ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 00668 9373
Gc 941 . 00 05 Scol p v, 2 6
Diary of Sir Archibald
Johnston, Lord War is ton
GENEALOGY COLLECTION
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
VOLUME XXVI
WARISTON'S DIARY AND OTHER PAPERS
December 1896
This Volume is presented to the members
of the Scottish History Society by
T. and A. Constable
December 1896
ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON, LORD WARISTON
from the portrait by Jaincsone in the /'Osscsiiun of Sir Jdiita Gibson-Crai^, Bari.
DIARY OF
SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON
LORD WARISTON
1639
THE PRESERVATION OF
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
1651-52
LORD MAR'S LEGACIES
1722-27
LETTERS CONCERNING HIGHLAND
AFFAIRS IN THE 18th CENTURY
BY MRS. GRANT OF LAGGAN
EDINBURGH
Printed at the University Press by T. and A. Constable
for the Scottish History Society
1896
P ^ V
*->?xi
J 1389456
^•^V EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNCIL
'4 OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
February 1896
^^" ' The Secretary read a letter . . . making offer on behalf
' of Messrs. T. and A. Constable to print at their own
' ' cost, and to present to the Society, in October next, a
' volume of Miscellanies, in commemoration of the Tenth
' Anniversary of the Society's institution. The offer was
' cordially accepted, and the Chairman was requested to
' convey to Messrs. Constable the CounciPs appreciation of
' the generous gift.' T. G. L.
Hon. Sec.
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. FRAGMENT OF THE DIARY OF SIR
ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON, LORD WARIS-
TON, 16.39, Edited by George M. Paul 1
II, PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE PRESERVA-
TION OF THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND,
IN DuNNOTTAR Castle, 1651-1652,
Edited hxj Charles R. A. Howden 99
III. THE EARL OF MAR'S LEGACIES TO SCOT-
LAND, AND TO HIS SON, LORD ERSKINE,
1722-1727,
Edited by The Hon. Stuart Erskine 139
IV. LETTERS WRITTEN BY MRS. GRANT OF
LAGGAN CONCERNING HIGHLAND
AFFAIRS AND PERSONS CONNECTED
WITH THE STUART CAUSE IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY,
Edited by J. R. N. Macphail 249
FRAGMENT OF
THE DIARY OF
SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON
LORD WARISTON
MAY 2 I -JUNE 25
1639
Edited from the Original Manuscript with
Introduction and Notes by
GEORGE MORISON PAUL
M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
INTRODUCTION
WoDROw relates^ that Mr. Ridpath^ informed him that he
had been ' imployed by Secretary Johnstoun to goe throu his
' father, my Lord Wariston's papers, and put them in order ;
' which he spent severall dayes and weeks upon. That amongst
' other papers of the greatest value to the Church of Scotland,
' he fell upon my Lord Wariston''s Dyary, which he sayes he read
' over. There is a great deal of it, and all bound up in difFer-
' ent boundels. It conteans many valuable passages with
* relation to the history of these times, noe where else to be
' found."" Secretary Johnston lived during the latter years of
his life at Twickenham, and died in May 1737. What became
of his papers after his death is not known ; and probably his
father's Diary is irretrievably lost. A fragment has fortunately
been preserved in a separate manuscript volume. It covers
the short period of thirty-six days, from the 21st of May to
the 25th of June 1639, and contains the details of the nego-
tiations which ended in the pacification of Berwick, and the
conclusion of the first Bishops' War.
The manuscript was submitted to this Society by its owner,
Mr. Maxtone Graham of Cultoquhey and Redgorton, the
nephew and heir of the late Mr. Robert Graham of Balgowan,
^ Afialecta, ii. 218.
- Mr. George Ridpath was a well-known political writer in the reigns of King
William in. and Queen Anne. He was the translator from the Latin ms. of
Sir Thomas Craig's Treatise against the Eight of the Crown of England to
Homage from the Kingdom of Scotland, 1695, which he dedicated to Secretary
Johnston ; and he was the author of an Account of the Rights and Powers of
the Parlia7ne7it of Scotland, 1705, to which Secretary Johnston is said to have
written the Preface. — Atwood's The Scotch Patriot Unmasked, 1705 ; Wodrow,
Analecta, ii. 267. See also Carstares' State Papers, 216.
A
2 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
in whose library it was found. Nothing is known of its history
prior to its discovery in Mr. Graham's library. It is contained
in a small folio which is bound in white vellum, eleven and
a half inches long, by eight and three quarters broad, and
has attached to it the roots of four vellum strings or ties.
The volume is written from both ends — the Diary being
written from one end, and some interesting miscellaneous
notes and papers from the other. On the front page of this
end is written in Wariston's handwriting, ' The names of the
books q^. I talk to the airmee with me.' Then follow: 1.
' Memorandum of paperis takine with me to the Campe in
' July 1640."' 2. ' The new and constant plote of planting
' the whole kirks of Scotland penned to be presented to the
' Kinge and the estaits in anno 1596."' This extends to
eleven and a half closely written pages. 3. ' Ane schort note
' of the decisiones and interloquitors given be the Lords of
' Counsell since the moneth of Januar IGlO.' The latest date
is 30th July 1646. The cases are arranged in alphabetical
order according to the subjects, and are reported very briefly.
There are sundry markings on the margin in Wariston's hand-
writing. This digest occupies ninety-seven pages. 4. Notes
from 'the books of the register of Session beginning 4th
February 1531,' and ending on 1st February 1545. This
occupies sixteen pages. 5. Papers relating to the scheme for
' the erecting of a comon fishing ' for England and Scotland in
1630. They contain notes upon the Fishery Laws of some of
the Continental nations. 6. Some notes entitled ' Avisandum
anent the Union.' 7. Acts and orders of the Commissioners
for administration of justice in Scotland, 27th June 1655 to
8th November 1656.
The Diary, which is the only writing from the other end of
the book, is written in a small but neat and legible seventeenth
century hand. It is not that of Wariston, but it is abundantly
clear from internal evidence that the Diary was his.
During the whole of the eventful period, from the uprising
INTRODUCTION 3
of the Scottish people against the Service Book and the
Bishops in 1637 until the Restoration, Sir Archibald John-
ston of Wariston (Lord Wariston) was in the very front rank
of the Presbyterian party. He was perhaps the most remark-
able Scotsman of that very troubled period of British history.
The family to which he belonged seems to liave been an
offshoot from the noble house of Annandale.^ He has been
described as a son of James Johnston of Beirholm in Dumfries-
shire, but that was not so. In 1608 James Johnestoun, who is
described as ' of Beirholme,'' was served heir of Gavin Johne-
stoun ' in ' (i.e. tenant of) ' Kirkton of Kirkpatrick Juxta ' in
Dumfriesshire, his grandfather, and heir of his father, ' James
Johnestoun, in " (i.e. tenant of) ' Midilgill."' ^ Neither grand-
father nor father is described as ' of Beirholm."' How or when
James Johnston became possessed of Beirholm does not appear,
but it seems clear that he did not inherit it from either of
them. And from what follows it will be seen that he was not
Wariston''s father, although he may have been a relation.
Archibald Johnestoun (Wariston\s grandfather) was a native
of Kirkpatrick Juxta. By his will ^ he left ' ane hundreth
' merks to help the repairing and completing of ye kirk callit
' Kirkpatrick Juxta, where my predecessors'" bonis lyes.""
This Archibald Johnestoun was an eminent merchant and
leading citizen of Edinburgh during a considerable part of the
reign of James vi. On 22nd April 1589 the King wrote to
Archibald Douglas, thanking him ' for his services in behalf of
' Archibald Johnestoun, son-in-law of the Provost of Edin-
' burgh ' ; * and on 31st May 1595, he wrote to Queen Elizabeth
^ He, as well as his uncle Johnston of Hilton in Berwickshire, carried the
principal arms of the Annandale family, but for a difference engrailed the
saltier. — Nisbet, i. 144 ; Tke British Herald, by Robson, vol. ii. voce Johnston.
The Editor unfortunately did not see The Annandale Family Book, by Sir
William Fraser, K.C.B, , until this Introduction was written. Portions of
Wariston's family history which follow, and which have been collected from the
original sources, will be found in that work.
2 Printed Special Retours, Dumfriesshire, 28th April 1608, Nos. 51, 52.
* Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 28th April 1619.
■* Historical Manuscripts, Hatfield Collection, iii. 407.
JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
soliciting her good offices with reference to a suit in which
Archibald Johnestoun was engaged before her Council.^
Bishop Burnet, his great-grandson, described him as ' the
greatest merchant'' of his time, and said that he left to his
wife an estate of cfSOOO a year, a large fortune in those days,
' to be disposed of among his children as she pleased,' '^ By his
will he bequeathed a legacy to the University of Edinburgh,
which still has a bursary of dS'll, 2s. 2d, sterling, a year, bearing
his name,^ His wife was Rachel Arnot, a daughter of Sir
John Arnot of Birswick, who was Lord Provost of Edinburgh
from 1587 till 1589, and for some years Treasurer-Depute, and
a Privy Councillor, Sir John Arnot is said by Burnet to have
been ' a man in great favour,' * Rachel Arnot died on 20th
March 1626,^
Archibald Johnestoun and Rachel Arnot had three sons and
two daughters, viz, : 1, James, a merchant burgess of Edin-
burgh, who married Elizabeth Craig, second daughter of Sir
Thomas Craig of Riccarton, the most eminent lawyer of his
time, and author of the very learned Latin treatise on Feudal
Law.^ 2, Samuel, who was an advocate, succeeded on the
^ Historical Manuscripts, Hatfield Collection, v, 223.
- Burnet's History of his own Titne, 8vo. vol. i. p. 31.
' Register of Confd. Test., ut supra; Edinburgh University Calendar, 1895-6,
pp. 329-333. '• Burnet, tU supra.
^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 23rd August 1626.
^ Her mother's name was Helen Heriot. Tytler and others, following the
Biography of Craig prefixed to the third edition of they«j- Feudale, have errone-
ously described her as daughter of Heriot, Laird of Trabroun. She was second
daughter of Robert Heriot of Lumphoy or Lymphoy, an estate in the parish
of Currie, near to Craig's estate of Riccarton. The mansion-house of the old
estate is now in ruins, and is called Lennox Tower. Robert Heriot was also
rentaller under the Archbishop of Glasgow of the lands of Ramshorn, Meadow-
flat, and Cardarroch. Helen Swinton, his wife, was probably the eldest
daughter of John Swinton of that Ilk (Douglas Baronage, p. 130). Heriot's eldest
daughter and heiress was Agnes, wife of James Foulis, Baron of Colinton. Helen
Swinton, after Robert Heriot's death, married Edward Henryson, a learned
Doctor of Laws, to whom she had a son. Sir Thomas Henryson, Lord Chesters
in the Court of Session. See Reg. Eccl. Colleg. Sancte. Trinit. Edinburgh, pp.
118-132 ; Netv Statist. Account, ' Currie,' 546 ; also Diocesan Register of Glasgow,
Grampian Club, vol. i. pp. 161-172 ; Brown's Monumental Inscriptions in
Greyfriars Churchyard, Edinburgh (Henryson), p. 76.
INTRODUCTION 5
death of his mother to the property of Sheens (Sciennes), now
part of Edinburgh, and to the estate of Dunglass in Berwick-
shire. 3. Joseph, who succeeded to the estate of Hilton in
Berwickshire, was founder of the family of Johnston of Hilton
in that county.^ 4. Rachel, married (first) John Jaksone,^
and (secondly) Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, whom she
survived.^ 5. Jonet, married (first) Sir James Skene of Currie-
hill, Lord President of the Court of Session from 1626 till
1633 ; and (secondly) James Inglis of Ingliston.*
James Johnston, the eldest son,^ and Elizabeth Craig had
eight children, of whom four seem to have died in infancy.
The four who survived their grandfather were : one son, the
celebrated Archibald Johnston of Wariston, and three
daughters,^ of whom the eldest, Rachel, married Robert
Burnet, Advocate (afterwards Lord Crimond in the Court of
Session), the editor of the first edition of Craig's Jus Feudale ;
and Beatrix, the youngest, married, in 1639, Patrick Congal-
ton of that Ilk.'' Of the other daughter, Margaret, nothing
has been discovered.
In the beginning of the seventeenth century Edinburgh was a
comparatively small town. It was then as now ' the metropolis
of law,' as Jedediah Cleishbotham termed it, and its leading
citizens were, consequently, mostly connected with the Law
Courts. Wariston's grandfather was Sir Thomas Craig, the
eminent feudal lawyer; his wife's grandfather was Sir John
Skene of Curriehill, who had been one of the Octavians, Lord
Clerk Register, and a Lord of Session ; and her father was Sir
Alexander Hay, Lord Foresterseat, also a Lord of Session.^
^ There was, and still is, another family of Johnston of Hilton in Aberdeenshire,
2 Register Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 28th April 1619.
2 Register Great Seal, Printed Abridg., 5th July 1627, No. IIOI.
* Ibid. 13th March 1637.
^ Died 24th April 1617. Reg. Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 2nd July 1618.
s Reg Confd. Test., supra.
^ Douglas Baronage, p. 523. It is there said that she was a daughter of Wari-
ston, but that is obviously a mistake.
^ Register Great Seal, Abridg., 1 169, nth July 1642.
6 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY
Wariston's great-aunt, Marion Arnot, was the wife of (first)
James Nisbet, a brother of Patrick Nisbet, Lord Eastbank, and
uncle of Sir John Nisbet of Dirleton, Lord Advocate and a Lord
of Session in the time of Charles ii. ; ^ and (secondly) Sir Lewis
Stewart, the famous Advocate, who was a loyal adherent of
Charles i., and legal adviser of the Royal Commissioner at the
General Assembly of 1638. Margaret Craig, his mother's eldest
sister, was the wife of Sir Alexander Gibson, the first Lord Durie,
and mother of Sir Alexander Gibson, the second Lord Durie.^
His uncle, Samuel Johnston of Sheens, married Helen Morison,
a sister of Lord Prestongrange,^ and granddaughter of John
Preston of Fentonbarns, Lord President of the Court from
1609 till 1616; and his aunt, Jonet Johnstoun, was, as has
been mentioned, the wife of Sir James Skene of Curriehill, Lord
President of the Court.* Wariston was thus closely related to,
and from his childhood must have been intimately acquainted
with, the leading men of Edinburgh.
His nearest relations were probably all Presbyterians ; some
of them at least were zealous for the cause. Of his grand-
mother, Rachel Arnot, Burnet ^ wrote that being a very rich
woman, and much engaged to the Presbyterian party, she was
most obsequiously courted by them. ' Bruce lived concealed
' in her house for some years : and they all found such advan-
' tages in their submissions to her, that she was counted for
' many years the chief support of the party. . . . My father '
(Lord Crimond), ' marrying her eldest grandchild, saw a great
' way into all the methods of the puritans."' She was, no doubt,
the friend referred to by Kirkton,^ at whose house at Sheens,
in the year 1621, the Presbyterian ministers, who had been
ordered to depart from Edinburgh for refusing to observe the
Five Articles of Perth, met to spend in fasting and prayer the
day on which these Articles were to be ratified by Parliament
1 Dirleton Writs. "- Tytler's Life of Craig, p. 323.
3 Reg. Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 6th March 1627.
* Ibid. 2Sth April 1619. ^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 31. '^ P. 16.
INTRODUCTION 7
— the Black Parliament as it was called. When Sir James
Skene, President of the Court, failed, notwithstanding the
King's orders, to be present at the Kirk of Edinburgh on
Easter Day 1619 to receive the Communion kneeling as pre-
scribed by one of the Articles of Perth, his absence was
ascribed by some ' not to conscience, but to dissuasions of his
mother-in-law ' (Rachel Arnot) ' and her daughter, his wife "*
(Jonet Johnstoun), 'a religious gentlewoman.''^ The other
daughter, Rachel, was no doubt of the same way of thinking.
Her eldest son. Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, was a ruling
elder in James Guthrie's separate Presbytery, which was com-
posed of the most extreme or Remonstrant members of the
party.- And Burnet wrote of his own mother, ' Guthry, the
' chief of their preachers, was hid in my mothers house, who
' was bred to her brother Waristoun's principles, and could
' never be moved from them.' ^ The steadfastness of some of
Wariston's own children to his principles will be afterwards
noticed.
Wariston was born in 1611, probably in the month of
March, as he was baptized on the 28th of that month.*
He was educated at the University of Glasgow, and received
the degree of Master of Arts from that University. The year
when he went to College is nowhere stated, but the College books
note the receipt ' fra Archibald Johnstoun for his buird for
the spaice of five moneths IIP" lib.,'^ and on 1st March 1630
he was matriculated as a student in one of the higher classes,^
The muniments of the University contain a list of books,
which ' Archibaldus Jonstonus laurea donandus Accademiae
1 Calderwood's Hist. AfSS. viii. 838. ^ Baillie, iii. 257.
^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 434.
* '1611, 28 Martii, James Johnestoun, Merchant, Elizabeth Craig a s(on)
' n(amed) Archibald, w(itnesses) Archibald Johnestoun, David Johnestoun.'
/y/i Register of Baptisme Alinistrat itt the Kirks of Edinburgh after the First
Reformation, 2nd September 1610-llth December 1621, General Register
House.
^ Munimenta Universitatis Glasguetisis, iii. 530. ^ Ibid. 82,
8 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
Glasguensi donavit in evxapi-crTia^ T€Kfjirjpiovy but the year is
unfortunately not stated.^ He passed through his College
classes under Baillie (afterwards Principal Baillie) as regent.
Baillie, whose mother was one of the Gibson of Durie family
(Letters i. xxii.), was connected with Wariston, whose aunt,
Margaret Craig, married Sir Alexander Gibson of Durie.
They maintained a close friendsliip for many years. In a
letter to James Sharp (afterwards Archbishop of St. Andrews)
about Wariston, Baillie ^ wrote of the friendship professed
by him 'to me constantly since he was a child and my
scholler.'
Wariston passed Advocate at the Scottish Bar on 6th
November 1633.
His marriage with Lord Foresterseat's eldest daughter,
Helen Hay, must have taken place soon after he passed, as
at least one child had been born to them before 1636.^
They had a large family. Lady Wariston, in petitioning
the King, in 1660, for a pardon for her husband, stated that
she ' and her 12 children were reduced to a poore and
desolate condition,' * and at least two of her daughters were
then married.^ The following were their children, but pro-
bably not their whole family :
1. Archibald, the eldest son. He was alive in 1643, but
must have died young.^
2. James, first of that name, died in infancy.^
3. Alexander, who, in 1672, was ' eldest son and apparent
heir ' of his father.^ He was, at least at one time, the black
^ Munimtnta Universitatis Glasguensis, iii. 412. ^ Baillie, iii. 336.
^ See p. 12. ■* British Museum Addl. mss. 23, 114.
^ Wariston died deeply in debt. It was ascertained after his death that his
debts exceeded the value of his estate by 12,361 merks Scots. — Ads of Parlia-
ment, vii. 62 1 .
After his death Kirkton wrote of him : ' He left his lady and numerous family
' in mean estate, the' afterward the Lord provided better for many of them than
' if their father hade stood in his highest grandeur,' p. 174.
® Reg. Great Seal, Abridg., 20th November 1643, No. 327.
'' Wodiow's Analecta, ii. 219. ^ Acts of Parliament, ix. 213.
INTRODUCTION 9
sheep of the family. Brodie^ wrote of him, ' 1671, Nov. 17th,
' I heard that Alexander, Waristoun's son, had brok, and
* through cheating, lying, wrong ways. My brother and
* others had suffered much by him." He married Francisca
Cuninghame, daughter of Captain James Cuninghame of
Ballichan, in Ireland, son of Sir James Cuninghame of Glen-
garnock and Lady Catherine Cuninghame, daughter of
James Earl of Glencairn. Her sister, Penuel, married Sir
James Colquhoun of Balvie, afterwards of Luss.- Alexander
seems to have been bred a lawyer, but for some time he made
a livelihood by buying and selling tallies at the Treasury,
Exchequer, etc., equivalent to Exchequer bills. This he after-
wards gave up, and devoted himself to secret service under
William in., and the discovering of the plots which were then
being hatched for the assassination of that King and the
return of King James.'
4. James (2nd) born 9th September 1655.* His father
recorded in the lost Diary that this ' was to be the stay and
support of his family.'' ^ After his father's death he was sent
to Holland where he was educated. ' He had the character
' of the greatest proficient in the civil law that ever was in
' Utrecht."' ^ He was introduced into political life through his
cousin-german Bishop Burnet, and was from time to time
employed on important political missions. He was Secretary of
State for Scotland from 1692 till 1696. In the latter year he
married as his second wife, Catherine, daughter of John, second
Baron Poulett.'' In writing to Carstares he spoke of his first
wife as having been related to Adam Cockburn of Ormiston,
the Lord Justice Clerk, but who she was has not been dis-
1 Diary, p. 322.
- Printed General Retoiirs, 29th April 1682, No. 6385 ; Fountainhall's His-
torical Notices, vol. ii. pp. 778-9 ; Douglas Baronage, p. 26.
^ See Carstares' State Papers, 200-225. ^ Brodie's Diary, 155.
^ Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 218.
® Macky's Memoirs, 204. Macky described him as ' a tall fair man. '
' Collins's Peerage, iv. 12.
10 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
covered. He had a son by that former marriage.^ He was
Lord Clerk Register in the reign of Queen Anne 1704-5.
After retiring from public business he resided at Orleans
House, Twickenham. Mr. John M'Claurin said of him to
Wodrow that ' he keeps out a very great rank, and frequently
' has Mr. Walpool and the greatest courtiers with him at his
' country house near London ; and the King sometimes does
' him the honour to dine with him.' ^ He was a great favourite
with Queen Caroline, ' who was much entertained with his
humour and pleasantry."' ^ He is described as ' a person of
' learning and virtue, perfectly sincere, but,"" like his father,
' hot and eager, too soon possessed with jealousy, and too
' vehement in all he proposed.' * ' The freedom of his manners
' was rather disgusting to King William."' ^ He died at Bath
in 1737, and was buried at Twickenham on the llth of that
month.® The Scots Magazine of the time stated that he
died at the age of ninety-five, but that is impossible, as Brodie
of Brodie who was present at his baptism has noted in his
Diary that he was born on 9th September 1655.'^ His son
James Johnston was served as heir-general to him on 13th
March 1744.
5. ElizxVbeth, married Thomas, eldest son of Sir Adam
Hepburn of Humbie^ to whom she had one child Helen,
who married Walter Scott of Highchester, Earl of Tarras.^
Elizabeth married, secondly. General William Drummond
of Cromlix, created Viscount Strathallan in 1686. She died
in 1679, before her husband"'s elevation to the peerage, and was
buried in St. George's Church, South wark.^*^
6. Rachel married the noble Robert Baillie of Jerviswood —
^ Carstares' State Papers, 155-6. - Wodrow's Analecta, iii. 206.
^ Carstares, 93.
•* The Jerviswood Correspondence, Bannatyne Club. Preface.
'•' Carstares, tit supra.
® Lysons's Environs of London, vol. iii. pp. 563, 594. '' Brodie's Diary, 155.
8 Act. Par. vii. 20-64 ; General Retours, 25th Jan. 1659, Nos. 4415, 16, 17.
9 Douglas Peerage, vol. ii. p. 5SS. 10 Ibid. 552.
INTRODUCTION 11
the Scottish Sidney, as he has been called — who after suffering
cruel imprisonment by order of the King and Privy Council,
was executed on 24th December 1684 on the groundless charge
of compassing the death of the King and his brother the Duke
of York. Rachel died before 18th September 1707.^
7. Helen married George Home of Graden, in the parish
of Earlston. Her husband and she were both warm supporters
of the principles of the Covenanters. In the last days of her
brother-in-law Robert Baillie, when his wife, owing to feeble
health, was unable to attend him, she devoted herself to the
alleviation of his sufferings in prison, where she remained with
him in close confinement. She accompanied him to the place
of execution, and with a courage truly heroic remained on the
scaffold ' till all his body was cut in coupons,' and she went
with the hangman to ' see them oyled and tarred.' ^ She died
before 11th September 1707.^
8. Margaret married (first) Sir John Wemyss of Bogie,*
(secondly) Benjamin Bressey.^ During her father s close confine-
ment in the Tower prior to his being brought to Edinburgh for
execution in 1663, she was on her petition permitted to live
with him there.^ She was imprisoned by the Privy Council
for taking part in the gathering of Presbyterian ladies in the
Parliament Close on 4th and 11th June 1674 to present a
Petition to the Council for liberty to their ministers to perform
divine service according to the Presbyterian forms. ^
9. Janet married Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, Baronet.^
10. married Mr. Roderick Mackenzie.^
1 Register of Cottfd. Test., Edinburgh, i8th Sept. 1707,
"- Fountainhall's Historical Notices, ii. 594. See an interesting account of
her in The Ladies of the Covenant, by the Rev. James Anderson, p. 373.
3 Register of Confi. Test., Edinburgh, nth Sept. 1707.
* Douglas Baronage, p. 562.
^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh — Margaret Johnston, Lady Bogie, l6th
August 1707. ^ Historical MSS., Duke of Leeds, 6.
' Law's Memorials, p. 67 ; Ladies of the Covenant, p. 221.
8 Brodie's Diary, p. 397 ; Burke's Peerage. ^ Brodie, ut supra.
12 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
11. EupHAN died unmarried, May 1715.^
In the year 1636 Archibald Johnston acquired the pro-
perty of Wariston in the parish of Currie, seven miles from
Edinburgh, and adjoining his grandfather's estate of Riccarton.
Lord Foresterseat, his father-in-law, had bought it in 1620 ; ^
and his son Alexander Hay sold it in 1636 ' to Elizabeth Craig,
' relict of the late James Johnstoun, merchant burgess of
' Edinburgh in liferent and Mr, Archibald Johnstoun her son,
' Advocate, and Helen Hay his spouse, and the longest liver of
' them in conjunct fee,** and to their heirs hoTn and to be born.^
Sir John Scot * says that its annual value was (in Johnston"'s
time) 1000 merks Scots, about £55 sterling. The farm of
Wariston, which now belongs to the Earl of Morton, is valued
at £¥)0 a year.^
Wariston's town residence was situated in the High Street
of Edinburgh, on the east side of what is now known as
Wariston''s Close, and was probably entered from the close.
Here on the night before the first sitting of each General
Assembly the leading members used to meet to consider ' about
' the choising of the Moderator, Committees, and cheife points
' of the Assemblie.'' ^ The windows of the house looked upon
the Market Cross, close by which, amid scenes of intense
popular excitement, Wariston, in 1638, read on several occa-
sions from extemporised platforms protestations against the
Royal Proclamations ; and where, twenty-five years afterwards,
he was himself hanged on ' ane gallons of extraordiner heicht,"*
surrounded by the King's Life Guards on horseback, ' with thair
' carabynes and naikit swords, and trumpettouris and kettill
' drum and ane gaird of the toun of Edinburgh with thair
' cullouris displayed.' '' It is narrated that when Robert
Baillie of Jerviswood was being carried to the place of execu-
^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 1 1 th July 171 5.
2 Reg. Great Seal, Printed Abridg., 6th July 1620, No. 715.
3 Ibid. 1636, No. 511. ^ Staggering State, p. 127.
* Valuation Roll, Edinburgh, 1895. " Baillie's Letters, iii. 53.
^ NicoU's Diary, pp. 394-5.
INTRODUCTION 13
tion at the Market Cross, accompanied by his sister-in-law,
Lady Graden, they passed the house of her father ; and ' in pass-
' ing it, Baillie looked up to the chamber where Lord Wariston
' usually sat, and a multitude of associations connected with
' the past vividly rushing into his mind, he said to her, " Many
' " a sweet day and night with God had your now glorified
' " father in that chamber." " Yes," she replied, and thinking
' of his cruel death she added, " Now he is beyond the reach
' " of all suffering, equally free from sin and sorrow ; and the
' " same grace which supported him is able to support you." ' ^
Wariston was a man of great energy and unwearied appli-
cation, with an extraordinary memory and great quickness of
thought.- He could seldom sleep above three hours in the
twenty-four. He was very learned in the Law of Scotland,
particularly in Constitutional and Church law, in which he
had become proficient at an early period of life.
It must be borne in mind that he was a young man during the
most important and successful period of his career. Between
the year 1637 when, at the age of twenty-six, he first appeared
in public life as the trusted adviser of the Covenanting leaders,^
and the year 1649 when, still a comparatively young man, he
was appointed to the office of Lord Clerk Register, then the
most lucrative and highly prized office under the Crown in
Scotland, he had occupied positions of the highest honour and
responsibility in Church and State ; and it seems clear from the
way Baillie wrote of him that he had secured the entire con-
fidence of his friends. He was Clerk to the Tables ; ^ he was
the contriver, and, with Alexander Henderson, the framer of the
National Covenant of 1638 ; in the same year he was appointed
clerk and legal adviser to the great General Assembly held at
Glasgow ; in 1639 he was one of the Scots Commissioners
^ See Wodrow's Analecta, iii. 78-80. Ladies of the Covenant, p.
2 Burnet, vol. i. p. 49.
3 Rothes' Relation, 43 ; Baillie, i. 48.
* Large Declaration, 239.
14 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
who arranged with the king the pacification of Berwick ; in
1640, when the army was about to march into England, he
was directed by Parliament, as the person ' best acquaint,' —
who had a greater grasp than any one else of the questions in
dispute between the King and the Scottish nation, — to attend
the General and the Committee and advise with them in such
matters as the framing of treaties and public declarations,^
and he was afterwards one of the Scots Commissioners who
concluded with the English the treaty of Ripon. In 1641, at
the age of thirty, he was appointed a Lord of Session by the
title of Lord Wariston, and received the honour of knighthood ;
in 1643 he was sent as one of the small group of Scots Com-
missioners to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, where
he is said to have taken part in the debates with much ability
and learning against the most distinguished ecclesiastical
lawyers of the time ; in 1644 he was chosen one of the joint
committee of both nations for managing the war against the
King ; in 1646 he was appointed Lord Advocate, and in 1649
Lord Clerk Register. Such early and continuous success could
only have been achieved by a man of conspicuous ability and
eminent business habits. In writing of him on 8th July 1645
Baillie described him as ' one of the most faithful, and diligent,
' and able servants that our Church and Kingdom has had all
' the tymes of our troubles."* -
As regards his creed in the affairs of Church and State, he
had an extraordinary zeal for Presbyterianism. It ' was to him
more than all the world,' . . . ' he looked on the Covenant as
the setting Christ on His throne.' ^ Presbyterianism, he firmly
believed, was of divine institution, therefore the nation must
be soundly Presbyterian ; no other form of church government
should be tolerated, nor any doctrine taught except what was
approved by the General Assembly. Schismatics and heretics
should be punished, and all such as refused to take the Covenant
Acts of Scots Par. v. 284 l>. - Baillie, ii. 297. ' Burnet, vol. i. p. 50.
INTRODUCTION 15
should be disqualified from places of profit and trust.^ He
was withal a sincere upholder of the monarchical principle.
On 24th April 1646 Baillie wrote, ' All the Royalists in Scot-
' land could not have pleaded so much for the Crowne and the
' King''s just power, as the Chancellour and Wariston did for
' many dayes together.' ^ And according to an informant of
Wodrow, before Wariston went up to Cromwell he was a
violent Royalist and used to say that, sooner than submit to
the English 'he would take his wife and ten children and
begg.' ^ But then his sovereign must be a Presbyterian king,
ruling a Presbyterian people, with powers greatly restricted
from those which King James vi., in his later years, and his
son Charles, had ventured to assume. This restriction of the
prerogative, he maintained, was nothing but a return to the
ancient constitution of Scotland — a restoration to Parliament
of the powers which of right belonged to it, but of which it
had been deprived through recent royal encroachments. This
subject of the powers and rights of Parliament was one which
he had deeply studied, and it was without doubt he who, in
1641, submitted the constitutional principle, which was enforced
in Parliament by Argyll, that appointments to the great offices
of state are made by the King and Parliament jointly, not
by the King alone, as was maintained by Charles. The lost
Diary contained an interesting passage on this subject, the
purport of which Wodrow received from Mr. Ridpath and
related as follows^: 'After the treaty of Wilks [FBirks],
' when the King came a litle into Scotland, there wer many
' conferences among the prime of the Covenanters and the
' King, at all which Wariston was. The Scots Lords insisted
' much that the King would allou them the liberty of chusing
' the Officers of State in the Parliament. The King was
' very peremptory against it. They pleaded that it had
' been anciently alloued by the Kings of Scotland, and
' alledged the Records. The King denyed ther was any
^ Principal Lee's Lectures, ii. 303, 304. ^ Baillie, ii. 368.
^ Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 145. "* Analecta, ii. 219.
16 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
' such thing, and told them he kneu in his father's time, any-
' thing with relation to these was lost. After their insisting,
' the King required to see the Records. They told him they
' wer yet extant, though not among the Records of the nation.
' After the King had given his oath to them he would not call
' for them out of their hands, some two or three on the King's
' side, and as many on the other side, all upon oath, wer lett
' into the secret ; and the King and they went over to Dum-
' fermline, where they wer, and discovered hy my Lord
' Wariston. It seems that King James vi., throu the advice
' of some that wer for inslaving the liberty of the subject, and
' it may be to please England, had ordered Hay of Dumferm-
' line, in whoes hand then they wer, to destroy them. It seems
' he laid them up in his Charter Chest, which was not opned
' till Wariston upon some civil process was called to look throu
' his papers, and there found them. The King had them laid
' before him. It may be supposed that thir papers wer the
' plan of many things the Covenanting Lords then did, and
' gave them both courage and light hou to act.' ^
Wariston was not merely a learned Church lawyer and theo-
logian, he was moreover deeply religious. Kirkton ^ wrote of
him that he spent more time in prayer, reading, meditations,
and observing his providences than any man he ever knew in
the world. He continued in prayer many hours a day,^ and
three hours at a stretch was pretty frequent with him.* On
one occasion, which has been recorded, his grace after meat
lasted for an hour.-^ While engaged in prayer he became
entirely absorbed in it, and lost all consciousness of what was
passing around him. One day, intending to spend an hour or
two in prayer, he continued his devotions from six in the
^ Wariston had unusual good fortune in discovering lost registers. Three
years before this he had presented to the General Assembly of 1638 five volumes
of its registers, extending from 1560 to 1590, which were believed to have been
lost. — Vti&rkm's Records of the Kirk, 133; Baillie, i. 129,
2 173. ^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 49. * Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 159.
5 Kirkton, 171, Note by Mr. Kirkpatrick Sharpe.
INTRODUCTION 17
morning till, to his surprise, the bells began ringing at eight in
the evening. On another occasion, while he was engaged in
prayer, Lady Wariston, who was at the time in delicate health,
swooned away beside him, but he went on to the end un-
conscious of that or of the servants raising her up and laying
her on a bed in the room.^ In those days they used to
' wrestle '' in prayer as Jacob Avrestled with the angel at Peniel.
Wariston, on the baptism of his son James (the secretary),
recorded in the lost Diary the great lengths he had win-to -
in wrestling anent him.^ During a dangerous illness of
Mr. James Guthrie, some of his friends met to pray for
his recovery. Wodrow quaintly tells the story.* ' All that
' prayed before Wariston wer conditionall in their petitions for
' his life. When he came to pray, he was mighty peremptory,
' and would not at all take a refusall, and said, " Lord, thou
' " knouest this Church cannot want him!"' He had the
conviction that he had close communion with God, — that he
saw God face to face. Kirkton has recorded of him ^ that on
the night before his execution Wariston said to him ' that he
' could never doubt of his own salvation, he hade so often seen
' God's face in the house of prayer.' ' He was a great observer
' of providences, and, according to the rule, mett with very
' many remarkable providences himself.'*^ And Ridpath said
to Wodrow, with reference to the lost Diary, ' as to his souPs
' state, it's not possible to conceive what atteanments, what
' elevated exercise, that man has been under ! He records hou
' it's with him in prayer, and the answers and returns made
* to his prayers, which are astonishing.' ^
He possessed in a high degree the perfervidum ingemum of
his countrymen, but the zeal of his youth for the cause to
which the nation had so deeply committed itself passed in the
later years of his life almost into fanaticism. He had a ready.
^ Analccta, ii. 135. ^ Reached. ^ Anakda, ii. 2lS. •* Ibid. ii. 158.
'" Page 171. ^ Kirkton, 173. '' Atialecta, ii. 218.
B
18 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY
vehement style of eloquence characteristic of himself,^ but by
his irritating mode of speaking he seemed to have the mis-
fortune to make his political opponents his personal enemies.-
Of these failings he was himself conscious. In his dying speech
he said, ' My natural temper (or rather distemper) hath been
' hasty and passionate, and in my manner of going about and
' prosecuting of the best pieces of work and service to the Lord
' and to my generation, I have been subject to many excesses
' of heat, and thereby to some precipitations, which hath no
' doubt offended standers-by and lookers-on, and hath exposed
' both me and the work to their mistakes." ^ Kirkton ^ wrote,
' He studied Christ's honour more than man's, and was a man
* that used argument more than complement."' He was wanting
in tact and in the courtly graces which find favour with kings,
and his manner and bearing seem to have excited an extra-
ordinary antipathy towards him in the Charleses (father and
son) and their adherents. Charles i. cordially disliked him.
Charles ii. hated him, not only for the position which, as leader
of the Remonstrants, he took up against him and his party,
but also for personal reasons. Wariston, with apparently
considerable plain speaking, had reproved the king for his dis-
solute conduct while in Scotland. Charles seemed to take it
in good part at the time, but he never forgave Wariston,'' and
this personal hatred of the king was said to have been the real
cause of Wariston's death.*^
But he must have had many qualities which commanded
esteem and even love from those Avho knew him well. For
many years the kindly and genial Bail lie had a sincere
affection for him. He had been his instructor in Glasgow
University, and in after-days when Wariston was a great man
he did not hesitate to write unreservedly to him as to the
regulation of his ambition and the conduct of public business.
1 Burnet, i. 50; Kirkton, 172. ^ Baillie, iii. 64.
3 Scots Worthies, vol. ii. 76. * P. 173.
6 Wodrow, Anahcta, ii. 145- ^ Kirkton, 173.
INTRODUCTION 19
One of his letters began formally with ' My Lord,' and con-
cluded ' My service to my Cumer (gossip) and all friends, Your
Master, R. Baillie." ^ He also referred to him as ' the good
Advocate"' and 'Good Wariston/- Brodie^ and Kirkton *
have testified to the love which his friends bore to him. He
was closely associated with Argyll in public life and seems to
have been on intimate terms with him privately. In 1647 he
bought from Argyll the Island of Suna in the old parish of
Kilchattan,^ and in the following year, when it was thought
advisable that he should go into retirement for a short time
lie withdrew to Kintyre on a visit to Argyll.^ But after he
joined the extreme party of the Protesters many of his old
friends withdrew from him, and some even of those who were
favourably inclined to the Protesters thought that he went too
far.'^ In writing to Spang on 19th July 1654, Baillie said,
' Wariston lives privilie, in a hard enough condition, much
' hated by the most, and neglected by all, except the Remon-
' strants to whom he is guide."* ^ Although Baillie and he had
come to differ widely as regarded public affairs, Baillie remained,
throughout his distresses, one of his fastest friends.^ His old
friends did not forget him on the day of his execution. They
attended him to the scaffold, and afterwards to his ' buriall
in thair murning apperrell "* ; ^° and Kirkton wrote that ' he
* rendered up his spirit into the Lord"'s hand with much com-
' fort of mind, and much bemoaned by all that knew him."* ^^
The crowning error in his career was his acceptance of
employment from Cromwell. He was regardless about money
matters and spent his patrimony in the promotion of his views.
Consequently, upon the loss of his office when Cromwell came
to Scotland, he was reduced to great pecuniary straits, which
1 Baillie, ii. io6. " Baillie, iii. 53, 64. ' Diary, 322.
■* Kirkton, 172. ^ Great Seal Reg., Printed Abridg. 1647, No. 1863.
^ Baillie, iii. 64. '' Brodie, 1655, October 2, 160.
8 Baillie, iii. 249. " Baillie, iii. 338. i" Nicoll's Diary, 395.
" Kirkton, 172.
20 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY
were aggravated by his having had to restore considerable sums
which certain individuals had paid to him or his wife for offices
in his gift.^ His inability to provide for his large family
without an income has been pleaded in extenuation of his
ratting, but he was ever after ' afflicted and sad, never pro-
sperous, because he hade made himself a trespasser,"* ^ and he
regretted to his last day the false step he took in accepting
office. In his dying speech he spoke of it pathetically as
follows : ' I must withal confess, that it doth not a little
' trouble me, and lie heavy upon my spirit, and will bring me
' down with sorrow to the grave that I suffered myself through
' the power of temptations, and the too much fear anent the
' straits that my numerous family might be brouglit into to be
' carried unto so great a length of compliance in England with
' the late usurpers, which did much grieve the hearts of the
* godly, and make these that sought God ashamed and con-
' founded for my sake, and did give no small occasion to the
' adversary to reproach and blaspheme. And my turning aside
' to comply with these men was the more aggravated in my
' person that I had so frequently and seriously made profession of
' my adverseness from, and abhorrence of that way, and had
' shown much dissatisfaction with these that had not gone so
' great a length ; for which, as I seek God's mercy in Christ
' Jesus, so I desire that all the Lord's people, from my
' example, may be more stirred up to watch and pray that
' they enter not into temptation." ^
The occurrences and, in particular, the discussions on eccle-
siastical affairs, related in the Diary, may be elucidated by
the following short preliminary statement.
Since his accession to the Crowns of England and Scotland in
1625, Charles i. had shown himself singularly wanting in tact
' Scot's Staggering State, p. 127. See also Baillie, iii. 249.
2 Kirkton, 173. ' Scots Worthies, vol. ii. 76, 77.
INTRODUCTION 21
and good judgment in his interference with ecclesiastical affairs
in Scotland. Like his father he had exalted notions of the
kingly office and the Royal Prerogative. He believed, as his
father had done, that the Episcopalian form of church govern-
ment was, in its nature, better suited for a monarchical estab-
lishment than the more republican parity of Scottish Pres-
byterianism. James had had to endure, in his early days,
much plain speaking in the pulpit and out of it — sometimes
even personal indignities — from the Presbyterian ministers of
Edinburgh, and such treatment must to him and his family
have contrasted unfavourably with the courtly manners and
pleasant speeches of the churchmen of England. Moreover,
the imposing services of the Church of England and its stately
ritual appealed to their senses, if not to their higher natures,
in a way which it seemed to be impossible for the plain and
comparatively rude services of the Church of Scotland to do.
Charles frankly admitted this : ' Our father of blessed memorie
' immediately after his comming into England, compared the
' decencie and uniformitie of God's worship here, especially in
' the Liturgie of the Church, with that diversitie, nay deformitie,
' which was used in Scotland, where no set or publike forme
' of prayer was used, but Preachers or Readers and ignorant
' Schoolmasters prayed in the Church, sometimes so ignorantly
' as it was a shame to all Religion to have the Majestic of God
' so barbarously spoken unto, sometimes so seditiously that
' their prayers were plaine Libels, girding at Soveraigntie and
' Authoritie ; or Lyes, being stuffed with all the false reports
' in the Kingdome."' ^
All these considerations contributed to make these Sovereigns
desire to impose upon Scotland what they admired so much in
England, that is to say, to establish Episcopacy and to pro-
vide for the Church an order of service identical, as nearly as
might be, with what was in use in England. ' As became a
Large Declaration, 15, 16.
22 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY
' Religious Prince,"' James bethought himself seriously ' how
' his first reformation in that Kingdome might begin at the
' publike worship of God, which hee most truely conceived
' could never be happily effected, untill such time as there
' should be an unitie and uniformitie in the publike prayers,
' liturgie, and service of the Church, established throughout
' the whole Kingdome.'' ^
James had made a considerable advance towards the attain-
ment of his ends although his methods had been high-handed.
He had obtained the introduction into the Church of the order
of Bishops, and was gradually vesting them with the powers of
government which the Presbyterian Church Courts had pre-
viously possessed. The preparation of a Book of Common
Prayer, which it should be obligatory on the clergy to use in
the public worship of the Church, was also being proceeded
with, and certain religious observances (known as the Articles
of Perth) had been enjoined. But these innovations were
highly unpopular, and many refused to obey the King's injunc-
tions. Knowing the people with whom he had to deal, and
being conscious of the risk of pressing his reforms further
against their determined objections, he thought it more
prudent to allow some of the prescribed observances to fall
into abeyance.
But James died, and Charles speedily began to take an
active personal charge of the administration of Scottish
affairs. He, however, had not lived in Scotland since his
childhood — he had been brought up amidst widely different
surroundings from those of his father in his youth — and neither
he nor the statesmen and churchmen who were his advisers
seemed able to understand the peculiar temperament of the
Scottish people or to comprehend the depth and pertinacity of
the national character.
He had the misfortune to make himself unpopular with one
^ Large Declaration, i6.
liNTRODUCTION 23
class or another of the community by everything he did, even
when it was well done. He excited the animosity of the great
nobles by his threatened revocation of all his father's grants of
Church lands, whereby they had acquired so large an accession
of influence and power; by his admirable arrangement for
putting a stop for ever to the intolerable burden of the drawn
teind, and for making a competent provision for the clergy ; and
by promoting the Prelates to high offices in the state, which
the nobles thought belonged rightly and almost constitutionally
to their class. Many petty jealousies also seem to have been
aroused by the manner of distribution of honours at his
coronation.^ The great nobles whom he might have counted
upon to support him were thus alienated and driven to make
common cause with the large party in the kingdom who
resented his interference with the government and form of
worship of their Church. The powerful combination thus
formed came to be directed wholly against the king's eccle-
siastical policy.
The settlement throughout the kingdom of one common form
of divine service and church government^ was to be achieved
by introducing into the Church of Scotland the mode of worship
and rules of government which were established in England.
This was to be done by an exercise of the Royal Prerogative
— the Sovereign was to command and his subjects were to obey.
Charles seemed to be unaware that his project would meet with
resistance,^ and in this to have been misled mainly by the
reports as to the state of the national feeling which he received
directly, or through Laud, from the younger generation of
Bishops. Of these men, the High Treasurer (Traquair) wrote
to the Marquis of Hamilton on 27th August 1637, that ' their
' rash and foolish expressions, and sometimes attempts, both
' in private and publick, have bred such a fear and jealousie in
' the hearts of many, that I am confident, if His Majesty were
Large Declaration, ii. ^ Ibid. 44. ^ Ibid. 19.
24 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
' rightly informed thereof, he would blame them, and justly
' think, that from this and the like proceedings arises the
* ground of many mistakes amongst us.'^ Experienced men
foresaw the troubles that would arise. On Snd January 1637,
after the issue of the Royal Proclamation commanding the
use of the Service Book, Baillie wrote, ' I am affrayit sore that
' there is a storme raisit which will not calme in my dayes.
' It ''s a pitie that we should have none to give our gratious
' Prince deu information.'^
While the ferment was general throughout the nation, the
first overt act of opposition to the introduction of the Service
Book was the riot of the serving maids in St. Giles Cathedral
on 23rd July 1637. ' No sooner was the Book opened by the
' Deane of Edinburgh, but a number of the meaner sort, who
' used to keep places for the better sort, most of them women,
' with clapping of their hands, cursings, and outcries, raised
' such a barbarous hubbub in that sacred place, that not
' any one could either heare or be heard.' The Bishop of
Edinburgh, in an attempt to appease the tumult, ' was enter-
' tained with as much irreverence as the Deane, and with more
' violence ; insomuch, that if a stoole, aimed to be throwne at
' him, had not by the providence of God beene diverted by the
' hand of one present, the life of that Reverend Bishop, in that
' holy place, and in the Pulpit, had beene indangered if not
' lost.' 3
After that Sunday the new Service Book was never read in
Edinburgh. In the course of the following week the Privy
Council approved of a report by the Archbishop of St. Andrews
on behalf of the Bishops that there should be a surcease of the
Service Book till the King's pleasure was known, 'and that
' neither the old Service nor the new established Service be
' used in this interim.'^ The King, in an angry letter to his
Burnet's Memoires of the Haniiltons, p. 31. ^ Baillie,
Large Declaration, 23.
The Clergies' Report anent the Service Booke. — Peterkin, 52.
INTRODUCTION 25
Council, reproved them for their faint-hearted conduct, and
commanded that every Bishop should cause the Service Book
to be read within his diocese,^ but the Council did not dare to
put this order in force. The people seemed ' possessed with a
bloody devill/-
The first wild and unregulated outbreaks of the mob gradu-
ally gave place to an orderly and, to the King, more dangerous
attack upon his innovations, led by the greater part of the
nobility, gentry, and other influential classes. Four men stood
out conspicuous as their leaders, Rothes, Loudoun, Alexander
Henderson of Leuchars, and the youthful Wariston — who
fought the King and the Prelates with remarkable ability and
skill, checkmating every move. For success against the power-
ful influences which the King and his adherents could bring to
bear in order to secure their ends, it was essential that Scotsmen
should stand shoulder to shoulder, and speak with one voice.
For the attainment of the first of these objects, Wariston is
said to have bethought him of a renewal of the old National
Covenant of 1580, by which King James and his subjects swore
to defend against Popery the true reformed religion as expressed
in the Confession of Faith, and to maintain the King's Majesty,
his person and estates ; — ' the true worship of God and the
' King's authoritie being so straitly joyned, as that they
' had the same friends and common enemies, and did stand
' and fall together. '^ Wariston's suggestion was adopted and
the famous National Covenant of 1638 was thereupon framed
by him and Henderson jointly. To suit the oath of 1580 to
the altered circumstances of the time, and secure united action
against the innovations which in the interval had been intro-
duced into the Church, an addition was made to it, whereby the
subscribers swore to adhere to and defend the true religion and
forbear the 'practice of all novations, already introduced in
Peterkin, 54. ^ Baillie, i. 23.
Preamble to National Covenant of 1638.
26 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY
' the matters of the worship of God, or approbation of the
' corruptions of the pubhck government of the Kirk, or civill
' places and power of Kirkmen, till they bee tryed and allowed
' in free Assemblies, and in Parliaments.'' They further swore to
defend the King, his person and authority in the defence of
the true religion ; ' as also to the mutuall defence and assist-
' ance everie one of us of another, in the same cause of main-
' taining the true Religion, and his Majestie's Authoritie,
' against all sorts of persons whatsoever, so that, whatsoever
' shall be done to the least of us for that cause, shall be taken
' as done to us all in generall, and to everie one of us in par-
' ticular. And that we shall, neither directly nor indirectly
' suffer ourselves to be divided or withdrawn, by whatsoever
' suggestion, combination, allurement, or terrour, from this
' blessed and loyall Conjunction, nor shall cast in any let or
' impediment that may stay or hinder any such resolution, as
' by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good
' ends/ ^ This Covenant was virtually a solemn obligation by
the individuals composing the nation that they would faith-
fully and for ever stand by each other in their resistance to the
hated innovations. The circumstances attending its subscrip-
tion are well known. It was acknowledged by the King that
' the fire of this seditious Covenant flamed throughout all
' the corners of the kingdome, and that to such an unexpected
' height and violence, as it was past both the skill and power
' of our Councell to quench it.''^ The enormous body of
people so banded together was represented by small com-
mittees selected from each class of the community, and these
again were for executive purposes represented by a General
Committee, or General Table as it was called, composed
of the ablest men of the party, which sat permanently
in Edinburgh with Wariston as Clerk. 'What they of
National Covenant of 1638; Large Declaration, 64, 65.
Large Declaration, 75, 76.
INTRODUCTION 27
' the General Table resolved on, was to be put in practice
' with a blinde and Jesuiticall obedience.''^ Charles and his
advisers at once saw what a powerful engine had been devised
and perfected to baffle their schemes. In referring to it in
his Declaration, the King wrote, 'And now began the most
' unnaturall, causlesse, and horrible rebellion that this or
' perhaps any other age in the world hath been acquainted
' with : for now these Protesters begin to invest themselves
' with the supreme Ensignes and Markes of Majestie and
' Soveraigntie by erecting publike Tables of advice and
' Councell, for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome, without
' our Authoritie, and in contempt of Us and our Councell
' established by us there, and by entring into a Covenant
' and most wicked Band and combination against all that
' shall oppose them, not excepting Our owne Person, directly
' against the law of God, the law of Nations, and the munici-
' pall lawes of that Our Kingdome/^ In view of the gravity
of the situation, the King, after much consultation with his
advisers, resolved to send down the Marquis of Hamilton as
his High Commissioner with instructions to examine into the
alleged grievances, and to calm the commotions by giving the
nation all j ust satisfaction.
The line of action taken by the Covenanters was to profess
to absolve the King personally from all responsibility in connec-
tion with the innovations. They laid before the Privy Council
a formal complaint against the Bishops^ as ' the contryvers,
introducers, and urgers upone "* the nation of the Service Book
and book of Canons, and as the authors of the other innovations.
For this, they maintained, the Bishops should be brought to trial
and should not be allowed to sit as judges till the matter was
determined.^ But this the King would not accept. He was
proud of the part which he had personally taken in the pre-
^ Large Declaration, 54. - Ibid. 53, 54.
^ Relation, 49. •* Declinator ; Rothes' Relaiiott, 51.
28 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
paration of the Service Book, and at once stated in reply that
it was he who had ordered it to be compiled, and that he
had in the framing of it taken great care and pains, ' so as
' nothing passed therein but Avhat was seene and approved by
' Us before the same was either divulged or printed/^
In all the numerous long and able papers issued by the
Covenanters, one desire was kept prominently in the front, viz.,
that the King should call a free General Assembly and Parlia-
ment as the only means by which the great disorders of Church
and State could be redressed : ' All the Desires of the Suppli-
' cants resolves on ane Generall Assemblie and Parliament, these
' being the meanes to cognosce and redresse the whole parti-
' culars.'^ A mere withdrawal of the Service Book, Book of
Canons, and High Commission would not remedy the evils nor
prevent their recurrence. The Church, they urged, must be
secured in time to come against any alteration in points of
doctrine, divine worship, and church government, but such as
should be agreed on in lawful free General Assemblies,^ i.e.
such assemblies as should be constituted according to the laws
of the pure reformed Church of Scotland, not the packed and
corrupt assemblies which had carried out the commands of
King James in the later years of his reign.
Much discussion took place between the Commissioner and
* Proclamation. — Large Declaration, 48.
In the sale catalogue of the Duke of Hamilton's library, p. 25, the following
entry occurs: '316, Booke of Common Prayer, R, Barker 1637 — Psalmes in
Meeter, with music,'i635, black letter, Charles the First's copy with numerous
alterations and additions in his autograph — small 4to. Prefixed to the Order
for Morning Prayer, Charles I. has written with his own hand : " Charles R. I
" gave the ArchbP of Canterbury comand to make the alteracons expressed
" in this book and to fit a Liturgy for the Church of Scotland and wheresoever
" they shall differ from another booke signed by us at Hampt Court, Septemb""
" 28th, 1634, our pleasure is to have these followed rather than the former ;
" unless the ArchbP of St. Andrews and his Brethren who are upon the place
" shall see apparent reason to the contrary. At Whitehall, April 19th, 1636.''
The above note proves beyond a doubt that the alterations made in the folio
edition of 1637, usually termed Laud's Scotch Liturgy, emanated from Charles I.
himself, and that his emendations were adopted with scarcely a variation.'
2 Rothes to Hamilton, Relation, 184. ^ Relation^ 96.
INTRODUCTION 29
the Covenanting leaders. Before agreeing to indict a General
Assembly, the Commissioner demanded that tiie Covenant
should be abrogated. This the Covenanters rejected without
hesitation. He further asked for an undertaking that the
Covenanters should not at the Assembly ' goe about to deter-
' mine of things established by Acts of Parliament, otherwise
' than by remonstrance or petition to the Parliament." ^ But
such an undertaking they declined to give. The introduction
of the Service Book, although the immediate cause of the out-
break, was only one of the innovations of which they com-
plained. Their object was to strike at what they conceived to
be the root of the evil, and to restore the Church to its purity
as it existed at the end of the previous century before the
introduction of Episcopacy by the King and Parliament against
what the Covenanters believed was the will of the people.
They insisted that the Church, acting through its Supreme
Court legally constituted, had alone the cognisance of matters
of doctrine, church government, and forms of worship. The
King had no power to regulate such matters, and although
Parliament might, for the fortification of the resolutions of the
Church Courts, give them formal ratification, its power to
legislate upon ecclesiastical subjects went no further. A
ratifying Act of Parliament had no force, independently of the
resolution of the Church Court which it confirmed, but at once
became of no effect on the abrogation of the resolution by a
subsequent duly constituted Assembly. An Assembly being
supreme, it was impossible, they urged, that private indivi-
duals could bargain on its behalf that certain subjects should
be excluded from its consideration.
The other point upon which a vital difference was manifested
was the constitution of General Assemblies. The Commis-
sioner, as representing the King and the Episcopal party,
maintained that the practice which had been followed since
^ Large Declaration, 123.
30 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
the introduction of Episcopacy should be continued, that
is that Archbishops and Bishops, and constant (perpetual)
Moderators of Presbyteries, should be members by virtue of
their offices. The Covenanters would not admit this, and
contended that only those persons could lawfully be members
who were sent up as Commissioners from presbyteries or
burghs. A further question arose as to the rights of ruling
elders, or lay elders,^ as the Episcopalians called them, to be
members of Church Courts. The Episcopal party, who drew a
broad distinction between clergy and laity, denied that ruling
elders were members of Church Courts, although they might
be called in by presbyteries ' for their assistance in discipline
' and correction of manners, at such occasions as they stood in
' need of their godly concurrence.'' ^ Not being members they
could neither vote in the election of ministers as commis-
sioners from presbyteries nor be sent up as Commissioners
themselves. On the other hand, the Covenanters declared that
the rule of the Church was that each kirk-session should send
up to its presbytery, as constituent members, the minister
and one ruling elder. A presbytery would thus be composed
of an equal number of ministers and ruling elders. As to the
mode of election of Assembly Commissioners they founded
on the instructions sent down to presbyteries by the Dundee
Assembly on 7th March 1597, whereby three ministers and
one ruling elder were directed to be sent up by each Presby-
tery as Commissioners to each Assembly.^
^ ' Some reproachfully, and others ignorantly, call them Lay Elders. But the
' distinction of the Clergie and Laity is Popish and Antichristian. The name of
' Clergie, appropriate to Ministers, is full of pride and vaine glory, and hath
• made the holy people of God to be despised, as if they were prophane and
' uncleane in comparison of their Ministers.' — Assertion of the Government of the
Church of Scotland in the Points of Ruling Elders, etc., Edinburgh, 1641, p. 3.
" Bishop's Declinator. — Large Declaration, 252.
^ 'Elders are of three sorts (i) Preaching Elders or Pastors, (2) Teaching
Elders or Doctors, (3) Ruling Elders. All these are elders, because they have
voice in Presbyteries and all Assemblies of the Church, and the Government of
the Church is incumbent to them all,' — Assertion, ut supra, p. 8.
INTRODUCTION 31
theless, resolved to call an Assembly. By way of clearing the
ground, and as a substantial bid for the support of the mass of
the people, who might be supposed not to care much about
such matters as the Royal Prerogative and theories of church
government, provided the recent innovations were removed,
Charles issued a Proclamation expressing his detestation of
Popery ; virtually sweeping away all the innovations ; declar-
ing that Bishops who had abused their powers should be
subject to trial by the General Assembly; and directing that a
free Assembly should be held at Glasgow on 21st November
1638.^
The famous Assembly met in the great Cathedral on the
appointed day amid scenes of intense excitement, Baillie's
vivid description of which ^ recalls Macaulay''s well-known
picture of the opening of the impeachment of Warren Hast-
ings in Westminster Hall. The ministers and elders who
had been sent up as Commissioners were, almost to a man,
enthusiastic Covenanters, eager to condemn the innovations
and to sit in judgment on the Prelates. Henderson was elected
Moderator, and Wariston Clerk ^ and afterwards Procurator
or Legal Adviser. Hamilton speedily foresaw what the result
would be if an Assembly so constituted were allowed to pro-
ceed to business, and therefore, on the plea that ruling elders
had no right to be members, he, on 29th November,* declared
the Assembly dissolved and departed. The Assembly, how-
ever, after his departure, passed a formal resolution that it
Avas a lawful Assembly, and might continue to sit till its
business was despatched. It accordingly sat till 20th Decem-
ber, and in the interval it swept away the whole fabric of
Episcopacy, rejected and condemned, as unlawful innovations,
the changes in the forms of church government and worship
introduced by the King, deposed and excommunicated both
^ Large Declaration, 137. - Baillie, i. 123 ei seq.
'"^ 'A nonsuch for a clerk.' — Baillie, i. 122. * Peterkin, 44.
32 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
the Archbishops and six of the Bishops, and deposed without
excommunicating six more of the Bishops.
The cup was now full. Charles felt that he had been defied
and insulted before the world, and at once proceeded to hasten
on the preparations which he had for some time been quietly
making^ for punishing his rebellious subjects. On 26th
January 1639 he summoned his English nobility to meet him
at York on 1st April, each with a suitable following, on the
plea, absolutely without foundation, that the Scots might
invade England. His real intention undoubtedly was to
reduce the Scots to obedience by force of arms. To that
end he had planned landings of troops on the shores of the
Clyde and the coast of Argyllshire ; the north was to be
secured by the Marquis of Huntly ; Hamilton with a fleet was
to enter the Firth of Forth ; and the King with his army was
to advance to the Tweed. While at York he published a
Proclamation promising to grant an act of oblivion to all such
as should within eight days lay down their arms, declaring
such as should not obey rebels, and ordering their vassals and
tenants not to acknowledge them, nor pay them any rent, but
to reserve one half of it to the King's use, and the other half
to their own use. But the projected landings on the west
coast did not take place ; the Earl of Montrose disposed of
Huntly and the town of Aberdeen ; Hamilton's fleet, which
entered the Forth on 1st May, could not effect anything
beyond the taking of a few ships; and the Covenanters
would not allow the Proclamation to be read. The Royal
army was assembled at the Birks near Berwick early in May,
and the King himself arrived there about 30th May,^ nine days
after the commencement of Wariston's Diary. His army had
no heart for the war. Sir Ralph Verney wrote to his son on
1st May, ' I dare say ther was never . . . soe unwilling an
army brought to fight.' And on 5th May he wrote, 'This
1 See Letters, the King to Hamilton : Burnet's Memoires, pp. 55, 59.
2 Verney Papers, 241.
INTRODUCTION 83
' daye I spake with an understanding Scottishman, and one
' that is affected the moderate waye. Hee is confident noe-
' thing will sattisfye them but taking awaye all bishopps, and
' I dare saye the King will never yeelde to that, soe wee must
' bee miserable." ^
The Covenanters were determined to resist to the utmost.
They composed the great majority of the nation, and were
thoroughly organised. Alexander Leslie, the hero of the
defence of Stralsund, who had learned the art of war under
the great Gustavus, was appointed general in chief, and the
Nobles served under him as Colonels of their respective regi-
ments. Large supplies of arms and ammunition had been
imported from the Continent. The great strongholds of the
country had been captured, and Leith had been fortified. A
force had been sent under the command of Montrose to over-
awe Aberdeen and the north-east ; and considerable bodies of
men had been stationed along the shores of the Forth to watch
the English fleet. The main army which was to oppose
directly that of the King was quartered in the villages of East
Lothian, when Leslie, with his colonels, set out to take the
immediate command on the 21st of May, the day when the
Diary was begun.
The Society desire specially to express their acknowledg-
ments to Mr. Maxton Graham for his kindness in placing the
manuscript of the Diary at their disposal, and to Sir James
Gibson Craig of Riccarton, Baronet, for allowing his unique
portrait of Wariston by Jameson e to be photographed as a
frontispiece.
GEORGE M. PAUL.
Verney Papers, 228, 231
JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
Upon Tuesday the 21 of May 1639, my Lord Generall with
sundrie of his Colonells, the Earle of Rothes, my Lord Lindsay,
my Lord Loudon, my Lord Yester, my Lord Montgomerie,
my Lord Dalhusie, with five and fourtie peece of canon marcht
from Ed'' to Haddingtoun wher my Lord Rothes and my Lord
Montgomeries regiments wer lying. ^
Upon Wednesday the 22 May the Lord Generall went to
Dumbar wher my Lord Lindsay and my Lord Loudon, my
Lord Yester, and ray Lord Muntros regiments wer lying ther
and ther abouts.
This night eighteene ships which wer lying above Inchcome
came downe to the rode of Leeth. *-> OO /^ ^f^
This day ane letter from the noblemen, ^Lbli^nari^ Articles
was taken in to the Comissioner by Mr. Wm. Cunynghame.
Upon Thursday the 23 May ^ twentie of the English ships
went from the rode of Leeth to the May, the guards of both
coasts of Louthian and Fyfe following them.
The Generall went from Dumbar to see Tantallan.^
Ane letter sent to the whole Shy res.
' Right Honorable, These are to desire the Noblemen
within your shyre with all possible diligence to send hither to
1 '21 May 1639. Twysday. This day Generall Leslie, Erl Rothes, and
Lord Lyndsay, tuik journey to the bound rod.'
' 23 May 1639. Item, Mr. Alexander Henrysoun, with Mr. Archibald John-
stoun, raid to the bound Rod.' — Diary of Sir Thomas Hope (Bannatyne Club),
97. Henderson and Wariston no doubt accompanied the army as the official
representatives of the Church, having been respectively Moderator and Clerk
of the last General Assembly.
- This castle, now a ruin, was then a place of great strength. It was taken
by Cromwell in 1651, 'after he had battred at the for wall 12 dayes continually
with grate canon.' — Balfour, iv. 249.
56 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [may
the borders at the least the two part of the horses and horse-
men both of Gentlemen and yeomans who will readylier come
out with them nor^ without them, conforme to Instructions
befor sent to Shyres theranent, if they be not already come
away befor this advertisement. The king's armie especially of
horsemen lying now close upon our borders in despight of all
foot companies may and will assuredly ravage all the country,
and ryde into the heart of the kingdom w'^'^ our footmen
cannot imped, bot we both remaine useles to other pairts bot
q*" they are guarding and be in hazard of the enemies horse
in the feilds except the horse come to us and that av* all
possible expedition, lest they mak our foot armies to ly still
heere spending our victuals, q'"as having the horsemen we
might both march to the borders, gett assurance either of
present peace or warre and stay the enemie from spoyling the
countrie ; let not any man now either linger or think it suffi-
cient to send any unworthy body or a bachling naig^ in his
stead, seeing our enemies strength consists in ther horse,
Bot as they love the standing of Gods cause and liberties of
this kirk and kingdome, let them use extraordinarie diligence
in this extraordinarie exigent to come themselves and hasten
others to come, either w* carrabeins, hagbuts, pistols, or jacks
and lances, or swords and lances, or any other fensible weapon.
Lykeas we most earnestly requyre the noblemen and gentlemen
in everie paroch that whosoever steales away from this armie
home w*out ane passe from us or his owne Colonell be
presently putt in yrons and sent back to the armies to suffer
exemplary punishment. Your affectionat freinds
Duvibar 24 of May 1639.
Upon Fryday the 24 May ther come two Comissioners with
ane supplication from the Colledg of Justice to my Lord
General!, desyring not to be tyed to march all on foot from
Ed"^ presently, wherunto the Generall condescended and desyred
them to make up ane troup of horse, and to report this his
desyre to them that sent them.
This night Captaine Winnercom brought alongs with him
from Ed"^ one of his Ma*^'^® trumpeters who came from my
1 than. - A shambling nag.
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 37
Lord Holland ^ through Kelso with one letter to the noble
men of Scotland and with one to the Earle of Argyle.
My Lords — As it hath beene my fortune to have receaved
great expressions from yow of the disposition of your Loyalty
and dueties to his Matie, so is it now to give your L°p ane
occasion to shew it by your obedience to this his Maties pro-
clamation which asking bot civile and temporall obedience
from his naturall kingdome having beene borne in the bowels
of it, I most beleeve by the earnest professions of love and
duty to him and lykwyse by the eminence of your qualities,
that so justly ought to serve what created them :
Your L°P^ will most joyfully and readily submitt to that
which in this sacred and powerfull way is thus demanded
from you, by which meanes you may not onlie avoyd that
name yow professe so litle to deserve, but lykewyse shunne
in all your particulars the inconveniences of it with those
others of the publick threatned in the distraction of these
kingdomes which are so intressed in the safety and prosperity
of each other as their differences will appeare as unnaturall
toward ourselves as it may prove unfortunate. The fulness of
my heart upon this occasion maks me say more then is propper
for me, since I am rather to obey in this office then to advyse,
— My Lords I am your Lo^^ humble servant Holland
From my quarter this
20 of May.
My Lord — I have receaved a civilitie that challenges a
reall returne of it unto your L°p, and truelie I can in nothing
expresse it so much as in my letter and freindlie persuasions to
your L*P that ye wold upon this occasion advyse as you pro-
fesse that your religion and Lawes being safe ther is no un-
dutiefulnes or violence intended, I am confident neither of
them will justifie the disobeying of such a comand as the
retiring of those forces that hath beene raised without them,
And my Lord in the freedome and sinceritie of my heart and
conscience give me leave to say It most appeare strange to our
Soveraigne Lord and Master thus to be faced with ane Armie
^ The Earl of Holland was General of the Horse in the King's Army.
38 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [may
that hath covered us all so many yeares under the wings of
peace, when all other princes have beene laid open to the rage
and calamities of warre; if this deserve not, vfith so many other
blessings of his personall vertues, the retiring to such a distance
as the least motione of his Ma/ just sword may not fall upon
you I leave it to your conscience, w°^ can never enquire to
find any so guilty of the moving of any thing towards such
distractions as these must be, that may with ther honour and
duety thus remove to preveine them. All thus my Lord wer I
your brother I should offer unto you, which is the best and
truest expression of my being your L"'' most humble servant
From my quarter Holland
22 May.
^ BytlieK'mg^
Charles by the Grace of God, King of Great Britaine,^
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith. To all
our loving subjects whom it shall or may concerne; Greeting,
Wheras we ar thus farr advanced in our Royall person with our
armie, and the attendance of our nobility and gentry of this
kingdome, and intend to be shortly at our good towne of
Barwicke, with purpose to give our good people of Scotland all
just satisfaction in Parliament, as soone as the present dis-
orders, and tumultuous proceidings of some there, ar quieted :
and will leave us a faire way of comming lyke a gracious king
to declare our good meaning to them : But finding some cause
of impediment and that this nation doth apprehend (that con-
trarie to their professions) ther is ane intention to invade this
our kingdome of England, We doe therfor to cleare all doubts,
that may breed scruples in the mynds of our good subjects of
either kingdome, reiterate this our just and reall protestation :
That if all civile and temporall obedience be effectually and
tymely given and shewen unto us we doe not intend to invade
them with any hostilitie. But, if they shall without our
especiall authority and command raise any armed troupes, and
draw them downe within ten miles of our border of England,
^ This Proclamation was issued at Newcastle on 14th May 1639. An original
print has been preserved at Queen's College, Oxford, which Mr. Firth has been
good enough to collate with this copy. Peterkin's copy is inaccurate and mis-
leading. ^ England in original print.
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 39
zee shall then intej-pret that as an invasion of our said Kingdome
of England^ and in that case doe expressly command the
Generall of our armie and our superiour officers of the same,
respectively to proceede against them as Rebells, and Invaders
of this our kingdome of England, and to the outmost of their
power to sett upon them and destroy them, In which they
shall doe a singular service both to our honour and safety.
Given at our Court at Newcastle the fourteenth day of May,
in the fifteenth yeare of our raigne.
God Save the King.
Imprinted at Newcastle by Robert Barker printer to the
Kings Most Excellent Majestic : and by the assignes of Jhon
Bill 1639.
Upon the 25 May being Saturday we sent away with the
trumpeter Sir Jhon Hume of Blacader Knight with our answer
to my Lord Holland and with privat instructions to himself.
Our Noble Lord — As nothing can be more acceptable to us
then to heare that his Matie is pleased to give just satisfaction
unto us and to all his good people, so shall we ever be willing
with all due respect to remember and honour all such as shal
be so happie as to be mediators to procure the same, w<=^ we
acknowledg to be yours at this tyme, And for our part shall
to the outermost of our power render all civile and temporall
obedience unto his Ma/ as tymely and effectually as may be
with the preservation of our Ly ves and safety of the Countrey,
And therfor as we doe humblie intreat and certainely expect
that his Ma/ is willing to cleare all doubts that may bread
scruples in the mynds of the good subjects of either king-
dome, will in his justice recall all his forces by sea which are
lying heere within our bosome to our great hinderance, will
release our Ships arrested in his Ma/ other dominions, will
remove his armies from the borders for our securitie, and will
be graciouslie pleased to give signification of his Ma/ will for
accomodation of affaires in such a peaceable way whether by
the conference of some pry me and well affected men of both
^ The italics were omitted in the Diary. See original print.
40 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [may
nations or any other meane (which we presume not to
prescryve) as may prove more powerfull then those already
assayed hath done, So doe we resolve in all humilitie presently
to doe his Ma/ will in keeping our armies within the bounds of
his Ma/ limitation, and to performe all things we can conceave
may conduce for our common peace, The speedy effectuating of
this on both sydes, as your Lo/ knowes to be his Ma/ honour.
So doe we know it to be the well of this his Ma/ kiiigdome now
in armes whose present condition is such that it cannot indure
longer delay, and all men who looke upon us will perceave
to be the scattering of that dark clouds which hingeth over
the two kingdomes. This blessed work if your Lo/ who hath
begunne so happily shall bring to passe which from the know-
ledg of his Ma/ justice and goodnes we suppose to be facible
by your Lo/ and others who hath accesse And therfor intrust
this Gentleman Sir Jhon Hume of Blacader Knight with
further information, Then shall we yet be further obliedged to
prove Your lo/ humble servants
Lochend the 25 Mai/ 1639.
Insh-iictions
Ye shall shew my Lord Holland
1. The true estate of the question whether we shal be
governed by generall assemblies in matters ecclesiasticall and
by parliament in matters civile unto whose decision we have
ever submitted ourselves, our person our cause and our pro-
ceidings ; albeit proclamations be wrapt up in generals of
religion and Law, yet the grounds of both ar condemned in
particular, as our covenant with God and the generall
assemblie wherof we cannot obtaine ane ratification in
parliament.
2. That we never had any intention either to diminish his
Ma/ authority and Monarchic or invade our neighbour king-
dome bot only to defend ourselves in the mantenance of our
religion and liberties.
3. That we have hitherto used all possible meanes by sup-
plications, informations etc both to cleare our intentions to
his Ma/ and our neighbour nation.
4. That, to show the greatest testimony of our civile
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 41
obedience after by proclamation ^ we wer declared rebells and
traitours, we most humblie renewed our Supplications wryte to
sundry noblemen of England and most heartily consented to
the prorogation of the Parliament.
5. That the English Navie hes now lyen this fourthnight
in our Firth stopping all trade and commerce betwixt this
and any other natione, taking our ships, boats, barks, their
victuals, goods, geire and moneyes detaining the men both
mariners and passengers or forcing them to sweare oathes
contrare to our religion and lawes,
6. That manifestoes and relations of our foul conspiracies
(as they call them) ar published to the world against us and
yet never one of them suffered to be sent home to lett us know
our accusations, that our estates be disponed to our tennents
and our lyves subjected to all wold be rewarded for the taking
them.
7. That albeit it be strange that ane forraigne armie after
threatning our destruction shall march to our borders ready
to come in upon us at their pleasure, and we who intended
and professe not to send any bot defend ourselves should be
discharged from the bounds so lyable to their invasion, yet
to give full satisfaction in everie poynt, we ar content to stay
our armies upon assurance of the present removing of the
navie from our firth and armies from the borders.
8. That it is not lykely that matters of so great importance
as is now to be treated upon can so shortly be broght to a
conclusion as necessitie requyreth by interchange of letters
and intercourse of mesgres etc., doth therfor seeme convenient
that a conference wer appointed betwixt some of the nobility
of Ingland and some of our nobilitie in some convenient place
upon the march so speedily as may be which doubtles will
prove the best way to accommodat bussines shortlie.
This day Mr. Wm. Cunynghame broght back the Comis-
sioner his answere and tooke a new letter back with him.
This day order was sent to Crowner Muntroe ^ to march
York Proclamation. See p. 32.
Colonel Munro was in command of a force then quartered at Dumfries.
42 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [may
hither seeing we heard the troupes of Carleel wer come towards
Berwick.
Upon the Sabboth the 26 May my Lord Generall heard
sermon in Dumbar church wher Mr. Alex"^ Henderson did
beginne to preach upon the fight of the Israehtes with Amalek.
Afternoone we liad intelHgence by one come from the armie
that the Kings Matie with his armie had marcht to Gozik ^
with ten regiments twelve colours in everie regiment, a
hundreth men under everie colour, and of the blacknes of the
bread wherwith they wer intertained.
This night the Kings ships chast a litle barge into the
Sketerraw, and my Lord Generall rode away to Kelso to order
my Lord Louthian and my Lord Askins ^ regiments and the
Shirreffe of Tividailes horse troupe.
Upon Munday the 27 May the Laird of Blacader, returning
from my Lord Holland, desyred ane alteration of ane mitigat-
ing interpretation of the letters sent to my Lord which we sett
downe in some articles and sent away with Blacader.
' The noblemen who did direct and subscry ve the answer to
my Lord Hollands letter ar not heere for the present to enter
upon any new deliberation, neither can they be broght together
so soone as that the bearer may keepe the dyet appointed
by his Lo/, we who are heere understanding the right and
loyall meaning of all the particulars contained in the same
may be answerable to his Lo/ and to those of our owne who
ar absent for saying so much as may be a remedie against all
mistaking.
' My Lord knoweth how great reason we have to apprehend
ane invasion, for his Maties proclamations threaten no lesse,
all preparations for warre ar used, all supplications and means
assayed by us ar rejected : Manifestoes ar published against us
and keeped up from us, our lands and estates disponed to our
vassals and tennents,^ the fleet lyeth heere to our great and
dayly hinderance, the armies ar now come to the borders ;
matters so standing, how necessary it is that we see to
^ Goswick lay nearly opposite the north point of Holy Island.
^ Erskine's. 3 York Proclamation.
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 43
ourselves, and doe and labour for all things conducing for our
lawfull defence My Lord and all wyse men can judge, and
more then defence we have not intended.
' His Lo/ wold be pleasd to consider that we have under-
taken to give present obedience to his Ma/ will in keeping the
distance of place designed, and doe not capitulat that his Ma/
should remove his armies to the lyke distance, bot doe earnstly
begg and humblie supplicat that his Maties armies by sea and
land may be so farr removed or in his Maties justice so disposed
upon that we may be secured from invasion and that our com-
merce and country now blocked up may be made free, What
urgent necessity there is that this be granted althogh cravd
by way of supplication as beseemeth humble subjects we desyre
his Lo/ will take to consideration.
' The earnst desyre we have of pacification and to give
both his Matie and the whole nation just content may be kent
by our proposition for a meeting of some pryme and well
affected men, and by our readines to accept any the lyke meane
which shal be prescryved to us and serving most for the Kings
honour and our common peace, and this way of pacification in
the generall is that which is meant in our answer wher we
spake of a speedy effectuating, and q"" we say that it is begunne
happily by his Lo/ who knowth that both for his Maties
honour and for the estate of both kingdomes now in arnies a
speedy accomodation is most necessarie."'
This day the pay of the regiments at Dumbar and Had-
dingtoun was changd from mony unto victual, and because
sundry souldiers wer not content with their quarters my Lord
Lindsay and my Lord Loudon quartered them in the feilds.
Upon Tuesday the 28 of May upon advertisement that
some Englishmen had proclaimed the proclamation at Hay-
mouth and Aytoun, other some had taken in Ethringtoun, and
others had slaine some scores of sheepe pertaining to the Laird
of Blacadder, and all had pitched their tents up and downe the
water of Tweid, there was ane letter writen in to the Com-
mittee of Ed' with ane commoun advertisement for the whole
shyres, and ane other letter to the ministers of Ed"" to be sent
to the whole presbyteries.
44. JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [may
For the Committe at Ed'' and from thence to he sent to the
whole Shyres.
Wlieras it was formerly appointed that if the Kings armie
should approach to the border with any great force that upon
warning all should be ready upon the first call to march with
what armes they could horse and foot, this is therfor to warne
all that loves the good of this cause and their owne safetie to
come in all haste once this week, and bring what they can of
a months provision, and let the rest follow them : for if ther
come a competent number together we shal be able to hold
them up from breaking in unto the country, which if once they
get fitting 1 it will not be easie to bring them to a stand, and
upon the guard of thir parts depends the safetie of the whole
kingdome,they that shal be found wanting now ar enemies to this
cause and their country, Stirre up one another and remember
that all your charter kists ar lying at the border : We shall
beare them witnes, hot let none stay at home when strangers ar
hyred for three shillings a week to make us all slaves, they are
not worthy to be freemen that will stay at home and neglect
their country, which is now ready to bleed for their neglect,
some of the enemies ar come over the border, Ethringtoun is
taken, Haymouth is feared to be taken this night, wher is a
great magazin of victuals ; if horse and foot haste not we can
hardly here hold them up ; be not wanting to yourselves, and
be confident God will send ane outgate to all these difficulties :
So in haste looking for all dispatch at your hands whom it
alyke concernes I rest.
My Lord — Receave the generall directions to call up all
the kingdome in armes, take the gentlemen of several shyres
where they ar in towne and send them in post hast through all
the shyres to call them all up with what armes they gett. The
Kings armie is about Berwick, places ar saised upon the
borders Haymouth is feared to be taken this night where is
the magazin of our victual, if they see not speedy help the
border wil be lost, we have no horsmen at all, ther is no
provision of victuals and money ; if that everie one set not up
^ footing.
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 45
his rest upon this and come presently it will be difficult to draw
to ane head, Let everie one pray to God and putt to his hand
and God will send us releife; for the six companies about Leeth I
have sent order to requyre them to march hither, since many of
the souldiers ar out of the ships the town of Ed'' and Leeth
may guard the shoare : what other encouragments ar fitting
to be given to all I doubt not bot ye will make use of them, I
will wryte to Argyle and ye must doe the lyke from the table
that he bring all along with him. They that comes upon this
call most bring provision with them for few dayes and the rest
most follow of the months provision.
My Lord send a coppy of this warning, direct to you, to all
the Shyres ; adde a letter of your owne to enforce the same from
the Table.
Lochend 28 Ma^ 1639.
Reverend and Beloved in the Lord — Yee will perceave
by the warning given to the Shyres what great need ther is of
assembling all forces that may be had toward the borders ; we
neid not make any new representation of the present danger
unto you. We will only intreat you as ye love Christ and
your own peace, and as ye wish that yourselves and the people
committed to your charge may be saved from spirituall and
bodyly slaverie, that ye will now bestirre yourselves in your
severall places and in the most powerfull way ye can conceave ;
stirre up all betwixt sixty and sixteen both horse and foot to
march forward to the border neither staying upon armes bot
bringing such weapons with them as they have, nor one com-
pany staying upon another bot comming as they themselves ar
in readines with what provision they can have in haste in
victual or money or can have to follow them upon carriage
horses, for ther is no other meane left unto us now for peace or
for victory under God, who wold be entreated by fasting and
prayer in publick and private by all who ar not able to come
on, that this his owne cause and work, to which his Matie hath
called us and which he hath countenanced and carried on so
farr by so many evidences of his gracious and powerfull pre-
sence, be not now when it is come to the shock deserted and
forsaken by himself. We ar yet confident in our Lord that if
46 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [may
the people at home be exercised in prayer, and so many as are
able to come on linger not, the event shal be a matter of praise
to our God and of Christian and civile peace to this land, for
which we also who ar marching on shall joyne as beecometh
Your loving freinds and brethren in the lord
Dumhar May 28.
Let the first to whose hands these shall come send them
presently to his nearest neighbour and see y* all be advertysed
tymously.
Ane other letter to the Earle of Argyle to that same purpose,
a letter to the Earle of Marshall and to the Earle of Muntrose
to stirre up the North to that same purpose, ane letter to the
Laird of Blacader to complaine to my Lord Holland of these
wrongs done during the treatie.
Ane preceise order writen to Crowner Muntroe to march night
and day to Jedburgh, ane letter to my Lord Jhonstoun to
hasten all their horsmen and what foot may be spared hither,
ane letter to the Earle of Louthian my Lord Ker and Sheirife
of Tividaile to gather ther horse and foot together to remove
their victual and cattels, and keep themselves in the feilds, ane
letter to the Earle of Hume to draw his people together both
horse and foot at Dunse and to bring away all victual and
cattels from the border, ane letter to my Lord Dalhusie to
march presently to Dumbar, Many other letters written to
sundrie Noblemen both West and North to stirre them up.
This night my Lord Generall went to Coberspeth.^
Upon Wednesday the 29 May my Lord Muntros and my
Lord Lindsayes regiments marched with the canon to the
leaguer a little bewest Dunglas and encamped there wher we
learned of the people of Haymouth and Aytoun applauding
to the proclamation and sent them the warning following : -^
Lykeas finding great deficiency of victuals and appearance
of greater in tyme comming for want of care and good order
in the Commissers we gave many orders to Dumbar, Hadding-
toun for continuall baking and brewing and sending to the
Cockburnspath. - See next page.
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 47
camp, we wrote sundry advertisements to Ed'' for sending the
baken briskatt they had, for baking and brewing in Dalceath,
Mussilburgh and all other places and sending it by shillops,
boats or cariag horses, to Haymouth, Cauringhame, Cold-
streame, Dunce to transport all ther victuals to the camp toward
Coberspeth, we used all meanes and yet found litle supplie, pray-
ing God to give us greater wisdome to direct, and men greater
diligence to execute, and be his providence he furnished us lest
for want we dissolved, which we trust in God he will prevent
and albeit a naturall mind might presently despaire for this
want, yea the want of all the necessares of warre, men, horses,
victual, money, munition, comanders, order and dicipline, yet
we know in q™ we trust, that in his providence as he lives he
will most certainly crowne this work with his grace with the
capstone of a glorious successe
A7ie zoarning Jrom the Armie to the people of' Hay mouth and
Aytoune.
' We cannot wonder enough neither ar we a litle greived that
ye should be so simple as to suffer yourselves to be deceaved
with the faire promises of that late declaration which is even
now published amongst you : have ye forgotten for what
necessary causes we have taken armes, how often we have
petitioned for our religion and liberties and all in vaine, what
meanes have been assayed against us to work division, and that
this is the last temtation for the same end ; will ye be perjured
against God, losse all your former labours, and by your defec-
tion or wavering now losse your country, religion, liberties,
and lyves : Ar we not heere in armes ready to take part with
you to the last dropp of our blood ; is not the whole kingdome
obleiged to stand for yours and there owne defence, shall ye
dreame to yourselves to be free of invasion of both hands.
Our Religion and Lawes in the general ar promised, Bot when
we supplicat for them in particular as we have them established
they ar refused Assure yourselves that hopes of gaining lands
and money es this way will but deceave you ; may not Aberdeene
and the places about be a present example unto you, God
48 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [may
forbidd that so base and unchristian thoughts as we heare of
you should harbour in true Scottish and Christian hearts.'
Upon Thursday the 30 May ther was ane order and warrant
given to the mariners of Fyfe and Louthian to help and defend
all boats and barks from the invasion of the English ships and
catches ; order also given to Ed"" and Leeth to guard by three
companies Newheaven and Leeth, and to lett my Lord Foster's
regiment, the Colledg of justice and other companies that was
guarding that coast to march.
We receaved Blacaders letter anent my Lord Hollands
answer, whereof the tenour is in the next page.
My Noble Lords — I Avas at my Lord Holland yesterday,
and this morning was on horseback to come to your Lo^^, bot
befor I had ridden a mile I tooke such a pain in my back about
my eares that I was scarce able to return home so that I am
constrained to write to your LoP^ my Lord Hollands answer
which is that the king was pleased with the obedience given
to his Ma/ proclamation of keeping the armie ten myles from
the borders, bot wheras your LqP^ desyred a melting of some
Noblemen on both sydes for a treatie, the kings Ma/ having
now come this farr with his royall armie and being ingaged in
his honour and reputation by taking of his Castles and orna-
ments of his Crowne, and having the eyes of all men upon these
actions, his Maties will was that his Castles and crowne should
be delivered back to him without which he could neither keepe
a parliament, nor have a place to lodge in at a parliament
which as it was ane obedient and peaceable way so it was the
most handsome way of obedience ; and as for byegones his Ma/
wold remitt all ; w*^^ in effect seemes to me to be the verie
tenour of the proclamation ; my Lord said also that the King
seeing the uncleanlines of the places of divyne worship even
on the borders of England and also in Scotland wold have
helped that one wold have wished things of that kynd to have
beene reformed in a more comelie manner, bot seeing this nation
so willfully bent for matters of religion the King was purposed
to give them their will in these things y^ concernes religion,
and if his Matie wer obeyed he wold come to Ed"^ in quyet
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 49
and peaceable manner and hold a Parliament for selling of all
disorders ; this is all in effect y* I could conceave or remember
of my Lord Hollands discourse which I desyred he might
wryte and give me to carry bot he refused and said if your
LoP. had any further to wryte to him he wold answer it in
wryte. Concerning the lambs taken at Fishwick they wer
nyne and twentie of them only by some unruly souldiers, and
their commanders sent to offer satisfaction either in punishment
of ther bodyes or pryce of the goods, and concerning Ethring-
touns house it was a vaine conceat of a idle man young West-
nisbitt. I am sorry that I was not able to come to your Lo/
and if your Lo/ have any more to wryte to my Lord Holland
send it to me if your Lo/ please and I shall either goe with it
if I be able or send my sonne, I am sorrie of my unability at
this tyme w°^ lies hindered to speak with your Lo^, for the
common people are all in such a feare y* lyes upon the border
neare the Inglish Camp that they can scarce be kept from
yeilding and some ar found to have done it already — rests
your LoP. humble servant Jhon Hume.
Blacader 30 May 1639.
I was informed by a man [who] told the colours that the
first night the English encamped ther was threescore colours,
and sensyne ther is some moe come which it is thoght came
out of the ships w*^*^ some calls two some three thousand men.
Upon Friday the 31 May in the morning we had ane alarme
by sundrie bearers alledging that the whole English armie was
marching to Bounce, therafter we learned the truth of it that
ther was ane thousand English horse with my Lord Holland
who came to Bounce in the morning to preveene the Earle of
Humes conveening of the regiment of the Merse at Bounce,
did ther read the proclamation and tooke away the Laird of
Rentons charter kist out of the Castle of Bovnice and retired
therafter home againe, We wer advertised that sundrie in
the Merse had yeelded already and farr moe was to yeeld,
wherupon we send the third warning or summonds to raise
the country betwixt sixty and sixteen and sent it to the
Committee of Ed"" to be sent to all the Shyres.
50 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [may
' Right Honourable and Loving Freinds — We have done
our part first in requyring you to be ready upon advertisement
to come to the border when necessity should urge ; we have
next given warning that the necessity presseth sore and that
ye should come forward horse and foot without staying of one
company upon another ; and now we tell you and give you the
third summonds that as ye love your country, your conscience,
your lyves and liberties, and wold be delivered from the
destruction threatned against us ye wold haste haste hither,
and be not deceavd with further hopes of peace except by
this meane, neither be ye detained any longer by the appre-
hension of the particular invasion of the pairts of the country
wher any of you have your residence, for all the souldiers
that wer in the ships ar landed at Barwick to help the armie
there. Shall our enemies be more forward for invasion against
the truth and for our slaverie, then we for our defence, for the
truth, and for our libertie ? In end they have neither Christian
nor Scottish hearts who will expose their religion, their countrie,
ther neighbours and themselves to this present danger without
taking part with them, and stand out for any respect under
Heaven against this warning of
Your assured freinds.
From the Camp hesyd
Dunglas, 30 Mai/.
Since the wryting of this the Kings horsmen came this
morning 31 May to Dounse, therfor haste haste hither with q*
provision of weapons and victual ye can bring and let the rest
of your months provision follow you with all diligence.
My Noble Lord — These ar to show you the Kings hors-
men ar this morning come to Dounse, therfor in all haste haste
send away this letter to the shyres with ane assured bearer. We
have neither scene your horsemen, nor of any other shyre, so
they may ryde wher they please without any possible im-
pediment from us, We have receaved no spades, nor howes,
no swyne feathers wherby we may intrinch ourselves. Let their
danger and ours both stirre up greater diligence in us all or
we will all repent it ; see yesterdayes directions anent supplying
us with bread and drink, obey it in haste or else we will
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 51
dissolve for want of baking and brueing, and if the few people
heere be cutt of for want of materiall to intrinch ourselves or
dissolve for want of intertainement, or the horsmen ryde into
y' bounds for want of horsemen it is not our fault who gives
warning on warning bot the fault of your Lordships in Ed'
and gentry in the shyres.
Sent in haste haste.
31 Mayjrom the Camp
hesyd Dujiglas.
At Dimglas 31 May.
One Jhon Oliphant a youth of North Berwick was taken at
the passe, being a servant to Sir Henry Vane.
After great enquirie he told us at last that his M*". desyred
that he should try wher Generall Leslie lay and what forces he
had and by his discourse.
One M"" Tuesden putt him on this imployment.
Ther was ane letter writen to my Lord Hume mentioning
these things that had past in the Merse that day and desyring
his Lo/ to come to Dunglas the next day where they might
advyse concerning the safetie of the country ; this letter was
given to Wetherburne to be sent to him.
Ther came letters also from Kelso from my Lord Askin to
informe of their estate. Captain Hume was sent from Munroe
to shew the regiments comming to Jeddard according to former
orders.
Upon this ther was order sent to my Lord Louthian, to
Colonell Munroe, and ane order to my Lord Phleeming that
was marching thither that they should all draw together
at Kelso and ther make the place fast against the English
horsmen, that they should keep diligent watch and have good
intelligence of the enemie that when they beganne to dislodge
they might make ready also and come and march towards the
armie that was lying besyd Dunglas.
Upon Saturday the 1 of June ther came a letter from Sel-
chrig sent by my Lord Phleeming telling of his four com-
panies and some few horse that wer with him, and of the
52 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
hinderance that Lambingtoun had made to that leavie, and
of the want of amunition ; his order was renewed to joyne with
the rest at Kelso and ther to attend ther common direction.
Ther was another letter sent to the Proveist and Bailzeis of
Ed*", ane answer that they requyred of the guard from New-
heaven to Cramont that Midlouthian should guard, this was
recommended to my Lord Balmirrinoe that he should see it
performed, in which letter also he was forwarnd as befor of all
the necessityes of the armie.
Ther was another letter written to the Committee of warre
in Fyfe by the Generall subscryved by my Lord Rothes
Lindsay taxing ther negligence in sending out of horsmen, and
suffering so many to stay at home besydes these that guarded
the coast, when the necessity was so great at the border they
wer ane evill example to others in sending out all betwixt sixty
and sixteen that had amies.
This day also ther come letters from my Lord Kircubright
and others and a petition from the towne of Dumfrise com-
plaineing of the taking away from them Colonel Munroe and
his regiment and of laying them open and ther country to the
malice of their enemies the Maxwells and their adherents at
home and to the invasion of any forces from England.
This day ane English catch chased in the ship of Kirkadie
unto the Scatterraw, shott sundrie peaces at her, bot was im-
peded from taking her. She had twenty carrabeins, twentie
paire of Franch pistoles, fourscore muskett, and nyne hundreth
weght of ponder.
This day ane English gentleman either really or fainedly a
foole who was sent back as he came.
This day the Erie of Hume came to the camp and cleared
himself to the Generall from all misreports.
There was the same day directions given to Wauchton and
S"" Patrik Murray That Wauchton and S"^ Patrik Murray
conveane the gentlemen of East Louthian and two of the
most understanding yeomen in each paroch, who may by
common consent appoint in each paroch a gentleman to receave
directions and oversee the carriages and other bussines of
victuals etc. in each paroch who may have under him two
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY
53
yoemans to be Constables to asist the execution and see
directions done, and to represent that on the furnishing of
victuals and drawing of the canons consists the safetie of this
land, for without neither can we stand a day. And therfor to
intimate that whosoever disobeyes the ordinance, it shall forfeit
his horse at least and hazard his lyfe to bring all our lyves
thus in hazard.
Coberspeth and Allhamstoks is to attend the ordinance till
Sunday, on which day Waughtone and S'' Patrik most come
hither to the armie, most make report of the diligence of each
paroch, and the stent be made according to the number con-
tained in this list, which we conjecture to be just, but ye may
make it perfect and exact, and bring then the fourth pairt of
the horse of ilk paroch to releave those of Coberspeth and
Auldhamstoks on Sunday to remaine 48 houres till you
send by turnes everie forty eight houres ane fourth part
of each paroch to releive another fourth part, and everie
fourth part as they come to bring the provision of victuals
with them.
The Presbiterie op Dumbarr.
Haddingtoun Presbi
TERIE.
Horses.
Quarter.
Auldhamstoks,
. 250
60
Norberwick,
100
Innerwick,
. 250
60
Dirltoun, .
200
Coberspeth,
. 150
40
Elsinfoord,
040
Dumbarr, .
. 350
80
Norhame [Morham],
60
Spott,
. 040
10
Barra,
50
Stentoun, .
. 040
10
Boutin [Bolton],
60
Whittingtouii,
. 100
25
Heddingtoun,
350
Tinninghame,
. 080
20
Abberlady, .
80
Whytekirk,
. 040
10
Trenent,
300
Prestonkirk,
. 200
50
Saltoune, .
100
—
Pencaitlen,
100
1500
365
Humbie,
Bothens, .
Garvitt [Garvald],
150
60
60
The same day ther came ane Petition from the towne of
Dumfreis to my Lord Generall desyring that Colonel Munroe
with his regiment might stay still there, which is heere
answered.
54 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [jUNE
' Right Honorable and Loving Freinds — We have receaved
your letter and the petition of the toune of Dumfreis shewing
your regraite of our sending for Colonell Munroes regiment,
and desyring their returne to defend you against threatned
invasion, and perfect your begunne work in Dumfreis for your
defence, ye wold consider that seeing the Kings Matie hes
gathered together all his forces both of sea and land hither to
march with ane royall armie through the heart of this country,
for preservation of the whole we ar necessitat to conveane all
the regiments even from everie particular shy re qlk hes their
owne feares and dangers as Fyfe, Louthian, the west coast,
and now from the north, because being divyded we can defend
no part sufficiently bot w^old losse all, bot being united and
making head to the Kings maine forces, neither is it lykely they
will sett on any other part lest it provoke our principall armie,
and if they did invade any particular ye might defend your-
selves for a tyme the best way ye could, and when ye ar over-
mastered stryve by all meanes to joyne yourselves to our
armie, and we might soone repaire your losses ; if the King
prevaile heere none will be saife, if God make us to prevaile all
may be safe and all losses soone repaired, especially seeing it is
declared that whatsoever losse or prejudice any shyre or person
shall sustaine in this cause praeferring the welfai'e of the country
to the safetie of their owne particular shall be repute and re-
paired by the whole kingdome as being the common interest
and losse of all ; and that ye may perceave sensibely that we ar
not negligent of your particular interest, we have appointed the
Earle of Galloway, the Lord Kirkcubright, the Lord Drum-
landrick, the Lord Jhonstoun, James Crechtoun, Laird Lag,
Campsfeild, Closeburne, and Aplegirth and remanent gentle-
men to conveane ther whole forces and freinds in armes and
to joyne together and ly at Dumfreis for defence of that
country, against all plotts and invasion from the Erie of Nids-
daile or any other be his instigation and how soone the forces
we expect from the rest of the Kingdome shortly shall come
to the armie, and that we find ourselves of sufficient power to
oppose the maine royall armie, upon the advertisement of your
condition and danger we shall send (if then it be necessare)
Colonel IMonroes regiment or some other as steadable to you,
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 55
and it may be moe as ye have adoe and we may spare ; in the
meanetyme both ye will be carefull to have ane ey upon my
Lord Nidsdailes wayes, and give proofe of your valour and
affection for defence of your covenant with God which tyes you
and us all simplie, and we shall have care to see that regiments
charges defrayed to the towne of Dumfreis, and doe desyre you
to defend the Minister of Carlaveroke from the violence of
those who ar within the house, as also to gather your victuals
into Dumfreis as your magazin for your intertainement ther.'
Upon Sunday the 2 June thir orders wer given :
To send out two or thrie out of everie regiment to the
severall quarters of the country to asist the Commissars in
taking up of victuall, balking and brueing and sending it in
to the generall proviant master that he may charge it in his
bookes and distribute the same conforme to the proportions
efter specified viz. to everie souldier two pound weght of aite
bread in the day and twentie eight ounce of wheat bread and
ane pynt of aile in the day, and what the sojours wints in one
day shall be payd them so soone as it comes in to the
magazin.
Item that ane list of the number of everie regiment be given
to the generall proviant master that he may distribute the
bread and drink accordingly to ane quartermaster in everie
regiment, who shall keepe compt and give his note to the said
generall proviant master.
Item that the souldiers bring back the towne barrels and
puncheons, otherwyse they shall pay the triple of the pryce of
them, and deliver them to the sayd proviant master at the
place of the magazine.
The quarters of the countrie wher the regiments shall take
paines are as followes, viz. : My Lord Lowdons regiment hes
Tinninghame, Whytekirk, and Prestonkirk parochin.
The Erie Muntrose regiment hes North Berwick, Dirletoune,
and Abberladdie.
The Earle of Rothes regiment and Lord Sinclares and Lord
Montgomeries Prestonpans and Trenent.
The Erie of Dalhoussies regiment, Mussilburgh, Fisherraw,
and Dalkeith.
56 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [JUNE
The Lord Yester Saltoun, Humbie, Ormestoun, Pencaitland,
Bothans, Barra, Garvitt, Norhame, Stentoun and Whitting-
hame.
The whole provision most be direct to the general proviant
master and booked in his bookes.
To wryte in to Ed"" to the Committee there and towne of Ed"^
for money to be sent to the armie with all haste, And in the
meane tyme everie Colonell shall pay his whole regiment two
shillings in the day everie man for fyfeteene days qlk most be
repay ed be the Commissars so soone as money comes in, or be
the country in case the Commissars doe not pay it.
That everie Colonell or gentleman who lies charge of the
horse troupes give up ane list of the number of everie troupe
that they may be quartered and corne and straw provyded for
them.
That everie horse troupe be appointed to carry their owne
corne and straw from such places as the Commissars shall desyne.
It is thoght fitt that everie man give in his silver and gold
work to the coine house to be striken in money for supplying
of the present urgent necessity in entertaining the armie.
Item that Captaine George Phanles be adjoyned to the present
M"^ Conzier to asist him in receaving the said silver work,
weighing it and causing stryke it in money, and delivering it
to the Commissars or to the Provest of Ed'" or these whom
the estates hes secured be bond and these who gctts the said
bond shall give their notes to the pairties who shall give in the
said silver work for repayment so soone as they shall receave
the same be vertue of the said band, or by any other way as
may best be found out for payment therof from the saids
estates.
Item that any who hes money to lend be dealt withall for it
upon any kynd of securitie they please. And if they refuse, to
be reputed as men careles of religion and liberties of the
country and ther moneyes to be confiscate.
It is recommended to the Erie of Rothes that he represent
to the Committee at Ed' and Provest and Bailzeis there the
extreme necessity to have money answerd for payment of the
armie, and therfor to use all possible meanes to lift it and coyne
all silver work.
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 57
Item to appoint men to gett reports from the burghs anent
the money they should lend to the comon cause with all
diligence.
Item to advertise all noblemen, gentlemen and burgesse and
others to send in their whole silver work to the coyne house
with all expeditione.
Itein whatever money is presently ready to cause send it
out with all haste.
Item to cause send ane CoiTiissare to Kelso with all haste for
furnishing the regiments who are there, if spades and howes
be not sent shortly we may smart for want of them.
The performance of all which is recommended to the Com-
mittee at Ed*", who we hope will enact the same and sie it
putt in executione without delay, for on it dependeth the
keeping together or disbanding of the armie.
This day S'' Jhon Stewart of Caudinghame came to Aytoun
and Caudinghame to read the proclamation but could not gett
the people gathered againe, therafter he came to Hay mouth,
railed upon the minister who had red in the kirk to the
people the warning from the armie, and against the Laird of
Wetherburne, tooke their dinner in the streete, drank their fill
of wyne and aile without paying anything for it, brake ane
honest man's head because he refused to bring them intelli-
gence, threatned to returne and take all their victuals, to hang
ther minister over the jockstooles if he did not preach for
the proclamation.
Upon Munday the 3 of June the letters direct from my Lord
Louthian the rest of the noblemen wer together at Kelso with
Colonell Munroe wer answered they should stay together
make the place fast against any horsmen ; if the King's armie
of foot did move towards them, they should not ingage them-
selves to be overmastered bot should march to be nearer to the
rest of the armie, that my Lord Louthian should give orders
whyle they wer together that regiments should march be
turnes and that my Lord Louthian in all things should follow
the advyce and Counsell of Colonell Munroe in all things who
was a skild and experienced man ; that, concerning the three
cheife mutinires of Colonel Munroe's regiment whom they had
58 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [JUNE
declared be the sentence of the Counsell of warre to be worthy
of death and had deferred the execution till the General's
pleasure was knowne, The Generall declared by his Letters that
they had proceided orderly thogh they wer worthy of death
yet he had the solicitation of these noble men, he pardoned
them for that tyme in hope that no such thing should fall out
therafter by them or any other, besydes this the provision for
their victuals was recommended to my Lord Louthian, my
Lord Ker and the ShirrefFe of Tividaile in the interim untill
the Commissars came from Ed*" and order was sent from thence
for money to the sojours ; it was told them what course was
taken according to the order of the 2 of June.
This day we heard that some English gentlemen had oifered
and casten gold amongst the people of Dunse,
This day M'' Alex'' Henderson, M"" David Dickson, M'' Robert
Meldrum ^ and M'' Archibald Jhonston have bethoght and
better bethoght the whole afternoone upon the present neces-
sities of the armie the wants of money, munition, victual,
order and discipline, the natural! impossibilities either to retire,
remaine or goe on, the manifold perplexities of our intentions
q^ we ar at the borders ; we wer forfoghten with the considera-
tion heerof on the one part and yet considering the Lord's pro-
vidence casting us in thir straites and his delivering us from the
lyke befor, in a despaire of all the secondary causes we acknow-
ledged ther was no way nor meane under heaven apparent to
naturall reason to beare through, who did cast the cause the
present straites and the saincts therin over upon God him-
self, wherupon M*' David Dickson tooke instruments in my
hand and attested befor God that whensoever God should
give us a glorious outegate, none, even those that wer thoght
to have the greatest hand in the work should or could claime
any part of it, hot as now we ar emptie and annihilated all
our wits and judgments and broght so low as to acknowledg
ther was no appearance nor possibilitie under heaven, so
heerafter we might more and more admire and adore his
wonderfull manifestation of himself in buildino; so high ane
edifice upon so low ane fundation in bringing so great ane
^ Meldrum was General Leslie's secretary.
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 59
ebb to so great a tyde, and drawing so great aboundance out
of so great want. I pray God, and doe certainely expect in
despyte of the devill and all our straites yet to have occasion
really to give out ane extract of this instrument.^
The same day at night we heard that the English was come
over to make ane trench betwixt Paxton and Huton a myle
and ane halfe from Tweid neare unto Quhitteter, and that
they had sent three thousand men the most part horse towards
Kelso to plant their canon on the other syde of Tweid wherof
we advertised the Erie of Louthian.
This night also we sent a party of two hundreth musketers
and two hundreth horsemen to Caudinghame for to preveene
Jhon Stewarts taking away of the victuals there bot they saw
no body, as upon the Fryday at night befor a partie had gone
out and broght in a hundreth holies.
This night we receaved letters from my Lord Balmirrinoe
shewing that my Lord Durie and my Lord Naper had beene in
at the Commissionar but had gotten ane harsh answer that he
would not leave his navie for such generell propositions, shew-
ing also that my Lord Argyle was to be at Stirling with six
hundreth men ; with this letter he sent us the coppies of the
letters following w<=^ had past betwixt the King's Commissionar
and Bruntiland.
For Captaine Watsone
Loving Freind — Being commanded by his Maj/ to signifie
unto the port Townes his grace and goodnes to all merchants,
and seafaring men, yours being one of the principall I have
sent my boat and this letter to them which I as his Maj/
High Commissioner doe require yow to see delivered unto them,
that both you and they may see his tender care of yow which
I hope wilbe so thankfulie receaved, as befitt obedient subjects
which no man shall joy more in then your good freind
Hamiltoun.
Fi-om ahord the Rainehow
in Leithroad the 1 Jwiii 1639.
For the Towne of' Bruntiland
Good Freinds — His Maj/ being full of compassion and
^ See note p. 96.
60 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [JUNE
tender care of his good and loving subjects of this kingdome
and particularlie considering the great dammage w'^'^ all mer-
chants and seamen suffer by their stopp of trade and hinderance
of going out of their vessels, and not intending that his loyall
subjects (such as he understands many of you ar) should be
ruined for the fault of others Hath beene graciouslie pleased
to command me to signifie his pleasure unto you and the rest
of the port Townes that such of you as ar traffiqueris by sea
(y eliding such obedience as is fitting for loyall subjects to his
Maj/) should have free egresse and regresse in their trade, and
to that effect shall have a passe port from me not to be
molested by any of the King's fleet or officers, this I thoght
good to lett you know, not doubting bot ye will joyfully
accept of this his Maj/ grace, and redeim your selfs from that
miserie w''*^ by others disobedience you ar broght unto. — So I
rest your good freind Hammiltoun.
From ahoi-d the Rainehoxv
in LeithroacL the 1 Junii 1639.
A Coppie of their Answer
Please your Grace — The proofe of his Maj/ royall favour
to these of our trade, mentioned in the letter sent unto us by
your Grace, can challenge no more from us then what is due
from his most loyall subjects sensible of his fatherlie compas-
sions over his auncient native people who doe heartily pray
for his Maj/ prosperitie and happie reigne. Bot because the
proposition concerneth not onlie these seafaring men in-
dwellers in this Towne, bot all those of other port Townes in
this kingdome, and hath annexed to it some conditiones Avhich
are so wrapped up in generals y*^ they transcend our reach,
We humblie begg your Graces favour to condescend more
speccallie upon these conditiones required of us, and to grant
us some short competent tyme for advysing therupon, that
neither we may trench upon our oath to God and our covenant
or be pressed with oathes contrarie to the lawes of our Kirk
and Kingdome, nor yet ommitt any temporal! duety of civile
obedience which we most heartily will deferr to our Gracious
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 61
Soveraigne, wherin we humbly begg your Graces favor, which
we shall recompense with our blessing and these best services
which may proceid from
your Graces humble servants.
Upon Tuesday 4 June my Lord Louthians letters to the
Generall did shew that the Erie of Holland did come with ane
number of horsemen and foot, y*^ upon their approach they
drew out their regiments from Kelso and finding they wer lyke
to have that resistance they did not expect from these in
Kelso they retired in great disorder ; while they wer neare one
another ane Trumpetter came towards Colonell Munroe qr he
was standing with his Regiment and cald that they had not
obeyed the proclamation, who commanded to gett him back
for the English had broken first ; amongst other advertisements
that had past that Monday befor, my Lord Louthian wrytes
that notwithstanding any other information had been made, he
beleived he should be forced soone either to retire to Jeddard
or to join with the Generall if it wer possible, and together
with this the Generall was informed from another hand that
the English wer marched with fyfteen hundreth horse, four
thousand foot, and ten peice of canon towards Kelso to repaire
that affront they had gotten the day befor, upon this straite
the Generall gave present order to my Lord Louthian that he
should come and joyne with the rest of the armie at Dunse
whether he intended to march that nyght, that in case of my
Lord Louthians retiring to Jedburgh, w°^ he did not expect
because that had beene to make ther melting more doubtfull
and dangerous, yet in that case he should retire by the way of
Lader, and this order was dispatcht in all haste upon Tuesday
afternoone by my Lord Phleemings brother.
This fornoone befor we receaved Louthians letters M'".
Robert Meldrum and I being with my Lord Generall dis-
coursed two houres upon the present difficulties and impossi-
bilities wherwith the Generall was extreamly perplexed, was
broght low befor God indeid, and acknowledged ther was no
appearance of any naturall meane or ordinarie way either of
our conveening or subsisting together remaining or retiring
62 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
or going on for want of victuals, money and horses especially,
and that we had no ground of confidence except in the provi-
dence of our God who had led us in thir straites and certainly
contrare to all appearance was to lead us out of them, thus
the Lord was emptying everie heart and annihilating everie
spirit, for to prepare us as we hope to receave some greater
subsequent blinks of his favour.
This afternoone we did wryte in to the Committee of Ed""
and other shyres ane new letter.
Noble Lords and worthie Gentlemen — We found it
necessarie to tell you that we ar to remove this night from this
place toward Dunse, upon information of the march of the
English forces, 4000 foot 1500 horses and ten peices of great
ordinance, to Kelso this morning, upon the repulse they received
yesternight there, And having told you so much we think
not onlie your selves bot all others who shall heare and beleive
what we ar now doing on both sydes, will easilie determine
what is incumbent for you and them to doe in this extremitie :
All possible advertisements have beene given already : The
sword was drawne befor, now it is at the throat of religion and
libertie if it have not given a deepe wound already ; we might
say, upon confidence of ane extraordinarie providence in this
extraordinarie exigent, that God shall provyde, if the Lord had
not putt power in our owne hands which might give a re-en-
counter to our enemies. Bot our unexcusable fault is that the
power committed to us we have not used although we have
sworne and subscryved to do it. It wold seeme that people
ar either rewing what they have beene doing and will subject
their necks to spiritual 1 and bodily slaverie that they and their
posterity may be desperatly miserable heere and for ever (which
we ar loath to conceave) or that some Spirit of slumber hath
overtaken and possessed them, which maketh them to think
that the fyre is not kindled when the flame may be scene and
all is in a burning : We can say no more bot we resolve under
the conduct of our God, to whom we have sworne, to goe on
without feare and in a lyvelie hope, if our countrie men and
fellow covenanters equally obleiged with us shall either with-
draw themselves, or come too late it may be to the burying of
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 63
our bodies,^ which with the cause itself might be safe by their
speid horse and foot, Let them answer for it to God, to whose
Grace commending both ourselves and you we continue.
Your loving fueixds
Dunglas 4 June 1639.
Let coppies of this goe to all places with your advertise-
ments
Upon Wedensday the 5 of June the armie marched from
Dunglas, when the canon wer drawne over the passe, the armie
was drawne up in the moore befor Allhamstoks, and after
prayers said through all the regiments, some Troupes of horse
four hundreth commanded musketers, four peice of small
Canon wer sent out in a partie befor and the Generall
went with them ; as he was upon his march he receaved word
from my Lord Louthian that he was to obey the orders, that
he hoped to be at Dunse that fornoone or die be the gate.
About one afternoone my Lord Generall came to Dunse and
made Dunse Law his Leaguer wherunto the regiments of
Kelso came also.
This day the Erie of Hume and Dumferling spake with
the Erie of Mortoun, S"^ Patrik Hammiltoun and Mr. Adam
Hebroun spake with the Erie of Haddingtoun, and about
eight a clock Robin Leslie came to the Generall, all running to
one purpose that we wold supplicat the King to appoint ane
present conference betwixt some of the English and some of
ours, and to intreat the English Councell and nobility to asist
our Supplication.^
This day, as we had learned by the intercepting of my
Lord Southasks letters, so by Mr. Borthrik from the
^ ' We returned to our former resolution of present fighting ; and sent posts
athort all the countrey, to haste on our friends for that end. The last of our
advertisements was so peremptor, inviteing to come to the buriall of these who
were like to be deserted, that the hyperbolies of Meldrum, the Secretar, did
offend manie.' — Baillie, i. 2io.
^ Baillie's account was somewhat different. He wrote that the fear of an
attack by the Scots made the English army anxious to conclude a treaty. ' The
way of the procedure was this : Robin Leslie one of the old pages, being come
over to Dunce Castle, made, as it were, out of his own head, ane overture that
we should be pleased yet to supplicate.' — Letters, i. 215.
64 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [JUNE
Commissionar we heard that the King yet wold never quyte
Bishops with limitation bot wold quyte his Crowne before
he quyte them all.
Upon Thursday the 6 of June Robin Lesly returned in the
morning to the Camp and urged the supplication wherupon we
sent my Lord Dumferling with the supplication unto the Kings
Ma*'®, and ane gentleman with ane letter to the Erie of Hol-
land, the Nobility and Councell of England, for to asist the
said Supplication.
To the King's most Excellent Ma*^^ the Supplication of His
Ma^'^'' Subjects of Scotland humbly Shewing —
That wher the former meanes used by us have not beene
effectuall for recovering your Ma^''^''^ favour and the peace of
this your Ma*'®'^ native kingdome, we fall downe againe at your
Ma*'®'® feete, most humbly supplicating that your Ma*'® wold be
graciously pleased to appoint some few of the many worthy
men of your Ma*'®'^ kingdome of England who ar well affected
to the true Religion and to our common peace. To heare by
some of us of the same disposition our humble desyres, and
to make knowne to us your Ma*®''^ gracious pleasure, That as
by the providence of God we ar joyned in one Hand under one
King, so by your Ma*'®'^ great wisdome and tender care all
mistakings may be speedily removed, and the two Kingdomes
may be keept in peace and happynes under your Ma*'®'^ long
and prosperous raigne, for which we shall never cease to pray
as it becommeth your Ma*'®'® most humble subjects.
Most Noble Lords — Although we have beene labouring
this long tyme past by our Supplications, Informations, and
Missives to some of your LI// to make knowne to his Ma*'® and
the whole Kingdome of England the loyalty and peacableness
of our intentions and desyres and y* we never meant to deny
unto his Ma// our dread Soveraigne and Native King any
poynt of temporal! and civile obedience, yet contrarie to our
expectation and hopes, maters to this day growing worse and
worse, both Kingdomes ar broght to this dangerous and
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 65
deplorable condition wherin they now stand in the sight of the
world. In this Extremitie we have sent to his Maj/ our
humble supplication (besyde which we know no other meane
of pacification), and doe most earnestly entreat that it may be
asisted by your LI// that, if it be possible by a meeting in
some convenient place of some pryme and well affected men to
the reformed religion and our common peace, maters may be
accomodate in a faire and peacable way and y* so speedily
and with such expedition as that through further delayes,
which we see not how they can be longer endured, our evils
become not uncurable, We take God and the world to witnesse
that we have left no meanes unassayed to give his Maj/ and the
whole Kingdom of England all just satisfaction and that
we desyre nothing but the preservation of our religion and
lawes. If the fearfull consequents shall ensue w°^ must be
very neare, except they be wysely and speedily prevented We
trust they shall not be imputed unto us who till this tyme
have beene following after peace and who doe in every duety
most ardently desyre to shew ourselves his Maties faithfull
subjects and Your hiu/j hubible servants.
My Lord Dumferling was broght into the Kings tent, gott
ane kiss of his hand and after presenting the supplication was
removed to another roume till the Councell of England had
consulted with his Ma^"^ the space of three or foure houres,
therafter was broght in againe, gott another kiss of the King's
hand who declared that he had receaved no supplication of that
kynd befor, and that he wold send his answer w* S"" Edmond
Vermar Knight Mershall of his house.^ Sir Edmond came to
Dunse w* my Lord Dumferling this night and desyred that the
noblemen might be conveened the morrow morning.
About eleven a clock at night upon some watcher shooting
his muskett or pistole the alarm went through the whole armie
and the whole souldiers in an instant with a Avonderfull speed
and resolution wer in armes and in order, some dancing, some
singing psalmes.
^ Sir Edmund Vemey of Middle Claydon, co. Bucks, Marshal of the King's
Palace ( Verney Papers, Camden Club) — ' A gentleman who was known to be a
lover of our nation. — Baillie i. 215.
E
66 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [JUNE
Upon Friday the 7 of June in the morning the whole
noblemen and pryme Barrons being conveened about the
Generall S'" Edmond Vermar delivered his commission ^ by
word and therafter shewed his memoer and warrant in wryte
as followes : ' The King's Ma*'*^ having redd and considered
the humble supplication presented unto him by the Erie of
Dumferling hath commanded me to returne this answer : " That
Wheras his Maj/ hath published a gracious proclamation to
all his subjects of Scotland, wherby he hath given them full
assurance of the free enjoying both of the religion and lawes of
that Kingdome, as lykewyse a free pardon upon their humble
and duetifull obedience, which proclamation hath beene hitherto
hindered to be published to most of his Ma"^^ said subjects,
therfor his Ma*'® requyres for the full information and satis-
faction of them that the said proclamation be publicly redd ;
that being done his Maj/ will be graciously pleased to heare
any humble supplication of his subjects.'''' "*
Wherunto the noblemen after sundrie reasonings to and
fro gave ther direct answer, wlierof he being desyrous to have
some memorandums gott these that followes ; and the Erie of
Dumferling was sent away againe with the former supplication
without any alteration except the addition of the word Yet.
'His Ma/ proclamation which I desyred in his Ma/ name to be
published was called for by the noblemen and others conveaned
to here his Ma/ gracious desyre, and with all due reverence was
redd and heard, unto which as I conceave these answers wer
made :
'That they ar most willing in all humility to receave his
Ma/ just commandement as becommeth loyall subjects, that the
Estats being conveaned for holding the parliament called by
his Ma*^® had receaved from the Magistrats of the Towne of
Ed"^ a coppy of this proclamation w^'^ his Ma/ High Commis-
sionar had commanded them to publish ; and the said Estats
considering therof seriouslie, had returned ther reasons to his
^ ' Upon theyr petition to the Kinge I was sent by his Majesty with a message
to them, wherin, thoughe I had a hard parte to playe, yett I dare bouldly say I
handled the business soe that I begatt this treaty. — Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph
Verney. — Vemey Papers^ 249.
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 67
Ma/ Commissionar why it could not be published, which they
doe conceave war represented to his Maj/ by his Commissionar
and wherunto they still adhere.
' Ane of the reasones which I did heare from them was that
this proclamation did not come in the ordinarie and legall way
by his Maj/ Councell, qch both is the law and hath beene the
perpetuall custome of this kingdome as was acknowledoed by
the whole Councell since tlie beginning of this commotion in
presence of his Maj/ Commissioner. It was remembered also
that both his Ma"'' Councell and Senatours of the Colledg of
Justice being divers tymes since conveened had testified tlieir
dislyke therof.
'Another reason was that they found it to be most prejudicial!
to his Ma/ honour whose desyre is to governe according to law.
' A third was, that it was destructive of all ther former pro-
ceidmgs as traiterous and rebellious which notwithstandmo-
they maintain to be religious and loyall. ^
'A fourth was that wheras the meanest subject cannot be
declared a traitour by proclamation, nor his estate forfault but
after citation and conviction in parliament, or the Supreme
Justice Court, yet heerin the whole body of the Kingdome
without any citation or conviction, are declared rebels and
traitours, and ther estats disponed to their vassals and tennents.
'A fyfth was that they wer persuaded this did not flow from
his Ma/ royall disposition, bot from men evill affected to the
peace of the Kingdome, and that this was so farr from o-ivino-
satisfaction to his Ma/ subjects that it so dissolved atl the
bonds of union betwixt his Ma/ and this his native Kino-dome
that ther could be no hope of accomodation of affaires ther-
after in a peacable way, which hath ever been ther desyre
and that they wer confident that his Ma/ wold take to his
royall consideration, how illegal in manners and prejudicial! in
matters this is both to his Ma/ honour and the well of this
Kingdome, and especially to the intended pacification. And
that his Maj will now be pleased to send a gracious answer to
ther humble Supplication sent by my Lord Dumferling.'
Upon Saturday the 8 of June my Lord Dumferling returned
with this answer to our petition.
68 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [june
^ At his Ma/ Campe the eight of June 1639
' His M/ having understood of the obedience of the Petitioners
in reading his proclamation as was comanded them is gra-
ciously pleased so farr to condescend unto ther petition, as to
admitt some of them to repaire to his M/ campe upon Munday
next at 8 a clock in the morning at the Lord General's Tent ;
wher they shall find six persons of honour and trust appointed
by his Ma/ to heare ther humble desyres.
' Ihon Cooke.
And did shew us that in his judgment S"" Edmond Vermar had
not showne our memoers unto the Kings Ma/ ; we had long
reasounings against the narrative of the answere and sent back
againe my Lord Dumferling with sundrie copies of our memoers
to be spred amongst the English Noblemen for clearing of
ourselves y* we had neither published nor acknowledged the
proclamation and w* the draught of ane safe conduct to those
q"" we should send.
'Wheras the subjects of our Kingdome of Scotland have
humbly supplicated that we may be graciously pleased to
appoint some of this our kingdome to heare, by such as shall
be sent from them, ther humble desyres and to make knowne to
them our gracious pleasure, unto which supplication we con-
descend so farr as to admit some of them to repaire to our
campe upon Munday at eight houres in the morning and
because they may apprehend danger in ther comming, abode
or returning, we doe offer them upon the word of a Prince that
the persons sent from them shall be safe and free from all
trouble and restraint, wherof these shall be a sufficient warrant."*
This day we intercepted ane letter of the Marques of HaiTiil-
tons to my Lord Oggilvie.
' My Lord, — Would God I had receaved your letter a few
dayes sooner and then I wold have beene the messenger myself,
for not having any hopes of a partie in those quarters I had
sent 3500 of my best men to Barwick for a present desine that
is intendet by his Ma/, so it will be now some dayes before
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 69
these troupes returne to me. In the interim if ye cannot secure
yourself wher ye ar, ye shall be welcome to me, Bot for the
sending of any ships to you at this present I cannot, thogh
shortly it may be you sie some in those quarters ; I darr not
write what I would for feare it should not come safe to your
hands, only this, Rest assured that it will not be long before
his Ma/ himself declare himself in that way w* will not please
the Covenanters, and power he hath to crubb their insolencies
if they continue in them, your M*" hath been such that you
may expect that reward w*^^ a deserving servant and a loyall
subject justly deserves and merits, q* I can contribute therto
looke for it from your L/ faithfull freind and servant,
' I-Iammiltoun.'
Upon Sunday the 9 June my Lord Dumferling returned
with ane refusal of a safe conduct unto us qrupon after long
reasoning we resolved to send none bot sent back this
answer :
' We trust his Ma*'^ will favorably construct this our humble
requyring a safe conduct since upon our confidence in his
gracious Ma/ we desyre no further bot assurance under his
royall hand, albeit by the statutes of England w^'^ wer befor
cited to the Lord of Dalzell all assurances and conducts ar
declared to be null if they have not passed the Great Seale of
England.
' The proclamation published throughout the paroch churches
of England and these later sent to be published in Scotland,
declaring us his Ma/ subjects to be rebells and our proceid-
ings to be treacherous, forfaulting our estates and threatning
to destroy us, lay a necessitie upon us, who desyre to cleare
ourselves, to crave ane safe conduct of his Ma*'®.
' The former refusall of safe conduct to his Ma*'®^ Councell
and Session when they craved libertie to goe up to informe
his Ma/ of the true estate of our bussines, and to ourselves
when we desyred libertie to cleare our proceidings and inten-
tions to his Ma/, showes the greater necessitie of our craving
the same, for to give ane full and free information of our
affaires.
'This refusing of ane safe conduct being knowne to the
70 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [june
armie maks them more unwilling then befor, that any should
goe there.""
Upon Munday the 10 June the Erie of Dumferling broght
back the former answer which was subscryved by Cooke, now
subscryved by the King himself with ane verbal assurance of
the King befor his Councell that he wold never wrong any
that is sent, he wold rather quyte his Crowne and wer worse
then ane infidell and ther armie might fall on them without
mercie, and therupon delayed the meiting till Tuesday. We
chused my Lord Rothes my Lord Loudon and the Shirreffe
of Tividaile to go there to present our humble desyres q^'of
we drew up this draught.
' The humble desyres of his Ma''" suhjccts of Scotland
'First, it is our humble desyre that his Ma*^'"^ wold be graciously
pleased to assure us that the acts of the late assemblie at
Glasgow shall be ratified by his Ma*'^ in the ensewing Parlia-
ment to be holden at Ed*" July 23 since the peace of the kirk
and kingdome cannot endure further prorogation.
' Secondly, That his Ma*'® from his tender care of the preserva-
tion of our religion and lawes will be graciously pleased to
declare and assure that it is his royall will that all maters
ecclesiasticall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and
maters civile by Parliament, which wil be for his Ma*'®^ honor
and keiping peace and order amongst the subjects in the time
of his Ma*'®^ personall absence.
' Thirdly that a blessed pacification may be speedlie broght
about and his Ma"®^ subjects may be secured, our humble
desyre is that his Ma/ ships and forces by land be recalled, that
all persons ships and goods arrested may be restored, the
losses which we have sustained by the stopping of our trade
and negotiating be repaired and we made safe from violence
and invasion, and that all excomunicate persons, all incendi-
aries and informers against the kingdome who have out of
malice caused these commotions for ther owne private ends,
may be returned to suffer ther deserved punishment, and the
proclamations and manifestoes sent abroad by them under his
Ma*'®^ name to the dishonouring of the King and defaming of
the Kingdome may be suppressed.
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 71
' As these ar our humble desyres, so is it our greife that his
Ma*^® should have been provoked to wrath against us his most
humble and loving subjects, and shall be our delight upon his
Ma*^'^'^ assurance of the preservation of our religion and lawes
to give example to others of all civile and temporall obedience
which can be requyred or expected of loyall subjects.'
This morning I gott ane sight of the Kings manifestoes ^ the
most bitter invective false peice that can be against the whole
proceidings and blasphemous against our covenant with God
which God will revenge in his own tyme on the informers and
wryters.
Upon Tuesday the 11 of June in the morning our Coinis-
sioners wer conveyed to the English camp wt ane hundredth
horse and went to the Erie of Arundels ^ tent q'' q" they had
begunne to clear ther proceidings to the English Lords the
King's Ma*^® himself came in without giving them ane kiss of
his hands bade them proceid and told them he had come on
suddenty because he was calumniated never to heare ther desyres,
and q" they begouth to justifie ymselves in ther proceidings, he
had no will of that but bade them propone their desyres, my
Lord Loudon in repetition of the state of the bussines justified
all our proceidings and shew that all our desyres wer to enjoy
our religion and liberties qrupon the King taking hold bade
them tell ther desyres which they gave in as is befor said with
only this alteration in generall termes of meanes of accomoda-
tion in stead of the reparation of losses and recalling of mani-
festoes which the King receaved dyted unto them this direction
following.
That our desyres are only the enjoying of our religion and
liberties according to the ecclesiasticall and civile lawes of this
his Ma*'®^ Kingdome.
1 ' A Large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland from their first
originalls : together with a particular deduction of the seditious practices of the
Prime Leaders of the Covenanters, collected out of their owne foule Acts and
Writings. By the King.'
It was written for the King hy Dr. Balcanqual, Dean of Durham.
" Thomas Lord Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, premier Earl and Lord
Marshal of England, was Commander-in-Chief under the King of the Royal
Army. He was a Roman Catholic.
72 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [JUNE
To cleare by sufficient grounds y* the particulars w*=^ we
humbly crave ar such, and shall not insist to crave any poynt
w'^ is not so warranted, and y* we humbly offer all civile and
temporall obedience to his Ma/ w'^'^ can be requyred or ex-
pected of loyall subjects,^
This day I had sent some memorandums both anent our desyres
and anent y"" cariage with my Lord Rothes and my Lord Loudon.
In general! to urge that this Kirk may be governed by
generall and subordinate assemblies in all ecclesiasticall maters,
and by Parliaments and other subordinate judicatories in
maters civile under his Ma/ authoritie.
In speciall to desyre first that the late generall assemblie
holden at Glasgow be approven in the next parliament, and all
the generall printed acts therof ratified expreslie et specifice.
2. That all the censures of the late generall assemblie be
followed with the civile punishments according to law, and all
excomunicat persons may not only be declared Rebels, Bot
also in respect of their obstinacie be banished his M/ dominions,
and, in respect of their treason against this kirk their king and
countrey, they may be punished exemplarie and extremelie.
3. For the stabilitie of maters of religion y^ the King's Ma/
and Councell now declare and y^'after the Parliament, that the
King and his Councell shall not heerafter meddle with any
maters of religion in their proclamations (w'^'^ hath beene the
cause of all this combustion) bot leave the samine to the yearly
generall assemblies, qlk for y* end must be holden without faile.
4. That as we tooke not up first armes and now hes them
but only for our owne defence so not onlie they who threatned
invasion most lay them first doune, Bot also both the King
and the English must give us assurance that heerafter they
will not invade or wrong us any maner of way,
5. That seeing the countrie, what by the treacheries of some
of our owne nation stirring up the King and the English to
this warr, what by the English navies stopping of all trade,
is extremelie poverished, that if the Englishe refund not our
losse suffered from them, yet y*^ the estats of papists and
^ A full note of the first day's proceedings will be found in the Hardwicke
State Papers, vol. ii. p. 130.
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 73
other traiterous incendiaries be disponed to the publick use, at
leist that Bishopricks (the cause of all this trouble) be disponed
to comon and pious uses for releife of the pooi-e, maintenance
of ministers and schollers and other such lyke publick uses.
6. That the only way both of preserving the Kings honour
and for assuring the people of his reall intentions of peace is
to punish ignominiouslie and exemplarlie those firebrands who
by their misinformations hes broght him to this extremitie
against his people, doe declare his former manifestoes and
proclamations to have proceided from their misinformation And
therfor to recall and repeale and punish the misinformers.
7. To render all persons, ships, goods and geare taken from
us and to assure all those in England who have beene favourers
to Christs cause in our hands and to restore them in safetie
to ther families and estats, as also to declare y* none
heerafter in England for their conformitie with us either in
judgment or practise anent religion either in doctrine or
discipline shall be troubled or molested, wherby Christs
governement and puritie of worship will be enlarged.
8. That the King's Ma/ may show himself reconciled even
to those whom he thoght by misinformation to be most
rebellious. That the King^^s Ma/ being fullie assured that
there is no intention to change his monarchicall governement,
he will assure to heare and redresse the greivances of the
countrie in parliament. And seeing in his owne absence by
his under officers many disorders ar comitted, for remedie
stata parliamenta once in two or three yeares be keiped.
9. That the King giving assurance now to doe thir or such
lyke things in parliament and making some declaration in
that kynd, both the armies may be dismissed, the castles put
in some moderate mans hand in keiping till the parliament
have ended all, and then the King with honour and safetie may
come in a peacable way.
10. That heerafter the castles may be putt in the custodie
of any the Kmg and Estates shall name according to the old
custome of this Kingdome.^
11. And because all mischeifes and abuses hes flowed (next
^ See Introduction, p. 15.
74 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [jUNE
unto the prelats) from the corruptions of Councell and Session,
q'"in men are placed at everie courtiers desyre, only to serve
the courts pleasure without regaird to kirk or kingdome,
Therfor as it was of old y® Councellors and Sessioners be
chosen by the Kings Ma/ and Estates i?i statis parliamentis
and by themselves in the interim betwixt those.^
12. That no stranger lest of all any forraigne prelate
meddle with the affaires of our Kirk, nor forraigne statesman
with the affaires of our estate, bot that we may be governed
by our owne church men and statesmen in lawfidl judicatories
ecclesiasticall and civile respective.
To remember first to cleare the mistaking of the English
That ye have neither published nor acknowledged the proclama-
tion, And if they ground their treatie upon that proclamation
and your acknowledgment y'"of, to carrie yourself as becommes
your cause and covenant for religion croune and country.
To present the printed Acts of the generall assemblie that
the King's Ma/ may declare his resolution to ratifie the samine
in the subsequent pari, specifice and expreslie.
To cleare the great mistaking of the English from their not
considering the differences of our reformation contradtcente
magistratu^ and of theirs by the Magistrats concurse, of ours
restoring Christ unto his owne place, and of theirs changing
papam sed non papatiim seing they put the King in the
Popes place, and from not considering the differences betwixt
our assemblies and their convocations, betwixt our lawes and
their statutes.
To show that this church is als free and als independent
as any other and is no more lyable to give ane account of
our actions to them nor they unto us. Yet of super-
abundance we offer them all satisfaction in reason.
To show that nationall commotions either in Church or
State can only be tryed in nationall judicatories of kirk and
kingdome, as in generall assemblies and parliaments, so that
heere this bussines cannot be decided.
Let your discourse be ay relative to your former actions, as
your supplica°ns to his Ma"^ informa°ns and remonstrances
^ See p. 15 of Introduction.
1 639 J JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 75
unto England, wherby may cleared your former actions and
present intentions.
To show that no proclama^n can be a suretie to the Leiges,
far lesse a proclama°n in generall termes of maintaining reli-
gion and law, seeing in the same proclama°ns the essentiall
particulars of both, as your covenant, assemblie, abjura°n of
Episcopacie, reception of ruling elders, defence of your selves
ar condemned as irreligious and rebellious.
Take heede no wayes either to exclude the civile greivances
of any other his Ma*'®^ subjects, or shyres, who are neither heere
nor hes given comisson for the particulars of a treatie, neither
prelimitate the parliament, whose freedome in civile bussines
should be preserved als well as the libertie of assemblies from
prelimitation either of members or maters ecclesiasticall ; desyre
what ye will, but doe not exclude any other petitions.
Eschew all questions wherof the answere wold either be
unpleasant to them or prejudiciall to us (as anent the King's
negative voyce)^ upon pretext y*^ they ar not in your comission,
and y* the parliament can only judge such questions, bot what-
soever they propone to you tell ye must only heare and report
and therfor in q^soever overture they propone albeit it please
your judgment at the first glance, neither declare unto them
your approbation y'of, neither ingadge your promise of your
endeavour to obtain the samine, bot both keepe your owne
mynd free from prejudice and leave that freedome to the rest
^ This seems to have been an unsettled point. James vi., in a characteristic
speech upon the question of Union with Scotland made on the adjournment of
the English Parliament on 31st March 1607, explained how he cut that knot:
' It hath likewise beene objected as an other impediment, that in the Parliament
' of Scotland the King hath not a negative voice, but must passe all the Lawes
' agreed on by the Lords and Commons. ... I can assure you, that the forme
' of Parliament there is nothing inclined to popularitie. . . . Onely such Bills as
' I allow of are put into the Chancellor's hands to bee propounded to the Parlia-
' ment, and none others ; and if any man in Parliament speake of any other matter
' ihen is in this forme first allowed by me. The Chancellor tells him there is no such
' Bill allowed by the King. Besides, when they have passed them for Lawes,
' they are presented unto mee, and I, with my Scepter put into my hand by the
' Chancellor, must say, / ratifie and approove all things done in this present
' Parliament. And if there bee anything that I dislike, they rase it out before.
' If this may bee called a negative voyce, then I have one, I am sure, in that
' Parliament.'— Zr?j' Majesties Speech, etc., 1607. London : Robert Barker.
76 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [JUNE
of your number, that without partialitie the expediencie or
inexpediencie of the overture may be agitate heere, and ye not
be forced to plead heere for what ye have consented there, or
to be offended q" it is refused. Insinuate to the Enghsh
the substance of that remonstrance q'*^ ye have already prefaced
in some articles to your owne shy res, and q"^ ye intend to
manifest to England at an up giving.
Remember whether warre or peace follow, your cariage in
this act will be remarkable in historic, and let it never be said
of you as yourselves hes many tymes said of some nobles in
the land, and that when the[y] parlied anent the tithes and the
revocation that everie one looked so to his owne particular
accomodation of the King as everie one betrayed another and
all betrayed the publick.
Upon Wednesday the 12 of June after ther reports we
drew up the grounds of our desyres and appointed M'' Alex"*
Henderson and Mr. Ai'chibald Jhonston to ther former CoiTiis-
sioners to goe over to the King and with these grounds of our
former desyres to seeke the totall abolition of Bishops both
from Kirk and State both for benefites and office, after long
reasoning betwixt my Lord Argyle and my Lord Durie S"^
Thomas Nicholson and me in law.
Reasons and groiinds of our humble desyres
We did first humbly desyre a ratification of the acts of the
late assemblie in the ensuing parliament, first because the civile
power is keiper of both Tables and q^'as the kirk and king-
dome are one body consisting of the same members, ther can
be no firme peace nor stabilitie of order, unles the ministers of
the kirk in their way presse the obedience of the civile lawes
and magistrate, and the civile power add ther sanction and
authoritie to the constitutions of the kirk. Secondly because
the late generall assemblie indicted by his M/ was lawfully
constitute in all the members y^'of according to the institu-
tions and order prescryved by acts of former assemblies.
Thirdly because no particular is enacted in the late assemblie,
w^^*^ is not grounded upon the acts of preceiding assemblies
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 77
and is either expresly contained in them or by necessarie
consequence may be deduced from them. That the parliament
be keiped without proroga°n his M/ knowes how necessarie it
is, since the peace of the kirk and kingdome call for it without
further delay.
We did secondly desyre that his Ma/ wold be pleased to
declare and assure that it is his royall will that all maters
ecclesiasticall be determined be the assemblies of the kirk, and
maters civile by the Parliament and other inferiour j udicatories
established by law, because we know no other way for the
preservation of our religion and lawes and because maters so
different in ther nature ought to be treated respective in ther
owne proper judicatories. It was also desyred that Parliaments
might be holden at sett tymes as once in two or thrie yeares,
by reason of his M/ p'sonall absence q°^ hindereth his sub-
jects in ther complaints and greivances to have immediate
accesse unto his Ma/ presence.
And wher his M/ requyres us to limite our desyres to the
enjoying of our religion and liberties according to the ecclesi-
asticall and civile lawes respective, we are heartily content to
have the occasion to declare that we never intended further
then the enjoying of our religion and liberties, and that all this
tyme past it was farr from our thoghts or desyres to diminish
the royall authoritie of our native King and dread Soveraigne
or to make any invasion upon the Kingdome of England q''^
ar the calumnies forged and spred against us by the malice of
our adversaries and for which we humbly desyre that in his
Ma/ justice they may have ther owne censure and punishment.
Thirdly, we desyred a blessed pacification and did expresse the
most readie and powerfull meanes q'^'^ we could conceive for
bringing the same speedily to passe, leaving other meanes
serving for that end to his Ma/ royall consideration and greater
wis dome.
Upon Thursday the 13 of June in the morning we went
over to the English Camp, to the Lord Arundel's tent pre-
sented unto the King the grounds of our desyres. The Kings
Ma/ craved y* my Lord Rothes wold condescend what petitions
of the subjects were concealed from him as he had affirmed the
78 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
day befor, qlk poynt the Marqueisse of Hamiltoun pressed
hard for his exoneration. My lord Loudon remembered the
petitions w""^ wer refused by the Councell and y* no petitions
wer formerly answered bot by way of proclamation. The
King urged his proclama"n was satisfactorie, especially y*
given to the Assemblie, wherupon I redd those passages of
the protestation Decemb. 18 clearing y* it was no wayes satis-
factorie, neither in maner or matter.^
The King's Ma/ proponed and urged y* no assemblie could
meddle with y*^ w'^'^ once was established by law, q'"unto we
gave many answers, especiallie y*^ as ane parliament could not
make ecclesiastick constitutions originallie bot only added ane
civile sanction therunto to give obedience to the ecclesiastick
constitution, which being taken away cannot be obeyed, so that
the ratificatorie act must fall cum p7'incipali, especiallie seing
the parliament cannot judge, bot only the subsequent assem-
blie, whether the former assemblie was lawfull or not, and if
the former be declared to have been null ab initio, the act of
Parliament can no more subsist nor [than] if it had made
an ecclesiastick constitution of itself, even as the parliaments
confirmation of a false charter does fall when the charter is
reduced or declared null.
Thereafter we fell under dispute of the independancie of the
assemblie from the pari, in maters ecclesiasticall, as of the
pari, from the assemblie in maters civile, with this difference
only, that the King or pari, might call the assemblie, bot the
assemblie could not call the parliament.
The King urged that no ecclesiastick constitution could
have force till it was ratified in pari : We cleared y* it
had ane ecclesiasticall force of the censure of the Kirk even
to excomunication albeit not of civile punishments whilk be-
hoved to be added by the civile law. Thereafter the King
alleadged the passage Soli Deo peccavi, and y* the assemblie
could not judge him, the Erie of Rothes answered y* if he
wer king and had comitted David's fault y* the kirk might
excomunicate him, bot that he knew the King's Ma/ wold
never fall in such transgressions.
See Protestation in Large Declaration, 387 ei seq.
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 79
At this time we gave the king one of the Acts of Assemblie,
one of the Remonstrances, and one of our answers to the
declinatoLir.
The Marquess of Hamiltoun his declaration was produced and
the Bishops decHnatour, the one shewing that Bishops ar of apo-
stohck Institution the other that they are of Christs Institution.
In this conference the king allowed his manifestoe and said
y*" it was against his will y* it was not published to the leiges.
He declared also that nothing could be said against the
Service booke of Scotland bot it behoved to reflect against y*
of England for they wer all one, y* he had hand himself in
the differences betwixt them,^ y* he wold not suffer any to be
punished albeit they had broght in the Alcoran.
Mr. Alex*" Henderson told the king of three things y*
stirred up the peoples hearts, first the pressing of such books
so full of innovations of religione and superstitions. 2. Their
hearing of the prelats and their adherents at home to man-
taine in schooles and preach in pulpits many Armenian and
popish tenets. 3, The reading of manyfold bookes printed in
England cum pr'iv'ilegio, all full of poperie and Armenianisme.
The king fell on upon his authoritie to change all things
y* wer not de Jide as maters of discipline and government.
Mr. Alexr. cleared y* albeit they wer not de fide as articles
of the creede yet they wer dcjide as credenda being warranted
by the word of God, and as in fundamentall poynts ignorantia
in superfundamenta error in circafiindamenta, obstinacia against
the light of the word is a great sinne," and as my Lord
Rothes instanced the denyall of David's cutting of Goliaths
head and we shew y* by the booke of discipline and acts of
assemblie the government of this kirk by pastors, doctors, elders,
and deacons was grounded on Gods word and unchangable.
After that we wer removed a whyle the King's Ma/ gave us
this generall answere :
^ See note, p. 28 (Hamilton Library).
^ This seems to have been a favourite subject with Henderson. He discussed
it in answering Dr. Balcanqual at the Glasgow Assembly. See Peterkin's Records,
142 : ' I thought the moderator took too much libertie to discourse (of that he
professed had been his late studie) of poynts fundamentall and preter-funda-
mentall.' Baillie i. 140. See also Large Declaration, 274.
80 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
' That wheras his Ma/ the 11 of June received a short paper
of the generall grounds and limites of ther humble desyres his
Ma/ is graciously pleased to make this answere :
' That if their desyres be only the enjoying of their religion
and libertie according to the ecclesiasticall and civile lawes of
his Ma/ kingdome of Scotland, his M/ doth not only agree to
the same, but shall alwayes protect them to the outermost of
his power. And if they shall not insist upon anything but
that w°^ is so warranted, his Ma/ will most willingly and readily
condescend therunto, So that in the meane tyme they pay unto
him that civile and temporall obedience which can be justly
requyred and expected of loyall subjects.
' At his Ma/ Camp, the 13 of June 1639.'
The king delayed his particular answers unto the particulars
of our petition till Saturday,
He proponed three querees unto us and craved our present
answer and therafter ane answere in wryte against Saturday.
The first of the querees whether we acknowledge the Kings
Ma*^® to have the sole indiction of the Assemblies, we answered
y* he had the indiction cunmlative sed non privative, and
answered the objections from the Act of Pari : 1612 according
as it is in our printed reasons for a generall assemblie.
The second queeree was whether he had a negative voyce at
assemblie, and we having cleared y*' he had not, yea not so
much as ane affirmative for 40 assemblies, he urged the voyce
of his assessors, w°^ we answered as in the protestation
decemb. 18.^
The third queree was whether he had the power of raising
the assemblie, w*^^ we answered as in the s"^ protestation.
Upon Friday the 14 of June we drew up an answer in write
to the said querees, to be presented to the King the day
following.
Answer to the Querees
The querees proponed by his M/ ar first whether his M/
hath the sole indiction of the Generall Assemblie, Secondly,
1 Protestation and Large Declaration, 386-7.
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 81
whether his M/ hes a negative voyce in assemblies, The third,
whether the assembly may sitt after his M/ by his authority
hes discharged them to sitt.
To all which we answer first that it is proper for the generall
assemblie itself to determine questions of this kynd, and it
wer usurpation in us, which might bring upon us the just
censure of the general) assemblie, to give out a determina-
tion.
2. The answering of one of those thrie demands is the
answenng of all, for if the sole indiction belong to his M/
there neideth no question about the negative voyce and dis-
solving of assemblies, next if his M/ hath a negative voyce
there neideth no question anent the indiction and dissolvino-,
and if his M/ may discharge the assembly their neids no
question anent the other two.
For our parts we humbly acknowledg that the Kings Ma/
hath power to indict the assemblies of the Kirk, and when in
his wisdome he thinks convenient he may use his authoritie in
conveining assemblies of all sorts whether generall or particular.
We acknowledg also that the solemne and publick indiction by
way of proclamation and compulsion belongeth properly to the
Magistrate and can neither be given to the Pope nor to any
forraigne power, nor can it without usurpa°n be claimed by
any of his Ma/ subjects. Bot we will never think that his
M/ meanes that in the case of extreme or urgent necessitie the
Kirk may not by her self conveine continue and give out her
owne constitu^ns for the preservation of religion.
1. Because God hath given power to the Kirk to conveine,
The Sonne of God hath promised his assistance to them being
conveined, and the Christian Kirk hath in all ages used this as
the ordinarie and necessarie meane for uniforme establishing
of religion and pietie, and for removing the evils of heresie
scandals and others of that kynd which must be, and wold
bring the Kirk to be no more, if by this powerful remedie they
wer not cured and prevented.
2. According to this divyne right the Kirk of Scotland hath
keiped her generall assemblies with a blessing from heaven,
for while our assemblies continued in strength in the doctrine'
the worship and discipline, the unitie and peace of the Kirk
F
82 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY [june
continued in vigour, pietie and learning wer advanced and
profanity and idlenes censured.
3. The Kirk of Scotland hath declared that all ecclesiasticall
assemblies have power to conveine lawfully together for treating
of things concerning the Kirk and pertaining to their charge
and to appoint tymes and places to that effect.
4. The libertie of this Kirk for holding assemblies is also
acknowledged by parliament and ratified by Acts therof,
^ch |g manifest by the Act of Pari, holden in anno 1592
and y* upon the ground of perpetuall reason.
5. Because there is no ground either by Act of Assemblie
or parliament, or any preceiding practise, whether in the
Christian Kirk of old or in our Kirk since the reformation,
wherby the Kings Ma/ may dissolve the generall assemblie, or
assume unto himself a negative voyce ; bot upon the contrarie
his M/ prerogative is declared by act of parliament to be no
wayes prejudiciall to the priviledges and liberties which God
hath granted to the spirituall office bearers of his Kirk which
ar most frequently ratified in parliament and especiallie in the
parliament last holden by his Ma*^'®.
6. By this meane the whole frame of religion and Kirk
jurisdiction shall depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the
Prince, wheras his Ma/ hath declared by publick proclamation
in England that the jurisdiction of Kirk men in their meltings
and courts holden by them doe not flow from his Ma/
authoritie notwithstanding any act of parliament w'^*^ hath
beene made to the contrarie, bot from themselves and their
owne power, and y* they hold ther courts and meltings in
their owne name.
Upon Saturday the 15 of June we went over againe and
received from the Kings Ma*^® as the particular answer of our
desyres the answere following :
'We having considered the papers and humble petitions
presented to us by those of our subjects of Scotland who wer
admitted to attend our pleasure in the camp, and after a full
hearing by our self of all that they could say or alleadge
therupon, having comunicated the same to our Councell
of both Kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 83
unanimous advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and
gracious answere :
' That thogh we cannot condescend to ratifie and approve the
acts of the pretended generall assembly at Glasgow, for the
reasons contained in our severall proclamations, and for many
other grave and weightie considerations which have hapened
both befor and since, much importing the honour and securitie
of that true monarchicall governement lineally descended upon
us from so many of our ancestors, yet such is our gracious
pleasure that notwithstanding the many disorders comitted of
late, We are pleased not only to confirme and approve our
comissioners declaration given under his hand, and by our
command, in the pretended generall assemblie at Glasgow anent
the way taking of the service booke, booke of Canons, high
CoiTiission, and dispensing with the five articles of Perth,
and y* no other oath be administred to ministers at their
admission then that which is prescribed by Act of Parliament,
and that all and everie one of the present Bishops and their
successors may be answerable and accordingly from tyme to
tyme censurable according to their merits by the generall
assemblie, bot also are further graciously pleased to declare
and assure that according to the petitioners humble desyres
all maters ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies
of the Kirk and maters civile by the Parliament and other
inferior judicatories established by law which accordingly shalbe
keept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Kirk and
Kingdome shall requyre. And for settling the present dis-
tractions of that our ancient Kingdome our will and pleasure
is that a free generall assemblie be keept at Ed'' the day of
next ensuing wher we intend God willing to be
personally present, and for the legall indiction wherof we have
given order and command to our Councell, and therafter a
pari, to be holden at Ed"" the day of next
ensuing for ratifying of what shalbe concluded in the said
assemblie, and settling such other things as may conduce to
the peace and good of our native Kingdome and therin ane
act of pardon and oblivion to be passed.
' And wheras we are further humbly desyred that our ships
and forces by land be recalled and all persons, goods and ships
84 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
restored and they made safe from invasion, we are graciously
pleased to declare That upon their disarming and disbanding of
their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended
Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto us all our Castles,
forts and ainunitions of all sorts as lykewyse our royall honours,
and to everie one of our good subjects their libertie, lands, houses,
goods and meanes whatsoever taken and detained from them
since the late pretended generall assemblie, we will presently
therafter recall our fleet, and retire our land forces, and cause
restitution to be made to all persons of their ships, goods,
detained and arrested since the fors** tyme, wherby it may
appeare y* our intention in taking up of armes was no
wayes for invading of our native Kingdome or to innovate
the religion and lawes bot meerly for the maintaining and
vindicating of our royall authoritie.
' And since that heerby it doth clearly appeare that we neither
have nor doe intend any alteration in religion or lawes bot
that both shalbe maintained by us in their full integritie, we
expect the performance of that humble and duetifuU obedience
w<=^ becometh loyall and duetifuU subjects and as in their
severall petitions they have often professed.
' And as we have just reason to beleive that to our peacable
and well affected subjects this wilbe satisfactorie. So we take
God and the World to witnesse that whatsoever calamities
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing the insolencies of
such as shall still continue in their disobedient courses, it is
not occasioned by us bot by their own procurement.'
The king prefaced this answer with a declaration that was
done with the unanimous advyce of both Councels, and albeit
he might cleare some expressions he could change nothing of
the mater.
After we had privatly advysed, we objected against the
narrative and against the conclusion whilk after long dispute
the king would not change.
I urged that the kings declaring y*' he could not approve
the acts of the pretended generall assemblie at Glasgow for
the reasons contained in his severall proclamations was a direct
prelimitating of the subsequent assemblie, and a declaring y*
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 85
if the subsequent assemblie wer constitute of elders, as the
former was, and made the same Acts againe which wer made
in the former y* then his Ma/ would either raise it or not
ratifie it because these wer the reasons of his former proclama-
tions. The king answered that the devill himself could not
make a more uncharitable construction or give a more bitter
expression.
When I urged y* the oath of ministers according to the
Act of Parliament contained canonicall obedience to Bishops,
and so did declare the kings judgment and prelimite the
assemblie, the king commanded me silence, and said he would
speake to more reasonable men ; when yet I continued shewing
his Ma/ y* I was sent for to speake, and urging y* clause anent
the present Bishops and their successors censurable in their
persons as presupponing the nullitie of our former excomunica-
tion and the perpetuitie of their office he comanded me againe
silence, and said y' still when I spake I opened my mouth.
And the king urged us to take this proclama°n to the
Camp and read it their ; we assured him it wold not be
acceptable except his Ma/ declared y* he would quyte Bishops,
and finding him a litle in a good moode we fell all downe on
our knees and craved the same most earnestly that the morrow
being a Sabboth day might be a day of thanksgiving for we
assured him y*^ as long as he keiped them up against our
confession of faith and acts of Assemblie he wold never winne the
hearts, nor keepe peace in this kingdome, bot if he would quyte
them he would have the most obedient subjects in the world ;
and when we demanded what good newes he reported to the
rest of our numbers he smiled and bade us assiu-e them ther
was good hopes of accomodation and that he did not deny
q* we craved bot only delayed till Munday.
When we rose, he gave to everie one of us a kisse of his
hand bidding me walk more circumspectly in tyme comming.^
Upon his saying he would send some to the Camp to see his
declaration redd I went away and advertised them therof, who
wer no wayes well pleased with his declara°n.
^ 'The King was much delighted with Henderson's discourse, but not so
much with Johnston's. ... He lilcewise was the more enamoured with us,
especialie with Henderson and Lowdoun.' — Baillie i. 217.
86 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [JUNE
Upon Sunday the 16 of June at sermon both thanksgiving
was made for the beginning and appearance of peace and prayer
sent up to God for perfecting y''of, and for moving further of
the king's heart.
After sermon we drew up ane draught of the declara°n as
would satisfie us wanting those things which did oifend us.
' We having considered the papers and humble petitions pre-
sented unto us by those of our subjects of Scotland, who wer
admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp ; and after a full
hearing by our self of what was offered to our royall considera-
tion by them, having communicated the same to our Councell
of both kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their
unanimous advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and
gracious answere :
' That it is our gracious pleasure to declare and assure
That according to the petitioners humble desyres all maters
ecclesiasticall shalbe determined by the generall assemblie and
other inferiour assemblies of the kirk, which generall assemblie
shall be keiped once a yeare and oftner as the affaires of the
kirk shall requyre and maters civile by the parliament and
other inferiour j udicatories established by law. And the parlia-
ment to be called once in three yeares or oftner as the affaires
of the kingdome shall require.
' And for setling the present distractions of that our ancient
kingdome our will and pleasure is that a generall assemblie be
indicted and keiped at Ed'', the day of next ensuing,
wher we intend God willing to be personally present, which
according to the order of that kirk shall be lawfullie constitute
of ministers and elders having comission from ther severall
presbiteries and burrowes and shall be free both in the maters
to be treated as doctrine, worship, sacraments, government and
jurisdiction of the kirk, the places and power of kirkmen and
all other maters proper for a generall assemblie, as lykewyse in
the maner of proceiding and in the tyme and dayes of ther
sitting till maters be broght to a conclusion. And for the
tymous indiction of the said intended assemblie, we have given
order and command to our Councell as also it is our will and
pleasure that therafter a parliament be holden at Ed"^ the
day of next ensuing for ratifying of q* shall be
1 639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 87
concluded in the said assemblie and setling such other things as
may conduce to the peace and good of our native kingdome,
and therin ane act of oblivion to be passed.
' And since that therby it doth clearly appeare that we neither
have nor doe intend any alteration in religion or lawes bot that
both shall be mantained by us in ther full integritie, we expect
the performance of that humble and duetifull obedience w'^*'
becommeth loyall and duetifull subjects and as in their severall
petitions they have often professed."
Upon the Munday 17 of June having returned to the Camp
we shew his M/ that they wer no wayes satisfied with it
except his Ma"*" declared that he should be content to quyte
Bishops if the subsequent assemblie did condemne them againe,
and y* he expressed in his declaration the fredome of the
assemblie in the constitution or members y''of, in the maters
and maner of proceiding and therupon gave him the forsaid
draught w'^^ the king; would not use bot adhere to his owne
draught, and told y* as for episcopacie he wold not prelimite
his voyce, bade us propone our objections. We insisted long
as befor against the two clauses of the narrative and conclusion
w'^^ all the fornoone he refused to change.
When we insisted upon the expressing the friedome of the
assemblie, and of his consenting to whatsoever they should
determine, he wrote downe thir two lynes (we shall give way to
the determinations of the generall Assemblie w'^^ we shall find
agreeable to the lawes of Kirk and State). This we refused as
importing both his negative voyce and y*^ the assemblie might
not meddle with episcopacie or any other thing the king
alleadged was established by law.
This fornoone at two severall tymes q" I begouth to speake
the king absolutely commanded me silence.
When we urged y* the clause anent yearly generall assem-
blies or so often as the affaires of the kirk required may be
changed that absolutely we should have yearly generall assem-
blies and oftener as the affaires required. The king went to a
privat avisandum with both the Scots and English Councell
wher through the tent we heard the Marqueis of Hamiltoun
affirme y* if he consented to yearly generall assemblies he
88 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [jUNE
might quyte his three crounes for they wold trample over
them all, and if he would follow his way he should free the
assemblie of ruling elders, and if the assemblie wer constitute
onlie of ministers he would paune his lyfe, honor and estate to
gett his Bishops therin established and any other thing he
wold desyre. We heard the Lord Chamerlaine say that this
was the true state of the question, whether the two kingdomes
should presently yock and by their yocking the king hasard the
losse of both.
When we wer called in the clause was conceived y* we should
have yearly generall assemblies and oftner, the affaires of the
kirk and kingdome so requiring, wherof when some of us had
conceived the sophistrie and demanded if the last words was
relative to both termes of yearly assemblies and of oftner, and
so whether we should want yearly assemblies if the king judged
the affaires of the kirk not to require. The king shew then y* he
would not grant it bot putt it over to the generall assemblie.
After dinner we renewed our objections against the two
clauses qlk wer remitted till we had ended the articles of
pacification qlk imediately one after one wer condescended
upon having reasoned y* our meltings wer warrantable accord-
ing to King James' maxim e, p-o arisjbcis et patre patrice.
The King having gotten his will in all the articles at the
last he condescended to hold out those words, ' for the reasons
contained in his former proclamations,"* and instead of express-
ing his whole declaration given in to the assemblie to confirme
in generall ' what his Comissioner had promised in his name.'
And albeit he had once condescended to hold out the con-
clusion, yet fra once the Scots Councellors came in he would
no wayes condescend, bot as for the legall indiction of the
assemblie, after he was told y* if Bishops wer warned it wold
be protested against he remitted it to the Councell, q'upon
the Marqueis of Hamiltoun and my Lord Treasurer declared
y* they would call in generall termes all parties necessarie.
Upon Tuesday the 18 of June in the morning amongst our-
selves when we wer advysing anent the declara°n and articles of
pacifica°n we resolved upon an act amongst ourselves to declare
1639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 89
our not passing from the assemblie w'^^ the king professed he
desyred not of us, even as he desyred us not to urge him to
ratifie it, and wlk we required our Comissioners to intimate to
the king.
hiforviation against all mistaking of his Maj declaration.
Lest his Ma/ declaration of the date 15 June containing
an answer to our humble desyres presented by our Comissioners
should be eather mistaken by the well affected or willfully mis-
construed by the malicious, q''by his Ma/ justice and good-
nes may be concealed, or his Ma/ good subjects may appeare to
have done or admitted any poynt contrarie to their solemne
oath and covenant The Generall, Noblemen, Barrons, Bur-
gesses, ministers and officers conveined at Dunse before the
dissolving of the armie have thoght necessarie to putt in wryte
q* was related to them by their Commissioners from his Ma/,
to witt that as his Ma/ declared that he could not acknowledg
nor approve the late generall assemblie holden at Glasgow, for
which cause it is called in his Ma/ declaration a pretended
assemblie^ So was it not his Ma/ mynd y*' any of the peti-
tioners by their acceptance of the said declaration should be
thoght to disapprove or part from the same or condemne their
owne proceidings as disorders and disobedient courses, and
therfor as they doe intreat all his Ma/ good subjects with
most submissive and heartie thanksgiving to acknowledg and
confesse his Ma/ favour in indicting a frie assembly to be
keiped August 6 and a parliament August 20 for ratifying of
what shall be concluded in the assemblie, as the proper and
most powerfull meanes to setle this kirk and kingdome, so
wold they have all his Ma/ subjects to know that by accepting
the said declaration and articles of pacification joyned ther-
with, they doe not in any sort or degree disclaime or disavow
the said assemblie Bot that they still stand obleiged to adhere
y''unto, and to obey and mantaine the same, and for pre-
venting all mistaking and misconstruction that so much be
made knowne to all persons and in all places wher his Ma/
declaration shalbe published, which as it is his Ma/ owne mynd
expressed diverse tymes to our Comissioners, so are we assured
that it will serve much for his Ma/ honour, for the satisfaction
90 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
of the godly, and for the promoting of this blessed pacification,
for which all of us ought earnestly to pray to God, to remember
also our late oath and covenant, and to walk worthie of it, and to
beseich the Lord that, by the approaching assemblie and parlia-
ment, religion and righteousnes may be established in the land,
Afternoone we went to the king in his owne tent wher the
king superscryved the declaration, made his secretaries and our
Comissionars to subscryve the articles of pacification, and made
our Commissioners subscryve two lynes following :
' We having considered the papers and humble petitions pre-
sented to us by those of our subjects of Scotland who wer
admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp, and after a full
hearing by our self of all that they could say or alleadg y"*-
upon, having communicated the same to our Councell of both
kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their unanimous
advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and gracious
answere :
' That thogh we cannot condescend to ratifie and approve
the acts of the pretended generall assembly at Glasgow, for
many grave and weightie considerations which have hapned
both befor and since, much importing the honour and securitie
of that true monarchicall governement lineallie descended upon
us from so many of our ancestors, yet such is our gracious
pleasure that notwithstanding the many disorders committed of
late, We are pleased not only to confirme and make good q*so-
ever our Commissioner hath granted or promised in our name,
bot also ar further graciously pleased to declare and assure
that according to the petitioners humble desyres all maters
ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the assemblies of the
kirk and maters civile by the parliament and other inferiour
judicatories established by law which assembly accordingly
shall be keipt once a yeare or as shall be agreed upon at the
generall assemblie.
' And for setling the present distractions of that our ancient
kingdome our will and pleasure is that a frie generall assemblie
be keipt at Ed'' the sixth day of August next ensuing wher
we intend (God willing) to be personally present, and for the
legall indiction wherof we have given order and command to
1639] JOHNSTON OP WARISTON'S DIARY 91
our Counccll, and therafter a parliament to be holden at Ed'
the twentieth day of August next ensuing for ratifying of
q* shall be concluded in the said assembly, and setling such
other things as may conduce to the peace and good of our
native kingdome, and therin an act of oblivion to be
])assed.
' And wheras we are further humbly desyred that our ships
and forces by land be recalled and all persons, goods and ships
restored, and they made safe from invasion, we are graciously
pleased to declare that upon their disarming and disbanding
of their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended
Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto us all our Castles,
forts and anmnitions of all sorts as lykwise our royall
honours, and to everie one of our good subjects their libertie,
lands, houses, goods and meanes q^soever taken and detained
from them since the late pretended assemblie, we will presently
therafter recall our fleet, and retire our land forces, and cause
restitution to be made to all persons of their ships and goods
detained and arrested since the aforsaid tyme, wherby it may
appeare that our intention in taking up of amies was no wayes
for invading of our native Kingdome, or to innovate the
religion and Lawes, but meerly for the mantaining and vindi-
cating of our royall authoritie.
' And since heirby it doth clearly appeare that we neither
have nor doe intend any alteration in Religion or Lawes, bot
that both shall be mantained by us in their full integritie, we
expect the performance of that humble and duetifuU obedience
which becommeth Loyall and duetifull subjects, and as in their
severall petitions they have often professed.
'And as we have just reason to beleive that to our peacable
and well affected subjects this will be satisfactorie. So we take
God and the World to witnesse that whatsoever calamities
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing the insolencies of
such as shall still continue in their disobedient courses, it is
not occasioned by us bot by their owne procurement.
' 1. The forces of Scotland to be disbanded and dissolved
within fourtie eight houres after the publication of his Ma/
declaration being agreed upon.
' 2. His Ma/ Castles, forts and araunitions of all sorts, and
92 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [june
royall honour to be delivered after the said publication, so
soone as his Ma/ can send to receive them.
' 3. His Ma/ ships to depart presently after the deliverie of
the Castles and with the first faire wind And in the meane
tyme no interruption of trade or fishing.
' 4. His Ma/ is graciouslie pleased to cause to be restored all
persons goods and ships detained or arrested since the first of
februar last bypast.
' 5. Ther shall be no meitings, treatings, convocations or
consultations of our Leiges, Bot such as ar warrantable by Act
of Parliament.
' 6. All fortifications to desist and no further working
y*'on and they to be remitted to his Ma/ pleasure.
' 7. To restore to everie one of our good subjects their
libertie, lands, houses goods and meanes q*soever detained from
them by q*soever meanes since the aforsaid tyme.'
This day also the king refused to come and see our armie
mustered as he had condescended the day before.
He condescended that the fortifications of Leith should be
disponed by the towne of Ed'' at their pleasure, and to write
a letter to the said towne for preparing a place to the
assemblie.
Upon Wednesday the 19 of June we had sundrie disputs
anent our making or not making our declaration q" the king
published his.
We wrote letters to the Erie of Montrose as the king did
to my lord of Boyne y* we advertising them how all maters
wer setled in peace and desyring them hinc et hide to abstaine
from violence and hostilitie.
Lykwyse we wrote to the Lord Kirkcubright to loose his
Seige on the Kings Castle of Threve.
Upon Thursday the 20 of June we sent to the King the
Erie of Rothes and Lord Loudoun to remonstrate against the
keiping of any garizons at Barwick or fortifying of the Castle
of Ed'' whilk breed great jealousie in the mynds of the people,
as also to shew unto the English lords those conditions qlk
had past in word betwixt the King and us with our modest
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON^S DIARY 93
information against mistaking and to give an coppie of both
unto sundrie of them qlk indeid my lord Chamerlaine and my
Lord Holland after they had all acknowledged the truth
therof and professed themselves fully cleared of the calumnies
spred against us and y* they should not be so readie to
come against us in tyme coming, hot craved to be advertised
from our selves of all that passed heere.
' Some heads of his Ma/ treatie with his subjects in Scotland
befor the English nobilitie ar sett downe heire for remem-
brance.
' 1. For the preface and conclusion of his Ma/ last declara-
tion althogh it contained hard expressions of the subjects in
Scotland yet his Ma/ declared y* he had no such opinion of
them but required the paper to stand for his credite and for
a point of honour with forraigne nations, and required they
should not stand with him for words and expressions so they
obtained the mater.
' 2. For calling of the late Assemblie pretended Seing the
subjects of Scotland professed they wold never passe from the
said assemblie and decrees therof, His M/ professed he did not
acknowledg y* assemblie further then as it had registrate his
declaration so wold he not desire the subjects to passe from
the samine.
'3. Concerning the constitution of the Assemblie, It was
showne his Ma/ that none could be members of the assemblie
hot such as had a Comission, viz., two or thrie Ministers from
everie presbiterie with a ruling elder, one from each burgh and
universitie and his Ma/ Comissionar, his Ma/ contended that
his assessors had vote, and upon an expression in his Ma/
declaration that referred to some reason contained in former
proclamations, which wer totallie against the lawfulnes of
ruling elders. It was desired y*^ according to the custome of
this Kirk all controversies arysing should be remitted to the
assemblie itself. His Ma/ had some expressions craving these
to be remitted to himself, Bot being told y* it was against the
constitutions of the Kirk to have any other judge bot the
voyces of the assemblie wher his Ma/ or his Comissioner
should be present and give the first voyce, It was concluded
94 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [jUNE
that the word frie assemhUe in his Ma/ declaration did import
the freed ome in judging all questions arysing ther concerning
constitution, members, or mater,
'4. Concerning the restitution of the Castles, as the subjects
did it freelie, so did they expresse y* w'^^ might concerne
the safetie of the countrie, they referred that to the tyme
of the parliament, at which tyme they should signifie their
desires by petition to his Ma/. As also they told it had cost
much charges in fortifying and keiping therof, the repre-
sentation q''of to his Ma/ they referred to that tyme.
' 5. Concerning the restitution of persons, houses and goods
required by his Ma/, It was promised provyding the great
sowmes contracted for the publick wer repayed in an equall way
by all which behoved to be done either by commission from
his Ma/ or by parliament; and when it was objected that
much goods wer alreadie spent, the King answered that as for
goods or ammunition that was spent they could not be restored
bot those that ar extant must be.
' 6. His Ma/ not allowing of the late assemblie for the
reasons contained in his severall proclamations being excepted
against as a declaration of his Ma/ judgment against ruling
elders w^'^ prejudged the right constitution of a frie assemblie,
his Ma/ after full hearing deleted y* clause.
' 7. That part of his Ma/ declaration which beares y* no
other oath be exacted of Intrants then that which is contained
in the Act of Parliament, as also y* clause bearing that the
pretendit Bishops, etc., shalbe censurable be the generall
assemblie, being excepted against as presupponing and importing
the continuance of episcopacie w^*^ we could not acknowledg
as being incompatible with the confession of faith and con-
stitution of the Kirk, his Ma/ was pleased to delete both those
clauses.
' 8. And it being with all instancie and humilitie prest
Saturday June 15 That his Ma/ wold satisfie tliat maine
desire of the subjects by declaring that his Ma/ wold quyte
episcopacie, did answere that it was not soght in our desires,
and q" it was replyed that our first desyre to have the acts
of the Generall Assemblie ratified imported the same. His Ma/
acknowledged it to be so and averred that he did not refuse
i639] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 95
it hot wold advyse till Munday the 17, at which tyme his
Ma/ being prest to give some signification of his quyting
Episcopacie, and it being plainly showne to his Ma/ that if he
wold labour to mantain Episcopacie it wold breid a miserable
schisme in this Kirk, and make such a rupture and division in
this Kingdome as wold prove uncurable and if his Ma; wold
lett the Kirk and countriej be freed of them, his Ma/ wold re-
ceave als heartie and duetifull obedience as ever Prince received
of a people, his Ma/ answered that he could not prelimite
and forstall his voyce but had appointed a frie assemblie
which might judge of all ecclesiasticall maters, the constitu-
tions q''of he promised to ratifie in the ensuing parliament.''
The same morning after y* the armie wer dismissed to goe
to Dunglas the Erles of Mortoun and Kinnoule came to
publish the King's declaration.
We had a long dispute if either verho or scripto we should
testifie our accepting therof to be not passing from the assemblie,
at length the Erie of Cassils was appointed who after the Kings
declara°n was redd befor Colonel Munroes regiment declared y*
we adhered to the assemblie and offered our information against
mistakings unto the herauld in testimonie of our adherance
therto, wherunto all the people applauded y* they did adhere
to the assemblie, and bade hang the Bishops.
This night we came to Dunglas and heard from my Lord
Rothes y* generall Rivan was to be made Captaine of the
Castle of Ed'', and that the English men themselves dealt for
to have a garizon in Barwick and Carleel wherat sundrie was
offended, because they had been informed on the Tuesday
befor that the King continued all his intentions for the
establishing of Bishops, and they thoght thir wer meanes used
for y^ end.
Upon Friday the 21 of June we came to Ed' wher we found
many greived with our proceidings.
We heard from the North how the Erie of Muntrose having
but twelve hundreth men at Stonehyve had derouted after the
shott of some canon my Lord Boine and Colonell Gunne and
five and twentie hundreth men with them who wer affrighted
96 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [jUNE
by a barrell of powder blowing up some of them and blind-
folding others, and so he chased them back to Aberdeine.
Upon Saturday the 22 of June afternoone the Castle of Ed*"
was redelivered with the honours and the Marqueis of Huntlie
unto the Marqueis of Hamiltoun and to Generall Rivan, after
sundrie shott of Canon off the Castle and off the fleet.
Upon Munday the 24 of June befornoone after the Lyon
had redd the King's declaration, The Lord Lindsay in name
of the Noblemen Barons Ministers and Burgesses, q'"of many
wer upon the crosse with him declared that our acceptance
therof was without prejudice to our generall assemblie wherfra
the King did not desyre us to passe and q'"unto we do con-
stantly adhere according to our oath and offered unto the
Lyon a coppie of our informa°n against mistakings in token
therof, wherupon Mr, Harie Rollock tooke Instruments in my
hands. 1
This day we heard from the Erie of Muntrose y* he had
sundrie skirmishes at the Bridge of Die, and after sundrie wer
killed and hurt had taken the same and gone into Aberdeine
wher his receiving of the King's Ires and of ours anent the
peace made him stay his persute.
This day it was ordained that conforme to this ordnance, as
the Erie of Cassils in the Camp the Lord Lindsay on the
Crosse of Ed"^, so in everie burgh after the King's declaration
is proclaimed, some noblemen or gentlemen in name of all the
rest should give heartie thanks to his Ma' for his favour, bot
withall declare by word that this baire acceptance of this
declaration shall no wayes be prejudiciall to the late generall
assemblie holden at Glasgow, q^'fra the King's Ma/ did not
^ To ask instruments seems a more correct expression than to take instru-
ments. ' Instruments ' are the formal and duly authenticated narrative by a
Notary Public of res gestcs of which a person interested desires to preserve a
record. The practice of taking instruments is now confined for the most part to
Church Courts in Scotland, as in the case where a member, who protests against
a resolution of the majority of the Court, wishes to preserve evidence of his pro-
test by obtaining from the clerk of the Court an authoritative extract of the
Court's minute embodying it. He ' takes instruments' by handing to the clerk
a coin (usually a shilling), in token probably of his readiness to pay the cost of
the extract of the minute which he asks the Court to grant him.
1640] JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY 97
desire us to passe, and q'"unto we doe constantly adhere
according to our oath, and therupon offer the coppie of the
above written information to the Herauld.
Upon Tuesday the 25 of June we sent away my Lord
Loudoun with some instructions to the King's Ma*^'^ as follows :
[Here the diary of 1639 ends abruptly. What
follows seems to refer to the next year, 1640.]
To remember — the Lord Generall his Excellencie came out
of Edg'' towards the armie upon the 25 of July the Leive-
tennant Generall upon the 30 of July. The armie was lying in
Choulslie wood full of all sort of vans of meitt, drink, money,
horsemen, baggage horse, canone horse etc.
Upon the 3 of August at a frequent meitting of the Comittie
Nobilitie Barrones and officers of the armie after prayer and
reassoneing our voyage to England was unanimouslie resolved,
and the intentiones of the army redd approvine and divulget
and some sent away both for intelligence and spreading of
same. The tennor of the Ire followis :
Upon the 5 of August My Lord Balmerinoch and Lord
Naper was sent to Lauthiane to hasten up the canone horse
and that night was the busines anent the Comission of
Perth
Upon the 6 of August Sir Harie Gib came to Dunse.
Upon the 7 of August the Erie of Rothes Lord Loudoun
Jo" Smyth and Mr. Ar'^ Jonstoun was sent to Edg'' for to
find out the wayes of getting of money and provyding of tents
to the souldears, both qlk seemed unpossible for the tyme.
Upon the 8 they mett with the baillies of Edg' and sent
the elders and the deacons through the bruche, who on that
day and Monoday following gottine thrie thousand pair of
scheits to the souldears tents.
Upon Sunday 9 of August thair was keiped ane solemne fast
G
98 JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY [AUG.
throw the haill army and in the City of Edg"" qlk did con-
tribute much to furder the money and tents.
Upon Monoday the 10 of August all the neighbours being
solemnely conveined in the parliat house of Edg*', after prayer
and exhortatione they ofFere vvillinglie so many particular sums
as amounted to ane hundredth thousand punds. This is Gods
work and wonderfull in our eyes qlk requires remembrance,
thankfulness, and dependence on God in new difficulties.
This day the Erie of Argyle returned to Edg' and the Erie
of Rothes to the Camp wheron the haill army was mustered
and sworne to the military Articles, to the great contentment
of the generall officeris.
PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE
PRESERVATION OF THE
HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
IN DUNNO TTAR CASTLE
1651-52
Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by
CHARLES R. A. HOWDEN, M.A.,
F.S.A. Scot., Advocate.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Ane True Accompt of the Preservation of the Honors, 112
Letter from George Ogilvie of Barras to the Countess
OF Marischal, . . . . .118
Letter from the Countess of Marischal to Charles the
Second, ...... 121
Letter from William Ogilvie to his father, George
Ogilvie of Barras, . . . . .123
Mr. James Grainger, his Declaration anent the Honors, 125
Barress Alledgances ansred 8 November 1660, . . 126
Letter from the Minister of Kinneff to the Countess
OF Marischal, . . . . .131
Signature for the Patent of Knight Marischal to John
Keith, ...... 132
Letter from Charles il to the Earl of Middleton, . 134
Memorial for the Earl of Kintore, . . .134
INTRODUCTION
For permission to publish the following papers, the Society is
indebted to the courtesy of the Earl of Kintoro, whose pro-
perty they are. They deal with a controversy which created
some stir in Scotland in the year 1702. In that year, proceed-
ings were taken before the Privy Council by John Keith, first
Earl of Kintore, against Sir William Ogilvie of Barras and his
son, in respect of a pamphlet published by them in 1701,
entitled ' A True Account of the Preservation of the Regalia of
' Scotland, viz. Crown, Sword, and Scepter, From falling into the
' Hands of the English Usurpers, be Sir George Ogilvie of
' Barras, Kt. and Barronet.' This pamphlet was published as a
reply to the account of the preservation of the Honours given in
Nisbet's Heraldry, and its purpose was to show that scant justice
had been done to Sir George Ogilvie, and that the chief share
of credit and reward had been given to the Earl of Kintore
and his mother, the Dowager Countess Marischal. Ogilvie's
pamphlet, together with a number of letters relating to the
siege of Dunnottar in 1651-52, and the Act and Decreet of the
Privy Council in 1702, was published by the Bannatyne Club
in their volume of Papers relative to the Regalia of Scotland^
issued in 1829. The compilers of that volume, however, seem
to have had access chiefly to papers upon Ogilvie's side of the
controversy. The papers which are now published for the first
time present the case rather from the point of view of Lord
Kintore, and serve to complete the information available con-
102 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
cerning the whole controversy. Some of them were produc-
tions in the proceedings before the Privy Council, and were
afterwards by authority returned to Lord Kintore. The con-
troversy was one of long standing. It began immediately after
the Restoration. One of these papers, entitled ' Baress alledg-
ances ansred,' is dated 8th November 1660 ; another, entitled
' Ane True Accompt of the Preservation of the Honours,' is
undated, but is evidently a direct answer to Ogilvie''s pam-
phlet, which, as already mentioned, was published in 1701.
The legal proceedings resulted in a decreet of the Privy
Council, which ordered the fining and imprisonment of Ogilvie,
and the burning of his pamphlet by the common hangman.
The account of the siege of Dunnottar Castle and the pre-
servation of the Honours has been told before. It may be
well, however, in order to explain the meaning of these letters,
to give again an outline of the story, more especially as one or
two details which bear upon the Kintore-Ogilvie controversy
have been omitted from the earlier accounts.
Charles ii. was crowned at Scone on the 1st January 1651,
and the Honours of Scotland, the crown, sceptre, and sword,
were used in the ceremony. The coronation was followed by
the invasion of Scotland by Cromwell's troops, and Charles,
instead of meeting Cromwell here, determined on his expedition
into England, which ended so disastrously at Worcester. It
was thought necessary, therefore, to take measures to ensure
the safety, during the King's absence, of the emblems of
Scottish royalty. Accordingly, on the 6th of June, the day
Parliament rose, the Honours were handed over by Parliament
to the Earl Marischal, whose hereditary privilege it was to
have their custody during the sitting of Parliament. He was
instructed to transport them to Dunnottar, ' thair to be keepit
by him till farther ordouris.' In obedience to these instruc-
tions, the Earl took them to Dunnottar, and concealed them
there in a secret place. The command of the castle he
intrusted to George Ogilvie of Barras, who was allowed a
INTRODUCTION 103
garrison of forty men and two sergeants, to be entertained at
the public charge. This seems to have been practically the
whole garrison at Ogilvie's command, and it was all too small
to provide for the proper defence of the castle. Several times
in the course of the siege which followed, Ogilvie appealed for
more men, and several times he complained that nothing was
done to supply him with money or provisions, and that conse-
quently the whole cost of the maintenance of the castle fell
upon the Earl MarischaPs estate and upon himself It appears
that during some part of the time of Ogilvie's command, John
Keith, the youngest brother of the Earl Marischal, who was
then quite young, was with him in the castle.^
On the 28th August, the Earl Marischal and several other
noblemen, members of the Committee of Estates, were
surprised by a party of English horse at Alyth, and were
taken prisoners. Finding that he was to be carried to London,
the Earl contrived to send a messenger to his mother, the
Dowager Countess Marischal, bearing to her the key of the
secret place in which the Honours lay hid. Immediately on
receipt of her son^s message, the Countess went to Dunnottar,
' and had not stayed tuo hours ' when she heard of the near
approach of the English troops. She took the Honours from
their hiding-place and gave them to Ogilvie, strictly charging
him to do his utmost to secure their safety. A few days after-
wards the siege of the castle began, and soon developed into a
blockade.
Twice did Ogilvie receive a message from the Committee of
Estates, once, before the siege began, from Aberdeen, and
once, in September, from ' West end Lochtay,' demanding the
Honours, that they might be removed to a place of greater
safety in the Highlands. On each occasion Ogilvie conceived
the warrant insufficient to free him from his trust, and refused
^ See Decreet of the Privy Council, 30th July 1702, printed in the Bannatyne
Club volume, 1829.
104 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
to give them up. It was afterwards maintained by Lord
Kintore that Ogilvie was afraid to disobey the Committee's
orders, and that it was only upon his urgent advice and per-
suasion that they were retained in Dunnottar.^
In November Ogilvie was twice summoned to surrender the
castle upon honourable terms. To each summons he returned
a spirited refusal. At this time only four strongholds outside
the Highlands — Dunnottar, Dumbarton, Brodick, and the
Bass Rock — held out for King Charles against the army of
the Commonwealth.^
John Keith must have left the castle about the end of the
year. He was probably the bearer of a letter which Ogilvie
wrote to the King on the 20th December, suggesting that the
castle might be relieved by sea. Charles was very anxious to
relieve the castle, in which, besides the Honours, there was
much valuable plate and furniture belonging to him, and he
commissioned Major-General Vandruske to attempt its relief;
but lack of money prevented Vandruske from obtaining a ship
and the necessary means of succour, and Dunnottar had fallen
before he was ready to start.^
For some months after Keith left him, Ogilvie continued to
hold out, but his provisions began to fail, and his small
garrison was exhausted. Worse than all, there were murmur-
ings of mutiny among the defenders, and Ogilvie was compelled
to drive one of the ringleaders from the castle.^ These things
pointed to the impossibility of maintaining the post much
longer, and, accordingly, Ogilvie and his wife began to con-
sider how the Honours might be saved should the castle fall.
It was left to the Governor's lady to devise the means, and she
purposely kept her husband in ignorance of what she did, so
^ See page 135 ; also Decreet of Privy Council, 1702.
2 See Gardiner's History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, vol. I. p. 470,
3 See Mr. C. H. Firth's Introduction to Scotland and the Commotnvealth
(Scottish History Society), p. xli ; Cal. Clar. State Papers, pp. 124, 129, 130,
136.
* Colonel David Lighten ; see p. 120, note i.
INTRODUCTION 105
that he might be able to tell the English that he did not
know where the Honours were. It was not till fifteen months
afterwards, when Mrs. Ogilvie was on her deathbed, that she
confided to her husband the secret of their hiding-place.
The person whom she took into her confidence was Mrs.
Grainger, wife of the Reverend James Grainger, minister of the
neighbouring parish of Kinneff,and the two ladies between them
concocted a scheme for the removal of the Honours. One day,
early in March, Mrs. Grainger and her maid went to Stone-
haven on some ordinary housekeeping business. Amongst
other things which she brought back with her were some
bundles of flax, which were carried by the maid. On her way
home she passed Dunnottar, and obtained permission from the
English officer to visit her friend Mrs. Ogilvie. The visit was
paid, and in due course Mrs. Grainger left the castle and
returned to the manse at Kinneff. But she took with her the
Honours. It is said that she carried the crown in her lap,
and that she was seriously inconvenienced by the courtesy of
the English officer, who assisted her to mount her horse, and
conducted her through the English lines. For this part of the
adventure there is unfortunately no corroboration in the pub-
lished documents. It is more likely that the crown was
transported, as the sceptre and sword were, in the bundle of
flax which the maid carried. The journey was made out with-
out suspicion being aroused, and the Honours reached the
Kinneff manse in safety.
They were then handed over to the minister, who concealed
them at first, it is said, in the bottom of a bed at the manse,
and afterwards secretly buried them under the pavement of the
church. At the end of March, he went and informed the
Countess Marischal of the removal of the Honours, and she
took a receipt from him, acknowledging that they were in his
custody, and stating the exact places in which they were buried.
On the 24th May the castle was surrendered to the English
upon honourable terms — the last post held for King Charles.
106 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
Ten days before, Ogilvie had received a letter from the Earl
Marisehal, from London — a letter which seems to have been
written upon compulsion — ordering him to give up the castle.
The Earl did not at the time know that the Honours were safe,
but the Governor, though he did not know exactly what had
become of them, probably had a shrewd idea that the English
would not find them in Dunnottar. One of the articles of
capitulation was that the Honours should be delivered up or a
good account given of them, and the English were much
disappointed to find that they had been baulked of their
prey.
When they were interrogated on the subject, the Ogilvies gave
out that John Keith had taken the Honours from Dunnottar to
Paris, and had there given them to the King. They had no
satisfactory evidence of this, however, to produce, though Mrs.
Ogilvie ' contrived a missive letter," which she arranged should
fall into the hands of the English, purporting to be from John
Keith, acknowledging the carrying away of the Honours. The
Ogilvies were accordingly arrested, and subjected to a severe
examination and to some rigorous treatment, until a letter
came from Keith from abroad, in which he took credit to him-
self for the safe removal of the Honours to Paris. This letter
caused the search to slacken, and, though the English still
suspected that the Honours were nearer home, Ogilvie and
his wife were released on bail, after suffering about seven
months of imprisonment. Mrs. Ogilvie never recovered from
the hardships she had undergone, and she died some time in
the summer of 1653, telling her husband on her deathbed to
whose charge she had committed the Honours, and adjuring
him never to disclose the secret until the King should come
by his own again.
For eight years the Honours lay hid under the pavement of
Kinneff Church. Secretly and at long intervals the minister
visited them, and renewed their wrappings to protect them
from the damp. On some of these occasions he was accom-
INTRODUCTION 107
panied by Ogilvie, who provided fresh linen to wrap them
in.i
John Keith remained in France for about two years. He
then followed Middleton to Holland, but arrived there too
late to join his expedition, long delayed as that had been.
Middleton landed in Sutherland in February 1654 ;2 Keith
landed in Fife a short time afterwards. He was at once
arrested by the English, but, being in disguise, he escaped, and
after various adventures he joined Middleton in the north.
With Middleton he remained until the skirmish at Lochgarry,
in Athole, on 26th July 1654, which finally scattered the
Royalist troops, and forced them to take to the hills.^ In the
course of their wanderings, Keith obtained from Middleton a
receipt for the Honours bearing to have been granted in 1652
at Paris, ' tho it was trewly subscrived at Capoch in Loch-
whaber,'' This receipt he produced when he eventually sur-
rendered to the English, and was questioned as to the carrying
abroad of the Honours, with the result that all search for them
in this country was given up.
After the Restoration, Charles was informed of the safety of
the Regalia, and both the Countess Marischal and Ogilvie put
in claims for the credit of their preservation. The Countess
wrote to the King ; Ogilvie sent his son to London. The
letter of the Countess, and a letter from William Ogilvie to
his father, giving an account of his doings in London, are
printed here.
With regard to the quarrel that ensued, the first thing that
strikes one is the pity of it. The Keiths, the Ogilvies, the
Graingers, had all played their parts well, and had all deserved
well of their country. There is no reason to suppose that the
King was ungrateful for the service done him, and surely each
might have taken his reward and been content, without launch-
Ogilvie's Pamphlet, p. lo, Bannatyne Club volume ; see infra, p.
Mercurius Politicus, i6th March 1654.
' Letters from Roundhead Officers,' Bannatyne Club, 1856, p. 83.
108 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
ing into unseemly squabbling and reviling of each other. It is
not easy now to decide on whom the blame must fall of having
begun the controversy. The Countess, in her letter to the King
of 23rd May 1660, acknowledges the services both of Ogilvie
and of Grainger, and seems to grudge them no reward. But
then William Ogilvie goes to London to urge his father's
claims, and the Countess sends a gentleman to London to see
that her interests are not neglected, and trouble begins. The
King seems to have been willing to act with perfect fairness.
On the 4th September he writes to the Countess acknowledging
her son's services and expressing his desire to reward them, but
in no way committing himself against Ogilvie. On the con-
trary, on the 28th September, William Ogilvie received, in
answer to his petition, an order upon his father to deliver up
the Honours to the Earl Marischal, to whose keeping they had
been committed by the Scottish Parliament. But before this
order was granted, William Ogilvie, suspecting that an attempt
might be made by the Countess to obtain the Honours, wrote
to his father warning him to see that they were given up to
no one. That such an attempt was made by the Countess is
admitted,^ But Grainger felt bound to Ogilvie, from whom
he had originally received them. On the 21st July he had
written to Ogilvie regarding the Honours, ' As for myself, my
neck shall break, and my life go for it, before I fail to you ; ' ^
and on 28th September he gave Ogilvie the sceptre, and under-
took, in writing, to make the crown and sword forthcoming to
him on demand.^ It is difficult to reconcile this letter and
' obligement "" of Grainger's with his ' declaration ' and his letter
to the Countess, which are printed here. One is tempted to
think that the Countess had by some means induced him to
take a different view of the matter by the time that the latter
were written. It is probably true that Grainger and Ogilvie
went together to Dunnottar to deliver the Honours to the
Infra, p. 127. ^ Nisbet's Heraldry, ii. 236, ^ Ibid.
INTRODUCTION 109
Earl Marischal, but the account given in ' Baress' Alledgances
Ansred ' ^ of the EarFs reception of Ogilvie does not seem to be
accurate. At all events, we find Grainger writing to the
Countess, « Your ladyship remembers I did ever fear that he
would easily wynd himself into my Lord Marischal his favour ;' ^
and Middleton writing later, « I am struck with amasement to
think that my Lord Marischal should in the least countenanced
him.' 3 It was possibly in connection with the Earl MarischaFs
favourable treatment of Ogilvie that the family differences arose
which are referred to in the King's letter to Middleton.^
Whatever may have been the merits of the controversy, the
King seems to have acted impartially, and to have tried rather
to make peace than to aggravate the quarrel. In 1660, John
Keith was made Knight Marischal of Scotland, and granted a
yearly pension of £4>00. On 5th March 1661, long after the
whole matter must have been thrashed out, Ogilvie presented
the Earl MarischaPs receipt to the King, and, in reward for his
services, received a baronetcy, with an augmented blazon of
arms. He also received the promise of a pension ' how soon
the King's revenues were settled,' but the promise was never
fulfilled. On 11th January 1661, Parliament ordered the pay-
ment of two thousand merks Scots to Mrs. Grainger, in respect
of her services in saving the Honours. At various subsequent
dates new favours were shown both to Ogilvie and to Keith.
In 1662, Ogilvie obtained a charter from the King, changing
the tenure of his lands of Barras from ward-holding to blench,
which charter was ratified by Parliament, 11th August 1669.
Charles seems also, after George Ogilvie's death, to have given
his son. Sir William, an appointment as Master of His Majesty's
Hawks.5 In 1677, John Keith had a further honour conferred
^ /n/m, p. 129. 2 /„y^^^ p_ J22_
' /«>a, p. 115. * Infra, p. 134.
5 See a Draft Precept (undated) making the appointment, and also a letter
from Sir William Ogilvie to the Earl of Airlie, dated 22nd April 1682, both
printed in the Spalding Club Miscellany, vol. v. pp. 205, 206.
110 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
upon him in reward for his services, and was created Earl of
Kintore.
But the quarrel was not dead, and in 1701 it broke out
again on the publication of Sir William Ogilvie's pamphlet.
The Earl of Kintore took legal proceedings, as has been
already stated, and the Privy Council seems to have adopted
his version of the story in its entirety, and to have decided
against the Ogilvies, who were visited with fine and im-
prisonment.
Of the principal actors in the story, the following brief
notes may be given :
The Dowager Countess Marischal was Lady Mary Erskine,
daughter of John, seventh Earl of Mar, and widow of William,
sixth Earl Marischal, who died in 1635. In 1638 she married,
as his third wife, Patrick Maule, who in 1646 was created Earl
of Panmure. She was therefore Countess of Panmure at the
time of the siege of Dunnottar, though she seems still to have
been known as Countess Marischal. Lord Panmure died in
1661.
Sir John Keith, Knight Marischal of Scotland (1660), and
Earl of Kintore (1677), was the fourth and youngest son of
William, sixth Earl Marischal. He died in 1714.
Sir George Ogilvie of Barras, Baronet, was the eldest son
of William Ogilvie of Lumgair, whose mother was a grand-
daughter of James, first Lord Ogilvie. In 1634 he married
Elizabeth, daughter of John Douglas of Barras, fourth son of
William, ninth Earl of Angus. He obtained his commission
as Cornet of Horse from the Earl Marischal in 1640. In the
same year he purchased the lands of Wester Barras from his
wife's brother, John Douglas. He died some time before the
year 1680, and was succeeded by his eldest son. Sir William,
who, along with his son David, was defender in the action
raised by Lord Kintore.
The Rev. James Grainger, A.M., was born about 1606,
INTRODUCTION 111
and laureated at St. Andrews University in 1626. He became
minister of Kinneff parish some time before 1646, and died at
the age of fifty-seven, in April 1663.^ His wife's name was
Christian Fletcher. A tablet with a Latin inscription stands
in KinnefF Church, to commemorate their services to their
country.
I have to thank Lord Kintore for allowing me to publish
these tattered letters and papers, which I think are not without
value as bearing upon an interesting episode in Scottish his-
tory. I have also to record my great indebtedness to the Rev.
Douglas Gordon Barron, minister of Dunnottar, who has read
the manuscripts, and has furnished me with much information
and many notes, of which I have made free use. And I have
also to thank the Rev. S. Ogilvy Baker, Vicar of Muchelney,
Somersetshire, the present representative of the Ogilvies of
Barras, for the information he has put at my disposal regarding
that family.
* Fasti Ecclesice Scoticance, part vi. p. 874 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Report, vol. viii.
P- 303-
ANE TRUE ACCOMPT OF THE
PRESERVATION OF THE HONORS
The Earll Marshall being tacken prisoner at Eliot,^ obtened
leave to send a gentell man to his mother [pretejnding to give
notice for a provision of raonay, evry thing [being] tacken
from him by the English, but his aprahencion [of] the danger
of the honours was that which stuck deapest in his heart.
Therfor with this gentell man he derected the key of the place
wher the honours were to his mother. The next day she went
to the Castell of Dunnotter, and had not stayed tuo hours,
when advertised that the English were to quarter sum
shouldiers n[ear] to the Castell that night, upon which being
fo[rced to] flay, yet be for she stured caused to open the roum
and did tack out the honours and delivred them hir self to
Georg Ogalvie (Captan of the Castall by the Earll Marshall's
apoyntment) and charged him, whither hie should be nesesitat
to capatilat, or other ways, he should secur them, giving him
asurance of all hir posible asistance in evry thing, which he
chearfuly undertouk. The day foulowing the enamie marched
to Aberdeen, and shortly after returning did put a garison in
Fitersso, the Countas of Marshall's joyntour hous, within tuo
mils of the Castell from stoping it from provison or coraspon-
dance with the Cuntry.
Sum tym ther after the enamie having required him to
surender the Castle,^ resolved that it were the securest way to
remove the honours, where being conveyed to Mr, James
1 The Earl Marischal, with other members of the Committee of Estates, was
taken prisoner at Alyth, on 28th August 1651, by a troop of horse from Dundee
under Colonel Alured. '^ Early in Marcli 1652.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 113
Granger, a preachers house did . . . which he afterwards
caried and put them underground in the church, as his
testificat under his hand^ doth yet declayr the perticular
places they were laid in in case he should die. The castle
afterward being surendred,^ the Captan (upon bale when cald
to apear) was dismised unchalinged for the honours, but
having mist them, they laid him fast with his wife in Aber-
deen. He being thus put too it declared that tuo or three
munths befor he had cummited them to my lady Marshalls
youngest son, John Keath, who had gon out of the kingdom,
to be by him transported to his Magestie, who was then in
France at Parise ; upon which his mother did imeditly writ to
him to aknoulidg and oun the tacking of them away with him,
which ass sune as possible he returned the said aknowlidgment,
declaring that as he carried them with him, so did deliver
them by his Magisties order to Generall Midelltoun. This
did tack up sum time till his answar could com, which ocasioned
Georg Ogelvies confinment, but how sune his declaration was
presented they did permite him to go, and set him at liberty.
The said John Keath in the meantime being as banished,
who durst not return to Scotland least the English should
have tacken him and so rouined him by there severity, or els,
which was wors, might upon torturing him, extorted a con-
fesion of that mater from him ; so being still abroad, att
last cam from France to Holand, and understanding of his
Magesties commands on Generall Mideltone, who went with
sum oficers from Holand to Scotland, did resolve to haserd
himself in that service ; and so folowing Generall Midellton
and geting a veshell in Holand, landed at the Elie in Fyfe,
where he was aprehended by the enamie, but being in disguis
and giving himself out for a poor young merchant lad, he made
his escape.
But after he cam amongest his freends, notice was had of
his being in the cuntray, and sevrall parties in quest of him,
he being in grait haiserd sevrall tims to be tacken, who on
sevrall ocasions escapted, the sircumstances wherof were too
tedious to relate. Therafter having a coraspondance with the
Printed in Regalia Papers (Bannatyne Club), p. 40. - 24th May 1652.
H
114 THE PRESERVATION OF
Marquiss of Mountross, who maried his cusian german,^ he by
his intelHgence where Generall Midelltoun was, did at last
joyn with him, with sum few of his friends, and constantily
did remain with him in the hils till they were defeat at
Lochgarioch by the English.-
The meanwhill the litle forse that Generall Midelltoun had
with him being defate, evry man acted for himself; the Earls
of Glencarne, Atholl, Montross, Sellkirk, afterwards Deuck
Hamiltoune, with many other persons of quality, did capitulat,
but the said John Keiths case being very hard and diferent
from others, he, befor he parted with Generall Midelltoun,
did desir from him a recept of the honours, at the time when
King [Charles] and the said John were both at Parise, tho it
was trewly subscrived at Capoch in Lochwhaber, which he did.
And therafter, after many hardships, his mother got him
included by Generall Munks orders in the capitullation with
my Lord Muntross, Collonal Cobet, then governor of dundie,
being ordred by Generall Munke to treat with the Marquise ;
and after all was agried upon, Cobbeet told the said John, he
had sum other thing by order of the Generall to enquir at
him, which was, if he did carie away the honours abroad, as
was given out, and what way he could mack it apear he did
so, since it was wery much suspected that they were sum wher
in Scotland. Upon which very boldly, he ouned the caring of
them away, and in testamonie wherof he produced Generall
Mideltons recpt daited at Paris that by the King order he
had reeved the honours of Scotland, to wit the crown, septer,
and sourd, from John Keith, bruther jerman to the Earle
Marshall of Scotland. Upon which production, Colonell
Cobbet, after he red the recpt, he aknoulidged that he had
acted lick a prety man, and no more to say to him ; and so
was included in the capulatiton. Nather was there any sherch
maid by the English ; which by these means above said they
were absuletly preserved till the time of King Charles his
^ James Graham, second Marquis of Montrose, married Isabel Douglas,
daughter of William, seventh Earl of Morton, whose wife, Anne Keith, was
sister of John Keith's father, William, sixth Earl Marischal.
- The Royalist troops were surprised and put to flight at Loch Garry in Athole
on 26th July 1654.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 115
restoration, at which time Georg Ogelvie had the impidence
to send his son to London for sooth to represent to his
Magesty that he had all ways the honours in his custodie, and
that no person but himself, who was the only instrument of
there preservation could have any pretence on that accompt.
Upon which the Countas of Marshall [being] informed [of
th]is sent up a gentell man to London to inform the King
of this insolance, who was graciously plesed, after the trew
knowledge of the mater, not to harken to there unjust and
calumius suggestions, but wrot a leter to my Lady Marshall
as follows :
Madam, — I am so sensable of the good service don to me in
preserving my crown, septer, and sowrd, that as I have put
marks on your sons, so I could not lett them go to Scotland,
without aknowledging also my sence of your kindnes and caire
in that and other things relating to my service during my
absence. I do desire that these things may be delivrd to my
Lord Marshall, that as he recived them, so they may be
delivred by him to the inshouing Parliment, and shall only adde
that on all ocasions you shall find me your afecitonat friend,
Ch[arles].
Whitehall, the 4^A of September, 1660,
Not withstanding of his Magistis letter [to the] Countes of
Marshall, it sems that Georg Ogelvies son did not give over,
having my Lord Ogelvie very much his friend, with sum others,
till at last there is a letter from the Earle of Midelltoun in
answer to the said Countas, by whos means the last stop was
maid to his bass and fals pretintons, which is as follows :
Madam, — I most humbly, in the first place, crave your
ladyship pardon for not returning particular ansuers to your
letters. Your son, my nobell friend, when he was [at] this
place did , . . me that labour, and realy. Madam, I cannot
on day be meste v . . . hour of time, I am both sory and
ashamed that [so little a person] as Mr, Ogelvie should have
put your ladyship to so [much trouble], I confess I am struk
with amasement to think that my [Lord Marischall] should in
the least coutinanced him. I shall not be [wanting to put] a
stop to his pretintions and serve you with ass [much faithful-
116 THE PRESERVATION OF
ness] and zeall as any servant you have, and rely it [is my]
ambition to be acompted amongest the number of your
servants, and I hop all my ocasions shall express that I am,
Madam, Your ladyships most faithful! and obedent humbell
servant, Midellton.
London, November the 15, 1660.
Lickwise it will not be improper to insert the Ministers
Declaration [under his own hand] who had the custody of
these honours till the Restoration which will [clear m]uch of
this afair, and is [as] follows :
Being informed that Georg Ogelvie of Barras hath his son
at London, giving out that his father was the only preserver of
the honours of Scotland when they were in hasard to be tacken,
and that they were in his custodie ever since, tho others have
been more instromentall nor he, I thought good therfor to
declair the treuth, viz., That in Agust 1651 by the Countas of
Marshall, the honours were delivred to Georg Ogelvie with
charge to him to secure them, and he keping them in Donnoter
till there was no probabilitie of longer maintining the castell,
he imployed me (having suficient asurance of my loyaltie to his
Magestie, and fidelitie in promis keping) to carie the honours
out of the hous and secure them, and to barr sospition, I sent
my wife, who brought them furth without being discovered by
the enamie, tho rencountred by them in the way. This was
in the begining of March 1652. And he having engadged me
with all convenience I should go and aquent the Countes of
Marshall therwith, in the end of March I went, and informed
hir of the wholl proseder [which] she [approved] of, and was
satasfied that they should remain in my [keping, taking] also
my ticket of having them, expressing the perti[cular] places
[whair]in they were then secured, so that I have kept them
according to hir desire untill this present October 1660, the
eight day of which, at my Ladys command, according to the
order she had recived from his Magistie for that efect in Denotor
Castell, I delivred them to the Earle Marshall befor these
witneses, the Viscount of Arburthnot, the Shirof Deput of the
Maims, and sevrall other gentell men, wherupon I required a
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 117
ticket of recpt, but was defered till afterwards, since which time
I am informed that Georg Ogelvie hath obteined from the Earle
Marshall a recpt, and have sent [eithjer it or the doubell of it
to London to be produced by his son as [if the honjours had
bene in his custodie and by him preserved [although] it be
weall knowen to his son that I had them in my [house and]
keiping ever since the first delivrie of them to me. [But
inde]ed the prime mean of there saftie was the declaring them
[to be carrie]d of the kingdom by the Earle Marshall his
brother John (which he ouned). For as it stoped the enemie
from sherching for them, so it freed Georg Ogelvie from
prison [an]d far[ther] trayall. In wittnes of the treuth, I have
writen and subscrive[d these] presents with my hand the nynten
of October 1660, (signed) Mr. James Granger,
Minister at Kinneff.
The originalls of the Kings letter with the Earle of
Midletons, and this Declaration of the Ministers, are all in the
Earle of Kintores hands to be seen.
Be all this aforsaid its hoped that the treuthe of this afair
is ingeneraly [dis]covred, and that no person of honour or
sense will pertack with hi[m by] giving credit to so [in]solent
calumnies, wher by his false ase[rsi]ons [he re]flects most
abusivly on the memory of so nobell and wo[rthy] a lady as the
Countas of Marshall was knowen to be, as also upo[n the]
present Earle of Kintore, who hath in all integritie declared
this [to be] of facte, by which it will apear that he was the
absolut and trew [instrume]nt of preserving the honours. Nay,
it also reflects on the justice [and the] blesed memory of King
Charles the Second, who was gracious[ly pleased] to put marks
of honour on the said Earle by granting to him [the dignity]
of Knight Marshall at his restoration fortie years ago, whe[re
it as] the chief causes of this gift bears his preserving of the
hon[ours,] As also since, he was pleased to grant him the title
of Earle [of Kintore], wherin amongest other reasons that of
the preservation of them is the chefest caus, and in his patant
ordeans the Lord Layon to give him ane aditionall coat of
arms conform to the narative of his Signiture [which] the
Layon, under his seall, did grant, and gave him the croun,
118 THE PRESERVATION OF
[septer], and sourd, all which is to be sene under the grait seale
and the Layo[ns] warand for them.
Its not denayed that Georg Ogelvie did give out the
honou[rs to] the minister of KinnefF, which he was ordred by the
Countas [of Marshall] that in case of hazard they should be
secured the best [way possible]. She was satasfied with and
aproved it that they were put in [to the hands] of so honest [a]
man after his cuming to hir and aquenting [hir therwith].
Upon which accompt all others conserned wold have ben
ve[r]y w[ell] pleased the said Georg Ogelvie should have been
rewarded by the K[ing], and it is known my Lady Marshall in
a letter to his Magistie ^ did give him the caracter of a person
of fedelity and secrecie in manadging [of] that afair. Yet
nothing being satasfactury to him unles the absulut preserva-
tion of the honours which he most aragantly asumed to him-
[self] should be ludged in his pearson, so that the Countas of
Marshall having informed the King of his falshood and foly,
did defat all his pretent[ions]. Tho upon his first adress to
the King, which he made with sum s[how of] modestie, he was
maid a knight baronet, and might have got a pe[erage] if he
had not so insolently indevred by his vanity and lys to put
such desgrace and reprotche on the Countas of Marshall and
the Earle of Kintore ; wherfor it is expected that if this afair
shall be represented to his Magisties Counsell, there lordships
will, out of ther justice and trew vindication of the treuth,
render a punishment suetabl to so great a villenny.
LETTER FllOM GEORGE OGILVIE OF BARRAS TO THE
COUNTESS OF MARISCHAL ^
29 March, 1652.
Madame, — I have receauit your Ladyships and the com-
missione, and hes doune euery thing ther in as ye did apoynt
me. Bot treulie for that quliilk your Ladyship desyrit me to
^ See p. 122.
2 This letter was written during the siege of Dunnottar, and some weeks
after the Honours had been removed to Kinneff. The Countess cannot, however,
have known of the safety of the Honours at the time she wrote the letter to
which this is a reply. The letter seems to show that the Countess had been
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 11^
mend wes not out of any doubt or mistrust in these gentillmen,
bot for your forder exonoratione quhairin busines had not
takine efteck, as I desyrit Mr. Alexander to hav showne your
Ladyship and them both. For thes Inglesmen sieing they
hav ane absohit commissione micht hav wronged them giv they
had not condisendit to euery thing they had desyrit them, and
then they micht hav said ther commissione did only cary
alongest uith ther inclination. Bot I salbe glad that this may
giv your Ladyship and them satiesfactione, for it salbe my
uttermost endevor to dou the samen and giv myselfF and all
that is deir to me as this is I wald submit the samen to your
Ladyship and thes tua gentillmen. But I ame informit that
Major-generall Deane^ can dou nothing of any importance till
he first acquent the Counsell of Estat at Lundene and hav
order from them. Bot in my walk jugment it wes my Lords
desyr uith Mr. Alexander Pattoune to send thes instructions
to his Lordship giv your Ladyship and the rest of the frends
think it guid, and them richt and wyse giv he can mak the
capitulatione quhair he is, quhair he can hav ane full surtie
for quhat he ends for. And in the mane tyme ye may be dall-
ing uith Dane till ye sail heir from my Lord, quhilk may be
uery quiklie giv ye wald choysit Mr. Alexander Pattone to
send the doubill of thes things to him, and that it is your
jugment that he sould go on that way. And giv he thinks it
not fieting lat him acquent your Ladyship quhat he thinks
most fieting to be doune. I crave pardoune for presumtione, bot
it salbe always subjek to your Ladyships commandiments. My
Lord desyrs to be carefull of the black stock and provyd the
samen.2 God knows how I sail dou the samen. For excep
trying to arrange some terms of capitulation with the English. Ogilvie, though
very sore at the treatment he had received both inside and outside the Castle,
and in low spirits about the possibility of holding out much longer, does not seem
eager for the success of the Countess's negotiations. His letter is probably
purposely couched in vague language.
^ Major-General Richard Deane, commander-in-chief of the English forces in
Scotland.
^ The ' Black Stock ' or Table Dormant of the Castle was a very highly valued
heirloom of the Keith family. It was said to have been made of oaken planks
taken from the long-ship which brought the Chatti (from whom the Keiths claimed
descent) from Germany in the eleventh century. The table is still preserved in
Ravelston House, Midlothian.
120 THE PRESERVATION OF
that quhilk your Ladyship dois in relacione to this hous, I hav
non that dois so much as to countinance the samen. I hav
wryttine a letter to the Sereff anent that particular and lies
desyrit him to provyd and send me some nessesers quhilk can
be easlie had ther sick as fishis and some salmond and some of
ther mill suane, and that he wald w* (wryt) Coluberdy and
Captane Martine, as they wald be ansuerabill, that they wald
send me seuen or aucht gentillmen. Bot God knowis quhat
obedyence wilbe gottine of this and quhat car or respect they
cary to thes pepill in your absence quho hes reliveit this place.
I hop the day sail cum that I sail not spair in ther faces to
say so much. And nou in respect of the lest I wryt to your
Ladyship anent Cornell Lichtoune,i hou much nied I stand of
some gentill men that be faithfull and honest, bot they ar uery
skars and feu frends to try them out, bot euery on having ther
awne excussis. So I intreat your Ladyship to think upon this
and ly tue your helping hand as ye hav euer donne befor, and
for my selfF I sail dou as I hav donne befor the uery utter-
most of my lyfF. I wald glaidlie know give your Ladyship hes
hard any thing frome your sone John as yet, for I long to heir
fronie him.'^ They wilbe on at your Ladyship uery schortlie,
quhilk will informe you anent your barley. So giv ye think
not the terms guid that is endit upon, ye may dou theruith as
ye think fieting. If ye hav ane capitulatione, giv they be
things disputabill that cannot be agret upon, I wald think it
fieting that the frends sail sie giv they will refer the samen to
my Lord and the Counsell Estat at Lundone. So my Lord
may ues his awne monneyone ther uith them and I sail giv ane
neu commissione to my Lord for thes poynts giv it be niedfull,
I wryt to Elsick," and I hav sent his letter to your Ladyship.
^ David Lighton, ' who had been a colonel abroad,' was ringleader of the
mutiny in the castle, and was expelled by Ogilvie. See ' Vindication ' printed
at the end of Ogilvie's pamphlet in the Regalia Papers.
* This reference to Ogilvie's anxiety about John Keith lends probability to the
idea that he was the bearer of the Governor's appeal to the King for help. It
may be that Ogilvie, knowing that his wife had removed the Honours, was
already considering his scheme of imputing their removal to Keith.
^ Sir Alexander Bannerman of Elsick, created a baronet in 1682, on account
of his loyalty and sufferings during the usurpation.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 121
1 can not bot admyre hou men quho professis frendschip in siek
ane busines of importance will prefer any thing to it. Bot
quhat sail I say ? Lou and faithfulness is remouit out of this
land and kingdome, and it is Godis jugment due to us quho
hes left the loue of God and loyaltie to our king. I can say
no moe, bot I wish that your Ladyship may mak chois of some
honest man that wilbe faithfull in the busines giv ye can not
herefter persuaid him to imbres the samen, for I think it Strang
hou he can refuis the samen, and I find be the Lard of
Morphie^ he starts much at Elsicks unwillingnes. Always I
hav submited all to your Ladyship and hes sent and subscriuit
all ye desyrit me to dou, or giv Elsick cum and ane other giv
he cum not that ye may put in ther name. Hoping as I ame
confident ye will remember on him quho is and salbe still,
Your Ladyships humbill seruant, George Ogiluy.
I wish your Ladyship may keip this letter of Elsick to showe
mens willingnes and ther excussis, for quhen they will not
haissart ane triffell of menes they will neuir haissart lyff and
fortoune. I had wryttine the gratest part of my letter or this
came to my hand.
For the Richt Honorabill my uery nobil Lady,
The Connies of Marschall, Thes.
COPY LETTER FROM THE COUNTESS OF MARISCHALL
TO KING CHARLES THE SECOND
May it please your Majestie, — Haveing received that honour
of a letter from your Majestie from Collen 4th January [16]55,
in which yow take notice of my desires to doe your Majestie
service, which is far above my merit and short of the desire and
wi[ll] I had and still hath to express that duetye which I know
that I and all good people is obleiged to, if I were not bound in
^ George Grahame of Morphie, who afterwards became cautioner for Ogilvie
when he was liberated in January 1653.
122 THE PRESERVATION OF
loyalty to your Majestic, as by my birth to my dread soveraigne,
yet the particular respects which yow have been pleased to put
upon me both by word and writ hath tyed me so far that I
esteeme myself obleiged to witness my thankfullnes in obeying
any of your Majesties commaunds, though it were to the hazard
of my life; and if I could express the joy I have of hearing
of your Majesties being restored to what is your due by
birth, would in some kynd charecter my loyalty to your
Majestic, quhich is far above that which I can either say or
writ.
As for the saftie of the honours I have left nothing which
wcs in my power to doc for the same, in which it pleased God
to assist m[e], . . . ar preserved to your Majestic and your
posteritie. I pray the Lord that you may long [enjjoy them
. . . for the way of securing of them were too tedious for a
letter. Only the gentlman quho commanded the Castle of
Donnotter discharged his ducty veric honestlie in putting
them in the hands of a pcrsone who did show himself worthie
of so great a trust.
As for the particular passages therof the bearer, Johne
Keith, my sone (who by owning the carying of them beyound
sea, prevented what danger a further search might have made)
will give your Majestic a full relatione of all concerning the
same. To which my sone, Marshall (being prisoner in the
Tower of London), wcs altogether ignorant untill his returne
to Scotland, and then the secret wcs made knowne, to his great
contentment, as he will give your Majestic a further accompt,
and seing that his house and familie have been loyall to their
King, I must humbly entreat your Majestic to look upon them
with the eye of favour, as your loyall subjects, and seing it is
not neccssare the honours should ly any longer in obscurity
your Majestic will resolve how to dispose of them, and that I
may have your Majesties warrand for obeying the same, which
shall be performed by her, who shall ever continue,
Your Majesties faithfuU loyall subject and
humblest scrvantc.
[Indorsed] Copie of my Ladys Letter to the Kiiig^ 23rd May 1G60.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 123
LETTER FROM WILLIAM OGILVIE TO HIS FATHER,
Vestmi7ister, in Stephens Alley, at Mr. AxtilUs house,
the 15 of Septemher 1660.
LoviXG Father, — Since my last to you I have got litle
doein in the businesse, and the reason is the Duick of Glocester
his death and the arrivall of the Spanish embassadour have so
troubled the King that none for this eight dayes darre move
any businesse to his Majestie till he be a little appeased and
till some dayes of mourning be past. But I am confident that
the businesse about the honoures, vhich the King knowes of at
length, shall goe very voll on, gif ye but keepe them undely vered
till any till ane new order come to you, and I hope ane new
pension or some other commoditie besyds honour vith it. So
give it vere your pleasure to come this length yourself it void
be veil vorth your paines ; and give ye can not come your self,
vryt to the King, and vryt your mynd to me quhat ye void
have doen, for we can not goe back vith quhat ve have already
motioned and have very good hopes of, and especially the best
of our friends being ingaged in the businesse. For quhen I saw
that businesse vas goine vrong heire, I wrot my frendis that ye
had sent me to doe for you, as I have com, and shall, God vill-
ing, continue to doe especially in this businesse vherein, give it
be rightly man[na]ged I hope all that shall succeede us shall
have credit of it ; for all our countreymen lookes so much upon
it that they say their is no Scotsman heir can say the lyk, and
the King vill not let you vant ane liberall revard for it. So
keepe them till I acquaint you upon any condition. And give
my Lord Marschall hes surprysed you vith the Kings order
befor my letter came to your hands, ye most either come or
vryt to the King that he had them and hes suffered for them,
^ William Ogilvie had been sent by his father to London, to present a petition
to the King, asking for an order as to the disposal of the Honours. The
answer to the petition was given on the 28th September, in the shape of an
order on the petitioner's father to deliver up the Honours to the Earl Marischal,
and to obtain his receipt therefor.
124 THE PRESERVATION OF
ye and your viffe, and preserved them till this tyme that ye
have obeyed his Magisties order. And give ye have gotten ane
receit on them ye most send it to me that I may shew it. But
it vere better that ye keept them selves only till I acquaint
you, unlesse they have surprysed you unvares. For I assure
you your name vas never heard of in the businesse till I cam,
and I hope ye vill consider the more of it and vill not abyd
from this, seeing your best friends and I both am ingaged to
the King to make it good that ye vas the only preserver
of these honours under God. I shall heast thorow businesse
as soon as I can ; but I have gotten ane strange trick played
me, vhich is thus : Collonell J. Ogilvy had ane study in
his chamber and I had non in myn, so he desyred me to put
in my pockmantle in his closet for securities cause, as I did vith
als my money in it. Vithin five dayes after he is goein home,
the Duick of Glocester died and all the Court most have
mourning. I vent to tell my money to see quhat I had, and
did cast my compt quhat I had spent, and after I had told the
money I misse fyfteen pound starlin. I tryes my man and the
maid and all that vere in the house for my money. They svore
they handled it not, for non got the key of the closet but the
Collonells man, ane tailyor young man who had comd up to
serve him for ane tym and to see and learne the fashiones. He
made my clothes, and quhen he made them he not so much
money as to buy candle to sow them vith till I gave it to
him, as the Collonell knowes, but quhen he vent avay he did
let the maid of the house see ane [lejnth excellent cloth vorth
20 shillings a yard, vith furniture [conjforme and many other
things for voemen he had coft and told her he vas to carry them
to France vith him. So be all probabilitie he stole the money.
I desyre ye void vryt to the Collonell to search for him to put
him to ane tryall, and I doubt not but he vill be found guiltie.
I void not have need much had not this fallen out, but ye most
supplie me vith some now, for I can get non here upon any
tearmes, and see give ye can get my money again. For he got
his maisters key often, and his maister chyded him that he void
not keepe it, as he did at last to my losse and the vay that
he has opened the meale vhich I did not perceive, seeing it vos
locked. He has only drawen the tackle to him and put in
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 125
his hand at the end vhere the money vas in the bagge, as I did
befor all the house, and has taken his pleasur. So I have
vritten to the Collonell and vi . . . vyse that I vant it not.
So expecting ane answer of all in [hejast, my respectes to your-
self, bedfellow and all friend being preferred, I rest, your loving
and faithfull sonne to death, W. Ogtlvy.
For his loving father, George Ogilvy of Barras,
These in all heast present.
MR. JAMES GRAINGER, HIS DECLARATION ANENT
THE HONORS
9.0th October 1660.
Being informed that George Ogilvie of Barras hath his sonne
at London giving out that his father was the only preserver of
the honoures of Scotland when they were in hazard to be taken,
and that they were in his custodie ever since, though others
have been more instrumentall then he, I thought good therefor
to declare the truth, viz. : That in Agust 1651 by the Countess
of Marsha[ll] the honoures were deliuered to George Ogilvie
with charge to him to secure [them], and he keeping them in
Dunnottar till there was no probabilitie of longer mantein[ing]
the Castell, he imployed me (having sufficient assurance of
my loyaltie to his Majestic [and] fidelitie in promise keeping)
to cary the honoures out of the house and to secure them.
And to barre suspicion I sent my wife, who brought them forth
without being discovered by the enemie, though rancountred
by them in the way. This was in the begining of March 1652.
And he having engaged me that with all conveniencie I should
go and acquaint my Lady Marshall therewith, in the end of
March I went and informed her of the whole procedour, which
shee approved of, and was satisfied that they should remaine in
my keeping, taking also my tickquet of having them, expressing
the particular places whairin they were then secured. So that
I have keeped them, according to her desire, untill this present
October 1 660, the eight day of which, at my Ladies command
(according to the ordour shee had received from his Majestic
126 THE PRESERVATION OF
for that effect), in Dunnottar Castell I delivered them to the
Earle Marshall before these witnesses, the Visecount of Arbuth-
not, the Sheriff Deput of the Mearns, and severall other gentill-
men ; whairupon I required a tickquet of recept, but was deferred
till afterwards,^ Since which time I am informed that George
Ogilvie hath obteined from the Earle of Marshall a recept and
hath sent ather it or the double of it to London to be produced
by his Sonne, as if the honoures had been in his custodie and
by him preserved, although it be weell knoune to his sonne
that I had them in my house and keeping ever since the first
deliverie of them to me. But indeed the prime mean of their
safetie was the declaring them to be caried off' the kingdome
by the Earle Marshall his brother John (which he owned), for
as it stopped the enemie from searching for them, so it freed
George Ogilvie from prison and farther triall. In witnesse
of the truth heirof I have written and subscribed thir presents
with my hand the 19 of October, 1660.
M. Jam. Grainger, Minister at Kinneff.
[On back] Edinburgh, 26 August 1702, presented by Alexander Troop,
Wryter, and registrat per McKell, procurator.
Given back by act of parliament.
BARRESS ALLEDGANCES ANSRED, 8 NOVEMBER 1660
Wheras George Ogilvie maketh severall assertiones in
referrence to his part in preserving the honors of Scotland.
Therfore the trueth is declared in the ensuing answeres.
1. He affirmes that allwayes since Mr. James Granger had
them first in his custodie he hath had his oath never to deliver
them to any persone quhatsoever but unto him.^
^ Grainger actually only delivered to the Earl Marischal the crown and sword.
Ogilvie had previously obtained from him the sceptre, and seems to have gone
with him to Dunnottar. The Earl Marischal's receipt for the Honours was
given to Ogilvie, not to Grainger.
2 This statement of Ogilvie's seems to have been quite true. See Grainger's
letter to him, printed in Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. p. 236.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 127
Answer: About the time of his Majesties arrivall in
England, George Ogilvie had occasion to be with my Ladie
Marshall ; at which tyme she told him that she being certaine
that how soon his Majestie mynded these honours, and resolved
to commit them to convenient keeping, there would come
some order or directione to her to deliver them to any should
be intrusted, Therfore that she intended (as conceiveing it
most pertinent) to remove them from Mr. Grangers house unto
her own dwelling. But she promised to advertise him before
she removed them. His answer wes nowayes negative, but gave
his opinion, that she needed not be too sudden till his Majestie
wes weell setled. According her promise, one day or tuo be-
fore she intended to send for them by a letter, she advertised
Georg Ogilvie ; which how soon he received he went straight
to Mr. Grangers houss, and finding him in bed, in a chamber
alone, he went in and, bolting the door behind him, he told
him, there wes a bussines which most neerly concerned him, and
quhairin if the minister helped him not, he wes for evermore
ruined, and it wes within the compass of his power to preveine
the danger or not ; and therfore shewed him there wes a
necessitie of his promise to help him to his power. By which
words and the like he preingaged Mr. Granger by his solemne
promise ; and then told him it wes, not to deliver the honours
unto any without his consent. But the nixt day my Ladie
Marshall sending for them, the minister perceived himself cir-
cumveined, and much resented his simplicity.
2. That when the Committee sent their order to Mr. Granger
to deliver the honours to Balmanie and James Peddee, and
they to deliver them to Whitrigs,^ that Mr. Granger offerred
willinglie unto him the whole honours, so to preveine the
Councells order, but that he would not take them at that tyme,
^ On 9th September 1660, the Committee of Estates had granted a warrant to
Sir William Ramsay of Balmayne, and James Peadie, bailie of Montrose, to
receive the Honours from Grainger, and to thank him in the name of the Com-
mittee, and promise him a reward for his services. On the same day they granted
a warrant to Robert Keith of Whiterigs, Sheriff-depute to the Earl Marischal, to
receive the Honours from Ramsay and Peadie, and to preserve them in Dun-
ottar till the Earl's return from England. These warrants were rescinded, 28th
September 1660, in consequence of the arrangements made in London for the
disposal of the Honours.
128 THE PRESERVATION OF
wanting conveniency to cary them ; except onlie the scepter ;
but gave him his recept on all, and tooke the ministers ticquet
to deliver him the rest quhen he desired.
Answer : Georg Ogilvie haveing notice of this order of the
Committee, and finding himself slighted therin, represented
to the Minister that the obeying of that order would tend
absolutlie to both their prejudices (although the Committee
in their order had thanked Mr. Granger, and promised him
reward), and advysed him to give the honours unto him before
the order came ; and then should he be frie from obeying it.
The minister answered he would not, nor would not be any
more deceived by his unhandsome policie. But while they are
thus debatting there comes a servant of Whitrigs with a letter
in relatione to the order, at quhich George Ogilvie took occasion
to entreat the minister to doe something presentlie that so he
might have something of a ground to answer the Shereff. And
if he would not give him all, let him have but the scepter,
and he should give him the recept of all quhich he might
shew, to testifie he had delivered all. To quhich the minister
condiscended upon George Ogilvies great oath to restore it
whensoever he called for it, and the minister gave George
Ogilvie a ticquet testifying that though George Ogilvy had
given a recept for the whole, yet he had received but the
scepter.
Morover when my Lord Marshall sent from Bolasheine ^ his
deput and Arthur Straton of Snadown - with the Kings letter
to my Ladie to deliver them to her sone ; and her letter to
Mr. Granger to deliver them to these in her sones name, Mr.
Granger went to Barres requyring from him the scepter, the
Kings order being come to deliver the honours ; notwith-
standing of his former oath, he absolutly refuised to give it.
So that these ^ messengers returned without receiving them ;
because they would not take one part without the other.
3. That Mr. James Granger went unanimouslie with him
to Donnotter to deliver the honours.
Answer : My Lord Marshall haveing given a precept to
1 Bolshan, in Kinnell parish, Forfarshire, at that time the property of Lord
Southesk.
- Arthur Straitoun of Snadoune, Scriba sig7ieto regio, 1629.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 129
Mr. Granger, and ane express command to Barres, to bring in
to Donnotter on Moonday the 8 October, each of them, that
part of the honours quhich they had, George Ogilvie wrot to
Mr. Granger to come to his house at Craigie, with the croune
and sword, and that to the effect they might goe jointlie
togither, and deliver all, the minister answered that he scorned
to come to his house, nor would he have more to doe with him
in that nor in anything else; but that seeing he had perjured
himself in refuising to returne him the scepter, he would goe
alone and delyver the rest by himself. Yet notwithstanding
of this answer George Ogilvie, to take away any seeming of
difference betuixt them in the delivery, met the minister upon
the rod and so went on with him to Donnotter.
4. That he wes most affectionatly received by my Lord into
Donnotter, yea even unto imbraceing.
Answer : The minister and he haveing brought in the
honours all at one tyme, notice was given to my Lord, quho
directed to bring them into a roome, and haveing looked upon
the honours he thanked them both in generall, though more
particularly the minister, and commanded the sheref deput (to
quhom he had givene the charge of the houss) to lift the
crowne and cary it to a closet. George Ogilvie being moved
therat, snatched at the scepter and caryed it in undesired, and
a certaine space therafter taryed in the dyning roome with the
rest of those then attending, but received nothing afterward
from my Lord but downlooking and frownes. And the nixt
morning my Lord causd my Lord Arbuthnot send him word
that my Lord absolutlie discharged him from any more seing
his face ; which he hath not since.^
5. That he alone hath been the onlie suff'errer, losser, and
persone endangered for the preserving of these honours.
Answer : The tyme he wes prissoner (which wes the whole
sume of his suff'[ering]) he liberat himself from all suffering,
losse or danger, by burthening my Lord Marshalls brother by
his declaring to the English that he had caryed them away,
which banished him for about 3 yeires, quhich tyme he wes
^ With regard to the Earl Marischal's reception of Ogilvie, see supra,
p. 109.
I
130 THE PRESERVATION OF
exposed to both hazard and want, being robbd in his travel-
hng, my Lady, his mother, at great expenses for him, and his
bills of exchange miscaryed, himself in severall hazards of
taking before he could land and reach the hills of Scotland
quher Generall Midltoun wes in armes, and quhen all got then
capitulationes, his was hardly obtained but by much mediatione.
Also Mr. Grangers wyfe wes not without much hazard in con-
veying them throw many of the English betuixt Donnotter
and her own house.
6. Where he averres that my Lord Marshall, with good will
and favour, hath given him a recept off purpose to witness
that they have been in his custodie ever since they were first
put into Donnotter, and also to testifie that he hath now
received them compleetlie from him.
Answer : It is evidentlie cleer that my Lord Marshall being
fullie assured (and it being the thing that Barres in his forsaid
assertiones dare not deny) that from the day these honours
were caryed out of Donnotter untill the 8 of the last October,
quhich day they were delivered to my Lord Marshall, they
were constantlie in Mr. Grangers particular custodie, and
likwayes the major part of them being personally delivered
by Mr. Granger, that part quhich Barres delivered being
cuninglie wrested and perjuredlie retained for about 8 days
from the man that had preserved it with the rest to that day,
I say therfore it is cleer that recept hath not been givene of
purpose to testifie they had been alwayes in George Ogilvies
keeping, or that they were received intyrelie from him, but the
reasones moveing my Lord Marshall to grant that recept, and
quhich these who were solicitours for Barras to that effect,
have pressed in upon him ar :
1. Because they were in Donnotter quhen Barres wes put
into it.
2. Because Barres wes charged with them by my Lords
mother.
3. Because he presumed haveing the scepter, to reteine it
till he got some acknowledgment by way of recept,
and,
41y. Because William Ogilvies petitione wes answered with a
commaund to deliver them, and take a recept theron.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 131
which they have interpret to my Lord Marshall as a
commaund on him to give one.
That they were in Donnotter when Barres was put in,
That he had ane immediat charge from my Ladie
Marshall to secure them by putting them out of
the houss,
That afterwards he did once or twyce visit them, and
helped Mr. Granger to shift them from one place
to another,
That he and his wyfe were prissoneres in Aberdean
and Donnotter till they produced Mr. Johne Keiths
recept.
Is all true, and all that he can truly alledge.
But all the forsaid assertiones, or that he had power
to remove them from Mr. Grangers without my
Ladie Marshalls warrand is arroo-ant untrueths.
LETTER FROM THE MINISTER OF KINNEFF TO THE
COUNTESS OF MARISCHAL
Kinnef, the 12 o/ November [1660].
Madame, — I could not of duetie [omit] to write to your
Ladyship a . . . Barras is now assaying high things namelie
to [a]prove . . . hes written to his Majestic anent the honoures.
I do not write this , . .tion. But he told me it out of his
oune mouth. I shall not insist [upon] particulars, but for
preventing of any inconvenience I will relate [it in] generall,
for he thought to have draune me on to concurre in his plot,
[as] he feared without me he should not get things rightly
gone about. But I have now given up all medling with him
in that kynd. His sonne is at London and he [hes] written
to him that my Lord Ogilvie is gone with him to the Kings
Majestic and hes declared that his father did preserve the
honoures, and affirmed that notwithstanding all that your
Ladyship had written to his Majestic that they were yet in his
fathers handis, and hes good hopes, as he hath written to his
father, of gryt things. And if the honoures be not yet de-
lyvered that nather any Lord or Lady in the Kingdome should
132 THE PRESERVATION OF
have them till he advertised them againe, evin albeit they had
a commission from his Majestic. But since that was not now
to be helped, he told me what course he should take for it,
namely that he would show a tickquet of recept subscribed be
my Lord Marshall that he had receaved the honoures from him.
I enquired where had he that, and quhen had he gotten it,
seeing I had delyv[ered] them, and he refused to give me a
tickquet of recept. O, said he, I got [it the] night before the
honoures were delyuered be my Lord Arbuthnot . . . truely
I thought it very strange. Now I did not refuse to [concujrre
w[ith him] till I had hard all, and then I told him I would
not be deceaved [any] more with him. And your Ladyship
remembers I did ever fear that he [would] easily wynd himselfe
into my Lord Marshall his favour. Your Ladyship may
m[ake the] best use heirof your Ladyship can, for Barras is
very busie to post away letters to his sonne, for he told me he
was presently going to Newgrange to dispatch his letters. In
haist I continow, Madame, your Ladyships humbill servant in
the best service, M. Jam. Grainger.
Madam, — It is eneuph [to] improve him both [of] it . . .
the honoures and at your . . . ion and . . . written the day
befor . . . the nixt week.
For the truely noble Lady, my Lady the Countesse of Marshall,
these.
[Docquet]. The Minister of KinuefFs Letter to the Countess of Marshall,
12th November 1660.
Edinburgh 26 August 17 . — Pi'esented by Alexander Troup^ writer^ and
registrat per M^Kell,
SIGNATURE FOR THE PATENT OF KNIGHT MARISCHAL
TO JOHN KEITH ^
Our Soverane Lord ordains a letter to be past under the
great seale of his antient kingdome of Scotla[nd] makeing
^ i66o.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 133
mention that his Majestie takeing to his c[onsi]deration how
necessar it is for the honor of the Crown the credit of his
government and service, and for the good of his subjects that
all those services that . . . unto be stable and entrusted to
persons of known reputation, merit and honour, and his
Majestie haveing perfect knowledge of the worth and loyal tie
of John Keith, brother to the Earle Marischal, quhairof he hes
given good testimonie at everie occasion dureing the late
troubles, and of the great service he performed in the enteir
preserveing of his Majesties Royal Honors, the Crown, Sword
and Scepter frome the violence and possession of these rebells
that these yeeres past had overrun and possessed thameselfe of
his Majesties kingdome [of] Scotland, a service n[ever to] be
forgotten by succeeding generations, and which doth so justlie
intitull him to some honorable employment in his Majesties
service: his Majestie hath therfore of his certane knowledge
mad, constit[ut] and creat, and be thir presents maks, constitutts
and creats the said John Keith Knight Marischal of the king-
dom of Scotland, and gives and grants unto him dureing all
the dayes of his lyftyme the place and office of Knight
Marischall of Scotland ; with power to him to exerce and dis-
charge the same, and to enjoy all the priviledges, benefits,
dignities and others due and belonging therunto or which heir-
after salbe fund to be proper and belonging unto the same.
And in regard of his constant attendance at Parlaments and
other occasions of his Majesties service, his Majestie hes given
and granted and annexed and be the tenor heirof gives, grants,
and annexeth unto the said office a yeerlie pension of
for all the yeeres of his lyftyme, to be payed out
of the reddiest of his Majesties rents, customes or casualities
of his Exchecker at tuo termes of the yeere, the first termes
payment being at Martmes nixto come : commanding heirby
his Majesties Thesaurers, principal and depute, the ressavers
of his Majesties rents, and all others whome it concerns, to
make exact and punctuall payment of this pension accordingly.
And ordains these presents to be a sufficient warrand to the
Wryter to the great scale and to the keeper of the same to
wryt and exped this grant and to append the great seal therto
without passing any other register or scales. London. . . .
134 THE PRESERVATION OF
LETTER FROM CHARLES IL TO THE EARL OF
MIDDLETON ^
May the 8th, 1662.
MiDDLETOX, — You are not, I am sure, a straunger to the great
services were done in Scotlande by my Lady Mareshalle att a
time when few or none ahnost durst or would owne me, ther-
fore I need not tell you how just a sense I have of them and how
desirous I am of any occasion to e[ncourage her]. Being lately
in[formed] that some differences [have arisen] betwixt her, and
her sone in law, the Earle of Mare[shall] (if any such shall
happen) I do particularly comand you to [see] that no [wr]onge
be [d]one her, but that she may enjoy what justlie she has a
pretinsion too, being a person that is very much in the care of
your very affectionate frinde, Charles R.
Fo7^ the Earle of Middleton.
MEMORIALL FOR THE EARL OF KINTORE -
When King Charles the Second went to England with the
Scottish armie, by his order the Crown, Scepter and Sword
wer transported to the Castle of Dunnotter to be under the
care of the Earl Marischall who was allowed a leivtenent and
soom souldiours for the defence of the place. The Earl
imployed Georg Ogilvie, his servant, who being bred and
born under him, the said George father being porter in Dun-
notter and never advanced to further degrees of service, yet his
soon being educat with the Earl was mutch in his favour and
gave him commission to be his leivtenent when the King went
^ Middleton was Commander-in-Chief of the forces in Scotland, and Commis-
sioner to the Parliaments of 1661 and 1662. The latter was opened by him on
the 8th May, the date of this letter. The Earl Marischal referred to in this letter
was George, eighth Earl, the second son of the Countess, who succeeded his
brother in 166 1.
2 This is a Memorial submitted to the Lord Advocate (Sir James Stewart of
Coltness) preliminary to the proceedings before the Privy Council. The pro-
ceedings were taken with the concurrence of the Lord Advocate.
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 135
to England.^ In anno 1651 the Earl Marshall put the honours
at Dunnotter in the best posture he could and lodged the
Honors in a secret place in the Castle. But he being in com-
mission with the Earles of Crafoord, Glencardin and others,
mett at Eliot with meny of the Kings frinds there to consult
about the affaires of the nation and government ; but he with
others wer surprized and made prisoners by Collonell Alured.
And finding that he was to be carried to London, sent privat
orders to the Countess of Marishall, his mother, to take care
of the Honors, And accordingly the countess, having receaved
the key, shee went to the place wher the honors wer and delivred
them to George Ogilvie, the leivtenent, to care for them.
Altho the Committee of States had ordered the Lord Balcarres
to receiv them out of Dunnotter, yet by the good conduct of
Mr. Jhon Keith, now Earl of Kintore (when very younge) and
George Ogilvies earnest desire, who was affrayd to deney the
Committees order, did take upon him to refuse the giving them
up to the said Lord Balcarres ; which fell out very happily,
for if they had been given out they had been undoubtedly
seased upon, the English being then master of all Scotland.
Then the English, marching northward, the Countes fears
anent the honors increased, and therfor shee ordered they
should be privately caried off and ane accompt sent to hir
wher they wer lodged. Soom few dayes therafter the minister
of KinnefF is putt upon the contryvance, who manadged it very
faithfully, his wyfe and hir maid having caried the Honours in
a bundle off flax to hir own house, therafter lodged them in the
^ This mention of Ogilvie and of his father's position in the castle is inaccurate
and partisan, though the Privy Council seems to have accepted it as true.
William Ogilvie of Lumgair (George Ogilvie's father) was the second and sur-
viving son of John Ogilvie of Balnagarro and Chapelton, a cadet of the house of
Innerquharity. He was a relative of Dame Margaret Ogilvie, second wife of
George, fifth Earl Marischal, and came with her, when a boy, to the Mearns.
He became a great favourite of the Earl Marischal, and was employed by him
in important family affairs. His father having sold Balnagarro, and his elder
brother having died, he, with the balance of the price of Balnagarro, obtained a
wadset of the lands of Lumgair from the Earl Marischal. It is very unlikely
that he ever occupied the menial position assigned to him here. {Barras Manu-
script Papers, in the possession of the Rev. Samuel Ogilvy Baker ; Jervise's
Land of the Lindsays, p. 403).
136 THE PRESERVATION OF
church, and gav the Countess of Marischall a receipt bearing
the places wher they wer lodged.
The English therafter, having beseidged Dunn otter, was
surrendred upon a very base capitulation as can be instructed,^
and the leivtenent was bound to deliver the Honors or giv a
rational accompt of them. And accordingly when they wer
required, George Ogilvie and his wyf asserted that they wer
caried abroad by the now Earl of Kintore, then Mr. Jhon
Keith, and delivred to the King in Paris, but George wanting
documents, hie and his wyf wer detayned prisoners till the Earl
sent a declaration from France, upon which they wer sett at
liberty on baill.
The Earl of Kintore having then acknowledgd under his
hand the having of the Honors, and knowing the difficulties
that might attend him if he should fall in the hands of his
enemies he stayed abroad till Generall Midleton came over to
Scotland, and therafter followed him over to Scotland. Hie
endured a great many hardships, being taken in his landing in
the Ely in Fyfe, but being in disguise as a young merchand lad,
the English let him go. Therafter coming north he corres-
ponded with the Marquise of Montros, who had married his
cousin german, and having got some frinds with him went to
the hills and joyned General Midleton and remayned still ther
till they wer defeatt at Lochgarioch. And when ther was no
further hopis left he fell upon a contryvance of getting a receipt
from Generall Midleton, as if the Honors had been delivred
to him at Paris by the Kings order. And then the Countess
of Marshall by the mediation of frinds prevailed with Generall
Monke to include him in the Marquis of Montroses capitula-
tion. And being challenged by Collonell Cobbet, then gover-
nour of Dundee, who was appointed by Monke to concert the
artickles off capitulation with the Marquis of Montrose, the
said Cobbet told the Earl of Kintore, then Mr. Jhon Keith,
1 The articles of agreement for the surrender of the Castle are printed in
Appendix ii. of the Bannatyne Club volume, p. 72. The adjective ' mean '
is scarcely applicable. Ogilvie and his garrison had permission to march out of
the Castle ' with flying coUours, drom beateing, match lighted, the distance of
one mile, theare to lay down theire armes, and to have passes to goe to theire
own homes, and theare to live without molestation, provided they act nothing
prejudiciall to the Commonwealth of England.'
THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND 137
tliat he was ordered by Generall Monk to inquire of him if he
did cary the Honors abroad, which he ouned, and upon pro-
duction of Generall Midletons receipt hie was included in the
capitulation with the Marquise, neither was ther ever any
further enquiry made about them till the Kings restauration.
Then the Countes of Marshall wrot to the King to receiv
his Majesties commands about the Honors by a very kind
letter from his Majestie, with thanks for hir good service ;
was desired to deliver them to the Earl Marshall, and as a
mark of his Majesties favour he not only made the Earl Lord
Privy Seall, but gave also to Mr. Jhon Keith, now Earl of
Kintore, the patent of Knight Marshall with ane considerable
fee for the said office ; and therafter he was created Earle of
Kintore, and both thes patents, amongst his other signall
services, mentions the preservation of the Honors, and the
Lord Lyon is appoynted to giv him the Croun, Scepter, and
Sword, as ane addition to his coat of arms.
Notwithstanding that the Honors wer thus preserved the
way and manner abov mentioned, and that the King was
sufficiently convinced theroff, and not only by his royall patents
in favour of the Earle of Kintore, but by his privat letters to
the Countess of Marishall acknowledged the same, yet the
above said George Ogilvie, leivtennent, most impudently had
the confidence to send up his soon to London, arrogating to
himself the sole preservation of the Honors, and having adresed
the Lord Ogilvy, afterwards Earl of Airly, did introduce him
to his Majestie. Upon which the Countess of Marishall sent
up a gentlman express, and wrote to the Earl off Midleton a
true information of the wholl matter, which he very kindly
represented to his Majestie, who refused to giv ear to any
such suggestions. And so his pretensions being defeatt, ther
was no mor of it.
Neither would the Countess of Marishall and the now Earl
of Kintore bee dissatisfied with what favour the King might
have bestowed on him. Nay, the Countess of Marishall in a
letter to his Majestie did recommend the said George Ogilvie
to his care. For its not to be deneyed, but that he knew of
the careying off the Honors out of Dunnotter Castle and was
kept prisoner for soom tym, till the now Earl of Kintore,
138 THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND
then Mr. Jhon Keiths declaration from France of his having
caried them abroad was the cause of the said Georges
liberation. But his impudent assuming the wholl concern of
ther preservation to himself and therby giving the ly both to
his Majesties patents and other clear documents, for instruct-
ing the trueth of what is therin related.
Its to be observed that ther being fourty yeirs past since the
forsaid George Ogilvies pretensions wer frustrate, who lived a
considerable tym after the restauration, calmly thowch dis-
content, and that now this man, his soon, should so long after
raise new dust, to the most ignominious reproach and disgrace
(by his printed pamphlett) of the memory of the Countess of
Marshall and now Earle of Kintore : its fitt therfor my Lord
Advocatt advyse how far the Earle of Kintore may hav redress
in this matter, and that Barras may be persued for printing,
publishing, and dispersing of scandalous pamphlets, and that
the Councill will inflict a severe censure by fining and im-
prisoning his person, and burning of his . . . stell printes.
JOHN ERSKINE, ELEVENTH EARL OF MAR.
AND HIS SON THOMAS, LORD ERSKINE
from the portrait by Sir Godfrey Knellcr in the possession of the Earl of Mar and hellic
THE
EARL OF MARS LEGACIES
TO SCOTLAND
AND TO HIS SON, LORD ERSKINE
1722-1727
Edited from the original us. at Alloa House, with a
Biographical Introduction and Notes by
THE HON. STUART ERSKINE
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction, . . . . . .141
Mar's Legacy to his Son, . . . .157
Jewels, or The Legacy to Scotland, . . .194
Letters from the Chevalier, .... 206
Considerations and Proposals for Ireland on a Restora-
tion, ....... 213
A Scheme for restoring Scotland to its ancient
Military Spirit, . . . . .215
Memorial to the Duke of Orleans, . . . 223
A Thought with regard to Scotland, . . .241
Appendix, ....... 244
INTRODUCTION
The author of the Legacy here printed for the first time, John
Erskine, eleventh Earl of Mar, and eighteenth Lord Erskine,
was the eldest son of Charles, tenth Earl of Mar, and Lady
Mary Maule, daughter to the Earl of Panmure. He was born
at Alloa in the month of February 1675, and succeeded to the
earldom in 1690, and at the same time to an estate 'extremely
involved, but which by good management, he in great measure
retreived."'
Charles, the tenth Earl, offers some claims to notice. He
raised the regiment of foot soldiers known as Scots Fusiliers,
and was a Privy Councillor to Charles ii. and to James vii. ; but
disapproving the latter"'s harsh and unconstitutional measures
in Scotland, he broke with the King and retired abroad. When,
however, the Revolution of 1688 was ingloriously and un-
happily set on foot he embraced the King's interest, and as a
consequence of that step, was arrested in March 1689 and sent
to prison, where he died not long after his incarceration.
Of the eleventh EarPs mother. Lady Mary Maule, little that
is authentic is known. It is said that she was crooked and
squinted abominably ; but as this statement is based on the
authority of the Master of Sinclair, it must be accepted if it
be entertained at all, with prodigious reserve,'^
Charles, tenth Earl of Mar, was plagued with poverty, and
during his lifetime the fortunes of the Erskines were at a very
low ebb. ' Unswerving loyalty to the Royal cause,"' says Lord
^ The same authority asserts that Mar also was crooked. If he was so it is
somewhat curious that none of the portraits of him (of which there are four or five)
preserved at Alloa contain any traces of his alleged deformity.
142 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
Crawford in his book on the Earldom of Mar^ ' the hereditary
characteristic of the Erskines, throughout the great Rebellion,
was punished by fines and sequestrations up to the date of the
Restoration ; and after that event, the debts contracted in the
cause of Charles i. and Charles ii., necessitated the sale of estate
after estate, including the Barony of Erskine, their original
honour on the Clyde, till the possessions of the family were
reduced to little more ^ than the Lordship of Alloa, an ancient
Erskine dependence though dignified by the supreme rights of
regality. The seal was set upon these misfortunes and their
decadence by the accession of John, Earl of Mar, the great-
great-grandson of the Earl, restored in 1565, to the Rebellion
of 1715, of which he was in fact the leader and head/
Of Lord Mar's boyhood and youth little is known. He was
educated, firstly, at Edinburgh, and secondly, at the University
of Leyden in Holland. So soon as he had performed the
' grand tour ' he attached himself to the powerful and in-
fluential party of the Duke of Queensberry, when his public
career may be said to have begun. He took the oaths and his
seat September 8, 1698, and early next year was sworn of
the Privy Council of King William and Queen Mary. The
young Earl remained a devoted adherent of Lord Queensberry
till the latter's fall, and that of the court party in 1704 when,
finding himself idle, he joined the country party in opposing
the tactics of the Squadrone, and thus gained for himself the
hearty support and sympathy of the Tories, When, however, the
Duke of Queensberry returned to power in 1705 Mar again
became his adherent, and in consequence of his zeal and fidelity
in that service, was made one of the Commissioners appointed
to treat of the Scottish Act of Union, being afterwards
honoured with the post of Keeper of the Signet in reward for
^ This is an exaggeration. At the time I am writing of nearly the whole of the
great district of Mar was in the hands of the Erskines. It left them for ever in
1730, when in consequence of the appalling poverty of the family it was sold to
the then Farquharson of Invercauld, and to one Lord Duff.
INTRODUCTION 143
the part which he took in recommending that important treaty
to the consideration of his countrymen. From that time
forward his influence both among the Scots nation and the
English Ministers began to increase, and went on developing at
a very rapid rate until he was made Secretary for Scotland in
the reign of Queen Anne, when he may be said to have reached
the zenith of his fame.
In February 1707 he was chosen one of the Representative
Peers of Scotland, an honour which was conferred on him again
in 1708, 1710, and 1713, about which time also he was sworn
of the Privy Council of Queen Anne. The important share he
took in forcing the Union through the Scots Parliament did
not, however, prevent him from speaking strongly in support
of Earl Findlater's motion for the repeal of that treaty, which
wa made in Parliament in 1713. This conduct Lord Mar is
at some unnecessary pains to justify in the following Legacy.
' The Earl of Mar,"" says Macky in his Secret Memoirs, speak-
ing of the leader of the affair of 1715, ' is representative
' of one of the ancientest and most noble families in Scotland,
' hereditary guardians of kings and queens of that kingdom,
' during their minority, and hereditary keepers of Stirling
' Castle. This gentleman hath not made any greater figure
' than being of the Privy Council both to King William and
' this queen [Anne]. He is a very good manager in his private
' affairs, which were in disorder when his father died, and is a
' staunch countryman, fair complexioned, low stature, and
' thirty years old.''
The somewhat sudden and unexpected death of Queen Anne
in 1714 occasioned the downfall of the Tory party. Mar, in
common with many of his political friends, endeavoured at
first to make his peace with the new government. In order
to that end he wrote a letter to the Elector of Hanover, whilst
that prince was yet on the Continent, in which his (Mars)
services to the Elector''s predecessors on the throne of ' His
Majesty's ancestors' were eloquently set forth, and in which
144 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
much apprehension was expressed lest the colour of the Earl's
political convictions should be misrepresented to the future
sovereign of Great Britain. He also, it is said, ' desired to
* display his influence over the Highlanders, and for that pur-
' pose procured a letter, subscribed by a number of the most
' influential chiefs of the clans, addressed to himself as having
' an estate and interest in the Highlands, conjuring him to
' assure the government of their loyalty to His Sacred Majesty
' King George, and to protect them and the heads of other
' clans, who, from distance, could not attend at the signing of
' the letter, against the misrepresentations to which they might
' be exposed ; protesting that as they had been ready to follow
' Lord Mar's directions in obeying Queen Anne, so they would
' be equally forward to concur with him in faithfully serving
' King George.' ^
The new adherents of the new Sovereign were, however,
determined to follow the mistaken policy of securing the un-
limited ascendency of their own party on the ruins of that of
their opponents. Bolingbroke and his political friends were
not long allowed to remain in suspense with respect to the
nature of the sentiments entertained for them by their Whig
enemies. They apprehended that they were to be pursued,
hanged, drawn, quartered or outlawed without benefit of jury.-
The well-meaning advances of Mar were coldly repulsed : he
was commanded to deliver up the seals of his office, and curtly
informed that his gracious Majesty King George had no further
occasion for his services.
It is not to be wondered at that Mar felt the rebuff" keenly,
and that whilst smarting under the indignity of his dismissal,
he should have allowed a burning desire for revenge to overrule
the natural promptings of a somewhat cautious nature. The
egregious folly of disobliging a man who could work so much
mischief is perhaps the most patent, and certainly the most
^ Scott's Tales of a Grandfather.
2 See Lord Bolingbroke's letter to Sir William Wyndham,
INTRODUCTION 145
disgusting, feature of Mar's dismissal, as his own procrastinating
conduct and complete inability to carry the point he had in view
were those of his subsequent behaviour in the field. ' Although
it might be true,' says Sir Walter Scott, who was by no means
partial to Mar, ' that the address was made up with the
' sanction of the Chevalier de St. George and his advisers, it
' was not less the interest of George the i. to have received with
' the usual civility, the expressions of homage and allegiance
' which it contained. ... A monarch whose claim to obedience
' is yet young, ought in policy to avoid an immediate quarrel
' with any part of his subjects who are ready to profess allegiance
' as such. ... It seems at least certain that in bluntly and in
' a disparaging manner refusing an address expressing allegiance
' and loyalty, and affronting the haughty courtier by whom it
' was presented. King George exposed his government to the
' desperate alternative of civil war and the melancholy expedient
' of terminating it by bringing many noble victims to the
' scaffold, which, during the reign of his predecessor, had never
' been stained with bloodshed for political causes.'
The Earl of Mar, repulsed in his advances to the new
monarch, concluded, not unnaturally, from thence that, if not
his ruin, at all events his permanent disgrace was absolutely
determined on by the new king's political advisers. He with-
drew accordingly from court, and soon afterwards set on foot
the melancholy and disastrous insurrection with which his name
is prominently associated in the history of our country.
At the conclusion of that ill contested and worse managed
affair. Mar accompanied the Prince to France, where he enjoyed
His Royal Highness's favour for a number of years. During
the time that he held the chief secretary's seals, the affairs of
the Prince, his master, were conducted with considerable
address, if we can believe the statement of Lockhart of Carn-
wath (a most impartial, and in some respects even bitter, critic
of Lord Mar) to that effect. His zeal and activity in the service
of the unfortunate exile were apparently unbounded. Among
146 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
other projects, more or less plausible, he formed one for engaging
the brave and eccentric King of Sweden, Charles the xii., whose
assistance he thought to purchase, by a present of oatmeal for his
troops, in a plot to restore his master. Another of his schemes
was that for bringing in the Duke of Argyle to the Prince"'s
interests and service. This is said to have failed on account
of Mar's jealousy of the former, but inasmuch as it was Mar
himself who proposed it and endeavoured to carry it through,
the assumption that he spoiled it is at least open to doubt.
At all events, it is impossible to observe much of either
jealousy or dislike in the friendly terms in which Lord Mar
refers to the Duke in the following Legacy ; nor is it likely that
he would have expressly commanded his son to seek him out
and secure his protection if he had entertained sentiments of
dislike or jealousy regarding him.
It does not appear that Mar was much engaged in the affair
of 1719, though it is certain that his advice and opinion were
sought on it. The following extracts from a letter preserved
in the Stuart Collection at Windsor, and printed in these pages,
for the first time, may serve to substantiate this statement.
' Sire,"* he says, writing from Rome to the Prince, under date
February 4th, 1719, ' . . . I have often taken the libertie to
' tel y*" Majesty that whenever it should please God to restore
' you to y"" Dominions, that I had no designe or project of
' haveing any eminent hand in business at that time. What I
' have so much wisht for all my life will be accomplished, and
' y"^ Majesty will be in no want of fitt people to serve you
' in each of y' kingdoms, and who are much more capable of it
' than I, and it will be far from giveing me any grudg to
' see any you think fitt to be emploied in the most eminent
' posts of y"^ three kingdoms. As for the seals I have the
' honour to hold of y'' Majesty at this time, you may very
* freely, without any apprehention of giveing me a mortifica-
' tion, dispose of them as soon as you land in England, not
' only those for that kingdome, but also for that of Scotland
INTRODUCTION 147
' and Irland. I never aim'd at being thought what is comonly
' caird to Princes a ffavourit, but my ambition is to have the
' honour, as it will be a pleasur, of being near y' person. You
' have been pleased alreddy to give me a post w'=^ entitles me to
' that, and if you think it fitt to add to it any emploiment
' w'^'^ would make me to be of y*" cabin councill (as it is calFd
' here) tho of ever so little business, that it may not be thought
' that after serveing you abroad in place of a minister, that I
' am quite turn'd off, I shall have all I aim at, and it would be
' in that way I wou'd end my dayes w*^ pleasur. As for the
' affairs of Scotland, I should have no pleasur in being im-
' mediately emploied in them, but wherein I am capable to
' give y' Majesty light or advice in them or in any of y^ affairs
' in England by the little insight I have had of men and things
' there, it could be done as well as if I were [here ?] and per-
' haps w* more ease and advantage to y' Majesty. But if you
' should find either that my advice was of no use or made
• any uneasie, my not being consulted should be farr from
' makeing me so.^
' ffor the present intended expedition, I am reddy to serve
' y"^ Majesty in any way or capasity you please and that I am
' capable of, but I would presume to beg it of y^ Majesty as
' a favour that I may not be sent to Scotland, tho' I wou'd
' not ask even that, did I not think that y*" affairs wou'd suffer
' by it, but for all that can be done there as the expedition
' is proposed, I humblie conceive that it can be done as well
' as in the manner it was designed when you came into Italy
' had it then gone on, as if I went. There ought an ex-
' perienced officer of distinction be sent there, go who will,
' and I heartily wish the same person may who was then
^ This language is so contrary to the character with which it has pleased his
biographers to blacken his reputation, that one marvels that Lord Mar should
have dared to hold it. Mar is usually represented as having been a greedy,
needy, self-seeking courtier. It is refreshing to find him using the language of
moderation and even making some sort of dim religious effort to conform to the
exalted moral standard of his critics.
148 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
' design'd.^ And He to whom y"^ Majesty then gave the first
' place, is still the fittest for it. My fellow traveler ^ will be
' a good help there to him, and I doubt not but he will
' behave himself w* that disinterested zeal he did upon the
' last occasion. In that way I can answer that all my friends
' will do all in their power as much as if I were there myself,
' as I doubt not but every man wou''d who wishes y' Majesty well.
* What I ask is to have the honour to attend y"" Majesty as a
' Voluntier without any character or emploiment, and you shall
' have all the service of me I am capable of as much as if I had
' both and in that way, if y"" Majesty have a mind to it, I
' should think it could make no man uneasie upon my account.
' It was never my studdie to be rich, and I am now too old
' to begin to think of it. Y"" Majesty has been pleased to lay
' more honours on me alreddy than I deserve, and I can have
' nothing further or wish for that way. You will have the
' goodness, I hope, if my family by- its cariage deserves it,
' to make it easie and in a way, in some measur, not to make
' those honours ashamed of its bearing them, and, for myself,
' I shall be very indifferent of opolencie.
' God grant y"" Majesty a good and safe vooage and journie
' and success in y"" project. May I be so luckie to arive in
' time to attend you in y' expedition, but if unfortunately
' I do not, let me beg of y"^ Majesty to leave directions for my
' following of you directly, where ever you go.
' As to other things, the Duke of Ormond, who has showed
' himself so zealous in y"^ service is the fittest to advise you
' and as he was the first who publickly embraced y"" Maj^
' service who were in any business at y"" sister's death, I
' heartily wish he may have the honour and happiness to
' finish the glorious work of y"" restoration for which y"" king-
' doms wou'd be so much beholden to him and have reason to
' love him better, if that can be, than they yet do.
' I will not trouble y"^ Majesty w* any compliment, that
^ Probably either Ormonde or Berwick. ^ The Duke of Perth.
INTRODUCTION 149
' being non of my talent, but may you be as hapie as I wish
' you, and that wou'd be more, I am sure, than any who ever
' satt upon V. thron have yet been, tho not more than you
' deserve, as y"" people will think when they have the happi-
' ness of knowing you.''
The affair of 1719^ ended as disastrously for the Jacobites
as that of 1715, and Mar was soon again employed in concert-
ing other measures in the interests of his exiled master. From
the former year to that of 1724 he had, with but few inter-
ruptions, the principal direction of the Prince's affairs, and
though it would be an exaggeration to say that they flourished
under his management, since nothing and nobody can be said
ever to have done so that was in any way closely connected with
that unfortunate personage, yet Mar conducted them well and,
as far as ascertained, pleased his master as well as the majority
of his party. In 1724, however, in consequence, there is strong
reason to believe, of a plot between Atterbury and Colonel
Hay,^ who was afterwards created Earl of Inverness by Prince
James, Mar was deprived of office. In order that my readers
may fully understand the secret motives underlying this step,
it is necessary that I should here digress a little.
In 1721 Bishop Atterbury had been compelled to leave
England in consequence of a conspiracy against the Govern-
^ An account of the Jacobite attempt of 171913 printed in vol. xix. of the
publications of the Scottish History Society.
^ Colonel Hay was at one time an officer in the Scots Guards, who 'got into
the Chevalier's favour by means of the Earl of Mar.' He married a daughter of
Lord Stormont, and the Chevalier becoming enamoured of her, ' it was not very
long before the Lord and Lady Mar were driven from Court to make room for
the new favourites.' On the disgrace of Mar 'the Colonel was made Prime
Minister ; nobody could be introduced to an audience but by his means ; no
counsel was put in execution till he had first approved it ; and, in short, he
governed the Chevalier and the whole court in a most absolute manner.' These
extracts are taken from a book entitled The Men of the Chevalier de St. George,
on occasion of the Princess Sobieski's retiring into a Nunnery. Hay was publicly
declared secretary 5th March 1725, though it is well known he had had the
principal direction of affairs for some time prior to Mar's dismission from office.
He was deprived of office, April 1727. For Hay's conduct to the Princess
Sobieski see Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 265. His parts, like his charac-
ter, were contemptible.
150 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
ment, in which the prelate was involved, though himself and his
friends stoutly maintained the contrary. It would seem that
from circumstances — the most notable and at the same time
the most ludicrous being that of the little white dog, which the
good bishop pretended to believe had been sent into England
from France by Mar for the express purpose of betraying him
to the government — I say that from certain circumstances which
transpired at the trial, Atterbury got a fixed notion into his
head that Mar and the British Government had together and
in concert conspired his banishment. This ' fire-brand of a
Bishope,' as Mar calls him in the following Memorial and
Legacy, accordingly left England under the impression that
Mar, in addition to being his personal enemy, Avas a traitor to
his party, in which highly explosive frame of mind he entered
France, and would appear at once to have begun to endeavour
to bring others to share with him the same charitable opinion.
What real grounds, however, Atterbury had for believing
that Mar had betrayed him to the Government it is impossible
to say, nor is he able to divulge them in his private corre-
spondence, which has been printed. All we can say, however, in
favour of Atterbury's assertion, is, that the proceedings which
led to the trial and conviction of the Bishop, as well as those
that followed after it, are involved in so much mystery that it
would be indiscreet to affirm positively at this distance of time,
that he was altogether destitute of grounds for his charges.
What, on the other hand, militates most strongly against the
Bishop's assumption is the fact that he was convicted of the
crime with which he was charged on the slenderest evidence.
The trial, in fact, was a miserable farce, an outrage upon
justice ; but so determined were the Government to secure a
conviction that they stopped at nothing in order to make the
Bishop to appear guilty. Now it would seem to stand to
reason that if, as Atterbury asserted. Mar hatched a plot with
the British Government to betray the Bishop to them and
received money and promises of pardon for his share in it,
INTRODUCTION 151
the former would have taken very good care not to part with
either their money or promises without receiving adequate value
for both. In other words, it is improbable that the Govern-
ment would have made so loose a compact with Mar for the
betrayal of Atterbury as enabled the Bishop successfully to
masquerade as irreproachably innocent at the trial, and even for
many years afterwards, successfully to maintain all the appear-
ances of a state of pious and impregnable guiltlessness.
Apart from the affair of the little white dog, to which
reference has been made above, the circumstance on which the
Bishop laid the greatest stress in preferring his charges of
treachery against Mar was the intercepting by Government of
letters addressed by Mar to the Bishop. This, however, is
surely very inadequate ground on which to base reckless and
wholesale charges of treachery, inasmuch as the intercepting
of Jacobite letters by Government was an event of daily, if not
hourly, occurrence. In a book entitled Memoirs of the Life^
Family, and Character of John, late Earl of Stair, we are told
how in 1715, ' by Lord Mar's intercepted letters which Pringle
will send you,' it was said to be plain that Lord Mar ' expected
the Pretender in Scotland,' yet no charge of treachery, so far
as the writer is aware, was laid at Mar's door on that occasion
in consequence of what was undoubtedly a common Jacobite
mishap.
To take up, however, the thread of my narrative at the
point at which it was dropped in order to make the above
necessary digression, some time previous to his dismissal from
office, but at a period not specified in the Legacy itself. Mar
presented to the Prince a scheme consisting, to use his own
language, of 'considerations and proposalls for the several!
' parts of the constitution and Government of Scotland upon a
' Restoration.' This scheme or 'Legacy' the Prince ' was pleased
some time thereafter ' to indorse in a series of letters addressed
by him to Mar from Rome. In the month of September 1723,
Mar, who was at that time in Paris, writes to the Prince, who
152 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
was then at Rome, saying that he is 'about a thing' which he
hopes will be the best service he ever did for his master.
This ' thing "" which Mar was engaged upon, and which he says
in his letter to the Prince he mentioned either to His Royal
Highness or to Mr. Hay, was the celebrated ' Memorial to the
Regent Orleans.' The history of this Memorial is a curious
one. The latter was composed by Mar himself, and sent to the
Regent without either the privity or permission of Prince
James. The Regent, according to Mar, received it favourably,
and from what is known of the former's real sentiments towards
this country, there is no reason to doubt his liaving done so.
Mar, flattered probably by the reception accorded to his
Memorial by the Regent of France, sent it forthwith to the
Prince his master, who, as Mar was high in his favour at the
time, probably approved it also. At all events there is
absolutely no evidence to show that he did not indorse it;
and as the Memorial was presented in 1723, and as Mar was
not deprived of office till the year 1725 it would be interesting
to know what opinion the Prince held with regard to it (if he
did not approve it) in the interval between those two dates.
Unfortunately, however, for Mar, the Prince, if ever he
approved the Memorial, which, as I have said before, there is
every reason to believe he did, never expressed his approval in
writing, so that when in 1725 Mar was dismissed from office,
James was able to announce to the world with a clear con-
science, that the secretary had been displaced on account of
its treasonable nature.^ The insufficiency, however, of this
1 If the causes of Mar's dismissal constituted such clear and unmistakable
evidences of his guilt it is curious that the Prince should have been at so much
pains to hush up that affair. In a letter addressed to Lockhart he expressly
commands his ' trustee ' not to concern himself with the subject of Mar's dis-
missal. The less said about that affair the better, says the Prince in effect.
But if Mar's guilt w^as so clear, what harm could have come to the Prince's
affairs by the particulars of it coming to light? It is impossible to resist the
reflection on these matters that the Prince was further concerned to keep the
affair secret and his own part in it also than he was desirous should appear.
INTRODUCTION 153
excuse as a ground for Mar's disgrace is plainly revealed by a
reference to the Memorial itself, which, though it no doubt
exceeded in some measure the principle laid down in the
Legacy, approved by the Prince, yet to all practical intents and
purposes was precisely the same thing. Mar was denounced as
a traitor by Hay and Atterbury because he wished to induce
the Prince to consent to an arrangement by which a certain
number of Scottish troops should be constantly entertained in
the service of the French king, and a certain number of French
troops in that of the Scottish king, for the purpose of over-
awing England ; yet if we turn to the letters of James
addressed to Mar and printed in this book, we find that James
readily consented to allow a certain number of Scots troops to
be constantly entertained in the service of the French king, in
the event of his restoration ; and though jVIar's proposal at the
time did not embrace the larger proposition mentioned above,
namely that the French king should return the compliment, as
it were, and send French troops into Scotland for the purpose
of augmenting the Scottish king's forces, yet if James approved
the one proposition it is difficult to understand what reasonable
objections he could have had to indorsing the other. His own
words on the subject could not be plainer. ' In consequence
' of my letter to you of the first of Janry.' says the Prince, ' I
' think it would be for the honour and interest of Scotland that
' I should make an agreement with the King of ifrance after my
'restoration, for his entertaining a certain number of Scots
' troops in his service, w''^ I am perswaded the Pari, will
* approve of.' It is impossible to mistake either the meaning or
significance of these words, considered, as they must and should
be, in conjunction with the so called 'treasonable'' parts of
the Memorial.
There is no doubt in my mind that Mar''s removal from
office was due to a conspiracy of which Hay and Atterbury
were the ringleaders. The former was intensely jealous of
Mar s ascendency at the Jacobite Court : the latter, as we have
154 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
already seen, was the secretary's bitter enemy. The proba-
bility is that, as Mar himself states, Hay communicated either
the gist or a copy of the Memorial itself to Atterbury, who,
in order to revenge himself on Mar and to bring about the
secretary's downfall, published the document, and caused its
dissemination in Jacobite circles.^ This skilful move had
precisely the effect the wily prelate imagined it would have.
It raised a storm of indignation in England against Mar, who
immediately became odious to the English Jacobites, and in a
short time occasioned his dismissal from office ; for James,
whatever may have been his real sentiments on the subject of
the Memorial, had sense enough to perceive that by retaining
in his service a minister who had rendered himself highly
obnoxious to his English supporters he would be doing his
party and interests an irremediable injury. Mar retired to Paris
after his dismissal from office, where he remained till the year
1729, when he went to Aix-la-Chapelle to drink the waters for
the benefit of his health, which now began to show unmistakable
symptoms of an early dissolution. During his latter years he
was, to his credit be it said, ' little trusted by the Jacobites "* ;
and he would seem to have entered into some negotiations
with the British Government for the purpose of procuring
himself a pardon, which is not to be wondered at, considering
the scurvy treatment he had received at the hands of the
Jacobites and their sovereign. He died at Aix-la-Chapelle
(1732) in the fifty-fourth year of his age ; and was succeeded in
his attainted peerage by his only son Lord Erskine, the youth to
whom the following ' Jewels ' and ' Legacie ' were bequeathed.
Doubtless a few particulars concerning the appearance and
^ There is no printed copy of the Memorial at the British Museum, nor, to the
best of the writer's knowledge and belief, is there one at any other of our
public libraries. The probability is that the Memorial was privately printed
and circulated, and for that reason never came into the hands of the general
public.
INTRODUCTION 155
history of the valuable and interesting little volume which
contains the Legacy and Memorial above mentioned will not
be considered out of place in this Introduction. The book is
the property of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, to whom I am
vastly obliged for permission to edit it for the Scottish
History Society. The whole of the Manuscript has been given
with the exception of a few pages, not amounting to half a dozen
in all, which, as they relate to private family affairs, would be
of no interest to the public. The Legacy is written in an
admirable, clear hand, in an octavo volume, bound in pale
olive-green leather. A couple of small silver clasps serve
to keep the volume fast, when it is not in use.
Considering the fact that the Memorial was published in
London, and there circulated, though only in a private way
doubtless, it is surprising that no copy of it is to be found at
the British Museum or at any other of the ordinary sources of
historical information. It may be, of course, that the writer is
mistaken in his belief that no printed copy of the Memorial is
in existence at the present time, but if this is so it cannot be
laid to his charge that this conviction is the result either
of indifference or idleness, for he has searched for one ' high
and low,' and has found nothing to reward his pains. That
the Memorial, however, or, at anyrate, the general scope and
tendency of it, were known to some historians of an earlier
period than the one we live in is rendered certain by the fact
that allusions to it more or less vague and indefinite are to
be found in one or two contemporary writings. Lockhart of
Carnwath gives a short precis of it in his Memoirs, but it may
well be that the allusions and criticisms of other contemporary
as well as subsequent writers were based on that author's
reflections. With regard to the Legacy, it is here printed
in its entirety for the first time. Sir Walter Scott, how-
ever, would seem to have perused it, or to have gathered
some exact particulars concerning it either from hearsay or
more certain means, since he makes a reference to it in his
156 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
Tales of a Grandfather, wherein he takes occasion of the
Rebellion of 1715 to remark that the leader of it was
more successful in his schemes for improving the capital
of Scotland than he was in those for the alteration of her
government. By this he would surely seem either to have
read the Legacy itself, or to have had imparted to him
particulars concerning those parts of it which relate to the
improvement of Edinburgh. When or in what manner these
particulars were communicated to Sir Walter I am unable to
say : they were apparently communicated to none other.
A curious incident connected with the history of the Legacy
is referred to by Philadelphia, Countess of Mar, in a note written
on a fly-leaf of the book. 'This book,' the Countess writes,
' was stolen out of the family at the death of John Thomas,
' Earl of Mar, who died 28th September 1828. He was the
' second Earl who had the title after the family was restored to
' its ancient titles and dignities, anno 1824. This book was
' accidentally recovered by Philadelphia, Countess of Mar, wife
' of John Francis Mar, Earl of Mar, who gave a reward for the
' recovery of it. Alloa, July 14th, 1834."' Who stole the book
or in what manner it was recovered is not known. The mis-
fortune of its theft, however, was in reality a blessing in
disguise, for when Alloa House was burned to the ground at
the beginning of this century the whole of the interesting and
valuable collection of historical and family documents preserved
in it are said to have been destroyed in the conflagration.
S. E.
MY LEGACIE TO MY DEAR SON
THOMAS, LORD ERSKINE
I
CMllon, March 1726.
My dear Tom, — Ever since you left us I have been here in the
country, and much alone, where I had time for reflection, and
you may be sure my thoughts have been the most taken up
about you, now when you are to enter, as it were, on a stage
the first time, and a troublesome one. The world and God
only knows if ever I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again.
It haveing pleased Providence so to dispose of things that I
have nothing worth the while of makeing a Will or Testament
for, I chose this way of biding you adieu, in case I should die
without haveing an opportunity of doing it again, or by word
of mouth, and if it should so please God, you will find amongst
my papers here (all which I will order to be given you) a
Narative of most of the incidents of my Life, all in my own
hand, w^'^ I wrote at different times, partly to amuse myself
and refresh my memorie, when I had little else to emploie me,
and partly thinking it might come to be of some use to you,
for whom it is only intended, and not for the publick. I still
hope it may be so, and it was luckie for myself that I keept
nots of some parts of my life, haveing naturally a bad memorie,
since they served me in good stade o' late, when my reputation
was so cruelly atacqued by my enimies.
About four years ago when I had idle time enough at Paris,
I wrote the first part of the narative from as far back as I could
recolect to the change of the ministry about four years before
Queen Anne's death. Upon my comeing from Scotland to
158 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
ffrance an. 1715 I sent to our cousin Pittodrie^ at Aberdin,
and to his Lady in his absence, two large wooden boxes or
trunks pritty full of letters and other papers w'^^ had past
dureing the time of my being then in that country. I know
they were deliverd to him safe before the Armies came to
Aberdin, and I doubt not of their haveing been well taken care
of and safely preserved by him ever since, nor of their being
deliverd to you when you shall come to call for them. You
will find things in them not uncurious, and that may be of
some use in after times, both with regard to persons and
things.
There is in one of them another part of the Narative, from
the above change of the Ministry, to the Elections in Scotland
after K. George's comeing first over, which I wrote in my idl
hours in Braemar an. 1715 dureing the time I was preparing
things for what happned soon therafter, and when I was
waiting returns to the orders I had sent out through the
Highlands.
When I went first to Avignon, and before I came to have
much business to despatch there, I emploied the time I had
[to ?] spair from attending the King in continueing the Nara-
tive from the Elections to my setting up the King's standard
in Braemar.
ffrom the setting up the standard to the King's landing at
Gravelen from Scotland, I keept a journall of the most
materiall things that past where I was present. I wrote it
every night before I went to bed (keeping some sheets of paper
always in my pocket on purpose), but only in short notes for
refreshing my memory when I should come to write the
Journall full as it ought to be. The miscariage of that affair,
w'^'^ once had so good an appearance for restoring our King and
reliveing our country has made the thinking of those things
ever since disagreeable to me, so that I have never been able
to bring myself to enlarge that journall.
The greatest part of the originall of these notes, you '11 find
in one of these boxes in Pittodrie's hands, and the rest amongest
my papers here, haveing been in my pocket on my leaving
1 Erskine of Pittodrie.
TO HIS SON 159
Scotland. There is also a fair copy in M"". Paterson's ^ hand-
writeing of most of the journall wrote from what I had sent
of it at different times to Lord Bolingbroke in ffrance, and from
that part w'^^ I brought along w* me.
You will likewise find amongest my papers here an account
of the Expedition of that body of men I sent into Argyll-
shire under the command of Generall Gordon, on w'^*' my
undertakeing so much depended, wrote by M^ Campbell of
Glendarull, who was an eye witness to it, and w* whom I had
concerted and laid that project.
I regrait much that I have never been able to procure from
some of those present (tho' I have often endeavour''d it) a
particular, full, and exact account of that body of men I sent
over the ffbrth from ffife to join the noblemen and gentlemen
of the South of Scotland and North of England then in armes
for the King, and of their affair in the citadall of Leith and at
Seaton house, their joining the gentlemen of the South, and
their march into England until the unfortunat affair of
Preston, the barbaritys w'^^ were comitted on our people after
that shamefuU surender, and the crull treatment the prissoners
met w*, who were caried to London, and those left behind in
the county prisons. I cannot tho' imagin but some one or
other of these gentlemen concerned and who suffred so severely
in that expedition but got off at last has wrote a particular
account of it all, w"^^ you may perhaps still chance to come by,
and you should be at pains to do so, the want of w*^'^ makeing
a great blank in the accounts I leave you of the attempt then
made, w'=^ never will in after times do dishonour to our country.
There is amongest my papers too an account of those things
in w<='^ I had any concern, from the King's leaveing of Gravelen
to his going into Italy from Avignon an. 1716. At Geneva,
where I was so long keept against my will ^ as 13 months and
had so much idle time, I went on w* this Narative from the
^ A prominent Jacobite; served as Secretary at War during the '15. He was a
son of Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn, and Lady Jean Erskine, daughter to
Charles tenth Earl of Mar. His father also engaged in the '15, and was deprived
of his estates.
* Mar was arrested by the Genoese authorities at the instance of the British
Government. He was at first confined to prison, but afterwards released on
parole.
160 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
King's going to Italy to my being arrested at that town May
1719, contrair to all right and justice.
1 was some time absent from the King at his first going to
Italy (he haveing been pleased to alow me to go into ifrance to
meet Lady Mar ^) so that I had not the honour of attending
him from the month of fFeb. that I left him at Montebello
til the month of November therafter, when I joind him again
at Urbino, so that I could not be so particular as to things
w''^ past with his Maj. in my absence, and I intending only to
write what I was an eye witness to, I should be excused for
saying little or nothing of what happned to the King or his
affairs in Spain, or while I was prisoner an. 1719, his Majesty
not haveing been pleased to cary me along w* him, and I being
prevented following him, as I twice endeavourd. I left at
Rome two large wooden boxes or trunks seald up, in w*'^ were
a great many letters and papers in relation to the King's
affairs while I had the honour to serve him as Minister, of
w''^ I sent the keys from Geneve, on the King's returning from
Spain, to Lady Mar, then at Rome, to be given into his
Maj.s own hands, w'^'^ she did, and the boxes were also deliverd
to him ; they properly belonging to his Maj., and I haveing
but a secondary right in them, I thought it my duety to have
them put into his own hands, and at the same time I wrote to
him, beging upon his own account, that he would be very
cautious of alowing them to be lookt into, and never unless
he was present himself.^
Since my last comeing into ffrance, an. 1720, I not haveing
the sole and principal direction of the king's officers, as when I
had the honour to comand for him in Scotland, or most of the
time I was about his person on this sid the sea, and conse-
quently not being master of the papers that past concerning
them, I could not well continue the Narative farther, but you
will see a good deal into those affairs, and the part I acted in
them, or otherways, at that time, by the letters and other
papers that past betwixt the King and me and some others,
^ The second Lady Mar, daughter to the Duke of Kingston. His first wife
died in 1705.
2 The letters and documents here mentioned are probably among the Stuart
Papers at Windsor.
TO HIS SON 161
w*''^ you "'11 find amongest my papers ; where you will also find
some things wrote by me concerning the unjust accusations of
that firebrand of a Bishope,^ since he was sent to fFrance for
the destruction of the king's affairs.
I was to have got from my dear friend, Gene' Dillon ^ (who
had the chefe direction of the king's affairis on this side the
Alpes dureing that time, and til a little after the Bishope of
Rochester's comeing into fFrance), copies of severall papers to
w'^*^ these letters to and from me relate, for makeing my collec-
tion the more compleat, so you may know where to be supply'd
w* such of them as you shall find wanting amongest my papers :
you can also have from L'' Garlies ^ severall curious papers in
relation to the unfortunat falling out betwixt the king and
queen, etc.
All these papers as above being chifly designed for your
own privat use, and to enable you upon occasion to clear up to
the world some facts, w'^^ may come to be necessary to be sett
in a true light, you ought to be very carefull of them, and to
be very sure of the people to whom you show or comunicat
them. I have in all my accounts keept closs and religiously
to the truth so farr as I could remember, being indifferent of
the stile, and they being only designed for you, on whose
descretion tho young I depend, I have been more open and
free than perhaps was fit, had they been designed for the
publick. I wrote the Narative always in heast, and scarce
toke the time to read it over again, so it may not be very
corect, and there may be some things in it too trifeling, and
not fitt for such a paper, espetially about the time of my
begining the world. I designed to have revised it, and writ it
over corect, but laziness or some one thing or other always
diverted me. If you think it worth the while, you may get
our friend Mr. Ramsay, or such an one in his absence who you
can trust, to put these papers in better dress, and to leave out
what seems trifleing, I haveing only mentioned them to assist
my memory in the threed of things w^^ happned to me in my
^ Atterbury.
- An Irishman and an officer in the French King's service. He was a brave
and good man, respected by everybody.
^ Afterwards sixth Earl of Galloway.
L
162 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
younger days, so long before my putting them in writeing.
I name Mr. Ramsay, because of the trust I have in him,
founded on the experience of his uprightness and honesty,
as well as his capacity for such a thing, and I beleve the
friendshipe that has been between him and me, and also
his friendshipe for y' self, would make him not to grudge
bestowing some time on a thing in w'=^ I am so much
concerned.
I left a great many letters and copies of some papers dure-
ing my being in public business before comeing abroad in my
cabinets at London, w'^^ I suppose are still in being and safe,
y' adding such of them as are worth while to what is mentioned
above will make the colection more compleat.
II
To be of some use to my native country, and to be assisting
to the relise of it from the low and declining condition in w''^
I found it was, has been my great passion, and much at my
heart, ever almost since I can remember anything ; and how-
ever I may have been mistaken in my notions, a view towards
that has always been the rule of my actions w* regard to the
publick. This shows how necessary it is to instill right notions
and principales early into people, the mind beginning sooner
to notice things, and to forme notions, than people are com-
monly aware of, and these notions formed when young are not
easily effaced.
It was not without that view I entered into King Williams's
service a few years before his death, nor into Queen Anne's on
her accession to the crown, I being then at London ; in which
I continued the whole course of her reigne, and received many
marks of her bounty and goodness. It was w* a view to that
also that I was so forward for the Union of Scotland with
England, which not being done at the Revolution, by the
overheasty offering the crown of Scotland to King William
and Queen Mary, was so much regrated by many sensible Scots
TO HIS SON 163
people and well-wishers to their country at that time ; tho I
have often repented my part in that since. It was, I then
conceived, the only practicable way, as things stood, for the
relise of our country ; and for the like reason, when I found
that we continued notwithstanding of the Union to be ill
treated, and conditions not keept or explained away, I became
as much for haveing the Union broke as ever I had been
earnest for its haveing been made. I was not the only man
so who had been for it. My friend the Duke of Queensberry
wisht as much as anybody, and had Lord Stair been alive (the
great projector of the Union), I am sure he had been so too.
I found the breaking of it impossible without an entire revolu-
tion, by restoring our natural king, to who's family I had
always a heart likeing, and was sorry for the misfortouns
happened to it, as was very natural for one come of the family
I am, my predecessors haveing been so long faithful servants
to it. This made me to enter into a correspondence with the
king about the time of the change of ministry,^ the last years
of Queen Anne, on his first writeing to me, being encouraged
by some of his friends to beleve I had a warme side to his
interest. But I would never engage to be concerned in any
undertaking for his restoration til it should please God to
remove his sister Queen Anne, til w'^^ time I told him it was
his interest to have patience, as I realie believed and under-
stood it to be. I thought I had reason to belive that
the Queen and her then ministers had a mind that her
brother should succeed her in the crown, there being no
sense, as appeared to me, in the part they acted, unless on
that bottome, though it was not to be owned. But it was
to very few of them I opened my mind freely on this subject.
On the Queen's death, I entered into measurs w* those of
England who favoured the Jacobit interest, and also some
of Scotland, with both whom I had spoke a little on that foot
before, and after concerting measures w* the King's friends at
London. On my return from the elections for King George's
first Parliament, I went for Scotland by the King's express and
repeated orders, which he sent me by different messengers from
Lorain at sundry times, as you '11 see more particularly by the
^ 1710.
164 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
narrative.^ In Scotland I followed the Instructions I had
received, and acted for that interest to the best of my under-
standings, and without any reserve or interested view ; but it
did not please God to give us the success we had reason to expect
from so hopeful beginnings, so that the King obliged me to
come abroad with him, where my chief studdy has been to find
out ways and means for the relise of my country when an
opportunity should again offer for restoring our King, so that
Scotland might, on that event, be restored at the same time
to the strenth, reputation, figure and independancy it had
before the union of the two crowns in the person of James the
l^t and 6'\
The misfortouns of our country, since our king came to
succeed (unfortunately for poor Scotland) to the crown of
England, have proceeded from the kings always haveing been
constrained by the superiour power of England, where they
recided, to neglect the true interest of his ancient kingdome,
when they came to clash any way, tho but seemingly, with
those of England and even of Ireland, The chife ministers
being alwayes English men advised accordingly, ther govern-
ing the Scots as well as the others. The Scots Ministers were
only [always ?] subserviant to those of England, save in the
^ ' It is positively asserted by Berwick that the P. [Prince], without any inti-
mation either to himself or Bol. [Bolingbroke], had sent orders to Mar to begin
the insurrection in Scotland without further delay. [See Marshal Benvick^s
Memoirs.'] The veracity and the means of information of Berwick are equally
unquestionable, yet it seems difficult to credit such an extremity of falsehood and
folly in James. There are several circumstances to disprove, there are none to
confirm it ; and on the whole I suspect that Berwick must have been misled by
an excuse which Mar afterwards invented for his own rashness. James himself,
writing to Bolingbroke on the 23rd of September, expresses an anxious desire that
his Scotch friends will at least wait for his answer, if they cannot, as he hopes,
stay so long as to expect a concert with England. [James to Bolingbroke,
Sept. 23d. 1715, Appendix to Lord Mahon's Hist. England.] Is it not beyond
belief that he should already, several weeks before, have given positive orders
to the opposite effect ; that he should have issued such momentous directions at
a moment so unfavourable, and concealed them from his best friends and most
able advisers?' — Lord Mahon's Hist. Eiigland, vol. i. pp. 211, 212. It would
certainly appear, however, from the Narrative of Lord Mar, that the Prince
acted in the manner which Lord Mahon regards as improbable. Mar, whatever
ill construction it may please historians to place on his public conduct, had neither
occasion nor interest to lie to his son.
TO HIS SON 165
time of the Duke of Lauderdale's Ministry, when Scots men's
dependance was on him ; but his power was more for being
a Minister of England than for Scotland, and unless when it
was for serveing his own ends, he minded the interests of his
own country but little more than an English Minister would
have done.
To find out a remidie for this evile on the event above, was
my studdy and chief concern. Scotland's being restored to the
same state it was in King Charles Snd's time, and that of his
brother King James w* is farthest almost of what the generality
of the Jacobites aime at, would be no cure, and scarce worth
the fighting or contesting for, unless at the same time it were
delivered or secured from being governed by English councils
and councellors. I have never been one of those who were over
fond of cramping and restraining the power of kings ; but in this
case since our King is also king of England, he will be alwayes
oblidg'd to make his principall residence there, and will never
be able to help his being oblidg^d to succumb to English
councils w* respect to Scotland as well as to the other parts of
his dominions, until he make such concessions for that country
as will put things there in a manner out of his own power and
seemingly into the hands of a Scots Parliament, so that it
should be necessary for the subjects of that kingdome to come
to his favour and preferment by the intercession and recom-
mendation of that Pari, which would keep them at home in
place of running to London for procuring that of English
Ministers.
These considerations were the occasion of my forming and
laying before the king some years ago a project or sheme with
regard to Scotland for the king''s giveing concessions to the
subjects of that country then in the time of his being abroad
and not under the power and influence of the English (which
would not be so were it delayed til he were restored and on
his throne).
The king came into this scheme and was graciously pleased
thereupon to grant such concessions for our country as I pro-
posed, by way of Instructions to me as Lord Comissioner of
his first Parliament of Scotland, upon a view there then was
of an undertakeing for his restoration at that time ; together
166 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
with a most gracious letter relating to the whole plan or
scheme. Some time thereafter upon the occasion of such another
designed attempt, his Maj. was pleased to grant and send me
farther Instructions to the same purpose on the representations
I made him.
How these papers came since to be taken out of my hands
after the Bish. of Rochester's comeing to have the chief direc-
tion of the King's affairs, and that Mr. Hay (now Lord Inver-
ness) came to join w* him and act more like a prejudised
Englishman than a Scots man, you already know, and will see
a full account of amongst my papers.^ But before I deliverid
up the instructions, which by his Maj. repeated directions and
orders I was (tho' most unwillingly) necessitated to do, I toke
copies of them which I had attested, and I pray heaven that
you may have an opportunity of makeing them be one day of
service to our country, as they were intended.
There is the same reason for the king's makeing Ireland a
free people and kingdome as Scotland, nor would there be any
real hurt or prejudice to England by either. It would be
greatly for the King's own interest and security, as well as of
the Royal family, to make them both so, and independant of
England and the councils of Englishmen. By so doing Eng-
land would loose none of its priviledges, but unjustly oppress-
ing its neighbour kingdomes, should that be reckoned one. It
would be but justice in the king, tho those two countries had
not appeared so zealous for his and his father's interest as they
have done.
It would even be the interest of these his kingdomes to sup-
port the king, by their doing of w^*^ he would not be un-
reasonable and soly in the power of the English, as his prede-
cessors have been since they came to that crown, for w'^'^ they
have dearly pay'd. It was to the Kings of England and not to
the People or Parliament that Ireland submitted and they
would be as much subjects to the king when out of the de-
pendance of England as now, and have double the power to
serve him. Beside Scotland, tho made entirely free, would
scarce be able to keep itself so and independant, if Irland
were not so too, by which it could assist them.
Upon these considerations I made a short scheme, as I had
^ All these papers were destroyed in the great fire at Alloa.
TO HIS SON 167
made for Scotland, which is also amongst my papers. Could
I have done it and sent it to the king at the time I sent that
for Scotland, he would also, I have reason to believe, have
entered into it.
To effectuat this as to both, it was necessary that the king
should act in concert with some fforeigne power or Prince, by
whose assistance he might be the more easily restored. Ffrance
was the power most proper for this, and I judged it was not
impossible to make the late Duke of Orleans, who then
governed that country of himself (Cardinal Dubois being dead)
to see that the project was for his own and the ffrench interest,
as well as for that of our King. I therefore fell to work and
revised a Memoriall I had before prepaired upon this subject
to have it laid before his Royal Highness. It was accordingly
soon therafter presented to him by Mr. Dillon, with whom I
had often talkt of the affair which he had as much at heart
as I. The Duke of Orleans received it very graciously.^ He
read before Mr. Dillon the letter I wrote along with the
Memoriall, in which I told him that what I did in that was
unknown to the king my master ; but should his R. H.
realish the project I doubted not but his Maj. might be
induced to send powers for treating on it with him. This
I did in case the project should by any chance come to
the English knowledge before the time of its being put in
execution, so that they could charge nothing of it on the
king, should any of them by a mistaken notion take it in ill
^ This, as I have said before, is highly probable. There is every reason to
believe that at one time the Regent was very favourably inclined to the Jacobite
interest. ' The Regent had undertaken to set the Chevalier upon the throne,
in expectation that upon the success of that attempt, the kingdom of Ireland was
to have been made a settlement for his family.' — Memoirs of the Life, Family,
and Character of John late Earl of Stair. ' Upon the whole the more one
thinks of it the more one is amazed at the folly and wickedness of his [the
Prince's] abettors here, and I may add at the weakness of the Regent who can
be diverted by the frenzy of their madness from pursuing his own true interest.'
— Secretary Stanhope to Lord Stair. — Ibid. p. 284. For additional evidence
see a despatch from Stanhope to Lord Stair, dated March 1716. — Ibid. A^^.
vol. i. p. 395. In November 1715 the Earl of Stair again found it necessary to
' memorialise the Regent in very decided terms on the support of the mainte-
nance of the public faith of France as engaged by the articles of the Treaty of
Utrecht.' — Ibid. p. 296.
168 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
part. But although the king was not realie privie to the
Memoriall itself, yet what by the instructions he had sent me for
passing such laws in Scotland upon what I had represented to
him for the interest of that country and what he and Mr. Hay
had wrote to me in answer to my letters, in which I had spoke
of the point of Irland in generall, I thought myself enough
authorized to make this first step, since this project was the
only way [that ?] appear^ w* could bring the Duke of
Orleans to quite his conjunction with King George, and [draw
him ?] into the king's interest ; and that it was upon his Majs,
own account I did it without previously acquainting him, but
was to do it as soon as it was presented.
His R. H., on reading my letter, desired Mr. Dillon to
make me his compliments, to assure me he would read the
Memoriall with attention by himself, and recomended its being
keept very secret. Mr. Dillon did not see him after for some
days, and when he did it was but at his levee one day at
Paris, where he said to Mr. Dillon in a gay, pleased way that
he suposed he should soon see him at Versailes ; but his
sudden death a few days thereafter prevented Mr. Dillon's
doing so. It is to be presumed by the way his R. H. received
the letter and Memoriall, and spoke afterwards to Mr. Dillon,
and its being found on his death in his own escritore, and
addrest with his own hand for M. le Due, that it was not
disagreeable to him, and that he thought it of weight. What
shows his approveing of it still more, was his alowing of the
Duke of Ormond's comeing into Ffrance from Spain and
ordering the expeding of your comission ^ immediately after
his getting the Memoriall, both which had met with interup-
tions and lyen over for some time before.
As soon as the Memoriall was presented, I thought I could
no longer dispense myself with acquainting the king with the
whole, which I immediately did, and sent him a copie of the
Memoriall itself and of my letter to the Duke of Orleans, but
his Majs. was never pleased to write to me anything upon it
since his receiveing the pacquet.
Mr. Hay was on his way to Ffrance from Italy at that time,
Lord Erskine's commission as an ofEcer in the French service.
TO HIS SON 169
but as soon as he returned to Rome he sent a copie of the
Memoriall to the Bishp. of Rochester at Paris, who spoke of it
and exclaimd against it to as many as he saw. How Mr. Hay
can excuse to his country his betrying a secret so much for its
interest, to the man of all England the most prejudicd against
Scotland, I leave to him to find out ; but I am afraid by that
action alone,' without mentioning many others, has done farr
greater hurt to his king and country than ever it will be pos-
sible for him or all his kindred to do them service, were they
ever so much inclined to it. I forgive him for the unworthie
part he has acted towards me ; but I know not if the strictest
rules of Christianity require our pardoning such enormous faults
and prejudices to our king and opprest country. One thing I
will venture to say upon this scheme and memoriall, that if
ever Ffrance be induced to embrace our king''s interest and
endeavour his restoration, it will be upon this foot, and I shall
ever be proud of haveing been the author and proposer of it,
which I judge to be the best service I could do my king and
country, and I am ambitious of no other inscription on my
grave stone, to be remembered by posterity. You will find all
these schemes and the copies of the Instructions by the king
to me, my comission for being comissioner to the Pari, where
they were designed to be past into laws, with the copie of the
Memoriall to the Duke of Orleans and my letter, as also of that
I wrote to the king with the Memoriall, lying all togither in a
little strong-box, with my papers here, and I have endorsed
them (not improperly, I hope) Jewels for Scotland.
I do not pretend that these schemes are perfect, but I hope
the time will still come that there shall be a Scots Pari, acting
on this bottome, which I doubt not will make the establish-
ment and goverment of that country as much so as their situa-
tion and circumstances will allow. The attested copies of the
instructions to me will show what the king was once pleased to
do in favours of that country ; and it gives our countrymen a
good tittle for asking him, or those who succeed to his right,
the granting such concessions again, which haveing been once
granted already can scarce be refused. Before the Scots go
about another attempt for the Restoration, and while the king
is abroad is the fit time for insisting for those concessions (or
170 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
of what they may think better of that kind) being agreed to
in an authentick and irrevocable maner, which will be doing
good service to their king and countrie at the same time.
An establishment of this kind would make the Scots a free
people and happier perhaps than they were even when under a
seperat king of their own liveing amongst them, which could
hardly fail were their neighbours of Ireland made free at the
same time, and to be governed under the king by their own
Pari, and a council of their own countrymen. As it would be
much for the interest of the Royall ffamily these two countries
being upon this footing, by its tying them to be ever a support
to it for their own interest, so would it be their interests to sup-
port one another, and in that way ffrance would find its interest
in being ever a true allie to our king and to support his whole
establishment. To see these happie days, and to have some
share in bringing about these advantages to my native country
and posterity, has been the only thing almost that gave me any
desire for liveing for some years past ; But as things now
unluckily stand I cannot flatter myself w* hopes of days enough
to see the accomplishment of so glorious a work ; you are young
tho and may perhaps come to have that satisfaction, and heavens
grant that you may. Lovers of our country ought ever to have
this in view in their own mind, but not to let zeal make them
go rashly about it, a reasonable caution and waiting a fitt
opportunity is absolutely necessary. Such it was I judg'd when
I went about that work [the Rebellion, 1715] by the kings
orders, and had his Maj. come in time and those of England
ansuered their engagements, both which was so reasonable to
be expected that I could not doubt of it, the success would have
showen I was not mistaken. What happned upon that occasion
is sufficient to show our countrymen that they are not to under-
take it at another time without their being well assured of the
English makeing an attempt in their country at the same time
at least the Scots do in theirs, and of haveing assistance from
abroad in some proportion to the force to be against them at
home on the begining of the attempt, so that they might not
be swalow'd up and crushed before they could gather numbers.
Any harsh usage I have mett w* from whence it was least to be
expected ought not to deterr any good countryman from so
TO HIS SON 171
good a work, the greater share any have in it, the more will be
their honour and the more worthie representatives will they be
of their honest old ancestors, who often endeavoured in such
ways to serve their country, and the honour of doing it is a
reward of itself. The more they cover their designs of this kind
til the fit time come for putting them in execution, the more
likely will they be to succeed, and may God Almighty direct
them aright, give them success in their endeavours, and therafter
the plasur of enjoying the fruits of their labours.
By the schemes above mentioned it appears how necessary it
is for the Scots and Irish to be well togither. They are pro-
bablie come from the same stock and ought to look on one
another as brothers. A good understanding ought to be culti-
vated betwixt them. They have long suffered oppression
togither and from the same hands, so ought they to endeavour
one another's relise and to be supporters of one another's
libertys and freedome ; but without designeing or attempting
to return or revenge the wrongs and hardships they have lyen
so long under, which would be the surest way of preserving
their recovered libertys. The king was pleased some years ago
to give me a warrand for a patent of the Irish Peerage in
consideration of one he had before given me of that of England
being rendered of no use by the project I jhad laid before him
and he came into for Scotland. Should you be so happie to
see a restoration and things put on the footing of the project
above, I would advise you to think of persuing your fortoun in
Ireland rather than in England, it agreeing more with the
interest of y"" own country, to w*^^ you ought always to have
the first and principal regard, and it will be more easie for the
king, on y'' deserveing well of him, to shew you his grace and
favour there by grant or fotherways than in England. My
friend Gen. Dillon, who is of that country, where he has a
considerable interest, and knows my concern for it, will be
ready, I am sure, to give you his advice and assistance in what
relates to this (if he be alive in these days) as well as on other
things, and you can not ask advice of a more worthie, sincer,
honest man. If ever it come to be in y^ power to be servicable
to him or any of his numerous family, the friendshipe I have
met w* from him ought to make you exert y*" self to the utmost
ITS LORD MAR^S LEGACY
in doing of it, as I had not failed of doing had it been in mine
power. In my schems you will see that the Highlanders are
to bear a considerable part. They seem indeed to be the true
remains of the old Scots, and notwithstanding of all the hard-
ships they have mett with, are the people who can be of the
greatest use for reliveing our country when an opportunity
offers. I must for ever acknowledge the obligations I owe
them, as you ought to do, for their ready joining me even
before I could produce the king's comission, which shows
their zeal to their king and country and the confidence they
had in me, as also for their adhering so closely to me in all the
difficulty s I met with at those times, a time of the greatest
tryall. I hope I have not been ungratefull, haveing done all
in my power to have them make the figur and lookt on as they
deserved to be. There is one Highlander now gone, and the
loss of him is a great one to me, as it is to his country. It is
Mr. Campbell of Glendarull.^ He had the misfortoun to have
many enimies when alive, occasioned by his haveing been un-
luckily engaged when very young in that affair of Beaufort or
L*^ Lovat's plot,^ but his youth and unexperience was some
excuse for it, and he hurt nobody by the part he acted therin,
tho it was in his power to have done so. L*^ Bredalbain first
recomended him to me some time before Queen Anne's death,
desireing I might try, know, and prove him well before I should
continue in the bad opinion I had conceived w* others of him
upon comon report. That he had done so and had found
him an honest, active, and sensible man, who was thoroughly
acquainted w* the different humours, intersts, and inclinations
of his countrymen in the highlands, w* whom he could be of
good use, and that he would answer for his being a sincere
well wisher to an interest to w°^ he presumed and hoped I was
no enimie, and that he therby shewd himself a true lover
of his country. I knew L*^ Bredalbain to be a good judge
of men and not easily imposed on, so I resolved to follow his
advice as to this gentleman, forseeing I might have occa-
^ A well-known Jacobite, Sinclair, in his Memoirs, styles him ' a very cunning
fellow.' He would seem to have been much attached to Lord Mar, a circum-
stance which, in Sinclair's eyes, was doubtless sufficient to blacken his character.
* Lord Lovat's infamous outrage on the person of the mother of the Baroness of
Lovat. The details of the plot are too well known to require repetition here.
TO HIS SON 173
sion of such an ane, and I have been farr from haveing reason
to repent doing so, and after tryall puting confidence in him,
w*^^ therafter I did to his death. He was of great use to me in
the Highlands by uniting those gentlemen and preparing things
for the attempt I had in my head some years before it was put
in execution for restoring our king and therby delivering our
country from oppression, in w^^ when it came to be gone about
he acted a very usefull and active part, and was of singular use
to me in my laying measurs and schemes for that affair, as he
was afterwards abroad in many things for the advantage of our
country and particularly of the Highlands, as you will see by
the many usefull papers he wrote on those affairs we had con-
versed on, that are amongest my papers here, that were of great
help to me in the things I was projecting for the advantage of
my country. It was pitty he had not had better education and
knowen more of letters, but he had an admirable good naturall
understanding, and I always found him honest, faithfull, and
closs. I have knowen him often do all in his power to serve those
very people who he knew were doing all they could to asperse
him and do him prejudice w* the king and me. Mr. Dillon is a
witness as well as I of the usefullness he was of in the king's
service since his comeing abroad, and his death was no small loss
to the king, his cause, and our country, whatever he or others
may think of him. Tho he be now gone, I thouglit I owd this
small testimony to his memory, and if ever his papers come to
be seen and considered by sensible people of our country, they
will do him honour, and I wish it may fall in your way to be
servicable to a daughter he has left behind him.
Another who was of good use in our affair in Scotland was
Mr. Paterson, who served as Secretary at warr there, and I
were much to blame did I not here own and attest the good and
disinterested part he acted of w^'^ the whole armie was witness.
He has behaved himself since comeing abroad in the same way,
and has suffred severely w*=^ he was farr from deserveing, and it
was the greater grife to me that it was perhaps partly upon the
account of his atachment and honesty to me, and that it was
not in my power to do anything for him. I wish you may find
an opportunity of makeing that up to him, and you cannot do
for honester man.
174 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
I must not here omitt good, honest, Col. Clepham,^ who so
generously left the service of the present government, where he
might have been very easie, and came to me in Scotland, where
I was in great want of those who understands as he does the
business of a souldier. He did very good service, and it was a
misfortoun to our affairs that some times for humouring of
some for whom I was oblidgd to have regard, I could not
follow his advice, and particularly at Sherifmoor. I have great
concern and esteem for him, and you cannot do better when
you have an opportunity than to do all you can to be serviceable
to him and his children, w''^^ 1 ow him and they have reason to
expect from you on my account.
1 have lost another friend and cousin of yours, to my great
regrait, who was very servicable to me and the affairs I was
about at that time, as he has also been during our being on this
side the sea, Mr. Will. Erskine,^ brother to the Earle of Buchan.
He was a very pretty fellow and deserved a much better fate
than he had, but death has freed him of the uneasinesses he
sufFred in this world, and tho his honesty and worth makes me
not doubt of his being now happie in the next, I cannot but be
afflicted for the loss the cause and I have of him, and I wish
heartily that it may some time or other ly in y"^ power and in
mine to show the true value I had for him by doing for the
children he has left poor behind him.
It is vt grife of heart I find myself now oblidg''d to mention
here the king, but being but to you alone, my concern for my
country in general, and you in particular, in a maner forces
me. I heartily forgive all the unjust and unmerited treatment
I have met with from him, and wish God may not lay it to his
charge. Most of those who served him before me, haveing met
with much the same measur, I have the less cause to complain.
With all the respect to the regard due to him, I may say that
he has been an unluckie man from his cradle, and is now
following such courses that he is likely to be yet more unfor-
tunat than ever providence seemed to designe he should.
^ An Englishman, and mightily abused by Sinclair. He saw considerable
service in the wars in the Low Countries.
2 Captain William Erskine, deputy-governor of Blackness Castle. He married
Margaret, daughter of Colonel John Erskine, deputy-governor of Stirling Castle.
TO HIS SON 175
I pray God that he may soon become sensible of his mistakes,
and amend his unaccountable conduct and strange ways, which
if he do not, he is like eer long to leave himself but very few
friends, to make the restoration of the royall family and of
our country by it uterly impracticable during his being in this
world at least, if not to extinguish the cause.^ And by his
actings already it has but too much the appearance of his
indifference, and little regard to anything of that kind. Some
of his predecessors had the misfortoun to be led away by
worthless favourites as he is, tho' non of them (not even
K. J. 3rd of Scotland) to such a degree. There was some
remedy always with them for that at home, but there is like to
be non for it with him abroad, when he is blind to all that can
be said to him by anybody but those who are to be complained
of. God help him and honest men who have their dependance
on him. When the right comes to be in his children, if they
have mettle and good understanding, and that the situation of
Europe then chance to be favourable, they may perhaps suc-
ceed in recovering pocession of their right ; but their ffather's
odd conduct may be so fresh in people's memories that it may
be a heavie load upon them, and they run a great hazard,
both by their education and another ffamilies being so long
and well esteablished and fixt on the thron ; and at best at
this time there can be no prospect of it for a good number of
years. What is therefore to be done in the meantime ? Are
those who are true lovers of their country to be idle
spectators, and let it be pulFd to pieces, oppresst more and
more every day, as it cannot fail of being the longer it goes
on in the way it is, without endeavouring to prevent it ? Are
people to let their families and poor remains of their fortouns
(shipwrackt for the cause) go entirely to ruin and starve, for
the king's being monopolized and governed by insignificant
favourits when honest men, lovers of their country, are not
suffered to do anything for its relise, and that of their sinking
families upon the king's account, and only to feed themselves
with the distant and uncertain hopes of an event which is
more likely never to happen than that it will ? No, Sure, it is
^ An allusion to the Prince's unfortunate quarrel with his consort.
176 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
impossible the laws of God, of natur, or of man can require it
of them. They must do the best way they can, conforme to
the circumstances in which providence has placed them and
things. Their country and ffamilies require the best service
always they can do in one way, if there be no opportunity of
doing it in another more agreeable to their own sentiments.
And if it be design''d by him who disposes of kingdomes as
seemeth good to him, that things should take another turn, he
will make opportunitys for bringing it about so to offer and
incline peoples hearts to lay hold of them, which honest men
and lovers of their country will not fail of doing, and submit
to his good will and pleasur in the meantime, and how he shall
think fit to dispose of them therafter.
You ow many obligations to Lady Mar, and tho she has not
a way of making a show of her concern for anybody, she has
been as much so about you, and realie kind as if she had born
you. I doubt not of her continueing to be so when I am gone,
and assisting you every way she can.
Do not repine at^her, or y"^ sister's ^ provisions, tho they may
seem too great for the esteat, as things have happned they
were reasonable in the way I was at the makeing of them,
and things would have answerd for the good of the ffamilie by
that mariage had not unforseen accidents prevented, of w''^ non
of the least was my being oblidgd to apply Lady Mar's
fortoun or portion to the paying of my debts at London, on
my leaveing it, and going to Scotland by the king's comands
w'''* had not been just for me to have left unsatisfied, or a fond
for doing it, nor had it been for the king's honour nor mine
considering the bussiness I was going about. My being thus
oblidgd to apply this money w°^ I had designed for clearing
the remaining old debts on the esteat, was occasioned by my
not being pay'd my appointments in Queen Anne's time, when
I was one of the three principall secretarys of state for Great
Britain, above six thousand pounds being still due, as it is
likly ever to be. My being in the service, and in that station
oblidg'd me to live at London, and in the maner I did, so that
my contracting these debts there was unavoidable, and non of
^ Lord Erskine's half-sister. She married James Erskine, son of Lord
Grange, Lord Mar's brother.
TO HIS SON 177
my fault, expecting (as I had reason to do) my appointments
for the clearing of them, by all w* you may see that L^y Mar's
money not being apply'd for clearing the esteat was more by
misfortoun than anything else.
That mariage has proved happie to me. It gave me a
virtuous woman of very good sense, and admirable good equall
temper, that I had long loved, and who has since been an
agreeable companion and kind friend in my misfortouns, she
looking always on our intrests to be the same, and bearing our
hard fate with a good heart, and without repining. She has
behaved herself w* such prudence both at home and abroad that
she has acquired the esteem of all who know her, and since our
mariage, it was the more a time of tryall of her good sense and
discretion, that she is of and was bred up in a fFamily w'^^ thought
and acted in a very different way from me in publick affairs,
but neither that nor what might be her own oppinion of those
maters did not hinder her from behaveing herself as became
my wife both on my going (without acquainting her) to Scot-
land, and the time of my being in amies there, and also on her
being at Rome w*^ me in the king's family, and attending after-
wards on the Queen, where, in his Maj. and my absence, she met
w* sucli treatment from him ^ who had the direction of the
king's affairs there as gave her occasion for all her temper, w*^''
she likewise had at the time of the King and Queen's mariage.
She never likt or inclined to medle in politicks, nor was
solicitous or inquisitive to know any thing of them from me,
nor did she ever offer to advise me in them, nor w*^ reguard to
myself or the uneasie situation I have been in for these severall
years abroad, but with a true reguard to my honour preferable
to any worldly interested concern. By these try alls, and my
knowing her otherways so well I may venture to assure you
that notwithstanding of her education in another way of
thinking as to the politicks from us, and of her being of
another country, whose interest may seemingly sometimes
appear to clash w* that of ours, yet that she will never advise
you to any thing inconsistant with your honour or the interest
of y"^ country and farr less make a bad use of any thing she may
^ Colonel Hay.
178 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
chance to discover of designs for the service of it in any way. It
will be y"" intrest as it is your duty to be observant of her,
avoiding all disputs about what may in strickness or nicity be
thought to belong to you or her, as I doubt not but she will
with reguard to you, and this will be the wa,y of makeing an
usefull friend of her, as well as a kind mother. . . .
Clanshipe in our country is what ought to be encouraged
and keept up as much as possible, both upon account of the
publick and privat intrest. You are to be at the head of one
w"^^ tho not so numerous as those in the highlands, is perhaps
as old, and has not been inconsiderable in Scotland. There
are severall of our name I am oblidg'd to, and I doubt not but
that all of them will be assisting to you when they see you
have the intrest of y*" country and familie at heart. Endeavour
to keep them united, w'^^ is the way to make them considerable,
and if you be assisting to one another, and act with good and
upright intentions you may surly be so there, and consequently
elsewhere, however things go, and I hope it may come to be in
y*" power to be servicable to them, as I intended to be, had it
pleased God to have prospered my endeavours. But let not fond-
ness for those of your own clan and kindred make you neglect
those of merit, who shall deserve well of you of another. . . .
You have providence to thank that you have been more luckie
in y"^ education than I was, and I bless God that you seem to
have profited of it. May he in his goodness indue you with
wisdome, w'^'^ is what you ought to ask w*^ earnestness of him.
My designe of geting you placed in the ffrench service,
was to keep you from being idle, and to make you by times
know something of Avhat belongs to a souldier, that you may
be the fitter for service of y*" king and country when an op-
portunity shall offer. Had the late Duke of Orleans lived,
you would have been soon preferrd, but unless a young man
have such a support there is little encouragment for a
stranger in the ffrench service, so I leave it to y"" self to consider
whether to continue in it or not, and you will determine as you
shall find most conduceing to the wellfair of y'' affairs. . . .
Let your chife care and studdie ever be how you can be
most servicable in the station in w'^^ Providence places you,
to God in the first place, to your country in the next, and
TO HIS SON 179
consequently to your king, and then to your fFamily and
friends, in w* you yourself is comprehended. You ought
to wait and studdy fitt opportunitys for all, and recall to
your mind the great and noble things you may see in history
that our ancestors the brave Scots have done in their days
for the ffreedome and preservation of our country, when it
was as low, and some tymes lower still than it now is, w^*^
their resolution effectuated, and let us not in these latter
times seem un worth ie to be come of them.
You have such principalis already that I hope honesty in
all your ways and dealings will be naturall to you. Do not
neglect acquireing riches when you have becomeing oppor-
tunitys, but let not that be your chife view and aim, and
endeavour more to be good than rich.
Being a good friend, and observant of those to whom you
ow it, and are civil to you, will be of great use, pleasur and
advantage, and it is the way to make others so to you ; but
be very cautious in the choise of y"" intimat friends, and try
them by degrees before you trust them entirely, and when you
have once trusted them, be as cautious of throwing them off
or becomeing cool to them.
I should be glad that you were well w* those with whom
I have been in friendshipe, and it is natural to think that
they will be readier to be true friends to you than others.
Those who have once been in friendshipe w'' one, and have
failed one by unkindness, ill offices, or ingratitud, whether rela-
tions or others (and who has been without meeting w^ such ?) for-
give them as I do, but be on y*" guard with them, and knowe them
thoroughly, and have new and good experience and convinceing
proofs of their amendment before you trust much to them.
The situation of our affairs and the good of our family
require y*" marying as soon as you can find and compass an
advantagous match. The choise of a Avife is perhaps the step
in a man's life of the greatest consequence to him, and on w'='^
his own peace, happiness, and tranquility most depends, and
there is nothing w°^^ shews more his good or bad sense, discretion
and conduct, so that it ought to be gone about w* great circum-
spection, thought, and caution. Take care you mary not for
love alone, that soon goes off where there is not a foundation of
180 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
other good qualitys to support it, but be sure you do not mary
where you cannot love. Avoid a disagreeable woman, but be
carefull that beauty temp you not to judge wrong, and a good
temper and being Avell made in her person is much more to be
wished for in a wife than beauty, so let the mind and temper charm
you more than the body, and the resonableness of the body more
than the beauty of the face. Where any great defect has been
much or frequently in a family, espetially those distempers w*^'^
run in the blood, avoid the marying into it. One in y"^ circum-
stances, espetially who^ has a good old family to support and
keep from sinking, is oblidg'd in the choise of a wife to have
great regard to convenience and the fortoun she has, but this
ought not to be pushed so farr as evidently to make himself
unhappie by it. Happiness not consisting in great riches but a
competencie is necessary. It ought to be great and valuable
considerations that should make you mary much below your
own quality and degree. Non of y"^ predecessors have hitherto
done it, but in these days there is but too little regard had to
this both in England and ffrance. It is more reasonable for
one to mary one of his own country than of another if a party
can be found and obtaind there sutable to his circumstances,
and tho her fortoun should not be quite so great as he might
perhaps find elsewhere, she is to be preferd if the person of the
woman please, and she be of good parents and suitable quality.
After all y"^ care in the choise of a wife, and w^^ you are
oblidgM to have, y"^ happening well, depends on God, his
directions and assistance you ought to ask w* earnestness, and
I hope he will be graciously pleased to take care of you and
guid you aright in it. May you be no less luckie than I was
in the choise of y' mother, who it was my misfortoun to loose
much too airly, and tho her fortoun was but small, w^^ was
what I minded less than my circumstances required, she made
it up in her good qualitys.
Tho your friends, Lords Grange and Dun, have purchest the
old esteat of the ffamily for you, there is great occasion for y""
looking carefully after it, all endeavours to be made to get
them repay'd, w* thanks for their trouble, and its being estab-
lished and fixt on your own person and then to have it well
manadged and the old debts still remaining or what comes in
TO HIS SON 181
place of them to y' tuo friends cleard and extinguished. I hope
and trust that the same good providence that has hitherto so
evidently taken care of us, will find out and put in y"" way
means to enable you to do this. I still believe, as your affairs
are at present, that it will be for y'' interest to dispose of
the esteat in the north, as you wrote to y"" unckle last year,
the jurisdictions being taken away and y"" unckle being under
engadgments to sell the superioritys, makes the rest not worth
keeping, and the money that may be got for it can be laid out
to better advantage. I would still have keept there some
mark of its haveing belonged to the ffamily upon many accounts
and I do not see a better way for that than what was proposed
in the letter above mentioned to L*^ Grange.^
In the course of y"" life, when you come to be settled and
that business absolutely necessary leads you not else where, it
will be y"" interest to live at home as much as y'' affairs in the
world, and pushing y"" fortoun in an honourable way, will per-
mitte, and endeavour to take pleasur in doing so.
Alloa, the seat of the ffamily, is a fine place as any in our
country and, after y"" knowing of it well, it will induce you to
like and improve it as I always was a doing, and if I judge
right of y'' disposition the more you do in that way, the fonder
you will be of liveing much there.
If ever you come to be rich enough to incress the esteat, it
will be your intrest and that of the ffamily to purchess near to
Alloa than anywhere else and the nearer it be still the better.
The esteat of Clackmanan w'^^^ joins it would be the most con-
venient purchess you can make.
If Capt. Bruce or his son be able to keep the mantion-house
and that part of the esteat of w*^** they are now posesst, be sure
not to envie them of it, but on the contrair it will be an
honourable part for you to do all you can to help and conduce
to their keeping of it, even tho you should make the purchess
from Mr. Dalrimple (proprietor of the estate of Clackmanan),
as also what you otherwise can to serve that honest, honour-
able, ancient family, as is becomeing one of ours who has so long
^ I am unable to say what that proposition may have been, as the letter
referred to is not included in either the Memorial or Legacy.
182 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
been their neghbours ; but should they unluckily not be able
to keep it, or that their own convenience make them incline to
dispose of it, do all you can to be the purchasser. In the case
of its becomeing y''% the hill on w'=^ the house stands, w* the
wood on the north side, if inclosed with a wall, would make a
fine and beautiful Park for Red and any other kind of deer, and
lying so near to the parks of Alloa would be as if it were a
part of them, w* it should be continued to be by you and
those who succeed to you.
I was to blame, as my ffather was, for going about repairing
the old House of Alloa, w*^^ was more fitt to be made a quarrie,
but we were both led into it by degrees for present convenience,
and never being rich enough to undertake the building of a
new house all at once. That may come to be y'' case too,
and is likely to be so. The house is now in such a way to
be made a tolerable good and agreeable one within, tho not
very beautiful and regular without, with no great charge, so
that it is not to be quite dispised, and I would not advise you
to pull it down, unless you come to be more opulent than
there is at present any appearance. By the latest Draughts
and designes for it you will find amongest my drawings, you will
see that it can be made, by degrees and a little at a time, con-
venient and agreeable w* a great deal of Loding, and not a
very bad figur of an irregular one, not pretending to Arche-
tectur, and such a one as any subject may live handsomely in,
and its being to be made so by degrees will make the doing of
it easie to you, without incomoding y*" affairs. There is some-
thing in the old Tower, espetially if made conforme to the
new designe, w*^'^ is venerable for its antiquity and makes not a
bad appearance, and would make one regrait the being oblidg^d
to pull it down, w^^ must be done were there a new house to
be built, the gardens, avenues, and courts and the whole
designe of all about it, being so farr made to answer to the old
house, that a new one behoved to be built in the same place.
My naturall genious running much after things of this kind,
occasioned perhaps my bestowing too much of my time that
way, but it was a pritty amusement, and you may profet by it
from the designs I have made and leave you for this place, and
so bestow y*' own time to better purpose. The Plan you caried
TO HIS SON 183
home w* you of Alloa, is a pritty good one and the designes of
the gardens and Parks were mostly made by me before my
being abroad and had not much opportunity of seeing things
of that natur, I altred very little when I lastly made this plan.
I am farr from tying you down to it, the liberty of pleasing
ones own fancy in this as in other things being what gives the
great pleasur, but because I have thought so much on these
designes, know the place so thoroughly, and have some know-
ledge and understanding of these matters, you ought to be well
advised before you alter them or follow any other.
You should endeavour to live well w* all y"" nighbours and in
good friendshipe and intelligence. When there happens at any
time what may occasion difference w* any of them, as often
does, take care not to be the agressor and endeavour always to
have things accomodated w* them in a friendly maner, with-
out going to law, rather than that yealding in things not very
essentiall and to be usefull to them w'^^ is the way to live
agreeablie at home and to make y*" own life easie.
So long as you have the esteat in Aberdineshire it will be
for your advantage to visit it some times, and to pass the
months of August and September in Braemar, once in tuo
years is not too often : that will make you know y*" people and
give them occasion of knowing you, w'^^ is absolutly requiset
in a highland interest espetially. It will give you an oppor-
tunity too of being acquainted with the gentelmen of the rest
of the highlands and of being in concert, friendshipe, and good
understanding w* them, w'^^ may come to be of service and
advantage to y"" country in general and y"^ self in particular, so
it is what I earnestly recomend to you and even should you
come to sell that esteat, it will still be worth y'' while to
visit that country sometimes, to hunt in it and keep up
acquaintance w* the inhabitants, since you are to reserve a
right to the huntings and being attended there, as by the
scheme you sent to your unckle last year about disposeing of
that esteat w* some reservations, w"^^ still appears to me the
more fitt and necessary the longer I think of it.
If you be ever so luckie to recover y"^ hereditary right of gover-
nour, constable, and keeper of Stirling Castle, it will not be amiss
for you to live sometimes there in winter as y"^ predecessor the
184 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
Treasurer often did, even after our king went to England and
that there was no court there ; but should our king come to be
desirous to have all such goverments w* other jurisdictions
restord to the crown (as I judge were we again a free people
and kingdome of ourselves it is for the interest of our country
they should) be not you refractiory in quitting w* y''^ for an
adequate price, w* certainly the king and Pari, would give.
Tho you should not have the Castle of Stirling to live in,
you have a good shell of a house in the town, w*^*^ cost your
predecessor, the Regent, considerablie. It wants to be repaired
w''*^ is necessar to be done and w* some alterations and additions
w* would not cost much would be a very good convenient
house ^ for you to live in, as is proposed y*" doing in the Castle
should it be restord you. The principall apartment of this
house has been designdly and rightly made so high up that it
might overlook the town and have the prospect of the country
w*^*^ it has fully and is as fine an one as is to be seen anywhere.
The house has a fine appearance to the street and out of
regard and respect to the builder, it behoves the ffamily that
is to come of him not to part w* this house or to let it go
to ruin, so I recomend the preservation of it to you.
There is no liveing in the world without trust, but be very
cautious of trusting entirely the sole manadgment of y*" affairs
to any one servant : understanding of them y*' self, looking
often into them, and haveing the chife direction, will make
you be well served and be of great advantage to you many
ways. The oftner accounts are cleard w* servants the better,
and to ease you in such a troublesome task, w^^^ was ever very
disagreeable to me, as perhaps it may be to you, you will do
well to get a friend or two to assist you, as my brother and
L'' Dun used to do me.
I had two very good servants in their stations, who are
both now emploied again in y'" affairs, John Watson and Alex-
ander Rait, who served me w* great affection, application, and
honesty, as I doubt not of their still doing you. Be kind to them
1 Much more of the building, now commonly known as ' Mar's work,' must
have been standing at the period Lord Mar writes about it, as very little now
remains of it. It is still the property, however, of the head of the Erskine
family.
TO HIS SON 185
and it will be for y"" advantage, I think, and ease that they agree
and live well together, haveing no personall broils nor drawing
different ways, w<=^ you should take care to prevent and cure if
any be. I know some may not be of this oppinion, thinking
when servants disagree the master is the less apt to be imposed
upon and cheated, but that is not just reason in my oppinion,
who hate to see people out of humour w* one another, whether
inferiors or equalls, an honest man will be an honest man still
and serve honestly, and so will a rogue follow his own ways
and cheat you in spite of all cheques upon him.
Be kind to those who have served me or my ffather well, as
I doubt not you will be to those who serve you so. It is a
creditable thing to see old servants about a house or ffamily
and their children taken care of and comeing into the service
in their own time or after them. This has been much the
custome w* our predecessors and it is too comendable to be
forgot. Good servants are seldome found, but when they are,
deserve to be well and kindly used and y'' doing so will be a
great mean of y' being well served.
Be not bookish or sedentary ; use such sports, diversions,
and exercises as you shall like best in a moderat way and
without giveing yourself up too much to them ; those on horse-
back or walking will be better for y"" health than phisick and
keep you from laziness w'^^ renders one unfit for the service of
his country.
I have not observed you to be overfond of play, a great
happiness, but be still on y"" guard against it since it wants but
a beginning and a little habitud to take too much hold of one
and scarce ever fails ruining those given up to it. I do not
mean tho by this that you should follow my example, since the
time you can remember me, in not playing at all, w'^'^ is an
extream on the other side for w"^^ I am to blame ; But I am
too old now to learn the games of cardes, w''^ I never likt, and
this absteaning from play was occasion d by my over love of
one kind of game when young, the Dice or hazard, of w''^ I
was passionatly fond and playd for a good deal of money and
more than was fitt or convenient for my affairs, tho I came off
with little or no loss. When one loves any game to such a
degree, it is scarce to be cured without quitting of it entirely,
186 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
w^^ was the resolution I toke, first for a year, w* I observed,
and that toke away my itch for playing at any game of cliance,
that I never after had any inclination to play at any again : I
somtimes tho playM at some of the little gams of cardes and
at dice too, but rarly at either and only when in a maner
forced to it and for complesance to the company. A little
moderat play when the company is for it is allowable and even
necessary everywhere, but in ffrance there is no keeping com-
pany almost without it, and I have been often angrie w* myself
for not knowing all the games of cards a little, it giveing a
man an ill and acquard air in company not to do as others
do in such innocent things : and when nighbours and fFriends
come to see you, it looks as if you did not mind them enough
or atend to what is for their entertainment, w'^'^ is always dis-
agreeable and offencive and what you should be on y*" guard
against.
I must not forget to mention y"" musick, than w'^^ there
cannot be a more agreeable, innocent amusement, and amuse-
ments of one kind or other are absolutly necessary, and the
man who has a taste of non is to be pitied ; But pray take care
of giveing up too much of y"" time to such a bewitching thing,
as perhaps I did to my archetectur and designing. Amuse-
ments, tho necessary, to recreat and unbend our spirits and
minds from more serious things and of moment, they ought
never to make us neglect our affairs or what we may be more
usefully emploied about, for the service of our ffamily, genera-
tion or country, in respect of w*^'^ amusements or what the
Italians call virtu are but trifles.
I had the service of the Church of England sett up at Alloa,
for w*^*^ I made a chaple, it being nearest to my own way of
thinking in those maters, a medium betwixt the bare unbe-
comeing nakedness of the Presbiterian service in Scotland, and
the gadie, affected, and ostentive way of the Church of Rome.^
You may be perhaps too in this way of thinking about it, and
may have a mind to have that service set up again there, but
be sure to choose a fitt time for it. The minister of the place
will be angrie about it, but I would not fall out w* him, do
See also the letter printed for the first time in the Appendix to this Book.
TO HIS SON 187
what he could, and I would not scruple going sometimes to his
church and joining in the service. Endeavour in that case to
keep good agreement betwixt those wlio frequent the one and
fother service, and never let their frequenting either be the
occasion of y*" kindness, dislike or neglect of any.
You know this long, constant and closs friendshipe that has
been betwixt my Lord Loudon ^ and me and also Lord Stair,^
tho differing much in publick affairs for some years past, but
that should be no cause of breach of privat friendshipes, as it
never was w* us, and tho the correspondance has ceased between
us, I believe we are still the same to one another. I hope you
shall find them friends to you too, and let it not fail on y"^ side.
There was a strick friendshipe, and real affection too, betwixt
the late Duke of Queensberry ^ and me, as there had been
betwixt our fathers. I had many substantiall obligations to
the last Duke, who's memory is very dear to me. I en-
deavoured all I could to requitt his friendshipe to me what-
ever the malice of some made them say to the contrary, I
never feald in the least title to him and I had been unworthie if I
had. He knew this well himself, as appeard by the kindness
he exprest for me on his death bed a little before his expiring,
and his recomending to those who were with and had a depend-
ance on him to have thereafter the same on me. I heartily wish
and hope that the like friendshipe may be betwixt our sons.
You are no stranger to the intimacie and true friendshipe
that is betwixt L*^ Lansdown ^ and me, he is a worthie honest
man, and has less of that humour of oppressing and keeping
at under our country than any of the English who has been in
business I ever knew, tho I believe there is not one of them
who likes their own country better nor would do more to serve
it. This goodness and justness of his ought to recomend him
much to all our countrymen, and I know y*" esteem for him is
such that there is no need of my recomending to you the
continuance, and cultivating your friendshipe w* him.
^ Hugh Campbell, third Earl of Loudon. He was a strong Presbyterian, and
fought against Mar at Sheriffmuir.
- The well-known diplomatist and politician.
2 The second Duke. He died July 6th, 171 1.
^ The well-known poet and politician.
188 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
There is another countryman of his and friend of y" as well
as mine, tis L*^ Blanford.^ He has a good oppinion of you and
I believe loves you. He will have it in his power to be of
use to you, but his friendshipe is as valuable, and as much to
be courted for his vertuous good qualitys as for his high con-
dition in the world.
You have had obligations y'' self from the Duke of Argyll
and L*^ Islay, as y' unckle Grange informed you. Tho they
and I have been often on different sides in publick affairs, yet
we have been frequently on the same side too and good friends.
I have had essentiall obligations myself from the Duke of
Argyll, of which I am still sensible, and wish I had it in my
power to return, w*^^ I would not fail doing if ever it be. I
hope they will continue their friendshipe to you, and I have
too good an oppinion of your good heart to think you will ever
give them or others cause to repent of the favours that have
or shall be shewen to you. Our family has twice maried into
theirs, so we are come of it, and as is comonly said in
Scotland, Blood is thicker than water and ought to be minded.
There are other two cousins of ours who have had occasion
to give proofs of their worth, honesty, and good heart. Lord
Pitsligo 2 and S"^ John Erskine of Alva." I hope the same love
and friendshipe will go on and continue betwixt you and them
that was betwixt them and me, as also w* their children.
There is a gentleman in Scotland who has had a great
friendshipe for me, and I for him, ever since we were
acquainted when young at Edinbrugh, Robert Moray, brother
to Abercarnie,* he is a very honest man, and it has been often
my great regrait that by one thing or other it never was in my
power to get something done for him for makeing his circum-
stances in the world more easie. Should it chance ever to fall
in y' way to be servicable to him, do not, pray, fail it, upon
the account of the long friendshipe that was betwixt us.
^ William, Marquis of Blandford, son of Henrietta, Duchess of Marlborough,
and Lord Godolphin.
- Alexander Forbes, fourth and last Lord Forbes of Pitsligo. He took part
in the affair of '15 and subsequently in that of '45.
^ The Erskines of Alva were a branch of the Mar family.
■* William Moray of Abercairney, Perthshire.
TO HIS SON 189
Mr. Stewart of Invernity was my companion and school
fellow at the coledge, and the friendshipe that was betwixt us
then has never lesned since. He was also my fellow traveller
and prisoner when I was arested at Geneve, and all the time
of my confinement there, as you know. I am pleased w* seeing
that there is also now a friendshipe betwixt you and him, so I
need not, I know, say anything to you for the doing him all
the service that shall be in y' power.
You know honest Mr. Symmer and Mr, Minize so well y""
self, as also T)°^^ Stewart, who to all I am much oblidged, that
there's no occasion, I know, to recomend them to you, but
forget not to make them my last and kind compliments.
You should endeavour to be at pains to have the geneologic
and historicall account of our ifamily made up truely in writing,
■w'^h yf unckle Grange and severall others in Scotland can help
you in, and you will find amongst my papers here something of
it wrote by me from such helps and lights as I could find here.
If it shall please God that I die in fli-ance or anywhere else
abroad, I hope you will join w* L'^^ Mar in seeing what debts
I may be owing to tradspeople, servants, and otherways for
liveing, cleard and satisfied. You know how farr we were from
liveing extravagantly, but Lady Mar s jointure, and the interest
of y"^ sister's mony was all we had to live on for severall years
past,^ w<=^ was neether fully nor regularly pay'd til y'' unckle
and cousin 2 purchest the esteat, W^^ with the severall falls of
the mony made it unavoidable for us not to run in some debt,
and once being so, it was as impossible for us to live and clear
that beside, when we came to be regularly payd, only by these
fonds, even when the ariars of this jointure were pay'd up.
It is no great matter what becomes of a man's body when
the breath of life is once out of it ; But tho I should die abroad,
I wish to be buried w* my ancestors at home. Wherever my
death hapen, I hope I shall not be so destitut of friends to
have non to take care to find some proper place where to
put my body to rest and remain free from insult, until it can
^ This frank confession of poverty is scarcely agreeable to the accounts of the
large sums of money which Mar is said to have received from the British Govern-
ment, in return of his services in betraying Jacobite secrets to the Ministers of
King George. - Lord Dun.
190 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
conveniently, by the advice and direction of you and such
friends and relations as you shall think fit to consult, be trans-
ported to Alloa, and there, without eclat or giveing disturb-
ance to any, to be decently and privatly inter'd by a few of
my friends and relations.
If it shall please God so to order that you shall come to be
tolerablie easie in y"^ affairs, w*^*^ in his goodness I hope he
shall, I recomend to you the haveing a Monument of Marble
made and erected for the ffamily, in the Isle of the church of
Alloa, over the vault or burying place, conforme to a Designe
w*^'^ is amongest my Drawings. This monument and the altera-
tion of the Isle would not be very chargable, but I do not strictly
tey you down to this designe for it, leaveing you at liberty to
alter it according to y"" own fancie w* the advice of those you
may consult, who understand and have a right teast of such
things, as y"^ acquaintance Mr. Gibb,^ to whom pray make my
compliments. I leave you also at freedome as to the inscrip-
tions to be put on the monument, and I shall leave amongst
my papers what occurs to me for them.
I shall inlarge no more here, my dear Tom, on advices to you.
I hope y'" own good sense and understanding will be such that
you shall have no occasion for them, but those I have here
given occurring to me now when my thoughts were much and
concernedly taken up about you at writeing these sheets, and
seeming so necessary to me for your conduct, honour, and
happiness in the world, that I could not keep myself from
recomending them to you. I shall conclud w* this one, To
have always in y"^ view and endeavour to come up to merit and
deserve such a character as was given by an excellent Poet,^
tho bad yet great man, of our Predecessor the good Regent,
your great grandfathers great grandfather the Earle of Mar.
' Si quis Areskinum memorit
Per bella ferocem
Parce gravem uulli
Tempore utroque Priunij' etc.
1 The well-known architect. Lord Mar started him in business in London,
out of gratitude for which Gibb left his children the whole of his fortune.
2 Buchanan.
TO HIS SON 191
My hard fortoun haveing made me have little or rather nothing
to leave you, you must accept of my papers as my Legacie, for
want of a better w* you would have got if I had had it. And
as my endeavours to serve my king, country, ffriends. Relations,
and ffamily, even in the way w*^'^ appeard to be most honour-
able, just, and right (an wherein if I was mistaken I hope I shall
be forgiven) has ever been my intention and chife designe, I
trust to the goodness of that great exalted and eternall Being
who made and governs us all, and has still provided for me,
will also be graciously pleased to do so for you, who is like to
begin the world w* as many difficulties as I did, but who, I
hope, shall finish his course more luckily than I am like to do,
tho you cannot do it with more peace of mind, submission and
resignation to the will and pleasur of our Maker than I am
now readie to do, and hope in his goodness to be when it shall
please him to call me out of this transitory, troublesome world.
The hopes I have in you and my little girle contributing not a
little to it, and I must heartily thank him for haveing blest me
w* such children, who, I beg and earnestly pray, he may alwayes
have in his protection w* our flf'amily, keep it from perishing,
and make it of use in his service, and in that of our king and
country for many ages to come.
Now, my dear son, may all blissings on this side of time and
t'other attend you and my dear Daughter. May you be an
honour to y"" country, ffamily, friends, and Relations. May you
be indued with parts and qualitys suetable to your station,
and the part you are to act in the world, and may you live
long and comfortablie. These are the earnest wishes and
fervent prayers of a very affectionat, Loveing, tender fFather,
who is sorry for his faults towards God and man, and hopes to
die in peace and forgiveness with all the world, when it shall
please the Great God Almighty to call him from it, who was
so graciously pleased to creat and give him being in [the ?]
world, and to call him, he hopes, to a better, Resigning and
trusting his Soul to his INIercy and forgiveness, through the
Merits of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ our
Redeemer. MAR.
DIRECTIONS CONCERNING THE MONU-
ment to be erected in the isle of the
Church of Alloa.
CMllon, March 1726.
The Monument to be an obilisk of Black marble, w* a
heart on the tope of which, and a flame comeing out of it of
guilt brass. The obilisk standing on a Pedestall of a different
colourd marble, and Trofies of guilt brass to be on the four
sides of the obilisk. Two sides to be made up of Broad swords,
targets. Highland guns and pistols, powder horns and bagpipes,
after the way of the Highlanders armeing. The other two
sides to be of the ordinar and modern armour as now used and
a comander in chifes batton.
In one place of the Tropheis to be a representation of a
bundle of Papers teyd togither, and Indorsed Jewels for Scot-
land, anno 1722 and 1723.
One one side of the Pedestall, on a scutchon stuck to it, to
be the armes of Mar and Erskine as is now used by me. On
the side opposit, The Earle of Mars armes w* the Earle of
Panmure's impaled. On another side Earle Mar's armes w*
Earle KinnouFs impaled. And on the forth side, L"^ Mar's
armes wt the Duke of Kingston's impaled.
The obilisk to be placed on the pedestall, the angles of the
one contrair to the other, and supported on two Lyons and two
grifons couchant of Brass guilt.
On the four corners of the Pedestall to be four weeping boys
of white marble standing.
THE MONUMENT 193
The plain field on each side or Dado of the pedestall to be
of white marble, on w'^'^ to be cut or ingraved such inscriptions
as shall be thought proper by L*^ Erskine.
The Monument to be placed over the vault or Burying place,
betwixt the two stairs that lead up to L*^ Mar's seat in the
church. A stair to be made from the door of L*^ Mar's low
seat into the body of the church, down to the vault or burying
place, w'^^ stair to be so coverd comonly w* planks or shutters,
that they can be easily taken up or opned when ther 's occasion
of entering into the vault.
The vault of the Isle to be taken away, for the roof to be
made higher on account of the Monument, and a cupola made
directly over it, w* rooms made of each side of the Isle, all w'^'*
will be more clearly seen by the Designe or Drawght.^
^ This Monument was never erected. The tower of the old church of Alloa
is still standing, but little else. The modern church is close to the site of the
old one.
194) LORD MAR'S LEGACY
TO MY DEAR SON THOMAS, LORD ERSKINE
My dear Tom, — / cannot, I thhik, bettei'Jill up this book than
with inserting my schemes and designs Jor the good of our
country, calVd in the forgoing sheets JE WELS, and which I
m,ay now entitle
MY LEGACIE TO SCOTLAND
Considerations and proposals for the several parts of the
constitution and government of Scotland upon a restoration.
By the Restoration, the Union of the two kingdomes made
in Queen Anne's time is naturally suposed to be broke, and
the King has sacredly promist it in severall Declarations, so
that Scotland would in that case be a free kingdome of itself,
and to prevent the many inconveniences which experience has
shewen to have happened in that country by the union of the
two crowns in the same person (which nevertheless, if rightly
improved, may be an advantage to both kingdomes), and to
make some amends also for the loss of Scotland suffers by the
king's reciding alwayes in England, there are severall altera-
tions necessary to be made in the goverment and constitution
of Scotland, from what it was when it had separat kings of its
own reciding amongest themselves : which alterations are as
much for the king's interest and advantage as for that of the
People. Therfore, after the first Pari, of that kingdome's
meeting and declaring itself, and the Nation free and inde-
pendant of any but the king and his lawfull Heirs,
1st. To be enacted, that ii. all time comeing a new Pari,
shall be call'd every seven years, and to be alow'd to meet at
least once in two years.
TO SCOTLAND 195
2nd. That the lords of the Articles as before the Revolution
be abolished, and all business to be prepared by comitties of
Pari, as referred to them by Parliament.
3rd. The Act of Peace and War, as it past in queen Anne's
time before the union, to be reinacted, by which the nation
cannot be brought into war without the consent of Parliament.
4. To be enacted, that in all time comeing the officers of
state shall be chosen and nominated by the king out of a list
of three for each office to be made by Pari, and presented to
his Maj,, and these to hold their places no longer than seven
years, but to be capable to be presented again to the king by
Pari, at the end of the said seven years : and that it shall be
in the king's power to change any of the said officers of state
before the end of the said seven years respective, if he shall
think fitt, and to put in his place one of the other two
recomended to him by Pari, to the same office, or to change
one officer to the post of another ; and in case of Death, to
name another to that post out of those recomended by Pari,
for the said office or charge.
5. The Privie or Secret Council to be chosen and named in
the same maner as the officers of state, and to consist of the
officers of state, the three vice Precidents of the courts of
justice, ten noblemen and ten gentlemen, and to hold their
places as the officers of state do theirs.
6. The judges or Lords of session and justiciary court, the
Barrons of Exchequer, and judges of the admiralty court, to be
named by the king as the officers of State. That the Lists for
the ordinary Judges to be presented to his Majesty shall be
chosen by Pari, out of the first class of advocats, and these
judges also to hold their places only for seven years, and be
able to be deprived sooner by tryall and conviction for crimes
or malversation, and in case of death the king to supply the
vacancie immediatly out of lists made by Pari, for that pur-
pose : and all those judges to be capable to be recomended to
the king again at the end of every seven years. The king to
name the vice Precident of the session out of the ordinary
judges of that court, but his comission to be only for seven
years, tho' to be in the king's power to renew it when that
expires.
196 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
7. The Lords of the justiciary to be four besides the justice
generall and justice dark or vice-president of the justiciary,
but not of the Lords of session as now to be named, and to
hold their places as the Lords of session.
8. Two Lords of session to go the circuits with each of the
three classes of the lords of justiciary, for trying the lesser
civil causes, not exceeding the value of [here is a
blank space] ; and their sentances in these cases to be final.
Likewise to have power to try all other civil causes of whatever
value which shall be brought before them, but those above the
value of the lesser causes to be transferable to the full session
at Edinb. or else where, either by the two lords or by either
of the partys. In case of the two lords determination or pro-
nuncing sentance in any of the greater causes at the circuits,
an appeal to ly open to the full session by either of the partys,
as also from the full session to the Pari. The Lords of session
to have no additional alowance for the circuits, and all the
ordinar Lords to take the circuits by turns. Sallerys to be
appointed for the necessary inferior officers to attend the Lords
at the circuits.
9. The Exchequer Court to continue as it is constituted at
present since the Union ; but the Saleries to the Barrons to be
less than those of the Lords of session, haveing less business and
trouble. They to be named and to hold their places as the
judges of the other courts of justice, and the chife barren or
vice-precident to be named as the vice-precident of the session.
10. The court of admiralty to consist of the Lord High
Admirall and two ordinary judges, to be chosen by the king
out of a list made by Pari, out of the two classes of advocats,
or either of them, and to hold their places as the ordinary
judges as above.
11. The first class of advocats to be restricted and limited
to the number of ten, and to have a fixt salary from the
goverment of two hundred pounds apice, for serving the
Lieges in consulting and pleading their Law-suits, which they
shall be oblidg'd to do under severe penaltys, without any
other reward than the sum of [here is a blank space]
from their clients every time they write an information or
plead for him at the Barr of any of the Courts of justice, and
TO SCOTLAND 197
punishable if they take more than the said fFee. The said ten
advocats to be chosen by the Lords of session out of the second
class of advocats, as those of the first class are taken to be
judges of any of the courts of justice, or fail by death or
malversation.
Those of the second class of advocats to consist of Twentie,
and each of them to have a fixt salery from the goverment of
one hundred pounds. This number to be made up out of
those who shall enter advocat, by the antiquity of their tryalls,
and to have a smaller ffee from their clients than those of the
first class.
No other but these thirty advocats to be alow''d to practice
or plead at the Barrs of justice.
12. The Writers of the Signet to be only ten in number, and
non of them to be alow'd to have more apprentices than four
at one time, and no such thing as agents to be alow'd. This
regulation of the coledge of justice would free the Lieges of
aboundance of trouble and inconvenience, by the multyplicity
of that vermine of the law who feed upon the bowels of the
nation and render the people so ligitious. It would obligde
most of the youth of the gentry to follow other emploiments,
more useful to their country, and there would still be enough
for supplying the Barr by those who would have a genious
that way, and Avould studdy the law and enter advocats, for
which there would be as above encouragement enough.
13. It is to be presumed that the nation is sufficiently weary
of the sower Presbiterian Church goverment which enervates
the minds of the people. Therefore it is proposed that the
church goverment shall be Episcopall, but the Byshops to
have no place or vote in Parliament or council, and yet their
Comisarry Court shall be regulated. The Byshops to be
named by the King out of lists made by Pari, of three for each
Byshoprick, which lists to be made by Pari, out of lists made
by the clergy in the maner that shall be regulated, of five
for each Bishoprick.
14. That* there shall be an act of toleration for other
Protestants who have scrouples of complying with the
Established Church goverment that all may have liberty of
worshiping God in their own way ; but the tolerated ministers
198 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
to be incapable of possessing any Parish church, until they
comply with the goverment of the church by Byshops as
established.
15. That a particular care be had to the visiting and
regulating of coledges and universitys, by proper and qualified
persons, the right education of youth being of great conse-
quence to a country.
That the king and Pari, shall appoint a competent number
of comissioners, out of the most eminent, learned, and most
judicious men of the nation for this work, to examine into the
original and present constitution, establishment, and situation
of all these societys, and to consider of the most proper
measures that can be taken for encouragment of usefull
knowledge, such as mathematicks in its severall parts, History,
the Belles Lettres, Medicin, Botany, the ground and marrow
of the civill laws, and of our own municipall laws, besides
Theoligie, and, in short, these profitable and liberall sciences
that forme the minds of youth to the best advantage, are most
conforme to natural and solid reason, and most useful in
humane life, without infecting tender minds with the useless
and pernicious jargon of the scools. These comissioners to
make a full and impartiall report to Pari, on which such
regulations to be made as shall be found most proper and
practicable.
16. That the king leaves to the Pari, to reenact and
confirme by a generall act such of the acts of Pari, made
since the Revolution as shall be thought fitt and usefull, and
to abrogat the rest.
17. That the King shall oblidge himself and actually con-
sent to the converting all the ward holdings of the crown to
Blanch or few, the vassels paying a certain price to be fixt by
Pari, for such convertions.
18. An Act to be passed reviveing an old one, which
declairs all mines to belong to the proprietors of the lands in
which they are found, paying a tenth part of the free profits to
the crown.
19. If the king shall at any time think fitt to creat a Scots
peer a peer of England, his peerage of Scotland to become
void and null, and those who chance to be peers of both
TO SCOTLAND 199
kingdomes at the end of the first session of the first Scots
Pari, after the Restoration, to be oblidged to make their
election which of them to hold ; and to be declair^d incapable
for any to hold both in time comeing.
20. The king to declare to Pari, at their first meeting his
pleasur as to those Peers that have been made or advanced
since the Revolution before they be admited to take their
places.
21. The king to agree to the restoring to the former
owners the forfeiturs in King Charles 2nd and King James
7th''s time, that they may continue in possession as since the
Revolution, excepting such as shall not submit to his Maj^'^
goverment.
22. To be enacted that all those who hold lands of subjects
shall have right to purchess these holdings from such superiors,
who shall be oblidged to sell them when required, at a certain
price for each kind of holding, to be appointed by the said
act ; and after these purchesses to hold these lands few or
Blanch of the crown as the king's other vasseles.
23. To be enacted, that when the greatest part of ten
vasseles of any subject shall have thus bought their holdings,
the said superiors shall be obliged to sell to the crown their
jurisdictions of j usticiarys. Regality s or Shirifships at a certain
price to be appointed by the said act, and the crown to be
oblidged to make such purcheses and never to alianat them
again.
24. To be enacted that an Envoy or Minister on the part of
Scotland (beside the Minister for England) shall be always
sent by the King to reside at fforaigne courts, particularly
those of ffrance, Spain, Germanic, and Holland, and to be
chosen as the officers of state.
25. The garisons of Edinburgh Castle, Stirling Castle, and
Inverlochie to be alwayes one hundred men each, beside the
officers, and those of Dunbarton, Blackness, Dunoter, and
Home Castles, 50 men each, and the citadels of Leith and
Perth to be repaired and improved.
26. That there be always two thousand or fivetien hundred
regular troops kept on foot. The Highlanders to be modled
into Regiaments, to the number of fivetien or sixtien thousand
200 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
men, conforme to a particular scheme for that affair, which
would be the best armie of such a number for so small a charge
in Europe.
The militia of the rest of the kingdome to be modled and
well lookt after, conforme to a particular scheme for that
purpose.
27. That three ships of war at least be always keept in pay
for protecting the trade of the kingdome.
28. The general or Comander-in-Chife of the troops and
militia to be named by the king out of a list of three to be
made by Pari, as the officers of state, of which he to be one,
and he to hold his comission as they, and to have place and
vote in Pari, and council as such. He to give brevets to all the
officers of the troops and militia, which the king is either to
confirme by comission or ordering the generall to recomend
others for the said comissions, when he approves not of those
to whom the brevets had been given.
29. An agreement to be made betwixt the king and king
of ffrance for five thousand men of Scots troops being always
entertained in the ffrench service at that king's charge. The
officers of which to have their comissions from the king of
ffrance, but on the recomendation of the king of Britain and
the K. of ffrance to be oblidg'd to alow the said troops or any
part of them to return home at any time the king and Pari,
shall think fit to recall them, six months after the said
requisition.
The king of ffrance to be likewise oblidged after the first
three years of those troops being in ffrance, to alow one
thousand of them to go home every year, upon the like
number of new men being sent from Scotland to reimplace
them.
30. Acts to be made for encouraging trade and particularly
the ffishing, as by the particular scheme for this article.
31. Acts to be made for the encouragment of tilage in the
low countrys and pastorage in the Highlands and other places
not fit for tilage. The leaces or tacks of land to tennant as
to the duration, etc., to be regulated by Pari., and also the
distructive, oppresive, and unfrugall way of tennants' services
to their masters.
TO SCOTLAND ^01
32. Proper laus to be revised and made for encouraging and
preserving of planting and preserving the game.
33. Provision to be made by Pari, from time to time for the
necessary expences of the goverment civil and military.
It is thought that four months cess yearly, in time of peace
with what may arise from the crown rents, the Customs and
Excise, Post office and Ld. of sessions fixt stock, may with
good managment answer the said expences.
34. An act to be made for encouraging a good corespondance
betwixt the kingdomes of Scotland and Irland in relation to
their trade, etc., giveing in Scotland all the priviledges of Scots
men to the subjects of Irland upon the Pari, of Irland doing
the same in that kingdome for the subjects of Scotland.
35. It may seem an unfavourable time for some years (til the
enormous abuses in the affair of Misisipi and the South Sea
Companys be forgot, which perhaps to after ages may be as
hard to do, as to belive all the extravagances of that time) to
recomend anything of paper credit for Scotland, but were
something of that kind rightly adjusted and keept within
bounds, so that the paper could not exceed more than a certain
quantity, suitable, and in proportion to the specie in the
nation, as by a Land Bank or some such scheme, it might be
of great advantage to that country. It would raise the value
of land, which would be profitable to the greatest part of
Scotland. It would augment the trade and comerse of the
nation, extend it farther than can be done by the small
quantity of specie now in that country.
36. It is to be wished that the Metropolis were in a more
convenient situation for the whole nation than that of Edin-
burgh, but it is too late now to think of removing it from
thence on account of the insurmountable difficulties for a poor
country which would attend such a work. Therefore for the
universal good and comodity, all ways of improving it should
be thought of, as in particular making a large bridge of
three storys of arches over the low ground betwixt the Norloch
and phisick garden from the High Street at Halkerston's wind
to the Moultrie hill, where there might be many fine streets
built as the inhabitants increast, the access to them would be
easie on all hands and the situation would be agreeable and
202 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
convenient haveing a noble prospect of all the fine ground
towards the sea and the ffirth of fforth and cost [coast] of ffife.
One large and long street in a streight line where the long gate
is now, on one side of it would be a fine opportunity for
gardens down to the Norloch and on the other side towards
Brughton. No houses to be on the bridge, the breadth of the
Norloch, but selling the places on the ends of the bridge for
houses and the vaults or arches below for warehouses and cellers,
the charge of the bridge might be near defryed.
Another bridge might also be made on the other side of the
toun and almost as useful and comodious as that on the
north. The place where it could be most easily made is St.
Mary's Wind and the Pleasants. The hollow there is not so
deep as where the other bridge is proposed, so that 'tis thought
that two story of arches might raise it near upon a leavell
with the street at the head of St. Mary's Wynd. Betwixt
the south end of the Pleasants and the Potterrow, and from
hence to Bristow Street and by the back of the wall at Heriot's
Hospital there is a fine situation for houses and gardens. There
would be fine avenues to the toun, and outlets from it for
airing, walking, etc., and by these bridges and [word omitted],
Edinburgh from being a bad incomodious situation would
become a very beautiful and convenient one ; and to make it
still more so a branch of that river called the Water of Leith
might 'tis thought be brought from somewhere about the Colt
Bridge to fill and run through the Norloch, which would be
of great advantage to the convenience, beauty, cleanliness, and
healthfulness of the toun. There would be no occasion then,
from a confined situation to make the houses so monstrously
high as they are now. The nobility and gentry, besides the
burgesses would be encouraged to make fine buildings (stone
being near) ; it being desirable for all or most people of con-
dition to have Houses and be well and agreeable lodged where
there affairs so often oblidge them to be, upon account of the
government and courts of justice. The markets of Edinburgh
now inconveniently keept on the high and main street to be
removed to more convenient and proper places : Publick gardens
and walks with a cour or ring for coaches to be made in St. James's
Yards and Clockmill Park, for which the ground to be purchest
TO SCOTLAND 203
from the Duke of Hamiltone. These would also serve for the
gardens to the King's Palace of Hollyrud house, and if the
hills in the Park were planted and those called Calton craigs,
it would add very much to the beauty of the place.
37. The Palace of Holyrud House to be put in repair and
the King's apartments to be furnisht at the publick charge, in
which the comissioner to be lodged where there is one and all
officers of State to have apartments in the Palace.
The toun of Leith (the port of Edinburgh) to be made easier
in its priviledges, for which Edinburgh would be fully com-
pensated by the improvements now proposed and the citadel to
be repaired,
38. The chancelor being the first great and constant officer
of State in the Kingdome, ffor the dignity of the govorment,
a country house near the toun to be bought by the publick for
him and an appartment of it to be for the comissioner when
there is one. Dalkeith would be a proper place for that as
would be also Pinkie, Newbotle, and Roiston.
39. The making a canal betwixt the Rivers fforth and elide
would be a great improvement to Scotland as well as of great
service to the trade of the whole Island, especially the Indian
trade, by saveing a dangerous long passage round Britain, since
by that canal the west and east sea would be joined. The way
for leading this canal is from near Glasgow by Kilsyth, to the
mouth of the river Carron, below ffalkirk. ... It is com-
puted that thirty thousand pounds sterling might do the work,
but should it cost the double, it would be well bestowed and
be soon repayed the profit araiseing from the canal, if there
were any trade in the country. There might be also a good
road easily made for transporting merchandise by land betwixt
Glasgow on Glide and the fforth, by Takmedoun, St. Ninians,
and the Throsk, where large barks can come up the fforth and
great ships to Alloa which is but three miles lower. . . . The
Merchands might have warehouses at Throsk for their goods,
and from thence it is easie bringing them by water to Alloa,
where they could be shift for Edinburgh, London, etc. This
road would cost but a very small charge, and be of great ad-
vantage for trade and comerce and would not be useless,
though the canal should come afterwards to be made.
&H
Pounds
1,000
800
800
204 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
The appointments for the officers of State.
I The chancelor, who is to Preside in the Coun
I cill, Session, and Exchequer when present sterl
I and to be keeper of the great Seal, . . 2,000
The Lord Privie Seal,
The Justice general, ,
_ The Lord High Admirall,
"o j The Principal Secretary of State, who is pre
^ I sumed to reside mostly out of the kingdome
about the king's person, beside the profits
of the signet, which to be regulated, , 2,000
The Treasurer Deput or first Lord of the
Treasury, ..... 800
The general of the Mint, . . . 800
The Lord Regester, and the fees of that office
to be regulated, .... 800
The Lord Advocat, who is to be concerned in
no causes but those of the crown, . . 600
(Total) 9,600
Ministers, but no officers of State, so to have no
place or vote in Pari, as such or by virtue of their
office.
Four comissioners of the Tresury, two to be
noblemen and two of them gentlemen only
and to have five hundred pounds each, . 2,000
The vice President of the Session, . . 800
The vice President of the Justiciary, . . 600
The chife Barron or vice precident of the
Exchequer, .... 600
The fourtien ordinary Lords or judges of the
Session, four hundred pounds each, . 5,600
The four Lords or Judges of the Justiciary,
300 p. each, .... 1,200
The Three Barrons or judges of the Ex-
chequer, 300 p. each, . . . 900
The two judges of the admiralty Court, 100
each, 200
TO SCOTLAND 205
Pounds
The Generall Receiver of the Public Revenues sterl.
and Cash-keeper, .... 400
The Under Master of the Mint, . . 300
The Ten advocats of the first class, 200 pounds
each, ..... 2,000
The Twenty advocats of the second class,
100 pounds each, .... 2,000
The Master of the Works, with the servants
of that office, . . . .500
The Lyon King at Arms, with the officers be-
longing to that office, . . . 200
The Director of the Chancery, . . 100
The Kniffht Marischall, . . .100
(Total) 17,500
9,600
The whole expenses of the constant
civil government, . 27,100
N.B. — The Ministers abroad to be added beside the charges
of the under officers for the circuits.
The commissioner for holding the Parliaments to be always
one of the officers of state as the king shall think fit to ap-
point, and his allowances as such to be twenty Pounds a day,
for his whole expenses.
The expences and charges of the Military Force of the Nation.
Pounds sterl.
The garisons, .... [Here are blank
The two thousand regular standing forces.
The sixtien thousand highlanders.
The Mihcia, ....
The general officers,
The three ships of war.
spaces in Lord
Mar's MS.\
206 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
Lord Mar havemg sent a scheme to the king to the same purpose
with the Joregomg one. His Majesty was pleased some time
thereafter to write, and send him the Jolloioing letter and Instruc-
tions, at different times as marM by the dates :
COPIE OF THE KING'S LETTER TO
LORD MAR from
Rome, Jan. \st, 1722.
The many instances I have had of the unparalelled zeal of
my Scots subjects towards me and my ffamily, hath made me
often consider of wayes and means how to settle the goverment
of that my ancient kingdome upon a more advantageous and
solid foundation than it hath been hitherto, to the end that
when it pleases God to restore me to my Kingdomes I may be
prepared to propose what may be conduceing thereto, as I shall
be always ready to second my first free Pari, in every thing
that may tend to the prosperity of that country as well as to
the tranquility of my government.
The principles of gratitude and the tender and ffatherly
affection I bear towards my people oblidge me to omitt nothing
that may be any wayes for their interest and satisfaction.
Providence seems now to have so disposed matters as that I
hope it will not be long before my Scotish subjects have an
opportunity of giveing fresh proofs of their readiness to assert
and suport my just cause,^ and in all appearance my service
as well as the comon good, will soon require your personall
attendance in your own country ; Wherefore I think it but
Jacobite hopes ran high in 1 722.
LETTERS FROM THE CHEVALIER 207
j ust that I should comunicate to you some particulars, which
in my opinion, if rightly executed, may be very much for the
advantage of my ancient kingdome, and I am resolved to lay
them before my first free Pari, whose advice I shall be always
ready to follow in any thing that may tend to the good of the
nation.
I am persuaded that both you and such of my faithfull
Scotish subjects as you shall think fit to comunicat my thoughts
to, will have some satisfaction to observe how much they are
emploied towards the providing for their future happiness,
and how favourable my intentions are towards the promoting
anything that may be for their good.
I need say nothing at present of what relates to the union.
It is not only void in itself as haveing been esteablished by an
illegal authority, but I have also in different Declarations
declared it such, and shall be ready to repeat the same when
occasion offers.
What I am now desirous of is to make that my ancient
kingdome a free, independant, and flourishing People, and to
that end I shall not scruple the yielding of some points which
may even seem in some measure to lessen the power of this
Crown.
As to my particular views and reflections I send you some
of them with this in a paper apart, and shall transmitt more
to you in the same maner as they ocurr to me without delay, my
intention being that this Pari, immediatly after my Restora-
tion should take the speediest means towards settling the
goverment in the maner which may be most advantageous and
satisfactory to the nation, and they may be assured that I shall
be always ready to confirme whatever my Pari, may offer me
for that effect ; and I shall refer to it the reenacting and con-
firmeing by a generall act such acts made since the Revolution
as it shall be found proper so to do.
As to the Peers created since the Revolution, the same is to
to be said as to them as hath been mentioned already in
respect to the Union, for haveing been created by an unlawfull
authority, they are in elect no peers : I shall nevertheless con-
sider to favour in a particular maner those of that number who
shall put themselves in a condition of receiveing from me such
208 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
dignitys as recompenses for loyall and honourable actions, for
which they were always designed : and I shall exclud non from
partakeing of my favour but such as manifestly prove them-
selves unworthie of it.
To conclude this letter, what I have further to add is that as
in the Reflections I now send you, or in such as I may here-
after add to them, I have nor shall have nothing, but the
generall good of the country in my view. It may be that I
may propose some things which may more or less affect par-
ticular persons, but should that hapen I am persuaded that all
concern d will on reflection follow my example, and cheerfully
yield small personall interests for considerable advantages to
the comon and publick weelfare, which will esteablish a solid
happiness both to my posterity and theirs.
Your interest in your country had once very near niade you
the chife Instrument in freeing it from oppression and
slavery. May you be blessed with success in your present
endeavours towards that glorious end, and may you have the
honour and satisfaction of not only contributing to its de-
livery, but after that of haveing a particular share in the
execution of my views towards its future liberty and happiness.
{Sic sub.), James R.
In consequence of my letter to you of this date, my views
are as followeth :
1st. That a New Pari, should be called every seven years,
and that they meet at least once in two years.
2d. That the Lords of the Articles as before the Revolu-
tion should be abohshed, and all business to be prepared by
Comittes as referr d to them by Pari.
3. That the act of Peace and War as it was passed not
long before the union should be re-enacted.
4. That the officers of state, the judges of the Courts of
Session, Justiciary, Exchequer, and Admiralty should be named
by me out of a list of three for each vacancie to be made by
Pari., and to be sent to me.
5. That the Privie Councill be chosen in the same maner as
likewise the Byshops, but the last to be proposed to me by
Pari, out of lists made by the clergy for that eff'ect.
LETTERS FROM THE CHEVALIER 209
6. That all mines should belong to the proprietors of the
lands in which they are, paying a tenth part of the clear profits
to the crown.
7. That no man whatsoever shall be capable of sitting in
both Pari®, of England and Scotland.
8. That the U^^ of justiciary shall be oblidg'd to go their
circuits twice a year as they do now, and that two Lords of
Session shall go their circuits with the two setts of the JJ^^ of
Justiciary for trying civill causes at the same time that the
U^ of Justiciary try what is criminall, and that both one and
fother should have reasonable sallarys alow'd them,
9. That an Envoy or Minister on the part of Scotland
besides the Minister of England should be always sent by the
king to reside at the Courts of ffrance, Spain, Vienna, and
Holland, to be chosen as the officers of State.
10. That provision should be made by Pari, for the necessary
expences of the goverment, civill and military, and that the
sallarys of the officers of state be also regulated by Pari.
(Sic sub.) James R.
Rome, Jan. \st, 1722.
In consequence of my letter to you of the first of January,
I think it would be very advantageous for Scotland,
1. That the crown should be oblidged to convert all the
lands holding [word omittedj of it to feu or Blench, the vassalls
paying a certain price for it to be fixt by Pari,
2. That all those who hold their lands of subjects should
have right to purchase their holdings from such at a certain
price to be appointed by Pari, for each kind of holding, and
that after such purcheses they should hold their lands of the
crown with the same priviledges as the king's former vassals.
3. That when the generality of any subject's vassals have
bought their holdings, the said superiours should be oblidged to
sell to the crown their jurisdiction either of Justiciarys or
Royalitys, at a certain price to be apointed by Pari., and that
the crown should be obliged to make such purcheses and never
to alianat them,
(Sic siib.) James R,
Rome, Jan. ^Oth, 1722.
o
210 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
In consequence of my letter to you of the first of jan. I
think it would be very advantageous for Scotland,
1. That the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, Inverlochie,
Dumbarton, Blackness, and Dunnoter should be provided with
sufficient garisons.
2. That there should be always two thousand Regular
Troops on foot in the kingdome, and that the Highlanders
should be modled into regiaments to the number of fiftien
or sixtien thousand men, which last will be a small expence
to the goverment.
3. That three ships of war should be constantly keept in
service and pay for protecting the trade of the kingdome, and
that their comanders shall be named by the king.
{Sic sub.) James R.
Rome, Jan. 29<7i, 1722.
In consequence of my letter to you of the first of jan. I
think it would be for the honour and interest of Scotland that
I should make an agreement with the King of ifrance after my
restoration for his entertaining a certain number of Scots
Troops in his service, which I am persuaded the Pari, will
approve of.
(Sic sub.) James R.
Rome, ffeb. 5th, 1722.
Upon your going to Scotland and seeing appearance of suc-
cess in the endeavours for our Restoration, you are hereby
authorized to call a Pari, or Convention of Esteats of that our
ancient kingdome, conform to the power given to you by our
comission of comissioner, bearing date the 28 day of June
1721. To meet and to hold at such a place or places as shall
seem most expedient to you, to consult on the weighty affairs
of the nation and the esteablishing of our government, and
particularly such other things for the good of that our king
dome as are recomended to you in a letter of the 1st of January
last. (Sic sub.) James R.
Rome, the Jiftienth of May 1722.
Directed : For the Duke of Mar.^
^ tord Mar was created Duke by the Prince,
LETTERS FROM THE CHEVALIER 211
In our Pari, of Scotland, which we hope is soon to be holden
by you there, you are Hereby authorized and impower'd to give
our consent to such act or acts as shall be past by the said
Pari, for Rescinding and annulling such forfeitures as had passed
in the reigns of our unckle King Charles the 2"*^, or our ffather
King James the Seventh, and restoring esteats to such of the
antient owners or their heirs as shall own and acknowledge our
title to the crown of our dominions. (Sic S7ib.) James R.
Rome, May 16^/^, 1722.
Addressed : For the Duke of Mar.
You are hereby authorized, when you are in Scotland, to
institute a new Military Order of Knighthood, consisting of
[here is a blank space] persons, to be call'd the Restoration
Order, whereof one to be the head or Sovereigne, and to make
such institutions, laws, and orders, as to you shall seem ex-
pedient, which we hereby promise to confirm : and to bestow
the said order, with all the Badges of it, on such persons as
you shall think fit, to the number of [here is a blank space],
and particularly to the chifes of clans, as you shall find them
act heartily in our service. {Sic sub.) James R.
Rome, May 16, 1722.
Addressed : For the Duke of Mar.
At a time when I formerly designed to make an attempt on
Scotland for the recovery of my Dominions, I thought it for the
good of my service to send to you the following papers, viz.,
Comission for your being High Comissioner of our Pari, of
Scotland, dated June 28, 1721.
A letter in my own hand directed to you, dated Jan. 1st, 1722.
Ten Articles of Instructions in consequence of the said
letter, dated Jan. 20th, 1722.
Also three other articles of Instructions in consequence of
the said letter, dated Jan. 29th, 1722.
One other article of Instruction in consequence of the said
letter, dated ffeb. 5, 1722.
Also two other articles of Instructions dated May 15th and
16th, 1722.
212 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
A warrant impowering you to erect a new order of Knight-
hood in Scotland, dated May 16, 1722.
An order under my hand to the comander in chife of Scot-
land, dated Jan. 19, 1722. Together with a letter from me to
the said Comander in chife, dated Jan. 19th, 1722. Together
with the powers and authoritys, orders and instructions, therin
contained, I do hereby this my letter confirm to you, and
require and order you to follow and execute as they are therin
specified, and hereby require all my loveing subjects to give
due obedience thereunto. {Sic sub.) James R,
Received at Paris by L*^ Mar, August 1723.
Addressed : For the Duke of Mar.
Lord Mar desired the king to send him the following order,
as he gave to others at that time, that he might show it when
the orders were given them ; but that never happned, and Lord
Mar's comission and comissioner was not to be made known til
he should be in Scotland, except to Mr. Dillon alone, with
whom all was concerted.
The generall good disposition of my faithfull subjects, of
which they have given me such remarkable instances of late,
has encouraged me to make an attempt at this time for the
recovery of my Dominions and the relise of my opprest people,
and though I have condescended to your request that you
should not have the principall conduct and comand of this
undertakeing upon Scotland,^ yet I do not doubt of your readi-
ness in giveing all the assistance you can to Generall Dillon,
whom I have apointed my generall and comander in chife
there, and for which intent I do hereby require and direct you
to repair to Scotland, and there follow and obey such directions
as you shall receive from our said comander in chife, as he shall
think most for our service. Your ready complyance with what
I now require of you will thereby intitle you to those marks of
my favour you so justly deserve of me.
(Sic sub.) James R.
Received by L^ Mar at Paris, August 1723.
Addressed : For the Duke of Mar.
Evidently Mar did not again wish to head a military rising in Scotland.
PROPOSALS FOR IRELAND 213
CONSIDERATIONS AND PROPOSALLS
FOR IRLAND ON A RESTORATION
Jidly 1722.
1. The Pari, and kingdome of Irland to be declared in the
most solemne and authentick maner fFree and Independant of
all but the king himself and his lawful! heirs and successors,
and Poinings Act, etc., to be anuled.
2. The Pari, to consist as now of an House of Lords and
another of Comoners, and all acts and Laws to be past by the
Pari, of Irland only, w* the consent of the king or his L*^ Live-
tenant, without being revised by the Councill of England, and
no sentance or order of either or both houses of the English
Pari, to be of any force in Irland.
3. A new Pari, to be calPd every seven years, and to meet
once in two years at least.
4. No Peer of England to be capable of being a Peer of
Irland unless he renounce his English Peerage.
5. All the officers of state and civill goverment to be named
by the king out of lists to be recomend by Pari., of three for
each office, and these to hold their places no longer than seven
years, unless recomended again by Pari.
6. The Judges and Bishops to be named and hold their
places in the same maner as is proposed for Scotland.
7. Not to be in the king's power to make peace or war for
the kingdome of Irland but by the consent of Pari.
8. The Militia to be regulated and esteablishd by the king
and Pari, conforme to the way proposed for Scotland.
9. The esteablished church of Irland and its goverment to
214 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
be as now by Bishops, Arch Bishops, etc., but liberty of con-
tience to be alowed to all to worshipe God in their own way,
and no exclusion to be on any one on account of Religion, from
Pari, or any publick Emploiment.
10. A comission to be appointed by king and Pari, for
regulating the affair of the fforfi tours, so that all since the
Revolution may be restord to their ancient properties, on such
conditions as the Pari, shall by an act appoint.
11. The trade of the kingdome to be regulated and
esteablished as the Pari, shall judge fit.
12. A good correspondance to be esteablished betwixt Irland
and Scotland, and ways taken to encourage it, as giveing Scots-
men the same priviledges in Irland as Irish men shall have in
Scotland, and the trade betwixt the two countrys to be regu-
lated for the advantage of both,
13. An agreement to be made betwixt the king and the
kings of ffrance and Spain for each of these kings'' entertaining
in their service 5000 Irish troups, as is proposed betwixt Scot-
land and ffrance.
14. Ministers or envoys from the king on the part of Irland
to be keept at fforeigne courts, and recomended to the King
by the Pari, of Irland, as is proposed for Scotland.
15. Twelve thousand regular troups to be keept always on
oot in Irland.
16. A competent Navie or fleet to be always entertained for
protecting the trade of the kingdome, etc.
17. Tilage to be encouraged for the better peopleing the
country, and sheep walks or pastur to be restricted, by alowing
only a certain and reasonable number of sheep to each tennant
or farmer, conforme to the extent of his grounds.
18. The Linnen Manufactur to be regulated as found most for
the interest of the country, and the propogation of Hemp (for
^ch g^ great part of the Kingdome is exceeding proper) and the
Manufacturs of sail cloath and cordage to be encouraged.
A SCHEME FOR SCOTLAND 215
A SCHEME FOR RESTORING SCOTLAND
TO ITS ANCIENT MILITARY SPIRIT,
the only thing which can make it considerable
or significant within itself or serviceable to its
allies Abroad ; and for esteablishing the Militia
of the Kingdome upon the Restoration, and of
the 26th, 28th, and 29th Articles of the generall
scheme for the goverment of Scotland after
that time.
If the Scots were accustomed as of old to the use of Armes,
it is plain to demonstration that they could furnish and bring
to the field at any time for the service of their king and
country fifty thousand good men and near double that number
in case of necessity, by an invasion from without or comotions
within the island of Great Britain. In order to what is pro-
posed, it is absolutely necessary to change the whole present
economic of that country which has been introduced since
their raisfortoun of their king's resideing in England and being
governed by English councills and influence. Since that time
the old military spirit has been laid aside and lost, and in place
of the youth of the kingdome being brought up to military
exercises as in the days of yore, they have run to follow the
studdy of the law, phisick, chirurgiry, etc., in hopes of raising
their fortunes, and tho'' not one in ten succeed that way, yet
most of the gentry breed their children up with a view towards
it, by putting them to what is called the Letteron^ at Edinburgh
(which is to write things relaiting to processes, securitys, and
^ Letteron or Lettrin, a desk. To be bred to the Letteron, to be educated as
a Writer.
216 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
by that lean on the chican of lawers), which makes them a pest
to all their nighbours, their morals and honesty being ruined
by it. Others send their sons to studdy the law abroad, and
when they return it is lookt on as an affront if they enter not
advocat, whether fitt for it or not, by which that class of men
become so numerous that they are an useless load to the comon
wealth and most of them still continue a burthen to their
families or in a maner starve.
It is therfore proposed to discourage this way, and for that
end in the general scheme for modeling the goverment on a
Restoration, the number of advocats and those who follow the
practice of the law is restrictedjto a certain moderat number,
by which means the writer would be oblid'g to follow the
sword when they would see encouragment given to it and no
other way of employing themselves,
fPor the encouraging this project, and for haveing a numerous
and well dissiplin'd Militia, the following methods are proposed
for armeing and dissiplining the whole fensible men of the
nation :
L As by the generall scheme above mentioned there is to
be always mentain'd in ffrance at that king"'s charge the
number of five thousand Scots Troops, which will serve as a
nursery of war for the youth of Scotland of all ranks, and afford
a good mentinance for a good number of the young gentry, by
being officers in that corps, the officers being to have their
comissions on the recomendation of the King of Britain.
A thousand of that body of men being, by the generall
scheme, to be exchanged every year after the first three years
of their haveing been in ffrance, would much contribut to the
putting the Militia at home into the way of exercise by those
who have served abroad and returned annually in training
them up in a military way.
This would also in some years make all the Scots as ffrench
men, since most of the best of them would have served five
years of their youth in that country, which could not but be a
very great tye betwixt the two nations.
A law to be made oblidgeing the whole gentry to send their
eldest sons to serve in the Scotts troups in ffrance voluntires, at a
certain age, for two or three years, besides those who have comis-
A SCHEME FOR SCOTLAND 217
sions in the troops there, which would not cost their parents more
than keeping them at the Letteren at Edinburgh used to do,
and without expence to the goverment. By which these young
gentlemen would have an opportunity of good education and
going to the accadimie there and makeing themselves fit for the
service of their king and country when they returned home.
There would soon rise an emulation whose children did best
in this way, and those who did so would be most recomended
to emploiments civil and military at home, as well as to comis-
sions in the Scots troops in ffrance, and it would afford aboun-
dance of good officers to be put at the head and training of
the militia of Scotland.
The thousand men to be sent from Scotland yearly to relive
the like number of troops from thence, not to be vagabounds,
but the sons of the best sort of ffarmers and tradesmen, betwixt
18 and 25 years of age, and there would be no difficulty in find-
ing of them, there being one thousand parishes in Scotland, in
each of which the best of the youth, as above, might cast lots
whose turne it should be ; and they being to serve but five
years, there would be soon an emulation and desire who should
go, for on their comeing back and returning to their trades or
former occupations, they would be more esteem"'d than those
who had continued at home, and even the women would prefer
them for husbands, which would go a great way with the young
fellows,
2. That there should be Lord Livtenants of each county or
shire, who should have the comand of the Militia therof, and
to have a strict eye over all the inferiour officers and oblidge
them to fuUfill their duty in training up all the people who are
fit for amies in the military art and exercise, and assemble them
as often as can be without interupting their labours.
3. The kingdome to be divided into severall districts, and
over each of which to be an expert generall officer appointed
who should be oblidged to make a circuit of his district at cer-
tain times to informe himself of the diligence and care of the
under officers, as a cheque over the Lords Livetenants, and he
also to see the people exercised by their officers and to make
their report to the councill, in order to the councilFs informe-
ing the king who best deserves his royall favour and bounty.
S18 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
4. That the Councill each session of Pari, lay before it the
state of the Militia of the whole kingdome, to informe his
majesty of it and which officers deserve best. By this means
the different districts will be prompted to a noble emulation
and a military spirit would soon run through the whole
nation.
5. The generall officers to change their districts every third
or fourth year, so that they may not look on them as their
own property, and the Pari, to have a regard to the Lord
Livtenants and generall officers who do their duty well, in the
recomendation to the king for those who are to have civill
emploiments as well as military, by which means the military
service would be recompenced not only with military posts but
civill, and so all the nobility and gentry would be stirr'd up
and encouraged to apply themselves to the studdy of what con-
cerns both the civill and military business, as it was in ancient
Rome, where their principal men were fit both for being Legis-
lators and captains.
6. ffor giveing the more luster, esteem and respect amongst
the people to the officers of the Militia, they to have their
comissions from the king himself, upon the recomendation of
the comander in chife, who in the meantime is to give them
Brevets as he is to do the standing forces, and severe laws to
be made to prevent the soldiers being maltreated by words or
blows from the officers and for the soulders giving exact obedi-
ence to their officers.
7. A Royall Military order of Knighthood to be erected and
confer'd by his Majesty or the comander in chife from him, on
those who shall distinguish themselves in that service. Likewise
the order of St. Louis in ffrance.
8. In the proper and fair seasons of the year, the Militia to
be led to the field to form camps, counterfit batles, learn the
march of armies, and thereby be instructed in the three great
branches of the military art.
9. The whole Militia to be regularly cloathed in their
respective regiaments, which may be done without putting the
state or people to any extraordinary charge. All the peasants
and tradsmen, or comon people, their children and most of
their servants, have a Sunday's or holy day's coat, and 'tis but
A SCHEME FOR SCOTLAND Sl9
their being oblidg'd to have this coat of the livery of the
regiament they belong to.
10. It is greatly for the interest of Scotland that the High-
land Clans be encouraged and kept up, and their whole people
armed. They are all to send to the field five and twentie good-
men upon an extraordinary occasion, but there may be easily
fifetien or sixtien thousand of them modled into regiaments, if
comanded by their different chiefs, which will be better than
militia of any kind, and almost equall to regular troups and of
much less expence. This is an advantage to Scotland in
particular, and ought not to be neglected. The chiefs who
can easily furnish five hundred men, to have two hundred
pounds a year settled on them by the goverment, and such
who cannot furnish that number to have in proportion, joining
their men with other little chiefs of their nighbourhood to make
up a butalion or Regiament. They to have all targets, broad-
swords, and fusies, and their exercise to be conforme to their
armour. To be cloathed in the Highland habit with plaids,
westcoats, and treus in winter, which may be of different colours
and different marks on their targets, as their chiefs shall think
fitt, to distinguish what regiament they belong to.
Nothing can be more advantageous to the state and to the
Royall ffamily than to support such a body of Highland
troops. They are generally loyall, and have a great affection
for their country. They are already in the use of armes, so
the more necessary til the militia of the rest of the Kingdome
be traind and inurd to them. Those of the same name and
clan look on themselves all as gentlemen and bretheren, and the
chief as the comon father or parent from whom they all come
and count their liniall descent so that they fight not only as
good subjects for their king and country, but as children of
the same ffamily joined in regiaments togither, which gives
them an emulation to outdo one another.
In the time of war all but the chiefs to have regular pay.
The yearly pensions of the chiefs will not amount to above
6000 pounds sterl., which will be no new charge to the gover-
ment further than what has been in use to be pay'd since the
Revolution to independant company s for supressing thifts and
depredations (which cost at least 4000 pounds), and a regia-
220 LORD MAR^S LEGACY
ment at Inverlochie (which cost about 13000 pounds), where
there will be no occasion for so great a garison, so that instead
of 17000 it will cost the goverment but about 10000 thousand
to mentain always in readiness fiftien thousand good troops,
that can be ledd to the field at any time for the service of
the king and country, and preserve the nation at all times
from robries and depredations.
11. There may be also a body of horse and dragouns form''d
without much charge to the goverment. There is no Lord
nor gentelman who have esteats, who have not according to
their circumstances severall horse for themselves and servants
beside coach and work horses that severall of them keep. They
all to be oblidged to have most of these horses fit for mounting
of cavalrie, which will be no more charge to them in keeping
than the horses they used to keep, and not much more in the
first buying. The masters and servants to be oblidged to
mount these horses at certain times, and to go to the places of
rendezvous where the officers for the horse should teach them
the exercise and service, which officers will be often those
masters themselves,
12. By the esteablishment of the Militia in this good order
Edinburgh and the other great towns of the Kingdome will
not find it necessary to have trained bands or toun guards, so
that expence may be better emploied in buying of horses to
be given to the sons of the richest tradsmen of the different
towns, and five or sixpence a day for nurishing and mentaining
of them. They themselves would be willing to be at the rest
of the charge for haveing the use of the horses.
By these means the noblemen, gentelmen, and Burgesses of
the great towns may furnish a body of four thousand good
horse or Dragouns with their officers all well mounted.
13. The ffarmers almost over all Scotland have some horses
for their labour and tilage. Each fFarmer to be oblidged to
have one or two of these horses fit for the horse service,
which will cost but a little more at first buying than they
pay at present, and they to be allowed twopence a day for each
horse they so keep. This would be such an encouragment
that they would do it willingly and mentain them in good con-
dition, if they were payM this small pay exactly for at the
A SCHEME FOR SCOTLAND 221
same time tliey would have the use of these horses for labour
and tilage, and being stronger than formerly they would work
the more. The fFarmers or their sons and servants to mount
these horses and attend the days of rendezvous for learning the
exercise, and they likewise to be uniformly cloathed as the foot
militia by the same way.
All or most of the comons being by this to be of the
militia one way or other those fFarmers or their sons would
picgue themselves on being on horseback, by which they would
think themselves a kind of gentelmen, which together with the
pay would make each of them run faster than another into
keeping such horses ; and for a further encouragment the
goverment to be oblidged to pay the loss of all these horses
killed in the publick service, and all the regiaments of horse
(into which they should be formed) to have full pay in the
time of war. ffor makeing this charge easie to the state, in
place of keeping on foot three thousand regular troops, as since
the revolution, after the esteablishing of the militia as above,
fiftien hundred regular and standing forces may be enough to
be kept always on foot, and the pay of the other fiftien hundred
will according to this scheme mentain about eight thousand
Dragouns among the ffarmers.
It were good to give the horsemen curasses and helmets or
head-pices (as Cromwell did, which thereafter gave them mostly
the advantage over the king's forces, which they seldome had
before), and it would be but the first charge of buying them to
the goverment, they to whom they were given being to be
accountable for them.
14. It would be of great advantage to have a Royall
accademie for rideing, fenceing, danceing, and the exercise of
armes esteablished at Edinburgh for the youth of the Kingdome,
and it would soon become the mode and ffashion for all to go
to it, in place of writeing chambers, and of much more use
to their king and country.
By this project Scotland may soon save fourty or fifty
thousand, have troops without engadging the publick to much
newer extraordinary charges for the service of the king and
country within the island, beside the five thousand in fFrance,
which could soon be made up ten thousand more should there
be occasion.
222 LORD MAKS LEGACY
15. Scotland is a very proper country for breeding of good
and usefull horses, so that all ways should be taken for encour-
ageing and promoting of it there.
By the scheme a great part of the nobility, gentry, and
comons would necessarily pass some of their time in fFrance,
and would become as of that country, by which the ancient
friendshipe betwixt the tuo nations would be renewed, fortified,
and augmented.
ffrance might have also from Irland five thousand men
always in its pay and service, and, upon extraordinary occa-
sions, twenty thousand more, so that ffrance might have when
she pleases fourty thousand good troops from these two
countrys, which would necessarily be as faithfuU to her as her
own, without her paying more ordinarily and in time of peace
than ten thousand.
What a source of auxiliary troops is this for a nation which
is attacqued often by so many jealous neighbours ! ffor a
nation whose glorie and splendor is envy'd by all, ffor a nation
who can scarce want any other alyance but that of the King of
great Britain restored upon the foot here proposed ?
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS
THE MEMORIAL OF JOHN, EARL OF
MAR, TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.
COPIE OF LORD MAr"'s LETTER TO THE KING AT ROME, ACCOMPANING
THE COPIE OF HIS LETTER AND MEMORIALL TO HIS ROYAL
HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.
Paris, Sept. 29, 1723.
Sir, — About a month ago, I mentioned to yourself and Mr.
Hay my being about a thing which I hoped would prove the
best service I ever did you, and in my last by the post, I
promist to give you a full account of it by this sure occasion.
I think the best way of doing it is, to send you a copie of the
paper itself; and it is here enclosed, with the copie I wrote
along with it, to H.R.H. the Duke of Orleans, which Mr. Dillon
did me the favour to deliver some days ago.
Your Maj. will see that you are no ways comitted by it,
the thing being entirely from myself, and it was with a view
to this that I presumed to go about it without your knowledge
or alowance.
Should this project chance to come to light before the due
time by any cross unforseen accident, nobody can take offence
at your Maj. upon the account of it, and since I conceive it
so much for the interest of my lawfull Prince and native country,
any risque I can run is a pleasur.
I have had this project long in my head, and it has been
matter of great regrait to me that I could not sooner lay it
before the ffrench Ministry, but as long as Cardinal Dubois
lived, who was so close linckt with the goverment of England,
there was no venturing a thing of that kind, It has now
224f LORD MAR'S MEMORIAL
pleased God to remove that Impediment, as I hope he soon
will whatever else stands in your way. So I thought there
was no time to be now lost in laying it before the Duke of
Orleans, who has plainly so much interest in the thing, that it
is nixt to a certainty that he will make no bad use at least
of it.
It is not to be expected, let him relish the project ever so
much, that he can enter immediately into the execution of it.
He has been long persueing other measurs, and it will take
him some time to get free of them ; but being once possest of
this scheme, as I hope he now will, he may find an opportunity
sooner than he or we think of to relise himself of the em-
barasses that are now upon him, and to enter heartily into
measurs for y'' Maj^ Restoration, which appears by this project
(that I am persuaded is quite new to him) so much for his own
interest and that of ffrance.
One thing I may venture to say that if any thing be capable
to make ffrance seriously take to heart your restoration, it is
this, and if ever they go about it, it will be on this foot, which
I take to be the only solid one for the interest and security of
your ffamilie.
His Royall Highness received the pacquet very graciously
as Mr. Dillon tells me. He read my letter immediately before
him, and said that he expected no more should be let into this
affair than those mentioned in my letter, and that nobody
should know of it for him, nor would he part with the papers
out of his own keeping. He said that the Memoriall was long,
and that he would take a time to read it by himself and think
of it seriously, and would then speak of it to Mr. Dillon.
Some days after that Mr. Dillon seeing him at his levie in
town, the Duke of Orleans said to him that he supposed he
should soon see him at Versailles, which looks as if he had read
the Memoriall and was not displeased with it, but Mr. Dillon
being to go there one of these days I shall soon know what
he says upon the matter, of which you shall be informed.^
I had wrote to the Duke of Orleans some time before, that
1 Unfortunately for the success of the project, the Duke died before Mr.
Dillon could see him.
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 225
haveing a designe of putting my son into the fFrench service, I
beg'd a comission of Capt. Reformd for him in Links regia-
ment. Mr. Dillon, after speaking to him of the other affair, put
him in mind of this, tho' he told him he had no comission from
me for so doing, as indeed he had not. His R. H. was pleased
to say, after talking some time of it, that he was asham'd it
had been so long delayed, but desired that he might tell me that
it was agreed to, and that in time he would make up the delay.
He then desired Mr. Dillon to speak of it to M. Bretuile, the
secretary of war, that he might prepare the comission.
This I take to be no bad signe for the other affair, which
make me much the more pleased with it.
My chife view in putting my son into the ffrench service
there is to fitt him the more to be of use to you and yours.
Sir, and the service of his country, where I hope he will in
time distinguish himself by his endeavours for esteablishing and
supporting the Royall ffamily, and be ufore successful than his
ffather has been. But I have the satisfaction of knowing that
the best endeavours I could use have not been wanting as they
never shall, and I still hope that I may be so happie as to see
your Maj. on your thron, and the greatest pleasur I have in
life is the hopes I have of contributing still to your Restora-
tion, and by that to the relief of our native opprest country.
Soon may that time come, and that all happiness may ever
attend you and yours are the constant prayers of him who is
with all submission. Sir, y'^Maj.^ most faithful, most obedient,
and most humble subject and servant, (Sic sub.) Mar.
P.S. — As I was writing what 's above, I had a visit from
Lord Southesque,^ who is to be the bearer of this, tho he knows
nothing of the contents; and speaking of your Maj.^ situation
he mentioned a thing to me which I think worth the while of
adding in this postscripts It is a mariage for the Prince, your
son, with the Duke of Orleans"'s youngest daughter, who is
betwixt five and six years old. Marying great folks very young
is become now to be very much the custome, and why may it
not be done for the Prince as well as for others ? He can
^ James, fifth earl. He engaged in the affair of 17 15, whereby his estates
were forfeited and himself exiled.
P
226 LORD MAR'S MEMORIAL
never have a match in Europe more suitable to his quality,
and the difference of their ages is so small that it is but a
small objection to it. The advantages of this aliance are as
great as can be, and I doubt not if it were mentioned to the
Duke of Orleans by one well authorized of its being well
received, and of its being a great inducement for his comeing
into the scheme and project inclosed. You'll be pleased to
think of it, Sir, and I shall be glad to know your thoughts on
the subject.^
CopiE OF L° Mar's letter to R. H. the Duke of
Orleans incloseing the Memoriall.^
MoNSEiGNEUR, — Je dcmaude tres humblement pardon a votre
altesse Royal de Timportuner de nouveau de mes lettres, Je
ne prens la liberte de luy presenter ce Memoire, que par le
desire ardent que j'ay detre en quelque maniere utile a la
Nation ifran^oise autrefois Tamie et Tallie fidelle de TEcosse
et de voir mon Prince legitime retably et ma Patrie reunie avec
la ffrance d\me maniere stable et advantageuse pour Tune et
pour Tautre Nation.
Je supplie instament V. A. R. de vouloir bien se donner la
peine de lire ce que j'ay Thoneur de luy envoyer et je me flatte
qu'elle y trouverra quelque chose de nouveau. II contient un
Project qui pourra etre un jour utile a la ffrance aussy bien qua
mon Prince et ma patrie.
II nappartient qua votre A. R. de savoir les temps et les
momens quelle voudra bien entreprendre quelque chose de
cette nature, Je ne dois faire la dessus aucune question, mais
je me trouverrois infiniment heureux si je voyois ariver ce jour,
et si J'avois quelque part a Texecution de ce project par les
ordres de V. A. R.
Cest a elle seule que je confie ce Memoire, conessant la
1 It is not known what the thoughts of the Prince were ; but it is not unhkely
that the Duke would have consented to the match if he had lived.
2 From the circumstance of General Dillon's having done the English of this
letter and the following Memorial into French it would appear that Lord Mar
was not acquainted with the French language. The aforementioned fact is
doubtless quite sufficient to account for the numerous blunders which appear in
Lord Mar's manuscript.
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 227
generosite de ses sentimens. Si ce projet etoit vu par quelque
anglois, quoique raeme naturalize en ffrance, la chose pouroit
transpirer et eela pouroit rendre la nation angloise moins zele
pour le retablissment de sa Roy legitime quelle ne Test a
present.
Je crois ce papier sur entre les mains de V. A R. Je
connois la fidelite de celuy qui la traduit et transcrit et celle
du porteur est assez conue a V. A. R.
Je fais cette demarche a Tinseu du Roy mon Maitre, mais si
V. A. R. goute le project je ne desespere pas de pouvoir
engager saMajeste de I'envoyer ici des pouvois necessaires pour
conclure cette affaire, — J'ay Thoneur d'etre avec un tres profond
respect, Monseigneur V. A. R. le tres humble et tres obeisant
serviteur. {Sic Sub.) Le Due de Mar.
J Paris le Sep''-' 1723.
Translation of the foregoing letter from L'^ Mar to the Duke
of Orleans : —
Monseigneur, — I humblie ask pardon of your Royal Highness for
importuning you again with my letters. I only take the liberty of pre-
senting your Highness with this Memoriall from the ardent desire I have
of being in some measure servicable to the ffrench nation, formerly the
faithfull friend and ally of Scotland, and of seeing my lawfull Prince
restored and my country reunited to ffrance, in a maner firm and
advantageous to both countries.
I beseech your R. H. to give yourself the trouble of reading what I
have the honour to send you. I flatter myself you will find something
new in it ; it contains a project that may one day be of service to
ffrance, as well as to my king and country.
It only belongs to your R. H. to know the proper time when you
would undertake an affair of this nature. I am not to ask any questions
upon that head ; but I should think myself infinitely happie if I should
live to see the day when this should happen, and I should have any share
in the execution of this project by the comands of your R. H. 'Tis to
you alone I confide this iVIemoriall, knowing the generosity of your
sentiments. Were this scheme seen by any Englishman, tho' naturalized
in ffrance, the business might take air, and it might make the English
nation less jealous for the restoring of their lawfull king than they are
at present.
I belive this paper will be safe in the hands of your R. H. I know
the fidelity of him who translated and transcribed it ^ and the character of
the bearer ^ is sufficiently knowen to your R. H. I make this step un-
^ General Dillon. - Lord Southesk.
228 LORD MAR'S MEMORIAL
knowen to the king my master; but if your R. H. should approve this
scheme I don't despair of prevailing on his Maj. to send the necessary
powers' to conclud this affair. -I have the honour of being with the
profoundest respect, Monseigueur, Your R. H.'s most humble and most
obedient servant. {Sic sub.)
Le Dug De Mar.
COPIE OF THE MeMORIALL INCLOSED IN THE FORE-
GOING LETTER TO HIS R. H. THE DuKE OF
Orleans from L^ Mar.
A son Altesse Roy ale
Monseigneur Le Due UOrleans.
Memoire sur L'Interet de la France par raport UEcosse a
L'Angleterre et Flrlande.
Le Desein de ce Memoire est d'examiner s'il est de Tlnteret
de la France, de Retablier le Roy Jacques ou d'acquiescer a
raffermisement du Roy George et de sa Maison sur le Trone
d'angleterre, etc.
Ce n'est pas sans raison que les anglois pretend ent tenir la
Ballance de UEurope, dans leurs mains, et pouvoir la pancher
de tel cote quils voudront par leurs forces surmer et sur Terre.
II ya long temps que la maison d'autiriche, et ses allies on
fait une tritte experience, de cette verite. lis avaient eprouve
pendant la premiere guerre D'Holland en 1672, quil ne
saffisoit pas que L'Angleterre retat dans la Neutralite comme
elle avoit fait durant le Regne de Charles 2nd et pendant les
quatre premieres annees du Regne du Roy Jaques son Frere.
Dans cet Intervalle, La France prit autant de villes qu'elle en
assiegea, et remporta autant de victoires qu elle donna de
Battailles.
C'est ce qui determina les Imperiaux assembles a Auxbourg
a fair tout leur possible pour engager le feu Roy Jacques
d'entrer avec eux dans une Eigne contre la France. Les am-
bassadeurs de UEmpereur, de UEspagne et D'Hollande qui
etoient alors a Londres firent d'abord tons leurs efforts pour
gagner ce Prince par les Insinuations mais voyant qu il etoit
hiflexible, Les Hollandois (comme il avoit etre concerte a
Auxbourg) preterent des Troups et des vaisseaux au Prince
d'Orange pour envader KAngleterre. Cest ainsy que Tattache-
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 229
ment da Roy Jaques pour la France luy couta en quelque
fa(^on sa couronne.
Apres que ce Prince eut etc, depossede de ses etats, quel
changement n'arriva pas dans les affair de France par le
jonction des Troupes angloises avec celles des Imperiaux? a
quelles extremites ne fut elle pas reduite pendant le cours d'une
longue guerre qui prodiga le sang de ses sujets, qui epuisa les
Tresors du Roy, et qui diminua beaucoup L'etendue de
L'Empire Francois ?
Depuis Favenement du Roy George a la couronne la paix a
subsiste entre la France et la Grande Britagne parcque ce
Prince n'avoit point d'autre nioyen pour le maintenir sur le
Trone, que par I'amitie et par la Protection d'un voisin aussy
puisant que le Roy de France. Mais cette alliance est elle
ou pent elle demurer long temps affermie ?
La Maison D'Autriche et les Princes Allemans son les
ennemis et les Rivaux naturelles de la grandeur Fran^oise, Les
Desire secrets et les pretextes specieux ne leur manqueront
jamais pour attaquer la France sur tout tandis quelle sera
Maitresse D'Alsce et de Strasbourg,
En cas dune Rupture semblable quel party prendra le Roy
George ? II est electeur de L'Empire. II prefer sagment ses
Etats Heriditaires et ceaux qu'il a nouvellement acquis en
Allemagne au Royaume D'Angleterre, ou il se voit meprise luy
meme et sa famile en Horreur. It est done naturel de croire
qu'il s'unira contre la France et qu'il entrainnera avec luy
L'Angleterre tandis qu'il ensera la maitre.
Ce ne seroit pas de meme si le Roy Jaques remontoit sur son
Trone. Ce Prince n''a acunes mesures a garder avec L'Empereur,
nul lieu, nulle obligation ne Fattache a FAllemagne, ni a acun
Prince que pourvoit devinir FEnnemy de la France mais il a
un Interet puisant de cultiver Famitie du Roy tres Chretian
comrae on verra bientot.
On objectera peutetre que le Pari. d'Angleterre pourroit
forcer le Roy malgre ses inclinations et ses interets de se declarer
contre la France, dememe il est de son interet et de luy de ses
Heritiers d'etre dans une telle situation qu'ils ne soyent jamais
contraints de ceder aux humeurs cajiricieuses que le Pari, anglois
pourroit avoir pour troubler cette unnion.
230 LORD MAR^S MEMORIAL
Ce Pari, a diminue Tautorite et les Prerogatives de la cou-
roume. II a empiete sur les droits et sur les priveleges des
Royaumes d'Ecosse et dlrland. II a aneanty le Pari, de Fune
en Tincorporant depuis peu avec le sien. II tient depuis longues
annees le Pari, de Fautre dans sa dependance. II veut tout
gouverner par ses propes councils. Les deux autres nations en
gemissent, et ne cherchent qu'a secourer le joug.
De plus le peuple anglois est ennemy et rival de la grandeur
Fran^oise autant que les Princes Allemandes. II a ete nourry
pendant plusiers siecles par des guerres presque continuelles
dans une haine inveteree contre la fFrance.
Voila les causes du Mai. II parroit d'abord que le moyen le
plus prop re d'y remedier est d'entretenirtouj ours en Angleterre
une armee mais rien ne servoit plus dangereux pour la maison
de Stuart ne plus incompatible avec le genie anglois.
Le seul Remede efficace et salutaire est de Retablier les
Royaumes d'Ecosse et dlrlande dans leur ancienne Liberte et
independance du Royaume et du Pari. D'Angleterre. Par la
ces deux Royaumes egaleroient L'Angleterre en force, II seroit
de leur interet de sustenir leur Roy Legitime contre Thumeur
altiere des anglois et il seroit de son Interet de les soutenir
reciproquement.
Par la les Roys D' Angleterre seroient plus puissans, plus
libres, plus maitres d'eux memes pour suivre leur Interets et
leurs Inclinations et en meme temps plus obliges que jamais a
conserver une union inviolable avec la France. Cest elle seule
qui pent par sa force et par son voisinage maintenir sur le
Trone d' Angleterre un Roy catolique et un Roy que sera
toujours expose (independament de sa religion) aux Brigues,
aux caballes et aux troubles qui arrivent souvent depuis temps
immemorial dance ce Royaume et qui semblent naitre comme
dans Tancienne Rome de la Forme de son gouvernment, ou
sous preterite de soutenir la liberte du peuple on attaque
souvent Tautorite des Roys.
Par la TEcosse et Flrlande s'attacheront naturellement au Roy
tres Chretien comme au guardien de leur Liberte, et de cette
fa^on ces Royaumes luy seroient plus utiles que si lun d'eux
luy appartenoit. Un Roy d' Angleterre avec trois Pari, anisey
Independans dont deux auroint toujours un interet essentiel de
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 231
menager la France seroit un allie tres utile a la nation Fran-
9oise laquelle seroit a jamais afFranchie des craintes ou elle
a toujoLirs ete de ses anciens ennemis et rivaux Les Anglois.
Par la enfin tous les Traittes Desadvantageux que la France
a fait avec L"'Angleterre depuis la Revolution pourient etre
aneantis et la France entrevoit dans tous les droits dont elle
jouissoit sous le Regne de Jaques ^'^.
Pour eftectuer ce changement on propose qu'il y ait une
ligue offensive et defensive entre sa Maj. tres Chretienne et le
Roy Jaques et que par cette ligue II soit stipule :
1. Que le Roy de France fera tout son possible pour retablir
Le Roy Jaques sur le Trone de ses ancetres en luy fournissant
des Troupes, des amies des vaisseaux et generalement tout ce
que sera necessaire pour faire une Descent. Que le Roy Jaques
sera oblige de payer et d'entretenir ces troupes a ses depens
huit jours apres qu'elles seront descendlies dans la grande
Bretagne et que les frais de cette expedition seront rembourses
par le Roy D'Angleterre apres son Retablissement.
2. Que le Roy Jaques sera oblige par le dit Traitte de
Retablir Les Royaumes d'Ecosse et d'Irlande dans leur ancienne
Liberte et dans leur Independance du Royaume du Pari, et
des conseils D'Angleterre pour etre gouvernes dans les propres
Pari de ces deux Royaumes, et quel essentiel de ces Lois sera
concerte et arrete avant que les Troupes fran^oises quittent la
grande Bretagne.
3. Que le Roy Jaques sera oblige de fournir au Roy de France
cinq mille homnies des troups Ecossoises et autant d''Irlandois
et meme le Double si le Roy tres Chretiene le demande, que la
Roy de France sera oblige d'entretenir ces troupes a ses depens
que leurs officiers receveront de luy leurs comissions, mais qu'ils
seront recommandes par le Roy Jaques et par ses Heritiers
legitimes et que les dites troupes auront permission de retourner
dans la grande Bretagne quand le Roy D'Angleterre les
demandera mais dans les temps et de la maniere dont il sera
convenu avec le Roy tres Chretien par les articles du Traitte.
4. Enfin que le dit Traitte a tout ce que y aura du rapport
sera ratifie et confirme pour avoir Parlemens D'Ecosse D'Angle-
terre et D'Irlande avant (jue les troupes ffran9oises sortent de
ces Royaumes.
232 LORD MAR'S MEMORIAL
II seroit impossible d'executer les articles de ce traitte si on
le disseroit jusqua ce que le Roy Jaques fut remonte sur son
Trone. Ce Prince seroit alors entre les mains des anglois qui
s'opposeroient a ce projet avec vigeur, et il n'oseroit y con-
sentir mais tout sera facile de la maniere qu'on la propose.
Les Anglois ne pourroient pas se plaindre avec Raison de ce
que le Roy auroit recompense la fidelite de la nation Ecosse et
Irlandoise en les retablissant dans leurs premiere Indepen-
dance. L'Ecosse jouissoit de cette Liberte il n'y a pas long
temps et PAngleterre est deja lasse de Tunion derniere qu'elle a
fait avec cette nation. Quoique les Irlandois se soumettent
au Roy d'Angleterre et (ju'ils luy seront toujours attaches
cen'etait pas ce pendant pour etre les esclaves du peuple et du
Pari, anglois. Les anglois pourront ils se plaindre de ce que
le Roy rend justice a deux Royaumes dont il es autant le
pere que de celuy d'Angleterre. Ne peut il pas dire aux anglois
qu'apres les avoir sollicite pendant plus de Trente ans a le
rappeller, ou'est effort enfin a le Retablir d'une maniere
honorable et avantageuses pour la France son allie, pour ses
deux Royaumes D'Ecosse et D'lrlande et pour sa Maison
Royale, sans prejudice neamoins aux vrayes Libertes ni aux
Loix antique du peuple anglois.
II n'y a cun Prince etranger avec qui la France est en
Liaison qui pourroit seblesser de ce Traitte, mais au contraire
tons y trouverroient leurs avantages. L'Espagne sera bien
aise de voir les Irlandois ses anciens amis, et ses allies rede-
venir un peuple libre, pour les memes raisons que la ffrance le
sera de voir ses anciens amis et allies les Ecossois retablis
dans leur premiere Liberte et Independance. De plus les
Traittes desavantageuse faits entre L'Espagne et L'Angleterre
depuis a Revolution pourroient etre aneantis.
Les Hollandois Rivaux des anglois pour le commerce
seroient charmes de ce project, par ce qu'il rendrait leur
Negoce avec L'Ecosse et L'Irlande plus facile et plus libre.
Cela paroit evidement par le chagrin que la Republique
d'Hollande marqua au sujet de la derniere union de TEcosse
avec L'angleterre,
Le Czar trouverrait ses Interets dans ce project et II y a lieu
de croire qu'il y entrevoit, et qu'il enverroit ou des troupes en
TO THE DUKE OR ORLEANS 233
angleterre selon ([ue S. A. R. le jugeroit a propos, ou qu'il
attaqueroit less etats du Roy George en allemagne dans le
meme temps que la France seroit une descente dans la grand
Bretagne.
Si les Suedois songeoient a leurs Interets propres plus qua
ceux du Prince etranger qui le gouverne, lis gouteroient ce
projet, mais dans Fetat ou ils sont ce desein leur doit etre
indiiFerent assy bien qu'aux Danois.
L''Empereur et les Princes Allenians Rivaux de la France ne
seroient pas a la verite con tens de ce project parcequil les
priveroit du secours des anglois en cas d'une Rupture avec la
France. Mais ils sont trop Elignes pour en empecher Texecution
si ce n'est en fflandres ou la France pent aisement les arreter
sur tout puisque les Hollandois ne s'y opposeroient pas.
Si S. A. R. juge a Propos d'entrer dans ce project une
grande flotte ne sera pas necessaire pour fair une descente en
Angleterre. Des petits Batimens et des Batteaux de Pescheurs
suffiroient pour transporter dans une seul nuit des troupes, des
armes, et tout ce qu^il faut, de sorte que la flotte angloise ne
pourroit pas empecher le Debarquement de ces troupes, cpiand
elle sauroit leur dessein.
Les sujets des trois Royaumes sont gcneralement mecontent
du gouvernement et en demandent meme en angleterre, qu^un
chef, un corps des troupes et des armes pour se Rassembler et
pour faire un soulevement general.
L''Ecosse est comme un seul homme pour le Roy Ja(|ues avec
un peu de secours II s'enrendoit maitre en trois semaines et
dans trois autres il pourroit envoyer de la une armee de quinze
on de vingt mille hommes en Angleterre.
Les amys du Roy Jaques en Irlande n'ont point d'armes,
mais avec un peu de secours, Ils pourroient en peu de temps
non seulement empecher les troupes du gouvernement present
de passer de la dans la G. Bretagne, mais ils seroient bientot en
etat eux memes d'envoyer des troupes en Ecosse et dans
TAngleterre.
Pour executer done le Projet en question, II suffiroit d'en-
voyer cinq ou sex mille hommes en Angleterre avec vingt
mille armes : Deux mille hommes en Ecosse avec quinze mille
armes et quatre mille hommes en Irlande avec quinze mille
S34 LORD MAR^S MEMORIAL
armes. Le tout en monteroit qu'a Douze mille hommes et
cinquante mille armes avee toutes les Munitions necessaires ce
qui est un petit object pour la ffrance. Mais si Ton trouve que
ce soit trop, on pent ce contenter de moins, cependant ce qu'on
propose rendroit le succes assure,
II ne seroit pas difficile d'engager le Roy Jaques d'envoyer
de Rome de pouvoirs a une ou deux personnes de confiance ny
pour traiter avec eux que S. A. R. nommeroit, non seulement
de ce qui est propose, mais de tout ce qu''elle voudroit proposer
de sa part ou de celle de la ffrance. Le tout pourroit se faire
avec un secret impenetrable a d'une maniere si prompte que
le Roy Jaques pourroit etre Retably dans FEspace de deux
mois. Pen de temps apres les articles qui regardent Tlnde-
pendance de FEcosse et d'lrlande pourroient etre ratifies dans
leurs Pari, des trois Royauraes.
Par tout cecy les desseins que S. A. R. pent avoir ne seroient
ni deconcertes ni retarde's, au contraire, lis reussiroient mieux
apres le Retablissement d'un allie sur et puissant dont les vues
ne pourroient etre necessairement que celles de S. A. R. Quelle
gloire Immortelle pour elle d'avoir acheve un ouvrage que
Louis le grand n'a pas pu consomraer nonobstant ses efforts
redoubles !
Par la S. A. R. se rendroit a jamais chere a la France, a
FEcosse a FIrlande, a trois nations qui y trouverroient leurs
Interets, et des avantages dans tons les siecles a venir. Par
la Elle se reandroit "chere a la Maison Royale de Stuart, a la
meilleure et la plus grande partie de la nation Angloise, Par
la elle avoit seule Fhonneur d'avoir repare les injures faites a
la Majeste dans la personne d\ui Roy qui est comme Elle petit
ffils de Henry le grand.
Sir S. A. R. croit avoir des Raisons pour ne pas entrer dans
ce projet, ou pour en differer Fexecution, Les amis du Roy
Jaques n''ont d'autre ressourse que de Fentreprendre par eux
memes, avec le concours de leur Roy qui y entrera volontiers.
L'oppression est parvenlie a son comble elle ne pent aug-
menter qu'en les auctissant. Le government medite a desarmer
tout fait les Ecossois et a les accabler par ce nouvelles Taxes
comme on a fait le Catoliques et les non jurans en Angleterre.
Les Proscriptions regnent part tout, Que n'entreprendra pas un
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 235
peuple desespere, pousse a bout et resolu de perir, ou de savoir
la Labite ?
S'il succombe sous poids de ses malheurs ou s'il s'en delivre
tout seul, quels regrets n'aura pas La France d'avoir manque
une occasion si felicitant de former une alliance stable et advan-
tageuse avec le Roy d'angleterre et en meme temps de se
mettre a libre d'un peuple et d'un Pari, que depuis plusieurs
siecles sont jaloux de la gloire de nom Francois.
Fin.
N.B. — The following paragraph of the Memoriall forgot in
the copying : — II est par consequent Tinteret de La France
d'avoir toujours Tangleterre, pour son allie, mais quels sont les
moyens les plus surs d'afFermir cette alliance.
The forgoing Memorial and letter to the Duke of Orleans
haveing been sent by Mr. Hay to the Bishope of Rochester,
D^^^* Attesbury, as soon as Mr. Hay returnd to the King, from
the copie his Maj. had from L° Mar, it was by the Bishope's
directions printed at London in fFrench and English an. 1728,
dispersed there, and severall copies of it sent into ffrance at
Thizy [.?], intending to make Lord Mar odious to the English,
without the least regard to the prejudice the publishing of it
might have to the king he pretends to serve, his affairs, or the
jealousies it may put betwixt the two nations.
Translation of the foregoing Memoriall to His Roy all Highness
the Duke of Orleans.
Memorial touching the interest of ffrance with respect to
Scotland, England, and Ireland.
The design of this Memoriall is to examine whether it be most for the
interest of ffrance to esteablish King James, or to acquiesce in the settle-
ment of King George and his ffamily, on the Throne of England, etc.
It is not without reason that the English pretend to hold the Ballance
of Europe in their hands, and to be able to incline it to what side they
please by reason of their strength by land and sea.
'Tis now a long time since the House of Austria and its allies have
made a melancholy experience of this truth. They found during the
first Dutch war in 1672, that it was not sufficient England should remain
in a state of neutrality, as she did during the reign of King Charles 2"<^,
236 LORD MAR^S MEMORIAL
and during the first four years of the reign of his brother. King James ;
for in the interval France took as many towns as they beseig'd, and
obtained as many victories as she fought battles.
It was this that determined the Imperialists assembled at Ausburgh to
do all tliat was possible to engage the late King James to enter into an
alliance with them against France. The ambassadors of the Emperor of
Spain and of Holland, who were then at London, at first made all their
efforts to gain over that Prince by insinuations ; but finding that he was
inflexible, the Hollanders (as it had been concerted at Ausburgh) lent
troops and ships to the Prince of Orange to invade England. It was
thus that the attachment of King James to France in some measure cost
him his crown.
After the Prince had been disposessed of his Dominions, what a chance
did there happen in the affairs of France, by the joining of the English
and Imperial forces .'' To what extremities was she not reduced, during
the course of a long war which exhausted her blood and treasure and
mightily reduced the extent of her Dominions .'' Consequently, it is the
interest of fFrance always to have England for its ally ; but what are
the surest means of confirming this alliance ? Since the accession of
King George to this crown, Peace has subsisted between fFrance and
Great Britain, because that Prince had no other way of mentaining him-
self upon the Throne, but by the friendship and protection of so powerful
a nighbour as the King of ffrance. But can this alliance remain long
on a sure footing ?
The House of Austria and the Princes of Germany are the natural
enemies and rivals of ffrench grandeur. Secret inclinations and specious
pretences will never be wanting to them for attacking fFrance, especially
whilst she continues mistress of Alsace and Strasburg.
In case of a rupture what party would King George take } He is an
elector of the Empire, and would wisely prefer his hereditary dominions,
and those which he has lately acquired in Germany, to the Kingdom of
England, etc., where he sees himself despised and his whole fFamilly
hated. 'Tis therefore natural to belive he would join against fFrance,
and would also draw England after him ^ as long as he continued master
of it.
But it would not be so if K. James should ascend the Throne. This
Prince has no measurs to keep with the Emperor, no alliance, no
obligation attaches him to Germany, nor to any Prince that may become
an Enemy to fFrance, but he will have a powerfull interest to cultivate
peace with his most Chris. Maj. as shall be shewn immediately.
It may perhaps be objected, that the Pari, of England may force the
king against his inclinations and interest to declare against ffrance,
examples of which have often been seen.
^ The Georges were not without reason suspected of preferring their Con-
tinental to their British Dominions.
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 237
As it will he the interest of King James to hold a lasting union with
France, it will also be his interest, and that of his heirs, to be in sucli a
situation as not to be oblidged to yield to the capricious humours which
an English Pari, may have of disturbing that union.
That Pari, has diminished the authority and prerogatives of the
crown ; it has encroached u])on the rights and privileges of the Parlia-
ments of Scotland and Ireland ; it has abolished the Pari, of the one and
lately incorporated it witli itself, and keept tlie Parliament of the otlier
these many years in a state of dependancy. It governs all by its own
proper councills, the two other nations groaning and only endeavouring
to shake off the yoke. Moreover, the people of England are enemies and
rivals of the ffrench grandeur as much as the princes of Germany ; they
have been bred for many ages in almost continuall wars and in an
inveterat hatred against the ffrench.
These are the causes of the evil. It appears at first sight that the
proper means of remedying them is to have a standing army in England,
but nothing would be more dangerous to the family of Stuart nor more
disagreeable to the genius of the English.
The only efl^ctual and wliolesome remedy is to Reestablish the King-
domes of Scotland and Irland in their ancient Libertys, and free them
from their dependance on the kingdome and Pari, of England.
By this means these two nations will be equall in strength to England ;
it will be their interest to support their lawfull King against the incon-
stant humours of the English, and of course it will be his interest
reciprocally to support them. Thus the Kings of England, etc., would
become more powerfull, more free, more masters of themselves to follow
their interest and inclinations, and at the same time would be more than
ever oblidged to preserve an inviolable union with ffrance. 'Tis she
alone that by her strength and nighbourhood will be able to support a
Catholick King upon the throne of England, and a king who will be
always exposed (independent of his religion) to the cavils, cabals, and
troubles which time immemorial have hapned in that kingdome, where
like ancient Rome from the form of her government, when under pre-
tence of maintaining the Liberty of the People, the Royal authority is
often infringed.
Thus Scotland and Irland would be naturally attached to the most
Christian King as the guardian of their Libertys ; and these Kingdomes
would become more beneficial to ffrance than if one of them belong'd to
her. A King of England with these independent Parliaments (two of
which would have an essential interest to keep well with ffrance) must be a
very usefull ally to the ffrench nation who would be delivered from the
fears they have long entertained of their ancient enemies and rivals the
English. In fine by this method all the disadvantageous treaties which
ffrance has made with England since the Revolution might be rendered
void, and ffrance would rest possest of all the rights which she enjoyed
in tlie reign of King James the 2"*^.
To bring about this change, it is proposed that there be a league
238 LORD MAR'S MEMORIAL
oflPensive and defensive between his most Christian Maj. and King James,
and by this League it shall be stipulated :
1. That the king of ffrance shall do all that in him is possible towards
the restoring King James to the Throne of his ancestors, by furnishing
him with troops, amies, ships, and generally with all things that shall be
necessary for a descent, and that King James shall be oblidged to pay
and maintain these troops at his own expence after they shall be landed
eight days in Great Britain ; and that the expence of the expedition
shall be reimbursed by the King of England after his esteablishment.
2. That King James shall be oblidged by the said treatie to settle the
kingdomes of Scotland and Irland in their ancient priviledges and inde-
pendant of the kingdome, Pari,, and Councils of England. To be
governed at all times hereafter by laws made in the proper Paris, of
those his kingdomes, and that this shall be actually agreed in and ratified
before the fFrench troops depart great Britain.
8. That King James shall be oblidged to furnish the king of ifrance
with 3000 Scots and 3000 Irish troops, and even double that number, if
his most Christian Maj. shall desire it. That the king of ffrance shall
be oblidged to mentain these troops in his own pay. That the officers
shall receive their comissions from him, but shall be recomended by
King James and his lawfull heirs ; and that the said troops shall be
permitted to return to great Britain whenever the King of England, etc.
shall demand them, but in such time as shall be agreed upon with his
most Christian Maj. by the articles of the said treatie.
4. In fine, that the said Treatie, and every thing that has relation to
it shall be ratified and confirm'd, and have the force of a law immutable
in the three Paris, of Scotland, England, and Irland, before the ffrench
troops shall depart those kingdomes.
It would be impossible to execute the articles of this treatie if it should
be deferr'd til K. James shall be esteablished upon the Throne ; That
Prince would then be in the hands of the English who would vigorously
oppose this project, nor would he venture to consent to it ; but all would
be easie in the maner here proposed. The English could not in reason
complain that the King had recompensed the fidelity of the Scots and
Irish nations in restoring them to their ancient independancy. Scot-
land enjoyed its liberty not long since, and England is already wearie of
the last Union which she made with that kingdome. Although the
Irish submitted to the King of England, and will be always attached to
him, yet it was not to be the slaves of the people and Pari, of England.
Could the English complain of the King's doing justice to two kingdomes,
of which he is as much the father as he is that of England .'' Might he
not very well tel the English that after haveing solicited more than
thirty years to be called home an offer was at length made to him to be
restored in a maner honourable and advantageous to France his ally, to
his two kingdomes of Scotland and Irland and to his Royal ffamily,
nevertheless without prejudice to the real liberties and and ancient laws
of the people of England }
TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS 239
There is no foreign Prince with whom iFrance is in alliance that could
be injured by this Treatie ; on the contrary all would find their advantage
by it.
Spain would be pleased to see the Irish their ancient friends and
allies become a free people, for the same reason that iFrance would be
also pleased to see her ancient friends and allies the Scots re-esfciblished
in their ancient Liberty and Independancie. Moreover^ the disadvan-
tagous treaties made betwixt Spain and England since the revolution
might therby be rendered void.
The Hollanders^ who are rivals of the English in trade will be charmed
with this project, because it would render the trafick with Scotland the
more easie and free. This appears evidently by the disgust which the
Republick of Holland shewd upon the union betwixt Scotland and
England.
The Czar will find his interest in this scheme, and there is room to
belive he would enter into it, and that he would either send troops into
Britain, according as H. R. H. sliould judge propei', or that he would
attack the dominions of King George in Germany at the same time that
ifrance should be makeing a descent upon Great Britain.
If the Swedes would regard their own proper interest more than that
of the foreign Prince ^ who governs them, they would relish this designe ;
but in the condition they are in, it may be altogether indifferent to them,
as well as to the Danes.
The Emperor and Princes of Germany, rivals of ffrance, would not
indeed be contented with this project, because it would deprive them of
tlie assistance of England, in case of a rupture with iFrance ; but they
are too far distant to hinder its execution, except in iflanders where
iFrance might easily stop them, especially seeing the Dutch would not
oppose it.
If his R. H. should judge it proper to engage in this scheme, a great
ifleet would not be necessary to make a descent upon England. Small
barks and ifishing boats will serve to transport in one night, troops,
armes, and every thing that shall be necessary, in so much that the
English ifleet will not be able to prevent the sending of these forces,
tho' they should be acquented with the Design.
The subjects of the three kingdomes [are .''] for the most part disaiFected
to the present government ; and even in England they require nothing
but a comander, a body of troops and armes to assemble themselves and
make a general riseing.
Scotland is like one man for K. James, who with a little assistance
might make himself master of it in three weeks, and in three more he
would be able to send an armie of 15 or 20,000 men into England.
The friends of K. James in Irland have no armes, but with a very
little succour, they might be able, not only to hinder the troops of the
present government from passing into Britain, but would be also in a,
The King of Denmark,
240 LORD MAR^S MEMORIAL
condition themselves to send troops over into Scotland and from thence
to England.
To execute^ therefore, the scheme in question, it would be sufficient
to send 5 or 6000 over into England, with 20,000 arms ; 2000 men into
Scotland with 15,000 arms, and 4000 men into Irland with 15,000 arms.
The whole would amount to no more than 12,000 men with 50,000 arms
and all the necessary amunition, which would be a very trifle to ifrance ;
and if that should be thought too much, even less might serve, neverthe-
less what is liere proposed would render the success certain.
It would be no difficult thing to engage King James to send powers
from Rome to one or two persons in trust for him here, to treat with
sucli as his R. H. sliould name, not only concerning what is here pro-
posed, but of all that may be proposed on the part of his Royall Highness
or that of ffrance. The whole might be conducted with such impenitrable
secrecy and in so expeditious a maner, that King James might be restored
in the space of two months. In a little time after, the articles that
regard the Independancy of Scotland and Irland might be ratified in
the Paris, of the three kingdomes.
By all this no designs which his R. H. may have will l)e either discon-
certed or retarded ; on the contrary they will succeed the better after the
esteablishment of so powerfull an ally, whose views must necessarily be
the same with those of his R. H. What an immortal glory will it be to his
R. H. to finish a work which Lewis the great was not able to compass
notwitli standing his repeated efforts ! By this his R. H. will for ever
endear himself to ff"rance, Scotland, and Irland, three nations who will
find their interest and advantages in it to all ages. By this his R. H.
will endear liimself to the ffamily of Stewart, and to the best and greatest
part of the English nation. By this he will alone have the honour of
repairing the injuries done to Majesty in the person of a king, who as
well as himself, is great grandson to Hemy the Great.
If his R. H. should think he has reasons not to enter into this project
or to defer its execution, the fi-iends of King James have no other ex-
pedient but to undertake it themselves with consent of their king, wlio
will readily engage in it. Oppression is at the highest pitch, and cannot
increase but by a total extirpation of them [it.^]. The government
threatens entirely to disarm the Scots and to load them with new taxes,
as the Catholicks and nonjurors have already been in England. Pro-
scriptions abound everywhere. ^Vlien pressed to extremities, what will
not a desperat people undertake, resolved to die or recover their liberty }
If they sink under this weight of sufi"erings, or if they should alone
deliver themselves, how would ifrance regret her haveing missed so
glorious an occasion for formeing a lasting and advantageous alliance
with the King of England, etc. , and at the same time of being freed from
all apprehensions of a people and Pari, who have been for many ages
jealous of the ffrench name and glory.
A THOUGHT WITH REGARD TO SCOT-
LAND on the Foregoing Memorial to H.R.H.
the late Duke of Orleans, occasioned by
the Emberas appearing to the general Peace,
Novemb. 1727.^
Should there be difficultys found in the scheme in the above-
mentioned Memoriall with regard to the interest of King James
and the king and kingdome of ffrance by King George being so
well esteablished on the thron of Great Britain and the King
of ffrance being so far engaged by treaties for the support of
the ffamily of Hanover there, another scheme much to the
same purpose may be form'd, which might perhaps more easily
be brought about ; and in great measur answer the ends pro-
posed by the Memoriall, and for the advantage of most of the
powers concerned in the present dispute about the settlement
of Europe.
There is ground to belive that the late Kinff of Sweden ^
^ Tnis paper or pamphlet is the basis of the so-called Hanover ' Plot.'
Burton, the historian, has the following reference to it in his History of Scotland
(vol. ii. p. 229) : ' He (Mar) did not, however, omit such opportunities as
occurred of plotting for his adopted cause when he conveniently could ; and so
he appears to have communicated with Sunderland, the British Minister, a plan
for enlarging the Elector of Hanover's continental dominions on the condition of
his consenting to a restoration — a project about which Sunderland seems to have
consented to hear, from the chance so afforded him of penetrating the real
designs of the enemy.' It is said on good authority that King George himself
was favourably impressed with Mar's scheme.
" The design of bringing the King of Sweden into the Prince's measures is
generally accredited to Lord Mar. Lockhart, in his Memoirs, says : ' There
was ... a surmise that the king had some hopes of gaining the King of
a
242 LORD MAR^S MEMORIAL
in the Design he had of re-esteablishing K. James and the
ffamily of Stewart, about whicli he was going when he was
unfortunately killed, did not intend to restore him to all the
Dominions his fFather, King James, was possest of, but only to
part of them.
To follow out a design of this kind, the plan might be that
K. James and his children should be restored to the kingdomes
of Scotland and Irland, with some of the Plantations in
America, where a great number of the natives of these two
countrys are esteablished, and to leave England, with the other
settlements and plantations in the East and West Indies, now
belonging to that kingdome, to King George and his posterity.
King James and his lawfull heirs might perhaps be happier by
this than his predecessors ever were by the possession of the
three kingdomes. King George and his heirs could have no
reason to complain, since they would therby get the peacable
and sure possession of the valuable and rich kingdome of Eng-
land ; and that to be confirmed to them by a renounciation by
King James and his children, as King George and his should
renounce to them the other two kingdomes, etc., as above, all
to be guaranted by the Emperor, ffrance, Spain and Holland,
and the King of Sardinia his queen and his son as next heirs in
blood to King James and his children, which powers would all
find their accounts by it.
England ought not in justice to complain of this division,
since by it they would be more surly delivered from their fears
of the Pretender, as they call him, than ever they can other-
wise be. All their comerce, trade, and most of their planta-
tions would be left to them in place of Irland (which sub-
mitted to the king and not to the people of England) the
Sweden to espouse his cause ; and the first noltice therof to be depended upon
was a letter from the Duke of Mar to Captain Straiton which he directed to be
communicated to the Bishop of Edinburgh, the Lord Balmerino, and myself,
wherin he signify'd that if 5 or 6000 boles of meal would be purchased by the
king's friends and sent to Sweden, where there was then a great scarcity, it
would be of great service to the king. But we foresaw so many difficulties in
raising a sum sufficient for it, and withal so impracticable to collect and embark
such a quantity of meal without being discouvered and creating some suspicion
in the government, that we could not think of undertaking it with any hopes of
succesi (vol. ii. p. 7).
A THOUGHT FOR SCOTLAND 243
Dominions of King George in Germany would depend on
them.
This division would be agreeable to the people of Scotland
and Irland, who are both of one stock. A ffederal union to be
esteablished at the same time between these two kingdomes, by
which the laws and seperat Parliaments of both to be reserved,
which would be much more advantagous to these two countrys
than any kind of conjunction with England.
Neither King James nor King George will never willingly
and of their own accord agree to this Division, the one think-
ing he has an hereditary right to the whole, and the other
being in posession of all ; but it would be easie for the powers
above mentioned to oblidge them to it, since the people of
Scotland and Irland would gladly assist in bringing it about
when they see these powers interest themselves heartily in the
affair, which they might do witliout any danger to themselves
or disturbance to the affairs of Europe, but on the contrair
very much for its tranquility.
244 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
APPENDIX
LETTER FROM THE EARL OF MAR
TO THE CHEVALIER
Romc,ffeb. 5'\ 1719.
Sire, — I think it my duty and incvunbent on me at this time,
when y"^ Majesty may be in England before I have the happiness
of seeing you again, to lay before you for y'^ own privat use what
occurrs to me by my haveing been a considerable time in business
there, w'=^ gave me opportunitys of knowing things and persons
that y'^ Majesty cannot possiblie have til some time after y"^ arivall,
and I offer this to y"" Majesty w'' all submission as the best service
I am capable of rendring you at this junctur.
As the Church of England and the party that goes by its name,
w'^'^ is now calld Torys, are the Majority of the people, so have they
ever been the supporters of the Crown, and y"^ Majesty will find by
supporting and countenancing of them that you will have a quiet
and happie reine.
Y'^ Royall unckle King Charles found the fatall consequences, as
the late King y'^ ffather and y'" Majesty have dearly since, of his
neglecting those at his restoration who had been most zealous for
him and the royall cause and preferring in too partiall and eminent
a way those who had been otherways in hopes by that to gain
them.
Y*" Majesty possesses the charactaristick of y"^ ffamily, Good
nature, gentelness of temper and reddyness to forgive, y^ showing
that to those who have opposed you and forgetting the Injurys
they have done to the King y"" ffather and y*" self when they come
to alter their wayes is becomeing a great Prince, and the doing so
will be I know no pain to you, but justice and equity require that
those who have suffred so long for you and been instrumentall in
y'' service, should find the first fruits of y"" favours in haveing y'
APPENDIX 245
countenance in the first place and being principally consulted and
advised with in y'^ affairs, this will encourage and confirme y"^
friends and lessen y*" eniraies, w'^'^ is the way to establish you and
y"" posterity upon the thron.
Some exceptions thei-e must be w* regard to fitt persons and of
experience and knowledge in business to be emploied under you,
when there are not such to be found of the party you emploie, w'='^
is often the case there and I belive eveiy whei*e. And should it
be so when y*" Majesty comes to be restord, alow me to informe
you of one who In ray humble oppinion is one of the most proper
to serve you as one of y'^ principal ministers. It is Mr. Henry
Boyle, unckle to the present Earle of Burlingtone and who is now
call'd L*^* Carleton. He has been always what they call a moderat
man as to partys, but more Tory than whigg. When he was in the
Secretary office in y'' Sister's time, no body ever did the business
better in it, and there was no body of whom that great minister,
L*^ Godolphin, had a better oppinion. He had very good under-
standing and an agreeable temper and no man is easier in concert
of business. He has always been well w*' the Duke of Ormond,
tho not of his principall advisers and I belive wou'd still be agi-ee-
able to him. Mr. Boyle was once a great friend of Mr. Primroses
and it was much against his will that he quitted his emploiment at
the change of L'^ Godolphins ministry when all those w* whom he
had served were turnd out, yet he acted a veiy moderat part after-
wards. He avoided being of the new Pari, and was very well w*
Mr. Primrose and the then ministry tho not in business w* them, for
yfCh. Ld Marleborough and the whigg party have never yet forgiven
him. It is true he has been made a Peer by George, but has never
gone into their extravagant and violent measurs. He was long
Chancelor of the Exchequer and sub treasurer, so is well seen in
the affairs of the treasury and funds w* are very intricat, and I
verily belive there are not two men in England who are more
capable to advise y'^ Majesty in those important affaii's than he and
L'^ Bingly who served in L^^ Oxfords time in the same post, and
they could be helpfull one to another. Mr. Boyle was never one
of those for bringing the power of the Crown too low and by the
reputation he has generally got, the people wou'd have confidence
in him that might make him very usefull to you. Upon the whole
he is well worth gaining to y^ intrest w*^*^ I belive will be no diffi-
cult work.
As I have said, it is highly reasonable and for y'^ intrest that
those who have appeard most zealous for y'^ service hitherto
246 LORD MAR'S LEGACY
when y'' affairs were at the lowest should be most regarded and
first emploied in the eminent posts by y'^ Majesty. Mr. Rigg has
undoubtedly a very good claim on this respect as well, as on
account of his eminent parts, to have such distinguishing marks of
y'^ favour bestowd on him in his way, as y"^ Majesty shall judge
proper. And I hope you may be able to contrive it so that Mr.
Boyle wou'd not be disagreeable to him, as I know he wou'd have
been very acceptable to y"^^ friend the Duke of Shrewsbery had it
pleased God to have alowd him to see y"^ restoration, w'^^ he so
much wisht for.
L^ Bingly had always a warme side for y^ Majesty, and when y'
business shall once begin to go well when you come to England,
as I hope in God it soon will, you want but to lay y^ comands
on him.
As to Scotland, I hope I may be so happie to be w* y'' Majesty
at furthest before the time of y'^ settling y'" affairs there, when I
shall lay my thoughts of them humblie before you, so all I will
trouble y"^ Majesty w* at this time in relation to them is in generall,
that notwithstanding of y'^ Restoreing that y"^ ancient Kingdome to
its old constitution and forme of Goverment, by reliving it from
the Union, w'^'^ by experience has proved so grivous, yet so long as
Presbitry is the esteablisht goverment of the Church there, you
can never riene peacablie nor be in quiet. Esteablishing the
Church there as it is in England w* the like toleration to those who
cannot comply w* it, will in time make y"^ affairs there easie and
them a happie people w* that and the encouragments y^" Majesty
may other wayes give them as to their trade, etc., Avithout any loss
to y'^ Kingdome of England ; But the sooner after y'^ restoration
you endeavour what shall be found just and reasonable that way,
the more easily you will get it done, because the doing of it will
in some measur depend on England.
You will have little difficulty in getting a Parliament in Scotland
that will settle that country in that just way y'^ Majesty will pro-
pose, nor will you want fitt people to serve you there.
I know thers no occasion for my recomending the Highlanders
to y' Majesty, you have seen and know them and the great atach-
ment they have had to y'^ family. By encourageing of them and
giveing them armes and some reasonable alowance to their chifes
and superiours and preventing their being oprest by those who have
jurisdictions over them until y'' Majesty shall think fitt to purchess
them w* were much y*' intrest to do, will cost but little expence
and trouble, nothing in Scotland or from it can ever hurt you. It
APPENDIX 247
will save y' keeping any troops there but a few gards and garrisons
and be of no burthen to the country.
I beg y'^ Majesty may pardon this presumption and may you
soon have occasion for putting things^ or what are better in
practice.
[Indorsed] D. Mar. Feb. 4. and 5. 1719.
LETTERS WRITTEN BY
MRS. GRANT OF LAGGAN
CONCERNING HIGHLAND AFFAIRS AND
PERSONS CONNECTED WITH THE STUART
CAUSE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Edited by
J. R. N. MACPHAIL
INTRODUCTION
The writer of the following letters was the only child of
Duncan Macvicar and Catharine Mackenzie, his wife, and was
born in Glasgow in the year 1755, Her father's family
belonged to Craignish in Argyll, while her mother was on the
maternal side descended from the Stewarts of Invernahyle.
Three years after her birth the 77th Regiment, in which her
father held a commission, was ordered to America, where she
and her parents remained some ten years. In 1768 they
returned to Scotland, and resided in Glasgow till 1773, when
Mr. Macvicar was appointed Barrack-master at Fort Augustus,
where his daughter lived till her marriage in 1779 to the Rev.
James Grant, minister of the parish of Laggan, which lies in
the centre of Inverness-shire. Of good Highland blood on
both sides, Mrs. Grant had all along been deeply interested
in everything that related to her race, and she spared no pains
in becoming thoroughly acquainted with the customs, the
traditions, and the language of the people among whom she
now had her home. Soon after the death of her husband in
1801, Mrs. Grant removed with her family from Laggan to
Woodend, near Stirling, and in 1810 she finally settled in
Edinburgh, where she died in 1838, at the ripe old age of
eighty-three.
In 1803 Mrs. Grant published a volume of poems, the most
ambitious of which was entitled ' The Highlanders." In 1806
this was followed by a selection from the correspondence
which she had kept up with her south-country friends from
1773, when her family settled at Fort Augustus. The High-
252 INTRODUCTION
lands of Scotland were at that time an unknown land, and
from their matter, as well as from their literary merit, these
Letters from the Mountains attracted considerable attention,
and secured for the writer recognition as an authority of some
importance on Highland affairs — a reputation which was
enhanced by the appearance in 1811 of her Essays on the
Superstitions oj the Highlands oj Scotland.
One of Mrs. Grant's neighbours at Woodend was Mr.
(afterwards Sir Henry) Steuart of Allanton, with whose wife —
a Miss Seton of Touch — she was on terms of intimate friend-
ship. A county gentleman of no ordinary attainments, he
had the intention of writing ' An historical Review of the
different attempts to restore the Stewart family to the throne,
from the Revolution in 1688 to the Suppression of the Rebel-
lion in 1745.' To Mrs. Grant, amongst others, he applied
for assistance in the collection of materials, and in response
to his request the following letters were written. Sir Henry
Steuart, however, never succeeded in carrying out his design,
and Mrs. Grant's letters, along with the other papers which he
had accumulated, including The Lyon in Mournings passed
into the hands of Dr. Robert Chambers, to the courtesy of
whose grandson and representative, Mr. C. E. S. Chambers,
their publication is now due.
It is indeed rather as embodying what had already become
tradition — but tradition of a very rich and special kind — than
as authoritative statements of historical facts that the Society
has given them a place in this volume. And in spite of many
inaccuracies, some of which have been corrected in the notes,
the value of such tradition, even for historical purposes, will
not be gainsayed. Dr. Chambers himself made use of these
letters when writing his well-known history of the Forty-five,
and Mr. John Hill Burton also had access to them, as is
acknowledged in the preface to his Life of Lord Lovat. But
they are now published for the first time.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
Melville Place, Janry. 21*^, 1808.
Dear Sir, — I plead guilty to inexcusable delay in fulfilling
my promise relative to the anecdotes, but indolence always
frames excuses for procrastinating, and that with which I lulled
my conscience on this occasion, was that having wrote to Miss
Ferguson for Lady Stuarfs reminiscences, I thought it would
be a species of frugality to wait for their arrival, in case some
of her anecdotes should be similar to my own, and so preclude
the necessity of my writing such as she had anticipated.
She, however, has not as yet answered my letter. I have
therefore confined myself to a branch of the subject, on which
I imagine myself particularly well informed. You may probably
think me both minute and diffuse. It may be so, but I am satis-
fied with being authentic and cure of my ground. Much more and
much worse might be said of Lovat, but here is abundance
of the dark side of human nature. We shall next bend our
attention to a more luminous object while we contemplate
' A brave mau struggling- with the storms of fate.'
I shall detail the anecdotes I know of Lochiel ' con amove,''
and you may expect them very soon. But first I must know
how you approve of the manner in which I have executed this
part of my task. It is worth your while to look into the late
Earl of Orford's reminiscences for the anecdote I refer to.^ I
have seen among Lovat 's relations a little pamplet, published,
I suppose, to distribute among his friends, containing an
account very plainly and, I doubt not, accurately detailed, of
his behaviour and conversation with his friends in the Tower,
etc. It contains many interesting and curious particulars.
i See p. 268.
254 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
If you will take the trouble of looking over the notes on the
Poem of the Highlanders,^ which I think you have, you will
find some anecdotes relative to the Prince, but those perhaps
are too well known. I think I can recollect many others, but
to these perhaps the same objection may lie ; but from Ralia I
shall expect information both curious and authentic.
Miss Colquhon has obliged me with a detail of the treacher-
ous apprehension of the Marquis of TuUibardine, by the
elder and younger Buchanans of Drumakiln. This last, by-
the-bye, was married to a daughter of Murray of Polmaise.
I am astonished. Dear Sir, that in your search for anecdotes
of the '45, you should have overlooked a fertile source in your
immediate neighbourhood. I am told Miss Lilly Wilson at
Murrays Hall is a perfect magazine of that kind of knowledge,
to which she had great access.
Ballacheulish,^ who you know resided there, had the most
extensive memory and the most extensive knowledge on these
subjects of any person I ever knew, and he was not more
knowing than communicative.
Pray be kind enough to assure Mrs. Mackenzie of my sin-
cerest veneration, and offer my best respects to Mrs. and Miss
Stuart. I inclose a line of introduction to Miss Ferguson ;
but can only say of Ormiston that it is four or five miles from
Edr. I am, Dear Sir, with respect and regard. Your obedt.
servt., Anne Grant.
Dear Sir, — I promised to send you some anecdotes of Lovat
and Lochiel, who were certainly the two prime movers of the
northern insurrection in '45. This, if my memory does not
fail me, is much in my power to do, having liv'd in great
intimacy with persons to whom these extraordinary and very
opposite characters were very well known.
Willing to perform the most unpleasant part of my task
first, I shall begin with Lovat, who might at his outset in life
1 Vide Introduction.
2 John Stewart fifth of Ballachelish, married Margaret, daughter of William
Wilson of Murray's Hall, near Stirling. Mrs. Grant's spelling of proper names
is preserved throughout.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 255
be styl'd a daring and unprincipled adventurer/ and who began
his career of wickedness very early in a manner that would
have expeird any other person for ever from society,
Simon Eraser, afterwards Lord Lovat, was born about the
year 1665. I do not recollect his first title, but his father ^ was
a gentleman possessM of some inconsiderable property in the
Aird, the peculiar abode of the Clan Eraser. Tho' not very
nearly related to the former Lord ^ (who left only a daughter)
he was, I believe, the nearest male heir. But not having at
that early period learnt to disguise the prominent features
of his character, which were cunning and ferocity, his pre-
decessor took a dislike to him, and devis'd the estate to Hugh
Eraser,* sometime styFd Lord Lovat, who was either his cousin
or nephew (I think the latter) by the female side : this youth
was then, I think, a minor studying at some university.
Meanwhile Simon Eraser rais'd a number of men who had been
accustomed to follow him in all his dubious enterprises, with
the intention of joining Lord Dundee in the 'IS,'' tho*" in hopes
of securing the inheritance, he had before courted the higher
powers then presiding.
I know he was not at Killiecrankie, nor do I think he was
engaged in any instance. If he had any principle of action
beyond mere self-love, the exiPd family would certainly be more
congenial to his early prejudices. Yet it was generally thought
that this loyalty to the unfortunate serv'd merely as a pretext to
add to his followers numbers whom his own personal influence
could not attach to him. But having them once under his
command, that undefinable magic by which he all his life
^ He was not in the least an adventurer, but after his father and elder brother,
the rightful heir to the title and estates of Lovat, of which the Atholl Murrays
unsuccessfully attempted to deprive him. For a succinct account of this whole
matter vide Lieut. -Col. Fergusson's introduction to Major Fraser's Manuscript.
"^ Thomas Fraser of Beaufort, third son of the ninth Lord Lovat and grand-
uncle of the eleventh Lord.
^ Hugh, eleventh Lord Lovat, by his wife, Amelia Murray, daughter of John,
first Marquis of Atholl, left four daughters, of whom the eldest, Amelia, born
i6S6, married, in 1702, her cousin, Alexander Mackenzie, son of Roderick
Mackenzie of Prestonhall. This lady and her husband long pretended right
to the title and estates, a claim which continued to be maintained by their son,
known as Hugh Fraser of Fraserdale, who only died in 1770.
* This is nonsense. ^ An obvious mistake.
256 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
sway'd the minds of those who neither lovM or esteem"'d him,
made them follow his desperate fortunes. Indeed, he at this
period somewhat resembFd David when in the cave of AduUam,
for ' every one that was discontented, and every one that was
in debf literally resorted to him.
The former Lord Lovat in the meantime died. The suc-
cession was considered as doubtful, and the doubts in such
cases seldom were decided by law. The claimant who had the
strongest party in the clan, especially if sanctioned by the will
of the deceased, was generally acknowledged as heir. In this
case the good and peaceable members of the clan were all on
the side of Hugh,^ in the absence of Simon who headed all the
needy and turbulent. Hugh was received as heir to the late
Lord, whose daughter he married, whose Dowager, then residing
at Castle Dunie, added all her influence in his favour, and put
him in formal possession of the Castle, which he relinquished
immediately to her use, returning back to pursue his studies.
Simon immediately marcird back to the Aird, resolving to
take forcible possession of the estate, where he was so much
dreaded that there appear'd none to oppose him, except the
Dowager Lady Lovat, who refused him entrance to the Castle.
This, however, he soon forced, and without respect to her age
or quality (she was daughter to the Marquis of Tullibardin),^
revenged himself by treating her in presence of his brutal
followers in a manner too shocking and cruel for description.
She immediately took refuge with her family, who were about
to institute a criminal prosecution for this unheard-of outrage ;
to avoid this he fled to the Court of St. Germains ; being well
aware that his life was doubly endangered in Britain, as he
was liable to a trial for treason on account of levying forces in
the name of King James ; which might have been hushed up
had not this last exploit exasperated all the Athol family and
their connections, and even the public mind against him. His
matchless art and assurance stood him in good stead at the
Court of St. Germains, where he represented himself as a
sufferer for loyalty, got into great favour, and Anally was
^ i.e. Alexander Mackenzie. The title and estates were claimed by x-Vmelia
Fraser on her father's death in 1696.
2 Marquis of Atholl. The Marquisate of Tullibardine was not created till 1703.
MRS. GRANl'S LETTERS 257
trusted with secrets of the most momentous import, and sent
over the year after as a secret agent to negotiate with the
English adherents of the unfortunate monarch.
This mission he the more readily accepted, as important
business of his own now demanded his attention at home.
Hugh, the rival heir, was by this time dead, and he became
undoubted successor to the family honours.^ His credit at the
Court of St. Germains was no small recommendation to him
among his clan, and many thought highly of his address and
abilities. Of these he was now about to exhibit a dis-
tinguisli'd proof. On his way from France to England ^ (1709),
where he was coming upon the mission which has been already
mentioned, he was seiz'd in a French fishing-boat, with some
others, and carried prisoner to London, where he was soon
recognis''d in spite of his disguise, and affected ignorance of the
English language. For Lovat had a countenance highly ex-
pressive of his character, and so markM by a peculiar style of
homeliness that no one who had ever seen it could forget it.
The Earl of Godolphin was then Prime Minister. With
regard to his personal virtues and public wisdom opinions have
been much divided ; but in respect to his utter dereliction of
all moral delicacy in regard to the instruments he employed
to obtain his political ends, I believe there has not been any
difference of opinion. Never was a stronger proof of this than
the present occasion afforded. This caitiff", already steep^l in
crimes and treachery, and knowing his life had before been
forfeit to the laws of his country, purchased a present immunity
by discovering, without the least reserve, all the secrets en-
trusted to him. At the same time that he laid the lives and
fortunes of so many others at the mercy of exasperated and
powerful enemies, he took good care to give an exaggerated
account of his own influence, power, and connections, and of
the rank he was now entitled to hold in his own country ;
representing that the obstructions he met with in asserting his
just claim had thrown him thro' desperation into the arms of
the opposite faction, but that if his life was spar'd, and his
income augmented without adding to the burdens of his
^ Wholly inaccurate, vide p. 255, note 3.
'^ Lovat left this country in 1703 and did not return till 17 14.
R
258 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
people, he would prove a grateful and useful servant to
Government, and extinguish in the minds of all his friends
those delusive hopes which supported their attachment to
the exiPd Prince.
The English in those days were shamefully ignorant of
everything relative to the Highlands of Scotland. Montrose"'s
wars had given them some idea of Argyllshire, and a faint
view of Breadalbane and Athol ; but beyond that, all was to
them a formless chaos, and they fear'd the more from not
knowing the limits of the object that excited their appre-
hension. They had now got into their toils one of these
monsters they least knew, and most dreaded, a Highland
chieftain possessing power and property in the unknown
regions of the north, and they were determine to derive
some lasting advantage from an alliance with depravity so
formidable. The sentence passed against him was not re-
scinded, but merely allowed to lie dormant. He had secretly
a pension of three hundred a year settPd on him, which he
regularly received till the year of his death ; and was permitted
to return in peace, if not in triumph, to the possession of his
inheritance, and of an influence which with these additional
means he did not fail to extend considerably.
Meantime Godolphin made a wise and moderate use of the
intelligence purchas''d at so high a price. Few if any of the
English Jacobites were publicly calFd to account. They
possibly ow'd their safety to their numbers, it being rather
dangerous to strike at so wide a confederacy. But this artful
stateainan did not fail to let tliem know individually that they
were in his power, and to watch and distrust them afterwards.
This was perhaps the principal reason why the Jacobite interest
in England (tho"" possessing far more power and property than
that in Scotland) lent such feeble aid to the insurgents after-
wards.
Lovat, once settled in the abode of his ancestors, did all
that a man could possibly do without reforming his life, to
efface the memory of the past, and to redeem the good opinion
of the neighbouring chiefs. But being by this time accounted
a spy for Government, and distrusted by both parties, he had
but partial success. Yet such were his numberless artifices to
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 259
gain popularity, and his Proteus-like readiness to take every
shape that suited the present occasion, that at length he
obtained a degree of influence that might appear incredible
when one considers that his appearance was disgusting and
repulsive, his manners (except when he had some deep part to
act among his superiors) grossly familiar and meanly cajoling,
and that he was not only stain'd with crimes, but well known
to possess no one noble or amiable quality, if we except forti-
tude, which he certainly displayed eminently in the last
extremity. Tho"" his most valuable possessions and his family
seat were in the Aird, the true centre of his power and popu-
larity was in Stratheric, a high-lying wild district between
Inverness and Ft. Augustus. There he contrived to be really
belov'd by the common people, and there he was both popular
and patriotic. He very frequently resorted there, and every
year spent some time regularly among them ; making it his
study to secure their affections, he would go easily and unlook'd
for into the houses of the petty gentry, dine or stay the night
with them, banish reserve by his perpetual good humour and
frankness, and by a peculiar strain of jocularity perfectly
suited to his audience. He came from any distance to the
christening of every gentleman's first son, or the next, if it
was to be calFd Simon. He usM to walk alone on the road,
and whenever he met a peasant, examine him with regard to
the number of his children and state of his welfare, redress his
grievances if such he had, and mingle sound advice with the
ludicrous fancies and cunning blandishments which abounded
in his ordinary discourse. If he met a boy on the road, he was
sure to ask who he belonged to, tell him of his consequence and
felicity in belonging to the invincible Clan Eraser, and if he
said his name was Simon, to give him half a crown, at that
time no small gift in Stratheric. But the old women of all
others were those he was at most pains to win, even in the
lowest ranks. He never was unprovided of snuff and flattery,
both which he dealt liberally among them : listened patiently
to their old stories, and told them others of the King of
France, King James, etc., by which they were quite captivated,
and concluded by entreating that they impress their children
with attachment and duty to their Chief, and they would
260 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
not fail to come to his funeral and assist in the Coronach
there.
At Castle Dunie he always kept an open table to which all
comers were welcome, for of all his visitors he contrivM to
make some use, from the nobleman, or general, by whose
interest he could provide for some of his followers, and by that
means strengthen his interest with the rest ; to the idle hanger-
on, whose excursions miglit procure the fish and game, which
he was barely suffered to eat a part of at his patron's table.
Never was there a mixture of society so miscellaneous as was
there assembled. From an affectation of loyalty to his new
masters, Lovat paid great court to tlie military stationed in
the North. ^ Such of the nobility in that quarter as were not
in the sunshine received his advances as from a man who
enjoy 'd court favour, and he faiFd not to bend to his purposes
every new connection he form\l.
In the meantime the greatest profusion appeared at table,
while the meanest parsimony reign'd thro' the household. The
servants who attended had little if any wages. Their reward
was to be recommended to better service afterwards, and mean-
time they had no other food allowed to them but what they
carried off on the plates. The consequence was that you durst
not quit your knife and fork a moment, your plate was
snatched if you look'd another way. If you were not very
vigilant you might fare as ill amidst abundance, as the Gover-
nor of Barataria ; a surly guest, once cut the fingers of one of
these Harpies when snatching his favourite morsel away un-
tasted. I have heard a military gentleman who occasionally
din'd at Castle Dunie describe those extraordinary repasts.
There was a very long table loaded with great variety of dishes,
some of the most luxurious, others of the plainest, nay coarsest
kind. These were very oddly arranged. At the head were all
the dainties of the season, well drest, and neatly serv'd in;
about the middle appeared good substantial dishes, roasted
mutton, plain pudding, and such like ; at the bottom, coarse
pieces of beef, sheep's heads, haggles, and other national but
inelegant dishes, were served in a slovenly manner in great
Cf. Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland. Letter viii.
Mrs. grants letters sei
pewter platters. At the head of the table were placM guests
of distinction, to whom alone the dainties were ofter''d. The
middle was occupied by gentlemen of his own tribe who well
knew their allotment and were satisfied with the share assigned
to them. At the foot of tiie table sat hungry retainers, the
younger sons of younger brothers, who had at some remote
period branch^ out from the family, for which reason he
always addressed them by the title of ' Cousin." This, and a
place however low at his table, so flatter''d these hopeless
hangers-on, that they were as ready to do Lovat's bidding ' in
the earth or in the air,' as the spirits were to obey the com-
mands of Prospero.
The contents of his sideboard were as oddly assorted as those
of his table, and serv'd the same purpose. He began : ' My
Lord, here is excellent venison, fine turbot, etc., call for any
wine you please, there is excellent Claret and Champagne on
the sideboard. Pray, now, Dumballoch, or Kilbockie, help
yourselves to what is before you, tliese are Port and Lisbon,
strong ale and porter, excellent in their kind."" Then calling
to the other end of the table : 'Pray, dear cousin, help your-
self, and my other cousins, to that fine beef and cabbage.
There is whisky punch and excellent table beer.'
His conversation, like his table, was varied to suit the
character of every guest. The retainers soon retir'd, and
Lovat (on whom drink made no impression) found means to
unlock every other mind, and keep his own designs impene-
trably secret, while the ludicrous and careless air of his dis-
course help'd to put people off their guard, and searchless
cunning and boundless ambition were hid under the mask of
careless hilarity.
When he was perfectly established, he form'd an alliance
that completely suited his purpose. He married a daughter
of the Laird of Grant ^ (about the year '22), thus connecting
himself with a family of distinguish'd worth, and with another
powerful clan and family by means of her sisters, one of
whom was married to Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Scatwell, and
the other to Grant of Ballandalloch. To this Lady, whose
Margaret, daughter of Ludovick Grant of Grant.
262 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
modest virtues, and pious resignation deservM a better fate,
he made a harsh and negligent husband. She liv'd but a few
years after (died about 1728) her marriage, and left four
children. Two sons, one of whom was the well-known General
Simon Fraser, the second was a Brigadier in the Portuguese
service, and afterwards among his friends in Stratheric ; ^ and
two daughters, the eldest of whom was married to Macpherson
of Clunie, and the youngest, who died unmarried, was so deeply
affected by her father's violent and impenitent death, that she
mourn'd incessantly and survived him but a very short time.
After the death of the first Lady Lovat, he married a Miss
Campbell,^ who was mother to the present Lovat,^ and liv'd to
a great age, having survived her Lord above forty years. He
went now and then to London, and got somehow introduced
to the younger branches of the Royal Family, whom even in
childhood he strove to win by the grossest flattery.
After the death of the first Lady Lovat, all restraint Avas
thrown off at Castle Dunie. The young ladies, who inherited
the modesty and piety of their mother, could not endure the
profane and licentious manners of their father and his re-
tainers, and generally resided at Scatwell, where nothing was
to be seen but sanctity and decorum.
Meantime the restless and intriguing spirit of Lovat,
unrestrained by the sentence that hung over liim, was meditat-
ing another revolution and laying trains to excite that spirit
in others, which he durst not discover himself. He us'd to
frequent the fairs at Inverness (from about the year thirty-five
to forty when he became infirm) and pay court to the meanest
of the people ; nay, I have heard my mother-in-law declare,
that she saw him once, in the street there, embrace the Laird
of Grant's piper.
Meanwhile years came on, and Lovat, long since unwieldly
from excessive corpulence, lost the use of his lower limbs, and
^ ' Brigadier ' was a nickname given to him when a child, and not derived
from any military service ; vide Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, xii.
p. 382.
" Primrose Campbell, daughter of the Hon. John Campbell of Mamore, and
sister of the fourth Duke of Argyll.
* Archibald Campbell Fraser, died 1815.
MRS. GRANT S LETTERS 26f4
was carried from place to place in a litter. He had a great
easy-chair, too, made for his accommodation, carried after him
wherever he went. Yet this man whom few lov'd and none
trusted, who was old without being venerable, and infirm
without being pitied, and over whose head the axe impended,
had still subtlety and address to move the whole North to his
purposes, without laying himself open to detection. When
the invasion was projected he gave secret orders to his son,
then a lad of sixteen, studying at Glasgow College, to rouse
the Erasers of Stratherick and join the adventurer ^ whenever
he should arrive. Meantime he was sending to the Court of
St. James' the strongest professions of loyalty and concern for
tlie approacliing danger. He knew it was in vain to tamper
with his daughter, Lady Clunie, to influence her husband.
That excellent person, tho** a zealous Jacobite, would never
persuade him to break his oath and forsake his colours, for
he had accepted a Company in the Black Watch ^ (now the 42d)
and of consequence sworn allegiance to the reigning family.
Lovat, however, invited two of the principal gentlemen of the
Clan to Castle Dunie and so imprest their minds with regard
to the probability of success, which was the only objection,
that they went home resolv'd to engage their young Chief in
this perilous enterprise. The conference was held at Clunie.
When the Chief began to waver, his lady urg'd the dishonour
and treachery of forsaking the service in which he was engaged,
on which a leading man of the Clan sternly told her, stamping
with his foot, that she came there to bring heirs, not counsel.
Clunie, in consequence, led out his Clan, and I have told in
another place what was the result.^
Lovat having secretly set this great machine in motion, and
having his emissaries everywhere, carrying on his plans and
bringing him intelligence, lay quiet in his Castle, affecting
great concern for what was going on, and railing at his son's
disobedience and sedition.
When the Chevalier mov'd northward after the disastrous
irruption into England, Lovat retired up to Stratherick to
^ The Prince. ^ His company seems to have been in Loudon's Regiment.
3 'A Ballad founded on Fact.' Cf. p. 276.
264 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
avoid the appearance of any understanding between him and
the Prince. He had no house there, but while he stayed, resided
in that of Gortulig his Chamberlain.
I have heard the dauo;hter of this gentleman, who is still
living, describe with great naivete a scene to which she was
witness the day on which Culloden was fought. Tho' the
probability of success was greatly against the highlanders,
they were somehow infatuated with the most sanguine ex-
pectations, all but the Prince and his veteran counsellors,
who saw too well the enemies' superior advantage. Both at
Stratheric and Inverness the adherents of the cause were
making the most exulting preparations to receive their vic-
torious Prince after the battle should be decided. The lady
I have mentioned was then a girl of ten years old. It was
decided that if the Prince conquered he should immediately
make his way to seize on Fts. Augustus and William, and
thus possess himself of the Glenmore which extends from sea
to sea, and that he should consult with Lovat on his way.
For two or three days before, preparations were making for
the reception of the Prince and his train. To regale them, a
very ample cold collation was preparing. All the women in the
vicinity were calFd in to bake cakes, and roast meat, poultry,
and venison for the occasion. Such was the urgency of the
time and the quantity of food dress'd, that every room in the
house, even that which Lovat occupied, was us'd for culinary
purposes, and filPd with bread and joints of roasted meat.
On the fatal day of Culloden, the highlanders at first gained
some partial advantage, and some one came up express to say
that the fortune of the day was in favour of the Prince.
The house soon filFd with people, breathless with anxiety for
tidings of their friends who were engaged. The little girl was
considered as an encumbrance, and ortler'd into a closet, where
she continued a little while an unwilling prisoner. Below the
house was a large marshy plain, in the centre of which was a
small lake that in winter overflowed it, but was now nearly
dry. This spot the superstitious believed to be a rendevouz
of the Fairies. All of a sudden the tumultuous noise that
fiird the house was succeeded by deep silence. The little
prisoner, alarm'd at this sudden stillness, ventured out and
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 265
saw no creature in the house, but Lovat sitting alone in deep
thought. Then she ventured to the door, and looking down
saw above a thousand people in one ghastly crowd in the
plain below. Struck with the sudden shifting of the scene
and the appearance of this multitude, she thought it was a
visionary show of fairies which would immediately disappear.
She was soon, however, undeceiv"'d by the mournful cries of
women who were tearing off their handkerchiefs for bandages
to the wounded. In an instant quantities of linen were carried
down for the same purpose, and the intended feast was dis-
tributed in morsels among the fugitives, who were instantly
forc'd to disperse for safety to the caves and mountains of
that rugged district. The Prince and a few of his followers
came to the house ; Lovat expressed attachment to him, but
at the same time reproached him with great asperity, for
declaring his intention to abandon the enterprise entirely.
'Remember'' (said he fiercely) 'your great ancestor Robert
Bruce, who lost eleven battles and won Scotland by the twelfth.""
The Prince made little answer, but immediately set out for
a place of more safety. The first thing set about was to
dispose of Lovat's great chair least it should be the means of
tracing his flight. (It was loaded with lead and sunk in the
lake.) He was then carried off in his litter thro' the night
and lodged in a cave to the northward of Fort Augustus,
where he might have remained long enough had he not been
betray \1 by one of his own adherents.^ In this extremity the
subtlety and craft which had ever marked his character were
displayed in their full extent. He insisted on carrying his
sword with him to this retreat. When the party from Fort
Augustus came to seize him there, he affected to mistake them
for a detachment from the Rebel forces, started up on his
knees, and drew his sword, crying, ' Traitors, you need not
hope to bring me to your purpose, I will draw my sword for my
lawful sovereign, King George, as long as I live."*
This finesse did not avail, yet when he found himself caught,
like an old lion in the toils, he conducted himself in a manner
that would have done credit to a worthier character. No
Another story is that he was captured on an island in Loch Morar.
^66 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
complaint or reproach was heard, nor did his Avonted good
humour forsake him. The Coronach of the old women, on
which he always laid such stress, preceded his funeral. For on
seeing him carried a prisoner, they rent the air with their
howlings. His old Bard followed the litter in which he was
carried, and begg'd permission of the guard to be allowed to kiss
his hand. He stretched it out, and when the Bard perceived it
lank and fallen off by what it was formerly, he burst into tears,
crying in his own language, ' Alas for the white hand and blue
veins of my Master.'' Tho' easy and even facetious with some
of his humble friends who followed his march, and attended him
at the inns where he stopped, he did not wish to be exhibited
like a wild beast, to use his own words, to the people who
surrounded his travelling conveyance. Governor Trapaud,
who long fiird that station at Fort Augustus, was then a Capt.
and commanded the party who carried Lovat over Drimochter,
being then a lively, bustling young man. He was impatient to
see Lovat, who, keeping the curtains of the litter close about
him, and being helped out and in by his friends, long evaded
the young officer's curiosity, who, tho' dying to see this singular
personage, did not choose to force an intrusion on his privacy,
but frequently peep'd into the litter to observe whether he
were sleeping, hoping then to have a full view of him. Lovat,
perceiving this, alfected one day to snore while his friend rode
slowly by. The latter, delighted to obtain at length his
object, put his head into the litter and bent it over the
supposed sleeper, who, rising with a sudden jerk, snappM at the
nose of the terrified Capt., and then seeni'd highly amusM at
his consternation, yet deign'd not during the whole journey to
exchange a word with him. His behaviour while in the Tower
was strongly mark'd with all the leading traits of his character.
Even there he was busy, intriguing, fawning, and insolent by
turns, and while his usual good humour and coarse jocularity
never forsook him for a moment, he left no method untried to
defeat or evade the rigours of the law, and to soften the hearts
of his enemies. I have seen letters of his addressed to Prince
Frederic and the Duke of Cumberland, vulgarly familiar as his
usual style was, yet written with an air of simplicity not
devoid of pathos, and proofs of a deeper and more refin'd
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 367
subtlety than the most eloquent and polish'd productions. It
was this frank and familiar simplicity that, by throwing others
off their guard, had thro' life assisted him to deceive. To
the desire of prolonging a life stain'd with dishonour, and
which had already extended beyond the common limits of
nature, he affected to be superior. All he wish'd was, as he
expressed it, ' to end his days in his own country, and to attain
wliat all his life he had most desir'd, the honour of being
buried with his brave ancestors, of having all his clan in tears
following his funeral, and the Coronach of the old women of
the country over his grave,''
This same Coronach had certainly taken possession of
Lovafs imagination in a most forcible manner. In all his
petitions and conversations he recurr"'d to it, and when the
motives for dissimulation were extinguished with the hopes of
life, still the long anticipated Coronach seem'd to ring in his
ears, and he earnestly entreated that his corpse might be
carried down to be interred in the North, still urging the same
motive, and hoping no doubt that
* Their plaintive cries would sooth his hovering Ghost.' — Hammond.
There can be no greater proof of the strong tendency the
mind has to lean at the last on the posthumous approbation
even of our fellow-mortals than the solicitude which even the
godless and heartless Lovat showed to be the subject of praise
and lamentation to these abject and ignorant beings. It was
one of these strange caprices of human nature which made
'A perjur'd Prince a leaden saint revei'e,
A godless Regent tremble at a star,' — Pope,
The fancy and humour which this strange personage showed
on the brink of death, the serene dignity with which he sub-
mitted to it, and the noble sentiment he quoted from Horace,
when the axe was about to fall, are well known to the public.
Yet it is not perhaps equally well known that the rancour of
revenge displayed itself on that awful occasion. He knew him-
self to have been betray''d by one whom he had long cherished
and trusted, and in reference to this person gave out on the
scaffold the Psalm expressive of bitter resentment in which
268 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
David appeaPd to the divine justice to avenge the cruelty of
Doeg.
Lovat could not die uniformly great.
The Ministry, who seem'd still to smart from the wounds of
the highland claymore, appeared to consider Lovat as terrible
even in death, and dreaded the influence his bones might have
on his countrymen should they return to their native soil. To
this purpose Horace Walpole in his Reminiscences records an
anecdote of the Duke of Newcastle's terror and perplexity about
the funeral of Lovat, which, told in his ludicrous manner,
is highly amusing, and strongly marks the spirit of the times.
Thus liv'd and thus died Simon Lord Lovat, in his eightieth
year, always formidable, yet always contemptible, who, had he
been sincere and consistent, with the same address and ability
might have been despotic among his own connections, might
have sway'd the whole North with unbounded influence, and
finally, might have liv'd esteemed and honoured, and died
belov'd and lamented.
He was in a very high degree crafty, rapacious, and treacher-
ous, subtle, cruel, and revengeful, voluptuous and addicted
to every the grossest sensual indulgences, yet possessing the
most perfect command of temper, and perpetual, easy, ludicrous
gaiety, such as Shakespeare ascribes to Falstaff. No man was
ever subject to more wounding sarcasms from his fellow
chieftains and other associates, which he either bore with calm
indifference, or returned with smooth yet keen irony. But
these insults were all treasurd up in his mind, to be reveng'd
on some future occasion.
Lovafs private life, even in advanced years, was such as
would greatly disgust in description, and is really better con-
signed to oblivion. In the first Lady Lovafs time he us'd
regularly to visit once a year at Castle Grant, and Ballan-
dalloch, on pretence, of indulging her, but in fact to cultivate
and strengthen his alliance with these families.
She never complained of him, but had always a drooping
and dejected appearance. The lady he afterwards married by
his recommendation livM with his first wife as a companion.
Tho' inferior in understanding and capacity to the first Lady,
Miss Campbell much excelled her in figure and carriage ; to
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 269
which advantage he was at pains to direct the attention of
others. At Castle Grant, he us'd to say, ' I am bringing this
Lady of mine to Court to mend her carriage ; is it not wonder-
ful that she does not learn to make the most of her little
person when she sees her companion"'s fine carriage?""
His second wife, however, had much patience and good
nature, which was very severely tried. She rarely ever sat at
the head of his table ; and I knew a person to whom she us'd
to give an account of the manner in which he us'd to feed her.
Everything on the table became the prey of the attendants,
except untouched birds and pastry. These were laid by in a
little room of the Hall of Hearts of which Lovat kept the
key, and reproduced till they were nearly mouldy, when they
were sent up for the Lady; dinners, which if she rejected, he
would go up in a rage, draw her about the room by the hair,
and treat her in the most cruel manner. He continually
taunted his first wife for want of beauty, and equally re-
proached the second with want of understanding. He seemed,
however, much concerned at the death of the first Lady, which
happened after the birth of her youngest daughter Sibylla.
He was, however, a kind and indulgent father, and when his
daughters as they grew up shewed a disgust to the profligacy
of Castle Dunie, and preferred residing generally with the only
aunt they had then living. Lady Mackenzie of Scatwell, he
did not resent their leaving him, but rather seem\l pleas'd with
the delicacy and good principles which always governed their
conduct. He always regretted that the first Lady was not
sufficiently attended to in the lying-in which prov'd fatal to
her. When his daughter. Lady Clunie (who every way much
resembl'd her mother), was about to lie-in of her first child,
he had the precaution to send for her to Castle Dunie, that
she might have the attendance of physicians, if required, more
commodiously than in that remote country. He always
restrained the coarseness of his witticisms in presence of his
daughters, whom he seeni'd to regard not only with tenderness,
but a degree of respect.
Sybilla, the youngest, possessM a high degree of sensibility,
which when strongly excited by the misfortunes of her family,
exalted her habitual piety into all the fervour of enthusiasm.
270 MRS. GRANT S LETTERS
When Lovat pass'd thro' Badenoch, where she then was with
her sister, Lady Clunie, she (Sybilla) followed him to Dal-
whinny, and there in the most pathetic manner implored him
with floods of tears and extreme agony to avail himself of the
impending stroke by withdrawing his thoughts from all earthly
things, and making this danger the liappy means of reconciling
himself to his Saviour.
Lovat seeni'd to consider all this as womanish weakness, and
endeavoured to reassure her spirits by talking lightly of the
danger, and setting his enemies in a most ludicrous point of
view, while he ridicurd them with a levity of mind almost
incredible in such circumstances. Sybilla departed almost in
despair, pray'd night and day, not for his life, but for his soul ;
and when she heard soon after that he ' died and made no
sign,' grief in a short time put an end to her life.
The Brigadier, as Lovafs second son ^ was calFd (I do not
remember his name), was, by the Prince's influence, recom-
mended into the Portuguese service, where he staid some years.
But, being excessively attached to the country where he was
greatly belov'd, he came home to visit Ids friends, where he
became greatly attached to a Lady of his own name, and
acquired ratlier too great a relish for the convivial mode of
living and hospitality frequently carried to excess, which was
then too prevalent there. He could not endure to go abroad
again, and had too much honour to take the oaths to Govern-
ment, which would have in that case employed him. With
much truth, honour, and humanity, he inherited his father's
wit and self-possession with a vein of keen satire which he
indulg'd in bitter epigrams against the enemies of his family.
Some of these I have seen, and heard songs of his composing,
which shew'd no contemptible powers of poetic genius, tho' rude
and careless of polish. He sunk into a habit of dissipation,
and became hopeless and careless of himself, and died belov'd
and regretted by adherents of his party about the year '58,
leaving his watch and what little he had to bequeath to the
Lady he was attach'd to, who is still alive and unmarried. The
last Lady Lovat was doom'd like her Lord to die in extreme old
^ Alexander, died 1762, said by Mackenzie, History of the Frasers, p. 435, to
hav§ been for some time in the Dutch service. Cf. p. 362, note i,
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 27i
age a violent death. She was poison"'d by a very near relation
in the 100th year of her age about 16 or 17 years since.^
The estate of Lovat, there being now no male heir of his
line remaining, will go at the death of the present Lovat to
Eraser of Breiagh, a distant relation, who possesses considerable
property in Aberdeenshire,^
It would at this distance of time be as impossible as un-
profitable to detail Lovat's tricks and stratagems, exerted in
his transactions witli his neiglibours, wiiom he invariably cosenM
and over-reacli'd. Were Gaelic wit and humour (of all things
the most volatile and evanescent) translatable, the good things
said by or to Lovat would furnish a little jest-book. He indeed
was like Falstaff, not only witty himself, but the cause of wit
in other men, and ' all ranks did take a pride to gird at him.'
Benchar, who was very intimate with James Macpherson,
the translator of Ossian (who also wrote some historical tracts),
used to talk of a life and character of Lovat which he had seen
in manuscript written by that author.
By what I remember of his account of this performance,
Lovafs life only made part of an intended larger work, which
I imagine was never publishM, I heard, however, of its being
shown to some of the Edinburgh literati, who observed that if
his character of Lovat was a just one, his depravity exceeded all
parallel. I imagine it was supprest in tenderness to his family.
I shall be glad to hear that you receive this safely. I ought to
have said that the title of the rival candidate for the honours
of Lovat in the beginning of last century was Eraserdale.
I shall be glad to hear that this reaches you safely, and
much regret that the indistinctness of my recollection, and the
inaccuracy of my orthography, will occasion you so much
trouble in arranging the facts I send you.
The want of early education is never to be got over even by
those whose powers of mind urge them on
' To daring aims, irregularly great ; '
^ She died 23rd May 1796, aef. 86. — Scois Magazi7ie.
- The Lovat estates when restored to General Simon Fraser were entailed by
him. The Frasers of Brea are not included in that entail, and the family which
Mrs. Grant plainly had in view was that of Strichen, sprung from the second soq
of the seventh Lord Lovat, who now enjoy both title and estates,
272 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
far less by a person so prest down by adverse circumstance,
and a perpetual crowd of occupations as Your obliged obedt.
Servant, Anne Grant.
Melville Place, Feb. 1st, 1808.
' Dear Sir, — I cannot pretend insensibility to approbation
such as yours, but I greatly regret that I was not made sooner
sensible of my own importance as a narrator of facts, because in
that case I should have taken some pains to correct my vicious
orthography, which constant hurry and great carelessness have
confirmed into habit. I should likewise have distinguished
periods, and left a margin had I ever dreamt that I was doing
anything more than furnishing materials for you to arrange in
their own places, and digest into order in your own language.
On looking over these desultory pages, however, I find they
have more the air of a connected narrative than I thought. I
shall consequently do all that can now be done to render it
more distinct. I would not have you rely on Johnson's account
of anything relative to the Higlilands. A pedantic prejudice
unworthy of his great mind, blinded liim to all the worth and
wisdom that could possibly exist among people unacquainted
with the dead languages. Coarse as he was himself, the
luxuries and elegancies of life had too great sway over his
mind, and of self-denial he did not possess a sufficient share to
know its value or assign it the proper rank among the manly
virtues. Strangers to classical literature, and to modern
elegance, were with him decided savages. He did not do
justice to his own great powers, nor was he aware what a noble
savage he would have been himself tho he had never seen
Oxford nor had any light but that of the gospel, which shone
even on these remote Isles, where ladies knew not how to make
a pudding. Boswell, vain, fantastic, and credulous, often mis-
led him without intending it. The polity of the clans, and the
wisdom and humanity that appeared in many of their customs
and regulations, could only be known by a person acquainted
with the language and residing among them. Tales of wonder
are always told to strangers, and it is in the fury of exasperated
passions that the wild and wonderful originates. The ancient
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 273
state of the Isles (where tales too true were told him) was
calculated to cherish a vindictive and sanguinary spirit.
Before the Bruce and Baliol contention, which swallowed up
the regulations, the arts, the learning, and the very national
spirit, as well as national records of this ancient and com-
paratively enlightnVl kingdom, all predatory incursions came
from the North, and spent their first fury on these Islands.
Even in time of peace, they were often attacked by Norwegian
pirates, so often indeed that all their possessions were pre-
carious. And many submitting to those invaders, while others
preserved their loyalty. These different parties, exasperated to
savage severity at each other, bequeathed the most rancorous
feuds to their successors. The Lord of the Isles, courted by
both the kings of Norway and Scotland, became himself a
rebel and a pirate, and threw his force into each scale by turns.
He even set up for an independent Prince in later times,
encouraged by those long minorities at once bloody and feeble,
which prevented Scotland from ever recovering its primitive
importance, and by strengthening the hands of a turbulent
aristocracy, render d the talents and the virtues of her last
race of Monarchs of little avail to themselves or their country.
This way of telling you what you already know much better
than I do, is not meant for your information, but merely to
serve for a basis to some details and reflections I mean to
trouble you with hereafter. There is nothing in which the
ignorance of the learn'd and the folly of the wise appears more
in than the absurd and imperfect accounts given of a people
who are so well worth knowing more of, were it but for the
singularity of being without any defined head or pretension to
independence, for so many centuries a people by themselves,
with manners, customs, and language entirely distinct from
those of their rulers. Can anything, for instance, be more con-
tradictory than to see the very same writers, who at one time
represent the clans as hordes of ferocious barbarians who
blindly rush'd on to pillage and to slaughter at the bidding of
their chiefs, without the least moral sense to distinguish good
from evil, but merely actuated by passive obedience and love
of plunder ? To see these writers immediately after record of
the same people instances of fidelity, disinterestedness, and true
s
274 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
magnanimity that do honour to human nature ? Is virtue, ' that
self-given, solar ray of pure delight,' a paroxysm, or how were
so many people of all ranks at one critical period affected with
this paroxysm, who were before strangers to native probity and
generous feeling ?
To return to Dr. Johnson's anecdote of Lovat, half of it is
true. Did you not discover under the decent terms which
I made use of what was the nature of the crime perpetrated
by Lovat, of which the Dowager Lady Lovat was the object?
She was not to this miscreant the object of any passion, but
the most rancorous hatred, being a woman advanced in years,^
and in some degree deform'd on the shoulders or back. Her
personal disadvantages were balanced by worth and under-
standing, and by the high alliances she brought to her family,
for the house of Athol was greatly look'd up to in the north.
The motive of this crime and the public mode in which it was
perpetrated have no parallel in the history of mankind, but
one to which I refer you, 2nd Samuel chap. 16tli ver. 22nd. If
I do add any more particulars of Lovat's shocking life, I think
they will be best inserted as notes, not to break the unity of
what has been done. I cannot comprehend how Lovat's letters
were dated at Beaufort ; ^ I should suppose it Beaulieu, for so
he affected to style his residence, which was a very mean tho'
defencible building, calFd by the country people Castle Dunie.
The spot on which it stood was calFd Lamamonach, or the
place where Monks dwelt, a monastery of French Monks,
caird the Abbey of Beaulieu, having stood there. They gave
the same name to a beautiful small river which, descending
from Strath Glas, pass'd close by this mansion and discharged
itself into the Firth below Inverness. The Airds is perhaps
only a popular term by which the district occupied by the
estates of Lovat, Relick, Belladrum, and other old families
of the Frasers, is distinguished. It is a beautiful and fertile
spot, lying immediately below Inverness, on the north side
of Kessock ferry. It is bounded on the south by Inverness,
on the west by Strath Glas, on the north by Ross-shire, and
1 She was only thirty-four, and that a marriage was actually gone through
seems beyond dispute.
- Beaufort near Beauly.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 275
on the east by the Firth. Airds in the Gaelic means heights,
in contradistinction to hills and mountains, and is here applied
to a stretch of high yet verdant ground which runs parallel to
the sea thro"" this district.
Of General Eraser, whom I remember and [whose] character I
well knew, I can say little, that is, he differed from his father only
as a chainM-up fox does from one at liberty. A slight veil of
decorum was thrown over the turpitude of his heart and con-
duct, and he was a well-bred, shrew'd, plausible man and a
good enough soldier. His impudence and craft were not in-
ferior to his father's, tho"" less obvious. He was prosecuted in
England for seducing, under the most aggravating circum-
stances, the wife of his friend. Major Santlow from Boston.
At the remarkable trial of Alexander Stuart,^ Acharn, falsely
accused of the murder of Glenure in ITS', he pled at the bar
(to which he was educated after being out in the '45) for the
prosecutor, and was wonder'd at for his assurance in alluding
to that circumstance, saying thus, ' On an occasion which I
ought to blush to mention,' and then Avent on with great cool-
ness descanting upon the ' unnatural rebellion ' and the crimes
thence arising. He was too much a man of sense and of the
world to forsake the straight path openly, yet no heart was
ever harder or no hand more rapacious than his. One instance
shall suffice. When the General's estate was restor'd to him
the whole country broke loose into the most rapturous joy at
having once more a head to the Clan. Songs and bonfires
were made over all the Aird and Stratheric, and he returned
home from his foreign campaigns like a belov'd Prince to his
faithful subjects. All this I saw and heard, being then the '74
or thereabouts. In the '76 he rais'd a 2d battalion to his
Regt. to go out to America. There was very little time for
this, and to fill up this Corps suddenly he promis'd iiigh
bounties, which were to be paid when they reach'd head-
quarters at Glasgow, and solemnly assur'd many that they
should be dismiss'd after standing the review. The wretch'd
creatures were all cheated and deceiv'd, and from their want
1 The reference is obviously to James Stewart (Seumas-a-Glinne), whose misfor-
tunes form the basis of Mr. R. L. Stevenson's Kidnapped and its sequel Catriona.
276 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
of letters and the English language could obtain no redress.
These poor people were followed by numbers of wretched
women, who, barefoot and half clothM, were invoking the
divine vengeance on their perjurd chief. Mrs. Donaldson,
daughter to Colonel Gordon Graham, and married to Major
Donaldson of the 42d, was then with lier husband at Glasgow.
General F. gave a public dinner to the 42d and their ladies
in return for one he had receiv"'d from them. He calFd on
Mrs. Donaldson, and with great politeness escorted her to
the Inn where they din"'d. She assured me she had very near
fainted by the way, and was indisposed for days after, and I
have not known a firmer-minded woman, but thus it was.
She understood the Gaelic language — a circumstance of which
the General was not aware. While she leant on his arm as
they proceeded along they were followed by the wretch'd wives
and mothers of these men whom he had betray'd into the
service and cheated of their bounty. These, perishing with
hunger and cold, pour'd forth ' Curses both loud and deep ' in
their native tongue with all the emphasis of rage and anguish,
praying that he would never see heaven, etc. All this he
heard with an unmovM countenance, thinking she did not
understand it, and talk'd to her the whole time in the gallant
and disenga'd manner. Meanwhile the clothing of his Regt.
was so poor in quality and so scrimp in make that the poor
men were starving. Now this man was suddenly enrich'd,
was old, and had no family ; moreover, he despis'd his heir,
the present Lovat, and had he treated his people with common
justice they would adore him. Yet I speak much within the
truth. I would not wish to be known to say this on account
of his widow,^ to whom I was obligM for civilities when last in
London, as well as to the Lyttleton family. Lady Lyttleton
is her sister. I will endeavour to recollect dates by circum-
stances, but the persons to Avhom I was most indebted for
intelligence dated one thing by another, and never mentioned
the year of the Lord. Lnmediately after the poem of the 'High-
landers "■ ^ you will find one call'd ' A Ballad founded on fact."*
1 He died 1782, having married Catherine, second daughter of John Bristowe
of Quiddenham Hall, Norfolk.
2 Vide Introduction.
MRS. GRANT S LETTERS 277
This fact is the burning Clunie's Castle, and in the notes at
the end you will find a sketch of that transaction, to which I
will, if you wish it, add many curious particulars. Lovat was
eighty years old when he suffered. In the succession of this
family it has pleas'd providence to
' Change nature's law and curse his race with fools,'
but these are now extinct, and the estate goes to a distant
branch. I am in haste after all this prolixity. Dr. Sir, yours
respectfully, Axxe Graxt.
I have sent to Dr. Gleg, and write to Inverness tonight for
the pamphlet of the Tower transactions. I shall observe your
directions punctually.
Lochiel will be soon forth coming, but I must not be heard
of as an anecdote-mono-er on this occasion.
Melville Place, Fehry. 3c?, 1808.
Dear Sir, — How shall I excuse myself for breaking thro'
both your injunctions and my own resolutions with regard to
the accuracy and distinctness necessary to make what I say
intelligible ? You would pity me if you knew how extremely
nervous the occurrences of the last year have rendered me.
A large family in a small house create so many interruptions
that it is impossible to write with composure. When I saw
you I hop'd to have been able to spend two or three weeks
at Jordanhill, where I could have my mornings to myself and
perform the little task you set me in quiet. The rambling
anecdotes I send you are merely for your own amusement, and
to help you to form some judgment of the highland character.
If any part of them illustrates your subject, you are heartily
welcome to use it. But I should think them too detachM
for your purpose.
You see I have proceeded but a short way in my account
of that admirable character Lochiel, to which, by-the-bye,
I think that of Sir Evan Du no improper prelude. Do not
think I have been embellishing his daughters. Were I not
278 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
afraid of appearing fabulous, I could tell you many more
singular particulars about them.
The present Fassfern,^ whom I icnew very well, is nephew
to Donald of Lochiel, and knows all that can be known of
his own family. But then he communicated many interesting
particulars to John Hume," and was, I believe, very much
displeasM at the manner in which that writer garbPd the
intelligence entrusted to him. I doubt, under these circum-
stances, whether he (Fassfern) would liave comprehension or
liberality enough to answer more inquiries on the same sub-
ject, at least in writing.
Many years ago, when I livM at Ft. Augustus, I had a
friend whose brother, in consequence of my intimacy Avith
her, was very well known to me. He had had a classical
education, a great thirst of knowledge, and a violent en-
thusiasm for highland poetry, music and antiquities. Of the
Rebellion few of our contemporaries knew so much. His father
was out with the Prince, and his uncle, Macpherson of
Fleigherty, march'd a company with him to Derby.
This person was also a great collector of scarce papers relat-
ing to the events of former times, and I am much of opinion
had once in his possession a manuscript memoir of Sir Evan
of Lochiel,^ which exists somewhere among his descendants.
This gentleman married and settFd in the country. But
his affairs being embarrassed, about ten years since he set about
to amuse his melancholy by publishing an old manuscript
history in his possession, of Sir Eneas Macpherson,'* the hero
of liis clan, but relinquished the design, justly fearing the
subject would not have sufficiently general interest. He then
went into the army, and has been long a Capt. in the 22d,
and Brigade Major. When I was in London last, he came
up from Colchester and saw me very frequently.
^ Ewen Cameron, created a baronet in 1815 in recognition of the conspicuous
gallantry of his son, the well-known Colonel John Cameron of the 92ncl High-
landers, who fell at Quatre Bras.
* John Home, author of Douglas and The History of the Rebellion in 1745.
^ Probably that pubhshed by the Abbotsford Club in 1842, cf. Preface, p. xliii.
^ ^neas, second son of William Macpherson of Invereshie, ' a learned advocate
and antiquary of the reign of Charles il., who received the honour of knighthood,'
and the author of a history of his clan still extant in us., penes Cluny Macpherson.
MRS. GRANT S LETTERS 279
I have the pleasure to hear since that he has distinguish^
himself at Copenhagen, and reap'd some solid advantages in
consequence.
Now this Major Macpherson is the person of all others of
whom I could best depend on for ability and inclination to
furnish me with anecdotes regularly dated in chronological
order. I do not spare my own pains, they will be mere dry
facts, and if you prefer my mode of narrating them, I will
with great pleasure arrange them for you.
I should scarce have time to hear from him here, being to
set out for London in a fortnight, but if you are satisfied
with my account as I can give it (for I really have no regular
dates) I will transmit all I know immediately. If, on the
contrary, you prefer the more accurate and circumstantial
detail, which I may be able to give with the Major's assis-
tance, and perhaps write more legibly amid the leisure and
repose, which I hope for at Sunbury, tell me, and I shall
so arrange it, but let me know immediately.
My authorities for the facts I have given and mean to give
you, are very good ones. I knew well two granddaughters
of Lochiel's, sisters of the late Clunie, who were our next
neighbours at Laggan. I was very intimate, too, with Miss
Margaret, daughter to the unfortunate Dr. Cameron, LochiePs
brother. A lady so distinguished for the homeliness of her
person and the superior qualities of her mind, that I am
sure Mrs. Stuart must have known or heard of her. My
mother, too, remembers much of the Lochiels, whose memory
she adores. I retain Lovat to make a correction of impor-
tance. Sir Robert gave him the pension, but it was Godolphin
who examined him in the year nine, when he was taken
coming from France. It was for Killicrankie and not for
Panmure^ that he rais'd his troops. At this latter period the
noose was about his neck, and he made a merit of forbearance.
On this he got the pension. Macpherson of Benchar, who
knew the whole race, was my particular acquaintance. When
Lovafs daughter was married to Clunie, a young woman came
home as a humble companion with her from Castle Dunie,
who, being uncommonly sensible and well principPd, was
always retain'd in the family, and was so useful by her
^ Lord Panmure was ' out' in the '15.
280 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
fidelity and ingenuity during the nine years which Clunie
lay conceard in the country, that the family ever after had
the highest value for her, and treated her more like a relation
than a dependant. This person went to France afterwards
with this unfortunate family, and returned with Mrs. Mac-
pherson after Clunie's death. When the estate was restord,
Clunie built a house for her and settled a pension on her.
She was a very distinct, intelligent person, and from her I
heard more of the fate of the exiles in France, as well as of
the Lovat family, than from any one, except, indeed, my
mother-in-law, who was nearly related to Lady Lovat, and
saw her often after her marriage.
I shall endeavour to enclose the account I received from Miss
Colquhoun of the manner in which the Marquis of Tullibardine
was betray'd by Drumakiln. — I am, dear Sir, With sincere
good wishes towards all your family. Your faithful, humble
servant, Anne Grant.
I write so rapidly that I run my periods together un-
consciously. I shall send you memoirs of the Brigadier, the
only honest man of the family, with those of his father.
Memoir relative to the Marquis of Tullibardine
About three weeks after the battle of Culloden, the Marquis
of Tullibardine ^ came across the moors and mountains, thro
Stratheric and Lochaber, in search of a place of safety and
repose, he being a very infirm old man, and so unfit for travel-
ling on horseback, that he had a saddle made on purpose some-
what like a chair, in which he rode in the manner ladies
usually do.
When he came down towards Loch Lomond, he was quite
worn out, and recollecting that a daughter of the family of
Polmaise (who were connected with his own) was married to
Buchanan of Drumakiln,^ who liv'd in a detach'd peninsula
^ The eldest son of the first Duke of Atholl. He had been attainted for his
share in the '15, and the estates and titles were settled by Act of Parliament on
the next heir.
^ i^e. to the eldest son of the old laird.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 281
running out into the Lake, thought on these accounts that
this place might be suitable for a temporary refuge.
He was attended by his French secretary, two servants of
that nation, and two or three highlanders who had guided him
thro' the solitary passes of the mountains. Against the judg-
ment of these faithful attendants, he bent his course to the
Ross, for so the house of Drumakiln is called. I should have
mentioned that the old Laird of Drumakiln was still alive and
in the house with his son. The Marquis, after alighting,
begged to have a private interview with his cousin. He told
him lie was come to put his life into her hands, and what in
some sense he valued more than life, a small casket, which he
delivered to her, entreating, whatever became of him, that she
would keep that carefully, till demanded in his name, it con-
taining papers of consequence to the honour and safety of
many other persons. In the meantime, the younger Drumakiln
rudely broke in upon them, and, snatching the casket from her
hand, said he would secure it in a careful place, and went out.
This casket was never more seen. It was supposed to contain
family jewels.
Meantime the French secretary and the servants were (they
arrived in the evening) watchful and alarm'd, seeing the father
and son walking in earnest consultation, and observing horses
saddrd and despatched with an air of mystery, and every one
seeming to regard them with compassion. All this time the
Marquis was treated with seeming kindness. While he
partook of some refreshment, some of the children running in,
cried out, ' Mamma, we never saw such odd men as the
Marquis's." 'How are they so odd.?' answer d the mother.
' They are all greeting and roaring like women.' This in-
cident, the lady (who was a person of mean capacity) after-
wards told her neighbours as a strange instance of effeminacy
in these faithful adherents.
At night the secretary went secretly to his master's bed-side,
and assur'd him there was treachery. He answer'd he could
believe no gentleman capable of such baseness, and at any rate,
was incapable of escaping thro' such defiles as those they had
pass'd. Told him in that case it would only aggravate his
sorrow to see him also betray'd, and advis'd him to go off" im-
mediately, which he did.
282 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
Early in the morning a party from Dumbarton, summon"'d
for that purpose, arrived to carry the Marquis away prisoner,
who bore his fate with calm magnanimity. The fine horses he
brought with him were detain'^d, and he and one attendant
who remained were mounted on sorry horses belonging to
Drumakiln. The officer who commanded the party taunted
that gentleman in the bitterest manner, and the commander of
Dumbarton Castle treated his noble prisoner with the utmost
respect and compassion, but regarded Drumakiln with the
coldest disdain.
Very soon after young D — mounted the Marquis''s fine
horse (his servant riding another which had belonged to tliat
nobleman) and set out on a visit to his father-in-law,
Polmaise.
When he alighted he gave his horse to the groom, who,
knowing the Marquis well, instantly recognis'd him. ' Come
in, poor beast,' said he, ' times are changed with you since you
carried a noble and worthy Marquis, but you shall always be
welcome here for his sake."" D — ran in to his father-in-law,
complaining that his servants insulted him. Polmaise made no
answer, but turning on his heel, rung for his servant to bring
out that gentleman's horses.
After this, and several similar rebuffs, the father and son
began to shrink from the infamy attached to this proceeding.
There was at that time only one newspaper published at Edin-
burgh, conducted by the well-known Ruddiman.^ To this
person the elder Drumakiln addressed a letter or paragraph to
be inserted in the newspaper, bearing that on such a day the
Marquis of Tullibardine surrendered to him at his house.
This was regularly dated at Ross.
Very soon after the father and son went together to Edr.,
and waiting on the person appointed to make payments of
this nature, demanded the reward.
It should have been before observVl, that Government were
1 The Caledonian Mercury. In the issue of April 29, 1746 the following
paragraph appears : ' By a letter in Town from the West, there is advice that the
Marquis of Tullibardine with five others, and Mitchell the young Pretender's
governor had surrendered themselves and were confined in Dumbarton Castle.
That the Marquis was in a very bad state of health, and it was thought could
not live many days.'
MRS. GRANT S LETTERS 283
by this time not at all desirous to apprehend the Marquis,
tho"* his name was in the first heat inserted in the proclamation.
His capture, indeed, greatly embarrassed them, as it would
appear cruel to punish, and partial to pardon him. To return.
Tiie official person desir'd them to return the next day for the
money. Meanwhile he sent privately for Ruddiman, and
examined him with regard to the paragraph already mentioned.
He found it on his file, in the old Laird's handwriting, and
deliver'd it to the commissioner. Next day the Lairds were
punctual to the assignation. The commissioner deliver'd the
paragraph in his own handwriting folded up to the elder cul-
prit, saying, ' There is an order on the treasury which ought
to satisfy you," and turned away from him with mark'd con-
tempt. Soon after the younger Laird was found dead in his
bed, to which he had retired in usual health. Of five children
whom he left, it would shock humanity to relate the wretched
lives and singular and untimely deaths. Of them, indeed, it
might be said —
' On all the line a sudden vengeance waits.
And frequent hearses shall besiege their gates.
And they were literally considered by all the neighbourhood
as caitiffs
' Whose breasts the furies steel'd
And curst with hearts unknowing how to yield.' — Pope.
The blasting influence of more than dramatic justice or of
corroding infamy seeni'd to reach every branch of tliis devoted
family. After the extinction of the direct male heirs, a brother,
who was a Capt. in the army, came home to take possession
of the estate. He was a person well respected in life, and
possess'd some talent, and much amenity of manners. The
country gentlemen, however, shunn'd and disliked him on
account of the existing prejudice. Anything may be endur'd
but contempt. This person, thus shunn'd and slighted, seem'd
to grow desperate, and plung'd into the lowest and most
abandoned profligacy. It is needless to enter into a detail of
crimes which are hastening to desir'd oblivion. It is enough
to observe that the signal miseries of this family have done
more to impress the people of that district with a horror at
284 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
treachery and a sense of retributive justice than volumes of
the most eloquent instruction could effect. On the dark ques-
tion relative to temporal judgments, it becomes us not to
decide, yet it is of some consequence in a moral view to remark
how much all generous emulation, all hope of future excellence,
is quenched in the human mind by the dreadful blot of imputed
infamy. It is not mere wisdom or philosophy, or anything
less than the most exalted consolations of Christianity that
can support the mind in such a state.
The last wretched Drumakiln, whose death too much
resembrd his life, left a daughter on whom, having first
legitimated her, he settled his estate. She is married to
Hector M' Donald, Esqr., of Boisdale. She labours with much
success to redeem the character of the family.
Melville Place, Fehry. Wtli, 1808.
Dear Sir, — The high praises with which you grace efforts
so broken and imperfect as mine, if not merited, are at least
encouraging, and have produced a discovery entirely new to
me. Like Moliere's Bourgeois Gentillhome who had made
prose all his life without knowing it, it appears that I have
been as unconsciously philosophising, for I never suspected
that the depth of my reflections entitled them to be accounted
Philosophical.
However inadequate any feeble aid of mine may be to that
purpose, I rejoice to think you are about to open a rich mine
of materials for elucidating our views of human nature that
has been too long trod underfoot with stupid negligence,
while we have been compassing sea and land to bring from
Africa and Otaheite, pictures of man degraded by tyranny
and gross ignorance, or debased by voluptuous sensuality.
Lions, unluckily, are no painters, and highlanders are no
philosophers, at least the peculiarities in the manners and
traditions of their own country have always appeared too
familiar to themselves to excite much wonder or reflection.
And it has not occurred to them how much amusement and
instruction others might derive from the contemplation of
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 285
a state representing man unpolisli'd and unlearned, yet cour-
teous, humane, and in full possession of his native energies.
I am so delighted with the prospect of seeing this desidera-
tum rescued from oblivion that I too long delay the informa-
tion which it is the intention of this letter to communicate.
Dr. Macpherson''s treatise on highland antiquities is accounted
a valuable work.^ It was published pi'eviously to the translation
of Ossian, and much approved by the Edr, Literati. He
brought to the [task] great literary integrity, strong powers
of mind, sound and extensive learning, and the most extensive
knowledge of his subject. Highland antiquities were his
darling pursuit, and the solace of a life spent in solitude
and study after the early death of a belov'd wife. No
character, no authority stands higher than his. I should
have told you that he was minister of Slate in the Isle of
Sky, and father to Sir John Macpherson, a learned, worthy,
and amiable man, once governor of our Indian possessions
after the return of Hastings.'- His other son is now minister
of Slate ; he, too, is a learned man, has an unequal'd memory
and a rich fund of anecdote, but being wealthy, proud and
indolent, he turns his time and talents to no account, but
lives always surrounded by buffoons and parasites who are
by turns the objects of his satirical wit and indiscriminate
bounty and hospitality. Yet this lounger is, from that very
circumstance, possessed of materials that would be valuable in
other hands. Traditionary remnants of the wit and wisdom,
the wars and policy of their ancestors making up great part
of these people's conversations, if I saw him I could draw much
out of him, but he is far too lazy to write.
He is, however, in possession of a treasure that will perish
with him if not soon rescued from his hands. He has a great
quantity of papers by him, the materials of a great work which
his father had in contemplation on his favourite subject.
Sir John had a kindness for a good old man who had been
domestic tutor to him and his brother, and who, being very
^ Dissertations on the Ancient Caledonians, etc., by the Rev. John Macpherson,
D.D.
^ For an account of his somewhat remarkable career, vide Dictionary of National
Biography.
286 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
unfortunate in life, officiated latterly as schoolmaster at
Laggan. He was very much about us. At lengtli Sir John,
fearing he might want some comforts which his advanced age
required, wrote to him to go to Slate and spend the rest of his
days in his brother's family, where he (Sir John) had a good
right to make a guest welcome. Knowing the independent
spirit of our old friend, Sir John contriv''d on this occasion to
make himself the obliged person, requesting that Mr. Evan
Macpherson would employ his time in revising and arranging
the manuscripts left by the deceased Dr. Macpherson, a task
which he (Sir John) had often in vain solicited Martin (his
brother) to perform.
Mr. Evan, who was very well fitted for this employment, set
out with a determination to engage in it immediately on his
arrival. To his great grief, he saw his friend's manuscripts
lying in a clos'd up lumber room below old chests, etc.
Martin, highly piqued at seeing this task transferred to our
friend, would not suffer him to touch them, and there they lie to
this hour I am persuaded. Mr. Evan, disliking the society with
which his old pupil was surrounded, returned, as he expressed
it, to die near us, which happened a year after, in 101, and
much genuine worth and valuable knowledge died with liim.
I shall very likely meet Sir John in London. My distress
and hurry prevented it last year when he was ask'd to his
friend. Sir Walter Farquhar's,^ to meet me at dinner, but I
could not come. I know both brothers very well ; a sister of
Sir John's having been married to a brother of Major Mac-
pherson's whom I formerly mention'd. If you would write me
a letter saying you had been inform'd that some manuscripts
relative to a subject you wish'd to illustrate remain in posses-
sion of Dr. Macpherson's family, and that you are sure a
liberal and enlighten'd person, sucli as Sir John is well known
to be, will not, on a proper representation, withhold them from
such a purpose, etc., etc.
Now if you will send a letter of this nature address'd to me
at Mr. Hall's, Edr., where I propose being next week, I shall.
^ Son of the Rev. Robert Farquhar, minister of Chapel of Garioch in Aberdeen-
shire, and an eminent London physician.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 287
by shewing or sending it to Sir John, induce him, I doubt not,
to lay his commands on Martin to give up the manuscripts for
your use. I know he would willingly oblige me from a circum-
stance which occurr''d when I was last in London. James Mac-
pherson's Introduction to the history of Great Britain contains
materials suited to your purpose, well arranged and expressed,
A petulant and flimsy book ^ (wrote as a refutation of many of
Johnson's assertions in his tour) by Macnicoll, the minister of
Lesmore, contains nevertheless many amusing and well
authenticated anecdotes. I forget its title, but every gentle-
man in Argyleshire has a copy of it.
One Alexander Campbell,^ from Rannoch, has lately published
a poem, to which he gives the title of ' The Grampians left
desolate,' which I suppose has no extraordinary merit, but the
notes on which, I am told, are replete with such traditional
intelligence as you wish for. There are manuscript histories of
families which at any [rate] contain some dry facts worth
knowing : Clanranald's,^ for instance. Mr. Henry Mackenzie *
could procure you the archives of the Grant family. The
Montrose papers too might be useful. An introductory essay
such as you mention would doubtless add great interest to your
subject. I mistook if I spoke of being 6 weeks in England. I
fear I must be there till August, but will from thence gladly
communicate all I know, having the command of office franks.
I have a correction and an addition to make with regard to
Lochiers daughters. There was not of that set married to
Auchalder, but there were two married in this country, one to
Wright of Loss, the other to Macgregor of Bohawdie.^ Adieu,
dear Sir. I shall write once more from Edr. with some
anecdotes, and am in the meantime, Yours, etc., etc.
Annk Grant.
Lord Selkirk, as you well know, has written a book on
emigration, and that with much candour and apparent
1 Remarks on Dr. Samuel JohnsoiCs Journey to the Hebrides, by the Rev.
Donald MacNicol. ^ Born at Tonbea 1764, died 1824.
•* i.e. The Black and l\ed Books of Clanranald, now published in Reliquice
CelticcF, vol. ii.
^ The Man of Feeling. He married Penuel, daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant
of Grant. ^ Cf. p. 321 note.
288 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
benevolence, in which he draws from false premises very true
and just conclusions. In the appendix of this book you will
find some information which I know to be authentic.
Thoughts ^ on the attachment of the clans to their chiefs —
On filial piety — On enthusiasm — On the superstitions of the
higlilands, their origin and effect, illustrated by authentic
anecdotes — On the consequences of certain immortalities as
the system of life was affected by them — On the obscure and
mystical, yet fervid and exalted ideas of the Deity and the
worship He requires which pervaded the minds of highlanders
of every rank.
Highland villains trembling at futurity like Shakspear's —
Morality founded on sentiment, assuming by degrees a sys-
tematic form in a country undisturbed by conquest or foreign
wars, where the essentials of Christianity had their due in-
fluence, and where certain lessons of practical piety were
delivered from father to son with increased effect thro"" succes-
sive ages — Peculiar effects produced on the imagination and the
heart by cherishing with unusual care the memory of the de-
parted, dwelling on their sayings and actions, and mixing them
as it were with their surviving friends in an inexplicable manner.
Lastly, on the utter impossibility of preserving in any other
situation the spirit and character of a people so localized, and
bound by so many ties of fancy, memory, affection, and tradi-
tion to the strong featured land of their nativity.
DebasM by an innate sense of degradation when driven to
mingle with the mob of other countries with whom they have
nothing in common. This spirit, if at all preserved beyond
the limits of their native mountains, is chiefly found to exist
in a body of highlanders devoted to arms, who, having no
new abode or acquired localities to efface those so long endeared
to them, and going out in bodies from different clans, cherish
both that martial ardour and that pathos of patriotism whicli
is their peculiar [possession].
Strongly exemplified in the deservedly celebrated 42d Regt.,
which, as a body corporate, is worthy to have a little history
The first portion of this letter is missing.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 289
transmitted of its achievements, its sufferings, its fidelity and
magnanimity in several trying and distinguished instances.
On the additions, or cognomens, of the chiefs.
On the badges, Marches, Tartans, etc., which distinguished
the clans.
Singular origin of the Macraws.^
Remarkable difference of character and manners between
the different clans.
Honourable strictness among the chiefs in adhering to a
promise once solemnly given, instanced in the manner in which
Glenmoriston acquired Dalentay, etc., etc.
Characteristic peculiarities.
There are many singular and interesting anecdotes worth
preserving relative to the escapes and adventures of these
persons who were attainted, such as Ranald Ratray of Rag-
nagalion in Castle Ratray, Stirling of Craigbarnet, Macdonald
of Teindrich, the convicts sent to Maryland, etc., etc.
These are hints whereon to found queries. Now, I am so
confus'd, and the materials crowded into my lumber garret
of a memory so disarranged, that I could not without some
such finger-posts find my way thro' my own recollections.
Will you, if you wish for such aid of materials as I can
give, demand in tlie order you see fitting my thoughts and
recollections on each of these subjects, these letters you may
afterwards arrange in the way you can best connect them.
I am going to give you a little anecdote illustrative of the
liistory of woman. Drumakiln (tlie last), of whose infamous
life and shocking death I had occasion lately to speak, seduc'd
a well brought up and rather superior young woman belonging
to the lower class, to live with him. She had three beautiful
and promising children who were her consolation under the
remorse that prey'd on her mind.
^ Probably referring to the story told by Dr. Johnson. The 'Macraes,' he
says, ' were originally an indigent and subordinate clan, and having no farms nor
stock were, in great numbers, servants to the Maclellans who, in the war of
Charles I., took arms at the call of the heroic Montrose and were in one of his
battles almost destroyed. The women that were left at home being thus
deprived of their husbands, like the Scythian ladies of old married their servants,
and the Macraes became a considerable r3,CQ.^— Journey to Western Islands, p. 91.
T
290 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
When the eldest was seven and the youngest scarce three
years old, they were all swept away by a scarlet fever or some
other complaint. Agonis'd with grief and penitence, the young
woman retird to her father's house, and to perpetuate for an
example or warning to others her transgression and its punisli-
ment, erected a stone in the churchyard of Luss with the
following inscription,
' Under this stone lie three chiklren
John, Helen, and William Buchanan,
Who by the sin of their wicked parents,
John Buchan[an] and Helen Stuart,
Were brought to this world.
And to punish these sins
And preserve them from such.
Were early taken out of it. Anno Domini,' etc., etc.
This now is precisely the meaning and very near the words
of the epitaph, which I think is still more forcibly expressed.
Think of the power of early good impressions and the
strength of the mind that could thus sacrifice all ordinary
feelings and considerations to set up this perpetual memorial
of her own disgrace for the eventual benefit of others.
I am here in Rose Street witli my old friends and shall
not set out for London for a week. You will please address
any commands you have for me in the meantime here under
cover to James Shearer, Esq., Surveyor of the Post Office, who
has lately connected liimself in a manner with me by marrying
a young friend of ours. — I am, with the most affectionate wishes
towards all your family, Dear Sir, Yours faithfully,
Anne Grant.
Brompton grove ^ 17 Maixh 1808.
Dear Madam, — I was truly sorry that it was not in my
power to have had the happiness of being of your party at
my friend Sir Walter's dinner. When you return to town I
will have much satisfaction in waiting upon you ; and by that
time our friend the Duchess of Gordon will be here.
Nothing could give me more satisfaction than to aid your
friend Mr. Stuart in his literary pursuits : his brother-in-law,
Mr. Seton at Delhi, is one of the most respectable characters
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 291
in the public service in India. A true Caledonian ; having
had the advantages of foreign education and all admired by
the people of India for his superior attention to business and
his perfect probity. You should inform Mr. Stuart that when
I was at Rome in 1792, I had access to read a :ms. copy written
by Prince Charles, of the History of his Campaigns in Scotland
in 1745, etc. It was communicated to me by the keeper of
the Stewart Papers in Cardinal York's possession ; and on
condition that I should neither take a copy of it or make
any extracts from it. I obtained permission to the Duke of
Sussex, then in Rome, to peruse it upon the same conditions.
It is, I think, possible to obtain that ms., now that Cardinal
York is no more, and if the intercourse with Rome were open
I would write to my friend Cardinal Erskine upon the subject.
As to the manuscripts and papers that my father has left, I
do not believe that they could be of much use to Mr. Stuart.
I left those relative to his deportation with the late James Mac-
pherson of Ossian memory, and it was from them chiefly that
he wrote his own Introduciion to the H'lstory of Great Britain.
What you observe relative to the state of society, of which
we have seen the last characteristic shades in our native country,
is perfectly just. Many causes combined in favour of that state
of society : the spirit of true poetry which kept the memory
of noble actions, as that of the best ailections of the heart,
in continued admiration ; the hospitality which formed the
intercourse of the chiefs and their family connections ; the
opportunities which the cadets of those families had of seeing
foreign countries and serving in the armies of France, Germany,
and Italy, always anxious to return to their native soil with a
ffood name, too-ether with an emulation between the different
clans to surpass each other in acts of liberality and renown.
These and other causes gave the manners of the last century
in our highlands and islands much of the old early Grecian
character mixed with the loyalty and spirit of chivalry. You
remember the great Lord Chatham's words, ' I sought merit
where it was to be found ! I found it in the mountains of the
north, a bold and a hardy race,' etc.^
The antient music of our songs was the great inspirer of
^ The idea of raising Highland regiments, usually attributed to Pitt, was really
due to Duncan Forbes of CuUoden.
292 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
the whole organisation of society in those days, and it is a
fact elucidated by the oldest Italian history of music, that
it was the music of the old songs of our hills which James,
one of our Scots kings, was supposed to have composed, and
which the Italians called the new species of music ' lament-
abile et lacrimabile,"" yes, long before the days of David Rizzio.
There is a singular characteristic difference between our
finest and most pathetic music and that of Italy. With us
it is generally a plaintive lamentation relative to the past^
with the Italians it is all invocative of future happiness as
in Serenas, etc.
Letters gave early instruction to our native land, and the
good old schoolmaster, Evan,^ whom you so justly esteemed
was one of the last schools of these good effects. Our clergy
in the highlands were above all the ranks of society there
exemplary and useful members of instruction. The Litei'ati
who formed the select instructors of Scotland about seventy
years ago, united and reanimated the spirit of highland as
of the lowland renown of our country in its capital ; and
hence perhaps the rise and prosperity of the British Empire
witii Scots migration in the east and the west and even at its
capital in a very considerable degree. English prejudices
were thus done away, and Ireland is now in train of joining
the works and deeds of her ancient genius to the mass of
British renown. Do you, dear madam, continue to give us
so classically the best ideas of the merits and renown of our
Caledonian ancestors, and like a daughter of Ossian, you will
most effectually aid your country and the ardour to defend
it against our enemies and our own commercial and civilisation
dangers you see how sincerely I by these observations would wish
you to continue your poetical amusements, and how anxious I
would be to aid your friend Mr, Stuart in his useful pursuits,
— I have the honour to be, dear Madam, Your most faithful
and most humble servt. John Macpherson.
P.S. — What you have written about Mr. James Macpherson
and Ossian, etc. etc. is most correct and founded upon my
early knowledge of that subject. My old friend Mr. Grant
1 Cf. p. 286.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 293
of Coriemony never forgave his being completely taken in by
the Wish of the Aged Bard, which you have so much improved
in the translation of it into superior verses. Honest Evan
Macpherson copied it, and as he valued himself on spelling
Gaelic perfectly, he gave it its complete appearance of anti-
quity to Coriemony''s eyes. You have, I hope, read the poem
of your namesake, Charles Grant, Esq., junr.,^ which won the
prize, on the Restoration of Learning in the east. Admirable !
Sunhury, Middlesex, March 20, 1808.
Dear Sir, — I was disappointed at not hearing from you
when I left Edinburgh, from a fear tliat your headache had
been worse than usual, or some of you indisposed. I went up
with an old friend and her husband, who had returned from
India last year, and was now obliged to return to London, and
too delicate to bear the land journey. There was a large
party of us, who knew each other very well, and were glad to
be together. We came up in four days, and our passage was
on the whole a pleasant one. It is not possible for me to
express how much I was hurried for nine days that I staid in
London, by the kindness of my friends, who wish'd me during
that little time to see everything, and be introduced to number-
less people. Among these kind friends, ifs but just that I
should mention Sir W. Farquhar s family, Mr. Fielding of the
Palace, Mr. Hatsell of the House of Commons, his brothers
and family, and, finally, the Bishop of London.^ The atten-
tions of Mr. Charles Grant's family were still more gratifying,
and may in some respects be more important to me. I have
no one of new people that is new to me who has so charm 'd me
by her attentions and by her manners as the Honble. Mrs.
Stuart, who is married to the Primate of Ireland,^ and is a
daughter of that Penn * wlio now represents the Legislator and
founder of Pensylvania and Philadelphia, but all this is egotism
quite from the purpose. Your business was never a moment
1 Afterwards Lord Glenelg. 2 -q^ Beilby Porteus.
3 The Hon. W. Stuart, fifth son of John, third Earl of Bute, became Archbishop
of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland.
* Sophia Margaret Juliana, daughter of Thomas Penn of Stoke- Pogis.
294 MRS. GRANT^S LETTERS
out of my mind. The friend I came up with is a Niece of
Major Macpherson's. I wrote directly on my arrival ; he is in
a distant quarter, the name of which I forget. He answered me
immediately ; but says that it will take him some time to recol-
lect and look thro'' his papers before he can send me any intelli-
gence worth transmitting ; yet expresses himself delighted that
the cause is in so good hands. Having appointed to be here
at a certain day, I broke away from London rather abruptly,
which hurried me exceedingly. Yet I must return for a few
days in April, and shall then meet, perhaps, the Major, if he
comes to see his niece embark at any rate. I shall hear from
him again, but that is not near so well. Excessive fatigue and
exertion, with the addition of a great cold, make me write a
very stupid letter, but I hope my head will clear when [there
is an improvement in] the weather, which even in these Elysian
shades is bleak and cold. I daily defer'd writing to Sir John,^
from an expectation of dining with him at Sir W. Farquhar's,
who hop'd to induce him to break his resolution against dining
out. He is indeed a very great invalid, but you may see how
zealous he is to promote your undertaking, which I hope nothing
less than ill health will induce you to relinquish or defer.
I speak my very conscience, and do not mean a compliment,
when I say you are the fittest person I think in the Kingdom
for this undertaking. When I say this, it is because I know
there is no highlandman existing that can bring to it the pre-
requisites of learning, Antiquarian and Genealogical knowledge
and habitual elegance and purity of style, besides vigour of
mind, join'd as it seldom is with unwearied application. Were
there an existing highlander possessing all these indispensables,
who was at the same time a gentleman with full command of
time, that highlander would be still better adapted to the
work, but there is no such being. I need not tell you that in
this case you are only an architect. It is not to be supposed
that you shall create the marble and the mortar, 'tis enough
that you polish and arrange. How humbly and how gladly
would I drive a wheelbarrow to the undertaking, with all the
materials I could collect, but this must be a work of time and
Sir John Macpherson.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 295
patience, I pick'd up some anecdotes from a relation at Edr.,
which I will try to detail hereafter. Now I think of it, Dr.
Stuart at Luss might be useful. He is a modest man, a good
scholar, and, I should think, no bigot to Whiggism. Pray let
me hear from you soon, to know how your undertaking thrives.
I am charni'd beyond measure with the family and their mode
of living here. I write Mrs. Stuart soon. Excuse headache,
etc., and believe me, dear Sir, yours with esteem,
Anne Grant.
Whidsor, 14 June 1808.
Dear Sir, — I am sure you must by this time consider me as
a great trifler, and begin to lose all dependence on my pro-
fessions of zeal in the cause you are engaged in, and of industry
in gathering together antiques for the cabinet you are, I hope,
busily constructing. I must begin my vindication by telling
you a secret. At the request of particular friends I have been
since the beginning of this year busily engaged in preparing
for the press Memoirs of a deceasVI worthy well known in
her time not only all over the Continent, but to all the dis-
tinguishM persons who in her day led the British army to the
Canadian frontier.^ But I shall refer for particulars to the
Memoirs themselves, which will very soon appear ; by very
soon, I mean before Christmas, for the delay of printers you
know to be notorious. The conveniency of getting these
Memoirs quietly arranged where my attention would not be
every moment caird off by family cares was one motive for
my accepting Sir John Legard's in[vitation], and yet I find
difficulty, by dint of early rising, etc., to attend closely even
for a few hours in a day to my subject, the kindness of many
excellent people making many demands on my time. I was
obliged to return for a fortnight to London to see several of
my old acquaintance from America, who being near relations
or intimate friends of my rever'd Patroness, whom I am now
commemorating, can furnish me with anecdotes. One of my
motives in returning to London was to meet Major Ewan
Macpherson, who wrote to me that he deferred his communica-
Madam Schuyler.
296 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
tions till we should meet, and I being at any rate going to
London, wished to time my return there so as to meet him.
He was at that time suddenly appointed to some office which
attached him to the troops now in Sweden ; calPd for me twice
and mist me ; I sent to him, but found he was gone off express
to the place of debarkation. You cannot imagine how much
I was disappointed. I wrote to Sir John Macpherson some
weeks ago, and that uncourtly knight, tho' he always talks
of me to the Farquhars and others in terms of the warmest
friendship, did not condescend to answer my letter; possibly
he may have wrote north to his brother Martin and waits his
answer, and in that case he may wait long enough, for Martin
is the very Prince of Procrastination. I am quite of your
opinion with regard to Sir John's epistolary talents ; they are
certainly of the lowest order, and yet he governed India well,
and is a kind-hearted, benevolent man. He is asthmatic and
in very bad health, I was strongly tempted to call on him
lately. I went by invitation, as you may suppose, to Fidham,
the Bishop of London"'s Palace, May 20th, and staid four days,
and there I saw more of the great and the noble than ever
I imagined it could fall to my share to meet with. It is
delightful to see the filial respect and attachment which
many of the nobility seem to entertain for that venerable and
amiable prelate. He was recovering from a serious illness,
and from one o"'clock to five every day there was a constant
succession of visitors of the first rank, both eminence of merit
and station. But all these matters I hope to recount at leisure
at Allanton on my return, when I hope to be admitted to pass
a fortnight there. For you see there will be no such thing as
returning at once to my native obscurity after having saiPd
like a paper kite so far out of my element. I am charniM
with the Bishop, and cannot say enough had I leisure of Mrs.
Porteous. I am to have the privilege, for such I account it,
of passing a little more time with them before I leave England.
You will think me a perfect fugitive when you find this dated
from Windsor. But the house from which I write, were I
not bound down by prior engagements, has a more legitimate
claim on my time and attention than any one in England.
It is that which belongs to Miss Grant, alas now the only
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 297
representative of the old Arndilly family. She and I have
corresponded for two years past, and she was the cordial friend
of my dear Charlotte, and has been in many respects a most
usefid friend to me. She lives here very much confined by her
attention to two declining nervous sisters, but is a person
highly valued for worth, judgment, and singular benevolence.
She is cousin to Lady , and was her guide and monitor,
while the state of her mind admitted of influence. It will
be a sufficient testimony of Miss G.'s merit to say that she
was the valued friend of tiie late Mrs. Eliza Carter, and many
other eminent persons, and that the Princess of Wales greatly
wisird to have her about the young Princess. I came up here
a day before with Isabella, but was hurried about seeing the
place. I wish I had leisure to stay a little longer where I
have met with so much affectionate kindness and so many
objects of real interest. But I cannot indulge myself in a
longer holiday from my book, and must return to-morrow.
I find my task so often broke in that I have vow'd to suspend
correspondence till it is done. But this is a holiday at any
rate, and here I get a frank, which only now and then occurs
at Sunbury. I wish at leisure to charm Mrs. Stuart by telling
her of the fervent devotion of the good old King, whose
morning prayers in his private Chapel I have attended at 8
for three days past. I have, notwithstanding my constant ap-
plication, which is really fatiguing, wrote to the Highlands
for anecdotes. I should be zealous on your account tho' I did
not care for the work, and zealous for the work''s sake tho' I
did not care for you. Excuse the hasty and homely expression
by which I describe this double stimulus. Our Rector at
Sunbury is a Scotchman, and does us great credit as our
countryman. Dining in his house last week I was awhile
in his study, and happening to open the Statistical Accounts,
all which he has, I lighted on that of an old acquaintance,
Mr. Grant's co- presbyter, who mentions his having many
papers in his hands that give light regarding the history of
the family of Lochiel, which it appears he did not give to
John Hume, wiio would scarce have asked the favour, keeping
very shy of his old brethren. Fearing to overload this frank,
which I got after I had folded my letters, I shall merely request
298 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
you to cover and forward it to Killmallie, free, if possible, the
within note. I am thus hurried for fear the man should die,
and being that he is (I whisper this) a kind of gander, I can-
not explain matters to him as I would to a person of more
comprehension, and therefore simply ask the favour for myself.
I am quite jealous that Mrs. Stuart has not wrote to me, and
beg you will not [omit] to mark in her pocket book to remember
to forget.^ Miss Stirling of Kippendavy — I forget this moment
Miss Steuarfs cousin — was at Sunbury with Lord Glenbervy one
day lately. They were Sir John's mother and sisters that you
saw at York. Convey the expression of my sincere veneration
to Mrs. Mackenzie, and bid Miss Steuart cherish the memory
of her sincere wellwisher and your obliged servant,
Anne Grant.
Memoir of the Family or Lochiel
Dear Sir, — It is in tracing the history of Man when lie has
ceas'd to be a savage, and when his faculties, by a certain
degree of moral culture, amid the benefits of social order, have
begun to unfold. In short, it is in the patriarchal ages, before
the coercion of laws and the tyranny of customs have trans-
formed him into an artificial being, that we can study nature
undebas'd by ferocity, and undisguised by refinement.
Of these patriarchal ages, however, there are few memorials,
because they were necessarily illiterate ones. Somewhat of the
substance we see preserved in the sacred records, and somewhat
of the shadow reflected in the compositions of the earlier poets
of every nation.
In those rugged and barren districts of our own country,
which, sheltered by mountains that shut out both the con-
queror and the legislator, retained traces of primitive manners
long after they were effaced in all other places. Some remains
of ancient attachment, confidence, and simplicity, subsisted
even within the last century, among wide extended families,
who lovM their head more than they fear'd him, and whose
ardent and faithful attachment was the result and the reward of
paternal kindness and protection, ever vigilant and unwearied.
^ Vide Peter Pindar's ' Birthday Ode ' :—
• Mem.
' To remember to forget to ask
Old Whitbread to my house one day.'
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 299
It may be thought absurd to assimilate societies so warlike
as these with the patriarchal modes of life. But it must be
rememberM that their habitation was not assignM in those
fertile meadows and extensive plains, where the primitive
herdsmen tended their flocks amidst peaceful abundance.
They became hunters from necessity, and the transition from
the hunter to the warrior is a very short one. He who braves
danger in the forest will not shun it in the field ; and he who
goes always arni'd, will not readily submit to injury or insult.
The hunter Esau, who pursued the sylvan chase thro' the
forest of Mount Seir, was bred in the same pastoral tent, and
under the same patriarchal dominion, with the shepherd Jacob,
who fed his flocks in the adjoining plain, and seem'd equally
solicitous to obtain the paternal blessing. Yet hardened by
his manner of life, he was sturdy and self-righted, and evidently
an object of terror to those who had injured him, tho"* the
sequel shows him generous as brave.
The interior of this mountainous district, which afforded
shelter to those primitive hunters, was by the hand of nature
parceird out into subdivisions, the limits of which were defin'd
most distinctly, and easily defended.
In every narrow vale, where a blue stream bent its course,
some hunter of superior prowess, or some herdsman whom
wisdom had led to wealth, and wealth to power, was the founder
of a little community, who ever after looked up to the head of
the family as their leader and their chief. Those chains of
mountains which form'd the boundaries of their separate dis-
trict had then their ascents cover'd with forests, which were
the scene of their hunting excursions. When their eagerness
in pursuit of their game led them to penetrate into the dis-
tricts claimed by the chief of the neighbouring valley, a rash
encounter was the probable consequence, which laid the founda-
tion of future hostilities.
These petty wars gave room to a display of valour and
conduct in the chiefs, and produced a still closer cohesion and
mutual dependence among their followers. These hasty ani-
mosities were soon hushed into peace, yet often renewed. The
consequence was that the clans became expert in arms, cautious,
vigilant, and enterprising. They formed alliances, offensive
300 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
and defensive, cemented them by intermarriages between the
chief families of the confederating clans, governed their fol-
lowers by a kind of polity not ill-regulated, and the chief had
the power of life and death over all his large family (for such
he considered his clan), but this was very sparingly us'd. In
cases of long feud and much mutual exasperation, a chieftain
might be cruel to his enemies, but never to his friends. To
their own people they were invariably clement and indulgent.
Nor were these paternal rulers in any sense so despotic as they
have been represented ; so far otherwise, that of all monarchs
they were the most limited, not being permitted to take a step
of the least importance without consulting their friends. By
this expression was meant the elders of their tribe, including
relations so distant, that in any other country they would not
be recognisM as such. But then in this council of elders, those
who were not regarded as prudent and sagacious persons had
no weight. It can scarcely be imagined by us, who depend not
so much on the wisdom of our sages, how nicely they weighed
and discriminated the degrees of intellect, and how carefully
the wise or witty sayings of these oracles were treasur d up and
delivered down to posterity. The poor laird could neither
marry or give in marriage, raise a benevolence or levy war
without the full consent of these counsellors, who, unless he
happen''d to be a man of uncommon talents, governM him
much more than he did them. He led out the tribe no doubt,
but then they led out the families of which the tribe consisted,
and unless perfectly satisfied with the ground of quarrel they
would not move.
The celerity with which they sometimes appeared in the
field, was rather a proof of the unanimity of the clan than the
despotism of the chief.
Of the bold exertion of control usM by these mountain
Hampdens, I am about to give a well-known instance.
Sometime in the last years of the 16th century, there was
a Laird of Grant, who was either in mind or body so enfeebrd
that he was not able to maintain the requisite authority, even
in his own immediate family. His eldest son, of whom the
renowned Prince Hal seems to have been a prototype, was
gaird I^aird Humphry. He was remarkable for ready wit,
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 301
personal graces, bodily strength, and superior skill and dex-
terity in all athletic games and exercises, but he was volatile,
unprincipPd, profuse and licentious. He gathered up among
the youth of the country a train as far as possible resembling
himself, and thro' Strathspey and Murray, where the family
had then large possessions, nothing was to be heard of but the
excesses of Laird Humphry and his dissolute attendants.
Having drank all the claret in Murray, and borrowed and run
in debt till no one would trust them, he then returned to his
own country, and honoured every house by turns with a visit,
which lasted till he and his banditti had left nothing eatable
or drinkable within the walls, besides polluting them with vice
and intemperance. The elders in this extremity held a council,
the result of which was, that if they did not immediately remove
this pest, their importance and dignity as a clan was at an end.
On this great occasion they laid not only their wits but their
purses together, bought up Laird Humphry's debts, and laid
him up in prison at Elgin, where he was confined till his death
many years afterwards, the next heir in the meantime dis-
charging all the functions of a chieftain. Now the chief
justice, by whom the heir-apparent was imprisoned, show'd no
greater firmness, and ran no greater risk.
I could give a hundred instances of the freedom of speech
allow'd the subject in these supposed arbitrary dominions, but
shall confine myself with a very modern one within my own
knowledge.
There remain yet more vestiges of this dominion of the affec-
tions in the lesser Hebrides than in any other part of [the]
highlands.
The Macniels of Barra have possessed that island without a
rival or competitor for time immemorial, and it is a very
singular circumstance in the history of that family, that nine-
teen Roderick Macniels ^ in succession have inherited that estate
without any of them having a brother ; the lady always had
one son, who continued the family, but never had more. Thus
there was in the family of Barra a great dearth of hereditary
counsellors, yet every islander was ready in his own humble, or
rather familiar, way to proffer advice.
^ This is not so.
302 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
About twenty years ago Barra, without asking the consent
of his islanders, came to Lochaber to solicit the hand of the
beautiful and amiable daughter of Cameron of Fassfern,
nephew to the banish'd Lochiel. Among the rowers that
brought his boat from Barra was an old man of the lower
class, who had been perhaps his father's foster-brother or one
of the island sages.
A few days after his arrival he was walking with other
gentlemen in the street of Maryburgh,^ when old Ronald calFd
out in his native tongue, ' Rory, do you hear ? I say, Rory."
' Yes, I hear you very well, but am engaged at present."" ' But
wait, Rory, is it indeed true what I hear of your marriage ? '
'Be quiet, I have gentlemen with me; I will speak with you
again."* ' Nay, but Rory, dear Rory, be cautious, "'tis the
mother of your children you are seeking; you do not need
money ; but is she prudent and modest, tell me that, Rory ? ''
And all this in a loud voice in the open street. I should have
premised that Barra is a well-bred, respectable, worthy man,
whose appearance and manners might claim distinction where-
ever he is seen. The man's freedom was not the grossness of
vulgar familiarity, nor Barra's forbearance the want of dignity.
It was the earnestness of affectionate simplicity on the one
side, and the condescension of true greatness of mind on the
other. There is a volume of character in this simple anecdote.
Yet simplicity in that sense which precludes penetration
into human character, and occasional stratagem and finesse,
made no part of the highland manners. They were often
necessitated from their manner of carrying
predatory excursions, to be like Arviragus,
' Subtle as the fox for prey,
Like warlike as the wolf for what they eat ' ; (Shakespeare)
while their peculiarly social mode of living together, the
address necessary to conciliate and adjust jarring interests
among allied clans, and the habit of making all private con-
siderations subservient to the good of the community, sharpened
their native sagacity and enlarged their minds. Meantime
Now Fort-William.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 303
their excessive delight in poetry, music, and the tales in which
the heroic deeds of their ancestors were preserved, communi-
cated to their imaginations a tender and romantic enthusiasm,
which gave a high and peculiar colouring to their affections
and their virtues. Without entering into any discussion of the
disputed question relative to the antiquity or authenticity of
their boasted Ossian, it is undeniably certain that remains,
undoubtedly genuine, of poems composed by the bards attached
to certain great families, within these three or four centuries,
still exist sufficient to do honour both to the genius and the
virtues of this secluded people.
These remains are peculiarly valuable for the high strain of
heroic generosity and pure morality which breathe thro' them
and entitles the Mountain Muse to praise,
' Beyond all Greek^ beyond all Roman fame.'
It is to be observed to the honour of those untaught bards
that their wild strains of eulogy and lamentation never faiFd
to wait upon departed merit, however deprest or unfortunate.
No highland worthy ever died ' uncelebrated or unsung.'
The gallant Marquis of Montrose, tho' no highlander him-
self, had often led tlie clans in alliance with his family to
victory, and finally to defeat. He who was indeed
' The courtier's^ scholar's, soldier's eye, tongue, sword.
The observed of all observers ' — {Hamlet)
had not a single chaplet hung upon his hearse but those woven
by the hands of his faithful mountaineers. Their plaintive
and pathetic strains have flow'd abundantly, and the Shion
shuil Glweumach — the wine blood of the Grahame, a common
figure, to express generous and high descended blood, in the
Celtic poetry — shed at the cross of Edinburgh, still wakes
the throb of indignant sympathy in every highland cottage.
Of this accomplished Hero, who was himself an elegant and
classical poet, no one tuneful memorial is to be found in the
English language ; yet he has departed in the light of his
renown, and his name lives in the song of the bards.
There were two great principles held in the utmost reverence
in the Highlands on wliich much of the peace and order of
society depend everywhere. In the first place, the violation of
304 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
an oath, or even a promise once solemnly made, was regarded
with unspeakable horror. Then the conjugal union was held
so sacred that infidelity was scarcely heard of, and the criminal,
when such there was, universally detested.
This picture of Highland society may appear a flattering
one: yet those best acquainted with the subject will allow it
to be a sketch very faithfully drawn. No doubt there are
shades and some very dark ones. When the sword and
balance are not plac'd under legal sanctions in appropriate
hands, the irregular efforts of daring individuals to execute
summary justice or redress dubious wrongs produce dreadful
effects.
Of these I shall give one or two striking instances. When
feuds ran high between contending clans, their last resort for
security was to fortify a small island in one of the lakes with
which that country abounds. Then by bringing in all the
boats on the approach of an enemy they were secure from all
danger. The south side of Loch Ness is calPd Strath Erick,
from some powerful Dane who once attempted to force that
pass, and was opposed by Cuming, head of that clan.^ This
Cuming, being mortally wounded, sat down to rest on the top
of a high mountain, over which the military road has been
since carried. There he expired, and there still remains a cairn
or rude monument of stones erected to his memory, which is
perpetuated by the name of the mountain, Suie Chuiman,
the seat of Cuming. Descending from the mountain you
arrive at a little plain beside the Tarfe, where the warrior
was interred. This is calPd Cillchuhnan, the tomb of Cuming,
and is now the site of Fort Augustus. This district belonged
to the Frazers, who, being often at war with the Macintoshes
and Macdonalds, their neighbours, felt the want of an island
to secure their families in when they went on expeditions.
They, like the Venetians, made an artificial one in a small
bay of Loch Ness by sinking piles of wood and then heaping
up stones. Part of this artificial island still remains, and is
caird the Cherry Isle, from some trees of that kind planted on
it. There, too, are to be seen the remains of a castle once
1 The Cumyns at one time seem to have included Lochaber as well as Badenoch
in their vast possessions.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 305
belonging to the Lovat family. In this lonely fortress, some
time about the middle of the fifteenth century, Lovat left his
three daughters while he went out on some warlike excursion.
One of these young ladies was very beautiful, and was belovM
by Lovafs neighbour to the westward, Macdonald of Glengary.
Not liking her family, however, he did not make open proposals,
but strove privately to win her affections. This dishonourable
attempt was repuls'd with due indignation. Resentment and
dislike to her family now prompted this recreant lover to take
an unmanly revenge by slandering the object of his passion.
Apprized of this the injurd fair one sent a message in the
most private manner to Glengary by her foster-father, acquaint-
ing him that on the following night she should send her
attendants different ways, and alone in the castle wait to
receive him at midnight.
Glengary gladly complied with the assignation, yet did not
go unarm''d. For this the damzels were prepared. The en-
trance to these castles generally led to a kind of hall on the
ground floor, to which three or four steps of a descent led
down. In the dusk of the evening the old man, by direction,
kiird a bullock and spread the new-flay'd hide, with the inside
outwards, upon these steps. Whenever the expected lover set
foot on this slippery descent he slid backwards, as was in-
tended. The old man, who waited at the bottom with a
Lochaber axe, severed his head in a moment from his body.
The lady who offer'd this victim to her violated fame did not
long enjoy her triumph undisturbed. The deed (in which the
perpetrators gloried) was soon known.
The Macdonalds led their force against Lovat, overpowered
and took him prisoner. They carried him into the deepest
recess of a thick wood, where swarms of flies were attracted
by the close sultry heat. There they bound him to a tree,
and opening his mouth as wide as possible fixed a stick to
prevent its closing, that he might be chok'd by the insects
which would in these circumstances fly into it. In this ex-
tremity some one proposM to spare his life on condition that
he would take the great oath to relinquish the estate of Aber-
tarph to the Glengary family. They, the Glengary family,
enjoy 'd it till the late General Frazer purchased it back in '76.
306 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
Abertarph is that picturesque district watered by the rivers
Tarph and Oich, in which Fort Augustus lies, and which
extends westward from the head of Loch Ness to Loch Oich
by Invergarrie house.
Lovat on this occasion departed from his dignity as a chief.
According to the receiv''d notions he was not allowed to part
with territory for the preservation of his life.
The clans possessed unequal shares of power and numbers,
yet the prevalence of mind was here strongly mark'd. A clan
which had been ruFd by a succession of wise and brave leaders
soon deriv'd such consequence from the abilities of its chiefs
as made it greatly preponderate in the scale of political
importance over others more numerous and possessing more
territory.
Among these, that of the Camerons was particularly dis-
tinguished. Many gentlemen of this name possessed property,
such as Dungallan, Callart, Glendissery, Clunes, etc. etc., but
all acknowledged Lochiel as their chief, and literally resigned
their lives and fortunes in whatever cause he adopted. A
succession of able and honourable men supported the credit
of the clan, and by judicious and respectable marriages created
useful connections to the family. Perhaps even our frugal
country did not afford an instance of a family who liv'd in so
respectable a manner and show'd such liberal and dignified
hospitality on so small an income.
Their authority, supported by the general confidence in
their personal virtues, was indisputed. Yet justice requires
that even this generous clan and their successive gallant
leaders should not receive unqualified praise.
The clan, with very little scruple of conscience, were wont
to make excursions in search of prey, which they denominated
a spreath.^ They were, however, more honest and more de-
corous than the Elliots or Armstrongs of the border. Their
chief never headed their excursions, never shar'd their prey,
and severely punish'd them when they trespassed on the bounds
of any ancient ally of the family. To this effect there is a
letter among the archives of the Grants, written with all the
Probably a confusion of creachadh, a foray, with sp-eidh, cattle.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 307
air of ceremonious dignity which one sovereign might be sup-
posed to use in addressing another.^
It seems there had been an aUiance by marriage between the
chiefs of the two clans, in consequence of which a close friend-
ship subsisted between the tribes. A band of the Camerons
set out to make depredations on the inhabitants of the east
coast. They had to cross the island from sea to sea (their
way lying thro"* Badenoch and Strathspey) before they arrived
at their destination. Returning thro' the dark passes of the
mountains with a heavy prey of cattle the Grant herdsmen
saw, or thought they saw, some of their own cattle among
them. These they reclaimed : a scuffle ensu'd, for it was a
point of honour with highlanders to rescue their cattle from
depredators at the extreme risk of life, else they were for
ever disgracM. The skirmish between these enrag'd com-
batants was so sharp that some lives were lost on the part
of the Grants. The Laird of Grant wrote to his Right traist
Cousin Lochiel, representing how utterly impossible it was to
put up with this flagrant violation of the friendship subsist-
ing between the clans without due satisfaction for the injury
received,
Lochiel in answer assured his good cousin of his great con-
cern for the injury his people had sustain'^d. ' We would not
willingly,"" says he, 'that any of our men should skaith the
lieges in your bounds, they only went forth to make a spreath
upon the land of Murray, whence all men take their prey.'
A Cameron of the lower [order] was condemned, and I believe
executed to appease the wrath of the Clan Grant ; he did not
suffer for taking cattle at the risk of his life from those whose
business it was manfully to defend their property. Far less
was he condemned for defending himself when attacked. His
crime was violating the arm'd neutrality and breaking the
ancient league, offensive and defensive, subsisting between the
clans.
The Lochiels had for some generations been men of a com-
manding appearance, robust, athletic make, and dark hair and
1 The letter referred to is seemingly one from Allan Cameron of Lochiel to
Sir James Grant of Freuchie, dated i8th October 1645. Cf. Chiefs of Grant,
vol. ii. p. 76.
308 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
complexion. So many deeds of fame had been achievM by
chiefs of this complexion, equally brave and fortunate, that
superstition began to note it as a lucky one, and finally it was
foretold by gifted seers that a fair Lochiel should never prove
a fortunate one.
In the year 1675 was born Ewan du, or dark-hair'd Evan,
who was fated by his courage, fidelity, generosity, and loyalty,
to eclipse all his predecessors.^ He was singularly belov'd by
his people ; and besides the virtues of his heart, and the powers
of his understanding, possessed that vigilance, prompt exertion,
and determined firmness, which peculiarly fitted him for those
military employments in which he afterwards distinguished
himself. He very early displayed his attachment to the abdi-
cated monarch, iiaving led a considerable body of Camerons to
the assistance of Viscount Dundee, at the Pass of Killiecrankie.^
Here his courage and conduct went near to turn the fortune of
the day. How this conduct came to be overlooked by Govern-
ment, at the very time that Glencoe, who was just at Lochiers
door, became the object of such signal vengeance, does not
appear. Nor can it at this time be easily accounted for.
His popular character, and powerful connections, might make
it seem worth while to conciliate him ; but if that was the
intention, it does not appear to have succeeded.
Some time after, about the end of King Williames reign, his
son John went privately to France. He was an intelligent
man, of frank and pleasing manners, who had more knowledge,
and had associated more with his superiors than was usual for
the chieftains of those days. There is reason to suppose that
it was about this time that he became acquainted with the
Duke of Berwick, who had a great friendship for him.
About this time too, Barclay of Urie, well known as the
acute and able apologist of the Quakers, was also in France at
that time, when probably commenced the acquaintance which
^ Eoghainn Dubh was really born in 1629, and died at the age of ninety in
1719. He married (i.) Mary, daughter of Sir Donald MacDonald of Sleat ;
(2.) Isabel, daughter of Sir Lachlan Maclean of Duart ; (3.) Jean, daughter
of David Barclay of Urie.
^ At Killiecrankie he carried the royal standard. For a description of his
appearance, vide Macaulay's History of England, chap, xiii.
MRS. GRANT^S LETTERS 309
soon after produced a matrimonial alliance between the families
of Urie and Lochiel.^
This marriage was an additional proof of the gallant chiefs
independence of mind and deserved [all praise].
In the meantime every effort was made by the ruling powers
at home to detach Lochiel from his allegiance to the abdicated
monarch.
Great offers were made him on the part of Government.
He was to have a pension of .^SOO a year, which was to descend
to his son (whom they were particularly anxious to lure back
to Scotland), and to be Governor of Fort William.
This generous chieftain, however, was above temptation.
While Government were thus vainly negotiating with him, a
very different kind was carrying on between Sir Ewan and
another distinguished chief.
Alaster Du (Dark Alexander) of Glengarrie, whose territories
bordered on those of Lochiel, and whose castle was situated on
Loch Oich, not many miles from Achnacarrie, is still celebrated
in the poetry and traditions of his own country, for wisdom,
valour, and magnanimity.^ He was the head of a very powerful
tribe styling themselves Macdonells, in contra-distinction to
the Macdonalds of the Isles, whose claim of superiority they
always resisted, claiming to be a distinct family descended
from the ancient Earls of Antrim in the north of Ireland.
Indeed, the bards and sennachies of the house of Glengarrie
did not fail even here to claim precedence, alleging that the
family of Antrim derived of them. Be this as it may, the
Glengarrie family had at tiiis time reached the acme of their
power and popularity. An immediate predecessor of the
renown'd Alaster had added literary and civic honours to the
wild wreathes that had flourished round the brows of his
ancestors. He had in consequence of his talents and attain-
ments been created a Lord of Session, at a time when no little
power and consequence was attached to that office.^ He went
^ Robert Barclay of Urie, the Apologist, born 1648, educated at the Scots
College, Paris, returned to Scotland 1664, died 1690.
- Cf. Macaulay's History of England, chap. xiii.
^ The reference is probably to ^neas Macdonell, ninth of Glengarry, who
was raised to the peerage in 1660 as Lord Macdonell and Arros. No Glengarry
was ever a Lord of Session.
310 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
afterwards to Italy, where he acquired a taste for architecture;
and on his return built the Castle of Invergarrie (part of the
walls of which still remain undemolish''d) on the model of an
edifice of the same kind which had attracted his attention at
Padua.
The heroic Alaster du succeeded to all the honours and all
the popularity of his predecessor, and in sincere, however mis-
placed loyalty to the house of Stuart, equalFd his neighbour
Sir Evan.
Both men of abilities, integrity, and candour; and both
stimulated by an ardent zeal for the cause which to them
appeared just. All tlie rivalry so usual between neighbouring
clans was swallow'd up by the powerful sentiment which united
them.
They concerted all the plans of their political measures
or military operations together, and led their united clan
to guard the hard-disputed Pass of Killiecrankie, where Glen-
garrie had a brother kilFd, and several Camerons of note
fell victims to their principles. After this hard struggle the
two chieftains returned to their respective abodes. Glen-
garrie, for some reason which does not now distinctly appear,
was more obnoxious to Government than Sir Ewan, who very
composedly occupied the house of Achnacarrie, tho' it was
not very defensible and stood near the garrison ; while
Glengarrie found it necessary to retire for some time. His
followers being at that time uncivilised, and less amenable
to regular discipline than the Camerons, had probably by
their ravages provok'd a more aggravated hostility.
He retired for some time among the woods and mountains
of Glengarrie, remaining sometimes for days together in a
small wooded island of Locharkaig, where tradition says they
contrived a stratagem to elude the threatened vengeance of
Government, which was afterwards put into execution with a
dexterity and resolution equal to the subtlety and secrecy
with which it was plan'd. It is said that some young men
belonging to the most powerful families in England had come
down with a certain regiment then lying at Fort William,
to see the country, and take a share in the desultory warfare
then carried on. These youths were accounted cadets or
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 311
volunteers. Of such many were attached to every regiment
in those days, who got a soldier''s pay if they chose to accept
it, were considered as pupils in the art of war, at liberty to
retire if they chose, and eligible, being often persons of family,
to fill the vacancies which war or disease occasioned among
the subalterns. This regiment was now about to occupy the
garrisons of Stirling and Dumbarton, and was most probably
succeeded by some other regiment. These who had been
amusing themselves with their fowling pieces on the way to
the Black Mount, were engaged with each other in conver-
sation, and bringing up the rear with some of the staff,
and little dreading an assault in desolate regions where
there are no inhabitants but a few wandering herds-
man, and in a country which they considered as completely
subdued.
Two hundred well-arm^d and light-footed highlanders,
however, lay conceaFd in the heath and bushes in a narrow
pass, confined on one side by a steep mountain, and on the other
by a small lake by the path, for road there was none, that led
towards Teyandrem ^ or the Black Mount. When the rear of the
regiment to which these youths were passing fearlessly thro'
the deep solitude, as they thought it, of this savage district,
the highlanders sprung so suddenly from their ambuscade,
that before they could recollect themselves sufficiently to have
recourse to their arms for defence, these dexterous partisans
had snatch'd away their prey. This consisted of eight or ten
young men of the description above mentioned, and a few more
of less note, whom in their indiscriminate haste they had
swept away with the rest.
There were some shots firM in the confusion which produced
little effect besides alarming the regiment.
This sudden and mysterious disappearance of their young
eleves excited the utmost concern and perturbation among the
superior officers. They could not possibly define the purport
and tendency of this manoeuvre ; that so many people should
venture their lives in this bold enterprise against unequal
odds was very wonderful, if the intention were merely to carry
Tyndrum.
312 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
away a few prisoners, and thus incense a power able to crush
them in an instant.
What they knew of the sagacity and forecast of the chief-
tains and their habit of acting in concert on emergencies,
forbid them to indulge the supposition of its being a mere
predatory attack, the dictate of revenge or sudden caprice.
Utterly at a loss for the motive of this well-concerted
stratagem, they were equally puzzl'd how to act in con-
sequence of it. To pursue them was useless, being entirely
ignorant of their route. To divide into parties was unsafe
in what now clearly appeared to be a hostile country. To
spoil and ravage the country while uncertain from what district
or clan this unseen blow came, was to shake the wavering
allegiance of some, and kindle others into fatal desperation.
After revolving all things in their minds, it appearM to
them most probable that this plan was the result of that
smothered hostility which their own rashness and insolence
had fomented, and that the intention was to engage them in
a pursuit which should afford advantage to some large arm'd
body lurking in the fastnesses for that purpose, to rush upon
them and destroy them when involved in those intricate and
dangerous passes which were only safe for the natives.
Afraid to pursue the aggressors, and asham'd to communi-
cate to Government the result of a transaction from which they
derived so little credit, it was determined they should march
silently on and suspend all measures of retaliation till they
had some sure grounds to go on, by discovering the real
aggressors and the tendency of this outrage. At Dumbarton
they found a letter address''d to the commander of the corps,
informing them ' that certain chiefs of clans who had no
objections to King William's ruling in England, considering
that nation as at liberty to choose its own rulers, but that tliey
never could consistent with oaths they had repeatedly sworn
on their arms and by all that is holy, take an oath to any
other sovereign while any of the family at St. Germains con-
tinued to exist. That they, however unwilling to perjure
themselves or to hold their lands in daily fear, subject to the
insults of the petty instruments of power and to the ground-
less accusation of treason to the ruling powers, were willing
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 313
to live quietly under the present rulers as long as their con-
science was not forc'd, nor their possessions disturbed/
These last, they said, they and their followers were resoWd
to defend from aggression with the last drop of their blood.
But in the meantime, to prevent as far as possible encroach-
ments which might drive them into hostilities with a govern-
ment, which, tho' they did not acknowledge, they meant not
hereafter to disturb, they had taken hostages to insure their
safety, and these they would never part with till Sir Evan
and Alaster Du had obtained assurances that while they liv'd
peaceably on their lands they should not be disturbed for their
principles, nor for any part they had formerly acted when
government was so little settled or established that no man
obeying the Sovereign to whom he had originally sworn
allegiance, could be said to disturb the peace of a country
for the mastery of which rival Sovereigns seem''d contending.
This proposal was accompanied with a strong and pathetic
remonstrance on the folly and danger of alienating and finally
exasperating clans powerful from their union and from the
inaccessible country they inhabited, by treating them with
continued harshness and distrust, and making the tenderness
of their conscience and their fidelity (while it could be available)
to their unfortunate exiFd Sovereign, a pretext to lay them
at the mercy of 'every petty petling officer' who might
think fit to experserate them into hostility that he might
treat them as rebels. They quoted the late horrid massacre
of Glencoe as justifying this measure of precaution, and
threatened if their petition was rejected to take refuge with
their prisoners in France and proclaim to all Europe the
impolicy and cruelty of the treatment which had been the
means of driving them there.
This remonstrance and petition for immunity, after being
secretly and carefully perused, was despatched by a private
express, not to the council (the king being then for the last
time abroad), but to the relations of the young captives who
were deeply interested in the success of the negotiation, and
whose wives and sisters, at a time when the generality of even
well informed people were shamefully ignorant of the manners
and character of the Scottish mountaineers, might apprehend
314 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
that their kinsmen might be not only kill'd but eaten by these
remorseless savages, as they considered them.
Besides these private considerations, the aspect of public
affairs was more favourable for the success of such an ' arm'd
neutrality"' than at any former period. William had outliv'd
his queen, and with that popularity which her gentle and
gracious manners attracted, and which was repclFd by his
cold and forbidding ones, he was visibly declining in health,
and the honours due to him as a patriot hero (whose very
ambition was sanctified by the noble end he uniformly pursued)
had not their due influence in a country, torn by the factions
which divided a jealous aristocracy and a turbulent populace.
William's love of power was all directed to that single
object, which had been the ruling passion of his life, the
preserving the liberties of Europe from the encroachments of
France.
If he was eager amidst all his affected indifference to obtain
the dominion of this island, it was that he might turn all its
resources against the common enemy. Thus engrossed by his
military pursuits and foreign politics, it was little to be ex-
pected that he should take an intimate concern in those dark
corners of his dominions where an ' Imperium in Imperio "' still
subsisted that eluded or resisted the ordinary regulations of
civil government. These he left to the great officers of state
in that turbulent kingdom, which foreigners were too ignorant,
and natives too knowing to govern aright. By too knowing,
I mean that they knew too well the confederacies and relative
interests of their own tribes and factions to rule impartially.
Meanwhile, William, who had never been much lov'd, now
childless and declining, was less fear'd than formerly. All
eyes were turn'd towards the court of the Princess of Denmark,
who, in herself, mild, pious and estimable, derived additional
popularity with the adverse party, from tlie coldness subsisting
between her and the king.
The consequence which she derived from being the recognised
successor to the crown, was considerably augmented by her
being the mother of a son to whom the nation fondly look'd
up as the descendant of their ancient line of monarchs, born
in their own country, and bred up in those religious and
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 315
political principles for which they had suffered and sacrificed
so much.
The partisans of this court, which had already obtained
considerable influence over the minds of the people, were not
inclined to regard with much severity a stratagem which a late
tragical event had in some degree authorised, and after a secret
negotiation, the grounds of which, it is said, were never com-
municated to the king, both Sir Evan and Glengarrie were
assured of safety for the future, and impunity for the past.
The youths went home pleas'd with their treatment and the
amusements which had been devis'd for them in their retreat.
The credit of this fact rests merely on the country tradition,
and the silence concerning it in the publications and records
of these times is accounted first, by the shame which the com-
manders of the regiment felt at being thus surprised and out-
witted by an inferior number of those whom they had been
accustomed to style barbarians and treat as such.
Those on the other hand who had been urg^d by their
concern for the safety of their relatives to bring about this
treaty without assigning their motives, were equally interested
in concealing it.
Sir Evan and Glengarrie [lived] peaceably unquestionM all
the ensuing reign, which was a very happy one for these and
the neighbouring chieftains who were no longer forc\l to meet
clandestinely in their favourite island, and whose friendship
for each other continued undiminishM thro' life. Few chief-
tains have been so much beloved and admired in life, or so sung
and celebrated after it as these memorable friends, who still
live in the lays of their native bards.
The Keppochs, a highland family of the name of Macdonell
or Macdonald, I am not sure which, have been long distin-
guished for valour and for genius, to which I might add the
personal advantages of grace and beauty. Sheelah or Julia,
an eminent poetess of this accomplished family, who was
niarried to Gordon of Belderno, was contemporary with these
mountain heroes.^ In her youth she must have known them
1 Well known in Gaelic as Sileas na Ceapach. Slie married Alexander Gordon
of Beldorney.
316 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
well, Keppoch being in the close neighbourhood both of Inver-
garrie and Achnacarrie.
Her family, if I mistake not, were cadets of Glengarrie,^ and
in the nmnerous lyrics that owe their birth to her prolific
muse, much of the history of that family and even of that
period, may be trac'd, for after her connection by marriage
with the Gordons, the virtues and valour of that powerful
tribe, and the vicissitudes to which its heads were subjected
are by turns the object of eulogy and lamentation.
The enthusiasm with which her character was deeply ting'd,
seems to iiave been not only poetical, but heroic, patriotic, and
in a very high degree devotional. She was a Catholic too,
and took every advantage that a religion so pompous and
picturesque offered, to embellish her poetry with the peculiar
imagery it afforded. The hymns and sacred rhapsodies of
Sheelah are still the consolation and delight of all pious
highland Catholics. Of her monody on the death of the
renown''d Alaster Du, or at least of one of the many poems
she consecrated to his memory, follows an extract literally
translated, and selected more for its singularity than any
superiority of poetical merit :
' Dark Alexander of Glengarrie,
Thou art departed and we remain forlorn.
Thou wert our guard, our comfort, and our ornament,
Thou wert admir'd of lovely women.
Thou wert the pleasure of heroic men,
Thou wert as among metals as the most pure gold.
Thou wert as the nohlest Lyon among the beasts,
Among the birds as is the Eagle of strongest wing.
As is the shapely Salmon of bright scales among the fish,
As is the moon among Stars,
Or the fair-hair'd sun amidst revolving planets,' etc. etc.
The parallel betwixt Alastar Du and every object of tran-
scendent worth is carried much further, and concluded with
some very tender and pathetic retrospections of the past and
sublime anticipation of the future.
But it is time to leave our poetess and our hero to return
^ They were not. The family of Glengarry are said to be descended from the
marriage of John first Lord of the Isles with Amie MacRuari, Lady of Garmoran ;
the family of Keppoch from his marriage with the Princess Margaret, daughter
of Robert li.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS S17
to the more immediate subject of this Memoir. Sometime in
the latter years of tlie reign of King William, Sir Evan had
the satisfaction of seeing a marriage take place betwixt his son
John and the beautiful and estimable daughter of Barclay of
Urie, the apologist for the Quakers.^
It is well known that the doctrine so abhorr'd and reviPd of
passive obedience and non-resistance makes a part of the tenets
of this primitive and inoffensive sect. They were (perhaps on
that very account) patronised by James the Second, and always
retainVl a kindness for the abdicated family. This is the only
point of agreement I can possibly see between a meek and
simple Quaker, and a lofty and ambitious highland chieftain.
But John, the son of Sir Evan, tho' obscured in some measure
by the too near brightness of his illustrious parent (and his
own voluntary exile in his early days) was possessed of superior
qualities of mind and innate worth sufficient to induce so good
a judge as Barclay to consider him worthy of his alliance. Sir
Evan cordially approved of this marriage, which was indeed
every way respectable. This was an additional proof of the
old chieftain's good sense, for it was in those days an unheard-
of thing for a highland chief to marry without the consent
of his whole clan. When he did marry it was generally the
daughter of some neighbouring great man, acquainted with
the language and manners of that country.
This singular choice of the younger Lochiel, however, soon
met the sanction of general approbation. Before the ancient
chief, full of years and honours, slept with his fathers, he had
the comfort to witness the happiness his son deriv"'d from this
marriage, and to see him live very respectably and altogether
undisturbM in the seat of his ancestors. This serene aspect of
matters continued unrufflVl during the whole reign of Queen
Anne, a Princess whose memory the highlanders hold in the
highest veneration on account of the tranquillity and plenty
they enjoyM during her reign, which was advantageously con-
trasted with the former and subsequent periods. Indeed King
^ It was Sir Ewen himself who married as his third wife Jean, daughter of
Colonel David Barclay of Urie, and sister of Robert Barclay the Apologist. John
Cameron of Lochiel married Isabel, daughter of Sir Alexander Campbell of
Lochnell.
S18 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
William was most unjustly made accountable for the famine
(a very severe one of seven years' continuance) which depopu-
lated some inland districts of the highlands during his reign.
The scarcity was extreme everywhere in those pastoral countries
which at best produce very little grain. But on the seaside
the supply of marine productions of various kinds afforded
constant relief, for not only fish but the algae and other sea-
weeds afforded sustenance to this distressed people. If poor
King William was blam'd for a famine which was considered
as a visitation on his public and personal sins, tho"* the suffer-
ing devoWd wholly on others, the singularly rich crops which
land too long left fallow afforded in the times of good Queen
Anne were in a great measure attributed to her pious prayers.
It was in short all over the highlands a period of peaceful
abundance, still held in grateful remembrance, during which
the Whig Lyon endured and sometimes even fondPd the Tory
Kid. And had the Duke of Gloucester liv'd the distinction of
parties would in a great measure have been obliterated by the
mild sway of this benevolent Princess. I only speak of parties
as they existed in the highlands.
The Quaker lady meantime acquird the language of the
country, and became distinguished for prudence, activity, and
affability ; no chieftainess could be more popular. One great
defect she had, however, which was more felt as such in the
highlands than it would have been in any other place. She
did not, as a certain resolute countrywoman of hers was advisM
to do, ' bring forth men children only.' On the contrary, she
had twelve daughters in succession, a thing scarce pardonable
in one who was look'd up to and valued in a great measure as
being the supposed mother of a future chief.^
In old times women could only exist while they were de-
fended by the warrior and supported by the hunter. When
this dire necessity in some measure ceas'd the mode of thinking
to which it gave rise continued, and, after the period of youth
^ This is nonsense. By his three wives Sir Ewen had altogether fifteen children,
of whom eleven were daughters. Jean Barclay was the mother of seven daugh-
ters and one son, who was her eldest child. John Lochiel's children consisted
of one daughter and seven sons, the eldest of whom was Donald, the ' Gentle
Lochiel ' of the '45.
MRS. GRANT^S LETTERS 319
and beauty was past, woman was only consider^ as having
given birth to a man.
John LochiePs mind was above this illiberal prejudice. He
fondly welcomed his daughters and caress'd their mother on
their appearance as much as if every one of them had been a
young hei'o in embryo. His friends and neighbours us'd on
these occasions to ask in a sneering manner, ' What has the
lady got?' To which he invariably answered, 'A lady indeed.'
This answer had a more pointed significance there than with
us, for in the highlands no one is calTd a lady but a person
married to the proprietor of an estate. All others, however
rich or high born, are only gentlezvomen. How the prediction
intentionally included in the chief's answer was fulfilled will
hereafter appear.
Besides the family title, every highland chieftain has a
patronymic derived from the most eminent of their ancestors,
probably the founder of the family, and certainly the first who
conferred distinction on it. Thus Argyle is the son of Colin,
Breadalbane the son of Archibald, etc. ; and the chief of the
Camerons was always styPd son of Donald Du, Black Donald,
whatever his name or complexion may be. This dark com-
plexion, as well as the appellation deriv'd from it, became, it
would appear, hereditary in the family, and at length it became
a tradition or prophecy among the clan that a fair Lochiel
should never prosper.
After the birth of the twelve daughters, to the great joy of
the clan, an heir appeared, but their satisfaction was not a
little check'd on finding the ill-omen'd laird was as fair as any
of his sisters. Tho' fair, however, he was not effeminate, but
added to the dignity of appearance and muscular strength
which distinguished his ancestors a singularly mild and en-
gaging countenance. He was calPd Donald.^ Archibald,
afterwards known as the hard-fated Dr. Cameron, and John,
denominated Fassfern, from the possession he held, were born
soon after. The proud prediction of their father was soon
amply fulfilled with regard to the daughters of this extra-
ordinary family, which centred in itself so much beauty, merit,
The ' Gentle Lochiel,
S20 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
and good fortune that their history unites the extravagance of
romance with the sober reality of truth.
The fair Quaker made not only an excellent wife but a most
exemplary mother. Her daughters were better educated than
the generality of young women in these remote corners, and
tho' little or nothing was to be expected with them, the fame
of their engaging appearance soon attracted admirers from all
quarters.
There was little or nothing to be expected with them, or
indeed with any highland damsel, but the great point was to
be well born and well allied. Now, tho' no people on earth
set more by high descent than the highlanders in choosing a
wife, ancestry was not the sole consideration. They were much
persuaded that the qualities of the mind as well as personal
and constitutional defects or advantages were hereditary.
They were therefore anxious to a degree, scarce credible to
modern refinement, to avoid the risk of inherited faults or
blemishes. To express the thing in their own homely manner,
the Lochiel maidens were considered as of an excellent breed,
and when the eldest and one or two of her sisters were well
married the additional attraction of forming good alliances drew
admirers to the younger branches of the family. They seem'd
indeed like the SibyPs leaves, to rise in value as they decreased
in number. The younger ones were taken away almost in
childhood, and the youngest of all, who was allowedly the
most beautiful, was actually married to Cameron of Glen-
dissery in the twelfth year of her age, and after his death to
Maclean of Kingarloch, so that she was successively the wife
of two heads of families.^
The least beautiful of this tribe of beauties, who, however,
possessed a commanding figure and superior understanding,
was Jean, afterwards married to Clunie," the chief of the clan
Macpherson. She had the advantage over her fairer sisters of
being celebrated in English, or rather Scotch verse, being the
reputed heroine of the popular and pathetic song known by
the name of ' Lochaber no more."*
^ Christian, who married Glendessary, was Jean Barclay's eldest daughter.
" Lachlan Macpherson of Nuid who succeeded to the chiefship in 1722. Their
eldest son Ewen, the Cluny of the '45, married Janet Fraser of Lovat.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 321
The poet, who in strains at once tender and heroic, laments
his departure from Lochaber and consequent separation from
his Jean, is said to have been an officer in one of the regiments
station'd at Fort William. The marriages of these admir'd
sisters derive a certain political importance from their forming
links of a chain which their father, from his popularity and
power of mind, was enabled to draw in any direction, and to
which his son afterwards, by the combined power of affinity
and ability, communicated the same momentum.
In this view it is worth while to trace each distinct head
of this powerful confederacy which associated so many noted
families by the ties both of kindred and opinion into one mass
of disaffection to Government and strong mutual attachment.
The sons-in-law of John Lochiel were, 1st. Cameron of Dun-
gallon. 2nd. Barclay of Urie. 3rd. Grant of Glenmoriston.
4th. Macpherson of Clunie. 5th. Campbell of Barcaldine.
6th. Campbell of Auchalader. 7th. Campbell of Auchlyne.
8th, Maclean of Lochbuy. 9th. Macgregor of Bohaudie. 10th.
Wright of Loss. 11th. Maclean of Ardgour; and, 12th.
Cameron of Glendissery.^ It is singular that all these twelve
ladies became the mothers of families, and made good wives
and mothers, insomuch that their numerous descendants still
cherish the bonds of affinity now so widely diffused, and still
boast their descent from these female worthies.
Thus powerful in new form'd connections, and happy in the
midst of an admirable family, Lochiel liv'd in tranquil comfort
till the death of Queen Anne, ominous to all Tory visions of
felicity, again brought troublous times, and once more brought
the fidelity of the Jacobite chiefs to the severest test. Some
of the Scotch nobility, who languished to see Scotland once
more in reality an independent kingdom, nourished in the
minds of the chieftains a hatred to English dominion. This
1 This list is very inaccurate. First of all, it refers to the daughters, not of
John, but of Sir Ewen. Moreover, there were only eleven, not twelve, of these
ladies. Then, none of these married Campbell of Achlyne, Maclean of Loch-
buy, or Wright of Loss ; while there is no mention of the marriage of Katharine
Cameron to William Macdonald, Tutor of Sleat, or of her sister Marjory to
Macdonald of Morar. Macgregor of Bohaudie also is better known under the
name of Drummond of Balhaldy. Cf. also p. 287. Barclay of Urie was Robert,
the grandson of the Apologist.
X
822 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
had indeed been too often delegated into the hands of cruelty
and rapine, to be in any degree popular ; and tho' the scourges
of the land who had thus abus'd authority were themselves
Scotchmen, still the English rule was blamed for the unparal-
leled miseries of the country during the intermediate period
between the accession of James the First and the Union.
There still lurkM in the minds of the less instructed Scotch a
strong desire of being governed by a king of their own, who
should reign in P:^otland only, and to whom that kingdom
should not be merely a secondary object.
This dislike to English sway was greatly exasperated by the
cruel abandonment of the settlement of Darien, which gave
the lieges of the low country a dislike to King William's
person and government, equally strong and better grounded
than that which the highlanders had conceived, in consequence
of the famine, when they imagined themselves starv'd to atone
for his personal transgressions.
This eager wish for unattainable, or at best precarious
and tributary independence, was luU'd to sleep by the lenient
counsels and military triumphs that rendered the reign of their
belov'd Queen glorious abroad, and comparatively tranquil at
home, and she had the additional merit of having a grand-
father born in Scotland, and to all these merits the passion
for a direct line of succession for some time gave way. The
leaders of the party did not fail to whisper to the chiefs that
this pious princess was too conscientious to let her dominions
descend to a stranger, and had made provision in her settle-
ments to prevent such an alienation, as they considered it, of
the crown.
Nothing could equal the astonishment of these deluded
chiefs when they found that the dreaded foreigner was in actual
possession of a crown of which they knew their inability to
dispossess him.
To restore their ancient race of monarchs to the separate
crown of Scotland was their fondest wish. This visionary
project was never adopt'd by the Jacobites at large, who were
too well informed to suppose it either practicable or eligible,
but it serv'd as an engine to excite the zeal of bards and
sennachies, who were still numerous in the Highlands, and in
MRS. GRANT S LETTERS 32S
whose poetry strong traces of this very project may still be
found.
The insurrection of tlie year fifteen, kindPd from the embers
of the unextinguishM hopes of the Jacobites, is too well known
to require any detail here, and was too ill conducted to do
much credit either to those who kindPd or those who extin-
guishVl it. Lochiel,^ however, as far as fidelity is honourable,
had merit in his adherence to his principles, having much to
lose, and little to expect from a change. Before he went to
the field of Sheriff Muir, which decided the contest, without
leaving to either side the honours of victory, he arranged
matters so as to be prepared for the worst. The frequency of
feuds and civil wars in Scotland during those long and feeble
minorities, equally fatal to the independence of the throne and
the liberties of the people, had taught the Barons to practise
all the finesse and stratagem rendered necessary by a state of
perpetual change and uncertainty. The son and father, for
the general advantage of the clan, often affected to take dif-
ferent sides, that the estate might in any event be preserved
to the family. Lochiel did not exactly follow this example,
but he left his affairs so arrangM, and under such careful guid-
ance, that in case of the worst that could be fear'd, his estate
and affairs might be protected. He had a powerful band of
sons-in-law to give aid and counsel to the heir, now nearly of
age, and I think at college.
Donald, the younger Lochiel, having no concern in the
rising, of which he was purposely kept in ignorance, was not
liable to be questioned on that account. Tho' he was carefully
educated in the family principles, a reflective mind and much
acquir"'d knowledge, remov"'d him far from that headlong rash-
ness which pursues the end without duly considering the means.
Conscious that the honour and interest of the clan were safe in
the hands of such a son, the elder Lochiel ^ (now considered by
Government as a proscribed rebel), after hovering for some
[time] in Braemar and Badenoch and the intermediate districts,
joined General Gordon, and followed the fortunes of the un-
fortunate adventurer to France, after his ill-advis'd landing
John is meant, though Sir Ewen did not die till 17 19. Cf. p. 308 note I.
324 MRS. GRANTS LETTERS
and coronation at Scone. He was now consider"'d too powerful
to be connivVl at, and of too much consequence to be forgiven,
had he even been willing to submit. He resided chiefly at the
court of St. Germains, where he enjoy 'd a high degree of favour
and confidence, particularly with the Duke of Berwick, and
tho' he seem'd to renounce Scotland till a change of Govern-
ment should render his return eligible, he at different times made
private visits to his native country, where he could remain,
if not publicly, at least safely, as long as it suited his inclina-
tion, having sons-in-law in every district ready to protect him,
besides the most dutiful and amiable of sons, who consider''d
himself as merely holding his possessions in trust for his father.
To all the noble and generous qualities display"'d in the age of
chivalry by his brave ancestors, Donald of Lochiel united a
gentleness of manners aud elegance of mind to which those
unpolisli'd warriors were strangers. He married about the
year "SS a daughter of Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck,
of which marriage the present Lochiel is descended. Of this
lady it is sufficient praise to say that she was every way a suit-
able companion for her husband.^
Donald, tho' no less attached to the abdicated family than
his predecessors, found it expedient for the general good to
submit quietly to the ruling powers, but never took the oaths
of allegiance to the reigning family. Nothing could be a
greater proof of the esteem in which he was held by all parties
than his being indulged in this tenderness of conscience so near
a, military station.^
In the many private visits which the elder chieftain made to
his son, it cannot be doubted that there was a kind of tacit
agreement that what they esteemed ' the good old cause ' should
be supported when occasion became ripe. Donald, however,
a patriot and a person of deep reflection, lov"'d his king well,
but his country still better. Nor would he be persuaded to
risk the safety of that country by any prospect of personal
advantage. Ambition, 'that last infirmity of noble minds,'
had no great power over his. John Lochiel had look'd too
^ Their family consisted of three sons and four daughters.
2 Fort- William.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 325
near into the court of France to depend much upon it ; and to
the sound judgment of his son it seem'd obvious that an attempt
unsupported by powerful aid from abroad would be unavailing.
Indeed it was evident that without foreign aid, and the hearty
co-operation of the English Jacobites, any further attempts to
reinstate the exiPd Prince would only end, as the former had
done, in a desperate display of unavailing courage and fidelity,
and the utter ruin of his Scotch adherents.
John Lochiel the exile derived much consequence from the
influence he possessed over his numerous progeny. The sons of
his daughters^ were in some instances become the heads of
families, and all lookVl up to him for light. The slightest
intimation of his will would have been sufficient to set his
family confederacy in motion, but the chief saw too clearly to
hazard the fate of so many, without well weighing the conse-
quences, and his son''s wisdom, early ripened by the cautious
and critical part he had to act, forbade all precipitance.
In this state of matters he was apprised of an intended descent
on Scotland, which was to be powerfully supported by the
French, and no less effectually seconded by the English Jaco-
bites. It was necessary to be well assur'd of this before any
steps could be taken in a country aw'd by garrisons and known
to be disaffected. But while Donald was thus anxiously wait-
ing for certain intelligence of their plans, what was his aston-
ishment to hear of the young adventurer's landing in the wilds
of Moidart, a savage district on the sea coast, in that neigh-
bourhood where his standard was first displayed. After re-
maining there in concealment for a few days, he came to
Auchnacarrie.2
Lochiel strongly express''d his sorrow and concern at seeing
him so ill provided, and so slenderly attended. He strongly
dissuaded him from showing himself till more suitable prepara-
tion should be made for his reception, and till a force should
arrive on the coast strong enough to encourage and support.
Full of the ardour of youth and presumption of sanguine
hope, the Prince remained unmov'd by the chieftain's argu-
ments, and began to reproach him with a circumspection and
^ Should be 'sisters.' Cf. p. 318 note.
- The Prince landed at Borradale on 25th July 1745. He met Lochiel there,
and does not seem to have visited Auchnacarrie at that time.
326 MRS. GRAN1"S LETTERS
coolness incompatible with genuine attachment, and which
tended to damp the zeal of his more courageous followers.
Seeing no persuasion could deter the leader from prosecuting
this rash adventure, he arranged his papers and affairs, as a
man setting out on a journey from whence he was not to
return, and with ominous sadness collected all his force, and
having once embark'd in this perilous enterprise, he exerted
himself with as much determiu'd courage and eager persever-
ance as if it had been undertaken with his entire approbation.
The sequel, it is well known, fully justified his objections,
and the intermediate narrative of public transactions includes
the account of the gallantry, clemency and good faith which
distinguished his conduct during the course of that unhappy
contest. Had not his judgment so far contradicted his wishes,
he might have given still more effectual aid to the cause which
a vain waste of blood and courage adorn'd without strengthen-
ing it. He sacrificed liimself and his followers, but could not
be induced to persuade his brothers-in-law to engage in a cause
so hopeless. Most of these, however, wish'd well to it, and
some in consequence of previous impressions join'd it.
This chief was wounded in the leg in the battle of CuUoden,
and afterwards conveyed by some faithful followers to a shealing
in the gloomy and unknown recesses at the west end of Loch
Erroch. In the meantime, the house of Achnacarrie was
burnt and plundered, as well as tlie Castle of Glengarrie, and
the district inhabited by LochieFs followers ravaged with un-
sparing cruelty ; the details of this would be painful to
humanity. Attracted by the fame of the advantages gain'd
by the highlanders at Falkirk and Prestonpans, John of
Lochiel came over from France and landed on the coast of
Lochaber, a very short time before the final blow which
scatter d irretrievably his adherents.^ He leturn'd in the same
vessel after taking a last look of the scene of liis past authority
and happiness. He returned, I know not on what account, pri-
vately to Scotland a few years after, and died in Edinburgh.^
^ He was present with the reinforcements which marched from Perth to Falkirk
before the battle.
- Mackenzie's History of the Camerons says he died in exile at Newport in
Flanders in 1747 or early in 1748.
MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS 327
It is hard to say what could particularly exasperate the
conquerors at a character so distinguish'd for mildness and
probity as that of Lochiel,^ yet his blood seem'd to be sought
after with the most rancorous perseverance. It was known
that his wound made escape from the country difficult, if
not impossible, and a considerable reward was offer"'d for
apprehending him. In the plunder of the house of Achna-
carrie, a picture was found drawn for Lochiel, and accounted a
good likeness. This was given to a party of the military, who
were despatch'd over Corryaric in search of the unfortunate
invalid. On the top of this mountain they met Macpherson
of Urie, who being a tall, handsome man, of a fair and pleasing
aspect, they concluded to be the original of the portrait
they carried with them. This anecdote I had from Urie
himself He was a Jacobite, and had been out as the
phrase was then. The soldiers seiz'd him, and assur''d him
he was a d d rebel, and that his title was Lochiel. He in
return assur''d them that he was neither d d nor a rebel,
nor by any means Lochiel. When he understood, however,
that they were a party in search of Lochiel, going in the very
direction where he lay concealed, he gave them room finally
to suppose he was the person they sought. They returned to
Fort Augustus wliere the Duke of Cumberland then lay, in
great triumph with their prisoner. Urie, as he expected from
the indulgence of some about the Duke, was very soon set at
liberty ; and this temporary captivity had the wish'd-for
effect of giving the younger Lochiel time to recover of his
wounds and leave the kingdom. In his flight to France he
was accompanied by his lady, the faithful and affectionate
associate of his exile. His son was left under the care of his
brother Fassfern,^ being then a mere infant.^ A daughter,
Donalda, was afterwards born in France, but attachM herself
so fondly to her father that at his death,* which happened
^ Donald nineteenth of Lochiel.
^ John Cameron of Fassifern married Jean Campbell of Achallader, and their
eldest son, Ewen, afterwards Sir Ewen, was the father of the well-known Colonel
John Cameron of the 92nd Highlanders who fell at Quatre Bras.
^ He was born in 1732.
^ He died 26th October 1748, so the daughter cannot have been then fourteen
if born after the '45.
328 MRS. GRANT^S LETTERS
when she was about fourteen, she pin'd away with grief and
never recovered. Locliiel was what is calFd colonel of a
reformed regiment in the French service ; and having a peculiar
faculty of attaching the affections of those among whom he
liv'd, was particularly beloved among his new friends as well as
among the associates of his exile, and held in great respect by
the unfortunate adventurer.
These unhappy exiles were for a while amus'd with fleeting
projects; in consequence of one of these Lochiel and Clunie
went to visit their Prince at a retreat on the upper Rhine,
to which he had retired after his cruel and perfidious imprison-
ment at the Castle of Vincennes.^
They found him sunk in that lassitude which often succeeds
long protracted agitation and smothered sorrow. He was
accompanied by Miss Walkinshaw and her daughter, after-
wards Duchess of Albany. In this child and her mother his
whole affections seem'd to centre. This was very mortifying
to the two chiefs by whom that lady was considered as a spy
for the English court. They left him after a short visit, under
the dominion of his Delilah, and return''d hopeless and de-
jected. From this time LochieFs health began to decline.
Exile, terrible to all, was to him embitter''d by a separation
from vassals so faithful and attached, and friends so numerous
and so worthy as fell not to the lot of any other man.
Nor was the attachment of those affectionate followers
altogether unavailing. The estate of Lochiel was forfeited
like others, and paid a moderate rent to the crown, such as
they had formerly given to their chief. The domain formerly
occupied by the laird was taken on his behoof by his brother.
The tenants brought each a horse, cow, colt, or heifer, as a
free-will offering, till this ample grazing farm was as well
stocked as formerly. Not content with this they sent a yearly
tribute of affection to their belov'd chief, independent of the
rent they paid to the commissioners for the forfeited estates.
LochieFs lady and her daughter once or twice made a sorrow-
ful pilgrimage among their friends and tenants. These last
receiv"d them with a tenderness and respect which seem'd
augmented by the adversity into which they were plunged.
^ As the Vincennes incident took place after Lochiel's death, and before Cluny's
arrival in France, the statement in the text cannot be literally correct.
MRS. GRANTS LETTERS 329
Lochiel died, as was generally thought, of a broken heart,
about the year [1748].
His daughter soon follow''d him, and his wife did not long
survive this amiable exile, who seems to have something
peculiarly estimable and endearing in his character. So much
was he belov'd in life, and so tenderly lamented by his tribe
and party. Being a man of deep feeling, his fate was thought
to be accelerated by the vindictive cruelty which pursued his
kindred. The violent death of Dr. Cameron^ and the banish-
ment of Fassfern, who both fell victims to the rancour of
party, no doubt embittered, if they did not shorten his
remaining days. It was a melancholy winding up of this
catastrophe that his only son should fair a victim to the ill
judg'd, tho' affectionate attachment of this generous tribe, yet
so it was.
The young Lochiel,^ tho"' what the Scots call a landless laird,
was cherished with enthusiasm by all the Camerons as the
representative of their ancient chiefs. His friends, however,
did not choose that he too should become a victim in a lost
cause. They gave him a very good education, and at an
early period procur d for him a commission in the British
army.
At an early age he married ; and Government being soon
after engaged in levying men for the American War, found it
convenient to use the agency of the attainted chiefs for that
purpose. They, notwitlistanding their poverty and priva-
tions, retaining an unbounded influence over the minds of
their clans.
Lochiel was offered a company in General Fraser*'s regiment,
the Tlst,^ provided he could raise it among his clan. This he
soon and easily did, and march'd to Glasgow at the head of
it, in order to embark on board some vessels then lying at
Greenock under orders to sail for America.
While the regiment was about to embark, Lochiel was taken
^ Dr. Archibald Cameron's judicial murder did not take place till 1753.
2 On Donald's death his eldest son was John, who died in Edinburgh in 1762,
unmarried and predeceased by his brother James. * The Young Lochiel ' here
mentioned is accordingly Charles the third son. He married a Miss Marshall in
1767 and died in 1776. 3 cf_ p, 275.
330 MRS. GRANT'S LETTERS
ill with the measles, which assuin'd rather an alarming appear-
ance, and for the present prevented his embarking with his
company. Finding the oldest lieutenant about to assume a
temporary command, they positively refused to stir, asserting
* that they had not engaged with King George but Lochiel,
that they would follow him wherever he went, but Avould obey
no other leader.' Finally, in the Green of Glasgow, they
made a circle round the adjutant, laid down their arms, and
[positively] refused to take them up again till ordered by their
chief. Lochiel, who lodged near the scene of [this disorder],^ was
soon informed of all those particulars. Tho' ill in bed, and
very feverish at the time, he got up, dress'd, and with his
sword in his hand went down and harangued his people ;
representing to them that unless they went on board their
conduct would be imputed to disaffection, and thus become
ruinous and disgraceful to him, and that he hop'd to overtake
them at Greenock before they embark'd. They took up their
arms, huzza'd their chief, and immediately resumed their march.
Enfeebrd by his effort and exhausted by agitation, Lochiel
again took his bed and died in a very few days after, in con-
sequence of going out in a raw misty day of November, when
he was so unequal to that exertion.
Most of this devoted company perished in the contest which
followed, and during which Eraser's regiment was thrice
renew'd, and lost 2400 men. The present Lochiel is the son
of this last chief, and to him the estate was restored sometime
about the year '85.
Jordanhill, Deer. ^Uh, 1808.
^ He was ill in London at the time, and at once hurried to Glasgow.
INDEX
Aberdeen, 47, 96, 103, 112, 113,
131-
Aberlady, 53, 55.
Abertarf, 305, 306.
Achnacarrie, 309, 310, 316, 325 and w,
326, 327-
Admiralty court, 1 96, 208,
Advocates, proposed regulations for,
196.
Aird, the, 255, 256, 259, 274,
275-
Airlie, earl of, 137.
Allhamstoks. See Auldhamstocks.
Alloa house, 156, 166 «, 181-183.
Alured, colonel, II2«, 135.
Alyth (Eliot), 103, 112 and «, 135.
Ane Trtie Accoiiipt of the Preservation,
etc., 102.
Angus, William, 9th earl of, no.
Annandale family, 3.
Anne, queen, 317, 318, 321.
Applegirth. See Jardine.
Arbuthnot, viscount, 116, 126, 129,
132.
Argyll, Archibald, earl of, 19, 45, 46,
59) 76, 98 ; letter to, from the earl
of Holland, 37.
John, duke of, 146, 188.
Armies to be dissolved, 91.
Arnot, sir John, of Berswick, lord
provost, 4.
Marion, 6.
Rachel, 4, 6, 7.
Articles of pacification signed, 90.
Arundel and Surrey, Thomas Howard,
earl of, 71 and ?;, 77.
Athol, earl of, 114.
Atterbury, Francis, bishop of Ro-
chester, 149- 151. i53> 154. 161,
169.
Auldhamstocks, 53, 63.
Avignon, 158, 159.
Axtillis, Mr., 123.
Aytoun, 43, 46, 47, 57.
Baillie, Robert, principal of Glas-
gow university, 8, 14, 18, 19.
of Jerviswood, 10-13.
Baker, rev. S. Ogilvy, in, 135 n.
Balcanqual, Dr., dean of Durham,
71 n.
Balcarres, lord, 135.
Ballacheulish. See Stewart, John.
Ballandalloch, 268.
Balmayne. See Ramsay, sir William.
Balmerino, lord, 52, 59, 97, 242 n.
Balnagarro, lands of, 135 n.
Bannerman, sir Alex., of Elsick,
120 n, 121.
Barclay, colonel David, of Urie, 317 w.
Jean, 317 and «, 318 and n
-320.
Robert, of Urie, 308, 309 and n,
317 «.
grandson, 321 and «.
Baress alledgances ansi-ed, 102, 109.
Barra, 53, 56.
island of, 301.
Barras. See Ogilvie, George.
lands of, 109.
Bass Rock, 104.
Beaufort, 274 and n.
Beaulieu abbey, 274,
Belladrum, 274.
Berwick, 14, 42, 44, 50, 68, 92, 95.
duke of, 164 n, 308, 324.
Singly, lord, 245, 246.
Birks, near Berwick, 32.
Bishops, 64 ; abolition of, 76, 85, %T,
95 ; to be answerable to general
assembly, 83, 94 ; ministers' oath of
obedience to, 85 ; all the people
' bade hang the bishops,' 95.
Blacader, laird of. See Home, sir
John.
Black mount, 3 1 1 .
Blackness castle, 199, 210.
' Black stock,' the, or table dormant
of the castle, 119 «.
332
INDEX
Blandford, William, marquis of, i88
and n.
Bolingbroke, lord, 144 and n, 159,
164 n, 166.
Bolshan, Forfar, 128.
Bolton (Bontin), 53.
Borthrik, Mr., 63.
Bothans, 53, 56.
Boyle, Henry. See Carleton, lord.
Boyne, lord, 92, 95.
Braemar, 158, 183.
Breadalbayn, lord, 172.
Bressey, Benjamin, 11.
Bretuile, M., French secretary of war,
225.
Bridge of Dee, 96.
Bristowe, Catherine, wife of general
Fraser, 276 11.
John, 276 n.
Brodick, 104.
Bruce, captain, 181.
sir William of Stenhouse, 5, 7.
Buchanan of Drumakiln betrays the
marquis of Tullibardine, 254, 280-
284.
captain John, of Drumakiln,
283, 284, 2S9, 290, 294.
Burnet, Gilbert, bishop of Salisbury,
4,9-
Robert, lord Crimond, 5.
Burntisland, town of, letter to, from
Hamilton, 59, 60.
Callart, 306.
Cameron of Dungallon, 321.
of Glendessery, 306, 320 and n,
321 and n.
of Lochiel, memoir of the family
of, 298-330.
Allan, of Lochiel, 307 n.
Dr. Archibald, 319, 329 and n.
Charles, of Lochiel, 329 ;/, 330
and n.
Christian, 320.
Donald, of Lochiel, 278, 318 ;/,
319, 323-329.
Donalda, 327 and n.
Ewen, of Fassifern, 278 and «.
sir Ewen, of Lochiel, 308-318
and n, 321, 323 ti; MS. memoir
of, 278 and n.
Jean, 320.
John, of Fassifern, 319, 327 and
«, 329-
colonel, 278 «, 327 «.
of Lochiel, 253, 254, 277,
308, 317 and n, 318-326 and n.
of Lochiel, son of Donald,
329 n.
Cameron, Katharine, 321 n.
Margaret, 279.
Marjory, 321 n,
Campbell of Auchalader, 287, 321.
of Auchlyne, 321 and 11.
of Barcaldine, 321.
of Glendaruel, 159, 172 and n.
Alexander, his Grampians left
desolate, 287 and n.
Isabel, 317 n.
sir James, of Auchinbreck, 324.
Jean, of Achallader, 327 n.
Primrose, second wife of lord
Lovat, 262 and w, 269, 270.
Camsfield, 54.
Capoch in Lochaber, 107, 114.
Carlaverock, 55.
Carleton, Henry Boyle, lord, 245,
246.
Carlisle, 42, 95.
Caroline, queen, 10.
Carter, Eliza, 297.
Cassilis, earl of, 95, 96.
Castle Dunie, 256, 260, 262, 269, 274.
Castle Grant, 26S, 269.
Charles I. of England, 65, 66, 68, 70,
77, 80, 90; his dislike of presbytery,
21 ; his ecclesiastical policy, 22, 23 ;
accepts responsibility of service-
book, 28 ; prepares army against
Scotland, 33 ; his demands and
arguments, 48, 78, 82 ; his Large
Declaration, 7 1 and n ; his Declara-
tion, 86, 90, 91, 95; Scots remon-
strate with, 92.
Charles 11. of England, 104, 107, 108,
114, 117, 125, 127, 131, 136, 137;
hates Wariston, 18 ; coronation of,
102 ; desires the Honours bedelivered
to earl Marischal, 1 15 ; letter from, to
countess Marischal, 115; letter to,
from countess Marischal, 121 ; com-
mands Ogilvie to render Honours to
earl Marischal, 123 n, 128 ; makes
John Keith knight marischal, 132 ;
letter of, to earl of Middleton,
134-
Charles Xll. of Sweden, 146, 241
and n.
Charslie wood, 97.
Cherry isle. Loch Ness, 304.
Clackmannan, 181.
Clanranald family, 287 and n.
Clepham, colonel, 174 and n.
Closeburn, 54.
Clunes, 306.
Cobet (Cobbeet), colonel, governor of
Dundee, 114, 136.
Cockburn, Adam, of Ormiston, 9.
INDEX
333
Cockburnspath, 46, 47, 53.
Coke (Cooke), John, secretary, 68, 70.
Coldingham, 47, 57, 59.
Coldstream, 47.
College of justice, 36, 48, 67.
Cologne (Collen), 121.
Colquhoun, miss, 254, 280.
sir James, of Balvie, 9.
Coluberdy, 120.
Committee of estates, 103, 127, 128.
Commissioners (Scots), subscribe arti-
cles of pacification, 90.
Commonwealth, army of the, 104.
Congalton, Patrick, of Congalton, 5.
Consideratiojis . . . for Irland on 1
Restoration, 213.
Conzier, Mr., 56.
Corryaric, 327.
Court of session, 196, 208.
Covenant, national, 13, 25, 26.
Covenanters, 33, 69 ; acquit the king
but accuse the bishops, 27 ; desire a
free general assembly, 28 ; their dis-
cussions with Hamilton, 29; forbid
king's proclamation to be read, 32.
Craig, Elizabeth, wife of James John-
stone, 4, 5, 7 n, 12.
sir James Gibson, 33.
Margaret, 6, 8.
sir Thomas, of Riccarton, 4, 5.
Craigie, 129.
Craignish, 251.
Cramond, 52.
Crawford, earl of, 135.
Crechtoun, James, 54.
Cromwell, Oliver, 19, 102.
CuUoden, battle of, 326.
Cuming clan, 304 and n.
Cuninghame, lady Catherine, 9.
Francisa, 9.
sir James, of Glengarnock, 9.
William, 35.
Dalentay, 289.
Dalhousie, earl of, 35, 46, 55.
Dalkeith, 47, 55.
Dalrymple, Mr., of Clackmannan, 181.
Dalziel, lord of, 69.
Darien settlement, 322.
Deane, major-general, commander-in-
chief of English forces, 119 and n.
Declaration read before Munroe's regi-
ment, 95. See also Charles I.
Dickson, David, 58, 59.
Dillon, general, 161 and n, 167, 168,
171, 173, 212, 223-225, 227 n.
Directions concerning the Monument
to be erected in the chwrh of Alloa,
192.
Dirleton, 53, 55.
Donaldson, major, 276.
Douglas, Archibald, 3.
Elizabeth, no.
Isabel, marchioness of Montrose,
114;/.
John, of Barras, no.
Drumakiln. See Buchanan.
Drumlanrig, lord, 54.
Drummond of Balhaldy, 321 it.
general Wm., of Cromlix, vis-
count Strathallan, 10.
Dubois, cardinal, 167, 223.
Duff, lord, 142 n.
Dumbarton, 104, 199, 210, 31 1.
Dumfries, 52-55.
Dun, lord, 180, 184, 189.
Dunbar, 35, 42, 43, 46, 53.
Dundee, 114, 136.
Dunfermline, earl of, 63-70.
Dungallan, 306.
Dunglas, 46, 51, 63, 95.
Dunnottar castle, 102-108, 116, 118 w,
119 n, 122, 125, 126 n, 127 n, 128,
129, 130, 131, 136 and n, 199,
210.
Duns, 46, 47, 49, 50, 58, 61-65, 89,
97-
Durie, lord, 59, 76.
East Lothian. See Haddington.
Edinburgh, 24, 47, 48, 58, 83, 86, 90,
95) 97 ; committee of, 49, 57 ; letters
to the committee of, 43, 44, 62 ; con-
tributions of, to the army, 47, 97 ;
provost and bailies of, 52, 56 ; Mar's
proposals for the improvement of,
201-203.
castle, 92, 95, 96, 199, 210.
Elders, ruling, question of, 30, 93.
Elie, Fife, 113, 136.
Eliot. See Alyth.
Elsick. See Bannerman (Alex.).
Elsinford, 53.
Erskine, cardinal, 291.
of Pittodrie, 158.
lord, 42, 51.
John. See Mar, earl of.
sir John, of Alva, 188 and n.
lady Mary, countess marischal,
no.
Thomas, lord, 157, 168 and n.
captain William, 174 and n.
barony of, 142.
family of, 142 and n.
Ethrington, 43, 44, 49.
Exchequer court, 196, 208.
Eyemouth (Haymouth), 43, 44, 46,
47, 57.
334
INDEX
Farquhar, sir Walter, 286 and n,
290, 293, 294.
Farquharson of Invercauld, 142 u.
Ferguson, miss, 253, 254.
Fetteresso (Fitersso), countess of Mar-
shall's jointure house, 112.
Fielding, Mr., 293.
Fife, 48, 52, 54.
Findlater, earl of, 143.
Fishery laws of England and Scot-
land, 2.
Fisherraw, 55.
Fishwick, 49.
Fleming (Phleeming), lord, 51, 61.
Flether, Christian, iii.
Forbes, Alexander. See Pitsligo, lord.
Foresterseat, lady, 8.
lord, 5, 12.
Forfeited estates, 199, 211.
Fort Augustus, 327.
Forth and Clyde canal, 203.
Fort-William, 302, 310, 324.
Foster's regiment, 48.
Foulis, James, baron of Colinton,
4«.
Fraser, Alexander, second son of lord
Lovat, 262 and n, 270 and n.
Amelia, 256 it.
Janet, of Lovat, 320 n.
Simon. See Lovat, lord.
general Simon, son of lord Lovat,
262, 271 n, 275, 276 and 11.
Sybilla, daughter of lord Lovat,
269, 270.
Thomas, of Beaufort, 255 and n.
Frasers of Brea, 271 and n,
Galloway, earl of, 54.
Garlies, lord, 161 and n.
Garvald (Garvitt), 53, 56.
General assemblies, 30, 76, 81, 82, 86-
88, 93, 94.
(Glasgow), 31, 70, 83, 84,
85, 89, 93> 96.
Geneva, 159 and n, 160, 189.
George L, 144.
George in., 297.
Gibb, Mr., architect, 1 90 and n.
Gibson, sir Alex., of Durie, 6, 8.
Gile, sir Harie, 97.
Gleg, Dr., 277.
Glenbervy, lord, 298.
Glencairn, earl of, 114, 135.
Glencoe, massacre of, 313.
Glendessery. See Cameron.
Gloucester, duke of, 123.
Godolphin, lord, 245, 257, 258, 279.
Gordon, duchess of, 290.
general, 159, 323.
Gordon, Alexander, of Beldorney, 315
and 11.
Gortuleg, 264.
Goswick, 42.
Graden, lady, 13.
Grahame, George, of Morphine, 121
and n.
colonel Gordon, 276.
Grainger, rev. James, minister of
Kineff, 105, 108, 109-113, 116, 117,
126 and n, 129, 130, 131, 135 ; his
declaration anent the Honours, 116,
125 ; his action anent the Honours,
ine-TsS ; letters from, to countess
Manschal, 131.
Mrs., conveys the Honours from
Dunnottar,io5,io9,ii6,i25,i3o,i35.
Grange, lord, 180, 18 1, 188, 189.
Grant of Ballandalloch, 261.
of Coriemony, 292.
of Glenmoriston, 289, 321.
laird of, 301.
miss, of Arndilly, 296, 297.
Mrs., of Laggan, 251,252; letters
from, to sir Henry Steuart, 253-271,
277, 284, 288 and n, 293, 295 ; letter
to, from sir John Macpherson, 290.
Charles, 293 and «,
rev. James, 251.
sir James, of Freuchie, 307 n.
Margaret, wife of Simon, lord
Lovat, 261 and 11, 268.
family, 307.
Gravelines, 158, 159.
Gunne, colonel, 95.
Guthrie, rev. James, 7, 17.
Haddington, 35, 43, 46, 52, 53.
earl of, 63.
Hamilton, marquis of, 23, 27, 32, 78,
87, 88, 1 14 ; letter from, to captain
Watson, 59 ; letter from, to town of
Burntisland, 60 ; answer from Burnt-
island, 60 ; intercepted letter of, to
lord Ogilvie, 68.
sir Patrick, 63,
Hatsell, Mr., 293.
Hay of Dunfermline, 16.
Hay, colonel, secretary to the cheva-
lier, 149 and n, 153, 154, 166, 168,
169, 177, 223.
Alexander. ^(?e Foresterseat, lord.
Helen, See Wariston, lady.
Hemp, cultivation of, in Ireland, 214.
Henderson, Alexander, 25, 31, 42, 58,
76, 85 7Z.
Hepburn, (Hebroun) Adam, 63.
sir Adam, of Humbie, 10.
Thomas, 10.
INDEX
335
Henryson, Edward, 4 n.
sir Thomas, lord Chesters, 4 n.
Heriot, Agnes, wife of James Foulis,
4;/.
Helen, 4 n.
Robert, of Lymphoy, 4 11.
Highlands, proposals for the formation
of highland regiments, 219, 246,
291 71 ; English ignorance of the,
258, 272, ; characteristics of high-
landers, 288 ; highland music, 291 ;
manners and customs, 298-304; high-
land poetry, 303 ; highland forays,
306, 307 ; famine in, 318.
Holland, 107, 113.
earl of, 39, 42, 46, 48, 49, 61,
64, 93 ; letters from, 37 and n ;
letters to, from the Scots army, 39,
42.
Home or Hume, captain, 51.
earl of, 46, 49, 51, 52, 63.
George, of Graden, 11.
sir John, of Blacader, 39, 40, 43,
46, 48.
John, 278 and n, 297.
castle, 199.
Honours of Scotland, 102, 105, 106,
false receipts of, 107 ; delivered
to charge of Ogilvie, 112, 116;
in charge of Mr. James Grain-
ger, 125; buried by him, 112, 113;
how conveyed from Dunnottar, 133,
13s ; said to have been sent to
Paris, 114 ; countess of Marischal's
account of, to king, 121, 122; dispute
between Grainger and Ogilvie anent,
128, 129.
Humbie, 53, 56.
Humble desires of H.MJ's subjects,
70.
Hume. See Home.
Huntly, marquis of, 32, 96.
Huton, 59.
Inchcolme, 35.
Information against all mistaking of
H.M. declaration, 89, 96.
Inglis, James, of Ingliston, 5.
Imierwick, 53.
Invergarrie, castle, 310, 316.
Inverlochy castle, 199, 210, 220.
Ireland, schemes for the government of,
166, 167 and 7t ; a good understand-
ing between Ireland and Scotland
desirable, 201 ; proposals for, on a
restoration, 213 ; Irish troops for
service in France, 231 ; indepen-
dence of, 231, 232, 234.
Islay, lord, 188.
Jackson, John, 5.
James vi., his attempts to restore
episcopal government, 22 ; on the
king's negative voice in parliament,
75"-
Jamesone, George, his portrait of War-
iston, 33.
Jardine of Applegirth, 54.
Jedburgh, 46, 51, 61.
Johnson, Dr., criticisms on, 272, 289.
Johnston of Hilton, Berwickshire,
3«. 5- •
lord, 46, 54.
Alexander, 8, 9.
Archibald, Wariston's grand-
father, merchant of Edinburgh, 3, 4.
Archibald, of Wariston. Sec
Wariston, lord.
son of Wariston, 8.
Beatrix, 5.
David, 7 n,
Elizabeth, 10.
Euphan, 12.
Gavin, 3.
Helen, 11.
James, merchant of Edinburgh,
4, 7 n, 12.
secretary for Scotland, i, 9,
10, 17.
son of the secretary, 10.
of Beirholm, 3.
Janet, 5, 7, II.
Joseph, 5,
Margaret, II.
Rachel, 5, 10, 11.
Samuel, advocate, of Sciennes,
4,6.
Jordanhill, 277.
Justiciary court, 196.
Keith, Anne, countess of Morton,
114 n.
John, earl of Kintore, loi, 103,
104, 106, 107, 109 ; created earl
of Kintore, no, 114, 117, 118,
120 and ;z, 122, 126, 129, 131-138;
his adventures abroad and in Scot-
land, 131, 136.
Robert, of Whiterigs, 127 and n,
128.
William. See Marischal, earl.
Kelso, 37, 42, 51, 52, 57, 59, 61.
Ker, lord, 46, 58.
Killicrankie, battle of, 308 and n,
310.
Kilmallie, 298.
Kinneff, 117, 118 «, 131, in.
church, 105, 106.
-]l
336
INDEX
Kinneff, minister of. See Grainger,
rev. James.
Kinnoul, earl of, 95.
Kintore, earl of. See Keith, John.
Kin tyre, 19.
Kirkcaldy, 52.
Kirkcudbright, lord, 52, 54, 92.
Knighthood, military order of, 211,
212.
Knight Marischal of Scotland, office
of, 133.
Lag, laird, 54.
Laggan, 251.
Lamamonach, 274.
Lambingtoune, 52.
Lansdown, lord, 187 and n.
Large Declai-ation concerning the late
tunndts, 71 n.
Laud's liturgy, Charles's copy of, 28 n.
Lauder, 61.
Lauderdale, duke of, 165.
Legacie to Scotland, 151, 155, 156,
194-205.
Legard, sir John, 295.
Leith, 35, 45, 48, 159, 199, 203;
fortifications of, 33, 92 ; privileges
of, 203.
Leslie, general Alexander, 33, 35, 42,
46, 51-53, 58, 61, 63.
Robin, 63 n, 64.
Letter sent to the shires of Scotland
from Dunbar, 35.
Letteron, 215 and n.
Lighton, col. David, 104 and n, 1 20
and n.
Lindsay, lord, 35, 43, 46, 96.
Linen manufacture of Ireland, 214.
Lochaber, 280.
' Lochaber no more,' 320, 321.
Locharkaig, 310.
Lochend, 40.
Loch Erroch, 326.
Lochgarry, 107, 1 14 and;?, 136.
Lochiel. See Cameron.
Loch Lomond, 280.
Loch Ness, 304.
Lockhart of Carnwath, 145, 152, 155.
London, 103, 108, 127 n, 131, 135 ;
tower of, 122.
Lord advocate, 138.
Lord chamberlain, 88, 93.
Lorraine, 163.
Lothian,earlof,42,46,5i,57-59,6l,63.
Lothians, the, 54, 97.
Loudoun, earl of, 25, 35, 43, 55, 70-72,
78, 85 n, 92, 96, 97.
Hugh, earl of, 187 and «.
Lovat, lord, 305, 306.
Lovat, Archibald, lord, 262 n.
Hugh, lord, 255 and it, 256.
of Fraserdale, 255 n, 256 n.
Simon Fraser, lord, 172 and
n, 253, 254, 255 and n- : his out-
rage on the dowager lady Lovat,
256, 274 ; at the court of St. Ger-
mains, 256 ; a Jacobite agent in
London, 257 ; transfers his services
to the government, 257, 258 ; his
popularity in the highlands, 259 ;
his hospitality at castle Dunie, 260,
261 ; marriage of, 261 ; his second
marriage, 262 ; intrigues for a rising
in the north, 263 ; his interview with
prince Charles after Culloden, 265 ;
taken prisoner, 265 and it ; his be-
haviour in the Tower, 266, 267 ;
character of, 268 ; MS. account of
his life, 271.
dowager lady, 256, 274 and n.
master of, 263.
estates, 256 and n, 257 and «,
274, 305.
Lumgair, lands of, 135 n.
Lyon king of arms, 96, 117, 137.
Lyttleton, lady, 276.
Macdonald of Glengarry, 305, 316 «.
of Morar, 321 n.
of Teindrich, 289.
/Eneas, of Glengarry, 309 n.
Alexander, 309-316.
Hector, of Boisdale, 284.
Julia, 315 and n, 316.
William, tutor of Sleat, 321 n,
MacGregor of Bohaudie, 2S7, 321
and n.
M'Kell, procurator, 126, 132.
Mackenzie, Alexander, 255 ;/, 256 }i.
■ sir Alexander, of Coul, li.
Catherine, 251.
Henry, 287 and n.
Roderick, 11.
of Prestonhall, 255 n.
sir Roderick, of Scatwell, 261.
lady, of Scatwell, 269,
Maclean of Ardgour, 321.
of Kingarloch, 320.
of Lochbuy, 321 and n.
Maclellans, the, 289 n.
MacNicol, rev Donald, his Remarks
on Johnson's journey to the Hebrides,
287 and n.
Macniels of Barra, 301, 302.
Macpherson of Benchar, 271, 279.
of Cluny, 263 and ;--, 277, 280,
320 and n, 321, 32S and n.
of Fleigherty, 27S.
INDEX
337
Macpherson of Urie, 327.
sir Eneas, 278 and ;/.
Evan, schoolmaster, 286, 292,
293-
major Evan, 278, 279, 294, 295.
James, 271, 287, 291, 292.
John, D.D., 285 and «.
sir John, 285-289, 294, 296, 298;
letter from, to Mrs. Grant, 290.
Lachlan, of Nuid, 320 n.
Martin, minister of Sleat, 285-
287, 296.
Macraes, the, 289 and n.
Macvicar, Duncan, 251.
Mar, Charles, tenth earl of, 141.
John, seventh earl of, no.
eleventh earl of, 141 and n,
150-152 and n, 154, 163 ; sketch of
his career, 142-149; extract of letter
from, to the chevalier, 146 ; his
Legacie to his son, Thomas, lord
Erskine, 157-191 ; his Alemorial to
the Regent Orleans, 152 and n, 153,
154 and n, 167 and n, 168, 169 ; sent
into Scotland to effectarising, i64and
n, 170, 176 ; opposed to the union,
163, 165 ; his ' Scheme ... for the
government of Scotland,' 151, 165,
194-205 ; his Directions concerning
the monument to be erected in Alloa
church, 192, 193 and n ; his Legacie
to Scotland, 194-205, letters to, from
the chevalier, 206-211 ; letters from,
to the chevalier, 223, 244 ; his Me-
morial to the Duke of Orleans, 223 ;
letter from, to the duke of Orleans,
226.
lady, 160, 176, 177, 189.
John Thomas, earl of, 156.
lady Mary, 141.
Philadelphia, countess of, 156.
Marischal, dowager-countess, loi, 103,
105, 107, loS, 110-122, 125, 127,
131, 135-138; letter to, from Mid-
dleton, 115; letter to, from the
king, 115; letter to, from George
Ogilvie, 118 ; letter to, from Grain-
ger, 131 ; letter from, to Charles II.,
121 ; letter in favour of, from Charles
II., 134.
earl, 46, 109, 112, 115, 122, 123
and n, 126 n, 128, 129-132, 137 ;
parliament delivers Honours to his
custody, 102 ; taken prisoner, 103,
112, 135.
George, fifth earl, 135 w.
eighth earl, 134 and n.
William, sixth earl, no, 114 n.
Marlborough, lord, 245.
Maryburgh. See Fort William.
Martin, captain, 120.
Maule, Patrick, earl of Panmure, no.
Maxwells, the, 52.
May, isle of, 35.
Mearns, the, 135 n.
Meldrum, Robert, Leslie's secretary,
58, 61, 63 n.
Memoranda for Lords Rothes and
Loudon, 72-76.
Memorial of John Earl of Mar to the
Duke of Orleans, 152 and n, 153,
154 and n, 155, 167 and n, 168,
169, 223, 228.
Menzies (Minize), Mr., 189.
Merse, the, 49, 51.
Middleton, general, 107, 109, 113,
114, 116, 130, 136, 137; letter
from, to the countess Marischal,
115; letter to, from Charles II., 134.
Midlothian, 52.
Militaiy order of knighthood, 218.
Militia for Scotland, 216-221.
Ministers, of Scotland, letter from the
army to, 45.
Monk, general, 114, 136, 137.
Montebello, 160.
Montgomery, lord, 35, 55-
Montrose, James, first marquis of,
32, 33> 35> 46, 55. 92, 95; 96, 303-
James, second marquis of, 114
and n, 136.
papers, 289.
Moray, Robert, 188 and n.
William, of Abercairney, 188.
Morham (Norhame), 53, 56.
Morison, Helen, 6.
Morphine, laird of. See Grahame.
Morton, earl of, 12, 63, 95, 114 n.
Munro, col., 41 and n, 46, 51-54, 57,
61.
Murray, Amelia, 255 n.
sir Patrick, 52, 53.
Musselburgh, 47, 55.
Napier, lord, 59, 97.
National covenant. See Covenant.
Newcastle, duke of, 268.
Newgrange, 132.
Newhaven, 48, 52.
Nicholson, sir Thomas, 76.
Nidsdaile, lord, 54, 55.
Nisbet, James, 6.
sir John, of Dirleton, 6.
Patrick, lord Eastbank, 6.
North Berwick, 51, 53, 55.
Officers of State, 15, 204, 205.
Ogilvie, David, 1 10.
INDEX
Ogilvie, sir George, of Barras, loi-
iig 71, 121-123, 125-132, 135 ;/,
I37> 138 ; letter from, to countess
Marischal, 118; letter to, from his
son William, 123.
Mrs., 104-106, 136.
John, of Balnagarro and Chapel-
ton, 135 Ji.
dame Margaret, second wife of
George, fifth earl Marischal, 135 Ji.
lord, 68-69, iio> 137-
sir William, of Barras, lOi, 108-
iio, 123, 124, 126, 130, 131.
letter from, to his father, 123.
William, of Lmngair, no, 135 n.
Oliphant, John, 51.
Orford, earl of, 253.
Orleans, duke of, 178 ; Mar's Memo-
rial to, 152 and n, 153, 154 and n,
167 and n, 168, 169, 223 ; letter to,
from Mar, enclosing the Memorial,
226.
Ormiston, 56, 254.
Ormond, duke of, 148, 168, 245.
Panmure, lord, no, 279 and //.
Paris, 106, 107, 113, 114, 136.
Parliament of Ireland, proposals for,
213.
of Scotland, 66, 75, 77, 91.
Paterson, Mr., 159 and n, 173.
sir Hugh, of Bannockburn, 159 n.
Patton, Alexander, 118.
Paxton, 59.
Peadie (Peddee), James, bailie of
Montrose, 127 and n.
Pencaitland, 53, 56.
Penn, Sophia Margaret Juliana, 2937/.
Thomas, of Stoke- Pogis, 293 n,
Perth, five articles of, 6, 22, 83 ;
commission of, 97 ; citadel of,
199.
duke of, 148 n.
Phanles, captain George, 56.
Phleeming. See Fleming.
Pitsligo, lord, 188 and n.
Pittodrie. See Erskine.
Porteus, Dr. Beilby, bishop of
London, 293, 296.
Mrs. , 296.
Poulett, John, baron, 9.
Presbyterian church government, 197.
Preston, battle of, 159.
John, of Fentonbarns, lord pre-
sident, 6.
Prestongrange, lord, 6.
Prestonkirk, 53, 55.
Prestonpans, 55.
Primrose, Mr., 245.
Privy councils, 24, 67, 84, 102, no,
195, 208.
Proclamations, 32, 38, 41, 57, 66, 67,
69.
QUEENSBERRY, duke of, I42, 163,
1 87 and 11.
' Rainbow,' the, in Leith roads, 59.
Rait, Alexander, 184.
Ramsay, Mr., 161, 162.
sir William, of Balmayne, 127 ;/.
Ratray, Ranald, of Ragnagalion, 289.
Ravelston liouse, Midlothian, 119 71.
' Reasons and grounds of our humble
Desires,' 76, 77.
Rebellion of 1715, 145, 323; causes
of its failure, 170.
of 1719, 146, 149.
of 1745, 254, 363, 364.
Records of the kingdom, 16.
Regalia, papers relative to the, 10 1.
Registers of general assembly re-
covered by Wariston, 16 «.
Relick, estate of, 274.
Renton, laird of, his charter kist, 49.
Ridpath, George i and 7i,
Rigg, Mr., 246.
Ripon, treaty of, 14.
Rivan, general, 95, 96.
Rollock, Harie, 96.
Rome, 160.
Rothes, earl of, 25, 35, 52, 55, 56, 70,
72, 77, 92, 95. 97, 98.
Ruddiman's Caledoinan Merairy, 282
and 71, 283.
Safe conducts, 68, 69.
St. Giles, riot in, 1637, 24,
Saltoun, 53, 56.
Santlow, major, 275.
Scatterraw, 42, 52.
Scatwell, 262.
Schuyler, madam, 295 and ;/.
Scone, ceremony of coronation at,
102.
Scotland, letter to noblemen of, from
the earl of Holland, 37 ; letter to
the shires of, from the army, 45, 50 ;
Mar's scheme for the government
of, 194-205, 208 ; scheme for re-
storing the ancient military spirit
of, 215.
Scots army, 4I, 43, 46, 47, 58, 62, 63,
65, 66, 71, 92, 95, 97; provisions
for, 46, 47, 53, 55, 56; money
coined for, 56 ; letter from, to Edin-
burgh committee, 62.
fusileers, 141.
INDEX
339
Scots troops for France, 200, 210, 216,
231.
Scott, Walter, of Highchester, earl of
Tarras, 10.
Seaton house, 159.
Selkirk (Selchrig), letter from, 51.
earl of, 1 14, 287 n.
Service book, 24, 28 and n, 83.
Seton, Mr., of Delhi, 290.
miss, of Touch, 252.
Sharp, James, archbishop of St.
Andrews, 8.
Shearer, James, 290.
Shrewsbury, duke of, 246.
Silver to be coined, 56, 57.
Skene, sir James, of Curriehill, 5, 7.
sir John, of Curriehill, 5.
' Some heads of H.M. treatie,' 93.
Southesk, lord, 63, 128 n, 225, 227.
Spott, S3.
Stair, lord, 163, 167 n, 187.
Stenton, 53, 56.
Steuart, sir Henry, of AUanton, 252 ;
letters to, from Mrs. Grant of
Laggan, 253-271, 277, 2S4, 288,
293, 295-
Stewart of Inveruity, 189.
Dr., 1 89.
Alexander, trial of, 275 and n.
sir James, of Coltness, lord
advocate, memorial to, 134.
John, 59.
of Ballachclish, 254 and u.
sir John, of Coldingham, 57.
sir Lewis, advocate, 6.
Stirling, 59; castle of, 183, 184, 199,
210, 311.
of Craigbarnet, 289.
miss, of Kippendavy, 298.
Stonehaven, 119;?.
Straiton, captain, 242 ii.
Stratheric, 259, 263, 264, 275, 280,
304-
Strath Glass, 274.
Straton, Arthur, of Snadown, 128.
Stuart, Dr. , at Luss, 295.
hon. Mrs., 293 and 11.
Charles Edward, 225, 325 and n,
328 ; his meeting with Lovat after
CuUoden, 265 ; MS. history of his
campaigns in Scotland, 291.
Helen, 290.
Henry, cardinal of York, 291.
James Francis Edward [the che-
valier], 145, 152 and?;, 154, 159;
extract of letter from the earl of
Mar to, 146-149; approves of the
earl of Mar's scheme for the govern-
ment of Scotland, 151, 165, 166 ;
sends Mar into Scotland, 163, 164
and n, 170, 176; letters to, from
IMar, 223, 244 ; letters from, to the
earl of Mar, 206-211.
Stuart, hon. W., primate of Ireland,
293 and n.
Suna, island of, bought by Wariston,
19.
Sunbury, 279, 297.
Supplication with the king's majesty,
64.
Sussex, duke of, 291.
Swinton, Helen, wife of Edward
Henryson, 4 n.
John, of that ilk, 4 n.
Symmer, Mr., 189.
Tantallon Castle, 35 and n.
Tarfe, the, 304.
Teviotdale, sheriff of, 42, 46, 58,
70.
Threve, siege of, 92.
Tliought {a) with regard to Scotland
on the Memorial, 241.
Traitors cannot be declared by pro-
clamation, 67.
Tranent, 53, 55.
Trapaud, governor of Fort Augustus,
266.
Traquair, high treasurer, 23, 88.
Troup, Alexander, writer in Edin-
burgh, 126, 132.
Tuesden, Mr., 51.
Tullibardine, marquis of, 254, 256 n ;
account of his betrayal by 13uchanan
of Drumakiln, 280-284.
Tweed, the, 43, 59.
Tyndrum, 311.
Tyninghame, 53, 55.
Union of England and Scotland, 2,
142-143, 162, 163, 165, 194, 207,
246.
Urbino, 160.
Vandruske, major-general, 104.
Vane, sir Henry, 51.
Verney, sir Edmund, 65 and 7i, 66, 68.
sir Ralph, 32.
Vincennes castle, 32S and n.
Walkinshaw, miss, 328.
Walpole, sir Robert, 10, 279.
Wariston, Archibald Johnstone, lord,
5, 871, 12-14, 25, 26, 31, 58, 61,
71, 72, 76, 78, 85, 97; birth and
education of, 7, 8 ; his papers and
diary, i, 2 ; his character and
opinions, 13-16; his long prayers.
340
IiNDEX
l6, 17; hated by Charles II., 18;
frames the national covenant, 13,
25 ; Scots commissioner at pacifica-
tion of Berwick, 14 ; accepts office
from Cromwell, 19, 20; silenced by
the king, 85, 87 ; execution of, 12,
13, 17, 18 ; portrait of, 33.
Wariston, lady, 8, 12.
Wariston's close, Edinburgh, 12.
Watson, captain, letter to, from Ham-
ilton, 59.
John, 184.
Waughtone, 52, 53.
Wemyss, sir John, of Bogie, 11.
Wester Barras, lands of, no.
Westminster assembly, 1643, 14.
Westnisbitt, 49.
Wetherburne, laird of, 51, 57.
Whitadder (Quhitteter), river, 59.
Whitehall, 115.
Whiterigs. See Keith, Robert
Whittinghame, 56.
Whittington, 53.
Whytekirk, 53, 55.
William in., 314, 318, 322.
Wilson, Lilly, 254.
Margaret, 254 n.
William, of Murray's Hall,
254 «.
Winnercom, captain, 36.
Woodend, 251.
Worcester, battle of, 102,
Wright of Loss, 287, 321 and n.
Writers to the signet, proposed regu-
lations for, 197.
Yester, lord, 35, 56.
York, 32.
Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty
at the Edinburgh University Press
^cottisl) ^istoxv ^otittv
LIST OF MEMBERS
1896-1897
LIST OF MEMBERS
Adam, Sir Charles E., Bart., 3 New Square, Lincoln's Inn,
London.
Adam, Robert, Brae-Moray, Gillsland Road, Edinburgh.
Adam, Thomas, Hazelbank, Uddingston.
Agnew, Alex., Procurator-Fiscal, Court-House Buildings,
Dundee.
Aikman, Andrew, 27 Buckingham Terrace, Edinburgh.
Aitken, Dr. A. P., 57 Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Aitken, James H., Gartcows, Falkirk.
Alexander, William, M.D., Dundonald, Kilmarnock.
Allan, George, Advocate, 56 Castle Street, Aberdeen.
10 Anderson, Archibald, 30 Oxford Square, London, W.
Anderson, John, jun., Atlantic Mills, Bridgeton, Glasgow.
Andrew, Thomas, Doune, Perthshire.
Armstrong, Robert Bruce, 6 Randolph Cliff, Edinburgh.
Arnot, James, M.A., 57 Leamington Terrace, Edinburgh.
Arrol, William A., 11 Lynedoch Place, Glasgow.
Baillie, Ronald, Advocate, 11 Albany Street, Edinburgh.
Bain, Walter, 19 Burns Street, Ayr.
Baird, J. G. A., M.P., Wellwood, Muirkirk.
Balfour, C. B., Newton Don, Kelso.
20 Balfour, Right Hon. J. B., Q.C., 6 Rothesay Terrace, Edinburgh.
Ballingall, Hugh, Ardarroch, Dundee.
Barclay, George, 17 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh.
Barclay, R., Bury Hill, Dorking.
Barron, Rev. Douglas Gordon, Dunnottar Manse, Stonehaven.
4 LIST OF MEMBERS
Begg, Ferdinand Faithfull, M.P., 13 Earl's Court Square,
London, S.W.
Bell, A. Beatson, Advocate, 2 Eglinton Crescent, Edinburgh.
Bell, Joseph, F.R.C.S., 2 Melville Crescent, Edinburgh.
Bell, Captain Laurence A., R.N., 1 Eton Terrace, Edinburgh.
Bell, Robert Fitzroy, Advocate, 7 Ainslie Place, Edinburgh.
30 Bell, Russell, Advocate, Kildalloig, Campbeltown.
Beveridge, Erskine, St. Leonard's Hill, Dunfermline.
Black, James Tait, 33 Palace Court, Bayswater Hill, London, W.
Black, Rev. John S., LL.D., 3 Down St., Piccadilly, London, W.
Blaikie, Walter B., 6 Belgrave Crescent, Edinburgh.
Blair, Patrick, Advocate, 4 Ardross Terrace, Liverness.
Bonar, Horatius, W.S., 15 Strathearn Place, Edinburgh.
Boyd, Sir Thomas J., 41 Moray Place, Edinburgh.
Bi-ookman, James, W.S., l6 Ravelston Park, Edinburgh.
Brown, Professor Alex. Crum, 8 Belgrave Crescent, Edinburgh.
40 Brown, J. A. Harvie, Dunipace House, Larbert, Stirlingshire.
Brown, P. Hume, LL.D., 19 Gillespie Ci-escent, Edinburgh.
Brown, William, 26 Princes Street, Edinburgh.
Brownlie, James R., 10 Brandon PI., West George St., Glasgow.
Bruce, Alex., Clyne House, Sutherland Avenue, Pollokshields,
Bruce, James, W.S., 59 Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Bruce, R. T. Hamilton, Grange, Dornoch, Sutherlandshire.
Bryce, Right Hon. James, M.P., 54 Portland Place, London, W.
Bryce, William Moii-, Dunedin, Blackford Road, Edinburgh.
Buchanan, A. W. Gray, Parkhill, Polmont, N.B.
50 Burns, Alan, B.A., Advocate, 7 Melville Crescent, Edinburgh.
Burns, John William, Kilmahew, Cardross.
Burns, Rev. Thomas, 2 St. Margaret's Road, Edinburgh.
Bute, The Mai-quis of, Mountstuart, Isle of Bute.
Caldwell, James, Craigielea Place, Paisley.
Cameron, Dr. J. A., Nairn.
Cameron, Richard, 1 South St. David Street, Edinburgh.
Campbell, D. S., 63 High Street, Montrose.
Campbell, Rev. James, D.D., the Manse, Balmerino, Dundee.
LIST OF MEMBERS 5
Campbell, James A., Stracathro, Brechin.
60 Campbell, P. W., W.S., 25 Moray Place, Edinbm-gh.
Carmichael, Sir Thomas D. Gibson, Bart., Castlecraig, Dol-
phinton, N.B.
Carne-Ross, Joseph, M.D., Parsonage Nook, Withington, Man-
chester.
Carrick, J. Stewart, 12 Blythswood Square, Glasgow.
Chambers, W. & R., 339 High Street, Edinburgh.
Chiene, Professor, 26 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh.
Christie, J.,
Christie, Thomas Craig, of Bedlay, Chryston, Glasgow.
Clark, George T., Talygai*n, Llantrissant.
Clark, James, Advocate, 4 Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh.
70 Clark, J. T., Crear Villa, Ferry Road, Edinburgh.
Clark, Sir Thomas, Bart., 11 Melville Crescent, Edinburgh.
Clouston, T. S., M.D., Tipperlinn House, Morningside Place,
Edinburgh.
Cochran-Patrick, R. W., LL.D., of Woodside, Beith, Ayrshire.
Constable, Archibald, LL.D., 11 Thistle Street, Edinburgh.
Cowan, George, 1 Gillsland Road, Edinburgh.
Cowan, Hugh, St. Leonards, Ayr.
Cowan, J. J., 38 West Register Street, Edinburgh.
Cowan, John, W.S., St. Roque, Grange Loan, Edinburgh.
Cowan, Sir John, Bart., Beeslack, Mid-Lothian.
80 Cowan, William, 7 Braid Avenue, Edinburgh.
Craik, James, W.S., 9 Eglinton Crescent, Edinburgh.
Crawford, Donald, Advocate, 17 Melville Street, Edinburgh.
Crole, Gerard L., Advocate, 30 Northumberland St., Edinburgh.
Cross, Robert, 8 Rothesay Terrace, Edinburgh.
Cunningham, Geo. Miller, C.E., 2 Ainslie Place, Edinburgh.
Cunynghame, R. J. Blair, M.D., 18 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh.
Curie, Alex. Ormiston, B.A., W.S., 32 Melville St., Edinburgh.
Curie, James, W.S., Priorwood, Melrose.
Currie, James, l6 Bernard Street, Leith.
90 Currie, Walter Thomson, of Trynlaw, by Cupar-Fife.
Currie, W. R., 30 Burnbank Gardens, Glasgow.
6 LIST OF MEMBERS
Cuthbert, Alex. A.^ 14 Newton Terrace, Glasgow.
Dalgleish, John J., Brankston Grange, Bogside Station,
Stirling.
Dalrymple, Hon. Hew, Lochinch, Castle Kennedy, Wigtown-
shire.
Davidson, Hugh, Braedale, Lanark.
Davidson, J., Solicitor, Kirriemuir.
Davidson, Thomas, 339 High Street, Edinburgh.
Davies, J. Mair, C.A., Sheiling, Pollokshields, Glasgow.
Dickson, William K., Advocate, 19 Dundas Street, Edinburgh.
100 Dickson, Wm. Traquair, W.S., 11 Hill Street, Edinburgh.
Dinwoodie, Miss E., Millbank, MofFat.
Dixon, John H., Inveran, Poolewe, by Dingwall.
Doak, Rev. Andrew, M.A., 15 Queen's Road, Aberdeen.
Dodds, Rev. James, D.D., The Manse, Corstorphine.
Dods, Colonel P., United Service Club, Edinburgh.
Donaldson, James, LL.D., Principal, St. Andrews University.
Donaldson, James, Sunnyside, Formby, Liverpool.
Douglas, David, 10 Castle Street, Edinburgh.
Dowden, Right Rev. John, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh, Lynn
House, Gillsland Road, Edinburgh.
110 DufF, T. Gordon, Drummuir, Keith.
Duncan, James Barker, W.S., 6 Hill Street, Edinburgh.
Duncan, John, 8 Lynedoch Place, Edinburgh.
Dundas, Ralph, C.S., 28 Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh.
Dunn, Robert Hunter, Belgian Consulate, Glasgow.
E ASTON, Walter, 125 Buchanan Street, Glasgow.
Ewart, Prof. Cossar, The University, Edinburgh.
Faulds, a. Wilson, Knockbuckle, Beith, Ayrshire.
Ferguson, James, Advocate, 10 Wemyss Place, Edinburgh.
Ferguson, John, Town Clerk, Linlithgow.
120 Ferguson, Rev. John, Manse, Aberdalgie, Perth.
Findlay, J. Ritchie, 3 Rothesay Terrace, Edinburgh.
Findlay, Rev. Wm., The Manse, Saline, Fife.
Firth, Charles Harding, 33 Norham Road, Oxford.
LIST OF MEMBERS 7
Fleming, D. Hay, l6 Greyfriars Garden, St. Andrews.
Fleming, J. S., l6 Grosvenor Crescent, Edinburgh.
Flint, Prof., D.D., LL.D., Johnstone Lodge, Craigmillav Park,
Edinburgh.
Forrest, James R. P., 32 Broughton Place, Edinburgh.
Forrester, John, 29 Windsor Street, Edinburgh.
Foulis, James, M.D., 34 Heriot Row, Edinburgh.
130 Foulis, Thomas, 27 Cluny Gardens, Edinburgh.
Eraser, Professor A. Campbell, D.C.L., LL.D., Gorton
House, Hawthornden.
Gairdner, Charles, Broom, Newton-Mearns, Glasgow.
Galletly, Edwin G., 7 St. Ninian's Terrace, Edinburgh.
Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, LL.D., 7 South Park, Sevenoaks,
Kent.
Gardner, Alexander, 7 Gilmour Street, Paisley.
Garson, William, W.S., 60 Palmerston Place, Edinburgh.
Gartshore, Miss Murray, Ravelston, Blackball, Edinburgh.
Geikie, Sir Archibald, LL.D., Geological Survey, 28 Jermyn
Street, London, S.W.
Geikie, Prof. James, LL.D., 31 Merchiston Aven., Edinburgh.
140 Gibson, Andrew, 3 Morrison Street, Govan.
Gibson, J. C, c/o James Forbes, 18 Coltbridge Terrace,
Murrayfield, Edinburgh.
Gibson, James T., LLB., W.S., 37 George Street, Edinburgh.
Giles, Arthur, 107 Princes Street, Edinburgh,
Gillespie, Mrs. G. R., 5 Darnaway Street, Edinburgh.
Gillies, Walter, M.A., The Academy, Perth.
Gordon, Rev. Robert, Mayfield Gardens, Edinburgh.
Goudie, Gilbert, F.S.A. Scot, 39 Northumberland St., Edin-
burgh.
Goudie, Robert, Commissary Clerk of Ayrshire, Ayr.
Gourlay, Robert, Bank of Scotland, Glasgow.
150 Gow, Leonard, Hayston, Kelvinside, Glasgow.
Graeme, Lieut.-Col. Laurence, Fonthill, Shaldon, Teignmouth,
Devon.
8 LIST OF MEMBERS
Graeme, Lieut.-Col. R. C, Naval and Military Club, 94 Picca-
dilly, London.
Grant, William G. L., Woodside, East Newport, Fife.
Gray, George, Clerk of the Peace, Glasgow.
Green, Charles E., 18 St. Giles Street, Edinburgh.
Greig, Andrew, 36 Belmont Gardens, Hillhead, Glasgow.
Gunning, His Excellency Robert Haliday, M.D., 12 Addison
Crescent, Kensington, London, W.
Guthrie, Charles J., Advocate, 13 Royal Circus, Edinburgh.
Guy, Robert, 120 West Regent Street, Glasgow.
l60 Halkett, Miss Katherine E., 3 Pitt Street, Camden Hill,
London, W.
Hall, David, Crookedholm House, Hurlford, Ayrshire.
Hallen, Rev. A. W. Cornelius, The Parsonage, Alloa. \
Hamilton, Hubert, Advocate, 55 Manor Place, Edinburgh.
Hamilton, Lord, of Dalzell, Motherwell.
Hamilton-Ogilvy, Henry T. N., Prestonkirk.
Harrison, John, 8 St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh.
Hedderwick, A. W. H., 79 St. George's Place, Glasgow.
Henderson, J. G. B., Nether Parkley, Linlithgow.
Henderson, Joseph, 1 1 Blythswood Square, Glasgow.
170 Henry, David, 2 Lockhart Place, St. Andrews, Fife.
Hewison, Rev. J. King, The Manse, Rothesay.
Hill, William H., LL.D., Barlanark, Shettleston, Glasgow.
Honeyman, John, A.R.S.A., 140 Bath Street, Glasgow.
Howden, Charles R. A., Advocate, 25 Melville Street, Edin-
burgh.
Hunter, Colonel, F.R.S., of Plas Coch, Anglesea.
Hutcheson, Alexander, Herschel House, Broughty Ferry.
Hutchison, Rev. John, D.D., Afton Lodge, Bonnington.
Hyslop, J. M., M.D., 22 Palmerston Place, Edinburgh.
Imrie, Mrs. T. Nairne, 34 Ann Street, Edinburgh.
180 Jameson, J. H., W.S., 3 Northumberland Street, Edinburgh.
Jamieson, George Auldjo, C.A., 37 Drumsheugh Gardens,
Edinburgh.
LIST OF MEMBERS 9
Jamieson, J. Auldjo, W.S., 14 Buckingham Ter., Edinburgh.
Johnston, D., Glenholm, 204 Newhaven Road, Edinburgh.
Johnston, David, 24 Huntly Gardens, Kelvinside, Glasgow.
Johnston, George Harvey, 22 Garscube Terrace, Edinburgh.
Johnston, George P., 33 George Street, Edinburgh.
Johnstone, James F. Kellas, 431 Union Street, Aberdeen.
Johnstone, J. T., 20 Broughton Place, Edinburgh.
Jonas, Alfred Charles, Poundfald, Penclawdd, Swansea.
190 Kemp, D. William, Ivy Lodge, Trinity, Edinburgh.
Kennedy, Neil J., Advocate, 71 Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Kermack, John, W.S., 13 Glencairn Crescent, Edinburgh.
Kincairney, The Hon. Lord, 6 Heriot Row, Edinburgh.
Kinnear, The Hon. Lord, 2 Moray Place, Edinburgh.
Kirkpatrick, Prof. John, LL.D., Advocate, 24 Alva Street,
Edinburgh.
Kirkpatrick, Robert, 1 Queen Square, Strathbungo, Glasgow.
Laidlaw, David, Jun., 6 Marlborough Terrace, Kelvinside,
Glasgow.
Lamb, A, C, 3 Lansdowne Place, Dundee.
Lang, James, 9 Crown Gardens, Dowanhill, Glasgow.
200 Langwill, Robert B., The Manse, Currie.
Laurie, Professor S. S., Nairne Lodge, Duddingston.
Law, Thomas Graves, Signet Libi'aiy, Edinburgh, Secretary.
Leadbetter, Thomas, 2 Magdala Place, Edinburgh.
Leslie, Colonel, of Kininvie, Banffshire.
Livingstone, M., 47 Braid Road, Edinburgh.
Logan, C. B., D.K.S., 12 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh.
Lorimer, George, 2 Abbotsford Crescent, Edinburgh.
Low, James F., Seaview, Monifieth.
Macadam, J. H., 95 Leith Street, Edinburgh.
210 Macadam, W. Ivison,Slioch, Lady Road, Newington, Edinburgh.
M'Alpine, William, 1 1 Archibald Place, Edinburgh.
Macandrew, Sir Henry C, Aisthorpe, Midmills Road, Inverness.
M'Bain, J. M., British Linen Bank, Arbroath.
10 LIST OF MEMBERS
Macbrayne, David, Jun., 17 Royal Exchange Square, Glasgow.
M'Candlish, John M., W.S., 27 Drumshe ugh Gar., Edinburgh.
Macdonald, James, W.S., 4 Whitehouse Terrace, Edinburgh.
Macdonald, W. Rae, 1 Forres Street, Edinburgh.
Macdougall, Jas. Patten, Advocate, 39 Heriot Row, Edinburgh.
M^Ewen, W. C, W.S., 2 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh.
220 Macfarlane, Geo. L., Advocate, 3 St. Colme Street, Edinburgh.
Macgeorge, B. B., 19 Woodside Crescent, Glasgow.
MacGregor, John, W.S., 10 Dundas Street, Edinburgh.
M'Grigor, Alexander, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
Macintyre, P. M., Advocate, 12 India Street, Edinburgh.
Mackay, ^neas J. G., LL.D., 7 Albyn Place, Edinburgh.
Mackay, Eneas, 43 Murray Place, Stirling.
Mackay, Rev. G. S., M.A., Free Church Manse, Doune.
Mackay, James F., W.S., Whitehouse, Cramond.
Mackay, James R., 37 St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh.
230 Mackay, Thomas, 14 Wetherby Place, South Kensington,
London, S.W.
Mackay,';Thomas A., British Linen Bank House, Inverness.
Mackay, William, Solicitor, Inverness.
Mackenzie, A., St. Catherines, Paisley.
Mackenzie, David J., Sheriff-Substitute, Wick.
Mackenzie, Thomas, M.A., Sheriff-Substitute of Ross, Tain,
Mackinlay, David, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow.
Mackinnon, Professor, 1 Merchiston Place, Edinburgh,
Mackintosh, Charles Eraser, 18 Pont Street, London, S.W,
Mackintosh, W. F., 27 Commerce Street, Arbroath,
240 Maclachlan, John, W.S., 12 Abercromby Place, Edinburgh.
Maclagan, Prof. Sir Douglas, M.D., 28 Heriot Row, Edinburgh.
Maclagan, Robert Craig, M.D., 5 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh.
Maclauchlan, John, Albert Institute, Dundee.
Maclean, Sir Andrew, Viewfield House, Balshagray, Partick,
Glasgow.
Maclean, William C, F.R.G.S., 31 Camperdown Place, Great
Yarmouth.
MacLehose, James J., 6l St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
LIST OF MEMBERS 11
Macleodj Rev. Walter, 112 Thirlestane Road, Edinburgh.
Macphail, J. R. N., Advocate, 53 Castle Street, Edinburgh.
M'Phee, Donald, Oakfield, Fort William.
250 Macray, Rev. W. D., Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Macritchie, David, 4 Archibald Place, Edinburgh.
Main, W. D., 128 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
Marshall, John, Caldergrove, Newton, Lanarkshire.
Martin, Francis John, W.S., 9 Glencairn Crescent, Edinburgh.
Marwick, Sir J. D., LL.D., Killermont House, Maryhill,
Glasgow.
Massie, James, 6 Inverleith Avenue, Edinburgh.
Masson, David, LL.D., Gowanlea, Juniper Green.
Mathieson, Thomas A., 3 Grosvenor Terrace, Glasgow.
Maxwell, W. J., Terraughtie, Dumfries.
260 Melville, Viscount, Melville Castle, Lasswade.
Melville, Rev. Dr., Culfargie, Polwarth Terrace, Edinburgh.
Mill, Alex., 9 Dalhousie Terrace, Edinburgh.
Millar, Alexander H., Rosslyn House, Clepington Rd., Dundee.
Miller, P., Dalmeny Lodge, Ci-aiglockhart, Slateford.
Milligan, John, W.S., 10 Carlton Terrace, Edinburgh.
Milne, A. & R., Union Street, Aberdeen.
Milne, Mrs., Viewlands, Perth.
Mitchell, Rev. Prof. A. F., D.D., St. Andrews.
Mitchell, Sir Arthur, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D., 34 Drummond
Place, Edinburgh.
270 Mitchell, James, 240 Darnley Street, Pollokshields, Glasgow.
Moncrieff, W. G. Scott, Advocate, Weedingshall House,
Polmont.
MofFatt, Alexander, 23 Abercromby Place, Edinburgh.
MoiFatt, Alexander, jun., M.A., LL.B., Advocate, 45 Northum-
berland Street, Edinburgh.
Morison, John, 1 1 Burnbank Gardens, Glasgow.
Morries-Stirling, J. M., Gogar House, Stirling.
Morrison, Hew, 7 Hermitage Terrace, Morningside.
Muir, James, 27 Huntly Gardens, Dowanhill, Glasgow.
Muirhead, James, 2 Bowmont Gardens, Kelvinside, Glasgow.
12 LIST OF MEMBERS
Murdoch^ Rev. A. D., All Saints' Parsonage, Edinburgh.
280 Murdoch, J. B., of Capelrig, Mearns, Renfrewshire.
Murray, David, I69 West George Street, Glasgow.
Murray, Colonel John, Polmaise Castle, Stii'ling.
NicoLsoN, A. B., W.S., Westbourne House, Union Street,
Aberdeen.
Norfor, Robert T., C. A., 1 1 Hope Terrace, Edinburgh.
Ogilvy, Sir Reginald, Bart., Baldovan, Dundee.
Oliver, James, Thornwood, Hawick.
Orrock, Archibald, 17 St. Catherine's Place, Edinburgh.
Panton, George A., F.R.S.E., 73 Westfield Road, Edgbaston,
Birmingham.
Paton, Allan Park, Home Cottage, Roseneath St., Greenock.
290 Paton, Henry, M.A., 15 Myrtle Terrace, Edinburgh.
Paton, Victor A. Noel, W.S., 33 George Square, Edinburgh.
Patrick, David, LL.D., 339 High Street, Edinburgh.
Paul, J. Balfour, Advocate, Lyon King of Arms, 30 Heriot
Row, Edinburgh.
Paul, Rev. Robert, F.S.A. Scot., Dollar.
Pearson, David Ritchie, M.D., 23 Upper Phillimore Place,
Phillimore Gardens, London, W.
Pillans, Hugh H., 12 Dryden Place, Edinburgh.
Pollock, Hugh, Craig-Ard, Langside, Glasgow.
Prentice, A. R., 18 Kilblain Street, Greenock.
Prothero, Professor, 2 Eton Terrace, Edinburgh.
300 Pullar, Sir Robert, Tayside, Perth.
Purves, A. P., W.S., Esk Tower, Lasswade.
Ramsay, William, 10 Frederick Street, Edinburgh.
Rankine, John, Advocate, Professor of Scots Law, 23 Ainslie
Place, Edinburgh.
Reichel, H. R., Principal, University College, Bangor, North
Wales.
Reid, Alexander George, Solicitor, Auchterarder.
LIST OF MEMBERS IS
Reid, John Alexander, Advocate^ 1 1 Royal Circus, Edinburgh.
Renwick, Robert, Depute Town-Clerk, City Chambers, Glasgow.
Richardson, Ralph, W.S., Commissary Office, 2 Parliament
Square, Edinburgh.
Ritchie, David, Hopeville, Dowanhill Gardens, Glasgow.
310 Ritchie, R. Peel, M.D., 1 Melville Crescent, Edinburgh.
Roberton, James D., 1 Park Terrace East, Glasgow.
Robertson, A. Ireland, 31 Sciennes Road, Edinburgh.
Robertson, D. Argyll, M.D., 18 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh.
Robertson, John, Elmslea, Dundee.
Robson, William, Marchholm, Gillsland Road, Edinburgh.
Rogerson, John J., LL.D., Merchiston Castle, Edinburgh.
Rosebery, The Earl of, K.G., Dalmeny Park, Linlithgowshire.
Ross, T. S., Balgillo Terrace, Broughty Ferry.
Ross, Mrs., 7 Grange Terrace, Edinburgh.
320 Ross, Rev. William, St. Mary's Manse, Partickhill, Glasgow.
Scott, Rev. Archibald, D.D., l6 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh.
Scott, John, C.B., Seafield, Greenock.
Shaw, David, W.S., 1 Thistle Court, Edinburgh.
Shaw, Rev. R. D., B.D., 21 Lauder Road, Edinburgh.
Shaw, Thomas, M.P., Advocate, 17 Abercromby PL, Edinburgh.
Sheriff, George, Woodcroft, Larbert, Stirlingshire.
Shiells, Robert, National Bank of Neenah, Neenah Wisconsin.
Simpson, Prof. A. R., 52 Queen Street, Edinburgh.
Simpson, H. F. Morland, 80 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen.
330 Simpson, Sir W. G., Bart., Balabraes, Ayton, Berwickshire.
Simson, D. J., Advocate, 3 Glenfinlas Street, Edinburgh.
Sinclair, Alexander, Glasgow Herald Office, Glasgow.
Skelton, John, Advocate, C.B., LL.D., the Hermitage of
Braid, Edinburgh.
Skinner, William, W.S., 35 George Square, Edinburgh.
Smail, Adam, 13 Cornwall Street, Edinburgh.
Smart, William, M.A., Nunholm, Dowanhill, Glasgow.
Smith, Andrew, Broompark, Lanark.
Smith, Sir Donald A., K.C.M.G., Glencoe, Argyllshire.
14 LIST OF MEMBERS
Smith, G. Gregory, M.A., 9 Warrender Park Cres., Edinburgh.
S40 Smith, Rev. G. Mure, 6 Clarendon Place, Stirling.
Smith, Rev. R. Nimmo, LL.D., Manse of the First Charge,
Haddington.
Smith, Robert, 9 Ward Road, Dundee.
Smythe, David M., Methven Castle, Perth.
Somerville, F. R., Glencorse Cottage, Morningside Park,
Edinburgh.
Sprott, Rev. George W., D.D., The Manse, North Berwick.
Stair, Earl of, Oxenfoord Castle, Dalkeith.
Steele, W. Cunninghame, Advocate, 69 Gt. King St., Edinburgh.
Stephen, Rev. William, Parsonage, Dumbarton.
Stevenson, J. H., Advocate, 9 Oxford Terrace, Edinburgh.
350 Stevenson, Rev. Robert, M.A., The Abbey, Dunfermline.
Stewart, Donald W., 62 Princes Street, Edinburgh.
Stewart, Major-General Shaw, 6I Lancaster Gate, London, W.
Stewart, R. K., Murdostoun Castle, Newmains, Lanarkshire.
Stewart, Prof Sir T. Grainger,M.D., 19CharlotteSq.,Edinburgh.
Strathallan, Lady, Machany House, Perthshire.
Strathern, Robert, W.S., 12 South Charlotte St., Edinburgh.
Strathmore, Earl of, Glamis Castle, Glamis.
Sturrock, James S., W.S., 122 George Street, Edinburgh.
Sutherland, James B., S.S.C., 10 Windsor Sti'eet, Edinburgh.
360 Taylor, Benjamin, 10 Derby Crescent, Kelvinside, Glasgow.
Taylor, James Pringle, W.S., 19 Young Street, Edinburgh.
Taylor, Rev. Malcolm C, D.D., Professor of Church History,
6 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh.
Telford, Rev. W. H., Free Church Manse, Reston, Berwickshire.
Tennant, Sir Charles, Bart., The Glen, Innerleithen.
Thoms, George H. M., Advocate, 13 Charlotte Sq., Edinburgh.
Thomson, John Comrie, Advocate, 30 Moray Place, Edinburgh.
Thomson, Rev. John Henderson, Free Church Manse,
Hightae, by Lockerbie.
Thomson, John Maitland, Advocate, 3 Grosvenor Gardens,
Edinburgh.
LIST OF MEMBERS 15
Thomson, Lockhart, S.S.C, 114 George Street, Edinburgh.
370 Trail, John A., LL.B., W.S., 14 Belgrave Place, Edinburgh.
Trayner, The Hon. Lord, 27 Moray Place, Edinburgh.
Tuke, John Batty, M.D., 20 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh.
Tweedale, Mrs., Milton Hall, Milton, Cambridge.
Tweeddale, Marquis of, Yester, Gilford, Haddington.
Underbill, Charles E., M.D., 8 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh.
Veitch, G. S., Friarshall, Paisley.
Waddel, Katherine, 37 Monteith Row, Glasgow.
Walker, Alexander, 64 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen.
Walker, James, Hanley Lodge, Corstorphine.
380 Walker, Louson, Westhorpe, Greenock.
Walker, Robert, M.A., Tillydrone House, Old Aberdeen.
Wannop, Rev. Canon, Parsonage, Haddington.
Warrender, Miss, Bruntsfield House, Edinburgh.
Waterston, George, 56 Hanover Street, Edinburgh.
Watson, D., Hillside Cottage, Hawick.
Watson, James, 40 Barscombe Avenue, Streatham Hill,
London.
Waugh, Alexander, National Bank, Newton-Stewart, N.B.
Williamson, A. C, Advocate, 6 Moray Place, Edinburgh.
Wilson, Rev. J. Skinner, 53 Albany Street, Edinburgh.
390 Wilson, John J., Clydesdale Bank, Penicuik.
Wilson, Robert Dobie, 38 Upper Brook Street, London, W.
Wood, Alexander, Thornly, Saltcoats.
Wood, Mrs. Christina S., Woodburn, Galashiels.
Wood, Prof J. P., W.S., 16 Buckingham Terrace, Edinburgh.
Wood, W. A., C.A., 11 Clarendon Crescent, Edinburgh.
Wordie, John, 45 West Nile Street, Glasgow.
Young, A. J., Advocate, 60 Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Young, David, Town Clerk, Paisley.
Young, J. W., W.S., 22 Royal Circus, Edinburgh.
400 Young, William Laurence, Solicitor, Auchterarder.
16 LIST OF LIBRARIES
Aberdeen Free Public Library.
Aberdeen University Libi-ary.
All Souls College, Oxford.
Antiquaries, Society of, Edinburgh.
Athengeum Club, 107 Pall Mall, London, S.W.
Baillie's Listitution Free Library, 4-8 Miller St., Glasgow.
Belfast Library, Donegall Square North, Belfast, Ireland.
Berlin Royal Library.
Birmingham Free Library.
10 Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Boston Athenaeum.
Boston Public Library.
Cambridge University Library.
Copenhagen (Bibliotheque Royale).
Cornell University, Ithaca, Michigan, U.S.A.
Dollar Institution.
Dundee Free Library.
Dresden Public Library.
Edinburgh Public Library.
20 Edinburgh University Library.
Free Church College Library, Edinburgh.
Free Church College Library, Glasgow.
Glasgow University Library.
Gray's Inn, Hon. Society of, London.
Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass.
Inverness Free Library.
Leeds Subscription Library.
London Corporation Library, Guildhall.
London Library, 12 St. James Square.
30 Manchester Public Free Library.
Mitchell Library, Glasgow.
National Liberal Club, London.
National Library of Ireland.
Nottingham Free Public Library.
Ottawa Parliamentary Library.
Paisley Philosophical Institution.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore.
Philosophical Institution, Edinburgh.
Procurators, Faculty of, Glasgow.
40 Reform Club, Pall Mall, London, S.W.
Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh.
St. Andrews University Library.
Sheffield Free Public Library.
Signet Library, Edinburgh.
Solicitors, Society of, before the Supreme Court, Edinburgh.
Speculative Society, Edinburgh.
Stonyhurst College, Blackburn, Lancashire.
Sydney Free Library.
Toronto Public Library.
50 United Presbyterian College Library, Edinburgh.
Vienna, Library of the R. I. University.
S)eottifii) ^istoxv ^otittv.
THE EXECUTIVE.
Preside7}t.
The Earl of Rosebery, K.G., K.T., LL.D.
Chairman of Council.
David Masson, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.
Cowicil.
.Eneas J. G. Mackay, Sheriff' of Fife and Kinross.
Sir John Cowan, Bart.
J. Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms.
G, W. Prothero, Professor of History in the University
of Edinburgh.
J. R. FiNDLAY.
P. Hume Brown, LL.D.
J. Ferguson, Advocate.
Right Rev. John Dowden, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh.
Professor Sir Thomas Grainger Stewart, M.D.
J. R. N. Macphail, Advocate.
Rev. A. W. Cornelius Hallen.
Sir Arthur Mitchell, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D.
Corresponding Members of the Cotincil.
C. H. Firth, Oxford; Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D.; Rev.
W. D. Macray, Oxford ; Rev. Professor A. F. Mitchell, D.D.,
St, Andrews.
Hon. Treasurer.
J. T. Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library.
Hon. Secretary.
T, G. Law, Librarian, Signet Library.
RULES
1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing,
under selected editorship, of unpublished documents illus-
trative of the civil, religious, and social history of Scotland.
The Society will also undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue
translations of printed works of a similar nature, which have
not hitherto been accessible in English.
2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited
to 400.
3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council,
consisting of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve
elected Members, five to make a quorum. Three of the twelve
elected Members shall retire annually by ballot, but they shall
be eligible for re-election.
4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One
Guinea. The publications of the Society shall not be delivered
to any Member whose Subscription is in arrear, and no
Member shall be permitted to receive more than one copy of
the Society's publications.
5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publica-
tions, i.e. without the intervention of a publisher or any other
paid agent.
6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about
320 pages each.
7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held
on the last Tuesday in October,
8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be Iield each
year, one on the last Tuesday of IVIay, the other on the Tues-
day preceding the day upon which the Annual General
Meeting shall be held. The Secretary, on the request of
three Members of the Council, shall call a special meeting of
the Council.
9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit
for the Society.
10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will
also be presented with a certain number of copies.
11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members
shall be printed.
12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a
General Meeting of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any
alteration to be proposed shall be given to the Members of the
Council.
PUBLICATIONS
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
For the year 1886-1887.
1. Bishop Pococke's Tours in Scotland, 1747-1760. Edited by
D. W. Kemp. (Oct. 1887.)
2. Diary of and General Expenditure Book of William
Cunningham of Craigends, 1673-1680, Edited by the Rev.
James Dodds, D.D. (Oct. 1887.)
For the year 1887-1888.
3. Panurgi Philo-caballi Scoti Grameidos libri sex. — The
Grameid : an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of
Viscount Dundee in 1689, by James Philip of Almerieclose.
Translated and Edited by the Rev. A. D. Murdoch.
(Oct. 1888.)
4. The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews. Part i.
1559-1582. Edited by D. Hay Fleming. (Feb. 1889.)
For the year 1888-1889.
5. Diary of the Rev. John Mill, Minister of Dunrossness, Sand-
virick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited
by Gilbert Goudie, F.S.A. Scot. (June 1889.)
6. Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo, a Covenanter, 1654-1709.
Edited by W. G. Scott-Moncrieff, Advocate. (June 1889.)
7. The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews. Part ii.
1583-1600. Edited by D. Hay Fleming. (Aug. 1890.)
PUBLICATIONS
For the year 1889-1890.
8. A List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion (1745). With
a Preface by the Earl of Rosebery and Annotations by the
Rev. Walter Macleod. (Sept. 1890.)
Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery.
9. Glamis Papers: The "^ Book of Record/ a Diary written by
Patrick, first Earl of Strathmore, and other documents
relating to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited by A. H.
Millar, F.S.A. Scot. (Sept. 1890.)
10. John Major's History of Greater Britain (1521). Trans-
lated and Edited by Archibald Constable, with a Life of the
author by ^neas J. G. Mackay, Advocate. (Feb. 1892.)
For the year 1890-1891.
11. The Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies,
1646-47. Edited by the Rev. Professor Mitchell, D.D., and
the Rev. James Christie, D.D., with an Introduction by the
former. (May 1892.)
12. Court-Book of the Barony of Urie, 1604-1747. Edited
by the Rev. D. G. Barron, from a ms. in possession of Mr. R,
Barclay of Dorking. (Oct. 1892.)
For the year 1891-189^.
13. Memoirs of the Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik,
Baronet, Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union,
etc. Extracted by himself froin his own Journals, 1676-1755.
Edited from the original ms. in Penicuik House by John M.
Gray, F.S.A. Scot. (Dec. 1892.)
14. Diary of Col. the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, 1683-
1687. From a ms. in possession of Henry David Erskine,
Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev. Walter Macleod.
(Dec. 1893.)
PUBLICATIONS 5
For the 1/ear 189^-1893.
15. Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, First Volume —
The Library of James vl, 1573-83.
Documents illustrating Catholic Policy, 1596-98.
Letters of Sir Thomas Hope, 1627-46.
Civil War Papers, 1645-50.
Lauderdale Correspondence, 1 660-7 7.
Turnbull's Diary, 1657-1704.
Masterton Papers, 1 660-1 719-
AccoMPT OF Expenses in Edinburgh, 1715.
Rebellion Papers, 1715 and 1745. (Dec. 1893.)
16. Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston (1671-1707).
Edited by the Rev. A. W, Cornelius Hallen.
(June 1894.)
For the year 1893-1894.
17. Letters and Papers illustrating the Relations between
Charles ii. and Scotland in 1650. Edited, with Notes and
Introduction, by Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D., etc.
(July 1894.)
18. Scotland and the Commonwealth. Letters and Papers
relating to the Military Government of Scotland, Aug.
1651 — Dec. 1653. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by
C. H. Firth, M.A. (Oct. 1895.)
For the year 1894-1895.
19. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719- Letters of James, second
Duke of Ormonde, relating to Cardinal Alberoni's project
for the Invasion of Great Britain on behalf of the
Stuarts, and to the Landing of the Earl Marischal in
Scotland. Edited by W. K. Dickson, Advocate. (Dec. 1895.)
20. 21. The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection of Speeches,
Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince
Charles Edward Stuart, by the Rev. Robert Forbes, A.M.,
Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his
Manuscript by Henry Paton, M.A. Vols. i. and 11.
(Oct. 1895.)
6 PUBLICATIONS
For the year 1895-1896.
22. The Lyon in Mourning. Vol. in. (Oct. 1896.)
23. Supplement to the Lyon in Mourning. — Itinerary of Prince
Charles Edward. With a Map. Edited by W. B. Blaikie.
(Jan. 1897.)
24. Extracts from the Presbytery Records of Inverness and
Dingwall from 1638 to i688. Edited by William Mackay.
(Oct. 1896.)
25. Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies
(continued) for the years 1648 and I649. Edited by the Rev.
Professor Mitchell, D.D., and Rev. James Christie, D.D,
(Dec. I896.)
For the year 1896-1897.
Wariston's Diary and other Papers —
Fragments of the Diary of Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord
Wariston, 1639. Edited by George M. Paul, W.S.
Papers relative to the preservation of the Honours of
Scotland in Dunnottar Castle, 1651-52. Edited by
Charles R. A. Howden, Advocate.
The Earl of Mar's Legacies to Scotland and to his Son
Lord Erskine, 1722, 1726. Edited by the Hon. Stuart
Erskine.
Letters written by Mrs. Grant of Laggan concerning
Highland Affairs and Persons connected with the
Stuart Cause in the Eighteenth Century. Edited by
J. R. N. Macphail, Advocate. (Dec. I896.)
Presented to the Society by Messrs. T. and A. Constable.
Journals and Papers of John Murray of Broughton, Prince
Charles' Secretary. Edited by R. Fitzroy Bell, Advocate.
AccoMPT-BooK OF Bailie David Wedderburne, Merchant of
Dundee, 1587-1630. With Shipping Lists of the Port of
Dundee, 1580-1630. Edited by A. H. Millar.
In j)reparation.
Journal of a Foreign Tour in 1665 and I666 by John Lauder,
Lord Fountainhall. Edited by Donald Crawford, Sheriff
of Aberdeenshire.
PUBLICATIONS 7
The Political Correspondence of Jean de Montreuil with
Cardinal Mazarin and others concerning Scottish Affairs,
1645-1648. Edited from the originals in the French Foreign
Office, with Translation and Notes by J. G. Fotheringham.
Scotland during the Protectorate, 1653-1659 ; in continuation
of Scotland and the CoMMONWEALTii. Edited by C. H. Firth.
Sir Thomas Craig's De Unione Regnorum Britanni^e. Edited,
with an English Translation, from the unpublished ms. in the
Advocates' Libi-ary, by David Masson, Historiographer Royal.
A Translation of the Statuta Ecclesi^ Scotican^, 1225-1556,
by David Patrick, LL.D.
Documents in the Archives of the Hague and Rotterdam
concerning the Scots Brigade in Holland. Edited by J,
Ferguson, Advocate.
Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies (co7i~
tinued), for the years 1650-53.
Register of the Consultations of the Ministers of Edinburgh,
AND SOME other BRETHREN OF THE MINISTRY FROM DIVERS
PARTS OF THE LAND, MEETING FROM TIME TO TIME, SINCE THE
INTERRUPTION OF THE ASSEMBLY l653, ON THE PuBLIC AfFAIRS OF
THIS DISTRESSED AND DISTRACTED KiRK, WITH OTHER PaPERS OF
PUBLIC CONCERNMENT, 1653-1 660.
Papers relating to the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745, with other
documents from the Municipal Archives of the City of Perth.
The Diary of Andrew Hay of Stone, near Biggar, afterwards
of Craignethan Castle, 1659-60. Edited by A. G. Reid
from a manuscript in his possession.
A Selection of the Forfeited Estates Papers preserved inH.M.
General Register House and elsewhere. Edited by A. H.
Millar.
A Translation of the Historia Abbatum de Kynlos of
Ferrerius. By Archibald Constable.
Documents relating to the Affairs of the Roman Catholic
Party in Scotland, from the year of the Armada to the
Union of the Crowns. Edited by Thomas Graves Law.
Macfarlane's Genealogical and Topographical Collections in
the Advocates Library. Edited by J. T. Clark, Keeper of
the Library.