  like.  Seward's  in- 
dorsement was  formal,  from  the  teeth,  not  from  the  heart, 
but  yet,  on  the  whole,  not  against  it.  The  document  is 
sound,  temperate,  and  fine.  A  sensible  Congress  would 
receive  it  in  a  kind  and  right  spirit. 

Seward  has  never  brought  forward  his  proposed  instruc- 
tions to  Campbell.  We  shall  never  hear  of  them  again  in 
Cabinet,  unless  he  is  in  difficulty,  when  we  shall  be  charged 
with  having  known  and  assented  to  them. 


XLIV 

A  Gall  from  Charles  Sumner  —  San  Domingo  proposes  to  sell  the  United 
States  the  Bay  of  Samand  —  The  Proposal  considered  in  Cabinet  — 
The  Unsuccessful  Radical  Parade  in  Washington  —  A  Call  from  Gov- 
ernor Morgan  —  The  Michigan  Senators  —  The  Republican  Caucus  in 
Congress  —  Stevens,  Boutwell,  Grimes,  Fessenden,  and  Other  Radicals 

—  Senators  Doolittle,  Cowan,  and  Dixon  removed  from  their  Chairman- 
ships —  Senator  TrumbulPs  Character  —  Cabinet  Discussion  of  the 
Question  of  offering  the  Pope  an  Asylum  in  case  he  should  be  compelled 
to  flee  from  Rome  —  The  District  Negro  Suffrage  Bill  —  Conversation 
with  Governor  Pease  on  the  Situation  in  Texas  —  Reported  Interfer- 
ence with  North  Carolina  State  Laws  by  General  Sickles  —  The  Pro- 
posed Purchase  of  the  Bay  of  Samand,  —  The  Composition  of  Congress 

—  Reconstruction  amounts  to  Obstruction  —  Grant  mentioned  as  a 
Candidate  for  the  Presidency  —  Doolittle  disappointed  that  the  Pre- 
sident has  not  taken  his  Advice  —  Loss  of  Support  consequent  on  the 
President's  Speechmaking  —  Speechmaking  on  the  Part  of  Presidents 
and  Cabinet  Ministers  a  Mistake  —  Seward's  Mexican  Diplomacy  a 
Bungling  Piece  of  Business  —  Radical  .Members  of  Congress  visit  the 
South  —  The  Question  of  Naval  Courtesies  towards  Admiral  Tucker  of 
the  Peruvian  Navy  —  Senator  Dixon  seems  discouraged  —  Sad  Death 
of  Robert  G.  Welles. 

December  1,  Saturday.  Senator  Sumner  called  on  me  to 
pay  his  usual  visit  preceding  the  session.  I  congratulated 
him  on  his  marriage.  On  politics  and  public  matters  we 
said  but  little.  He  was  subdued  and  almost  dejected  on 
account  of  the  displacement  of  his  brother-in1law,  Doctor 
Hastings,  from  the  post  of  physician  at'the  marine  hospital. 
Says  it  was  conferred  by  Lincoln  and  Chase  as  a  slight  tes- 
timonial of  regard  for  himself.  Mrs.  H.  is  his  only  surviv- 
ing sister,  and  they  two  all  that  remain  of  nine  children. 
Of  course  I  know  nothing  on  the  subject,  —  had  never 
heard  it  alluded  to.  Of  this  he'wasVell  aware.  Said  it  was 
McCulloch's  doings,  or  the  President's,  or  both,  as  a  hit  at 
him  after  sixteen  years'  faithful  public  service. 

December  3,  Monday.  I  gave  the  President  copies  of  my 
Report  to  transmit  to  Congress.  We  had  half  an  hour's  con- 


630  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  3 

versation.  I  read  to  him  a  copy  of  a  telegram  from  himself 
in  the  fall  of  1863,  to  M.  Blair,  urging  Blair  to  see  Pre- 
sident Lincoln  and  instruct  him  to  give  no  countenance  to 
the  project  of  treating  the  States  as  Territories.  He  was 
much  pleased  with  it,  for  it  showed  him  consistent,  —  that 
then  and  now  his  principles  were  the  same.  He  gave  me  to 
read  an  autograph  letter  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  urging  that  there 
should  be  elections  of  Representatives  and  Senators  from 
the  Rebel  States. 

In  speaking  of  the  Message  and  the  comments  upon  it 
the  other  day,  I  told  him  that  Stanton  could  not  have 
spoken  of  his  approving  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment 
with  any  expectation  that  the  Message  would  be  changed 
to  approval,  yet  there  was  obviously  a  motive.  In  the  fu- 
ture those  few  words  approving  the  Amendment  would  be 
the  occasion  [sic]  or  used  with  a  class  who  were  not  friends 
of  the  Administration.  The  President  remarked  with  some 
emphasis,  * '  I  understand  that ;  I  understand  th  at  perfectly. ' ' 
If  he  understands  it,  I  am  surprised  he  does  not  correct  it. 

McCulloch  called  to  see  me  last  night  and  inquired  if 
I  had  been  requested  to  give  leave  to  the  clerks  to  join  in 
the  procession  to  welcome  Congress.  I  told  him  I  had  re- 
ceived the  request.  He  inquired  what  I  proposed  to  do.  I 
told  him  nothing  at  all.  If  any  of  the  clerks  wished  to  go,  I, 
knowing  the  object,  wished  to  know  who  they  were.  Mc- 
Culloch seemed  taken  aback  by  my  prompt  and  decisive 
answer  and  manner.  Said  he  presumed  there  would  not  be 
many  of  his  clerks  who  wished  to  go. 

Stanton  sent  me  a  note  requesting  that  I  would  meet 
him  and  Seward  at  the  War  Department.  I  went  over 
directly.  Seward  immediately  commenced  telling  me  that 
Surratt  had  again  been  taken,  was  caught  in  Alexandria  in 
Egypt.  Wanted  a  vessel  should  be  sent  for  him.  Very  im- 
portant! Would  be  obliged  if  I  would  telegraph  immedi- 
ately to  Admiral  Goldsborough  about  a  vessel.  But  I 
learned  on  inquiry  that  we  had  not  even  made  out  requi- 
sition or  done  anything  as  yet.  I,  therefore,  was  satisfied 


1866]      THE  BAY   OF   SAMANA  PROPOSAL      631 

that  I  was  not  invited  to  the  conference  for  this  particular 
reason.  He  soon  said  there  was  a  much  more  important 
subject.  The  Dominicans  wanted  money  and  proposed  to 
sell  us  the  Bay  of  Samana".  Wanted  to  know  if  I  had  not 
power  to  purchase  or  lease.  Told  him  we  leased  for  coaling 
and  supply  stations,  but  this  was  done  prudently,  carefully, 
and  at  little  cost ;  that  I  was  not  aware  of  any  statutory 
permission,  etc.,  etc.  Stanton  was  confident  I  had  the 
power.  He  got  the  laws,  read  something  indefinite,  thought 
it  sufficient.  I  did  not.  Told  them  if  such  a  purchase  was 
to  be  made  it  would  be  best  to  go  at  once  to  the  Senate. 
Seward  doubted.  Stanton  objected  to  going  to  the  Senate 
first. 

The  result  was,  the  subject  was  postponed  until  Cabinet- 
meeting  to-morrow.  In  Pierce's  Administration  General 
McGlellan  was  sent  out  to  examine  and  report  on  this  case, 
but  the  report  cannot  be  found.  Admiral  Radford,  who  has 
sound  judgment  and  a  good  deal  of  nautical  experience, 
says  it  is  the  most  sickly  hole  in  the  West  Indies,  but  that 
the  harbor  is  one  of  the  best. 

The  attempt  to  get  up  a  parade  to-day  was  a  miserable 
farce  and  failure.  Great  efforts  have  been  made  to  call  out 
a  crowd,  not  only  in  Washington  but  from  abroad.  Some 
few  came  from  Baltimore,  but  from  no  other  place.  A 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  colored  persons  were  in  the 
procession,  but  they  became  ashamed  and  disgusted.  My 
waiter,  Evans,  went,  but  says  it  was  a  "poor  fizzle." 

December  4,  Tuesday.  The  acquisition  of  the  Bay  of  Sa- 
mana"  was  the  important  question  to-day  in  Cabinet.  Sew- 
ard and  Stanton  pressed  it  strongly,  and  all  favored  it.  I 
stated  the  objections:  first,  that  it  is  very  sickly;  second, 
that  it  lies  off  the  direct  route  to  Aspinwall,  —  the  bay 
itself  being  thirty  miles  deep;  third,  but  few  inhabitants 
and  no  market;  fourth/ the  condition  of  the  Treasury. 
McCulloch  said  he  thought  it  best  to  purchase,  and  the 
President  favored  it. 


632  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  4 

Some  laugh  was  indulged  in  over  the  failure  of  Forney 
and  the  tricksters  to  get  out  a  crowd  yesterday.  Randall 
said  only  one  had  applied  to  him.  for  leave  in  his  Depart- 
ment. Seward  said  on  reaching  the  Department  yesterday 
morning  he  found  a  written  request  from  the  committee, 
and  he  immediately  notified  the  clerks  that  if  any  of  them 
desired  to  attend  they  were  at  liberty  to  do  so.  Stanton 
said  he  forbade  any  clerk  from  leaving.  Browning  said  a 
colored  boy  was  the  only  representative  from  the  Interior. 
I  told  him  no  clerk  or  employee  in  the  Navy  Department 
had  expressed  any  wish  to  go,  or  had  even  alluded  to  it. 

Seward  was  a  little  mortified  that  his  grandiloquent  gen- 
erosity and  toleration  met  no  approval.  McCulloch  said 
nothing. 

The  extreme  Radicals  in  Congress  and  some  of  their  news- 
papers are  very  vindictive  and  revolutionary.  Their  lan- 
guage in  regard  to  the  President  is  such  as  shows  the  unfit- 
ness  of  the  Members  for  their  places,  and  the  columns  of 
the  press  are  disgraceful  to  the  country.  This  conduct 
will  be  likely  to  work  its  own  course;  certainly  will  if  the 
President  does  not  temporize  under  bad  advisers. 

Grimes  and  Rice,  chairmen  in  their  respective  houses  of 
the  Naval  Committee,  called  on  me.  Both  were  pleasant. 
The  only  allusion  to  party  was  by  Grimes,  who  said  the 
elections  showed  that  the  people  were  with  them.  I  re- 
marked if  that  were  so,  they  should  by  their  well-doing  try 
to  satisfy  the  country  that  the  people  who  supported  them 
had  not  acted  under  a  mistake,  that  they  deserved  the  con- 
fidence given  them.  These  men  did  not  call  in  company, 
but  Rice  in  the  morning  and  Grimes  in  the  P.M. 

December  5,  Wednesday.  Governor  Morgan  has  called 
the  second  time  on  me  in  relation  to  a  bill  concerning  sea- 
men, originally  presented  by  Hamilton  Fish.  I  referred 
him  to  Commodore  Jenkins  as  the  officer  having  that  sub- 
ject more  particularly  in  charge,  concurring  with  him  most 
fully  that  something  ought  to  be  done. 


1866]    REPUBLICAN  CAUCUS  IN  CONGRESS    633 

I  find  that  the  Governor  has  some  compunctions,  some 
doubts  and  misgivings  concerning  the  Radicals  in  Congress. 
If  their  abuse  and  violence  have  not  alarmed  him,  they 
have  caused  him  to  hesitate.  He,  last  winter,  knew  them 
and  could  then  by  a  firm  stand  have  checked  them;  but  he 
gave  way  at  the  very  crisis,  not  from  conviction,  not  from 
principle,  but  he  had  ambition  and  he  had  not  stanch 
moral  courage  and  resolution  to  do  what  he  knew  to  be 
right.  He  has  had  no  affection  for  his  colleague  Senator 
Harris,  nor  for  Greeley,  who  wants  Harris's  place. 

The  Senate,  whilst  extreme  and  violent,  is  not  ready  to 
throw  off  all  appearance  of  decency  like  the  two  Senators 
from  Michigan.  Chandler  ...  is  vulgar  and  reckless. 
Howard  .  .  .  has  more  culture  and  is  better  educated,  yet 
he  is  an  extreme  and  unfit  man  for  Senator.  He  is  deliber- 
ately malicious.  Chandler  is  a  noisy  partisan. 

December  6,  Thursday.  Henderson  of  Missouri  yester- 
day introduced  a  resolution  " directing"  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  furnish  him  a  vast  amount  of  documents  in 
relation  to  appointments  and  employment.  The  resolution 
does  not  originate  with  him,  but  some  one  behind.  There 
is  insolence,  a  want  of  courtesy,  and  a  disregard  of  propri- 
ety in  the  manner  and  matter,  which  ought  to  be  rebuked, 
but  in  these  exciting  and  radical  tunes  it  is  best  to  keep 
cool.  Whether  to  answer  this  resolution  as  literally  as  pos- 
sible and  thereby  expose  the  folly  of  the  mover  and  the 
Senate,  or  to  quietly  lay  bare  the  object,  which  I  well  under- 
stand, is  the  question. 

At  the  Radical,  or  as  they  now  call  it,  the  Republican, 
caucus,  — since  the  Radicals  have  absolute  control  of  the  or- 
ganization, — last  evening,  the  measures  forthe  session  were 
reported  upon  and  decided,  the  minority  of  the  caucus  sur- 
rendering their  convictions,  their  duty,  and  their  oaths  to 
the  decision  of  the  party  majority.  These  men  have  no 
deference  for  the  Constitution.  Parliamentary  or  Congres- 
sional deliberation  is  trampled  under  foot,  Stevens,  Will- 


634  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  6 

jams,  Boutwell,  Kelley,  and  others  like  them  do  not  like  the 
Constitution  and  are  satisfied  that  they,  or  either  of  them, 
could  make  a  much  better  instrument.  Their  language 
and  abuse  of  the  President  are  designed  to  be  personally 
offensive  to  him  and  also  to  bring  him  and  his  office  into 
disrespect.  Some  of  his  assailants,  and  most  of  them,  are 
intuitively  and  instinctively  blackguards.  Stevens  has 
great  power  of  sarcasm.  The  private  character  of  most  of 
them  is  better  than  that  of  Stevens;  but  there  is  some- 
thing inherently  wrong,  I  apprehend,  in  each,  and  with 
Williams  a  good  deal  of  whiskey. 

Boutwell,  rebuked  and  condemned  by  some  of  his  asso- 
ciates for  his  intemperate  and  indecent  caucus  speech  ac- 
cusing the  President  of  complicity  in  the  escape  of  Surratt, 
made  on  the  floor  of  the  House  a  pitiful  half-denial  and 
half-retraction  of  his  caucus  tirade.  But  the  poor  creature 
did  not  explain  why  or  for  what  purpose  he  belied  and  vili- 
fied the  President,  who  is  honestly  and  faithfully  doing  his 
duty. 

December  7,  Friday.  The  two  houses  are  passing  resolu- 
tions of  annoyance  to  the  Departments,  calling  for  absurd 
information,  often  in  an  unwise  and  discourteous  manner. 
The  more  ignorant  and  blatant,  the  more  offensive  and 
senseless  is  the  call.  Most  of  them  that  call  on  me  say, 
"Resolved  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  be  directed"',  to 
Stanton  that  he  "be  requested" ;  a  designed  discrimination 
made  for  a  purpose.  To-day  the  President  showed  one  that 
had  been  sent  to  him,  with  a  long  preamble,  insulting  and 
false,  —  "Whereas  it  is  alleged  that  the  President,"  etc., 
etc.,  with  more  resolutions  appended.  Thus  far  the  extrem- 
ists have  been  very  violent,  coarse,  and  abusive  in  their 
language  in  caucus  and  often  in  regular  session.  The  more 
discreet  and  considerate  do  not  yield  to  this  vulgarity,  but 
they  have  not  the  stamina  to  rebuke  it.  They  do  not  ap- 
prove, but  have  not  the  power  to  be  firm  in  disapproving. 


C1 


1866]  FESSENDEN   AND  GRIMES  635 

lutionary  and  wholly  regardless  of  the  Constitution.  There 
is  manifest  intention  to  pull  the  Republic  to  pieces,  to 
destroy  the  Union  and  make  the  Government  central  and 
imperious.  Partyism,  fanaticism  rule.  No  profound,  com- 
prehensive, or  enlarged  opinions,  no  sense  of  patriotism, 
animates  the  Radicals.  There  are  some  patriotic  and  well- 
disposed  Members,  but  they  are  timid,  have  no  force  or 
influence,  no  self-reliance  or  independence. 

Fessenden  is  nominally  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  Senate, 
yet  he  is  a  mere  follower.  Grimes  controls  him,  and  has, 
without  Fessenden's  dyspepsia,  a  much  more  vigorous  in- 
tellect. Both  of  them  dislike  Sumner  and  his  extreme  views, 
yet  both  are  made  to  follow  him  and  support  his  measures 
when  pressed  to  a  decision.  Grimes  is  by  nature  jealous, 
suspicious,  and  strongly  indoctrinated  with  many  of  the 
pernicious  motives  of  old  narrow-minded  Whiggery,  of 
which  he  seems  incapable  of  divesting  himself,  although 
I  think  he  feels  that  it  narrows  his  mind  and  injures  his 
usefulness.   Fessenden,  dyspeptic  but  well-intentioned,  is 
more  influenced  by  him  than  by  any  other  man  in  the  Sen- 
ate, or  out  of  it ;  more  influenced  by  Grimes  than  Grimes  is 
influenced  by  him,  yet  they  act  in  concert  and  I  am  inclined 
to  think  with  a  purpose.  They  each,  as  well  as  most  of  the 
Senators,  have  aspirations,  and  it  would  not  surprise  me 
to  see  them  and  their  friends  combine  to  place  them  for 
the  highest  office  on  the  same  ticket.  It  will,  however,  be 
a  feeble  movement  without  the  audacity  that  is  essential. 
Sumner,  Wade,  and  Stanton  would  not  glorify  such  a 
ticket.  The  Radicals  want  different  and  more  unscrupulous 
material.  In  such  a  combination  Fessenden  would  take  the 
superior  position,  yet  his  is  the  secondary  mind.   He  is  a 
good  critic  or  faultfinder,  and  not  without  good  qualities, 
but  has  little  executive,  administrative  ability,  lacks  inde- 
pendence, self-reliance,  and  force. 

What  will  Congress  do?  is  a  question  often  put  and  never 
answered  satisfactorily.  The  Constitutional  Amendment 
cannot  be  adopted  by  the  required  majority  of  the  States. 


636  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES        [DEC.  7 

But  as  States  are  excluded  from  Congress  in  disregard  or 
defiance  of  the  Constitution,  the  same  Radicals  can  with  as 
much  authority  exclude  them  from  satisfying  or  passing 
upon  the  Constitutional  changes.  Sumner,  without  any 
pretense  of  Constitutional  authority  or  right,  has  been,  and 
is,  for  reducing  the  States  of  the  South  to  Territories  or 
provinces.  Fessenden  and  others  have  opposed  this.  But, 
at  a  deadlock,  unable  to  go  forward  and  not  manly  enough 
to  retreat,  there  seems  no  alternative  for  Fessenden  but  to 
follow  Sumner,  whom  he  dislikes  and  denounces  as  a  schol- 
astic pedant.  These  violent  proceedings  forebode  disaster 
to  the  country.  Such  shocks  must  destroy  confidence  and 
break  up  the  Union,  if  attempted  to  be  carried  out  to  its 
full  extent. 

If  the  Southern  States  should  be  put  to  the  ban  by  Con- 
gress and  declared  Territories,  the  Radicals  will  not  have 
even  then  accomplished  their  purpose,  for  Mordecai  the 
Jew  will  still  be  in  their  way.  Andrew  Johnson  must  be  dis- 
posed of  and  impeachment  must  be  effected.  This  the  less 
radical  portion  are  not  yet  prepared  for,  but  when  they 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  break  down  the  Constitution  and  the 
States,  they  will  follow  the  violent  leaders  the  rest  of  the  way. 

December  8,  Saturday.  Governor  Perry  of  Alabama, 
crafty  and,  like  some  others,  too  thirsty  for  office,  suddenly 
prepared  to  surrender  to  the  Radicals,  but  the  legislature  of 
Alabama  was  more  sensible  and  manly,  for  it  almost  unani- 
mously rejected  the  Amendment.  All  these  attempts  to 
degrade  popular  government,  to  destroy  respect  for  suf- 
rage,  have  a  purpose.  It  is  not  to  elevate  the  negro,  who 
neither  knows  nor  appreciates  the  privilege,  but  it  disgraces 
the  white  man.  The  blow  is  aimed  at  our  system  of  popular 
free  government.  In  order  to  prepare  the  public  mind  for 
their  work,  the  President  is  defamed,  traduced,  abused,  be- 
littled, and  belied.  It  is  to  lessen  him  in  public  estimation, 
and  reconcile  the  people  to  any  extreme  measure  which  the 
conspirators  may  pursue  against  him. 


1866]        SENATE  COMMITTEE  CHANGES       637 

Senator  Doolittle  called.  He  is  more  dejected  than  I  ex- 
pected. But  the  Senate,  or  the  Radical  majority  of  that 
body,  have  manifested  the  real  spirit  of  that  party  in  re- 
moving him,  Cowan,  and  Dixon  from  the  position  of  chair- 
men of  their  respective  committees  to  the  tail  end.  It  is  an 
exhibition  of  little  spite,  disgraceful  to  the  Senate  and  un- 
worthy of  men  who  assume  to  be  statesmen.  Cowan,  I  am 
told,  is  greatly  dejected  and  desponding.  Both  of  these 
men  are  amiable,  patriotic,  sincere,  conscientious  men  of 
undoubted  ability,  and  are  thus  treated  for  honest  and  cor- 
rect opinions  openly  avowed  and  for  faithfully  discharging 
their  duty.  Each  of  them,  six  months  ago,  listened  too 
credulously  to  Seward's  trimming  policy  promulgated  by 
Raymond  and  that  class  of  trimmers,  about  the  time  the 
call  for  the  convention  at  Philadelphia  was  prepared.  To- 
day they  think  of  R.  much  as  I  did  then.  But  Seward  is  on 
just  as  good  terms  with  Raymond  now  as  ever.  Cowan 
does  not  well  understand  men  and  parties  and  the  machin- 
ery of  politicians,  particularly  those  of  the  New  York 
school;  but  is  a  good  lawyer  and  a  right-minded  legislator. 
He  is  a  better  man  than  they  have  had  from  Pennsylvania 
within  my  remembrance,  but  he  is  unequal  to  a  fight  with 
Simon  Cameron  in  party  chicanery. 

December  10,  Monday.  The  great  object  and  purpose  of 
the  Radicals  in  Congress  may  be  detected  in  their  legisla- 
tion. Power  and  office.  To  obtain  these  they  do  not  scru- 
ple to  violate  their  own  professed  principles  or  to  break 
down  the  Constitution.  It  is  a  great  and  paramount  effort 
with  them  just  now  to  overthrow  the  executive  department 
of  the  government  and  assume  for  the  legislative  branch 
powers  that  belong  to  the  executive.  Short-sighted  and 
selfish,  they  seem  not  to  comprehend  the  fact  that  in  crip- 
pling the  executive  they  are  injuring  themselves  if  they 
can  ever  get  possession  of  that  department,  and  destroy- 
ing the  efficiency  of  the  Government  itself.  It  is  for  the 
interest  of  all,  and  essential  to  all,  that  we  should  have 


638  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  10 

an  Executive  clothed  with  sufficient  power  to  administer 
the  Government  and  see  that  laws  are  executed. 

Such  partisans  as  Chandler  of  Michigan  may  not  appre- 
ciate this,  but  a  cultivated  and  intelligent  man  like  Trum- 
bull  should.  He  has,  however,  so  given  himself  up  to  party 
that,  his  election  pending,  he  lacks  sagacity.  To  accom- 
plish a  present  purpose  he  looks  not  at  consequences.  In 
order  to  retain  place  himself  and  to  wreak  his  spite  against 
Johnson,  he  would  hardly  hesitate  to  abolish  the  office  of 
President.  Censorious  by  nature,  he  has  not  warm  friends, 
nor  friendship.  He  has  ability,  and  men  and  parties  are 
willing  to  avail  themselves  of  his  mental  qualities  in  their 
cause,  but  none  yield  him  affection  or  attachment.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  at  times  greatly  annoyed  by  his  selfishness, 
though  always  admitting  his  ability  if  rightly  directed. 

December  11,  Tuesday.  Seward  read  at  Cabinet  a  dis- 
patch which  he  had  prepared  to  Mr.  King,  our  Minister  at 
Rome.  He  introduced  it  by  stating  how  friendly  the  Pope 
and  Cardinal  Antonelli  had  been  in  the  matter  of  arresting 
Surratt,  the  assassin.  Said  the  French  troops  were  about  to 
be  withdrawn  from  Rome  and  the  temporal  authority  of 
the  Pope  was  to  fall;  that,  in  view  of  Italian  troubles,  sev- 
eral of  the  powers  were  to  have  naval  vessels  at  Civita 
Vecchia  and  that  a  wish  had  been  expressed  that  our  flag 
should  appear  among  them.  Mr.  King  had  advised  him 
that  two  of  the  Pope's  confidants  had  inquired  whether,  if 
the  Pope  was  compelled  to  flee  the  Papal  dominions,  he 
could  find  protection  in  the  United  States. 

Seward  replied  to  all  this  affirmatively.  Said  the  Pope 
could  come  to  this  country  in  a  merchant  ship,  and  there 
could  be  no  objection  to  his  coming  in  a  naval  vessel.  He 
could  have  an  asylum  under  our  flag,  would  be  secure  on 
board  of  our  public  ship,  and  the  naval  officer  who  should 
bring  him  to  this  country  would  receive  honorable  consid- 
eration. The  Pope  himself  would  be  welcomed  here  and 
treated  as  the  nation's  guest  by  the  people. 


1866]     THE   POPE   A   POSSIBLE  FUGITIVE     639 

The  Attorney-General,  immediately  on  the  conclusion  of 
the  reading,  complimented  the  letter,  and  said  there  were 
precedents  for  this.  Both  McCulloch  and  myself  took  ex- 
ceptions to  any  tender  or  assurance  that  he  would  be  the 
nation's  guest.  I  went  farther,  and  questioned  the  expedi- 
ency of  tendering  to  the  Pope  the  use  of  a  public  vessel.  If, 
a  fugitive  from  political  persecution,  he  fled  to  our  ship,  he 
would  be  protected,  but  I  was  not  prepared  to  advise  the 
inviting  or  giving  him  a  passage  to  our  country,  nor  did  I 
think  it  would  give  promotion  to  or  in  any  way  affect  the 
officer  who  should  feel  it  incumbent  to  receive  hirn  onboard. 
The  answer  which  Mr.  King  had  given  was  proper,  and  I 
was  not  prepared  to  go  beyond  it. 

Stanbery  said  on  consideration  there  was  more  in  this 
matter  than  he  had  at  first  supposed.  He  thought  the 
subject  should  be  well  considered.  The  tender  of  a  public 
vessel  he  thought  open  to  objection. 

Browning  was  much  opposed  to  the  whole  proceeding. 

Seward  endeavored  to  meet  and  parry  the  objections. 
He  said  in  answer  to  me  that  the  Pope  would  not  be  a  fugi- 
tive, but  would  come  as  our  guest,  as  Prince  Albert  had 
done.  I  told  him  the  Prince  did  not  come  in  our  vessel,  and 
as  to  the  Pope's  coming  as  a  fugitive,  I  read  a  portion  of  his 
dispatch,  saying  if  he  sought  our  flag  as  an  asylum  he  would 
be  protected.  That  if  he  left  Rome  it  would  be  because  of 
a  political  revolution  which  made  him  an  exita 

He  said  we  had  given  Queen  Emma  passage  in  a  public 
vessel.  I  said  he  carried  her  from  the  country  and  he  had  a 
special  object  in  doing  so.  I  could  see  no  good  that  would 
follow  to  us  by  transferring  the  Pontificate  from  Rome 
here. 

Stanbery  said  that  the  movements  of  the  Pope  had 
made  an  epoch  in  history  for  more  than  a  thousand  years. 

Seward  declared  he  would  come  here,  that  he  could  go 
nowhere  else.  England  wanted  him  to  go  to  Malta,  etc. 

Browning  had  no  doubt  the  English  would  retain  him  as 
a  prisoner,  as  they  had  Bonaparte. 


640  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  n 

Randall  hardly  expressed  an  opinion,  but  in  one  or  two 
casual  remarks  was  inclined  to  favor  Seward,  and  Brown- 
ing, on  hearing  the  dispatch  read  a  second  time,  said  that 
by  striking  out  " nation's  guest"  he  was  perfectly  satisfied 
with  it. 

McCulloch  said  the  discussion  had  strengthened  his 
opposition.  If  the  vessel  received  the  Pope  for  protection, 
he  would  not  object,  but  hoped  the  vessel  would  take  him 
anywhere  else  than  to  our  country. 

Stanton  remained  quiet  until  near  the  close,  when  he  ex- 
pressed himself  emphatically  against  the  invitation.  Said 
if  the  Pope  came  here,  the  intrigues  of  every  court  in 
Europe  would  follow  him. 

Seward  asked  postponement  until  Friday. 

December  12,  Wednesday.  Negro  suffrage  in  the  District 
is  the  Radical  hobby  of  the  moment  and  is  the  great  object 
of  some  of  the  leaders  throughout  the  Union.  At  the  last 
session  the  Senate  did  not  act  upon  the  bill  for  fear  of  the 
popular  verdict  at  the  fall  elections.  Having  dodged  the 
issue  then,  they  now  come  here  under  Sumner's  lead  and 
say  that  the  people  have  declared  for  it. 

There  is  not  a  Senator  who  votes  for  this  bill  who  does 
not  know  that  it  is  an  abuse  and  wrong.  Most  of  the  ne- 
groes of  this  District  are  wholly  unfit  to  be  electors.  With 
some  exceptions  they  are  ignorant,  vicious,  and  degraded, 
without  patriotic  or  intelligent  ideas  or  moral  instincts. 
There  are  among  them  worthy,  intelligent,  industrious 
men,  capable  of  voting  understandingly  and  who  would 
not  discredit  the  trust,  but  they  are  exceptional  cases.  As 
a  community  they  are  too  debased  and  ignorant.  Yet  fan- 
atics and  demagogues  will  crowd  a  bill  through  Congress 
to  give  them  suffrage,  and  probably  by  a  vote  which  the 
veto  could  not  overcome.  Nevertheless,  I  am  confident  the 
President  will  do  his  duty  in  that  regard.  It  is  pitiable  to 
see  how  little  sense  of  right,  real  independence,  and  what 
limited  comprehension  are  possessed  by  our  legislators. 


conspirators. 

December  13,  Thursday.  Governor  Pease  of  Texas  called. 
Is  here  as  one  of  the  Southern  committee  to  excite  the  Radi- 
cals into  the  adoption  of  measures  for  subverting  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  States  South,  and  in  that  act,  without  his 
intending  it,  aiding  in  sapping  the  Federal  Government. 
He  says  that  fully  three  fourths,  and  he  thinks  four  fifths, 
of  the  people  of  Texas  are  still  Rebels  at  heart,  enemies 
of  the  Federal  Government,  that  they  hate  the  Union 
men  of  that  State  and  would  trample  them  under  their 
feet. 

I  asked  him  if  there  were  organized  or  armed  rebellions 
in  any  part  of  the  State.  He  said  there  were  not,  but  the 
feelings  of  the  people  were  hostile  to  the  Union,  and  to 
the  Union  men.  I  inquired  how  these  feelings  were  to  be 
changed  and  the  condition  of  affairs  improved.   He  said 
the  Federal  Government  must  send  troops  there  to  control 
the  Rebels  and  prevent  them  from  grasping  all  power. 

II  In  other  words,"   said  I,  "you   think  that  one  fifth 
should  govern  the  four  fifths;  that  it  can  only  be  done, 
however,  by  force,  and  you  would  have  Federal  bayonets 
control  the  Texas  election.  This  Union  was  not  established 
by  such  means  or  on  such  principles,  nor  can  it  be  sustained 
by  such  remedies.  If  you  really  wish  to  establish  another 
and  different  government,  do 'it  openly.  Let  the  people 
decide.  If  they  wish  to  abandon  the  present  system,  let  us 
know  it.  I  am  opposed  to  change,  and  especially  to  any 
change  in  the  present  state  of  the  country." 

On  his  asking  me  what,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Union 
people  of  Texas  and  the  South  were  to  do,  I  replied:  "Be 
patient,  forbearing;  submit  to  the  majority.  Do  not  organ- 
ize against  them  and  keep  up  antagonism.  It  may  be  hard 
to  submit  to  wrong,  but  it  will  be  temporary.  Two  or  three 
years  will  bring  up  new  questions  and  soften  old  animos- 
ities. You  have  been  right  in  the  past;  continue  so  in  the 
2 


642  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  is 

future.  Don't  strive  to  get  immediate  political  party  power 
when  the  majority  is  so  decidedly  against  you." 

Without  controverting  or  attempting  to  controvert  my 
views  we  parted,  he  promising  to  call  soon  and  see  me. 

The  Texas  Senators,  Burnett  and  Butler,  came  this  even- 
ing to  see  me  and  we  had  an  interesting  discussion.  Butler, 
I  perceive,  has  been  a  Rebel.  I  told  him  I  considered  each 
of  them  liable  to  the  penalties  of  the  laws  which  they  have 
violated.  He  asked  if  I  included  those  who  were  pardoned. 
I  told  him  they  were  released. 

December  14,  Friday.  Seward's  letter  to  our  Minister, 
King,  at  Rome  was  entirely  changed.  The  whole  of  the 
exceptionable  parts  omitted.  He  did  this  with  good  grace 
and  has  the  faculty  of  doing  these  things  well. 

I  called  the  President's  attention  to  a  piece  of  informa- 
tion in  the  newspapers,  to  the  effect  that  General  Sickles 
had  issued  an  order  prohibiting  the  authorities  of  North 
Carolina  from  inflicting  corporal  punishment  under  the 
State  laws.  The  President  said  he  had  no  official  informa- 
tion on  the  subject.  Seward  was  for  passing  at  once  to 
other  topics,  and  so  was  Randall,  but  the  President  held 
on.  I  insisted  if  any  such  order  had  been  given  it  ought  to 
be  immediately  revoked  and  the  officer  rebuked.  I  should 
wish  him  withdrawn.  It  looked  to  me  like  one  of  many 
steps  which  I  had  seen  taken  to  strengthen  the  Radicals  in 
their  wild  schemes.  Efforts  are  now  being  made  to  terri- 
torialize the  States,  and  it  would  be  claimed  that  a  Federal 
officer  acting  under  orders  of  the  Administration  had  set 
aside  the  laws  of  the  State  which  were  repugnant  to 
public  sentiment  elsewhere.  I  would  attempt  no  defense 
of  the  laws  and  policy  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  but 
a  Federal  officer  must  not  assume  to  abolish,  repeal,  or 
modify  them. 

December  15,  Saturday.  Seward  sent  his  carriage  for  me 
this  morning.  Read  me  Bigelow's  letter  from  Paris,  and, 


1866]    THE  PROPOSED  SAMANA  PURCHASE    643 

after  talking  over  French  matters,  went  on  to  the  subject 
of  purchasing  the  Bay  of  Samana".  He  detailed  his  opera- 
tions, how  he  had  seen,  first,  Thad  Stevens,  then  Fessenden, 
then  Grimes,  and  had  got  each  of  them  enlisted.  I  told  him 
that  the  more  I  had  examined  the  question,  the  more  disin- 
clined I  was  to  purchase,  especially  at  the  price  he  named, 
—  two  millions.  I  thought  if  it  was  decided  we  should 
obtain  the  Bay,  it  could  be  procured  for  half  that  sum.  He 
said  he  did  not  doubt  it,  but  then  we  ought  to  be  liberal 
and  not  take  advantage  of  a  poor,  weak  neighbor  who  was 
in  need.    The  two  Senators  and  Stevens,  he, says,  are 
zealous  for  the  purchase  and  at  the  price  mentioned.   He 
intended  sending  his  son,  Mr.  F.  W.  Seward,  and  desired 
Vice- Admiral  Porter,  who  twenty  years  ago  was  sent  out 
by  Bancroft,  to  accompany  him,  for  he  wished  this  to  be 
considered  a  naval  affair.  I  did  not, ^and  so  informed  him. 
It  presents  no  advantages  for  a  naval  station,  is  two  hun- 
dred miles  off  the  direct  route,  there  is  no  market,  no  popu- 
lation, the  place  is  sickly,  etc.  There  are,  he  says,  political 
reasons.  These  I  could  not  affirm  nor  deny,  not  knowing 
to  what  he  alluded,  unless  it  be  the  negro  element  there 
and  here. 

My  impression  is  that  Seward  is  making  use  of  the 
opportunity  to  get  on  terms  with  Stevens,  Fessenden,  and 
other  Radicals  of  different  shades  and  to  have  a  sensation 
which  will  divert  attention.  There  is  no  object,  naval  or 
commercial,  in  getting  Samand. 

December  17,  Monday.  The  ironclad  steamer  Ironsides 
was  burnt  last  night  at  League  Island  in  the  Delaware.  It 
must  have  been  the  work  of  an  incendiary. 

Vice-Admiral  Porter,  for  whom  I  sent  on  Saturday,  came 
over  from  Annapolis  this  morning.  He  concurred  with  me 
in  every  particular  about  Samana",  except  he  gives  me  the 
further  objectionable  facts  that  the  entrance  is  difficult  and 
the  bay  easily  blockaded.  At  first  he  was  very  decided 
against  going,  but  after  an  interview  with  Seward  he 


644  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  17 

changed  his  mind.  Have  ordered  the  Gettysburg  around  to 
Annapolis  for  them  to  embark. 

December  IS,  Tuesday.  Stanton  was  not  at  Cabinet.  Had 
not  yet  returned.  Discussed  the  subject  of  Samana.  Re- 
peated my  views  in  opposition.  Seward  was  a  little 
annoyed.  But  the  project  goes  on. 

President  submitted  the  order  of  General  Sickles  order- 
ing the  suppression  of  State  laws  in  that  military  depart- 
ment which  inflict  corporal  punishment  for  crime,  —  al- 
luded to  last  week.  All  agreed  that  it  was  improper  and 
an  unauthorized  assumption.  Seward  said  we  had  many 
difficulties  on  hand  and  he  proposed  that  this  should  be 
turned  over  to  General  Grant  with  instructions  to  quietly 
dispose  of  the  subject.  I  objected  and  thought  that  the 
Executive  should  not  be  ignored  or  shrink  from  duty,  nor 
would  I  quietly  or  secretly  get  rid  of  the  matter,  close 
my  eyes  to  so  flagrant  assumption.  McCulloch  concurred 
with  me,  and  so  of  the  others.  Randall  did  not  know  but 
Mr.  Seward's  suggestion  was  best. 

December  21,  Friday.  The  Supreme  Court  has  decided 
against  military  commissions  for  the  trial  of  civil  offenses. 
It  was,  I  think,  no  surprise  upon  any  of  us,  and  I  think  not 
more  than  one  regretted  it.  The  President  was  gratified. 

December  24,  Monday.  Most  of  the  Members  of  Congress 
have  gone  home  or  abroad  on  excursions  free  of  expense, 
a  popular  way  of  traveling  recently  introduced  by  free 
passes  and  passages,  i  It  is  a  weak  and  factious  Congress, 
the  most  so  of  any  I  have  ever  known.  There  is  less  states- 
manship, less  principle,  less  honest  legislation  than  usual. 
There  is  fanaticism,  demagogism,  recklessness.  The  Rad- 
icals, who  constitute  more  than  three  fourths,  are  managed 
and  controlled  by  leaders  who  have  no  more  regard  for  the 
Constitution  than  for  an  old  almanac,  and  the  remaining 
fourth  are  mostly  party  men,  not  patriots.  There  are  but 


1866]      THE   COMPOSITION  OF   CONGRESS     645 

few  who  have  a  right  comprehension  of  the  organic  law  and 
our  governmental  system.  There  are  a  few  good,  conscien- 
tious men,  but  no  great  and  marked  mind  looms  up  in 
either  house.  It  seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  that  Con- 
gress is  omnipotent  and  without  limitation  of  powers.  A 
proposition,  introduced  by  Thad  Stevens,  for  reducing 
the  old  State  of  North  Carolina  to  a  Territory  was  quietly 
received  as  proper  and  matter-of-course  legislation.  By 
what  authority  or  by  what  process  this  is  to  be  brought 
about  is  not  stated  nor  asked.  To  break  down  the  States, 
to  take  all  power  from  the  Executive,  to  cripple  the  Judici- 
ary and  reconstruct  the  Supreme  Court,  are  among  the 
principal  objects  of  the  Radical  leaders  at  this  time.  Four 
fifths  of  the  Members  are  small  party  men,  creatures  of 
corner  groceries,  without  any  knowledge  of  the  science 
of  government  or  of  our  Constitution.  With  them  all  the 
great,  overpowering  purpose  and  aim  are  office  and  patron- 
age. Most  of  their  legislation  relates  to  office  and  their 
highest  conception  of  legislative  duty  has  in  view  place 
and  how  to  get  it. 

The  talk  and  labor  are  of  Reconstruction,  for  this  is  the 
engine  by  which  they  hold  power,  yet  not  a  man  among 
that  great  number  of  elected  Radicals  appears  to  know  or 
be  able  to  define  what  he  means  by  Reconstruction.  The 
States  were  for  a  time,  while  the  Rebellion  was  going  on, 
antagonistic.  Those  in  rebellion  were  out  of  their  proper 
relation  to  the  Government.  But  the  Rebellion  has  been 
suppressed.  War  has  ceased  and  those  of  our  countrymen 
who  were  in  arms  are,  and  have  been  for  eighteen  months, 
pursuing  their  peaceful  avocations.  Each  State  has  its 
executive,  its  legislative,  and  its  judicial  departments,  and 
the  whole  machinery  of  government  is  in  full  operation; 
the  State  and  municipal  laws  are  in  force;  everything  in 
each  of  the  States  is  as  perfect  and  complete  as  it  was  ten 
years  ago  before  the  Rebellion,  saving  and  excepting  then- 
right  to  representation  in  Congress,  which  is  denied  them 
by  the  Radicals  who  want  to  reconstruct  and  govern  them. 


646  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  24 

There  is  nothing  to  re-construct.  If  Congress  will  forbear 
longer  to  obstruct,  the  country  will  move  on  quietly  and 
prosperously. 

Senator  Doolittle  dined  with  me  on  Saturday,  and  after 
dinner  we  walked  over  to  the  President's.  He  was  alone  and 
appeared  dejected.  My  impression  was  that  domestic  more 
than  public  cares  were  troubling  him.  He  is  very  affection- 
ate and  his  attention  and  tenderness  towards  his  children 
are  remarkable.  In  answer  to  my  inquiry  after  a  few  min- 
utes' conversation  he  said  he  was  not  very  well,  had  caught 
some  cold. 

We  spent  nearly  two  hours  with  him  and  went  over  the 
current  topics  and  discussed  men  and  things  generally. 
Doolittle,  who  is  desponding  since  the  election,  in  which  he 
commenced  wrong  but  labored  so  earnestly,  dwelt  some- 
what on  General  Grant,  and  regretted  that  the  President 
had  not,  months  since,  placed  him  in  charge  of  the  War 
Department  and  thus  identified  him  with  the  Administra- 
tion. In  two  or  three  ways  he  brought  out  this  idea.  While 
the  President  evidently  understood  D.,  he  did  not  -respond, 
but  gave  the  subject-matter  a  sanction,  which  left  every- 
thing in  statu  quo.  D.  was  disappointed  and  dwelt  on  the 
fact  that  the  Radicals  were  wanting  to,  and  would,  make 
him  their  candidate.  The  President  seemed  indifferent  to 
the  fact  and  evidently  did  not  intend  to  permit  himself 
to  be  annoyed  by  it;  yet  I  am  convinced  he  watches  these 
matters  closely. 

Something  was  said  of  Hillyer,1  who  is  now  here  and  who 
is  one  of  Grant's  pets.  He  believes  Grant  is  to  be  a  candi- 
date at  the  next  election.  This  brought  up  the  subject  of 
Grant's  short,  sharp  letter  to  H.  rebuking  him  for  presum- 
ing to  give  his  (G.'s)  opinion,  saying  that  neither  he  nor  any 
other  person  was  authorized  to  speak  for  him  on  political 
questions.  Doolittle  says  the  rebuke  was  intended  for 
Grant's  father,  who  had  been  induced  by  the  Radicals  to 

1  General  William  S.  Hillyer,  an  old  friend  of  Grant's  and  a  member,  of 
his  staff. 


write  a  weak  party  letter.  I  recollect  the  letter  and  that  it 
did  not  square  with  the  views  which  the  old  gentleman  ex- 
pressed to  me  at  Cincinnati  shortly  before  it  was  written. 

Before  we  left,  the  President  became  quite  animated. 
The  subject  of  impeachment,  which  was  slightly  discussed, 
gave  the  President  no  concern  whatever. 

Although  the  President  was  calm  and  firm  as  usual,  Doo- 
little  derived  little  satisfaction  from  the  interview.  He  has 
an  impression,  I  perceive,  that  the  President  does  not 
frankly  give  him  the  confidence  to  which  he  thinks  from 
his  merits  and  service  he  is  entitled.  That  the  President 
has  not  always  heeded  Doolittle's  advice,  and  that,  too, 
when  the  advice  was  wise  and  correct,  I  have  no  doubt;  but 
the  President  took  a  different  view,  —  mistaken,  I  think. 
Doolittle  tells  me  he  wrote  the  President  a  letter  on  the 
morning  of  the  22d  of  February,  knowing  there  was  to  be 
a  gathering  which  would  call  at  the  White  House,  entreat- 
ing him  not  to  address  the  crowd.  But,  said  D.,  he  did 
speak  and  his  speech  lost  him  two  hundred  thousand  votes. 
Again,  being  at  Rochester  when  the  President  commenced 
his  journey  to  Chicago,  Doolittle  says  he  wrote  him  at 
Albany,  beseeching  him  to  make  no  public  speeches  on  his 
tour.  But  again  his  advice  was  unheeded,  and  again  a  loss 
of  votes  was  the  consequence. 

Concurring,  as  I  most  sincerely  do,  with  D.  in  the  opin- 
ion that  the  President  lost  support  from  his  speeches,  I 
nevertheless  endeavored  to  satisfy  Doolittle  that  it  was 
not  a  disregard  of  his  injunction  and  advice,  but  a  mistaken 
belief  that  he  could  strengthen  his  position  by  addressing 
the  people,  not  remembering  apparently  that  he  could  see 
but  few  comparatively.  His  speeches,  though  assailed  and 
ridiculed,  were  sound  and  patriotic.  They  were  essentially 
but  one  speech  often  repeated.  Though  poorly  reported, 
and  often  misreported  and  misrepresented,  the  speech 
would  do  him  no  discredit  as  a  patriot  and  statesman.  And 
it  was  by  stump  speeches  and  addressing  crowds,  meeting 
the  people,  opposers  as  well  as  friends,  face  to  face,  that  he 


648  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES      [DEC.  24 

had  risen,  and  in  that  was  his  strength  in  Tennessee,  where 
they  had  few  papers  and  critics,  and  where  a  good  speech 
might  be  repeated  to  numerous  assemblages.  Hence  he  had 
misjudged  and  miscalculated  the  effect  of  his  speech  or 
speeches,  and  the  constant  repetition  along  his  route.  A 
multitude  of  thousands  who  might  listen  and  agree  with 
him  in  Washington,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  etc.,  would 
not  remain  stable  and  firm  under  the  batteries  and  assaults 
of  a  vicious,  virulent,  and  violent  party  press,  which  day 
after  day,  week  after  week,  and  month  after  month  made 
it  a  business  to  belie  and  defame  him.  He  would  not  de- 
fend himself,  nor  would  his  friends  defend,  explain,  and 
strengthen  him  by  referring  to  his  Tennessee  practice. 

No  President,  no  Cabinet  Minister  should  address  pro- 
miscuous crowds  on  excited  controverted  questions.  If  they 
ever  speak,  their  thoughts  should  be  carefully  prepared  and 
put  on  paper;  but  it  is  better  not  to  speak  publicly  at  all.  I 
have  so  expressed  myself  to  both  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Johnson.  The  former  used  to  say  he  knew  it  was  "risky," 
that  he  disliked  it,  but  knew  not  how  he  could  always  es- 
cape, and  he  generally  tried  to  get  his  thoughts  in  writing. 
President  Johnson  always  heard  my  brief  suggestions  qui- 
etly, but  manifestly  thought  I  did  not  know  his  power  as 
a  speaker. 

Henry  Clay  was  the  most  popular  orator  of  his  time  in 
our  country,  but  his  speeches  while  Secretary  of  State  in- 
jured rather  than  aided  the  Administration  of  J.  Q.  Adams. 
No  public  harangue  from  any  President  or  Cabinet  officer 
ever  strengthened  an  administration.  The  speeches  of 
Seward  have  always  been  harmful,  have  injured  him  and 
his  friends  and  particularly  the  Chief  Magistrates  under 
whom  he  served.  He  knows  my  opinion  of  his  speeches 
while  Secretary,  and  I  have  reason  to  suppose  he  thinks 
more  of  that  opinion  now  than  formerly.  I  trust  the  same 
is  the  case  with  President  Johnson. 

Seward's  Mexican  diplomacy  continues  a  muddle,  as  it 
has  been  from  the  beginning.  Still  he  continues  to  get  off 


1866]      SEWARD'S  MEXICAN   DIPLOMACY      649 

from  his  blunders,  mistakes,  and  mismanagement  without 
serious  exposure  or  attack.  There  is  really  no  great  mind 
in  Congress  to  grasp  the  questions.  Sumner  in  the  Senate 
and  Banks  in  the  House,  chairmen  of  Foreign  Relations, 
will  not  do  much.  Sumner  is  a  scholar,  reads  and  listens, 
is  easily  flattered  and  persuaded.  Banks  knows  little  of  our 
foreign  policy  and  is  a  convenient  instrument,  will  eat  the 
Secretary's  dinners  and  drink  his  wines. 

The  steamer  Susquehanna  has  reached  New  Orleans 
with  General  Sherman.  Campbell  was  left  at  Brazos,  Point 
Isabel.  The  Susquehanna  was  boarded  at  Vera  Cruz,  but 
the  French  had  not  left,  as  Seward  had  expected  and  in- 
tended. The  Minister,  with  his  thumb  in  his  mouth,  stood 
off,  went  up  the  coast,  where  Sherman  left  him.  The  whole 
turns  out  a  faux  pas,  a  miserable,  bungling  piece  of  busi- 
ness. I  have  ordered  the  Susquehanna  to  New  York. 

December  27,  Thursday.  A  number  of  the  Members  of 
Congress,  all,  I  believe,  Radicals,  have  gone  South.  They 
have  free  tickets  from  the  War  Department  and  travel 
without  expense  to  themselves.  If  some  saucy  fellow,  with 
one  fifth  of  the  malignity  and  hate  of  these  Members, 
should  insult  or  show  impudence  to  the  visitors,  it  would 
be  a  godsend  and  furnish  them  with  reasons  abundant  to 
outlaw  the  whole  Southern  people. 

I  see  in  the  papers  a  statement,  made  in  detail,  of  an 
interview  which  Eggleston,  a  Representative  from  Cincin- 
nati, is  said  to  have  had  with  the  President,  in  which  the 
latter  is  represented  to  have  declared  the  Constitutional 
Amendment  will  be  adopted  by  the  Southern  States,  and 
he  hoped  Congress  would  consent  to  admit  them,  or  their 
Representatives.  Although  I  have  neither  seen  nor  heard 
from  the  President,  I  have  no  doubt  this  is  a  fabrication. 
E.  may  have  seen  the  President,  there  may  have  been  con- 
versation on  these  topics,  but  the  President  gave  utterance 
to  no  such  views  and  opinions.  The  President  is  truthful 
and  a  man  of  principle.  It  has  been  one  of  the  artful  prac- 


650  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  27 

tices  of  the  conspirators  through  their  Washington  corre- 
spondents for  a  year  past  to  send  out  statements  in  regard 
to  the  President,  wholly  unfounded,  and  there  have  been 
many,  I  doubt  not,  caught  by  this  device.  Not  having 
fixed  opinions  themselves,  they  have  been  influenced  by 
these  specious  contrivances  and  committed  against  their 
convictions. 

December  28,  Friday.  Seward  sends  me  a  dispatch  from 
Minister  Hovey  at  Lima,  with  correspondence  relative  to 
courtesies  and  discourtesies  between  our  naval  officers  and 
Tucker,  Wishing  my  suggestions.  The  Peruvian  Govern- 
ment propose  to  leave  to  arbitration.  Wrote  him  we  could 
not  arbitrate;  that  the  Peruvian  Government  probably 
meant  no  offense,  but  it  was  no  less  an  offense  to  make  an 
unpardoned  Rebel  of  the  United  States  a  high  official  in 
that  Government,  and  our  officers,  especially  his  seniors 
and  superiors  in  our  service,  could  hold  no  intercourse, 
public  or  private,  with  him ;  certainly  could  not  recognize 
him,  their  former  inferior,  as  in  a  higher  position  than 
themselves. 

The  President,  after  special  business  of  the  Departments 
was  disposed  of  to-day,  alluded  to  the  extraordinary  move- 
ments in  Congress  and  elsewhere,  proposing  measures 
gravely  affecting  the  Government,  especially  the  subject  of 
attempting  to  change  the  character  and  status  of  some  of 
the  States.  He  wished  the  Cabinet  to  consider  well  the  sub- 
ject, and  he  trusted  we  should  have  united  action.  Every 
member  expressed  himself  opposed  to  the  schemes  of  terri- 
torializing the  States,  except  Stanton,  who  held  down  his 
head  and  said  nothing. 

December  29,  Saturday.  Senator  Dixon  called  and  had 
half  an  hour's  political  conversation.  He  is  a  good  deal 

1  John  R.  Tucker,  formerly  a  Commander  in  our  Navy,  who  joined  the 
Secessionists  and  after  the  War  went  to  Peru,  where  he  was  placed  in  com- 
mand of  the  Peruvian  Navy  with  the  rank  of  rear-admiral. 


1866]    SAD  DEATH  OF  ROBERT  G.  WELLES    651 

deaf  and  it  is  difficult  to  converse  with  him.  I  have  never 
considered  him  a  very  sincere  and  earnest  man,  but  he  has 
shown  good  qualities  on  present  affairs  and  adhered  to 
the  policy  of  the  Administration  with  persistency.1  To-day 
I  thought  I  saw  some  evidences  of  discouragement,  some 
doubts  in  regard  to  the  cause  and  country.  The  right  he 
maintained  as  strenuously  as  ever,  but  what,  he  asked, 
could  be  done  with  these  utterly  reckless  partisans?  What 
had  best  be  done  in  Connecticut?  Could  he  expect  to  do 
much  with  such  an  overwhelming  majority  of  Radicals  in 
Congress?  I  advised  an  honest  and  firm  adherence  to  our 
principles;  not  to  compromise  away  the  Constitution,  or 
our  rights;  a  decisive,  and,  if  possible,  a  successful  demon- 
stration in  Connecticut.  It  would  redound  to  her  everlast- 
ing credit  if  she  should  make  the  first  bold,  successful  stand 
in  vindication  of  Constitutional  rights  and  freedom.  I  re- 
gretted that  the  call  for  the  convention  in  January  had  not 
been  general  instead  of  Democratic,  but  partisanship  was 
strong  in  the  State.  He  fully  concurred  with  me  in  all  re- 
spects. I  called  up  the  appointment  of  Doctor  Grant, 
which  had  taken  place  without  my  knowledge,  and  asked  if 
the  deputy  collector  whom  he  alleged  to  be  offensive  had 
been  removed.  This  had  been  his  assigned  reason  for  chang- 
ing the  collector.  He  said  not  yet  and  seemed  confused. 

December  31,  Monday.  My  nephew,  Robert  G.  Welles, 
on  Friday  evening  last,  about  six  o'clock,  shot  himself 
through  the  head  in  his  father's  library  and  in  the  presence 
of  his  father.  He  placed  his  arm  around  his  father's  neck, 
kissed  him,  exclaimed  farewell,  and  committed  the  act. 

Robert  was  twenty-four  years  old.  On  the  breaking-out 
of  the  War  he  entered  the  service,  was  in  fourteen  hard- 
fought  battles,  was  shot  through  the  leg  at  Gettysburg,  had 
been  promoted  to  be  captain  in  the  Tenth  Infantry,  Regu- 
lars, and  after  the  War  resigned  his  commission.  His  phy- 
sique and  general  appearance  was  equaled  by  but  few  men 
in  the  army.  He  was  six  feet,  three  inches,  straight  as  an 


652  DIARY  OF  GIDEON  WELLES       [DEC.  31 

arrow,  and  of  great  strength.  Some  habits  contracted  in 
the  army  affected  him.  They  were  not  serious,  nor  such 
that  he  might  not  have  overcome.  But  he  was  proud  and 
bashful  and  seemed  incapable  of  overcoming  an  inherent 
reserve  and  diffidence. 

His  elder  brother,  Samuel,  was  his  monitor  and  guide, 
and  on  him  poor  Robert  relied  with  more  than  ordinary 
fraternal  affection.  In  intellect,  genius,  he  was  in  some 
respects  the  superior  of  Sam,  but  had  not  his  self-reliance, 
practical  good  sense,  ease,  and  pliability.  Poor  Robert 
knew  his  own  capabilities  and  felt  his  deficiencies.  He 
had  intended  to  accompany  Sam  to  California  and  there 
pursue  a  scientific  career  with  his  brother. 

The  terrible  and  sudden  death  of  Sam  was  a  blow  to  Rob- 
ert from  which  he  never  recovered.  It  crushed  forever  his 
aspirations  and  his  hopes.  Life  became  dark  and  sad  to 
him.  He  could  not  rally.  We  were  all  in  fault  that  we  did 
not  cheer  and  encourage  him  and  strive  to  make  him  social 
and  merry  after  his  elder  brother's  death.  Long  and  lonely 
walks  in  the  woods  for  an  entire  day,  seclusion,  melancholy, 
depression  afflicted  him.  His  father  writes  me  that  Robert 
was  borne  down  by  Sam's  death. 

On  Sunday,  the  23d,  the  Congregational  church  in  Glas- 
tonbury  took  fire  and  was  burned.  Robert  exerted  himself 
greatly,  caught  cold,  had  congestion  of  the  lungs,  lost 
sleep,  and  the  end  came.  May  God  receive  him,  for  he  was 
pure,  upright,  brave,  generous,  self-sacrificing,  and  if  he 
had  errors  they  were  light  and  injured  him  alone.  Com- 
panionship in  the  army,  an  open,  kindly  heart,  was  his 
weakness. 

Had  some  talk  with  the  President  on  the  condition  of 
affairs.  Dixon  had  told  me  on  Saturday  that  the  President 
had  said  to  him  that  he  was  confident  Stanton  was  his 
friend.  I  was  in  hopes  he  would  in  some  way  have  got  on 
that  theme  with  me;  but  we  did  not  quite  reach  it  and  I 
thought  by  pressing  it  I  might  do  harm.  Besides,  I  avoid 
speaking  adversely  of  my  colleagues  or  against  them  in  any 


1866]  THE  WASHINGTON  PRESS  "653 

way  unless  invited,  even  when  they  are  wrong.  The  Pre- 
sident, however,  must  understand  my  views,  must  know 
that  Stanton  is  opposing  and  betraying  him.  He  did  to- 
day, I  think,  for  he  said  he  was  determined  to  know  how 
we  of  the  Cabinet  all  stood  on  the  great  questions  before 
the  country. 

In  commenting  on  affairs  I  told  him  it  was  unfortunate 
in  some  respects  that  the  Administration  had  not  a  news- 
paper here  in  Washington  which  spoke  its  sentiments  au- 
thoritatively, for,  though  there  were  difficulties  attending 
an  organ,  there  were  counteracting  benefits,  especially  in 
times  like  these.  Congress  has  an  organ  in  the  Chronicle, 
a  paper  that  is  a  disgrace  to  the  Senate  (whose  editor  is  the 
Clerk)  and  to  the  country,  but  defamatory  and  vile  as  it 
was,  it  was  a  power  and  assisted  the  Radicals,  cooperated 
with  them,  slandered  and  misrepresented  the  President, 
and  was  every  way  mischievous. 

The  President  assented,  but  asked  what  could  be  done? 
I  told  him  the  Intelligencer  was  respectable  and  able,  but 
had  its  infirmities  and  weak  owners,  was  opposed  by  its 
rival,  the  Chronicle,  owned  by  Radicals  and  non-supporters 
of  the  Administration.  He  asked  what  I  thought  of  Hans- 
corn  of  the  Republican.  I  told  him  I  had  no  confidence  in 
him  whatever.  The  President  remarked  that  the  same  was 
his  opinion,  that  he  considered  him  a  mercenary  in  the 
market. 

That  the  Radicals  in  Congress  intended  to  attack  the 
Executive  and  the  Judiciary  he  had  no  doubt,  and  with 
them  the  Constitution  itself,  by  undermining,  if  they  could, 
the  distinctive  rights  of  the  States. 


END  OF  VOLUME  II