s.
A DICTIONARY
OF
CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES.
BEING
A CONTINUATION OF 'THE DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE.'
EDITED BY
WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.,
AND
SAMUEL CHEETHAM, M.A.,
ARCHDEACON OF SOUTHWAEK, AND
PROFESSOR OF PASTORAL THEOLOGY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.
IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. IT.
ILLUSTRATED BY ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD,
LONDON:
JOHN MUBBAY, ALBEMABLE STBEET.
1880.
The right of Translation is reserved.
UNIFORM WITH THE PRESENT WORK,
A DICTIONARY OF CHRISTIAN BIOGEAPHY, LITERA-
TURE, SECTS AND DOCTRINES. By Various Writers. Edited
by WM. SMITH, D.C.L., and Rev. PROFESSOR WAGE, M.A. Vols. 1
and 2. (To be completed in 4 Vols.) Medium Svo. 31s. 6d. each.
LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFOBD STREET,
AND CHARING CROSS.
LIST OF WRITERS
IN THE DICTIONAEIES OF CHEISTIAN ANTIQUITIES
AND BIOGRAPHY.
INITIALS. NAMES.
A.H.D. A. ARTHUR HERBERT DYKE ACLAND, M.A.,
Of Christ Church, Oxford.
S. A. SHELDON AMOS, M.A.,
Late Professor of Jurisprudence in University College,
London.
M. F. A. Kev. MARSHAM FREDERICK ARGLES, M.A.,
Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford, and Principal of
St. Stephen's House.
H. T. A. Rev. HENRY THOMAS ARMFIELD, M.A., F.S.A.,
Eector of Colne-Engaine, Essex ; late Vice-Principal of
the Theological College, Salisbury.
F. A. Rev. FREDERICK ARNOLD, B.A., of Christ Church, Oxford.
W. T. A. WILLIAM THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A.,
University College, Oxford.
C. B. Rev. CHURCHILL BABINGTON, D.D., F.L.S.,
Disney Professor of Archaeology in the University of
Cambridge; Rector of Cockfield, Suffolk; formerly
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge*
G. P. B. Rev. GEORGE PERCY BADGER, D.C.L., F.R.G.S.
H. B Y. Rev. HENRY BAILEY, D.D.,
Rector of West Tarring and Honorary Canon of Canter-
bury Cathedral; late Warden of St. Augustine's
College, Canterbury, and formerly Fellow of St. John's
College, Cambridge.
C. J. B. Rev. CHARLES JAMES BALL, M.A.,
Master in Merchant Taylors' School.
J. B Y. Rev. JAMES BARMBY, B.D.,
Vicar of Pittington, Durham ; formerly Fellow of Mag-
dalen College, Oxford, and Principal of Bishop
Hatfield's Hall, Durham.
A. B. Rev. ALFRED BARRY, D.D.,
Principal of King's College, London, and Canon of
Worcester.
S. A. B. S. A. BENNETT, B.A.,
Of Lincoln's Inn.
iv LIST OF WRITERS.
INITIALS. NAMES.
E. W. B. Plight Eev. EDWARD WHITE BENSON, D.D.,
Bishop of Truro.
T. S. B. Eev. THOMAS S. BERRY, B.A.,
Trinity College, Dublin.
W. B. WALTER BESANT, M.A.,
(in Diet. Ant.) Secretary of the Palestine Exploration Fund ; laie Scholar
of Christ's College, Cambridge.
E. B. B. Eev. EDWARD BICKERSTETH BIRKS, M.A.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
C. W. B. Eev. CHARLES WILLIAM BOASE, M.A.,
Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.
H. B. HENRY BRADSHAW, M.A.,
(in Diet. Bioij.) Fellow of King's College, Cambridge ; Librarian of the
University of Cambridge.
AV. B. Eev. WILLIAM BRIGHT, D.D.,
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; Eegius Professor of
Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford.
H. B. The late Eev. HENRY BROWNE, M.A.,
(in Diet. Aid.) Vicar of Pevensey, and Prebendary of Chichester Cathedral.
I. B. ISAMBARD BRUNEL, D.C.L.,
Of Lincoln's Inn ; Chancellor of the Diocese of Ely.
J. B. JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L.,
Of Lincoln's Inn ; Eegius Professor of Civil Law in the
University of Oxford.
T. E. B. THOMAS EYBURN BUCHANAN, M.A.,
Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.
D. B. Eev. DANIEL BUTLER, M.A.,
Eector of Thwing, Yorkshire.
J. M. C. Eev. JOHN MOORE CAPES, M.A.,
Of Balliol College, Oxford.
J. G. C. Eev. JOHN GIBSON CAZENOVE, D.D., F.E.S.E.,
Canon and Chancellor of St. Mary's Cathedral, Edinburgh :
formerly Provost of Cumbrae College, N.B.
C. Venerable SAMUEL CHEETHAM, M.A.,
Archdeacon of South wark ; Professor of Pastoral Theology
in King's College, London, and Chaplain of Dulwich
College ; formerly Fellow of Christ's College,
Cambridge.
(.!. G. C. Eev. CHARLES GRANVILLE CLARKE, M.A.,
Late Fellow of Worcester Colle'ge, Oxford.
E. B. C. EDWARD BYLES COWELL, M.A.,
Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge,
Fellow of Corpus Christi College.
M. B. C. Eev. MAURICE BYLES COWELL, M.A.,
Vicar of Ash-Bocking.
F. D. F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIEL, Esq., M.A.,
Of Lincoln's Inn.
LIST OF WRITERS.
IMTIALS. NAMES.
T. W. D. Eev. T. W. DAVIDS,
Upton.
L. D. Eev. LIONEL DAVIDSON, M.A.,
Curate of St. James's, Piccadilly.
J. LI. D. Kev. JOHN LLEWELYN DAVIES, M.A.,
Eector of Christchurch, Marylebone ; formerly Felluw of
Trinity College, Cambridge.
C. D. Eev. CECIL DEEDES, M.A.,
Secretary to the Central African Mission ; formerly
Chaplain of Christchurch, Oxford, and Vicar of
St. Mary Magdalene, Oxford.
W. P. D. Eev. WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSOX, D.D.,
Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow.
A. B. C. D. Miss A. B. C. DUNBAR.
S. J. E. Eev. S.AMUEL JOHN EALES, M.A.,
Principal of St. Boniface, Warminster ; formerly Head
Master of the Grammar School, Halstead, Essex.
A. E. Eev. A. EDEKSHEIM, D.D., Ph.D.,
Vicar of Loders, Bridport.
J. E. Eev. JOHN ELLERTON, M.A.,
Eector of Barnes, Surrey.
C. J. E. Eev. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A.,
Vicar of Winkfield, Windsor ; Hon. Canon of Christ
Church, Oxford ; formerly Crosse and Tyrwhitt
Scholar in the University of Cambridge.
E. 3. FF. Eev. EDMUND SALDSBURY FFOULKES, B.D.
Vicar of St. Mary the Virgin, Oxford ; formerly Fellow
and Tutor of Jesus College, Oxford.
A. P. F. The late Eight Eev. ALEXANDER PENROSE FORBES, D.C.L.,
Bishop of Brechin.
W. H. F. Hon. and Eev. WILLIAM HENRY FREMANTLE, M.A.,
Eector of St. Mary's, Marylebone, and Chaplain to the
Archbishop of Canterbury ; formerly Fellow of All
Souls College, Oxford.
J. M. F. Eev. JOHN MEK FULLER, M.A.,
Vicar of Bexley ; formerly Fellow of St. John's College,
Cambridge.
J. G. Eev. JAMES GAMMACK, M.A.,
M.C.A.A., Corr. Mem. S. A. Scot. The Parsonage, Drum-
lithie, Fordoun, N.B.
C. D. G. Eev. CHRISTIAN D. GINSBURG, LL.D.,
Ehnlea, Wokingham.
C. G. Eev. CHARLKS GORE, M.A.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
W. F. G. The late Eev. WILLIAM FREDERICK GREENFIELD, M.A.,
Master of the Lower School, Dulvvioh College.
E. S. G. Eev. EGBERT SCARLETT GRIGNOX, B.A.,
Formerly Eector of St. John's, Lewes.
vi LIST OF WRITERS.
INITIALS. NAMES.
A. W. H. The late Eev. ARTHUR WEST HADDAN, B.C.,
Eector of Barton-on-the-Heath ; Hon. Canon of Worcester ;
sometime Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
C. E. H. Eev. CHARLES EDWARD HAMMOND, M.A.,
Lecturer (late Fellow and Tutor) of Exeter College, Oxford.
E. H. Eev. EDWIN- HATCH, M.A.,
Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford.
E. C. H. Eev. EDWARDS COMERFORD HAWKINS, M.A.,
Head Master of St. John's Foundation School, Leatherhead.
L. H. Eev. LEWIS HENSLEY, M.A.,
Vicar of Hitchin, Herts; formerly Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge.
C. H. Eev. CHARLES HOLE, B.A.,
Lecturer in Ecclesiastical History at King's College,
London ; formerly Eector of Loxbear.
H. S. H. Eev. HENRY SCOTT HOLLAND, M.A.,
Senior Student and Tutor of Christchurch, Oxford.
H. Eev. FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT, D.D.,
Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Chaplain
to the Bishop of Winchester.
H. J. H. Eev. HENRY JOHN HOTHAM, M.A.,
Vice-Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.
J. H. JOHN HULLAH, LL.D.,
Honorary Fellow of King's College, London.
W. I. Eev. WILLIAM INGE, D.D.,
Can 011 of Christ Church, Oxford ; Eegius Professor of
Divinity in the University of Oxford.
W. J. Eev. WILLIAM JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A., F.E.A.S.,
Former ly Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford ; Bampton
Lecturer for 1875.
G. A. J. Eev. GEORGE ANDREW JACOB, D.D.,
Formerly Head Master of Christ's Hospital, London.
D. E. J. Eev. DAVID EICE JONES.
W. J. J. Eev. WILLIAM JAMES JOSLING, M.A.,
Eector of Moulton, Suffolk ; formerly Fellow of Christ's
College, Cambridge.
C. F. K. C. F. KEARY,
Of the British Museum.
S. L. Eev. STANLEY LEATHES, D.D.,
Professor of Hebrew in King's College, London ; Pre-
bendary of St. Paul's ; Eector of Cliife-at-Hoo, Kent.
L. Eight Eev. JOSEPH BARBER LIGHTFOOT, D.D.,
Bishop of Durham.
E. A. L. EICHARD ADELBERT LIPSIUS, D.D.,
Professor of Divinity in the University of Jena.
J. M. L. JOHN MALCOLM LDDLOW,
Of Lincoln's Inn.
LIST OF WRITERS. vii
INITIALS. NAMES.
J. E. L. Eev. JOHN EGBERT LUNN, B.D.,
Vicar of Marton-cum-Grafton, Yorksliire ; formerly Fellow
of St. John's College, Cambridge.
J. H. L. Eev. JOSEPH HIRST LUPTON, M.A.,
Surmaster of St. Paul's School ; formerly Fellow of St.
John's College, Cambridge.
G. F. M. Eev. GEORGE FREDERICK MACLEAR, D.D.,
Head Master of King's College School, London.
F. W. M. FREDERIC W. MADDEN, M.E.A.S.,
Brighton College.
S. M. The late Eev. SPENCER MANSEL, M.A.,
Vicar of Tiaimpington ; formerly Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge.
W. B. M. The late EEV. WHARTON B. MARRIOTT, M.A.,
Formerly of Eton College, and sometime Fellow of Exeter
College, Oxford.
A. J. M. Eev. ARTHUR JAMES MASON, M.A.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge ; Examining Chap-
lain to the Bishop of Truro, and Canon Missioner of
Truro Cathedral.
G. M. Eev. GEORGE MEAD, M.A.,
Chaplain to the Forces, Plymouth.
F. M. Eev. FREDERICK MEYRICK, M.A.,
Eector of Blickling, Norfolk ; Prebendary of Lincoln
Cathedral ; Chaplain to the Bishop of Lincoln ;
formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
W. M. Eev. WILLIAM MILLIGAN, D.D.,
Professor of Divinity and Biblical Criticism in the
University of Aberdeen.
G. H. M. Eev. GEORGE HERBERT MOBERLY, M.A ,
Eector of Duntesbourne Eous, near Cirencester ; Examining
Chaplain to the Bishop of Salisbury ; formerly Fellow
of Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
T. D. C. M. Eev. THOMAS DANIEL Cox MORSE,
Vicar of Christ Church, Forest Hill.
H. C. G. M. Eev. HANDLEY CARR GLYN MOULE, M.A.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
J. E. M. JOHN EICKARDS MOZLEY, M.A.,
Formerly Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
J. B. M. J. BASS MULLINGER, M.A.,
St. John's College, Cambridge.
A. N. ALEXANDER NESBITT, F.S.A.,
Oldlands, Uckfield.
P. 0. Eev. PHIPPS ONSLOW, B.A.,
Eector of Upper Sapey, Herefordshire.
F. P. Eev. FRANCIS PAGET, M.A.,
Senior Student and Tutor of Christ Church, Oxford;
Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of Ely.
viii LIST OF WRITERS.
INITIALS. NAMES.
G. W. P. Rev. GREGORY WALTON PENNETHORNE, M.A.,
Vicar of Ferring, Sussex, and Rural Dean ; formerly
Vice-Principal of the Theological College, Chichester.
W.G.F.P. WALTER G. F. PHILLIMORE, D.C.L.,
Of the Middle Temple; Chancellor of the Diocese of
Lincoln ; formerly Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.
H. W. P. Rev. HENRY WRIGHT PHILLOTT, M.A.,
Rector of Staunton-on-Wye ; Praelector of Hereford
Cathedral; formerly Student of Christ Church and
Master in Charterhouse School.
A. P. Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, M.A.,
Master of University College, Durham.
E. H. P. Rev. EDWARD HAYES PLUMPTRE, D.D.,
(or P.) Professor of New Testament Exegesis in King's College,
London ; Prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral ; Vicar of
Bickley ; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.
DE PRESSENSE. Rev. E. DK PRESSENSE,
Of Paris.
J. R. Rev. JAMES RAINE, M.A.,
Canon of York ; formerly Fellow of the University of
Durham.
W. R. Very Rev. WILLIAM REEVES, D.D.,
Dean of Armagh.
H. R. R. Rev. HENRY ROBERT REYNOLDS, D.D.,
Principal of Cheshunt College.
G. S. Rev. GEORGE SALMON, D.D.,
Regius Professor of Divinity, Trinity College, Dublin.
P. S. Rev. PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D.,
Bible House, New York.
F. H. A. S. Rev. FREDERICK HEXRY AMBROSE SCRIVENER, M.A., D.C.L.,
Prebendary of Exeter and Vicar of Hendon, Middlesex.
W. E. S. Rev. ^YILLIAM EDWARD SCUDAMORE, M.A.,
Rector of Ditchingham ; formerly Fellow of St. John's
College, Cambridge.
J. S. Rev. JOHN SHARPE, M.A.,
Rector of Gissing, Norfolk ; formerly Fellow of Christ's
College, Cambridge.
B. S. The late BENJAMIN SHAW, M.A.,
Of Lincoln's Inn; formerly Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge.
W. M. S. Rev. WILLIAM MACDONALD SINCLAIR, M.A.,
Domestic Chaplain to the Bishop of London.
R. S. Rev. ROBERT SINKER, M.A.,
Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge.
I. G. S. Rev. ISAAC GREGORY SMITH, M.A.,
Vicar of Great Malvern ; Prebendary of Hereford Cathe-
dral ; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford ;
Bampton Lecturer for 1873.
LIST OF WRITERS. ix
INITIALS. NAMES.
E. P. S. Very Eev. EGBERT PAYNE SMITH, D.D., Dean of Canterbury.
E. T. S. Eev. E. TRAVERS SMITH, M.A.
Vicar of St. Bartholomew's, Dublin.
J. de S. Eev. JOHN DE SOYRES, B.A.
J. W. S. Eev. JOHN WILLIAM STANBRIDGE, M.A.,
Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford.
W. S. Eev. WILLIAM STEWART, D.D.,
Professor of Biblical Criticism in the University of
Glasgow.
G. T. S. Eev. G. T. STOKES, M.A.,
Vicar of All Saints, Blackrock, Dublin.
J. S T. JOHN STUART, LL.D.,
Of the General Eegister House, Edinburgh.
S. Eev. WILLIAM STUBBS, M.A.,
Canon of St. Paul's ; Eegius Professor of Modern History
in the University of Oxford.
C. A. S. Eev. CHARLKS ANTHONY SWAINSOX, D.D.,
Margaret Professor of Divinity in the University of
Cambridge ; Canon of Chichester Cathedral ; formerly
Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge.
II. B. S. Eev. HENRY BARCLAY SWETE, B.D.,
Eector of Ashdon ; formerly Fellow and Divinit}* Lec-
turer of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge.
E. S. T. Eev. EDWARD STUART TALBOT, M.A.,
Warden of Keble College, Oxford.
C. T. Eev. CHARLES TAYLOR, M.A.,
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
E. ST. J. T. Eev. EICHARD ST. JOHN TYRWHITT, M.A.,
Formerly Student and Ehetoric Eeader of Christchurch,
Oxford.
E. V. Eev. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A.,
Canon Eesidentiary and Precentor of Lincoln Cathedral ;
Chaplain to the Bishop of London.
H. W. Eev. HENRY WAGE, M.A.,
Chaplain of Lincoln's Inn, and Professor of Ecclesiastical
History in King's College, London.
M. A. W. Mrs. HUMPHREY WARD,
Oxford.
F. E. W. Eev. FREDERICK EDWARD WARREN, B.D..
Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford.
II. W. W. Ven. HENRY WILLIAM W ATKINS, M.A.,
Warden of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury, and
Archdeacon of Northumberland; Professor of Logic
and Metaphysics in King's College, London.
E. B. W. Eev. EDWARD BAFNET WENSLEY, B.A.,
Vicar of All Hallows, Hoo, Eochester.
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. T(. 6
900 KEYS, POWER OF THE
in early bas-reliefs. See D'Agmcourt, Sculp-
ture, planche viii. 11, where the apostle is
certainly receiving a key, as it appears a
single one, though two are delivered to him
on other monuments. In Aringhi (t. i. p.
293) there appear to be two handles, though
the wards of outy one key are visible. On
the sarcophagus on which this subject occurs,
St. Paul is bearing the cross and receiving a
roll of the Gospel from the Lord's hand, with
another apostle. Martigny refers to Ferret
(vol. i. pi. vii.) for a remarkable but dubious
fresco of the catacomb called Platonia," where
our Lord is seen half issuin^ from a cloud, with
O '
St. Peter on His right and St. Paul on the left.
and giving the keys to the former. From
Bottari (i. 185) we give a woodcut of this sub-
ject, which Bianchini regards as of great an-
tiquity (note in Anast. \ita Urbani, n. 18). It
forms part of the bas-relief round a vase. St.
Peter and the keys appear next to our Lord in
the church of St. Cecilia, in a mosaic restored
by Paschal I., about 820 (Ciampini, Vet. Mon. ii.
tab. hi. 160).
From Martigny, after Bottari.
St. Peter is also represented with the keys on
a sarcophagus at Verona (MafTei, Museum Veron.
p. 484 ; Arch. Numm. vii. 22), and in the mosaic
of the great vault of the basilica of St. Peter,
on the Via Ostiensis, dated 441 (Ciampini, V. M.
tab. Ixviii.) ; also in that of S. Maria iu Cosme-
din, at Ravenna, A.r>. 553, where he seems to be
presenting them before the throne of the Lamb
(ibid.ii. tab. xxiii.). Martigny mentions a Greek
MS. in the Vatican, dating as far back as the
emperor Justin I., where St. Peter holds three
keys on a large ring. (Alemanni, dc Laterancns.
parietin. tab. vii. p. 55. See also Perret, vol. iii.
pi. xii.) Alemanni considers the third key as
conveying authority over the Empire and the
temporal power in general. [R. St. .1. T.]
KEYS, POWER OF THE. The meta-
phor implied in the symbolic use of the word
" key " is obviously derived from the fact that
he who has the key of a house can admit or
exclude whom he will. Thus in Isaiah xxii. 22
the promise is given to Eliakim that on his
shoulder shall be laid "the key of the house of
David, ... so he shall open and none shall
Probably tbat built by St. Damasus. Anastasius-
Et aedificavit Platoniam, ubi corpora apostolorum jacu-
erunt," i. e. S. Petri ct S. P.iuli. Ducange : Platoma ; Pla-
toniae; Platonae marmora in tabulas disjecta.
KEYS, POWER OF THE
shut; and he shall shut and none shall open."
With a similar intention the Lord Himself is
said (Rev. iii. 7) to have the "key of David,"
and again (Rev. i. 18) to have "the keys of hell
and of death."
With thu same use of metaphor our Lord o-ave
the famous promise to St. Peter, ''I will o-jve
unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven "
(Matt. xvi. 19), implying a power of opening
and shutting the portals of the church on earth.
We are not here concerned with the critical
interpretation of the passage, but simply with
the use of the term " power of the keys "
(clavium potestas) iu the ancient church.
The general belief of the fathers was, that the
words were addressed to St. Peter as represent-
ing the whole church (Van Espen, de Censur.
Eccl. c. 2, 1 ; Opp. torn. iv. ed. Colon. 1777).
Cyprian (de Unit. Eccl. c. 4) identifies the power
given to St. Peter with that given to all the
apostles after the Resurrection ; it was given in
the first instance (he thinks) to one man to indicate
more emphatically the oneness of the church ;
and he proceeds to insist on the oneness of the
episcopate. This power he seems in another
place (Epist. 73, 7) to limit to the remission of
sins in baptism. The power of " binding and
loosing," and of putting away sins by the healing-
method or treatment (curatione peccata dimit-
teudi), is expressly assigned to bishops in the
treatise De Aleatoribus (c. 1) in Cyprian's works
(vol. ii. p. 93, ed. Hartel).
Augustine (c. Advers. Legis, i. 17) says ex-
pressly that Christ gave the keys to the church,
and that St. Peter in receiving them represented
the church. So also in commenting on St. John
(Tract. 50, quoted by Gratian, causa 24, qu. 1,
c. 6), he repeats that St. Peter in receiving the
keys symbolised (significavit) the holy church ;
and again (Tract. 124) he says, "the church
which is founded on Christ received from Him
the keys of the kingdom of Heaven in the person
of Peter, that is the power of binding and loosing
sins." Leo the Great (Scnn. 3 in Anniv. suae
Assumpt. and Serm. 2 do Nat. Apostt. in Gratian,
cau. 24, qu. 1, c. 5) holds that the power in
the church derived from St. Peter must be
administered in the spirit of St. Peter in order
to have validity : " manet ergo Petri privilegium,
ubicunque ex ipsius fertur aequitate judicium,
nee nimia est vel severitas vel remissio ; ubi
nihil erit ligatum. nihil solutum, nisi quod beatus
Petrus aut solvent aut ligaverit."
The "power of the keys," then, is held to
reside primarily in the church at large, though
it be exercised through its bishops and other
ministers. And, as Jansen (quoted by Van
Espen, u. s.) has noted, in the primitive church
sinners were in fact, after a first and second
admonition, brought before the whole church of
the place, that is, the whole body of Christians
duly convened, and there, if found impenitent,
excommunicated with the assent and approba-
tion of all (1 Cor. v. 4). The evidence of 'JVr-
tullian (Apol. c. 39) and Cyprian (Epistt. :!o,
c. 5 ; 55, e. 5 ; 64, c. 1) shews that questions
involving the reception or excommunication of
a member of the church were not decided by the
bishop alone, but by the bishop with the assent
of the presbyters,' deacons, and faithful laity.
And although in after times the power of the
keys came to be exercised by the ministers oi
KIAEA
the church and ecclesiastical judges without
consulting the church, yet the source of that
power remains in the church, so that it has
always the right to prescribe the conditions on
which that power is to be exercised. It is on
the " power of the keys " that the right of the
church to exclude offenders from its pale, and
again to readmit them to its privileges and
graces, to prescribe penance and grant absolu-
tion, is held to depend. The distinctions between
the " forum internum," or penitential jurisdic-
tion, and the " forum exteriium," or penal juris-
diction ; and between the " potestas ordiuis "
and the " potestas jurisdictionis," were probably
not drawn before the twelfth century (Morinus,
de Sacrum. Poenit. vi. 25, 12) ; with these
therefore we are not here concerned. [EXCOMMU-
NICATION, PENITENCE.] [C.]
KIAEA (or GEAR, CERA, etc.), virgin
(ob. circa A.D. 680 according to her chronicler,
though this date is probably too late), comme-
morated at Killchrea, in the south of Ireland, on
Oct. 16. There is also another commemoration,
perhaps of a translation, on Jan. 5 (Acta Sam to-
rum, Oct. vol. vii. p. 950). [R. S.]
KIERAN (CIARAN, CIERAN, etc.) (1)
bishop and abbat of Saigir in Ossory, in Ireland
(ob. circa A.D. 520), commemorated on March 5.
(Acta Sanctorum, March, vol. i. p. 387.)
(2) Or Queran, abbat of Cluain-Mac-Nois, in
Westmeath, in Ireland (ob. circa A.D. 548), to
whom is due one of the most famous of the
Monastic Rules of Ireland. He is commemorated
on Sept. 9. (Mart. Usuard. " In Scotia, Querani
abbatis :" Acta Sanctorum, Sept. vol. iii. p. 370.)
[R. S.]
KILIAN (KYLLENA, KILLENA, KIL-
LINUS, CHILIANUS, etc.), the apostle of
Thuringia and bishop of Wiirzburg, in the latter
part of the 7th century, commemorated on
July 8 (Usuard, Wandelbert, Rabanus, Notker).
This day had its proper office, and seems to have
had a vigil at an early period (Acta Sanctorum,
July, vol. ii. p. 609). [R. S.]
KINDRED. [PROHIBITED DEGREES.]
KINEBURGA and KINESWITHA, vir-
gins, daughters of Penda, king of Mercia (ob.
A.D. 655), who, with their kinswoman Tibba,
are commemorated on March 6, or according
to some martyrologies on March 5. In one case,
a separate commemoration of Kineswitha is
assigned to Jan. 31 (Acta Sanctorum, March,
vol. i. p. 443). [R. S.]
KINEDUS (KYNEDUS, KINETHUS,
etc.), hermit and confessor in Gower, in South
Wales, in the 6th century (ob. circa A.D. 529),
commemorated on August 1. (Acta Sanctorum,
Aug. vol. i. p. 68.) [R. S.]
KINGS, PRAYER FOR. Prayers for the
reigning Sovereign were introduced into the
Liturgy at a very early date, in obedience to the
injunction of St. Paul. In the so-called Cle-
mentine Liturgy we read : " Furthermore we
implore Thee, O Lord, on behalf of the King,
and those in high station (eV virepoxfi), and all
the army," &e. Tertullian writes (ad Sca-
pulam, c.' 2) : " We sacrifice for the safety of the
Emperor; but to our God, and his, but in the
manner which God has commanded, in simple
KINGS, PRAYER FOR
901
prayer/' So Arnobius (Contra Gentes, iv.
36), in a passage thought to refer to the Dio-
cletian persecution : " Why have our writings
deserved to be given to the flames; our meet-
ings to be cruelly broken up, in which prayer
is made to the Supreme God ; peace and pardon
asked for all in authority ; soldiers, kings,
friends, enemies; alike for those who are still
alive, and for those released from the bonds
of the flesh?" So also Cyril of Jerus. (Cate-fi.
myst. v.): "Then after that spiritual sacrifice
is completed .... we beseech God for the
common peace of the churches, for the tran-
quillity of the world, for kings, for soldiers," &c.
Many other patristic references to the practice
might be adduced." St. Athanasius (Apol. ad
G'onstan.) states that prayer was made in the
liturgy for the heretical emperor Coustantius ;
and Theophylact, on 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2, observes
that the minds of Christians would probably be
disturbed if ordered to pray for unbelieving
kings at the time of the Holy Mysteries, and
that St. Paul on this account gave as the motive
for the command, and the inducement to obey
it, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life.
In accordance with these passages the name
of the reigning sovereign was inserted in the
Diptychs which were read in the liturgy, and
was so continued from the time of Leo the Great
till the twelfth century.
The Liturgy of St. Chrysostom contains the
following prayer in the canon (ava<popa) ; after
the commemoration of the saints, and prayers
for the orthodox bishop and clergy, the church
and the " religious," follows : ' Moreover we
offer unto Thee this reasonable service .... on
behalf of our most faithful and Christ-loving
kings, and all their court [lit. palace, TraAcmoi']
and army. Grant them, Lord, a peaceful
reign, that in their tranquillity we too may
lead a calm and quiet life in all righteous-
ness and holiness." The Liturgy of St. Basil.
in the corresponding place, contains the prayer :
" Remember, Lord, our most religious and
faithful kings, whom Thou hast ordained to
have rule upon earth. Invest them [lit. crown,
(T-rtfyavtaaov] with the armour of truth, with
the armour of Thy blessing : shelter their head
in the day of battle : strengthen their arm :
exalt their right hand: confirm their kindom :
o o
subdue to them all barbarian nations, who wish
for war : grant to them a deep peace which
shall not be taken away: speak to their hearts
good things concerning Thy Church and all Thy
people, that in their tranquillity we may lead
a calm and quiet life in all righteousness
and holiness. Remember, Lord, all rulers anil
authorities, and our brethren who are ill the
palace, b and all the army."
Both the Liturgies of St. Chrvsostom and St.
C> v
Basil contain also the following prayer, imme-
diately after that for the bishop and clergy, in
the fipijviitd [see LITANY] at the beginning
of the service, which are the same for both
liturgies: " For our most religious and divinely-
e.g. Dion. Alex, (apud Euseb. Hist. vii. 11); St.
Aug. (Ep. 59, ad Pauling; Tertullian (Apol. 30, 31);
St. Ambrose (ite Sacr. iv. c. 4), &c.
b iv r<p TraAariu. We should say, "who are about
court," or " who are members of the household," but the
expressions are somewhat too familiar to form part of a
prayer.
3 N 2
902 KINGS, PRAYER FOR
protected kings, for all their court
and army, let us beseech the Lord,
" R. Kyrie Eleison.
" For his help to them in war, and that He
will put under their feet every enemy and foe,
let us beseech the Lord,
" R. Kyrie Eleison." 1
The Roman canon contains, near the beginning :
" Imprimis, quas tibi offerimus pro ecclesia tua
Sancta Catholica .... una cum f'amulo tuo
Papa nostro N., et Antistite nostro N., et Rege
nostro N., et omnibus orthodoxis," &c.
There are also votive masses, pro imperatore
and pro rege.
The following prayer is found in Roman
missals from an early date. d It is one of a
series of intercessory prayers said on Good
Friday, after the reading of the Passion accord-
ing to St. John, headed successively : " Pro pace
ecclesiae," " Pro Papa," " Pro universis gradibus
ecclesiae," " Pro Imperatore," &c., and each in-
troduced with its own preface of " Oremus," &c.
That for the emperor is as follows :
" Oremus et pro christianissimo Imperatore
nostro N., ut Deus et Dominus noster subditas
illi faciat omnes barbaras nationes ad nostram
perpetuam pacem.
" Oremus. Flectamus genua. Levate. Om-
nipotens sempiterne Deus, in cujus manu sunt
omnium potestates et omnium jura regnorum,
respice ad Romanum benignus imperium ; ut
gentes, quae in sua feritate confidunt potentiae
tuae dextera comprimantur. Per Dominum.
Amen."
The Ambrosian canon has nearly the same
words as the Roman : " una cum famulo et
sacerdote tuo Papa nostro Ill., e et Pontifice
nostro III. et famulo tuo ///. Imperatore, sed et
omnibus orthodoxis," &c. ; and the two missal
Litanies said on the Sundays in Lent, each con-
tained a similar prayer: "Pro famulo tuo III.
Imperatore, et famuli" tua ///. Imperatrice, et
omni esercitu eorum. R. Kyrie Eleison."
[Litany used on first, third, and fifth Sundays
in Lent.]
The litany used on the alternate Sundays has
an almost identical clause.
The Mozarabic Liturgy, in which the eucha-
ristic intercession is short, contains, in its present
form, f no special prayer for the king.
Prayers for the king, however, are by no
means confined to the Liturgy, but are found
under varied forms scattered throughout the
offices of the church.
Thus in those of the Greek Church the inter-
cessions (fipr)viKa) at the end of the daily mid-
night office contain the clause, " Let us pray
for our most religious and divinely-
protected kings,
" R. Kyrie Eleison.
" For the prosperity and the efficiency of the
Christ-loving army,
" R. Kyrie Eleison."
Also at the end of Vespers is a prayer headed
by the rubric, "And we confirm the kings, say-
c This clause is omitted in some modern editions of
St. Clirysostom's liturgy.
d It is in the collection of liturgies by Pamelius.
Mentioning his name. See Menard on Greg. Sacram.
note 997, p. 572.
' The Mozarabic canon bears signs of having been re-
arranged.
KISS
ing " (K<X! Tj/J.e'ts ffTepzovfifv rovs fiaffiXf'is Ae
yovTes), which begins thus : " King of heaven,
confirm our faithful kings, establish the faith,
calm the nations, give peace to the world,"
&c. The Euchology again contains a long
prayer " for the king and his army," to be
used in time of war and threatenings of war.
In the Latin Church we may refer to the
ordinary form of Litany said according to
Roman use on Fridays in Lent, St. Mark's Day,
and the Rogation Days, which contains the
petition, " Ut regibus et principibus Christiauis
pacem et veram concordiam [atque victoriam
Saruni] donare digneris,
" Te rogamus audi nos."
And also to the verse " Domine salvum fac^regem,
R. Et exaudi nos in die qua invocaverimus te,"
which enters into the preces of Lauds and
Vespers according to the Roman Breviary, and
into those of Prime according to the Ambrosian.
[H. J. H.]
Prayer was also made for kings in the daily
hour-offices. Thus the Council of Clovesho,
A.D. 747 (c. 15, de Septem Canonicis Horis),
desires the clergy, secular and monastic, in
saying the ordinary offices, not to neglect to
pray for kings and for the safety of the Christian
church (Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 367);
and the monks of Fulda in their petition to
Charles the Great (c. i. Migne, Patrol, cv. 419),
pray the emperor, in the first place, that they
may be permitted to continue their daily prayer
for him and his children, and all Christian people,
which they said after the Capitulum. [C.]
KINGS, THE THREE. [EPIPHANY, I.
620.]
KISS Kiss OF PEACE (
osculum pads, pax, salutatio).
The kiss, the instinctive token of amity and
affection, from the earliest time found a place in
the life and the worship of the Christian Church.
The symbol of peace and love could nowhere
find a more appropriate home, in its highest and
purest idea, than in the religion of peace and
love. As a form of Christian greeting, indi-
cating the inner communion of spirit, ''a holy
kiss " is four times enjoined by St. Paul at the
close of his Epistles (Rom. xvi. 16 ; 1 Cor. xvi.
20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12; 1 Thess. v. 26); and "a
kiss of charity " (or " of love ") once by St.
Peter (1 Pet. v. 14). No limitation is expressed
or implied. The Christians were simply bidden
thus to " greet one another." Nor is there any
doubt that the primitive usage was for the
" holy kiss " to be given promiscuously, without
any restriction as to sexes or ranks, among those
who were all one in Christ Jesus ; who thus, in St.
Augustine's words, " in token of Catholic unity,
when about to communicate in the church, de-
monstrated their inward peace by the outward
kiss" (de Amicit. c. vi.). In the frequent
allusions to the kiss of peace which occur in the
early Christian worship, there is no reference to
any restriction, while the cautions and admoni-
tions we meet with as to its profanation and
abuse plainly indicate the indiscriminate cha-
racter of the salutation. A primitive extra-
canonical scripture, quoted by Athenagoras, A.D.
177 (Legat. pro Christian. 32), shews that the
kiss was sometimes given a second time, in
certain cases, for the gratification of appetite,
KISS
KISS
903
adding, " therefore the kiss, or rather the salu-
tation, should be given with the greatest care,
since, if there be mixed with it the least defile-
ment of thought, it excludes us from eternal
life." Clement of Alexandria also condemns "the
shameless use of the kiss which ought to be
mystic," with which certain persons " made the
churches resound, occasioning foul suspicions
and evil reports" (Pacdagog. lib. iii. c. 11).
Origen, too, commenting on Rom. xvi. 16, after
stating that this and similar passages had given
rise to the custom among the churches, for
Christians after prayer to receive one another
with a kiss, goes on to say that this kiss should
be " holy, i.e. chaste and sincere ; not like the
kiss of Judas, but expressive of peace and sim-
plicity unfeigned " (in Roman, lib. x. 33).
Tertullian speaks of the reluctance likely
to be felt by a heathen husband that his
wife should " meet any one of the brethren
to exchange a kiss." "alicui fratrum ad
osculum convenire " (ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 4). The
calumnious charges against the Christians to
which this custom gave rise, joined to the
real peril of it, especially when false brethren
began to creep into the Church, led to the abro-
gation of the promiscuous salutation, and its
restriction to persons of the same sex. The
Apostolical Constitutions supply the earliest ex-
ample of this distinction : " Let the deacon say
to all, ' Salute ye one another with the holy
kiss ;' and let the clergy salute the bishop, the
men of the laity salute the men, the women the
women " (Const. Apostol. lib. viii. 2). We find
the same less distinctly stated in the 19th canon
of the council of Laodicea (A.D. 371): "After
the presbyters have given the peace to the
bishop, then the laymen are to give the peace
to one another " (Labbe, Condi, i. 1500). An
early Oriental canon given by Renaudot (Liturg.
Orient. Collect, vol. i. p. 222) from the collection
of canons by Ebdnassalus (c. xii.), lays down
the same rule: "The men shall kiss one another,
but the women shall kiss other women ; nor
shall men give the kiss to them." It also pre-
vailed in the Western Church. An Ordo Ro-
manus, probably anterior to the 9th ceniury,
ordains that the "archdeacons should give the
peace to the bishop first ; then the rest in order ;
and the people, the men and women separately "
(Muratori, torn. ii. p. 49). Amalarius, when
speaking of the dangers and inconveniences
which led to this limitation, remarks that if the
men arc distinguished from the women in their
place in church, much more should they be in
the reception of the kiss (de Eccl. Offic. lib. iii.
c. 32).
This primitive custom seems to have been
maintained in the Western Church till after
the 13th century. We find from the acts of
the 'Council of Frankfort, A.D. 794 (c. 50),
and those of the Council of Mentz, A.D. 813
(c. 44), that it was practised in the 8th
and 9th centuries. Cardinal Bona says that
it is mentioned as still in use by Innocent III.
(A.D. 1198-1216) in his Myst. Miss. (lib. vi.
c. 5). But not long afterwards we first read of
the introduction of a mechanical substitute for
the actual kiss, in the shape of a small wooden
tablet, or plate of metal, bearing a representa-
tion of the Crucifixion (Osculutorium, deoscula-
torium, pax). This, after having been kissed
by the priest and deacon, was handed by the
latter to the communicants, who, by all kissing
it, were held to express their mutual lore in
Christ. This departure from primitive usage,
in deference to the growing corruption, is attri-
buted to the Franciscans by Bona (Ji'cr. Liturg.
lib. ii. c. xvi. 7). The earliest notice of these
instruments is in the records of English councils
of the 13th century (Scudamore's Xotit. Eucha-
rist, p. 438). The rite of the holy kiss has not
entirely ceased in the Greek Church. In the
Armenian Church the people simply bow to one
another ; but in the strictly Oriental churches,
of whatever language, the kiss is observed with-
out any difference (Renaudot, Lit. Orient, vol. ii.
p. 76).
The holy kiss originally formed an element of
every act of Christian worship. No sacrament
or sacramental function was deemed complete in
its absence. To quote the words of Bona, " Os-
culum non solius communionis, sed et omnium
Ecclesiasticarum functionum signaculum et si-
gillum, quod in omnibus Sacramentis adhiben
solebat " (Set: Liturg. lib. ii. c. xvi. 7). Even
common prayer without the kiss was considered
to lack something essential to its true character.
Tertullian calls it "signaculum orationis," "the
seal of prayer," and asks " what prayer is com-
plete from which the holy kiss is divorced ? what
kind of sacrifice is that from which men depart
without the peace ?" (Tert. de Orat. c. 18).
(a.) Kiss of Peace at the Holy Communion.
The Holy Eucharist is the Christian rite with
which the Kiss of Peace was most essentially
connected, and in which it was preserved
the longest. It is found in all primitive liturgies,
and is mentioned or referred to by the earliest
writers who describe the administration of the
Lord's Supper. The primitive place of the holy
kiss is that which it still maintains in the
Oriental Church, between the dismissal of the non-
communicants and the Oblation. The earliest
author who mentions it, Justin Martyr, thus
writes : " When we have ceased from prayer, we
salute one another with a kiss. There is then
brought to the president bread and a cup of
wine," &c. (Apolog. i. c. 65.) St. Cyril of Jeru-
salem places it between the washing of the
celebrant's hands and the Stirsum corda. " Then
the deacon cries aloud, ' Receive ye one another ;
and let us kiss one another.' .... This kiss is
the sign that our souls are mingled together,
and have banished all remembrance of wrongs "
(cf. Matt. v. 23), (Cat. Lect. xxiii., Myst. v.
3). In the same way the 19th canon of the
Council of Laodicea, already referred to, places
" the Peace " before the holy oblation ; and St.
Chrysostom, " when the gift is about to be
offered " (da Compunct. Cordis, lib. i. c. 3) ; and
the Pseudo-Dionysius, at the time of the obla-
tion of the bread and wine (de Eccl. Hierarch.
c. 3). St. Chrysostom, in another passage, after
describing the exclusion from the holy precincts
of those who were unable to partake of the holy
table, writes : " When it behoveth to give and
receive peace, we all alike salute each other,"
and then proceeds to speak of the celebration of
the " most awful mysteries " (Horn, xviii. in 2
Cor. viii. 24, 3).
The Apostolical Constitutions also introduce
the Holy Kiss after the two prayers for the
faithful before the Oblation (lib. viii. c. 11). The
904
KISS
primitive liturgies are likewise unanimous in
assigning to the kiss the same position in the
Eucharistic ritual. In that of St. James it
comes just before the Sursum curda and the
Vere dign'im, &c. (Renaudot, vol. li. p. 30) ; in
that of St. Mark it follows the Great Entrance,
aud immediately precedes the creed and the
oblatiou of the people (ib. vol. i. p. 143) ; in
those of St. Basil and St. Cyril it also occurs
before the Anaphora (ib. pp. 12, 39), and occu-
pies the same place in that of St. Chrysostom
(ib. vol. ii. p. 243). lu all it is introduced by a
prayer asking for the gift of peace and unfeigned
Jove, undefiled by hypocrisy or deceit (Collectio
ad Pacem, Ei/x^) T ^ ? flp'nv'ns)- The rite is also
found in all Oriental (as distinguished from
Greek) liturgies, and always follows the depar-
ture of the non-communicants, and precedes the
Anaphora and Preface (Renaudot, vol. ii. pp. 30,
76, 134, c.). It is introduced by three prayers
(cf. Cuncil. Laod. can. 19), that of the Veil, that
of the Kiss, and another of Preparation, but in
uncertain order (Scudamore, Not. Euch, p. 435).
When we turn from the Eastern to the
Western church we find the Kiss of Peace
generally occupying a different position in the
Eucharistic rite. It is not at all probable that
in primitive times the usage of the Occidental
was different from that of the Oriental church
on this point. Indeed, in the earliest liturgies
of the Spanish and Gallican churches, as well as
in the most anci'.-nt forms of the Ambrosian rite,
the Holy Kiss occupies its primitive position
between the dismissal of the catechumens and
the Preface. In the Mozarabic liturgy the
collect of peace follows the prayer and com-
memoration of the living and the dead. The
priest then says, " Make the peace as ye stand,"
aud proceeds to give the kiss to the deacon, or
acolythe, who gives it to the people while the
choir chant " My peace I give unto you " &c.
(Martene, de Ant. Ecd. Hit. lib. i. c. 4, art. 12 ;
Ord. 2, vol. i. p. 461 ; Isidor. Hispal. de Ebcl.
Off. lib. i. c. 15). The Gallican use was similar.
A Gothic missal printed by Muratori (Lit. Rom.
Vet. vol. ii. col. 517, s. q.) gives the Collectio ad
Pacem, with petitions referring to the Kiss, im-
mediately before the Preface, after the recita-
tion of the diptychs and the collect post nomina
(cf. Martene, u. s. Ord. i. p. 454). Its position is
the same in the Missale Gallicanum Veins
(Muratori, u. s. col. 698, s. q.), and the Sacra-
mentitriuni (jallicanum (ib. col. 776 ff.), (cf.
Boua, Rer. Liturg. lib. i. c. 12, p. 369 ff.).
The position of the kiss is also indicated by the
mention of it by Germauus (bishop of Paris in
the 6th century), immediately before the Pre-
face (Expo.dt. da Missa, apud Marteue, Thesaur.
Anecdot. vol. v. p. 95). But in the churches of
Africa and Rome from the 5th century, when
the earliest notices of it occur, onwards to the
time of its virtual abrogation, it stands at a
later period in the service, after the consecra-
tion, and immediately before the communion.
Thus in a sermon included among those of St.
Augustine, but more truly ascribed to Caesarius
of Aries, we read: "When the consecration is
completed, we say the Lord's Prayer. After
that, l j o,x vobiscum is said, and Christians kiss
one another with the Kiss which is the sign of
peace." (Aug. Hotnil. de. Diversix, Ixxxiii.)
The reference to the kiss in the undisputed
KISS
works of St. Augustin (e. g. Contra literas Peti-
liani, lib. ii. c. 23 ; Homil. VI. in Joann. 4) do not
define its place in the ritual. From the letter
to Decentius, bishop of Eugubium, ascribed to
pope Innocent I., A.D. 416, " but certainly of
later date " (Scudamore, Not. Euch. p. 437), we
find that the Peace was given in some of the
Latin churches previously to the consecration.
Whether in the injunction that it should be
given after the completion of the mysteries,
that the laity might thus signify their assent
to all that had been done, the writer was in-
troducing a novelty, or reasserting the primitive
Latin use, is warmly contested between Basnage
(Annal. Ecd. Polit. anno 56) and Sala (iii. 352).
Bona refutes the groundless assertion that the
use of the Holy Kiss was first introduced into the
Roman liturgy by Innocent I., " Non enim insti-
tuit, sed abusum emeudavit " (Rer. Liturg. lib.
ii. c. xvi. 6). The impugned custom must pro-
bably have been the remnant of an earlier rule.
Whatever may have been the date of the change
of the position of the Kiss, in which respect they
differed from all the other liturgies of the East
and West, it is certain that in the liturgies of
Milan, Rome, and Africa, the Salutation of Peace
followed instead of preceding the consecration.
On the conclusion of the canon, the bread being
broken, and divided for distribution, and the
Lord's Prayer recited, the clergy and people in-
terchanged the Kiss of Peace, and all communi-
cated. In the sacramentary of Gregory, the
salutation follows the Lord's Prayer and pre-
cedes the Agnus Dei (Muratori, Liturg. Rom.
Veins, vol. ii. p. 6). The Ordo Romanus, earlier
than the ninth century, given by Muratori (ib.
col. 984, 18), places it at the end of the canon
while the host is being put into the chalice. " The
archdeacon gives the peace to the bishop first,
then to the rest" [of the ministers] "in order,
and to the people " ( 18). In the second Ordo,
not much later, there is a slight variation in
the rubric : " the rest [give the peace] in order ;
and the people, men and women, separately "
(ib. col. 1027, 12). In the liturgy of Milan,
the Peace is bidden by the deacon before the
priest communicates, in the words, "Offer the
Peace to one another," to which the people re-
spond, "Thanks be to God." The priest then
says a secret prayer for the peace of the church,
based on John xiv. 27, or, as an alternative,
utters aloud, " Peace in heaven, peace on earth,
peace among all people, peace to the priests of
the church of God. The peace of Christ and the
Church remain with us for ever." Then, accord-
ing to the MS. printed in the revision of St.
Charles Borromeo, A.D. 1560, he gives the peace
with the formula, " Hold the bond of love and
peace [habete vinculum instead of the more usual
osculuin], that ye may be meet for the sacro-
sanct mysteries of God " (Martene, de Ant. Ecd.
Kit. vol. i. p. 478; lib. I. c. iv. art. 12, Ord. 3;
Bona, Rer. Liturg. lib. II. c. xvi. 6, p. 584). This
formula occurs also in the liturgies of York and
Bangor, and may have been borrowed by Augus-
tine from the older Gallican liturgies. The
mention of the Kiss in the account of the Eu-
charist celebrated during a tempest at sea by
Maximian, bishop of Syracuse " they gave one
another the kiss; they received the Body and
the Blood of the Redeemer " (Gregor. Magn.
Dial. lib. iii. c. 36) also shews that at that
KISS
KISS
905
time it came immediately before communion.
In the modern Roman liturgy the Pax vulsiscum
stands in the same place, between the Lord's
Prayer and the Agnus Dei.
At the conclusion of the eucharistic rite it
was customary for the bishop to give the Kiss
to the laity who had received it from him. On
this custom see the notes of Valesius (in Cornel.
Epist. IX. ad Fab.), in which he refers to
Jerome ( Epist. Ixii. ) and Paulus Diaconus (de
Vit. Pair. Emeritens. c. vii.).
Before leaving this part of the subject, it may
be mentioned that Tertullian informs us (de
Orat. c. 18) that certain persons in his day ob-
jected to giving or receiving the Holy Kiss in
public on a fast-day, "subtrahunt osculum
pacis." This custom he strongly reprehends,
Lot only because the kiss was the "seal of
prayer," which was incomplete without it, but
because such an omission of the accustomed
rite proclaimed the act of fasting in violation of
our Lord's injunction (Matt. vi. 17, 18). The
same objection did not hold against the received
custom of omitting the kiss on Good Friday,
''die Paschae . . . merito deponimus osculum,"
because that was an universally acknow-
ledged fast-day. An illustration of this omis-
sion may be Derived from the remark of Pro-
copius (Hist. Arcan. c. 9), that Justinian
and Theodora began their reign with an evil
omen, commencing it on Good Friday, a day
when it was unlawful to give the salutation.
The kiss was also omitted on Easter Eve, but
was given on all other stated fasts (Muratori, in
Tertutt. loc. '.). (Augusti, Handbuch der christ.
Arch. vol. ii. p. 718, s. q. ; Bona, Rer. Liturg.
lib. II. c. xvi. 6-7 ; Bingham, Orig. Eccl. bk.
xv. c. iii. 3; Binterim, Denkwiirdigkeiten, vol.
iv. part iii. p. 485, 8. q.; Goar, Eucholog. p. 134;
Martene, de Ant. Eccl. Kit. lib. i. c. iii. 4, 5;
Muratori, Liturg. Bom. Vet. passim ; Palmer,
Anti'i, of English. Ritnal. vol. ii. pp. 100-103 ;
Renaudot, Liturg. Oriental. Collect, vol. i. p. 222,
ff. ; vol. ii. p. 76, ff. ; Scudamore, Notit. Eucharist.
c. ii. 2, pp. 434-442.)
(b.) The Juss of Peace at Baptism. After
the administration of the sacrament of baptism,
the newly-baptized person, whether infant or
adult, received the Holy Kiss as a token of
brotherly love, and a sign of admission into the
family of Christ. The kiss was first given by
the baptizer and then by the other members of
the congregation. There is a reference to this
custom in a letter of Cyprian (ad Fidum Epi-
scopum, Ep. Ixiv. (Iviii.) 4), where the language
is so beautiful that it deserves to be given at
length. Cyprian is correcting the erroneous
idea that an infant, as still impure, should not
be baptized before the eighth day after its birth,
asserting that as soon as it was born it was meet
for baptism. He writes: "No one ought to
shudder at that which God hath condescended to
make. For although the infant is still fresh
from its birth, yet it is uot just that any one
should shudder at kissing it, in giving grace,
and making peace ; since in kissing an infant
every one of us ought, for his very religion's
sake, to bethink him of the hands of God them-
selves, still fresh, which in some sort we are
kissing in the man lately formed and freshly
born, when we are embracing that which God
hath made." This custom of giving the Kiss of
Peace to infants at baptism Martene erroneously
confines to the African church. But it is re-
ferred to not only by Augustine (Contr. Epist.
Pelag. lib. iv. c. 8), but also by Chrysostom,
(Homil. 50 de Utilitat. legend. Script.) : " Because
before his baptism he was an enemy, but after
baptism is made a friend of our common Lord ;
we therefore all rejoice with him. And upon
this account the kiss is called ' peace ' (rl>
<pi\ri/j.a fipyvr) KaAeiTai), that we may learn
thereby that God has ended the war, and
brought us into friendship with Himself." A
relic of this rite still survives in the Pax tecum
found in many baptismal rituals (Augusti, Hand-
buck, vol. ii. p. 451 ; Bingham, bk. xii. c. iv.
6; Binterim, vol. i. c. i." 2, p. 163; Rhein-
wald, Kirchlich. Archaoloy. II. iii. 108).
(c.) The liiss at Ordination. The imparting
of the brotherly kiss to the newly ordained
formed an essential element of the service for
the ordination of presbyters and bishops in all
churches. It is enjoined in the Apostolical Con-
stitutions in the ordination of bishops : " Let
him [the newly consecrated bishop] be placed in
his throne, in a place set apart for him among
the rest of the bishops, they all giving him the
kiss in the Lord " (ap. Const, lib. viii. c. 5), and
is mentioned by the Pseudo-Dionysius (da EccL
hierarch. c. v. p. 2, 6), who states that the
newly ordained presbyter was kissed by the
bishop and the rest of the clergy. So also in
the Sacramentary of Gregory, in the consecra-
tion of a bishop, we find the direction, at the
conclusion of the rite, after the delivery of the
ring, staff, and gospels : " then the elect gives
the kiss to the pope, and to all the deacons.
The archdeacon holding him conveys him into
the presbytery, and he gives the kiss to the
bishop and the presbyters." He is again kissed
by the pope on the reception of the host (Mura-
tori, u. s. vol. ii. col. 442). At the ordination of
presbyters they are similarly enjoined to give
the kiss of peace to the ordaining bishop, and
then to the bishops, presbyters, deacons, and
other ministers who are present, and they re-
ceive it themselves from the ordaining bishop at
the holy communion, and are thrice kissed by
him at the conclusion of the rite with the
words, pax Domini sit -cobiscum (ibid. col. 429,
430). In the Greek church the order is the
same, both with bishops and presbyters. In the
ordination of the patriarch of Alexandria the
kiss is given in the same place, and in the same
order (Renaudot, vol. i. p. 481); while in that
of a presbyter, after the imposition of hands, the
stole is brought over the right shoulder of the
new presbyter, the casula is put on, and he then
kisses the bishop and presbyters, and goes and
takes his stand among them, reading his missal.
(Goar, Eucholog. p. 298, 6 ; Bingham, bk. ii.
c. xi. 10; c. six. 17; bk. iv. c. vi. 15;
Binterim, vol. i. part i. p. 492 ; Augusti, Hdbch.
vol. iii. p. 242.)
(d.) At Espousals. On the espousal of two
Christians, the contract was solemnly ratified^ by
a kiss given by the man to his future wife. This
was an innocent custom dictated by nature,
adopted by the members of the church from their
heathen ancestors, among whom the marriage rite
was ratified by the kiss, " uxorem aut maritum
tantum osculo putari " (Quintil. Dedamat. 276).
It is mentioned by Tertullian as an old heathen
906
KISS
custom (de Veland. Virgin, c. 11). So much
stress is laid on the kiss as the ratification of
espousals, that Constantine made the inheritance
of half the espousal donations, on the death
of one party before the consummation of the
marriage, to depend on the kiss having been
given or not. (Cod, Theodos. lib. iii. tit. 5 ; de
Sponsalibus, leg. 5 ; Cod. Justin, lib. v. tit. 3 ;
de Donat. ante Nupt. leg. 16) ; (Bingham, bk. xxii.
ch. iii. 6 ; Binterim, vol. vi. part 2, p. 164.)
(e.) To the Dying. The kiss dictated by
natural affection to dying friends was not for-
bidden by the church of Christ. We find it
mentioned by the Pseudo-Amphilochius in his
life of St. Basil (c. 129). It is prescribed in
several early monastic rituals in the case of a
sick monk ; e. g. in the ritual of the abbey of St.
Giles of Noyon, ante ann. 500. After receiving
extreme unction, the mouth of the sick man is
washed, he then first kisses the cross, and after-
wards all who are present ; and in that of
St. Ouen of Rouen, c. A.D. 400, where, after
communion, the sick man kisses the cross, and
is then kissed by the priest, and afterwards by
all the monks present in succession, each ask-
ing pardon of him both before and after the
kiss. (Martene, M.S. lib. ii. c. 11 ; lib. iii. c. 15;
Ordo viii., xii.)
(f.) To the Dead. At the funerals the voice
of nature was again listened to, and a final kiss
was given to the corpse before the actual inter-
ment. This tribute of natural affection is men-
tioned by Ambrose on the occasion of the funeral
of his brother Satyrus : " Procedamus ad turnu-
lum, sed prius ultimum coram populo valedico,
pacem praedico, osculum solvo " (Ambros. de
JJxccssu Satyrij c. 17). The Pseudo-Dionysius
describes how, after the prayer made bv the
priest over the dead body, it is kissed by him,
and then by all who are present (de Eccl. Hier-
arch. c. vii. 8). We learn also from Goar
that it was given to the dead (Eucholog. p. 542),
and the custom is punctually observed in the
Greek church to the present day. The prohibi-
tion of the kiss by the Council of Auxerre, A.D.
578 (Condi. Autissiodor. can. 12) had reference
to the superstitious practice of administering
the eucharist, with which, as we have seen, the
Osculum pads was inseparably connected, to the
dead : " Nou licet mortuis nee Eucharistiam, nee
osculum tradi " (Augusti, Hdbch. vol. iii. p. 306 ;
Bingham, bk. xxiii. ch. iii. 14).
(g.) As a Mark of Reverence and Eespect.
As a token of reverence it was the habit to kiss
not only the hands, feet, and vestments of
bishops and other ecclesiastics, but also the
walls, doors, thresholds, and altars oi the sacred
buildings. The references to this custom are
very frequent. Paulinus, the biographer of St.
Ambrose, says this token of respect was com-
monly paid to priests in his day (Vit. Ambros.
p. 2). St. Ambrose himself refers to the hands
of priests being kissed by kings and princes
when requesting their prayers (de Dlgnitat.
Sacerd. c. ii.), and St. Chrysostom relates how,
on the first arrival of Meletius at Antioch, the
people eagerly touched his feet and kissed his
hands (Horn, de Melet. 2, p. 521). But no more
need be remarked on a custom so common in all
countries.
The custom of kissing the pope's feet is of
considerable antiquity. In the ordinals included
KNOP
in the sacramentary of Gregory the newly or-
dained presbyter is enjoined to kiss the feet of
the ordaiuer, and the uewly consecrated bishop
of the consecrating pontiff. In the latter case,
if the pope be not the consecrator, the mouth is
to be kissed instead of the feet (Muratori, u. s.
cols. 429, 443). In the Ordo Romanus of a pon-
tifical mass, the deacon is directed to kiss the
pope's feet before reading the Gospels (ib. col.
1022, 8). The earliest mention of this mark
of homage in Anastasius (Vitae Pontif. Roman.'}
is in the case of Constantine, A.D. 708-714,
before whom Justinian the younger prostrated
himself, on meeting him in Bithynia, wearing
his crown, and kissed his feet (Anastas. xc. 173).
The reverent affection of the early Christians
for the house of God and everything belonging
to it was indicated by embracing and kissing the
doors, threshold, pillars, and pavement of the
church, and above all, the holy altar. We have
a striking example of this last in an account
given by St. Ambrose of the eagerness mani-
fested by the soldiers who brought the welcome
intelligence of the revocation of the young Va-
lentinian's decree for surrendering the Porcian
basilica to the Arians, to rush to the altar
and kiss it [Ambros. Epist. xxxiii. (xiv.)]. So
Athanasius speaks of those who " approach the
holy altar, and with fear and joy salute it "
(Iiomil. adv. eos qui in Homine spem figunt, torn,
ii. p. 304), and the Pseudo-Dionysius, of "saluting
the holy table " (Eccl. Hierarch. c. ii. 4). The
custom of kissing the doors is vividly depicted in
Chrysostom's words : " See ye not how many kiss
even the porch (irp60vpa) of this temple, some
stooping down, others grasping it with their
hand, and putting their hand to their mouth "
(Iiomil. xxx. i. ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12). Prudeutius
also speaks of those who
" Apostolorum et martyrum
Exosculantur limina."
Peristeph. Eymn ii. vv. 519, 520.
And again
"Oscula perspicuo figunt impressa metallo."
Peristeph. Hymn xi. v. 193.
And Paulinus describes a rustic who, having lost
his oxen, and appealing to St. Felix for their
restoration
" Sternitur ante fores et postibus oscula figit."
Xatal. vi. Felicis, v. 250.
These prostrations and kisses must be re-
garded as uothing more than natural tokens of
reverence and affection. The kisses of the altar,
the Book of the Gospels, the sacred vessels, &c.,
which occur so abundantly in the early rituals,
have a distinctly liturgical character (see Mar-
tene, u. s. lib. i. c. iv. art. 3, 2, and art. 5, 6 ;
Goar, Euchol. p. 298, 6). , [E. V.]
KNEELEKS. [PENITENTS.]
KNEELING. [GENUFLEXION, I. 723.]
KNOP (Nodus, pomelhttri). the bulbous orna-
ment on the stem of a chalice. It is found in
some of the earliest known chalices, though it
could not be said that every chalice had a kuop
amongst the earliest Christians. The cups on all
the so-called Jewish coins represented in Migne,
Dictionnaire d' Archeologie Sacree, all have a
knop. It will be enough, he says, to consult
these in order to get an idea of the form of the
chalice actually used by our blessed Lord at the
KOINONIKON
KOINONIKON
907
institution of the Eucharist. It may be observed
that all the chalices figured on Jewish coins of
the time of Simon the Maccabee (B.C. 143 B.C.
135) seem to be uniformly provided with a knop
(Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 43, ed.
1864). Hence it appears that the knop in the
sacred cup was pre-christian.
The chalices that have survived to us from the
period traversed in this work are extremely rare ;
and the examples of the knop within the same
period are therefore rare also. (See Mr. Albert
Way on ' Ancient Ornaments, Vessels, and Appli
ances of Sacred Use,' Archaeological Journal,
vol. iii. p. 131). The knop, however, occurs in
what Dr. Liibke describes as " the oldest* of the
chalices known in Germany," which was given
to the Monastery of Kremsmiinster by the Duke
Tassilo, who founded the monastery in the year
777 (Ecclesiastical Art in Germany, p. 140, ed.
1876, Engl. transl.). Amongst the decorations
of this chalice is a figure of our Lord, in the
act of benediction. From the position of His
hand the chalice seems to be of Eastern origin.
The Gourdon Chalice, which Labarte (Histoire
des Arts industrids, vol. i. p. 495, ed. 1864)
shews to have been buried between A.D. 518 and
A.D. 527, stands upon a conical stem, and has a
bead, the germ of the knop, at the junction.
This is the earliest example known. [CHALICE,
I. 338.]
It is a mistake to suppose that the knop was
invented for the purpose of adding strength to
the chalice-stem, a result which it could not
effect, for the strength of a knopped stem would
still be only the strength of its weakest or
thinnest part. It may have been introduced
first for the purpose of decoration, though after-
wards it was expressly adopted to assist the priest
in holding the chalice between his fingers in the
act of consecration. He joins his finger and
thumb, and then holds. the chalice with the re-
maining fingers. In the Latin rite the priest
while holding the sacred host in his right hand
over the chalice is directed to hold the chalice
itself in his left hand, " per nodum infra cup-
pam." The dates given above shew that the
knop existed before the doctrine of Transubstan-
tiation was formulated.
Authorities. The writer is not aware of any
monograph on the subject in any language. The
knop is not even mentioned in the Hierolexicon
by the brothers Macri. Fol. Romae, 1677. But
besides the works quoted above, the reader may
consult Annales Archeologiqucs, vol. xxi. p. 336
and vol. xxii. p. 21 ; the Arundel Society's publica-
tion on Ecclesiastical Metal Work of the Middle
Ages, and Diversarum Artium Schedula, by Theo-
philus. [H. T. A.]
KOINONIKON (Koivcavi^v). [Compare
COMMENDATORY LETTERS, I. 407.] I. A letter
of communion given to travellers, enabling them
to communicate with the Church in the place to
which they journeyed. The Nomocanon of the
Greeks (c. 454; Cotel. Mon<im. Gr. i. 142) orders
that " no stranger be received (to communion)
without a koinonicon." Such letters were also
called eVuTToAia or e/p7ji/<Ka, as by the Council of
Chalcedon, A.D. 451 (Can. 11): " We have decreed
that all the poor and those needing help shall,
after investigation, travel with letters (epi-
It is figured on p. 339, vol. i. of this work.
stolia), that is to say, with ecclesiastical eirenica
only, and not with letters of commendation "
(ffvffTa.TiKo'i': ; comp. 2 Cor. iii. 1). The
former word, epistolium, we find used in the
West, as by the 2nd Council of Tours, A.D. 566,
which decreed " that no one of the clergy or
laity, except the bishop, presume to give epi-
stolia " (Can. 6). The other name, eirenica, is
used by the Council of Antioch, A.D. 341 : " No
stranger is to be received without letters of
peace " (Can. 7) ; Sim. in the West, Cone. Elib.,
as below.
It appears that the issue of such letters of
communion had to be watched and regulated in
every part of the Church. Thus the Council of
Antioch (Can. 8) allowed chorepiscopi to grant
them, but forbade presbyters. From the Council
of Eliberis, A.D. 305 (Can. 25), we learn that
intending travellers sometimes obtained them
from confessors, as the lapsed did their libelli :
"To every one who has brought confessors'
letters are to be given letters communicatory,
the confessor's name being cancelled, forasmuch
as, under the glory of this name, they everywhere
astonish the simple." The same Council (Can. 31)
forbade women (supposed to be the wives of
bishops and presbyters) to write litterae pacificae
for the laity, or to receive them. The Council
of Aries, in 314 (Can. 0) : "Concerning those
who present letters of confessors, it is decreed
that such letters be taken from them, and that
they receive others communicatory." The
Council of Carthage, A.D. 348 (Can. 17) : " Let no
clerk or layman communicate in a strange con-
gregation (in aliend plebe) without his bishop's
letters." The Council of Agatha, in 505 (Can. 52),
and that of Epaone in 517 (can. 6) : " Let no one
grant communion to a presbyter, or deacon, or
clerk, travelling without his bishop's letters."
In the Capitularies of the French kings we
find these documents called litterae peregrin-
orum, travellers' letters (cap. v. an. 806, torn. i.
col. 456), and formatae (1225). The last name
is given to them by the Council of Milevi, A.D.
416 (Can. 20): "It is decreed that any clerk
who desires to go to court, wherever it be, on his
own business, shall receive a formata from his
bishop. But if he shall choose to go without a
formata, let him be removed from communion."
[FORMA, I. 682.]
II. The same names were given to those let-
ters which bishops, on their ordination, sent to
other bishops as an offer and claim of commu-
nion, and to letters which passed between
bishops at any time as a token of adherence to
the same faith. Thus Cyril of Alexandria, " If
John, the most religious bishop of Antioch, sub-
scribe it (a confession of faith), . . . then give
to him TO. KoiviaviKo. " (Inter Acta Cone. Eph.
Labbe, iii.) ; that is, as the ancient translation
of the West renders it, " the letters com-
municatory" (Nov. Coll. Cone. col. 910; Baluz.
Si/nodicon, c. 204). A more common expression
was KoivcaviKa ypdfj.fj.aTa. This is used by the
Council of Antioch, A.D. 269, when announcing
to the popes of Alexandria and Rome the election
of Domnus to the see of Antioch. It requested
them to send him letters of communion, that
they might receive the like from him in return
(Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vii. 30). Using the same
term. St. Basil challenges those who accused him
of being in communion with Apollinarius to
908
KOIXONIKON
produce any letters of communion that had
passed between them (Epist. 345 ; torn. ii. p.
1122). The same expression used by Cyril of
Alexandria (Ep. ad Maximian. inter Ada Cone.
Eph. c. 81) is rendered in the ancient Latin
version of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus by
the unusual phrase of litterae communicativae
(Baluz. iVoca Collect. Condi, col. 597). In the
version of his epistle to Theognostus (Synod.
c. 85) we have the more common litterae com-
municatoriae (col. 793). St. Augustine, writing
in 397, says : " We wrote to some of the chiefs of
the Donatists, not letters of communion (commu-
nicatorias litteras), which now for a long time,
owing to their perversion from the Catholic
unity throughout the world, they do not receive,
but such private letters as it is lawful for us to
address even to Pagans" (Ep. xliii. 1). He
repeats this in his work Contra Litteras Peti-
li-jni (I. 1). The same father declares the bishop
of Carthage to be " xinited per comnmnicatorias
litteras to the Church at Rome, . . . and to other
lands, whence the gospel had come to Africa "
(Ep. xliii. 7). He again and again speaks of
such letters as a sign and proof of the inter-
communion of churches (ibid. 8, 16, 19).
These letters, like those granted to travellers,
came under the general head of f'ormatae. Thus
Augustine, speaking of a schismatical bishop,
says, " We asked whether he could give letters
communicatory, which we call formatae, where
I wished " (Ep. xliv. 5).
III. A Iroparion in the Greek liturgy, which
is varied for " the day or the saint " (Goar, Lit.
Chrys. p. 81 ; Typicon Sabae, 7). It is now sung
after the response to the Sancta Sanctis, and be-
fore the hot infusion and fraction. Originally,
however, it was sung, as its name implies, during
the communion of the people. This is evident
from the following statement in the Chronicon
Paschale of Alexandria (torn. i. p. 714; ed. Nie-
buhr). li This year, in the month Artemisius, the
Roman May, 12th Indiction, under Sergius the
Patriarch of Constantinople, was first introduced
the custom that after all have received the holy
Hysterics, while the clerks are removing the
precious fans, patens, and cups, and other sacred
utensils, also after the distribution of the
Eulogiae from the side-tables, and the singing of
the last verse of the koinonicon, this antiphon
should be sung, Let our mouth be filled with
praise," &c. This was in the year 624 of our
era. In the Liturgy of St. James, from which
the Greek is derived, the words, " taste and
see how gracious the Lord is " (from Ps. 34),
are both said by the priest and sung by the
choir (Cod. Liturg. Assem. v. 57) before the
communion of the former ; but probably the
Greek anthem rather took the place of four
psahns (23, 34, 145, 117), which were said at the
fraction in St. James. A shorter form would be
sullicient, when the communicants became fewer.
The words, " taste," &c., were sung at Jeru-
salem in the 4th century, after the response to
the Sancta Sanctis, and therefore also before the
communion. St. Cyril, addressing the newly
baptized, says (Catech. Myst. v. 17), " After this
ye hear him who sings with divine melody,
exhorting you and saying, ' taste,' " &c. In
St. Mark's Liturgy, the celebrant says a certain
prayer, " or else, Like as the hart," &c., i.e.
Psalm 42 (Liturfj. Orient. Renaud. i. 162); but
LABARUM
there is no proper koiuonicon. In 'the Clementine
"the 33rd Psalm (34th) is to be said while all
the rest are communicating " (Coteler. i. 405).
The Armenian Liturgy provides proper hymns to
be sung by the choir, " while they who are worthy
are communicating" (Le Brun, Diss. x. art. 21).
In the Coptic rite " they sing from the psalm "
during the fraction, which is followed imme-
diately by the communion of the celebrant
(Renaud. i. 24). In the Greek Alexandrine of
St. Basil, " the people say the 50th (51st) Psalm
and the koinonicon for the day " between the
fraction and the communion (Renaud. i. 84,
345). In that of St. Gregory, only the 105th
Psalm is then said (ibid. 124). In the Syrian
St. James, used both by Melchites and Jacobites,
and therefore earlier than the schism, the
koinonicon is represented by an invitatory, sung
by the deacon and subdeacons while the people
are communicating (Renaud. ii. 42) : " The
Church cries, My brethren, receive the body of
the Son ; drink His blood with faith, and sing
His glory," &c. A similar form occurs in the
Nestorian Liturgy (ibid. 596 ; Lib. Malab.
Raulin, 326). According to the Abyssinian,
which conies from St. Mark. " skilled persons
chant some verses, while the sacrament is minis-
tered to the people, . . . which the people repeat
singing " (Biblioth. Max. PP. xxvii. 663).
The Greek koinonicon corresponds to a hymn
which they began to sing at Carthage in St.
Augustine's time, " when that which had been
offered was being distributed to the people "
(Retract, ii. 11); to the Antiphona ad Commu-
nionem of Rome, said to have been introduced
by Gregory I. (Honorius, Gemma Animae, i. 90) ;
and to the Antiphona ad Accedentes of the
Mozarabic Missal (Leslie, p. 7). In the last, we
may observe, the anthem from Whitsun Eve to
Lent, and on All Saints' day is, "0 taste and
see," c., so familiar to the East. It cannot now
be ascertained whether anything was sung during
the communion in the original liturgy of Gaul
(Liturg ia Gallicana, Mabill. 53). [W. E. S.]
KYEIE ELEISON. [LITANY.]
LABARUM. In Christian antiquity the
military standard bearing the sacred monogram
>p; -P , adopted by the emperor Constantine
as an imperial ensign subsequently to his
celebrated vision and the victory over Maxen-
tius, as described by Eusebius (Vit. Const.
lib. i. c. 28-31), and in later times the device
itself, or the cross alone. The labarum has often
been spoken of as if it were something altogether
novel both in form and use (Gretser, de Cruce
C/ir. vol. i. p. 493). But the thing, and probably
also the name, were already familiar in the
Roman army. The labarum of Constantine was,
in fact, nothing more than the ordinary cavalry-
standard (vexillum), from which it differed only
in the Christian character of its symbols and
decorations. Like that it preserved the primi-
tive type of a cloth fastened to the shaft of a
spear, and consisted of a square piece of some
textile material elevated on a gilt pole, and sus-
LAB ARUM
pended from a cross bar, by which it was kept
expanded. The eagle of victory surmounting
the shaft was replaced by the sacred monogram
contained within a chaplet. The emblems em-
broidered on the banner were also Christian.
They were usually wrought in gold on a purple
ground. To the eye of the early Christians, ac-
customed to discern the emblem of salvation in
everything around them, the cruciform frame-
work of the Roman standard had already
marked it out as an appropriate symbol of the
true faith. " In your trophies," writes Ter-
tullian (Aptlog. c. 16), " the cross is the heart
of the trophy .... those hangings of the
standards and banners (cantabrorum aliter laba-
roruin) are the clothings of crosses " : and
Minucius Felix (c. 29), " the very standards, and
banners (cantubra aliter labara), and flags of
your camps, what are they but gilded crosses,
imitating not only the appearance of the cross
but that of the man hanging on it." Nor was
there one of the Roman ensigns the consecration
of which to the honour of Christ would have so
powerful an influence, especially on the army.
For, as Sozomen informs us, " it was valued
beyond all others, being always carried before
the emperor, and worshipped by the soldiery as
the most honourable symbol of the Roman
power " (Soz. H. E. lib. i. c. 4). When there-
fore Constantino adopted it, consecrated by the
symbols of his newly adopted faith, as " the
saving sigu of the Roman empire" (ffurripiov
<T7jjLt?of TTJS 'Pw/j.ai(av apxrjs), he took the surest
method of uniting both divisions of his troops,
pagans and Christians, in a common worship, and
leading those who still clave to the old religion
to a purer faith, since, to quote Tertullian again
(. s.), " the camp religion of the Romans was
all through a worship of the standards."
Neither was the word labarum a newly-coined
one. Even if the various reading, labarum for
cantabrum, in Tertullian and Jlinucius Felix is
rejected, Sozomen, when describing the result
of Constautine's vision, speaks of it as a word
already in use "he commanded the artists to
remodel the standard called by the Romans
labarum" rb irapa 'P<afj.aiois Ka\ov/j.evov Aa-
ftwpov (H. E. lib. i. c. 4). According to Suicer
(sub voce) the word came into use in the reign
of Hadrian, and was probably adopted from one
of the nations conquered by the Romans. The
orthography varies in different writers, as is
usual with a half-naturalised foreign word. It
is written \df3capov by Sozomen and Nicephorus
(ff. E. vii. 37), and Xafiovpov by Chrysostom
(Homil. iii. in 1 Tim.), who speaks of it as " the
royal standard in war usually called laburum."
Its derivation is still uncertain, " in spite,"
writes Gibbon, " of the efforts of the critics, who
have ineffectually tortured the Latin, Greek,
Spanish, Celtic, Teutonic, Illyric, Armenian, &c.,
in search of an etymology." We find \a,p.^dvw,
" to seize ; " eiAajSeia, " piety ; " \dipvpa, " spoils ;"
\ai(p os, a " cloke ; " and even the Latin labor, with
other still more far-fetched derivations enume-
rated by Gothofried (Cud. Theod. vol. ii. p. 142).
Ducange's derivation from a supposed Celtic
root, lab hair = panniculus cxcrcitus, is repu-
diated by Celtic scholars. The word is most
probably of Basque origin, in which language,
according to Bail let (Dictionnaire Celtiqu. 1 , s. v.)
labarva signifies a standard. According to
LABARUM
909
Larramendi (Diccionario Trilingue), the word is
of Cantabrian origin, and is derived from
lauburu, signifying anything with four heads or
limbs, such as the cruciform framework of a
military standard. Cantabrum, used as a
synonym for labarum, indicates the country
from which it was derived.
The form of the labarum is very minutely
described by Eusebius (I~#. Const, lib. i. c. 31):
" A long spear, overlaid with gold, formed the
figure of a cross by means of a transverse bar at
the top. At the summit of the whole was fixed
a wreath of gold and precious stones, within
which the symbol of the title of salvation was
indicated by means of its first two letters, the
letter P being intersected by X in the centre
(Xta^o/j.fi'ov TOV p Kara. r~b /j.e<ra'na.Tov) ....
From the cross bar of the spear was suspended a
square cloth of purple stuff profusely em-
broidered with gold and precious stones. Be-
neath the crown of the cross, immediately above
the embroidered banner, the shaft bore golden
medallions of the emperor and his children."
This original standard formed the pattern of
others which Constantine ordered to be made to
be carried at the head of all his armies. Fifty
of the stoutest and most religious soldiers,
vTraffTTttTTat, were selected by him as the per-
petual guard of the labarum, which was to be
borne by them singly by turns. Eusebius relates
a story he had heard from the emperor himself
of a fierce engagement in which the soldier
whose duty it was to carry it, panic struck,
transferred the labarum to another and fled,
paying for his cowardice with his life, while the
soldier who boldly carried the sacred symbol
escaped unhurt (Euseb. u. s. lib. ii. c. 8). Not
content with having it represented on his
standards, Constantine commanded that the
monogram should also be engraved on the
shields of his soldiers (ib. lib. iv. c. 21). Lac-
tantius (de Mort. Persec. c. 44) is silent as to the
standard, and only records the representation on
the shields " transversa X litera, summo capite
circumtiexo (i.e. with a line drawn through the
middle and turned into a loop at the top, form-
ing the letter Eho) Christum in scutis notat."
Prudentius describes the monogram as deco-
rating both the standards (the labarum proper)
and the shields of Constantiue's arm}' on his
triumphal entrance into Rome after the defeat
of Maxentius.
" Christus purpureum gemmanti textus in auro
Signabiit labarum ; clypeorum insignia Christus
Scripserat; ardebat summis crux addita cristis."
Contr. Symmach. I. 487-439.
and again :
" Agnoscas Kegina (Roma) libens mea sigua necesse
est,
In quibus effigies crucis aut gemmata rcfulget,
Aut longis solido ex auro praefertur in hastis."
76. 464-466.
and speaks of its acceptance by the senate as an
object of adoration :
" Tune ille senatus
Militiae ultricis titulum, Christique verendum
Nomen adoravit quod collucebat in armis."
II). 494-496.
Paulinus furnishes us with a singularly de-
tailed description of the monogram, forming a
o-olden cross, depending from v " corona lucis,"
910
LABAKTJM
LABABUM
in the basilica of St. Felix at Nola, explaining
how all the characters of XPICTOC are con-
tained in it:
" Nam nota, qua bis quinque notat numerante Latino
Calculus, haec Graecis chi scribitur, et mediam rho
Cujus apex et sigma tenet, quod rursus ad ipsam
Curvatus virgam facit o velut orbe peracto.
Nam rigor obstipus facit t quod in Hcllade iota est ;
Tmi idem stylus ipse brevi retro acumine ductus
Kfficit," &c. Poem. six. (Carm. xi. in St. Felicem).
The notes of Muratori on this curious, and not
very easily intelligible, passage, should by all
means be consulted.
Once adopted by Coustantine as the imperial
ensign, it was continued by his successors.
Ambrose, begging the emperor Theodosius to
take forcible possession of a Jewish synagogue,
exhorts him to order his troops to carry in " his
victorious ensign," i.e. the labarum consecrated
with the name of Christ (Episb. lib. vi. Ep. 29) ;
and in another passage utters the following
prayer for the success of Gratian's arms against
the Goths : '' Turn, Lord, and raise the stand-
ard of- Thy faith. Here it is not the eagles, nor
the flight of birds that lead the army, but Thy
Name, Lord Jesus, and Thy worship" (Ambros.
dj Fide, lib. ii. ad fin.). The sacred symbols
were naturally removed from the standards by
Julian (Soz. //. E. lib. v. c. 17 ; Greg. Naz.
cont. Julian I. torn. i. p. 75), but were restored
by Jovian and his Christian successors, and
continued to be borne by the later Byzantine
emperors.
No. 1. Coin of Coustantine II.
Examples of the labarum, both as a standard
and as borne on the shield, in different forms,
are abundantly furnished by the series of
imperial medals given by Ducange in his
Familiae Augustae Hyzantinae, which usually
forms part of the same volume with the Con-
stantinopolis Christiana, from which the subse-
quent illustrations are chiefly drawn.
No. 2. Coin of Cunstanthu II. and Constans:
Fig. 1 is from a tiny coin of Constantino II.,
"a third brass of the smallest size." The
engravings are much larger than the coins they
represent. This " most important of the numis-
matic memorials of the triumph of Christianity,"
" of a rarity commensurate with its interest,"
(C. W. King, Early Christian Numismatics,
p. 25), represents the labarum as described by
Eusebius. The spiked end of the shaft of the
banner transfixes a serpent (cf. Euseb. Vit. Const.
iii. 3). On the banner are emblazoned three
roundels (interpreted by Mr. King's engraver,
but without sufficient warrant, as DEO), above is
the sacred monogram ; on the exergue CONS.
The obverse bears " the boyish, not to be mis-
taken, features of Constantino II." (/6/<7.)
Examples of Constantin'e I. with the same
reverse type are in existence [NUMISMATICS].
Fig. 2, of Constantino II. (tab. v. p. 21),
represents him in military dress, standing on a
galley, steered by Victory. He bears a phoenix
on a globe in his right hand, and in his left the
labarum in the form of a banner, with the sacred
monogram ; the motto is Fel(icium) Tcmp(prum)
reparatio. This was a favourite device with
Constantius II. and Constans (King, M.S., p.
68). Fig. 3, a coin cf Constans (tab. xi. p. 33),
No. 3. Coin of Constans. From Ducange.
shews the emperor holding a labarum of the
same form in his right hand, with the motto
Triumphator Gentium barbararwn. This design
is frequently repeated, e.g. tab. xii., xiii., pp.
35, 37 ; tab. ii. p. 56. The emperor is some-
times represented holding the labarum in one
hand and seizing a captive in the other, e.g. a
coin of Gratian (fig. 4, tab. ii. p. 56); at
other times trampling a captive under foot
(tab. xiii. p. 37). A not unfrequent design
represents the labarum planted in the ground
with fettered captives seated beside it, e.g. tab.
vi. p. 23 ; vii. p. 25 ; viii. p. 27, &c. Some-
times we find the sacred monogram on a shield,
as in fig. 5, a coin of Aelia Flaccilla, wife
No. 4. Coin of Gratian. From Ducange.
of Theodosius (pi. i. p. 61), where the shield
is borne by a seated Victory. As examples
of the monogram alone, we give a coin of
Or perhaps Fel[ix\ Temp[pris] Reparatio.
LABARUM
Decentius, fig. <3 (pi. xiii. p. 37), and one of
Justinian, fig. 7 (pi. ii. p. 90), as well as
a remarkable gem (rig. 8), figured by Lipsius de
LACUNARY WORK
911
No. 5, Coin of Aelia Flaocilla. From Ducatige.
Cmce (p. 74), bearing on the obverse Victory
bearing a palm and a chaplet, with the legend
Viet. Aug. In several of these we notice the
No. 6. Coin of Decentius. From Ducange.
Greek characters A, ft, on either side of the
monogram. The meaning of this addition is
elaborately explained by Paulinus, I.e. A very
No. 7. Coin of Justinian.
beautiful representation of the labarum is found
on a lamp engraved by Mamachi. It is in the
usual form of a standard supported on a spear,
No. 8. From a Gem.
with the sacred monogram encircled with a
wreath above, and ENTwTcoNIKA (sic) em-
broidered on the banner itself. A soldier fully
armed stands on either side guarding the standard.
[LAMP.]
(Augusti, ffdbch. der Christ. Arch. vol. iii. pp.
571 ff . ; Ducange, Glossat: sub voc. ; Euseb. Vit.
Const, lib. i. c. 31 ; lib. ii. c. 8 ; lib. iv. c. 21
Gothofried in Theod. Cod. vol. ii. pp. 143 ff. ;
Gretser de Cmce, lib. ii. ; King, Early Christian
Numismatics; Lipsius de Cruce, c. 15, 16; Meur-
sius, Glossar. ; Milman, Hist, of Christianity, vol.
ii. p. 287 ; Munter, Sinnbilder, pi. iii. Nos. 70, 71 ;
Suicer, Thesaurus, sub voc. ; Vossius, Etymol.
sub voc.) [E. V.]
LABIS. [SPOON.]
LABORANTES. [COPIATAE; FOSSARII.}
LABRA (\dppd), a form of^the Egyptian
word \avpa, a lane or narrow street (Epiphan.
Haercs. 69), has been misunderstood (Macri,
Hierokx. s. v. Labra) as equivalent to " parish "
or " district." See LAURA. [C.]
LACERNA. [BIRRUS; PAENULA.]
LACRYMATORY. A name given by some
modern antiquaries to certain small vessels not
unfrequeutly found in tombs, once supposed to be
intended to contain tears. They are in fact
Vasa unguentaria, vessels, intended to contain
perfumes, like the aXa^affrpov of the Gospels.
(Matt. xxvi. 7, etc.) See Roman Antiquities
found at Hougham, described by the late Prof.
Henslow ; edited by Prof. Churchill Babington ;
Beccles [1872]. Prof. Babington refers to Millin,
Diet, des Beaux-Arts, s. v. Lacrymatoire. [C.]
LACTANTIUS, Bede; LETATIUS, Usuard,
one of the Scillitan martyrs, July 17, appears
as Lactatus, July 18 (Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.).
[E. B. B.]
LACTICINIA, dishes prepared from milk
and eggs (<a6ya\a), the use of which was per-
mitted, according to some authorities, in Lent
and other times of fasting [FASTING ; LENT].
[C.]
LACTINUS, Lacteanus, Lactocus or Molac-
tocus, founder of the abbey of Freshford (Aghad-
hur) and abbat of Clonfert (died 622), com-
memorated March 19. There was a spring
sacred to him in Cassel and a convent (Lis-
laehtin) in Ardfert diocese (v. Acta SS. Mart.
iii. 32). [E. B. B.]
LACTIS DEGUSTATIO. [BAPTISM, 66,
I. 164; HONEY AND MILK, I. 783.]
LACTISSIMA, i.e. LAETISSIMA, martyr,
April 27 (Mart. Hieron. D'Achery. Spic. iv.).
[E. B. B.]
LACULATA, sc. vestis, a kind of dress, in
which were square spaces (lacus), containing
pictures, added in various ways : " Laculata est
quae lacus quadrates quosdam cum pictura habet
intextos, aut additos acu." (Isid. Etym. xix.
22.) For this sense of lacus, cf. Columella
(i. 6), where the word is used for square spaces,
with which granaries are divuled for the storing
of different kinds of grain separately. (See
Ducange, Glossary, s. v.)
LACUNARY WORK. (Larnbris, FR.) The
lacunaria or laq^eoria were hollow spaces or
panels originally formed by the planks arranged
at regular intervals, to compose the ceiling of a
room. During the Romano-Byzantine period
012
LADICUS
these were gilded and inlaid with ivory (Horace,
Od. ii. 18) ; sometimes they were adorned with
paintings (Suet. Vit. Ncr. 31). The vaulted
or waggon-roofed variety was called CAMARA or
CAMERA. [Dicx. OF GR. AND ROM. ANTIQ. s. v.]
The. panelling was applied also to the soffit or
under surface of an arch ; but this practice is appa-
rently not earlier than the Renaissance, and was
an innovation on the original custom, since earlier
arches had no soffits properly so-called. The
ancient basilicas had the ground of these recesses
enriched with Caissons square, trefoil, hexa-
gonal, in much variety; often again with roses,
masques of animals, and such like ; but these in
later examples. The lacuuary work was em-
ployed both in public and private buildings ;
"Laquearia, quae nunc et in privatis domibus
auro teguntur," says Pliny (Hut. Natur. xxxiii.
18), and especially in Italy the ceilings of all the
rooms of a house would be of this kind ; some
being more richly ornamented than others. It
is to be distinguished from mosaic work (musi-
vum opus) ; see MOSAIC.
When in the third and fourth centuries A.D.
the Christians began to erect large and costly
churches, the ceilings were often ornamented with
this work. Eusebius ( Vit. Const, lib. iii. capp.
31-40) tells us that the church which Constan-
tine built at Jerusalem had a vaulted roof
(Kapapav \aKiavapiav), of which the whole was
divided into panels, carved and gilded.
Paulinus, bishop of Nola in Campania (A.D.
409-431), has described in one of his letters
(Ep. 12, ad Severing a new church there, upon
which the highest decorative art of the period
appears to have been exercised. Of this the roof
of the nave and galleries were panelled (lacu-
nato). The term is frequently used by St.
Jerome (A.D. 340-420), who did not altogether
sympathise with the prevailing habit of lavish-
ing adornment on churches. He says (Ep. 2 ad
Xepotian.), " Marmora nitent auro, splendent
laquearia, gemmis altare distinguitur," &c.
Patiens, bishop of Lyons, is recorded to have
built a cathedral church in that city, of which
we have a contemporary description from the
pen of Sidonius Apollinaris (A.D. 431-482). He
says :
" Intus lux micat, atque bracleatum
Sol sic sollicitatur ad lacunar
Fulvo ut concolor errct in metallo."
That is, the golden sunshine played over the
golden plates of the panels in the church.
But yet the Incunar hardly appears to have
been the prevailing style of ornamentation in
these early centuries, at all events for churches.
It was revived and much extended under the
Renaissance. [S. J. E.]
LADICUS. [LAUDICKUS.] [E. B. B.]
LAELIUS, Spanish martyr, June 27 (Mart.
Hicron. D'Ac.h.). [E. B. B.]
LAETANIA. [LITANY.]
LAETANTIUS [r. LACTANTIUS].
LAETUS. (1) Bishop of Leptina in Africa,
martyred by Hunneric, Sept. 6. Ado, &c. (r.
J3arouius and Acta <S Sept. ii. 677).
(2) Presbyter at Orleans, f Nov. 5 (Usuard).
[E. B. B.]
LAITY
LAIDGEN, Jan. 11, Colgan, Acta SS. Hih. p,
57 = Laidcend, Jan. 12, in the Felire of Aengus
the Culdee. He was of Clonfert, A.D. 660 (Hart.
Donegal). (2) May 20. (3) Oct. 23. (4) of
Achadh-raitlien, Nov. 28 (ibid.). [E. B. B.]
LAITY. I. In the Old Testament, when the
Israelites in general are distinguished from the
priests, they are spoken of as " the people." In the
Greek of the Septuagint this is & Acuis. See ex-
amples in Lev. iv. 3 ; Deut. xviii. 3 ; Ezra vii. 16 ;
Is. xxiv. 2 ; Jer. i. 18, v. 31 ; Hosea iv. 9. Hence
the use of \aiK6s to denote one not of the priest-
hood. Thus Clemens Alex, says that the hang-
ing at the door of the tabernacle (Exod. xvi. :!ti)
was a "protection against lay unbelief " (Strom.
v. 5, 33). The author of the Questions and
Ansn-ers to the Orthodox, ascribed to Justin
Martyr, observes that while the law " destroys
by fire a priest's daughter guilty of fornication,
it slays by stoning the daughter of the layman "
(TOV \aiKov avSpo',) (Resp. ad Qu. 97). Philo
calls the layman of his nation iStwTrjs, a private
person. Thus he says that at the passover " the
iStwrai do not bring the victims to the altar,
and the priests sacrifice ; but the whole nation,
by the ordinance of the law, assumes the priestly
office " for the occasion (Je Vit. Mos. iii.). Un-
less restrained by revelation, the first Christians,
being educated as Jews, would naturally draw a
somewhat similar line between their own office-
bearers and the mass of believers. How far they
were encouraged to do so by their inspired
teachers may be gathered to a great extent from
Scripture itself. Not to dwell on the relation
of the whole body to the Apostles, whose com-
mission was in some respects extraordinary, we
find each local church or congregation subject
to other rulers (r)-yov/j.fvois, Heb. xiii. 17), who
were " over them in the Lord" (1 Thess. v. 12 ;
comp. 1 Tim. iii. 5, v. 17), under the name of
overseers (eiriffKoiroi, bishops) and elders (irptcr-
(Surepoi, whence priest), to whose teaching,
exhortation, and rebuke, and to whose judgment
in some things, they were required to submit
(1 Tim. iv. 6, 11, vi. 17; 2 Tim. ii. 2, iv. 2;
Tit. i. 9, 13, ii. 15, iii. 10). To their care and
oversight the "laity" were committed, as a
flock to the shepherd (Acts xx. 28 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2).
The distinction was observed everywhere; elders
being ordained in every church (Acts xiv. 23 ;
Tit. i. 5 ; comp. Acts xi. 30), and provision was
made for the perpetuity of the system (2 Tim.
ii. 2). Sometimes the laity were distinguished
as "the church" or "the brethren." E.ij.
" when Paul and Barnabas were come to Jeru-
salem, they were received of the church, and of
the apostles and elders " (Acts xv. 4) ; and when
" the apostles and elders, with the whole church "
send a letter to " the brethren which were of
the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia,"
it begins thus, " The apostles and elders and
brethren send greeting unto the brethren " (ih.
22, 23). This epistle was accordingly delivered,
not to the rulers of the church at Antioch, but
to " the multitude " (30). Compare Acts xii. 17 :
" Show these things unto James (the ruler) and
to the brethren;" and 1 Tim. iv. 6 : "If thou
put the brethren in remembrance of these things,
thou shalt be a good minister of Jesus Christ."
The distinction visible in these passages is pre-
served in the earliest extra-Scriptural records
LAITY
LAITY
913
of the church. Thus Clement, himself bishop of
Kome, in an epistle by which he sought to allay
dissensions at Corinth, addressing "the brethren"
there, says, " Ye did all things without respect
of persons, and walked by the laws of God, being
subject to those who had the rule over you, and
yielding due honour to the presbyters among
you" (Ep. i. c. 1). He illustrates the relative
position of the laity and clergy by the parallel
of the Jewish priesthood and people: "To the
high-priest his proper ministries have beeu
assigned, and to the priests their proper place
appointed, and on the Levites their services have
been imposed. The layman (o Aauco's) is bound
by the precepts that aft'ect laymen. " Let each of
you, brethren, give thanks unto God in his own
station (rdy/ian), keeping a good conscience,
and not overstepping the appointed rule of his
ministry "(cc. 40, 41). This state of things was
to continue ; for the apostles, he tells us, not only
appointed the first rulers in each church, but
also " gave direction how, at their decease, other
approved men should succeed to their ministry "
(c. 44). In the Visions of Hernias, which many
critics assign to the age of Clement, the laity,
under the name of " the elect," are spoken of as
being taught and ministered to by the apostles
and bishops and doctors (*'. e. presbyters : see
Pearson, Vind. fgtiat. ii. 13, 3) and ministers "
(i. e. deacons) (Past. \. Vis. iii. 5). The following
sentence from Ignatius is common to all the
recensions : " My soul be surety for them who
are subject to the bishops, presbyters, deacons "
(Ep. ad Polycarp. c. vi. ; Cureton, Corp. Ignat.
p. 12). In the epistles known to Eusebius,
A.D. 324 (Hiit. Eccl. iii. 30) such expressions are
frequent. In Tertullian, A.D. 192, the word
" laicus " occurs often. E.g. "The chief-priest,
which is the bishop, has the right of giving
(baptism). Then presbyters and deacons, not,
however, without the authority of the bishop,
for the honour of the church, which being saved,
peace is saved. From another point of view
even laymen have the right" (de Haptismo,
xvii.). The sajne writer says of certain heretics
that among them, " one man is to-day a bishop,
next day another. To-day one is a deacon, who
to-morrow will be a reader ; to-day one is a
presbyter, who to-morrow will be a layman ; for
they enjoin priestly (sacerdotalia) duties on lay-
men " (de Praescr. Hacrct. c. 41). In the so-
called apostolical canons, the first fifty of which,
at least, are supposed to have been collected
about the end of the 2nd century, the word lay-
man is of very frequent occurrence. Thus, " If
any clerk or layman who is segregated, or not
received, goes to another city, and is there re-
ceived (to communion) without letters com-
mendatory, let both receiver and received be
segregated" (can. 12). By can. 31, a presbyter
who, in contempt of his bishop, gathers a separate
congregation, and all the clerks who adhere to
him are to be deposed, " but the laymen to be
segregated." See also canons 15, 24, 43, 48, 57,
62-66, 69, 70, 71, 84, 85. Cyprian, A.D. 250,
speaks of a " conference held with bishops, pres-
byters, deacons, confessors, and also with the
laymen who stood firm " (in a persecution) for
consultation on the treatment of the lapsed
(Epist. 30, ad Horn.). Elsewhere he says, " The
faith of the militant people (of God) is disarmed,
while its vigour and the fear of Christ is taken
away. Let the laity see how they provide for
this. On the priest falls greater labour in
asserting and defending the majesty of God "
p. 59, ad Cornel.). The more frequent name
for the laity with this writer is plebs, e.g. " The
clergy and people (plebs) and the whole brother-
hood received with joy " certain schismatics who
had returned to the church (Ep. 51, ad Corn.).
He warned some unruly persons that " when a
bishop was once made and approved by the testi-
mony and judgment of his colleagues and the
people (plebis), no other could in anywise be
appointed " (Ep. 44, ad Corn.).
II. Laymen duly qualified might give religious
instruction among the Jewr. In the synagogues
it was usual for the elder to ask anyone of repute
to comment on the lesson for the day (Luke
iv. 17 ; Acts xvii. 2), or to deliver a " word of
exhortation" (Acts xiii. 15). This liberty was
continued under the Gospel in the case of those
who .had the gift of " prophecy " (Rom. xii. 6 ;
1 Cor. xii. 10, 28, xiv. 1-6, 31, &c.). Among
unbelievers all Christians were expected to teach
the gospel as opportunity was given. " They
that were scattered abroad " by the persecution
on the death of Stephen "went everywhere
preaching the word " (Acts viii. 4). The ma-
jority of these would be laymen. Thus St. Paul,
before he received the laying on of hands (Acts
xiii. 3), " preached boldly at Damascus in the
name of Jesus " (Acts ix. 27) ; Aquila and Pris-
cilla " expounded unto Apollos the way of God
more perfectly " (j'6. xviii. 26) ; and Apollos
himself "mightily convinced the Jews, and that
publicly, shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus
is the Christ " (28). " At first all taught and
baptized on whatever days and seasons occasion
required . . . That the people might grow and
multiply, it was at the beginning permitted to
all to preach the gospel, and to baptize, and to
explain the Scriptures in church, but when the
church embraced all places, houses of assembly
were constituted, and rulers (rectores) and the
other offices in the church were instituted. . . .
Hence it is that now neither do deacons preach
in the congregation, nor clerks nor laymen
baptize " (Hilar. Diac. Comm. in Ep. ad Eph.
iv. 11, 12). When Demetrius of Alexandria com-
plained that Origen, who was not a priest, had
been asked by the bishops of the district to " dis-
course and to interpret holy Scripture publicly
in church "at Caesarea, the bishops of Jerusalem
and Caesarea denied the truth of one ground
taken by Demetrius, viz. that laymen had never
been known to preach before bishops. " If,"
said they, " any persons are anywhere found
capable of benefiting the brethren, they are en-
couraged by the holy bishops to preach to the
people. Thus at Larandi, Euelpis was asked by
Neon ; and at Iconium, Paulinus by Celsus ;
and at Smyrna, Theodore by Atticus; our
brethren now in bliss. And it is probable that
this has been done in other places without our
knowing it" (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 19). Fru-
mentius and Aedesius, while laymen, laid the
foundation of the church in Abyssinia (Socr.
I lift. Heel. i. 19). The same service was rendered
to Iberia (Georgia) by a female captive, who
having healed by her prayers the king and hi<
wife and son, exhorted them to believe in Christ,
through whose name their cure had been effected
(ib. c. 20).
914
LAITY
AlawofValeutinian and Theodosius, published
in 394, " touching laymen who presume to dis-
pute about religion," forbids the opportunity
being permitted to any one of "coming into
public and discussing or handling matters of
religion" (Cod. Theodos. 2 in Capit. Car. Mag.
vii. 195). Four years later a council held at
Carthage decreed that " a layman should not
dare to teach in the presence of clerics, unless
they themselves aske I him;" and absolutely,
that " no woman, however learned or holy,
should presume to teach men in a meeting "
(cann. 98, 99). Leo I., A.D. 453, writing to
Maximus the patriarch of Antioch, in view of
danger from the growth of the Nestorian and
Eutychian heresies, entreats him to take order
" that beside those who are priests of the Lord,
no one presume to claim for himself the right to
teach or to preach, whether he be monk or lay-
man " (Epist. 92, c. 6). He repeats this in a
letter to Theodoret of Cyrus (Ep. 93, c. 6), and
expresses a hope that his letter to Maximus
would be dispersed by him and " come to the
knowledge of all." The council in Trullo at
Constantinople, A.D. 691, declares " that a lay-
man ought not to dispute or teach publicly,
thence arrogating to himself the right to teach,
but that he should be obedient to the order
handed down from the Lord." Those who should
violate the canon were to be segregated for forty
days (can. 64). There is, we think, no evidence
that laymen were at any time permitted to read
the eucharistic lessons, either in the East or
West. A law of Charlemagne entirely forbids
it : "A layman ought not to recite a lesson in
church, nor to say the alleluia, but only the
psalm or responsories without alleluia " (Capit.
v. 112). [LECTION.]
III. Hilary, the deacon, as above quoted,
appears to say that laymen could not confer
baptism even in the first post-apostolic age.
This was probably the general opinion; for the
Greek compiler of the Clementine Constitutions
ascribes the following prohibition to the apostles
themselves : " We do not permit laymen to per-
form any of the sacerdotal functions, as sacrifice
or baptism, or laying on of hands, or the lesser
or greater benediction" (iii. 10). This would
make them absolutely incapable ; and the
opinion of their incapacity was probably widely
spread in the East to the end of the first four
centuries after Christ. St. Basil, A.D. 370, im-
plies that he held it, when he speaks with ap-
probation of an argument against baptism by
schismatical priests, which he attributes to
Firmilian, one of his predecessors at Caesarea,
and to St. Cyprian. It was to the effect that
schismatical priests being cut off from the body
of Christ, and thus losing their orders, having
now " become laymen, have no power either to
baptize or to ordain, being no longer able to
impart to others the gift of the Holy Ghost,
from which they have fallen themselves. On
which account they commanded that those who
came to the church from them (i.e. from any
schismatical body) should be cleansed by the
true baptism of the church " (Epist. ad Amphil.
i. can. 1). An ancient Greek scholium, found in
one MS. of this epistle (Cod. Amberbnch.), en-
larging on this point, says, " He falls from the
sacerdotal grace, which he received from Him to
whom he was united, and becomes for the future
LAITY
a layman," not able to impart to others that
which he no longer has, nor able to obtain a new
supply of it from the body which he has joined
(Bever. Pand. ii. annot. 221). We must observe,
however, that St. Basil, though with evident
reluctance, admitted the baptisms of priests in
schism, feeling himself overruled by numbers :
" But since it has seemed good to some of those
in Asia, out of consideration for the multitude,
that their baptism should be received, let it be
received" (Ep. M.S.). May we not suppose that
he would also have confessed, if the question had
come before him, that the church had power to
authorise or accept, under special circumstances,
the baptisms of laymen in full communion with
her?
Tertullian, on the other hand, whom St. Cy-
prian used to call his master, teaches that,
abstractedly, laymen have power to baptize,
but that they can only exercise it by permission,
expressed or understood. He argues that " what
is received equally (by all) can be imparted
equally" (by all); but he adds, "How much
more is the discipline of reverence and modesty
incumbent on the laity, seeing that it is the part
of those greater than themselves (i.e. the priests
and deacons) not to take on them the office of
the episcopate, which is assigned to the bishops.
Emulation is the mother of schisms " (de Bapt.
17). The principle laid down by Tertullian
receives a curious illustration from the well-
known story told by Rufinus, A.D. 390 (Hist.
Eccl. i. 14), of some boys baptized in play by
Athanasius when himself " quite a child " (Socr.
A.D. 439, Hist. Eccl. i. 15). The bishop of Alex-
andria, who happened to see what was done from
a distance, finding on inquiry that water had
been duly used and the right form of words said,
decided, after conference with his clergy, that
the children should not be rebaptized, but he
supplemented their irregular baptism by con-
firming them himself. There is a difficulty in
the story from the great youth which it assigns
to Athanasius about the year 312 ; but it would
not have been related by Rufinus, or repeated at
length by Sozomen, A.D. 460 (Hist. Eccl. ii. 17),
without some protest, if the ground on which
the bishop was said to have acted had not been
widely accepted in the church at that time.
From the council of Elvira, about A.D. 300,
we first learn under what circumstances it was
held lawful for a layman to baptize. Its 38th
canon decrees that " during foreign travel, at
sea, or if there be no church near, one of the
faithful, who has his own baptism entire (not
clinic, duly confirmed, and probably also not
impaired by lapse in persecution), and is not a
bigamist, may baptize a catechumen in extremity
of sickness, on condition that if he recover, he take
him to the bishop that he may receive the benefit
of the laying on of hands." St. Jerome, writing in
378, says that "without chrism and the command
of the bishop, neither presbyter nor deacon have
the right to baptize ; which nevertheless we
know to be often permitted to laymen, if neces-
sity compel. For as one receives, so can he also
give " (Contra Lucif. 9). The reader will ob-
serve here the reasoning of Tertullian very
similarly expressed. St. Augustine, about 400 :
" If any layman, compelled by necessity, shall
have given to a dying man that which, when he
received it himself, he learnt the manner of
LAITY
giving, I know not if any one could piously say
that it ought to be repeated. For to do it with-
out necessity is to usurp the office of another ;
but to do it under pressure of necessity is either
no fault or a venial " (Contra Epist. Parmen. ii.
xiii. 29). In a work written shortly after this
he shows a disposition to go further, and to
recognise the outward act under whatever cir-
cumstances performed. He is speaking of several
questions that might be raised, " whether that
baptism is to be owned which is received from
one who has not himself received it ; " whether
it is valid, whatever the faith, or motive, ex-
position (as a catholic or schismatic) of the giver
or receiver, or of both, &c. He even includes
the case of baptism conferred on the stage where
the actors are heathens, and here he clearly
leans to the affirmative, if the person baptized
has had a sudden access of faith at the time ;
but when God has not thus interposed (neque
ille qui ibi acciperet, ita crederet, sed totum
ludicre et mimice et joculariter ageretur), he
thinks that only an express revelation could
decide. He would in all such questions defer
to a "plenary council;" but an answer to the
last must be sought by united and most earnest
prayer (de Ba.pt. c. Donat. vii. 53). He says
also that at all events he would at such a
council " not hesitate to maintain that they
have baptism who have received it consecrated
by the words of the gospel anywhere and from
any one whomsoever without deceit on their own
part and with some faith " (ib. 102). In
Gratian (P. in. de Consccr. iv. 21) we have an
extract from a letter ascribed to Augustine:
O
" We are wont to hear that even laymen are
accustomed to give the sacrament which they
have received in a case of necessity, when neither
bishops, presbyters, nor any of the ministers are
found, and the danger of him who seeks it, lest
he die without that sacrament, is pressing."
In another passage from the same epistle we
find a story (which the writer confesses to be
uncertain) of a catechumen and a penitent in
danger of being shipwrecked together. As they
were the only Christians in the ship the peni-
tent baptized the catechumen and was in turn
reconciled by him. What they did was approved
by all (ib. c. 36). The question raised by St.
Augustine, as to the effect of a mock baptism
on the stage, probably suggested a tale of wonder
which we find, with differences of detail, both
in the East and West. An actor who personated
a catechumen receiving baptism was said to
have been suddenly and miraculously converted.
One version lays the scene at Rome in the pre-
sence of Diocletian, about 285, and gives the
name of Genesius to the comedian. The other
calls him Gelasinus, and makes the place Helio-
polis in Phoenicia, and the year 297. In both
cases the neophyte is said to have been led forth
to martyrdom (Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. in St.
Gene's). The authorities are, for Gelasinus, the
Paschal Chronicle of Alexandria, compiled in
630 (p. 642) ; and for Geuesius, some Acta of
uncertain date which were copied by Ado in his
Martyrologium (A.D. 859) at Aug. 25.
Gelasius, bishop of Rome, A.D. 494, speaking
of deacons : " Let them not presume to baptize
without (the authority of) the bishops or pres-
byters, unless extreme necessity compel them,
those officers being perchance settled a long way
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LAITY
915
off, to do which is for the most part permitted
even to lay Christians " (Epist. ad Episc. Lucan.
4'c. 7). Isidore of Seville, A.D. 610, cites our
Lord's words to the apostles (John xx. 22, 23 ;
Matt, xxviii. 19) to shew that it is " not lawful
for laymen (privatis = ISiwrats) nor for clerks
not of the higher orders (sine gradu ; see Vulg.
1 Tim. iii. 13), to baptize, but for priests only "
(sacerdotibus = bishops and presbyters). There-
fore, he concludes, it is not lawful even for
deacons to do so " without (the authority of)
the bishops and presbyters, except when they
are far absent and the last necessity of illness
compel, which is for the most part permitted
even to the lay faithful, lest any one should be
called out of this world without the saving
remedy " (de Eccl. Off. ii. 24).
IV. There is evidence to shew that during the
earlier part of our period the laity came up to
the holy table to make their offerings and to
communicate. Dionysius, the pope of Alex-
andria, A.D. 254, speaks of a layman as " going
up to the table," and " standing at the table "
(Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vii. 9). Even women (nisi
in abscessu) were, according to him, then per-
mitted to "approach the holy of holies" and to
" draw near to the holy table " (Ep. ad Ba&ilid.
can. 2). St. Chrysostom : " Let no Judas, no
Simon, come up to the table " (Horn. 50, in St.
Matt. 3). By the 19th canon of the council of
Laodicea, about 365, it was " permitted to those
only who were in holy orders to enter the place
of the altar and to communicate there." This
probably only sanctions a custom already be-
coming general. Theodosius the Great, at Milan
in 390, took his offering up to the altar, but was
not allowed to remain in the chancel for the
communion (Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. v. 18). In
the East, however, he had been accustomed to
stay and to communicate within the berna (ib. :
comp. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. vii. 24). His grandson
Theodosius says of himself in 431, " We draw
near the most holy altar only to offer the gifts,
and havinf gone into the enclosed tabernacle of
o O
the sacred circles, at once leave it " (Condi.
Labbe, iii. 1237). For the East the rule was
finally settled by the council in Trul/o, A.D. 691.
It forbade any of the laity to " enter within the
sacred altar-place," except the emperor, " when
he wished to offer gifts to the Creator " (can. 69).
Turning to the West we find the Council of
Tours, A.D. 566, permitting " the holy of holies
to be open to laymen and women for prayer and
communion, as the custom is," but forbiddinf
' ' O
laymen to " stand by the altar, at which the
sacred mysteries are celebrated, either on vigils
or at masses " (can. 4). This prohibition was
confirmed by a council held at some uncertain
place in France, about the year 744 ; but the
permission is not also repeated (can. 6 ; Capit.
Reg. Franc, i. 153). The whole of the canon of
Tours, however, appears in the Capitularies of
Charlemagne (vii. 279). In the earliest editions
of the Ordo Romanus, the bishop is represented
as " going down " to receive the gifts of the
people, and being " conducted back to the altar "
after receiving them (Mus. Ital. ii. 10, 74).
This exhibits the custom at Rome in the 8th
century. At that time the men and women
were on different sides of the church, and the
clergy went to their several places to communi-
cate them ('&. 10, 50). In an epistle of Theo-
3
916
LAMB, THE HOLY
dosius and Valentinian (Codax Thcodos. ix. 45)
the nave (6 cads) of the church is called tvKTripiov
TOV \aov, " the praying-place of the laity." In
a law of Justinian, A.D. 528 (Codex I. iii. xlii. 10),
the clergy are exhorted to a punctual observ-
ance of their hours of prayer by an appeal to
the example of " many of the laity, who for the
good of their souls constantly frequent the most
holy churches, and shew themselves diligent in
the practice of psalmody." From this we may
infer, as probable, that at that time laymen often
met together in church to sing psalms out of
the hours of public worship, and when the clergy
were not present. [W. E. S.]
LAMB, THE HOLY. In the Orthodox
Greek Church the oblation of bread for the
Liturgy (ft Trpocrtyopd, oblata) is prepared of
leavened bread, baked with special care, in the
form of a moderate-sized, round, 8 flat loaf or cake.
In the centre is a square projecting portion, im-
pressed with a stamp called the seal (<r<ppayis), b
consisting of a cross, in the angles of which are
stamped the words j~c XC Nl KA) t.e. "lyaovs
Xpitrrbx VIKO,. This square projection is called
the Holy Lamb, or in the rubrics the Holy
Bread (<5 07105 &pros). The circular (ffrpoyyv-
AoaSTjs) shape, as of a coin, is considered by
Durandus (iv. c. 41) to symbolise the price of
man's redemption. The form, however, seems
to have varied. Gabriel of Philadelphia (Apol.
pro Eccl. Orient.) states that the bread for the
oblation was made either round or square ; and
adds that the round shape is symbolical of our
Lord's Divinity, the square of the universality
of redemption. Allatius, too (de Eccl. Occ. et
Orient. Cone., lib. iii. c. 15, s. 18), writes: "The
Greeks when they make the bread for the sacri-
fice, for the most part do not make it round
(ut plurimum non rotundaut), but draw it out
into four arms in the form of a cross : they then
impress the seal (sigillum), just explained, 3 in
the centre of the cross and at the extremities of
each arm. The priest who is about to celebrate
takes the bread, in the Prothesis, and divides it in
such a manner that each portion has a complete
seal, and these parts are called seals (fftypaylSes,
signacula)." [FRACT70N.]
According to this description each portion
would be approximately square ; but whether
the whole oblation be round or square, the Holy
Lamb itself is square.
1C
XC
Nl
KA
In the " office of the Prothesis," called 5ia-
rais rrjs Ofias Kal iepas heiTovpyias, which
is performed in the chapel of the Prothesis, on
the north side of the bema, as introductory to
the liturgy, and in which the priest assumes the
eucharistic vestments, and selects and prepares
the elements for consecration ; he separates the
a v. Neale, Introd. p. 242.
b This word is sometimes used for the impression;
sometimes for the bread itself, as bearing the impression.
c Martene, vol. i. p. 117.
d This is identical with that described as impressed on
the Holy Lamb.
LAMB, THE
" lamb " from the rest of the oblation, cutting
it away squarewise with the " spear " (^ ayia
) which is a knife in the form of an
elongated spear-head, with a short handle,
ending in a cross, and symbolical of the spear
which pierced our Lord's side ; and lays it on
the paten or disc (6 ayios Sicr/cos), arranging
afterwards in a specified order particles (/uep(-
5es) cut in a pyramidal form from the oblation.
Five loaves or oblations are usually prepared
in the Prothesis ; in the Russian Church in-
variably so, according to King (p. 144), but in
Greece one only is often prepared, and of old the
number varied. The oblation thus prepared is
covered with the " asteriscus " [p. 149], a sort of
frame, consisting of two bars crossing each
other and joined by a hinge at the centre, and
bent into such a shape as to form, when they
are at right angles, a support for the "veils,"
of which there are three ; the innermost being
called 5i<TKOKa.\v/j.fj.a, and the outer a.~hp. It
then remains in the Prothesis till the " great
entrance," i.e. of the Elements in the liturgy.
At the " fraction " in the liturgy the priest
breaks the Holy Lamb, there called "the Holy
Bread" (rbv ayioy &prov), into four 6 parts, and
them crosswise in the disc, thus
'
N I
XC
He makes the sign of the cross over the chalice
with the part
, which he then puts into
the chalice ; he communicates himself and the
assistants with the part
, and the re-
maining two parts are divided among the lay
communicants (Neale, Introd. 518).
For details of the office of the Prothesis, and
their symbolical significance, see SiaTa|is TT/S
Oeias teal lepas Xftrovpyias, as given in the
Euchologion mega ; also Goar, Hit. Graec. (note
in S. Joan. Chrysost. Missam) ; Neale, Introduc-
tion, pp. 341, &c. ; Martene, de Antiq. Eccl. Rit.
vol. i. p. 117 ; and Allatius (ut supra).
[H. J. H.]
LAMB, THE. [IN ART.] It appears best to
treat early representations of the lamb as sym-
bolic of our Lord (whether in the act of suffer-
ing or of triumph), apart from those of the
sheep, which represent human members of the
church of Christ. They are frequently brought
together on the sarcophagi, and especially in the
later mosaics within our period, as at SS. Cosmas
and Damianus, and at St. Praxedes, in Rome ; and
e In the Roman Liturgy the Host (oblata) ia divided
into three parts: in the Mozarabic into nine, with special
symbolism.
LAMB, THE
the distinction is often sustained by the simple
expedient of making the Divine Lamb of larger
size than His followers, as Ariughi, vol. i. p. 307
(lib. ii. cap. x.), or He bears the cross or mono-
gram (ib. pp. 293, 295): both at p. 425. In the
church of SS. Cosmas and Damiauus (see Ciam-
pini, Yetera Monimenta, vol. ii. tab. xv. xvi.) three
symbolic phases of the form of the sheep or lamb
are set forth. First He is represented above the
keystone arch of triumph as prone, on a small
highly-decorated altar, " as it were slain." Be-
low stand full-length figures of our Lord and
saints in glory, separated by the narrow belt of
Jordan, JORDANES, from the sheep of the world
below, who are issuing from the gates of " Jeru-
salem " and "Bethleem," to gather round the
central Lamb with the nimbus, representing the
Lord in His humanity [BETHLEHEM]. After the
crucifixion, every paschal supper must have been
understood to prefigure the Lord's death by its
symbolic lamb. But it was not perhaps till the
triumph of the cross under Constantine, when
the upright or penal cross had taken the place
of the decussated symbol [CROSS : MONOGRAM],
LAMB, THE
917
From Aringhi, i. 293.
that the lamb, as victim, came to be a constant
object of contemplation, and His image began
to be combined with the cross. In the great
distresses of the succeeding centuries, the hopes
and imaginations of clergy and people may well
have been drawn to the Book of Revelation,
and the distinction between the lamb as slain
in sacrifice and the lamb conquering and trium-
phant seems to have been strongly felt and
freely insisted on. In the sixth century, and
as the cross gradually became exclusively a
symbol of the manner of the Lord's death, not
as of old, of His person or humanity, the lamb
with crown or nimbus was placed at the inter-
section of the limbs of crosses [CRUCIFIX], and
was in fact a mystic crucifix, with reference to
the image in the Apocalypse, until the human
form was substituted or added after the Quini-
sext Council. See Borgia, de Cruce Vaticano and
de Cruce Veliterna. On the sarcophagus of Junius
Bassus (Bottari, tav. xv. ; Aringhi, vol. i. p. 277)
the spandrels of its pillared front are ornamented
with curious sculptures of the symbolic lamb
performing miracles and acts of ministry, mysti-
cally selected from the Old and New Testaments.
He is striking water from the rock, changing
water into wine, administering baptism to a
smaller lamb, touching a mummy Lazarus with
a wand, and receiving the tables of the law.
The lamb appears in the vault mosaics of the
chapel of Galla Placidia, in llavenna, and is pro-
minent on the ornamented capitals of St. Vitale.
In a quite distinct symbolism, the larnb is
found accompanying Adam and Eve (Arino-hi i.
pp. 613, (321, 623) as the sign of the appointed
labours of the latter in spinning. Abel is also
seen offering a lamb (Bosio, iii. v. p. 159 ;
Bottari, tav. cxxxvii).
Under article GEMS [vol. i. p. 718] will be
found a highly interesting engraving of an
Tomb of Junius Bassus. (Aringhi, i. 277. Bottari, p. xv.)
annular stone, representing the Lamb of God
surrounded by a nimbus.
The lamb appears with the insignia of the
Good Shepherd (the pastoral crook and vessel of
milk) in Aringhi (i. 557) from a painting in the
Callixtine catacomb. Also with the monogram,
Aringhi, i. 293, Woodcut, No. 1.
In Ciampini (de Sacr. JEdif. tab. xiii.), the
usual procession of the sheep of the Hebrew and
Gentile folds centres in a lamb, whose blood is
received in a chalice, and flows away in five
streams. This formerly existed in the ancient
Basilica of the Vatican, but had been restored
by Innocent III., and can perhaps with difficulty
be taken, as it stands in Ciampini's plate, for an
From Ciampini, V. Mon. pi. xvi. vol. ii.
authentic copy of the ancient condition of the
mosaic. He is represented on an altar table in
302
918 LAMB, OFFERING OF
Ciampini (V.M. tab. xv. vol. ii. ; also tab. xlvii.),
perhaps with reference to the Paschal Feast.
Two or more sheep of the church frequently
accompany the Good Shepherd, besides the one
which He bears on His shoulders. They are
often made to look to Him with an expression of
awe and affection, and His hand is sometimes
extended to bless them (Aringhi, i. 531, 532,
573, 587, from catacomb paintings ; on sarco-
phagi, i. 295, 303, 307).
The CHURCH is supposed to be symbolised by
the curious painting of a lamb between two
wolves [vol. i. p. 389]. The original is rude in
execution. As an emblem of innocence, the
lamb is found in Boldetti, p. 365, and with an
Orante, Bosio, p. 445. [R. St. J. T.]
LAMB, OFFERING OF. The general
rule as to oblations upon the altar was that
nothing should be offered there but the first
fruits of corn and grapes in their season (Can.
Apost. 3, Cone. African, can. 4), and bread and
wine for the eucharist were constantly offered.
In some churches, as, e. g. the Galilean, the rule
was not so strict, so that money and other
things were permitted to be offered (Cone. Aurel.
i. can. 16) ; and it appears from a passage in
Walafrid Strabo (d. 849) (de Rebus Ecdes. c. 18),
that a custom even existed in some places of
consecrating a lamb, or offering it upon the
altar, on Easter Day. This accusation is repeated
by Photius, patriarch of Constantinople A.D. 866,
in his letter against the doctrines and practices
of the West (Ep. 2, ad Pair.). The writers who
replied to Photius in defence of the Western
church, Eatramnus and Eneas, bishop of Paris,
do not apparently deny the existence of such
a custom. Du Pin (Cent. is., p. 113) notices
that an example of this usage is to be found
in the life of St. Udalric, and that a form was
provided in the old Ordo Romanus for con-
secrating the lamb to be sacrificed. Cardinal
Bona, too (Bar. Liturg. ii. 8, n. 5), may be cited
as a witness to the truth of the statement.
At first sight the practice looks very like a
continuation of the Jewish passover. The strong
repulsion, however, of the church from Jewish
practices in those ages seems to render this
unlikely; and we must probably regard it as
being a singular and extremely crude way of
indicating a mystical reference to the sacrifice
of Jesus Christ, the Lamb of God.
It can only have been an infrequent and
obscure practice, and after the period mentioned
we hear no more of it. [S. J. E.]
LAMBERT (1) Bishop of Maestricht \ 709
(al. A.D. 696), comm. Jun. 5, Mart. Metr. Bede :
" Junius in Nonis inundo miratur ade(m)ptum
Et Sancti Lantberti animam trans sidera verti,"
but Sept. 17 (as a Martyr) Mart., Bed., Hieron.,
Gell., Ado., Rab., Us., Notk., Cal. Angl., Stab.,
Autis. :
" Lambertus quintum denum (xv. Kal. Oct.) virtute
coronal
Factio qucm caesum semper tremibunda pavescit."
Wandelbert.
A church with shrine was erected on the site of
the martyrdom, and Grimoald, son of Pepin, was
killed there while praying for his sick father,
A.D. 714. Thither, in A.D. 727, the relics of
LAMPRA
Lambert were translated from St. Peter's church,
Maestricht, and the see also, and the saint
became patron of the city of Liege, that grew
up round his cathedral. The shrine was un-
hurt when the church was burnt by the Nor-
mans, A.D. 882 (Acta SS. Sept. v. 556). Dec. 24
was the local anniversary of the translation (v.
Reiner, ib. p. 552). There were also churches to
him, before A.D. 770, at Nyvels and Hermael,
near Maestricht, where the blind and lame were
cured on occasion of the aforesaid translation
(v. Godescalcus, 6. p. 580). Lidge appears to
have been a favourite pilgrimage. Sept. 17 is
noted as a feast, in Ceil. Verd., and a 9th cent,
calendar discovered by Binterim (Denkwurdig-
keiten, v. i. 460).
LAMBERT (2) Bishop of Lyons, 7th century,
t Apr. 14, church at Fontenelle dedicated to him,
Oct. 1. (Mart. Hieron. Florentini ; Acta SS. Boll.
Apr. ii. 215.)
(3) Martyr at Saragossa, commemorated Apr.
16 06. p. 410). [E. B. B.]
LAMBESE, COUNCIL OF (Lambesitanum
Concilium), said to have been held (A.D. 240) at
Lambese in Algeria, when ninety bishops con-
demned Privatus for heresy, as we learn from
St. Cyprian (Ep. 55 : coinp. Mansi, i. 787).
[E. S. Ff.]
LAMBESES, martyrs of, in Africa, Feb. 23
(Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.), namely, Luciana, Felix,
and 36 others. [E. B. B.]
LAMMAS, a name applied in England to
August 1, the festival of St. Peter in the
Fetters (ad Vincula) [PETER, ST., FESTIVALS
OF]. Somner's account of it (Diet. Sax. Lat.
Angl. s. v.) is, that Lammas is a corruption of
Hlafmaesse, or loaf-mass, because it was an an-
cient custom to offer on that day loaves made of
the new corn [FRUITS, OFFERING OF ; LOAVES,
BENEDICTION OF]. A fanciful hypothesis is,
that St. Peter became patron of lambs, from the
Lord's words to him, " Feed my lambs " (John
xxi. 15). [C.]
LAMPADARY (\a/.nra5dpios). 1. An official
of the Greek church, whose business it was to
set the wax-tapers in their places before they
were kindled. (Heineccius, Abbildung der Griech-
ischen Kirche, ii. 299 ; iii. 48, 58.)
2. An officer of the Imperial Court at Con-
stantinople, whose duties are but imperfectly
known. (Ducange, s. i'.) [C.]
LAMPADIUS, martyr at Antioch, July 19
(Mart. Hieron. D'Ach., Eptern.). [E. B. B.]
LAMPADUS, "our father the wonder-
worker," hermit of Irenopolis, commemorated
July 4 (Men. Basil.) He has a special office July
5 in the present Byzantine liturgy. From this
it appears that " the cave, where his precious
and holy relic " lay, was at one time a favourite
pilgrimage (Arcudius, AnthoL). [E. B. B.]
LAMP ASUS, martyr at Africa, Feb. 19
(Mart. Hieron. D'Ach., Gellon.). [E. B. B.]
LAMPRA. Easter Day is sometimes called
Aa/turpa (sc. ^/u<?pa or KvpiaKT}) simply. Thus,
the Pentecostarion (quoted by Suicer, Thesaurus
LAMPROPHORIA
s. V.) speaks of oi Karaites TT)S Xa/iirpas
roiv elp/j.cai', the canons [of odes] for Easter Day,
with the hirmoi. [C.]
LAMPROPHORIA (\a^po<popia), the wear-
ing of white clothing (ecrSJjs Xa/j.-irpd), especially
by the baptized in the week following their
BAPTISM [ 60, I. 163]. (Suicer's Thesaurus,
s. w. Aajuirpcxpope'co, \afj.irpo^>opia, \afj.irpoif>6-
pos.) [C.]
LAMPS. The lamps of the early Christians
have been found in many places in great abun-
dance, more especially in the catacombs of Rome
and other cemeteries. For the early Christians
were accustomed, in common with Jews and
pagans, to place lamps in the company of the
dead a (Raoul Rochette in Mm. de I'Acad. des
Jnscr. t. xiii. pp. 758-764 (1838) ; Birch, Anc.
Pott, part iv. c. ii. ; Martigny, Diet. s. v. Lampes
Chre'tiennes, and the references). Lamps of clay
were found upon sarcophagi, at Vulci, in 1834,
with Christian symbols, in company with coins
of Constantino and his successors (Raoul-Ro-
chette, u. s. p. 763) ; and have been met with
either outside or inside Christian tombs and
chambers in Rome, Naples, Corneto, Syracuse,
Aries, Lyons, Carthage, and Alexandria. Others,
of bronze, with chains attached for suspension,
have been exhumed from the subterranean gal-
leries and crypts of Rome, and in some rare cases
hanging from the roof or vault ; also clay lamps
and candlesticks have been discovered in niches
in the same situations, to give light to guide the
wanderer through the gloom (Martigny, u. s. and
references). A few (of clay) have been found in
churches in Egypt, and were probably used for
evening service (see Ducange, s. v. Lucernarium).
Clay lamps, with Christian symbols, have also
been met with among the ruins of the Palatine
in Rome, and of houses in Geneva (De Rossi,
Bull, di Arc/i. Crist. 1867, pp. 23-28), and in the
recent excavations in and about Jerusalem, in
other places beside tombs. Indeed clay lamps
have been found in very many parts of the
ancient Christian world ; but not always bear-
ing Christian symbols. Many from the Roman
a Many of them shew signs of having been much used,
and there is little doubt that from about the 4th century
lamps and candles were often kept alight before the
tombs of the saints. This excited the indignation of
Vigilantius (A.D. 404), who thought it heathenish and
idolatrous ; St. Jerome (adv. Vigil, c. 7), who is inclined
to excuse it, as done " pro honore martyrum," nevertheless
styles it " imperitia et simplicitas saecularium horninum
vel certe religiosarum foeminarum." Not very long after-
wards, however, Ferpetuus, bishop of Tours, left pro-
vision in his will (A.D. 474), " ut oleum paretur pro Domini
Martini sepulcro indesinenter illustrando " (D'Achery,
Spicil. t. iii. p. 303, ed. 1723). At an earlier period
more dislike was felt to keep lights burning during the
day in cemeteries. The council of Elvira in Spain (A.D.
324 ?) says in its 34th canon : " Cereos per diem placuit in
coemtterio non incendi : inquietandi enim sanctorum
spiritus non sunt," where, however, we have a converse
superstition. See Bingham, Antiq. lib. viii. c. 6, $ 21. The
practice of placing lamps within sepulchres was easily
explained in a pious sense, "ad signincandum lumine
fidei illustrates sanctos decessisse, et modo in superna
patria lumine gloriae splendere " (St. Jerome, quoted by
Martigny, Diet. p. 351), but both the references (adv.
Vigil, et Vit. Paulae, tacitly taken from Boldetti, Cimit.
p. 525) are erroneous.
LAMPS
919
catacombs, for example, have only scallops and
ornamental patterns of various kinds (Ferret.
Cat. de Home, t. iv. pi. xix.) ; and the same re.
mark may be made of some of the lamps from
Jerusalem in the museum of the Palestine
Exploration Fund, reasonably presumed to be
Christian (Rev. G. J. Chester in Recovery of
Jerusalem, pp. 484-486, with figures)," as well
as of others from Egypt and various other coun-
tries contained in the British Museum. In our
own country early Christian lamps, like all
other Christian works of the Roman period,
are of the rarest possible occurrence. Hiibner
(Inscr. Brit. Lat. p. 240, n. 27) mentions one
in the museum at Newcastle, with the chrisma
Q), and there is another, of red clay, in the
collection of the Rev. S. S. Lewis, with the same
device in the centre and palm branches at the
sides, found in Cannon Street, London (very like
that figured by Bartoli, Ant. Luc. part iii. t. 22).
A third was found at Colchester, of pale terra-
cotta, having the chrisma slightly raised and
coloured black (Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. 1855,
p. 91, and H. Syer Cuming, in litt.). Lamps
were also, though rarely, made of silver. In
an inventory of church plate delivered by Paul
of Cirta to the persecutors in the time of
Diocletian, occurs the item, " lucernae argen-
teae septem " (Ad calc. Optati, p. 266 in Bing-
ham, U.S.); and it appears that a silver lamp
has been found in Rome (R. Rochette, u. s.
p. 759); a single example of an amber lamp,
without any ornament, has also been met
with in the same city, in the cemetery of St.
Callixtus (Boldetti, Cimit. p. 297, t. i. 7). The
forms and symbols which the terra-cotta and
bronze lamps present are sufficiently different
to make it desirable to describe them separately.
(A) Terra-cotta lamps. They are of various
forms, but one of the most common is that
which much resembles a modern teapot. It has
a round body, with one or two apertures for
oil ; an ascending handle, often looped or per-
forated for suspension ; and a horizontal spout
opposite the handle for the wick. But the
handle, body, and spout, are all liable to modifi-
cations of form, and the first and last (often
nearly obsolete) are sometimes wholly wanting.
The lamp may thus approach the form of a boat
or of a shoe, to both which it has been some-
b Among these is an Arabesque pattern, which may be
intended for vine branches, where Mr. Chester supposes a
reference to the Eucharist to be intended. The vine
branch with grapes is realistically represented on a lamp
of yellow unglazed clay of the common type from Melos,
in the writer's possession, where many Christian lamps,
nearly all bearing the cross, have been found ; it may
possibly be Christian. A not very legible potter's mark (?),
perhaps E<$ : MH, is cut on the under side. Potters'
marks have not been found on any Christian lamps at
Jerusalem, and they would seem from the silence of
authors to be very rare on Christian lamps generally. De
Rossi mentions a lamp with the Good Shepherd and vine-
branches, recently found in the Palatine excavations,
having on the under side "the name of the potter or
proprietor of the works stamped in beautiful letters, as on
the pagan lamps, reading ANNI SER." probably, as he
suggests, for Anni Serviani. The letters, he thinks, are of
the 2nd or 3rd century ; so that this will be amongst the
earliest Christian lamps in existence (B all. di Arch. Crist.
1S67, p. 15, and 1870, p. 79, pi. vi. figs. 1,2). Mr. H. Syer
Cuming has a similar specimen.
920
LAMPS
LAMPS
times compared ; indeed, it was sometimes made
in direct imitation of these objects either in clay
or in bronze. Occasionally the handle is of a
whimsical form, as a female holding palm-
branches (Ferret, Cat. vol. iv. pi. xv. fig. 3), or,
it may have a crescent outline (Seroux d'Agin-
court, Recue'd, pi. xxiv. n. 4). Pagan lamps are
not rarely made in imitation of altars and other
objects (see Birch, passim); and we have an
example of a Christian, lamp in the form of an
altar (Perret, u. s. pi. xix. fig. 4).
The great mass of the terra-cotta lamps found
in the catacombs of Rome, " lesquelles sont au
premier rang des objets d'antiquite chretienne
qu'on en retire " (Raoul Rochette, Catac. de
Rome, p. 49), appear to be of the 4th and 5th
centuries ; some are considered to be older (Se'-
roux d'Agincourt, Recueil, passim), while a few
seem to be later. Martigny (Diet. p. 152) thinks
that a great many (un grand nombre) may be re-
ferred to the 2nd or to the 3rd century ; but this
is perhaps too much to say. Those of Gaul may
be, like the sepulchral inscriptions, mostly of the
5th and 6th centuries ; but it would be interesting
to investigate the dates of Christian lamps more
accurately than appears to have been done at
present. Several recently found in the Palatine
in Rome, bearing the fish, lamb, palm, chrisma,
and cross, are considered by De Rossi to be of
the 4th and 5th centuries ; but others with the
two last types (ornamented with gems) he in-
clines to place in the 6th century. Two of the
three lamps from Geneva figured by him (one
with the Apostles' heads, the other with a palm-
tree), he places in the 4th century ; the other
bearing a chrisma, beautifully inlaid with crosses,
squares, &c., about the beginning of the 6th.
(See his Bull, di Arch. Crist. 1867, pp. 11, 24,
25.) Those from Egypt in the British Museum
are probably of the 4th and 5th centuries. The
principal" 1 types are as follows :
(1) Christ as the Good Shepherd. Bearing a
sheep on his shoulders, probably from Rome e
(Bartoli, Ant. Luc. Sep. pars iii. t. 28, Rome,
1691). The same type, with other sheep at his
feet, sun and moon above, accompanied by ark
and dove, scenes from Jonah's life, &c., cata-
combs of Rome. (Id. 29, and Perret, Cat, dc
c Without referring to pagan examples, we have a
notable instance of the boat of St. Peter and St. Paul (see
below) ; a bronze lamp, on whose handle a dove is
perched, and which may therefore not improbably be
Christian, the body of which is a foot in the soldier's shoe
(caliga), is figured by Licetus (Luc. Ant. p. Y70) ; another,
in the form of a boot, with palm branches on the sides, of
terra cotta, probably Christian, is figured by Boldetti,
Cimit. p. 64.
d It is probable that among the lamps found in Africa
more especially, of which the museums of Turin and
Algiers possess large collections, there may be types not
here enumerated. See Martigny's remarks on the rarity of
their emblems (Diet. p. 353). The figures of lamps in the
older books of Licetus, &c., are but rarely quoted, being
of rude execution. Some of these and various others are
repeated in Matranga's edition (Rom. 1841) of Mamachi's
Origines et Antiq. Chriitianae, especially in torn, iii
while some would seem to have been originally executed
for Matranga's work. The subjects are (with the excep-
tion of the labarum, see below) of the same general cha-
racter as those which are here mentioned independently.
e When the locality of the lumps figured in this book
is expressly mentioned, it is always Rome ; where in-
deed the title-page professes that they were all found.
Ttome, vol. iv. pi. xvii. fig. 2 ; De Rossi, Bull, di
Arch. Crist. 1870, pp. 85-88.) The same type of
the shepherd, vine branches at the sides, Rome.
(Perret, u. s. pi. xiii. fig. 1 ; see also a previous
note.) Others in De Rossi, Bull. Arch. 1870, pi. 1
(from Ostia), and Sacken und Kenner, Die Samm-
lungen des K.K. Miinz- und Antiken-Cabinctcs, p.
256 (Wien, 1866), who, as well as other writers,
observe the similarity of the style of the figure
to that of Hermes Kriophoros. Some of these
may probably be earlier than the 4th century.
Olay Lamp, with Pastor Bonus, and other subjects. (Bartoli.)
Clay Lamp, with Christ accompanied by angels, &c. (De Eossi.)
(2) Christ accompanied by angels. Christ
standing, having a cruciform nimbus iu the
LAMPS
Byzantine style, bearing a long cross, between
two flying angels, trampling on a lion and
adder (cf. Ps. xci. 13). The Palatine, Rome;
of the florid style, probably later than the 5th
century. (De Rossi, Bull, di Arch. Crist. 1867,
p. 1'2, fig. 1. Another and more perfect example
in the Castellani collection, exhibited (1876) in
the British Museum.) Christ seated, front
view, between two flying angels, each holding a
crown. Found in a subterranean chamber at
Corneto, full of Christian lamps, given to R.
Rochette by Melch. Fossati, who regarded it as
a Transfiguration, but this is doubtful. (R. Ro-
chette, u. s., p. 762, note ; Martigny, u. s. p. 352.)
(3) Fish, a symbol of Christ. Rome, Catacombs,
and Palatine. (De Rossi, u. s. p. 12, fig. 5 ;
Ferret, u. s. pi. vii. fig. 1, and pi. ix. fig. 3.)
Carthage (British Museum). Fish surrounded
by six dolphins ; very fine work in red clay,
Algeria. (Martigny, u. s. p. 353.) See also below,
under Inscriptions, and FISH (vol. i. p. 673).
(4) Lamb, a syrrJxl of Curist. Rome, Cata-
combs, and Palatine. (De Rossi, u. s. p. 12,
fig. 2 ; Ferret, u. s. pi. ix. fig. 2.)
(5) Chrisma or monogram of Christ. As X com-
bined with P ()^ ), having a circle in centre ;
palm-branches at the sides of the lamp (Bartoli,
u. s. t. 22). With loop of P to left ; beautiful
gemmed work ; probably about the 6th century ;
LAMPS
921
Clay Lamp, with gemmed rhrisma. (De Rossi.)
Rome. (De Rossi, u. s. p. 12, fig. 8. For similar
work compare Birch, Anc. Pot. vol. ii. fig. 192.)
Others in Se'roux d'Agincourt, u. s. pi. xxiv.
fig. vii. ; De Rossi, u. s. p. 12, figs. 3 and 4 ;
Ferret, passim, &c. With loop of P to left,
formed like a crook ; Rome. (Seroux d'Agiu-
court, M. s. pi. xxiv. fig. ix.) The chrisma,
besides being found on Roman lamps in various
forms, occurs also commonly in Gaul (Martigny,
u. s.), and has been met with in Britain (see
above), and in the catacombs of Syracuse (British
Museum) and in Carthage (British Museum),
and doubtless in many other places.
(6) Alpha and Omega (a monogram between,
them) ; Rome. (Seroux d'Agincourt, u. s. t.
xxiv. fig. vi.) Chrisma between them, the let-
ters inverted (Rev. S. S. Lewis).
(7) The Cross. Latin cross, with circle in
centre (De Rossi, u. s. p. 12, fig. 6); Greek cross
(Perret, u. s. pi. xiii. fig. 4). Including five
circles, and various pellets, a representation of a
pendant (De Rossi, u. s. p. 13, fig. 11 ; Se'roux
d'Agincourt, u. s. pi. xxiv. fig. viii.). All the
above are from Rome. With the extremities
forked, accompanied by an inscription (see be-
low); also the Maltese cross; Jerusalem. (Chester,
u. s. pp. 484-5, both figured.) The cross is com-
mon on Gaulish lamps, and found on several
vases from Milo (Melos) (Martigny, u. s.). Car-
thage (gemmed work) ; Calymna (one curiously
formed of lozenges, with open centre) ; Egypt.
(All iu the British Museum.)
(8) Apostles. Figure seated on a throne sur-
rounded by twelve heads ; De Rossi thinks a
prince or other illustrious convert is represented
as in the midst of the Apostles; Geneva, in the
ruins of a house. Probably of the 5th century.
(De Rossi, u. s. p. 25, fig. 1.) Heads of the
twelve Apostles surrounding a gemmed chrisma;
Roman catacombs. (M>is. Gorton, t. 84 ; Perret,
u.s. pi. xiii. fig. 2.) [Two heads, suggested to be
Peter and Paul, in caps surmounted by cruciform
stars, are really those of the Dioscuri; same
locality. (Seroux d'Agincourt, u. s. pi. xxiv.
fig. 5.)]
(9) Fisherman, as symbol of an Apostle.
Holding net and staff in his right hand, a fish
in his left ; on reverse of lamp a gemmed cross.
{Mus. Cvrton. t. 85.)
(10) Femnle saint between angels, Carthage.
(British Museum.)
(11) Cod,, symbol of vigilance (Martigny, u. s.
p. 177), by some presumed to refer to St. Peter
(Chester, u. s. p. 483) ; Rome. (Perret, u. s.
pi. ix. fig. 4. Compare one in Brit. Mus.)
(12) Lore, symbol of innocence, Rome. (Perret,
u. s. pi. xv. fig. 4.) Common on lamps of Gaul.
(Martigny, n. s.) Carthage ; on one lamp two
doves facing ; on another, one only. (British
Museum.) See also Sacken und Kenner, u. s.
(13) Peicock, with tail spread out, and
ornamented with three nimbi ; emblematic of
the Trinity. In Mr. H. Syer Cuming's collec-
tion. (Cuming, in lift. See also Journ. Brit.
Arch. Assoc. 1855, p. 91.)
(14) Horse, symbol of the end of life's course;
Rome. (Perret, u. s. pi. xix. fig. 2.)
(15)5%. (Cf. Ps. xiii. 1.) Rome? (Licet.,
de Lucern. Antiq. recond. p. 927, with fig.)
Algeria (Mu'nter, Symb. p. 112, referred to by
Martigny, u. s. p. 353).
(16) Hire, supposed to be symbol of the
swiftness of life, Lyons; on a vase of red clay,
in the possession of the abbe Martigny. (Mar-
tigny. u. s. p. 353. See also p. 368, s. v. Lievr,:)
(17) Prof/, as a si/mbol of the resurrection.
Egypt, in the catacombs of Alexandria among
other places, in conjunction with the cross.
(Birch, Anc. Pott. vol. i. p. 52 ; Chester, u. s. p.
922
LAMPS
LAMPS
483. See also below under Inscriptions.) Several
examples iu the British Museum. Many lately
found bear a late Greek A (A), impressed on the
bottom, probably for Alexandria, where they
were made. Chester, in Academy, Feb: 5, 1876,
p. 123, who has some valuable remarks on the
varied forms of these lamps.
The symbolic interpretation of the frog may
be regarded as determined by the inscription
given below ; but it is not so certain that some
of the animals mentioned above were meant to
have any symbolical interpretation whatever.
Some of them occur on Pagan lamps (Birch, u. s.
vol. ii. p. 289), as does also the lion, which like-
wise is found on a lamp, of Christian fabric
apparently, in the British Museum. This ani-
mal was sometimes taken as a Christian symbol
of watchful power. (Martigny, u. s. p. 369. See
also the articles in this Dictionary under the
titles of the animals named above.)
(18) Chalice, Western Christendom. (Chester,
u. s. p. 483.) One with two handles, a tree
springing from it, Calymna (British Museum).
Cf. CHALICE, vol. i. p. 337.
(19) Palm-tree, Rome. (De Rossi, u. s. p.
13, fig. 9.) Geneva. (Id. p. 25, fig. 2.)
(20) Palm branches, Rome. (Ferret, . s. pi.
xiii. fig. 4, and pi. xix. fig. 4.) Jerusalem, much
conventionalised. (Chester, u. s. pp. 483-4, one
figured.) Egypt. (British Museum.)
(21) Star, inscription around ; see below ;
Egypt. (Serous d'Agincourt, u. s. pi. xxii. fig. 14.)
The following subjects, to say nothing of
doubtful types, are from the Old Testament :
(22) Xoah's ark and dove. See above, under
No. 1.
(23) Scenes from life of Jonah. See above,
No. 1. Jonah beneath gourd. (Mamachi, u. s.
torn. i. p. 254, tab. iv. fig. 3.) Jonah and the
whale (a sea-dragon). (British Museum.)
(24) Spies bearing grapes, Carthage. (British
Museum.)
(25) Jewish candlestick, under various forms.
With seven branches, six being bent in the
middle at right angles ; palm branch (?) on
Hither side. Catacombs and Palatine, Rome.
(Se'roux d'Agincourt, u. s. pi. xxiv. fig. iii. ; De
Rossi, u. s. p. 7, fig. 12.) No palms, and
branches of candlestick curved (Birch, Anc.
Pott. vol. ii. fig. 192 ; Bartoli, M.S. t. 32 ; per-
haps a Jewish work ; probably from Rome).
Quite conventionalised Rome (Perret, u. s. pi.
xiii. fig. 5) ; sometimes with a Christian inscrip-
tion ; Jerusalem. (Chester, u. s. pp. 484, 485,
one figured.) Algeria. (Martigny, u. s. p. 353.)
Carthage. (British Museum.)
Of pagan types, Christianised, we have the
following :
(26) Venus holding apple, transformed into
an Eve, as Seroux d'Agincourt suggests, but ?
Catacombs of Rome ; good work, and probably
of a very early period. (Seroux d'Agincourt,
u. s. pi. xxiv. fig. 2.)
(27) Orpheus, who is made as a kind of symbol
of Christ. Catacombs of Rome. (Perret, it. s.
pi. xvii. n. i.)
There are also some other lamp-types of the
Christian period, but which can hardly be in-
tended to bear any Christian significance. The
most curious is a fish swallowing an aquatic
bird (De Rossi, Bull, di Arch. Crist. 18 TO, tav. iv.
n. 9, seemingly about the 6th century) : another
is a man killing a lion with a sword (British
Museum). Some lamps appear to bear Christian
portraits, either full-length (De Rossi, u. s. 1867,
p. 25), or the bust only ; one in the British Mu-
seum has apparently the head of an emperor,
perhaps of Justinian.
Passeri (Lucern. Fict. vol. iii. pp. 126-7, t.
xcii.) publishes a lamp of the usual type bearing
the Graces, at the bottom of which is a cross,
in dotted lines, which leads him to suspect that
it is made by a Christian artist ; and adds, " uam
et aliae plures apud me asservantur, quae
omnino Christianae sunt, et tamen ethnicorum
symbolis atque imaginibus adornantur, prae-
sertim Victoriae, Herculis, Palladis et Apollinis
citharoedi sive Orphei, quas omnes, cum per
otium licebit, sua in sede collocatas publicabirnus."
This promise does not appear to have been ful-
filled; and the Christianity of such lamps (the
Orpheus-type excepted) may be questioned. De
Rossi cannot accept the cross on the bottom of
a lamp " per segno certo di Christianesimo "
(Bull, di Arch. Crist. 1870, p. 80).
The same types, as was to be expected, are
not found in all places where Christian lamps
have been discovered in considerable numbers.
The Rev. G. J. Chester observes of those of Jeru-
salem : " Many lamp-types of more Western
Christendom, from the catacombs of Rome, Syra-
cuse, and Carthage, such as the Good Shepherd,
the Sacred Monogram, the Dove, the Cock of St.
Peter, and the Chalice, are entirely absent ; and
the same may be said of the disgusting and pro-
bably Gnostic device of the toad " [rather frog]
" associated with the cross, so often found in the
catacombs of Alexandria and elsewhere, in Egypt.
The earthenware bottles, with the effigy of St.
Menas, an Egyptian saint, who flourished in the
4th century .... so commonly found with
Christian lamps in Egypt, are also absent. [See
Bockh, C. I. G. p. 897~8 and Academy, u. s.] The
usual symbols of the Jerusalem lamps, which are
all of a rude and cheap description. . . . are the
cross . . . ; the seven-branched candlestick . .
. . and the palm branch .... These emblems,
which the Christians of the mother of churches
used and rejoiced in, in common with their bre-
thren in more western lands, are all more- or less
conventionalised, and are represented in a dis-
tinctive and different manner." (Recovery of
Jerusalem, pp. 483-4.)
The types commonly occupy the disc or centre
of the body of the lamp, while the sides are either
plain or more usually decorated with floral or
geometrical ornaments, or with subordinate types,
as a wreath of palm-branches, or medallions en-
closing the chrisma, &c. ; or, more rarely, they
bear inscriptions. In the lamps of Palestine, how-
ever, the emblems are placed along the edge, and
not in the body of the lamps, which are in most
cases not round but pear-shaped (Recov. of Jerus.
p. 484).
Inscriptions on terra-cotta kimps. These are
rare, only three being contained in Bockh's Greek-
Christian inscriptions, though a few others are
now known. The following are the most im-
portant :
(1) Seroux d'Asineourt, Recueil, p. 59, pi.
xxii. fig. 14 ; Bockh, C. I. G. n. 8980 :
TOT AriOT nOATOKTOC (sic),
i. e. rov ayiov Ho^vevKTOv (the Holy Polyeuctus)
LAMPS
written near the edge of a lamp, with a star in
the centre, found in a church at Coptos in
Upper Egypt, probably dedicated to that saint.
Others of the same character, bearing the names
of -St. Sergius, abbat, and St. Christina, abbess
(a.fj.fj.a), and St. Cyriaous, may be seen in Bockh,
nos. 8979, 8981, and Birch, Anc. Pott. vol. i.
p. 52. The lamp in the Roman College, on
which is written in ink O ATHOC CAKEPAOC,
LAMPS
923
may have been destined
(See Martigny, M.S.)
for the priests' use.
Clay Lamp, with star nml Greek inscription, (Serotu
d'Agiucourt.)
(2) G. J. Chester, Hecov. of Jerusalem, p. 485,
with figure ;
*o>C XY *ENI DACIN,
i.e. <pcas Xpirrrov fyaivti Traffiv (the light of Christ
shines to all ; adapted from 1 John ii. 8). Another,
similar, accompanied by a cross ; both are
from Jerusalem. The same inscription variously
blundered occurs on several lamps found in the
same neighbourhood, on more than one of which
the Jewish candlestick occupies the same posi-
tion as the cross in the lamp here figured. The
Clay Lamp, with cross and Grc^k inscription. (G. J. Chester.)
museum at Leyden has a lamp (from Egypt ?)
inscribed *u)C EH <S>o>TOC (Light of Light); and
Dr. Birch mentions the same legend, and also
EOAOriA EOT XAPIC ( Theology is the grace
of God), as occurring on Christian lamps from
Egypt (M.S.). Of other lamps from Jerusalem one
bears the same candlestick with seven lights,
and reads in letters partly inverted, \v^vdpta
KaAa (beautiful lights'), in allusion to the type.
Another appears to have 1X0 for IX0TC (the
fish). See Chester, as above (where more in-
formation may be found), and the Egyptian lamps
in the British Museum.
(3) Chabouillet, Catal. des Camees, fyc. dc la
Bibl. Impe'r. p. 607. (A drawing sent to him by
M. Muret.) A lamp, doubtless found in Egypt,
formerly in the collection of the Abbe Greppo,
has upon it the representation of a frog, with a
cross and the inscription
EFco EIMI ANACTACIC.
The transformations of the frog seemed to the
designer symbolical of the Resurrection ; there
seems no necessity to suppose any Gnostic feel-
ing. The words are an adaptation from John
si. 25.
(4) A lamp is figured by Matranga in Mama-
chi, Orig. et Antiq. Christ, torn. iii. p. 37, tab. vi.
fig. 2, on which a labarum of considerable
size stands between two soldiers ; on the tablet
below the wreathed chrisma is written in two
lines, EN TnTTn (sic) NIKA. The margin
is finely decorated with leaves, wreaths, and
medallions. Apparently from the catacombs
of Rome (in coemeteriis repertum). This is
termed vetustissimum monumcntum; it may be
of about the 5th or 6th century, to judge from
the figure.
Clay Lamp, with lalmram between soldiers, reading rc rovrta
(rat-spelt) VlKOL. (.Uitningu.)
(5) Raoul Rochette (u. s. p. 763) mentions that
lamps of the 4th century wc-.re found in 1834 in
a little Christian cemetery at Vulci, bearing the
type of heads surrounded by a nimbus, with in-
924
LAMPS
scriptions terminating with PAX CUM SANTis (sic)
or CUM ANGELIS. The early part probably men-
tioned the name of the person buried.
With regard to the paste, glaze, and style of
art, it varies a good deal. The greater part
appear to be of the bright red uiiglazed ware,
called false Samian, which have been found in
Egypt, among other places, where, however, the
art of making lamps "seems to have been in a
very low condition, and certainly inferior to its
state in Rome and the provinces of Greece and
Asia Minor." (Birch, u. s. i. 52, ii. 291.) The
lamps of Palestine are of unequal merit, none
being very high; while among the Roman lamps,
of various ages, some are of very good work.
The number of Christian lamps, of terra-cotta,
which enrich the museums of Europe, to say
nothing of those in private hands, is very large ;
Martigny calls them almost infinite (u. s.). In
this country the museum of the Palestine Ex-
ploration Fund contains the largest collection of
Christian lamps of that region : in the British
Museum there is a considerable number (between
one and two hundred) of others from various
localities.
(B) Bronze lamps. With regard to the lamps
of bronze, which have been found in the cata-
combs and elsewhere, they are generally thought
to be for the most part of a later age than
those of clay ; and some of those which are
preserved in museums lie under a suspicion of
being forgeries (Martigny, Diet. p. 352). They
have sometimes one spout, sometimes two, and are
generally pierced for suspension by chains, some
of which still exist. The chains sometimes met
in an inscribed tablet, which was itself suspended.
The curved pin for trimming the wick is occa-
sionally found attached (Boldetti, u. s. p. 64).
The earlier symbols, as the fish, hardly ever
occur ; the chrisma is frequent, and also the
cross. Several of these lamps are figured by
Bartoli, p. iii. ; Perret, torn. v. ?/. s. tabb. 23, 24,
25, 26, 30, 31 ; Bottari, Rmna Sotterr. i. iii.
tav. ccvi.-ccviii. ; and the British Museum has
about twenty others. f
The following notice of the Christian types
which occur on bronze lamps must suffice :
(1) Ckrisma. The handle formed by the
chrisma in a circle, surrounded by vine leaves
(Bartoli, t. 23). The same, surrounded by
Jonah and his gourd (ib. t. 30). The same,
plain, with transverse bar, accompanied by a
f There are also some figured in the older work of
Licetus, partly taken from Casalius, which seem to be of
metal. See a very curious one, if it be genuine, with two
spouts, a star on the body of the lamp, and a horseman
standing on the side attached to the handle, which is a
circle enclosing a chrisma, p. 782; also another, p. 870
(not made for suspension), having the Good Shepherd
bearing a sheep, his head radiated, a suspicious pecu-
liarity. For others more like those mentioned in the
text, see pp. 951,954,994, which lust gives a female
called a Venus, under a gourd, otherwise much resem-
bling Bartuli, t. 30. If indeed the two figures represent
the same specimen, the drawing of Licetus is very bad ;
yet this seems to be the ca.-e: see Bellori's remarks.
The writer desires to express his special obligation to
j\Ir. Percy Gardner for drawing up descriptions of the
more important bronze lamps contained in tlie Briiish
JIuseum, as well as to the other officers of the museum
for affording him every facility to inspect the object
mentioned both in this and in his other articles.
LAMPS
and 01 ; an inscribed tablet above (see figure, id.
t. 24). The same form of chrisma, on which a
dove perches (id. t. 26).
ONI ATTIGI
VC-ETIKLV5
Bronze Lamp, with handle formed by the chtisma, and a and to
bearing the name of Nonius Attieus vir clarissimus et illustris
(Burtoli.)
(2) Cross. Handle formed by a cross, above
which dove (Perret, u. s. t. v. fig. 5). Other
handles are formed by crosses of various form*
(British Museum). By a cross, on the top of
a gryphon's head, a chrisma on the body of the
lamp (Bartoli, t. 25). Same type, but lamp has
two spouts, and no chrisma (British Museum ;
same type, but done above cross ; Syracuse,
recently found ; Rev. S. S. Lewis). By a cross
placed between and overshadowed by wings
(British Museum). A cross placed in the middle
of an ornamented handle, with three central
discs (British Museum). A few of the above
lamps are somewhat boat-shaped.
(3) Bird. Body of lamp in the shape of a
phoenix (British Museum, two specimens). Cf.
Licetus, p. 871 (with figure). Others in British
Museum in form of a peacock or a duck, pro-
bably Christian.
(4) Palm branches. Placed near the nozzles
(Bottari, u. s. t. ccviii).
(5) Boat, as a symbol of the Church (see Mar-
tigny. Diet. s. v. ' Navire '). (a) A bronze lamp
in the form of a boat, is now in the cabinet of the
Grand Duke of Tuscany (Bartoli, u. s. t. 31 ;
Cahier et Martin, Melan/jes Archeol. vol. iii. p. 15 ;
Perret, u. s. t. 1). Two figures (Peter steering
and Paul preaching") are at the ends of the boat,
which bears an inscription on a label at the top
of the mast ia three lines :
DOMINVS LEGEM
DAT VALKRIO SEVERO
EVTROP1 VIVAS.
This inscription has long been a puzzle for the
learned. (See Bellori at the end of Bartoli, p. 11 ;
also Martigny, Diet. p. 352.) De Rossi (Bull, di
Arch. Crist. 1867, p. 28) seems to have hit on
the true explanation, by suggesting that Eutro-
pius is the praenomea of Valerius Severus ; and
that the acclamation congratulates him on
LAMPS
having accepted the law of the Gospel, he having
been previously a pagan.
LAMPS
925
Bronza Lamp, in form of a boat, in which are St. Peter and St.
Panl. (Giuiez in Cahier and Martin, whence Ferret.)
This most interesting lamp was discovered
during excavations of the Mons Coelius at Rome,
in the 17th century, and appears to have been
first published by De la Chausse in his Museum
Homanum, Rom. 1690, and has since been re-
peatedly noticed, but only recently correctly
drawn by M. Giniez. It is probably one of the
earliest Christian bronze lamps known, being
found along with other antiquities " of a good
period of the empire " (Bellori).
Bronze Lamp (boat?), benring chrisma, gryphon, and dolphin.
(De liossi.)
(6) Bronze lamp, perhaps intended for a boat,
of very fine work, terminating at the poop in a
gryphon's head, an apple in his mouth ; the
chrisma, on which a dove is perched, is between
its ears ; on the body of the lamp is another
chrisma ; at the other end (the prow) is a dol-
phin, with a loaf (?) in his mouth.
The dolphin, though no true fish, is here, as
elsewhere, taken to be the symbol of Christ (as
a fish). The apple in the dragon's mouth is
interpreted by Monsignor Bailies to be the apple
of Eve ; while the loaf in the dolphin's mouth is
regarded by him as the living bread of the
Eucharist. [See DOLPHIN, FISH, GEMS.]
Probably (see De Rossi) of the end of the 4th
or beginning of the oth century. Found in the
excavations of Porto. (De Rossi, Bull, di Arch.
Crist. 1868, p. 77, tav. 1, fig. 1, and for 1870,
pp. 72-76.)
It should be added that lamps as well as
candles were, from the 4th century onwards,
placed in churches on candelabra suspended
from the roof. These were of metal, bronze,
silver, or even gold. Allusion is repeatedly made
to them in the Liber pontijiculis, and elsewhere ;
they were often of large size and elaborate orna-
mentation. They were commonly known by
the name of Pharos (watch-tower) or Corona,
indicative of their general shape. (See Ducange,
Gloss, under each word ; and Martigny, Diet.
p. 153.) They were of various forms as respects
details. (See Papias, quoted by Ducange, u. s.
Pharus.) A representation of one which ap-
proaches our period is given in a MS. of about
the 9th century by Spallart, Tubl. Hist, des Cost,
et Moeitrs, pi. xx. n. 4, referred to by Guenebault
(see below). It is in the form of an architec-
tural composition surrounded by towers. See
CORONA LUCIS. (For copious references to the
earlier and later literature of Christian lamps,
see Fabricius, Bibl. Antiq. pp. 1035, 1036; Guene-
bault, Diet. Iconogr. des Monum. Chre't. p. 105,
Paris, 1843. In M. Cahier's paper on the Couronno
de lumiere d'Aix-la-Chapelle is much information
about early Christian lamps and chandeliers
(Cahier et "Martin, Mel. d Arched, vol. iii. pp.
1-61). There are also treatises by Fauciulli, De
Lampadibus et Lucernis pensilibus in sacris aedi-
bus Christianorum, 4to. (with plates) ; and
Greppo, Sur I'usage des Cierges et des Lampes
dans les premiers siecles de FEglisc, Lyon, 8vo.
1842, which the writer has not seen.) 1 [C. B.]
a Since the above was written the Rev. S. S. Lewis has
called the writer's attention to an able paper by M. de
Villefosse in the Musee Arche'ologique for 1875, entitled
"Lampes Chretiennes inedites " (3), to which ip add: d an
enumeration of the Christian lamps (15) in the Museum
of the Louvre. Most of them have the same general
types as those named in this article ; but the following
from Algeria and Tunis are additional: (1) The Three
Children in the furnace, in Phrygian caps, accompanied
by the Guardian Angel ; (2) The M.igi (in Phrygian caps)
ami the Star (imperfect) ; both these are figured ; C3) Bust
of St. Paul(?)5 (4) Daniel (?). All are of clay. Mr.
W. R. Cooper, in a paper On thfffoms Myth in /felntion
to Christianity, read before the Victoria Institute (March
6, 1876), mentions two terra-cotta lamps, shewing the
influence of the Horus myth on Christian works of art.
One in the Boston Museum, of wliirh be gives a figure,
bears " a large Gre.-k cross, which completely divides it
into tour sections, in the two lower of which is placed the
crux ansata, or the mystical cross of life, which was
926 LAMPS, LIGHTING OF
LAMPS, LIGHTING OF. Lamps in
churches were in early Christian times lighted
just before the beginning of vespers, which were
originally appointed to be said at the twelfth
hour, i.e. the last hour before sunset, whence
the office itself is sometimes called duodecima.
" Prima sic dici debet, pungentibus jam radiis
solis, et vespera adhuc declinantibus radiis ejus."
" In aestivo vero tempore adhuc altius stante sole
Luccrnaria inchoentur propter breves noctes"
{Reg. S. Bened. cc. c. 34). The Benedictine
practice in the last century is said to have been
to say vespers in the winter at 3 P.M., in the
summer at 3J P.M. (Grancolas. Com. in Brev.
cap. xxxviii.)
The lighting of the lamps was accompanied
by certain prayers and psalms. These were
known as psalmi and preces lucernales (St. Basil,
ad Amphil. ; St. Jerome, Ep. ad Laetam, &c.), and
the office of vespers as lucernarium or lucernalis*
v. lucernaria hora (St. Aug. Sermo i. ad fratres in
JEr.). " Hora nona [i.e. as the context shews,
after the ninth hour] lucernarium facimus," and
the hours of prayer are thus enumerated :
" hora tertia, sexta, nona, lucernarium, medio
noctis, gallicinio, mane primo." [S. Jerome
in Ps. 119 (120).] The apostolic constitutions
also bid the faithful come together at eventide to
sing psalms and offer prayers, and they call Ps.
140 (141) fin\vxviov (i. 59 and viii. 35).
These psalms and prayers were originally said
separately from, and as introductory to, vespers
properly so called ; later they were incorporated
into the office, the first part of which was known
as Lucernarium, or in Greek rb \vxvik6v, and
the whole office of vespers was sometimes,
though less accurately, called by the same
name. The directions for the '' lychnic " in the
Greek Euchology, for a solemn vigil (aypvirvia),
are as follows : The officer who put the lamps
or candles in their places was called \ap.iraSd-
pios ; he who lighted them, Karayopidpris (al.
KaTTfiyopidprjs, Goar, 272).
The priest, having vested in the sacristy (tepa-
TeiW), comes out and censes the whole church
and the icons, and, entering into the bema, censes
the holy table, saving with a loud voice
" Glory be to the holy, and consubstantial, and
life-giving and indivisible Trinity, in all places
now and ever, and to ages of ages. R. Amen."
Then the superior, or the appointed monk (<5)
irpoe<rro>s 3} 6 Tax^eis ftovaxos^), sings the
prooemiac psalm, i.e. Ps. 103 (104), the priest
remaining within the bema, with the holy doors
closed. At the verse, " When Thou openest Thy
'hand they are filled with good," he comes out
with the canonarch (or precentor
always held in the hands of the Egyptian gods and god-
desses, and which the good spirit applied to the lips of
the mummy to bring it again to life." (Catacombs of
Alexandria.) He considers the adaptation of Egyptian
sacred emblems to Christian purposes to be clear enough
in these figures. Another from Dendereh, which he
figures after Denon, has the crux ansata for the principal
cross, the looped postern of which surrounds the mouth
of the lamp, and the central stem is extended upwards,
BO as to resemble a Greek cross also. No inscription on
either lamp.
By this term, however, Cassian appears to moan
Nocturns.
b St. Basil, Ep. 37, ad Neocaesarienses.
LAMPS, LIGHTING OF
Ku.vova.pxov ), and, after a prescribed reverence,
goes to his place : the canonarch remains stand-
ing in the centre, and recites the stichi, or
versicles for the day. At the verse of the psalm,
"In wisdom hast Thou made them all," d the
priest removes, and, standing bare-headed, says
the " prayers of the lychnic " before the holy
doors. These prayers are seven prayers for
pardon and protection during the night, each
ending in the usual manner with the ascription
of praise. After their conclusion the priest says
the great " synapte " (TTJV /jLeyd\riv <rvva.TrTf]v).
The appointed section (or Cathism Ka.QifffJ.oL) of
the Psalms is then said, and after that the
deacon says the little "synapte." 6 The office of
vespers proper is then continued.
When there is no vigil, the rite is simple.
The holy doors are not opened, but the priest,
stauding before them bare-headed and vested in
a stole, says with a loud voice " Blessed be our
God in all places now and ever, and to ages of
ages." Then the superior or the appointed
monk recites the prooemiac psalm without
modulation (x<Va, i-e. " fusS, voce sine cantu,"
&c., Goar), and the rest of the office is gone
through as before.
In the Ambrosian office, the antiphon at the
opening of vespers is still called " Lucernarium,"
and contains an obvious allusion to the name.
That for ordinary Saturdays and Sunday is :
" For Thou, Lord, shall light my candle; Lord my
God, make my darkness to be light.
" V. For in thee I shall discomfit a host of men [Lat.
eripiar a tentatione] ; Lord my God make my darkness
to be light.
" Iterum. For Thou, Lord," &c.
and that for other week days :
" The Lord is my light and my salvation ; whom then
shall I fear?
" V. The Lord is the strength of my life : of whom then
shall I be afraid ?
" Iterum. The Lord is my light," &c.
The Mozarabic vespers also begin (after the
Kyrie Eleison and Paternoster, said secretly)
with the salutation by the priest, " In nomine
Domini nostri Jesu Christi lumen cum pace. E.
Deo Gratia," and the " Lauda " which, with its
prayer, immediately follows, has reference to
the old rite, and is of precisely the same cha-
racter as the Ambrosian " lucernarium."
The well-known hymn attributed by some to
St. Ambrose, " Deus qui certis legibus noctem
discernis ac diem," said in the Mozarabic
= This word is interpreted by Goar (p. 29), " Canonum
dux et incoptor," and may be sufficiently nearly repre-
sented by Precentor.
a There is a difficulty in understanding these direc-
tions, as the verse, " In wisdom," &c., occurs earlier in
the psalm than " When thou openest," &c.
e The word synapte (crwairnj) is explained by Goar as
" prayers compiled (compositas) for various persons and
objects, and collected into one; whence the Greeks call it
<rvva.TTTri, we (i.e. the Latins) collecta." Its form is that
of a Litany, with Kyrie Eleison repeated after each clause.
Of the two forms, here called great and small, one is
fuller than the other. Prayers of this character are also
called fKTfvrj, from their length, sometimes also eipiji/iica,
because the first petition they contain is for peace, or
SiaKoviKa, because said by the deacon. They are of
varied form and contents, and occur very frequently in
the Greek offices. The earliest form of a synapte is given
in the Apostolic Constitution, viii. 9.
LAMPS, LIGHTING OF
breviary on the second Sunday iu Lent, is headed
in a hymnary printed by Thomasius, vol. ii.,
"recedente sole, ac die cessante, hora incensi
Lucernae ;" and the hymn of Prudentius, " In-
ventor rutili Dux bone fulminis," is called
" Hymnus ad incensum Lucernae." This is
the ordinary opinion. Lesley, however, in the
preface to the Mozarabic Missal, gives reasons
derived from the composition of the hymn in
favour of its having been composed, not for
daily use, but for the lighting of the Paschal
cam'le on Easter Eve. The hymn is said in the
Mozarabic breviary on the Sunday after the
Octave of the Epiphany, and, according to
the Sarum and York rites, on Easter Eves at
the benediction of the Paschal candle.
See also Martene, De Ant. Bit. iv. 42, &c. ;
Grancolas, Commen. in Brev. Rom. i. c. 38, &c. ;
Casali, de Veter. Sacr. Christ. Ritib. c. 44 ;
Gavanti, sec. iv. c. 6.
Reference to the Lucernarium may be seen in
the following collects, which are the first collects
(oratioues) at vespers in the Ambrosian rite on
an ordinary Wednesday and Friday.
On Wednesday. Vespertinum incensum nos-
trum quaesumus Domine, clementer intende, ut
ignitum eloquiem tuum credentium corda puri-
ficet. Per Dominum.
On Friday. Gratias tibi agimus, omnipotens
Deus, quod declinante jam die, nos vespertini
luminis claritate circumdas : petimus immensam
clementiam tuam : ut, sicut nos hujus luminis
claritate circumvallas, ita Sancti Spiritus tui
luce corda nostra illuminare digneris. Per
Dominum. [H. J. H.]
LAMPSACUS, COUNCIL OF (Lampsa-
cenum concilium), held at Lampsaki on the Helles-
pont, A.D. 364, as Pagi shews. Orthodox bishops
were invited to it ; and it is described as a
council of Homoousians by Sozomen (vi. 7) if
the reading is correct. But those who directed it
must have been really Semi-Arians ; for they pro-
fessed to be partisans of the Homoiousian formula,
and of the creed published at Antioch, besides
siding with Macedonius by whom the godhead of
the Holy Ghost was denied. What made Sozo-
men think well of them probably was that they
were treated with marked favour by Valenti-
nian ; while they condemned the extreme party
which Valens espoused, and which he ordered
them into exile for dissenting from. On this
too they seem to have despatched a still more
orthodox account of themselves to Rome, which
contented Liberias (Soc. iv. 12 ; comp. Mansi, iii.
378, and Roman Councils, 16). [E. S. Ff.]
LANCE, HOLY (ayia \6y X V, cultellus) ; a
liturgical instrument of the Greek Church, in
the shape of a small knife formed like a spear.
The annexed representation from Goar gives its
form. It is used in the common Greek rite in
the preparatory office of prothesis to divide th
Host from the holy loaf previous to consecration.
This earlier fraction, the primitive antiquity of
which is doubtful, is distinctly symbolical, and
has no reference to the subsequent distribution,
for which another fraction has always been
made. The typical allusion to the circumstances
ot our Lord's Passion receives greater force and
vividness in the Greek Church, from the use of
the " holy spear " for the division of the loaf, as
LANDULF
927
commemorative of the piercing of our Lord's
body by the Roman soldier. The priest makes
four cuts to separate the host from the oblation,
and also stabs it more than once, accompanying
AQTXH
The Holy Lance. (From Goar.)
every cut or stab with appropriate texts of
Scripture, e.g. " He was led as a lamb to the
slaughter," " One of the soldiers with a spear
pierced His side," &c.
The use of the holy spear is not found in the
purely Oriental liturgies, e.g. those of the
Syrians and Egyptians, a fact which leads
Renaudot to question whether the rite is of
primitive antiquity, since these churches bor-
rowed their discipline from the Greek Church
in the earliest ages. It is entirely unknown in
the Western Church.
(Augusti, ffandbuch, vol. ii. p. 751 ; Bona, Rer.
Liturg. lib. i. c. xxv. 6 ; Goar, Euchol. p. 116 ;
Neale, Eastern Church, p. 342 ; Scudamore, Not.
Euch. p. 539.) [E. V.]
LANCIANA, martyr at Amecia in Pontus,
Aug. 18 (Hurt, ffieron. D'Ach.). [E. B. B.]
LANDAFF, COUNCILS OF (Landacensia
concilia). Three such are given in Mansi (ix. 763
sqq.) dated A.D. 560 ; but, even if genuine, they
were simply meetings of the bishop, his three
abbats, and his clergy, for excommunicating or
absolving great offenders : in the 1st case Meuric,
in the 2nd Morgan, kings of Glamorgan : in the
3rd Gwaednerth, king of Gwent; all of them
under Oudoceus third bishop of LlandafT, and
therefore scarcely before the 7th century. " The
book, however, in which these records occur is a
compilation of the 12th century " (Haddan and
Stubbs, Councils and Documents, i., notes to pp.
125 and 147). [E. S. Ff.j
LANDEBEKT. [v. LAMBERT (1).]
LANDELIN, founder of the abbeys of
Lobbes, and of St. Crispin at Valenciennes,
t June 15, A.D. 687 (v. Acta Sanctorum, Jun. iii!
538). [E. B. B.]
LANDERIC, bishop and founder of the
Maison Dieu at Paris (7th cent.), f June 10 (v.
Acta Sanctorum, Jun. ii. 280). [E. B. B.]
LANDOALD, apostle of Ghent, commemo-
rated March 19 (v. Acta Sanctorum, Mar. iii. 35),
also June 10 (MS. Eal. elg.). [E. .B. B.]
LANDRADA, abbess of Bilsen under Lam-
bert, f July 8 (Acta Sanctorum, Jul. ii. 619).
[E. B. B.j
LANDRIC, bishop of Metz, c. 700, f Apr.
17 (Acta Sanctorum, Apr. ii. 483).
[E. B. B.]
LANDS OF THE CHURCH. [PROPERTY
OF THE CHURCH.]
LANDULF, bishop of Evreux, Aug. 13 (7th
century) (Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.), called Laudulf,
Acta Sanctorum, Aug. iii. 96. [E. B. B.]
928
LANDUS
LANDUS. [v. LANNUS.]
LANIPENDIA. In the Rule of Caesarius
for Virgins (c. 27 in Acta SS. Jan. i. p. 732) the
care of the wool from which the sisters' habits
were to be made is committed to the care of the
superior (praepositae) or the lanipendia, the
sister appointed to take charge of the woollen
manufacture. The word is used in a similar sense
by Paulus, Digest. 24, 1, 38.
LANISTA. (1) A trainer of gladiators, who
frequently contracted for the supply of swords-
men for Roman spectacles. The horror which
the Christians felt for GLADIATORS [see the
word] was of course intensified in the case of one
who was regarded as a trader in man's flesh, and
an accessary to murder. Thus Tertullian (de
Idol. c. 11) says that if homicides are excluded
from the church, lanistae are of course excluded.
What they had done by the hands of others, they
must be reputed to have done themselves.
Prudentius (c. Symmach. ii. 1095), speaking of
the inhumanity of the vestals in going to the
gladiatorial shows, seems to use lauista in the
sense of a gladiator simply :
" sedet ilia verendis
Vittarurn insignis phaleris fruiturque lanistis."
(2) The word lanista was sometimes used
contemptuously by Christian writers to designate
a priest who actually slew victims with his
hands. Thus Ennodius of Ticino (|521), in his
sermon on the dedication of a church of the
Apostles on the site of an idol's temple (Diet, ii.;
in Migne, Patrol. 63, p. 2(38 c), speaks of the
multitude of victims slain by the butcher-priests
(per lanistas). He even speaks of the priest
under the Mosaic law as " lanista Judaicus."
(Bened. Cerei, Opusc. ix. 260 B.)
(Bingharn's^lrtfo'2'. XVI. x. 13 ; Macri Hlerolcx.
s. v. Lanista.) [C.]
LANITANUS or LAMTANUS, martyr at
Thessalonica, June 25 (Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.).
[E. B. B.]
LANNUS, martyr at Horta in Italy, May 5
(v. AA. SS. Mav, ii. 49 ; compare p. 9*).
[E. B. B.]
LANTA, martyr, May 31 or June 1 (Mart.
Hieron. D'Ach.). [E. B. B.]
LANTERN. [!N ARCHITECTURE.] The ele-
vated portion of the fabric covering the intersec-
tions of the nave and transepts of a church. In
the earlier churches of the dromical or basilican
plan the cruciform arrangement is not of fre-
quent occurrence ; where it is met with it is
sometimes merely indicated by the position of
the columns, no corresponding alteration bei^
made in the roof. Sometimes the transept takes
the form of another nave with its own continu-
ous roof placed at right angles to the true nave,
from which it is separated by the "arch oi
triumph." Neither of these arrangements
allows of the introduction of a lantern. The
earliest examples of this feature are met with in
the Lombard churches, epecially those of Pavia,
in which a combination was attempted of the
long nave and aisles of the old basilicas, and the
dome of the Byzantine churches. The section of
St. Michael's, at Pavia [GALLERY, I. 706], affords
LAODICEA, COUNCILS OF
i very good example of this combination. We
there see the centre of the cross elevated into a
ow octagonal tower, covered with a tiled roof
;ontaining a hemispherical cupola, supported on
arched pendentives. We have a similar arrange-
ment in the churches of San Pietro in cielo d'oro,
3uilt by king Luitprand, after A.D. 712, and San
Teodoro, c. 750, in the same city. This novel
'eature speedily found general favour, and by
the influence of the Carlovingian kings of Italy,
the Lombard style having passed into the Rhenish
provinces and into France, the lantern was
miversally adopted in later churches. [E. V.]
LAODICEA, COUNCILS OF (Laodiccna
Concilia). (1) Held at Laodicea, in Phrygia,
whither St. Paul, according to the inference
drawn from Col. iv. 16, addressed a letter now
lost (Westcott, Canon, p. 408, and App. E.) :
and St. John a remonstrance, as one of the
churches named in the Apocalypse. Its date
has been much canvassed. It was once thought
contemporary with the council of Neo-Caesarea,
and prior to that of Kicaea. Beveridge says the
mention of the Photinians in the 7th canon
negatives this, as there was no such sect then.
But Ferraudus the deacon, in quoting this canon,
omits the Photinians. The Isidorian version does
the same. Besides, the classing of Photinians,
who were fell heretics, between the Novatiaus
and Quartodecimans, who were merely schis-
matics, in a canon where no others are named,
seems more the act of a scribe than a council.
Dionysius, however, bears out the Greek. On
other grounds it may be said that these canons,
having been from the earliest times placed after
the canons of Antioch in the code of the church,
we can hardly date them earlier than A.D. 341 ;
and if their connexion with a council of Illyria,
suggested by Beveridge (Annot. p. 193), and
with the semi-Ariau bishop Theodosius, sug-
gested by Godfrey (ad Philostorg. viii. 3-4), be
allowed, probably not earlier than A.D. 375
[ILLYRIAN COUNCIL, I. 813]. It would be thus a
semi-Arian council, like that of Antioch, whose
canons were received ultimately by the church
for their intrinsic worth. We will consider the
form in which they have come down to us
further on. They were 59 in number, all on
discipline : but the 59th, when given in full, is
sometimes divided, so as to form a 60th.
By the 1st second marriages may be condoned
after a time. By the llth the appointment of
female presbyters (irpetrjSvTiSes) is forbidden.
Fourteen canons, beginning with the 14th, relate
to services in church, and should all be studied,
particularly the 19th, which is a locus classicus
on the ordering of the liturgy. The 35th seems
directed against the errors which St. Paul con-
demns (Col. ii. 18). The 45th forbids baptizing
after the second week in Lent. The 46th ap-
points Maundy Thursday for the redditio symboli.
The 50th forbids the breaking of the Lenten fast
on that day. By the 52nd weddings and birth-
days are not to be celebrated in Lent. By the
57th bishops are not to be ordained in future to
villages and country places : and all who have
been are to do nothing without leave from the
city bishop. The presbyters destined to be their
substitutes are to be similarly bound.
And now comes the 59th canon, of which there
is a shorter and a longer form : the longer COD-
LAODICEA, COUNCILS OF
taiuing a catalogue of the books of the Old and
New Testaments, specified as what ought to be
read in church by this council. But this half of
the canon is not found in the Latin version of
these canons by Dionysius, nor in the Greek col-
lection of John Scholasticus, any more than in
the Latin collections of Martin or Cresconius
all of which, however, exhibit the shorter form.
Again, it is omitted in most Greek as well as
Latin MSS. of these canons. On these grounds
Professor Westcott, after considerable research,
and with a praiseworthy desire to be impartial,
has decided against its genuineness {Canon, pp.
382-90, and App. D. 1). But he has here de-
ferred too much to his German authorities, and
by so doing has missed more than one cardinal
point in this inquiry. This is how the matter really
stands. We seem to know of no Greek version
of these canons earlier than the one represented
by Dionysius in his translation. They form part
of the 165 canons which he says he translated
from the Greek. And this version could not
have been known to the West much earlier than
his own time, or these canons would not have
been omitted entirely from the older Latin col-
lection described as the Prisca Versio, of which
the oldest MS. is in the Bodleian, and from other
collections indicated by the Ballerini (da Ant.
Coll. ii. 3).
Yet that there must have been another Greek
version of them circulating in the West, coinci-
dently with, if not before, the Dionysian one, is
clear, for this reason. The Isidorian version of
these canons includes this catalogue : and among
the canons attributed to the council of Agde,
A.D. 506, by Hincmar and others (Mansi, viii.
323, with the note), no less than four of these
Laodicean canons, the 20th, 21st, 30th, and 36th,
are reproduced word for word, except where
MSS. differ, in the Latin of the Isidorian version
(ib. p. 366). Thus this catalogue must have
been circulating in Spain and in the south of
France, translated of course from the Greek
when, or possibly before, Dionysius published
his version in which it is wanting.
Another even more cardinal point remains.
Anybody who will compare the form in which
these canons are presented to us by Dionysius,
with all the others translated by him, will see
directly that it cannot have been the form in
which they were passed, but that it is a mere
abstract, identical with the form in which all
canons are quoted in the Greek collection of
John Scholasticus (itfpl TOV, c.), and the Latin
collections of Ferrandus and Martin. The ab-
stract supplies merely the principle, not the
details of each canon. Dionysius translated all
the other canons in full, because the Greek con-
tained them iii full. Of the Laodicean he trans-
lated no more than a summary, because the
Greek contained no more. The Greek from
which the Isidorian version was made was like-
wise no less an abstract, except in this one case.
Thus, except in this one case, the original canons
have not been preserved, which accounts for
their late appearance ; and there is a reason
both for this exception and also for its not having
obtained general currency. Particular churches
had their own catalogues of the Scriptures
their own use which they would not have ex-
changed for another. Accordingly, Ferrandus
aud Martin have dispensed themselves from
LAODICEA, COUNCILS OF 929
including any catalogue in their collections.
Dionysius includes the African in his, because
he was giving the African canons in full. Cres-
couius has it in his collection for the same reason,
but omits it in his compendium, on grounds
similar to those on which the Laodicean was
omitted in the Greek copy which Dionysius and
others had before them. John Scholasticus, pa-
triarch of Constantinople, where probably there
was no earlier use, gives that of the apostolic
canons, as being most authoritative. Anyhow, he
would have shrunk from borrowing on such a
point from this synod, it being a semi-Arian synod.
Professor Westcott has not failed to observe
that the Laodicean Catalogue is identical with
that of St. Cyril of Jerusalem. Just so, but
was not St. Cyril connected at one time with
the semi-Arians ? Still further, may not its
origin be thus held to account satisfactorily for
its getting into the Spanish collection ? In
general the Latin-speaking churches were much
attached to the books of Wisdom and Ecclesi-
asticus, of Tobit and Judith, which the African
catalogue receives freely, but which this ex-
cludes, and to the Apocalypse, which this ex-
cludes also.
Let us now see which way intrinsic considera-
tions point. The first half orders that no private
psalms, nor uncanonical books, should be read in
church. What were private psalrns ? There
was just one such, at all events, that was popu-
lar in the Alexandrian church. It is called
sometimes " a private psalm of David ; " and
sometimes " extra numerurn." But it is reck-
oned the 151st psalm by St. Athanasius him-
self (Ep. ad Marcell. 25); and it is also found
as such in the Alexandrine Codex. Now, in the
latter half, or catalogue, the Psalter is pointedly
said to consist of 150 psalms, as if with the
direct object of excluding this. Again, what is
the one book of the New Testament which is not
found in this catalogue ? It is the Apocalypse
certainly not the least known in Asia Minor ;
yet when we recall the character of the special
reference to the Laodicean church which it con-
tains, its absence from the traditional list of
books to be read in that church is surely
natural.
But for this one omission in the New Testa-
ment, and saving that Baruch is coupled with
Jeremiah in the old, and no reading of the Apo-
crypha tolerated in church at all, this Laodicean
catalogue coincides with our own throughout :
and it is identical with that of St. Cyril, as has
been said, and embodies the mature judgment
expressed by Eusebius, a still more pronounced
partisan and contemporary. Thus its genuine-
ness really presents no opening for attack on
general grounds ; while the special arguments
in its favour, intrinsic as well as external, are
full as strong as we could expect, always bearing
in mind that these canons have come down to us
through a collector, and not in the shape in
which they passed (Mansi, iii. 563-600 with the
notes ; Hefele, 93). The parallel case which
occurs in Cresconius illustrates this to a nicety.
Possibly these canons had not been added to
the code of the church when it was confirmed at
Chalcedou ; yet they must have formed part of
it when Dionysius translated them, and as such
been confirmed by the quinisext and 7th coun-
cils. But whether the 59th was confirmed in
930 LAODICEA, COUNCILS OP
its longer or its shorter form, it was certainly
not confirmed to the exclusion of the Apocalypse
from the church catalogue.
2. A.D. 481-2, at which Stephen junior, who
had been elected to the see of Antioeh, but
thrust out on false charges, was restored
(Mansi, vii. 1021). [K. S. Ff.]
LAOSYNACTES (AOOO-WOKTTJS), an official
of the patriarchal church of Constantinople,
whose business it was to assemble the deacons
and take care that they attended to their duties.
(Suicer, Thesaurus, s. v.) [C.]
LAPETA, COUNCIL OF (Lapetense Con-
cilium), one of three synods held A.D. 495, or
thereabouts, under Barsurnas, Nestorian arch-
bishop of Nisibis, at Lapeta, near Bagdad. Three
canons are given to it ; but a thirteenth has
been cited. By the third of them all the clergy,
as well as the laity, are permitted to marry at
their discretion (Mansi, viii. 143, et seq.)
[E. S. Ff.]
LAPIDES SACRI. I. Bounds or landmarks,
so called because originally consecrated to Ju-
piter by Numa Pompilius (FESTUS, s. v. Ter-
minus).
They must be distinguished from the mile-
stones or milliaria, which were also known as
lapides. (Dicx. OF GR. AND ROM. ANT. art.
Milliare ; Terminalia.)
The reverence for boundaries was, however,
of far older growth. The Mosaic law forbade
the removal of a landmark (Deut. xxvii. 17).
Josephus (Antiq. Jud. lib. i. c. 2) attributes the
first use of boundaries to Cain.
Among the Greeks landmarks were commonly
put under the protection of some divinity (Plato,
de Leg. viii. ; Ulpian, Collat. Leg. Mosaic, xii. ;
Paulus, Sentent. i. 16, and v. 22, 2).
Caius Caesar (A.D. 37-41), in his agrarian
law, imposed a fine on those who should remove
landmarks, dolo malo, of fifty aurei, to go to the
state (Digests, lib. xlvii. ; tit. de Termino Moto,
22, n. 3).
Nero (A.D. 54-68) ordered the slave who
should commit this offence to be put to death,
unless his master would pay the penalty (ib. and
see Callistratus, de Cognitionibus, lib. 3, 5).
Hadrian (A.D. 117-138) promulgated a law
punishing the offence with various periods of
imprisonment, with forced labour or with stripes,
according to the position and age of the offender
(ib. n. 2).
In the Corpus Juris Civilis a great mass of
references has been collected by way of com-
mentary on these laws, which may be consulted
with advantage.
Later codes are much less distinct than the
foregoing in their provisions, and less severe.
In the code of Theodosius, A.D. 438 (lib. ix. tit.
1 ; de Accusatione, lib. 1), we have merely, " qui
fines aliquos invaserit, publicis legibus subju-
getur."
Similarly in that of Justinian, A.D. 529 (lib.
ix. tit. 2, de Accusationibus et Inscriptionibus),
"eos qui termiuos effoderunt, extraordinaria anim-
adversione coerceri deberi, praeses provinciae non
ignorabit."
II. This phrase is also employed to censure
the effacing of the ancient boundaries of dioceses,
by bishops desirous of extending their jurisdic-
LAPSI
tion. Pope Innocent (A.D. 402-417), in one of
his letters (Ep. 8, ad Florentium), reminds the
bishop to whom he wrote that the Scriptures
forbade the removing of boundaries, and that
therefore he should abstain from endeavouring
to reduce others under his rule. In this sense
we find pope Leo I. (A.D. 440-461) also writing
to Anastasius, bishop of Thessalonica (Ep. i. c. 8) :
" Suis igitur terminis contentus sit quisque, uec
supra inensuram juris sui aff'ectet augeri."
Among the False Decretals are to be found
many instances of the employment of the phrase
in this symbolic sense, which is so far an evi-
dence of usage at the time when they were
concocted.
III. In the record of the proceedings of the
second Nicene Council, A.D. 787, we find sacred
images or statues referred to under this phrase-
ology. [S. J. E.]
LAPSI. The term applied to Christians who
in time of persecution denied their faith. In the
early persecution under Domitian, A.D. 95-6,
when it may be presumed that all who had
been converted to Christianity had counted the
cost of their profession, -the name does not occur.
But the severe onslaught on Christianity which
was made a century later, in the reign of
Severus, found the Christians less prepared to
resist unto blood in behalf of their religion.
Some bribed the soldiers and accusers to over-
look them, others paid a sort of periodical tax to
secure toleration. The exemption thus pur-
chased, though stopping short of a positive
lapse, was at best a compromise ; and although
the usage was permitted by some bishops, it,
like flight in time of persecution, was abhorrent
to the rigid Montanism of Tertullian (Tertull.
de Fugd in Persecutione, cc. 12, 13). The next
persecution was that under the emperor Decius,
A.D. 249-51. It was a systematic attempt to
eradicate Christianity, not so much by putting
its adherents to death, as by compelling them to
recant. Participation in a heathen sacrifice was
the test ordinarily applied. And the shameful
eagerness with which Christians rushed to purge
themselves by this test, and even carried their
infants with them, is disclosed by Cyprian (de
Lapsis, cc. 6, 7). Multitudes also only avoided
the actual sacrifice by bringing certificates
[LiBELLi] from the magistrates to the effect
that they had offered. During the troubles of
the church under Valerian, A.D. 258-60, instances
of recantation were far more rare. But in the
final persecution, which began under Diocletian,
A.D. 303, and raged with intense severity until
the edict of Constantine establishing religious
equality, A.D. 313, the Christians were exposed
to a new trial, to which numbers succumbed.
An attempt was made to extirpate the sacred
scriptures, and the lapsi who delivered up their
books were branded with the name of TRADI-
TORES.
The treatment of the lapsed who had polluted
themselves with Paganism in the Decian per-
secution occupies a considerable part of the
Epistles of Cyprian. His treatise de Lapsis,
written immediately after the termination of the
persecution, is an appeal to them to seek re-
admission into the church by penitence. The
terms however on which they should be ad-
mitted were not easily decided. Cyprian him-
LAPSI
self had gone into concealment while the perse
cution was hottest, a course which somewhat
compromised him in the eyes of the Eoman
clergy (Ep. viii.), but which he defended on the
ground that he had received a divine direction
(Ep. xv!. 3), and that his presence only exaspe-
rated the fury of the populace (Ep. xx. 1, de
Lapsis, c. 8). From his concealment he had to
determine how the lapsed should be treated.
The matter was complicated by a practice which
appears to have originated in the African church
during the Severan persecution (Tertull. ad
Martyr, c. 1), of confessors and martyrs giving
letters of recommendation to penitents, request-
ing the bishops to shorten their penance. The
practice was kept in some order by deacons
visiting the martyrs in prison, and guiding and
checking them in the distribution of their
favours (Ep. xv. 1). On the cessation of the
Decian persecution the privilege was greatly
abused ; for not only were letters given to any
indiscriminately, but given in the name of
martyrs who were dead (Ep. xxvii. 1, 2), and
given in such a form as to include the friends of
the petitioner (Ep. xv. 3). The custom after-
wards led to such disorders as to call for the
interference of councils (Cone. Eliber. c. 25,
1 Cone. Ardat. c. 9). The holders of these
letters demanded immediate communion, which
some bishops, yielding to the popular clamour,
granted (Ep. xxvii. 3). The decision of Cyprian
was that the holders of letters of martyrs who
were pressed by sickness, might be at once
restored after confession, even before a deacon if
death was imminent (Ep. xviii.) and after impo-
sition of hands (Ep. xix.) ; but that the rest
must wait till tranquillity was restored and
" the bishops meeting with the clergy and in
the presence of the laity who stood fast," could
grant them the public peace of the church. If
any meanwhile received the lapsed into com-
munion, they should themselves be excommuni-
cated (Ep. xxxiv. Iv. 3). This decision was
announced to the Roman clergy (Ep. xxvii.) and
to the confessors at Rome (Ep. xxviii.), and met
with the approval of the Roman church (Ep. xxx.).
In the spring of 251 Cyprian returned to
Carthage, and, in a council with his bishops
(Ep. Iv. 4), made a formal investigation into
the case of the lapsed. The conclusion announced
was that libellatics were to be received at once
(Ep. Iv. 14) ; that some who had once sacrificed,
but when put to the trial a second time, rather
endured banishment and confiscation of goods,
were likewise to be restored (Epp. xxiv. xxv.);
that others who had at first confessed Christ, and
when afterwards exposed to torture denied Him,
and had been doing penance for three years,
should no longer be excluded (Ep. Ivi.) ; and
that those who were sick should receive peace
only at the point of death (Ep. Ivii. 1). Of the
remainder, the penance should be long pro-
tracted, but the hope of ultimate communion
not denied (Ep. Iv. 4). These decisions were
also submitted to Rome, and accepted by
Cornelius in a largely-attended synod (Ep. Iv. 5).
So matters remained till the following year,
when Cyprian receiving, as he intimated, a
divine warning of the renewal of the persecu-
tion, announced to Cornelius that a Carthaginian
synod had resolved to receive into communion
all the lapsed who desired to return (Ep. Ivii.).
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LASREN, ORDER OF
931
It was on the solution of these questions that
Novatian broke away from the church. At the
beginning of the difficulty two letters attributed
to him (Epp. xxx. xxxvi. apud Cyp.) requested
that the lapsed who were sick might be restored
to communion. But afterwards, when his
notions had become more rigid, he took up the
position that the church had no power to
restore them on any terms ; he did not deny
that they might personally repent, but that any
repentance could ever lead to a re-admission to
church communion. A lapser by a unanimous
decree of the Western church was debarred
from ordination (Ep. Ixvii. 6). And a priest
who lapsed was restored only to lay communion.
Cyprian indignantly repudiates the libel that the
lapsing priest Trophimus was allowed after due
penitence to resume his sacerdotal functions (Ep.
Iv. 8). But in troubled times these rules could
not always be enforced (Bingham, Antiq. VI.
ii. 4). [Compare LIBELLI.] [G. M.]
LARGIO, martyr at Augsburg, Aug. 12,
Usuard (from Acts of St. Afra). He may be the
same as the following, and Augsburg a mistake
for August. [E. B. B.]
LARGUS, martyr on Salarian Way, trans-
lated to Ostian Way by pope Marcellus ; com-
memorated March 16 (Mart. Rom. Gell., Bede,
Ado, Usuard, Wand.) ; and Aug. 8 (Kal. Bucher ;
Mart. Hieron. D'Ach., Gell. ; Mart. Ado, Usuard),
(others do not name him this day) ; and (2)
martyr in the East, Aug. 9 (Mart. Hieron.) ; and
(3) at Aquileia, Mart. 16 (Usuard), 17 (Hieron.
D'Ach.) are probably the same. Is the name
Aquileia introduced from the martyrdom of
Hilary ? [E. B. B.]
LARNAX (Aapcol) is sometimes used for a
coffin. Thus the author of the life of St.
Martina of Rome (Ada S3. Jan. i. p. 18) says
that her body was placed in a coffin or shrine of
onyx (onychinum larnacem). Compare Torigi
de Cryptis Vaticanis, p. 551, 2nd ed. (Maori
Hierolex. s. v. Larnax). [C.]
LASCO, martyr in Asia, Feb. 23 (cod. Usuard.
Marchian.). D'Achery's edition of the Mart.
Hieron. has Cosco. It may be the name of a
place, or a confusion with Grisco. [E. B. B.]
LASREN, Lasrian, Laisrenn, Molaisi, Dolaisi,
are forms of a name under which are distin-
guished or confounded (1) son of Nadfraech,
abbat of Devenesh, on Lough Erne, d. Sept. 12,
563, commemorated at Belach Ui Michen, Sept.
15. (2) or Lazarinus, abbat of Durrow, 3rd
abbat of lona, d. Sept. 16, A.D. 605. (3) at
Men (in Queen's Co. ?), Sept. 16. (4) on Lough
Laoigh in Ulster, Oct. 25. (5), (6), (7), (8),
Dec. 26, Jan. 17 and 19, March 8. (9) son of
Caire, hermit at Lamlash, on coast of Arran,
abbat of Rathkill and Leighlin, consecrated bishop
at Rome f639, commemorated April 18 (Mart.
Donegal, p. 105, Bp. Forbes, Kalcndars of
Scjttisk Saints, p. 407 (who names him Molio,
because a cave at Lamlash is called St. Molio's
cave); Acta SS. Holland. Apr. ii. 540). (10)
abbat of Innis Murray, f Aug. 12, v. Reeves,
Adamnan, p. 287. [E. B. B.]
LASREN, ORDER OF, or Molaisi, one of
the eight orders of Irish monks. This Lasren
was either (1) celebrated for love of a stone
3 P
902
LASSAEA
LAUDA
prison and of hospitality, or (2) " a flame of fire
with his comely choristers." (Martyrology of
Donegal, Dublin, 1864, pp. 245-247.) [E. B. B.]~
LASSAEA, virgin, Jan. 29 (Colgan, AA.
SS. Jfibern.). Thirteen others are commemorated
in the Mart. Donegal, q. v. [E. B. B.]
LATEEAN, COUNCIL OF (Lateranense
Concilium), held A.D. 649, soon after the ac-
cession of pope Martin, in the church called
Constantine's, at his palace on the Lateran,
and chronologically the first of that name.
Its deliberations were purely doctrinal and
antimonothelite. Its acts have come down to
us in Greek as well as in Latin, though
Latin was, of course, the language employed.
The Greek documents are said to have been
translated into Latin in each case by one of the
Roman notaries, before they were read out :
letters from the African church, being in Latin,
were read out as they stood. The number of
bishops subscribing to it was 106, almost all
Italians, including the pope; and of its sessions,
or secretaries so called from being held in the
sacristy five. The first was opened by a speech
from the pope, followed by a letter to him from
Maurus, bishop of Ravenna, to the same effect,
which was read and approved. At the second,
other orthodox documents addressed to himself
or his predecessor were recited. At the third,
writings of a contrary description, by Theodore,
bishop of Pharan, and the patriarchs of Alex-
andria and Constantinople, Cyrus and Sergius,
together with the Ecthesis of the emperor Hera-
clius, inspired by the latter, were produced and
reflected upon. At the fourth, after some
further comments on what had been read at the
third, two more documents of the same kind
were rehearsed : 1, a letter of Paul, actual
patriarch of Constantinople, to the late pope
Theodore ; and 2, the Type of Constans, the
reigning emperor. Both having been pronounced
unsound, codices of the dogmatic rulings of each
of the previous five general councils were pro-
duced from the papal archives and read out in
answer to them all. Among these was the cele-
brated ordinance at the end of the definition of
the fourth council, on the unalterableness of the
creed. Attention was again directed in the last
session to that subject, by reciting what the fifth
council had said of its entire agreement with the
other four, and with all the great fathers and doc-
tors of the church : extracts from whom were
then read, to shew their harmony with each
other. Similarly, passages were produced after-
wards from the works of earlier heretics, to expose
their agreement with the errors that were now
broached. Twenty canons followed in condemna-
tion of Monothelism and its patrons in the East,
who are several times mentioned by name ; com-
plete reserve being maintained about pope Hono-
rius throughout. Letters to announce this re-
sult, or in connexion with this subject, were
despatched by the pope to the emperor Constans,
the metropolitans of Carthage and Philadelphia,
and other churches of the East ; besides an en-
cyclic to the faithful in general. In all of them
he styles himself " servus servorum Dei." Mau-
rus, bishop of Ravenna, it should be added, in
writing to him, arrogates the same style.
(Mansi, x. 789-1188.) [E. S. Ff.]
LATEECULUS. A tile or earthenware
tablet on which the times of the moveable fes-
tivals, or at least of Easter, were inscribed, with
the view of giving public notice of them. Thus
the 4th council of Orleans (A.D. 541) enacted
(c. 1) that Easter should be celebrated according
to the latcrculus or cycle of bishop Victorius.
That confusion arose in Spain at a somewhat later
date from the difference of the Paschal-cycles in
use (diversa observantia laterculorum) is evident
from the 5th canon of the 4th council of
Toledo (A.D. 633), which enjoins the several
metropolitans, three months before Epiphany,
to consult each other, and when they have
ascertained the proper day for the celebration
of Easter to signify it to their comprovincial
bishops.
(Macri Hierolcx. s. v. Laterculus.') [C.]
LATIN, USE OF [LITURGICAL LANGUAGE].
LATINA, martyr, June 2 (Mart, ffieron.
D'Ach.). [E. B. B.]
LATINUS, bishop of Brescia (2nd century \
March 24 (Ada Sanctorum, March, iii. 473).
[E. B. B.]
LATOPOLIS, COUNCIL OF (Latopoli-
tanum Concilium], A.D. 347, at Latopolis, in
Upper Egypt, at which St. Pachomius was put
on his defence. (Mansi, iii. 141.) [E. S. Ff.]
LATEOCLNALIS is a name given to the
synod which met at Ephesus A.D. 449 [EPHESUS,
COUNCIL OF (6), I. 615]. It was also applied
by pope Nicolas to the " conciliabulum"
assembled by Photius, patriarch of Constanti-
nople, in the year 863. [C.]
LATUINUS, first bishop of Seix in Nor-
mandy, f June 20 (Acta SS. Jun. v. 1 0). The
name is almost certainly Teutonic. [E. B. B.]
LAUDA. (1) A short antiphon which
occurs after the gospel in the Mozarabic mass.
In the Regula prefixed to the breviary, a lauda
is thus distinguished from an antiphona " Anti-
phona est, quae dicitur sine Alleluia ; et Lauda
quae cum Alleluia dicitur." But a lauda retains
its name when Alleluia is omitted at the proper
season. The Gospel is concluded with " Amen,"
and then after the salutation " The Lord be with
you," K. "And with thy spirit," follows the
Lauda. The normal form is a verse, usually,
though not always, taken from the Psalms, pre-
ceded and followed by Alleluia. Thus the Lauda
for Ascension Day is " Alleluia, V. God is gone
up with a merry noise, and the Lord with the
sound of the trump. Alleluia." After the first
Sunday in Lent Alleluia is omitted till Easter
Eve, when it is resumed ; an additional lauda
without Alleluia being said on that day after the
Epistle. On the Thursday before Easter the
Lauda is longer than usual, and consists of seven
verses (not consecutive) of Ps. cviii. (cix. Eng.
Ver.) ; and on Good Friday there is no Lauda,
but Prcces instead.
In the Ambrosian mass the corresponding anti-
phon is called Antiphona post Evangelium. In
the Roman there is nothing which corresponds,
and the Creed follows the Gospel immediately.
(2) An antiphon of the same character as the
foregoing, but longer, and broken up into verse
LAUDACIA
and response, several of which occur in the day-
hours of the Mozarabic breviary. They vary
with the office of the day. They are thus
said :
At Vespers, two ; one at the beginning of the
office, short, and usually with a reference to the
time of day ; the other before the hymn, some-
what longer, and with " Glory and honour,"
c. ("), introduced before the last clause. Also
at the close of the office after the benediction,
additional laudae are found. Most frequently
one, though often two or more (for instance, on
the third Sunday iu Lent there are as many as
six), each followed by a short prayer (oratio),
generally a reproduction of the sentiment of the
Lauda. These correspond in some measure to
the Commemorationes of the Roman breviary.
At lauds two are said in the course of the
office, and one, or sometimes more, each with its
prayer at the end, as at vespers.
At each of the lesser hours, except compline,
when there is none, a lauda is said before the
hymn. This is the general arrangement, but
there are of course exceptions. There is also a
short " commemoration" (of the time of day)
after vespers and lauds daily, which consists of
a short lauda and a prayer.
As specimens of the ordinary form of lauda,
those for the first vespers of the first Sunday in
Advent may be given :
Lauda at the beginning of the Office. " From
the rising up of the Sun, unto the going down of
the same. P. The Lord s name be praised. V.
Blessed be the name of the Lord, from this time
forth for evermore."
[This Lauda never has " Alleluia."]
Before the Hymn. " Alleluia. Send us help
from the sanctuary ; and strengthen us out of
Sion, Lord. b P. When we call upon thee.
Alleluia, Alleluia. V. We will rejoice in thy
salvation, and triumph in the name of the Lord
our God. P. And strengthen us out of Sion,
Lord. V. Glory and honour, &c. P. When we
call upon thee." [H. J. H.]
LAUDACIA (Mart. Gell.) ; Laudaia (ffieron.
D'Ach.) ; martyr, July 26. Probably a copyist's
error for the place Laodicea. [E. B. B.]
LAUDACUS. [LAUDiCEtrs.]
LAUDANA or LAUDUNA. In Anastasius
Vitae Pontiff, (s. v. Adrian, 325, Migne), we
read that pope Adrian made two " laudanas" of
silver, weighing eight pounds each, which he
placed over the RUGAE [probably doors or
curtains] of the presbytery, where the silver
arch is. Calepinus supposes these laudanae to
have been rods or cornices of silver ; but in fact
their nature and use appear to be altogether
matter of conjecture.
(Macri Hierolex. ; Ducange, Gloss, s. v.) [C.]
a The Mozarabic form of the Gloria Patri is " Gloria
et Hunnr Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto in saecula saecu-
lorum.' Tha word Honor was added at the fourth coun-
cil of Toledo, the addition being justified by the words
of Ps. 28 [E. V. 29] v. 2, " Afferte Domino gloriam et
honorem," c. t and by the ascription of praise in Apoc.
v. 12, " Dignus est Agnus. . .accipere honorern et gloriam
et benedictionem " (Brecis Missae Muzarabum Explicatio,
A. Lorenzana).
b This " P " is explained by Arevalus as Psalmus. It
bas also been taken to stand for Presbyter.
LAUDS
933
LAUDEMIUM (also written Laudimium).
The name which is given to the price which a
farmer or a vassal paid to the owner or feudal
lord of the and on being invested with the posses-
sion of a copyhold tenure [EiiPiiYTEusis], or
on a renewal of the investiture ; or for the right
of alienating the fief to another. " Concessimus
quod de feodis et retrofeodis in emphitheosin
.... datis .... nulla fiuancia debeatur, nisi
seu fuerint castra, ville, seu loca alia .... quo a
nobis in feudum vel homagium, seu ad servitium
aliud teneantur, de quibus alienatiouem fieri
nolumus sine nostro Laudemio, aut nostra gratia
speciali." (Pracep. Lud. : x. Fr. Reg., quoted
by Ducange.) The amount of the Laudemium
varies-. In Germany it is stated to be 2 per cent.
of the estimated value of the property at the
time of entering or renewal : and in Bavaria,
and practically in a large part of Germany, to
amount to 5 per cent, of that value. The law
of emphyteusis was derived from the Roman law,
and introduced into ecclesiastical law with but
slight modification of the civil procedure. The
object of emphyteusis was always real property,
usually land, but it might be a building. The
owner of the property was called dominus emphy-
teuseos ; and the tenant, emphyteuticarius, or
emphytcuta. ,
The word laudcs is used in a similar sense for
the price paid by a vassal to his feudal lord for
the power of alienating his fief to another; and
laudare in the sense of receiving such laudes.
The words laudemium and laudes both imply the
-consent and approbation which the feudal lord
gives to the translation, (v. Ducange in loco,
Pichler, Jus Can. lib. ii. lit. xvii. 24, &c.)
[H. J. H.]
LAUDICEUS, bishop, buried in the cemetery
of Callistus, and perhaps after the time of Sixtus
III. commemorated, with the other popes and
bishops there buried, on Aug. 9 (De Rossi, Roma
Sott. ii. 33-46, 228, 229). [E. B. B.]
LAUDOMAR [v. LATJNOMARUS].
LAUDS (1), see HOURS ; OFFICE, THE DIVINE.
(2) Under the Lower Empire when public
honour was done to a great personage the
acclamations of the people, which took a con-
ventional shape, were called Laudes (Gr. iro\v-
Xp6vioi>). The customary formula under the
heathen emperors may be learnt from the cries
of the Roman army on an occasion mentioned by
Larnpridius (Vita Diadum.): ' ; Jupiter Optime
Maxime, Macrino et Antonino vitam. Tu scis,
Jupiter, Macrinus viuci non potest. Tu scis,
Jupiter, Antoninus vinci non potest " (Lindenbr.
in Ammian. Hist. xvii. 13). After a speech of
Constantius to his soldiers (A.D. 358) the whole
assemblage of them, " vocibus festis in laudes
imperatoris assurgens, Deumque ex usu testata
non posse Constantium vinci, tentoria laeta re-
petit " (Ammian. u. s.). Whether they gave a
Christian turn to the laudes or retained the old
cry does not appear. The historian uses the
word Deum in the case of Julian (363), whose
soldiers would certainly appeal to Jupiter :
" Principem superari non posse Deum usitato
more testati " (xxiv. 1) ; and it is worthy of note
that the soldiers of Valens, when deserting to
Procopius at Mygdos in 365, called Jupiter to
witness: "Testati Jovem invictum Procopium
3 P2
934
LAUDULF
fore " (ibid, xxvi. 6). The custom, however, at
length assumed a Christian character, and was
observed even in churches. When St. Augustine,
in a synod held in the church of the Peace at
Hippo, A.D. 426, proposed Eraclius as his coad-
jutor with right of succession, "a populo acclama-
tum est. Deo Gratias : Christo Laudes, dictum
est vicies terties. Exaudi C/iriste, Augustino
rita, dictum est sexies decies. Te pat re in, tc
cpiscopum, dictum est octies " (August. Epist.
213, 1). A similar instance occurs in the his-
tory of a synod hel 1 under Symmachus, who
became pope in 498 : " Exaudi, Christe. Sym-
macho papae vita sit," was repeated twelve
times (Gratian, ii. xvi. 57). About the year 520
we read of the legates of the bishop of Kome
being met by Justin the emperor and Vitalian
the consul, " cum gloria et laudibus " (Anast.
Biblioth. Vitae Pont. R. n. 53 ; comp. nn. 84,
105 ; Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc, vi. 11). The por-
traits of the usurper Phocas and his wife were
received with acclamations at Rome on April 25,
602, "in the basilic of Julius by all the clergy
and senate," the cry being, " Exaudi, Christe.
Phocae Augusto et Leontiae Augustae vita "
(Relatio inter Epp. Greg. M. xi. 1 ; Labbe, Cone.
v. 1509 ; comp. Vita Greg. auct. Joan. Diac.
iv. 20). On one of Charlemagne's visits to
Kome Hadrian, while " celebrating masses to
Almighty God, caused lauds to be paid to the
aforesaid Charles " (Anast. u. s. n. 97). When
the same prince was crowned by Leo III. on
St. Peter's Day, 800, the lauds were, " Carolo
piissimo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno, paci-
fico imperatori " (ibid. 98). After anointing
him the pope said mass, or more probably pro-
ceeded with it the account being thus con-
tinued : "Et peracta missa .... obtulit ipse,"
&c. From later authorities we learn that
acclamations in a mass took place after the
collect. See Martene, de Ant. Eccl. Rit. i. iv. iii.
13 ; Ordo Rom. xii. i. 2, xiii. 7, 10 (ante episto-
lam post orationem), xiv. 31; in Hus. Ital. ii.
They were at length formed into litanies to
Christ and the saints e.g. the priest says thrice
and the clerks respond, "Christus vincit, Chris-
tus regnat, Christus imperat. Then the priest
says, Exaudi Christe. The clerks answer, Ni-
colao summo Pontifici et universal! papae vita.
The litany follows. Sal vat or mundi, Tu ilium
adjuva. S. Petre, S. Paule, S. Andrea, &c.
And the response to each is, Tu ilium adjuva.
Then follows, Exaudi Christe. Ludovico a Deo
coronato, magno et pacifico regi vita et victoria.
Redernptor mundi, Tu ilium adjuva. S. Mi-
chael, S. Gabriel, S. Raphael, S. Joannes, &c.,
with the response to each, Tu ilium adjuva;" and
similarly for any number of persons, fresh saints
being invoked for each (Bona, Her. Lit. ii. v. 8,
from Goldastus, Antiq. Alem. ii. 2). Compare a
form in Martene M.S. from a Soissons MS. Du-
randus (Pontificate MS. cited by Sala on Bona
u. s.) speaks of lauds which began like the fore-
going (Christus vincit, etc), as said not' after
the collect, but " immediately after the Kyrie
eleison." [\V. E. S.]
LAUDULF [v. LANDULF].
LAUNOMARUS, abbat, f at Dreux, Jan. 19
(Gth or 7th century), Usuard (Wandelbert ?), ?:.
Acta SS., Jan. ii. 593. [E. B. B.]
LAURENCE, ST.
LAURA. The small monastic communities
in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, called Lauras, are
a connecting link in the history of the rise and
progress of monachism, between the solitary as-
ceticism of the hermitage and the more organ-
ised, less self-dependent asceticism of the
monastery. A laura was an aggregation of
separate cells, under the not very strongly de-
fined control of a superior, the inmates meeting
together only on the first and last days, the old
and new Sabbaths, of each week for their common
meal in the refectory, and for their common
worship in the chapel attached to each of these
lauras. On the other days of the week they
dwelt apart t'rom one another, each in the silence
and solitude of his cell, subsisting on bread and
water, the ordinary fare of the primitive founders
of monasticism. The cells, though separate,
were in close proximity to one another, like the
wigwams of an Indian encampment, and all
clustering round the chapel of the community.
(Bened. Anian. Concord. Regul. Menardi Comment.
III. i. ; Du Cange, Glossar. Lot. s.v. Laura ; Joan.
Hierosol., Yit. Joan. Damasc. p. 693.) Usually
each cell contained one inmate only ; but under
Pachomius, in Tabenna, three resided together in
each cell (Sozom. H. E. iii. 14).
The origin of the word " Laura " is uncertain.
By one account it is Ionic (Du Cange, Glossar. Gr.
s.v.) ; by another, it is a contraction of the Greek
for labyrinth (XafivpivOos) and expressive of the
narrow pathways winding in and out among the
cells (" wynds ") ; more probably it is another
form of 4i labra " (\afipa), the popular term in
Alexandria for an alley or small court. (Suicer,
Thcs. Eccles. s.v. ; Epiphan. Hacres. xlix.) The
worst explanation of the word is that which
derives it from " ol \aol ptovffi," as if it were
a thoroughfare, along which a crowd streams.
One of the most celebrated lauras was one
founded by Chariton, a hermit, at Pharan, near
Jerusalem (Bulteau, Hist, de I'Ordre de S.
Benoist, I. i.). Others are recorded to have
been founded in the 5th century by Sabas, a cele-
brated desert-saint, Gerasimus, Euthymius and
the empress Eudocia.
As the coenobitic life became more prevalent,
young and inexperienced monks were discouraged
generally from venturing on the solitary life
without previous training with other monks,
under the authority and supervision of an abbat.
Thus Euthymius ad vised the youthful Sabas to quit
his separate cell in the laura, and to join a coeno-
bium for a time (Cyril. Scythopol. Vit. S. Sab.}.
Gerasimus is said to have established a coeno-
bium in the midst of his laura (Cyril. Scythopol.
Vit. S. Euthym.).
Obviously life in a laura incurred a twofold
danger, being exposed at the same time to the
temptations peculiar to solitude, and to those
which are incidental to a number of persons living
together under no strict rule, without much re-
straint of any kind, and without the necessity of
constant occupation. The denizens of a laura are
sometimes termed " lauretae " (Mosch. Prat.
cc. 3, 4) ; they have been compared to the
" inclusi " of Western monachism, but there are
many points of difference. [See INCLUSI.]
[I. G. S.]
LAURENCE, ST. [IN ART]. St. Laurence
usually carries a copy of the Gospels to denote
LAURENCE, ST.
his office of deacon. In the church of St. Lau-
rence, in Agro Verano, at Rome, there is a
mosaic of the 6th century, representing the
martyr with an open book in his hand, on which
may be read the words " dispersit, dedit pau-
peribus " (Ciampini, Vet. Mon. tab. Ixvi. 2), in
allusion to his kindness to the poor.
LAURENCE
935
St. Laurence. From Martigny.
Like other martyrs he bears a cross, frequently
jewelled (Aringhi, ii. 3.54). In the basilica of
Galla Placidia, at Ravenna, there is a mosaic
shewing him standing before the heated gridiron,
holding the cross and the Gospels (Vet. Hon.
i. Ixvii.). On the bottom of a glass cup the
sacred monogram, with A on one side and ca on
the other, is placed behind the head of the saint
(Bottari, tab. cxcviii.). Sometimes we find him
seated between St. Peter and St. Paul, as though
the Apostles having introduced him into the
heavenly city were giving him an honourable
place therein (Buonarr. p. 104). Another glass
cup has the figure of the saint, with the legend
Victor Vivas, in nomine Lavreti (Buonarroti,
six. 2); this cup may very likely have been
used at an AGAPE on the martyr's day, which
was observed at Rome with much solemnity.
Lupi (Dissert, e Lett. i. 192-197) describes
two ancient representations of the martyrdom
of St. Laurence ; one, a cameo, shews the saint
stretched upon a gridiron, while two execu-
tioners stir the fire beneath, and a third brings
wood to replenish it ; in the other, a leaden
inednllion, we see the martyr at the moment
of death ; his soul, personified by a female
figure, ascending with clasped hands, receives
a crown from the outstretched arm which
symbolises the Almighty ; the emperor, laurelled
and sceptred, is seated in a curule chair, and
seems by his attitude to be giving directions ;
a slave stands by his side. Arevallo (in Prudent.
p. 936) gives a glass which represents the
martyr face downwards on the gridiron, his
name LAVRECIV being written above.
(Martigny, Diet, das Antiq. Chre't. s. v.) [C.]
LAURENCE (Laurentiu.*, Lorenzo, Laurent,
Louwerijs), chief deacon of Rome, broiled to death
Aug. 10, A.D. 258.
The fact is not mentioned by extant writers
till the middle of the 4th century, and yet had
an immediate and wide-spread influence (which
it will be the object of this article to trace) on
the life of the church.
It may be taken as a typical instance of mar-
tyrdom, so that under this head it will be pos-
sible to gather specimens of all the honours that
were paid to martyrs.
I. As administrator of the charities of the
metropolitan church, Laurence is celebrated
in ancient liturgies almost as much as for his
sufferings. " He hath dispersed, he hath given
to the poor," is quoted in the Greek cathisma.
and is the introit in the Gregorian missal!
The Mozarabic lessons, Ecclus. xxxi 5-12-
2 Cor. ix. 7-13; Matt. vi. 19-34, apply rather tc
the deacon than to the martyr, and there is the
same epistle in the Ambrosian liturgy (Patrol.
Ixxxv. 811). Nor did he only administer tem-
poral relief, but the reading of the Gospel and
the cup of the Lord. Hence the late legend of
his connexion with the Holy Grail. However
he had died, all the Christians and all the poor
of Rome would have felt his loss.
t II. When such a man was stretched naked
(a7rA&;06h, lit. 'simplified,' Menologij of Basil)
on an iron grating orer a slow fire, and " his
living limbs hissed over the coals " (the phrase
is found alike in the Roman Sacramentaries of Leo
and of Gelasius, in the Mozarabic and the Gothic),
the grief, the horror, the admiration, and the
awe, would make it an anniversary never to be
forgotten. The death by torture of a Roman
citizen was not a common thing. It was a deed
intended to strike terror far and wide.
III. His anniversary is fixed to Aug. 10 by the
Feriale of Liberius (A.D. 354), and the universal
consent of Western and Byzantine calendars.
Aug. 11, if ever found, is merely a slip. In the
metrical martyrology of Bede, for ' bissenis,'
read
" Bis binis victor superat Laurentius hostem."
The lectionary of Luxeuil and sacramentary of
Bobbio are said to stand alone in the West in
omitting Laurence (Patrol. Ixxxv. 811). But as
the same sacramentary commemorates Laurence
daily in the ordinary mass, it is manifest that
the omission only shews that Columban's monks
had no special service for the day, not that
they omitted the commemoration. He is found
in the Feilire of Aengus the Culdee.
There does not seem to be the same general
consent about any other festival of the church
whatsoever.
IV. Prudentius, in his hymn for the day. de-
clares that from that day forward the worship of
the foul gods grew cold, that his death was the
death of the temples (rrepl ffrefydviav, iii. 497,
509). The canon in the Greek liturgy speaks of
him (ode 5) as " finally plucking down the me-
morial of the impious conceit of the erring."
If this be so, it is important to fix the epoch
of his death. Now this may be done with certainty,
though from the close of the 5th century onwards
there was a wide-spread error as to the date,
which referred it to the persecution of Decius.
We are, however, enabled to correct the error by
the abundant evidence that Laurence suffered a
few days after pope Xystus or Sixtus II. And
we know, from the contemporary evidence of
Cyprian, that Sixtus was executed on the 6th
of August in the opening of the persecution of
936
LAURENCE
Valerian, A.D. 258 (Cypr. Ep. 82, ed. Migne).
Cyprian himself suffered in the following month.
V. Now generally the Greek menologies, the
Egyptian- Arabic menology (v. Acta S3. Aug. torn.
li. 125 B), the Spanish-Gothic calendar (Migne,
Patrol. Ixxxv. 1051), and the Mozarabic missal
and breviary, transfer Xystus from the 6th to be
subordinated to and celebrated along with Lau-
rence on the 10th. This is the more remarkable,
as Xystus is said to have been of Greek extrac-
tion, and as the Mozarabic lessons are concerned
with the diaconate of Laurence. The fact that
while Ambrose has separate hymns (72, 73) for
Sixtus and Laurence, Prudentius has only one
for both, seems to shew that these were the
primitive arrangements in Spain. They are quite
peculiar to that country in the West. The
Synaxarion in the menology of Basil makes Xystus
say to Laurence, " To-morrow we are delivered
up." But Prudentius (like Ambrose, de Of. i. 41)
makes him predict the martyrdom of the latter
after an interval of three days, c. 28.
VI. The canon in the Greek liturgy is addressed
to Laurence alone, and consists of eight odes, 32
troparia on the ACROSTIC [see I. 14].
Aavpevriov KpaTioroi' ufivu> Trpo^poya)?.
VII. In Ethiopia Laurence seems to be com-
memorated as Lavernius on Nahasse 15 = Aug. 8
(v. Ludolf, Comm. Hist. Ethiop. p. 425). In the
ancient Syrian martyrology, Sixtus is the only
Roman martyr (see De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea,
ii. 376). Eusebius in his history seems ignorant
of the martyrdom even of Sixtus. Cyprian does
not mention Laurence. The calendar of Carthage,
like the rest of the West, distinguishes the fes-
tivals of Xystus and Laurence.
VIII. There is another saint joined with Lau-
rence in the Greek liturgy, his jailor and convert
Hippolytus, whose name seems to have suggested
that he should be dragged along the ground by
wild horses till he died:
rbv \Tnr6\VTOv tTrTroSea'/jLtot' Ae'yo>
evdvTiOV iraa~)(OVTa. TJJ KAjj<Tet irtiOos.
His death is clearly mentioned as subsequent to
those of Laurence and Xystus. The calendar of
Polemeus Silvius at Rome in A.D. 448, including
nine only of the most popular festivals, omits
Xystus, but inserts both Laurence and Hippo-
lytus (Migne, Pair. Lot. xiii. 676).
IX. These two festivals were the great harvest
home of the Roman church. St. Laurence's day
is still the signal for burning the stubble in the
Campagna (Knight, Latium, 3). So the rustics
would perhaps be better able to resort to the
city for the second festival, which is graphi-
cally described by Prudentius.
X. The Sacramentary of Leo has only one
mass distinctly for Hippolytus's festival, but
seven for Sixtus, and fourteen for Laurence.
The 1st, 10th, and 12th of these seem to be
for his vigil, for they speak of ' preventing ' his
day. There is also a mass for the vigil in the
Sacramentaries of Gelasius and Gregory.
XI. In the Sacramentary of Gregory, two
masses are given on the day itself, an early and
a public mass. The Capitulare given in Martene
(J7ies. v. 76), which is referred by De Rossi to
the opening year of Benedict II., gives the gospe!
for the vigil Matt. xvi. 24-28; for the early
mass Matt. x. 37-42 ; for the public mass John xii
24-26. One of Augustine's sermons for the fes-
LAUEENCE
lival (Sermon 305) is on the last-named gospel.
Sermon 304 refers to Prov. xxiii. 1, 2 as the Old
Testament lesson. Sermons 302 and 303 seem to
refer to Matt. v. 12 and Luke xxi. 19 as read in
:he gospel for the day, but the references may
really be to Matt. x. 42 and Matt. xvi. 25, in
which case the arrangements would be the same
n Africa as at Rome, and Sermon 303, in which
complains of the small attendance and great
leat, would be preached at the vigil. In the
modern Roman missal the gospel is John xii.
2426 still, and the epistle is abridged from that
in the Mozarabic and Ambrosian liturgies. Chry-
sologus of Ravenna, in his 135th sermon, quotes
Phil. i. 29 as part of the epistle for the day.
This would be very applicable to the deacon in
the absence of his bishop. To Maximus of Turin
three homilies (74-76) and four sermons (70-73)
on this feast are ascribed. The 3rd of these
sermons (72) is word for word the same as is
ascribed to Leo. Three times in the other sermons
he quotes Luke xii. 49, which may have been one
of the gospels read at the festival in Turin.
XII. The Sacramentary of Gelasius, though it
does not give a second mass to the day, gives
vesper collects such as this : " May his blessing
be with us in Thy glory whose confession in Thy
virtue has to-day been made our plea." Cf. 2 Pet.
i. 3.
XIII. The Sacramentary of Gregory does not
give a special service for the octave. No more
does the modern missal, though the day is still
observed. This, and the octave of Peter and
Paul, are the only two in Usuard. The per-
manence of his felicity is made in Leo and
Gelasius the ground for a repeated memorial
of it.
XIV. The Gothic missal has neither vigil nor
octave. From the absence of a triple benedic-
tion the feast would seem to have been less
important in France than those of Andrew,
Stephen, John, the Holy Innocents, Cecilia and
Clement. Neither Boniface nor Charlemagne
prescribe it as a holiday (sabbatizandum), only
Chrodogang names it among those on which
there is to be full service (Binterim, Denkwur-
digkeiten, t. 5, pt. 1, p. 299). In this missal
Sixtus and Hippolytus are not associated with
Laurence on his day, but he is commemorated
in the proper prefaces on theirs as well as on
his own. The Sacramentary of Leo says much
of Sixtus leading the way for his deacons, but it
commemorates two others of them along with
him. The Gothic missal applies the same thus :
"He was an example to others, for Laurence
followed." And on the 13th it says : " Who
when Hippolytus was yet occupied in the tyrant's
service of a sudden madest him the fellow of
Laurence." So the Mart. Jfieron., which belongs
to Auxerre, names both Laurence and Hippo-
lytus on the 6th, as well as on their own days.
XV. In the Greek church the triple festival
falls -vithin the octave of the Transfiguration,
which is therefore commemorated on it. Hence
in one echos the martyrdoms are viewed as
themselves a theophany.
XVI. In the litany used at compline through-
out Lent, in the Greek church, Laurence is named
next to the Apostles and Stephen. He is in-
voked in the Breton Litany (Haddan and Stubbs,
Councils, ii. 82). Also in the Coronation Litany
(Muratori, Lit. Rom. ii. 463).
LAURENCE
XVII. He is commemorated in the ordinary
canon of the mass, in the Gelasian, Prankish
and Gregorian missals, and in that of Bobbio.
He is put next to the early popes and Cyprian.
(For the Western liturgies in the above article
we have used Muratori Liturgia Romana, t. i.
389-401, (558-662; t. ii. 108-113, 625-629;
also t. i. 696 ; ii. 3, 693, 777- For the Eastern,
Arcudius, Anthologica.)
CHURCHES OF ST. LAURENCE.
A. Some, Foris Hurum.
I. The Basilica di San Lorenzo fuori is said
lo have been founded by Constantine (Anastasius,
Vita Silvcstri).
II. Of Sixtus III. we are told, " Moreover he
made a basilica to the blest martyr Laurence,
which Valentinianus Augustus (the 3rd) granted,
where also he offered gifts " (Anast. Vit. xlvi.).
This was a new basilica beside the old. Re-
dedication of it to Laurence, Sixtus and Hip-
polytus is mentioned in the Mart. Hieron.,
Nov. 2 (De Rossi, Roma Sott. ii. 36). Hilary made
beside the church of Laurence, monasteries and
a bath and a praetorium of St. Stephen (Anast.
Vit. xlviii.). Then after the one year's popedom
of Anastasius, Symmachus in the days of Theo-
doric, "constructed beside the church of St.
Laurence," as well as of St. Paul and St. Peter,
" habitations for the poor" (Anast. Vit. liii.).
We read in the time of Belisarius (A.D. 537),
that " the churches and bodies of the martyrs
were exterminated by the Goths " (Anast. Vit.
Ix. 99).
Anastasius tells us that Pelagius II. (A.D.
577-590), who was made pope at a time when
the Lombards were devastating Italy, and when
there were such rains as threatened a deluge
(and would therefore endanger a church built
on a hillside), " made over the body of the blest
martyr Laurence a basilica constructed from
the foundation, and adorned his sepulchre with
tablets of silver " (Anast. Vit. Ixv.). The mosaic
inscription enables us to identify the presbytery
or most ancient part of the present church as
identical with this church of Pelagius. The old
pavement, recently brought to light, dates from
the 6th century.
For a discussion of this basilica De Rossi in the
Bulletini for 1864 may be consulted.
B. Borne, within the Walls.
I. In Damaseo, parochia. We are told by
Anastasius that Pope " Damasus made two basi-
licas, one to St. Laurence near the theatre of
Pompey, another outside the walls on the Aure-
lian Way, where he himself rests," f385.
II. In Fontc. S. Lorenzo in Fonte is near the
Forum of Trajan on the way to the Esquiline,
and is said to contain the fountain that sprang
up at his prayers to enable him to baptize
Hippolytus. This church may also have been
founded by Damasus : see an epigram in Migne
(Patrol, xiii. 411 n.).
III. In Lucinae. The church in Lucinae, which
is on the site of the Horulogium of Augustus, is
said by Tillemont to be often mentioned in the
time of Symmachus, A.D. 498-514 (Tillem. Mm.
,iv. 597).
IV. In Miranda, monasterium. S. Lorenzo in
Miranda is in the temple of Antoninus Pius, and
iFaustinae in the Forum, near the church of St.
LAUKENCE
937
Adriano, in the old temple of the Three Fates.
There was a monastery that had long been in
ruins and inhabited by seculars, that Adrian re-
stored in the name of SS. Adriano and Lorenzo
and richly endowed.
V. In regione tertia, parochia. Simplicius
(A.D. 468-483) constituted a hebdomada[OcTAVK]
for the third region at St. Laurence, that presby-
ters should remain there for the sake of penitents
and baptism. S. Lorenzo a' Monti may repre-
sent the parish, but not the site of the church.
VI. In Panis perna. The church in Panis
perna is said to be where Laurence was put to
death in the baths of Olympias. There have
been many conjectures as to the name, but it is
simply explained by the fact that there was a
temple of Silvanus or Pan at this place (see
Venuti, Antichita di Roma, c. vi. p. 101).
VII. Ad Taurellum. The roof of a church of
Laurence ad Taurellum, '' dura nimis vetustissi-
mum inerat," was repaired by Adrian. Of S.
Lorenzo in piscibus, de' PP. delle scuole, close to
St. Peter's, I find no trace unless it be this.
VIII. In Formosa. The church in Formosa was
close to the church of St. Cyriacus, probably
therefore on the Pincian (Anastasius, Vita Adri-
ani Pair. xcvi. n. 95). This, and those in Lucina
and in Damaseo, were the three important
churches of Laurence in Rome in Charlemagne's
time. Montfaucon (Diar. Ital. c. 14, p. 205) gives
no reason for identifying it with Panis perna.
IX. In Palatinis, Monasterium. There was a
monastery of St. Laurence " on the Palatine in the
deserts" that Adrian restored and joined with
a monastery of Stephen, called Bajanda. It
is often mentioned later, as a limit of floods.
Mr. Burn (Rome, p. 177, see plan at p. 155)
thinks he has identified the basilica of Jove,
where Laurence was tried, as on the Palatine.
XI. Oratorium in the Lateran. There was a
chapel of Laurence in the Lateran where Toto
was ordained, A.D. 768.
XII. Stations in the Churches. There were
stations in the churches and basilica on LXX ma -
Sunday ad S. Laurentium ; gospel, the labourers
in the vineyard.
Foris Murum.
The Friday after the 1st Sunday in Lent.
The 3rd Sunday.
The Saturday before the 5th Sunday.
Ihe Wednesday after Easter. John xxi.
In Lucinae ; Friday after the 3rd Sunday in
Lent.
In Damascum ; Tuesday after the 4th Sun-
day.
Those in italics are still observed.
.C. Elsewhere.
I. In Constantinople. The relics of ST. STE-
PHEN are said to have been brought by Eudocia,
the wife of Theodosius II., to Constantinople hi
A.D. 439, and laid in the church of St. Laurence
there, which her husband's sister Pulcheria had
built near her own palace, in a place called
Petrion or Blachernae, on the left of the Ceratine
Gulf, in front of a church of the Virgin. Mar-
cellinus Comes (in De la Bigne, vi. 1, 365) ;
Theodorus Lector (ib. 505) ; Procopius (de Acdit.
Justin, i. 6, 17). The union of the relics of
Stephen, Laurence, and Agnes in this church is
said to be commemorated Sept. 29, but is not
in the Menology of Basil (Tillem. iv. 598).
938
LAURENCE
LAVABO
II. At Hav?nna. There was in the beginning
of the 5th century a church of St. Laurence at
Ravenna.
III. At Milan. The basilica of St. Lorenzo at
Milan was originally the cathedral. There is
an epigram on it by Ennodius, bishop of Ticino
(A.D. 505), poem Ivi. (De la Bigue, Bibl. Vet.
fair. vi. 1, 301).
IV. At Tivoli and Porto. There was also a
church of Laurence at Tivoli, restored by
Leo III. And at Porto he had both a church
and a monastery on the island, with vineyards
attached.
V. At Norcia there was a church destroyed
by the Lombards, and rebuilt by Sanctulus, as
we are told by Gregory the Great (Dial. 3, 30).
VI. In Switzerland. At Brionum Castra
(probably Brione, in the Val Verzasca) there
was a church of St. Laurence burnt down by
the Lombards, in the rebuilding of which a cele-
brated miracle occurred. See Gregory of Tours
(Glor. Mart. i. 42).
VII. In Gaul. The churches of St. Laurence
traceable in Gaul are
a. At Vienne, built by St. Severus about A.D.
450, on a hill between four mountains above the
town, with a treasure found on the spot (Acta SS.
August, t. ii. p. 350).
6. To St. Laurence and St. Germain at Cler-
mont, built by Eoricus, king of the Goths, where
St. Gall was buried (Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc, ii.).
c. A monastery in Paris in the time of Clotaire,
of which St. Domnolus was abbat before he was
bishop of Le Mans. It is now a parish in the
faubourgs (see Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc, vi. 9, 25).
d. On Mont Lois, near Tours, built by Per-
petmis, sixth bishop of that city (ibid. x. 6).
VIII. In Africa. Relics of Laurence were
deposited under an altar at Setif, in Africa, in
A.D. 452 (De Rossi, Rama Sott. i. 220).
(2) An earlier martyr named Laurentius
is mentioned by Cyprian (Ep. 34), commend-
ing Celerinus : " His grandmother, Celerina,
was long ago crowned with martyrdom ; also
his uncle on the father's side, Laurence,
and on the mother's side Egnatius. Sacrifices
for them, as ye remember, we offer as often as
we celebrate in common the passions and anni-
versary days of the martyrs." Yet the Calendar
of Carthage knows no other Laurence but the
saint of Aug. 10. The little Roman martyrology
celebrates him along with Celerinus on Feb. 3,
but it appears by the Mart. Hieron. that this
day properly belongs to Celerina, and that the
African Laurence belongs to Sept. 24 or 28.
(3) Another is mentioned April 12. (Mart.
Hieron.)
(4) Laurentinus and Pergentinus, boys, bro-
thers, martyred at Arezzo under Decius, June 3.
(Mart. Rom.) The Mart. Hieron. mentions
Laurentius only.
(5) The martyrdom of Laurence and Hippoly-
tus under Decius at Fossombrone (Forum Sem-
pronianum), Feb. 2 (Mart. Hieron.) is very sus-
picious. St. Apronianus is commemorated the
same day. The cathedral of Fossombrone is
sacred to this St. Laurence. (Acta SS. Feb. i.
286.)
(6) The illuminator, bishop of Spoleto, Feb. 3.
Seemingly an apocryphal personage. ( Acta SS.
Feb. i. 362.)
LAUEENCE (7) On May 10, the Byzantine
distich is,
crvpoAAayTJ TIS Trpb; &eov AavpfVTitf
ffdi'ots 'EStfi AajSovri TTJV
(Acta SS. May, ii. 389.)
(8) Presbyter of Novari, and ecclesiastical
writer of the 4th century. Martyred, with the
boys he taught, by the Arians on April 30.
(Acta SS. April, iii. 763.)
(9) Archbishop of Milan, f July 19, A.D. 512.
(10) Bishop of Siponto in Apulia, f Feb. 7,
A.D. 550. (Acta SS. Feb. ii. 57.)
(11) Archbishop of Canterbury, f Feb. 2, A.D.
619. Into Laurencekirk in Scotland no woman
might enter. (Acta SS. Feb. i. 289.)
(12) Bishop of Naples, f July 19, A.D. 717.
[E. B. B.]
LAURENTINUS. [LAURENCE (4).]
LAUELANUS, of Seville, killed July 4 (6th
century). (Mart. Hieron.) [E. B. B.I
LAURINUS, martyr of Terni, April 14.
(Mart. Hieron.) [E. B. B.]
LAURUS (1) and Florus, twins, sculptors,
thrown into a well in Illyricum by Licinius.
Their relics were revealed to Constantine, and
brought by him to their native Byzantium,
August 18. (Mcnology of Basil.)
(2) Of St. Malo, 7th century, f Sept. 30.
(Acta SS. Sept. viii. 692.) [E. B. B.]
LAUSTRANUS, died 640, commemorated
Apr. 11 (Men. Scot.), as well as LASREN, Apr. 18.
[E. B. B.]
LAUTO, bishop of Coutances, f Sept. 22,
A.D. 568. [E. B. B.]
LAVABO. The description of the Eucharistic
rite by Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. Myst. v. 2,
p. 325) begins with the deacon presenting
water to the celebrant (raj i'epeT), and the pres-
byters who encircle the altar, for the purpose of
ablution. And this (Cyril continues) was not
merely for the sake of personal cleanliness, it
was a symbolic act, to which refer the words of
David, "I will wash my hands in innocency,
Lord, and so will I go to thine altar" (Ps.
xxv. [E. V. xxvi.] 6.) It does not appear from
this whether the verse was actually chanted
during the ablution, though its appositeness is
recognised. (Compare Dionys. Areop. Hierarch.
Eccl. c. 3.) According to some MSS. of the-
Liturgy of St. Chrysostom (Daniel, Codex Lit.
iv. 330), the priest and deacon after vesting for
the liturgy wash their hands in the prothesis,.
saying, " Ntyo/xoi tv adeems," and the rest of
the psalm. In the Roman rite, the washing of
the hands occurs after the oblation of the un-
consecrated elements, and thus precedes the
preface and the more solemn part of the office.
After the censing of the altar and the priest,
while the deacon is censing the other ministers,
the priest washes his hands, saying, " Lavabo
inter innocentes manus meas et circumdabo
altare tuum, Domine," and the rest of the psalm.
As Amalarius of Metz (f 837) does not mention
this custom, it was probably introduced in
the Roman office after he wrote his treatises dc
Ecclesiasticis Officiis and Eclogae de Officio Missae
[C.]
LAVACEUM
LA VACUUM. [BAPTISM; FONT.]
LAVATOKY [MONASTIC]. Monasticism has
never boea partial to frequent personal ablutions.
On the contrary, it has from the first discouraged
them, as a form of self-indulgence, and as incon-
sistent with bodily austerities. Probably this
inherent antipathy to bathings and washings was
in great measure a result of the reaction from
the luxury and licentiousness of the Roman baths
under the empire. Certainly the maxim which
places cleanliness next to godliness has no place
in the biographies of the saints and heroes of
monasticism, even in climates where bathing
would seem almost one of the necessities of life.
Jerome warns ascetics against warm baths as
morally enervating (Hieron. Ep. ad Rustic.);
and in a letter to one of his female disciples
denounces every sort of bathing for women (Id.
Ep. ad Laet.). Augustine allows a bath" once
a month only (Aug. Ep. 109). This aversion to
bathing is one of the many indications of the
tendency, which seems inseparable from monas-
ticism, to the Manichean notion of matter being
intrinsically evil.
The various monastic rules agree very closely
in discouraging the use of baths. Even the tole-
rant rule of the great Benedict only permits
them for those who are weak and delicate, for-
bidding them generally (" tardius concedatur ")
for the young and healthy (Bened. Reg. c. 36).
Evidently he is speaking only of baths within
the walls of a monastery ; bathing in a river or
lake, or in the sea, being of course out of the
question (cf. Martene ad foe.). Hildemarus in-
terprets the expression " tardius " to mean only
before the three great festivals Christmas,
Easter, Whitsuntide. Other commentators re-
strict the phrase to Christmas and Easter only ;
others take it as a permission for the monks to
bathe after doing any very dirty work, &c.
(Martene ad he.) Similarly, Isidorus Hispalensis
orders baths to be used very sparingly, only as a
remedy, never for gratification (Isidor. Keg. c.
20). The rule of Caesarius of Aries permits
them only in cases where the doctor prescribes
them, and without any regard to the inclina-
tion of the patient (Caesar. Eeg. c. 39). The
rule ascribed to Augustine is to the same effect
(Reg. Aug. c. 29), and adds that no monk is to
go alone to the baths, nor to choose his com-
panions, but that two or three of the brethren
are to be told off by the prior for this purpose.
In the same way the council of Aachen in A.D.
817 enacts that the control and regulation
of the baths is to belong to the prior (Cone.
Aquisgr. c. 7). An anonymous rule, which has
been ascribed to Columbanus, called Rcgula
Cujusdam, orders delinquent monks, as a penance,
to make the necessary preparations for the
washing of their brethren's heads on Saturdays,
and for their baths just before the great festi-
vals, especially Christmas (Reg. Cuj. c. 12; cf.
Columban. Poenitcnt. ; ap. Me'nard, Comment, ad
loc.). Radegundis is said to have built baths for
the use of the nuns in the convent (of Ste. Croix)
which she founded at Poitiers ; before long some
a In his Confessions, where he describes his grief for
the death of his mother, he speaks of bathing as recom-
mended to him for his depression of spirits, and mentions
an absurd derivation of the Greek word /SoAa^o.- as
meaning a relief to anxiety.
LAW
939
irregularities occurred, which the abbess was
accused of conniving at, in regard to the use of
these baths (Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, x. 16).
See further Martene, de Antiquis Ecclesiae
Ritibus. [!. G . s _j
LAW.
SYLLABUS.
I. " Law " and " Law of Nature," and early Christian
authorities upon.
II. Positive Law of the State. Attitude of the earlier
Christians to.
Law of the State as directly affecting the Christian
Church before Constantino, and legislation of
Constantine.
Legislation between time of Constantine and of Jus-
tinian.
Justinian's legislation.
Legislation of the Barbarian, Frank, and English.
kings.
Legislation of Charlemagne.
III. Internal legislation of the Cliurch.
The word Law has this in common with the
Latin jus, the French droit, and the German.
recht, that it is at once abstract and concrete.
It means both the idea of rules of conduct
proceeding from a competent authority and
also the rules themselves. The word and the
various meanings conveyed by it have been
submitted to searching criticism of late years in.
this country, especially by Bentham and writers
more or less distinctly influenced by him. The
only part of the controversies thus originating
which is relevant here is that which relates to
the use of the word law, in such expressions as
" Law of Nature," " Natural Law," " Law of
God," " Moral Law." It is not very satis-
factory nor historically true to conclude, with
Mr. Austin (Lectures on Jurisprudence), that
the original use of the term Law is a political
one, and that the ethical and theological uses
are wholly metaphorical and derived. Sir H.
S. Maine's review of the history of the expres-
sion " Law of Nature " (Ancient Law, chap. iv.) r
rather supports the doctrine that the expression,
was borrowed from quite another region than
the political one, and that it was in the task of
correcting and amending this one that it found
its most worthy uses. There is no doubt that
Hooker's opposition of " humane law," " that
which men probably gathering it to be expe-
dient they make it a law," to that other law
which, " as it is laid up in the bosom of God,
they call eternal, receiveth according to the-
ditierent kinds of things which are subject unto
it different and sundry kinds of names," cer-
tainly expresses a logical distribution of law as
old as the Christian Church itself, and some-
what older. The constant references in Cicero's
writings to the distribution of jus into natura
and lex (see particularly De Leg. i. 15, 16, and
Orat. partit. 37), are especially interesting from
the attention which Lactantius (vi. 8) calls to
them, in the celebrated passage in which, citing
Cicero's panegyric on the " vera lex recta ratio
naturae congruens constans sempiterna," he ;
speaks of " dei lex ilia sancta ilia coelestis quam
Marcus Tullius in libro de Republic^ tertio
poene divina voce depinxit." The expressions
of St. Paul in reference to a law written in the
hearts of the Gentiles (Rom. ii. 15) are quite in
accordance with the doctrines of the leading
Roman jurists a century after his time, when
940
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Roman law was at its climax ; as for instance
appears from the language of Paulus (47 Dig.
iii. 1, 3) about theft, " quod lege naturali pro-
hibitum est admittere." The early Christian
writers constantly allude to the law of nature,
and often base elaborate arguments either on
its existence or on its precepts. Thus Origen
(c. Celsum, viii. 52) speaking of the persuasion
he had of the salvation of the heathen whose
lives had been good, and recalling noble prac-
tical maxims laid down even by the enemies of
the faith, says, " you will find no men in whom
the common notions of what is good and bad,
just and unjust, have been wholly blotted out."
So, again, Tertullian (adv. Jud. cap. v.) says he
contended that " before the law of Moses was
written on tables of stone, there was an un-
written law which was naturally understood
and held in trust by the patriarchs." St. Am-
brose (Epist. ad Bom. cap. v.) divides the
" natural law " into three parts, one concerned
with shewing honour to the Creator, another
with leading a good life, and a third with
making known God and the right way of life
to others. St. Jerome (Epist. ad Galat. chap.
iii.) says that by this " legem naturalem " Cain
acknowledged his offence, and Pharaoh, before
the law was given by Moses, confessed his mis-
deeds. St. Chrysostom builds an elaborate argu-
ment on the existence and import of a law of
nature (Homil. xii. ad Pop. Ant.), and says that
" at the beginning God made the knowledge of
good and evil self-taught ; for we stand in no
need of learning that indulgence is evil and self-
restraint good, but we know it from the first ; "
and " when He said ' thou shalt do no murder,'
He did not add, ' for murder is doing wrong ; '
but He simply said, ' thou shalt do no murder,'
thereby merely forbidding what was sinful with-
out teaching why it was so." The general
subject of the attitude of the earlier writers,
Christian, Jewish, and Heathen, towards the
law of nature, will be found discussed in such
works as Selden, ' De Jure Naturae et Gen-
tium secundum disciplinam Hebraeorum,' Pu-
fendorf, ' Jus Gentium et Naturae,' and the
Prolegomena to Grotius, 'De Jure Belli et
Pacis.' From the above extracts it will suffi-
ciently appear from what sources a knowledge
of the law of nature was to be extracted, and
what was the import of the assertion of the
later canonists that no dispensation from it was
obtainable.
As contrasted with the " Law of Nature,"
what is sometimes called " Positive Law " may
be considered under three heads : I. Such part
of the general laws of the state as happened to
affect Christians because of conflicts of allegiance
to which it casually gave rise. II. Such special
laws of the state as were enacted in different
countries and at successive epochs for the pur-
pose of regulating the Christian society, and
determining the organisation of the Church ;
and III. Such internal regulations as were made
by the church itself, either in pursuance of
what it held to be an inherent legislative autho-
rity, or in the character of a subordinate legis-
lature, exercising permissive powers in depen-
dence on the state.
I. The attitude of Christians towards the
general law of the state in the territory of
which they found themselves, was broadly de-
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fined for them at the very opening of Christian
history, in the words so much quoted in after
times, " Render unto Caesar the things which
are Caesar's," and in the part of the twelfth
chapter of St. Paul's epistle to the Romans, in
which the Apostle discusses the relation of the
members of the Church to the "powers that be."
It would seem that during the whole of the
first century no questions of seriously conflicting
allegiance presented themselves, the only aspect
in which the early church found itself in oppo-
sition to the laws of the empire being that it
was not formally incorporated among the recog-
nised cults, that is, it was not, like Judaism, a
" religio licita." Nevertheless Tertullian in-
timates that it had slipped in as such, and that
Tiberius had even proposed, on receiving the
report of Pontius Pilate, to give Christ a place
among the gods (Apol. c. 5, and 26). Pliny's
letter to Trajan (about A.D. Ill) describes the
Christians in Bithyiiia as a law-abiding people,
" bound together by no unlawful sacrament, but
only under mutual obligations not to commit
theft, robbery, adultery, or fraud." It was,
however, when he submitted them to the test
of adoration before the statues of the gods and
of the emperors, and the malediction of Chris^
that they were recalcitrant. The amount of
subservience to customs bearing the semblance
of idolatry which was justifiable in a Christian
became the subject of serious perplexity between
the period at which the Christians had grown
to be numerous and important enough to attract
public attention, and that at which the church
secured its political victory over paganism.
The difficulty was encountered at two points ;
one, where, owing to general suspicion on other
grounds, a Christian was subjected to the test
of sacrificing or doing an overt act of worship
to the emperor ; the other, where the common
functions of a civil or military life involved what
seemed to be idolatrous usages. It is a matter
of some doubt how far the Christians of the
2nd and 3rd centuries consented to serve in the
imperial armies, though the expressions of
Christian writers, and the arguments of Ter-
tullian with respect to the extent to which
Christians might go in receiving military re-
wards, leave no doubt as to the prevalent
opinion that service was not sinful in itself, nor
as to the actual practice (Tertull. de Corona
Milit. cap. xi. ; see Milman's History, bk. ii.
cap. vii. and Neander). Some of the Christian
writers bestow great pains in solving fine casu-
istical problems as to how far conformity might
go. Thus Tertullian (da Idololatrid, cap. xvii.)
thinks a Christian might walk simply in a pro-
cession but must not sacrifice, nor give the word
for another to sacrifice, nor place the victims,
nor bind their temples, nor pronounce any
solemn words, nor make any adjuration. Then,
again, he discusses the question as to what slaves
and faithful freemen should do when their
masters or patrons are officially engaged in
sacrificing. He intimates, in another place
(Apol. c. 34), that it might be allowable to call
the emperor lord but not god.
With respect to the general duty of obeying
the law of the state, the Christian writers are
unanimous in upholding it. Indeed they habitu-
ally base their defence against imputations from
without on their loyalty. Thus Justin Martyr
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(Apol. i. 17) says that " wherever we are we
pay the taxes and tribute imposed by you, as we
were instructed to do by Him," and " while we
worship God alone in all other matters, we
cheerfully submit ourselves to you, confessing
you to be the kings and rulers of men." Irenaeus
(v. 24), speaking even more strongly, and allu-
ding to the perpetual " calumny of the devil "
to the contrary, says, " we ought to obey powers
and earthly authorities, inasmuch as they are
constituted not by the devil but God;" and
" that kings are the ministers of God, and are
put in authority by the command of that same
One to whose command men owe their very
existence." Tertullian (Apol. c. 42) presents a
vivid picture of the complete implication of the
life of the Christians with that of the pagans,
in a passage which leaves no doubt that it was
the persuasion of the church that conformity
was a general duty, and nonconformity only a
particular exception from it. " Itaque non sine
foro non sine macello non sine balneis taberuis
officiis tabulis nundinis vestris coeterisque com-
merciis cohabitamus in hoc saeculo : navigamus
et nos vobiscum et militamus et rusticarnur et
mercamur ; proinde miscemus artes, opera nostra
publicamus usui vestro."
Later Christian history, however, brought
forward a wholly new class of problems arising
out of the active interference of the secular
government with the internal affairs of the
church. This led to the question being mooted
which has never been theoretically answered as
to how far the church and its members are
morally entitled to resist a law which indirectly
affects, as they think perniciously, the interests
of the church. The letter of Gregory the
Great, addressed to the emperor Maurice (A.D.
582-602), who had interdicted all persons occu-
pying civil functions from becoming clerks or
entering a monastery, may be cited in order to
shew what was probably a characteristic mode
of solving such problems after the time that the
church became an authority competing with the
state. " As for me, submitting to thy order, I
have sent this law to the various countries of
the earth, and I have said to my serene lords in
this paper whereon I have deposited my reflec-
tions, that this law goes against that of the all-
powerful God. I have therefore fulfilled my
duty upon each side ; I have rendered obedience
to Caesar, and I have not been silent as to what
appeared to me to be against God." (Greg. M.
Epist. lii. p. 65.)
II. The laws of the state specially affecting
the Christian Church may affect it as a corpo-
rate society, or assemblage of corporate societies ;
or may affect its officers individually ; or its
members individually. And among the laws
that affect the members of the church indi-
vidually will propei'ly be included all those
which confer privileges or impose disabilities on
any persons whatever on the ground of then
not being members of the church. Thus th
general purposes of the laws directly affecting
the church may be arranged as those of (1
conferring privileges, or imposing disabilities on
members of the church as such, or upon othei
persons not being such, as, e.g., Jews, pagans
heretics, and apostates ; (2) prescribing and con-
trolling the organisation of the church, per-
sonal and material ; and, with this view con-
LAW
941
'erring privileges or imposing disabilities on
church officials of all classes ; (3) regulating the
property of the church, of its officers, and of its
members ; (4) determining questions of dispu-
table jurisdiction in respect of ecclesiastical,
civil, and criminal suits and offences; and (5)
giving effect to the internal legislation of the
church itself. It might be expected that at
some periods of church history some of the
classes of laws owing their origin to these diffe-
rent purposes would be found to be more promi-
nent than the rest, and at other periods other
classes of laws. Indeed, it is the case that for
long periods together some of these classes of
laws often seem to be wholly absent, either
through the inactivity of the state, or from
there being no materials recognisable by the
state on which law could operate. For instance,
in early days the whole of the civil law as
affecting the church would be gathered up in
the disabilities and penalties inflicted on its in-
dividual members. But between the time of
Pliny's letter and the persecution at the begin-
ning of the 4th century, under Galerius and
Diocletian, the organisation of the church was
becoming recognised, if not formally protected,
and even the property of the church secured
to it by law.
Thus it seems that about the time of Alexander
Severus (A.D. 222), "Christian bishops were
admitted at court in a recognised official cha-
racter, and Christian churches began to rise in
different parts of the empire, and to possess
endowments in land" (Milman, ii. 231). "The
Christians " (says Gibbon, writing of this period,
c. xvi.) " were permitted to erect and consecrate
convenient edifices for the purpose of religious
worship ; to purchase lands, even at Rome itself,
for the use of the community ; and to conduct
the elections of their ecclesiastical ministers in
so public, but at the same time in so exemplary,
a manner, as to deserve the respectful attention
of the Gentiles." But the history of a few
years later shews upon what a frail foundation
these privileges rested; and it was not till after
Constantine's victory over Maxentius in A.D. 312
that the legal rights and duties of the Christian
church, its officers, and its members, began to
be ascertained with a constantly advancing pre-
cision. It is not necessary to distinguish here
the successive steps by which Constantine first
supported by his legislation paganism and
Christianity impartially ; then co-operated with
the organisation of the church ; and finally (as
in his dealings with Arius) overbore that organi-
sation by the weight of his personal authority.
There are scarcely enough materials in existence
to decide the question as to how far, at any
time, Constantine went in suppressing the use
of pagan rites by the general law. After re-
viewing all the authorities and the passages iu
Euscbius directly bearing on the point, Dean
Milman is of opinion that Conytantine only
abolished two kinds of sacrifices, that is, private
sacrifices connected with unlawful acts of the-
urgy or of magic ; and the state sacrifices here-
tofore offered by the emperor himself, or by
others in his name. The passage in the Theo-
dosian Code (Cod. Th. xvi. 10, 2), from a law
of Constans in which he cites an edict of his
father, is distinctly in favour of an universal
prohibition. " Cesset superstitio, sacrificiorum
942
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aboleatur insania. Nam quicunque contra legem
divi Frincipis parentis nostri et hanc nostrae
mansuetudinis jussionem census fuerit sacrificia
celebrare competens in eum viudicta et praesens
sententia exseratur." We have in the Theodo-
sian Code very clear indications of the legal
measures by which Constantine (1) fenced round
the Christian community, by inflicting dis-
abilities on those outside, as in the law (Cod. Tli,
v. 1) to the effect that all privileges given in
respect of religion attached only to ''Catholicae
legis observatoribus ; haereticos autem atque
schismaticos non tantum ab his privileges
alienos esse sed etiam diversis muneribus con-
stringi et subici ; " (2) recognised the organisa-
tion of the church by allowing slaves to be
manumitted " in gremio Ecclesiae," provided it
was done "sub aspectu antistitum" (Cod. Th.
iv. 71), and supported its institutions by allow-
ing no other business than emancipations and
manumissions to be performed on Sunday (Cod.
Th. iii. 12, 1, 2, 3). Constantiiie also exempted
the clergy from the burdensome liability to
serve on town councils (Cod. Th. xvi. 2; 1, 2,
3). A provision was, however, introduced which
throws light on the notion of ordination pre-
vailing at the time, to the effect that if any
one should, subsequently to the making of the
law, become ordained solely in order to evade
his civil obligations, he must be restored to his
civil character (restitui et civilibus obsequiis
inservire). The whole of this law may be in-
structively contrasted with the legislation of
Justinian (Cod. i. 4, 26), by which he specially
provides for bishops becoming an essentially
constituent part of provincial town councils.
In the two hundred years which intervened
between the time of Constantine and that
of Justinian, legislation directly affecting the
Christian church made rapid progress in all its
departments. It was in the joint reign of Gi'a-
tian, Valentinian, and Theodosius (A.D. 380) that
the formal law was passed which figures in the
codes both of Theodosius and of Justinian, by which
Christianity was constituted the exclusive reli-
gion of the Roman empire, both in the East and
in the West. " We command all who read this law
to embrace the name of Catholic Christians,
deciding that all other idiots and madmen should
bear the infamy attaching to their heretical
opinions, and as they will first meet with the
penalty of divine vengeance, so they will after-
wards receive that condemnation at our hands
which the Heavenly Judge has empowered us to
administer." (Cod. Jus. I. i. 1.)
From this period laws begin to appear for
determining questions of disputable jurisdiction,
such as the law of Arcadius and Honorius A.D.
399 (Cod. Th. xvi. 11, 1), giving the bishops ex-
clusive jurisdiction in "religious " matters, but in
these only : " quotiens de religione agetur episco-
pos convenit judicare: coeteras vero causas quae
ad ordinarios cognitores vel ad usum publici foris
pertinent legibus oportet audiri." At the very
end of the Theodosian Code appears what is called
an "extravagant" law of Valentinian, Theodosius,
and Arcadius, " de episcopal! judicio," prescrib-
ing that bishops be not occupied in trying ordi-
nary matters, but whenever a matter presented
itself relating to Christian authority (quae
pertineat ad Christianam facultatem), it should
be decided by the highest priestly functionary in
the district (see AUDIENTIA EPISCOPALIS, 1. 152).
The special penalties imposed on immoral clergy
belong also to the part of the law which regu-
lates and supports the organisation of the
church. Such were those imposed by the law of
Valens and Valentiniau (A.D. 370, Cod. Th. xvi.
11,20) on ecclesiastics, or " ex ecclesiastici.s vel
qui continentium se volent nomine nunuupari
viduarum ac pupillarum domos adeant ;" they
were "publicis exterminari judicii.s," and were
held incapable to take any benefit under a will
of a woman to whom they had attached them-
selves under pretext of religion. The practice
of requiring such laws as directly affect the
church to be publicly read in the church, is an
interesting token of the public recognition of
these Christian buildings. The law just cited is
said to have been read in the churches, " lecta in
ecclesiis ;" and Theodosius the younger had his
law against the Nestorians, and Constantine his
letter to the church of Alexandria, in absolution
of Athanasius, read in the churches; and the
practice was in use under the Visigoths at the
close of the laws of which people we read,
" Suprascriptas leges omnes lectas in ecclesia S.
Mariae Toleti sub die xi. Kalend. Feb."
The laws affecting the Christians which were
enacted between the time of Constantine and the
publication of the Theodosian Code in A.D. 438,
are mostly contained in the 16th book of that
code, the code itself having been promulgated in
the same year, both in the Eastern and Western
empires. The next important legislative events
occurred in the middle of the sixth century, in
the reign of Justinian. The product of Jus-
tinian's legislative exertions in respect of the
church appears in the first book of his code (the
revised edition of which the only one which has
come down to us, was published in A.D. 534),
and his Novells which cover a period of legisla-
tion extending from A.D. 535 to A.D. 565. The first
book of the code also contains the laws which
had been passed by successive emperors since the
publication of the Theodosian Code. Of this in-
termediate period between A.D. 438 and A.D. 534,
there appear in Justinian's Code (Book 2) several
important laws regulating the rights and liabi-
lities of the clergy, confirming the claims of the
church to have property transferred to it in life
and on death (Cod. i. 2, 14), directing the
clergy as to the administration of property left
by will for the redemption of captives, and for
the use of the poor (i. 3, 28), and determining
the rights, duties, and general functions of those
betaking themselves to a conventual and monastic
life. The right of sanctuary as available in all parts
of the empire is explicitly vindicated and defined
by a law of Leo I. in A.D. 466. (Cod. i. 12, 6.)
The comprehensive legislation of Justinian, es-
pecially that which took place between A.D. 535
and A.D. 565, and is recorded in his Novells, ex-
tends to all the branches of law in which, accord-
ing to the above classification, it is possible for
the civil law directly to affect the Christian
community. It will be convenient to review the
general character of the laws passed in Justi-
nian's reign in conformity with that classifica-
tion.
(1.) Of laws conferring privileges or im-
posing disabilities on individual members of the
church, or on other persons because they are
not such members, the fifty-second constitution
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(Novell. Auth.') is an instance, the effect of which
was to exclude Jews. Samaritans, Montanists,
and other heretics (aliter respuendos homines
quos nondum hactenus recta et immaculata
fides illucet sed et in tenebris sedent animis vera
non sentieutes sacramenta) from the beneficial
exemptions enjoyed by the orthodox in respect ot
service on town councils, and to allow their tes-
timony in courts of law only in cases in which
the interest of an orthodox suitor, or that of the
state seemed to call for it. Another instance is
supplied by the limitation of the newly conceded
rights of intestate succession in accordance with
natural, instead of the older civil relationship to
those who belonged to the "Catholic Faith."
(Nov. Authen. 114.) Yet a further instance is the
law forbidding marriages between god-parent
and god-child (Cod. v. 4, 26) on the ground that
" nothing else could so surely introduce an affec-
tionate paternal relationship, and thereby justly
forbid marriage, as a tie of this sort by which
souls are bound together through the mediation
of God."
(2.) With laws regulating and protecting the
organisation of the church Justinian's legisla-
tion is replete, and the 134th Novell is a small
code in itself. Bishops and monks were abso-
lutely forbidden to act as guardians, and priests
and deacons were allowed to act only on their
tbrmal request, and they were all forbidden to
undertake any civil function. The bishops were
forbidden to move from place to place without
the permission of the metropolitan or the em-
peror. The bishops, patriarchs, and archbishops
in each province were to assemble once or twice
a year, and to examine into all causes and
offences. By the 59th Novell it is forbidden to
introduce the "sacred mysteries" into private
houses, unless certain of the clergy were espe-
cially invited with the approval of the bishop.
The limitation of the number of the clergy, and
of the expenses attending on ordination, were
carefully provided for (Nov. Auth. 3, 5, 16).
(3.) Of laws regulating the property of the
church the seventh constitution is an important
specimen. It lays down the general principle
that no church or church officer is entitled to
part with, by gift, sale, exchange, or perpetual
lease, any immovable property of the church, or
the sacred vessels of the church, save only (in
this last case) for the redemption of prisoners,
the right of the Government to force a sale at
a fair price being reserved. A later law (Nov.
Auth. 43) permits the alienation of immovables
in the case of inability to pay state dues, and if
the income of the immovables does not suffice ;
and a still later law (Nov. Auth. 67) provides
that lands and other immovables left to the
church by will for the redemption of captives,
or for the support of the poor, may be sold for
the purpose should it appear that no certain in-
come from the property can be relied upon other-
wise [ALIENATION, I. 50]. To the same class of
topics belong the legal restrictions upon building
churches, monasteries, and houses of prayer with-
out first making a preliminary grant of the
property to provide for the services (Nov. Auth.
69, 2).
(4.) Laws regulating jurisdiction, of course,
became increasingly precise at this period, and
the final Novell, already cited, contains nume-
rous provisions ou the subject. By the 80th
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943
Novell, persons having any cause of action
against monks, ascetics, or nuns, must bring the
case before the bishop; by the 129th Novell, the
bishop might, in case a judge deferred giving
sentence, either press the judge to proceed or
himself investigate the case afresh, pronounce
sentence, and report the neglect to the emperor.
Provision was also made for parties trying their
case before a friendly tribunal composed of the
judge and the bishop, so as to avoid the necessity
of referring the case to the tribunal at the capital.
Bishops administering justice with partiality were
to be punished. In the 134th Novell important
provisions are contained, by which all causes of
complaint against a member of the clerical body
are to be laid, in the first instance, before the
bishop, and the sentence, if accepted by both
parties within ten days, is to be carried out by the
civil judge ; if the sentence is not accepted the
civil judge is to examine the case afresh, and if he
differs from the bishop an appeal is allowed (see
APPEAL, I. 126). In criminal cases, if the bishop
condemns, the convicted clerk is first to be shorn
of his " honour and grade " according to eccle-
siastical rules, and is then tried by the civil
judge. If the civil judge is approached first,
and the prisoner is found to be a clerk, the case
must go before the bishop, who, if he finds the
clerk guilty, is to deprive him of his office and
hand him back for sentence to the civil judge.
If the bishop does not find him guilty he is to
defer the deprivation, while security is taken and
the case referred to the emperor for his decision.
(5.) As to laws enforcing the internal legis-
lation of the church, the 120th Novell is im-
portant, the first chapter of it solemnly giving
the force of law to the sacred ecclesiastical rules
expounded or established by the four Councils of
Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon.
Subsequently to the time of Justinian, the
Iconoclastic controversy in the East (commencing
A.D. 726) is interesting, in reference to the pre-
sent subject as exhibiting the firm legislative
control that the Eastern emperors either re-
tained or assumed to themselves over the ritual
of the church. The conquests of Justinian in
Italy led to his complete body of laws being
applied en masse to the subjects of his re-con-
quered provinces, for whose use the Novells, or
such of them as originally appeared in the Greek
language, were translated into Latin. But before
the victories of Justinian in Italy the Theodosian
Code had already been introduced in an almost
complete shape into the code of the Visigoths
issued in A.D. 506 by Alaric II. He was suc-
ceeded by Theodoric, his father-in-law, who
united thereby the kingdoms of the Ostrogoths
and the Visigoths. In this way it appears that
in the early part of the sixth century the laws
affecting the church, as they were embodied in
the Theodosian Code and in the code and Novells
of Justinian, were introduced into Italy almost
simultaneously from the East and the West ; and
it may be conjectured that, in this way, the
legislation of Justinian, as well as of his pre-
decessors, became the basis of the legislation of
the barbarian kings. There is reason, however,
to suppose that the barbarian kings were less
disposed to interfere with the internal order of
the church than the Eastern emperors. They
were mostly Arians, they were not gifted with
the theological subtletv which seems to have
944
LAW
LAW
distinguished some of the rulers in the East, and
some of the most eminent of them are conspicuous
either for toleration or for religious indifference
(see Guizot's Civilisation in France, Lect. xii.).
In an edict of Clothaire II. (A.D. 615) we have a
distinct recognition of the principle that the
clergy are, in the first instance, to be tried by
an ecclesiastical and not by a civil court ; and,
for the case of suits between the clergy and
other persons, a court is established composed
of chiefs of the church sitting together with
the ordinary secular judge. The law of the
Kipuarian Franks (Lex Rip. xxxi. 3, Iviii.
1) provides for the clergy being tried by the
Roman law. The Salic law, in its oldest form,
bears few marks of ecclesiastical legislation, and
is almost exclusively occupied with defining the
pecuniary penalties for civil and criminal offences.
In its reformed shape it wears the impress of the
mature ecclesiastical legislation of Charlemagne.
The laws of the Saxon kings in various English
kingdoms afford instruction as to contempo-
raneous legislation in all the German kingdoms
under the influence of the Roman church. The
code of Ethelbert, who seems to have begun to
reign about A.D. 561, contains a number of pre-
cise regulations on general matters, of which
only the first touches the church, robbery from
which is to be punished by a fine of twelve times
the value stolen ; robbery from the bishop, by a
fine of eleven times the value ; from a priest, or
nine times ; a deacon, of six times ; and so on.
In the code of Wihtraed, who seems to have
begun to reign in A.D. 691, there is a fair amount
of ecclesiastical legislation, including the principle
that the church shall enjoy immunity from taxes,
and sundry minute rules in respect of compen-
sation for offences by and against the clergy.
The celebrated laws of Ina, who came to the
throne about A.D. 688, mark a distinct stage in
social and political advance. While dealing
largely with the common criminal offences,
against which the previous codes were mainly
directed, they also contain numerous specific laws
directly affecting the church ; as that, " the minis-
ters of God shall observe their own proper laws " ;
that " children shall be brought to be baptized
within thirty days, under a penalty of thirty
solidi " ; that " a slave doing work at his master's
bidding on the Lord's day shall thereby become
free " ; and that " the right of sanctuary availed
to save the life of a criminal, but he must make
compensation " (Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saoconicae
Ecclesiasticaa ct Civiles). Some curious instances
of the active co-operation of the church and the
state in respect of punishing the offences of the
clergy against the ordinary civil and criminal
law in the earlier part of the seventh century in
Britain appear in some very early works cited
by Mr. Haddan and Professor Stubbs (Councils
and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great
Britain and Ireland, 1869). The Liber Landa-
vensis (a compilation of the twelfth century)
records the excommunication by Oudaeus, bishop
of Llandaff, at the beginning of the seventh cen-
tury, of Mensig and of Morgan, kings of Glamor-
gan, for murder, after swearing amity upon relics
in the bishop's presence, in each case lands bein^
given to the see of Llandaff by the culprit when
reconciled. The same work records similar pro-
ceedings in the case of a fratricide committed by
Gwoednerth, king of Gweat ; and in other cases
Eddius, in his life of Wilfrid (A.D. 709), mentions-
that the holy bishop, Wilfrid, on one occasion,
standing before the altar, and turning to the
people, " enumerated before the kings the lands
which previous kings had granted and the sacred
sites which the British clergy had deserted in,
flying before the enemy." This seems to imply
a re-endowment by the Saxon kings with lands
previously held by the British church.
The legislation of Charlemagne, which con-
tinued through his entire reign, that is, from
A.D. 768 to A.D. 814, and which was reproduced
over and over again in closely resembling forms
in the different countries successively reduced
under his rule, recalls that of Justinian by its
comprehensiveness and its particularity. Never-
theless, the capitularies of Charlemagne not only
mark the progress which the church had made
during the past 200 years in internal organisa-
tion, but they also seem to bespeak the spon-
taneous energy of the church in legislating for
itself, rather than the mere weight of imperial
authority, to which so many of the earlier laws
were due. Much of Charlemagne's legislation in
respect of the church is identical with that of
Justinian, and with that "tof the earlier Saxon
codes, and this affords evidence that legislation
of this sort was largely controlled by ecclesias-
tical usage and tradition, and by the direct in-
fluence exercised by the authorities of the church
on the civil lawgiver.
It will be convenient to exemplify Charle-
magne's legislation by reference to such of the
main department of possible legislation in refe-
rence to the church as were above distinguished
for the purpose of convenient arrangement, and
are alone prominent at this date. They concern
(1) the organisation and ritual of the church,
(2) the property of the church, of its officials,
and of its members, and (3) jurisdiction.
(1.) In respect of the organisation and ritual
of the church, the laws of Charlemagne are ex-
tremely numerous and precise. Thus (Cap. A.D.
769) priests are to be subject to their bishops,
and to give an exact account on the first day of
Lent of their ministry, and of the rites they
have performed ; and to entertain the bishop on
his visitations. No priest is to undertake the
care of a church without the bishop's assent, nor
to pass from one church to another. Priests are
not to celebrate mass except in places dedicated
to God, or, if upon a journey, in a tent and at a
table consecrated by the bishop. The bishops
and clergy were specially interdicted from en-
gaging in battle or accompanying the armies, ex-
cepting a few bishops with their attending priests
selected to perform sacred duties ; also from
hunting with dogs and keeping hawks and
falcons. Every bishop was to visit his diocese
(parochia) once a year, and put a stop to pagan
rites and ceremonies (auguria, phylacteria,
incantationes vel omnes spurcitias gentilium).
Bishops were to have due authority over priests
and other clerics within their diocese (Cap. A.D.
779), and to be themselves subject to the metro-
politans. A bishop was not to receive a cleric
attached to another diocese, nor to ordain him to
a higher function. The faith and good life of
candidates for ordination was to be investigated
by the bishop, and fugitive clerics and strangers
were not to be received or ordained without
" literae commendaticiae " and the licence of
LAW
their own bishop (Cap. A.D. 789). Bishops were
precisely directed as -to the subjects of their
preaching, such as belief in the doctrines of the
Trinity, of the Incarnation, and of the Resurrec-
tion, sins for which eternal punishment was due,
love of God and one's neighbour, faith, hope,
humility, patience, alms, confession, and the like.
A number of general directions were given to the
clergy as to conduct, such as in respect of swear-
ing in the course of conversation (sed simpliciter
cum puritate et veritate omnia decet), enter-
ing taverns, getting drunk, or making others so,
and preaching the gospel to the people on festal
and the Lord's days. Precise regulations are
given as to the observance of the Lord's day.
No servile work was to be done, or journeys un-
dertaken, except for purposes of warfare, fetching
food, and burying the dead. Everyone was to
attend church, and the celebration of the mass,
and praise God for all the good things He had
done on that day. Official public meetings and
the public administration of justice were not to
take place on that day, except in circumstances
of urgent necessity (Cap. A.D. 789, de partibus
Saxoniae). The bodies of Christian Saxons were
to be buried in the cemeteries of the church, and
not in the " tumuli " of the pagans. Children
were to be baptized within a year, or a fine was im-
posed on the person responsible for the neglect. The
right of sanctuary was defined very much in the
same language as in earlier laws. Homicides and
other persons accused of committing crimes
punishable with death would not be excused by
taking refuge in a church,and no food must be given
them there (Cap. A.D. 779). By a later capitulary
of A.D. 789 none were to be violently expelled
from a sanctuary, but they were to remain till
a formal judicial inquiry could take place (dum
placitum praesentetur) ; see also Cap. A.D. 803,
3. Breaking into a church was an offence
punishable with death. A synod was to meet
twice a year (Cap. A.D. 806). A province was
never to be divided between two metropolitans.
Lastly (Cap. A.D. 803), reading in church was to
be distinct (lectiones in ecclesia distincte
legantur).
(2.) As to the property of the church, a con-
siderable part of Charlemagne's laws is concerned
with regulating the right to tithes. The general
principle of paying tithes is laid down in the
capitulary of A.D. 789 (" De partibus Saxoniae "),
that every one, noble as well as free born, should
give the tenth part of his substance and his
labour to the church and the priests." The
principle is affirmed over and over again, and
applied in detail to various kinds of property.
The history of this part of Charlemagne's legis-
lation is passed succinctly in review by Professor
Brewer in an Appendix to his Endowment and
Establishment of the Church of England, Part
I., to which it is sufficient for the present pur-
pose to refer. Bishops and abbats were cautioned
as to bestowing a diligent custody on the trea-
sures of the churches, lest by treachery or neg-
ligence any gems, vases, or other treasures be
lost (Cap. A.D. 806, 3). It was specially provided
(Cap. A.D. 804, 3) that if any one wishes to build
a church on his own property, he must first have
the bishop's assent and licence, and that the
ancient tithes payable to the older churches
must not be diverted to the new one.
(3.) With respect to jurisdiction, no judge was
LAW
945
to punish a priest, deacon, or cleric, " without
the consenting knowledge of the pontitex,"
under pain of separation from the church till he
confesses and amends. Bishops were to admin-
ister justice to the clergy in their dioceses ; and
if an " abbat, priest, deacon, sub-deacon, does not
obey the bishop, the metropolitan must interpose,
and if he cannot settle the matter, the parties
must come to the king li cum literis metropoli-
tan! " (Cap. A.D. 794). Priests accused of crimes
were to be tried at a synod in accordance with a
capitulary of pope Innocent's; if they were con-
victed, they were to be removed from the sacer-
dotal office. By Cap. A.D. 812, if bishops and
abbats could not settle their disputes they must
come before the king himself. All other officials
were warned against presuming to try such
high matters without special authorisation from
the king. The decrees of the councils of Nicaea,
Chalcedon, Antioch, and Sardica were incorporated
in the legislation. From the preface to some of
the capitularies, it seems that the laws were iri
fact passed as much by the authority of the
church as by that of the state. Thus the
capitulary of A.D. 779 opens " Anno feliciter
uudecimo, &c. qualiter congregatis in unurn syno-
dal i concilio facto capitulare episcopis abbatAus
virisque inlustribus comitibus una cum Domino
nostro se," &c. [See CAPITULARY.]
III. The laws made by the church itself,
whether in pursuance of an inherent legislative
faculty it holds itself to possess, or as a sub-
ordinate legislature dependent on the state,
must be considered under the heads of (1) the
modes by which the law has at different periods
been made, and (2) the modes by which it has
been enforced. (1.) It will have been seen from
the preceding review to what an extent at
different periods and from opposite causes, such
as the complete preponderance of the state over
the church at one period and the intimate impli-
cation of the state with the church at another,
the same authority which enacted laws for the
state also prescribed the most minute regulations
for the internal order of the church, and often at
the same moment and in the same document. So
true is this, that in the case of some of the capitu-
laries of Charlemagne, and of the legislative acts
of the early Saxon kings in England, it is hard to
say whether the law-making authority was a
church synod or the king surrounded by his
ordinary councillors, the bishops, abbats, and
chief secular officials in the kingdom. Neverthe-
less, the church claimed from the earliest times
the right of independent legislation, though the
limits of this right became soon contested in
practice through the interposition of the Eastern
emperors, and in theory also as soon as the
church of Rome assumed for itself the claim of
being the chief, or even the exclusive organ of
church legislation (see COUNCIL, I. 473 ; CANON
LAW, I. 265; DECRETAL, I. 539), and thereby
precipitated the inevitable controversy with the
secular authority in different countries.
(2.) The modes by which the church has been
enabled, or has attempted, to make her laws
effective by applying suitable penalties for their
infraction have always been in fact largely sub-
ject to the explicit or implicit control of the
state, and the more so as the church and
the state became co-extensive. Nevertheless,
the church has also succeeded in herself punish-
046
LAW
ing her own members and officers for breaches of
her laws, and, in the times of her greatest
strength, has done so even when the offender,
as in the case of Theodosius the Great, was a
crowned head. Apart from excommunication,
partial or total, temporary or permanent, and
public reproof or degradation of office, the most
common forms that ecclesiastical penalties gra-
dually took was the enforcement of some painful
austerity or discipline [PENITENCE], subse-
quently commuted for, or admitting of, a re-
gular substitute in a fine. [FINES, I. 671.]
It is well-known by what gradual but cer-
tain steps this notion of accepting pecuniary
compensation for some of the lighter offences
gradually led to the principle of admitting for
all but a very few " mortal " sins a like satisfac-
tion ; and then to the whole system of
INDULGENCES [I. 834] by which ecclesiasti-
cal penalties were mitigated. An examination
of the older Salic law and the Ripuarian law,
already alluded to, will go far to explain how the
notion of pecuniary compensation for sins so
easily took root in the Western church. It was,
in fact, the common form of all the civic legis-
lation in the German kingdoms which was not
directly borrowed from Rome. It has, however,
been observed that Tertullian's education as a
lawyer led him in his treatise De Pocnitentid
(c. 19), to regard the ecclesiastical fine exacted
for " homicidium, idololatria, fraus, negatio, blas-
phemia et fornicatio," rather as a " satisfactio "
or temporary security for future good conduct
than as a penalty for past transgressions. Pro-
bably both ideas coalesced in the late church law
relative to penance.
The question naturally suggests itself how
far, before the death of Charlemagne, the church
was in a position to rely upon the co-operation
of the state in enforcing her own laws and the
procedure of her own courts ; for instance, by
imparting to a sentence of deprivation its appro-
priate civil consequences. The truth was that,
from the times of the earlier Christian emperors,
the jurisdiction of the bishops, in respect of
certain matters and persons, was placed upon
exactly the same level as the jurisdiction of a
civil court (see especially the law of Honorius
and Theodosius II., A.D. 408, giving the force of
a civil judgment to the sentence of a bishop on
a voluntary reference to his arbitration a law
often imputed to Constantine, and Justinian's
134th Novell already cited). Again, under the
municipal government of the empire, in all the
later stages of its history, the bishop was in-
timately concerned in civic administration of
the most secular kind in all the chief towns
and especially at Rome (see 1 Cod. Jus. iv., and
Guizot's Civilisation in Europe, Lect. ii. and
Gibbon in reference to Gregory I. chap. xlv.).
Lastly, Charlemagne, in constituting his itinerant
magistracies, combined in one commission a
Comes and a bishop, " ut uterque pleniter suum
ministerium peragere possint" (Cap. A.D. 803,
chap. iv.). It thus resulted that all the machinery
was constantly at hand for enforcing the judg-
ment of the bishop in strictly ecclesiastical
matters in the same way as the judgment of a
secular court.
But, furthermore, it is to be borne in mind
that the canons by which ecclesiastical penalties
were imposed were, up to the death of Charle-
LAW
magne, scarcely distinguishable from the ordinary
laws of the empire. The 1 legislative body was,
as often as not, constituted in exactly the same
way whether engaged in secular or religious
legislation, and frequently discharged both
classes of business at the same sitting. Both
Justinian and Charlemagne expressly incorpo-
rated among the published laws of the realm
the canons of four general councils (not the
same ones) ; an incessant control and supervision
is exercised by the civil ruler over the sitting
of councils, and provision is made for the time
being fairly distributed between secular and
religious business. Thus king Sigibert, in
addressing Desiderius, the bishop of Cahors
(A.D. 650), directs that no " synodale concilium "
be held in his kingdom without his knowledge.
The seventeenth council of Toledo in A.D. 694
decreed that in the first three days of every
such assembly ecclesiastical affairs should be
debated, and then but not till then the affairs
of the state; and Charlemagne (Cap. A.D. 811,
chap, iv.) directs that the abbats, bishops, and
counts are to be distributed into different
chambers with a view to laymen not interfering
with ecclesiastical affairs. Again, while it is
probable enough that during the period here
concerned excommunication was felt to be a
heavier punishment than any ordinary punish-
ment known to the secular laws, and therefore
needed no supplement from these, there are
signal instances on record of specific legislation
for the purpose of moderating or increasing the
effect of an ecelesiastical sentence. Thus, in
A.D. 595, Childebert makes a decree against
those who, on being excommunicated for murder,
still continue obstinate. Pepin (Cap. A.D. 755)
makes a similar decree : " Si aliquis ista omnia
contemserit et episcopus emendare minime
potuerit regis judicio exilio condemnetur ; "
and, lastly, Charlemagne, in redressing a curious
abuse which followed from persons excommuni-
cated for murder wandering about the country
and presenting scandalous exhibitions of distress,
decrees (A.D. 789) "nee isti nudi cum ferro
sinantur vagari qui dicunt se data sibi poeni-
tentii ire vagantes. Melius videtur ut si
aliquid inconsuetum et capitale crimen com-
miserint in loco permaneant laborantes et
servientes et poenitentiam agentes secundum
quod sibi canonice impositum est."
It may be said, generally, that up to the
epoch at which the legal organisation of the
church was distinct and complete enough to
enable the pope to contend on equal terms
with the emperor, either the necessities for
secular aid in support of ecclesiastical discipline
were too rare to attract general attention, or
such general harmony of spirit and such a use
of common judicial machinery prevailed, as to
disguise the real character and amount of the
secular interference, or the extreme eccle-
siastical penalties were in practice more potent
than any civil ones, and therefore stood in no
need of support from these.
(See Phillips, Kirchenrecht ; Walter, Kirchcn-
recht ; Bickell, GeschicMe des Kirchenrechtes ;
Hebenstreit, Historia Jurisdictionis Ecclesias-
ticae ; Biener, de Collectionibus Canonum Eccle-
siae Gfraecae ; Baluze, Capitnlaria Regum Fran-
corum ; Gengler, Germanische Denkmdler ; Had-
dan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical
LAWSUITS
Documents illustrative of the Ecclesiastical His-
onj of Great Britain and Ireland; Wilkins,
Leges Anglo-Saxoniae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles ;
Codex Theodosianus ; Corpus Juris Civilis.)
[S. A.]
LAWSUITS. [LITIGATION.]
LAWYERS. The attitude of the church
towards lawyers, as towards all persons holding
anything like official positions, was, during the
era of persecutions, that of suspicion and almost
dislike. In some churches they could not be
oraained ; for we find in a letter of pope In-
nocent I. (A.D. 402-417) (Ep. 23, ad Cone.
Tolet. c. 2) that he complained of the custom
existing in the Spanish church of admitting
such to ordination, and proposed " that no
one should be admitted to the clerical order
who had pleaded causes after he was bap-
tized." That this represents the practice of the
Roman church there can be little doubt, nor
that the rule was soon extended over the
French and Spanish churches. And he orders
that for the future such persons, if ordained,
should be deposed, together with those who
ordained them : " ut quicunque tales ordinati
fuerint, cum ordinatoribus suis deponantur." We
find the council of Sardica (A.D. 347) enacting iu
its thirteenth canon that a lawyer (o-xoAoo-Tt/cbs
airb TTJS dyopay) might proceed through the
grades of reader, deacon, and priest, even to the
episcopate, if he were a suitable man. But as
Du Pin observes (Cent. iv. p. 261), the Sardican
canons were never received by the whole church,
nor embodied in the collection authorised by the
council of Chalcedon.
We find that such legal assistance as was
required by a church or diocese was in the East
often, perhaps usually, rendered by a clergyman.
The record of the council of Ephesus shews us
Asphalius, a presbyter of Antioch, managing
the law business (TO. irpdyfiaTci TTJS avr^s e/c-
KArjfn'as) of that church. Similarly John, who
appears in the account of the Constantinopolitan
council held under Flavian A.D. 448), and eccle-
siastical history affords many other instances.
And in the course of another hundred years,
this state of things had so far developed that it
was necessary for Justinian to prohibit (Novell.
cxxiii. c. 6) the clergy from practising in the
courts, or discharging the official function of
bail or surety : " Sed neque procuratorem litis,
aut fidejussorem pro talibus causis episcopum,
aut alium clericum, cujuslibet gradus, aut mon-
achum proprio nomine, aut ecclesiae, aut mon-
asterii sinimus;" and the reason assigned is
that they would be thereby hindered in their
sacred ministry. In earlier times, the apostolic
canons (can. 6) had briefly forbidden bishop,
priest, or deacon, to undertake any secular cares,
on pain of deposition. The Theodosian code has
many provisions against the oppressions practised
by those holding legal offices ; excessive and
illegal exactions, maintenance for themselves
while on their circuits, and such like, which do
not immediately concern us here.
The quotation given above from the Novcllae
of Justinian shews that a need was actually ex-
perienced by churches and religious houses for
the aid of men learned in the law in the manage-
ment of their property and the defence of suits
at law. The need grew with the growth of
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LAY COMMUNION
947
ecclesiastical possessions ; and a tendency shewed
itself among the clergy and monasteries even
ir. the West, to find the men required out of the
members of their own body, in spite of the
canonical prohibitions, which seem to have been
in a great degree arbitrary from the first, or
which at best rested on a tradition descending
from the period of the persecutions. Pope Ge"
lasius (492-496) admitted these officers to the
minor orders : " Continue Lector, aut Notarius,
aut certe Defensor effectus, post tres menses
existat Acolythus." The formula with which
the defensores were admitted is curious : " Si nulli
conditioni vel corpori teneris obnoxius, nee fuisti
clericus alterius civitatis, aut in nullo canonum
obviant statuta, officium Ecclesiae Defensorum
accipias," &c. We may, perhaps, conclude from
a letter of pope Gregory the Great (590-604)
that the notaries of the church of Rome were
usually subdeacons (lib. vii. Ep. 17).
But by the time we come to the latter part
of the 7th century, we find that these legal
offices were for the most part in the hands of
laymen, at all events in Gaul. The second
council of Macon (A.D. 585) had a canon for-
bidding lawyers to prosecute suits on the Lord's
Day, under pain of being disbarred (can. 1).
And we find among the Decreta of pope Euge-
nius II. (A.D. 824) one forbidding "advocati,"
evidently laymen, to usurp or seize by force any
recompense beyond what they wore entitled to
by ancient right and custom. [S. J. E.]
LAY BAPTISM. [BAPTISM, 80, I. 167 ;
LAITY, 3.]
LAY COMMUNION. Offences which in
a layman were punished by a.(j>opi(r/j.6s, segrega-
tion or suspension of the right to communicate,
were in the clergy punished by reduction to
"lay communion." That is to say, they were
reduced to the condition of laymen, deprived of
office, and forbidden to exercise their clerical
functions. When a clerk was said to be denied
lay communion, it meant that he was excommu-
nicated as well as deprived. As two erroneous
opinions have been maintained respecting lay
communion, one that it meant communion in
one kind, the other that it was reception of the
sacrament with the laity, i.e. without the bema
or the chancel, it is desirable to illustrate the
subject by an ample chain of testimony. The
15th Apostolical canon orders that any clergy-
man staying in another diocese against the will
of his own bishop, shall not be allowed to cele-
brate, " but may nevertheless communicate there
as a layman." By the 62nd, a clerk who had
denied Christ, or his own office, in a time of per-
secution, was " after penance to be received as a
layman." Cornelius of Rome writing to Fabius
of Antioch, about 251, says of one of the bishops
who had consecrated Novatian, but afterwards
confessed his fault, "All the people present en-
treating for him, we communicated with him as
a layman " (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 43). When
Rufinus translates this, about the year 490. he
says, " He was received into lay communion"
that phrase having sprung up in the interval.
Cyprian, writing in 252, says of Trophimus, who
is supposed to be the bishop mentioned by Cor-
nelius, " He was so admitted that he communi-
cates as a layman " (Epist. 55 ad Anton.). Two
years later the same father says that Basilides,
3 Q
948
LAY COMMUNION
another offending bishop, on his repentance,
"thought himself sufficiently happy, if it were
granted him to communicate even as a layman "
(Ep. 67 ad Felicem, &c.). Again, in a letter to
Stephen of Rome, A.D. 256, St. Cyprian declares
that it had been decided at Carthage " by con-
sent and common authority " that presbyters
and deacons, who had fallen into heresy or
schism, should " on their return be received on
this condition, that they should communicate as
laymen " (Epist. 72 ad Steph.}. There is extant
an account of a council held in that city in the
same year, at which a bishop delivered it as his
opinion, that " all schismatics and heretics who
had turned to the church should be rebaptized,
but that those who seemed to have been ordained
should also be received among the laity " (sent.
4). The council of Elvira, A.D. 305, orders that
a deacon who had committed a great crime before
ordination, and did not come forward as his own
accuser, should be five years in penance, and then
"receive lay communion" (can. 76). This is
the earliest instance of the use of that expres-
sion. At the council convened at Cologne to
consider the case of the Arian bishop of that
city, one of the bishops present expressed him-
self thus : " Because Euphrates denies that Christ
is God, I agree that he cannot be a bishop, who
ought not to receive even lay communion "
(Synod. Agripp. sent. 2). This council is assigned
with some doubt to the year 346. We may
observe that in the last two instances there is a
probable reference to the Eucharist, the reception
of which was the chief privilege and sign of
communion in the other sense. In 347 the
council of Sardica decreed that if two bishops
whom it deposed " asked for lay communion, it
should not be denied them " (can. 19). St. Atha-
nasius, writing in 349 or the year following,
says that it was " notorious, and a thing beyond
doubt with every one, that Colluthus (who had
affected the title and performed the acts of a
bishop) had died a presbyter, and that every
ordination by him had been annulled, and all
ordained by him in the schism had been made
laymen, and so came to synaxis " (Apol. contra
Arianos). St. Basil A.D. 370: "Those clerks
who sin a sin unto death are deposed from their
order, but not kept from the communion of lay-
men. For thou shalt not punish the same
offence twice" (ad Amphiloch. c. 32). Siricius
of Rome, A.D. 385 : " Let any clerk who shall
have married either a widow, or at all events a
second wife, be at once stripped of every privi-
lege of ecclesiastical dignity, lay communion
only being conceded to him " (Epist. ad Hirner.
c. 11). At a general African council assembled
at Hippo in 393, it was decreed that the Donatist
clergy should on their return to the church be
" received into the number of the laity " (can. 41).
The council of Toledo, A.D. 400 (can. 4) decreed
that a subdeacon who married for the third
time should, after suspension from communion
for two years, " being reconciled by penance,
communicate among laymen." A Roman council
under Felix, A.D. 487, of bishops who had been
rebaptized among heretics : " It will be proper
that they lie under penance (should they repent)
to the last day of their life ; and that they be
not on any account present at the prayers, not of
the faithful only, but even of the catechumens,
to whom lay communion only is to be restored at
LAY COMMUNION
their death " (can. 2). The council of Agde, in
France, A.D. 506, of clergymen guilty of crime :
" Deposed from the honour of office let such an
one be thrust into a monastery, and there let
him receive lay communion only as long as he
lives" (can. 50). The council of Lerida, in
Spain, A.D. 524, of clergymen who, after pro-
fessing repentance, had fallen again into gross
sin : " Let them not only be deprived of the
dignity of office, but not even receive the holy
communion, except when dying " (can. 5). Here
the sacrament is distinctly meant, by the recep-
tion of which they might have been consigned to
" lay communion " in its true and proper sense.
The council of Orleans, A.D. 538, orders that
any clerk, from a subdeacon upwards, who shall
cohabit with his wife, be " deposed from office
according to the decrees of former canons, and
be content with lay communion " (can. 2). By
two other canons of this council, the offenders
are to be reduced to lay communion, but that
phrase is not employed. In one case, " deposed
from office, communion being granted to him, he
is to be thrust into a monastery for the whole
period of his life " (can. 7) ; in the other, " com-
munion being granted to him, he is to be de-
graded from his order" (can. 26). That "lay
communion " was used as a punishment to the
end of our period and later appears from the fol-
lowing chapter out of the 6th book of the Capitu-
laries of the French Kings collected by Benedict
the deacon, A.D. 845 : " If any bishop, presbyter,
or deacon, or subdeacon shall go to the war, and
put on warlike arms for fighting, let him be de-
posed from every office, so that he have not even
lay communion " (c. Ixi. Comp. Canones, Isaac
Episc. Lingon. tit. xi. c. x.).
From the foregoing extracts it will be inferred
that the expression "lay communion" had
generally no immediate reference to the reception
of the Eucharist. It merely denoted the whole
position of a layman in full communion with the
church. But as that sacrament was only given
to persons in full communion with the church,
it came to the same thing whether a deposed
clerk were said to be allowed lay communion,
or to receive the sacrament of the holy commu-
nion. One who passed out of penance into lay
communion would of course be formally absolved
by the bishop, before he could receive the sacra-
ment ; but there is no reason to believe that
any form of admission was generally employed,
when a disqualified clerk passed, without per-
forming penance, into the position of a lay com-
municant. There appears, however, to have
been one exception in the church of Rome, if we
may trust to an Epistle ascribed to Innocent I.,
about 404, but believed on good grounds to be
spurious : " It is the law of our church to grant
lay communion only to those who come over
from the heretics (who however have been
baptized among them) by the imposition of
hands " (Ep. ad Epist. Maccd. c. 4).
A criminous clerk fell into lay communion by
the application of a principle laid down by many
councils and writers ; viz. that one who had
been under public penance was incapable of
orders. Thus St. Augustine : " It hath been
most strictly decreed that after penance per-
formed for crime liable to condemnation no one
should be a clergyman" (Epist. 185, ad Bonif
c. x. 45). [See PENITENCE ; ORDERS, HOLY.]
LAY COMMUNION
Heretics returning to the church were always sub-
jected to this discipline. St. Augustine represents
the Donatists arguing thus : " If, say they, it
behoves that we do penance for having been out
of the church, and against the church, that we
may be capable of salvation, how is it that we
remain clerks or even bishops after that pen-
ance ? " (ibid. 44). Replying to this, St. Augus-
tine says in effect that their recognition was not
good in itself for the church, but was permitted
in order to end a worse evil, the continuance of
the schism. When the Nicene council, A.D. 325,
admitted the Novatian clergy to communion, it
imposed no penance, and even allowed them to
retain their rank and exercise their functions, if
they live in places where there was room for it
(can. 8). When Cornelius of Rome, 251, re-
ceived the Novatian presbyter Maximus to com-
munion, he also permitted him to continue in his
office (Epist. 49, inter Epp. Cypr.~).
II. There was another punishment for offend-
ing clerks, of which we read in a few canons
under the name of communio peregrina, the
communion of travellers, or, as it has been less
properly rendered, of strangers. The 3rd canon
of Riez, A.D. 439, directs that a schismatical
bishop shall on his return to the church either
fee "encouraged by the title of chorepiscopus,
as the 8th canon of Nicaea speaks, or by peregrine
communion, as they say." The council of Agde
orders that contumacious and neglectful clerks
shall have " peregrine communion assigned to
them, but so that when penance shall have
corrected them, they may be again enrolled and
reassume their order and dignity " (can. 2). Here
we observe in passing that the penitentia of
which this canon speaks must be repentance or
private penance ; because, as we have seen, no
one could exercise any clerical function who had
ever been subject to public penance. The same
council says : " If any clerk shall have stolen
from a church, let peregrine communion be
assigned to him "(can. 5). The 16th canon of
Lerida directs that a clerk who, on the death of
his bishop, had stolen anything from his house,
or fraudulently concealed anything, shall be
condemned with the longer anathema, as guilty
of sacrilege, and that the communion of tra-
vellers be hardly granted to him." The 2nd
and 5th canons of Agde appear in the code of
Charlemagne and his successors compiled by
Angesisus and Benedict in the 9th century
(Capit. Eeg. Franc, i. 1075, 1094, 1225).
Peregrine communion has been supposed by
several writers to be identical with lay commu-
nion. That they differed, and how, will appear
from the following considerations. (1.) There
would otherwise be no propriety in the name,
travellers having no more to do with lay com-
munion than, residents. (2.) The council of
Agde in one canon (50) imposes lay communion
on clerks guilty of capital offences, forgery, and
false witness : while others inflict peregrine
communion on contumacy (c. 2) and theft from
a church (c. 5). From this we infer that the
latter penalty was something less severe than
the former. (3.) Again, the 2nd canon of Agde
shows that a clerk reduced to peregrine commu-
nion might be restored ; whereas we have seen
that lay communion was for life. (4.) The name
suggests the nature of the punishment. It
appears to intimate that the clerk on whom it
LAZAEUS
949
was inflicted was placed in the position of a
traveller who came to a strange church without
bringing letters of communion. [See KoiNO-
NIKON.] Such a visitor was admissible to the
less sacred offices of religion, but not permitted
to receive the Eucharist until a letter, vouching
for him, arrived from his own bishop. Hence
we see that peregrine communion involved ab-
stention from the sacrament for a time, which
lay communion did not. [W. E. S.]
LAY ELDERS. [ELDERS.]
LAZARUS (1). In Ethiopia his first death
is commemorated March 13, his resurrection
March 16, his second rest, in Cyprus, of which
he was bishop, May 22. From Citium in Cyprus
his relics were brought to Constantinople, Oct.
17, A.D. 890, by Leo the Wise (Tillem. ii. 36).
Before that time he had no fixed day among the
Greeks, unless he be meant by Lycarion, Feb. 8
(Menol. Basil.'), but was celebrated on the vigil of
Palm Sunday (Tillem. ii. 37). At Rome in the
7th century he was commemorated with Martha
only, Dec. 17 a custom seemingly taken from
their convent near Bethany (Mart. Rom. ;
Usuard).
(2) Bishop of Milan, f Feb. 11, A.D. 449.
(Acta SS. Feb. ii. 521.)
(3) The name occurs in the Mart. Hieron.
April 12.
(4) Oct. 18. (Gal. Ethiop.)
(5) With Thalassius, Dec. 6'. (Cal. Ethiop.')
[E. B. B.]
LAZARUS (IN ART). The Resurrection of
Lazarus is naturally a subject very frequently
represented in Christian Art. We find it in
catacombs, churches, and cemeteries, in paint-
ings, sculptures, and mosaics, on simple slabs,
and on sarcophagi (Ciampini, Vet. Hon. ii. tab.
97). In some cases, where no such painting,
mosaic, and sculpture exists, either outside or
inside the tomb, we find small statues of Lazarus,
in metal or ivory, affixed to the exterior. In
early representations of this great event, Lazarus
appears as a small mummy-like figure swathed
in bandages, the head is bound with a napkin,
which surrounds the face, leaving it uncovered
(Buonarroti, Vetri, tab. vii. 1). The Lord stands
before this figure, which is placed upright at
the entrance to a small temple, and in most
instances He touches it with a rod. Sometimes
He extends His right hand, whilst in the left
He holds a half-opened volume (Bottari, tab.
xxviii.-xlii. etc.). In some examples the right
hand is free, and raised in the act of benediction
according to the Latin form (Aringhi, ii. 121),
sometimes His hand is laid upon the head of
Lazarus (id. ii. 183). An example in the ceme-
tery of Callixtus (id. i. 565) shews us an exact
representation of a chrysalis instead of the
swathed figure ; possibly allusion to the resur-
rection may be here intended. On some Gal-
lican sarcophagi, Lazarus appears extended on
the ground, no tomb being visible, as in an
example in the " Muse'e Lapidaire " of Lyons
(No. 764; Millin, Midi de la France, Atlas,
pi. Ixv.). On glass cups, where the greater
portion of the design is, as usual, in gold, the
graveclothes are in silver (Buonarroti, vii. 2 ;
Ferret, iv. pi. xxxii. 97). Disregarding the
sacred text, we find some artists giving folding-
doors to the tomb of Lazarus (Buonarroti, vii.
3 Q 2
950
LAZARUS
LECTERX
3), though it was in fact closed with a stone.
Sometimes it is hewn out of the natural rock,
without any attempt at architecture (Aringhi,
ii. 331), and shrubs are placed upon the two
steps at the entrance.
Some artists, who probably had but a slight
acquaintance with Jewish customs, have placed
the body of Lazarus in a sarcophagus (Bottari,
tab. Ixxxix.), adorned with lions' heads, and
even supported by sphinxes, subjects of very
rare occurrence in early Christian Art (ib. tab.
cxciii.). The diminutive, even infantine, pro-
portions of the body of Lazarus, as represented
by ancient artists, cannot fail to excite attention.
It may be that the beginning of a new life is
thus symbolized ; but more probably this is
only an instance of a custom frequent in other
representations of the Lord's miracles, of making
the object of the miracle small in comparison
with the Lord Himself [BLIND, HEALING OF,
I. 241]. A curious fresco in the cemetery of
Kennes (Aringhi, ii. 329), shews the swathed
figure standing on the flat without any support,
and without the usual temple. In paintings
and on glass [GLASS, I. 730], the two essential
figures the Lord and Lazarus are alone repre-
sented. A fragment of a mosaic given by March i
(Monum. tab. slvii.) furnishes perhaps the only
exception to this rule. In this, a female figure,
presumably one of the sisters of Lazarus, kneels
at the feet of the Lord, and extends her hands
towards him.
Lazarus. From Martigny.
This is of much more frequent occurrence in
the bas-reliefs of sarcophagi. These are of more
recent date, and always complete the scene with
the figures of Martha and Mary (Aringhi, i.
335), or at least the latter, prostrate or kneeling,
at the feet of the Saviour (16. i. 323, etc.), or
sometimes devoutly kissing his hand (ib. i. 423).
A curious sepulchral stone, unfortunately broken,
shews two hands behind the Lord, all that re-
mains of a figure, probably that of Mary, which
formerly stood there (Ferret, iv. 13). Sometimes
the scene is completed and enlarged by the
figures of two or more disciples, towards whom
the Lord turns as if to draw their attention to
the miracle (Aringhi, i. 427).
The Christian artists of these early times fre-
quently connect Old and New Testament subjects,
between which any real or fancied analogy is
traceable. Thus, in many instances, particu-
larly on sarcophagi, we have Moses striking the
rock, introduced as a pendant to the resurrec-
tion of Lazarus. We even find the two subjects
united, as in the fresco of an arcosolium given
by Aringhi (ii. 123). In another fresco in the
cemetery of Kennes, the figures of the Lord and
Moses are nearly identical in dress, in attitude,
and even in countenance (t'6. 329). Even on
simple sepulchral slabs we find the two subjects
associated in a similar manner (Ferret, v. pi.
Ixiii. 29).
The tomb of Lazarus was guarded with reli-
gious care by the faithful, and visited by them
with the other sacred and memorable places in
Palestine (Jerome, Epist. ii.). We learn from
Jerome also (Zte Loc. Heb. s. v. Bethania)
that a church was built upon the site. This is
also mentioned by Bede, but it seems certain
that there was no church there in the time of
Constantine, as the itinerary of Jerusalem made
in that emperor's reign contains no allusion to
it. (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chrft. s. v.)
[C.]
LEA (1) Widow, friend of Jerome, t at Beth-
lehem, March 22 (Ada SS. Mar. iii. 381).
(2) Martyr in Africa, Sept. 28 (Mart. Hicr.
Florentini)." [E. B. B.]
LEACUS, martyr at Nicomedia, Jan. 27
(Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.), in Africa, Mart. Gelloiu
[E. B. B.]
LEANDER. Bishop of Seville, and con-
verter of Goths from Arianism under Recared,.
commemorated Feb. 27, Ado (Usuard). His name
is added, without specification, in the Hierony-
mian Martt. Also on Feb. 28 (D'Ach. Spicileg.
iv. 630). [E. B. B.]
LECERUS, deacon at Antioch, Jan. l. r >
(Mart. Hieron. D'Ach.). [E. B. B.]
LECTERN (lectorium, lectoria}. A standing
desk in a church, from which certain portions of
service were read. It appears to have been of
later introduction than the Ambo [AliBO], and
to have differed from that by being placed in the
centre of the choir instead of at the side. Lec-
toria are very frequently mentioned in the " liber
pontificalis " of Anastasius among the gifts made
by the popes to the basilicas. They are described
as being of large size, often made of, or coated
with, the precious metals, and richly moulded
and embossed. They were usually provided with
candelabra (cerostata) standing on either side,
lighted on Sundays and festivals (Anastas. pp.
397, 419, 546). Leo III. (A.D. 795, 816) gave a
lectorium " of purest silver of wondrous size "
with candelabra to St. Peter's (Anastas. p. 399).
Leo IV. (A.D. 847-855) also gave to the same
basilica one of silver, chased, standing on four
feet, surmounted by a lion's head, with four
candelabra plated with silver (ib. 552). St.
Kligius is stated to have plated a lectorium with
gold (Audoenus, Vit. S. Elig. apud Ducange).
Iiariulphus (apud Ducange) speaks also of
lectoria constructed of marble, silver and gold.
The cloth that covered a lectorium was termed
lectorinus. (Annul. Mediolan. apud Muratori,
torn. xvi. col. 810.) [E. V.]
LECTICARIUS
LECTICARIUS. The name given in Jus-
tinian's Novella 43 (Pref.) to the members of a
cjufld for interring the dead, from their carrying
the lectica or bier. See COPIATAE, DECANUS (I.).
[C.]
LECTION (Lectio : avdyviavLS ; Leqon ; Eng.
Lesson). The words avdyvuxris and Lectio may
be taken in a wider sense to include all readings
which formed part of Divine Service. [EPISTLE ;
GOSPEL ; PROPHECY.] The word Lection is here
however taken in a narrower sense, to denote
the readings of selected passages during the
ordinary daily office. Such readings were of
three kinds.
1. Passages of Holy Scripture.
2. Passages from comments or homilies of the
Fathers.
3. Acts of Martyrs or other saints.
The readings from Holy Scripture, of which
Justin Martyr speaks, were connected with the
administration of the Eucharist, and are therefore
to be regarded rather as corresponding to the
Epistle, Gospel, and Prophecy of later times,
than to the lections with which we are now con-
cerned. It is not until a later date that we find
distinct indications of the mingling of lections
with Psalmody, as in the Hour-Offices of the
present day.
There are in the Eastern Daily Offices no lec-
tions from Scripture. The scheme of service
given in the Apostolical Constitutions (ii.
57-62) contains none, and even to this day the
ordinary Greek offices are entirely devoid of
them. In the morning office on Sundays and
Festivals the Gospel is read. That lections from
Scripture were in use in the province or district
represented at the council of Laodicea, in the
fourth century, we have distinct evidence in the
canon quoted below, though ultimately another
system prevailed in the East generally. This
system was that of the intermixture of ODES with
psalms ; and Archdeacon Freeman regards these
odes as the equivalents of the Western lections,
which, with their long responsories, came to be in
fact, " a long and elaborate piece of music inter-
rupted at intervals by a very brief recitative out
of Holy Scripture " (Dinne Service, i. 70, 125,
345). We may perhaps regard this absence of
lections from the Eastern offices as an indication
of their connection with the synagogue, where
Moses appears to have been read " every Sab-
bath day " only.
The council of Laodicea, about A.D. 360, en-
joined (c. 17) that in the assemblies for worship
(<riW|ecri) the psalms should not be said in con-
tinuous series, but that between each psalm
there should be a lection (a.va.'yvbxns) ; and this
only from Canonical Scripture [CANONICAL
BOOKS, I. 279]. At a somewhat later date,
John Cassian tells us (De Coenob. Inst. ii. 4)-
that throughout all Egypt the custom was to
divide the psalms into groups of twelve ; after
the saying of each twelve there followed two
lections, of the Old and the New Testament.
This very ancient custom is observed (he says)
the more religiously in all the monasteries of
that district, because it was reputed to be no in-
vention of man, but to have been brought from
heaven by an angel. The third council of
Carthage (c. 47) forbade anything but canonical
Scripture to be read in churches. St. Augustine
also (Epist. 64, c. 3) speaks of the danger of
LECTION
951
reading in the church other writings than those
contained in the canon received by the church.
Isidore of Seville (Kegula, c. 7) says that in the
office '.he lections were taken generally from the
Old and New Testament, but on Saturdays and
Sundays from the New only.
The Rule of Caesarius ad Monachos (c. 20) pre-
scribes that in vigils from the month of October
to Easter there should be two Nocturns and three
" Missae " [i.e. lections, whether from the Bible
or from Passions] ; also (c. 25) that on every
Sabbath, every Lord's day, and every Festival,
there should be twelve psalms, three antiphons.
and three lections ; one from the Prophets, one
from the Apostle, and a third from the Gospel.
The Rule of Aurelian (Migne, Patrol, vol. 68,
p. 304) orders in the nocturns on ordinary days
two lections of the Apostle or the Prophets, and
Capitulum in Paschal nocturns three, from the
Acts, the Apocalypse, and the Gospels. It also
(c. 14) enjoins that the ordinary course of the
lections be interrupted and proper lections sub-
stituted, on festivals.
St. Benedict's Rule (c. 9) prescribes that in
the winter half of the year, when the long nights
permitted prolonged nocturns, after the saying
of six psalms and the abbat's benediction, while
all sat on benches there should be read in turns
by the brothers from the book on the lectern
three lections, with a responsory at the end of
each, the last responsory followed by a Gloria.
These lections are to be not only from the Old
and New Testament, but also from the exposi-
tions of Scripture by orthodox doctors and
Catholic Fathers of the highest repute (nomina-
tissimis). After these three lections come the
remaining six psalms, with Alleluia; then the
lection of the Apostle (i.e. the Capitulum) said
by heart, the verse and the Kyrie Eleison. Who
are to be reckoned " nominatissimi doctores " is
matter of some doubt ; some only reckon Am-
brose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory to belong
to this class ; others add such writers as Basil,
Hilary, John Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen,
and Bede. See the note on c. 9 in the Begula,
Commentata (Migne, Patrol, vol. 66, p. 272).
We learn from the Miracula S. Stephani (ii.
2 ; in Martene, iv. v. 2) that a letter of bishop
Severus was read after the canonical lections.
And it appears from a letter of Gregory the
Great (Epist. x. 22) that in some cases at least
comments of distinguished doctors were read in
his time ; for he disapproved the conduct of
Marinianus, bishop of Ravenna, who had ordered
his (Gregory's) comments on the Book of Job to
be read at vigils ; " bid him," he writes to John
the sub-deacon, " cause comments on the Psalms
to be read at vigils, as being especially adapted
to promote good dispositions among the seculars ;
for while I am yet in the flesh, I will not have
anything which I may chance to have written
published at once to all men." From which it
appears that there was no objection to the read-
ing of comments on Scripture in the offices
which, indeed, seems to have been a recognised
practice but only to reading comments of the
then living pope.
In the life of St. Stephen the younger,
A.D. 767 (Migne, Patrol. Ser. Graec. vol. 100,
p. 410), we read that the saint while yet a
boy, instead of sitting down, as was the custom
during the reading of the lections, stood close to
952
LECTION
the chancel rails and listened to the reader, and
so learned to repeat what was read, whether a
martyrdom, or a life, or a sermon of some pious
Father, especially St. John Chrysostom.
The council of Clovesho, A.D. 747 (c. 15, Had-
dan and Stubbs, iii. 367), forbids the clergy to
sing or read in their offices anything not sanc-
tioned by common usage ; that is, they are to
use only what is sanctioned by Holy Scripture
and what the practice of the Roman church
permits (tantum quod ex S. Scripturarum
auctoritate descendit et quod Romanae Ecclesiae
usus permisit). This canon shews that lections
were taken not only from Holy Scripture, but
from other books sanctioned by the Roman
church.
In the lections used in the daily office, which
were not wholly scriptural, many defects and
errors had been introduced before the eighth
century, especially in the Gallican lectiouaries.
This led Charlemagne, in a Constitutio de Emen-
datione Librorum et Officiorum Ecclesiasticorum
of the year 788 (Baluze, Capitul. i. 203), to
make the following provision for their amend-
ment : " Whereas we have found many of the
lections compiled, with however good intent, for
use in the nocturnal office, unfit for their pur-
pose, as having no name of an author appended
and being full of innumerable blunders ; we do
not allow in our days inharmonious solecisms to
be heard in divine lections in the sacred offices,
and have given our mind to bring the same lec-
tions into a better way. And we laid the per-
fecting of that work upon Paul the deacon, one
of our household, namely, that carefully going
through the sayings of the Catholic Fathers, he
might (as it were) gather certain flowers out of
their exquisite meads, and weave those which are
most profitable into one garland. Who, desiring
to yield devoted obedience to our Highness, after
reading through the tracts and sermons of divers
of the Catholic Fathers and choosing the best, has
presented to us in two volumes a series of lec-
tions, cleared of errors, suitable for each festival
throughout the circle of the year. Of all which
pondering the text with our sagacity, we sanction
the same volumes with our authority, and de-
liver over to you, religious readers, to read in
the churches of Christ."
That the practice of reading Acts of Martyrs
on their festivals had begun before the time of
St. Augustine is evident from a sermon of his on
St. Stephen (Sermo 315, c. 1), in which he lays
stress on the fact that the passion of the first
martyr was contained in a canonical book, while
acts of other martyrs to be recited at their com-
memorations could scarcely be found at all.
And again he says (Sermo 273, c. 2), " You
heard the questions of the persecutors and the
answers of the confessors when the passion of
the saints was read." Nor was this a custom
peculiar to Africa. Various old monastic rules
(e.g. Aurelian de Ordine Psallendi, Migne's Patrol.
torn. 68, p. 396) prove that the reading of lives of
the saints or acts of martyrs in the offices was
also a custom of the Gallican church. A lec-
tionary of Luxeuil, which Martene believed to
be of the seventh or eighth century, contains
lections from the acts of SS. Juliana and Basilica.
Avitus of Vienne (f 523) in a fragment of a
homily (Fr. vi. ; Migne, Patrol. 59, p. 297) men-
tions that the passion of the martyrs of Agaune
LECTION
was read " according to custom " ; and Caesarius
of Aries (Sermo 300 in Augustine's Works, v. v,
p. 2319, Migne) speaks of the long readings
from passions (passiones prolixae) in the church.
Gregory of Tours (De Gloria Martyrum, i. 86)
states that the Passion of Polycarp was publicly
read.
In the church of Lyons it seems that none but
Scripture lessons were anciently read, even on.
the vigil of a saint. The bishops who were pre-
sent at the Collatio Episcoporum before king
Gundebald in the year 499 (D'Achery, Spidlcgium,
iii. 304 ff. Paris, 1723), unanimously determined
to hold vigil at the tomb of St. Justus, whose
festival happened to occur at that time. In this
office we find that the lections were wholly from
the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament ;
no acts of St. Justus were read even in the vigil
of his own festival. Nor was the church of
Rome by any means ready to admit Acts of Mar-
tyrs into the public offices. The Decretal of
Gelasius I. (Gratiani Secret. Dist. xv. c. 3, 17) a
states that such acts are, in accordance with
ancient custom, not read in the Roman church,
out of caution, for in many cases the names of
the writers are unknown, and they are some-
times written by infidels or unskilful persons in
a manner altogether unworthy of the subject.
And even at a comparatively late date Acts of
Martyrs seem to have been excluded from the
offices in some districts, for Martene (iv. v. 4)
states that in many MS. lectionaries of the Cis-
tercian order in Maine, about five hundred years
old in his time (i.e. so late as the twelfth cen-
tury), no lections are found, but passages of
Scripture and homilies of the Fathers.
And the same distrust of the numerous acts of
martyrs which were current in the church,
appears in the sixty-third canon of the Trullan
Council, at the end of the seventh century. "We
decree," runs the canon, " that Martyrologies
falsely composed by enemies of the truth, with
the view of dishonouring the martyrs of Christ,
and bringing those who hear them into unbelief,
should not be published in the churches, but
delivered to the fire ; and we anathematize those
who receive them or give heed to them as true."
In the same spirit pope Hadrian writes (Epist.
ad Car. Magn.) : " Lives of the Fathers not
resting on authority (sine probabilibus auetori-
bus) are not read in the church. Those which
bear the names of orthodox writers are both
received and read. For the canons of the church
sanction the reading of the Passions of the Mar-
tyrs in the church when their anniversaries are-
celebrated."
In the time of St. Augustine, if not earlier,
the practice had established itself of assigning
certain lections to certain days ; these, says the
saint in the opening of his exposition of the first
epistle of St. John, were so fixed in their courses
that no others could be read. To the same effect,
the first [Mansi's second] council of Braga [circ.
A.D. 563], decreed (c. 2) that in the vigils or
" missae " b of festivals, all [the clergy of the
province] should read the same and not different
lections.
a The copies of this document vary greatly, and it is
difficult to say how much is interpolated.
i> It must be borne in mind that this word vras not
limited to altar-offices. [MissA.]
LECTION
It does not appear however, even when certain
lections were assigned to certain days, that their
extent was limited in the same exact manner as
in modern Breviaries; the reader continued to
read the passage of Scripture, or of a Father, or the
Passion, as the case might be, until the chief person
in the choir signed to him to stop. A common
practice in monastic churches was for the pre-
siding brother to clap his hands ; in the church of
St. Martin, at Tours, he called out " fac finem,"
words which Martene (iv. v. 6) found written at
the end of the lections in an old lectionary.
Charles the Great, when he was present at the
office, used to stop the reader by some kind of
cough or grunt (sono gutturis) ; and in a church
where the emperor was present it was useless to
" get up " a portion beforehand ; every one in the
choir had to be prepared to read, if called upon,
any portion of the lections of the day (De Eccl.
Cura Car. Mag., quoted by Martene, iv. v.
6). In the Roman church it was an ancient
custom for the deacons to sing the first words of
Tti autem Domine at the end of lections (Ordines
Som.pp. 123 and 174). It was not uncommon
for the end of the lections to be marked before-
hand in the book with a piece of wax, such as
Martene (w.s.) says that he has often seen in
ancient lectionaries still adhering to the spot.
As to the extent of each lection it is ordered in
the rule of Aurelian that three or four pages be
read, according as the copy used was written in
larger or smaller characters.
The practice of reading a certain series of
passages in the offices having once grown up, it
was natural that books should be formed contain-
ing the requisite extracts. This took place in
fact at a comparatively early period. Sidonius
Apollinaris (Epist. iv. 2) mentions among the
good deeds of Claudian (f 470), brother of Ma-
mertus of Vienne, that he drew up a lectionary :
" Hie solemnibus annuis paravit
Quae quo tempore lecta convenirent."
Gennadius (De Scriptt. Eccl. c. 79) says of
Musaeus, a Gallican writer contemporary with
Claudian, that he extracted from Holy Scripture
the lections for the festivals of the whole year,
with responsories and capitula adapted to the
lections and the season.
The Liber Pontificate (c. 218, p. 1055, Migne)
relates of pope Zacharias (t 752) that he placed
in charge of the armarius or librarian of St. Peter's
church at Rome all the codices belonging to his
own house, which are read throughout the year
at matins (qui in circulo anni leguntur ad matu-
tinum). It is, however, not quite clear in this
case whether the books in question were lection-
aries, or whether they were not rather the works
from which lections were taken. The work de-
scribed under INSTRUCTION (I. 862) was a lec-
tionary, though of limited extent.
Lections were generally said not by persons in
major orders, but by sub-deacons or persons in
minor orders. Gregory the Great (Epist. iv. 44 ;
App. n. 5, p. 1334, Migne) laid down on this point
that the saying of Psalms and other lections was to
be performed by sub-deacons, or, in case of neces-
sity, by yet lower orders ; a decree which seems to
exclude mere laymen from this office altogether.
To the same effect the second [third] council of
Braga (c. 45) decreed that no one should act as
singer or reader in the choir without regular
LECTIONAEY
953
ordination to such office (non liceat in pulpito
psallere aut legere nisi qui a presbytero [al.
episcopo] lectores sunt ordinati ; compare Cone.
Laod. c. 15). The second Council of Nicaea also
(c. 14) censures the practice of young persons,
who had received no imposition of hands from
the bishop, reading on the ambo, whether in
monastic or other churches. The first [second]
Council of Braga (c. 11) ordered that readers
should not perform their office in the church in
their secular dress. [LAITY, II. 914.]
Silence was proclaimed before a lection.
" What trouble is there," says St. Ambrose
(Enarr. in Ps. i. (c. 9, p. 741), " to obtain
silence in the church when lections are read ! "
And it was usual for the bishop or the principal
person present in choir to give his benediction
and sign to the reader to begin. The reader
coming in with his book, says Gregory of Tours
(De Mirac. S. Martini, i. 5), was not allowed to
begin to read until the saint [Ambrose] gave him
permission by a nod. This, however, relates to
an altar-lection.
It is evident from several passages quoted
above that the lections were read on the ambo or
pulpitum, by which we are to understand in
many cases not merely a pulpit or lectern, but
the whole of the raised stage or foot-pace in a
church on which the choir was stationed. The
church of the monastery of Bee had, in Mar-
tene's time (IV. v. 11), at the top of the steps of
the ambo a pulpit for lections.
For the congregation to sit during the reading
of lections was regarded in early times as a con-
cession to infirmity ; " when long Passions or
other lessons are read," says Caesarius of Aries
(8crm. 300, M.S.), " let those who are unable to
stand, humbly sit in silence, and with attentive
ears listen to what is read." Sitting afterwards
became the usual posture. St. Benedict in his
rule (c. 9) expressly permitted the brothers to
sit during lections ; and at a later period (about
1060) Peter Damian (Opusc. 39) speaks of sitting
during lections as a universal custom of his
time.
With the reading of lections was connected
from ancient times the use of RESPONSOKIES (see
the article).
(Martene, de Sitibus Antiquis ; Grancolas,
Traite de I'Office Divin ; Freeman, Principles of
Divine Service, vol. i.) [C.]
LECTIONARY. I. Proofs of early Use.
Those who refer the use of a formal table of
stated lessons taken from Holy Scripture to the
Church of the 3rd century [Vol. I. p. 622] can
plead in favour of their opinion that, before the
close of the 4th century, such a practice was
both imiversal and regarded as already ancient.
Chrysostom devotes a whole homily to explain
the reason why the Acts of the Apostles are
publicly read throughout the festal season be-
tween Easter-day and Whitsun-day, and else-
where states that the rule of the fathers (rSiv
iraTfpwv b v6fj.os) directs that book to be laid
aside after Pentecost. Even such a purely arbi-
trary arrangement as the reading of the book of
Genesis in Lent had become so inveterate in his
time (ravra -yap ri/juv a.vtyvua6r) ffrinepov), that
after having gone through the first part of thut
book in his discourses at Constantinople in the
Lent of A.D. 400, he defers the remainder until
954
LECTIONAEY
LECTIONARY
the season came round again the following year :
the offering up of Isaac alone, as Augustine tells
us, " ideo in ordine suo, diebus quadragesimae,
non recitatur," as being reserved for the services
of Holy Week. Chrysostom also advises his
hearers to read at home during the week-days
such Saturday and Sunday lessons as they knew
would be expounded in course on the next Lord's
day, and Bingham (Antiquities, book xiv. ch. iii.
s. 3) adds to these well-known passages others to the
same purport gathered from Origen, Augustine,
and Ambrose, vouching for the custom (de more)
of reading Job and Jonah during the Holy Week.
Cyril of Jerusalem also (A.D. 348), having to
speak of the Ascension, remarks that on the
previous day, being a Sunday (rfj x^** r/M 6 V?
Kara TTJV Kvpta.KT]v), that event had formed the
subject of the appointed lesson (ev rfj ffwa^fi
TTJS roif a.vayvta<TiJ.a.T(av a.KO\ou6ias). Since in
all these scattered notices we meet with nothing
to contradict, but everything to correspond with
the established order of later times, Dean Burgon
is fully justified in his conclusion that, "al-
though there happens to be extant neither
Synaxarium (i. e. Table of proper lessons of the
Greek Church), nor Evangelistarium (i. e. Book
containing the ecclesiastical lections in extenso),
of higher antiquity than the 8th century, yet
that the scheme itself, as exhibited by those
monuments certainly in every essential parti-
cular is older than any known Greek manu-
script which contains it by at least four, in fact
by full five hundred years " (Last Twelve Verses
of St. Mark, p. 195). Yet even the oldest Greek
manuscripts (for to the Greek calendar of lessons
we are for the present confining ourselves) bear
distinct traces of having been used for liturgical
purposes. Without insisting upon more doubt-
ful instances, it is thus that we can best explain
the omission of the confessedly genuine verses
(Luke xxii. 43, 44) from four of our chief uncial
MSS. (A, B, R, T) of the 4th and 5th centuries ;
the sacred words not having been publicly read
in their proper place, but after Matth. xxvi. 40,
as a part of the service for the vigil of Good
Friday, where they occur in every extant lec-
tionary, and even ill one cursive copy of the
Gospels (Cod. 69), which, though itself as late as
the 14th century, is known to follow a very
ancient text. The double insertion of the noble
doxology, Rom. xvi. 25-27, after ch. xiv., as well
as in its proper place at the end of the epistle,
by the Codex Alexandrinus of the 5th century, is
best accounted for by its being so set in lection-
aries as part of the proper lesson for the Saturday
before Quinquagesima. Codex Bezae (D), again,
of about the 5th century, prefixes to Luke
xvi. 19 the formula flirev Se KCU trfpaf ira.pa-
fioXriv, which is the liturgical introduction to
the Gospel for the 5th Sunday of St. Luke. An-
other of Cod. D's prefixes, KCL\ tiirev TOIS fj.a6i\-
rcus aii-rov, John xiv. 1, is almost identical with
that in the English Prayer Book for St. Philip
and St. James's Day. But the strongest case of
all is perhaps Mark xiv. 41, where after aire^ei
is read in Cod. D and a few of later date (e.g.
Cod. 69), the senseless interpolation rb reAos or
reAos, "the end," which manifestly came into
the text from the margin of ver. 42, where it
indicates in the usual manner the close of the
Gospel for the third day of the carnival week.
Since in this last case the patent transcript ural
error is met with also in the Peshito Syriac, and
in some forms of the Old Latin version, which
together will probably carry us back to the 2nd
century, it is h?rd to resist the inference "that
the lessons of the Eastern church were settled
at a period long anterior to the date of the
oldest manuscript of the Gospels extant "
(Burgon, p. 226).
II. Greek Liturgical Books. The earliest
known Synaxaria, or tables of ecclesiastical
lessons throughout the year, are found in two
copies of the Gospels now at Paris, Cudd. Cyprius
(K) and Campianus (M). These, together with
fragments of Henologia, or tables of saints'-day
lessons, annexed to them, were published by
Scholz at the end of the first volume of his Greek
Testament, in 1830. The margins of both these
manuscripts, and of their contemporary, Cod. L,
also at Paris, all three being of the 8th or 9th
century, are covered with liturgical notes either
by the original scribe or by a hand of the same
period, which indicate, mostly in red ink, the
beginnings and ends of the lessons (APXH,
TEAOC), the days on which they are to be used,
and often the initial words whereby they are to
be introduced. After this date quite a majority
of manuscripts of the Gospels proper are fur-
nished with marginal notes of this kind, and
very many with synaxaria and menologia, full of
crabbed abbreviations and sometimes added in a
later age. Perhaps no known evangelistarium,
or book containing the ecclesiastical lessons in
full, like those English church lectionaries which
have recently come into use, can be ascribed
with confidence to an earlier period than the
9th century. A fragment at St. Petersburg,
described by Tischendorf, contains some Arabic
writing decidedly more modern, yet dated A.D.
1011. A noble and complete copy at Parham
(No. 18), written at Ciscissain Cappadocia, bears
the date of A.D. 980, and Harl. 5598 in the
ritish Museum is only fifteen years later. A
few others, e.g. Cod. Nanian. 171, in the Grand
Ducal Library at Venice, and Arundel 547 in the
British Museum, are probably anterior to the
dated copies just mentioned, which, however, we
are safest in taking as the groundwork of our
conjectural estimates in regard to others which
are not dated. Evangelistaria of the 10th and
llth centuries are almost always large folios,
written (as was convenient for the purpose they
were intended to serve) in bold characters of the
uncial form, a fashion which in other books had
almost entirely given place to the cursive or
running hand. Their material is a coarse thick
parchment, quite inferior to the fine vellum em-
ployed a few centuries before, though the leaves
of a few, such as Parham 18, are still thin,
white, and delicate. The lectionaries are almost
always written with two columns on a page,
and the headings and initial letters are often
illuminated in gold and colours. Musical tones,
in red ink, above and below the text, must
have been designed to guide the reader's voice.
Uncial codices of lessons from the Gospels num-
ber about seventy, those of the Acts and Epistles
are less than ten ; but indeed copies of the latter
(commonly called the Apostolos or Praxapostolos)
of any age scarcely amount to eighty, while of
those of the Gospels about three hundred survive
in various libraries, public and private. Some
of the cursive or more recent lectionaries are
LECTIONARY
LECTIONARY
955
sumptu(ntsly bound, the covers being adorned
with enamel and silver gilt ornaments, in rare
cases forming single figures or groups, of much
artistic merit. Tables of the Greek church
lessons were printed at Venice in 1615-24 in
two volumes which do not range together (Cam-
bridge Univ. Library, ii. 288), and again, at the
same place, in 1851. The following lists, how-
ever, are derived from manuscripts which in the
mcnolojia differ widely from each other. While
the great church festivals are common to them
all, different generations and provinces, and even
dioceses, had their favourite worthies whose
memory they specially cherished ; so that the
character of the menology (which sometimes
formed a considerable, sometimes but a small,
portion of a whole lectionary) will help to direct
us to discover the district in which the volume
itself was written. The lectionaries we have
chiefly used for our present purpose, are, in the
Gospels, Arundel 547, Parham 18, Harl. 5598
(all described above), Christ's College, Cam-
bridge, F. 1, 8, of the llth century; Burm-y 22,
in the British Museum, presenting a very remark-
able text, with a subscription dated A.D. 1319 ;
Dean Gale's 0. iv. 22, of the 12th century, now at
Trinity College, Cambridge ; but this last con-
tains the full lessons from Easter to Pentecost,
with those of the Saturdays and Sundays only
(<TafipaTOKvpia.Kal) for the rest of the year.
Wake 12, of the llth century, at Christ Church,
is not an evangelistarium, but replete with notes.
For the Apostolos we have used but one copy,
unfortunately imperfect, the week-day lessons
of which are unusually full, viz. MS. No. iii. 24
(of about the 12th century) in the library of the
Baroness Burdett-Coutts. In some service-books
will be found a few (in B-C. iii. 42 they are
mauy) lessons taken from either division of the
New Testament, which were read in connection
with the liturgies of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom.
III. The Greek Ecclesiastical Year. The Greek
church seasonably begins its ecclesiastical year
with the highest of our festivals, being Easter
Day (ri ayia. KM. jueya\7j KvptaKT} TOV Tra^xa),
reckoning the seven weeks onward from Easter
week (rj 8ia.Kivf]ffi/j.os) and Low Sunday (O.VT(-
wacrxa) to Whitsun-day (i) KvpiaK^) TTJS iffvrrj-
KtxTTrjs). The Gospels from St. John (except a
few proper lessons) and the Epistles from the
Acts run on successively throughout these seven
weeks, and evidently form one continuous scheme
for every day in each week. Beyond this season,
for the rest of the year, the Saturday and Sunday
lessons stand apart from those of the five or-
dinary week days, which indeed seem to have
been selected at a later period than the rest. On
the morrow of the Pentecost (TJ tiravptov TTJT
Trei'TTjKoo'TTjs), St. John's Gospel having been
exhausted, that of St. Matthew begins, and is
read for eleven weeks without interruption, the
Sunday after Whitsuntide not being kept as
Trinity Sunday, as it has been in the Western
church since the 12th century, but as the Greek
All Saints' Day. The Greeks commemorate the
Council of Nice on the Sunday before Pentecost.
On the second day of the eleventh week after
Whitsun-day St. Mark's Gospel is taken up, and
read from the Monday to the Friday (irapa-
crK(vii) inclusive, for seven or at least for five
weeks, the Saturday and Sunday lessons being
still derived from St. Matthew. At this point
comes in the difficulty, arising from the yearly
variation of Easter Day in the calendar, which
the Western church provides against by varying
the number of its Sundays after Trinity. By the
time that fifteen Sundays have elapsed after
Pentecost, the Greek civil new year may have
begun (Sept. 1) and with it the new indiction,
when the Gospel of St. Luke was opened (apx'i
TTJS IvSiKTov TOV veov fTovs, tfyow TOV fvay-
yt AICTTOU AOVKO., Arundel 547, Parham, 18). The
ecclesiastical lessons from St. Matthew and St.
Mark, however, from the 7th century down-
wards, would seem to have gone on until after
the day of the Exaltation of the Cross, Sept. 14
(which is still used in England to fix our autumnal
Ember week), by way of doing special honour
to a festival recently instituted. (AeW yivwrrKfiv
OTI SpxeTai AovKas ai'ayLvu>o~Kfff6ai airb TTJS
Kl/piaKTJS /X6TO TJ)V vtytaffLV TOT6 yap KCU j) 1<T7J-
yuepia yivfTai o KaXflrat vfov fTos. *H OTI cbrb
TTJS Ky' TOV o~eTTTe/j.l3p[ov & AOUKO.S wayivuff-
/ceTai, Burney 22, p. 191.) From whichsoever
period the reading of St. Luke commenced, it
proceeded without any break for eleven weeks,
and, varied with the lessons from St. Mark for
the five middle days of the week, for five or at
least for three weeks more, when, if the Easter
of the new year was early, the fast of Lent would
be approaching. After reading as many of the
lessons from St. Luke as were necessary, that for
the seventeenth Sunday of St. Matthew (ch. xv.
21-28), called from its subject the Canaanitcss,
was always resumed (whether it had been read in
its proper place or not), for the Sunday preceding
that before the carnival (jrpb TTJS airoKpfu), our
Septuagesima, called by the Greeks the Pro-
digal, from the subject of its Gospel (Luke xv.
11-32). Then follow the Sunday of the carni-
val (TTJS aTroKpecu), our Sexagesima, and that of
the Cheese-eater (TTJS Tvpotpdyov), corresponding
to our Quinquagesima. Next come the vigil of
the fast of Lent, its six Sundays (the last being
Ttuv /3ai'&)j/, Palm Sunday), and the very full
services of the Holy Week, the ecclesiastical
year ending of course on Easter Even. Since the
whole number of Sundays thus enumerated (even
when the Canaanitess is reckoned twice) would
amount to but fifty-three, a number which might
easily of itself be insufficient to fill up the inter-
val between two consecutive Easter Days, we
must bear in mind that the menology supplies
lessons for the Sundays before and after Christ-
mas and Sept. 14, and for a Sunday after Epi-
phany, which could either be added to or substi-
tuted for the ordinary Gospels, as occasion re-
quired. The system of lessons from the Acts
and Epistles is much simpler than that of the
Gospels. Except between Easter and Pentecost
they are not found at all for common week days,
except in a very few lectionaries. The book of
Genesis, it will be remembered, was read on such
week days during Lent.
IV. Table of Gospels and Epistles daily read
throughout the Year in the Greek Church.
'Ex ToO Kara. 'Iwai/i/rji/ (7 weeks or 8 Sundays).
Easter Pay (rjj <ryi'a 1
'(lAr) KVptaKij >Jolm I. 1-17 Acts
Kai
TOU ;
2nd day
3rd ..
4th ..
i. 1-8
}"
Luke xxiv. 12-35
John i. 35-52
i. 12-26
ii. 14-21
li. 38-43
956
LECTIONARY
LECTIONARY
5th day .. .. John iii. 1-15 Acts iii. 1-8
6th (napa.o-Kevf~) .. ii. 12-22 ii. 22-36
7th (<Ta.fifia.Ttu) . . iii. 22-33 iii. 11-16
'Ai/Ti'irao-xo, or Low | ^ xx ig _ 31 ^ y _ 12 _ 20
2nd day of 2nd week ii. 1-11 iii. 19-26
3rd iii. 16-21 iv. 1-10
3rd day of 1st week Matth. iv. 25-v. 1 1
4th v. 20-30 (Hiat B-C iii.
5th v. 31-41 24).
6th (irapao-Kevfi) vi i- 9 ~ 18
7th (o-afifia.Tt?) .. v. 42-48 Rom. i. 7-12
Kvpia/tjj a', All Saints C x. 32, 33 ; ) , . ,-
(rw ayCiav Trdi-< 37 38 ; \ " .. ,
4th V. 17-24 iv. 13-22
Ttav) ( xix. 27-30 ) " X11 ' "
5th V. 24-30 iv. 23-31
6th (n-apao-Kevfj) . . v. 30-vi. 2 v. 1-11
7th (o-afifia.Tta~) . . vi. 14-27 v. 21-32
t > vii. y 14 3
3rd vii. 15-21 ii. 13, 17-27
4th .. .. .. vii. 21 23 ii. 28 iii. 4
Kupia/o? y, or 2nd 7 Mark xv. 43- J , 7
after Easter 5 xvi. 8 5
2nd day of 3rd week John iv. 46-54 vi. 8-vii. 60
3rd vi. 27-33 viii. 5-17
5th viii. 23-27 iii. 4-9
6th (irapao-Ktvfj) .. ix. 14-17 iii. 9-18
7th (<Ta.fifia.Tta~) . . vii. 1-8 iii. 19-26
4th (6th day of Gale, ) . 4g _ 54 ^ ls _ 25
0. 4.22) 3 "
Sth vi. 40-44 viii. 26-39
Kupiaxfl j3' . . . . iv. 18-23 ii. 10-16
2nd day of 3rd week ix. 36-x. 8 iv. 4-8
6th (irapao-Kevfj :
4th in Gale) .. vi. 35-39 viii. 40-ix. 19
4th x. 16-22 iv. 13-17
Sth x. 23-31 iv. 18 25
7th (tra.fifi6.Tta~) . . xv. 17-xvi. 1 ix. 19-31
KvoiaKfiS', or 3rd } j_ 15 , 2Z _ 2
after Easter 5
2nd day of 4th week vi. 56-69 x. 1-16
3rd vii. 1-13 x. 21-33
6th (7rapa<TKevrj) . . < " " . ' > v. 1214
7th (tTafifiaTt?) . . vii. 24-viii. 4 iii. 28-iv. 2
~K.vpia.Kfj y .. .. vi. 22, 23 v. 1-10
4th vii. 14-30 xiv. 6-18
2nd day of 4th week xi. 2-15 v. 15-17
3rd xi. 16-20 v. i7 21
Sth viii. 12-20 x. 34-43
6th (irapao-Kevrj) . . viii. 21-30 X. 44-xi. 10
4th xi. 20-26 vii. 1
5th xi. 27 30 f (Hiat B-C iii.
7th (a-afifiaTta) . . viii. 31-42 xii. 1-11
KvpiaK-fj e', or 4th after }
Easter (of the Sama- > iv. 5-42 xi. 19-30
ritan woman). j
2nd day of 5th week viii. 42-51 xii. 12-17
C vii 9*v-
3rd . viii. 51-59 j ' ^
6th (irapao-Kevfj') .. xii. 1-8 (. 24).
7th (<rafifia.Tt?) .. viii. 14-23 Eom. vi. 11-17
Kvpia/cfJ S' . . .. viii. 5-13 vi. 18-23
2nd day of 5th week xii. 9-13 vii. 19-viii. 3
3rd i " xii - 14 ~ 16 ' 1 viii 2 9
.. .. .. j 22-30 J " V111 - 2 *
4th , xii. 38-45 viii. 8 14
C xiv. 20-27
5th , ix. 39-x. 9-' (-xv. 4, B-C
f iii. 24).
6th (irapauicfvrj) . . X. 17-28 XV. 5-12
7th (o-afifia.T<?j ,. X. 27-38 XV. 35-41
KupioKjJ f', or Sth ) , , 1R .
after Easter f"
2nd day of 6th week xi. 47-54 xvii. 1-9
" {" x1i!:r} .^
6th (irapacTKevrj') . . xiii. 3-12 ix. 6-13
7th ((TafifiaTta) . . ix. 9-13 Viii. 14-21
Kupiaxiy e' , viii. 28-ix. 1 x. 1-10
2nd day of 6th week xiii. 10-23 ix. 13-19
3rd xiii. 24-30 ix. 17-28
4th xiii. 31-36 ix. 29-33
( xvii. 19-27
3rd , xii. 19-36< (28, B-C
5th , xiii. 36-43 j" * x ' ^2-17
( iii. 24).
4th xii. 36-47 xviii. 22-28
'VetlotDa'y } "P- (Matins) Mark xvi. 9-20
For the Liturgy Luke xxiv. 36-53 Actsi. 1 (or 9)-12
KV East?r r (rL 6tl iS $ " XX ' 16 ~ 33
2nd day of 7th week xiv. 27-xv. 7 Acts xxi. 8-14
6th (TrapatTKeujJ) . . xiii. 44-54 x. 15-xi. 2
7th (trafifiaTta) . . is.. 18-26 ix. 1-5
Kvpiojefj tf ix. 1-8 xii. 6-14
2nd day of 7th week xiii. 54-58 xi. 2-6
3rd xiv. 1-13 xi. 7-12
4th xiv.35-xv. 11 xi. 13-20
Sth xv. 12-21 xi. 19-24
6th (irapao-Ktvrj) . . XV. 29-31 xi. 25-28
7th (o-a.pfia.Tia~) .. x. 37-xi. 1 xii. 1-3
Kupia/cy) . . ix. 2735 XV. 17
2nd day of Sth week xvi. 1-6 xi. 29-36
3rd xvi. 6-12 xii. 14-21
4th xvi. 20-24 xiv. 10-18
Sth xvi 2428 xv 8 12
4th xvi. 15-23 xxiii. 1-11
5th , xvi. 23-33 xxv. 13-19
6th (rrapo.o-K.evfj) .. xvi j. 18-26 j " ^^-' 1~
7th (a-o.fifia.Tta~) . . xxii. 14-25 xxviii. 1-31
KupKXKJJ T7JS TttVTt\- J
Koernj?, Ttptai > xx. 19-23
(Matins) )
6th (irapao-iceurj) . . xvii. 10-18 xv. 13-16
7th (<To.fifia.Tta~) . . xii. 30-37 xiii. 1-10
~K.vpia.KJj rf .. .. xiv. 14-22 1 Cor. i. 10-18
2nd day of 9th week xviii. 1-11 Eom. xv. 17-25
( xviii. 18-20; }
3rd < xix. 1,2; V xv. 26-20
f 13-15 )
4th , xx. 1-16 xvi. 17-20
For the Liturgy vii.37-viii.12 ii. 1-11
N.B. John vii. 53-viii. 11 is not included in
the lesson for the Pentecost, but is appointed in
menologies to be read at the feasts of certain
penitent women (p. 65).
'Ex TOU K.O.TO. tila.T@alov.
2nd day of 1st week 1
(TJJ en-aupiov rrj? >Matth.xviii. 10-20 Eph. v. 8-19
5th xx. 17-28 1 Cor. ii. 10-15
6th (irapao-Kevrj) ..<" " j-20 ' f " **' ^^~"'- 8
7th (rra.fifia.Tt?') . . xv. 32-39 Rom. xiv. 6-9
~K.vpia.Kfj 6' .. .. xiv. 22-34 1 Cor. iii. 9-17
2nd day of 10th week xxi. 18-22 iii. 18-23
3rd , xxi. 23-27 iv. 5-8
4th xxi. 28-32 v. 9-13
Sth xxi. 43-46 vi. 1-6
6th (jrapao-Kfvfj) .. xxii. 23-33 vi. 7-11
LECTIONAEY
LECTIONAKY
957
7th day of 10th week ( Matth. xvii. 24-) Rom sv 3Q _ 33
(<ra0j3aTw) (. xviii. 1 j
KvpiaKTj. 1 1 . . .. xvii. 14-23 1 Cor. iv. 9-16
2nd day of llth week xxiii. 13-22 vi. 20-vii. 7
3rd xxiii. 23-28 vii. 7-15
4th sxiii - 2 ;>- 39 )(7KaB-Cui.
, ( xxiv. 13 or * v ,,
5to \ 14 or 15-28 > }
.... , ~ f,, xxiv. 27-35;) end ~ vii 35
6th ^TrapaaKCvrJ . . < 42-51 i "
7th ((rajS/Sara.) .. xix. 3-12 i. 3-9
KvpiaKTj ca' . xviii. 2335 ix. 214
;hen the omitted Epistles are used when St..
Luke commences, and the Epistle for each suc-
ceeding Saturday and Sunday must be looked
ibr, out of its place, one or two weeks back.
But if this be actually the 18th Sunday after
Pentecost, all the following Epistles will be given
correctly.
KupiaKT? a of the ~t
new year (Aposto- >Lukev. 1-11 2 Cor. ix. 6-11
103 11)') )
2nd day of 2nd week iv. 38-14 viii. 20-ix. 1
3rd v. 12-16 ix. 1-5
,_ - , ^ KW
4th v. 33-39 ix. 12-x. 5
nd day of 12th week Mark i 9-15 vii. 37-viii.3
5th vi. 12-16 x. 4-12-
3rd i. 16-22 viii. 4-7
6th (n-apacr/ceu)?) . . vi. 17-23 X. 13-18
4th i. 23-28 ix. 13-18
5th , i. 29-35 x. 2-10
7th (a-a/SjSciTcu) .. v. 17-26 1 f xvi 3 ~
6tll (TTotpcto'Kgu'Jj) * . j ii 1822 ,, x. 10 15
7th (o-a00aT<j>) .. Matth. xx. 29-34 i. 26-29
Kupi<i(c>7 i0' .. xix. 16-26 xv. 1-11
2nd day of 13th week Mark iii. 6-12 x. 14-23
3rd iii. 13-21 x. 31-xi. 3
KuptaK7i 3' (Apost. ) ,, , c ( 2 Cor. xi. 31-
i0') ' j " 1 xii. 9
2nd day of 3rd week vi. 24-30 xi. 5-9
3rd vi. 37-45 xi. 10-18
4th vi. 46-vii. 1 xii. 10-14
4th iii. 20-27 xi. 4-12
5th vii. 17-30 xii. 14-19
5th iii. 28-35 xi. 13-23
6th (irapacTKeujJ) .. vii. 31-35 xii. 19-xiii. 1
6th (paovvfl) . . iv. 1-9 xi. 31-xii. 6
7th (<ra/3/3aTu>)' Matth. xxii. 15-22 ii. 6-9
Kvpuucgiv' .. xxi. 33-42 xvi. 13-24
2nd day of 14th week Mark iv. 10-23 xii. 12-18
3rd iv. 2 1-34 xii. 18-26
7th (cra/38aTcj>) ..j v. 27-32 i. 8-11
KvpiaKT, y (Apost. j. ^ vii . n _ 16 Gal . ;. n _ 19
2nd day of 4th week vii. 36-50 2 Cor. xiii. 2-7
3rd , viii. 1-3 xiii. 7-11
4th , iv. 35-41 xiii. 8-xiv. 1
5th v. 1-20 xiv. 1-12
6th (TropacTKei'T)) .. -i 85 Vi l"f " X ' V< ^ 2 ~20
7th (o-a0j3dT<o) Matth. xxiii. 1-12 1 Cor. iv. 1-5
KvpiaioJ 16' . . xxii. 2-14 2 Cor. i. 21-ii. 4
2nd day of 15th week Mark v. 24-34 1 Cor. xiv. 26-33
3rd vi. 1-7 xiv. 33-40
5th ix. 7-11 ii. 6-16
6th (n-opao-Kei/n) . . ix. 12-18 ii. 20-iii. 7
7th (a-a/3j3a'Ta>) . . vi. 1-10 2 Cor. iii. 12-18
K "* P a'T" 6 ' (Ap St '} viii. 5-15 Gal. ii. 16-20
2nd day of 5th week ix. 18-22 iii. 15-22
3rd , ix. 23-27 iii. 28-iv. 5
4th , vi. 7-13 xv. 12-30
5th vi. 30-45 XV. 29-34.
6th (TrapaffKevfl) . . vi. 45-53 XV. 34-40
7th (o-aj3a'T<j>) Matth. xxiv. 1-13 iv. 17-v. 5
,.,(2 Cor. iv. 6-11
Kvpia/ci) te .. ., XXII. 35-40 < (15 B-C iii 24)
2nd day of 16th week | Mar ^ V 3 - 54 ~| 1 Cor. xvi. 3-13
5th ix. 49-56 iv. 13-26
6th (Tropaaxeujj) . . ,, X. 1-15 iv. 28-V. 5
7th (cra/3/3a'TO>) .. Vii. 1 10 -J /, r>'_Q ::: Oi'V
Ku K P e'7 ? ' (Ap St ' } svi - 19 ~ 31 Gal - vi - n - 13
2nd day of 6th week x. 22-24 v. 4-14
3rd , xi. 1-9 v. 14-21
3rd vii. 5-16 2 Cor. i. 1-7
4th vii. 14-24 i. 12-20
5th vii. 24-30 ii. 4-15
4th xi. 9-13 vi. 2-10
5th xi. 14-23 Eph. i. 9-17
6th (irapavKevii) . . xi. 23-26 i. 16-23
6th (Trapao'Keui]) .. ,< viii. 110 ii. 15 iii. 3
m, i oo' >' f Matth. xxiv. 34-37 ;) ir , , ,,
7th (cro|3/3aT<i>) < 42-41 3 x. 23-28
Then follow, if read in this place
HuptaxiJ i^ . , Mutth. xxv. 14-30 2 Cor. vi. 1-10
N.B. If this week was required before the
new year or new indiction began, some of the
lessons from St. Mark which follow the 12th
Sunday of St. Luke were taken for this 17th
week so far as needed, and after them (the
Epistles for the week being 2 Cor. iii. 412 ; iv.
1-6; 11-18; v. 10-15; 15-21).
(o-a/3|3aY&>) if Matth. xxv. 1-13 1 Cor. xiv. 20-25
7th (o-a/3^aTu) .. viii. 16-21 2 Cor. viii. 1-5
Kupiaxn f (Apost. f viii. 27-35 ;) w , .. . ,,,
*\ \ oo rjn f J-jpn. ii. 4 iu
Ky ) t oo o9 3
2nd day of 7th week xi. 29-33 ii. 18-iii. 5
3rd xi. 34-41 iii. 5-12
4th xi. 42-46 iii. 13-21
5th ! j " ^j' * 7 ~ i iv. 12-16
6th (trapa.<TKfvfj) . . xii. 2-12 iv. 17-25
7th (o-a.ppa.Tu) .. ix. 1-6 2 Cor. xi. 1-6
K "?&* f (AP St ' } viii ' 41 - 56 E P h " "' 14 ~ 22
2nd day of 8th week | " X11 2 i 3 . 3 } 5 '} .. v. 18-26
3rd xii. 42-48 v. 25-31
KVPKXKJ; c<r { (tte a J^4 8 } 2 Cor - vi - 16 - viu
4th xii. 48-59 v. 28-vi. 6
'E TOU Kara A.OVKOLV.
of new year . . 3
3rd iii. 23-iv. 1 vii. 1-11
6th (irapao-Kevjj) . . xiii. 31-35 vi. 17-21
7th (o-a/3/3a'Tw) . . ix. 37-48 Gal. i. 3-10
Kuptoicjj V (Apost. 1 ^ x . 25-37 Eph. iv. 1-7
4th iv. 1-15 vii. 10 16
2nd day of 9th week' xiv. 12-15 Phil. i. 2...
5th iv. 16-22 viii. 7 11
3rd xiv. 25-35 ^
6th (TT-apaoxeut)) . . iv. 22-30 viii. 10-21
7th (<ra|3|3a'Tcj)j . . iv. 31-36 1 Cor. xv. 39-45
N.B. If the 16th or 17th Saturdays of St.
Matthew be not read at the end of the old year,
4th xv ' J-"( (Mat B-C iii.
5th , xvi. 1-9 J. 24)
C xvi. 15-18 ;l
6th (Trapacr/cevrj) . . < : ,.
/ jj AVUi L~-t /
7th (<ra/3j3a'Ta.) ., ix. 57-62 Gal. iii. 8-12
058
LECTIONARY
LECTIONAKY
Ki/piaKTj 8' (Apost. V
K") ' 5
2nd day of 10th week xvii. 20-25
C xvii. 26-37 ;
\ xviii. 18
C xviii. 15-17;
' ' I 26-30
5th xviii. 31-34
6th (Trapao-KCVfi) . . xix. 12-28
7th (o-aSSdra))' . . x. 19-21 Gal. v. 22-vi. 2
KvpiaK>j i (Apost. 1
K?) 5
2nd day of llth week
3rd ......
4th
5th ......
6th (ira.pa.o-Ktvrj) . .
7th (CT-aftSaTw) . .
Kuptaioj ia' (Apost. )
K1))
f
I
2nd day of 12th week
3rd ......
5th
6th
7th
xi jj 1() _ 17 E h y
xix. 37-44
xix. 45-48
xx. 1-8
xx. 9-18
XX. 19-26
xii. 32-10 Col. i. 9-18
x iv. 16-24 2 Cor. ii. 14-iii. 3
xx. 27-44
xxi. 12-19
xxi. 5-8; 10,
11 ; 20-24
xxi. 28-33
xxi. 37-
xiii. 19-29 Eph. ii. 11-13
xvii. 12-19 Col. iii. 4-11
KvpiaKJj t p' (Apost. 7
K0 )
2nd day of 13th week Mark viii. 11-21
3rd ....... , viii. 22-26
4th ...... viii. 30-34
5th ...... ix. 10-16
6th (irapacr/cev;)) . . ., ix. 3341
7th (a-a^aTa) 1 ) . . Luke xiv. 1-11 Eph. v. 1-8
KvpiaKrj iy' (Apost. 1 ^ xviu 18 _ 27 Co ,_ m 12 _ 16
A ) )
2nd day of 14th week Markix.42-x.l iThess. i. 6-10
3rd ...... x. 2-11 i. 9-ii. 4
4th ...... x. 11-16 ii. 4-8
5th ...... x. 17-27 ii. 9-14
6th (irapao-Keur?) . . x. 24-32 ii. 14-20
7th (o-a/SjSa'ru) .. Luke xvi. 10-15 Col. i. 2-6
( 2 Tim. i. 3-9
KvptaKr, tS (Apost.) ^ xviii. 35-43? (1 Tim. i. 15-17,
( B-C iii. 24).
2nd day of 15th week Mark x. 46-52 1 Thess. iii. 1-8
3rd ...... xi. 11-23 iii. 6-11
4th ...... xi. 22-26 iii. ll-iv.6
5th ...... xi. 27-33 iv. 7-11
6th (Trapacr/ceuTJ) .. xii. 1-12 iv. 17-V. 5
7th (o-ajSjSaTw) . . Luke xvii. 3-10 Col. ii. 8-12
K 7T" IC ' CAP St '} xix - i- 10 1 Tim. vi. 11-16
AP ) }
2nd day of 16th week Mark xii. 13-17 1 Thess. v. 4-11
3rd ...... xii. 18-27 v. 11-15
4th ...... xii. 28-34 V. 15-23
5th ...... xii. 38-44 2 Thess. i. 1-5
6th (Trapao-KeuT)) . . xiii. 1-9 i. 11-ii. 5
7th (0-aj3|3aTc.)) . . Luke xviii. 1-8 1 Tim. ii. 1-7
IvptnKrj l? 1 (the Pllb-"t
lican, Apost. Ay') <
xviii - 9 - 14
;2Tim. iii. 10-15
(B-C iii. 42).'
2nd day of 17th week Mark xiii. 9-13 2 TheSS ' i )|;
{ "
xiii. 14-23 iii. 3-9
xiii. 24-31 iii. 10-18
xiv' 2 1 " } 1 Tim- i- 1-8
xiv. 3-9 i. 8-14
Luke xx. 46-
3rd
4th
5th
6th (Trapaa-Kevrj)
* , oo \
7th (<ro/3j3aT<iO
N.B. The Gospel for the Sunday preceding
that which the Western church calls Septuage-
sima is always that of the Canaanitess (Matth.
xv. 21-28), which would sometimes displace one
or two of those immediately preceding, as in the
case of our Sunday next before Advent. Two
weeks' lessons from the Epistles are also kept in
reserve, to be used here if necessary. They are
numbered from the weeks after Pentecost, as
indeed are all the Epistles in the Greek lec-
tiouaries, viz.
Kvpiaxfj A5' 2 Tim. iii. 10-15
(2) 1 Tim. ii. 5-15
(3) iii. 1-13
(4) iv. 4-9
(5) iv. 14-v. 10
(6) v. 17-vi. 2
craj3/3oTo> Ae' . . . . iv. 9-15
" Ae' 2 Tim. ii. 1-10
1 Tim. vi. 2-11
(2) ..
(3) ..
(4) .-
(5) ..
(6) ..
era/3/3a'ru> A
vi. 17-21
2 Tim. i. 8-14
i. 14-ii. 2
ii. 22-26
ii. 11-19
The day before Septuagesima Sunday is
CT"flppCtTCj> TTpO T7J9 J
diroicpeta (before >Lukexv. 1-10
Carnival) )
Kvpta/oj Trpb Tr)t; f
mro/tpeu (the Pro- > xv. 11-32
digal) j
1 Thess. v. 14-23
Ll - U 2Tim ' m ' 1 - lfl
3rd ...... xiv. 10-12 iii. 14-iv. 5
4th ...... xiv. 43, xv. 1 iv. 9 1?
5th ...... xv. 1-15 Titus i. 5-12
6th
7th
i
ima) )
20, B-C iii. 24)
our Sexagesima)
2nd day of the week J
of the Cheese-eater (Ltike xix. 29-40 ;\ H , . , .
(TvpoQdyov : a f xxii. 7, 8, 39 )
lighter fast) J
3rd -^ " xxii ' 39 " I v
' ' \ xxiii. 1 J "
4th deest.
h ; xxiii. 1-43;)
"1 44-56 5 "
6th (Trapaoxevn) . . deest.
12-vi. 8
xil. 14-27
(Rom. xiv. 19-23
7th (<7a/3/3a T a>) . . Matth. vi. 1-13-? xvi. 25-27
t (p. 50)
vi. 14-21 xiii. 11-xiv. 4
Kvptaicfj T>)S Tvpoiftd- \
you (the Cheese- (
eaier,ourQuinqua- f
gesima)
Genesis was read on the five middle week
days of Lent (p. 50). The special lessons from
the New Testament were
Lent)
TTJ? ayt'as }
(Vigil of 4- Matth. vii. 7-11.
)
(Lent).
tra.ppaT(a a . . Mark ii. 23-iii. 5
Kvpiaxfj a.' .. John i. 44-52
fra.pfSa.Tia ft' .. Mark i. 35-44
Kupicuqj |3' . . ii. 1-12
o-aj3(3ara) y' .. ii. 14-17
Kvpiaicfj y .. viii. 34-ix. 1
o-ajSpdrto 8' . . vii. 31-37
KvpiaKr) &' . . ix. 17-31
o-appara) e' . . viii. 27-31
Kvpiaicrj ' . . X. 32-45
John
Heb.
i. 1-12
xi. 24-40
iii. 12-14
i. 10-ii. 3
X. 32-33
iv. 14-v. 6
vi. 9-12
vi. 13-20
ix. 24-28
ix. 11-14
p f' t(av /3ai(ov (Palm Sunday)
jrpwi (Matins) Matth. xxi. 1-11 ; 15-17
LECTIONAEY
LECTIONAEY
959
Kvpiaioj f els TTji' Ai-ri;i> Mark X. 46-xi. 11
' For the Liturgy John xii. 1-18 Phil. iv. 4-9
The services of the Holy Week (^ ayia T\
jueyaATj) are given at full leiigth in nearly all
the lectionaries, viz.
2nd day . . Matins . . Matth. xxi. 18-43
Liturgy . . xxiv. 3-35
3rd day . . Matins . . xxii. 15-xxiv. 2
Liturgy . . xxiv. 36-xxvi. 2.
4th day .. Matins .. John xi. 47-53, or xii. 17-47
Liturgy .. Matth. xxvi. 6-16
5th day . . Matins . . Luke xxii. 1-36, or 39
Liturgy . . Matth. xxvi. 1-2C
Eve Gospel of the Bath (I/ITTJTJP) John xiii. 3-10
After the Bath . . . . xiii. 12-17 ;
Matth. xxvi. 21-39; Luke xxii. 43, 44 (p. 50);
xxvi. 40-xxvii. 2 1 Cor. xi. 23-32.
At this season were read the twelve Gospels of
the Holy Passion (rSiv ayioiv TraOuv), viz.
(7) Matth. xxvii. 33-54
(8) Luke xxiii. 32-49
(9) John xix. 25-37
(10) Mark xv. 43-47
(11) John xix. 38-42
(12) Matth. xxvii. 62-66
(1) John xiii. 31-xviii. 1
(2) xviii. 1-28
(3) Matth. xxvi. 57-75
(4) John xviii. 28-xix. 16
(5) Matth. xxvii. 3-32
(6) Mark xv. 16-32
Gospels for the hours of the vigil of Good
Friday (TTJS dylas irapajUovTJs)
Hour (1) M-attb. xxvii. (6) Luke xxii. 66-xxiii.49
1-56 (9) John xix. 16-37
(3) Mark xv. 1-41
Good Friday (TT? dyia 7ra/}acr/ceii7?) for the
Liturgy
Matth. xxvii. 1-38; Luke xxiii. 39-43; Matth. xxvii.
39-54 ; John xix. 31-37 ; Matth. xxvii. 55-61.
1 Cor. i. 18-ii. 2.
Easter Even (T<J> dyitp Kal ^.eydXca ffi
(7) John
XX. 1-10
(8)
XX. 11-18
(9)
XX. 19-31
(10)
xxi. 1-14
(11)
xxi. 15-25
Matins (n-pui) Matth. xxvii. 62-66
Evensong (ecrn-e'pas) xxviii. 1-20 Rom. vi. 3-11
To these lessons from the New Testament for
the whole ecclesiastical year from Easter Day to
Easter Even nearly all the lectionaries annex
eleven morning Gospels of the Resurrection
(fvayy(\ia a.vaffTaa'ifj.a, tiaQiva), which were
read in turn, one every Sunday at matins, viz.
(1) Matth. xxviii. 16-20
(2) Mark xvi. 1-8
(3) xvi. 9-20
(4) Luke xxiv. 1-12
(5) xxiv. 12-35
(6) xxiv. 36-52
V. Syriac Lectionaries. A valuable evange-
listarium, written in a peculiar dialect of the
Syriac language, called for the sake of distinc-
tion the Jerusalem Syriac, was first used by
Adler in the Vatican (MS. Syr. 19), and has lately
been published in full by Count F. Miniscalchi
Erezzo (Verona, 1861-64). This book enables
us to see that the ordinary lessons of the Syriac
church at the period that it bears date (A.D.
1030), and probably long before, were identical
with those of the Greek church as described
above. In fact the Jerusalem Lectionary differs
from the Greek for the portions which it con-
tains little more than the various Greek copies
do from each other. It does not supply the
ordinary week-day lessons except from Easter to
Pentecost and those of the Holy Week : the
Menology also, as might have been expected
(p. 51), is widely different in the two churches.
Modern Syrian manuscripts and editions, how-
ever (such as that published by Professor Lee in
1816), are constructed on other principles ; and
agree with the Greek only on the occasion of
such high festivals as hardly admitted a choice
in their selection.
VI. The Coptic Lectionary. For the Coptic,
the other great branch of ancient Christianity in
the East, we depend for the present mainly on a
Coptic and Arabic manuscript, translated by Pre-
bendary Malan in his Original Documents of the
Coptic Church, No. IV. (1874), which he believes
to agree very well with what is known else-
where of Il-Cotmarus, the volume of lessons for
the whole year. It contains only the Sunday
and feast-day Gospels throughout the year, with
the appropriate versicles and greetings annexed
to each at full length ; although we have the
express testimony of Cassian (Institut. iii. 2) for
the 5th century, that the Egyptians read both
Epistle and Gospel eveiy Saturday as well as
every Sunday in their public services. The Sun-
days are arranged according to the months of
the Coptic ecclesiastical year, which began
August 29. The vigil or eve was always re-
garded as the commencement of each day. The
manuscript being defective, the lessons for the
first three Sundays, and some few others, cannot
be given.
Month of Tot (Aug. 29-Sept. 27)
4th Sunday Evensong .. Matth. ix. 18-26
Matins . . xv. 21-28
Liturgy . . Luke vii. 36-50
Month of Babeh (Sept. 28-Oct. 27)
1st Sunday Evensong Matth. xiv. 15-21
Matins deestfolium.
Liturgy
2nd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
3rd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
4th Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Month of Hator (Oct. 28-Nov. 26)
Mark ii. 1-12?
Matth. xvii. 24-27
Mark xvi. 2-5
Luke v. 1-11
Mark iv. 35-11
Luke xxiv. 1-12
Matth. (deestfolium).
xiv. 22-33?
John xx. 1-18
Luke vii. 11-22
1st Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
2nd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
3rd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
4th Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Month of Kihak (Nov. 27-
1st Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
2nd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
3rd Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
4th Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Month of Tubeh (Dec. 27-
1st Sunday Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Mark iv. 10-20
Matth. xxviii. 1-20
Luke viii. 415
xii. 22-31
Mark xvi. 2-8
Matth. xiii. 1-8
xi. 25-30
Luke xxiv. 1-12
viii. 48
Matth. xvii. 14-21
John xx. 1-18
Mark x. 17-31
-Dec. 26)
.. Mark
. Luke
.. Mark
. . Matth.
. . Luke
.. Mark
. . Luke
Jan. 25)
. . Luke
. Matth.
xiv. 3-9
xii. 41-44
i. 1-25
vii. 36-50
Xi. 19-23
i. 26-38
i. 29-34
XV. 21-31
i. 39-56
viii. 1-3
iii. 28-35
i. 57-80
iv. 40-44
iv. 31-37
ii. 19-23
960
LECTIONARY
LECTIONAEY
2nd Sunday Evensong . . xiv. 22-33, or
Mark vi. 45-54 (Hiat MS.)
Matins .. Mark iii. 7-12
Liturgy .. Luke xi. 27-36
3rd Sunday Evensong . . John v. 1-18
Matins .. iii. 1-21
Liturgy . . iii. 22-36
4th Sunday Evensong v. 31-47
Matins . . vi. 47-58
Liturgy . . ix. 1-38
Mouth of Amshir (Jan. 26-Feb. 24)
1st Sunday Evensong . . John vi. 15-21
Matins . . viii. 51-59
Liturgy vi. 22-38
2nd Sunday Evensong . . iv. 46-54
Matins . . iii. 17-21
Liturgy . . vi. 5-14
3rd Sunday Evensong v. 39-vi. 2
Matins . . xii. 44-50
Liturgy . . vi. 27-40
(in another copy v. 27-46)
4th Sunday Evensong . . Luke xvii. 1-10
(in another copy to ver. 19)
Matins . . John v. 27-39
Liturgy . . xix. 1-10
The four days which follow this Sunday com-
pose the fast of Jonah.
2nd day of week .. Matins .. Matth. vii. 6-12
Liturgy . . xii. 35-39
3rd day . . . . Matins . . Luke xiii. 6-9
Liturgy . . xi. 29-36
4th day . . . . Matins . . Matth. xi. 25-30
Liturgy . . xv. 32-xvi. 4
5th day (Passover 7 Matins .. Mark viii. in-21
of Jonah) 5 Liturgy . . John ii. 12-25
Great Sunday of the first gathering in of Crops
Evensong . . Mark xi. 22-26
Matins . . Luke xxi. 34-38
Liturgy .. Matth. vi. 1-4
For any fifth Sunday of the Month in the first six
Months of the Year
Evensong . . Matth. xiv. 15-21
Matins . . Mark vi. 3544
Liturgy . . Luke ix. 12-17
Gospel lessons for the seventh month, Bar-
snahat (Feb. 25-March 26), and the eighth
month, Barmudeh (March 27 April 25) are not
given, inasmuch as the proper lessons for the
holy season, from the beginning of Lent to Pen-
tecost, here intervene and extend to the second
Sunday of the ninth month, Bashansh.
The Holy Fast
1st Sunday Evensong . . Matth. vi. 34-vii. 12
Matins . . vii. 22-29
Liturgy . . vi. 19-33
(2nd, 3rd, and 4th Sunday wanting. Hiat MS.)
5th Sunday Evensong . . Luke xviii. 1-8
Matins . . Matth. xxiv. 3-36
(in another copy Luke xviii. 9-14)
Liturgy . . John v. 1-18
<3th Sunday Evensong . . Luke xiii. 22-35
Matins . . Matth. xxiii. 1-39
(in another copy Matth. xx. 17-28)
Liturgy . . John ix. 1-39
Saturday of Lazarus
Matins. Luke xviii. 31-43 (in another
copy Mark x. 46-52)
Liturgy. John xi. 1-45
7th Sunday of Hosannas (Palm Sunday)
Evensong . . John xii. 1-11
Matins . . Luke xix. 1-10
Liturgy (1) Matth. xxi. 1-17
(2) Mark xi. 1-11
(3) Luke xix. 29-48
(4) John xii. 12-19
Great Thursday of the Covenant of the Basin-
Gospel .. John xiii. 1-17
Liturgy . . Matth. xxvi. 20-29
[Good Friday has no service noted]
Saturday of Lights (Easter Even)
Matins . . Matth. xxvii. 62-66
Liturgy .. xxviii. 1-20
Feast of the Glorious Resurrection
Matins .. Mark xvi. 2-8
Liturgy .. John xx. 1-18
Feast of Terms, or of the Fifty Days-
lot Sunday Evensong . . Luke v. 1-11
Matins .. John xxi. 1-14
Liturgy . . xx. 24-31
2nd Sunday Evensong . . vi. 16-23
Matins . . vi. 24-34
Liturgy . . vi. 35-46
3rd Sunday Evensong . . vii. 30- ?
Matins . . viii. 21-30
Liturgy . . viii. 30-50
4th Sunday Evensong . . vi. 54-69
Matins . . viii. 51-59
Liturgy . . xii. 35-50
5th Sunday Evensong . . xiv. 21-25
Matins . . ,, xv. 4-8
Liturgy . . xv. 9-16
Ascension Day Evensong Luke ix. 51-62
Matins . . Mark xvi. 12-20
Liturgy . . Luke xxiv. 36-53
6th Sunday Evensong . . Mark xii. 28-40
(in another copy John xiv. 1-7)
Matins . . xiv. 8-20
Liturgy . . xvi. 23-33
7th Sunday (Pentecost)
Evensong . . vii. 37-44
Matins . . xiv. 26-xv. 4
Liturgy . . xv. 26-xvi. 15
Month of Bashansh (April 26-May 25)
3rd Sunday Evensong . . Matth. xxii. 34-40
Liturgy . . Luke x. 25-28
4th Sunday Evensong . . Matth. xii. 1-8
Matins . . John xx. 1
Liturgy .. Luke iv. 1-13
Month of Bawaneh (May 26-June 24)
1st Sunday Evensong . . Matth. xvii. 1-13
Matins . . xxviii. ? -20
Liturgy .. Luke xi. 1-13
2nd Sunday Evensong . . iv. 38-41
Matins .. Mark xvi. 2-5
Liturgy . . Luke v. 17-26
3rd Sunday Evensong . . Matth. vii. 7-12
Matins . . Luke xxiv. 1-12
Liturgy . . Matth. xii. 22-34
4th Sunday Evensong v. 27-48
Matins . . John xx. 1-18
Liturgy . . Luke vi. 27-38
Month of Abib (June 25-July 24)
1st Sunday Evensong . . Luke ix. 1-6
Matins .. Matth. xxviii.? -20
Liturgy . . Luke x. 1-20
2nd Sunday Evensong . . xvi. 1-18
Matins .. Mark xvi. 2-5
Liturgy .. Matth. xviii. 1-11
3rd Sunday Evensong . . Luke xiv. 7-15
Matins . . xxiv. 1-12
Liturgy . . ix. 10-17
4th Sunday Evensong . . vii. 1-10
Matins . . John xx. 1-18
Liturgy .. xi. 1-45
Month of Mesre (July 25-Aug. 23)
1st Sunday Evensong . . Mark vi. 45-56
Matins .. Matth. xxviii.? -20
Liturgy . . Luke xx. 9-19
2nd Sunday Evensong . . Luke xviii. 9-17
Matins .. Mark xvi. 2-5
Liturgy .. Luke v. 27-39
LECTIONARY
LECTIONARY
961
3rd Sunday Evensong . . Luke xi. 27-36
Matins .. xxiv. 1-12
Liturgy . . Mark iii. 22-34
4th Sunday Evensong . . Luke xvii. 20-37
Matins . . John xx. 1-18
Liturgy .. Mark xiii. 3-31
Short or intercalary month Nissi (Aug. 24-28,
with a sixth day in leap year)
Sunday Evensong . . Luke xxi. 12-33
Matins . . Mark xiii. 32-37
Liturgy . . Matth. xxiv. 3-35
For a fifth Sunday in any of the six summer
months two sets are given, to be used as re-
quired
Evensong .. Matth. xiv. 15-21
Matins . . Mark vi. 35-44
Liturgy .. Luke ix. 12-17
Luke xiv. 16-24
Matth. xvi. 5-11
Mark viii. 13-21
VII. The National Lectionaries of the Eastern
Churches compared. This Coptic table of Sunday
Gospels throughout the year is far ruder and
less satisfactory in every way than that of the
Greek church, to which, at first sight, it bears
a little resemblance. On closer inspection it
may be observed that the Gospels for the early
morning service, several of which recur three or
four times over, are often identical with the
Gospels of the Resurrection used periodically
by the Greeks at the same hour (p. 57). The
Copts also agree with the Greeks in reading St.
John's Gospel almost exclusively between Easter
and Pentecost, while the appointed Gospels for
the Holy Week (including the preceding Satur-
day), as also for Ascension Day, accord to a
degree which cannot be accidental. The same
may be said in regard to the services of the
great unmovable season of Christmas, which we
here subjoin. The Jerusalem Syriac lessons are
the same as the Greek. We infer, on the whole,
from these partial resemblances in the midst of
general diversity, that the lessons for the chief
festivals, being in substance the same in all the
lectionaries, were settled at an earlier date than
those for ordinary occasions.
Sunday before Christmas
Christmas Eve
GREEK.
Matth. i. 1-25
Luke ii. 1-20
COPTIC.
Christmas Day
Dec. 26 cis rr\v (ruva^iv TIJS OCOTOKOV
(Communion of the Mother of God)
Saturday Trpb rwr fy&Twv {Feast of
Lights, or Epiphany) .,
Sunday Trpb TU>I> <f>wT(av . .
Vigil of the 0eo0avi'a
0eo<afia (Epiphany) Matins
Liturgy
Matth. ii. 1-12
ii. 13-23
Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Matth.
Luke
1-17
18-25
1-20
23-38
14-17
1-12
iii. 1-6
Mark
Luke
Mark
Matth.
i.
iii.
1-8
1-18
i. 1-9
iii. 13-17
John i.
Matth. ii.
Eve of the Glorious Baptism
Evensong .. Matth. iv.
Matins . . John iii. 22-29
Liturgy . . Luke iii. 1-18
Glorious Baptism
Evensong . . Matth. iii. 1-12
Matins . . Mark i. 1-11
Liturgy . . John i. 18-34
Thus the Coptic Christians agree with the
Greeks in commemorating the Lord's baptism
only on Jan. 6, and not the visit of the Magi,
which was principally regarded in the Western
church [EPIPHANY]. Yet the Gospels relating
to the baptism (Matth. iii. 13-17, Luke iii. 23)
appear in the old lectionary of the Gallican
Feb. 2. Presentation in the Temple
Aug. 6. Transfiguration Matins
GREEK.
Luke ii.
church, which had early and close communion
with the East (p. 60); and Luke iii. 15-23 is
still the English second lesson for the morning
service.
A comparison of the lessons for the other fes-
tivals pertaining to our Lord suggests the same
conclusions as those for the Christmas season.
22-40
ix. 29-36
or Mark ix. 2-9
Liturgy Matth. xvii. 1-9
Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
Evensong
Matins
Liturgy
COPTIC.
Luke ii. 15-20
ii. 40-52
ii. 21-39
ix. 28-36
Matth. xvii. 1-9
Mark ix. 2-13
In contrast with these resemblances it is well
to note that in the services for the 7th century
festival, that of the Elevation of the Cross, which
has such influence on the later forms of the
Sunday before the Elevation
Sept. 14. Elevation of the Cross
Saturday after the Elevation
Sunday after the Elevation . .
GREEK.
Gal.
John
1 Cor.
John
iCor.
John
Gal.
Greek lectionaries (p. 52), there is but a single
passage in common between the two nations, and
that one (John viii. 28-30) too obvious to be over-
looked by either.
vi. 11-18
iii. 13-17
i. 18-24
xix. 6-35
i. 26-29
viii. 21-30
ii. 16-20
COPTIC.
Sept 14. Evensong John viii. 28-42
Matins xii. 26-
Liturgy x. 22-
Mark viii. 34-ix. 1
In the Jerusalem Syriac, John xi. 53 precedes
ch. xix. 6-35 as the Gospel for Sept. 14.
VIII. Lectionaries of the Western Church.
The tables of lessons we have hitherto examined
have little in common with the Epistles and
Gospels of the English church, and were evi-
dently constructed on a different principle. The
season of Advent, which is purely a Western
institution, being regarded as a prelude to the
high festival of Christmas, has appropriately
opened the ecclesiastical year through western
Christendom, at least from the 7th century
downwards. The yearly changes rendered ne-
cessary by the variation of the Easter season
were henceforward made by fixing the proper
positions for Advent and Septuagesima Sundays,
9G2
LECTIONARY
LECTIONARY
as in our Book of Common Prayer. The Western
lectionaries, however, while they agree with
each other in their general character and ar-
rangements, present considerable differences in
detail, which well deserve the student's at-
tention. Although the Comes or Lcctionary
ascribed to St. Jerome by its editor Pamelius
(L/iturgica, Colon. 1571), and by others [EPISTLE],
may not sai'ely be regarded as a work of the 4th
century, and is probably three or four centuries
later, yet as regards the Epistles and Gospels it
corresponds closely with the Roman service-
book, whose selection, having been long familiar
to Englishmen through the Use of Sarum (circa
A.D. 1078), was wisely retained in all important
particulars by those who compiled the two
Prayer Books of Edward Vlth's reign. Besides
the Comes, and widely departing from it, exist
lectionaries of the Gallican and Spanish churches,
the former rendered accessible by the labours of
Cardinal Bona (De rebus liturgicis, Paris, 1672),
of Thomasius (Liber Sacramentontm, Rome,
1680), and of Mabillon (De liturgia Gnllicana,
Paris, 1685, &c.) [GOSPELS]. There can be little
doubt that the peculiar features of the Gallican
service-book were derived from that close inter-
course which subsisted between the churches of
Asia and of Southern Gaul, commencing with
the mission of Pothinus in the middle of the 2nd
century. Its variations from the Roman standard
attracted the notice of our St. Augustine at the
end of the 6th century (Bede, Hist. Ecd. i. 27),
and held their ground for nearly two centuries
later, when Pepin and Charlemagne gradually
brought in the Roman missal. The Spanish
or Mozarabic liturgy seems originally to have
been the same as the Gallican, but in course
of time considerable divergences arose between
them. It had not to yield to the Roman Use
before the end of the llth century, and its
memory was long cherished by reason of the
proud national feeling of the Spanish clergy and
people (Palmer, Origines Liturgicae, sect, x.) In
this Mozarabic Use from Easter to Pentecost, in
the Gallican during Easter week, and in the
Comes on the octave of Pentecost, the Apocalypse,
which we have not yet met with, is read as a
kind of third lesson, and before the Epistle.
Again, in Greek lectionaries, portions taken from
the Old Testament are of rare occurrence, as in
Christ's College Evangelistarium, where passages
from the Septuagint version (Isa. iii. 9-13 ; lii.
13-liv. 1; Jer. xi. 18-xii. 15; Zech. xi. 10-14)
are included in the services for the Holy Week.
In the Latin books, however, they are found to a
far greater extent, nor ought any argument for
a more modern date be drawn from their pre-
sence in the Comes. St. Ambrose expressly
testifies that in his time the book of Jonah was
read in the Holy Week, and the first chapter of
that prophet is found in the Gallican and the
Spanish, as well as in the Comes, as part of the
course for Easter Even. The book of Job, on the
other hand, is not met with there, although the
language of Jerome as well as of Ambrose might
lead us to expect it (Bingham, Antiquities, book
xiv. ch. iii. 3). Reserving for a separate article
[PROPHETS] much further notice of the lessons
from the Old Testament (which were chiefly
taken from Genesis, the Proverbs, and Isaiah),
we subjoin the table of Western Epistles and
Gospels for the Sundays and greater feasts
throughout the year, according to the three most
ancient authorities.
IX. Table of Western Lessons throughout the Year.
COMES. GALLICAN.
MOZARABIC.
1st Sunday in Advent
2nd
3rd
4th
Christmas Eve
Christmas Day
Sunday after Christmas
Circumcision
Sunday after Circumcision
Epiphany
Octave of Epiphany (and Sunday )
within the Octave) j
1st Sunday after Octave of Epiphany
2nd
3rd ,.
4th
Feast of Purification
6th Sunday after Octave of Epiphany
Rom.
Matth.
Rom.
Luke
1 Cor.
Matth.
Phil.
John
Rom.
([Matth.
xiii. 11-14
xxi. 1-9
xv. 4-13
xxi. 25-33
iv. 1-5
xi. 2-10
iv. 4-7
i. 19-28
i. 1-6
18-21.)
Heb.
John
Gal.
Luke
Gal.
Luke
Sarum Use]
i. 1-12
i. 1-14
iv. 1-7
ii. 33
iii. 23-29
ii. 21
Isai. Ix. (for Epistle)
Matth. ii 1-12
John
Heb.
Luke
1 Cor.
Luke
Eph.
Matth.
Isai.
Tit.
Matth.
Luke
John
i. 1-15
i. 1-13
ii. 1-19
x. 14-31
ii. 21-46
i. 3-14
ix. 2-35
Ix. 1-16
i. 11-ii. 7
iii. 13-17
iii. 23
ii. 1-11
Rom.
Luke
Rom.
Matth.
Rom.
Matth.
1 Cor.
Murk
Heb.
Luke
xv. 14-29
iii. 1-18
xiii. 1-8
xi. 2-15
xi. 25-36
xxi. 1-17
xv. 22-31
xii. 38- xiii. S3
i. 1-12
ii. 6-2U
Phil.
Luke
Heb.
John
Isai.
Gal.
iii. 1-8
ii. 21-40
vi. 13-vii. 3
i. 1-17
Ix. 1-19
iii. 27-iv. 7
Matth. ii.
John
i. 29-34
Rom.
xii.
1-5
Luke
ii.
41-52
Rom.
xii.
6-16
John
ii.
1-11
Rom.
xii.
16-21
Matth.
viii.
1-13
(Rom.
xiii.
8-10?
V
[xiii. 1-5, Sarum] 5
Matth. viii. 23-27
(Mai. iii. 1-4 (for 7
( Epistle) j"
Luke ii. 22-32
Col. iii. 12-17
(Matth. xi. 25-30?
1 Cor. i. 6-31 . . Rom.
Luke iv. 16-22 .. Luke
iCor. x. 1-13 .. Kom.
Matth. xxii. 36-xxiii. 12 Luke
. . . . Rom.
Luke
Rom.
Luke
( Mai.
tPbil.
Luke
Rom.
i. 1-17
ii. 42-52
yi. 12-18
iv. 14-22
vi. 19-23
xl.
vii. 14-25
xii. 10-31
iii. 1-4 ;
> 1-18
ii. 22-40
viii. 3-11
t[ xiii. 24-30, Sarum]}
Luke xii. 54-xiil. IT
LECTIONARY
LECTIONAEif
Scptuagesima Sunday
Svxagesima Sunday . .
Quinquagesima Sunday
Dies Cinerum
1st Sunday in Quadragesima .
2nd
3rd
4th
5th
Dies Palmarum
Great Week, 2nd day . .
3rd day . .
4th day . .
In Coena Domini
Paraaceue (Good Friday) .
Great Sabhath (Easter Even).
Pascha (Easter Day)
Easter Monday
.Easter Tuesday
4th day in Easter week
5th day
Cth day
Sabhath
Octave of Kastcr Day
2nd Sunday after Easter
3rd
4th
5th .. .
Rogation Days
Vigil of Ascension
Ascension Day
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
COMES.
GALLICAN.
MOZAKABIC.
1 Cor. ix. 24-x. 4
*
1 Cor. i. 10-17
Matth. xx. 1-16
Luke xiv. 26-35
2 Cor. xi. 19-xii. 9 . .
1 Cor. ii. 10-iii. 6
Luke viii. 4-15
. . .
Luke xv. 11-32
1 Cur. xiii. 1-13 . .
*
1 Cor. xii. 27-xiii. 8
Luke xviii. 31-43
Luke xvi. 1-15
(Joel ii. 12-19 (for)
} Epistle) f
..
James i. 13-21
Matth. vi. 16-21
Matth. iv. 1-11
2 Cor. vi. 1-10
2 Cor. vi. 2-10 ..
2 Cor. v. 20-vi. 10
Matth. iv. 1-11
. .
John iv. 5-42
1 Thess. iv. 1-7
. .
James ii. 14-23
Matth. XV. 21-23
. .
John ix. 1-38
Eph. v. 1-9
. .
1 Pet. i. 1-12
Luke xi. 14-28
. .
John xi. 1-52
Gal. iv. 22-v. 1
. .
2 Pet. i. 1-11
John vi. 1-14
*
John vii. 2-24
Heb. ix. 11-15
. .
1 John i. 1-7
John viii. -16-59
. .
John x. 1-16
Phil. ii. 5-11
Hob. xi. 3-34 ..
Gal. i. 1-12
Mark xi. 1-10? ..
John xii. 1-24 . .
John xi. 55-xii. 13
Matth. xxvi. 1-xxvii. 61
Isai. 1. 5-11
Zech. xi. 12-13
Dan. ix. 20-27
John xii. 1, &c.
( Jer. xi. 18 and Wisd. 1
\ ii. 12, &c. f
Jer. xviii. 11-23
Mark xiv. l, ic.
xix. 7-13
Isai. Ixii. 11, &c.
Lament, iii. 1-22 ..
1 John ii. 12-17
liii. 1, &c.
t t
Matth. xxvi. 2-16
Luke xxii. i, &c.
1 Cor. xi. 17-32
..
1 Cor. xi. 20-34
John xiii. 1-38? ..
Matth. xxvi. 2-5 ..
Luke xxii. 7-62
<, Hos. vi. 1, &c. Ex. 1
Isai. Hi. 13-liii. 12 ..
Isai. Iii. 13-liii. 12
xii. 2, &c. j
Jer. xi. 15-20 ; xii. 7-9
Prov. iii. 24-26
John xviii. 1-xix. 37 . .
Amos viii. 4-11 ..
1 Cor. v. 6-vi. 1 1
Matth. xxvii. 1-54
John xix. 31-35
Gen. i. v. xxii.; Ex.
Gen. vii. 10-viii. 21 ;
Gen. i. v. xxii.; Ex.
xii. xiv.; Baruch iii. ;
xxii. 1-19 ; xxvii. 1-40 ;
xii. 4 ; Isai. ii. ;
Ezck. iii. ; Isai. iv. ;
Ex. xii. 1-50; xiii. 18-
Ezek. xxxvii. ; Hab.
Jonah i. ; Dent. xxxi.
xiv.; xv.; Ezek. xxxvii.
i. ; Jonah i. ; Dan. iii.;
xxxii. ; Dan. iii. ; Ps.
1-14; Jfai. i. iii. iv. ;
Rom. vi. 1-11; Matth.
xiii.; Col. iii.; Matth.
Jonah i. ; Rom. vi. 3
xxviii,
xxviii.
12; Matth. xxviii.
1 Cor. v. 7, 8
1 Cor. xv.
Apoc. i. 1-3
Mark xvi. 1-11
Luke xxiv. 1-12 . .
Acts ii. 14-39
John xx. 1-18
Acts ii. 14-25
Apoc. i. ii. 1-7
Apoc. ii. 1-7
Luke xxiv. 13-35
Acts ii. 14-40 ..
Acts i. 15-26
Mark xv. 47-xvi. 11
Mark xvi. 9-20
Acts xiii. 26-33
Apoc. ii. 8-17 ..
Apoc. ii. 8-11
Luke xxiv. 36-48
Acts i. 15-26 ..
Acts ii. 42-47
Luke xxiv. 13-35
Acts xiii. 16-25
Acts xv. 1-13 ..
Apoc. ii. 12-17
John xxi. 1-14
1 Cor. xv. 47-56 . .
Acts iii. 1-9
John xi. 115
Luke xxiv. 36-46
Acts viii. 26-40
Apoc. xiv. 1-7
Apoc. ii. 18-29
John xx. 11-18
Acts iii. 1-19 ..
Acts iii. 12-29
John xx. 1-9
Luke xxiv. 46-53
1 Pet. iii. 18-22
Apoc. xix. 5-16 ..
Apoc. iii. 1-6
Matth. xxviii. 16-20
Acts v. 17-41 ..
Acts iii. 19-26
John xx. 11-18 ..
John xxi. 1-14
] Pet. ii. 1-10
Apoc. xxi. 1-8
Apoc. iii. 1422
John xx. 1-10
1 Cor. xv. 31-45 . .
Acts viii. 26-40
John xxi. 1-14 ..
John xxi. 1519
John v. 4-10
1 Cor. xv. 1 2-28 . .
Apoc. v. 1-13
John xx. 19-31
John xx. 19-31 ..
Acts xiii. 26-39
John xx. 19-31
1 Pet. ii. 21-25
<
Apoc. iii. 1-6
John x. 12 (11)-16 ..
. .
Acts iii. 5-12
John v. 1-18
1 Pet. ii. 11-19
. . . .
Apoc. xiv. 1-7
John xvi. 16-22
. . . .
Acts iv. 13-22
John iv. 45-54
James i. 17-21
Luke xvi. 22^-31 . .
Apoc. xix. 1 1-16
John xvi. 5-15
Acts iv. 23-31
Luke viii. 40-ix. 2
James i. 22-27
Acts xvi. 19-36 ..
Apoc. xxii. 1-5
John xvi. 23-30
Mark vii. 31-37 ..
Acts v. 12-32
Mark ii. 13-22
James v. 16-20
Luke xi. 6-13
. .
. . . .
Eph. iv. 7-13
. . . .
John xvii. 1-26
. . . .
. .
Acts i. 1-11
Acts i. 1-11 ; Kph. iv.
Apoc. iv.
Mark xvi. 14-20
1-13; John xiii. 33-
Arts i. 1-1 1
35; xiv. 1-14 ; Luke
John xvi. 5--22
xxiv. 49-53
3 Ii
964
LECTIONAKY
LECTIONARY
Sunday after Ascension
Vigil of Pentecost
Day of Pentecost
Octave of Pentecost . .
2nd Sunday after Pentecost
3rd
4th
5th
6th
7th
COMES.
1 Pet. iv. (7)-ll .
John xv. 26-xvi. 4
Gen. i.xxii.; Ex. xv. ;
Dent, xxxi.; Isai. iv. ;
Jer. iii. ; P.-. xlii.
Acts xix. ; John xiv.
Acts ii. l-ll
John xiv. 23-31
Apoc. iv.
Acts v.
John iii.
1 John iv.
Luke xvi. 1
1 John iii.
Luke xiv.
iPet.
Luke
Rom.
Luke
1 Pet.
Luke
Rom.
Matth.
v.
xv.
viii.
1-10
29-42?
1-15
8-21
or 19-31
13-18
16-21
6-11
1-10
18-23
36-42
8-15
1-11
3-11
20-24
GALLICAN. MOZABABIC.
Acts xviii. 22-xix. 12. . Apoc.
vii. 9-12
John xvii. 1-26 . . Acts
xiv. 7-16
Mark
ix. 13-28
Num.
xi. 16-29
Acts
xix. J-6
John
iii. 1-18
Joel ii. 21-32 . . Apoc.
xxii. 6-17
Acts ii. 1-21 .. Acts
ii. 1-21
John xiv. 16-29 . . John
xiv. 15-27
Gal. vi. 8-14 .. Eph.
i. 16-ii. Hi
Matth. xvi. 24-27 .. Luke
xix. 1-16
1 Cor.
xiv. 26-40
Matth.
iv. 18-25
2 Cor.
iii. 4-iv. 6
Matth.
viii. 23-27
Gal.
iii. 13-26
Matth.
xii. 30-50
Phil.
ii. 5-18
Matth.
viii. 28-ix. 8
1 Cor.
iii. 18-iv. 5
Matth.
xiii. 3-23
1 Cor.
i. 18-ii. 9
' Matth.
xiii. 24-43
For the rest of the ecclesiastical year we can
use only the Comes, whose lessons are here
almost identical with those of our Book of Com-
mon Prayer, only that they are sometimes rather
shorter.
8th Sunday after Pentecost . .
Rom.
vi. 19-23
Mark
viii. 1-9
9th
Rom.
viii. 12-17
Matth.
vii. 15-21
10th
1 Cor.
x. 6-13
Luke
xvi. 1-9
llth
1 Cor.
xii. 2-11
Luke
xix. 41-47
12th
1 Cor.
xv. 1-10
Luke
xviii. 9-14
13th
2 Cor.
iii. 4-9
Mark
vii. 31-37
14th
Gal.
iii. 16-22
Luke
x. 23-37
15th
Gal.
v. 16-24
Luke
xvii. 11-19
16th
Gal.
v. 26-?
Matth.
vi. 24-33
17th
Eph.
iii. 13-21
Luke
vii. 11-16
18th
Eph.
iv. 1-6
Luke
xiv. 1-11
19th
1 Cor.
i. 4-8
Matth.
xxii. 34-46
20th
Eph.
iv. 23-28
Matth.
ix. 1-8
21st
Eph.
v. 15-21
Matth.
xxii. 1-14
22nd
Eph.
vi. 10-17
John
iv. 46-53
23rd
Phil.
i. 6-11
Matth.
xviii. 23-35
24th
Phil.
iii. 17-21
Matth.
xxii. 15-21
25th
Col.
i. 9-11
Matth.
ix. 18-22
26th
Rom.
xi. 25-32?
Mark
xii. 28-34?
Sunday next before Advent . .
Jer. xxiii. 5-8 (for
the Epistle)
John
vi. 5-14
The Roman service-books do not contain the
lessons for the 26th Sunday after Pentecost,
though, like the Comes, they appoint Jer. xxiii.
5-8 and John vi. 5-14 for the Sunday next be-
fore Advent. The Sarum missal adopts the
modern method of reckoning by Sundays after
Trinity, and even in the Comes the extra lesson
from the Apocalypse, and perhaps the Gospel
also, bear upon the mystery now commemorated
on the octave of Pentecost. Thus in the Roman
use, as in our modern books, the Sundays of the
year provided with Epistles and Gospels arc
fifty-four, in the Comes fifty-five, since the ser-
vice for the octave of Epiphany could be taken
for the first Sunday after Epiphany, if six
Sundays should intervene between Jan. 6 and
Septuagesima. It also deserves notice that in
the Ambrosian liturgy, which has not yet been,
displaced by the Roman in the province of Milan,
as also in the Mozarabic use, there are six Sun-
days in Advent, which commences on the first
Sunday after St. Martin's day (Nov. 11), not on
the Sunday nearest to St. Andrew's day (Nov. 30),
as in the rest.
X. Menolocjies, or Calendars of Saints' Days,
u'ith their proper Lessons. The several schemes
for ordering the Epistles and Gospels throughout
the year, as adopted by the ancient church in its
various branches, bear so little resemblance to
each other that it seemed advisable to keep the
Greek Synaxaria separate from the corresponding
tables of the Coptic and Western communions. The
menologies, on the other hand, wherein the lesser
festivals and saints' day services are arranged
according to their respective places in the eccle-
siastical year, may very well be comprised in a
single table. We select from the mass of such days
those which have been widely celebrated or are
in any other way characteristic or remarkable.
The italic letters, c, g, m, r, s, will suffice to
indicate what belongs to the Coptic, Gallican,
Mozarabic, Roman (Comes), or Jerusalem Syriac
books respectively. The lessons to which no
such letter is annexed are of Greek origin, and
we commence with the beginning of the Eastern
ecclesiastical year, being Aug. 29 with the Copts,
Sept. 1 with the Greeks. The variations noted
(e. g. Sept. 2 infra) are those of Greek manuscripts
adapted to church reading.
Aug. 29. The New Year (1st day of Tot)
Evensong . . Matth. ix. 14-17 ?
Matins .. Mark ii. 18-22.
Liturgy .. Luke iv. 14-22. c.
The Copts kept the Beheading of John the
Baptist a day later, vide infra.
Sept. 1. Simeon Stylites
Col. iii. 12-16. Luke iv. 16-22. Also in s.
LECTIONARY
Sept. 2. John the Faster
1 Tim. ii. 1-7 (Heb. vii. 26-30, B-C iii. 24).
Markv. 14-19 (Wake 12).
John x. 9-16 (Harl. 5598, Gale).
John xv. 1-11 (Parham, 18).
3. Our Fatner Antioma
John x. 7-16. s.
4. Babylas and the saints with him
Luke x. 1-3 ; x. 12. Also in s.
5. Zacharias, Father of the Baptist
Matth. xxiii. 29-39. s.
6. Eudoxius, martyr
Mark xii. 28-37. Also in s.
8. Birthday of the Mother of God
Matins, Luke i. 39-56. s (in Parham 18,
Luke i. 39-56, is read Sept. 1).
Liturgy, Phil. ii. 5-11 ; Luke x. 38-42;
xi. 27, 28. Also in s.
14. For the Greek, Syriac, and Coptic services of
this season, see- above, p. 60.
15. Nicetas Heb. xiii. 7-16; Matth. x. 16-22.
Also in s.
18. Euphemia Rom. viii. 14-21; Luke vii. 36-50
(Gale). Also in .
18. Theodora Epistle as Sept. 2 ; Gospel, John
viii. 3-11. (So Parham 18 ; but Theodosia,
Luke vii. 36-50 in Codex Cyprius.)
This section, as we noticed above, p. 53, is
only read at commemorations of the present
kind. The Jerusalem Syriac and the Codes
Cyprius have it for Pelagia Oct. 8, and the
Christ's College copy has John viii. 1-11 also
for Pelagia, hut on Aug. 31. In two of the
Burdett-Coutts manuscripts John viii. 3-11 is
appointed fls /j.fTavoovi'Tas Ktti yvvaiKtav.
Sept. 20. Eustathius and his company
Epb. vi. 10-17; Luke xxi. 12-19. Also ins.
21. Jonab, the prophet Luke xi. 29-33. s.
24. Thecla 2 Tim. i. 3-9 ; Matth. xxv. 1-13. Also
by the Greeks on Nov. 8, Heb. ii. 2-10;
Luke x. 16-21.
,, 29. Michael and all Angels, r
Comes. Apoc. iv. 1-11 ; Matth. xviii. 1-10.
Mozar. Apoc. xii. 7-11 ; 2 Thess. i. 3-12;
Matth. xxv. 31-46.
Kept by the Coptics on Nov. 8
Evensong . . Matth. xiii. 44-52.
Matins . . Luke xv. 3-7.
Liturgy . . Matth. xiii. 31-43.
30. Gregory ihe Armenian
Col. ; Matth. xxiv. 42-47 (51 s).
Oct. 2. Cyprian and Justin John xv. 1-11 (Gale).
3. Dionysius the Areopagite Acts xvii. 16-23,
3u ; Matth. xiii. 45-54. Also in s.
6. Thomas the Apostle 1 Cor. iv. 9-16; John
xx. 19-31.
9. James, son of Alphaeus Matth. x. 1-7 ; 14, 15.
11. Nectarius Matth. v. 11-19 (Gale).
13. Papylus, Carpus, and Trophimus
Matth. vii. 12-21.
13. Lukp the Evangelist
Cul. iv. 5-19 ; Luke x. 16-21. Also in s.
21. Hilarion 2 Cor. ix. 6-11 ; Luke vi. 17-23.
Also in s.
23. James, 6 <ieA(o0eo; James i. 1-12 ; Mark vi.
1-7 (5 s). Kept by s Dec. 28.
25. The notaries Marcian and Martorus or Martria
1 Cor. iii. 9-1 7 ; Luke xii. 2-12. Also in s.
26. Demetrius and commemoration of earthquake
2 Tim. ii. 1-10 ; Matth. viii. 23-27. Also
in s.
30. Cyriacus, patriarch of Constantinople
James v. 12-16, 19; John x. 9-16.
Nov. 1. All Saints, r
Mozar. .. Apoc. vii. 2-12; 2 Cor. i. 1-7;
Matth. v. 1, 2.
Sarum Use. Apoc. vii. 2-12 ; Matth. v. 1-12.
LECTIONARY
965
Nov
Dec
The Greeks kept this festival on the Sunday
after Pentecost, but on Nov. 1 (some place it
July 1), The Holy Poor (TWI/ dyiW dvapyv-
piujv}, Cosmas and Damianus
1 Cor. xii. 27-xiii. 7 ; Matth. x. 1, 5-3.
So also s, with the title ' Thaumaturgorum
Kezma et Damian.'
3. Dedication of church of George the Martyr c-~
Evensong .. Matth. x. 16-23.
Matins .. x. 1-23.
Liturgy .. Luke xxi. 12-36.
4. Commemoration of the Four Beasts, c
Evensong . . Mark viii. 34-ix. 1.
Matins . . John xii. 26-36.
Liturgy .. i. 43.
13. John Chrysostom
Heb. vii. 26-viii. 2; John x. 9-1C.
14. Philip the Apostle-
Acts viii. 26-39; John i. 44-55.
16. Matthew the Apostle
1 Cor. iv. 9-16 ; Matth. ix. 9-13.
17. Gregory Tbaumaturgus
1 Cor. xii. 7, 8, 10, 11 (B-C iii. 24) Matth.
x. 1-10 (Wake 12).
21. Martyrdom of Mercurius, c
Matins .. Luke xii. 2-12.
25. Clement of Rome-
Phil, iii. 20-iv. 3; John xv. 17-xvi. 1.
27. Silas the Apostle, bishop of Corinth-
Acts xvii. 10, 13-16; xviii. 4, 5.
30. Andrew the Apostle
1 Cor. iv. 9-16 ; John i. 35-52.
. 3. Copt. (5 in B-C iii. 42). Entrance into the
Temple of the Holy Virgin (a distinct feast
from that kept Feb. 2), c
Matins . . Matth. xii. 35-50.
4. Barbara and Julian
Gal. iii. 23-29 ; Mark v. 24-34. Also in s.
20. Ignatius, 6 0eo$opos
Heb. iv. 14-v. 6 (Rom. viii. 28-39, B-C ill.
24) ; Mark ix. 33-41. Also in s.
22. Anastasia Mark xii. 28-44, s.
Saturday before Christmas-
Gal, iii. 8-12; Matth. xiii. 31-58 (Luke
xiii. 19-29, Gale).
Sunday before Christmas
Heb. xi. 9, 10, 32-40; Matth. i. 1-25 (17, s)
24. Christmas Eve Heb. i. 1-12; Luke ii. 1 20.
npoe6pTia 1 Pet. ii. 1-10 (B-C iii. 24).
Matins of the Nativity, s Matth. i. 18-25.
25. Christmas Day Gal. iv. 4-7 ; Matth. ii. 1-12.
26. (Greek and s) eis ryv avvaiv TJ)S eoTo/cov
Heb. ii. 11-18; Matth. ii. 13-23.
Saturday after Christmas
1 Tim. vi. 11-16; Matth. xii. 15-21.
Sunday after Christmas
Gal. i. 11-19 ; Mark i. 1-3 : the same lessons
being appointed for Innocents' Day (Dec.
29) with the Greeks and Copts.
26 r, 27 Greek (in Wheeler 3, Aug. 2). Stephen-
Acts vi. 1-7 ; Matth. xxi. 33-42.
Comes. Acts vi. 8-vii. 60? Matth. xxiii. 34-39,
Gallic. vi. 1-viii. 2; xvii. 23-xviii. 11,
Mozar. vi. 4-viii. 4 ; xxiii.
27. John the Evangelist
Comes. Ecclus. xv. 1-; John xxi. 19-24.
Gallic. Apoc. xiv. 1-7 ; Mark x. 35-45.
Muzar. Wisrl. x. 9-18 ; 1 Thess. iv. 12-16;
John xxi. 15-24.
The Greeks keep the feast of John the Divine on
May 8, and the Jer. Syriac that of John the son
of Zebedee
1 John i. 1-7; John xix. 25-27 ; xxi. 24, 25.
His fi6Td<rnx(Tis is kept Sept. 26 with Epistle
12 John iv. 1 ; 16-19 (B-C iii. 24).
28. Holy Innocents r
Comes. Apoc. xiv. 1-5 ; Matth. ii. 13-18.
Gallic. Jer. xxxi. 15-20; Apoc. vi. 9-11;
Matth. il.
3 R 2
966
LECTIONARY
LECTIONARY
Dec. 28. Holy Innocents, r
Mozar. Jer. xxxi. 15-20; 2 Cor. i. 2-7;
Matth. xviii. 1-1 1.
Jan. 1. Circumcision 1 Cor. xiii. 12-xiv. 5; Luke ii.
20, 21; 40-52.
For Western service, see p. 61.
3. Matth. iii. 1, 5-11, s.
Saturday n-pb riav <J>U>TU>V 1 Tim. iii. 13-iv. 5;
RIattb. iii. 1-6.
Sunday irpb TWV <j>umav 2 Tim. iv. 5-8 (B-C
iii. 24) ; Mark i. 1-8.
Vigil of ecifyavia 1 Cor. ix. 19-x. 4; Luke
iii. 1-1 .
co<j>avia. (Kpipbmiy)
Matins .. Mark i. 9-11.
Liturgy .. Tit. ii. 11-14; iii. 4-7 : Matth.
iii. 13-17.
Saturday HCTO. T * QUITO. Eph. vi. 10-17;
Matth. iv. 1-11.
Sunday ^tri T - Q^ra Epb. iv. 7-13; Matth.
iv. 12-17. Also in s.
For the Coptic Epiphany services see p. 60;
for those of the West, p. 62.
7. John the Fore-runner 1 John v. 1-8; John i.
29-34. Also in s.
8. Marriage at Cana, c
Evensong . . Matth. xix. 1-12.
Matins . . John iv. 43-54.
Liturgy .. John ii. 1-11.
10. Gregory the Younger (Nyssen) Eph. iv. 7-13 ;
Mattb. iv. 25-v. 12 (John x. 39-42, s).
11. Theodosius the Coenobiarch Luke vi. 17-23;
xx. 1-8, s.
15. '\iaavvov TOU KaXujSiVov (Juhanna Tentorii)
Matth. iv. 25-v. 12, s.
16. Mourning for our Laii}-, the Virgin, c
Evensong . . Luke x. 38-42.
Matins . . Matth. xii. 35-50.
Liturgy . . Luke i. 39-56.
18. Chair of St. Peter, r
Comes. Heb. v. 1-10 ? Matth. xvi. 13-19.
Gallic. Acts xii. 1-17; Matth. xvi. 13-19 ;
John xxi. 15-19.
Jfozar. 1 Pet. v. 1-5 ; Matth. xvi. 13-19.
20. Euthymius 2 Cor. iv. 6-11 ; Matth. xi. 27-30.
22. Timothy 2 Tim. i. 3-9 ; Matth. x. 32, 33, 37,
38; xix. 27-30.
23. Clement Phil. ii. 9-? Matth. xii. 1-8.
28. Efrem patris nostri Matth. v. 14-19.
Feb. 1. Vigil of Presentation (n-pb eoprijs), Heb. vi.
19, 20 ; vii. 1-7.
2. Presentation of Christ in the Temple
Heb. vii. 7-17; Luke ii. 22-40. Also in s.
For Coptic service see p. 60 ; for Western, p. 62.
3. Simeon 6 0eoS6xos and Anna Heb. ix. 11-14 ;
Luke ii. 25-38.
15. Onesimus the Apostle, bishop of Illyricum
Philem. 1-3, 10-18, 23-25.
23. Polycarp Eph. iv. 7-13; John xii. 24-36.
24. Finding of John Baptist's Head
Matins .. Luke vii. 18-29.
Liturgy . . 2 Cor. iv. 6-11 ; Matth. xi.
5-14 (2-15, s).
March 8. Hennas the Apostle, bishop of Dalmatia
Heb. xii. 1-10.
9. The Forty Martyrs in Sebais Heb. xii. 1-3?
Matth. xx. 1-16. Also in s.
24. Vigil of the Annunciation Luke i. 39-56 (Gale).
25. Annunciation Heb. ii. 11-18; Luke i. 24-38.
Also in s.
Mozar. Phil. iv. 4-9 ; Matth. i. 1-23.
Sarum Use. Luke i. 26-38.
April 1. Mariam Aegyptiacae Luke vii. 36-50. See
note on Sept. 18.
23. St. George the Martyr, o rpon-aio^opos
Matins . . Mark xiii. 9-13 (B-C ii!. 42).
Liturgy .. Acts xii. 1-11 (Cod. Bezae), or
iCor. iii. 9-17.
April 25. (Oct. 19, B-C iii. 24) Mark the Evangelist-
Col, iv. 5, 10, 11, 18 ; Mark vi. 7-13.
30. James, son of Zebedee Matth. x. 1-7, 14, 15.
May 2. Athanasius Heb. iv. 14-v. 6; Mattb. v. 14-19.
21. Constantino and Helen Acts xxv. 13-19 (xxvi.
1, 12-20, B-C iii. 24); John x. 2-5, 27-30.
26. Jude the Apostle John xiv. 21-24.
June 11. Baitholomew and Barnabas the Apostles
Acts xi. 19-30 ; Mark vi. 7-13.
14. Elisha the Prophet James v. 10-20; Luke ir.
22-30. Also in s.
19. Jude 6 aSf\(f>6dio? Mark vi. 7-13.
23. Vigil of John the Baptist-
Comes. Jer. i. 5 ; Luke i. 5-17.
Isai. xii. 27, &c. ; Luke i. 18-26.
24. llirth of John the Baptist Rom. xiii. 11-xiv. 4;
Luke i. 1-25, 57-80. Also in s.
Comes. Isai. xlix. 1-? Luke i. 57-68.
Gallic. Isai. xl. 1-10; Acts xiii. 16-47;
Luke i. 5-25, 56-67, 68, 80.
Mozar. Jer. i. 5-19 ; Gal. i. 11-24 ; Luke i.
57-80.
28. r. Vigil of St. Peter and St. Paul Acts iii. l,&c.;
John xxi. 15-24.
29. St. Peter and St. Paul 2 Cor. x. 21-xii. 9;
Matth. xvi. 13-19. Also in s.
Gallic. Acts viii. 15-27 ; Matth. v. 1-16.
Mozar. Eph. i. 1-14; John xv. 7-16.
Sarum. Acts xii. 1-11 ; Matth. xvi. 13-19.
30. The Twelve Apostles Matth. x. 1-8 (ix. 36-
x. 8, s).
July 8. Procopius Luke vi. 17-19; ix. 1,2; x. 16-21.
., 22. Mary Magdalene, ^ >ivpo(/>dpo5 2 Tim. ii. 1-10 ;
Mark xvi. 9-20 (Luke viii. 1-3, s).
Aug. 1. The Maccabees Heb. xi. 24-40; Matth. x.
16-22. Also in s.
Mozar. Wisd. v. 1-5, 16,17; Eph. i. 1, &c.;
Luke ix. 1-6.
6. Transfiguration
Matins . . Luke ix. 29 (28, S) 16, or
Mark ix. 2-9.
Liturgy . . 2 Pet. i. 10-19 ; Malth. xvii.
1-9 (s adds 10-22).
For the Coptic see p. 60 ; Mozar. as in octave
of Pentecost.
7. Dometius the Martyr Mark xi. 22-26 ; Matth.
vii. 7, 8.
15. Assumption of the Virgin Phil. ii. 5-11 ;
Luke x. 38-42.
20. Thaddeus the Apostle 1 Cor. iv. 9-16 ; Matth.
X. 16-22.
25. Titus 2 Tim. ii. 1-10; Matth. v. 14-19.
29 (30 of Copts, as 29 bpgins their new year). Be-
heading of John the Baptist
Matins . . Matth. xiv. 1-13.
Liturgy .. Acts xiii. 25^32 (39, B-C iii.24)
Mark vi. 14-30.
Also in s.
Comes. Heb. xi. 36, &c. ; Mark vi. 17, &c.
Gallic. Heb. xi. 33-xii. 7 ; Matth. xiv. 1-14.
JUozar. 2 Cor. xii. 2-9 ; Matth. xiv. 1-14. '
At the end of the Calendar are added in most
lectionaries a few proper lessons for special occa-
sions. Such are the following :
Eis TO. fyxaivia, Dedication of a Church 2 Cor. v. 15-21,
or Heb ix. 1-7 ; John x. 22-28.
Comes. Apoc. xxii. 2, &c. Gallic. Gen. xxviii. 11-22.
1 Cor. iii. 8, &c. 1 Cor. iii. 9-17.
1 Kings viii. 22, &c. John x. 22-28.
Luke xix. 1, &c. Luke xix. 1-10.
eis a<r0i'oOi'T05 James v. 10-15; Rom. vi. 18-23; xv.
1-7; Matth. viii. 14-17 ; x. 1 ; John iv. 46-53.
eis avonfipiav James v. 17-20 (B-C iii. 24) ; Matth.
xvi. 1-3; Luke iv. 24-26 (Harl. 5598).
cis KOinyOevTa.'; Acts ix. 32-42; Rom. xiv. 6-9; 1 Cor.
xv. 20-58; 2 Cor. v. 1-10; 1 Thess. iv. 13-17 ;
John v. 24-30. The last two lessons are included
LECTOR
in the cfoStaoriKor, or Greek Burial Service, in
B-C iii. 42.
Sanctae Christiame, s Matth. xxv. 1-13.
Justorum, s Matth. xi. 27-30.
Comes. 1 Mace. ii. ; 1 Thess. if. ; I Cor. xv.; Ezek
xxxvii. ; Apoc. xiv. ; John v. vi. xi.
Depositio Episcopi
Gallic. Isai. xxvi. 2-20. Mozar. Job xix. 25-27.
1 Cor. xv. 1-22. Rom. xiv. 7-9.
John vi. 49-59. Jolm v. 24-30.
Depositio Christian!
Gallic. 1 Cor. xv. 51-58; John v. 19-30.
XI. Eolation of Lectionaries to the Chapter-
divisions of the New Testament. Since lection-
aries exhibit the text of the New Testament
piece-meal, and in an order peculiar to them-
selves, the usual divisions into larger chapters
(Ke(pd\ata), and, in the Gospels, into the so-
called Amrnonian sections, have no place in
them. At the end of certain ordinary manu-
scripts of the Gospels, however, we find stated
the number of lections (a.vayvufffj.a-ra) which
each contains, not without some variation in the
several amounts. Wake 25 at Christ Church,
and [5] II. A. 5 at Modena agree in reckoning
the avwyvtiiffnaTa. in St. Matthew at 116, in St.
Mark at 71, in St. Luke at 114, in St. John at
07. Euthalius, bishop of Sulci, in the latter
part of the 5th century, divided the Acts into
16 avayvuxTzis or a.vo.yv<jxr^o.-ra, St. Paul's
Epistles into 31 ; but these must have been long
paragraphs, and can have had no connection with
the much shorter lessons in the Praxapostolos
which we have enumerated above.
XII. Literature. Add to the references an-
nexed to [GOSPEL], and to those cited in the
course of the present article, F. H. Eheinwald,
Kircldiche Archdologie, Berlin, 1830, pp. 273-6,
442-459 ; Campion and Beaumont, Prater Book
Interleaved, Cambridge, 186Q, passim; F. H. Scri-
vener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the
New Testament, 2nd edition, Cambridge. 1874,
pp. 69, 71, 75-82, 290-3. [F. H. S.]
LECTOR. [READER.]
LEGACY. [PROPERTY OF THE CHURCH].
LEGATE. The words irpe<r&evTris, legatus,
legatarius (Bede, E. H. i. 29, etc.) are used in eccle-
siastical documents for agents or emissaries of
ecclesiastical authorities.
I. Various instances of the employment of
legates or deputies. Sometimes they were sent by
councils. Two bishops, Epigonius and Vincentius,
were sent by the 6th council of Carthage on an
embassy to procure from the emperor the light
of asylum for criminals in all churches. (Cod. Eccl.
Afric. can. 56.) Legates were sent from the same
council to the bishops of Rome and Milan (c. 56)
and to the Donatists (c. 69). It is also probable
that after the time of Constantine legates were
sent from the great councils to announce their
decisions to the emperor. (Vales. Annot. in
Theodoret. H. E. iv. 8.) Legates were also sent
to councils as the representatives of provinces.
(Cod. Eccl. Afric., praefat. et cc. 90-96.) At
the same council (c. 90) some of the bishops of
Numidia explained that they were present as
individuals, as a formal legation could not be
sent on account of the troubles in the province
[compare COUNCIL, I. 482]. Sometimes they were
sent as representatives of individual bishops.
Lucifer of Cagliari (for instance) sent his deacon
LEGATE
067
to represent him (els -rlv avrou rotrov) at an
Alexandrian synod, with power to accept its
decrees on his behalf (Socrates, H. E. iii. 6).
So at the council of Hertford, it is said that
Wilfrid of Northumberland was present in the
persons of his legates, " per proprios legatarios
adfuit," (Bede. //. E. iv. 5, p. 147 ; Haddan
and Stubbs, iii. 119.) They were also sent by
bishops to transact their business with other
sees. Such were the legates (irpea-/8et;Tay) sent
by Flavian, bishop of Antioch to Rome, A.D. 381
(Theodoret, H. E. v. 23). Bede (//. E. i. 33, p.
74) speaks of a certain abbat Peter, who being
sent as a legate to Gaul, was drowned on his
passage at Arnfleet, and also (H. E. ii. 20, p. 102)
of a bishop of Rochester, who was sent by
Archbishop Justus as his legate to Honorius,
bishop of Rome, and drowned in the Mediter-
ranean.
II. Legates of the Eoman See. In the Roman
empire, the officials through whom the emperor
governed his provinces were called Legati [Dicx.
OF GREEK AND ROM. ANTIQ. s.z>.] As the extent of
the ecclesiastical dominion claimed by the Roman
see was, from a comparatively early period, too
wide to admit of the personal superintendence
and administration of the pope, he appointed re-
presentatives (probably following the imperial
precedent) to exercise some portion of his autho-
rity, in cases where he could neither be present
himself, nor regulate the business in hand by
letter. Such representatives, though we may in-
clude them all under the general term " Legates,"
were known by various names, according to the
office which they discharged. They were
sometimes sent for a special occasion, as to
represent the pope at a council. These were
legati missi, sometimes said to be a latere. At
the court of Constantinople, and sometimes else-
where, the pope was always represented by a
permanent official, called an Apocrisiarius or
Responsalis, corresponding nearly to the Nuncio
of modern times. And again, when appeals to
Rome became frequent, the pope constituted
vicars apostolic in the most distant regions
of his dominions ; that is, he empowered a
local prelate to decide such appeals in his
name, reserving only the most important for the
decision of the Roman see itself. Such a com-
mission was at first given to a particular bishop
personally ; but when it had been conferred on
several successive incumbents of the same see, it
naturally came to be regarded as a privilege of
that see. Legates of this kind were called in
the Middle Ages Legati nati.
It is confessed that during the first three cen-
turies of the church there" are but faint traces
of the exercise of papal authority through legates ;
though it is sometimes assumed that the three
persons whom Clement sent to Corinth with his
letter (Epist. ad Cor. c. 59), Claudius Ephebus,
Valerius Bito, and Fortunatus, were not mere
messengers, but plenipotentiaries of the apostolic
see (Binterim, III. i. 166). With the accession
of Constantine a new period begins in this respect
'or the church.
1. The term "de latere "is an ancient one,
ind seems to imply one from the household or
amiliar friends of the sender, with the implica-
;ion that he carried with him, as it were, a por-
ion of his principal's personality. So Leo I.
Epist. 67), speaking of his legate at Constanti-
968
LEGATE
nople, asserts that the people of Constantinople
possessed a certain portion of himself, " quandam
mei portionem." The council of Sardica (c. 7)
desired the bishop of Rome, in case of need, to
send " presbyters from his own side " (curb rnv
iSiov irXevpov irpe(T/3vTfpovs, de latere suo pres-
byteros) into the provinces in order to determine
appeals from bishops who had been forced to
abdicate by provincial councils [APPEAL, I. 127].
Legates of this kind were sent on various
occasional missions. Thus Leo I. sent Julian of
Cos to the emperor Marcian after the council
of Chalcedon for the purpose of opposing the
progress of the Eutychian and Nestorian heresies,
and invested him for this particular duty with the
full power of the papal see (Leo Mag. Epist.
113 [al. 56]), and in an epistle to Pulcheria
states that he has constituted him his full repre-
sentative that he might be a pledge and hostage
of his own loyalty (Id. Epist. 112 [al. 58]).
Sometimes the legates were to act in conjunc-
tion with the bishops of the province to which
they were sent. So Leo I. sent Lucentius (a
bishop) and Basilius (a priest) to Constantinople,
joined in commission with Anatolius, then bishop,
after the pseudo-synod of Ephesus, with power
to receive into communion those who should
repudiate their share in the council, the case of
Dioscorus alone being reserved for the judgment
of Rome (Leo I. Epist. 85 [al. 46]). Some-
times they were sent merely to inquire and
report. So Leo I. sent Prudentius, a bishop, to
Africa to ascertain the truth concerning certain
alleged irregularities connected with the ordina-
tion of bishops. In this case he was to possess
the authority of the papal see as far as inquiry
went, but only to report to Rome the result of
his inquiries (Leo I. Epist. 12 [al. 87]).
The great missionaries of early times, who
have gone forth under the authority of the
Roman see, are frequently spoken of as papal
legates. Thus Augustine of Canterbury, who
was sent by pope Gregory the Great, is some-
times spoken of as his legate, though it does not
appear that when he became archbishop of the
English greater powers were conferred on him
than on other archbishops who received the pall
from Rome (Thomassin, I. i. 31, 6). Of Boni-
face, the great apostle of Germany, Hincmar
says (Epist. 30, c. 20, p. 201) that popes
Gregory II. and Gregory III. constituted him
" legatum Apostolicae sedis," for the reforma-
tion of the Christian religion in the parts
where he laboured. His commission, which was
a peculiar one, empowered him to ordain presby-
ters and afterwards bishops, without assigning
him any particular see. It was not until the
year 751 that pope Zacharias, the successor of
Gregory III., made him bishop of Mentz and
metropolitan of Germany and part of Gaul
(Thomassin, I. i. 31, 15).
The COUNCILS of the church have from the
first afforded a field from the claims of papal
legates. At Nicaea the representatives of the
Roman see were the two presbyters, Victor [or
Titus] and Vincentius, who would have accom-
panied the pope, if he had been able to make the
long journey from Rome to Bithynia. Who were
the presidents in this famous assembly has been
matter of endless dispute. Eusebius ( Vita Const.
iii. 13) simply says that the emperor, after his
opening speech, gave place to the presidents of
LEGATE
the assembly (impeS/Sou rbv \6yov rols rijs
irvvoSov Trpoe'Spois) : but who were these ?
Athanasius (Apol. de Fuga, c. 5, quoted by
Theodoret, E. H. ii. 15) speaks of the venerable
Hosius as a man who, from his weight of charac-
ter, of course took a leading part in any synod
where he was present (woias yap oi>x riyfiTaro
ffvvoSov); but he gives no hint that he derived
any precedence from papal delegation. There
can, in fact, be little doubt that Hosius and
Eusebius of Caesarea were the real presidents at
Nicaea, and that mainly through the favour of
the emperor. Gelasiusof Cyzicus(Labbe, ii. 155),
writing towards the end of the fifth century, is
the first to assert that Hosius appeared at Nicaea
as a delegate of Rome, and the same authority
(ib. 267), m the confessedly imperfect list of sub-
scriptions, makes Hosius sign first, followed by
the Roman presbyters Victor (or Vito) and
Vincentius. Perhaps Gelasius, who was evidently
a wholly uncritical reporter, has transferred to
Nicaea the practice of his own age. For by the
fifth century it had become a common practice
for the popes to send representatives to councils.
In what capacity Hosius presided at the Coun-
cil of Sardica has been much discussed ; it seems
probable that he owed his pre-eminence rather
to his personal merits and the favour of the
emperor than to any appointment of the see of
Rome.
The African bishops in council at Carthage,
A.D. 419, protested against the presence of the
legates from Rome, declaring that sanction for
sending such legates could be found in none
of the councils, and entreating him to with-
draw them for the sake of peace (Cod. Eccl.
Afric. c. 138; Bruns, Canones, i. 200). The
legates, however, Faustinus, bishop of Potentia,
and two presbyters named Philippus and Asellus,
were received at the council, the place of Faus-
tinus being second to Aurelius the president, in
conjunction with Valentinus, bishop of Numidia.
(Cod. Eccl. Afric. Praefat., in Bruns, Canones,
i. 156.)
In the council of Constantinople of the year
381, neither Damasus of Rome nor any other
Western prelate took any share, either personally
or by legate.
Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, was locum-
tenens or legate of Rome in the Nestorian con-
troversy ; " vicem nostram propter marina et
terrena spatia ipsi sancto fratri meo Cyrillo
delegavimus," says Celestinus in the document
by which he professes to excommunicate Nes-
torius (Labbe, iii. 373). To the council of Ephe-
sus the pope had sent two bishops, Arcadius
and Projectus, and a presbyter, Philip, with
instructions to regulate their conduct by the
advice of Cyril, but in all things to uphold the
authority of the see of Rome. They were not
to press their attendance upon the assembly ;
when they were present, they were to take notes
of what passed, without joining in the debates ;
at the close of the council, they were to report
to the pope himself, and afterwards accompany
Cyril to Constantinople, to lay the conclusions of
the Fathers before the emperor (Greenwood,
Cathedra Petri, i. 335). Great pains were taken
on this occasion to make the vindication of ortho-
doxy at Ephesus appear the work of the pope,
acting through Cyril and the legates ; their
instructions were read in the council and re-
LEGATE
corded in its minutes; the legate Philip then
declared its proceedings to have been in confor-
mity with them, and in the name of the see of
Rome pronounced the condemnation and deposi-
tion of Nestorius, " according to the formula
which the holy pope Celestinus had committed
to his care." Arcadius and Projectus signified
their assent. Cyril then caused the papal ratifi-
cation to be recorded in the terms in which it
had been conveyed to them (Greenwood, p.
339 f.).
These may suffice as instances of the employ-
ment of legates to represent the Roman see in
the great councils. One or two examples may
be given of legates sent from Rome to England,
as having a special interest of their own.
At the council of Hatfield (A.D. 680) John the
Roman precentor was present, having come from
Rome under the guidance of the English Bene-
dict Biscop, to introduce the Roman manner of
saying the offices in his new monastery at Wear-
mouth. It is said of him that he joined with
the rest in confirming the decrees of the Catholic
faith (pariter Catholicae fidei decreta firmabat),
i.e. in receiving the decrees of the first five
general councils, and declaring the orthodoxy of
the English church in respect of the Monothe-
lites; but nothing is said of any precedence
granted to him ; the council was summoned by
command of the English kings, and presided over
by the English archbishop Theodore (Bede, H. E.
iv. 17, 18; Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 141 ff.).
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ad an. 785) relates
that in that year there was a contentious synod
at Calcyth [probably Chelsea], and also that in
that year messengers were sent from Rome by
pope Adrian to England, to renew the faith and
the peace which St. Gregory had sent us by
Augustine the bishop, and they were worship-
fully received. The head of this legation was
George, bishop of Ostia. These legates, in fact,
were present at two councils, one in the north
and one in the south of England, probably at
Finchale and Chelsea respectively, but as to the
extent of the authority they claimed we know
nothing, except that they made application to
the Mercian and Northumbrian kings respec-
tively for the assembling of the councils. Their
names do not appear among the subscriptions
(Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 443-461).
The bearers of the letters sent by pope John
IV. (A.D. 640) to the Irish bishops and abbats
about the Pelagian heresy were in some sort
legates, as two of them at least Hilary, the
arch-presbyter, and John, the primicerius are
described as vicegerents of the apostolic see
(servans locum sanctae sedis apostolicae). (Bede,
H. E. ii. 19, p. 100.)
And it may be observed generally that in
the earlier ages of the church papal legates in
councils by no means took the position which a
later age assigned to them, after Gregory VII. 's
vigorous assertion of the privileges of his
see. Thus the legate Faustinus, at the council
of Carthage, took his place below the bishop of
that see, Aurelius; Eusebius of Vercelli, legate
as he was, yielded precedence at Alexandria to
Athanasi us. At CHALCEDON [I. 334] the lay
dignitaries occupied the place of honour, and
controlled the proceedings of the council through-
out ; on their left were the Roman legates, on
.their right Dioscorus of Alexandria and Juvenal
LEGATE
969
of Jerusalem. Julianus, who was rather a legate
to the emperor than to the council, took his
place after the first twenty bishops. Cyril took
the first place among the bishops in the third
general council at Ephesus, but this precedence
was probably due as much to his rank as patri-
arch of Alexandria, as to the fact that on this
occasion he was vicegerent of the pope [EPHESUS,
I. 615]. Moreover, legates did not (in the period
with which we are concerned) attempt to set
themselves above the sovereign power, but ad-
dressed themselves to kings and emperors re-
specting the summoning of councils and other
ecclesiastical business. As the claims of papal
legates simply represent the claims of the papacy,
the further account of them must be referred
to the article POPE.
2. The Apocrisiarii or Responsales were so
called, as being the persons through whom the
JResponsa or judgments of their principal were
communicated to the court to which they were
accredited. Hincmar says that Apocrisiarii
were instituted when Constantine removed the
seat of empire from Rome to Byzantium, from
which time agents (responsales) both of Rome
and of other chief sees were maintained at
the imperial court; a statement probable in
itself, though the authority is late. Hosius,
bishop of Cordova, certainly acted as a kind of
ecclesiastical minister at the court of Constan-
tine, but there is no evidence whatever that he
represented the see of Rome there, or that he
held any definite office under Constantine (Stan-
ley, Eastern Church, p. 112, 3rd edition). Petrus
de Marca (De Concord. Sacerd. et Imp. v. 16)
places the formal institution of Apocrisiarii at a
later date. Referring to the letter of Leo the
Great to Julianus, bishop of Cos (Epist. 86), in
which the pope gives him a general commission
to act on behalf of the Roman see at the court
of Constantinople in the repression of the Nes-
torian and Eutychian heresies, he says, " this
gave occasion to the sending of agents or apocri-
siarii (responsales) of the apostolic see to the
capital city, especially after the time of Justinian ;
. . . for at that time there were constantly in
the court diaconi responsales, who both took
charge before the emperor of cases in which the
Roman church was peculiarly interested, and
kept watch over matters of faith and discipline.
At the same time they were as it were hostages
of the public faith, guaranteeing the obedience
due to princes."
Several legates of the Roman see- at the court
of Constantinople are known to history. Thus
Liberatus records (Breviarium, c. 22) that pope
Agapetus made the deacon Pelagius his apocri-
siary at the imperial court ; and Gregory the
Great relates that he himself, when a deacon,
acted as apocrisiary of Pelagius II. with the
emperor, using the expression, " tempore quo
exhibendis responses ad Principem ipse trans-
missus sum " (Dialogue, iii. 23). Justinian
(Novel. 6, c. 2 ; 123, c. 25) desires bishops not
to come in person to court, but to transact their
business there by the agency of apocrisiarii.
After the 6th Oecumenical Council we find
Constantine Pogonatus writing to Leo II. to send
him an apocrisiary, who in all ecclesiastical
matters should not only represent his person but
actually possess his power, "in emergentibus
sive dogmaticis sive canonicis et prorsus in omni-
JVO
LEGATION
bus ecclesiasticis negotiis vestrae sanctitatis ex-
primat ac gerat personaiu." (Cone, vi. Act 18,
Labbe.) Leo in consequence sent the subdeacon
Constantine, who had been one of his legates
at the council, and requested the emperor to
receive him as his minister, "ut ministrum
digne suscipiat." Thomassin (Vet. et Nov. Eccl.
Discip. i. 2, c. 108, 27, 28) thinks that this
was an evasion of the request to send a legate
with full powers, lest he should be induced
by the power of the emperor to commit him-
self to acts for which the papal see would be
responsible.
3. The popes of Rome have frequently granted
special privileges, such as may be called legatine
or vicarial, to certain distinguished sees. The
first of these was that of Thessalonica. In the
year 379 the great prefecture of Illyricum
Orientate was assigned to the Eastern emperor.
But the see of Rome had probably for a long
time claimed patriarchal authority over this
division of the empire, and Damasus, the then
pope, was unwilling to allow a mere political
severance to affect his spiritual authority, and
therefore appointed Acholius, bishop of Thessa-
lonica, metropolitan of that prefecture, his repre-
sentative or vicar for the diocese of Illyricum
Orientale (Greenwood, Cathed. Pet. i. 259). From
the scantiness of our information as to this trans-
action we know little or nothing of the exact
nature of the powers conferred on this legate.
Leo the Great (Epist. ad Anilium Thess.) con-
firms to the archbishop of Thessalonica powers
over Illyricum which (he says) had been con-
ferred under his predecessors Damasus, Siricius,
and Auastasius. See the Eesponsio Pii VI. ad
Metropolitans Mogunt. etc. super Nuntiaturts
Apost. Romae 1790. Vicarial or legatine powers
were also conferred on the see of Aries, the
" Galilean Rome." Thus Zosimus (A.D. 418) made
Patroclus, bishop of Aries, his vicegerent ; Hilary
gave the same office to Leontius ; Gelasius I. to
Aeonius ; Symmachus to Caesarius; Vigilius to
Auxonius; and at length, the same privilege
having been continued to a series of bishops, it
was definitely granted and assigned to the see of
Aries (Gregorii Epist. iv. 50, 52, 54). See also
Gregory's seventh response to Augustine of Can-
terbury, in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 22.
And the same thing took place also with regard
to other sees.
(Petrus de Marca, de Concordia Sacerdotii et
Tmperii, lib. v. ; Bohmer, Jus Ecclesiasticum,
lib. iii., tit. 37, c. 36 ; Van Espen, Jus Eccle-
siasticum ; Thomassiu, Nova et Vet. Eccl. Discipl. ;
Walther, Kirchenrecht ; Jacobson in Herzog,
Real- Ency clop., s. v. Legaten.) [P. 0. and C.]
LEGATION (Legatio, irpe<r<=t'a). -A body
of legates entrusted with any commission, e.g.
Soc. H. E. iv. 12 ; Soz. H. B. vi. 11. When the
legates were not a mere deputation, but had full
power to act on their own authority, it was
called a free legation, " legatio libera " (Cod.
Eccl. Afric. c. 94^ 97 ; see Ducange, Gloss.). The
commission given to the legates was called a
letter of legation, " literae legationis." At the
6th council of Carthage the various legates pre-
sented their credentials, which were read to the
council, " offerentibus legationis literis et reci-
tatis " (Cod. Eccl. Afric. c. 90). Sometimes it
appears to have been used for the duty en-
LEGENDA
trusted to a legate. Thus Leo I. (Epist. 26)
speaks of a commission given to the empress
Pulcheria to procure the summoning of a fresh
council after the Pseudo-Synod of Ephesus as a
legation, hac sibi specialiter a beatissimo Petro
Apostolo legatione commissa 1 . But the word for
the most part is convertible with LEGATE.
[P. 0.]
LEGENDA. This word properly denotes
whatever is appointed to be read to the con-
gregation during public worship. It has how-
ever acquired the restricted sense of the records
of the lives and acts of the saints and martyrs,
which were appointed to be thus read. Collec-
tions of these records date from the 2nd century,
and were known as Ada (i.e. the registers
containing the official records), Sanctorum, or
Acta Marti/rum. They contained the most im-
portant sayings and deeds of the saints, both
martyrs and confessors. The earliest reputed
compiler of the acts of martyrs is St. Clement of
Rome, who is said to have employed scribes
"notarios," to collect the acts of martyrs
throughout the different districts of the city.
The practice appears to have spread into the
African church. St. Cyprian (Ep. 37, ad Clemm}
writes : " Denique et dies eorum quibus ex-
cedunt, annotate, ut commemorationes eorum
inter memorias martyrum celebrare possimus."
Eusebius also (Hist. v. 4) speaks of such a
collection, " Whoever cares to do so, may easily
obtain the fullest information on this subject by
reading the epistle itself," which, as I have
already said, I have inserted in the collection of
the Acts of Martyrs" [ry TUV ^aprvp'nav
ffvvaytayri~\. He gives at length the account of
the martyrdom of Polycarp and his companions
(iv. 15. See also vii. 41-42).
Hence Eusebius has been often looked upon a;;
the first to compile a martyrology. St. Jerome
made a compendium of the acts as compiled by
Eusebius.
Any further question as to the growth of
martyrologies belongs more properly to another
place [MARTYROLOGY]. It is sufficient here to
point out their origin and antiquity.
In the persecution of Diocletian many au-
thentic records of this nature perished, in con-
sequence of a general edict to burn them
(Gregor. Turon. de Gloria Martyr.). Gelasius
(A.D. 492) rejected as spurious writings of this
nature then in circulation, and forbade them to
be read in churches.
The third council of Carthage (A.D. 397),
Can. 47, after ruling that besides the canonical
scriptures nothing should be read publicly in the
church under the name of Holy Scripture, adds
that the passions of the martyrs may be read on
their anniversaries. " Liceat etiam legi passiones
martyrum. quum anniversarii eorum dies cele-
brantur." And it appears from various sermons
of St. Augustine (Ser. xlvii. de Sdnctis, &c.) that
the practice was general in his day. Cassio-
dorus, in the 6th century, writing to certain
abbats says (Instit. div. Lect. c. 32), " Passiones
martyrum legite constanter."
The practice was to read the " acts " of those
saints and martyrs who were to be commemo-
rated in the liturgy on the day following, in order
that the faithful might join in the commemora-
/. e. from the martyrs of Lyons to Eleutherus.
LEGENDA
LEGENDA
971
tion with memories refreshed. When the daily
services were reduced to order, the martyrology
was appointed to be read in choir, at the end of
Prime, after the Orison (Oratio) which is fol-
lowed by the usual " Benedicamus Domino," R.
Deo gratias ; the lection which contains the
memorials of the saints for the next day being
read. The lection is followed by the Verse and
Response. V. Pretiosa in conspectu Domini.
R. MOTS sanctorum ejus ; and a few prayers.
From a MS. appendix to the Roman Respon-
sorialand Antiphonary, which is considered to be
of the 9th century, it appears that the passion
and acts of a saint were only read in the churches
dedicated to that saint (ubi ipsius titulus erat)
until the time of pope Adrian 1. A.D. 772.
This reading of the martyrology with the
prayers which follow it is usually considered a
distinct office from Prime, and known as officiwn
capitulare. In many churches it was said in a
different place. Thus in the old statutes of the
church of Paris: "Thence (i.e. from the choir
after Prime) they go into the chapter house,
[or possibly another chapel in the church],
where, after the reading of the acts of tho
saints, and the diptychs of the deceased, let
prayers be made for their repose." [Inde in
capitulum b progrediuntur, ubi gestis sanctorum
et diptychis defunctorum perlectis, fiant preces
pro eorum requiem.] Again in the rite of
Avrauches : " 'Prime ended, let the brothers
assemble in the chapter house, and let the
lection of the Martyrolcgy be read, lest any
festival of a saint which should be celebrated on
the morrow be omitted through inadvertence."
[Prinia finita, in capitulum conveniant fratres,
Martyrologii lectio legatur ; ue aliqua sancti
festivitas in crastino celebranda negligenter
omittatur.] So also the old ritual of St. Martin
at Tours. Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, A.D.
742, introduced the practice into his chapter
among his reforms. On the other hand the
m-artyrology was often read in choir, not in
chapter. This was directed by the old ordi-
narium of Senlis, which, after directions for the
office of Prime, proceeds : " After the aforesaid
orison the calendar c (calenda) is read by one of
the boys, and terminates thus : and of all the
many other holy martyrs and confessors and
virgins. Then the anniversary which is con-
tained in the Martyrology is announced." So
also the ordinarium of the Cathedral of Tours.
"Then follows the lection from the martyrology,
read in choir with a sufficiently loud voice . . . .
A boy says ' Jubc, Domine, benedicere.' The
priest gives the benediction, 1 * and after the reading
of the lection is to say " Pretiosa in conspectu,"
&c. After this a boy is to announce the anni-
versary which is to be celebrated on the following
day. The reading of the Martyrology in chapter
appears to have been limited to the more im-
portant monastic houses and colleges of canons,
and usually in connexion with the reading of the
rule of the house, which by the council of Aix la
Ghapelle (A.D. 817) was directed to be bound in
b Locus in quern conveniunt Monachi et Canonici, sic
dictum, inquit Papias, quod capitula ibi leguntur (Du-
cange in loco). [CHAPTER-HOUSE, I. 349.]
c /. e. the list of names for the day.
d I.e. the appointed benedictory formula before the
lection.
one volume with the martyrology. The custom
gradually died out (it had ceased at St. Martin's
at Tours in the 15th century) ; and in the-
printed breviaries, monastic as well as secular,
the officium capitulare is printed so as to form
part of Prime without any break.
In a decree of the Congregation of Rites (10
Jun. 1690. Meratus in Ind. Deer. Brev. 163)
we find the following rulinc:
o o
" After what has been said, the hour of Prime
is terminated when 'Benedicamus Domino' is
said, and what follows is only a sort of appen-
dix ; whence it appears, that in the same manner
as the church here inserts daily the reading of
the Martyrology, and Prime of the Blessed
Virgin, when this is to be said, so anything else
may be inserted ; though we do not recommend
that this should be done, because what is now
supplemented is considered to complete Prime as
it were [Primam veluti integrare], 6 or to be an
additional part of it."
In addition to the readings at Prime, on fes-
tivals with three nocturns, the lessons of the
second nocturn are as a rule taken from the acts
of the saint of the day.
The custom of reading at nocturns such acta
as were worthy of credit is thought to have
grown up in the 8th century; that of reading
them in the liturgy much earlier, as has been
already stated. They were read before the
epistle and briefly recapitulated in the preface.
In the course of the liturgy, the bishop ascended
the chair (cathedram conscendente) and gave an
explanation of them, which was the origin of
the sermons of the Fathers in honour of the
martyrs (see, inter alia, S. August. Sermo 2. de
S. Steph.). This custom was kept up in France
till the 9th century, and in Spain till beyond
the 10th ; and the acts were inserted in the
sacramentaries and missals of both countries. f
They were never inserted in the Roman, as
appears from the Gelasian and Gregorian sacra-
mentaries and missals, which make but spare
and cautious mention of the martyrs and their
sufferings in the preface alone.
Among Latin martyrologies, those compiled
by Bede, and by the Benedictine monk Usuardus,
in the 9th century, may be mentioned.
The Greek equivalent to the martyrology is
the menology (jU.rji'oAoyioi'), so called because its
contents are arranged according to months. The
lection for the day is called the " synaxarion "
(avva^apiov), and is inserted at full length in
the menaea (which contains the variable parts
of the office, and so in some measure correspond
to the proprium Sanctorum of the Latin brevi-
aries) after the sixth ode of the canon for the day
said at Lauds. It is introduced by its proper
stichos, nearly always two iambic lines, con-
taining some allusion to the saint or play upon
his name, followed by a hexameter line, of tho
/. e. to fill up the measure of. Compare Lucretius,
i. 1031.
f The Mozarabic Missal is still distinguished for tho
variety and length of its prefaces, called Illationes. They
vary with each mass, and that for St. Vincent, for ex-
ample, occupies more than three closely-printi-d quarto
columns, and one and a half or nearly two columns of the
same type is a frequent length. The prefaces of the old
Galilean Missal, called Immolationes or Contestationes,
are as varied as the Mozarabic, but as a rule consider-
ably shorter. [PREFACE.]
972
LEGEE, ST.
nature of a "memoria technica" of the date.e
There is usually more than one synaxarion to a
day, each in commemoration of a different saint ;
in which case, with few exceptions, each has
its own iambic stichos; but the first alone the
hexameter line. Other saints of the day are
commemorated by the simple reciting of their
names and death, stating usually its manner,
followed by a stichos, but with no synaxarion.
These readings and commemorations are con-
cluded with the clause " By their holy inter-
cessions, God, have mercy upon us. Amen "
(rats O.VTWV a-yiais irpzo'f3eiais, & Belts, eAeTj-
ffov T)fj.a.s. 'A/xT)!/)-* 1 There are great variations
in different menologies. The emperor Basil the
Macedonian directed one to be compiled, A.D.
886, which may be taken as a type of others.
Baronius, Pracf. ad Martyr. Horn. Paris,
1607 ; Bona, do Div. Psal. c. xvi. 19 ; Durant,
de Hit. Eccl. iii. c. 18 ; Gavanti, Comm. in Rub.
Miss. Rum. sec. v. c. 21 ; Martene, de Ant. Rit.
iv. 8 ; and the Breviaries and the Menaea
passim ; Caralieri, Op. Lit., vol. ii. cap. 37,
Dec. 2, and c. 41, Dec. 12 and 17, &c. See
also Augusti, Christ. Archaeologie, vol. vi. p. 104-.
[H. J. H.]
LEGEE, ST. [LEODEGAKIUS.]
LENEY, COUNCIL OF (Leniense Con-
cilium), held at Leney in Ireland, A.D. 630,
or thereabouts, respecting Easter, which was
kept differently then in Scotland and Ireland
from what it was in Rome. In other words,
if the fourteenth day of the moon fell on a
Sunday, it was kept on that Sunday, and
not the following. St. Fintan here prevailed
with his countrymen in favour of the old rule ;
but it was unfair of contemporaries to call
them ' Quartodecimans ' on that account. (Ussher,
Brit. Eccl. c. 17 ; comp. Mansi, x. 611.)
[E. S. Ff.]
LENT (Tea-ffapaKOffT-fi, Quadragesima. The
English name is derived from the Anglo-Saxon
Lencten, spring ; with which may be compared
the German Lenz, and the Dutch Lente. The
titles for this season in languages of Latin deri-
vation are merely corruptions of the name
Quadragesima, as the French Careme, Italian
Quarcsima, etc. So also in the Celtic languages,
as the Welsh Garawys, Manx Kargys, Breton
Corayz, etc. In Teutonic and allied languages,
the name for the season merely indicates the fast,
as the German Fastenzeit, Dutch Vaste, etc. So
also in the Calendar of the Greek church it is ij
1. History of the observance. We can trace
up to very early times the existence of a prepa-
ratory fast to Easter, for it is mentioned defin-
itely by Irenaeus and Tertullian. While, however,
the last seems to have been one universally kept,
there seems to have been very great latitude as
6 The following, for St. Polycarp (Feb. 23), may serve
as a specimen :
St'ichoi. ffoi IToAu'icapiros ciAoKauTui07j Adye,
KapTrov 7ro\vv Sou? etc Trvpb? eyoTp6:r(os.
ctKaSi fv TpLToirfj Kara. $Abf Ho\VKaptrov eWvcrci-.
h This is the usual form of words and the invariable
purport of the clause. Sometimes U runs "By the
prayers of thy martyrs, Lord Christ, have mercy upon
us and save us. Anien " (rat? riav atav i^aprvpuiv ei^ais,
Xpiare 6 Oeb;, eAtTjaw ai <ru<rov. 'A/nrji>).
LENT
to the duration of the fast. Thus Irenaeus writ-
ing to Victor, bishop of Rome, and referring to
the disputes as to the time of keeping Easter,
adds that there is the same dispute as to the
length of the preliminary fast. " For," he says,
" some think they ought to fast for one day,
others for two days, and others even for several,
while others reckon forty hours both of day and
night to their day " (01 8e rfffaapaKovra 8>pas
tl/j.fpivds re KCU WKTtpivas ffvf.L/j.eTpov(n r}]V
rj/j.fpai> a auT<if ). Irenaeus then goes on to say
that this variety is not merely a thing of his
own time, but of much older date (TTO\V
trp&Tcpov) ; an important statement, as carrying
back the existence of the fast practically up to
apostolic times (Irenaeus, Ep. ad Viet. ; apud
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. v. 24).
Before, however, we pass on to consider the
references in Tertullian, it must be noted that
much discussion has arisen as to the punctuation
of the above passage ; for the translation of
Ruffinus puts a full stop after rfera-apaKovra, a
plan which is adopted by some, as by Stieren and
Harvey, the most recent editors of Irenaeus. We
must remark, however, that not only are the
MSS. said to be unanimous in giving the first-
mentioned reading, but as Valesius (not. in foe.)
justly points out, the general run of the Greek is
palpably in favour of the same way. b (For a
defence of the opposite theory, see Massuet, Diss.
in Irca. ii. 23.)
We pass on next to consider the evidence fur-
nished by Tertullian, who in one place speaks of
the fast "die Paschae," as "communis et quasi
publica jejunii religio " (De Orat. c. 18). This,
of course, would be a fast on Good Friday. That
the fast, however, was not confined to this day
only, we learn from another place, where writing
as a Montanist he says of the Catholics that they
considered that the only fasts which Christians
should observe were those " in which the bride-
groom was taken away from them " (De Jejunio,
c. 2 ; cf. also c. 13, where he draws a distinction
between the obligation of the fast of the above-
mentioned days and other fasts, especially the
Stations, so called). Here then we have a fast
for the period during which our Saviour was
under the power of death.
Thus far it would appear that there was in
any case a fast, whether on the day of our Lord's
death, or for the above longer period ; but in some
cases extra days were added, varying in different
churches. At a later period the same kind of
variation prevailed, as we find, e.g. from Socrates
and Sozomen. Thus the former (Hist. Eccles. v.
22) speaks of those in Rome as fasting for three
a For rjfiepar, Valesius (not. in Zoc.) conjectured that
vi\<nela.v should be read, on account of the difficulty of
understanding the expression "day," as applied in any
sense to a period of 40 hours. There is, however, no MS.
authority for this, and it cuts the knot of the difficulty
rather than solves it.
b Thus a climax seems indicated in the K<U of 01 6e al
TrAciWas, and we should look for some connecting par-
ticle with the uipas. The Latin of Ruffinus is " nonnulli
etiam quadraginta, ita ut boras diurnas ....": the ita
has a decidedly suspicious appearance after the termina-
tion of the preceding word. Moreover, the fact intro-
duced by ita ut, as to the fast being observed during the
hours both of day and night, is simply inexplicable when
taken in connexion with the preceding " nonnulli etiam
quadraginta."
LENT
weeks before Easter, except on Saturdays and
Sundays. In Illyria, through all Greece, and in
Alexandria [those of Illyria, the West (of irpbs
SiHTiv), throughout all Libya, in Egypt and Pa-
lestine (Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. vii. 19)], a fast of
six weeks' duration was observed. Others again
continued it for seven weeks: these are spoken of
vaguely by Socrates as a\\oi, and more specifi-
cally by Sozomen as those of Constantinople, and
the countries round about as far as Phoenicia. d
Socrates, however, states that these, while begin-
ning the fast- seven weeks before Easter, only
fasted for fifteen days by intervals (rpels /ji6vas
TrevBrj/j.fpovs e/c SiaATj/UjuaTcov) ; and Sozomen
speaks of some who fasted three weeks by inter-
vals (o-TTopaSTji/) out of the six or seven weeks.
Lastly, some fasted for two weeks, as the Mon-
tanists did.
Gregory the Great (ffom. in Evang. i. 16. 5 ;
vol. i. 1494, ed. Bened.) speaks of the fast as of
thirty-six days' duration, that is to say, of six
weeks, not counting in the six Sundays. It will
have been noticed above that Sozomen speaks of
six weeks as the period observed by the Westerns,
whereas it lasted through seven weeks in Con-
stantinople and the East. Now in the East,
Saturday as well as Sunday partook of a festal
character,* and thus the number of actual fasting
days would be in either case thirty-six. Of
course those Eastern churches which only took
six weeks would have but thirty-one days' fast.
[The Saturday which was Easter Eve was of
course in all cases excepted from the general rule
of Saturdays.] In any case thirty-six was the
maximum number of days' fast f (cf. Cassian,
Collat. xxi. 24, 25 ; Patrol, xlix. 1200).
By whom the remaining four days were
added, that is Ash- Wednesday and the three days
following it, does not clearly appear. Gregory
the Great (ob. A.D. 604) has often been credited
with it (see e.g. the Micrologus, c. 49 ; Patrol.
cli. 1013), but his remark which we have referred
to above seems conclusive against this. The
evidence also derivable from the Gregorian
sacramentary, into which we must enter in
detail when we come to speak of the liturgical
part of our subject, points the same way. Thus
the headings for these first four days never
include the term Quadragesima, which occurs for
the first time on the Sunday ; and there seems
ground for omitting the words caput jejunii in
the heading to Ash-Wednesday. Martene (De
Ant. Eccles. Bit. iii. 58, ed. Venice, 1783) shews
that even after the time of Gregory the Great,
LENT
073
c There is some difficulty here in the remark as to tbe
Roman fast not holding on the Saturday. See Vaiesius's
not. in loc.
d In illustration of the longer periud of the fast ob-
served in the East, we may refer to the case mentioned
by Photius (Biblioth. 107 ; Patrol. Gr. ciii. 377).
e For an illustration of this, see e.g. Chrysostom (Horn.
xi. in Gen. } 2 ; vol. iv. 101, ed. Gaume), who speaks of
the relaxation afforded in Lent by the cessation of the
fast on Saturday and Sunday. As regards the West an
exception must be made in the case of Milan, where
Saturday was viewed as in the East (see Ambrose, de
Mia et jejunio, infra), also for Gaul (see Aurelian,
infra).
f We may refer here to the notion that, since thirty-six
days was one-tenth of the year, therefore in Lent was
fulfilled the Mosaic precept of paying tithes (Cassian,
the four additional days cannot for some time
have been observed, at any rate at all universally,
for the Regula Magistri, a writing apparently of
the 7th century, orders that from Sexagesima
the monks should fast till the evening on Wed-
nesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, but that on
other days up to Quadragesima they should take
their meal at the ninth hour. Thus by the
addition of these six days, the diminution caused
in Lent by the taking out of the six Sundays
was exactly counterbalanced (c. 28, Patrol.
Ixxxviii. 997). Clear-ly, therefore, this writer
can in no way have viewed Lent as definitely
beginning with Ash- Wednesday, and indeed the
following day is not reckoned as part of the fast
at all. On the other hand, the addition is cer-
tainly not to be fixed later than the time of
Charlemagne, for (Martene, I. c.) the title " feria
quarta in capite jejunii" occurs inMSS. of sacra-
mentaries of and perhaps before his time. Similar
evidence is furnished by the Rule of Chrodegang,
bishop of Metz, in the latter part of the 8th
century (c. 30, Patrol. Ixxxix. 1071), and
apparently in the Penitential of Egbert, arch-
bishop of York from A.D. 732 to 766 (I. i. 37,
Patrol. Ixxxix. 410).
Others have referred the addition to Gregory
II. (ob. A.D. 731), but the matter seems quite
doubtful. i It may be remarked here in connex-
ion with this latter prelate, that the Micrologus
(c. 50, supra) states that it was he who first
required the Thursdays throughout Lent to be
kept as fasts, contrary to the ancient Roman
usage. It is to Melchiades that the appointment
of Thursdays as exceptions to the law of fasting
in Lent is referred. This, however, is very
doubtful, when viewed in connexion with the
words of Gregory the Great already quoted.
Considering the diversity which we have
found to prevail as to the duration of Lent, it is
curious to see how persistently the word reffffa-
paKOffrri is adhered to, a point which puzzled
Socrates (I. c.) in the 5th century. Although
the origin of this name is by no means clear,
there are at any rate some reasonable grounds
for connecting it with the period during which
our Lord yielded to the power of death, which
was estimated at forty hours [e.g. from noon on
Friday till 4 A.M. on Sunday] ; and we have seen
that Tertullian twice refers to the fast as con-
tinuing for the days "in quibus ablatus est
sponsus." We must also not lose sight of the
forty days' fasts of Moses, Elijah, and our Lord,
as being especially suggestive of the number of
forty. It will have been noticed that when the
duration of the fast was considerably lengthened.
in the majority of cases the number of days of
actual fasting was still approximately forty.
2. Object and purport of Lent. We may inquire
in the next place what was the primary idea iu
the institution of such a fast, and what other
reasons were subserved in the maintenance of it.
(a) From a passage of Tertullian already
cited (de Jejunio, c. 13) it is clear that the fast
primarily lasted for the time during which our
Lord was under the power of death, to mark the
mourning of the church when the bridegroom
B It is clear that in some parts the additional four days
cannot have been accepted for a long time, for Marten?
(p. 59) speaks of the end of the llth century as the period
when they were recognised in Scotland.
074
LENT
LENT
was taken away. Of this mourning then, Lent
is the perpetual commemoration. It is interest-
ing to note here that the Montanists who ob-
served three Lents in the course of the year
(Jerome, Epist. 41, ad Marcellam, 3 ; vol. i.
189, ed. Vallarsi), and kept one of them after
Pentecost (Jerome, Coinm. in Matt. is. 15 ;
vol. vii. 51), still agreed with the Catholics in
viewing it as the mourning for the absent
bridegroom, in accordance with our Lord's de-
claration.
(8) This primary reason having been fixed,
we need not dwell on that reason for its main-
tenance drawn from its use as a means of quick-
ening zeal, and as an aid to devotion generally,
since this is applicable to any fast and has no
exclusive reference to Lent. This particular
fast, however, served as a special preparation for
several important events directly connected with
Easter. Chief among these was the Easter com-
munion, which, even in the earlier days of the
church, when Christians ordinarily communi-
cated every Sunday, must have had an excep-
tional prominence ; much more in later times
when this frequency of communion had greatly
diminished, and we find for example canons of
councils ordering that all Christians should com-
municate at least three times a year, of which
Easter should be one. (See e.g. Condi. Aga-
thense [A.D. 506], cann. 63, 64 ; Labbe, iv. 1393.)
This idea is dwelt upon by Chrysostom (in cos
qui primo pascha jejunant, 4 ; vol. i. 746, ed.
Gaume ; also Horn. 1, 4, vol. iv. 10), and by
Jerome (Comm. in Jonain, iii. 4 ; vol. vi.
416).
(7) Easter again was the special time for the
administration of baptism, which was necessarily
preceded by a solemn preparation and fasting.
The importance of the Lent fast to those about
to be baptized is dwelt upon by Cyril of Jeru-
salem (Catcch. i. 5; p. 18, ed. Touttee). The
names of those who sought baptism had to be
given in some time before (ovofj.cn oypa<pia, Pro-
catech. c. 1, p. 2 ; cf. c. 4, p. 4). A council of
Carthage ordains that this shall be done a long
time (dot) before the baptism (Cone. Carth. iv.
[A.D. 398] can. 85 ; Labbe, ii. 1206), but a canon
of Siricius, bishop of Rome (ob. A.D. 399) defines
the time as not less than forty days (Ep. i. ad
Himerium, c. 2; Labbe, ii. 1018).
(5) Lent was also a special time of prepara-
tion for penitents who looked forward to re-
admission for the following Easter. (See Cyprian,
Epist. 56, 3 : Ambrose, Epist. 20 ad Marcel-
linam sororcm, c. 26 ; Patrol, xvi. 1044 : Jerome,
Coinm. in Jonam, I.e. : Greg. Nyss. Epist. Canon,
ad Letoium, Patrol. Gr. xlv. 222 : Petr. Alex-
andr. can. 1, Labbe, i. 955 : Condi. Ancyranum
[A.D. 314], can. 6, ih. 1457.)
3. Manner of observance of Lent. The special
characteristics of Lent consisted in various forms
of abstinence from food, the cessation of various
ordinary forms of rejoicings, the merciful inter-
ference with legal pains and penalties, and the
like.
(a) First of all must be noted the actual fast,
which was generally a total abstinence from all
food till the evening, except on Sundays, and in
some cases on Saturdays. (Ambrose, de Elia et
Jcjunio, c. 10 ; Patrol, xiv. 743 : Serin. 8 in Psal.
118 ; Patrol, xv. 1383: Basil, Horn. i. de Jejunio,
c. 10; Patrol. Gr. xxxi. 181: Chrysostom,
Horn. iv. in Gen, c. 7, vol. iv. 36 ; Horn. vi. in
Gen. c. 6, vol. iv. 58 ; Horn. viii. in Gen. c. 6,
vol. iv. 76.)
As to the particular kinds of food made use of
when the fast was broken for the day, there
would appear to have been in early times the
utmost latitude. This may be gathered, for
example, from the passage of Socrates already
quoted (Hist. Eccles. \. 22). " Now we may
notice," he says, " that men differ not only with
respect to the number of the days, but also in
the character of the abstinence from food, which
they practise. For some abstain altogether from
animal food, while others partake of no animal
food but fish only. Others again eat of birds as
well as fishes, saying that according to Moses
they also were produced from water. Others
abstain also from fruits (aitp65pva) and eggs,
while some partake only of dry bread, and
others not even of that. Another sort fast till
the ninth hour, and then have their meal of
various sorts of food" (Sidtyopov tx ovffl T V
fcnia.aii>*). h He then goes on to argue that since
no rule of Scripture can be produced for this
observance, therefore the apostles left the decision
of the matter to every man's judgment. It will
thus be seen that though the fast was to be kept
throughout the day, there was as yet an absence
of any restriction as to the character of the food
taken in the evening ; it being, of course, assumed
that great moderation was shewn, and that
luxuries were avoided, in fact that the fast was
not to be a technical matter of abstaining from
this or that food, merely to enjoy a greater luxury
of a different kind. The abstaining from flesh as
any absolute and fundamental rule of the church
was not yet insisted on, but still remained to some
extent a matter of private judgment. Au
example, which illustrates a transitional state of
things, is found in the incident related by Sozomeu
(Hist. Eccles. i. 11) of Spyridon, bishop of Tri-
mythus, in Cyprus. He, when once visited by a
stranger at the beginning of Lent, offered him
some swine's flesh, which was the only food he
had in the house. The latter refused to partake
of it, saying that he was a Christian. "All the
more therefore," said the bishop, " should it not
be refused, for that all things are pure to the
pure is declared by the word of God." Binghain
(prig. xxi. 1. 17), who cites the above instance, has
strangely omitted to add that before acting thus,
the bishop besought the Divine indulgence
(eu^d/j.ei'os Kal ffvyyi'wfj.-qv oiTTJcras), as though
he were straining a point in doing as he did,
though, on the other hand, such straining had not
yet become a violation of a universally recog-
nised law. We find a somewhat parallel illustra-
tion in Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. v. 3), where a
certain Christian prisoner named Alcibiades, who
had lived on bread and water ail his life, received
a divine monition through Attalus, one of his
fellow prisoners, that he did not well in thus
refusing the good gifts of God.
On the other hand, we continually find protests
being made against the conduct of those who, so
long as the technical rules were observed, thought
themselves at liberty to indulge in every luxury,
instead of devoting the money saved by the fast
h The Greek here seems rather curious. Valesius con-
jectured that we should read aSutyopov, sine discrimine
cibvrum.
LENT
LENT
975
to the relief of the poor.' (Augustine, Serm. 205,
2, vol. v. 1337, ed. Gaume ; Serm. 207, 2, {&.
1341; Serm. 210, 10, ib. 1353; Leo, Serm. 3,
de Jejunio Pentecostes, vol. i. 319, ed. Ballerini.)
The same kind of reaction of feeling manifested
itself in the indulging in special enjoyments in
the days before the fast, and of this the carnival
may serve as an illustration. 14
It is not, however, to be supposed from all this,
that there is an absence of positive enactments
on the subject. 1 Thus one of the so-called
anostolical canons orders that all clerics shall fast
in Lent under penalty of deposition, unless they
can plead bodily infirmity ; a layman to be ex-
communicated (can. 69). The fourth council
of Orleans (A.D. 541) also enjoins the observance
of Lent, adding a rule that the Saturdays are to
be included in the fast. {Condi. Aurel. iv. can.
2 ; Labbe, v. 382 ; cf. Condi. Toletanum viii.
[A.D. 653], can. 9 ; Labbe, vi. 407.) It may be
noted that Aurelian, bishop of Aries (app.
A.D. 545) in laying down the rule for monks,
orders that the fast shall be observed every day
from Epiphany to Easter, save upon Saturdays
and Sundays and greater festivals {Patrol. Ixviii.
396). It was evidently considered that there
should be a stricter rule for such than for Chris-
tians generally. The last part of the order refers
to an increased severity of the fast during the
last week ; see e. g. Epiphanius, Expos. Fidei
c. 22 ; vol. i. 1105, ed. Petavius. On this part of
the subject reference may be made to the special
article. [HOLY WEEK.]
(j8) A second point which characterised the
season was the forbidding of all things which
were of a festal character. Thus the Council of
Laodicea (circa A.D. 365) ordered that the obla-
tion of bread and wine in the Eucharist should
be confined to Saturdays and Sundays during
Lent (can. 49, Labbe, i. 1505). A later council,
that in Trullo (A.D. 692) ordains that on days
other than the above two and the day of the
Annunciation, there may be a communion of the
presanctified elements (can. 52 ; Labbe, vi. 1165).
Again, the Council of Laodicea forbids the cele-
bration of festivals of martyrs in Lent, except
upon Saturdays and Sundays (can. 51); and
the following canon forbids the celebration
of marriages and of birthday festivals in Lent,
without any reservation. This last, however,
perhaps only gradually came to be observed, for
in the collection of Eastern canons by Martin,
bishop of Braga in Spain, he cites no other canon
for this use but that of the Council of Laodicea.
Cf. also as to this point Augustine, Serm. 205, 2
(vol. v. 1336); Egbert, Penitential, i. 21 (Patrol.
Ixxxix. 406) ; Theodulfus of Orleans, Capitul. 43
{Patrol, cv. 205) ; Nicolaus I. Resp. ad consult.
Bulg. c. 48 ; (Patrol, cxix. 1000).
A fortiori all public games, theatrical shows,
and the like, were forbidden at this season.
i Thus Augustine (Serm. 205, I.e.), "ut pretiosos cibos
quaerat, quia carne nou vescitur, et iuusitatos liquores,
quia vinum non bibit."
k On this point, see J. C. Zeumer, Bacchanalia
C'hristianorum, vulgo das Cameval, Jenae, 1699.
1 The subject of dispensations relaxing the strictness
of rules as to diet in Lent falls outside our present limits.
We may perhaps just call attention to the word LACTI-
CINIA (cf. French Laitage), often occurring in such docu-
ments for a mainly milk diet, as a curious parallel to the
rupocfpayos of the Greeks.
Gregory of Nazianzum reproves one Celeusius, a
judge, who had authorised spectacles during the
fast (Upist. 112; vol. ii. 101, cd. Bened.).
Chrysostom, in a homily delivered in Lent, asks
his hearers what profit they have gained from
his sermons, when through the instigations of the
devil they all have "rushed off to that vain
show (irOjUTrr)) of Satan, the horse-race " (Horn.
vi. in Gen. c. 1 ; vol. iv. 48) ; and again he
speaks of the great injury men who follow such
practices do to themselves, and the scandal they
are to others m (Horn. vii. in Gen. c. 1 ; vol.
iv. 59).
(7) The severity of the laws was relaxed
during Lent. Thus the Theodosian Code in a law
promulgated in A.D. 380 prohibits all hearing of
criminal cases during that season (Cod. Thcodos.
lib. ix. tit. 35, leg. 4 ; vol. iii. 252, ed. Gotho-
fredus). Another law, published in A.D. 389, for-
bids the infliction of punishments of the body
" sacratis Quadragesimae diebus"(qp. cit. 253).
As a parallel case, probably referring to the
Lent season, we may allude to what is said by
Ambrose, in his funeral eulogy of the younger
Valentinian, where he praises him in that when
some noblemen were about to be tried in a cri-
minal case, and the prefect pressed the matter,
the emperor forbade a sentence of death during a
holy season (de Obitu Valentin. Consolatio, c. 18 ;
Patrol, xvi. 1424). See also Nicolaus I. (op. cit,
c. 45, col. 998), Theodulfus of Orleans (op. cit.
c. 42, col. 205).
A rarely occurring exception only serves to
bring out more sharply the general observance
of the rule, and thus it may be noted that the
younger Theodosius orders (A.D. 408) that in the
case of the Isaurian robbers, the examinations by
torture should be held even in Lent or at Easter
(Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 35, 1. 7 ; p. 255, ed.
cit.), on the ground that the suffering of the few
was expedient for the benefit of the many.
Not only the criminal, but also the civil code
was relaxed, for Ambrose speaks of the sacred
season of the week before Easter when " solebant
debitorum laxari vincula " (Epist. 20, c. 6 ;
Patrol, xvi. 1038 ").
(8) Besides all these negative characteristics,
we find also the endeavour to maintain a higher
spirit of devotion, by an increased number of
religious services. Thus in many cases, it would
appear, sermons were delivered to the people
daily throughout Lent, and Chrysostom's Homi-
lies on Genesis, to which we have already often
referred, and those els TOI/S avSpidvTas were of
this kind. (See esp. Horn. xi. in Gen. c. 3 ; vol.
iv. 102). We may also cite here Theodulfus of
m A curious extension of this idea is found in the
Scarapeus of abbat Pirminins (ob. A.D. 758), who among
other things deprecates the use of vi hides in Lent
(Patrol. Ixxxix. 1041). Again Nicolaus I. protests
against the practice of hunting at that season (op. cit.
c. 44, col. 997).
" We may note here that the council of Nicaea (A.P. 325)
appoints Lent as one of th>- two periods in the jv.ir
for the sitting of a synod of the bishops of the province to
revise the sentence of excommunication inflicted by any
of the number in the preceding season, as a check upon
undue severity (can. 9, Labbe, Ii. 32).
For another special manifestation of the same idea.
see Ihe rule laid down by the third council of Braga, that
the three days at the beginning <>f Lent should be devoted
to special forms of prayer, with litanies and psalms, by
976
LENT
Orleans, in whose Capitulare (c. 41, supra) it is
ordained that all, save excommunicate persons,
shall communicate on every Sunday in Lent.
(Cf. also Augustine, Serin. 141 in Append, c. 5,
vol. v. 2715.)
4. Liturgical Notices. The earliest Roman
sacramentary, the Leonine, is unfortunately de-
fective in the part where Lent would occur, and
we therefore first notice the references in the
Gelasian sacramentary (Patrol. Ixxiv. 1064 sqq.).
This, in the form in which we now have it, has
prefixed to the services for Lent an ordo agentibus
publicam poenitentiam (c. 16), wherein it is
ordained that the penitent be taken early on the
morning of Ash Wednesday, clothed in sackcloth,
and put in seclusion till Maundy Thursday,
when he is reconciled. Then follow the forms
for the week from Quinquagesima to the fol-
lowing Sunday, provision being made for the
Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday, viewed as
preliminary to, but as yet not forming part of,
Lent. Thus in the Secreta of the first Sunday
in Lent, we find " Sacrificium Domini, quadra-
gesimalis initii solemniter immolamus "
Services are given for all the Sundays in Lent,
and for all the week-days except Thursday [save
only in the case of Maundy Thursday]. In the
JUicrologus (I. c.), Melchiades, bishop of Rome
(ob. A.D. 314) is credited with the order that
the Thursdays in Lent should not be observed as
fasting days. As we have above remarked, the
same authority speaks of Gregory II. as having
been the first to require the Thursdays to be
observed like the other days of Lent.
After the forms for the first week is given
that for the first sabbath of the first month "in
xii. lect. mense prime," which is followed by
forms for ordination. The mass for the third
Sunday bears the heading, " Quae pro scrutiniis
electorum (i.e. for baptism) celebratur." In the
Canon mention is to be made of the names of
those who are to act as sponsors for those about
to be baptized, and afterwards the names of these
latter themselves. The fourth Sunday is headed,
"pro scrutinio secundo," with the recitations of
names as before, as also on the fifth Sunday. After
this are given the various forms requisite for
baptism, and the attendant rites, ad faciendum
catechumenum, benedictio salis, exorcism, etc.,
with the setting forth of the creed (Greek and
Latin), and the Lord's Prayer. It may be noted
finally that Palm Sunday bears the further head-
ing lie Passione Domini, a title which in the Gre-
gorian sacramentary is given to the previous
Sunday. For details as to the week from thence
to Easter (the real Passion-week, though this
name, by an imitation of Roman usage, is often,
with infinitely less point, applied to the preceding
week), reference may be made to the special
article [HOLY WEEK].
In the Gregorian Sacramentary, after forms for
Septuagesima, Sexagesima and Quinquagesima,
comes the mass for Ash Wednesday (col. 35, ed.
Me'nard). It is headed Feria iv., Caput Jejunii,
the latter words, however, are wanting in one of
the best MSS., the Cd. Reg. Suec., a tact which
has a bearing on the question as to Gregory the
Great having been the first to add on the four
ecclesiastics assembling together from the neighbouring
churches, and " per sanctorum Basilicas ambulantts."
(Condi. Eracar. lii. [A.D. 572], can. 9, Labbe, v. 898.)
LENT
days at the beginning of Lent, a view which we
considered his own words already cited rendered
very improbable. It may further be noted that
while this sacramentary provides services for
every day from Ash Wednesday to Easter, there
is no trace of the word Quadragesima till the
first Sunday, the previous Saturday, e. g., being
Sabbatum intra Quinquagesirnam.
In the Ambrosian Liturgy, the service for
Quinquagesima is immediately followed by that
for " Dominica in capite Quadragesimae " (Pa-
melius, Liturgg. Latt. i. 324). The services for
the week days in this liturgy are the same as
in the Gregorian. The Sundays after the first
bear the following names, from the subjects of
the Gospols, (2) Dominica de Samaritana, (3) do
Abraham, (4) de Caeco, (5) de Lazaro, [to the
Saturday in this week is the heading in traditione
Symboli, that is, for the approaching baptism],
(6) in JRamis olivarum.
The ancient Gallican lectionary and missal,
edited by Mabillon, make no mention of Septua-
gesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima, or of
Ash Wednesday. The former gives for the
Prophetic Lection and Epistle for the " Inicium
Quadraginsimae " (sic) i. e. the first Sunday in
Lent, Isaiah Iviii. 1-14, 2 Cor. vi. 2-15. (Mabil-
lon, de Liturgia Gallicana, lib. ii. p. 124.) The
Gospel is unknown, as well as all the lections for
the succeeding days till Palm Sunday, eight
leaves of the MS. being wanting, The numbers,
however, prefixed to the sets of lections shew that
the missing ones correspond exactly with the
number of Sundays in Lent, with nothing for
any week day. For Palm Sunday the Prophe-
tic Lection, Epistle and Gospel, are respectively
Jeremiah xxxi. . . .34 [the beginning is unknown,
owing to the gap in the MS.], Heb. ii. 3-34,
John xii. 1-24.
In the Gothico-Gallic missal are seven masses
in all for the season of Lent, the first being
headed " in initium Quadraginsimae (op. cit. p.
228), followed by four headed " Missa jejunii,"
and these by one " Missa in Quad." The seventh
is a " Missa in Symbuli traditione " (cf. op. cit.,
infra, p. 338 sqq.). Probably the two last
masses are both for Palm Sunday ; and these
are followed by one for Maundy Thursday. As
regards the mass " in Symbuli traditione " it
will have been observed that the Ambrosian
liturgy orders the creed to be communicated
to the catechumens on the previous Saturday.
Palm Sunday was the time ordinarily chosen
in Spain and Gaul (cf. Isidore, de Eccles. Off. i.
37. 4 ; Patrol. Ixxxiii. 772 : also Condi. Agath.
[A.D. 506], can. 13; Labbe, iv. 1385), where
eight days is fixed as the period before baptism
when the creed is to be imparted. Leslie (op.
cit. 283) speaks of the above name as given to
the fourth Sunday in Lent, but only cites a
canon of the third council of Braga, which fixes
the interval as twenty days (Condi. Brae. in.
[A.D. 572], can. 1 ; Labbe, v. 89(3). According
to Isidore (/. c.), Palm Sunday was called capiti-
lavium, because the children's heads were then
washed with a view to the approaching Easter
baptism.
In the Mozarabic liturgy, as we now have
it, Sundays are reckoned up to the eighth after
the octave of the Epiphany, followed by the
" Dominica ante diem Cineris," and this by
" feria iv. in Capite jejunii.'' It is clear, how-
LENT
ever, that in Spain, Lent originally began on the
Sunday at'ter Quinquagesima, which left thirty-
six fasting days (cf. Isidore, I. c. : Concil. Tolet.
viii. can. 9, supra), and thus there is no
form foi Ash Wednesday in the Hispano-Gothic
use. The Mozarabic missal, therefore, has
borrowed from the Toledo missal the office for
the benediction of the ashes ; the Gospel and
prayers correspond with those for the first Sun-
day in Lent in the Hispano-Gothic use, and the
Prophetic Lection and Epistle with those for the
following Wednesday. Altogether the services
in the Mozarabic liturgy are much out of order
(Leslie, Not. in Liturg. Mozarab. ; Patrol. Ixxxv.
287). As a further consequence of the putting
on of Ash Wednesday and three following days,
whereas in the Hispano-Gothic use the title
Dominica in (ante) carnes tollendas belongs to the
first Sunday in Lent, in the Mozarabic it refers
to Quinquagesima.
This latter has forms for Sundays, Wednesdays,
and Fridays throughout Lent, and also for
Maundy Thursday and Easter Eve. Under Ash
Wednesday is given the form for the benediction
of the ashes. In this rite (which, it may be
remarked in passing, is one of those noted by
Gillebert, bishop of Limerick [ob. after A.D. 1139],
which may only be performed by a priest in the
absence of the bishop, see BENEDICTIONS, p. 195),
the priest or bishop (sacerdos), after blessing the
ashes, sprinkles them with holy water, and they
are then received from his hand by the clerics
and laymen present. As each takes of them he
is addressed in the words, " Memento, homo, quia
cmis es, et in cinerem reverteris, age poenitentiam,
et prima opera fac." The Prophetic Lection,
Epistle and Gospel for this day are Wisdom
i. 23-33 ; James i. 13-21 ; Matt. iv. 1-12.
A common name in Spain for the first Sunday
in Lent was Dominica in Alleluia, because of the
markedly festal way in which the day was ob-
served, and from the special singing of Alleluia
on that day. We may take this opportunity of
remarking that the ancient Spanish use was to
close on this day the doors of the baptistery,
which were sealed with the bishop's seal, till
Maundy Thursday. The seventeenth Council of
Toledo [A.D. 694] dwells on this rule (cap. 2 ;
Labbe, vi. 136-1 ; cf. Hildefonsus Toletanus [ob.
A.D. 669] Adnot. de cognitione baptismi, c. 107 ;
Patrol, xcvi. 156). A notice of the same custom
as prevailing in ' the Alexandrian church is
found in the ancient lectionary published by
Zaccagnius (Collectanea Monumcntorum Vcterum,
p. 718).
The following are the Old Testament Lections,
Epistles and Gospels given in the Mozarabic
liturgy for the Sundays in Lent ; those for the
Wednesdays and Fridays we have not thought it
necessary to add. (i.) Isaiah Iv. 2-13 (but for-
merly 1 [3] Kings xix. 3-14, Leslie, op. cit. 296) ;
2 Cor. v. 20-vi. 11 ; John iv. 3-43. (ii.) Prov.
xiv. 33-xv. 8 ; Gen. xli. 1-46 ; James ii. 14-23 ;
John ix. 1-36. (iii.) Prov. xx. 7-28; Num.
xxii. 2-xxiii. 11; 1 Peter i. 1-12; John vi.
56-71. (iv.) "mediante die festo " [a name due
not only to the fact that on this day was the
middle point of Lent according to the Hispano-
Gothic use, but also because of the occurrence of
the words " Jam autem die festo mediante
nscendit Jesus in templum " in the Gospel for the
day: Leslie, op. cit. 353] Ecclus. xiv. 11-22;
LEO I.
977
1 Sam. i. 1-21 ; 2 Pet. i. 1-12 ; John vii. 1-15.
(v.) Ecclus. xlvii. 24-30, 21-33 ; 1 Sam. xxvi.
1-25; 1 John i. 1-8; John x. 1-17. (vi.)
"Dominica in ramis Palmarurn, ad benedic-..-
dos Hores vel ramos." [For this rite see HOLV
WEEK; also Leslie, op. cit. 388.] Ecclus. iii.
2-18; Deut. xi. 18-32; Gal. i. 3-13; John xi.
58-xii. 14.
In the Greek church there is a special service
book, called the Triodion, for the period extend-
ing from what would be with us the last of the
Sundays after the Epiphany (called with them
the Sunday of the Pharisee and Publican, from
the Gospel for the day) to Easter Eve. Septna-
gesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima, are re-
spectively the Sundays of the Prodigal (from the
Gospel for the day), TT)S airoKpzia (because from
Sexagesima onwards flesh was not eaten ; cf. ov fj.rj
fyaytii Kpta. 1 Cor. viii. 13, which enters into the
Epistle for the day), and Trjs Tvpo<pdyou (from
the nature of the diet taken in the ensuing
week). The Lent of the Greek church is begun
on the day after Quinquagesima, no special
regard being paid to Ash Wednesday. The Ar-
menian church, however, begins on the Monday
before Quinquagesima; the fast of this first
week being known as the Artziburion, a word
of very doubtful origin (Neale, Eastern Church,
Introd. p. 742). The Epistles and Gospels used
in the Greek church for the six Sundays of Lent
are as follows : (i.) KvpiaKr) TTJS opOo8o|i'as (in
memory especially of the final overthrow of
the Iconoclasts), Heb. xi. 24-26, 32-40; John
i. 44-52. (ii.) Heb. i. 10-ii. 3; Mark ii. 1-
12. (iii.) KvpiaKr) ffTavpcnrpoffKvvf)tn/j.os, or simply
ffTavpoTrpo<TKvvri<ns [See CROSS, ADORATION OF,
I. 501], Heb. iv. 14-v. 6 ; Mark viii. 34-ix. 1.
(iv.) Heb. vi. 13-20; Mark ix. 17-31. (v.)
Heb. ix. 11-14; Mark x. 32-45. (vi.) Phil. iv.
4-9, Gospel for Matins, Matt. xxi. 1-11, 15-
17, for Liturgy, John xii. 1-18.
5. Literature. For the foregoing matter, I
am much indebted to Bingham, Origines, bk.
xxi. ch. i. ; Binterim, Denkwilrdigkeiten der C/irist-
Katholischen Kirche, vol. ii. part 2, pp. 592 sqq. ;
vol. v. part i. pp. 169 sqq. Augusti, Denkwurdig-
keiten aus der Christlichen Archdolo/ie, vol. x.
pp. 393 sqq. ; Ducange, Glossarium, s. v. Quad-
ragesima ; Martene, de Antiquis Ecclesiae Bitibus,
vol. iii. cc. 18, 19. Reference may also be made
to Filesacus, Diatriba de Quadragesima Chri*tian-
orum, in his Opuscula, Parisiis, 1614; Dassel, de
Jure Temporis Quadragesimalis, Argentorati,
1617 ; Daille', de Jejuniis et Quadragesima,
Daventriae, 1654 ; Homberg, de Quadragesima,
veterum Christianorum, Helmstadt, 1677; Liemke,
Die Quadragesimalfasten der Kirche, Miinchen,
1853. [R. S.]
LEO I. (1) the Great, pope A.D. 440-461,
is named first of all confessors in the Breton
Litany (Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 82), second only
to Silvester in that at the mass for an em-
peror in Sacr. Gregor. (Muratori, 46:'), Nov.
10, and commemorated that day (Mttrt. Hier.
Raban), but April 11, (Bede, Rahan, Notker),
"Cujus temporibus synodus Chalcidononsis ex-
titit" is added on that day first by Usuard. Com-
memorated in the Greek church, Feb. 18.
April 11 is probably the day of his translation
to a more conspicuous tomb in the basilica of
St. Peter, by Sergius (A.D. 687-701). He had
978
LEO
LEOXILLA
nn oratory in the days of pope Paul below the
basilica of St. Peter without the walls (Anast.
85-95).
LEO (2) Pope A.D. 683, June 28 (Anastasius,
the Capitulary published by Fronto, Mart. Rom.
Bede, Ado, Usuard). Sollerius would make out
that this was originally a festival of Leo I. But
it is not certain that all the celebrations in the
sacrameritary of Gregory really date from Gre-
gory's time. (For the collects there given v.
JMuratori, p. 100. or Migne; v. Rossi, i. 127.)
(3) Bishop of Catania, Feb. 20 (Gal. Byz.)
(4) Martyr, March 1 (Mart. Hieron.).
(5) Bishop of Sens, Apr. 22 (Mart. Hieron.).
(6) Confessor at Troyes, May 25 (Usuard.)
(7) Or Leontius, (Mart. Gellon.) martyr, Oct.
2 (Mart. Hieron.).
(8) Subdeacon, martyr at Rome, June 30
(Mart. Hieron. Usuard).
(9) Martyr, drowned by the mob at Patara in
Lycia, under Lollianus, ou February 18 (Cal. Byz.
v. Tillem. v. 581) ; not in the Menology of Basil.
He seems to have been confounded with Leo I.
His acts, however, assign his death to June 30,
an attempted identification with (8).
[E. B. B.]
LEOBARDUS, monk of Tours, t J=iu. 18,
A.D. 583. (Acta SS. Jan. ii. 562.) [E. B. B.]
LEOBINUS, bishop of Chartres, f A.D. 557 ;
commemorated Sept. 15. (Bede, Raban, Wan-
delbert, Usuard.) [E. B. B.]
LEOCADIA, virgin, of Toledo, commemo-
rated Dec. 9 (Cal. Hispano-Goth. ; Mart. Rom.
Parvum). Ado adds that she died in prison on
hearing of the tortures of Eulalia. She had
ihree churches in Toledo : one on the site of her
martyrdom, in which the Gothic kings were
buried ; a parish church at the spot where she
was born ; and a cathedral over her tomb, in
which the councils of Toledo were held. On the
Saracen invasion, about A.D. 724, her relics were
carried into Hainault. (De Vitis Sanctorum,
Cologne 1605. Sollier's Usuard.) [E. B. B.]
LEODEGARIUS, LEUDEGARIUS, LAUDE-
GARIUS (ST. LEGER), bishop of Autun, killed by
Ebroin, mayor of the palace, A.D. 678, and com-
memorated Oct. 2, with a special service in the
Gothic missal, as a martyr : " beatum virum
Laudegarium antistitem qui corpus nexibus ab-
solutum, ora labiis minuatum oculisque orbatum,
exilium perpetratum, lubricitatis saeculi post-
positum, diversis tormentis passum, exemplum
episcopis reliquit, . . . coronam immarcicilibus
floribus remuneratur unde multae post reliquiae
in Gallis floruerunt." The grammar is not
perfect, nor is it clear what is meant by the
relics of his heavenly crown blooming in Gaul.
He is not named in the metrical martyrology of
Bede. The place of his martyrdom is still St.
Leger's wood. He was buried at Serein. After-
wards the bishops of Autun, Arras, and Poitiers,
contended for the possession of his body. They
drew lots, and it fell to the latter, and was
translated to the monastery of Maxentius at
Poitiers, March 16, where a church had been
dedicated to him the 30th October preceding.
(Acta SS. Oct. i. 427, 428.) Monasteries were
dedicated to him at Morbach in Aisace, and
Massevaux or Musrminster on the Upper Rhine,
about A.D. 726. (Ib. p. 434.)
LEODEGAEIUS (2) Priest in Le Pertois,
6th century, f June 23. (Acta SS. Jim. v. 414.)
[E. B. B.]
LEODOWINUS, archbishop of Treves (7th
century), f Sept. 29. (Acta SS. Sept. viii. 169.)
[E. B. B.]
LEOGISILUS, LEXOGISILUS, or LONEGISI-
LUS, presbyter at Le Mans (7th century), f Jan.
13 (Acta SS. Jan. ii. 112.) [E. B. B.]
LEOLINUS, bishop of Padua (4th century),
t June 29. (Acta SS. June, v. 483.)
[E. B. B.]
LEOMENES, Pontius, of Epineium in Crete,
under Decius, martyred Dec. 23. (Cal. Byz.)
[E. B. B.]
LEON ADIUS,(1) commemorated in Ethiopia,
Dec. 27 ; called by the Copts Leontius the patri-
arch, and commemorated by them on the 28th.
(Ludolf, Coinm. ad Hist. Etkiop. p. 403.)
(2) Commemorated in Ethiopia along with
Benikarus, on Jan. 7. (Ib. 404.) [E. B. B.]
LEONARD, (1) A noble disciple of St. Re-
migius, founder of the monastery of Noblat (St.
Leonard), near Limoges ; commemorated Nov. 6.
He is now honoured in the Greek church also on
that day (Arcudius, Anthologion).
(2) A monk of Le Mans, who refused to be
prior, f Oct. 15, A.D. 570. His relics translated
to Corbigny A.D. 877. (Acta SS. Oct. vii. 45.)
The two following are found in the additions to
Usuard.
(3) Confessor at Vendoeuvre, Nov. 27.
(4) Confessor at Chateaudun, Dec. 8.
[E. B. B.]
LEONIANUS, abbat of Yienne, f Nov. 16,
circa A.D. 510. [E. B. B.]
LEONIDES, (1) Bishop of Athens, commemo-
rated April 15. (Cal. Byz.)
<ncoros <rvvti\f Tas "AOrjvas aQpoov
SwavTos auTals jjAi'ou Afwi't'Sous.
He is perhaps intended by the mention of the
name on April 16 in the Hieronymian Martyro-
(2) Father of Origen, and martyr circa A.D.
204. On June 28, the name is joined with
Potamiaena and the other disciples of Origen,
and thus attached as a companion to Irenaeus
the same day. (Mart. Hieron. ; Acta SS. June
vii. 321.) Supposed to be the one mentioned
with Arator, Quiriacus, and Basilius, April 22
iu the Mart. Hieron. and Acta SS. April, iii. 10.
(3) Martyr at Antioch, April 26. (Mart.
Hieron.)
(4) Burnt to death with Eleutherius, Aug. 8.
The Mart. Hieron. names Leonides only, and
assigns him to Philadelphia. Some menologies
add, " and the babes," and say that their synaxis
was performed " in the house of St. Irene, in the
buildings of Justinian outside the gate." (Acta
SS. Aug. ii. 342.)
(5) The name is mentioned March 1 or Jan.
28, as a martyr at Antinous in the Thebais, under
Decius. (Acta SS. Jan. iii. 448.) [E. B. B.]
LEONILLA, martyred with her three twin
grandchildren under M. Aurelius or Aurelian,
LEONIS
in Cappadocia, and translated to Langres in
Gaul (Acta SS. Jan. ii. 437); commemorated
Jan. 17 (Cal. Byz., Mart. Ilieron., Bede, Ado,
Usuard, but not in the Parvum Eomanum). The
Greeks call her Neonilla. (Men. Basil.)
[E. B. B.]
LEONIS, martyr at Augsburg, or more pro-
bably at Rome (Acta SS. Aug. ii. 703 A), Aug.
12. [E. B. B.]
LEONIUS (1) Confessor, of Melun (St. Liene) ;
commemorated Nov. 12 (Usuard, Wandelbert).
Baronius refers him to Nov. 16, but this is a
confusion with Leo (Sollier).
(2) Of Poitou, if not the same, Feb. 1. (Acta
SS, Feb. i. 91.) [E. B. B.]
LEONORIUS, bishop in Brittany in the 6th
century, f July 1. (Acta SS. July, i. 121.)
[E. B. B.]
LEONTIUS (1) and his brothers, fellow-mar-
tyrs of Cosmas Oct. 17 (Cal. Byz.)- Sept. 27
(Mart. Rom. Part), etc.).
(2) Martyr at Tripoli in Syria, under Ves-
pasian, June 18. (Menol. Bas.)
(3) Bishop of Autun (5th century), f July 1.
(Mart. Hieron.)
(4) Martyr at Nicopolis of Armenia, under
Licinius, July 10 (Menol. Bas.). In the Mart.
Ilieron. Alexandria stands for Armenia [contracted
aria]. He is assigned to the right place next
day.
(5) Martyr under Diocletian at Perga in Pam-
phylia, August 1. (Menol. Basil.)
(6) Martyr at Amasea in Pontus, August 19.
(Mart. Hieron.)
(7) In Lucania with Valentia, August 20.
(Mart. Hieron.)
(8) The entry is repeated next day, but the
name is said here to belong to a bishop of Bor-
deaux of the 6th century. (Acta SS. Auo-. iv.
442.)
(9) Martyr with Carpophorus at Vicenza, cf.
Peter de Natalibus, 1. 7, c. 87, either Aug. 20
(A A. SS. iv. 35) or March 19 (Acta SS. March,
iii. 29).
(10) Martyr at Alexandria with Serapion, Sept.
15. (Mart. Hieron.)
(11) In Cappadocia, Nov. 22 (&.). Bishop f A.D.
337. (Acta SS. Jan. ii. 63.)
(12) Martyr in the days of the Mussulmans
in Ethiopia, May 26. (Ludolf, Comm. p. 416.)
[E. B. B.]
LEOPARDUS, martyr at Rome; honoured
at Aix-la-Chapelle from* the time of Charle-
magne, Sept. 30. (Acta SS. Sept. viii. 430.)
[E. B. B.]
LEOTHADIUS, bishop of Auch, f Oct. 23,
A.D. 717 ? (ActaSS. Oct. x. 122.) [E. B. B.]
LEPERS, LEPROSI. There are few notices
of the treatment of lepers in the early church.
It is probable the disease did not assume such
dimensions as to call for special enactments.
Ugolini, under the heading De Morbis Biblicis,
has collected (Thesaurus, vol. xxx. 1544) several
reasons why leprosy was less prevalent in the
Christian than in the Jewish church. The
council of Ancyra (A.D. 314) has a canon (c, 17)
directed Against robs a\oyevya^ovs KO>
\tirpovs ovras ^roi \firpuffavTas ; which may
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LESTINES, COUNCIL OF 979
refer either to actual lepers, or may signify that
those who polluted' themselves with unnatural
crimes contracted a moral leprosy. The council
orders that their station shall be among the x'-
juaf^uei/oi, inter hyemantes [HiEMANTES]. In the
Gallic church the bishops are directed by the
5th council of Orleans, A.D. 549 (c. 21), to take
care that no lepers within their diocese are left
destitute, but that they are supplied with food
and raiment from the church funds. The 3rd
council of Lyons, A.D. 583 (c. 6), gives a similar
injunction, with the addition that "the lepers are
to be prohibited from wandering from one diocese
to another. In some instances they must have
been in danger of being cut off from all church
membership, for pope Gregory II., A.D. 715-731
(Ep. xiii. ad Bonifac.), gives a formal sanction
to the Holy Communion being administered to
them, although not in company with others
free from disease. Some special directions are
also given by pope Zacharias, A.D. 741-752 (Ep.
sii.) de regio morbo laborantibus ; the regius
morbus in this instance has been held by some
to signify leprosy. Martene (De Hit. Antiq.
iii. 10) has printed from French rituals vari-
ous specimens of the forms and services to be
observed in the treatment of lepers, but they
lie outside our period. [G. M.]
LEPTIS, COUNCIL OF (Lcptense Con-
cilium), held A.D. 386, or thereabouts, at Leptis,
in Africa, when nine canons contained in a synodi-
cal letter of pope Siricius to the African bishops,
were received. By the second of them it is or-
dained that no single bishop may ordain another.
(Mansi, iii. 670, and Supplem. ad Colet. i. 252,
and see AFRICAN COUNCILS.) [E. S. Ff.]
LERIDA, COUNCIL OF (Eerdense con-
cilium), held A.D. 546 not 524, as was once
thought at Lerida in Catalonia, and passed
sixteen canons on discipline, to which eight
bishops subscribed, the bishop of Lerida sub-
scribing last, and after him one presbyter repre-
senting a ninth. By canon 1, all who minister
at the altar are commanded to abstain from
shedding of blood under pain of being suspended
for two years, and excluded from promotion
ever afterwards. By canon 8, no clerk may lay
hands upon any slave or pupil of his who has
taken sanctuary. By canon 10, those who re-
fuse to leave church, when ordered out for mis-
behaviour by the priest, are to be deemed con-
tumacious and treated accordingly. By canon
14, the faithful may not communicate, nor so
much as eat, with the rebaptized. Other canons
are given to this council by Burchard : among
them, one referring to the purgation of pope
Leo III., which took place two and a half cen-
turies afterwards (Mansi, viii. 609 sq. ; comp.
Catalan, Cone. Hisp. iii. 172). [E. S. Ft'.]
LESSON. [LECTION ; LECTIONARY.]
LESTINES, COUNCIL OF (Liptincnse
Concilium), said to have been held at Liptines,
or Lestines, in Hainault, A.D. 743, or according
to Mansi, 745 ; described as one of the five
councils under St. Boniface, but beset with as
many difficulties as the rest. 1. All the four
canons assigned to it reappear among Carloman's
capitularies, dated Liptines, A.D. 743 (Mansi, xi.
Append. 105); indeed the rirst of them speaks of
3 S
980 L-ETTERS COMMENDATORY
LEVITE
the counts and prefects, as well as bishops, who
had met there to confirm what a former synod
had passed. 2. The heading says it was celebrated
under Carloman, and makes no mention of Boni-
face. 3. Hincmar and others, who are supposed
to refer to it, affirm that a legate from Rome,
named George, presided at it jointly with St.
Boniface. But George was not sent into France
by Zachariah, but by Stephen II. ; nor before
Feb. 755 (Cod. Carol. Ep. viii. ed. Migne), by
when St. Boniface had been dead eight months.
Hence some have supposed a second council of
Liptines in that year. The question is rather,
whether the first has been truly described as a
council. (Mansi, xii. 370-5 and 589. Comp.
Hartzheim's Cone. Germ. i. 50, et seq.)
[E. S. Ff.]
LETTERS COMMENDATORY [COMMEN-
DATORY LETTERS].
LETTERS DIMISSORY [DIMISSORY LET-
TERS].
LETTERS, FORMS OF [LIBER DIURNDS ;
SUPERSCRIPTION].
LETTERS, PASCHAL [PASCHAL LET-
TERS].
LETTERS, PASTORAL [PASTORAL LET-
TERS].
LETTERS ON VESTMENTS. In the
examples of early Christian art to be seen in the
frescoes of the catacombs, and the mosaics of the
basilicas, the dresses of the persons depicted are,
in innumerable instances, marked by one or more
letters or monograms on the border or outer fold.
The letters thus employed are very various, and
usually, if not always, belong to the Greek alpha-
bet, and it must be acknowledged that hitherto
no satisfactory explanation of their occurrence
has been given. Those most frequently met
with are I, H, X, T, T, T. The last letter, the
capital gamma, was of such frequent use on the
ecclesiastical robes of the Greek church, that it
gave its name to a class of vestments [GAM-
MAMA] . Arbitrary symbols are also found, to
which no meaning can be assigned, such as [],
J, J, fj, Z, CU, I. $. The earlier school of
Christian archaeologists which was resolved to
find a sacred meaning in every detail of the pic-
ture or bas-relief under consideration, had no
difficulty in deciding that T and X represented
the cross in different forms, while both I and H
stood for Jesus, and T invariably denoted an
apostle (Bosio, Horn. Sott. lib. iv. c. 3, p. 592 ;
Ariughi, Eom. Su'jt. ii. lib. vi. c. 28; Mellini
apud Ciampini, Vet. Mon. torn. i. c. xiii. p. 98).
This supposed law, hastily deduced from in-
sufficient evidence, has been entirely refuted by
wider examination. Ciampini (I. c.) proves it to
be quite baseless. The theory however pro-
pounded by him, and supported by Buonarroti
( Vetri, p. 89), that those letters and monograms
on the dresses were the weavers' marks is
equally destitute of a solid foundation, and is
ridiculed by Ferrario (Costume antico e moderno:
Europa, vol. iii. p. 149 ; Monumcnti di Sant' Arn-
brogio in Milano, p. 176), since the same marks
appear in mosaics most widely separated both by
time and place. Other theories, e.g., that the
letters indicate the name of the individual repre-
sented, or of the mosaic-workers, or even of the
tailors who made the clothes, prove equally un-
tenable, and the hopelessness of discovering any
principle that would satisfactorily account at the
same time for the variety and the identity of the
marks has led some to assert that they were
used capriciously (e.g., Suarez, bishop of Vaison,
de Vestibus literatis, p. 7), without any fixed law
simply in imitation of an already established
custom. The existence of this custom of weaving,
or embroidering letters in the fabric, or sewing
them on to the stuff, is proved by classical
authorities. Pliny speaks of the ostentation of
Zeuxis the painter, in having his name woven in
golden letters on the border of his pallium at
Olympia (Hist. Nat. lib. xxxv. c. 36, 2).
Apuleius speaks of " lacinias auro literatas "
(De Asin. aur. lib. 6, ad init.). Vopiscus de-
scribes Carinus as adopting the same custom
(Vopisc. in Carin.). Suidas (s.v.) defines rpifia-
vo<f>6pos as " one wearing a robe, having on it
signs like small letters" (o^/ieTa us ypa^ana).
The purple clavi sewn on the senatorial robes,
which gave its designation to the laticlavium, are
considered by Rubenius to have been " letters,
not mere stripes," "literas laciniis palliorum
insertas " (De Re vestiaria, lib. iii. c. 12). In the
well-known vision of Boethius, the ascent from
practical to theoretical wisdom is symbolised by
the letter IT woven into the bottom of the bor-
der of the robe of Philosophy, and at the top,
the intervening space being occupied with letters
arranged like the steps of a ladder (De Consolat.
lib. i. pros. 1). Although it is impossible to
believe that the selection of the letters in the
Christian representations was entirely capricious,
it must be confessed that no satisfactory expla-
nation of them has yet been given, and that the
subject requires further elucidation. [E. V.]
LEUCIUS (1) Bishop of Brindisi, or LEON-
TIUS, or LAURENTIUS (Greg. Ep. vi. 62 (ix. 73),
cf. De Rossi, Rom. Sott. ii. 228), is commemorated
Jan. 11. (Hart. Hieron.)
(2) Companion martyr of Thyrsus, at Nico-
media, under Decius, Dec. 14 (Gal. Byz. and
Men. Basil.'); but Jan. 18 and 20 Mart. Hieron.
which on the latter day refers them to Nijon iu
Switzerland, whither their relics had been trans-
ferred ; and at Apollonia Jan. 28. (Mart. Rom.
Pan. etc.) [E. B. B.]
LEUDOMARUS, bishop of Chalons, t Oct.
2, before A.D. 589. (Acta SS. Oct. i. 335.)
[E. B. B.]
LEUGATHUS, martyr, Oct. 22. (Acta SS.
Oct. ix. 536.) [E. B. B.]
LEUTFREDUS, a confessor who by his
prayers caused a fountain to well forth in Me'er
near Montfort-PAmaury. June 21, Usuard.
[E. B. B.]
LEVITE. (AeiuTTjs, AeueiTTjy, Letita.) Pro-
fessor Lightfoot has remarked (on Phttippians,
p. 187, 2nd ed.) that "the Levite, whose function
it was to keep the beasts for slaughter, to cleanse
away the blood and offal of the sacrifices, to serve
as porter at the temple gates, and to swell the
chorus of sacred psalmody, bears no strong re-
semblance to the Christian deacon, whose minis-
trations lay among the widows and orphans, and
whose time was almost wholly spent in works of
charity." Nevertheless, when the three orders
LEVITO
of the Christian ministry came to be universally
recognised, the analogy between the bishop with
his attending presbyters and ministering deacons,
and the high-priest with his attending priests
an 1 mini tering Levites, was on the surface
so strong, that the terms appropriate to the
one soon came to be transferred to the other.
Thus Origen {Horn. 12 in Jerem. 3, iii. p. 196,
ed. Delarue), quoted by Lightfoot (ib. p. 256),
regards the priests and Levites as correspond-
ing to the presbyters and deacons respectively.
From the third century onward Levite is a
frequent designation of the Christian ministry.
Thus the 2nd council of Carthage, A.D. 390,
designates (c. 2) the three orders of the ministry
as antistites, sacerdotes, and Levitae {Codex Eccl.
Afric. c. 3). Synesius (Epist. 58, p. 35, ed.
Paris, 1640) speaks of the different grades of the
ministry as Levites, presbyters, and bishops.
In the early portion of the Apostolical Consti-
tutions, however, the bishops are regarded as suc-
ceeding to the Levitical privileges of the older
dispensation. The bishops who serve the holy
tabernacle, that is, the Holy Catholic Church,
are the Levites in respect of the congregation (ii.
25. 5) ; the bishops inherited the Levitical privi-
lege of receiving gifts for the benefit of the com-
munity (iv. 8. 1). On the other hand, in the
later portion of the Constitutions (viii. 46. 3 ff.)
the high-priest, priest, and Levite are regarded
as analogous to bishop, presbyter, and deacon.
[C.]
LEVITO (also Levitonarium, Lebito, Lebito-
narium, Lebetcs ; AefitTuiv, Af^ruv, Ae/SrjTcor-
apiov, Afviruf, etc.). The name Levito, a word
apparently of Coptic origin 4 (see Tattam's
Lexicon Acgyptiaco-Latinum, in Append.), is
used for a kind of sleeveless cloak, ordinarily
worn by Egyptian monks " Lebitonarium est
colobium sine manicis, quali monachi Aegyptii
utuntur (Isidore, Etym. six. 22). The word
occurs frequently in the Rule of Pachomius, of
which we have Jerome's translation from Euse-
bius (Vita, c. 2; Regula, cc. 2, 67, 70, 81 ; in
Jerome, vol. ii. 53 sqq. ed. Vallarsi). From this
we learn that each monk was allowed two
Levitonaria and a Psiathium, or mat, in his cell.
The material, of which this dress was made,
was doubtlessly linen. Menard (Not. ad Con-
cord. Segularum, Benedicti Anianensis, c. 2 ;
Patrol, ciii. 1237) argues that in the passage
of Isidore cited above, the word lineum has
dropped out after colobium, for Papias, the
grammarian, quoting apparently from Isidore,
so reads it. Also, Ruffinus (de Vitis Patrum,
c. 7 ; Patrol, xxi. 411) speaks of it as " stupeum
colobium." Cassian again (de Coawbiorum In-
stitutis, i. 5 ; Patrol, xlix. 68, where see Gazet's
note) speaks of the Egyptian monks as " colobiis
lineis induti." Also the Rule of Pachomius
speaks of it directly as "tunica linea." We
need not therefore attach weight to the defini-
tion given by Suidas, -^nuv ^ova^iKb^ e/c rpi-
ffvvTf0ei/j.4i/os. For further references, see
LIBELLI
981
a In the article COLOBIUM it is suggested that the word
Is derived from Levita, since the colobium was the special
vestment of deacons. This view, though found in some
mediaeval writers, is, I think, quite untenable, as the
passages already cited point distinctly to a primarily
monastic use, and connect the dress essentially with
Ephrem Syrus (de Humilitate, c. 88 ; vol. i. 326,
ed. Assemani) and Palladius (Hist. Lausiaca cc
38, 5^; Patrol. Gr. xxxiv. 1099, 1138); also
Ducange, Glossaries, s. vv. PR S T
LIAFWINI. [LiviNus.]
LIASTINONUS (LIASTAMON), Egyptian
martyr ; commemorated Feb. 9 (Mart. Hieron
Acta SS. Feb. ii. 294). [C. H.] '
^ LIBANIUS (LEVANGIUS), bishop of Senlis,
6th century; commemorated Oct. 19 (Acta
SS. Oct. viii. 447). [C. H.]
LIBANUS, Egyptian abbat ; commemorated
Ter. 3 = Dec. 29 (Cal. Etkiop.). [C. H.]
LIBARIA, virgin and martyr in Lorraine,
4th century ; commemorated Oct. 8 (Acta SS
Oct. iv. 228). [C.H.]'
LIBEL (Libellus famosus). The frequent
enactments, both in ecclesiastical and civil
legislation, against the circulation of libels,
that is, scandalous charges circulated in writ-
ing, prove the frequency of the practice.
The Theodosian Code (lib. is. tit. 34, de
Famosis Libdlis) has detailed and rigorous
enactments. Even the reader or collector of
such libels is to be liable to capital punishment.
And that of Justinian has provisions substan-
tially the same. This seems to have been
because the person in possession of or circulating
a libel, was presumed, in law, to have been the
author of it and punished as such (sciat se quasi
auctorem hujusmodi subjugandum). And
this presumption might probably be rebutted by
suitable evidence. The Apostolical Canons (Xos.
54, 55, 83) deal only with the case of a clergy-
man maligning another cleric, or a bishop, or the
emperor ; in the latter case he was to be deposed.
Sozomen (Hist. Eccles. lib. i. c. 17) remarks on the
proneness of the clergy to present to the emperor
accusations (j8</3Ai'o) against each other before
the first council of Nice, and relates that Con-
stantino ordered all these libelli to be burnt
unread.
In a collection of canons said to have been
delivered by pope Adrian to Ingilram, bishop of
Metz, we find one apparently founded on the rule
of law mentioned above, and embodying similar
provisions. And the Council of Eliberis (A.D.
305) anathematised in its 52nd canon those
who should be found to have circulated libels,
" famosos libellos," in the church.
In the 6th century denunciations of this
offence become much rarer. From that period
forwards we have only a very few canons, ami
those in general terms, against libel. The councils
are mostly occupied with a different class of
offences, such as would naturally arise in the
ruder state of society which followed upon the
irruption of the barbarians and the fall of the
empire. [S. J. E.]
LIBELLATICI. [LIBELLI.]
LIBELLI. I. In the Decian persecution the
constitution of the courts employed to enforce
conformity, and the number of minor officials deal-
ing with individuals, rendered evasion easy. The
approved form of submission to the state ritual
was (as under Trajan) to offer sacrifice or incense,
but it was possible also to tender submission in.
writing. The name of one who " professed " in
3 S 2
982
LIBELLI
this way was subscribed to a renunciation of
Christianity, or to a denial of the charge, or to a
declaration of having recently or habitually at-
tended sacrifices, or sometimes (unless Augustine
has fallen into an unlikely mistake) to a mere
profession of readiness to comply. This docu-
ment was delivered to a magistrate, entered on
the Acta, and finally published in the Forum.
II. Certificates of exemption, like the "Par-
liamentary Certificates " of our own history,
were offered by officials for money, and ac-
tually thrust on persons who believe,! them-
selves, after privately avowing their faith, to be
only purchasing exemption from the obligation
to conform. This would have been simply a
species of confiscation, which has rarely given
great offence (the church penance for it was of
six months' duration, S. Pet. Alex., can. 5 ; but
on the Montanist view of such acts see Tillemont
sur la persecution de Dece, note iii). But it is
evident from the efforts of Cyprian to awaken
penitence in respect of them, that the purport of
this kind of libellus was not less objectionable
than the first. They cannot have sanctioned
exemption without some grounds alleged, and
those grounds can scarcely have been any other
than that the certifying officer declared himself
satisfied of the sound paganism of the recipient.
The difficulties found by authors on the sub-
ject of libelli have arisen from the assumption
that they were all of one kind, or that there
could be any regular formal procedure for the
evasion of procedure. On the contrary, every
conceivable means would be adopted. The ac-
counts are not irreconcilable, but are about
different things. Cyprian's language is precise
to technicality in the use of professional terms.
I. (1), That libellus which the suspected Chris-
tian tendered is characterised in Cyprian de
Lapsis, xxvii. 22, " Professio est denegantis, con-
testatio christiani quod fuerat (cf. for this pecu-
liar phrase, Cyp. c. Demetr. xiii. 11, id quod
prius fueram) abnuentis." In Ep. 30, iii. 3,
"Professio libellorum" is again the exhibition
or putting in of such documents. Profiteri is
the proper term, as in the Acts of St. Agape
(Ruinart, p. 424), Christi negationem scriptam
profiteri, and compare Aug. de Sap. c. Don. iv.
6. Again, contestatio means the plea, or state-
ment of his own case, made by either party to
a suit, answering to the 5ia>;uo<ria of the Athe-
nian courts. The Roman clergy in Cypr. Ep.
30, iii. 3, argue correctly that although a man
may never have approached the altar, he is
bound by the fact of having put in a legal
affirmation (contestatus sit) that he had done it.
In the above passages the libellus is a docu-
ment emanating from the recanting persons.
Such are described in Peter of Alexandria
(can. 5) as x fl PyP a( l>'h< Tal " Tes - The nature of
its contents is indicated in the passage of the
de Lapsis, "He has declared himself to have
done whatever another in fact sinfully did "
(faciendo commisit), although this passage im-
plies further the appearance of a deputy, a slave
or heathen friend to personate him in the sacri-
ficial act, as was common in the persecution of
Diocletian.
The offence of the bishop Martial (Ep. 67, vi.)
who was "stained with the libellus of idolatry,"
is explained by this use of the word contestatus.
In the public proceedings (actis publice habitis |
LIBELLI
apud) before the Ducenary Procurator, he had
appeared to put in a declaration that he had
denied Christ and adopted a heathen cultus.
He is not accused of having ever actually sacri-
ficed, and according to Augustine (I. c.) libelli
might contain only a declaration of readiness to
do so.
(2) A second class are spoken of by Novatian
and the Roman clergy, as having virtually " given
acknowledgments, quittances, or discharges "
(accepta fecissent, the best authenticated read-
ing, is a common term (Dirksen, Manualc, s. v.),
but " acta facere," which Neander adopts,
makes good sense, namely, " to put in a plea in a
process "), though not present in person, " cum
fierent ;" inasmuch as they had made a legal
appearance (praesentiam suam fecissent) by com-
missioning a proxy to register their names (man-
dando ut sic scriberentur) on the lists of con-
formity. Novatian argues that, as one who
orders a crime is responsible for its commission,
so one who sanctions (consensu) the reading in
public (publice legitur) of an untrue declaration,
about himself is liable to be proceeded against
as if it were true.
II. The other kind of libellus which emanated
not from the renegade but from the magistrate,
is described with equal precision. In the Epistle
to Antonian (55, xi. 8), Cyprian says some of the
Libellatici had received such. An opportunity
for obtaining one presented itself unsought
(occasio libelli oblata . . . ostensa) ; they went
in person or by deputy (mandavi) to a magis-
trate, informed him of their religion, and paid a
sum for exemption from sacrifice. Since no
magistrate could issue an order simply staying
the execution of an edict, his certificate un-
doubtedly contained a statement of the satis-
factory paganism of its holder. Thus Cyprian
tried to awaken their consciences, while they
felt that they had avowed their religion, and
that the form of the document was not their
affair.
Again, in the Exhortation of Martyrdom,
Christians are urged if a libellus is offered (libelli
oblata sibi occasione) not to embrace the gift
(decipientium malum munus), by the example
of Eleazar, who refused the facilities offered him
of eating lawful flesh as a make-believe for pork.
The official connivance in each case would have
enabled them to seem to do what they did not.
The libellus is here something offered, and is a
munus.
Thus nothing remains more clear than that
the libellus of conformity is used for two kinds
of documents. Maran thought the distinction
was merely as to whether persons had been pre-
sent or not at the registration of their names
(vita Cypriani, vi.). Rigalt says that the libella-
tici only purchased a libellus of exemption.
Tillemont alone has guessed that there might
be two ways, " Peut-estre que 1'on faisait et
1'un et 1'autre." Whether a document was issued 1
also in cases of registration is not apparent ; but
all three sorts of persons are included under the
name of libellatici.
III. Libellus is the proper name of a perfectly
distinct kind of document issued by confessors or
martyrs in prison, to those who had "fallen."
When the reaction commenced among the lapsed,
in their desire to recover their lost standing,
some reappeared before the tribunals and suffered
LIBELLI
LIBER DIURNUS
983
torture or death ; others dedicated themselves
to the service of confessors, others entered on
penances of undefined duration (Cypr. Epp. 24,
21, 56). Many more relied on vicarious impu-
tations of merit, by means of intercessions,
always owned as availing for the individual
before God (praerogativa eorum adjuvari apud
Deum possunt, Ep. 18, cf. Ep. 19, ii.), but now
first used in subversion of church order. At
first a letter from a martyr to the bishop only
prayed that the case of a lapsed friend might be
enquired into on the cessation of persecution ; a
period of penitence and the imposition of hands
being understood to be necessary just as for
other sins; some, like Saturninus, declined to
venture even on this ; Mappalicus requested it
only for his sister or mother (Cypr. Ep. 20).
But the presbyters who composed at Carthage
the faction hostile to Cyprian perceiving the
effectiveness which might be given to the prac-
tice, anticipated not only the bishop's enquiry
cut even the death of martyrs, and " offered the
names" of lapsed persons (see Aubespine, Obss.
Ecc. L. i. vii., prefixed to Priorius's Optatus,
1676, p. 40), and gave them communion as duly
restored penitents (Ep. 34) upon receiving such
letters from confessors without the bishop's
sanction. These libelli sometimes specified only
one of a group to whom they were granted,
"Communicet ille cum suis " (Ep. 15). Then
they were issued in the name of deceased con-
fessors, and of confessors too illiterate to write
themselves (Ep. 27), and this so copiously that
some thousands were supposed to be circulating
in Africa (Ep. 20). The chief authority in this
issue, Lucianus, when remonstrated with by
Cyprian, seems to have replied almost at once
by promulgating in the name of " all the con-
fessors " (compare the letter of atras xV s
fj.aprvpcai' from Nicomedia, end of cent. iii.
Lucian ap. Routh, Rclliquiac, vol. iv.) an indul-
gence te " all the lapsed," and requesting Cyprian
himself to communicate it to the provincial
bishops, the sole condition annexed being that
their conduct since their fall should have been
satisfactory. This extraordinary document is
extant, as Gyp. Ep. 23. Cyprian himself was
prepared to concede some weight to these libelli
in cases not undeserving of restitution, but the
influence of the martyrs was ignored in the coun-
cil (Carth. Sub. C'i/p. i.) which regulated the terms
of readmission. [AFRICAN COUNCILS, I. 38.]
These seditious libelli of the martyrs seem to
have had no existence at Rome. This was no
doubt due to the influence in the exactly oppo-
site direction of Novatian over the confessors,
whom he commends for maintaining " Evan-
j;elica discipiina " (Ep. 30, iv. 4), and who at
first adhered to him, and not to the milder Cor-
nelius. The Roman presbyters sympathise with
the African episcopate, and deplore the similar
Tevolts in Sicily, and in " nearly all the world."
They say of Rome, " We seem to have escaped so
far the disorders of the times." The petition of
Celerinus at Rome to the confessors of Carthage
for " Peace " to be granted to his sisters, implies
that libelli could not practically be obtained at
Rome (Ep. 22) ; accordingly the Roman con-
fessors who correspond with Cyprian, urge
humility on the Carthaginians, and go beyond
him in strictness (Epp. 27, 31, 32).
[E. W. B.]
LIBER DIURNUS. The Liber Diurnus
Pontificum L'omanorum is a collection of for-
mulae used in the correspondence and ordinary
business, the "negotia diurna," of the Roman
Curia.
Its date is determined within certain limits
by internal evidence. In c. ii. tit. ix. p. 28,
Constantine Pogonatus is referred to as departed.
The formula which contains this reference there-
fore must have been drawn up or added to after
the year 685. And Gamier argues that the
book must have been compiled before the year
752, as it contains formulae of addresses to
eparchs, which would, he thinks, not have been
inserted after the date when eparchs were super-
seded. He considers the Liber Diurnus to have
been drawn up in the time of Gregory II. (715-
731), mainly on the ground, that in the second
"professio fidei " of a newly-elected pope which
it gives (p. 33 ff.), expressions and sentiments
occur identical with some found in letters of
that pope to the emperor Leo. Zaccaria, how-
ever, has shewn that at any rate the MS. which
Gamier used was almost certainly not written
earlier than the time of Gregory IV., as it con-
tains an allusion (c. ii. tit. 2, p. 13) to the date
of that pontiff's consecration (Nov. A.D. 827).
And as it is very probable that many forms
were left standing after they had ceased to be in
actual use, no certain inference as to the date of
the collection as a whole can be drawn from the
fact, that forms are given for addresses to an
exarch.
It was made use of by the early canonists, as
Ivo of Chartres, Anselrn, Deusdedit, and Gratiau
(Dist. xvi. c. 8); but as in the course of time
forms of proceeding changed, it gradually fell
out of use, and copies became rare.
Some time before the year 1650 the well-
known Lucas Holstenius saw in the Cistercian
monastery of S. Croce in Gerusalemme at Rome
an ancient MS." of the Liber Diurnus, and with
some difficulty obtained from the abbat leave to
have it transcribed a task which is said to
have been performed in a single night. While
he was preparing to publish this, he heard of
another MS. at Paris, in the possession of Sir-
mond, which was sent to him at Rome (Sir-
mondi Opera, iv. pp. 685 f. and 701). He does
not appear however to have made any use of
this MS., for what reason we do not know. His
edition was printed, and a copy is found in the
Vatican Library with the following title-page in
Holstenius's own hand-writing : " Diurnus Pon-
tificum, sive vetus Formularium, quo 8. Eom.
Ecclesia ante annos M utebaiur. Lucas Hol-
stenius edidit cum Notis. Romae typis Lud.
Griniani, MDCL. 8vo." The notes are wanting,
but Zaccaria, towards the end of the last century,
saw Holstenius's preparations for them still pre-
served at Rome. The sheets were ready then in
1650, but not issued. The same book exactly,
with the exception of some slight variations in
the last sheet, is found with the printed title,
" Liber Diurnus Romanorum Puntijicum ex anti-
quissimo codice ms. nunc primuin in luccm editus
Romae typis Josephi Vannacci, 1658." But the
censors intervened, and the book was not pub-
This MS. is described by Pertz (Ital. Keise, in Archiv
fur iiltere Deutsdie Gcschichtskunde, v. 27) as an 8vo.
volume of parchment of (probably) the 8th century.
984
LIBER DIURNUS
LIBERIUS
lished, though some sheets of it were sent to
Petrus de Marca in 1660 (Baluze on de Marca,
de Conconlia, I. ix. 7). It is almost certain that
this suppression of the book was due to its con-
demnation of pope Honorius (Professio Pontif.
p. 41) as abetting heretics, a sentiment which
seemed to Cardinal Bona, when the matter was
submitted to him as president of the Congrega-
tion of the Index, a perilous one. In the ponti-
ficate, however, of Benedict XIII. (1724-1730)
copies of the edition called of 1658 (really of
1650) were permitted to circulate.
Meantime Jean Gamier published an edition
of the Liber Diurnus in quarto at Paris, in the
year 1680. This seems to have been founded on
the Paris MS. In 1685 Mabillon (Mus. Ital. i.
75) saw at Rome the original MS. which had
been copied for Holstenius, and finding in it
some formulae not contained in Garnier's edition,
inserted them in his Museum Italicum (i. pt. 2,
pp. 32, 37), together with a selection of passages
in which the reading of the MS. differed from
that of Garnier's edition. These additions and
various readings were used by Hoffmann in pre-
paring the edition which he inserted in his .ZV'ora
Collectio Scriptorum, vol. ii. pp. 1-268 (Leipzig,
1733). J. D. Schopflin in his Commentationes
Hist, et Grit. (Basil. 1741), pp. 502-524, having
had access to a copy of the edition of Holstenius,
noted almost all the places in which this differs
from that of Gamier, and also added (pp.
525-530) those portions which are wanting in
Garnier's edition, omitting four paragraphs, for
what reason is not apparent. The edition of
Riegger (Vienna, 1762) is a mere reprint of the
original Paris edition. This is also reprinted in
Migne's I'atrologia, vol. 105, with Mabillon's
additions.
Gamier found the hundred and four formulae
in the codex without arrangement or division
into parts or chapters. He arranged the matter
and divided it into seven chapters. Of these
the first contains the proper forms for papal
letters to the emperor, the empress, the patri-
cian, the exarch, a consul, a king, a patriarch,
etc. ; the second treats of the election and conse-
cration of a pope, together with the proper forms
of the letters to be written on such occasions to
the emperor, the exarch, and other official per-
sonages ; the third, of the consecration by the
pope of the suburbicarian bishops; in the fourth
are four formulae for the bestowing of the Pal-
lium ; the fifth contains twenty-one formulae
for various transactions between the pope and
the bishops of his own consecration ; the sixth
relates to the management of the estates of the
Church ; and the seventh to the granting of
privileges to various ecclesiastical corporations,
as monasteries and hospitals.
The book contains matter of great interest
both in a dogmatic and an archaeological point
of view. The " Professions " of a newly elected
pope refer to such matters as ecclesiastical tra-
dition, the respect due to the creeds of Nicaea
and Constantinople, the heresies to be abjured
and condemned, the claims of the Roman primate.
The particulars of the order to be observed and
the persons to be informed, on a vacancy of the
papal see, are brought into clearer light by this
document than by any other of so early a date.
Much is learned as to the relation between the
pope and the bishops of his own archdiocese,
and also between the pope and the metropolitans
who owned his jurisdiction, as to the conditions
and the periods of ordination generally, to the
residence of bishops, to the care and distribution
of the property of the church ; as to the different
classes of churches basilicas, tituli, oratories,
and the like their consecration, their endow-
ment, and the offices to be performed in them ;
and as to the care of the sick and poor. In a
word, a considerable portion of the ecclesiastical
especially the Roman ecclesiastical life of
the 8th century, or thereabouts, receives illus-
tration from the Liber Diurnus.
(See Garnier's preface to the Liber Diurnus
[Migne, Patrol, cv. pp. 11-22]; and Zaccaria's
Dissert, de L. D., in his Biblwth. Eit. i. ii. sec.
ii. pp. ccxxix.-ccxcvi., Rome, 1781 ; and in.
Migne, cv. pp. 1361-1404. The most recent
edition is that by Eug. de Roziere ; Paris,
1869.) [C.]
LIBERA NOS. The amplification of the
petition " Deliver us from evil," in the Lord's
Prayer, found in almost all liturgies. For in-
stance, that of the Gallican (which is variable),
is on Christmas Day " Libera nos, omnipotens
Deus, ab omni malo et custodi nos in omni opere
bono, perfecta veritas et vera libertas Deus, qui
regnas in saecula saeculorum." That of St.
James's Liturgy is given under EMBOLISMUS
[I. 609]. Many liturgies contain supplications
for the intercession of saints in the Libera nos.
[INTERCESSION, I. 844.] [C.]
LIBERALIS (1) Martyr of Alexandria;
commemorated April 24 (Mart. Hieron. ; Acta
SS. Apr. iii. 265). [C. H.]
(2) Of Altinum in Venetia, confessor, circ.
A.D. 400 ; commemorated April 27 (Usuard.
Auct. ; Acta SS. Apr. iii. 489). [C. H.]
LIBERATA (1) Of Ticinum (Pavia), circ.
A.D. 500; commemorated Jan. 16 (Acta SS.
Jan. ii. 32). [C. H.]
(2) Of Mons Calvus (Chaumont), 6th century -
commemorated Feb. 3 (Usuard. Auct. ; Acta SS.
Feb. iii. 361). [C. H.]
(3) Of Comum (Como), virgin and martyr,
circ. A.D. 580 ; commemorated Jan. 18 (Acta
SS. Jan. ii. 196). (C. H.]
LIBERATUS (1) Of Amphitrea (unknown) ;
commemorated Dec. 20 (Mart. Usuard.) [C. H.]
(2) Abbat and martyr, circ. i \>. 483; com-
memorated in Africa Aug. 17 (Usaard. Auct. ;
Acta SS. Aug. iii. 455). ' [C. H.]
(3) Physician and martyr, circ. A.D. 484 ;
commemorated in Africa Mar. 23 (Acta SS. Mar.
iii. 461). [C. H.]
LIBERIUS (1) Archbishop of Ravenna, circ.
A.D. 200 ; commemorated April 29 (Usuard.
Auct. ; Acta SS. Apr. iii. 614). [C. H.]
(2) (LiBERUS, LIBCS) Bishop ; commemorated
at Rome May 17 (Mart. Hieron. ; Acta SS. May
iv. 26). [C. H.]
(3) Bishop of Rome ; commemorated Sept. 23-
(Mart. Hieron., Ado, Append. ; Usuard. Auct. ;
Acta SS. Sept. vi. 572) ; Tagmen 4=Aug. 27,
and Tekempt 7 = Oct. 4 (Neale, Cal. Ethiop.);.
Aug. 27 and Oct. 6 (Daniel, Cod. Liturg.).
[C. H.]
LIBERTINUS
LIBERTINUS, martyr at Gildoba in
Thrace ; commemorated Dec. 20 (Mart. Hleron. ;
cf. Usuard, ad diem, O&ss.). [C. H.]
LIBIUS (LiBus), martyr in Pannonia; com-
memorated Feb. 23 (Mart. Hieron. ; Usuard.
Auct. ; Acta SS. Feb. iii. 366). [C. H.]
LIBORIUS, bishop of Alans, patron of Pader-
born, 4th century, confessor ; commemorated
July 23 and June 9 (Usuard. Auct. ; Ado, Mart.
Append. ; Acta SS. July, v. 394 ; see also Usuard.
Auct. ad April 28, May 28). [C. H.]
LIBOSA ; commemorated at Nicomedia Feb.
22 (Mart. Hieron. ; Acta SS. iii. 289). [C. H.]
LIBOSUS ; commemorated at Rome June 3
(Mart. Hieron. ; Acta SS. June, i. 287).
[C. H.]
LIBRA. In the later Roman empire the pound
of gold was divided into 72 .iurei or solid! (Codex,
s. tit. 70, s. 5 : see DICT. OF GREEK AND
ROMAN ANTIQ. s.v. " Aurum"). It was probably
from this circumstance that a number of 72
witnesses was called Libra Occidiia (Baronius ad
an. 302, 9 1 if.). The same term is said to be
applied to the suffragan bishops of the see of
Rome, who were in number about 72 (Macri,
Hierolex. s. v. Libra ; BISHOP, I. 240). [C.]
LIBRANUS, of Clonfad, in Meath, abbat of
lona, 6th cent., and at Burrow, Mar. 11 (Aengus).
[E. B. B.]
LIBRARIES BELONGING TO CHURCHES AND
MONASTERIES. The information that we are able
to give on this subject is fragmentary, but not
without interest.
I. The most ancient library of Christian books
mentioned by any historian is that at Aelia
(Jerusalem), collected by Alexander, the bishop
of that city, A.D. 212. Eusebius of Caesarea,
writing about 330, says that it contained the
epistles, from one to another, of many learned
ecclesiastics of the time of Origen (A.D. 230),
and that he had himself made very great use of
it in compiling his history (Hist. Eccl. vi. 20).
There was a much larger and more famous
library at Caesarea in Palestine, which appears
to have been founded by Origen, with the
munificent aid, we may suppose, of his friend
Ambrosius, and to have been greatly enlarged by
Pamphi;us, the friend of Eusebius, A.D. 294.
That it existed before the time of Pamphilus
is cle r from St. Jerome's account: "Having
sought for them (books) over the world, but
devoting himself especially to the books of
Origen, he gave them to the library at Caesarea "
(Expos, in Ps. 126, Ep. 34 ad Marcellam, 1).
The same author calls it the library of Origen
and Pamphilus (De Vir. fllust. c. 113). In this
library there was, as he informs us, the supposed
Hebrew original of St. Matthew's Gospel (ibid.
c. 3), which is probably the book (in the same
collection) which he elsewhere describes as a
Gospel in Syro-Chaldaic, used by the Nazarenes
(Contra Pelag. iii. 2). In another work he says,
"I have been somewhat diligent in searching
for copies, and in the library of Eusebius at
Caesarea I found six volumes of the Apology
for Origen" (by Pamphilus) (C. Rujin. ii. 12).
It contained copies of the greater part of the
LIBRARIES
985
works of Origen, made by Pamphilus himself
(Hieron. de Vir. lllast. c. 75). The originals of
the Hexipla were there, and Jerome corrected
his copy from them (Comment, in Tit. iii. 9).
Before the time of Jerome this library had
fallen more or less into decay, but endeavours
to restore it were made by two successors of
Eusebius, viz. Acacius, 340, and Euzoius, 366
(Hieron. ad Marcell. u. s.). Of Euzoius, he
says, on the authority of Thespesius Rhetor, that
he " strove with great labour to refurnish with
parchments the library of Origen and Pamphilus,
which was already decayed" (L>e Vir. lllust.
c. 113). Isidore 'of Seville, A.D. 636, asserts
that the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea con-
tained nearly 30,000 volumes (Orig. vi. 6).
There is extant the legal record of some
proceedings that took place at Cirta or Constan-
tia, in Africa, during the persecution of 303-
304. It relates that the officers " went to the
church in which the Christians used to assemble,
and spoiled it of chalices, lamps, &c., but when
they came into the library (bibliothecam), the
presses (armaria) there were found empty"
(in Gesta apud Zenophilum, Optati Opp. App. ed.
1703; comp. August, c. Crescon. iii. 29). Con-
stantine directs Eusebius the historian in a
letter which the latter has preserved (De Vita
Const, iv. 36) to cause to be written for the new
churches in Constantinople, " by calligraphic
artists, thoroughly skilled in the art, fifty
volumes of the sacred writings, such as he knew
to be most necessary for the supply and use
of the church, on well-prepared parchments,
legible and portable for use." Such a gift would,
we may suppose, be in many cases the germ of a
great church library. Julian the emperor, A.D.
362, orders Ecdicius the prefect of Egypt to
send him the library of George, the Arian bishop
of Alexandria : " See that all the books of
George be sought out. For there were at his
residence many philosophical, many rhetorical
works, and many of the doctrine of the impious
Galilaeans (Christians), which we could wish
were all destroyed, but lest with these the more
useful be made away with, let them also be
carefully sought for. But let your guide in
this search be the scribe [perhaps secretary]
(vorapios) of George himself. . . . But I am
myself acquainted with the books of George ; for
he lent me many, though not all, when I was
in Cappadocia, for transcription, and had them
back again " (Epist. Jul. 9). Julian was collect-
ing books to enrich the library founded by
Constantius in the portico of the imperial palace,
and removed by himself to a more suitable
edifice, which he had erected for the purpose.
See Ducange, Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. 9. 3.
Hence it appears that the books of which the
church was robbed did not return to her.
Georgius Syncellus tells us that he had brought
to him from the library of Caesarea in Cappa-
docia an excellent copy of the book of Kings,
" in which was an inscription to the effect that
the great and holy Basil (bishop of that see
from 370 to 378) had himself compared and
corrected the copies from which it had been
transcribed" (Chronogr. p. 382; ed. Dindorf).
St. Jerome, after referring a correspondent to
several authorities, says, " Turn over the com-
mentaries of all whom I have mentioned above ;
and make good use of the libraries of tin;
986
LIBRARIES
churches ; and thou wilt arrive more quickly at
that which thou desirest and hast begun " (Epist.
ad Pammach. 49, 3; comp. Epist. 112, ad
A'Mjust. 19). St. Augustine, writing at Hippo
about the year 428, says, "I have heard that
the holy Jerome wrote on heresies ; but neither
have we been able to find that little work of his
in our own library, nor do we know from where
it may be obtained " (De Haer. sub fin.) When
Augustine was dying, " he directed that the
library of the church and all the books should
be carefully kept for posterity for ever."
He also left libraries to the church, " con-
taining books and treatises by himself or other
holy persons " (Possid. Vita Au ; j. 31). Theo-
dosius the younger, 408-450, " collected the
sacred books and their interpreters so diligently,
as not to come behind Ptolemy " (Niceph. Call.
Hist. Eccl. xiv. 3). Whether his collection was
for the imperial library or the Patriarchium, we
are not told ; but the fact is worth noting,
because it shews the spirit of the age. The
leading ecclesiastics would not be behind the
emperor. Hilary of Rome, A.D. 461, according
to the Liber Pontificalis, "made two libraries
in the Lateran baptistery " (Anast. Vit. Pont.
47). From the same authority we learn that
the works of Gelasius, A.D. 482, were " kept laid
up in the library and archive of the church "
down to the 9th century (n. 50). Gregory I.
A.D. 598, replying to the request of Eulogius of
Alexandria that he would send him the Acts of
the Martyrs collected by Eusebius, says, "Besides
those things which are contained in the books of
Eusebius himself concerning the deeds of the
holy martyrs, I know none in the archives of
this our church, or in the libraries of the city
of Rome, except a few collected in the roll of
a single book " (Epist. vii. 29). A narrative
assigned to the year 649 or thereabout, shews
that there was at that time a library already
attached to St. Peter's. It is said that when
Taio, bishop of Saragossa, who had been sent
from Spain by king Chindasuind to procure the
latter part of the Moralia of Gregory, could not
learn from the pope or anyone else where it was,
the very press in which it lay was pointed out to
him in a vision, as he watched and prayed by
night in that church {De Visions, etc., Labb. Cone.
v. 1844). Willibald, A.D. 760, in the life of St.
Boniface, says that the four books of St. Gregory
were to his day put into the "libraries of
churches " (Pertz, Monum. Germ. Hist. ii. 334).
At this period, and earlier, as we learn from an
epistle of Taio, above mentioned, few books were
composed or copied in the west, and all were in
danger of destruction, from the constant wars
which desolated the Latin world (Epist. ad
Quiricum ; Praefat. Saec. ii. 0. S. B. v. Iv. 17).
His evidence refers to Spain, but the evil was
felt at Rome equally, as we learn from a state-
ment of the Roman synod in 680, to the empe-
rors who had convened the 3rd council of Con-
stantinople. After describing themselves as
"settled in the northern and western parts" of
the empire, the Latin bishops say, " We do not
think that any one can be found in our time who
can boast of great knowledge, seeing that in our
regions the fury of various nations is every day
raging, now in fighting, now in overrunning and
plundering ; whence our whole life is full of
care, surrounded as we are by a band of nations,
LIBRARIES
and having to live by bodily toil, the ancient
maintenance of the churches having by degrees
fallen away and failed through divers calamities "
(Labbe, vi. 681). Agatho, then bishop of Rome,
made this an excuse for the ignorance of his
legates, whom he sent to the council, as he said,
"out of the obedience which he owed" to the
emperors, " not from any confidence in the.'r
knowledge " (ibid. 634). Bede (De Temp. Hat.
66, followed by Hincmar, Opusc. 20 c. Hincm.
Laud.) says that when they arrived at Constan-
tinople they were "very kindly received by the
most reverend defender of the Catholic faith Con-
stantine (Pogonatus), and by him exhorted to
lay aside philosophical [om. Hincm.] disputations,
and to seek the truth in peaceable conference,
all the books of the ancient fathers which they
asked for being supplied them out of the library
at Constantinople." The records of the council
tell us that the same legates besought the
emperor that the " original books of the pa-
tristic testimonies adduced might be brought
from the Patriarchium " (Act. vi. Labb. vi. 719) ;
and we find the bishop of Constantinople himself
speaking of the " books of the holy and approved
fathers which were laid up in his Patriarchium "
(Act. viii. ibid. 730 ; comp. 751, 780). A large
number of extracts from the fathers are said
to have been compared with the originals in the
" library of the Patriarchium " (Act. x. coll.
788, 790, 798, &c.) Several testimonies alleged
are also said to have been compared with a
" silver-bound parchment book belonging to the
<TKtvo<f>v\d.Kiov of the most holy high church "
in the same city (ibid. 813, 814, c.). There was
at Constantinople also a registry or repository of
documents (xaprofyvXattiov, u.s. 963) under the
charge of an officer called the xapTo<$>v\a.
(ibid.). Whether this was a department of the
library or distinct from it does not appear. The
great esteem in which the church library at Con-
stantinople was held by all parties is attested by
the fact that the iconolater Theophanes refused
to look at a copy of Isaiah, brought from the
emperor's library, alleging that all his books
were corrupted, but asked for one from the
library of the Patriarchium instead (Continuatio,
iii. 14).
For some centuries after this the Greeks
possessed advantages for the acquisition of
knowledge over the Latins ; though there were
many in the west, especially among the bishops,
who employed themselves in collecting and
multiplying good books. Thus Bede says of
Acca, who succeeded Wilfrid at Hexham, A.D.
710, that he " gathered together the histories of
the sufferings (of the martyrs, &c.), with other
ecclesiastical books most diligently, and made
there a very large and noble library " (Hist.
Eccl. v. 20). Egbertus, bishop of York from
732-766, is another example in our own country.
Alcuin, in 796, writing to Charlemagne from
Tours, where he had opened a school, says, " I
am partly in want of books of scholastic erudi-
tion, that are somewhat difficult to be procured,
which I had in my own country, through the
good and most devoted diligence of my master,
or my own labour, such as it was." He there-
fore desired that some youths might be sent
into Britain to bring back whatever was neces-
sary, " that there might not only be ' a garden
enclosed ' at York, but that there may be at
LIBRARIES
LIBRARIES
087
Tours also ' plants, an orchard with pleasant
fruits'" (Cant. iv. 13), (Epist. 38). From
William of Malmesbuiy (De Gest. Reg. Angl.
i.) we learn that the master of whom Alcuin
speaks is Egbert of York. Alcuin also cele-
brates in verse the library which Aelbert,
another bishop of York, attached to his
cathedral church, and gives the names of many
of the fathers, poets, and grammarians, whose
works were contained in it (Poema de Pont.
Ebor. 11. 1525 et scq. torn. ii. p. 257). In 787 a
great stimulus was given to the formation ot
libraries in cathedral churches within the
dominions of Charlemagne, by an order issued
by him for the establishment of schools in con-
nexion with them (Labbe, Cone. v. 1779). Such
schools, as we have seen, implied a good collec-
tion of books. A later edict of the same prince,
after providing that there be "set up schools ot
reading boys," adds, " Let them learn the
psalms, notes, chants, the art of determining the
seasons (compotum), and grammar [in its
ancient sense], in every monastery and episcopal
church (episcopium). Let them also have
Catholic books, well corrected " (Capit. ann.
789, c. 70). These laws of Charlemagne would
certainly lead to the foundation of cathedral
libraries where they had not existed before. It
is probable that the smaller libraries found in
connexion with many other churches owe their
origin in a great measure to a similar edict
of Lewis in 816. By this, bishops were ordered
to " see that the Presbyters had a missal and
lectionarv and other books necessary to them "
(c. 28 ; Capit. Reg. Franc, i. 509). What some
at least of these " other books," supposed to be
necessary, were, we may gather from the fol-
lowing list in an ancient polyptychon, preserved
in the church of St. Remigius, at Rheims : " A
book of the gospels, a psalter, an antiphonary,
a breviary [i.e. a table of the gospels for the
year, in which they were indicated by their first
and last words]. ... a computus, an order of
baptism, a martyrology, a penitential, a pas-
sional, a volume of canons, forty homilies of St.
Gregory" (ibid. ii. 1159). As soon as such a
collection went beyond the requirements of the
service, as in this case it did, the foundation of
a church library was already laid.
II. We read of libraries attached to monas-
teries in the west at a somewhat early period.
The rule of St. Benedict, A.D. 530, speaks
of the benefit to be derived from the read-
ing of the Catholic fathers, their conferences,
institutes, and lives (c. 73), in a manner which
implies access to a considerable number of such
works. Compare the rule of Ferreolus, A.n.
553 (c. 19). In Lent every monk under the
rule of St. Benedict received a book "from the
library " (bibliotheca), which he was to read
through before he could have another (c. 48).
The rule of Isidore, A.D. 595, enters into details :
"Let the keeper of the sacrarium (here = secre-
tarium) have charge of all the books; from
whom let all the brethren receive them one at a
time, which they shall carefully read and handle,
and always return after vespers. Let the books
be asked for every day at the first hour ; and
let none be given to him who shall ask later "
(c. 9). To shew the care with which the books
were treated, we may mention that monks were
allowed to have handkerchiefs in which to wrap
them (Theodmar. Cassin. ad Car. Magii. in
Capit. Reg. Franc. II. 108G), and that the council
of Aix, 817, left it to the prior to determine,
" when books had been received from the library,"
whether others should be given out or not
(cap. 19). It would seem that, except in Lent,
the ordinary monk did not have books out of
the library for his private use ; but the practice
of reading aloud at meals implies a variety of
suitable works. We hear of this even before
the days of Benedict, viz. in the rule of Caesa-
rius, A.D. 502 : " While they eat at table, let no
one speak, but let one read some book ; that as
the body is refreshed by food, so may the soul
be refreshed by the word of God" (c. 9 ; comp.
Reg. S. Ben. c. 38). Other times for reading
were also appointed in some houses, as by the
rule of Donatus for nuns, A.D. 640: "From the
2nd hour to the 3rd, if there be no need for
them to work, let .them employ themselves in
reading .... Let one of the elder read to the
rest, as they work together" (c. 20).
Cassiodorus, who built, or entered, the monas-
tery of Vivarium, about the year 562, collected
books for it from the more distant parts of the
world, and directed his monks that, if they met
with any book that he wanted, they should make
a copy of it, " that by the help of God and their
labour, the library of the monastery might be
benefited" (De Instil. Div. Lilt. 8). In the
preface to his work on Orthography, he gives
a list of twelve books on the subject which he
used in compiling his own. As he was then 93
years old, they were presumably all at hand in his
own monastery. The fact suggests a good col-
lection of works on general subjects, as well as
on divinity. Among the Epistles of Gregory I.
is one written (A.D. 599) to the Defensor of
Naples representing that the books of the monas-
tery of Macharis had in a time of trouble been
carried into Sicily by a certain presbyter, who
had died and left them there, and requiring that
they should be restored (Epist. viii. 15). The
monks of our own country were not behind
others in collecting books. E.g. Benedict Biscop,
abbat of Wearmouth, having visited Rome in
671, "brought home not a few books of all
divine erudition, either bought with a set price
or given to him by the kindness of friends, and
when on his return he came to Vienne he re-
ceived those which he had bought and intrusted
to friends there " (Bede, Hist. Abbat. Wirem. 4).
In 678 he paid another visit to Rome, and then
" brought home an innumerable quantity of
books of every kind " (ibid. 5). " A great quan-
tity of sacred volumes " was part of the result
of a third visit in 686 ( 8). In his last illness
be gave directions that " the very noble and
complete library, which he had brought from
Kome, as necessary for the instruction of the
church, should be anxiously preserved entire,
and neither suffer injury through want of care
nor be dispersed " (9). This collection, which
was divided between the monasteries of Wear-
mouth and Jarrow, was " doubled " by the zeal
of his successor, Coelfrid (12). It is to these
ibraries chiefly that we owe the learning of
3ede. The order of Charlemagne in 787 al-
eady mentioned was addressed to abbats as well
is bishops, and the only copy extant is that
vhich was sent to the abbat of Fulda. It is
interesting to know that less than 50 years after
988
LIBKARIES
its promulgation, the famous Eabanus Maurus
built a library there, which he amply stored
with books ( Vita per liodolf. in Cave, Hist. Litt.
nom. Raban). A beginning had been made, how-
ever, so far back as 754. When Boniface, the
Apostle of Germany, was murdered by the
Pagans at Dokem in east Frisia, they " broke
open the repository of books . . . and scattered
those which they found, some over the level
fields, others in the reed-bed of the marshes, and
flung and hid others away in all sorts of places."
They were afterwards found and taken to Fulda,
where three of them are still shewn, viz. a New
Testament, a book of the Gospels, said to have
been written by the martyr himself, and a
volume stained with his blood, containing, with
other tracts of St. Ambrose, de Spiritu Sancto
and Bono Mortis (Willibaldi Vita S. Bonif. si.
37, and Mabillou's note). In 799 Charlemagne
founded an abbey at Charroux, which " he en-
riched with many rel.ics and most munificent gifts
brought to him from the east, and with a very
rich library " (Gallia Christiana, ii. 1278). Many
monastic libraries were destroyed by fire in the
9th and following centuries, in several of which
books must have been accumulating during a
lengthened period. For example, in 870, when
the Danes destroyed the minster of Medhamsted
(Peterborough), founded about 656, " a vast
library of sacred books was burned with the
charters of the monastery " (Ann. Bened. iii.
167, 16, from Ingulf.). In 892 the monastery
at Teano, near Monte Cassino, was burned down,
" in which fire most of the deeds and instruments
of the Cassinates were consumed, with the very
autograph of the rule which the holy father
Benedict had written with his own hand " (ibid.
p. 28;, 67). About the year 900, the Hun-
garians destroyed the monastery of Nonantula
by fire, and " burned many books " (ibid, 305,
30).
We can give no certain information on the
origin and condition of monastic libraries in the
east during the period to which we are confined.
We may, however, infer with great probability
that monasteries began very early to collect
books, from the fact that manuscripts of the
highest antiquity are found in them at the pre-
sent day. About 400 volumes of MSS. are now
in the British Museum, which were brought in
the years 1839, 1842, 1847 from a single Syrian
monastery, viz. that of St. Mary Deipara, in
the Desert of Nitria, or Valley of Scete. As a
proof of the antiquity of some of these books,
we may mention that the three volumes in
which occur the several copies of the Epistles
of St. Ignatius published by Mr. Cureton are, one
earlier than 550, another some 50 or 60 years
later, and the third "certainly not later than the
7th or 8th century " (Corpus Ignatianum, Introd.
xxvii. xxxiii.). In the second of these volumes
is a notice curiously similar to one quoted above
respecting an English abbat, to the effect that
Moses of Nisibis, the superior of the monastery,
" gave diligence and acquired that book together
with many others, being 250, many of which he
purchased, and others were given to him by
some persons as a blessing [see EULOGIAE (5)],
when he went to Bagdad " (xxxi.). This bears
date A.D. 931. The MS. bible found by Tischen-
dorf (1844, 1859) in the monastery of St. Cathe-
rine, on Mount Sinai, is assigned to the 4th
LIBRAEIUS
century (Nov. Test. Sinait. Tisch. Proleg. is.).
He obtained many other books from the same
library, and many from monasteries in Palestine,
at Berytus, Laodicea, Smyrna, in Patmos, and at
Constantinople (Xotitia Edit. Cod. Sinait. p. 7). In
his collection, now at St. Petersburg, are various
Greek fragments of the 5th and 6th centuries
(ibid. p. 56) ; five of the New Testament of the
6th and 7th ; and one of the 7th or 8th (p. 50) :
parts of some Homilies of St. Chrysostom (p. 55),
and some liturgical remains of the 8th (p. 50) ;
all in the same language ; and a Syriac version
of hymns and sermons by Gregory Nazianzen
written in the 7th (p. 64). We do not multiply
such facts, because, though very probable indi-
cations of the existence of monastic libraries in
the East within our period, and of the nature of
their contents, they do not amount to a direct
and positive proof. [W. E. S.]
LIBRARIUS. The word librarius has two
meanings viz. either a ' book-seller ' or a ' tran-
scriber :' we are concerned with it in the latter
sense. Of course there must have been tran-
scribers in abundance before Christian times, if,
as is said, the libraries of the Ptolemies at
Alexandria, and of the kings of Pergamus in Asia
Minor contained between them a million volumes
and upwards in all languages (Dior. OF GK.
AND ROM. ASTS. art. ' Bibliotheca '). Tran-
scribers were frequently slaves at first, or else
worked for money, and were not well paid.
Hence the endless complaints of their ignorance,
f arelessness, or dishonesty which occur in the
Fathers as well as in classical authors (Wower,
de Polymath, c. 18, ap. Gronov. Thes. x. 1079).
But with Christian times the office of transcriber
for libraries insensibly passed into better hands.
It was not that he became, strictly speaking, a
public functionary, but he copied far more fre-
quently for ecclesiastical bodies than for private
persons : and was, in most cases, a member of
the body for which he worked. Thus he worked,
not for money, but as a duty : and not on
chance books, but on books carefully selected for
their contents by his superiors. This altered
the character of his performances materially,
besides going far to ensure their preservation.
It is a simple fact in history, that Christianity
stands between us and the written records of all
preceding ages, and is our sole guarantee for
their trustworthiness in their present state.
Origen was one of the first Christians who is
said to have employed transcribers regularly for
literary purposes ({iiphwypaipous, Euseb. E. H.
vi. 23). Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, his
friend and patron, was one of the first to form
an episcopal library, which Eusebius found of
great use in collecting facts for his history
(ib. c. 20). Eusebius himself, by order of the em-
peror Constantine, had 50 choice copies of the
scriptures made by experienced caligraphists
on vellum, arranged in ternions and quater-
nions ( Vit. Const, iv. 34-7, and Vales, ad /.).
Pamphilus, the presbyter and martyr, with
whom Eusebius was so intimate, enriched Caesarea
with a large library, consisting of the works of
Origeu and other ecclesiastical writers, tran-
scribed by himself (ib. c. 32, comp. St. Hier.
de Vir. Illust. s. v.) : and it was still in exist-
ence, and handy for readers, when St. Jerome
wrote. [LIBRARIES.]
LIBRAKIUS
When parchment was scarce, one work was
ofteu effaced to make way for another. This
may have been dictated here and there by re-
ligious prejudice : but in general what was least
wanted at the time made way for what was
most. The Scriptures themselves, or the works
of the Areopagite then regarded with almost
equal reverence were written over sometimes,
as well as works like the Republic of Cicero
" Latent hodie," says Knittel (quoted by Mono,
do Libr. Palimp. p. 2) in palimpsestis libris
codices Novi Testament! remotissimae antiqui-
tatis : haec est prima ratio, cur magnae sint uti-
litatis codices rescripti."
We must never forget, in estimating their
practices or productions, that Christian tran-
scribers were of all ranks and capacities. " The
highest dignitaries of the church and princes
even, says Mr. Taylor (Transmission of Ancient
Books, c. ii. 5), " thought themselves well
employed in transcribing the Gospels and
Epistles, the Psalter, or the Homilies and
Meditations of the Fathers : nor were the
classical authors. .. .neglected by these gratui-
tous copyists." And again : " Every church and
every convent and monastery had its library,
its librarian and other officers employed in the
conservation of books " (ib. c. 1, 1). Then,
further, as Mr. Taylor observes, " The property
of each establishment and the literary property
of each establishment was always highly prized
passed down from age to age, as if under
the hand of a proprietor : and was therefore
subjected to fewer dispersions and destructions
than the mutability of human affairs ordin-
arily permits " (c. i. 1). And again : " The
places in which the remains of ancient literature
were preserved during the middle ages were too
many, and too distant from each other, and too
little connected by any kind of intercourse, to
admit of a combination or conspiracy for any
supposed purposes of interpolation or corruption.
Possessing, therefore, as we do, copies of the
same author, some of which were drawn from
the monasteries of England, others from Spain,
and others collected in Egypt, Palestine, or Asia
Minor, if, on comparing them, we find that they
accord except in variations of little moment, we
have an incontestable proof of the care and in-
tegrity with which the business of transcription
was generally conducted " (ib.) .... Transcribers
were frequently concealed under other names,
from being attached to some special office, or
else from their art having come to be divided
into different branches. They were the notaries,
chancellors, clerks, readers, amanuenses, of most
convents, as Mabillon shews (Dipl, i. 13). St.
Isidore tells us of another distinction which is
still more to the point. " Librarii," he says,
"idem et antiquarii vocantur : sed librarii sunt,
qui et nova et vetera scribunt; antiquarii, qui
tantiimmodo vetera, unde et nomen sumpserunt "
(Et>/m. vi. 14). If this be true, and other
authorities might be cited for it, there was a
class of copyists whose labours were confined to
re-transcribing old MSS.
Illuminators, again, formed another branch
of the profession. They designed the initial
letters, laid on the gold, or painted the minia-
tures. Under this last word, again, we have
the record of another class : miniatores, who
filled in the ' rubrics.' In general, the tr.in-
LIBRAEIUS
989
scriber left blanks both for the rubrics and
illuminations, as we see from many MSS. whose
blank spaces have been but partially filled, or
left altogether untouched. Sometimes it hap-
pened that there were transcribers who did all
for themselves. Otherwise, we may occasionally
find the dates of the handwriting and of the
decorations separated by a wide interval.
[MINIATURE.]
After a MS. had been transcribed, it passed
through other hands to be corrected (MabilL
Sttppl. c. xiii. 29) : and the corrections in many
cases not being erasures, we see what was judged
erroneous, and what was judged right at the
time. They are perhaps oftener corrections of
spelling, or of words omitted, than of any-
thing else : while numerous errors of grammar
are left untouched.
Handwriting, of course, varied with the age,
though two or more were almost always in full
use at the same time. The handwriting of
the 13th century, for instance, was always
liable to be imitated by transcribers who lived
much later, but it was unknown to tran-
scribers who lived much earlier. Antiquaries
could reproduce obsolete styles, but could not
anticipate styles as yet unborn. Consequently,
the rise of the different styles may be fixed
with some accuracy ; not so their duration
after they had become current.
" The instruments," say the authors of the
Nouv. Trait. Diplom. (p. ii. i. c. 10), "with
which antiquity required that the work-room of
a transcriber should be provided, were the ruler,
compass, lead, scissors, penknife, hone, sponge,
style, brush, quill or reed, inkstand or inkhorn,
writing table, desk, vial with liquid for thinning
ink become too thick, vial with vermilion for
writing titles of books or chapters, and a box of
pounce. Each of these instruments had its own
special use."
Their materials were more limited. " Parch-
ment," says Mr. Taylor (c. ii. 1), " so called,
long after the time of its first use from Per-
gamus, a city of Mysia, where the manufacture
was improved ... is mentioned by Herodotus
and Ctesias as a material that had been from time
immemorial used for books." Almost all the
early MSS. we possess are written on this. " In
the east, leaves of the mallow or palm were
used in remote times . . . and the inner bark
of the linden or teil tree . . . called by the
Romans 'liber,' and by the Greeks 'biblos,'
was so generally used as a material for writing
as to have given its name to a book in both lan-
guages. . . . Tables of solid wood called codices,
whence the term ' codex ' for a MS. on any mate-
rial . . . were also employed . . . leaves or
tablets of lead or ivory are mentioned . . .
and still oftener ' tablets covered with a thin
coat of coloured wax,' removable ' by an iron
needle called a style.' Paper made from the
papyrus in Egypt was in considerable demand at
one time, but it was found to be less durable
than parchment. Cotton paper, ' charta bom-
bacina,' which began to be used in the west about
the 10th century, led to the introduction of
paper from rags, as at present, about two cen-
turies later.
"Transcribers frequently subscribed their
names at the end of a MS., with the year in
which it was written, accompanied by a pious
990
LIBKT POENITENTIALES
LIGATURAE
wish that posterity might profit by its perusal,
and other particulars ; numerous instances might
be cited. The celebrated ' codex Amiatinus,' used
by Tischendorf in his latest edition of the Vulgate
of the Old Testament, has an inscription at the
end of the book of Exodus, from which he infers
it was transcribed by one of the disciples of St.
Benedict named ' Servandus,' about A.D. 541 "
(Prolog, p. viii. ix.). Mabillon, in his Diarium
ftalicum, mentions a MS. of the Acts of the
Apostles and the Epistles of St. Paul, inscribed
with the name of Theophylact, presbyter and
doctor of law, and dated 6492 from the Creation,
or A.D. 984 (c. 25). This was in Greek.
Another, the Life of St. Gregory the Great, by
John the deacon, in Latin, has the following :
" Ego, Ugo, indignus sacerdos, inchoavi hunc
librum 8 Cal. Sept. et explevi eum 14 Cal. Oct.
feliciter concurrente sexto, indict. 15." Another,
a work of Matthew Palmer the poet : " Anto-
nius, Marii filius, Florentinus civis atque nota-
rius, transcripsit Florentiae ab original! 11
Cal. Jan. Jiccccxr,viii. Valeas qui legas." . . .
(Ib. and comp. c. 27.) " Qui legitis, orate pro
me," was another pious and favourite parting
sentence." Most of the oldest MSS., however
unfortunately, supply no such clue to their
authorship or date, and there are very few that
have not had later additions appended to them,
often in the same handwriting, which throw
doubts upon their earlier parts. Often, again,
the same work has not been copied all through
by the same scribe ; and sometimes the writing
of contemporary scribes varies as much as the
writing of one age from another. Dedicatory
pieces again, especially when in verse, are apt to
mislead. Sometimes it is their complimentary
vagueness, sometimes it is the affectation of a
higher antiquity than really belongs to them, that
has enhanced the value of a MS. unduly. When
Waterland, for instance, speaks of the Vienna
MS. as " a Gallican psalter, written in letters of
gold, and presented by Charlemagne, while only
king of France, to pope Adrian I., at his first
entrance upon the pontificate, in the year
772" (Crit. Hist. p. 101), he draws his con-
clusion from the dedicatory verses in gold letters
at its commencement. But these might have
been written by any king Charles, on giving
this psalter to aw/^pope Adrian. And there was
a combination of just such another king, and
just such another pope in Charles the Bald and
Adrian II.
For authorities, see Montfaucon, Palaeoy.
Graced ; Mabillon, Itcr Ital. and de Re Diploin.
with the Suppl., Nouvca-i Traite Dipl. in 6 vols. ;
Schwarz, de Ornam. Lib., with additions by
Leuschner ; Casley, Pref. to MSS. in the King's
Library; Mone, de Libr. palimp.; Gueranger,
Inst. Liturg. p. ii. c. vi. ; Labarte, Handbook, c.
ii., and Arts Indust. vol. iii. ; Taylor, Transmis-
sion of Ant lent Hooks; and the magnificently
illustrated works of Count Bastard, Professor
Westwood, and M. Silvestre. [E. S. Ff.]
LIBRI POENITENTIALES [PENITENTIAL
BOOKS].
LICERIUS (GLYCERIUS), bishop and con-
a The names of the principal caligraphers whose names
have been preserved have been collected by Gueranger,
Institutions Liturg. torn. iii. p. 288 ff. [ED.]
fessor at Conserans, 6th century ; commemorated
Aug. 27 (Usuard. Auct. ; Acta SS. Aug. vi. 47).
[C. H.]
LICINIUS (LiziNius), bishop of Angers,
confessor ; commemorated Feb. 13 {Mart.
Usuard. ; Acta SS. Feb. ii. 678) ; June 8 (Mart.
Ado). [C. H.]
LICTA ; commemorated at Caesarea, April 5
(Mart, ffieroii.) [C. H.]
LICTISSIMUS (LECTISSIMUS), martyr ; com-
memorated in Africa Apr. 26 (Mart. Hienm. ;
Acta SS. Apr. iii. 415). [C. H.]
LIDORIUS (LYDORIUS, LITTORIUS, Lrro-
RIUS), bishop of Tours, 4th centurv ; com-
memorated Sept. 13 (Mart. Hieron., Usuard.
Auct. ; Acta SS. Sept. iv. 61). [C. H.]
LIGATURAE (Ligamenta, Ligamina, Al/i-
gaturac, Suballigaturae, SeVeis, KaraSfcreis, xa-
TaSetTyUoi, TrepiajUjuara, irfpiairra) were amu-
lets or phylacteries bound (ligatae) to any part
of the body of man or beast, in the hope of
averting or driving away evil. The name was,
however, often given to amulets attached to the
person in any other way ; as when suspended,
in which case they were sometimes called by
the Greeks e'apT7)/uaTa. This is one among
many gainful superstitions which St. Chrysostom
charged " certain of the vagabond Jews "(Acts
xix. 13) with practising, as their fathers had
done before them. Thus he says to Christians
to whom they promised health by such means :
" If thou persevere for a short time, and spurii
and with great contumely cast out of the house
those who seek to sing some incantation over, or
to bind some periapts to the body, thou hast at
once received refreshment from thy conscience "
(Ado. Jud. Horn. viii. 7). The heathen were
equally addicted to their use. Two or three
examples out of many given by Pliny in his
Natural History will suffice to shew this. Wool
stolen from a shepherd, bound to the left arm,
was supposed to cure fever (xxix. 4) ; the large-
tined horns of the stag-beetle bound to infants
" acquired the nature of amulets " (xxx. 15). A
stone taken from the head of an ox bound to ail
infant relieved it in teething (ibid.). As the ox
was believed to spit this stone out, if it saw
death coming, its head must be cut off suddenly.
These facts may serve to indicate the source
of the superstition among Christians. Until the
conversion of the emperors this practice was
regarded by all as magic and unlawful. Thus
Tertullian (A.D. 192) says of the wound caused
by the bite of a scorpion, " Magic binds some-
thing round it; medicine meets it with steel and
cup" (Scorpiac.). In the Apostolical Constitu-
tions, probably compiled about the end of the
2nd century, bishops are forbidden to receive as
catechumens those who "make ligaturae" (irepi-
du./j.ara, viii. 32). The earliest intimation of
their use by professed Christians occurs in the
36th canon of the Council of Laodicea, held pro-
bably about 365 : " It is unlawful for those of
the sacerdotal and clerical orders ... to make
phylacteries, which are the bonds of their souls.
We have ordered those who wear them to be
cast out of the church." It is implied here that
these "phylacteries" were bound on, i.e. were
ligaturae. When Martin of Braga (A.D. 560)
LIGATURAE
made his collection of canons, he rendered the
word "phylacteries" by " ligaturae " (can. 59 ;
Labbe, v. 912). The words were, in foot, treated
by many as synonyms, except when the Jewish
practice mentioned in Scripture was intended.
Of this we shall have further proof as we pro-
ceed. St. Epiphanius (A.D. 368) explains that
the " phylacteries " of Matt, xxiii. 5 are not
" periapts," as might be supposed " from the
circumstance that some called periapts phylac-
teries " (Haer. 15, c. Scribas). When a distinc-
tiou was made by Christian writers, the name
of phylactery was restricted to those ligaturae
which had writing in them. Thus Boniface at
the council of Liptines, A.D. 743 : " If any pres-
byter or clerk shall observe auguries ... or
phylacteries, id cst scripturas, let him know that
he is subject to the penalties of the canons "
(Stat. 33). To proceed: St. Basil, in Cappa-
docia (A.D. 370) seems to imply an extensive
recourse to such amulets by Christians : " Is
thy child sick ? Thou lookest about for a
charmer, or one who puts vain characters about
the neck of innocent infants, or at last goest to
the physician and to medicines, without any
thought of Him who is able to save " (in Psalm
xlv. 2). Gaudentius, bishop of Brescia (A.D. 385)
warns his neophytes against all such practices
as among the ''abominations of the Gentiles"
and " by-ways of idolatry." " Deeds of witchcraft,
incantations, suballigaturae, . . . are parts of
idolatry" (Tract, iv. de Lect. Exodi). St.
Augustine, in Africa, speaks of our subject in
writings ranging from 397 to 426. Thus after
mention of several " superstitious " practices, he
says, " To this class belong also all ligaturae
and remedies which even the science of the phy-
sicians condemns, whether in precantations or
in certain marks which they call characters, or
in any object to be suspended and bound on,"
&c. (De Doctr. Christ, ii. 20, 30). A refe-
rence to earrings in this passage is cleared up
by another (Ep. ad Possid. 245, 2), " The exe-
crable superstition of ligatures, wherein even
the earrings of men are made to serve as pen-
dants at the tops of the ears on one side (Dc
Doctr. Chi: in summo aurium singularum) is
not practised to please men, but to serve devils."
Here, it will be observed, objects that were
merely suspended are called ligaturae. In a
sermon to the people the same father says, " One
of the faithful is lying bed-rid, is tormented
by pains; prays, is not heard; or rather is
heard, but is proved, is exercised : the son is
scourged that he may be received back. Then
when he is tortured by pains, comes the tempta-
tion of the tongue. Some wretched woman or
man, if he is to be called a man, conies to his
bedside, and says, ' Make that ligature and thou
wilt be well. Such and such persons (ask
them) did it and were made well by it.' He
does not yield, nor obey, nor incline his heart ;
yet he has a struggle. He has no strength, and
conquers the devil. He becomes a martyr on
his bed, crowned by Him, who for him hung on
the tree" (Scrm. 285, 7). Compare a strictly
parallel passage in Serm. 318, 3. Elsewhere
he says, that the " evil spirits devise for them-
selves certain shadows of honour, that so they
may deceive the followers of Christ ; and this
so far . . . that even they who seduce by liga-
turae, precantations, by machinations of the
LIGATURAE
991
enemy, mix the name of Christ with their pre-
cantations " (Tract, vii. in Ev. Joan, 6). Again,
" Wheu -by head aches, we praise thee, if thou
hast put the gospel to thy head, and not had
recourse to a ligatura. For the weakness of
men has gone so far, and men who fly to liga-
turae are so much to be bewailed, that we re-
joice when we see that a bedridden man tossed
with fever and pains has placed his hope in
nothing but in the application of the gospel to his
head ; not because it was done to this end, but
because the gospel has been preferred to liga-
turae " (ibid. 12). St. Chrysostom (398) is
witness to the prevalence of the superstition
both in Syria and Greece, e.g. in a homily
preached at Autioch, " What should one say of
periapts, and bells hung from the hand and the
scarlet thread, and the rest, full of great follv ?
while nothing ought to be put round the child,
but the protection of the cross. But now He
who hath converted the world ... is despised,
and woof and warp and such ligaturae (irepi-
dfj.fj.aTa) are intrusted with the safety of the
child " (Horn. xii. in Ep. i. ad Cor. 7) " What
should we say of those who use incantations and
periapts, and bind brass coins of Alexander the
Macedonian about their heads and feet ?" (Ad
Tllum. Catech. ii. 5). He says of Job that he
did not, when sick, " bind periapts about him "
( Adv. Judac. Horn. viii. 6) ; and of Lazarus
that " he did not bind plates of metal (ire'ra\a)
on himself" (ibid.). "Some," he says, "tied
about them the names of rivers " (Horn. viii. in
Ep. ad Col. 5). It appears that some alleged
the compatibility of such practices with a sound
belief. Hence St. Chrysostom warns his hearers,
that " though they who have to do with periapts
offer numberless subtle excuses for them, as
that 'we call on God and nothing more,' and
that ' the old woman is a Christian and one of
the faithful,' it is nevertheless idolatry " (ibid.).
He bids them as Christians make the sign of the
cross, and to know no other remedy out of
medicine (ibid.). Like St. Augustine he en-
courages the sufferer to resist the temptation to
use amulets by telling him that patience has
the merit of martyrdom : " Thou hast fallen into
a sore disease, and there are present many who
would force thee to relieve the malady, some
by incantations, others by ligaturae (Trfpidfj.fj.aTa),
some by some other means ? Through the fear
of God thou hast borne up nobly and with con-
stancy, and wouldst choose to suffer anything
rather than endure to commit any act of idola-
try ? This wins the crown of martyrdom," &c.
(Horn. in. 5, in Ep, i. ad Thess. Comp. Horn.
viii. in Ep. ad Col. u.s.). In France Caesarius
of Aries (A.D. 502) denounces the use of " dia-
bolical phylacteries hung " on the person (Scrm.
66, 5). Gregory of Tours (A.D. 573) speaks of
a hariolus who " mutters charms, casts lots,
hangs ligaturae from the neck " of a sick boy
(Alirac. ii. 45). In another case which he re-
lates, to expel " the noonday demon," they
applied " ligamina of herbs," with incantations
(Dc Mir. 8. Mart. iv. 36). lu a third, the
parents of the patient, "as the custom is of
country people, carried to him ligamenta and
potions from the fortune-tellers and soothsayers "
(ibid. i. 26). Isidore of Seville, in Gothic Spain,
writing in 636, copies in his Etymologicon (viii.
9) the passage cited above from St. Augustine,
992
LIGHTHOUSE
<le Doctr. Christ. St. Eloy, bishop of Xoyon,
A.D. 640 : " Let no Christian presume to hang
ligamina on the necks of man or any animal
whatsoever, even though it be done by clerks,
and it be said that it is a holy thing and con-
tarns divine lections " (De Beet. Caih. Comers.
5). In 742, Boniface, writing to Zacharias of
Rome on the difficulties put in his way by the
report of scandals tolerated in that city, says
that his informants declared that they saw there
among other relics of paganism, " women with
phylacteries and ligaturae, bound, in pagan
fashion, on their arms and legs, and publicly
offering them for sale to others" (Epht. 49).
The pope, in reply, says that he has already
endeavoured to suppress these superstitions
{Epist. i. 9). Boniface himself, the next year
at the council of Liptines, sanctioned a decree
for the abolition of all pagan practices. A list
of them was appended to it, and in this we find,
" Phylacteries and Ligaturae " (n. 10). In the
6th book of the Carolingian Capitularies is the
following law: "That phylacteries or false
writings, or ligaturae, which the ignorant think
good for fevers and other diseases, be on no
account made by clerks or laymen, or by any
Christian, for they are the insignia of magic
art " (cap. 72). Instead of such means, prayer
and the unction prescribed by St. James are to
be used. By the 42nd canon of the council of
Tours (813) priests are directed to admonish the
people that " ligaturae of bones or herbs applied
to any mortal thing (man or beast) are of no
avail, but are snares and deceits of the old
enemy " (Sim. Add. iii. Capit. Keg. Franc, cap.
93). When the Bulgarians, A.D. 866, asked
Nicholas I. if they might retain their custom of
" hanging a ligatura under the throat of the
sick," he replied, " ligaturae of this kind are
phylacteries invented by the craft of the devil,
and are proved to be bonds for men's souls"
(Epist. 97, 79). Probably we shall not be
wrong in inferring from the foregoing testi-
monies that the practice prevailed at one time
or another in every part of Christendom. It is
also probable that it suggested the manner of
many attempts to cure by those who looked
solely for divine aid. E.g. St. Cuthbert (A.D.
685) sent a linen belt to the abbess Elfled, who
was sick. "She girded herself with it," and
was healed. The same belt " bound round " the
head of a nun cured her of headache (Baeda
Vita S. Cuthb. c. 23).
_ In the 8th century we find a name of profes-
sion applied to those who offered to cure by
means of ligaturae : " We decree that none be-
come cauculatores and enchanters, nor storm-
raisers, nor obligatores." (See Cone. Aquisqr
(A.D. 789), can. 63 (Lubbe, 64) ; Capit. Car. M. et
Lud. P. i. 62 ; vi. 374.) Similarly in a later law
of Charlemagne (c.40; Capit. Reg. Fr. i. 518)
[W. E. S.]
LIGHTHOUSE (Pharos). The lighthouse,
as a symbol of the happy termination of the
voyage of life, is of frequent occurrence in the
cemeteries of the early Christians. Sometimes
a ship in full sail appears to be steering towards
it (Boldetti, Osservazioni, p. 372, but it is often
found without the ship, as in the monumental
slab of FIRMIA VICTORIA (Fabretti, Inscript.
Ant. p. 566), in which, appearing with the
crown and palm branch, and in conjunction with
LIGHTNING, PRAYER AGAINST
the name Victoria, it plainly typifies the trium-
phant close of a Christian career.
A kind of tower in four stories, crowned with
flame, bearing an exact resemblance to a funeral
pyre, is found on some imperial medals, par-
ticularly on those of Antoninus Pius, Marcus
Aurelius, and Commodus (Mionnet, De la rarete
et du prix des Medaillcs Homains, t, i. pp. 218,
226, 241). This symbol, however, though it
misled Fabretti, does not appear to have any
Christian significance (Martigny, Diet, dcs Antiq.
Chre't. s. v. Phare). re.]
LIGHTNING, PRAYER AGAINST.
Among the prayers for special occasions which
follow the general form of office for a Lite in the
Greek church, to be embodied in it as occasion
shall serve [. LITE], is one to be nsed in the time
of danger from thunder and lightning. The
prayer is too long to quote ; it contains 3 a con-
fession of sin, an appeal to God's mercy, and an
earnest supplication that he would assuage the
fury of the elements.
In the Roman Ritual, under the head de Pro-
cessionibus, we find " Preces ad repellendam tem-
pestatem." The order is as follows :
The bells are rung, and those who are able to
attend assemble in the church, and the ordinary
litanies are said, in which the clause " a fulo-ure
et tempestate, R. Libera nos Domine," is laid
twice : and after the litany and the Lord's prayer
Ps. 147 (147, v. 12, E. V. Lauda Jerusalem).
Then follow some preces or versicles, said by the
priest and people alternately, and the office con-
cludes with five collects, and aspersion. Of the
collects, the first is of an ordinary penitential
character. The last four are these :
" A domo tua, quaesumus Domine spiritales
nequitiae repellantur, et aerial-urn discedat malig-
nitas tempestatum."
" Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, parce metuen-
tibus, propitiare supplicibus : ut post noxios
igues nubium, et vim procellarum, in miseri-
cordiam transeat laudis comminatio tempes-
tatum. a
" Domine Jesu, qui imperasti ventis et mari, et
facta fuit tranquillitas magna, exaudi preces
familiae tuae, ut hoc signo sanctae crucis +
omnis discedat saevitia tempestatum."
"Omnipotens et misericors Deus, quo nos et
castigando sanas, et ignoscendo conservas :
praesta supplicibus tuis ut et tranquillitatibus
optatae b consolationis laetemur, et dono tuae
pietatis semper utamur. Per."
The Roman missal contains a mass " contra
tempestates " in which the collect is the first of
these four collects, and the post-communion the
last.
In the Ambrosian ritual there is a " Benedictio
contra aeris tempestatem," of the same type as
that in the Roman.
The clergy and people kneel before the high
altar, where the tabernacle of the sacrament "is
opened, and after Deus in adjutorium, &c.,
these Psalms are said: 1, 14 [E. V. 151- 53
[E. V. 54]; 69 [E. V. 70]; 86 [E. V. 87];' 92
[E. V. 93].
Then follow the Litanies, Pater noster, some
" This collect is quoted by Marteue (ii. 302) from an
old MS. of cir. A.D. 500.
b Uujus opt. in missal.
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
preces, and two prayers, each much longer than
the corresponding Roman collects, but to the
same effect, and the office ends with an aspersion
with holy water at the door of the church.
[H. J. H.]
LIGHTS, THE CEREMONIAL USE
OF. It may be safely affirmed that for more
than 300 years there was no ceremonial use of
lighted candles, torches, or lamps in the worship
of the Christian church. This is evident from
the language of early writers, when they have
occr.sion to refer to the heathen practice of burn-
ing lights in honour of the gods. Tertullian, for
example, A.D. 205, ridicules the custom of "ex-
posing useless candles at noon-day " (Apol. xlvi.),
and " encroaching on the day with lamps " (ibid.
xxxv.). " Let them," he says, " who have no
light, kindle their lamps daily " (De Idolol. xv.).
Lactantius, A.D. 303 : " They burn lights as to
one dwelling in darkness .... Is he to be thought
in his right mind who offers for a gift the light
of candles and wax tapers to the author and
giver of light ? . . . . But their gods, because
they are of the earth, need light that they may
not be in darkness ; whose worshippers, because
they have no sense of heaven, bring down to the
earth even those superstitions to which they are
enslaved" (Instit. vi. 2). Gregory Nazianzen,
about 70 years later, says, " Let not our dwell-
ings blaze with visible light ; for this indeed is
the custom of the Greek holy-moon ; but let not
us honour God with these things, and exalt the
present season with unbecoming rites, but with
purity of soul and cheerfulness of mind, and
with lamps that enlighten the whole body of the
church ; that is to say, with divine contempla-
tions and thoughts," &c. (Orat. v. 35). The
reader will observe that the objection is not
to the use of lights in idolatrous worship only,
but to all ceremonial use of them, even in the
worship of the true God.
I. There was, however, already by the end of
the 3rd century a partial use of lights in honour
of martyrs, which would greatly facilitate their
introduction as ritual accessories to worship at
a later period. We learn this in the first in-
stance from their prohibition by the council of
Illiberis in Spain, probably about the year 305 :
" It is decreed that wax candles be not kindled
in a cemetery during the day ; for the spirits of
the saints ought not to be disquieted " (can. 34).
By the saints we must here understand the faith-
ful who went to the martyria for prayer. This
is the explanation of Binius, Dupin, Mendoza,
and others. They would certainly be more or
less distracted by the presence of the lights, and
they might fear to excite the attention of the
heathen by them. Many, if we may infer from
the language of the writers quoted above, would
be offended at the rite itself. The practice,
nevertheless, maintained its ground in Spain and
elsewhere. For at the beginning of the next
century, we find it attacked by Vigilantius, him-
self a Spaniard, of Barcelona. Jerome, who
replied to him, does not deny that such a custom
existed. His language even shews that he did
not in his heart disapprove of it ; but he pleads
that it was due to the " ignorance and simplicity
of laymen, or at least of superstitious (religio-
sarum) women," who " had a zeal for God, but
not according to knowledge." Speaking for the
church at large he says, "We do not" as you
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF 993
groundlessly slander us, burn wax tapers in clear
light, but that we may by this means of relief
moderate the darkness of the night, and watcli
till dawn." Yet he inconsistently defends the
practice which Vigilantius condemned, comparing
those who supplied the lights " in honour of the
martyrs " to her who poured ointment on our
Lord (Contra Vigilant. 8).
II. In the time of St. Jerome we first hear of
another practice, which would inevitably end in
the ceremonial use of lights ; viz. their employ-
ment as a decoration in churches on festi-
vals. This is first mentioned by Paulinas of
Nola, A.D. 407, who thus describes his own
custom on the feast of St. Felix, to whom his
church there was dedicated : " The bright altars
are crowned with lamps thickly set. Lights are
burnt odorous with waxed papyri. They shine
by night and day : thus night is radiant with the
brightness of the day, and the day itself, bright
in heavenly beauty, shines yet more with light
doubled by countless lamps " (Poem. xiv. Nat. 3,
1. 99; comp. P. xix. N. 11, 11. 405, &c.). This
does not prove his common use of lights by day,
but that is made probable by another poem, in
which, describing apparently the ordinary appear-
ance of his church, he says :
"Tectoque superne
Pendentes Lychni spiris retinentur ahenis,
Et medio in vacuo laxis vaga lumina nutant
Funibus : undantes flammas levis aura fatigat."
Poem, xxxvii. Nat. ix. 1. 389.
If such a practice prevailed in any degree
duing the 4th century, it probably affords the
explanation needed in the well-known story of
Epiphanius, who once, when passing through a
country place called Anablatha, "saw, as he
went by, a lamp burning, and on inquiring what
place that was, learnt that it was a church "
(Epist. ad Joan, Ilieros.).
III. The ritual use of lights for which such a
custom prepared the way would probably have
been only occasional for many ages, but for the
conditions under which the worship of Chris-
tians was held during the first 300 years. Se-
crecy was necessary when persecution was active,
and great privacy at all times. This led to
their assembling after the daylight had failed, or
before the sun rose. When the disciples at
Troas " came together to break bread," it was
evening, " and there were many lights in the
upper chamber, where they were gathered to-
gether " (Acts xx. 7, 8). Pliny the younger,
some 50 years later, told the emperor that the
Christians were in the habit of meeting for
common worship " before it was light " (Epp.
lib. x. n. 97). From Tertullian (De Corona, iii.)
we learn that it was the custom of his day to
" take the sacrament of the Eucharist in assem-
blies held before dawn." The fear of discovery
which induced this precaution caused them also
to avail themselves of the catacombs and other
subterranean places in which, while they were
more free to choose their time of meeting, the
natural darkness of the place itself would make
artificial light essential. St. Jerome, speaking
of the catacombs at Rome at a time when they
were no longer in use for Christian worship
says, " They are all so dark that to enter into
them is, in the language of the psalmist, like
going down into hell" {Comment, in Ezek. lib.
994 LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
xii. c. xl.). Some of the first churches even
were, for the reason that we have indicated,
built under ground. There is one still to be
seen at Lyons, containing the remains of St. Ire-
uneus, " fort profonde et fort obscure," which is
believed to be " one of the first churches in
which the first Christians of Lyons used to
assemble " ( De Moleon, Voyages Liturgiqnes,
p. 71). Now there is every reason to believe
that the necessary lights of this period became
the ceremonial lights of the next. We do not
know when they ceased to be necessary. Even
in the 7th and 8th centuries, the station before
the celebration of the Eucharist on high festivals
still began at daybreak (Ordo Rom. i. 4 ; ii. 1;
iii. 3 ; Musae.Ital. torn. ii.). They could hardly
be needed to give light at that time ; but a
mystic meaning, already attached to them, must
have led to their retention. The following is a
description of their use in a pontifical mass of
that period. When the bishop left the secreta-
rium, he was preceded by 7 acolytes, each bear-
ing a lighted wax candle (Ordo R. i. 8 ; ii. 5 ;
iii. 7). As they came near the altar, they di-
vided, 4 going to the right, and 3 to the left,
that he might pass through. When the deacon
went to the ambo to read the Gospel two of the
lights were carried before him in honour of the
book which he bore in his hands (i. 11; ii. 8;
iii. 10). Our earliest authority now quoted does
not tell us whether the lights were extinguished
o o
at any part of the service ; but according to the
next in date they were "extinguished in their
place after the reading of the Gospel" (ii. 9).
This was clearly a reminiscence of their original
use. From the first two we learn that after the
Kyrie the acolytes set the candle-stands (cereo-
stata) on the floor (i. 26 ; ii. 5 ; comp. v. 6).
The second further tells us that they were put
" 4 on the right and 3 on the left, or (as some
will have it) in a row from south to north "
(ii. 5). At a later period they were set " so as to
form a cross " (vi. 5). After the Collect they
were in the earlier age put " in one line from
east to west, in the middle of the church "
(ii. 6). In a later, we find them when extin-
guished set behind the altar (v. 7) a practice
which, in conjunction with the need of light at
an early celebration, in due time paved the
way for the introduction of altar-lights. The
earliest document to which we have here re-
ferred is supposed by Ussher, Cave, and others to
have been compiled about the year 730; but it
evidently did not create all the rites which it
prescribes. We therefore assume that those
now described were practised at Rome at least
during the latter part of the 7th century.
IV. To the same period we may, on the same
grounds, refer the office of the TENEBRAE in
its first stage. It was celebrated on the night
before Good Friday. One-third of the lights in
the church were extinguished after the first
psalm of Nocturns ; another third after the
second, and the remainder, with the exception
of seven lamps, after the third. These seven
were extinguished at Matins; the first on the
right side of the church, when the antiphon
before the first psalm was heard ; the second, on
the left, at the end of the psalm, "and so on
either side alternately down to the Gospel, i.e.
the Beneclictus ; but, at the Gospel the middle
light is put out " {Ordo, i. 33 ; comp. App. 2).
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
V. The Paschal Light (Paschal Post, Cereus
Paschalis) is heard of at an earlier period. We
have an almost certain reference to it in the
Liber Pontijicalis, where we are told (n. 42),
that Zosimus, A.n. 417, " gave permission for the
blessing of candles in the suburbicarian dioceses."
Some copies (Condi. Surii, Annal. Baronii) even
read cereum Paschalem here, and the passage
can hardly refer to anything else. This was the
tradition of Sigebert of Gemblours : "Zosimus
the pope orders a wax candle to be blessed
throughout the churches on the holy Sabbath of
Easter " (ad ann. 417 ; Biblioth. PP. vii. 1358.
Similarly Leo Ostiensis, Chron. Cassin. iii. 31).
Two forms for the benediction of the Paschal
Light were composed by Ennodius, who became
bishop of Ticino in 511. They are still extant
(see his works by Sirmond, Opusc. 9, 10, p. 453).
Gregory the Great, writing in 605 to a bishop
who was sick, says, " Let the prayers which in
the city of Ravenna are wont to be said over
the wax candle, and the expositions of the gospel
which are made by the bishops (sacerdotibus) at
the Easter solemnity, be said by another " (Epist.
xi. 28, al. 33).
From the first Ordo Romanus (about 730) we
learn that on Maundy Thursday, at the 9th
hour, a light was struck from flint in some place
outside the basilic at the door, if there was no
oratory, from which a candle was lighted and
brought into the church in the presence of the
congregation. A lamp lighted " from the same
fire" was kept burning until Easter Eve, and
from that was lighted the wax caudle which
was solemnly blessed on that day (Ordo liom. i.
32). Zachary, who became pope in 741, in a
letter to Boniface of Mentz, says that ' three
lamps of great size (so lighted) placed in some
more secret part of the church, burned to the
third da}', i.e. Saturday." He adds that oil for
them was collected from every candle in the
church, and that "the fire for the baptism of
the sacred font on Easter Eve was taken from
those candles" (Ep. xii. Labbe, Cone. torn. vi.
col. 1525). It will be observed that lampas and
candela are here synonymous. From the frag-
ment of a letter of Hadrian I. A.D. 772, to the
monks of Corbie, we learn that the priests and
clerks did not put on their stoles and planetae
on Easter Eve " until the new light was brought
in that the wax candle might be blessed " (Com-
ment. Praev. in Ord. Horn. Mabill. Mus. It.
torn. ii. p. cii.). The blessing was pronounced
by the archdeacon (Rabanus, de Instit. Cler. ii.
38).
There are two forms of the Benedictio cerei in
the Gregorian Sacramentary (Murat. Liturg.
Rom. Vet. torn. ii. col. 143). The former of
these is also found in the Missale Gothic-urn
(Liturg. Gallic, p. 241), in the Missale Gallica-
num (ibid. p. 357). and again in the Besan9on
Sacraincnt-ary discovered by Mabillon at Bobio
(Mus. Itul. torn. i. p. 321). This may be thought
to prove that the rite was derived to France
from Rome.
In Gothic Spain and Languedoc, both the
prayers and ceremonial differed from those of
Rome. The clergy assembled, not on Maundy
Thursday, but Easter Eve at the 9th hour in,
the processus, a chamber connected with the
church, and in small churches identical with
the sacrarium. There the deacons received 12-
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
wax candles from the bishop, who retained one
for himself. They then entered the sacrarium,
where the bishop himself proceeded to strike the
Hint. A candle (candela) was first lighted with
the lire thus obtained, and a lamp (lucerna) was
then lighted from the candle. They then re-
turned into the processus, where the bishop took
his seat. He next lighted his own candle from
the lamp which a deacon had brought from the
sacrarium, and the deacons then lighted theirs,
also from the lamp. The deacon who held it
ther received a blessing from the bishop, for
which no words were prescribed ; and the bishop
said an " Oratio ad benedicendam lucernam."
They then entered the church in procession, the
deacons with their lights preceding the lamp,
the bishop and presbyters following it. As they
entered the choir they sang an antiphon (Lumen
verum, St. John i. 9) with versicle (populus qui
sedebat, St. Matt. iv. 16) and gloria. The bishop
or a priest next goes to the altar and says a
prayer " ad benedicendum cereum." After this the
deacons, who are themselves to bless the paschal
lamp and candle, receive a benediction from the
bishop, which is to fit them for that office. They
then, while the bishop is in his chair behind the
altar, and the presbyters are standing by him,
solemnly pronounce a long form of blessing
(benedictio lucernae) given in the sacramentary.
A similar benedictio cerei followed, and the
bishop then comes in front of the altar, and
proceeds with the service of the day (Missale
Jfozarabicum, Leslie, pp. 174-178).
The benediction of the lamp appears to have
been peculiar to this office, and the prayer is
said by Elipandus, A.D. 792, to have been com-
posed by Isidore of Seville (Epitt. ad Alcuin. xi.
inter Opp. Ale.). He quotes a passage in it :
" Induit camera, sed non exuit majestatem,"
&c. by which we are enabled to identify it. See
3Iiss. Moz. p. 176. It is certain that the 4th coun-
cil of Toledo, A.D. 633 (can. 9), at which Isidore
presided, recognised both the paschal lights :
" The lamp and the candle are not blessed in
some churches on Easter Eve, and they inquire
why they are blessed by rjs. We bless them
solemnly because of the glorious sacrament of
that night ; that in the benediction of the
hallowed light we may discern the mystery
of the sacred resurrection of Christ, which
took place on this votive night. And forasmuch
as this rite is practised in churches in many
lands, and districts of Spain, it is fit that for
the unity of peace it be observed in the
churches of Gallicia."
At Rome there was a singular custom in con-
nexion with the paschal candle which, so far as
we have been able to discover, was not adopted
elsewhere. The number of years from the cru-
cifixion was inscribed on it. Bede (De Tempor.
Rat. c. 45) records such an inscription, which
had been copied at Rome by some pilgrims from
England, viz. : " From the passion of our Lord
Jesus Christ are 668 years."
The paschal candle played a considerable part
in the baptisms which took place on Easter Eve.
When the font was blessed, " at the invocation
of the Holy Spirit, which the priest pronounces
with a loud voice, i.e. with deep emotion of mind,
the candle that has been blessed, or those that
have been lighted from it, are put down into the
water to shew the presence of the Holy Ghost "
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF 995
(Pseudo-Alcuiu, de Dio. Off. Hittorp. col. 259)'
Only the lower part was immersed (i'lid.), while
the whole, when lighted, represented Christ the
pillar of light; the part not yet burning, but
ready to furnish the means of light, symbolised
the Holy Ghost (Amal. Var. Lect /Hittorp. 1447).
This was the baptism of the font mentioned above
by Zachary. When the catechumens had been
baptized, an unlighted candle was put into fhe
haud of each. Litanies were then sung in the
Roman ritual (probably only Kyries), and then
the Agnus Dei, during which the precentor gave
the word, " Light up," and the candles of the
neophytes (Amalar. de Antiphon. c. 44 ; Pseudo-
Alcuin, Hitt. col. 260), and all throughout the
church (Ord. Rom. i. 45 ; Amal. ibid.), were at
once lighted. Till that moment the lamps and
candles of the church were not lighted for three
nights, " to teach us," says the archdeacon of
Rome to Amalarius (u. s.), " to turn away from
joyfuluess to sadness," as "joy was quenched in
the hearts of the disciples of Christ so long as he
lay in the tomb" (Amal. ibid.). They were re-
lighted at the Agnus to shew that every one ought
to receive light through that " Lamb that taketh
away the sins of the world " (Amal. de Eccles.
Off. i. 30). The mass of the resurrection began
after the lighting of the candles (Ord. Rom. i.
45, and Append. 10; Amal. de Antiph. c. 44;
Rabanus, de Instit. Cler. ii. 38). For " the
seven white days," i.e. until Low Sunday, the
newly baptized were daily present at the celebra-
tion of the Eucharist in their white robes and
with their candles in their hands (Alcuin, Ep. ad
Car. Magn. in Hittorp. col. 300 ; Raban. u. s.
cap. 39). The symbolism is thus explained :
" The eight days of the neophytes represent the
course of this present life. For as the Hebrew
people, after passing the Red Sea, entered the
land of promise, trampling over their foes, pre-
ceded by night throughout their journey by a
pillar of fire, so our baptized, their past sins done
away, are daily led to the church preceded by a
lighted pillar of wax " ( Pseudo-Ale, u. s.
col. 262).
VI. We first hear of these baptismal lights in
the 4th century." Zeno of Verona, A.D. 360,
speaks of the " salt, fire, and oil, and poor tunic "
given to the newly baptized (Tract, i. xiv. 4).
St. Ambrose, 374, addressing a lapsed virgin,
says : " Hast thou forgotten the holy day of the
Lord's resurrection in which thou didst offer
thyself to the altar of God to be veiled ? In so
great and so solemn an assembly of the church of
God, amid the blazing lights of the neophytes,
among candidates for the kingdom of heaven,
didst thou come forward as if to become the bride
of the King" (De Laps. Virg. v. 19). Gregory
Nazianzen, in a discourse delivered on Easter Day
about 385 : " Our white dresses and light-bear-
ing yesterday, which we celebrated both pri-
vately and publicly, all conditions of men nearly,
Cyril of Jerusalem, A.D. 350, has been supposed to
mention these lights : " The call to be soldiers of Christ,
and the lamps that load the bride home, and the desire of
the kingdom of heaven, .... have been yours" (Catech.
Praef. i.) ; but he is speaking, not to the baptized, but to
competentes, and by the bridal lamps he means those
motions of the Holy Ghost and spiritual instructions
which had lighted their way to Christ, and to the en-
trance of His kingdom.
3 T
996 LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
and every high officer, illumining the night with
abundant fire," &c. (In S. Pascha, xlv. 2).
About the year 500, a large number of Jews were
converted at Auvergne, and we are told by
Gregory of Tours, 573, that at their baptism
" candles blazed, lamps shone, the whole city was
bright with the white-robed flock " (Hist. Franc.
v. 1 1). At the request of Gregory, Fortunatus
wrote a poem on the event (Poem. v. 5), from
which we may cite the following lines :
' Undique rapta manu lux cerea provocat astra :
Credas ut Stellas ire trahendo comas.
Lacteus hinc vesti color est ; bine lampade fulgor
Ducitur, et vario luniine picta dies."
We should infer from this that at baptisms
of great interest others, beside the neophytes,
carried lights. This is confirmed by the account
which an eyewitness gives of the baptism ot
Theodosius the Younger, A.D. 401 : "All were in
white, so that you might fancy the multitude
covered with snow. Illustrious patricians went
before, and every dignitary with the military
orders all carrying wax lights, so that the stars
might be supposed to be seen on earth " (Marcus
Gaz. Epist. ad Arcad. apud Baron, ad ann. 28).
The symbolism of these lights is thus explained
by Gregory Nazianzen to some candidates for
baptism : "The lamps which thou wilt kindle are
a mystical sign of that lamp-bearing from thence-
forth, wherewith we, bright and virgin souls,
will go forth to meet the Bridegroom " (Orat, xL
in Sanct. Bapt. 46).
VII. The gospel lights, to which incidental
reference has been made, are first heard of in the
4th century. St. Jerome, A.D. 378, tells us that,
" through all the churches of the east, when the
gospel is to be read, lights are kindled, though
the sun is already shining ; not, indeed, to dispel
darkness, but to exhibit a token of joy ; . . . . and
that under the figure of bodily light, that light
may be set forth of which we read in the psalter,
' Thy word is a lantern unto my feet, and a light
unto my paths'" (Cont. Vigilant, c. iii.). In the
west the custom is first mentioned by Isidore of
Seville, writing in 636, which makes it probable
that it travelled to Rome through Spain, a;
several other rites appear to have done. He
says (Etymol. vii. xii. 29), " Those who in Greek
are called acolytes are, in Latin, called ceroferarii,
from their carrying wax candles when the gospel is
to be read, or the sacrifice to be offered ; for these
lights are kindled by them, and carried by them,
not to dispel darkness, for the sun is shining the
while, but for a sign of joy, that under the
form of bodily light may be represented thai
light of which we read in the gospel : ' He was
the true light.' "
VIII. There is ample evidence of the use o
lights, both stationary and processional, ai
funerals in every part of the Christian church
When the body of Constantine lay in state, " they
lighted candles on golden stands around it, am
afforded a wonderful spectacle to the beholders
such as was never seen on the earth under th
sun since the world was made " (Euseb. Vita
Constant, iv. 66). Gregory Nyssen, A.D. 370
speaking of his sister's funeral, says that " Nc
small number of deacons and sub-deacons pre
ceded the corpse on either side, escorting it iron
the house in orderly procession, all holding wax
candles " (De Vita S. Macrinae, in fin.). From
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
Gregory" Nazianzen, we learn that the rite was
n frequent, if not general, use at this time ; for
referring to the burial of Constantius, he says :
He is carried forth with the acclamations and
escort of the people, and with these our solemn
rites, viz. hymns by night, and torch-bearing,
with which we Christians are wont to honour a
religious departure " (in Julian. Invect. ii. Or. v.
L6). St. Jerome, of the obsequies of Paula, A.D.
386 : " She was borne by the hands of bishops,
who even put their shoulder to the bier, while
other pontiffs carried lamps and candles before
her (Ad Eustoch. Ep. cviii. 29). St. Chryso-
stom : " Tell me what mean those shining lamps.
Do we not conduct them (the dead) forth as
athletes?" (in Epist. ad Hebr. c. 2; Horn. iv.
5). When the remains of Chrysostom himself
were removed from Comana to Constantinople in
438, " the assemblage of the faithful covered the
mouth of the Bosphorus at the Propontis with
their lamps " (Theodoreti Hist. Eccl. iv. 36 :
comp. 34). At the funeral of St. Germanus of
Auxerre, A.D. 447, " the multitude of lights beat
back the rays of the sun, and maintained their
brightness even through the day " (Constant, in
Vita S. Germ. ii. 24 ; ap. Surium, Jul. 31).
When Euthymius died in Palestine, A.D. 467, the
patriarch of Jerusalem " went down to the laura
himself, and transferred, with accompaniment of
lamps and psalms, that holy body of the blessed
one to the abode which he had himself built,
trusting it to his own hands alone " (Eiithymii
Vita, c. 112 ; Eccl. Gr. Monum. ii. 296, Cotel.)-
Corippus, the grammarian, describing the cere-
monial at the funeral of Justinian, A.D. 565,
says that, " a thousand stands of gold and silver
with candles set on them filled the halls," and
that when the corpse was taken out for burial.
" the whole populace went out in procession
from the palace, the mournful bands burning
funereal torches " (De Laud. Justin. Min. iii.
9, 38).
At Paris, in 585, king Guntram buried a mur-
dered grandson " with the decoration of innu-
merable candles " (Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, vii.
10). When queen Radegund was buried at
Poictiers in 587, " the freewomen, who carried
candles (cereos) before her, all stood round the
grave. Every one gave her name inscribed on
her candle. They all, according to the order
prescribed, gave the candles to one of the ser-
vants. A dispute arises among the people ; some
said that the candles themselves ought to be put
into her holy tomb ; others said not " ( Vita St.
liaderj. auct. Baudonivia, cap. v. ; Boll. Acta SS.
Aug. 13). The question was settled by one of
the candles leaping out of the hands of the ser-
vant who held them, and falling at the feet of
the corpse.
IX. From this use of lights the transition was
easy to leaving them in the sepulchre, or near
the grave, when the nature of the place admitted
of it. We accordingly often read of lights in
the martyria or oratories erected over the re-
b Gregory (Orat. vii. 15) has been quoted as saying
that his mother carried a lamp at the funeral of her son
Caesarius, but the original has, not Aan.7raSo$opi'a, but
Aaju.7rpo<J>opt'a, and tells us that the wore a shining white
dress. The error is due to the old Latin translation,
which gives " cereorum gestatione " as the equivalent to
A.aju.jrpo<f>opi'a. See edit. Morell. Or. x. torn. i. p. 169.
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
mains of martyrs. We have already seeu this
forbidden in the daytime by the council of Illi-
beris, about 305, because it tended to distract
those who resorted to them for prayer. St.
Jerome, as we have also seen, owns and defends
the practice, though ascribing it to weak and
ignorant persons. We may cite an instance from
the Dialogues of Gregory, A.D. 595. That author
relates that St. Peter once appeared to the sacris-
tan, not long deceased, of the church dedicated to
him at Rome, and in which the saint's body lay,
wnen he had risen at night " to trim the lights
by the entrance " (lib. iii. c. 24). Gregory's sug-
gested explanation is, that he did so in order to
shew that he was always cognizant of, and
always ready to reward " whatever was done
out of reverence for him." Gregory of Tours
tells us that two energumens entering a monas-
tery at Malliacum (Maille-Lallier), declared that
it contained the tomb of St. Solemnis, and said :
" When you have found it, cover it with hang-
ings, and burn a light." Miracles followed the
discovery, and we read that one person who had
been cured of an ague, " having prayed and
lighted candles, held them in his hands through-
out the night, keeping vigil there" (De Glor.
Conf. 21). A lamp gave perpetual light at the
tomb of St. Marcellinus of Iverduu (ibid. c. 69),
and of St. Marcellus of Die in Dauphiny (ibid.
70). The oil in both these instances was sup-
posed to be endued with miraculous power.
Franco, bishop of Aix, A.D. 566, having been
plundered by a powerful neighbour, is said to
have addressed St. Merre, before whose tomb he
had prostrated himself, in these words : " Neither
light shall be burnt here, nor psalmody sung,
most glorious saint, unless thou first avenge thy
servants of their enemies, and restore to holy
church the things by force taken from thee"
(ibid. 71).
X. The next step, naturally, was to treat any
supposed relic of the saint, however small, with
similar tokens of veneration. In the 5th cen-
tury, we read of a man who had been cured of
lameness after praying in a church where relics
of St. Stephen and other saints were thought to
be preserved, "lighting candles and leaving his
staff there " before he went home (Evodius, de
Mirac. St. Steph. i. 4; App. vi. Opp. Aug.).
Gregory of Tours having dedicated an oratory,
removed thither from a church relics of St.
Euphronius and others, " candles and crosses
shining " as they went (De Glor. Conf. 20). In
another oratory at Tours were alleged relics of
John the Baptist, before which a lamp burnt,
the oil of which bubbled miraculously (JHiriic.
i. 15). The bishop of a certain sea-town in the
east, hearing that some relics of St. Julian were
in a ship that had just arrived, "moved the
people to go in procession to the port with
lighted torches " (ibid. ii. 33). During an epi-
demic at Rheims in 546, a relic of St. Remigius
was carried through the city " with lighted
candles on crosses, and with candlesticks " (Do
Glor. Confess. 89). Lights fixed on crosses were
an invention of St. Chrysostom, who employed
them in those nocturnal processions which he
instituted at Constantinople to counteract a simi-
lar custom of the Arians (Socrates, Hist. Eccl.
vi. 8).
XI. Lights before relics were naturally fol-
lowed by lights before images, when the latter
LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF 997
began to be unduly honoured. There are no in-
stances, however, earlier than the 6th century.
Some MSS. of Gregory of Tours relate a miracu-
lous cure performed with oil from a lamp before
the picture of St. Martin in a church at Ravenna
(De Mirac. St. Mart. i. 15). This proves, at
least, that the practice was known to the writer,
while its novelty and partial distribution may be
inferred from the fact that Paulus Warnefridi, tell-
ing the same story, says that " there was an altar
in honour of St. Martin, with a window near it, in
which a lamp was set to give light " (De Gest.
Longob. ii. 13). In the east, John Moschus, A.D.
630, tells the story of a hermit who, when about
to visit any holy place, used to set a caudle
before the picture of the blessed Virgin, trust-
ing to her to keep it burning until he returned
(Pratum Spirit, c. civ.). In 715, Germanus,
Patriarch of Constantinople, writing to another
bishop, says : " Let it not scandalize some that
lights are before the sacred images and sweet
perfumes. For such rites have been devised
to their honour. . . . For the visible lights are
a symbol of the gift of immaterial and divine
light, and the burning of sweet spices of the
pure and perfect inspiration and fulness of the
Holy Ghost (Ep. ad Thomam, in Labbe, Cone. vii.
313). In 787, the second council of Nicaea gave
its sanction to the practice already popular by
a decree that " an offering of incense and lights
should be made in honour " of the icons of
Christ, of angels, of the blessed Virgin, and
other saints (Labbe, u. s. 556). This was one of
the practices which even the more moderate of
the emperors opposed to image worship en-
deavoured to put down (Epist. Mich. Balb. ad
Ludov. Pium in Decreta de Cultu Lnag. Gold-
ast. p. 619).
XII. During the last three centuries of our
period, a custom prevailed of offering candles to
God, and at length to the saints, with prayer for
recovery from sickness, and other benefits. E.g. a
gni who had been long ill made a candle of her
own height, which she lighted and held burning,
" by the help of which (God pitying her in the
name of the holy woman St. Radeguud), the cold
was expelled before the candle was consumed "
( Vita S. Radeg. 32 ; Venant. Fortun. A.D. 587 ;
compare the Life by Baudon. 20). Gotseliu, the
monk who, in the 9th century, wrote a life of
St. Augustine of Canterbury, when relating the
cure of a cripple, says, that he had received from
a charitable woman " a light to offer " to the
saint ( 2, Ada S3. 0. B. torn. i.). By the
council of Nantes, A.D. 660, all persons were for-
bidden " to make a vow or to carry a candle or
any gift when going to pray for their health,
except at the church to the Lord their God "
(can. 20). The object, it must be explained, was
to put down heathen superstitions, not to dis-
courage saint-worship. In the life of St. Sabas,
ascribed to Cyril of Scythopolis, A.D. 555, there
is a story of a silversmith who, having been
robbed, " went immediately to the martyrium
of St. Theodore, and for five days supplied (and
probably tended, eVco/cra) the lights of the
nave, and remained there night and day weeping
at the rails of the bema " ( 78, Cotel. Hon.
Grace, iii. 355).
XIII. Candles were also offered as a token of
thankfulness for mercies received. For example,
when Justin the Younger, on his accession, went
3 T 2 '
( J98 LIGHTS, CEREMONIAL USE OF
with the empress to a public service of thanks-
giving, they both offered frankincense and candles
(Corippus, u. s. ii..9, 71 ; comp. v. 317). A wax
candle was offered at the tomb of St. Eucherius
of Orleans, A.D. 738, by a woman whom he had
converted ( Vita &'. Eucker. 10 ; Acta SS.
0. B. iii. 599).
XIV. The Liber Pontificalis (Anastat. Bihlioth.
n. 85) tells us that Sergius I. A.D. 687, ordered
that on the feast "of St. Simeon, which the
Greeks call hypapante, a litany (i.e. procession)
should go forth from St. Adrian's, and the
people meet it at St. Mary's." The Greeks had
observed the feast for some time (with what
ceremonies we cannot say) ; but this appears to
be its introduction at Rome. Sergius was a
Syrian of Antioch by birth, and was more
likely to bring in an eastern custom than many
of his predecessors. This feast (Feb. 2) was
afterwards called the Purification of St. Mary,
and was marked by so profuse an use of lights
that it acquired the name of Missa Luminum
(Candlemas). Lights are not mentioned in the
above account, nor by the interpolate!" who
in the 9th century or later adapted Gregory
Nyssen's Sermon de Occursu Domini to the
feast; but they were so common in processions
at Rome, that they were probably carried in it
from the first ; especially as the words of Simeon
(Luke ii. 32) suggested them as appropriate to
the occasion. The earliest witness to their use
however is Bede, 730, who says that the festi-
val took the place of the old lustrations of
February : " This custom of lustration the
Christian religion did well to change, when in
the same mouth, on the day of St. Mary, the
whole people with the priests and ministers go
in procession through the churches and suitable
parts of the city with the singing of hymns, all
carrying in their hands burning wax lights,
given them by the pontiff" (De Temp. Bat. 10).
The only other witness before the death of
Charlemagne is Alcuiu, in a sermon (in Hypa-
panti, 2) before that prince: "The solemnity
of this day, while it is unknown to some
Christians, is held by many in greater honour
than the other solemnities of the year; but
above all in that place, where the Catholic
Church has obtained the primacy in its chief
pastor, is it held in so great reverence, that the
whole populace of the city collected together,
shining with huge lights of wax candles, cele-
brate the solemn rites of masses, and no one
without a light held in his hand enters the
approach to a public station ; as if, in sooth,
being about to offer the Lord in the temple, yea,
to receive also the light of faith, they are out-
wardly setting forth by the sacred symbolism
(religione) of their offering that light where-
with they shine inwardly " (Baluz. Miscell. ed
Mansi, ii. 52). Martene and others have citer
similar references to the lights of this festival
which, if genuine, would be earlier than Bede
from homilies ascribed to St. Eloy, bishop o
Noyon, A.D. 640, and Ildefonsus, bishop o
Toledo, 657 ; but those homilies are by carefu
critics assigned respectively to the 9th and 12th
centuries. See Oudin in nn.
It will be observed that Bede speaks of th
candles as " given " by the bishop of Rome. H
does not say " blessed." Similarly, Pseudo
Alcuin (De Div. Off. Hittorp. 231): "The,
LILY
eceive all a single wax candle from the hand of
,he pontiff'." Amalarius, A.D. 827 (De Eccl. Off.
v. 33) and Rabauus, 847 (Da Instit. Clcri, ii. 33),
also mention the lights, but not any benediction.
S T or can we find any form of blessing in any
sacramentary written before the 9th century.
There is one in a Tours missal of that age, but
so inferior in composition that it can hardly be
older than the missal itself. We give it here :
1 A Prayer at the Blessing of the Lii/hts. O
God, the true light (lumen), propagator and
vuthor of the light (lucis) everlasting, pour into
the hearts of 'Thy faithful the brightness of
perpetual light (luminis) ; and (grant) that
whosoever in the holy temple of Thy glory are
adorned with lamps of present lights, being
purified from the contagions of all vices, may be^
able to be presented unto Thee, with the fruit of
good works, in the temple of Thy heavenly
labitation ; for the," &c. (Martene, de Ant. Eccl.
Eit. iv. 15, 5). [W. E. S.]
LILIOSA, martyr ; commemorated Aug. 27
(Usuard. Mart.) ; Bede as LIBIOSA same day.
LILY. Though this flower may be con-
sidered as a scriptural symbol from St. Matt. vi.
28, no particular meaning seems to have at-
tached to it at any early date. The Kpiva of
that passage may" be the scarlet anemones
which every traveller must have observed in
the Holy Land during the spring, or rather, as
the writer is inclined to fancy, the delicate and
lovely cyclamens which flower in great plenty
in both spring and autumn in the valley of Jeho-
ihaphat. The early Christian decorators made
little generic distinction in the wreaths of
flowers they painted or carved on graves.
The Italian use of the lily may probably date
from Giotto and the early Florentine Renaissance,
and would then refer to the red or white Giglio of
the city arms. The subject of the Annunciation,
so frequently treated from the earliest Byzantine
or Lombard-Romanesque dates, would sooner or
later bring the favourite flower of Florence and
of France a in special pictorial relation to the
blessed Virgin. In later days, it is considered
as the lily of the tribe of Judah, and accordingly
forms a symbolic essential to pictures of the
Annunciation (Gue'ne'bault,D*'c/OMna(Ve desMonu-
ments, s. v.). But as a symbol, carved or painted,
it is either ethnic or mediaeval, though used to
convey the idea of virginal beauty in Cant. ii.
2, 16, &c. Its connexion with the lotus, dwelt
on by Auber (Symholisme, iii. 546), is not made
out, and appears to be simply architectural, and
founded on the convex or concave form of the
bells of capitals of columns (1 Kings vii. 19,
22). See Ruskin, Stones of Venice, ii. 128,
242, 137.
The following meanings are attached to the
lily in the Clavis attributed to Melito of
Sardes (Spicilegiurn Solesmcnse, iii. p. 475).
It is fairest of flowers, and so resembles Him
(Cant. ii. 1). It is golden on white, it has
petals and six leaves, both perfect numbers,
representing perfect deity and humanity. It
possesses both beauty and medicinal virtue
(" membris medetur adustis "), and so resembles
the mother of God, who has pity on sinners.
No earlier than Philip Augustus (Auber, vol. iii.
p. 547).
LIMINIUS
Its green signifies humility; its whiteness,
chastity; its golden hue, charity. It is the
holy church ; it is the glory of immortality ; it
is the Holy Scriptures, with reference to Cant.
iv. 5 ; and a variety of impertinences of symbo-
lism, which have been its weak side, and the
Lane of religious art, from a distressingly early
date in the history of religion and art alike.
[R. St. J. T.]
LIMINIUS, martyr, in Auvergne, circ. A.D.
255 ; commemorated Mar. 29 (Acta S3. Mar. iii.
769). [C. H.]
LINENTIUS, confessor near Tours, 6th
century ; commemorated Jan. 25 (Acta SS.
Jan. ii. 628). [C. H.]
LINUS (1) Bishop and martyr at Tyre;
commemorated Feb. 20 (Mart. Usuard.).
(2) Bishop of Rome, martyr ; commemorated
Sept. 23 (Usuard. Auct. ; Ado, Mart. Append. ;
Acta SS. Sept. vi. 539), and Nov. 26 (Mart.
Usuard. ; Vet. Rom. Mart.). One of the saints
of the Gregorian canon. [C. H.]
LIOBA (LKOBGYTHA, TRUTHGEBA), abbess,
circ. A.D. 780 ; commemorated Sept. 28 (Mart.
Ado, Append., Usuard. Auct. ; Acta SS. Sept. vii.
748). [C. H.]
LION. It is difficult, as Ciampini admits
(Vet. Mon. tab. 17), to attach specially Chris-
tian meaning to the form of an animal which
has been an ethnic or universally human sym-
bol of strength and courage from the earliest
records of Egypt and Assyria. As part of a
composite form, the shape of the lion is con-
aected with the cherubic symbol. [See CHERUB
in Smith's Diet, of the Bible,~^ The twelve lions
of Solomon's throne (1 Kings x. 19, 20), to which
Ciampini alludes, were intended of course as
emblematic sentinels, after the fashion of Assy-
rian imagery ; and he also notices that the eagle
is used in the same manner, often in company
with the lion, apparently for state and ornament
alone. It is pretty certain, however, that the
ideas of watchfulness and vigour, or authority
in the faith, were connected with the leonine
form, as it not unfrequently occurred in Christian
churches, especially under Lombard rule. It is
placed at the doors, very frequently as a solid
base to small pillars in the porch, or tympanum ;
and also at the foot of ambons or pulpits ; as a
symbol no doubt of watchfulness, or even of
wakefulness, according to the tradition of the
lion's sleeping with open eyes. The lions of
the gate of Mycenae may be an instance of
ancient Greek use of the form in this sense. To
this effect Martigny quotes Alciati's Emblems
(Deliciae Ital. Poetanim, p. 20, Francof. 1558):
" Est leo, sed custos, oculis qui dorrnit apertis ;
Templorum idcirco ponitur ante fores."
It is natural, of course, that archaeologists of
all dates should wish to attach a specially
Christian symbolism to the lion-form. But, as
Ciampini shews, the principal sculptures of the
subject are of early pre-Christian date ; he gives
two, in particular, from ancient Egypt (Vet.
Mon. i. tab. 17), and the same associations have
attended the image of the king of beasts from
the first records of ideas. By the early church,
it was adopted, like the originally ethnic images
LITANY
999
of the shepherd, the vine, or the fish ; though
not sanctioned, like them, by the Lord's use
of the image.
Lions are sometimes represented as grasping
the " hystrix " or porcupine, or holding a
small human figure in their claws, appa-
rently with tenderness, in the latter case (see
Ciampini). The hystrix will in this case repre-
sent the power of evil, the human form the race
of mankind. The Veronese griffin, mentioned by
Prof. Ruskin (Modern Painters, vol. iii. ch. viii.
p. 106), holds a dragon in his claws to typify
victory over evil by the angelic powers.
On a gem figured vol. i. p. 715, the lion and
serpent are represented on each side of a dove,
which is placed on a wheatsheaf, bears the olive
branch, and evidently represents the church.
This Mr. King considers an illustration of the
precept to be wise as serpents and harm-
less as doves ; though it seems possible that the
idea of contest with the lion and adder, the
young lion and the dragon, may be connected
with it. This subject, though rare, occurs in a
Vatican ivory from the abbey of Lorch, part of
the binding of its ancient Evangeliary : and
again in Gori (Thes. Diptychorum, vol. iii. iv.).
For the lions as attendant on Daniel, on sarco
phagi and elsewhere, see Bottari, passim.
[R. St. J. T.]
From Bastard, ' Sacramentary of Gellone. 1
LIPHARDUS (1) (LIETPHARDUS), bishop of
archbishop of Canterbury and martyr, circ.
A.D. 640 ; commemorated Feb. 4 (Bede, Mart.,
Auct. : Acta SS. Feb. ii. 492). [LIFARDUS.] Bede
has Liphard under both days.
(2) (LiFARDUS), of Magdunum (Meun) ; com-
memorated June 3 (Mart. Hicron. ; Bede, And. ;
Usuard. Auct. ; Acta SS. June, i. 298).
[C. H.]
LIPPIENSE CONCILIUM. [PADERBORN,
COUNCIL OF.]
LIPSTADT, COUNCIL OF. [PADER-
I30RN.]
LIPTINENSE CONCILIUM. [Licsxixcs,
COUNCIL OF.]
LITANY (\iTavfia., Litania v. Letania). A
litany is strictly any united prayer and suppli-
cation in the churches or assemblies of the
faithful. " Litania, quae Latino Rogatio dicitur,
inde et Rogationes." Ordo lit.manus. By the
word, however, is usually understood a form of
alternative prayer, intercessory or deprecatory,
1000
LITANY
LITANY
and of a penitential character, containing invo-
cations to the Holy Trinity and to the saints, in
which the people respond to each clause of the
priest by the repetition of a short and expressive
formula.
Litanies date from the earliest times of settled
forms of Christian worship. Originally they
were confined to the liturgy, properly so called ;
but in course of time, as forms of public prayer
developed themselves, they are more frequently
found apart from the liturgy, and appropriated
to occasions of more than ordinarily earnest and
penitential supplication, and specially associated
with processions, during which they were re-
peated. Hence the procession itself was often
called litania.
The word is sometimes spelt " letania," and
some have drawn a distinction between the two
forms, and argued that letania means a day
appointed for special rejoicing. " Laetum ac
festivum diem significat."" The words are,
however, generally, and probably always, used
as synouyms. b
The earliest and simplest form of Litany is
the Kyrie Eleison, repeated three, six, d twelve. 6
forty, f or more times. Mabillon (Comm. in Ord.
Horn. i. 2, p. 34) describes a procession in which
the people chanted alternately three hundred
times Kyrie Eleison, Christc Eleison ; and the
Capitulary of Charlemagne (vi. c. 197) directs
that during the funeral office, if the people do
not know the Psalms, the men should repeat
Kyrie Eleison and the women Christe Eleison
while they were being chanted.
The expression has been thought by some to
have been suggested by a sentence of Arrian
(Comment, de Epicteti Disput. ii. c. 7), "Calling
upon God we beg of Him yp:e e'Ae'rjtroj'." It
occurs however with slight variations in the
Old Testament, and was in use in the Christian
church before the date of the sentence just
quoted. It has been used in the ecclesiastical
offices of all nations, and from the earliest times.
It is found in the liturgies of St. James, of St.
O 7
Mark, and of the Greek Fathers, as well as in
those of the Armenians, Syrians, and other
Oriental Christiana, whose rites are among the
oldest extant, and who repeat it in the ver-
nacular.
There is some uncertainty by whom it was
introduced into the Latin Church. The chief
writers on Ritual attribute the introduction to
Gregory the Great. But the custom appears to
have been in use before his time, as the 5th
canon h of the 2nd council of Vaison, in the time
a u. Pappenbrock, Acta Sanct. Jun. 28, in S. Leon,
ii., where he gives his reasons.
b August! (Chris. Arch. 10. 33) says, "Aber dieser
willkilrlich gemachte Unterschied scheint nur auf einem
Wortspiele zu bcruhen."
c In the daily offices, passim.
& As in th^ litanies after Terce oil certain days, in the
Ambrosian use.
e As after the hymn at Lauds, and in Lent at the end
of Vespers in the same use, and in Vespers of the Greek
church.
' As in the daily night and day hours of the Greek
church.
e e. g. Micrologus, Amalarius.
h There is some confusion in the canons of the two
councils of Vaison (Vasio, in Gallia Narbonensis) ; the
first was in the time of Leo the Great, A.D. 442.
of Felix IV. (al. III.), A.D. 529, seems to shew,
which speaks of the Kyrie Eleison as being theu
established in all the provinces of the East and
of Italy, and directs it to be used in the churches
of Gaul ; and Gregory himself (lib. 7, Ep. 04),
in answer to some who spoke of him as wishing
to introduce the rites of the church of Constan-
tinople into that of Rome, says : " We neither
have hitherto said, nor do we now say, K>/rie
Eleison, as it is said by the Greeks " [nos neque
diximus, neque dicimus, &c.], and then he points
out the double distinction : (1) that with the
Greeks the whole congregation say it together,
whereas with the Romans the clergy and people
say it alternately ; and (2) that the Roman use
is to repeat Christe Eleison as often as Kyrie
Eleison has been said, which the Greeks never do. 1
The words were always said by the Latin
church in Greek, for which practice different
symbolical reasons have been given. St. August.
(Ep. 178) compares it with the use of the Greek
Homoousion, and remarks that as by the word
Homoousion the unity of substance of the Trinity
is confessed by all believers, so by that other,
Kyrie Eleison, the nature of the One God is
invoked by all Romans and barbarian. The
words were said after the Introit, but originally
the number of repetitions was not prescribed,
but Kyrie Eleison was repeated by the choir
until the presiding prelate directed it to be
changed into Christe Eleison : " Schola vero,
finita Antiphonia, ponit Kyrie Eleison, Prior
vero scholae custodit ad Pontificem ut ei annuat
si vult mutare k numerum Letaniae 1 " (Ordo
Rom. v. num. 6).
It appears that in the 9th century the number
of repetitions was prescribed (v. Amalarius, de
Div. Off. iii. cap. 6), and by the 12th century at
latest was established at nine, i.e. Kyrie Eleison
(thrice), Christe Eleison (thrice), Kyrie Eleison
(thrice). At this number it has since remained.
Various symbolical reasons have been assigned
for this number, on which it is not necessary to
dwell. In the Ambrosian rite Kyrie Eleison is
said thrice after the Gloria in Excelsis, thrice
after the Gospel, and thrice at the end of the
mass.
It has been questioned to whom the invocation
is to be considered as addressed. When the form
Kyrie Eleison alone is used, the prevailing opinion
appears to be that it is addressed to the second
person in the blessed Trinity, and Anastasius Si-
naiticus 1 " (Contemp. in Hexaemeron. lib. vii. cont.),
referring to Dionysius the Areopagite," says that
God the Word was properly called Lord (Do-
minus, Kvpioi), after and with reference to the
Incarnation, and the dominion which He there-
upon received. " He is called Lord [Dominus,
nempe Kuptos] because He has the Lordship [ex
eo quod Kvptevei]. Rightly, therefore, and
fittingly and suitably, when God the Word in
His advent to man took flesh and was seen upon
earth, was He also called Lord. For previously
He was called God (0eos), as being the overseer
of the world."
' In the Ambrosian rite the invocation CItriste Eleison-
is very rarely found, and only in borrowed forms.
k Otherwise called "mutare Litaniam."
1 i.e. in alteram formulam, sc. Christe Eleison.
m Vid. Biltlioth. Max. ratrum, vol. xiv.
n Ib. vol. ii.
LITANY
When Christe Elcison is interposed, the invo-
cation is usually considered to be addressed suc-
cessively to each of the persons in the Trinity
(see Amalarius, lib. iii. 6, and iv. 2 ; and S. Tho.
Aquin. Summa, part iii. qu. 83, art. 4).
We have entered at some length into the use
of Kijrie Eleison, as these words are the germ of
litanies. We will now proceed to their use
and development.
I. As to the use of litanies in the Liturgy.
In the Greek liturgies from the earliest times
long intercessory prayers, broken into clauses,
each with the same beginning, and responded to
in the same words, have formed part of the in-
troductory or proanaphoral part of the liturgy.
In the Clementine liturgy, these prayers begin
as follows. They are called " The Bidding of
Prayer over the Faithful " (jrpoffchwvricns virep
LITANY
1001
" Let us pray for the peace and the stability
of the world and of the holy churches, that the
God of the universe may give us His perpetual
peace which cannot be taken away ; that He
would keep us to the end of our lives in the
fulness of piety and godliness. Let us pray for
the holy Catholic and Apostolic Church through-
out the world, that," &c., and so on ; the suc-
cessive petitions comprising prayers for the
diocese, the bishop and clergy, the married, the
single, relations, travellers, captives, slaves,
enemies, those who are in error, infants, &c.
Here no response is given at the end of each
clause, but each begins with the same form, Let
us pray for (virtp .... Serjflw^ev).
In the Lit'irgy of St. James these prayers
occur in the same position as in the Clementine
liturgy, shortly before the beginning of the
Anaphora. They are of precisely the same
nature, though differently worded. They are
called the catholic and universal collecta or
synapte (trwa/mri) and, after a few opening
words by the deacon, begin thus : " That God
may send peace from heaven ; that He may be
gracious unto us, and preserve our souls,
" Let us beseech the Lord"
and so on for twelve such clauses, each ending
Let us beseech the Lord (rov Kvpiov 8e770o> J uej'),
and the last followed by ttvpie t\4i}<rov (thrice).
In the liturgies of St. Basil and of St. Chry-
sostom these prayers are the same for each.
They occur in both at the opening of the
liturgy, before the prayer of the first autiphon.
The deacon says : " Let us beseech the Lord in
peace.
" R. Kijrie Eleison.
" Deacon. For peace from above, and for the
salvation of our souls, let us beseech the Lord.
" R. Kijrie Eleison,
" For the peace of the whole world, for the
stability of God's holy churches, and the unity
of them all, let us beseech the Lord.
" . Kyrie Eleison."
and so on, the petitions making mention of all
orders of men, for the king, his court and army,
for success in battle, for fine weather, for the
fruits of the earth, &c. These prayers are
called in the rubrics, flpyviKa, because of the
introduction, "Let us beseech the Lord in peace,"
the first petition in all of them, as will be seen
in the examples given, being for peace. They are
Goar. Not. in S. Clirys. Lit.
also known as StaKovtKa, because said by the
deacon; as ffwairr-fi [Collecta] P, because they
form, as it were, a concatenation of petitions
fitted together into one ; or as Ectene (e/cTeHj),
because they are ordinarily long. They were
recited by the deacon from the Ainbo.
In the Armenian liturgy a litany of the same
character, except that the response is not always
the same, is said by the deacon and the choir
alternately, immediately after the Trisagion, 1 *
and before the lections from Scripture, and the
Creed.
In the West, missal litanies were also common.
It was usual to say them immediately after the
Kyrie on those days on which Gloria in Excelsis
was not said, and this custom continued until
the 9th century. They contained prayers for
all estates of men, and were of the same cha-
racter as the Creek.
An old form contained in a MS. at Fulda,
and called a missal litany, begins thus :
"Let us all say with our whole heart and mind,
" Lord hear and have mercy [Domini exaudi et
miserere].
" Thou who beholdest the earth and makest it tremble,
" We beseech Thee, Lord, hear and have mercy.
" For profoundest peace and tranquillity of our times,
" We beseech Tkee," &c.
" For the holy Catholic Church, which is from the
borders of the world unto the ends thereof,
" We beseech Thee," &c.,
and so on for 15 clauses.
In the Ambrosian liturgy, the missal litany is
still said on the Sundays in Lent, immediately
before the Oratio super populum, which corre-
sponds with the Roman collect for the day.
There are two litanies, of which one is used on
the first, third, and fifth Sundays in Lent, the
other on the alternate Sundays. They are
framed entirely on the Greek model ; often in
almost the same words. They are said by the
deacon, the choir responding. The first runs
thus :
"Imploring the gifts of divine peace and indulgence
with our whole heart and soul, we beseech Thee,
" Lord, hare mercy.
" For the holy Catholic Church, which is here, and is
dispersed throughout the whole world, we beseech Thee
" Lord, have mercy," &c., &c.
The original of this litany, which is a good
specimen of missal litanies, is as follows:
" Divinae pads et indulgentiae munera stipplicantes ex
toto corde et ex tola mente precamur te,
" Domine miserere " (repeated at the end of each
clause).
"Pro Ecclesia sancta Catholica, quae hie et per unl-
versum orbeni diffusa est, precamur Te." [These two
words repeated at the end of each clause.]
" Pro Papa nostro III.' et Pontitice nostro III. et omni
clero eorum, orunibusque Sacerdotibus ac Ministris, pre-
camur Te.
" 1'ro fumulis Tuis III. Imperatore, et III. Rege, Duce
uostro, etonini exercitu eorum,
" Pro pace Ecclesiarum, vocatione gentium, et quiete
populorum,
" Pro civitate hac et conservation ejus, omnibusque
habitantibus in ea,
" Pro aeris temperie ac fructu et fecunditate ten-arum,
P The English word collect conveys quite a different
notion.
a This must be distinguished from the Sanctus of the
liturgy.
* Sc. Illo.
1002
LITANY
" Pro virginibus, viduis, orphanis, captivis, ac poeniten-
tibus,
" Pro navigantibus, iter agentibus, in carceribus, in viu
culis, in metallis,* in exiliis constitutis,
"Pro iis qui diversis infirmitatibus detinentur, quique
spiritibus vexantur immundis,
" Pro iis qui in Sancta Ecclesia Tua fructus rniseri-
cordiae largiuntur,
" Exaudi nos Deus in omni oratione atque deprecations
nostra,
" Dicamus omnes, Doming miserere."
The other litany is of precisely the same
nature, but worded differently.
In the Mozarabic liturgy, missal litanies,
called preces, are said on the first five Sundays
in Lent, after the psallendo, which follows the
prophecy, or Old Testament lection, and before
the epistle. There is no essential difference of
character in them from those hitherto men-
tioned, though prayers for mercy for the par-
ticular congregation occupy a larger space, and
there is a much greater number and variety in
them. They also have a distinctly rhythmical
and stanzaic character, and an approximately
accentual scansion, which a few corrections of
the text, often corrupt, would probably restore
throughout. Those for the first, second, and
third Sundays are addressed to the Saviour ;
those for the fourth and fifth are put into His
mouth. Their rhythmical character is clearly
seen in the following opening of that for the
second Sunday in Lent, which is in accentual
iambic lines: 1
"Preces. Miserere et parce clempntissime Doiuine
populotuo: Quia peccarimus Tibi.
Prostrati omnes lacrymas producinms,
Pandentes Tibi occulta quae admitimus
A Te Deus veniam dcposcimns.
R. Qiiia peccavimus Tibi.
" Orationem sacerdotum accipe,
Et quaeque postulant [? poscunt] affluenter tribue,
Ac Tuae plebi miserere Doniine.
Quid peccavimus Tibi."
And so on for nine such stanzas.
Or in that for the third Sunday :
" Rogamus Te, Rex Saeculorum, Deus Sancto,
Jam miserere, peccavimus Tibi.
Audi clamantes, Pater altlssime,
Et quae precamur, clemens attribue,
Exaudi nos Doniine. Jam miserere, &c.
Bone Redemptor, supplices quaesumus,
De toto corde flentes, requirimus
Adsiste propitius. Jam miserere, &c."
And so on for seven stanzas.
That for the fourth Sunday begins thus :
" Vide Domine hutnilitatem rueam, quia erectus est
inimicus.
" R. Miserere Pater juste et omnibus indulgentiam
dona."
" A Patre missus veni " Praedictus a Prophetis
Perditos requirere, Natus sum ex Virgine,
Et hoste captivates Assumpsi formarn servi
Sanguine redimere. Disperses colligere,
Plebs dira abjecit me. Venantes ceperunt me.
R. Miserere, c. R. Miserere, &c."
And so on for nine stanzas, recounting the inci-
dents of the Passion.
In the Roman liturgy these litanies did not
establish themselves permanently. None appear
8 A very frequent petition in these litanies.
* In the office books they are printed without distinc-
\lon of lines.
LITANY
in the sacramentary printed by Thorn isius
(vol. vi.), which cannot be later than the end of
the 6th century.
The interpolated or farced kyries, said at the
mass instead of the simple kyrie on certain days,
hardly come within our limits of time ; but a
reference to them, in connexion with the subject
before us, may be allowed. They were common
in the Middle Ages, and probably were intended
to assist the devotion and bring out the mystical
signification of the words. A few are printed
in an edition of the Roman missal of Paul III.,
with the heading " Sequuntur quaedam devota
verba super Kyrie Elcison, Sanctus, et Agnus
Dei, ibi ob pascendam nonuullorum Sacerdotum
devotiouem posita, quae licet non sint de ordi-
nario Rom. Ecc., tamen in certis missis ibidem
annotatis licite diceudae."* These interpolated
kyries were called " tropes."
The following is appointed for festivals, other
than those of the highest class :
Eyrie, Rex genitor ingenite, vera essentia, Eleison.
Kyrie luminis fons, rerumque conditor, Eleison.
Kyrie, qui nos tuae imaglnis signasti specie, Eleison.
Christe Deus formae humanae particeps, Eleison.
Christe lux oriens per quern sunt omnia, Eleison.
Christe qui perfecta es sapientia, Ekison.
Kyrie, Spiiitus vivifice, vitae vis, Eleisun.
Kyrie, Utriusque vapor in quo cuncta, Eleison.
Kyrie expurgator scelerum et largitor gratiae, quae-
sumus propter nostras offensas noli nos relinquere,
consolutor dolentis animae, Eleison.
II. In other of the daily offices of the church,
litanies of the same description as those in the
liturgy often occur. For instance, in the Greek
church a litany, whether called "synapte" or
by any other name, is said in the daily office of
nocturns, and at great vespers of a vigil at the
office of lighting of lamps. They also form part
of many of the offices of the church contained
in the euchology.
In the Ambrosian office, litanies are said
(among other days) after terce on Wednesdays
and Fridays in Lent (" litaniae post tertiam ").
These consist mainly of a series of penitential
antiphons, divided into two parts by invocations
to saints and two collects, and other forms.
The Mozarabic daily offices abound in short
litanies, of the same nature as those in the mass.
They are placed at the end of most of the offices
in Lent and on days of penitence. They are in
most cases evidently rhythmical, and are ad-
dressed to the Saviour.
The following is from terce on Tuesday in the
fourth week in Lent, and is a fair specimen:
u Among other reasons, (1) because Filioque does not
appear in the Creed ; (2) because there are no masses for
Thursday in Lent, which (on the authority of Anasta-
ius) Gregory II. instituted early in the 8th century;
and (3) because masses for some festivals are wanting
which were instituted early in the 7th century.
They were in common use in England, and are said
by some to have beon introduced by Bede, and twenty-
nine are given from the various missals. The Sarum
missal directs that on all double feasts throughout the
year one of the following Kyries (which are there given),
wilh its verses (cum suis versiculis), shall be sung at the
choice, within certain limits, of the precentor. It is said
they were in use in Sicily in the middle of the last cen-
ury. The one given in the text is found in the S;irum
and Hereford missals.
LITANY
LITANY
1003
Preces. Dicamus ornnes : Miserere nobis Deus.
11. Miserere nobls.
V. Tu Redemptor, Jesu Christe, salva mundum Tua
morte. R. Miserere nobis.
Qui pro nobis es percussus, et inique Judicatus.
R. Miserere nobis.
Qui ligatus crucera portas, et in cruce Patrem vocas.
R. Miserere nobis.
Cujus latus perfuditur, et humilitas arridetur.
Miserere nobis.
The " miserationes " said at compline on week
days in Lent are oi' the same nature. There is
a different form for each day in the week.
III. The typical form of litany differs from those
already noticed. It was, moreover, appropriated
to other occasions of prayer, and used at other
times than the ordinary liturgy or daily offices,
and specially in connexion with processions.
The original and simplest form was, as we
have seen, Kyrie Eleison and its repetitions.
The smallest and most usual number of these
repetitions was three, in the place of the second
of which the Roman church, at an early period,
substituted the form Christe Eleison. To this
introduction was added an invocation to each
Person of the Blessed Trinity severally and to
all collectively, with miserere nobis at the end of
each clause. Then followed invocations to the
Blessed Virgin, angels and saints, each with ora
pro nobis. Then "deprecations'' from various
evils, spiritual and temporal, each followed by
Lihera nos Domine ; supplications for the church
and all estates of men, each followed by Te
rogamus, ai'di nos; the whole series concluding
with the Agnus Dei thrice repeated, with the
three successive responses Parce nobis Domine;
Exaudl nos Domine ; miserere nobis. Then
Christe aiidi nos ; Christe exaudi nos ; Kyrie, &c. ;
Pater noster, a few "preces" (said alternately),
a psalm, or disconnected verses of psalms said
consecutively, and sometimes called '' capitula,"
and the whole concluded with prayers or collects
(orationes), mainly for forgiveness and pro-
tection.
This is the outline of a Roman litany in its
full development. The names of the saints
invoked varied with the place, or the occasion,
or the service, as in the Ambrosian litanies in
Lent, already referred to, in which they vary
with each litany. The list was always headed
by the Virgin and the heavenly host. The Agnus
Dei was added in the 9th or 10th century/
According to some authorities the essential parts
of a litany, without which no form of prayer is
properly entitled to the name, are the invocation
of saints, and the Christe audi nos, &c., at the
end of the supplications.
The following litany is found, under the title
Litania Romana, in an old MS. sacramentary of
Gregory the Great. It was doubtless adopted
in some church or churches of Gaul, as appears
from the introduction of the names of some
saints who were not specially venerated at
Rome (S. Maurice, f A.D. 286, S. Gerraanus,
t A.D. 448, &c.), and from the petition for the
Emperor of the Franks.
Incipit Litania flomana.
Kyrie Eleison .. ter. S.Philippe .. ora.
Christe audi nos . . ter. S. Bartholomace . . ora.
Letter from J. M. Tommasi to Eras. Gattola, abbat
and librarian of Muntecasino, dated Rome, 1690.
ora pro
S. Mutthaee.
nobis.
S. Simon
. ora.
S. Thaddaee
ora.
S. Matthia .
. ora.
S. Barnaba .
. ora.
S. Marce
. ora.
S. Luca
. ora.
S. Stephane .
ora.
S. Line.. .
. ora.
S. Clete
. ora.
S. Clemens . .
. ora.
&c.
, ora.
Sancta Maria,
Sancte Michael
S.Gabriel ..
S. Raphael . .
S. Johannes
S. Petre
S. Paule
S. Andrea . .
S. Jacobe
S. Johannes..
S. Thoma . .
S. Jacobe
[And so on for 101
Omnes Sancti
Propitius ehto
Propitius e*to
Ab omni malo
Ab hoste malo
A periculo mortis
Per crucem tuani
Peccatores
Ut pacem nobis dones . . . .
Ut sanitatem aeris dones
Ut fructum terrae nobis dones
Ut aeris temperiem nobis dones
ora.
(ira.
<irn.
ora.
ura.
ora.
ora.
ora.
ora.
ora.
ora.
&c.
names. 2 ]
Orate pro nobis.
farce nobis Domine.
Libera nos Domint.
Libera.
Libera.
Libera.
Libera.
Te rogamus audi nos.
Te royamui.
Te. ro <jam us.
Te rogamus.
Te rogamus.
Ut domnum Apostolicum ill. in sancta
religione conservare digneris, Te rogamus.
Ut domnum Imperatorem et exercitum
Francorum conservare digneris, Te roqamus.
Ut cunctum populum Chribtiauum pre-
tloso sanguine tuo redemptum con-
servare digneris, Te rogamus.
Ut iram tuam ab eo auferre digneris, Te rogamus.
Fili Dei, Te rogamus.
Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, Miserere nobis.
Christe audi.
Kyrie eleison.
Later forms of litanies are fuller, but in cha-
racter do not differ from the earlier.
In the early Latin church various kinds of
litanies were distinguished by different names.
The principal of these were
1. The greater litany (litania major), called
also the sevenfold litany (litania septiformis).
This is said to have been instituted by Gregory
the Great, A.D. 590, to be observed on St. Mark's
day (April 25), for the purpose of averting the
Divine wrath on the occasion of a pestilence
then ravaging the city. In a sermon preached
the day before, he urged the people to come at
daybreak the next day with contrite heart and
amendment of life to the sevenfold litany, for
which he then proceeds to give directions. It
was so called from its being divided into seven
litanies or processions, each of which started
from a different church, and singing litanies on
their road, all met in the church of St. Mary
the Great. "Let the litany" (i.e. the pro-
cession), he continues, " of the clergy proceed
from the church of St. John the Baptist; the
litany of men from the church of St. Marcellus
the Martyr; the litany of monks from the
church of SS. John and Paul ; the litany <>t
the handmaidens of God from the church of the
Blessed Martyrs Cosmas and Damian; trie litany
of married women from the church of the Blessed
Stephen the Protomartyr ; the litany of uiduws
from the church of the Blessed Martyr Vitalis;
the litany of the poor ami infants from the
1 The number of these invocations was sometimes
much larger. A litany of the church of Tours, as.-k IP >!
to a date not lakT than A.D. 800, has more than 300.
1004
LITANY
LITANY
church of the Blessed Martyr Cecilia "" (S. Greg.
Ep. lib. ii. 2). In another passage Gregory
speaks of litanies as already in existence, and
their observance as familiar to the people :
" The return of this annual devotional cele-
bration reminds us, beloved brethren, that we
ought, by the help of God, to celebrate with
earnest and devout hearts the litany which is
called by all the greater (major)."
But there is an uncertainty. It may well be
that Gregory found some litanies on a smaller
scale in existence, and developed them. These
litanies on St. Mark's day are still observed in
the Ambrosian rite.
2. There were the litanies on the three
Rogation days. These are said to have been
instituted by St. Mamertus, archbishop of
Vienne, A.D. 477. St. Avitus, his disciple,
Sidonius Apolliuaris (lib. i. 7, &c.), and Gregory
of Tours (//i'sf. Franc, lib. ii. c. 34), relate the
circumstances. The latter says there had been
a great and destructive earthquake in the city
of Vienne, which also suffered from war and
wild beasts, and that as Mamertus was cele-
brating mass on Easter Eve, the royal palace in
the city was struck with fire from heaven
(divino igne) and destroyed. Upon this, he
ordered litanies, with fasting, for the three days
previous to Ascension Day. The rite was adopted
in other French churches, and enjoined by the
council of Orleans, A.D. 511. These litanies were
not introduced into the church of Rome till the
pontificate of Leo III. (A.D. 795-816). In Spain
they were received still later. According to
Ambrosian use, they are not observed on the
original days of their institution, as is supposed
on account of our Lord's words, " Can the
children of the bridechamber fast, while the
bridegroom is with them," &c. (St. Mark, ii. 19),
but a week later, i. e. on the Monday, Tuesday,
and Wednesday in the octave of the Ascension.
The litanies are said after terce as on the days
in Lent, and are of the same description, but
somewhat longer. In the Mozarabic breviary
the four days next before Pentecost are ap-
pointed as days of fasting "ad exorandum
D m . nostrum J. C. pro peccatis nostris, ac pacem
impetrandam vel pro sacris lectionibus audiendis ;
et ut veniat Spiritus Paraclitus, et munda nostra
reperiat habitacula Ecclesiam D ni . frequentemus "
(Rvb. in Brcv. JUoz.~). The ordinary service is
modified by the addition of short preces at the
end of terce, sext, and none.
There is some variation in the name by which
the litany of the Rogation days is known. At
first it seems to have been called, in Rome at
least, letania " minor," partly to distinguish it
from the litany on St. Mark's day, which was
always called " major," and to which the epithet
was appropriated, and partly, possibly, as sug-
gested by Durandus " quae minorem nacta sit
auctorem ; non Romanum Pontificem, sed Ma-
mertum Viennae Allobrogum Episcopum." These
litanies, however, were soon called " major," as
in the council of Mentz, can. 33, A.D. 813
" Placuit nobis ut Litania major observanda sit
a cunctis Christianis diebus tribus," &c. Me-
a This sevenfold order is said to have been kept up at
Tours as late as the 17th century, the clergy of the seven
churches in the city starting each from their own church
and meeting in the abbey church of St. Martin.
nardus also says (in Litania majore): "Haec
Litania mijor est Rogationum, quae in triduo
ante Dominicam Ascensionem celebranda," &c. It
was also sometimes called Gallicana, from the
country in which it was instituted, while the
Litany on St. Mark's day was called Romano,.
The directions for the order of the Litany and
procession on the Rogation days are given very
fully from a MS. ceremonial of the Church of
Vieune by Marteue, iii. 126, and also the
Litanies themselves for each day from a MS.
ordinary of the church of Lyons. They present
no peculiar features, but are interesting as
pointing out clearly where the Stations occur,
and at what churches. They are always said
after Terce. After the ordinary litany, in which
no psalm is said (Nulla dicas capitula sed ora-
tionem tantum), Sext is said, the processional
office continuing with more invocations and anti-
phons, and at the last station of the day None
is said, and then Mass. Afterwards the proces-
sion returns, saying alternately certain pieces,
and the whole terminates with the " Litany for
any trouble " [Letania de quacunque tribu-
latione].
Litanies of the same character were said in
some churches at other times. Thus the Moza-
rabic breviary prescribes Litanies and days of
fasting on the Jejunium calendarum Jamiarii, i.e.
the three days next before the Epiphany, for
three days before the festival of St. Cyprian
[Sept. 13], and for three days before that of
St. Martin [Nov. 11], called Jejunium calendarum
Abrmfrm. as well as on certain other week days.
The Ambrosian rite also appoints Litanies for
the week days of the last week in Advent, called
Feriae de Exceptato.
3. Certain Litanies were also called septenary,
quinary, ternary (septena, quina, trina*). They
were thus said at the font on Easter Eve :
The first subdeacon begins Eyrie Eleison, then
the second repeats Kyrie Eleison, and so on till
the seventh.
Then the first begins Christe Eleison, and so
on till the seventh.
Then the first begins Christe audi nos, and so
on till the seventh.
And the whole Litany is gone through in the
same manner, each clause being repeated seven
times, once by each of seven subdeacons. In the
Invocations of the saints, seven names are recited
out of each order of saints (dicuntur de quolibct
choro septem sancti), seven from the apostles,
seven from the martyrs, seven from the con-
fessors, and seven from the virgins.
Then follows the quinary litany, said in the
same manner by five subdeacons, the names of
five saints being recited from each order, and
then the ternary, said in the same manner by
three.
Litanies were also used at baptisms, at ad-
ministering extreme unction, and on other occa-
sions, which it is not necessary to specify.
In a MS. Pontifical of Salzburg, the following
metrical litany occurs :
Rex sanctorum Angelorum, totum mundum adjuva,
Ora primum tu pro nobis, Virgo mater Gcrminis
Et ministrt Patris summi, ordines Angelici,
Rex Sanctorum.
Supplicate Christo regi, coetus Apostolici,
Supplicetque perrnagnorurn sanguis fusus Martyrum,
Rex Sanctorum-
LITE
LITE
1005
Irnplorate Confessores, consonate Virgines,
Quo donetur magnae nobis dies iudulgentiae,
Hex Sanctorum.
(and so on through all the orders of saints,
ending thus) :
Praesta Patris. atque Nati compar Sancte Spiritus,
Ut te solum semper omni diligamus tempore,
Bex Sanctorum.
The following is " ex pervetusto codice seu
ordine Romano Wirtinensis, in dioecesi Monas-
teriensi :
" Letania" (for tlie first day of Rogation).
Huraili prece ad Te clamantes semper exaudi nos.
Summus et Omnipotens Genitor qui cimcta creasti,
Aeternus Christus Filius atque Deus ;
Necnon sanctificans Dominator Spiritus almus,
Unica majestas triuaque sola Dei,
Ad Te clamantes.
Ipsa Dei Genetrix, reparatrix inclyta rnundi,
Quae Dominum casto corpore concipiens,
Perpetua semper radians cum virginitate
Indignos famulos Virgo Maria tuos,
ffumili.
Angelici proceres, coelorum exercitus omnis,
Aeterno semper lumine conspicuus.
Agmine ter trino supero per sidera regno
Laudibus aeternum concelebrans Dominum,
Petrus cum Paulo, Thomas cum Bartholomeo,
Et Jacob sanctus nos relevent precibus.
Andreas, Matthaeus, Barnabas atque Johannes,
Matthias, Lucas, Marcus et altisonus,
(and so on for 78 Elegiac verses, embodying the
usual invocations of saints, and supplications of a
litany).
These curious litanies are given by Martene,
vol. iii. [See also LITE, PROCESSION*.]
[H. J. H.]
LITE (AITTJ). This word is explained as the
united supplication of many. In the Greek
church it has acquired the technical meaning
of a religious procession accompanied with
prayer ; or of prayer for a special object made
during such procession. Hence Airrj and
irepliraTos are used by Codinus' as synonyms, and
both as equivalents of the Latin processio, en
^l/a\\ofj.fvov rov updpov yiyverat b irepiiraTos,
Kai fcrnv avayKT] ytvecrdai ws edos AITTJI/, tv Se
rrj AtTjJ TrefjnraTTjcrai TOV fiaffiKea. " Matutinis
decantatis, processio fit, et necesse est suppli-
cationem in procedendo fieri, et in supplication?
Imperatorem procedere." (Codinus De off. mil.
Const, c. ii.) Again Airrj and \iraveia are used
by Cedrenus b as synonymous, avx/J-ov
Xiravelav firoiT)(ravro ol rov /3ao~i\eu
.... t7roi7j<re 5t Kal kripav\n}]v 6 i
avv T<S KATJpai. So Xnavevtiv is used in the
sense of "to walk in such a procession" (Typi-
cum Sabae, c. 42).
Litao were used on various occasions of public
calamity and intercession. The Greek euchology
contains a general "office for different Litae,
and vigils with supplications" [aKoXovQia tls
Sia<p6povs AITOS Kal aypvirvias 7rapa>cA7)(rea;i'],
the framework of which is common to all Litae,
a Codinus held the office of Curopalate at the court of
the last emperors of Constantinople, and wroto (among
other works) de Officiis Ecd. et attlae Constantin. Grae.
et Lat.
b A Greek monk of the llth century, who wrote Com-
pendium Historiarum from the beginning of the world to
A.D. 1057.
and is adapted to the special occasion by the in-
troduction of proper prayers, epistle, gospel,
and canon. These and some other minor varvino-
portions are given for the following emergencies :
in time of Drought ; in peril of Earthquake; in
time of Pestilence ; in storms on Land and at Sea ;
on occasion of Inroads of Barbarians ; in anti-
cipation of War. There are also special prayers
for occasions of intercession, such as, in any
public calamity ; for the Christian people ; for the
Emperor and his Arnvj in times of famine; in
danger of thunder and lightning."
The outline of the service is as follows:
The customary opening formulas (Ter sanc-
tus rpLffdyLOf. Most Holy Trinity iravayia
. The Lord's prayer. Ktjrie eleison twelve
times.
Psalm 142 [143, E. V. Domine exaudi].
The great Si/napte.' 1
A few Troparia of the usual character.
Psalm 6.
" Then the first of the priests says a prayer
proper to the Lite, and the deacon the little
Synapte" (flra \4yei 6 -TrpoJTOS TUV Ifptwv fj.(av
Kara TT\V \nr]v, o 5e SiaKovos ffwairTrji'
/j.tKpdv).
Then begins the second station :
[KOI apxofJ.eda, TTJS Seure'pas (rracrecoy.]
Psalm 101 [102, E. V. Domine exaudi J.
A few Troparia.
The second of the priests says another prayer.
The little Synapte.
Psalm 78 [79. Deus venerunt].
A few Troparia and the gradual psalms.
The proper gospel and canon. Dismissal.
Kara, rriv AIT?)^ Kal o KO.VWV
The special prayers in these offices are long ;
several occupying a closely printed folio column
and a half, or more, and one (in time of
pestilence) almost five such columns.
A Lite of a somewhat different nature from
the foregoino" occurs in the course of Great
O O
Vespers of a Vijil.
After the prayer of Inclination of the head
rfys Ke<pa\oK\iffia.s~] the rubric proceeds :
Then we sing in this manner the idiomelcf
proper to the saint of the day, making procession
in the Narthex (Xnavevovrfs ev TU> vapQfjKi) the
priest and the deacon going first with lights and
censer. Glory. Stic/tos of the saint. And now,
Theotoldon 1 , and after this the deacon, if he is
present, or if not, the priest, says this prayer."
Then follows a prayer for protection through
the intercessions of the saints, and prayers for all
conditions of men, framed as an ordinary Ectene,
but with Kyrie eleison repeated not after each
clause, but three times after a group of several
in the course of the prayer, and forty times at
the conclusion.
The priest then says a short prayer, bids
Peace to all, and after the injunction by the
deacon to 6010 the head to the Lord, says a prayer
for protection identical in substance with that
immediately preceding the Ectene.
c There arc corresponding offices for nearly all these
occasions in the rituals of the Western church.
d The same, with the omission of the clauses for the
king, &c., as that said in the office of the LUCEKNAIMUM.
e i. e. certain antiphons, or sticki, i. e. verses.
' f. e. an antiphon to the B. V. M.
1006 LITER AE COMMENDATOEIAE
Then the Aposticha (a.Tr6<rrixa)f are begun,
and while they are being sung, the procession
returns into the nave, preceded by lights, and
singing both the Aposticha and the Stichi
belonging to them (endSovTes Kal TOUS rv^ovras
ffTLXOVS aUTOJf ).
The office then finishes with the benediction
of the loaves [see Article].
[This is extracted from the office for vespers
(aicoXovdia TOU fairfptvov) given in the euchology.
The " order of the sacred ministry " (Sidra^is
rrjs iepoSLaKovias), in the same book, gives fuller
and more complicated rubrics, but the office is
the same.]
tjymeou, Archbishop of Thessalonica h , speaking
of this office (op. cont. Haercs.) says, "This
(A.iTi7) is celebrated out of doors (eo>0ei') in
the Narthex of the church, on Saturdays and
chief festivals." He assigns also as the reason
why the Lite is celebrated in the Narthex, that
as the Saviour descended to our lower regions,
so we implore His mercy, standing at the doors
of the church as though at the doors of heaven.
Other occasional and extraordinary Litao take
place, lie says, when any plague or public
calamity threatens. [See also LITANY and PRO-
CESSION".] [H. J. H.]
LITEEAE COMMENDATOEIAE. [COM-
MENDATORY LETTERS.]
LITEEAE DIMISSOEIAE. [DIMISSORY
LETTERS.]
LITERAE FORMATAE. [FORMA.]
LITERAE PASCHALES. [PASCHAL LET-
TERS.]
LIETEAE PEEEGEINORUM. [KOINO-
JKOX, I. 907.]
LITIGATION (litcs). Lawsuits of any
kind, especially before secular courts, were dis-
couraged as far as possible. The 3rd Council of
Carthage (c. 9) provides that any of the clergy
who might appeal to a secular court in a civil
matter, should in case of success forfeit what
they had gained, if they desired to retain their
offices. The 4th council of Carthage goes still
farther. A bishop is altogether forbidden to
undertake any lawsuit about a temporal matter
(Stittut. Ecd. Anti'i. c. 19; Bruns, Canones, i.
143). The disputes of the clergy among them-
selves were to be settled by the bishop, either by
persuasion or authority, those refusing to obey
him were to be condemned by the synod (c. 59).
Any catholic, lay or clerical, who referred
any cause, just or unjust, to the decision of a
non-catholic (alterius fidei) judge was to be
excommunicated (c. 87). The council of Chalce-
don (c. 9) provides a series of appeals to eccle-
siastical courts, ending with the tribunal of the
emperor at Constantinople (cf. Codex Ecd.
Afric. c. 125). The council of Vannes however
(c. 9) permits the clergy to appeal to the secular
courts by permission of their bishops, but an
appeal from the decision of a bishop, or a suit
8 Goar (in loco) calls these TO. dn-b <ni\ov o
They are stichera appended to stichi, or fragmejitary
verses from the psalms, and are explained as " versus e
Davidicis vcrsibus compositi."
h Bib!. Max. Pat. xxii.
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against a bishop, must be made to other bishops,
and on no account, on peril of excommunication,
be referred to a secular court. The council of
Agde(c. 31,32; Bruns, Can. ii. 152) provides that
those who refuse to cease from litigation at the
bidding of the bishop shall be excommunicated,
and forbids any of the clergy to carry a cause
into a secular court without permission of the
bishop, but permits them to plead in a cause
that has already been taken there. The evi-
dence of those who were prone to litigation was
to be regarded with suspicion and not received
without very careful inquiry into its truth
(Statut. Ecd. Antiq. c. 58). In all lawsuits the
faith and moral character of both parties were to
be taken into consideration (ibid. c. 96). [P. 0.]
LITTEUS (LiTEUS), bishop and confessor in
Africa ; commemorated Sept. 10 (Mart. Usuard.
Ado ; Acta SS. Sept. iii. 483). [C. H.]
LITUEGICAL BOOKS. The present article
relates not merely to such books as are neces-
sary for the performance of the Liturgy proper,
or Mass; but to all that are used in the per-
formance of the offices of the church.
I. Before enumerating these, it will be con-
venient to attempt some answer to the question,
" When were liturgies or other formularies com-
mitted to writing for use in the church ? "
It is sometimes alleged that the great variety
and length of the prayers, &c. in the liturgies
and offices of the church preclude the supposi-
tion that these can ever have been said without
book. And this is no doubt true ; but it only
throws us back on the further enquiry, when it
was that liturgies and services became so lengthy
and complicated as absolutely to require written
manuals for their due performance a question
to which no definite answer can be given.
We cannot, in fact, inquire when liturgies
were first written, without first inquiring when
they were first celebrated in set forms ; forms
must have been adopted before they were written
down, though it by no means follows that they
were at once written ; some forms may have
been long handed down by tradition before they
were committed to writing.
As it is certain that the Jews used forms of
devotion in the Temple and in the Synagogue
before the Incarnation, and as the services of the
church were unquestionably influenced by those
of the Synagogue, it seems to be a fair presump-
tion that Christians also adopted set forms in
their public devotions from an early period.*
To this it is objected that Justin Martyr (Apol.
i. c. 67) describes the president of a Christian
assembly as sending up prayers "according to his
ability " an expression which (it is thought)
must imply that the prayers were wholly de-
pendent upon the powers of him who uttered
them. But in fact it is probable that the words
o'(77) 5vva.iJ.is avTw simply mean " with all his
strength," referring to the vehemence with
which the prayer was uttered, and not to the
matter of it; and Valesius has noted (on Euseb.
H. E. iv. 15, 36), that a.va.Trtfj.irtiv is usod
specially of uttering with a loud voice. Indeed,
when Justin describes (1. c.) the Christians as
1 In saying Ibis, tlie writer does not contend that forms
of prayer were adopted to the exclusion of ex tempwe
prayer.
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standing up together in a body, and uttering
prayers (ei>X-s W/xirojue'), we can hardly avoid
the conclusion that the harmonious utterances of
a multitude must have taken some well-known
form, perhaps rather of the nature of short
"preces" than more lengthened " orationes."
And when he says (Apol. i. c. 13) that Chris-
tians thought it right to send " pomps and
hymns " b to the Creator by means of language,
rather than as the heathen did, his words suit
better the majestic style of Eastern prayers and
odes, such as we have them, than the unpre-
meditated effusions of a presiding brother.
Another objection is found in Tertullian's
assertion (Apol. c. 30), that Christians prayed
without a prompter (sine monitore) because they
prayed from the heart. We know too little
of the functions of the heathen " monitor "
to be able to say with certainty what kind
of contrast is intended. If the monitor
dictated the words of the prayer, the passage
seems to imply that Christians needed no such
aid, but prayed in such words as the heart
prompted ; if the monitor, like the deacon in
Christian assemblies at a somewhat later date,
simply proclaimed the object for which prayer
was to be made from time to time, no such in-
ference can be drawn. And, as Bingham has re-
marked (xiii. v. 5), in public prayer the presiding
brother or presbyter must, in any case, have
dictated words to the rest, whether with the
help of a set form or not, or there could have
been no common worship. On the whole, we
conclude that Tertullian, in the passage before
us, simply means that Christians needed no
urging to pray, as some of the heathen did ; they
needed no prompting but that of their own
hearts.
Again, it is contended (e.g. by Le Brun, torn,
ii. Diss. i. p. 11 ff.) that certain expressions of St.
Basil prove conclusively that liturgies were not
committed to writing in his time. The passage
in question is the following : TO. rrjs firiK\ri(reias
pi]fjLara. eirl rrj avaSei^ei TOV iiprov TTJS fvxa-
piffTias Kal TOV TTOTrjpiov Trjs fv\oyias rls riav
ay'iuv eyypafycas rffj.1v /caraAe'AoiTre;/; (De Spiritu
Sancto, c. 27, 66) ; that is, " which of the
saints left behind for us in writing the words of
the invocation at the displaying (or dedicating)
of the bread of thanksgiving and the cup of
blessing ?" On this passage we have to remark,
that St. Basil is here defending apostolic tradi-
tion ; if, he says, we were to reject everything
which has not direct written [;'. <?. scriptural]
authority as being of no great importance, we
should very much endanger the church ; for
many well-known practices rest only on tradi-
tion ; as the use of the sign of the cross in
baptism, the turning towards the East, the use
of the words of invocation [EPICLESIS]. That he
is referring to the want of scriptural authority
for certain parts of the church service, not to
the absence of written copies, is evident from
the words which follow the passage quoted
above : " for we do not by any means content
ourselves with those words which are recorded
in the Epistles or the Gospels, but we prefix and
suffix others, as being of great efficacy in respect
>> For the application of the word TropTrrj to language,
compare Pseudo-Plato, Axioch. p. 369 D, wo^ir}] (col
'
LITUEGICAL BOOKS 1007
of the mystery, receiving them from the un-
written discipline (4k TTJS a.ypd<j>ov 5i8acr:a\iay
Trapa\a.p6vTes)." Clearly when St. Basil says
that the words of the Epiclesis were not received
in a written form from any of the saints, he
means that they were not contained in scripture,
but formed a part of that mass of non-scriptural
tradition which included so many well-known
church observances. On the question, whether
these formularies were committed to writing in
his own time, his words determine nothing ;
what he says is virtually, that they were not
contained in any writing of the apostolic age.
In any case, St. Basil's expressions relate only
to the Epiclesis in the liturgy, the exact words
of which may perhaps not have been committed
to writing until a comparatively late period,
from the dread of profanation by the heathen.
In another of Le Brim's arguments (torn. ii.
Diss. i., art. 5, p. 29-32), that the fathers
expressly forbade the Lord's Prayer or the
Creed to be written down on paper or parch-
ment, he seems to have forgotten both that the
Lord's Prayer and the Creed were regarded as
much more secret and sacred than most other
portions of divine service, and that these cautions
were addressed to catechumens.
On the other hand, it has been supposed that
some at least of St. Paul's quotations, which are
not found in canonical scripture, are taken from
Christian liturgies. As, for instance, in 1 Cor.
ii. 9, the quotation, " eye hath not seen nor ear
heard ..." which is introduced with the
words " Ka9ws ycypairTai," is by no means exactly
taken from Isaiah Ixiv. 4, and may (it is con-
tended) have been taken from a liturgy. The
expression does in fact occur in the liturgy of
St. James (Daniel, Codex, iv. 113), which how-
ever is, as a whole, unquestionably of much
later date than the apostolic age. With greater
probability it has been thought that the expres-
sion " faithful is the word " (irtffrbs o \6yos\
several times occurring in the pastoral epistles
(1 Tim. i. 15 ; iii. 1 ; 2 Tim. ii. 11 ; Tit. iii. 8)
implies the quotation of a saying or yvu^rf
familiar to the Christians in their assemblies,
perhaps one which they were accustomed to
repeat "with one voice;" the passage 2 Tim.
ii. 11 in particular has very much the rhythm
of an " ode " intended for chanting.
Whether we should reckon the books or rolls
found in ancient Christian pictures [I. 877] as
liturgical books is very doubtful. But we
come upon the traces of at least some forms
committed to writing in the 2nd century. Celsus
(Origen c. Gels. vi. 40, p. 302 Spencer) says
that he saw in the possession of Christian priests
certain " barbaric books, full of names of demons
and portentous expressions." These were in all
probability forms of EXORCISM [I. 651], though
Daniel (Codex, iv. 28 ff.) considers them to have
been DIPTYCIIS. They were at any rate some
kind of formulary used by Christians. And the
way in which Origen replies to Celsus, that
Christians who duly worship God in the set.
prayers (TrpotfTaxQeiffais evxais) are free from
the assault of demons, seems at any rate to
indicate the existence of forms. Eusebius de-
clares (//. E. v. 28, 5) that written odes
(7pa(/>e?<rai) testified from the very beginning to
the divinity of Christ the word of God ; a pass-
age which reminds us of the well-known phrase-
1008 LITURGICAL BOOKS
LITURGICAL BOOKS
of Pliny (Epist. x. 96 [al. 97]), " carmen Christo
quasi Deo dicere." In the account of the mar-
tyrdom of Felix (f 250) of Tubyza in Africa
(Baluz. Miscdl. ii. 77), the emperor is said to
have put forth an edict, that the books mean-
ing apparently those which were the property
of the church should be taken from the bishops
and priests by violence if necessary ; and in the
same narrative, the priest Januarius and the
readers Fortunatus and Septimianus declare that
the bishop had the custody of the books. In
the 4th century, the evidence of the existence
of liturgical books becomes more clear and
definite. Pseudo-Athanasius, for instance, speak-
ing of the rage of the Arians against the orthodox
(Epist. Ath. ct Episc. ad Marcum, in Migne, vol.
28, p. 1445), says that, among other things, they
burned the church books. It is not impro-
bable that the book which Hilary of Poitiers
is said to have compiled (Jerome de Scrip-
toribus Eccl. c. 100), called Liber Hy/nnorum ct
3fystcriorum, was a collection of forms for the
celebration of the sacraments. Gennadius (De
Viris III. c. 48) describes certain books which
Paulinus of Nola compiled as Sacramentarium
and Hymnarium. Victor Vitensis (Persec. Vandal.
i. 12) tells how Geiseric compelled the priests
to give up the sacred vessels or all their books
(miuisteria divina vel libros cunctos).
The existence of something of the nature of a
" mass-book " in the 5th century is testified by
Gregory of Tours in the following circumstance
(Hist. Franc, ii. 22). Sidonius Apollinaris (f ca.
488), when the book from which he was accus-
tomed to read the sacred office (per quern sancta
sollemnia agere consueverat) had been mis-
chievously taken away, was able to go through
the whole service of the holy day " a tempore,"
to the admiration of all. This is mentioned as
an instance of his readiness and command of
expression, not of his memory ; but even if we
suppose that the saint extemporised the office,
the passage equally proves that a "libellus"
was in common use. Gregory also ( Vitae Pair.
c. 16, 2, p. 1229) relates of Venantius, that
coming one day to the church he said, " my eyes
are dim and I cannot see the service book
(libellum)," and requested a presbyter to say
the office, which was (as the subsequent narra-
tive shews) the altar service.
II. List of Liturgical Books. The rule of Chro-
degang (c. 79, in Cone. Germ. i. 119) lays down
that every priest ought to have in his church
the books which are necessary to enable him to
read c masses, epistles, gospels, baptismal and
penitential offices, the series of offices for the
year (circulos anni) or the nocturnal lections,
without further defining the books. The English
Aelfric at a somewhat later date required that
every presbyter should possess before ordination
a psalter, a book of the Epistles, a book of the
Gospels, a mass-book (librum missalem), books
of the Canticles, a manual or encheiridion, a
" gerim," a penitential, and a lectionary (Har-
douin's Cone. vi. 982). Instead of the word
"gerim," Mansi gives (Suppl. Cone. i. 1168)
"Numerale," which is thought to mean a calendar
or martyrology. [LIBRARIES, II. 986.]
We proceed now to give a list of liturgical
c Or "understand," if "intelligi" be the right reading
rather than " legere.''
books actually existing, and used (in most cases)
from ancient times.
0. Of the Western Church. For the saying
of the several offices at the altar or in the choir
there would evidently be required
1. Some kind of directory as to the order and
manner of performing the services and cere-
monies appropriate to the several days. Such a
book, which would contain what in modern
times we call the Rubrics, the Latins called
ORDO.
2. The actual matter of the prayers, thanks-
givings, prefaces, c., which were to be used in
the offices. The SACRAMENTARY or MISSAL
contained the prayers, &c., used in the altar
offices on the several festivals throughout the
year.
The plenary MISSALS, which contain all that is
necessary for the performance of the altar-ser-
vices, do not fall within our chronological limits.
The Collcctarium contained the COLLECTS [I.
403], and CAPITULA [I. 289], to be said in the
Hour-offices.
3. The PSALTER contained the Psalms ar-
ranged for saying in the daily offices, together
with the CANTICLES [I. 284], and the Psalm
Quicunque Vult.
4. Provision was of course made for the read-
ing the Scripture-portions appointed in the
offices, whether at the altar or in choir. This
was done either by marking in a copy of the
Gospels, Epistles, or other books of Scripture,
the passages to be read in the several offices; or
by extracting the several passages and arranging
them in a separate book [EPISTLE, I. 621 ; GOS-
PEL, I. 740 ; LECTIONARY, II. 953].
5. The ANTIPHOXARY [I. 100] contained the
Antiphons, Responds, and Invitatories used in
divine service.
6. The Hymnarium contained the metrical
hymns used in the offices.
7. It was sometimes found convenient to
place the Benedictions in a separate volume
called a BENEDICTIONAL [I. 199].
8. The MANUAL contained those offices (other
than the Mass and the Hour- offices), which a
presbyter could administer; and
9. The PONTIFICAL, those which only a bishop
could perform.
10. The Penitential (Pocnitentiale) contained
not only the form of administering penance, but
also the penances required for various forms of
sin. [PENITENTIAL BOOKS.]
11. The Passional (Passionate, or Liber Pas-
sionarius) contained the acts of the martyrs who
were commemorated on certain days of the year.
[LEGENDA, MARTYROLOGY.]
/3. The Greek Liturgical books in the list given
below are probably, in several cases, of later
origin than the eighth century ; but as there is
great difficulty in determining their exact date
it seemed best to give the whole list according to
the modern arrangement.
1. The Directory for saying the offices was
called by the Greeks TYPICUM (-rviriKdv).
2. The LiTCRGY proper (\eirovpyla) contains
the fixed portions of the office of the altar. If
to this the offices for the administration of the
other sacraments, benedictions, etc. are added,
the whole volume is called EuciiOLOGiON.
3. The MENAEA contains the portions both of
the choir-services and altar-offices which are
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proper for the several Saints'-days or other fes-
tivals.
4. The HOROLOGION [I. 784] contains the
daily offices for the hours of prayer.
5. The Greeks, like the Latins, have a book of
the Gospels (suayxfAiop) ; of Epistles (aTrJcrroAos,
or irpa|a7rd(TToAos) ; and of Lessons from the Old
Testament (ava-yvufftuv /3ij8Aos). Also
6. The PSALTER (^oATTjpiop), containing the
Psalms, arranged for recitation, and several other
offices or portions of offices.
7. The TRIODION contains the CANONS of odes
to be used in Lent; and a similar book, the
PENTECOSTARION, contains the proper odes, &c.
for the period from Easter to the octave of
Pentecost.
8. The PARACLETICON, or Paracletice, con-
tains the Troparia for the ferial offices.
9. The OCTOECHUS contains the ferial Stichera
and Troparia from the vespers of the Saturday
till the end of the liturgy on Sunday.
10. The MENOLOGION is equivalent to the
MARTYROLOGY of the Western Church.
The ANTIIOLOGION [I. 91] and Synopsis ought,
perhaps, scarcely to be reckoned among liturgical
books, as they are mere compilations for the use
of ordinary worshippers, from the Paracletice,
Menaea, and Horologion, of such portions as are
most commonly in use.
The Hirmologion is a collection of HIRMOI
(I. 773).
The Synaxaria are " the abbreviated lections
from the Menologion, extracted from the Menaea,
and published, for convenience sake, by them-
selves " (Neale's Eastern Ch. Int. 890).
The PANEGYRICON is a collection of sermons,
by approved authors, for various festivals.
III. Among liturgical books, the first place,
both for its importance and the splendour with
which it was written, illuminated, and decorated
[see below], is to be given to the Evangeliary, or
book of the Gospels. Evangelistaria, or books con-
taining only those passages of the Gospels which
were read in the altar-office, are rare within our
period, while many ancient MSS. of the Gospels
bear marginal words or marks which shew that
they have been used for liturgical purposes [Lsc-
TIONARY].
The book of the Gospels was an object of
veneration in many ways. When the church
was able to celebrate its services and arrange
its churches without fear of persecution, and the
sacred books were no longer concealed from the
prying eyes of informers ; then it came to be
u-sual to lay the book of the Gospels in some
conspicuous place in the church, or even on the
altar itself [ALTAR, I. 66], (Augustine, de
Civ. Dei, x. 29 ; see the representations figured
by Ciampini, Vet. Mon. tab. xxxvii.). Compare
ENTRANCE, GOSPEL. In councils it was not un-
usual for the Codex of the Gospels to be enthroned
with great solemnity at the beginning of the
assembly, as was done in the councils of Chalce-
don, in the third and fourth of Constantinople,
the second of Nicaea, and in the Roman synods
of the years 642, 745, and 969. In the Chris-
tianised Empire, Justinian ordered the book of
the Gospels to be deposited in the courts of jus-
tice (Binterim, iv. i. 225). From Chrysos'tom
(Horn. 72 [al. 73] in Matt., p. 669, Migue), and
Jerome (Comm. on Matt, xxiii. 6, p. 186), we
learn that in their time it was not unusual for
LITURGICAL BOOKS
1009
Christians to have a copy of the Gospels hung
from their necks, which was also a practice of
pious ladies in the fifth century, according to
the testimony of Isidore of Pelusium.
The oath in the Gospels was from ancient
times regarded as one of the most solemn adju-
rations. [OATH.]
On the use of the book of the Gospels in ordina-
tion, see BISHOP, I. 221, and ORDINATION.
The Fathers of the Eighth General Council
(Constantinople, A.D. 869, c. 7) approved the
veneration paid to the book of the Gospels by
the faithful.
The Evangeliary, to protect it from injury,
was commonly placed in a clasped or sealed
CAPSA when not actually in use ; an example
may be seen in a mosaic of the Liberian church
in Rome, said to have been completed under
Sixtus III. (Ciampini, Yet. Mon. i. 16). [C.]
IV. LITURGICAL BOOKS IN ART. Dom Gue-
rauger (Institt. Liturg. iii. 223 if.) dwells
on the devoted care with which the sacred
books were transcribed, edited, and corrected, in
early days. There was required of them, he says,
accuracy and fidelity enough to set all men free
from the least fear of alteration in the text ; per-
sonal morality, well suited to the sanctitv of di-
vine mysteries ; and a degree of dignity, if possible
of splendour, in execution such as might impress
the eye and the mind with religious respect. The
MSS., when completed in the scriptoria, were cor-
rected under the care of bishops and abbats, who
either entrusted that duty to confidential hands,
or, in many cases, executed it themselves. The
copyists would have thought it sacrilege to de-
part in any degree from the words given them
to reproduce.
Gue'ranger (iii. 225) quotes the prologue
found in Alcuin's sacramentary, as a specimen
of the spirit in which church-books were com-
piled and copied.
" But since there are some other forms which
the holy church necessarily makes use of, and
which the said father saw had been set forth
by others, and so himself had passed them by,
on this account we thought it worth the while
to gather these up like blossoming flowers of the
field, and collect them in one, and set them apart
in the body of this MS. . . . and for the sake
of this distinction we have set this prologue in
the midst, so as to be the end of the first part
of the book and the beginning of the second. . . .
We pray you therefore, whoever shall have
taken in hand this roll to read or transcribe it,
that ye pour out your prayers to the Lord for
me, for that we have been diligent to collect and
correct these things for the profit of as many
as may be. And we pray you to copy it ngam
so diligently, as to its text, that it comfort the
ears of the learned, and allow not any of the
simpler sort to go astray. For it will be no
avail, as saith blessed St. Jerome, to have made
correction in a book, unless the corrected reading
be preserved by the diligent care of the book-
keepers."
Some of the personal prayers or benedictions
of actual scribes are of great beauty, but few
appear to have been preserved before the lltii
century. One or two may be repeated here.
Gue'ranger has extracted the first from a Greek
evangeliary of that period. Their mournful
1010
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piety is certainly different from the quiet greet-
ing of St. Paul's secretary, "I Tertius, who
wrote this epistle, salute you."
" This book has been written by the hand of
a sinner. May the most holy mother of God,
and Saint Eutychius, vouchsafe to accept its
homage, and may the Lord God, by intercession
of the most holy mother of God and Saint Euty-
chius, grant us eternal life in heaven. Amen."
The two illustrious (and ominously named)
caligraphs of the 9th-century evangeliary of
St. Emmeran of Ratisbon speak to this purpose
on its last page, in Latin elegiacs :
"Bis qnadringenti volitant et septuaginta
Anni, quo Deus est virgine natus Homo ;
Ter denis annis Karolus regnabat et uno,
Cum codex actus illius imperio.
Hactenus undosum calamo descripsimus aequor,
Littoris ad finem nostra carlna manet,
Sanguine nos uno patris matrisque creati,
Atque sacerdotis servit uterque gradum,
En Berengerius, Luithardus nomine dicti,
Queis fuerat sudor dilficilisque nimis.
Hie tibimet, lector, succedant verba precantis,
Ut dicas, capiant rogna beata poli."
Mabillon, Her Germanicum, p. 53.
" Twice four hundred years are fled and seventy,
since the God-Man was born of a virgin : thrice ten years
and one Charles had reigned when by his command this
book was begun. Thus far we have traced our course
over a troubled sea with our pen ; our bark is staid on
the shore at last: we two were born of Ihe blood
of one father and one mother, and each of us serves
the office of priest, even we, called by name Berengarius
and Luithard, to whom has been toil much and hard.
Here, reader, mayest thoti thyself take up words of
prayer, and say, May they reach the blessed kingdom of
heaven."
Charlemagne exerted himself, amidst all the
cares of his vast empire, to multiply exact copies d
of evangeliaries, psalters, and sacramentaries,
often destined as presents to his bishops for the
use of their dioceses. There can be no doubt of
the important effect produced on deep and imagi-
native minds, not greatly aided nor encumbered
by book-study, by the lovely ornament, and some-
times energetic and powerful realizations of
actual events, which are found in the great
MSS. of early ages. There is no reason to doubt
the story that king Alfred received help in the
pursuit of knowledge, if he was not induced to
learn to read, by the ornamental letters of a
MS. (Asser, pp. 7, 8, ed. Walsingham). Charle-
magne's devotion to the subject induced him to
attempt the art of caligraphy and illumination
with his own hand (Eginhard, Vita B. Caroli
Magni, cap. vii.), " sed parum prospere successit
labor praeposterus et sero inchoatus."
Mabillon and Montfaucon both describe a MS.
which is said to have been copied by the hand of
Eusebius ofVercelli in the 4th century. (See
Iter Ita'icum, xxv. p. 9, ed. 1687 ; Diarium
Italicum, p. 445, 1702.) It contains the gospels
of St. Matthew and St. Mark, as Mabillon says ;
and it may here be observed, in passing, that the
early grandeur of uncial characters, majuscular
or minuscular, often made it necessary, for want
of space, to divide the evangeliaries into parts ; or
d Krazer (De Liturg. p. 224) quotes Charlemagne's
Capitularies (i. 62) thus : " Pueros vestros non sinatis eos
vel legendo vel scribendo corrumpere : et, si opus est,
Kvangelium, et Psalterium, et Missale scribere, perfectae
attatis homines scribant cum omni diligentia."
LITURGICAL BOOKS
even prevented their completion. The Eusebian
evangeliary is in uncial writing, chiefly minus-
cular, says Gueranger (Institutions Liturgiques,
iii. 312), and Montfaucon gives its alphabet. But
both he and Mabillon speak of it as in a most la-
mentable state of fragility and decay, caused more
by damp and former accidents, than by its age.
" Membrana situ fere corrupta est, characters
paene fugientes et semideleti tantisper a Eomana
scriptura degenerant," says the latter ; and
Montfaucon seems to have regretted its probable
destruction somewhat the less because he found
it as a version, " a vulgata nostra toto coelo dis-
crepantem." It has been published by Bianchini,
Rome, 1749, e and is said to be still preserved in
the treasury of its ancient convent.
In the 5th century the principal authentic
specimens of evangeliaries yet remaining are the
Vatican MS. above mentioned (1209), the Gothic
evangeliary of Ulfilas, kept at Upsal, f the Latin
evangeliary of St. Germain des Pre's, and those
at Cambridge, with perhaps the most important
of all, the Syriac gospels, transcribed by the
monk Rabula in 586,K now in the Laurentian
Library at Florence. The Leonian sacramentary,
the psalter of St. Germain des Pres, h and that of
Zurich,' complete Gue'ranger's selection of litur-
gical MSS. of this century. Without giving his
full list (iii. 289-292) of the works 'and cali-
graphers of the 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries,
we may mention the evangeliaries of Monza, k
of Notre Dame de Paris, and that which bears
the name of Colbert, both in the Bibliotheque
National at Paris; 1 the Anglo-Saxon Cottonian
MS. in the British Museum, and St. Kilian'.s
at Wiirzburg, in the cathedral treasury, with
the Cottonian psalter of St. Augustine. Of the
8th century, the Sacramentary of Gellone will
be found admirably illustrated by Count Bastard,
vol. i. ; and the great Greek evangeliary of
Vienna, with the Missale Francorum, Missale
Gothicum, the Cottonian MSS., and others, in
Silvestre's Pal^ographie Univcrselle.
Before proceeding farther, it may be well to
call the reader's attention to the accurate mean-
ings of a few terms, and one or two necessary
explanations. The first has reference to the
real function of the caligrapher, as distinguished
from that of the illuminator or miniature-artist
of later times. The illuminators, as Gueranger
observes, begin their reign at the end of the
e The silver cover of this ancient MS. is described by
Mabillon, and will be referred to later in this article.
f See Migne, Ulfilas.
s Assemani, Catalogue of Laurentian Library ;
D'Agincourt, Hist, de V Art Diaries Monuments ; Peinturc
pi. xxvii.
h See Nov.-oe.au Trait!: lie Diplomatique, vol. i. p. 686,
nos. 2 and 3 in plate.
i Dom.Tassin. Notweau Trait's de Diplomatique, torn. i.
p. 686, no. 14 in. plate.
k Mabillon, Iter Ralicum, p. 213: "Codex ex mem-
branis purpureis, quadratis literis aureis exaratus, sed
mutilum; Gregorii Antiphonariumcontinens; cum oper-
culis ex ebore, quae ex una parte praeferunt efflgiem
Davidis regis, ex alia Sancti Gregorii cum disticho," etc.
" Est et duplex alterius codicis majoris operculum ex
auro, cum cruce ex utraque parte, addita nine et inde
haec inscriptione. Ex donis Dei dedit Theodolinda Reg.
in Baseleca (sic), quam fundavit in Moduecia juxta pala-
tium suum."
1 Count Bastard, vol. i. Peintures des MSS.
LITURGICAL BOOKS
12th, and enter on decided pre-eminence in
the 13th century. They have little to do with
our period, and their work marks the com-
mencement of a new period when the study
of natural beauty had begun, and the vege-
table kingdom in particular began to be illus-
trated for ornamental purposes in the service
books of the church. A distinction will be
found, under article MlNlATCRES, between truly
caligraphic and artistic ornament. (See West-
wood, Palaeographia Sacra.) Much of what we
have to say on the subject of artistic ornamenta-
tion belongs to article MINIATURES: for the
present the distinction must always be observed
between the beauty, elegance, or splendour of
the letters as writing, which is caligraphy, and
the power of colour, form, and imagination dis-
played in pictures attached to the writing, which
is fine art. It is difficult, if not impossible, to
assign proper limits between these phases of
decoration: and it is enough to say that they
are combined in most liturgical MSS. of the
earliest date which still remain to us ; and,
further, that in most of the most valuable the
caligraphic art has its full share of importance,
and that the decoration is subordinate to the
writing, and dependent on the test, not only as
to meaning and import, but also in appearance.
The effect of the whole page, as to form and
colour, has evidently been the chief object of the
caligraphic artists as such, apart from the
genuine piety of aim which really seems to have
influenced them as their main motive. The text
and its pictures form a whole, united, generally
speaking, by the effect of grandly ornamented
capital letters ; unless, of course, the MS. be on
purple vellum, when the ground colour gives
the main effect, and determines all the rest of
the ornament. Perhaps only one modern artist
has revived this idea of the old caligraphists
in a perfectly original way, but with exact
analogy. The illustrations and ornamented
writing of Blake's various poems, copied and
executed by his own hand, renew and illustrate
that excellent moderation of judgment of the
old copyists, which made their pictorial orna-
ment, however beautiful and ingenious, still
always subsidiary to their caligraphy. The
pictures were beautiful, they thought, the text
was sacred ; but even because the latter was
chief and the one thing needful, too much atten-
tion could not possibly be given to the former.
The capital letters in liturgical MS. are gener-
ally of the kind called rustic, especially when
several lines consist of smaller capital letters.
But they are frequently executed in the best
Roman style, as in the evangeliaries of Soissons
and of Gellone, and in the sacramentary of Drogon.
(Count Bastard, vol. i. ii. ; Silvestre, Paleographie
Universelle, 3 me partie, 2.) The uncial cha-
racters, or rounded capitals, with their parti-
cular beauties of size, clearness, and order,
appear and reappear in all the richer MSS.
Ii down to the llth century, when writing begins
I to be altogether Gothicised or made cursive, and
lithe ornament is concentrated on the initial
letters, and their accompanying miniatures.
I! The artistic use of varied colour may be said
lto.be based on the minium or red lead, from
which the word miniature is derived. Green
jand yellow follow almost immediately in the
Visigothic and Merovingian work but while the
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LITURGICAL BOOKS
1011
richest MSS. were executed on purple or azure
grounds, the use of varied hues was of course
out of the question, and writing and ornament
were alike executed in gold or silver. A very
grand specimen of the earlier chrysographs, as
they are called, in uncial capitals of gold and
silver, is the celebrated psalter of St. Germain
(Bastard, i. 1). But the use of purple vellum
for books destined for the use of imperial stu-
dents goes back to comparatively early days of
the empire, on the eve of the triumph of the
Christian faith ; Maximin the younger received a
purple vellum MS. of Homer as a present from
his mother (Jul. Capitolin, Vita Maxim.). Sacred
books, and in particular the evangeliaries, would
naturally have been the first objects of Christian
splendour, when such a thing became possible.
The gospels of Ulfilas, the psalter of St. Germain
above mentioned, with that of Zurich, and the
evangeliary of Brescia, are on purple, and the
evangeliary of Brescia on azure-blue vellum ;
but that of St. Germain has one side of each
page dyed purple, the other in azure.
St. Wilfrid of York gave a purple evangeliary
to his cathedral in the 7th century : the 8th
produced those now at Vienna and Monza.
Charlemagne presented one to his church at
Aix-la-Chapelle, and another of his evangeliaries,
entirely on purple vellum, is still, says Gue-
rauger, the principal ornament of the library of
Abbeville." 1 The splendid MS. preserved in the
library of the Remonstrants at Prague, appears
to the writer to be of about the same date. The
great emperor's attachment to the art of cali-
graphy has been mentioned, and the splendour
of the early empire was revived by him in this
use of purple or azure books, necessarily written
in either gold or silver. They reappear during
the Carolingian age, and go out of use almost
entirely in the 10th century, though the Bod-
leian Library at Oxford possesses a purple evan-
geliary, with whole-page pictures, dating from
the llth.
Silver-ink MSS. are much rarer than chryso-
graphs, strictly so-called, but both metals are
frequently used together, as in the evangeliary
of Ulfilas and the psalters of St. Germain and of
Zurich. The evangeliaries of Verona and Brescia
are written almost entirely in letters of silver.
In the others the text is silver, with golden
headings and initials, gold being used also for
the sacred names.
Purple vellum begins to be economised in or
before the 9th century, as in Charlemagne's
psalter, presented to Adrian VIII. about the end
of the 8th. This is now in the Imperial Library
at Vienna, and has a limited number of purple
pages. The antiphonary of Monza, of nearly the
same date, is entirely purple.
In the sacramentanes of the 9th century, the
canon of the mass is frequently on purple, or the
frontispiece and first pages of the books; or texts
to which special attention is to be drawn, are
thus distinguished. Gradually the purpU 1 is
arranged with other hues on a white ground,
and begins to be used, artistically speaking, as a
colour.
Golden writing was not, or was not long, con-
=> Notice par M. de Belleval, JHemoires <le la Societe
Royale d' emulation, d' 'Abbeville, 1836, 37.
n The latter admits a few golden letters.
3 U
1012 LITURGICAL BOOKS
LITURGICAL BOOKS
fined to the purple, violet, or azure MSS.
Many which have but few coloured pages are
chrysographs throughout ; as the evangeliaries of
Charlemagne (or of St. Martin des Champs), of
St. Martin and St. Medard of Soissons (in Count
Bastard's second volume). The expense of
purple vellum seems to have been very great ;
so much so, that as early as the 4th century the
bishop Theonas enjoins on Lucianus, the em-
peror's chamberlain, not to have the MSS. of the
imperial library entirely in colour, unless by
special order (D'Achery, Spicilegium, torn. xii.).
Charlemagne seems to have reserved this magni-
ficence especially for evangeliaries, the Vienna
psalter being only gold in part. For chryso-
graphs on white, in the 9th century, they are
too numerous to allow of more than brief men-
tion of a few, besides those of St. Medard and
St. Martin already named. The evangeliaries of
St. Emmerand at Munich, of Lothaire in the
National Library of France, with his psalter ;
those of the abbeys of Hautvillers (Bastard, ii.)
and Lorch (the latter now at the Vatican, with
fine uncial writing on alternate bands of purple
and azure), and the antiphonary of Goubert,
monk of St. Bertin, are named by Dom Gue^-
ranger. Those of Charlemagne, or St. Martin
des Champs (Gothic writing), and of St. Medard,
and another very grand one, written for Charle-
magne, in fine uncial, with large whole-page
illustrations [see MINIATURES], the sacramen-
tary of Drogo (golden uncial, rustic capitals,
and cursive Gothic, with splendid Roman initials),
the evangeliaries of Lothaire and Louis le Debon-
naire, are all magnificently illustrated by Count
Bastard, vol. ii., with that of Hautvillers. He
also gives pictures from two magnificent bibles,
written for Louis le Debonnaire and Charles the
Bold ; and one presented to the latter monarch
by Count Vivien, abbat commendatory of Tours,
which shews great progress in miniature paint-
ing, and attains something like a climax of splen-
dour in ornamental caligraphy. The ceremony
of its presentation to Charles the Bald is illus-
trated on its title-page with considerable skill,
and perhaps with some attempts at portraiture.
Its writing is a perfect example of what is called
the Caroline uncial and demiuncial.
Gueranger goes back to the 7th century for
the first employment of artistic design by the
liturgical caligraphers of the Western church.
They began naturally with their initial letters,
making the illustration a part of the page con-
sidered as a whole, and keeping their art in
equal alliance with their caligraphy. In the
Eastern church the Rabula MS. shews how much
could be done even in' the 6th century, but its
miniatures are inserted in rectangular spaces,
and independent of the writing. (See Professor
Westwood'.s Palaeographia Sacra, Introduction ;
also CRUCIFIX and MINIATURE.)
The canons of Eusebius of Caesarea were very
early added to the sacred text : they are found
in the MS. of Rabula, in the 6th century, accom-
panied with a free and luxuriant ornament : and
The names of these colours are somewhat vague and
must necessarily convey rather different ideas to differ-
ent persons. The greater number of purple MSS. are at
present of what would be called a puce colour, mostly dark
and rich, but occasionally lightened by time, or deadened
almost into black.
in the western world the evangeliary of Ulfilas,
of the same period, possesses them. The idea of
architectural decoration of pages struck the cali-
graphers at once, as was natural. To consider a
row of parallel columns as an arcade, separated by
pillars, and to lavish wreath-, scroll-, and flower-
work, or even birds, on their traceries, was an
obvious and pleasing system of decoration. The
Colbert evangeliary (Bastard, i.), 7th century, has
its columns drawn firmly and beautifully with the
pen : and it is most interesting to the artist, in
an age of mechanical copying, to observe the
extraordinary power and freedom of manual
execution in many of these MSS., which in the
opinion of the present writer, fully raise the
ancient caligraphy to the level of a fine art.
The of Giotto was doubtless a fair test of his
great executive power ; but it is excelled in
difficulty and interest by the pen-drawn birds
and grotesques of the MSS. See GROTESQUE,
I. 751 f ; LION, II. 999, for instances of true pen-
drawing. It is singular that the last relics of
the vanished art should be the swans or birds
of thfi modern writing-master's flourish.
The 8th and 9th century MSS. are richest in
their decoration of the canons, and those of
St. Martin des Champs, St. Mellard, of the
Church of Mans, of Hautvillers, and that written
for Lothaire, are models of gorgeous grotesque.
Sometimes there are twenty or twenty-five pages
of them, worked out with inexhaustible varia-
tions and fancies. Gold and silver are lavished
everywhere ; the horizontal lines end in nonde-
script heads, the leaf-work is rich but chaste,
and wreaths about the pillars like "the gadding
vine;" and a first faint sign of naturalistic imi-
tation appears in the very skilful use of gold to
imitate the wavy cloudings and changing lines
of polished marble pillars. Animals and small
figures present themselves apparently just where
they like, though always in places well adapted
to balance of pattern and ordered arrangement.
They are in some cases emblematic, as the evan-
gelical symbols present themselves constantly,
and there are endless nondescripts. A list is
appended, taken from the above-mentioned MSS.,
which differ from the wild grotesques of the
Gellone sacramentary of 7th century, by being
often drawn with careful attention to natural
character.! 1
A decided falling off in colour-power, with
some carelessness of drawing, will be observed in
the Hautvillers MS. : the bibles of Charles the
Bald are either Franco-Saxon or Gallo-French,
showing the serpentine spirals and endless inter-
lacings of the Northern-Gothic work. Count
Vivien's MS. shews equal splendour and higher
aim in the artist : the great zodiac illumination
is given by Count Bastard (vol. ii.).
In the Visigothic work of the Sacramentary
of Gellone, 8th century, there is a crucifixion,
p List of animals represented in 9th century MSS. of
the Western church :
Antelope.
Centaur.
Cock and hen.
Crane.
Dove (white).
Eagle.
Elephant.
Hound (and compounded
as griffin).
Lion (and compounded).
Peacock.
Pheasant.
Rhinoceros (bull-like),
marking the idea of
the "Unicorn"
(MS. Lothaire).
Swan.
Stag and hind.
Stork.
Stockdove.
LITURGICAL BOOKS
with angels ; much blood is used, and the draw-
ing is very rude. There is a miniature of the
crucifix in the canon of the mass, the cross
forming the T in the words " Te igitur." In
the same MS. the Mass of the Invention of the
Cross has in its initial letter the figure of a man
squaring a tree-trunk, as if to form the upright
stem. The " Leofric " sacramentary, in the
Bodleian, 9th century, has highly-ornamented
initials in the canon of the mass, but is without
figures. Our Lord sits in the initial of the word
Quoniam, at the beginning of St. Luke's Gospel,
in the MS. of St. Me'dard. The grand whole-
page St. Matthew of the Charlemagne evan-
geliary, with its mystic fountain and symbolic
building of the Church, is an interesting example
of the decoration of manuscripts. As Gueranger
remarks, the ideas of the heavenly city or palace,
and possibly the pillars and polished corners of the
Hebrew Temple, may have been in the minds of
the artists (Ps. cxliv., 12). We cannot agree with
him (Inst. Lit. p. 366) as to their admirable
knowledge of perspective ; but ingenuity of
invention, splendour of material, harmony of
colour, and minute accuracy of hand, can go
no further than in most of their works. In-
formation about Byzantine architecture is cer-
tainly to be gathered from the illustrations
of the Menologium or Calendar of the emperor
Basil the Younger, and other works ; as, for
instance, Charlemagne's evangeliary. They re-
mind the student of the architectural back-
grounds of Giunto of Pisa, in the lower church
of Assisi and elsewhere.
The ease with which cheap copies of the holy
scriptures and other books are to be obtained in
our own day, may prevent us from understand-
ing the real and practical value of the sacred
MSS. of the earlier ages, and still more from
understanding the single-hearted devotion, and
happy self-concentration, with which the copyists
seem to have carried on their labours. It is
probable that in most cases the best educated
monks, or men of more natural refinement than
others, must have been employed in the scrip-
toria of the great houses ; at least in every
monastery which professed the life of labour and
prayer with sincerity, some sensible division of
labour, according to various capacities, must
have taken place, and the fine hands of the
caligraphist or painter would hardly be set to
hew wood or draw water, unless for temporary
discipline.
It is singular that Martene, who records forms
of benediction in use for all other objects, from
emperors and empresses down to pilgrims' staves
and scrips, says nothing in his chapter "De
Benedictionibus," of forms for dedication of
sacred books, though he gives the full order for
blessing a writing-desk (scrinium) or book-case
(capsa), (De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, lib. iii. cap.
1). This is quoted from an English pontifical MS.,
and a second from a MS. of St. Victor, said to have
been 500 years old, in his own time. The first,
however, seems to apply to an area or credence,
and neither are within the limits of our period.
A specimen of malediction on any person guilty
of stealing a 13th-century MS. is not to be
omitted (Colbert, Bibliotheque Nationale). " This
sacred gospel has been copied by the hand of
George, priest of Rhodes, by the exertions and
care of Athanasius, cloistered monk, and by the
LITURGICAL BOOKS 1013
labour of Christonymus Chartinos, for their
souls' health. If any man dares to carry it off,
either secretly or publicly, let him incur the
malediction of the twelve apostles, and let him
also receive the heavier curse of all monks.
Amen." The first day of the month of Septem-
ber, year 6743, of Jesus Christ 1215."
The missal of St. Maur des Fosse's speaks to
the same purpose. " This book belongs to St.
Mary and St. Peter, of the monastery of the
Treuches. He who shall have stolen or sold it,
or in any manner withdrawn it from this place ;
or he who shall have been its buyer, may he be
for ever in the company of Judas, Pilate, and
Caiaphas. Amen, amen. Fiat, fiat. Brother
Robert Guaknsis (of Wales ?), being yet young
and a Levite, hath devoutly written it for his
soul's health, in the time of Louis (le Gros),
king of the French, and of Ascelin, abbat of this
place. Richard, prior and monk, caused this
book to be copied, in order to deserve the
heavenly and blessed country. Thou, priest,
who ministerest before the Lord, be mindful of
him. Pater noster."
The bindings and outer cases (capsae) of the
more important liturgical books are in them-
selves a subject of no small interest. That of
the Eusebian evangeliary of Vercelli is thus
described by Mabillon (Iter Ital. p. 9, April
1685). " Codicis operculum ex argento, a Beren-
gario imperatore ab annis fere octingentis in-
stauratum, ex una parte Salvatoris effigiem,
ex alio sanctum Eusebium exhibet; ad cujus
caput hi versus adscript! leguntur :
Praesul hie Eusebius scripsit, solvitque vetustas ;
Kex Berengarius sed reparavit idem.
In infima vero parte ad pedes Eusebii
Argentum [o ?] postquam fulvo decompsit et auro,
Ecclesiae Praesul obtulit ipse suae."
He also mentions (p. 213, Jan. 1686) the ivory
covers of St. Gregory's purple antiphonary, at
Monza, one of which has a medallion of David,
the other of the donor. The great MS. of Theo-
dolinda (supra) has a golden cover, with the cross
on each side. These ancient relics may be
classed according to their material and orna-
ments, whether of carved ivory, of chased metal,
or of metal with jewelled ornaments. A special
interest attaches to the ivory covers, not only
from their intrinsic value, but from the use o"f
ancient consular diptychs [DIPTYCH]. There is
no doubt that many of these ancient ivories
have been employed by later ages in the bindings
of liturgical books, sometimes with slight
changes and adaptations, as in the antiphonary
of Monza. This is, perhaps, the typical ex-
ample of a consular diptych, converted to
ecclesiastical use. Two ivory panels or plaques
bear each its figure, perfectly recognisable as a
consul of the 5th century, by the dress and the
mappa of the games. But one of them has been
converted into St. Gregory the Groat, by the addi-
tion of a tonsure, and the addition of a cross to
his staff of office.i The other has had his wand
lengthened and curved into a shepherd's staff,
and passes for David. The consular ivory of
i This Professor Westwood denies, Karly Christian
Sculptures, p. 34.
3 IT 2
1014
LITURGICAL BOOKS
LITURGICAL BOOKS
Flavius Taurus Clement inus, now at Nuremberg,
had an ecclesiastical diptych-list engraven on
the ivory itself, and the Diptychon Leodiense,
in memory of the consul Flavius Astyrius, forms
one of the sides of an evangel iary in St. Martin's,
of Liege, and is also engraved on the inside. (See
Donati, DC Dittici degli Anticld profani e sacri,
Lucca, 1753-4 ; Gori, Thesaurus veterum Dipty-
chum, Flor. 1751, fol. ; and Maskell, Imries,
1876.)
There is a passage in Cassiodorus in which he
speaks of having designed and published, or set
forth in a collected volume, a number of examples
of carvings, or designs of some kind, for the
external bindings of sacred books. " We have
moreover designed skilful artifices in the cover-
ings of our MSS. ; so that there might be a
covering of outer ornament over the beauty of
the sacred text, herein perhaps in some sort
imitating that example of the Lord's figuring,
Who clothed in marriage garments those whoia
He thought worthy of invitation to His supper.
Among which we have set forth many examples
of designs (facturarum) represented in one
volume, that any studious person may choose for
himself any form of covering he shall prefer."
(De Institutions dioin. Scripturarum, cap. xxx.)
These would probably be executed in ivory for
the most part. The ivory of Murano (described
by Costadoni in the collection of Calogera, torn.
xx.) is of the greatest interest, as it is covered
with reliefs of the ancient cubicula of the cata-
combs and of the earlier sarcophagi, and it may
be considered earlier than the 8th century. The
nail-holes intended to fix the ivory panel on the
cover of the book to which it belonged still
remain, as is the case with many ivories, which
have been used for reliquaries and shrines, as
in the case of the diptychs of Symmachus and
Nicomachus (Gori, Thesaurus, torn. i. p. 207).
For 9th-century ivories as bindings of church
books, those of the evangeliary of Lorch in the
Vatican, and of the sacramentary of Droyon
and evangeliary, No. 99 of the Bibliotheque
Nationale, may be referred to. The collection,
or catalogue, of Professor Westwood, is the best
reference in this country for all the more ancient
documents on ivory.
The Gothic evangeliary of Ulfilas is called
Codex Argenteus, on account of its rich binding
of that metal ; and the evangeliaries of St.
Medard and St. Emmeran possess covers of
enamel and gold respectively, the latter with
embossed portraits. Plates of vermilion-ennmel
occur in the Eusebian gospels, and one of the
covers of the Lorch evangeliary is of this mate-
rial. This use of different metals was practised
by Victor III., while at Monte Casino, under the
name of Didier ; who ornamented an epistolary
for his abbey, with gold plate on one side and
silver on the other ; this binding was called
dimidius (D'Achery, Spicilegium, torn. iii. p. 402).
Precious stones, and even relics, have been en-
closed in these bindings, as by Didier of Monte
Cassino, in the MS. of St. Emmerand, in the
splendid ones of the Sainte-Chapelle, r and in
r On the gold bindings of the Sainte-Chapelle evan-
geliaries:
No. Emeralds. Pearls. Sapphires. Rubies.
1. 30 140 35 24 (10th cent.)
2. 26 60 12 10 Onyx 2.
many instances, and with great magnificence, in
the Eastern church.'
The subjects represented in ivory or metal on
covers of sacred books are of course, in most
cases, simple in choice and in execution during
our period. Gue'ranger mentions in particular
the grand ivory cover of the Lorch evangeliary
in the Vatican, which bears some resemblance
in its carving to the work of the later sarco-
phagi, and which he vindicates on Gori's autho-
rity (Thes. vet. Diptych, torn. iii. tab. iv.) from
the imputation of being a pagan ivory, altered
and adapted to Christian use. 1 Our Lord is
represented as holding the Gospel and treading
down the Lion and the Dragon, attended by two
angels bearing sceptres and rolls ; above are two
flying angels with a clipeate cross, and below,
two subjects of the Magi before Herod, and also
making their offerings to the Holy Child and
His Mother.
On the great MS. 99 of the Bibliotheque Na-
tionale, are Lazarus, the Samaritan woman, and
the Entry into Jerusalem, treated much as in
the sarcophagi. See Tre'sor de Numismatiquc,
Bas-reliefs ct Ornements, X. Se'rie, II. Classe,
2 partie, pi. ix. x. xi. The sacramentary of
Drogon has liturgical rites chased or embossed
on its cover in eighteen compartments.
The embossed figure of our Lord on the Ver-
celli Gospels is probably one of the earliest in such
a place, and dates from about 888. Representa-
tions of the crucifixion also begin in that age.
The folio work of Prof. Westwood, published
1869, contains an appendix note on the mag-
nificent book-covers, " auro argento gemmis-
que ornata, which are repeatedly mentioned
in connexion with fine early copies of the
Gospels. They have, for the most part, long
ago disappeared ; but there still exist a
number of metal cases which have served to
hold some of the smaller Irish MSS., which
generally exhibit restorations at various periods."
They are also generally ornamented with crystals
or other gems, and are known under the name
of cumhdachs. See article on the Book of Armagh,
p. 80 ; on the Psalter of S. Columba, p. 82 ; the
Book of Diurna, pp. 83, 84 ; and the Gospels of
S. Mulling, p. 93. Plate 51, fig. 9, represents a
party of ecclesiastics from the cumhdach of the
Stow missal, p. 88. The front of that of St.
Molaise or Molasch is at fig. 6, pi. 53. "It is
5jjj inches by 4J inches, and 3 inches deep ; of
bronze, bound with silver, overlaid with open-
work, riveted, on white metal, silvered ... a
cruciform or wheel-cross design, with the em-
blems of the Four Evangelists at the angles, bar-
barously designed. Portions of gold filigree and
interlaced ornaments, with some jewels, occupy
some of the remaining compartments of the open-
work, one ruby still remaining in its setting."
The capsae or cases in which the books thus
gorgeously ornamented were deposited for safety
were generally made of, or adorned with, plates
E Even in Constantinople. The Russian service books
have been pronounced the most splendid in the world
(La Neuville, Relation de Moscovif, a Paris, 1698, p. 193,
quoted l>y Gue'ranger).
' It appears to be 8th or 9th century by the nimbi, the
imago clipeata, and its overloaded ornament; it cannot
be supposed to be of anything like primitive or classical
antiquity.
'LITURGICAL LANGUAGE
of gold, silver, &c. They are mentioned re-
peatedly in mediaeval documents beyond our
period ; but Gregory of Tours says that Childe-
bert obtained, in the plunder won from Amalaric,
about twenty of these cases for evangeliaries, all
covered with pure gold and precious stones"
(Hist. Francor. cap. Ixiii. p. 114; Migne, 71,
250). St. Wilfrid of York's evangeliary had a
case of this kind (Ada SS. O.S.li. Sacc. IV.
part ii. ' Vita S. Wilfred! ').
The study of this subject must necessarily
lead, as has been said, to a full understanding of
the reverence paid to the text of the Gospels, in
particular, during the dark ages, and at a period
when that text, like the oral prophecies of the
Lord in Samuel's early days, was rare and pre-
cious in the eyes of those who were its keepers.
Yet, in looking at the few ami splendid relics of
the magnificence of Byzantine or Carolingian
ritual, it is impossible to help thinking of the
vast mass of perished MSS. of far earlier days,
written on humbler materials and for humbler
hands ; and on the important question, how far
the skill, enterprise, aud numbers of the regular
book-transcribino" and selling trades of Rome and
3 O
the larger cities of the empire may have multi-
plied cheap copies of the Holy Scriptures in the
first three centuries. This is for other hands ;
an article on the learning of the early Church
by the Rev. Prof. Milligan (Cont. Rev. vol. x.
April 1869) is well worthy of reference as bearing
on the subject ; but the important and strictly
correct remark of the Commendatore de Rossi,
that the early cycle of Christian ornament in
the Catacombs is merely a cielo biblico, or scrip-
tural repertory of Christian symbolism and his-
tory, bears also on this observation. It is
impossible not to see that in the earliest cen-
turies the Holy Scriptures were held to be the
exclusive repertory of subjects for Christian art,
and that the true and exclusive use of Christian
popular art was general instruction in Scripture.
It seems possible that evangeliaries or forms
of sacramental ministration may have been mul-
tiplied on papyrus, like other books, in large
numbers by means of dictation possibly to edu-
cated slaves or freedmen. If so, they have
perished with other books in the wrecks of
ancient civilisation.
The following inscription from the first folio
of the Gospels of Treves may be taken (as pre-
fixed to the facsimiles of Anglo-Saxon and Irish
miniatures) to represent the commendatory in-
scriptions of the Greek MSS.
" Scriptori vita aeterna ; Legenti pax per-
petua ; Videnti felicitas percnnis ; Habenti pos-
sessio cu salute. Amen Do gracias : Ora pro
me : D's tecum." [R. St. J. T.]
LITURGICAL LANGUAGE. It would
seem natural that prayer and praise in the con-
gregation should be made in the vernacular
tongue of the people ; and in the early days of
Christianity there can be no doubt that it was
so. St. Paul's depreciation of "speaking with
* The same author tells a story of a goldsmith who
fraudulently combined with the saint's messenger to sub-
stitute silver for gold In the binding of an evangeliary.
Both were swallowed up by the earth, "viventes et
vociferantes." (De Gloria Confess, cap. Ixlii. p. 946.)
LITURGICAL LANGUAGE 1015
tongues," in comparison with " prophesying "
(1 Cor. xiv. 1-17), has not indeed a direct bear-
ing on the question of liturgical language, for
the " tongues " of which he speaks do not appear
to have been foreign languages, but utterances
which only persons specially gifted could inter-
pret ; but his reasoning on the necessity of so
giving thanks and so speaking that the congre-
gation may be edified, and may not merely hear
sounds which convey no definite impression, ap-
plies in full force to services celebrated in lan-
guages " not understanded of the people." Even
Gueranger (fnstit. Lit. iii. 86, 88 ; compare Bona,
de Reb. Lit. i. 5), eagerly as he defends the mo-
dern Roman usage, " has no difficulty in conceding
that originally the church must have employed
the vulgar tongue at the altar As for
the apostles themselves, there is no doubt that
they celebrated the liturgy in the language of
the people whom they instructed." In truth, we
may safely conclude, on the testimony of Origen
(c. Celsum, viii. c. 37, p. 402, Spencer), that in
the third century "each man prayed to God in his
own common speech (KO.TO. TT\V fawrov 8id.\tK-
TOJ/), and sang hymns to Him as he could."
Over a large portion of the East there can be
no doubt that Greek in which were written
the great liturgies which bear the names of St.
James, St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, and St. Mark
was the language of public devotion ; for, from
the beginning of the fourth century, Greek was
the official language of the Eastern empire, and
Constantinople the seat of a patriarchate. Nume-
rous liturgies are also found in Syriac, whether
translations of Greek originals or of independent
origin. The Armenian, the Ethiopic, and the
native Egyptian churches had also vernacular
services. Of the early use of the latter we have
an instance in the circumstance which Athana-
sius ( Vita Antonii, c. 2, p. 633) relates of St.
Anthony, that he was induced to sell all that he
had by hearing the parable of the rich young
man read in church. As we are expressly told
that the saint knew none but his native lan-
guage, this lection must have been in Coptic.
Where a vernacular version, from whatever
cause, was not used in the services, an inter-
preter explained what was read. Thus Proco-
pius held three offices in the church at Scytho-
polis ; first, that of reading ; second, that of
interpreting Syriac (in Syri interpretatione
sermonis) ; third, that of exorcist.
It is probable that even in the West the first
missionaries of Christianity spoke mainly Greek,
the " lingua franca " of the educated class
throughout Europe, and of the scattered commu-
nities of Jews and Jewish proselytes in Gentile
cities. The church in Rome to which St. Paul
wrote was a Greek-speaking community, and so
it continued to be for seveial generations. Poly-
carp came to Rome to confer with Anicetus on
the observance of Easter in the year 170. Euse-
bius tells us (//. E. v. 24) that on this occasion the
pope himself almost certainly a Greek ceded
to the stranger the privilege of consecrating the
eucharist. It is in the highest degree improbable
that Polycarp celebrated in any other language
than Greek. At the beginning of the third
century Hippolytus wrote in Greek, and evi-
dently contemplated the church in Rome as a
Greek-speaking society. The inscriptions on the
tombs of popes Fabian (A.D. 251), Lucius (A.D.
1016 LITURGICAL LANGUAGE
LITUEGICAL LANGUAGE
252), and Eutychianus (A.D. 275) are in Greek ;
a fact which, as De Rossi (Roma Sott. Christ, i.
p. 126) points out, evidences the official use of
the Greek tongue by the Roman church in its
solemn acts. And at an even later date, pope
Sylvester (|335) wrote against the Jews in the
Greek tongue ; unless indeed the treatise which
we possess is a Greek translation of a Latin ori-
ginal. From this time all trace of Greek as the
language of the church of Rome vanishes ; it
probably migrated to Byzantium with the em-
peror and the court. Pope Leo (440-461) seems
to have been ignorant of Greek ; he was cer-
tainly unable to write it, for he speaks of the
necessity of having an accurate Greek translation
made of his letter to Flavian (Epist. 131 ad
Julian.); and the words of Proterius (Leon.
Epist. 133), apologising for the omission of a
Latin translation of his letter, the responsibility
of which (as it seems) he wished to leave to
the pope, seem to imply that he could not read it
in Greek. Survivals of the days when Greek was
the liturgical language of the church of Rome are
found in the Kyrie Eleison so frequent in her
services ; in the use of the Greek Trisagion
Agios o Theos, agios ischi/ros, agios athanatos, elei-
son imas in the Holy Week ; in the recitation
of the Creed in Greek on behalf of a child to be
baptized [CREED, I. 492]; in the reading of
certain lections in Greek as well as in Latin
[INSTRUCTION, I. 862] ; and in the singing of
the angelic hymn in Greek in the Christmas
mass (Martene, Eit. Ant. I. iii. 2, 6).
In the half-Greek districts of Southern Italy,
Greek rites naturally lingered long; but the
Greek element received a large accession when
Leo the Isaurian, in the eighth century, placed a
considerable part of Southern Italy under the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the patriarchs of Con-
stantinople, who not only founded new sees, but
made vigorous efforts to introduce Greek rites.
And these efforts of the pope's adversaries were
seconded by the pope's adherents ; for many
Basilian monks who, like the pope, defended
images, took refuge in the same region, where
they naturally maintained their own services in
their monasteries, which were numerous (P. P.
Rodota, Dell' Ori</ine, Progresso, e stato presentc
del Eito Greco in Italia osservato dai Greci Monad
Basiliani e Albancse, Roma, 1758). There is a
strong indication of the mixture of the two
languages in the following circumstance. The
author of the life of Athanasius of Naples (J877),
commonly supposed to be Peter the Deacon,
speaks of " laity and clergy not ceasing in com-
mon prayer in Greek and Latin." Even the
purely Western Benedictine Order was not insen-
sible to the influence of the Greek colonies in its
neighbourhood. Thus we read that the monks
of Monte Cassino on Easter Tuesday, going from
their monastery to the church of St. Peter, sang
mass with a bilingual chant (Greek and Latin)
to the end of the gospel (Codex Cassin. in Mar-
tene, Monach. Eit. III. xvii. n. 14).
In Southern Gaul we find another region
which had received its civilisation mainly from
Greece. There, says Dean Milman, " Latin had
not entirely dispossessed the Greek even in the
fifth century;" and Jourdain (Traductions
d'Aristote, p. 44) refers to a MS. of Limoges in
the National Library at Paris (No. 4458), which
gives the Gloria, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei in the
mass of Pentecost, in Greek. Doublet (Antiq. de
S. Denis, c. 48, p. 366) tells us that on the fes-
tival of St. Denis the monks of the abbey of St.
Denis, near Paris, chanted the whole mass in
Greek, in honour of the Greek apostle of France,
with Epistle and Gospel in Latin as well as in
Greek.
The MS. Sacramentary, No. 2290, of the Paris
National Library, which is of the ninth century,
contains at the beginning the Gloria in Excelsis,
the Nicene Creed, the Sanctus, and the Agnus
Dei, in Greek, but in Latin characters. In the so-
called " Athelstane's Psalter " (British Museum,
Galba, A. xviii.), in a portion of the MS. which
belongs to the early part of the ninth century,
we find a short Litany, the Lord's Prayer, the
Apostles' Creed, and the Sanctus, in Greek, in
Anglo-Saxon characters. And in a Psalter in
the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
called " Pope Gregory's Psalter," is a Creed in
Greek.
At the time when Christianity was first
preached, Latin was rapidly becoming the com-
mon tongue of a large part of Western Europe ;
the conquests of Rome, as St. Augustine remarks
(De Civ. Dei, xix. 7), imposed the Latin language
on the subject races. Latin was commonly
spoken in the Roman colony of Africa, and in
Africa we find the most considerable Latin
writers of the early ages Tertullian and Cyprian.
St. Augustine tells us of himself (Conff. i. 14)
that he learned Latin in the nursery, and con-
trasts the perfect ease with which he acquired
this with the difficulty which he afterwards
experienced in learning Greek. In preaching at
Hippo he assumes that his congregation all spoke
Latin, while some at least did not understand
the native Punic ; for, quoting a Punic proverb,
he thinks it necessary to translate it into Latin :
" quia Punice non omnes nostis " (Serm. 167, ou
Eph. v. 15, 16). The earliest distinct mention
of a liturgical form in Latin appears to be
Cyprian's citation of the Sursum Corda (De Orat.
Dom. c. 31). Gaul from the time of its subju-
gation adopted the Roman customs and idiom
with remarkable readiness ; and in later times
the civilised Gauls imposed their tongue on their
Prankish and Norman conquerors. An incident
related by Sulpicius Severus (Vita S. Mart.
c. 9) may serve to shew that Latin was what we
may fairly call the vernacular of at least a por-
tion of Gaul in the fourth century. Martin was
taken by force from his beloved monastery by a
crowd of the neighbouring villagers to be made
bishop. In the church to which he was taken
some one in the crowd, opening a Psalter at ran-
dom, read aloud from the eighth psalm the verse,
" Ex ore infantium et lactentium perfecisti
laudem propter inimicos tuos, ut destruas ini-
micum et defensorem." a There was instantly a
shout raised, for the people looked upon the pas-
sage as of ill omen to Defensor, a neighbouring
bishop who had opposed Martin's electkn. In
Spain also, after its subjugation by the Romans,
the Latin language came into common use. It
seems also to have been spoken in Dalmatia.
Jerome at least, who was born there, clearly
regarded it as his native language, and complains
that he never heard of it in its purity while he
The word defensorem is used in the older version
for the ultorem of the present.
LITURGICAL LANGUAGE
was living in the East (Epist. 7 [al. 43] ad
Chrom. p. 18). Even in Britain after the time
of Agricola the upper classes adopted to some
extent the Roman language and customs (Tacit.
Agric. c. 21).
When Latin was so generally diffused, it could
not fail soon to become the vehicle of public
worship. When public prayer was first offered
in Latin in Rome itself we cannot tell, but it is
an obvious conjecture that when the "old Italic"
version of the New Testament came into use in
Rome, prayers and thanksgivings were also said
in the Latin tongue. That at an early date
Latin became the liturgical language of (at least)
much the greater part of Italy, of Gaul, and of
Spain, admits of no doubt whatever. The
" clerks " and officials everywhere spoke Latin
throughout the Western empire. And even when
Christianity was introduced into regions where
little or no Latin was spoken, as Britain and Ire-
land, there is no evidence of vernacular services;
the early evangelists of Britain, St. Patrick and
his followers in Ireland, the Roman missionaries
to the Angles and Saxons, alike seem to have re-
tained the Roman language in the offices which
they introduced. Probably it would have seemed
a kind of profanation to translate sacred
phrases into the "gibberish" of barbarian tribes.
Indeed it came to be maintained that a certain
sacredness attaches to the three languages, Greek,
Latin, and Hebrew, of the inscription on the
Lord's cross (Hilary of Poitiers, Prol. in lib. Pss.
c. 15 ; Honorius of Autun, Gemma Animae, i. 92),
and that these tongues alone Syriac being taken
to represent the ancient Hebrew are fit vehicles
for the public prayers of Christians. Hilary
further elevates Latin to a dominant position
among the three tongues, as the language of
Rome, " specialiter evangelica doctrina in Romani
imperii, sub quo Hebraei et Graeci continentur,
sede consistit." Ulfilas did indeed give the
Goths a vernacular version of the Bible, but
even here there is no trace remaining of Gothic
offices.
That the Latin of the service-books was often,
even among the so-called "Latin" races, a
tongue " not understanded of the people " seems
scarcely doubtful. In Italy, for instance, where
even at this day the peasantry speak several
dialects neither mutually intelligible nor intel-
ligible to those who only understand the literary
Italian, we cannot suppose that the language of
Leo and Gregory was everywhere understood.
The same may be said of Spain and Gaul, and
still more of Britain and Ireland. Provision was
no doubt made for instructing the several races
in their own tongues wherein they were born, and
there is no reason to doubt that the nature of the
several offices was explained to the faithful ; but
the offices themselves seem to have been invari-
ably said in Latin. Whatever may be the case
with the Syriac or other Eastern offices, in the
districts where Greek and Latin were the eccle-
siastical languages the gulf between the tongue
of the church and the tongue of the people was
always widening ; the dialect of the streets
came to differ widely from the unchanging idiom
of the church, even while it retained the same
name. In the eighth century this divergency
became so marked that it was recognised by
authority. A council at Frankfort in the year
794 (c. 52, Concc. Germ. i. 328 ; Baluze, Capit.
LITURGICAL LANGUAGE 1017
Beg. Fr. i. 270) expressly repudiated the theory
of the three sacred languages, on the ground
that God heareth prayer in every tongue ; and
Charles the Great, insisting (Capit. v. 161, in
Baluze, i. 855) that all men should learn the
Creed and the Lord's Prayer, makes provision for
the case of those who know none but their
mother tongue : " qui aliter non potuerit vel in
sua lingua hoc discat." The same monarch fur-
ther directs (Capit. vi. 185 ; Bal. i. 954) that
every presbyter should teach men publicly in his
church, in the tongue which his hearers under-
stand, truly to believe the faith of Almighty
God in Unity and Trinity, and also those things
which are to be said to all generally ; as of
avoiding evil and doing good, and of the judg-
ment to come in the Resurrection. He who
cannot do this of himself is to get a proper form
of words written out by some more learned person,
which he may read ; and he who cannot even do
this must exhort the people in the words, " Re-
pent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand."
Herard (Capit. 55, Bal. i. 1289) ordered that no
man should be admitted to be a godfather who
did not understand the Creed and the Lord's
Prayer in his own tongue, and the nature of
the covenant made with God. A council at
Rheims, A.D. 813 (c. 15), enjoined bishops to
preach in the dialects of their several dioceses,
and in the same year a council at Tours (c. 17)
ordered bishops to translate their homilies into
the rustic-Roman or the Teutonic tongue. So
the council of Mayence (c. 2) in the year 847.
At a still earlier date the council of Lestines,
A.D. 743 (Concc. Germ. i. 51 ; Swainson, The
Nicene and Apostles' Creeds, p. 22) had ordered
the Renunciations and Professions in baptism to
be made in the vernacular which is given in
the canon of the Teutonic converts. These
instances shew that, while care was taken to in-
struct the faithful in the cardinal truths of
Christianity, the offices in general were in the
ecclesiastical tongue, Latin.
When the Slavonic races were converted in
the 9th century, pope John VIII. (A.D. 880) not
only permitted but recommended that the divine
offices and liturgy should be said in their ver-
nacular. It is interesting to notice that he
expressly repudiates the theory of three sacred
languages and no more, saying that Scripture
calls upon all nations and all peoples to praise the
Lord, and that the apostles spoke in all tongues
the wonderful works of God (Epist. 293, ad Swen-
topulc. Migne, 126, p. 906). Nor is it (he con-
tinues) in any way contrary to sound faith and
doctrine to say masses in the Slavonic tongue ;
or to read the gospel, or lessons of the Old or
New Testament, well translated or interpreted ;
or to sing other hour-offices in it ; for He
who made the three chief tongues (linguas
principales), Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, also
made the others to His honour and glory. The
pope however makes this reservation, that the
gospel, to give it the more honour, should
always be read first in Latin, and afterwards
translated into Slavonic. Swentopulk and his
judges may, if they please, hear mass in Latin.
The Russian church retains to this day its ver-
nacular services.
The following are instances of provision being
made for the wants of a district where several
languages were spoken. Theodosius the archi-
1018
LITURGY
LITURGY
mandrite built within the circuit of his monas-
tery four churches ; one for the brothers of the
house, in which the offices were said in Greek ;
one in which they were said in the vernacular
of the Bessae, a barbarous tribe of the neighbour-
hood ; one in which they were said in Armenian ;
and a fourth in which the brothers who were
vexed with devils, and those who had charge of
them, had their special service. The ordinary
daily offices were thus said severally ; but when
the eucharist was celebrated, the office was said
in the several churches and tongues to the end
of the gospel, and then the several congregations
(except the demoniacs) assembled in the Greek
the proper monastic church for the remain-
ing portion of the celebration (Simeon Metaphr.
Vita Thcod. c. 24, in Surius, Jan. 11). It is
not quite clear whether the restriction of the
more solemn part of the mysteries to one church
and one tongue arose simply from a desire to
symbolise more emphatically the oneness of the
community, or from a reluctance to recite the
anaphora in any other than one of the recognised
"sacred" languages; and the same ambiguity
attaches to the following somewhat similar in-
stance. St. Sabas is said (Cyril Scythop. Vita
Sab. cc. 20, 32, in Cotelerius, Mon. Eccl. Graec. iii.
247, 264) to have provided the Armenians with
an oratory, and afterwards with a church, where
they might say the psalmody, the megalion, and
other portions of the divine office separately in
their own tongue, but at the time of oblation
join the Hellenists and communicate with them.
The same event is narrated in Surius (Dec. 5)
in the following form. Sabas transferred the
Armenian congregation to the church which
he had built, on condition that the glorificatio
and reading of the gospels should take place in
their own tongue, while they should partake of
the divine mysteries with the rest. And the
writer adds, that when some adopted an addition
made by Peter the Fuller to the angelic hymn
[SANCTUS], Sabas desired them to chant that
hymn in Greek, that he might know whether
they adopted the correct version ; he apparently
did not understand Armenian.
Literature. Ussher, Historia Dogrn. de Script.
et Sacris Vernaculis ; Bona, de Eeb. Liturg. I.
v. 4 ; Bingham, Antiq. XIII. iv. ; Martene, de
Eit. Ant. I. iii. 2 ; Krazer, de Liturgiis Occ.
sec. v. c. 3 ; Binterim, Denkwiirdigkeiten, vol. iv.
pt. 2, p. 93 ff. ; Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chret.
s. v. Langues Liturgiques ; Bishop A. P. Forbes,
On Greek Rites in the West, in the Church and
the World, 1867, p. 145 if.; W. E. Scudamore,
Xotitia Eucharistica, p. 207, first edition ; Probst,
Littirgie der drei ersten Christ!. Jahrhunderte,
Einleitung, 4. [C.]
LITURGY. (1.) The Greek words \enovpyia,
\ftrovpyos, Keirovpytiv, in their early usage are
applied to the work or the agent in any public
service. Etymologically we may compare
5ii/j.wvpy6s. A.eiTovpye'ti' thus means to perform
come service for the public. In Athens, it came
to be used technically for the duty which wealthy
men were especially called upon to render to
the state, and the \tiTovpyia was the ser-
vice which they rendered. [See " Leiturgia,"
IN DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTI-
QUITIES.]
(2.) Except in a passage of Plutarch, where
the limitation is effected by the context, we
do not find in classical Greek any sacred appli-
cation of the word LITURGY other than is con-
tained in the above. But in the Septuagint it
is generally, though not exclusively, used in this
behalf. Thus we have the word and its deri-
vatives applied to the service at the altar ; or to.
the service in or to the tabernacle ; and in Daniel
vii. 10, "Thousand thousands ministered unto
Him."
(3.) In the New Testament the usage of the
words is less restricted. Thus, kings are
ministers to God, in attending on the duties of
their high office (Rom. siii. 6). Hence we pass
on to the parabolic use of the word \firovpy6s,
in Rom. xv. 16. " So that I should be a minister to
Jesus Christ (Ktirovpyttv 'I. X.) for the Gentiles,
in administering in sacerdotal or sacred fashion
(ifpovpyovvra) the gospel of God, in order that
the offering up of the Gentiles might become
accepted, being sanctified in the Holy Ghost."
Another instance of this parabolic use is to be
found in Phil. ii. 17. "But even if I am poured
out as a libation over the sacrifice and ministry
(\tiTovpyia) of your faith, I rejoice and congra-
tulate you all." Thus the special meaning cf
the word and its cognates in any particular pas-
sage must be determined (if at all) by the
context. There can be no doubt of the meaning
in Luke i. 23, " when the days of his ministration
were accomplished." Some doubt is felt as to Act.?
xiii. 2, " As they ministered to the Lord, and
fasted." Chrysostom explains the word by KijpvT-
T6vnav (preaching): it would rather seem to refer
to some public ministration to the Lord, such a*
was accompanied with a fast. Of the Saviour
it is recorded (Heb. viii. C), that He has obtained
a more excellent ministry than the ministry of
Aaron : the explanation being given in vv. 1, 2.
" He is seated on the right hand of the Majesty
in the heavens, a minister of the sanctuary and
of the true tabernacle." Thus the angels are
ministering spirits, sent forth for service (es
StaKovla.i'), for the sake of those who are to in-
herit salvation.
(4.) In early Christian literature the word
\ftrovpye7v was soon adopted in reference to
sacred functions. Thus Clemens Romanus (1. c.
8) speaks of the old prophets as the ministers of
the grace of God, speaking through the Holy
Spirit. And in c. 44 he speaks of the office of
the apostles as being their Liturgy or Ministry.
In the process of time the word liturgy came,
in practice, to be regarded as the appropriate
designation of the Eucharistic office, but it is
not quite clear when this limitation was gene-
rally accepted. At the council of Ancyra,
(A.D. 314), a presbyter who had offered to an
idol, was forbidden (c. i.) " either to offer or to
address the congregation, or to minister any
part whatever of the hieratic ministrations"
$ 3A.a>s \tiTovpyf7v TO. TUIV IfpartKuv Aei-
-rovpyiSiv. Canon 2 enforced a similar rule on
deacons who had lapsed. Athanasius speaks of
the Arians stopping the bread (TOJJ/ \fiTovpywv
Kal TtSv irapQtvtav) of the ministers and the
virgins. In the acts of the council of Ephesus
mention is made of the evening and morning
liturgies, and Theodoret (iii. 114) is also quoted
as speaking of the evening liturgy, i.e. the
evening service. The same writer (iii. 1065)
speaks of the liturgy of the Holy Baptism :
LITURGY
and Ep. cxlvi. p. 1032, he says that in almost
all the churches the apostolic benediction (2
Cor. xiii. 13) forms the introduction to the
mystical liturgy. The additional mystical of
course limits the term Liturgy, and, in fact,
we shall find that this benediction stands at
the commencement of the anaphora in most of
the liturgies that will come under our review.
It is not found in that of St. Mark, nor the
Coptic St. Basil, nor in the Mozarabic. I may
mention also here that it is not found in either
the Roman or the Ambrosian or the Gallican
Canon. Theodoret therefore refers to the litur-
gies of the Oriental churches proper."
(5.) Turning now to the services for the ad-
ministration of the Eucharist, which are specifi-
cally called LITURGIES, we may note in passing
that the newly discovered complement to the first
letter of Clemens Romanus contains liturgical
phrases which we find also in the liturgy of the
church of Alexandria, of which below. Apart
from this, the earliest records of such service
are contained in the letter of Pliny to Trajan,
and the Apology of Justin Martyr. From the
former, we know that the Christians used to
meet on a stated day before it was light, and
repeat alternately a hymn to Christ as God, and
bind themselves sacramcnto that they would
commit no crime ; then they separated, and
came together again a second time to partake of
food, ordinary and innocent. The use of the
word sacramentum here certainly seems to point
to the reception of the Eucharist, for it is, of
course, inconceivable that an oath to this effect
should be repeated on every occasion : it may,
however, point to the Baptismal promise. But
the accounts in Justin Martyr give us more infor-
mation. He describes the service as it was
performed after the administration of Baptism,
and again on an ordinary Sunday. Combining
the two accounts together we learn that during
the service the records of the apostles or the
writings of the prophets were read by a special
reader, and, when he had ceased, the President
instructed the congregation, urging them to
imitate the noble things of which they had
heard. United or common prayer was offered for
those who were assembled, for those who had
been baptized, and for all believers everywhere,
that now that they had learned the truth they
might by their good works be enabled to keep
God's commandments so that they might attain
to eternal salvation. The prayers were said
standing, and apparently by all : and these
being concluded they saluted each other with
the kiss of peace. Then bread was brought to
the president and a cup of wine and water ; and
now he, alone, with all his energy, sent up his
prayers and thanksgivings, and the people as-
sented with the word " Amen," and the deacons
gave to each of those who were present a por-
tion of the bread and wine and water over
which the thanksgiving had been offered, and
portions were also sent by their hands to those
who were absent, and, Justin adds, the wealthy
and willing give freely, each according as he
wishes, and the collection is deposited with the
president, and he assists the orphans and widows,
The use of Xeirovpyia as embracing the evening ser-
vice continued even to the end of the 6th century (see
Eustratius ; Migne, 86, p. 2380 B).
LITURGY
1019
those who are impoverished by sickness or other
cause, those that are in prison, and strangers
who may happen to be sojourning amongst them :
and Justin twice announces that this is done on
the day called Sunday. In his dialogue with
Trypho we have frequent references to the Eucha-
rist. From one of them we learn that at the
time when the Christians offered their sacrifice
to God, mention was made of the sufferings
which the Son of God tinderwent (Dialogue,
H7).
(6.) A question has arisen whether this ac-
count refers to the service in Palestine for
Justin was a native of Samaria or to the service
near Rome, the seat of the emperors to whom
his apology was addressed. The question seems
to be settled by the following considerations :
The kiss of peace is given in the Roman church
in the solemn mass after consecration : here it
is before it. Again, it is one of the points which
are noted as differencing the Roman from the
other missae, that in the Roman order there
was generally no lesson from the prophets. Here
there was such lesson every Sunday.
Thus we have apparently sufficient warrant
for the conclusion of Palmer (Origines Liturgicae,
vol. i. p. 42) that Justin Martyr's account is of
the liturgy of the patriarchate of Antioch.
And it is interesting to note that later narratives ^
agree with his description as far as it goes. All
the points he introduces are found in the later
liturgy of Jerusalem.
(7.) Liturgy of Jerusalem. Passing over for the
time the liturgy contained in the eighth book
of the Apostolic Constitutions, we proceed from
Justin Martyr, who must have written about
A.D. 150, to the lectures of Cyril, who was
bishop of Jerusalem from the year 351 to 386.
Cyril has left us seventeen lectures, delivered,
apparently about the year 347, to the catechu-
mens in the course of Lent, and five to the re-
cently baptized, delivered shortly after Easter.
In these five he gives descriptions and explana-
tions of the sacramental offices, and, in the last
of all, an account of the Communion Service.
His hearers had been present at it, but they
had not been taught the meaning of its several
parts.
(8.) There can be no doubt that every marked
feature of the office, as it then existed, is noted
here by St. Cyril. He commences, however,
after the dismissal of the uninitiated ; at a point
(that is) corresponding to the close of the sermon
in the account of Justin Martyr. He describes the
ablutions, possibly with LAVABO[II. 938], followed
by the Kiss of peace, and then proceeds to the
Sursuin Corda, Preface, Sanctus, Consecration,
Intercession, Lord's Prayer [CANON, I. 269],
Sancta Sanctis, Gustate, and COMMUNION [I.
413].
(9.) It is interesting to compare with this the
liturgy of St. James, the liturgy, that is, of the
church of Palestine.
We have it in two forms : the one form from
two Greek manuscripts (with a fragment of a '
third), of which the first was written during .
the 12th century at Antioch; the second MS.
appears to have been transcribed at Mount Sinai
during the 10th (Palmer, i. 21, 22). The second
form, published by Renaudot, vol. ii. p. 29, is
found in Syriac, and is still retained amongst the
Monophysites or Jacobites in the East (Palmer,
1020
LITUEGY
i. 16). The points of similarity are sufficient
to prove that they had a common origin, and
undoubtedly what is common to the two must
have been in use in the united church 'at the
beginning of the 5th century, i.e. before the
schism of A.D. 451.
(10.) We see, therefore, here, on the one hand,
how the service of Cyril's time was even in a
hundred years augmented by many additions,
and we find on the other that nearly everything
which Cyril mentions remains untouched, both
in the Greek and Syriac liturgies. We have
the " Sursum Corda " in both, the " Vere
dignum," the " Sanctus sanctus"; the precise
words that the Holy Spirit may make this bread
the Body of Christ, and this cup the Blood of
Christ, the prayers for the living, the com-
memoration of, and the petitions for, the dead.
The very words used by Cyril are found in the
Greek. And thus we take a step forward in
our history ; and it is interesting further to
notice that Jerome in his controversy with the
Pelagians (book ii. sect. 23 ; Migne, vol. xxiii.
p. 587), mentions that the voices of the priests
daily sing that "Christ is the only sinless One."
We find the expression both in the Syriac and in
the Greek liturgies before us : " He is the only
sinless one that has appeared upon the earth."
Again, in the same dialogue, book iii., sect. 15,
p. 612, Jerome says that our Lord taught His
apostles that " daily at the sacrifice or sacrament
of His body (the manuscripts read sacrarncnto)
believers should dare to say Our Father which
art in heaven." He refers, no doubt, as before,
to the liturgy of Jerusalem, for his work seems
to have been written in the neighbourhood of
the Holy City shortly after the opinions of
Pelagius had received encouragement from the
bishop Johannes. Once more in his commentary
on Isaiah, book ii. chap. vi. v. 20 (vol. xxiv. 88
of Migne), Jerome says, " Quotidie caelesti pane
saturati dicimus ; Gustate et videte quam suavis
est Dominus," words which occur (I believe)
only in the liturgy of St. James. The whole
psalm is recited in the Syriac St. James.
(11.) Further illustrations have been drawn
from the Homiletic writings of St. Chrysostom,
of which several were written when he was a
presbyter of the church of Antioch (see Palmer,
i. 80, and Bingham, Antiquities, book XIII. vi.).
It will be unnecessary to carry out this com-
parison at length, but we may note that Chry-
sostom speaks of the whole congregation joining
in common prayer for those who were afflicted
by evil spirits and those who were in a state of
penance ; and then he reminds his hearers how,
when only the initiated remain, they prostrate
themselves on the pavement, rise together, and
the priest alone offers up the prayers, and the
people respond. He mentions the benediction,
" The Grace of our Lord," and the address, " Up
with our mind and hearts." He speaks of the
reasonable service, the bloodless sacrifice ; he
speaks of the cherubim and seraphim, of the
invocation of the Holy Spirit to be present and
touch the gifts lying upon the holy table ; he
speaks of the commemoration of the living and
the dead, of the Lord's Prayer, of the holy
things for holy persons, of the breaking of the
bread of the Communion. All these but one
(of which below) are found both in the Syriac
and in the Greek, and so far our position is
LITURGY
strengthened that much that is common to the
two belongs at least to the 4th or 5th century.
(12.) Two points remain to be noticed.
i. After the words of institution the oblation in
the Greek is this : " remembering then His life-
giving sufferings, His saving cross, His death and
resurrection from the dead, and His ascension
into heaven ; His session at the right hand of
Thee, O God and Father, we offer to Thee this
fearful and bloodless sacrifice."
The words in the Syriac liturgy correspond
almost exactly to these, except that the oblation
is made to Christ : " We remember Thy death
and resurrection, Thy ascension into heaven, Thy
sitting at the right hand of God the Father, and
we offer to Thee this fearful and bloodless sacri-
fice." The difference is momentous, and the
question at once arises which of the two is the
more ancient form.
The Syriac is, as we have seen, in use at the
present day. The Greek is, as we shall see,
affected by later additions from foreign sources ;
but this fact alone would not, of course, decide
the question as to the original form of this
momentous formula.
(13.) ii. Our second point is this : Palmer
draws attention (Origines, i. 24, 25) to several
indications that the Greek liturgy of St. James
has been affected by late interpolations. These
we need not repeat here. I would add that the
introduction of a Creed in the proanaphora is a
further indication that the liturgy was altered
after the date which I have specified. Another
indication of change is this : that the prayer for
the king, mentioned by St. Cyril and retained by
the Syriac (p. 35), is omitted in the Greek, proba-
bly because the state rulers of Palestine favoured
the Jacobites more than the orthodox. The
appeal x a ?P* /cex a /" Ta) A te ' z/7 ?> which is introduced,
is entirely out of place, and ungrammatical ; it
must, therefore, be a late addition : and it is not
in the Syriac. There is no prayer in the Greek
for the energumeni, nor for the penitents, nor for
the catechumens, and no notice of their exclu-
sion. This fact also shews that the text of the
manuscripts which we possess had been altered at
a period when the custom of excluding the two
former classes had ceased to be observed.
(14.) The paucity of the Greek manuscripts of
course indicates that the rite of St. James has
long ceased to be of general observance ; in fact,
it was first interpolated out of the liturgy of
Constantinople, and then gave way before it.
Yet it is said to be still used in islands of
the Archipelago and elsewhere on St. James's day,
but no manuscripts of the modern form have
been brought to the west. The conclusion is
that the Greek use was generally discontinued
before the 13th century. Charles the Bald
stated that the rite was celebrated before him ;
and we learn from Theodore Balsamon and his
contemporary Marcus, orthodox bishop of Alex-
andria, that it, or a rite which went by this
name, was still used in the 12th century on great
feast-days in the churches of Jerusalem and the
rest of Palestine. It was at that time unknown
at Antioch.
(15.) Liturgies of the Churches of Egypt.
It will be best now to turn to the liturgies
of the churches of Alexandria, with which I
would connect the liturgy of the Coptic version
of the Apostolic Constitutions. We have three
LITURGY
notices of the celebration in this version ;
two of them analogous to that in the eighth
book of the Greek version, which is called the
Clementine liturgy, and is really an account
of a service after the consecration of a bishop.
There are several points of deep interest con-
nected with the Coptic constitutions, not the
least that the Copts had introduced into their
language the Greek terms for presbyter, deacon,
bishop, Spirit, Eucharist, offering, salutation ;
indeed we may say every technical term con-
nected with the celebration. We read (Tattam,
Apostolical Constitutions in Coptic, with Trans-
lation ; Orient. Trans. Fund, 184-8 ; bk. ii.
p. 32), "After the salutation and the kiss of
peace, the deacons present the offering to the
newly-made bishop ; he puts his hand upon it
with the presbyters, and says the eucharistia."
It begins with the prayer, " The Lord be with
you all," and the people say, " And with thy
spirit." The bishop says, " Lift up your hearts ;"
they reply, " We lift them up unto the Lord."
He says again, " Let us give thanks unto our
Lord ;" the people say, " It is right and just ;"
and then he is directed to say the prayers which
follow according " to the form or custom of the
holy offering." It is quite clear that the service
was in Greek throughout when this version
of the " canons of the apostles " was made.
But Archdeacon Tattam, to whom we owe our
edition of the book, unfortunately missed some
of the points in his translation ; and thus, to the
mere English reader, his words can scarcely be
said to represent adequately the character of the
original. Thus evxta^ev, he translates " Let us
pray." It was really a mistake for e^OjUei/.
(16.) We have a further account in the same
second book (Tattam, p. 62). This may be com-
pared with the last lecture of St. Cyril of
Jerusalem, for it is the account of the Communion
as administered to the newly baptized. We have
again the instruction that the deacon should
bring the offering to the bishop, and that the
latter should give thanks over the bread and
over the cup of wine, because of the similitude
of the one to the flesh of Christ, and of the
other to the blood of Christ. Mention is made
of an offering of milk and honey in remembrance
of the promise made to the fathers : " I will give
you a land flowing with milk and honey." Then
the bishop divides the bread, and gives a portion
to each. " This is the bread of heaven, the Body
of Christ Jesus " (the last clause in Greek). The
presbyter or deacon takes the cup, and gives
them the blood of Jesus Christ our Lord, and the
milk and the honey, saying, " This is the Blood
of Christ Jesus," and he who receives says,
" Amen."
The account concludes : These things have
been delivered to you briefly concerning the
holy Baptisma and the holy Offering.
(17.) There is yet a third account in the fourth
book ( Lxv. p. 116). This is a second represen-
tation of the service after the ordination of a
bishop ; it is somewhat longer than the other,
supplying additional details. Thus we have the
direction of the deacon : " Let no unbeliever
remain in this place ;" the words bidding them
salute one another with a holy kiss ; the exclu-
sion of the catechumens and the " hearers,"
and of all who were not partakers of the holy
mysteries. The deacons bring the gifts to the
LITURGY
1021
bishop to the holy altar (euffiaar^piov), the pres-
byters standing on his right hand and on his left,
and the " high priest " prays over the offering
that the Holy Spirit may descend upon it and
make the bread the body of Christ, and the cup
the blood of Christ. Then all partake; first
the clergy, then all the people, and then all the
women ; a psalm was sung during the distribu-
tion, and when all was over the deacons called
out, " We have all partaken of the blessed Body
and Blood of Christ ; let us give thanks to Him ;"
the bishop gives them the blessing, and they are
told to depart in peace.
(18.) There can be no doubt that the rubrics of
these second and fourth books represent the ser-
vice at slightly different epochs ; thus the word
apxiepevs, which is limited to the Jewish high
priest on p. 108, is given to the bishop on p. 122.
The word 6vffiacrrr]piov occurs, however, twice in
the first book (p. 20). But the whole account will
serve us as an introduction to the later liturgies
of the church of Alexandria as we find them in
the Greek and Coptic versions.
(19.) Of the Alexandrine Fathers, Clemens
speaks (Stromat. i. 19) of those who use bread
and water in the offering not ia accordance
with the canons of the church ; and Origen
of our offering sacrifices to the Father through
Christ (on Isa. vi. 6 ; Homil. i. near the e'nd ;
torn, xii'i. Lommatzsch'). Of the liturgies that
have come down to us as connected with various
branches or offshoots of the church of the patri-
archate of Alexandria, Renaudot gives several,
but they may be reduced to three distinct
works :
(1) The Greek liturgy of St. Mark and the
Coptic of St. Cyril.
(2) A Coptic, Arabic, and Greek liturgy, en-
titled the liturgy of St. Basil. This
must be carefully distinguished, as we
shall see hereafter, from the liturgy of
the church of Caesarea.
(3) A Coptic, Arabic, and Greek liturgy, en-
titled the liturgy of St. Gregory the
Theologian, i.e. Gregory Nazianzen.
To these we must add what is called 'The
Universal Canon of the Aethiopic Church.'
(20.) The Greek liturgy of St. Mark and the
Coptic liturgy of St. Cyril are related to each
other, as are the Greek and Syriac liturgies of
St. James; they have much in common ; but
the liturgy of St. Cyril has been used even to
the present day by the Monophysites, who have
formed the mass of the Egyptian Christians,
whilst that of St. Mark was in use only for a
limited time by the Melchites or orthodox. For
the latter body being small in numbers, and
weak in influence, have, for many ages, been
drawn within the circle of the church of Con-
stantinople, and have used the liturgy of that
church. And thus it is that apparently only
one copy of the Greek liturgy of St. Mark has
survived. This was found in a monastery of
the order of St. Basil, at Rossano, in Calabria.
Renaudot saw it at Rome in the house of the
religious of the same order. The MS. is of the
10th or llth century. By comparing the two
together, we are able to infer what was the
common property of the whole patriarchate
before the schism of A.D. 451, and thus also to
discover what each body added at later periods.
The liturgies of St. Basil and St. Gregory are
1022
LITURGY
also used by the Monophysites (Renaudot, i. 154);
the former on fast days, the latter on feast days,
except in Lent and the month " Cohiac,"
during which the liturgy of St. Cyril is used.
(21.) We will turn first to the Greek liturgy of
St. Mark and the Coptic of St. Cyril. We have
already mentioned that words recently dis-
covered in the Epistle of Clemens Romanus are
found here. These words are (Bryennius, p.
105), " Raise those that are fallen ; bring back
those who are wandering; feed those who are
hungry ; deliver those of us who are in bonds ;
comfort the feeble-minded." They are all found
both in the Coptic (Renaudot, vol. i. p. 65),
and in the Greek (Neale, Greek Liturgies, ed.
1868, p. 21). The Coptic has also : " Save those
of us who are in trouble," which are also
Clementine. This fact is interesting in more
ways than one, as we shall see. I may men-
tion now that it is a renewed proof of the
connexion between the churches of Alexan-
dria and Rome, to which Dr. Ne^le speaks in
his 'General Introduction' (vol. i. p. 120). In
the Greek St. Mark, we have the introductory
or proanaphoral portion, which is quite distinct
from anything in the Coptic. In point of fact,
the liturgy of St. Cyril begins with the kiss of
peace immediately preceding the Sursum Corda
(Renaudot, i. 38). We are informed that the
" Preparation " which is given in the Coptic St.
Basil (Renaudot, i. 1-82) is always used, what-
ever the liturgy proper may be. Passing on to
the canon, I would observe that the intercessory
prayers, which are offered by the priest after the
giving of thanks in the "dignum et justumest,"
are addressed in the Greek liturgy to the Father,
in the Coptic to our Lord. In both, the Virgin
is commemorated, whilst the " Hail thou that
art highly favoured," occurring in the Greek, is
not found in the Coptic. This, therefore, is
apparently of late introduction. In the Coptic
the prayer is addressed to Christ to receive " the
sacrifices and oblations of those who offer on His
spiritual heavenly altar ;" in the Greek a similar
prayer is addressed to God. The petitions which
I have mentioned just now as occurring in
Clemens Romanus occur at this part of the ser-
vice. The words of St. Paul with reference to
Christ (Eph. i. 21) are found in both, and thus
it is with reference to Christ that the words
follow, " Thousand thousands, and ten thousand
times ten thousand of holy angels and archangels
stand before Thee ! " Then the words of institu-
tion follow. In both versions the appeal is
made to God the Father that we are setting
forth the death of His Son, and confessing His
resurrection, and waiting for His second coming
to judge the world ; and with this before our
mind " we have set before Thee Thine own of
Thine own gifts." The epiclesis or invocation
follows, the same in both, bearing, however, in-
ternal marks that it was composed after the
council of Nicaea, a prayer for sanctification, and
the Lord's Prayer. Here the Coptic of St. Cyril
lapses into the Coptic St. Basil. The Greek,
however, proceeds to the end. The " Sancta
sanctis," on p. 28, and the " unus Pater sanc-
tus," etc., on the same page ; the benediction and
the dismissal, p. 30.
(22.) By comparing the Coptic St. Basil with
the Greek and Arabic versions of the same
liturgy, we are again able, in some degree, to
LITUKGY
note the history of liturgic change. It would
appear that many of the Greek phrases were
continued in iise in the Coptic church, as we
have already noticed them in the Coptic version
of the Apostolic Constitutions (Renaudot, i. 13).
Here, after the " Sanctus," the liturgy reverts
to the history of our fall, our being placed
in paradise, our transgression. It thus passes
onwards with great beauty through the warn-
ings given by the prophets to the birth of
the Saviour, His love for us, His death, His
resurrection, His ascension. Then it records
how He left to us this great mystery of piety
(the words of 1 Tim. iii. 16) and instituted the
Eucharist, giving the words of the institution.
Then it proceeds, as in the Greek St. Mark, only
where that had "we have offered to Thee of
Thine own gifts," here we read, " we do offer
Thee." The Epiclesis follows, in the Coptic the
appeal being to Christ, in the Greek and Arabic
to God.
Then come the intercessory prayers (not
before the words of institution, as in St. Mark
and St. Cyril), and these are addressed to God.
Commemoration is made also of the Virgin and
other saints, including, in the Coptic St. Basil,
several of a late date, and the diptychs are read
and the Lord's Prayer follows ; then an interest-
ing absolution of a precatory character and the
" Sancta sanctis." The fraction takes place and
a confession (which we also find in the Gregorian
liturgy), " that this is the flesh of Christ which
He received from the Virgin, and made one with
His divinity and delivered for us all on the
cross." Further intercessions in some respect
like those of Clemens Romanus, but with the
addition, " give rest to those who have fallen
asleep before us " follow in the Arabic, but arc
not in the Coptic. The dismissal of the people
takes place, and then that of the deacons. This
does not occur in the Coptic. The communion
of the people is mentioned in the Coptic (p. 24),
but not in the Greek or Arabic.
(23.) The liturgy of St. Gregory will not detain
us long ; it begins in the Greek and Arabic with
a prayer which is also found in the Greek St.
James (Neale, G. L., p. 54), with a few words in-
terpolated that the "sacrifice may be for the
rest and refreshment of our fathers who have
fallen asleep before us, and for the strengthening
of Thy people." Moreover, in the Greek "St.
James " it is addressed to God, in the Egyptian
" St. Gregory " to Christ. This liturgy resem-
bles the Egyptian St. Basil rather than that of
St. Cyril ; after the ' ; vere dignum," however,
there is a hymn of thanksgiving which we do
not find there, but, in some respects like the
other, it passes on to a touching appeal to God.
"No language can measure the ocean of Thy
love : Thou madest me a man, not Thyself being
in need of my service ; .... it is Thou who,
in the bread and the wine, hast delivered to me
the mystic participation of Thy flesh."
The account of the Institution follows in the
form of a narrative addressed to the Saviour,
and the priest continues : " Remembering Thy
coming upon earth, Thy Death, Thy Resurrec-
tion, Ascension and coming Advent, we offer to
Thee of Thine own gifts " ; and he beseeches
Christ to come and complete the mystic service,
to send His Spirit and sanctify and change the
gifts into the Body and Blood of our redemption.
LITURGY
Intercessory prayers now follow, and the com-
memoration of the saints departed: the diptychs
are read, and another appeal to Jesus Christ.
The Lord's Prayer follows, and after a while the
thanksgiving after Communion ; but here both
the Coptic and the Arabic fail us, so that the
prayers in the Greek which follow appear to be
late.
(24.) It remains only to speak of the Ethiopic
canon, which commences (Renaudot, vol. i. 472)
with some beautiful passages from Holy Scripture.
Froni p. 476 we have much in common with
the Coptic St. Basil. The canon proper begins
on p. 486, but it is strange that we have
nothing corresponding to the " Lift up your
hearts " of almost all the other liturgies. The
intercessory prayers precede the words of institu-
tion, and then follows the appeal, " We are set-
ting forth Thy death, Lord. We believe Thy
resurrection, ascension, and second advent, and
keeping the memorial of Thy death and resurrec-
tion we offer to Thee this bread and this cup."
The epiclesis follows : the prayer for pardon for
the living, the prayer for rest for the dead. The
Sancta sanctis with the confession as we found
it in St. Basil, the Communion of the people,
the thanksgiving after Communion and the Lord's
Prayer the only instance that yet we have
met with of such position. We need not discuss
the other Ethiopic forms ; they are seven in
number, but five have never been published
(Neale, i. 325).
(25.) Some question has arisen as to the rela-
tive claims of these liturgies of St. Basil and St.
Mark to be the primitive liturgy of the Egyptian
church. Kenaudot gives the place to " St. Basil,"
Palmer to " St. Mark." The latter founds his
judgment in part on the comparison of both
with the Universal Canon of the Ethiopians,
which he considers to " agree exactly in order
and substance with the liturgies of Cyril and
Mark, and no others " (i. p. 90). An entirely
independent collation leads the writer to reject
this statement, and to regard the Alexandrine
St. Basil, and the Ethiopian Canon as intimately
connected with each other. A comparison of
the liturgies with quotations by any of the
Alexandrine Fathers, may facilitate our judg-
ment.
(26.) We shall receive but little assistance from
the general tone of Origen's treatise on prayer,
except by noting that when he expresses (as he
seems to do) his wish that prayer should be .ad-
dressed mainly to the Father through the Son,
his language would seem to intimate that in his
time the general custom of his church was to ad-
dress their prayers to Christ. His reference to
the thousand thousands and myriads of myriads
(against Celsus, viii. 34) may be paralleled out of
all the liturgies. Cyril of Alexandria (we take these
references from Palmer, i. 102-3) refers to the
Seraphin (not Cherubin as Palmer has it) veil-
ing their faces ; this is not mentioned in " Basil,"
but it is mentioned in the others. The same
father says (Epist. ad Johan. Aidich.\ " We are
taught also to say in our prayers, ' Lord our
God, give us peace : for Thou hast given us all
things,'" words to which we find the nearest
resemblance in the Basilian Coptic and Greek. St.
Mark has only "0 king of peace, give thy peace
to us in harmony and love." Origon on Jere-
nniah (xiv. 14) remarks, " We often say in our
LITURGY
1023
prayers, Give me a portion with the prophets,
give me a portion with the apostles." A petition
resembling this is found both in the Coptic St.
Basil and St. Cyril, and the Greek St. Mark. It
would be scarcely fair to draw from this the
conclusion that what is called St. Basil's Liturgy
was used at Alexandria in the time of Cyril,
rather than that which we call St. Mark's; but
it would seem that when St. Cyril wrote the
words I have quoted, the liturgy which bears
his name had not been amended. Other refer-
ences have been noticed in Dionysius of Alexan-
dria, Isidore of Pelusium, and Athanasius, but
they do not throw any light on the point before
us. It is worthy however of remark that Isidore
states distinctly that the sacerdos or bishop
uttered the words " Peace be with you," from
the extremity or highest point of the church,
" imitating the Lord assuming His chair when
He gave His peace to His disciples."
(27.) Liturgy of Caesarea. There can be no
doubt that St. Basil, who was bishop of Caesarea
in Cappadocia during the years 370-379, com-
mitted to writing, and delivered to the order of
monks which he established, a liturgy. And when
we look at the well-known words which have
been often quoted from his treatise on the Holy
Spirit [CANON, I. 269], we can scarcely doubt
that this liturgy preserved (at least in its chief
features) that form and order which had been tra-
ditionally used within the diocese or (possibly)
the patriarchate of Caesarea. Our difficulty is
to recover the service as it came from the hands
of Basil. We have the form which passes by
his name and now in the East shares with the
so-called liturgy of St. Chrysostom the rever-
ence of the churches. It is used, we are told,
on all Sundays in Lent but Palm Sunday, on
Maundy Thursday and Easter Eve, on the festival
of St. Basil himself, and on the vigils of Christ-
mas and of the Epiphany. Dr. Neale and Dr.
Littledale (Greek Liturgies) have printed this
from two recent editions, published the one at
Venice, the other at Constantinople ; whilst
Daniel has given it in a form presenting con-
siderable variations from both.
The Alexandrine liturgy assigned to Basil
we have already noticed. With the exceptions
mentioned below ( 29), it differs entirely from
the Greek St. Basil. Besides this there is a
Syriac liturgy which goes by the name of Basil,
a Latin translation of which Renaudot gives
from Masius in his second volume. But most
important for our purposes is the Greek copy,
found in a manuscript of the end of the 9th
century which belonged once to the library of
St. Mark at Florence (introduced probably at
the time of the council), but is now in the Bar-
berini collection at Rome. This was printed for
the first time in Bunsen's flippolytus and his
Ai/e (vol. iv.), and again in his Analecta Antc-
Nicaena (vol. iii. pp. 201-236), and it is strange
that it has not attracted the attention it de-
serves.
(28.) This liturgy commences with the prayer
which the priest offered in the sacristy, when
he placed the bread upon the disc: this is fol-
lowed by the prayers of the three antiphons.
These are all found in the liturgy as published
by Daniel, but we must exclude here, as through-
out, almost all the rubrical directions relating
to the action and language of the deacon. The
1024
LITUEGY
prayer of Introit is given next, then the prayer
of the Trisagion, and the prayer said by the
bishop when he took his throne. This is now
omitted, in consequence, no doubt, of the change
of ritual. Prayers for the catechumens, for
the faithful, for the bishop himself (the last
connected with the cherubic hymn) follow, and
then the prayer of oblation, which is distinctly
stated to be a prayer of the holy Basil. The
kiss of peace here follows, and the order to the
deacons to look " to the doors ;" and the people
say the creed. Then come the apostolic bene-
diction and the ' Sursum Corda.' The " dignum
et justum est " is entirely eucharistic, and this
is succeeded by an eucharistic introduction to
the words of institution. But here, unhappily,
a sheet (four leaves) of the manuscript is missing,
and we are unable to say what was the exact
form of the prayer of invocation, or of that of
intercession until we come to the petition for
the clergy, in the middle of which the next sheet
commences. The words with which the Lord's
Prayer is introduced are interesting. It is fol-
lowed by a petition that Christ our God would
attend to us from His holy habitation, and come
to sanctify us, seated above with the Father, and
invisibly present with us. Then the " sancta
sanctis," and the " unus sanctus :" and the priest
is directed to take portions from the holy Body,
and place them in the holy cup. Then " after
all have partaken," whilst the deacon is saying
rrjv ei>xV, the priest eVeuxerai. This is a
prayer of thanksgiving for the reception. Col-
lects follow : one to be uttered outside the
sanctuary, the other when the priest retires to
the sacristy, and so the liturgy concludes. If we
may supply from the more modern liturgy the
parts lost in the missing sheet, availing our-
selves of the analogy which the collations of
the rest of the work suggest, we must conclude
that the words of institution were embodied in
an address to God the Father, and pleaded that
" remembering the sufferings of His Son, His
cross, His death, His resurrection, ascension, and
second coming, and offering to God His own of
His own in all things, and because of all
things we bless Him, we glorify Him, we give
thanks to Him." In the prayer of invocation
the priest pleads that being admitted to minister
at God's holy altar, not because of his own
righteousness but because of God's mercy and
pity, he draws nigh to it : and that having
offered the antitypes of the holy Body and
Blood of His Christ, he beseeches God that His
Spirit should come on the congregation and the
gifts and (di<a5erat) exhibit the bread and cup as
the precious Body and Blood of our Lord. There
is a prayer that all who partake of the one bread
and the cup may find mercy with all the saints
(the Virgin and St. John the Baptist are espe-
cially mentioned), and then after a while the
prayer passes on to petitions for the living.
(29.) Reverting now for a moment to the Alex-
andrine liturgy of St. Basil, we must notice
that the three prayers, which in the Greek and
Arabic are distinctly ascribed to the great
bishop, i.e. the prayer of the Kiss of Peace
(Renaudot, i. 60), the prayer at the breaking
of the bread (p. 72), and the doxology (now in
the Lord's Prayer) and prayer of bending
the head (p. 76) are all of them found in the
Barberini copy, and are all of them contained in
LITUEGY
the modern liturgy. Not one of them however is-
in the Coptic St. Basil ; these facts may possibly
allow us to infer that the Alexandrine Greek
received its title from the prayers of St. Basil
which it incorporated, but that the Coptic ver-
sion was made before they were admitted. If
so, we have some little light thrown upon the
relative dates of the various documents, and it
would appear that the Coptic is older than the
Greek Alexandrine in its present form. We
have already mentioned that in no other respect
can we trace any similarity between the Alex-
andrine Basil and those which bear the great
Bishop's name in the Barberini manuscript and
in the modern Oriental Church.
(30.) Daniel has noted the portions which are
common to the modern Basil, and the so-called
liturgy of St. James. A comparison with the
Barberini manuscript will help us to judge how
far these portions are modern. For example, in
both we have the apostrophe, " Let all human
flesh be silent and stand with trembling, for the
King of kings and Lord of rulers conies forward
to be sacrificed, and to be given for the food of
the faithful." In the liturgy of St. James this
is found near the commencement of the service,
when the priest is bringing in the holy gifts : in
that of St. Basil, it is placed after the invocation,
before the communion of the priest. It seems
scarcely appropriate in either place. The fact
is that it is not to be found either in the Syriac
St. James, or in any of the liturgies that bear
the name of St. Basil.
Daniel is silent on the comparison between the
Greek and Syriac liturgies of St. Basil (see
Renaudot, vol. ii. 543). On comparing the latter
with the Barberini copy (supplemented where it
fails from the modern service), it will be found
that from the apostolic benediction to the words
speaking of the memorial of Christ's death and
resurrection, the language is nearly identical
(Renaudot, ii. 545-548 ; Bunsen, 214-223). This
identity stops suddenly where the latter has,
"We offer to Thee Thine own, of Thine own,"
the former passing on to an appeal for mercy
and pardon. The invocation is nearly identical,
but the Syriac immediately afterwards gives in-
dications of being interpolated ; it has a super-
abundance of epithetic additions. This is fol-
lowed by prolonged intercessory prayers, one of
which connects the liturgy with the church of
St. Peter and St. James ; but the collect intro-
ducing " Our Father " is, as we have said, the
same. The prayer beginning " Father of mer-
cies, God of all comfort," has received modifica-
tions. The distinguishing feature of the Syriac
liturgy is, that the verbal oblation of the vene-
rated and bloodless sacrifice is made after the
invocation.
(31.) Liturgy of Constantinople. The patri-
archate of Constantinople dates from the year
381, and the churches subject to this metropolis
have used for many years a liturgy which bears
the name of St. Chrysostom. Lebrun contends
that there was no liturgy ascribed to this great
father for 300 years after his death ; and it
seems not improbable that the work which now
bears his name received that name as being
used in the city of which he was the most
famous bishop in its earlier years. The modern
liturgy of St. Chrysostom is used most exten-
sively in the east ; Dr. Neale says, through the
LITURGY
four patriarchates and Russia, except on the
days when the liturgy of St. Basil is used. To
us this is a disadvantage, because, if this were
the only evidence we possessed, it would be the
more difficult to discover what parts of it are
truly ancient. Dr. Neale gives the service as he
found it in a work printed at Venice in 1840,
corrected by a later edition from Constantinople ;
Daniel (vol. iv. 327-372) " ad normam ecclesiae
Graecorum hodie acceptam et probatam." Dr.
Neale's book was originally published in the
year 1850, two years before Baron Bunsen printed
in the fourth volume of his work Hippolytus
and his Age, a transcript of this liturgy from
the Barberini manuscript. It seems to be inex-
cusable, however, that Daniel, whose fourth
volume came out in 1853, should have been con-
tent with the meagre collations with this MS.
given by Goar in his Euchologion, and have
neglected the transcript of Bunsen.
(32.) With the aid of this manuscript we may
put upon one side as of uncertain date the
thirteen paragraphs which occupy pages 337
to 339 in Daniel's book, and besides this, we
must reject the eight succeeding pages, with the
exception of one brief prayer. Almost all the
rubrical directions (as in St. Basil) disappear ;
they belong to a period since the time of Charle-
magne. Once more, the prayers which the deacon
is requested to repeat outside, whilst the priest
within the veil is praying fj.vimK(as, must be
rejected also as of later introduction ; and the
division of the consecrated bread into the four
parts, each part containing two letters of
ICXCNIKA [see ELEMENTS, I. 603 ; FRACTION,
I. 687], is also proved to be later.
The rubric directing the elevation of the bread
(Daniel, p. 365 ; Neale's G. L. p. 140) is also
shewn to be modern ; so too the introduction of
the boiling water. And one thing more attracts
attention. As in the rite of St. Basil so here,
it was assumed that all would partake. This is
altered now. Lastly, in the modern Greek ritual
there is an appeal at the very close to St. John
Chrysostom that, " having used his liturgy, we
may have his intercession that our souls may be
saved ;" this is also proved now to be of later date
than the year 900. Indeed, the liturgy itself is
sine iitulo (Bunsen, iii. 197). The very ascription
of the Liturgy, therefore, to St. Chrysostom may
be of a date subsequent to the time when this
MS. was transcribed.
(33.) It only remains for us to note that in this
the early edition of St. Chrysostom, the Kiss ot
Peace precedes the Creed, and the Creed precedes
the Apostolic Benediction. The " dignum et
justum est " is truly eucharistic, and the
" Sanctus, sanctus " is speedily followed by the
words of institution. The text with reference
to the bread resembles that accepted now in the
Epistle to the Corinthians, TOUT' e'crri rb <rtafj.d
/iou rb virtp ufj.cav. The liturgy proceeds : " Re-
membering His saving command and all things
done by Him, and offering Thine own of Thine
own, we praise Thee." The priest proceeds:
" We offer to Thee, moreover, this reasonable
and bloodless service, and we beseech Thee, send
down Thy Holy Spirit on us and on these gifts
that lie here before Thee, and make this
bread the Body of Thy Christ . . . ." The
offering is represented as made on behalf of all
who have gone to rest in the faith, "Fathers,
LITURGY
1025
patriarchs, prophets, especially the Holy Virgin."
Then intercessions follow on behalf of the living ;
amongst them, "for those in mountains,
caves, and holes in the earth." (This is now
omitted.) " For faithful Kings, and our Queen,
lover of Christ." (This possibly points to a
precise date when the original of this manu.-cript
was prepared.) Then there is a prayer of com-
mendation to God of ourselves, our lives, and
our hopes, followed by the Lord's Prayer. Christ
is entreated to come to sanctify us. At last
we have the " Sancta sanctis," the " Unus
sanctus," and the thanksgiving after the Com-
munion.
(34.) Liturgy of the Nestorians or Chaldean
Christians. Notwithstanding the fearful mas-
sacres to which even during the last forty years
they have been subjected, there still remain
among the cities of Mesopotamia Christians who
trace their origin to the influx of Nestorians
after the council of Ephesus. They possess three
liturgies, or rather three anaphorae, ascribed
respectively to the Apostles (i. e. SS. Adaeus or
Thaddeus and Mari), to Theodore of Mopsuestia,
and to Nestorius himself. These are used at
specified times of the year, but the pro-anaphoral
and post-Communion portions of the liturgy of
the " Apostles " are never omitted. Latin trans-
lations of the three from Syriac manuscripts
brought into Europe by emissaries of the Roman
church are given by Renaudot in his collection
(vol. ii.).
An English translation of the services now in
use has been recently published by Dr. Badger.
Any effort to point out what portions of these
are really ancient, apart from the instruction we
have received from our previous investigations,
must rest on hypothesis only ; but the distin-
guishing features of the liturgy of the Apostles
are (1) that in it our Lord's words of institu-
tion are not introduced at all, and (2) that the
prayers of intercession both for the living and
the dead are connected with the oblation which
is made before the epiclesis. In the liturgies of
Theodore and of Nestorius, the words of institu-
tion are found. It would certainly seem from
this that, so far, the ' Liturgy of the Apostles '
must be very ancient, as it is inconceivable that
the words of our Lord, if at any time brought
into the service, could at any subsequent period
have been omitted (see 59 below).
There are some points of difference between
the liturgy as given by Renaudot and that given
by Dr. Badger, indicating probably that even
during the last few hundred years additions have
been made to that which had been in use ; but
as these additions must fall into a period far
below the 9th century, it is unnecessary to discuss
them further here. We should mention, how-
ever, that the canon begins with the apostolic
benediction, and we have, as everywhere else, the
" sursum corda." The words are introduced
simply in the liturgy of the Apostles ; but in
the liturgies of Theodore and Nestorius, as given
by Dr. Badger, they are embodied in a highly
rhetorical appeal. Some passages of a Nesto-
rian tendency are discoverable in the last-named
liturgy. The other two have no such traces.
(35.) Liturgy of the Apostolic Constitutions.
It remains now only that we should briefly
discuss the liturgy of the Apostolic Constitu-
tions, commonly called, "The Liturgy of St.
1026
LITURGY
Clement." [APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS, I. pp.
119-126.] We have already given ( 15,
17) a brief account of the Eucharistic services
as we find them in the Coptic edition of
these constitutions. Ludolf, in his Gommentarius
ad Historiam Aethiopicnm (pp. 324-327), gives a
Latin translation of the corresponding passage
in the Ethiopic version of the constitutions.
This has been reproduced by Baron Bunsen in his
Analecta Ante-Nicaenn (vol. iii. pp. 106-126). It
commences with " The Lord be with you, and
with thy spirit. Up with your hearts," etc. ;
then an Eucharistic address to God for the gift
and work of His Son, passing at once to the
words of institution, which are given in the
simplest form. The prayer proceeds, " calling
to mind, therefore, His death and His resurrec-
tion," etc., " we offer to Thee this bread and
cup, rendering Then thanks that Thou hast made
us worthy to stand before Thee, and to perform
the functions of Thy priesthood." The Holy
Spirit is invoked upon the oblations, but there is
no prayer that He will make them the Body and
Blood of Christ. The prayer is, " that those
who partake of the gifts may be fulfilled with that
Spirit." We have the " Sancta sanctis," and
the " Unus Pater sanctus," etc., and the " Hymn
of Praise ;" the latter, possibly, consisting of the
148th Psalm. The people enter to receive the
" medicine of their souls," and the thanksgiving
follows with a collect. The service concludes,
" Depart in peace, and so the Eucharist is ac-
complished." It will be noticed that the Lord's
prayer is not introduced.
(36.) Neither is the Lord's Prayer introduced
in the so-called liturgy of St. Clement. This
liturgy is found in some MSS. of the eighth book
of the Greek Apostolical Constitutions, but in the
valuable Oxford manuscript (Codex Baroccianus)
it is entirely omitted. There are other marks
that it is an interpolation of late date. In the
manuscripts where it occurs, it follows on the
service for the consecration of a bishop, as it does
in the Coptic and Ethiopic constitutions. The
Greek liturgy begins with the apostolic benedic-
tion, and the unbelievers, the hearers, the cate-
chumens, etc., are then dismissed in order. Then
comes a long intercessory prayer, the " kiss of
peace " is given, and the apostolic benediction is
repeated in a slightly different form ; we have
the "sursum corda" and the "dignum et
justum." This is Eucharistic, detailing the
blessings of the creation and the history of
God's dispensations to mankind. When we reach
the victories of Joshua, the ascription of glory
by the Cherubim and Seraphim, " Sanctus,
sanctus, sanctus," is introduced, and the Thanks-
giving passes on to record the mercies of the
incarnation, death, burial, resurrection, and
ascension of our Lord ; then the bishop intro-
duces the words of institution, and recites how,
" Remembering His sufferings, His resurrection,
His ascension, and second coming, we offer to
Thee, our King and God, according to His appoint-
ment, this bread and this cup, giving thanks to
Thee by Him ;" then follow the epiclesis and the
great intercessory prayer, the various clauses of
which are introduced by the words, " We pray
Thee," or " we entreat Thee," or " we offer to
Thee," or " we beg Thee." After this come the
" Sancta sanctis " and the " Glory to God in the
highest." All the people receive in order ; first,
LITURGY
presbyters, then deacons, sub-deacons, etc. The
psalm, "I will always give thanks to thee,"
(which includes the words, " taste and see,")
is sung during the Communion. The post-Com-
munion service begins with a prayer of thanks-
giving, the benediction from the bishop follows,
the deacon says, " Depart in peace."
(37.) Considerable doubts are felt as to whether
the liturgy was ever celebrated after this fashion.
At all events we have here the advantage of
examining a rite, as it was proposed at some time
not later than the 4th century. It can scarcely
have been altered or interpolated since that
time. It is worthy of mention that the liturgi-
cal expressions, which have been noted in the
recently recovered pages of the genuine Epistle
of Clemens Romanus, are not found here as they
are found in the Alexandrine service books ; this
would be an additional proof, if proof were
wanting, that the ascription of the liturgy to
St. Clement is purely fictitious.
(38.) Liturgi/ of the Churches of Carthage, etc.
In passing from Alexandria along the coast of
Africa to Carthage we pass from an order of
things of which the characteristics were Greek
to another whose characteristics were Latin.
The early writers of the Carthaginian churches
are so important and so voluminous that from
their works which have come down to us we
can supply many details of the Carthaginian
services our sources of information being per-
haps more trustworthy than any " liturgy "
would be which professed to have been prepared
by St. Augustine. Thus we know from Tertullian
(Apology, xxxix.) that in the gatherings of the
faithful, " the most approved seniors presided."
The same chapter in the Apology mentions
that at their gatherings the Christians in
o o
one body sued God by their prayers. They
prayed for the emperors and for their ministers,
for the state of the world, for the quiet of all
things, " for the delay of the end." The sacred
writings were called to remembrance, selections
being made apparently with a view to the
emergencies of the times, and an exhortation
followed. Then we infer that all were directed
to leave the church who were under censure.
A collection of money was made on one day of
the month, the money collected being used for
the relief of the poor, and for the succour of
those who were suffering for conscience sake.
No doubt Tertullian is describing features of the
ordinary Sunday Eucharist. The section passes
on to speak of the Agapae. Elsewhere we learn
that the passages from Scripture were taken
from the Prophets, from the Epistles or Acts of
the Apostles, and from the Gospel (Apology,
xxii.), and that psalms or (Ad Uxor. ii. 9) hymns
intervened between these sections. Tertullian
frequently insists that these rites had been
" handed down to us." In praying they turned
to the east (Apology, xvi.), lifting up their
hands to God the Father (Idolat. vii. 7). We
have two ascriptions of glory, one (Ad Uxor.
i. 1) " To whom be honour, glory, majesty,
dignity, and power, for ever and ever." The
other (De Oratione, iii.), "To whom be honour
and power for all ages."
With regard to the second part of the eucha-
ristic office, to which he apparently gives the
title ' Officium sacrificii ' we have additional
evidence. The prayers for the emperor seem to
LITURGY
LITURGY
1027
have been repeated here ; the words Sursum
suspicicntes (Apology, xxx.) probably refer to the
Sursum corda, which we know was used at
Carthage in the time of Cyprian. The Lord's
Prayer formed part of the prayers ; after it the
faithful drew near and gave to each other the
kiss of charity (de Orations, xiv.). The com-
munion followed. This part of the service was
undoubtedly kept as a mystery from unbelievers.
At some time during the service apparently,
special mention was made of individuals by whom
or OL whose behalf the oblations were offered.
With reference to the living, this seems to have
been done on the day, monthly or otherwise,
when they made their gifts ; on behalf of the
dead, on the anniversary of their removal.
(39.) Cyprian, who died in 258, gives us infor-
mation which indicates the progress of ritual
even in the few years which had elapsed since
the writing of these works of Tertullian's. The
offerer is the bishop (sacerdos) or the presbyter,
" they offer the sacrifices to God " (Epistles
iv. and kviii.). The sacrifice was celebrated
daily (Ep. liv.). The lessons were read from
a pulpitum. The Sursum corda and Habemus
ad Dominum are spoken of explicitly in the
treatise on the Lord's Prayer. The mixed
cup was used, signifying, as Cyprian stated,
" the union of Christ with His people." The
sacrament was given into the hands of the
people ; and frequently, if not generally, they
took a portion of it home, reserving it in a small
box, and partaking of it from day to day. The
bread and wine used for the sacrament were
taken out of that which had been offered, and
Cyprian complains of the rich as at times con-
suming a part of the sacrifice which the poor
had offered. Towards the end of the 4th
century (A.D. 398) the well-known laws were
enacted, forming part of the canons of the African
church, by which the offerings at the sacra-
ment were restricted to bread and wine mixed
with water, and the sacrament was always to
be received fasting, except on Maundy Thurs-
day, and at the altar prayer was always to
be addressed to the Father. These are fre-
quently spoken of as if they were canons of the
universal church. As a body they seem, how-
ever, in the first instance, to have been observed
only in the country where they were enacted,
and we have had numerous instances already
which shew that the last canon was never
accepted in the churches of the East.
(40.) We come now to St. Augustine, from
whose voluminous writings we may learn much
on the subject before us. Mone (Lateinische und
Griechische Messen) has collected from Augus-
tine's sermons the chief passages there found
bearing upon the liturgy, and to him I am
indebted for much contained in this and the
preceding paragraphs. The exclusion of all save
the initiated and those in full communion with
the church from being present at the Eucharist,
was still most rigidly maintained in the province
of Carthage. The three lessons from the Pro-
phet, Epistle and Gospel were now taken appa-
rently according to a fixed rule; between the
I'.pistle and the Gospel a psalm was sung (Sermon
clxv. 1): and this was the daily use of the
church. The second part of the service (Ser-
mon 311) commenced with the Sursum corda,
in which the answer of the people was Habemus
CHRIST. ANT. VOL. II.
ad Dominum ; the priest responded, " Let us
give thanks to our Lord God" (68, 5). The
people attested, " It is meet and right so to do"
(227). In the canon the martyrs were men-
tioned, but prayer no longer was made on their
behalf. The prayer of consecration is called
the Sanctificatio, and Augustine reserves to the
priests, as distinct from the laity, the function
of offering the sacrifice. After the consecration
followed the Lord's Prayer, apparently said by
the clergy alone. The Pax vobiscum followed,
and the kiss of peace (Sermon 227). Then the
communion, then the dismissal. Apparently
there was at some period a confession of sins,
beginning with the word confiteor (Sermon 67),
at which, as well as at the petition Forgive iis
our debts, the people smote their breasts.
Augustine's sermons give us of course ample
illustrations of the addresses which were made to
the people on these occasions, no doubt at the
early part of the service, as in the time
of Tertullian ; and the great bishop tells us
(Sermon 4*9), that post sermonem fit missa cate-
chumenis : manebunt fideles.
It will be noticed that we have had no inti-
mation here of the apostolic benediction, with
which the Greek liturgies generally commence,
nor a word informing us of the character of the
prayer of consecration. There is no intimation
of any epiclesis or invocation ; no hint given
as to the sanctus. Of course we must remem-
ber that the Communion office proper was
essentially a mystery, and we have no right
to expect a priori that the sermons would give
us as much information regarding it as in fact
they do. We might surmise that Augustine's
private letters would prove a more fertile field
of information than his sermons. b To these,
therefore, let us now turn.
(41.) I would mention, therefore, first, that
we read in Letter cxxxiv., addressed to Apringius,
the pro-consul, that Augustine "invoked Christ
on his behalf in the holy mysteries." Thus we
have an instance here of a prayer addressed to
Christ. A reference to the feasts held in the
churches, and deemed by the ignorant people to
be " solatia mortuorum," will be found in No.
xxii. Infants communicated, indeed their com-
munion was deemed to be necessary for their
salvation (Epist. clxxxii. 5, and clxxxvi. 29).
The offering was considered to be of the Body
and Blood of the Lord ; and Augustine mentions
that, on one certain day of the year (of course
Maundy Thursday), it was received in the
evening. His sermons have not spoken of any
benediction, but Letter clxxix. ( 4) shews that
there was one, and tells us what the form of the
benediction was. The bread used at the Com-
munion appears to have been brought to the
church in the form of one loaf. At all events,
Augustine says (Epist. clxxxv. 50, p. 994 of
Gaume.) that the one bread is the sacrament of
unity. Letter ccxvii. (Gaume, p. 1212) speaks
of the priest at the altar exhorting the people
to pray for unbelievers, that God would con-
vert them to the faith ; for the catechumens,
that He would inspire in them a desire for
regeneration ; and for the faithful, that by
h The sermons ad infantes de Sacramento (227 and
272) contain, however, much information to our pur-
pose.
3 X
1028
LITURGY
His gift they may persevere in that which
they have begun a prayer analogous to what
we have seen in the liturgy of St. Clement.
The Domine Dens Sabaot/i, and the Holy, Holy,
Holy, are introduced in his interesting letter to
Januarius (lv.), in which mention is also made
of the Alleluia, and of the custom of praying
standing between Easter and Pentecost.
In the Oriental liturgies mention was made of
the church dispersed throughout the world; the
words are found in Letter Ixxxvii. The custom of
adoring is referred to in more than one place. But
the classical passage is in his famous letter to Paul-
inus (No. cxlix.), in which he tries to explain
the meaning of the different words in 1 Tim. ii. 1,
prayers, orations, supplications, etc. If we take
the words as they are found consecutively in our
version, he would say that the supplications
embrace all that is done in the celebration of the
sacrament before that which is on the table of
the Lord begins to be blessed, the prayers,
when it is being blessed and sanctified and broken
for distribution, the part " which ends in almost
every church with the Lord's Prayer," the
intercessions, when the people is being blessed
by the imposition of hands and commended to
God's great mercy, the giving of thanks, con-
cluding all.
(42.) We thus have the following clearly laid
down as contained in the African Liturgy in the
time of St. Augustine. The preliminary part
included lessons from Scripture, hymns, sermons,
and the prayers for the unbelievers, catechumens,
and believers which we have described above.
Then, all being excluded except the initiated,
the oblations of the people appear to have been
made, and the opening words, " Sursum corda,"
with the " Vere dignurn et justum est;" with this
we connect of course the " Sanctus." Then
came what Augustine would call the " sancti-
fication of the sacrifice," concluding with the
fraction, and probably a prayer of fraction,
such as we found in the Alexandrian litur-
gies ; the Lord's Prayer ensued. Then came
the kiss of peace, this being followed by the
benediction of the people, " whom the priest
offers up to God ;" then the participation of the
sacrament and the giving of thanks, the last
part of the service before the dismissal. The
three petitions mentioned by Augustine (Letter
cxlix.) are also mentioned by Fulgentius of Ruspe
in his letter to Bitellus (No. cvii.) ; two of them
arc alluded to in a treatise of the same bishop,
DC bono perseverantiae. It is probable that no
great change was introduced into the liturgy for
many years after the death of the great bishop
Augustine.
(43.) Spanish Liturgies, of the time of Isidore.
The liturgy of the Spanish Church in its
earlier years has a singular interest in several
respects. It is quite clear that it was framed in
the first instance independently of the Roman
Church, although in the time of Innocent the
First great efforts were made to render it similar
to that of the church of the prince of the Apos-
tles. But time was required for these efforts to
succeed. Thus Gueranger (vol. i. p. 133) refers
to a council of Gironne, held in the year 517
(Labbe, vol. i. p. 568), the first canon of which
directed that throughout the province of Tarra-
gona the use of the metropolitan church was to
|>e observed. The council of Braga, in the year
LITURGY
565, passed an enactment of the same character
for the province of which it was the metropolis,
which would be nearly conterminous with Gal-
licia. The same lessons were to be read at mass
through all the churches ; all the bishops or
presbyters and the people were to retain the
salutation, "The Lord be with you," "And with
thy spirit," " in the manner that all the East
observed it from apostolic tradition," but at the
same time directions were given that the masses
were to be celebrated in the order which their late
bishop, Profuturus, had received in writing from
the authority of the apostolic see. In 633 a uni-
formity was established, not in each province
severally, but throughout the whole extent of the
peninsula or, as it is called, through all Spain and
Gaul (that is Gallia Narbonensis) ; and amongst
other things it is mentioned about the same time
that the Kyrie Eleison was repeated, and the
"Sicut erat in principle" was added to the "Gloria
Patri," to meet the heresy of the Priscillianists,
" as it had been done not only at the apostolic
see, but also throughout all the East, Africa, and
Italy."
(44.) Isidore, the famous archbishop of Se-
ville, who presided in one or more council*
at Toledo, has left us two books on the
ecclesiastical offices, which are supposed to
have been written about the year 633. (He
succeeded Leander as bishop in the year 595,
and died in the year 636.) In the thirteenth
and three following chapters of the first book,
he gives us information as to the liturgy of his
day. He mentions that, " In Africa the Alleluia
was sung only on Sundays, and on the fifty days
after Easter ; but with us, according to the
ancient tradition of the Spains, it is sung at all
times, except the days of Lent and other fast
days." It would appear also, that what was
called the offcrtorium was sung. With reference
to the order of the mass, or " the prayers witb
which the sacrifices offered to God are conse-
crated," he claims that St. Peter was the author
of the service which was celebrated throughout
the whole world. He speaks of there being
seven prayers or orations, the first being one of
exhortation to the psople, inciting them to
earnest prayer to God ; the second is a prayer
to God, that He will mercifully receive the
prayers and oblations of the faithful ; the third
is poured forth either for those who offer, or for
the faithful who have departed this life, that by
the same sacrifice they may obtain pardon ;
fourthly, comes, connected with the kiss of
peace, a prayer that all, being mutually recon-
ciled to each other, may partake worthily of the
sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ,
because the indivisible Body of Christ admits not
of dissension. Then follows, fifthly, the illatio,
which answers to the PREFACE in the Roman
Missal. It is described by Isidore as con-
nected with the sanctification of the oblation
in which "the whole universe of terrestrial
creatures aad heavenly powers are urged to join
in the praise of God." and the " Hosanua in the
Highest" is sung. Then succeeds, sixthly, that
which in some manuscripts is described as the
" confirmatio " of the sacrament, in others, the
" conformatio," that " the oblation which is
now offered to God, being sanctified by the Holy
Spirit, may be conformed to the Body and Blood
of Christ." Seventhly, the Lord's "Prayer fol-
LITURGY
lows, ill which he notices likewise seven pe-
titions the first three for things eternal, the
last four for things temporal. In chapter xvi.
Isidore speaks of the Nicene Creed as proclaimed
to the people at the time of the sacrifice, and in
the next, of the priestly benedictions. In
chapter xviii. he teaches on the nature of the
sacrifice. [Compare ELEMENTS, I. 602.]
(45.) Isidore does not mention the part of the
service at which the Nicene Creed, as he calls it,
was recited ; but we know that at the third
council of Toledo, in 589, king Reccared had
ordered that the creed of the hundred and fifty
should be recited " in the liturgy before the
Lord's Prayer throughout all the churches of
Spain and Gaul, according to the form of the
Oriental churches." [CREED, I. 491.] This
position of the creed is not that which was
adopted by the Roman church, but it is that
which the creed of the hundred and fifty occu-
pies in the liturgy which we must proceed now
to discuss, namely
(46.) The Spanish or Mozarabic Liturgy,
The Mozarabic Liturgy was first printed under
the direction of Cardinal Ximenes, in the year
1500. The manuscript which he used must have
been of a comparatively late date ; for as Loren-
zano, subsequently archbishop and cardinal,
noticed in the preface to his edition (which
was dedicated to Benedict XIV. and has been re-
printed in Migne's series, vol. Ixxxv.) the book
makes mention of St. Francis, St. Dominic, St.
Thomas Aquinas, St. Anthony of Padua, all
belonging to the 13th century, to which I would
add, that in the first part, amongst the greater
festivals, there is a mass for the feast of Corpus
Christi, which we know was not introduced until
the same century. It would be extremely diffi-
cult, therefore, to say what parts of the services
are ancient, and what portions fall below the
chronological limit by which we are bound ; and
it must be understood that much that follows
is stated under reservation.
(47.) On comparing, however, the account given
by St. Isidore, with the masses which we find in
the Mozarabic Liturgy (as given by Lorenzano,
Migne, p. 109 ; compare Daniel, i. p. 65, etc.),
we have every point mentioned by Isidore repro-
duced in the liturgy. The exhortation to the
people is found almost everywhere, under the
heading Missa. We have the Alleluia at the
beginning, apparently, of every mass, except
those to be used in Lent (Daniel, pp. 55-57).
We have the prayer that God would receive
the oblation (ibid. p. 67). We have the prayer
for the offerers (ibid. p. 69). The prayer for
the Holy Spirit must have been displaced, for
in the modern form it follows here. We have
the " Dominus vobiscum " and " Et cum Spiritu
tuo" (p. 71). That connected with the kiss of
peace, which is the fourth prayer mentioned by
Isidore, follows on p. 77. Then the "Illatio"
follows, p. 79. It is, as Daniel describes it, a
somewhat long ascription of glory, beginning
with the " Dignum et justum est," varying
alninst every Sunday of the year, but always
ending with the " Sanctus, sanctus " and the
"Hosanna in the Highest." The "Confirmatio,"
or " Conformatio," consists of the narrative of
the institution. The choir recite the creed whilst
the priest elevates the consecrated elements ; the
Lord's Prayer follows, and the benediction before
LITUEGY
1020
the communion. Thus, with the one excep-
tion of the invocation of the Holy Spirit, the
position of each prayer mentioned by Isidore is
found here to be the same as that to which he
assigned it.
(48.) There are some points which have not yet
been mentioned which establish still more closely
the connexion of this liturgy with those of the
Oriental churches. We have three Lessons at
least four in Lent. The first, or first two, from
the Old Testament ; the next from the Acts ot
the Apostles or the Epistles ; the last from the
Gospel. The offering was distinctly made before
the consecration, the choir retained the use of
the Greek words, " Agyos, Agyos, Agyos." The
Apostolic Benediction is found as in the Greek
liturgies. After the Kiss of Peace we have the
" Sursum corda " and the "Habemus ad Domi-
num." In the other Latin liturgies the words
of institution are always introduced thus : " Qui
pridie quam pateretur." In the Greek liturgies
it always was, " Who, in the night in which He
was betrayed." The Mozarabic follows the
Oriental form, and this serves as an indication
that, at all events, in some points the Spanish
has never been altered, for the prayer which
follows is (I believe) throughout the volume
entitled Post pridie : oratio, i. e. the modern
rubric assumes that the prayer of consecration
had run in the Roman form. [CANON, I. 272.]
Once more, we have the Sancta sanctis here,
and the choir sings, Gustate et videte quoniam
suavis est Dominus. I think I might add that
we have the words, " Give redemption to the
captives, health to the infirm," as we had them
in the liturgy of St. Mark, and " Rest to the
departed," as we found the addition made in
another of the Oriental liturgies.
(49.) But most curious of all is the rite which
is peculiar to the Mozarabic Liturgy, of dividing
the bread. [FRACTION, I. 688.]
(50.) One point more remains to be noticed:
That the prayer " Post nomina " is very fre-
quently addressed to Christ, and in many
of the petitions so addressed our Lord is
entreated to " accept the offering now made to
Him;" the same may be noted in the petitions
Post pridie, in which our Lord is entreated to
sanctify the sacrifices. (See for examples, Migne,
pp. 129, 138, 175, 195', 202, 204, etc.) Thus it
is apparent that the canon of the church of
Carthage, to which attention has been drawn,
was not observed in Spain at the time when
these services were framed.
(51.) Galilean Liturgies. We know from the
correspondence which passed between Gregory
the Great and the missionary Augustine that the
customs of the churches in Gaul and at Rome
were different, even in the Mass or Eucharist.
(Greg. Ep. xi. 64; Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 19.)
The difference continued during the seventh and
the greater part of the eighth centuries ; but the
introduction of the Roman chant into Gaul in
the time of Pepin was followed up by a command
of Charlemagne that every presbyter should
celebrate the Mass according to the Roman order
(Capitul.v. cap. 219-371), and for this purpose
Charles obtained a copy of what professed to be the
Gregorian Sacramentary from his friend Pope
Hadrian. This order was not carried out with-
out some heartburnings, for we find in the next
century the abbat Hilduin remarking to Louis
3X2
1030
LITURGY
LITURGY
the Pious that the older rites had been observed
in Gaul from the very earliest times, and, as a
proof, he referred to " the missal books, which
were most ancient and were almost eaten up
by age." (Hilduin, Vittt Dionys. Areop., in Surius,
Oct. 9 ; Palmer, i. 145.)
(52.) We must, of course, conclude that these
" missal books " were not reproduced in the
schools founded by Charlemagne and watched
over by Alcuin and others. Indeed, they became
so rare before the accession of Charles the Bald,
that that monarch mentioned in his famous letter
to the clergy of Ravenna (quoted by Mabillon, Lit.
Gall. p. 20) that he was indebted to the clergy
of the church of Toledo for his knowledge, that
" up to the time of his grandfather, the Gallican
churches had celebrated the divine offices in a
manner different from those adopted in the
churches of Rome and Milan." We cannot be
surprised, therefore, at finding that the liturgical
remains of the early Gallican church are very
scanty, and we shall welcome with the greater
thankfulness the discoveries of Thomasius, Mar-
tene, Mabillon, and Mone.
(53.) If we remember the early connexion of
the churches of Lyons and Vienne with the East,
we shall of course expect that the ritual of these
churches must exhibit some points of resemblance
with the ritual of the church of Ephesus. From
the undoubted writings of Irenaeus (I abstain
from using the so-called Pfaffian fragment), we
learn but little of the eucharistic office of his
day, but we do learn that it contained the words
fls TOVS aliavas riav aliavcav, that the service
included an offering or sacrifice to God through
Christ Jesus of the first fruits of His creatures,
that there was an invocation (e/cA.r;(ns or
e7rifcA7)<ris) on the bread and the tempcramcntum
offered (i. 3. 1 ; iv. 17. 5 ; 18. 4, 5). These points
remind us of the Oriental rites. Later allusions
""to the Gallican service, found in the writings of
Gregory of Tours and othei's, have been col-
lected by Mabillon in his learned work, de
Liturgia Gallicana, published in 1685 ; and
additional light is thrown upon the subject by
the discovery in the library of St. Martin's, at
Autun, of two letters, ascribed in the MS. to
Germaiius, the famous bishop of Paris, who died
in the year 576. The discovery was made by
Martene, who published the document verbatim
et literatim in his Thesaur. Anecd. torn. v. They
are reproduced in Migne's series (vol. Ixxii. pp.
83-98), and Migne has given as an appendix to
them Mabillon's work de Liturgia Gallicana
(pp. 101-447), and also the same writer's further
work, entitled Sacranii-ntarium Gallicanum (pp.
448-576).
(54.) We have altogether in these reprints :
a. The letters of St. Germanus, of which I have
spoken. They seem to be somewhat fragmentary,
and I am disposed to regard the former as giving
an account specifically of the service on Easter
Eve and Easter Day. (Migne, ut sup. pp. 89-
98.)
6. A Lectionary of the Gallican church, which
Mabillon found at Luxeuil, and which he assigned
to the end of the seventh century. (Migne, pp.
171-216.)
c. A Missal, entitled in the manuscript, though
ill a later hand, Missale Gothicum. This is con-
sidered by the learned as representing the ritual
of the south of France about the beginning of
the eighth century. (It contains a service for
the martyrdom of St. Leodgar, who was killed in
678.) The volume is very interesting, exhibiting
indisputable marks that the services it contains
were framed not merely at different times, but
on different principles. Several holy days are
noted by Mabillon as having been introduced at
a period subsequent to the Lectionary, which ho
described as above. (Migne, pp. 225-318.)
d. Then follows a missal entitled Missalc
Francorum, in consequence of petitions that it
contains for the king and kingdom and rulers of
the Franks. This missal concludes (at least in
its present form) with a fragment of the
Roman canon as it exists in the Gregorian Saera-
mentary ; the earlier part is occupied with very
interesting ordination offices. Morinus consi-
dered the MS. to be of the sixth century, but
Mabillon puts it later. It evidently belongs to
an epoch at which the Roman services were
ousting those of the Gallican church. (Migne,
pp. 318-340.)
The MSS. (c) and (d) are now in the Vatican.
The former is numbered Vat. Reg. 626, or Alex.
Vat. 317 (the accounts differ); the number of
the other is apparently Alex. Vat. 257. They
must have come from the Library of Fleury,
which was dispersed by the Huguenots.
e. The Missale Gallicanum which follows in
Mabillon (Migne, pp. 340-382) is also at the
Vatican (Vat. Pal. 493) ; it came from the
library at Heidelberg. It contains interesting
expositions of the Creed and Lord's Prayer, and,
almost unmutilated, the services for Easter Day.
It is believed to represent the use of Mid-France
in the eighth century.
/. To these must be added the Sacramenta-
rium Gallicanum, above referred to. It was found
by Mabillon at Bobio, and was regarded by him,
as by others, as indicating the services of the
neighbourhood of Besancon. It commences with
the Gregorian Canon under the title Missa RQIII-
ensis cottidiana (Migue, pp. 451-580).
g. And M. Mone, the librarian at Carlsruhe,
discovered in the library under his care palim-
psests from which he was enabled to decipher
several old masses. The volumes came from
the famous Benedictine convent of Reichenau,
the island near Constance. Baron Bunsen has
thrown additional light upon them in the third
volume of the Analecta Ante-Nicaena.
(55.) A comparison of these manuscripts shews
that if the suppositions regarding their origin
are correct, there must have been a great variety
in the details of the Eucharistic services in the
various dioceses or provinces of France. Taking,
however, the liturgy of St. Germanus as our
guide, we learn that in his time, on the day or
days of which he describes the services, when
the priest came from the sacristy the clerk sang
a kind of introit, and then the deacon proclaimed
silence. The salutation followed, Dominus sit
semper vobiscum, with the usual response. Lec-
tions were read from a Prophet, an Apostle, and
a Gospel. The " Aius," or"A7ios, in Greek and
then in Latin, preceded the " prophet," and the
Song of Zacharias followed it. The Benedicite
followed the Apostle, the " Aius " being again
sung before the Gospel. The book was carried
to the pulpit, preceded by seven candles, signify-
ing the seven gifts of the Spirit. [Compare
GOSPEL, I. 743.] A homily followed upon the
LITURGY
LITURGY
1031
Gospel, and a prayer by the deacon. Then,
Germanus says, intimation was given that the
catechumens must leave the church ; but his
words seem to shew that though the form
was kept up, the occasion had ceased. The
oblations were now brought in (they are de-
signated as being the Body and Blood of
Christ, which seems to me to indicate that we
have here the service of Easter Eve) amidst the
singing of the choir ; the Lauds or Alleluia fol-
lowed, " as in the Revelation " (iv. 8-11), and the
Angelic Hymn ; and the names of the departed
saints were recited, " as if heaven were opening
at the second coming of Christ." The Kiss of
Peace was given, and then the Sursum corda, the
" confractio et commixtio corporis Christ! " (the
breaking being connected with a strange legend),
whilst the prostrate clerks were singing an
anthem (apparently the Sanctus, Sanctus). On this
followed the Lord's Prayer, the benediction of
the people (" Pax fides et communicatio corporis
et sanguinis Domini sit semper vobiscum "), and
the communion. Then, what Germanus called
the Trecanum, which he describes as containing
" the mystery of the Trinity," in such words as
seem to me to suit only the efs 07105 K. T. A., of
the Oriental liturgies ; and with this Germanus's
account of the form of the service terminates.
It will be noticed that he omits to inform us of
the moment when the consecration took place,
although we find in an earlier part of the letter
that " pridie quam pateretur Dominus," our
Saviour said, " Hie est calix sanguinis mei
mysterium fidei qui pro multis effundetur in
remissionem peccatorum :" which are the words
of the Gregorian Canon. This omission and other
reasons prevent me from accepting this account
as a description of the ordinary liturgy of the
Gallican church at the time of Germanus.
The account seems rather to be that of one of
the services at the season of Easter.
(56.) With this we may compare the results of
Mone's discoveries amongst the palimpsests at
C'arlsruhe. We should not be justified in regard-
ing the originals of these as all of one date, but
we may supplement the account of Germanus by
what we find here. It would appear that there
was occasionally or generally a prayer post pro-
phetiam, and, after the catechumens were
dismissed, a praefatio, which was an address to
the congregation, explaining the service which
followed, and calling upon them to join heartily
in it. This was followed by a collect. The
oblations were then made, and the names both
of living and departed members of Christ's body
were read, prayers being offered both ante nomina
and post nomina. Then came the kiss of peace
and the prayer ad pacem, and the service pro-
ceeded with the Sursum corda, etc. (though this
is not mentioned) and the contestatio, which
answered to the modern preface. Of these con-
testations there was evidently a great variety.
This of course led up to the Sanctus, and we have
various collects entitled post sanctus ; the words
of institution (we have not them at length) were
introduced " qui pridie," and part of them seem to
have been uttered secreto, for, after them, comes
in one missa a " post secreta." (We have three
instances here of an invocation.) Then came
the Lord's Prayer with variable introductions, all
entirely different from the Gregorian, and a
variable EJIBOLISMUS. Then must have followed
the Communion, for the nest prayer is entitled
generally postcommunio, once only post mys-
terium ; then came the collect and the final
benediction.
(57.) The first sacramentary published by Ma-
billon entirely upholds the correctness of our in-
ferences drawn from these palimpsests, and at the
same time exhibits marks of progress towards
later modes of thought. In these missals, which
were prepared for the Sundays and older esta-
blished festivals, we have the praefatio, still the
title for an address to the congregation: the
collectio post nomina frequently shews that the
names recited had been names of the living
who had made their offerings or sacrifices, at
the same time that it included at times a prayer
for the dead. The Vere dignum et justum est is
entitled (generally in the older services) immolatio
missae, sometimes contestatio. The form of the
mysterium or secreta always begins Qui pridie.
The words of consecration are not given. The
post secreta is either a prayer or an expression
of belief. There seems to have been two bene-
dictiones populi, one a prayer before com-
munion, the other a blessing before dismissal.
The general character of the Missale Gallicanum
(Migne, pp. 339, etc.) is the same. We still find
the titles immolatio and contestatio prefixed to
the Vere dignum et justum est, but there are
a few indications that a change of service was
being introduced when the manuscript was pre-
pared, such as immolatio nunc missae or contes-
tatio nunc, and in a very few instances the post
communionem is altered to post eucharistiam. The
character of the collects post nomina is the same
as in the Gothic missal.
(58.) The other two sacramentaries i.e. the
Missale Francorum, and the Sacramentarium
Gallicanum (which Mabillon found at Bobio)
contain, either in whole or in part (the former
manuscript being mutilated), the Gregorian
canon. We must therefore assign them to the
ninth century (or the later years of the eighth)
at the earliest. In the former the title super
oblat. has replaced the words post nomina, and
the offerings have become the oblations of God's
people. The names of the offerers are no longer
recited: and the Memento etiam appears in the
canon, after the consecration. We have still
benedictions " ad plebem," pp. 336, 337.
From the letter of the Monks of Mount
Olivet to pope Leo III., we know that the creed
of Constantinople was used in the chapel of
Charlemagne. [CREED, 15, I. 492.] We find
no notice of it in any of the manuscripts. 1 -'
(59.) Roman Liturgy. We must now turn to
one of the most difficult subjects, the history
and characteristics of the liturgy in use in
O J
Rome. We have seen evidences that it differed
materially from the Liturgy of Gaul in the
middle of the 8th century, and we know, with
considerable accuracy, the form which it as-
sumed before the end of the 9th century ; but
" A prayer in the earlier MS. (p. 227), " Give deliver-
ance to the captive, sight to the blind," may remind us of
a similar petition in the Alexandrine liturgies. The
prayers pott nomina, ad pace in, pout secreta, are also fre-
quently addressed to our Lord. There is a distinct Invo-
cation of the Holy Spirit on pages 246, 257, and on pago
266 ( the Thursday in Holy Week) I notice the " Agnus
Del."
1032
LITURGY
the evidence is very limited as to its previous
growth. In the accounts of the 9th century we
meet with statements that Alexander (A.D. 100
to 106) combined the history of the Passion of
our Lord with the prayer of the priest, when
the masses were celebrated (see 34) ; that
Xystus (107-116) directed that during the
service the people should sing the hymn Sanctus,
Sanctus, Sanctus, etc.; that Telesphorus (117-
127) ordered that at the commencement of the
sacrifice the angelic hymn Gloria in excelsis
Deo should be sung on the night of the Nativity
alone. These and similar statements, found in
the works of Walafrid Strabo and others,
indicate a belief that the portions referred
to were of great antiquity. Greater credence
may perhaps be given to details such as these
which follow. Caelestinus (422) is said to have
directed that Psalms of David should be sung
before the sacrifice, in addition to the reciting of
parts of St. Paul's Epistles and the Holy Gospel.
Of Leo the Great (440-462), it is distinctly
stated that he added the words " sanctum
sacrificium et caetera :" and of Gelasius (about
495), that he framed with great caution
prefaces for the sacraments. The letter of
Vigilius to Profuturus, Bishop of Braga, has
been already referred to : he sent to the Spanish
bishop the text of the " canonical prayer,"
" which by God's mercy we have received (he
said) from apostolic tradition." The letter is
preserved, the enclosure unhappily is lost. But
in the letter he gives the important informa-
tion that " in the celebration of masses, at
no time and on no festival was the order of the
prayer different. They always consecrated in
the same form the gifts offered to God." Then
we come to the work of Gregory the Great, of
whom it is stated by the Deacon John that he
made additions to the ritual of the church,
that he ordered the ALLELUIA [I. 56] to be said
at other times beside Pentecost, the Kyrie eleison
to be sung, and the Lord's Prayer to be recited
immediately after the canon over the sacrifice.
(The Canon here would seem to be the list of
saints commemorated in the Nobis quoque pecca-
toribus. For an example of this limited meaning,
see Muratori de Lit. Eom. i. 555.) Gregory is
also declared by his biographer to have reduced
into one volume the Gelasian codex of the
solemnities of the mass, by removing many
things, altering a few, and adding others " pro
exponendis Evangelicis lectionibus." His letter
to John the bishop of Syracuse (Epist. ix. 12)
seems to shew that the Deacon John was correct
in his account of the alterations which Gregory
had introduced, and several writers agree in
narrating that Gregory added the words " dies-
que nostros in tua pace dispouas." They are
found in the prayer ffanc igitur. With these
brief hints we shall be better able to examine
the documents which have come down to us.
(60.) The first, and undoubtedly the oldest, is
a sacramentary discovered in the library at
Verona, and published by Blanchini in the year
1735. He gave to it the title Sacramentarium
Leonianum, and attributed it (without any docu-
mentary evidence) to pope Leo the Great. An
examination of the contents of the work has in-
duced almost all the great ritualists to differ
herein from Blauchini ; and it seems now to be
generally agreed that the manuscript was pre-
LITURGY
pared by some ecclesiastic for his own, either
private or public, use. It is mutilated at the
commencement, and does not give the canon of
the Mass. It contains, however, a collection of
prayers such as were used at the eucharistic ser-
vices, one or two collects for the day, a prayer
of oblation, a Vere dignum, a prayer after com-
munion, and a benediction. Of these there is an
immense variety ; thus there are eight " sets "
of prayers for the festival of St. John and
St. Paul, and twenty-eight for that of St. Peter
and St. Paul (Migne, Iv. pp. 47, 49, etc.).
Titles to the prayers occur very rarely ; we
have, however, preces for the collects on p. 110 ;
super oblata on pp. 106, 110; and on the sama
pages, postcommunio and super populwn. We
are thus severed from the post nomina of the
Gothic sacramentary, and brought more into
connexion with the Missale Francorum and the
Bobio manuscript. The Ballerini have remarked
that in a mass for Pentecost the prayer ffanc
igitur is represented as preceding the Communi-
cantes (p. 40). On p. 70 there is an embolismvs
(the only one I have discovered), and on p. 75,
" Quod ore sumpsimus, Domine, quaesumus,
mente capiamus," etc., and a distinct invocation
of the Holy Spirit on pp. 79, 147 (compare
p. 139). On p. 117 we find two prayers, still
more resembling the Gregorian ffanc igitur
and Quam oblationcm ; the former has the words
" diesque meos clementissima gubernatione dis-
ponas " ; in the latter it seems to have been as-
sumed that the reader needed only the first few
words, his memory would supply the rest. If
so, we carry the petition, Quam oblationem, back
to a period before the time of Gelasius.
We meet with so many prayers for the rulers
or princes of the " Roman Name " that we can
have no difficulty in assigning the book to some
Roman priest or bishop ; and the manner in which
the Roman primacy is urged (as we find it in
no other sacramentary) may be deemed to jus-
tify Blanchini in his opinion that Leo might
have been the compiler. We learn from Ger-
bert (Vetus Liturgia Alemannica, i. 80) that
the effect of the discussions which followed
his publication on the mind of Blanchini was
this : he became persuaded that the work was
still more ancient than at first he deemed
it to be, and attributed it to Sylvester, who
was pope from 314 to 355. One thing is clear,
that, when the book was written, the liturgy at
Rome had not assumed the character which
Vigilius ascribed to it iu the middle of the sixth,
century, unless we limit most rigidly his lan-
guage as to the form of consecration.
(61.) In the year 1680 the learned TJiomasius
(afterwards Cardinal) published the contents of
a manuscript which, having belonged to Petau,
was then in the library of Queen Christina, and
is now in the Vatican (Vat. 1455 according to
Daniel, 316 according to Muratori). This part
of Thomasius' work was republished by Muratori
iu the first volume of his learned work Liturgia
Romana Vetus, and with it, in Migne's series,
vol. Ixxiv. p. 847, etc. The manuscript is of the
tenth century, and is entitled, Liber Sacramen-
torum Romanae Ecclesiae ordinis anni circuit.
It contains several prayers for the princes of the
Roman kingdom and the governors of the Roman
empire (Muratori, pp. 729-731) ; but one of the
well-known collects for Good Friday (p. 561)
LITURGY
has the prayer, " Respice propitius ad Romanum
sine Francorum benignus imperium." Thus the
Roman work had been adapted for use in France
in the ninth or tenth century, and it is impos-
sible to say how far this adaptation extended.
We know that there were in the monastery at
Centula (St. Richerius near Corbey) in the ninth
century, fourteen Gelasian and three Gregorian
missals, and thus it was inferred by Thomasius
that this manuscript might represent the Gela-
sian order. All doubt on the subject was re-
moved in the year 1777 by Gerbert, who dis-
covered three similar books in the libraries of
Switzerland,, and the sacramentary, as distinct
from the Canon of the Mass, may now un-
hesitatingly be described as Gelasian. It con-
sists of three books, the prayers for great festi-
vals, ordinary holy days, and ordinary Sundays,
being arranged separately. Scattered over the
work we have the word oratio prefixed to the
collect of the day ; the secreta as now in the
Roman missal ; the Vere dignum varying with
almost every festival ; on p. 553 the words
infra actionem form a rubric to the Communi-
cantes, and the Hanc igitur is similarly intro-
duced. Then we have post communionem, and
lastly ad populum. Thus the benediction followed
the communion. There is no mention anywhere
of the use of the Constantinopolitan Creed in the
service (perhaps we might scarcely expect such
mention), but in the Order for the preparation for
Baptism (which had commenced on the Monday
in the third week in Lent, on p. 533), after the
" opening of the ears," the acolyth recited this
Creed in the name of the children, and the clause
on the Procession ran in Greek, " tonectupatros
emporeuomenon " ; in Latin, " ex Patre proce-
dentem " (compare Dr. Heurtley's Harmonia Sym-
bolica, p. 158, or the writer's Creeds, p. 138).
The omission of the clause Filioque is a further
indication of the connexion of this volume with
Rome.
(62.) But when we come to the canon of the
Mass, the " Canon actionis " as it is called, which
is to be found in the third book (Muratori,
p. 695), we find the words, " diesque nostros in
tua pace disponas ;" and, with the exception I
shall mention just now, this canon agrees in
every respect with what was deemed in the tenth
century to be the Gregorian canon. It will be
remembered that the Gregorian canon is also to
be found in the " Missale Francorum " and the
" Missale Gallicanum " of Besancon, although
the books in other respects differ from the
Roman use. It seems probable, therefore, that
the work before us indicates that, although the
Gelasian Prefaces etc. were used in some parts of
France in the ninth or tenth century, stHl the
directions of Charlemagne had been carried out
completely, and the Gregorian canon had re-
placed all others. 3
d Some questions on this point seem to be set at rest
by observation of the following fact. Ratram, in his
letter to the Emperor Charles the Bald on the Body and
Blood of our Lord, $ 2, refers to two c< Elects used by the
priest in the service of the Mass. Of these collects one
s in the Gregorian Sacramentary, and indeed is used to
the present day. Both are contained in that published
by Thomasius and Muratori as the " Gelasian," and they
are found nowhere else. Thus we may conclude that
this really was the Gelasian sacramentary as used in
France in the ninth century; and that this Gelasian
LITURGY
1033
(63.) The exception to which I have referred is
this. In the prayer Communicantes of the Gre-
gorian canon the twelve martyrs commemorated
were all connected immediately with the church
in Rome. In the MS. before us mention is also
made (either in the text or margin) of Dionysius,
Rusticus, Hilary, Martin, Augustine, Gregory,
Jerome, Benedict, Eleutherius. Of these, Hilary
and Martin are also named in the Missale
Francorum ; and they, with Ambrose, Augustine,
Gregory, Jerome, Benedict, in the Bobio or
Besancon copy. Thus these names carry us down
to a period far later than Gelasius. Indeed, at
p. 515 we have capitulum Sancti Gregorii Papac.
(64.) Again, there is here no Memento etiam of
those who have "preceded us with the sign of faith
and rest in the sleep of peace." It seems, how-
ever, that this is missing from several important
manuscripts of the Gregorian canon (see Daniel,
i. 38), and thus the omission cannot be regarded
as a point of difference between it and the text
before us. The same may be said of the clause,
Pro quibus tibi offerimus in the Memento Domine.
Thus we have no satisfactory direct evidence of
the contents of the canon as left by Gelasius. 8
But I must mention that, as we have it here, we
find that after the Lord's Prayer and the embo-
lismus the Peace was given by the priest, with
the usual response ; announcements were made
of festivals or fasts, and of sick persons to be
prayed for ; post haec communicat sacerdos cum
omni populo ; fourteen collects are given under
the title, " Post commun." and as many more
under the words, "Item Benedictiones super
populum post communionem."- -There is no
account of these benedictions in the brief sum-
mary of the Gregorian rite to which I must now
proceed.
(65.) After these remarks the Gregorian Litur-
gy will not detain us long. Muratori speaks
of four or five MSS. which were known in his
time ; to these the search of later investigators
has added several more, so that Daniel professes
to give the various readings in the Ordo and
Canon of nineteen MSS. Of these several present
similar titles : " Liber sacramentorum de circulo
anni expositum a sancto Gregorio Papa Romano
editum ex authentico Libro Bibliothecae Cubiculi
scriptum." Muratori thinks (not unreasonably)
that this repetition of the same grammatical
error indicates that these were all (or, all but
one) transcripts of one copy taken from the
cubiculum of the custodians of the relics at
St. Peter's. The copy which he uses in his
margin, has cditus. But, as Muratori says,
no one can believe that we have the book as it.
came from the hand of Gregory. The masses
vary in the several editions ; some copies have
only nine prefaces ; others have many more.
The festivals vary ; all (as I understand) include
a commemoration of St. Gregory himself. Even
the account, " Qualiter missa Romana cele-
sacramentary continued in use in combination with the
Gregorian canon. And it follows that we have no dis-
tinctive copy of the true Gelasian canon. (The passage
from Ratram may be seen in Gieseler, third period, divi-
sion i, } 14, note 6; and the collects referred to in
Muratori, i. G57. 671.)
It would appear that one of Gerbert's MSS. of tbo
Gelasian sacramentary contains two prayers for the faith-
ful departed ; one before, the other after, the consecration.
[CANON, I. 271.]
1034
LITURGY
bratur," varies in the details which I shall
mention as I proceed.
(66.) What is now called the Ordo (of which we
have no notice in the Gelasian Sacramentary) is
given briefly but satisfactorily. Mention is
made of the Introit, the Kyrie eleison, the Gloria
in excelsis Deo, to be used on Sundays and festivals
if a bishop is present, otherwise only at Easter.
When the Litany is said, neither the Gloria in
excelsis nor the Alleluia is sung. Then followed
the Oratio or Oratio Missalis, i. c. the collect for
the day ; the Apostolum (sic) or Epistle ; then
either the Gradalis or the Alleluia ; then the
Gospel. This was followed by the offertory, and
the prayer super oblata, which varied ; it is called
the secreta in one MS. It concluded with the
words, Per omnia saecula sacculorum, which were
recited aloud. The absence is noted (Gerbert, p.
301) of the salutations before the Epistle and
before the Gospel, of the Creed, and of the
Sermon. Then the canon commenced, but the
records end with the salutation after the embo-
lism us; i.e. we have no account of the communion,
or the kiss of peace, or the benediction. The
Vatican MS. used by Muratori has, however, one
line more, Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi,
miserere nobis, which is also contained in two or
more other MSS. In the body of the books we
have for each day a prayer ad complendam,
answering to the similar prayer in the modern
missal.
(67.) I think it is certain that all the known
MSS. of this sacramentary were used north of the
Alps, yet not one of them refers to the use of
the "Nicene" Creed in the service of the Mass.
We know, however, that the Gallican churches
used the Gloria in excelsis every Sunday, and
that the recitation of the creed spread very
much after the fall of Felix and Elipandus. The
collects super oblata have never (I believe) any
reference to the offerers. This had been dis-
couraged by Pope Innocent I. The persons named
in the Te igitur are different in the different
manuscripts. In some places the king was
prayed for ; in others the emperor : many
omitted the petition, pro omnibus orthodoxis,
and all the MSS. but one (the Vat. Othob.)
omit the words, Pro quibus tibi o/erimus. 1 The
Memento ctiam on behalf of those who have died
with the sign of faith is absent from five of the
MSS., and in two other early copies it is inserted
in the margin. The names adduced in the prayer
commencing Nobis quoque are again all Roman.
(This collect is referred to by Innocent III. as
indicating the growth of the Roman service.)
(68.) Ambrosian Liturgy. The church of Milan
was said to have been founded by Barnabas, and
it seems to be undoubted that it was regarded as
entirely independent of Rome until Gregory in
593 attempted to exercise patriarchal privileges
within the province. Milan certainly had a
liturgy of its own, which, notwithstanding re-
peated efforts on the part of the Roman patriarch,
was, though with some modifications, retained
until our own times. One of the most important
of these efforts was encouraged by Charlemagne,
who, in his anxiety to compel the Lombards to fol-
low the example he had set to his earlier subjects,
f They are omitted in loco both in the Bobio MS. and
in the tlissale Francorum, and in the explanation of
Arnnlarius.
LITURGY
carried off to Rome all the service-books he coulcf
collect at Milan, with the intention of replacing
them by Roman offices (Mabillon, Jter Ital.
torn. i. part ii. p. 106, etc.). Eugenius, a Gallican
bishop, induced Leo to exercise some forbear-
ance in the matter, and thus the Milanese rite
was preserved ; but, as the account proceeds,
only one copy of the earlier service-book could
be discovered, so that from it the more recent
copies must have been taken.
(69.) This statement seems to be in some degree
corroborated by the fact that no manuscript of
very ancient date has been discovered containing
the Ambrosian rite. The sacramentary published
by Pamelius in 1571 differs considerably even in
the canon from the modern rite given by Daniel,
and it differs too in the service for the Thursday
before Easter from that which Saxe, the librarian
at Milan, furnished from a very old manuscript
to Muratori (de Lit. Rom. i. 131). The text of
Daniel approximates more nearly to that of the
modern Roman Ordo and Canon than that given
by Pamelius, shewing, I conceive, that the efforts
of various popes to induce the Milanese to resign
their inheritance have tended to encourage the
admission of details from the Roman liturgy.
Thus, the text of the Confiteor (Daniel, p. 50)
and the absolutions, the Munda cor mewn (p. 62),
the Hanc igitur (p. 84, in which the well-known
Gregorian words Diesque nostros in tua pace dis-
ponas are to be found), the Snpplices tc rogamus
(p. 90), the Libera nos (p. 96) do not occur in
Pamelius, nor do other prayers of great import-
ance given by Daniel (pp. 100, 102, 104) : and
the language of many others differs considerably.
(70.) Taking the text of Pamelius as our guide,
we observe that, after two private prayers said
by the priest before and whilst he draws near to
the altar, an Ingressa takes the place of the
Roman Introit ; and that before the Gloria in
excelsis there is an oratio super populum, cor-
responding to our collect for the day. The
salutations, Dominus vobiscum, etc., are very
frequent ; after the Gloria in excelsis (in which,
as in the older copies, the Qui tollis peccata mundi
miserere nobis is not repeated) the Kyrie eleison
follows. (In the Gregorian it precedes the Angelic
Hymn.) Three lessons were read, as in the
Gallican and Spanish rites the Prophecy, the
Epistle, the Gospel ; a Psalmulus, consisting of
two (or more) verses suited to the Prophecy, was
sung after it ; a Benedictus preceded the Epistle,
and a verse for the day with the Alleluia followed
it ; the first few words of the Gloria in excelsis
and a suitable benedictory prayer preceded the
Gospel ; salutations, the Kyrie eleison, and an
antiphon succeeded it. The oblations of the
bread and the cup were then made, and they
were made even until our own day in a manner
recalling the earlier conceptions of the church ;
they were brought in, not by the deacon, but by
ten aged men and as many women, and presented
by them to the priest. He had previously offered
an oratio super sindonem, which varied with the
day or season ; then came the orationcs secretae
ad munus oblatum, and a prayer resembling the
suscipe Sancte Pater of the Roman office, and two
others commencing Et suscipe Sancta Trinitas
(these differ in very interesting details from
those which in the Roman book follow the
recitation of the creed). According to the book
before us a prose hymn entitled offercnda was
LITUEGY
then chanted (it began Ecce apertum est templum
tiilit'rnaculi testimonii, and ended with the Sanctus
of the Apocalypse), and this introduced the creed.
Then followed the varying prayer super oblatam
repeated aloud, and the " preface to the canon "
followed. The prefaces (they are so entitled)
are numerous. The canon commenced in a manner
similar to the Gregorian, but the Hanc igitur and
Quam oblationem were replaced by a single prayer
commencing Fac nobis. (This is not in Daniel,
nor ; s there notice there of the washing of the
ringers of the priest which here ensued, its
position differing from that in the Roman book.)
Then immediately ensued the consecratio panis
per verba Christi and the consecratio calicis, and
ihecommemoratiopassionis resurrectionis etascen-
sionis Domini all differing from the Gregorian
text ; but we have the Memento etiam and the
Xobis quoque. The Per quern differed materially :
there was a special prayer for the confraction and
commixtion, and the Lord's Prayer followed with
a doxology. The Pads nuntiatio, including a
prayer, Pax in caelo, pax in terra, pax in omni
populo, pax sacerdotibus ecclesiarum Dei ; pax
Christi et ecclesiae mancat semper nobiscum. Then
followed prayers of the priest before and after
he communicated, and the communion of the by-
standers (V. Corpus Christi, R. Amen). With the
last exception, and that of the offering of the
priest after his reception, Deo gratias, Deogratias,
etc., the modern or Daniel's text here differs
almost entirely from that of Pamelius, which has
nothing analogous to the prayers of the Roman
Liturgy. Then, an appeal to the church to
rejoice, entitled transitorium ; a varying prayer
post communionem ; Dominus vobiscum; Kyrieelei-
son ; Benedicat et exaudiat nos Deus ; Procedamus
in pace, R. in nomine Christi, and the service
concluded.
(71.) The importance of our subject is such that
it is necessary to say a few more words on the
canon which Muratori printed in his famous work
(p. 131), from the copy furnished to him by Saxe.
Here we find the Hanc igitur oblationem adapted
for the day, and the Quam oblationem, neither of
which is in Pamelius ; but there is a prayer
commencing Haec facimus, to which I know of
nothing analogous anywhere else. The service
is represented as then passing on to a prayer
resembling in some respects that commencing
Per quern, and on this the Lord's Prayer follows.
Thus then (if Muratori's account may be im-
plicitly trusted) we have no offering after con-
secration, no prayer for those who have departed
with the sign of faith, no commemoration of the
(Roman) martyrs, no ceremony of fraction before
the Lord's Prayer ; all of which are contained in
the rite as published by Pamelius. The fact is
remarkable, and the discrepancy seems to require
some explanation. We have an indication in both
services that, as we have them, they are later
than 800 ; for in both we have a prayer for the
emperor, and Charles was not crowned emperor
before that year.
(72.) We have no account of the early liturgy
of the patriarchate of Aquileia.
(73.) Liturgies of the British Islands. We are
in almost entire ignorance of the character of
the liturgies of the ancient British and Celtic
churches. It is of course most probable that
they resembled in some degree the uses of the
churches in Gaul or Spain, but of the extent of
LITURGY
1035
this resemblance it is impossible to speak pre-
cisely. A curious document originally published
by Spelman, and much used by Ussher, Stilling-
fleet, and others, may be found in Haddau and
Stubbs (i. 138-140). It seems to have been
written in the latter part of the seventh or in the
eighth century, and professes to give some notes
on the various ' courses ' in use in Western
Europe. The ' Cursus Gallorum ' is referred to
St. John, and it is stated that it was used
widely. The ' Cursus Scottorum,' of which a
marked feature was that the Sanctus, the Gloria,
in excelsis Deo, the Lord's Prayer, and the Amen
were chanted by all the congregation, male and
female, is assigned to St. Mark ; and its intro-
duction into Britain and Scotland is attributed
to Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus, who visited
the islands about the year 429. It thus (as Pro-
fessor Stubbs says) is silent on the liturgy of
Britain before 429, and its evidence, so far as it
is worth anything, only " asserts that the Irish
liturgy used by St. Patrick was neither Roman
nor Gallican, but Alexandrian." Coming down
to the next century, we find an assertion attri-
buted to Gildas, that the Britons were opposed
to the whole world and to the Romans in parti-
cular, "in the mass" (H. and S. i. 112). The
date is questioned by Mr. Stubbs, who would
refer the assertion to a later period ; but, of
course, if true in the seventh or eighth century
it must have been true in the sixth as to the
opposition to Rome. The words of Gregory to
Augustine (ib. iii. 19) authorised the latter to
form a purely Anglican rite, and we know from
his proposals to the British bishops (Bede, E. H.
ii. 2, in Palmer, i. 178), that in matters of cus-
tom, in which at the time " the latter differed
from the use of Rome and of the church univer-
sal," Augustine would give up all points but
three. He insisted that they should celebrate
Easter at the proper time, should baptize after
the Roman ritual, and should join him in preach-
ing the word of the Lord to the English nation.
"Everything else, however contrary to our cus-
toms, we will bear with equanimity."" Of course
as long as the Britons and Celts refused to ob-
serve the Roman Easter, they must have refused
to adopt the Roman ritual for the Eucharist.
And we know that the Roman Easter was not
observed either in Scotland or Ireland before the
beginning of the eighth century. Bede (H. E. v.
15, see Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 110) states that
Adamnan came to Aldfred, king of the Angli,
about the year 704, and whilst staying with
him saw the canonical rites of the church, and
was then persuaded how undesirable it was for
him and his people, very few in number and
living in an extreme corner of the earth, to re-
tain customs which were opposed to those of the
whole Christian world. Adamnan succeeded in
inducing the North Irish churches to adopt
the Roman Easter, but he died before he could
persuade his own monastery at lona to do the
same. It yielded, however, about the year 716
(H. and S. ii. 114). The British churches per-
sisted for a few years longer, but at length, be-
tween the years 755 and 850, the bishops in
Wales gave way one by one (ib. i. 203, 204),
following the example of their countrymen
amongst the West Saxons, who had yielded to
the persuasion of Aldhelm in 705 (ib. i. 674).
(74.) One Tirechanus, writing about the year
1036
LITURGY
LITURGY
750 (H. and S. i. 115, 141, 154), stated that
the second order of Irish saints (beginning from
the year 544) receive their office of the Mass
from David, Gildas, and Cadoc. Dr. O'Connor,
in the year 1819 gave some account of a manu-
script (then in the library at Stowe, now in the
collection of Lord Ashburnham) which contained
a missal that must have been in use in Ireland.
His account has been supplemented and cor-
rected by Dr. Todd. We are still, unhappily, in
great ignorance as to the character of the service
contained in the MS. Two things of moment,
however, are known. First, that a copy of the
Nicene Creed is found in it, omitting the word
Filioque. But we are not told whether this is in
the office of the Mass or in the scrutiny in pre-
paration for baptism. If the latter, we are re-
minded of the Gelasian or Gregorian Sacramen-
tary, for the exclusion of the Filioque points to a
mark of difference in the Irish church from the
churches of Spain and Gaul. We are told, se-
condly, that there are several collects in this
missal before the Epistles ; and we know that at
a synod of Macon, held about 624, the objection
was raised against the famous Columbanus, that
he celebrated the solemnities of the Mass with a
multiplicity of prayers or collects. Eustatius,
who was then abbat of Luxeuil (the convent had
been founded by Columbanus), defended the use.
Additional confirmation is furnished by the two
very interesting books of Mullen and Dimma, in
the library of Trinity College, Dublin. They
are undoubtedly Irish, and although they con-
tain only services for the visitation of the sick,
yet these services bear very strong resemblance
to each other, and the words, Reffecti Christi
corpora et sanguine, tibi semper dicamus, Domine,
alleluia, alleluia (which are repeated), are found,
almost identically, in the words of the Spanish
Liturgy, Refecti Christi corpore et sanguine, te
laudamus Domine, alleluia, alleluia, alleluia. A
post-communion collect commencing Refecti is fre-
quently found in the Gallican and other services,
but the jubilant alleluia is connected with it only
in the Mozarabic rite. I have not seen in the
Spanish books the concluding thanksgiving, Deus
tibi gratias agamus, etc.
Mabillon (De Liturg. Gall. lib. i. col. iii. 2)
shews that the Roman order was not introduced
into Ireland before the 12th century.
(75.) Mr. Haddan(H. and S.ii. p. 275) considered
that the one fragment of Scottish-Celtic liturgical
documents, that has as yet seen the light, is con-
tained in the book of Deer ; a portion of the ser-
vice for the Visitation of the Sick. It resembles
closely that contained in the books I have just
named, and thus it seems probable that the service
was known from Aberdeen to Wexford. We thus
connect the early Scottish rites also with those
of Spain. It seems that in the 12th century the
bishop of Glasgow introduced, with the consent
of Pope Alexander III., the Sarum offices into his
cathedral, and that his example was followed by
obher bishops in the next century (H. and S.
275 and 33). As the Sarum missal contains the
Gregorian Canon, the inference is that the Scotch
use up to that time must, like the Irish, have
continued to differ from that adopted in Gaul
and England.
(76.) Returning to England, we have only to
notice that the Sarum, Bangor, York, and Here-
ford uses, which continued until the 16th century,
all agreed in adopting the text of the Gregorian
Canon. We must conclude that that canon had
been introduced universally before the end of the
10th century, and thus we have proof that the
13th canon of the council of Cloveshoo (A.D. 747)
had secured complete obedience, and that " in
the celebration of the masses all things were
then done after the example which they had in
writing from the Roman church." This canon
seems to refer only to days kept in memory of
events in the life of our Lord, but the spirit of
the enactment is manifest. And doubtlessly
when the Welsh bishops finally adopted the
Roman Easter, they adopted simultaneously the
Gregorian Liturgy. [C. A. S.]
LITERATURE. It is impossible to attempt
to give here a complete account of the very
extensive literature connected with liturgies.
The following list contains the principal col-
lections and editions of ancient liturgies, and
works useful in the study of the principal rites
of antiquity.
GENERAL COLLECTIONS. J. A. Assemani,
Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universac ; Rome,
1749-66. H. A. Daniel, Codex Liturgicus Eccle-
siae Universae in Epitomen Hcdactus; Leipzig,
1847-1853. [Includes the most characteristic
portions of modern, as well as ancient, liturgical
forms.]]
SPECIAL COLLECTIONS AND EDITIONS. E.
Renaudot, Litwgiarum Oricntalium Collectio,
Paris, 1716. [Reprinted, Frankfort, 1847]. T.
Brett, A Collection of the principal Liturgies,
particularly the Clementine, the Liturgies of
S. James, 8. Mark, S. Chrysostom, S. Basil ;
translated into English by several hands. With a
Dissertation upon them. London, 1720 [Re-
printed, London, 1838]. J. M. Neale, Transla-
tion and Parallel Arrangement of the Anaphoras
of S. Chrysostom, S. Basil, S. James, S. Mark,
Copto- Jacobite S. Basil, Lesser 8. James, Theo-
dore the Interpreter, the Armcno-Gregorian, and
the Mozarabic Rite, in the Introduction to his
History of the Eastern Church, p. 525 ff. ;
London, 1850 ; Tetralogia Liturgica ; sive S.
Chrysostomi, S. Jacobi, S. Marci missae, quibus
accedit Ordo Mozarabicus, parallclo ordine ;
London, 1849; The Liturgies of S. Mark, S.
James, S. Clement, S. Chrysostom, and the Church
of Malabar, with Translation; London, 1859;
The Liturgies of S. Mark, 8. James, S. Clement,
S. Chrysostom, S. Basil [in Greek and in English],
London, 1868. H. Denzinger, Eitus Orientalium,
Coptorum, Syrorum et Armcniorum in adminis-
trandis Sacramentis ; Wtirzburg, 1863-64. [Bi-
shop Rattray], Liturgia Primitiva Hierosolymi-
tana ; being the Liturgy of St. James, etc., London,
1744. W. Trollope, The Greek Liturgy of St.
James, with Introduction, etc., and a Latin
Version of the Syriac Copy; Edinburgh, 1848.
Jac. Goar, Euchologium Magnum, sive Ritualc
Graecorum; Paris, 1647. R. F. Littledale,
Offices from the Service-books of the Holy Eastern
Church ; London, 1863.
J. Pamelius, Liturgica Latinonim, Cologne,
1571; some later copies bear the title Missalc
SS. Patrum Latinorum ; J. M. Thomasius, Opera
Omnia, ed. Vezzosi ; Rome, 1747. Gregorii Divi
Sacramcntorum Liber was printed by Pamelius
in his Liturgica Latinorum (Coloniae, 1571),
from a Cologne MS. Again by Angelo Rocca
from a Vatican MS., in his edition of Gregory's
LITURGY
Works, torn. viii. (Rome, 1597). Again by
Hugh Me'nard from a MS. at Corbey, with
a collation of many other MSS. and of the
printed copies, and very copious notes, Paris,
164-2. The text and notes of Menard, with the
Scholia of Rocca, were reprinted by the Bene-
dictine editors in the Works of Gregory, vol. iii.
(Paris, 1705); and in Migne's Patrologia, vol.
78. The Sacramentarium Gelasianum was pub-
lished by Thomasius in 1680 ; reprinted in his
Operi, torn. vi. (Rome, 1751) ; in Migne's
Patrologia, vol. 74-. The so-called Leonine
Sacranientary was published by Jos. Blanchini
in the Prolegomena to the work of Anastasius
Bibliothecarius (Muratori, Scriptorcs Ital. iii. 55),
under the title Codex Sacramentorum Vetus a
S. Leone Papa confectus. These three sacra-
mentaries, with other liturgical documents,
were republished in an improved form by Mura-
tori, Liturgia Eoinana Vetus (Venetiae, 1748),
with a learned dissertation de Libris Liturgicis,
which is reprinted in Migne's Patrol, vol. 74.
An Ordo Roinanus Antiquus was printed by
Hittorp [see below] ; Mabillon published fifteen
Ordines Romani in his Museum Italicum, vol. ii.
(Paris 1689) ; reprinted in Migne's Patrologia,
vol. 68.
Rationale Caerimoniarum Missae Ambrosianae,
Mediol. 1499. Reprinted in Pamelius, Liturgica
Latinorum, i. p. 293 ; Missale Mediolanense jussu
et cura C. Borromaei, Mediol. 1560. Several
times reprinted. Beroldi Mediolanensis Ordo et
Caerimoniale Missae Ambrosianae, in Muratori,
Antiq. Italicae, iv. p. 86 ff.
Missale mixtum secundum Regulam B. Tsidori,
dictum Mozarabe, cum notis . . . Alex. Leslaei,
Rome, 1755 ; Missale Mozarabe jussu Francisci
Ximenii ed. per Alphonsum Ortizium Canonicum
Toletanum, Toledo, 1500 [Rare] ; Missa Gothica seu
Mozarabica . . explanata ad usum percelebris Moza-
rabum sacelli Toleti [cura Card. F. a Lorenzana],
Angelopoli, 1770. Migne's Patrol, voll. 85, 86.
The Expositio Brevis Liturgiae Gallicanae by
Germanus of Paris was printed by Martene and
Durand in their Thesaurus Anecdotorum, v. pp.
85-100. [Reprinted in Migne, Patrologia, vol.
72]; J. Morinus appended certain Sacramentaria
et Ritualia ex parte Gallicana to his Cornmentarii
de Sacris Ordinationibus, Paris, 1655; J. M.
Thomasius printed in his Codices Sacramcntorun
(Rome, 1680), a Missale Gothicum sice Galli-
canum Vetus, a Missale Francorum, and a
Missale Gallicanum Vetus. These were reprinted
by Mabillon, de Liturgia Gallicana, lib. iii.
(Paris, 1685). Mabillon also printed in his
Museum Italicum (Paris, 1687) a Sacramcntarium
Gallicanum from a MS. at Bobio which he
believed to be of the 7th century. [All re-
printed in Migne's Patrologia, torn. 72.] The
Galilean Liturgies are collected in Liturgia
Ephesina, the Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican
Church now first collected by J. M. Neale and
G. H. Forbes; Burntislaud, 1855, ff. F. J.
Mone published eleven Fragments of Gallican
Liturgies in his Griechische und Lateinische
Messen aus den zweiten bis sechsten Jahrhundert ;
Frankfort, 1850; reprinted in Migiie's Patro-
logia, vol. 138, with a valuable Disquisitio
Critica by H. Denzinger (p. 855).
M. Gerbert, Vetus Liturgia Alemannica, St.
Blaise, 1776 ; Monumenta Veteris Liturgiae
Alemannicae, ib. 1777-9.
LITURGY
1037
W. Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy of the
Church of England according to the Uses of
Sarum, Sangor, York and Hereford ; first edition,
London, 1844; second, enlarged, Ib. 1846.
LITURGICAL WRITINGS. J. S. Durantus, de
Ritibus Ecclcsiae Catholicae libri tres, Rome, 1591.
Often reprinted. R. Hospinian, Historia Sacra-
mentaria, pt. i. Zurich, 1598 ; pt. ii. Ib. 1602.
In his Opera edited by Heidegger, pt. iii. iv.
(Geneva, 1681). G. Cassander, Liturgica de
Ritu et Ordine Dominicae Coenae celebrandae, etc.
in his Opera, Paris, 1616. M. Hittorp, da
Divinis Ecclesiae Catholicae Offitiis et Mysteriis
varii vetustorum aliquot Ecclesiae Patrum et
Scriptorum Libri; Paris, 1619; several times
reprinted. [A very useful collection of ancient
treatises on the liturgy.] B. Gavanti, Thesaurus
Rituum Sacrorum ; Antwerp, 1646; edited with
many additions by C. M. Merati ; Venice, 1762.
F. B. Casalius, de veteribus sacris Christianorum
Ritibus ; Rome, 1647. De veteribus Aegyp-
tiorum et Romanorum Ritibus ; Rome, 1644.
H. Rixner, de Institutes ac Ritibus veterum Chris-
tianorum circa sanctum Eucharistiam ; Helm-
stadt, 1670. J. Bona, Rentm Liturgicarum libri
ii. ; Rome, 1672. Several times reprinted ; ela-
borately edited by Sala; Turin, 1747. J. A.
Quenstedt, de sanctae Eucharistiae Ritibus anti-
quis ; Wittenberg, 1680. Casp. Calvor, Rituale
Ecclesiasticum, Origines et Causas Rituum . . .
recensens ; Jena, 1705. J. Grancolas, L'Ancien
Sacramentaire de I'Eglise, ou la maniere dont on
administrait les Sacremcns chez les Grecs et chez
les Latins ; Paris, 1699. Les Anciennes Liturgies,
ou la maniere dont on dit la sainte Messe dans
chaque siecle ; Paris, 1704. Traite' de la Messe et
de Poffice Divin ; Paris, 1713. Edm. Martene,
de antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, Rouen, 1700-2 ;
second and very much amplified edition, Antwerp,
1736-38 ; 4 vols. fol. including the treatise de
antiquis Monachorum Ritibus ; reprinted, Venice,
1777 ; Bassano, 1788. A. De Vert, Explication
des Ceremonies de I'Eglise, Second Edition, Paris,
1709-13. C. M. Pfaff, de Oblatione Eucharistiae
in primitioa Ecclesia usitata ; The Hague, 1715.
De Liturgiis et Libris ccclesiasticis ; Tubingen,
1718. J. L. Selvagius, Antiquitatum Christ-
ianarum Institutiones ; Padua, 1776. [Re-
printed, Ib. 1780.] A. Zaccaria, Bihliothcca
Ritual is ; Rome, 1776-81. Onomasticon Rituale
Selectum ; Faventiae, 1787. P. Lebrun, Ex-
plication des Prieres et des Ceremonies de la
Messe; Paris, 1777. The same in Latin, Explica-
tio literalis, historica, et dogmatica Precum et Caeri-
moniarum Missae, a J. A. Dalmaso Latine reddita.
Venet. 1770. F.Brenner, Geschichtliche Darstellung
der Vcrrichtung und Ausspendumj dcr Eucharistie
von Christus bis auf unsere Zeiten ; Bamberg,
1824. J. J. I. Dolliuger, Die Eucharistie
der drei crsten Jahrhunderte ; Mainz, 1826.
W. Palmer, Origines Liturgicae, with a Disserta-
tion on Primitive Liturgies ; London, 1832
[often reprinted]. P. Gueranger, Institutions
Liturgiques ; Paris, 1840-1851. H. Alt, Der
kirchlichc Gottesdienst, being vol. i. of Der
christliche Cultus, second edition, Berlin, 1851.
T. Harnack, Der christliche Gemcindegottesdienst
im apostolischen und altkatholischen Zeitalter,
Erlaugen, 1854. P. Freeman, The Principle of
Divine Service, London and Oxford, 1855-1862.
J.M. Neale, Assays on Liturgtology, London, 1863;
second edition, by R. F. Littledale, ib. 1867 ;
1038
LIUDGER
LOAVES
Ferd. Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen
Jahrhunderte, Tiibingen, 1870 ; Sakramente und
Sakramentalien, Tubingen, 1872 ; W. E. Scuda-
more, Notitia Eucharistica, London, 1872 ; second
edition, London, 1876.
J. G. Janus, de Liturgiis Orientalibus Dis-
sertatio, Wittenberg, 1724 ; J. M. Neale, The
Liturgies of the Eastern Church, in the Intro-
duction to his History of the Eastern Church,
p. 317 ff., London, 1850; J. W. Etheridge,
The Syrian Churches, their early History, Eitual,
$c., London, 1849; G. P. Badger, The Ncsto-
rians and their Rituals, London, 1852 ; S. C.
Malan, The Divine Liturgy of the Armenian
Church, translated, London, 1870; Original
Documents of the Coptic Church, translated,
London, 1872, etc. ; J. M. Rodwell, Ethiopic
Liturgies and Prayers, translated from MSS.,
London, 1864, etc. ; G. B. Howard, The Christ-
ians of St. Thomas and their Liturgies, Oxford
and London, 1864.
Leo Allatius, de Libris et Rebus Ecclcsiasticis
Graecorum Dissertationes variae, Paris, 1646;
in Fabricius, Bibliotheca Gracca, torn. v. ; W. Cave,
Dissertatio de Libris et Officiis Ecclesiasticis Grae-
corum, in his Historia Literaria, torn. ii. ed. Oxon.
1744-5; J. M. Heineccius, Abbildung der alien
und neuen Griechischen Kirche, Leipzig, 1711.
X. P. Sibbern, de Libris Latinorum ecclesiasticis
ct liturgicis, Wittenberg, 1706 ; A. Krazer, de
Ecclesiae Occidentalis Liturgiis, Augsburg, 1786;
A. G. Graser, Die Rom.-Kathol. Liturgic nach
ihrer Entstehung u. Aiisbildung, Halle, 1829.
J. Mabillon, de Ritu Ambrosiano, in his
Museum Italicum, torn. i. pt. 2, p. 95 ff.
Sam. Maresius, Disputatio Historico-Tlieologica
de Mozarabum Officio, in his Disputationes selectae,
pt. ii. pp. 355-368, Groningen, 1663 ; Disser-
tation on the ancient Spanish Liturgy in the
third volume of Espaila Sagrada by H. Florez,
Mantuae Carpet. 1748; Jo. Pinius, Tractatus
Historico-Chronologicus de Liturgia Antiqua His-
panica, Gothica, Isidoriana, Mozarabica, Toletana,
Mixta, in the Acta Sanctorum, July, torn. vi.
pp. 1-112 ; C. W. Fliigge, Bemerkungen iiber die
Mozardbische Liturgie, in Henke's Magazin fur
Religions-Philosophic u. s. \v., Bd. iv. p. 115 ff.
[C.]
LIUDGER, bishop of Mimigardford ; com-
memorated March 26 (Acta SS. Mar. iii. 616).
[C. H.]
LIVARIUS, martyr at Marsal ; coromemo-
rated Nov. 25 (Usuard. Auct.).
LIVENTIUS (Usuard. Auct. Jan. 25). [Li-
NEXTIUS.] [C. H.]
LIVING, COMMEMORATION OF.
[CANON ; DIPTYCHS.]
LIVINUS (LiviNius, LIAFWINUS, LEBUINUS,
LEBWIN, LIVIN), apostle of Flanders, 7th cen-
tury, archbishop and martyr ; commemorated
Nov. 12 (Usuard. Auct. ; Mart. Ado Append. ;
Acta SS. Ord. Bened. ii. 431 ; Surius, Prob.
Sanct. Hist., ad diem). [C. H.]
LIZERIUS, Roman martyr at Venice, temp.
Diocletian ; commemorated Oct. 2 (Acta SS.
Oct. i. 324). [C. H.]
LIZINIUS. [Licixius.]
LLAWDOG or LLEUDAD, Welsh saint,
late in 6th century, commemorated Jan. 15, at
Llanllawdog in Carmarthen (Rees, Welsh Saints
(Lond. 1636), p. 274). [E. B. B.]
LLECHID, early in 6th century, Dec. 2, at
Llanlecbid, in Carnarvon (ib. p. 223).
LLEUDAD v. LLAWDOG. [E. B. B.]
LLIBIO, late 7th century, Feb. 28, at Llan-
llibio, in Anglesey (ib. p. 308). [E. B. B.]
LLONIO Lawhir ap Alan, early 6th century,
has a church at Llanio, in Cardigan (ib. p.
221). [E. B. B.]
LLWCHAIARN, late 6th century, Jan. 11,
at Llanllwchaiarn (i'). p. 275). [E. B. B.]
LLWNI, late 7th century, Aug. 11, at
Llanllwni, in Carmarthen (ib. 308). [E. B. B.]
LLWYDIAN, late 7th century, Nov. 19 ((&.).
[E. B. B.]
LLYR, late 7th century, Oct. 21, at Llan-
llyr in Cardigan (ib. V. also p. 169).
[E. B. B.]
LLYWEL or Luhil, at Llywel in Brecon
mid. 6th century, p. 253. [E. B. B.]
LOAVES, MULTIPLICATION OF. Represen-
tations of this miracle are very frequent in
early Christian art. Perhaps the most common
form of treatment is that given by Bottari (pi.
Ixxxv.), in which the Lord lays one hand on the
loaves and the other on the fishes presented by
two disciples, whilst at his feet are the " baskets"
containing the " fragments." A sarcophagus in
the Vatican, however, presents a noteworthy
variation from this type (Id. pi. six.). Here
the loaves are placed in three baskets at the
Lord's feet ; in His right hand He holds a rod,
which He extends over them, whilst He lays His
left hand on the fish, presented by a disciple (see
woodcut). The principal symbolic use of this sub-
ject was doubtless to keep before the minds of
the faithful the perpetual supply of the heavenly
bread provided in the Eucharist for the nourish-
ment of their souls. Hence we find the second
of the two recorded miracles of multiplication
is the one usually chosen for representation, as
in it the loaves multiplied are supposed to have
been of wheat, the " barley loaves " being ex-
pressly mentioned on the first occasions. The
seven baskets, which are of almost invariable
occurrence in these representations, show unmis-
takably that the second of those miracles is
referred to. [Compare MANNA.]
From Bottari (Sarcophagus of Juntas Bassuf }.
LOAVES, BENEDICTION OF
The Lord almost always appears with a rod in
his hand (Buonarr. Vctri. tav. viiij.). Upon a sar-
cophagus given by Bottari (iii. p. 201) the Lord
holds a rod in one hand, and from the other rays
of light appear to stream upon three baskets of
loaves. This subject is represented in paintings,
in sarcophagi (v. Bosio, passim) and sepulchral
slabs (Ferret, vol. v. pi. xlvii. 18), on glasses
(Buonarr. loc. laud.), and on mosaics (Ciampini,
Vet. Monim. ii. 98). On a curious sarcophagus
in the Vatican the Jews appear to seize the
Lord, perhaps to take him by force and make
him a king (St. John vi. 15). [C.]
LOAVES, BENEDICTION OF. The pro-
cession of the Lite which occurs in the office of
Great Vespers [v. art. LITE] returns into the
nave of the church while the Aposticha are being
sung ; and each one puts down his candlestick*
on either side of a table b , already prepared by
the Cellarite (or steward), on which stands a dish
with corn and five loaves, such as we are in the
habit of offering in church, ; and on either side
of the dish are two vessels (ayyela) ; the one on
the left filled with wine, the other on the risjht
3
with oil. The priest with the deacon stands
within the beautiful doors (TUV wpaiwv TruAtoj') c .
When the Aposticha are finished, Nunc dimittis,
the Trisagion, and the Lord's prayer are said ;
and after certain troparia belonging to the day,
and certain ceremonies which are detailed in the
rubrics, relating mainly to the censing of the
loaves, the priest takes one loaf in his hand, and
says the following prayer in a loud voice :
" Lord Jesus Christ, our God, who didst
bless the five loaves in the desert, and didst feed
five thousand men ; do Thou bless these loaves
also, the corn, the wine, and the oil ; and mul-
tiply them in this holy monastery [or in the
city], and throughout the whole world which is
Thine, and sanctify the faithful who partake of
them. For Thou art He that blesseth and
sanctifieth all things, Christ our God ; and to
Thee we offer up {_avaTrf/.i.Trofjiv] glory, with
Thine eternal [lit. without beginning] Father,
and Thine all Holy and Good and Life-giving
Spirit, now and to all ages. Amen."
Then Psalm 33 [34 E. V. Benedicam Domino]
as said as far as the words, " Shall want no
manner of thing that is good."
And the priest goes from his place, and stands
before the Holy doors looking West. And after
the end of the psalm he says :
"The blessing of the Lord and His mercy
a TO. p.avovaA.ia. So called because carried in the hand.
b TeTpanoSiov. Called in the parallel rubric in the
office for Vespers ava\6yiov, which word is explained as
pulpitum portdbile.
c It is disputed what is meant by this term. Here
it evidently means the doors which separate the body
(POO?) of the church from the narthex ; for the
rubric on the procession of the Lite, which starts from
the interior of the church, says SieAeoVres Sia ru>v
wptuuji/ iruXaii* . . . laravTa.1 tv T<U vdpOriKi, whence they
are now returning. Dr. Neale, however, holds that these
doors are the exterior doors of the narthex. The question
appears to be connected with some ambiguity in the use
of thfi term narthex, and probably with some structural
variation in different churches. See Ducange, Constan.
Christ and Gloss. Gr. barb. 986 ; Goar, Such. pp. 12, 14,
Ac. ; Neale, Intr. pp. 197, & c . [DOOBS, p. 574.]
LOCALIS OKDINATIO
1039
come upon you, by His grace and love for men
now and ever and to all ages."
And the dismissal takes place.
A note at the end of the office of vespers adds :
"Be it known that the bread which has been
blessed is a preservative against all sorts of evils,
if it be taken with faith."
The following form of " Blessing bread and
distributing it to the poor on the feasts of the
Ascension or Pentecost " is from an old Pontifical
of Narbonne, and is stated [Martene, iii. 193] to
have been used in other churches.
After rubrical directions for the procession,
and other ritual observances, the deacon reads
the gospel from St. John vi. 1. The officiating
priest or bishop (Sacerdos vel Pontifex) begins,
and the choir continues the antiphon De quinque
panibus, &c.
The Priest. Dispersit dedit pauperibus.
V. Beatus qui intelligit super egenurn et pauperem.
R. In die mala liberabit eum Domiuus.
V. Nnmquid panem poterit dare ?
R. Aut parare mensam in deserto ?
V. Pluit illis manna ad manducandum,
R. Et panem coeli dedit eis,
V. Cibavit illos ex adipe frumenti,
R. Et de petra melle saturavit eos.
V. Manducaverunt et saturati sunt,
R. Et desiderium attulit eis.
V. Panem angelorum manducavit homo.
R. Misit eis cibaria in abundantia.
V. Domine exaudi orationem meam.
R. Et clamor meus ad te veniat.
And the form concludes with two collects (the
former of which is substantially the same as the
Greek prayer already given, in a Latin shape) for
blessing the bread, and that it may convey
spiritual and bodily health and protection
against all diseases to those who partake of it.
[H. J. H.]
LOCALIS ORDINATIO. By ancient cus-
tom, no priest, deacon, or other ecclesiastic was
permitted to be ordained without having a
definite sphere in which to exercise his minis-
try, or, in the later phrase, without a title to
orders. This was termed in the Western Church
localis ordinatio, and the clergy, because ordained
to the charge of a particular church or monas-
tery, were termed locales. And it was specially
forbidden that a clerk should be ordained to two
churches, " cauponarum enim est " (Syn. JTzc. II.
can. 15). The first Council of Aries (A.D. 314)
recognises this custom incidentally in its 22nd
canon, ordering that priests and deacons who
should relinquish the churches to which they
were bound by their ordination (in quibus
ordinati sunt) should return and officiate there
only, and that those who did not obey should be
deposed. And the Council of Valencia in Spain
(A.D. 524) expressly forbids ordination unless the
candidate should have first promised to keep to a
single post (se futurum localem) in order that
none ordained might be able to transgress ecclesi-
astical rule and discipline with impunity by
removing from one church to another. To the
same effect the Oecumenical Council of Chalcedon
(A.D. 451) in its 6th canon, forbidding any to be
ordained a.Tro\e\ufj.fi>w<;, i.e. absolutely and with-
out a title. It annuls ordinations performed in
breach of this rule. By the two following canons
it declares all clergy residing in monasteries or
1040 LOCALIS OEDINATIO
LOCALIS OKDINATIO
serving chapels of the martyrs, to be locales.
And we find pope Leo (Ep. 92, ad fiustic. c. i.)
instructing his correspondent accordingly that
ordination without this designation to a particu-
lar place was null, "vana est habenda ordinatio,
quae nee loco fundata est, nee auctoritate munita."
The principle in fact was that such ordinations
had no mission, and this idea kept in mind will
in every instance give the reasons of the rule.
It is not to be understood as binding a priest to
the same church throughout his life, but it would
seem that he was expected to keep as a general
rule to the same diocese. He owed obedience to
the bishop who ordained him to his first grade, and
was bound to go and exercise his ministry
whither he was sent by him. The 3rd Council
of Carthage (A.D. 397) obliged Julian, a bishop,
to send back to another bishop, Epigonius, a
youth whom the latter had ordained as reader,
although Julian had advanced him to thediacon-
ate, and so might seem to have a claim upon him
(can. 44). It was not usual for a bishop to pro-
mote to a higher grade a clerk ordained by
.mother bishop. This was expressly forbidden
by the ninth canon of a synod held at Angers,
and by the tenth of another held at Vannes in
Brittany. It was the breach of this well-known
and understood rule that occasioned the loud
complaints made by Demetrius of Alexandria
when Origen, who was one of his deacons, was
raised to the presbyterate in Palestine by the
bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem. We find
Gregory the Great (A.D. 590) writing to the
bishop of Syracuse, requesting him to send back
to their ordinary certain clerks who had taken
refuge with him, having been ordained by
another bishop (Epist. iii. 42).
Canonical penalties were imposed for breaches
of this rule. The Council of Ilerda (Lcrida, A.D.
524) suspended the bishop so offending from the
power to ordain (can. 12). The third of Or-
leans (538) sequestered him altogether from offi-
ciating for six months (can. 6). The civil
power appears at some periods to have been called
in to relegate wandering clerks to their own
diocesan (Cone. Tolet. xiii. A.D. 683, cann. 11, 12).
The number of these seems to have been very
great throughout the Western Churches. Isidore,
writing in A.D. 595, calls them Acephali, and
speaks of them as disgracing the church, and
hardly deserving the name of clergy at all
(Isid. Hispal. de Eccks. Offic. lib. ii. c. 3").
The same Gregory wishing to appoint the
archdeacon of Catania to the vacant see of Syra-
cuse, formally asked for him a release by the
bishop of Catania from this bond of localis (Epist.
iv. 30). In like manner the assent of the arch-
bishop of Ravenna was formally applied for before
the appointment of Florentius, archdeacon of Ra-
venna, to the see of Ancona (Epist. xii. 6). Many
such instances occur in history. Charlemagne
himself presided over a council held at Frankfort
in 794, when complaint was made of the wander-
ing habit of a part of the clergy, and sundry pro-
hibitions of this were repeated (Cap. Frankf.).
That neither bishop, presbyter, nor deacon should
migrate from city to city, but remain attached
to their own church according to rule (can. 7).
That bishops should not receive wandering clergy
(can. 27). That none should be ordained unat-
tached (absolute) (can. 28).
Nor could they thro \voff their clerical character
in order to escape this bond of localis (Syn.
Caesaraugust. can. 6 ; Cone. Chalced. can. 7 ;
Justinian, Novell, vi. c. 7, declericis in aliam vitae
formam transeuntibus). But the clerk could not
be removed from his church or preferment at the
mere will of the bishop (Greg. Mag. Epist. i. 19 ;
iii. 13), though he might be transferred, " non
invitus," from one to another (Cone. Carthag.
iv. can. 27). The bishop might not in ordinary
cases send a clerk into another diocese (Cow.
Antioch. can. 22 ; Can. Apost. c. 35) ; but he might
send him on a mission to the heathen, as e. g.
Gregory the Great sent Augustine to the heathen
English.
The priest might not travel without the
licence and commendatory letters of his bishop
under penalty of suspension (Cone. Laodic. A.D.
361, can. 42 ; also can. 41 ; and especially Condi.
Milev. A.D. 416, can. 20, which is very express and
detailed on this point). Similar canons were
passed by the second of Seville (A.D. 619, can. 3 ;
Worm. 868, can. 19). In 506 the Council of
Agde imposed by its 64th canon the penalty of
three years' suspension upon priests for absence
from their churches for even three weeks.
The clerk seems not to have been quite helpless
before the power of his bishop. The Council of
Sardica (A.D. 381) gave permission to a clerk
unjustly accused to appeal to neighbouring
bishops, and to these a discretion to hear and
judge of such a case (can. 17). But it is very
cautiously worded, and seems to point rather to
the rehabilitation of the clerk in his own diocese,
than his admission to another. The thirteenth of
Toledo, however, in its 12th canon gives to clerks
a distinct right of appeal to the metropolitan
and even to the sovereign. And see also a letter
of Pope Leo I. (ad Anastas. c. 9), which imposes
upon the metropolitan the obligation of compel-
ling such a fugitive to return to his own church.
And Cone. Wormat. can. 18.
There were occasional exceptions to this rule
of making all clergy locales. Paulinus, bishop
of Nola (A. D. 353-431) writes in his first letter
to Sulpicius Severus that he was ordained a
presbyter at Barcelona upon the express condition
that he should not be bound to that church. But
his was altogether a special case ; that of a man
of high rank and large fortune who was induced
to take upon him the priesthood by the urgent
persuasions of the people. The case of Jerome
(A.D. 340420) again is peculiar. He was
ordained a presbyter by Paulinus, bishop of
Antioch, having previously stipulated that he
should not be obliged to quit his monastic
life. He says (Apol. ud Pammach. torn. ii. p.
181) that he told Paulinus "si tribuis pres-
byterum ut monachum nobis non auferas, tu
videres de judicio tuo." And from the tone of
his description it would seem that like Paulinus
of Nola, he too had been solicited to receive
ordination. Yet we learn from Epiphanius
that it struck him as very unusual and im-
proper that Jerome and another presbyter, Vin-
ceutius, lived in retirement, discharging none
of the duties of their function ; not even cele-
brating the holy communion ; a very remarkable
thing at that time. But Jerome, whatever may
have been his actual motive, was really in agree-
ment with the principle of the canon of Chalcedon
referred to above, which forbade men, ordained as
he had been, to exercise their office. Theodoret
LOCULUS
(ffistor. Relic}, c. xiii. 3) records that Flavian,
another bishop of Antioch, sent for Macedonius,
a famous monk out of the neighbouring desert,
and having ordained him a presbyter against his
will, allowed him to return.
It is evident that even these exceptions are
more apparent than real ; that the rule of localis
was absolute, and was strictly observed.
It extended also to bishops. No bishop was
to be consecrated, except to a particular diocese,
and to that he was to confine himself. We find
the 1st Council of Nicaea (can. 15) recognising
this fact in the plainest manner, and applying it
to all the clergy, bishops, priests, or deacons.
The above refers to clergy obtaining these re-
movals, so to speak, by fair means : can. 16 of
the same council deals with the case of presby-
ters and deacons breaking the rule of localis
altogether lawlessly. Justinian promulgated a
law (Novell, lib. iv. c. 2) forbidding bishops to
be absent from their dioceses more than a year,
except by command of the emperor. The 3rd
of Carthnge (397) forbids (can. 38) the transla-
tion of bishops ; and this canon recites the case
which formed its occasion, viz. that Cresconius,
bishop of Villa Regia, had left his see, and settled
himself over that of Tubunae, contrary to the
rule. For a bishop might not be transferred
from his original see without the approval of a
provincial synod (iv. Carth. can. 27, which no
doubt embodies an earlier rule).
Yet even here we find some exceptions. Sozo-
men (Hist. Eccles. vi. c. 34) relates that Barses
and Eulogius, monks of Edessa, and Lazarus, a
monk of Mount Sigoron, were raised to be
bishops, not of any diocese, but purely and
simply as an honour, ov iroAeois TWOS, a\\a
TI/J.TJS fveicev. These appear, however, to be
the only cases expressly recorded of a honorary
episcopate, until a much later period. In the
2nd Council of Macon (A.D. 585) there were
three bishops present who subscribed the acts
of the council "non habentes sedes." The
Council of Vermeria [Verberie, dioc. Soissons]
(A.D. 752) complains of the number of vagrant
bishops, and refuses to recognise the ordinations
performed by them (can. 14), and three years
after (A.D. 755) one at Verneville appealed to
such bishops not to ordain in the dioceses of
others (can. 13). For the case of the chorepiscopi,
or assistant bishops, see CHOREPISCOPUS. Their
want of title and jurisdiction in the Western
Church was, in the reign of Charlemagne, held
to be fatal to their episcopal character, " nam
episcopi non erant, qui nee ad quandam epi-
scopalem sedem titulati erant, nee canonice a
tribus episcopis ordinati." The whole class
were therefore to be recognised as presbyters
only, and their ordinations were to be disallowed
"pro inanibus vacuisque habitae." [S. J. E.]
LOCULUS. [CATACOMBS, I. 306.]
LOCUTOKIUM. [PARLOUR.]
LOGIUM. [RATIONALE.]
LOGUORGUE, martyr, commemorated May
4 (Hieron. Mart.). [C. H.]
LOIS, grandmother of Timothy, commemo-
rated July 27 (Arm. Gal). [C. H.]
LOMANUS, bishop of Trim, commemorated
LORD
1041
with bishop Fortchern Feb. 17 (Boll. Acta SS.
Feb. hi. 13). [C. H.]
LONDON, COUNCIL OF (Londinense Con-
cilium), A.D. 605 or thereabouts, according ta
Mansi (x. 495), following Spelman and Wilkins,
who mistook a general assertion of St. Boniface
for one. (Stubbs's Wilkins, notes to pp. 51-2.)
[E. S. Ff.]
LONGI (Mo/cpoi). A name by which some
Egyptian monks were known, who were con-
cerned in the dispute between Theophilus of
Alexandria and St. John Chrysostom, archbishop
of Constantinople (Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. lib. vi.
c. 30). He explains that the appellative applied
only to three brothers, Ammonius, Eusebius, and
Dioscorus, who were remarkably tall.
[S. J. E.]
LONGINUS (1) Said to have been the soldier
who pierced the Lord's side. His martyrdom at
Caesarea in Cappadocia was commemorated March
15 (Hieron. Mart. ; Usuard, Mart. ; Boll. Acta
SS. March, ii. 384). In the Vet. Rom. Mart, he
occurs under Sept. 1, and in the Auctaria of Bede
under March 15 and Nov. 22. Under the latter
date a person of the same name, but otherwise
not designated, occurs as suffering in Cappadocia
(Hieron. Mart.).
(2) Said to have been the centurion who stood
by the cross, martyr, commemorated Oct. 16
(Byzant. Cal. ; Basil, Mend. ; Daniel, Cod. Liturg.
iv. 271). The Bollandists make Longinus the
soldier and Longinus the centurion both martyred
at Caesarea in Cappadocia and both commemo-
rated on March 15 (Acta SS. March, ii. 384). In
Bede's Auctaria, Oct. 23, occurs a Longinus who
suffered at Caesarea in Cappadocia.
(3) Soldier and martyr at Marseille, comme-
morated July 21 (Bede, Auct.).
(4) Martyr in Africa, commemorated Sept. 28
(Hieron. Mart.). [C. H.]
LONGUS (1) Martyr at Rome, commemo-
rated Oct. 2 (Hieron. Mart.).
(2) Martyr in Phrygia, commemorated Oct.
27 (Hieron. Mart.). [C. H.]
LOQUUMFAS, female martyr at Barcelona,
commemorated Feb. 15 (Hieron. Mart.)
[C. H.]
LORD (tcvpios, SfcriroTi^s, Dominus). On the
Old Testament (LXX) usage of these several
words, see DICT. OF THE BIBLE, art. Lord.
I. Dominus, see under that heading in vol. i.
II. Kvpios is a general title of respect, and,
when employed in the vocative, exactly like Sit-
in English (St. John iv. 11, xii. 21).
AecrTroTTjs is employed sometimes in the same
connexion : the use of dominus in later times is
exactly similar.
AecrTroTTjs, Kvpios, and dominus are bestowed
upon bishops. In a letter from Eusebius of
Nicomedia to Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, we find
him styling his correspondent lord (Kvpios).
This was probably an excess of adulation. The
Prooemium to the acts of the 1st Council of
Aries (A.D. 314) speaks of pope Sylvester as
"Lord " (Dominus). Similarly the epistle of the
synod at Gangra (324) speaks to the bishops of
Armenia, as " dominis honorabilibus consacer-
1042
LORD
dotibus." A letter of the Egyptian bishops to
pope Marcus (336) asking for copies of the Nicene
canons, is addressed (if we may trust the text)
"domino sancto et Apostolici culminis vene-
rando papae. Arid he, in replying, used a similar
formula, "dominis venerabilibus fratribus." So
the epistle of the Orientals to pope Julius I.
(337).
In and after the time of Constantine we find
many examples of this usage. St. John Chry-
sostom, writing to pope Innocent (A.D. 402-417,
Episc. 122, ad Innoc. Episc. Rom.), superscribes
his letter " ToJ 5e<77r<fo-j; fj.ov ra> u5e<n,ua>TaTa>
/col 6eo<pi\f<TTa.Tu> f-nL(TK&irtp .... 'lodwris ei>
Kvpica x'V 6 "'-" I n ^ ac * henceforward it was
applied to men of high rank, both in church
and state, " pariterque caeteri principes atque
nobiles turn ecclesiae turn reipublicae " (Spel-
man, Glossar. s. v. " Lord ").
But yet the designation " Lord" was not uni-
versal in addressing bishops : many letters are
found without it : and it is remarkable that St.
Jerome, writing to pope Damasus, although he
was his superior and patron, calls him merely
" beatissimus papa." (The letter is curious, as
being written to suggest that the ' Gloria Patri"
and Alleluia should be added to the psalms when
sung ; which had not, up to that time, been
done at Rome.) Yet in the very next letter
we find Stephen, archbishop of Aphricae (? An-
tiphra in Libya), addressing the same man in a
synodical letter, as " lord" (Joininus). So also
this very Damasus in a letter to the bishops of
Bithynia calls them '' domini venerabiles."
The truth seems to be that whenever any one,
cleric or layman, addressing a bishop, wished
to be particularly respectful, he said " dominus"
not otherwise.
By the early part of the 6th century it,
had become, in some parts of the church, an
official style of those in high position, whether
ecclesiastical or civil. The early Frank kings
both received it themselves and bestowed it
upon others. (Epist. Clodov. Eeg. Franc, ad
Syn. Aurel. 7.) Compare SUPERSCRIPTION.
III. Kvpios, Dominus, was especially a title
of the emperors, both in earlier and later times,
before and after the Christian era. Augustus,
indeed, forbad by an edict the addressing of
himself as Dominus (Suet. Vit. August, c. 53),
probably from a prudent political motive; and
Tiberius (Suet. Vit. Neron. c. 27) renewed the
prohibition. But afterwards the use of the
title became very common ; and Domitian caused
himself to be styled, not only " Dominus" but
"Deus"(Suet. Vit.Domit.c. 13). Tertullian (^oo-
log. c. 34) praises the moderation of Augustus,
and explains in what sense he himself employed
the word ; " dicam plane imperatorem dominum,
sed more communi ; sed quando non cogor ut
Dominum Dei vice dicam. Ceterum liber sum
illi ; Dominus enim meus unus est, omnipotens
Deus aeternus. . .Qui pater patriae est, quomodo
dominus est ? Sed et gratius est nomeu pietatis
quam potestatis : etiam familiae magis patres
quam domini vocantur."
Arius and Euzoius, writing to Constantine
about A.D. 326, call him " dominus noster."
The bishops of the Council of Rimini (A.D. 359)
address Constantius as " domine, amabilis Deo
Imperator."
IV. Lord (dominus) appears to be sometimes
LORD'S DAY
used during this period in the sense of " saint."
(Epist. Cabilon. Cone, ad Theod.) [S. J. E.]
V. Liturgical use. The word Kvpios is applied
both to the first Person of the Holy Trinity, as
in St. James, c. 26 (Daniel, Codex, iv. 105),
where God the Creator is invoked as Kvpie 6
&e6s ; to the second, as in St. James, c. 5,
where He is addressed as 6 Kvpios KCU Qebs
ri/j.w 'lijffovs Xpio-r6s ; and to the Holy Trinity
itself, as in St. James, c. 10, where Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit, to whom the hymn is sent up,
are addressed as Kvpie u &fbs r^iav. AfffiroTiis
is similarly used; in St. James, c. 21, for
instance, we find it AfffTrora 6 Qebs 6 itavTQ-
Kpo.r<ap, 6 TlaT^ip TOV Xpio~Tov ffov, where God
the Father is addressed ; in St. James, c. 3, the
Son is addressed as Ae'cm-ora Kvpie 'lytrov
XpiirTf. In Latin, the word Dominus is used as
an appellation both of the Father to whom the
prayer is addressed, and of the Son through
whom it is offered.
In most Western rites the reader, when about
to recite a lection, says " Jube, domine, bene-
dicere." It has been doubted whether this is
addressed to God or to the priest. It probably,
however, as archdeacon Freeman (Divine Service,
i. 113) has pointed out, isu request to the priest
that he would desire a blessing, and might be
rendered, " Sir, desire God to bless us" (compare
Leslie's Portiforium Sarisb. p. 5, and note, p.
Hi.). The corresponding Greek form is simply
fv\6yr)ffov Se'cnroTa, as (e.g.) in the Byzantine
liturgy (Daniel, iv. 327, 329, etc.), where the
SSO-TTOTTJS is clearly the priest. It is noteworthy,
that in the East the priest responded to the
request by blessing God (ev\6yriTos & QeJs), in
the West by blessing himself and the congrega-
tion. See on this point the Begula Benedicti
Commentata, note on c. 9, in Migne, Patrol, vol.
Ivi. p. 272. [C.]
LORD'S DAY. (^ KvpiaKr) T>/j.tpa, Dominions
or Dominica dies.) The origin of the name is un-
doubtedly to be found in the well-known passage
(Rev. i. 10), ^yfv6jjLi]v ev irvev/j.aTi ev TTJ Kvpi-
a.Kfi -rip-epa. Even if that passage stood alone, it
would be difficult to accept either of the rival
interpretations, one of which refers the name to
the Sabbath, and the other to the " Day of the
Lord." But taking into consideration the re-
markable catena of patristic usage which, from
Ignatius downwards, establishes the regular and
technical use of r\ icvpiaicri for the " first day of
the week," it is not too much to say that these
interpretations may be dismissed as unworthy
of serious attention. The same usage, moreover
(especially in connection with the history of the
Paschal controversy), seems effectually to dis-
pose of a third interpretation, which understands
by the TT? KvpiaKfj the annual festival of the
Resurrection, or Easter day. (On these points
see Dr. Hessey's article " Lord's Daij " in Smith's
DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE.) We accept, there-
fore, unhesitatingly the traditional interpretation
which sees in this passage of St. John a
reference to the weekly Lord's day, as a well-
known and established festival in the apostolic
church. The more common scriptural desig-
nation of that day is the fi fj.ia or /nia ffafiPdrwi
(Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 2 ; Luke xxiv. 1 ;
John xxi. 19 ; Acts xx. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 2.) In
one passage, Mark xvi. 9 (the disputed passage
LOBD'S DAY
at the close of the Gospel), we have irpiarri <ra/3-
fiarov or ffafifiaraiv. The use of the TJ KvptaKi}
by St. John marks transition to the common
post-apostolie usage. In one well-known passage
in the (so-called) Epistle of Barnabas (c. xvi.),
for a reason suggested by the context, we find
the day, in contrast with the Jewish sabbath,
called the 07807; r/ae'pa, an expression taken up
and amplified into the oySorj tyu.e'pa 5) Kal
irpdm} of subsequent Fathers. At a later period,
when the hebdomadal division of the time began
to prevail in the Roman empire, we find Chris-
tian writers designating the day by its heathen
name (the TJ TOV ri\iov Xeyof^evri iifj-tpa of
Justin Martyr). And from the time of the cele-
brated edict of Constantine, which speaks of the
"venerabilis Solis dies,'' the two names were
much interchanged, Christian writers sometimes
using (though less frequently than we do) the
name " Sunday," and on the other hand the
Christian designation making its way into the
statute book, as in the edict of Gratian, A.D. 386
(" Solis die, quern Dominicum rite dixere ma-
jores ") [WEEK.]
(I.) Turning from the name to the thing, it
seems impossible to doubt that from the earliest
existence of the church the Lord's day was
observed as the characteristic Christian festival,
hallowed as a commemoration of that Resurrec-
tion of the Lord, which was the leading subject
in the earliest forms of Christian preaching. To
this primary consecration of the day was added a
second, in the descent of the Holy Spirit on the
day of Pentecost, which in that year fell on the
first day of the week. The passage in the
Epistle of Barnabas referred to (Sib KCU 'ayo^fv
T-j-jv i]/j.epav TT)V o-ySoijv ets fv<ppoffuvr]v, tv ?; KCU
o 'I7jo"o0s avecrTT} tK rial' vtKpuv Kal (pavepwdtls
avffir) els TOVS oiipavovs) seems even to indicate
the notion that it was the day of the Ascension
also. We may naturally ask, How could a day
so hallowed fail of reverent festal observance ?
We trace indications of such observance, brief
indeed, but unmistakeable, in Holy Scripture
itself (see Dr. Hessey's article in his Bampton
Lectures) ; and these are still further illustrated
by the testimony of early writers.
But the undoubted fact of this observance
by no means involves the inference often drawn
from it, that the keeping of the Lord's day must
be traced to an apostolic decree, transferring to
it, directly or by implication, the sanctity of
the Sabbath, which was familiar to the early
Christians, as being themselves Jews, or having
been converted under Jewish influence. It is
almost needless to say that of such a decree we
have no evidence whatever, either in Holy Scrip-
ture or in Church History. Now in regard to
Holy Scripture, it would, indeed, be most unsafe
to allege its silence as conclusive against the
existence of such a decree ; although that silence
must to some degree tell against it, especially
when we consider the many references in the
Pastoral Epistles to details of church order and
practical religious life. But we are not left here
to negative evidence. There are positive indica-
tions of an absolute freedom of dealing with
such subjects, quite incompatible not merely with
the existence of a formal apostolic decree, but
even^with the idea that the observance of the
Lord's day had yet attained to the supreme and
unique sanctity accorded to it in later ages.
CHUIST. ANT. VOL. II.
LORD'S DAY
1013
St. Paul's treatment of the general question of the
observation of days in Rom. xiv. 5 (os- /j.fv
>][j.tpai> irap" rjfifpav, t>s 5e Kpivei Ttaaa
tKacrros fv Tip ISi^i vot irATjpo^opei'trS&j), and
his unqualified condemnation of the " observ-
ing of days " in Gal. iv. 10 to say nothing
of the tone of his celebrated reference to the
abolition of the sabbath in Col. ii. 16 -appeal-
decisive on this point. Granting that the
especial reference of the apostle was in all
cases to the Jewish festivals, it is instructive to
compare with his sweeping treatment of the sub-
ject the apologetic comments on these very pas-
sages, made by patristic writers, at a time when
the Lord's day and other Christian festivals had
established themselves in definite observance. See,
for example, St. Jerome's twofold attempt to an-
swer (" simpliciter " and " acutius respondere ")
the objection, " Dicat aliquis ; Si dies observare
uon licet . . . nos quoque simile crimen incurra-
mus, quartam sabbati observantes et Parasceven
et diem Dominicam " (Comm. in Gal. lib. ii.
ad c. iv. 10). If we pass from Holy Scripture
to the writers of the early church, the fact of
utter silence on this subject becomes more and
more significant, when we remember their
natural anxiety to appeal on all points to apo-
stolic authority, their constant declaration or
assumption that all Jewish observances had
passed away, and their delight in tracing in these
transitory observances types of the higher
Christian ordinances, which were not to pass
away. Hence we must, indeed, fully agree with
those who urge that the celebration of the Lord's
day is one of these essential and principal ele-
ments of the religious life of the church, which
can plead apostolical authority. A priori we
should hold it all but impossible that the day
should have been neglected among the followers
of Him who " was declared to be the Son of God
with power by the resurrection from the dead."
From the indications in holy Scripture, which have
been so often commented upon, we cannot doubt
that it was so regularly hallowed, as to make
its observance, both to Christian and heathen,
a distinctive mark of Christianity. But the
notion that the Lord's day, in that complete-
ness of sacred distinction from all other days
which is now universal among all Christians, was
formally established by apostolic decree is pro-
bably, in relation to historical truth, much what
the old legend of the composition of the Apostles'
Creed is to the actual process of its formation.
In both cases what are chief treasures of our
later Christianity grew up by the natural fitness
of things and were never formally made. It is
obvious that the true view of their genesis de-
tracts nothing from their sacredness, nothing
from their claim to be of the essence of the
Christian system.
The history of the celebrated Paschal contro-
versy is singularly instructive on this very
point. If the Lord's day had been already
stamped by definite apostolic decree as the
one great Christian festival, deriving its sacred-
ness from the resurrection of the Lord, it
would have been impossible for the churches of
Palestine and Asia to dream of keeping the
annual commemoration of the resurrection itself
on any day, except the Lord's day. But the
gradual acceptance of the Roman view, disre-
garding all Jewish associations in consideration
3 Y
1044
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
of the greater fitness of the Lord's day* is
exactly that which we might expect to result
i'rom such a process of gradual establishment of
the Lord's day, as has been described above.
(II.) It is likely that in this case, as in so many
others, the close of the apostolic age was a period
of rapid development of formal church ordinance.
The existence in A.D. 170 of a regular treatise
on the subject by Melito, bishop of Sardis (see
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iv. 26), connected ap-
parently with the Paschal controversy, seems
plainly indicative of such a development. The
well-known passage of Justin Martyr in his
Apology, describes how " on the day called
Sunday " there was a religious assembly of those
who dwelt either in the cities or in the country.
It notes the chief points of an established
service viz. the reading of the Apostles or the
rophets, the sermon, the prayers, the partaking
of the bread and wine consecrated by thanks-
giving and prayers, and the giving of alms, con-
taining the germ of the clearly ancient liturgies.
Nor is it possible to doubt that this celebration
had become so marked as to impress the mind
of the heathen with the distinctive character of i
the status dies of Pliny's famous letter to Trajan.
In the passage from Dionysius of Corinth (A.D.
175), quoted by Eusebius (H. E. iv. 22), the
keeping of the Lord's day is spoken of as a
matter of course (TTJ^ ff-fi/j.epov KvpiaKrjv T$)V
ayiav rj/j.epai' SiTj-yayojuei/), very much as we
might speak now. And in the method of its
observance (the celebration of the Holy Com-
munion being, of course, excepted) much was
probably borrowed from the practice of the
synagogue on the sabbath day. But it must
not be supposed for a moment that such obser-
vance was identified in any degree with sabbatical
observance, or based on formal obligation of the
fourth commandment. On the contrary, the
principle of its observance is exactly that which
is indicated in the celebrated passage of Ignatius
(ad Marjn. ix.), /xrj/ceVi <ral3l3a.TiovTes a\\a Kara
KvpiaKr)v b ^cav-Tfs, iv ?; Kal rj fioTj i]ij.uiv dveVeiAei/
St' O.VTOV. To " sabbatize " is the mark of the
Jew ; the Christian is to live KOTO, Kvpia.Kr)v, i.e.
not only in the observance of the Lord's day,
but according to the spirit of that day, as some-
thing wholly diverse from the conception of the
sabbath. The very types of the observance of
the Lord's day, often fanciful enough, which
were traced in the Old Testament, mark an entire
separation in thought from the idea of the
a In the treatise of Bede, de Aequinoctio Yernali, there
is a curious account of a council of Caesarea, held under
Tbeophilus, on the Paschal controversy. In the course of
it (see Labbe, Concilia, i. 714) the bishops are repre-
sented as declaring the Benedictions of the Lord's day.
(a) Because on it the light was created. (&) Because on
it the people passed to freedom through the Red Sea.
(c) Because on it the manna was given, (d) Because
Hoses (Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 7, 8) commanded to keep
" the first and the last day " (hoc est dominicus et sab-
batum). (e) Because in Ps. cxviii. the words are spoken
of it : " This is the day which the Lord hath made."
(/) Because the Lord on it rose from the dead. The
historical value of the account is of course more than
questionable. But the light which it throws on the
traditional ideas of the Lord's day is very interesting.
t> The oi)>/ found here in the ordinary text is probably
to be omitted, as in the Latin. If it be read it must be
taken with
sabbath. In the Epistle of Barnabas (c. xvi.)
for instance, the sabbath is a type of the mil-
lennium after the six thousand years typified in
the six days of creation ; the Lord's day, as the
eighth day, is the beginning of another world
(aAAoy KOCT/J.OV apxTt)- c Justin Martyr, when
he describes the special celebration of public
service of the " day called Sunday " derives its
sacredness, first, from its being the first day on
which God, dispelling darkness and chaos, made
the world, next, from the resurrection on it of
the Lord Jesus Christ. This is in his Apology,
addressed to the heathen (Apol. i. 67). Where
he argues with the Jews, he actually makes the
eighth day of the circumcision a type of our
receiving the true circumcision of the heart
through the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from
the dead on the first day of the week, which
after the completion of the cycle of the days is
the eighth day, though it is still the first {Dial,
with Trypho, sect. 19). d This conception, fanci-
ful as it is, is taken up more than once by later
writers. Thus St. Augustine asks of circumcision,
" Quare ergo octavo die ? Quia in hebdomadibus
idem primus qui octavus .... Finitur sep-
timus, Dominus sepultus : reditur ad primurn,
Dominus resuscitatus. Domini enim resuscitatio
promisit nobis aeternum diem, et consecravit
nobis Domiuicum diem " (Serm. de Script, clxix.
1170 c). Hence our Lord Himself, as being the
rest of the just, giving them a <ro/3/8crri(r/tbs in
the millennial kingdom, is occasionally called
the Great Sabbath, of which the " little sabbath "
of the Jews is but a type. The idea is perhaps
suggested by Col. ii. 10, where the sabbath and
the other Jewish festivals are " the shadow of
things to come, but the body " (or substance)
" is of Christ." And His rest in the tomb marked
what was technically known as the Me'yo cra/3-
PaTov, the last of the ancient sabbaths ; His
rising from the dead on the Lord's day began
the new Christian era. The notion afterwards em-
bodied in the title of the " Christian sabbath "
that the Lord's day is a spiritualized sabbath,
to which the obligation of the fourth command-
ment is transferred, perhaps a revival of a
patriarchal sabbath of all mankind, which had
been for a time overborne by the rigid legalism
of the Mosaic sabbath has no locus standi
whatever either in Scripture or in primitive
antiquity.
But it should be noticed that the development
of the Lord's day in relation to the sabbath
would naturally differ considerably in Jewish and
Gentile Christianity. To the Jewish Christians,
in the earliest stages of the history of the church,
the sabbath and the sabbatical rest would
remain unaltered. Just as they united the
" being with one accord in the temple " with the
"breaking of the bread at home," so the cele-
c Compare St. Aug. Serin, de Tempore, cclix. 2 (vol. v.
p. 1548 A Ben. ed. 1838): "Octavus dies in fine saeculi
novam vitam significat: Septimus quietem futurani
sanctorum in hac terra." The sermon was preached on
the first Sunday after Easter (the octave), and begins
' Hodiernus dies magno Sacramento perpetuae felicitatis
est nobis."
d Even in the eight saved in the ark for a new world
he finds a type of the eighth day, on which Christ, the
head of a new humanity, arose from the dead. (Dial
with, Trypho, c. 138.)
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
1045
bration of the new Lord's day would present
itself to them as something co-existing with the
sabbath, incapable of being confounded with it. e
The idea of Christian worship would attach mainly
to the one ; the obligation of rest would con-
tinue attached to the other ; although a certain
interchange of characteristics would grow up, as
worship necessitated rest, and rest naturally
suggested worship. Under these circumstances
the two days would be regarded as festivals, per-
haps at first almost co-ordinate ; afterwards the
dignity of the Lord's day must have continually
increased, and that of the sabbath as continually
decreased. Even after Jewish Christianity, as
such, had passed away, the effect of this original
attitude of mind might easily remain. To it
may probably be traced the well-known con-
tinuance of the sabbath as a festival in the
Eastern church (with the sole exception of the
great sabbath of Easter Eve). Even the tra-
dition that Marcion kept the sabbath as a fast,
because it was the festival of the God of the
Jews, to whom he refused all homage, perhaps
illustrates, by its spirit of antagonism, the con-
nexion of the festal observation of the sabbath
with the old Jewish influence upon the church.
The quasi co-ordination of the Lord's day with
the sabbath in the 'Apostolical Constitutions'
brings it out in its most striking form. [On this
subject see SABBATH.] But it concerns our
present purpose chiefly to remark that this
preservation of the ancient sabbath in the church
must have acted as a constant witness against
any tendency to " sabbatize " the Lord's day.
Among purely Gentile Christians it would be
far otherwise. To them, except for its sacred
historic associations, the sabbath would have no
existence. The attempt to " exercise dominion
over them in respect of the sabbath day " was
one of the Judaizing usurpations which St. Paul
bade them repel. Hence to them the Lord's day
would be the one sole weekly festival. The
sabbath appeared simply as the eve of the Lord's
day ; even for that reason it might naturally be
kept as a fast, according to the general though
not universal custom of the Western church;
and, wherever strong anti-Judaic feeling developed
itself, it would incline men to adopt the same
practice out of sheer antagonism. But for this
very reason, paradoxical as the statement may
seem, the tendency to sabbatize the Lord's day
would be far stronger than under the other con-
dition of things. The study of the Old Testament,
and especially the recognition of the decalogue as
the code of divine morality, must have suggested
that the weekly celebration of a hallowed day of
rest was a moral duty, concerning all mankind as
such, to be regarded, indeed, as a privilege, but
yet, if necessary, to be enforced on the disobedient
as a law. Where could such a day be found but
m the Lord's day ? Eound that day would gather
naturally and insensibly all the ideas which once
attached to the sabbath. It would be felt that
such a transference of idea could only take place
nutatis mutandis. Such distinctions would be
made between the characteristic principles of
c This is illustrated by Eusebins' notice of the Ebionite
:tice_ (Eccl. Hist. iii. 27) : TO juev cra/S/SaTOK al -ftp,
ai/oji/ crywyrji/ o/xoi'to? t/ceiVoi; 7rape<iu'A<iTTOi>'
lov&
rat &' a.v
r|M.e'p<us
T a 7rapan-A>7<7<.a
T7Js TOU Kvptou ai<aoTo<reu>s eireTe'Aoui'.
Jewish and Christian observance as we find in
St. Jerome on Gal. iv. 10, asserting the greater
elasticity and spirituality of the Christian
system. But these would not prevent a certain
tendency to sabbatize the day, from which the
very preservation of the ancient sabbath would
guard the churches, in which Jewish influence
had been strong.
In this process of development the difference
in character and tone between Eastern and
Western Christianity is remarkably shewn. The
Greek mind, as represented by the Alexandrian
school, inclined more to theoretical principle ;
the Latin mind, as in the school of Carthage,
to practical rule. Clement of Alexandria, vor
instance, urges that to the true Gnostic every
day is a holy day, and when he alludes to the
Lord's day he deals with its observance (just as
with the fasts of the Wednesday and Friday)
transcendentally (KupiaKrjv e/ceiVrjc TTJV rjpfpav
TroieT, orav airo/BaAA.?; <pav\ov vur)/j.a Kal yvcaar itchy
7rpo<rAa/3j;, Tyv tv avrtf TOV Kvpiov avaffTaffiv
Sodfav, Strom, vii. 12). At the same time his
implicit opposition of the Lord's day to the
sabbath, as of the positive to the negative, is
notable, as unconsciously preparing for the
" spiritual sabbath " of the future. He speaks
of the seventh day as being a rest only in the
sense of an abstinence from evil, but it is said to
introduce the first day, which is our " real rest,"
and the true birthday of light (IjSSo/xTj TO'IVVV
rifj.fpa ava-rravcris KrjpvTTerui a.TroX'h KO.KUIV,
TOifjLO.ovffa. TT/J/ apxiyovov j]fj.fpav T^V Tq ov-ri
ai>dirav(nv rj/jifav Trjv 8?; Kal TrpiaTr]v ry OVTL
(pcarbs yevecriv, Strom, vi. 16). His idea is to
contrast the whole of the lower system of the
law with the higher light of the gospel. But the
passage, as it seems to suggest the representation
of the one by the sabbath, and the other by the
Lord's day, might lead naturally to the concep-
tion of some substitution of the one day for the
other. Exactly in the same spirit Origen, in
defending the Christians against Celsus, quotes
the dictum : eopr^j ouSeV fffnv ?} TO. Seoi'Ta
irpaTTfiv, and urges that the true Christian is
always keeping Lord's days ; and referring to
Gal. iv. 10, apologises (much as St. Jerome
does) for the setting apart of the " Lord's days
and the Fridays, Easter and the Pentecost," as a
necessary discipline for the less perfect. But
he, like Clement, contrasts the Lord's day with
the sabbath, as superior to it in nature, when
in mystical commentary on Exod. xvi. 4, 5, he
finds a foreshadowing of its superiority, in the
gift on that day of the manna withheld on the
sabbath. He makes the manna symbolic of the
bread of heaven, the Word of God, unceasingly
showered down on the Lord's day, and interprets
" in the evening ye shall know that I am the
Lord," of the rolling away of the stone and
the earthquake at the close of the great sab-
bath on the eve of the first Lord's day (see vol.
ii. p. 154, Bened. ed. 1733). And again, on
John i. 6, in a curious mystical interpretation of
the names of Zacharias, Elizabeth, and John, he
describes the end of the old dispensation as the
<ral3f)a.Tt(T/j.oi> Kopwls, and declares that from
it we cannot derive T\\V ^uera rb ffafifiarov
ai/a.Trav<nv, the gift of which is connected witi
conformity, as to the death, so to the resurrection
of Christ (see vol. iv. p. 86). Even in these
writers we see a spiritual gravitation towards a
3 Y 2
1046
LOED'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
virtual substitution of the Lord's day for the
sabbath, not prevented by the assertion of the
same superiority over it which the gospel mani-
fests over the law. If we turn to Tertullian, the
same conception of substitution presents itself in
a more concrete form. He is anti-Judaic enough ;
the sabbaths and all the ceremonials of the law
are, in his eyes, absolutely gone ; they were but
preparatory, and cannot continue when their
function is completed. But in pleading against
frequenting idolatrous festivals he makes the
keeping of the Lord's day and the Pentecost
the badge of Christianity, contrasting them with
the heathen festivals on one side, and the sab-
baths and '' feriae aliquando a Deo dilectae " on
the other. In speaking of the habit of stand-
ing in prayer on the Lord's day, he urges that
on that day we should cast off all worldly
anxieties, " differentes etiam negotia ne quern
diabolo locum demus " (de Oratione, c. 23), The
rest enjoined is, no doubt, simply a means, not
an end ; but it is notable as the first direct
recognition of a sacred rest, as inseparable from
the idea of the Lord's day. In a time like Ter-
tullian's, when the church system was fully, even
rigidly, organised, it is not difficult to trace here
a preparation for some Sabbatarianism hereafter.
In fact, two lines of thought must have co-
existed in the church. On the one side there
was the conviction, not only that the Jewish
sabbath had passed away, but that the spirit of
strict legal observance, especially in any negative
aspect, was foreign to the whole spirit of the
gospel. On the other side, there was the ten-
dency to more regular and formal Christian
observance, gathering naturally round the
recurring weekly festival of the resurrection ;
and allied with this, the perception of the value
of an ordinance of weekly rest, such as that or-
dained in the fourth commandment, to man as
man. From this, by a natural transition, would
grow up the disposition to set up the Lord's day,
first for religious worship and then for rest, in
some rivalry to the ancient sabbath, as being,
indeed, superior in dignity and spirituality, but
yet a supreme and unique festival, to be ob-
served with equal strictness. These last lines of
thought might enter sometimes into alliance,
sometimes into conflict. Each would in turn
emerge into prominence, and the conception of
the Lord's day would fluctuate accordingly.
(III.) But with the beginning of the conversion
of the empire a crisis came. The most important
epoch in the history of the Lord's day is marked
by the issue of the celebrated edict of Constan-
tine : " Omnes judices urbanaeque plebes et
cunctarum artium officia venerabili die Sol is
quiescant. Ruri tamen positi agrorum culturae
libere licenterque inserviant, quoniam fre-
quenter evenit ut non aptius alio die frumenta
sulcis aut vineae scrobibus mandentur, ne occa-
sione momenti pereat commoditas coelesti pro-
visione concessa" (see Cod. Just, book iii. tit. 12,
3). This edict was clearly intended to pay
honour to the great Christian festival, although,
in accordance with Constantine's general policy,
it declined to identify the emperor with the
religion, which he desired only indirectly to
support, and only gradually to establish. The
use of the heathen name of the " solis dies,"
with the vague title " venerabilis " a title
rendered the more ambiguous by the known re-
verence which Constantine had delighted to pay
to the Sun-god was probably something more
than conventional. But the effect of the edict,
at a time when Christianity was rising as rapidly
as heathenism was sinking into decay, must un-
doubtedly have told mainly on the Christian
festival. It would invest the observation of the
Lord's day with all the strength (and the weak-
ness) which the sanction of civil law to religious
observance must necessarily produce. But more
particularlv by the prominence given to the idea
of rest from ordinary work, which was emphasised
all the more by the exemption granted to agri-
cultural labour on the plea of necessity, it
introduced a new conception of the day itself/
The advocates of the Sabbatarian view in later
times were not wholly wrong when they com-
pared Constantine to Moses, on the ground that
he instituted a kind of new sabbath in the Chris-
tian church. For whatever tendency there was
already existing to sabbatize the Lord's day
would be enormously increased by this inter-
ference of the temporal power. The idea of
rest would become primary instead of subsidiary ;
the observance would have more of the law, less
of the spirit.
The tendency towards Sabbatarianism was
evidently slow, for it had the old and well-
established conception of the day to overcome.
But, although slow, it appears to have been sure.
The edict itself was only the beginning of a
long series of imperial laws, constantly in-
creasing in stringency and in unambiguous con-
nexion of the solis dies with Christianity.
Eusebius (de Vit. Const, iv. 18, 19, 20) declares
that Constantine himself went much farther in
this course, as his adhesion to Christianity
became more decided. He speaks of two edicts
to the army, enjoining rest from arms on that
day and celebration of religious worship, by
the Christians in the church service, by the
pagans in the fields, offering to the supreme
Deity a prayer authorised by the emperor. This
prayer he quotes. It is a prayer in which
nothing occurs distinctively Christian, but which
is essentially monotheistic and entirely uncon-
nected with the pagan mythology. In speaking
of the ordinance for the Christians, Eusebius
calls the day the ScorTjpioy i]/j.fpa V /ecu <pca-rbs
flvai Kal Tj\iov fTTiavv/^ov ffv/j.[3aivi : in refer-
ence to the heathen, simply r\ TOV <t>wTbs T}/j.fpa.
He then adds, Sib Tols virb TT\V 'P<n3fj.atu.'V ap-
X^v xoXiTevo/J.ei'ots ij.Tra.ffiv ff'x.oXTiv &-yfiv rats
TOV SccTfjpos rifj.fpais
Se TT]V irpb TOV ffaj8/3aTot>S Tifj.a.v'
f In another law of Constantine, A.D. 321, there is a
recognition of the fitness of certain exceptional legal
operations for this day : " gratum et jucundum est, eo die
quae sunt maxime. votiva compleri, atque ideb enianci-
pandi et manumittendi die festo cuncto licentiam ha-
beant" (Cod. Theod. II. tit. viii. 1). This appears to
have been borrowed from older practice as to heathen
festivals. But it is not improbable that in this case
there was a special reference to the characteristic idea
of the Lord's day, as the day of the completion of our
redemption.
e This is an emendation for ras TOV o-a/3j3aToi>, evi-
dently necessary. There is a passage in Sozomen (Hist.
Eccl. i. c. 8) which forms an excellent elucidation of this t
especially of the last clause, in the words eri^a Se TT\V
Kvpiatcrji 1 , ws iv rauTTj TOV Xpicrrou araorarros fK vtupGiV'
Trjv &e erfpav, cos fv av
LORD'S DAY
LOED'S DAY
1047
O fj.01 SoK~iV TUV tV TavraiS TW
pdxSai /J.vrj/j.ovfvofj.eviai'. This passage ex-
tends the statement to the civil population, and
adds the celebration of the Friday to that of the
Sunday. It is true that these edicts of Constan-
tine are not found in the codes, and that Euse-
bius is anxious to make the most of the
Christianity of the subject of his panegyric. But
it is incredible that he should have been either
misinformed or insincere in the main substance
of hi:- statements ; and it would have been quite
accordant with Constantine's temporising policy
to issue such commands, as special edicts, not to
be enrolled among formal laws. However this
may be, under Constantine's successors there
were reiterated enactments in this direction, free
from the ambiguity of the original law.
Thus we have two laws prohibiting exaction
of debt on that day, one under Valentinian and
Valens (A..D. 368), protecting Christians against
being forced into litigation on that day, the
"dies solis, qui dudum faustus habetur " (Cod.
Theod. VIII. tit. viii. 1) ; the other under
Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius (A.D. 386),
extending this immunity to all, calling the day
plainly the " dies solis quern Doniinicum rite
dixere majores," and branding any infringe! 1 of
the law as " non modo notabilis, verum etiam
sacrilegus " (Cod. Theod. VIII. tit. viii. 2). The
progress marked by the contrast of these two
laws is significant. The former, recognising the
Christians as a sect, is exactly of the same
nature as a law of Honorius and Theodosius in
409, protecting the Jews from being forced to
work or litigation on the sabbath or other of
their sacred days (Cod. Theod. II. tit. viii. 3).
The latter accepts Christianity as the religion of
the empire, and enforces on all by law the
sacredness of its chief festival.
Again, the celebration of the day was
gradually separated by law from all heathen
and even secular associations. In 389, under
Theodosius, the " solis dies " and the " Sancti
Paschae dies " (the weeks before and after
Easter) are included with the harvest and vint-
age seasons, the Kalends of January, and the days
of the foundation of Rome and Constantinople,
as forensic holidays (Cod. Theod. II. tit. viii. 2).
In 386 it was ordered that no one should pre-
sent to the people any spectacle on the " dies
solis," " ne divinam venerationem coufecti sol-
lemnitate confundat " (Cod. T/teod.XV. tit.v. 2).
In 425, under Theodosius the younger, we find
a law enacting an entire abstinence from all
amusements of the theatre or the circus, on the
"Dies Dominicus," Christmas day, Epiphany,
Easter, and the Pentecost, in order that the
whole minds of Christians may be devoted to
worship of God. It denounces any infringement
of the law by " the infatuated impiety of the
Jews or the stolid error and madness of "heathen-
ism," and orders the celebration even of the em-
peror's birthday to be set aside for the sake of
the Christian holy day (Cod Theod. XV. tit, v. 5).
The same law is reiterated in even stronger
terms under Leo and Anthemius (A.D. 469), in
reference to the Lord's da)-, which is to be kept
absolutely sacred, not only from business, but
also from " obscene pleasures " of the theatre,
the circus, and the amphitheatre (Cod. Just. lib.
in. tit. xii. 11). Nor should we pass over a re-
markable law of Honorius and Theodosius (A.D.
409), which expressly orders that on the Lord's
day the judges shall have prisoners brought
before them, to inquire whether they have been
treated humanely, to see that food is give'n to
the destitute, and that the prisoners be allowed,
under guard, to go to the bath. The bishops
were to put the judges in mind of this duty
(Cod. Just, i. tit. iv. 9). It may be noted that
at a later period (A.D. 529) under Justinian, the
bishops were ordered to visit the prisoners on
Wednesdays or Fridays (the Lord's day being
probably thought to be too much occupied), to
inquire into the cases of the prisoners, and to
see whether any neglect of duty on the part of
the magistrates had taken place (Cod. Just. tit.
iv. 22). But the fifth council of Orleans,
twenty years later (A.D. 549), orders the arch-
deacon or provost (praepositus ecclesiae) to make
the visitation on the Lord's day itself, with a
view to the relief of necessitous prisoners (see
Labbe, Councils, vol. is. p. 134). It should be
observed that these laws recognise the positive
duty ot works of charity on the Lord's day,
precisely as He Himself had recognised it on the
sabbath.
This long series of temporal enactments (in
considering which we have, for the sake of ex-
hibiting them as a whole, anticipated chronolo-
gical order) must have told very powerfully upon
the conception of the Lord's day in the church
itself, not only tending to formalize its celebra-
tion, but to invest it in great degree with the
character of a sabbath. Still, however, there
was no connexion of its observance with the
obligation of the fourth commandment, and
therefore no application to it either of the laws
of the Jewish sabbath, or of our Lord's teaching
on the subject, as modifying and spiritualizing
these laws.
But when the legal enforcement of rest on
the Lord's day was once established, the next
step would not unnaturally follow. In fact, the
conception of it, as formally sanctioned by a
divine law, would recommend itself to different
schools of thought. It would be a refuge to any
who scrupled to accept in respect of Christian
festivals the authority of a merely temporal
power, not yet absolutely identified with Chris-
tianity. It would appear to earnest-minded
men as a short and ready way of maintaining a
high spirituality of tone, in the face of the con-
ventional and insincere observance to which the
imperial interference would probably give rise.
It would afford to the courtly satellites of the
emperor an opportunity of flattering his desire
of being " a bishop as to things and men with-
out," by representing him as being the restorer
of a half-forgotten divine law. From various
causes it would make its way ; and, if once
admitted, its simplicity and cogency would help
it to supersede other pleas for the sacredness of
the day.
(IV.) This effect is not at first visible in the
great leaders of ecclesiastical opinion and faith.
In them we find the same general line of thought
which has already been described. It will be
sufficient to quote a few leading examples from
the East and West, St. Athanasius delights to
trace signs of honour done prophetically to the
Lord's day, the resurrection day of the Lord
(avaffTa.ffiiJ.os r/jue'pa), as in the title of the sixth
Psalm, " Upon the eighth " (which, however,
1048
LOED'S DAY
LOED'S DAY
seems to have no reference to the eighth day at
all) or in the celebrated passage of Ps. cxviii. 24,
" This is the day which the Lord hath made,"
which he connects with the " stone made the
head of the corner " (see v. 22). In the treatise
" de Sahbato et Circumcisione " (which is ascribed
to him, and questioned by the Benedictine
editors somewhat hesitatingly), there is a
curious passage, comparing the sabbath and the
Lord's day. His idea is that the first creation
had its end, and therefore its sabbatical rest ;
the second or new creation has no end, and
" therefore God rested not in it, but worketh
hitherto " (ews apn fpya^rat), referring, of
course, to John iv. 17. Accordingly (he says)
"we keep no sabbath day (ou5e cra/S/SaTi'fojuei'
7]/j.epav), but we look forward to the sabbath of
sabbaths" in heaven, which "the new creation
does not accept as its end, but its manifestation
and perpetual festival." But he adds, " as
God commanded men formerly to keep the sab-
bath day as a memorial of the end of the older
dispensation, so we keep the Lord's day as a
memorial of the beginning of the second new
creation " (our<as rriv KvpiaKr^v TL/J.U>/J.I> fj-vrj^-qv
ovcrav upxys Sevrepas ai/a/critreais). (See vol.
iii. pp. 42, 43, 44, Bened. ed.) On the subject of
circumcision, he repeats the old symbolism of
the eighth day, as signifying the Lord's day ;
and adds significantly, ?j oyS6ri rb trafifiaTov
f\vffev Kal ov rb ffafifiaTov TTJC oySoyv. But
though in all this there is some suggestion of
future ideas, there is still no view of the Lord's
day as a sabbath. The passage in the Homily
de Scmente (falsely ascribed to him), in which
we find the words. " The Lord changed the sab-
bath day into the Lord's day " (/xere'fhjKe 8e o
Kvptos T7]v rov <ra./3/3d.TOv -rifj-epav els K.uptaKr]v)
speaks obviously in this the language of later
times ; and is as absolutely at variance with the
tone of his teaching on this subject as with his
general style and line of thought.
This same idea is still more fully and
strikingly worked out by Epiphanius. Ho
calls the sabbath of the Jews the " little
sabbath," and, referring to the disciples' sup-
posed breach of the sabbath in the corn-fields, he
says that it signified the relaxation of the bond
of this little sabbath, because "Christ, the
great Sabbath was come," of whom Noah was a
type and Lamech's words (Gen. v. 29) a pro-
phecy; who is the great sabbath, first, because
He gives us rest from our sins, and next,
because the Father and the Holy Spirit have
rested in Him (avaTreTrauTcu zv aura?), and in
Him all saints found rest" (adv. Haer. lib. i.
torn. ii. p. 32). He refers, indeed, to the Lord's
day, as of apostolic celebration, but in this he
joins with it the Wednesday and Friday (adv.
Haer. lib. i. torn. ii. pp. 23, 24); and mentions
the occasional festal observation of the sabbath,
and Marcion's deliberate protest against this by
keeping it as a fast. From him alone we
should hardly gather even what we know to
have been true of the gradual emergence of the
Lord's day into an unique observance, both as
to worship and as to rest.
In connexion with this period it may be well
to glance at the remarkable treatment of this
subject in the " Apostolical Constitutions "
which [see APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS] must
be referred to about the fourth and fifth cen-
turies. These exemplify in the clearest way
the statement above made, that the preservation
of the observance of the old sabbath tended to
give clearness and certainty to the true idea of
the Lord's day. In Book ii. c. 59, 2, we find
the sabbath and " the day of the resurrection, the
Lord's day " joined in an exhortation to special
religious assemblies, which, however, goes on ta
dwell especially on the Lord's day, as that to
which " the reading of the pi-ophets, and the
proclamation of the gospel, and the offering of
sacrifice and the gift of spiritual food" pe-
culiarly belong. I.u Book v. c. 18, 19, we
have a vivid description of the fast of ths
" Great Sabbath," " when the bridegroom was
taken away," and of the vigil of the Easter
day, ending in the " offering of the sacrifice."
Otherwise the general command is to keep both
the sabbath and the Lord's day as feasts, the
one in memory of the work of the Creator, the
other of the resurrection (see Book vii. c. 23,
2). In a prayer of thanksgiving given in Book
vii. c. 36, there is a remarkable passage on the
sabbath and the Lord's day, which tells how
the " sabbath is the rest from creation,, the com-
pletion of the world, the seeking of God's laws,
the praise of thanksgiving to God for all that
He has given us. But rising above all these
ideas, the Lord's day manifests to us the Me-
diator Himself, the guardian and lawgiver of
men, the source of resurrection, the firstborn
before all creation, God the Word, man born of
the Virgin Mary, . . .who died and rose again ;
and so commands us to offer to God the highest
of all thanksgiving." In Book viii. 33, 1, we find
a command given in the names of St. Peter and
St. Paul, "Let servants work five days, on
the sabbath and the Lord's day let them rest,
with a view to instruction in godliness in the
church." This command introduces a series of
commands to rest on holy days. It is notable,
as looking like an apostolic extension of the
enactment of the fourth commandment. But
when the decalogue is expounded, we find that
commandment explained thus, "Thou shalt
keep a sabbath, on account of Him who ceased
from creation but not from providence, a sab-
bath not of idleness of hands, but of medita-
tion on his laws" (ii. 361). There is no idea of
its transference for a Christian to the obser-
vance of the Lord's day.
In St. Chrysostom there is perhaps the first in
dication of the idea that the sabbath was so far
of perpetual obligation, that the one day in seven
should always be set apart. In his 10th Homily
on Genesis, c. 1, we find him declaring that " God
from the beginning teaches us figuratively, in-
structing us to set aside one day (or ' the first
day ') in the cycle of the week, and to devote it
to work in spiritual things ; for it was for this
reason that God hallowed the seventh day"
ffKa.\(av T^IJUV
ri[j.tpav iv Ty KVK^CP rrjs fBSop.d5os
ai/arifleVcu Kal a<popifiv Trj rGiv
pyaffLa,5tayapTovTo 6 Sf<nr6T'tis, K.T.\.) (See
Bened. ed. vol. iv. p. 80.) This treatment, how-
ever, of the subject is but slightly indicated, and
it exists side by side with teaching of a more
ancient type. Thus the sabbath is to him also
the type of eternal rest in heaven (Comm. on
Heb. iii. 8. vol. xii. p. 63). In his 39th Homily
LORD'S DAY
on St. Matthew, he speaks of the formal sabbath
as a condescension to the hardness of the hearts
of the Jews, and urges that we should always
keep festival by abstaining from evil, and "be
idle with a spiritual idleness " (apyw^v apjiav
jrvevfj.a.TiK-fii'), by keeping our hands from reck-
lessness (vol. vii. p. 435). Still it is significant ;
it appears to indicate a transition towards the
later idea of connecting the fourth commandment
directly with the observance of the Lord's day.
The circumstances of his time, and the evils with
which he had to grapple, may have suggested
this short and easy way of maintaining the sanc-
tity of the great Christian festival.
We turn to the West, and take as specimens of
church opinion, the three whom Milman has
called the great organizers of Latin Christianity.
St. Ambrose (on Ps. xlii.) holds, like St. Atha-
nasius, that the Lord's day is " the day which the
Lord hath made," of Ps. cxviii. ; of all the days
on which God works mighty works, it has the
leadership (praerogativa), because illuminated by
the rising of the Sun of Righteousness. In his
commentary on Ps. xlviii. we observe a marked
instance of the tendency to supersede the sabbath
by the Lord's day. The Psalm is to be sung
" Secunda Sabbati." What (he asks) is this but
" the Lord's day, which followed the sabbath ? "
He clearly means that it followed it in old
times, not only in order, but in dignity ; for
he goes on to speak of the " eighth day, at
once the eighth and the first," as "sanctified
by the resurrection," and now accordingly having
" ex numeri ordine praerogativam, et ex Resur-
rectione Domini Sanctitatem." He actually
interprets the ffdpSarov SevTepSirpiarov as sig-
nifying that " the sabbath, which was once first,
now begins to be but the second after the first;"
and lastly, he uses the phrase " Prima requies
cessavit, secunda successit," connecting with this
the declaration of the " sabbath keeping for
the people of God " (in Heb. iv. 8, 9). Similarly
commenting on the passage " Vespere Sabbati,
quae lucescit in primam Sabbati," he remarks,
" Before the resurrection the Evangelist spoke
of the sabbath ; after the resurrection he called
it the first day of the week." It is true that he
speaks of the " rest in Christ " as the true and
" great sabbath," in the same sense as Epiphanius
(de Obitu Theod., vol. ii. 1206 B, Bened. ed.
1690). But, while he would have doubtless
repudiated the idea that the Lord's day was the
" Christian sabbath," his words certainly prepare
for it.
St. Jerome's treatment of the subject is
markedly characteristic. He (adv. Jovin. ii. 25)
deals with the six days of work as representing
this life, the seventh the " true and eternal
sabbath," in which we shall be free. In the
passage already referred to (in Galat. lib. II.
vol. vii. p. 456, Beued. ed.) he lays it down that,
strictly speaking, all days are equal to a Christian,
" nee per Parasceven tantum crucifigi Christum
ct die Dominica resurgere, sed semper sanctam
resurrectionis esse diem et semper eum carne
vesci Dominica," and he goes on to contrast the
strict limitation of the Jews to certain days with
the freedom of the Christian to fast, to pray, to
celebrate a Lord's day by receiving the Body
of the Lord, at all times. On Ezek. xx. 10, 11,
he has a curious passage, declaring the sabbath
and circumcision to have been given as signs,
LOED'S DAY
1049
" ut sciamus nos perfecto et aeterno sabbato
requiescendum a saeculi operibus." " Unde in sex
diebus operantes septimo die requiescimus, ut
nihil aliud die ac nocte faciamus, nisi omne quod
vivimus, deberi Domino noverimus, et redeunte
hebdomade totos nos nomini ejus consecremus."
While he bears constant testimony to the solemn
observation of the Lord's day by religious wor-
ship, it is truly remarked by Dr. Hessey (Bampton
Lectures, Lect. III.)that he describes the Egyptian
coenobitae, as after church making garments for
themselves or others, and tells the story of his
visits to the tombs of the apostles and martyrs,
not as religious ceremonies, but as seemly re-
creations. Throughout, both as to theory and
practice, his view of the Lord's day is highly
spiritual, with no tendency whatever to legal or
sabbatical observance.
The same remark applies to the teaching of
St. Augustine, who constantly refers to the
question of the sabbath, and not unfrequently
to the Lord's day. He expresses himself with
singular clearness against any continuance of
sabbatical obligation. In his De Genesi ad
Litteram (Book iv., Opp. vol. iii. 208) he ex-
pressly says that in the time of full revelation
of grace, that method of observance of the
sabbath, which was symbolized by the rest of a
single day, was taken away from the observance
of the faithful (observatio ilia sabbati, quae
unius diei vacatione figurabatur, ablata est ab
observatione fidelium). Similarly in his Epistle
to Januarius (Ep. Iv. vol. ii. 203) he expressly
distinguishes the fourth (or, as he calls it, the
third commandment, connecting it mystically
with the third Person of the Holy Trinity), as
one to be observed figuratively, from all the
others, which are to be observed literally. In
both passages he urges on the faithful a per-
petual sabbath, partly of rest from the " old
works," partly of working whatever good they
work with a view to the eternal sabbath of
heaven. The Lord's day ( he adds) was declared
not to the Jews but to the Christians by the
resurrection of the Lord, and from that time
only began to have its festal character. There
was indeed a mystical signification of the eighth
day (octavi Sacramentum) under the law, which
he traces fancifully enough, but it was reserved
and concealed, and the sabbath alone given
f"i- celebration. Exactly in the same way he
declares against the Mamcheans (contra Adi-
mantum, sect. 2, 16, and contra Faustum, book
vi. vol. viii. 209, 240, 343), that the literal or
carnal observation of the sabbath is abolished,
while its spiritual significance remains, in the
acceptance of the invitation, " Come unto me,
and I will give you rest." His principle is
formally enunciated thus, "Apostolicam inter-
pretationem spiritualiter teneo ; Carnalem Servi-
tutis observationem libertate contemno." In his
treatise de Spiritu et Littera, sect. xiv. (vol. x.
328) he takes it so absolutely for granted that
the observance of the sabbath according to the
letter is carnal, that he thinks it necessary to
plead that the principle, "the letter killeth,"
applies not only to the fourth commandment,
but to the other nine. The sabbath day, he
says elsewhere (on Ps. cl. vol. iv. 2411), signifies
rest, the Lord's day, resurrection. The two ideas
are in his view contrasted, as the old and new
covenants are contrasted. Such is his genuine
1050
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
teaching. There is, indeed, a passage in one of the
Homilies de Tempore {Horn. 251), attributed to
him, but unhesitatingly rejected by the Bene-
dictine editors, and assigned by them to the
9th century, in which he is made to say that
" the doctors of the church decreed to transfer
all the glory of the Jewish sabbath-keeping to
the Lord's day, so that what they celebrated in
figure, we might celebrate in reality " (see
vol. v. p, 3101). But this is in direct opposition
to St. Augustine's general teaching ; it clearly
breathes the spirit of a later time, and shews
traces of a well-known passage of Alcuin.
(V.) In these leading representatives of Chris-
tian thought, we find, therefore, not only a pre-
servation of the older and truer ideas, but,
generally speaking, a care (possibly prophetic)
to enforce the spirituality of the Lord's day more
carefully than ever. It is rather in the enact-
ments of councils, embodying the common opinion
of the church at large, that we trace the changes
of conception which have been described above.
The great Council of Nicaea, taking the Lord's
day and its observance for granted, merely di-
rects that on the Lord's day and within the
Pentecost, all shall pray standing (Canon 20).
Subsequent councils, however, of the 4th, 5th
and 6th centuries legislate frequently on the
subject.
The first class of enactments is directed to the
enforcement of ritual and devotional observances.
Thus absence from the church on their Lord's
days is made a ground for excommunication ;
fasting on the Lord's day is denounced as savour-
ing of Mauicheism ; the refusal to join the
prayers and receive the Holy Eucharist, and the
practice of leaving the church during preaching,
are censured and punished ; all frequenting of
the games or the circus on the Lord's day is
strictly forbidden (see Hessey's Hampton Lee- \
tures, Lect. III.). These enactments have no
special significance as to the conception of the
day. They simply take for granted its religious
celebration after the primitive fashion ; their
existence only indicates that this celebration
was becoming more and more a matter of legal
regulation and enforcement.
There is, however, another class of enactments
intended to secure and guard a quasi-sabbatical
rest. To this the well-kuowii canon of Laodicea ;
(A.D. 363) seems certainly to belong. (See
Labbe, Concilia, vol. ii. pp. 564, 565.) It de-
clares that Christians "are not to Judaize and
rest on the sabbath day, but to work on that
day, and preferring the Lord's day in honour, on
it, if possible, to rest as Christians (TTJV 5e
KvpiaKriv irpoTL/j.wvTs, efye SvvaivTo, (TxoAafeii/
us XpiffTtavoi). Obviously there is a marked
distinction intended between the Jewish and
Christian idea of rest ; but still the result is to
transfer a sabbatical rest to the Lord's day, and
so to make it a kind of spiritualized and Chris-
tianized sabbath. This step being once taken,
its necessary consequences follow, accumulating
regulations of prohibition or injunction, until
the original distinction is obscured or lost. The
councils, in fact, were placed between tendencies
to extreme observance and to extreme neglect.
Thus at the third Council of Orleans (A.D. 538),
we see that a certain public opinion had been
growing up (persuasum est populis) that on
the Lord's day no horse or ox or carriage should
be used, no food prepared, nothing done for the
cleanliness of the house or person. This the
council wisely desires to check, and protests that
such minute regulations " savour rather of
Jewish than Christian observance" (ad Judaicam
magis quam ad Christianam observantiam per-
tinere). It is accordingly laid down, somewhat
vaguely, that the freedom hitherto used on the
Lord's day should be preserved (quod antea
fieri licuit, liceat). But in the very same canon
abstinence from rural work in general is not
only advised, in order that men may have leisure
for church-going and prayer, but, in case of
neglect, enforced by ecclesiastical censure (see
Labbe, vol. ix. p. 10). On the other hand, the
second Council of Mcon (A.D. 585) declares
itself driven to legislation, because "the people
rashly profane the Lord's day, and as on ordinary
days (privatis diebus) devote themselves to un-
ceasing work." Accordingly the first canon
pleads eloquently for the observation of the
Lord's day, " which has given us the new birth
and freedom from all our sins " (quae nos denuo
peperit et a peccatis omnibus liberavit) ; on it
" being made free from sin and become servants
to righteousness, let us show the service which
is perfect freedom " (liberam servitutem exhibea-
mus). " The day is the day of perpetual rest,
which is suggested to us by the type of the
seventh day in the law and the prophets."
Hence it is urged that men should abstain from
litigation and pleading, and should not even
allow themselves on plea of necessity to yoke
their oxen. Their whole soul is to be absorbed
in hymns and praise.s ; their eyes and hands
raised all day to God. Not that there is value
in bodily rest (corporali abstinentia), but in an
obedience by which earthly actions may be set
aside, and the soul raised to heaven. All this is
spiritual exhortation ; but it is significantly
added that disobedience will be punished pri-
marily by God, secondarily " by the implacable
anger of the priest ; " pleaders shall be non-
suited, peasants or slaves severely scourged,
clerks or monks suspended for six months from
communion with their fellows. (See Labbe, ix.
947.) It will be observed that in this canon
there is a vague reference to the seventh day's
rest, laid down in the fourth commandment, as
foreshadowing the Lord's day. But this is a
tentative step anticipatory of the future. Every
enactment of quasi-sabbatical rest prepared for
a Sabbatarian theory ; but it was far from being
as yet established.
This is clear, if we turn to the writings of
Gregory the Great, the foremost man of his
day in character as in office, and the unconscious
founder of the future papal power. He ob-
viously followed St. Augustine in his view of
the Lord's day and its significance, and in some
of his references to Old Testament types of its
sacredness h (see Horn, in Ezek. ii. 4). In
a celebrated letter to the Romans (Epist. xiii.
1), written in reference to some introduction
of strict rest on the sabbath, he declares that it
h One is, however, peculiar. On Job i. 5, he contends
that in his sanctifying his sons after the seven days, he
prefigured the eighth day or Lord's day. He adds : " Quia
ergo octavo die offerre septem sacrificia dicitur, plenus
septiformis gratiae Spiritu pro spe resurrectionis Domino
deservisse perhibetur."
LORD'S DAY
is Antichrist, who " at his coming shall cause
the sabbath day, and the Lord's day to be kept
from all work " in the one case, he adds, for the
sake of Judaizing, in the other, because he
himself shall pretend to die, and to rise again.
In regard to the sabbath, which is his chief
subject, he lays down the broad principle that
the laws of the old covenant were but typical,
and in the light of Christ's coming can be
kept only in spirit. "Our true sabbath is the
Lord Jesus Christ Himself." He then protests
against a prohibition of the bath on the Lord's
day (evidently on Sabbatarian grounds), in a
tone which would apply to many other such
ordinances. He is content to lay it down that
on the Lord's day we are to cease from all
earthly work, and to devote ourselves alto-
gether to prayer (atque omni modo orationi-
bus insistendurn), in order that any spiritual
neglect in the six days may be atoned for on
the day of the resurrection. It would have
been impossible for him so to have written, had
the idea of the transference of the obligation of
the fourth commandment to the Lord's day
attained to anything like general acceptation.
There is a curious passage in a letter of Gre-
gory to St. Augustine of Canterbury (considered
to be of doubtful authenticity) which deals with
fasting, and, referring apparently to Sundays in
Lent, draws a singularly unpleasant picture of
Sunday festivities. " De ipsa vero die Domi-
nica haesitamus quidnam dicendum sit, cum
omnes laici et saeculares ilia die plus solito
caeteris diebus accuratius cibos carnium appe-
tant, et nisi nova quadam aviditate usque ad
mediam noctem se ingurgitent, non aliter se
hujus sacri temporis observationem suscipere
putant ; . . . unde nee a tali consuetudine averti
possunt, et ideo cum venia suo ingenio relin-
quendi sunt, ne forte pejores existant si a tali
consuetudine prohibeantur " (Haddanand Stubbs,
Cone. iii. 54 ; Greg. Opp. ii. 1302, in App. ad
Epist. xiii., from Gratian, Dist. iv. can. 6). It is
possible that this practice indicates a reaction
against the Sabbatarianism referred to in Gre-
gory's letter. Curiously enough, it exactly
corresponds to those excessive sabbath festivities
with which the Fathers of the 5th century re-
proach the Jews.
Meanwhile the current of opinion and legis-
lation still continues to set in the Sabbatarian
direction. Legends of miraculous judgment on
those who work on the Lord's day become rife.
In the Life of St. Germanus of Auxerre (written
by Venantius Fortunatus in the 6th century)
we are told how the hand of a man at Essone,
working on the Lord's day, and of a girl at Melun,
spinning on the same day, were suddenly con-
tracted (ita contrahitur digitus ut unguium
acumen partem transiret in alteram), and how
both were miraculously healed by St. Germanns
(cc. 14, 16 ; Migne, Patrologie, Ixxii. 61). As time
goes on, such portents become more numerous
and more striking ; the hand which chops wood
cleaves to the hatchet, or is withered ; a cake
made on the Lord's day streams with blood;
a mill-wheel set in motion refuses to turn (see
Heylin, On the Sabbath, part ii. c. v. 3, and
Hessey's Hampton Lectures, lect. iii. n. 261).
Naturally the decrees of councils and the
commands of secular authority follow in the
same course. Thus in England, in the 7th and
LORD'S DAY
1051
8th centuries, the laws of Ina, king of the West
Saxons (about 690), lay it down that " If a
' theowman ' work on Sunday by his lord's
command, let him be free, and let the lord pay
xxx shillings as ' wite ' [fine]. But if the
' theow ' work without his knowledge, let him
suffer in his hide, or in 'hide-gild' [ransom].
But if a freeman work on that day without his
lord's command, let him forfeit his freedom, or
sixty shillings ; and let a priest be liable to
twice as much." (See Haddau and Stubbs,
Councils, iii. 215.) A law of about the same
date makes the observation of the eve of Sunday,
as well as the Sunday itself. " If an ' esne ' do
any servile labour, contrary to his lord's
command, from sunset on Sunday eve till sunset
on Monday eve [i.e. sunset on Saturday to
sunset on Sunday], let him make a ' bote' of
Ixxx shillings to his lord. If an ' esne ' do so
of his own accord on that day, let him make a
' bote ' of vie?, to his lord, or his hide " (Laws of
Wihtred, K. of Kent, A.D. 696, 11. 9 and 10, in
Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 235).
In the Council of Clovesho (A.D. 747) it is
ordered that all abbots and presbyters shall
remain in their monasteries and churches on the
Lord's day, abstaining from all business and from
all travelling, except on inevitable necessity. But
the object is stated to be that the Lord's dav
may be wholly dedicated to the worship of
God, and that they may be ready to teach and
to minister. Of the laity it is only said that
on the Lord's day and other great festivals
the people shall be invited by the priests to
assemble in church for the hearing of the
word and the celebration of the mass. (See
Haddan arid Stubbs, iii. 367.) About the same
time we find a " Judicium dementis " (supposed
to be Willebrord, A.D. 693), indicating a still
greater extent of Sabbatarian rigour. " If on
O ^
the Lord's day any one by negligence works or
bathes or washes his head, let him do penance
seven days ; if he repeats the offence, forty days :
if he does so contumaciously (si per dampnatio-
nem facit hoc die) and refuses to amend, let him
be expelled from the Catholic church like a
Jew." (See Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 226.)
(VI.) Still, however, it will be observed that
even now no connexion of the Lord's day with the
fourth commandment is avowed ; and the process of
Sabbatarianism is therefore not complete. There
is some reason to think that in this, as in some
other ecclesiastical matters, we are to look to
the time of Charlemagne for the final step. So
late, indeed, as A.D. 797, a celebrated decree of
Theodulph of Orleans (Capitula, n. 24 : see Labbe,
Councils, vol. xiii. p. 999), which was apparently
observed beyond the limits of his diocese, speaking
of the Lord's day, preserves the old teaching as
to the grounds of its consecration, and deals with
its observance freely and spiritually : " Diei
vero Dominici, quia in eo Deus lucem condidit,
in eo manna in eremo pluit, in eo Redemptor
humani generis sponte pro salute uostra a mor-
tuis resurrexit, in eo Spiritum Sanctum super
discipulos infudit, tanta esse debet observantia,
ut praeter orationes, et missarum solemnia, et
ea quae ad vescendum pertinent, nihil aliud fiat.
Nam et si necessitas fuerit navigandi, sive itinc-
randi, licentia datur, ita Juntaxat, ut horurn
occasione missa et orationes non praetermit-
tantur. Conveniendum est sabbato die cum lu-
1052
LORD'S DAY
minaribus cuilibet Christiano ad ecclesiam, con-
veniendum est ad vigilias sive ad matutinum
officium. Concurrendum est etiam cum obla-
tionibus ad missarum solemnia. Et dum ad
ecclesiam convenitur nuila causa dici debet vel
audiri, nulla jurgia sunt habenda : sed tantum-
inodo Deo vacandum est, in celebratione videlicet
sacrorum officiorum, et exhibitione eleemosy-
narum, et in Dei laudibus cum amicis, proximis,
et peregrinia spiritaliter epulandum."
But Alcuin, Charlemagne's great ecclesiastical
adviser, speaking of the Jewish observation of
the sabbath, says expressly, " cujus observa-
tionem mos Christianus ad diem Dominicum
competentius transtulit " (Homil. xviii. post
Pentec. quoted by Heylin). It is true that this
is said to have been done by custom ; there is no
word of scriptural authority, or even of any
institution of the apostles. But still this pas-
sage seems to enunciate for the first time the
idea of " the Christian sabbath." ' And its
meaning is illustrated by the laws of the time.
A law attributed to Clotaire lays it down that
no one should work on the Lord's day, " quia
hoc lex prohibet, et Sacra Scriptura in omnibus
contradicit." Under Pepin (A.D. 791) a council
at Friuli had strictly enforced the observance of
the day, with some special restrictions appa-
rently taken from the observance of the sabbath.
But Charlemagne opens an imperial edict on the
subject with the express words, " statuimus se-
cundum quod et in lege Dominus praecepit,"
and proceeds to minute prohibitions against
various kinds of work and to injunctions for
attendance at divine service. (See Heylin, part
ii. c. v.)
It is notable that not long after an edict
appears at Constantinople by the emperor Leo
Philosophus (A.D. 884) for the observance of the
Lord's day, referring to the old edict of Con-
stantine as too lax in its exemptions, and declaring
absolute rest for labour, as " decreed by the
Holy Spirit and the apostles taught of Him "
(quod Spiritui Sancto ab ipsoque institutus
apostolis placuit), arguing that "if the Jews
honoured their sabbath, which was but a shadow
of ours, how much more should we honour the
day which the Lord hath honoured, and on it
delivered us from dishonour and death ! " (Con-
stit. 54, see Heylin, part ii. c. v.). We note
here that it is on apostolic authority that the
sanctity of the Lord's day is based, although at the
same time the Jewish sabbath is looked upon as
the shadow of the Christian. The period is, in
fact, one of transition. That the sabbatical
authority of the Lord's day was not held in
theory is clear, from the fact that the
general teaching of the schoolmen follows the
express declaration of Aquinas that " the ob-
servance of the Lord's day in the new law
supersedes the observance of the sabbath, not
by obligation of the (divine) law, but by the
ordinance of the church and the custom of
Christian people " (non ex vi legis sed ex consti-
tutione ecclesiae et consuetudine populi Chris-
tiani), or as it is elsewhere expressed, " non de
jure divino, sed de jure humane canonico." But
i Heylin (Hist, of Sabbath, part ii. c. v. 13) asserts that
the phrase itself is first found in Petrus Alfonsus in the
12th century : " Dies dominica . . . Christianorurn sab-
batum est"
LORD'S DAY
the " custom of Christian people," when once
directed in the line of quasi-sabbatical obser-
vance, would be apt to ground itself naturally
on the divine law, which such observance seemed
to suggest, and to which reference is certainly
made in the decrees already quoted.
It lies beyond the limits of this article to trace
the steady and excessive development of festal
observance in the mediaeval church, the tendency
to place other holy days on nearly the same level
as the Lord's day, and to guard all alike by
quasi-sabbatarian regulations of an elaborate and
burdensome nature. Nor can we do more than
allude to the twofold protest made against this
at the Reformation. On the Continent generally,
it tended to reject all holy days, and treat the
Lord's day itself as a matter of simple church
ordinance, which any church at its will might
alter ; in England, Scotland, and Holland, it
singled out the Lord's day, placing it on
a scriptural basis, as the Christian sabbath,
ordained in the fourth commandment, and sur-
rounded it too often with a more than Judaic
rigour.
The conclusions, to which within the historical
limits assigned to this article we must come,
may be thus briefly recapitulated.
(a) The Lord's day must be regarded as a
festival, coeval with the existence of Christianity
itself growing up naturally from the apostles'
time, gradually assuming the character of the
one distinctively Christian festival, and draw-
ing to itself, as by an irresistible gravitation,
the periodical rest, which is enjoined in the
fourth commandment on grounds applicable to
man as man, and which was provided for under
the Mosaic law by the special observance of the
sabbath.
(6) The idea of the Lord's day is wholly dis-
tinct from that of the sabbath, never for a
moment confused with it in the early church,
in which, indeed, the observance of the sabbath
long survived, sometimes as a festival, some-
times as a fast. Wherever rest is associated
with it, such rest is invariably regarded as
entirely secondary, as simply a means to a
higher end. Accordingly the original regula-
tion of observances connected with the Lord's
day is positive and not negative, and directed
by principle rather than by formal rule.
(c) The tendency to sabbatize the Lord's
day is due chiefly to the necessities of legal
enforcement first, as exemplified in the series
of imperial laws, then in the decrees of councils,
generally backed by the secular power dealing
inevitably in prohibition more than in injunc-
tion, and so tending to emphasize negative
instead of positive observance. For such enact'
ments the law of the Old Testament " mutatis
mutandis " became naturally a model, and the
step was an easy one, from regarding it as a
model to taking it as an authority.
(d) The direct connexion, however, of such
observance with the obligation of the fourth
commandment can claim no scriptural and no
high ecclesiastical authority. Either the obser-
vation of that commandment is expressly de-
clared to be figurative (consisting of rest from
sin, rest enjoyed in Christ, and rest foreseen in
heaven), or careful distinction is made between
the moral obligation of religious observance in
general, and the positive obligation, now passed
LORD'S DAY
away, to keep the sabbath in particular. The
notion of connecting it with the keeping of the
Lord's day grows up in the first instance through
the natural supersession of the sabbath by the
Lord's day in the Christian church, and the
temptation to transfer to the latter the positive
divine sanction of the former ; and, once intro-
duced, maintains itself by the very fact of pre-
senting a strong and intelligible plea against
any degradation of the high Christian festival.
On this subject the following works may be
consulted with advantage : Heylin's History of
the Sabbath, part ii., full of learning, though de-
fective in arrangement and criticism ; Bingham's
Antiquities, book xx. c. ii., containing much valu-
able matter, though needing some correction ;
Dr. Hessey's Hampton Lectures on Sunday, pre-
senting the literature of the subject accu-
rately and popularly ; Probst, Kircliliche Dis-
ciplin der Drei ersten Jahr/iunderte (pt. iii. c. i.
art. 1) discuss the principal passages bearing on
the question found in the writers of the first
three centuries ; Binterim's Denkwurdigkeiten
der Christ- Katliolischen Kirche, vol. v. part i.
c. 4. In all there is much common material,
derived from the obvious source of informa-
tion on this subject the writings of the
Fathers, the edicts of the Imperial Codes, the
canons of councils, and the mediaeval laws so
often based upon them. The distinction is
chiefly in the inferences drawn from these
historical materials. [A. B.]
LOED'S DAY (LITURGICAL). The obser-
vance of Sunday began after None on Saturday,
" ut dies Dominica a vespere usque in vesperam
servetur " (Cone. Francofurt. A.D. 794), and the
reason is given by Durandus (Rat. v. 9, 2):
" Quia vespertina synaxis seu hora primum est
officium diei sequentis." The Sunday office was
longer and more solemnly observed than that of
other days. The number of psalms and lessons,
and the number of nocturns at the night office
was increased. The Gregorian distribution of
the Psalter gives eighteen psalms and nine
lessons in three nocturns, instead of twelve
psalms and three lessons in one nocturn : and
the Benedictine twelve psalms, and three can-
ticles, with twelve lessons in three nocturns
instead of twelve psalms and three lessons, in
two nocturns on week days. Te Deum was said
at the end of Matins, except in Advent, and from
Septuagesima to Easter.
The nocturnal office and that of Lauds were
to be said (Mart, de Ant. Eccl. Bit. iv. 9) with
modulation tractim, which word is explained as
lenta etc morosa modulatione. Incense was offered
(oblatum) at each nocturn, and the high altar
censed at Bcnedictus at Lauds. The solemn bene-
diction of the holy water " salis et aquae," a cus-
tom which is considered to have been introduced
by pope Leo IV. A.D. 847-855, took place before
mass ; with which ceremony a procession was in
many places joined. At the mass Gloria in cx-
ceisis was said except during Advent, and from
Septuagesima to Easter Eve: and the creed was
said at the mass and at Prime in the Sunday
office throughout the year. The reserved Eucha-
rist was renewed. Many other distinctions
between the Dominical office, and that for week
dap, might be pointed out. Those already
enumerated are among the most conspicuous.
LOED'S DAY
1053
In the Ambrosian use the Dominical office
differs from the Ferial in several points, of which
the following are the most prominent. No
psalms are said at matins, but in their place three
canticles, one in each nocturn.
In Nocturn I. The Canticle of Isaiah, cap.
xxvi. De nocte vigilat.
In Nocturn II. The Canticle of Hannah, 1
Reg. II. Conjirmatum est.
In Nocturn III. The Canticle of Jonah, cap. 1.
Clamam; or, during the winter: i.e. from
the first' Sunday in October till Easter, the
Canticle of Habakkuk, cap. ii. Domine
audivi.
Each of these ca.nticles has its proper antiphon,
and is followed by the usual form. V. Bencdic-
tus es, Deus. R. Amen.
After the third canticle three lessons are read,
each with its response. These are not, as on
week days, taken from scripture, but from a
Homily on the Gospel of the day, and correspond
therefore to the lessons in the third nocturn of
the Roman Breviary. These are followed, except
during Advent and Lent, by Te Duum, which is
not said in the ferial office, and if Lauds are said
separately, the office ends with a collect, and the
customary form. V. Bencdicamus Domino. R.
Deo Gratias.
At Lauds after Benedictus, which begins the
office both in the Dominical and the Ferial office, a
follow, each preceded by its oratio secreta, and
with its proper antiphon, the canticle of Moses
(Exod. xv.) Cantemus Domino and Benedicite. In
the place of these, on week days other than
Saturday, Ps. 1. (Ii.), Miserere is said, and on
Saturday, Ps. cxvii. (cxviii.) Confitemini.
At the other hours there are certain differ-
ences in the disposition and number of the
collects and antiphons, by whatever names they
are called, but, as the general character of the
office is unaltered, it is not necessary to enter
minutely into them. Certain greater festivals,
called Solemnitates Domini, have the office nearly
identical with that of the Sunday.
In the Mozarabic rite the daily office differs
throughout so much for the ordinary Western
type that it is not easy to point out clearly in a
few words the variations between that of Sunday
and other days. The most conspicuous variation
is at the beginning of matins, which on Sunday
(after the opening) begin with the hymn Aeterna
rerum conditor, followed by its oratio, and the
three Psalms ; iii. Do/nine quid, 1. (Ii.) Miserere,
Ivi. (Ivii.) Miserere mei, each with its antiphon
and oratio, while on week days the correspond-
ing portion of the office is an antiphon called
matutinarium, and Ps. 1. (Ii) Miserere, b with its
antiphon and oratio. Sundays were of different
degrees. The classification varied at different
times, and in different churches, but the general
Western division was into Greater Sundays :
Dominicae majores v. solemnes v. privilegiatae : and
Except on Sundays in Advent, when the Song of
Moses (Deut. xxsii.), Attende Coelum, is said. On Christ-
inas Day both arc said.
11 This is the direction given in the Regula printed at
the head of the Breviary. In the body of the Breviary
the Psalm appointed for a week-day varies among the
three Sunday psalms ; and the matutinarium occurs
later in the office, in the course of Lauds. The Moz-
arabic ritual directions are sometimes difficult to reconcile.
1054
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
into Ordinary Sundays : Dominicae communes,
v. per annum. Martene, de Ant. Mon. rit. iv.
4, from the statutes of Lanfranc, says,
"Quinque dies Dominici sunt, qui communia
quaedam inter se habent separata a caeteris diebus
Dominicis, Dominica vid. prima de Adventu
Domini, Dominica primae Septuagesimae, Domi-
nica prima Quadragesimae, Dominica in medio
Quadragesimae, Dominica in Palmis." He then
proceeds to specify certain ritual peculiarities
of those days mainly relating to the dress of the
clergy, and the performance of the office in
choir. In this classification Easter day and
Pentecost have already been reckoned among the
" quinque praecipuae festivitates."
Another classification given by Durandus
[vii. 1-4] defines Dominicae principals v. so-
lemnes to be those " in quibus officia mutantur,"
of which he reckons five. Dominica prima de
Adventu, Dominica in Octavis Pascha, Dominica
in Octavis Pentecostes, Dominica qua cantatur
Laetare Hierusalem [sc. Midlent Sunday] et
Dominica in Eamis Palmarum ; Easter and
Pentecost being as before otherwise accounted
for. To these the first Sunday in Lent was
afterwards added, " quia fit officii in ea mutatio."
The later Roman arrangement, which is still
in force, subdivides the greater Sundays, Domi-
nicae majores, into two classes : (1) Sundays of
the first class, Dominicae primae classis, viz. the
first Sunday in Advent, the first Sunday in Lent,
Passion Sunday, Palm Sunday, Easter day, Low
Sunday, Whitsunday, and Trinity Sunday : and
(2) Sundays of the second class, Dominicae
secundae classis, viz. the second, third, and fourth
Sunday of Advent, Septuagesima and the two
following Sundays, and the second, third and
fourth Sundays in Lent The other Sundays in
the year are ordinary Sundays, Dominicae per
annum.
The Amhrosian rule classifies Sundays accord-
ing to their office, as follows: Easter day,
Pentecost and Trinity Sunday are reckoned
among the Solemnitatcs Domini, the highest class
of festivals. The other Sundays are divided into
two classes (1) those which have a proper office,
and (2) those which have the ordinary Sunday
office.
Those which have a proper office officium
proprium are the Sundays in Advent, those in
Lent, and the Sunday after the Nativity.
The Sundays between Easter and Pentecost
have the Paschal office Paschale officium which
has certain ritual peculiarities, and the Sundays
from the Epiphany to the beginning of Lent have
a mixed office, officium partim proprium, partim
commune.
The Sundays from the second after Pentecost
to Advent have the ordinary office (officium
commune).
The classification of Sundays in the Greek
calendar is not so minute. Easter day stands in
a class by itself, at the head of all the festivals
of the year ; and Palm Sunday and Whitsunday
are reckoned among the Twelve,* which rank next
in importance.
c Among other points it is directed that the refectory
tables be covered with clean cloths (festivae mappae ;
sint et quotidianae, lotae tamen), and clean towels pro-
vided (manutergia Candida et honesta).
d Otherwise called SecnroTi/cai v. /cvpia/coi toprac. They
Many Sundays were (and are still) often desig-
nated by the first word of the introit of the
Roman mass. Thus the first five Sundays in
Lent are often known by the names, Invocavit, e
Reminiscere, Oculi, Laetare, Judica ; and the four
Sundays following Easter as Quasimodo, Miscri-
cordia Domini, Jubilate, Cantate. Some again are
customarily known by some peculiarity in the
celebration. Thus the Sunday next before
Easter f is known as Palm Sunday and Dominica
palmarum v. in ramis palmarum, from the Bene-
diction of the palm branches, and the subsequent
procession which takes place on that day after
terce and before mass ; and the Sunday after
Easter as Dominica in albis, or more fully in
albis Jepositis, as it is called in the Ambrosian
missal ; s from its being the day after the Satur-
day on which those who had been baptized on
Easter eve laid aside their white garments ; or
sometimes as Clausum h Paschae, from its being
the conclusion of the Paschal celebration, and
the second and following Sundays after Easter
were sometimes called Dominica i a and ii a and
post albas, or post clausum Paschae.
Other less familiar designations for particular
Sundays which are found, are Dominica carncle-
vale, de carne levario v. de carne levanda, which
would be Quinquagesima Sunday where Lent
began on the following Wednesday, and the first
Sunday in Lent in the Ambrosian ritual, which
begins Lent on that day : Dominica in Quadra-
gesima for the first Sunday in Lent, Dominica
mediana v. mediante die festo [Miss. Mozar.] for
the fourth Sunday in Lent, Dominica Osanna for
Palm Sunday, also Pascha floridum from the
flowers which were associated with Palm
branches in the office for their benediction.
Thus in the Mozarabic missal the office is to be said
ad benedicendos flores vel ramos, and in the prayer
of the office the clause occurs, " Hos quoque ramos
et flores palmarum . . . hodie tua benedictione
sanctifica." So also in the Ordo Bomanus, " Dies
palmarum, sive florurn atque ramoruru dicitur " ;
also in the Sarum missal the office is called
bencdictio florum ac frondium, and the phrase
creatura florum vel frondium, or equivalent ex-
pressions frequently recur in it. In the York
missal, too, we find the words " hos palmarum
atque florum ramos, etc. ..." Dominica Jioga-
tionum v. D. ante Litanias for the Sunday before
Ascension. 1 Many other similar names might be
adduced, though several would not fall within
our limits of time.
were originally seven in number, and a mystical reason
for that number is given from St. Chrysostom. It was
afterwards increased to twelve. The list at first con-
tained Easter Day, which afterwards was placed by itself,
and has otherwise slightly varied, the number remaining
at twelve. The next order of festivals is called aSajSe'/cara,
i. e. not of the twelve ; but it contains no Sunday.
e Thus the rubrics of the Missal speak of Feria ii a , etc.
post Invocavit, etc.
1 So termed in the English Prayer Book.
s In the Ambrosian rite the days of Easter week are
called Feria ii a , iii a , etc. . . . in albis, and those in the
week next following Feria ii a , iii a , etc. . . . post albas.
h This expression must not be confounded with Claws
Paschae.
It may be noticed that several of these terms have
established themselves in familiar use in England, though
they nowhere appear in the service books, e. g. MidUnt
Sunday, I'alm Sunday, Rogation Sunday.
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
1055
The Dominical calendars throughout the year
varied in different churches, and deserve a few
words.
The Roman Calendar, as in use to the present
time, is substantially the same as the early Eng-
lish (and as that now used among ourselves).
The chief difference is that in it the Sundays
throughout the summer are reckoned "post
Pentecosten," instead of post Trinitatem as in the
Sarum (and modern English) use ; and that
there j.re fewer of them. Thus in the Roman
missal there are twenty-four Sundays post Pente-
costen, in the English twenty-five post Trini-
tatem. In the York missal the Sundays were
reckoned post octavas Pentecostes.
Allatius (de Dominicis et hebdomadibus Grae-
coi~um dissertatio) gives a Calendar " ad usum
Breviarii Romani e bibliothecae Vaticanae Codice
antiquissimo "; which (omitting all that does
not relate to Sundays) runs thus :
Dominica prima de Adventu Domini.
Dominica secunda ante Natale Domini.
Dominica tertia ante Natale Domini.
Dominica prima post Natale Domini.
Dominica prima, etc. post Epiphaniam.
(The Sundays after the Epiphany are reckoned
up to Lent, but the names for the last three,
Septuagesima, etc. are recognised.)
Dominica in Quadragesima.
Dominica prima mensis primi.
Dominica iii a , iv a , v a , vi a in Quadragesima.
Dominica Sancta in Pascha.
Dominica Octava Paschae.
Dominica i a , ii a , iii 1 post Octavam Paschae.
Dominica post Ascensa Domini.
Dominica Pentecosten.
Dominica Octava Pentecosten.
Dominica ii a , etc. Pentecosten.
Dominica post Natale Apostolorum [i. e. SS. Pet. et
Paull. Jun. 29].
Dominica i a , ii a , etc. post Octavam Apostolorum.
Dominica i a , ii a , etc. post S. Laurentii [Aug. 10].
Dominica i a , ii a , etc. post S. Cypriani [Sept. 26].
The last of these Sundays is that next after
the festival of St. Andrew, and then follow the
three Sundays of Advent.
The Mozarabic Calendar contains six Sundays
in Advent. The Sundays after the Epiphany are
numbered continuously till the beginning of
Lent, omitting the names Septuagesima, etc.,
: the Sunday corresponding to Quinquagesima
being known as Dominica ante diem Cinerum v.
' ante carries tollcndas, after Pentecost are reckoned
| as the first, second, etc., seventh Sunday after
; Pentecost. After the seventh no Sunday mass
aud therefore no Sunday name is given till
, Advent, except one for " In Dominica ante jeju-
i nium Calendarum Novembrium."
The Ambrosian Dominical Calendar, which
I in its main features is of high antiquity, is as
follows :
Dominica i a , ii", iii a , iv a , v", vi a in Adventu.
(These six Sundays are exclusive of and in
addition to the Vigil of the Nativity, when it
falls on a Sunday.)
Dominica post Nativitatem Domini.
Dominica i, ii, etc. post Epiphaniam.
Dominica in Septuagesima, in Sexagesima, in Quin-
quagesima.
Dominica i in Quadragesima (the beginning of Lent).
Dominica ii a in Quadragesima (sometimes called the
Sunday of the Samaritan Woman).
I . Dominica iii a in Quadragesima (or the Sunday of
Abraham).
Dominica iv a in Quadragesima (or the Sunday of the
Blind Man).
Dominica v a in Quadragesima (or the Sunday of
Lazarus).
Dominica Olivarum.
Dominica Resurrectionis, v. Dies Sanctus Paschae.
Dominica in Albis depositis.
Dominica ii :l , iii :> , iv a , v a post Pascha.
Dominica post Ascensionem.
Dominica Pentecostes.
Dominica i a post Pentecosten.
Dominica in qua celebratur Festurn Sanctissimae
Trinitatis.
Dominica ii a post Pentecosten, v. Dom. infra Octa-
vam Corporis Christi.
Dominica iii a , etc. post Pentecosten.
Up to the Decollation of St. Job. Bapt. [Aug. 29].
Dominica i a , ii a , iii a , iv a , v a post Decollationem.
Dominica i a , ii a Octobris.
Dominica iii". In Dedicatione Ecclesiae majoris.
Dominica i a , ii a , iii a post Dedicationem.
The Greek Dominical Calendar differs in many
respects. In all Western calendars the ecclesias-
tical year begins with Advent. The Greek
Church has no such season, k and the year begins
with the Sunday of the Pharisee and the Publi-
can, 1 which corresponds to the Sunday next
before Septuagesima. The order of the Sundays
is as follows :
Sunday of the Pharisee and the Publican [also called
Sunday of the Prodigal Son, answering to Septua-
gesima Sunday.
Sunday of Apocreos [so called because it is the last
day on which meat is eaten].
Sunday of Tyrophagus [the last day on which cheese
is eaten].
First Sunday of the Fast, or Orthodoxy Sunday,
f is T>JS Trpwrrj; xvpiaKjjs rtav ayiw I'rjmaiav,
^S opfloSofias (Typ. Sabae, cap. xvii.). The
celebration under this name is in commemoration
of the overthrow of the Iconoclasts."
Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth Sundays of the Fast.
Palm Sunday (xvpiaxr] TU>C jSaiwi').
Pascha (or Bright Sunday, Aajan-pa icupia/o;).
Antipascha (or the Sunday of St. Thomas), some-
times New Sunday, Kaivy] 17 I'e'o. KvpiaKij (Theod.
Balsamon in Expos, de S. Eas. etc. ad Amphil. de
Spir. Sanct.~).
Sunday of the Ointment Bearers (TUV juvpo^opwi').
Sunday of the Paralytic.
Sunday of the Samaritan Woman, or Mid Pentecost
Sunday of the Blind Man.
Sunday of the Three hundred and eighteen [i.e. the
Fathers of Nicaea]. Sunday in the Octave of the
Ascension.
Pentecost.
All Saints Sunday (Trinity Sunday or First Sunday
of Matthew).
k There is a fast preparatory to the Nativity, called
the Fast of the Nativity, which lasts for the forty days
before Christmas.
1 This and similar names of Sundays are derived from
the subjects of the Gospels for the day.
<*> For the reasons given for this name, see Allatius
de Dominicis et Hebdomadibus Graecorum, 8. viii.
n There is a long and peculiar office for the day in the
Ti-iudium, but it is without our limits of time.
The Sundays after Antipascha are variously reckoned
as the 2nd, 3rd, etc., or as the 3rd, 4th, etc. Sunday after
Pascha
1056
LORD'S PEAYER
The Sundays from this point are called Sundays
of Matthew or of Luke according as the gospels
are taken from those Evangelists.?
Second Sunday after Pentecost, or Second Sunday of
Matthew.
Third Sunday after Pentecost, or Third Sunday of
Matthew .
and so on, up to the Exaltation of the Cross
[Sept. 14], the Sunday before which festival is
called:
The Sunday before the Exaltation ;
and that following is
The Sunday after the Exaltation.
After this the Sundays resume their reckon-
ing; from Pentecost, which varies with the years
and are called Sundays of Luke, whose gospel is
now read.
First Sunday of Luke.
Second
Sunday before the Nativity.
Sunday before the Lights [n-pb TU>I> <j>ia-r(av, sc. Epi-
phany].
Sunday after the Lights.
The numeration from Pentecost, and of the
Sundays of Luke is then resumed and continued
till the Sunday of the Pharisee and the Publican.
(Martene, de Ant. Eccl. Eit. iv. (See also Allatius,
de Dom. et Heb. Graec.; Ducange in r. Dominica;
Micrologus ; and the Latin and Greek office books
passim. [Compare LECTIONARY.] [H. J. H.]
LORD'S PRAYER (the Liturgical use of
the). s I. In nearly all ancient liturgies this
was said between the consecration of the ele-
ments and the communion. The earliest direct
witness is Cyril of Jerusalem, A.D. 350; who,
after explaining to his competentes, the Sanctus,
prayer of consecration, and the intercessions, as
they occur in the order of the service, proceeds,
" Then, after these things, we say that prayer
which the Saviour delivered to His intimate dis-
ciples, out of a pure conscience addressing God
and saying, Our Father," &c. (Catech. Myst. v.
8). Optatus in Africa (A.D. 368), charging the
Donatist bishops, who " gave remission of sins as
if they had no sin themselves," with a self-con-
tradiction, says, " For at that very time, when
ye impose hands and remit offences, soon turning
to the altar, ye are obliged to recite the Lord's
Prayer, and in fact say, Our Father, which art
in heaven, forgive us our debts and sins" (de
Schism. Don. ii. 20). Now we know from St.
Cyprian (de Lapsis, p. 128 ; ed. 1690) that in
Africa penitents were reconciled after the con-
secration. St. Augustine, also in Africa (A.D.
397), puts the Lord's Prayer there : " When the
hallowing (of the elements) has taken place, we
say the Lord's Prayer" (Serm. 227, ad Infantes,
i.e. the newly baptized ; see before, vol. i. p. 836)
Again, writing in 414, he says that by Trpocr-
u%as in 1 Tim. ii. 1, he understands those
Prayers which are said " when that which is on
the Lord's table is blessed, and hallowed, and
broken for distribution ; which whole form o:
prayer nearly every church concludes with the
Lord's Prayer" (ad Paulin. Epist. 149, 16)
Again, to competentes: " When ye are baptized,
that prayer is to be said by you daily. For in
P The Sundays of Matthew and Luke are sometimes
also called by the headings of the sections read.
LORD'S PRAYER
the church that Lord's Prayer is said daily at
the altar of God, and the faithful hear it" (Serin.
58, c. x. 12 ; see also deSerm. Dom. ii. vi. 26 ;
Serm. 17, 5 ; 49, 8). St. Jerome must have
thought the practice of saying it somewhere in
the liturgy uniVersal, for he says in a work
written about 415, " So He taught His apostles,
that daily in the sacrifice of His body, believers
should make bold to speak thus, Our Father," &c.
(Dial, contra Pelag. iii. 15.) Germanus of
Paris is a witness to the use of France in the
middle of the 6th century : " But the Lord's
Prayer is put in that same place (i.e. after the
consecration and confraction) for this reason, that
every prayer of ours may be concluded with the
Lord's Prayer (Expos. Brev. in Martene de Ant.
Eccl. Bit. i. iv. xii. ii.) In the treatise de Sacra-
mentis, ascribed to St. Ambrose, but probably
written in France, near the end of the 8th
century (see Scudamore, Notitia Eucharistica,
pp. 590, 622, 2nd ed.) we read, "/said to you
that before the words of Christ, that which is
offered is called bread. When the words of
Christ have been uttered, it is no longer called
bread, but is named the Body. Wherefore then
in the Lord's Prayer which follows after that,
does he say, ' our bread ' (lib. v. c. iv. 24) ? "
Leontius of Cyprus relates of his contemporary,
John the Almoner, pope of Alexandria, who died in
616, that during the celebration he sent for and
exchanged forgiveness with a clerk, who was not
in charity, after which " with great joy and
gladness, he stood at the holy altar, able to say
to God with a clear conscience, forgive us," &c.
(Vita Joan, c.13 ; Rosweyd, p. 186). St. Augustine
(as above) alleges the use of the Lord's Prayer
after the consecration in " nearly every church,"
We find it in that place in every ancient liturgy.
except the Clementine (Constit. Apost. viii. 13),
in which it does not appear at all, and the
Abyssinian (Renaudot, Liturg. Orien. i. 521), in
which it is said, as in the English, after the
communion. In the Nestorian of Malabar it
occurs both before and after the communion
(Liturg. Hal. Raulin, 324, 327).
When the Greek compiler of the liturgy
called after St. Clement of Rome omitted the
Lord's Prayer, he was probably guided by the
old Greek liturgy of Rome, which we may
suppose to have been before him. We know
from St. Gregory, writing in 598, that, until he
inserted it, the Lord's Prayer was, according to
the plain meaning of his words, certainly not
said between the consecration and reception,
and therefore probably not said at all in the
Eucharistic office of his church. He had been
blamed for having (among other innovations)
" given an order that the Lord's Prayer should be
said soon (mox) after the canon" (Epist. viii. 64).
His defence was, " We say the Lord's Prayer
soon after the prayer (of consecration), because
the apostles were wont to consecrate the host
of oblation to that very prayer only (ad ipsam
solummodo orationem), and it seemed to me very
unbecoming to say over the oblation a prayer
which some scholastic had put together, and not
to say the prayer (traditionem, lege fors. ora-
tionem) which our Redeemer composed over
His body and blood " (ibid.). The Lord's Prayer,
then, had not been said over the elements either
during or after the act of consecration, nor is
any place suggested at which it was said. From
LORD'S PEAYEE
one of the canons of the 4th Council of Toledo
(A.D. 633) we should infer that there were some
in Spain who did not, even at that time, think
it a necessary part of the liturgy : " Some priests
are found throughout the Spains, who do not
say the Lord's Prayer daily, but only on the
Lord's day. . .Whoever therefore of the priests,
or of the clerks subject to them, shall fail to say
this prayer of the Lord daily, either in a public
or private office, let him be deprived of the
honour of his order" (can. 10).
II. The statement of Gregory that the apostles
consecrated by saying the Lord's Prayer only is
probably a mistake ; but it is repeated by Ama-
larius, A.D. 827, and Leo VII. A.D. 930. The
first says of the wine on Good Friday, " The
apostolic method of consecration is observed,
which said the Lord's Prayer only over the
Lord's body and blood. Therefore, if it were
not prescribed by the Ordo Romanus that the
body of the Lord should be reserved from the
5th day of the week to the 6th, its reservation
would be unnecessary ; because the Lord's Prayer
alone would be sufficient for the consecration of
the body, as it is for the consecration of the
wine and water" (de Eccl. Off. Var. Lect,
Hittorp. col. 1445 ; see also i. 15). After inqui-
ries made at Rome in 831, Amalarius omitted
this passage, but not the letter of Gregory, who
had been his authority (iv. 26). Micrologus,
without citing Gregory, or mentioning the
apostles, remarks that the Ordo Romanus com-
mands the priest to consecrate on Good Friday
wine not consecrated before with the Lord's
prayer and immission of the Lord's body, that
the people may be able to communicate fully"
(de Eccl. Obs. 19). The Ordo itself ascribes the
consecration to the mixture only (Amal. u. s.
col. 1445 ; see Scudamore, Notitia Eucharistica,
p.707, ed. 2). Leo forbad the Lord's Prayer in a
grace at meals, " because the holy apostles were
wont to say this prayer only in the consecration
of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ"
(Epist. ii. Labbe, ix. 697).
III. In the ancient liturgies the Lord's
Prayer is introduced by a preface. In the
Roman and Ambrosian this is not connected with
any preceding form, but in the Greek, Oriental,
and Ephesine, it is the conclusion of a separate
prayer. The Roman preface is as follows, " Ore-
mus. Praeceptis salutaribus moniti et divina
institutione format!, audemus dicere " (Sacram.
Gelas. Murat. i. 697). The Liturgy of Milan
uses the same form generally, but on some feasts,
as Easter and Christmas (Le Brun, Dissert, iii.
2 ; Pamel. Liturgicon, i. 304), the following :
" Divino magisterio edocti et salutaribus monitis
instituti audemus dicere," which is identical with
a Gothico-Gallican form (Liturg. Gall. Mabill.
297). The original Ambrosian canon, however,
was followed by a prayer for the presence of
Christ, ending thus, " That we may receive the
verity of the Lord's body and blood; through
the same Jesus Christ our Lord, saying, Our
Father," & c . (Murat. Liturg. Rom. i. 134).
The Roman and Milanese prefaces have been
given above in Latin, that the reader may com-
pare them with the language of St. Cyprian,
A ; D - 252, in his treatise on the Lord's Prayer
(in init.) : " Evangelica praecepta . . . iiihil sunt
aha quam Magisterial divina . . . Inter sua salu-
foria monita et praecepta diviua . . . etiam orandi
LOED'S PRAYEE
1057
ipse formam dedit." Of the title " Our Father,"
he says, " Quod uomen nemo nostrum in orationo
auderet attingere, nisi ipse nobis sic permisisset
orare " (compare St. Jerome, as above). It is a
probable inference that a .preface, or prefaces,
resembling those quoted, was used with the
Lord's Prayer in the Latin church of Africa in
the 3rd century. In the old Gallican missals
there is a variable prayer, called Collectio ante
Orationem Dominicam, of which the following
is a brief example : " We beseech Thee, God
the Father Almighty, in these petitions where-
with our Lord Jesus Christ, thy Son, hath com-
manded us to pray, saying, Our Father," &c.
(Hiss. Goth. Lit. Gall. 190). Some of these
" collects" in the Gothico-Gallican missals are
exhortations (195, 202, &c.). One (238) is partly
addressed to God and partly to the people. The
Gallicanum Vetus of Mabillon (p. 346), and
the fragment known as the Reichenau missal
(Gallican Liturgies, Neale and Forbes, p. 1),
have each an example of exhortation. This
collect disappears from the missale Francorum
(Lit. Gall. 326) and the Besan9on sacramentary
found at Bobio (Mus. Ital. i. 281), as they had
both adopted the Roman canon. We do not
know the preamble used by the Franks, as the
MS. fails near the end of the canon. The Be-
sant^on canon is followed by a Gallican preamble,
" Divino magisterio edocti, et divina institutione
(formati, Miss. Goth, in Lit. Gall. 228) audemus
dicere, Pater," &c. In the Mozarabic missal the
formulary before the Lord's Prayer (headed
Ad Orationem Dominicam) is often long. In
some instances (Leslie, 20, 63, 85, &c.) it is not
verbally connected with the latter. It may be
a prayer to the Father (16, 20, 22, &c.) or to the
Son (6, 12, 93, &c.), or an address to the people
(10, 26, 32, &c.). The following example can
hardly be classed under any of these heads :
" That which is the way hath He shewn, that
we might follow in it ; that which is the life
hath He taught, that we might speak of it ;
that which is the truth hath He ordained, that
we might hold it. To Thee, Supreme Father,
let us from the earth with trembling of heart
cry aloud, Our Father," &c. (40).
In the ancient liturgy of Jerusalem, known as
St. James, at the close of a long secret prayer,
the priest says aloud, " And deign that we,
merciful Lord, may with boldness, uncondemued,
with a pure heart, a contrite soul, unabashed
face, sanctified lips, dare to call upon Thee, the
holy God, the Father in the heavens, and to say,
Our," &c. (Trollope, 99). This 'E/c^j/rjcm ap-
pears in abridged forms in the derived liturgies
of St. Basil (Goar, 174), St. Chrysostom (80),
and the Armenian (Neale's Introd. 622). In
St. Mark, the priest concludes his secret prayer
thus, "That with the holy disciples and apostles,
we may say unto Thee this prayer, Our," c.
(Renaud. i. 159.) Then he says aloud the form
above given from St. James, and the people say
the Lord's Prayer. In the Syro-Jacobite litur-
gies there is also a secret prayer, which leads
up to the Lord's Prayer thus, " That we may
dare to invoke Thee . . . and pray, and say,
Our," &c. (Renaud. ii. 39, 131, &c.). In the
Egyptian (Renaud. i. 20, 35, 50, 75, 116) and
Nestorian (ii. 595) liturgies, the Lord's Prayer
is introduced in a similar manner at the end of
the prayer of Fraction.
1058
LORD'S SUPPER
IV. St. Augustine's expression, " All the faith-
ful hear it " (see above), seems to imply that
in Africa the people did not repeat the Lord's
Prayer themselves in his time. When Gregory
introduced it at Rome, he did not assign it to
the congregation. "Among the Greeks, the
Lord's Prayer is said by all the people, but
among us by the priest alone " (Epist. u. s.).
Yet elsewhere in the Latin church they said it.
That it was so in France ia the 6th century
is clear from a story in Gregory of Tours. A
dumb woman " on a certain Lord's day stood
with the rest of the people. But it came to
pass that, when the Lord's Prayer was said,
she also opened her mouth and began to sing
that holy prayer with the rest" (Mirac. S.
Mart. ii. 30). In the Mozarabic Liturgy the
people responded " Amen" at the end of the
first clause, and the first three petitions : after
" Give us this day our dail) r bread," they re-
sponded, " for Thou art God" : after the two
following petitions, " Amen" : and after " Lead
us not into temptation," they concluded with
' But deliver us from evil " (Leslie, 6). In all the
Eastern rites, as in their sources, St. James and
St. Mark, this prayer is said by the people. In
the Egyptian (Ken. i. 76, 77) and Syro-Jacobite
(ii. 40, 131) they begin at " Hallowed be," &c.
In the Nestorian, they say it all (Badger, Nes-
torians, ii. 237 ; Renaud. ii. 595).
V. St. Augustine more than once alludes to a
custom of beating the breast when the words
" forgive us our trespasses " were said in the
liturgy : " If we are without sin, and we beat
our breasts, saying, Forgive, &c., in this very
thing at least we sin, even gravely ; as no one
can doubt ; seeing that we lie while the very
sacraments are being celebrated" (Serm. 351, 3,
6. Similarly, Serm. 388, 2). To what ex-
tent this custom prevailed does not appear.
For the form which followed the Lord's Prayer
in every ancient liturgy, see EMBOLISMUS.
[W. E. S.]
LORD'S SUPPER (Coena Domini, Coma
Dominica, Aeiirvov KvptaKOf). I. The primary
notion was of the Last Supper of our Lord, at
which the eucharist was instituted. That, says
Hippolytus, A.D. 220, was the " first table of the
mystical supper " (in Prov. ix. 1, Fragm.~). St.
Chrysostom, A.D. 398, commenting on 1 Cor. xi.
20, says that St. Paul, by using the words
" Lord's Supper," takes his hearers back to that
" evening in which the Lord delivered the awful
mysteries " (Horn. 27, in Ep. 1, ad Cor. 2).
With this view, he argues, the apostle called rb
&pi<nov Sflirvuv, that which in practice was
taken early in the day by the name commonly
given to the meal which was eaten last (ibid.).
Somewhat similarly Pseudo-Dionysius (probably
about 520) : " The common and peaceable par-
ticipation of one and the same bread and cup . . .
brings (us) to a sacred commemoration of the
most divine and archetypal (apxiffv^6\ov)
supper" (Eccl. Hierarch. c. iii. Cent. iii. 1).
Maximus, the commentator on this book, A.D.
660, here explains that " the mystical supper of
the Lord is said to be apxtffvfj.^o\ov, in relation
to the divine mysteries now celebrated " (Scho-
lium in loc.). The " Lord's Supper " was,
therefore, in the conception of the early ages of
the church, in the first instance and emphati-
cally, that supper of which, our Lord partook
LORD'S SUPPER
Himself with His disciples the night before His
death, and of which the first reception of the
holy eucharist was conceived a part.
II. For some length of time the eucharist was
celebrated in connexion with a meal taken by
the faithful in common, in resemblance of the
Last Supper [AGAPE]. It is probable that at
first the whole rite, agape and communion, was
called the supper, or the Lord's Supper, partly
to veil the sacrament from unbelievers, and
partly owing to the language of St. Paul in
1 Cor. xi. 20 being so understood. To illustrate
this, we may mention that the word agape
itself in one passage appears to cover both the
meal and the sacrament. " It is not lawful
either to baptize or to make an agape apart
from the bishop." This is found in the epistle
of St. Ignatius to the church at Smyrna (c. 8),
one of those mentioned by Eusebius, and the
passage itself is cited by Antiochus Monachus,
A.D. 614 (Horn. 124; Migne, No. 89, col. 1822).
Now when the compiler of the twelve epistles of
Ignatius came to this passage, he expanded the
words ovre a.yd.Trr)i> noi.iiv thus : " Nor to offer,
or bring a sacrifice, or celebrate a feast " (Sox^)-
See Cureton's Corpus Ignatianum, 109. Ter-
tullian in 198 describes the agape under the
name of a supper : " our Supper shews its
nature by its name. It is called that which
love is among the Greeks " (Apol. 39). At a
later period, when the agape was celebrated
with the eucharist on one day of the year only,
viz., Maundy Thursday, in commemoration
of the institution of the sacrament on that day,
it was still called the Lord's Supper. E.g. the
council of Carthage, A.D. 397, decrees that the
" sacraments of the altar be celebrated only by
men fasting excepting on that one day in every
year on which the Lord's Supper is celebrated "
(can. 29). Three years later St. Augustine,
speaking of the custom of bathing at the end of
Lent, says that " for this purpose that day was
rather chosen in which the Lord's Supper is
yearly celebrated " (Epist. 54, vii. 10). Again,
" We compel no one to break their fast (prandere)
before that Lord's Supper, but neither do we
dare to forbid any one " (ibid. 9). In 691 the
council of Constantinople (can. i. 29) cites the
canon of Carthage, as given above, and abolishes
the permission which it left.
III. The eucharist was the chief part of the
Lord's Supper, whether that name was applied
to the occasion of its institution or to the united
observance of the first period after Christ.
Hence it was almost inevitable that when the
unessential part of that observance was dropped,
the name should adhere to the sacrament. Some
of the Fathers, indeed, thought, as we shall see,
that St. Paul applied it directly to the eucharist
in 1 Cor. xi. 20 ; so that the designation had a
double origin. It is necessary to bring many
testimonies to the extent of this usage, because
it has been rashly denied, in a polemical spirit
(by Maldonatus, Suarez, and others), that the
sacrament was called the ' ; Lord's Supper," or a
" supper," however qualified, in the early
church. Our earliest witness is Tertullian, who
paraphrasing the words of St. Paul in 1 Cor.
x. 21, says, " We cannot eat the supper of God
and the supper of devils " (de Spect. 13).
When Hippolytus, as above, calls the institution
" the first table of the mystical supper," he
LORD'S SUPPER
implies that any subsequent celebration may be
so called. Dionysius of Alexandria, A.D. 254,
says that Christ " gives Himself to us in the
mystical supper " (Tract, c. Samos. R. ad Qu. 7).
St. Basil, A.D. 370 : " We are instructed neither
to eat and drink an ordinary supper in a church,
nor to dishonour the Lord's Supper (by cele-
brating it) in a house " (Regulae brevius tract.
310). St. Augustine, A.D. 396, expressly says
that St. Paul " calls that reception itself of the
euchai-ist the Lord's Supper " (Ep. 54, v. 7).
Again, " He gave the supper to His disciples
consecrated by His own hands ; but we have not
reclined at that feast, and yet we daily eat the
same supper by faith" (Serm. 112, iv.) In the
regions of the East most do not partake of the
Lord's Supper every day " (In Serm. Dom. ii. 7,
25). Judas " drew near to the Lord's Supper
equally" (with the other apostles) (Tract. 50 in
St. Joan. Ev. 10). " He permitted him to
partake of the holy supper with the innocent "
(Epist. 93, iv. 15; Sim. Psalm, c. Part. Don.
Jiv. 16 ; c. Litt. Petil. ii. 23, 53 ; 106, 243 ;
Enarr. ii. in PS. xxi. (xxii.) 27). St. Chry-
sostom, A.D. 398, he says again, " As oft as ye
eat it, ye do shew the Lord's death ; and this is
that supper " (of which St. Paul speaks) (Horn.
xxvii. in Ep. i. ad Cor. 5). " As to draw near
at random is perilous, so not to partake of those
holy mystical suppers is famine and death "
(ibid. 8). " Believe that even now this is that
supper at which He Himself reclined " (Horn.
50 in St. Matt. xiv. 34-36). Pelagius, A.D.
405: "The Lord's Supper ought to be common
to all, because He delivered the sacrament
equally to all His disciples who were present "
(Comment, in Ep. i. ad Cor. (xi. 20) ; inter Opp.
Hieron. v. ii. 997). Cyril of Alexandria, A.D.
412 : " Let us run together to the mystical
supper" (Horn. x. torn. v. ii. 371, and commonly).
Theodoret, 423: "He (St. Paul) calls the
Master's mystery the Lord's Supper" (Comment.
in Ep. i. ad Cor. xi. 20). St. Kilns, 440 : " Keep
thyself from all corruption, and be every day
partaker of the mystical Supper ; for thus the
body of Christ begins to be ours " (Paraenetica
n. 120). Anastasius Sinaita, 561 : " On the
5th day (of Holy Week) He gave the mystic
supper which absolves all sin " (in Hexacmeron
v.). Gregory of Tours, 573: "The day on
which the Lord delivered the mystic Supper to
the disciples " (de Glor. Mart. 24). Hesychius,
601 : " The thanksgiving, that is, the oblation
which holds the chief place in the Lord's Supper "
(in Levit. p. 146 c.). The sacrament is fre-
quently called by this author the mystical or
the divine " Supper " (ibid.). Since the time of
Justinian the Second, A.D. 686 (Leo. Allat. de
Domin. Grace, xxi.), the choir have sung on
Maundy Thursday in the Liturgy of St. Basil,
" Make me this day, Son of God, a partaker of
Thy mystic Supper " (Goar, Euchol. 170). The
foregoing testimonies appear to give an ample
sanction to the usage of the Church of England,
and to the statement of the Catechism of Trent,
that " the most ancient Fathers, following the
authority of the apostle, sometimes called the
sacred eucharist also by the name of supper "
(P. ii. de Euch. v.).
IV. In the 6th century 
