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A  DICTIONARY  OF 
ENGLISH  CHURCH  HISTORY 

KDirKI)    I5Y 

S.    L.    OLLARD,    M.A. 

Vice-Principal  and  Tutor  of  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford 

Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Worcester 

and  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester 

ASSISTED    BY 

GORDON    CROSSE,    M.A. 

New  College,  Oxford,  and  of  Lincoln's  Inn 
Barrister-at-Law 


WITH    TWO    MAPS 


A.    R.    MOWBRAY    AND    CO.,   Ltd. 

LONDON:    28   MARGARET   STREET,   OXFORD  CIRCUS,    W. 

OXFORD:    9   HIGH   STREET 

MILWAUKEE,  U.S.A.:  THE  YOUNG  CHURCHMAN  CO. 


First  Inipressiofi,   November  Tgi2 


TO 
THE    MOST    REVEREND    AND    RIGHT    HONOURABLE 

Eantiall  Eijomas 

ILorti   llrdjbisfjDp   of  Cautcvburu 
Prt'matc   of   911   ISnglantJ    anti    i-Bctr0p0litan 

HON.     FELLOW    OK    TRINri'Y    COLLEGE,    OXFORD 

AND    TO 

THE    MOST    REVEREND    AND    RIGHT    HONOURABLE 

(ll^osmo  Portion 

ILorti    ^xc\)\ii5^a-p    at  gork 
Primate   of   iSntjlanli    anti    jjHctropolitan 

FELLOW  OF  ALL  SOULS  COLLEGE  AND  HON.   FELLOW  OF  MAGDALEN  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 

THIS    BOOK    IS 

BY    THEIR    graces'    PERMISSION 

RESPECTFULLY    DEDICATED 


2G529r> 


PREFACE 

If  any  apology  be  needed  for  the  publication  of  a  Dictionary  of  English 
Church  History,  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  no  work  of  the  kind  exists 
in  English  or  in  German.  Never  before  probably  have  English  historians 
been  so  numerous  and  so  active  as  in  the  last  thirty  years,  but  the  results 
of  their  researches  are  still  chiefly  contained  in  biographies,  in  series,  and  in 
isolated  monographs.  The  object  of  this  Dictionary  is  to  embody  a  synthesis 
of  these  results  so  far  as  it  can  be  obtained. 

Such  an  object  would  have  been  unattainable  without  the  help  of 
many  scholars.  From  the  outset  the  idea  of  the  Dictionary  was  approved 
and  aided  by  those  English  bishops  best  known  as  Church  historians 
—the  present  Bishop  of  Bristol  (Dr.  G.  F.  Browne),  the  late  Bishop  of 
Gibraltar  (Dr.  W.  E.  Collins),  and  the  late  Bishop  of  Salisbury  (Dr.  John 
Wordsworth).  Illness  unhappily  prevented  the  Bishop  of  Bristol  and  the 
late  Bishop  of  Gibraltar  from  contributing  articles ;  while  the  late  Bishop  of 
SaHsbury  had  completed  only  two  of  his  promised  articles  when,  to  the  heavy 
loss  of  English  learning,  he  was  removed  by  death. 

The  Dictionary  is  intended  not  so  much  for  the  scientifically  trained 
historian  as  for  the  ordinary  member  of  the  English  Church  who  desires 
to  know  the  best  ascertained  facts  in  the  history  of  the  society  to  which 
he  belongs.  To  attain  this  result  in  one  volume  compression  and  some 
omissions  have  been  necessary.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this,  it  is  hoped  that 
the  broad  features  of  the  story  have  been  covered.  Any  lack  of  proportion 
in  treatment  is  due  to  the  consideration  that  a  subject  admittedly  obscure, 
when  treated  by  an  expert,  demands  more  generous  space  than  a  subject 
already  familiar,  for  which  authorities  are  easily  accessible.  In  fairness  to 
the  contributors,  it  should  be  said  that  many  articles  have  been  rigorously 
compressed  owing  to  exigencies  of  space.  It  has  not  been  thought  necessary 
to  insist  on  uniformity  in  the  spelling  of  proper  names  as  to  which  scholars 
of  repute  differ.  References  have  been  appended  to  most  articles,  designed 
not  so  much  to  justify  the  conclusions  arrived  at,  as  to  direct  the  reader 
to  fuller  and  more  detailed  treatment  of  the  matter  discussed. 


vi  Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


The  scope  of  the  book  is  strictly  that  of  the  EngHsh  Church,  that  is  to 
say,  the  Provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York,  and  no  attempt  has  been  made 
to  treat  the  history  of  the  Church  in  Ireland  and  in  Scotland  and  in 
America. 

To  one  feature  of  the  book  attention  may  be  drawn.  In  the  list  of  the 
bishops  of  the  various  sees  each  appointment  by  Papal  Provision  has  been 
specially  marked.  No  complete  list  has  hitherto  been  attempted.  Dr.  Stubbs 
in  his  Reglstrum  Sacrum  Anglicanum  (2nd  ed.,  1897)  records  such  Provisions 
intermittently,  while  Fr.  Gams,  O.S.B.,  in  .his  Series  Episcoporutn  Ecclesiae 
Catholicae  (Ratisbon,  1875),  gives  a  less  complete  and  less  accurate  list.  To 
Miss  Dorothy  Garrard,  B.A.  of  the  University  of  Manchester,  who  has 
revised  the  list  of  each  see  in  this  volume,  these  records  owe  their  exactness. 

Of  the  two  maps  included  in  this  book  that  showing  the  English 
dioceses  as  they  were  until  1836  is  a  facsimile  of  the  map  issued  with  vol.  vi. 
of  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  in  1834  by  the  Public  Records  Commission. 

An  Index  has  been  added  in  order  that  the  reader  may  be  directed  to 
the  information  on  persons  and  subjects  not  separately  treated. 

I  desire  to  express  my  most  grateful  thanks  to  the  Yen.  W.  H.  Hutton, 
Archdeacon  of  Northampton,  who  originally  encouraged  me  to  undertake 
the  editing  of  this  Dictionary,  and  who  taught  me  my  first  lessons  in  English 
Church  history ;  to  the  Rev.  F.  E.  Brightman,  Fellow  of  Magdalen  College ; 
to  Mr.  F.  Morgan,  Tutor  of  Keble  College ;  to  Dr.  Darwell  Stone,  Principal 
ofPusey  House;  and  to  Dr.  E.  W.  Watson,  Regius  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History.  To  them  I  have  frequently  had  recourse  in  the  progress  of  the 
work,  and  on  their  learning  I  have  made^large  demands.  I  am  bound  to 
mention  specially  a  course  of  lectures  by  Dr.  Watson  on  '  The  Organisation 
and  Revenue  of  the  English  Church'  delivered  in  Hilary  Term,  1911,  to 
wliich  this  book  owes  much ;  while  to  Mr.  Brightman  I  owe  a  heavy  debt 
not  only  for  the  constant  aid  of  his  counsel  and  erudition,  but  also  for 
his  great  kindness  in  reading  and  correcting  the  proof-sheets.  These 
scholars  are,  however,  in  no  way  responsible  for  the  ultimate  form  of  any 
articles  save  those  which  they  have  signed.  I  have  to  thank  my  former 
pupil,  Mr.  Duncan  Armytage,  for  help  readily  given;  and  the  name  of 
the  Assistant  Editor  would  occur  before  that  of  any  other  among  these 
acknowledgments  if  it  were  not  already  printed  on  the  title-page.  On 
him  has  fallen  a  heavy  share  of  the  work,  and  without  his  aid  I  could 
not  have  performed  my  task. 

S.  L.  OLLARD. 

St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford, 
St.  Matthew's  Day,  1912. 


CONTENTS 


LIST  OF  CONTRIBUTORS 

ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  CONTRIBUTORS'  SIGNATURES 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

DICTIONARY  (ABBEYS,  ENGLISH— YORK,  SEE  OF^    . 

INDEX     

MAPS:—  ^ 


1.  The  English  Dioceses,  circ.  1542. 

Reproduced  from  the  mup  iiKidcfor  the  Puhlic 
Records  Commisfiion,  183-J. 

2.  The  English  Dioceses  in  1912. 


In  pocket  at  end 
of  volume. 


1-(;G6 


LIST    OF    CONTRIBUTORS 

ASSINDER,  G.  F.,  M.A.,  B.C.L.  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  and  of  the  Inner 
Temple. 

BARNS,  THOMAS,  M.A.  Keble  College,  Oxford ;  Vicar  of  Ililderstone. 

BASKERVILLE,  G.,  M.A.,  Lecturer,  Librarian,  and  formerly  Tutor  of  Keble  College, 
Oxford. 

BEECHING,  Very  Rev.  H.  C,  D.D.,  formerly  Exhibitioner  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford ; 
Hon.  D.Litt.  Durham  ;  Dean  of  Norwich. 

BLACKIK,  E.  M.,  B.A.  London;  Rector  of  St.  Paul  with  St.  Barnabas,  Edinburgh; 
Hon.  Canon  of  Edinburgh. 

BLAXLAND,  BRUCE,  M.A.  Oriel  College,  Oxford;  Vicar  of  Holy  Cross,  Shrews- 
bury. 

BRIGHTMAN,  F.  E.,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford ;  Pre- 
bendary of  Lincoln  ;  Hon.  D.Phil,  et  Litt.  Lou  vain  ;  Examining  Chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Oxford. 

CAPES,  W.  W.,  M.A.,  Hon.  Fellow  of  Queen's  College,  Oxford ;  Canon  and  Pre- 
bendary of  Hereford. 

CLARKE,  C.  P.  S.,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;  Vicar  of  High 
Wycombe. 

CODRINGTON,  R.  H.,  D.D.,  Hon.  Fellow  of  Wadham  College,  Oxford;  Prebendary 

of  Chichester. 

CROSSE,  GORDON,  M.A.  New  College,  Oxford,  and  of  Lincoln's  Inn. 

DAVLS,  A.  C,  B.A.  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford. 

DAVIS,  H.  W.  C,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford;  formerly  Fellow 
of  All  Souls  College. 

DUDDEN,  F.  H.,  D.D.,  Fellow,  Chaplain,  and  Lecturer  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford; 
Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 

ELLIS,  Miss  DOROTHY  M.  B. 

FIGGIS,  J.  N.,  M.A.,  Litt.I).,  Hon.  Fellow  of  St.  Catherine's  College,  Cambridge;  of 
the  Community  of  the  Resurrection,  MirtieUl. 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


FISHER,  J.,  B.D.,  formerly  Scholar  and  Exhibitioner  of  St.  David's  College, 
Lampeter  ;  Rector  of  Cefn,  St.  Asaph. 

FOWLER,  J.  T.,  M.A.,  Hon.  D.C.L.  Durliam  ;  F.S.A.,  M.R.C.S.  ;  Vice-Principal  of 
Bishop  Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham,  and  Hon.  Canon  of  Durham. 

FRERE,  W.  H.,  D.D.,  formerly  Scholar  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge;  Superior  of 
the  Community  of  the  Resurrection,  INIirfield ;  Examining  Chaplain  to  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester. 

GAIRDNER,  J.,  C.B.,  Hon.  D.Litt.  Oxford;  Hon.  LL.D.  Edinburgh. 

GEE,  H.,  D.D.  Oxford  and  Durham;  formerly  Scholar  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford; 
Hon.  D.D.  Aberdeen ;  F.S.A.  ;  Master  of  University  College,  Durham ; 
Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Ripon. 

GREEN,  E.  TYRRELL,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford  ; 
Professor  of  Hebrew  and  Theology,  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter. 

GREGORY,  Miss  ELEANOR  CHARLOTTE. 

HERVEY,  LORD  FRANCIS,  iM.A.,  Senior  Fellow  of  Hertford  College,  Oxford. 

HUNT,  W.,  M.A.,  D.Litt.  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 

HUTTON,  Ven.  W.  H.,  B.D.,  Archdeacon  of  Northampton  and  Canon  of  Peter- 
borough ;  Fellow  and  formerly  Tutor  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford ;  Examining 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Rochester. 

JAMES,  M.  R.,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  Provost  of  King's  College,  Cambridge  ;  F.S.A. ;  Fellow 
of  the  British  Academy  ;  Hon.  LL.D.  St.  Andrews;  Hon.  Litt.D.  Dublin. 

JENKINS,  CLAUDE,  M.A.,  formerly  Exhibitioner  of  New  College,  Oxford  ;  Librarian 
of  Lambeth  Palace. 

LACEY,  T.  A.,  :M.A.,  formerly  Exhibitioner  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

LAFFAN,  R.  G.  D.,  B.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford  ;  Fellow  of  Queens' 
College,  Cambridge. 

EARNER,  H.  M.,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  and  Chaplain  of  Pembroke  College, 
Cambridge  ;  Rector  of  Bnsbridge. 

LEACH,  A.  F.,  M.A.,  formerly  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

MACLEANE,  D.,  M.A.,  formerly  Fellow  and  Chaplain  of  Pembroke  College,  Oxford  ; 
Prebendary  of  Salisbury  ;  Rector  of  Codford  St.  Peter. 

MARSON,  C.  L.,  M.A.  University  College,  Oxford  ;  Vicar  of  Hambridge. 

MONTGOMEKY,  lit.  Rev.  H.  11.,  D.D.  Trinity  College,  Cambridge;  Hon.  D.D. 
Oxford;  Hon.  D.C.L.  Durham;  Secretary  to  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of 
the  Gosj)el. 


List  of  Contributors  xi 


MORGAN,  F.,  M.A.,  Tutor  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 

MORTIMER,  E.  C,  R.A.  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford. 

OLLART),  S.  L.,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  St.  John's  College ;  Vice-Principal  and 
Tutor  of  St.  Ednuind  Hall,  Oxford  ;  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester  and  Examining 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Worcester. 

OMAN,  C.  W.  C,  M.A.,  Chichele  Professor  of  Modern  History  and  Fellow  of  All  Souls 
College,  Oxford  ;  Hon.  LL.D.  Edinburgh  ;  Fellow  of  the  Jiritish  Academy. 

ORD,  CLEMENT,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  King's  College,  Cambridge  ;  Lecturer  at 
University  College,  Bristol. 

PEILE,  Ven.  J.  H.  F.,  ]\LA.,  formerly  Fellow  of  University  College,  Oxford  ;  Arch- 
deacon of  Warwick  and  Rector  of  Great  Comberton. 

POOLE,  A.  L.,  B.A.  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford. 

POOLE,  R.  L.,  jNLA.,  Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford;  Ph.D.  Leipzig;  Hon. 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society ;  Fellow  of  the  British  Academy ; 
Hon.  LL.D.  Edinburgh;  Keeper  of  the  Archives  of  the  University  of  Oxford. 

PORTUS,  G.  v.,  B.A.,  B.Litt.  New  College,  Oxford;  formerly  Lecturer  in  the 
University  of  Sydney,  N.S.W. 

PRESCOTT,  Ven.  J.  E.,  D.D.,  formerly  Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge; 
Archdeacon,  Chancellor,  and  Canon  of  Carlisle. 

PULL  AN,  L.,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 

RACKHAM,  the  late  R.  B.,  M.A.,  formerly  Exhibitioner  of  Worcester  College,  Oxford ; 
of  the  Community  of  the  Resurrection,  Mirfield. 

READE,  W.  H.  v.,  M.A.,  Tutor  and  Dean  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 

ROMANES,  Mrs.  G.  J.,  of  Pitcalzean. 

RUSSELL,  Rt.  Hon.  G.  W.  E.,  M.A.,  formerly  Exhibitioner  of  University  College, 
Oxford  ;  Hon.  LL.D.  St.  Andrews. 

SANDERS,  F.,  :\LA.  New  College,  Oxford  ;  F.S.A.  ;  Vicar  of  Hoylake. 

SHAW,  MARTIN,  Director  of  Music  at  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin,  Prinu-ose 
Hill,  N.W. 

SKRINE,  Mrs.  M.  J.  H. 

STONE,  DARWELL,  D.D.  Merton  College ;  Principal  of  Pusey  House,  Oxford. 

USHER,  R.  G.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  History  in  the  University  of  Washington,  U.S.A. 

WARREN,  F.  E.,  B.D.,  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford  ;  F.S.A.  ;  Hon. 
Canon  of  Ely  ;  Rector  of  Bardwell. 


xii  Dictionanj  of  English  Church  History 


WATSON,  E.  W.,  D.D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  History  and  Canon  of  Christ 
Church,  Oxford  ;  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Lichfield. 

WEBB,  C.  C.  J.,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 

WHITNEY,  J.  P.,  B  D.,  formerly  Scholar  of  King's  College,  Cambridge;  Hon.  D.C.L. 
Trinity  College,  Toronto,  and  Bishop's  University,  Lennoxville  ;  Professor  in 
Ecclesiastical  History,  King's  College,  London. 

WOODARD,  A.  L.,  B.A.  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

WORCESTER,  Bishop  of,  Rt.  Rev.  H.  W.  Yeatman-Biggs,  D.l).,  Hon.  Fellow  and 
formerly  Scholar  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge  ;  F.S.A. 

WORDSWORTH,  C,  :\I.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  Trinity  College  and  Fellow  of  St. 
Peter's  College,  Cambridge ;  Prebendary  of  Salisbury  ;  Examining  Chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  ;  Master  of  St.  Nicholas  Hospital,  Salisbury. 

WORDSWORTH,  late  Rt.  Rev.  J.,  D.D.,  Hon.  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford ; 
Hon.  LL.D.  Cambridge  and  Trinity  College,  Dublin;  Hon.  D.D.  Berne ; 
Bishop  of  Salisbury. 

WORLLEDGE,  A.  J.,  M.A.,  formerly  Scholar  of  Gonville  and  Caius  College, 
Cambridge  ;  Canon  and  Chancellor  of  Truro  Cathedral. 

WRIGHT,  W.  M.,  M.A.  St.  John's  College,  Oxford  ;  J.  P. 


ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  CONTRIBUTORS' 
SIGNATURES 


A.  C.  1). 
A.  F.  L. 
A.  J.  W. 
A.  L.  P. 

A.  L.  W. 

B.  B. 

C.  C.  J.  \v 
C.  J.       .. 
C.  L.  M. 

C.  P.  S.  C. 
C.  O. 

C.  W.  C.   0 

c.  w.     . 

D.  M.    B.   K 
D.  M.      . 

D.  S. 

E.  C.  G. 
E.  C.  M. 
E.  M.  B. 
E.   E. 

E.  T.  G. 

E.  W.   W. 

F.  E.  B. 
F.  E.  W. 
F.  H.  D. 
F.  H.  . 
F.  M.       . 

F.  S. 

G.  B. 
G,  C. 

G.   F.  A. 
G.  V.  P. 
G.  W.   E.  E 
H.  C.  B. 


Davis,  A.  C. 
Leach,  A.  F. 
Worlledge,  A.  J. 
Poole,  A.  I.. 
Woodard,  A.  L. 
Blaxland,  B. 
Webb,  C.  C.  J. 
Jenkins,  C. 
Marson,  C.  L. 
Clarke,  C.  P.  S. 
Ord,  C. 

Oman,  C.  W.  C. 
Wordsworth,  C. 
Ellis,  Miss  D.  M.  B. 
Macleane,  D. 
Stone,  D. 

Gregory,  Miss  E.  C. 
Mortimer,  E.  C. 
Blackie,  E.  M. 
Romanes,  Mrs.  G.  J. 
Green,  E.  T. 
Watson,  E.  W. 
Brightman,  F.  E. 
Warren,  F.  E. 
Dudden,  F.  H. 
Hervey,  Lord  F. 
Morgan,  F. 
Sanders,  F. 
Baskerville,  G. 
Crosse,  G. 
Assinder,  G.  F. 
Portus,  G.  V. 
Russell,  G.  W.  E. 
Beeching,  H.  C. 


H.  G.     .     .     .     Gee,  U. 

H.  H.  M.     .     .     Montgomery,     Rt.      Rev. 

H.  H. 
H.  M.  L.      .  Larner,  H.  M. 

H.  w.  c.  II.      .     Davis,  H.  W.  C. 
H.  w.     ,     .     .     Worcester,  Bisho])  of. 
J.  E.  p. .     .     .     Prescott,  J.  E. 
J.  F.      ...     Fisher,  J. 
J.  G.      ...     Gairdner,  J. 
J.  H.  F.  p.  .     .     Peile,  J.  H.  F. 
J.  N.  F. .     .     .     Figgis,  J.  N. 
J.  p.  w.  .     Whitney,  J.  P. 

J.  T.  F. .     .      .     Fovi'ler,  J.  T. 
J.  w.     .      .     .      Wordsworth,  Rt.  Rev.   J., 
late    Bishop    of     Salis- 
bury. 

Pullan,  L. 

Skrine,  Mrs.  M.  J.  H. 

James,  ^L  R. 

Shaw,  M. 

Rackham,  R.  B.,  the  late. 

Laffan,  R.  G.  D. 

Usher,  R.  G. 

Codrington,  R.  H. 

Poole,  R.  L. 

Ollard,  S.  L. 

Lacey,  T.  A. 

Barns,  T. 

Hunt,  W. 

Frere,  W.  H. 

Hutton,  W.  H. 

Reade,  W.  H.  Y. 

Wright,  W.  M. 

Capes,  W.  W. 


L. 

p. 

M. 

J. 

H.    IS. 

M. 

R. 

J.        .       . 

M. 

s. 

Pv. 

B. 

R.        .       . 

R. 

G. 

D.  L. 

R. 

G. 

U.        .       . 

R. 

H. 

C. 

R. 

L. 

P.         .       . 

S. 

L. 

0.          .       . 

T. 

A. 

L.         .        . 

T. 

B. 

W. 

H 

w 

H 

F. 

w. 

H 

H.       . 

w. 

H 

V.  R.       . 

w. 

IM 

W\      . 

w 

W 

.  C.      .       . 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


A.C.  .     .     . 

abj). 

Adin.  ami  K 


al.       .     .     . 
Ainbl.      .     . 
Anglo-Catli. 
Ann.  Reg.   . 
app.    .    *. 
arch.  .     . 
art.     . 
A.-S.       .     . 
Atli.  UuiiLab. 
Ath.  Oxon. . 

B.  Mus.  .  . 

B.N.C.    .  . 

bdle.  .     .  . 
Bins. .     . 


c.   .     . 

c.u.u. 

C.H.  . 
C.H.S. 
C.J.    . 
C.M.H. 
C.  Med. 


H. 


C.Q.R.    . 

as.  .   . 

ch.      .  . 

Ch.  Ch.  . 

Ch.  D.  . 

Chron.  . 

Coll.  .  . 
cons.  . 
Cro.  Car. 


d.  .     . 
D.N.B. 


dep. 


Appeal  Cases. 

depr 

deprived. 

archbishop. 

Diet.  Hymn.    . 

Dictionary  of  Hymiiology. 

Admiralty  and  Ecclesiastical 

dio 

diocese  or  diocesan. 

Cases.                                        1 

a  liter  (otherwise). 

E.  and  B.    .     . 

Ellis    and    Blackburn's    Re- 

Ambler's Reports. 

ports. 

Anglo-Catholic. 

E.H.R.    .     .     . 

English  Historical  Review. 

Annual  Register. 

eccl 

ecclesiastical. 

appendix. 

Eccl.  ana  ^Uar. 

Ecclesiastical  and    Maritime 

archaeological. 

Cas. 

Cases. 

article. 

ed 

edited  or  edition. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Encyc.  Biu. 

Encyclopa'dia  Britannica. 

Athenae  Cantabrigienses. 

Eng.   .     .     .     . 

Ensjrland  or  English. 

Athenae  Oxonienses. 

Eng.  Diet.  .     . 

English  Dictionary. 

Epp 

Epistolae,  epistles. 

British  Museum. 

Eq 

Equity. 

Braseuose  College. 

Ex.     . 

Exchequer. 

bundle. 

Bingham's  Reports. 

Fasc.  Ziz.     .     . 

Fasciculi  Zizaniorum. 

Fr 

Frater  (brother). 

circa. 

Corpus  Christi  College. 

H.B.S.    . 

Henry  Bradshaw  Society. 

Constitutional  History. 

H.E 

Historia  Ecclesiastica. 

Church  Historical  Society. 

H.L.  Ua.s.     .     . 

House  of  Lords  Cases. 

Chief  Justice. 

Hagg.  Cons 

Haggard's     Consistory     Re- 

Cambridge ISIodern  History. 

ports. 

Cambridge    Mediteval    His- 

Hist  

History,  historical,  historica. 

tory. 
Cliurch  Quarterly  Review. 

Insts. 

Institutes. 

Camden  Society. 

1   Intro. 

Introduction. 

church. 

Christ  Church. 

J.T.S.     .     .     . 

Journal        of        Theological 

Chancery  Division. 

Studies. 

Chronicon. 

K.B. 

King's  Bench. 

Collections. 

consecrated. 

L.  and  P.     . 

Letters  and  Papers. 

Croke's  Reports  of  Cases  in 

L.R.   .     .     . 

Law  Reports. 

the  Reign  of  Charles  i. 

L.T.   .     .     . 

Law  Times. 

Lib.    .     .     . 

Library. 

died. 

Ld.  Riiviii.  . 

Lord  Raymond's  Reports. 

Dictionary  of  National  Bio- 

graphy. 

M.G.H.  .     . 

Monumenta  Germaniae  His- 

deposed. 

torica. 

XVI 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Mem.      .     .     .  Memorial,  Memorials. 

misc miscellaneous. 

mod modern. 

mod.  rep.     .     .  modern  reports. 

MSS.       .     .     ■  manuscripts. 

N.E.D.   .     .     .  New  English  Dictionary. 

N.S New  Series. 

nat.    ...  national. 

(P.)    ....  By  Papal  Provision. 

P Probate. 

P page. 

P.B Prayer  Book. 

P. (J Privy  Council. 

P.D.        .      .     .  Probate  Division. 

P.S Parker  Society. 

Pari Parliamentary. 

Patr Patrologia. 

Pol.  Hist.  Eiig.  Political  History  of  England. 

Phill.  Eccl.  .     .  Phillimore's       Ecclesiastical 
Reports. 


Q.B.D.    .     .     .     Queen's  Bench  Division. 

(j.v quem  vide  (whom  see). 


R.S.  .     .     . 

.     Rolls  Series. 

IJavm.     .     . 

.     Sir  T.  Raymond's  Reports. 

Regist.  Sacr. 

.     Registrum     Sacrum     Angli 

canum. 

Rep.  .     .     . 

.     Reports. 

res.     .     .     . 

.     resigned. 

Rob.  Eccl.   . 

.     Robertson's  Ecclesiastical  Re 

ports. 

Q.B.  . 


Queen's  Bench. 


S.O Select  Charters. 

Salk Salkeld's  Reports. 

Soc Society. 

st statute. 

theol.      .     .     .  theology, 

tr translated. 

V.C.H.    .     .     .  Victoria  County  History. 

W.R Weekly  Reporter.    , 


DICTIONARY    OF 
ENGLISH    CHURCH    HISTORY 


A  BBEYS  (English).  The  abbeys  for  some 
■^*"  nine  hundred  years  played  an  important 
part  in  the  religious,  political,  social,  and  eco- 
nomic history  of  England.  But  for  the  cata- 
clysm of  the  sixteenth  century  there  appears 
to  be  no  reason  why  they  should  not  have  con- 
tinued a  useful  existence  up  to  the  present 
time.  Reforms  were  needed,  and  the  system 
required  readjustment,  but  that  the  abbeys 
were  centres  of  idleness  and  vice  has  been 
refuted  beyond  question  by  recent  research. 
An  abbey  was  the  home  of  a  body  of  men 
or  women  living  a  communal  life  under 
rules,  the  main  object  of  which  was  continual 
service  of  God,  self-discipUne,  and  work. 
AU  ReUgious  Orders  lived  under  the  three- 
fold vow  of  poverty,  obedience,  and 
chastity.  Rehgious  houses  can  be  divided 
into  four  classes  : — 

1.  The  abbeys  proper,  i.e.  monasteries 
practically  independent  of  external  control, 
which  were  ruled  by  an  abbot.  Abbots 
styled  '  mitred '  sat  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
[Pakliaiment,  Clekgy  in.]  But  whether 
'  mitred  '  or  not,  they  were  great  territorial 
magnates.     (See  B.  Willis,  Mitred  Abbies.) 

2.  Priories  and  cells  which  were  dependent 
on  an  abbey,  to  which  they  were  attached 
as  daughter  houses.  They  were  ruled  by 
priors. 

3.  The  great  Augustinian  priories,  which 
were  as  powerful  and  influential  as  the 
abbeys,  but  subject  to  episcopal  supervision. 

4.  The  friaries,  houses  of  the  preaching 
or  mendicant  Orders  of  Friars  {q.v.). 

As  aU  the  Religious  Orders  were  founded 
on  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  either  in  a  strict 
or  modified  form,  so  aU  the  religious  houses 
were  built  much  after  the  same  plan,  with 
certain  important  variations. 

As  the  type  of  an  ideal  abbey  we  take  the 
magnificent  remains  of  the  Cistercian  abbey 
of  Fountains,  near  Ripon. 

The  abbey  stood  in  its  close  or  precincts 
surrounded  by  a  waU  with  various  postern 
doors.  The  great  Gateway  as  main  entrance 
was  usually  situated  towards  the  south-west 
of  the  abbey  church,  and  at  right  angles 
to  the  west  front;  sometimes,  however,  as 


at  Fountains,  the  great  Gateway  faced  the 
west  front.  The  Gateway  was  usually  of 
considerable  magnificence.  The  centre  com- 
partment of  the  lower  stage  was  occupied  by 
the  main  archway,  large  enough  to  allow 
access  of  a  waggon,  and  had  the  porter's 
lodge  at  one  side.  The  rooms  above,  and 
those  adjoining  the  Gate-house,  were  often 
used  as  the  Hospitium  or  Guest-house.  At 
Fountains  the  Guest-house  is  a  separate 
building  of  considerable  size,  lying  between 
the  main  entrance  and  the  abbey.  Entering 
the  Precincts,  we  see  the  fagade  of  the  great 
church  at  the  northern  end  of  the  long  western 
range  of  buildings.  The  church  at  Foun- 
tains, as  was  usual,  stands  on  the  north,  so 
that  the  cloister  court  to  the  south  of  the  nave 
might  enjoy  the  fuU  benefit  of  the  sun. 
There  are,  however,  numerous  exceptions  to 
this  rule,  as  at  Canterbury,  Gloucester,  Mal- 
mesbury,  and  Tintern.  Monastic  churches, 
with  the  solitary  exception  of  Rievaulx,  were 
always  orientated. 

The  nave  of  Fountains  is  true  to  the 
severe  early  Cistercian  style.  The  west 
front,  pierced  at  a  later  date  by  a  large  per- 
pendicular window,  was  preceded  by  a  porch 
or  narthex  (an  unusual  adjunct  in  England 
which  occurs  also  at  Byland  and  Holm 
Cultram).  Above  the  great  west  window 
stands  the  now  headless  statue  of  the  Virgin, 
to  whom  aU  Cistercian  houses  were  dedi- 
cated. The  long  nave  has  eleven  pointed 
Norman  arches  (1135-47),  supported  by 
massive  cylindrical  piers.  There  is  no  Tri- 
forium  below  the  simple  hne  of  Clerestory 
windows.  The  original  low  central  tower,  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  order, 
gave  place  at  a  later  date  to  the  superb 
transeptal  tower  of  Abbot  Marmaduke 
Huby,  when  Cistercian  idealism  had  given 
way  to  the  pious  opulence  of  successful 
sheep  farming. 

The  original  east  end  was  like  that  still 
standing  at  I^rkstaU,  a  short  square-ended 
aisleless  choir.  In  the  tliirteenth  century 
Abbot  John  of  York  and  his  two  successors 
built  a  Presbytery  of  five  bays,  and  termin- 
ated their  work  by  the  eastern  transept  or 


A 


(1) 


At)l)eys] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Abbeys 


'  Chapel  of  the  Nine  Altars,'  found  elsewhere 
only  at  Durham.  Those  who  now  admire 
the  fine  perspective  of  arch  and  column 
hardly  realise  how  divided  up  was  the 
interior  of  the  great  church.  The  Conversi 
or  Lay  Brothers  used  the  nave  as  their 
church.  The  Rood  screen,  which  stood 
against  the  seventh  pillar  from  the  west  end, 
served  as  reredos  to  their  altar. 

The  two  entrances  at  the  south-west 
corner  of  the  south  aisle  gave  access  to  the 
quarters  of  the  Conversi — the  one  to  their 
dormitory,  the  other  to  the  Cellarium  or 
vaulted  rooms  beneath  their  dormitory  used 
as  their  day  rooms.  The  aisles  were  divided 
from  the  nave  by  stone  screens.  The  stalls 
of  the  Conversi  were  placed  east  and  west, 
with  their  backs  to  these  screens,  as  were 
those  of  the  monks  in  the  Choir.  The  Rood 
screen  had  two  doors  on  each  side  of  the 
altar  (such  as  still  stand  in  St.  Alban's 
Abbey).  These  doors  were  required  for  the 
Procession  on  Sundays  and  Feast  daj^s.  The 
round  stones  marking  the  various  positions 
of  the  monks  in  this  Procession  are  still  in 
situ  down  the  nave.  The  space  between  the 
Rood  screen  and  the  Choir  screen  or  '  Pulpi- 
tum  '  acted  as  a  kind  of  ante-chapel,  used 
by  sick  and  infirm  monks.  There  were  two 
altars  here,  one  on  each  side  of  the  Choir  door. 
The  Choir  or  church  of  the  monks  extended 
beneath  the  central  tower  to  one  bay  west- 
wards. The  monks  had  two  entrances  into 
their  part  of  the  church:  the  Cloister  door, 
which  opened  from  the  eastern  alley  of  the 
Cloister  into  the  south  aisle,  and  the  night 
entrance  at  the  southern  end  of  the  south 
transept,  which  by  means  of  '  the  night 
stairs '  connected  the  Monks'  Dormitory  with 
the  church.  AH  vestiges  of  the  wooden 
screens  have  long  vanished,  but  magnificent 
specimens  of  monastic  stall  work  can  be  seen 
at  Chester,  Lancaster,  and  Christ  Church, 
Hants. 

After  the  church,  the  most  important 
part  of  the  abbey  was  the  Chapter-house 
or  '  Capitulum,'  so  called  perhaps  because  a 
chapter  of  St.  Benedict's  rule  was  read  in  it 
daily  after  Terce.  It  was  invariably  built  at 
the  east  side  of  the  eastern  alley  of  the  Cloister. 
At  Fountains  it  was  separated  from  the 
south  transept  by  a  narrow  chamber  used  as 
a  sacristy  or  small  library.  The  Chapter- 
house is  a  noble  rectangular  room  built  about 
1150;  eighty-four  feet  by  forty-one,  of  six 
bays,  divided  by  two  rows  of  jiillars  into  three 
vaulted  aisles.  It  was  entered  from  the 
Cloister.  Against  the  east  wall  (except  in  the 
centre),  and  extending  most  of  the  length  of 
the  two  side  walls,  arc  three  stone  benches, 


rising  one  above  another,  for  the  monks. 
There  are  several  tomb  slabs  of  the  abbots 
here.  The  rectangular  form  of  Chapter- 
house divided  by  pillars  appears  to  have  been 
the  usual  Cistercian  plan,  the  octagonal  one 
at  Margam  being  quite  exceptional.  Ad- 
joining the  Chapter-house  on  the  south  is 
the  Parlour,  where  necessary  conversation 
might  be  carried  on,  for  silence  was  strictlj' 
enjoined  in  the  Cloister.  The  Parlour  was 
entered  from  the  Cloister.  Immediately  to 
the  south  of  the  Parlour  is  a  passage  leading 
from  the  east  alley  of  the  Cloister  to  the 
Infirmary  and  Abbot"  s  Lodging. 

In  the  south-east  corner  of  the  Cloister  is 
the  entrance  by  a  staircase  to  the  Monks' 
Dormitory  or  '  Dorter.'  This  was  a  room 
one  hundred  and  sixty-five  feet  long  extend- 
ing from  the  south  transept  over  the  Chapter- 
house and  Parlour,  and  on  over  a  long  vaulted 
basement  to  the  south.  At  right  angles  to 
this  southern  end  of  the  Dorter,  and  extending 
ninety-two  feet  east,  was  the  '  Rere  dorter.' 

In  the  southern  alley  of  the  Cloister  were 
three  important  rooms :  the  Calefactorium 
or  Warming  -  house,  the  Refectorium  or 
Frater,  the  Coquina  or  Kitchen.  The 
Warming-house  is  a  fine  room  with  a  stone 
vault  supported  by  a  central  pillar,  and  with 
two  enormous  fireplaces.  Over  it  is  a  stone- 
vaulted  chamber,  probably  the  Muniment- 
room.  To  the  west  of  the  Warming-house, 
and  in  the  centre  of  the  southern  walk  of  the 
Cloister,  stands  the  entrance  to  the  Frater  or 
Dining-room.  On  each  side  of  the  door  are 
the  remains  of  the  Lavatory,  often  a  feature  of 
great  beauty.  In  Cistercian  abbeys  the  Frater 
instead  of  standing  east  and  west  against 
the  Cloister,  as  in  Benedictine,  Cluniac, 
and  Augustinian  Canons'  houses,  stands 
north  and  south,  with  its  ends  only  against 
the  Cloister.  Sibton  and  Cleeve  are  the  only 
exceptions  to  this  rule.  At  Fountains  the 
Frater  is  a  grand  room  buUt  about  1200, 
one  hundred  and  ten  feet  long  by  forty-six 
broad,  lighted  by  tall  lancets.  It  had  a 
central  arcade  of  five  arches  carried  by  four 
round  pillars.  The  roof  was  of  wood  and  of 
two  wide  spans  with  high  gables.  Besides 
the  entrance  from  the  Cloister  there  were 
openings  into  the  Warming-house  on  the 
east  and  two  in  the  west  wall,  the  one  to  the 
Kitchen,  the  other  to  the  wall  pidpit,  now  a 
complete  ruin.  In  the  Fi'ater  at  Beaulieu, 
now  used  as  the  parish  church,  is  a  fine 
example  of  such  a  pulpit.  Against  the  south 
wall  of  the  Frater,  and  extending  down 
three-fifths  of  the  side  walls,  are  broad  plat- 
forms, on  which  stood  the  tables  of  the 
brethren.     At  the  end  was  the  liigh  table. 


(2) 


Abbeys] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Abbeys 


The  tables  stood  on  curious  stone  posts,  good 
examples  of  which  have  recently  been  un- 
earthed at  Bardney.  The  service  door  or 
hatch  from  the  Kitchen  shows  signs  of  an 
ingenious  cu'cular  table,  five  feet  in  diameter, 
which  would  have  several  shelves.  The 
Kitchen  adjoined  the  Frater  on  the  west, 
as  was  the  Cistercian  nde,  possibly  to  bring 
it  into  direct  communication  with  the 
Cloister,  since  Cistercian  monks  themselves 
acted  as  cooks.  It  was  entered  from  the 
Cloister  by  a  plain  round-headed  door.  The 
fireplaces  instead  of  being  against  the  walls 
were  placed  back  to  back  in  the  centre.  As 
the  remains  of  these  fireplaces  had  almost 
disappeared,  this  room  was  mistakenly  called 
the  Buttery,  and  the  Warming -house  the 
Kitchen. 

The  western  side  of  the  Cloister  at  Foun- 
tains, as  in  all  Cistercian  houses,  was  occupied 
by  the  Cellarium  or  Cellarer's  Building.  It 
consists  of  two  vaulted  alleys  three  hundred 


feet  long,  supported  by  a  long  line  of  central 
pillars.  This  superb  vista  much  impressed 
Montalembert.  This  block  was  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  Conversi.  Their 
Frater  and  other  offices  formed  the  ground 
floors,  whilst  the  upper  floor  acted  as  their 
'  Dorter.'  These  Conversi  or  Fratres  Laici 
were  practically  monks  who  could  not  read. 
They  had  charge  under  the  Cellarer  of  the 
secular  and  external  affairs  of  the  monastery. 
They  kept  certain  of  the  Hours  in  their  own 
church  (the  nave),  but  as  they  could  not  read 
they  substituted  for  the  regular  offices  certain 
prayers  and  psalms,  which  they  learned  by 
heart.  They  were  peculiar  to  the  Cistercian 
order,  but  after  the  fourteenth  century  they 
seem  as  a  class  to  have  died  out,  and  to  have 
been  replaced  by  hired  servants.  The 
northern  alley  of  the  Cloister,  that  abutting 
on  the  church,  was  usually  divided  \ip  into 
studies  or  'Carrels,'  where  the  monks  could 
study  and  transcribe. 


Pari*  aflcnvBrtls  uncovpr«d 
FoundAhofustill  buncd. 


CROI'NO  PLAN  OF  FOUNTAINS  ABBEY 


REFERENCES  TO  PLAN 


A.  Presbytery. 

B.  Nine  Altars. 

C.  Chapter-liouse. 

D.  Yard. 

E.  Store-bouse,  with  Monks'  Dorter  over. 

F.  Frater. 

G.  Cellarium     (formerly     known    as     the     Great 

Cloister),  over  which  was  the  Dorter  of  the 
Lay  Brethren. 
Infirmary  of  Lay  Brethren. 
I,  I.  Guest-houses. 
K.  Garderobe  or  Necessarium. 


H 


L.    Warming-house,     over     which     is     now     the 

Museum. 
M.  Prisons. 

N.   Great  Garderobe  or  Necessarium. 
O.    West  Gate-house. 
Q,  Q.  Ash-yards. 
R.   Kitchen  of  Infirmary. 

^.i?.— The  Great  Hall,  to  which  this  last  building 
belongs,  is  the  Infirmary,  formerly  supposed 
to  be  the  Abbot's  Hall.  The  Infirmary 
Chapel  is  just  east  of  the  middle  of  the  hall. 


(3) 


Abbeys] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Abbeys 


The  Infirmary  or  '  Farmery '  was  not  only 
the  hospital  for  the  sick,  but  also  the  abode 
of  infirm  monks  or  those  who  had  been  pro- 
fessed fifty  years.  It  was  a  very  important 
feature  of  every  abbeJ^  At  Fountains  there 
were  two :  one  for  the  Conversi,  situated  to 
the  south-west  of  the  Cellarium  ;  and  another 
for  the  monks  at  some  little  distance  south- 
east of  the  church.  The  remains  show  that 
it  was  a  splendid  thirteenth-century  hall, 
with  chapel,  kitchen,  and  offices. 

The  Abbot's  House  was  placed  between 
the  Infirmary  and  the  Monks'  Dorter.  A 
long  covered  passage  connected  the  Abbot's 
Lodging  with  the  east  end  of  the  church,  and 
another  connected  the  Infirmary  with  the 
south-eastern  corner  of  the  Cloister.  There 
were  besides  a  malt-house,  a  brew-house,  and 
a  mill  (the  latter  still  in  use).  The  system 
of  drainage  was  thorough  and  complete.  The 
size  of  monastic  drains  has  often  given  rise 
to  the  sUly  tales  of  underground  passages  to 
the  nearest  castle  or  nunnery,  miles  away. 

Such,  then,  was  an  ideal  abbey.  It  was 
almost  a  little  town  or  village  in  itself,  and 
contained  and  provided  for  all  its  own  re- 
quirements. 

The  evidence  for  pre-Saxon  monasticism 
is  shght.  There  were  certainly  monasteries 
in  Sussex  and  Devon,  and  historical  criticism 
has  still  to  prove  that  the  stories  which 
cluster  round  Glastonbury  (q.v.)  are  mere 
legends.  Soon  after  the  conversion  of  the 
English  abbeys  arose,  especially  in  the  east 
and  north,  whose  names  are  famihar  in  Church 
history:  Hexham,  Lindisfarne,  Lastingham, 
Ripon,  Whitby,  Bardney,  and  Ely.  These 
early  Saxon  monasteries  appear  to  have 
contained  the  Missionary  College,  Clergy- 
house,  and  Sisterhood  all  in  one,  and  were 
often  ruled  by  a  great  lady,  as  St.  Hilda 
(q.v.)  at  Whitby,  or  St.  Etheldreda  (q.v.) 
at  El}^  This  arrangement,  when  the  first 
religious  fervour  somewhat  cooled,  had  dis- 
advantages, so  we  find  St.  WiKrid  (q.v.) 
at  Ripon,  and  his  friend  Benedict  Biscop 
(q.v.)  at  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow,  trjnng  to 
introduce  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  not, 
however,  with  success,  and  the  Saxon  style 
of  comfortable  country-house  monasticism 
continued  to  flourish.  In  734  Bede  (q.v.) 
deplores  the  circumstances  which  led  men  to 
seek  the  tonsure  instead  of  the  exercise  of 
arms.  His  warnings  were  fulfilled  by  the 
success  of  the  Danes.  In  some  cases  the 
founder  of  a  double  monastery  for  men  and 
women  took  over  the  charge  of  the  men, 
often  quite  young  relatives  -without  any 
vocation,  whilst  his  wife  presided  over  the 
women.      St.  Aldhelm   (q.v.)  mentions   gay 


young  nuns  dressed  in  purple  or  scarlet, 
trimmed  with  fur,  who  habitually  used 
curling  tongs.  Even  St.  Edith  of  Wilton, 
whose  piety  is  beyond  question,  startled 
good  Bishop  Aethelwold  hj  the  gaiety  of 
her  attire.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
wonder  is  not  that  there  were  scandals,  but 
that  they  were  comparatively  few.  King 
Alfred  (q.v.)  found  it  difficult  to  gather  men 
with  a  vocation,  and  therefore  imported  foreign 
monks  to  fiU  his  new  foundation  of  Athelney. 

In  959  Glastonbury  and  Abingdon  alone 
maintained  a  semblance  of  true  conventual 
life.  In  960  St.  Dunstan  (q.v.)  made  a  deter- 
mined effort  to  restore  the  rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict, seconded  by  his  pupil  Aethelwold, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  Oswald,  Bishop 
of  Worcester.  During  this  period  certain  of 
the  old  secular  cathedral  foundations  be- 
came monastic,  and  many  abbeys  destroyed 
by  the  Danes  were  restored,  as  Ely,  Peter- 
borough, and  Crowland.  Of  the  buildings  of 
these  Saxon  houses  practically  nothing  re- 
mains except  small  portions  of  their  churches. 
At  Ripon  and  Hexham  interesting  crj^ts 
survive.  Parts  of  the  Saxon  abbey  churches 
exist  at  Jarrow,  Wearmouth,  and  Deerhurst. 

The  Norman  Conquest  inaugurated  a  great 
revival  of  monastic  Life,  The  introduction 
of  foreign  Churchmen  by  William  led  to  the 
adoption  of  higher  Continental  ideals.  The 
old  Benedictine  houses  were  rebuilt  on  a 
scale  of  unprecedented  splendour:  Durham, 
Gloucester,  Winchester,  Peterborough,  Ely, 
Norwich,  Bury,  and  St.  Albans  were  among 
the  finest  Romanesque  churches  in  the  world, 
with  their  vast  naves,  apsidal  chancels, 
and  solemn  central  towers.  Besides  the 
rebuilding  of  these  ancient  slirines,  new 
abbeys  arose:  Battle  and  Selby,  founded 
by  the  Conqueror,  and  Shrewsbury  by 
Roger  de  Montgomery,  his  lieutenant  at 
Senlac.  Other  houses,  like  Lindisfarne  and 
Bardney,  arose  once  more  from  their  ruins. 
The  eleventh  century  was  for  the  Benedictine 
order  what  the  twelfth  century  was  for 
monasticism  as  a  whole,  the  Golden  Age, 
Other  great  Benedictine  monasteries  were 
Canterbury,  Rochester,  Westminster,  Chester, 
Tewkesbury,  Malvern,  Worcester,  Pershore, 
Malmesbury,  and  Bath,  the  churches  of  which 
survive  in  whole  or  part,  Glastonburj^  and 
St.  Mary's,  York,  are  only  beautiful  frag- 
ments, whilst  Reading,  Colchester,  Ramsej^ 
Evesham,  and  Abingdon  have  practically 
disappeared. 

The  Cluniacs,  introduced  eleven  years  after 
the  Conquest,  established  a  famous  priory 
at  Lewes,  Of  the  great  church,  one  of 
the  finest   in  the  country,  hardly  a  vestige 


(4) 


Abbeys! 


Dictionari/  of  English  Church  History 


Abbeys 


remains.  They  were  never  popular,  and 
their  houses  did  not  exceed  thirty-five  in 
number.  Castle  Acre  and  Wenlock  arc  their 
best  preserved  priories.  Wenlock  has  re- 
mains of  a  thirteenth-century  church  four 
hundred  feet  long,  ruins  of  a  Norman  chapter- 
house, portions  of  a  unique  octagonal  twclfth- 
oentury  lavatory,  and  an  almost  perfect 
example  of  a  prior's  house. 

In  1128  the  Cistercians  were  introduced 
into  England  by  William  Giffard,  Bishop  of 
\^'inchester,  who  built  their  first  abbey  at 
Waverley.  The  Abbot  of  Ricvaulx  (founded 
1131)  became  the  head  of  the  Order  in  this 
country.  They  were  the  Puritans  of  their 
age.  Their  rule  enjoined  strict  simplicity 
in  buildings  and  ornaments.  Their  houses 
had  to  be  situate  in  locis  a  conversaiione 
hominum  semotis,  so  we  find  the  ruins  of 
their  exquisite  churches  liidden  away  in  se- 
cluded valle\'s.  Their  very  isolation,  indeed, 
has  saved  them  from  the  spoilers'  hand. 
From  1130  to  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  the  Cistercians  spread  far  and  wide. 
Their  enthusiasm  for  building  was  in  great 
degree  responsible  for  the  marvellous  develop- 
ment of  architecture  during  this  period.  One 
hundred  abbeys  arose  to  witness  to  the 
popularity  of  this  order  of  pious  sheep 
breeders.  The  Cistercian  ruins  mark  particu- 
larly the  period  of  transition  from  Norman 
to  the  early  Pointed  style.  Fountains, 
Kirkstall,  and  Buildwas  show  the  first  signs 
of  the  coming  change  by  the  use  of  the 
pointed  pier  arch.  Roche,  Byland,  and 
Jervaulx  are  examples  of  the  transitional 
work  of  the  later  half  of  the  twelfth  century. 
The  choirs  of  Rievaulx  and  Fountains  are 
pure  Early  English.  Netley  and  Tintern 
reach  the  Geometrical  stage  of  the  middle  of 
the  tliirteenth  century.  The  destruction  of 
the  thii'teenth-century  church  of  Beaulieu 
is  an  irreparable  loss  to  architecture,  as  the 
plan  shows  a  striking  resemblance  to  Clair- 
vaux,  and,  besides  Croxden,  it  was  the  only 
Cistercian  church  with  an  apsidal  ending. 
At  the  Dissolution  all  the  churches  of  this 
Order  were  either  destroyed  or  left  to  fall 
into  ruins,  the  only  exception  being  Holm 
Cultram,  which  was  made  parochial.  Abbey 
Dore  was  restored  to  sacred  uses  in  the 
seventeenth  century  after  one  hundred  years 
of  desolation. 

The  twcKth  century  saw  also  the  rise  of 
the  Gilbertine  order,  founded  by  St.  Gilbert 
of  Sempringham  {q.v.)  in  1139.  It  was 
unique  in  its  revival  of  the  Saxon  system 
of  monks  and  nuns,  sharing  a  common 
monastery,  though  rigorously  separated. 
They  had   each   a   cloister,   with    its    separ- 


ate set  of  domestic  buildings.  The  church, 
which  was  shared  by  both,  was  divided  by 
a  solid  partition  wall.  The  monks'  rule  was 
based  on  that  of  the  Augustinians,  and  the 
nuns  on  that  of  the  Cistercians.  There  were 
only  twenty-five  Gilbertine  houses  in  the 
country,  of  which  eleven  were  in  Lincoln- 
shire. The  remains  at  Watton,  near  Drif- 
field, give  a  good  example  of  the  curious 
plan  of  their  abbeys.  The  church  of  Old 
Malton  is  a  fragment  of  a  Gilbertine 
church.  There  are  also  interesting  remains 
of  domestic  buildings  at  Chicksands.  The 
Carthusian  Order  came  to  England  under 
Henry  il.,  and  was  established  at  Witham, 
Somerset,  under  St.  Hugh  [q.v.).  The  ex- 
treme austerity  enjoined  by  the  rule  of  their 
founder,  St.  Bruno,  seems  to  have  deterred 
our  forefathers  from  joining  them.  There 
were  only  nine  houses  in  England.  The 
Carthusians  lived  in  solitude  and  silence. 
Each  occupied  a  small  detached  cottage, 
.  standing  in  a  garden  surrounded  by  high 
walls,  and  connected  by  a  common  cloister. 
All  met  on  Sundays  and  Feast  days  in  the 
refectory.  Their  churches  were  small  and 
without  aisles.  Mount  Grace  Priory  in 
Yorkshire  is  the  most  complete  example  of 
their  houses.  Shene,  with  its  cloister  five 
hundi'ed  feet  square,  was  one  of  their  largest 
monasteries.  The  most  celebrated  Charter- 
house was  that  in  London,  founded  in  1371, 
and  refounded  as  the  famous  school  in  1611 
by  Sir  Thomas  Sutton. 

The  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine,  the 
'  Black  Canons '  or  '  Austin  Canons,'  were 
regular  clergy  holding  a  middle  position 
between  the  monks  and  secular  canons, 
almost  resembling  a  community  of  parish 
priests  Uving  under  rule  (that  of  St.  Augus- 
tine of  Hippo).  The  naves  of  their  churches 
were  often  parochial,  and  so  have  often  sur- 
vived to  this  day.  The  prior's  lodging  was 
almost  invariably  attached  to  the  south- 
west angle  of  the  nave.  This  order  came  to 
England  under  Henry  i.,  and  quickly  became 
the  most  popular  of  aU.  The  head  of  an 
Augustinian  house  was  almost  always  a 
prior.  The  naves  of  their  churches  were 
sometimes  without  aisles,  as  Kirkham,  and 
sometimes  had  only  one  aisle,  as  Lanercost, 
Bolton,  and  Haughmond.  The  cathedral 
churches  of  Carhsle  and  of  the  two  Tudor 
bishoprics  of  Bristol  and  Oxford  were 
Augustinian  priories.  Other  famous  houses 
of  this  order  were  Waltham  and  BridUngton, 
whose  huge  naves  still  survive  ;  of  Thornton, 
Oseney,  Walsingham,  and  Guisborough  the 
scantiest  fragments  remain.  St.  Mary 
Overy     (Southwark),     St.     Bartholomew's, 


(5) 


Abbeys] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Abbeys 


Smithfield,  and  Christ  Church,  Hants,  still 
stand  more  or  less  complete. 

The  Premonstratcnsian  order,  a  reformed 
branch  of  the  Austin  Canons  (founded  1119 
by  St.  Norbcrt),  built  their  lirst  house  in 
England  at  Newhouse  in  Lincolnshire,  1143. 
They  had  thirty-four  abbeys,  of  Avhicli  Wel- 
beck  was  the  head.  There  are  fine  remains  of 
their  houses  at  Eggleston  and  St.  Agatha's  in 
Yorkshire,  and  at  Bayham  in  Sussex.  Their 
churches  -were  often  long  and  without  aisles. 
'  Stern  Premonstratcnsian  Canons  wanted  no 
congregations,  and  cared  for  no  jDrocessions, 
therefore  they  built  their  church  like  a  long 
room  '  (Beresford  Hope).  The  plan  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Agatha's  is  confusing  by  its 
irregularity. 

With  the  coming  of  the  friars  in  the 
thu'tcenth  century  the  popularity  of  the 
abbeys  waned.  A  friary  was  arranged  on 
much  the  same  plan  as  a  small  priory.  The 
church  was  a  long  parallelogram  unbroken 
by  transepts.  The  vast  hall-like  nave  pro- 
vided the  preaching  space  so  necessary  to 
their  system.  The  cloister  and  domestic 
buildings  were  situated  on  the  side  of  the 
church.  Remains  of  their  houses  exist  at 
Norwich,  Gloucester,  and  Reading. 

Cells  such  as  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Lincoln, 
were  the  smallest  of  religious  houses,  and 
consisted  of  one  long  narrow  range  of  build- 
ings, terminating  towards  the  east  in  a 
chapel. 

The  annual  revenue  of  the  various  houses, 
including  land  and  the  proceeds  from  the 
spiritual  benefices  held  by  them,  is  reckoned 
by  Speed  at  £171,312,  4s.  3Jd.  Nasmith 
reckons  the  total  shghtly  higher.  The  an- 
nual value,  therefore,  of  the  eleven  hundred 
and  thirty  monasteries  and  hospitals  sup- 
pressed by  the  King  must  have  been  about 
£200,000,  equal  to  £2,400,000  in  present 
value  (Blunt).     [Religious  Orders.] 

The  houses  raised  since  the  revival  of  the 
rehgious  life  have  been  chiefly  connected 
with  sisterhoods.  Religious  brotherhoods 
arc  represented  by  the  Co\\^ley  Fathers,  the 
Benedictines  of  Caldcy  and  Llanthony,  and 
the  Community  of  the  Resurrection  at 
Mirfield.  [Religious  Orders,  Modern.] 
Their  houses  are  mainly  still  in  course  of 
erection.  The  Church  of  the  Society  of  St. 
John  the  Evangelist,  Cowley,  though  of 
moderate  dimensions,  is  a  fine  example  of  a 
simple  conventual  chapel.  The  sisterhoods 
rival  the  great  Pre-Reformation  Orders  in 
the  size  and  splendour  of  their  houses.  The 
chapel,  refectory,  kitchen,  and  cloisters  of 
St.  Margaret's  Convent,  p]ast  Grinstead 
(perhaps    Street's    finest    design),    form    a 


superb  group.  The  old  traditional  monastic 
plan  forms  the  centre  block,  surrounded  by 
vast  ranges  of  buUdings  necessitated  by  the 
schools  and  orphanages  which  now  form  so 
important  and  useful  an  addition  to  the 
work  of  a  modern  sisterhood. 

[w.  M.  w.] 

ABBEYS  (Welsh).  The  history  of  mon- 
astic houses  in  Wales  falls  into  two  periods, 
roughly  divided  by  the  coming  of  the  Nor- 
mans. The  earliest  and  most  important 
house  seems  to  have  been  that  of  Illtyd, 
'  of  all  the  Britons  best  skilled  in  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, both  the  Old  Testament  and  the  New, 
as  w^eU  as  in  every  kind  of  learning,  such  as 
geometry,  rhetoric,  grammar,  and  the  know- 
ledge of  all  arts,'  where  Samson,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Dol,  Gildas,  Dewi,  and  even 
Maelgwn  G3T\'nedd,  were  pupils.  A  little 
later  Dewi  founded  his  house — the  modern 
St.  David's — and,  to  mention  only  the  most 
important,  Djrfrig  founded  houses  at  Mochros 
and  HenUan  on  the  Wye,  Cadog  at  Nant- 
carfan,  Teilo  at  Llandafi,  and  Padarn  at 
Llanbadarn.  Similarly  there  were  in  North 
Wales  Bangor  Fawr,  founded  by  Deiniol,  its 
great  offshoot,  Bangor  Iscoed  on  the  Dee, 
Cyndeyrn's  foundation,  now  St.  Asaph, 
Cybi's  at  Holyhead,  and  that  of  Cadfan  at 
Towyn.  These  early  communities  were 
characterised  by  an  austere  asceticism,  and 
when  this  did  not  sufficiently  mortify  the 
flesh  it  was  freqviently  the  practice  for  saints 
to  retire  to  eremitical  seclusion  in  a  cave  or 
lonely  island,  such  as  Bardsey,  Caldey,  or 
Priestholm.  Another  feature  of  Celtic  mon- 
asticism  was  manual  labour,  on  which  Dewi 
Sant  and  Gildas,  as  well  as  others,  are  said 
to  have  insisted.  The  Scriptures,  too,  were 
carefull}'^  studied,  and  much  time  was  occupied 
in  the  regular  services  in  the  church,  as  in  the 
later  monasteries.  The  members  of  the 
community  were  admitted  by  a  monastic 
vow,  and  the  special  virtues  were  humility, 
obedience,  charity,  and  chastity.  They 
dwelt  within  the  sacred  enclosure  or  '  Uan,' 
apparently  not  in  a  single  building,  but  in 
separate  cells  grouped  around  the  church, 
the  guest-house,  and  the  other  necessary 
out-houses.  They  were  not,  however,  strictly 
confined  to  the  precincts  of  the  llan,  but  were 
despatched  by  the  abbot  on  various  missions, 
at  first  probably  to  spread  the  Gospel.  In 
the  time  of  the  primitive  Welsh  laws  there 
were  two  classes  of  church — mother  churches 
and  wliat  may  be  called  secondary  churches. 
'J'he  foriner  riormalljr  had  an  abbot  (ahad) 
and  a  communitj'  {das),  while  in  the  latter 
there  were  only  priests.     The  former  were 


(6) 


Abbeys] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Abbeys 


clearly  monastic,  and  the  clas  was  a  closely 
bound  coninuinity,  receiving  half  of  all  pay- 
ments to  the  chureh,  succeeding  to  the  mov- 
able property  of  the  abad,  and  deciding  all 
disputes  among  its  members.  By  the  tenth 
ccnturj^  Welsh  monasticism  was  in  decay  ; 
the  early  missionary  fervour  had  died  down  ; 
territorial  and  other  endowments. had  crept 
in  and  brought  with  them  wealtli  and  luxury  ; 
celibacy  had  ceased  to  be  observed ;  and  in 
many  cases  monastic  vocation  had  given  way 
to  hereditary  claims,  so  much  so  that  some 
abbots  were  laymen,  as  was  the  Abbot  of 
Llanbadarn  cited  by  Gerald  de  Barri  {q.v.). 
There  was  in  Wales,  as  in  England,  clear  need 
of  reform,  but  for  some  time  after  the  Norman 
invasion  the  old  Welsh  monasticism  sub- 
sisted. Bishop  Bernard  early  in  the  tweHth 
century  reformed  the  '  claswyr '  of  St. 
David's,  and  converted  them  into  a  body  of 
canons  ;  we  hear  of  an  Abbot  of  Towyn  in 
1147  and  of  Llandinam  in  the  same  century, 
and  the  memory  of  abad  and  claswyr  at 
Llanynys  survived  even  till  the  fifteenth 
centur}^ 

The  coming  of  the  Normans  was  of  the 
nature  of  a  crusade ;  they,  with  their  re- 
ligious minds  and  their  love  of  order,  did  not 
appreciate  tlie  loose  and — to  them — vicious 
system  of  the  Welsh  monasteries,  and  at 
once  began  to  found  Benedictine  houses,  none 
of  which  can  be  traced  prior  to  their  arrival 
in  Wales.  The  movement  spread  naturally 
from  east  to  west,  from  Chepstow  and  Mon- 
mouth to  Abergavenny,  Ewias  Harold, 
Brecon,  Ewenny,  Goldcliff,  Llangennith,  Kid- 
welly, and  Cardigan.  It  is  remarkable  that 
all  these  Benedictine  houses  are  in  South 
Wales,  this  being  due  to  the  greater  power  of 
the  North  Welsh  princes  and  their  hostility 
to  the  new  movement.  Cluniaes  were 
found  onh^  at  St.  Clears,  but  three  Tironian 
houses  were  established  in  what  afterwards 
became  Pembrokeshire,  at  St.  Dogmells, 
Pill,  and  Caldey.  Augustinian  canons  were 
introduced  by  Bishop  Bernard,  who  converted 
a  cell  at  Carmarthen  belonging  to  Battle 
Abbey  into  an  Augustinian  priory  ;  another 
was  set  up  at  Haverfordwest,  and  a  third 
in  the  wild  and  rugged  solitudes  of  Llan- 
thony,  while  later  the  old  Welsh  foundation 
of  Beddgelert  was  appropriated  by  this 
Order.  The  Premonstratensians  had  one 
house  in  Wales  at  Talley,  and  that  was 
founded  and  endowed  by  Welsh  princes  ;  in 
this  way  it  forms  a  connecting  link  between 
the  new  monasteries  founded  by  the  Norman 
Marcher  lords  and  the  Cistercian  abbeys 
which  sprang  up  iinder  the  patronage  of  the 
Welsh  princes.     In  1144  the  first  Cistercian 


community  in  Wales  found  a  home  at  Little 
Trefgarn,  near  Haverfordwest,  but  soon 
moved  to  its  future  home  at  Whitland.  In 
1147  the  amalgamation  of  the  orders  of 
Savignv  and  Citeaux  brought  Neath  Abbey, 
founded  in  1130,  and  Basingwerk  to  the 
Cistercians,  who  were  in  the  same  year  given 
another  house,  at  Margam,  by  Earl  Robert 
of  Gloucester.  So  far  the  foundations  had 
been  under  Norman  patronage,  but  the 
austere  asceticism,  the  stern  self-denial  and 
the  abstemiousness  of  the  members  appealed 
strongly  to  the  Welsh,  who  saw  in  the  plain, 
poor,  and  lonely  houses  something  resembling 
the  Hans  of  the  old  Celtic  saints.  The  Lord 
Rhj's  richly  endowed  Whitland.  In  1170  a 
colony  from  Whitland  was  planted  by  Owain 
Cyfeiliog  at  Strata  MarccUa.  In  1176  the 
abbey  of  Cwmhir  was  refounded  by  Cad- 
waUon  ap  Madog ;  and  a  little  later  Ystrad 
Flur  sent  out  its  first  colony,  which  settled  at 
Caerleon  or  Llantarnam  ;  while  its  second 
colony  moved  northwards  and  settled  at 
Aberconway.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
century  the  abbey  of  Cwmhir  sent  off  a 
colony  which,  under  the  protection  of  Mare- 
dudd  ap  Cynan,  found  a  home  at  Cymer ; 
and  in  1201  Madog  ap  Gruffydd  established 
a  community  at  Llyn  Egwestl  in  lal,  which 
came  to  be  known  as  Valle  Crucis.  It  is 
curious  that  the  two  nunneries  in  Wales  at 
Llanllyr  on  the  Aeron,  and  at  LlanUugan  in 
Cydewain,  were  both  Cistercian  and  both 
established  by  Welsh  princes.  The  Knights 
Hospitallers  founded  a  preceptory  at  Slebech 
in  Pembrokeshire  and  a  smaU  house  at 
Yspyty  If  an  on  the  Conway.  The  thirteenth 
century  saw  a  great  development  of  the  friars 
in  Wales,  as  in  England :  Franciscans  flour- 
ished at  Carmarthen,  Cardiff,  and  Llanfaes, 
the  latter  endowed  by  Llywelyn  the  Great ; 
Dominicans  were  found  at  Haverfordwest, 
Brecon,  Rhayader,  Cardiff,  Bangor,  and 
Rhuddlan ;  and  the  Carmelites  at  Tenb}', 
Denbigh,  and  Ruthin.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  century  Archbishop  Peckham  (g.v.), himself 
a  friar,  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  their 
work  in  Wales,  but  there,  as  elsewhere,  they 
incurred  the  jealousy  of  secuUxrs  and  monks  ; 
while  the  latter  were  themselves  not  united, 
for  the  Cistercians  alone  definitely  threw  in 
their  lot  with  the  Welsh  princes.  In  Wales, 
as  in  England,  monasticism  played  a  great 
part,  perhaps  a  greater  part  in  Wales,  which 
was  in  greater  need  of  the  civilising  influence 
of  the  monastic  institutions ;  thus  in  Wales 
the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  was  especi- 
aUy  disastrous.  Not  that  the  monastic 
houses  in  Wales  were  rich,  for  according 
to  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  {q.v.)  only  seven 


(7) 


Abbot] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Adrian 


exceeded  £150  in  annual  value,  and  not  one 
exceeded  £200 ;  but  their  endowments,  and 
those  of  other  religious  houses  in  England, 
had  taken  very  largeh'  the  form  of  tithe, 
which  otherwise  would  have  been  available 
for  parochial  incumbents.  It  is  impossible 
to  measure  the  value  of  the  monasteries  to 
Wales  in  religion,  in  literature,  in  history,  in 
education,  and  in  countless  material  services, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  alienation  of 
their  endowments  to  lajnncn  did  irreparable 
harm  to  the  Church  in  Wales.  [Orders, 
Religious.]  [f.  m.] 

J.  E.  Lloyd,.  A  Hist,  of  Wales  ;  Bevmi  and 
Thomas,  Din.  Hist,  of  St.  JJavid's  and  .St. 
Asaph  :  Gould  and  Fisher,  Lhvs  of  the  llrititth 
Saints:  E.  ,T.  Newell,  Hist,  if  the  Welsh  Ch. 

ABBOT,  George  (1562-1633),  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  was  son  of  a  Guildford  cloth- 
worker,  and  entered  Balliol  College,  Oxford, 
in  1578 ;  became  Master  of  University 
College,  1597.  As  Vice-ChanceUor  of  Oxford, 
1600,  1603,  and  1605,  he  opposed  the  rising 
influence  of  Laud  (q.v.).  He  was  made  Bishop 
of  Lichfield  and  Coventry  in  1G09,  and 
within  a  month  translated  to  London,  and 
in  1610  to  Canterbury,  though,  according  to 
Clarendon,  he  was  '  totally  ignorant  of  the 
true  constitution  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  considered  the  Christian  religion  no 
otherwise  than  as  it  abhorred  or  reviled 
popery.'  CoUier  charges  him  with  '  pro- 
phane  indifference  and  remissness,'  and 
Anthony  Wood,  who  grants  him  an  '  erudi- 
tion of  the  old  stamp,'  observes  that  Abbot's 
inexperience  of  the  difficulties  of  parish  priests 
'  was  the  reason  (as  some  think)  why  he  was 
harsh  to  them,  and  showed  more  respect  to 
a  cloak  than  a  cassock.'  He  was  of  a  morose 
and  puritanical  spirit,  but  his  inflexible 
honesty  was  shown  in  the  Essex  nullity  suit 
and  his  refusal  to  allow  the  Book  of  Sports 
to  be  read  in  Croydon  church.  He  remon- 
strated with  James  upon  the  Spanish  match, 
and  constantly  thwarted  the  King's  wislies 
at  the  council  board.  But  James  respected 
him,  and  when  the  archbishop  in  1621 
accidentaUj-  killed  a  keeper  with  the  cross- 
bow, did  his  best  to  extricate  him  from  the 
canonical  '  irregularity '  which  he  had  in- 
curred by  this  mischance.  But  he  told 
Abbot  that  he  owed  his  escape  from  seques- 
tration to  Bishoj)  Andrewes  {q.v.),  who  would 
doubtless  have  succeeded  him  as  archbishop. 
Coke  and  the  lawyers,  whose  encroachments 
on  the  Church's  rights  he  had  firmly  resisted, 
would  have  been  pleased  by  his  downfall. 
For  a  time  he  retired,  for  self-mortification, 
to  the  bede-house  built  by  himself  at  Guild- 


ford, but  he  resumed  his  functions  before 
the  death  of  James.  He  crowned  Charles  i., 
but  was  not  in  favour  with  that  King,  and 
the  archiepiscopal  authority  was  executed 
for  a  time  by  commission.  Abbot's  dis- 
affection to  the  ceremonial  rules  of  the  Church 
and  his  narrow  divinity  made  his  position 
a  false  one,  and,  though  he  was  restored,  his 
influence  was  at  an  end.  He  died,  5th  August 
1633,  at  Croydon,  and  was  buried  in  the 
chapel  of  Our  Lady,  at  Guildford,  where  his 
stately  monument  and  his  bcde-house  still 
remain.^  He  was  a  benefactor  to  Balliol 
College,  and  took  part  in  the  founding  of 
Pembroke  College,  Oxford.  His  abiding 
title  to  remembrance,  however,  is  as  one  of 
the  translators  of  the  four  Gospels  for  the 
Authorised  Version.     [Bible,  English.] 

[d.  m.] 

S.  R.  Gardiner,  Hist.  Eng.  ;  iJ.N.li.  ;  Wood, 
Ath.  0x011. 

ADRIAN  IV.,  Nicholas  Breakspear,  Pope 
(d.  1159),  the  only  Enghshman  to  attain  that 
eminence,  was  born  at  Langley,  near  St. 
Albans,  where  his  father,  a  man  of  small 
means,  became  a  monk  while  Nicholas  was 
still  a  boj^  According  to  one  tradition,  the 
future  Pope  was  reduced  to  beg  for  alms  at 
the  abbey  gate ;  another  relates  that  he 
apphed  for  admission  as  a  novice,  but  was 
rejected  on  the  ground  of  illiteracy.  His 
authentic  history  begins  with  his  departure 
from  England.  He  roamed  through  France 
begging  his  bread,  entered  Provence,  and 
settled  at  Aries  as  a  student.  His  education 
completed,  he  became  a  canon  regular  in  the 
house  of  St.  Rufus,  near  Valence.  Here  he 
estabUshed  a  reputation  for  learning  and 
eloquence;  in  1147  he  was  elected  abbot. 
A  quarrel  with  his  canons,  who  appealed 
against  him  to  Rome,  brought  him  into 
personal  contact  with  Eugenius  in.,  who, 
recognising  his  merits,  created  him  Cardinal 
Bishop  of  Albano  (c.  1150),  a  dignity  which 
involved  residence  at  Rome.  In  1152 
Nicholas  was  sent  as  legate  to  Scandinavia 
to  reorganise  the  Swedish  and  Norwegian 
Churches,  hitherto  subjected  to  the  Danish 
arclibishopric  of  Lund.  He  fulfilled  his  com- 
mission with  conspicuous  abihty,  though  the 
dissensions  of  the  Swedish  clergy  made  it 
impossible  to  give  their  Church  an  inde- 
pendent status.  He  erected  an  arcliiepisco- 
pal  see  at  Drontheim,  with  jurisdiction  over 
Norway  and  Iceland ;  he  reformed  the  Nor- 
v.-cgian  clergy,  compelled  them  to  accept  the 
canon  law,  and  induced  both  Norway  and 

1  Tlie    moiuiineiit    is   now   in    Holy    Trinity    Church 
Guildford. 


(8) 


Adrian 


Dictionary  of  English  ChuirJi  History       [Advertisements 


Sweden  to  promise  payment  of  Peter's  pence. 
On  bis  return  to  Rome  (1153)  he  was  hailed 
as  the  Apostle  of  the  North,  and  on  the 
death  of  Engenius's  successor,  the  feeble 
Anastasius  iv.,  was  unanimously  elected  by 
the  cardinals,  under  the  title  of  Adrian  iv. 
(•ith  December  1154).  His  pontificate  was 
brief  and  stormy ;  and,  although  on  a  few 
occasions  he  displayed  some  vigour,  his 
policy  in  general  was  marked  by  timidity  and 
hesitation.  His  chief  success  was  won  over 
the  heretic,  Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  since 
11-47  had  been  at  Rome  preaching  against 
the  hierarchj%  and  encouraging  the  Romans 
in  their  defiance  of  the  temporal  authority 
of  the  Pope.  Adrian  laid  Rome  under  an 
interdict  untU  the  municipality  agreed  to 
banish  Arnold.  Frederic  Barbarossa,  the 
Emperor-elect,  was  then  induced,  as  the 
price  of  his  coronation,  to  assist  the  Pope 
in  bringing  Arnold  to  trial  and  execution 
(June  1155).  But  the  alliance  of  Adrian 
with  the  Empire  was  hollow  and  barren 
of  results.  Frederic  left  him  to  subdue 
the  Romans  as  best  he  could,  and  revived 
the  question  of  Investitures  (q.v.)  by  the  bad 
faith  with  which  he  interpreted  the  Concordat 
of  Worms  (1122).  Adrian  was  led  by  his 
adviser,  Cardinal  Roland,  into  a  line  of  action 
which  he  had  not  the  courage  to  sustain. 
He  formed  alliances  with  the  Italian  enemies 
of  Frederic,  while  pretending  to  be  the  loyal 
supporter  of  the  Empire.  In  1157  he  enraged 
the  Emperor  by  an  ambiguous  letter  which 
implied  that  the  Empire  was  a  papal  fief ; 
but  he  immediately  explained  away  the 
obnoxious  phrase  on  discovering  that  the 
German  Church  resented  such  pretensions. 
On  the  outbreak  of  war  between  Frederic  and 
IMilan  the  Pope  assumed  a  bolder  attitude, 
and  presented  to  Frederic  an  ultimatum 
(1159),  demanding  that  the  Itahan  bishops 
should  be  freed  from  feudal  obUgations,  that 
the  Emperor  should  renounce  the  right  of 
interfering  in  Rome,  and  that  the  Matliildine 
inheritance  should  be  restored  to  the  Holy 
See.  This  was  taken  as  a  declaration  of 
war ;  but  Adrian  died  on  1st  September  1159, 
before  his  resolution  had  been  put  to  the  test. 
Adrian  iv.  is  remembered  in  English  history 
as  the  Pope  who  granted  Ireland  in  fee  to 
Henry  n.  The  bull  Laudahiliter,  which  pro- ' 
fesses  to  be  the  authentic  grant,  is  almost 
certainly  forged.  But  the  fact  of  the  grant 
is  attested  by  John  of  Salisbury  {q.v.),  a 
writer  of  unimpeached  veracity,  who  was  him- 
self entrusted  by  the  Pope  with  an  emerald 
ring  to  be  delivered  to  Henry  ii.  in  token 
of  the  grant.  It  is  most  probable  that  the 
grant   was   made   in   the   winter   of    1155-G. 


Henry  n.  found  no  use  for  it,  either  through 
preoccupation  with  other  schemes,  or  pos- 
sibly because  impalatable  conditions  had 
been  attached  by  the  Pope.  When  the 
King  resumed  his  Irish  plans  (1172),  he 
obtained  the  approval  of  Alexander  in., 
whose  letters  on  the  subject  arc  still  extant. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

J.  D.  Mackiu,  /'ope  Adrian  IV.,  1907; 
J.  H.  Round,  t'oriimune  of  London  (for 
Laudabiliter). 

ADVERTISEMENTS,  The,  is  the  title  of  a 
set  of  Constitutions  or  Articles  which  were 
issued  for  the  province  of  Canterbury  in 
March  1566,  with  the  signatures  of  Arch- 
bishop Parker  {q.v.),  three  bishops  who  were 
on  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  and  the 
Bishops  of  Winchester  and  Lincoln,  '  with 
others.'  They  dealt  with  four  subjects : 
(1)  Doctrine  and  Preaching  ;  (2)  Prayer  and 
Sacraments;  (3)  Ecclesiastical  Policy;  (4) 
Apparel  of  Ecclesiastics.  And  there  were 
added  to  them  eight  Protestations  to  be  made 
by  those  admitted  to  any  ecclesiastical  office. 
This  document  forms  one  of  a  series  which 
begins  with  the  Royal  Articles  of  1559. 
From  these  there  flowed  two  streams :  (a) 
a  series  of  royal  letters  and  orders  in  1560 
and  1561 ;  {h)  the  Bishops'  Interpretations 
of  1561,  and  the  document  in  question,  the 
Advertisements,  which  is  based  upon  the 
Interpretations.  The  Advertisements  were 
originally  intended  to  have  a  royal  sanction. 
They  arose  out  of  a  letter  of  the  Queen  in 
1565  directing  Parker  to  ascertain  the 
amount  of  varieties  prevafling  in  the  per- 
formance of  Church  services,  and  to  secure 
a  better  enforcement  of  uniformity.  The 
return  of  varieties  was  duly  made,  and  a 
draft  set  of  Articles,  with  a  preface,  was 
sent  to  the  Queen,  8th  March  1565,  in  the 
hope  of  obtaining  her  sanction,  which  was 
not  given.  Meanwhile,  the  bishops'  conflict 
with  rebeUious  Puritanism  became  more 
acute.  On  12th  March  1566  Parker  made  a 
fresh  attempt  to  obtain  a  royal  sanction  for 
his  draft,  and,  faUing  again,  he  recast  it. 
He  altered  the  preface  so  as  to  make  the 
Advertisements  rest  upon  the  royal  letter  of 
1565,  though  without  claiming  royal  author- 
ity for  them  ;  and  he  altered  the  Articles  so 
that  they  might  claim  no  more  than  he  was 
already  authorised  to  claim ;  and  in  this  form 
the  document  was  issued. 

It  has  attained  great  notoriety  because  of 
its  bearing  upon  the  controversy  about  the 
ornaments  of  the  minister.  Article  11  orders 
that  in  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches 
the    minister    shall    use    a    cope,    with    the 


(9) 


Aelfeah] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Aelfric 


gospeller  and  epistoller  agreeably ;  but  that 
at  all  prayers  to  be  said  at  the  communion  ! 
table  no  copes  are  to  be  used,  but  surplices. 
Article  12  orders  the  use  of  a  surphce  and 
hood  in  the  choir,  in  similar  churches.  Article 
13  orders  that  every  minister  in  liis  ministra- 
tion is  to  wear  a  surplice.  It  has  been  main- 
tained that  these  three  Articles,  occurring 
thus  in  the  middle  of  a  whole  group,  have 
overridden  the  Ornaments  R.ubric  (q.v.)  by 
virtue  of  royal  authority  attached  to  them, 
and  a  provision  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
(1559,  1  Eliz.  c.  2).  The  Privy  Council  has  in 
the  past  accepted  this  view ;  but  it  is  not 
now  generally  adopted,  since  historical  in- 
vestigation seems  to  prove  that  there  was, 
as  above  stated,  no  royal  sanction  given  to 
the  Articles  as  a  whole,  and  none  therefore  to 
these  three.  The  Advertisements  fell  into 
their  place  in  the  series  above  mentioned, 
and  were  appealed  to  from  time  to  time  along 
with  the  Royal  Articles.  A  later  generation, 
misinterpreting  Parker's  preface,  was  in- 
clined at  times  to  assign  to  them  royal 
authority,  and  the  policy  about  vestments 
which  thej^  laid  down  was  adopted  in  one  of 
the  canons  of  1604.  This  canon,  however, 
is  not  the  last  word  upon  the  matter,  since 
the  rule  for  the  ornaments  of  the  minister 
is  the  present  Ornaments  Rubric,  which 
dates  from  1662,  and  was  then  enacted,  in 
spite  of  all  that  had  gone  before. 

[w.  H.  F.] 

Gee  and  Hardv,  Documents,  p.  467  ;  Dixon, 
Ilifit.  ofCh.  of  liiifj.,  vi.  49-64,  89  sefjq.  ;  Frere, 
Hist,  of  Eng.  Oh.,  155S-1G25,  p.  118;  Prin- 
ci2}les  of  Rel.  Ceremonial,  c.  xiv.  ;  Convocation 
Report,  Ornaments,  No.  416,  1908. 

AELFEAH  ^St.  Alphege)  (954-1012),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  was  a  monk  of 
Deerhurst,  Glos.  (where  an  early  window  in 
the  ancient  church  still  commemorates  him). 
He  afterwards  lived  at  Bath,  first  as  an 
anchorite,  then  as  abbot.  He  became  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  984,  probably  through  the 
influence  of  St.  Dunstan  [q.v.).  In  994  he 
met  Olaf  Trj-gwweson  of  Norway  at  South- 
ampton, brought  him  to  meet  King  Aethelred 
at  Andover,  and  there  confirmed  him.  The 
hatred  which  the  lieathcn  Norsemen  had 
against  the  bishop  for  this  is  said  to  have 
been  one  of  the  causes  of  his  death.  In  1006 
he  became  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  The 
canons  of  the  Council  of  Enham  (date  not 
known)  show  him  to  have  been  a  follower  of 
Dunstan  in  encouraging  but  not  enforcing 
the  celibate  life  for  clergy.  The  massacre 
of  the  Danes  in  1002  embittered  the  hostility 
of  the  peoples,  and  was  followed  by  many 


reprisals.  In  1011  Canterbury  was  taken, 
and  Aelfeah  made  prisoner.  He  was  kept 
captive  on  Danish  ships  at  Greenwich  for 
seven  months,  and  at  last,  when  he  refused 
to  be  ransomed  by  taxing  the  poor,  was  mur- 
dered in  a  drunken  bout.  His  teaching  had 
brought  manj^  towards  conversion,  and  even 
the  murderers  treated  his  body  as  sacred,  and 
allowed  it  to  be  taken  to  London  and  buried 
at  St.  Paul's,  In  1023  Cnut  {q.v.)  translated 
his  remains  to  Canterbury.  In  1078  Lanfranc 
{q.v.)  argued  against  his  claim  to  be  regarded 
as  a  martjT,  but  Anselm  {q.v.)  urged  that  he 
was  a  witness  to  Christ,  as  he  died  for 
righteousness'  sake  rather  than  Christ's  poor 
should  suffer.  His  day  in  the  Calendar  is 
19th  April,  [w,  H,  H,] 

A.-S.  Chron.  ;  Thietmar  ;  Adam  of  Bremen  ; 
Osbern,  Vita  Elph.  ;  Hunt,  Eng.  Ch.  to  1066 ; 
Hutton,  'Eng.  Baiuts,'  Ba^npton  Lectures. 

AELFRIC,  Abbot  (c.  955-C.1025),  an  emi- 
nent ecclesiastic  (whose  writings  have  been 
taken  as  typical  of  the  opinions  of  the 
English  Church  in  the  half- century  preceding 
the  Norman  Conquest,  is  not  to  be  confused 
with  Aelfric,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
who  died  in  1005,  or  Aelfric,  who  was  elected 
archbishop  of  the  same  see  in  1050  and  never 
secured  possession  (IVIr,  Freeman,  Norman 
Conquest,  made  the  former  error).  Aelfric 
was  sent  from  Winchester  to  instruct  the 
monks  of  the  house  at  Cerne  in  the 
Benedictine  rule.  He  was  a  friend  of 
important  bishops  and  ealdormen,  and 
wrote  much  that  has  been  preserved, 
including  a  heptateuch,  a  life  of  St.  Aethel- 
wold.  Bishop  of  Winchester,  treatises  on  the 
teaching  of  Latin,  and  homilies.  Of  the  last 
two  are  of  special  importance  :  (1)  '  On  the 
birthday  of  St.  Gregory,  anciently  used  in  the 
English- Saxon  Church  '  [translated  and  edited 
by  Elizabeth  Elstob,  1709],  in  which  a  full 
account  of  St.  Augustine's  work  in  convert- 
ing the  English  is  given,  chiefly  taken  from 
Bede,  but  also  derived  from  other  sources ; 
(2)  '  On  the  Sacrifice  for  Easter  Day.'  In 
this,  while  using  the  legend  of  the  materialisa- 
tion of  the  host,  seen  by  two  monks  at  Mass 
(the  tale  told  also  of  St.  Gregory;  many 
mediiBval  pictures  of  this  exist:  cf.  the 
'Miracle  of  Bolsena'),  he  asserts  a  spiritual 
doctrine  of  the  Real  Presence  in  the  Blessed 
Sacrament.  He  declares  that  '  great  is  the 
difference  between  the  Body  in  which  Christ 
suffered  and  the  body  which  is  hallowed  for 
housel ' — the  latter  '  His  ghostly  body,  which 
we  call  housel,  is  gathered  of  many  corns, 
without  blood  and  bones,  limbless  and  sotil- 
less,  and  therefore  nothing  is  to  be  understood 


(  10) 


Aethelwulf] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Aidan 


bodily,  but  all  is  to  be  understood  spiritu- 
ally. .  .  .  Sootlily  it  is,  as  we  said  before, 
Christ's  body  and  blood,  not  bodily  but 
spiritually.  Yc  are  not  to  ask  how  it  is  done, 
but  to  hold  to  your  belief  that  it  is  so  done.' 
It  is  possible  that  he  is  indebted  to  Ra- 
tranmus  of  Corbie,  who  wrote  against  Pas- 
chasius  Radbcrt.  But  transubstantiation 
was  not  a  dogma  of  the  Roman  Church  at 
this  date,  and  Aelfric's  doctrine  is  not  in- 
compatible with  that  of  Bede.  Aelfric 
became  Abbot  of  Eynsham  in  1005,  and 
probably  died  there.  [w.  ii.  H.] 

Aeirric.  Catholic  Homilies,  ed.  B.  Thorpe 
(Aelfric  Society),  and  Lives  of  the  Saints,  ed. 
W.  W.  Skeat ;  S.  H.  Gem,  Abbot  Aelfric. 

AETHELWULF  (d.  850),  ffing  of  the  West 
Saxons,  and  father  of  Alfred.  The  '  donation 
of  Aethelwadf  has  been  much  discussed. 
It  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  institution 
of  tithes  {q.v. )  in  England  (Selden),  but  this  has 
been  shown  to  be  unlikely,  if  not  impossible. 
Various  charters,  confirmatory  or  illustra- 
tive of  the  grant,  exist;  the  most  import- 
ant is  that  in  the  Texius  Roffensis,  wherein 
the  Iving  grants  certain  lands  pro  decima- 
iione  ctgrorum,  quam,  Deo  clonante,  caeteris 
minislris  mcis  facere  decrevi.  This  seems  to 
have  been  a  usual  provision  for  the  reward 
of  a  thegn  and  the  endowment  of  a  church. 
The  '  Donation  '  may  be  regarded  rather  as 
a  special  than  a  general  action,  but  Asser 
{Vita  Aelf.)  regards  it  as  a  perpetual  grant 
over  the  whole  land  for  the  service  of  the 
Church.  [w.  h.  h.] 

Asser,  xi.   c.  2  ;  see  Stevenson's  edition,  pp. 
186-91  ;  Selden,  Hist,  of  Tithes. 

AIDAN,  St.  (d.  651),  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne, 
an  Iri.sh  Scot,  was  a  monk  of  Hii,  or  lona, 
when  a  bishop  who  had  been  sent  at  the 
request  of  Oswald  {q.v.),  King  of  Nor- 
thumbria,  to  evangelise  the  Northumbrians 
returned,  and  declared  to  the  assembled 
monks  that  he  could  do  nothing  with  the 
people.  Aidan  asked  whether  he  had  not 
required  too  much  of  them,  forgetting  the 
Apostle's  words,  '  milk  for  babes.'  All 
agreed  that  Aidan  should  take  his  place,  and 
he  was  consecrated  bishop.  He  went  to 
Northumbria,  probably  in  635,  and  Oswald, 
having  given  him  the  island  of  Lindisfarne 
he  built  his  church  there,  gathered  helpers 
from  Ireland,  and  had  twelve  English  youths 
taught  in  his  monastery  that  they  might 
preach  to  their  own  people.  Northumbria, 
where  the  Roman  Paulinus  {q.v.)  had  laid  the 
foundations  of  a  Christian  Church,  had 
largely  relapsed   into   heatlienism   after   tlie 


death  of  King  Edwin;  only  near  Catterick 
had  the  deacon  James  carried  on  the  Roman 
mission.  Full  of  love  and  zeal,  Aidan  made 
missionary  tours,  generally  on  foot,  preaching 
and  talking  with  people  on  his  way,  urging 
them  if  tliey  were  heathens  to  accept  the 
Gospel,  and  if  already  baptized  to  live  as 
became  Christians.  I\Iany  devout  Irish 
joined  in  his  work :  churches  were  built 
and  were  crowded  with  hearers,  and  monas- 
teries were  founded  in  which  the  Scotic 
monks  trained  English  j^ouths  in  monastic- 
ism.  Aidan  had  a  church  and  bedchamber 
near  the  royal  town,  Bamborough,  but  his 
asceticism  kept  him  from  often  appearing  at 
the  King's  table.  He  was  dining  with  Oswald 
one  Easter  Day  when,  beholding  the  King's 
boundless  charity,  he  prayed  that  his  hand 
might  never  decay,  and  it  is  said  that  centuries 
later  it  remained  uncorrupted.  Often  he 
would  retire  to  the  little  island  of  Fame  and 
abide  a  while  in  solitude,  as  the  Scotic  saints 
loved  to  do.  He  was  free  from  all  pride, 
avarice,  and  anger,  and  was  at  once  gentle 
and  fearless,  consoling  the  afflicted,  and 
sternly  reproving  sinners,  however  powerful 
they  might  be.  The  gifts  he  received  from 
the  rich  he  spent  on  the  poor  or  in  redeeming 
captives,  many  of  whom  became  his  disciples 
and  were  ordained  by  him.  Bede,  who  dwells 
on  the  beauty  of  his  character,  saw  no  fault 
in  him  save  that  he  followed  the  rule  of  his 
own  people,  keeping  Easter  on  the  Celtic 
instead  of  the  Roman  date. 

In  642  Oswald  was  slain  fighting  against 
Penda,  the  heathen  King  of  Mercia.  Nor- 
thumbria was  ravaged,  and  Aidan  in  his  re- 
treat on  Fame  Island  cried  to  God  as  he  saw 
the  smoke  rise  from  an  attempt  to  burn  Bam- 
borough :  then  the  wind  shifted,  and  the 
fortress  was  saved.  HiB  work  did  not  perish, 
for  Oswald's  brother  Oswy  {q.v.),  who  became 
King  in  Bernicia,  the  northern  part  of 
Northumbria,  was  a  Christian,  and  Oswin, 
who  reigned  in  Deira,  the  southern  part,  was 
a  man  of  saintly  life,  to  whom  Aidan  was 
deeply  attached.  Aidan  remained  bishop 
over  both  kingdoms.  Once  he  reproved 
Oswin  for  blaming  him  because  he  had  given 
to  a  beggar  a  horse  with  which  the  King  had 
presented  him,  and,  struck  Avith  Oswin" s 
humility,  prophesied  that  he  would  not 
live  long.  The  incident  illustrates  the 
strain  of  ^  extravagance  in  the  Scotic  saints 
and  the  submission  they  received,  and  indeed 
required,  from  their  disciples.  Soon  after- 
wards Oswin  was  nun-dered  by  the  order  of 
Oswy.  Twelve  days  later  Aidan  suddenly 
fell  ill  at  Bamborough  :  men  laid  him  on  the 
<'round   and    spread   over    him   an    awning. 


( 11 ; 


Alcuin] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Alcuin 


which  they  fastened  to  a  wooden  buttress  of 
the  church,  and  there  he  died  on  31st  August 
651.  He  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  the 
monks  in  Lindisfarnc.  When  after  the  Con- 
ference of  Whitby  in  664  most  of  the  Scotic 
monks  left  to  go  to  Ireland,  Colman,  their 
bishop,  took  with  him  some  of  Aidan's  bones, 
and  placed  the  rest  in  thesacristy  of  the  church. 
[England,  Conversion  of.]  [w.  h.] 

Bo.le.  //.  A'.  ;  Bright,  Early  Eng.  Ch.  Hist.  ; 
Hunt,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Ch.  in  lOUG. 

ALCUIN  was  born  of  a  noble  Northumbrian 
family,  c.  735  (730  according  to  Diimmler, 
Neues  ArcJiiv,  xviii.  54).     He  was  connected 
with  St.  WiUibrord  {q.v.),  the  first  Bishop  of 
Utrecht,  and  through  this  connection  acquired 
by  inheritance  a  smaU  monastery  founded  by 
WUhgis,  the  father  of  St.  WUlibrord  {q.v.),  on 
the  Humber.    At  an  early  age  he  entered  the 
cathedral  school  of  York,  where  he  received 
his  education  from  its  founder.  Archbishop 
Egbert,  a  pupil  of  Bede  [q.v.),  and  from  the 
scholasticus  Ethelbert.     From  Alcuin's  poem 
De  iiontificihus  et  Sanctis  Ecclesiae  Eboracensis 
much  can  be  learnt  of  the  education  to  be 
acquired   at   the   school   and   of   the   books 
contained  in  the  library  at  York,  the  most 
copious  and  valuable  collection  then  existing. 
On  Ethelbert   becoming   archbishop  in  767 
Alcuin  was  ordained  deacon,  and  may  have 
been    appointed   scholasticus   of   the   school. 
When  Ethelbert  resigned  the  archbishopric  in 
favour  of    Eanbald   in  780  Alcuin   became 
librarian.     The   new  archbishop  despatched 
him  to  Rome  to  fetch  the  pallium  [Pall], 
and   it   was   on   this   journey   that   he   met 
Charles  the  Great  at  Parma  in  781.     He  had 
twice  previously  visited  the  Continent,  and 
on  the  first  occasion,  in  company  with  Ethel- 
bert, had  appeared  at  the  court  of  Charles. 
At   his   second   meeting  at  Parma,  Charles 
induced  him  to  leave  York  for  Aachen.     On 
obtaining  Eanbald's  consent  he  returned  to 
the  Prankish  court  in  782,  was  given  control 
of  the  monasteries  of  Ferri^res  and  St.  Lupus 
at  Troyes,  and  took  up  his  position  as  in- 
structor at  the  Palace  School.     His  class  was 
composed    of    Charles    himself,    his    family, 
and  the  most  cultured  men  of  the  age,  among 
them  the  royal  biographer,  Einhard.     Alcuin 
taught  by  means  of  dialogue  between  master 
and    pupil,    and   his   treatise    on    Rhetoric, 
written  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  between 
Charles    and    himself,    and    his    Disputatio 
Pippini,  supply  some  idea  of  the  style  of 
discussion    adopted.      Alcuin     was     further 
employed  to  help  the  King  in  his  ambitious 
design  of  educational  reform.     The   famous 
Capitulary    of    787,    the    first    attempt    to 


promote  education  by  legislation,  bears  the 
stamp    of  the  English   scholar.     In  790  he 
returned  to  England,  and  was  the  means  of 
restoring  friendly  relations  between  Charles 
and  Ofla.     But  his  native  country  no  longer 
offered  a  peaceful  home  for  the  student,  and 
he  returned  to  the  Prankish  court,  there  to 
begin   his   attack  on   the  heresies  then  rife. 
He  obtained  the  condemnation  of  the  Spanish 
Bishop  FeUx  of  Urgel,  the  originator  of  the 
Adoptionist  heresj',  at  the  Council  of  Frank- 
furt, 794.    Among  Alcuin's  writings  an  attack 
on  this  bishop  is  extant,  Liher  Albini  quern 
edidit  contra  Haeresin  Felicis.     At  the  Council 
of     Frankfurt    the   veneration    of    pictures, 
approved  at  the  second  Councd  of  Nictea  and 
sanctioned  by  Pope  Adrian,  was    also    con- 
demned. The  famous  Lihri  Carolini  attacking 
this  veneration  were  probably  Alcuin's  work. 
In  796  Charles  acceded  to  Alcuin's  desire  to 
withdraw  to   the  peace  of  the   cloister  by 
granting  him  the  abbacy  of  St.  Martin  at 
Tours,  the  most  important  monastery  in  his 
gift.     In  his  retirement  he  gave  himseK  up 
to  teaching  and  the  transmitting  of  know- 
ledge by  means  of  copjdng  MSS.,  many  of 
which  were   borrowed  from  the  library  at 
York  for  that  purpose.     During  this  period 
he  involved  himself  in  a  controversy  with  the 
Irish  scholars,  who  after  his  retirement  from 
court  began  to  influence   the  mind    of   his 
patron.     Indeed,  a  certain  Clement  of  Ireland 
was  placed  over  the  Palace  School  in  spite  of 
Alcuin's  bitter  attack  against  that '  malignant 
pest,'  the  Irish  scholar,  '  who,  though  versed 
in  many  things,  knows  nothing  for  certain  or 
true.'     In  800  Charles  visited  him  at  Tours, 
and  brought  him  back  to  Aachen  to  deal  a 
final  and  victorious  blow  at  the  arch-heretic, 
Felix  of   Urge],   in   a  personal  disputation. 
The  last  four  years  of  his  life  he  spent  quietly 
at  Tours,  working  with  a  large  following  of 
pupils    in    the    monastic    scriptorium.     He 
died  on  19th  May  804,  and  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  St.  Martin. 

Alcuin  displayed  no  elements  of  originality 
either  as  a  writer  or  teacher.  His  writings 
are  rather  compilations  from  the  recognised 
sources — Boethius,  Cassiodorus,  Isidorus,  St. 
Jerome,  and  Bede — than  additions  to  medi- 
aeval learning.  Besides  the  works  already 
mentioned,  his  Letters  supply  a  valuable 
source  of  information  for  the  history  and 
social  conditions  of  his  time.  But  to  transmit 
to  future  generations  what  was  already  known 
was  his  avowed  aim,  and  in  accomplishing  this 
he  was  eminently  successful.  It  is  impossible 
hero  to  enter  into  the  discussion  as  to  whether 
Alcuin  has  a  share  in  the  formation  of  the 
CaroUne  minuscule.     DeUsle  has  shown  that 


(12 


Aldhelm] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Aldhelm 


a  characteristic  school  of  writing  grew  up 
at  Tours  during  the  ninth  ccnturj^  but  it  is 
difficult  to  prove  that  any  of  the  numerous 
Tours  MSS.  were  written  before  Alcuin's 
death  in  804.  Alcuin  certainly  paid  great 
attention  to  forms  and  accuracy  in  writing, 
and  the  insular  character  of  the  ornamentation 
lends  support  to  the  theory.  But  whether 
the  Caroline  minuscule  has  its  origin  in 
Roman  antiquity  or  in  Merovingian  Gaul,  as 
Delisle  and  Traubo  respectively  think,  it 
is  dangerous  to  lay  stress  on  the  influence 
of  the  English  scholar.  [a.  l.  p.] 

The  best  edition  of  Alcuin's  works  is  tliat 
of  Froben,  publislied  at  Ratisbon,  1777,  and 
reprinted  in  Migue's  Patrologiae  latinae  cursus 
completus,  vols,  c.-ci.  The  letters  are  ed.  by 
Diininiler  in  the  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.  Kpist., 
vol.  iv.,  and  also  with  the  aTionymous  biograjihy 
of  Alcuin  and  certain  other  works,  in  Jaffii's 
Bibliotheca  Rerum  Germanicariivi,  vol.  vi.  ; 
Momimenta  Alcidniana,  ed.  Wattenbach  and 
Diimmler ;  Lorentz,  Alcuins  Leben,  1829; 
Monnier,  Alcuin  et  Charlemagne,  1863 ; 
Diimmler  in  Neues  Archiv,  vol.  xviii.,  and 
article  'Alcnin'  in  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Bio- 
graphie;  Mullinger,  The  Schools  of  Charles  the 
Great;  G.  F.  Browne,  Alcuin. 

ALDHELM,  or  EALDHELM,  St.  (640  ?- 
709),  first  Bishop  of  Sherborne  (705),  son  of 
Kenten  (Centwine),  near  relation  of  Ine,  King 
of  Wessex,  was  probably  first  taught  by  an 
Irishman,  Maildubh,  Maildulf,  or  Meldun, 
founder  of  the  school  at  Malmesbury  (which 
became  an  abbey  under  Aldhelm).  He 
names  Abbot  Hadrian,  who  came  to  Canter- 
bury with  Archbishop  Theodore  in  669,  as 
'  preceptor  of  my  rude  infancy ' — a  strange 
description  of  a  young  man  of  thirty.  He 
became  Abbot  of  Malmesbury  in  675,  and 
showed  himseK  a  scholar  (with  some  know- 
ledge of  Greek  and  Hebrew),  teacher,  mission 
preacher,  founder,  and  builder.  He  built 
two  churches  at  Malmesbury,  one  or  two  at 
Bruton,  and  one  at  Wareham  (where  he  had 
estates),  perhaps  on  the  site  of  St.  Martin's, 
by  the  north  gate.  It  was  roofless  in  the 
twelfth  century,  but  (by  a  miracle)  no  rain 
fell  within  its  walls.  He  also  founded  two 
small  monasteries  at  Frome  and  Bradford- 
on-Avon,  which  he  governed  as  well  as 
Malmesbury.  The  Saxon  church  of  St. 
Laurence,  Bradford,  discovered  by  Canon 
Rich  Jones,  is  commonly  regarded  as  his 
work.  But  some  authorities  believe  it  to  be 
much  later — Professor  Baldwin  Brown  dat- 
ing it  950-1000,  and  Commendatore  G.  T. 
Rivoira  about  the  time  of  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor. Yet  it  may  well  be  the  ecclesiola 
which  William  of  Malmesbury  (rightly  or 
wrongly)  connects  with  his  name.  As 
abbot  he  went  to  Rome  as  the  guest  of  Pope 


Sergius  i.,  probably  c,  700.  It  was  in  the 
Lateran  Church  that  his  tosscd-off  chasuble 
was  (miraculously)  supported  by  a  sunbeam. 
This  red  or  purple  vestment,  on  which  black 
rotulae  were  embroidered,  bearing  figures 
of  peacocks,  was  long  preserved.  While 
still  abbot  he  was  asked  at  a  council  of 
bishops,  attended  by  '  priests  from  nearly  all 
Britain,'  to  compose  a  remonstrance  addressed 
to  Gerontius,  King  of  Damnonia.  It  touches 
(1)  the  quarrelsomeness  of  the  Britons 
among  themselves  ;  (2)  their  wrong  tonsure  ; 
(3)  their  wrong  Easter  cycle;  (4)  the  unfriend- 
liness of  the  clergy  across  the  Severn.  Its 
chief  argument  is  the  duty  of  accepting  the 
decrees  of  Blessed  Peter  and  the  tradition  of 
the  Roman  Church ;  for,  without  this,  pro- 
fession of  right  faith  is  no  use.  This  letter 
is  said  to  have  had  a  good  influence. 

When  King  Ine  divided  the  see  of  Wessex 
in  the  spring  of  705  Aldhelm  was  called, 
against  his  will,  to  rule  the  part  west  of 
Selwood,  which  included  a  wedge  of  Wilts 
(containing  Malmesbury),  the  counties  of 
Somerset  and  Dorset,  and  that  part  of  Devon 
(Crediton  and  Exeter)  which  belonged  to 
Wessex.  He  visited  his  diocese  diligently, 
and  buflt  a  very  fine  church  at  Sherborne, 
which  was  unfortunately  destroyed  by  Bishop 
Roger.  His  descriptions  of  churches  and 
organs  and  church  furniture  show  that  there 
were  reaUy  good  and  well-filled  buildings 
erected  in  this  period.  Bishopstrow  (Wilts) 
marks  a  place  where  he  planted  his  staff  and 
perhaps  founded  a  church.  He  died  in  709 
at  Doulting,  near  Shepton  Mallet  in  Somerset, 
and  was  buried  at  Malmesbury,  stone  crosses 
(Bishop-stones)  being  erected  where  his  body 
rested  on  the  way. 

Aldhelm  was  a  man  of  fine  presence  and 
a  good  musician  (on  the  lyre  or  harp)  and 
singer  —  like  Caedmon  attracting  crowds 
by  his  music,  and  then  singing  of  religious 
truths.  He  was  a  poet  in  his  own  tongue, 
but  unfortunately  only  Latin  works  are  pre- 
served. There  is  occasionally  good  stuff  in 
them,  but  much  of  the  turgid  crudity  and 
absurdity  of  the  Hysterica  passio.  He  was 
the  first  to  write  Latin  poetry  in  England, 
and  had  much  technical  knowledge,  which  he 
shows  in  his  Letter  to  Acircius,  i.e.  King  Aid- 
frith  of  Northumbria  (lit.  'from  the  W.N.W. 
wind ').  [j.  w.] 

His  works  inaj-be  found  in  Migne,  P.L.,  toin. 
89,  and  (somewhat  better)  in  Giles's  edition. 
The  other  authorities  for  his  life  are  Bede,  and 
a  life  by  Faricius  of  Malmesl)ury,  Abiiot  of 
Atnngdon,  and  a  rather  better  one  by  William 
of  Malmesbury.  Modern  accounts  by  Bisliop 
G.  F.  Browne  of  Bristol  (S.P.C.K.),  and  W.  B. 
Wildman  of  Sherborne,  Life  of  St.  Ealdhelm, 
1905,  and  W.  Hunt  in  D.N.B, 


(13) 


Alfred] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Anchorites 


ALFRED  (Aelfred)  ;849-9n),  the  greatest  of 
our  early  kings,  was  a  typical  expression  of  the 
influence  exercised  by  religion  on  the  English 
people.  He  was  the  3-oungest  son  of  Aethel- 
wulf,  King  of  the  West  Saxons,  and  his  wife 
Osburh.  He  was  born  at  Wantage,  and  was 
taken  early  to  Rome,  where  he  attracted  the 
attention  of  Leo  iv.,  and  was  given  consular 
rank.  In  his  fifth  or  sixth  year  he  showed 
his  future  interest  in  learning  by  the  zest  with 
which  he  appUed  himself  to  a  book  of  poems 
shown  him  by  his  mother,  and  (probably) 
learnt  it  by  heart.  He  came  into  prominence 
in  the  reign  of  his  brother  Aethelred,  to 
whom  he  was  secundarius,  or  under-king, 
and  he  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of 
Ashdown  against  the  Danes.  He  succeeded 
his  brother  in  871,  engaged  in  many  battles 
with  the  Danes,  and  finally  had  to  take  refuge 
in  the  marshes  of  Somerset,  and  entrenched 
himself  at  Athelney.  Gradually  he  recovered 
strength,  defeated  the  Danes  at  Ethandun 
(878),  compelled  them  to  surrender  and  their 
King  to  be  baptized  ;  defeated  them  at  sea, 
repulsed  their  attack  on  Rochester,  but  was 
defeated  in  East  Anglia.  Again  he  recovered, 
and  became  overlord  even  of  South  Wales  ; 
conquered  London  (885  ?) ;  defeated  the 
Danes  at  Farnham  and  at  Exeter  (893  ?). 
Ho  lived  to  see  the  war  ended,  and  England 
free  and  victorious  at  least  for  a  while.  He 
died  on  25th  October  899,  and  was  buried 
in  the  new  minster,  afterwards  called  the 
abbey  of  Hyde,  at  Winchester,  where  in  1787 
his  ashes  were  scattered  in  the  dust  and  his 
coffin  sold  for  two  pounds.  Apart  from  his 
greatness  as  warrior,  statesman,  and  reformer, 
Aelfred  as  a  Christian  king  is  notable  for  the 
care  which  he  took  to  promote  learning, 
especially  religious  education,  and  for  his 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  Church.  He 
induced  Werfrith,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  to 
translate  the  Dialogues  of  St.  Gregory;  and 
in  his  own  studies  he  was  assisted  by  Wer- 
frith, by  Plegmund,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  by  two  Mercian  priests.  He  sent 
for  foreign  scholars,  among  them  the  priest 
John,  who  assisted  the  King  in  the  translation 
which  he  afterwards  made  of  St.  Gregory's 
Pastoral  Rule.  He  brought  Asser,  after- 
wards his  biographer,  from  Wales,  and 
l)ccame  his  close  friend,  granting  him  the 
monasteries  of  Congresbury  and  Banwell  in 
Somerset.  From  Asser  we  learn  the  patience 
of  the  King  in  acquiring  knowledge.  As  he 
learned  he  turned  his  knowledge  to  the 
practical  profit  of  the  clergy,  translating  for 
them  Boethius's  Consolation  of  Philosophy, 
as  well  as  St.  Gregory,  Orosius,  and  possibly 
Bede.     A  warrior  and  a  teacher,  a  craftsman 


and  a  hunter,  a  ruler  who  would  not  allow 
his  judges  to  be  illiterate,  and  who  provided 
for  the  education  of  his  clergy  and  nobles, 
Aelfred  was,  above  all,  a  most  devout 
Christian,  setting  aside  half  his  time  and  half 
his  revenue  to  the  immediate  service  of  God. 

It  is  curious  that  Aelfred,  'the  Truth-teller,' 
as  the  chronicle  of  St.  Neot  calls  him,  should 
never  have  been  canonised.  Henry  vi.  applied 
to  Eugenius  iv.  in  vain.  In  earlier  days  rever- 
ence was  paid  to  his  memory  in  particular 
churches,  and  his  name  is  found  in  at  least 
one  calendar. 

The  story  of  his  life  is  the  complete  justifi- 
cation of  his  o\^'n  words :  '  I  have  always 
striven  to  live  worthily,  and  at  my  death  to 
leave  to  those  who  follow  me  a  worthy 
memorial  in  my  works.'  The  love  and 
veneration  of  his  contemporaries  for  '  Eng- 
land's darling,'  as  he  was  called,  are  vindi- 
cated by  the  judgment  of  modern  historians, 
such  as  that  of  von  Ranke :  *  Alfred  is  one 
of  the  greatest  figures  in  the  history  of  the 
world  ' ;  and  of  Freeman :  '  There  is  no 
other  name  in  history  to  compare  with 
his.'  [w.  H.  H.j 

Asser,  Life,  ed.  W.  H.  Stevenson  ;  Pluninier, 
Life  and  Times  of  Alfred  the  Great. 

ANCHORITES.  The  term  anchorite  in 
its  English  form  '  ancre,'  '  ancress,'  was 
almost  restricted  before  the  Reformation  to 
such  strict  recluses  as  were  forbidden  by  the 
terms  of  their  vow  ever  to  leave  their  cells. 
The  practice  of  reclusion,  which  had  grown 
slowly  out  of  the  monasticisra  of  the  desert, 
became  common  on  the  Continent  during  the 
sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  and  was  presum- 
ably practised  in  England  before  the  Norman 
Conquest,  but  owing  to  the  comparative 
rarity  of  records  before  that  time  we  know 
little  of  English  anchorites  before  the  eleventh 
century.  The  Avill  of  one  who  calls  himself 
'  Mantat  the  Anker  '  has  come  down  to  us. 

Many  anchorites  were  professed  monks 
and  nuns,  in  which  case  they  wore  the  habit 
and  followed  the  rule  of  their  order.  Others 
took  the  vows  of  reclusion  as  seculars,  and 
for  these  rules  of  more  or  less  individual 
application  were  written.  Two  of  these 
produced  in  England  were  the  treatise 
written  by  Aelred  of  Rievaulx  for  his  sister, 
and  the  weU-known  Ancren  Riwle. 

The  Office  Ad  Includendum  Anachoriiae 
does  not  appear  in  English  Service  Books 
untU  the  twelfth  century,  nor  does  it  become 
common  untU  the  fourteenth.  After  that 
time,  however,  it  is  to  be  found  in  most 
Pontificals,  as  well  as  in  the  Sarum  Manuals 
of  1506,  1515,  and  1556.      The  Service  in- 


(14) 


Anchorites] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Andrewes 


eluded  a  Mass,  sometimes  tanquam  fro  mor- 
tais,  and  was  normally  performed  by  the 
bishop,  whose  sanction,  except  in  peculiars  or 
cases  of  papal  dispensation,  was  necessary. 
The  door  of  the  cell  was  sometimes  built  up, 
sometimes  sealed  by  the  bishop,  and  some- 
times merely  locked  to  admit  of  the  entrance 
of  a  confessor,  or  in  eases  where  the  recluse 
was  not  a  priest,  but  had  a  chapel  forming  an 
integral  part  of  his  cell,  of  a  priest  to  say 
Mass.  Usxially  the  cell  was  attached  to  a 
church,  either  conventual  or  parochial,  or  to  a 
private  chapel,  to  which  the  anchorite  had  no 
access,  and  in  these  cases  the  occupant  made 
his  confession  and  eomnmnion  through  a 
hagioscope  looking  up  to  the  liigh  altar. 

There  were  recognised  rights  of  advowson 
in  '  Ankerholds,'  and  a  convent  would  some- 
times present  one  of  its  members  to  a  distant 
cell.  Such  anchorites  w^ere  sometimes  sup- 
ported by  their  community  or  by  a  neighbour- 
ing convent,  otherwise  they  were  dependent 
upon  alms.  When  secular  persons  sought 
enclosure  the  bishop's  licence  would  often 
insist  that  provision  should  be  made  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  includendus  before 
the  ceremony  of  reclusion  w^as  performed. 
Anchorites,  having  no  community  goods  to 
rely  upon  for  food  and  clothing,  were  not 
strictly  bound  by  the  vow  of  poverty,  and 
very  frequently  lived  upon  the  revenues  of 
lands,  rent  charges,  or  other  property  which 
they  had  received  in  charity  or  had  possessed 
befoi'e  their  enclosure.  Those  who  were 
priests  often  received  the  emoluments  of  a 
chantry.  The  early  Pipe  Rolls,  the  Close 
Rolls,  and  similar  records  contain  many 
gifts  of  money,  provisions,  and  firewood  to 
anchorites.  In  the  case  of  recluses  on  royal 
demesne  a  fixed  alms  of  a  penny  a  day  or  of  a 
fraction  or  multiple  of  that  sum  was  common. 
Anchorites  were  also  frequent  legatees  in  the 
wills  of  people  in  all  ranks  of  life.  They 
appear  not  only  as  recipients  but  as  donors 
of  money  and  other  gifts  to  church  purposes. 

The  anchorite  did  not,  like  the  monk, 
become  civiliter  mortuus,  but  retained  his 
individual  rights  unless  he  were  already  a 
member  of  a  community.  Thus  we  find  an 
anchorite  making  a  will  four  years  after  his 
enclosure,  and  an  anchoress  bringing  a  suit 
for  the  recovery  of  a  rent  charge  which  had 
been  granted  her  upon  certain  lands,  and  not 
paid  since  the  death  of  her  benefactor. 
Anchorites,  however,  took  the  vow  of  obedi- 
ence on  enclosure,  and  were,  from  an  ecclesi- 
astical point  of  view,  under  the  obedience  of  a 
superior  then  appointed. 

It  w^as  generally  admitted  that  the  vow  of 
'  constancy  of  abode  '  might  be  broken  under 


fear  of  death  or  for  the  common  good  {e.g.  to 
undertake  the  work  of  a  bishop),  but  there 
are  cases  on  record  when  neither  consideration 
prevailed  with  the  recluse  to  make  him  leave 
liis  cell.  As  a  rule  only  the  Pope  could  dis- 
pense from  this  vow  or  give  permission  for  a 
change  of  cell,  but  w'e  occasionally  find 
recluses  leaving  their  cells  as  an  act  of 
canonical  obedience,  e.g.  to  answer  an 
accusation  of  LoUardy  before  the  bishop. 
Cases  of  apostasy  seem  to  have  been  rare. 

Manual  labour  is  enjoined  by  the  rules,  but 
the  occupations  of  an  anchorite  were  neces- 
sarily restricted.  In  early  times  a  garden 
was  often  included  in  the  cell,  but  this 
privilege  became  exceedingly  rare.  Recluses 
of  both  sexes  copied  service-books  and  wrote 
devotional  works ;  anchoresses  engaged  in 
embroidery  and  charitable  needlework,  and 
took  care  of  the  altar  vessels,  though  this  was 
discouraged.  One  of  the  last  references  to 
the  order  before  it  vanished  in  the  upheaval 
of  the  Reformation  is  the  notice  of  payment 
to  the  anchoress  of  St.  Margaret's,  West- 
minster, for  washing  the  Corporals  in  1538. 

[D.    K] 

Volmiies  iu  V.C'.H.  under  Religious  Houses  ; 
Bloxani,  Gothic  Architecture,  v.  163-85  ; 
Bridgett,  Hist,  of  the  Iluly  Eucharist  in  Great 
Britain,  ii.  ;  Archfeological  Collections  of  Kent, 
Sussex,  etc.  ;  Archccol.  Journal,  vol.  Iviii. 

ANDREWES,  Lancelot  (1555-1626),  pre- 
late, preacher  and  apologist,  styled  by  Laud 
'  a  light  of  the  Christian  world,'  was  born  in 
Thames  Street,  London,  the  son  of  a  master- 
mariner,  educated  at  Merchant  Taylors'. 
Showing  early  aptness  and  industry,  he  was 
chosen  at  sixteen  for  a  Greek  scholarship  at 
Pembroke  Hall,  Cambridge,  whither  his  school- 
fellow, Edmund  Spenser,  had  preceded  him. 
At  Cambridge  he  led  a  lonely  and  studious  life, 
addicting  himself  especially  to  the  interroga- 
tion of  nature,  to  such  purpose  that  Bacon 
later  submitted  his  writings  to  Andrewes's 
judgment.  He  had  a  gift  for  languages,  and 
acquired  a  critical  knowledge  of  fifteen.  In 
1576  he  became  Fellow  of  Pembroke,  and  in 
1580  entered  holy  orders.  The  delivery  of 
his  Catechistical  Lectures,  with  their  plea 
for  '  apostolic  handsomeness  and  order '  and 
conservative  method,  had  an  immense  effect 
in  the  university,  long  the  centre  of  the  non- 
conformist movement.  The  Puritan  party, 
according  to  Aubrey,  '  had  a  great  mind  to 
drawe  in  this  learned  young  man,'  but  they 
afterwards  refused  him  his  doctora*g_ 
Andrewes,  however,  would  seem  to  'jjave 
been  attracted  to  the  devotional  f^[jg  o£ 
Calvinism.     He  was  himself   '  deeply    geene 


(15) 


Andrewes] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Anselm 


in  all  cases  of  conscience,  and  in  that  respect 
was  much  sought  after  bj'  many.'  U'hc 
Puritan  Earl  of  Huntingdon  in  1586  took 
him  northwards  to  confer  with  popish 
recusants,  and  his  abilities  were  noted  by 
Secretary  Walsingham,  who  desired  to  inake 
him  Reader  of  Controversies  in  Cambridge, 
and  procured  his  preferment  to  St.  Giles's 
Cripplegate  in  London,  as  well  as  to  a  pre- 
bend in  St.  Paul's.  Andrewes  moved  to 
London  early  in  1589.  He  was  already 
chaplain  to  Whitgift  and  to  the  Queen,  and 
in  August  1589  became  Master  of  Pembroke 
Hall.  Most  of  his  time,  however,  was  spent 
in  London.  His  stall  also  carried  with  it 
the  office  of  penitentiary.  In  St.  Paul's,  St. 
Giles's  and  at  court  he  preached  a  succession 
of  striking  sermons,  so  as  to  be  stjded  '  atella 
praedicaniium  and  an  angell  in  the  pulpit.' 
He  declined  in  succession  the  sees  of  Salisbury 
and  Ely  as  a  protest  against  Elizabeth's 
policy  of  irreligious  rapine,  but  in  1598 
accepted  the  deanery  of  Westminster,  which 
brought  him  into  active  connection  with 
Westminster  School.  After  the  accession  of 
James,  over  whom  he  exercised  a  lifelong 
influence,  he  '  by  some  persuasion  '  accepted 
the  bishopric  of  Chichester  in  1605.  He 
had  not  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  Hamp- 
ton Court  Conference  of  1604,  but  was  one  of 
the  principal  translators  of  the  Authorised 
Version.  In  1608  James  sent  him  into  the 
lists  against  Cardinal  Bellarmine,  wherein  he 
asserted  the  divine  right  of  regal  authority 
independently  of  the  Holy  See,  and  the 
Catholic  character  of  the  reformed  Church  of 
England.  In  1609  he  was  translated  to  Ely, 
and  when  the  primacy  became  vacant  the 
next  year  it  was  expected  that  he  would 
succeed  Bancroft.  It  may  perhaps  be 
doubted  whether  he  was  a  strong  enough 
helmsman  for  the  troubled  waters  ahead. 
He  was  made  High  Almoner  to  the  King 
and  Privy  Councillor ;  but,  though  his 
saintly  intellectuality  was  a  power  in  the 
circle  of  the  court,  he  confined  his  activity 
as  a  councillor  to  ecclesiastical  affairs.  A 
stain  rests  on  his  career  in  connection  with 
the  Essex  nullity  suit  (1618),  j^et  he  was  not 
usually  compliant  to  great  persons.  Being 
asked  by  James  whether  he  agreed  with 
Bishop  Neile  of  Durham  that  the  King 
might  take  his  subjects'  money  without 
recourse  to  Parliament,  he  replied :  '  Sir, 
I  think  it  lawful  for  you  to  take  my  brother 
Neile's  money  because  he  offers  it.'  To 
tVuO  modern  mind  the  worst  action  of 
Andrewes  was  liis  consent  to  the  burning  of 
the  An'^baptist  Leggat  in  1612,  which, 
however,  even  Casaubon  approved.     Casau- 


bon,  du  Moulin  and  Grotius  were  among  his 
friends.  In  1617  Andrewes,  with  other 
prelates,  attended  the  King  to  Edinburgh, 
where  James  persuaded  the  Scots  clergy  to 
accept  five  points  of  Catholic  practice. 
Seven  j'cars  earlier  Andrewes  had  assisted 
in  the  consecration  in  London  of  bishops  for 
three  Scottish  sees.  In  1618  he  was  trans- 
lated to  Winchester.  It  is  significant  that 
he  was  not  sent  that  year  to  represent  the 
Enghsh  Church  at  the  Synod  of  Dort. 
During  the  next  few  years  he  is  found 
enforcing  reverence  and  order  in  his  diocese, 
consecrating  churches,  and  encouraging  learn- 
ing ;  but  he  does  not  appear  prominently  in 
the  controversy  with  Puritanism.  Charles  i. 
leaned  on  his  judgment  even  more  than  his 
father  had  done.  He  died,  25th  September 
1626,  being  buried  in  St.  Mary  Overy,  now 
Southwark  Cathedral.  The  inscription  on 
his  tomb — which  has  been  moved — records 
that  '  unwedded  he  departed  hence  to  a 
celestial  aureole.'  His  saintly  and  apostolic 
character,  his  munificence,  learning  and  re- 
putation as  a  preacher,  made  him  the  fore- 
most and  most  respected  churchman  of  the 
day.  The  importance  of  Lancelot  Andrewes 
in  history,  apart  from  his  defensive  wiit- 
ings,  is  his  influence  upon  the  conservative 
reaction  of  the  end  of  the  Tudor  period,  by 
which  the  Cathohc  character  of  the  reformed 
Church  was  vindicated.  The  ritual  of  his 
chapel  restored  much  dignified  ceremonial 
to  English  worship.  His  writings  are  a 
storehouse  of  patristic  theology,  and  his 
practice  is  referred  to  for  many  points  of 
ceremonial.  But  his  best-prized  legacy  to 
posterity  is  the  book  of  devotions  called 
Preces  Privatae.  A  contemporary  spoke  of 
him  as  '  Doctor  Andrewes  in  the  school. 
Bishop  Andrewes  in  the  pulpit,  Saint 
Andrewes  in  the  closet.'  [d.  m.] 

Works  ('Library  of  Anglo-Catholic  Theo- 
logy ')  ;  Lives  by  Isaacson  (1650),  R.  L.  Ottley, 
I).  Macleane  ;  R.  W.  Church  in  Masters  of  Eng. 
Thedocjy  ;  J.  H.  Overton  in  D.N.B. 

ANSELM,  St.  (c.  1033-1109),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  a  native  of  Aosta  now  in 
Piedmont,  the  son  of  a  Lombard  landowner, 
whose  wife,  Anselm's  mother,  was  of  Bur- 
gundian  origin  and  noble,  if  not  royal, 
descent.  Anselm  in  his  youth  was  delicate, 
studious,  and  visionary ;  but,  losing  his 
mother  at  an  early  age,  fell  into  wild  courses, 
and  quarrelled  with  his  father.  In  1056  he 
crossed  the  Alps  to  roam  through  Burgundy 
and  France,  as  a  penniless  student,  seeking 
education  and  a  career.  In  1059  he  arrived 
at  the  Norman  abbey  of  Bee,  attracted  by 


(  IG) 


Anselm] 


Dictio7iary  of  English  Church  History 


[Anselm 


the  fame  of  his  fellow-countryman,  Lanfranc 

{q.v.)  of  Pa  via,  then  prior  and  scholasiicus 
under  Abbot  Herluin.  Under  Lanfranc  the 
school  of  Bcc  had  become  the  resort  of 
external  students ;  Anselm  joined  their 
ranks,  and  by  indefatigable  studies  soon 
quahlied  himseh  to  act  asLanfranc's  assistant. 
His  original  intention  was  to  become  a  pro- 
fessional teacher ;  but  Lanfranc  and  Arch- 
bishop Maurilius  of  Rouen  induced  him  to 
take  the  monastic  vows  at  Bcc  ( 1060).  Three 
years  later  he  succeeded  Lanfranc  as  prior. 
He  found  the  office  an  unpediment  to  study, 
but  was  dissuaded  by  Maurilius  from  resign- 
ing ;  and  he  achieved  a  high  reputation  by 
liis  tact  as  a  ruler  of  monks  and  his  skill  in 
teaching  refractor}^  pupils.  He  overcame 
opposition,  and  subdued  the  jealousy  of  his 
inferiors  by  the  charm  of  a  nature  which  was 
firm  but  gentle,  lofty  and  yet  sympathetic. 
As  a  spiritual  director  he  was  unrivalled,  for 
he  united  moral  enthusiasm  with  a  profound 
knowledge  of  human  nature ;  but  for  many 
years  he  found  in  metaphysical  studies  his 
most  absorbing  occupation.  Like  Lanfranc, 
lie  came  to  be  regarded  in  his  own  lifetime 
as  a  Father  of  the  Latin  Church.  But, 
while  Lanfranc's  genius  was  displayed  in  the 
exposition  of  authorities,  Anselm  attempted 
to  find  in  natural  reason  a  logical  basis  for 
theology,  since  he  held  that  faith,  to  he 
perfect,  must  be  estabhshed  on  reasonable 
grounds  ;  quod  credimus  intelligere  was  the 
guiding  principle  of  his  meditations.  His 
method  was  to  discuss,  in  lectures  and  in 
conversation,  some  cardinal  dogma,  using 
the  simplest  language,  discarding  Scriptural 
proofs,  and  assuming  only  the  received  axioms 
of  logic.  His  proofs,  when  satisfactorily 
developed,  were  committed  to  writing  for  the 
benefit  of  his  pupils,  but  soon  obtained  a 
wider  currency.  Among  the  works  so  pro- 
duced at  Bee  were  (1)  the  Monologium,  a  dis- 
course on  the  being  and  nature  of  God,  in 
which  he  proclaimed  himself  a  follower  of 
St.  Augustine,  and  identified  God  with  the 
Platonic  Idea  of  Good  ;  (2)  the  Be  Veritate,  a 
dialogue  in  which  he  explains  and  defends 
the  conception  of  truth,  or  good,  upon  which 
the  argument  of  the  Monologium  is  founded  ; 
(3)  the  De  Libera  Arhitrio  ;  and  (4)  the  De 
Casu  Diaboli,  dialogues  in  which  he  con- 
siders the  question  whether  predestination  is 
compatible  with  freedom  of  the  wiU  ;  (5)  the 
Proslogium,  a  work  complementary  to  the 
Monologium,  in  which  he  claims  to  estabUsh 
the  existence  of  God  by  a  single  self-evident 
proof ;  (6)  the  Liber  Apologeticus,  addressed 
to  a  critic,  the  monk  Gaunilo,  who  had  im- 
pugned the  argument  of  the  Proslogium.     The 


two  last  treatises  are  remarkable  essays  in 
ontology,  and  justify  Anselm's  position  as 
the  first,  and  in  some  respects  the  most 
profound,  of  the  Realist  schoolmen.  They 
anticipate,  if  they  did  not  actually  inspire, 
a  famous  proof  of  Descartes,  Anselm  urges 
that  the  very  idea  of  a  God  implies  His  real 
existence,  since  we  conceive  of  God  as  perfect 
— and  He  would  not  be  perfect  without  the 
attribute  of  existence.  Gaunilo  raised  the 
objection  that  the  mind  can  create,  by  syn- 
thesis, the  idea  of  a  perfect  being  to  which 
nothing  corresponds  in  the  realm  of  reahty  ; 
and  Anselm  scarcely  meets  the  difficulty  by 
contending  that  the  reality  of  God  is  implied 
in,  and  inseparable  from,  our  idea  of  Him. 
But  the  Proslogium  was  received  with  uni- 
versal praise ;  Anselm,  who  had  published  it 
anonymously,  was  commanded  by  a  papal 
legate  to  affix  his  name  to  it.  But  he  was 
soon  distracted  from  these  studies  by  official 
cares.  In  Herluin's  old  age  he  undertook 
the  entire  management  of  Bee,  and  on  Her- 
luin's death  (1078)  he  reluctantly  accepted 
the  abbacy,  to  which  he  was  unanimously 
elected.  In  the  same  year  he  paid  his  first 
visit  to  England,  on  business  connected  with 
the  lands  which  his  house  held  at  Tooting  Bee 
and  elsewhere.  Incidentally  he  renewed  his 
acquaintance  with  Lanfranc,  and  showed  his 
statesmanship  by  advising  the  archbishop 
not  to  expunge  the  name  of  Aelfeah  (q.v.) 
from  the  Calendar,  since  that  prelate,  though 
only  canonised  by  English  sentiment,  had 
incurred  martyrdom  in  the  cause  of  justice. 
Anselm  also  earned  the  esteem  of  many  Anglo- 
Norman  barons,  and  was  received  by  WilUam 
I.  with  singular  respect.  Thenceforth  he  was 
a  frequent  and  honoured  guest  in  England. 
He  was  specially  summoned  to  the  deathbed 
of  the  Conqueror  (1087),  though  illness  pre- 
vented him  from  appearing ;  and  Rufus, 
after  his  accession,  revered  Anselm  if  not  as 
a  saint,  at  least  as  his  father's  friend.  On 
Lanfranc's  death  (1089)  the  English  laity 
and  clergy  concurred  in  desiring  Anselm  for 
their  primate.  The  see  was  kept  in  the  King's 
hand  until  1093  ;  when,  the  King  lying  sick 
at  Gloucester,  Anselm  was  invited  by  the 
bishops  to  give  him  ghostly  counsel,  and 
produced  such  an  impression  that  Rufus 
promised  to  amend  his  Ufe  and  government, 
and  as  an  earnest  of  repentance  invested 
Anselm  with  the  see  of  Canterbury.  Anselm, 
inspired  by  a  well-grounded  mistrust  of  the 
King's  sincerity,  made  his  acceptance  con- 
ditional upon  three  promises  :  that  the  lands 
of  Canterbury  should  be  restored  in  full ; 
that  he  should  be  accepted  as  Wilham's 
chief  counsellor  in  spiritual  affairs  ;  and  that 


(17) 


Anselm ]  Dictionary  of  English  Church  Hisloiy 


[Archdeacon 


he  might  continue  in  the  obedience  of  Urban 
II.,  whom  the  Norman  Church  had  long  since 
accepted  by  preference  to  Wibert,  the  Im- 
perial antipope.  The  King  granted  the  first 
condition,  but  evaded  answering  the  second 
and  third.  He  soon  repented  of  his  repent- 
ance ;  he  refused  to  let  Anselm  summon  a 
Church  council,  though  this  was  the  tradi- 
tional method  of  initiating  ecclesiastical 
reforms ;  he  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  remon- 
strances on  his  private  life  and  his  ojjpressions 
of  the  Church  ;  and  finally  told  Anselm  that 
he  must  repudiate  Urban,  and  leave  the  Crown 
to  settle  which  Pope  should  be  recognised  in 
England.  On  this  last  question  Anselm 
appealed  to  the  Great  Council,  pleading  that 
no  obedience  was  due  to  Caesar  in  the  things 
of  God.  His  case  was  heard  at  Rockingham 
(1095).  Both  the  bishops  and  the  barons 
urged  him  to  submit ;  the  Iving  hoped  that 
he  would  resign.  But  Anselm  appealed  from 
the  Great  Council  to  the  Pope ;  the  bishops, 
though  they  renounced  his  friendship,  de- 
clared themselves  incompetent  to  depose 
him ;  and  the  barons  were  won  over  by 
admiration  for  his  courage.  Rufus  there- 
fore, making  a  virtue  of  necessity,  acknow- 
ledged Urban,  but  asked  Urban's  legate 
that  Anselm  might  be  deposed,  or  at  least 
obliged  to  take  the  'pallium  [Pall]  from  the 
royal  hand.  Neither  request  was  granted,  and 
the  King  revenged  lumself  by  attacking 
Anselm  in  the  forms  of  law  for  neghgent  dis- 
charge of  feudal  duties.  The  archbishop,  find- 
ing himself  powerless  for  good,  demanded  leave 
to  go  abroad  ;  this  was  grudgingly  permitted, 
and  he  repaired  to  Urban  at  Rome  (1097). 
In  the  days  of  tribulation  before  his  departure, 
and  during  his  stay  in  Italj%  he  composed  the 
treatise  Cur  Deus  Homo,  to  prove  that  the 
Incarnation  was  the  only  rational  means  by 
which  the  outrage  on  the  honour  of  God, 
involved  in  sin,  could  be  repaired.  By 
Urban's  desire  Anselm  attended  the  Council 
of  Bari  (1098)  to  defend  the  doctrine  of 
the  Double  Procession  against  the  Greeks; 
his  arguments  are  recapitulated  in  his 
treatise  De  Processione  Sancti  Spiritus.  At 
Bari  the  Pope  called  public  attention  to 
his  wrongs,  and  threatened  Rufus  with  ex- 
communication;  but  Anselm  interceded  for 
delay,  and  no  effect  was  given  to  the  threat. 
Subsequently  he  took  part  in  the  Council  of 
Rome  (1099),  which  renewed  the  canons 
against  those  who  received  spiritual  prefer- 
ment from  lay  hands.  It  is  incredible  that  he 
should  have  been  ignorant  of  the  earlier  canons 
on  this  subject.  But  he  had  himself  accepted 
Canterbury  from  the  King's  hands,  and  be- 
fore 1099  had  never  questioned  the  propriety 


of  lay  Investiture  (q.v.).  When  recalled  by 
Henry  i.  (1100)  he  at  once  refused  either  to 
renew  the  homage  which  he  had  rendered  to 
Rufus,  or  to  consecrate  bishops  whom  Heiuy 
had  invested.  Anselm  based  his  case  on 
authority  alone,  and  showed  himself  strangely 
passive  in  the  dispute  which  he  had  raised. 
He  granted  Henry  a  truce  until  the  invasion 
of  Robert  of  Normandy  had  been  reijellcd 
(1101),  and  in  the  interval  did  the  King  good 
service  by  sanctioning  his  marriage  with 
Matilda  of  Scotland  (a  rejauted  nun),  and  by 
enUsting  English  sentiment  against  Robert 
and  the  baronial  rebels.  When  the  King 
stood  firm  on  his  prerogative  Anselm  went 
again  into  exile  (1103-6),  and  ultimately 
threatened  Henry  with  excommunication. 
But  he  willingly  accepted  the  first  overtures 
of  peace,  and  welcomed  the  compromise 
wliich  Paschal  n.  dictated  to  the  English 
Church.  His  thoughts  centred  chiefly  round 
practical  reforms,  such  as  the  suppression 
of  the  slave  trade  and  the  enforcement  of 
clerical  ceUbacy.  He  asserted  the  hberties 
of  the  clerg}^  and  revived  the  practice  of 
holding  synods.  But,  apart  from  the  In- 
vestitures question,  he  hved  on  good  terms 
with  the  King,  and  readily  forgave  the  bishops 
who  had  taken  the  King's  part.  He  has 
been  attacked  by  modern  -RTiters  as  a  hj^po- 
crite  who  concealed  his  legal  astuteness 
behind  a  veil  of  simplicity  ;  and  as  a  papalist 
who  attacked  the  royal  prerogative  and 
surrendered  Anglican  independence.  These 
charges  are  gratuitous  and  unhistorical. 
Though  Anselm  may  be  ideahsed  in  the 
writings  of  his  friend  Eadmer,  his  o-nn 
famihar  letters  prove  the  loftiness  of  his 
moral  nature  as  indubitably  as  his  philo- 
sophical writings  attest  the  subtlety  of  his 
intellect,  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Eadmer,  Vita  AnsdmiandiHistoria Novoruut ; 
R.  \V.  Church,  M.  Rule,  and  J.  M.  Rigg, 
modern  Lives ;  Freeman,  William  Ritfus ; 
H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Ewj.  under  the  Normans 
and  Angevins. 

ARCHDEACON.  The  office  dates  in  germ 
from  primitive  times.  No  instance  is  known 
of  a  church  in  which  the  bishop  had  not  at  his 
service  at  least  one  deacon,  and  where  there 
were  more  it  became  the  custom  for  one  to 
be  chosen  by  the  bishop  as  his  confidential 
assistant  in  all  save  his  purely  spiritual 
duties.  The  '  bishop's  deacon,'  as  he  was 
styled  in  the  third  centur}^,  was  the  ancestor 
of  the  archdeacon.  It  is  impossible  to  de- 
fine his  functions ;  except  so  far  as  he 
was  Umited  by  his  deacon's  orders  he  ad- 
ministered the  revenues  and  the  disciphne 


(18) 


Archdeacon] 


Didiunary  uf  Eiujllak  Church  Uislory 


[Archdeacon 


of  the  Church,  superintending  not  only  the 
laity,  but  also  the  clergy  who  were  in  deacon's 
orders  or  lower.  'J'ho  i)osition  of  the 
'  bishop's  deacon,'  at  any  rate  at  Rome, 
carried  with  it  the  prospect  of  succession  to 
the  episcopate.  In  the  third  and  fourth 
centuries  this  was  rather  the  rule  than  the 
exception.  St.  Athanasius  at  Alexandria, 
it  may  be  regarded  as  certain,  held  the  same 
office.  It  was  as  '  bishop's  deacon,'  in  the 
same  sense  in  which  St.  Laurence,  for  in- 
stance, had  been  the  deacon  of  St.  Sixtus 
at  Rome,  that  St.  Athanasius  attended  the 
Council  of  Nicsea ;  and  it  was  natural  enough, 
apart  from  his  peculiar  gifts,  that  he  should 
become  the  successor  of  Alexander.  But 
we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  office  was 
a  personal  one.  It  was  held,  and  could  be 
withdrawn,  at  the  will  of  the  bishop,  and  a 
new  bishop  was  in  no  wise  bound  to  continue 
in  office  the  deacon  of  his  predecessor. 

When  the  need  was  felt  of  a  definite  title, 
Protodiaconus  was  tentatively  used ;  but 
Archidiaconus,  which  first  appears  in  Op- 
tatus  (a.d.  370)  found  general  acceptance. 
Yet  for  a  good  while  '  the  deacon,'  with 
specification  of  the  diocese,  was  a  sufficient 
description.  When  Gregory  the  Great  ad- 
dressed a  letter  [Ep.  i.  10),  ad  Honoraium 
diaconum  Salonitanwm,  no  one  doubted  who 
the  '  deacon  of  Salona '  was.  As  to  the 
name  finally  adopted,  it  is  open  to  the 
criticism  that  it  fails  to  indicate  the  essence 
of  the  office.  While  an  archbishop  is  essenti- 
ally the  head  of  a  body  of  bishops,  the  char- 
acteristic of  an  archdeacon  is  that  he  is 
chosen  by  the  bishop  for  a  manifold  office, 
of  which  liis  superiority  over  the  other 
deacons  is  only  an  incidental  part. 

The  office  had  its  first  development  in  the 
assignment  of  a  local  area  within  the  diocese 
to  the  archdeacon.  The  first  diocese  to  be 
thus  divided  is  said  to  have  been  Strasburg 
in  774.  Soon  after  this  the  office  appears  in 
England,  where  the  Frankish  Empii-e,  at  the 
height  of  its  power  and  civiUsation,  was 
admired  and  imitated.  The  first  known 
Enghsh  archdeacon  is  Wulfred  of  Canter- 
bury, who  appears  in  803  and  was  after- 
wards archbishop.  But  the  line  of  Canter- 
bury archdeacons  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  continuous  before  the  Conquest,  and  the 
office  gained  no  great  importance,  nor  was  it 
generally  instituted  in  the  Enghsh  dioceses. 
In  Canterbury  diocese  there  appears  to  have 
been  for  a  while  a  plurality  of  archdeacons  ; 
but  this  was  exceptional  there,  and  is  not 
found  elsewhere. 

After  the  Norman  Conquest  archdeacons 
become  general  in  England.      Each  prelate 


has  at  first  not  more  than  one ;  and  the  canons 
of  English  synods  require  him,  as  of  old,  to 
be  in  deacon's  orders.  The  iteration  of  this 
command,  which  is  given  as  late  as  1127, 
proves  that  priests  were  beginning  to  assume 
the  office.  On  the  Continent  such  cases  had 
been  not  uncommon  from  the  eighth  century 
onwards.  By  a  more  usual  laxity  the  oflice 
was  often  conferred  upon  persons  in  minor 
orders,  the  diaeonate  being  regarded  as  a 
maximum  of  clerical  obligation,  which  need 
not  be  assumed  at  once  by  the  archdeacon. 
It  was  not  till  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  1062, 
that  an  archdeacon  was  compelled  to  be  in 
priest's  orders  ;  since  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113)  he, 
like  a  dean  or  a  canon,  must  have  been  in 
such  orders  for  at  least  six  years. 

The  non-existence  of  episcopal  registers 
tiU  the  thirteenth  century  makes  it  im- 
possible to  give  dates  for  the  foundation  of 
the  several  archdeaconries ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  in  some  cases  separate  counties  within  a 
large  diocese  had  their  own  archdeacons  as 
early  as  1200 ;  on  the  other  hand,  many 
dioceses,  including  Canterbury,  had  but  one 
at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages.  And  mean- 
while the  nature  of  the  office  changed. 
Soon  after  the  Conquest,  if  not  in  some 
instances  earlier,  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  a 
benefice,  with  rights  and  duties,  and  often 
endowments,  of  its  own.  The  endowments 
usually  consisted  in  a  share  divided  off,  as  a 
prebend,  from  what  had  been  the  joint 
cathedral  estate.  The  archdeacon,  thus 
having  a  life-tenure  of  liis  office,  could  no 
longer  be  regarded  by  the  bishop  as  his 
personal  agent  in  matters  of  litigation  or 
administration.  Hence  came  the  appoint- 
ment of  officials  and  vicars-general,  and  the 
division  of  duties  between  the  bishop,  or  his 
officers,  and  the  archdeacon,  by  which  the  latter 
in  most  cases  secured  the  control  of  church 
fabrics,  with  the  power  of  ordering  a  rate  for 
building  or  repair  which  lasted  till  1868. 
He  also  had  authority  over  all  deacons  and 
persons  in  orders  lower  than  the  diaeonate, 
with  the  duty  of  watching  not  only  over  their 
conduct  but  also  over  their  instruction.  A 
survival  of  this  in  our  Ordinal  is  the  presenta- 
tion by  the  archdeacon  or  his  deputy  to  the 
bishop  of  persons  to  be  ordained  as  deacons 
or  priests.  Another  survival  is  the  arch- 
deacon's jurisdiction  over  parish  clerks,  who 
were  originally  in  minor  orders.  No  parish 
clerk,  formaUy  appointed  in  vestry  meeting, 
can  be  deprived  of  his  office  save  after 
judicial  inquiry  by  the  archdeacon.  From 
time  to  time  he  has  to  sit  in  court  to  hear 
complaints  against  such  officers,  the  parties 
being  represented  by  soHcitors,  and  has  power 


(19) 


Archdeacon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Archdeacon 


to  acquit,  to  reprimand,  or  to  depose.  His 
more  general  power  over  the  clergy  is  exer- 
cised in  the  way  of  visitation.  By  a  recent 
revival  of  activity,  the  archdeacons  now 
actuallj-  visit  the  parishes  under  their  charge. 
But  in  the  later  Middle  Ages  and  down  to 
the  nineteenth  centurj-  archidiaconal  visita- 
tions Mere  merely  sjaiodal,  the  archdeacon 
summoning  the  clergy  to  meet  him  at  certain 
centres,  and  receiving  from  them  a  certain 
sum  as  '  procurations  '  {q.v.)  in  lieu  of  the 
cost  of  hospitahty  to  himself  and  his  attend- 
ants which  wovdd  have  fallen  upon  them  had 
he  paid  them  a  personal  visit.  These  procu- 
rations, in  regard  to  which  archdeacons  were 
not  modest  or  scrupulous,  were  a  fruitful 
source  of  income,  and  of  grievance,  during  the 
Middle  Ages.  At  these  visitations,  then  as 
now,  churchwardens  were  admitted  to  office, 
and  fees  were  charged  for  this  se^^-ice.  The 
archdeacon  also,  as  now,  inducted  new  clergy 
into  their  benefices,  in  person  or  by  deputy. 
He  had  also  considerable  and  profitable 
powers  in  testamentary  matters.  But  his 
most  conspicuous  function  was  that  of  judge 
of  the  moral  dehnquencies  of  the  laity. 
Ihose  offences  were  sought  out  by  official 
informers  and  punished  in  most  cases  by 
fines.  Thus  the  mediaeval  archdeacon  and 
his  court  had  a  very  unsavoury  reputation. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  avowed 
purpose  was  the  good  of  souls,  and  therefore 
it  was  regarded  as  lawful  and  desirable  that 
offences  should  be  sought  out.  The  pro- 
cedure was  that  of  the  canon  law,  which  was 
borrowed  from  that  of  Rome,  and  rested  on 
the  assumption  of  the  guilt  of  the  person 
accused.  Affihation  cases,  among  others, 
were  heard  before  this  tribunal ;  and  its 
procedure,  favourable  always  to  those  who 
could  pay  a  smart  fine,  was  further  discredited 
by  the  opening  it  allowed  to  the  officers  of 
the  court  for  the  extortion  of  hush-money. 
This  moral  supervision  of  the  laity  caused 
the  office  of  archdeacon  to  be  regarded  as 
a  cure  of  souls ;  but  its  profitable  nature, 
and  the  fact  that  it  could  be  exercised  by 
deputy,  caused  it  to  be  among  those  tj^es  of 
benefice  that  were  most  often  bestowed  upon 
aliens.  A  bishop  was  the  patron,  and  a  bishop 
was  always  peculiarly  amenable  to  papal 
pressure.  Of  all  this  jurisdiction  very  little 
survives.  Since  1840  only  the  bishop  has 
jurisdiction  in  penal  proceedings  against  the 
clergy.  The  archdeacon  has  power,  after 
hearing  evidence,  to  correct  parish  registers 
— a  power  which  is  declining  in  importance 
since  the  institution  of  the  state  system  of 
registration. 

By  the  legislation  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


as  has  been  said,  the  archdeacon  has  been 
deprived  of  most  of  his  powers,  and  what 
remains  has  been  made  uniform  in  all  cases. 
In  earlier  times  there  Avas  great  diversity, 
some,  e.g.  the  Archdeacon  of  Richmond  in 
Yorkshire,  having  exercised  very  wide 
authority.  The  only  conspicuous  survival 
is  the  prerogative  of  the  Archdeacon  of 
Canterbury,  who  stiU  enthrones  every  bishop 
of  the  southern  province ;  his  fees  for  this 
service  were  once  no  smaU  part  of  an  income 
which  made  him  one  of  the  wealthiest  of 
Enghsh  dignitaries.  The  incomes  of  the 
archdeacons  have  also  been  in  most  cases 
made  uniform,  at  the  sum  of  £200  per  annum, 
including  an  estimated  amount,  which  is 
never  received,  for  their  fees.  Their  former 
estates,  when  they  had  such,  have  been  swept 
into  the  common  fund  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commissioners.  We  may  regard  the  isolated 
case  of  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  who  is  his  own 
archdeacon  for  the  Isle  of  Ely,  i.e.  North 
Cambridgeshire,  as  an  evidence  of  the  former 
value  of  the  office.  The  bishop  occupies  the 
place  of  the  Abbot  of  Ely  in  this  respect,  as 
in  others,  and  the  abbey  was  exempt.  Some 
other  great  monasteries  :  Glastonbury  {q.v.), 
St.  Albans  [q.v.),  and  Westminster  {q.v.),  also 
nominated  their  own  archdeacons.  They 
also  were  free  from  any  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishop  or  his  officers  over  churches  on  their 
estates,  but  appointed  an  archdeacon  instead 
of  entrusting  their  abbot  with  the  dut^^ 
The  immunity  of  Westminster  passed  from 
the  monks  to  the  chapter,  and  remained  till 
pecuhar  jurisdictions  were  abolished  by  6-7 
Will.  IV.  c.  77  and  subsequent  Acts.  The 
archdeaconry  survives  as  an  honorary  post. 

The  original  purpose  of  Convocation  {q.v,), 
as  of  the  mixed  clerical  and  lay  assemblages 
which  preceded  it  and  Parliament,  was  taxa- 
tion. At  such  assembhes  the  archdeacons, 
as  prominent  and  wealthy  ecclesiastics, 
appeared.  This  is  especially  noted  in  re- 
gard to  that  at  London  in  1177.  When 
Convocation  was  constituted,  and  also  in 
other  Church  councils  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, the  archdeacons  at  first  appeared  as 
representatives  of  their  subordinate  clergy. 
They  might  be  accompanied  by  elected 
delegates,  j'ct  still  they  appeared  not  in  their 
own  right  but  as  part  of  the  representation  ; 
or  they  might  come  without  elected  repre- 
sentatives, but  with  procuratorial  letters 
from  the  clergy.  The  unreaUty  of  an  official 
acting  as  a  representative  soon  became 
apparent,  and  from  1277  onwards  the  clergy 
have  appointed  their  own  proctoi's,  while  the 
archdeacons  have  been  summoned  to  Con- 
vocation in  virtue  of  their  office. 


(20) 


Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Architecture 


The  present  position  of  the  archdeacon  is 
one  of  influence  \\\i\\  the  clergy  and  people, 
and  also  with  the  bishop,  rather  than  of 
administrative  authority.  Ho  can  advise  the 
bishop  because  ho  has  local  knowledge,  and 
in  the  course  of  acquiring  that  knowledge  he 
has  won  the  confidence  of  people  and  clergy. 
Much  of  his  most  important  work  is  done 
not  in  the  ordinary  course  of  his  duty,  but 
as  a  commissioner  ad  hoc,  appointed  by  the 
bishop.  But  there  is  a  tendency  to  entrust 
suffragan  or  assistant  bishops  from  time  to 
time  with  tasks  that  would  naturally  and 
constitutionally  fall  to  the  share  of  the  arch- 
deacon, [e.  w.  w.] 

ARCHITECTURE.  The  history  of  English 
architecture  differs  very  considerably  from 
that  of  Continental  Europe  for  two  important 
reasons.  (1)  The  complete  overthrow  of  the 
Roman  civihsation  caused  a  break  in  its 
development  from  earlier  models.  (2)  The 
spirit  of  insular  independence  has  repeatedly 
exemplified  itself  in  architecture. 

Pre-Norman  Period 

The  remains  of  Roman  buildings,  though 
numerous,  are  works  rather  of  engineering 
than  of  architecture,  chiefly  consisting  of 
walls  or  the  foundations  of  buildings  erected 
for  military  purposes.  The  great  wall  built 
by  Severus  early  in  the  third  century,  from 
the  Solway  to  the  Tyne,  to  replace  the  turf 
wall  of  Hadrian,  is  the  greatest  of  aU  Roman 
works  in  Britain.  Here  the  ashlar  work  is  of 
small  stones  almost  cubical,  laid  in  regular 
courses  with  rather  wide  joints.  At  Cilur- 
num,  Borcovicus,  and  Amboglanna,  stations 
on  the  wall,  as  also  at  Corstopitum,  the 
foundations  of  buildings  faced  with  large 
stones  in  the  best  traditional  Roman  manner 
can  be  seen.  The  Newport  gate  at  Lincoln  is 
also  a  fine  example  of  this  mode  of  construc- 
tion. Another  mode  of  building,  unknown  in 
Rome  itself,  but  general  throughout  the 
provinces  of  the  later  Empire,  consisted  of 
rows  of  small  stones  alternating  with  courses 
of  narrow  bricks,  as  seen  at  Leicester,  Lincoln, 
and  York.  Remains  of  Roman  masonry 
exist  at  Burgh  Castle,  Richborough,  Col- 
chester, Porchester,  Silchester,  Pevensey, 
Caister,  Worcester,  Reculvers,  Dorchester, 
Wroxeter,  Aldborough,  and  London.  The 
nearest  approach  to  a  perfect  Roman  building 
is  the  Pharos  in  Dover  Castle. 

Roman  building  material  was  often  used 
again  in  later  buildings,  as  at  Brixworth  and 
St.  Albans.  Of  churches  possibly  Bosham 
and  certainly  St.  Martin's,  Canterbury,  alone 


retain  portions  of  this  original  Roman  con- 
struction. At  Silchester  the  foundations 
have  been  unearthed  of  a  church  erected 
probably  about  a.d.  350.  It  is  forty-two  feet 
long,  consisting  of  nave,  aisles,  a  western 
apse,  and  an  eastern  narthcx. 

The  remains  of  Celtic  architecture  are  very 
scanty.  Cornwall  furnishes  a  few  examples. 
The  best  known  is  the  oratory  of  Perranza- 
buloe,  built  before  450,  and  discovered  in  the 
sands  in  1835.  It  is  twenty-nine  feet  by  six- 
teen, with  gables  twenty  feet  high,  and  side 
walls  about  thirteen  feet  high.  There  was  an 
east  window,  a  priest's  door,  and  an  entrance 
on  the  south.  The  masonry  consisted  of 
stones  embedded  in  clay  without  mortar. 
The  Saxon  invaders  destroyed  many  exist- 
ing buUdings,  and  exterminated  most  traces 
of  older  civilisation.  When  they  were  con- 
verted to  Christianity  they  usually  built  their 
houses  and  churches  of  wood.  About  680 
Bede  records  the  building  of  stone  churches 
at  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow  '  in  the  Roman 
manner.'  This  is  usually  considered  the 
starting  point  of  the  history  of  English 
architecture,  which  from  this  time  to  the 
Norman  Conquest  is  known  as  the  '  Saxon  ' 
or  '  Anglo-Saxon  '  style.  This  term  is  mis- 
leading, for  though  English  buildings  may 
have  had  their  own  peculiarities,  still  there  is 
little  to  entitle  them  to  be  classed  as  belonging 
to  a  style  distinct  from  contemporary  build- 
ings on  the  Continent.  The  small  and  plain 
Saxon  churches  were  simply  ruder  examples 
of  the  same  Romanesque  style  which  was 
general  throughout  Europe  and  was  the 
common  heritage  of  the  West  from  Rome. 
In  spite  of  the  numerous  Saxon  remains  few 
buildings  have  come  down  in  anything  like 
a  complete  state,  and  these  are  usually  frag- 
ments of  small  churches,  the  larger  Saxon 
minsters  having  been  destroyed  and  rebuilt 
in  later  ages.  The  small  church  at  Bradf  ord- 
on-Avon  is  typical  of  the  Saxon  style :  a 
simple  rectangle  for  a  nave,  with  a  smaller 
rectangle  to  the  east  for  a  chancel,  with  a 
porch  on  the  north  and  originally  also  on  the 
south;  narrow  and  lofty,  with  small  windows 
set  high  up  so  as  to  keep  off  the  draughts 
and  to  make  the  church  a  place  of  security  in 
case  of  invasion.  This  church  has  been  gener- 
ally considered  to  be  the  work  of  St.  Aldhelm 
{q-v.),  705.  The  similarity  of  the  masonry  to 
that  of  St.  Wilfrid's  crypt  at  Hexham  seems 
to  give  strength  to  this  view.  Recent  critics, 
however,  hold  that  the  excellence  of  its  con- 
struction and  the  fine  joints  of  the  stone  work 
point  to  a  much  later  period.  Some  of  the 
earliest  Saxon  work,  however,  as  at  Hexham 
and  Ripon,  under  the  influence  of  the  Roman 


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Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Architecture 


missionaries,  shows  work  much  superior  to 
that  which  followed.  Brixworth  is  an  ex- 
ample of  early  Saxon  construction,  where 
Roman  bricks  are  used  up  in  the  regular 
Roman  manner.  Brixworth,  Wing,  and 
Lydd  are  the  only  aisled  Anglo-Saxon 
churches  which  survive. 

One  of  the  most  general  marks  of  Pre- 
Norman  work  is  '  Long  and  Short  work.' 
This  consists  of  an  alternation  of  tall  upright 
and  flat  horizontal  stones  to  form  the  angles 
of  the  building.  Another  mark  is  pilaster  strips 
upon  the  surface  of  the  walls.  Of  seventh  and 
eighth  century  buildings  Wing  is  especially 
interesting.  It  is  a  basilica  with  a  poly- 
gonal apse  ornamented  externally  with  small 
pilasters,  from  which  spring  semicircular 
arches.  Internally  the  apse  has  a  raised  floor, 
reached  by  a  flight  of  steps.  Underneath  is 
the  crypt  or  confessio  ;  the  nave  arches  are 
semicircular  on  massive  plain  piers,  and 
above  them  the  lines  of  the  ancient  cleres- 
tory can  be  traced.  The  English  fashion  of 
square  east  ends  seems  soon  to  have  replaced 
the  earlier  apse,  transepts  were  added,  and 
usually  a  western  tower,  though  the  central 
tower  in  the  larger  cross  churches  was  not 
unusual.  Worth,  Barton-on-Humber,  Earls 
Barton,  Barnack,  Sompting,  Dover  Castle 
Church,  Repton,  Holy  Trinity,  Colchester, 
are  examples  of  Saxon  work  up  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eleventh  century. 

The  period  immediately  preceding  and 
succeeding  the  Norman  Conquest  shows 
numerous  examples  of  Saxon  towers.  St. 
Bennet,  Cambridge;  St.  Mary  and  St. 
Peter,  Lincoln ;  St.  Michael,  Oxford ;  Deer- 
hurst,  and  a  whole  group  of  churches  in  the 
north-east  of  Lincolnshire.  '  In  all  these 
Saxon  buildings  there  is  a  closer  tradition 
of  Roman  work  than  we  see  in  the  later 
Norman  forms  of  Romanesque.  There  is 
a  tendency  to  large  stones,  to  flat  jambs,  to 
windows  with  a  double  splay,  to  the  covering 
of  walls  with  horizontal  and  vertical  strips.' 
The  towers  are  simply  smaller  and  ruder 
examples  of  a  type  common  in  Italy  and 
Germany  up  to  a  much  later  date.  They 
arc  tall,  slender,  and  unbuttressed,  with  small 
round-headed  windows  (sometimes  triangu- 
lar-headed), with  curious  baluster  pillars 
set  in  the  middle  of  the  wall.  The  windows 
arc  set  in  groups  of  two  or  more,  but  are 
never  grouped  under  a  containing  arch  as  in 
the  Norman  style.  Saxon  masonry  is  often 
very  rough  and  rude.  Herring-bone  work 
peculiar  to  this  style  consists  of  flat  stones 
or  tiles  placed  like  herring  bones  in  rough 
walling.  At  Sompting  is  the  original  cop- 
ing  of    the    tower,    a    low    four-sided    spire. 


Of  the  hundreds  of  churches  standing  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest  only  about  seventy 
preserve  parts  of  their  original  Saxon  work. 
The  nave  of  Greensted  Church,  Essex,  built 
about  1013,  is  the  only  example  which  sur- 
■\aves  of  a  timber  church,  a  mode  of  con- 
struction at  one  time  peculiarly  Saxon. 

The  little  church  at  Kirkdale,  Yorks,  has 
an  inscription  recording  its  destruction  by 
the  Danes  and  its  restoration  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  the  Confessor. 

NoBiHAN,  1060-1190 

Under  the  Confessor's  rule  the  Norman 
variety  of  Romanesque  was  first  brought  to 
England.  In  1065  the  church  of  West- 
minster was  consecrated  in  a  '  new  style  ' 
(William  of  Malmesbury),  and  henceforth 
the  earlier  mode  of  building  was  displaced, 
though  small  churches  continued  for  some 
years  to  be  built  in  the  old  style,  as  at  Lincoln 
and  Oxford. 

The  Norman  Conquest  inaugurated  a 
period  of  extraordinary  architectural  activity. 
The  churchmen  introduced  by  WiUiam  began 
at  once  to  rebuild  their  churches  on  a  scale 
of  unprecedented  magnificence.  St.  Wulfstan 
{q.v.)  of  Worcester  raised  the  only  voice  of 
protest  against  the  destruction  of  the  old 
Saxon  minsters,  yet  he  rebuilt  his  cathedral 
church  later  in  the  Norman  manner.  From 
the  Conquest  till  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century  the  Norman  form  of  Romanesque 
prevailed.  The  style,  however,  continued  to 
develop  gradually  from  the  clumsy,  massive, 
and  severe  type  of  the  early  period  (at  first 
almost  transitional  from  the  Saxon)  to  the 
lighter  and  more  ornamental  features  of  the 
later  period.  This  in  turn  becomes  tran- 
sitional to  the  Gothic  or  early  pointed  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  The  earliest  Norman 
minsters  are  vast,  massive,  and  plain.  Their 
plan  is  that  of  the  cross  with  boldly  project- 
ing arms  or  transepts.  The  western  limb  or 
nave  is  usually  of  immense  length,  as  at 
Winchester,  and  St.  Albans  {q.v.),  which  has 
the  longest  nave  in  the  world.  The  eastern 
limb  is  short,  and  terminated  in  the  early 
examples  mth  an  apse.  There  were  two 
forms  of  this  apse  : — 

1.  That  in  which  the  choir  and  lateral  aisles 
had  each  a  separate  apse,  the  two  lateral  or 
smaller  ones  usually  ha^^ng  square  external 
walls,  as  at  Romsey  and  originally  at  Durham 
and  Selby. 

2.  That  in  which  the  central  apse  was  en- 
circled by  the  aisle  called  the  ambulatory, 
with  chapels  radiating  to  the  north-east,  the 
east,  and  the  south-east.  This  was  the  inore 
common  form,  as  originally  at  Westminster, 


(22) 


Architecture] 


Diciionarii  of  English  Church  Hi  .story 


Architecture 


Bury  St.  Edmunds,  and  Norwich.  The  rect- 
angular east  end,  however,  soon  began  once 
more  to  reassert  itself  at  Old  Sarum,  South- 
well, Sherborne,  and  ElJ^ 

The  chapels  opening  eastwards  from  the 
transepts  were  usually  apsidal.  There  was 
usually  a  low  central  tower  at  the  crossing 
and  often  two  more  at  the  west  end,  as  at 
Durham  and  Southwell.  Exeter  and  Canter- 
bury, in  a  modified  form,  have  transeptal 
towers  ;  Hereford,  Ely,  and  Bury  had  single 
western  towers  in  conjunction  vnih.  a  central 
lantern.  The  destruction  of  the  abbey  of 
Bury  St.  Edmunds  is  an  irreparable  loss  to 
the  study  of  Norman  work.  The  church  was 
of  gigantic  proportions,  with  a  western 
transept  of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty 
feet  (the  fagade  of  Rouen  is  only  one  hundred 
and  ninety  feet).  The  early  Norman  churches 
have  low  massive  piers  with  a  triforium  nearly 
as  large  as  the  pier  arches,  as  at  Winchester, 
where  Walkelin's  solemn  transepts,  1079-93, 
show  what  the  great  minster  must  have 
been  before  the  perpendicular  easing  was 
tlirown  over  its  vast  nave.  Norwich,  begun 
1096,  is  rather  more  advanced ;  Gloucester, 
1089-1100,  has  lofty  piers  with  small  tri- 
forium and  clerestory  ;  Tewkesbury,  1102-21, 
is  of  the  same  style,  but  stUl  more  exagger- 
ated. In  Durham  the  high-water  mark  of 
Norman  work  is  reached  in  1093  by  William 
St.  Carileph  and  finished  by  Bishop  Ranulph 
Flambard,  1128.  Here  the  pillars  are  not 
so  lofty  as  Gloucester,  but  the  pier  arches 
are  liigher,  and  the  triforium  lower  than  at 
Winchester  and  Norwich.  Durham  has  hit 
the  happy  mean,  and  is  undoubtedly  the 
most  magnificent  Norman  Romanesque , 
church  in  existence.  Norman  piers  are 
mainly  of  tAvo  kinds — the  compound  and  the 
cylindrical.  The  hitter  ax'e  too  heavy  to  be 
called  columns.  Columns  proper  rarely  occur 
except  in  crypts.  The  cylindrical  piers  are 
found  at  Gloucester  and  Tewkesbury  and 
Southwell.  At  Durham  and  Selby  they  are 
found  alternating  with  compound  piers.  The 
compound  pier,  however,  is  by  far  the  most 
common,  as  in  the  naves  of  Peterborough, 
Ely,  and  Old  St.  Paul's.  In  Peterborough 
choir  cylinder  piers  alternate  with  octagons. 
Durham  presents  the  best  example  of  the 
compound  pier,  in  which  there  is  a  separate 
shaft  for  each  order  of  the  arch  and  for  each 
rib  of  the  vault.  In  twelfth-century  parish 
churches  the  pier  is  almost  always  a  cylinder. 
These  cylinders  are  sometimes  ornamented 
vnih  a  kind  of  fluting  or  zigzag  pattern,  as 
at  Waltham,  Selby,  Durham,  Lindisfarne, 
and  the  crypt  at  York.  1  he  capitals  were 
either    the    '  cushion,'    peculiarly    character- 


istic of  Norman  work  throughout  the  whole 
period,  or  the  '  scalloped  capital,'  a  form 
which  -was  very  general  throughout  the 
twelfth  century.  Another  early  form  of 
capital  was  a  kind  of  rude  imitation  of  the 
Ionic,  as  seen  in  the  chapel  of  the  White 
Tower,  London.  The  arches  are  generally 
round-headed  in  early  work,  plain  and 
square-edged.  Later  they  developed  plain 
round  mouldings,  and  still  later,  especially 
in  the  case  of  chancel  arches  and  doorways, 
they  became  loaded  with  ornament,  the  most 
general  form  being  that  of  the  chevron  or 
zigzag  moulding.  The  contrast  between 
the  earlier  Norman  of  Bishop  Rcmigius, 
1085-92,  and  the  later  elaborate  work  of 
Bishop  Alexander,  1146,  can  be  studied 
on  the  west  front  of  Lincoln  Cathedral. 
Windows  are  often  ornamented  in  the  same 
way  as  arches  and  doorways,  they  are  gener- 
ally long  and  rather  narrow  round-headed 
openings,  sometimes  of  two  lights  divided 
by  a  shaft  included  under  one  arch,  especially 
in  belfries.  The  earliest  Norman  vaults 
are  plain  and  of  the  barrel  form  ;  in  the  next 
stage  they  have  flat  transverse  arches  onlj'. 
They  then  become  groined,  without  ribs. 
These  occur  over  aisles  or  narrow  spaces,  and 
belong  to  the  latter  half  of  the  eleventh 
century  and  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth. 
At  a  later  period  the  ribs  are  introduced,  as  at 
Peterborough,  1117-43.  The  Norman  archi- 
tects preferred  to  cover  their  large  spaces 
with  wooden  ceihngs,  as  in  the  naves  of  Ely, 
Peterborough,  and  Selby.  Early  Norman 
masonry  is  extremely  rude  and  bad,  -ndth  wide 
joints  between  the  stones,  filled  in  with 
mortar  of  a  poor  quality.  The  foundations 
of  their  buildings  were  rarely  securely  laid. 
The  result  has  been  a  long  list  of  disasters, 
from  the  fall  of  the  central  lantern  of  Win- 
chester, 1107,  to  that  of  Chichester,  1861. 
At  Winchester  the  rebuilding  of  the  tower  is 
marked  by  much  finer  work,  which  is  called 
'  fine-jointed  masonry '  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  earlier  and  inferior  form  known 
as  '  wide-jointed  masonry.' 

Early  Exglish,  1190-1245 

The  last  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century 
marks  the  period  of  transition  from  the 
Norman  to  the  Early  English  or  '  Lancet '  or 
'  First  pointed.'  All  these  terms  are  used 
for  the  first  type  of  Gothic.  The  process  of 
transition  began,  however,  much  earhcr  in 
the  use  of  the  pointed  pier  arch  at  Malmes- 
burj^  Fountains,  Krkstall,  and  Buildwas. 
The  Cistercians,  whose  architectural  energy 
was  at  its  height  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
twelfth  centurj%  aided    in    no  small  degree 


•^-  ). 


Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Architecture 


to   develop   the    styles    as    at   Byland    and 
Roche. 

The  convenience  of  the  pointed  arch  would 
soon  suggest  its  use  for  windows  and  doors. 
Meanwhile    \indcr    Henry    n.    the    Norman 
style   grows   ever   richer   and   lighter.     The 
surface  ornament  is  now  wrought  into  elabor- 
ate shapes;  columns  are  used  wherever  the 
weight  wall  permit.     Capitals  become  more 
elaborate,  foUage  is  introduced,  almost  re- 
producing the  richness  of  the  ancient  Cor- 
inthian    capital.     Famous     tj^es     of     this 
period   are    St.    Peter's,    Northampton,    the 
nave  of   Wimborne  Minster,  the   Galilee  of 
Durham,  the  magnificent   choir  of   Canter- 
bury,   the    west    end    of     Ely    and    Peter- 
borough,   St.    David's    Cathedral,    and    the 
shattered  fragment  of   the    great  church  of 
Glastonbury  (q.v.),  probably  the  most  perfect 
example  in  the  country.     Here,  although  the 
pointed  arch  was  used  throughout  (except  in 
the  earlier  Lady  Chapel),  the  mouldings  are 
stUl  Norman,  though  the  caps  nearly  approach 
the  beauty  and  grace  of  the  succeeding  style. 
At  Ely  and  Peterborough,  where  the  naves 
were  built  late  in  the  twelfth  century,  the 
general  effect  of  the  earlier  style  is  preserved, 
in  harmony  with  the  older  model  of  choir  and 
transepts.     When,    however,    the    west    end 
was  reached,  there   is   found,  especially  at 
Peterborough,    fully    developed    transitional 
work,  very  similar  to  that  at  Glastonbury. 
The  great  fagade  of  Peterborough  belongs, 
however,  to  the  next  century.     By  the  end  of 
the  twelfth  century  the  early  pointed  form 
of   Gothic   had  been  evolved.      St.   Hugh's 
iq.v.)  work  at  Lincoln,  1188-1200,  is  usually 
considered  the  first  example  of  pure  Gothic  in 
England.     It  is,  however,  now  proved  that 
the  western  end  of  the  choir,  the  eastern  end 
of  the  nave  with  the  transepts,  and  exquisite 
north  porch  of  Wells  are  the  work  of  Bishop 
Reginald  de  Bohun,  1174-91.     This  work  is 
undoubtedly  Early  English,  with  traces  only 
of  the  earlier  style  in  the  mouldings  and  the 
square  abacus.     Also  at  Ripon  and  Bishop 
Auckland  very  early  examples  of  Early  Eng- 
lish occur.      The  Early  English  or  Lancet 
form  of  Gotliic,  1190-1245,  is  distinguished 
from  contemporaneous  work  abroad  by  the 
use  of  the  round  abacus  (the  square  abacus 
is  found  only  in  early  examples  chiefly  in  the 
north) ;    by  the  depth  and  richness  of  the 
mouldings  of  arch  and  pillars ;  by  the  freer 
and  less  conventional  foliage  of  the  capitals ; 
and  by  the  use  of  the  detached  shaft,  usually 
of  Purbeck  marble,  long  and  slender,  con- 
nected with  the  central  shaft  at  base   and 
capital,  also  sometimes  by  one  or  two  inter- 
mediate bands. 


Another  peculiar  feature  of  Early  English 
is  its  tenacious  use  of  the  tall  lancet  window 
either   alone    or   in    groups    of    two,    three, 
or  five.     The  space  above  is  often  pierced  by 
a   circle   or   quatrefoil.     The   west  front   of 
Ripon ;  the  transepts  of  York,  Beverley,  and 
Hexham ;  the  choirs  of  Ely  and  Southwell, 
Worcester  and  Rochester;   the  east  end  of 
Durham,  Fountains,  Rievaulx,  and  Whitby ; 
the  nave  and  choir  of  Lincoln ;  and,  above  aU, 
the  whole  cathedral  of  Salisbury,  are  among 
the  grandest  t3npes  of  this  period.     The  choirs 
now  become  much  longer,  the  square  east 
end    becomes    almost    universal.     The    few 
exceptions  (as  Westminster,  St.  Hugh's  choir, 
Lincoln,  Beaulieu  and  Croxden,  Pershore  and 
Tewkesbury)  are  often  the  results  of  foreign 
influence.     A  Lady  Chapel  at  a  lower  level 
is  now  built   out    beyond   the  choir,  as  at 
Hereford,  Chester,  Sahsbury,  and  Winchester. 
The  central  tower  is  heightened,  and  becomes 
the  most  important  feature  of  great  minsters, 
as    does    the    western    tower    of    parochial 
churches.     The  spire,  originally  an  elongated 
roof,    now    develops    into    the    tnie    spire. 
The  early  examples,  known  as  '  Broach  spires,' 
rise  from  the  tower  much  like  a  roof  with 
eaves,  as  at  Christ  Church,  Oxford.     Just  as, 
in  the  few  cases  where  the  apse  occurs,  the 
round  has  given  place  to  the  polygonal,  so  in 
the  case  of   the   chapter-house  the  circular 
becomes  octagonal  or  decagonal,  the  earliest 
and  largest  example  being  that  of  Lincoln. 
Stone  vaults  with  ribs  on  the  angles  of  the 
groins,  at  first  simple  then  more  complicated, 
become    general    in    great    churches.      The 
thrust    of    these    vaults    required    heavier 
buttresses,  which  accordingly  develop  from 
the  flat  strips  of  the  early  Norman  to  the 
boldly  projecting  mass  of  the  Early  English. 
The    Flying    buttress    used    internally    in 
Norman  work  now  becomes  a  fine  external 
feature.     It   is   the   Early  English  buttress 
which  adds  so  much  to  the  beauty  of  the 
buildings  of  this  date.     In  France,  where  its 
use  became  exaggerated  owing  to  the  great 
height  of  the  vaults,  the  effect  produced  is 
almost  that  of  scaffolding.     The  Early  English 
stjde  can  be  very  simple,  as  in  the  little  chapel 
of  Earkstead,  Lincolnshire,  or  very  lavish  in 
ornament,  as  on  the  west  front  of  Wells.     The 
inoulding  characteristic  of  the  period  is  the 
so-called  '  Dog-tooth  '  ornament — a  pyramid 
cut  into  four  leaves,  meeting  in  the  points. 
Sculpture  now  makes  a  great  advance.     The 
figures  on  the  fagade  of  WeUs  are  especially 
admirable,    though    possibly   carved    under 
Italian  influence. 

By  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
during  the  building  of  Westminster  Abbey, 


(24) 


Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Architecture 


the  lancet  began  to  give  way  to  the  Geo- 
metrical style.  Its  development  was  natural 
and  almost  inevitable.  If  two  or  more 
lancets  arc  brought  together  under  an 
arch,  and  the  heads  or  spandrels  pierced 
by  circles,  the  simplest  form  of  tracery  is 
at  once  developed.  Windows  of  this  kind 
may  be  formed  of  any  size,  with  circles, 
quiitrefoils,  and  trifoils  repeated  on  different 
plains.  Such  is  the  great  east  window  of 
Lincoln  and  the  whole  eastern  extension  of 
the  church  known  as  the  Angel  Choir,  one  of 
the  loveliest  creations  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
The  nave  of  Lichfield,  the  chapter-house 
and  cloisters  of  Salisbury,  the  east  end  of 
Ripon,  the  ruined  abbeys  of  Netley,  Guis- 
borough ;  above  aU,  the  magnificent  church  of 
St.  Mary's  Abbey,  York,  exhibit  the  style  at 
its  noblest.  The  destruction  of  this  last 
masterpiece,  built  at  the  time  when  English 
arcliitecture  had  reached  its  zenith  of  per- 
fection, is  the  most  deplorable  loss  in  the 
whole  history  of  English  art. 

Decorated,  1245-1360 

Towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
the  Geometrical  style  began  to  change  into  the 
'  Curvihnear  '  or  '  Flowing,'  a  style  in  vogue 
from  about  1315-60.  The  Geometrical  and 
Curvihnear  styles  are  often  included  under 
what  is  known  as  the  '  Decorated,'  1245-1360. 
In  the  Curvilinear  style  circles,  quatrefoils, 
etc.,  no  longer  merely  rest  on  the  arches,  but 
themuUions  themselves  are  actually  continued 
in  the  lines  of  the  tracery,  which  now  becomes 
more  elaborate  and  varied.  This  style  closely 
resembles  the  later  French  Flamboyant  (so 
called  from  the  flamelike  forms  of  the  tracery), 
but  the  mouldings,  though  shallower  than  in 
the  preceding  period,  show  no  signs  of  that 
decadence  so  strongly  marked  in  the  French 
work.  There  was  the  usual  transition 
between  the  Geometrical  and  CurvOinear 
styles.  The  choir  of  Merton  Chapel,  Oxford, 
1280-90,  the  nave  and  chapter-house  of 
York,  the  Lady  Chapel  of  Lichfield,  the 
chapter-house  of  Wells,  show  development 
from  the  simple  to  the  more  elaborate  and 
varied  form  of  Geometrical  architecture, 
which  soon  culminated  in  the  great  west 
window  of  York,  1338,  where  the  Curvilinear 
style  is  fully  exemplified.  The  east  windows 
of  CarHsle  and  Selby  are  the  finest  examples 
of  the  style. 

Exeter  Cathedral,  1280-1370,  provides  the 
best  study  of  the  development  of  tracery ; 
it  also  shows  how  the  cnashing  lowness  of  the 
English  vault  can  be  partly  retrieved  by  the 
rich  effect  produced  by  the  additional  ribs  and 
bosses  which  came  into  fashion  at  the  time. 


The  use  of  natural  instead  of  conventional 

foliage  is  a  feature  of  this  period,  as  also  the 
use  in  the  mouldings  of  the  '  Ball  flower  ' — a 
globular  flower  half  opened,  showing  within 
a  small  round  ball.  This  'Ball  flower'  is 
used  in  the  greatest  profusion  at  Leominster, 
Hereford,  Gloucester,  and  on  the  towers  of 
St.  Mary's,  Oxford.  Pillars  are  clustered, 
detached  shafts  disappear;  doorways,  sedilia, 
piscinas,  niches,  arcading,  buttresses,  and 
pinnacles  show  great  variety  of  form  and 
degrees  of  richness.  The  triforium  often 
becomes  absorbed  with  the  clerestory  or 
disappears  entirely.  Fine  examples  of  the 
Curvilinear  style  are  the  choirs  of  Lichfield, 
Wells,  and  Tewkesbury ;  parts  of  Gloucester, 
Bristol,  and  Malmesbury;  the  great  parish 
churches  of  Boston,  Grantham,  and  Hull;  and 
the  smaller  church  of  Heckington,  Lines.  To 
this  period  also  belong  the  magnificent  group 
of  towers  at  Lincoln ;  the  towers  and  spires  of 
SaHsbury,  Liclifield,  Hereford,  Wells,  St. 
Mary's,  Oxford ;  St.  Mary  Redchffc,  Bristol, 
Grantham,  and  the  glorious  octagon  lantern 
of  Ely. 

Perpendicular,  1360-1547 

The  last  great  period  of  Gothic  architec- 
ture is  usually  known  as  the  Perpendicular, 
1360-1547.  This  has  been  subdivided  into 
Rectihnear,  1360-1485,  and  Tudor,  1485-1547. 
Gloucester  Abbey  evolved  Rectihnear  archi- 
tecture as  early  as  1330-7 ;  it  did  not, 
however,  come  into  general  fashion  tfll  about 
1360.  It  is  a  style  pecuUar  to  England  alone, 
and  its  evolution  from  the  Curvihnear  is 
somewhat  unaccountable.  Probably  the 
growing  tendency  to  treat  churches  as  mere 
frameworks  for  the  gorgeous  glass  of  this 
time  is  largely  answerable  for  its  popularity. 
[Glass,  Stained.]  It  is  the  style,  above  all, 
of  the  great  parish  churches.  The  cathedrals 
and  abbeys  were  as  a  whole  completed  when 
the  '  Black  Death '  devastated  the  country. 
When  the  architectural  thread  was  once 
more  taken  up  in  the  latter  part  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  it  was  mainly  parochial,  not 
monastic.  The  great  merchants  now  vie 
with  churchmen  in  their  zeal  for  church 
building.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  the 
style  is  that  the  mullions  are  continued 
into  the  tracery  in  straight  or  perpendicular 
lines.  This  straight  line  appears  first  not 
in  wandows  but  in  panelling  in  Abbot 
Wigmore's  work  at  Gloucester,  1329-37. 
This  panelling  was  used  to  case  over  the 
Xorman  work,  and  was  carried  up  to  the 
clerestory,  which  here  appears  to  form 
simply  part  of  the  system  of  paneUing  with 
windows    pierced    in    it.     The    two    great 


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Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Architecture 


builders  who  did  most  to  popularise  the  style 
were  Bishop  Edington,  who  began  to  re- 
model the  nave  of  Winchester,  1360,  and  his 
better  known  successor,  Bishop  William  of 
Wykeham  {q.v.),  who  finished  the  nave  of 
that  clmrcli  and  built  his  two  colleges  at 
Winchester  and  Oxford.  At  his  death,  1404, 
Perpendicular  had  become  the  general  style 
throughout  the  country.  There  was  the 
usual  period  of  transition"  between  this  and 
the  preceding  style,  of  which  the  best 
examples  arc  the  church  of  Edington,  built 
by  the  bishop  of  the  same  name,  and  the 
choir  of  York  (the  work  of  Archbishop  John 
de  Thoresby).  The  leading  principle  of  the 
Perpendicular  style  is  the  prominence  given 
to  the  vertical  line  in  everything,  a  promin- 
ence made  more  thorough  by  the  presence 
of  the  strongly  marked  horizontal  Une. 
Mouldings  on  arch,  pillar,  or  capital  now 
become  shallow  and,  as  the  style  progresses, 
coarse.  Panelling  often  seems  to  swallow 
up  all  ornamentation.  It  occurs  on  arcades, 
piers,  windows,  buttresses,  and  walls. 

Ornaments  are  used  at  times  lavishly,  but 
they  are  added  ornament,  not  constructive 
features  brought  into  ornamental  shapes. 
Windows  attain  a  vast  size,  as  at  Winchester, 
Bath,  Beverley,  York,  and  Gloucester.  The 
clerestory  windows  by  their  size  often  give 
great  dignity,  as  at  Sherborne ;  Christ  Church, 
Hants ;  St.  Mary  Pvcdcliffe,  Bristol ;  Malvern. 
Square-headed  windows  used  for  convenience 
in  the  Decorated  period  now  become  very 
general,  though  their  use  for  large  eastern 
windows  only  occurs  at  Bath,  where  the 
style  shows  its  very  latest  phase.  In  door- 
ways the  square  head  with  a  depressed 
arch  within  becomes  almost  universal. 
This  four-centred  arch  even  occurs  occasion- 
ally in  pier  arcades.  Porches  are  often  highly 
enriched  with  panel  work,  buttresses,  pier 
arches,  arcades,  tabernacles,  and  figures.  The 
roof  and  gables  become  low-pitched.  The 
parapet,  pierced  or  embattled,  becomes 
an  important  feature.  The  three  great 
characteristics  which  do  much  to  raise  this 
style  into  importance  are  the  superb  vaults, 
the  fine  wooden  roofs,  and  the  magnificent 
towers. 

The  Lierne  vaults  are  those  in  which  short 
transverse  ribs  or  '  Hemes '  (French  lier, 
to  bind)  are  mixed  with  the  ribs  that  branch 
from  vaulting  capitals.  In  the  earlier  and 
best  examples  the  main  constructional  ribs 
are  retained,  as  in  the  choir  of  Ely,  the  naves 
of  Norwich,  Winchester,  Canterbury,  and 
Tewkesbury.  In  later  examples  the  ribs 
seem  to  run  over  the  vault  without  much 
meaning,   producing,   however,   a  peculiarly 


gorgeous  effect,  as  in  the  choir  of  Wells  or 
Gloucester,  also  in  St.  George's  Chapel, 
Windsor,  where  it  is  often  erroneously  called 
a  '  fan  vault.'  The  '  fan  vault,'  another 
form  pecuhar  to  this  period,  is  a  natural 
development  from  the  '  heme.'  It  is  so 
called  from  each  sheaf  of  ribs  branching  out 
in  the  form  of  an  inverted  conoid,  giving  the 
appearance  of  a  fan.  This  vault  first  made 
its  appearance  in  Gloucester  Abbey  in  the 
vaulting  of  the  cloister,  1351-77.  King's 
College,  Cambridge,  the  Eastern  Chapels  of 
Peterborough,  Sherborne  Abbey,  and  above 
all  Henry  vn.'s  Chapel,  Westminster,  are  the 
best  known  instances  of  the  fan  vault.  '\  he 
wooden  roofs  of  this  period  are  no  mere 
substitutes  for  the  vault,  but  are  often  of 
equal  dignity  and  splendour,  and  were 
deliberately  chosen  by  preference.  There  are 
various  shapes.  The  grand  Hammer-beam 
roofs  of  East  Angha,  as  at  St.  Stephen's, 
Norwich ;  Wymondham ;  St.  Wendreda's, 
March  ;  and  Westminster  Hall  are  examples. 
The  coved  or  cradle  roofs  of  the  west  of 
England,  the  low-pitched  tie-beam  roofs 
common  everywhere,  show  the  same  style. 

'  Perpendicular '  towers  were  usually 
finished  oS  with  a  rich  parapet  and  pin- 
nacles. Some  of  the  finest  specimens  are  the 
great  central  lanterns  of  Canterbury,  York, 
Gloucester,  Durham,  and  Howden ;  the 
western  towers  of  York  and  Beverlej- ;  the 
monastic  towers  of  Fountains  and  Evesham, 
and  those  of  the  parish  churches  of  Boston, 
Taunton,  Wrexham,  St.  Neots,  and  St. 
John's,  Glastonbury,  with  the  collegiate 
towers  of  Merton  and  INIagdalen  Colleges, 
Oxford.  Spires  were,  however,  by  no  means 
rare ;  that  at  Louth  is  perhaps  the  most 
graceful  in  all  Christendom.  St.  Michael's, 
Coventry ;  St.  Mary's,  Whittlesea ;  and  Pat- 
rington  and  Norwich  Cathedral  also  furnish 
fine  examples.  The  unique  mural  crown  of 
Newcastle  also  belongs  to  tlus  period. 

With  the  destruction  of  the  monasteries 
and  the  spohation  of  the  Church  ecclesiasti- 
cal building  came  practically  to  a  standstill. 
By  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 
Gothic  architecture  lay  a-djang.  The  de- 
struction of  hundreds  of  abbey  churches  and 
one  fine  catliedral  (Coventry)  can  only  be 
accounted  for  by  the  indifference  of  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  to  the  architectural 
splendour  of  the  past. 

Renaissakce,  1510-1750 

The  Renaissance  first  makes  its  appear- 
ance early  in  the  sixteenth  century  in  Henry 
vii.'s  Chapel,  Westminster,  whei-e  the  Italian, 
Torrigiano,  was  called  in  to  design  the  late 


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Architecture] 


Dirfio)iari/  of  English  Church  Hisliyry 


Architecture 


King's  tomb.  His  work  is  wholly  Renais- 
sance in  design,  and  the  effigies  of  Henry 
vn.  and  his  Queen  arc  amongst  the  very 
noblest  in  Europe.  The  same  artist  was  at 
work  on  the  chantry  of  the  Countess  of  Salis- 
bury at  Christ  Church,  Hants.  In  Layer 
Marney  Church,  Essex ;  in  Bishop  West's 
chantry,  Ely ;  and  in  Bishop  Gardiner's 
chantry  at  Winchester,  Renaissance  detail, 
with  its  scrolls,  diaper  work,  and  foliage, 
overlies  the  perpendicular  design. 

From  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  to  the 
reign  of  Cliarles  i.  there  was  a  period  of 
transition  from  expiring  Gothic  to  ever- 
growing Renaissance.  This  has  given  us  the 
styles  known  as  Elizabethan  (where  the  Gothic 
spirit,  in  spite  of  classical  detail,  still  holds 
the  ground),  and  Jacobean,  where  classical- 
ism  has  advanced  but  not  yet  eliminated 
Gothic. 

This  is  the  period  of  the  great  houses  built 
with  the  confiscated  wealth  and  often  with 
the  very  stones  of  the  despoiled  church.  No 
outline  can  be  more  picturesque  than  that  of 
an  Elizabethan  house,  with  its  great  oriel 
■windows,  tall  chimneys,  and  endless  gables. 
Italian  details  are  used  after  a  Gothic  fashion, 
classical  or  quasi-classical  columns  are  in- 
serted just  as  mediaeval  builders  used  tlicir 
windows  and  blank  arcades.  Many  ranges 
are  placed  one  over  the  other.  Longleat, 
possibly  the  earliest  house  of  this  kind, 
built  in  the  reign  of  Edward  vr.  ;  Kirby  Hall, 
Northamptonshire ;  Bishop  Hall's  house, 
Heigham ;  Ingestre  Hall,  Staffordshire ; 
Burghley  House,  Hatfield  House,  Fountains 
Hall,  are  a  few  of  the  numberless  examples 
of  this  style. 

Meanwhile  Perpendicular  Gothic  was 
djang  hard,  especially  in  Oxford,  that 
'  home  of  lost  causes.'  The  college  chapels 
of  Wadham,  1613;  Jesus,  1621;  Lincoln, 
1631;  St.  Mary  Hall,  1633;  Oriel,  1637, 
show  a  determined  effort  to  keep  to  the 
old  style.  The  design  and  details  of  Wad- 
ham  are  so  excellent  that  it  might  well 
have  been  erected  a  century  earlier.  The 
most  remarkable  example,  however,  of 
the  Gothic  Survival  is  the  staircase  of 
Christ  Church  Hall,  with  its  central  pillar 
and  fan  tracery,  built  as  late  as  1640. 
The  Canterbury  buildings  of  St.  John's  Col- 
lege, finished  1636,  are  among  the  most 
beautiful  examples  of  the  friendly  meeting 
of  the  old  and  the  new  styles.  The  quad- 
rangle, with  its  two  arcaded  cloisters,  is 
mainly  classical,  but  the  exquisite  '  Garden 
front '  is  almost  Tudor.  This  is  probably 
the  work  of  Le  Sueur  and  not  Inigo  Jones, 
to  whom  it  is  popularly  ascribed.     Brascnose 


Chapel,  1666,  shows  an  effort  to  blend  Gothic 
and  Renaissance  with  the  most  charming 
effect.  It  is  probably  the  latest  example 
of  Gothic  as  a  living  though  an  expiring 
tradition.  Other  churches  showing  good 
seventeenth-century  Gothic  are  Bath  Abbey, 
where  Bishop  Montagu  added  the  fine  fan 
vault  to  the  roofless  nave,  1608-16;  St. 
John's,  Leeds,  1632  ;  Lcighton  Bromswold, 
restored  1632  ;  Abbey  Dore,  restored  1634  ; 
the  chapel  of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  1639  ; 
St.  Catherine  Cree,  London,  1630. 

Inigo  Jones  was  the  first  Englisli  archi- 
tect of  importance  to  free  himself  entirely 
from  the  Gothic  tradition.  The  Banqueting- 
House  at  Whitehall  (part  of  a  vast  design 
for  a  royal  palace)  and  the  portico  of  Old 
St.  Paul's  show  design  equal  to  Palladio  and 
the  great  Italian  masters.  His  work  was 
unfortunately  interrupted  by  the  Great 
Rebellion. 

The  Restoration  and  the  Great  Fire  of  Lon- 
don inaugurated  a  period  of  building  activity 
under  the  influence  of  Sir  Christopher  Wren. 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  his  masterpiece,  ranks 
among  the  finest  Renaissance  buildings  in  the 
world,  but  like  its  great  rival,  St.  Peter's  at 
Rome,  was  dearly  bought  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  its  magnificent  predecessor.  Of  the 
fifty  churches  Wren  built  in  London,  St. 
Stephen's,  Walbrook ;  St.  Bride's,  Fleet 
Street ;  St.  Mary-le-Bow,  St.  Martin-upon- 
Ludgate  are  noteworthy  either  for  their  fine 
interiors  or  graceful  spires.  The  chapels 
of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  and 
Trinity  College,  Oxford,  and  the  northern 
walk  of  the  cloisters  at  Lincoln  are  also  well- 
known  works  of  this  great  master.  His 
interiors,  thoiigh  often  dignified,  are  certainly 
more  conducive  to  sitting  in  comfort  than  to 
kneeling  in  devotion. 

Of  Wren's  contemporaries  and  immediate 
successors  the  following  deserve  remem- 
brance : — Sir  John  Vanbrugh,  the  builder  of 
great  mansions,  such  as  Blenheim,  Castle 
Howard,  and  Duncombe  Hall ;  Hawksmoor, 
who  designed  the  new  quadrangle  of  All  Souls 
and  the  front  of  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  and 
St.  Mary  Woolnoth,  London  ;  Dean  Aldrich 
of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  builder  of  All 
Saints  in  the  High  Street ;  'I'homas  Archer, 
whose  church  of  St.  Phihp's,  Birmingham,  is 
now  the  pro-cathedral ;  Gibbs,  the  architect 
of  the  Senate  House,  Cambridge,  and  the 
Radcliffe  Library,  Oxford,  St.  Mary-lc-Strand 
and  St.  Martin's-in-the-Fields,  with  a  portico, 
second  only  to  St.-  Paul's  in  all  London ; 
Henry  Bell  of  King's  Lynn.  With  the 
passing  of  these  masters  architecture  fell  on 
evil  days — a  period  which  lasted   from   the 


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Architecture] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Arminianism 


reign  of  George  n.  till  the  Gothic  Revival. 
In  every  county  may  be  seen  the  work  of 
this  unfortunate  time:  hideous  towers  and 
porches,  barnlike  churches  fitted  on  to  ancient 
towers. 

The  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 
was  marked  by  the  revival  of  Greek  models. 
St.  Pancras  Church,  built  by  Messrs.  Inwood  in 
imitation  of  the  Erechtheum  at  Athens ;  the 
British  Museum;  St.  George's  HaU,  Liverpool, 
and  numerous  halls  and  institutes  up  and 
down  the  country,  are  types  of  this  fashion. 

Gothic  Revival  from  1830 
The  revival  of  Gothic  began  early  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  Even  in  the  eighteenth 
centurj^  a  time  when  mediaeval  architecture 
was,  as  the  name  Gothic  shows,  an  object  of 
general  contempt,  such  men  as  Horace 
Walpole  and  the  architect,  James  Essex,  could 
appreciate  its  merits.  To  Sir  Walter  Scott 
more  than  any  one  is  probably  due  the 
popularisation  of  medisevalism.  At  first  there 
was  a  general  opinion  that  Gothic  was  the 
right  style  only  for  churches.  Those  built  in 
the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
though  bad  in  detail,  are  often  excellent  in 
outline,  especially  the  towers  and  spires. 
'  The  Martyrs'  Memorial,'  Oxford,  erected 
1839,  was  the  most  successful  in  point  of 
detail  of  all  the  early  attempts.  With  the 
building  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament,  1840, 
from  a  plan  of  Sir  Charles  Barry  in  the  late 
Perpendicular  style,  the  Gothic  Revival  may 
be  considered  to  have  become  general. 

The  names  most  associated  with  the  re- 
vival from  this  time  to  the  present  day 
are,  first  and  foremost,  A.  W.  Pugin; 
Butterfield,  best  known  for  his  work  at 
Keble  College;  Sir  Gilbert  Scott,  whose 
handiwork  is  visible  in  nearly  every  great 
church  in  the  land  ;  Street,  whose  greatest 
but  not  most  satisfactory  design  is  that  of 
the  Law  Courts  in  the  Strand.  These 
great  architects,  with  their  correct  reproduc- 
tions of  early  forms,  seem  to  have  failed  to 
catch  the  spirit  of  the  past.  Not  so,  however, 
Pearson,  whose  masterpiece,  Truro  Cathedral, 
is  worthy  to  be  compared  with  any  work  of 
the  thirteenth  century. 

The  churches  designed  by  Bodlcy  and  his 
partner,  Garner,  breathe  the  very  spirit  of 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.  The 
church  of  Hoar  Cross,  Staffordshire,  and  the 
chapel  of  Clumber  are  magnificent.  Amongst 
living  church  architects  mention  nmst  be 
made  of  the  younger  Scott,  whose  stupen- 
dous design  is  gradually  rising  to  completion 
above  the  busy  dockyards  of  Liverpool. 

[w.  M.  w.] 


ARMINIANISM  is  a  general  term  used 
to  cover  the  whole  High  Church  and  Lati- 
tudinarian  reaction  against  the  intellec- 
tual tjTanny  of  Calvinism  [q-v.).  Jacobus 
Arminius  (or  Hermann)  (1560-1609)  studied 
theology  in  Leiden.  There  he  was  greatly 
influenced  by  Koornhert,  who  argued  for 
toleration  in  reUgion  against  the  rigid 
uniformity  imposed  by  the  ministers.  After 
some  time  spent  at  Geneva  he  became  an 
important  preacher  in  Amsterdam,  and  1603 
succeeded  Franz  Junius  as  Theological 
Professor  at  Leiden.  On  being  appointed 
to  refute  Koornhert,  who  had  attacked  the 
doctrine  of  divine  decrees,  Arminius  examined 
the  whole  matter,  and  developed  his  position 
in  the  direction  of  free  wiU.  His  system 
was  developed  by  his  successor,  Simon 
Episcopius.  Its  chief  points  are  the  denial 
of  irresistible  grace  and  the  necessary  final 
perseverance  of  the  elect.  While  not  denying 
the  sovereignty  of  God,  from  which  the  whole 
Calvinistic  scheme  was  deduced  by  rigid 
a  priori  reasoning,  Arminius  postulated  that 
strong  belief  in  the  self-hmitation  of  God's 
power,  involved  in  the  creation  of  free  beings. 
He  was  violently  opposed  by  his  colleague, 
Gomarus,  and  1610  a  number  of  Dutch 
ministers,  known  as  '  Remonstrants,'  pre- 
sented a  hst  of  articles  formulating  their 
dissent  from  Calvinistic  orthodoxy.  They 
secured  an  edict  of  the  States -General  in 
favour  of  the  toleration  of  both  opposing 
views  in  1614.  This,  however,  only  served  to 
bring  the  matter  into  the  party  quarrels 
between  the  partisans  of  the  house  of  Orange 
and  those  of  the  bourgeois  and  republican 
ideals  of  Amsterdam.  In  1617  Prince 
Maurice  of  Orange  imprisoned  the  Arminian 
leaders,  Oldenbarnevelt  and  Grotius,  and 
summoned  the  famous  synod  of  Dort  to 
decide  the  controversy.  This  synod  was  at- 
tended by  representatives  of  foreign  churches, 
including  some  English  clergy  sent  by  James  i. 
[Reunion,  in.]  It  passed  decrees  condemning 
the  Remonstrants,  and  asserting  the  main 
points  of  Calvinistic  doctrine,  but  leaving 
open  the  infralapsarian  position.  The  supra-- 
lapsarian  view  asserts  that  the  divine  decree 
predestined  the  fall  of  Adam,  thus  denying 
all  freedom  to  humanity ;  the  infralapsarian 
denies  this,  and  though  repudiating  freedom 
to  aU  Adam's  descendants  is  not  fatal  to 
free  will  in  the  abstract. 

Whether  or  no  it  was  due  to  the  presence 
of  Enghs^  representatives  at  the  synod,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  from  this  time  onwards 
there  developed  a  strong  intellectual  move- 
ment in  England  against  the  rigid  Calvinism 
in  fashion.     Laud  {q.v.)  and  his  friends  were. 


(28) 


Arminianism] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Arnold 


in  Mr.  Gardiner's  phrase,  the  'broad  Church- 
men '  of  the  day.  On  a  point  so  complex  and 
profound  as  the  relation  of  human  freedom 
to  divine  grace  they  declined  to  dogmatise, 
and  adopted  the  line  afterwards  suggested 
by  Mozlcy  {q.v.)  in  regard  to  this  very 
controversy,  that  it  were  to  be  wished  that 
on  some  subjects  the  human  mind  would 
admit  its  Hmitations.  Like  Arniinius  and 
his  followers  they  revolted  against  the  tenet 
of  Calvinism  that  Christ  did  not  die  for  all 
men,  but  only  for  the  elect.  With  this 
negative  position  in  regard  to  the  prevailing 
Protestant  orthodoxy  there  went  for  the  most 
part  other  strong  positive  views  about  the 
nature  of  the  Church  and  the  value  of  ex- 
ternal ordinances.  With  these  we  are  not  here 
directly  concerned.  These  points,  together 
with  Laud's  methods  of  enforcing  conformity, 
enhanced  the  dishke  of  the  Arminian  or 
court  clergy.  But  from  the  time  of  their 
first  favour  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Charles  i.  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Puritan 
party  felt  in  them  their  true  adversaries.  This 
was  seen  in  the  passionate  attack  on  Richard 
Mountague  [Cakoune  Divines],  author  of 
the  New  Gag  for  an  old  Goose,  and  the  con- 
test that  ensued  between  the  Commons  and 
the  King,  which  Avas  provoked  by  Mountague's 
Appello  Cesarem.  This  struggle,  which  lasted 
from  1625  to  1629,  was  closely  connected 
with  the  general  course  of  politics.  Indeed, 
this  case  of  IMountague  alone  affords  strong 
evidence  of  the  predominantly  religious 
character  of  the  conflict  between  Charles 
and  the  Puritans.  A  study  of  the  Parlia- 
ment wliich  passed  the  Petition  of  Right 
reveals  this  most  clearlj^  Mountague  had 
been  condemned  for  his  Appello  Cesarem 
in  1625,  and  was  made  a  bishop  in  1628. 
Charles  in  December  1628  published  the  De- 
claration still  i^refixed  to  the  Articles  of  Re- 
ligion iq.v.),  wliich  endeavoured  to  prevent  the 
imposing  a  purely  Calvinistic  sense  on  the 
Thii'ty-nine  Articles.  In  this  Charles  was 
eminently  justified,  and  was  but  continuing 
the  policy  which  directed  the  whole  Eliza- 
bethan Settlement  {q.v.).  The  Commons, 
however,  strong  in  Puritan  prejudice,  would 
have  none  of  this.  They  drew  up  a  Remon- 
strance, in  which  the  spread  of  popery  and 
the  encouragement  of  Arminianism  were 
totally  condemned,  along  with  the  King's 
claim  to  levy  tonnage  and  poundage. 

Finally,  in  the  next  year,  1629,  after 
Buckingham's  assassination  and  Mountague's 
consecration  (they  took  place  on  the  same 
daj'),  the  great  breach  with  the  I^ng  took 
place  when  the  Speaker  was  held  down  in 
his  chair,  and  the  tliree  famous  resolutions  of 


Sir  John  Eliot  were  passed,  the  first  of  which 
is  in  the  following  words : — '  Whosoever  shall 
bring  in  innovation  of  religion,  or  by  favour 
or  countenance  seem  to  extend  or  introduce 
Popery  or  Arminianism  or  other  opinions 
disagreeing  from  the  true  and  orthodox 
Clmrch,  shall  be  reputed  a  capital  enemy  to 
this  Kingdom  and  Commonwealth.' 

From  that  day  began  the  eleven  years' 
personal  government  of  Charles,  and  the 
short-lived  triumph  of  the  '  Ai'minian '  clergy. 
Associated  in  the  popular  mind  with  court 
favour,  unpopular  doctrine,  and  laxity  of  life, 
their  position  was  never  pleasant.  Nor  can 
it  be  denied  that,  until  the  cleansing  fire  of 
the  Puritan  persecution,  the  party  contained 
in  its  ranks  too  many  time-servers.  Baxter's 
testimony  in  regard  to  the  clergy  of  his 
3'outh  is  perfectly  sincere,  and  may  well 
be  trusted.  On  the  other  hand,  even 
apart  from  these  other  \'iews,  their  posi- 
tion as  opponents  of  the  rigid  predestinarian- 
ism  in  fasliion  was  a  courageous  and  necessary 
protest  in  favour  of  a  truly  Catholic  faith 
against  a  view  of  God  which  made  Him  the 
worst  kind  of  Oriental  despot.     [Calvinism.] 

[j.  N.   F.] 

ARNOLD,  Thomas  (1795-1842),Headmaster 
of  Rugby,  youngest  son  of  WiUiam  Arnold, 
Collector  of  Customs  at  Cowes.  The  Ai'nolds 
came  originally  fi'om  Holland,  and  estab- 
lished themselves  at  Lowestoft,  whence  they 
removed  to  the  Isle  of  Wight.  It  has  been 
surmised,  but  never  proved,  that  they  were 
originally  of  Jewish  origin.  Arnold  was 
educated  at  Winchester  CoUege.  As  a  boy 
he  seems  to  have  been  stiff  and  shy,  fond  of  act- 
ing the  Homeric  battles,  and  reciting  speeches 
from  Pope's  Iliad.  His  son,  the  cele- 
brated Matthew  Arnold,  said  in  later  years  : 
'  My  father's  Latin  verses  were  bad,  not 
because  he  was  a  bad  scholar,  but  because  he 
was  thoroughly  unpoetical.  He  wTote  ex- 
cellent Latin  prose,  and  his  Greek  you  could 
not  tell  from  Thucydides.' 

In  1811  he  was  elected  Scholar  of  C.C.C.,  Ox- 
ford, and  1814  graduated  B.A.  with  aFirst  Class 
in  Lit.  Hum.,  and  1815  was  elected  Fellow 
at  Oriel.  He  won  the  Chancellor's  Prize  for 
Latin  and  English  Essays  in  1815  and  1817. 
In  1818  he  was  ordained  deacon,  and  in 
1819  he  estabhshed  himself  as  a  private  tutor 
at  Laleham,  near  Staines.  In  1820  he 
married  Mary  Penrose,  whose  mother  was 
the  authoress  of  Mrs.  Markham's  History  of 
England.  Among  his  pupils  at  Laleham 
was  W.  K.  Hamilton,  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  who  always  maintained  his  tutor's 
essential   orthodoxy.     Others,   however,   be- 


(29) 


Arnold] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church^ History 


[Articles 


lieved  that  his  opinions  tended  towards 
Unitarianism.  His  scruples  about  subscrip- 
tion held  him  back  from  priest's  orders  till 
1828.  At  the  end  of  1827  he  had  been  elected 
Headmaster  of  Rugbj'.  Dr.  Hawkins,  Pro- 
vost of  Oriel,  predicted  that  he  would  change 
the  face  of  education  through  all  the  public 
schools  of  England,  but  his  brother-fellow, 
G.  A.  Denison  (q.v.),  said:  'Then  they've 
got  a  fool  for  their  headmaster.' 

Public  sentiment  has  confiniied  Dr.  Haw- 
kins's view,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  Arnold's  influence,  spreading  through 
schoolmasters  trained  at  Rugby,  has  tended 
to  raise  tlie  tone  of  pubhc  schools,  while  his 
personal  virtues  have  been  extolled  by  his 
favourite  pupils  :  bj^  Dean  Stanley  (q.v.)  in 
his  Life,  by  Thomas  Hughes  in  Tom  Brovni's 
Schooldays,  and  by  A.  H.  Clough  in  Dipsi/chus. 
Before  Arnold's  headmastership  the  religious 
oversight  of  the  boys  had  been  entrusted 
to  a  chaplain.  Arnold  induced  the  trustees 
to  make  liim  chaplain,  and  the  religion  of 
the  school  was  thus  entirely  in  his  hands. 
He  preached  every  Sunday,  with  a  singular 
eloquence,  fervour,  and  directness,  and  his 
sermons  were  marked  by  an  adoring  devotion 
to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  showed  that 
his  Unitarian  tendencies  had  been  left  behind. 
But  on  such  topics  as  the  Church,  orders,  and 
sacraments  he  distinctly  contravened  the 
Prayer  Book.  He  wished  to  expand  the  Church 
of  England  so  as  to  include  all  denominations 
except  the  Jews.  He  believed  that  the  head 
of  a  family  could,  as  such,  consecrate  the  Eu- 
charist. His  hatred  of  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment (q.v.)  carried  him  beyond  the  bounds 
of  courtesy,  and  sometimes  even  of  decency. 
He  peculiarly  abhorred  the  idea  of  priest- 
hood, and  on  his  last  night  on  earth  he 
earnestly  remonstrated  with  a  former  pupil 
(W.  C.  Lake,  afterwards  Dean  of  Durham) 
on  holding  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist.  He  was  strongly  wedded 
to  his  own  opinions,  and  his  nature  was 
dictatorial.  His  discipline  was  stern.  His 
less  attached  pupils  called  him  '  Tiger  Tom,' 
and  remembered  to  the  end  of  their  lives 
'  that  black  vein  which  came  out  across  his 
forehead '  Avhen  he  was  angered.  Arnold 
laboured  passionately  to  make  the  school 
a  Christian  society.  Under  his  vigorous 
administration  Rugby  increased,  rapidly  and 
continuously,  in  numbers,  improved  im- 
mensely in  tone  and  reputation,  and  acquired 
the  place  which  it  has  always  retained  in  the 
first  rank  of  pubhc  schools. 

In  1841  he  was  appointed  Regius  Professor 
of  Modern  History  at  Oxford,  and  accepted 
the  j)ost  partly  because  it  would  afford  him  a 

( 


sphere  and  a  jjrovision  when  he  should  resign 
Rugby.  He  delivered  his  Inaugural  Lecture 
before  a  great  audience  on  the  2nd  December. 
The  New  Year  found  him  and  the  school  in 
great  prosperity.  He  was  now  at  the  height 
of  his  fame,  forty-six  years  old,  and  to  all 
appearances  perfectly  well.  On  the  12th  of 
June  1842  he  died,  after  a  few  hours'  illness, 
from  angi)iu  pectoris.  He  is  buried  under  the 
altar  of  Rugby  Chapel.  [g.  w.  e.  r.] 

Dean  Stanley,  Li/c  and  Letters  of  Dr. 
Arnold,  and  conversations  with  Dr.  Bright, 
Dean  Bradley,  and  Matthew  Arnold. 

ARTICLES  OF  RELIGION.  The  six- 
teentli  century  Avas  marked  by  a  general 
unsettlement  in  Western  Christendom.  The 
upheaval  was  caused  partly  by  the  revival  of 
learning,  which  sent  men  back  to  the  New 
Testament  and  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  so 
that  they  were  led  to  contrast  the  Church  as 
they  knew  it  under  papal  dominion  with  the 
Church  of  the  earliest  days.  The  practical 
abuses  of  the  later  Middle  Ages,  especially  such 
as  were  connected  with  scholastic  theories  as  to 
human  merit  and  with  the  discipline  of  souls 
in  this  world  or  the  next,  contributed  to  bring 
about  a  revolt  from  the  central  Church 
authority  which  administered  so  corrupt  a 
system.  A  widespread  change,  however,  in 
the  attitude  of  Christians  towards  the  Roman 
see  was  obviously  attended  with  grave 
danger.  Once  the  strong  hand  of  central 
authority  was  shaken  off,  conflicting  opinions 
on  matters  of  faith  were  put  forth,  men 
assumed  the  right  of  private  judgment  and, 
refusing  the  guidance  of  Cathohc  tradition, 
worked  out  a  theology  de  novo  for  themselves. 
The  great  heresies  of  early  times  were  thus 
revived  by  sectaries,  who  went  under  the 
general  name  of  Anabaptists.  Under  these 
circumstances  responsible  leaders  in  the  new 
movement,  both  in  England  and  on  the 
Continent,  naturally  felt  that  definition  of 
doctrine  was  necessary ;  it  had  to  be  made 
clear  how  far  they  were  at  one  with  tlie 
Church  of  the  past,  how  much  of  the  mediasval 
system  they  repudiated,  and  to  what  extent 
they  agreed  amongst  themselves.  Accord- 
ingly in  various  parts  of  Christendom  at  the 
Reforination  more  or  less  complete  Con- 
fessions of  Faith  were  issued.  Zwingli's 
Fidei  Ratio  (1530)  marked  the  extreme  re- 
action of  Swiss  reformers,  and  the  famous 
jhigsburg  Confession,  issued  in  the  same  year, 
for  which  Melanchthon  was  mainly  respon- 
sible, formed  the  charter  of  those  who  followed 
Luther.  A  few  years  later  (1536)  the 
youthful  Calvin  turned  his  mighty  intellect 
to  the  working  out  of  a  complete  system  of 


30  ) 


Articles] 


Dic'ioinnii  of  /iJnglw/i  CUinrcli  f/i.slorij 


Articles 


tliculogy   in    liis   Iiidtilulcs   of  (he    Chrialiaa 
liclujion. 

The  Refoniiation  in  England  was  at  lirst 
a  political  rather  than  a  religious  movement. 
In  1535  negotiations  were  carried  on  with  the 
Ciermans  who  had  aceei)ted  the  Augsburg 
Confession.  [Reunion,  iu.]  As  a  result  of 
these  attempts  there  appeared  in  1536  the 
first  English  Articles  of  Religion,  known  as 
The  Ten  Arlicles.  They  did  not  mark  any 
advance  in  the  direction  of  doctrinal  reforma- 
tion, but  contained  a  signiiieant  repudiation 
of  the  Papal  yupremacy,  for  which  the  Royal 
Supremacy  (q.v.)  w^as  substituted.  That  they 
were  distasteful  to  the  Lutherans  is  indicated 
by  IMclanchthon's  remark  that  they  had  been 
•  put  together  with  the  greatest  confusion.' 
In  1538,  as  an  outcome  of  further  negotiations 
with  Lutherans,  The  Thirteen  Articles  were 
drawn  up.  These  were  never  sanctioned  by 
authority  or  even  published,  but  have  been 
found  amongst  papers  belonging  to  Arch- 
bishop Cranmer  {q.v.).  They  are  important, 
however,  because  much  of  their  language  was 
adopted  from  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and 
since  they  were  used  later  in  the  compila- 
tion of  the  Ai-ticles  of  1552,  they  formed  the 
channel  through  which  some  of  the  language 
of  the  Lutheran  formulary  passed  to  our 
present  Articles  of  Religion. 

Under  Edward  vi.  the  current  of  the 
English  Reformation  was  turned  into  a 
diiierent  channel.  The  influence  of  Luther- 
anism  w'aned.  Cranmer  as  early  as  1548 
appeared  in  the  House  of  Lords  as  the 
spokesman  of  the  view  of  the  Eucharist  held 
by  the  Geneva  school  of  reformers.  The 
leaders  of  the  reforming  party  in  England 
were  in  close  touch  wdth  the  same  school 
through  the  residence  of  John  a  Lasco  at 
Lambeth,  and  of  Peter  Martyr  {q.v.)  and 
Bucer  {q.v.)  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
respectively.  Cranmer  seems  at  this  time 
to  have  cherished  the  idea  of  drawing  to- 
gether the  reformers  on  the  Continent  and 
uniting  them  with  the  English  Church  in  the 
acceptance  of  a  common  Confession  of  Faith. 
The  publication  of  Articles  was  for  some 
time  deferred  in  the  vain  hope  of  inducing  the 
various  reformed  bodies  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment, but  at  length  in  1553  there  appeared 
The  XLII.  Articles,  which  formed  the  ground- 
work of  our  present  XXXIX. 

The  title  of  The  XLII.  Arlicles  runs  thus  : 
'  Articles  agreed  on  by  the  Bishoppes  and 
other  learned  menne,  in  the  Sj'node  at 
London,  in  the  yere  of  our  Lorde  Godde 
MDLU.  for  the  auoiding  of  controuersie  in 
opinions  and  the  establishement  of  a  godlie 
Concorde    in    certeine    matiers    of    Religion.' 


Though  this  title  is  misleading,  as  Cranmer 
admitted  under  examination  at  Oxford,  in 
ascribing  to  these  Articles  synodical  authority 
it   wcU   indicates   their   purpose   and   scope. 
For  the  Articles  do  not  set  out  a  system  of 
divinity,  and  in  this  respect  diiier  very  much 
in   character  from   the   formularies   of   Con- 
tinental  reformers,    which   exhibit    a    more 
uniform  body  of  doctrine.     This  important 
difference  is  accounted  for  by  several  causes. 
In  the  first  place,  the  Continental  reformers, 
though  at  first  with  more  or  less  unwilling- 
ness,   severed    their    connection    with    tlu; 
Church  of  the  past,  and  having  thus  rejected 
ecclesiastical  authority  it  became  necessary 
for  them  to  re-erect  the  whole  structure  of 
Christian   theology  from  its  foundations  in 
Holy    Scripture.     The   aim   of    the    English 
reformers,   on  the  other  hand,   was  simply 
the    reformation    of    abuses.     The    Catholic 
Creed  was  assumed,   the  Primitive  Church 
was  taken   as  a  pattern,  and  the   Patristic 
writings  were  appealed  to.     Mediaeval  errors 
were  attacked,   but  the  organic  identity  of 
the  Church  was  taken  for  granted,  and  it  was, 
therefore,  not  considered  necessary  to  con- 
struct  a   theology,    but    only   to   put   forth 
Articles  dealing,  as  their  title  states,  with 
certain  matters  which  were  in  controversy. 
Another  reason  why  the  Continental  Confes- 
sions are  more  systematic  than  our  Articles 
may  be  traced  to  the  remarkable  fact  that 
they    owe    so    much    more    to    individuals. 
Since  our  formulary  is  the  outcome  of  various 
influences    at   work   in    the    nation    and   in 
Western  Christendom  generally,  it  does  not 
evolve  a  logically  complete  theory  of  God's 
dealings   with    men,    and    some    important 
subjects  in  theology  are  not  treated  at  all. 
On  the  Continent  it  was  far  otherwise.     The 
Reformation  there  owed  almost  everything 
to   individuals    of    commanding   personality 
with  special  central  theories  of  their  own. 
Thus    Lutheranism    is    a    system    gathered 
round  the  doctrine  of  justifying  faith,  while 
Calvinism  {q.v.)  is  a  system  turning  on  the 
absolute  power  of  God  as  seen  in  election  and 
reprobation,    and   other   doctrines   are   sub- 
ordinated to  or  influenced  by  these.     In  the 
English  Articles  it  is  remarkable  that  dis- 
tinctively Lutheran  language  is  avoided  on 
Justification,  and  the  Calvinistic  catch- words 
are  absent  from  the  treatment  of  Predestina- 
tion, the  essential  point  of  reprobation  not 
even  being  mentioned.     At  the  same  time, 
the  influence  of  the  Geneva  school,  which  was 
dominant   in   this   country   in   thj   reign   of 
Edward  vi.,   may  be  traced  in  The  XLII. 
Articles,  particularly  in  those  dealing  wdth 
the  Sacraments.     Thus  no  mention  was  made 


(31  ) 


Articles] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Askew 


of  Confirmation,  Penance,  Orders,  or  Matri- 
mony as  Sacramental  Ordinances  of  the 
Church,  the  doctrine  that  Sacraments  take 
effect  ex  opere  operaio  was  repudiated,  the 
practice  of  Infant  Baptism  was  barely 
commended,  and  in  the  Article  on  the  Lord's 
Supper  it  was  expressly  afFinned  that  a  faith- 
ful man  ought  not  either  to  beUcve  or  openly 
to  confess  the  Real  Presence.  For  four 
years  after  Queen  Elizabeth's  accession  there 
was  no  authoritative  doctrinal  standard  for 
the  Church  of  England  other  than  that 
contained  in  the  Prayer  Book,  but  to  the 
Convocation  which  met  in  January  1562 
XLII.  Articles  were  presented.  These 
were  the  Edwardian  XLII.  Arlicles  re- 
vised by  Archbishop  Parker  {q.v.),  aided 
principally  by  Cox  (Bishop  of  Ely)  and 
Guest  {q.v.)  (Bishop  of  Rochester).  Four 
Articles  had  been  omitted,  viz.  on  Grace,  on 
Blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  on  the 
Moral  Law,  and  on  the  heretics  called 
MiUenarii.  Four  Articles  had  been  added  by 
the  same  committee  :  on  the  Holy  Ghost,  on 
Good  Works,  on  the  wicked  at  the  Lord's 
Supper,  and  on  Communion  in  both  kinds. 
No  less  than  seventeen  Ai'ticles  had  been 
more  or  less  modified.  The  Upper  House  of 
Convocation  struck  out  tliree  Articles  dealing 
with  Anabaptist  errors  no  longer  of  much 
importance  in  the  controversies  of  the  time, 
and  thus  the  number  of  the  Articles  was 
reduced  to  XXXIX.  Two  changes  of  im- 
portance were  further  made  in  the  Latin 
Articles  as  sanctioned  by  the  Queen  (1563), 
viz.  the  first  part  of  Article  xx.,  on  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  was  added,  and 
the  Article  on  the  non-participation  of  the 
wicked  in  the  Eucharist  was  left  out.  This 
last  was,  however,  reinserted  in  1571,  when 
a  revision,  in  wliich  Bishop  Jewel  (q.v.)  was 
the  most  prominent  figure,  gave  us  The 
XXXIX.  Articles  in  their  present  form. 

In  reviewing  the  changes  made  at  the 
Elizabethan  revision  two  noteworthy  features 
call  for  remark.  (1)  As  Cranmer  had  made 
the  Confession  of  Augsburg  his  model,  so  in 
1562,  when  our  leading  divines  would  con- 
sider their  relation  to  Continental  reformers, 
it  was  to  the  Lutheran  school  rather  than  to 
the  Swiss  that  they  turned.  Many  of  the 
changes  introduced  by  the  Ehzabethan 
revisers  are  traceable  to  the  Wiirtemburg 
Confession,  which  was  at  the  time  the  latest 
authoritative  symbol  of  the  Saxon  school  of 
reformers.  Thus  clauses  added  to  Articles 
n.,  VI.,  and  x.,  and  the  new  Article  v.  are 
verbatim  from  the  Wiirtemburg  Confession, 
while  additions  to  Articles  xi.  and  xx.  and 
the  new  Article  xn.  are  in  close  agreement 


with  the  same  formulary.  (2)  In  the  modi- 
fications introduced  at  this  time  the  Church 
of  England  parts  company  with  those  bodies 
which  were  infiuenced  by  the  teaching  of 
Zwingli  and  Calvin,  and  with  which  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  she  had  been  closely  associ- 
ated. Among  the  indications  in  the  Articles 
of  a  desire  to  return  to  a  more  CathoUc 
position  are  the  reference  to  the  general 
consent  of  the  Church  as  determining  the 
Canon  of  Scripture  (Article  \t:.),  the  emphasis 
on  Good  Works  (Ai'ticle  xn.),  the  vindication 
of  the  authority  of  the  Church  in  matters  of 
faith  (Article  xx.),  the  refusal  to  condemn 
the  doctrine  that  sacraments  take  effect 
ex  opere  operaio  (Article  xxv.),  the  assertion 
that  Infant  Baptism  is  '  most  agreeable  with 
the  institution  of  Christ '  (Article  xxvu.),  the 
substitution  of  the  statement  that  '  the 
Body  of  Christ  is  given '  in  the  Lord's 
Supper  for  a  repudiation  of  the  Real  Presence 
(Article  xxvni.),  and  the  defence  of  the 
Ordinal  (Article  xxxvi.).  The  contents  of 
the  Articles  may  be  summarised  as  follows : — 

1.  The  Foundation  Truths  of  Rehgion, 
accepted  bj^  aU  orthodox  Christians  (Articles 

I.-V.). 

2.  The  Rule  of  Faith  (Ai'ticles  \a.-vin.). 

3.  Individual  Rehgion  (Ai'ticles  ix.-xvin.). 
A  philosophical  group  setting  forth  the  theory 
of  man's  unregenerate  and  regenerate  state, 
and  deaUng  more  particularly  with  points  on 
wliich  variety  of  opinion  existed  amongst 
those  who  had  separated  from  Rome. 

4.  Corporate  Religion  (xix.-xxxvi.).  Deal- 
ing with  the  constitution,  order,  and  authority 
of  the  Church,  and  setting  out  the  doctrine 
of  the  Sacraments. 

5.  National  Rehgion  (xxx\^i.  -  xxxix.). 
Treating  of  the  Church  and  the  individual 
Christian  in  their  relation  to  the  State. 

The  Articles  were  intended  to  mark  the 
agreement  of  the  Church  of  England  with  the 
Church  CathoUc,  to  define  its  attitude 
towards  Rome  and  the  reformed  bodies, 
to  assert  the  power  and  independence  of  the 
Enghsh  State  in  its  relation  to  the  Church  as 
one  of  the  forms  of  national  Ufe,  and  to 
preclude  errors  such  as  had  arisen  amongst 
those  who  had  departed  from  Rome. 

[e.  t.  g.] 

llardwick,  Hist.  ;  E.  Tyrrell  Green,  The 
Thirty-Nine  Articles  and  the  Af/e  of  the  Refor- 
mation ;  B.  J.  Kidd,  The  Thirty-Nine  Articles  : 
and  commentaries  by  Bisliop  E.  C.  S.  Gibson, 
Bishop  Forbes,  Maclear  and  Williams,  and 
Bishop  Harold  Browne. 

ASKEW,  Anne  (1521-1546),  Protestant 
martyr,  second  daughter  of  Sir  WOham 
Askew,   or    Ayscough,    Knight,    of    an    old 


(32) 


Atterbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Augustine 


Lincolnshire  family,  was  born,  according 
to  tradition,  at  Stallingborough,  near  Grimsby. 
She  was  highly  educated,  devoted  to  the  study 
of  the  Bible,  and  much  given  to  theological 
dispiitations,  which  she  used  to  conduct  with 
the  clergy  of  Lincoln  Cathedral.  She  married 
against  her  will  one  Thomas  Kyme  of  Kelsey  ; 
but  the  marriage  was  unhappy,  and  she  left 
her  husband  after  two  children  had  been  born. 

She  was  first  charged  with  heresy  con- 
cerning the  Blessed  Sacrament,  and  after 
Bonner  {q.v.)  had  in  vain  tried  to  persuade 
her  to  sign  an  orthodox  profession  of  faith 
was  acquitted  for  want  of  witnesses.  Soon 
afterwards  she  was  again  accused  before  the 
council  at  Greenwich,  and  met  her  accusers  in 
an  argiimentative  and  most  unconciliatory 
spirit.  She  refused  to  make  any  recantation, 
and  being  suspected  of  receiving  support  and 
encouragement  secretly  from  persons  of  high 
position  was  racked  in  order  that  she  might 
divulge  their  names.  According  to  her  own 
account.  Lord  Chancellor  Wriothesley  and 
Rich,  the  Solicitor-General,  plied  the  rack 
with  their  own  hands. 

In  June  1546  she  was  charged  with  heresy 
along  with  Dr.  Shaxton,  formerly  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  and  two  others  at  the  Guildhall. 
All  four  were  sentenced  to  be  burnt,  but 
Shaxton  and  one  other  recanted  the  next 
day.  On  16th  July  she  and  three  others 
were  brought  to  Smithfield  to  be  burnt. 
She  was  so  crippled  from  the  rack  that  she 
had  to  be  carried  in  a  chair.  Shaxton 
preached  a  sermon  at  the  execution.  At  the 
last  moment  Wriothesley  ofiEered  her  a  pardon 
from  the  ELing  if  she  would  recant.  But  she 
maintained  a  marvellous  resolution  and 
composure,  and  remained  firm  to  the  end. 
Gunpowder  was  placed  round  the  bodies  of 
the  victims  to  shorten  their  suffering. 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Bale,  Scriptores  ;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments ; 
Wriothesley,  Chronicle. 

ATTERBURY,  Francis  (1663-1732),  edu- 
cated at  \Vestminster  and  Christ  Church, 
first  attracted  notice  by  A  Discourse 
concerning  the  Spirit  of  Martin  Luther 
(1687),  written  in  opposition  to  the  Romanis- 
ing policy  of  Obadiah  Walker,  Master  of 
University  College,  and  became  famous  ten 
years  later  as  the  principal  author  of  the 
attack  upon  Bentley's  Dissertations  on  the 
Epistles  of  Phalaris,  which  went  by  the  name 
of  his  pupil,  Charles  Boyle.  Already  he  had 
become  known  in  London  as  the  most  power- 
ful preacher  on  the  High  Church  side  by  his 
appointment  as  lecturer  at  St.  Bride's,  Fleet 
Street    (1691),    and    preacher    at    Bridewell 


(1693),  the  former  of  which  posts  he  exchanged 
later  for  tlie  preachership  at  the  Rolls  (1698). 
In  1697  he  took  up  the  cause  of  the  silenced 
Convocations  {q.v.)  in  the  anonymous  Letter 
to  a  Convocation-man,  the  first  and  most 
effective  of  a  large  number  of  tracts  and 
treatises  on  the  rights  of  Convocation  in 
the  controversy  that  ensued  with  the  Whig 
divines.  When  the  Convocation  met  in 
February  1700  he  took  his  seat  as  Archdeacon 
of  I'otnes,  and  at  once  assumed  the  leadership 
of  the  High  Church  party  in  its  constitutional 
conflict  with  the  Upper  House.  In  1711  he 
was  elected  prolocutor,  and  distinguished  his 
term  of  office  by  active  support  of  the  Par- 
liamentary proposal  for  fifty  new  London 
churches.  In  1713  he  became  Bishop  of 
Rochester  and  Dean  of  Westminster,  having 
already  held  in  turn  the  deaneries  of  Carlisle 
(1704)  and  Clirist  Church  (1711),  in  both  of 
which  his  imperious  temper  had  embroiled 
him  with  his  colleagues.  His  refusal  to 
recognise  the  statutes  at  Carlisle  led  to  the 
passing  of  the  Act  (6  An.  c.  21)  to  make  valid 
the  statutes  of  Henrician  foundations.  As 
Dean  of  Westminster  he  is  remembered  for  the 
courage  with  wliich  he  carried  through  his 
scheme  for  building  a  new  dorm.itory  for  the 
school  in  the  college  garden.  He  did  much 
as  bishop  to  raise  the  standard  among  his 
clergy  by  insisting  upon  the  examination  of 
candidates  for  holy  orders.  In  the  House  of 
Lords  he  led  the  Tory  and  Jacobite  interest. 
In  1717  he  began  a  correspondence  with  the 
Pretender,  which  was  discovered  in  1722,  and 
under  a  bill  of  pains  and  penalties  he  was 
sentenced  to  exile.  For  four  years  he  under- 
took the  ungrateful  task  of  trying  to  bring 
some  order  into  the  Pretender's  affairs,  but, 
finding  it  impossible,  he  retired  from  the 
service.  He  died  in  Paris,  1732,  and  was  buried 
in  Westminster  Abbey.  He  married  early  in 
life  a  IVIiss  Osborne,  and  had  a  son  and 
daughter,  the  latter  of  whom  died  under 
pathetic  circumstances  while  visiting  him 
at  Montpellier.  As  a  man  of  letters  Atterbury 
has  never  received  the  credit  he  deserves. 
He  edited  Waller's  poems  in  1690,  and 
promoted  Tonson's  folio  edition  of  Milton, 
whose  fame  he  was  the  first  critic  to  revive. 
Many  letters  remain  to  Swift  and  Pope. 

[h.  c.  b.] 

Corresp.  and  Misc.  Works,  ed.  J.  Nichols, 
5  vols.,  1789-1798;  H.  C.  Beecliiii<r,  Francis 
Atterbury,  1909. 

AUGUSTINE,  St.  (d.  604?),  first  Archbish- 
op of  Canterbury,  was  prior  of  St.  Andrew's 
at  Rome  when  he  was  sent  by  Pope  Gregory 
{q.v.)  in  596  as  head  of  a  mission  of  about 


(33) 


Augustine] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Authority 


forty  monks  to  convert  the  English.  The 
missionaries  were  entertained  at  Lerins,  and 
proceeded  to  Aix,  where  they  heard  of  the 
fierce  character  of  the  English,  and  their 
courage  failed.  Augustine  returned  to  Rome 
to  obtain  their  recall.  Gregory  sent  him  back 
with  an  encouraging  letter,  appointed  him 
abbot  of  the  party,  and  gave  him  commen- 
datory letters  to  the  kings  and  bishops  of 
Gaul.  The  missionaries  again  set  out,  and 
in  the  spring  of  597  landed  in  Thanet,  prob- 
ably at  Ebbsfleet,  having  with  them  Frankish 
interpreters.  They  advanced  in  procession, 
singing  a  litany,  and  bearing  a  sUver  cross  and 
a  picture  of  Christ,  to  meet  Ethelbert,  King 
of  Kent,  whose  wife  Bertha  was  a  Christian. 
Augustine  preached  of  the  Redeemer's  work, 
and  Ethelbert,  impressed  by  his  words,  gave 
them  a  lodging  in  his  capital,  Canterbury, 
where  they  used  St.  Martin's,  the  church  of 
Bertha's  chaplain.  Bishop  Liudhard.  There 
on  1st  June,  the  eve  of  Whit  Sunday,  Augus- 
tine baptized  Ethelbert,  and  many  others 
soon  became  Christians.  Following  Gregory's 
instructions  Augustine  sought  the  episco- 
pate, crossed  to  Gaul,  and  probably  in 
November  was  consecrated  as  archbishop 
of  the  EngUsh  by  Virgilius  at  Aries.  On 
Christmas  Day  he  baptized  over  ten  thousand 
persons,  probably  in  the  Swale,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Medway. 

Ethelbert  gave  him  a  dwelUng  at  Canter- 
bury and  a  ruined  church,  which  he  rebuilt 
as  Christ  Church,  for  the  place  of  his  see ; 
another  outside  the  walls  he  dedicated  to 
St.  Pancras,  and  near  it  he  began  the  church 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (St.  Augustine's) 
for  a  burying-place  for  the  archbishops  of 
Canterbury.  He  sent  messages  to  Gregory 
with  questions  for  the  Pope's  decision  and 
a  request  for  more  workers.  They  returned 
in  601  with  a  fresh  band  of  missionaries,  with 
letters,  answers  to  Augustine's  questions,  and 
a  paUium  [Pall]  for  him.  Being  told  by 
Gregory  that  all  the  bishops  of  Britain  were 
to  be  subject  to  him,  he  held  a  conference 
with  British  bishops  at  Augustine's  Oak, 
perhaps  Aust  on  the  Severn,  and  invited  them 
in  brotherly  terms  to  adopt  Catholic  usages 
and  join  in  preaching  to  the  heathen.  They 
refused,  and  finally  he  proposed,  it  is  said,  an 
appeal  to  God  through  a  trial  of  healing.  Un- 
willingly they  agreed :  a  blind  Englishman 
was  brought  forth  ;  they  failed  to  heal  him, 
but  Augustine's  prayer  was  heard,  and  he 
received  sight.  Tliey  asked  for  another  con- 
ference, and  to  this,  on  the  British  side,  came 
seven  bishops  and  many  learned  men.  Be- 
fore coming  they  asked  a  holy  anchorite  how 
they  might  know  whether  Augustine  was  a 


man  of  God.  He  said  that  if  he  rose  to  meet 
them  he  would  show  by  his  humility  that  he 
was  a  follower  of  Christ,  but  if  he  remained 
seated  they  might  know  that  he  despised 
them.  Augustine  did  not  rise  at  their  com- 
I  ing,  and  they  angrily  refused  his  exhorta- 
tions and  denied  his  authority.  Augustine 
threatened  them,  prophesying  that  as  they 
would  not  preach  the  way  of  Ufe  to  the 
English,  they  should  suffer  death  at  their 
hands,  which  years  later  came  to  pass. 

Gregory's  plan  for  dividing  Britain  into 
two  provinces,  each  with  twelve  sees,  the 
metropolitan  sees  being  at  London  and  York, 
was  now  impossible,  and  Augustine  set  aside 
the  part  of  it  which  related  to  London  and 
remained  at  Canterbury.  In  604  he  conse- 
crated Justus  as  bishop  of  the  West  Kentings, 
with  his  see  at  Rochester,  and  Mellitus  [q.v.) 
to  be  bishop  of  the  East  Saxons,  over  whom 
Saebert,  a  nephew  of  Ethelbert,  ruled  as 
under-king,  with  his  see  at  London.  Feeling 
that  his  end  was  near,  he  also  consecrated 
Laurentius  to  be  his  successor  at  Canterbury. 
He  died  on  26th  May  604,  or  perhaps  605 ; 
and  his  body  was  laid  outside  the  church  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  until  the  building  was 
ready  to  receive  it.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
tall  and  of  stately  bearing.  That  he  was  a 
man  of  somewhat  narrow  mind,  with  the 
closely  restricted  view  natural  to  a  monk, 
seems  clear  from  some  of  the  questions  he 
asked  Gregory.  He  seems  also  to  have 
thought  too  much  of  his  own  dignity,  adopt- 
ing an  unconciliatory  attitude  towards  the 
British  clergy.  But  liis  work  proves  him  to 
have  been  courageous,  self-sacrificing,  and 
able,  and  his  name  should  ever  be  gratefully 
revered  by  the  nation  for  whose  sake  he 
dared  and  accomphshed  so  much. 

[w.  H.] 

Bede,  H.E.  ;  Dudilen,  Gregory  the  Great,  ii. 

AUTHORITY  IN  THE  CHURCH  is  based 
on  the  fact  that  Christianity  is  not  a  mere 
collection  of  abstract  doctrines,  but  involves 
the  existence  of  a  definitely  organised  society, 
the  Church.  That  Jesus  Christ  when  on 
earth  dehberately  intended  to  found  such  a 
visible  society,  or  kingdom,  as  He  Himself 
most  often  called  it,  sufficiently  appears  from 
His  recorded  words  m  the  Gospels  and  from 
the  history  of  the  early  Church.  From  the 
earUest  times  we  find  it  in  existence,  with 
definite  members,  the  baptized,  organised 
and  ruled  in  a  definite  way  by  definite  officers. 
And  Christ  not  only  founded  such  a  society, 
but  also  bestowed  uy)on  it  His  own  authority 
(Jn.  2021 3).      ^\i  authority  was  resident  in 


(34) 


Authority] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Authority 


Him  (Mt.  28*8)  i  in  His  threefold  capacity  of 
Prophet,  Priest,  and  King  ;  and  He  dele- 
gated it  to  the  Clivirch,  which  thus  receives 
from  Him  as  Prophet  authority  to  teach,  as 
Priest  to  administer  the  sacraments,  and  as 
King  to  govern.  Further,  Christ  bestowed 
on  the  Church  not  only  authority,  but  also 
a  promise  of  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
in  exercising  it  (Jn.  U^si^^  15-6,  \Qizii), 
This  is  an  additional  proof  that  the  Church 
was  intended  to  be  an  organised  kingdom, 
not  a  fortuitous  collection  of  individual 
beUevers,  who  would  inevitably  differ  among 
themselves  even  in  essentials.  A  divinely 
guided  society  must  recognise  some  authority 
competent  to  declare  the  truth  in  important 
matters.  Some  truths  indeed  have  been 
immutably  laid  down,  such  as  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  moraUty  and  the  truths 
embodied  in  the  creeds.  These  the  Church 
has  no  power  to  alter.  But,  apart  from  them, 
there  are  many  matters  with  which  it  must 
deal  for  itself.  Christ  did  not  give  it  an 
unchangeable  code  of  laws  fitted  to  deal  with 
any  emergency  that  might  arise,  but  author- 
ity to  act  for  itself  under  the  guidance  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  to  make  its  own  laws,  and  to 
repeal,  alter,  or  add  to  them  as  the  changing 
circumstances  of  its  history  might  require. 

Such  authority  clearly  could  not,  except 
in  the  very  first  days,  be  exercised  by  the 
whole  body  of  believers.  Ultimately  the 
authority  derived  from  Christ  is  diffused 
throughout  the  Church,  but  in  practice  it 
must  be  committed  to  definitely  appointed 
officers.  These,  in  the  first  instance,  were 
the  apostles  to  whom  the  words  already 
cited  were  primarily  addressed.  But  their 
authority  did  not  expire  with  them.  For, 
as  has  just  been  shown,  it  was  necessary  that 
it  should  continue  throughout  the  Church's 
history.  Both  from  Christ's  words  to  them 
(Mt.  28^'-")  and  from  their  subsequent 
actions  it  appears  that  they  were  commis- 
sioned to  inaugurate  a  continuing  ministry. 
In  the  New  Testament  this  consists  (1)  of  the 
apostles  and  apostolic  men,  and  of  presiding 
ministers  appointed  by  them  ( 1  Tim.  P ; 
Tit.  1^)  ;  (2)  of  local  colleges  of  elders  or 
presbyters,  who  are  also  called  bishops,  and 
are  ordained  by  the  apostles  or  their  repre- 
sentatives {e.g.  Tit.  P '') ;  and  (3)  of  sub- 
ordinate ministers  called  deacons  (1  Tim.  3^°). 
The  absence  of  records  prevents  us  from 
following  the  steps  by  which  this  arrange- 
ment developed  into  the  threefold  ministry 
of   diocesan   bishops,   priests,   and   deacons. 


1  Without  goin^  into  questions  of  Xew  Testament 
criticism,  it  is  liere  assumed  tliat  these  passages  riglitly 
represent  what  Christ  said  and  did. 


each  with  its  distinct  powers  and  functions, 
which  we  find  established  throughout  the 
Church  before  the  close  of  the  second  century. 
This  system  was  introduced  into  the  English 
Church  at  its  foundation,  and  at  the  Refor- 
mation the  English  Church  definitely  adhered 
to  it.  This  appears  from  the  formularies 
then  adopted  {e.g.  the  Ordinal  and  Article 
XXXVI.)  and  from  representative  writers  of 
the  time.  Individual  divines,  indeed,  were 
inclined  to  undervalue  episcopacy,  but 
the  mind  of  the  Enghsh  Church  is  seen  in 
those  who  laid  down  the  position  which  it 
has  ever  since  held,  that  episcopacy  was  a 
form  of  government  adopted  by  the  primitive 
Church  under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  one  from  which  the  EngUsh 
Church  had  neither  the  will  nor  the  power 
to  depart.  For  a  modern  judicial  state- 
ment of  its  position  in  this  respect  see  Bishop 
of  St.  Albans  v.  Fillingham  (1906,  P.  163). 

According  to  this  view,  the  power  of 
exercising  authority  in  the  Church  resides 
in  the  episcopate,  which  is  '  historically  the 
continuation  in  its  permanent  elements  of 
the  apostolate.'  This  power  is  not  dele- 
gated to  the  bishops  by  the  clergy  or  the 
laity,  but  was  given  by  Christ  to  the  apostles, 
and  has  descended  to  the  bishops.  It  is 
inherent  primarily  in  the  universal  episcopate, 
but  is  also  exercised  by  the  bishops  of  any 
particular  part  of  the  Church  acting  together, 
who  represent  the  whole  Church  [Councils], 
and  by  each  bishop,  who  in  his  diocese  also 
represents  the  whole  body.  He  has  '  mission  ' 
to  that  part  of  the  Church  which  has  been 
entrusted  to  him,  and  thence  possesses  '  ordin- 
ary '  or  original  jurisdiction  therein.  Yet 
his  power  is  not  absolute  but  constitutional, 
for  it  must  be  exercised  in  accordance  with 
the  law  and  mind  of  the  Church,  whose  repre- 
sentative he  is.  [Bishops.]  With  these  limi- 
tations the  lower  orders  of  the  ministry'  are 
subject  to  the  authority  of  their  bishop,  who 
represents  the  Church  to  them,  and  in  its 
name  gives  them  mission  to  their  cures. 
Each  order  of  the  ministry  possesses  in  its 
degree  the  threefold  authority  conferred  by 
Christ  upon  the  Church,  to  teach,  to  minister, 
to  govern. 

During  the  Middle  Ages  this  system  was 
impaired  by  the  growth  of  the  papal  claims, 
which  tended  to  depress  the  constitutional 
authority  of  the  bishops  and  to  introduce  an 
absolutism  foreign  to  the  very  idea  of  the 
Church.  In  the  sixteenth  century  this 
process  resulted  in  the  English  Church 
renouncing  the  Roman  jurisdiction,  but 
without  explicitly  rejecting  any  part  of 
the  faith  or   constitution  of   the  undivided 


(35) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bancroft 


Church.  [Continuity  of  the  Church  of 
England.]  Under  these  circumstances  its 
bishops  collectively  and  individually  con- 
tinue to  represent  the  authority  of  the  whole 
Church  as  they  did  before,  with  power  to 
vary  and  add  to  its  law  in  matters  within 
the  competence  of  a  local  Church :  those  of 
greater  moment  it  refers  to  a  free  and  im- 
partial General  Council;  and  in  the  words 
of  Archbishop  Laud  {q.v.),  '  when  that  can- 
not be  had,  the  Church  must  pray  that  it 
may,  and  expect  till  it  inay,  or  else  reform 
itself  per  partes,  by  National  or  Provincial 
Synods.^ 

All  Church  authority  is  spiritual  in  its 
nature,  and  is  binding  on  the  conscience  of 
every  member  of  the  Church,  i.e.  baptized 


person.  It  may  be  enforced  by  spiritual 
penalties.,  culminating  in  expulsion  from  the 
Church.  [Discipline.]  The  State,  if  it 
chooses,  may  add  civil  sanctions.  Thus  in 
157]  an  Act  of  Parliament  enforced  accept- 
ance of  the  Tliirty-nine  Articles  on  all 
ministers  (13  Eliz.  c.  12).  But  this  added 
nothing  to  the  spiritual  authority  which  they 
derived  from  Convocation.  The  State  may 
in  this  and  other  ways  support  the  Church's 
authority,  or  it  may  endeavour  to  hamper  it ; 
but  it  cannot  itself  exercise  that  authority 
or  in  any  way  affect  its  validity,  for  that  is 
altogether  outside  its  sphere.  [Church  and 
State.]  [g.  c] 

Gore,   The  Ch.   and  the  Ministry;    Crosse, 
A  uthority  in  the  Ch.  of  England. 


■pAMPTON,  John  (1690-1751),  founder  of 
^■^  the  Bampton  Lectureship  at  Oxford,  was 
son  of  Jasper  Bampton  of  Salisbury,  gentle- 
man. He  entered  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  and 
graduated  B.A.,  1709;  M.A.,  1712.  He  was 
ordained,  and  became  in  1718  Prebendary  of 
the  Minor  pars  altaris  in  the  cathedral  church 
of  SaUsbury  and  Rector  of  Stratford  Toney, 
Wilts.  By  his  will  he  left,  subject  to  his 
wife's  life  interest,  an  estate  (Nunton  farm), 
situated  in  the  parishes  of  Nunton,  Downton, 
and  Britford,  to  the  University  of  Oxford  to 
provide  an  endowment  for  a  course  of  eight 
Divinity  Lectures,  to  be  delivered  by  a  M.A. 
of  Oxford  or  Cambridge  on  certain  Sundays 
in  term.  The  subjects  of  the  lectures  were 
specified,  and  their  object  was  '  to  confirm  and 
estabhsh  the  Christian  faith  and  confute  all 
heretics  and  schismatics.'  No  lecturer  could 
be  chosen  a  second  time.  The  bequest  in 
part  owes  its  origin  to  a  disagreement  with 
Sir  Jacob  Bouverie,  afterwards  the  first 
Viscount  Folkestone,  at  Langford  Castle. 
Mr.  Bampton's  Nunton  lands  lay  '  contiguous 
to  and  greatly  intermixed  with  '  the  Bouverie 
property.  Mr.  Bampton  refused  to  sell  his 
land,  and  to  prevent  its  being  sold  after  his 
death  he  devised  it  to  the  University  of 
Oxford,  which  became  possessed  of  it  after 
Mrs.  Bampton's  death,  about  1778.  The 
lectures  began  in  1779,  Meanwhile  the 
third  Lord  Folkestone  (second  Earl  of 
Radnor)  endeavoured  in  vain  to  buy  or 
exchange  the  property,  but  in  1780  obtained 
a  lease  of  it,  and  in  1805  he  induced 
the  University  to  accept  in  exchange  an 
estate  called  Tinkersole  at  Wing,  Bucks,  and 


obtained  a  private  Act  of  Parliament  (45 
Geo.  in.)  authorising  the  exchange.  Thus 
'  the  intentions  of  Mr.  Bampton,  other  than 
his  concern  for  the  Christian  faith,  were 
altogether  defeated'  (Shadwell).  The  lec- 
tures were  dehvered  annually  until  1901, 
since  which  date  they  have  become  biennial, 
and  Mr.  Bampton's  intentions  further  varied. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Aluynni  Oxon.  ;  C.  L.  Shadwell,  The  Uni- 
versities and  College.  Estate  Acts,  5,  6  (189S) ; 
MSS.  in  the  University  Archives. 

BANCROFT,  Richard  (1544-1610),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  son  of  John  Bancroft 
and  Mary  Curwyn,  was  born  at  Farn worth, 
Lancashire,  11th  or  12th  September  1544. 
He  studied  at  the  local  grammar  school,  and 
entered  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  about 
1564;  proceeded  B.A.,  1567,  and  removed 
to  Jesus  College,  where  he  was  Tutor  till 
1574  ;  proceeded  M.A.,  1570,  and  D.D.,  1585. 
In  the  meantime  he  had  been  appointed  by 
his  maternal  uncle,  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin, 
Prebendary  of  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral, 
Dublin,  with  a  leave  of  absence  for  six  months 
in  the  year,  but  it  is  unlikely  that  he  was  much 
in  Ireland.  Apparently  he  hesitated  about 
entering  holy  orders,  for  he  was  not  ordained 
priest  till  1574.  He  became  at  once  chaplain 
to  Bishop  Cox  of  Ely,  was  soon  made  Pre- 
bendary of  Ely  Cathedral,  Rector  of  Tevers- 
ham,  near  Cambridge,  and  one  of  the  twelve 
University  preachers.  In  1576  or  1577  he 
was  archiepiscopal  visitor  of  the  diocese  of 
Peterborough,  and  in  1581  of  the  diocese  of 
Ely.     In   1579  he  became  chaplain  to  Sir 


(36) 


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[Bancroft 


Christopher  Hatton,  and  now  attracted  the 
attention  of  Burghley,  the  Lord  Treasurer, 
and  of  Elizabeth,  partly  by  his  preaching 
against  the  beginnings  of  Congregationalism 
at  Bury  (1581) ;  partly  by  a  negotiation 
regarding  the  revenues  of  St.  Patrick's 
Cathedral  (1584)  ;  but  more  particularly  by 
revealing  the  truth  about  the  iiood  of  Puritan 
petitions  which  began  to  appear  in  1584. 
The  facts  he  had  learned  by  long  and  patient 
investigation,  and  finally  he  was  allowed  to 
make  them  public  in  his  famous  sermon 
preached  at  Paul's  Cross  in  February  1588-9, 
and  in  his  more  famous  tracts,  issued  in 
1593,  Dangerous  Positions  and  A  Survey  of  the 
Holy  Discipline.  The  movement,  he  showed, 
was  the  work  of  some  hundred  or  two 
ministers,  supported  by  a  few  thousand 
laymen,  and  led  by  Cartwright  {q.v.),  Travers 
{q.v.),  Chaderton,  John  Knewstubbs,  and 
others.  Its  aim,  he  proved,  was  not  the 
reformation  of  the  Church  in  a  few  minor 
matters,  and  the  securing  of  a  little  toleration 
for  tender  consciences,  but  a  thoroughgoing 
attempt  to  erect  and  practise  Presbyterian- 
ism.  The  classis  meant  to  transform,  not  to 
reform,  episcopacy.  The  Marprelate  Tracts 
{q.v.)  were  the  work  of  the  same  coterie.  He 
was  instrumental  in  suppressing  the  tracts,  in 
arresting  and  trying  the  classis  leaders,  and 
in  breaking  up  their  organisation  for  the  time. 

In  1587  he  became  a  member  of  the  High 
Commission  {q.v.),  and  soon  had  given  full 
expression  to  the  tendencies  already  trans- 
forming it,  made  its  inquisitorial  functions 
less  prominent,  and  developed  it  as  a  court 
for  the  trial  of  suits  between  party  and  party. 
He  had  shown,  too,  that  its  broad  powers,  un- 
Hmited  discretion  as  to  the  legal  means  used, 
and  its  flexible  constitution,  made  it  the  very 
instrument  needed  to  strengthen  the  hands  of 
the  bishops  and  put  life  into  the  moribund 
ecclesiastical  administration.  These  long 
years  of  varied  activity  had  thus  admirably 
equipped  this  brilliant  man  with  rare  and 
varied  experience,  made  him  cognisant  of 
Church  needs  and  difficulties,  taught  him 
administrative  routine,  shown  liim  the  atti- 
tude of  gentry  and  common  people  towards 
the  English  Church,  and,  through  his  work 
against  the  classis  and  on  the  High  Com- 
mission, given  him  a  personal  acquaintance 
with  every  important  Puritan  and  Roman 
Cathohc  in  England. 

But  now,  when,  eager  to  attack  the  abuses 
in  the  Church,  he  became  Bishop  of  London 
(consecrated,  6th  June  1597),  he  found  his 
chief  duties  political  rather  than  ecclesiasti- 
cal; arresting  recusants,  examining  priests 
suspected  of  treason,  exercising  the  censor- 


ship of  the  press,  supervising  the  universities, 
going  on  an  embassy  to  Denmark  (1600)  to 
settle  fishing  rights  and  incidentaUy  to 
prevent  James  vi.  from  securing  Denmark's 
aid  in  his  candidature  for  the  Enghsh  throne, 
supervising  the  preachers  at  Paul's  Cross,  and 
helping  to  quell  the  revolt  of  Essex  (1601). 
These  minor  matters,  he  found,  occupied  far 
more  of  his  time  than  the  visitation  (1598) 
and  administration  of  his  own  see. 

It  was,  however,  as  a  statesman  rather  than 
as  a  bishop  that  he  began  a  most  delicate 
negotiation.  He  found  the  English  Roman 
Catholics  {q.v.)  split  up  into  two  parties.  '1  he 
death  of  Mary  Stuart  and  the  defeat  of  the 
Armada  had  turned  the  thoughts  of  secular 
priests  and  laity  to  the  estabhshment  of  some 
sort  of  organisation  wliich  would  ensure  the 
Enghsh  Roman  Cathohcs  observance  of 
their  rites  without  endangering  their  lives 
or  property,  and  without  waiting  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  Government,  which  seemed 
postponed  indefinitely.  What  that  organisa- 
tion should  be  they  could  not  agree,  and  a 
party  of  ^seculars,  headed  by  Mush  and 
Colleton,  ^  petitioned  the  Pope  (1597)^  to 
estabhsh  an  English  bishopric,  while  the 
Jesuits,  followed  by  the  majority  of  the 
priests,  wished  for  a  missionary  station. 
To  appoint  a  bishop,  argued  Parsons,  was  to 
abandon  the  great  plan  of  converting  England 
and  to  come  to  terms  with  heretics.  The 
Pope  agreed,  and  estabUshed  an  Archpriest, 
George  Blackwell,  who  was  given  practically 
absolute  discretion  in  the  government  of  the 
priests  in  England,  and  who  proceeded  to 
use  it  as  the  Jesuits  directed.  The  dis- 
contented seculars  now  appealed  to  the 
Pope  against  tliis  submissiveness  to  the 
Jesuits,  and  were  again  defeated. 

Bancroft  realised  fully  that  if  he  could 
nurse  this  spht  in  the  Roman  Cathohc  ranks 
the  efficiency  of  the  militant  organisation 
intended  to  restore  the  papal  power  in  Eng- 
land would  be  destroyed.  He  therefore 
freed  the  priests  from  prison,  aided  in  a  new 
appeal  to  Rome  (1601),  and  aUowed  them  to 
publish  books  openly  attacking  the  Jesuits 
and  expressing  their  scorn  of  the  Spanish 
succession.  Moreover,  Bancroft,  with  Robert 
CecU,  Secretary  of  State,  was  planning  the 
peaceful  accession  of  James  vi.  of  Scotland 
to  the  English  throne,  and  was  assuring  that 
monarch  that  this  secret  negotiation  with  the 
priests  would  purchase  the  adhesion  of  the 
Roman  Cathohcs  to  his  cause.  The  appeal 
to  Rome  was  partly  successful,  the  scandal 
of  a  schism  in  the  Roman  Cathohc  ranks  in 
England  immensely  successful,  but  neither 
gave  any  guarantee  for  the  future. 


(37) 


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[Bancroft 


James  i.  found  himself  at  once  confronted 
with  the  problem  of  the  Church,  In  May 
1603  the  old  classis  party  had  dehvered  to 
the  King  the  IVIUlenary  Petition,  asking  for 
a  reform  of  the  Church,  and,  thus  assailed, 
the  Churchmen  threw  the  defence  of  their 
case  upon  Bancroft,  who  actually  succeeded 
during  the  next  few  months  in  convincing 
James  of  its  merits.  Bancroft  claimed  that 
the  reorganisation  of  the  Church  was  not 
only  imperative  but  was  dangerous  neither  to 
Church  nor  State.  James,  however,  insisted 
that  in  all  fairness  Bancroft  and  the  bishops 
must  refute  the  charges  of  the  Puritans,  and 
hence  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference 
{q.v.)  in  January  1603-4  Bancroft  and 
Andrewes  (q.v.),  and  some  other  divines, 
conferred  at  length  with  James,  and  then 
debated  with  Reynolds,  the  spokesman  of 
the  Puritans,  in  the  presence  of  the  liing  and 
a  dignified  assembly.  Then,  having  answered 
the  Puritans  to  the  King's  satisfaction,  they 
received  officially  charge  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  Church,  with  some  suggestions 
as  to  the  direction  the  reforms  should  take. 

With  the  evils  Bancroft  was  only  too 
famiUar.  The  '  constitution  '  of  the  Church 
consisted  of  such  legislation  as  Henry, 
Edward,  and  Ehzabeth  had  found  time  for, 
and  was  fragmentary,  confused,  contradictory, 
and  even  of  dubious  legaUty.  The  chief 
difficulty  lay,  however,  in  the  condition  of 
the  clergy.  The  majority  were  without 
university  degrees,  and  in  consequence  were 
ignorant,  incompetent,  and  unable  to  preach  ; 
about  a  seventh  or  eighth  of  them  were 
pluraUsts,  and  about  a  tenth  constantly  non- 
resident. 

A  sweeping  reconstruction  of  the  whole 
fabric  was  inaugurated  by  Bancroft  in  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1604,  which  in  its 
breadth  and  completeness  and  in  its  subse- 
quent influence  may  fairly  be  compared  in 
importance  to  the  breach  with  Rome  or  the 
changes  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Most  of 
this  he  executed  as  Bishop  of  London,  for  he 
was  not  elevated  to  the  throne  of  Canterbury 
till  10th  December  1604.  In  Convocation  a 
new  set  of  canons  was  prepared.  [Canon  Law 
FROM  1534.]  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
iq.v.)  and  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  (q.v.)  were 
coniirmed,  and  a  new  translation  of  the  Bible 
iq.v.)  (the  Authorised  Version)  was  begun. 
A  new  seal  was  prepared  for  the  bishops  to 
answer  legal  objections  of  the  Puritans,  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  were  reformed,  and  a 
project  prepared  for  the  remodelhng  of  the 
High  Commission.  But  in  the  two  most 
essential  points  Bancroft's  plans  were  de- 
feated :      Parhament     refused     to     increase 


ecclesiastical  incomes,  and  decHned  to  increase 
the  coercive  power  of  the  ordinary  ecclesi- 
astical courts.  Instead,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, led  by  the  Puritan  gentry,  proposed 
to  estabhsh  pure  Calvinism  {q.v.)  (under 
the  guise  of  the  Lambeth  Articles),  and  to 
transform  the  Church  into  a  Presbyterian 
hierarchy  of  classes  and  synods.  Without 
the  assistance  of  Parhament  (as  the  Puritans 
well  knew)  incomes  could  not  be  increased, 
and  upon  them  hung  the  improvement  of 
the  character  of  the  clergy  and  the  abolition 
of  plurahties  and  non-residence.  Without 
its  help  the  power  of  bishops  and  commis- 
saries could  not  be  made  sufficient  to  coerce 
the  refractory,  ignorant,  and  disobedient 
clergy  into  obedience,  and  so  do  away  with 
the  nonconformity  and  irregularity  of  ob- 
servance, then  so  common.  Bancroft  was 
compelled  to  accomplish  as  best  he  might 
these  fundamental  ends  with  the  means 
already  at  hand. 

With  immense  energy  and  resourcefulness 
he  reorganised  in  1605  the  old  visitatorial 
system,  and  actually  produced  from  the 
system  of  presentments  at  visitations  more 
tangible  results  than  any  agency  had  pro- 
duced in  the  Church  for  generations.  By 
selecting  only  experienced  and  active  men  he 
soon  gathered  round  him  a  corps  of  workers 
who  formed  the  backbone  of  the  administra- 
tive life  of  the  Church  tiU  the  Civil  War. 
With  keen  insight  he  declared  that  the 
visitation  was  less  useful  for  punishing 
dehnquents  than  for  informing  the  clergy 
what  the  law  was,  and  he  insisted  and  proved 
that  the  vast  majority  were  nonconformists 
from  ignorance  and  carelessness  rather  than 
from  conscientious  scruples.  In  the  method 
of  visitation  changes  of  the  first  importance 
were  made,  and  the  records  of  courts  and 
parishes  were  corrected,  mended,  or  kept  (as 
need  was)  for  the  first  time  in  many  years. 

Meanwhile  during  these  busy  years,  1604-5, 
the  archbishop  secured  the  submission  of 
Puritans  and  Roman  Catholics  to  the  new 
settlement.  He  was  in  favour  of  mercy  and 
leniency,  on  the  ground  that  persecution  alone 
could  prevent  internal  quarrels  from  breaking 
the  Puritans  into  sects.  He  therefore  deprived 
about  sixty  (of  whom  ten  or  eleven  were  at 
once  reinstated),  and  suspended  about  a 
hundred  for  a  time.  In  the  end  all  but  a  few 
submitted.  The  Roman  Catholics,  however, 
had  cherished  such  expectations  of  royal 
clemency  that  Bancroft's  earUer  plans  seemed 
for  a  time  doomed  to  failure.  But  the 
Gunpowder  Plot  changed  all.  So  frightened 
were  the  priests  that  the  Archpriest  himself 
(instigated    by   Bancroft)   issued   a   circular 


(38) 


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[Bancroft 


letter  execrating  the  plot  and  defying  the 

Jesuits.  As  a  result,  the  secular  party  received 
large  accessions  of  strengtli  from  the  priests 
and  still  larger  from  the  laity.  After  long 
consultations  and  the  discussion  of  several 
forms  the  oath  of  allegiance  was  evolved  by 
Bancroft,  consented  to  by  the  priests,  and  en- 
acted in  1606  by  ParUament.  Bancroft  meant 
the  penal  laws  of  1606  to  be  an  earnest  to 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  what  would  happen  if 
they  did  not  accept  his  compromise,  and  swear 
temporal  allegiance  to  the  King  in  exchange 
for  essential  though  not  legal  toleration. 
The  compromise  was  after  much  hesitation 
accepted,  and  still  forms  the  basis  of  the 
relations  of  the  English  Roman  Catholics  to 
the  State  and  to  the  Church. 

With  the  constitution  codified,  the  ad- 
ministration, the  visitations,  and  the  ecclesi- 
astical courts  reformed,  with  the  Puritans 
crushed  and  the  Roman  Cathohcs  conciliated, 
Bancroft  was  at  last  free  to  devote  his  time 
to  the  two  most  important  problems  before 
the  Church :  inadequate  incomes,  inadequate 
coercive  power  in  the  hands  of  bishops  and 
archdeacons  to  perform  the  real  work 
entrusted  to  them.  Social  and  economic 
causes  had  aided  the  Reformation  in  reducing 
most  ecclesiastical  incomes  to  a  mere  pittance. 
Nearly  one-third  of  the  benefices  were  worth 
£5  or  less,  and  ninety  per  cent,  were  worth 
less  than  £26.  The  commutation  of  tithes 
{q.v.)  into  money,  the  decrease  in  the  value  of 
money  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  loss 
of  many  customary  payments  at  the  Reforma- 
tion, reduced  most  clerical  incomes  to  the 
wages  of  servants.  Yet  the  Church  had 
steadily  increased  the  quahfications  of  in- 
cumbents, and  demanded  a  better  man  for 
less  money,  while  the  Puritans  complained 
bitterly  that  the  standard  was  scandalously 
low.  Finally,  the  Church  had  allowed  the 
clergy  to  marry,  but  expected  them  to  support 
a  family  on  the  income  originally  intended  to 
support  a  single  man.  Here  was  the  funda- 
mental problem  of  the  Church. 

Bancroft's  solution,  first  proposed  at  a 
secret  conference  of  the  bishops  in  February 
1603-4,  was  the  restoration  of  tithing  in  kind, 
so  that  the  clergyman  might  once  more 
receive  an  actual  tenth  of  the  produce  of  the 
community.  This,  he  pointed  out,  would 
ensure  a  learned,  able,  resident  clergy.  But 
to  such  wholesale  restoration  the  laity  in  and 
out  of  Parhament  were  unalterably  opposed, 
and  there  remained  only  indirect  means. 
Bancroft  therefore  turned  to  the  courts. 
Many  of  the  agreements  between  the  priest 
and  the  parish  in  Ueu  of  tithes  in  kind  were 
known  to  be  fraudulent,  and  much  litigation 


on  the  subject  had  gone  on  for  a  generation  or 
more ;  others  were  not  susceptible  of  legal 
proof.  Bancroft  now  proposed  to  test  in  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  as  many  of  these  agree- 
ments as  possible,  and  where  they  were  not 
undoubtedly  legal  to  declare  them  void,  and 
restore  tithing  in  kind.  This  plan  was  put 
into  operation.  Where  it  failed  two  poor 
benefices  were  united,  and  the  scandal  of 
plurality  and  non-residence  lessened  by  an 
exchange  of  benefices  among  the  existing 
clergy,  so  as  to  bring  the  pluraUsts'  benefices 
as  near  each  other  as  possible.  All  the  old 
customary  payments  not  actually  abolished 
by  law  were  also  collected,  and  when  necessary 
recourse  was  had  to  the  courts. 

Naturally  this  attempt  to  augment  the 
income  of  the  clergy  was  resented  widely  by 
the  laity,  who  found  ready  to  help  them  the 
old  foes  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  the 
common  lawyers,  armed  with  their  old 
weapon,  the  prohibition,  so  long  used  to 
prevent  the  clergy  from  judging  temporal 
questions.  The  battle  was  at  once  joined  by 
the  issue  of  a  flood  of  prohibitions,  on  which 
the  judges  decided  when  possible  against  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Church,  and  actually 
threatened  Bancroft's  whole  scheme  of  reform 
with  annihilation.  The  archbishop,  however, 
was  not  daunted.  He  complained  to  the 
King  in  Council  that  the  judges  issued  writs 
which,  according  to  their  own  standards,  were 
bad,  and  also  disregarded  justice  and  equity 
{Articuli  Cleri,  1605).  The  judges  denied 
these  charges,  continued  to  issue  the  writs, 
assaulted  the  powers  of  the  High  Commission 
and  its  very  right  to  exist  at  all,  and  began  to 
demand  practically  a  right  to  superintend 
the  whole  field  of  ecclesiastical  law  and 
administration  under  the  guise  of  examining 
the  Hmits  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
So  sharp  became  the  controversy  that  finally 
in  November  1608  James  ordered  judges  and 
ecclesiastics  to  debate  the  case  before  him, 
and  continued  to  hear  arguments  from  time 
to  time  till  the  foUowing  July.  Bancroft  and 
his  lawyers  debated,  argued,  and  pleaded  in 
vain  ;  the  learning  of  Coke  was  too  much  for 
them  ;  and  in  1610  they  had  to  consent  to  a 
tacit  compromise,  by  which  they  admitted 
the  claims  of  the  common  law,  while  the 
judges  accepted  most  of  the  practical  reforms 
in  procedure  demanded  by  the  ecclesiastics, 
and  allowed  the  testing  of  modi  decmandi 
to    go    on    under    reasonable    restrictions. 

[COUKTS.] 

The  King  had  in  the  meantime  given 
Bancroft  no  less  difficult  a  task  than  the 
reconstruction  of  episcopacy  in  Scotland. 
Bancroft  himself  was  during  this  year  occu- 


(39) 


Bangor] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bangor 


pied  with  a  deputation  of  eight  ministers, 
headed  by  the  two  Melvills,  whom  James 
had  summoned  to  London  to  answer  for  their 
conduct.  Some  of  the  most  characteristic 
pictures  of  him  wc  have  are  from  their  pens. 
But  despite  their  opposition  bisliops  were  in 
1608  given  jurisdiction,  and  in  1610  made 
'  constant  moderators '  of  the  synods,  and 
were  to  be  assisted  by  two  courts  of  High 
Commission.  One  of  Bancroft's  last  acts  was 
the  consecration  of  these  new  Scottish  bishops. 
On  2nd  November  1610  he  died  of  the  stone, 
from  which  he  had  suffered  for  thirty  years. 
The  harsh  judgments  usuaUy  given  on  Ms 
character  have  been  traced  to  partisan 
statements,  and  are  not  borne  out  by  other 
evidence.  He  was  a  great  patron  of  men  of 
letters,  a  lover  of  fine  books,  of  manuscripts, 
and  of  the  fine  arts.  In  many  ways  he  was  a 
product  of  the  Renaissance,  and  joined  to 
genuine  piety  a  thirst  for  power  and  p.efer- 
ment  which  often  led  him  into  unscrupulous 
acts.  Like  Bacon,  Coke,  and  Parsons,  he 
was  a  strange  mixture  of  good  and  evil. 
Doctrinal  disputes  meant  little  to  him,  and 
while  in  early  life  he  had  leanings  towards 
Calvinism,  as  a  mature  man  neither  Calvin 
nor  Arminius  attracted  him  ;  he  held  firmly 
to  the  middle  way  which  he  and  Hooker  {q.v.) 
have  made  so  famous.  That  he  first  pro- 
pounded the  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of 
bishops  cannot  be  proved  by  any  evidence 
now  accessible.  His  great  administrative 
gifts  and  liis  reconstruction  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Church,  his  strong  love  for  it  as 
an  institution,  and  liis  great  vision  of  its  worth 
and  position,  will  mark  him  for  all  time  as 
one  of  its  great  builders.  [r.  g.  u.] 

Usher,  Reconstruction  of  the  En g.  Ch.,  1910, 
2  vols.  Most  of  the  materials  are  still  in 
MS.  Wilkins,  Concilia;  Card  well,  Annals 
and  Synodalia  ;  Strype,  Whitgift,  Aylmer,  and 
Annals,  contain  many  biographical  details; 
and  the  Calendar  of  Cecil  MSS.  in  Hist.  MSS. 
Com.  Rep.  prints  much  of  his  correspondence. 

BANGOR,  See  of,  may  be  said  to  have  had 
its  origin  in  the  monastic  settlement  made  by 
St.  Deiniol  (early  Welsh  for  Daniel)  in  the 
second  half  of  the  sixth  century,  probably  on 
the  spot  where  the  cathedral  church  now 
stands.  The  little  that  is  known  of  the  abbot- 
bishop  is  of  a  fragmentary,  legendary  char- 
acter. His  Latin  life  is  extant  in  one  copy 
only,  written  in  1602,  but  is  simply  the 
'  Legenda '  that  was  read  on  his  festival 
(11th  September).  The  date  of  his  death  is 
given  as  684,  and  he  was  buried  in  Bardsey. 
The  primary  meaning  of  '  Bangor  '  was  most 
probably  '  a  wattle-fenced  enclosure ' — thence 
'  a   monastery.'     This  Bangor  was,  and  is, 


sometimes  called  by  the  Welsh  '  Bangor  the 
Great  in  Gwynedd.' 

Of  the  diocese  so  called  and  its  bishops  we 
know  next  to  nothing  until  we  come  to  the 
Norman  Bishop  Hervey,  1092.  It  was 
originally  conterminous,  for  the  most  part, 
with  the  old  principahty  of  Gwynedd ;  and 
Bangor,  being  the  great  monastery  within 
that  principality,  naturally  became  the  cathe- 
dra] city  and  centre  of  organisation.  The 
diocese  to-day  comprises  the  Isle  of  Anglesey 
and  portions  of  the  counties  of  Carnarvon, 
Merioneth,  and  Montgomery,  ^^'ith  an  area  of 
985,946  acres  and  a  population  of  221,520. 
The  old  detached  deaneries  of  Dyffryn  Clwyd 
(and  Cinmerch)  and  Arwystli  were  in  no 
archdeaconry,  but  under  the  immediate 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop.  The  former, 
situated  within  a  short  distance  of  the  cathe- 
dral city  of  St.  Asaph,  was  in  1859  ex- 
changed for  that  of  CyfeiUog  and  Mawddwy. 
An  Order  in  Council  of  1838  prospectively 
united  the  two  northern  Welsh  sees  to  endow 
the  proposed  bishopric  of  Manchester  {q.v.) 
wth  the  episcopal  income  of  one,  but  this 
arrangement  was  annulled  in  1847. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  bishop's 
Temporalia,  i.e.  revenues  from  land,  at 
£56,  Is.  lOd.  (the  Spiritualia  at  this  time 
appear  to  have  been  £100)  ;  the  Valor  of 
1535  assessed  the  income  at  £131,  16s.  3d. 
It  was  fixed  by  Order  in  Council  in  1846  at 
£4200.  There  were  formerly  three  arch- 
deaconries:  Bangor  (dating  from  1120), 
Anglesey  (1267),  and  Merioneth  (1328). 
In  1685  the  two  former  w^ere  annexed  to  the 
bishopric  in  perpetuity,  and  so  continued  to 
1844,  when  they  were  restored  and  united  to 
form  one  archdeaconry,  Bangor  and  Anglesey, 
and  a  residentiary  stall  in  the  cathedral  was 
assigned  as  an  endowment.  There  are  four 
residentiary  canons,  two  being  also  arch- 
deacons, each  receiving  £350  per  annum. 
The  cathedral,  though  its  customs  are  those 
of  the  '  Old  Foundation,'  was,  like  the  three 
other  Welsh  cathedrals,  wrested  into  '  New 
Foundation  '  in  1843  (Welsh  Cathedrals  Act, 
6-7  Vic.  c.  77).  The  chapter  consists  of  the 
dean  (dating  from  about  1163),  four  canons 
residentiary,  two  prebendaries,  treasurer, 
chancellor,  precentor,  and  three  canons — all 
in  the  bishop's  patronage,  as  also  are  the 
two  minor  canons.  There  arc  fourteen  rural 
deaneries. 

List  of  Bishops 

The  supposed  early  bishops  were : — 

1.  Deiniol,  c.  550.  2.  Elbod,  or  Elfod,  who 
induced  the  Church  in  North  Wales  to 
adopt  the  Roman  cycle  of  Easter,  768 


(40) 


Bangor] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bangor 


or  770  ;  d.  809.     3.  Mordaf,  c.  930.     4. ' 
Morleis,  or  Morclcis ;  d.  945.    5.  Duvan. 
6.  Rcvcdun.     7.  Madog  Min,  c.   lOGO ; 
drowned  at  sea  on  his  way  to  Dublin. 


Hervey,  1092 ;  first  Norman  bishop ; 
driven  from  his  diocese  by  the  Welsh  in 
1109,  M'hen  he  was  appointed  by  the 
King  to  be  the  first  Bishop  of  Ely  {q.v.). 
See  vacant  for  eleven  years,  during 
which  time  its  affairs  were  administered 
bjr  Urban,  Bishop  of  Llandaft". 

David,  1120  ;  elected  by  the  Welsh,  and 
cons,  at  Westminster  ;   d.  1139. 

Meurig,  1140;  Archdeacon  of  Bangor; 
d.  1161. 

William,  1162 ;  Prior  of  St.  Austin's, 
Bristol ;  there  is  great  uncertainty  re- 
specting his  association  with  the  see. 

Guy  Rufus,  1177 ;  Dean  of  Waltham 
Abbey;  d.  1190.  See  vacant  for  over 
four  j^ears. 

Alban,  1195  ;  Prior  of  the  HospitaUers  of 
St.  John  of  Jerusalem;   d.  1196. 

Robert  of  Shrewsbury,  1197;  d.  1213. 
See  vacant  for  nearly  two  years. 

Martin,  or  Cadwgan,  1215 ;  beheved  to 
be  one  and  the  same  person ;  Abbot 
of  Whitland,  Carmarthenshire  ;  retired 
in  1236  to  Dore  Abbey,  where  he  died, 
1241. 

Richard,  1237  ;  Archdeacon  of  Bangor  ; 
d.  1267. 

Anian,  or  Einion,  1267  ;  Archdeacon  of 
Anglesey ;  a  good,  active  bishop ; 
baptized  the  fii'st  English  Prince  of 
Wales  (Edward  n.),  1284;  to  him 
belonged  the  Pontifical  of  Bangor ; 
d.  1305,  at  a  great  age,  and  buried  in 
the  cathedral.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  he  was  succeeded  by  a  bishop 
named  Cadwgan. 

Gruffydd  ab  lorwerth,  1307  ;  d.  1309. 

Anian  or  Einion  Sais  (the  Englishman), 
1309  ;  Dean  of  Bangor  and  Archdeacon 
of  Anglesey  ;  d.  1328,  and  buried  in  the 
cathedral. 

Matthew  Englefield,  1328 ;  Archdeacon 
of  Anglesey  ;    d.  1357. 

Thomas  Ringsted,  1357  (P.) ;  a  Domini- 
can Friar  of  Oxford  ;   d.  1366. 

Gervase  de  Castro,  1366  (P.) ;  another 
Dominican ;  d.  1370  at  the  Friary, 
Bangor,  where  he  was  buried. 

Howel  ab  Gronwy,  1371  (P.) ;  was  elected 
by  the  chapter,  but  the  Pope  annulled 
the  election  and  appointed  him  by 
papal  Bull ;  Dean  of  Bangor  and  Arch- 
deacon of  Anglesey ;  d.  1372  on  his 
way  to  Rome. 


17, 
18. 
19. 

20. 

21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 

26. 
27. 

28. 
29. 
30. 

31. 
32. 

0'> 

34. 

35. 
36. 


38. 
39. 
40. 


John  Gilbert,  1372  (P.) ;    a  Dominican  ; 

tr.  to  Hereford,  1375. 
John  Svvaffham,  1376  (i\)  ;   a  Carmelite  ; 

tr.  from  Cloyne,  Ireland. 
Richard     Yonge,     1400     (P.);      tr.     to 

Rochester,  1404 ;    in  fact,  never  took 

possession  of  the  see. 
LcM'is      or      Llewelyn      Biford,      1404 ; 

elected,  but,  owing  to  his  attachment 

to    Owen    Glyndwr,  never   confirmed ; 

ejected,  1408. 
Benedict    Nicholls,    1408    (P.)  ;      tr.    to 

St.  David's,  1418. 
William  Barrow,    1418    (P.) ;    Canon  of 

Lincoln ;  tr.  to  Carlisle,  1424. 
John  Clidcrow,  1425  (P.) ;  Canon  of  Chi- 
chester ;   d.  1434. 
Thomas  Cheriton,  1436  (P.) ;  a  Dominican 

Friar ;  d.  1447. 
John    Stanbcry,    1448    (P.)  ;     a   learned 

Carmelite  ;    confessor  to  Henry  vi.  and 

first  Provost  of  Eton  ;   tr.  to  Hereford, 

1452. 
James   Blakedon,    1453    (P.) ;     tr.   from 

Achonry,  Ireland  ;   d.  1464. 
Richard  Edenham,  1465 ;  a   Franciscan 

Friar ;  d.  1496. 
Henry  Dean,  1496  ;    Prior  of  Llanthony  ; 

tr.  to  Salisbury,  1500. 
Thomas  Pigott,  1500 ;  Abbot  of  Chertsey; 

d.  1504. 
John  Penny,  1505 ;    Abbot  of  Leicester 

and  Prior  of  Bradley ;    tr.  to  Carlisle, 

1508. 
Thomas  Skevington,  1509  (P.) ;  Abbot  of 

Waverlcy  and  of  Beaulieu  ;   rebuilt  the 

nave  and  added  the  western  tower  to 

the  cathedral ;   d,  1533. 
John  Salcot,  or  Capon,  1534  ;    Abbot  of 

Hyde  ;    tr.  to  Salisbury,  1539. 
John  Bird,   1539 ;    suffragan  Bishop  of 

Pcnreth  ;  tr.  to  Chester,''l541. 
Arthur   Bulkeley,  1542 ;    Canon    of    St. 

Asaph ;     first    of    a    series    of    native 

bishops  ;  d.  1553,  and  buried  in  chancel 

of  cathedral.     See  vacant  for  two  years. 
WiUiam    Glynne,    1555 ;     d.    1558,    and 

buried  in  the  choir. 
Rowland  Meyrick,   1559  ;    ChanccUor  of 

St.   David's ;    d.    1566,   and   buried  in 

cathedral. 
Nicholas    Robinson,    1566 ;    Archdeacon 

of  Merioneth ;    d.   1585,  and  buried  in 

cathedral. 
Hugh  BeUott,  1586  ;    Dean  of  Bangor ; 

tr.  to  Chester,  1595. 
Richard  Vaughan,  1596  ;    Archdeacon  of 

Middlesex  ;   tr.  to  Chester,  1597. 
Henry  Rowlands,  1598  ;  Dean  of  Bangor  ; 

d.  1616,  and  was  buried  in  the  cathediaL 


(41) 


Bangor] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Barlow 


41.  Lewis  Bayly,  1616  ;  author  of  Practice  of 

Piety ;     d.    1631,    and    was    buried   in 
cathedral. 

42.  David   Dolben,    1632 ;     Prebendary     of 

St.   Asaph;    d.    1633,    aged    fifty-two, 
and  was  buried  in  Hackney  Church. 

43.  Edmund  Griffith,  1634  ;  Dean  of  Bangor ; 

d.  1637. 

44.  William    Roberts,    1637 ;     sub-Dean    of 

WeUs ;  suffered  greatly  during  Civil 
War ;  benefactor  of  the  cathedral  and 
educator  of  poor  scholars  ;  d.  1665. 
Robert  Price,  Bishop  of  Ferns,  was 
appointed  to  succeed  him,  but  died 
before  taking  possession  of  the  see. 

45.  Robert  Morgan,    1666 ;     Archdeacon   of 

Merioneth;    d.  1673. 

46.  Humphrey  Lloyd,    1673;     Dean   of   St. 

Asaph ;    ejected  during  the  Common- 
wealth ;  d.  1689,  aged  seventy-eight. 

47.  Humphrey  Humphreys,  1689  ;    Dean  of 

Bangor ;   tr.  to  Hereford,  1701. 

48.  John  Evans,  1702  ;   tr.  to  Meath,  1715. 

49.  Benjamin  Hoadly  {q.v.),  1715;  .the  first 

EngUshman  appointed  to  the  see  since 
Bishop  Bird  ;   tr.  to  Hereford,  1721. 

50.  Richard  Reynolds,  1721  ;  Dean  of  Peter- 

borough ;   tr.  to  Lincoln,  1723. 

51.  WiUiam  Baker,   1723;    tr.  to  Norwich, 

1727. 

52.  Thomas  Sherlock  {q.v.),  1728 ;    Dean  of 

Chichester  ;   tr.  to  Sahsbury,  1734. 

53.  Charles    Cecil,    1734 ;     tr.    from    Bath ; 

d.  1737. 

54.  Thomas  Herring,  1738  ;  Dean  of  Roches- 

ter ;  tr,  to  York,  1743. 

55.  Matthew   Hutton,    1743 ;     tr.    to   York, 

1747. 

56.  Zachary  Pearce,  1748  ;  Dean  of  Windsor  ; 

tr.  to  Rochester,  1756. 

57.  John  Egerton,  1756  ;   Dean  of  Hereford  ; 

tr.  to  Lichfield,  1769. 

58.  John  Ewer,   1769;    tr.  from   LlandafE ; 

d.  1774. 

59.  John  Moore,  1775  ;  Dean  of  Canterbury  ; 

tr.  to  Canterbury,  1783. 

60.  John  Warren,  1783  ;  tr.  from  St.  David's  ; 

d.  1800  ;  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

61.  William  Cleaver,  1800  ;  tr.  from  Chester  ; 

tr.  to  St.  Asaph,  1806. 

62.  John  Randolph,  1807  ;   tr.  from  Oxford  ; 

tr.  to  London,  1809. 

63.  Henry  William  Majendie,  1809  ;  tr.  from 

Chester ;   d.  1830. 

64.  Christopher    Bethell,     1830;     tr.    from 

Exeter ;   d.  1859. 

65.  James  Colquhoun  Campbell,  1859  ;  Arch- 

deacon of  Llandaff ;  res.  1890  ;  d.  1895, 
aged  eighty-two. 

66.  Daniel  Lewis  Lloyd,  1890 ;   Headmaster 


of  Dolgelly,  Bangor  Friars,  and  Brecon 
Schools ;  res.  1898  owing  to  failing 
health ;  d.  1899.  He  was  the  last 
bishop  to  occupy  the  old  episcopal 
palace  near  the  cathedral. 
67.  Watkin  Herbert  Williams,  1899 ;  Dean  of 
St.  Asaph,  1892-8.  [j.  F.] 

Browne  Willis,  Survey  oj  Bangor  ;  Hughes, 
Dio.  Hist.  ;  Stubbs,  Regislr.  Sacr.  ;  Le  Neve, 
Fasti. 

BARLOW,  William,  d.  1568,  Bishop  of 
Chichester,  was  an  Augustinian  canon  of  St. 
Osyth's,  Essex;  educated  there  and  at  Oxford; 
Prior  of  Tiptree,  1509  ;  of  Lees  (or  Lighes, 
Essex),  1515;  of  BromehiU,  Norfolk,  1524 
(a  house  suppressed  by  Wolsey),  and  Rector 
of  Great  Cressingham,  1525 ;  later  Prior 
of  Haverfordwest,  and  of  Bisham,  1534. 
Possibly  owing  to  the  suppression  of  Brome- 
hiU, he  disUked  Wolsey,  but  was  employed 
by  Henry  via.  on  diplomatic  business  in 
France  and  Rome,  1529-30,  and  in  Scot- 
land, 1535-6.  He  was  named  and  confirmed 
for  the  bishopric  of  St.  Asaph,  1535,  but 
before  consecration  was  named  for  St. 
David's ;  was  conlirmed,  20th  April  1536, 
and  took  his  seat  in  Parhament.  No  record 
remains  of  his  consecration,  but  in  the  Ught 
of  other  considerations  httle  significance 
belongs  to  that  not  uncommon  case.  The 
Lambeth  Register,  in  which  it  might  have 
been  entered,  was  carelessly  kept,  and  the 
St.  David's  Register  is  missing.  There  are 
other  cases  in  which  there  is  no  evidence  from 
Lambeth,  e.g.  that  of  Gardiner  (q.v.),  but 
in  some  of  these  cases  the  Diocesan  Registers 
— where  surviving — supply  the  lack.  Had 
it  not  been  that  Barlow,  along  with  Hodg- 
kyns,  Scory,  and  Coverdale  {q.v.),  conse- 
crated Parker  {q.v.),  nothing  would  have 
been  said  as  to  his  supposed  lack  of  conse- 
cration. It  is  quite  inconceivable  that  a 
bishop  should  have  been  admitted  to  Parha- 
ment, and  to  the  discharge  of  various  legal 
duties,  without  the  consecration  demanded 
both  by  the  law  of  the  Church  and  the  State. 
Nor  could  such  an  objection  have  remained 
unnoticed  by  Gardiner,  who  spoke  of  him  as 
a  brother-bishop,  or  by  Mary,  who  in  1554 
accepted  his  resignation  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
which  he  then  held.  Furthermore,  objec- 
tions were  urged  against  liis  views  by  the 
rebels  in  the  Lincolnshire  rising  and  by 
some  who  dwelt  in  his  diocese.  He  had 
quarrels  with  the  chapter  at  St.  David's, 
and  at  WeUs  with  his  dean,  Goodman,  whom 
he  deprived  illegally,  although  the  Council 
supported  him.  In  none  of  these  cases  was 
anything  said  as  to  his  lacking  due  conse- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Barrow 


cration,  and  the  story  is  first  mentioned 
some  eighty  years  later.  It  is  true  he  was 
very  lax  in  his  earher  opinions  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  Church  and  the  power  of  the 
sovereign  in  I'egard  to  ecclesiastical  matters. 
This  is  shown  by  his  answers  before  the  com- 
mission of  1540,  though  he  assented  to  other 
views  in  signing  the  Institution  of  a  Christian 
Man ;  but  the  fact,  even  if  true,  that  he  did 
not  regard  consecration  as  necessary,  does 
not  prove  his  non-consecration.  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  his  Dialoge — between 
Nicholas  (a  Lutheran  in  views)  and  William 
(representing  Barlow  himself),  first  printed 
1531,  and  reprinted  1553 — shows  that  he 
had  then  a  strong  dislike  of  Lutheran  opinions 
and  the  abuses  springing  from  them ;  also, 
that  he  was  certainly  not  Lutheran  in  his 
views  on  the  Eucharist,  and  was  cautious  as 
to  the  introduction  of  a  vernacxilar  Bible 
and  strongly  against  Tyndale's  version.  This 
makes  it  less  surprising  that  at  fu'st  under 
Mary  he  satisfied  Gardiner  of  his  orthodoxy. 
In  Henry's  reign  he  was  active ;  during  the 
debates  before  the  Act  of  Six  Articles  he  advo- 
cated marriage  of  priests  and  Communion  in 
both  kinds ;  he  preached  at  St.  Paul's 
against  images,  for  which  he  was  attacked 
by  Gardiner  ;  he  was  on  the  Commissions  of 
1537  and  1540,  which  produced  respectively 
the  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man  and  the 
Necessary  Doctrine,  and  on  that  (1542)  which 
considered  a  new  version  of  the  Bible,  taking 
as  his  share  Galatians,  Ephesians,  Phihppians, 
and  Colossians ;  for  the  Bishops'  Bible  he 
translated  Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  and  Wis- 
dom. He  was  also  on  the  Commission  (1551) 
for  codifying  the  canon  law.  While  at  St. 
David's  he  stripped  the  lead  from  the  palace, 
so  causing  its  decay,  and  resided  at  Aber- 
gwih.  In  1548  he  was  translated  to  Bath 
and  Wells,  about  which  date  he  married. 
Under  Mary  he  was  first  imprisoned  (prob- 
ably for  debt),  resigned  his  see,  was  examined 
and  submitted,  January  1555 ;  a  httle  later 
he  fled  to  Germany.  As  he  had  resigned  his 
old  see  under  Mary,  on  Elizabeth's  accession 
he  was  named  for  a  fresh  see,  Chichester, 
1559.  His  career  and  his  views  illustrate 
the  changing  currents  of  the  time :  his 
energy  was  somewhat  turbulent,  but  his 
interest  in  education  genuine.        [j.  p.  w.] 

T.  F.  Tout  in  D.X.B.  :  Cooper,  Athenae 
Cantabri'jienses  ;  Denny,  Anglican  Orders  and 
Jurisdiction  ;  Pollard,  Cranmer  ;  Haddon, 
Apostolical  Succession  in  the  Ch.  of  Eng. 

BARROW,  Isaac  (1630-77),  divine,  was  son 
of  Thomas  Barrow,  a  London  citizen,  linen- 
draper  to  Charles  i.,  and  nephew  oJE  Isaac 


Barrow,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  the  Charterhouse,  where  '  his  greatest 
recreation  was  in  such  sports  as  brought  on 
fighting  among  the  boys  .  .  .  for  his  book  he 
minded  it  not.'  Removed  to  Felsted  school 
he  made  better  progress,  and  in  1G45  went 
to  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  His  father 
being  impoverished  through  his  devotion  to 
the  royal  cause,  Barrow  was  enabled  to 
complete  his  University  course  by  the 
liberahty  of  Dr.  Hammond,  a  royahst  divine. 
He  became  B.A.,  1648  ;  FeUow,  1649;  M.A., 
1652.  He  proposed  to  follow  the  profession 
of  physic,  but  decided  it  was  not '  consistent 
with  the  oath  he  had  taken  as  Fellow,  to 
make  divinity  the  end  of  his  studies.'  In 
1654  he  failed  to  obtain  the  Professorship  of 
Greek,  owing,  it  was  said,  to  his  religious  and 
political  views ;  but  when  some  of  the  FeUows 
urged  his  expulsion  as  a  royahst  the  Master, 
Dr.  Hall,  rephed :  '  Barrow  is  a  better  man 
than  any  of  us.'  From  1655  to  1659  he 
travelled  abroad.  On  his  return  he  was 
ordained  by  Bishop  Brownrigg  of  Exeter, 
was  appointed  Professor  of  Greek  at  Cam- 
bridge in  1660;  Professor  of  Geometry  at 
Gresham  College,  London,  1662;  and  first 
Lucasian  Professor  of  Mathematics  at  Cam- 
bridge, 1663.  This  last  chair  he  resigned  to 
his  pupil,  Isaac  Newton,  in  1669,  finding  its 
duties  hampered  his  study  of  divinity.  In 
1673  Charles  n.  made  him  Master  of  Trinity, 
in  which  position  he  was  '  zealous  and  active.' 
'  He  had  always  been  a  constant  and  early 
man  at  the  chapel,  and  now  continued  to  do 
the  same.'  '  The  patent  for  his  Mastership 
being  so  drawn  for  him,  as  it  had  been  for 
some  others,  with  permission  to  marry,  he 
caused  to  be  altered,  thinking  it  not  agreeable 
with  the  statutes,  from  which  he  desired  no 
dispensation.'  As  Vice-Chancellor  (1675-6) 
he  proposed  the  building  of  a  University 
theatre,  schools,  and  hbrary,  '  by  which  we 
may  come  nearer  in  beauty  to  our  dear  and 
beautiful  sister,  Oxford.'  The  story  goes  that, 
piqued  at  the  failure  of  this  design,  he  declared 
he  would  build  a  stately  library  at  his  own 
college,  and  staked  out  its  foundations  '  with 
his  gardener  and  servants '  that  \evj  after- 
noon.    He  died  after  a  short  illness  in  1677. 

Barrow's  learning  was  encyclopaidic.  '  He 
seems  always  to  have  present  to  his  mind  the 
whole  of  ancient  Uterature.'  Though  only 
forty-seven  he  had  attained  a  unique  reputa- 
tion for  scholarship,  theology,  mathematics, 
and  natural  science ;  and  his  inteUectual 
greatness  was  enhanced  by  an  exemplary  life. 
His  vigorous  style  was  enlivened  by  fertile 
and  ingenious  fancy.  Charles  n.  declared 
that '  Barrow  was  the  most  unfair  preacher  he 


(43) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bath 


knew,  for  he  never  left  anything  for  any  one 
else  to  say  on  the  subjects  which  he  handled.' 
'  He  w'as  careless  of  Ms  clothes  even  to  a  fault,' 
and  '  very  free  '  in  the  use  of  tobacco,  '  believ- 
ing it  did  help  to  regulate  his  thinking.' 

Barrow's  chief  hterary  work  is  his  Treatise 
on  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  published  posthum- 
ously in  1680.  He  allows  to  St.  Peter  a  prima- 
cy of  order,  but  denies  that  he  possessed  such 
a  primacy  as  would  confer  superior  power 
or  jurisdiction.  This  primacy  of  order  was 
personal  to  the  apostle  and  not  inherited  by 
any  one.  It  is  doubtful  whether  St.  Peter 
was  Bishop  of  Rome.  If  he  was,  no  result 
would  follow  in  regard  to  the  position  of 
subsequent  bishops  of  Rome.  Moreover, 
history  shows  that  the  early  bishops  of  Rome 
did  not  possess  supreme  jurisdiction.  One 
bishop  may  exceed  another  in  dignity,  but 
in  power  all  bishops  are  equal.  In  his 
writings  on  the  Creed  and  the  Sacraments 
Barrow  is  representative  of  many  English 
Churchmen.  On  the  central  truths  contained 
in  the  Creeds  he  held  the  orthodox  beliefs 
M'hich  have  been  traditional  in  the  English 
Church.  Baptism  is  the  means  by  which 
forgiveness,  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
regeneration,  and  the  assurance  of  eternal 
life,  if  there  is  perseverance,  are  conveyed. 
The  Eucharist  is  a  commemorative  represen- 
tation of  Christ's  Passion  whereby  Christians 
are  kept  in  mind  of  it ;  a  means  of  receiving 
the  benefits  derived  from  the  Passion  and  of 
union  with  Christ.  The  power  of  the  keys 
committed  to  the  ministry  enables  ministers 
to  I'emit  sins  by  inducing  dispositions  fit  for 
forgiveness,  by  declaring  God's  mercy,  by  ob- 
taining pardon  through  prayer,  and  by  con- 
signing pardon  in  Baptism  and  Absolution. 

His  theological  w^orks  were  edited  by 
TiUotson  {q.v.),  1678-87,  with  a  Life  by 
Abraham  Hill.  An  able  appreciation  of 
'  Barrow  and  his  Academical  Times,'  by  Dr. 
Whewell,  was  included  in  A.  Napier's  edition, 
1859.  [g.  c.  and  d.  s.] 

Works  ;  T.  A.  Lacey,  Isaac  Barrow  in  Revue 
Aiujlo-Romaine,  iii.  385-95. 

BATH  AND  WELLS,  Diocese  of.     The 

victories  of  Alfred  resulted  in  a  settlement,  of 
which  this  diocese  is  one  of  the  fruits.  The 
see  of  Wells  was  founded  in  909  by  his  son 
Edward,  being  taken  out  of  the  Sherborne 
diocese.  [SjUiISBuky,  See  of.]  Its  history 
naturally  centres  round  Glastonbury  {q.v.). 
First,  it  was  the  abbey's  nursling,  then 
its  opponent,  and  at  last  its  successor. 
King  Ine,  the  warm  friend  to  Glastonbury, 
had  placed  a  small  body  of  secular  canons  at 
Wells   for   parochial   and   missionary   work. 


under  the  shelter  of  the  abbey.  These  had 
so  prospered  that  their  church  of  St.  Andrew, 
with  its  central  position,  was  marked  out  as 
the  natural  chair  of  the  new  see,  which 
Edward  and  Archbishop  Plegmund  placed 
there,  following  the  tribal  boundaries  of  the 
Somerset  folk.  Except  for  the  loss  o£  Abbots 
Leigh  and  Bedminster  to  Bristol  {q.v.),  and 
Maiden  Bradley  and  Stourton  to  Salisbury, 
the  boundaries  have  been  unchanged  for  a 
thousand  years.  There  are  three  arch- 
deaconries— Wells,  Bath,  and  Taunton 
(all  first  mentioned  in  1106).  The  cathe- 
dral church  is  governed  by  a  dean  and 
chapter  of  the  Old  Foundation.  There  are 
forty-nine  prebends,  including  those  held  by 
the  governing  body.  The  extent  of  the  diocese 
in  1912  is  1,043,059  acres  ;  the  population  is 
437,635.  The  Temporalia  were  assessed  by 
the  Taxatio  {q.v.)  of  1291  at  £541,  13s.  lid. 
(the  only  Spiritualia  were  £10  from  the 
church  of  Burnham) ;  the  Valor  Ecdesiasticus 
{q.v.)  of  1535  assessed  the  revenues  of  the  see 
at  £1843,  14s.  5d. ;  and  Ecton  (1711)  at 
£533,  Is.  3d.  The  present  income  is  £5000. 
Of  the  earUest  bishops  all,  with  one  excep- 
tion, were  Glastonbury  men. 

Bishops 

1.  Athelra,  909  ;    a  monk  of  Glastonbury ; 

tr.  to  Canterbury,  914. 

2.  Wulfhelm,  914  ;  a  monk  of  Glastonbury  ; 

tr.  to  Canterbury,  923. 

3.  Aelfheah,  923  ;  a  monk  of  Glastonbury. 

4.  Wulfhelm,  938  ;  a  monk  of  Glastonbury ; 

appointed  to  thwart  St.  Dunstan. 

5.  Brihthelm,  956 ;   tr.  to  Canterbury,  959  ; 

depr.  and  returned  to  Wells,  960. 

6.  Cyneward,  973  ;   Abbot  of  Middleton. 

7.  Sigar,  975  ;   Abbot  of  Glastonbury. 

8.  Aelfwin,  997. 

9.  Lyfing,  999  ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  1013. 

10.  Aethelwin  and  Brihtwin,  1013. 

11.  Mere  wit,  1027  ;  Abbot  of  Glastonbury. 

12.  Duduc,  1033  ;   a  German  ;   appointed  by 

Cnut ;  appointed  to  leaven  the  strongly 
English  tone  of  the  diocese  ;  began  the 
quarrel  with  Glastonbury ;  he  left  Con- 
gresbury  and  Ban  well  to  the  sec ;  d.  1060. 

13.  Gisa,  1061  ;    a  Frenchman ;    nominee  of 

Edward  the  Confessor ;  found  desola- 
tion and  disorder,  and  left  better  order 
and  revenue,  but  a  sullen  people;  d. 
1088. 

14.  John  of  Tours,  1088  ;    a  physician  ap- 

pointed by  William  Rufus  ;  unpopular  ; 
this  bishop  moved  the  see  to  Bath, 
where  he  was  a  great  builder  and  the 
patron  of  learning  ;   d,  1122. 

15.  Godfrey,  1123  ;  a  Dutchman  ;  d.  1135. 


(44) 


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[Bath 


16.  Robert,  1136;    a  Fleming  from  Lewes,      33. 

and  a  disciple  of  Henry  of  Blois  {q.v.) ; 
began   the   building   of    the    cathedral       34. 
church  at  Wells  ;  d'.'ll6G. 

17.  Reginald,   1174;    built  the  nave,   tran- 

septs, choir,  and  north  porch  at  Wells  ; 
fostered  the  chapter  and  the  town,  and       35. 
tried  to  heal  the  breach  with  Glaston- 
bury by  bringing  the   abbot  into  the       36. 
chapter ;   elected  to  Canterbury,  27th 
November,  d.  26tli  December,  1191. 

18.  Savaric,  1192;    a  violent  man;    tried  to       37. 

heal  the  breach  by  becoming  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Glastonbury,  of  which  house 
he  was    also    abbot ;     first  Bishop   of       38. 
Bath  and  Glastonbury  ;    d.  1205. 

19.  JoceUnTrotman,  1206  ;  a  Somerset  man  ;       39. 

opponent  of  King  John  ;  second  Bishop 
of  Bath  and  Glastonbury  until  1219, 
when,  with  the  support  of  the  diocese  40. 
and  country,  the  abbey  was  '  released,' 
and  the  see  became  of  Bath ;  a  great 
builder;   d.  1242.  41. 

20.  Roger,  1244  ;  first  Bishop  of  Bath  and       42. 

Wells ;     effected    a    compromise    with 
Bath,  and  replaced  the  see  in  Wells. 

21.  William  Button  i.,  1248  ;    a  Wells  man  ;       43. 

opponent  of  Glastonbury;  d.  1264. 

22.  Walter  Giffard,   1265;    an  opponent  of       44. 

the  barons  ;   tr.  to  York,  1266.  45. 

23.  WilUam  Button  n.,  1267  ;    canonised  by 

the  people,  and  patron  of  sound  teeth ; 
d.  1274. 

24.  Robert     Burnell,    1275 ;     chancellor    of 

Edward  I. ;  builder  of  the  hall;  d.  1292. 

25.  William  of  March,   1293;    Edward  i.'s       46. 

treasurer ;     builder     of     the    chapter- 
house ;  d.  1302. 

26.  Walter  Hasleshaw,    1302 ;     reformer   of       47. 

abuses ;  d.  1308. 

27.  John    Drokensford,     1309;    Keeper    of       48. 

Edward  n.'s  Wardrobe;  d.  1329. 

28.  Ralph   of   Shrewsbury,    1329 ;     a   great 

bishop  ;    fortified  the  palace  at  Wells  ;       49. 
supported    the  Statute    of  Labourers, 
1351,  and  was   besieged   by  the   par-       50. 
ishioners  in  Ilchester  Church  ;   the  only 
bishop  for  the  next  two  hundred  years       51. 
who    was    not    a    royal    servant ;     a 
suffragan    bishop    appointed   to    assist       52. 
him  in  1362  ;   d.  1363. 

29.  John  Barnet,  1363;  tr.  (P.)  from  Wor-       53. 

cester;  tr.  to  Ely,  1366. 

30.  John  Harewell,  1366  (P.) ;  Chancellor  of       54. 

Gascony  under  Black  Prince ;    helped 
to  build  south-west  tower;  d.  1386. 

31.  Walter  Skirlaw,  1386  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Lich- 

field ;  tr.  to  Durham,  1388. 

32.  Ralph  Erghum,  1388 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Salis- 

bury; founder  of  a  Wells  college;  d.  1400, 

(45) 


Henry  Bowett,  1401  (P.) ;  Treasurer  of 
England  ;   tr.  to  York,  1407. 

Nicholas  Bub  with,  1407  ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Salisbury ;  treasurer ;  builder  of  north- 
west tower,  almshouses,  and  chantry ; 
d.  1424. 

John  Stafford,  1425  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury, 1443. 

Thomas  Beckington,  1443  (P.);  Keeper 
of  Privy  Seal  to  Henry  vi.  ;  builder  and 
benefactor  of  Lincoln  College ;  d.  1465. 

Robert  Stillington,  1466  (P.) ;  Yorkist 
chancellor  ;  imprisoned  for  helping 
Lambert  Simnel ;  d.  1491. 

Richard  Fox  {q.v.),  1491 ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Exeter. 

Oliver  King,  1495;  tr.  (P.)  from  Exeter; 
chief  secretary  to  Henry  vii.  ;  builder 
of  Bath  Abbey  Church ;'  d.  1503. 

Adrian  de  Castello,  1504  (P.);  tr.  from 
Hereford;  Borgian  cardinal;  absentee; 
depr.  1518. 

Thomas  Wolsey  {q.v.),  1518  (P.). 

John  Clerk,  1523  (P.)  ;  favourer  of  royal 
divorce ;  creature  of  Henry  vni.  ; 
friend  to  Cranmer;  d.  1541. 

William  Knight,  1541  ;  ambassador ; 
builder  of  Market  Cross ;  d.  1547. 

William  Barlow  {q.v.),  1549. 

Gilbert  Bourne,  1554  (P.) ;  under  him 
eighty-two  clergy  deprived,  including 
the  scurrilous  Dean  Turner,  first  of 
English  herbalists ;  nine  were  burnt ; 
depr.  1559,  and  lived  ten  years  in 
captivity. 

Gilbert  Berkeley,  1560 ;  opponent  of 
townsmen  of  Wells  and  of  Dean 
Turner;  d.  1581. 

Thomas  Godwin,  1584 ;  Dean  of  Christ 
Church  ;    a  phj'sician  ;  d.  1590. 

John  Still,  1593 ;  Parker's  chaplain ; 
said  to  be  author  of  Gammer  Gurton's 
Needle;  d.  1608. 

James  Montagu,  1608  ;  editor  of  James 
I.'s  works  ;   tr.  to  Winchester,  1616. 

Arthur  Lake,  1616  ;  a  saintly  and  diligent 
bishop;  d.  1626. 

William  Laud  (q.v.),  1626;  tr.  from  St. 
David's;  tr.  to  London.  1628. 

Leonard  Mawe,  1628 ;  Prince  Charles's 
chaplain;  d.  1629. 

Walter  Curll,  1629  ;  tr.  to  ^^'inchester, 
1632. 

William  Piers,  1632;  tr.  from  Peter- 
borough ;  a  faithful  Laudian ;  much 
persecuted,  but  restored  in  1660;  one 
hundred  and  seven  clergy  sequestered 
under  the  Commonwealth  ;  eighty  min- 
isters affected  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
(q.v.);  d.  1670. 


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[Baxter 


55.  Robert  Creighton,  1670  ;   restored  cathe- 

dral after  the  profanation ;  his  effigy 
represents  him  in  cope  and  mitre ; 
d.  1672. 

56.  Peter    Mews,   1673  ;    tr.   to   Winchester, 

1684. 

57.  Thomas  Ken  {q.v.),  1685;   dcpr.  1691. 

58.  Richard  Kidder,  1691 ;   'a  Latitudinarian 

traditor ' ;  kiUcd  in  the  great  storm, 
1703. 

59.  George  Hooper,  1703  ;  tr.from  St.  Asaph  ; 

Ken  dedicated  the  Hymnarium  to  this 
scholar;  d.  1727. 

60.  John  Wynne,  1727  ;  tr.  from  St.  Asaph ; 

disciple  of  Locke  ;  largely  non-resident ; 
d.  1743. 

61.  Edward Willes,  1743;  tr.  from  St.  David's; 

a  courtier ;  Uttle  resident ;  d.  1773. 

62.  Charles  Moss,  1774 ;  tr.  from  St.  David's ; 

a  disciple  of  Bishop  Sherlock ;  little 
resident;  d.  1802. 

63.  Richard  Beadon,  1802  ;   tr.   from  Glou- 

cester; approved  of  Hannah  More 
[q.v.)',  d.  1824. 

64.  George  Henry  Law,  1824  ;    F.R.S.  and 

F.S.A. ;  tr.  from  Chester  ;  son  of  a  Whig 
bishop,  and  disciple  of  Locke  ;  founded 
diocesan  societies  and  theological  col- 
leges at  St.  Bees,  1816,  and  Wells,  1840 ; 
d.  1845. 

65.  Richard  Bagot,  1845 ;    tr.  from  Oxford, 

where  he  had  been  a  sympathetic  critic 
of  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Traetarian 
Movement ;  d.  1854. 

66.  Robert    John,    Lord    Auckland,     1854 ; 

chaplain  to  William  iv. ;  res.  1869. 

67.  Lord  Arthur  Charles  Hervey,  1869  ;    on 

Committee  of  Revisers  of  A.V. ;  d.  1894. 

68.  George  Wyndham  Kennion,  1894;  bought 

back  for  church  the  site  of  Glastonbury 
Abbey,  [c.  L.  m.] 

BAXTER,  Richard  (1615-91),  divine,  son 
of  a  Sliropshire  freeholder  who  had  gambled 
away  his  patrimony,  but  afterwards  changed 
his  life  into  one  of  pious  seriousness.  This 
serious  influence,  with  but  little  teaching 
from  negligent  or  immoral  parish  priests, 
prepared  the  boy  for  the  work  of  his  life. 
He  was  confirmed  at  the  age  of  thirteen  by 
Bisliop  Morton  in  the  hasty,  careless  fashion 
inherited  from  the  Middle  Ages,  when  he 
was  under  the  instruction  of  Wickstead, 
chaplain  at  Ludlow  Castle,  who  grossly 
neglected  him.  In  1633  he  was  for  a  time 
at  court;  but  he  soon  returned  to  Shropshire, 
and  gave  himself  to  the  close  study  of  theo- 
logy, while  he  was  much  influenced  by  several 
Nonconformists  of  holy  life.  In  1638  he 
was     ordained     at     Worcester.       He     first 


ministered  and  taught  school  at  Dudley, 
afterwards  at  Bridgnorth,  where  he  avoided 
baptizing  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  or 
celebrating  the  Holy  Communion  (because  all 
were  admitted  who  had  not  been  formally 
excommunicated),  but  was,  he  says,  '  in 
the  fervour  of  my  affections,  and  never 
preached  with  more  vehement  desires  of 
man's  conversion.'  When  by  '  the  et  caetera 
oath '  in  1640  obedience  was  required  to 
the  episcopal  constitution  of  the  English 
Church  as  then  existing,  Baxter  made  a  study 
of  the  origin  of  church  government,  and 
decided  that  the  primitive  constitution  was 
very  different  from  that  of  his  own  day. 
In  1640  he  was  called  to  preach  at  Kidder- 
minster, where  he  continued  to  labour  for 
sixteen  years  with  extraordinary  success, 
living  a  life  of  great  piety  and  devotion  to 
the  good  of  his  parishioners.  During  the 
early  part  of  the  Civil  War  he  was  temporarily 
absent  from  his  parish.  He  preached  at 
Alcester  on  the  day  of  Edgehill,  23rd  October 
1642.  He  was  for  a  time  chaplain  to  the 
Parliamentary  troops  at  Coventry.  He  did 
not  share  the  religious  views  of  Cromwell, 
of  whom  he  says  that  '  he  would  in  good  dis- 
course pour  out  himself  in  the  extolling  of 
free  grace,  which  was  savoury  to  those  that 
had  right  principles,  though  he  had  some 
misunderstandings  of  free  grace  himself.' 
He  distrusted  the  extreme  sectaries,  and 
even  believed  that  they  were  led  astray  by 
'  friars  and  Jesuits.'  He  did  not  approve  of 
the  Covenant  or  support  the  Engagement, 
and  disliked  the  entire  abolition  of  episcopacy 
and  the  King's  execution.  But  he  served  as 
a  chaplain  in  Whalley's  regiment,  and  did  not 
retire  from  active  work  till  1647,  when  for  a 
time  he  was  absent  from  Kidderminster  at 
Rouse  Lench,  where  he  wrote  part  of  The 
Saints'"  Everlasting  Rest,  his  greatest  book, 
published  in  1650.  In  1660  he  went  to 
London,  where  he  obtained  great  influence, 
and  no  doubt  gave  powerful  aid  to  the 
Restoration.  He  declined  a  bishopric,  but 
Charles  ii.  made  him  one  of  his  chaplains, 
and  though  he  was  not  allowed  to  return  to 
Kidderminster  he  preached  in  London  with 
the  bishop's  licence.  On  16th  May  1662, 
just  before  the  passing  of  the  Act  of  Uni- 
formity, he  '  bade  farewell  to  the  Church  of 
England '  in  a  sermon  at  Blackfriars.  He 
continued  to  hope  and  work  for  the  return  to 
active  ministry  of  those  who  could  not  fully 
accept  the  Prayer  Book  and  had  not  been 
episcopally  ordained.  Living  now  again  in 
seclusion  he  condemned  the  extremists  of  his 
party,  but  wrote  a  large  nximber  of  important 
controversial  works  supporting  the  Puritan 


(46) 


Beaufort] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Beaufort 


position  against  that  of  the  English  Church 
as  represented  by  the  divines  of  the  Restora- 
tion period.  He  was  committed  to  prison 
for  preaching  contrary  to  Act  of  Parliament, 
and  procured  his  release,  on  the  advice  of  the 
King  himself,  by  applying  to  the  Common 
Pleas  for  a  habeas  corpits.  He  now  lived  still 
more  in  retirement,  but  continued  to  preach 
from  time  to  time  in  different  meeting-houses. 
Under  James  ii.  he  was  more  harshly  treated. 
He  was  put  in  prison,  28th  February  1685, 
on  the  charge  of  libelling  the  Church  by  some 
statements  in  his  Paraphrase  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  on  30th  May  was  sentenced 
by  Chief  Justice  Jeffreys  to  a  fine  of 
five  hundred  marks  and  imprisonment  till 
it  was  paid.  His  imprisonment  was  not 
harsh,  and  he  was  released  in  1686  when 
James  attempted  to  propitiate  the  Noncon- 
formists. He  at  once  returned  to  the  work 
of  preaching,  joined  in  the  final  opposition  to 
James  n.,  welcomed  the  Revolution,  and  took 
advantage  of  the  Toleration  Act.  He  died 
on  8th  December  1691.  Baxter's  writings  are 
numerous,  and  only  part  of  them  have  been 
collected,  in  thirty  volumes,  edited  by  Orme, 
1830.  His  chief  works  show  great  freedom 
and  simplicity  of  style,  with  the  charm  of 
genuine  piety,  marred  occasionally  by  a  rigid 
Calvinism.  His  Saints^  Best  is  still  among 
the  most  popular  of  religious  writings. 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Reliquiae  Baxterianae,   1696 ;    abridged   by 
Calamy,  1702. 

BEAUFORT,  Henry  (1374  or  1375-1447), 
Cardinal  and  Bishop  of  Winchester,  was  the 
son  (legitimated  in  1397)  of  John  of  Gaunt 
and  Catherine  SwjTiford.  He  appears  to 
have  studied  both  at  Peterhouse,  Cambridge, 
and  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  as  weU  as  at 
Aachen  (in  civil  and  canon  law).  He  was 
made  (before  1397)  Dean  of  Wells,  and  in  1398 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  He  was  also 
about  this  time  Chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Oxford,  possibly  chosen  as  representing  the 
Crown  in  support  of  the  freedom  of  the 
University.  His  promotion  to  high  public 
oflBce  was  consequent  on  the  accession  of  his 
half-brother,  Henry  iv.,  to  the  throne,  and 
in  February  1403  he  was  made  chancellor. 
From  the  first,  judging  by  his  sermon  at 
the  opening  of  Parliament  in  1404,  he  seems 
to  have  been  an  advocate  of  that  constitu- 
tional rule  with  which  the  Lancastrian 
house  was  identified.  In  the  next  year  he  suc- 
ceeded WUliam  of  Wykeham  {q.v.)  as  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  and  resigned  the  chancellorship. 
His  successor,  Archbishop  Arundel,  was  his 
formidable  rival,  find  their  quarrel  came  to  a 


1 


head  in  1411,  when,  after  a  close  alliance 
with  the  Prince  of  Wales,  who  is  said,  by  his 
advice,  to  have  urged  his  sick  father  to  resign 
the  crown,  he  was  dismissed  from  the  coxincil. 
When  in  1413  Henry  v.  came  to  the  throne 
he  was  at  once  made  chancellor  again  ;  and 
during  his  nephew's  reign  he  remained  one 
of  his  most  important  and  trusted  counsellors. 
In  1413  he  was  one  of  the  assessors  in  the 
trial  of  Oldcastlc,  and  in  a  sermon  at  the  open- 
ing of  Parliament  he  spoke  strongly  of  public 
danger  from  the  Lollards  [q.v.).  In  1417  ho 
resigned  the  chancellorship,  apparently  in 
order  to  go  on  pilgrimage.  He  attended  the 
Council  of  Constance  garbed  as  a  pilgrim, 
and  mediating  between  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund  and  the  cardinals,  but  holding  no  brief 
for  general  reform  of  the  Church  or  of  the 
constitutional  position  of  England  as  regards 
the  papacy.  He  appears  to  have  '  come 
within  measurable  distance  of  being  the 
new  Bishop  of  Rome,'  when  Oddo  Colonna 
was  elected  as  Martin  v.  (1418),  in  whom  the 
Council  of  Constance  '  chose  a  head  and  found 
a  master.'  Beaufort  was  consoled  with  the 
cardinalate  and  a  special  appointment  as  legate 
iq.v.)  for  England,  Wales,  and  Ireland.  Arch- 
bishop Arundel  lodged  a  formal  protest  against 
the  appointment  of  a  permanent  legate  a  latere, 
and  Henry  prohibited  the  exercise  of  his 
functions  or  the  acceptance  of  the  cardinalate, 
but  no  breach  of  the  friendship  between 
uncle  and  nephew  occurred.  In  1420  he 
was  fighting  in  Germany  against  the  Hussites, 
but  returned  at  the  end  of  the  year,  and  was 
present  at  the  coronation  of  Queen  Catherine. 
He  lent  the  King  much  money  at  a  time  of 
financial  stress,  and  was  named  in  Henry's 
will  one  of  the  guardians  of  the  baby  Henry 
VI.  In  1422  he  was  appointed  one  of  the 
Council  of  Regency,  and  '  withstood  all  the 
intent '  of  Gloucester,  who  tried  to  be  sole 
Regent.  In  1424  he  became  chancellor  for 
the  third  time.  He  was  unpopular  in  London, 
and  bitterly  opposed  to  Gloucester,  against 
whom  he  sought  the  help  of  Bedford.  Glou- 
cester made  grave  accusations  against  him 
at  the  '  Parliament  of  Bats,'  February  1426, 
and  a  forcible  pacification  between  the  two 
was  brought  about  by  the  Lords.  In  May 
he  left  England,  again  received  the  cardinal- 
ate, and  served  as  legate  in  Germany,  joining 
in  the  crusade  against  the  Hussites.  In 
1428  he  returned  to  England  as  legate,  and 
enlisted  soldiers  for  the  Hussite  Crusade. 
He  took  part  in  the  coronation  of  Henry  vi.  ; 
but  Gloucester  and  indeed  ParUament  were 
suspicious  of  his  power,  writs  of  praemunire 
(q.v.)  were  issued  against  him,  and  he  had 
to    defend    himself    and    obtain    an    act   of 


(47) 


Becket] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Becket 


indemnity.  During  the  next  few  years  he 
was  much  engaged  in  foreign  policy,  and 
was  continually  attacked  by  Gloucester, 
notabl}'^  in  1439  ;  but  his  accuser  was  dis- 
credited in  1441  through  a  plot  of  his  wife's, 
and  Beaufort  came  into  power  as  one  of  the 
leaders  of  a  peace  party  which  eventually 
negotiated  the  marriage  of  the  King.  From 
1443  Beaufort  seems  to  have  retired  from 
political  life,  and  resided  at  Winchester, 
where  he  died  in  the  Wolvesey  Palace  on 
Palm  Sunday,  1447. 

He  had  one  daughter,  born  probably  before 
his  ordination,  for  no  scandal  was  breathed 
against  his  later  life.  He  gave  generous 
benefactions  to  his  cathedral  church,  where 
he  was  buried,  and  to  the  hospital  of  St. 
Cross  at  Winchester.  He  was  a  typical 
mediaeval  statesman-clerk,  not  a  scholar,  but 
a  wise  and  loyal  politician.  [w.  H.  H.] 

Radford,  Cardinal  Beaufort. 

BECKET,  Thomas  (1118-70),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  the  most  famous  English 
archbishop  and  saint  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
was  the  son  of  Gilbert  Becket,  a  Norman 
trader  of  gentle  birth,  and  Mahatz,  or  Ma- 
tilda, his  wife,  a  native  of  Caen  (the  legend 
of  liis  birth  from  a  Saracen  mother  has  no 
historical  foundation).  He  was  born  in  Cheap- 
side  on  St.  Thomas's  Day,  probably  in  1118. 
He  was  sent  to  school  at  Merton  Priory  in 
Surrey,  and  afterwards  in  London,  where  the 
sports  of  the  time  are  vividly  described  by 
his  biographer,  William  Fitz-Stephen.  He  was 
afterwards  in  an  accountant's  office,  and  then, 
about  1143,  in  the  household  of  Theobald, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  whom  he 
came  into  great  favour.  He  studied  law  at 
Bologna  and  Auxerre,  held  several  livings 
while  in  minor  orders,  and  in  1154  was 
ordained  deacon  and  made  Archdeacon  of 
Canterbury.  Soon  after  his  accession  Henry 
II.,  to  whom  he  had  alreadjr  rendered  politi- 
cal service,  made  him  Chancellor  of  England. 
He  now  became  a  very  important  person, 
second  after  the  King ;  took  part  in  embassies 
(notably  to  Louis  vii..  King  of  the  Franks,  in 
1158  to  negotiate  a  marriage)  and  battles, 
and  acted  as  itinerant  justice  in  England. 
He  was  regarded  (probably  unjustly)  as 
specially  responsible  for  the  heavy  taxation 
placed  on  the  Church  for  the  Toulouse  war 
of  1 1 59.  He  was  given  charge  of  Henry  n.'s 
eldest  son  ;  and,  after  an  interval,  he  was 
raised  to  the  primacy  on  the  death  of  'I'heo- 
bald.  He  long  hesitated,  and  even  refused 
the  office,  for  he  saw  the  inevitable  contest 
between  his  spiritual  and  the  King's  secular 
aims ;    but  at  length  he  yielded,  and  he  was 


consecrated  on  Trinity  Sunday,  3rd  June 
1162,  in  Canterbury  Cathedral,  having  been 
ordained  priest  the  day  before.  (The  feast  of 
the  Holy  Trinity  was  henceforth  observed  in 
England  on  the  Sunday  after  Whit  Sunday.) 
He  now  '  cast  off  the  deacon,'  assumed 
the  garb  of  the  canons  regular,  resigned  the 
chancellorship,  set  to  work  to  recover  the 
alienated  property  of  the  see  of  Canterbury, 
and  stood  forth  as  the  champion  of  Church 
and  people  against  unjust  claims  of  the  King 
to  take  certain  dues  to  the  sheriff  for  defence 
of  the  shires  into  the  royal  treasury  (Wood- 
stock, July  1163).  He  attended  the  Council 
of  Tours  held  by  Alexander  in.  in  May  1163, 
and  returned  to  England  more  than  ever 
determined  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the 
Church.  At  Westminster,  October  1163, 
Henry  II.  declared  that  he  would  enforce  the 
'  customs'  of  his  grandfather,  Henry  i.,  and 
insist  upon  the  adequate  punishment  of 
criminous  clerks.  The  customs  were  drawn 
up  by  the  King's  lawyers  and  presented  to  a 
council  at  Clarendon,  January  1164  [Claren- 
don, Constitutions  of].  Becket  believed 
that  he  was  ordered  by  the  Pope  to  agree  to 
the  King's  demands,  and  signed  the  Constitu- 
tions, but  refused  to  seal  them,  being  sure 
that  they  must  prove  the  ground  for  contest. 
Henry  determined  to  punish  him,  and  brought 
charges  against  him  relating  to  his  tenure 
of  the  chancellorship,  in  a  council  at  North- 
ampton, October  1164.  He  was  sentenced 
to  pay  very  heavy  fines,  refused  to  recognise 
the  authority  of  the  council,  pleading  that  he 
had  at  his  consecration  been  freed  from  all 
the  claims  of  his  chancellorship,  attended  the 
council  with  his  primatial  cross  in  his  hand, 
and  was  insulted  by  the  barons  of  the  Kling's 
court.  Beheving  himself  in  danger  of  his  life 
he  fled  to  Flanders,  2nd  November  1164,  came 
to  the  Pope  at  Sens,  and  laid  the  whole  matter 
before  him.  Alexander  pronounced  against 
all  the  Constitutions  except  six,  and  Becket 
retired  to  the  Cistercian  abbey  of  Pontigny 
in  Burgundy,  supported  by  the  King  of  the 
Franks  and  most  of  the  Prankish  notables. 
Henry  retaUated  by  confiscating  his  personal 
and  ecclesiastical  property  and  banishing  all 
his  relations  and  friends,  and  tried  to  alarm 
the  Pope  by  entering  into  negotiations  with 
the  Emperor  Frederic  i.,  who  was  supporting 
an  antipope.  After  several  letters  of  warn- 
ing Becket  on  Whit  Sunday,  12th  June  1166, 
at  Vezelay  excommunicated  seven  of  the 
King's  councillors,  and  solemnly  warned 
Henry  that  a  similar  sentence  might  shortly 
fall  on  himself.  Henry  then  declared  that  if 
the  Cistercians  continued  to  shelter  him  he 
would  banish  them  from  all  his  dominions, 


(48) 


BecketJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Becket 


and  Becket  was  obliged  to  leave  Pontigny  and 
seek  refuge  in  the  dominions  of  Louis  vii,  at 
the  abbey  of  St.  Colombe,  Sens.  Ho  further 
demanded  that  legates  should  be  sent  to 
decide  the  questions  at  issue.  Becket  had 
on  2'ith  April  1166  been  appointed  papal 
legate  for  aU  England,  except  the  diocese  of 
York.  This  made  the  position  of  the  English 
bishops  exceedingly  difficult  and  a  new  lega- 
tion anomalous.  The  bishops,  especially 
Eoliot  {q.v.),  wrote  indignantly  to  Becket, 
and  a  vigorous  letter  fight  continued  for 
many  months,  both  parties  explaining  their 
positions  with  lucidity  and  force.  At  last 
on  20th  December  Alexander  appointed 
Cardinals  Wilham  and  Otto  as  legates,  with 
power  to  judge  and  absolve.  Becket  declared 
that  by  this  the  Pope  had  suffocated  and 
strangled  the  whole  Church.  Every  diffi- 
culty was  put  in  the  way  of  the  legates ; 
it  was  not  tiU  November  1167  that  they  met 
Becket ;  and  the  whole  mission  was  a  failure. 
As  the  archbishop  declared  that  the  restora- 
tion of  his  see,  from  which  he  had  been 
unlawfully  driven,  was  a  necessary  pre- 
liminary, while  Henry  demanded  a  large 
sum  of  money  stiU  due,  he  said,  from  the 
ex-chanceUor,  Alexander  tried  to  pacify 
Henry  by  ordering  that  Becket  should  not 
excommunicate  King  or  nobles,  and  a  new 
legation  (two  priors,  and  a  monk  that  would 
never  use  pen  or  ink)  was  appointed  in  May 
1168.  In  January  1169  all  the  parties  met 
at  Montmirail  in  Maine.  Becket  agreed  to 
all  things  suggested,  '  saving  his  order.' 
This,  as  a  rejection  of  the  Constitutions, 
drove  Henry  to  fury,  and  the  negotiations 
broke  down.  On  13th  April  1169  Becket, 
now  at  Clairvaux,  excommunicated  Gilbert 
Foliot,  Bishop  of  London,  and  the  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  and  warned  others,  threaten- 
ing an  interdict  for  England  on  the 
Purification,  1170.  Alexander  issued  a 
third  commission  to  legates,  Gratian  and 
Vivian.  They  met  both  Henry  and  Becket 
at  Montmartre,  18th  November  1169,  and 
again  the  negotiations  broke  down  on  '  saving 
my  order.'  A  fourth  legation  was  appointed 
in  January — the  Archbishop  of  Rouen  and 
the  Bishop  of  Nevers — and  Alexander  ordered 
that  if  the  King  did  not  admit  Becket  to  the 
kiss  of  peace  and  restore  the  property  he 
had  confiscated  within  forty  days  an  interdict 
should  fall.  But  the  whole  point  of  this  was 
removed  by  a  saving  clause,  under  which  the 
legates  absolved  those  who  had  already  been 
excommunicated.  They  were  suspected  of 
having  gone  '  the  Roman  way '  and  taken 
Henry's  money.  A  new  cause  of  offence 
was  given  on  14th  June  1170  in  the  coronation 


of  young  Henry,  the  King's  son,  by  Roger, 
Archbishop  of  York,  in  defiance  of  Canter- 
bury's riglit  and  the  Pope's  order.  At  this 
everybody  cried  aloud,  and  Henry,  beset  by 
protesting  kinsmen  and  clerks,  saw  that  ho 
must  yield.  On  22nd  July  1170  at  Fr6teval 
he  gave  way  entirely,  promised  to  restore 
Becket  and  all  his  possessions,  and  said  not 
one  word  of  the  Constitutions. 

Becket  crossed  to  England  on  30th  Novem- 
ber. Henry  had  never  given  him  the  kiss  of 
peace,  and  sent  John  of  Oxford,  one  of  his 
bitterest  opponents,  to  escort  him.  Becket  had 
suspended  Roger  of  York  for  the  coronation 
and  excommunicated  the  two  bishops.  They 
hurried  to  the  King,  whUo  Becket  was  re- 
ceived with  extraordinary  love  and  homage 
as  he  went  to  and  when  he  arrived  at  Canter- 
bury, 1st  December  1170.  There  he  was  at 
once  placed,  by  the  court  of  the  young  King, 
in  isolation  and  disgrace.  His  old  pupil 
refused  to  receive  him ;  his  goods  were 
stolen,  his  men  insulted.  On  Christmas  Day 
he  excommunicated  the  thieves  (notably  the 
family  of  Broc,  who  had  seized  his  castle  of 
Saltwood).  Meanwhile  Henry  had  heard  of 
his  action  towards  the  bishops,  and  b;irst  into 
passionate  rage.  Relying  on  his  words, 
four  knights  went  to  Canterbury  (their  names, 
for  centuries  remembered  as  infamous  by  aU 
England,  were  Hugh  de  Morville,  Wilham  de 
Tracy,  Reginald  Fitz-Urse,  and  Richard  le 
Breton).  They  demanded  that  Becket  should 
absolve  the  bishops.  He  refused  to  take  off 
a  Church  sentence  at  their  demand,  protesting 
that  there  had  been  no  word  of  submission. 
When  he  went  to  his  cathedral  church  for 
vespers  they  followed  him,  and  murdered 
him  by  the  altar  of  St.  Benedict  in  the  north 
transept.  The  murder  was  heard  with 
horror  throughout  the  world.  Pilgrims 
flocked  to  Canterbury,  and  sick  were  healed. 
When  the  choir  of  the  cathedral  was  burnt 
down  (1174)  it  was  rebuUt  largely  by  the 
offerings  at  liis  shrine,  and  his  body  was 
translated  (1220)  to  a  tomb  behind  the  high 
altar,  in  a  crypt  under  what  came  to  be 
called  '  Becket's  Crown.'  He  was  canonised 
on  24th  February  1173.  On  12th  July  1174 
Henry  did  pubhc  penance  at  his  tomb.  The 
Constitutions  were  entirely  given  up.  Ail 
through  the  Middle  Ages  the  stream  of 
pilgrims  to  Canterbury  continued.  The  pil- 
grimage became  probably  the  most  popular, 
and  the  shrine  the  richest,  in  Christendom. 
Becket  was  thought  to  have  died  for  the 
liberty  of  the  Church  and  the  liberty  of  the 
people,  threatened  by  a  tyrannous  King  who 
was  swiftly  breaking  down  aU  freedom  and 
all    rights    of    separate    estates    before    the 


(49) 


Bede] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bede 


omnipotence  of  the  law,  which  meant  the 
King's  courts,  and  (in  the  case  of  a  strong, 
unscrupulous  monarch)  ultimately  the  King's 
will.  No  one  but  the  Church  was  able  to 
stand  up  against  the  powers  of  Henry  ii. 
If  the  Church  had  not  stood  up  and  con- 
quered, through  the  death  of  its  leader, 
liberty  in  the  future  might  never  have  been 
won.  It  is  impossible  to  say  that  Henry 
might  not  have  established  a  despotism  like 
that  of  the  French  kings  if  so  much  of  his 
reign  had  not  been  taken  up  with  the  con- 
test against  Becket.  And  it  must  be 
remembered  that,  apart  from  its  temporary 
setting,  the  claim  of  Becket  was  one  for  the 
spiritual  Body  to  be  the  judge  of  sphitual 
things,  for  the  Church,  not  the  State,  to 
define  the  merits  and  the  doctrine  and  the 
discipline  of  the  Church.  St.  Thomas  is 
commemorated  on  29th  December,  his  trans- 
lation on  7th  July;  the  latter  feast  still 
appears  in  the  Oxford  University  Calendar. 

[w.   H.   H.] 


3Iaterials  for    the  Hist,   of  Becket, 
R.S. ;  Huttoii,  Thomas  Becket. 


vols 


BEDE,  or  BAEDA  (673-735),  '  the  father  of 
English  history,'  was  the  most  shining 
example  of  the  learning  of  the  Northumbrian 
monasteries  in  the  days  of  the  kingdom's 
greatness.  For  his  life  he  himself  supplies 
practically  the  only  material.  What  he 
says  may  be  thus  translated  : — 

'  These  things  concerning  the  Church 
history  of  Britain,  and  more  especially  of 
the  people  of  the  English,  I,  Baeda,  a  servant 
of  Christ  and  priest  of  the  monastery  of  the 
blessed  apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
which  is  at  Wearmouth  and  at  Jarrow,  have, 
the  Lord  helping  me,  undertaken,  so  far  as  I 
could  learn  it,  either  from  the  writings  of 
the  ancients,  or  from  the  tradition  of  the 
elders,  or  from  my  own  knowledge.  I  was 
born  in  the  territory  of  the  said  monastery, 
and  at  the  age  of  seven  I  was,  by  the  care  of 
my  kinsfolk,  given  for  education  to  the  most 
reverend  Abbot  Benedict,  and  afterwards  to 
Ceolfrid.  From  that  time,  dwelling  all  my 
life  in  that  monastery,  I  have  given  all  my 
labour  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures ;  and 
amid  the  observance  of  monastic  discipline 
and  the  daily  charge  of  chanting  in  the 
church,  I  have  ever  held  it  sweet  to  learn, 
or  teach,  or  write.  In  the  nineteenth  year  of 
my  life  I  was  admitted  to  the  diaconate,  in 
my  thirtieth  to  the  priesthood,  both  by  the 
hands  of  the  most  reverend  Bishop  John,  and 
at  the  bidding  of  Abbot  Ceolfrid.  From 
which  time  of  my  receiving  the  priesthood  to 
the  fifty-ninth  year  of  my  age  I  have  en- 


deavoured, for  my  own  use  and  that  of  my 
brethren,  briefly  to  annotate  the  holy 
Scripture,  out  of  the  works  of  the  venerable 
fathers,  or  to  add  something  of  my  own  in 
conformity  with  their  meaning  and  interpre- 
tation.' 

He  then  adds  a  list  of  his  works — his 
commentary  on  Genesis,  Samuel  to  the  death 
of  Saul,  and  so  on  throughout  the  Bible ;  his 
historical  writings  up  to  that  date  (731),  and 
the  like ;  and  he  ends :  '  And  I  pray  Thee, 
good  Jesus,  that  to  him  whom  Thou  hast 
graciously  given  to  drink  in  with  deUght  the 
words  of  Thy  knowledge.  Thou  wouldst 
mercifully  grant  to  come  one  day  even  unto 
Thee,  the  fountain  of  all  wisdom,  and  to 
appear  for  ever  before  Thy  face.' 

Bede  was  indeed,  for  the  time,  a  most 
voluminous  writer.  Alcuin  {q-v.),  Uttle  more 
than  half  a  century  after  his  death,  spoke  of 
him  as  receiving  great  praise  from  men,  but 
more  from  God,  for  his  works.  Some  forty 
can  be  specified,  the  most  important  being 
his  Church  History  of  the  English  Nation, 
his  lives  of  the  Abbots  and  of  St.  Cuthbert, 
and  his  letter  to  Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York ; 
but  much  value  attaches  also  to  his  commen- 
taries on  the  Bible  as  illustrating  the  learning 
of  his  own  age  and  race.  His  life  was 
throughout  that  of  a  simple  scholar  and 
teacher ;  but  he  came,  as  such  persons  often 
do,  to  exercise  a  very  wide  and  important 
influence.  The  monastery  of  Wearmouth 
was  founded  in  674,  that  of  Jarrow  probably 
in  681,  both  by  Benedict  Biscop  {q.v.),  a 
learned  scholar  who  had  travelled  abroad 
and  brought  back  from  Italy  Lombardic 
craftsmen,  and  who  had  intended  to  preside 
over  both.  While  he  was  away  on  his  many 
visits  to  Rome  Eosterwine  took  his  place  at 
Wearmouth,  Ceolfrid  at  Jarrow,  and  at  one 
time  the  plague  slew  all  in  the  latter  house 
who  could  take  part  in  the  religious  offices, 
except  the  abbot  and  Bede,  then  a  child, 
who  there  learnt  a  lesson  of  the  duty  of 
clerks  which  he  never  forgot.  Years  later 
he  said  to  the  monks  of  Wearmouth :  '  I  know 
that  angels  are  present  at  the  canonical 
hours  and  the  congregations  of  the  brethren. 
How  if  they  find  me  not  among  them ;  will 
they  not  say,  Where  is  Bede  ?  Why  cometh 
he  not  to  the  ordered  devotions  of  the 
brothers  ?  '  Benedict  died  in  689  or  690,  and 
CeoKrid  succeeded  him  as  abbot  of  both 
houses.  Ceolfrid  resigned  in  716,  and  died 
on  his  way  to  Rome.  Hwaetberht  succeeded 
him,  and  was  still  abbot  when  Bede  died. 
It  seems  unlikely  that  Bede  ever  went  outside 
Northumbria :  we  know  that  he  visited 
Holy  Island  and  York.     He  was,  in  fact,  a 


(50) 


Benefit] 


Dictiona  y  of  English  Church  History 


[Benefit 


perfect  example  of  the  concentration  of 
interests,  religious  and  educational,  afforded 
by  the  monastic  life,  and  the  abundant  evi- 
dence of  his  contemporaries  and  successors 
shows  how  very  important  and  widespread 
was  his  influence.  And  his  life  was  very 
strict  and  exact  in  obedience  to  the  rule  of 
his  order,  but  transligured  by  friendship  and 
Christian  love.  Many  early  stories  tell  of 
his  lovable,  simple  nature,  and  he  fitly 
died  as  he  had  finished  his  commentary 
on  the  gospel  of  the  beloved  disciple,  on 
Ascension  Day,  2Gth  May  735,  and  was 
buried  at  Jarrow.  AVithin  a  century  the 
title  of  Venerable  was  affixed  to  his  name. 
His  bones  were  translated  to  Durham  in 
the  eleventh  century.  They  were  scattered 
in  loil,  but  a  stone  in  the  Galilee  Chapel  of 
the  cathedral  church  still  bears  the  words : — 
•  Hac  sunt  in  fossa  Baedae  venerabilis  ossa,' 

and  a  legend  says  that  the  epithet  was 
originally  added  by  an  angel.  Bede  is  com- 
memorated on  27th  May.  [w.  H.  H.] 

Hunt.  Hist,  of  Eiuj.  Ch.  to  1066;  Bright, 
Early  Eng.  Ch.  JIUt.  ;  Plummer,  JJacdae 
Opera  Ilistorica. 

BENEFIT  OF  CLERGY,  or  the  exemp- 
tion of  persons  in  holy  orders  from  the  usual 
penalties  of  the  criminal  law,  is  not  found  in 
England  before  the  Conquest.  The  separa- 
tion of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  courts  by 
WUUam  I,  paved  the  way  for  the  introduction 
into  England  of  the  claim  to  immunity 
from  the  civU  law  which  the  clergy  had 
already  established  abroad,  and  which, 
under  the  growling  influence  of  the  Canon  Law 
(2.U.),  developed  early  in  the  twelfth  century 
into  a  demand  that  no  clerk  should  be  tried 
for  any  ofience  save  in  the  spiritual  court. 
Under  Stephen  this  claiui  was  allowed  in 
practice,  but  it  was  one  which  could  not  be 
admitted  by  a  strong  king,  and  naturally 
came  into  dispute  between  Henry  n.  and 
Becket  [q.v.).  Henry  seems  to  have  desired 
that  when  a  clerk  accused  of  an  offence 
against  the  civil  law  pleaded  exemption  he 
should  be  tried  in  the  church  court,  and  if 
convicted  should  be  degraded  from  his 
orders  and  returned  to  the  temporal  court, 
which,  now  that  he  was  a  clerk  no  longer, 
could  inflict  the  usual  lay  penalty. 
[Clarendon,  Constitutions  of.]  This  pro- 
posal was  apparently  founded  on  the  practice 
of  Henry  i.'s  reign,  but  in  the  reaction  which 
followed  the  death  of  Becket  it  had  to  be 
abandoned  save  for  breaches  of  the  forest 
law,  and  a  procedure  more  favourable  to  the 
Church's    claims    came    into    use.     When    a 


clerk  was  charged  with  felony  his  bishop 
demanded  that  he  should  be  dchvercd  to  the 
Church,  and  became  responsible  for  his  safe 
custody  until  his  trial  before  the  justices. 
He  then  cither  pleaded  his  clergy  or  the  bishop 
again  demanded  him,  and  he  was  again 
handed  over  to  be  tried  in  the  bishop's  court. 
Here  he  was  allowed  to  purge  himself  by 
finding  compurgators,  usuaUy  twelve  in 
number,  to  swear  to  his  innocence.  If  he 
failed  in  this,  an  event  apparently  of  rare 
occurrence,  the  bishop  could  indict  im- 
prisonment as  well  as  sjiiritual  penalties. 
This  procedure  did  not  apply  to  misdemean- 
ours, nor  to  the  more  serious  tonus  of  treason. 
But  it  was  allowed  by  the  State  as  covering 
all  charges  of  felony  with  some  few  exceptions, 
and  attemjits  were  made  to  ensure  that  the 
purgation  and  the  punishment  indicted  by 
the  bishop  should  be  serious  matters  instead 
of  mere  formalities.     [Courts.] 

This  exemption  from  ordinary  criminal 
process,  extending  to  all  ordained  persons 
and  members  of  rehgious  orders,  covered  a 
very  large  proportion  of  the  popiilation,  in- 
cluding many  w^ho,  though  in  minor  orders, 
were  for  all  practical  purposes  laymen. 
Before  the  end  of  the  INIiddle  Ages  all  who 
could  read  were  assumed  to  be  clerks,  and  the 
judges  did  not  require  strict  proof  even  of 
this  quahfication.  The  general  immunity 
thus  gradually  introduced  was  first  restrained 
by  a  statute  of  1488  (4  Hen.  vu.  c.  13),  which 
provided  that,  whereas  '  divers  persons 
lettered  have  been  the  more  bold  to  commit 
murder '  and  other  crimes  '  because  they  have 
been  continually  admitted  to  the  benefit  of 
the  clergy,'  criminals  who  could  not  prove 
that  they  were  really  in  holy  orders  should, 
on  being  allowed  this  privilege,  be  branded 
in  the  hand,  and  not  admitted  to  it  again. 

In  1513  murderers  and  robbers  who  were 
not  really  in  holy  orders  (defined  in  1532  as 
'  of  the  Orders  of  Subdeacon  or  above  ')  were 
deprived  of  benefit  of  clergy  altogether 
(4  Hen.  vin.  c.  2).  This  led  to  warm  con- 
troversy, the  Abbot  of  Winchcombe  declaring 
at  Paul's  Cross  that  by  the  law  of  God  all 
clerks  were  exempt  from  temporal  punish- 
ment. The  Act  w^as  allowed  to  lapse,  but  was 
renewed  in  1532  (23  Hen.  vin.  c.  1).  In  1536 
all  criminals,  whether  in  orders  or  not,  were 
limited  to  a  single  plea  of  clergy  (28  Hen.  \ui. 
c.  1).  In  1575  the  last  distinction  between 
clergy  and  laity  was  removed  by  the  abofi- 
tion  of  the  solemn  farce  of  compurgation 
(18  Eliz.  c.  7).  Henceforth  benefit  of  clergy 
was  merely  an  incident  of  criminal  procedure, 
the  repetition  of  the  '  neck-verse  '  (Ps.  51^), 
which  saved  the  prisoner  from  the  gallows , 


(51) 


Benson] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Benson 


being  accepted  as  proof  of  his  ability  to  read. 
In  Blackstone's  words,  the  '  noble  alchemy  ' 
of  the  legislature  had  converted  '  an  unreason- 
able exemption  of  particular  popish  ecclesi- 
astics into  a  merciful  mitigation  of  the 
general  law,'  and  this  was  itself  abolished  in 
1827.  Benefit  of  clergy  now  only  survives  in 
the  privilege  of  resident  members  of  the 
Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  to  be 
tried  for  misdemeanours  in  the  vice-chancel- 
lor's court.  [g.  c] 

Pollock  and  Maitland,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Law, 
II.  ii. ;  Blackstone,  Commentaries,  iv.  xxviii. 


BENSON,  Edward  White  (1829-96),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  His  ancestors  were 
not  (as  was  often  stated)  Jews,  but  sub- 
stantial Yorkshire  yeomen.  He  was  educated 
at  King  Edward's  School,  Birmingham,  by 
James  Prince  Lee,  afterwards  first  Bishop  of 
Manchester.  From  Birmingham  he  went 
to  Trinity  CoUege,  Cambridge,  where  his 
dihgence  and  high  character  won  the  favour- 
able regard  of  Mr.  Francis  Martin,  Fellow  of 
Trinity,  whose  hberahty  enabled  him  to 
complete  his  academical  course  in  spite  of 
poverty.  In  1852  Benson  came  out  eighth  in 
the  First  Class  of  the  Classical  Tripos,  and 
was  Senior  Chancellor's  Medallist.  He  be- 
came Fellow  of  Trinity  and  an  assistant 
master  at  Rugby  under  Dr.  Goulburn.  In 
1854  he  was  ordained  deacon,  and  in  1856 
priest.  In  1858  he  was  appointed  Master  of 
Wellington  College,  which  had  been  founded,  at 
the  instance  of  Prince  Albert,  as  a  memorial  to 
the  Duke  of  WelUngton.  His  administration 
was  vigorous,  his  success  in  teaching  consider- 
able, and  his  aesthetic  interests  and  acquaint- 
ance with  Fine  Art  left  their  permanent 
impress  on  the  college  and  its  buildings, 
especially  the  chapel.  At  Welhngton,  as  at 
Rugby,  he  was  noted  for  severity,  which  he 
justified  on  the  ground  that  his  boys  were  a 
rude  and  riotous  community.  In  1873  he 
was  appointed  by  Bishop  Christopher  Words- 
worth {q.v.)  Chancellor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral, 
with  a  canon's  stall.  He  threw  himself 
with  great  energy  into  religious  and  educa- 
tional efforts  for  the  benefit  of  the  working 
classes  of  Lincoln,  and  acquired  much 
popularity.  In  1877  he  was  chosen  by  Lord 
Beaconsfield  to  be  the  first  Bishop  of  Truro 
{q.v.),  and  it  was  known  that  this  nomination 
was  peculiarly  acceptable  to  Queen  Victoria, 
who  knew  the  high  estimation  in  which 
Prince  Albert  had  held  Benson.  He  was  a 
thorouglily  vigorous  and  effective  bishop. 
His  skill  in  organisation  enabled  him  to  weld 
all  the  parts  of  a  remote,  neglected,  and  in 


some  respects  almost  foreign,  county  into  a 
united  and  harmonious  diocese,  and  by 
gathering  round  himself  a  company  of 
mission  -  preachers  he  contrived  to  spread 
the  message  of  the  Church  through  districts 
where  down  to  that  time  aU  spiritual  rehgion 
had  been  identified  with  Nonconformity.  The 
enduring  memorial  of  his  episcopate  is  Truro 
Cathedral,  which,  thanks  to  his  boundless 
zeal  and  activity,  was  evolved  out  of  the  old 
parish  church  of  Truro. 

Archbishop  Tait  {q.v.)  died  in  1882,  and 
Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.),  after  most  careful 
dehberation,  chose  Bishop  Benson  for  the 
primacy.  He  told  the  present  WTiter  that 
his  reasons  were  two :  first,  that  it  was 
desirable,  in  view  of  possible  changes  im- 
pending over  the  Church,  that  the  new 
archbishop  should  be  a  man  young  enough  to 
hold  the  primacy  for  a  good  many  years ; 
and  second,  that  Benson  had  given  him 
proofs  of  capacity  and  sound  Churchmanship 
in  organising  a  new  diocese  and  building  a 
cathedral.  '  All,'  he  said,  '  has  been  done  on 
ecclesiastical  lines.'  The  appointment  was 
much  censured  by  the  Liberal  party.  The 
bishop  was  known  to  be  a  fanatical  Tory, 
and  he  had  just  given  his  name  to  the  Tory 
committee  at  a  by-election  for  the  University 
of  Cambridge.  Some  mischief-maker  eagerly 
reported  this  fact  to  Mr.  Gladstone,  who 
replied  :  '  Is  it  so  ?  Then  it  is  very  much  to 
the  bishop's  credit.  A  worldly  man,  or  an 
ambitious  man,  or  a  self-seeking  man  would 
not  have  joined  a  Tory  committee  when 
Canterbury  was  vacant  and  I  was  Prime 
Minister.' 

As  primate  Benson  was  exactly  what  he  had 
been  as  schoolmaster  and  bishop  :  intensely 
hard-working,  copious  in  great  designs, 
eager  to  extol  the  Church  as  the  divine 
safeguard  of  our  national  Life,  intolerant  of 
contradiction  or  criticism,  and,  as  far  as  cir- 
cumstances permitted,  imperious.  The  main 
events  of  his  primacy  were  tliree  :  (1)  his 
revival  of  '  the  court  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury '  for  the  trial  of  Bishop  King 
{q.v.)  of  Lincoln,  who  had  been  charged  with 
illegal  practices  in  divine  worship.  The  con- 
stitution and  procedure  of  this  '  court '  were 
held  by  great  authorities  to  be  defective. 
Bishop  Stubbs  {q.v.)  said:  'This  is  not  a 
court— it  is  an  archbishop  sitting  in  his 
Hbrary '  ;  and  Dean  Church  {q.v.)  called  the 
.  precedent  on  which  the  archbishop  relied 
'  fishy,'  but  described  the  court  itseK  as  '  a 
distinctly  spiritual  court  of  the  highest 
dignity.'  The  archbishop's  judgment  in 
the  Lincoln  case  was  important,  apart  from 
the   particular   points   at   issue    because   it 


(52) 


Benson] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bible 


assumed  the  continuity  of  the  Church 
before,  through,  and  after  the  Refor- 
mation, and  based  its  decisions  not  on 
the  dicta  of  the  Judicial  Committee,  but  on 
the  rubrics  of  the  Prayer  Book  and  the 
traditional  practice  of  the  Church.  [Courts, 
Ritual  Cases.]  (2)  In  189-4  an  attempt  was 
made  by  some  well-meaning  but  unauthorised 
persons  to  obtain  from  the  Pope  a  formal 
recognition  of  Anglican  orders.  Archbishop 
Benson  resolutely  declined  to  enter,  directly  or 
indirectly,  into  secret  negotiations  with  Rome. 
And  the  result,  which  was  the  formal  condem- 
nation by  Rome  of  Anglican  Orders,  showed 
him  to  have  been  right.  [Reunion.]  (3)  In 
organising  the  forces  of  the  Church  against 
the  Bill  for  disestablishing  the  Welsh  Church, 
which  was  brought  in  by  the  Liberal  Govern- 
ment in  1895,  Benson  allied  the  Church  more 
closely  than  it  had  ever  been  allied  before 
with  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  Tory 
party,  and  thereby  intensified  that  hostility 
of  Liberalism  to  the  Church  which  it  had 
long  been  the  anxious  endeavour  of  more 
statesmanlike  Churchmen  to  avoid. 

It  is  difficult  to  define  precisely  Benson's 
theological  position.  With  the  whole  Oxford 
Movement  and  the  men  who  led  it  he  was 
completely  out  of  sympathy,  and  he  thought 
Newman  'a  weak  man.'  His  closest  associ- 
ates were  his  old  school-fellows,  Westcott 
[q.v.)  and  Lightfoot  {q.v.) ;  but  he  was  free 
from  the  mistiness  of  Westcott,  and  was 
much  more  of  a  sacramentalist  than  Light- 
foot.  In  his  early  days  at  Wellington, 
although  he  used  the  mixed  chaHce  and 
took  the  ablutions,  he  celebrated  in  the 
afternoon  and  stood  at  the  north  end  of  the 
Holy  Table.  He  affirmed  the  identity  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist  with  the  Mass,  and  framed 
some  admirable  devotions  for  the  use  of  the 
celebrant,  but  he  assailed  the  practice  of 
fasting  communion  as  '  materialistic'  He 
commended  the  departed  to  God  at  the 
altar,  and  offered  the  Eucharist  with  special 
intentions,  but  his  doctrine  of  the  Euchar- 
istic  Sacrifice  seems  to  have  been  something 
pecuhar  to  himself.  He  beUeved  intensely 
in  the  Apostohc  Succession,  but  favoured 
the  recognition  of  Presbyterian  Orders.  He 
believed  that  the  Church  is  a  spiritual  society, 
but  his  devotion  to  the  principle  of  Establish- 
ment was  a  monomania.  He  was  an  aesthete, 
an  artist,  an  antiquary,  a  ritv^alist  as  long 
as  ritual  conveyed  no  doctrine,  and  withal  a 
man  of  fervent  piety. 

Benson  married  in  1859  his  cousin,  Mary 
Sidgwick,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons  and 
two  daughters.  He  died  siiddenly  in 
Hawarden  Church,  when  on  a  visit  to  Mr. 


Gladstone,  on  the  11th  of  October  1896,  and 
was  buried  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

[g.  w.  e.  k.] 

A.  C.  Benson,  Life. 

BIBLE,  History  of  English.  Until  the  end 
of  the  fourteenth  century  no  one  vernacular 
translation  of  the  Bible  would  have  been 
widely  intelligible.  There  was  no  uniform 
standard  English  language  until  at  least  the 
days  of  Wyclif  {q.v.).  The  history  of  English 
translations  falls  into  six  periods. 

(1)  Pre-Conquest  Translations. — No  com- 
plete translation  was  made  in  Anglo-Saxon 
days  in  any  English  dialect.  In  the  seventh 
century  Csedmon  had  turned  parts  of  the 
Latin  Bible  into  Northumbrian  metre.  Bedo 
{q.v.)  translated  St.  John  into  the  same 
dialect.  Interhnear  Saxon  translations  of 
the  Latin  Gospels  survive,  and  paraphrases 
of  other  parts.  These  earliest  versions  exerted 
no  influence  upon  later. 

(2)  Early  English  Translations. — The  domi- 
nance of  the  Latin  Bible  was  supreme 
after  the  Norman  Conquest,  whilst  knowledge 
of  Greek  and  Hebrew  had  died  out.  Traces 
of  occasional  translations  of  some  portions  of 
Scripture  appear  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries;  chiefly  of  those  parts  most  used 
and  known,  e.g.  the  Psalms.  Thus  the 
metrical  Ormuhcm,  paraphrasing  Gospels  and 
Acts,  probably  belongs  to  the  twelfth  century. 
Prose  translation  in  this  period  is  found  in 
Richard  RoUe's  {q.v.)  Psalter.  These  works 
and  others  are  rehcs  of  a  probably  wide 
fashion  of  translation,  nor  must  we  forget 
versions  and  paraphrases  undertaken  for 
miracle  plays. 

(3)  Wyclif  Translations. — We  now  come  to 
a  great  epoch  in  the  evolution  of  the  English 
Bible.  Standard  English  was  crystallising  at 
the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Wyclif, 
the  greatest  Enghsh  scholar  and  teacher  of 
the  time,  was  perhaps  the  first  man  in 
England  to  plan  a  translation  of  the  whole 
Bible.  The  great  task  was  completed  in  or 
about  1382.  The  first  edition  was  due 
mainly  to  him,  but  in  part  to  his  friend, 
Nicholas  Hereford,  who  uses  a  somewhat 
different  dialect  of  Enghsh.  The  work  was 
revised  by  another  friend,  called  Purvey  or 
Purday,  and  the  revision  came  out  in  1388. 
Both  versions  existed,  of  course,  in  manu- 
script only,  and  despite  rigorous  suppres- 
sion many  copies  survived,  and  were  used 
in  secret  right  down  to  the  time  of  the  Re- 
formation. The  whole  trend  of  events 
was  to  check  the  circulation  of  the  book. 
When  translation   on   any  large   scale   was 


(53) 


Bible] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bible 


again  attempted,  the  English  of  Wychf  was 
largely  unintelligible. 

(4)  Rejormalion  Translations.  — With  the 
great  changes  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
translation  of  the  Bible  was  undertaken  by 
a  series  of  scholars  whose  attempts  mark 
successive  steps  in  the  formation  of  the  ulti- 
mate standard  version.  Printing,  which  was 
then  a  rapidly  improving  invention,  spread 
widely  the  fruits  of  their  labours,  (a) 
William  Tyndale  {q.v.)  led  the  way.  The 
attitude  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
towards  amateur  translation  of  the  Scrip- 
tures made  it  necessary  for  him  to  carry 
on  his  work  abroad,  whence  the  printed 
books  were  brought  into  England.  His  New 
Testament  was  complete  and  pubUshed  in 
1525j  and  at  once  made  its  way  to  London 
and  elsewhere.  The  story  of  the  careful 
watch  kept  by  spies,  and  of  their  attempts 
to  stop  the  work  of  printing  and  transmission, 
is  well  known.  Notwithstanding  their  zeal 
he  managed  to  get  several  editions  of  the  New 
Testament  through  the  press  before  1529. 
He  then  began  the  Old  Testament,  but  was 
unable  to  complete  it.  Portions  were 
printed  and  published.  In  1534  a  revised 
edition  of  the  Pentateuch  and  of  the  New 
Testament  appeared.  The  bishops  were 
hostile  to  these  books,  and  many  were  de- 
stroyed. One  great  cause  of  uneasiness  lay 
in  the  marginal  notes,  in  which  Tyndale  ex- 
pressed his  own  doctrinal  views.  Mistrans- 
lations, supposed  in  many  cases  to  be  wilful, 
were  also  marked.  Sir  Thomas  More  {q.v.) 
attacked  Tyndale  for  what  were  considered 
dangerous  errors.  And  yet  TjTidale's  is  the 
basis  of  all  future  important  English  versions. 
His  very  words  and  phrases  stiU  survive. 
No  Englishman's  actual  words  are  better 
known  to  the  English-speaking  race  than  his. 
(&)  Miles  Coverdale  {q.v.)  introduces  the  next 
stage.  So  far,  translation  had  been  un- 
authorised, but  the  way  was  being  paved 
towards  an  authorised  version.  In  1530  the 
King  promised  that  such  a  work  should  be 
undertaken.  In  1534  the  Convocation  of 
Canterbury  petitioned  for  it.  Meanwhile 
Coverdale  was  encouraged  by  Cranmer  to  take 
in  hand  the  task  of  translating  the  Scriptiircs. 
This  he  did  in  retirement  on  the  Continent, 
and  in  1535  published  a  complete  translation 
from  the  German  and  Latin  Bibles.  He 
made  some  use  of  Tyndale's  work.  He  did 
not  translate  from  the  original  but  from 
translations.  Notwithstanding  this  defect, 
his  version  is  not  without  merit.  Our  version 
of  tlie  Psalms  in  the  Prayer  Book  is  still 
mainly  Coverdale.  Many  of  his  translations 
of  words  and  phrases  still  survive  in   the 


Authorised  Version  of  1611.  The  book  was 
■wdthout  note  or  comment,  but  contained  a 
'  prologue  unto  the  Christian  reader.'  A 
second  slightly  altered  edition  was  licensed 
by  the  King  in  1537.  (c)  In  1537  appeared  a 
second  complete  English  Bible,  the  work  of 
one  Thomas  Matthew,  now  known  to  have 
been  really  John  Rogers  {q.v.).  He  became 
Tyndale's  literary  executor,  and  in  this 
capacity  was  able  to  make  use  of  the  latter's 
works.  Accordingly  he  re-edited  Tyndale's 
translation,  filling  up  the  untranslated  gaps 
in  the  Old  Testament.  In  this  he  made 
large  use  of  Coverdale,  occasionally  altering 
words  or  phrases.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
Rogers  was  rather  an  editor  than  translator, 
but  as  an  editor  he  is  excellent.  He  added  pro- 
logues and  other  helps.  Cranmer  {q.v. )  warmly 
welcomed  the  book,  and  urged  Cromwell 
{q.v.)  to  get  it  licensed  by  royal  authority. 
It  was  then  the  first  actually  authorised 
English  version,  and  formed  an  important 
link  in  the  history,  as  it  constituted  the  direct 
basis  of  later  versions.  [It  should  be  added 
that  in  1539  a  private  revision  of  Matthew's 
Bible  was  issued  by  Richard  Taverner.  This 
book  was  certainly  consulted  by  the  later 
translators.]  {d)  Cranmer's,  or  the  Great 
Bible :  Coverdale' s  Bible  was  inaccurate, 
and  Matthew's  being  largely  based  on  Tyn- 
dale might  incur  the  hostility  of  critics. 
Consequently  Cromwell,  who  had  so  largely 
helped  Coverdale,  got  him  to  undertake  a 
new  translation.  It  was  based  upon  Matthew, 
with  such  other  help  as  the  famous  Com- 
plutensian  Polyglot  could  supply.  The  first 
edition  was  ready  in  1539.  It  was  the  text 
only,  in  folio  form,  as  all  the  English  versions 
of  the  whole  Bible  so  far  had  been.  It  com- 
prised the  whole  Bible  and  Apocrypha.  The 
recent  Injunction  of  1538  to  set  up  in  churches 
'  one  book  of  the  whole  Bible  in  English  in 
the  largest  volume '  soon  gave  this  handsome 
book  the  name  of  the  Great  Bible.  In  1540 
a  second  edition  was  ready,  and  Cranmer 
added  a  preface  to  it.  Thus  the  archbishop's 
name  is  introduced  in  this  connection.  A  still 
later  edition  in  1541  gained  some  episcopal 
sanction,  (e)  The  Geneva  Bible :  during 
Mary's  reign  many  English  scholars  had 
taken  refuge  abroad  [Maktan  Exiies]. 
Among  them  was  Whittingham  at  Geneva. 
Here  he  translated  the  New  Testament, 
making  muclv  use  of  Tyndale,  and  of  Beza's 
Latin  New  Testament,  publishing  his  work  in 
1557.  For  the  first  time  in  an  EngHsh  Bible 
verse  numberings  were  introduced.  It  was 
revised  at  Geneva,  and  a  translation  of  the 
Old  Testament  was  added  in  1560.  Notes 
were  added  of  considerable  historical  signifi- 


(54) 


Bible] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bingham 


cancc.  All  the  previous  Bibles  had  been  folios, 
but  this  was  compendious  in  form,  and  with 
good  clear  tj^e.  Those  merits,  over  and  above 
the  notes,  made  the  book  specially  attractive, 
and  it  had  a  great  influence  upon  religion 
in  England,  where  it  was  current  for  a  long 
period.  The  version  of  1611  was,  to  some 
extent,  indebted  to  it.  (/)  The  Bishops' 
Bible  :  Archbishop  Parker  {q.v.),  in  hopes  of 
superseding  the  Geneva  Bible,  conceived  the 
idea  of  forming  by  co-operation  an  Anglican 
revision  of  the  English  Bibles.  The  task 
was  distributed  among  various  scholars,  and 
was  complete  in  1568.  The  first  edition  was 
a  folio,  but  there  were  smaller  shapes  after- 
wards. Verse  numberings  and  notes  were 
introduced,  as  in  the  Geneva  version.  It  was 
not  so  good  in  character  as  the  Genevan.  It 
contained  the  whole  Bible,  including  the 
Apocrypha.  [We  may  also  note  here  that  the 
Enghsh  Romanists  abroad  pubhshed  an 
English  Bible.  The  New  Testament  appeared 
at  Rheims  in  1582.  The  Old  Testament  was 
published  at  Douai  in  1609-10.  The  re- 
visers of  1611  made  some  use,  at  all  events, 
of  the  New  Testament.] 

(5)  The  Authorised  Version  of  1611. — 
"When  the  Hampton  Court  Conference  [q.v.) 
was  held  in  1604,  an  incidental  promise 
was  made  by  the  King  to  the  Puritan  Dr. 
Reynolds  that  a  new  revision  should  be 
undertaken.  A  representative  list  of  scholars 
was  drawn  up,  and  instructions  were  issued 
to  the  members  of  the  boards  of  revision. 
We  know  the  names  of  some  forty-seven. 
Sis  companies  met,  two  at  each  centre, 
viz.  Oxford,  Cambridge,  Westminster.  The 
revisers  had  the  Enghsh  eflEorts  of  nearly 
a  century  before  them.  They  consulted  the 
work  of  all  their  predecessors,  as  well  those 
above  named  as  Continental  translators. 
Much  co-operation  and  mutual  consultation 
went  on,  and  at  last  the  printed  book  appeared 
in  1611,  mth  an  interesting  preface,  and  a 
fulsome  dedication  to  James  i.  The  first 
edition  was  a  folio,  but  smaller  shapes  soon 
appeared.  The  revisers  took  the  Bishops' 
Bible  in  the  1572  edition  as  their  basis.  No 
marginal  notes  were  allowed.  How  success- 
ful their  work  was  three  centuries  have 
testified.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  they  were  essentially  con- 
servative :  '  Truly  we  never  thought  to  make 
a  new  translation,  nor  yet  to  make  of  a  bad 
one  a  good  one,  but  to  make  a  good  one 
better,  or  out  of  many  good  ones  one  principal 
good  one,'  This  version  is  called  '  authorised,' 
but  it  never  received  formal  licence ;  it 
superseded  the  others  by  sheer  excellence. 

(6)  Revised  Version. — More  than  two  cen- 


turies passed,  during  which  constantly  in- 
creasing light  fell  upon  the  text  and  meaning 
of  the  Bible.  The  magnificent  English  of  the 
version  of  1611  was  discovered  by  degrees  to 
be  deficient  in  accuracy.  A  science  of  textual 
criticism  had  been  gradually  built  up.  Critical 
texts  of  the  Greek  Testament  had  been  issued 
by  Tischendorf  (1815-74)  and  others.  It  was 
felt  that  a  new  translation  worthy  of  the 
growth  of  Greek  scholarship  ought  to  bo 
undertaken.  From  time  to  time  the  question 
of  revision  was  mooted.  At  last  in  1870 
Convocation  took  it  up.  Committees  of 
Anglicans  and  Nonconformists  were  ap- 
pointed to  revise  the  Old  Testament  and  the 
New.  American  co-operation  was  invited. 
The  changes  were  to  be  as  few  as  possible, 
and  in  Bible  language,  with  some  reference 
to  the  necessary  correction  of  the  under- 
lying original  text.  The  revisers  met  at 
the  Jerusalem  Chamber.  The  New  Testa- 
ment was  issued  in  1881.  Its  foes  were  more 
numerous  than  its  friends  ;  but  a  consider- 
able change  of  sentiment  has  been  percept- 
ible of  late.  The  Old  Testament  was  ready 
in  1884.  The  Old  and  New  Testaments  were 
pubhshed  together  in  1885.  The  Apocrypha 
was  added  in  1895.  All  through,  American 
suggestions  were  considered,  often  used,  and 
those  not  used  were  placed  in  an  appendix. 
In  1898  a  revised  reference  edition  of  the 
whole  Bible  appeared.  [h.  o.] 

H.  W.  Hoare,  OurEnrj.  Bible  ;  A.  W.  Pollanl, 
Records  of  the  Eng.  Jii/jle ;  Mombert,  En;/. 
Versions  of  the  Bible. 

BINGHAM,  Joseph  (1668-1723),  born  at 
Wakefield,  September  1668,  and  educated  at 
Wakefield  Grammar  School  and  University 
College,  Oxford  (matriculated,  26th  May  1684; 
B.A.,  1688;  FeUow,  1689;  M.A.,  1691). 
He  was  ordained  deacon  in  1691,  priest  in 
1692.  The  '  Trinitarian  Controversy '  was 
then  in  process;  Sherlock  {q.v.)  had  pub- 
lished his  Vindication  in  1691,  and  South 
{q.v.)  in  the  Animadversions,  1693,  had,  with 
some  justice,  charged  him  with  tritheism. 
On  SS.  Simon  and  Jude,  1695,  Bingham 
preached  before  the  University  at  St.  Peter- 
in-the-East  a  sermon  on  the  Holy  Trinity 
in  Sherlock's  sense,  and  was  immediately 
delated  to  the  vice  -  chancellor  by  J.  Beau- 
champ,  B.D.,  Fellow  of  Trinity,  commonly 
known  as  '  the  heretic-hunter.'  On  25th 
November  the  Hebdomadal  Board  condemned 
two  propositions  contained  in  the  sermon  as 
'  false,  impious,  and  heretical '  ;  and  South 
in  his  Short  History  of  Valenlimis  Gentilis 
denounced  Bingham  as  a  follower  of  Sher- 
lock.    Meanwhile  Bingham  had  been  noniin- 


(55) 


Bingham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Birinus 


ated  by  Dr.  J.  Radclifie  to  the  rectory 
of  Headbourne  Worthy,  Hants,  and  had 
resigned  his  fellowship.  On  12th  May  1696, 
in  a  visitation  sermon  at  Winchester,  he  de- 
fended his  University  sermon.  Both  these 
sermons,  with  a  second  visitation  sermon  of 
1697,  and  a  preface  explaining  the  circum- 
stances, were  prepared  for  pubhcation,  but 
did  not  see  the  hght  till  1829.  In  1702  he 
married  Dorothea,  daughter  of  Richard 
Pococke,  Rector  of  Colmer ;  and  by  her  he 
had  two  sons  and  eight  daughters,  one  of 
whom  married  Thomas  Mant,  and  became 
the  grandmother  of  Richard  Mant,  Bishop 
of  Down  and  Connor.  In  1706  Bingham 
published  The  French  Church's  Apology  for 
(he  Chiirch  of  England,  in  which  he  showed 
that  dissenters  '  act  and  go  upon  such 
principles  as  would  obhge  them  to  separate 
from  the  French  [Huguenot]  Church  and 
perhaps  all  other  Protestant  Churches,'  and 
exhorted  the  Huguenot  immigrants  to  dis- 
countenance, in  accordance  with  their  own 
principles,  the  Enghsh  dissidents,  and  to 
conform  to  the  Church.  In  1708-11  he  pub- 
lished the  first  three  volumes  of  the  Origines 
Ecclesiasticae,  begun  in  1702.  In  1712  he 
issued  A  scholastical  history  of  the  practice  of 
the  Church  in  reference  to  the  administration 
of  Baptism  hy  Laymen,  Part  i.,  a  criticism 
of  Roger  Laurence's  Lay-baptism  invalid, 
1708  (2nd  ed.,  1710).  He  was  answered  by 
T.  Brett  in  An  enquiry  into  the  judgement 
and  practice  of  the  Primitive  Church,  and  by 
Laurence  in  a  second  part  of  Lay-baptism 
invalid  (1712-13).  Bingham  replied  to  this 
in  A  scholastical  history,  Part  n.  (1714),  and 
to  Laurence's  further  Supplement  (1714)  in 
A  dissertation  on  the  Eighth  Canon  of  the 
Council  of  Nice  (1714).  In  reply  to  Burnet's 
(g'.v.)  strictures  (1710)  on  Lay -baptism  invalid, 
Laurence  had  written  Sacerdotal  Powers,  or 
the  Necessity  of  Confession,  Absolution,  etc. 
(1711,  1713) ;  and  in  1711  Brett  had  pub- 
lished his  Sermon  on  the  Remission  of  Sins, 
which  was  attacked  and  almost  censured  in 
the  Lower  House  of  Convocation.  It  was 
apparently  in  relation  to  the  question  here 
discussed  that  in  1713  Bingham  pubhshed 
Two  sermons  and  two  letters  to  the  Lord 
Bishop  of  Winchester  (Trelawney,  who  had 
consulted  him  about  '  the  indispensable 
necessity  of  absolution  in  all  cases  whatever  ') 
concerning  the  nature  and  necessity  of  the 
several  sorts  of  absolution.  In  1712  he  had 
been  collated  by  Trelawney  to  the  rectory 
of  Havant,  which  he  held  in  plurality  with 
Headbourne  till  his  death.  In  1715  the 
publication  of  the  Origines  was  resumed,  and 
the  remaining  seven   volumes  appeared   at 


intervals  up  to  1722.  Meanwhile  Bingham 
had  lost  all  his  money  in  the  bursting  of  the 
South  Sea  Bubble,  1720.  He  began  to  pre- 
pare a  second  edition  of  the  Origines,  and  had 
in  view  a  popular  abridgment  and  a  supple- 
ment on  minor  rites ;  but  he  died,  17th 
August  1723,  at  the  age  of  fifty-five,  and 
was  buried  at  Headbourne  Worthj^ 

Bingham  was  essentially  a  student  and  a 
scholar,  but  he  was  also  an  excellent  parish 
priest.  In  character  he  was  modest,  gentle, 
and  unworldly,  but  firm  and  independent ; 
and  in  discussion  he  contrasts  strongly  with 
such  controversiahsts  as  South  and  Sherlock. 
As  a  divine  he  was  of  the  Caroline  type, 
strongly  anti-Roman,  and  with  a  marked 
sympathy  with  the  foreign  reformed  bodies, 
and  especially  the  French.  '  The  peace  of  the 
Church '  was  what  he  had  '  always  had  at 
heart,  and  could  be  content  to  sacrifice  any 
interest  of  liis  o^vn  in  order  to  effect  it '  ; 
and  his  preface  to  the  projected  second 
edition  of  the  Origineh  is  still  a  valuable 
argument  for  possibihties  of  reunion  on  the 
basis  of  a  real  and  primitive  episcopacJ^  His 
fame  rests  cliiefly  on  the  Origines,  a  great 
work,  and  the  first  ot  its  kind,  on  the  hier- 
archy, the  ecclesiology,  the  territorial  organi- 
sation, the  rites,  the  discipline,  and  the 
calendar  of  the  primitive  Church,  drawn 
from  the  original  sources,  but  betrajang  an 
immense  erudition  in  the  later  literature  of 
the  subject.  It  was  translated  into  Latin 
and  pubhshed  (1724-8)  by  the  Lutheran, 
J.  H.  Grischow  of  Halle,  with  a  preface 
by  the  distinguished  J.  F.  Budde ;  and  an 
abridgment  in  German  by  a  Roman  Catholic 
editor  was  issued  at  Augsburg,  1788-96. 
There  is  no  portrait  of  Bingham. 

[f.  e.  b.] 

R.  Bingham,  Life,  prefixed  to  Wvrks,  182] -9 
(of  whicli  the  article  in  IJ.N.B.  is  only  an 
a1)ridgment) ;  Hearne,  CoUfctions.  Bingham's 
Works  were  published  in  2  vols,  fol.,  Loudon, 
1726  ;  in  9  vols.  8vo.,  1821 -9,  ed.  by  his  great- 
grandson,  Rich.  Bingham  :  and  in  10  vols.  Svo., 
Oxford,  1855. 

BIRINUS  (d.  649  ?),  apostle  of  the  West 
Saxons,  was  probably  an  Italian  by  nation, 
of  Teutonic  descent.  After  taking  counsel 
with  Pope  Honorius  he  resolved  to  preach 
theGospel  in  theinland  country  of  theEnglish, 
which  had  not  been  visited  by  any  teacher, 
and  was  consecrated  a  regionary  bishop  (one 
without  an  assigned  diocese)  by  Asterius, 
Bishop  of  Milan,  at  Genoa.  He  landed  in  the 
country  of  the  Gewissas,  afterwards  called 
West  Saxons,  in  634,  and  finding  them  sunk 
in  the  darkest  heathenism  worked  among 
them.     Their   King,  Cjmegils,  hearkened  to 


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[Biscop 


him,  and  was  baptized  at  Dorchester  (Oxon) 
in  635.  Oswald  {q.v.)  of  Northumbria,  then 
overlord  of  Britain,  who  had  come  to  Wessex 
to  marry  the  daughter  of  Cyncgils,  acted  as 
the  Iving's  sponsor,  and  received  him  at  the 
baptismal  font.  Cynegils  and  Oswald  then 
joined  in  giving  Dorchester  to  Birinus  that 
he  might  make  it  his  episcopal  see.  In  636 
Cwichelm,  the  under-king,  the  son  of  Cjmegils, 
was  baptized,  and  died  the  same  year;  and  in 
039  Birinus  baptized  Cwichelm's  son  Cuthred, 
the  undor-king,  standing  sponsor  for  him  him- 
self. He  built  churches  among  the  West 
Saxons,  and  converted  many.  His  work  may 
have  received  a  temporary  clieck  about  642, 
for  Cynegil's  son  and  successor,  Coenwalch, 
refused  to  accept  Christianity.  Coenwalch, 
however,  was  driven  from  his  kingdom  by  the 
Mercians,  and  while  in  exile  in  East  Anglia 
was  converted.  He  regained  his  kingdom  in 
647  or  648,  and  built  a  church  in  his  royal 
city,  Winchester,  the  predecessor  of  the 
present  cathedral,  which  Birinus  is  said  to 
have  dedicated.  After  having  firmly  estab- 
lished Christianity  in  Wessex,  Birinus  died 
at  Dorchester  on  3rd  December  649  or 
perhaps  650,  and  was  there  buried.  Dor- 
chester having  become  a  Mercian  see,  Haeddi, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  translated  his  body  to 
Winchester  in  or  after  676.  Bishop  Ethel- 
wold  is  said  to  have  placed  the  relics  of  the 
saint  in  a  shrine  when  he  rebuilt  the  church 
about  980,  and  a  portable  shrine,  or  feretory, 
was  provided  for  them  by  Canute  in  1035. 
They  were  again  translated  in  1150. 

[w.  H.] 
J.  E.  Field,  St.  Berln  of  Wessex. 

BIRMINGHAM,  See  of.  The  first  step 
towards  the  foundation  of  the  see  was 
taken  in  1888,  chiefly  at  the  instance  of 
Bishop  Philpott  of  Worcester,  who  presided 
over  a  large  meeting,  at  which  Archbishop 
Benson  {q.v.)  and  Bishop  Westcott  (q.v.), 
both  Birmingham  men,  were  present.  A 
committee  was  formed  to  promote  the 
project,  and  the  bishop  promised  £800  a 
year  from  the  income  of  the  see  towards 
the  endowment,  a  promise  which  was  not 
renewed  by  his  successor.  The  scheme  was 
abandoned  in  1892  after  Dr.  Philpott's  re- 
signation, but  re\aved  after  the  accession 
of  Dr.  Gore  in  1902.  An  Endowment  Fund 
was  inaugurated,  and  though  only  £105,000 
was  asked  for,  in  two  years  £118,000  had  been 
raised,  including  £10,000  offered  anonymously 
by  Canon  Freer  in  a  letter  to  the  Times 
{14th  April  1902).  The  see  was  established 
by  Order  in  Council,  12th  January  1905, 
under     the     Southwark     and     Birmingham 


Bishoprics  Act,  1904  (4  Edw.  vn.  c.  30). 
The  income  of  the  see  was  fixed  at  £3000, 
with  £500  for  a  house.  The  diocese  con- 
sists of  Birmingham  and  the  surrounding 
districts,  and  includes  parts  of  the  counties 
of  Worcester,  Warwick  and  Stafford.  It 
was  taken  mainly  from  the  diocese  of  Wor- 
cester, but  partly  also  from  that  of  Lichfield. 
It  is  divided  into  the  archdeaconries  of 
Birmingham  and  Aston,  the  latter  having 
been  constituted  in  1906.  The  population  is 
estimated  at  1 ,050,000.  St.  Phihp's  Church 
built  1711,  became  the  pro-cathedral  of  the 
see.  Aa  the  diocese  has  no  recognised 
chapter,  the  bishop  is  appointed  by  Letters 
Patent  from  the  Crown.  [a.  c.  d.] 

BiSHors 

1,  Charles  Gore,  1905 ;  tr.  from  Worcester; 

tr.  to  Oxford,  1911. 

2.  Henry  RusseU  Wakefield,  1911 ;  Dean  of 

Norwich. 

BISCOP,  Benedict  (c.  628-90)  came  of  a 
noble  family  of  Angles.  If  he  is  the  Biscop 
mentioned  by  Florence  of  Worcester  {Oenia- 
logia),  be  was  related  to  the  royal  house  of 
the  Lindisfari.  He  began  life  as  a  thegn  of 
Oswy  (q.v.),  King  of  Northumbria,  but  at  the 
age  of  twenty-five  he  resolved  to  devote 
himself  to  the  work  of  the  Church.  He  there- 
fore went  to  Rome  in  653,  traveUing  as  far  as 
Lyons  with  Wilfrid  (q.v.),  whom  he  met  at 
Canterbury.  After  some  years  he  returned 
to  Northumbria  to  promote  religion  and 
learning,  but  in  665  he  again  set  out  for 
Rome.  Shortly  after  he  withdrew  to  the 
monastery  of  Lerins,  an  island  oS  the  coast 
of  Provence,  where  he  took  the  monastic  vow 
and  received  the  tonsure.  When  he  returned 
to  Rome  two  years  later  he  was  bidden  by 
Pope  VitaUan  to  conduct  Theodore  (q.v.), 
who  had  just  been  elected  archbishop,  and 
his  followers  to  England.  They  arrived  at 
Canterbury  in  May  669,  and  Benedict  was 
then  appointed  abbot  of  the  monastery  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  over  which  he  ruled  for  two 
years.  He  left  Canterbury  to  buy  books  on 
the  Continent,  and  having  purchased  a  large 
number  at  Rome  and  Vienne  returned  in  672 
to  Northumbria,  King  Egfrith  was  so  much 
struck  by  his  work  that  he  gave  him  seventy 
hides  of  land  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wear  on 
which  to  build  a  monastery.  To  carry  out 
this  work  he  secured  the  services  of  masons 
and  glaziers  from  Gaul.  The  monastery  at 
Wearmouth  was  completed  in  674  and  dedi- 
cated to  St.  Peter.  About  678  he  again 
journeyed  to  Rome  to  obtain  rcHcs,  pictures, 
and   books   with   which   to   furnish  it.      He 


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[Bishops 


secured  also  from  Pope  Agatho  its  exemption 
from  external  eontrol,  and  gained  the  services 
of  John,  the  Arch-chanter  of  St.  Peter's  and 
Abbot  of  St.  Martin's  at  Rome,  who  came 
with  him  to  teach  the  monks  of  Wearmouth 
the  Roman  choir  office.  Shortly  after  he 
began  to  build  the  sister  abbey  at  Jarrow, 
for  which  Egfrith  granted  him  forty  hides  of 
■land.  This  was  completed  in  682  and 
dedicated  to  St.  Paul.  Over  the  second 
foundation  he  placed  Ceolfrith,  who  had  long 
helped  him  in  liis  work,  while  at  the  same 
time  he  took  a  colleague,  his  cousin  Easter- 
wine,  to  help  him  in  ruling  Wearmouth. 
When  these  arrangements  had  been  com- 
pleted he  made  his  fifth  journey  to  Rome  to 
procure  relics,  books,  pictures,  and  vest- 
ments for  the  church  of  Jarrow.  In  his 
absence  Easterwine  died,  and  a  certain 
Sigfrith  was  chosen  abbot.  Soon  after  his  re- 
turn to  England,  Benedict  became  paralysed, 
and  remained  so  for  the  last  three  years  of 
his  life.  His  colleague,  Sigfrith,  died  a  few 
months  before  him,  and  Ceolfrith  was  set 
over  the  two  sister  monasteries.  On  12th 
January  690  Benedict  died,  and  was  buried  in 
the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Wearmouth.  In 
964  his  bones  were  removed  by  Aethelwold, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  to  his  abbey  at 
Thorney.  His  life  was  written  by  Bede 
{Vita  Abbaiiim,  ed.  Plummer),  who  at  the  age 
of  seven  was  placed  under  the  abbot's  care. 
See  also  Acta  Sanctorum  under  12th  January. 

[a.  l.  p.] 

BISHOPS  as  the  chief  ministers  of  the 
Christian  Church  are  as  old  as  any  record  of 
its  life  as  an  organised  body.  The  New 
Testament  and  other  early  writings  show 
that  the  apostles  appointed  presbyters  to 
preside  over  local  churches,  with  power  to 
provide  for  the  continuance  of  the  ministry. 
And  during  the  first  two  centuries  this 
system  developed  into  the  monarchical  and 
diocesan  episcopacy  which  has  ever  since 
been  the  rule  of  the  Catholic  Church,  has 
existed  in  the  English  Church  from  its 
foundation,  and  was  expressly  accepted  by  it 
in  the  sixteenth  century  at  the  most  import- 
ant crisis  in  its  history.  [Authoeity  in  the 
Church.] 

Appointment  of  Bishop.?. — At  first  the  right 
to  elect  a  bishop  rested  with  the  people  of  the 
vacant  see.  At  a  later  stage  the  bishops  of 
the  province  appointed,  subject  to  the  veto  of 
the  metropolitan,  which  in  the  fourth  century 
developed  into  a  separate  process,  the  con- 
firmation of  the  election.  From  the  sixth 
century  a  profession  of  obedience  to  the 
metropolitan  was  required  before  confirma- 


tion. Before  Christianity  reached  England 
the  share  of  the  clergy  in  the  appointment 
had  dwindled  to  an  almost  nominal  right 
of  election  by  the  cathedral  clergy.  In  796 
Alcuin  iq.v.)  urged  that  chapters  should  have 
freedom  of  election,  and  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages  attempts  were  made  by  them 
to  assert  this  right,  with  only  occasional 
success.  In  1214,  for  instance.  King  John 
granted  freedom  of  election,  and  confirmed 
it  in  Magna  Carta  {q.v.),  1215.  In  prac- 
tice such  freedom  usually  led  to  disputed 
elections  and  appeals  to  Rome.  After  the 
acceptance  of  Christianity  by  civil  rulers  the 
bishops  became  personages  in  the  state,  and 
Christian  emperors  and  kings  were  allowed 
first  a  veto  on  the  choice  of  bishops,  and 
ultimately  a  right  of  appointment,  which  to 
a  great  extent  superseded  the  older  methods 
of  election  and  entirely  swallowed  up  the 
primitive  rights  of  the  laity. 

In  England  before  the  Norman  Conquest 
bishops  were  usually  appointed  by  the  King 
in  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Witenagemot, 
a  mixed  assembly  of  lay  and  clerical  notables. 
Sometimes  the  clergy  and  even  the  laity  of 
the  vacant  diocese  were  consulted.  After  the 
Conquest  the  feudal  theory  of  the  episcopal 
office  appears.  The  bishop  added  to  his 
former  character  that  of  the  '  King's  man,' 
holding  his  temporalities  directly  of  the 
Crown  as  overlord  and  doing  homage  for 
them.  [Investitures.]  The  see  of  Sodor 
and  Man  [Man]  alone  was  held  of  a  subject 
(a  '  mediate  '  bishopric).  This  relationship 
of  the  bishops  to  the  Crown  strengthened  the 
royal  claims  to  their  appointment,  the  only 
serious  rival  being  the  Pope,  who  claimed  first 
the  right  to  decide  disputes  over  episcopal 
appointments  as  part  of  his  general  appellate 
jurisdiction,  then  that  of  confirming  the 
election,  and  lastly  a  power  of  direct  ap- 
pointment. [PRO^^soRS.]  As  a  rule.  King 
and  Pope  respected  each  other's  nominations, 
at  the  expense  of  the  chapters.  The  normal 
mode  of  appointment  was  for  the  King  to 
send  the  chapter  a  cong^  (Tislire  (permission  to 
elect),  which  usually  contained  the  name  of 
the  person  to  be  elected,  whom,  as  a  rule,  they 
accepted.  The  election  must  then  be  con- 
firmed by  the  Pope,  the  bishop-elect  taking 
an  oath  to  him  and  paying  fees.  He  also 
made  a  profession  of  obedience  to  his  metro- 
politan. The  election  needed  also  the  formal 
consent  of  the  King,  who  restored  to  the 
bishop  on  his  doing  homage  the  temporalities 
of  the  see  (which  reverted  to  the  Crown  at  a 
vacancy).  If  any|^  dispute  arose  between 
King  and  chapter  or  between  parties  in  the 
chapter  the  only  appeal  was  to  the  Pope,  who 


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[Bishops 


either  confirmed  the  election  of  one  of  the 
candidates  or,  more  frequently,  annulled  the 
whole  proceedings  and  provided  either  one 
of  the  candidates  or  a  nominee  of  his  own. 
So  it  came  about  that  even  a  candidate  duly 
elected  without  opposition  was  willing  that 
his  position  should  be  made  quite  secure  by 
the  Pope's  quashing  the  election  and  provid- 
ing him.  Apparently  the  fourteenth-century 
Popes  deliberately  aimed  at  making  their 
consent  indispensable  to  the  validity  of  every 
episcopal  appointment.  And  tlic  kings,  some- 
what short-sightedly,  acquiesced  in  this 
policy  by  applying  for  papal  provision  for 
their  own  nominees.  They  were  content 
that  the  popes  should  have  the  desired  power 
so  long  as  a  reasonable  proportion  of  royal 
nominees  were  appointed,  and  they  could  safe- 
guard the  temporal  jurisdiction  by  comi)elling 
the  bishop  to  renounce  all  words  prejudicial 
to  it  in  the  Bull  of  Provision.  Thus  the  real 
power  of  appointment  was  shared  between 
Pope  and  King,  and  after  the  breach  with 
Rome  the  Crown  was  left  in  sole  possession. 

The  procedure  was  laid  down  by  statute  in 
1534  (25  Hen.  \tii.  c.  20),  which  empowers 
the  Crown  on  the  vacancy  of  a  bishopric  to 
send  the  chapter  a  licence  to  elect  '  with  a 
letter  missive  containing  the  name  of  the 
person  whom  they  shall  elect.'  If  they  delay 
above  twelve  days  the  Crown  shall  appoint 
by  Letters  Patent.  Thus  the  mediaeval  abuse 
by  which  the  chapters  had  lost  their  rights 
was  made  permanent.  After  the  election  the 
bishop-elect  shall  take  an  oath  of  fealty  to  the 
King,  who  shall  signify  the  election  to  the 
archbishop,  requiring  him  to  confirm  it  and 
consecrate  the  elect,  giving  him  '  paU  [if  an 
archbishop],  benedictions,  ceremonies,  and  all 
other  things  requisite '  without  obtaining  any 
Bulls  or  other  instruments  from  Rome.  If  he 
fail  to  do  so,  or  the  chapter  fail  to  elect  the 
person  nominated,  they  are  liable  to  Prae- 
munire iq.v.).  The  Act  1  Edw.  vi.  c.  2  (1547) 
abolished  this  procedure  on  the  ground  that 
'  such  elections  be  in  very  deed  no  elections,' 
and  substituted  appointment  by  Letters 
Patent.  This  Act  was  repealed  in  1554 
(1-2  Ph.  and  M.  c.  8).  Under  Mary  there  are 
several  instances  of  papal  provision,  but  the 
Act  of  Supremacy,  1559  (1  Eliz.  c.  1),  restored 
the  procedure  of  1534,  under  which  bishops  are 
still  appointed. 

After  election  the  King  sends  his  mandate 
to  the  archbishop,  who  holds  a  court  (in  which 
the  Vicar-General  presides)  and  cites  objectors 
to  appear.  At  the  confirmations  of  Drs. 
Hampden  (q.v.),  Temple  {q.v.),  and  Gore 
(1902,  2  K.B.  503),  the  Vicar-General  refused 
to  hear  objectors,  holding  that  confirmation 


was  a  ministerial  duty,  and  the  only  relevant 
objections  would  be  against  the  formality  f)f 
the  election  or  the  identity  of  the  elect. 
Objections  to  fitness  for  the  office  must  be 
made  at  an  earlier  stage.  At  confirmation 
the  bishop-elect  takes  the  oaths  of  allegiance 
and  of  canonical  obedience  to  the  archbishop, 
and  the  declaration  against  simony,  and  the 
vicar-general  commits  the  spiritualities  of  the 
see  to  him,  and  orders  him  to  be  enthroned. 
Enthronement  in  the  southern  province  is 
the  right  of  the  Archdeacon  of  Canterbury ; 
in  the  northern  province  the  Archbishop  of 
York  appoints  ad  hoc.  After  confirmation 
the  bishop-elect  has  potesias  iurisdictionis,  and 
can  perform  all  episcopal  acts  except  those 
which  depend  on  consecration.  This  is 
given  usually  by  the  archbishop  and  at  least 
two  other  bishops,  its  essential  form  being  the 
simultaneous  lajing  on  of  the  hands  of  the 
consecrators.  It  confers  poieslas  ordinis,  and 
is  preceded  by  an  '  oath  of  due  obedience ' 
to  the  archbishop.  By  ancient  custom  no 
consecration  of  a  bishop  of  the  southern 
province  may  take  place  out  of  Canterbury 
Cathedral  save  by  licence  of  the  dean  and 
chapter  of  Canterbury.  Finally,  the  new 
bishop  sues  for  his  temporalities,  which  are 
restored  on  his  taking  an  oath  of  homage, 
acknowledging  that  he  holds  the  bishopric 
'  as  well  the  spiritualities  as  the  temporalities 
thereof  '  from  the  Crown.  '  Spirituahties  ' 
in  this  sense  means  the  emoluments  from 
ecclesiastical  sources  such  as  tithes,  as 
opposed  to  the  income  from  purely  temporal 
sources,  manors  and  the  like.  These  are  the 
only  spiritualities  which  are  in  the  King's 
hands  and  can  be  given  by  him.  The 
spiritualities  of  jurisdiction  are  vested  dur- 
ing vacancy  in  the  guardian  of  the  spirituali- 
ties, by  canon  law  the  dean  and  chapter,  but 
by  custom  usually  the  archbishop. 

There  are  three  processes  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  bishop.  (1)  He  must  be  chosen. 
In  almost  every  country  at  every  age  since 
the  conversion  of  Constantino  the  State, 
with  the  acquiescence  of  the  Church,  has  had 
a  large  share  in  the  choice.  In  England  until 
the  end  of  the  Stuart  period  the  sovereign's 
personal  will  was  the  chief  factor.  William 
m.,  not  being  a  churchman,  was  advised  by  a 
commission  of  divines.  Sir  Robert  Walpole 
was  the  first  lay  minister  to  acquire  the  regular 
power  of  choosing  bishops.  In  election  and 
confirmation  the  Church  accepts  the  State's 
choice.  A  Bill  to  abolish  election  as  merely 
an  unedifying  formality  failed  to  pass  the 
House  of  Commons  in  1880.  Mr.  Gladstone 
{q.v.)  urged  that  the  existence  of  the  ceremony 
constituted  a  check  on  improper  appointments, 


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[Bishops 


and  alluded  to  the  case  of  Thomas  Rundle, 
whose  nomination  to  the  see  of  Gloucester 
in  1733  was  so  vigorously  opposed  by  Gibson 
{q.v.)  and  others  on  the  ground  of  his  alleged 
Deism,  that  though  it  had  been  pubhshed  it 
was  withdrawn.  It  was  also  pointed  out 
that  election  gave  the  chapter  an  opportunity 
to  protest  against  an  unfit  nominee  by  refus- 
ing to  elect  him  and  braving  a  Praemunire. 
(2)  He  must  be  'placed.  The  State  has  a  large 
share  in  deciding  to  what  diocese  a  particular 
person  shall  be  appointed ;  but  the  Church, 
through  the  archbishop,  gives  him  mission 
to  it  by  committing  the  spuitual  jurisdiction 
to  him  at  confirmation.  (3)  He  must  be 
made  a  bishop.  This  is  done  by  the  Church 
alone  at  consecration.  And  if  an  improper 
appointment  were  made,  it  would  be  the 
Church's  duty  to  withhold  consecration  at  the 
risk  of  temporal  penalties. 

Where  there  is  no  chapter  the  Crown 
appoints  by  Letters  Patent,  and  the  Church 
gives  the  nominee  mission,  as  well  as  making 
him  a  bishop,  at  consecration.  The  canonical 
qualifications  of  a  bishop  are  that  he  must  be 
thirty  years  of  age  at  least,  born  in  wedlock, 
a  learned  presbyter,  and  of  good  life  and 
behaviour. 

Removal  of  a  bishop  from  his  see  may  take 
place  in  the  following  ways  : — 

1.  Translation  to  another  see.  This  was 
forbidden  in  early  times  as  likely  to  proceed 
from  improper  motives.  A  bishop  was  held 
to  be  bound  to  the  see,  to  which  he  was 
consecrated  by  a  tie  comparable  to  that  of 
wedlock.  In  England  translation  was  hardly 
known  before  the  tenth  century,  and  was  rare 
until  the  fourteenth.  From  1066  to  1300 
only  fourteen  instances  of  English  sees  being 
vacated  by  translation  are  recorded  ;  during 
the  fourteenth  century  thirty-four,  and  during 
the  fifteenth  fifty-five.  The  increase  was 
chiefly  due  to  the  practice  of  papal  provision. 
It  was  held  that  the  Pope  alone  could  remove 
a  bishop  from  his  original  see,  and  had  a 
special  duty  to  appoint  a  bishop  for  the 
church  so  bereaved.  Consequently  the  papal 
claim  to  provide  to  all  sees  vacated  by  transla- 
tion was  admitted,  and  the  number  of  transla- 
tions increased.  In  later  times  translations 
to  wealthier  and  more  important  sees  became 
the  rule.  From  1609  to  1836  every  bishop  of 
the  rich  see  of  Ely  held  it  by  translation.  Of 
seventeen  bishops  of  Bangor  between  1689 
and  1830  thirteen  were  translated  to  other 
sees.  A  relic  of  the  earlier  feeling  may  "be 
found  in  the  refusal  of  Bishop  T.  Wilson  {q.v.) 
to  desert  his  wife  [i.e.  his  see)  in  his  old  age 
because  she  was  poor.  In  modern  times 
translations  are  common. 


2.  Resignation  on  grounds  of  incapacity 
was  permitted  though  not  encouraged  in 
early  times.  As  the  notion  of  a  matrimonial 
tie  between  bishop  and  see  grew  stronger 
resignation  was  looked  on  with  disfavour. 
In  1256  Pope  Alexander  iv.  reluctantly 
permitted  Bishop  Weseham  of  Lichfield  to 
resign  on  account  of  paralysis.  But  it  was 
more  usual  for  incapacitated  bishops  to  be 
assisted  by  coadjutors. 

By  canon  law  any  cure  can  only  be  resigned 
into  the  hands  of  the  authority  from  whom  it 
was  received.  Therefore  since  the  Reforma- 
tion an  English  bishop  could  apparently  only 
tender  his  resignation  to  his  metropoUtan 
who  had  given  him  mission,  and  the  metro- 
politan could  accept  it  with  the  consent  of 
the  Crown.  As  the  procedure  was  uncertain 
a  special  Act  was  passed  in  1856  (19-20  Vic. 
c.  115)  to  allow  the  sees  of  London  and 
Durham  to  be  declared  vacant  on  the 
resignation  of  Bishops  Blomfield  {q.v.)  and 
Maltby.  The  Bishops  Resignation  Act,  1869 
(32-3  Vic.  c.  Ill),  allowed  the  Crown  to  de- 
clare any  see  vacant  and  proceed  to  fill  it, 
if  satisfied  that  the  bishop  '  has  canonically 
resigned  '  on  account  of  incapacity  arising 
from  old  age,  mental  or  permanent  physical 
infirmity.  The  retiring  bishop  is  to  retain 
a  portion  of  the  income.  If  a  bishop  is 
incapacitated  by  permanent  mental  infirmity 
a  coadjutor  bishop  may  be  appointed  to 
perform  his  episcopal  functions,  and  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  bishopric  (except  London, 
Winchester,  or  Durham)  at  his  death.  No 
such  appointment  has  yet  been  made.  This 
scheme  was  approved  in  outUne  by  Convoca- 
tion early  in  the  same  year. 

3.  Deprivation  or  deposition  from  a  see 
could  originally  only  be  decreed  by  the 
provincial  synod.  From  the  sixth  century 
the  popes  claimed  this  jurisdiction.  In  fact, 
however,  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  kings. 
Archbishop  Theodore  {q.v.)  apparently  exer- 
cised it  on  his  own  responsibility,  but  as  a 
rule  unworthy  bishops  before  the  Norman 
Conquest  were  deprived  by  ffing  and  Witan. 
In  1070  Stigand  was  deposed  as  schismatic 
by  a  national  council,  at  which  papal  legates 
were  present.  Later  deprivations  were  made 
by  papal  authority,  but  were  few  in  number. 
A  more  usual  method  of  removing  an  ob- 
noxious or  unfit  bishop  was  by  compulsory 
translation  to  a  remote  or  unimportant  see. 
Several  instances  occur  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  civil  power  can  deprive  a 
bishop  of  the  temporal  incidents  of  his  see, 
and  can  also  prevent  him  from  exercising 
spiritual  jurisdiction.  Instances  of  this  are 
the   deprivation   of   the   Italian   bishops   of 


(60) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bishops 


Salisbury  and  Worcester  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment in  1534  (25  Hen.  viu.  c.  v.),  and  of  the 
Nonjurors  {q.v.)  under  1  -  2  W.  and  M.  c.  8. 
Bishop  Watson  of  St.  David's,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  deprived  by  the  spiritual  authority 
of  his  metropolitan  (see  below). 

4.  Degradation.  A  bishop,  like  a  priest, 
can  apparently  be  degraded  from  his  orders 
for  serious  offences.  [Discipline.]  Natur- 
ally there  are  few  instances  of  so  grave  a 
proceeding.  Cranmer  [q.v.)  was  degraded 
from  bishop  to  layman  by  virtue  of  a  papal 
commission.  In  1590  Bishop  Middleton  of 
St.  David's,  having  been  found  guilty  by  the 
Star  Chamber  of  simony  and  other  offences, 
was  handed  over  to  the  High  Commission, 
by  whom,  according  to  Heylyn  {Hist.  Examen, 
221),  he  was  '  degraded  from  all  holy  orders  ' 
at  Lambeth  '  by  a  formal  devesting  of  him 
of  his  episcopal  robes  and  priestly  vest- 
ments.' 

The  Functions  of  the  Episcopate  are,  firstly, 
to  provide  for  the  continuance  of  the  ministry 
by  consecration  of  bishops  and  ordination  of 
ministers  of  lower  degree  (Tit.  P).  From 
the  earliest  times  this  power  has  been  con- 
fined to  the  highest  order  of  the  Christian 
ministry.  Secondly,  provision  being-  thus 
made  for  the  continuance  of  the  Church,  it 
is  their  duty  to  see  that  it  fulfils  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  founded :  to  maintain  the 
faith  against  error  and  schism,  and  generally 
to  keep  the  Church  not  merely  in  order  but 
in  life.  The  authority  by  means  of  which 
these  duties  are  performed  is  exercised  by  the 
English  bishops  under  present  circumstances 
either  (a)  collectively  by  the  bishops  of  each 
province  in  synod  [Convocation,  Councils], 
or  (&)  individually  by  each  bishop  in  his 
diocese.  In  early  times  each  local  church 
was  a  self-contained  community  over  which 
a  single  bishop  presided,  the  clergy  working 
under  his  direction.  But  as  the  Church  grew 
it  became  necessary  for  him  to  give  them 
mission  to  particular  districts.  This  system 
was  followed  in  England,  the  circumstances 
of  the  conversion  leading  to  the  formation  of 
large  dioceses.  After  the  Council  of  London, 
1075,  bishops'  seats  which  had  sometimes 
been  fixed  in  villages  were  removed  to  princi- 
pal towns,  and  from  the  twelfth  century  their 
duties  were  more  definite  and  their  control 
over  their  clergy  more  complete  than  in 
Anglo-Saxon  times. 

A  bishop's  first  duty  is  to  provide  for  the 
spiritual  needs  of  his  diocese  by  ordaining 
clergy  to  work  in  it,  instituting  presentees  to 
benefices  (which  involves  the  power  to  reject 
those  who  are  unfit)  and  licensing  the 
unbeneficed   clergy.     Other   purely   spiritual 


functions  arc  confirmation,  the  consecration 
of  churches  and  churchyards,  and  certain 
powers  of  dispensation. 

The  bishop's  executive  power  is  largely 
exercised  through  officers  whom  he  appoints, 
both  clerical,  as  the  archdeacon  [q.v.)  and  lay, 
as  the  chancellor.  Formerly  he  also  exer- 
cised it  in  person  by  means  of  visitations. 
During  a  visitation  aU  inferior  authority  was 
suspended.  Peculiars  [q.v.)  were  exempt  from 
episcopal  visitation.  The  practice  of  visita- 
tion was  reorganised  and  made  more  effective 
by  Bancroft  {q.v.).  By  Canon  60  of  1604 
confirmations  were  to  be  held  at  visitations, 
wliich  were  to  take  place  every  third  year.  In 
modern  times  the  practical  work  of  visitation 
is  performed  by  the  archdeacon,  the  bishop's 
visitation  consisting  mainly  of  the  delivery 
of  a  charge.  By  virtue  of  his  inherent 
authority  a  bishop  administers,  interprets, 
and  where  necessary  supplements  the 
Church's  law,  both  by  constitutions  formally 
promulgated  in  diocesan  synod  [Councils] 
and  by  giving  directions  to  meet  particular 
needs.  An  instance  of  this  is  the  ius  liturgi- 
cum,  to  which  the  preface  to  the  Prayer  Book 
refers,  the  power  to  interpret  and  supplement 
the  written  law  of  public  worship. 

From  primitive  times  a  voluntary  jurisdic- 
tion appears  to  have  existed  in  the  Church 
to  avoid  the  scandal  of  law-suits  before 
unbelievers  (1  Cor.  &-^).  In  later  times 
much  of  the  bishop's  judicial  power  has  been 
exercised  in  formal  Courts  [q.v.).  But  he  is 
not  a  mere  judge,  bound  to  decide  every  case 
brought  before  him.  The  nature  of  his 
authority  requires  him  always  to  keep  in 
mind  the  spiritual  interests  of  the  parties 
and  of  the  Church:  Therefore  he  rightly 
possesses  the  power  of  stopping  by  his  veto 
a  suit  which  might  injure  those  interests. 
And  he  can,  if  need  be,  exercise  jurisdiction 
and  disciphne  more  privatelj^  and  informally 
in  foro  domestico,  bringing  his  paternal  and 
pastoral  authority  to  bear. 

Bishops  and  the  Temporal  Power. — As  the 
conversion  of  England  was  mainly  acliieved 
through  the  acceptance  of  Christianity  by  the 
kings,  the  bishops  of  the  Enghsh  Church  from 
its  very  foundation  have  held  an  important 
position  in  the  state.  The  pagan  priests  by 
virtue  of  their  office  had  been  prominent 
among  the  royal  counsellors.  And  to  this 
position  the  Christian  bishops  succeeded,  with 
the  additional  prestige  of  representatives  of  a 
higher  morality  and  of  the  superior  civihsa- 
tion  of  Rome.  As  a  rule,  each  bishopric  was 
originally  conterminous  with  a  kingdom,  and 
so  the  bishop  quickly  became  the  most 
important  man  after  the  King.     Owing  to  the 


(Gl) 


Bishops] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bishops 


peculiarly  close  connection  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church  and  State  the  position  of  the 
bishops  constituted  them  leaders  in  govern- 
ment, in  the  Witan,  and  even  in  the  battle- 
field ;  wliile  their  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 
was  supported  by  the  secular  power.  After 
the  union  of  the  kingdoms  they  retained  their 
position  as  leaders  in  the  national  life  without 
becoming  independent  potentates  like  the 
prince-bishops  of  German3\  Odo  was  the 
first  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (942-59)  to 
become  chief  counsellor  to  the  Crown  of 
England,  '  a  position,'  says  Bishop  Stubbs, 
'  which  he  leaves  to  Dunstan  {q.v.)  and  a  long 
series  of  successors.'  From  the  eleventh 
century  it  became  common  for  the  kings  to 
use  their  power  in  episcopal  appointments 
to  promote  their  favourites,  or  men  who  had 
earned  preferment  by  administrative  work, 
and,  being  ecclesiastics,  could  conveniently 
and  cheaply  be  rewarded  with  bishoprics. 
Thus  there  grew  up  a  class  of  bishops  who 
were  primarily  state  officials,  administrators, 
financiers,  or  diplomatists ;  men  of  high 
character  as  a  rule,  and  good  churchmen, 
but  not  specially  fitted  for  spiritual  or  ecclesi- 
astical distinction.  This  type  practicaUy 
ended  with  Wolsey  {q.v.).  Nicholas  Wotton 
(1497  ?-1567),  a  tj^iical  diplomatist  of  his 
time,  who  held  the  deaneries  of  Canterbury 
and  York  simultaneously,  more  than  once 
refused  a  bishopric  as  a  reward  for  his 
services,  holding  himseU  unfit  for  the  office. 
Many  mediaeval  bishops,  also,  were  great 
feudal  nobles,  levying  aids  from  their  clergy, 
administering  secular  justice,  and  ruhng 
their  large  estates  as  temporal  lords.  After 
the  Reformation  they  appear  shorn  of  much 
of  this  greatness,  mere  ecclesiastics,  far 
more  dependent  on  the  Crown  and  its 
ministers  than  before.  The  events  of  the 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  pro- 
duced another  change.  Dignified  and  com- 
fortable prelates  gave  way  to  hard-working 
leaders  of  a  revived  spiritual  life  in  the 
Church  and  the  nation  —  a  process  that 
was  much  afiected  by  the  increase  in  the 
number  of  dioceses.  Until  1847  every 
diocesan  bishop  sat  in  tlic  House  of  Lords. 
[Parliament,  Clergy  in.]  The  changes  that 
have  since  taken  place  in  this  as  in  other 
respects  have  tended  to  emphasise  the 
spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  aspects  of  the 
episcopal  office. 

Archbishops. — The  organisation  of  the 
Church  into  provinces  under  metropolitans 
was  established  before  Christianity  came  to 
England.  Pope  Gregory  i.  {q.v.)  intended 
that  the  country  should  be  divided  into  two 
provinces,    but    the    course    of    events    has 


modified  his  scheme  in  some  particulars. 
During  the  Middle  Ages  the  metropolitan 
tended  to  develop^ from  primus  inter  qmres 
into  a  ruler,  though  this  tendency  was  checked 
by  the  growth  of  the  papal  power.  The 
history  of  the  appointment  of  EngUsh  arch- 
bishops has  followed  the  same  course  as  that 
of  bishops.  The  custom  of  sending  them  the 
paU  {q.v.)  died  away  with  the  necessity  of 
confirmation  of  their  election.  Under  25 
Hen.  vm.  c.  20  the  election  is  signified  to 
four  or  more  bishops  of  the  province,  or  to 
the  other  archbishop  and  two  bishops,  who 
confirm  it  and  consecrate  the  archbishop- 
elect  if  he  be  not  already  a  bishop.  The 
special  functions  of  an  archbishop  are  : — 

1.  To  summon  and  preside  in  pro\ancial 
synod,  over  the  acts  of  which  he  has  a  veto. 
[Convocation.] 

2.  To  confirm  election  of  bishops. 

3.  To  hear  appeals  from  the  diocesan 
courts.     [Courts.] 

Two  further  duties  have  been  the  subject  of 
dispute,  namely : — 

4.  To  try  charges  brought  against  a  bishop. 
In  early  times  the  bishops  were  tried  in 
provincial  synod.  In  the  IMiddle  Ages  the 
popes  claimed  this  jurisdiction,  and  it  has 
never  been  effectively  recovered  by  Convoca- 
tion; the  proceedings  of  which  against  Bishops 
Cheyney  and  Goodman  {q.v. )  of  Gloucester  in 
1571  and  1640  were  not  trials.  At  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century  the  metropolitans  as- 
sumed jurisdiction.  In  1684  Bishop  Wood  of 
Lichfield  was  suspended  by  Sancroft  {q.v.)  for 
neglect  of  duty  after  a  trial  by  two  bishops 
as  arbitrators.  Archbishop  Tenison,  with 
other  bishops  as  assessors,  tried  Bishop 
Thomas  Watson  of  St.  David's  for  simony, 
and  in  1698  sentenced  him  to  deprivation. 
This  was  upheld  by  the  Court  of  Delegates  and 
by  the  King's  Bench  on  an  application  for 
prohibition  (14  State  Trials,  447  ;  1  Ld. 
Raym.,  447  and  539).  In  1700  Tenison  tried 
Edward  Jones,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  for  the 
same  offence,  and  in  1701  suspended  him. 
In  Read  v.  Bishop  of  Lincoln  (1889,  14  P.D. 
88)  Archbishop  Benson  {q.v.)  held  that  the 
jurisdiction  over  his  suffragans  lay  in  the 
metropolitan,  who  can  exercise  it  alone,  with 
assessors,  or  in  synod.  But  high  authorities 
have  thought  that  it  may  not  be  exercised 
apart  from  the  synod. 

5.  To  visit  all  the  dioceses  in  his  province. 
This  right  was  exercised  by  some  media;val 
archbishops,  but  met  with  resistance.  In 
1322  Bishop  Grandison  of  Exeter  caused  the 
doors  of  his  cathedral  to  be  shut  against  his 
metropolitan,  and  prepared  to  resist  his 
visitation   by  force.     Such   visitations  were 


(62) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Blomfield 


held  ia  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries.  Laud  {q.v.)  visited  his  province 
by  mcaiid  of  commissioners,  163-4-7,  since 
when  tlic  practice  has  fallen  into  abe3'ance. 
Laud  also  successfully  asserted  his  right  to 
visit  the  Universities  (WiUiins,  Cone,  iv. 
525). 

Suffragans. — The  word  means  an  assistant, 
and  is  used  of  a  diocesan  bishop  in  his  relation 
to  his  metropolitan,  but  more  commonly  of 
an  assistant  to  a  diocesan  bishop.  Such  as- 
sistant bishops,  called  chorepiscopi,  were 
appointed  in  the  third  century  to  supervise 
the  outlying  parts  of  large  dioceses.  Their 
position  gave  rise  to  controversy,  and  their 
appointment  was  forbidden  in  the  ninth 
century.  In  the  later  Middle  Ages  the 
numerous  diocesan  bishops  who  were  occupied 
in  affairs  of  State  required  assistants  to  per- 
form their  episcopal  duties,  and  suffragans 
were  appointed  with  titles  taken  from  Irish 
and  Eastern  sees.  Dr.  Stubbs  enumerates 
over  a  hundred  such  l^ishops  who  acted  in 
English  dioceses  between  1306  and  1535. 
They  were  appointed  bv  the  Pope.  An  Act  of 
1534:  (26  Hen.  vin.  c.  14;  repealed  1554,  1-2 
Ph.  and  M.  c.  8;  revived  1559, 1  Eliz.  c.  1)  gave 
a  list  of  twenty-six  places  for  which  suffragans 
might  be  appointed.  The  diocesan  was  to 
present  two  candidates  to  the  King,  who 
was  to  choose  one  for  consecration.  Under 
this  Act  seventeen  suffragans  were  appointed 
down  to  1592,  after  which  it  was  disused  until 
1870,  though  the  canons  of  1604  assume  the 
existence  of  suffragans.  The  Suffragans 
Nomination  Act,  1888  (51-2  Vic.  c.  56) 
aUowed  other  places  to  be  added  to  those 
named  in  the  Act  of  1534.  The  appointment 
of  suffragans  is  now  common,  but  is  a  less 
satisfactory  method  of  relieving  overburdened 
bishops  than  the  division  of  dioceses.  By 
custom  bishops  suffragan  do  not  sit  in 
Convocation  unless  they  hold  some  position 
entithng  them  to  a  seat  in  the  Lower  House. 
The  appointment  of  coadjutor  bishops  with 
right  of  succession  was  not  regarded  with 
favour  in  the  ]\Iiddle  Ages,  as  interfering  with 
the  right  of  election,  and  occurred  rarely  in 
England ;  but  the  principle  was  admitted  by 
the  Bishops  Resignation  Act,  1869  (above). 

[G.    C] 

For  the  early  centuries  see  C.  H.  Turner, 
in  C.  Med.  Hist.,  i.  vi.  ;  JJid.  Christian  An- 
tiquities, articles  'Bishops,'  A.  W.  Haddan  ; 
'Metropolitans,'  B.  Shaw.  For  Middle  Ages 
Stubbs,  Const,  Hist.,  chaps,  viii.  and  xix. ; 
Hist.  Eiig.  Ck.,  ed.  Stephens  and  Hunt,  vols, 
i.-iii.  For  modern  times  Philliniore,  Ecd. 
Law;  Laws  of  Kiiff.,  a.i-tic\c  '  Eccl.  Law.'  See 
also  (Jibson,  Codex;  Stubbs,  lieg.  Sacr.  Aug.; 
•T.  W.  Lea,  Bishop's  Oath  of  Uoiiiagr. 


BLOMFIELD,  Charles  James  (1786-1857), 

Bishoii  of  London,  son  of  a  schoolmaster  at 
Bury  St.  Edmunds,  was  educated  at  the 
Grammar  School  there  and  at  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  where  he  was  Scholar,  and  later 
Fellow.  He  won  many  University  distinctions, 
working  twelve  and  sometimes  fifteen  hours 
every  day,  and  soon  became  famous  as  one  of 
the  most  finished  scholars  in  England.  He 
graduated  B.A.,  1808,  and  was  ordained 
deacon  in  March,  priest  in  June,  1810  by 
Dr.  Mansel,  Bishop  of  Bristol,  and  Master  of 
Trinity,  and  became  Curate  of  Chesterford, 
where  he  took  pupils.  Later  in  the  year  he 
became  Vicar  of  Quarrington,  Lines,  but  was 
non-resident.  In  1811  he  became  Rector  of 
Dunton,  Bucks,  still  holding  Quarrington,  and 
was  an  active  magistrate.  1817  he  was  made 
Rector  of  Great  and  Little  Chesterford 
(Cambs),  Rector  of  Tuddenham,  Suffolk,  and 
chaplain  to  Howley  {q.v.).  Bishop  of  London. 
In  1819  he  married  a  second  time,  and  became 
Rector  of  St.  Botolph's,  Aldgate,  retaining 
Chesterford,  however,  where  he  resided  for 
three  months  in  each  year  ;  at  other  times  an 
account  of  the  parish  was  sent  him  weekly  by 
his  curate  '  in  the  vegetable  basket.'  At 
Aldgate  he  ceased  to  take  pupils,  and  became 
an  active  parish  priest.  1822  he  became 
Archdeacon  of  Colchester,  and  1824  Bishop 
of  Chester,  retaining  his  London  Uving  in 
commendam.  He  began  to  infuse  vigorous 
life  into  his  diocese,  seeking  to  abolish  non- 
residence  and  to  raise  the  standard  of  clerical 
life,  being  specially  careful  about  ordination. 
His  attempt  to  abohsh  the  episcopal  wig  was 
frustrated  by  George  iv.,  but  permitted  by 
his  brother.  In  1828  he  became  Bishop  of 
London.  His  politics  had  undergone  great 
changes.  Early  a  Whig,  and  owing  his  first 
preferments  to  Whig  lords,  he  had  become 
opposed  to  Roman  Catholic  emancipation 
(1828),  and  in  1829  apologised  in  the  House 
of  Lords  for  voting  against  the  Duke  of 
Welhngton,  to  whom  he  '  owed  a  debt  of 
gratitude  for  his  favourable  opinion,  and  for 
a  recommendation  to  his  sovereign  for  an 
advancement  in  the  Church.'  He  absented 
himself  from  the  critical  division  when  the 
Reform  Bill  was  lost  in  the  House  of 
Lords  in  1831.  He  supported  it,  however, 
in  1832.  He  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Commission,  and  actively  pro- 
moted Church  reform.  Sydney  Smith  {q.v.) 
accused  him  of  '  an  ungovernable  passion 
for  business.'  In  1836  he  issued  an  appeal 
for  funds  to  build  fifty  new  churches  in 
London,  which  met  with  wonderful  success. 
During  his  episcopate  nearly  two  hundred 
new     churches    were    consecrated      one     of 


(G3) 


Boniface] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Boniface 


which  (St.  Stephen's,  Hammersmith)  was 
built  and  endowed  at  his  own  expense.  In 
dealing  with  theological  problems  he  was 
less  successful.  '  He  was  not  at  his  best  as 
a  divine,  and  .  .  .  singularly  unsure  of  his 
own  mind.  He  knew  .  .  .  that  when  the 
questions  raised  by  the  Tracts  [for  the  Times] 
came  before  him  he  was  unqualified  to  deal 
with  them'  (R.  W.  Church).  Though  de- 
scribing himself  as  in  church  principles  '  in 
entire  agreement '  with  Joshua  Watson  {q.v.), 
he  gave  no  support  to  the  Oxford  Movement, 
and  in  the  early  stages  of  the  ritual  contro- 
versy drove  W.  J.  E.  Bennett  from  St.  Paul's, 
Knightsbridge  (1851).  He  forbade  flowers 
on  the  altar  (especially  when  their  colour 
harmonised  with  that  of  a  saint's  festival) 
as  being  '  worse  than  frivolous,  and  to  ap- 
-  proach  very  nearly  to  the  honours  paid  by 
the  Church  of  Rome  to  deified  sinners.'  In  a 
famous  charge  (1842)  he  had  urged  obedience 
to  the  rubric  and  enjoined  the  use  of  the 
surplice  in  preaching,  a  weekly  '  offertory,' 
and  the  reading  of  the  Church  Militant  prayer. 
Protests  from  Evangelical  clergy  induced  him 
to  recede  from  this  position.  He  was  deeply 
involved  in  the  Jerusalem  Bishopric  {q.v.) 
scheme  of  1841.  He  supported  the  revival  of 
Convocation  (1851),  signed  a  protest  against 
Dr.  Hampden's  {q.v.)  appointment  to  Here- 
ford (1847),  and  as  an  assessor  dissented  from 
the  judgment  of  the  Privy  Council  in  the 
Gorham  {q.v.)  case  (1850).  He  was  a  friend 
and  ally  of  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  and 
dissuaded  him  from  resigning  his  see  when  his 
brother,  R.  I.  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  became  a 
Roman  Catholic  (1854).  He  was  an  admirable 
preacher,  '  very  effective  in  manner,'  only 
'  he  flings  his  head  at  you  too  much,'  but  on 
occasion  in  preaching  '  he  was  affected  to 
tears.'  His  incessant  activities  and  his 
early  overwork  at  Cambridge  undermined 
his  health.  An  accident  at  a  Council  at 
Osborne  (1846)  produced  an  illness  from 
which  he  never  quite  recovered.  He  became 
paralysed,  October  1855,  and  he  resigned  his 
see  (by  special  Act  of  Parhament),  1856. 
He  made  gallant  but  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  establish  a  satisfactory  Final  Court  of 
Appeal  for  ecclesiastical  cases.  He  is  bitterly 
attacked  by  Disraeh  in  Tancred. 

[s.   L.  0.] 

Memoir    by    his    son  ;    Memoir    of   Joshua 
Watson;  Life  of  Bishop  &.  Wilberforce. 

BONIFACE,  St.,  oiWYNFRITH (680-754), 

the  apostle  of  German}-,  was  born  at 
Crediton  in  Devon.  He  received  his  early 
education  at  Exeter,  but  soon  left  it  for  the 
monastery  of  Nursling,  near  Winchester,  where 


he  gained  a  reputation  as  a  preacher.  He  was 
ordained  priest  at  the  age  of  thirty,  and  in 
716  made  his  first  missionary  journey  to 
Frisia,  But  he  failed  to  win  any  success. 
Radbod,  the  heathen  king,  was  at  war  with 
Charles  Martel,  and  checked  in  every  way  the 
progress  of  Christianity  in  his  territory. 
Under  these  circumstances  Boniface  was 
compelled  to  return  to  NursUng  in  717. 
He  did  not,  however,  give  up  the  idea ; 
indeed,  he  refused  to  accept  the  abbacy  of 
Nursling,  on  the  ground  that  his  work  lay 
in  a  different  sphere.  In  the  following  year, 
accompanied  by  a  few  friends,  he  went  to 
Rome,  bearing  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Daniel,  Bishop  of  Winchester  {Ep.  11). 
Gregory  n.  received  him  with  favour,  and 
gave  him  authority  to  evangehse  Germany. 
Boniface  then  returned  through  Bavaria  and 
Thuringia,  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of 
Radbod,  and  immediately  hastened  to 
Frisia.  Here  he  worked  with  increasing 
success  for  three  years  with  WiUibrord  {q.v.), 
the  EngUsh  Bishop  of  Utrecht,  who  urged 
him  to  become  coadjutor  to  his  bishopric; 
but  Boniface  decUned,  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  not  yet  fifty  years  of  age.  In  722  he  went 
to  Hesse,  where  he  founded  a  church  at 
Amoneburg.  His  success  became  known  to 
the  Pope,  who  summoned  him  to  Rome,  and 
on  30th  November  723  consecrated  him 
bishop  after  he  had  taken  a  solemn  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  apostohc  see.  Armed  with 
commendatory  letters  to  Charles  Martel 
and  the  clergy  and  princes  ^vith  whom  he 
was  likely  to  come  in  contact  {Ep.  17-21), 
Boniface  left  Rome  to  continue  his  mission- 
ary work.  Charles  gave  him  permission  to 
preach  the  Gospel  in  Hesse  and  Thuringia, 
but  it  is  doubtful  how  much  real  assistance 
Boniface  received  from  him.  The  saint's 
weU-known  letter  to  Bishop  Daniel  {Ep.  63) 
is  ambiguous :  '  Without  the  protection  of  the 
prince  of  the  Franks  I  can  neither  rule  the 
people  of  the  Church  nor  defend  the  priests 
or  clergy,  monks  or  nuns.'  These  words, 
commonly  considered  as  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  dependence  on  the  Frankish  king,  may 
equally  mean  that  he  is  handicapped  by  lack 
of  support  from  the  temporal  ruler.  This 
interpretation  would  explain  the  fact  that 
during  Charles's  lifetime  Boniface  made  no 
attempt  to  organise  the  Church  in  the  East 
Frankish  or  Austrasian  districts,  but  confined 
his  energies  to  Bavaria,  where  no  doubt  he 
was  assisted  by  Prince  Odilo. 

Hesse  and  Thuringia,  whither  Boniface 
now  turned  his  attention,  were  partially 
Christian,  but  still  maintained  much  of  their 
pagan  rites.     Boniface  struck  at  the  heart 


(64) 


Boniface] 


Dictionary  of  Exgli^h  Church  Hislorij 


[Bonner 


of  the  mischief :  he  felled  the  oak  dedicated 
to  Thor  which  stood  at  Geismar,  not  far  from 
Fritzlar.  Out  of  its  timber  ho  erected  a 
missionary  chapel,  and  shortly  after  founded 
a  monastery  at  Fritzlar.  The  elicct  of  this 
action  on  the  minds  of  the  pagans  seems  to 
have  been  considerable,  and  large  numbers 
were  converted.  In  732  Gregory  ill.  raised 
Boniface  to  the  dignity  of  archbishop,  thus 
giving  him  a  wider  authority  over  the  clergy 
of  Germany.  In  73S  ho  paid  his  third  visit 
to  Rome,  probably  to  make  arrangements  for 
the  reorganisation  of  the  Church  in  Bavaria, 
which  was  soon  carried  out.  The  duchy  was 
divided  into  four  bishoprics,  Salzburg, 
Passau,  Freising,  and  Regensburg.  On  the 
death  of  Charles  Martel  in  741  Boniface  set 
to  work  to  reform  the  Frankish  Church.  In 
this  he  received  great  assistance  from 
Carloman  and  Pippin,  the  successors  of 
Charles,  and  his  powers  were  at  the  same 
time  increased  by  Pope  Zacharias,  who 
created  him  legate.  Four  bishoprics  were 
set  up  in  Hesse  and  Thuringia,  at  Wiirzburg, 
Buraburg,  Erfurt,  and  Eichstadt.  A  marked 
advance  was  made  in  carrying  out  Church 
reform  when  on  21st  April  742  the  first 
Austrasian  Council  was  held.  This  was 
followed  by  a  series  of  similar  councils.  At 
the  Council  of  744  heresy  was  attacked. 
Adalbert,  a  fanatic  who  dedicated  churches 
to  his  own  honour,  and  Clement,  an  un- 
orthodox Irish  priest,  were  condemned. 
They,  however,  continued  to  preach  and  to 
influence  a  considerable  following.  Another 
Irish  priest,  Virgil,  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Salzburg,  was  attacked  by  Boniface,  but, 
supported  by  the  Pope,  he  escaped  con- 
demnation. In  745  a  council  was  held  for 
the  entire  Frankish  dominions.  Boniface 
presided,  and  it  was  probably  on  this  occasion 
that  he  was  given  the  diocese  of  Cologne. 
But  before  he  had  been  installed  the  see  of 
Mainz  fell  vacant,  and  was  granted  to  Boniface 
with  the  primacy  over  aU  Germany.  But  a 
desire  to  return  to  missionary  work  in  Frisia, 
the  scene  of  his  first  activities,  was  always 
strong  with  him.  In  753,  therefore,  he 
resigned  his  archbishopric  to  his  fellow- 
countryman,  Lul,  and  departed  northward. 
On  the  5th  of  June,  Wliitsun  Eve,  754,  at  a 
place  near  Dokkum,  whra-e  he  had  arranged 
to  meet  some  Christian  converts,  Boniface 
and  his  companions,  fifty-two  in  number, 
were  massacred  by  a  band  of  heathens. 
Boniface's  remains  were  afterwards  laid  in 
the  church  at  Fulda,  which  he  had  founded 
ten  years  before. 

To  evangelise  the  heathen  parts  of  Germany, 
to  reform  and  organise  the  Frankish  Church 


already  existing,  to  bring  the  whole  under  the 
authority  of  the  Roman  see,  were  the  objects 
Boniface  set  out  to  perform.  Few  mission- 
aries have  been  rewarded  with  a  larger 
measure  of  success  or  achieved  more  for 
Christianity  in  Europe.  Though  he  left 
England  early  in  life  he  never  lost  touch  with 
it,  and  more  than  once  he  sent  thither  for 
recruits  to  assist  him  in  his  work.  Moreover, 
throughout  his  career  he  kept  up  a  frequent 
correspondence  with  his  fellow-countrymen ; 
and  his  letters,  which  have  been  preserved, 
are  of  profound  interest  as  illustrative  both 
of  the  times  and  of  the  character  of  the  saint 
himself.  The  few  other  writings  that  have 
been  preserved  are  of  comparatively  little 
interest.  St.  Boniface  is  commemorated  on 
5th  June.  [a.  l.  p.] 

Letters,  ed.  by  Diimtiiler,  in  Mon.  Germ.  Hist. 
Epistolae,  iii.  and  also  by  Jatie,  Bihl.  Rev. 
Germ.,  iii.  The  references  given  al)ove  are  to 
the  former  edition.  The  Life  by  Willibald, 
together  with  five  shorter  lives  ed.  by  Levison, 
in  Scriptores  Her.  Germ.  Vitae  S.  Jionifatii ; 
Werner,  Bonifacms  der  Apostel  der  Leutschen  ; 
and  Bishop  G.  F.  Browne,  Boniface  of  Grediton 
and  his  Companions. 

BONNER,  Edmund  (c.  1500-69),  Bishop  of 
London,  is  said  to  have  been  a  priest's  son. 
Bachelor  of  both  Laws  at  Oxford  (Pembroke 
College),  and  Doctor  (1524).  Chaplain  to 
Wolsey  {q.v. ) ;  much  employed  by  Henry  vin. 
on  business  abroad  (1524-43)  in  Italy,  France, 
and  Spain  ;  presented  (1532)  to  Clement  vii. 
Henry's  appeal  to  a  General  CouncU.  Rec- 
tor of  Cherry  Burton,  of  East  Dereham,  and 
Archdeacon  of  Leicester.  Bishop  of  Hereford 
(1538)  and  of  London  (1539),  a  promotion  due 
to  Cromwell  {q.v.)  and  distasteful  to  Gardiner 
[q.v.),  with  whom  Bonner  had  quarrelled,  and 
from  whom  he  differed  in  his  poUcy  about 
the  Enghsh  Bible.  His  knowledge  of  law  and 
abihty  as  a  subordinate  led  to  his  frequent 
employment  in  legal  business,  such  as  en- 
forcing the  Six  Articles,  and  under  Mary  for 
degradation  of  ecclesiastics.  On  the  acces- 
sion of  Edward  vi.  he  at  first  resisted  the 
Visitation  and  Injunctions  of  1547,  and  was 
sent  to  the  Fleet  for  two  months.  Later  on  he 
was  lax  in  enforcing  the  use  of  the  First 
Prayer  Book.  He  was  ordered  to  preach  at 
St.  Raid's  Cross  on  certain  heads  given  him. 
including  the  Mass  and  the  fuU  power  of  the 
King,  even  as  a  minor.  A  long  process 
followed,  in  which  Bonner  showed  himself 
very  firm  on  Transubstantiation,  while  not 
resisting  the  Royal  Supremacy,  and,  indeed, 
he  appealed  to  the  King.  His  defence  was 
ingenious  and  bold.  He  had  tried  to  get 
on  with  the  administration,  but  being  out  of 


E 


(65) 


Boyle] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bray 


sj'mpathy  with  them  the  attempt  failed.  In 
the  end  he  Avas  deprived  by  a  commission, 
partly  of  laymen,  but  including  Cranmer 
{q.v.).  He  was  hardly  dealt  with,  and  the 
council  rejected  the  appeal  he  had  made. 
Under  Mary  he  was  restored,  a  commis- 
sion, partly  of  laymen,  declaring  his  depriva- 
tion illegal.  He,  along  with  Thirlby,  was 
sent  to  Oxford  to  degrade  Cranmer,  and 
his  behaviour  there  compared  badly  with 
Thirlby's.  As  Bishop  of  London  he  bore  a 
chief  part  in  the  persecutions,  and  was  once 
urged  by  the  Queen  to  greater  stringency 
(1555).  Rough  and  violent-tempered,  he  yet 
gave  prisoners  chances  of  recantation,  but 
although  by  no  means  the  instigator  of 
severity  or  cruel  by  nature,  he  showed  no 
dislike  of  liis  subordinate  but  public  part  in 
the  persecutions.  Elizabeth  at  once  showed 
disfavour  to  him.  He  acted  as  President  of 
the  Southern  Convocation,  there  being  no 
archbishop,  and  under  her  was  firmer  in 
resistance  than  he  had  been  under  Edward  vi. 
He  ordered  the  old  use  to  be  kept  up  at  St. 
Paul's  even  after  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  and 
he  was  deprived  and  placed  in  the  Marshal- 
sea.  Home,  Bishop  of  Winchester  (1564), 
urged  him  to  take  the  oath  under  the  Act 
of  Supremacy.  His  refusal  and  subsecfuent 
objections  raised  interesting  points.  Apart 
from  purely  technical  matters  he  contended 
that  Home  was  no  bishop  either  bj^  ecclesi- 
astical or  civil  law.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
Edwardine  Ordinal  had  not  been  sanctioned 
by  Parhament  when  Home  was  consecrated. 
To  get  rid  of  this  legal  objection  an  Act  was 
passed  (8  Eliz.  c.  1)  legahsing  the  consecra- 
tion retrospectiveh%  but  a  proviso  added  in 
the  debates  excluded  from  this  retrospective 
sanction  acts  such  as  tendering  the  oath. 
Bonner  was  thus  saved  by  liis  ingenuity  from 
further  trouble.  Too  much  evil  has  been  said 
of  him,  but  his  training  and  character  made 
him  more  at  home  in  Henry's  diplomacy  than 
in  spiritual  matters.  Phant  to  begin  mth  as 
regards  roj'al  authority,  he  felt  strongly  upon 
Eucharistic  doctrine,  and  when  he  made  a 
stand  he  was  firm  and  bold  in  his  utterances. 
He  died  in  the  Marshalsea  prison,  September 
1569,  and  is  buried  in  the  churchyard  of 
St.  George's,  Southwark.  [j.  p.  w.] 

Collier,  Ecd.  Ilisf.-.  Gainliier  in  D.X./i.  ; 
S.  R.  Maitland,  Essays  on  the  lieformativn, 
xvii.-xx. 

BOYLE,  Hon.  Robert  (1627-91),  was  the 
ideal  lay  churchman  of  the  later  seventeenth 
century,  devout,  learned,  popular,  eminent. 
He  was  the  fourteenth  child  of  the  first  Earl 
of  Cork  (1566-1643),  and  was  brought  up  by 


a  pious  elder  sister  during  his  earlier  years, 
afterwards  travelling  abroad  till  the  death  of 
his  father,  when  he  returned  to  England. 
Here  he  became  one  of  the  members  of  the 
Philosophical  (which  eventually  became  the 
Royal)  Society,  at  first  in  London  and  after- 
wards at  Oxford,  where  meetings  were  held 
alternately  at  Wadliam  College  and  at 
Boyle's  lodgings  in  the  High  Street.  He 
was  deeply  engaged  in  the  study  of  chemistrj', 
mechanics,  and  physics,  and,  no  less,  in 
theology,  and  especiallj^  in  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments.  He  was  a  voluminous  writer 
and  a  brilliant  talker.  '  Mr.  Cowley  and 
Sir  William  Davenant  both  thought  him 
equal  in  that  respect  to  the  most  celebrated 
geniuses  of  that  age.'  He  lived  in  London 
with  his  sister.  Lady  Ranelagh,  for  nearly 
thirty  years,  and  was  a  constant  attendant 
at  St.  Martin-in-the-Eields,  where  Tenison 
(afterwards  archbishop)  was  rector.  Burnet 
{q.v.),  to  the  expense  of  publication  of  whose 
History  of  the  Refortnation  he  generously  con- 
tributed, was  another  of  his  clerical  friends, 
and  when  he  died  (30th  December  1691) 
preached  his  funeral  sermon  in  warm  eulogy. 
He  gave  '  a  large  account  of  IVIr.  Boyle's 
sincere  and  unaffected  piety ;  and  more 
especially  of  his  zeal  for  the  Christian  religion, 
without  having  any  narrow  notions  con- 
cerning it,  or  mistaking,  as  so  many  do,  a 
bigoted  heat  in  favour  of  a  particular  sect 
for  that  zeal  which  is  an  ornament  of  a  true 
Christian.' 

In  natural  science  Boyle  was  a  Baconian, 
and  the  famous  Boerhave  of  Leiden  said  of 
him :  '  Mr.  Boyle,  the  ornament  of  his  age 
and  country,  succeeded  to  the  genius  and 
inquiries  of  the  great  chancellor  Verulam. 
Which  of  all  Mr.  Boyle's  writings  shall  I 
recommend  ?  All  of  them.  To  him  we  owe 
the  secrets  of  fire,  air,  water,  animals,  vege- 
tables, fossils;  so  that  from  his  works  may  be 
deduced  the  whole  system  of  natural  know- 
ledge.' 

By  his  wdll  he  founded  annual  Boyle 
Lectures  'for  the  defence  of  the  Gospel  against 
infidels  of  all  sorts.'  Bentley  preached  the 
first  course  in  1692.  Addison  spoke  of  him 
as  '  an  honour  to  his  country,'  and  the 
dissenter  Calamj^  described  him  as  '  one  of 
the  two  great  ornaments  of  Charles  n.'s 
reign.'  [w.  H.  H.] 

Birch,  Life  of  Boyle  ;  Overton,  Life  in  the 
Knij.  Ch.,  1'660-1714. 

BRAY,  Dr.  Thomas  (1656-1730),  deserves  an 
honoured  place  in  the  history  of  the  Church 
of  England  for  his  efforts  on  behalf  of  educa- 
tion and  of  missions.     He  took  his  degrees  at 


(6G) 


Bray] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Ilistori/ 


Bristol 


Oxford  (All  Souls,  Hart  Hall,  and  xMagdalcn 
CoUege),  and  was  from  1690  Rector  of  Sheldon, 
where  he  published  Catechetical  Lectures, 
which  won  him  considerable  fame.  From 
1695  he  was  interested  in  America,  and  in  the 
provision  of  libraries  both  there  and  at 
home,  towai'ds  which  he  induced  the  arch- 
bishops and  others  '  cheerfully  to  contribute.' 
In  England  he  succeeded  in  founding  eighty 
libraries,  in  North  America  thirty-nine. 
In  England  the  scheme  was  advocated  by  a 
vigorous  Essay  toivards  promoting  all  neces- 
sary and  useful  Knowledge,  both  divine 
and  human,  in  all  parts  of  his  Majesty's 
Dominions  (1697).  In  this  he  advocated 
his  plan  for  the  benefit  of  the  laity  thus  : 
'  For  our  younger  gentry,  I  cannot  but  think 
it  would  tend  extremely  to  furnish  their 
minds  with  that  useful  knowledge  as  will 
render  'em  serviceable  to  their  families  and 
countries,  and  will  make  'em  considerable 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  will  keep  'em 
from  idle  conversation  and  the  debaucheries 
attending  it,  to  have  choice  collections  of  such 
books  dispersed  thro'  all  the  kingdom,  and 
waiting  upon  'em  in  their  own  parlours,  as 
wiU  ennoble  their  minds  with  principles  of 
virtue  and  true  honour,  and  will  file  off  that 
roughness,  ferity,  and  barbarity  which  are 
the  never-failing  fruits  of  ignorance  and 
Uliterature.'  His  advice  to  the  clergy  was 
of  a  similar  character.  '  The  truth  is,'  he 
wrote,  '  there  are  a  sort  of  writers  which  are 
traditionally  handed  down  from  one  old  study 
to  another,  who  are  not  such  a  good-humoured 
and  in\ating  society  as  to  make  one  delight 
much  in  their  conversation.  But  what  man 
of  spirit  or  education,  had  he  a  Justin  Martyr, 
a  TertuUian  or  Cyprian ;  a  Sanderson,  a 
Hammond  or  Tillotson  come  to  visit  him, 
would  leave  such  men  of  sense  for  the  society 
of  the  sons  of  Belial !  ' 

From  these  libraries  seemingly  grew  the 
Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge, 
of  which  he  was  one  of  the  original  five 
members.  At  the  end  of  1699  he  sailed  for 
North  America  as  commissary  of  the  Bishop 
(Compton)  of  London,  working  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Church  and  for  the 
education  of  clergy.  Returning  to  England 
he  obtained  the  passing  of  an  Act  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Church  in  America,  but 
he  laboured  in  vain  to  secure  the  appointment 
of  a  bishop.  The  S.P.C.K.  had  grown  during 
his  absence,  and  in  1701  he  procured  a  charter 
for  the  creation  of  a  new  society  to  extend 
and  supplement  its  work,  the  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel.  In  1723  he 
founded  the  society  of  '  Dr.  Bray's  Associates 
for  founding  clerical  libraries  and  supporting 


negro  schools,'  which  still  continues  and 
publishes  a  yearly  account  of  its  work.  From 
1706  he  was  Rector  of  St.  Botolph's,  Aldgate, 
where  he  was  famous  for  his  catechising  of 
children.  He  was  also  one  of  the  first  to 
pay  special  attention  to  inmates  in  prison, 
for  whom  he  organised  special  ministrations. 
One  of  his  last  works  was  to  design  a  colony 
in  America  for  English  unemployed.  He 
was  a  vigorovis  and  humorous  writer  and  a 
parish  priest  of  exemplary  devotion,  and  to 
no  one  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  does  the  practical  work  of  the 
English  Church  owe  a  greater  debt. 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Rt'jiorf^  (if  I>r.   liiinfs  AssinrAaUs  \  Overton, 

/.//;■  /;/  Uw  EiHj.  cii..  ii:<;o-iri.'/. 

BRISTOL,  See  of,  was  founded  by  Letters 
Patent,  5th  June  1542,  under  the  power  to 
erect  new  sees  conferred  upon  the  Crown 
by  31  Hen.  viii.  c.  9  (1539).  It  consisted  of 
the  county  and  archdeaconry  of  Dorset, 
taken  from  the  diocese  of  Salisbury  {q.v.); 
the  city  and  county  of  Bristol,  taken  from 
the  dioceses  of  Gloucester  {q.v.),  Bath  and 
Wells  {q.v.),  and  Worcester  {q.v.);  and  the 
manor  of  Leigh  in  Somerset  (which  last  was 
surrendered  to  the  Crown  by  Bishop  Bush  in 
1549).  The  monastery  of  St.  Augustine, 
Bristol,  a  house  of  Augustinian  canons, 
founded,  1142,  by  Robert  Fitzhardinge,  had 
been  liberaUy  endowed,  its  income  in  1539 
being  £692,  2s.  7d.  It  became  a  mitred 
abbey,  1398.  In  1534  the  abbot  and  eigh- 
teen canons  subscribed  the  Royal  Suprem- 
acy ;  in  1535  it  was  visited  by  Layton  {q.v.), 
and  surrendered  in  1539,  the  abbot  and  eleven 
canons  being  pensioned.  In  1542  its  church 
was  made  the  cathedral  church  of  the  new 
see,  with  a  dedication  to  the  Holy  Trinity. 
According  to  Browne  Willis,  it  '  is  truly  no 
elegant  structure,  being  reputed  one  of  the 
meanest  cathedrals  in  the  kingdom.'  Re- 
storations, including  a  complete  rebuilding 
of  the  nave,  undertaken  in  the  nineteenth 
century  at  a  cost  of  over  £100,000,  have  only 
partly  removed  this  reproach.  The  other 
monastic  buildings  were  transformed  into 
residences  for  the  bishop  and  chapter,  which 
was  to  consist  of  a  dean,  six  major  and  six 
minor  canons,  deacon,  sub-deacon,  master  of 
the  choristers,  two  masters  of  the  grammar 
school,  sub-sacrist  or  sexton,  butler,  two 
cooks,  and  others — in  all  thirty-nine.  There 
are  now  a  dean,  four  residentiary,  twenty-five 
honorary,  and  three  minor  canons. 

The  see  was  originally  endowed  with  lands 
estimated  to  produce  an  income  of 
£383,  8d.  4d.,  and  was  one  of  the  poorest  in 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bristol 


England,  which  accounts  for  the  frequency 
of  translations.  Ecton  (1711)  gives  the 
value  as  £327,  5s.  7id.  The  present  income 
is  £3000.  In  1835  'the  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
missioners recommended  that  the  see  should 
be  united  with  LlandafE  {q.v.).  Objection 
was  taken  to  this,  and  also  to  their  second 
suggestion,  that  the  city  of  Bristol  should  be 
transferred  to  Bath  and  Wells.  Eventually 
by  an  Order  in  Council  of  5th  October  1836 
Dorset  was  restored  to  Salisbury,  and  the 
sees  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol  were  united, 
the  diocese  to  consist  of  the  county  of  Glouces- 
ter, and  the  deaneries  of  Malmesbury  and 
Cricklade  in  the  county  of  Wilts,  which  Mith 
four  deaneries  in  the  county  of  Gloucester 
constituted  the  new  archdeaconry  of  Bristol. 
Bedminster  was  added  to  it  by  transference 
from  Bath  and  Wells  in  1845.  The  chapters 
of  Gloucester  and  Bristol  were  to  elect  the 
bishop  alternately.  The  Bishopric  of  Bristol 
Act,  1884  (47-8  Vic.  c.  66),  provided 
that  a  separate  diocese  should  be  formed 
as  soon  as  the  necessary  endowment  was 
secured.  This  was  effected  in  1897,  largely 
through  the  energy  of  Archdeacon  Norris,  the 
income  of  the  see  being  £3000,  of  which  £700 
was  taken  from  Gloucester.  The  diocese  was 
constituted  by  Order  in  Council  of  7th  July 
1897. '  It  consists  of  the  deaneries  of  Bristol, 
Stapleton,  and  Bitton,  the  portion  of  Wilts 
already  in  the  united  diocese,  and  three 
parishes  in  Somerset  transferred  from  Bath 
and  Wells.  It  is  divided  into  the  arch- 
deaconries of  Bristol  and  North  Wilts  (con- 
stituted 1904),  and  has  a  population  of 
583,000. 

Bishops  of  Bristol 

1.  Paul    Bush,    1542  ;     Provincial    of    the 

'  Bonhommes,'  a  reformed  order  of 
Austin  friars,  and  last  Provost  of  their 
house  at  Edington,  Wilts  ;  he  was  a 
strong  Conservative,  defending  the  Mass 
in  Latin.  Having  married,  he  was 
deprived  after  Mary's  accession,  but  re- 
signed before  the  sentence  was  executed, 
and  died  Rector  of  Winterbourne,  near 
Bristol,  1558.  Ihe  inscription  on  his 
monument  in  the  cathedral  ends  with 
the  words  cuius  animae  propHieiur 
Christus. 

2.  John  Holj^man,  1554  ;    formerly  a  monk 

of  Reading ;  learned  and  a  famous 
preacher  ;  opposed  Henry's  divorce  ; 
was  on  the  commission  to  try  Ridley 
{q.v.)  and  Latimer  {q.v.),  but  '  lived 
peacefully,  not  embrewing  his  hands 
in  Protestants'  blood '  (Fuller) ;  d. 
1558. 


3. 


5. 

6. 

7. 
8. 
9. 

10. 
11. 

12. 


13. 


14. 


18, 


19, 


Richard  Cheyney,  1562 ;  disputed 
against  Transubstantiation  in  Convo- 
cation, 1553 ;  the  citizens  of  Bristol 
complained  to  Cecil  of  his  belief  in  the 
Real  Presence  and  the  freedom  of  the 
will ;  was  excommunicated  for  refusing 
to  sign  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  1571, 
but  apparently  submitted ;  approved 
of  pictures  and  crucifixes  in  churches ; 
Campion  the  Jesuit  tried  to  convert 
him  to  Rome ;  he  held  the  see  in  com- 
mendam  with  Gloucester  ;  d.  1579. 

John  Bullingham,  1581  ;  appointed  to 
both  sees  after  two  years'  vacancy ; 
res.  Bristol,  1589. 

Richard  Fletcher,  1589 ;  tr.  to  Worcester, 
1593.     See  vacant  ten  years. 

John  Thornborough,  1603 ;  tr.  from 
Limerick  ;  tr.  to  Worcester,  1617. 

Nicholas  Felton,  1617  ;   tr.  to  Elv,  1618. 

Rowland  Searchfield,  1619 ;    d.  1622. 

Robert  Wright,  1623;  tr.  to  Lichfield, 
1632. 

George  Coke,  1633  ;  tr.  to  Hereford,  1636. 

Robert  Skinner,  1637 ;  tr.  to  Oxford, 
1641. 

Thomas  W'estfield,  1642 ;  refused  the 
bishopric,  1617,  but  now  accepted  be- 
cause he  was  rich  enough  to  '  adorn  it 
with  hospitaUty  out  of  his  own  estate  '  ; 
fainted  with  agitation  when  preaching 
before  Charles  i.  ;  though  a  Royalist, 
was  allowed  hy  ParUament  to  retain 
his  emoluments ;  attended  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  1643  ;    d.  1644. 

Thomas  Howell,  1644 ;  the  last  bishop 
consecrated  in  England  for  sixteen 
years  ;  d.  1646  in  consequence  of  rough 
treatment  at  the  capture  of  Bristol, 
1645  ;  his  wife  had  died  earher  from 
the  same  cause.  The  citizens  of  Bristol 
undertook  the  education  of  his  children, 
'  in  grateful  memory  of  their  most 
worthy  father.'  See  vacant  fifteen 
years. 

Gilbert  Ironside  i.,  1661  ;  treated  non- 
conforming ministers  with  forbearance ; 
d.  1671. 

Guy  Carleton,  1672  ;  Dean  of  Carlisle ; 
tr.  to  Chichester,  1679. 

WiUiam  Gulston,  1679  ;    d.  1684. 

John  Lake,  1684  ;  tr.  from  Sodor  and 
Man  ;  instituted  weekly  Eucharist  in 
the  cathedral ;  one  of  the  Seven  Bishops 
{q.v.) ;  tr.  to  Chichester,  1685. 

Sir  Jonathan  Trelawnej^  Bart.,  1685 ; 
one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  j  tr.  to 
Exeter,  1689. 

Gilbert  Ironside  ii.,  1689 ;  son  of  the  four- 
teenth bishop  ;  tr.  to  Hereford,  1691. 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[British 


20.  John  Halh  1691  ;    Master  of  Pembroke 

College,  Oxford  ;  a  Puritan  who  *  could 
bring  all  the  theology  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly  out  of  the  Church 
Catechism'  ;    d.  1710. 

21.  John  Robinson,  1710  ;  Dean  of  Windsor  ; 

tr.  to  London,  1713. 

22.  George     Smalridge,     1714 ;      friend     of 

Atterbury  {q.v.),  whom  he  succeeded 
in  the  deanery  of  Christ  Church,  hold- 
ing it  in  commendam  with  the  bishopric  ; 
d.  1719. 

23.  Hugh  Boulter,  1719  ;  tr.  to  Armagh,  1723. 

24.  WiUiam     Bradshaw,     1724;      held     the 

deanery  of  Christ  Church  in  commen- 
dam; d.  1732. 

25.  Charles  Cecil,  1733  ;   tr.  to  Bangor,  1734. 

26.  Thomas  Seeker,  1735 ;  tr.  to  Oxford,  1737. 

27.  Thomas  Gooch,  1737  ;    Master  of  Caius 

and  Gon\-ille  College,  Cambridge ;  tr. 
to  Norwich,  1738. 

28.  Joseph  Butler  {q.v.),  1738  ;    tr.  to  Dur- 

ham, 1750. 

29.  John  Conybeare,  1750 ;    Dean  cf  Christ- 

church  ;    d.   1755. 

30.  John  Hume,  1756  ;  tr.  to  Oxford,  1758. 

31.  Philip  Young,  1758  ;  tr.  to  Oxford,  1761. 

32.  Thomas    Newton,    1761  ;     Dean    of    St. 

Paul's ;  endeavoured  to  reform  the 
diocese,  and  complained  of  the  non- 
residence  of  the  cathedral  clergy,  and 
that  he  was  '  there  for  months  together 
without  seeing  the  face  of  dean  or  pre- 
bendary, or  anything  better  than  a 
minor  canon  '  ;   d.  1782. 

33.  Lewis    Bagot,    1782;     Dean    of    Christ 

Church  ;   tr.  to  Norwich,  1783. 

34.  Christopher  Wilson,  1783  ;   d.  1792. 

35.  Spencer    Madan,    1792 ;     tr.    to    Peter- 

borough, 1794. 

36.  Henry   Reginald   Courtenay,    1794 ;     tr. 

to  Exeter,  1797. 

37.  Ffolliot  Herbert  Walker  Cornewall,  1797  ; 

tr.  to  Hereford,  1803. 

38.  George  Pelham,  1803  ;  tr.  to  Exeter,  1807. 

39.  John  Luxmoore,  1807  ;  Dean  of  Glouces- 

ter ;  tr.  to  Hereford,  1808. 

40.  William  Lort  Hansel,  1808;    Master  of 

Trinity,  Cambridge  ;  famous  for  jests 
and  epigrams  ;   d.  1820. 

41.  John   Kaye,    1820;     Master  of   Christ's 

College,  Cambridge ;  tr.  to  Lincoln, 
1827. 

42.  Robert  Gray,    1827;    father   of   Bishop 

Robert  Gray  {q.v.)  of  Capetown  ;  re- 
fused to  postpone  service  in  the  cathe- 
dral during  the  Reform  Riots,  1831  ; 
his  palace  was  burnt  to  the  ground  by 
the  rioters  ;   d.  1834. 

43.  Joseph  Allen,  1834  ;   tr.  to  Ely. 


I    nisliops  of  tllR 
I       united  see  of 

JG 1  o  u  c  e  s  t  e  r 
(q.v.)  and 
Bristol. 


44.  James  Henry  Monk,  1836. 

45.  Charles  Baring,  1856. 

46.  William  Thomson,  1861. 

47.  Charles  John  Ellicott,  1863 

48.  George  Forrest  Browne,  1897  ;    tr.  from 

Stepney.  [o.  c] 

Le  Neve,  Fasti;  Browne  Willis,  Cathedrals  ; 
V.C.n.  Gloicce.iter;  IJ.N.B. 


BRITISH  CHURCH.  By  the  British  Church 
is  meant  the  Christian  Church  which  existed 
in  England  and  Wales  before  the  foundation 
of  the  English  Church  by  St.  Augustine  {q.v.), 
and  after  that  event  to  a  limited  extent  in 
Wales,  Cornwall,  Cumbria,  and  Strathclyde. 
There  are  not  sufficient  facts  known  about 
this  Church  to  enable  a  continuous  history  of 
it  to  be  constructed.  The  only  contemporary 
British  historian,  Gildas,  who  died  c.  a.d.  550, 
composed  an  extremely  verbose  and  diffusive 
diatribe  against  British  kings  and  clergy, 
from  which  only  a  limited  amount  of  historical 
facts  can  be  gleaned.  It  is  here  proposed  to 
treat  the  subject  chronologically,  mention- 
ing what  is  known  about  the  British  Church 
century  by  century. 

The  first  century  is  a  blank,  broken  only 
by  legends  connecting  various  apostles, 
and  other  Scriptural  personages,  especially 
St.  Joseph  of  Arimathffia,  with  Britain. 
These  legends  may  be  dismissed  at  once. 
They  first  appear  in  very  late  writings,  and 
have  no  historical  foundation.  Full  informa- 
tion is  given  about  them  in  the  first  two 
chapters  of  Archbishop  Ussher"s  Britanni- 
carum  Ecclesiarwm  Antiquitaies. 

The  second  century  is  also  a  blank  so  far  as 
ascertained  facts  are  concerned.  But  to  it 
belongs  a  story  which  has  obtained  some 
credence  because  it  is  told  by  Bede  {q.v.) 
{H.E.,  i.  4).  It  is  to  the  effect  that  a  British 
king,  named  Lucius,  applied  to  Pope  Eleu- 
therus  in  a.d.  156  to  be  made  a  Christian, 
that  the  application  was  granted,  and  that 
the  King  and  nation  were  then  converted  to 
Christianity.  This  story  first  appears  in  a 
sixth-centviry  recension  of  the  Liber  Pontifi- 
calis  at  Rome,  whence  Bede  must  have 
borrowed  it.  It  was  unknown  to  the  British 
historian  Gildas,  and  is  entirely  -without 
support.  Bede's  version  of  it  involves 
chronological  errors,  and  Professor  Harnack 
has  recently  disposed  of  it  by  the  brilliant 
suggestion  or  discovery  that  Lucius  was  not 
a  British  king  at  all,  but  King  of  Birtha 
(confused  with  Britannia)  in  Edessa,  a 
Mesopotamian  realm,  the  sovereign  of  which 
was  Lucius  Aelius  Septimus  Megas  Abgarus 
IX.  {E.H.R.,  xxii.  pp.  767-70). 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[British 


But  while  all  attempts  to  connect  the 
introduction  of  Christianitj-  into  Britain  with 
definite  dates  and  names  in  the  second  century 
have  proved  fruitless,  there  is  indirect  and 
outside  evidence  that  Christianity  had 
penetrated  Britain  before  or  about  the  close 
of  this  century.  The  evidence  is  patristic 
in  its  source  and  general  in  its  character. 
TertuUian,  writing  c.  208,  speaks  of  there 
being  places  in  Britain  inaccessible  to  the 
Romans  yet  subject  to  Christ.  Origen, 
about  tliirty  years  later,  refers  in  two  passages 
to  the  British  people  having  come  under  the 
influence  of  Christianity.  But  how  did  they 
so  come  ?  In  the  absence  of  precise  informa- 
tion the  most  probable  supposition  is  that 
Christianity  came  through  Gaul,  between 
which  country  and  Britain  commercial 
intercourse  was  going  on.  There  maj^,  too, 
have  been  individual  Christians  among  the 
numerous  Roman  soldiers  who  were  then 
stationed  in  Britain.  The  almost  universally 
Latin,  or  at  least  non-Celtic,  names  of  such 
British  martyrs,  bishops,  and  others  as  have 
been  preserved  point  to  a  preponderating 
Roman  rather  than  Celtic  element  in  the 
personnel  of  the  British  Church ;  though 
against  this  inference  it  must  also  be  remem- 
bered that,  as  in  the  cases  of  Patricius  and 
PelagiuSj,  the  names  known  to  us  may  be 
assumed  Christian  names  superseding  some 
earlier  Celtic  names  of  which,  in  most  cases, 
no  record  has  survived.  Possibly  the  British 
Church  consisted  at  first  of  converts  to 
Christianity  among  the  Roman  invaders,  and 
of  such  natives  as  came  into  immediate 
contact  with  them ;  and  the  native  element 
only  preponderated  gradually  when  the 
Roman  troops  were  withdrawn,  and  when 
civilian  Roman  settlers  Avould  for  their  own 
safety  leave  the  island  as  Avell. 

Third  century. — British  martyi'S,  whose 
names  are  known  to  us,  may  be  assigned  to 
this  century.  By  far  the  most  famous  of 
them  is  St.  Alban,  mart\Ted,  as  Gildas 
asserts,  or  according  to  another  reading 
conjectures,  in  the  Diocletian  persecution 
{Hist.,  cap.  viii.).  But  as  the  Diocletian 
persecution  is  not  known  to  have  reached 
liritain,  it  is  more  likely  that  the  persecution 
in  question  was  that  of  Decius  in  250-1,  or 
tiiat  of  Valerian  in  257-60.  Bede  tells  the 
story  at  considerable  length  {H.E.,  i.  7),  and 
says  that  the  martyrdom  took  place  at 
Verolamium,  now  St.  Albans.  Both  Gildas 
and  Bede  evidently  quote  from  some  early 
but  now  lost  Passio  Sancti  Albani.  The 
details  may  be  unhistorical,  as  is  frequently 
the  case  in  such  Passiones,  but  it  is  not 
necessary  to   doubt  the  existence  and   the 


martyrdom  of  St.  Alban.  We  have  the 
fifth-century  evidence  of  the  Galilean  presby- 
ter Constantius,  who,  writing  a  life  of  St. 
Germanus  c.  a.d.  480,  describes  a  visit  of 
SS.  Germanus  and  Lupus  to  his  sepulchre 
at  St.  Albans,  and  sixth-century  evidence  in 
a  hne  of  the  poetry  of  the  Galilean  Venantius 
Fortunatus. 

In  the  martjTology  of  Bede,  and  in  many 
later  martjTologies  and  calendars,  17th 
September  is  marked  with  In  Britanniis 
[natale]  Socratis  et  Stephani,  and  in  Baronius's 
edition  of  the  Roman  martyrology  tliis  has 
grown  to  Sanctorum  martyrum  Socratis  et 
Stephani.  But  there  is  no  early  authority 
for  the  existence  of  these  saints,  and  nothing 
is  known  of  their  history.  It  may  be  sup- 
posed that,  if  they  existed,  they  were  martyrs 
in  one  of  the  above-named  early  persecutions. 
Augulus,  Bishop  of  Augusta  (London),  is 
another  martyr  of  this  period  whose  name 
is  preserved  in  early  martyrologies  (Oman, 
Hist,  of  Eng.  to  1060,  p.  178). 

Fourth  century. — A  church  has  recently 
been  discovered  at  Silchester  (Calleva  Atre- 
hatum),  which  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
to  be  a  fourth  -  century  Romano  -  British 
church.  Little  more  than  the  structural 
foundations  now  remain,  but  they  are 
sufficient  to  enable  us  to  reconstruct  the 
whole  of  the  ground  plan,  and  to  take  the 
measurement  of  its  component  parts.  The 
church  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  fourth- 
century  churches  discovered  in  Italy,  Syria, 
and  Africa.  Traces  of  the  foundations  of 
Roman  basilicas  have  been  found  under- 
neath the  churches  of  Reculver  and  Lyminge 
in  Kent,  and  of  Brixworth  in  Northampton- 
shire ;  but  whether  those  basilicas  were  used 
for  secular  or  ecclesiastical  purposes  is  not 
known.  The  only  claim  of  the  above- 
named  churches  in  their  present  state,  and 
of  a  few  other  churches,  such  as  St.  Martin 
at  Canterbury,  to  be  regarded  as  Romano- 
British,  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  have  a  few 
stones  or  bricks  of  Romano-British  date  used 
up  a  second  time  in  their  construction. 

Distinctively  Christian  emblems  have  been 
found  in  other  places  than  churches.  The 
X  P  monogram  has  been  found  in  mosaic 
pavements  or  on  building  stones  of  villas 
at  Frampton  in  Dorset,  Chedworth  in 
Gloucestershire,  and  Harpole  in  Northamp- 
tonshire ;  on  a  silver  cup  at  Corbridge  in 
Northumberland  ;  on  two  silver  rings  horn. 
a  villa  at  Fifehead  Neville  in  Dorset ;  on 
some  bronze  fragments  at  York  ;  on  some 
masses  of  pewter  found  in  the  Thames,  on 
one  of  which  it  is  associated  with  A  and  fl, 
and  with  the  words  spes  in  deo  ;  on  the  bezel 


(70) 


British] 


Dictionary  of  English  ChurcJt  History 


British 


of  a  bronze  ring  found  at  Silcliester,  though 
the  nature  of  the  ornament  in  this  hist  case 
has  been  doubted.  There  was  also  found 
at  Silchester  a  fragment  of  white  ghiss  with 
a  fish  and  a  pahn  rouglily  scratched  upon  it. 
In  this  century  three  British  bishops  are 
recorded  to  have  been  present  at  the  Council 
of  Aries  in  314 — namely,  Eborius,  Bishop  of 
York  ;  Restitutus,  Bishop  of  London  ;  and 
Adelfius,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  if  Londincnsium 
is  rightly  interpreted  as  an  error  for  Lindu- 
mensium  ;  and  they  were  accompanied  by  a 
priest  named  Sacerdos  and  a  deacon  named 
Arminius.  There  is  no  ev'idence  for  the 
suggestion  sometimes  made  that  Biitish 
bishops  may  have  been  present  at  the  Council 
of  Nice  in  325.  There  is  the  direct  testimony 
of  St.  Athanasius  that  British  bishops  were 
present  at  the  Council  of  Sardica  in  345  and 
voted  in  his  favour,  but  he  mentions  neither 
the  names  of  these  bishops  nor  the  names  of 
their  sees.  British  bishops  were  present 
again  at  the  Council  of  Ai'iminum  in  359. 
This  rests  on  the  authority  of  Sulpicius 
Severus,  who,  while  he  mentions  neither  their 
names  nor  their  sees,  adds  a  statement  which 
throws  some  light  upon  the  financial  position 
of  the  British  Cluirch  at  that  time — namely, 
that  '  there  were  three  bishops  from  Britain, 
who,  because  they  lacked  private  means, 
made  use  of  the  public  bounty,  refusing 
contributions  ofl:ered  to  them  by  the  rest.' 
The  public  bounty  refers  to  the  pro\'ision  for 
their  entertainment  which  the  Emperor  had 
ordered  to  be  offered  at  the  public  expense 
{Hist.  Sac,  ii.  41). 

Fifth  century.— A  British  bishop  whose 
name,  and  but  little  else,  has  come  down  to 
us,  but  who  must  be  assigned  to  this  century, 
is  Riocatus.  He  made  two  journeys  from 
Britain  to  Gaul  to  see  Faustus,  a  Breton  if 
not  a  Briton,  and  Bishop  of  Riez,  ob.  c.  492, 
and  carried  certain  works  of  Faustus  back  to 
Britain.  Another  British  bishop  of  whom 
we  know  little  more  than  the  name  is  Fasti- 
dius.  He  wTote  a  book,  or  possibly  two 
books,  to  a  widow  named  Fatalis  in  the  first 
half  of  the  fifth  century.  His  \\Titings  have 
been  accused  of  semi-Pelagianism,  but  his 
semi-Pelagian  tendency  is  of  the  slightest 
possible  character.  There  is  no  authority  for 
the  conjecture  associating  him  with  the  see 
of  London. 

Though  Pelagius  was  born  c.  370,  yet  the 
active  life  of  this  heretic  belongs  to  the  fifth 
century.  Italy,  Africa,  and  Palestine  were 
the  scenes  of  his  labours  ;  but  Pelagianism 
would  naturally  expect  to  establish  a  footing 
in  Britain  because  Pelagius,  who  from 
Jerome's  description  has  been  thought  to  be 


an  Irishman,  was  most  probably  a  Briton  by 
birth,  a  member  of  one  of  those  Gaelic 
families  who  had  crossed  from  Ireland  and 
settled  themselves  on  the  south-western 
coast  of  Great  Britain  (Bury,  Life  of  St. 
Patrick,  p.  15).  His  companion  Coelestius, 
no  doubt,  was  an  Irishman ;  and  an  Irish 
or  British  origin  may  be  surmised  for  a 
certain  Agricola,  the  son  of  a  Pelagian 
bishop  named  Severianus,  who  taught  and 
spread  Pelagianism  in  Britain,  as  Prosper 
teUs  us,  sub  uii.  429.  Both  names  here  have 
a  Roman  rather  than  a  Celtic  sound,  but  that 
fact,  as  has  been  already  pointed  out,  cannot 
be  pressed  to  prove  a  Roman  nationality. 
That  the  inroad  of  this  heresy  was  serious 
may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  in  the 
year  429  two  Galilean  ecclesiastics,  Germanus, 
Bishop  of  Auxerre,  and  Lupus,  Bishop  of 
Troyes,  were  sent  by  a  Galilean  synod 
according  to  Constantius,  but  by  Pope 
Coelestine  according  to  Pi'osper,  to  Britain 
to  stem  it ;  and  that  in  447  the  same  Ger- 
manus and  Severus,  Bishop  of  Troyes,  came 
to  Britain  for  the  same  purpose.  Their  efforts 
were  completely  successful. 

The  last  recorded  communication  between 
the  British  Church  and  Western  Christianity 
took  place  in  455,  in  which  year,  according 
to  an  entry  in  the  Annales  Cambriae,  the 
British  Church  changed  its  ancient  mode  of 
calculating  Easter,  and  adopted  the  mode 
of  calculation  then  in  use  at  Rome.  This 
was  shortly  afterwards  exchanged  at  Rome 
for  the  Victorian  cycle  of  five  hundred  and 
thirty-two  years,  and  that  cycle  was  changed 
again  thei'e,  in  the  next  century,  for  the 
Dionysian  cycle  of  nineteen  years;  but  neither 
the  Victorian  nor  the  Dionysian  cj^cle  was 
ever  adopted  in  the  British  Church,  which 
stni  adhered,  when  St.  Augustine  arrived,  to 
an  older  Roman  cycle  of  eighty-four  years 
(Bury,  Life  of  St.  Patrick,  p.  376). 

Sixth  century. — Apart  from  Wales,  and 
so  far  as  that  part  of  Great  Britain  now 
called  England  is  concerned,  there  are  few 
facts  to  record.  This  is  the  more  remark- 
able, because  the  only  early  British  historian 
belongs  mainly  to  this  century.  The  chron- 
ology of  Gildas's  life  is  very  uncertain,  but  it 
must  be  placed  between  a.d.  450-550,  and  his 
literary  activity  belongs  to  the  sixth  rather 
than  the  fifth  century.  His  prohx  work, 
including  both  Historia  and  Epistola,  while 
it  contains  a  fierce  denunciation  of  tho 
morahty  of  British  princes  and  clergy, 
unfortunately  j-ields  a  minimum  of  facts 
about  them.  Two  incidents  gleaned  from 
an  Irish  authority  may  be  here  recorded. 
Two  bishops  of  the  Britons  came  from  Alba 


(71  ) 


Bucer] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bulls 


to  sanctify  St.  Bridget,  oh.  523  (Leahhac 
Breac,  fol.  62).  Fifty  bishops  of  tlie  Britons 
of  Cell  Muine  visited  St.  Maedoc  of  Ferns, 
ob.  626  {ibid.,  fol.  81). 

There  are  in  existence  Usts  of  early  British, 
Welsh,  Manx,  and  Cornish  bishops,  for  the 
majority  of  whose  lives  no  certain  evidence 
can  be  produced.  The  very  existence  of 
many  of  them  is  doubtful.  These  lists 
may  be  seen  in  Stubbs,  Regisfr.  Sacr.  Aug., 
2nd  ed.,  app.  vii.  Some  of  them,  such  as 
St.  Da-vdd  (q.v.),  first  Bishop  of  Menevia ; 
Dubritius,  first  Bishop  of  LlandafE,  together 
with  his  immediate  successors,  Teilo  and 
Oudoceus  ;  Kentigern  and  Asaph,  the  first 
two  Bishops  of  St.  Asaph;  Deiniol,  the  first 
Bishop  of  Bangor,  together  with  a  few  less 
known  names  on  the  lists,  are  higj^orical 
personages.  But  no  early  lives  of  them 
are  extant.  Existing  lives  date  from  the 
twelfth  century  or  later,  and  are  mixed  with 
much  fable,  and  they  belong  to  the  history  of 
the  Welsh  rather  than  the  British  Church, 
if  the  two  may  be  distinguished. 

[r.  E.  w.] 

BUCER,  Martin  (1491-1551),  reformer,  was 
born  at  Sclilettstadt  (Alsace),  and  at  the  age 
of  fifteen  entered  the  Dominican  Order.  At 
the  University  of  Heidelberg  he  came  under 
the  influence  of  Luther,  and  from  1523  he 
laboured  as  a  reforming  pastor  with  Capito 
at  Strasburg.  The  special  characteristic  of 
his  career  as  a  reformer  was  his  consistent 
policy  of  mediation  in  a  vain  endeavour  to 
reconcile  the  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic  schools 
of  thought.  With  Capito  he  was  responsible 
for  the  TetrapoUtan  Confession  (1530),  pre- 
sented at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  by  repre- 
sentatives of  the  four  cities :  Strasburg, 
Constance,  Meiningen,  and  Linden.  This 
formulary  holds  an  intermediate  position 
between  the  views  of  Saxon  and  Swiss 
reformers,  with  a  leaning  towards  Zwinglian- 
ism.  Throughout  his  life  Bucer  was  dis- 
trusted b}^  both  the  parties  he  sought  to  unite. 
Luther  at  Marburg  is  said  to  have  cried  to 
him  :  '  Thou  art  a  rogue  ' ;  and  amongst  the 
Swiss  he  was  known  as  '  the  liiuping  Stras- 
burger.' 

In  l542Bucerwas  invited  with  Melanchthon 
by  Hermann,  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  to 
inaugurate  the  Reformation  in  that  city. 
One  important  outcome  of  their  joint  labours 
was  the  '  Churcli  Ordcn','  known  as  Hermann^ s 
Consultation  (1543),  from  which  were  derived 
some  features  of  the  English  Order  of  Com- 
munion (1548),  and  of  tlie  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  {q.v.)  of  1549.  Exiling  himself  from 
the   Continent  on  account   of    the   Interim, 


Bucer  came  to  England  at  Cranmer's  in\'ita- 
tion,  where  he  was  honourably  received,  and 
appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at 
Cambridge,  a  post  which  he  held  until  his 
death  in  1551. 

After  the  publication  of  the  Praj^er  Book 
of  1549  Bucer' s  opinion  was  sought  by  the 
leaders  of  the  reforming  party  apparently  with 
a  view  to  further  revision.  His  reply  was 
given  in  a  Censura  of  twenty-eight  chapters. 
The  most  notable  things  objected  to  were 
kneeling  at  the  Communion,  prayers  for  the 
dead,  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  consecrating 
the  Eucharist,  the  chrisom,  the  anointing 
and  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  Baptism,  the 
anointing  of  the  sick,  any  commendation  of 
the  soul  of  the  departed  at  burial.  In  this 
criticism  Bucer  started  objections  afterwards 
taken  up  and  repeatedly  urged  by  the  Puritan 
party  against  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 
In  one  other  respect  has  Bucer  influenced  our 
service-book.  In  the  Ordinal  of  1550,  while 
the  structure  of  the  service  Avas  preserved, 
the  old  Pontifical  was  largely  departed  from. 
The  new  matter  was  based  on  a  work  of 
Bucer's,  De  Legitima  Ordinatione  in  his  Scriptn 
Anglicana.  The  questions  put  to  candidates 
for  the  ministry  in  particular  are  borrowed 
from  this  source,  and  the  address  to  candi- 
dates for  the  priesthood  is  based  on  a  like 
feature  in  Bucer's  form.  [e.  t.  g.] 

Refereuees  in  Calviu's  Letters  and  Jacobs's 
Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

BULLS,  Papal.  The  word  bull  {hidla) 
denotes  strictly  the  leaden  seal,  bearing  as 
a  rule  representations  of  the  heads  of  the 
apostles  Peter  and  Paul  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  name  and  number  of  the  Pope  on  the  other, 
by  which  papal  letters  were  authenticated. 
In  the  later  Middle  Ages  it  was  commonly 
applied  also  to  the  document  itself,  and  in 
particular  to  letters  of  the  type  described 
below,  Section  3.  Papal  rescripts  are  de- 
scribed by  various  names,  some  of  which 
indicate  the  form  of  the  document  {litterae  or 
epistola),  others  the  nature  of  the  contents 
{anctoritas,  privileginm,  decreinm,  litterae 
decretales,  etc.).  But  in  their  general  plan 
they  all  agree  :  the  popes  carried  on  the  forms 
employed  by  the  Roman  emperors  and  their 
officers,  and  uniformly  drew  up  their  docu- 
ments in  the  shape  of  letters.  They  were 
written  on  papyrus  down  to  the  early  part 
of  the  eleventh  century,  and  afterwards  on 
parchment ;  but  not  one  is  preserved  in 
the  original  earlier  than  Paschal  I.  (819), 
with  the  exception  of  a  fragment  of  one 
of  Hadrian  i.  (788).  The  2400  documents 
of  the  time  preceding  Hadrian  are  only  pre- 


(72) 


Bulls] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Bulls 


served  in  transcripts.  At  an  early  date  a 
selection  was  made  of  letters  which  were 
deemed  of  special  imijortancc  as  defining 
points  of  law.  These  arc  the  decreta,  begin- 
ning with  the  pontificate  of  Siricius  in  the 
last  quarter  of  the  fourth  century,  which 
were  put  together  in  the  collection  of  Diony- 
sius  Exiguus  and  are  printed  in  Justel's 
Bibliotheca  Juris  Canonici  Veteris,^  i.  181-274 
(Paris,  1661). 

Papal  rescripts  fall  into  the  following 
classes : — 

1.  Privilegia,  Solemn  Bulls,  or  Great  Bulls, 
beginning  in  the  form,  Gregoruis  episcojms 
servits  servorum  Dei  venerabili  fratri  A,  X 
episcopo.  In  Perpetuum,  with  the  first  line 
(except  in  the  earliest  examples)  written  in 
tall,  laterally  compressed,  letters.  Under 
Hadrian  i.  begins  the  custom  of  a  double  dat- 
ing: first,  the  Scriptum,  in  the  hand  of  the  no- 
tary who  -v^Tote  the  document  in  the  '  curial ' 
character ;  secondly,  the  Data,  written  by 
one  of  the  higher  officers  of  the  chancery,  who 
delivered  it  to  be  sealed,  and  before  long 
written  in  a  beautiful  minuscule  hand.  The 
Pope  himself  authenticated  the  document 
■with  an  autograph  greeting,  usually  Bene 
valete.  Under  Leo  ix.  (1049)  this  autograph 
was  replaced  by  a  monogram  on  the  right 
of  the  foot  of  the  document,  matched  on 
the  left  by  a  rota  or  circle  containing  as  a  rule 
the  names  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  and 
that  of  the  Pope,  surrounded  by  a  motto 
taken  from  the  Bible.  From  the  time  of 
Victor  n.  the  Pope  begins  to  resume  the 
practice  of  writing  his  own  subscription,  but 
not  in  the  old  form  of  a  greeting,  but  e.g. 
Ego  Pasclialis  calholice  ecdesie  episcopus  ss., 
between  the  rota  and  the  monogram.  The 
cardinals  also  ^\Tite  their  subscriptions  under 
the  Pope's.  As  the  Pope's  personal  official 
staff  grew  in  importance,  the  notarial  date 
{Scriptum)  was  gradually  given  up ;  it  is 
never  found  after  the  death  of  CaUixtus  n. 
(1124).  Great  BuUs  are  mostly  the  instru- 
ments of  grants  of  privileges  to  churches  and 
reUgious  houses,  drawn  iip  in  a  grand  style 
to  serve  as  title-deeds,  and  made  imposing  by 
means  of  elaborate  formulae  and  attestations. 
They  are  especially  abundant  in  the  eleventh 
and  twelfth  centuries ;  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  thirteenth  they  were  more  rarely  issued, 
and  they  almost  cease  with  the  establishment 
of  the  papacy  at  Avignon  in  1309.     When 

1  This  small  collection  must  be  carefully  distiiigiii.shed 
from  the  X)sendo-Isidorian  book  of  decretals,  which  was 
<"ompiled  and  largely  forged  about  847,  and  contains 
(1)  fifty-nine  letters,  from  St.  Clement  to  the  beginning  of 
the  fourth  century,  all  spurious  ;  {i)  canons  of  councils, 
«tc.,  mainly  genuine  ;  (3)  a  continuation  of  letters  from 
Silvester  i.  to  Gregory  ii.,  of  which  thirty-five  are  for- 
geries. 


revived  for  special  purposes  in  the  sixteenth 
century  this  form  of  document  is  called  a 
Bulla  Consistorialis. 

2.  Letters,  or  Little  Bulls,  open  with  the 
same  form  of  title  and  address  as  Privileges,  but 
the  address  is  followed  not  by  In  Perpetuum, 
but  by  a  greeting,  which  in  time  assumes  the 
form  Salulem,  et  apostolicam  benedict ionem. 
They  arc  devoid  of  the  imposing  features  of 
Great  Bulls  ;  they  have  no  rota  or  monogram, 
no  subscriptions  of  Pope  or  cardinals  ;  and 
they  bear  a  simple  date  of  place,  day,  month, 
and  usually  indiction,  but  in  1188  the  indic- 
tion  was  abandoned  and  the  ye&x  of  the 
pontificate  took  its  place.  In  the  second  half 
of  the  twelfth  century  they  were  distinguished 
into  two  classes,  according  as  the  seal  was 
attached  by  red  and  yellow  silk  ties  or  by 
hempen  strings.  The  former  came  to  be 
known  as  Litterae  de  Gratia  or  Tituli :  they 
granted  favours,  rights,  privileges,  benefices  ; 
they  were  usually  intended  to  have  an  endur- 
ing or  permanent  force  ;  and  the  writing 
was  characterised  by  an  ornamentation  which 
was  strictly  regulated.  The  other  class  con- 
sisted of  Litterae  de  Justitia  or  Mamlamenta, 
issuing  a  command  or  ordering  a  commission 
for  hearing  a  cause,  and  were  commonly  of  a 

I    temporary  nature  ;   and  the  ■wTiting  was  free 

I    from  embellishment.     Little  Bulls  from  the 

;    eleventh  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century 

formed   the   regular   vehicle   of   the   Pope's 

correspondence.     The  great  series  of  decretals 

and  all  the  letters  which  are  of  importance  for 

I    political  history  are  drawn  up  in  this  form. 

3.  As  the  Great  Bull  fell  into  disuse  an 
intermediate  form,  known  specifically  as 
Bulla,  was  invented  towards  the  middle  of 
the  thirteenth  century  which  combined  some 
of  the  features  of  the  two  earlier  models. 
The  first  line  of  the  document  was  %\Titten  in 
elongated  letters,  but  In  Perjyetuum  was 
replaced  by  a  formula  which  crystallised  into 
the  words  Ad  perpetuam  (or  futuram)  rei 
memoriam ;  but  all  the  rest  follows  the 
pattern  of  the  Little  Bull  sealed  ■with  silk. 
This  form  was  used  speciaU}'  for  decrees  and 
excommunications. 

All  Bulls  are  dated  in  the  ancient  manner 
by  kalends,  nones,  and  ides. 

From  the  last  years  of  the  eleventh  century 
papal  documents  are  characterised  by  a 
pecuUar  style  of  rhythmical  diction,  which 
is  traced  to  the  chancellorship  of  John  of 
Gaeta,  afterwards  Pope  Gelasius  ii. ;  this  is 
called  the  Curs2is.  It  was  a  restoration  in 
a  modified  form  of  the  clausula  rhetorica  of 
ancient  times.  Its  most  obvious  feature  is 
that  every  sentence  or  principal  clause,  with 
certain  admitted  exceptions,  must  close  ■with 


(73) 


Burgon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History  [Burgon 


two  A^'ords  or  giuups  of  words  of  one  of  the 
three  following  tj^^es,  the  metre  being 
reckoned  by  accent  not  by  quantity,  with  a 
caesura  at  the  prescribed  interval: — • 


(a)  Cursus  velox,  ""^^f 

(b)  Cursws plamis,  —■~>[ 

(c)  Cvrsus  tardvs, 

ecclesiasticus,        , 
ov  durus,        — ^p 


-■ — ^,  ;is  'iioverit'incursurum  '  ; 
-w,     as  '  scvipta  inaiiddiiius  ' ; 

-^^^,  as  '  vii.siro       discedere.' 


The  first  element  in  the  clausula  may  be 
the  termination  of  a  longer  word,  as  '  provi- 
derint  |  eligendum,'  '  dilatidne  ]  complendum,' 
'  ulti6ni  j  subiaceat.'  This  system  prevailed 
in  the  chancer}^  though  from  the  latter  part 
of  the  thirteenth  century  it  was  less  rigidly 
observed,  until  it  broke  down  altogether  under 
the  influence  of  the  revival  of  classical  learning 
in  the  fifteenth. 

4.  Broadly  distinguished  from  the  Bull  is 
the  Brief,  which  was  sealed  not  with  lead,  but 
with  the  Pope's  secretum  or  privy  seal  on 
red  wax.  Though  found  earlier,  it  does  not 
come  into  common  use  until  the  pontificate 
of  Martin  v.  It  begins  Avith  the  name  of  the 
Pope,  styled  papa,  with  his  number  (as 
Evgeniiis  papa  ml.),  and  continues  with  the 
name  of  the  person  addressed  in  the  vocative 
{dilectefili),  followed  bj-  Salutem  et  apostolicam 
benedictionem.  The  date,  which  is  given  in 
the  modern  style,  contains  a  clause  which 
soon  becomes  fixed  in  the  form  sub  annulo 
piscatoris.  This  became  the  normal  vehicle 
of  the  Pope's  official  correspondence. 

5.  The  Motu  Propico,  introduced  under 
Innocent  viii.,  boi'e  no  seal,  and  was  often 
written  in  Italian.  It  opened  like  a  brief, 
but  the  address  was  generally  followed  by 
the  words  Ad  futuram  rei  inemoriam.  The 
date  was  given  in  the  ancient  manner.  This 
form  of  document  was  principally  employed 
in  the  administration  of  the  Papal  States. 

[r.  l.  p.] 

BURGON,  John  William  (1815-88),  Dean  of 
Chichester,  was  son  of  a  London  merchant, 
and  was  born  at  Smyrna.  His  mother  was 
a  daughter  of  the  Austrian  Consul  there,  and 
had  Smyi-niote  blood  in  her  veins.  He  des- 
tined himself  for  holy  orders;  but,  his  father's 
business  becoming  involved  in  difficulties,  he 
felt  it  a  duty  to  enter  the  paternal  counting- 
house.  In  1841  the  house  suspended  pay- 
ment, and  Burgon  was  free  to  foUow  his 
own  bent.  Friends  enabled  him  in  1842  to 
enter  Worcester  College,  Oxford,  where  he 
'  toiled  terribly,'  and  obtained  a  Second 
Class  in  Lit.  Hum.  He  won  the  Newdigate 
Prize  with  a  spirited  poem  on  Petra,  which 


contained  one  famous  couplet ;  and  in  1846 
he  was  elected  to  the  Fellowship  at  Oriel 
vacated  by  J.  H.  Newman  {q.v.).  He  was 
ordained  deacon,  1848  ;  priest,  1849 ;  and, 
while  still  residing  at  Oriel,  served  various 
curacies  in  Berkshire.  These  pastoral  ex- 
periences ended  in  1853,  and  Burgon  became 
absorbed  in  theological  research.  In  1854  he 
published  anonymously  A  Plain  Commentary 
on  the  Four  Holy  Gospels,  in  which  a  minute 
and  reverent  study  of  the  Sacred  Text  was 
reinforced  by  constant  reference  to  patristic 
and  Anghcan  tradition.  In  1863  he  was  made 
Vicar  of  St.  Mary-the-Virgin,  Oxford,  and 
in  1867  was  appointed  Professor  of  Divinity 
at  Gresham  College,  London.  On  assuming 
this  office  he  graduated  B.D.,  choosing  for  the 
required  Theological  Exercises  '  A  Vindication 
of  the  Genuineness  of  the  Last  Twelve  Verses 
of  St.  Mark's  Gospel.'  The  subject  was  highly 
controversial,  but  controversy  was  to  Burgon 
as  vital  air.  He  conducted  it  by  sermons,  by 
pamphlets,  and  in  the  press.  Among  the 
subjects  which  he  handled  polemically  were 
Essays  and  Reviews  (q.v.) ;  the  Doctrine  of 
Inspiration  ;  the  relation  between  the  Uni- 
versity and  the  Colleges,  and  between  the 
Colleges  and  the  Parish,  at  Oxford ;  the  Conse- 
cration of  Bishop  Temple  (q.v.) ;  the  enforce- 
ment of  a  New  Lectionary ;  the  admission 
of  a  Unitarian  to  a  share  in  the  Revision 
of  the  New  Testament  and  to  Com- 
munion ;  the  development  of  Ritualism  in 
Oxford,  and  the  election  of  Dean  Stanley 
(q.v.)  to  a  Select  Preachership.  The  first 
election  of  a  woman  to  serve  on  a  school- 
board  elicited  from  Burgon  a  protest  which, 
on  account  of  the  admirable  lady  to  whom  it 
referred,  was  long  remembered  in  Oxford  as 
'  Miss  Smith's  Sermon.'  His  polemical  vigour, 
combined  with  his  varied  erudition,  procured 
him  from  Dean  Church  {q.v.)  the  nickname  of 
'  The  dear  old  learned  Professor  of  Billings- 
gate.' 

In  1875  Burgon  was  appointed  Dean  of 
Chichester.  The  Revised  Version  of  the 
New  Testament  appeared  in  1881.  [Bible, 
English.]  Burgon  attacked  it  in  four  articles, 
which  he  republished  in  1883  as  The  Revision 
Revised.  His  principal  aim  was  to  establish 
the  Textus  Receptus  as  against  the  Westcott- 
Hort  recension  ;  he  enlivened  his  task  and 
attracted  a  wide  circle  of  readers  by  his  attack 
on  the  grotesque  English  of  the  revisers.  His 
trenchant  comparison  of  the  Revised  Version 
of  2  St.  Peter  P.®.'',  with  the  beautiful  language 
of  the  Authorised  Version  drew  an  emphatic 
compliment  from  Matthew  Arnold.  '  By 
merely  placing  these  versions  side  by  side, 
the  Dean  of  Chichester  thiiaks  that  he  has 


(  74) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Burnet 


done  enough  to  condemn  the  Revised  Version. 
And  so,  in  trutli,  he  has.' 

Burgon's  last  days  were  occupied  in 
compihng  some  terse  and  admirable  bio- 
graphies of  Tivelve  Good  Men,  and  by  constant 
labour  at  his  treatise  on  The  True  Principles 
of  Textual  Criticism.  The  foundation  of 
Burgon's  theology  was  the  Bible  as  accepted 
and  interpreted  b}^  the  Universal  Church. 
No  one  was  a  keener  champion  of  the  supreme 
claim  of  the  written  Word,  but  no  one  more 
vigorouslj'  opposed  the  notion  that  every 
man  is  at  liberty  to  make  his  own  theology. 
For  working  purposes  he  referred  all  questions 
to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  He  was  an 
English  Churchman  to  the  backbone.  His 
horror  of  Romanism,  as  the  corruptio  optimi, 
was  fanatical,  and  his  feeling  towards  Dissent, 
as  a  rebellion  against  authority,  was  angry 
and  contemptuous.  Even  within  the  English 
Church  his  sympathies  were  eclectic  and  ex- 
clusive. Evangelicals  offended  him  by  their 
indifference  to  Sacramental  doctrine,  and  by 
their  external  slovenliness.  He  dreaded  the 
Romanising  tendencies  which  he  thought  he 
perceived  in  Ritualism,  and  he  regarded  the 
Broad  Church  party  as  steeped  in  heresy. 

[g.  w.  e.  k.] 

Personal  recollections  ;  E.  M.  Goulbuni,  Life  ; 
G.  W.  E.  Russell,  Household  of  Faith. 

BURNET,  Gilbert  (1643-1715),  Bishop  of 
Sahsbury ;  M.A.  Aberdeen,  June  1657 ; 
D.D.  Oxford,  1680  ;  was  born  at  Edinburgh, 
son  of  Robert  Burnet,  a  moderate  episco- 
palian, who  had  refused  to  take  the  covenant. 
His  mother  was  a  violent  Presbyterian.  He 
studied  at  Marischal  College,  Aberdeen.  In 
1665  he  began  his  ministry  at  Saltoun, 
fifteen  miles  east  of  Edinburgh,  as  a  pro- 
bationer, and,  receiving  a  call,  was  ordained 
by  George  Wishart,  Bishop  of  Edinburgh. 
He  ministered  acceptably  for  five  j'ears, 
gi\'ing  the  sacrament  four  times  a  year,  and 
using  '  the  forms  of  Common  Prayer,  not  read- 
ing but  repeating  them.'  Visiting  London 
in  1673  he  became  chaplain  to  Charles  ii.,  but 
was  soon  dismissed  as  '  too  busy.'  He  found 
a  place  as  preacher  at  the  Rolls  (1675-84) 
and  lecturer  at  St.  Clement  Danes,  where 
his  sermons  were  greatly  admired,  e.g.  by 
John  Evelyn  (q.v.).  In  1679  he  published 
vol.  i.  of  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  for 
which  he  received  the  thanks  of  Parliament 
and  a  request  to  continue  it.  On  29th 
January  1680  he  "wrote  a  remarkable  letter 
to  the  King,  warning  him  that  what  he  needed 
was  not  a  change  of  ministry  or  alliance,  etc., 
but  a  change  in  his  own  heart  and  course  of 
life.     Charles  read  the  letter,  but  made  no 


reply.  After  a  two  hours'  5th  November 
sermon  in  1684  on  Psalm  22-^  he  was 
dismissed  froni  the  Rolls,  because  of  the 
supposed  disloyal  allusion  to  the  Lion  and 
the  Unicorn  in  his  text.  In  1685,  on  the 
accession  of  James  ii.,  he  got  leave  to  go 
abroad,  and  resided  at  The  Hague  in  close 
intercourse  with  the  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Orange,  to  the  latter  of  whom  he  became 
deeply  attached  ;  married  a  Dutch  wife  of 
Scottish  extraction,  and  became  a  naturalised 
Dutch  subject.  He  helped  William  to  write 
his  'Declaration,'  and  got  him  to  alter  the 
passage  which  implied  Presbyterianism,  On 
5th  November  1688  he  landed  with  the  prince 
at  Torbay,  a  place  which  he  suggested  in 
preference  to  Exmouth.  He  went  with  him 
to  Salisbury,  where  he  disturbed  the  congrega- 
tion in  the  cathedral  during  the  prayers  for 
the  King.  On  the  whole  he  gave  very  useful 
and  conciliating  advice  to  the  prince  at  this 
period.  He  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury '  after  a  week  of  complete  retirement 
and  a  night  of  solemn  vigil,'  Easter  Day, 
31st  March  1689.  He  preached  the  corona- 
tion sermon,  11th  April.  His  first  pastoral 
letter  to  his  diocese  gave  great  offence,  since 
he  implied  that  William  and  Mary  were 
sovereigns  by  right  of  conquest.  He  was 
also  active  on  the  Commission  for  compre- 
hension and  the  revision  of  the  Prayer  Book, 
which  High  Churchmen  dreaded.  Notwith- 
standing blunders  and  faults  of  taste  he  was 
a  very  efficient  bishop,  far  before  his  age  in 
his  conception  and  standard  of  dutj-.  His 
plan  was  to  live  eight  months  every  \ea.v  in 
Sahsbury  and  four  at  Windsor  in  the  arch- 
deaconry of  Berks  (Dorset  was  then  in  Bristol 
diocese).  Every  year  he  made  a  perambula- 
tion of  three  weeks  or  a  month.  In  twenty 
years  he  had  confirmed  in  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  churches  in  the  diocese.  He 
did  what  he  could  to  promote  clerical  residence 
and  to  check  pluralities,  and  his  method  of 
visitation  by  short  residences  at  small  centres 
was  excellent.  He  was  the  first  English 
bishop  to  establish  a  theological  college,  under 
Precentor  Daniel  Whitby,  at  Sahsbury,  at 
his  own  expense  ;  but  the  oijposition  from 
the  universities  forced  him  to  drop  it  after 
five  years.  In  1692  he  had  published  A 
Discourse  of  the  Pastoral  Care,  in  1694  his  Four 
Discourses  to  the  Clergy  of  the  Diocese  (on  Chris- 
tian evidences,  Socinianism,  Romanism,  and 
Nonconformity),  in  1699  his  Exposition  of 
the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  and  in  1710  An 
Exposition  of  the  Church  Catechism — all  in- 
tended at  first  for  the  edification  of  his  own 
diocese.  The  first  was  generally  approved, 
but  the  second  led  to  an  unfair  charse  of 


(75) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bury 


Socinianism,  and  the  third  was  censured  as 
Latitudinarian  by  the  Lower  House  of  Con- 
vocation in  1701.  He  attended  King 
William's  death-bed.  His  influence  with  the 
new  Queen  led  to  the  transfer  of  the  first- 
fruits  and  tenths  paid  by  the  clergy  (originally 
to  the  Pope  and  then  to  the  Crown)  to  the 
governors  of  Queen  Anne's  Bounty  [q.v. )  for  the 
increase  of  small  livings.  He  had  advocated 
the  plan  under  William  as  likely  to  attach 
the  clergy  to  the  Crown.  Burnet  now  became 
more  political  in  his  fear  of  Rome  and 
anxiety  for  the  Hanoverian  succession.  In 
February  1709  he  lost  his  third  wife,  and 
retired  very  nmch  to  her  house  in  ClerkenweU. 
He  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  accession  of 
George  i.,  and  died  in  ClerkenweU,  where  he 
lies  buried.  His  History  of  his  oion  Time, 
his  most  important  work,  was  published  after 
his  death  (vol.  i.,  1723-4;  vol.  ii.,  1733-4,  with 
a  most  important  Supphmeni,  including  his 
Autohiography,  ed.  H.  C.  Foxcroft,  Oxford, 
1902). 

He  was  a  very  early  riser,  a  hard  student, 
a  great  smoker  and  tea-drinker ;  a  man  of 
splendid  physique,  tall  and  burly,  with 
superabundant  health.  His  strongest  char- 
acteristics were  quick  observation  and  good 
memory,  great  self-confidence  and  out- 
spokenness, insatiable  acti\dty,  religious 
tolerance  (though  he  approved  political 
suppression  of  Roman  Catholics),  and  a 
strong  and  simple  love  of  religion  and 
religious  men.  He  had  many  obvious  faults. 
He  was  deficient  in  refinement,  reserve,  and 
imagination ;  inquisitive,  impertinent,  and 
petulant,  vain  and  over-busy  ;  a  thorough- 
going and  formidable  partisan,  but  quickly 
impressionable,  and  therefore  somewhat 
changeable  in  opinion.  He  was,  however, 
generous  and  forgiving,  and  sincerely  anxious 
for  comprehension  in  matters  of  religion. 
His  public  and  private  charities  were  great. 
His  chief  services  to  the  Church  were  his 
example  of  episcopal  diligence  and  his  suc- 
cess in  attaching  the  great  Whig  party  to 
the  Church.  [j.  w.] 

Tlie  best  edition  of  the  On-n  Time  is  hy 
Dr.  Osmund  Airy  (author  of  the  memoir  in 
D.N.D.).  The  best  Life  is  that  by  Rev.  T.  E.  S. 
Clarke,  minister  of  Salloun  (the  Scottisli  por- 
tion), and  Miss  Foxcroft.  The  Ufe,  appended 
by  his  son  Tliomas  to  the  Own  Time,  is  practi- 
cally superseded. 

BURY  ST.  EDMUNDS,  Abbey  of.  About 
903  tlie  remains  of  ,St.  Ednumd  {q.v.)  were 
translated  from  their  original  resting-place 
at  Hoxne  to  Beodricsworth,  afterwards 
known  as  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  and  placed  in  a 
large  wooden  church.     The  shrine  was  in  the 


charge  of  a  college  of  four  priests  and  two 
deacons,  to  whom  Ednmnd  the  Magnificent 
made  a  grant  of  lands  in  945.  Many  miracles 
were  now  attributed  to  St.  Edmund.  In  1010 
his  relics  were  removed  for  fear  of  the  Danes 
to  London,  where  their  power  of  working 
cures  caused  Bishop  Aelfhun  to  try  to  keep 
them.  He  was  baffled  by  a  miracle,  and  the 
body  was  restored  to  Bury  about  1013.  In 
1014  Sweyn,  the  Danish  king,  died  in 
torment,  as  was  believed,  after  beholding  a 
vision  of  St.  Edmund  advancing  to  slay  him. 
His  son  Cnut  (q.v.)  became  a  benefactor  to 
Bury,  and  the  foundation  of  the  monastery 
dates  from  his  reign.  At  his  command  a 
new  stone  church  was  begun  in  1020,  when 
Aelfwine,  Bishop  of  Elmham,  replaced  the 
secular  clerks  by  a  body  of  twenty  Benedictine 
monks.  In  1028  a  charter  of  Cnut  granted 
the  monastery  exemption  from  episcopal 
control  and  other  privileges,  including  a  gift 
of  four  thousand  eels  a  year.  In  1044 
Edward  the  Confessor  enlarged  the  lands  and 
jurisdiction  of  the  abbey  and  gave  it  the  privi- 
lege of  free  election  of  its  abbot;  and  in  1065 
that  of  coining  its  own  money,  which  it 
retained  until  the  reign  of  Edward  iii. 
In  1065  the  name  St.  Edmund's  Bury  first 
appears.  Under  William  i.  the  abbey  con- 
tinued to  enjoy  royal  favour.  Herfast, 
Bishop  of  Thetford,  wished  to  remove  his 
see  to  Bury,  but  Abbot  Baldwin  defeated  this 
project,  visiting  Rome  in  1071  and  inducing 
Alexander  ii.  to  take  his  house  imder  the 
special  protection  of  the  Holy  See.  Its 
freedom  from  episcopal  control  was  confirmed 
by  a  charter  of  William  i.,  1081.  Its  wealth 
had  now  doubled  since  the  death  of  King 
Edward ;  it  is  noted  in  Domesday  as  possess- 
ing about  three  hundred  manors,  a  larger 
number  than  any  other  religious  house  in 
the  country.  Baldwin  marked  the  increasing 
prosperity  of  the  abbey  by  building  a  splendid 
stone  basilica,  of  which  some  fragments  still 
remain.  The  relics  of  St.  Edmund  were 
translated  thither  in  1095. 

During  the  twelfth  century  the  abbey  had 
a  chequered  history.  New  buildings  were 
raised,  and  in  1146  were  almost  entirely 
burnt.  Henry  i.  granted  the  privilege  of  a 
fair  to  be  held  yearly  for  six  days  about  the 
feast  of  St.  James.  Abbot  Hugh  vowed 
canonical  obedience  to  Archbishop  Theobald, 
but  in  1172  a  Bull  of  Alexander  iii.  made 
the  abbey  immediately  subject  to  Rome. 
During  the  remainder  of  its  history  the  abbey 
was  constantly  at  feud  with  the  bishops  of 
Norwich,  but  succeeded  in  maintaining  its 
independent  position. 

Hugh's  death  in  1180  was  followed  by  the 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bury 


best-known  episode  in  the  history  of  the 
abbey — tlie  election  and  rule  of  Samson  the 
sub-sacrist,  famous  as  the  hero  of  the  Chronicle 
of  Jocelin  de  Brakelond,  and  of  Carlyle's  Fast 
and  Present.  Jocehn,  who  was  probably  a 
native  of  Bury,  entered  the  monastery  in 
1173,  and  his  Chronicle  gives  a  vivid  picture 
of  its  life.  He  tells  how  the  royal  mandate 
to  elect  a  new  abbot  was  received,  the  excite- 
ment it  caused  among  the  monks,  and  how, 
after  much  negotiation,  Samson  was  elected, 
and,  though  unknown  to  the  king,  was 
accepted  by  him.  Samson  was  a  Norfolk 
man,  born  1135;  he  became  a  monk,  1166. 
Elected  abbot,  he  received  a  mitre  from  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  said  he  knew  the 
abbots  of  St.  Edmund's  were  entitled  to 
this  dignity.  Samson  proved  an  able  and 
masterful  ruler.  The  monks  sometimes  re- 
sented his  high-handed  rule,  and  especially 
disliked  his  granting  pri\nleges  to  the  town  of 
Bury,  which  was  now  beginning  to  assert 
itseli  and  demand  its  liberties,  a  demand 
%\-ith  which  Samson  sympathised.  He 
brought  the  affairs  of  the  abbey  into  a  state 
of  efficiency  and  improved  the  buildings. 
He  wished  to  go  on  crusade,  but  was  refused 
permission  by  Henry  n.  In  1193  he  opposed 
the  rebellion  of  Prince  John,  both  by  ex- 
communicating him  and  by  taking  the  field 
at  the  head  of  his  knights,  and  he  visited 
Richard  l.  in  his  prison  in  CTermany.  After 
fiUing  a  large  space  in  the  history  of  his  time, 
he  died  in  1208,  and  was  buried  in  uncon- 
secrated  ground  owing  to  the  Interdict.  His 
remains  were  transferred  to  the  chapter-house 
in  1214. 

The  abbey  plays  a  prominent  part  in 
tliirteenth  -  century  history,  being  by  now 
one  of  the  richest  and  most  powerful  Bene- 
dictine houses  in  England,  or  indeed  in 
Christendom.  The  shrine  of  St.  Edmund 
was  a  favourite  resort  of  pilgrims,  partly  no 
doubt  because  it  lay  on  the  route  from 
London  to  the  Low  Countries ;  just  as 
Canterbury  owed  part  of  its  popularity  among 
pilgrims  to  its  position  on  the  high  road  to 
France  :  in  either  case  the  mei'chant  could 
combine  business  with  devotion.  In  1214 
the  abbey  church  of  Bur}'  was  the  scene  of  a 
meeting  between  Archbishop  Langton  {q.v.) 
and  the  barons  who  were  resisting  King  John. 
The  story,  that  in  the  war  that  ensued 
St.  Edmund's  relics  were  removed  by  Louis 
the  Dauphin  to  Toulouse,  is  without  founda- 
tion. It  first  appears  in  1644,  and  was 
revived  in  1901  when  the  alleged  relics  were 
brought  from  Toulouse  for  the  new  Roman 
Catholic  Cathedral  at  Westminster,  but  were 
afterwards  admitted  to  be  spurious.     After 


Evesham,  1265,  the  abbey  sheltered  some  of 
the  adherents  of  Simon  do  Montfort.  It  con- 
tinued to  receive  favours  from  the  kings. 
Henry  in.  granted  two  fairs  at  Bury,  of  which 
one  was  abolished  in  1871:  the  other  still 
continues.  By  this  time  a  flourishing  town 
had  grown  up  around  the  abbey,  and  jealousies 
and  conflicts  arose  between  the  monks  and 
the  townsmen  supported  by  the  Franciscan 
friars,  who  had  established  themselves  at 
Bury  in  1257.  The  monks  were  more  than 
once  constrained  to  appeal  to  the  King  against 
the  violence  of  the  townsmen,  which  culmin- 
ated in  the  great  riot  of  1327,  when  the  abbey 
was  plundered,  and  Abbot  Richard  of 
Draughton,  who  had  apparently  broken 
some  agreement  with  the  townsmen,  was 
kidnapped  and  carried  to  Diest  in  Brabant. 
Laxity  of  discipline  had  apparently  caused 
the  abbey  to  forfeit  the  respect  of  its  neigh- 
bours ;  eventually  peace  was  made  by 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  King,  but 
the  reputation  of  the  abbey  did  not  improve. 
'  Many  of  the  monks,  it  is  said,  lived  in  the 
surrounding  villages  away  from  the  monas- 
tery ;  they  wore  the  dress  of  laymen  ;  they 
were  engaged  in  abductions,  fightings,  riots, 
and  other  unlawful  practices ;  they  had 
many  illegitimate  children  as  "  walking- 
witnesses  "  {testes  gradientes)  against  them.' 
The  riots  broke  out  again  at  the  time  of 
the  Peasants'  Revolt  (1381),  when  the  prior, 
Richard  de  Cambridge,  was  among  those 
murdered  by  the  mob  at  Bury.  Contrary 
to  what  might  be  expected,  the  moral  tone  of 
the  house  seems  to  have  been  higher  in  the 
fifteenth  century  than  in  the  fourteenth,  and 
no  more  is  heard  of  scandals.  Many  noble 
laymen  and  women  sought  the  honour  of 
being  enrolled  among  its  associates.  Henry 
VI.  visited  the  abbey  at  Christmas  1433  and 
stayed  till  St.  George's  Day  (23rd  April)  1434. 
In  1447  a  Parliament  met  at  Bury,  and  during 
its  sitting  Duke  Humphrey  of  Gloucester  met 
his  mysterious  end.  During  this  period  a 
number  of  external  misfortunes  fell  upon  the 
abbey.  The  western  tower  fell  in  1430.  In 
1439  a  great  storm  did  much  harm,  and  in 
1465  a  fire  completel}'  gutted  the  church,  but 
left,  it  was  said,  the  shi'inc  of  St.  Edmund 
uninjured. 

In  1535  the  abbey  was  visited  by  Sir 
Thomas  Legh  {q.v.)  and  John  ap  Rice,  who, 
failing  to  find  any  cause  of  complaint  against 
the  monks,  assumed  '  that  they  had  so 
confederated  and  compacted  together  before 
our  coming  that  they  should  disclose  nothing.' 
An  attempt  to  bribe  Cromwell  {q.v.)  having 
failed,  the  abbey  was  again  visited  in  1538, 
and  plundered  of  many  of  its  treasures  ;   and 


(-7) 


Bury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Bury 


on  4th  November  1539  it  was  siirrendered, 
the  abbot  receiving  a  pension  of  £333,  6s.  8d., 
and  forty  other  members  pensions  varj-ing 
from  £30  to  £6,  13s.  4d.  The  spoils  of  the 
abbey  included  1553  oz.  of  gold  plate  and 
10,433  oz.  of  silver  plate,  besides  precious 
stones.  Lead  was  stripped  from  the  roofs  to 
the  value  of  £3302. 

In  the  Taxatio  of  1291  the  abbey  is  shown 
as  possessed  of  a  greater  income  in  Tern- 
poralia  than  anv  other  house  in  England, 
namely  £774,  16s. ;  it  also  had  £152,  13s.  4d. 
in  Spiritualia  ;  and  the  offerings  at  St.  Ed- 
mund's Shrine  were  valued  at  £40  a  year. 
The  Valor  Ecdesiasticus,  1535,  gives  the  net 
income,  after  aU  deductions,  as  £1656,  7s.  3Jd. 
But  there  were  heavy  outgoings.  The 
income  yearly  distributed  to  the  poor 
amounted  to  £398,  15s.  ll|d.,  besides  gener- 
ous doles  of  food  and  clothing.  The  tithes 
belonging  to  the  abbey  in  Bury  St.  Edmunds 
and  the  lordship  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds  were 
annexed  by  the  Crown  in  1539,  and  enjoyed 
by  the  Crown  till  the  sixth  year  of  King 
James  i.,  when  they  were  given  to  the  alder- 
men and  burgesses  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds. 

The  site  and  precincts  of  the  monastery 
were  sold  by  the  Crown  to  John  Eyer,  Esq., 
for  £412,  19s.  4d.  on  14th  February  1560. 
Since  then  they  have  passed  through  many 
hands,  and  are  now  the  property  of  the 
Marquis  of  Bristol. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  tiiirteenth  century 
the  household  consisted  of  eighty  monks, 
twenty-one  chaplains,  and  a  hundred  and 
eleven  servants ;  by  1535  the  number  of 
monks  stood  at  sixty-two,  and  at  the  time 
of  the  surrender  at  about  fortj^-five.  The 
abbey  had  a  famous  hbrary,  consisting  of 
over  two  thousand  volumes.  Among  its 
special  pri\Tleges  was  the  abbot's  power  of 
conferring  minor  orders  on  his  monks,  and 
the  right  to  call  in  any  bishop  to  admit  them 
to  the  higher  orders.  Before  the  Dissolution 
the  wills  of  burgesses  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds 
were  proved  before  the  sacrist,  the  monastery 
being  exempt  from  episcopal  and  archi- 
diaconal  authority.  After  1539  the  town 
remained  stiU  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Archdeacon  of  Sudbury,  and  -niUs 
were  proved  before  a  commissary  of  the 
Bishop  of  Norwich  until  1844,  when  by  an 
Order  in  Council  the  town  was  made  to  form 
part  of  the  archdeaconry  of  Sudbury. 

The  abbey  lay  on  the  slope  of  a  hill,  and 
its  precinct,  a  rough  oblong,  included  the 
whole  of  the  medieeval  town.  The  great 
church,  of  which  only  a  few  fragments 
remain,  lay  south  of  the  monastery,  not 
north  as  was  usual ;   probably  on  account  of 


the  slope.  The  churches  of  St.  James  and 
St.  Mary  are  stiU  standing,  and  there  are 
remains  of  the  abbey  gateway  and  of  the 
abbot's  house  [Architecture,  Religious 
Orders]. 

List  of  Abbots 

1.  Uvius,  1020 ;    Prior  of  Holme ;    d.  1044. 

2.  Leofstan,  1044  ;  d.  1065. 

3.  Baldwin,     1065 ;     a    French    monk    of 

St.  Denis,  physician  of  Edward  the 
Confessor.  Under  him  the  power  and 
wealth  of  the  abbey  greatly  increased, 
and  a  new  church  was  built ;  d.  1097. 
Three  years'  vacancy,  William  ii. 
keeping  the  abbacy  in  his  own  hands. 

4.  Robert  i.,  1100;    son  of  Hugh,  Earl  of 

Chester,  appointed  by  Henry  i.  ;  de- 
posed, 1102,  by  Archbishop  Anselm  as 
not  having  been  canonically  elected. 

5.  Robert  n.,    1102  ;    not  consecrated  till 

1107,  probably  for  lack  of  the 
king's  consent ;  d.  1107.  Seven  years' 
vacancy. 

6.  Albold,    1114;     Prior    of    St.    Nicasius, 

Means  ;  d.  1119.     Two  years'  vacancy. 

7.  Anselm,  1121  ;    nephew  of  St.  Anselm  ; 

elected  Bishop  of  London,  1128,  but,  fail- 
ing to  obtain  the  royal  consent,  was  not 
consecrated  ;  desired  to  go  on  pilgrim- 
age to  Santiago  in  Spain,  but  was 
persuaded  by  the  monks  to  build  the 
church  of  St.  James,  still  standing  at 
Bury,  instead;    d.  1148. 

8.  Ording,    1148;     formerly    prior;     called 

by  Jocelin  homo  illiteratus,  but  an  able 
ruler ;  obtained  privileges  from  King 
Stephen,  whose  tutor  he  had  been ; 
d.  1156. 

9.  Hugh,    1157;     Prior    of    Westminster; 

iinder  his  inefficient  rule  the  abbey 
decayed  both  morally  and  financially ; 
d.  1180. 

Samson,  1182;  most  famous  of  aU  the 
abbots  ;  d.  1211.     Two  j^ears'  vacancy. 

Hugh  of  Northwold,  elected  1213  ;  re- 
fused confirmation  by  King  John  till 
1215;  became  Bishop'^of  Ely,  1229. 

Richard  de  I'Isle,  1229;  Abbot  of 
Burton,  formerly  a  monk  of  St.  Ed- 
munds ;  d.  1234  at  Pontigny,  while 
returning  from  Rome,  whither  he  had 
gone  to  appeal  against  visitors  sent  by 
Gregory  ix.  to  reform  the  abbey. 

Henry  of  Rushbrook,  1235  ;  excused  from 
attendance  at  the  Council  of  Lyons  on 
account  of  the  gout ;   d.  1248. 

Edmund  of  Walpole,  1248 ;  a  weak  man  ; 
was  ridiculed  for  taking  the  cross  in 
spite  of  his  monastic  vow  ;   d.  1256. 


10. 
11. 

12. 


13. 


14. 


(78) 


Butler] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Butler 


15.  Symon  of  Luton,  1257  ;   d.  1279. 

16.  John  of  Northwold,  1279  ;   d.  1301. 

17.  Thomas  of  Tottington,  1302;    d.  1312. 

18.  Richard  of  Draughton,  1312;   a  learned 

theologian  and  canonist ;  kidnapped 
in  the  riot  of  1327  ;  d.  1335. 

19.  William  of  Bernham,   1335  ;    a  man  of 

bad  character,  under  whom  scandalous 
immorality  prevailed  ;    d.   1362. 

20.  Henry   of   Hunstanton,    1362  ;     d.    1362 

on  his  way  to  Avignon  to  obtain  papal 
confirmation. 

21.  John  of  Brinkley,   1362  ;    appointed  by 

Pope  Innocent  \^.  ;  president  of  pro- 
vincial chapter  of  English  Benedictines  ; 
d.  1379.  Five  years'  vacancy  owing  to 
a  disputed  election  ;  Pope  Urban  v. 
providing  Edmund  de  Bromefield,  who 
was  imprisoned  under  the  Statute  of 
Provisors,  and  the  monks  electing 

22.  John   of   Tymworth,    who    at   last   suc- 

ceeded in  obtaining  papal  confirmation 
in  1384  ;    d.  1389. 

23.  WiUiam  of  Cratfield,  1390 ;    d.  1415. 

24.  William  of  Exeter,  1415  ;    attended  the 

Council  of  Constance  ;   d.  1429. 

25.  William    Curteys,    1429 ;    trusted   coun- 

sellor of  Henry  vi.  ;  appointed  by  the 
general  chapter  of  the  Benedictines 
visitor  of  all  their  houses  in  East  Anglia, 
1431;    d.  1446. 

26.  ^Villiam  Babington,  1446 ;    d.  1453  ;    no 

registers  appear  to  have  been  kept  by 
the  later  abbots,  and  little  is  known  of 
the  abbey's  history  at  this  time. 

27.  John  Bohun,  1453  ;    d.  1469. 

28.  Robert  of  Ixworth,  1469  ;   d.  1474. 

29.  Richard  of  Hengham,  1474  ;    d.  1479. 

30.  Thomas  Rattlesden,  1479  ;    described  as 

■pius  ;    d.  1497. 

31.  W'iUiam  Cadenham,  1497  ;    d.  1513. 

32.  John  Reeve  of  Melford,  1513  ;    became 

a  member  of  the  Privy  Council,  1520 ; 
said  by  the  visitors  to  live  too  much 
at  his  country  houses,  and  to  be  fond 
of  cards  and  dice ;  but  being  found 
'  very  conformable,'  he  was  recom- 
mended for  a  pension  which  he  did  not 
live  to  enjoy,  for  the  misfortunes  of 
his  house  and  order  '  affected  him  so 
nearly,  that  he  gave  way  to  Fate 
within  less  than  half  a  year,'  and  died 
31st  March  1540.  [g.  c] 

V.C.H.,  Suffolk:  Memorials  of  St.  Edmund's 
Abbey,  R.S.  ;  B.  Willis,  Mitred  Ahhies;  The 
Chronicle  of  Jocelin  of  Brakelond,  ed.  Sir 
Ernest  Clarke. 

BUTLER,    Joseph   (1692-1752),   was   born 
at   Wantage   of   Presbyterian   parents,    and 


after  passing  through  the  local  Grammar 
School  entered  an  academy  for  the  education 
of  ministers  at  Tewkesbury.  Here  he  was  a 
fellow-student  with  Thomas  Seeker,  after- 
wards Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  Edward 
Chandler,  his  predecessor  as  Bishop  of 
Durham,  having  also  been  educated  there. 
While  here,  in  his  twenty-second  year,  he 
entered  into  a  correspondence  with  Dr. 
Samuel  Clarke,  not  yet  suspect  of  Arianisni, 
in  criticism  of  the  a  priori  argument  contained 
in  his  Boyle  Lectures  on  The  Being  and 
Attributes  of  God.  The  acuteness  of  the 
young  man's  reasoning  was  extraordinary, 
and  Dr.  Clarke  printed  the  correspondence  in 
later  editions  of  his  work.  Not  less  remark- 
able is  the  complete  anticipation  of  the 
qualities  most  characteristic  of  his  mature 
writings.  '  I  design  the  search  after  truth,' 
he  wrote,  '  as  the  business  of  my  life  '  ;  and 
to  a  compliment  on  his  manner  he  replied : 
'  I  have  aimed  at  nothing  in  my  style,  but 
only  to  be  intelligible.'  His  unaffected 
simplicity  redeems  the  remark  from  all 
priggishness. 

His  search  after  truth  led  him  to  abandon 
Presbyterianism,  and  shortly  after  the  closing 
of  this  correspondence,  in  1714,  he  entered 
Oriel  College,  Oxford,  as  a  candidate  for 
holy  orders.  There  he  became  acquainted 
with  Edward  Talbot,  son  of  the  Bishop  of 
Durham,  through  which  connection  came 
most  of  his  subsequent  promotion.  In  1718 
he  was  appointed  to  the  preachership  at  the 
Rolls  Chapel,  which  he  retained  tiU  1726, 
delivering  there  the  great  series  of  Sermons 
which  made  his  reputation.  The  chief  of 
them  upheld  the  contention,  not  so  familiar 
then  as  now,  that  vice  is  '  a  violation  or 
breaking  in  upon  our  own  nature.'  He 
justified,  in  a  Christian  sense,  the  Stoic 
doctrine  that  virtue  is  a  life  conformable  to 
nature,  setting  himself  especially  to  correct 
a  misapprehension  of  W^oUaston's  remark  that 
'  to  place  virtue  in  following  nature  is  at  best 
a  loose  way  of  talk.'  Against  the  hedonism 
of  Shaftesbury,  then  much  in  vogue,  he 
maintained  the  supremacy  of  conscience, 
regarded  as  an  endowment  of  man  no  less 
natural  than  the  passions  and  appetites. 

A  volume  of  fifteen  of  these  Sermons  was 
published  in  1726,  with  a  preface  containing 
an  apology,  not  unneeded,  for  issuing  under 
that  title  such  abstruse  treatises.  Six  others 
were  added  in  later  editions.  In  1722  the 
Bishop  of  Durham  had  collated  him  to  the 
rectory  of  Houghton,  which  he  exchanged 
three  years  later  for  the  valuable  benefice  of 
Stanhope,  where  he  kept  close  residence  for 
some  years.     Queen  Caroline  asked  on  one 


(79) 


Calvinism] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Calvinism 


occasion  whether  he  were  not  dead,  to  which 
the  Archbishop  of  York  replied:  '  No,  madam, 
but  he  is  buried.'  In  1733  Charles  Talbot, 
son  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  becoming  Lord 
Chancellor,  made  him  his  chaplain,  and 
presented  him  to  a  prebend  at  Rochester. 
In  1736,  mainly  through  Seeker's  influence, 
he  became  Clerk  of  the  Closet  to  Queen 
Caroline,  and  attended  her  constantly  until 
her  death  in  1737.  About  the  same  time 
was  published  the  work  by  which  he  is  best 
known,  The  Analogy  of  Religion,  Natural  and 
Revealed,  to  the  Constitution  and  Course  of 
Nature,  with  its  momentous  introduction  on 
the  argument  ~of  Probability.  The  preface 
contained  the  famous  sentence  :  '  It  is  come, 
I  know  not  how,  to  be  taken  for  granted  by 
many  persons  that  Christianity  is  not  so 
much  as  a  subject  of  inquiry ;  but  that  it  is, 
now  at  length,  discovered  to  be  fictitious.' 
The  direct  sequence  of  this  great  treatise 
upon  the  Sermons  depends  on  the  observation 
that  probability  alone  sufficiently  establishes 
a  moral  obligation  -vAhich  the  conscience  can 
recognise — a  position  denied  by  Toland  and 
other  Deists.  [Deists.]  In  1738  Butler 
was  appointed  Bishop  of  Bristol,  being 
consecrated  on  3rd  December.  There  he 
came  into  unpleasant  i-elations  with  John 
Wesley  {q-v.),  whose  exaggerated  super- 
naturalism  he  disliked,  and  with  Whitefield 
{q.v.),  whose  teaching  of  total  depravity 
seemed  to  him  intolerable.  In  1740 
the  slender  income  of  his  see  was  supple- 
mented   with    the   deanery   of    St.    Paul's, 


and  he  resigned  the  rectory  of  Stanhope. 
In  1746  he  was  made  Clerk  of  the  Closet  to 
the  King  ;  in  1750  he  was  translated  to  the 
bishojJric  of  Durham.  In  1747  he  is  said  to 
have  refused  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  '  too  late  for  him  to 
try  to  support  a  falling  church.'  In  his  prim- 
ary charge  he  discoursed  of  religion  in  a  strain 
very  different  from  the  dry  intellectualism 
of  his  Sermons  and  of  the  Analogy  ;  he  noted 
'  the  general  decay  of  religion  in  this  nation  '  ; 
he  insisted  once  more  on  the  moral  force  of 
probability ;  but  he  attributed  the  general 
lack  of  religion  not  so  much  to  '  a  speculative 
disbelief  or  denial  of  it,'  as  to  '  thoughtlessness 
and  the  common  temptations  of  life.'  The 
remedy  was  to  be  found  in  greater  attention 
to  public  and  private  forms  of  devotion.  He 
referred  to  Mohammedan  and  Romanist 
practice,  by  virtue  of  which  '  people  cannot 
pass  a  day  without  having  reUgion  recalled  to 
their  minds.'  These  remarks  brought  upon 
him  a  ridiculous  charge  of  being  a  crypto- 
papist,  supported  hy  reference  to  a  marble 
cross  which  he  had  placed  behind  the 
altar  in  his  chapel  at  Bristol,  and  it  was 
even  asserted  afterwards  that  he  had  died  in 
the  communion  of  Rome.  His  friend  Seeker, 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  at  pains 
to  make  a  solemn  refutation  of  this  calumny. 
Butler  died  unmarried  at  Bath  on  the  16th 
of  June  1752,  and  was  buried  in  Bristol 
Cathedral.  [t.  a.  l.] 

Works;    R.    W.    Churuh,  Pascal   and  other 
Scnnoiis,  pp.  25-51  ;  T.  Bartlett,  Life. 


c 


CALVINISM.  The  name  given  to  the 
complex  of  doctrines,  which  were  sup- 
posed to  be  especially  characteristic  of  the 
Genevan  reformers.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  John 
Calvin,  who  Avas  not  an  original  thinker, 
but  a  systematiser,  did  not  originate  the 
doctrines  connected  with  liis  name  ;  while 
in  England  at  least  Calvinism  is  by  no  means 
necessarily  connected  with  Calvin's  system  of 
Church  government.  It  is  tenable  with  or 
without  a  belief  in  episcopacy,  and  indicates 
no  more  than  a  belief  in  the  rigid  doctrines  of 
predestination  and  reprobation,  and  a  dislike 
of  all  ceremonial  in  religion,  coupled  with  the 
denial  of  any  final  authority  outside  the  Bible. 
In  regard  to  predestination,  Calvin's  Instiiuiio 
did  but  state  in  a  more  systematic  and 
scholastic  form  what  had  been  the  belief  of 
Luther.  In  the  latter's  reply  to  Erasmus, 
De  Servo  Arbitrio,  and  in  numerous  other 


writings,  Luther  makes  it  clear  that  he, 
equally  with  Calvin,  denied  all  freedom  or 
responsibility  to  man,  and  asserted  the  en- 
tirely predetermined  nature  of  human  hfe, 
including  the  sin  of  Adam.  In  tliis,  again, 
the  reformers  were  merely  following  a 
tendency  that  had  been  very  prevalent  at  the 
close  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Wyclif  (q.v.)  used 
to  say :  Omnia  qua  evenient,  de  necessitate 
eveniiint,  although  it  is  not  quite  certain 
how  far  Wychf  included  in.tliis  the  action  of 
the  human  wiU.  Bradwardine,  his  master,  had 
been  a  very  strong  predestinarian.  So,  as  in 
other  sides  of  Puritanism  {e.g.  the  dislike  of 
the  drama),  the  position  taken  up  by  extreme 
Protestantism  was  not  so  much  an  innovation 
on  the  mediaeval  Anschauung  as  the  exaggera- 
tion and  emphasising  of  one  or  more  elements 
within  it. 

Calvin's     syetem     as     developed     in     his 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Calvinism 


Institutio  Christianae  religionis  is  a  logical 
and  compact  doctrine,  lucid,  harmonious,  and 
horrible.  It  starts  from  one  tenet,  and  from 
that  argues  deductively  without  any  qualifica- 
tion. That  tenet  is  the  sovereignty  of  God. 
The  system  is  an  intellectualist  construction, 
entirely  regardless  of  the  facts  of  Ufe.  Since 
God  can  only  be  conceived  as  sovereign,"  and 
since  no  limits  can  be  set  to  His  omnipotence, 
for  to  do  so  is  to  deny  His  freedom,  there  can 
be  no  place  for  any  real  choice  on  the  part  of 
a  created  being;  and  the  place  of  man  in  the 
universe  is  necessarily  decided  by  divine 
decree.  God's  predestination  is  something 
more  than  His  foreknowledge,  and  no 
consideration  is  given  to  the  possibility  of 
His  Limiting  Himself  by  the  creation  of  free 
beings.  There  never  was  nor  will  be  any 
freedom  save  that  of  God's  eternal  will. 
It  is  not  merely  the  case  that  Adam's  descend- 
ants all  share  his  nature  and  therefore  his 
guilt.  This  view  the  infralapsarian,  while 
denying  freedom  to  the  individual,  asserts 
it  for  the  race,  and  is  in  reaUty,  as  proved 
in  the  case  of  Arminius,  destructive  of  the 
sheer  monism  to  which  Calvinism  leads. 
But  this  is  not  the  doctrine  of  Calvin  or 
Luther.  Not  merely  is  sin  the  corruption  of 
Adam,  but  Adam's  own  sin  was  predeter- 
mined, and  he  had  no  real  choice.  At  the 
same  time,  since  human  nature  is  thus  evil, 
it  has  no  rights ;  every  man  is  ipso  jure 
damned ;  nor  can  he  complain  of  the  fortun- 
ate Jews  or  Christians,  who  are  elect.  Salva- 
tion being  a  matter  not  of  right  but  of  grace, 
God's  freedom  is  not  to  be  judged,  but  His 
abundant  mercy  praised.  In  tliis  view  Christ 
died  only  for  a  few,  and  those  few,  being 
predestined  to  glory,  cannot  by  any  outward 
sin  sever  themselves  from  their  destiny. 

Although  Calvinism  naturally  and  historic- 
aEy  leads  on  to  determinism,  it  must  not  be 
confused  with  it.  The  determinist  starts 
with  an  analysis  of  human  life,  and  with  the 
conception  of  cause  and  effect,  mathematic- 
ally understood.  He  arrives,  in  consequence, 
at  a  universe  which  from  start  to  finish  is  a 
network  of  inevitable  relations,  and  has  no 
place  for  spirit.  Calvin,  on  the  other  hand, 
starts  from  the  idea  of  freedom  found  in  its 
perfection  in  God,  and  so  anxious  is  he  to 
preserve  this  intact  that  he  allows  no  real 
place  for  that  or  any  other  element  in  the 


universe    of    being.     This    is    more 


naif  -in 


Luther,  but  there  is  no  doubt  of  it  being 
present  in  both.  It  is  the  conception  of 
sovereignty  unlimited  by  law,  which  had 
governed  the  minds  of  the  great  civilians, 
and  was  applied  to  the  Papacy  (also  to  the 
modem   State)   transferred  to  the  sphere  of 


religion.     In  Calvin's  work  the  notion  of  God 
as  essentially  Love  simply  does  not  occur. 

It  is  customary  to  attribute  the  strength  of 
this  system  to  its  logical  coherence.  But 
that  is  surely  to  allow  too  much  to  mere 
formal  consistency,  when  it  is  remembered 
i  that  for  so  long  a  time  it  dominated  Protestant 
Europe.  Rather  we  should  be  justified  in 
seeing  it  in  the  tremendous  experience  of 
Luther,  repeated  in  petto  in  thousands  of 
lesser  men.  The  sense  of  the  '  elect,'  that 
i  he  was  in  God's  hands,  that  he  was  being 
I  swept  in  the  force  of  a  current  stronger  than 
himself,  the  intimate  experience  of  being 
one  cared  for,  chosen  by  a  heavenly  Father, 
coupled  with  the  knowledge  that  many  had 
I  no  such  security,  and  many  more  no  hope  of 
;  it,  and  set  against  a  background  of  a  religion 
that  could  be  construed  purely  externally,  was 
j  probably  the  leverage  which  gave  the  new 
1  system  such  strength.  It  is  '  the  godly  and 
comfortable  doctrine  of  election.'  Strength 
of  one  kind  or  another  it  undoubtedly  had. 
'  Few  were  the  minds  in  the  English  Church 
in  the  mid-sixteenth  century  whom  it  did 
not  dominate,  and  its  power  in  the  other 
reformed  communions  was  little  short  of 
tyrannical.  Fortunately  for  England,  it 
failed  of  complete  expression.  The  Thirty- 
nine  Articles  are  almost  certainly  patient  of 
a  purely. Calvinist  interpretation;  but  they 
are  so  adroitly  framed  that  it  can  be  eluded, 
and  despite  the  ruling  influences  in  the  Church 
of  Elizabeth,  sheer  Calvinism  never  became 
authoritative.  Often,  indeed,  have  attempts 
been  made  to  deny  this.  But  the  facts  are 
against  such  denial.  If  the  articles  had 
excluded  a  non-Calvinist  interpretation, 
why  were  they  never  held  sufficient  by  the 
extreme  party  ?  The  strongest  evidence 
of  all  is  that  afforded  by  the  Lambeth 
Articles  of  Whitgift  (q.v.).  Though  a 
stern  upholder  of  uniformity  and  no  friend 
to  the  Presbyterian  movement  led  by 
Thomas  Cartwright  {q.v.),  he  was  wilhng,  if 
not  to  give  the  extreme  Calvinists  all  they 
wanted,  at  least  to  go  a  great  deal  further 
than  the  existing  formulce.  The  Thirty-nine 
Articles  were  then  to  be  supplemented  by  the 
following.  These  propositions,  generally  known 
as  the  Lambeth  Articles,  are  as  follows : — 

1.  God  from  eternity  hath  predestinated 
some  to  life,  some  He  hath  reprobated  to 
death. 

2.  The  moving  or  efficient  cause  of  pre- 
destination to  life  is  not  the  prevision  of 
faith,  or  of  perseverance,  or  of  good  works, 
or  of  anything  which  may  be  in  the  persons 
predestinated,  but  only  the  wiU  of  the  good 
pleasure  of  God. 


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3.  Of  the  predestinated  there  is  a  fore- 
limited  and  certain  number  which  can  neither 
be  diminished  nor  increased. 

4.  They  who  are  not  predestinated  to 
salvation  will  be  necessarily  condemned  on 
account  of  their  sins. 

5.  A  true  living  and  justifying  faith,  and 
the  Spirit  of  God  sanctifying  is  not  extin- 
guished, does  not  fall  away,  does  not  vanish 
in  the  elect  either  totally  or  finally. 

6.  A  truly  faithful  man,  that  is  one  en- 
dowed with  justifying  faith,  is  certain  by 
the  fuU  assurance  of  faith,  of  the  remission 
of  his  sins  and  his  eternal  salvation  through 
Christ. 

7.  Saving  grace  is  not  given,  is  not  com- 
municated, is  not  granted  to  all  men,  by 
which  they  might  be  saved  if  they  would. 

8.  No  man  can  come  to  Christ  except  it 
be  given  to  him,  and  unless  the  Father  draw 
him.  And  all  men  are  not  drawn  by  the 
Father  that  they  may  come  unto  the  Son. 

9.  It  is  not  placed  in  the  will  or  power  of 
every  man  to  be  saved. 

But  for  the  prescience  of  Elizabeth,  and 
the  strong  common-sense  of  the  lay  mind 
as    shown    in    Burleigh,    these    would    have 
become  the  law  of  the  Church.     Later  on,  in 
the  light  of  the  Arminian  controversy,  the 
House  of  Commons  endeavoured  to  maintain 
that  they  were  the  official  interpretation  of 
the  existing  formularies.     To  this  the  reply 
was  the  Declaration  of  Charles  i.     Thus,  first 
the  clerical  party  and  afterwards  the  laymen 
failed  in  imposing  them  on  the  Church  of 
England.     With     the     summoning     of     the 
Westminster    Assembly,    however,    and    the 
imposition    of    '  The    Solemn    League    and 
Covenant,'  it  seemed  as  though  the  day  of  final 
triumph  had  come.     That  the  Westminster 
Confession  and  Catechism  enshrined  the  pure 
Cahinistic  faith  has  never  been  questioned. 
Fortunately,   however,   these    were   imposed 
only  by  the  Erastian  House  of  Commons,  and 
the  Assembly  of  Divines  had  no  real  ecclesi- 
astical authority.     Along  with  the  Directory 
they  may  have  been  held  to  be  the  secular 
law  for  the  Establishment  during  the  period 
of    triumphant    Puritanism.     Even    then    it 
may  be  doubted  whether  they  any  more  than 
the  '  Holy  Discipline '  had  any  wide  practical 
predominance    outside  London   and   Lanca- 
shire.    The  provisions  of   the  Instniment  of 
Government    and    the    Humble   Petition   and 
Advice  made  distinctly  for  toleration  in  this 
matter,  if  not  in  others.     The  whole  fabric, 
however,  was  swept  away  at  the  Restoration, 
and  with  the   Act   of   Uniformity   of    1662 
vanished  the  last  danger  of  a  church  officially 
Calvinistic. 


In  the  Methodist  and  Evangelical  revival 
of  the  eighteenth  century  the  old  controversy 
arose  again.  It  was  largely  the  ground  of 
the  quarrel  between  Lady  Huntingdon  {q.v.) 
and  her  chaplain,  Whitefield  {q.v.),  and  John 
Wesley  {q.v.).  Wesley  was  a  strong  Arminian, 
and  frequent  expressions  of  disgust  at  the 
narrowness  of  the  Calvinist  offer  of  salvation 
only  to  a  few  are  to  be  found  in  his  Journal. 
The  Calvinistic  Methodists  of  Wales  testify 
by  their  title  to  the  nature  of  the  quarrel  and 
to  their  difference  from  other  Methodists. 

It  is  impossible  to  follow  the  fortunes  of 
Calvinism  in  other  countries.  In  Scotland 
the  trial  of  J.  M'Leod  Campbell  (1800-72) 
for  heresy  in  1830  because  he  asserted  that 
Christ  died  for  aU  is  a  proof  of  how  greatly 
the  old  doctrine  still  dominated  men's  minds 
even  in  the  nineteenth  century.  In  the 
recent  changes,  however,  even  its  official 
authority  has  been  done  away.  The  basis  of 
Union  of  the  Free  Kirk  and  the  United  Pres- 
byterian, and  the  fifth  clause  of  the  Scottish 
Church  Act,  1905  (5  Edw.  vii.  c.  12),  remove 
from  both  estabhshed  and  non-established 
bodies  any  obligation  to  hold  to  Calvinism 
in  the  old  literal  sense. 

The  springs  of  modern  philosophic  deter- 
minism, as  expounded  by  Spinoza  and  Hegel, 
have  sometimes  and  with  some  justice  been 
traced  to  the  denial  of  human  freedom  set 
out  by  Luther  and  Calvin.  This  influence, 
however,  must  only  be  a  matter  of  conjecture, 
and  is  at  most  indirect.  Neither  is  there 
space  here  to  discuss  the  exact  relation 
between  the  predestinarianism  of  Calvin  and 
that  of  St.  Augustine.  It  may,  however,  be 
said  that  St.  Augustine,  even  at  the  cost  of 
some  inconsistency,  refused  to  draw  the 
extreme  conclusion  of  either  total  depravity 
or  divine  reprobation  in  the  Calvinistic  sense. 

[j.  N.  F.] 

CAMBRIDGE    PLATONISTS.      The 

greatest  corporate  mystical  reaction  that 
England  has  ever  known  owes  itself  to  the 
group  of  men  in  the  seventeenth  century,  called 
the  Cambridge  Platonists.  Educated,  all  but 
one,  at  Emmanuel  CoUege,  Cambridge,  the 
seat  of  Puritanism,  they  summarise  and  ex- 
press rather  what  Puritanism  fell  short  in 
than  what  it  represented.  Concrete,  sharp- 
cut  dogma  had  held  the  field  in  the  West- 
minster Assembly  ;  men's  minds  had  been 
fixed  on  formulas  and  formularies  ;  and  the 
mystics  came  to  the  rescue  of  vital,  inward 
truth,  and  the  adjustment  of  the  outer  to 
the  inner  life.  They  claimed  supremely  to 
be  illuminated  by  Reason  ;  and  this,  far  from 
degrading  it,  as  in  the  following  century,  to 


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[Cambridge 


the  sum  of  man's  opinions  as  a  perceptive 
animal,  they  understood  to  be  the  entire 
faculty  of  apprehension  ;  and  most  especially 
its  extension  by  continuity  and  analogy  to 
those  matters  the  proofs  of  which  are  drawn 
from  experience  rather  than  from  demonstra- 
tion. The  kinship,  established  by  this  attitude, 
with  the  I'latonic  and  Neo-Platonic  schools 
of  thought,  they  further  strengthened  by  a 
study,  amounting  almost  to  a  revival  of,  the 
philosophy  of  those  (especially  of  the  latter) 
writers.  Principal  Tulloch  thus  describes  the 
task  to  which  they  set  themselves.  They 
sought  to  marrj'  '  philosophy  to  religion,  and 
to  confirm  the  union  in  the  indestructible 
basis  of  reason  and  the  essential  elements  of 
our  higher  humanity.  ...  It  was  the  first 
elaborate  attempt  to  wed  Christianity  and 
philosophy  made  by  any  Protestant  school ; 
and  it  may  even  be  said  to  have  been  the  first 
true  attempt  of  the  kind  since  the  days  of  the 
great  Alexandrine  teachers.'  The  writings 
of  those  men  are  sown  with  quotations  from 
Pj'thagoras,  Plato,  Plotinus,  Philo,  and 
Clement  of  Alexandria.  In  more  modern 
times  the  greatest  sympathetic  influence 
the}'  confessed  was  that  of  Descartes  ;  while 
they  ranged  themselves  with  more  or  less 
neutrality  to  that  of  Bacon,  and  in  active 
hostility  to  the  philosophj'  of  Hobbes.  The 
axioms  of  the  author  of  the  Leviathan  (1651), 
that  morality  consists  only  in  seeking  each 
man  his  own  advantage  ;  and  that,  as  Bishop 
Burnet  puts  it,  '  rehgion  has  no  other  foun- 
dation than  the  law  of  the  land,'  were  natur- 
ally intolerable  to  the  Cambridge  Platonists. 
Cudworth,  in  especial,  took  the  field  against 
the  Leviathan,  and  was  among  its  most 
damaging  critics.  The  calm,  reasonable, 
practical  side  of  their  teaching  is  sometimes 
dwelt  on  to  the  exclusion  of  the  enthusiasm 
and  the  passion  for  an  undivided  devotion  to 
the  Person  and  Example  of  Jesus  Christ,  that 
is  a  no  less  marked  feature.  If,  in  some  of 
their  writings,  the  lack  of  controversial  stj'le, 
and  the  occasional  prolixity  and  adherence 
to  obsolete  beUefs,  should  lead  people  to 
misjudge  the  value  of  their  contribution  to 
English  rehgious  life,  it  may  be  safely  asserted 
that  there  exists  nothing  more  finely  character- 
istic of  Enghsh  piety  at  its  best  than  the 
flower  of  the  writings  of  Whichcote,  John 
Smith,  and  Culverwel ;  while  the  powerful 
intellect  and  critical  acuteness  of  Cudworth 
have  placed  him  for  ever  among  the  English 
philosophers. 

Benjamin  Whichcote,  1609-83.  Fellow  of 
Emmanuel,  1633  ;  Rector  of  North  Cadbury, 
Somerset,  1643  :  returned  to  Cambridge  in 
1644  as  Provost  of  King's,  succeeding  Dr. 


Collins,  who  was  deprived  by  Parliament. 
Whichcote  accepted  the  office  with  great 
reluctance,  and  under  pressure,  on  condition 
of  being  allowed  to  share  the  stipend  with 
its  banished  holder.  At  Cambridge,  and 
especially  as  lecturer  in  'i'rinity  Church,  he 
exercised  a  far-reaching  influence  on  the 
religious  thought  of  his  time.  He  preached, 
we  are  told,  from  very  short  notes,  so  that 
the  matter  rather  than  the  manner  of  his 
sermons  is  what  survives  to  us.  He  appears 
to  have  been  one  of  the  born  teachers  and 
inspirers  of  men  who  are  most  instrumental 
in  forming  the  mind  of  their  times,  although 
in  such  fashion  that  after  ages  are  apt  to 
underestimate  their  power,  shaping  as  it 
did  more  living,  but  less  directly  traceable 
material  than  paper  folios.  At  the  Restora- 
tion, he,  in  his  turn,  was  deprived  of  the 
Provostship,  but  was  appointed  in  1662  to 
St.  Anne's,  Blackfriars.  Thence  he  removed, 
on  the  burning  of  his  church  in  the  Great 
Fire,  to  a  living  in  Cambridgeshire ;  but  re- 
turned to  London  in  1668  to  the  living  of 
St.  Lawrence,  Jewry,  which  he  held  till  he  died 
in  1683.  Tillotson  {q.v.)  preached  his  funeral 
sermon.  As  is  natural  for  a  mind  of  Which- 
cote's  stamp,  reacting  from  the  coining  of 
formularies  and  declarations  of  faith,  in  the 
sphere  of  religion  \aewed  as  a  life  principle, 
he  dwells  in  his  teaching  on  the  peculiarly 
mystical  doctrine  of  the  necessitj^  for  Christ's 
Redemption  to  be  worked  in  us  as  well  as 
for  us.  The  antecedent  goodness  of  God  as 
shown  in  the  Atonement  is  also  a  favourite 
topic.  All  the  mystics  unite  in  repelling 
with  passion  the  hateful  Calvinist  doctrine 
of  an  angry  God,  satisfied  only  with  utmost 
vengeance  on  a  vicarious  Victim.  Which- 
cote, no  less  than  his  feUows,  proclaims  the 
unalterable  love  of  God  to  be  the  true  and 
only  moving  cause  of  Christ's  coming.  His 
aphorisms,  collected  from  his  MSS.,  were 
published  with  his  sermons  after  his  death. 
Many  of  them  and  of  his  sayings  are  of 
great  value.  '  If  a  man  has  wrong  suppo- 
sitions in  his  mind  concerning  God,  he  will  be 
wrong  through  aU  the  parts  of  his  rehgion.' 
'  Heaven  is  first  a  temper,  and  then  a  place.' 
'  To  go  against  reason  is  to  go  against  God  ; 
.  .  .  reason  is  the  divine  governor  of  man's 
life  ;  it  is  the  very  voice  of  God.'  '  We  are, 
noneofus,atallbetterthanivemean;  .  .  .  and 
the  truth  is  here,  there  is  no  dispensation  for 
failure  in  intention.  For  misapprehension 
God  doth  grant  allowance,  and  dispense  with 
human  frailties  ;  but  for  a  failing  of  intention 
there  is  no  dispensation.' 

Ralph  Cudworth,  1617-88.     Matriculated  at 
Emmanuel,  1632 ;   held  the  living  of  North 


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Cadbury,  Somerset,  for  the  two  years  immedi- 
ately preceding  Whichcote ;  became  B.D. 
and  Master  of  Clare  Hall,  1644  ;  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Hebrew,  and  Master  of  Christ's, 
1654.  He  had  friendly  dealings  with  the 
Commonwealth  officials,  but  maintained  his 
position  at  the  Restoration,  and  was  given 
a  living  in  Herts.  In  spite  of  this,  and  of 
subsequently  being  made  a  prebendary  of 
Gloucester,  he  remained  in  Cambridge,  and 
died  there.  As  a  young  man  he  attracted 
attention  by  two  remarkable  sermons ;  and 
in  1647  he  preached  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  by  no  means  mincing  his  words, 
but  gi%'ing  them  some  very  plain,  hard  truths 
to  digest.  But  Cudworth's  life-work,  and 
that  Avhich  renders  him  the  most  famous  of 
all  the  Cambridge  Platonists,  is  his  refutation 
of  Hobbes's  Leviathan,  which  he  undertook 
in  a  work  entitled  The  True  Intellectual 
System  of  the  Universe.  The  lack  of  system 
and  discipline  in  the  presentation  of  his 
thought  has  prevented  full  justice  always 
being  done  to  his  vigorous  and  destructive 
criticism  of  the  rival  philosophy,  and  of  the 
writer's  immense  and  varied  learning.  '  These 
three  things,'  he  says  in  a  characteristic 
passage,  '  are  the  fundamentals  and  essentials 
of  true  religion — namelj^  that  all  things  do 
not  float  -without  a  head  and  governor,  but 
there  is  an  omnipotent  understanding  Being 
presiding  over  all ;  that  God  hath  an  essential 
goodness  and  justice  ;  and  that  the  differences 
of  good  and  evil  moral,  honest  and  dishonest, 
are  not  by  mere  ^viU  and  law  only,  but  by 
nature ;  and  consequently,  that  the  Deity 
cannot  act,  influence,  and  necessitate  men 
to  such  things  as  are  in  their  own  nature  evil ; 
and  lastly,  that  necessity  is  not  intrinsical 
to  the  nature  of  everything,  but  that  men 
have  such  a  liberty  or  power  over  their  own 
actions  as  may  render  them  accountable  for 
the  same,  and  blameworthy  when  they  do 
amiss ;  and,  consequently,  that  there  is  a 
justice  distributive  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments running  through  the  world.' 

John  Smith,  1618-52.  Smith  was  Which- 
cote's  pupil  at  Emmanuel;  graduated  B.A. 
in  1640,  and  became  Fellow  of  Queens'  in 
1644.  Gifted  with  a  remarkably  beautiful 
disposition,  he  was  held  in  high  esteem  as  a 
tutor,  alike  for  his  character  and  for  his 
learning,  and  the  ready  command  in  which 
he  held  it  alwaj'S  at  his  disposal.  He  was  the 
most  naturally  eloquent,  and  possessed  the 
most  felicitous  style  of  all  the  Cambridge 
Phitonists,  as  is  witnessed  by  his  volume  of 
Select  Discourses,  the  only  work  that  has 
survived,  probably  the  only  one  he  ever 
wrote.     In    the    first    of    these    occurs    the 


pregnant  aphorism :  '  Such  as  men  them- 
selves are,  such  wiU  God  Himself  seem  to  be  '  ; 
and  throughout  this,  and  the  sermon  on  the 
Nature  of  God,  it  is  taught  that  the  most 
direct  road  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Supreme 
Being  is  by  reflection  upon  'our  own  originals,' 
upon  the  divine  spark  that  inhabits,  or  that 
is  the  consciousness  of  every  man.  John 
Smith's  definition  of  the  eternity  and  omni- 
presence of  God  is  an  admirable  antidote  to 
the  vagueness  and  the  pantheism  whereinto 
some  mystics  have  faUen  :  '  We  may  also 
know  God  to  be  eternal  and  omnipresent,  not 
because  He  fills  either  place  or  time,  but 
rather  because  He  wanteth  neither.'  He 
paraphrases  Whichcote  when  he  says  :  '  Hell 
is  rather  a  nature  than  a  place  ;  and  heaven 
cannot  be  so  truly  defined  by  anything  with- 
out us,  as  by  something  that  is  within  us.' 

Henry  More,  1614-87.  After  a  brilliant 
career  at  Eton  entered  Christ's  CoUege,  1631; 
became  M.A.  and  FeUow,  1639.  Nothing 
would  induce  liim  to  leave  Cambridge  per- 
manently, and  there  he  lived  and  died,  a 
student,  with  many  friends  of  every  sort. 
Greatly  troubled  in  his  youth  by  the  problems 
of  Life,  he  found  their  solution  in  the  mystical 
writers,  especially  Plotinus,  Hermes  Tris- 
megistus,  and  the  Theologia  Germanica,  '  that 
golden  little  book,  that  first  so  pierced  and 
affected  me."  He  was  also  a  great  student  of 
the  Cabbala.  His  ^^Titings  are  numerous, 
but  of  much  less  present  interest  than  those 
of  the  rest  of  his  school.  At  one  time  an 
enthusiastic  Cartesian,  he  discovered  in  later 
years  a  more  material  than  spiritual  tend- 
ency in  the  French  philosopher,  and  cast  him 
aside.  More  was  beyond  doubt  the  most 
picturesque  figure  in  the  group  ;  charming, 
fantastic,  intellectual,  and  deeply  rehgious, 
he  held  a  unique  position.  He  has  more 
affinities  than  the  other  Cambridge  Platonists 
with  the  Nature  mystics — those  who  hold  the 
correspondence  of  the  visible  -with  the  in- 
visible throughout  all  things  in  the  universe. 
The  Life  of  More  was  a  favourite  book  with 
William  Law  {q.v.). 

Nathaniel  Culverwel,  d.  1651,  entered  Em- 
manuel CoUege  in  1633,  and  in  time  became 
FeUow,  preaching  m  its  chapel  his  famous  ser- 
mons. The  favourite  text  of  the  Cambridge 
Platonists,  '  The  spirit  of  man  is  the  candle  of 
the  Lord  '  (Prov.  20-'),  is  very  dear  to  him, 
and  a  noble  sermon  on  Reason  is  based  upon 
it.  '  The  Creator,'  he  sa3's,  '  furnished  and 
beautified  this  lower  part  of  the  world  with 
Intellectual  lamps,  that  should  shine  forth 
to  the  praise  and  honour  of  His  Name,  which 
totaUy  have  their  dependence  upon  Him 
both  for  their  being,  and  for  their  perpetual 


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continuation  of  them  in  their  being.  'Twas 
He  that  lighted  up  these  lamps  at  first ; 
'tis  He  that  drops  the  golden  oil  into  them. 
Look  then  a  wliile  but  upon  the  Parentage  and 
Original  of  the  soul,  and  of  Reason,  and  you'll 
presentl}^  perceive  that  'twas  the  Candle  of 
the  Lord.^ 

John  Worlhington,  1618-71,  probably  con- 
temporary at  Emmanuel  with  John  Smith, 
whose  Discourses  he  edited,  became  Master 
of  Jesus  College ;  lecturer  at  Hackney, 
1670. 

The  following  are  two  Oxford  disciples : — 

Joseph  Glanvill,  1636-80,  the  ally  and 
satellite  of  More ;  a  scholar  of  great  pro- 
mise and  brilliancy ;  died  at  the  age  of  forty - 
four. 

John  N orris,  1657-1711.  Rector  of  Be- 
merton;  corresponded  with  More,  and  was, 
like  Wilham  Law,  a  fervent  disciple  of 
Malebranche.  Principal  Tulloch  calls  him 
'  The  solitary  Platonist  of  the  Revolution 
era  '  ;  and  he  is  also  singular  among  Englisli 
mystics  for  the  manner  in  which  he  espouses 
the  Dionysian  teaching  of  the  '  Di\ane  Dark  ' 
— Walter  Hilton  indeed  alluding  to  it,  but  in 
a  slightly  different  sense.  [e.  c.  g.] 

Tulloch,  Rational  Theologi/  in  Kny.  in 
Seventeenth  Century,  vol.  ii.  ;  J.  H.  Overtoil, 
Life  and  Opinions  of  the  Rev.  William  Law  ; 
Whichcote,  Sernwyis,  Aphorisvis ;  John  Smitli, 
Select  Discourses  ;  Culverwel,  Light  of  Reason, 
etc.  ;  More,  Mystery  of  Godliness,  Divine  Dia- 
logues ;  Norris,  Sermons,  Miscellanies:  Cam. 
jiist.  Eng.  Lit.,  viii.  chap.  .\i. 

CAMPEGaiO,  Lorenzo  (1472-1539),  Car- 
dinal and  Bishop  of  Sahsbury,  belonged  to  a 
noble  Bolognese  family;  studied  law,  and 
married,  but  after  the  death  of  his  wife  was  or- 
dained, and  was  created  cardinal  by  Leo  x., 
1517.  He  twice  visited  England  as  Legate, 
and  on  both  occasionsHenryvin.(g. v.) insisted 
that  Wolsey  {q.v.)  should  share  his  Legatine 
functions  and  authority.  In  1518  he  was 
sent  to  persuade  Henry  to  join  in  a  crusade 
against  the  Turks ;  in  1528  to  try  the  question 
of  the  validity  of  Henry's  marriage  with 
Katherine  of  Aragon.  He  suffered  much 
from  gout,  which  Bishop  Gardiner  {q.v.)  said 
was  the  only  objection  to  his  position  as 
Legate.  He  was  under  instructions  from 
Clement  vii.  not  to  deUver  judgment  without 
referring  the  matter  to  Rome.  Wolsey  mean- 
time was  pressing  for  an  immediate  decision. 
The  difficulty  was  settled  by  the  case  being 
recalled  to  Rome,  and  his  mission  terminated. 
As  an  affront,  Henry  had  his  baggage  searched 
by  the  customs  officers  at  Dover.  He  had 
been  appointed  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  1514, 
but  was  deprived  by  Act  of  Parliament,  1534 


(25  Hen.  viii.  c.  xxvii.)  on  the  ground  of  non- 
residence,  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Jirevver,    Reign    of    Henry    VIU.  ;    Dr.     J. 
Gainliier    in    /.*.iV. /J.  ;    Cassan,    Lives  of   the 

Bishtips  of  Salisbury. 

CANON  LAW  IN  THE  ENGLISH 
CHURCH  TO  1534.  A  camm  is  a  rule  of 
conduct,  and  .specifically  a  rule  laid  down  by 
the  Chi'istian  Church  for  its  members.  There 
is  a  theory  of  the  origins  of  Christianity, 
recently  stated  with  great  force  by  Rudolf 
Sohra,  according  to  which  the  fonnulation  of 
such  rules  is  foreign  to  the  principles  of  the 
Gospel,  and  should  be  regarded  as  an  aberra- 
tion. Sohm  has  been  effectively  criticised  by 
Harnack,  who  shows  that '  probably  never  in  the 
history  of  religion  has  a  new  society  appeared 
with  a  more  abundant  and  elaborate  equip- 
ment.' Indeed,  much  was  taken  over  from 
the  Synagogue,  the  Ecclesia  of  Clu-ist  being 
regarded  as  the  trae  succession  of  the 
Ecclesia  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  assembly 
of  apostles  and  presbyters,  recorded  in 
Acts  15,  made  an  express  canon  ;  we  find 
St.  Paul  doing  the  same  in  his  epistles ;  the 
word  Kovoov  first  appears  in  this  sense  in 
Gal.  6^^.  In  addition  to  such  formulated 
rules,  the  Church,  Like  any  other  human 
society,  recognised  a  mass  of  unwritten 
custom  which  should  not  be  transgressed, 
and  St.  Paul  could  cut  short  a  debate  by 
saying:  'We  have  no  such  custom  {(Tvvi)6eia), 
neither  the  Churches  of  God'  (1  Cor.  11^®). 
There  were  therefore  from  the  first  the  ele- 
ments of  a  systematic  order  in  the  Church, 
and  these  pointed  almost  inevitably,  along 
the  ordinary  lines  of  human  development, 
to  a  codified  Iiis  canonicuvi. 

But  tills  was  remarkably  slow  in  arriving. 
The  law  of  the  Church  was  supposed  to 
reside  in  the  breast  of  each  bishop,  as  pastor 
and  judge,  who  was  guided  by  custom  and 
by  sparse  records,  cliiefly  those  of  the  canoni- 
cal Scriptures.  Councils  of  bishops  for  exer- 
cising discipline  are  obscurely  indicated  by 
the  writer  quoted  by  Eusebius  (v.  16)  as 
concerned  with  the  Montanist  heresy  in 
the  second  century.  In  the  third  century 
they  became  frequent,  and  authentic  records 
begin ;  from  the  fourth  century  onward 
they  were  in  full  working  order.  The  exer- 
cise of  an  authority  that  can  properly  be 
called  jurisdiction,  whether  by  individual 
bishops  or  by  councils,  is  evident  from 
the  second  century.  It  involves  the  two 
functions  of  discipline  and  dispeiisalion. 
Both  are  obscurely  indicated  in  Hernias, 
Mand.  iv.  3,  where  a  single  penance  after 
baptism  is  treated  as  a  dispensation  from  the 


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severity  of  strict  law.  Early  in  the  third 
century  the  growing  practice  of  dispensation 
led  to  the  revolt  of  St.  Hippolytus  against  the 
looser  discipline  of  Callistus  of  Rome  ;  the 
later  and  more  extended  schism  of  Xovatian 
was  due  to  a  like  impulse. 

Collections  of  canons  for  general  use  began 
to  appear  in  the  fourth  century.  The  sources 
were  not  identified,  and  there  was  a  general 
tendency  to  refer  them  back  to  the  apostles. 
The  Statutes  of  the  Apostles, noyv  preserved  only 
in  Coptic  and  Ethiopic,  and  in  part  also  in 
Latin,  are  partly  derived  from  a  source  which 
is  probably  of  the  third  century,  and  is  also 
represented  in  a  somewhat  different  form  by 
the  Canons  of  Hijjpolytus,  extant  only  in 
Arabic.  The  eighty-five  Greek  Canons  of 
the  Apostles  are  a  late  fourth- century  col- 
lection, in  part  derived  from  earlier  sources, 
in  part  no  doubt  the  invention  of  the 
collector.  The  canons  of  councils  were 
carefully  preserved,  the  earliest  of  which 
completely  extant  are  those  of  a  synod 
held  at  IHiberris  {circ.  305).  Most  of  them 
had  only  a  local  currency,  but  the  canons 
of  Anc\Ta  {circ.  314),  of  Nica?a  (325),  of 
■Sardica  {circ.  344),  and  of  Laodicea  {ante 
381),  secured  universal  acceptance.  After 
the  year  381  the  distinction  of  general  and 
particular  councils  was  more  clearly  marked, 
but  the  rejection  of  the  twenty-eighth  canon 
of  Chalcedon  (451)  by  Rome  and  the  whole 
West  shows  that  the  constitutions  even  of 
an  ecumenical  council  were  not  invariably 
accepted. 

In  the  sixth  century  the  work  of  collectors 
became  more  systematic.  John  the  Scho- 
lastic, Patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  565, 
not  only  gathered  canons  from  all  sources, 
but  also  digested  their  substance  into 
fifty  titles,  thus  doing  for  the  Eastern 
Church  what  was  not  done  for  the  West 
rintil  six  centuries  later.  Dionysius  Exiguus 
in  550  brought  out  a  Latin  translation  of  the 
whole  collection  of  Greek  canons,  adding 
those  enacted  by  a  long  series  of  African 
councils.  Neither  of  these  collectors,  how- 
ever, confined  himself  to  conciliar  con- 
stitutions ;  they  included  the  sixty-eight 
canons  of  St.  Basil  the  Great,  or  decisions 
of  vexed  questions  made  by  that  eminent 
Father ;  Dionysius  added  the  decretal 
letters  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome,  preserved 
in  the  Roman  archives  from  the  time  of 
Siricius  (384-98).  This  collection  of  Dionysius 
became  the  foundation  of  the  subsequent 
Canon  Law  of  the  Western  Church.  In  the 
seventh  century  a  collection  of  the  same 
kind,  doubtfully  attributed  to  St.  Isidore  of 
Seville,   was  made  and  published  in   Spain. 


The  ninth  century  saw  the  production  of 
the  Forged  Decretals,  supposed  Epistles  of 
the  Popes  anterior  to  Siricius,  which  im- 
mensely strengthened  the  growing  authority 
of  the  Roman  See.  Early  in  the  twelfth 
century  Ivo  of  Chartres  compiled  his 
Panormia,  or  Pannonica,  in  imitation  of  the 
Pandects  of  Justinian. 

Christianit}'  was  planted  in  England  at  a 
time  when  Canon  Law  was  already  well  organ- 
ised in  Rome.  The  correspondence  of  St. 
Gregory  the  Great  {q.v.)  with  St.  Augustine 
{q.v.)  of  Canterbury,  and  the  Penitential  of 
Theodore,  show  how  hard  it  was  to  apply  this 
to  the  rough  circumstances  of  the  North,  and 
what  grave  compromises  were  sometimes 
necessary,  but  the  whole  of  it  was  applied 
in  principle.  Canons  were  made  by  local 
councils  in  England,  as  elsewhere,  but  it  is 
a  mistake  to  think  of  them  as  forming  the 
whole  or  even  the  main  part  of  the  Canon 
Law  here  in  use  ;  they  were  supplementarj-. 
We  must  think  of  a  great  body  of  custom, 
reinforced  by  a  great  but  indeterminate 
mass  of  Avritten  law,  the  w^hole  of  which  was 
more  or  less  current  throughout  the  Western 
Church,  and  kept  in  approximate  uniformity 
by  frequent  appeals  and  references  to  Rome. 
We  have  also  to  face  the  fact  that  the  dis- 
tinction of  Church  and  State  had  by  the 
tenth  century  entirely  disappeared  in  the 
West.  St.  Gregory  the  Great  could  still 
contrast  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth 
with  the  laws  of  the  Church,  but  there  super- 
vened the  conception  of  a  unitary  Respublica 
Christiana,  in  which  both  are  merged.  There 
follows  a  new  differentiation  of  function 
mthin  the  one  society,  which  leads  to  the 
great  conflict  of  imperium  and  sacerdotium, 
and  supplies  the  famiUar  English  division 
of  Spiritualty  and  Temporalty  in  one  body 
politic  ;  the  term  Ecclesia  being  constantly 
used  of  the  Spiritualty  alone,  as  in  Magna 
Carta  and  in  Henry  viii.'s  Statute  for  Re- 
straint of  Appeals.  Henceforth  Canon  Law 
is  no  longer  the  law  of  the  Church  as  distinct 
from  the  State ;  it  is  part  of  the  law  of 
the  whole  community — that  part  precisely 
which  is  specially  administered  by  the 
Spiritualty.  Canones  and  Leges  are  carefully 
distinguished,  the  former  being  made  by 
spiritual  authority,  the  latter  by  temporal 
authority,  or  more  frequently  by  Tempor- 
alty and  Spij'itualty  acting  together ;  both 
alike  were  in  force  over  the  whole  community, 
though  there  were  frequent  attempts,  some- 
times successful,  to  withdraw  spiritual 
persons  from  the  operation  of  laws  made 
or  administered  by  the  Temporalty. 

The  work  of    Ivo    of    Chartres    (d.   1116) 


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lieralded  an  important  movement.     Bishops   I 
and     councils,    in     administering    canonical 
justice,   had  always    borrowed    freely    from    i 
the  methods  and  the  regulae  iuris  of  Roman 
law,     as     also     latterly    from    the    barbaric 
methods    of    German    law.      In   the  twelfth 
century    the    revival    of    tlie    study   of    the 
Corpus  Iuris  Civilis,   especially  at  Bologna, 
threatened    a     serious    growth    of    the    Im- 
perial    authority,    an    undigested    mass    of 
canons  and  decretals  being  unable  to  hold  its 
own  against  such  rivah'v.     This  fear  seems 
to  have  suggested  the  production  of  Gratian's 
work,  Concordantia  Discordnntium  Canonum, 
commonly  known  as  the  Decretum,  in  which 
the    whole    collection    of    known    canonical 
legislation,  genuine  and  spurious,  was  reduced 
under  orderly  titles,  with  comments  reconcil- 
ing or  explaining  discrepancies  {circ.   1150). 
The  Decretum  had   an   immediate    success ; 
adopted  at  once  as  a  text-book  at  Bologna, 
it  rapidly  spread  thence,  and  within  a  short 
time  was  being  read  in  the  new  schools  at 
Oxford.     With  glosses  and  additions  [Palea), 
it  acquired  almost  as  much  authority  in  the 
courts    as    in    the    Universities,  and    made 
Canon  Law  a  practicable  system.     In  1253 
Gregory    ix.     commissioned     Raymond     of 
Pefiafort   to   make   a   similar   digest   of   the 
papal  decretals  accumulated  since  the  time 
of    Gratian,    w^hich   he    promulgated   to    the 
Universities  under  the  title  of  the.  Five  Boohs  of 
Decretals.     In   1298  Boniface  viii.  added  the 
Sext  {i.e.  sixth  book),  and  in  1313  Clement  v. 
put  out  the  Clementines,  constructed  on  the 
same   plan.     Later   decretals  down   to  1483 
were,  similarly  edited  under  the  title  of  Ex- 
iravagants  {i.e.  decretals  as  yet  'wandering 
outside  '  the  official  collections).     These  com- 
pilations together  make  up  the  Corpus  Iuris 
Canonici  as  it  existed  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
These      books      have      been      improperly 
described  as  a  Code,  or  as  the  Statute-book 
of  the  Church.     They  were,  in  fact,  no  more 
than  a  text  for  study,  put  out  by  the  highest 
authority.      Canons    and     decretals    gained 
nothing    but    a    wider    publicity    by    being 
included,  and  others  which  were  not  included 
had    exactly    the    same    authority,    if    they 
could  be  produced  on   occasion.     Many   of 
those     contained      in     the     Decretum    were 
ob^•iously  obsolete,   or   superseded    by  later 
legislation ;    decretals   of    the    thirteenth    or 
fourteenth   century   could   equally   be   abro- 
gated.     Those   canons   and   decretals   alone 
which    were    from    time    to    time    currently 
enforced  formed  the  actual  body  of  Canon 
Law.     They  were  current  with  exactly  the 
same  force  throughout  the  whole  of  Western 
Christendom,    and    new   decretals    ran    with 


exactly  the  same  force  everywhere.  These 
were  the  his  Commune.  But  this  must  be 
understood  subject  to  an  important  quali- 
fication. Written  law  was  superimposed 
from  the  first,  as  we  have  seen,  upon  a  mass 
of  customs,  and  the  practice  of  the  Church 
down  to  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  recog- 
nised the  force  of  local  consuetudo  as  being 
such  that  with  forty  years'  prescription  it 
could  set  aside  the  obligation  of  the  lus 
Commune,  unless  the  custom  were  in  express 
terms  reprobated.  Thus  the  lus  Commune 
was  everywhere  limited  by  a  fluid  mass  of  cus- 
tom, recognised  by  canonists  as  good,  doubt- 
ful, or  bad  law,  according  to  circumstances. 

England,  as  a  part  of  united  Christendom, 
shared  this  common  law.  Here,  as  else- 
where, there  were  customs  of  the  realm 
limiting  its  operations.  Here,  as  elsewhere, 
there  was  some  local  legislation  supplement- 
ing it.  Many  English  canons  of  a  date  an- 
terior to  the  thirteenth  century  passed  into 
complete  oblivion,  except  in  so  far  as  their 
effect  survived  in  local  custom.  The  canons 
and  constitutions  made  in  the  councils  held 
under  the  legates  Otho  (1236-7)  and  Ottobuoni 
( 1268)  were  annotated  by  John  of  Ayton  ;  a 
long  series  of  constitutions  made  in  synods  of 
the  province  of  Canterbury  from  1222  to  1433 
was  digested  in  the  Promnciah  by  William 
Lyndwood  {q.v.)  in  the  manner  of  the  Corpus 
Iuris,  with  an  immense  gloss  relating  it  aU 
to  the  lus  Commune.  There  was  thus  a  valu- 
able body  of  national  and  provincial  Canon 
Law  ;  but  the  importance  of  this  must  not 
be  exaggerated  ;  it  was  merely  supplemental. 
An  erroneous  opinion  once  attributed  to 
the  media3val  Church  of  England  a  separate- 
ness  and  indejiendence  which  the  theory  and 
practice  of  the  time  would  have  made 
impossible  ;  the  Roman  Canon  Law,  the 
lus  pontificiwm,  was  supposed  to  have  been 
current  in  England  only  in  so  far  as  it  was 
with  more  or  less  of  formality  accepted  and 
incorporated  into  the  native  Canon  Law. 
This  error  seems  to  have  been  due  partly 
to  a  misapplication  of  the  principle  under- 
hdng  the  Reception  of  the  Roman  Civil  Law 
by  the  states  of  Germany  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  which  is  perhaps  responsible  for 
some  of  the  language  used  in  the  legislation 
of  Henry  vin.,  partly  to  a  misunderstanding 
of  the  canonical  effects  of  cons^ietudo.  It 
is  not  true  that  the  lus  Commune  was  current 
only  when  received,  but  it  is  true  conversely 
that  its  effect  might  be  barred  by  a  contrary 
custom  of  the  realm.  In  his  brilliant  refu- 
tation of  this  error.  Professor  F.  W.  Maitland 
went  some  distance  astray  in  the  opposite 
direction,  speaking  of  decretals  as  '  absolutely 


(87) 


Canon]  Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Canon 


binding  statute  law,'  which  they  were  not  ^ 
in  face  of  contrary  custom,  and  treating  the  1 
restraint  imposed  by  such  custom  as  an  I 
external  constraint  put  upon  the  Church  by 
the  State.  This  is  anachronistic,  for  Church 
and  State  were  not  then  distinguished ;  a 
custom  of  the  realm  of  England,  which  might 
be  recorded  in  the  judicial  year-books,  in  ^ 
an  Act  of  Parhament,  in  a  royal  charter,  or 
in  anj^  other  way,  was  a  local  custom  of  a 
part  of  Christendom,  and  therefore  integrated 
in  Canon  Law.  Maitland  has  shown,  how- 
ever, from  the  crucial  instance  of  the  law- 
regarding  the  legitimation  of  natural-born 
children  by  subsequent  matrimonj^  that  the 
courts  spiritual  would  go  far  in  ignoring  a 
custom  of  the  realm  which  the  temporal 
authorities  maintained  against  the  protest 
of  the  Spiritualty.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr. 
Ogle  has  shown,  from  the  cnicial  instance  of 
Peckham's  [q.v.)  Qon^tiiwiioii  Audistis  against 
pluralities,  that  in  the  thirteenth  century 
the  English  Spiritualty  could  venture  to 
legislate  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  a  recent 
decretal,  where  this  was  found  to  be  ill 
adapted  to  local  circumstances.  Peckham 
excused  himself  humbly  to  the  Pope  for  this 
audacity ;  two  centuries  later  Lj'ndwood 
judged  it  an  impossible  liberty. 

For  the  sake  of  illustration,  it  may  be  well 
to  note  four  striking  variations  from  the 
Ins  Commune  estabUshed  in  EngUsh  practice. 

(1)  Questions  of  the  right  of  advowson  were 
partly    remitted    to    the    temporal    courts. 

(2)  Lapse  of  patronage  was  subject  to  special 
rules.  (3)  Legitimation  of  children  'per 
subseqiiens  matrimonium  was  not  entirely 
allowed.  (4)  The  church  courts  had 
cognisance  of  testamentary  matters.  This 
last  peculiarity  was  inexplicable  to  Lynd- 
wood,  who  could  only  refer  it  {Prov.,  pp.  176. 
263)  to  some  unknown  origin,  founding  it 
'  super  consensu  Regis  et  suorum  Procerum 
in  talibus  ab  antiquo  concesso.' 

We  find  then  in  England,  as  in  other 
countries,  a  normal  qualification  of  the 
general  Canon  Law  by  the  effect  of  local 
custom,  together  with  a  limited  and  diminish- 
ing liberty  of  canonical  legislation  supplement- 
ing or  even  modifying  the  lus  Commune. 
Otherwise  that  lus  Commune  was  law  in 
England.  [t.  a.  L.] 

Carlyle,  Mcdiceval  Political  Theory  in  the 
West ;  Gierke  (Maitlanrt's  translation),  Politi- 
cal Theories  of  the  Middle  Agr;  Maitland, 
Roman  Canon  Law  in  England  ;  Ogle,  Canon 
Law  in  Medlccval  England.  ;  Pollock  and 
Maitland,  Hisl<n-y  of  English  Lav: ;  Stubbs, 
Seventeen  Lectures  on  Mediarot  niid  Modern 
History ;  Wood,  The  Regal  I'.ncer  of  the 
Church. 


CANON  LAW  IN  THE  ENGLISH 
CHURCH  FROM  1534.  In  1532  Convoca- 
tion [q.v.),  by  assenting  under  pressure  from 
Henry  vm.  to  the  document  called  the  Sub- 
mission of  the  Clergy,  undertook  (1)  not  to 
enact  canons  in  future  without  the  royal 
licence  and  assent,  and  (2)  that  the  existing 
canons  should  be  examined  by  a  commission, 
and  such  as  were  found  '  to  stand  with  God's 
laws  and  the  laws  of  your  realm '  should  con- 
tinue in  force,  and  the  rest  should  be  abrogated 
*  by  your  grace  and  the  clergy.'  This  under- 
taking never  having  been  repudiated  by  the 
Church,  and  having  been  confirmed  by  Parlia- 
ment in  1534  (25  Hen.  vm.  c.  19),  is  the  law 
both  of  Church  and  State,  and  forms  the 
starting  point  for  any  consideration  of  the 
present  canon  law  of  the  English  Church. 

Canons  passed  since  1534. — The  commission 
foreshadowed  in  1532  eventually  produced  the 
Reformatio     Legum     [q.v.)     in     1553.     This 
compilation    never    became    law.     In    1556 
Cardinal  Pole   {q.v.)   as  legate  promulgated 
twelve  canons  on  matters  of  disciphne.     But 
when  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne  it  was 
obvious  that  the  project  of  a  revised  canon 
law  had  come  to  nothing,  and  Parker  {q.v.) 
and    his    immediate    successors     contented 
themselves    ^^'ith    issuing    small    bodies    of 
canons    dealing    with   matters    of   discipline 
which    required    immediate    attention.      In 
1563     an     unsuccessful     attempt     at     such 
legislation  was  made  by  Parker  in  Convoca- 
tion.    In   1571  ten  canons  were  passed  by 
the  Upper  House,  and  though  not  sanctioned 
by  the  Queen  were  enforced  by  virtue  of  their 
spiritual  authority.     In  1576  the  Convocation 
of    Canterbury    enacted    fifteen    canons    or 
'  articles,'  of  which  thirteen  received  Eliza- 
beth's assent.     She  also  allowed  further  sets 
passed  in  1584  and  1597  to  be  issued,  with  a 
statement  that  they  had  received  her  con- 
firmation.    This  was  held  to  sanction  them 
only  for  her  life.     Therefore  at  her  death 
Church  legislation  since  1534  was  in  a  state 
of  confusion,  existing  only  in  scattered  and 
fragmentary    codes    of    canons    and    other 
documents    of    uncertain    authority.     Ban- 
croft's {q.v.)  policy  required  a  full  code  of 
undoubted  validity,  and  under  his  influence 
one    hundred    and    forty-one    canons    were 
passed  by  the  Convocation  of  Canterbury  in 
1604,  by  that  of  York  in  1606,  received  the 
royal  assent,  and  have  remained  the  principal 
legislative  achievement  of  the  EngUsh  Church 
since  the  breach  with  Rome.     They  are  based 
on  mediaeval  canons,  on  those  passed  in  the 
sixteenth  century  (including  Pole's),  and  on 
the  Tudor  Injunctions  {q.v.).  Advertisements 
{q.v.),  and  Articles  {q.v.).     The  cartons  drawn 


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[Canon 


up  in  1606  when  Overall  (q.v.)  was  prolocutor 
did  not  receive  the  royal  assent,  and  were 
never  promulgated.  The  seventeen  canons 
passed  in  1640  received  the  royal  assent. 
Their  alleged  invalidity  rests  on  the  fact  that 
Convocation  continued  to  sit  after  Parliament 
was  dissolved.  A  project  to  re-enact  them 
in  1661  came  to  nothing.  In  Anne's  reign  it 
was  intended  to  reform  the  Church  by  means 
of  canons,  and  a  draft  set  was  under  considera- 
tion in  1714,  but  the  suppression  of  Convoca- 
tion in  1717  deprived  the  Church  of  the  power 
of  reforming  itself. 

Henry  vin.'s  legislation  put  an  end  to  the 
scientific  study  of  the  old  canon  law.  Hence- 
forth practitioners  in  the  Church  courts  were 
no  longer  '  steeped  and  soaked  ...  in  the 
papal  law-books.'  Nor  could  this  be  said  of 
the  great  English  canonists  of  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  as  Spelman  {q.v.), 
Wilkins  (q.v.),  Gibson  [q.v.),  and  John  Ayliffe 
(1676-1732),  author  of  the  Corpus  Juris 
Canonici  Anglicani.  The  reprinting  of  LjTid- 
wood's  Provinciale  at  Oxford  in  1679  marks 
a  revival  of  the  study  of  the  canon  law,  but 
it  was  mainly  academic,  and  languished  after 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century — the 
Church  courts  [q.v.)  being  mainly  engaged 
in  marriage,  slander,  and  ■nill  cases,  which 
were  increasingly  recognised  as  falhng  within 
the  sphere  of  secular  law. 

With  the  revival  of  Convocation  came  a 
demand  for  the  revision  of  the  canons.  In 
1865  two  new  canons  were  enacted  under 
royal  licence,  and  several  of  those  of  1604 
amended.  Canons  62  and  102  were  amended 
in  1888,  and  a  new  canon  on  clergy  discipline 
enacted  in  1892.  Committees  for  revision  of 
the  whole  code  were  appointed  by  both 
Convocations  in  1866,  and  in  1874  presented 
a  draft  re\'ised  code  of  eighty-nine  canons. 
An  amended  version  of  it  in  ninety-four 
canons  followed  in  1879,  but  no  sj-nodical 
action  was  taken,  and  the  canons  of  1604, 
though  in  some  respects  obsolete  and  in- 
applicable to  modern  conditions,  remain  for 
the  most  part  unrevised. 

Modern  English  Church  Laic— The  pro- 
vincial canons  enacted  since  1534  form  but  a 
small  part  of  the  law  now  in  force  in  the 
Enghsh  Church.  The  constituent  parts  of 
that  law  may  be  thus  enumerated  : — 

1.  Pre-Reformation  canon  law.  Under  25 
Hen.  \^^.  c.  19  all  existing  canons  have  the 
same  force  as  they  had  before,  provided  they 
are  not  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  realm  or 
the  King's  prerogative.  With  this  proviso 
the  general  body  of  the  canon  law  and  the 
provincial  canons  of  the  English  Church  have 
the  same  force  as  they  had  before  1534,  except 


in  so  far  as  tlnjy  have  been  varied  or  abrogated 
by  lawful  authority.  Accordingly  the  courts 
of  Church  and  State  alike  have  admitted  the 
validity  of  these  canons  and  been  guided  by 
them  (1825,  Rennells  v.  Bishop  of  Lincoln, 
3  Bing.  323  ;  1848,  Burder  v.  Mavor,  1  Rob. 
Eccl.  614). 

2.  Canons  enacted  since  1534,  if  they  com- 
ply with  the  terms  of  the  Submission  of  the 
Clergy,  form  part  of  the  King's  Ecclesiastical 
Law,  and  will  be  enforced  by  the  courts ; 
otherwise  they  have  only  the  spiritual 
authority  which  they  derive  from  enactment 
by  the  synod. 

3.  Enactments  which,  though  not  in  the 
form  of  canons,  have  been  sanctioned  by  the 
Church  through  Convocation,  such  as  the 
XXXIX.  Articles  {q.v.)  and  the  rubrics  of 
the  Prayer  Book. 

4.  The  decisions  of  the  Church  courts  {q.v.), 
which  are  valid  until  overruled  by  competent 
aiithority. 

5.  Custom  possesses  greater  authority  in 
ecclesiastical  than  in  civil  law.  No  canon 
is  valid  until  it  is  accepted  by  the  Church, 
and  many  positive  enactments  are  based 
upon  prevaUing  usage.  There  is  thus  an 
unwritten  law  of  the  Church,  ius  commune 
ecclesiasticum,  which  is  of  full  validity 
although  it  has  never  been  formally  enacted, 
but  rests  on  the  unexpressed  will  of  the  Church. 
This  law  has  been  fully  recognised  by  the 
courts  in  modern  times,  and  they  have  laid 
down  that  in  administering  it  works  of  history 
and  theology  may  be  taken  into  account. 
The  law  may  be  illustrated  by  the  history 
that  lies  behind  it. 

6.  Secular  law,  whether  contained  in 
statute  or  otherwise,  may  form  part  of 
Church  law  if  it  is  accepted  by  the  Church 
and  deals  with  matters  over  which  the  State 
has  authority.  The  Church's  acceptance 
may  be  express  :  e.g.  the  Clergy  Discipline 
Act,  1892  (55-6  Vic.  c.  32),  which  deals  with 
the  deprivation  of  criminous  clergymen,  was 
expressly  accepted  by  Convocation,  which 
passed  a  canon  in  accordance  with  its  pro- 
visions ;  or  it  may  be  implied  :  e.g.  the  Acts 
dealing  with  the  manner  of  paying  Church 
rates  {q.v.)  before  their  final  abolition  were 
accepted  and  acted  on  by  the  Church  courts 
\^dthout  any  formal  ecclesiastical  enactment. 
Both  these  instances  deal  with  matters  of 
temporal  property  on  which  ParUament  is 
competent  to  legislate,  and  its  enactments, 
being  accepted  by  the  Church,  form  part  of 
the  ecclesiastical  law.  But  such  a  measure  as 
the  Public  Worship  Regulation  Act  (q.v.), 
dealing  with  matters  outside  the  civil  sphere, 
and    having    been   definitely   repudiated    by 


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[Canterbury 


Convocation,  forms  no  part  of  the  Church's 
law.     [Church  and  State.] 

Abrogaiion. — Canon  law  may  be  abrogated 
by  express  repeal,  or  it  may  be  implicitly 
repealed  by  the  enactment  of  other  law 
superseding  it.  When  the  Church  accepted 
the  transfer  of  the  jurisdiction  over  matri- 
monial suits  to  the  State  in  1857.  the  canons 
dealing  with  the  procedure  of  tlie  Church 
courts  in  such  cases  were  by  implication 
repealed.  Or  it  may  be  abrogated  by  force 
of  custom;  that  is  to  say,  by  falling  into 
desuetude.  '  The  canon  law  of  a  Church  is 
that  which  is  in  fact  in  use  and  force  therein.' 
But  to  express  the  mind  of  the  Church  such 
desuetude  must  be  the  result  of  deliberate 
intention.  Mere  non-user  without  such  in- 
tention may  weaken  the  force  of  a  law,  but 
cannot  express  the  mind  of  the  Church  so  as 
to  abrogate  it  altogether. 

Force  of  the  Canon  Laic. — The  civil  courts 
have  decided  that  the  canon  law  in  force  in 
the  EngUsh  Church  is  fully  binding  on  the 
clergy  ;   that  is  to  say,  the  mediaeval  canons 
which  are  in  force  under  25  Hen.  vm.  c.  19, 
and  the  canons  which  have  since  that  time 
been  enacted  by  Convocation  with  the  royal 
assent.     It  is  fuUy  established  that  all  these 
canons  bind  the  clergy  without  any  confirma- 
tion by  Parliament.     Lord  Hardwicke's  judg- 
ment in  Middleton  v.  Crofts  (1736,  2  Atkyns, 
650)  is  the  accepted  authority  on  this  point. 
It  also  lays  down  that  the  canons  do  not 
proprio  vigore  bind  the  laity,  but  that  many 
of  them  '  are  declaratory  of  the  ancient  usage 
and  law  of  the  Church  of  England,  received 
and  allowed  here,'  which  do  bind  the  laity. 
In  1604  Parliament  seems  to  have  been  appre- 
hensive on  this  point    and  Bills  were  intro- 
duced then,  in  1606.  and  in  1610  to  declare 
the  canons  not  binding  unless  confirmed  by 
Parliament.     They  failed  to  pass,  however, 
and  it  was  clearly  Bancroft's  intention  that 
in  matters  of  disciphne  {q.v.)  the  laity  should 
be  subject  to  the  canons.     This  is  expressly 
laid  down  in  Canon  140.    Gibson,  commenting 
on   Coke's   contention    that    the   temporalty 
are  not  bound  because  they  are  not  repre- 
sented in  Convocation,  remarks :   '  As  if  the 
laity   had   nothing   to    be    saved    but    their 
estates  ;    nor  the  clergy  anything  to  do  but 
to  save  themselves.'     It  must  be  remembered 
(i)  that  the  secular  courts  allow  that  canons 
which   are   declaratory  of    accepted   Church 
law,  or  have  been  in  any  way  confirmed  by 
statute,  are  binding  on  the  laity  ;  (ii)  that  in 
1604  all  the  laity  were  supposed  to  be  faithful 
members    of    the    Church,    and    Canon    140 
assumes  this ;    (iii)  that  all  validly  enacted 
canons    are    binding    on    the    conscience    of 


Church  people.  But  much  canon  law  on  the 
subject  of  discipline  has  been  allowed  to  fall 
into  desuetude.  And  now  that  so  many 
members  of  the  State  are  not  members  of  the 
Church,  the  State  naturally  refrains  from 
enforcing  Church  law  on  the  laity  by  the 
secular  arm,  preferring  to  leave  it  to  the 
Church's  spiritual  authority.  The  bulk  of 
the  ecclesiastical  law  now  recognised  by  the 
State  deals  with  matters  immediately  affect- 
ing the  clergy  only.  [g.  c] 

Cardwell,  Synodalia  ;  Gibson,  Codex  \  Usher, 
Reconstniction  of  the  Eng.  Ch.  ;  Collins, 
Nature  and  Force  of  the  Canon  Law.  Wooii, 
Begal  Power  of  the  Ch.  ;  Crosse.  Authority  in 
the  Ch.  of  Eng. 

CANTERBURY,  See  of.    Before  the  coming 
of  St.  Augustine  {q.v.)  Canterbury  was  the  seat 
of  a  bishop  named  Liudhard.     He  had  been 
sent  by  the  King  of  the  West  Franks  with  his 
daughter  Bercta  when  she  became    wife    of 
Aethelberht,    the    Kentish    King.     He    had 
probably  beeu  in  Kent  many  years  before 
Augustine   came,    but   as   the   country   was 
heathen  can  hardly  be  described  as  a  diocesan 
bishop.     The  church  of  St.  Martin,  Canter- 
bury,  built,   says   Bede,   when  the   Romans 
still  dwelt    in    Britain,  was  used   by  Bercta 
for  her  worship,  but  it  seems  probable  that 
Liudhard  had  become  aged  and  unable  to 
minister.     In     any    case,    the    mission     of 
Augustine  forms  the  starting  point  of  the 
historic    see    of    Canterbury.     The    diocese 
may    be    regarded    as    beginning    with    the 
baptism  of  Aethelberht  on  the  eve  of  Whit 
Sunday,  597,  probably  in  St.  Martin's  Church. 
It    was    originally    conterminous    with    the 
kingdom  of  Kent,  but  the  north-west  portion 
I    became   the   diocese   of   Rochester   {q.v.)    in 
I    604.     The  diocese  was  organised  as  soon  as 
I    Augustine  had  received  consecration  in  Gaul. 
The  advice  sent  to  him  by  Gregory  the  Great 
'    {q.v.)  involved  the  creation  of  a  metropolitical 
see  with  diocesan  bishops.     There  were  to  be 
i    archbishoprics   of  York  and   London.     But 
I    this    arrangement    was    never    made,    and 
I    Canterbury    continued    metropohtan   of   the 
south,     with     the     title     (from     1353)      of 
primate  of  all  England.     On  Aethelberht's 
death   in    616   the   kingdom    was   in    grave 
danger    of    lapse    into    paganism.     Mellitus 
{q.v.)   and  Justus   fled   from  their  sees,  and 
Laurentius,  Augustine's  successor,  was  pre- 
paring to  follow  them  when  a  vision  enabled 
him  to  bring   the   young   King   Eadbald   to 
accept    the    faith.  'With    Justus    (624)    the 
archbishopric   may  be  said  to  have  passed 
from   its   period   of   insecurity   into   that   of 
settled  authority.     But  the  first  five  bishops 


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[Canterbury 


were  all  in  some  way  associated  with  Gregory 
the  Great,  and  it  was  not  till  Theodore  of 
Tarsus  {q.v.),  668,  that  the  priinatial  authority 
was  clearh^  recognised.  Gradually  the  cus- 
toms connected  with  the  papal  idea  of  lega- 
tion grew  up  and  becanu^  fixed.  In  later 
centuries  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  were 
recognised  as  papal  legates  {q.v.),  but  it  was 
not  till  the  time  of  .Stephen  Langton  {q.v.) 
that  this  dignity  was  habitually  conferred 
on  them  as  of  right.  Nor  was  the  custom 
in  itself  regarded  as  abating  the  power  of 
the  archbishop.  Anselm  was  welcomed  by 
the  pope  of  his  day  as  alterius  orbis  papa  ; 
and  England  was  continually,  now  more, 
now  less,  regarded  as  being  outside  the 
'  world '  of  which  the  German  King  was 
Roman  Caesar  and  the  Bishop  of  Rome 
universal  ordinary.  The  position  of  Canter- 
bury was,  in  fact,  to  a  considerable  extent 
that  of  a  patriarchate,  and  if  the  comparison 
with  the  Eastern  patriarchates  is  not  a  close 
one,  that  with  Aquileia  is  more  exact.  Great 
though  the  power  of  the  see  in  the  Middle 
Ages  was  in  itself,  it  was  immensely  increased 
by  the  succession  of  great  men  who  possessed 
it.  Some  were  saints,  some  men  of  learning, 
many  were  great  leaders  of  men,  skilled  in 
the  practice  of  civil  government.  And  with 
few  exceptions  they  were  men  who  rose  to 
the  high  ideal  of  their  great  office,  and  whose 
hearts  were  set  on  the  things  of  God.  Their 
secular  work  was  undertaken  that  through  it 
they  might  the  better  serve  the  Church ; 
and,  like  Langton  {q.v.),  Edmund  Rich  {q.v.), 
Winchelsey,  they  were  leaders  in  the  assertion 
of  English  political  liberty.  The  register  of 
ArchbishopPeckham(g'.v.)(R.S.,and  now  being 
printed  completely  by  the  Canterbury  and 
York  Society)  illustrates  at  once  the  wealth 
and  the  activity  of  a  mediaeval  primate.  The 
manors  of  the  archbishop  which  he  visited 
extended  from  Croydon  and  Otford  in  the 
west  to  Canterbury,  Witham,  and  Ford  in 
the  east;  from  Xorthfleet  and  Reculver  in  the 
north  to  Romney,  Aldington,  Lyminge,  and 
Saltwood  in  the  south.  An  itinerary  of  the 
manors  enabled  the  archbishop  to  make  an 
almost  complete  visitation  of  his  diocese, 
and  the  registers  show  that  this  was  generally 
done  Avith  minuteness  and  severity.  At 
Canterbury  and  at  Lambeth  the  archbishops 
lived  in  great  state.  Till  the  nineteenth 
century  they  kept  practically  open  house, 
and  crowds  of  beggars  were  in  the  Middle 
Ages  fed  daily  from  their  tables.  Their 
households  were  very  large,  containing  besides 
chaplains  and  secretaries,  knights  and  men- 
at-arms,  and  children  of  great  personages 
sent    there    to    be    nurtured    in    piety    and 


learning.  The  Canterbury  school  from  the 
days  of  Archbishop  'I'heodore  was  famous. 
Becket  {q.v.)  was  the  tutor  of  Henry  ii.'s 
eldest  son.  Sir  Thomas  More  {q.v.)  was 
brought  up  in  the  household  of  Morton  {q.v.). 
After  the  Reformation  the  households  of 
prelates  such  as  VVhitgift  {q.v.),  Laud  {q.v.), 
Sheldon  {q.v.),  and  Sancroft  {q.v.)  were 
famous  nurseries  of  scholars  and  young 
nobles.  The  archbishop's  court  was  recog- 
nised by  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon 
{q.v.)  as  being  the  supreme  court  of  ecclesi- 
astical judicature  within  the  realm,  and  not 
subject  to  any  right  of  ap])eal.  But  through- 
out the  Middle  Ages,  from  the  time  when 
Dunstan  {q.v.)  disobeyed  a  papal  injunction 
to  the  Reformation,  the  position  of  the 
archbishop  became  increasingly  difficult, 
as  set  between  the  Roman  Church  and  the 
English  State,  and  it  was  only  through  his 
double  capacity  as  legatus  domini  q)apae  and 
yet  papa  alterius  orbis  that  he  managed  to 
retain  not  a  little  independence.  Witli  the 
Reformation  the  powers  of  the  archbishop 
became  more  clearly  defined  by  law.  But 
though  the  archiepiscopal  court  exercised 
jurisdiction  in  1699  {Lucy  v.  Bishop  Watson 
of  St.  David's,  who  was  sentenced  to  depriva- 
tion for  simony),  the  jurisdiction  cannot  be 
said  to  have  been  settled  till  the  time  of 
Archbishop  Benson  {q.v.)  and  the  Lincoln 
case,  if  then.     [Courts.] 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  is  primate 
of  all  England,  and  has  metropolitan  juris- 
diction over  twenty-seven  dioceses.  In  the 
Middle  Ages  he  had  much  strife  for  pre- 
cedence with  the  see  of  York  {q.v.).  The 
mediaeval  archbishops  administered  their 
dioceses  through  bishops  suffragan,  with  titles 
of  sees  in  partibus.  Under  the  Suffragans 
Act,  1535  (26  Hen.  viii.  c.  14),  bishops 
suffragan  of  Dover  were  consecrated  in  1537, 
1539,  and  1569  ;  this  title  has  been  revived 
since  1870,  and  there  has  been  a  bishop 
suffragan  of  Croydon  since  1904.  From  1375 
to  1558  Calais  and  the  surrounding  district 
formed  part  of  the  diocese  of  Canterbury. 
An  Order  in  Council  of  8th  June  1841 
abolished  about  a  hundred  Peculiars  of  Canter- 
bury in  other  dioceses  ;  and  by  an  Order  of 
8th  August  1845  the  diocese  was  made  to 
include  the  whole  of  Kent,  except  the  city 
and  deanery  of  Rochester  and  certain  parishes 
in  the  diocese  of  London.  But  at  the  forma- 
tion of  the  diocese  of  South wark  {q.v.)  the 
western  portion  of  Kent  was  transferred  to 
Rochester.  Canterbury  now  consists  of  the 
eastern  part  of  Kent  and  the  rural  deanery 
of  Croydon.  It  has  a  population  of  589,656 
and  an  acreage  of  634,242.     There  was  only 


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one  archdeaconry,  that  of  Canterbury  (first 
mentioned,  798),  until  4th  June  1841,  when 
that  of  Maidstone  was  constituted  by  Order 
in  Council.  The  Tcmporalia  of  the  see  were 
assessed  by  the  Taxatio  of  1291  at  £1355, 
8s.  Id.,  and  the  Spirilualia  at  £250;  by  the 
Valor  of  1534  the  income  was  £2682,  12s.  2d. ; 
it  is  now  £15,000. 

The  cathedral  church  of  Canterburj-  owes  its 
splendour  to  the  work  of  many  archbishops. 
Augustine  consecrated  a  church,  Bede  teUs 
us,  which  had  formerly  been  built  by  the 
Romans  but  had  fallen  into  decay.  This 
was  a  basilica.  Beside  it  grew  up  the 
monastery  of  Christ  Church.  The  church 
had  a  precarious  existence  for  centuries 
from  fire  and  Danes,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  Conquest  was  in  ruins.  Lan- 
franc  began  to  rebuild  it,  and  was  followed 
by  Anselm.  The  building  was  finished  in 
1130,  when  the  prior,  Conrad,  completed  '  the 
glorious  choir.'  This  choir  was  burned  down 
in  1174,  and  the  new  choir  was  begun  by 
William  of  Sens  and  completed  by  Wilham 
the  EngHshman  (1174-80).  The  ancient 
Norman  nave  with  the  transept  remained 
till  the  fourteenth  century,  when  the  Per- 
pendicular work  was  undertaken  (1378-1410), 
and  completed  by  Prior  Chillenden  (1390- 
1421).  The  central  '  Bell  Harry  '  tower  was 
added  in  1495,  and  the  north-west  tower  is 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  Norman 
crypt  remains.  The  extensive  eastern  chapel 
is  called  Becket's  Crown,  where  at  one  time 
the  relics  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  were 
shown. 

Till  the  Reformation  the  monks  of  Christ 
Church  formed  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral, 
though  in  the  election  of  an  archbishop  a  claim 
was  made  by  the  suffragans  of  the  province. 
Henry  vra.,  when  he  confiscated  the  other 
monasteries  within  the  diocese  (Cranmer 
transferred  to  him  four  of  his  manors,  1540), 
created  a  dean  and  chapter,  and  planned  a 
grammar  school  and  a  school  of  divinity  to 
be  connected  with  the  cathedral.  This  latter 
was  to  have  readerships  in  the  five  chief 
subjects,  with  forty  free  scholars  to  be  sent 
to  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  But  the  founda- 
tion was  not  completed,  and  the  new  foun- 
dation, incorporated  by  Letters  Patent,  8th 
April  1542,  consisted  of  a  dean  and  twelve 
canons.  Six  canonries  were  suspended  by 
the  Cathedrals  Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c,  113), 
and  two  more  annexed  to  the  two  arch- 
deaconries. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury 

1.  Augustine  {q.v.),  597;  d.  c.  604. 

2.  Laurentius,  604 ;  d.  619. 


10. 
11. 

12. 

13. 


14. 


15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 
19. 


20, 
21, 


MeUitus  {q.v.),  619  ;  tr.  from  London. 

Justus,  624 ;  tr.  from  Rochester ;  cons. 
Pauhnus  as  bishop  for  the  north ;  d.  627. 

Honorius,  627  ;  cons,  by  Paulinus,  and 
established  the  see  firmly ;  received 
pall  from  Rome,  634  ;  d.  653.  A  year 
and  half's  interregnum  followed. 

Deusdedit,  655 ;  the  first  English  arch- 
bishop ;  cons,  by  Ithamar  of  Rochester ; 
d.  664. 

Theodore  {q.v.),  668  ;  d.  690. 

Berchtwald,  693  ;  d.  731. 

Tatwine,  731  ;  a  Mercian  from  the 
Worcestershire  monastery  of  Bredon, 
and  a  man  of  learning,  who  wrote  Latin 
hexameters ;  d.  734. 

Nothelm,  735  ;  visited  Rome,  and  gave 
information  to  Bede  for  his  History  of 
the  English ;  d.  740. 

Cuthberht,  741 ;  tr.  from  Hereford  ;  had 
been  Abbot  of  Lyminge ;  held  the 
famous  Clovesho  Council  in  747  ;  friend 
of  Winfrid  (Boniface)  {q.v.);  d.  758. 

Bregowine,  759  ;  was  an  '  old  Saxon  ' 
{i.e.  one  born  in  the  land  whence  the 
invaders  had  come) ;  d.  765. 

Jaenberht,  766 ;  had  been  Abbot  of 
St.  Augustine's  (the  house  founded  by 
St.  Augustine  as  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul's),  a  house  which  gradually  came 
into  conflict  with  the  mother  church  of 
Canterbury;  in  his  time  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  see  was  much  reduced  by 
Offa's  creation  of  the  Lichfield  {q.v.) 
archbishopric ;  d.  790. 

Aethelheard,  793 ;  elected  in  791  on 
Jaenberht's  death,  but  kept  two  years 
without  consecration  because  the  men 
of  Kent  regarded  him  as  a  creature 
of  the  Mercians ;  with  them  again  he 
took  refuge,  797-8,  but  Ecgberht  recog- 
nised him  as  metropolitan  in  803 ; 
d.  805. 

Wulfred,  805  ;  he  threw  oflE  the  Mercian 
influence,  and  was  friendly  to  Wcssex ; 
d.  832. 

Feologild,  832  ;  a  Kentish  man  who  held 
the  primacy  less  than  a  year,  dying  in 
832. 
Ceolnoth,  833  ;  he  in  864  adopted  the 
disastrous  policy  of  buj4ng  off  the 
Danes;  d.  870. 
Aethelred,    870 ;     formerly    a    monk    of 

Christ  Church,  Canterbury ;  d.  889. 
Plegmund,  890  ;  the  friend  and  adviser  of 
King  Alfred  {q.v.);  a,  Mercian  who  exem- 
plified the  religious  union  of  England 
and  twice  visited  Rome;  d.  914. 
Athelm,  914  ;  tr.  from  Wells ;  d.  923. 
Wulfhelm,  923  ;  tr.  from  Wells;  d.  942. 


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32 


33 


22.  Oda,  942  ;  tr.  from  Ramsbury  ;  adopted 
by  an  English  noble,  who  took  him  to 
Rome,  where  he  was  ordained ;  the 
friend  of  Acthelstan,  he  became  an 
important  political  factor  in  the  reigns 
of  Eadmund  and  Edred;  he  revived  the 
monastic  rule  at  Canterbury,  in  which 
he  was  followed  by  Dunstan ;  d.  959, 

[23.  Aelfsigc,!  953.  tr.  from  Winchester; 
died  on  his  way  to  Rome,  959. 

24.  Brithelm,^  959  ;   depr.  by  Eadgar.] 

25.  Dunstan  {q.v.),  960  ;    tr.  from  London. 

26.  Aethelgar,  988 ;  tr.  from  Selsey ;  d.  990. 

27.  Sigeric,  990 ;  tr.  from  Ramsbury ;  d.  994. 

28.  Aelfric,  995  ;  tr.  from  Ramsbury. 

29.  Aelfheah  [q.v.),  1005  ;  tr.  from  Winchester. 

30.  Lyfing,  1013;  tr.  from  Wells;  d.  1020. 

31.  Aethelnoth,  1020  ;  of  the  kin  of  the  West 

Saxon  kings,  but  chaplain  of  CnMt{q.v.), 
and  supporter  of  Danish  rule ;  d.  1038. 

Eadsige,  1038  ;  also  a  philo-Dane,  and 
supporter  of  Harthacnut ;  d.  1050. 

Robert  of  Jumieges,  1051  ;  came  with 
Eadward  Confessor  to  England  ;  Bishop 
of  London,  1044,  and  became  head  of 
the  opposition  to  Earl  Godwine ;  for  a 
time  successful,  but  when  Godwine  re- 
turned he  was  forced  to  fly,  and  was 
outlawed  and  deposed  by  the  witan,  1052. 

34.  Stigand,    1052 ;     had   been   chaplain   to 

Cnut ;  was  Bishop  of  Elmham,  1043, 
and  of  Worcester,  1047  ;  was  appointed 
to  Canterbury  uncanonicalljr,  Robert 
being  still  alive,  and  received  the  pal- 
lium from  the  antipope,  Benedict  x. ;  it 
was  probably  a  Norman  fable  that  he 
crowned  Harold ;  he  accepted  William, 
but  was  deprived,  1070 ;  d.  1072. 

35.  Lanfranc  [q.v.),  1070;  d.  1089. 

36.  Anselm  (7.-1;.),  1093;  d.  1109. 

37.  Ralph  d'Escures,  1114;  tr.  from  Roches- 

ter ;  administered  the  see  of  Canterbury 
on  Anselm's  death  in  1109,  but  could 
not  obtain  election  for  more  than  four 
years ;  with  him  the  contest  with  York 
for  profession  of  obedience  became 
acute;  d.  1122. 

38.  WiUiam  de  Corbeil,  1123;  a  Norman,  and 

pupil  of  Anselm  ;  after  holding  several 
English  offices  was  chosen  by  Henry  i. 
to  be  primate ;  he  continued  the  dis- 
pute with  York,  and  crowned  Stephen. 
Henry  of  Huntingdon  says  his  glories 
could  not  be  described,  because  they  did 
not  exist;  d.  1136. 

39.  Theobald,  1139  ;  revived  the  Canterbury 

school  of  clerks ;    played  a  judicious 


1  These  archbishops  were  held  to  be  intruded,  and  are 
not  reckoned  by  Bishop  Stubbs  among  the  regular  holders 
of  the  see. 


part  in  the  troubled  politics  of  Stephen's 
reign,  but  was  a  supporter  of  Matilda, 
and  eventually  secured  the  succession 
for  her  son,  Henry  11.;  d.  1161. 

40.  Thomas  Becket  (q.v.),  1162;  d.  1170. 

41.  Richard,    1174;    Prior   of    St.    Martin's, 

Dover ;  was  elected  by  the  bishops  in 
defiance  of  the  monks  of  Christ  Church ; 
was  a  careful  primate,  strict  in  preserv- 
ing the  rights  of  his  see;  d.  1184. 

42.  Baldwin,  1185;    tr.  from  Worcester;    a 

Cistercian;  was  the  first  to  secure  the 
supremacy  of  Canterbury  over  Wales, 
where  he  preached  the  crusade ;  he 
crowned  Richard  i.,  and  died  in  Pales- 
tine, 1190.  Alexander  Llewellyn,  who 
had  been  cross-bearer  to  these  three 
primates,  said  that  on  arriving  in  the 
city  Thomas  went  first  to  the  court, 
Richard  to  the  grange,  and  Baldwin 
to  the  church. 

43.  Hubert   Walter   {q.v.),    1193;     tr.    from 

Sahsbury;  d.  1205. 

44.  Stephen  Langton  {q.v.),  1207  (P.). 

45.  Richard  le   Grant   (or   of  Wethershed), 

1229 ;  who  opposed  Henry  in.  in 
politics,  though  it  was  he  who  had 
chosen  iiim  archbishop,  and  excom- 
municated liis  minister,  Hubert  de 
Burgh;  he  died,  1231.  at  Rome,  where 
he  had  gone  to  appeal. 

46.  Edmund  Rich  {q.v.),  1234;  d.  1240. 

47.  Boniface  of  Savoy,  1245 ;    the  uncle  of 

Henry  iil.'s  Queen,  who,  though  much 
hated  at  first,  did  good  work  for  his 
see,  visited  his  province,  and  played 
no  bad  part  in  the  settlement  of  the 
constitutional  dispute ;  d.  1270. 

48.  Robert  Kilwardby,  1273  (P.) ;  a  Domini- 

can, who  was  provincial  of  his  order  in 
England,  1261  ;  crowned  Edward  i.  ; 
a  philosopher  and  theologian,  but  driven 
from  England  by  the  power  of  Edward  i., 
and  became  cardinal  and  Bishop  of 
Porto,  1278,  dying  the  next  year;  he 
took  away  all  the  registers,  etc.,  of 
Canterbury,  and  thus  Peckham's  is 
the  first  register  extant  in  England. 

49.  John  Peckham  {q.v.),  1279  (P.^) ;  d.  1292. 

50.  Robert  Winchelsey,  1294  ;  Rector  of  the 

University  of  Paris  and  a  D.D.  and  Chan- 
cellor of  Oxford,  also  a  Prebendary  of 
Lincoln  and  of  St.  Paul's;  he  published 
the  famous  Bull  Clericis  laicos,  and  was 
outlawed  by  Edward  i. ;  he  was  in 
continual  dispute  with  Edward  i.,  and 
was  in  banishment  when  the  King  died; 
Edward  n.  restored  him ;  he  was  one 
of  the  Lords  Ordainers,  and  excom- 
municated Gaveston ;  d.  1313. 


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51.  Walter    Reynolds,    1313  ;    tr.    (P.)   from 

Worcester ;  was  a  politician  under 
Edward  i.  ;  liked  by  Edward  il.,  who 
made  him  Chancellor  ;  on  Winohelsey's 
death  Thomas  of  Cobham  was  elected 
primate  by  the  monks,  but  Pope  and 
King  set  him  aside  and  appointed 
Reynolds,  who,  after  supporting  the 
King  in  his  worst  acts,  turned  against 
him  and  crowned  Edward  iii.  ;  d.  1327. 

52.  Simon  Meopham,   1328  ;   cons,  at  Avig- 

non ;  held  many  Church  councils,  and 
was  an  active  and  religious  prelate, 
who  was  finally  excommunicated  for 
refusing  to  appear  before  the  Pope's 
special  legate  in  regard  to  his  dispute 
with  the  abbev  of  St.  Augustine;  d. 
1333. 

53.  John    Stratford,    1333;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Winchester  ;  a  doctor  of  both  laws  at 
Oxford ;  as  Bishop  of  W^inchester  took 
a  prominent  part  in  the  deposition  of 
Edward  ii.,  and  became  chief  minister, 
and  in  1330,  1335,  and  1340  Chancellor 
to  Edward  iii.,  with  whom  he  after- 
wards quarrelled,  but  was  reconciled 
before  his  death  in  1348. 

54.  Thomas   Bradwardine,    1349    (P.)  ;     like 

his  predecessor  of  Merton  College, 
Oxford,  and  as  a  philosopher  was  called 
doctor  profundus;  after  serving  in  im- 
portant political  and  ecclesiastical  posts 
was  consecrated  at  Avignon,  but  died 
before  the  end  of  the  vear. 

55.  Simon  Islip  (q.v.),  1349^(P.);  d.  1366. 

56.  Simon   Langham,    1366;     tr.    (P.)   from 

Ely ;  Chancellor  of  England,  1363 ; 
had  been  a  monk,  and  then  Abbot  of 
Westminster  and  Bishop  of  Ely,  1360  ; 
took  an  active  part  against  Wyclif 
when  he  was  archbishop ;  made  a 
cardinal  in  1368,  he  was  forced  to  re- 
sign Canterbury  ;  was  made  Bishop  of 
Prajneste  ;   died,  1376,  at  Avignon. 

57.  William  Wittlesey,   1368  ;    tr.  (P.)  from 

Worcester;  nephew  of  Islip,  and  his 
vicar  -  general ;  held  various  offices  ; 
left  no  mark  as  primate ;  d.  1374. 

58.  Simon  Sudbury  {q.v.),  1375  ;  tr.  (P.)  from 

London. 

59.  William  Courtenay,  1381  ;    tr.  (P.)  from 

London  ;  son  of  Hugh,  Earl  of  Devon  ; 
had  risen  rapidly  in  the  Church,  and  was 
prominent,  when  Bishop  of  London, 
against  Wyclif;  visited  the  province, 
and  was  an  active  suppressor  of  the 
Lollards ;  though  he  opposed  the  second 
statute  of  Provisors,  1391,  he  accepted 
that  of  Praemunire,  1393  ;  d.  1396. 

60.  Thomas  Arundel,   1397;    tr.    (P.)   from 


61. 


62. 


63. 
64. 
65. 


66. 


67, 


69. 

70. 
71. 

72. 
73. 

74, 

75, 

76, 

77, 


York ;  Bishop  of  Ely,  formerly  Chan- 
cellor; was  a  prominent  politician,  and 
as  an  opponent  of  Richard  ii.  was 
impeached  in  Parliament  and  banished 
in  1397,  but  was  given  the  see  of  St. 
Andrews. 
Roger  Walden  (P.),  1398  ;  a  favourite  of 
Richard  li.  ;  held  the  see  only  a  j'car, 
then  deposed  on  the  fall  of  that  King, 
but  was  given  the  see  of  London  in 
1400,  after 
Thomas  Arundel  was  restored,  1399 ;  he 
crowned  Henry  iv.  ;  was  three  times 
his  Chancellor,  and  stoutly  resisted 
LoUardy,  trjing  Sir  John  Oldcastle  for 
heresy,  convicting  him,  and  handing 
him  over  to  the  State  ;  d.  1414. 

Henry  Chichele  {q.v.),  1414;  tr.  (P.) 
from  St.  David's ;  d.  1443. 

John  Stafford,  1443  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Wells  ; 
partisan  of  the  Beaufort  house  ;  d.  1452. 

John  Kemp,  1452;  tr.  (P.)  from  York; 
a  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford, 
who  rose  from  elevation  to  elevation 
through  his  political  services  to  Henry 
v.  and  his  support  of  the  Beauforts ; 
he  was  Bishop  of  Rochester,  1419 ;  of 
London,  1421 ;  Archbishop  of  Y'ork, 
1426  ;  made  cardinal,  1439,  and  took 
a  prominent  part  in  the  politics  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  vi.  ;  d.  1454. 

Thomas  Bourchier,  1454;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Ely ;  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  ; 
Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Oxford  ; 
Bishop  of  W^orcester  and  then  of  Ely ;  a 
supporter  of  the  Yorkists,  and  crow^ned 
Edward  iv.,  1461  ;  persuaded  Queen 
Elizabeth  to  give  up  her  children  to 
Richard,  whom  he  afterwards  crowned  ; 
he  lived  to  marry  Henry  vii. ;  d.  1486. 

John  Morton  {q.v.),  1486^  tr.  (P.)  from 
Ely. 

Henry  Dean,  1501  ;  tr.  from  Salisbury  ; 
a  politician  and  councillor  of  Henry  vii. ; 
d.  1503. 

William  Warham  {q.v.),  1503;  tr.  (P.) 
Jrom  London ;  d.  1532. 

Thomas  Cranmer  [q.v.),  1533  (P.). 

Reginald  Pole  {q.v.),  1556  (P.);  d.  1558. 

Matthew  Parker  {q.v.),  1559;  d.  1575. 

Edmund  C4rindal  {q.v.),  1576  ;  tr.  from 
York;  d.  1583. 

John  Whitgtft  {q.v.),  1583;  tr.  from 
Worcester;  d.  1604. 

Richard  Bancroft  {q.v.),  1604  ;  tr.  from 
London;  d.  1610. 

George  Abbot  {q.v.),  1611  ;  tr.  from 
London;  d.  1633. 

W^illiam  Laud  {q.v.),  1633;  tr.  from 
London ;  d.  164.5, 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Carlisle 


78.  William    Juxon    [q.v.),   1660;     tr.   from 

London ;  d.  166.'5. 

79.  Gilbert   Sheldon    {q.v.),   1663  ;    tr.    from 

London ;  d.  1677. 

80.  William  Sancroft  {q.v.),  1678;  d.  1693. 

81.  John  Tillotson  {q.v.),  1691;  d.  1694. 

82.  Thomas  Tenison,  1695  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln  ; 

Fellow  of  C.C.C.,  Cambridge,  and  a  good 
parish  priest  there  and  in  London  ;  a 
critic  of  Hobbcs  and  an  anti-Roman 
controversialist ;  founded  the  tirst 
public  library  in  London  when  he 
was  Rector  of  St.-Martin-in-the-Fields ; 
ministered  to  Monmouth  and  Nell 
Gwynne  ;  he  was  a  moderate  Whig,  and 
had  a  good  influence  over  William  iii., 
but  was  out  of  favour  with  Anne  ;  he 
strongly  supported  the  Hanoverian 
succession,  and  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  S.P.G. ;  d.  1715. 

83.  William    Wake    {q.v.),    1716;     tr.    from 

Lincoln;  d.  1737. 

84.  John   Potter,    1737  ;     tr.    from   Oxford ; 

Fellow  of  Lincoln  and  Regius  Professor 
of  Divinity,  Oxford ;  he  was  one  of 
those  who  began  the  journey  towards 
the  archbishopric  by  being  the  arch- 
bishop's chaplain,  and  was  an  editor, 
classic,  and  patristic  scholar;  d.  1747. 

85.  Thomas  Herring,  1747  ;    tr.  from  York  ; 

D.D.  of  Cambridge  and  Fellow  of  C.C.C. ; 
Archbishop  of  York  during  the  '45,  and 
a  strong  supporter  of  the  Government, 
but  a  man  of  no  great  knowledge  or 
abilities ;  d.  1757. 

86.  Matthew  Hutton,  1757  ;    tr.  from  York  ; 

of  a  Yorkshire  family ;  Fellow  of 
Christ's,  Cambridge,  and  D.D. ;  suc- 
ceeded Herring  at  Bangor,  York,  and 
Canterbuiy;  d.  1758. 

87.  Thomas  Seeker,  1758  ;    tr.  from  Oxford  ; 

originally  a  dissenter,  and  trained  for 
the  dissenting  ministry,  but  after 
studying  medicine  went  to  Oxford  and 
graduated  at  Exeter ;  he  was  chaplain 
to  George  ii. ;  Bishop  of  Bristol  and  of 
Oxford,  and  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  ;  a  care- 
ful, studious,  moderate  man;  d.  1768. 

88.  The  Honble.  Frederick  Cornwallis,  1768  ; 

tr.  from  Lichfield ;  a  son  of  the  fourth 
Lord  Cornwallis ;  Fellow  of  Christ's, 
Cambridge,  and  D.D. ;  Dean  of  St. 
Paul's ;  a  handsome  and  agreeable  per- 
sonage, but  rebuked  by  George  iii.  for 
intending  to  give  a  ball  at  Lambeth; 
d.  1783. 

89.  John  Moore,  1783  ;  tr.  from  Bangor  ;  son 

of  a  Gloucestershire  farmer  ;  tutor  to 
the  young  Churchills,  and  owing  much 
to  their  patronage.     He  became  Dean 


of  Canterbury  and  Bishop  of  Bangor, 
and  thence  when  Hurd  and  Lowth 
refused  was  made  Archbishoj)  of  Can- 
terbury ;  he  was  a  supporter  of  all 
philanthropic  effort  and  a  friend  of 
Wilberforce,  and  though  he  refused  to 
consecrate  Seabury,  afterwards  conse- 
crated two  bishops  for  America ;  d. 
1805. 

90.  Charles  Manners  Sutton,  1805;    tr.  from 

Norwich;  D.V).  Emmanuel  College, 
Cambridge  ;  after  serving  several  cures 
he  was  Dean  of  Peterborough,  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  and  Dean  of  Windsor,  and 
intimate  with  the  family  of  George  iii. ; 
d.  1828. 

91.  William  Howley   {q.v.),   1828;    tr.   from 

London. 

92.  John    Bird    Sumner,     1848  ;      tr.     from 

Chester ;  Fellow  of  King's  College, 
Cambridge  ;  Canon  of  Durham  ;  intro- 
duced to  favour  through  his  brother 
Charles,  who  was  liked  by  George  iv.  ; 
he  was  an  Evangelical  of  piety  and 
distinction  and  a  Whig,  though  made 
Bishop  of  Chester  by  Peel ;  he  supported 
Mr.  Gorham  {q.v.)  against  the  Bishop  of 
Exeter,  and  was  at  first  '  wildly  de- 
nunciatory '  of  the  Oxford  Movement ; 
d.  1862. 

93.  Charles  Thomas  Longley,  1862  ;   tr.  from 

York ;  Student  of  Christ  Church ;  Head- 
master of  Harrow ;  Bishop  of  Ripon, 
1836 ;  Durham,  1856  ;  Archbishop  of 
York,  1860;  d.  1868. 

94.  Archibald    Campbell   Tait    {q.v.),    1868; 

tr.  from  London ;  d.  1882. 

95.  Edward  White  Benson  {q.v.),   1883;   tr. 

from  Truro  ;  d.  1896. 

96.  Frederick  Temple  {q.v.),  1896  ;    tr.  from 

London;  d.  1902. 

97.  Randall  Thomas  Davidson,  1903  ;  tr.  from 

Winchester  ;  Dean  of  Windsor,  1883. 
[w.   H.   H.] 

Jenkins,  Dio.  Hist.  ;    Stanley,  Memorials  of 
Canterbury  ;  Le  Neve,  Fasti. 

CARLISLE,  See  of,  was  founded  by  Henry  i. 
in  1133  at  the  instigation  of  Thurstin,  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  from  whose  diocese  its  terri- 
tory was  taken.  It  was  conterminous  with 
the  land  of  Carhsle,  which  was  added  to 
England  by  William  ii.  in  1092.  It  consisted 
of  the  portion  of  Cumberland  north  of  the 
Derwent  (except  the  parish  of  Alston)  and 
the  northern  portion  of  Westmorland.  It 
was  enlarged  in  1856,  under  an  Order  in 
Council  of  10th  August  1847.  by  the  addition 
of  the  southern  portions  of  Cumberland  and 
Westmorland   and   that  part  of   Lancashire 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Carlisle 


called  '  Lonsdale  North  of  the  Sands,'  taken 
from  the  diocese  of  Chester  {q.v.). 

A  priory  of  Regular  Canons  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, founded  by  Henry  I.  about  11 23,  and  dedi- 
cated to  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  became  the 
cathedral  church  (the  only  English  cathedral 
held  by  this  order),  and  so  remained  until  the 
reign  of  Henry  vin.  The  surrender  to  the 
Crown  took  place  on  9th  January  1540.  Out 
of  the  dissolved  priory,  by  charter  bearing 
date  8th  May  1541,  the  King  founded  the 
cathedral  church  of  the  Holy  and  Undivided 
Trinity,  and  created  a  dean  and  four  pre- 
bendaries or  canons,  under  the  name  of  the 
dean  and  chapter  of  the  said  church.  The 
church  was  endowed  with  the  property  of 
the  priory,  with  the  addition  of  the  revenues 
of  the  priory  of  Wetheral.  At  first  the  bishop 
and  the  priory  held  their  property  conjointly. 
The  first  di\4sion  was  made  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  papal  legate  Gualo  about  1216  : 
the  final  distribution  was  completed  in  1249 
in  the  time  of  Bishop  Silvester.  The  tem- 
poralities of  the  see  are  given  in  the  Taxatio 
of  1291  as  £126,  7s.  7d.  and  the  spii-ituaU- 
ties  as  £22,  19s. ;  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus 
gives  the  income  as  £541,  4s.  Hid.  Ecton 
(1711)  gives  the  value  as  £531,  4s.  9Jd. 
The  present  income  of  the  bishop  is  £4500. 
The  see  is  divided  into  the  archdeaconries 
of  Carhsle  (1133),  Westmorland  (1856), 
and  Furness  (1882).  It  has  an  acreage  of 
1,642,897  and  a  population  of  401,280.  A 
bishop  suffragan  of  Barrow-in-Furness  was 
appointed,  1899. 

Bishops 

1.  Athelwold,  1133  ;    the  first  prior  of  the 

Augustinian  convent  of  Carlisle  ;  had 
been  Prior  of  St.  Oswald's,  Nostell ; 
was  -witness  in  1136  to  the  Charter  of 
Liberties  granted  by  Stephen  ;  d.  1156. 
A  vacancy  for  nearly  fifty  years. 

2.  Bernard,  1204  ;  Archbishop  of  Ragusa  ; 

appointed  by  King  John  at  the  recpiest 
of  Innocent  m. 

3.  Hugh,  1218 ;  Abbot  of  Beaulieu  in  Hamp- 

shire ;  appointed  by  the  influence  of 
the  legate  Gualo  to  coerce  the  rebel- 
hous  canons  ;  deputed  by  Henry  ui.  to 
arrange  the  marriage  of  Alexander  n. 
of  Scotland  with  Johanna,  the  King's 
sister ;  d.  at  La  Ferte  in  Burgundy, 
1223. 

4.  Walter   Malclerc,    1223 ;     a    diplomatist 

who  held  high  offices  in  the  State  ;  the 
great  patron  of  the  friars  when  they 
first  came  to  England  ;  Henry  m.  gave 
him  the  manor  of  Dalston,  1230,  the 
manor-house  becoming  Rose  Castle,  the 


present  episcopal  residence  ;  res.  1246, 
and  joined  the  Dominican  order  in 
Oxford,  where  he  d.  1248. 

5.  Silvester  de  Everdon,  1247  ;  Archdeacon 

of  Chester ;  much  engaged  in  poUtical 
matters ;  one  of  the  four  prelates 
chosen  in  1253  to  confront  Henry  iii. 
in  defence  of  the  Uberties  of  the  Church ; 
knied  by  a  faU  from  his  horse,  1254. 

6.  Thomas    de    Vipont,    or    Veteri-ponte, 

1255;    d.  1256. 

7.  Robert   Chause,    1258 ;     Archdeacon    of 

Bath ;  was  engaged  in  continual  law- 
suits concerning  questions  arising  in  his 
diocese  ;   d.  1278. 

8.  Robert    Ireton,     1280    (P.)  ;      Prior    of 

Gisburne ;  was  much  employed  by 
Edward  i.  in  the  affairs  of  Scotland ; 
a  commissioner  in  1290  to  arrange  for 
the  marriage  of  Prince  Edward  with 
Margaret,  the  Maid  of  Norway ;  com- 
missioner in  1291  to  adjust  the  claims 
to  the  crown  of  Scotland  ;  d.  1292. 

9.  John    de    Halton,    1292;     Governor    of 

Carhsle  Castle  in  1302  ;  b}^  commission 
of  Pope  Clement  v.  he  excommunicated 
Robert  Brus  in  Carlisle  Cathedral  in 
1305 ;  took  a  great  part  as  diplomatist 
and  soldier  in  the  wars  of  that  period  ; 
was  present  in  the  Parliament  held 
in  Carhsle  when  the  first  antipapal 
statute  was  passed  in  January  1307  ; 
present  at  the  great  Council  of  Vienne 
in  1311  when  the  Order  of  the  Templars 
was  dissolved  ;   d.  1324. 

10.  John   Ross,    1325   (P.) ;    Archdeacon  of 

Salop  ;  cited  by  the  prior  and  convent 
of  Carlisle  in  1330  for  seizing  the  profits 
of  their  churches  ;  he  excommunicated 
the  prior  ;    d.  1332. 

11.  John  Kirkby,  1332  (P.) ;  Prior  of  Carhsle  ; 

was  a  mOitant  and  quarrelsome  bishop; 
much  engaged  in  the  Scottish  wars  ; 
he  conveyed  Joan,  daughter  of  Edward 
III.,  betrothed  to  Peter  of  Castile,  on  her 
ill-fated  journey  in  1348  ;   d.  1352. 

12.  Gilbert  Welton,'l353  (P.);    one  of  the 

commissioners  to  arrange  the  ransom 
of  David  ii..  King  of  Scots,  in  1357  ; 
also  later  for  acknowledging  his  sove- 
reignty ;  a  warden  of  the  Western 
Marches;   d.  1362. 

13.  Thomas  Appleby,  1363  (P.) ;  a  warden  of 

the  Western  Marches ;  appointed  in 
1384,  and  from  time  to  time,  to  treat  of 
peace  between  Richard  n.  and  Scotland 
and  France  ;   d.  1395. 

14.  Robert  Reed,  or  Reade,  1396  (P.) ;    tr. 

from  Waterford,  and  the  same  year  tr. 
to  Chichester. 


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[Carlisle 


16. 


17. 


15.  Thomas  Merks,  Merke,  or  Sumestre,  D.D., 
1397  (P.)  ;  famous  for  the  speech  which 
he  is  said  to  have  made  in  ParUa- 
ment  in  defence  of  the  deposed  King, 
and  which  Shakespeare  preserves  in  liis 
play  of  Richard  II.  (iv.  1) ;  tr,  1400,  ad 
ecclesiam  de  Samastonam  iriqtoaclerus  seu 
populus  Christianus  non  habetur  (P.R., 
2  Hen.  iv.)  ;  suffragan  of  Winchester, 
1403-4  ;  Rector  of  Sturminster  Marshall, 
1403  ;  of  Todenham,  1404  ;  d.  1409. 
William  Strickland,  1400  (P.);  did  much 
for  ecclesiastical  architecture  both  in  the 
cathedral  and  in  rebuilding  Rose  Castle 
and  its  chapel ;  d.  1419. 
Roger  Whelpdale,  D.D.,  1420  (P.) ;  a 
native  of  Cumberland ;  Provost  of 
Queen's  College,  Oxford,  to  which,  and 
to  the  University,  he  bequeathed  some  of 
his  property  ;  d.  1422  at  Carlisle  Place, 
London,  and  directed  that  he  should 
be  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Paul. 

18.  Wilham  Barrowe,  D.C.L.,  1423  ;  tr.  (P.) 

from  Bangor ;  Chancellor  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oxford  in  1413 ;  a  com- 
missioner to  arrange  the  truce  with 
Scotland  in  1429  ;   d.  1429. 

19.  Marmaduke  Lumley,  LL.B.,  1430  (P.) ; 

Archdeacon  of  Northumberland  ;  tr.  to 
Lincoln,  1450. 

20.  Nicholas  Close,  D.D.,  1450  (P.)  ;   Chan- 

cellor of  the  University  of  Cambridge  in 
1450 ;  tr.  to  Coventry  and  Lichfield, 
1452. 

21.  Wilham  Percy,  1452  (P.) ;    Chancellor  of 

the  University  of  Cambridge,  1451-5 ; 
d.  1462. 

22.  John   Kingscote,    1462    (P.) ;    had   been 

a  creditor  of  Edward  iv.  before  his 
appointment ;   d.  1463. 

23.  Richard  Scroope,  1464  (P.) ;    Chancellor 

of  the  University  of  Cambridge  in  1461 ; 
d.  1468. 

24.  Edward  Story,  D.D.,  1468  (P.) ;  Master 

of  Michaelhouse,  Cambridge  ;  a  commis- 
sioner to  treat  with  Scotland  in  1471  ; 
tr.  to  Chichester,  1478. 

25.  Richard  Bell,  1478  (P.) ;    Prior  of  Dur- 

ham ;  res.  1495  ;  d.  1496.  A  remark- 
able brass  of  the  bishop  in  full  pontificals 
is  in  the  choir  of  the  cathedral. 

26.  WiUiam  Sever,  1496  (P.) ;    Abbot  of  St. 

Mary's,  York  ;  a  commissioner  to  ar- 
range the  truce  with  Scotland,  1497, 
and  the  marriage  in  1502  of  James  iv. 
with  Margaret,  daughter  of  Henry  vn. ; 
tr.  to  Durham,  1502. 

27.  Roger  Leyburn,  or  Leybourne,  1504  (P.) ; 

Master  of  Pembroke  Hall,  Cambridge, 
and  Archdeacon  of  Durham  ;   d.  1507. 


28.  John  Penny,  LL.D.,  1509  ;   tr.  (P.)  from 

Bangor ;  d.  1520 ;  buried  in  St.  Mar- 
garet's, Leicester. 

29.  John  Kyte,  or  Kite,  1521  ;    tr.  (P.)  from 

Armagh  ;  sent  by  Henry  vii.  as  am- 
bassador to  Spain  ;  the  friend  and  agent 
of  Cardinal  Wolsey ;  attended  Henry 
VIII.  at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold  ; 
made  titular  Archbishop  of  Thebes  in 
Thessaly  ;  took  a  strong  position  on  the 
side  of  the  King  in  the  matter  of  the 
royal  divorce ;  d.  in  London  1537  ; 
buried  in  Stepney  Church,  where  tliere 
is  a  long  inscription. 

30.  Robert    Aldrich,     D.D.,    1537  ;      Arch- 

deacon of  Colchester ;  chaplain  to  Queen 
Jane  Seymour ;  one  of  the  authors  of 
the  Bishops'  Book,  1537  ;  one  of  the 
two  bishops  who  protested  against  the 
second  Act  of  Uniformity ;  d.  1556 ; 
buried  at  Horncastle. 

31.  Owen  Oglethorpe.  D.D.,  1557  ;    Dean  of 

Windsor;  President  of  Magdalen  Col- 
lege, Oxford ;  a  disputant  in  1554 
with  Cranmer,  Latimer,  and  Ridley ; 
crowned  Queen  EUzabeth,  Canterbury 
being  vacant  and  Heath  of  York  having 
refused ;  dep.  1559  for  refusing  the 
oath  of  supremacy  ;  d.  the  same  year  ; 
buried  in  St.  Dunstan's  in  the  West, 
London. 

32.  John    Best,     B.D.,     1561  ;      had    diffi- 

culties with  the  clergy  of  the  diocese 
about  the  oath  of  allegiance ;  he 
termed  them  '  wicked  imps  of  Anti- 
Christ,'  '  ignorant,  stubborn,  past 
measure,  false,  and  subtile  '  ;   d.  1570. 

33.  Richard  Barnes,  1570  ;  tr.  from  suffragan 

bishopric  ;  held  an  important  visitation 
of  the  diocese  and  of  the  cathedral, 
backed  by  the  High  Commission,  in 
1571  ;   tr.  to  Durham,  1577. 

34.  John    Meye,     D.D.,     1577;     Master    of 

Catherine  Hall,  Cambridge;  Archdeacon 
of  the  East  Riding  ;  d.  of  the  plague, 
1598  ;    buried  in  Carlisle. 

35.  Henry  Robinson,  D.D.,  1598  ;   a  native 

of  Carlisle;  Provost  of  Queen's  College, 
Oxford  ;  d.  of  the  plague  in  1616,  and 
was  buried  in  CarUsle  Cathedral,  where 
there  is  a  curious  brass,  similar  to  one 
at  Queen's,  to  which  college  he  was  a 
benefactor. 

36.  Robert  Snowden,  D.D.,  1616  ;  preached 

before  James  i.  on  his  visit  to  Carhsle 
in  1617  ;    d.  1621. 

37.  Richard  Milbourne,  1621  ;    tr.  from  St. 

David's  ;  a  native  of  Cumberland  ;  had 
been  Dean  of  Rochester  ;  d.  1624. 

38.  Richard    Senhouse,    D.D.,    1624;    chap- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Caroline 


lain  to  James  i.  and  Dean  of  Gloucester  ; 
preached  the  coronation  sermon  of 
Charles  i.  ;  killed  by  a  fall  from  his 
horse,  1626. 

39.  Francis    White,    D.D.,   1626;    Dean    of 

Carhsle  ;   tr.  to  Norwich,  1629. 

40.  Barnabas  Potter,   D.D.,    1629  ;  Provost 

of  Queen's  College,  Oxford;  d.  1642, 
and  buried  in  London. 

41.  James  Ussher  {q.v.),  1642.      See  vacant 

untU  the  Restoration. 

42.  Richard  Sterne,  D.D.,  1660;   Master  of 

Jesus  CoUege,  Cambridge  ;  ministered 
to  Archbishop  Laud  {q.v.)  on  the 
scafiold  ;   tr.  to  York,  1664. 

43.  Edward  Rainbow,  D.D.,    1664;    Master 

of  Magdalene  CoUege,  Cambridge,  and 
Dean  of  Peterborough ;  d.  1684 ; 
buried  at  Dalston. 

44.  Thomas    Smith,  D.D.,  1684;    native  of 

Asby,  Westmorland ;  Dean  of  Carhsle ; 
most  generous  in  his  gifts  ;  d.  1702  ; 
buried  in  the  cathedral  church. 

45.  WiUiam    Nicolson,    D.D.,     1702-18;      a 

native  of  Orton,  Cumberland;  Arch- 
deacon of  Carhsle ;  a  distinguished 
man  of  letters  and  antiquarj^ ;  his 
controversy  with  Dean  Atterbury  {q.v.) 
resulted  in  the  passing  of  the  Act 
(6  Anne,  c.  21)  which  estabUshed  the 
vaUdity  of  the  statutes  of  the  cathedrals 
of  the  Xew  Foundation  ;  tr.  to  Derry  in 
1718  ;   thence  to  Cashel ;   d.  1727. 

46.  Samuel  Bradford,   D.D.,   1718;    Master 

of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge  ; 
tr.  to  Rochester,  1723. 

47.  John  Waugh,  D.D.,  1723  ;    a  native  of 

Appleby;  Dean  of  Gloucester ;  d.  1734, 
and  buried  in  London. 

48.  George  Fleming,  D.C.L.,  Bart.,  1735  ;    a 

native  of  Rydal,  Westmorland ;  Dean 
of  Carhsle ;  d.  1747 ;  buried  in  the 
cathedral  church. 

49.  Robert    Osbaldeston,    1747  ;     Dean    of 

York  ;    tr.  to  London,  1762. 

50.  Charles     Lyttelton,     1762;      Dean     of 

Exeter  ;   d.  1768  in  London. 

51.  Edmund  Law,  D.D.,  1769  ;    a  native  of 

Cartmel,  Lancashire  ;  Master  of  Peter- 
house,  Cambridge  ;  eminent  in  letters  ; 
of  his  sons,  one  was  Lord  EUenborough 
and  two  were  bishops  ;  d.  1787,  and 
buried  in  the  cathedral  church. 

52.  John  Douglas,  1787  ;   Dean  of  Windsor  ; 

tr.  to  Salisbury,  1791. 

53.  Edward  Vcnables  Vernon,  D.C.L.,  1791  ; 

assumed  the  name  of  Harcourt ;  tr.  to 
York,  1807. 

54.  SamuelGoodenough,  D.C.L.,1808;  Dean 

of  Rochester  ;    famous  as  a  botanist ; 


d.     1827  ;      buried     in     Westminster 
Abbey. 

55.  Hugh    Percy,    D.D.,    1827;     tr.    from 

Rochester  ;    Dean  of  Canterbury  ;    d. 
1836. 

56.  Henry  Montagu  ViUiers,  D.D.,  1856  ;  tr. 

to  Durham,  1860;  a  strong  Evangelical. 

57.  Samuel  Waldegrave,  D.D.,  1860  ;   Fellow 

of  All  Souls,   Oxford ;     also   a  strong 
Evangelical;    d.  1869. 

58.  Harvey  Goodwin,  D.D.,  1869  ;    Dean  of 

Elv ;"  d.  1891. 

59.  John  Wareing  Bardsley,  D.D.,  1892  ;  tr. 

from  Sodor  and  Man  ;  d.  1904. 

60.  John  W^iUiam  Diggle,  D.D.,  1905. 

[j.  E.  p.] 

Bishops'  registers,  1293-1386, 1561-1643, 1660 
seq.  ;  Nicolsou  and  Burn,  Hist,  of  Cumberland 
and  Westmorland  ;  Bisliop  Nicolson's  MSS.  in 
Dean  and  Chapter  Library  ;  Papal  Letters,  R.S. 

CAROLINE  DIVINES,  The.  This  name 
has  been  given  to  the  theological  writers  of 
the  seventeenth  century  who  had  been 
trained  in  the  generation  succeeding  that  of 
the  Elizabethan  Settlement  of  religion  in 
England  and  looked  at  the  theology  and 
discipUne  of  the  Church  from  something  hke 
a  common  standing  point.  It  is  impossible 
to  draw  a  strict  line  ;  but  roughly  it  may  be 
said  that  the  reign  of  Charles  i.  marks  one 
period  of  their  activity,  while  the  second  is 
that  which  is  covered  by  the  lifetime  of  his 
sons.  Convenient  dates  are  from  1625  to 
1700.  But  the  school  which  flourished  in 
those  three-quarters  of  a  century,  to  which 
in  its  earlier  stage  was  appUed  the  famous 
eulogy,  clerus  Angliae  stupor  mundi,  had 
its  definite  forerunners  in  the  days  of  Ehza- 
beth  and  James  i.  Some  of  the  writers 
lived  to  a  great  age ;  and  some  who  were 
not  actually  Carolines  in  date  were  certainly 
of  the  same  spirit. 

The  common  bond  which  unites  them  is  a 
consciousness  that  the  Cathohcity  rather 
than  the  Protestantism  was  the  decisive 
feature  of  the  Enghsh  Church.  The  separa- 
tion from  Rome  had  come  because  Roman 
pressure  on  English  allegiance  had  become 
practically  intalerable.  It  was  a  practical 
Reformation  which  had  taken  place.  But, 
no  less,  the  vigour  of  theological  study,  which 
in  England  took  its  inspiration  and  its  tone 
from  Erasmus  rather  than  from  Luther,  had 
directed  the  attention  of  scholars  to  the 
divergence  of  mediaeval  teaching  from  the 
teaching  of  the  Bible  and  the  fathers  of  the 
primitive  Church.  There  was  a  very  strong 
spirit  of  Protestantism,  which  came  to  a 
cUmax  under  Ehzabeth  in  the  power  pos- 


(98) 


Caroline] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Caroline 


sessed  by  Calvinism  at  the  Universities  and 
at  Lambeth.  But  Universities  have  always 
been  apt  to  be  attraeted  by  a  system  or  a 
'  movement.'  Theological  freedom  is  rarely 
encouraged  there.  And  archbishops,  in  a 
Church  so  undermanned  in  bishops  as  the 
Enghsh  Church  was,  can  rarely  find  time  to 
be  close  students.  Thus  a  reaction  came 
rather  from  solitary  scholars,  who  rose  to 
high  fame,  than  from  men  who  were  seated 
in  positions  of  authority.  They  read  the 
Bible  and  the  Fathers  for  themselves,  and 
then  found  that  their  theology  was  of  a 
piece  with  what  was  ancient  rather  than 
with  the  modern.  They  could  not  submit 
to  Rome  until  Rome  '  was  other  than  she  is  ' 
(as  Laud (g.v.)  said), but  they  found  themselves 
widely  separated  from  the  '  new  theology  ' 
of  their  daj^  The  school  which  became 
prominent  under  James  i.  and  for  a  time 
dominant  under  Charles  i.  started  then  from 
the  Bible  and  from  the  definite  statements 
of  the  existing  Enghsh  formularies,  that  the 
Church  did  not  desire  to  dictate  to  churches 
abroad  or  to  depart  from  them  in  matters 
where  they  followed  ancient  rule,  and  that 
the  interpretation  of  Holy  Scripture  was 
to  be  in  accordance  with  that  of  the  ancient 
doctors.  As  regards  organisation,  the  school 
as  a  whole  believed  in  episcopacy  being  of 
the  bene  esse  of  the  Church  ;  and  much  the 
larger  part  of  it  believed  that  it  was  even  of 
the  esse.  The  Caroline  Divines  may  be  said 
to  trace  their  origin  to  (1)  Hooker  (q.v.), 
in  his  definite  opposition  to  the  Puritans' 
view  that  all  rules  of  Government  were  laid 
down  exactly  in  Holy  Scripture  ;  (2)  Bilson, 
1546-1616,  who  declared  that  the  Enghsh 
disagreement  with  Rome  on  the  critical 
subject  of  the  Holy  Communion  was  '  only 
de  niodo  praesentiae'  ;  (3)  Andrewes  {q.v.), 
who  said  that  the  English  Church  granted 
Christ  to  be  truly  present  in  the  Eucharist 
and  truly  to  be  adored ;  and  (4)  Overall 
{q.v.),  who  pointed  out  that  the  English 
Church  no  longer  '  called  them  creatures  of 
bread  and  Avine '  after  consecration.  Here 
was  a  position  most  clearly  belonging  rather 
to  the  old  than  to  the  new  theology.  And  it 
was  this  which  hnked  together  the  school  of 
which  Andrewes  was  perhaps  most  clearly 
the  father  and  Laud  the  most  promin- 
ent member.  It  is  not  proposed  in  this 
article  to  analyse  the  opinions  of  the  theo- 
logians who  will  be  named.  On  many  points 
of  detail  and  of  expression  they  differed 
among  themselves,  but  in  the  main  prin- 
ciples of  Church  government  and  Church 
doctrine  they  were  decidedly  of  one  mind. 
The  following  is  a  rough  list  of  those  who 


most  influenced  the  reign  vi  Charles  i.  : — 
Christopher  Sutton,  1565-1629,  Prebendary 
of  Westminster ;  famous  for  his  Disce  Mori 
(1600)  and  Disce  Vivere  (1608),  and  for  his 
Godly  Meditations  upon  the  most  Holy  Sacra- 
ment (1613) — all  three  constantly  reprinted 
during  the  seventeenth  century,  and  revived 
in  the  nineteenth.  William  Laud,  1573- 
1645,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  disciple 
of  Andrewes  and  editor  of  his  sermons, 
who  carried  out  his  principles,  theo- 
logical, practical,  and  ceremonial,  in  his 
work  as  dean,  bishop,  and  primate.  Richard 
Mountague,  1577-1641,  who  added  to  the 
sacramental  doctrine  a  Catholic  view  of 
the  Communion  of  Saints  and  a  powerful 
anti-Calvinist  attack.  Thomas  Jackson, 
1579-1640,  President  of  Corpus  Christi 
CoUege,  Oxford,  and  Dean  of  Peterborough, 
who  was  bitterly  attacked  by  Prynne. 
Originally  a  Puritan,  his  theological  studies 
led  him  to  a  definitely  Catholic  position. 
WiUiam  Forbes,  1585-1634,  Bishop  of 
Edinburgh,  whose  Consider ationes  Modestne 
shows  a  thorough  understanding  of  ancient 
theology  and  of  the  harmony  of  Anglican 
formularies  with  it.  George  Herbert  {q.v.), 
1593-1640,  who  was  the  poet  of  the  school 
as  well  as  its  typical  country  parson. 
Both  in  poetry  and  prose  he  taught  high 
sacramental  doctrine.  He  was  ordained 
by  Archbishop  Laud,  and  no  doubt  was 
greatly  influenced  by  him.  In  connection 
with  Herbert  it  is  natural  to  mention  Nicholas 
Ferrar  {q.v.),  1592-1637,  who,  though  he  was 
not  strictly  a  divine,  was  the  founder  of 
the  '  Arminian  nunnery  '  at  Little  Gidding, 
which  ruled  its  life  by  the  formularies  of  the 
English  Church  and  the  theology  of  the 
Laudian  school.  John  Bramhall,  1594-1663, 
who  was  Strafford's  chaplain  in  Ireland,  be- 
came Bishop  of  Derry,  1633,  and  Archbishop 
of  Armagh  at  the  Restoration ;  he  w^as  especi- 
ally emphatic  on  the  identity  of  the  Enghsh 
Church  before  and  after  the  Restoration. 
John  Cosin  {q.v.),  1594-1672,  who  belonged 
to  the  school  in  its  later  as  weU  as  its  earher 
period.  In  1627,  at  the  request  of  Charles  i., 
he  drew  up  for  the  ladies  of  the  court  a  book 
of  Private  Devotions  (1627),  which  followed 
the  ancient  models.  This  beautiful  volume, 
preceded  as  it  was  by  Bailey's  Practice  of  Piety, 
originally  dedicated  to  Charles  i.  when  he 
was  Prince  of  Wales,  set  the  tone  for  Angli- 
can devotion,  and  encouraged  it  to  proceed 
on  ancient  models,  for  centuries.  Its  devo- 
tions for  the  seven  hours  of  prayer  were 
followed  by  Dr.  Richard  Sherlock  in  ihcPracti- 
cal  Christian  and  observed  by  the  holy  Bishop 
Thomas   Wilson  {q.v.).      Editions   appeared 


(99) 


Caroline] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cartwright 


throughout  the  seventeenth  centurj',  a  tenth   | 
in  1719,  and  in  1838  an  eleventh— another 
link   between   the   Carolines  and   the  Trac- 
tarians.     As    Prebendary    of    Durham    and 
Rector   of    Brancepeth  he  introduced   cere- 
monial   suggesting    pre-Reformation    usage,    1 
and  again   as  Master  of   Peterhouse,   Cam-    , 
bridge.     Cosin's  works,  especially  his  History 
of     Papal     Transubstantiation,     mark     the 
Anglican    position    very    clearly.     He    saw 
that  in  many  respects  the  English  Church 
agreed  much  more  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
Romanists  than  with  the  foreign  Protestants ; 
and  yet  he  was  not  prepared  to  '  unchurch  ' 
the  latter,  as  Laud  was  and  most  of  those 
who  thought  with  him.     Herbert  Thorndike, 
1598-1672,  was  a  thorough  Enghsh  Cathohc, 
but  he  was  a  convinced  supporter  of  the 
Reformation  in  England  as  a  CathoUc  move- 
ment, as  in  his  Reformation  of  the  Church  of 
England   better   than   that   of  the   Council   of 
Trent   (1670).      He   was    a   learned    scholar 
and  a  student  of  liturgies,  and  he  advocated 
many     doctrinal     and    hturgical     principles 
which  were  by  no  means  generally  accepted 
in    his    day,    or    later.     Henry    Hammond, 
1605-60,  whom  Keble  so  nobly  commemo-    [ 
rated,  was  another  of  the  Laudian  school,  but 
tolerant  rather  than  polemical.     The  divines 
of  the  later  Caroline  age  were  such  as  An- 
thony Sparrow,  1612-85,  who  became  Bishop 
first  of  Exeter  and  then  of  Norwich  after 
the  Restoration,  and  was  another  liturgiolo- 
gist.     His  very  important  Rationale  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  (1657)  explains  and 
illustrates  the  Prayer   Book   from   Cathohc 
sources,  and  was  reprinted  by  Newman  (g.v.)  in 
1837.     But  a  greater  name  than  any  of  these 
is  that  of  Jeremy  Taylor  (q.v.),  1613-67,  who 
may  be  said  to  have  gloried  in  the  English 
Church,  and  was  the  most  notable  of  all  the  in- 
fluences which  turned  men's  minds  the  Anglo- 
CathoUc   way.     He  was  a  thorough  priest, 
as  well  as  a  great  man  of  letters.     His  Worthy 
Communicant  (1660),  side  by  side  with  his 
Holy  Living  (1650)  and  Holy  Dying  (1651), 
show   him   to   have   thoroughly   assimilated 
the  wide  Catholicism  of  Laud.     '  Tradition, 
authority,  faith,  liberality,  were  harmonious, 
not  contending,  in  his  mind.'     He  is  perhaps 
the  last  of  the  Carolines  who  decisively  be- 
longs to  the  period  before  the  wars.     Others 
who  survived  them  were  not   so    conspicu- 
ously of  Laud's  school ;   for  example,  John 
Gauden  {q.v.);  and  Isaac  Barrow  (q.v.),  who, 
without  being  clearly  a  Latitudinarian,  was 
notably  a  Laudian.     Daniel  Brevint,  1616-95, 
was  another  scholar  whose   sympathies  lay 
more    with    Protestants,    and    whose    Mis- 
sale  Romanum,  or  the  Depth  and  Mystery  of 


the  Roman  Mass,  and  the  Christian  Sacra- 
ment and  Sacrifice  (1673),  do  not  place  him 
clearly  with  this  school.     But  Sheldon  [q.v.) 
and  Sancroft  {q.v.),  the  one  a  practical  man, 
the  other  a  trained  theologian,  were  both 
conspicuously      anti-Calvinist,      and      were 
followers  of  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of 
the    Laudian    school.     The    Church    of    the 
Restoration  took  tone  from  them,   but  re- 
mained conspicuously  anti-Roman,  and  vin- 
dicated its  position  under  James  n.     Among 
the  later  Caroline  Divines  conspicuous  figures 
are  John  Pearson  {q.v.),  1613-86,  Bishop  of 
Chester, whose  Exposition  oftheCreed  is  a  work 
of  massive  learning,  and  who  splendidly  de- 
fended   the    Church    against    Puritans    and 
Romanists.     He    has    been    considered    the 
greatest   English    theologian    of    the    seven- 
teenth century,  though  Ussher  (q.v.)  has  by 
some  been  placed  beside  him.     Both  stand 
rather  apart  from  the  main  course  of  the 
Caroline    Di\T[nes.      Thus,   similarly,   we   do 
not  include  among  them  the  Latitudinarians, 
such  as  Wilkins  and  Burnet  {q.v.),  or  the  Cam- 
bridge Platonists  {q.v.).     We  may  conclude 
rather   with  Thomas  Ken  {q.v.),   1637-1711, 
most  conspicuously  a  Catholic  Churchman, 
andJohnJohnson,1662-1725,the  author  of  the 
Unbloody  Sacrifice,  who  definitely  teaches  the 
Real  Presence  and  Sacrifice  in  the  Eucharist. 
Great    as    were    the    services    which    the 
Caroline  Divines  (of  whom  but  a  few  con- 
I    spicuous    names   have  here   been   recorded) 
i   rendered  to  English  theology,  theii-  services 
I    to  English  Hterature  were  almost  as  great. 
Taylor  made  the  riches  of  Ehzabethan  style 
I    the  property  of  religion,  and  the  post-Restora- 
1    tion  theologians   led   the  way  to   the    sim- 
pUcity  of  later  times. 

It  shotdd  be  added  that  so  soon  as  Roman- 

,   ism  under  Charles  n.  began  to  be  aggressive 

I   in  England,  and  when  the  negotiations  for 

I   reunion,  which  were  at  least  broached  during 

1    the  Cabal  Ministry  (when   Rome  seems  to 

have  been  wilhng  to  accept  the  Prayer  Book 

;    and  a  jnarried  clergy),  broke  down,  and  were 

replaced   by   the   bitterness    of    the   Popish 

Plot  and  the  determined  efforts  of  James  ii. 

to  re-estabUsh  Romanists  in  power,  English 

!   theology  became  again  deeply  tinged  with 

I   anti-Roman  opinions.     It  is  impossible,  how- 

:   ever,  to  say  that  the  change  is  more  than  one 

'    of  emphasis.  [w.  H.  H.] 

The  works  of  the  chief  divines  were  re- 
published in  the  Library  of  Anglo-Catholic 
Theology;  see  also  Cam.  Hist.  Kng.  Lit.,  Vol. 
VII.  chap.  vi. 


CARTWRIGHT,     Thomas     (1535  ?-1603), 

Puritan  divine,   was  born   in   Hertfordshire 


(  100) 


Cartwright] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cartvvrrght 


about  1535,  and  matriculated  as  a  sizar  of 
Clare    Hall,    Cambridge,    in    1547.     During  | 
Mary's  reign  he  served  as  a  lawyer's  clerk, 
and  on  the  accession  of  EUzabeth  returned  to  \ 
Cambridge  as  INIinor  Fellow  of  Trinity.     He   | 
held   in   rapid   succession    a    Fellowship   at   ; 
St.    John's,    the    Junior    Deanship    of    that 
college,  a  Major  Fellowship  at  Trinity,  and 
in  1564  a  Senior  Fellowship,  thus  becoming 
one  of  the  governing  body.     He  was  a  hard 
student  and  a  very  popular  preacher,  but 
aroused  so  much  opposition  by  his  radical 
ideas  that  he  went  to  Ireland  in   1565  as 
chaplain    to    his   friend    Loftus,    just    made 
Archbishop  of  Dubhn,  who  tried  to  get  for 
him  the  see  of  Armagh.     In  1567  he  w'as  back 
at    Cambridge,    proceeded    B.D.,    and    was 
elected    by    his    triumphant    friends    Lady 
Margaret  Professor  in  1569.     His  lectures  on 
Church  government,  however,  heightened  the 
old    opposition    to    him,    and    after   a   long 
struggle  between  his  party  and  that  of  Whit- 
gift    {q.v.)    Elizabeth    made    Whitgift    vice- 
chancellor,  and  gave  him  the  support  of  the 
State.     Cartwright  was  at  once  deprived  of 
his    professorship,    and    went    to    Geneva, 
returning  to  England  in  1572,  only  to  get  into 
further     trouble.     He     visited     Field     and 
Wilcox,  two  Puritans,  then  in  gaol  for  writing 
the  Admonition  to  the  Parliament,  and  pub- 
lished a  Secotul  Admonition  supporting  them. 
Whitgift  published  an  elaborate  answer  to 
this,  and  a  long  controversy  ensued,  ended  by 
a  proclamation  ordering  the  suppression  of 
Cartwright' s  tomes,  and  by  a  warrant  of  the 
ecclesiastical    commissioners   for    his    arrest. 
He  left   England,   sojourned  for  a   time   at 
Heidelberg,  and  finally  became  minister  of 
the   English   congregation   at  Antwerp   and 
Middleburgh.     He  translated  Travers's  [q.v.) 
books  on  Church  disciphne  and  wrote  on  the 
subject  himself,  and  married  (1577)  the  sister 
of  John  Stubbe,  who  was  later  convicted  of 
seditious    writing.     In    1585    Leicester    and 
Burgliley  aided  his  return  to  England. 

He  came  back  to  join  his  Puritanical 
brethren,  many  of  whom  were  his  former 
pupils  and  associates,  in  setting  up  in  England 
Presbyterianism  as  outlined  in  his  own  and 
Travers's  books.  A  beginning  had  already 
been  made.  Small  conferences  of  ministers 
existed  in  Essex,  Suffolk,  and  Northampton- 
shire, and  thus  actually  formed  the  first  rank 
of  the  hierarchy  which  Cartwright  believed 
was  the  form  of  Church  government  divinely 
ordained  by  Christ.  To  knit  these  small 
assemblies  of  ministers  together ;  to  form 
provincial  and  national  synods  ;  to  prepare 
and  secure  the  acceptance  of  a  book  of  disci- 
phne which  should  be  more  than  a  theoretical 

( 


phantasy — this  was  his  great  scheme.  Exactly 
how  this  was  accomplished  we  do  not  know, 
but   it  was   certainly  well  under  weigh   by 
1587.     To  induce  the  State  to  impose  this 
scheme  upon  the  Church  they  had  petitioned 
freely,  and  even  offered  a  draft  of  the  scheme 
to  the  House  of  Commons.     To  make  the 
bishops    ridiculous,    and    thus    show    their 
inefiiciency  to  govern,  the  Marprelate  Tracts 
{q.v.)   were   issued.     That   State   or   Church 
should  countenance  such  doings  was  not  to  be 
expected,    but    so    cleverly    did    Cartwright 
handle  the  movement  that,  when  he  and  some 
of  the  leaders  were  arrested  in  1590,  neither 
the   High    Commission    {q.v.)    nor   the    Star 
Chamber  could  prove  their  guilt.     That  they 
were  guilty  in  all  but  formal  law  is  clear  ;  and 
the  posturing  of  Cartwright  before  the  High 
Commission,  his  letters,  petitions,  and  pro- 
testations, filled  with  a  casuistry  worthy  of  a 
Jesuit,  cannot  longer  be  credited  against  the 
actual  record  of  the  Dedham  classis.      The 
inabihty  of  the  lawyers  to  produce  conclusive 
evidence  and  the  influence  of  Burghley  set 
Cartwright  free  in   1592.     Shortly  after  he 
,    was  allowed  to  preach,  and  went  with  Lord 
j    Zouch  to  the  Channel  Islands,  keeping  in 
1    touch  with  the  members  of  the  party,  who 
were    planning    to    renew    the    attempt    to 
establish  the  discipline  on  Elizabeth's  death. 
In  March  1603  Cartwright  was  once  more  in 
London  in  the  Puritan  conference,  drawing 
up   the   Millenary   Petition   with   the   other 
brethren.     The    success    of    this    document 
started  a  campaign  of  petitions  and  meetings, 
in  which  Cartwright  had  a  prominent  part, 
but  one  which  cannot  now  be  separated  from 
the  work  of  the  other  leaders.     In  particular 
he  wrote  letters  asking  for  support  from  his 
old  friends  among  the  statesmen  and  gentry. 
He  was  to  have  argued  at  the  Hampton  Court 
Conference    {q.v.),   and   doubtless   he   would 
have   been   spokesman.     He   died,   however, 
27th  December  1603,  in  the  midst  of  the  final 
preparations.     His    loss    to    his    party    was 
irreparable.     He    was    unquestionably    the 
most  notable  Puritan  of  his  generation,  and 
perhaps  the  most  learned  and  cultured  man 
the  sect  has  ever  produced.  [r.  g.  u.] 

Cooper,  Athe.nae.  Ccnitabrigienses,  ii.  ;    'The 

Minnte-Book  of  the  Dedham  Classis'  printed 

in  Usher's  Presbyterian  Movement,  etc.,   C.S., 

I  1905  ;  Usher,  Reconstruction  oftheEng.  Ch.,  i. 

290-312  ;  Strype,  Life  of  Whitgift. 

CARTWRIGHT,  Thomas  (1634-89),  Bishop 
of  Chester,  son  of  a  schoolmaster,  and  grand- 
son of  the  famous  Puritan,  Thomas  Cart- 
wright {q.v.),  entered  at  Oxford  under  the 
Commonwealth,  became  tabardar  and  then 

101  ) 


Cai't^vYightJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cedd 


chaplain  of  Queen's  College,  his  tutor  being 
Thomas  TuUy,  afterwards  Principal  of  St. 
Edmund  Hall  and  Dean  of  Ripon,  in  which 
latter  post  Cartwright  succeeded  him  in  1675. 
Notwithstanding  his  Puritan  training,  Cart- 
wright  sought  ordination  from  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford  under  the  Commonwealth,  and  became 
'  a  very  forward  and  confident  preacher.'  At 
the  Restoration  he  came  out  as  an  ardent 
Royalist,  and  preferments  were  showered 
upon  him,  ending  with  the  see  of  Chester,  in 
1686.  He  had  for  long  been  much  attached  to 
James  n.,  who  esteemed  him  higlily.  His 
appointment  to  Chester  was  much  disliked, 
both  Archbishop  Bancroft  {q.v.)  and  Jeffreys 
opposing  it.  An  accident  at  his  consecration 
(Archbishop  Bancroft  fell  while  communicat- 
ing the  people)  was  ill-omened.  From  his 
Diary  Cart^Tight  appears  to  have  been  a 
hard-working  bishop,  entertaining  freely, 
preaching  and  celebrating  frequently,  keep- 
ing careful  record  of  his  confirmations  and 
ordinations.  He  was  in  frequent  communica- 
tion with  Roman  Catholics  in  England,  and 
attended  as  a  spectator  the  consecration  of 
a  bishop  at  St.  James's  Chapel,  1st  May  1687. 
His  devotion  to  James  n.  and  his  unbounded 
behef  in  Divine  Right  led  Cartwright  to 
assist  the  King  in  his  unconstitutional  acts. 
He  became  a  member  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commission,  1687,  and  conducted  the  famous 
Visitation  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford.  In 
1688  he  strongly  favoured  the  Declaration 
for  Liberty  of  Conscience,  and  opposed  the 
Seven  Bishops  {q.v.).  He  became  so  unpopu- 
lar that  he  followed  James  ii.  to  St.  Germains, 
December  1688,  and  accompanied  him  to 
Ireland  ;  and  there  he  died  of  dysentery,  15th 
April  1689,  and  was  buried  with  great 
ceremony  in  Christ  Church,  Dublin.  Friendly 
to  Roman  Catholics  as  Cart\vright  was  (at 
Chester  he  endeavoured  to  secure  for  them  a 
chapel  in  the  citj^j  he  never  wavered  in  his 
churchmanship.  He  died,  having  '  taken 
the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  the  Church's 
absolution,'  and  on  his  death-bed  in  Dublin, 
when  two  Roman  Catholic  clergy  urged  upon 
him  that  '  there  was  but  one  God,  one 
Church,'  the  bishop  replied,  'somewhat  short' : 
'  I  know  all  this  as  well  as  you,  but  I  am  not 
able  to  answer  you  for  the  failing  of  my 
spirits,  and  therefore  I  desire  you  to  forbear 
talking  with  me  any  more  about  this,  for 
I  have  done  already  what,  I  hope,  is  neces- 
sary for  my  salvation.'  Though  neither  as 
learned,  ascetic,  nor  devout  as  the  foremost 
Caroline  divines,  Cartwright  seems  to  have  in 
no  way  merited  the  attacks  of  Whig  his- 
torians— Burnet,  Mackintosh,  and  Macaulay. 
Portraits  of  Cartwright  exist  in  the  Provost's 


Lodgings,  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  and  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery.  [s.  L.   O.] 

Diary,   C.S.  :  Wood,  Ath.   Oxon.  ;   Perry  in 
Z>..V.J3. 

CEDD,  or  CEDDA,  St.  (d.  664),  Bishop  of 
the  East  Saxons,  an  Angle  of  Northumbria, 
was,  like  his  younger  brother  Chad  [q.v.), 
brought  up  at  Lindisfarne  under  Aidan, 
and  acquired  a  great  reputation  for  sanc- 
tity and  learning.  In  653  Peada,  over- 
lord of  the  Middle  Angles,  asked  Oswy  {q.v.) 
King  of  Northumbria,  to  send  four  priests 
to  assist  in  the  conversion  of  his  subjects. 
Cedd  came  with  them  then,  and  the  mission 
seems  to  have  been  most  successful.  Their 
preaching  was  listened  to  eagerly,  multi- 
tudes were  baptized,  and  even  the  heathen 
Penda  let  them  preach  in  his  kingdom. 
Cedd  was,  however,  recalled  in  the  same  year 
by  Oswy,  and  sent  to  preach  in  the  country 
of  Sigebehrt,  Iving  of  the  East  Saxons.  His 
preaching  was  again  successful,  and  in  the 
following  year  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of 
the  East  Saxons  by  Finan.  Many  churches 
were  built  and  clergy  ordained,  and  before 
long  the  East  Saxons  became  Christians.  He 
buUt  two  monasteries,  one  at  Ithanchester, 
near  Maiden,  and  one  at  West  Tilbury,  where 
the  severe  disciphne  of  Lindisfarne  was 
practised.  When  Sigebehrt  went  to  a  feast 
at  the  house  of  a  thegn  who  was  living  in 
sin  Cedd  refused  to  pardon  him.  '  Because 
thou  hast  not  refrained  from  visiting  that 
lost  and  accursed  man,  thou  wilt  have  death 
in  thine  own  house.'  Sigebehrt  was  soon 
afterwards  murdered — a  fulfilment,  as  every 
one  thought,  of  the  prophecy.  His  successor 
was  baptized  by  Cedd  before  he  was  allowed 
to  ascend  the  throne.  Cedd  also  founded  a 
monastery  at  Lastingham,  near  Pontefract. 
He  was  present  at  the  synod  of  Whitby,  and 
gave  hi^  assent  to  the  CathoUc  custom  of 
keeping  Easter.  He  seems  to  have  gone 
thence  to  Lastingham,  and  to  have  sickened 
of  the  plague,  and  died  there  on  26th  October. 
He  was  buried  at  Lastingham,  and  thirty  of 
his  monks  who  came  from  Ithanchester  that 
they  might  live  or  die  near  his  body  caught 
the  infection  and,  with  the  exception  of  one 
lad,  died  of  the  plague. 

He  has  been  placed  second  to  Mellitus  {q.v.) 
in  the  list  of  the  bishops  of  London,  but  Bede 
{q.v.)  never  speaks  of  him  under  that  title, 
hnt  only  as  Bishop  of  the  East  Saxons.  The 
city  may  have  been  independent  of  the  East 
Saxons  at  the  time,  or  Cedd  may  have  pre- 
ferred, like  most  Scotic  bishops,  to  fix  his 
seat  in  a  remote  part  of  the  country  away 
from  London. 


(102) 


Chad] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Chapters 


After  the  death  of  his  brother  Chad  an 
AngUcan  inmate  of  an  Irish  monastery  pro- 
fessed to  have  seen  in  a  vision  the  soul  of 
Cedd  descending  from  heaven  in  the  midst 
of  angels  to  eonduct  Chad's  soul  back  to  the 
celestial  country.  [c.  v.  s.  c] 

Bede,  U.K.  ;  D.N.Il. 

CHAD,   or  CEADDA,   St.   (d.  672),  was  a 
Northumbrian,     lie  and  his  three  brothers, 
Cedd  {q.v.),   Cymbill,   and  Caelin,   were    all 
ordained  priests,  and  he  and  Cedd  became 
bishops.     In  664  he  succeeded  Cedd,  Bishop 
of  the  East  Saxons,  as  Abbot  of  Lastingham. 
In  the  same  year  Wilfrid  [q.v.)  was  elected 
Bishop  of  Northumbria,  and  went  to  Gaul  to 
be  consecrated,  but  stayed  there  so  long  that 
Oswy  [q.v.),  King  of  Northumbria,  became 
impatient,   and   determined   to   make   Chad 
bishop  instead.     He  went  to  Canterbury  for 
consecration,  but  found  the  see  vacant  by 
the   death   of   Deusdedit,   and   went   on   to 
Wessex,  where  he  was  consecrated  hy  Wini, 
Bishop    of    Winchester,    and    two    British 
bishops.     He  ruled  the  see  of  Northumbria 
nobly,  according   to    Bede  (q.v.),  for   those 
years,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  piety  and 
devotion,  travelling  always  on  foot.     In  669 
Archbishop  Theodore  [q.v.)  declared  his  con- 
secration invalid.     Chad  meekly  submitted, 
and  retired  to  Lastingham,  but  in  the  same 
year  was  sent  to  be  Bishop  of  the  Mercians, 
and  fixed  his  see  at  Lichfield  [q.v.),  where  he 
built  a  church  to  eastward  of  the  present 
cathedral,  and  dedicated  it  to  St.  Mary.     He 
built  a  house  near  the  cathedral  for  himself 
and  seven  or  eight  brethren.     Their  life  was 
apostohc  and  devoted  to  prayer,  study,  and 
the  ministry  of  the  Word.     He  also  founded 
a  monastery  at  Barrow  in  Lincolnshire.     He 
still  made  his  journej^s  on  foot,  though  on  one 
occasion  Archbishop  Theodore  is  said  to  have 
made  him  ride,  and  helped  him  on  to  his 
horse  with  his  own  hand.     After  two  years 
and  a  half  a  pestilence  visited  his  neighbour- 
hood, and  several  of  his  clergy  died.     Seven 
days  before  his  own  death  he  sent  for  a  dis- 
ciple, and  told  him  that  he  had  been  warned 
by  the  song  of  angels  of  his  approaching  end, 
and  with  great  joy  bade  him  '  go  back  to  the 
church  and  tell  the  brethren  to  commend  by 
their  prayers  my  departure  to  God.'     He  died 
seven  days  afterwards,  on  2nd  March  672,  a 
day  which  is  still  marked  in  the  calendar 
of    the    Enghsh    Church.      His    reputation 
for  saintliness  was  so  great  that  numbers 
visited  his  tomb,  and  many  miracles  were 
said   to    have    been    wrought    at   it.     '  The 
things,'  says  Bede,  '  which  he  had  learned 
from  Scripture,  these  he  diligently  sought  to 


do.'  He  soon  became  one  of  the  most 
popular  English  saints.  A  copy  of  the 
gospels  which  is  said  to  have  belonged  to 
him  is  preserved  at  Lichfield.  Over  forty 
churches  are  dMicated  under  his  name, 
including  Lichfield  Cathedral,  dedicated  to 
St.  Mary  and  St.  Chad.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Bede,  HE.  :  iJ.X.i;. 

CHAPTERS,  Cathedral.  The  cathedrals 
of  the  EngHsh  Church  are  distinguished  as 
those  of  the  Old  and  of  the  New  Founda- 
tion, the  two  classes  having  been  during  the 
Middle  Ages  under  the  direction  of  members 
of  the  secular  and  regular  clergy  respectively, 
till  the  government  of  the  latter  was  recon- 
stituted at  the  opening  of  the  Reformation. 
The  former  were  ruled  in  early  times  by  the 
bishops,  with  the  services  of  a  body  of  clergy 
who  were  entirely  under  their  control.  These, 
however,  gradually  gained  a  more  independent 
status,  and  before  the  Conquest  some  division 
of  the  estates  belonging  to  the  see  had 
commonly  been  effected  in  their  interest. 
This  change  was  carried  further  soon  after- 
wards, when  the  organisation  of  the  cathedral 
chapters  was  completed  on  the  model,  as  it 
seems,  of  Bayeux  by  Norman  prelates. 
Those  of  York,  Lincoln,  and  SaHsbury  were 
first  formed  on  the  same  lines,  and  then 
Chichester,  Exeter,  Hereford,  Lichfield, 
St.  Paul's,  and  Wells  followed  at  no  long 
interval  for  the  most  part  on  the  same  lines, 
together  with  the  churches  of  the  Welsh 
bishoprics,  Bangor,  St.  Asaph,  St.  David's, 
and  Llandaff,  though  without  deans  in  the 
last  two  cases  and  with  exceptional  features 
here  and  there.  The  dean,  whose  title  was 
borrowed  from  convents  of  the  Benedictine 
rule,  became  the  head  of  the  governing  body 
in  the  cathedral ;  the  precentor  regulated  the 
musical  services ;  the  chancellor  regulated 
the  schools  of  the  city  or  even  of  the  diocese, 
and  dealt  with  official  acts  and  correspond- 
ence ;  wMle  the  treasurer,  with  sacristans 
under  him,  had  the  care  of  the  precious 
vessels,  relics,  and  vestments,  and  the  supplies 
of  wine  and  tapers.  A  varying  number  of 
canons  completed  the  official  staff. 
I  The  bishop  by  his  own  gift,  or  leading  lay- 
men of  the  diocese,  sometimes  perhaps  through 
his  influence,  provided  further  endowments 
for  the  general  uses  of  the  governing  body, 
as  also  for  the  formation  of  separate  prebends. 
Each  canon,  so  called  at  first  from  his  official 
status,  or  obhgations  under  the  rule  of 
Chrodegang  of  Metz,  received  his  share  of  the 
general  fund,  usually  in  the  early  form  of 
daily  commons  of  bread  and  beer  while  in 
actual  residence  ;    as  prebendary  he  had  the 


(103) 


Chapters] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Chapters 


exclusive  right  to  the  income  of  a  manor  or 
a  landed  estate.  When  serving  the  church 
of  his  prebend,  or  engaged,  as  might  be,  in 
one  of  the  offices  of  the  State,  his  place  was 
taken  in  the  services  of  the  cathedral  by  his 
vicar-choral,  appointed  at  first  by  the  pre- 
bendary himself  and  subject  only  to  him, 
but  included  afterwards  in  a  regular  body 
recognised  hy  the  chapter,  which  acquired  in 
course  of  time  separate  estates,  and  in  the 
fourteenth  century  a  definite  status  regulated 
by  royal  charter.  The  numerous  chantries 
which  were  founded  were  for  the  most  part 
divided  among  the  vicars,  and  the  monopoly 
of  interment  within  the  Close  provided 
further  work  and  emoluments  for  their 
support.  A  grammar  school  required  by 
canon  law  for  each  cathedral  to  be  under 
the  chancellor's  care,  together  with  a  song 
school  for  a  few  choristers  under  the  succentor 
or  deputy  of  the  precentor,  together  with  an 
organist,  vergers,  and  sextons,  completed  the 
foundation.     [Education.] 

The  dean  and  chapter  acted  together  as 
the  ordinary  for  the  church ;  the  dean  being 
the  chairman  and  executive  officer  was 
elected  by  the  canons  and  presented  to  the 
bishop  for  his  sanction. 

The  bishop  had  reUnquished  all  direct 
control  over  the  chapter,  but  claimed 
visitatorial  powers,  which  were  frequently 
contested  by  appeals  to  Rome,  but  finally 
were  secured  in  all  cases,  though  with  some 
formal  limitations,  except  at  Hereford,  which 
maintained  its  independence  in  this  respect  up 
to  the  Reformation. 

As  time  went  on  fewer  of  the  canons  con- 
tinued to  reside ;  many  canonical  houses 
were  vacant  and  gradually  disappeared ; 
and  by  a  series  of  changes  in  the  fourteenth 
and  fifteenth  centuries  a  limited  number  of 
residentiarj'  canons  ousted  from  power  and 
share  of  the  general  fund  all  the  other 
prebendaries,  fixing  their  own  number  and 
term  of  residence,  and  practically  co-opting 
to  the  places  that  fell  vacant.  The  accept- 
ance of  tlus  change  by  the  dispossessed  canons 
has  never  been  adequately  explained,  for  the 
chapter  act  books  of  that  early  period  have 
either  disappeared  or  not  given  up  their 
secrets.  No  royal  sanction  was  procured, 
and  several  popes,  it  is  known,  expressed 
disapproval  of  the  changes.  Remonstrances 
were  urged  at  Hereford,  but  without  result. 

In  1840,  after  long  inquiry  by  the  Cathedral 
Commissioners  [Commissions,  Royal],  the 
number  of  residentiary  canons  was  limited 
by  3-4  Vic.  c.  113  in  each  case,  and  a  definite 
income  of  varying  amount  was  provided  for 
the  dean.     All  the  separate  estates  of  the 


dignitaries  and  prebendaries,  together  with 
the  incomes  of  the  suspended  canonries,  were 
taken  as  they  became  vacant  to  swell  the 
general  fund  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
missioners. 

In  what  are  called  the  cathedrals  of  the 
New  Foundation  a  monastic  community 
had  till  the  Reformation  the  practical 
control,  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  bishop, 
who  was  nominally  the  abbot,  while  the  prior 
actually  ruled.  This  was  an  arrangement 
almost  pecuhar  to  England.  It  was  not 
commonly  so  harmonious  as  were  the  rela- 
tions between  the  bishop  and  the  chapter  of 
the  other  class.  The  monks,  reljdng  on  their 
influence  at  Rome,  resented  all  the  attempts 
of  their  ecclesiastical  superior  to  interfere 
with  the  dignity  or  the  interests  which  they 
prized.  The  monks  of  Canterbury  were 
engaged  for  long  years  in  bitter  feud  with 
Archbishops  Baldwin  and  Hubert,  and 
ultimately  wrecked  by  their  narrow  jealousies 
the  schemes  of  educational  progress.  The 
strife  at  Durham  between  Bishop  Bek  and 
his  convent  was  also  extremely  bitter. 

After  the  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries 
{q.v.)  it  was  necessary  to  make  provision  for 
the  maintenance  and  ministries  of  the  cathe- 
drals to  which  religious  bodies  had  been 
attached,  and  it  was  proposed  also  to  estab- 
lish more  bishoprics  and  cathedral  churches. 
In  pursuance  of  the  power  granted  by  31  Hen. 
VIII.  c.  9  the  King  placed  secular  canons  in  place 
of  the  monks  who  had  been  ejected,  and  the 
bodies  thus  regulated  are  called  the  deans 
and  chapters  of  the  New  Foundation  ;  such 
are  Canterbury,  Winchester,  Worcester,  Ely, 
Carhsle,  Durham,  Rochester,  and  Norwich. 
Besides  these  he  constituted  five  more  cathe- 
drals, and  endowed  them  out  of  the  estates 
of  dissolved  monasteries,  viz.  Chester,  Peter- 
borough, Oxford,  Gloucester,  and  Bristol. 
Westminster  {q.v.)  was  also  made  an  episco- 
pal see,  but  this  was  again  altered,  and 
it  became  a  coUegiate  church  under  Queen 
Elizabeth. 

In  the  new  chapters  a  dean  took  the  place 
of  the  prior  of  the  religious  house  which  had 
been  dissolved,  and  a  limited  number  of 
canons  was  provided  to  act  with  him  on  the 
model  of  the  older  chapters,  but  with  larger 
powers  commonly  for  the  dean  as  ordinary. 
In  1707,  doubts  having  arisen  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  statutes  of  cathedrals  of  the 
New  Foundation,  they  were  confirmed  by 
Act  of  Parhament  (6  An.  c.  75,  commonly 
cited  as  c.  21). 

The  Act  of  1840  founded  a  new  institution 
of  honorary  canonries  as  distinctions  to  be 
bestowed  upon  deserving  clergymen,  to  be 


(  104) 


Charles] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Charles 


entitled  to  stalls  and  take  rank  next  after 
the  canons,  without  emolument  or  other  place 
in  the  chapter.  These  were  to  be  twenty-four 
in  number  in  the  cathedrals  of  the  New 
Foundation,  where  they  are  called  canons; 
while  in  the  others  the  term  prebendary  is 
used,  and  the  number  is  determined  by  the 
ancient  custom. 

For  the  Welsh  chapters  a  special  Act  was 
passed  (1844,  7-8  Vic.  c.  77)  by  which  the 
provisions  of  the  earlier  Act  were  to  extend 
to  Bangor  and  St.  Asaph.  [See  also  separate 
articles  for  each  See.]  [w.  w.  c] 

Philliinore,  Eccl.  Law  ;  Essays  on  Cathedrals, 
ed.  Dean  Ilowson  (art.  by  E.  A.  Freeman) ; 
Epistolae  Cantuarienses,  introd.  by  W.  Stubbs. 

CHARLES  I.  (1600-49),  King  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  and  martyr,  the  only 
person  formally  canonised  by  the  English 
Church  since  the  Reformation,  was  born  at 
Dunfermline,  and  did  not  come  to  England 
till  1604.  He  was  a  delicate  child,  and  only 
gradually  grew  strong  and  athletic,  becoming 
a  good  rider,  as  well  as  interested  in  books, 
particularly  theology  and  plays,  in  music  and 
in  painting.  On  the  death  of  his  brother 
Henry  in  1612  he  came  more  prominently 
into  pubUc  life.  After  a  boyish  quarrel  in 
1618  he  became  a  great  friend  of  his  father's 
friend,  George  Vilhers,  Duke  of  Buckingham, 
to  whom  he  remained  attached  till  his  murder 
in  1628.  In  1623  they  went  to  Madrid  (taking 
full  provision  for  the  performance  of  the 
EngUsh  Church  services  in  a  private  chapel) 
with  a  view  to  negotiate  a  marriage  with  the 
sister  of  Philip  iv.  The  obdurate  demands  of 
the  Spaniards  for  the  recognition  of  Roman- 
ism in  England  caused  the  negotiations  to 
break  down,  and  Charles  married  Henrietta 
Maria,  daughter  of  Henry  iv.  of  France,  on 
1st  May  1625  (by  proxy).  On  27th  March  he 
had  become  King  by  the  death  of  his  father. 
From  the  lirst  he  was  in  difficulties  with  his 
Parhament,  largely  through  the  policy  of 
Buckingham,  and  partly  through  the  attack 
of  the  Commons  on  Richard  Mountague,  an 
anti-Calvinist  wTiter,  whom  Charles  made  his 
chaplain.  Parliament  met  again  in  1628, 
and  in  the  Petition  of  Right  condemned  a 
number  of  illegal orunconstitutional  practices, 
and  accused  Bishops  Laud  (q.v.)  and  Neile  of 
favouring  popery.  Charles  gave  his  special 
favour  to  Mountague  and  Mainwaring  (who 
had  pubUshed  sermons  in  which  he  declared 
that  those  who  did  not  pay  sums  demanded 
by  the  Crown  should  receive  damnation, 
i.e.  in  modern  language,  condemnation),  and 
translated  Laud  to  the  see  of  London.^  In 
1629  Parhament  was  dissolved,  and  a  period 


of  personal  government  began.  Monej^  was 
obtained  in  many  unusual  ways.  '  Obsolete 
laws  were  revived,'  says  Clarendon,  '  and 
rigorously  executed,'  and  '  unjust  projects 
of  all  kinds,  many  ridiculous,  many  scandal- 
ous, all  very  grievous,  were  set  on  foot.' 
Year  by  year  the  Government  in  consequence 
became  more  and  more  unpopular.  Charles 
was  now  advised  by  Thomas  Wentworth 
(afterwards  Earl  of  Strafford)  and  Laud,  the 
former  an  advocate  of  benevolent  despotism, 
the  other  tolerant  towards  liberty  of  opinion 
within  the  Church,  but  anxious  to  enforce  the 
formularies  to  which  she  was  committed. 
Church  preferment  was  given  according  to  a 
list  of  names  supplied  by  Laud,  in  which  the 
0  (Orthodox)  were  distinguished  from  the 
P  (Puritan)  among  the  clergy.  In  1633 
Wentworth  was  made  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland 
and  Laud  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 

In  1634  the  King  endeavoured  to  raise  a 
sum  of  money,  primarily  for  a  fleet  to  keep  off 
pirates,  by  '  ship  money,'  from  maritime  shires 
and  London,  which  in  the  next  year  he  ordered 
to  be  exacted  also  from  inland  counties.  In 
1637  in  Hampden's  case  the  judges  (except 
Coke  and  Hutton)  gave  judgment  in  favour 
of  the  Crown  in  regard  to  the  legahty  of  this. 
Meantime  the  Star  Chamber  was  active  in 
suppressing  Ubels  against  the  King,  Queen, 
and  bishops  (cases  of  Prynne,  Burton,  and 
Bastwick) :  the  severe  punishments  were 
attributed  by  the  Puritans  to  Laud.  In 
1637-8  the  attempt  to  introduce  a  liturgy  into 
Scotland  caused  riots  in  Edinburgh,  the 
signing  of  a  Solemn  League  and  (Covenant 
to  resist  innovations,  and  a  revolution  took 
place.  In  1639  Charles  went  to  York,  but 
failed  to  gather  an  army  strong  enough  to 
coerce  the  Scots.  In  1640  the  Scots  entered 
England,  and  he  w^as  obhged  to  jield.  On 
13th  April  the  Short  Parliament  met,  and  it 
was  dissolved  on  5th  May  because  it  would 
not  grant  supphes  before  the  redress  of  griev- 
ances. Charles  summoned,  by  the  advice  of 
Wentworth  and  Laud,  a  Parhament,  which 
met  on  3rd  November  1640.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  1641  the  Commons  ordered  that 
'  commissions  be  sent  into  all  counties  for 
the  defacing,  demolishing,  and  quite  taking 
away  of  all  images,  altars,  or  tables  turned 
altar-wise,  crucifixes,  superstitious  pictures, 
monuments,  and  reliques  of  idolatry,  out  of 
all  churches  or  chapels.'  On  11th  November 
1640  Strafford  was  impeached;  on  18th 
December  Laud.  The  trial  of  the  former 
failing,  a  Bill  of  Attainder  was  brought  in, 
which  was  passed  on  7th  May  by  the  Lords, 
and  Charles  on  10th  May  gave  his  assent. 
Bishop  Williams  (q.v.)  had  advised  him  that 


(105) 


Charles] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Charles 


his  '  public  conscience '  might  do  what  his 
personal  conscience  forbade,  but  he  was 
probably  most  influenced  by  the  riot  in 
London  which  threatened  the  Queen's  life. 
From  that  moment  the  whole  fabric  of 
presonal  government  was  broken  down. 
Charles  made  an  ineffectual  visit  to  Scotland. 
A  rebeUion  (largely  due  to  dread  of  Puritan- 
ism) broke  out  in  Ireland.  The  Grand 
Remonstrance,  against  all  the  King's  policy 
in  recent  years,  was  passed  (22nd  November 
1641).  On  4th  January  1642  Charles  made 
matters  much  worse  by  endeavouring  to 
arrest  five  members  who  were  opposed  to  him. 
During  the  next  three  months  the  chief 
dispute  was  on  the  control  of  the  militia, 
which  the  Parliament  wished  to  secure  for 
itself. 

On  8th  April  Charles  issued  from  York 
a  declaration  against  the  demands  and  con- 
duct of  Parliament,  and  on  23rd  August 
he  set  up  his  standard  at  Nottingham.  On 
23rd  October  he  fought  an  indecisive  battle 
at  EdgehiU.  Throughout  the  war  which 
followed  he  showed  considerable  military 
capacity,  and  though  not  successful  in  his 
object  at  Newbury  (20th  September  1643),  he 
won  the  fight  at  Cropredy  Bridge  (29th  June) 
and  secured  the  capitulation  of  Essex  at 
Lostwithiel  (12th  September).  In  1643  at 
Oxford  and  in  1645  at  Uxbridge  negotiations 
were  entered  into,  which  broke  down  because 
Charles  was  determined  to  preserve  episcopacy, 
while  the  Scots,  who  now  controlled  the  policy 
of  Parliament,  were  determined  on  its  destruc- 
tion. Charles  was  willing,  on  the  advice  of 
his  chaplains,  to  grant  toleration,  but  he  said: 
'  Let  my  condition  be  never  so  low,  I  resolve 
by  the  grace  of  God  never  to  jdeld  up  this 
Church  to  the  government  of  Papists,  Presby- 
terians, or  Independents.'  On  22nd  February 
1645  the  negotiations  were  broken  off.  On 
9th  May  Charles  left  Oxford,  on  15th  May 
relieved  Chester,  on  1st  June  took  Lancaster, 
but  on  14th  June  he  was  totally  defeated  at 
Naseby,  and  aU  hope  of  success  in  the  war 
was  at  an  end,  and  the  King  found  himself 
face  to  face  with  the  Independents  as  the 
dominant  party  among  his  opponents.  He 
returned  to  Oxford,  6th  November,  and 
remained  there  with  failing  fortunes  till 
5th  May  1646,  when  he  gave  himself  up 
to  the  Scots.  '  Then  came  months  of  diffi- 
cult negotiation.  The  King  was  willing  to 
allow  the  establishment  of  Presbyterianism, 
for  a  time,  and  the  suppression  of  the 
Independents,  in  whom  men  like  Baxter 
as  well  as  the  Scots  already  saw  their 
most  dangerous  foes ;  but  he  insisted  on 
the  maintenance  of  some  at  least  of  the  sees. 


as  a  security  for  freedom  of  Church  worship 
and  for  the  continuance  of  apostolic  succes- 
sion.' Charles,  in  the  course  of  negotiations 
at  Newcastle  with  Alexander  Henderson, 
appUed  to  Juxon  {q.v.),  Bishop  of  London, 
to  advise  him  as  to  how  far  he  might  allow 
the  temporary  cession  of  episcopacy,  '  which 
absolutelj^  to  do  is  so  directly  against  my 
conscience  that  by  the  grace  of  God  no  misery 
shall  ever  make  me.'  Juxon  and  Brian 
Duppa,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  agreed  that  a 
temporary  compliance  might  be  justified, 
and  the  King  offered  to  accept  the  establish- 
ment of  Presbyterianism  for  three  years, 
after  which  a  '  regulated  episcopacy  '  was  to 
return.  '  How  can  we  expect  God's  blessing 
if  we  relinquish  His  Church  ?  '  said  the  King 
when  he  was  pressed  to  further  concession. 
On  30th  January  1647  he  was  delivered  up 
by  the  Scots,  and  remained  at  Holmby 
House,  where  he  again  agreed  to  the  establish- 
ment of  Presbyterianism  for  three  years.  On 
3rd  June,  seized  by  Joyce  on  behalf  of  the 
army,  he  was  removed  from  Holmbj^  and 
after  moving  about  was  taken  to  Hampton 
Court.  There  the  '  Heads  of  Proposals '  put 
to  him  by  the  army  included  the  abohtion 
of  '  all  coercive  powers,  authority,  and 
jurisdiction  of  bishops,  and  all  other  ecclesi- 
astical officials  whatsoever,  extending  to 
any  civil  penalties  upon  anj^.'  Charles 
preferred  this  to  the  proposal  of  Parliament 
that  Presbyterianism  should  be  established, 
with  no  toleration  for  the  use  of  the  Common 
Prayer  ;  but  he  arrived  at  no  definite  settle- 
.  ment  with  the  army.  On  11th  November  he 
escaped  to  Carisbrooke  Castle,  where  he  soon 
became  a  strict  prisoner.  On  26th  December 
he  signed  a  secret  treaty  with  the  Scots, 
agreeing  to  the  establishment  of  Presbyterian- 
ism in  England  for  three  years  and  the 
suppression  of  the  other  sects  ;  but  the  second 
Civil  War  failed,  and  after  a  new  attempt  at 
settlement  (the  treaty  of  Newport,  18th 
September)  had  come  to  nothing  because  the 
ffing  refused  entirely  to  abandon  episcopacy, 
he  was  again  seized  by  the  army,  imprisoned 
in  Hurst  Castle,  4th  December ;  moved  to 
Windsor,  19th  December;  and  brought  to 
trial  at  Whitehall,  19th  January  1649. 

He  refused  to  plead  before  an  illegal  tribunal, 
but  was  sentenced  to  death  on  27th  January, 
and  executed  on  30th  January  in  front  of 
Whitehall.  He  was  attended  during  his  last 
hours  by  Juxon,  who  confessed  and  absolved 
him  at  Whitehall.  '  There  they  permitted  him 
and  the  Bishop  to  be  alone  for  some  time,  and 
the  Bishop  had  prepared  all  things  in  order  to 
his  receiving  the  Sacrament ;  and,  whilst  he 
was  at  his  private  devotions,  Nye  and  some 


(  106  ) 


Charles] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cheke 


other  bold-faced  ministers  knockt  at  his  door 
...  to  offer  their  services  to  pray  with  the 
King.  [But  he  said] :  "  They  that  have  so 
often  prayed  against  me  shall  never  pray 
with  me  in  this  agony."  When  he  had  re- 
ceived the  Eucharist  he  rose  up  from  his 
knees  with  a  cheerful  and  stcddy  countenance. 
.  .  .  They  at  Whitehall  had  prepared  two  or 
three  dishes  of  meat  for  him  to  dine  upon, 
but  he  refused  to  eat  anything  .  .  .  resolved 
to  touch  nothing  after  the  Sacrament.  But 
the  Bishop  let  him  know  how  long  he  had 
fasted  .  .  .  and  how  some  lit  of  fainting 
might  take  him  upon  the  scaffold  .  .  .  which 
prevailed  with  him  to  eat  halfe  a  manchet  of 
bread  and  drinke  a  glass  of  wine '  (Sir  Philip 
Warwick's  Memoir es  of  the  Raigne  of  King 
Charles  I.).  He  went  boldly  to  the  scaffold, 
and  in  his  last  speech  said :  '  For  the  people ; 
and  truly  I  desire  their  liberty  and  freedom 
as  much  as  anybody  whosoever  ;  but  I  must 
tell  you  that  their  liberty  and  freedom  con- 
sists in  having  of  government  those  laws 
by  which  their  life  and  their  goods  may  be 
most  their  own.  It  is  not  ha^dng  share  in 
government,  sirs  ;  that  is  nothing  pertaining 
to  them.'  He  was  buried  in  St.  George's 
Chapel  at  Windsor  by  Juxon,  but  permission 
to  use  the  Prayer  Book  service  was  refused. 
Charles  undoubtedly  died  because  he  would 
not  abandon  the  Church,  and  this  was 
formally  recognised  at  the  Restoration. 
On  25th  January  1661  it  was  ordered  that 
30th  January  should  be  kept  as  a  pubhc  fast, 
and  a  form  of  prayer  was  drawn  up  by  Bishop 
Duppa.  This  contained  a  praj-er  that  by 
■  a  careful,  studious  imitation  of  this  Thy 
blessed  saint  and  martyr,  and  all  other  Thy 
saints  and  martyrs  that  have  gone  before  us, 
we  may  be  made  worthy  to  receive  benefit 
by  their  prayers,  which  they,  in  communion 
with  the  Church  Catholic,  offer  up  unto  Thee 
for  that  part  of  it  here  militant.' 

The  form  of  prayer,  after  revision,  was  issued 
by  the  authority  of  both  Convocations,  an- 
nexed by  the  authority  of  the  Crown  to  the 
Prayer  Book,  and  sanctioned  by  Parhament 
in  12  Car.  n.  c.  14.  Royal  proclamation 
at  the  beginning  of  each  reign  ordered  its 
use,  but  in  1859  it  was  withdrawn  from 
the  Prayer  Book  by  Royal  Warrant.  In 
the  Calendar  'King  Charles,  Martyr'  was 
inserted  on  30th  January,  and  no  action 
has  ever  been  taken  by  Crown,  Convocation, 
or  Parliament  to  remove  the  words,  though 
the  printers  have  omitted  them. 

Charles  was  thus  formally  canonised  by  the 
Church  of  England.  Sermons  were  preached 
annually  in  his  memory,  often  reaching  a 
high  pitch  of  devout  eulogy.    Churches  were 


dedicated  to  his  memory  (Arnold  Eorster, 
Studies  in  Church  Dedications,  ii.  346-8). 
Keble's  {q.v.)  poem  in  the  Christian  Year  is 
well  known,  and  in  a  sermon  he  declared  that 
'  it  is  as  natural  that  the  Church  of  England 
should  keep  this  day  as  it  is  that  Christ's 
Universal  Church  should  keep  St.  Stephen's 
martyrdom.'  And  Bishop  Creighton  {q.v.)  in 
1895  said  that  by  his  death  Charles  saved  the 
Church  of  England  for  the  future.  [Eikon 
Basilike.]  [w.  H.  H.] 

Kin<i  Charles's  Works,  1661  ;  S.  R.  Gardiner 
in  D.X.n.  ;  Huttoii,  Hist,  of  Emj.  Ch.,  16.i5- 
1714. 

CHEKE,  Sir  John  (1514-57),  one  of  the  most 
learned  men  of  the  sixteenth  century,  famous 
as  the  chief  patron  of  Greek  learning  in 
England,  commemorated  as  such  by  Milton 
in  a  sonnet,  a  considerable  writer  and  trans- 
lator, and  tutor  of  Edward  vi.  A  Cambridge 
man  by  birth,  he  entered  St.  John's,  where  he 
gained  renown  as  a  classic.  He  was  one  of 
the  many  Cambridge  men  who  espoused 
Reformation  doctrines,  and  probably  had 
great  influence  upon  the  development  of 
William  Cecil,  afterwards  Lord  Burghley. 
He  was  the  recognised  leader  of  Greek  studies, 
and  was  the  first  Regius  Professor  of  Greek 
in  1540.  His  championship  of  classical 
learning  went  hand  in  hand  with  his  vindi- 
cation of  reformed  opinions.  The  State  Papers 
Domestic  contain  several  of  his  papers  on 
the  pronunciation  of  Greek.  Bishop  Gardiner 
(q.v.)  was  his  adversary  in  this,  and  the  trend 
of  church  opinion  at  the  time  probably  had 
great  influence  in  promoting  the  Enghsh 
pronunciation  of  Greek  which  he  espoused. 
In  1544  Cheke  became  tutor  to  Prince 
Edward,  then  six  years  old,  and  left  Cam- 
bridge. His  chief  place  of  abode  was  for 
some  time  at  Hertford,  where  he  and  Sir 
Anthony  Cooke  encouraged  the  precocity  of 
their  pupil.  The  course  of  study  was  ample 
enough,  including  reading  aloud  from  Cicero, 
Aristotle,  and  other  classical  authors.  Henry 
made  Cheke  a  lay  canon  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  and  when  the  new  foundation  of 
the  college  was  estabUshed  Cheke  obtained  a 
pension  by  way  of  compensation.  When 
Edward  came  to  the  throne  he  loaded  his 
tutor  with  gifts,  and  continued  his  studies 
under  Cheke's  guidance.  In  1548  Cheke  be- 
came Provost  of  King's  by  royal  dispensa- 
tion, and  held  the  office  until  :\Iary's  reign. 
It  was  natural  that  he  should  be  a  member 
of  the  University  Commission  in  1549.  A 
little  later  he  was  on  the  commission  which 
drew  up  the  Reformatio  Legum  {q.v.).  It  is 
supposed  that  he  was  ordained  about  this 


(  107  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Chester 


time.  All  through  Edward's  reign  he  was 
a  great  supporter  of  the  Reformation  move- 
ment, and  the  close  friend  of  Ridley  {q.v.) 
and  others.  His  influence  with  the  King 
continued  unabated,  though  his  enemies  con- 
spired to  undermine  his  authority.  He  took 
some  part  in  the  distinctive  changes  of  the 
period,  e.g.  in  the  sacramental  disputa- 
tions of  1552 ;  in  the  shaping  of  the  XLII. 
Articles,  1553.  Resigning  his  provostship 
in  1554,  he  went  into  exile  in  Italy  and 
Germany,  where  he  lectiired.  He  was 
brought  back  to  England  by  order  of  Philip, 
and  under  fear  recanted  his  Pi'otestantism 
in  the  most  public  way.  Ashamed  of  his 
cowardice,  he  fell  ill,  and  after  a  period  of 
gradual  decline  died  in  1557.  [h.  g.] 

Strype,  Life,  1705. 

CHESTER,  See  of,  was  one  of  the  dioceses 
founded  by  Henry  vin.  Bishops  of  Chester 
are  found  in  earher  times,  but  the  old  Mercian 
bishopric  was  variously  styled  Lichfield  [q.v.), 
Coventry,  or  Chester,  and  the  bishop  had 
cathedrals  in  all  three  cities,  the  church  of 
St.  John  containing  his  chair  in  Chester. 
The  diocese  as  constituted  by  Letters  Patent 
of  4th  August  1541  consisted  of  the  arch- 
deaconries of  Chester  (founded  before  1135, 
and  now  taken  from  Lichfield),  and  Rich- 
mond (first  mentioned,  1088;  taken  from 
York,  q.v.),  and  comprised  the  counties  of 
Chester  and  Lancaster,  with  large  portions  of 
Yorkshire,  Cumberland,  and  Westmorland, 
and  a  few  parishes  in  Wales.  At  first  it 
formed  part  of  the  province  of  Canterbury, 
but  in  1542  was  transferred  to  York.  The 
Benedictine  abbey  church  of  St.  Werburgh 
became  its  cathedral. 

The  enormous  extent  of  the  diocese  re- 
mained unaltered  till  1836,  when  the  York- 
shire territory  was  taken  to  form  part  of  the 
new  see  of  Ripon  [q.v.).  By  Order  in  Council 
of  10th  August  1847  the  territory  of  Chester  in 
Westmorland  and  Cumberland  was  assigned 
to  the  see  of  Carlisle  {q.v.),  together  with  the 
part  of  Lancashire  which  lies  to  the  north  of 
Morecambe  Bay.  This  rectification  did  not 
take  effect  till  1856.  By  the  Order  of  10th 
August  1847  all  the  remainder  of  Lancashire 
north  of  the  Ribble  was  assigned  to  the  new 
see  of  Manchester  {q.v.),  and  the  archdeaconry 
of  Liverpool  was  constituted.  In  1849  the 
Welsh  portion  of  the  diocese  was  transferred 
to  St.  Asaph  {q.v.).  In  1880  the  diocese  of 
Liverpool  {q.v.)  was  formed  out  of  the  part  of 
Lancashire  remaining  in  the  diocese  of  Chester, 
which  retained  only  the  county  of  Chester, 
with  some  outlying  portions  of  parishes 
extending  into  Flintshire  and  Lancashire. 


The  original  inadequate  endowment  of  the 
bishopric  necessitated  its  occupant  holding 
some  benefice  in  commendam.  Six  bishops 
held  the  rich  rectory  of  Wigan.  At  the 
creation  of  the  see  its  value  was  estimated 
at  £420,  Is.  8d.,  but  it  was  subsequently  con- 
siderably reduced  under  George  i.  Bishop 
Gastrell  (1714-26)  computed  the  net  revenue 
at  £955,  4s.  2|d.  This  small  income  led  to 
constant  translations.  From  the  death  of 
Peploe  in  1752  to  the  accession  of  Graham 
in  1848  every  bishop  was  translated,  giving 
origin  to  the  saying :  '  The  bishop  of  Chester 
never  dies.'  The  episcopal  income  is  now 
£4200. 

The  diocese  is  divided  into  the  two  arch- 
deaconries of  Chester  and  Macclesfield  (con- 
stituted, 1880)  and  into  thirteen  rural 
deaneries.  The  population  is  816,020.  The 
cathedral  church  of  Christ  and  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary  is  ruled  by  a  chapter  dating 
from  1541,  now  consisting  of  a  dean  and 
four  canons,  two  prebends  having  been 
suspended  in  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113).  The  full 
number  of  honorary  canons  is  twenty-four, 
each  of  whom  has  since  1903  received  on  his 
appointment  a  honorarium  of  £100. 

Bishops  of  Chester 

1.  John    Bird,    1541  ;     tr.    from    Bangor ; 

previously  the  last  Provincial  of  English 
Carmehtes  and  Bishop  suffragan  of 
Penreth ;  an  episcopal  '  Vicar  of  Bray  ' ; 
warmly  promoted  changes  under  Ed- 
ward VI. ;  depr.  under  Mary  as  married, 
but  separated  from  his  wife,  and  became 
assistant  Bishop  to  Bonner  {q.v.) ;  d. 
Vicar  of  Dunmow,  1558. 

2.  George  Cotes,  1554 ;    Master  of  Balliol ; 

an  active  Marian  ;   d.  1555. 

3.  Cuthbert    Scot,    1556    (P.);     Master    of 

Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  and  Vice- 
Chancellor  ;  a  strong  Marian  ;  incurred 
obloquy  by  burning  the  bones  of  Bucer 
and  Fagius  ;  imprisoned  on  Elizabeth's 
accession,  but  escaped,  and  d.  at  Lou- 
vain,  1564. 

WilHam  Downham,  1561  ;  an  inactive 
prelate  ;   d.  1577. 

William  Chaderton,  1579  ;  tr.  to  Lincoln, 
1595. 

Hugh  Bellot ;  tr.  from  Bangor,  1595 ; 
a  strict  celibate  ;   d.  1596. 

Richard  Vaughan ;  tr.  from  Bangor, 
1597  ;   tr.  to  London,  1604. 

George  Lloyd  ;  tr.  from  Sodor  and  Man, 
1605  ;    favoured  Puritans  ;   d.  1615. 

Thomas  Morton,  1616  ;  tr.  to  Lichfield, 
1619. 

John  Bridgeman,  1619  ;  a  Laudian  pre- 


10, 


(  108  ) 


Chester]  Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Chichele 


late ;  a  vigorous  administrator ;  at 
beginning  of  siege  of  Chester  Avithdrew 
to  Wales;  d.  at  Morton  Hall,  near 
Oswestry,  1652. 

11.  Brian  Walton,  1660  ;   a  learned  legist  and 

divine  ;  sufiered  much  from  Puritans  ; 
edited  the  Polyglot  Bible,  the  great 
work  of  the  '  silenced  clergy  '  ;   d.  1662. 

12.  Henry  Feme,  1662  ;  an  able  pamphleteer 

on  Royalist  side ;  chaplain  to  King 
Charles,  and  with  him  throughout  his 
campaigns  ;  Master  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  1660;  Dean  of  Ely,  1661  ; 
d.  five  weeks  after  consecration. 

13.  George  Hall,  1662  ;  son  of  Bishop  Joseph 

Hall  of  Norwich  ;  very  unpopular  with 
Nonconformists ;  d.  from  accidental 
knife  wound,  1668. 

14.  John    Wilkins,    1668 ;     a    great    experi- 

menter in  natural  philosophy  and  real 
founder  of  Royal  Society;  Warden  of 
Wadham,  Oxford,  and  Master  of  Trinity, 
Cambridge  ;  married  Cromwell's  sister  ; 
Dean  of  Ripon,  1660  ;  friend  of  Evelyn 
[q.v.) ;  very  lenient  to  Nonconformists 
and  desirous  of  comprehension  ;  d.  1672. 

15.  John  Pearson  {q.v.),  1673. 

16.  Thomas  Cartwright  {q.v.),  1686. 

17.  Nicholas    Stratford,     1689 ;      previously 

Warden  of  Manchester  and  Dean  of  St. 
Asaph  ;    an  excellent  bishop  ;    d.  1707. 

18.  Sir  William  Dawes,  1708  ;    tr.  to  York, 

1714. 

19.  Francis    Gastrell,    1714 ;    wrote    several 

valuable  works  in  defence  of  revealed 
religion ;  an  excellent  bishop,  who 
compiled  a  record  of  every  parish, 
church,  school,  and  ecclesiastical  insti- 
tution in  his  diocese  ;   d.  1725. 

20.  Samuel  Peploe,   1726;    a  strong  Hano- 

verian ;  Warden  of  Manchester  and 
Vicar  of  Preston ;  a  contentious  prelate ; 
d.  1752. 

21.  Edmund  Keene,  1752  ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1771. 

22.  William   Markham,  1771  ;    tr.   to   York, 

1777. 

23.  Beilby  Porteous,  1777  ;    tr.  to   London, 

1787. 

24.  William  Cleaver,   1788  ;    tr.  to  Bangor, 

1800. 

25.  Henry  William  Majendie,   1800 ;    tr.  to 

Bangor,  1809. 

26.  Bowj-er  Edward   Sparke,    1810;    tr.   to 

Ely,  1812. 

27.  George  Henry  Law,  1812  ;    tr.  to  Bath 

and  WeUs,  1824. 

28.  Charles    James    Blomfield    [q.v.),    1824; 

tr.  to  London,  1828. 

29.  John  Bird  Sumner,  1828  ;    tr.  to  Canter- 

bury, 1848. 


30.  John  Graham,  1848  ;    Master  of  Christ's 

College,  Cambridge,  1830 ;  a  great  friend 
of  the  Prince  Consort ;   d.  1865. 

31.  WiUiam   Jacobson,    1865 ;     Regius   Pro- 

fessor of  Divinity  at  Oxford  ;  a  learned 
theologian  and  '  single-minded  '  bishop  ; 
res.  1884  ;  d.  1884. 

32.  William  Stubbs  [q.v.),  1884  ;    tr.  to  Ox- 

ford, 1889. 

33.  Francis  John  Jayne,  1889  ;    Principal  of 

Lampeter,  and  Vicar  of  Leeds. 

[F.    S.] 

Stubbs,    Regislr.    Sacr.  ;    D.X.B.  ;    Chesttr 
Dio.  Gazelle ,  vols.  v.-x. 

CHICHELE,  Henry  (1362-1443),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,   son   of  a  Northamptonshire 
yeoman,  was  educated  on  the  foundations  of 
WiUiam  of  Wykeham  at  Winchester  and  Ox- 
ford.  He  graduated  as  a  doctor  of  the  civil  law, 
and  practised  for  some  time  in  the  Court  of 
Arches.     In  1396  he  entered  priest's  orders  ; 
in  the  following  year  he  became  an   arch- 
deacon in  the  diocese  of  Salisbury  ;    and  in 
1404  obtained  the  chancellorship  of  Salisbury 
Cathedral.    Under  Henry  iv.  he  was  employed 
as  a  diplomat  at  the  courts  of  Paris  and  Rome, 
and  attracted  the  favourable  notice  of  Pope 
Gregory  xn.,  w-ho  appointed  liim  to  the  see  of 
St.  David's  (1408).     In  1414  he  was  selected 
by  Henry  v.  to  succeed  Archbishop  Arundel. 
His  promotion  was  due  to  his  capacity  for 
practical    affairs,    and  he  is  chiefly  remem- 
bered   as    an    ecclesiastical  statesman.       He 
continued  the   persecution   of    the   Lollards 
{q.v.)  which  his  predecessor  had  commenced, 
though  it  would  seem  that  he  showed  more 
leniency   to   the   heretics   than   Arundel    or 
Henry  v.    He  induced  Convocation  to  support 
the  poUcy  of  war  with  France  ;  but  the  com- 
mon  statement   that   he    did    so   to  divert 
attention  from  the  abuses  of  the  Church,  is 
a  mere  conjecture  ;  and  the  famous  oration 
in   favour   of   the  war  which   Shakespeare, 
following  Hall  the  chronicler,  puts  into  his 
mouth  is  a  literary  exercise  of  the  sixteenth 
'    century.     In  1437-8  he  founded  the  college 
of  AH  Souls,  Oxford,  in  which  praj-ers  were 
to  be  offered  for  the  souls  of  Henry  v.  and 
all  Englishmen  who  perished  in  the  French 
!    wars.     This  has  been  construed  as  evidence 
1    of  his  remorse,  but  the  inference  is  question- 
able.    Though  a  trusted  counsellor  of  Henrj' 
v.,  the  archbishop  was  not  connected  with 
the  management  of  the  war.     Both  in  this 
reign  and  the  next  he  was  chiefly  occupied 
in   defending   the   privileges   of   the   Enghsh 
Church     against     papal     interference.     His 
relations    with    Rome    were    diflficult,    since 


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[Chichester 


Martin    v.    and    Eugenius    iv.    complained 

bitterly  that  he  did  not  procure  the  repeal 
of  the  statutes  of  Trovisors  {q.v.)  and  Prae- 
munire [q.v.).  He  did  his  best  to  satisfy 
Rome  in  1428,  when,  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
he  begged  the  House  of  Commons  to  sur- 
render the  obnoxious  laws.  But  his  sincerity 
was  doubted,  and  several  attempts  were  made 
to  limit  his  power  over  the  English  Church. 
In  1417  Martin  v.  made  Henry  Beaufort  {q.v.) 
a  cardinal,  with  legatine  powers  over  Great 
Britain.  Chichele  persuaded  Henry  v.  to 
prohibit  Beaufort  from  accepting  the  office ; 
but  his  own  legatine  commission  was  sus- 
pended in  1424,  and  two  years  later  Beaufort 
accepted  the  cardinal's  hat,  with  the  office 
of  legate  a  latere.  To  this  no  objection  was 
taken  so  long  as  Beaufort  was  engaged  in  the 
Hussite  Crusade.  But  when  he  returned  from 
Bohemia  the  Privy  Council  came  to  Chichele's 
rescue,  and  issued  a  praemunire  against  the 
cardinal.  Beaufort  was  glad  to  purchase  an 
Act  of  Indemnity  by  paying  a  large  sum  and 
renouncing  all  claims  to  legatine  power  in 
England  (1432).  But  liis  friend  Kemp,  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  was  in  1440  created  a  cardinal, 
with  precedence  over  Chichele.  The  latter 
meditated  resigning,  but  died  before  the 
necessary  formalities  were  completed,  at  the 
age  of  eightj^-one.  He  was  buried  at  Canter- 
bury, where  his  tomb  (recently  restored)  may 
still  be  seen.  Besides  AH  Souls  he  founded 
two  other  colleges :  one  for  secular  priests 
in  his  native  village  of  Higham  Ferrers  ;  the 
other  at  Oxford  for  Cistercians,  on  the  site 
now  occupied  by  St.  John's  College.  Both 
were  suppressed  at  the  dissolution  ;  but  the 
buUdings  of  the  Cistercian  house  (dedicated 
to  the  Virgin  and  St.  Bernard)  were  granted 
in  1555  to  the  founder  of  St.  John's.  At  All 
Souls  the  kin  of  Chichele  had  special  rights, 
in  respect  of  fellowships,  until  the  year  1858, 
when  his  statutes  were  revised  by  a  Royal 
Commission.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Hook,    Lives  of  the  Archbishops,  v.  ;    Duck. 
Life    of    Chichele,    1617 ;    Radford,    Cardinal 

Beaufort. 

CHICHESTER,  See  of,  owes  its  origin  to 
St.  Wilfrid  {q.v.),  who  after  his  expulsion 
from  Xorthumbria  in  680,  failing  to  find 
refuge  in  Mercia  and  Wesscx,  came  to  Sussex. 
The  King  (Aethelwalch)  and  Queen  were 
Christians,  and  there  was  a  little  settlement 
of  Celtic  monks  under  Dicul  at  Bosham,  but 
the  people  were  stubbornly  heathen.  Owing 
to  Wilfrid's  preaching  many  thousands  were 
baptized,  quidam  voluntarie,  alii  vera  coacti 
regis  imperio.  Aethelwalch  granted  Wilfrid 
his   own   vill   of    Selsey,    where   he   built    a 


church,  dedicated  to  St.  Peter,  and  a  monas- 
tery. In  686  Cadwalla  of  Wessex  conquered 
Sussex,  but  was  converted  by  Wilfrid,  and 
confirmed  his  possession  of  Selsey.  St. 
Lewinna  was  a  Sussex  martjT  of  the  con- 
version. In  688  Wilfrid  was  recalled  to 
York,  his  clergy  remaining  at  Selsej-,  and  the 
see  was  merged  in  W^inchester  {q.v.) ;  709  Win- 
chester was  divided,  and  Sussex  was  replaced 
under  Selsey  ;  1075  the  bishopric  was  moved 
to  Chichester  by  Bishop  Stigand. 

The  see  included  originally  all  Sussex,  but 
the  grant  of  the  manor  of  Old  Mailing  to 
Canterbury  in  823  gave  the  archbishop 
jurisdiction  over  a  belt  of  land  stretching 
north-east  across  the  county,  including  the 
rural  deaneries  of  Pagham  and  South 
Mailing.  The  Bishops  of  London  and  Exeter 
also  had  pecuhars  (Lodsworth  and  Bosham). 
These  and  others  were  in  1841  reunited 
to  the  see,  which  now  includes  all  Sussex 
as  at  first.  The  population  is  605,202.  A 
bishop  suffragan  of  Lewes  was  appointed  in 
1909. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  bishop's 
Temporalia  {i.e.  revenues  from  land)  at 
£462,  4s.  7|d. ;  as  in  most  old  sees  the  bishop 
had  no  Spiriiualia  save  Boxley  (BexhUl), 
which  was  assessed  with  the  Temporalia. 
Under  Henry  vi.  the  Spiriiualia  (from  the 
church  of  Houghton)  were  £6,  13s.  4d. ;  the 
Valor  Ecclesiasiicus  of  1536  assessed  the  in- 
come at  £677,  Is.  3d.,  and  the  value  was 
unchanged  in  1711.  It  is  now  £4200.  The 
diocese  is  divided  into  three  archdeaconries — 
Chichester  (first  mentioned,  1156)  and  Lewes 
(first  mentioned,  1180);  the  third,  Hastings, 
was  constituted  1912.  Rural  deaneries  lasted 
apparently  well  into  Queen  EUzabeth's  reign, 
and  seem  to  have  been  revived  in  1812. 
The  cathedral  church  is  ruled  by  a  chapter  of 
the  old  foundation,  the  deanery,  precentorship, 
and  other  dignities  dating  from  Bishop  Ralph, 
1115.  There  are  twenty-seven  prebendaries 
and  four  Wiccamical  prebendaries  (founded, 
1520-3).  The  practice  of  having  four  resi- 
dentiaries  began  in  1574.  From  that  time 
until  1840  thejr  were  co-opted,  though 
throughout  the  eighteenth  century  the 
dukes  of  Richmond  exercised  great  influ- 
ence over  the  appointments.  By  the  Act 
of  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113)  the  canons  are 
appointed  by  the  bishop. 

Bishops  of  Selsey 

1.  St.    Wilfrid    {q.v.),    681  ;     returned    to 

York,  688. 

2.  Eadhberht,  709;    President  of  St.  Wil- 

frid's monastery  at  Selsey,  and  one  of 
his  priests. 


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[Chichester 


3.  EoUa,  c.  714.  6.  Osa,  c.  765. 

4.  Sigga,  733.  7.  Gislehere,  780. 

5.  Alubcrht.  8.  Tota,  785. 
9.  Wiohthun.  789  ;   d.  c.  805. 

10.  Aethelwulf,  811  ;  d.  c.  816. 

11.  Coenred,  824;  d.  c.  838  ;  in  825  success- 

fully reclaimed  land  from  Beornnulf, 
King  of  Mercia. 

12.  Gutheard,  860  ;   d.  c.  862. 

13.  Beornege,  909  ;   d.  c.  929. 

14.  Wulfhun,  931  ;   d.  c.  940. 

15.  Aelfred,  944  ;   d.  c.  953. 

16.  Ealdhehn,  c.  936 ;  d.  c.  979. 

17.  Aethelgar,  980 ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  988. 

18.  Ordbriht,  989  ;   d.  1009. 

19.  Aclfmaer,  1009  ;   d.  c.  1031. 

20.  Aethelric  i.,  1032  ;  d.  1038. 

21.  Grimketel,  1039  ;   d.  1047  ;   said  to  have 

bought  the  see. 

22.  Hecca,  1047  ;  d.  1057  ;   a  royal  chaplain. 

23.  Aethelric  ii.,  1058  ;   dep.  1070  uncanoni- 

cally  (see  Florence  of  Worcester)  and 
confined  at  Marlborough,  but  1072 
appears  antiquissimus  as  an  expert  in 
English  laws  at  the  trial  on  Penenden 
Heath,  being  driven  there  in  a  carriage 
with  four  horses. 

24.  Stigand,  1070 ;    a  royal  chaplain ;    1075 

removed  the  see  to  Chichester  ;  d.  1087. 

Bishops  of  Chichester 

25.  Gosfrid,  or  Godfrey,  1087  ;   d.  1088. 

26.  Ralph  I.,  Luffa,  1091  ;  founder  of  present 

cathedral  church,  1108,  which,  damaged 
by  fire,  1115,  he  again  repaired  ;  created 
the  four  great  dignities  in  his  chapter, 
and  was  an  active,  courageous,  and  good 
bishop ;  d.  1123. 

27.  SefErid    i.,    d'Escures,    1125 ;     formerly 

Abbot  of  Glastonbury ;  brother  of 
Archbishop  Ralph  of  Canterbury ; 
quarrelled  with  abbey  of  Battle  ;  dep. 
1145,  probably  for  opposition  to 
Stephen  ;   retired  to  Glastonbury. 

28.  Hilary,  1147  ;  a  partisan  of  Stephen  ;  able 

and  eloquent ;  tried  unsuccessfully  to 
gain  jurisdiction  over  Battle  Abbey ; 
opponent  of  Becket  {q.v.)  ;  d.  1169. 

29.  John,    1174;    surnamed    Greenford    (on 

doubtful  authority) ;   d.  1180. 

30.  Seffrid   ii.,    1180;     formerly  archdeacon 

and  dean  ;  almost  rebuilt  the  cathedral 
after  the  great  fire,  1187  ;  most  of  the 
present  churcti  is  his  work  ;   d.  1204. 

31.  Simon  of  Wells,  or  Simon  Fitz-Robert, 

1204  ;  Archdeacon  of  Wells  and  a  royal 
official ;  was  on  good  terms  with  John  ; 
continued  rebuilding  of  the  cathedral ; 
d.  1207. 

32.  Richard Poore,  1215;  tr.toSalisbury,1217. 


33. 

34. 
35. 

36. 

37. 

38. 
39. 

40. 

41. 
42. 

43. 

44. 

45. 
46. 

47. 

48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 

i    54. 


Prior    of 


d. 


Ralph    of    Wareham,    1218 ; 
Norwich;  d.  1222. 

Ralph  Neville  {q.v.),  1224  ;  d.  1244. 

St.     Richard     Wych     {q.v.),    1245; 
1253. 

John  of  Clymping,  or  John  Bishop,  1254  ; 
d.  1262. 

Stephen  of  Berksted,  or  Burghstede, 
1262  ;  sided  with  Simon  do  Montfort  ; 
blind  in  later  life  ;   d.  1288. 

Gilbert  of  St.  Leofard,  1288;  formerly 
treasurer  of  the  church  ;  builder  of  the 
Lady  Chapel ;  a  strong  bishop  and 
saintly  man  ;   d.  1305. 

John  Langton,  1305  ;  twice  Chancellor 
(1292-1302,  1307-10);  a  strong  ruler, 
built  the  great  south  transept  window, 
and  was  a  benefactor  ;   d.  1337. 

Robert  Stratford,  1337  ;  brother  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury;  a  states- 
man ;   twice  Chancellor ;   d.  1362. 

William  of  Lynn,  1362  (P.);  formerly 
dean  ;  tr.  to  Worcester,  1368. 

William  Rede,  or  Reade,  1368  (P.); 
Fellow  of  Merton ;  fortified  Amberley 
Manor-House  ;  d.  1385. 

Thomas  Rushook,  1385 ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Llandaff ;  partisan  of  Richard  ii.  ; 
1388  banished  to  Ireland ;  tr.  to  Kil- 
more ;   d.  1388-9. 

Richard  Metford,  1390  (P.);  tr.  to 
Sahsbury,  1395. 

Robert  Waldby.  1396;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Dublin  ;   tr.  to  York,  1397. 

Robert  Reade,  or  Rede;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Carlisle ;  his  register  is  the  earhest 
surviving  ;    d.  1415. 

Stephen  Partington;  tr.  (P.)  from  St. 
David's,  1417  ;  Provincial  of  the  Car- 
melites and  rigorous  anti-Lollard ; 
present  at  the  Council  of  Constance. 
1417,  and  died  in  the  same  year. 

Henry  de  la  Ware,  1418  (P.) ;  Canon  of 
Chichester;   d.  1420. 

John  Kemp,  1421  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Roches- 
ter ;   tr.  to  London,  1421. 

Thomas  Polton,  1421  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Here- 
ford ;    tr.  to  Worcester,  1426, 

John    Rickingale,    1426    (P.); 

Chancellor  of  Cambridge  ;    d. 

Simon  Sydenham,   1431  (P.) ; 

Sahsbury  ;  d.  1438. 
Richard  Praty,  1438  (P.) ;  Fellow  of  Oriel, 
Dean  of  the  Chapel  Royal,  and  active 
in  visiting  the  Sussex  monasteries ;  d. 
1445. 
Adam  Moleyns,  or  Molyneux,  1446  (P.) ; 
Dean  of  Salisbury;  a  favourite  of 
Henry  vi.,  and  unpopular ;  murdered 
at  Portsmouth,  9th  January  1450. 


former!  V 
1429. 
Dean  of 


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[Chichester 


55.  Reginald Pecock  [q.v.),  1450  (P.) ;  tr.  from 

St.  Asaph ;  dep.  1457. 

56.  John    Arundel,     1459    (P.);     Fellow    of 

Exeter,  Oxford;  chaplain  and  physician 
to  Henry  yj.  ;  buUt  the  Arundel  screen 
in  the  cathedral ;    d.  1477. 

57.  Edward  Story,  1478  (P.)  ;    tr.  from  Car- 

lisle; formerly  Chancellor  of  Cambridge  ; 
built  the  Market  Cross  and  founded  the 
Prebendal  School ;    d.  1503. 

58.  Richard  Fitz- James,  1503  ;  tr.  (P.)  from 

Rochester  ;   tr.  to  London,  1506. 

59.  Robert  Sherborn,  1508;  tr.  (P.)  from  St. 

David's ;  Wykehamist  and  Fellow  of 
Xew  College ;  held  large  preferments, 
including  two  prebends  in  Chichester, 
and  was  a  royal  official ;  a  noble  bene- 
factor to  the  cathedral  and  city ;  res. 
June  1536  ;   d.  six  weeks  later. 

60.  Richard  Sampson,  1536  ;  tr.  to  Lichfield, 

1543. 

61.  George    Day,    1543 ;     an    Etonian    and 

Provost  of  King's ;  a  Conservative ; 
disliked  the  changes  of  Edward  vi.  ; 
declined  to  remove  stone  altars,  1550 ; 
dep.  1551 ;  restored  (P.),  1553  ;  d.  1556  ; 
a  learned  and  good  bishop. 

62.  John  Scory,  1552  ;    tr.  from  Rochester ; 

a  Dominican  who  had  married ;  on 
Mary's  accession  separated  from  his 
wife,  and  did  penance,  but  fled  later  to 
Friesland  ;  appointed  to  Hereford,  1559. 

63.  John  Christopherson,  1556  (P.) ;  Master 

of  Trinity,  Cambridge ;  an  active 
Marian  ;   d.  1558. 

64.  William  Barlow  [q.v.),  1559;   d.  1568. 

65.  Richard  Curteis,  1570 ;    formerly  dean ; 

d.  (poor  and  in  debt)  1583. 

66.  Thomas     Bickley,     1585 ;      Warden    of 

Merton,  Oxford  ;  had  fled  under  Mary  ; 
beloved  in  the  diocese  ;  d.  (unmarried) 
1596. 

67.  Antony  Watson,  1596  ;   Dean  of  Bristol ; 

quiet  and  unambitious  ;  d.  (unmarried) 
1605. 

68.  Lancelot  Andrewes  [q.v.),   1605  ;    tr.   to 

Ely,  1609. 

69.  Samuel  Harsnett,  1609  ;    tr.  to  Norwich, 

1619. 

70.  George  Carleton,   1619;    tr.  from  Llan- 

daff;  M.A.  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford, 
and  Fellow  of  Merton  ;  at  the  Synod 
of  Dort,  1618,  maintained  Apostolical 
Succession  ;    d.  1628. 

71.  Richard  Mountague,  1628;  tr.  to  Norwich, 

1638.     [Caroline  Divines.] 

72.  Brian  Duppa,  1638;  tr.  to  Salisbury,  1641. 

73.  Henry  King,  1642  ;    Dean  of  Rochester  ; 

friend  of  Isaac  Walton  ;  captured  at 
siege  of  Chichester,  1643;  released,  and 


74. 
75. 

76. 


77. 


78. 


79. 


81. 


82. 


lived  at  Langley,  Bucks,  till  Restora- 
tion, when  he  returned  and  restored  the 
cathedral  and  palace  ;    d.  1669. 

Peter  Gunning,  1670 ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1675. 

Ralph  Brideoake,  1675  ;  d.  suddenly  on 
Visitation,  1678. 

Guy  Carleton,  1678  ;  tr.  from  Bristol ; 
a  Cavalier ;  called  by  a  Chichester  mob 
'  an  old  popish  rogue  ' ;  d.  (aged  eighty- 
nine)  1685. 

John  Lake,  1685  ;  tr.  from  Bristol ;  a 
devout  Royalist  officer,  who  became 
Vicar  of  Leeds ;  one  of  the  Seven 
Bishops  {q.v.) ;  refused  the  oaths,  1689, 
and  dep.  ;   d.  in  same  year. 

Simon  Patrick  [q.v.),  1689;  tr.  to  Ely, 
1691. 

Robert  Grove,  1691  ;    d.  1696  from  his 
carriage  overturning. 
80.  John  WilHams,  1696  ;    a  royal  chaplain  ; 
d.  1709. 

Thomas  Manningham,  1709 ;  a  Wic- 
camical  prebendary  and  treasurer ; 
d.  1722. 

Thomas  Bowers,  1722  ;  son  of  a  Shrews- 
bury baker ;  Archdeacon  of  Canter- 
bury ;  d.  1724. 

83.  Edward  Waddington,  1724  ;  an  Etonian  ; 

repaired  the  palace  ;   d.  1731. 

84.  Francis  Hare,  1731  ;  tr.  from  St.  Asaph ; 

a  scholar  and  a  friend  of  Walpole  and 
Marlborough ;  married  two  heiresses 
in  succession ;  lived  chiefly  in  Bucking- 
hamshire ;  d.  1740. 

85.  Matthias     Mawson.     1740 ;      tr.     from 

LlandafE ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1754. 

86.  Sir  William  Ashburnham,   Bart.,   1754; 

formerly  dean  ;  eldest  son  of  an  ancient 
Sussex  family ;  held  the  see  forty-four 
years  ;  reduced  the  number  of  choris- 
ters ;  d.  1798. 

87.  John     Buckner,     1798 ;     revived    rural 
^       deaneries,  1812;  d.  1824. 
88.;)Robert  James  Carr,  1824 ;    tr.  to  Wor- 
cester, 1831. 

Edward  Maltby,  1831  ;  tr.  to  Durham, 
1836. 

WiUiam  Otter,  1836;  first  Principal  of 
King's  College,  London ;  founded  the 
Diocesan  Association,  1836,  and  (with 
Dean  Chandler),  the  Theological  College, 
1837  ;  d.  1840. 
91.  Phihp  Nicholas  Shuttleworth,  1840; 
Warden  of  New  College ;  a  Low  Church- 
man, but  made  Manning  [q.v.)  arch- 
deacon ;   d.  1842. 

Ashurst  Turner  Gilbert,  1842  ;  Principal 
of  Brasenose  College  ;  strongly  opposed 
to  the  Oxford  Movement  [Neale, 
J.  M.] ;  d.  1870. 


89 


90 


92 


(112) 


Church] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Church 


93.  Richard  Dnrnford,  1870  ;    a  scholar  and 

High  Quirchnian  ;  founded  Diocesan 
Conference  and  many  other  organisa- 
tions ;  greatly  beloved  ;  d.  1895,  aged 
ninety-four. 

94.  Ernest"  Roland   Wilberforce,    1895  ;     tr. 

from  Newcastle,  where  he  organised  the 
diocese ;  previously  (Janon  of  Win- 
chester and  missioner ;  son  of  Bishop 
S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.) ;  a  strong  and 
good  ruler  ;  d.  1907. 

95.  Charles  James  Ridgoway,  1908  ;  Dean  of 

Carlisle,  [s,  L.  o,] 

Stephens,    Memorials  of   See  of   Chichester 
and  7^10.  Hist.  ;  Stubbs,  Registr.  S(icr. 

CHURCH  AND  STATE  are  two  distinct 
organisations  independent  of  each  other, 
though  to  some  extent  composed  of  the  same 
individuals.  Each  is  autonomous,  and  has 
authority"  over  its  members  :  the  Church  a 
spiritual  authority  [Authority  in  the 
Church],  the  State  a  physical  authority, 
which,  however,  rests  on  divine  sanction 
as  well  as  on  force  (Rom.  13^'').  The  civil 
power  m&Y  assume  three  attitudes  towards 
any  religious  association  of  its  subjects.  (1) 
It  may  refuse  to  recognise  it  as  lawful.  This 
policy  may  varjr  from  active  persecution — the 
profession  of  such  religion  being  a  punishable 
offence — to  mere  disabilities,  certain  positions 
in  the  State  being  closed  to  its  adherents. 
Such  an  attitude  may  be  justified  on  the 
ground  that  the  religion  in  question  ought 
not  to  be  tolerated  for  reasons  of  public 
policy,  e.g.  that  its  adherents  are  necessarily 
disloj^al  subjects,  as  was  alleged  of  the  Roman 
Catholics  iinder  Elizabeth.  It  was  formerly 
thought  to  be  the  State's  duty,  when  it  was 
convinced  of  the  trath  of  a  religion,  to  enforce 
it  on  all  its  subjects  for  their  souls'  good.  A 
statute  of  1414  (2  Hen.  v.  st.  1,  c.  7)  imposes 
civil  penalties  on  heretics.  The  formal  title 
of  the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles  (1539,  31 
Hen.  VIII.  c.  14)  is  '  An  Act  for  Abolishing 
of  Diversity  of  Opinions  in  ,  ,  ,  Religion.' 
But  with  the  gradual  growth  of  the  idea  of 
liberty  of  conscience  such  action  has  come 
to  be  held  to  be  outside  the  sphere  of  civil 
government.  [Toleration.]  (2)  The  State 
may  adopt  an  attitude  of  impartial  recogni- 
tion, holding  that  a  religious  body  has  the 
right  to  the  same  treatment  from  the  State 
as  any  other  lawful  association.  It  is  pro- 
tected by  law  in  the  possession  of  property, 
and  the  contracts  of  its  members  wth  each 
other  will  be  enforced.  (3)  A  religious  body 
may  receive  not  merely  recognition  but  a 
privileged  position  as  the  official  religion  of 
the  State,  which  wiU  accordingly  recognise 


and  enforce  its  laws  and  admit  its  officers 
to  a  position  in  the  civil  constitution.  At  the 
conversion  of  Constantino  (313)  the  Christian 
Church  entered  into  this  relationship  with 
the  State.  And  tliough  the  State  claimed  no 
spiritual  authority  in  consec|uence,  yet  the 
fact  that  it  enforced  the  Church's  law,  and 
allowed  high  official  rank  to  its  bishops, 
inevitably  led  to  its  seeking  some  control 
over  the  Church.  This  was  increased  by  the 
tendency  of  the  Church  to  invoke  the  aid  of 
the  secular  power  for  the  settlement  of  dis- 
putes and  the  coercion  of  heretics.  Hence 
the  Christian  emperors  came  to  be  credited 
with  an  ecclesiastical  and,  by  analogy  with  the 
godly  kings  of  the  Old  Testament,  theocratic 
character.  The  Emperor  was  held  to  be  not 
only  ordained  of  God  as  civil  ruler  but  also 
Vicar  of  God  in  the  ecclesiastical  sphere,  with 
a  duty  to  maintain  religion  and  piety,  to 
protect  the  Church,  to  assist  it  in  doing  its 
proper  work,  and  to  see  that  it  does  it.  This 
naturally  involved  the  assumption  by  the 
civil  power  of  considerable  control  and  voice 
in  the  Church's  affairs. 

Matters  were  at  this  stage  when  the  con- 
version of  England  began.  And  the  fact 
that,  as  a  rule,  Christianity  was  first  accepted 
by  the  kings,  and  by  them  imposed  upon 
their  subjects,  led  to  a  close  connection  of 
Church  and  State,  which  was  maintained 
throughout  the  Anglo-Saxon  period.  The 
kings  issued  mixed  codes  of  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical laws  with  the  sanction  of  both  Church 
and  State,  and  nominated  the  bishops,  who 
were  among  their  leading  advisers  in  secular 
as  well  as  religious  matters.  This  era  of  a 
national  Church  practically  identical  with  the 
State  came  to  an  end  with  the  Norman 
Conquest  {q.v.),  by  which  the  English  Church 
was  drawn  more  closely  into  the  organisation 
of  Western  Christendom,  which  involved  a 
less  intimate  connection  with  the  secular 
power  at  home. 

For  the  next  five  hundred  years  Church 
and  State  in  England,  though  in  theory  the 
distinction  between  them  was  less  clearly 
marked  than  it  has  since  become,  are  often 
found  in  conflict,  the  Church  by  virtue  of 
its  sacred  character  claiming  various  privi- 
leges and  exemptions  from  the  civil  law ; 
the  State  endeavouring,  with  varying  success, 
to  maintain  its  temporal  supremacy  over 
the  persons  and  property  of  all  its  citizens. 
And  while  the  State  was  autonomous,  the 
Church  formed  part  of  a  great  international 
system  with  its  centre  at  Rome,  so  that 
members  of  the  State  were  also,  in  their 
capacity  as  churchmen,  the  subjects  of  a 
foreign  power,  which  claimed  to  be  supreme 


(113) 


Church] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Church 


even  over  temporal  rulers.  William  i.  first 
asserted  the  right  of  the  civil  powers  to  con- 
trol the  Church  in  its  relations  with  Rome, 
in  its  Councils  {q.v.),  and  in  its  Courts  [q.v.). 
All  through  the  Middle  Ages  the  conflict  was 
kept  up.  Its  varying  fortunes  may  be  traced 
in  the  struggles  over  Investitures  {q.v.)  and 
criminous  clerks  [Benefit  of  Clergy], 
and  in  the  Mortmain  [q.v.),  Provisors  {q.v.), 
and  Praemunire  {q.v.)  legislation.  Yet  the 
Church  did  not  altogether  lose  the  national 
character  it  had  won  in  the  days  when  its 
organisation  pointed  the  way  to  the  union  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  kingdoms.  Men  like  Lang- 
ton  {q.v.)  and  Grossctestc  {q.v.)  resisted  the 
usurpations  of  kings  and  popes  alike.  And 
many  statesmen-bishops  played  a  prominent 
part  in  the  national  life  without  violating 
their  allegiance  to  the  Pope. 

The  breach  with  Rome  and  Henry  vm.'s 
{q.v.)  formal  assertion  of  the  Royal  Suprem- 
acy {q.v.),  1531-4,  considerably  affected  the 
relations  of  Church  and  State.     The  Tudor 
theory  of  Church  and  State  is  formally  set 
out  in  the  preamble  to  the  Statute  of  Appeals 
(1533,  24  Hen.  vin.  c.  12).   England  is  an  inde- 
pendent, self-contained  community  under  two 
aspects — civil,  the  State,  and  spiritual,  the 
Church — neither  subject  to  any  foreign  inter- 
ference, but  each  managing  its  own  affairs 
under  the  supremacy  of  the  Crown,  which 
must  be  exercised  constitutionally  by  means 
of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  machinery  re- 
spectively.     With  all  his  despotism  Henry 
was  careful  to  observe  constitutional  forms, 
and  in  this  he  was  followed  by  Elizabeth  {q.v.), 
who  after  the  first  year  of  her  reign  consist- 
ently   forbade    Parhament    to    interfere    in 
Church  matters,  which,  she  insisted,  should 
be  dealt  with  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
subject  to  the  visitatorial  power  of  the  Crown. 
This  power  did  not  greatly  differ  from  that 
claimed  for  the  Crown  by  William  i.  and  the 
stronger  among  his  successors,  save  that  it 
had  no  longer  to  reckon  with  the  claims  of  the 
papacy.     Now  that  this  disturbing  factor  in 
the  relations  of  Church  and  State  was  removed 
those  relations  had  to  be  restated,  and  the  civil 
control  formally  defined.     In  this  process  the 
Crown  succeeded  to  some  of  the  papal  pre- 
rogatives and  methods  of  action.      But  the 
Tudors  claimed  no  spiritual  powers  for  the 
Crown.     This  was  stated  in  various  public 
documents,  e.g.  Article  xxxvn.  :    '  We  give 
not   to   our   princes   the   ministering   either 
of  God's  Word  or  of  the  sacraments,'  but 
only  the  power  '  to  rule  all  states  and  degrees 
committed  to  their  charge  by  God,  whether 
they    be    ecclesiastical    or    temporal.'     The 
action   of   Elizabeth   and   James  i.    showed 


that  this  included  controUing  the  State  when 
it  sought  to  encroach  upon  the  Church's 
sphere ;  and  it  is  inevitable  that  the  civil 
power  should  exercise  a  similar  control  over 
the  Church,  to  restrain  its  courts  and  councils 
if  they  exceed  their  spiritual  functions  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  civil  rights  of  the  subject. 
These  are  matters  wliich  fall  within  the  duty 
of  the  State.  It  is  bound  to  deal  with  them, 
and  is  not  open  to  the  charge  of  Erastianism 
{q.v.)  for  doing  so.  It  must  also,  if  appealed 
to,  deal  with  questions  arising  out  of  the 
possession  of  temporal  property  by  a  reUgious 
body. 

All  rehgious  functions  are  exercised  only  by 
leave  of  the  State,  though  the  'power  to  exer- 
cise them  is  derived  solely  from  the  Church. 
The  State  gives  the  metropolitan  leave  to 
consecrate  a  bishop,  gives  Convocation  leave 
to  enact  canons,  gives  every  clergyman  leave 
to  minister  in  his  parish.  But  the  power  to 
consecrate,  to  make  canons,  to  administer  the 
sacraments  is  given  by  the  Church.  AH 
reUgious  bodies,  whether  '  established '  or 
not,  thus  carry  on  their  functions  by  leave 
of  the  State,  and  as  long  as  Church  and  State 
confine  themselves  to  their  proper  spheres 
no  conflict  of  duties  can  arise.  If,  however, 
the  State  were  to  seek  to  prevent  the  Church 
from  performing  the  work  committed  to  it 
by  God,  the  spiritual  and  temporal  laws 
would  come  into  conflict,  and  it  would  be 
the  duty  of  those  who  are  subject  to  both 
to  obey  the  higher.  For  the  civil  law  wathin 
its  proper  sphere  is  binding  on  the  conscience, 
and  can  only  conflict  with  the  spiritual  law 
by  exceeding  its  sphere.  In  such  a  case  the 
Church  must  obey  the  spiritual  law  even  if  this 
involves  disobeying  the  temporal,  and  must 
submit  to  whatever  penal  consequences 
may  ensue.  [Establishment  ;  Supremacy, 
Royal.]  [g.  c.] 

Pusev,  P^oi/al  Siqjrcmacy  ;  R.  W.  Church, 
Relations  of  Ch.  and  .'<taie  ;  J.  W.  Lea,  Letttr.'i ; 
Crosse,  Autlwril.y  in  tlir  Ch.  of  ling. 

CHURCH,  High,  Low,  Broad.  The  terms 
'  High  Church '  and  '  High  Churchman '  are 
first  found  in  the  late  seventeenth  century, 
and  were  originaUy  '  hostile  nicknames.' 
The  New  English  Dictionary,  s.v.  '  High 
Churchman,'  states  that  the  term  originally 
appUed  to  '  those  who,  holding  a  de  jure 
Episcopacy,  opposed  a  comprehension  or 
toleration  of  differences  in  Church  polity, 
and  demanded  the  strict  enforcement  of  the 
laws  against  Dissenters.  .  .  .  With  these 
were  then  associated  the  doctrine  of  i. the 
divine  right  of  kings  (of  the  House  of  Stuart), 
and    the    duty    of    non-resistance.  .  .  .  The 


(  114 


Church 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Church 


appellation  was,  in  fact,  practically  synony- 
mous with  Tory.'  It  appears  to  have  been 
derived  from  the  term  '  High-flier,'  which 
occurs  in  a  pamphlet  of  1680,  the  Honest 
Cavalier.  '  The  honest  Divines  of  the  Church 
of  England  who  for  their  Conscience  and 
Obedience  are  termed  High-fliers.'  The 
term  '  High  Churchman  '  is  found  first  in  a 
pamphlet  {Good  Advice)  of  1687.  It  came 
slowly  into  general  use,  but  may  be  said  to 
have  attained  the  place  of  an  almost  official 
term  when  it  was  specially  noticed  by  South 
{q.v.)  in  the  Dedication  to  Narcissus  Boyle, 
Archbishop  of  DubHn,  prefixed  to  the  third 
volume  of  liis  famous  Sermons,  1698.  South 
reprobates  the  terms  '  High  Church '  and 
'  Low  Church  '  as  '  odd  '  and  '  new,'  '  malici- 
ously invented '  to  cause  division.  '  The 
ancienter  members  of  '  the  EngUsh  Church 
'  who  have  aU  along  owned  and  contended 
for  a  strict  conformity  to  her  rules  and 
sanctions  .  .  .  have  been  of  late  .  .  .  repro- 
bated under  the  inodiating  character  of  high 
Churchmen.'  The  terms  appear  clearly  in 
a  pamphlet  of  1699,  Catholicism  without 
Popery,  an  Essay  to  Render  the  Church  of 
England  a  Means  and  a  Pattern  of  Union  to 
the  Christian  World.  In  this  *  the  true  Differ- 
ence between  the  High  Church  and  Low 
Church  (as  they  are  called  to  this  Day) '  is 
said  to  turn  chiefly  on  their  attitude  to- 
wards Reunion.  The  clergy  feU  into  two 
parties  after  1559 :  '  one  Party  were  for  finding 
out  Means  of  Reconciliation  with  Rome,  and 
bringing  the  Pope  to  Terms ;  the  other  Party 
were  for  accomodating  matters  and  form- 
ing an  Union  between  the  Enghsh  Church 
and  Foreign  Protestant  Churchmen.'  High 
Churchmen  are  further  distinguished  :  '  They 
were  for  allowing  Sports  on  the  Lord's  Day, 
and  for  Holidays,  and  a  Religion  that  men 
might  wear  Genteely;  for  singing  Prayers 
which  makes  little  difference  between  Latin 
and  English  in  point  of  Edification.  ,  .  . 
They  were  fond  of  God  fathers  and  God 
mothers.  Bowing  at  the  Name  of  Jesus,  and 
to  the  Altar,  and  getting  the  Communion- 
Table  Altar-wise.  On  the  other  side  the 
Pious  Puritan  Bishops  were  for  Union  with 
the  Protestants  abroad,  who  scrupled  most  of 
these  things.'  Under  Queen  Anne  the  term 
is  in  general  use.  Burnet  {q.v.)  speaks  of 
'  those  men  who  began  now  [1704]  to  be  caUed 
the  high  church  party.'  A  tract  of  1704,  A 
Letter  to  a  Friend  concerning  the  New  Distinc- 
tion of  High  aiul  Low  Church,  asserts  (p.  19) 
that '  it  is  the  character  of  a  High  Churchman 
never  to  admit  of  the  least  alteration  of  the 
Estabhsh't  Worship  upon  any  pretence  what- 
ever ;  and  those  are  thought  very  Low  Church 


Men  who  think  it  Reasonable  to  consent  to 
any  Alterations,  though  they  were  for  the 
better.  .  .  .'  '  Some  very  discerning  men 
suspected  '  that  '  all  this  Noise  about  High 
and  Low  Church  .  .  .  signifies  no  more 
than  Whig  and  Tory.'  The  term  was  not 
always  regarded  with  pleasure,  for  Sache- 
verell  {q.v.)  in  a  sermon  (5th  November 
1709)  regarded  the  division  into  High  and 
Low  Churchmen  as  '  villainous.'  During  the 
eighteenth  century  the  term  retained  a  poli- 
tical rather  than  an  ecclesiastical  meaning, 
and  was  often  synonymous  with  '  Tory.' 
But  an  ecclesiastical  meaning  also  remained, 
for  Michael  Johnson,  father  of  Dr.  Johnson 
{q.v.),  is  described  by  Bgswell  as  '  a  zealous 
High  Churchman  and  RoyaUst.'  Early  in  the 
nineteenth  century  the  term  seems  again  to 
change  its  meaning.  Bishop  E.  Copleston 
writing,  29th  January  1814,  from  Oxford, 
says :  '  This  place  is  the  headquarters  of  what 
is  falsely  called  high  church  principles  .  .  . 
the  leading  partisans  who  assume  that  title 
appear  to  me  only  occupied  with  the  thought 
of  converting  the  property  of  the  Church  to 
their  private  advantage,  leaving  the  duties 
of  it  to  be  performed  how  they  can '  {Memoir, 
47).  He  considers  himself  '  more  a  high 
churchman  than  most  of  them,'  as  he  '  would 
have  much  greater  exertions  made  to  preserve 
the  unity  of  our  Church  and  to  make  it  in 
effect  as  well  as  in  name  a  national  Church.' 
The  content  of  the  term  seems  here  to  be 
equivalent  to  that  of  the  '  high  and  dry ' 
Churchmen  who  were  Tory  in  poHtics  and 
opposed  to  '  enthusiasm '  in  religion.  The 
Evangehcal  Bishop  D.  Wilson  {q.v.),  writing 
from  Calcutta,  21st  May  1833,  seems  to  use 
the  term  in  the  same  sense  of  opprobrium 
when  he  writes  :  '  My  mild  and,  I  hope,  firm 
Churchmanship,  which  I  have  maintained  aU 
my  life  at  home,  in  the  face  of  High  Church 
principles  and  No  Church  principles,  is  of 
infinite  importance.'  From  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment {q.v.)  in  1833  the  term  became  used  in 
an  exclusively  ecclesiastical  sense,  and  was 
shorn  of  poUtical  meaning.  Dean  Hook  {q.v.) 
in  his  Church  Dictionary  (1837)  regards  the 
term  as  '  the  nickname  given  to  those  .  .  . 
who  regard  the  Church,  not  as  the  creature 
and  engine  of  State  poHcy,  but  as  the  institu- 
tion of  Our  Lord.'  To  this  behef  in  the 
divine  origin  of  the  Church  must  be  added  a 
beUef  in  the  apostolical  succession  and  in  the 
importance  of  sacraments  in  the  Christian 
life. 

Low  Church  has  denoted  in  turn  two  schools 
in  the  English  Church.  It  was  used  originally 
as  an  antithesis  to  '  High  Church  '  at  the  end 
of    the    seventeenth   century.      Thus   South 


(115) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Church 


in  his  Dedication  {supra),  1698,  speaks  of 
'  the  fashionable,  endearing  name  of  low 
church-men,^  who  are  so  called,  he  says,  '  not 
from  their  affecting  we  may  be  sure  a 
lower  condition  in  the  church  than  others  .  .  . 
but  from  the  low  condition  '  they  '  would  fain 
bring  the  church  itself  into.'  H.  Bedford, 
1710,  writes  :   '  He  is  known  to  be  so  wretched 

Low  Churchman  as  to  dispute  aU  the 
Articles  of  the  Christian  Faith.'  The  term 
was  thus  synonymous  with  Latitudinarian 
[q-v.),  and  '  Low  Churchmen '  were  also 
termed  '  No  Churchmen.'  Ne'er  a  barrel 
the  better  herring  between  Low  Church  and  No 
Church  is  a  tract  of  1713.  In  The  Distinction 
of  High  Church  and  Lotv  Church  (1705)  the 
author  defines  a  Low  Churchman  (p.  26)  as 
'  one  but  coldly  and  indifferently  affected 
towards  the  Church,  and  not  much  concerned 
what  becomes  of  her';  and  again  (p.  27),  those 
'  also  are  call'd  Low-Church-Men  who  make  a 
shift  to  keep  in  the  Communion  and  Bosom 
of  the  Church  .  .  .  but  at  the  same  time 
have  no  inward  liking  to  her  Constitution.' 
Sacheverell,  Character  of  a  Loiv  Churchman, 
1702,  defines  the  term  in  much  the  same  way: 
'  He  looks  upon  the  censuring  of  False 
Doctrine  as  a  Dogmatical  Usurpation,  an 
Intrusion  upon  that  Human  Liberty,  which 
he  sets  up  as  the  Measure  and  Extent  of  his 
Belief.'  The  term  fell  into  disuse  during  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  when  revived  in  the 
nineteenth  century  was  applied  as  a  rule  to 
the  '  Evangelicals  '  {q.v.). 

The  term  Latitudinarian  {q.v.)  appears  to 
have  been  continuously  used  throughout  the 
eighteenth  and  in  the  nineteenth  century  to 
denote  the  original  '  Low  Church,'  until 
c.  1850  the  term  'Broad  Church'  came  into 
use,  owing  its  origin  according  to  B.  Jowett 
to  A.  H.  Clough,  at  Oxford.  It  is  found  in 
the  Edinburgh  Revieiv  in  1850  (in  an  article 
by  A.  P.  Stanley),  and  in  the  same  magazine 
is  used  as  a  regular  party  term  in  1853. 
Dryden  {Hind  and  Panther,  1687)  had  called 
Latitudinarians  '  your  sons  of  breadth.' 

'I  he  term  Evangelical  to  describe  a  school 
of  thought  in  the  English  Church  began  after 
the  Methodist  Revival  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  It  is  used  indeed  in  1532  by  Sir 
'I'homas  More  {q.v.)  to  describe  the  followers 
of  the  German  Reformation — Tyndale  {q.v.) 
and  his  friends — in  irony,  but  from  1747  it  is 
used  regularly  as  denoting  the  doctrinal 
school  which  followed  the  Methodists,  the 
chief  points  being  that  '  the  essence  of  "  the 
Gospel  "  consists  of  faith  in  the  atoning  death 
of  Christ,  and  denies  to  "  good  works  "  or  to 
sacraments  a  place  in  the  scheme  of  salvation.' 

When  the  term  '  Low  Church  '  was  revived 


in  the  nineteenth  century  it  was  appUed  to 
the  '  Evangelicals,'  and  has  since  been  used  as 
practically  synonynious  with  it.  The  NewEng- 
lish  Dictionary  (1903)  defines  '  Low  Church- 
man '  as  '  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England 
holding  opinions  which  give  a  low  place  to  the 
claims  of  the  episcopate  and  priesthood,  to 
the  inherent  grace  of  sacraments,  and  to 
matters  of  ecclesiastical  organisation,  and 
thus  differ  relatively  little  from  the  opinions 
held  by  Protestant  Nonconformists.'  The 
difference  between  '  Low  Church '  and 
'  Evangelical '  in  current  usage  is  that  the 
latter  connotes  as  a  rule  more  zeal  and 
spirituality,  the  former  coldness  and  lack  of 
enthusiasm.  But  doctrinally  the  content  of 
both  terms  is  the  same.  [s.  l.  o.] 

New  Eng.  Diet;  J.  H.  Blunt,  Diet,  of 
Sects,  etc.  ;  Balleine,  Hist,  of  Jivangdical 
Party. 

CHURCH  RATES.  By  the  common  law 
and  custom  of  England,  differing  in  this 
respect  from  general  canon  law,  every  parish 
was  liable  for  the  upkeep  of  its  church 
(except  the  chancel,  for  which  by  an  ancient 
English  custom  the  rector  was  responsible) 
and  churchyard,  and  for  providing  the 
necessary  fittings  and  ornaments.  By  the 
fourteenth  century  it  was  established  that 
owners  of  land  in  the  parish  were  parishioners 
for  this  purpose  whether  they  lived  in  it  or 
not.  In  the  sixteenth  century  regular  rates 
began  to  be  levied  for  these  purposes.  In 
the  seventeenth  it  was  sometimes  thought 
that  while  the  repair  of  the  fabric  was  a 
charge  on  aU  the  land  of  the  parish  (ex- 
cept its  own  glebe),  the  provision  of  fur- 
niture, bells,  sexton's  wages,  and  the  like 
were  a  personal  charge  on  those  who  actu- 
ally lived  in  the  parish  (2  Rollers  Rep.,  262, 
270).  But  other  decisions  showed  that 
this  distinction  was  not  good,  and  that  all 
parishioners  were  liable  for  such  expenses 
whether  they  lived  in  the  parish  or  not 
{Jeffrey's  Case,  1589;  Coke,  Rep.,  v.  67;  see 
also  1  Bulstrode  19,  1  Salk.  164).  In  1677 
the  temporal  courts  held  that  the  church 
court  could  by  monition  compel  a  parish  to 
repair  its  church,  but  could  not  itself  make 
the  rate  {Mod.  Rep.,  i.  236;  ii.  222).  That 
could  only  be  done  by  the  churchwardens  and 
parishioners  at  a  vestry  meeting  summoned 
by  the  churchwardens.  The  majoritj^  of  those 
present  could  bind  the  parish,  and  if  no  one 
came  the  churchwardens  alone  could  make  a 
rate  for  expenses  the  neglect  of  whicb  would 
expose  them  to  penalties.  Under  Circum- 
specte  agatis  (1285)  church  rates  were  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  church  courts  {q.v.) 


(116) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Church 


They  could  enforce  payment  by  excommuni- 
cation. [Discipline.]  The  first  dissenters 
to  oppose  compulsory  churcli  rates  were  the 
Quakers,  who  objected  to  them  under  ('harles 
II.,  but  did  not  actively  resist.  In  1696  an 
Act  was  passed  empowering  justices  of  the 
peace  to  compel  Quakers  to  pay  church 
rates  (7-8  Will.  iii.  c.  34).  This  Act  was 
renewed  in  1714  (1  Geo.  l.  st.  2,  c.  6),  and  in 
1813  all  churcli  rates  were  made  recoverable 
before  the  justices  (with  an  appeal  to  quarter 
sessions)  where  the  amount  did  not  exceed 
£10  and  the  validity  of  the  rate  was  not 
disputed  ;  in  other  cases  the  church  courts 
retained  their  jurisdiction  (53  Geo.  ill.  c.  127). 
3Ieanwhile  Dissenters  had  increased  in 
numbers  and  influence,  their  civil  rights  had 
been  recognised,  and  it  was  difficult  to  resist 
theii"  contention  that  it  was  unjust  that  they 
should  be  compelled  to  contribute  to  the 
church  from  which  they  dissented  as  well 
as  to  their  own  places  of  worship.  It  was 
answered  that  the  rites  of  the  Church  Avere 
provided  for  all  who  chose  to  claim  them, 
and  that  owners  of  land  had  acquired  it 
subject  to  the  liability  for  church  rates. 
The  movement  against  them,  however, 
spread,  especially  in  large  towns,  and  vestries 
often  became  the  scenes  of  violence.  A  Bill 
for  the  abolition  of  the  rates  was  introduced 
in  1837,  but  in  the  same  year  the  centre  of 
interest  was  shifted  to  the  law  courts  by  the 
opening  of  the  celebrated  Braintree  cases. 
The  majority  of  the  vestry  of  Braintree 
(Essex),  while  admitting  that  the  church 
needed  rejjair,  carried  an  amendment  declar- 
ing against  the  compulsory  principle.  The 
churchwardens  afterwards  made  the  rate 
themselves,  and  sued  a  defaulting  parishioner 
in  the  consistory  court,  which  held  the  rate 
vahd ;  but  the  civil  courts  granted  a  prohibi- 
tion, holding  that  the  churchwardens  could  not 
act  against  the  majority  of  the  vestry  {Veley 
V.  Burder,  1837-41, 9  L. J.Q.B.  267, 10  L.J.  Ex. 
532).  The  churchwardens,  being  monished 
by  the  consistory  court  to  repair  the  church, 
made  the  rate  on  behalf  of  the  minority  of 
the  vestry  instead  of  on  their  own  responsi- 
bility, and  the  case  again  went  leisurely 
from  court  to  court,  tUl  in  1853  the  House  of 
Lords  declared  the  rate  invalid  {Veley  v. 
Gosling,  1841-53,  4  H.L.  Gas.  679).  By  this 
time  the  victory  over  compulsory  rates  was 
practically  won.  It  had  been  aided  by  the 
feeling  roused  by  the  imprisonment  of 
Thorogood,  a  Chelmsford  shoemaker,  for 
contempt  of  the  ecclesiastical  court  in  refusing 
his  rate  in  1839.  Henceforth  church  rates 
were  only  collected  in  country  districts  where 
dissent   was  comparatively  weak.     In   large 


towns  they  were  systematically  refused,  and 
could  not  be  enforced.  From  1853  Bills  ion 
their  abolition  were  continually  brought  in, 
and  met  with  varying  measures  of  success. 
That  of  1861  was  only  lost  on  third  reading 
by  the  Speaker's  vote.  In  1864  a  Bill  to 
commute  them  for  a  rent  charge  on  land  was 
defeated.  The  Bill  of  1867  passed  the 
Commons,  and  was  rejected  in  the  Lords,  all 
the  bishops  present  voting  against  it.  In 
1868  the  Compulsory  Church  Rate  Abolition 
Act  (31-2  Vic.  c.  109)  was  passed  through 
Mr.  Gladstone's  {q.v.)  influence.  Payment  of 
church  rates  could  no  longer  be  enforced  by 
law  except  in  so  far  as,  though  called  church 
rates,  they  were  applied  to  secular  purposes. 
But  the  vestry  might  still  levy  a  voluntary 
rate,  and  parishioners  refusing  to  pay  it  had 
no  voice  in  its  expenditure.  Voluntary 
church  rates  have  since  been  generally  sujier- 
seded  by  pew  rents  and  voluntary  contribu- 
tions. But  compulsory  church  rates  are 
stiU  levied  in  a  few  parishes  under  private 
Acts  of  Parliament.     [Parish.]  [g.  c] 

Burn,  Ecd.  Law  ;  Law  Reports  (the  Braintree 
cases  are  also  published  in  volume  form) ; 
Hansard,  Pari.  Debates,  1834,  '37,  '39,  '53-'«8  ; 
Cornish,  Eng.  Ch.  in  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
I.  viii.  ;  Cannan,  Local  Rates  in  Eng. 

CHURCH,  Richard  'William  (1815-90), 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  born  in  Lisbon,  eldest  son  of 
an  English  merchant,  who  until  his  marriage 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 
His  early  years  were  spent  in  Italy,  where 
his  uncle,  afterwards  General  Sir  Richard 
Church,  held  a  command  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples.  He  was  educated  at  Exeter,  and  at 
Redlands,  near  Bristol,  a  school  of  strictly 
EvangeUcal  principles.  He  went  to  Wadham 
College,  Oxford,  then  a  centre  of  Evangelical- 
ism, in  1833,  but  was  influenced  by  his 
brother-in-law,  G.  Moberly,  later  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  then  Fellow  of  Balliol,  a  High 
Churchman.  He  won  a  First  Class  in  Classics, 
1836,  and  a  Fellowship  at  Oriel,  1838.  In 
the  interval  he  had  come  to  know  Newman 
{q.v.)  and  C.  Marriott  {q.v.),  and  translated 
(for  the  '  Library  of  the  Fathers  ')  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  (pubhshed,  1838).  On  his  election 
to  Oriel,  R.  Miehell,  an  Oxford  tutor,  said  : 
'  There  is  such  a  moral  beauty  about  Church 
they  could  not  help  taking  him.'  Church  was 
now  a  convinced  adherent  of  the  Oxford 
Movement  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Newman. 
In  this  year  he  formed  the  other  great  friend- 
ships ofhis  life,  with  Sir  F.  Rogers  (later  Lord 
Blachford)  and  with  J.  B.  Mozley  {q.v.). 

He   was    ordained    deacon   Advent,    1839. 
In  1842,  on  account  of  his  agreement  with 


(117) 


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Dictiojiary  of  English  Church  History 


[Clarendon 


Tract  No.  90,  which  the  Provost  of  Oriel 
(iDr.  Hawkins)  bitterly  opposed,  he  offered  to 
resign  his  tutorsliip,  an  offer  which  was  finally 
accepted.  In  1843  he  was  warned  by  the 
Provost  that  in  the  event  of  his  applying  for 
priest's  orders  a  college  testimonial  might 
be  refused  him.  March  1844  he  became 
Junior  Proctor.  The  most  important  event 
of  his  proctorship  was  his  veto  (in  conjunction 
with  his  colleague,  Mr.  Guillomard  of  Trinity) 
of  a  censure  on  Newman's  Tract  No.  90  in 
Convocation  on  13th  February  1845.  New- 
man's secession,  October  1845,  was  a  heavy 
blow  to  him,  but  he  never  wavered  in  his 
beUef  in  the  Catholicity  of  the  Enghsli 
Church,  In  January  1846  he  joined  with 
J.  B.  Mozley,  Lord  Blachford,  Thomas 
Haddan,  and  M.  Bernard  in  founding  The 
Guardian  newspaper  as  the  weekly  organ  of 
Church  principles.  An  article  by  Church  on 
Le  Verrier's  discovery  of  the  planet  Neptune 
first  called  popular  attention  to  the  distinction 
of  the  paper,  and  made  its  position  secure. 
In  Advent  1852  he  was  ordained  priest,  and 
in  January  1853  he  became  Vicar  of  Whatley, 
Somerset,  w4iere  he  married,  July  1853,  and 
remained  for  eighteen  years.  Prom  1864  his 
intimacy  withNewman  (broken  since  1846)  was 
renewed  in  its  former  freedom  and  affec- 
tion. In  1869  Mr.  Gladstone  (q.v.)  ojSered 
him  a  canonry  at  Worcester,  which  he  de- 
clined because  he  had  been  defending  the 
Liberal  policy  as  to  the  Irish  Church  in  The 
Guardian,  and  he  wished  to  show  that  his 
support  was  disinterested.  In  July  187 1  he  dc- 
chned  the  deanery  of  St.  Paul's,  but  pressure 
from  Dr.  Liddon  {q.v.)  and  IVIr.  Gladstone 
caused  him  to  accept.  He  came  to  London 
'  with  fears  and  with  repugnance.'  He 
celebrated  and  preached  for  the  first  time  in 
the  cathedral  in  December  1871.  Hence- 
forward until  his  death  he  was  one  of  the 
chief  influences  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He 
detested  controversy  and  shunned  public 
meetings,  for  he  was  a  shy  and  sensitive 
scholar,  but  his  passion  for  righteousness 
and  truth  burnt  like  a  flame  and  was  felt  on 
all  sides.  He  became,  as  it  were,  '  a  standard 
conscience  by  which  men  tested  their  motives 
and  their  aims.'  This  moral  authority  was 
felt  in  1874-8,  the  period  of  struggle  over  the 
Public  Worship  Regulation  Act  (q.v.)  and  the 
Ritual  Cases  {q.v.).  The  dean  felt  so  keenly 
the  injustice  of  the  policy  pursued  that  he 
was  prepared  to  resign  his  deanery  as  a 
protest  (May  1877).  His  attitude  caused 
Archbishop  Tait  to  pause,  by  showing  him 
the  strength  of  feeling  behind  High  Church- 
men. At  the  end  of  his  life,  in  the  agitation 
over  Biblical  criticism,  by  his  wisdom  and 


courage  '  he  did  much  to  prevent  a  serious 
split  between  old  and  young.' 

Aided  by  Liddon,  R.  Gregory  (who  suc- 
ceeded him),  and  later  by  H.  S.  Holland, 
he  transformed  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  from  a 
piece  of  ecclesiastical  lumber  into  the  great 
central  church  of  London.  As  a  preacher 
and  man  of  letters  he  was  famous,  and  his 
words  and  judgments  had  great  weight. 
He  remained  '  a  man  apart,  unique,  against 
whom  no  one  could  say  a  word.  Pure, 
reserved,  austere,  he  yet  won  the  praise  of 
the  world,'  and  he  was  described  by  an 
unbeliever  as  '  the  finest  flower  of  the 
Christian  character.'  His  last  act  in  St. 
Paul's  was  to  bury  his  colleague,  Dr.  Liddon. 
He  died  at  Dover  9th  December  1890,  and 
was  buried  at  Whatley.  [s.  L.  o.] 

M.  C.  Clmrch,  Life  and  Letters;  D.  C. 
Lathlniry,  Life  ;  H.  S.  Holland,  Personal 
Studies. 

CLARENDON,  Constitutions  of  (1164). 
This  name  was  given  to  the  document 
containing  the  customs  of  the  realm  in  regard 
to  the  relations  between  Church  and  State 
which  was  presented  to  a  council  held  at 
Clarendon,  Wilts,  13th-28th  January  1164. 
The  party  of  Becket  (q.v.)  said  that  the 
document  did  not  represent  the  law  or  custom 
of  the  realm,  but  had  been  drawn  up  in 
accordance  with  Henry  n.'s  wishes  by 
Richard  de  Luci  and  JoceUn  de  Balliol,  two 
of  his  lawyers.  Becket  only  signed  the 
customs  after  much  demur,  and  afterwards 
withdrew  his  assent,  and  suspended  himself 
from  the  exercise  of  his  ecclesiastical  functions 
till  he  should  have  been  absolved  by  the  Pope. 
But  the  document  claims  to  bear  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Archbishop  of  York  and  twelve 
bishops  in  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of 
barons.  The  first  clause  orders  that  suits 
concerning  church  patronage  shall  be  tried 
in  the  King's  not  the  church  court.  This 
was  objected  to  as  bringing  before  secular  men 
the  decision  of  matters  relating  to  the  cure 
of  souls,  contrary  to  the  edict  of  WiUiam  i. 
The  third  ordered  that  accused  clerks  should 
be  summoned  before  the  King's  court,  there 
plead  their  clergy,  be  tried  in  the  church 
court  (a  King's  officer  being  present),  and 
if  found  guilty,  sentenced,  after  degradation, 
to  a  layman's  punishment  in  a  lay  court. 
This  was  objected  to  as  bringing  clerks  before 
lay  judges  and  as  punishing  twice  for  one 
offence.  The  fourth  ordered  that  clergy 
should  not  leave  the  realm  without  the 
King's  assent  and  giving  sureties  :  objection, 
it  prevented  access  and  appeal  to  Rome. 
The  fifth  ordered  that  excommunicates  should 


(  118  ) 


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Dictionary  of  Englisli  Church  History 


ICnut 


not  give  pledge  to  obey  the  Church's  order  : 
objection,  the  State  interfered  in  a  purely 
spiritual  matter.     The  seventh  saitl  that  no 
tenant    in    chief    of    the    Crown    should    be 
excommunicated    without    the    consent    of 
the  King,  or   in   his  absence   the  justiciar  : 
objection  the  same.     The  eighth  ordered  that 
appeals  should  be  from  the  archdeacon's  to 
the  bishop's,  bishop's  to  archbishop's  court, 
and  then,  '  if  the  archbishop  should  fail  in 
doing  justice,'  the  case  should  be  sent  to  the 
King,  so  that  hy  his  order  the  archbishop 
should  conclude  the  case  without  its  going 
further:    objection,    similar    to    the    above, 
and  also  to  the  implied  check  on  appeals  to 
Rome.     The  ninth  ordered  that  trials  con- 
cerning property  in  which  clergy  were  con- 
cerned should  be  decided  by  jury  as  regards 
the  question  whether  the  property  were  of 
lay  or  ecclesiastical  tenure,   and  according 
to   that   decision  be  tried,  as   regards   the 
question  of  right,  in  the  lay  or  church  court. 
The  tenth  was  similar  in  point,  and  the  objec- 
tion to  it  was  the  same  as  to  the  fifth  and 
seventh.     The  twelfth  ordered  that  the  King 
should    have    aU    the    revenues    of    vacant 
prelacies,  and  that  elections  to  the  vacancies 
should  be  in  his  chapel :   objection,  the  order 
was  simoniacal  and  prevented  free  election 
to    bishoprics    and    abbeys.     The    fifteenth 
ordered  that  suits  concerning  debts  should 
be  heard  in  the  King's  court:     objection, 
debt  was  a  moral  offence,  and  should  fall 
under  the  moral  jurisdiction  of  the  Church. 
The  other  clauses  (2,  6,  11,  13,  14,  16)  were 
'  tolerated  '  eventually  by  the  Pope.     They 
embodied   points   in   the   relations   between 
Church  and  State  which  were  not  in  serious 
dispute.     But    one    of    them    forbade    the 
ordination   of   sons  of  viUeins  without  the 
lord's  consent,  and  this  (though  it  recognised 
a  principle  which  is  at  least  as  old  as  the 
fifth  century  and  the  '  Constitutions  of  the 
Apostles ' )  was  felt  by  some  to  limit  unduly 
the  freedom  of  man,  and  to  prevent  those 
serving  as  ministers  of  Christ  for  whom  Christ 
died.     The  Constitutions  remained  the  chief 
matter  of  dispute  between  King  and  arch- 
bishop  tiU    the    reconciliation    at  Freteval. 
[Becket.]     When   Henry  finally  submitted 
after  the  archbishop's  murder  he  gave  way 
on  every  point,  save  that  he  insisted  on  the 
trial  in  his  courts  of  archbishops,  bishops,  or 
any   other   clergy    caught   poaching    in    his 
forests.     Many    of    the    points    were    never 
settled  till  the  Reformation  ;    some  are  not 
settled  yet.     But  the  claim  of  Henry  that 
the  State  might  order  the  archbishop's  court 
to  rehear  a  case,  but  might  not  itself  give  the 
final  decision,  appears  to  be  the  true  con- 


stitutional principle,  though  in  the  nineteenth 
century  exceptions  to  it  were  recognised  by 
the  secular  courts.    [Courts.]     [w.  h.  h.] 

Stul.bs,   S.C.  ;   Pollock  and  Mailhuul,   Hist, 
of  Eng.  Ld.w;  W.  H.  llutton,  Thonuis  Bcckel . 

CNUT,    or   CANUTE   (c.  995-1035),  King 

of  England,  Denmark,  and  Norway,  was  a 
younger  son  of  Sweyn  Forkbeard,  King  of 
Denmark,   by  a  Polish  princess,   Gunhilda. 
He   accompanied   his   father   on   the    great 
expedition    of    1013    against    Aethelred    the 
Redeless   of   England.     Sweyn   died   in   the 
hour  of  victory  (3rd  February   1014),  and 
Cnut  was  proclaimed  King  of  England  by  the 
army,  while   his   elder  brother  Harold  was 
recognised    as    their    father's    successor    in 
Denmark.     Expelled    for    the    moment    by 
Aethelred,    Cnut    brought   a   new    army   to 
England  in  1015,  and  overran  most  of  the 
country.     On  the  death  of  Aethelred  (23rd 
April  1016)  the  Dane  was  acknowledged  as 
King    by    most    of    the    English    magnates. 
Eadmund     Ironside,     the     heroic     son     of 
Aethelred,  maintained  the  national  cause  for 
some  months  with  such  vigour  and  mihtary 
skill  that  Cnut  agreed  to  divide  the  kingdom 
with    him.     But    Eadmund    died    or    was 
murdered  in  November  1016  ;  and  from  that 
date  the  position  of  Cnut  was  secure,  though 
two  other  sons  of  Aethelred  were  living  in 
Normandy    under    the    protection    of    their 
uncle,   Duke  Richard.     Cnut  married  their 
mother  Emma,  the  sister  of  Richard,  thus 
averting  the  danger  of  Norman  intervention. 
The  first  acts  of  the  new  reign  were  designed 
to  conciliate  Enghsh  feeling.     Cnut  dismissed 
his  Scandinavian  host,  except  the  crews  of 
forty  ships,  whom  he  retained  as  his  huscarls 
or    bodyguard.      He    caused    the    witan    to 
re-enact  the  laws  of  Eadgar.     He  promoted 
some  Englishmen  to  high  offices ;    notably 
Aethelnoth,  to  whom  he  gave  the  see  of  Can- 
terbury;   Lifing,  whom  he  made  Abbot  of 
Tavistock    and    Bishop    of    Crediton,    and 
employed  as  a  confidential  minister ;    and 
Godwin,  to  whom  he  eventually  entrusted  the 
earldom  of  Wessex,     In  time  Cnut  became 
the  ruler  of  a  great  northern  empire.     He 
succeeded  Harold  in  Denmark  (1019) ;    he 
evicted  St.  Olaf  from  the  throne  of  Norway 
(1028) ;    and  extended  his  power  along  the 
south   shore    of    the    Baltic.     But    England 
remained  the  centre  of  his  power,  and  in  Eng- 
land he  showed  his  best  qualities  as  a  ruler. 
At  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  crushed 
his  real  or  supposed  enemies  with  brutal  vio- 
lence, temporised  with  the  heathenism  of  his 
Danish  followers,  and  was  regarded,  perhaps 
unjustly,  as  himself  a  heathen.     A  new  policy 


(119) 


Colenso 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


rColenso 


was,  however,  outlined  in  a  proclamation  to 
the  English  which  he  pubhshed  about  1020. 
The  King  states  in  this  document  that  he 
had  taken  to  heart  the  admonitions  which 
Archbishop  Lifing  of  Canterbury  had  brought 
to  him  from  the  Pope.  He  announces  his 
intention  of  governing  righteously ;  he  com- 
mands his  ealdormen  to  co-operate  with  the 
bisliops  in  punishing  offenders  against  the 
law  of  the  Church,  and  his  sheriffs  to  pay 
attention  to  the  advice  of  the  bishops  in 
doing  justice.  Such  enactments  signified  the 
revival  of  the  old  alliance  between  Churcli 
and  State.  Cnut  needed  the  help  of  the 
EngUsh  Church  both  in  ruling  England  and 
for  missionary  work  among  the  inhabitants 
of  Denmark ;  he  seems  to  have  treated 
Canterbury  as  the  ecclesiastical  metropolis  of 
his  wide  dominions.  This  policy  bore  re- 
markable fruits  in  Denmark  and  in  Norway. 
In  England  it  was  responsible  for  the  bene- 
factions which  Cnut  lavished  upon  such 
foundations  as  Bury  St.  Edmunds  and  the 
minster  church  at  Winchester.  He  also 
conferred  less  material  benefits  on  the  English 
Church.  In  1027,  when  visiting  Rome  in  the 
guise  of  a  pilgrim,  he  protested  against  the 
heavy  fees  which  English  archbishops  were 
required  to  pay  for  the  pallium  {q.v.)  ;  and 
he  obtained  safe-conducts  for  English  pilgrims 
travelling  to  Rome  through  the  lands  of 
Burgundy  and  the  Empire.  He  commanded 
his  officials  to  enforce  the  payment  of  tithes 
{q.v.)  and  other  ecclesiastical  dues.  He 
enforced  the  observance  of  Sunday  as  a  day 
of  rest  from  secular  business  and  amusements. 
He  ordained  that  the  clergy,  especially  those 
in  priests'  orders,  should  remain  celibate ; 
and  that  no  man  should  marry  within  the 
forbidden  degrees.  He  required  that  all  his 
subjects  in  England  should  learn  at  least  the 
Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  He  interdicted 
every  form  of  heathen  worship,  with  a  minute- 
ness of  detail  which  implies  that  heathenism 
was  still  rampant  among  the  Danish  im- 
migrants. He  commanded  that  sorcerers 
and  soothsayers  should  be  banished  or  put 
to  death.  He  is  naturally  praised  by  the 
chroniclers,  who  were  ecclesiastics.  But  his 
rule  appears  to  have  been  also  popular  with 
the  laity.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  vol.  i.  ;  J.  R. 
Green,  Conquest  of  England;  L.  Larson,  Canute 
the  Great. 

COLENSO,  John  William  (1814-83),  born  in 
Corn\\all  of  parents  in  humble  circumstances, 
obtained  a  Sizarship  at  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge,  where  he  was  Second  Wrangler 
in  1836,  and  was  elected  FeUow  of  his  col- 


lege in  1837  ;  was  mathematical  master  at 
Harrow,  1839-42 ;  returned  to  Cambridge 
as  Tutor  of  his  coUege,  1842-6;  and  was  Vicar 
of  Forncett  St.  Mary,  1846-53.  In  1853  he 
was  consecrated  first  Bishop  of  Natal,  taking 
the  oath  of  canonical  obedience  to  the  Bishop 
of  Capetown  as  metropolitan,  though  that 
dignity  was  not  yet  created.  Of  a  combative 
disposition,  he  incurred  grave  censure  for 
tolerating  polygamy  in  Kaffir  converts,  and 
maintaining  his  position  by  argument  with 
little  regard  for  tradition  or  authority.  In 
1861  he  pubhshed  a  Commentary  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  to  which  exception 
Avas  at  once  taken,  especially  on  account  of 
his  treatment  of  the  Atonement  and  the 
Sacraments.  This  was  followed  in  1862-3 
by  the  two  volumes  of  The  Pentateuch  and 
Book  of  Joshua  critically  examined,  a  work 
which  he  frankly  traced  back  to  questions  of 
detail,  especially  about  numbers,  addressed 
to  him  by  an  intelligent  Zulu.  Colenso 
attempted,  with  entirely  inadequate  equip- 
ment, to  solve  the  problems  which  have  since 
his  day  engaged  more  competent  scholars 
in  what  is  called  the  Higher  Criticism. 
Disciplinary  proceedings  were  taken  against 
him  by  the  metropolitan,  Robert  Gray  {q.v.). 
The  Enghsh  bishops,  urged  hy  Bishop  Gray 
to  condemn  the  Commentary,  were  unable  to 
agree  on  any  course  of  action,  but  when  the 
book  on  the  Pentateuch  appeared  they 
almost  unanimously  inhibited  Colenso,  then 
in  England,  from  jDreaching  in  their  dioceses. 
In  February  1863  forty-one  bishops,  Enghsh, 
Irish,  and  Colonial,  addressed  him  a  letter, 
drafted  by  Tait  {q.v.),  advising  him  to  resign 
his  see  on  the  ground  that  he  professed  him- 
self unable  in  conscience  to  use  the  baptismal 
and  ordination  services  as  in  the  Prayer  Book. 
'  We  will  not  abandon  the  hope,'  they  wrote, 
■  that  through  earnest  prayer  and  deeper  study 
of  God's  Word  j'ou  may,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  be  restored  to  a  state  of 
belief  in  which  you  may  be  able  with  a  clear 
conscience  again  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
your  sacred  office.'  In  May  the  bishops  of 
the  province  of  Canterbury  in  Convocation, 
Thirlwall  {q.v.)  alone  dissenting,  adopted 
resolutions  declaring  the  book  to  '  involve 
errors  of  the  most  dangerous  character,'  but 
declining  to  take  further  action  on  the  ground 
that  the  book  would  shortly  be  submitted 
to  the  judgment  of  an  ecclesiastical  court. 
Colenso's  case  became  doctrinaUji'  involved 
with  that  of  Essays  and  Revietvs  {q.v.),  and  his 
book  received  an  attention  exceeding  both 
its  merits  and  its  faults.  He  refused  to  re- 
sign, though  in  his  preface  he  had  intimated 
his  intention  of  doing  so.     Deposed  and  ex- 


(  120  ) 


Colet  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Ilislorij 


[Colet 


coinnninicatcd  by  the  South  African  bishops, 
he  obtained  more  than  one  judgment  from 
law  courts  evacuating  that  sentence  of  all 
legal  effect,  and  he  retained  possession  of  the 
endowments  of  the  see  and  of  other  property 
held  in  trust  for  the  Church  in  Natal.  At 
the  first  Lambeth  Conference  [Councils]  in 
1867  fifty-five  out  of  eighty  bishops  declared 
their  acceptance  of  the  judgiiu>nt  pronounced 
upon  him  '  as  being  spiritually  a  valid 
sentence.'  Visiting  England  again  in  1874, 
Colenso  was  once  more  inhibited  by  some  of 
the  bishops,  but  was  invited  to  preach  in 
Balliol  College  Chapel  and  at  Westminster 
Abbey.  He  died  still  excommunicate,  but 
left  an  honoured  name  for  his  efforts,  some- 
times more  earnest  than  wise,  on  belialf  of 
the  social  and  morah welfare  of  the  Zulus,  by 
whom  he  was  affectionately  known  as  Sobantu, 
'  Father  of  the  People.'  [t.  a.  l.] 

G.  W.  Cox,  Life. 

COLET,    John    (1466-1519),   Dean    of    St. 
Paul's,  born  in  London  in  1466  or  early  in 
1467,  was  the  son  of  Sir  Henry  Colet  of  the 
Mercers'   Company,   who,  after  being  twice 
Lord  Mayor,  purchased  a  pleasant  country 
house  at  Stepney,  and  died  there  in  1505, 
leaving  a  widow  who  had  borne  him  no  less 
than  eleven  sons  and  as  many  daughters. 
Of  these,  however,  John  was  ultimately  the 
sole  survivor.     He  had  been  sent  to  Oxford, 
where  he  graduated  M.A.  after  seven  years' 
study,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  Church. 
He  enlarged   his  mind    by  travel  in  Italy, 
where    he    first    met    Erasmus.     After    his 
return   he    was   ordained   (deacon    in    1497, 
priest  in  1498),  and  resided  in  Oxford,  where 
he  gave  Latin  lectures  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,    which    at    once    attracted    much 
attention.     His    mind    was    certainly   under 
the  influence  of  the  new  Platonism  of  Ficino 
and    Pico    della    Mirandola,    the    former    of 
whom  he  may  possibly  have  met  in  Italy  ; 
yet  there  was  something  very  English  in  his 
direct  study  of  St.  Paul  which  drew  doctors 
and  abbots  to  attend  his  lectures  with  note- 
books.     He  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  Abbot 
of    Winchcombe    (Richard    Kidderminster), 
gives  an  interesting  account  of  a  visit  paid 
him  by  one  of  his  hearers,  a  priest,  who  sought 
him  out  in  his  own  chamber,  inspired  by  a 
like  love  of  the  Apostle's  wTitings.     A  curious 
monument  of  his  efforts  to  interpret  Scrip- 
ture is  bound  up  with  his  MS.  exposition  of 
Romans    at    Corpus   Christi    College,    Cam- 
bridge.    This  is  a  set  of  letters  on  the  six 
days  of  Creation  in  Genesis,  written  in  answer 
to  a  student's  question — not  about  them,  bxit 


about  dark  places  in  Scripture  generally — 
the  firsl  dark  place  in  Scripture  being,  in 
his  friend's  opinion,  the  words  of  Lamech 
in  Gen.  4-'''  '-''.  Colet  considered  the  open- 
ing chapter  far  more  difficult,  and  confessed 
that  he  only  made,  in  his  ignorance  of  Hebrew, 
a  doubtful  attempt  at  a  solution,  liut  it  is 
clear  that  he  discarded  literalism  altogether; 
for  God,  he  considered,  created  all  things  at 
once  in  His  eternity,  and  the  language  about 
material  things  was  merely  adapted  to  the 
instruction  of  an  unlearned  people,  to  raise 
them  to  higher  views  of  God  and  His  worship. 
The  six  days  were  merely  a  poetical  arrange- 
ment of  edifying  matter. 

Colet  was   much   influenced   at   first,   like 
others  of  his  time,  by  the  writings  attributed 
to    Dionysius    the    Areopagite.     He    found 
matter  in  them  to  rebuke  corruptions  of  his 
own  day  in  a  book  which  he  wrote  on  the 
sacraments,   first  published  in   1867.     But, 
apparently   in   the   very   last   years   of    the 
fifteenth  century,  his  friend  Grocyn  became 
convinced     that     the     so-caUed     Dionysian 
writings,  though  old,  were  not  of  such  very 
high    antiquity,   and    Colet   speedily  agreed 
with  him  in  a  conclusion  which  is  now  uni- 
versally admitted.     In  this  matter,  as  about 
the  book  of  Genesis,  his  simple  honesty  in 
the  pursuit  of  truth  is  conspicuous.     And  it 
is  gratifying  to  find  that  it  was  no  impedi- 
ment to  his  receiving  the  degree  of  D.D., 
which  was  bestowed  upon  him  at  Oxford, 
unsought,  in  1504.     At  some  uncertain  date, 
but  scarcely  before  1500,  his  father's  influ- 
ence  had   procured   for   him,    among   other 
benefices,  the  vicarage  of  St.  Dunstan  and 
All  Saints,  Stepney.     There  was  a  rector  as 
well  as  a  vicar  here ;  and  it  was  not  the  profits 
of  the  living  that  attracted  Colet,  for  he  gave 
it  up  in  1505,  the  year  of  his  father's  death. 
His  mother.  Dame  Christian,  continued  to 
live  at  Stepney  not  only  after  her  husband's 
death,   but   after   her   son's,   fourteen   years 
later ;   and  Colet  himself  was  much  attached 
to  the  place,  as  shown  by  a  letter  addressed 
to  him  by  Sir  Thomas  More,  urging  him  to 
come  back  to  London,  notwithstanding  the 
attractions  of  smiling  fields  and  the  society 
of    simple    rustics    who    scarcely    needed    a 
physician  for  body  or  mind. 

In  May  1505,  some  months  before  resign- 
ing his  Stepney  vicarage,  he  was  made  Dean 
oi  St.  Paul's.  This  drew  him  back  to 
London,  where  he  from  that  time  seems 
to  have  given  his  chief  energies  to  preaching 
at  the  cathedral,  expounding  Holy  Writ  in  a 
way  that  drew  up  Lollards  from  long  dis- 
tances to  hear  him,  and  afforded  plausible 
ground  for  a  suspicion  of  Lollardy  against 


(  1--^1  ) 


Colet] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Collier 


himself.  But,  in  fact,  lie  was  a  staunch 
maintainer  of  old  church  principles,  and 
while  hating  abuses  and  contemptuous  of 
superstitions,  beheved  that  the  Church  her- 
self had  the  power  to  deal  with  these  things, 
if  all  her  excellent  laws  and  canons  were  but  j 
honestly  enforced.  There  was  some  appropri-  ' 
ateness  in  his  connection  with  a  cathedral 
dedicated  to  St.  Paul.  He  delivered  lectures 
there  himself,  and  invited  other  divines  to 
lecture  also  (among  them  the  Scotsman,  John 
Major  or  Mair),  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  He 
put  new  life  into  the  study  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  certainly  undervalued  that  of  the  School- 
men. He  reformed  the  statutes  of  the  Guild 
of  Jesus  in  1507,  and  was  evidently  planning 
from  the  first  the  foundation  of  his  cele- 
brated school  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard  for 
the  free  teaching  of  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  poor  men's  children,  under  the  super- 
vision of  his  father's  company,  the  Mercers, 
which  he  endowed  for  the  purpose  out  of  his 
father's  lands  '  to  the  value  of  £120  or  better,' 
as  Stowe  puts  it.  The  building  seems  to  have 
been  completed  in  1510.  He  framed  statutes 
for  the  school  on  the  18th  June  1518. 

It  did  not   escape  notice   that  this  new 
foundation  was  inspired  by  unconventional 
ideas,  being  placed  under  the  control  of  a 
lay  society;  and  Bishop  Fitzjames,  having 
doubts  about  the  teaching  and  some  things 
said  by  Colet  himself  against   images    and 
against  written  sermons,  cited  his  dean  before 
Archbishop  Warham  (q.v. )  for  heresy.  Warham 
dismissed  the  charge  ;    but  the  aged  bishop 
was  never  quite  satisfied  with  his  energetic 
dean,   who,   nevertheless,   was   so   far  from 
being  a  real  heretic  that  in  the  j^ear  1511  his 
name  is  included  by  John  Foxe  (q.v.)  in  a  Hst 
of '  persecutors  and  judges  '  of  heretics,  i.e.  of 
persons  who  conducted  their  trials.     On  the 
6th  February  1512,  when  the  Convocation  met 
at  St.  Paul's,  Colet  was  appointed  by  the 
archbishop  to  preach  the   opening    sermon, 
and   dehvered    a    most   eloquent   discourse, 
from    Ptomans    12-,  against    the    evil    con- 
ditions which  the  world  imposed  upon  the 
Church.     It    was    in    this    sermon    that    he 
insisted  that  the  Church's  aQments  were  the 
same  as  of  old,  and  no  new  laws  were  neces- 
sary to  counteract  them  if  old  ones  were  put 
in  force  ;   but  the  Church  must  not  be  '  con- 
formed to  this  world.'     It  is  to  be  feared, 
however,  that  the  four  dismes  granted  by  the 
clergy  in  this  Convocation,  ostensibly  for  the 
defence  of  the  Church  and  Realm  of  England, 
and  for  the  extirpation  of  heresies  and  schisms 
everyiA'here  (see  Seebohm,  p.  224  n.),  were 
mainly   used  for   the  war  with  France,  to 
which    Colet    was    greatly    opposed.      And, 


moreover,  being  called  on  to  preach  before 
the  King  on  Good  Friday,  1513,  he  de- 
nounced the  evils  of  war  in  a  way  that 
Henry  himself  thought  likely  to  discourage 
his  soldiers.  But,  having  called  the  preacher 
to  a  private  audience,  after  an  hour  and  a 
half's  famOiar  conversation  he  dismissed  him 
honourably,  desiring  him  merely  to  explain 
himscK  in  pubUc,  lest  it  should  seem  that  he 
considered  no  war  justifiable  to  a  Christian. 

Although  thus  supported  by  the  King 
against  insinuations  that  he  was  thwarting 
the  King's  policy,  he  was  still  harassed  by 
the  Bishop  of  London,  and  was  thinking  in 
1514  of  retiring  among  the  Carthusians  of 
Sheen  ;  wliich  it  would  seem  that  he  actually 
did,  apparently  building  a  house  for  him- 
self within  their  precincts.  About  this  time 
he  went  with  his  friend  Erasmus  to  Canter- 
bury, a  pilgrimage  of  which  the  Dutch 
scholar  gives  a  Hvely  account,  describing  his 
companion,  who  was  certainly  very  dis- 
respectful to  old  musty  relics,  by  the  name 
of  Gratianus  PuUus.  In  1518  Colet  was 
three  times  attacked  by  the  sweating  sick- 
ness, and  was  left  a  mere  wreck.  He  died 
on  the  16th  September  1519.  [J.  G.] 

Seebohm,  Oxford  Reformers  (2n(l  edit.,  1869). 

COLLIER,  Jeremy  (1650-1726),  Nonjuror, 
became  scholar  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge, 
1669;  graduated  B. A.,  1673;  M.A.,  1676;  was 
ordained  deacon  in  the  latter  year,  and  priest, 
1677.  1679  he  became  Rector  of  Ampton, 
Suffolk,  resigned,  1685,  and  went  to  five  in 
London,  where  he  was  made  chaplain  at 
Gray's  Inn.  He  refused  the  oaths  to 
WiUiam  and  Mary,  1689,  and  thus  became 
a  Nonjuror.  He  was  the  first  to  attack 
the  settlement  of  1689,  in  a  pamphlet  in 
answer  to  Burnet  [q.v.),  in  which  he  argued 
that  James  ii.  had  not  abdicated.  For  this 
he  was  imprisoned  six  months  in  Newgate, 
and  then  released  without  trial.  He  con- 
tinued to  write  brilliant  pamplilets,  but  in 
1692,  having  gone  to  Romney  Marsh,  he  was 
suspected  of  designing  communications  with 
King  James,  and  was  again  imprisoned.  No 
evidence  being  found  against  him,  he  was 
admitted  to  bail  and  released.  Fearing  lest 
by  giving  bail  he  recognised  the  existing 
!  government,  he  returned  to  prison,  but  was 
[  released  at  the  intercession  of  his  friends.  On 
j  the  3rd  April  1696  he  with  two  other  Non- 
juring  priests  publicly  at  the  scaffold 
absolved  Sir  John  Friend  and  Sir  William 
Parkyns,  condemned  for  plotting  to  assassin- 
1  ate  Wfiliam  rn.  Parkyns  was  a  penitent  of 
1    Collier,  and  having  made   his  confession  to 


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[Commissions 


him  had  desired  absohition  on  liis  last  day. 
The  primates  and  eleven  bishops  published 
a  strong  condemnation,  as  if  Collier  had  con- 
doned the  crime  for  which  the  accused  were 
executed,  and  they  laid  unnecessary  stress 
on  the  imposition  of  hands  which  accom- 
panied the  absolution.  Collier  avoided  arrest, 
and  was  outlawed,  but  later  returned  to 
ordinary  life  without  molestation. 

He  is  specially  famous  for  his  protest  j 
against  the  immorality  and  profancness  of 
the  English  stage,  1698.  Dryden  admitted  ! 
his  contention,  and  Vanbrugh  and  Congreve, 
after  a  contest,  acknowledged  their  defeat. 
Under  Anne  he  was  pressed  to  leave  the 
Nonjuring  body,  but  refused,  and  officiated 
regularly  at  the  Nonjurors'  Oratory  in  Broad 
Street,  London.  He  pubHshed  in  1708  the 
first  volume  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
Engkmd,  still  a  valuable  work,  being  '  honest 
and  impartial,'  and  based  on  original  authori-  • 
ties.  3rd  June  1713,  Ascension  Day,  he  was 
consecrated  bishop  (with  N.  Spin  ekes  and 
S.  Hawes)  in  Bishop  Hickes's  {q.v.)  Oratory  in 
Scroop's  Court,  Holborn,  by  Hickes  and  two 
Scots  bishops,  Campbell  and  Gadderar,  and 
on  Hickes's  death,  1715,  became  the  leader  of 
the  body.  His  primacy  was  marked  by  the 
unhappy  division  between  Usagers  and  Non- 
usagers  [Nonjurors],  Collier  being  the  leader 
of  the  Usager  party,  1717,  and  by  an  attempt 
at  reunion  with  the  Eastern  Church  [Re- 
union], which  lasted  1716-25.  In  the  for- 
mal documents,  1722,  Collier  signs  himself 
Primus  Anglo-Brilianiae  Episcopus.  Collier, 
who  wrote  some  forty-two  works,  has  by 
his  splendid  gifts  and  blameless  life  won  the 
praise  of  so  strong  an  opponent  as  Lord 
Macaulay,  who  says :  '  He  was  in  the  full 
force  of  the  words  a  good  man  ...  a  man 
of  eminent  abilities,  a  great  master  of 
sarcasm,  a  great  master  of  rhetoric'  He  is 
buried  in  St.  Pancras  Churchyard,  London. 

[s.  L,  o.] 

Life  by  Lathbury  prefixed  to  EccL  Hist.. 
vol.  ix.  ;' Overton,  The  Nonjurors:  Lathbury, 
Hist,  of  the  Nonjurors  ;  Dr.  Hunt  in  D.N.B. 

COMMISSIONS,  ROYAL,  are  bodies  ap- 
pointed by  the  Crown  either  ( 1 )  to  exercise  the 
Royal  Supremacy  {q.v.)  in  matters  of  admini- 
stration :  this  was  a  common  device  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  has  been  revived  in 
modern  times  (see  below) ;  or  (2)  to  inquire 
into  certain  specified  matters  in  order  that 
their  Reports,  which  possess  no  authority  of 
themselves,  may  serve  as  a  basis  for  legisla- 
tion. The  earliest  commission  of  this  kind 
was  that  appointed  in  1551  to  revise  the 
canon  law.    [Reformatio  Legum.] 


Comiaissiuns  to  revise  the  Prayer  Book  so  as 
to  make  it  acceptable  to  dissenters,  and  thus 
bring  about  reunion,  were  appointed  in  1661 
[Savoy  Conference]  and  1689,  when  ten 
bishops    and    twenty    other    divines    were 
bidden  (17th  September)  to  prepare  altera- 
tions of  the  liturgy  and  canons,  and  proposals 
for  the  reform  of  the  church  courts,  to  bo 
submitted  to  Convocation,   '  and  when   ap- 
proved  by  them  '   prcscmtod   to   the   Crown 
and  J'arliament,  '  tliat  if  it  shall  be  judged 
fitt  they  may  be  establisht  in  due  forme  of 
law.'     The  Commission  met  on  3rd  October, 
sat  eighteen  times,  and  with  the  aid  of  six 
sub-committees  produced  a  scheme  of  altera- 
tions in  the  Prayer  Book  by  18th  November. 
Nine  of  its  members  attended  few  or  no  meet- 
ings, and  these  were  the  '  most  rigid  '  against 
comprehension,  some  of  them  also  questioning 
the  validity  of  the  Commission.     Of  those 
who  remained  William  Beveridge  was  the 
most  active  in  resisting  changes  in  favour  of 
dissenters,  Burnet  {q.v.),  Tenison,  TUlotson 
{q.v.),  Stillingfleet  {q.v.),  and  Simon  Patrick 
{q.v.)  being  among  the  leaders  in  favour  of 
comprehension.     Among  the  chief  features  of 
the  scheme  presented  were  the  omission  of 
many  black-letter  saints  from  the  Calendar, 
of  the  apocryphal  Lessons,  and  of  the  mention 
of    absolution    in    the    Exhortation    in    the 
Communion    Service,    the    substitution    in 
many  places  of  '  Minister  '  for  '  Priest,'  and 
of  '  Lord's  Day '  for  '  Sunday '  ;  the  surplice, 
kneeling   at   communion,  and   the  cross   in 
baptism  were  to  be  optional ;    many  of  the 
collects  were  altered  and  lengthened.     These 
proposals  proved  distasteful  to  the  Lower 
House  of  Convocation,  and  nothing  came  of  the 
Commission.     [Common  Prayer,  Book  of.] 
Church  Building  Commissioners. — In  1711 
Parliament,   apparently  at  the   instance  of 
Convocation,   passed    the    Church    Building 
Act  (9  An.  c.  17,  commonly  cited  as  c.  22), 
allotting  the  proceeds  of  certain  coal  duties 
for  building  fifty  new  churches  in  or  near 
London,  and  empowered  the  Queen  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  carry  it  out,  which  was  done 
in  September  1711.     After  Anne's  death  the 
scheme    was    allowed    to    drop,    only    some 
fourteen   of   the   proposed   churches   having 
been    built.     In    1818    Parhament    (by    58 
Geo.  III.  c.  45)  set  apart  a  sum,  not  to  exceed 
£1,000,000,  for  new  churches,  and  again  em- 
powered   the    Crown    to    appoint    commis- 
sioners, who  existed  as  a  separate  body  tUl 
1856,  when    their   powers   and  duties  were 
vested   in   the   Ecclesiastical  Commissioners 
(19-20  Vic.  c.  55). 

The  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Commission,  1830, 
seems  to  have  been  due  as  much  to  Brougham's 


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[Commissions 


restless  love  of  reform,  and  ambition  to  in- 
crease the  dignity  and  autliority  of  his  office, 
as  to  the  inconveniences  caused  by  the 
cumbrous  system  of  Churcli  Courts  [q.v.) 
into  which  it  was  to  inquire.  It  was  ap- 
pointed, 28th  January  1830,  and  reappointed 
with  some  additional  members,  5th  Jidy. 
As  finally  constituted  it  comprised  sixteen 
members,  including  Archbishop  Howlcy  {q.v.) 
and  five  bishops.  On  12th  January  1831 
Brougham,  apparently  in  a  hurry  to  substitute 
the  Privy  Council  for  the  Court  of  Delegates, 
bade  the  Commission  report  at  once  on  the 
expediency  of  that  change  ;  and  on  the  25th 
it  presented  a  Special  Report,  assenting  to 
rather  than  recommending  the  proposal,  for 
the  witnesses  who  had  been  examined  were 
generally  doubtful  whether  the  change 
would  be  an  improvement.  The  General 
Report  (February  1832)  gave  an  exhaustive 
account  of  the  jurisdiction  and  procedure  of 
the  ecclesiastical  courts,  and  proposed  drastic 
reforms,  including  the  transference  of  the 
contentious  jurisdiction  of  the  diocesan  to  the 
provincial  courts,  and  the  introduction  into 
the  ecclesiastical  courts  of  oral  evidence  and 
trial  by  jury.  It  also  suggested  the  abolition 
of  the  provincial  courts  of  York,  so  that 
those  of  Canterbury  should  exercise  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  whole  kingdom.  But  the  main 
object  for  which  the  Commission  was  ap- 
pointed, the  aboUtion  of  the  Delegates,  had 
now  been  achieved,  and  less  attention  was 
paid  to  its  other  recommendations,  though 
some  of  them  were  incorporated  into  later 
Acts  dealing  with  the  church  courts. 

The  Ecclesiastical  Revenues  Commission. — 
The  revenues  of  the  Church  could  hardly 
escape  the  notice  of  the  reformers  of  that 
age.  Violent  attacks  were  made  on  the 
abuses  of  pluralities,  sinecures,  and  gross 
inequalities  of  income.  On  23rd  June  1832 
a  Commission  of  twenty-four,  including  the 
two  archbishops  and  several  bishops,  was 
appointed  to  inquire  into  Church  revenues 
and  patronage.  Its  Report  (16th  June  1835) 
consisted  mainly  of  tabular  statements, 
covering  more  than  a  thousand  pages,  and 
supplied  much  of  the  materials  for  the 
Reports  of 

The  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  which  was 
appointed,  4th  February  1835,  to  inquire  into 
the  distribution  of  episcopal  revenues  and 
duties,  to  consider  how  the  cathedral  and 
collegiate  churches  might  be  made  more 
efficient,  '  and  to  devise  the  best  means  of 
providing  for  the  cure  of  souls,  with  special 
reference  to  the  residence  of  the  clergy  in 
their  respective  benefices.'  'I'he  Commission 
consisted    of    the    two    archbishops,    three 


bishops,  and  seven  laymen,  including  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  to  whom  its  appointment  was 
chiefly  due.  Its  first  Report,  17th  March 
1835,  made  proposals  for  the  rearrangement 
of  dioceses  under  the  three  headings  of 
Territory,  Revenue,  and  Patronage.  The 
second,  4th  March  1836,  dealt  with  cathedral 
and  collegiate  bodies,  and  proposed  the 
restriction  of  non-residence  and  pluralities. 
The  third,  20th  May  1836,  proposed  further 
reconstitution  of  dioceses,  and  recommended 
that  Parliament  should  appoint  commissioners 
to  carry  out  the  rearrangements,  and  that 
the  Crown  should  be  empowered  to  give 
their  schemes  the  force  of  law  by  Order  in 
Council.  This  was  done  by  the  Established 
Church  Act,  1836  (6-7  Will.  iv.  c.  77),  which 
appointed  a  permanent  body  of  thirteen 
'  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  for  England  ' 
to  lay  schemes  before  the  Crown,  which  was 
empowered  to  confirm  them  by  Order  in 
Council.  The  original  Commissioners  were 
the  two  archbishops,  three  bishops,  five 
holders  of  great  offices  of  State,  and  three 
other  laymen.  All  the  Commissioners  must 
subscribe  a  declaration  of  membership  of 
the  Established  Church.  Later  Acts  have 
extended  the  membership  of  the  Commission, 
which  now  consists  of  the  Archbishops  of 
Canterbury  (chairman)  and  York,  the  bishops, 
nine  great  officers  of  state,  the  Deans  of 
Canterbury,  St.  Paul's,  and  Westminster, 
seven  lay  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
Crown  and  two  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  three  '  Church  Estates  Com- 
missioners '  appointed  under  an  Act  of  1850 
(13-14  Vic.  c.  94).  The  original  Commission 
submitted  its  fourth  Report,  24th  June  1836. 
It  recommended  the  reorganisation  of 
cathedral  chapters,  the  application  of  a  part 
of  their  revenues  to  other  ecclesiastical 
purposes,  and  the  suppression  of  a  number 
of  canonries.  The  Cathedrals  Act,  1840 
(3-4  Vic.  c.  113),  was  based  on  this 
Report.  A  fifth  Report  was  drafted  but 
not  presented.  Numerous  Acts  have  carried 
out  various  recommendations  of  the  Com- 
missioners, and  extended  their  powers  and 
duties,  which  may  now  be  summarised 
thus  :  to  prepare  schemes  (which  are  carried 
out  by  Order  in  Council)  for  the  rearrange- 
ment of  the  boundaries  of  existing  dioceses, 
archdeaconries,  rural  deaneries,  and  parishes, 
and  for  the  creation  of  new  ones  ;  to  hold  and 
administer  the  property  of  ecclesiastical 
persons  and  corporations,  or  to  superintend 
its  administration  by  its  holders,  and  to 
receive  and  administer  private  gifts  for 
ecclesiastical  purposes.  These  are  all 
functions   which   concern   the   material   side 


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of  tho  Church's  work,  with  whicli  the  State 
is  necessarily  concerned,  its  territorial  boun- 
daries and  temporal  property,  and  can  be 
carried  out  by  suitable  persons  appointed  by 
the  State  without  any  taint  of  Erastianism 
attaching  to  the  Church,  or  interference  with 
its  spiritual  character. 

The  Cathedrals  Commission,   1852. — After 
the  Act  of  1840  (above)  it  was  felt  that  while 
some   abuses   and   inequalities   in   cathedral 
chapters    had    been    reformed,   the   general 
result    had    been    to    reduce    their    dignity 
without  increasing  their  eflficiency,  and  on 
10th  November  1852  a  Commission  of  thirteen 
members,  including  Archbishops  Sumner  and 
Musgrave,  Bishops  Blomfield  [q.v. )  and  Wilber- 
force  {q.v.),  and  Dr.  Hook  (g.v.)  was  appointed, 
to  report  how  the  cathedral  and   collegiate 
churches    might    be    made    '  more    available 
for  promoting  the  high  and  holy  purposes 
for    which    they    were    founded.'     Its    first 
Report  (6th  April  1854)  is  a  statement,  based 
on    the    evidence   supplied    by   the    various 
chapters,  of  the  history  and  constitution  of 
the    cathedral    and    collegiate    bodies.     Its 
second  (16th  March  1855)  recommends  the 
erection  of  a  see  of  Cornwall,  to  be  fixed  at 
St.  Columb  Major,  the  rector  of  which  had 
made  a  liberal  offer  towards  its  endowment. 
In   its   third   Report   (10th  May    1855)   the 
Commission    returned    to    its    main  subject, 
and  submitted  a  plan  for  the  reorganisation 
of  the  constitution,  functions,  and  revenues 
of  chapters.     It  further  recommended  that  an 
enabling  Act  should  be  passed  to  provide  for 
the  creation  of  new  dioceses  as  required  and 
as  funds  became  available.      No   legislation 
followed  immediately  from  this  Commission. 
The     Clerical     Subscription     Commission, 
1864. — In  1863  Mr.  C.  Buxton  moved  in  the 
House  of  Commons  that  it  was  desirable  to 
relax    the    subscription    to    the    formularies 
required  of  the  clergy  by  the  Acts  of  Suprem- 
acy and  Uniformity  (q.v.)  and  other  statutes, 
and  by  the  Thirty-sixth  Canon,  alleging  that 
they  were  too  stringent,  and  debarred  many 
from  holy  orders.     A  Commission  of  twenty- 
seven  members,  including  eight  archbishops 
and  bishops,  was  appointed  (8th  February 
1864)  to  report  how  these  forms  might  be 
altered    and    simplified    while    still    securing 
conformity  with  the  doctrine  and  ritual  of  the 
Church.     On  9th  February  1865  it  presented 
a    unanimous    Report,   the   most  important 
recommendation  being  that  Declarations  of 
Assent  to  the  Prayer  Book  and  the  Articles  of 
Religion     and    against    Simony    should    be 
substituted  for  the  forms  hitherto  in  use.     On 
this  Report  Parliament  founded  the  Clerical 
Subscription  Act,  1865  (28-9  Vic.  c.  122),  and 


Convocation  amended  the  canons  U>  bring 
them  into  harmony  with  it.  The  result  was 
to  substitute  a  general  assent  to  the  doctrine 
of  th(!  formularies  for  a  particular  acceptance 
of  everything  contained  in  them. 

The  Ritual  Commission,  1867.  was  due  to 
the  rapid  growth  of  ceremonial  in  the  'sixties 
and  of  the  heated  controversy  to  which  it 
gave  rise.     Lord  Shaftesbury  desired  to  re- 
strain the  use  of  vestments  [q.v.)  by  statute, 
but  Lord  Derby's  government  considered  it 
advisable  to  inquire  into  the  subject  before 
legislating.     The  project  of  a   Royal  Com- 
mission was  supported  by  Gladstone  [q.v.), 
then  in  opposition,  and  by  S.  Wilberf orce  ((/.f. ), 
who   wished   to   check   Shaftesbury's   '  short 
and     easy     method     of     persecution.'     The 
Government  declined  to  limit  the  scope  of  the 
Commission  to  vestments   or   ornaments   as 
WUberforce  and  Archbishop  Longley  wished. 
It  was  appointed  (3rd  June)  to  inquire  into 
differences  of  practice  which  had  arisen  from 
varying  interpretations  of  the  rubrics,  with 
a  view  of  amending  them  so  as  to  secure 
uniformity   of   practice   in    matters   deemed 
essential,  and  to  report  upon  the  advisability 
of  revising  the  Table  of  Lessons.     Its  twenty- 
nine  members  included  Longley,  Archbishop 
Beresford  of  Ai-magh  (for  its  scope  extended 
to  the  Irish  Church,  not  yet  disestabhshed). 
Bishops    Tait    {q.v.),     Thirlwall    {q.v.),    and 
Wilberforce,    Dean    Stanley    {q.v.),    and    Sir 
R.    Phillimore    {q.v.).     Shaftesbury   declined 
to  serve  because  he  owned  that  he  could  not 
consider    the    subject    impartially,    and    he 
objected  to  the  inclusion  of  Wilberforce  as 
a  partisan  on  the  other  side.     Eight  of  the 
Commissioners,  including  Wilberforce,  Philli- 
more,  and   J.   G.   Hubbard,   founder  of   St. 
Alban's,  Holborn,  formed  themselves  into  a 
private  committee  to  guide  the  proceedings. 
They  seem  to  have  been  successful  in  making 
the   first   two   Reports   less   adverse   to   the 
'  ritualists  '  than  they  would  otherwise  have 
been.     The  first  Report  (19th  August)  was 
drafted  by  Hubbard  and  inspired  principally 
by  Wilberforce.     It  deals  solely  with  vest- 
ments, and  states  that  though  some  witnesses 
regard    these    as    important    none    consider 
them   essential,   while   they  give   offence   to 
many.     It    therefore    recommends    that    an 
easy    and    effective    method    of    restraining 
variations  from  established  usage  should  be 
provided.     What  this  w^as  to  be  was  revealed 
by   the    second    Report   (30th   April    1868). 
The  bishop,  or  on  appeal  the  archbishop,  was 
to      hear      complaints      from      responsible 
parishioners   aggrieved   by   departures   from 
established    usage,     and     to    enforce     their 
discontinuance  by  summary  process.     There 


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[Commissions 


was  to  be  an  appeal  to  the  Privy  Council 
on  points  of  law  only.  Wilberforce,  the 
leading  spirit  of  the  Commission,  and  nine 
other  members  dissented  wholly  or  in  part 
from  this  Report,  after  '  hot  fights  '  against 
its  '  tyranny  and  unfairness.'  Shaftesbury, 
demanding  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  legisla- 
tion should  follow  these  Reports,  declared 
that  '  the  very  fate  of  the  Church  of  England 
was  trembling  in  the  balance.'  Lord  Salis- 
bury deprecated  haste  and  excitement  upon 
so  serious  a  matter,  and  said  that  to  listen  to 
Shaftesbury's  '  tone  of  menace  '  they  might 
imagine  '  he  had  an  enormous  physical  force  in 
the  country  at  his  back- — a  Barebones  Parlia- 
ment sitting  in  the  other  House,  and  a  Puritan 
Jlinister  storming  at  their  Lordships'  Bar.' 

The  remainder  of  the  Commission's  history 
was  less  controversial.  In  January  1869  it 
was  reappointed  with  some  changes.  Its 
third  Report  (12th  January  1870)  presented 
a  revised  Table  of  Lessons,  based  on  the 
desirability  of  varying  and  shortening  many 
of  those  previously  in  use.  The  Lessons 
taken  from  the  Apocrypha  were  reduced  from 
one  hundred  and  thirty-two  to  forty-four. 
The  Ordinary  was  to  have  power  to  sanction 
the  substitution  of  other  Lessons  for  those 
appointed  These  proposals  were  considered 
and  approved  by  Convocation,  and  became 
statute  law  by  the  Prayer  Book  (Table  of 
Lessons)  Act,  1871  (34-5  Vic.  c.  37).  Mean- 
while, the  Commission  had  presented  its 
fourth  and  last  Report  (31st  August  1870), 
which  dealt  with  the  whole  of  the  rubrics  and 
recommended  a  number  of  alterations.  It 
left  the  Ornaments  Rubric  untouched,  but 
suggested  that  an  explanatory  note  be 
appended  to  the  Athanasian  Creed,  a  proposal 
which  raised  a  storm  of  controversy.  PhiUi- 
more  and  Lord  Carnarvon  withheld  their 
signatures  from  the  Report,  and  every  one  of 
the  other  Commissioners  dissented  from  it  on 
one  or  more  points.  No  fewer  than  seventeen 
qualified  their  assent  to  the  recommendation 
as  to  the  Athanasian  Creed,  most  of  these, 
including  Tait,  wishing  to  discontinue  its 
public  use.  From  such  inconchisive  and 
divided  counsels  little  practical  result  could 
be  expected.  Letters  of  Business  were 
issued  to  the  Convocations  to  consider  the 
revision  of  the  rubrics,  which  they  did  at 
great  length  but  without  practical  result. 
A  few  of  the  less  important  proposals  of  the 
fourth  Report  formed  the  basis  of  the  Act 
of  Uniformity  Amendment  Act,  1872  (35-6 
Vic.  c.  35).  The  failure  of  the  Commission 
to  solve  the  ritual  problem  made  legislation 
inevitable,  and  so  prepared  the  way  for  the 
Pubhc  Worship  Regulation  Act  {q.v.). 


The  Benefices  Commission,  1878,  was  the 
outcome  of  flagrant  abuses  of  church  patron- 
age. The  laws  against  simony  were  system- 
atically broken  or  evaded.  Livings  were 
'  publicly  advertised  and  privately  sold  '  by 
agents,  who  issued  periodical  catalogues 
under  such  names  as  The  Church  Preferment 
Gazette,  a  system,  said  Bishop  Magee  [q.v.), 
'  which  combines  the  worst  scandals  of 
pubhcity  with  the  worst  evils  of  privacy.' 
Chiefly  at  his  instance  a  Commission  of  twelve 
was  appointed,  1st  June  1878,  which  in  its 
Report  (14th  August  1879)  acknowledged 
the  existence  of  flagrant  abuses.  Its  chief 
recommendations,  based  on  the  principle 
that  patronage  is  a  trust  to  be  exercised  for 
the  spiritual  benefit  of  the  parishioners  rather 
than  a  mere  right  of  property,  were  that  the 
sale  of  advowsons  by  public  auction  and 
the  sale  of  next  presentations  should  be  for- 
bidden, and  restrictions  placed  on  secret 
trafficking  in  livings;  that  the  Declaration 
against  Simony  should  be  amended  ;  that 
the  bishop's  power  to  refuse  institution  to 
an  unfit  presentee  should  be  extended,  and 
some  opportunity  of  objecting  given  to 
parishioners ;  and  that  Donatives  [Peculiars] 
should  be  abolished.  The  subject  was  much 
discussed  in  Parliament,  but  without  practical 
result  till  1898,  when  an  Act  was  passed  in- 
corporating most  of  these  recommendations 
(Benefices  Act,  61-2  Vic.  c.  48). 

The  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Commission,  1881, 
had  a  very  different  task  from  that  of  its 
predecessor  of  1830.  The  quasi-ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  to  which  the  earlier  Commission 
gave  almost  exclusive  attention  had  been 
aboUshed.  The  church  courts  were  now 
confined  to  purely  ecclesiastical  matters. 
And  the  methods  by  which  they  dealt  with 
cases  of  doctrine  and  ritual,  which  in  1830 
were  almost  unknown  as  subjects  of  litigation, 
had  produced  more  than  one  serious  crisis. 
[CounTS,  Ritual  Cases.]  The  poUcy  of  pro- 
secutions had  broken  down,  and  the  Public 
Worship  Regulation  Act,  so  far  from 
strengthening  this  policy,  had  conspicuously 
failed  '  to  put  down  rituaUsm.'  The  '  ritual- 
ists '  had  repudiated  the  authority  of  the 
courts,  and  the  imprisonment  of  four  of  them 
had  produced  a  reaction  in  their  favour. 
At  this  point  Archbishop  Tait,  wearied  with 
ritual  disputes,  on  behalf  of  the  bishops  and 
of  Convocation,  formally  asked  the  Govern- 
ment to  appoint  a  Commission.  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, then  Prime  Minister,  and  Lord 
Chancellor  Selborne  willingly  agreed,  and  on 
16th  May  1881  the  Commission  was  appointed 
'  to  inquire  into  the  constitution  and  working 
of  the   Ecclesiastical  Courts   as   created   or 


(  126  ) 


Commissions] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Commissions 


modified  under  tlie  Reformation  Statutes  of    i 
the  24tli  and  25th  years  of  King  Henry  vin. 
and  any  subsequent  Acts.'     It  was  felt  that 
this  would  give  those  who  objected  to  the 
existing   courts    an   opportunity    of    stating 
their  case.     The  Commission  was  a  strong 
one     of     twenty-five     members,     including 
Archbishops    Tait    and    Thomson,     Bishop 
Benson  {q.v.)  of  Truro,  who  succeeded  Tait  as 
president  of  it  in  February  1883,  two  other 
bishops,  Lord  Chief  Justice  Coleridge,  Lord 
Penzance,   Sir  R.   Phillimore,   several  other 
lawyers,  and   two   eminent   historians,  Drs. 
Stubbs  iq.v.)  and  Freeman.    It  examined  fifty- 
six  witnesses,  and  the  minutes  of  evidence  con- 
tain much  that  is  still  of  interest  and  value. 
Besides  taking  oral  evidence,  it  published  a 
body  of  information  concerning  the  judicial 
procedure  of  other  Churches.     But  its  most 
notable  and  permanent  work  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Historical  Appendices  to  the  Report. 
Five  of  these  are  by  Dr.  Stubbs,  whom  Free- 
man called  '  the  hero  '  of  the  Commission. 
They   contain    some   of    his   most   valuable 
historical  work,  and  as  a  summary  of  the 
history  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  Eng- 
land,  its   true   nature   and   relation   to   the 
State,  are  not  likely  to  be  superseded.     The 
Report    (July    1883)    proposed  a    complete 
scheme  of  ecclesiastical  judicature,  consisting 
of    diocesan,    provincial,    and    final    courts. 
It  draws  a  distinction  between  cases  involving 
doctrine  or  ritual,  and  others,  such  as  prose- 
cutions for  misconduct,  which  may  be  tried 
by  the  Official  Principal.     Doctrinal  or  ritual 
suits  may  be  tried  by  the    bishop  or  arch- 
bishop  in   person  with   legal   and   theologi- 
cal assessors.     The  final  court  is  to  consist  of 
five  lay  judges  to  be  appointed  by  the  Crown, 
each  of  whom  is  to  make  a  declaration  that 
he  is  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England  as 
by  law  established.     Only  nine  commissioners 
signed    this    Report    without    qualification. 
Fourteen  expressed  dissent  on  various  points. 
Lord  Penzance  submitted  a  separate  Report. 
Convocation  objected  to  the  proposed  final 
court  and  no  legislation  followed.     The  most 
important  result  of  the  Commission,  apart 
from  the  historical  work  of  Dr.  Stubbs,  was 
that  both  evidence  and  Report  showed  the 
strength  of  the  case  against  the  Privy  Council 
and  Lord  Penzance's  court.     It  thus  helped 
to  justify  those  who  had  resisted  them,  and 
played  its  part  in  bringing  to  an  end  the  period 
of  ritual  prosecutions. 

The  Ecclesiasiicai  Discipline  Commission, 
1904,  was  the  result  of  an  agitation  carried  on 
with  vigour,  both  inside  and  outside  Parlia- 
ment, against  the  alleged  increase  of  cere- 
monial excesses.     To  satisfy  the  supporters 


of  this  movement  who  were  anxious  for  legis- 
lation, the  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  A.  J.  Balfour, 
appointed  a  Commission,  23rd  April   1904. 
It  comprised  Sir  M.  Hicks-Beach  (afterwards 
Lord  St.  Aldwyn)  as  chairman,  Archbishop 
Davidson   of   Canterbury,   Bishop   Paget  of 
Oxford,    Sir    Lewis    Dibdin,    Dean    of    the 
Arches,    and    ten    other    members.     It   was 
'  to  inquire  into  the  alleged  prevalence  of 
breaches  or  neglect  of  the  law  relating  to  the 
conduct  of  Divine  Service  in  the  Church  of 
England  and  to  the  ornaments  and  fittings 
of   churches ;    and  to  consider  the  existing 
powers   and   procedure    applicable    to     such 
irregularities.'     It    held    118    meetings,    ex- 
amined  164  witnesses,  and  the  minutes   of 
evidence    extend    to    23,638    questions    and 
answers,    many   of   considerable   length.     A 
feature  of  the  evidence  was  the  reports  sup- 
plied by  the  Church  Association  [Societies, 
Ecclesiastical]    and    others    on   over   550 
churches  where  illegal  ceremonial  was  alleged 
to  be  in  use  ;   and  more  would  have  followed 
had  not  the  Commission  intimated  that  suffi- 
cient evidence  of  this  class  had  been  given. 
The  witnesses  included  some  twenty  bishops 
and  a  number  of  authorities  on  liturgiology 
and    ecclesiastical    law    and    history.     The 
Report,  which  was  unanimous,  was  presented, 
21st  June  1906.     It  summarised  the  evidence 
on   illegal    ceremonial,    distinguishing   those 
breaches  of  the  law  which  appeared  to  the 
Commission  to  possess  doctrinal  significance. 
A    historical    survey    from    1840    followed, 
designed  to  show  how  the  present  disregard 
of  the  letter  of  the  law  arose.     The  Com- 
missioners arrived  at  two  main  conclusions  : 
( 1 )  '  the  law  of  public  worship  in  the  Church 
of  England  is  too  narrow  for  the  religious  life 
of  the  present  generation,'  and  the  Church 
possesses  no  sufficient  powers  to  adjust  its 
law  to  meet  the  changing  requirements  of 
various  ages  in  matters  of  ceremonial  and 
the  like ;    (2)  '  the  machinery  for  discipline 
has  broken  down.'     The  law  of  public  worship 
is  so  rigid  and  the  methods  of  applying  it  so 
unsuitable  that  it  cannot  be  enforced.     The 
Commissioners,  however,  believed  that   '  in 
the  large  majority  of  parishes  the  work  of 
the  Church  is   being   quietly  and  diligently 
performed '  in  loyalty  to  the  principles  of 
the    Prayer    Book.     The    recommendations 
may     thus     be     summarised.     Convocation 
should  prepare  a  new  Ornaments  Rubric  and 
a  general  revision  of  the  rubrics  with  a  view 
to  their  enactment  by  Parliament.     The  sys- 
tem of  courts  proposed  by  the  Commission 
of    1883    is   again   recommended,    with   the 
exception  that  questions  of  doctrine  or  ritual 
not  clearly  governed  by  '  documents  having 


(127) 


Common] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Common 


the  force  of  Acts  of  Parliament '  are  to  be 
referred  to  the  whole  bench  of  bishops,  whose 
decision  is  to  bind  the  final  court.  More 
power  to  regulate  ornaments  and  the  conduct 
of  divine  service  should  be  given  to  the 
bishops,  their  veto  should  be  abolished,  illegal 
practices  significant  of  doctrine  '  should  be 
promptly  made  to  cease,'  and  the  decisions 
of  the  courts  enforced  by  deprivation. 
Machinery  should  be  provided  for  the  creation 
of  new  dioceses.  In  consequence  of  this 
Report  Letters  of  Business  were  issued  to 
the  Convocations  on  10th  November  1906, 
bidding  them  report  upon  the  desirability 
and  form  of  a  new  Ornaments  Rubric,  and 
other  modifications  of  the  law  relating  to  the 
conduct  of  divine  service  and  the  ornaments 
of  churches.  [g.  c] 

The  principal  authorities  are  the  official 
proceedings  of  each  Commission  ;  those  of  1689 
were  reprinted  by  order  of  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1854.  See  also  for  it  Burnet's 
Hist,  of  His  Own  Time ;  for  the  nineteenth- 
century  Commissions,  Hansard,  Pari.  Debates, 
passim,  and  (since  its  revival)  Chronicle  of 
Convocation  ;  for  the  Ritual  Commission  see 
also  Life  of  Bishop  Wilherforce,  and  for  the 
Courts  Commission,  1881,  Hutton,  Memoir  of 
Bishop  Stubhs. 

COMMON  PRAYER,    Book   of.     At  the 

beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  with  two 
local  exceptions,  the  Roman  rite  prevailed 
throughout  the  Western  Church.  This  did 
not  mean  simple  uniformity  ;  dioceses  and 
religious  orders,  and  even  particular  churches, 
had  their  own  'uses,'  diverse  from  one 
another  in  respect  of  both  rite  and  ceremony, 
though  all  conforming  to  the  '  Roman  '  type. 
The  local  exceptions  were  the  diocese  of  Milan, 
w'here  the  '  Ambrosian,'  a  half-Romanised 
Gallican  rite,  was  in  use  ;  and  Spain,  where 
in  a  few  churches  the  old  Spanish  rite, 
commonly  called  the  '  Mozarabic,'  survived, 
and  was  reinvigorated  by  Cardinal  Ximenes 
by  the  publication  of  the  Missal  in  1500  and 
of  the  Breviary  in  1502.  But  there  were 
several  forces  making  for  liturgical  reform. 
(1)  The  Renaissance  :  the  fastidious  Ciceroni- 
anism  of  the  Italian  humanists  and  the 
Roman  court  was  shocked  by  the  latinity  of 
the  service-books,  and  Ferreri,  Bishop  of 
Guardia  Alferi,  was  commissioned  by  Leo  x. 
to  rewrite  the  hymns  and  to  reform  the 
Breviary.  The  hymns  were  rewritten  and 
published  ;  but  the  lireviary  never  saw  the 
light ;  and  the  whole  scheme  was  wrecked 
by  the  sack  of  Rome  in  1527  and  the  down- 
fall of  the  Immanism  of  the  Curia.  (2)  The 
longstanding  dissatisfaction  with  the  con- 
dition of  the  Breviary,  on  the  ground  of  the 
inadequate  recitation  of  the  Psalter  through 

(1 


the  multiplication  of  festivals  and  octaves, 
which  interrupted  the  course  by  the  constant 
repetition  of  the  festal  Psalms  ;  the  excessive 
shortening  of  the  lessons  from  Holy  Scripture, 
and  the  unedifying  character  of  the  lessons 
from  the  lives  of  saints ;  the  burdensome- 
ness  of  added  devotions  ;  and  so  on.  This 
dissatisfaction  resulted  in  two  reforms — 
by  commission  of  Clement  vn. — one  that 
of  Carafa,  afterwards  Paul  iv.,  of  which 
little  is  know'n  ;  the  otlior  that  of  Quignon. 
Cardinal  of  St.  Cross.  Quignon' s  Breviarinm 
Romanum  was  approved  by  Paul  in.  and 
published  in  1535 ;  but  it  was  so  drastic 
in  its  simplification  of  things  that  it  was 
immediately  condemned  by  the  Sorbonne, 
and  in  consequence  a  second  recension  was 
issued  in  1536,  in  which  some  old  features 
were  restored.  This  Breviary  was  in  wide- 
spread use  until  it  w^as  displaced  by  the 
reformed  Breviary  of  Pius  v.  (1568).  (3)  The 
Reformation,  which  everywhere,  along  with 
changes  in  other  respects,  implied  liturgical 
reform.  In  Germany  the  foundation  was 
laid  by  Luther,  for  the  Mass  in  his  Formula 
Missae  (1523)  and  Deutsche  M esse  (1526),  for 
baptism  in  Taufbuchlein  (1523,  1526),  for 
marriage  in  Trauhuchlein  (1534),  for  ordina- 
tion in  Ordinationis  Formula  (1537),  and  in  his 
Litany  (1529).  The  principles  here  involved 
were  embodied,  with  varying  divergence  in 
detail  from  the  traditional  rites,  in  tlie 
multitude  of  Kirchenordnungen,  in  which  the 
Lutheran  reformation  Avas  applied  to  the 
several  areas  in  which  it  was  accepted.  More 
drastic  and  revolutionary  changes  resulted 
from  Zwingli's  reforms  in  Zurich  and  Calvin's 
in  Geneva.  But  aU  these  reforms  agreed 
in  one  respect,  viz.  in  the  more  or  less  com- 
plete substitution  of  the  vernacular  for  Latin 
as  the  liturgical  language,  thus  relating  them- 
selves to  the  growing  sense  of  nationality, 
which  was  otherwise  operative  in  the  Refor- 
mation, and  may  perhaps  be  reckoned  as  a 
fourth,  if  subordinate,  force  making  for 
liturgical  reform.  But  there  was  reform 
apart  from  the  Reformation,  if  springing 
out  of  the  same  causes.  Such  moderate  and 
Catholic  reform  is  represented  by  the  Council 
of  Cologne,  1536,  and  that  of  Mainz  in  1549, 
both  of  which  enjoined  some  measure  of  Htur- 
gical  emendation,  and  urged  or  hinted  that  the 
people  should  be  instructed  in  the  meaning 
of  ceremonies,  providing  material  for  such 
instruction  in  the  Encheiridion  of  Cologne 
and  the  Institutio  of  Mainz,  and  perhaps  sug- 
gesting the  vernacular  instructions  inserted 
into  the  later  sixteenth-century  German 
Ritualia.  In  Cologne  a  few  years  later  the 
archbishop,  Hermann  von  Wied,  went  over 


2^ 


Common! 


JJictionanj  of  English  Church  Hiatury 


[Common 


to  Lutheranism,  and  endeavoured  to  enforce 
a  Lutheran  reformation,  regulated  by  the 
Einfaliigs  Bedenken,  1543  {Pia  delihenttio, 
1545;  Eng.  trans.,  ConsuUation,  1547),  the 
work  mainly  of  Bucer  {q.v.)  and  Melanchthon. 
This  was  resisted  by  the  chapter  of  Cologne, 
who  repUed  to  it  in  i\\e  Aniididagme  Coloniensc, 
1544,  a  moderate  Catholic  counter-statement 
and  defence.  Hermann's  attempt  failed, 
and  he  was  ultimately  excommunicated. 
Meanwhile,  as  part  of  the  revival  of  Greek 
letters,  the  principal  Greek  liturgies  had  been 
printed,  and  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
Western  scholars  and  divines.  Such  was  the 
general  situation  when  Uturgical  reform  began 
to  be  undertaken  in  England ;  and  most  of 
these  movements  and  measures  influenced  or 
found  their  parallel  in  the  English  move- 
ment. 

Some  beginnings  of  change  were  made  in 
Herury  vm.'s  reign,  (a)  It  was  proposed 
in  1542,  and  again  in  1543,  to  amend  the 
service-books  by  purging  them  of  unauthentic 
and  superstitious  tests ;  and  meanwhile  the 
Sainim  Breviary  was  enjoined  on  the  whole 
pro\'ince  of  Canterbury.  (&)  The  Te7i  Articles 
of  1536  included  an  exposition  of  the  nature 
of  ceremonies  and  of  the  meaning  of  several 
of  them  ;  and  tliis  exposition  was,  with  the 
rest  of  the  Ten  Articles,  incorporated  in  the 
Bishops'  Bock  of  1537  and  the  King's  Book 
of  1543,  catechisms  parallel  to  those  of 
Cologne  and  Mainz,  which  contributed  some- 
thing to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  A 
parallel  exposition  was  contained  in  the 
Thirteen  Articles  of  1538.  In  1540  certain 
bishops  were  commissioned  by  the  King  '  to 
separate  pious  from  impious  ceremonies  and 
to  teach  the  trae  use  of  them ' — a  commission 
which  resulted  in  the  so-called  Rationale  or 
Book  of  Ceremonies,  an  exposition  of  existing 
usages  influenced  by  the  Ten  Articles,  and  stfll 
more  by  the  Encheiridion  of  Cologne,  (c)  The 
Bible  [Bible,  English]  was  translated  into 
English,  and  the  several  translations  and 
revisions  issued  in  the  Great  Bible  of  1539 
and  1541,  which  became  the  Uturgical  text ; 
and  in  1543  it  was  required  that  this  Bible 
should  be  read  through  pubUcly  by  means 
of  a  lesson  to  be  added  to  Matins  and  Even- 
song on  all  holy  days,  [d)  In  view  of  the 
Scottish  and  French  wars  of  1544,  the  usual 
processions  of  general  intercession  were  en- 
joined to  be  used  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays, 
and  the  English  Litany,  the  work  of  Cranmer 
{q.v.),  was  issued  for  the  purpose  (27th  May). 
This  was  not  a  mere  htany,  but  a  '  rogation  ' 
or  'procession.'  It  consisted  of  the  Litany 
proper,  followed  by  a  procession-anthem,  the 
traditional  prayers  '  in  time  of  war  '  ('  From 


our  enemies,'  etc.),  and  concluded  by  the 
priest's  versicle  and  its  response,  and  a  series 
of  Collects.  Its  basis  is  the  Sarum  Litany 
and  Rogation  for  Rogation  Monday,  with 
the  omission  of  the  invocations  of  individual 
saints ;  modiflcations  in  detail  and  a  con- 
siderable number  of  suffrages  are  derived 
from  Luther's  Litany  of  1529,  and  some 
details,  including  the  '  Prayer  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom,'  from  the  Greek  Liturgy  of  Con- 
stantinople (ed.  1528) ;  while  some  elements 
are  new  or  derived  from  unknown  sources. 
Later  in  the  year  Cranmer  was  engaged  in 
an  attempt  to  translate  and  adapt  the  whole 
Sarum  Processional ;  but  the  attempt  failed, 
and  in  1545  a  royal  injunction  directed  the 
use  of  the  English  '  Procession '  and  '  none 
other '  on  all  Sundays  and  holy  days,  and 
thus  abolished  the  Processional, 

Edward  VI.  succeeded  on  28th  January  1547, 
and  further  changes  soon  followed.  In  1547 
and  1548  EngUsh  was  increasingly  used — 
first  at  CompUne  in  the  King's  chapel 
(11th  April  1547),  then  for  Epistle  and  Gospel 
in  High  Mass  (August),  and  for  the  Gloria, 
Credo,  and  Agnus  Dei  in  the  Mass  at  the 
opening  of  Parhament  (4th  November) ;  in 
I\Iay  1548  it  was  adopted  for  Mass  and  Divine 
Service  in  St.  Paul's  and  many  parish  churches 
in  London,  and  before  September  in  the 
royal  chapel.  The  Royal  Injunctions  (August 
1547)  besides  directing  the  use  of  English  in 
the  Epistle  and  Gospel  at  High  Mass,  and  a 
lesson  in  Enghsh  from  the  New  Testament  at 
Matins,  and  from  the  Old  Testament  at  Even- 
song, again  abrogated  aU  processions  except 
the  EngUsh  Litany,  requiring  this  to  be  sung 
before  High  Mass  kneeling  and  without  peram- 
bulation ;  and  prescribed  the  form  of  Bidding 
Prayer.  Early  in  1548  the  Council  forbade 
the  distinctive  ceremonies  of  Candlemas, 
Ash  Wednesday,  and  Palm  Sunday,  and  the 
veneration  of  the  cross  on  Good  Friday.  In 
December  1548  the  Convocation  of  CVnter- 
bury  approved  of  Communion  in  both  kinds, 
and  an  Act  was  passed  in  ParUament  in  the 
same  sense.  To  carry  this  measure  into 
effect,  a  company  of  bishops  and  divines 
compiled  The  Order  of  Communion,  which 
was  issued  by  royal  proclamation  on  8th 
March  1548.  This  Order  was  in  EngUsh, 
and  contained  (after  a  notice  of  Communion 
and  a  warning  to  prepare  for  it,  to  be  used  on 
some  day  preceding  that  of  the  Communion) 
an  exhortation  at  the  time  of  Communion 
and  the  invitation ;  a  general  confession, 
absolution,  and  comfortable  words ;  the 
prayer  We  do  not  presume ;  the  form  of  ad- 
ministration, and  The  peace  of  God.  This 
was  to  be  inserted  into  the  Latin  Mass  imme- 


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diately  after  the  Communion  of  the  priest. 
Part  of  the  confession,  three  of  the  '  comfort- 
able words,'  the  opening  of  the  absolution, 
and  the  added  '  which  was  given  for  thee,' 
'which  was  shed  for  thee'  in  the  adminis- 
tration, are  derived  from  Hermann's  Con- 
sullation ;  the  body  of  the  absolution  and 
of  the  words  of  administration  are  translated 
from  the  Latin  ;  the  We  do  not  presume  is  a 
compilation  from  the  New  Testament,  the 
Greek  liturgy  of  St.  BasU,  and  mediaeval 
commonplaces. 

First  Book  of  Edward  vi.,  1549. — In  the 
autumn  of  1548  it  was  made  known  that  the 
preparation  of  an  Enghsh  service-book  was 
already    in    hand.     '  Certain    bishops    and 
notable  learned  men,'   '  some  favouring  the 
old,  some  the  new  learning,'  were  assembled 
at  Windsor  and  then  at  Chertsey  for  the  settle- 
ment of  '  a  uniform  order  of  praj'er.'     It  is 
unknown   precisely   who   they   were.     It   is 
probable  that  much  of  the  book  was  alreadj'^ 
in  existence,  and  it  is  possible  that  it  had  been 
used  in  the  English  services  already  men- 
tioned.    Cranmer  had  long  been  busy.     As 
we  have  seen  above,  in  1544  he  had  experi- 
mented on  an  English  Processional,  and  in 
the  following  years  he  composed  two  experi- 
mental schemes  for  a  reformed  Breviary.     In 
any  case  some  part  of  the  new  book,  and  in 
particular  the  Canon  of  the  Mass,  was  ready 
apparently  in   October,   and  was  discussed 
and   signed,   with   reservations,    by   aU   the 
bishops  but  one ;    and  the  whole  book  was 
ready  by  the  middle  of  December.     It  was 
read  to  the  Commons  on  19th  December ;  and 
the  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.)  enforcing  it  was 
passed  in  the  Lords  on  15th  January,  in  the 
Commons  on  21st  January,  and  received  the 
royal  assent  on  14th  March.     The  records  of 
Convocation  for  these  years  have  perished, 
and  there  is  some  conflict  of  evidence  as  to 
whether  the  book  received  the  consent  of 
Convocation,  but  it  is  more  probable  that 
it  did  not.     The  '  First  Book  of  Edward  vi.' 
was  quite  new  in  two  respects :   first,  that  it 
was  whoUy  in  English ;  and  secondly,  that  it 
combined  in  a  single  volume  the  '  Common 
Prayer '  which  had  hitherto  been  contained 
in  separate  volumes,  the  Breviary,  the  Pro- 
cessional, and  the  Missal,  and  the  '  other  rites 
and    ceremonies   of    the  Church,'   contained 
in  the  Manual  and  part  of  the  Pontifical, 
'  according    to    the    use   of    the   Church   of 
England,'  which  thus  becomes  one  and  the 
same  everywhere.     The  basis  of  the  whole 
is  the  Roman  rite  according  to  the  Sarum 
use ;    but  it  includes  contributions  from  the 
Greek  rite  of  Constantinople,  from  the  Moz- 
arabic  rite,  and  from   the  Lutheran,  while 


avoiding    distinctively    Lutheran    doctrine. 
The  Preface  on  the  Divine  Service  is  largely 
derived  from  Quignon's  Breviary;  the  rules 
as  to  the  recitation  of  the  Psalter  and  the 
reading  of  Holy  Scripture  are  from  Cranmer's 
second  experimental  Breviary  scheme ;   the 
Calendar   is  considerably  simplified,    chiefly 
by  omission  of  aU  names  except  those  derived 
from  the  New  Testament ;   Divine  Service  is 
reduced   to   Matins    (combining   features   of 
the  old  Matins,  Lauds,  and  Prime)  and  Even- 
song   (simflarly   derived   from   Vespers   and 
Compline),  and  in  general  structure  follows 
Lutheran  models ;  the  Litany  is  that  of  1544, 
with  the  omission  of  aU  invocation  of  saints 
and  the  reduction  of  the  collects ;    the  Mass 
reproduces  the  structure  and  much  of    the 
content  of  the  Roman,  the  admirable  para- 
phrase of  the  canon  (affected  considerably 
by    the    Aniiclidagma    of    Cologne),    making 
exphcit  the  commemorative  character  of  the 
act,  and  including  an  invocation  of  '  the  Word 
and  Holy  Spirit '  (from   the   liturgy  of  St. 
Basil)    before    the    Institution,    and    incor- 
porates the  Order  of  Communion  of  1548 ;  the 
orders  of  Baptism  are  largely  affected  by  the 
Consultation  of  Hermann,  and  in  the  con- 
secration of  the  font  by  the  Mozarabic  rite ; 
the  order  of  Confirmation  includes  a  short 
catechism  on  the  Creed,  the  Decalogue,  and 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  abolishes  the  use  of  chrism, 
and  borrows  a  prayer  from  Hermann  ;    the 
order   of   Matrimony   almost   wholly   repro- 
duces the  traditional  use,  but  introduces  a 
new  feature,  the  declaration  of  the  marriage, 
from  Hermann ;    the  Visitation  of  the  Sick 
closely    foUows    the    old    order,    with    some 
simplification,  but  Extreme  Unction  is  re- 
duced to  its  simplest  essentials,  and  the  Com- 
mendation of   the  djdng  is  whoUy  omitted ; 
the  Burial  of  the  Dead  is  a  masterly  condensa- 
tion of  the  old  rite,  bringing  out  its  essential 
structure   as   an   Office  of   the  Dead  (three 
psahns,  lesson,  Lord's   Prayer,  preces,   and 
coUect),  a  procession,  the  committal  of  the 
body  (affected  by  Hermann),  and  a  Mass  ; 
the   Purification    of    Women    is    practicaUy 
unchanged;     the   rite   for   Ash   Wednesday 
follows  the  old  rite  but  substitutes  the  com- 
minations  and  the  penitential  homily  for  the 
imposition  of  ashes  ;  and  the  book  ends  with 
a  long  note,  '  Of  Ceremonies,'  in  the  sense  of 
the  Thirteen  Articles  of  1538,  and  '  Certajme 
Notes '    on    vestments,  gestures,  and   other 
points.     The    book  was   variously  received  : 
some  accepted  it  eagerly  and  anticipated  the 
date    prescribed    for    its    adoption ;     others 
accepted  it  grudgingly  and   adapted  it   as 
far  as  possible  to  the  traditional  usage  ;  while 
the  rebels  in  the  West  put  the  abohtion  of 


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all  iiiat  it  involved  in  tlie  forefront  of  their 
demands. 

No  provision  was  inadc  in  the  book  for 
any  pontifical  office  except  Confirmation. 
On  31st  January  1550  an  Act  was  passed 
empowering  the  Iving  to  appoint  six  pre- 
lates and  six  other  learned  men  to  draw  up 
forms  of  Ordination,  and  on  2nd  February 
an  Order  of  Council  appointed  the  commis- 
sioners, whose  names  are  unknown.  The 
forms  had  obviously  been  already  compiled, 
for  the  work  of  the  commission  was  com- 
pleted before  8th  February,  and  The  forme 
and  maner  of  makyng  and  consecratyng 
of  Archebisshoppes,  BissJioppes,  Priestes  and 
Deacons  was  published  at  the  beginning 
of  March.  Though  the  Act  had  mentioned 
'  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  and  other 
ministers,'  the  new  book  provided  only 
for  the  three  orders,  thus  abolishing  the 
sub-diaconate  and  the  minor  orders.  In 
structure  the  new  forms  followed  the  tradi- 
tional scheme,  with  slight  changes  in  order  ; 
but  in  two  ways  the  scheme  was  simplified, 
viz.  first,  by  the  omission  of  the  vestings 
and  of  the  tinctions  of  priests  and  bishops  ; 
and  secondly,  the  act  of  ordination  was 
unified  in  contrast  -with  the  duplication  in 
the  Latin  rite  resulting  from  the  combination 
of  GaUican  with  Roman  forms.  On  the  other 
hand,  certain  additions  were  made,  viz.  the 
Oath  of  the  Bang's  Supremacy  is  required  ; 
the  element  of  instruction  is  greatly  en- 
larged, particularly  in  the  long  exhortation  of 
priests;  and  deacons  and  priests  are  publicly 
examined,  which  hitherto  had  only  been  done 
in  the  case  of  bishops.  As  to  the  content 
of  the  scheme,  a  large  part  of  the  matter, 
especially  in  the  ordination  of  priests,  is 
derived  from  Bucer's  De  ordinatione  legititiia, 
and  particularly  the  introits,  most  of  the  selec- 
tion of  lessons,  the  long  exhortation,  most 
of  the  examination  of  deacons  and  priests 
and  part  of  that  of  bishops,  and  the  central 
prayer  for  priests  and  the  address  of  that 
for  bishops ;  the  Litany  is  that  of  the  book 
of  1549  ;  the  rest  is  either  new,  or  translation, 
paraphrase  or  modification  of  Latin  matter. 
A  characteristic  of  the  whole  work  is  its 
strong  emphasis  on  the  ministry  of  the  word. 

Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  vi., 
1552. — The  First  Book  was  not  a  final  mea- 
sure, and  was  perhaps  never  intended  to  be  so 
by  its  chief  promoters.  In  the  three  years 
following  its  publication  a  new  and  extreme 
t^'pe  of  reformer,  inspired  from  Switzerland, 
was  gaining  influence ;  the  moderating  in- 
fluence of  Somerset  was  withdrawn  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  violence  of  Warwick  ;  the 
bishops  of  the  old  learning  were  mostly  eUmi- 


nated  ;  Ridley  {q.v.)  was  carrying  things  with 
a  high  hand  in  ordering,  spite  of  the  rubrics 
of  the  Prayer  Book,  the  destruction  of  altars 
in  the  diocese  of  London,  and  liis  cue  was 
followed  by  the  Council,  which  ordered  the 
destruction  of  them  everywhere  ;  and  two  of 
the  foreign  divines  who  had  come  to  England, 
P.  Martyr  and  Bucer,  wrote  criticisms  of 
the  book,  Bucer's  Censura  being  a  long 
review  of  it  in  detail.  In  the  end  the  book 
was  drastically  revised.  Now  again  nothing 
is  known  of  the  details  of  the  process,  except 
that  it  was  effected  by  Cranmer,  Ridley, 
and  '  a  great  many  bishops  and  other  the 
best  learned  within  the  realm  and  appointed 
for  that  purpose.'  The  second  Act  of  Uni- 
formity, enforcing  the  new  book,  was  Anally 
passed  in  Parliament  on  14th  April  1552, 
to  come  into  operation  on  1st  November. 
Convocation  had  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
In  consequence  of  a  violent  sermon  of  Knox's 
against  kneeling  at  Communion,  the  Council 
suspended  the  printing  of  the  book  (27th 
September)  and  required  Cranmer  to  re- 
consider the  question  of  kneeling.  Cranmer 
protested,  but  on  27th  October  the  Council 
ordered  the  declaration  on  kneeUng  (the 
'Black  Rubric ')  '  to  be  joined  unto  the  book.' 
In  this  revision  the  principal  changes  were 
that  the  sermon  'Dearly  beloved  brethren,' 
with  its  text,  and  a  general  confession  and 
absolution,  were  prefixed  to  Matins  and 
Evensong,  and  psalms  alternative  to  Bene- 
dictus,  Magnificat,  and  Nunc  dimiitis  were 
added  ;  the  second  Masses  of  Christmas  and 
Easter,  and  that  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  were 
deleted,  the  introits  and  '  post-communions  ' 
were  abolished,  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  was  put 
after  the  communion,  the  K^jrie  was  farsed 
with  the  decalogue,  the  canon  and  com- 
munion were  broken  up,  the  intercession  being 
attached  to  the  offertory,  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  oblation  put  after  the  com- 
munion, the  confession,  absolution,  and  com- 
fortable words  before  the  preface,  and  We  do 
not  presume  after  the  preface  and  sanctus,  and 
a  new  and  unscriptural  form  of  administration 
was  substituted  for  the  traditional  form  ;  in 
Baptism  the  exorcism,  the  white  vesture,  and 
the  imction  were  removed,  the  cross  sliifted 
to  follow  the  baptism,  and  a  thanksgiving 
was  added ;  the  cross  was  omitted  at  Con- 
firmation ;  Extreme  Unction  and  reservation 
were  ignored ;  the  psalms  were  omitted  in 
the  Visitation  of  the  Sick  and  in  Burial, 
and  prayers  and  the  ]\lass  for  the  departed 
omitted ;  in  the  Ordinations,  wliich  were  now 
made  part  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
though  still  with  a  s.iparate  title-page,  the 
introits    and    the    delivery    of    chalice    and 


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paten  to  priests  and  of  the  crozier  to  bishops 
were  abolished.  As  to  the  origins  of  these 
changes,  other  than  tlie  drifting  of  the  minds 
of  those  -ttho  were  concerned  in  them,  two 
can  be  indicated :  the  Censura  of  Bucer, 
many  of  the  suggestions  of  which  were 
adopted,  and  the  perverse  desire  to  cut  the 
ground  from  under  some  passages  of  iStephen 
Gardiner's  (q.v.)  treatise  on  the  iSacrament 
of  the  Altar  (1551)  in  reply  to  Cranmer's 
book  on  the  same  subject  (1549),  in  which 
Gardiner  had  argued  that  the  Mass  of  1549 
was  consistent  with  the  tracUtional  doctrine. 
In  England  this  book  was  in  use  for  less 
than  a  year. 

Third  Prayer  Book  of  1559. — On  the 
accession  of  Mary  (10th  July  1553)  the  Enghsh 
book  continued  in  use  for  some  months 
alongside  of  a  partial  restoration  of  the 
Latin ;  but  late  in  the  je&T  the  first  Act 
of  Repeal  abohshed  the  Act  of  UniEormit}-, 
and  restored,  on  and  after  20th  December, 
the  liturgical  situation  of  the  last  year  of 
Henry  vui.  {i.e.  the  Latin  rite  with  the 
English  Litany),  and  forbade  aU  other  use. 
For  the  rest  of  the  reign  such  history  as  there 
is  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  shifts  to 
Frankfort,  where  one  party  of  the  Enghsh 
exiles  fought  successfully  for  the  use  of  the 
Second  Praj-er  Book  as  against  a  Swiss  t}^e 
of  service,  p\LiRiAN  Exiles.]  On  the  acces- 
sion of  Ehzabeth  (17th  November  1558)  no 
change  was  made  for  some  time,  except  that 
the  English  Litany,  which  had  obviously 
fallen  into  disuse  in  Mary's  reign,  was  restored 
in  the  royal  chapel,  and  a  proclamation 
(27th  December)  allowed  the  use  of  Enghsh 
in  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  Creed,  the  Decalogue, 
and  for  the  Epistle  and  Gospel,  besides  the 
Litany.  Meanwhile,  in  view  of  the  meeting 
of  Parhament  in  Januarj-,  negotiations  and 
deliberations  were  in  progress,  of  which  the 
history  is  obscure.  There  appears  to  be  no 
certain  evidence  that,  as  has  been  often 
asserted,  it  was  seriously  contemplated 
to  restore  the  book  of  1549;  in  any 
case,  it  was  the  book  of  1552  with  three 
specified  changes  that  was,  in  fact,  enjoined 
by  the  third  Act  of  Uniformity,  which  was 
passed  early  in  1559.  These  changes  were,  the 
provision  of  proper  first  lessons  for  all  Sun- 
days, the  omission  of  the  petition  against  the 
Pope  in  the  Litany,  and  the  addition  of  the 
words  of  administration  of  the  communion  of 
1549  before  those  of  1552.  But,  in  fact,  other 
changes  were  made,  notably  the  insertion  of 
the  '  Ornaments  Rubric  '  (q.v.).  The  Injunc- 
tions of  1559  ordered  and  regulated  the 
Rogation-tide  processions,  enjoined  the  use 
of  wafer-bread,  prescribed  the  use  of  Plain- 


song,  while  allowing  a  hymn  in  figured  music 
before  or  after  service,  and  provided  a  new 
and  enlarged  form  of  Bidding  Prayer.  In 
1561  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  were 
directed  by  the  Crown  to  revise  the  Calendar 
and  the  Table  of  Lessons ;  very  httle  change 
was  made  in  the  Lessons,  but  a  number  of 
names  were  added  to  the  Calendar.  Nothing 
more  need  be  related  for  this  reign  except 
that  a  number  of  small  verbal  changes  were 
made  in  the  text,  apparently  without 
authority,  and  that  the  Puritan  party 
formulated  their  objections  to  the  book. 

FoiTRTH  Prayer  Book  of  1604. — On  the 
accession  of  James  I.  (24th  March  1603)  the 
Puritan  party  presented/ April)  the  '  Millenary 
Petition,'  in  which  they  set  forth  their 
grievances  generaUy  and  in  particular  as 
against  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  In 
consequence  the  Hampton  Court  Conference 
(g.v.)  was  summoned,  and  met  14th,  16th,  18th 
January  1604.  The  result  was  that  a  number 
of  changes  were  made,  ostensibly  by  way  of 
'explanation,'  most  of  them  of  no  importance, 
a  few  of  them  more  notable,  especially  the 
requirement  of  a  '  lawful  minister '  for  the 
administration  of  private  baptism,  and  the 
addition  to  the  Catechism  of  a  section  on  the 
Sacraments,  mostly  derived  from  A.  Nowell's 
short  catechism,  Christianae  jnetatis  prima 
instilutio  (1570).  These  changes  were  rati- 
fied by  Convocation  in  the  eightieth  canon  of 
1604.  During  the  rest  of  the  reign  of  James  i. 
and  during  that  of  Charles  i.  the  introduction 
of  unauthorised  verbal  changes  continued. 

In  1637  was  issued  the — for  the  moment 
ill-fated— Scottish  Prayer  Book,  which  only 
concerns  us  in  so  far  as  it  influenced  in  some 
details  the  last  revision  of  the  Enghsh  book. 
On  1st  March  1641  the  Lords  appointed  a 
committee  '  to  take  into  consideration  all 
innovations  in  the  Church  respecting  religion ' ; 
and  a  sub-committee  drew  up  a  paper  recom- 
mending the  consideration  of  the  current 
Puritan  objections  and  of  other  points ; 
but  nothing  came  of  this.  On  13th  January 
1645  Parhament  abohshed  the  Prayer  Book 
and  substituted  the  Directory,  and  on  23rd 
August  they  made  the  use  of  the  Prayer  Book 
in  pubhc  or  in  private  punishable  with  fine 
and  imprisonment.  For  the  next  fifteen 
years  the  book  was  in  abeyance.  But 
equivalent  forms  were  tolerated  so  long  as 
they  were  not  formally  identical  with  those 
of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  Accordingly 
Jeremy  Taylor  and  Sanderson  drew  up  forms, 
which  had  some  influence  on  the  subsequent 
revision ;  and  Sanderson,  as  a  casuist,  had 
occasion  to  justify  his  procedure  as  against 
the  scruples  of  those  ecclesiastics  who  felt 


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themselves  bound  by  the  Act  of  Unifor- 
mity {Nine  cases  of  Conscience,  1685, 
p.  157). 

Fifth  Prayer  Book  of  1662. — At  the 
Restoration  the  Puritan  divines  again  pre- 
sented their  grievances,  and  Charles  ii. 
summoned  the  Savoy  Conference,  which  sat 
from  time  to  time  from  15th  August  to 
24  th  July  1661,  with  the  result  that  a  few 
unimportant  concessions  were  made  to  the 
Puritans.  [Savoy  Conference.]  Mean- 
while a  serious  revision  had  been  undertaken 
by  the  bishops  in  Convocation,  and  it  made 
such  progress  that  when  on  2Lst  November  a 
King's  letter  directed  a  revision,  and  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  for  the  purpose,  the 
committee  at  once  reported  that  the  proposals 
were  ready  for  the  consideration  of  the  House ; 
and  after  discussion  and  amendment  the 
revised  book  was  signed  by  the  members  of 
both  Houses  of  both  Convocations,  and  the 
fourth  Act  of  Uniformity,  with  the  revised 
and  signed  book  (the  '  Book  Annexed ') 
attached  to  it,  received  the  royal  assent  on 
19th  May  1662.  The  work  of  the  revision 
was  carefully  done,  and  most  of  its  about 
six  hundred  changes  were  improvements. 
In  some  respects  the  text  marks  a  return  to 
1549 ;  and  the  revision  was  affected  by 
Cosin'a  Private  Devotions  (1627),  by  the 
Scottish  book  of  1637,  and  notably  by 
Cosin's  Particulars  to  be  Considered  (Works, 
V.  502),  and  still  more  by  a  paper  drawn  up 
by  M.  Wren  {q.v.)  in  1660  (Jacobson,  Frag- 
menlary  Illustrations).  In  some  minor  points 
suggestions  of  the  Lords'  Committee  of  1641 
and  of  the  Puritan  divines  at  the  Savoy 
Conference  were  adopted,  but  no  serious 
concessions  were  made  in  this  direction.  The 
changes  made  are  mostly  small  ones,  by  way 
of  improving  the  sense  or  the  language,  or 
by  way  of  explanation,  or  to  make  directions 
more  explicit ;  a  new  office  for  the  Baptism  of 
those  of  Riper  Years,  and  the  Forms  of  Prayer 
to  be  Used  at  Sea,  are  provided,  and  offices 
for  .30th  January,  29th  May,  and  5th  Novem- 
ber are  directed  to  be  added,  but  did  not,  in 
fact,  appear  in  the  printed  book  ;  by  way  of 
minor  additions,  the  five  prayers  after  Matins 
and  Evensong  are  added,  after  the  Scottish 
book  of  1637  ;  further  occasional  prayers 
and  a  general  thanksgiving  are  provided  ;  in 
the  Order  of  Holy  Communion,  collect,  etc., 
are  provided  for  a  sixth  Sunday  after  Epi- 
phany, the  placing  of  the  elements  on  the 
altar  at  the  offertory,  a  commemoration  of  the 
departed  in  the  prayer  for  the  Church,  and 
the  manual  acts  at  consecration,  are  restored, 
and  the  '  Black  Rubric '  with  modifications  is 
again  inserted  ;  in  Baptism  the  consecration 


of  the  water  is  restored  ;  the  renewal  of 
baptismal  vows  is  prefixed  to  Confirmation  ; 
special  prayers  are  added  to  the  Visitation  of 
the  Sick ;  psalms  are  restored  to  the  Order  of 
Burial,  but  unhappily  the  structure  of  the 
office  is  disarranged  so  as  to  be  unintel- 
ligible ;  the  psalms  in  the  Purification  of 
Women  are  changed ;  the  arrangement  of 
parts  in  the  Ordinations  is  in  some  respects 
modified,  and  to  the  '  forms '  of  ordination  of 
priests  and  bishops  words  are  added  to  make 
it  clear,  as  against  Presbyterian  contentions, 
that  the  two  orders  are  distinct.  Further, 
the  Psalter  is  for  the  first  time  officially 
included  in  the  volume,  and  the  version  of 
1611  is  substituted  for  the  Great  Bible  in 
aU  lessons  from  Holy  Scripture.  The  super- 
intendence of  the  printing  of  the  book  was 
entrusted  to  Sancroft  [q-v.);  and,  as  directed 
by  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  certain  copies  of 
the  printed  book,  corrected  by  the  Book 
Annexed,  and  certified,  along  with  copies  of 
the  Act  of  Uniformity,  under  the  Great  Seal 
(the  '  Sealed  Books ' )  were  distributed  to  be 
laid  up  in  cathedrals  and  elsewhere. 

The  book  has  not  been  seriously  altered 
since  1662,  though  efforts  have  been  made  to 
get  it  changed.  A  Royal  Commission  in  1689 
drew  up  lengthy  and  elaborate  proposals  for 
changes  with  a  view  to  the  reconciliation  of 
dissenters,  but  nothing  came  of  them. 
[Commissions,  Royal.]  Agitation  for  revision 
was  prolonged  throughout  the  eighteenth 
century,  mainly  in  the  Latitudinarian  {q.v.) 
interest.  The  Ritual  Commission  of  1867 
had  three  results.  (1)  A  new  Lectionary  was 
prepared,  approved  by  Convocation  and 
consented  to  by  Parliament  in  1871  (34-5 
Vic.  c.  37).  In  some  respects  it  was  an  im- 
provement on  the  existing  Lectionary,  but, 
judged  on  its  merits,  it  leaves  much  to  be 
desired.  (2)  The  Act  of  Uniformity  Amend- 
ment Act  of  1872  (35-6  Vic.  c.  '35)  gave 
statutory  force  to  a  measure  of  Convocation 
for  the  allowance  of  shortened  services  and 
of  other  liberties  in  the  use  of  the  Prayer 
Book.  If  in  some  respects  useful,  this 
measure  at  the  same  time  went  clean  contrary 
to  the  principles  of  divine  service  explicitly 
laid  down  in  the  book  itself.  (3)  In  response 
to  royal  Letters  of  Business,  Convocation  pro- 
posed (1879)  a  number  of  emendations  of  the 
rubrics,  but  nothing  came  of  this.  In  1906,  in 
consequence  of  the  report  of  the  Royal  Com- 
mission on  Ecclesiastical  Disciphne,  Letters  of 
Business  were  issued  to  the  Convocations, 
enjoining  them  to  report  on  the  desira- 
bility of  change  of  the  Ornaments  Rubric 
and  of  other  changes  in  the  law  relating  to 
the  conduct  of  divine  service  and  the  orna- 


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ments  of  churches.  No  reply  has  as  yet  been 
retui'ned  to  the  Letters.  [f.  e.  b.] 

Cardwell,  Conferences,  Documentary  Ayinah, 
Synodalia  ;  Gasquet  and  Bishop,  Edward  VI. 
and  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  ;  Procter  and 
Frere,  A  Nexu  History  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer ;  Gee,  The  Mizabethan  Prayer  Book 
and  Ornaments. 

COMMONWEALTH,     Church    under 

the.  'J'hc  story  of  the  Church's  for- 
tunes under  the  Commonwealth  literally 
begins  after  the  death  of  the  King  (Charles  i.), 
but  the  church  reforms  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment began  soon  after  its  meeting,  164L 
Numerous  petitions  were  sent  in  asking  for 
church  reform.  In  answer  to  one  of  these 
— the  Kentish  petition — a  declaration  was 
issued  promising  '  necessary  Reformation  of 
the  Government  and  Liturgy  of  the  Church.' 
At  the  outset  a  majority  of  those  who  were 
ready  to  reform  the  Church  had  no  very 
clear  idea  what  they  wished  to  do  except 
that  (1)  Parliament  was  to  be  supreme  in 
religious  as  well  as  civil  matters,  and  (2) 
'  innovations '  should  be  taken  away,  and 
the  condition  of  things  under  Queen  Elizabeth 
should  be  restored.  '  This  Reformation  would 
only  take  away  what  was  justly  offensive 
and  at  least  unnecessary  and  burdensome.' 
This  gives  us  the  key  to  the  Parliament's 
action  with  regard  to  the  Church  up  to  the 
King's  death,  and  explains  much  in  the 
lengthy  debates  which  went  on  in  both 
Houses  from  1642  to  1649. 

Some  members  resented  the  discipline  of 
the  Church  as  exercised  in  the  Church 
Courts  {q.v.),  and  wished  to  bring  under 
Parliamentary  control  all  such  power  as  had 
previously  been  exercised  by  the  bishops. 
A  large  number  of  the  country  gentry  were 
jealous  of  clerical  influence,  and  also  disliked 
the  reforms  of  Archbishop  Laud  (q.v.),  but 
only  a  small  minority  really  wished  to  destroy 
the  Church.  But  this  minority  knew  exactly 
what  it  wanted,  and  desired  to  get  rid  of 
the  bishops  and  the  liturgy,  and  '  to  bring 
the  Church  into  agreement  with  other 
Reformed  Churches.'  This  party  was  able 
in  the  end  to  get  its  way  owing  to  the  necessity 
of  an  alliance  with  the  Scots,  who  were  called 
in  to  help  the  Parhament  to  stem  the  tide  of 
the  Royalist  successes  in  the  war. 

The  English  Parliament  at  first  desired  to 
make  a  civil  alliance,  but  the  Scots  insisted 
on  their  price — a  religious  agreement  between 
the  two  countries.  'J'wo  things  stood  in  the 
way:  episcopacy  and  the  liturgy.  At  first 
the  reformers  in  the  Commons  declared  that 
they  desired  to  return  to  the  primitive  form 
of   episcopacy ;    but  in  the  end  they  gave 


way,  and  in  1643  an  Act  was  passed  abolishing 

episcopacy. 

The  liturgy  still  remained.  This,  they 
thought,  might  be  amended,  as  many, 
probably  the  majority,  still  regarded  the 
Prayer  Book  with  affection.  The  Scots, 
however,  and  their  friends  in  Parliament  were 
determined  to  end  the  use  of  what  they 
called  the  idol  of  the  English  people.  On 
tlie  daj'-  of  Laud's  execution,  10th  January 
1645,  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was 
abohshed,  and  the  Director^',  a  Parhamentary 
service  book  drawn  up  by  the  Westminster 
Assembly,  was  substituted  as  the  '  legal ' 
Prayer  Book  of  the  country.  The  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  was  at  first  forbidden  by  an 
ordinance  with  no  penalties  attached  ;  but 
as  this  proved  ineffective  the  following 
penalties  were  prescribed: — for  first  offence, 
£5 ;  for  second  offence,  £10 ;  for  third 
offence,  one  year's  imprisonment  without 
bail,  and  the  minister  who  failed  to  use  the 
Directory  was  to  pay  forty  shillings  each 
offence.  Parliament  was  careful  in  this,  as 
in  other  things,  to  foUow  the  precedent  of 
the  Tudor  sovereigns. 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  im- 
prisoned as  soon  as  the  troubles  began,  and 
executed  in  1645.  WHliams  [q.v.),  the  other 
primate,  with  eleven  bishops  protested 
against  their  exclusion  from  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  were  in  consequence  imprisoned. 
They  were,  however,  liberated  on  bail 
after  six  months,  and  returned  to  their 
bishoprics  to  find  their  palaces  used  as 
prisons,  and  the  property  of  their  sees  con- 
fiscated in  those  parts  where  the  Parliament 
held  sway.  The  bishops  were  unable  to 
carry  on  the  Church's  system  of  worship  and 
disciphne  owing  to  the  Penal  Laws.  Some, 
as  Juxon  {q.v.)  of  London,  were  men  of 
property.  They  lived  on  their  estates,  and 
helped  their  poorer  brethren  who  were  in 
poverty  and  distress.  Others,  as  the  Puritan 
Winiffe  of  Lincoln  and  Prideaux  of  Worcester, 
were  reduced  to  great  straits.  All  suffered 
alike — men  of  the  Laudian  school,  moderate 
men,  and  men  of  Puritan  inclinations.  Bishop 
Hall  of  Norwich,  for  instance,  a  prelate  of 
moderate  opinions  and  gentle  character  was 
expelled  from  his  house,  and  although  a 
pension  of  £400  was  allowed,  it  was  paid 
irregularly,  and  never  in  full.  During  the 
latter  years  of  the  period  the  surviving 
bishops  began  to  discuss  plans  for  preserving 
the  succession.  Proposals  were  made  to 
consecrate  bishops,  but  legal  difficulties  were 
suggested  by  Royalist  laymen,  and  nothing 
was  done.  Priests  and  deacons,  however, 
were  ordained  in  private,  e.g.  by  Skinner  of 


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Commonwealfh]       Dictionary  of  English  Church  HiMorj/       [Commonwealth 


Oxford,  who  promised  tliat  the  letters  of 
orders  should  be  given  when  the  Church  was 
restored. 

Many  priests  were  obliged  to  leave  their 
benefices  very  early  in  the  war.  (1)  A 
grand  committee  and  a  sub-committee  of 
the  Long  Parliament  received  petitions 
against  the  parochial  clergy,  the  charges 
being  generally  (a)  ceremonial  or  (b)  evil 
living.  (2)  Another  committee,  i.e.  for 
'  plundered  ministers,'  ejected  clergy  of 
Royahst  sympathies  who  had  taken  the  place 
of  men  favourable  to  the  Parliamentary 
cause.  (3)  When,  however,  that  cause  had 
triumphed,  and  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant  had  been  agreed  to  by  both  Houses, 
it  was  made  impossible  for  any  loyal  clergy 
to  remain  at  their  posts.  All  above  the  age 
of  eighteen  were  to  subscribe  to  the  Covenant 
'  that  we  shall  without  respect  of  persons  en- 
deavour the  extirpation  of  Popery,  Prelacy ' 
{i.e.  Government  of  the  Church  by  Arch- 
bishops, Bishops,  etc.,  etc.).  Hence  many 
were  already  expelled  under  (1);  some  more 
under  (2);  a  far  larger  number  under  (3) 
were  ejected  by  local  country  committees 
nominated  by  Parliament. 

The  Universities. — The  two  Universities 
were  strongholds  of  the  Church  and  the 
training- ground  of  her  ministry.  In  1644  a 
commission  under  the  Earl  of  Manchester 
dealt  with  Cambridge.  Masters,  fellows, 
students,  members  of  the  university  said  to 
be  '  scandalous  and  ill-affected  to  Parhament,' 
were  summoned  before  them.  They  were  to 
lose  their  places  and  revenues  and  to  be 
replaced  by  ministers  approved  by  the 
Westminster  Assembly;  the  Covenant  was 
to  be  offered,  and  all  who  refused  it  were  to 
be  deprived.  The  colleges  which  had  been 
affected  by  the  Laudian  movement,  e.g. 
Peterhouse,  St.  John's,  Queens',  Jesus, 
naturally  received  particularly  severe  treat- 
ment; while  others  are  said  to  have  been 
more  leniently  dealt  with,  sometimes  on 
account  of  personal  influence,  e.g.  Benjamin 
Whichcote  saved  many  of  the  Fellows  of 
King's,  or  because  of  their  well-known 
Puritan  tradition,  e.g.  Emmanuel. 

Oxford,  as  the  centre  of  the  Royalist  in- 
terest, could  expect  small  mercy,  and  Heads 
of  Colleges  and  Fellows  were  treated  as  at 
Cambridge.  In  1647  a  special  ordinance 
was  passed  for  the  visitation  and  reformation 
of  the  University  by  a  commission  of  fourteen 
laymen  and  ten  divines  under  the  Chancellor, 
the  Earl  of  Pembroke.  The  Covenant  was 
to  be  enforced,  the  Directory  used,  and  an 
inquiry  made  abo\it  those  who  had  carried 
arms  against  Parliament.     There  was  a  Court 


of  Appeal,  in  the  form  of  a  standing  committee, 
under  Sir  N.  Brent,  Warden  of  Merton, 
formerly  Laud's  vicar-general.  Nearly  five 
hundred  Heads,  Canons,  and  Fellows  were 
expelled,  and  their  places  filled  by  Presby- 
terians and  Independents.  Oxford,  however, 
remained  in  spite  of  all  this  a  rallying-point 
for  the  Church,  as  the  deprived  Dean  of 
Christ  Church  performed  the  Church  services 
near  his  college,  and  they  were  largely 
attended  by  graduates  and  undergraduates, 
apparently  without  much  hindrance  from  the 
new  authorities. 

This  Oxford  congregation  is  an  example 
of  what  was  going  on  in  Church  centres  in 
the  country.     The  mass  of  the  people  were 
under  Parliamentary  discipline,  and  obHged 
to  worship  according    to  the  Directory,  in 
the   parish   church.     In    many   places   they 
obviously  did  so  with  reluctance.     The  old 
Church    Feasts    were    supplanted    by    the 
Sabbath    and    Days    of    Thanksgiving    or 
Humiliation   ordained  by  the  authority   of 
Parhament.     Penalties   were   inflicted  upon 
those  who  did  not  observe  them,  so  that,  again 
following   precedent,    reUgious   worship   was 
made    compulsory.     In    general   the   people 
seem  to  have  reluctantly  acquiesced,  though 
they    occasionally    expressed    their    feelings 
against  the  suppression  of  Christmas,  e.g.  at 
Canterbury,  and  Ipswich  in  1647,  when  the 
churches  were  again  decorated  with  green, 
and  some  attempt  was  made  to  restore  the 
old   festivities.     There   is    not,    however,    a 
sign   of  the  same  devotion  to   the  Church 
among  the  poorer  classes  which  in  later  days 
inspired  large  numbers  of  people  in  France  at 
the  Revolution  to  gather  on  moorland  or  in 
barns  to  take  part  in  the  Church's  worship. 
The  scattered  congregations  of  Church  people 
seem  to  have  consisted  mainly  of  the  upper 
and    educated    class.     Sometimes    attempts 
were    made    to    interrupt    them  —  a    well- 
known  example  being  given  in  Evelyns  (q.v.) 
Diary  under  Christmas  Day,  1657,  when  Peter 
Gunning's  service  at  Exeter  Chapel  in  London 
was    disturbed    by    the    soldiers.     Evelyn's 
experience  is  a  good  example  of  what  was 
liable    to    happen    to    less   known   Church- 
men.    He   was   taken    to   Whitehall   to    be 
examined,  and  was  asked  how,  '  contrarie  to 
an  Ordinance  made  that  none  should  any 
longer  observe  the  superstitious  time  of  the 
Nativity,   I   durst  offend,   and   particularly 
be  at  Common  Prayers,  which  they  told  me 
was  but  the  Masse  in  Enghsh.  ...  As  we 
Avent  up  to  receive  the  Sacrament  the  mis- 
creants held  their  muskets  against  us  as  if 
they  would  have  shot  us  at  the  Altar,  but  yet 
1    suffering  us  to  finish  the  Office  of  Communion, 


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Commonwealth]       Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Commonwealth 


as  perhaps  not  having  instructions  what  to  do 
in  case  they  found  us  in  that  action.'  So  at 
other  times  he  goes  to  hear  Jeremy  Taylor, 
who  preached  at  a  private  house  in  London. 

Some  Churchmen  were  allowed  to  hold 
benefices,  and  seem  to  have  used  the  Prayer 
Book  or  parts  of  it,  as  George  Bull  in  Bristol ; 
Hacket  {q.v.),  afterwards  Bishop  of  Lichfield, 
who  omitted  such  parts  of  the  service  as 
were  ofiensive  to  those  in  authority  ;  others, 
as  Pearson  {q.v.),  preached  church  doctrine, 
but  did  not  use  the  Prayer  Book.  His 
lectures  at  St.  Clement's,  Eastcheap,  have 
come  down  to  us  as  Pearson  on  the  Creed, 
and  were  a  means  of  preserving  the  founda- 
tions of  the  faith  at  a  time  when  many  were 
in  danger  of  losing  all  hold  upon  the  Catholic 
faith  and  falling  into  error. 

The  temptation  to  accept  the  claims  of 
Rome  was  another  danger  to  the  Church. 
In  France,  where  many  Church  people  were  in 
exile,  bishops  and  clergy  held  very  moderate 
opinions  about  the  claims  of  the  Holy  See, 
and  had  a  true  conception  of  the  rights  of 
a  national  Church.  In  Paris  the  English 
ambassador's  chapel  was  the  spiritual  home 
of  many  exiled  churchmen.  Here  the 
Prayer  Book  was  continuously  used ;  and 
Cosin  {q.v.)  preached  there  often,  helping  '  cer- 
tain ladys  of  great  qualitie  who  were  then  to 
be  discharged  from  our  Queen  Mother's  service 
unless  they  would  go  over  to  the  Roman 
masse.'  There,  too,  Morley,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Winchester ;  Dr.  Stewart,  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's ;  Dr.  Earle,  and  many  other 
eminent  divines  ministered  to  the  faithful; 
while  the  Bishop  of  Galloway  conferred  holy 
orders.  So  when  men  might  have  become 
faint-hearted  and  almost  in  despair  of  the 
life  of  the  Enghsh  Church,  Cosin,  Morley, 
Sanderson,  Bramhall,  and  Hammond,  with 
others  less  well  known,  by  their  preaching 
and  teaching  and  soUd  controversial  writings 
saved  many  who  might  have  been  tempted 
to  find  refuge  in  the  Roman  Communion. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  very  few  deserted  the 
Church  of  England  during  this  crisis :  Good- 
man {q.v.).  Bishop  of  Gloucester;  only  four 
clergy  belonging  to  cathedral  or  collegiate 
bodies ;  and  as  far  as  we  know  no  member  of 
the  parochial  clergy ;  while  only  a  very  small 
and  insignificant  number  of  laity  submitted 
to  the  Roman  See — a  proof,  if  it  were  needed, 
of  the  falsity  of  the  accusations  of  popery  so 
freely  brought  against  bishops  and  clergy 
during  the  days  of  Laud. 

The  deprived  clergy  naturally  suffered 
much  from  poverty.  They  were  supposed, 
under  certain  conditions,  and  if  they  had  not 
offended,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the 


committees,  against  certain  regulations,  to 
receive  one-fifth  of  their  benefice  as  a  pension. 
The  restrictions  were  so  severe  that  very  few 
received  any  compensation. 

Many  went  abroad,  many  were  confined 
as  prisoners  in  hulks  on  the  Thames,  or  in 
bishops'  palaces  then  used  as  prisons.  For- 
tunately for  themselves,  many  clergy  were 
able  in  those  times  to  practise  medicine ; 
while  a  large  number  found  refuge  in  the 
houses  of  noblemen  or  gentry,  and  taught 
their  children  or  acted  as  chaplains.  We 
find  here  and  there  a  rare  instance  of  a 
churchman  being  presented  to  a  benefice  by 
a  Puritan  patron.  The  best  known  instance 
is  Dr.  Laurence,  Master  of  BaUiol  and 
Margaret  Professor  at  Oxford,  receiving 
Somersham  from  Colonel  Walton,  whom  he 
had  protected  after  the  battle  of  Edgehill. 
In  some  districts — according  to  Dr.  Stoughton 
the  whole  of  Craven  in  Yorkshire — the  clergy 
accommodated  themselves  to  the  changes 
and  retained  their  Hvings. 

Five  years  before  the  Restoration  the 
clergy  suffered  the  last  and  in  the  view  of 
many  contemporaries  their  death-blow  from 
the  Government.  In  1655,  by  an  edict  of  the 
Protector,  the  deprived  clergy  who  had  acted 
as  schoolmasters,  chaplains,  or  tutors  were 
no  longer  allowed  to  keep  school,  preach,  or 
administer  sacraments,  under  pain  of  im- 
prisonment for  the  first  two  offences  and 
banishment  for  the  third  offence.  '  This  was 
the  mournfuUest  day  that  in  my  life  I  had 
scene  or  the  Church  of  England  herself  since 
the  Reformation  ;  to  the  great  rejoicing  of 
both  Papist  and  Presbji^er.'  Such  is  Evelyn's 
lament  on  Christmas  Day,  1655,  when  he  went 
to  London  for  service  and  heard  Dr.  Wild 
'  preach  the  funeral  sermon  of  Preaching.' 

Buildings  and  Property. — Cathedrals  and 
churches  naturally  suffered  during  the  war. 
In  1643  Parliament  began  to  deal  with 
ornaments:  altars,  candlesticks,  basins,  etc., 
were  to  be  removed,  and  there  was  much 
destruction  of  crosses,  statues,  and  pictures, 
but  monuments  of  those  not  reputed  saints 
were  to  be  spared.  This  was  repeated  in 
1644,  when  surphces,  superstitious  vestments, 
roods,  rood-lofts,  and  holy-water  fonts  were 
not  to  be  used  any  more.  Under  these 
ordinances  much  of  the  damage  popularly 
ascribed  to  Cromwell  and  his  army  was  done. 
Windows  were  broken  and  brasses  and  bells 
taken  away  from  the  churches.  The  cathe- 
drals suffered  even  more  than  the  parish 
churches — Winchester  being  a  notable  excep- 
tion owing  to  the  ParUamentary  leader  being 
an  old  Wykehamist.  At  the  close  of  the  war, 
when  the  country  was  settling  down  under 


(136) 


Continuity] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Continuity 


the  Protector,  and  the  churches  were  being 
used  by  the  preachers  of  the  new  cstabHsh- 
ment,  an  ordinance  provided  that  rates 
should  be  levied  by  churchwardens  and 
overseers  for  the  repair  of  the  buildings. 

Parliament  also  took  over  the  control  of 
the  endowments  and  the  patronage  when  it 
was  in  the  hands  of  Royalists.  It  acted  on 
the  principle  that  all  their  rights  were  forfeited, 
and  also  confiscated  the  property  of  the  sees. 
The  episcopal  estates  were  used  to  pay  for 
war  expenses,  and  the  property  of  deans  and 
chapters  who  had  assisted  the  King  were  also 
used  by  the  government.  Parochial  tithes, 
however,  were  still  used  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Parliamentary  ministers  and  of  the 
Protector's  establishment.  They  were,  how- 
ever, no  longer  recovered  in  ecclesiastical 
courts,  but  before  two  J.P.'s,  who  might 
examine  defendants  on  oath  and  adjudge 
the  case  with  costs.  The  ordinance  which 
touched  episcopal  property  and  rights  did 
not  affect  advowsons,  and  lay  patrons  who 
were  on  the  side  of  Parliament  did  not  lose 
their  rights. 

Church  reforms  of  some  value  were  also 
suggested  and  partly  tried,  such  as  equalisa- 
tion of  incomes,  division  of  large  parishes, 
increase  of  income  of  poor  preachers,  which 
were  to  be  benefited  from  '  impropriate  tithes,' 
'  first  fruits,'  and  tenths :  while  very  large 
sums  were  expended  upon  the  Parlia- 
mentary committees  and  individuals  who 
administered  Church  property.  [b.  b.] 

John  Walker,  Suferinr/s  o/ihe  Clergy  (1714)  ; 
Shaw,  JlisL  Eng^  Ch.,  1640-1666  ;  Bhixland, 
The  Stn(,(/gle  ivilh  Puritanism  ;  W.  H.  Huttoii, 
Hist.  Eiuj.  Ch.,  1625-1714. 

CONTINUITY  OF  THE  CHURCH  OF 
ENG-LAND.  This  phrase  impUes  that  since 
St.  Augustine  {q.i\)  extended  the  organisation 
of  the  Holy  Cathohc  Church  to  England  in 
597  its  existence  here  has  been  continuous  ; 
that  the  body  known  to-day  as  the  Church  of 
England  is  still  the  Holy  Cathohc  Church  in 
England,  looking  back  on  an  unbroken  Ufe 
since  the  day  when  Augustine  planted  it. 
This  continuity  has  been  attacked  from 
very  different  points  of  view.  It  is  un- 
deniable that  the  Church  of  597  continued 
unbroken  down  to  1534,  and  it  is  equally 
undeniable  that  the  Church  of  1559  is  still 
in  existence  to-day.  But  between  those 
points  1534  and  1559  a  break  is  alleged  in 
the  continuity.  The  ultimate  underlying 
question  is,  In  what  does  the  identity  of  the 
Church  consist  ?  The  English  Church  is 
clear  that  there  must  be  continuity  of  faith 
and   doctrine  as  contained  in  the  Apostles' 


and  Nicene  Creeds,  and  in  Holy  Scripture  as 
'  the  rule  and  ultimate  standard  of  faith  '  ; 
of  the  two  Sacraments  of  the  Gospel ;  and  of 
jurisdiction,  the  '  historic  Episcopate.'  This 
was  laid  down  by  the  Lambeth  Conference 
of  1888.  [Reunion.]  This  premised,  the 
subject  may  conveniently  be  considered  under 
four  heads: — 

1.  Continuity  of  Law. — The  question  at 
issue  is  not  whether  in  the  sixteenth  century 
the  Church  repealed  or  amended  some  part 
of  its  law.  A  far  greater  matter  of  principle 
is  at  stake,  and  it  may  conveniently  be 
expressed  in  the  words  of  the  late  Professor 
F.  W.  Maitland  (1850-1906),  whose  Ronnan 
Canon  Law  in  the  Church  of  England  (1898) 
contains  the  most  lucid  and  brilliant  state- 
ment of  the  case  for  a  breach  of  continuity  in 
this  respect.  The  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Com- 
mission [Commissions,  Royal]  had  reported 
in  1883  that  '  the  Canon  Law  of  Rome, 
although  always  regarded  as  of  great  authority 
in  England,  was  not  held  to  be  binding  on  the 
courts,'  meaning  apparently  not  that  it  might 
be  overridden  in  the  secular  courts,  but  that 
it  was  not  binding  in  English  Church  courts 
unless  it  had  been  '  received ' ;  that  the 
Papal  Law  Books  were  regarded  '  as  manuals 
but  not  as  codes  of  statutes.'  This  contention 
Maitland  set  himself  to  controvert,  relying 
mainly  on  the  mediaeval  English  canonists, 
and  especially  on  Lyndwood  [q.v.),  whose 
writings,  he  contends,  assume  that  the 
Roman  Canon  Law,  the  ius  commune  of  the 
Church,  was  regarded  by  the  Enghsh  Church 
courts  as  '  absolutely  binding  statute  law  ' 
without  any  reference  to  its  '  reception ' 
here ;  and  that  it  was  merely  eked  out  at  a 
few  points  by  the  purely  Enghsh  ordinances 
of  the  archbishops.  Lyndwood's  attitude  is 
that  of  a  lawyer  commenting  on  and  recon- 
ciUng,  where  necessary,  with  a  supreme 
body  of  law  the  edicts  of  an  '  inferior  legis- 
lator,' the  archbishop,  who  may  make  for  his 
province  statutes  which  are  merely  declara- 
tory of  the  ius  commune  of  the  Church,  and 
may  supplement  the  papal  legislation,  but 
has  no  power  to  derogate  from,  far  less  to 
abrogate,  the  laws  made  by  his  superior. 
Such,  Maitland  argues,  were  the  respective 
positions  of  the  Roman  and  the  purely  English 
canon  law  in  the  Englisli  Church  before  the 
breach  with  Rome.  At  that  point  we  come 
upon  '  a  sudden  catastrophe  in  the  history  of 
the  spiritual  courts.  Henceforth  they  are 
expected  to  enforce,  and  without  complaint 
they  do  enforce,  statutes  of  the  temporal 
legislature.  .  .  .  Not  only  is  their  sphere  of 
action  limited  by  the  secular  power — that  is 
a  very  old  phenomenon — but  their  decisions 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Continuity 


arc  dictated  to  them  by  Acts  of  Parliament — 
and  that  is  a  very  new  phenomenon.'     And    ! 
these  very  statutes  impose  on  the  Church    | 
courts  '  not  merely  new  law  but  a  theory 
about  the  old  law.  .  .  .  Henceforth  a  statu-    \ 
tory  orthodoxy  will  compel  all  judges  to  say 
that  it  was  only  "  by  their  own  consent " 
that  the  people  of  this  realm  ever  paid  any 
regard  to  decretals  or  other  laws  proceeding    [ 
from    any    "  foreign    prince,    potentate,    or    ; 
prelate."  '     Bishop  Stubbs  in  reply  pointed 
out  {Lectures  on  Med.  and  Mod.  Hist.,  ed. 
1900,  pp.  335-6)  that  the  difference  between 
his  position  and  Maitland's  was  not  so  great 
as  it  might  appear.     But  he  could  not  agree 
that  the  canon  law  had  a  '  vitality  and  force 
analogous   to   that   of   the  national  law   in 
temporal  matters — that  is,  that  the  Corpus 
Juris  stood,  in  the  strict  ecclesiastical  courts, 
on  the  same  footing  as  the  Statute  Book  in 
the  temporal  courts.  .  .  .  What  authority  it 
had  it  owed  rather  to  tacit  assumption  than 
to  formal  and  constitutional  acceptance  by 
Church  or  State.'     It  is  well  known  that  in 
earlier  times  canons  were  regarded  as  having 
no  force  of  themselves  apart  from  the  mind 
of  the  Church,  shown  by  their  acceptance. 
It  is  true  that  as  the  mediaeval  Church  tended 
to  become  a  State  its  law  came  to  be  regarded 
as  more  and  more  analogous  to  civil  law,  and 
as  deriving  its  force  not  from  the  assent  of 
the  law -keeper,  but   from   the   centralised 
authority  of  the  lawgiver,  the  Pope.     But, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  Mr.  Ogle  has  shown 
{Canon   Law  in  Mediaeval   England,    1912), 
such  phrases  as  '  absolutely  binding  statute 
law '    suggest    a    misleading    analogy   when 
apphed  to  mediaeval  conditions.     They  pre- 
suppose a  central  authority  with  power  to 
enforce  its  decrees,  and  ignore  the  important 
position  occupied,  more  especially  in  ecclesi- 
astical  affairs,    by   local    law    and    custom. 
Moreover,  Maitland  has  throughout  both  mis- 
apprehended and  exaggerated  the  effect  of 
Lyndwood's    testimony.     In    reahty    Lynd- 
wood  treats   the   archbishops'   constitutions 
as  valid.     And  further,    the    papal    decrees 
could  only  operate  in  England  so  far  as  they 
were   admitted   by  the   temporal   power — a 
limitation  in  which  the  English  Church  was 
content  to  acquiesce.     In  1532-4  this  control 
over  legislation  was  more  definitely  asserted 
by  the  State  and  accepted  by  the  Church 
than  before.     Much  of  tlic  existing  canon  law, 
both  papal  and  national,  was  to  (and  still  does) 
remain  in  force  ;    and  the  power  of  making 
English  canon  law  was  to  remain  as  before  in 
the  archbishops  with  their  provincial  synods. 
[Convocation,    Canon    Law    fbom    1534.] 
But  even  if  the  more  extreme  papalist  view 


be  adopted,  it  does  not  follow  that  there  was 
any  break  in  continuity,  any  more  than  there 
was  when  the  Popes  to  some  extent  succeeded 
in  imposing  their  authority  on  a  church 
which  from  the  time  of  Archbishop  Theodore 
{q.v.)  to  the  twelfth  century  had  been  practi- 
cally independent  as  far  as  legislation  was 
concerned.  A  synod  of  747  laid  down 
that  matters  which  could  not  be  settled  by 
a  bishop  should  be  referred  to  the  archbishop 
in  provincial  synod,  and  no  mention  is  made 
by  the  synod  of  any  further  appeal.  In  1115 
Pope  Paschal  n.  complained  bitterly  of  the 
independence  of  the  Enghsh  Church,  and 
there  was  no  breach  of  continuity  when  it 
succeeded  in  reasserting  that  ancient  inde- 
pendence in  the  sixteenth  century. 

2.  Continuity  of  Jurisdiction. — By  the  con- 
stitution of  the  CathoUc  Church  authority  is 
inherent  in  and  exercised  by  the  episcopate. 
[Authority  in  the  Church.]  During  the 
Middle  Ages  much  of  this  authority  was 
gradually,  and  to  a  large  extent  insensibly, 
acquired  liy  the  Popes.  The  civil  power  as  a 
rule  resented  this  usurpation,  and  tried,  when 
it  could,  to  check  it.  Henry  vm.,  unlike  his 
predecessors,  was  strong  enough  to  prevent 
the  Popes  from  exercising  not  merely  exces- 
sive but  any  authority  over  the  Church  in  his 
kingdom.  The  papal  jurisdiction  had  been 
exercised  very  largely  in  ecclesiastical  suits, 
as  a  court  both  of  first  instance  and  of  final 
appeal.  The  exercise  of  this  power  was 
forbidden  by  statutes  of  1533  and  1534,  with 
the  acquiescence  of  the  Church,  which  thus 
reverted  to  its  earUer  system,  which  had  been 
to  a  great  extent  overthrown  by  papal 
usurpation.  [Courts.]  Here  again  there 
was  clearly  no  breach  of  continuity.  As 
to  the  question  of  the  continuity  of  orders 
in  the  English  Church  see  Ordinations, 
Anglican. 

3.  Co7iiinuity  of  Faith  aiul  Doctrine. — 
Neither  under  Henry  vni.  nor  under  Elizabeth 
was  there  any  intention  either  in  Church  or 
State  to  vary  from  the  Catholic  faith.  As 
Sir  Thomas  Bro^\^le  (1605-82)  wrote  in 
Religio  Medici,  '  It  is  an  unjust  scandal  of 
our  adversaries  and  a  gross  error  in  ourselves 
to  compute  the  nativity  of  our  religion  from 
Henry  viii.  ;  who,  though  he  rejected  the 
Pope,  refused  not  the  faith  of  Rome,  and 
,  effected  no  more  than  what  his  predecessors 
desired  and  essayed  in  ages  past.'  This  is 
borne  out  by  legislation.  The  first  Annates 
Act,  1531  (23  Hen.  vni.  c.  20),  declares  that 
I  the  King  and  his  people  are  '  as  obedient, 
devout,  catholick,  and  huiuble  children  of 
(jrod  and  holy  church,  as  any  people  be  within 
any   realm   christened.'     Section    19   of   the 


(  13S  ) 


Continuity] 


Dictionary  of  Kugli'^li  CJinrrh  IJistory 


[Conversion 


Peter  Pence  xVct,  1534  (25  Hen.  vm,  c.  21),    | 
runs :   '  Provided  always,  that  this  act,  nor 
any  thing  or  things  therein  contained,  shall   I 
be  hereafter  interpreted  or  expounded,  that 
your  grace,  your  nobles,  and  subjects  intend 
by  the   same   to   decline  or  vary  from   the 
congregation  of  Christ's  Church  in  any  things 
concerning  the  very  articles  of  the  Catholick 
Faith  of  Christendom,  or  in  any  other  things 
declared  by  Holy  Scripture  and  the  Word  of 
God,  necessary  for  your  and  their  salvations, 
but  only  to  make  an  ordinance  by  policies 
necessary   and   convenient   to   repress   vice, 
and  for  good  conservation  of  this  realm,'  etc. 
In  the  sixth  of  the  canons  of  1571  the  Church 
enjoins   that  preachers   shall  teach   nothing 
'  but  that  which  is  agreeable  to  the  doctrine 
•  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  New,  and  that 
which  the  CathoHc  Fathers  and  ancient  bishops 
have  gathered  out  of  that  doctrine.'     In  1609 
Archbishop  Bancroft  {q.v.)  quoted  this  canon 
to  show  that  '  this  is  and  hath  been  the  open 
profession  of  the  Church  of  England,  to  defend 
and  mainteine  no  other  Church,  Faith,  and 
Religion,  than  that  which  is  truly  Catholike 
and  Apostolike,  and  for  such  warranted,  hot 
only  by  the  written  word  of  God,  but  also  by 
the  testimonie  and  consent  of  the  ancient 
and  godly  Fathers.'     In  matters  of  faith  the 
English  Church  took  its  stand  on  primitive 
antiquity.     In     the    words    of     Sir    Roger 
Twysden     (1597-1672),     'The     Church     of 
England    having    with    great    deliberation 
reformed  itself  in  a  lawful  synod,  with  a  care 
as  much  as  possible  of  reducing  all  things  to 
the  pattern  of  the  first  and  best  times,  was 
enterpreted  by  such  as  would  have  it  so,  to 
desert  from  the  Church  Catholic ;  though  for 
the  manner,  they  did  nothing  but  warranted 
by    the    continued    practice    of    their    pre- 
decessors ;    and  in  the  things  amended  had 
antiquity  to  justify  their  actions  :    so  that 
nothing  is  further  off  truth  than  to  say  that 
such  as  reformed  this  church  made  a  new 
religion ;     they   having   retained    only   that 
which  is  truly  old  and    catholic,  as  Articles 
of  their  faith  '  (Wordsworth,  Eccl.  Biog.,  iv.). 
4.  Continuity  of  Possession. — It   must   be 
remembered  that  in  the  eyes  of  the  law  there 
is  no  such  body  as  '  the  Church  of  England,' 
capable   of    holding    property.     All   Church 
property  is  vested  in  a  number  of  corporations 
sole  or  aggregate,  i.e.  consisting  of  one  person, 
a3  the  rector  of  a  parish,  or  of  a  number,  as 
a  dean  and  chapter.     The  only  ecclesiastical 
corporations  dissolved  in   the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury   were    the    religious    houses.      [Monas- 
teries, Suppression  of.]     The  process  was 
completed    by  the  Acts  of    1539   (31   Hen. 
vm.  c.  13)  and  1559  (1  Eliz.  c.  24),  which 


transferred  their  property  to  the  Crown. 
And  with  some  comparatively  small  excep- 
tions it  ceased  to  bo  Church  property  at  all. 
All  other  ecclesiastical  corporations  continued 
to  hold  their  endowments  and  other  pro- 
perty by  precisely  the  same  tenures  and 
titles  as  before.  There  was  never  any  act 
of  transfer,  and  as  far  as  the  possession  of 
property  is  concerned  the  continuity  is  un- 
broken. [G.  c] 

CONVERSION  OF  THE  ENGLISH.    The 

evangelisation  of  the  English  was  effected 
first  by  Roman  and  then  by  Scotic  (Irish) 
missions ;    the  Britons  took  no  part  in  the 
work.     From  Rome,  directly  or  indirectly, 
the  Kentish  and  East  Anglian  peoples  received 
the  Gospel,  and  so,  too,  the  East  Saxons,  but 
they  turned  from  it ;    the  people  of  Lindsey 
heard  it ;  the  Bernicians  had  some  knowledge 
of  it,  and  it  gained  a  hold  in  Deira  ;   Wessex 
was  won  by  Birinus  {q.v.),  an  Italian  bishop; 
and  later  the  South  Saxons  were  converted 
by  Wilfrid  {q.v.),  the  leader  of  the  Roman 
party.     Wars,  apostasy,  and  a  lack  of  new 
preachers  checked  the  work  begun  by  Augus- 
tine {q.v.),  and  it  was  taken  up  by  the  Scots 
from  lona  ;    they  carried  it  on  with  success, 
and    in    the    Midlands    broke   new   ground. 
Their  missions  lasted  from  635  to  664.     The 
adoption  of  Christianity  generally  depended 
on  State   action :    the  king  and  his  nobles 
were  baptized,  and  the  people  largely  followed 
their    example.     The    predominance    of    a 
Christian  king  over  other  kings,  and  royal 
marriages,    were   important   factors    in    the 
j    spread  of  the  Gospel,  and  the  influence  of 
I    royal  and  noble  ladies  on  the  infant  Church  is 
I    specially  noteworthy.     The  people  were  quick 
I    to  receive  baptism  ;   their  heathenism,  which 
j    was  largely  impregnated  with  nature-worship, 
had  lost  its  hold  upon  them.     Though  the 
I    Britons  would  not  preach  to  them  they  knew 
that  the   conquered   people,  many  of  whom 
dwelt  among  them  in  slavery  or  wretchedness, 
had  another  faith;    and  some  of  them  had 
come   into   contact   with   the   Christians   of 
Gaul  and  desired  to  know  their  religion,  but 
the  Gallican  bishops  had  neglected  to  teach 
them. 

Christianity  was  rendered  easier  to  the  Eng- 

;    lish  by  Gregory's  {q.v.)  direction  that  heathen 

customs,  not  in  themselves  evil,  should  as  far 

as  possible  be  adapted  to  the  new  rcUgion— 

a  course  which  may  have  contributed  to  the 

long  prevalence  of  heathen  superstitions  in 

the    Christianised    country.     The    converts 

were  not  persecuted  by  the  heathen,  though 

I    wars  such  as  those  of  Penda  of  Mercia,  and 

I    acts  of  violence,  as  the  murder  of  Karpwald  of 


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Convocation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Convocation 


East  Anglia,  no  doubt  had  a  religious  side. 
The  wholesale  conversions,  which  were  more 
or  less  dependent  on  roj'al  action  and  in 
many  cases  could  not  have  implied  individual 
conviction,  were  sometimes  followed  by  wide- 
spread apostasy,  as  in  Essex  and  East 
Anglia,  when  the  civil  power,  which  had 
favoured  Christianity,  was  overthrown. 
While  the  success  of  both  the  Roman  and 
the  Scotic  missionaries  was  largely  due  to 
the  favour  of  kings,  there  seems  reason  to 
believe  that  the  Scots  and  their  English 
disciples  sought  in  a  greater  degree  than  the 
Romans  to  obtain  individual  conversions  by 
constantly  travelling  and  appeahng  to  people 
by  the  way.  Zealous  and  warm-hearted, 
they  accomphshed  a  noble  work,  but  they 
magnified  asceticism  unduly,  and  they  could 
not"  have  established  a  church  government 
of  the  best  type ;  that,  like  the  first  tidings 
of  salvation,  came  to  the  Enghsh  from  Rome, 
and  came  through  the  instrumentality  of 
Archbishop  Theodore  {q.v.). 

Approximate  dates  of  conversion : — 

Kent,  597  ;    Roman  mission. 

East  Saxons,  604 ;  Roman.  Relapse ;  re- 
conversion, 665 ;  Scots. 

Northumbria,  partial,  627  ;  Roman.  Com- 
pleted, 635 ;  Scots. 

Lindsey,  628 ;  Roman,  653  ;  Scots. 

East  Anglians,  628;  Edwin  of  Northum- 
bria (Roman).  Relapse;  reconversion,  631; 
Fehx  from  Rome. 

West  Saxons,  635 ;  Bu-inus ;  Itahan. 

Middle  Anglians,  653  ;  Scots. 

Mercians,  655-8;  Scots. 

South  Saxons,  681 ;  Wilfrid. 

Wight,  686 ;  through  Wilfrid.        [w.  H.] 

Bede,  M.Ji.  ;  Bright,  Early  Eng.  Ch.  Hist.  ; 
TTunt,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Ch.  to  1066. 

CONVOCATION.  Origust  and  Develop- 
ment.— The  two  Convocations  of  the  English 
Church  are  the  provincial  synods  of  Can- 
terbury and  York.  [Councils.]  But  from 
Edward  i.'s  reign  they  have  also  formed  part 
of  the  constitution  of  the  realm.  In  that 
reign  they  became  the  recognised  representa- 
tives of  the  Church  in  its  relations  with  the 
State.  Direct  representation  of  the  clergy  first 
appears  in  1225,  when  Archbishop  Langton 
{q.v.)  ordered  the  chapters  of  all  cathedral 
and  collegiate  churches  and  religious  houses 
to  send  proctors  to  the  provincial  synod. 
After  various  experiments  Archbishop  Peck- 
ham  {q.v.)  in  1283  summoned  a  council 
consisting  of  the  bishops  of  his  province,  the 
abbots,  priors,  and  other  heads  of  religious 
houses,  the  deans  of  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches,  the  archdeacons,  one  proctor  for 


the  chapter  of  each  cathedral  and  collegiate 
church,  and  two  proctors  to  be  elected  by  the 
clergy  of  each  diocese.  This  scheme  was 
drawn  up  at  a  council  held  by  the  King  at 
Northampton  earlier  in  the  same  year,  and 
was  never  embodied  in  a  canon,  though  it  was 
afterwards  considered  to  possess  canonical 
authority.  W^ithin  a  few  years  the  Convoca- 
tion of  York  was  organised  in  the  same 
manner,  except  that  it  included  two  proctors 
for  the  clergy  of  each  archdeaconry  instead 
of  each  diocese.  Both  Convocations  have 
ever  since  remained  as  they  were  then 
constituted,  except  for  some  temporary  minor 
variations,  and  for  the  disappearance  of  the 
heads  of  religious  houses  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  In  the  following  table  typical 
Convocations  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  of  the 
seventeenth  century  are  compared  with  those 
of  the  present  time. 

Canterbury,  Upper  House 

1452    1640  1911 

Archbishop,         ....       1           1  1 

Bishops, IGi      21  20 

Lower  House 
Heads  of  religious  houses,  .  295 

Minor  dignitaries,  ...  62  77  99 
Capitular  proctors,  .  .  .18  24  25 
Clergy  proctors,  ...     35        44        54 


Total  of  both  Houses, 


427      167      205 


York,  Upper  House 

1424    1628    1911 
.       Ill 
.       2  3  9 


Archbishop, 

Bishops,      .... 

Lower  House 
Heads  of  religious  houses,  .     49 

Minor  dignitaries,       .         .         .20        13        31 
(Japitular  proctors,      ...       6  7  8 

Clergy  proctors,  .         .         .18        31        49 


Total  of  both  Houses, 


96 


9S 


The  Convocation  of  Canterbury  is  sum- 
moned by  the  archbishop's  mandate  addressed 
to  the  Dean  of  the  Province,  the  Bishop  of 
London,  who  issues  a  summons  to  each  bishop 
for  himself  and  the  clergy  of  his  diocese. 
In  the  northern  province  there  is  no  dean  ; 
the  summons  goes  direct  from  the  metro- 
politan to  each  bishop.  The  writ  of  1283 
directed  that  the  proctors  should  be  chosen 
by  the  whole  clergy  of  the  diocese.  In  later 
times  this  has  been  understood  to  mean  that 
only  the  beneficed  clergy  have  the  right  to 
vote  in  an  election  of  proctors.  Stipendiary 
curates  were  unknown  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  there  is  no  historical  precedent 
for  their  having  been  admitted  to  vote  at 
any  later  time,  although  the  royal  writ  to  the 
archbishop    bids   him    summon   his    '  whole 


1  The  sec  of  I.Iandafl",  althoufih  in  existence  at  the 
time,  is  for  some  reason  omitted  from  the  enumeration  in 
both  Houses.     Wilkins,  Cone,  i.  xi. 


(  140 


Convocation] 


Dictionary  of  EnglialL  Church  Hislory 


[Convocation 


clergy  '  to  Convocation.     As  the  unbeneficed 
clergy  were  not  taxed  by  Convocation,  they 
had  not  the  same  claim  as  the  beneficed  to 
be  represented  directly.     Archbishop  Arundel 
appears  to  have  attempted  to  tax  unbene- 
ficed  clergy   in    1404,    but   to    have   failed 
because  they  were  unrepresented  in  Convo- 
cation.    But  since  it  ceased  to  be  a  taxing 
body   (see   below)  there    is   no   ground  but 
that  of    long-standing   custom   for  refusing 
unbeneficed  clergy  the  vote.      The  mode  of 
election  of  proctors  by  the  beneficed  clergy 
varies   in   different  dioceses.      In   1888  the 
Queen's    Bench  Division   decided   that   the 
archbishop  was  the  final  judge  of  questions 
arising  out  of  the  election  of  proctors,  and 
that  the  civil  courts  had  no  jurisdiction  to 
review  his  decision,  nor  to  interfere  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  Convocation,  '  an  ancient 
body   as   old   as    Parhament   and    as   inde- 
pendent '    {R.    V.    Archhisliof    of    York,    20 
Q.B.D.  740).     At  first  all  the  members  sat 
together.     The    division    into    two    Houses 
came    about    gradually,     being    sometimes 
caused  by  the  desire  of  the  bishops  to  deliber- 
ate in  private,  more  often  by  the  reference  of 
particular  matters  to  the  lower  clergy  for 
their  separate  consideration.     By  the  early 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  separation 
had  become  a  custom.     The  abbots  and  priors 
sat  sometimes  in  one  House,  sometimes  in  the 
other.     Since  the  dissolution  of  the  monas- 
teries the  archbishop  and  diocesan  bishops 
alone   have   constituted   the   Upper   House. 
But  Convocation  is  constitutionally  a  single 
body  though,  as  a  matter  of  custom  and  con- 
venience, it  sits  in  two  Houses.     On  solemn 
occasions,  such  as  its  formal  opening  or  the 
promulgation  of  new  canons,  the  two  Houses 
sit  together  in  f  uU  synod.     The  archbishop  is 
president  of  the  whole  Convocation,  and  of 
the  Upper  House  when  sitting  separately ; 
and  by  ancient  custom  no  act  of  Convocation 
is  valid  without  his  assent.     The  Lower  House 
elects  a  prolocutor  to  preside  over  it,  and  to 
be   its   representative   in    dealing   with   the 
Upper.     An  ancient  and  important  privilege 
and  duty  of   the  Lower   House  is  that  of 
initiating    synodical    action    by    presenting 
schedules    of    grievances    or    other    matters 
which  they  think  need  consideration.     These 
are   known   as   gravamina   and   reformanda. 
Any  member  or  members  of  the  Lower  House 
may  present  a  gravamen  to  the  Upper  through 
the    prolocutor.     But    if    adopted    by    the 
Lower  House  as  a  body  the  gravamen  be- 
comes an  arliculus  cleri,  and  is  presented  as 
such. 

The  primitive  rule  of  the  Council  of  Nicaja 
that  provincial  synods  should  meet  twice  a 


year  was  adopted  by  the  Council  of  Hertford 
(673),  with  the  proviso  that  once  should 
suffice.  The  Convocations  now  meet  three  or 
four  times  a  year.  Each  day's  meeting  is 
termed  a  session.  And  when,  as  is  usual,  the 
business  lasts  for  three  or  four  days,  they  arc 
called  a  group  of  sessions.  In  modern  times, 
however,  much  of  the  work  of  Convocation 
is  done  by  committees,  which  are  not  tied  to 
particular  times  or  modes  of  meeting.  Their 
reports  are  designed  to  be  the  basis  of 
synodical  action.  Convocation  is  prorogued 
from  one  group  of  sessions  to  another  by  the 
archbishop,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  has 
the  power  to  do  this  without  the  assent 
of  his  brother  bishops.  Since  the  breach 
with  Rome  it  has  usually  been  assumed  that 
Convocation  must  be  dissolved  at  the  dissolu- 
tion of  Parliament.  'J'he  grounds  for  this 
opinion  are  not  clear,  and  it  was  not  followed 
on  a  famous  occasion  in  1640  (see  below). 
It  is  doubtful  whether  Convocation  is 
automatically  dissolved  by  the  demise  of 
the  Crown.  The  question  was  raised  after 
the  death  of  William  ui.  in  1702,  when  the 
attorney-general  advised  that  the  Convocation 
then  in  existence  expired  with  the  sovereign. 
It  continued  to  sit,  however,  after  the  death 
of  Queen  Victoria  in  1901,  and  again  after 
that  of  Edward  vn.  in  1910. 

The  place  of  meeting  formerly  varied,  but 
since  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century 
the  Northern  Convocation  has  usually  met 
at  York,  and  the  Southern  at  St.  Paul's, 
whence,  in  modern  times,  it  adjourns  to 
Westminster  for  dehberation.  The  privilege 
of  members  of  Convocation  to  the  same  free- 
dom from  arrest  as  is  enjoyed  by  members 
of  Parliament  dates  from  1429.  Historical 
and  geographical  reasons  have  caused  the 
Southern  Convocation  to  play  a  more 
prominent  part  in  the  life  of  the  English 
Church  than  the  Northern,  which  has  usually 
been,  in  Fuller's  phrase,  '  but  the  hand  of  the 
dial  moving  and  pointing  as  directed  by  the 
clock  of  the  province  of  Canterbury '  {Ch. 
Hist.,  bk.  xi.,  sec.  23). 

Functions. — 1.  Legislative  and  deliheraiive. 
Originally  the  primary  function  of  a  pro%dncial 
synod  was  to  promulgate  in  the  province 
the  general  law  of  the  Church.  The  extent  to 
which  the  canon  law  was  in  force  in  England 
until  it  had  been  formally  accepted  by  the 
Enghsh  Church  is  disputed.  [Canon  Law.] 
But  there  is  no  doubt  that  parts  of  it  were  so 
accepted  by  the  English  synods.  They  also 
enacted  provincial  canons,  or  assented  to 
those  which  were  placed  before  them  by  the 
I  archbishop,  who  was  said  to  '  decree  and 
ordain  '  them, '  with  the  assent '  of  the  synod. 


(  HI) 


Convocation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Convocation 


Since  the  breach  with  Rome,  and  pending 
the  assembhng  of  a  General  Council  whose 
authority  the  English  Church  can  recognise, 
the  Convocations  have  been  the  only  bodies 
whose  legislation  can  be  accepted  by  EngUsh 
Churchmen  as  canonically  valid.  Thus  it 
has  been  their  duty,  though  they  have  been 
hampered  in  its  fultilment,  to  adapt  or  add 
to  the  provincial  law  as  changing  circum- 
stances require,  without  bringing  it  into  con- 
flict with  the  general  law  of  the  Church.  The 
legislative  power  of  a  synod  is  inherent  in 
the  bishops  alone  [Bishops,  Councils], 
though  in  the  English  Convocations  the 
lower  clergy  have  acquired  by  custom  the 
negative  right  of  veto.  Nevertheless,  the 
actual  legislative  power  for  a  province  resides 
in  its  bishops  assem  bled  in  synod.  But,  apart 
from  legislation.  Convocation  should  act  as 
the  living  voice  of  the  Church,  and  express 
by  its  resolutions  the  Church's  mind. 

2.  Judicial.— In  the  early  centuries  the 
bishops  of  a  province  exercised  judicial  powers 
while  assembled  in  synod.  But  later  regu- 
larly constituted  Church  Courts  {q.v.)  came 
into  being,  to  apply  the  law  to  individual 
cases.  Before  1066  EngUsh  provincial  synods 
exercised  jurisdiction  in  important  cases,  such 
as  disputes  between  dioceses.  In  the  later 
Middle  Ages  the  judicial  activities  of  Convoca- 
tion were  usually  confined  to  the  trial  of 
heretics,  a  matter  which,  at  any  rate  at  first, 
might  well  be  considered  to  raise  points  too 
novel  and  too  grave  to  be  left  to  the  usual 
ecclesiastical  judges.  Dr.  Stubbs  {q.v.)  was 
of  opinion  that  Convocation  as  a  court  was 
merely  '  attendant  on  and  assessing  to  the 
archbishop,'  in  whom  and  not  in  the  synod 
the  jurisdiction  resided.  In  any  case  the 
tendency  was  for  the  synod  to  confine  itself 
to  deliberation  and  legislation,  leaving  judi- 
cial functions  to  the  courts.  Ihe  Statute  of 
Appeals,  1533  (24  Hen.  viii.  c.  12),  provided 
that  in  cases  touching  the  King  a  final  appeal 
should  lie  to  the  Upper  House  of  Convocation. 
But  this  jurisdiction  was  never  exercised, 
and  was  superseded  in  the  following  year  by 
the  statute  25  Hen.  viii.  e.  19.  [Courts.] 
The  Ecjormalio  Legum  {q.v.)  proposed  the 
Upper  House  as  the  final  court  of  appeal,  but 
this  scheme  never  became  law.  On  various 
occasions  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  writers  or  preachers  of  heretical 
doctrine  were  summoned  before  Convocation 
and  compelled  to  retract.  But  the  practical 
result  of  Whiston's  {q.v.)  case  was  to  show 
that  the  present  extent  of  its  jurisdiction  is 
to  condemn  heretical  books  and  opinions, 
but  not  to  try  or  punish  their  authors.  This 
course  was  followed  in  the  synodical  con- 


demnation of  the  writings  of  Bishop  Colenso 
{q.v.)  in  1863,  and  of  Essays  and  Reviews 
{q.v.)  in  1864.  In  1891  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  was  made  to  deal  with  Lux  Mundi 
in  the  same  way. 

3.  Financial. — During  the  twelfth  century 
the  clergy  occasionally  protested  against  the 
taxation  of  church  land  and  property  for 
secular  purposes.  But  this  was  a  position 
which  could  not  be  maintained,  and  in  the 
thirteenth  century  the  Convocations  granted 
subsidies  to  the  King  on  behalf  of  the  clergy. 
Edward  i.  sought  to  form  a  Parliamentary 
estate  of  the  clergy  for  this  purpose.  [Parlia- 
ment, Clergy  in.]  But  they  resisted,  and 
preserved  the  right  of  taxing  themselves  in 
Convocation.  This  refusal  had  important 
results.  Had  the  clergy  become  an  estate 
of  Parhament,  the  provincial  synods  might 
have  been  unhampered  by  connection  with 
the  State.  By  insisting  on  their  financial 
claims  the  Convocations  became  part  of  the 
national  constitution  as  well  as  spiritual 
assembhes,  and  the  results  of  this  dual 
character  are  to  be  observed  tlu-oughout 
their  history. 

In  1296  Boniface  vm.,  by  the  BuU  Clericis 
laicos,  forbade  the  clergy  to  pay  taxes  to 
the  secular  power.  The  King,  in  reply, 
threatened  them  with  outlawry,  and  they 
were  obliged  to  evade  the  Pope's  command. 
As  a  rule  the  seK-taxation  of  the  clergy 
worked  well,  and  they  paid  their  share 
towards  the  national  revenue,  occasionally 
(as  in  1374  and  1377)  insisting  on  the  redress 
of  grievances  as  the  condition  of  their 
contribution.  From  1540  onwards  their 
grants  were  always  ratified  by  Parliament. 
In  1664  the  arrangement,  being  found  to 
press  hardly  on  the  clergy,  was  brought  to 
an  end  by  a  verbal  agreement  between 
Archbishop  Sheldon (g. v.)  and  Lord  Chancellor 
Clarendon,  to  which  the  clergy  tacitly  assented, 
'  as  it  was  a  great  relief  to  them  in  taxations  ' 
to  be  taxed  by  Parliament  like  other  citizens. 
The  first  Act  wliich  taxes  them  contains  a 
proviso  that  nothing  in  it  is  intended  '  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  ancient  rights  '  of  the 
clergy  (16-17  Car.  ii.  c.  1).  This  surrender 
by  Convocation  of  its  financial  powers  (called 
by  Bishop  Gibson  {q.v.)  '  the  greatest  altera- 
tion in  the  constitution  ever  made  without  an 
express  law')  greatly  facihtated  the  sup- 
pression of  Convocation  in  the  next  century, 
now  that  its  existence  was  no  longer  necessary 
to  the  financial  well-being  of  the  State, 

Convocation  AND  the  Crown. — The  power 
of  summoning  Convocation  resides  in  the 
archbishop  of  the  province.  But  its  privilege 
of  voting  the  taxes  of  the  clergy  caused  the 


(  142 


Convocation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Convocation 


mediaeval    kings    to     bid    the    archbishops 
summon  their  Convocations  whenever  Parlia- 
ment   was    called    for    financial    purposes. 
Thus  it  became  customary  for  Convocation 
to  be  summoned  concurrently  with  I'arlia- 
ment.     During    the    Middle    Ages    it    was 
frequently   summoned   by   the   archbishops, 
independently    of    the    Crown,    to    transact 
ecclesiastical    business    only.     But    as    the 
demand  for  money'  was  more  regular  and 
frequent  than  the  demand  for  canons,  the 
Convocations      summoned      primarily      for 
financial     purposes    were    more     numerous 
than  those  held  solely  to  meet  spiritual  needs. 
Both  assemblies  aUke  were  summoned  by  the 
archbishop,  in  the  former  case  at  the  instance 
of  the  Crown,  and  in  the  latter  of  his  own 
mere   motion.     The   kings   from  William  i. 
onward  also  claimed  a  power  of  veto  over  the 
acts  of  church  synods.     William  i.  decreed 
that  nothing  should  be  enacted  in  a  synod 
save  what  was   agreeable   to   his  wiU   and 
had  first   been   ordained  by  him.      Anselm 
iq.v.)  acquiesced  in  William  n.'s  refusal  to 
aUow    him    to    hold    a    council.     In    1279 
Edward  i.   compelled  Archbishop  Peckhain 
to    revoke    certain    decrees   which    he    had 
promulgated    in    a    provincial    council    at 
Reading.     As  a  rule,  however,  the  kings  left 
the  archbishops  free  to  summon  their  synods, 
and  the  synods  free  to  carry  on  their  spiritual 
work.     The  royal  veto  over  the  meeting  and 
proceedings  of  Convocation  was  a  weapon 
in  reserve,  only  to  be  used  if  the  Church 
seemed  to  encroach  on  the  secular  sphere. 
Under  Henry  vin.  the  relations  between  the 
Crown  and  Convocation  were  restated,  and 
placed  on  the  footing  on  which  they  still 
remain.     In  1532  Convocation,  under  pressure 
from  Henry  vin.,  agreed  to  '  The  Submission 
of  the  Clergy,'  in  which  the  clergy  promise 
that  they  will  not  in  future  enact  or  put  in 
force    any    canon    in    Convocation,    '  which 
Convocation  is,  always  has  been,  and  must 
be  assembled  only  by  your  highness'  com- 
mandment of  writ,  unless  your  highness  by 
your  royal  assent  shall  licence  us  to  assemble 
our    Convocation,'    and    to    make    canons. 
An  Act  of  1534  (25  Hen.  viii.  c.  19)  gave  this 
arrangement  Parliamentary  authority. 

These  two  Acts  of  Convocation  and  Parlia- 
ment respectively  lay  down  the  terms  which 
still  govern  the  relation  of  Convocation  to  the 
State.  It  must  be  observed  that  the  body 
which  the  clergy  admit  '  always  has  been  ' 
assembled  by  the  royal  writ  is  Convocation 
as  a  part  of  the  constitution,  meeting  at  the 
same  time  as  Parliament  for  financial  pur- 
poses, not  the  purely  ecclesiastical  provincial 
synods  which  also  met  from  time  to  time 


during  the  Middle  Ages.  But  tliis  distinction 
is  now  obsolete.  The  two  bodies  are  fused 
into  one,  which  is  a  constitutional  Convoca- 
tion as  well  as  a  provincial  synod  ;  and  the 
King's  writ  is  essential  to  its  assembling 
(the  writ  is  addressed  to  the  archbishop,  who 
on  receiving  it  issues  liis  mandate  as  de- 
scribed above).  Moreover,  it  cannot  now 
enact  any  canon  without  the  King's  licence, 
though  this  is  not  necessary  for  the  transaction 
of  other  business.  It  appears  from  the 
'  Submission '  that  after  a  canon  has  been 
enacted  it  must  receive  the  royal  assent, 
though  this  is  not  perfectly  clear  from  the 
words  of  the  statute.  And,  further,  no  canon 
can  be  enacted  which  is  contrary  or  repugnant 
to  the  laws  of  the  realm. 

In  modern  times,  beginning  from  the 
reign  of  Anne,  it  has  been  customary  for  the 
Crown  to  issue  '  Letters  of  Business '  to 
the  Convocations,  requesting  them  to  take 
into  consideration  certain  specified  matters. 
These  Letters  must  be  distinguished  from  the 
royal  licence  just  mentioned.  They  are  not  a 
necessary  prehminary  to  the  action  of  Con- 
vocation, and  are  in  no  way  binding  upon 
it.   [Church  and  State,  Royal  Supremacy.] 

Later  History. — After  the  Submission  of 
1532  Convocation  continued  to  be  summoned 
concurrently  with  Parliament,  and  took  its 
part  in  the  work  of  the  Reformation  {q.v.). 
Henry  vni.  always  preferred  to  attain  his 
ends  where  possible  by  means  of  legal  and 
constitutional  forms,  and  it  is  probable, 
though  not  certain,  that  most  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical statutes  of  his  reign  were  laid  before 
Convocation.  He  also  consulted  it  in  1533 
on  the  validity  of  his  marriage  with  Katherine 
of  Aragon,  and  in  1534  on  the  papal  suprem- 
acy. In  1547,  after  the  accession  of  Edward 
VI.,  Convocation  declared  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy  and  communion  in  both  kinds  to  be 
lawful.  It  co-operated  in  the  reaction 
under  Mary  {q.v.),  and  after  Elizabeth's 
{q.v.)  accession  presented  articles  in  favour  of 
papal  supremacy  and  the  Romish  doctrine 
of  the  Mass.  Consequently  it  had  to  be 
ignored  in  the  Ehzabethan  Settlement  [q.v.) 
till  1563,  when  a  new  Convocation  assembled 
and  resumed  its  proper  place  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Church,  the  Queen  being  careful 
to  protect  it  from  the  encroachments  of 
ParUament.  In  1571,  for  instance,  she  for- 
bade the  House  of  Commons  to  consider  any 
'  Bills  concerning  reUgion  '  '  unless  the  same 
should  be  first  considered  and  liked  by  the 
clergy.'  And  this  was  her  consistent  pohcy. 
In  1563  Convocation  re^^sed  the  Articles  of 
ReUgion  {q.v.)  of  1553,  finally  sanctioning 
them    in    their    present    form    in    1571.     It 


(  U3) 


Convocation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Convocation 


passed  bodies  of  canons  which  were  mostly 
enforced  in  practice,  though  some  of 
them  failed  to  receive  the  royal  assent. 
This  legislative  activity  culminated  in  the 
code  of  canons  of  1604  [Canon  Law  from 
1534].  In  1606  the  royal  licence  to  make 
further  canons  resulted  in  those  known  as 
Bishop  Overall's  (q.v.)  Convocation  Book, 
to  which  the  royal  assent  was  refused.  In 
1640  the  right  of  Convocation  to  continue 
sitting  after  the  dissolution  of  Parliament 
was  questioned.  The  judges  were  referred 
to  and  admitted  the  right.  Accordingly  it 
sat  for  more  than  three  weeks  after  Parlia- 
ment was  dissolved,  and  enacted  seventeen 
canons,  which  were  confirmed  by  the  Crown. 
Their  authority  has  been  questioned  at  various 
times,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  before 
the  Submission  the  sittings  of  Convocation 
by  no  means  necessarily  synchronised  with 
those  of  Parliament,  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
good  legal  or  constitutional  ground  for  sup- 
posing that  any  change  has  been  made. 
The  point  has  never  been  definitely  settled. 
After  1640  Convocation  did  not  meet  till 
1661,  when  royal  letters  were  issued  directing 
it  to  revise  the  Praj-er  Book.  For  this 
purpose  the  Convocation  of  York  appointed 
delegates  to  act  on  its  behalf  in  that  of 
Canterbury,  and  this  combined  synod 
sanctioned  the  revised  book.  The  period 
1688-1717  was  a  busy  and  acrimonious  one 
in  the  historj-  of  Convocation.  The  bulk  of 
the  clergy  were  High  Churchmen  [Church, 
High,  Low],  and  some  were  Jacobites. 
The  Lower  House  reflected  these  opinions, 
and  found  itself  frequently  at  variance  with 
the  Upper,  composed  largely  of  Low  Church 
and  latitudinarian  divines  who  had  been 
appointed  to  bishoprics  because  they  favoured 
the  Revolution  and  the  Hanoverian  succes- 
sion. In  1689  a  Comprehension  Bill,  designed 
to  promote  the  union  of  Protestant  dissenters 
with  the  Church,  was  introduced  into  ParUa- 
ment.  [Reunioniv.]  At  this  the  Church  party 
in  the  House  of  Commons  was  '  much  offended ' 
because  a  Bill  affecting  the  Church  had  been 
introduced  '  in  which  the  representative  body 
of  the  clergy  had  not  been  so  much  as  advised 
with  '  (Burnet).  Accordingly  they  petitioned 
the  King  to  call  a  Convocation,  thus  showing 
that  they  realised  the  rightful  position  of  that 
body  in  the  constitution.  When  Convocation 
met  the  Lower  House  showed  itself  '  stiff  for 
the  Church  of  England,'  and  declared  through 
its  prolocutor:  'Nolumus  leges  Angliae  viutari.'' 
The  attempt  at  comprehension  was  accord- 
ingly abandoned.  After  this  Convocation 
was  not  allowed  to  meet  except  formally  till 
1700,      From    this   foretaste   of   the   longer 


suppression  which  was  soon  to  follow,  the 
southern  Convocation  was  rescued  by  Atter- 
bury's  [q.v.)  vigorous  championship  of  the 
synodical  rights  of  the  clergj\  That  of  York 
only  met  formally  between  1698  and  1861. 
A  succession  of  controversies  between  the 
two  Houses  of  the  Convocation  of  Canter- 
bury followed.  Some  of  these  were 
concerned  with  their  respective  rights,  and 
especially  the  claim  of  the  Lower  House 
to  adjourn  as  it  pleased  independently  of 
the  Upper  House  and  of  the  archbishop,  a 
claim  which  could  not  be  constitutionally 
maintained.  Others  were  caused  by  attempts 
of  the  Low(!r  House  to  censure  latitudinarian 
books  and  opinions.  The  last  and  most 
famous  of  these  was  an  attack  on  Bishop 
Hoadly  (g-.i'.),  which  induced  the  Government 
to  prorogue  Convocation  in  order  to  avoid  a 
formal  censure  upon  him.  Tliis  prorogation 
of  Convocation  against  its  will  by  the  exercise 
of  the  Royal  Supremacy  was  followed  by  its 
suppression  for  all  practical  purposes  for 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  years.  It  was 
summoned  as  before  at  the  beginning  of 
every  Parliament,  but  after  formal  proceed- 
ings, varied  only  by  such  mUd  activities  as 
the  passing  of  an  address  to  the  Crown,  it 
was  again  adjourned.  At  the  time  of  the 
suppression  it  had  many  useful  reforms  in 
contemplation,  and  had  it  been  permitted 
to  effect  them  the  stagnation  which  charac- 
terises the  life  of  the  Church  for  the  next  hun- 
dred years  might,  to  some  extent,  have  been 
avoided.  Although  the  State  was  primarily 
responsible  for  the  suppression,  the  Church 
is  by  no  means  free  from  blame.  Save  in  one 
or  two  isolated  instances  no  attempt  was 
made  to  enable  Convocation  to  resume  its 
functions.  In  1703  Wake  {q.v.)  had  written 
that  if  the  sovereign  should  ever  neglect  his 
duty  so  far  as  not  to  summon  Convocation, 
the  bishops  should  urge  him  to  do  so  ;  and 
if  he  still  refused.  Convocation  should  meet 
and  act  as  seemed  best  for  the  Church,  '  and 
be  content  to  suffer  any  loss,  or  to  run  any 
danger  for  their  so  doing.'  But  as  archbishop 
he  scarcely  acted  up  to  his  own  counsel,  and 
his  successors  were  not  the  men  for  heroic 
measures.  A  few  zealous  churchmen  like 
Dr.  Johnson  [q.v.)  might  lament  the  enforced 
silence  of  the  constitutional  voice  of  the 
Church,  but  the  great  majority  acquiesced  in 
it  as  the  normal  state  of  things  until  the 
general  revival  of  church  life  which  followed 
the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.).  It  was  then 
felt  that  the  Church's  synod  '  ought  to  be  a 
real  living  and  active  one,  instead  of  a  piece 
of  lumber  dragged  out  one  day  and  dragged 
back  into  its  closet  the  next.'      In  1837  a 


(  l^i) 


Convocation] 


Dictiovary  of  EvgJish  Church  History 


I  Convocation 


motion  that  it  should  be  itiade  '  e£Qcient  for 
the  purposes  for  which  it  was  recognised  by 
the  constitution '  was  defeated  in  the  House 
of  Commons  by  24  to  19,  Lord  John  Russell 
remarking  that  he  '  could  not  see  the  advant- 
age of  reviving  the  religious  disputes  of  the 
reign   of    Queen    Anne.'      Later    efforts    to 
revive  Convocation  met  with  much  Erastian 
opposition     in     the     press    and    elsewhere, 
while  a  considerable  section    of   the   clergy- 
was   suspicious,   not   to   say   hostile.     After 
the   Gorham   [q.v.)   judgment    it    was    seen 
to  be  necessary  that  the  voice  of  the  Church 
should  express  itself  freely.     Owing  largely 
to  the  exertions  of  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.) 
and  of  Henry  Hoare  (1807-65),  a  well-known 
banker  and  the  leading  spirit  of  the  '  Society 
for  the  Revival  of  Convocation,'  the  Canter- 
bury Convocation  was  allowed  to  resume  the 
active  exercise  of  its  functions  in  1852.     The 
opposition  of  Archbishop  Musgrave  prevented 
the    northern    synod    from    following    this 
example  during  his  hfe,  but  it  met  under  his 
successor  in  1861.     Since  then  both  Convo- 
cations have  continued  to  meet,  and  have  to 
some  extent  resumed  their  normal  place  in 
the  Ufe  of  the  Church.     In  1865,  1888,  and 
1892  Convocation  passed  canons,  under  royal 
licence,  and  it  has  been  shown  to  be  possible 
for  Convocation  and  ParUament  to  work  to- 
gether by  legislating  concurrently  for  Church 
and  State.     In  1872  Letters  of  Business  were 
issued  requesting  the  Convocations  to  take 
into  consideration  the  recommendations  of  the 
Ritual  Commission  [CoMinssiONS,   Royal]. 
And  the  fact  that  they  had  been  thus  con- 
sulted,   and    had    reported    to    the    Crown, 
was   recited    in    the    preamble   to    the    Act 
of   Uniformity  Amendment   Act    (35-6  Vic. 
c.   35).     In   1879  Convocation  presented  to 
the  Crown  a  complete  revision  of  the  rubrics, 
but   requested   that   it   should    not    receive 
Parliamentary  sanction  until  the  method  of 
legislating  for  the  Church  should  have  been 
reformed.     During  part  of  the  debates  on 
this  subject  the  two  Houses  of  the  Southern 
Convocation  sat  together  in  full  sjmod.     In 
other  ways  apart  from  legislation  Convocation 
has  made  good  its  claim  to  be  the  living  voice 
of  the  Church,  not  only  in  such  matters  as  the 
drawing  up  of  special  forms  of  service,  but 
also  and  more  notably  at  the  time  of  the 
Vatican    Council    (1870),    when    it    passed 
decrees    setting    forth    the    position    of    the 
English  Church  against  the  papal  claims,  and 
formally  communicated  them  to  the  orthodox 
churches  of  the  East. 

Reforms. — It  has  been  felt  that  Convoca- 
tion could  take  its  place  more  effectively  in 
the  life  of  the  Church  if  its  constitution  were 


reformed.     This  subject  has  constantly  occu- 
pied it  since  its  revival.     Most  of  the  proposals 
made   have   tended   towards  increasing   the 
number  of  clerical  proctors  and  their  election 
by  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy.     It  has  been 
suggested  that  such  reforms  could  be  made  by 
the  archbishop  on  the  authority  of  the  writ 
which  directs  him  to  assemble  '  the  whole 
clergy '  of  his  province.     But  as  the  present 
arrangement  is  fixed  by  long-standing  custom, 
the  suggested  power  of  altering  it  without  the 
authority  either  of  Convocation  or  of  Parlia- 
ment must  be  held  doubtful.     In  1855,  and 
again  in  1865,  the  royal  licence  to  make  a 
canon  reforming   the  representation  of  the 
clergy  was  refused  on  the  ground  that  there 
was    no    precedent,    and    that    Convocation 
could  not  be  reformed  without  the  authority 
of  ParUament.     The  refusal  was  repeated  in 
1897.      Dr.    Stubbs,    whose    opinion    upon 
such  a  matter  carried  great  weight,  considered 
that,  as  the  synod  was  not  organised  in  its 
present   form    by  canon,  the   constitutional 
method  of  reform  would  be  to  proceed  by 
obtaining    an    Act    of    Parliament    to    give 
recognition  on  behalf  of  the  State  to  changes 
introduced    by     the    archbishop.     For,     as 
Convocation  is  not  merely  an  ecclesiastical 
synod,  but  also  a  part  of  the  constitution, 
any  reforms  made  in  it  would  require  civil 
sanction.     Bills     to     enable    it    to     reform 
itself  have  been  introduced  into  ParUament, 
but    have    failed    to    pass.      Yet,    however 
Convocation  may  be  organised,  its  authority 
resides  in  the  bishops  alone.     This  fact  tends 
to  be  somewhat  obscured  because  the  course 
of  history,  and  especiaUy  the  importance  of 
the  Lower  House  in  voting  money  and  the 
prominence    it    has    attained    in    doctrinal 
disputes,    have    tended    to    place    it    in    an 
anomalous  position.     But  by  the  constitution 
of  the  Church  the  lower  clergy  in  a  provincial 
synod  are  only  a  consultative  body,  whose 
function  is  to  advise  and,  if  necessary,  to 
check  the  bishops,  who  alone  can  exercise 
the    spiritual   authority    of    the    synod.     In 
1888  the  Upper  House  of  Canterbury  refused 
to  consider  a  proposed  supplement  to  the 
Catechism  presented  by  the  Lower,  on  the 
ground  that  synodical  action  upon  matters 
of  doctrine  should  proceed  from  the  Upper 
House,  the  function  of  the  Lower  being  to 
suggest  the  consideration  of   such   matters 
by  way  of  petition  or  address.     The  Lower 
Houses,  however,  have  acquired  by  custom  an 
absolute  veto  on  the  acts  of  the  Upper,  wliich 
are  not  valid  without  their  consent. 

In  1857  Convocation  discussed  the  advisa- 

biUty    of      taking      steps      whereby      '  the 

1    counsel    and    co-operation    of    the    faithful 


(U5) 


Coronation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Coronation 


laity'  might  be  secured  to  its  proceedings. 
But  no  action  was  taken  till  1885,  when 
both  Houses  of  the  Convocation  of  Can- 
terbury agreed  on  a  scheme  for  the 
constitution  of  a  House  of  Laymen,  to  be 
appointed  by  the  lay  members  of  the  diocesan 
conferences,  and  by  the  archbishop,  to  act  as 
a  consultative  adjunct  to  Convocation  on  all 
subjects  except  the  definition  and  interpre- 
tation of  faith  and  doctrine.  The  Canterbury 
House  of  Laymen  first  met  in  1886,  and  that 
of  York  in  1892.  Both  now  sit  concurrently 
with  the  Convocations,  but  are  not  con- 
stituent parts  of  tliem,  and  their  decisions 
do  not  affect  the  validity  of  the  acts  of  the 
synods.  [g.  c] 

Wilkins,  Concilia;  Cardwell,  Synodalia; 
Journal  of  Convocation,  Chronicle  of  Convoca- 
tion ;  for  an  outline  of  its  development  see 
Stubbs,  C.H.,  III.  chap.  xv.  For  its  revival 
Warren,  Synodalia  ;  Hansard,  Pari.  De- 
hates,  1837,  1851,  1852  ;  Life  of  S.  Wilber- 
force,  II.  iv.-vii.  ;  Sweet,  Memoir  of  H. 
Hoare.  On  tlie  subject  generally  see  (among 
many  other  works)  Wake,  Authority  of 
Christian  Princes  and  State  of  the  Church  ; 
Atterbury,  Rights  of  Convocation ;  Gibson, 
Synodus  Anglicana  ;  Lathbury,  Hist,  of  Con- 
vocation ;  Joyce,  England's  Sacred  Synods ; 
Stubbs,  Hist.  Appendices  to  Report  of  Eccl. 
Courts  Commission,  1883  ;  Beeching,  Francis 
Atterhury  ;  Records  of  the  Northern  Convoca- 
tion, Surtees  Soc. ,  113. 

CORONATION.  The  earhest  recorded  coro- 
nations in  England  are  those  of  Egferth, 
son  of  Offa  of  Mercia,  and  Eardwulf  of 
Northnmbria  {A.-S.  Chron.,  ann.  785,  795). 
In  the  line  of  Wessex  the  record  is  continu- 
ous from  Edward  the  Elder  (902)  down  to 
the  present,  except  for  Edmund  (940)  and 
Cnut  (q.v.)  (1016),  and  for  Matilda  (1135)  and 
Edward  v.  (1483),  who  were  never  crowned. 
Before  the  Confessor  the  coronations  were 
generally  at  Kingston ;  his  own  was  at 
Winchester.  From  Harold  onward  all  have 
been  crowned  at  Westminster. 

A  '  Coronation '  is  the  creation  and  in- 
auguration of  a  monarch  ;  and  such  an  act 
naturally  includes  (1)  the  choice,  or  at  least 
the  identification,  of  the  person  to  be  in- 
augurated ;  (2)  his  pledge  to  fulfil  his  trust ; 
(3)  the  act  of  creation  by  consecration  ;  (4) 
the  investiture  of  the  monarch  with  his 
insignia  ;  (5)  the  setting  of  him  in  his  of3ficial 
place  ;  (6)  the  acknowledgment  of  him  by 
his  subjects.  Accordingly  the  Enghsh  order 
of  coronation  in  its  developed  form,  apart 
from  details,  consists  of  the  following  ele- 
ments : — (1)  The  nobles  and  prelates  assemble 
in  Westminster  Hall  '  to  consult  about  the 
election  and  consecration  '  of  the  monarch, 
and  the  confirmation  by  him  of  the  laws  and 


customs  of  the  realm  —  a  survival  of  the 
old  debates  of  the  Witan — and  the  prince  is 
'  elevated '  on  to  his  seat.  Then  they  all 
conduct  liim  in  solemn  procession,  with  the 
regalia,  to  the  abbey,  and  there,  standing  on 
the  '  theatre,'  he  is  presented  to  the  assembly, 
and  their  final  assent  is  demanded  and  given 
by  acclamation.  (2)  After  a  sermon  the 
elect  is  interrogated  by  the  Archbisliop  of 
Canterbury,  and  swears  to  confirm  the  laAvs 
and  customs  granted  by  his  predecessors  ; 
to  preserve  peace  for  the  Church,  the  clergy, 
and  the  peojile  ;  to  do  justice  with  mercy  ; 
and  to  enforce  the  laws  that  shall  be  made  ; 
and  in  answer  to  the  petition  of  the  bishops 
he  promises  to  conserve  their  rights  and  those 
of  the  churches  committed  to  them.  (3)  He 
is  consecrated  (a)  by  prayer — Veni  Creator, 
the  Litany,  and  a  series  of  '  benedictions  '  ; 
(b)  by  unction :  he  is  anointed  with  oU 
on  hands,  between  the  shoulders,  on  the 
shoulders  and  the  elbows,  and  with  both  oil 
and  chrism  on  the  head  ;  while  the  choir 
sing  Psalm  21,  with  the  antiphon,  Zadok  the 
priest.  (4)  The  King  is  invested  with  his 
insignia — the  two  tunics,  the  buskins,  shoes, 
and  spurs ;  the  sword,  the  armillae,  and  the 
pallium ;  the  crown,  the  ring,  the  sceptre, 
and  the  rod  ;  and  then  he  is  solemnly  blessed. 
(5)  He  is  taken  to  the  throne  by  the  bishops 
and  the  nobles,  and  there  seated,  while  Te 
Deum  is  sung ;  and  then  the  archbishop 
admonishes  him  in  the  Sta  et  retine.  (6)  The 
bishops  do  their  fealty  and  the  nobles  their 
homage.  Then,  if  so  be,  the  Queen  is  conse- 
crated by  prayer,  anointed  on  head  and 
breast,  and  invested  with  ring,  crown,  sceptre, 
and  rod.  The  Mass  and  Communion  fol- 
low. Lastly,  after  depositing  part  of  the 
regalia  on  the  altar  of  St.  Edward's  Chapel, 
they  proceed  to  Westminster  Hall,  where  the 
banquet  is  held,  in  the  course  of  which  the 
mounted  champion  enters  and  challenges 
any  who  question  the  King's  right  to  the 
crown. 

There  are  four  successive  recensions  of  the 
Order  of  Coronation,  which  mark  the  de- 
velopment of  the  rite.  A.  That  of  the 
Pontifical  of  Egbert  of  York  and  the  Leofric 
Missal,  which  may  be  as  old  as  the  eighth 
century.  Here  the  coronation  follows  the 
creed  in  the  Mass,  and  consists  of  three 
'  benedictions  ' ;  the  unction  of  the  King's 
head,  during  the  singing  of  Psalm  21,  with 
its  antiphon,  Zadok  the  priest,  and  followed 
by  a  prayer ;  the  delivery  of  sceptre,  rod, 
and  crown,  each  with  a  prayer  ;  the  acclama- 
tion and  the  kiss ;  after  which  the  Mass  is 
continued.  B.  In  the  second  recension  Te 
Deum  is  sung  as  soon  as  the  King  has  pros- 


(  14G 


Coronation] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Coronation 


trated  liimself  before  the  altar;  the  prayers 
of  A  are  partly  rearranged   and   new  ones 
added ;    the  ring  and  the  sword  are  added 
to  the  insignia,  and  there  is  a  formula  of 
delivoi-y  for  each  of  the  insignia  ;    a  solemn 
blessing  follows  the  delivery  of  the  rod  ;   and 
the  enthronement  follows,  with  the  admoni- 
tion, Sta  et  retine  ;    and  the  unction  of  the 
Queen,   and  her  investiture  with  ring  and 
crown,  each  with  a  formula  of  delivery  and 
a  prayer.    Then  the  Mass  begins.    Some  of  the 
new    matter    of    this    recension    occurs    in 
the    coronation   of   the    Emperor   Lewis   ir. 
(877),  some  in  the  Roman  Imperial  Corona- 
tion of  the  tenth  century;  and   the  whole 
order  is  closely  akin  to   that   of    the   coro- 
nation  of    the    Emperor  at   Milan  as  King 
of    Italy  (Martene,  de  ant.   eccl.   rit.,  ii.  ix. 
ord.    5).     The    detailed    description    of    the 
coronation  of  Eadgar  (Whitsunday,  972)  in 
the  Vita  S.  Oswaldi  (R.S.,  Ixxi.  p.  426)  makes 
it  clear  that  this  order  was  then  used,  at 
least  as  far  as  the  delivery  of  the  rod,  and 
it  may  weU  have   been  compiled  for  that 
occasion  and  reflect  the  imperiahsm  of  the 
moment.      C.    The    third    is    contained    in 
several   Pontificals   of   the  twelfth   century. 
While  in  structure  almost  identical  with  A 
and  B,  in  content  it  departs  widely  from 
them.     It  retains  only  one  prayer  of  A  and 
thirteen  formulae  of  B,  and  it  has  ten  new 
formulae.      It   adds   the   Litany   before   the 
oath,  and  the  presentation  and  recognition 
of  the  elect  after  it;    the  breast,  shoulders, 
and  elbows  are  anointed  besides  the  head  ; 
the  delivery  of  the  armillae  after  the  sword 
is  new  ;    the  ring  is  not  delivered  till  after 
the    crown ;    and  Te  Deum  is  delayed  till 
after    the    blessing.     This    order    is    nearly 
akin    to    that    of    the    tenth  -  century    Ordo 
Romanus  of  Hittorp  [de  Off.  eccl.,  p.  96),  and 
the  coronation  of  the  Emperor  as  German 
King  at  Aachen   (Martfene,  ii.   ix.   ord.   4). 
D.  The  fourth  recension,  the  fully  developed 
form,  is  in  part  a  fusion  of  B  and  C ;   but  it 
adds    further    prayers    and    ceremonies    (as 
indicated  above),  and  in  its  fullest  shape,  in 
the  Lihcr  rerjnlis  and  the  Westminster  Missal, 
it  gives  detailed  rubrics.     This  form,  which 
has    been    affected    by    the    later    Western 
Imperial  coronation,   and  indirectly  by  the 
Eastern,  was  in  use  from  perhaps  the  early 
fourteenth     century     till     Elizabeth.       For 
James  i.  it  was  translated  into  EngUsh,  and 
was  so  used  for  Charles  i.,  and  with  little 
change  for  Charles  ii.     For  James  n.  San- 
croft    iq.v.)    made    some    changes    of    order, 
omitted  several   prayers,  altered  and  muti- 
lated other  formulae,  and  by  a  blunder  which 
has  been  perpetuated  provided  for  the  de- 


livery of  the  orb  as  well  as  the  sceptre,  with 
which  it  is  identical.  For  William  and  Mary, 
Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  made  further 
changes  and  omissions  ;  reduced  the  unctions 
to  those  on  hands,  breast,  and  head ;  and 
added  a  new  ceremony,  the  delivery  of  the 
Bible.  Little  change  has  been  made  since, 
except  that  the  processions  from  and  to 
Westminster  Hall,  and  the  banquet,  have 
been  omitted  from  William  iv.  onward ; 
the  unction  on  the  breast  was  omitted  in  the 
cases  of  William  iv.  and  Victoria  ;  and  some 
slight  changes  and  abridgments  were  made 
for  Edward  vn.,  which  were  mostly  con- 
tinued for  George  V. 

Two  further  points  may  be  noticed.  (1) 
In  A  there  is  no  recognition  of  hereditary 
claim  ;  but  in  some  of  the  new  matter  which 
appears  first  in  B,  while  election  is  asserted, 
there  is  also  a  recognition  of  hereditary  right. 
In  D  the  prince  is  presented  to  the  people 
as  '  the  rightful  and  undoubted  inheritor ' 
of  the  crown,  but  also  as  '  elect,  chosen,  and 
required '  by  the  tliree  estates,  and  the 
consent  of  the  people  to  his  coronation  is 
asked.  This  continues  down  to  James  i. 
From  Charles  i.  to  James  n.  he  is  described 
as  the  '  rightful  inheritor,'  without  allusion 
to  election,  and  those  present  are  only  asked 
whether  they  are  willing  to  do  their  homage. 
William  and  Mary  are  the  first  to  be  presented 
as  already  'undoubted  King  and  Queen  of 
this  realm.'  (2)  It  is  commonly  said  that  the 
prayers  and  ceremonies  of  the  coronation 
imply  that  the  consecrated  King  is,  what  by 
some  he  has  been  held  to  be,  a  mixta  persona, 
both  cleric  and  lay  ;  and  this  mainly  on  two 
grounds,  (a)  The  similarity  in  structure 
and  the  identity  of  certain  formulae  as 
between  the  order  of  coronation  and  that  of 
the  consecration  of  a  bishop.  But,  besides 
that  the  similarity  is  not  perhaps  so  close 
as  is  suggested,  of  the  common  formuL-e 
Veni  Creator  is  quite  indetermhiate,  and 
the  intention  of  the  Litany  is  only  deter- 
mined by  proper  suffrages,  which  are  different 
in  the  two  cases ;  while  such  assimilation 
of  rites  is  natural  and  common,  and  it  im- 
pUes  no  more  than  that  both  rites  are  con- 
secrations of  persons  to  office  and  status. 
(6)  The  regal  vestments  are  said  to  be  '  sacer- 
dotal ' ;  and  in  particular  the  'armil'  is  identi- 
fied with  the  stole,  the  '  pallium '  with  the 
cope.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
'  armil '  is  the  lores  or  diadema  of  the  By- 
zantine emperors,  and  is  ultimately  a  folded 
toga ;  while  the  '  pallium  '  is  no  more  like  a 
cope  than  one  cloak  is  necessarily  like  an- 
other;  it  is  quadrangular,  and  is  properly 
buckled  on  the  right  shoulder,  not  on  the 


(U7) 


Cosin] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cosin 


breast ;  it  is  the  '  imperial  purple,'  and 
ultimately  the  paludamentum  of  the  Roman 
general  in  the  field.  And,  in  fact,  the 
whole  series  of  regal  vestments,  from  buskins 
to  paUium,  is  identical  term  by  term  with 
the  Byzantine  series,  and  was  no  doubt 
derived  through  the  Western  Empire  from 
Constantinople.  On  the  other  hand,  such  a 
petition  as  that  the  King  '  may  nurture, 
teach,  defend,  and  instruct  the  Church,'  etc., 
seems  to  implj'  something  hke  what  Article 
xxxvn.  repudiates.  [f.  e.  b.] 

Selden,  Titles  of  Honour ;  A.  Taylor,  The 
Glory  of  Regality;  Maskcll,  Monumtntaritualia 
(1882),  ii.  ;  C.  Wordsworth,  The  manner  of  the 
Coronation  of  Charles  I.  ;  J.  W.  Legg,  Missale 
Westmonastcriense  and  Three  Coronation 
Orders ;  L.  W.  Legg,  English  Coronation 
Records ;  H.  Thurston,  The  Coronation  Cere- 
monial. 

COSIN,  John  (1594-1672),  an  influential 
leader  of  the  Laudian  reaction  in  the  north  of 
England  under  Charles  i.,  a  refugee  during 
the  Protectorate,  and  later  an  eminent 
hturgiologist  and  Bishop  of  Durham.  In  his 
earher  days  as  Prebendary  of  Durham,  and 
the  moving  spirit  in  the  ecclesiastical  changes 
under  Charles  i.  {q.v.),  his  tone  was  far  more 
uncompromising  than  ?t  a  later  date.  Born 
at  Norwich  and  educated  lu  ■^he  Grammar 
School  of  that  city,  Cosin  passed  to  '^'aius 
College,  Cambridge,  and  became  FeUow. 
He  was  already  a  man  of  conviction,  and  both 
Andrewes  [q.v.)  and  Overall  [q.v.)  offered  him 
work.  After  a  brief  time  with  the  latter  at 
Lichfield  he  became  domestic  chaplain  to 
Neile,  appointed  Bishop  of  Durham,  1617. 
This  appointment  was  epoch-making  in 
Cosin's  fortunes.  Neile,  already  in  the 
confidence  of  James  I.,  was  one  of  the  foremost 
of  the  Uttle  circle  of  eminent  men  who  became 
the  centre  of  Church  influence.  As  Talbot 
brought  Butler  to  Durham  a  century  later,  so 
Neile  brought  Cosin  at  the  age  of  thirty  to 
Durham,  and  mth  the  diocese  Cosin's  name 
now  became  imperishably  Unked.  First  as 
Master  of  Greatham  Hospital  and  then  as 
Prebendary  of  the  cathedral,  Cosin  came  into 
the  front  rank  of  the  clergy  in  the  diocese. 
He  became  Archdeacon  of  the  East  Riding 
in  1625.  Thus  his  influence  began  to  extend 
outside  the  diocese,  though  it  is  uncertain  how 
long  he  held  the  office.  Next  year  he  married 
his  predecessor's  daughter,  Frances  Blakeston. 
In  1627  the  first-fruits  of  his  liturgical  studies 
appeared  in  the  shape  of  his  Collection  of 
Private  Devotions.  [Caroline  Divines.] 
The  rising  temper  of  the  opposing  school  of 
thought  soon  marked  these  '  Cozening  devo- 
tions.'    In  Durham  changes  had  been  rife 


underalittle  knotof  like-minded  prebendaries. 
A  strong  opposition  was  led  by  the  senior 
prebendary,  Peter  Smart  {q.v.),  who  delayed 
public  protest  until  his  old  schoolfellow  NeUe 
was  translated  to  York.  Preaching  the 
Assize  Sermon  in  1628,  Smart  attacked  the 
Arminian  changes  in  general  and  Cosin  in 
particular.  When  in  1633  Charles  i.  stayed 
in  Durham  Castle,  Cosin  adroitly  managed 
that  the  King  should  visit  the  cathedral  with 
much  ceremonj^,  and  throw  over  all  that  had 
been  done  in  the  way  of  '  innovations '  the 
mantle  of  his  authority  and  sanction.  Cosin 
has  left  a  minute  account  of  the  proceedings 
on  that  occasion.  Next  year  he  was  ap- 
pointed Master  of  Peterhouse.  He  intro- 
duced into  the  college  chapel  the  alterations 
which  had  given  so  much  offence  at  Durham. 
He  was,  apparently,  away  from  Durham  in 
1639-40,  when  the  Scottish  troubles  began 
and  the  prebendaries'  houses  were  rifled  after 
Newburn  Fight.  He  was  thus  spared  wit- 
nessing the  fate  of  his  ornaments  within  the 
cathedral.  He  was  immersed  in  University 
business  at  Cambridge.  Vice- Chancellor 
in  1639,  in  1640  Charles  made  him  Dean 
of  Peterborough.  The  Long  Parhament  de- 
prived him  of  aU  his  ecclesiastical  bene- 
fices. Remaining  at  Cambridge  he  was 
ejected  in  1644  from  the  Mastership  for 
sending  the  coUege  plate  to  the  King.  A 
time  of  exile  followed.  In  Paris  he  acted 
as  chaplain  to  Henrietta  Maria's  household 
at  the  Embassy.  Here  he  carried  out  the 
services  in  his  own  way  without  hindrance 
for  nineteen  years,  defending  the  Anglo- 
CathoUc  position  against  Romanist  adver- 
saries. Despite  the  help  of  friends  Cosin 
was  in  some  straits  in  Paris,  yet  he  managed 
to  collect  books  and  to  pursue  his  studies. 
To  this  quiet  period  we  doubtless  owe  much 
of  his  liturgical  knowledge.  At  the  Restora- 
tion he  returned  to  his  deanery.  His 
other  benefices  were  restored  by  degrees 
{Corresp.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  3-4).  In  December 
1660  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, and  began  the  eleven  years  of  diocesan 
administration  which  gave  him  so  great 
a  name  as  prelate.  His  energy  and 
strong  personal  influence  wrought  a  great 
change,  as  Basire's  funeral  sermon  attests. 
His  visitations  were  very  carefully  con- 
ducted. His  minute  interest  in  all  the  de- 
tails of  building  and  planning  at  Durham, 
whether  in  castle,  library,  or  elsewhere,  is 
shown  in  his  correspondence.  At  length, 
after  a  long  illness,  he  died  in  London  in  1672, 
and  was  buried  in  the  renovated  chapel  at 
Auckland. 

His  most  important  work  is  the  History  of 


(148) 


Councilsl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Councils 


Papal  Transnhstantiation,  written  in  Paris ; 
publislied,  1675.  His  '  corrected  copy '  of 
the  Prayer  Book,  the  so-called  '  Durham 
Book,'  was  printed  in  1619,  but  annotated 
and  corrected  by  Cosin,  probably  as  secre- 
tary of  the  revision  cotninittee,  in  1660  and 
1661,  and  represents  a  stage  in  the  process 
of  revision  then  in  hand.  (J.  T.  TomUnson, 
Prayer  Book,  Articles,  and  Homilies.) 

[H.    G.] 

Works  (Lib.  of  Anglo-Catli.  Theol.,  5  vols.)  ; 
V.C.If.,  Durham,  ii.  43-58;  Correspondence. 
Surtees  Soc,  vols.  52  and  55. 

COUNCILS  as  a  feature  of  Church  govern- 
ment date  from  apostolic  times.  The  Council 
of  Jerusalem,  c.  a.d.  49  (Acts  15),  is  called 
by  Jeremy  Taylor  '  this  first  copy  of  Christian 
councils.'  Assemblies  for  dehberation  and 
decision  are  essential  to  the  life  of  any  society. 
The  Church,  though  divinely  founded,  forms 
no  exception  to  this  rule.  Its  spiritual 
authority  has  been  normally  exercised 
through  councils.  It  was  a  natural  con- 
sequence of  the  episcopal  constitution,  by 
which  the  authority  of  the  whole  body  was 
especially  committed  to  the  bishops  {q.v.), 
that  they  should  meet  and  take  counsel 
both  for  decision  of  difficulties  and  for  pre- 
servation of  unity,  the  rule  of  each  in  his 
own  diocese  being  guided  by  the  results  of 
deliberation  in  common.  [Authority  in 
THE  Church.] 

Constitution. — It  follows,  therefore,  that 
the  authority  of  a  council  resides  in  the 
bishops  who  compose  it.  This  authority 
is  exercised,  as  a  rule,  in  the  presence  of 
certain  inferior  clergy  and  laity,  whose  func- 
tion it  is  to  be  '  at  once  a  means  of  counsel 
and  information,  and  a  check  on  inconsiderate 
action.'  The  clergy  have  normally  taken  part 
in  the  debates,  and  the  counsel  of  the  learned 
is  naturally  sought.  In  later  times  the 
growth  of  the  idea  of  government  h\  repre- 
sentation has  had  its  effect  on  the  Church. 
But,  according  to  the  original  constitution  of 
councils,  the  sole  duty  of  the  inferior  clergy 
and  of  the  laity  was  to  advise  the  bishops, 
and  to  aid  them  in  ascertaining  the  general 
feeling  of  the  Church,  and  thus  to  influence 
their  decision.  The  traditional  right  of  the 
laity  to  be  present  at  councils,  and  to  take 
part  in  debate  if  called  upon,  survived  in  the 
canonists  until  the  twelfth  century,  although 
it  had  become  obsolete  in  practice.  And  at 
no  time  had  their  presence  implied  any 
co-ordinate  authority  in  the  council,  the  acts 
of  which  derived  their  validity  from  the 
bishops,  who  alone  were  its  constituent 
members.     It  must  be  remembered  that  the 


government  of  the  Church  is  neither  demo- 
cratic nor  despotic.     Its  rulers  do  not  depend 
on  the  multitude  for  their  authority  ;  neither 
are  they  '  lords  over  subjects  ;    but  divinely 
commissioned  leaders  of  a  divine  society ' 
(Report  of    Committee    of    Convocation    on 
The  Position  of  the  Laity,  1902,  p.  7).     From 
this  it  followed  at  first  that  the  practice  of 
voting    and    carrying    resolutions    by    bare 
majorities    was    not    recognised.     '  The    in- 
tention always  was  to  secure  something  like 
unanimity.     Nothing    else    could    fulfil    the 
idea  that  a  council  was  an  assembly  in  which 
.  .  .  the  Holy  Spirit  prevailed  to  guide  the 
Church  into  all  truth.  .  .  .  Hence  it  is  a  sort 
of  anachronism  to  discuss  .  .  ,  whether  the 
laymen  [and  clergy]  had  or  had  not  "  votes." 
...  It  was  quite  enough  for  them  if  they  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree  influenced  the  general 
decision '  {ibid.,  p.  25).     The  acts  of  a  council 
when  passed  must  be  published  to  the  Church 
at  large,  and  are  not  finally  binding  until 
they  have  won  its  acceptance.     The  whole 
body  of  the  faithful,  '  the  Church  diffusive,' 
is  thus  the  ultimate  authority,  and  has  the 
power   of   informally   ratifying   or   rejecting 
the    acts    of    a    council.      This    ratification 
usually  follows  as  a  matter  of  course,  but  it 
has    occasionally    been    withheld    when    the 
acts  of  a  council  have  proved  to  be  clearly 
contrary  to  the  mind  of  the  Church. 

Relation  to  Civil  Rulers. — The  conversion  of 
Constantine  (a.d.  312),  and  the  recognition  of 
Christianity  as  the  official  religion  of  the 
Empire,  affected  the  status  of  councils.  The 
assembling  of  General  Councils,  including 
bishops  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  became 
possible.  The  Christian  emperors  summoned 
General  Councils  from  time  to  time,  both 
at  the  request  of  the  Church  and  also  at  their 
own  discretion.  The  English  Church  in  the 
sixteenth  century  recognised  this  right  of 
the  civil  power.  '  General  Councils  may  not 
be  gathered  together  without  the  command- 
ment and  wiU  of  princes '  (Article  xxi. ).  The 
emperors  also  assumed  the  right  to  preside 
in  General  Councils,  either  in  person  or  by  a 
representative.  But  they  only  acted  as 
moderators,  and  directed  the  course  of  the 
proceedings.  They  made  no  claim  to  be 
constituent  members  of  the  councils,  nor  to 
take  part  in  the  debates  or  decisions.  Several 
General  Councils,  however,  requested  the 
emperors  to  ratify  their  decisions,  and  so  give 
them  the  force  of  civil  law,  though  this 
ratification  added  nothing  to  the  spiritual 
validity  by  virtue  of  which  they  were  binding 
on  the  conscience  of  Christians.  This  suprem- 
acy of  the  emperors  over  the  councils  of  the 
early    centuries    is    in    harmony    with    the 


(  l^i)  ) 


Councils] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Councils 


position  allowed  to  Christian  rulers  through- 
out  the   history    of    the   Church,   and    still   I 
exercised  by  the  English  Crown  over  Convo- 
cation.    It  includes  the  right  to  command  or 
to  forbid   the   assembling   of   a   council,   to 
prescribe,    within    limits,    the    subjects    for   j 
discussion,  and  the  right  to  give  civil  sanc- 
tion to  its  decrees.    [Convocation  ;  Church   j 
AND  State  ;  Supremacy,  Royal.] 

General    Councils. — The    most    illustrious 
councils    in    ecclesiastical    history    are    the 
General  Councils  of  the  undivided  Church, 
and  especially  the  first  four,  of  Nicsea  (325),    ! 
Constantinople    (381),    Ephesus    (431),    and 
Chalcedon  (451),  whose  canons  have  always 
been     considered     to     possess     oecumenical 
authority  in  an  especial  degree.     The  Act  of 
Supremacy,  1559,  recognises  '  the  first  four 
General  Councils  '  as  standards  of  doctrine 
in  the  English  Church  equal  in  authority  to    | 
'  the    canonical    Scriptures.'     The    Lambeth 
Conference  of  1867  (see  below)  bore  formal 
testimony    to    its    belief    in    the    faith    '  as    | 
affirmed  "by  the  undisputed  General  Councils.'    | 
And    Archbishop     Benson     [q.v.)    expressly 
stated  that  the  canons  of  the  first  four  were 
binding  on  the  English  Church  in  matters  of 
faith  and  doctrine  [Read  v.  Bishop  of  Lincoln, 
1889,  U  P.D.,  p.  109). 

A  General  Council  must  include  a  sufficient 
number  of  bishops  to  ensure  that  its  acts 
shall  represent  the  mind  of  the  whole  Church. 
The  decrees  of  any  valid  council  bind  all  who 
are  subject  to  its  jurisdiction  whether  present 
at  it  or  not  (Canon  140  of  1604).  The  Roman 
Church  holds  that  the  Pope  alone  can 
summon  a  General  Council,  and  that  he  is  not 
subject  to  its  authority.  Neither  contention 
is  borne  out  by  early  church  history.  The 
English  Church  has  always  recognised  the 
supreme  authority  of  '  a  laAvful,  free  and  well- 
composed  General  Council '  (Laud,  Conference 
with  Fisher).  In  1246  a  council  of  bishops 
held  at  London  appealed  against  the  Pope's 
extortions  to  the  authority  concilii  universalis 
aliqui  tempore  per  Dei  rjratiam  convocandi 
(Wilkins,  Cone,  i.  688).  And  in  1427  Arch- 
bishop Chichele  {q.v.)  appealed  ad  sacro- 
sanctum  concilium  generale  against  a  papal 
suspension  from  his  legateship  {ibid.,  iii. 
485).  Since  the  Reformation  the  English 
Church  has  consistently  appealed  against  the 
pretensions  of  Rome  to  the  authority  of  a 
free  General  Council.  Its  position  is  summed 
up  by  Laud  in  the  Conference  referred  to  above. 
There  arc  '  some  Businesses,'  he  says,  '  (Is 
not  the  sctling  of  the  Divisions  of  Christendom 
one  of  them  ?)  which  can  never  be  well 
setled  but  in  a  General  Council.  .  .  .  And 
when  that  cannot  be  had  the  Church  must 


pray  that  it  maj^  and  expect  till  it  may,  or 
else  reform  itself  per  partes  by  National  or 
Provincial  SjTiods '  (p.  139).  A  General 
Council  is  the  supreme  legislature  of  the 
Church  on  earth.  Nevertheless,  the  English 
Church  recognises  that  General  Councils 
'  may  err  and  sometimes  have  erred  even  in 
things  pertaining  unto  God'  (Article  xxi.). 
Their  decrees  vary  in  authority  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  subjects  with  which  they 
deal  (some  being  concerned  with  faith  and 
doctrine,  others  with  less  important  matters), 
and  according  to  the  reputation  of  the  council 
enacting  them,  and  their  ability  to  win 
acceptance  from  the  Church  at  large. 

The  nature  of  General  Councils  made  it 
impossible  that  they  should  meet  at  regular 
or  at  frequent  intervals.     Their  function  was 
to  deal  with  grave  crises,  reconcile  schism, 
or    define    doctrine.     Legislation    on    minor 
matters,  which  required  meetings  at  stated 
periods,  could  be  left  to  the  less  majestic  and 
less  unwieldy  assemblies  now  to  be  described. 
National  Councils. — As  Christianity  spread 
dioceses  were  grouped  into   provinces,  and 
these  again  into  patriarchates  and  exarchates. 
These    arrangements    usually    followed    the 
civil  divisions  of  the  Empire.     And  it  became 
usual  for  the  bishops   of   each   division   to 
meet  together  in  synod.     Apart  from  Pro- 
vincial Councils,  which  are  considered  below, 
the  only  assembhes  of  this  kind  which  directly 
concern  the  history  of  the  English  Church 
are  the  National  Councils,  which  for  centuries 
disputed  the  position  of  its  chief  assembly 
with  the  separate  councils  of  the  two  provinces, 
and  at  times  seemed  likely  permanently  to 
supersede  them.     In  the  words  of  Dr.  Stubbs 
{q.v.),  '  From  the  first  ages  of  EngUsh  Chris- 
tianity to  the  latest  date  at  which  a  body  of 
canons  was  promulgated,  the  idea  of  a  National 
Synod  has  been  present  to  the  mind  of  the 
Church.'     In    the    Anglo-Saxon    period    we 
find  two  kinds  of  National  Councils.     There 
are  the  purely  ecclesiastical  synods,  such  as 
those  of  Hertford  (673)  and  Hatfield  (680). 
These  do  not  materially  differ  in  constitution 
and  functions  from  Provincial  Councils,  but 
I    such  of  them  as  were  held  after  the  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  the  York  province  in 
735   include   the   bishops   of   two   provinces 
instead  of  one,  under  the  presidencj-  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.     After  the  eighth 
century  their  history  becomes  obscure.     It 
does  not  appear  that  they  were  held  often, 
if  at  all,  after  the  Danish  Avars.     In  earlier 
times    they    were    assembled    without    any 
permission    from    the    secular    power.     The 
bishops  of  England  were  already  meeting  in 
synod  when  the  civil  government  was  still 


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[Councils 


divided  among  a  number  of  independent 
kings,  none  of  whom  could  authorise  the 
holding  of  a  National  Council.  Their  decrees 
were  not  thought  to  require  any  secular 
ratification.  Kings  and  nobles  were  some- 
times present,  and  attested  their  acts  to  add 
secular  to  their  spiritual  authority.  Secondly, 
the  witenagemots,  although  they  were  mixed 
assemblies  of  clergy  and  laity,  meeting 
primarily  to  transact  secular  affairs,  yet 
played  a  part  in  the  history  of  the  English 
Church,  and  must  be  included  among  its 
councils.  The  bishops  were  recognised 
members  of  them,  and  abbots  were  sometimes 
present  also.  Dr.  Stubbs  (6'.//.,  vi.)  gives 
lists  typical  of  the  proportions  of  the  clerical 
and  lay  elements  in  a  national  witenagemot. 
In  931,  2  archbishops,  2  Welsh  princes, 
17  bishops,  15  ealdormen,  5  abbots, 
and  59  King's  thegns.  In  966  the  King's 
mother,  2  archbishops,  7  bishops,  5  ealdormen, 
and  15  King's  thegns.  The  bulk  of  the 
ecclesiastical  legislation  from  827  to  1066  is 
the  work  of  these  mixed  assemblies.  Church 
and  State  were  in  complete  harmony,  and 
it  was  part  of  the  work  of  these  assembUes 
to  enforce  by  their  decrees  the  law  laid  down 
by  spiritual  authority.  Consequently  their 
enactments  on  such  subjects  as  '  the  enforce- 
ment of  Sundays  and  festival  holydays,  the 
payment  of  tithe,  the  estabUshment  of  the 
sanctity  of  oaths,  of  marriage  and  of  holy 
orders  '  {ibid.,  p.  144)  possessed  the  author- 
ity of  Church  and  State  alike. 

Here  as  elsewhere  the  Norman  Conquest 
{q.v.)  separated  more  completely  the  spheres  of 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  authority.  National 
synods  continued  to  be  held,  but  were  quite 
distinct  from  the  great  council  of  the  nation. 
Thus  in  1085  the  King  held  a  council  at 
Gloucester  which  sat  for  five  days,  and 
included  the  prelates  as  well  as  the  lay 
councillors,  and  immediately  afterwards  the 
archbishop  and  bishops  held  a  synod  by 
themselves  which  lasted  for  three  days  more. 
In  1102  a  council  of  bishops  and  lay  nobles 
held  by  Henry  I.  at  Westminster  was  followed 
by  a  synod  of  archbishops  and  bishops  alone. 
A  synod  held  at  Windsor,  1072,  provided  that 
such  assemblies  should  be  held  in  future 
at  the  will  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
But  they  failed  to  become  a  permanent 
feature  in  the  constitution  of  the  Enghsh 
Church  owing  to  the  jealousy  of  the  Arch- 
bishops of  York,  who  disliked  the  priority 
allowed  in  them  to  the  southern  metropolitan. 
This  rivahy  between  the  two  archbishops, 
together  with  the  growing  claims  of  the 
papacy,  resulted  in  the  introduction  of 
national  synods  over  which  a  papal  legate 


presided  [Legates].  In  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries  these  legatine  councils 
became  to  some  extent  the  recognised 
assemblies  of  the  Church.  They  were  re- 
garded with  some  resentment,  and  were  not 
successful  in  composing  the  differences 
between  the  two  metropolitans.  At  a  council 
held  at  Westminster,  1176,  Roger  of  York, 
finding  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  already 
seated  on  the  right  of  the  presiding  legate, 
rather  than  take  his  place  on  the  left  sat 
down  on  his  rival's  knee,  and  an  unedify- 
ing  scene  ensued.  About  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century  the  period  of  foreign 
legates  came  to  an  end,  save  for  a  few 
unimportant  exceptions.  National  Councils 
being  thus  rendered  impossible  by  the  mutual 
jealousies  of  the  two  archbishops,  the  separ- 
ate synods  of  the  two  provinces  became  the 
normal  councils  of  the  Enghsh  Church  from 
the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
few  attempts  have  been  made  to  revive  the 
use  of  National  Councils.  The  most  im- 
portant was  that  of  Wolsey  [q.v.),  who,  using 
his  commission  as  legate  to  supersede  the 
authority  of  Canterbury,  held  a  synod  of 
the  bishops  of  the  two  provinces  in  1518, 
and  in  1523  united  the  two  Convocations  in 
a  national  synod.  Cardinal  Pole  {q.v.),  as 
legate,  held  a  national  synod  in  1555.  By 
Canon '139  of  1604  'the  Sacred  Synod  of  this 
Nation '  is  '  the  true  Church  of  England  by 
representation.'  And  though  this  canon  was 
passed  by  the  two  Convocations  separately, 
yet  its  wording,  and  its  title,  '  A  NationaU 
Synode  the  Church  representative,'  show 
that,  in  Dr.  Stubbs's  phrase,  'the  idea  of  a 
National  Synod '  was  stiU  '  present  to  the 
mind  of  the  Church.'  Since  then  there  has 
been  no  National  Council  in  England.  There 
have  been  joint  action  of  the  two  Convoca- 
tions  and  more  or  less  informal  meetings  of 
their  members,  but  the  most  usual  form  of 
co-operation  between  them  in  modern  times 
has  been  that  of  simultaneous  or  concerted 
action,  as  when  canons  were  enacted  by  the 
Convocation  of  Canterbury  in  June  1865, 
and  in  exactly  the  same  form  by  that  of  York 
a  week  later.  The  most  recent  attempt  to 
give  effect  to  the  desire  for  a  National  Council 
is  the  Representative  Church  Council  [q.v.). 

Provincial  Councils. — Towards  the  end  of 
the  second  century  the  Church  in  each 
province  was  organised  under  the  primacy  of 
a  metropohtan,  who  summoned  the  bishops 
of  the  province  to  its  synod,  in  which  he 
presided.  His  presence  was  soon  considered 
essential  to  its  complete  vahdity.  The 
bishops  brought  certain  presbyters  with  them, 
and  deacons  and  lay  people  were  also  present. 


{  151) 


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I  Councils 


The  functions  of  a  provincial  council  were  to 
receive  and  publish  the  decrees  of  General 
Councils,  and  also  to  enact  canons  to  meet 
local  needs  not  covered  by  the  general  law  of 
the  Church,  which  it  could  supplement  but 
not  contravene.  Within  these  limitations  its 
decrees  were  binding  in  the  province,  and 
sometimes  won  acceptance  beyond  its  borders 
and  passed  into  the  general  church  law. 
Provincial  synods  exercised  judicial  functions 
in  early  times.  They  heard  appeals  from  the 
diocesan  courts,  and  acted  as  courts  of 
first  instance  in  cases  which  were  beyond  the 
competence  of  an  inferior  body,  such  as  the 
trial  of  a  bishop,  or  the  settling  of  disputes 
between  dioceses.  Provincial  synods  formed 
on  the  primitive  model  and  wielding  authority 
in  spiritual  matters  existed  in  the  English 
Church  from  the  time  of  Theodore  {q.v.). 
At  times  their  importance  was  overshadowed 
by  National  Councils.  But  they  rose  into 
prominence  again  in  the  thirteenth  century. 
[Convocation.] 

Diocesan  Synods  are  probably  as  old  as  the 
organisation  of  the  Church  in  dioceses,  though 
they  are  not  mentioned  until  the  third 
century.  They  apparently  existed  in  Eng- 
land shortly  after  the  Conversion,  and  re- 
mained a  normal  part  of  the  Church's 
constitution  throughout  the  Middle  Ages. 
A  National  Council  held  at  Windsor  in  1076 
ordered  that  each  bishop  should  assemble 
his  synod  every  year.  And  there  is  evidence 
that  in  theory  the  diocesan  synod  was  ex- 
pected to  meet  twj.ce  a  year.  It  normally 
consisted  of  the  bishop  and  the  whole  priest- 
hood of  the  diocese,  but  sometimes,  both  in 
the  Middle  Ages  and  more  recently,  only 
representative  priests  have  been  summoned. 
Deacons  were  also  present,  but  did  not  form 
part  of  the  sjTiod.  La3Tiien  were  specially 
summoned  in  order  to  give  information  of 
any  disorders  among  clergy  or  people  with 
which  the  synod  could  deal.  They  were 
known  as  Testes  Synodales,  or  in  English 
questmen,  or  sidemen  (there  is  no  authority 
for  the  belief  that  this  word  is  a  corruption  of 
synodsmen).  Their  duties  are  defined  by 
the  canons  of  1604,  but  they  lost  their 
synodical  position  from  about  the  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  synod  was 
summoned  by  the  bishop's  mandate,  and  he 
could  at  his  option  either  preside  over  it  in 
person,  or  appoint  deputies  to  do  so.  Its 
functions  were  to  elect  proctors  for  Con- 
vocation, to  receive  and  publish  the  decrees 
of  councils  of  higher  authority,  and  to 
supplement  the  general  and  provincial  law 
by  diocesan  constitutions.  These  emanated 
primarily  from  the  bishop.     They  were  then 


discussed  in  the  synod,  the  function  of  the 
clergy  being  to  assist  the  bishop  with  their 
advice.  The  bishop  himself,  however,  was 
the  legislative  authority  for  the  diocese,  just 
as  its  assembled  bishops  were  for  the  province. 
But  although  he  was  not  bound  by  the  opinion 
of  the  clergy,  it  was  customary  for  him  to 
enact  nothing  without  their  consent.  And 
this  being  obtained,  the  constitutions  were 
promulgated  as  the  law  of  the  diocese. 
Canons  thus  enacted  were  sometimes  accepted 
bj'  the  Church  at  large,  on  account  of  the 
reputation  of  the  bishop  who  made  them  or 
of  their  inherent  merit,  and  so  passed  into 
the  general  law.  It  was  also  the  duty  of  the 
clergy,  as  well  as  of  the  lay  questmen,  to 
bring  forward  complaints  which  might  form 
the  subject  of  diocesan  legislation.  The 
synod  also  furnished  an  opportunity  for  the 
bishop  to  deliver  a  charge,  and  for  systematic 
inquiries  to  be  made  into  the  state  of  the 
fabrics  of  the  churches  and  the  morals  and 
discipline  of  the  clergy.  In  these  respects  it 
has  been  to  some  extent  replaced  in  modern 
times  by  episcopal  visitations.  It  was  occa- 
sionally used  as  a  place  of  trial,  the  bishop 
being  the  judge,  and  the  clergy  acting  as 
assessors. 

Diocesan  synods  in  England  have  had  httle 
connection  with  the  State,  though  in  the 
Middle  Ages  they  were  occasionally  sum- 
moned under  royal  writ.  Before  Convoca- 
tion was  finally  recognised  as  possessing  the 
power  of  taxing  the  clergy,  the  diocesan 
synods  were  sometimes  separately  consulted 
on  this  subject.  The  last  recorded  instance 
of  this  took  place  in  1280.  These  synods 
were  not  affected  by  the  restrictions  placed 
upon  Convocation  by  the  Submission  of  the 
Clergy.  And  that  it  was  intended  that  they 
should  continue  to  hold  their  place  in  the 
Church's  life  is  amply  proved  by  the  Refor- 
matio Legum  (q.v.),  which  provides  for  their 
annual  session  in  every  diocese.  From  the 
second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  however, 
they  fell  into  disuse.  Occasional  examples 
can  be  found  during  the  seventeenth,  after 
which  they  ceased  (save  in  the  diocese  of 
Man)  until  1851,  when  Bishop  PhUlpotts  (q.v.) 
summoned  a  synod  at  Exeter.  They  were 
discussed  in  the  Canterbury  Convocation  in 
1864,  1865,  and  1867,  but  the  proposal  to 
revive  them  did  not  find  favour  with  the 
Upper  House,  the  bishops  preferring  the 
mixed  conferences  of  clergy  and  laity  which 
were  then  coming  into  use.  Formal  synods, 
however,  have  been  and  stUl  are  occasionally 
held  in  various  dioceses,  e.g.  Lincoln,  1871 ; 
Southwark,  1905 ;  Birmingham,  1910. 

Ruri-Decanal  Chapters. — For  the  sake  of 


(  15:^'  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Councils 


completeness  these  assemblies,  which  date 
from  Anglo-Saxon  times,  may  be  noticed. 
They  consisted  of  the  rural  dean  {q.v.)  and 
the  beneficed  clergy.  Their  duties  were  to 
receive  and  pubhsh  the  decrees  of  higher 
authorities,  to  inquire  into  and  report  upon 
wrongs  and  abuses,  and  to  transact  other 
minor  business.  They  were  also  courts 
having  jurisdiction  in  certain  smaU  matters. 
At  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  they  fell  into  , 
disuse.  There  were  attempts  to  restore 
them  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  in  the 
second  half  of  the  nineteenth  they  were  very 
generally  revived  as  deliberative  assembUes 
of  the  clergy. 

Modern  Quasi  -  Conciliar  Bodies,  —  The 
second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  was 
an  age  of  conferences.  The  revival  of  church 
life  led  to  a  general  desire  for  common 
deliberation.  Convocation,  when  revived, 
proved  to  be  archaic,  unrepresentative,  and 
hampered  by  legal  restrictions  ;  and  its  pro- 
ceedings had,  for  many,  an  air  of  unreaUty. 
Diocesan  synods  were  even  more  unfamiliar, 
and  theu-  effectiveness  for  the  purpose  required 
was  doubted.  Accordingly  Ruri-Decanal  and 
Diocesan  Conferences  of  clergy  and  represen- 
tative laymen  were  brought  into  being  soon 
after  the  middle  of  the  century,  and  have 
continued  to  fulfil  the  functions  for  which  they 
were  intended,  namely,  to  exchange,  to  reveal, 
and  to  form  the  opinions  of  church  people 
upon  questions  affecting  the  Church. 

A  more  prominent  assembly  is  the  Church 
Congress,  which  dates  from  1861,  when  the 
Cambridge  Church  Defence  Association  in- 
vited about  three  hundred  delegates  from 
similar  associations  to  meet  at  Cambridge  to 
discuss  Church  defence.  The  meetings  were 
held,  27th  to  29th  November,  under  the  chair- 
manship of  the  Ven.  F.  France,  Archdeacon  of 
Ely.  The  second  congress  met  at  Oxford  in 
1862,  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  (q.v.)  presiding. 
Since  then  it  has  met  annually  in  some 
important  town.  In  1869  the  Ven.  W. 
Emery,  Archdeacon  of  Ely,  'Father  of  the 
Congress,'  became  its  permanent  secretary, 
and  in  1873  a  standing  committee  was  ap- 
pointed. The  membership  of  the  London 
Congress  of  1899  reached  eight  thousand. 
The  '  Jubilee  Congress '  was  held  at  Cam- 
bridge in  1910,  vnih  a  membership  of  over 
three  thousand  five  hundred.  It  is  a  loosely 
organised  national  Church  Conference.  Any 
member  of  the  Church,  clerical  or  lay,  may 
take  part  in  it.  Since  its  early  days  it  passes 
no  resolutions,  but  merely  discusses.  Its 
chief  work  has  been  to  stir  up  and  maintain 
in  various  parts  of  England  a  sense  of  cor- 
porate church  life.     It  is  worth  noting  that 


it  has  always  been  organised  on  national, 
not  on  provincial  lines. 

Finally,  the  '  Pan-Anglican '    Conferences, 
which  have  been  held  at  Lambeth  once  in 
every  decade  during  the  past  half-century, 
must    bo    mentioned.     The    first    Lambetli 
Conference  was  indirectly  an  outcome  of  the 
cases  of  Bishop  Colenso  (q.v.)  and  Essays  and 
Reviews  (q.v.).     In  1865  the  Provmcial  Synod 
of   Canada   prayed  Archbishop    Longley   of 
Canterbury  to  summon  '  a  General  Council ' 
of  the  Anghcan  communion  to   counteract 
the  disturbing  effect  of  those  episodes.     The 
Convocation    of    Canterbury    approved   the 
design.     It   was   found,   however,    that   the 
original    intention    to    convene    a    council 
which  should  define  doctrine  would  provoke 
opposition,  and   could   not   be  carried   out. 
And  a  conference  to  serve  as  '  a  demonstra- 
tion of  union '  between  the  different  Churches 
in    communion   with   Canterbury   was    sub- 
stituted.     In     summoning    the     conference 
Ai-chbishop  Longley  expressly  stated  that  it 
would  not  be  competent  to  define  doctrine, 
but     that    united     worship     and     common 
counsels  would  tend  to  maintain  the  unity  of 
the  faith.     Invitations  were  sent  to  the  whole 
Anghcan  episcopate,  144  bishops,  of  whom  76 
attended.     The  Conference  met  at  Lambeth, 
24th  September   1867.      It  was  admittedly 
an  experiment,  and  its  programme  had  been 
drawn  up  with  a  view  to  the  avoidance  of 
controversy,     A     stormy     debate     on     the 
Colenso    question   was   probably   inevitable, 
but  with  this  exception  the  proceedings  were 
confined  to  such  subjects  "as  the  powers  of 
metropohtans,     and    the    constitution    and 
functions  of  synods  and  ecclesiastical  courts. 
Committees  were  appointed  to  consider  these 
matters,  and  the  Conference  met  again  in 
December  to  consider  reports  and  to  draw  up 
and  issue  an  '  Address  to  the  Faithful.'     An 
important  result  of  the  Conference  was  that 
in  uniting  the  American  and  colonial  bishops 
on  equal  terms  with  the  Enghsh  as  members 
of  a  world-wide  communion,  it  supplied  a 
practical  refutation  of  the  theory  that  the 
EstabUshed  Church  is  merely  a  creature  of 
the  State  and  dependent  upon  it.     Archbishop 
Tait  (q.v.),   on  succeeding  to  the  primacy, 
found  that  bishops  in  all  parts  of  the  world 
were  in  favour  of  holding  a  second  Confer- 
ence, which  he  therefore  convened  in  1878. 
'    It  was  attended  by  100  bishops.     As  before, 
an  Encychcal  Letter  was  issued.     The  Con- 
ference of  1888  was  attended  by  145  out  of 
!    211  bishops  invited,  and  followed  the  fines 
1    of  that  of  1878,  as  did  that  of  1897,  which 
]    coincided     with     the     thhteen     hundredth 
1    anniversary  of  the  landing  of  St.  Augustine. 


(153) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Courts 


To  this  Conference  about  240  bishops  were 
invited,  and  197  came.  The  Conference  had 
now  assumed  '  a  certain  measure  of  con- 
tinuity,' and  had  justified  itself  as  a  means 
of  maintaining  unity  and  corporate  life.  A 
Central  Consultative  Body  was  formed,  to 
which  any  Church  maj^  resort  for  informa- 
tion or  advice.  The  Conference  of  1908  was 
attended  by  242  bishops,  and  preceded  by  a 
'  Pan- Anglican  Congress '  of  7000  clerical  and 
lay  delegates  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 

[G.    C] 

For  councils  in  the  early  Church  see  the 
article  Councils  by  A.  W.  Haddan  iu  Diet. 
Christian  Antiq.,  and  Bright,  Aye.  of  the 
Fathers ;  for  the  place  of  the  laity,  J.  W. 
Lea,  Evidence  of  Primitive  Ch.,  and  the  Report 
of  (Jonvocatiou  referred  to  in  the  text.  For 
English  Church  Councils  the  authorities  cited 
for  the  article  on  Convocation  ;  for  the  quasi- 
conciliar  bodies  Lambeth  Co /if e7-ences(ii.'P. O.K.), 
and  annual  Eeports  of  the  Church  Congress. 

COURTS  for  the  interpretation  of  the  law 
and  its  application  to  particular  cases  are 
an  essential  part  of  the  organisation  of  any 
society.  In  the  primitive  Church  the  bishop, 
either  alone  or  sitting  with  his  presbyters  in 
diocesan  synod,  acted  as  judge  in  his  diocese, 
with  an  appeal  if  necessary  to  the  synod  of 
provincial  bishops  [Councils],  which  in  some 
cases  of  greater  importance  was  itself  the 
court  of  first  instance.  After  the  organisa- 
tion of  Patriarchates  in  the  fifth  century  an 
appeal  lay  from  the  provincial  synod  to  the 
Patriarch.  And  the  primacy  allowed  to  the 
Pope  gradually  and  almost  insensibly  de- 
veloped into  a  claim  to  constitute  a  court  of 
final  appeal  from  the  whole  of  Christendom. 
The  recognition  of  the  Church  by  the  civil 
power,  and  the  growth  of  a  system  of  Canon 
Law  (q.v.),  produced  regularly  constituted 
courts  imitated  from  those  of  the  State  and 
exercising  tlie  power  it  allowed  them  as  well 
as  their  inherent  spiritual  jurisdiction. 

Courts  in  the  A7iglo- Saxon  Period  were 
similar  to  those  of  primitive  times,  coloured 
by  the  pccuharly  close  relations  of  Church 
and  State  then  prevailing  in  England.  The 
bishop  exercised  jurisdiction  in  the  shire- 
moot,  the  general  assembly  of  the  shire, 
where  he  sat  with  the  ealdorman  and  ex- 
pounded the  law  and  pronounced  the  sentence 
in  ecclesiastical  cases.  The  bishop,  and 
apparently  the  archdeacon  as  weU,  took  the 
same  part  in  the  hundred  court.  And  the 
bishop  exercised  a  more  private  and  informal, 
as  well  as  a  more  spiritual,  jurisdiction  in  his 
personal  tribunal,  forum  domesticum.  Suits 
which  were  either  begun  in  the  provincial 
synod,  or  taken  thither  or  to  Rome  on  appeal, 
were  few  and  exceptional. 


Courts  in  the  Middle  Ages. — The  Norman 
Conquest  introduced  a  system  more  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  ideas  of  reforming  church- 
men and  canonists.  Wilham  i.  decreed 
that  no  bishop  or  archdeacon  should  hence- 
forth hold  pleas  of  the  episcopal  laws  in  the 
hundred  court,  nor  bring  to  the  judgment 
of  secular  men  any  cause  concerning  the 
government  of  souls,  but  such  causes  should 
be  decided  by  the  bishop  according  to  the 
canons  and  episcopal  laws.  The  effect  of  this 
policy  was  to  separate  the  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  from  the  civil  and  to  organise 
it  in  a  regular  system,  which  may  thus  be 
outhned : — 

1.  The  Court  of  the  Rural  Dean  {q.v.) 
transacted  some  petty  business  in  subordina- 
tion to  that  of  the  archdeacon. 

2.  The  Court  of  the  Archdeacon  {q.v.)  now 
first  appears  as  a  regular  part  of  the  system. 

3.  Diocesan  Court.  The  bishop  continued 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  privately,  in  visitation, 
and  sometimes  in  diocesan  synod.  But  a 
more  formal  court  was  required  to  administer 
the  canon  law,  and  the  consistory  court  of 
the  diocese  appeared  and  became  the  normal 
court  of  the  first  instance.  The  most  im- 
portant development  in  it  during  the  Middle 
Ages  was  the  appointment  of  the  bishop's 
Official  as  judge  (see  below). 

4.  Provincial  Courts.  The  chief  of  these 
were  the  Court  of  Arches  and  the  Chancery 
Court,  the  Consistory  Courts  of  Canterbury 
and  York  respectively  under  the  Ofl&cial 
Principal  of  each  archbishop.  The  southern 
court  received  its  name.  Court  of  the  Arches, 
from  the  Church  of  St.  Mary-le-Bow  {de 
Arcubus),  in  which  it  was  usually  held. 
The  Dean  of  the  Arches  was  originally  the 
judge  of  the  archbishop's  Court  of  Pecuhars 
which  sat  in  that  church.  But  after  a  time 
this  position  was  always  held  in  conjunction 
with  that  of  Oificial  Principal,  and  the  holder 
of  both  offices  came  to  be  known  by  the  title 
of  the  less  important.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  had  also  a  Court  of  Audience,  in 
which,  apparently,  he  originally  exercised 
his  legatine  jurisdiction  in  person,  both  as 
a  tribunal  of  first  instance  and  on  appeal  from 
the  Arches.  He  had  certain  assessors,  called 
auditors,  eventually  reduced  to  one,  who 
became  judge  of  the  court,  which  sat  at 
St.  Paul's,  and  for  a  time  exercised  co-ordinate 
jurisdiction  with  the  Arches.  An  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  was  made  to  abolish  it  in  1536. 
It  disappeared  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
A  similar  court  at  York  seems  to  have  been 
soon  merged  in  the  Chancery  Court. 

There  was  also  in  each  province  a  Preroga- 
tive Court  exercising  the  archbishop's  testa- 


(154) 


Courts] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Uidory 


[Courts 


mcntary  jurisdiction.     The  judge  was  called 
the   Master,    Keeper,    or   Coraniissary.     His 
jurisdiction  was  distinct  from   that  of  the 
Official  Principal,  but  the  two  offices  were 
sometimes  held  in  conjunction.     The  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterburj'  had  also  his  Court  of 
Pecuhars,   mentioned  above.     For  the  pro- 
vincial synods  as  courts  see  Convocation. 
'J'he  subject  of  the  judicial  powers  of  the 
Archbishops   of   Canterbury   is   complicated 
by  the  fact  that  almost  continuously  from 
1127  to  1534  they  were  also  papal  legates, 
and  it  is  doubtful  how  much  of  their  jurisdic- 
tion was  exercised  in  that  capacity  [Legates]. 
5.  Peculiars  (g.?'.).     There  were  numerous 
pecuUar  jurisdictions  which  broke  in  upon 
the  hierarchy  of  church  courts.     Before  the 
Norman  Conquest  some  religious  houses  had 
acquired  exemption  from  episcopal  control, 
and  their  abbots  exercised  ordinary  jurisdic- 
tion.    During  the  Middle  Ages  many  other 
exempt  jurisdictions   arose,   such  as   Royal 
Peculiars,    Peculiars    belonging    to    various 
bishops,   deans,    and   chapters,   and   others. 
Districts  of  varying  extent,  covered  by  these 
exemptions,  lay  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
usual  courts,  and  were  subject  to  their  own 
judges,  from  whom  an  appeal  lay  to  the  Pope. 
Appeals  in  the  Middle  Ages. — The  notion  of 
appealing  from  one  court  to  another  naturally 
followed    the    introduction    of    an    ordered 
system  of  courts  administering  a  recognised 
body  of  law.     In  the  twelfth  century  appeals 
lay   from   archdeacon   to    bishop,   bishop   to 
archbishop,  and  thence  to  the  Pope.     This 
last   step   was   an   inevitable   result   of   the 
recognition  of  the  canon  law  as  a  world-wide 
system,  not  Umited  by  national  boundaries ; 
but  it  was  regarded  with  jealousj^  by  the 
kings  as  introducing  an  outside  jurisdiction 
over  which  they  had   no  control,  and  they 
sought  to  restrict  it  as  much  as  possible. 
William  i.  suffered  no  one  to  receive  letters 
from  the  Pope  unless  they  were  first  shown 
to    himself.     And    in    the    Constitutions    of 
Clarendon  {q.v.)  Henry  n.  laid  down  that  if 
the  archbishop  failed  to  do  justice  recourse 
should  be  had  to  the  King,  that  by  his  order 
the  case  might  be  settled  in  the  archbishop's 
court,  and  not  carried  further  without  the 
King's    leave.     This    attempt    to    establish 
a  veto   over  appeals   to   Rome  had   to   be 
abandoned  after  the  death  of  Becket  [q.v.), 
and  the  Crown  could  only  hinder  them  by 
exercising  its  undoubted  right  of  forbidding 
the  intercourse  of  its  subjects  with  a  foreign 
power  [Praemunire],     They  were  generally 
permitted  by  the  kings,  and  became  very 
numerous.     Towards  the  end  of  the  Middle 
Ages  they  decreased  in  number,  and  were 


almost  entirely  confined  to  questions  of  wills 
and  marriages.  Apart  from  their  appellate 
jurisdiction  the  Popes  claimed  a  universal 
jurisdiction  of  first  instance,  exercised 
through  legates  with  general  powers,  and 
delegates  specially  appointed  to  decide  par- 
ticular cases. 

The  Jurisdiction  of  the  Church  Courts  in  the 
Middle  Ages  was  based  on  William  i.'s 
principle  that  cases  touching  the  government 
of  souls  should  not  be  tried  in  the  secular 
courts.  But  the  difficulty  of  applying  it  in 
practice  led  to  constant  rivalry  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  courts,  the  results 
of  which  may  be  summarised  as  foUows  : — 

1.  The  right  of  the  church  courts  to  deal 
with  purely  spiritual  matters,  such  as  the 
celebration  of  divine  service,  was  never 
questioned  by  the  State. 

2.  They  claimed  to  deal  with  all  questions 
of  church  property,  but  the  temporal  courts 
succeeded  in  asserting  jurisdiction  over 
advowsons  and  questions  of  patronage,  the 
church  courts  retaining  disputes  about 
church  revenues,  tithes  {q.v.),  and  land  given 
in  '  free  alms '  to  the  Church.  Their  right  to 
deal  with  portable  ecclesiastical  property,  as 
church  ornaments,  was  not  contested. 

3.  The  Church  had  jurisdiction  over  all 
questions  connected  with  marriage  {q.v.). 

4.  The  close  connection  of  the  Church  with 
a  man  on  his  deathbed  led  to  a  claim  to 
dispose  of  his  goods  according  to  the  wishes 
he  had  then  expressed,  or  for  the  good  of  his 
soul  if  he  had  died  intestate.  The  church 
courts  thus  acquired  testamentary  jurisdic- 
tion over  personal  property  but  not  over 
land,  which  could  not  be  devised  by  will,  but 
passed  to  the  heir  in  accordance  with  the 
secular  law. 

5.  The  Church  failed  to  enforce  its  further 
claim  that  all  promises  and  obligations 
resting  on  good  faith  came  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion. It  was  aUowed  to  deal  with  such 
matters  as  perjury,  and  to  punish  breaches  of 
faith  as  sins,  but  not  (except  by  the  wish  of 
the  parties)  to  settle  disputes  rising  out  of 
them. 

6.  The  church  courts  also  exercised  a 
disciplinary  jurisdiction  over  the  laity  for 
sins  which  were  not  punishable  in  the 
temporal  courts  as  crimes.     [Discipline.] 

7.  All  breaches  of  the  ecclesiastical  law 
by  the  clergy  were  cognisable  by  the  ecclesi- 
astical courts. 

8.  Their  claim  to  jurisdiction  over  clerks 
accused  of  crimes  punishable  in  the  tem- 
poral courts  was  only  partially  successful. 
[Benefit  of  Clergy;  Clarendon,  Con- 
stitutions OF.] 


(155) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Courts 


9.  Both  clerks  and  laymen  were  subject 
to  the  disciplinary  jurisdiction  of  the  church 
courts  over  heresy  [q.v.). 

The  Bejormaiion. — The  close  of  the  Middle 
Ages  saw  the  church  courts  fallen  into 
weakness  and  corniption.  Their  spiritual 
censures  lacked  moral  weight,  and  their 
excessive  fees,  their  delays,  and  vexatious 
procedure  also  weakened  their  authority. 
Moreover,  practically  all  important  jurisdic- 
tion was  now  in  the  hands  of  judges  whose 
authority  was  directly  delegated  to  them  by 
the  Pope.  The  constitutional  courts  of  the 
Church  thus  fell  into  disuse,  and  had  to  be 
restored  almost  de  novo  when  the  papal 
encroachments  were  thrown  off. 

In  1532  the  Statute  of  Citations  (23  Hen. 
vm.  c.  9)  forbade  the  summoning  of  parties 
outside  their  own  diocese  except  in  certain 
cases.  Its  object  was  to  define  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  provincial  courts,  and  to  restrict 
the  authority  exercised  by  the  archbishop 
over  the  whole  of  his  province,  which,  it  was 
alleged,  had  been  used  oppressively  '  by  cal- 
ling of  poore  men  from  the  farthest  part  of 
the  realme  to  London  for  an  half-penny 
candeU,  or  for  a  hteU  obprobious  word.' 
This  statute  was  confirmed  by  Canon  94  of 
1604. 

More  important  legislation  followed.  The 
Statute  of  Appeals,  1533  (24  Hen.  vin.  c.  12), 
lays  down  the  principle  that  aU  spiritual  and 
temporal  causes  should  be  decided  within  the 
realm  by  the  spiritual  and  temporal  courts 
respectively,  and  recites  the  attempts  of  the 
mediaeval  kings  to  resist  the  papal  intrusions. 
Its  provisions  are  confined  to  matrimonial, 
testamentary,  and  tithe  cases,  which  had 
recently  been  almost  the  only  subjects  of 
appeals  to  Rome.  In  these  there  shall  be 
no  appeal  from  the  archbishop's  court  save 
to  the  Upper  House  of  Convocation  in  cases 
touching  the  King.  The  Act  for  the  Sub- 
mission of  the  Clergy  and  Restraint  of 
Appeals,  1534  (25  Hen.  vin.  c.  19),  which 
applied  to  all  ecclesiastical  cases,  added  an 
appeal '  for  lack  of  justice  '  in  the  archbishop's 
court  to  the  Iving  in  Chancery.  This  was  the 
origin  of  the  Court  of  Delegates  (below). 
The  appeal  in  cases  touching  the  King  is  not 
mentioned,  but  has  been  held  to  have  been 
superseded  by  the  creation  of  the  new  final 
court.  Appeals  from  exempt  jurisdictions 
were  transferred  from  the  Pope  to  the  ICing 
in  Chancery.  Any  appeal  to  the  Pope  was 
made  an  offence  liable  to  the  penalties  of 
'praemunire.  The  obtaining  of  dispensations 
from  Rome  was  forbidden  by  the  Peter  Pence 
Act,  1534  (25  Hen.  vni.  c.  21).  Dispensa- 
tions, Hcences,  and  faculties  which  had  previ- 


ously been  granted  by  the  Pope  were  to  be 
henceforth  (and  stfil  are)  granted  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  both  provinces. 
This  jurisdiction,  which  does  not  derogate 
from  the  ordinary  dispensing  and  licensing 
power  of  the  Archbishop  of  York  and  the 
bishops,  is  exercised  in  the  Court  of  Faculties 
by  the  Master  of  the  Faculties,  who  is  usually 
but  not  necessarily  the  same  person  as  the 
Dean  of  the  Arches.  These  Acts  were  re- 
pealed in  1554  (1-2  Ph.  and  M.  c.  8),  but  re- 
vived by  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  1559  (1  Eliz. 
c.  1 ),  which  again  formally  renounces  the  papal 
jurisdiction,  reaffirms  the  visitatorial  suprem- 
acy of  the  Crown,  and  provides  for  its  exercise 
by  means  of  commissioners.  Neither  in  Henry's 
reign  nor  Elizabeth's  did  ParUament  profess  to 
bestow  any  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  The 
effect  of  this  legislation  on  the  church  courts 
was  to  restore  them  to  their  constitutional 
position,  to  give  them  Parliamentary  author- 
ity, and  provide  for  the  carrjdng  out  of  their 
decisions  by  the  secular  arm ;  to  abohsh  the 
papal  jurisdiction  in  England,  and  to  set 
up  two  new  courts,  through  which  the  Royal 
Supremacy  was  to  be  exercised,  the  Courts  of 
Delegates  and  High  Commission  {q.v.). 

The  Court  of  Delegates  was  created  by  the 
Act  25  Hen.  vm.  c.  19,  which  provides  '  for 
lack  of  justice  at  or  in  any  of  the  courts  of 
the  archbishops  of  this  realm  ...  it  shaU. 
be  lawful  to  the  parties  grieved  to  appeal  to 
the  King's  majesty  in  the  King's  Court  of 
Chancery,  and  that  upon  everj^  such  appeal 
a  commission  shall  be  directed  under  the 
great  seal  to  such  persons  as  shall  be  named 
by  the  liing's  highness  .  .  .  like  as  in  cases 
of  appeal  from  the  Admiral's  Court  to  hear 
and  definitely  determine  such  appeals,  and 
the  causes  concerning  the  same.'  This  pro- 
vision has  some  affinity  with  the  eighth 
Constitution  of  Clarendon.  Henry  vin., 
like  Henry  n.,  desired  that  appeals  from  the 
archbishop  should  come  to  his  own  court 
'  for  lack  of  justice,'  a  phi-ase  which  implies 
that  it  was  not  intended  to  give  the  right 
of  appeal  as  a  matter  of  course,  but  only  that 
the  Crown  should  intervene  when  the  arch- 
bishop's court  had  clearly  failed  in  its  duty. 
Therefore  no  permanent  court  was  set  up, 
but  special  persons  were  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Crown  to  hear  each  case  as  it  arose. 
They  were  to  be  experts  in  ecclesiastical  law, 
just  as  those  who  heard  appeals  from  the 
Admiral's  Court  were  experts  in  admiralty 
law.  These  Delegates,  as  they  were  called, 
were  to  give  the  final  decision,  not,  as  in 
Henry  n.'s  scheme,  to  remit  the  case  to  the 
provincial  court.  This  device  of  appointing 
delegates  to  hear  appeals  had  been  normally 


(156) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Courts 


adopted   by  the   Popes,  and  was  probably 
intended  only  to  apply  to  the  matrimonial 
and  testamentary  cases  which  had  been  the 
usual  subjects  of  appeals  to  Rome.     'J'here  is 
no  evidence  that  the  Delegates  were  meant  as 
a  court  of  appeal  in  cases  of  doctrine  or 
discipline,  which,  in  fact,  were  monopolised 
by  the  Court  of  High  Conmiission  until  its 
abolition   in    1641.     And   for  two   centuries 
after  that  there  was  little  need  for  such  a 
court.     Only  seven  cases  involving  doctrine 
or  discipline  are  known  to  have  come  before 
the    Delegates    during    their   whole   history 
(1534-1832),  and  in  none  of  these  did  they 
reverse  the  decision  of  the  provincial  court. 
No  permanent  Court  of  Delegates  was  formed, 
but  individuals  were  appointed  to  hear  each 
appeal    as    it    arose.     At    first    they    were 
frequently  civilians  only,  though  sometimes 
bishops,  judges,  and  occasionally  peers  were 
added.     From  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  court  was  normally  made  up  of 
three  common  law  judges  and  three  or  more 
civihans  chosen  from  a  rota  without  regard 
to  their  fitness  for  the  position.     If  the  court 
were     equally     divided,     or     the     majority 
included  no  common  law  judge,  more  Dele- 
gates were  added  by  a  Commission  of  Ad- 
juncts.    Although  there  was  no  appeal,  the 
case  might  be  reheard  by  a  stronger  body  of 
Delegates  under   a  Commission  of   Review. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  the  statute  which  set 
up   this   court   received   any   formal   assent 
from    Convocation.      But    in    practice    the 
Church  accepted  it  as  a  convenient  means  by 
which  the  Royal  Supremacy  could  be  exer- 
cised in  the  quasi-ecclesiastical  matters  to 
which  its  jurisdiction  was,  in  fact,  confined. 

Church  Courts  in  Modern  Times. — During 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
the  church  courts  remained  practically  un- 
changed. Coercive  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 
was  abolished,  1641  (17  Car.  i.  c.  11),  but, 
except  that  of  the  High  Commission,  restored, 
1661  (13  Car.  n.  st.  1,  c.  12).  In  the  nine- 
teenth century  they  underwent  considerable 
modification ;  their  present  position  may  thus 
be  summarised : — 

1.  The  Archdeacon's  Court  gradually  feU 
into  abeyance  after  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  partly  because  an  appeal  lay 
from  it  to  the  diocesan  court,  to  which 
suitors  therefore  preferred  to  resort  in  the 
first  instance  ;  partly  because  of  the  decrease 
in  the  number  of  discipUnary  charges  against 
the  laitv,  in  which  its  activity  chiefly  lay. 
The  Parish  Clerks  Act,  1844  (7-8  Vic.  c.  59), 
gave  it  jurisdiction  over  charges  of  misbe- 
haviour against  Parish  Clerks.  Under  the 
Church    Disciphne    Act   and    later    statutes 


charges  against  the  clergy  can  only  be  heard 
in  the  diocesan  and  superior  courts. 

2.  The  Diocesan  Court  was  unaffected  by 
legislation  until  the  Church  Discipline  Act, 
1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  86).  This  was  only  con- 
cerned with  the  machinery  for  dcaUng  with 
charges  against  the  clergy,  and  provided  for 
a  preliminary  commission  of  inquiry,  after 
which  the  bishop  might  either  hear  a  case  in 
person  with  three  assessors,  of  whom  one 
must  be  a  lawyer,  or  send  it  by  letters  of 
request  to  the  provincial  court.  In  practice 
bishops  have  generally  done  this,  and  so  the 
diocesan  court  has  tended  to  drop  out  of  its 
place  in  the  constitution  of  the  Church.  By 
forcing  assessors  on  the  bishop  the  Act  further 
interferes  with  the  free  exercise  of  his  personal 
jurisdiction.  The  Clergy  Discipline  Act,  1892 
(55-6  Vic.  c.  32),  restored  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  diocesan  court  over  charges  of  im- 
morahty  against  the  clergy.  But  in  other 
cases  it  is  still  unduly  overshadowed  by 
frequent  recourse  in  the  first  instance  to  the 
provincial  courts. 

3.  Provincial  Courts.  The  Court  of  Arches 
and  the  Chancery  Court  of  York  retain  their 
former  position,  except  in  so  far  as  they  may 
have  been  affected  by  the  PubUc  Worship 
Regulation  Act  [q.v.).  In  consequence  of  that 
Act  the  same  judge  presides  in  both,  but  as  he 
is  properly  quahfied  according  to  the  canons, 
liis  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  does  not  appear 
to  be  affected  by  the  fact  that  he  is  also  judge 
of  the  secular  court  set  up  by  the  Act.  The 
Prerogative  Courts  were  abolished  in  1857, 
but  the  Court  of  Faculties  remains  unaltered. 

4.  Peculiars,  about  three  hundred  of  which 
had  survived  to  the  nineteenth  century,  were 
abolished  in  part  by  the  Church  Disciphne 
Act,  1840,  and  finally,  for  all  practical 
purposes,  by  the  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction 
Act,  1847  (10-11  Vic.  c.  98). 

5.  Court  of  Final  Appeal.  Down  to  1832 
the  Court  of  Delegates  continued  to  do  its 
work  unobtrusively  and  without  arousing 
dissatisfaction.  But  at  that  time  a  restless 
spirit  of  reform  prevailed,  and  naturally 
fastened  on  the  church  courts  as  cumbrous 
and  antiquated.  The  first  recommendation 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Commission,  1830 
[CoMivnssiONS,  Royal],  was  that  an  appeal 
to  the  King  in  Council  should  be  substituted 
for  that  to  the  King  in  Chancery,  on  which 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Delegates  was  based. 
The  reasons  given  for  the  change,  which  was 
effected  in  1832  by  2-3  Will.  iv.  c.  92,  were 
the  manner  in  which  the  Delegates  were  ap- 
pointed, their  costly  and  dilatory  procedure, 
and  the  fact  that  they  gave  no  reasons  for 
their    decisions,   which   were    therefore    not 


(157) 


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[Courts 


uniform.  The  change  was  not  in  itself 
objectionable.  The  Crown  might  exercise 
its  Supremacy  as  constitutionally  in  Council 
as  in  Chancery,  by  appointing  suitable  judges 
from  among  the  Privy  Councillors.  But  in 
1833  a  new  court,  the  Judicial  Committee  of 
the  Privy  Council,  was  created  to  hear  ap- 
peals to  the  King  in  Council  (3-4  Will.  iv. 
c.  41).  It  was  to  consist  of  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor and  a  number  of  judges  and  ex- judges, 
of  whom  only  the  judge  of  the  Prerogative 
Court  of  Canterbury  (besides  the  Lord 
Chancellor)  need  be  a  churchman  or  even  a 
Christian.  Thus  the  right  and  duty  of  the 
Crown  to  appoint  suitable  persons  through 
whom  to  exercise  its  Supremacy  was  taken 
away,  and  a  new  secular  court  set  up.  This 
'  very  bungling  piece  of  work,'  which  Charles 
Greville  attributed  to  Brougham's  '  ambitious 
and  insatiable  desire  of  personal  aggrandise- 
ment,' was  '  smuggled  through  '  unobserved. 
Convocation  was  suspended,  and  no  bishop 
or  other  representative  of  the  Church  seems 
to  have  taken  any  notice  of  the  Act.  The 
Church  Discipline  Act,  1840,  made  all 
archbishops  and  bishops  who  were  Privy 
Councillors  members  of  the  Judicial  Com- 
mittee for  the  hearing  of  appeals  under  that 
Act.  The  Appellate  Jurisdiction  Act,  1876 
(39-40  Vic.  c.  59),  repealed  this  provision, 
and  by  rules  made  under  it  three  bishops 
chosen  from  a  rota  must  be  present  at  the 
hearing  of  ecclesiastical  appeals  as  assessors, 
not  as  members  of  the  court.  This  change 
was  beneficial  in  helping  to  deprive  the  court 
of  its  false  semblance  of  spiritual  authority. 

The  first  case  of  note  which  came  before  it 
was  that  of  Gorham  {q.v.),  when  it  adopted 
the  principle  that  in  doctrinal  cases  '  its  duty 
extends  only  to  the  consideration  of  that 
which  is  by  law  established  to  be  the  doctrine 
of  the  Church  of  England,  upon  the  true  and 
legal  construction  of  her  Articles  and  Formu- 
laries, and  we  consider  that  it  is  not  the  duty 
of  any  court  to  be  minute  and  rigid  in  cases 
of  this  sort.'  .  It  interpreted  this  principle 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  condone  laxity  of 
doctrine,  and  thus  first  attracted  the  attention 
and  hostile  criticism  of  churchmen.  In  1850 
Bishop  Blomfield  {q.v.)  introduced  into  the 
House  of  Lords  a  Bill  providing  that  on 
doctrinal  questions  the  Judicial  Committee 
should  take  the  opinion  of  the  bishops,  which 
should  be  binding  upon  it.  Brougham  then 
admitted  that  the  court  '  had  been  framed 
without  the  expectation  of  questions  like  that, 
which  produced  the  present  measure  being 
brought  before  it.  It  was  created  for  the 
consideration  of  a  totally  different  class  of 
cases.'     The  Bill  was  defeated,  but  church- 


men gradually  destroyed  the  moral  authority 
of  the  court  by  a  process  of  ignoring,  and, 
when  necessary,  defying  it.  The  most  im- 
portant objection  was  that  which  went  to 
the  root  of  its  jurisdiction.  It  was  created 
solely  by  Parliament,  which  could  bestow  no 
spiritual  authority.  And  Parliament's  claim 
to  set  up  an  ecclesiastical  court  was  a  breach 
of  the  terms  of  alliance  between  Church  and 
State.  The  court  was  therefore  unconsti- 
tutional, as  well  as  devoid  of  spiritual 
authoritj^  which  can  only  be  given  by  the 
Church.  Objection  was  also  taken  to  the 
manner  in  which  it  exercised  the  jurisdiction 
it  claimed.  Under  the  plea  of  interpreting 
documents,  its  judgments  had  the  effect  of 
defining  doctrine.  And  as  they  were  held 
to  bind  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  it  assumed 
in  effect  the  power  of  legislating  for  the 
Church.  In  1882  it  expressly  stated  that  its 
judgments  formed  part  of  the  constitution  of 
the  Church  of  England  as  by  law  established 
(Merriman  v.  Williams,  7  A.C.  510).  And  it 
claimed  spiritual  powers  by  purporting  to 
inflict  spiritual  censures  such  as  monition, 
although  its  members  were  not,  as  a  rule, 
versed  in  ecclesiastical  law.  It  applied  legal 
technicahties  to  matters  to  which  they  were  in- 
appropriate ;  it  made  no  distinction  between 
serious  and  trivial  breaches  of  the  rubrics  ; 
it  treated  any  divergence  from  the  common 
usage  with  pedantic  harshness,  and  deliber- 
ately confessed  to  having  two  standards, 
a  strict  one  for  ceremonial  and  a  lax  one  for 
doctrinal  offences  (Sheppard  v.  Bennett,  1872, 
L.R.  4  P.C,  at  p.  404).  To  the  plain  man  this 
seemed,  as  Dean  Church  (q.v.)  said,  '  unjust, 
unconstitutional,  and  oppressive.'  The  effect 
it  produced  is  shown  by  the  words  of  Bishop 
S.  Wilberforce  (q.v.):  '  It  is  a  very  serious 
thing  to  have  the  Supreme  Court  decide  to 
satisfy  the  pubhc,  and  not  as  the  law  really 
is ' ;  and  by  the  even  weightier  condemnation 
of  Bishop  Stubbs  {q.v.):  '  I  do  not  care  about 
the  vestments  themselves,  nor  for  a  mistake 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  law,  but  there  is 
no  mistake  here ;  it  is  a  falsification  of 
documents.'  The  general  verdict  was  offici- 
ally recorded  in  the  Report  of  the  Discipline 
Commission,  1906  [Commissions,  Royal]. 
'  A  Court  dealing  with  matters  of  conscience 
and  religion  must,  above  aU  others,  rest  on 
moral  authority  if  its  judgments  are  to  be 
effective.  As  thousands  of  clergy  with  strong 
lay  support  refuse  to  recognise  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Judicial  Committee,  its  judgments 
cannot  practically  be  enforced.' 

Another  result  of  its  claims  has  been  to 
weaken  the  foundations  of  law  and  authority 
in    the    Church.     A    widespread    refusal    of 


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[Courts 


obedience  to  a  tribunal  claiming  to  bo  the 
final    court   of    appeal,    however   justifiable, 
must  tend  to  weaken  the  sense  of  authority. 
And  as  the  provincial  and  diocesan  courts 
considered  themselves  bound  by  the  Trivy 
Council's     decisions,    churchmen    lost    their 
respect   for   these   also.     Even   the   spiritual 
authority  of  the  bishops  was  weakened,  for 
there    was    a    widespread,    and    often    well- 
founded,  belief   that  their   directions   repre- 
sented  not  their  own  mind  or  that  of  the 
Church,  but  that  of  the  Judicial  Committee. 
In  1892  its  domination  was  to  some  extent 
broken  by  the  judgment  in  Read  v.  Bishop  of 
Lincoln  [Benson  ;    King  ;    Ritual  Cases]. 
The  archbishop's  court  did  not  consider  itself 
bound  by  existing  judgments  of  the  Privy 
Council,  but  allowed  the  points  at  issue  to  be 
argued  afresh,  and  came  to  its  conclusions 
without  regard  to  previous  decisions.     And 
in  forming  these  conclusions  it  did  not  con- 
fine itself  to  narrow  niles  of  interpretation, 
holding  that  important  points  of  church  law 
could  not  properly  be  decided  unless  consi- 
derations of    history  and   liturgiology  were 
admitted.     On  appeal  both  these  principles 
were  admitted  by  the  Judicial  Committee, 
which  thus  tacitly  withdrew  from  its  previous 
position.     It    has,     however,    survived    all 
schemes  to  set  up  an  appeal  court  of  spiritual 
validity.     It  is  generally  assumed  that  such 
a  court  is  essential  to  the  Church's  judicial 
system.     But   if   that   system   could   be   so 
reformed  that  the  diocesan  and  provincial 
courts  exercised  a  jurisdiction  of  undoubted 
spiritual  vahdity,  it  is  questionable  whether 
further  appeal  would  normally  be  required. 
Both  in  the  twelfth  and  in  the  sixteenth 
century    it    was    thought    that    an    appeal 
beyond  the  provincial  court  was  only  needed 
in  exceptional  cases.     And  any  appeal  to  a 
final  spiritual  court  might  well  be  confined 
to  specially  difficult  or  important  matters. 

The  Benefices  Act,  1898  (61-2  Vic.  c.  48), 
set  up  a  new  court,  consisting  of  an  archbishop 
and  one  lay  judge,  to  hear  appeals  against  a 
bishop's  refusal  to  institute  a  clerk  for  any 
reason  except  doctrine  or  ritual.  Its  decision 
is  final. 

Ecclesiastical  Judges. — Since  the  twelfth 
century  it  has  been  the  exception  for  bishops 
to  preside  in  their  consistory  courts.  The 
work  of  these  courts,  having  then  become  too 
great  for  the  bishops,  tended  to  fall  to  the 
archdeacons,  whose  courts  thus  enlarged 
their  jurisdiction.  The  bishops,  regarding 
such  encroachment  with  jealousy,  sought  to 
preserve  the  jurisdiction  of  their  own  courts 
by  delegating  their  judicial  functions  to 
Ofl&cials,  namely,  the  Official  Principal,  who 

(1 


had  jurisdiction  in  contested  suits,  and  the 
Vicar-General,  who  exercised  non-contentious 
jurisdiction,  institutions,  the  granting  of 
licences,  and  the  like.  It  became  usual  to 
unite  these  two  offices  in  one  judge,  commonly 
called  the  bishop's  Chancellor.  'I'he  custom 
of  appointing  these  judges  became  so  general 
in  the  Middle  Ages  that  the  temporal  courts 
have  held  that  a  bishop  must  appoint  a 
Chancellor  {ex  parte,  Medivin,  1853,  1  E.  and 
B.  609  ;  It.  V.  Tristram,  1902,  1  K.B.  816). 
And  the  canonists  maintained  that  h(!  could 
be  compelled  to  do  so  by  the  metropolitan. 

The  Official's  is  not  an  inferior  jurisdiction, 
but  that  of  the  bishop  himself,  exercised  by 
delegation.  No  appeal  lies  from  the  Official 
to  the  bishop,  but  the  bishop  in  appointing 
him  can  limit  his  jurisdiction  or  reserve 
to  himself  either  certain  kinds  of  cases  or 
'  a  general  right  to  exercise  in  person  the 
offices  otherwise  deputed  '  {R.  v.  Tristram, 
supra).  Canon  11  of  1640  recognises  this 
power  in  the  bishop,  and  it  is  in  accordance 
with  the  common  law  and  practice  of  the 
Church.  And  even  if  no  reservation  is 
expressed,  it  is  doubtful  whether  by  canon 
law  a  bishop  may  part  mth  the  whole  of 
his  jurisdiction.  Similar  considerations  applj' 
to  provincial  judges,  except  that  their 
jurisdiction  apparently  cannot  be  limited 
in  the  manner  described.  The  Official 
Principal  and  Vicar-General  of  an  arch- 
bishop are  usually  different  persons. 

Where  there  is  a  dean  and  chapter  the 
judge's  appointment  is  confirmed  by  them 
as  representing  the  clergy.  It  is  a  freehold, 
and  is  binding  on  the  bishop's  successors. 
In  the  Middle  Ages  no  ecclesiastical  judge 
might  be  either  a  layman  or  married.  A  Bill 
to  override  this  rule  of  the  canon  law  was 
withdrawn  from  ParUament  at  the  request 
of  Convocation  in  1542,  but  passed  in  1545 
(37  Hen.  vni.  c.  17),  and  in  1633  was  said  by 
the  King's  Bench  to  be  merely  declaratory  of 
the  common  law  (Walker  v.  Lamb,  Cro.  Car. 
258).  The  present  rule  of  the  English  Church 
on  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  Canon  127  of 
1604,  which  lays  down  that  an  ecclesiastical 
judge  must  be  not  less  than  twenty-six  years 
of  age,  learned  in  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
laws,  at  least  a  Master  of  Arts  or  Bachelor  of 
Law,  reasonably  well  practised  in  the  course 
thereof,  w^ell  affected  and  zealously  bent  to 
rehgion,  touching  whose  life  and  manners  no 
evil  example  is  to  be  had,  and  must  take  the 
Oath  of  Supremacy,  and  subscribe  the  Articles 
of  Rehgion.  The  validity  of  his  jurisdiction 
depends  on  his  appointment  by  the  bishop. 
Any  further  qualifications  may  be  varied 
from  time  to  time. 

59  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Courts 


A  bishop  may  also  appoint  a  commissary 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  distant  parts  of  the 
diocese.  And  under  Canon  128  any  judge 
may  appoint  a  duly  qualified  deputy,  called  a 
Surrogate. 

The  Bishop's  Veto. — A  bishop  is  not  merely 
a  judge  to  try  any  case  brought  before  him, 
but  a  father  in  God,  bound  to  consider  the 
whole  interests  of  the  Church  and  the  spiritual 
benefit  of  the  accused  person.  Therefore  he 
is  himself  the  prosecutor  in  criminal  cases. 
But  from  early  times  it  has  been  customary 
for  him  to  permit  others  to  prosecute,  or,  in 
the  technical  phrase,  '  to  promote  his  office  ' 
of  prosecutor  ;  and  he  has  always  had  power 
to  refuse  this  permission  if  he  sees  fit.  For 
the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  '  is  not  to  be 
exercised  without  discretion,  or  to  be  left 
entirely  to  the  judgment  and  passions  of 
private  persons  '  {Maidman  v.  Malfos,  1794, 
1  Hagg.  Cons.  205).  In  this,  as  in  other 
respects,  the  bishop's  functions  were  exercised 
by  his  Official,  and  the  practice  was  to  allow 
an  action  to  proceed  if  the  prosecutor  could 
show  that  it  was  one  of  which  the  church 
court  could  properly  take  cognisance,  and 
that  he  was  able  to  pay  the  costs.  The 
Church  Discipline  Act,  1840,  placed  this 
discretion  on  a  statutory  basis.  The  bishop 
has  an  absolute  right  to  allow  proceedings 
to  be  taken  under  that  Act  or  not,  as  he  thinks 
fit  {Julius  V.  Bishop  of  Oxford,  1880,  5  A.C. 
215).  The  Pubhc  Worship  Regulation  Act 
gives  him  power  to  veto  proceedings  taken 
under  it  {Allcroft  v.  Bishop  of  London,  1891, 
A.C.  666).  When  the  bishop  has  vetoed  a 
prosecution  no  mandamus  will  lie  from  the 
temporal  courts  to  compel  him  to  allow  it 
to  proceed ;  nor  can  those  courts  enter  into 
the  merits  of  the  case,  or  consider  whether 
he  has  exercised  bis  discretion  wisely. 

Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  in  Modem  Times 
has  been  greatly  diminished  ;  partly  because 
coercive  spiritual  jurisdiction,  at  any  rate 
over  the  laity,  is  not  in  accordance  with 
modern  ideas  ;  partly  because  much  of  their 
former  jurisdiction  is  now  more  suitably 
exercised  by  secular  courts.  As  litigation  in- 
creased the  system  of  a  multiplicitj^  of  minor 
courts  all  over  the  country  became  very 
inconvenient.  Their  procedure  was  costly, 
antiquated,  and  cumbrous.  It  was  not  till 
1854  that  they  were  enabled  to  receive  oral 
instead  of  written  evidence  (17-18  Vic.  c.  47). 
The  portions  of  their  former  jurisdiction, 
which  have  been  abolished,  may  be  arranged 
in  three  groups  : — 

1.  Their  criminal  jurisdiction  over  ofiences 
now  cognisable  in  the  temporal  courts  has 
been     withdrawn,     and     their     disciplinary 


powers  over  the  laity  have  fallen  into  abey- 
ance [Discipline]. 

2.  Over  Church  property.  That  over 
tithes  {q.v.)  was  abolished  by  a  series  of 
statutes,  the  most  important  being  the 
Tithes  Act,  1836  (6-7  Will.  iv.  c.  71),  that 
over  Church  rates  {q.v.)  by  31-2  Vic.  c.  109 
(1868),  and  practically  the  whole  of  that  over 
questions  of  dilapidation  by  the  Ecclesiastical 
Dilapidations  Act,  1871  (34-5  Vic.  c.  43). 

3.  The  testamentary  and  matrimonial 
jurisdiction,  which  formed  the  bulk  of  their 
work,  was  abolished  (except  the  granting  of 
marriage  licences)  in  1857  by  the  Probate  Act 
(20-1  Vic.  c.  77)  and  the  Divorce  Act  (20-1 
Vic.  c.  85). 

Their  existing  jurisdiction  is  as  follows  : — 

A.  Criminal  (or  Disciplinary) :    (i)  over 

the  clergy  for  offences  against  the 
ecclesiastical  law,  including  heresy  ; 
(ii)  over  the  clergy  for  oflEences 
against  morality ;  (iii)  over  lay 
church  officers  for  certain  breaches 
of  the  ecclesiastical  law  ; 

B.  Civil :     (iv)   over    church    property, 

the    fabrics,    their    contents,    and 
churchyards  :    this  consists  mainly 
of  faculty  cases ;    (v)  over  certain 
cases   of  patronage ;    (vi)  marriage 
licences. 
Church  Courts  and  the  State. — Under  the 
relationship  of  Church  and  State  in  England 
the  church  courts  form  part  of  the  constitu- 
tion as   '  the  King's   Ecclesiastical  Courts.' 
They  not   only  enjoy  spiritual  jurisdiction, 
derived  solely  from  the  Church  but  exercised 
with   the   sanction    of   the   State,    but   also 
temporal   or   coercive   powers   conferred   on 
them  by  the  State,  which  therefore  has  the 
duty  of  (1)  controlling,  and  (2)  supporting 
them. 

1.  Its  control  is  enforced  by  the  writ  of 
prohibition,  by  which  the  temporal  forbids 
the  ecclesiastical  court  to  proceed  further  in 
a  particular  case,  on  the  ground  that  it  is 
violating  natural  justice,  contravening  the 
civil  law,  or  exceeding  its  jurisdiction.  The 
temporal  court  may,  without  Erastianism 
{q.v.),  protect  its  own  jurisdiction,  or  interfere 
if  flagrant  injustice  is  done.  The  process  was 
also  known  as  appellatio  tnnquam  ah  ahusu, 
or  appel  comme  d'abus.  It  is  first  found  in 
England  under  Henry  i.  The  clergy  pro- 
tested against  it  without  success,  but  its 
limits  were  defined  at  various  times,  notably 
by  Circumspecte  agatis  (1285),  an  ordinance  in 
which  Edward  i.  enumerates  the  cases  which 
as  mere  spiritualia  are  properly  subject  to 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  The  clergy  strenu- 
ously opposed  it  under  James  i.  [Bancroft  ; 


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JJictionary  of  PJnglisk  Church  History 


[Coverdale 


Hiciii  Commission,  Couut  of],  but  the  State 
courts  succeeded  in  maintaining  the  principle 
laid  down  by  Coke  in  Fuller's  case  (1606, 
12  Rep.  41):  'When  there  is  any  question 
concerning  what  power  or  jurisdiction  belongs 
to  ecclesiastical  judges  in  any  particular  case, 
the  determination  of  tiiis  belongs  to  the  judges 
of  the  common  law.'  Prohibition  docs  not 
enable  the  temporal  court  to  act  as  a  court 
of  appeal  if  the  church  court  has  wrongly 
interpreted  the  church  law.  In  that  case 
recourse  must  be  had  to  the  ecclesiastical 
court  of  appeal.  '  It  is  without  precedent  to 
grant  a  prohibition  to  the  ecclesiastical  court 
because  they  proceed  there  contrary  to  the 
canons  '  (Holt,  C.  J.,  in  Watsonv.  Lucy,  1699, 
1  Ld.  Raym.  539  ;  see  also  Mackonochie  v. 
Lord  Penzance,  1880,  6  A.C.  424).  Manda- 
mus is  the  kindred  proceeding  by  which  the 
temporal  courts  compel  those  of  the  Church 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  if  they  have  wrongly 
refused  to  do  so. 

2.  The  State  may  fulfil  its  duty  of  enforcing 
the  authority  of  the  courts  of  an  Established 
Church  either  (i)  by  granting  them  coercive 
powers  to  be  used  at  their  discretion :  thus 
in  the  Middle  Ages  the  church  courts  had 
their  own  prisons ;  or  (ii)  by  holding  its 
coercive  power  in  readiness  to  enforce  their 
decision  w^hen  they  apply  for  it  in  particular 
cases :  this  procedure  is  now  regulated  by 
the  Act  of  1813  (53  Geo.  m.  c.  127).  [Dis- 
cipline.] [g.  c] 

The  best  single  history  of  church  courts 
in  England  is  containeil  in  Stubbs's  Hist. 
Appendix  I.  to  the  Heport  vf  the  End.  Courts 
Cumniission,  1883.  For  primitive  church  couits 
see  articles  AjJpeals  and  Bishops  by  A.  W. 
Haddan  in  Did.  of  Vhristian  Antiq.  ;  lor 
the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  Stiibbs,  C.H.,  viii.  ; 
for  the  Middle  Ages,  ibid.,  xix.  ;  Pollock 
and  Maitland,  Hist.  Eng.  Law;  Maitland, 
Canon  Law  in  Eng.  ;  Hale,  Precedents  ;  for 
the  Court  of  Delegates,  Rothery,  Return  of 
Appeals  to  the  Delegates,  and  the  Report  and 
Proceedings  of  the  Ecd.  Courts  Cuinridssion, 
1832  ;  on  the  other  periods  and  the  subject 
generally,  Gibson,  Codex ;  Philliniore,  Ecd. 
Law  ;  article  Ecd.  Law  in  The  Laws  of  Eng.  ; 
Crosse,  Authority  in  the  Ch.  of  Eng.  ;  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Royal  Commissions  already 
mentioned,  and  of  the  Discipline  Commission, 
1906  ;  the  statutes  and  cases  quoted,  and  Gee 
and  Hardy,  Documents. 

COVERDALE,  Miles  (1488-1569),  Bishop 
of  Exeter,  translator  of  the  Bible  [Bible, 
English],  was  born  in  Yorkshire,  perhaps 
in  that  dale  of  Richmondshire  whose  name 
he  bore,  in  1488.  He  studied  at  Cam- 
bridge, and  was  ordained  priest  in  1514. 
He  joined  the  Austin  Friars  at  Cambridge, 
and  was  secretary  to  Robert  Barnes,  their 
prior,   at  the   time    he   was   prosecuted   for 

L  (1 


heresy  before  Wolscy  {q.v.)  in  1526.  Next 
year  ho  is  in  correspondence  witii  Thomas 
Cromwell  [q.v.).  In  1528  he  preached  against 
images,  and  became  what  was  called  an 
apostate — that  is,  he  abandoned  his  order 
and  fled.  For  over  five  years  Uttle  or  nothing 
is  known  of  him,  though  one  of  his  surname 
took  a  degree  at  Cambridge  in  1530  or  1531. 
It  is  stated,  indeed,  with  some  appearance 
of  truth,  that  he  was  at  Hamburg  with 
Tyndale  [q.v.)  in  1529,  helping  (somehow) 
in  the  translation  of  the  Pentateuch.  It 
is  probable,  however,  that  he  had  first  fled 
to  the  Low  Countries,  where,  by  a  later  tra- 
dition, he  received  some  help  from  Jacob 
van  Meteren  at  Antwerp,  Hoker's  statements 
about  Coverdale  are  mostly  true,  with  some 
confusion  of  dates  and  circumstances,  though 
at  times  they  are  very  perplexing.  It  is 
possible  that  Coverdale  was  at  this  time  an 
agent  for  Tyndale  at  Antwerp — a  hypothesis 
that  would  agree  pretty  well  with  the  alleged 
meeting  of  the  two  at  Hamburg  in  1529. 

If  so,  we  may  presume  that  he  was 
narrowly  watched,  and  at  length  compelled  to 
leave  the  Low  Countries.  Perhaps  he  received 
aid  from  Cromwell  in  England  to  translate 
the  Bible  into  Enghsh;  but  if  so,  it  was  secret 
aid,  and  it  is  curious  that  there  should  be 
no  documentary  evidence  of  the  fact.  But 
somewhere  he  completed  the  work  in  MS., 
translating  simply  from  the  Latin  text  com- 
pared with  Luther's  German  Bible,  and 
internal  evidence  shows  that  he  got  it  printed 
by  Froschover  at  Zurich.  It  was  finished  in 
October  1535,  and  sent  to  England,  where 
Cromwell  prepared  to  force  its  sale.  For 
in  August  1536  a  set  of  Injunctions  [q.v.) 
was  issued  in  which  every  parish  clergyman 
was  required  to  procure  a  whole  Bible  in 
Latin,  and  also  one  in  English,  to  be  placed 
in  the  choir  of  his  church.  This  order  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  pressed.  But  in  1537 
Coverdale's  Bible  gave  place  to  that  called 
Rogers's,  which  was  a  combination  of  Tyn- 
dale's  and  Coverdale's.  Coverdale,  mean- 
while, had  come  home;  but  a  new  project 
was  started  in  1538,  and  he  was  sent  to  Paris 
to  superintend,  along  with  Richard  Grafton, 
'  the  printing  of  a  large  Bible  there  in  the  best 
typography.  The  work  was  interrupted  by  the 
I  Inquisition  ;  but  by  the  aid  of  Bishop  Bonner 
[q.v.],  the  English  ambassador,  the  printers 
escaped,  and  were  able  to  carry  aw^ay  their 
plant  and  a  company  of  French  compositors, 
by  whose  aid  the  printing  was  completed  in 
London  in  April  1539.  In  1540  Cromwell 
was  beheaded,  and  Coverdale  once  more  fled 
abroad.  He  received  the  degree  of  D.D.  at 
Tiibingen,  and  in  1543  he  settled  at  Berg- 

61) 


Coverdale] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cranmer 


zabern  in  the  Rhine  Palatinate,  where  he 
became  pastor  and  schoolmaster,  translat- 
ing into  English  the  works  of  Bullinger  and 
others.  Before  settling  there  he  had  married 
Elizabeth  Macheson,  whose  sister,  the  wife 
of  Dr.  Johannes  Macchabseus  (Macalpine), 
helped  to  translate  the  first  Danish  Bible. 

In  England  a  proclamation  was  issued  on 
the  8th  July  1546  against  receiving  or  keep- 
ing Tyndale's  or  Coverdale's  translation  of 
the  New  Testament.  But  the  death  of 
Henry  vin.  in  1547  soon  brought  about  a 
change,  and  Coverdale,  returning  in  1548, 
was  made  King's  chaplain  and  almoner  to 
the  Queen  Dowager,  Katherine  Parr.  In 
1549,  when  Lord  Russell  was  sent  against  the 
western  rebels,  he  was  sent  also  to  aid  him  by 
his  preaching.  In  1551  he  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Exeter  by  Letters  Patent,  the  more 
aged  Bishop  Voysey  having  been  induced  to 
resign.  He  was  also  named  in  the  com- 
missions of  1551-2  for  revising  the  canon 
law.  To  assist  him  in  his  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  he  procured  the  services  of  Dr. 
Robert  Weston  as  his  Chancellor,  a  lawj'er, 
who  was  afterwards  Chancellor  of  Ireland — 
a  very  necessary  aid,  as  the  people  of  his 
diocese,  accustomed  to  the  old  religion,  could 
not  easily  endure  a  married  bishop  of  the 
new  school. 

In  1553  the  death  of  Edward  vi. 
brought  about  another  change.  Coverdale 
was  deprived ;  but  in  February  1554  he 
obtained  a  passport  to  leave  the  country  for 
Denmark,  as  the  King  there  made  special 
intercession  for  him.  In  Denmark,  however, 
he  found  that  he  could  not  be  useful.  He 
went  to  Wesel,  and  from  thence  once  more  to 
Bergzabern  ;  later  on  to  Geneva.  There  it 
is  thought  that  he  assisted  in  the  preparation 
of  the  Genevan  Bible ;  but  this  only  came 
out  in  1560,  whereas  in  1559  he  had  returned 
to  England.  On  the  17th  December  1559  he 
assisted  at  Archbishop  Parker's  {q.v.)  conse- 
cration. In  1563  he  was  made  a  D.D.  of 
Cambridge,  and  was  given  by  Bishop  Grindal 
the  rectory  of  St.  Magnus  by  London  Bridge  ; 
but  he  prayed  for,  and  obtained,  release  of 
the  first-fruits,  which  were  over  £60.  Never- 
theless, in  1566  he  was  driven  to  resign  this 
living  by  the  Queen's  determination  to  main- 
tain a  stricter  observance  of  the  liturgy.  His 
death  appears  to  have  occurred  on  the  20th 
January  1569.  He  was  buried  in  St.  Bartho- 
lomew's Church,  which  was  pulled  down  in 
1840  for  the  building  of  the  Royal  Exchange. 

[J.  G.] 

Hoker,  Bishops  of  Excester  (1584)  ;  Mevi.  of 
Coverdale,  Anon.  (1838)  ;  Gairdner,  Lollardy 
and  the  Reforviation. 


CRANMER,  Thomas  (1489-1556),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterburj%  of  an  old  Lincoln- 
shire famih'  settled  in  Nottinghamshire, 
was  born  at  Aslacton,  2nd  July  1489.  His 
father  was  no  less  anxious  for  his  son's 
physical  than  for  his  mental  training,  and  all 
his  life  Thomas  was  an  excellent  horseman. 
But  his  father  died  during  his  boyhood,  and 
his  mother  sent  him  to  Cambridge  at  four- 
teen. There  he  graduated  B.A.  in  1512,  and 
M.A.,  1515.  He  obtained  a  fellowship  at 
Jesus,  which  he  lost  by  marriage,  though 
he  sent  his  wife  to  the  Dolphin  Inn,  as  she 
was  related  to  the  landlady,  to  prevent  inter- 
ference with  his  studies.  A  .year  after  his 
marriage  his  wife  died  in  childbirth,  and  his 
fellowship  was  restored  to  him.  He  pro- 
ceeded D.D.,  and  decUned  an  offer  of  one  of 
the  foundation  fellowships  of  Wolsey's  new 
college  at  Oxford.  He  had  been  common 
reader  at  Buckingham  (now  Magdalene) 
College,  had  the  readership  given  him  of 
a  newly  founded  divinity  lecture  at  Jesus, 
and  was  chosen  by  the  University  public 
examiner  in  theology. 

In  the  summer  of  1529,  a  year  of  great 
pestilence,  he  withdrew  from  Cambridge  with 
two  scholars  to  the  house  of  their  father, 
a  Mr.  Cressy  of  Waltham  Abbey.  Cardinal 
Campeggio  {q.v.)  had  just  prorogued  the  lega- 
tine  court,  and  every  one  knew  that  the  King 
could  not  get  his  divorce  from  Katherine 
in  that  way.  The  King  himself  too,  as  it 
happened,  was  coming  to  Waltham  on  a  pro- 
gress, and  his  two  chief  agents  in  the  divorce, 
his  secretary,  Gardiner  {q.v.),  and  liis  almoner. 
Dr.  Foxe,  had  lodgings  assigned  for  them  in 
Cressy' s  house.  They  were  college  friends 
of  Cranmer's,  and  the  three  discussed  to- 
gether how  the  King  could  attain  his  object. 
Cranmer  suggested  the  plan  of  taking  opinions 
from  Universities  on  which  Henry  might  act 
without  further  delay  ;  and  the  King,  de- 
lighted with  the  suggestion,  got  him  made 
chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  Anne 
Boleyn's  father.  This  gave  him  a  start  in 
life  such  as  he  little  expected.  He  accom- 
panied Wiltshire  to  the  Emperor  when  he 
met  the  Pope  at  Bologna  in  1530  ;  and  after 
his  return  home  he  himself  was  sent  as 
ambassador  to  the  Emperor  in  1532,  having 
a  secret  mission  also  to  some  of  the  German 
princes,  which  proved  a  failure  owing  to  the 
pacification  of  Nuremberg.  While  with  the 
Emperor  at  Mantua,  he  received  his  recall, 
as  on  Warham's  {q.v.)  death  the  King  had 
determined  to  make  him  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  This  was  awkward,  as  he  had 
just  married  in  Germany  a  niece  of  Osiander 
of  Nuremberg — a  union,  of  course,  unrecog- 


(  162) 


Cranmer 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Cranmer 


nised  by  the  Church.     He  delayed  his  return, 

as  he  afterwards  said,  by  at  least  seven  weeks, 
in  the  hope  that  the  King  would  change  his 
purpose.  But  the  King  had  his  own  views 
in  the  matter,  and  obtained  for  him  the 
necessary  Bulls  at  Rome.  He  was  conse- 
crated on  the  30th  March  1533,  having  made 
a  very  disingenuous  protest  beforehand  that 
the  oath  of  obedience  to  the  Pope  which  he 
was  about  to  take  would  not  bind  him  to 
anything  against  the  King.  His  tempor- 
alities were  restored  on  the  1 9th  April,  and 
he  took  an  oath  to  the  Iving  renouncing  all 
grants  to  the  Pope  that  might  be  prejudicial  to 
royalty.  Already  he  had  taken  a  first  step 
towards  the  King's  object  by  a  letter  which  he 
wrote  on  the  11th  April  for  leave  to  try  his 
cause  of  matrimony  ;  and  with  Henry's  con- 
sent he  summoned  both  the  King  and  Kathe- 
rine  before  him  at  Dunstable.  He  pronounced 
Kathcrine  contumacious  for  not  appearing, 
though  he  had  been  seriously  afraid  of  her 
doing  so,  and  gave  judgment  on  the  23rd  May 
that  the  marriage  was  invalid.  Five  days 
later,  as  the  i-esult  of  a  secret  inquiry,  he 
pronounced  the  King  to  be  lawfully  married 
to  Anne  Boleyn.  There  is  nothing  to  be  said 
in  defence  of  such  conduct  except  that  it 
was  the  result  of  pressure  which  no  ordinary 
flesh  and  blood  could  resist;  and  Cranmer 
felt  from  this  time  that  Royal  Supremacy 
{q.v.)  was  a  principle  to  which  the  Church 
must  perforce  submit,  trusting  that  justice 
must  rule  in  the  end.  His  examination  of 
Ehzabeth  Barton  shows  also  a  painful  sub- 
servience ;  and  he  presently  restricted 
licences  to  preach  to  those  who  would  in- 
veigh against  the  Pope's  authority  and  keep 
a  discreet  silence  for  a  while  about  Purgatory 
and  some  doctrines  then  under  consideration. 
But,  committed  as  he  was  to  Anne  Boleyn's 
cause,  he  did  his  best  to  mitigate  the  King's 
severity  against  More  {q.v.)  and  Fisher  [q.v.) 
and  others  whom  Henry  put  to  death  for  her 
sake  in  1535.  Next  year,  1536,  she  herself  was 
executed,  to  Cranmer's  undoubted  pain  and 
perplexity ;  but  before  she  suffered  he  ob- 
tained from  her  in  the  Tower  a  confession 
of  certain  facts,  on  the  strength  of  which, 
though  they  were  not  revealed  to  the  public, 
he  pronounced  that  her  marriage  to  the  King 
had  been  invalid  from  the  first. 

Now  began  the  framing  of  formularies — 
the  Ten  Articles  of  1536,  which  in  1537  were 
extended  into  The  Institution  of  a  Christian 
Man  (otherwise  called  The  Bishops''  Book),  as 
that  again  was  in  1543  revised  into  The  Neces- 
sary Doctrine  and  Erudition  of  a  Christian 
Man  (also  called  The  King's  Book).  Cranmer's 
part  in  these  publications  is  not  definite — in 


some  it  seems  to  have  been  mainly  that  of  a 
critic,  and  ho  professed  that  he  was  never 
satisfied  with  the  last,  though  he  had  prepared 
the  way  for  it  in  1540^by  presiding  in  a  com- 
mission on  doctrines  and  ceremonies.  But 
earlier  than  all  these,  owing  to  a  resolution  of 
Convocation,  he  had  set  on  foot  a  project  for 
an  English  Bible((7.v.),whichhadnotadvanced 
very  far  when  that  of  Coverdale  (q.v.)  made 
its  appearance  in  1535  ;  but  this  was  set  aside 
in  favour  of  that  of  Matthew  (or  Rogers,  q.v.) 
in  1537,  of  which  Cranmer  desu'cd  the  author- 
isation, declaring  that  he  believed  the  bishops 
would  never  produce  a  better.  Yet  it  was, 
after  all,  but  a  patchwork  of  Tyndalc's 
(q.v.)  and  Coverdale's  translations,  neither  of 
which  had  been  approved. 

In  1538  Cranmer  and  some  other  English 
divines  were  deputed  to  confer  with  certain 
German  theologians  sent  over  to  discuss 
terms  of  union  between  England  and  the 
Protestants.  In  the  same  year  his  cathedral 
of  Canterbury  was  rifled  of  its  most  costly 
treasures — the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas,  the  gold 
and  jewels  of  which,  packed  in  two  great 
chests  for  the  King's  use,  were  as  much  as  six 
or  eight  men  could  carry.  In  November 
John  Lambert,  or  Nicholson,  having  been 
brought  before  Cranmer  for  heresy  touching 
the  Sacrament,  made  his  appeal  to  the  King, 
who  heard  the  case  in  person.  The  King 
called  in  Cranmer  to  reply  to  the  arguments 
of  the  accused,  which  he  did.  But  Gardiner 
was  not  satisfied  with  the  primate's  argu- 
ments, and  supplemented  them  by  some  of 
his  own.  Lambert  was  condemned  and 
burnt.  In  1539  was  passed  '  the  Act  of  the 
Six  Articles,'  which  Cranmer  did  his  best  to 
oppose  in  Parhament.  He  felt  it  necessary 
to  dismiss  his  wile,  whom  he  had  hitherto 
kept  in  seclusion  ;  and  if  the  story  be  not  an 
invention  of  contemporaries,  he  had  her 
carried  about  in  a  chest,  which  once  nearly 
led  to  a  mishap.  Next  year  he  married  the 
King  to  Anne  of  Cleves,  took  part  afterwards 
in  her  divorce,  and  interceded  for  Cromwell 
{q.v.)  as  far  as  he  dared.  In  1541  the  duty 
was  imposed  on  him  of  giving  the  Iving  the 
bitter  information  of  Katherine  Howard's 
infidehty. 

In  March  1541  the  cathedral  priory  of 
Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  was  altered  into 
a  deanery  and  chapter.  By  that  time  '  the 
Great  Bible '  had  been  already  set  up  in 
parish  churches  by  an  order  of  the  previous 
year.  This  edition  is  known  as  '  Cranmer's 
Bible,'  from  his  having  written  a  preface  to  it. 
But  in  1542  it  was  strongly  objected  to  in 
Convocation,  especially  by  Bishop  Gardiner. 

His  secretary,  Morice,  writes  of  three  '  con- 


(163) 


Cranmer] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cranmer 


spiracles '  against  Cranmer  towards  the  close 
of  Henrj^  vin.'s  reign.  These  were,  in  truth, 
complaints  against  him  for  heres}-  which  it 
was  thought  the  Iving  would  listen  to,  for 
the  Iving' s  zeal  for  orthodoxj^  was  always 
acute  when  there  seemed  to  be  danger  from 
abroad  ;  but  in  each  case  he  supported  his 
archbishop,  and  disappointed  his  adver- 
saries. One  of  these  cases  was  a  complaint 
by  the  prebendaries  of  his  own  cathedral  in 
1543  ;  but  the  King  made  the  primate  judge 
in  his  own  cause  to  investigate  the  matter. 
Another  has  been  dramatised  by  Shakespeare, 
in  which  the  archbishop  was  nearly  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower,  bit  saved  himself  by 
exhibiting  the  King's  ring.  In  1544  the 
general  use  of  prayers  in  Enghsh  was  ordered 
by  royal  mandate,  and  an  Enghsh  litany 
was  published  just  before  the  King's  expedi- 
tiofi  to  Boulogne.     [Common  Prayer,  Book 

OF.] 

After  the  death  of  Henry  vni.  in  1547 
Cranmer  showed  himself  eager  to  keep  up  the 
doctrine  of  Royal  Supremacy  by  making  all 
the  bishops  take  out  new  licences  to  exercise 
their  functions,  himseK  leading  the  way. 
Being  primate  of  all  England,  he  was  the  real 
supreme  head  in  church  matters  now,  as  the 
Protector  Somerset  left  these  entirely  to  him. 
He  was,  indeed,  rather  conservative  at  first, 
and  felt  that  it  was  dangerous  in  the  King's 
nonage  to  make  such  changes  as  the  late 
King  might  have  enforced  by  supreme 
authority.  He  even  opposed  the  Act  for 
the  suppression  of  colleges  and  chantries 
which  was  passed  in  the  end  of  Edward's 
first  year.  But  he  had  previously  set  on 
foot  a  general  visitation  of  the  realm  in  the 
King's  name,  promoting  the  sale  of  a  new 
book  of  Homilies  and  a  translation  of 
Erasmus's  Paraphrase  of  the  New  Testament 
for  use  in  churches.  He  also  obtained  in  Con- 
vocation a  vote  to  permit  marriage  of  the 
clergy,  which,  however,  was  only  authorised 
in  Parliament  next  year.  More  ready  effect 
was  given  to  a  unanimous  resolution  of  Con- 
vocation in  favour  of  Communion  in  both 
kinds,  which,  being  ratified  in  Parliament, 
led  necessarily  to  some  revision  of  the  liturgy 
of  the  Church.  A  royal  commission  was 
issued  in  January  1548  to  Cranmer  and  twelve 
other  divines,  six  of  whom  were  bishops,  to 
prepare  an  Order  of  Communion,  which 
appeared  on  8th  March  1548.  Earlier  in  the 
year  a  number  of  old  Church  ceremonies 
were  forbidden  by  proclamation ;  and  in 
that  year  also,  but  probably  later,  he  pub- 
lished his  so-called  Catechism,  which  was  not 
really  his,  but  a  translation  from  the  German 
of  a  Lutheran  treatise  with  higher  euchar- 


istic  doctrine  than  he  himself  somewhat 
later  professed.  In  1549  was  passed  the  first 
Act  of  Uniformity,  enforcing  the  use  of  a 
Prayer  Book  in  EngUsh  for  pubhc  worship. 
This  produced  a  serious  insurrection  in 
Devonshire  and  Cornwall.  The  rebels  set 
forth  their  complaints  in  fifteen  articles, 
requiring  the  revival  of  the  Latin  Mass,  the 
use  of  images,  the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles, 
and  the  old  Church  order.  Cranmer  drew 
up  an  elaborate  answer,  i-eproaching  them 
for  insolence  of  tone,  and  pointing  out  that 
while  some  of  their  demands  involved  serious 
inconsistencies,  one  was  at  variance  with 
old  church  principles,  which  had  been  far  too 
long  neglected. 

After  the  fall  of  Somerset  a  religious  re- 
action was  expected;  but  that  did  not  suit 
Warwick's  policy,  and  change  went  on  more 
than  ever.  Cranmer,  at  the  head  of  a  com- 
mission, had  already  deprived  Bonner  [q.v.) 
of  his  bishopric  of  London  (the  proceedings 
were  by  no  means  equitable),  and  he  did  the 
like  to  Bishop  Gardiner  in  1551 ;  while  in  the 
latter  year  also,  without  his  direct  agency. 
Bishops  Heath  {q.v.)  and  Day  were  Hkewise 
deprived  ;  and  in  1552  Bishop  Tunstall  {q.v.) 
of  Durham,  though  Cranmer  had  stoutly 
opposed  a  Bill  for  his  deprivation  in  Par- 
liament, was  deprived  by  a  commission 
consisting  largely  of  laymen.  It  is  really 
impossible  to  vindicate  the  fairness  of  these 
proceedings,  and  one  must  suppose  Cran- 
mer to  have  been  carried  on  for  his  part 
by  an  irresistible  sense  of  expediencj^ 
His  idea,  at  this  time,  was  to  form  a  new 
Catholicism  in  England  by  a  general  agree- 
ment of  divines  there  and  abroad  who  dis- 
owned papal  jurisdiction.  To  this  he  was 
stimulated  all  the  more  by  the  fact  that 
eminent  refugees  came  over  from  Germany 
to  avoid  the  Interim  of  1548  ;  and  besides 
Germans  like  Bucer  (g'.v.)he  offered  hospitality 
at  Lambeth  to  Italians  hke  Peter  Martyr  {q.v. ), 
to  the  Pole,  Laski,  and  to  various  others. 
He  also  invited  Melanchthon  to  England, 
but  he  could  not  come.  He  was  at  this  time 
receding  further  from  Lutheranism  in  one 
important  matter,  and  he  wrote  a  book  on  the 
Sacrament,  repudiating  alike  Transubstan- 
tiation  and  the  Real  Presence.  This  gratified 
most  of  the  foreign  divines,  but  shocked 
Gardiner,  who,  though  in  prison,  managed  to 
publish  an  answer  to  it,  which  drew  a  further 
reply  from  Cranmer. 

At  this  time  (1551)  the  zeal  of  reformers  in 
England  stood  in  awe  of  a  serious  political 
danger.  Somerset  had  allowed  the  Princess 
Mary  to  continue  to  have  the  Latin  Mass  in 
her  household ;    but  this  being  opposed  to 


(1G4) 


Cranmer] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cranmer 


the  Act  of  Uniformity  was  a  privilego 
Warwick  would  no  longer  permit.  '  Tho 
Mass,'  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  '  is  cither 
of  God  or  of  the  Devil.'  But  when  the 
Imperial  ambassador,  in  his  master's  name, 
demanded  toleration  for  Mary  as  the 
Emperor's  cousin,  Cranmer  and  some  other 
bishops  were  called,  and  their  counsel  re- 
quired whether  such  a  concession  was  lawful. 
Painfully  impressed  with  tho  danger  of  the 
Emperor  declaring  war  against  England, 
they  resolved  that  although  licensing  sin  was 
sin,  conniving  at  it  for  a  time  might  be  per- 
missible.    [Mary.] 

In  1552  Parliament  passed  a  new  Act  of 
Uniformity  to  authorise  a  Second  Prayer 
Book,  which  was  mainly  the  result  of  criti- 
cisms on  the  first  by  Cranmer's  friends,  the 
foreign  reformers.  In  the  autumn  he 
made  some  final  corrections  on  'the  XLIl. 
Articles '  (afterwards  reduced  to  the  well- 
known  XXXIX.),  which  he  had  previously 
submitted  to  the  Council,  and  they  were 
published  in  May  1553  for  subscription  by 
the  clergy. 

On  Edward  vi.'s  death  Cranmer,  though  un- 
willingly, was  committed  to  the  cause  of  Lady 
Jane  Grey,  for  which  he  had  to  undergo  a 
trial  for  treason  in  November  following. 
The  usual  sentence  was  passed,  but  his  life 
was  spared ;  and  in  April  1554  he,  Ridley, 
iq.v.),  and  Latimer  {q.v.)  were  taken  to 
Oxford  to  justify  their  heresies  in  a  theo- 
logical disputation.  Of  course,  they  were  all 
declared  vanquished  in  argument,  but  great 
respect  was  shown  to  Cranmer  by  his  oppo- 
nents. The  three  remained  in  prison  till  they 
could  be  put  on  their  trial  as  heretics,  after 
Pole  (q.v.)  had  come  to  England  as  legate 
and  the  old  spiritual  jurisdiction  restored. 
Ridley  and  Latimer  were  first  tried  under 
a  special  commission  of  the  legate.  Cran- 
mer, as  one  who  had  been  primate,  was 
cited  to  appear  at  Rome  in  eighty  days, 
but  was  informed  that  Cardinal  du  Puy, 
who  had  charge  to  try  him,  had  delegated  his 
functions  to  Brookes,  Bishop  of  Gloucester. 
He  was  brought  before  Brookes  in  St.  Mary's 
Church,  Oxford,  12th  September,  but  re- 
fused to  recognise  his  authority,  as  he  had 
once  sworn  never  again  to  acknowledge 
papal  jurisdiction.  This  was  futile,  and  the 
charges  were  examined,  but  no  judgment  was 
passed.  The  proceedings  were  reported  to 
Rome,  and  Cranmer  remained  months  in 
prison,  one  day  seeing  Latimer  and  Ridley 
carried  to  the  stake.  His  case  was  heard  at 
Rome  after  the  eighty  days  had  expired,  and 
judgment  was  given  against  him. 

On  14th  February  1556  he  was  brought 


before  Bonner  and  Thirlby  in  Christ  Church 
to  be  degraded.  He  made  some  fruitless 
protests.  In  prison  ho  was  pressed  hard  to 
recant,  and  at  first  signed  a  declaration 
accepting  tho  Pope's  authority,  as  the  King 
and  Queen  had  done  so.  This  not  being 
held  satisfactory,  he  made  others  successively 
more  and  more  explicit.  He  in  vain  tried 
to  save  his  adhesion  to  Royal  Supremacy,  or 
to  reserve  a  point  for  the  decision  of  some 
future  General  Council.  His  two  first  sub- 
missions were  made  before  his  degradation. 
The  fourth  was  distinctly  dated  16th  Febru- 
ary, and  declared  his  full  submission  to  the 
teaching  of  the  Catholic  Church  on  the 
Eucharist  as  in  other  things.  A  writ  for  his 
execution  was  issued  on  the  24th,  and  he  was 
told  that  he  should  die  on  the  7th  March ; 
but  further  time  was  given  hiin  at  his  own 
request  for  preparation,  and  ho  made  what 
seemed  to  be  a  final  submission  (the  sixth) 
on  the  18th,  full  of  penitence  for  his  past  life. 
He  was  evidently  sore  perplexed.  His  own 
doctrine  of  Royal  Supremacy  had  driven  him 
to  accept  the  Pope  again  as  the  King  and 
Queen  did,  and  even  the  sacramental  doctrine 
of  the  Church,  which  his  own  mind  could  not 
see,  and  which  he  might  have  hoped  that  the 
Church  itself  would  ultimately  define  other- 
wise, but  that  the  matter  had  been  already 
settled  a  few  years  before  at  Trent.  On  this 
subject  he  had  conferences  with  orthodox 
divines  in  prison,  and  he  seemed,  even  on  the 
20th,  to  be  quite  sincere  in  his  conversion. 
Next  day  he  was  to  die.  It  was  a  wet 
morning,  and  Dr.  Cole,  who  was  to  have 
preached  at  the  stake,  delivered  his  sermon 
in  St.  Mary's  Church.  Cranmer  was  moved 
even  to  tears,  and  drew  tears  from  the 
spectators.  After  the  sermon  he  addressed 
the  people,  as  he  was  expected  to  do,  declar- 
ing first  his  full  belief  in  the  Catholic  faith 
and  then  the  thing  that  troubled  his  conscience 
most.  But  here  came  a  surprise  to  the 
audience ;  for  the  thing  that  troubled  his 
conscience  most,  he  said,  was  having  made 
writings  contrary  to  his  convictions ;  and 
those  writings  were  not  his  books  on  the 
Sacrament  but  the  bills  which  he  had  written 
or  signed  since  his  degradation — that  is  to 
say,  all  but  his  first  two  submissions.  And 
as  in  this  his  hand  had  written  contrary  to 
his  heart,  he  was  resolved  that  at  the  stake 
the  offending  hand  should  first  be  burned. 
He  ran  to  the  stake  and  fulfilled  this  promise, 
putting  his  right  hand  into  the  flame  when  it 
began  to  rise  ;  and  very  soon  all  was  over. 

[.T.  C] 

Gainhier,    L.    and    P.     of    J/.nri/     Vllf.  ; 
Cranmer's  Remains  (Parker  Soc. ). 


(  1G5  ) 


Creighton] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Creighton 


CREIGHTON,  Mandell  (1843-1901),  Bishop 
of  Peterborough  and  London,  historian  of 
the  papacy,  was  born  in  Carhsle,  educated  at 
Durham  under  Dr.  Holden,  and  at  Merton 
College,  Oxford,  of  which  he  was  elected  FeUow 
in  1866,  gaining  first  classes  in  Mods,  and 
Lit.  Hum.  and  a  second  in  Law  and  History. 
After  living  for  some  few  years  in  Oxford  as 
a  Tutor  and  a  very  briUiant  historical  lecturer, 
he  retired  to  the  college  hving  of  Embleton 
in  Northumberland  in  1875.  Besides  taking  a 
gfcnit  part  in  local  activities  he  was  a  Guardian 
of  the  Poor,  and  at  one  time  secretary  of  the 
Church  Congress,  and  having  much  to  do 
with  the  organisation  of  the  new  diocese  of 
Newcastle  {q.v.).  Creighton  continued  his 
historical  work.  In  1882  he  pubhshed  the 
first  two  volumes  of  his  History  of  the  Pwpacy 
during  the  Reformation.  This  work,  of  which 
the  fifth  and  final  volume  went  down  to  the 
sack  of  Rome  in  1527,  forms  his  main  title  to 
fame  as  a  historian.  But  he  published  during 
his  lifetime  many  smaller  books,  of  which 
those  on  Wolsey  and  Queen  Ehzabeth  are  the 
best  known.  At  Embleton,  no  less  than  at 
Cambridge  afterwards,  Creighton  did  almost 
as  much  historical  teaching  as  learning, 
frequently  having  undergraduates  as  pupils. 
To  Cambridge  he  removed  in  1884,  being 
the  first  Dixie  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History.  In  this  capacity  Creighton  prob- 
ably did  more  than  any  one  else  (not  exclud- 
ing Lord  Acton)  to  stimulate  the  study  of 
history  in  a  University  in  which  it  was  not 
the  fashion.  His  lectures,  and  more  especially 
his  conversational  classes,  were  an  inspiration 
to  many,  while  with  the  actual  conduct  of  the 
school  and  the  remodeUing  of  the  Historical 
Tripos  he  had  much  concern.  His  part  in 
the  social  and  academic  life  of  the  University 
was  large,  but  it  was  lessened  by  his  appoint- 
ment in  1885  to  a  canonry  at  Worcester. 
There  he  rapidly  won  influence,  partly  as  a 
preacher  and  partly  through  his  interest  in 
all  local  affairs.  His  influence  in  the 
cathedral  chapter  was  predominant,  and 
he  was  the  main  instrument  of  the  improve- 
ment at  the  west  end  and  the  river  front. 
In  1886  Creighton  became  the  first  editor  of 
the  English  Historical  Review. 

In  1890  he  had  been  promoted  to  a  canonry 
at  Windsor,  but  before  he  was  installed  he 
was  nominated  to  the  bishopric  of  Peter- 
borough. His  life  was  now  mainly,  though 
not  entirely,  occupied  with  diocesan  and 
ecclesiastical  duties.  The  geniality  and 
sympathy  which  were  so  strongly  marked 
in  his  character  combined  with  liis  amazing 
grasp  and  quickness  to  win  him  the  respect 
of  his  diocese.     Before  he  left  it  respect  had 


ripened  into  affection.  With  the  working 
men  of  Leicester  he  was  especially  popular, 
and  through  this  fact  he  was  able  to  exercise 
a  decisive  influence  in  the  settlement  of  the 
boot  strike  in  1895.  Outside  functions  were 
not  neglected.  He  represented  the  English 
Church  at  the  coronation  of  the  Czar, 
Nicholas  n.,  in  1896,  just  as  ten  years  earlier 
he  had  represented  Emmanuel  College  at  the 
tercentenary  of  Harvard.  He  delivered  in 
1893-4  the  Hulsean  Lectures  at  Cambridge, 
producing  a  very  characteristic  volume  on 
Persemtion  and  Tolerance.  He  was  Rede 
Lecturer  at  Cambridge,  1895,  and  Romanes 
Lecturer  at  Oxford,  1896. 

In  1897  he  was  translated  to  London. 
It  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  enjoyed  his 
work  in  London  as  he  did  that  at  Peter- 
borough ;  and  indeed  it  was  fraixght  with 
difiiculties.  He  complained  of  the  enormous 
amount  of  administrative  work  and  of  the 
lack  of  human  relations  with  his  clergy,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  he  had  only  to  drive  to  a 
church  for  a  function  and  then  drive  on  to 
another,  whereas  in  the  country  diocese  of 
Peterborough  it  was  commonly  necessary  to 
stay  the  night.  He  was  also  subject  to 
attacks  on  all  sides  owing  to  the  violent 
agitation  against  '  rituahsm.'  Tliis  began 
almost  immediately  after  his  appointment  by 
the  interference  of  the  late  John  Kensit,  and 
was  stimulated  by  the  Erastian  Whig,  Sir  W. 
Harcourt.  This  agitation,  in  part  the  natural 
result  of  Temple's  (q.v.)  laissez-faire  policy, 
tested  aU  Creighton's  powers  of  statesman- 
ship and  sjTiipathy.  In  a  situation  in  which 
entire  success  was  out  of  the  question,  he 
achieved  results  far  more  satisfactory  than 
would  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  most  of  his 
colleagues  on  the  bench.  The  whole  contro- 
versy had  one  good  result :  it  enabled 
Creighton  to  bring  his  vast  store  of  historical 
learning  and  imagination  to  bear  on  the  prob- 
lem. He  set  himself  definitely  to  find  out 
what  was  the  relation  of  National  Churches, 
of  the  Enghsh  Church  in  particular,  to 
Christendom  as  a  whole.  He  developed  with 
much  acumen  the  ^^ew  which  scholars  like 
Casaubon  had  commended  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  that  the  Church  of  England  is 
'  based  on  sound  learning,'  and  in  this  lies 
her  distinctive  quality  alike  against  Rome 
and  Geneva.  Creighton,  who  had,  as  he  put 
it,  '  almost  a  craze  for  liberty,'  was  ever  in 
favour  of  using  persuasion  rather  than 
coercive  power.  While  he  held  that  it  was 
wrong  for  a  priest  in  his  diocese  to  disobey 
his  orders  and  presumptuous  to  disregard  his 
expressed  wish,  he  was  not  prepared  to 
punish  this  wrong  by  direct  action;  and  at 


(166) 


Cromwell  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Cromwell 


the  close  of  his  hfe  and  after  much  misgivino; 
he  interposed  his  veto  against  the  attempt  of 
a  Baron  Porcelli  to  get  up  a  prosecution 
against  the  incumbent  of  St.  Peter's,  London 
Docks.  Partly  for  this  reason  he  was  never 
understood  by  either  side,  while  his  epigram- 
matic humour  irritated  those  persons  who 
think  a  sense  of  humour  out  of  place  in  a 
clergyman.  It  was  on  a  reference  from 
Creighton  to  the  archbishop,  as  interpreter  of 
the  rubric,  that  the  famous  Lambeth  Opinions 
on  incense  and  resei-vation  were  promulgated 
by  Dr.  Temple.  Worn  out  with  his  manifold 
tasks,  Creighton  died  on  14th  January  1901 
after  an  illness  of  a  few  months.  Shortly 
before  his  death  he  had  summoned  the 
representatives  of  both  parties  to  a  confer- 
ence on  the  Holy  Eucharist. 

Both  by  temper  and  conviction  Creighton 
was  tolerant — a  quality  which  came  out  in 
his  teaching  no  less  than  his  rule.  This  toler- 
ant quahty  meant  a  readiness  to  understand 
all  views,  but  in  no  way  implied  haziness  or 
indefiniteness  in  his  own.  A  strong  High 
Churchman,  with  a  behef  in  the  sacramental 
system  and  the  authority  of  the  Church, 
he  hailed  the  publication  of  Lux  Mimdi. 
Sensitive  to  all  the  currents  of  intellectual 
life,  his  hold  on  the  Incarnation  and  its 
attendant  miracles  was  never  shaken.  His 
breadth  of  mind  and  sense  of  humour  made 
him  one  of  the  most  brilliant  talkers  of  the 
day,  and  he  was  hailed  by  Lord  Rosebery 
as  the  '  most  alert  and  universal  inteUigence 
in  this  land.'  He  had  a  wide  circle  of  those 
who  felt  for  him  not  merely  respect  but  love. 
His  premature  death  was  mourned  in  London 
as  that  of  few  of  his  predecessors  had  been. 
Posthumous  works  have  served  but  to  en- 
hance his  fame,  and  the  Life,  pubhshed  by 
his  widow,  has  taken  rank  among  the  six 
best  biographies  in  the  language. 

[j.   N.   F.] 

CROMWELL,  Thomas  (1485?-1540),  caUed 
by  Dixon  '  the  greatest  enemy  of  the  Church 
of  England,'  was  son  of  a  Putney  blacksmith. 
According  to  John  Foxe's  {q.v.)  romantic  but 
untrustworthy  account,  he  used  to  declare 
'  what  a  ruffian  he  was  in  his  younger  days ' 
when  he  travelled  much  abroad.  He  after- 
wards became  a  successful  tradesman,  lawyer, 
and  money-lender,  and  by  1514  attracted  the 
notice  of  Wolsey  {q.v.),  who  employed  him 
in  the  suppression  of  the  smaller  monasteries, 
in  which,  says  Foxe,  '  he  showed  himself  very 
forward  and  industrious,'  and  acquired 
odium  by  his  '  rade  manner  and  homely  deal- 
ing,' and,  it  may  be  added,  his  rapacity. 
He  thus  stood  in  some  danger  at  Wolsey' s 


fall.  Cavendish  {Life  of  Wolsey)  tells  how 
at  '  Ashcr '  {i.e.  Esher)  on  '  All-Hallows  Day,' 
1529,  he  found  Cromwell  in  tears,  '  saying 
of  Our  Lady  matins  ;  which  had  been  since 
a  very  strange  sight ' ;  and  learned  his  inten- 
tion to  ride  to  London,  '  where  he  would 
either  make  or  mar  or  he  came  again,  which 
was  always  his  common  saying.'  While 
deserting  Wolsey's  service  for  the  King's  he 
contrived  to  pose  as  the  champion  of  his 
fallen  master,  who  called  him  '  mine  only 
aider.'  Cromwell  had  probably  ascertained 
that  his  pleading  Wolsey's  cause  in  Parlia- 
ment (which  he  had  first  entered  in  1523) 
would  not  be  displeasing  to  the  King. 

Ho  had  learned  his  political  ideals  from 
Machiavelli's  Prince,  which  he  recommended 
to  Pole  {q.v.),  telHng  him  that  a  councillor's 
first  duty  was  to  study  not  the  honour  but 
the  inclination  of  his  prince.  By  appealing 
to  Henry's  greed  for  money  and  despotic 
power  he  became  his  most  powerful  minister 
and  adviser  for  ten  years,  during  which  time 
his  principal  achievements  were  the  Suppres- 
sion of  the  Monasteries  {q.v.),  the  abolition  of 
the  papal  jurisdiction,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  Royal  Supremacy  {q.v.).  Through- 
out he  showed  himself  able,  cunning,  un- 
scrupulous, and  tyrannical.  He  became 
Privy  Councillor,  1531 ;  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  1534  ;  Secretary  to  the  King, 
1535.  In  1535  he  was  also  appointed  Vice- 
gerent or  Vicar- General  in  causes  ecclesi- 
astical, to  carry  out  the  Act  of  Supremacy 
(1534,  26  Hen.  vm.  c.  1),  with  power  to 
supersede  the  ordinary  Jurisdiction  of  bishops 
and  archbishops.  This  was  a  following  of 
papal  precedent.  He  presided  in  Convoca- 
tion both  in  person  and  by  deputy.  He  was 
chiefly  responsible  for  the  Injunctions  {q.v.) 
issued  in  1536  and  1538.  At  his  house  in 
Austin  Friars  he  abused  his  power  to  set 
back  his  neighbours'  fences  by  twenty-two 
feet  and  to  remove  the  house  of  one  of  them 
on  rollers.  Gifts  and  honours  were  heaped 
on  him,  including  a  prebend  at  Sarum  and 
the  deanery  of  Wells.  He  became  Lord 
Privy  Seal,  1536;  Knight  of  the  Garter  and 
a  Baron,  1537.  Yet  he  only  retained  his 
power  by  abject  servility.  Henry  '  be- 
knaveth  him  twice  a  week  and  sometimes 
knocks  him  well  about  the  pate.'  By  1539 
Henry's  supremacy  was  firmly  established, 
and  he  desired  to  emphasise  his  orthodoxy ; 
whereas  Cromwell  was  identified  with 
Protestantism  by  policy,  and  probably  by 
svich  sympathies  as  he  had,  and  was  seeking 
to  counterbalance  France  and  the  Emperor 
by  an  alliance  with  the  Lutheran  states  of 
Germany,    and     by    a     marriage     between 


(167) 


Crusades] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Crusades 


Henry  and  Anne,  sister  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves, 
which  was  solemnised,  6th  January  1540. 
The  King's  resentment  at  this  policy  was 
increased  by  his  bride's  lack  of  personal 
attractions.  Yet  Cromwell's  skill  as  a 
financier,  and  packer  and  manager  of  parUa- 
ments,  enabled  him  to  reassert  his  influence 
as  against  the  Cathohc  party  headed  by 
Gardiner  {q.v.).  In  April  he  was  made  Earl 
of  Essex  and  Lord  Chamberlain.  But  his 
usefulness  was  at  an  end,  and  Henry  followed 
Cromwell's  policy  in  destrojang  a  tool  which 
had  done  its  work.  On  10th  June  he  was 
arrested  at  the  council  on  a  charge  of  treason, 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  tearing  the  ribbon  of  St. 
George  from  his  neck.  An  Act  of  Attainder 
was  passed,  and  he  was  beheaded,  28th  July. 

[G.  C] 

Meniman,  Life  and  LeMers ;  Dr.  Gairdner  in 
D.N.Ii.  ;    H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  Pol.  Hist.  Eng., 

1485-1 5. ',7. 

CRUSADES,  or  wars  waged  in  the  name 
of  the  Cross  against  infidels,  heretics,  and 
schismatics,  were  frequently  raised  in  Western 
Europe  from  the  closing  years  of  the  eleventh 
to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century-  In- 
deed, some  even  later  enterprises  against 
Mohammedan  powers  were  dignified  with 
this  name  ;  as,  for  example,  the  expedition  of 
Charles  V.  against  Tunis  (1535),  and  the  raids 
of  the  Knights  of  Malta  upon  the  strongholds 
of  the  corsairs.  Crusades  began,  as  they 
ended,  with  projects  for  expelling  Islam  from 
the  borders  of  the  Mediterranean  ;  and  at 
first  the  name  was  reserved  for  expeditions 
having  this  aim  in  view.  They  were  raised 
at  the  invitation,  or  at  the  least  with  the 
approval,  of  the  Pope,  were  usually  directed 
by  his  legates,  and  in  theory  were  recruited 
from  all  Christian  peoples,  though,  in  fact, 
they  sometimes  assumed  a  national  com- 
plexion. The  volunteers  enrolled  themselves 
under  princes  of  repute,  and  the  military 
command  was  put  in  commission  among 
those  leaders  who  brought  the  largest  con- 
tingents or  could  boast  of  the  greatest 
reputation.  The  members  of  a  crusading 
army  styled  themselves  the  soldiers  of  Christ, 
were  distinguished  from  other  men  by  the 
badge  of  the  cross  which  they  wore  on  the 
left  shoulder,  and,  as  being  dedicated  to 
the  service  of  God,  enjoyed  various  privi- 
leges, of  which  the  most  considerable  were 
immunity  from  attacks  by  personal  enemies, 
inviolability  for  their  property  of  every  de- 
scription, and  exemption  for  the  term  of  the 
Crusade  from  the  ordinary  laws  of  debt. 
These  privileges  were  not  infrequently  abused, 
and  men  took  the  Cross  to  escape  from  their 


creditors  or  the  consequences  of  a  feud,  with- 
out the  slightest  intention  of  fulfilling  their 
vow.  Still,  the  crusading  impulse  was 
strong  and  genuine  in  the  twelfth  century ; 
and  for  another  hundred  years,  at  least,  it 
appealed  to  a  considerable  minority  of  con- 
scientious men.  So  long  as  any  Christian 
strongholds  still  held  out  in  the  Holy  Land, 
there  was  a  regular  stream  of  pilgrims  from 
Europe,  who  came  to  take  part  in  one  or 
more  campaigns,  and  enrolled  themselves 
under  the  princes  of  the  Latin  colonies. 
Fleets  of  transport  vessels  sailed  at  more  or 
less  regular  intervals  from  the  seaports  of 
Italy  and  Southern  France  ;  and  the  business 
of  carrying  pUgrims  to  and  from  Palestine 
was  highly  profitable.  But  though  many 
crusaders  discharged  their  obligation  in  this 
manner,  the  Church  continually  pressed  upon 
European  rulers  the  duty  of  raising  the 
larger  and  more  highly  organised  expeditions 
to  which  alone  the  name  of  Crusade  is  properly 
applied.  Historians  commonly  notice  eight 
Crusades,  although  the  catalogue  might  be 
enlarged  by  the  inclusion  of  other  expedi- 
tions little,  if  at  aU,  inferior  in  size  to  some 
of  those  which  have  been  thus  distinguished. 
The  eight  are  as  follows: — (1)  The  Crusade, 
proclaimed  by  Urban  n.  at  the  Council  of 
Clermont  (1095),  which  captured  Jerusalem 
and  founded  the  Latin  Kingdom.  (2)  The 
Crusade  preached  by  St.  Bernard  to  avenge 
the  fall  of  Edessa  ;  this  set  out  in  1147  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Emperor  Conrad  iii. 
and  Louis  vn.  of  France.  (3)  The  Crusade 
which  was  raised  after  the  capture  of  Jeru- 
salem by  Sultan  Saladin  (1187).  This  was 
joined  by  the  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa 
(who  died  on  the  outward  march),  by  Philip 
Augustus  of  France,  and  by  Richard  Lion- 
heart  of  England  ;  it  resulted  in  the  recovery 
of  Acre,  but  left  Jerusalem  in  the  hands  of 
Saladin.  (4)  The  Fourth  Crusade,  proclaimed 
by  Innocent  iii.,  was  diverted  by  Philip  of 
Suabia  and  the  Venetians  against  the  Greek 
Empire  of  Constantinople  (1202-4),  which  it 
destroyed  and  replaced  by  the  short-lived 
Latin  Empire.  (5)  The  Fifth  Crusade, 
chiefly  recruited  from  the  German  and 
Hungarian  nations,  attacked  Egypt  and 
captured  Damietta  (1219),  but  was  subse- 
quently defeated  and  compelled  to  surrender 
this  conquest.  (6)  The  Crusade  of  the 
Emperor  Frederic  ii.  (1228),  who  succeeded, 
without  recourse  to  arms,  in  obtaining  a 
treaty  under  which  Jerusalem,  Bethlehem, 
and  Nazareth  were  ceded  to  the  Christians. 
But,  after  his  departure,  the  Kharismian 
Turks  attacked  and  took  Jerusalem.  (7) 
The  Seventh  Crusade  was  led  by  Louis  ix. 


(1G8) 


Crusades] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Crusades 


of  France,  who  incurred  a  crushing  defeat 
in  Egypt,  and  was  taken  captive  (1250), 
but  proceeded  to  Syria  after  he  had  been 
ransomed,  and  spent  three  years  there  in 
attempts  to  organise  the  defence  of  the 
Christian  coast  towns.  (8)  The  Eighth  Cru- 
sade, led  by  the  same  prince,  was  diverted 
against  Tunis  by  the  influence  of  his  brother, 
Charles  of  Anjou.  The  army  was  decimated 
by  the  plague,  to  which  Louis  himself  feU  a 
victim  (1270);  the  greater  part  of  the  sur- 
vivors tlien  returned  to  France.  But  Prince 
Edward  of  England,  who  reached  Tunis  after 
the  death  of  the  French  King,  went  on  to 
Acre  with  a  few  followers,  and  remained  there 
for  two  years.  His  return  marks  the  close  of 
the  crusading  period  in  the  strict  sense.  Acre 
fell  in  1291,  and  the  Latin  occupation  of  Pales- 
tine came  to  an  end.  For  j'ears  the  Franks  and 
the  mihtary  orders  [Religious  Orders]  had 
been  confined  to  one  or  two  strong  places. 
Little  sympathy  was  now  felt  for  them  in 
Europe,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  rein- 
state them.  Cyprus  remained  a  Christian 
state,  under  the  Lusignans  ;  Rhodes  was  held 
by  the  Knights  of  St.  John  until  1522.  But 
the  Teutonic  Knights  had  returned  from 
Palestine  to  Europe  in  the  first  half  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  They  founded  a  state 
on  the  Vistula,  at  the  expense  of  the  heathen 
Prussians,  and  for  more  than  two  centuries 
lived  the  life  of  crusaders  on  the  shores  of 
the  Baltic.  The  Templars  returned  to  their 
European  estates,  devoted  themselves  to 
banking  operations,  and  were  finally  sup- 
pressed by  Pope  Clement  v.  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  Philip  IV,  of  France  (1312).  Apart 
from  the  Prussian  Crusades,  those  against 
the  Hussites  of  Bohemia  and  the  Turkish 
invaders  of  Hungary  are  the  last  consider- 
able manifestations  of  the  crusading  spirit. 
The  Hussite  Crusades  were  raised,  chiefly 
from  the  German  nation,  in  the  years  1420-34. 
The  most  famous  of  the  Hungarian  Crusades 
were  that  of  1396,  annihilated  at  Nicopolis 
by  Sultan  Bajazet,  and  that  of  1456  which 
raised  the  siege  of  Belgrade. 

England's  share  in  the  Crusades  was  re- 
latively slight.  Though  Richard  i.  and 
Edward  I.  earned  personal  distinction  in  the 
Holy  Land,  they  were  unable  to  raise  large 
forces  among  their  own  countrymen  ;  and 
those  Englishmen  who  followed  them  were 
drawn  chiefly  from  the  upper  classes. 
English  volunteers  played  some  part  in  most 
of  the  eight  great  Crusades.  They  were 
particularly  prominent  in  that  branch  of  the 
Second  Crusade  which  was  diverted  to 
Portugal  and  effected  the  capture  of  Lisbon  ; 
and  the  Fifth  Crusade  was  joined  by  a  number 


of  barons  who  had  fought  against  King  John 
on  the  side  of  his  French  rival.  Many  of 
those  who  followed  Edward  were  moved  by 
a  desire  to  do  penance  for  their  part  in  the 
Barons'  War  of  1264-5.  But  in  England,  as 
elsewhere,  the  Church  allowed  the  humbler 
sort  of  crusaders  to  commute  their  vow  on 
easy  terms.  The  crusading  ideal  was,  like 
that  of  chivalry,  a  foreign  importation, 
though  it  long  remained  part  of  the  creed  of 
the  English  aristocracy.  In  the  fourteenth 
and  fifteenth  centuries  this  island  still  pro- 
duced eminent  crusaders.  One  such  was 
Henry  Despenser  (q.v.),  the  fighting  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  who  led  a  Crusade  from  England 
to  Flanders  to  maintain  the  cause  of  Urban 
vx.  against  his  rival,  Clement  vii.  (1383). 
Henry  iv.,  before  his  accessitm,  served  with 
the  Teutonic  Knights  in  Lithuania :  we 
gather  from  Chaucer's  Prologue  that  sucli  an 
adventure  was  not  uncommon  for  an  English 
knight.  Henry  v.  cherished  hopes  of  re- 
covering Jerusalem,  and  liis  uncle,  Henry 
Beaufort  {q.v.),  earned  a  cardinalate  by 
placing  himself  at  the  head  of  a  Hussite 
Crusade.  It  is  easier  to  enumerate  the 
EngHsh  crusaders  than  to  trace  the  effects 
of  the  Crusades  on  Enghsh  society  and  the 
English  Church.  Whoever  reads  the  best  of 
our  mediaeval  chroniclers — say  Hoveden  or 
Matthew  Paris — wiU  at  once  perceive  how 
interest  in  the  Holy  War  widened  the  out- 
look of  the  ordinary  Englishman.  Whether 
the  Crusades  more  immediatelj^  affected  the 
development  of  scientific  knowledge  is  prob- 
lematical, to  say  the  least.  Arab  mathe- 
matics, Arab  medicine,  Arab  philosophy  came 
into  Western  Europe  by  way  of  Toledo  and 
Palermo  through  the  peaceful  intercourse 
of  curious  savants ;  this  exchange  of  ideas 
was  hindered  not  helped  by  the  Crusades. 
Adelard  of  Bath,  Michael  Scott,  and  Roger 
Bacon  owed  little,  if  anything,  to  the  Moslems 
of  the  Levant,  who  were  inferior  in  culture 
to  their  brethren  of  Spain. 

The  Fourth  Crusade  produced  in  England, 
as  in  Paris,  a  premature  renaissance  of  Greek 
studies  ;  but  in  England  this  appears  to  have 
begun  and  ended  with  the  famous  Grosseteste 
(q.v.).  In  the  economic  sphere  the  Crusades 
co-operated  with  many  other  causes  to  cause 
the  transition  from  Natureconomie  to  Geld- 
economie,  from  serfdom  to  the  cash  nexus, 
from  rural  fife  to  town  life ;  but  they  pro- 
duced no  dramatic  change  in  the  relative 
importance  of  social  classes.  They  neither 
destroyed  the  EngHsh  baronage  nor  made 
the  fortunes  of  the  Enghsh  serf  and  burgess. 
In  the  ecclesiastical  sphere  they  were  the 
occasion   for   some   outbursts   of   emotional 


(169) 


Cuthbert] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Davenant 


revivalism  and  of  anti-JeAvisli  feeling;  but 
the  Jews  were  detested  more  for  their  usury 
than  for  their  reUgion.  The  papacy  found 
in  the  crusading  movement  a  new  pretext 
for  the  taxation  of  the  EngUsh  clergy,  and 
for  squeezing  monej^  out  of  the  feeble 
Henry  ni.  But  the  money  was  used  for 
other  purposes,  and  could  almost  as  well 
have  been  obtained  on  other  pleas.  In  fact, 
the  importance  of  the  Crusades  for  English 
history  is  much  slighter  than  the  picturesque 
school  of  historians  will  allow. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Vnii  Sylicl,  Hist,  nflhe  Crusades  (Eng.  trail;;. ) ; 
Anlii  r  liiid  Kiiigsford,  The  Crusades. 

CUTHBERT,  St.  (d.  687),  Bishop  of  Lindis- 
farne,  a  native  of  Bernicia,  was  as  a  boy 
warned  by  a  little  child  that  boyish  sports 
did  not  become  him,  and  a  disease  in  his 
knee  being  cured  soon  afterwards  by  an 
angel,  as  he  beheved,  his  thoughts  turned 
heavenwards.  While  keeping  sheep  upon  the 
Lammermuir  Hills  in  651  he  saw  in  a  vision 
the  soul  of  Aidan  {q.v.)  borne  to  heaven. 
Forthwith  he  rode  to  (Old)  Melrose,  and  re- 
ceived the  tonsure  of  the  Scotic  shape  from 
the  Abbot  Eata.  As  a  monk  he  was  humble, 
became  learned  in  the  Scriptures,  and  being 
physically  strong  was  constant  in  fastings. 
He  migrated  with  Eata  to  Ripon,  where  he 
became  Hostillar.  but  returned  to  Melrose 
in  661  when  the  Scotic  monks  were  deprived 
of  Ripon.  He  was  attacked  by  the  plague, 
recovered,  and  was  made  prior.  In  664  he 
moved  with  Eata  to  Lindisfarne,  adopted  the 
Roman  usages,  and  persuaded  the  other 
monks  to  do  the  same.     He  frequently  re- 


tired into  solitude  on  the  mainland,  and  in 
676  built  himself  a  hut  on  the  desolate  Fame 
Island,  and  as  far  as  possible  cut  himself  off 
from  his  fellow-men,  giving  himself  up  to 
prayer  and  ascetic  practices.  In  684  he  was 
chosen  Bishop  of  Hexham,  but  was  unwilling 
to  accept  the  office.  Finally  Eata  resigned  the 
bishopric  of  Lindisfarne  in  his  favour,  him- 
self taking  that  of  Hexham,  and  in  685  Cuth- 
bert was  consecrated  at  York  by  Archbishop 
Theodore  {q.v.)  and  seven  other  bishops. 
For  nearly  two  years  he  actively  performed  his 
duties  as  bishop,  travelling  about  his  diocese 
and  preaching  with  apostolic  zeal  and  love, 
until  at  the  end  of  686,  finding  his  end  near,  he 
again  retired  to  Fame  Island,  where  he  died 
on  20th  March  687.  He  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  Lindisfarne.  and  in  698  his  body 
was  translated  and  was  found  uncorrupted. 
During  the  Danish  invasions  in  875  it  was 
removed,  and  those  in  charge  of  it  after 
many  wanderings  brought  it  to  Chester-le- 
Street  in  883,  whence  in  990  it  was  again 
removed  for  fear  of  the  Danes,  and  a  few 
months  later  was  brought  to  Durham.  A 
church,  the  predecessor  of  the  present  cathe- 
dral, was  built,  and  the  saint's  body  was  placed 
there  in  999.  The  grave  was  opened,  and  his 
bones  discovered,  in  1827.  He  was  the  most 
famous  saint  of  Northern  England,  and  was 
commemorated  on  20th  March.  His  festival 
disappeared  from  the  English  Calendar  in 
1549,  but  was  replaced  in  that  of  the  Scottish 
Book  of  1637.  [w.  h.] 

The  anonymous  life  used  by  Bede,  together 
with  Bede'stwo  lives  of  Cutlibert,  in  prose  and 
verse,  are  in  Bede's  Opera  Hist.  Minora  (Eng. 
Hist.  Soc.)  ;  J.  Raine,  St.  Cuthbert,  etc.,  1828. 


D 


DAVENANT,  John  (1572-1641),  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  was  son  of  a  city  merchant- 
prince.  One  of  his  sisters  (Judith)  was  mother 
of  Fuller  (^.v.)  (who  styles  his  uncle  'the  second 
Jewell  of  Salisbury  '),  and  another  (Margaret) 
was  wife  of  Bishop  Townson,  who  held  the  see 
of  Sarum  only  ten  months,  and,  dying  of  a 
fever  contracted  by  '  unseasonable  sitting  up 
to  study  '  (as  Fuller  says),  left  his  widow  and 
fifteen  children  impoverished,  to  be  provided 
for  by  his  brother-in-law  and  successor. 
Davenant  Avas  educated  probably  at  Merchant 
Taylors'  School,  and  certainly  as  a  'pensioner' 
at  Queens'  College,  Cambridge.  He  became 
Fellow  there  in  1597;  President,  1614;  and 
he  was  Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity,  1609. 


In  1618  he  was  chosen  by  James  as  a  dele- 
gate to  the  synod  of  Dort  or  Dordrecht 
along  with  Joseph  Hall  (then  Dean  of  Wor- 
cester), Samuel  Ward,  Master  of  Sidney,  and 
G.  Carleton,  Bishop  of  Llandafi  (and  Chi- 
chester), where  he  took  a  leading  part,  and 
with  the  other  English  delegates  attempted  to 
moderate  the  high  Calvinism  of  the  Conti- 
nental Protestants.  Soon  after  his  return, 
1621,  though  after  some  delay  occasioned  by 
Archbishop  Abbot's  untoward  accident  with 
the  cross-bow,  he  was  consecrated  to  Sarum. 
At  Salisbury  the  bishop  had  a  contention 
with  the  corporation,  1631-6;  in  1629  H. 
Sherfield,  their  Puritan  recorder,  had  broken 
with    his    staff   the    coloured   glass    in    St. 


(170) 


David] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[David 


Edmund's  Church  in  defiance  of  the  bishop's 
express  monition,  for  which  he  was  sentenced 
in  the  Star  Chamber  in  1633.  Davenant,  who 
was  a  keen  logician  and  controversiahst,  had 
himself  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Charles  i. 
by  his  sermon  preached  before  the  court  in 
Lent,  1631,  in  which  he  disregarded  the  terms 
of  '  liis  Majesty's  declaration,'  prefixed  in 
1628  to  the  XXXIX.  Articles  of  Religion 
(q.v.),  wherein  'all  further  curious  search' 
into  those  points  which  had  been  hotly 
discussed  among  Arminians  and  Calvinists 
is  jtrohibited. 

In  his  contribution  to  J.  Durie's  eirenicon, 
de  pace  ecclesiaslica  infer  evangelicos  (1634), 
he  left,  as  Bishop  Hall  says  (in  his  Peace- 
maker), 'a  Golden  Tractate'  as  his  legacy 
to  Christendom.  In  a  second  treatise,  in- 
cluded in  the  English  translation  of  the 
Exliortation  to  Brotherly  Communion  (London, 
1641),  he  treats  as  the  three  main  difficulties 
the  questions  of  (1)  the  Presence  of  Christ 
in  the  Eucharist ;  (2)  the  Ubiquity  of  Christ's 
Humanity  and  '  the  communication  of  pro- 
perties '  ;  (3)  Predestination  and  Free  Will. 
As  perfect  agreement  is  impossible  with 
imperfect  knowledge,  he  considers  accept- 
ance of  the  Apostles'  Creed  should  be  a 
sufficient  basis  for  communion,  and  appears 
not  to  consider  the  differences  between  Epis- 
copalians and  Presbyterians  a  difficulty. 
[Reunion.] 

In  the  administration  of  his  diocese 
Davenant  loyally  supported  Laud's  directions 
as  to  the  placing  of  the  Holy  Table  ;  and  his 
injunction  on  that  subject  and  on  holding 
twelve  communions  a  year  (viz.  on  four 
consecutive  Sundays  thrice  a  year),  directed 
to  the  vicar  and  churchwardens  of  Aldbourne, 
Wilts,  17th  May  1637,  is  entered  in  the 
extant  parish  register,  and  is  printed  in  the 
Memoir  by  M.  Fuller,  pp.  424-7.       [c.  w.] 

J.  Wordsworth,  National  Church  of  Sv:e(ten 
(1911),  pp.  293-6. 

DAVID,  St.  (d.  589  ?),  abbot-bishop. 
Patron  of  Wales.  In  Welsh  he  is  known  as 
Dewi  Sant.  The  earliest  authority  for  his 
life  is  a  Vita  S.  Davidis,  by  Ricemarchus 
(Rhygyfarch),  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  1088-96. 
All  the  other  lives  are  amplifications  or 
abridgments  of  this.  His  father  was  Sant 
(a  regnlus  of  Ceredigion,  in  south-west  Wales), 
descended  from  Cunedda  Wledig,  who,  with 
his  sons,  migrated  from  North  Britain  in  the 
early  fifth  century  and  settled  in  Wales.  His 
mother  was  Non,  the  daughter  of  Cynyr,  a 
man  of  some  importance  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  (afterwards)  St.  David's.  On  his  father's 
side  he  was  Brythonic  or  Welsh,  and  on  his 


mother's  Goidelic  or  Irish.  His  birth-date  is 
nowhere  given,  but  in  the  Annales  Cambriae 
he  is  made  to  have  died  in  601.  This,  how- 
ever, is  too  late ;  it  was  probably  in  589, 
possibly  earlier. 

Many  legends  have  clustered  round  St. 
David's  name ;  in  fact,  his  whole  life,  as  we 
have  it,  is  legendary,  and  it  is  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  one  is  able  to  sift  the 
few  facts  it  contains.  The  legends  are  all 
calculated  to  enhance  his  glory,  and  manifest 
his  pre-eminence  over  the  other  Welsh  saints, 
and,  no  doubt,  justify  his  canonisation. 

At  a  suitable  age  he  was  sent  to  be  in- 
stnicted  at  '  The  Old  Bush '  or  Ty  Gwyn 
(not  Whitland),  near  St.  David's,  a  monastic 
school  presided  over  by  St.  Paulinus  (the 
Welsh  saint  of  the  name),  with  whom  he 
remained  for  ten  years.  Afterwards  he 
became  a  monastic  founder  himself,  and, 
among  other  monasteries,  founded  that  of 
Ty  Ddewi  or  St.  David's,  his  principal 
foundation,  where  he  gathered  round  him  a 
number  of  disciples  or  monks,  bound  by  the 
severe  rule  of  the  Celtic  Church. 

He  was  a  man  of  retiring  disposition. 
When  the  Synod  of  Brefi  was  held,  about 
545,  to  enact  canons  of  discipline  for  the 
clergy  and  laity — not  to  suppress  the  Pelagian 
heresy,  as  generally  supposed — it  was  only 
after  great  pressure  that  he  was  induced  to 
attend  ;  but  in  the  legend  of  the  rising  of  the 
ground  under  him  into  a  hill,  his  biographer 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  estabhsh 
the  apocryphal  supremacy  of  the  saint  and 
his  see  over  the  entire  British  Church.  The 
story  of  his  pilgrimage  with  SS.  Teilo  and 
Padarn  to  Jerusalem  to  be  consecrated  bishop 
by  the  Patriarch  is  a  fiction  invented  to 
establish  the  independence  of  the  Welsh 
Church  in  relation  to  the  see  of  Canterburj'. 
David  together  with  SS.  Gildas  and  Cadoe  was 
invited  by  Ainmire,  the  High  King  of  Ireland, 
to  restore  the  flagging  Christianity  of  the 
island,  which  was  in  danger  of  succumbing 
to  the  revived  paganism.  To  the  trio  the 
Church  of  Ireland  is  indebted  for  a  form 
of  the  Mass.  It  is  a  mistake  to  say  that  he 
was  bishop  of  a  diocese  in  the  ordinary 
sense.  He  did  not  form  the  diocese  of  St. 
David's  (q.v.);  what  he  did  was  to  plant 
centres  of  religious  and  monastic  influence, 
thereby  laying  the  foundations  of  the  great 
diocese  of  a  later  period. 

Dedications  in  Wales  under  his  name,  up  to 
1836,  numbered  fifty-three,  of  which  forty- 
two  were  in  the  diocese  of  St.  David's  alone, 
and  not  one  in  the  whole  of  North  Wales. 
He  was  emphaticaUy  a  South  Wales  saint, 
and  the  dedications  make  him  the  third  most 


171) 


Da  vies] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Deists 


popular  saint  in  Wales,  being  preceded  by 
the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Michael  the 
Archangel.  There  are  a  number  of  early 
dedications  under  his  name  in  Devon  and 
Cornwall,  and  in  Brittany,  especially  in 
L^on. 

There  is  no  evidence  whatever  that  St. 
David  is  entitled  to  the  designation  of 
archbishop,  either  of  Wales  or  of  Menevia 
(as  in  the  Anglican  Calendar),  or  of  Caerleon. 

He  died  on  the  1st  of  March  ;  at  what  age 
is  unknown ;  but  his  biographer's  one 
hundred  and  forty-seven  j-ears  is  impossible. 
Archbishop  Arundel  in  1398  ordered  his 
festival  to  be  observed  in  every  church 
throughout  the  province  of  Canterbury,  and 
to  be  duly  marked  in  tlie  Calendar.  It  is 
not  known  for  certain  how  the  leek  became 
his  emblem.  There  is  nothing  about  leeks 
in  his  life.  St.  David  is  stiU.  the  one  purely 
Welsh  saint  who  has  been  formally  enrolled  in 
the  Calendar  of  the  Western  Church.  It  is 
believed  that  his  canonisation  took  place  in 
the  time  of  Pope  Cahxtus  n.,  1119-24.  It 
was  then  that  his  cult,  from  being  that  of  a 
merely  local  saint,  became  that  of  the  Patron 
of  Wales.  But  during  his  lifetime,  and  for 
centuries  after,  he  can  only  be  regarded  as 
the  supreme  or  chief  saint  of  the  principality 
of  D3rfed,  vnth  wliich  the  diocese  roughly 
coincides.  Of  the  four  patrons  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  St.  David  is  the  only 
native  saint. 

He  was  buried  at  St.  David's,  and  his 
plain  but  empty  shrine  now  occupies  a  very 
modest  position  in  the  choir  of  the  cathedral. 
Two  pilgrimages  to  his  shrine  were  esteemed 
equivalent  to  one  to  Rome.  [j.  F.] 

DAVIES,  Richard  (1501-81),  Bishop  of 
St.  David's,  was  the  son  of  Dafydd  ab  Gronw, 
Vicar  of  Gyffin,  near  Conway,  and  was  edu- 
cated at  New  Inn  Hall,  Oxford,  graduating  in 
1530.  In  1549  he  was  presented  by  Edward 
VI.  to  the  rectory  of  Maidsmorton,  and  in  1550 
to  the  vicarage  of  Burnham,  both  in  the  dio- 
cese of  Lincoln.  Of  these  he  was  deprived 
by  Queen  Mary,  and  he  retired  with  his  wife 
into  exile  in  Geneva,  where  he  suffered  much 
privation.  On  the  death  of  Mary  he  returned, 
and  was  restored  by  Elizabeth  to  his  prefer- 
ments, and  made  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph  in  1560. 
In  1561  he  was  translated  to  St.  David's. 
He  was  the  leader  of  the  reforming  party  in 
Wales,  and  the  trusted  adviser  of  Parker  {q.v.) 
and  Cecil  on  matters  affecting  the  Church  in 
Wales. 

Davies  was  a  good  scholar  and  linguist. 
During  his  exile  he  had  lived  in  an  atmosphere 
of  Biblical  translation,  and  he  was  instru- 


mental in  providing  the  Welsh  people  with 
the  Prayer  Book  and  New  Testament  in  the 
Welsh  tongue,  both  of  which  appeared  in 
1567.  In  1562  an  Act  had  been  passed 
(5  Eliz.  c.  28),  in  which,  no  doubt,  Davies 
had  had  a  principal  hand,  requiring  the  four 
Welsh  bishops  and  the  Bishop  of  Hereford 
to  have  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  and  the 
Prayer  Book  translated  into  Welsh  and  placed 
in  every  church  before  the  1st  of  March  1566, 
but  making  no  provision  for  the  costs  of 
either  translation  or  publication.  The  time 
was  much  too  short  in  which  to  execute  such 
an  arduous  task.  In  1567,  however,  such 
portion  of  the  task  as  could  reasonably  be 
expected  was  accomplished.  Davies  seems  to 
have  been  entirely  responsible  for  the  Prayer 
Book,  whilst  the  New  Testament  was  mostly 
the  work  of  William  Salesbury  {q.v. ).  The  por- 
tions translated  by  Davies  were  1  Timothy, 
Hebrews,  St.  James,  and  1  and  2  St.  Peter. 
He  also  wrote  the  '  Epistle  to  the  Welsh  ' 
prefixed  to  it.  The  expense  of  printing  both 
was  equally  borne  by  Davies  and  Salesbury, 
They  had  intended  also  to  bring  out  the  Old 
Testament,  and  had  translated  a  considerable 
portion  of  it,  but  owing  to  an  unfortunate 
rupture  between  them  over  '  the  general 
sense  and  etymology  of  some  one  word,'  as 
Sir  John  Wynn  tells  us,  it  was  abandoned. 
There  is  a  MS.  translation  of  the  PauUne 
Pastoral  Epistles  in  Davies' s  autograph  at 
Gwysaney,  near  Mold,  which  was  pubUshed 
in  1902  by  Archdeacon  Thomas.  This  is 
not  identical  with  the  portion  he  translated 
in  the  New  Testament,  but  was  probably  a 
revision,  as  it  is  smoother  and  more  finished. 
Davies  also  translated  for  the  Bishops'  Bible, 
1568,  the  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Ruth,  and 
1  and  2  Samuel.  He  died,  7th  November 
1581,  aged  eighty,  at  Abergwili  Palace,  and 
was  buried  in  the  parish  church  there. 

[J.    F.] 

DEISTS  (Latin  Deus,  God),  literally  believers 
in  God,  a  group  of  writers  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  seventeenth  and  earlier  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  who  granted  the 
existence  of  God,  but  endeavoured  to  limit 
all  behef  in  God's  hberty  to  reveal  Himself. 
Like  the  semi -Christian  Arians  of  the  fourth 
century,  the  Deists  did  not  form  a  compact 
and  coherent  party,  and  were  chiefly  imited 
by  their  negations.  But  though  difEering 
widely  among  themselves,  they  may  be  justly 
grouped  together  on  account  of  the  appeal 
which  they  all  made  to  '  reason,'  their  attack 
on  mysteries  and  miracles,  their  rejection 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  and  of  any 
divine   intervention    such    as    the   Christian 


(172) 


Deists] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Deists 


tinds  in  the  Incarnation,  and  their  criticism 
of  the  infallibiUty  of  the  Bible. 

The  pedigree  of  Deism  can  be  traced  back 
to  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury  (1583-1648), 
■who  endeavoured  to  find  in  a  supposed  '  re- 
ligion of  nature '  an  authority  to  which  all 
rational  minds  would  submit.  But  the  typi- 
cal characteristics  of  Deism  first  appear  full- 
blown in  the  writings  of  Charles  Blount, 
pubhshed  in  1678  and  1680.  He  openly 
attacked  priestcraft  and  the  Pentateuch, 
and  indirectly  assailed  the  mediatorship  and 
miracles  of  our  Lord  by  a  criticism  of  alleged 
similar  phenomena  in  pagan  belief.  He  was 
a  vindictive  adversary,  a  Uterary  plagiarist 
who  appropriated  the  labours  of  Herbert  and 
Milton,  and  having  fallen  in  love  \A'ith  his 
deceased  wife's  sister,  ended  his  life  by 
suicide. 

Junius   Janus   Toland    (1670-1722)  was 
a  more  capable  writer,  and  the  author  of 
the  celebrated   Christianity  not   Mysterious. 
Brought    up    as    a    Roman    CathoHc    near 
Londonderry,  he   became  a  Protestant  be- 
fore he  was  sixteen.     He  was  somewhat  vain, 
but  versatile  and  well  read.      He  affirmed 
that    he     knew    ten    languages,    including 
Irish,    which    a    hundred    j^ears    after    his 
death  was  still  -widely  spoken  in  the  north 
of    Ireland.     He    studied    in    Leyden    and 
Oxford,  and  in   1701   visited  the  courts  of 
Hanover   and   BerUn,    and   in   England    he 
was    employed   by   the   free-tliinking   Whig 
nobles  to  \sTite  in  the  interest  of  themselves 
and  the  House  of  Hanover.     His  small  but 
notorious  book,  published  in  1696,  provoked 
the  serious  controversy  between  the  Deists 
and  the  orthodox  which  lasted  for  a  genera- 
tion.    To  strip  Christianity  of  mystery,  to 
bring  it  '  within  the  conditions  of  nature,' 
is  its  task.     He  admits  those  parts  of  the 
New   Testament  revelation   which  seem   to 
him  to  be  comprehensible  by  reason.     While 
he  affirms  that  the  value  of  reUgion  does  not 
consist  in  what  is  unintelligible,   he  hints, 
not  obscurely,  that  what  he  does  not  under- 
stand ought  not  to  be  behoved.     His  own 
rehgion    appears    to    have    combined    Pan- 
theism   and    a    form    of    Unitarianism.     In 
harmony    with    the   latter    is    his    view    of 
early  Church  history,  expressed  in  his  book, 
Nazarenus,  where  the  CathoUc   Church  ap- 
pears   as    the    result    of    an    amalgamation 
between  Jewish  Unitarian  Ebionites  and  a 
Pauline  party  of  Gentile  origin. 

Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  third  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury  (1670-1713),  was  a  patron  of 
Toland,  but  stands  outside  the  ordinary 
groove  of  Deism.  He  was  liberal  and  gener- 
ous.    He  was  somewhat  sceptical,  and  held 


that '  Religion  is  capable  of  doing  great  good 
or  harm  ;  and  Atheism  nothing  positive  in 
either  way.'  But  he  was  a  profound  admirer 
of  Plato,  and  held  that  it  was  right  to  submit, 
'  with  full  confidence  and  trust,  to  the 
opinions  by  law  establish' d.'  His  famous 
book,  Characteristicks,  is  a  gentlemanly  ex- 
hortation to  follow  a  virtue  which  cannot 
fail  to  be  its  own  reward. 

Matthew  Tindal  (1653  ?-1733)  calls  for 
special    notice.     Like    Toland,    he    was    for 
part  of  his  life  a  Roman  Catholic.     He  was 
the  son  of  a  minister,  and  at  Oxford  was 
elected  to   a    law   Eellowship   at   All  Souls 
College.     In  the  time  of  James  u.  he  '  turn'd 
Papist,'^   and    '  went   publickly   to   Mass    in 
Oxford!'     But    early    in     1688,    when    the 
accession    of    WiUiam    m.  ,to    the    English 
throne  seemed  more  than  possible,  Tindal 
became  alive  to  '  the  absurdities  of  popery,' 
and  received  Holy  Communion  in  his  college 
chapel.     Hearne  describes  him  as   '  a  most 
notorious  ill  Liver '  and  '  a  noted  Debauchee,' 
but  '  sedate  in  company,  and  very  abstemi- 
ous in   his  Drink.'     He  became  an  ardent 
'  WilUamite,'  and  gained  a  pension  by  main- 
taining that  certain  prisoners  could  be  tried 
as  pirates,  though  they  pleaded  that  they 
were     acting     under    a     commission     from 
James  n.     He  wrote  various  pamphlets  in 
the  Whig  and  Low  Church  (i.e.  Latitudin- 
arian,   q.v.)   interest,  including  one  on   The 
Rights  of  the  Christian  Church,  which  was 
specially  intended  '  to  make  the  clergy  mad.' 
As   an    irritant   it   attained    an   unqualified 
success,  but  it  was  echpsed  by  his  Christianity 
as  old  as  the  Creation,  or  the  Gospel  a  re- 
publication of  the  Religion  of  Nature,  pubhshed 
in  1730.     This  work,  which  came  to  be  known 
as  '  the  Deist's  Bible,'  marks  the  highest  in- 
tellectual   achievement    of    Enghsh    Hano- 
verian   RationaUsm.     Like    Toland,    Tindal 
assumes  a  decent  Christian  mask  in  the  title 
and  even  in  the  chapter  headings  of  his  book. 
But  the  mask  is  almost  transparent,  for  the 
book  is  undeniably  directed  against  Christi- 
anity.   He  regards  certain  things  as '  mutable,' 
as  being  merely  '  means  to  ends,'  other  things 
as  '  so  indifferent  as  not  to  be  consider'd  cither 
as  means  or  ends.'     The  observance  of  these 
indifferent    things    is    superstitious.     Other 
and  more  important  things,  '  by  their  internal 
excellency,  show  themselves  to  be  the  wiU 
of  an  infinitely  wise  and  good  God.'     '  The 
Religion  of  Nature'  consists  in  observing  these 
last  things,  and  '  the  Light  of  Nature '  is  our 
sufficient  guide.     The  book  is  well  written, 
and  garnished  \\ath  quotations  from  English 
divines,   the   classics,   and   the   Bible.     The 
Fathers    of    the    Church    are    ridiculed    for 


(173) 


Deists] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Deists 


allegorising  the  Old  Testament.  And  though 
Tindal  refers  to  this  practice  as  a  proof  that 
by  allegorising  they  'sufficiently  acknowlcdg'd 
the  sovereignty  of  reason,'  he  allows  in  '  the 
Rehgion  of  Nature '  '  no  Mysteries,  or  unin- 
teUigible  Propositions,  no  Allegories.'  The 
essence  of  his  doctrine,  as  of  the  other  Deists, 
is  that  God  has  given  a  moral  law  to  man, 
and  this  law  is  simply  the  conditions  of  our 
actual  existence,  plain  to  every  one  alike, 
whether  his  capacity  is  high  or  mean.  To 
this  law  God  has  added  nothing,  and  it  is 
absurd  to  suppose  either  that  He  has  added 
anything  or  declared  it  in  a  manner  which 
admits  of  any  obscurity.  The  statement  of 
Tindal' s  contemporary,  Proast,  that  Tindal 
privately  admitted  that  he  had  abandoned 
Christianity,  is  therefore  not  unjustified. 
Nor  can  we  wonder  that,  long  before  his 
death,  an  Oxford  wag  composed  an  epitaph 
for  Tindal,  ending  with  the  Unes  : — 

'  And  uoNV  that  his  Body  's  as  rotten  as  pelf, 
Pray  for   his   soul  who   ne'er  prayed   for't 
himself.' 

Thomas  Woolston  (1670-1733)  specially 
directed  his  efforts  towards  discrediting  the 
miracles  of  the  New  Testament.  He  bitterly 
attacks  the  clergy,  speaking  of  them  as  the 
physicians  under  whose  care  the  woman  with 
an  issue  gi'cw  worse.  The  taste  of  the  age 
required  attacks  upon  Christianity  to  be 
veiled,  but  relished  outspoken  satire  of  the 
clergy.  At  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
George  m.  they  were  most  disliked  when 
they  were  austere ;  before  that  time  they 
were  reproached  for  their  ignorance  and 
their  love  of  drink  and  games.  Woolston' s 
tracts  were  popular  enough,  as  the  lines  of 
Swift  testify  : — 

'Here's     Woolston's     tracts,     the     twelfth 
edition, 
'Tis  read  by  every  politician  ; 
The  country  menil^ers,  when  in  town, 
To  all  their  boroughs  send  them  down  ; 
You  never  met  a  thing  so  smart, 
The  courtiers  have  them  all  by  heart. 
Those  maids  of  honour  who  can  read 
Are  taught  to  use  them  for  a  creed.' 

He  thus  expounds  the  heart  of  his  doctrine: 
'  Be  no  longer  mistaken,  Good  Sirs,  the  History 
of  Jesus's  Life,  as  recorded  in  the  Evangelists, 
is  an  emblematical  representation  of  His 
Sphritual  Life  in  the  Soul  of  Man  ;  and  His 
Miracles  are  Figures  of  His  mysterious 
Operations.  The  four  Gospels  are  in  no  Part 
a  litteral  Story,  but  a  System  of  mystical 
Philosophy  or  Theology.'  He  hopes  that 
'  the  letter '  of  the  stories  of  Christ  raising 


the  dead  will  receive  '  a  Toss  out  of  the  Creed 
of  a  considerate  and  wise  Man.' 

Anthony  Collins  (1676-1729)  especially 
attacked  the  theory  that  the  Christian 
revelation  was  a  fuliUment  of  Jewish  pro- 
phecies. He  maintained  the  now  widely 
accepted  view  that  the  Book  of  Daniel  is 
not  the  work  of  a  prophet  of  the  time  of  the 
exile  but  of  a  much  later  writer,  contempor- 
ary with  the  violation  of  the  Temple  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes.  He  was  educated  at 
Eton  and  King's  College,  Cambridge,  and  his 
defective  scholarship  exposed  him  to  the 
merciless  ridicule  of  Bentley. 

Thomas  Chubb  (1679-1747)  was  a  disciple 
of  Samuel  Clarke,  the  Arian,  but  forsook 
Arianism  {q.v.)  for  Deism.  It  was  not, 
however,  an  extreme  Deism,  but  a  religion 
resembhng  the  form  of  Unitarianism  current 
in  England  about  one  hundred  years  after 
his  death.  He  makes  religion  consist  in  the 
belief  that  morality  alone  makes  a  man 
acceptable  to  God.  He  insists  on  '  the 
supremacy  of  the  Father  '  and  the  inferiority 
of  Jesus  Christ  to  the  Father,  and  opposes 
the  full  Christian  doctrine  of  the  Atonement. 
He  was  a  person  of  mild  and  inoffensive 
character,  and  regularly  attended  his  parish 
church. 

Henby  Saint-John,  Viscount  Bohngbroke 
(1678-1751),  took  some  part  in  the  rehgious 
controversies  of  the  time,  but  did  not  greatly 
influence  the  course  of  Deism.  Celebrated 
for  his  statecraft,  eloquence,  and  extreme 
hcentiousness,  he  won  fame  in  other  fields 
than  theology.  He  attacks  both  the  history 
and  morality  of  the  Old  Testament.  He  says : 
'  As  theists  we  cannot  believe  the  aU-perfect 
Being  liable  to  one  of  the  greatest  of  human 
imperfections,  Uable  to  contradict  Himself.' 
He  claimed,  therefore,  to  be  a  '  theist,'  the 
word  not  yet  being  distinguished  sharply 
from  '  deist.'  The  nastiness  of  Bohngbroke' s 
fine  writing  agrees  better  with  his  own 
character  than  with  his  assertion  of  a  belief 
in  One  who  cannot  contradict  Himself. 

The  coincidences  between  the  EngUsh 
Deism  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the 
German  rationaUsm  of  the  nineteenth  are 
too  significant  to  be  ignored.  Toland  and 
Morgan  anticipated  F.  C.  Baur  in  their  views 
about  the  relations  between  St.  Paul  and  the 
original  apostles,  and  in  asserting  the  right 
of  the  Unitarian  Ebionites  to  a  place  in  the 
Church.  Woolston  anticipated  Strauss  by 
trying  to  find  inconsistencies  in  the  Gospel 
account  of  the  miracles,  and  by  treating  all 
miracles  as  no  more  than  allegory.  Chubb, 
by  assaihng  the  divinity  of  our  Lord,  and 
throwing  doubt  on  prayer  and  a  future  life 


(174) 


Denison] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Despenser 


in  works  of  a  popular  character,  anticipated  ' 
the  present  phase  of  rationalistic  propaganda 
in  England  and  Germany.  It  is  also  remark- 
able that  the  Deists,  like  the  self-styled 
'  Modern  Protestants  '  or  '  Liberal  Protest- 
ants,' adopted  the  disingenuous  method  of 
using  Christian  phraseology  while  attacking 
all  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  Cliristianity, 
and  were  sometimes  under  the  delusion  that 
the  moral  fruits  of  Christianity  would 
continue  to  grow  when  the  tree  had  been 
plucked  up  by  the  roots.  [l.  r.] 

Works  of  Deists:    Encyc.  Brit.,    10th    ed.  ; 
M.  Pattison  in  Essays  and  Reviews. 

DENISON,    George    Anthony    (1805-96), 
'  the  militant  Archdeacon  of  'J  aunton,'  was 
the  fourth  of  nine  brothers,  of  whom  one 
became    Bishop    of    Salisbury    and    another 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons.     Edu- 
cated  at  Eton  and  Christ  Church,  after  a  dis- 
tinguished University  career  he  became  Fellow 
of  Oriel  (1828),  where  he  found  the  famous 
Common  Room  '  as  dull  a  place  socially  as  I 
can  remember  anywhere  ;  men  were  stiff,  and 
starched,  and  afraid  of  one  another ;    there 
was  no  freedom  of  intercourse.'     In  1845  he 
was  appointed  Vicar  of  East  Brent,  where  he 
ruled  wdth  kindly  despotism  for  fifty  years, 
and  originated  the  custom  of  '  harvest  thanks- 
givings.'   In  1851  he  was  made  Archdeacon  of 
Taunton.     Always  a  convinced  High  Church- 
man,   in   his   later   years  he  approved  and 
defended  a  more  elaborate  ceremonial  than 
he  himself  adopted.     In  sermons  preached  in 
Wells  Cathedral,  1853-4,  he  maintained  that 
the   Body   and   Blood   of   Christ   are   really 
present  in  the   consecrated  elements,   inde- 
pendently of  worthy  reception,  and  are  to  be 
worshipped.     On  this  Mr.  Ditcher,  Vicar  of 
South  Brent,  prosecuted  him  for  heresy.     The 
case  was  heard  by  Archbishop  Sumner  (acting 
for  the  diocesan,  who  was  patron  of  Denison's 
preferments)    and   four   assessors,    and    sen- 
tence of  deprivation  was  pronounced.     Deni- 
son appealed  on  the  technical  point  that  the 
suit  had  not  been  begun  within  the  legally 
prescribed  time,  and  the  Privy  Council  up- 
held the  objection,  without  deahng  with  the 
doctrinal  issue.     The  result  of  the  proceed- 
ings, which  lasted  from  September  1854  to 
February  1858,  was  to  bring  high  eucharistic 
doctrine  into  pubhc  prominence. 

Holding  strong  convictions  against  Uberal- 
ism  in  doctrine  and  politics  alike,  and  main- 
taining them  w^ith  singular  pugnacity,  Denison 
took  part,  usually  a  leading  part,  in  every 
church  controversy,  from  the  opposition  to 
Hampden  {q.v.)  in  1847  to  the  dispute  over 
Lux  3Iundi,  which  caused  him  to  leave  the 


English  Church  Union  [Societies,  Eccle- 
siastical] in  1892.  A  strong  Tory  in 
politics,  he  opposed  Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.), 
and  contributed  materially  to  his  defeat  at 
Oxford  in  1865.  He  stoutly  resisted  State 
interference  in  church  schools,  and  abhorred 
the  conscience  clause.  In  the  Act  of  1870  he 
recognised  the  defeat  of  his  ideals  in  educa- 
tion, but  no  Government  inspector  was  ever 
allowed  to  show  his  face  in  the  school  at  East 
Brent.  He  was  a  prominent  figure  in  Con- 
vocation, where  in  1870  he  came  into  violent 
collision  with  Dean  Stanley  {q.v.)  on  the 
question  of  the  Athanasian  Creed.  Impetu- 
ous and  combative  as  he  was,  his  genial  and 
kindly  nature  kept  him  on  friendly  terms 
with  his  opponents.  [g.  c.j 

G.  A.  Denison,  JVoles  of  My  Life  ;  Jj.  E. 
Deuison,  Fifty  Years  at  East  Brent ;  I'roceed- 
ings  against  the  Archdeacon  of  Taunton  (Batli, 
1857) ;  Chronicle  of  Convocation,  1855-92. 

DESPENSER,  Henry  (1341?-1406),  Bishop 
of  Norwich,  was  grandson  of    Edward  u.'s 
favourite,  Hugh  Despenser  the  younger,  and 
from    his   early  years   showed   a    taste    for 
warfare,  and  he  developed  into  one  of  the 
condottiere     ecclesiastics     typical     of     the 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.     During 
the   revolt  of    1381    he  won    distinction  by 
his  effectual  suppression  of  the  disturbances 
in  East  Anglia,  but  his  name  has  acquired 
greater    prominence    from    his    connection 
with   the    '  Flemish   Crusade '    of   1383.     In 
1382  Count  Louis  of  Flanders,  who  was  at 
strife  with  his  principal  towns,  having  been 
defeated  by  the  men  of  Ghent,  under  their 
regent,    PhiUp    Van    Artevelde,    sought    the 
help  of  his  suzerain,   the  King  of  France. 
This  was  granted,  and  Van  Artevelde  turned 
to     the    English    Parliament    for    support. 
I    The    quarrel    furnished    England    with    an 
opportunity   of   manifesting   her   traditional 
enmity  to  France.     About  this  time  Urban 
VI.  proclaimed  a  crusade  against  the  anti- 
pope,  Clement  vn.,  appointing  Despenser  as 
its  leader.     Since  the  King  of  France  was  a 
prominent  supporter  of  the  antipope,  it  was 
easy   for   English   Churchmen    to    regard   a 
favourable  response  to  Van  Artevelde  in  the 
light  of  a  holy  war.     Parliament  sanctioned 
the  campaign,  and  in   1383  Despenser  went 
to  Calais  at  the  head  of  an  army  of,  for  the 
most    part,    adventurers    and    fanatics.     It 
was  a  disgraceful  affair,  prompted  either  by 
lust  of  fighting  or  superstitious  devotion  to 
the    Roman    pontiff.     Since    the    Flemings 
themselves   were  Urbanists,   the  expedition 
was  the  more  immoral.     Some  in  Despenser's 
army  urged  that  the  attack  should  be  made 


(175) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Discipline 


upon  Frauce  rather  than  FlandoitJ.  But  the 
bishop  was  a  man  of  no  scruples.  He  had 
determined  to  tight  in  Flanders,  and  his  will 
carried  the  day. 

The  campaign  was  at  first  successful. 
But  fortunes  changed,  and  Despenser  was 
compelled  to  raise  the  siege  of  Ypres,  and  to 
take  refuge  in  Gravehnes,  whence  he  fled 
to  England.  ParUament  condemned  him, 
and  he  was  deprived  for  about  two  years  of 
the  temporaUties  of  his  see.  Yet  the  guilt 
was  as  much  that  of  his  judges  as  of  the 
condemned.  The  campaign  not  only  fur- 
nished an  indictment  against  its  leader,  but 
was  a  revelation  of  the  moral  degradation  to 
which  England  had  sunk.  Despenser,  how- 
ever, retained  the  favour  of  Richard  ii.,  and 
on  the  accession  of  Henry  iv.  was  imprisoned 
for  his  loyalty  to  the  late  king.  He  died  in 
140G,  and  is  buried  in  Norwich  Cathedral. 

[e.  m.  b.] 

Wal>iiigliaiii,  llisloria  Anglicana,  vol.  ii., 
R.S.,  1864  ;  Capgrave,  Be  lilustribus  Ilenricis, 
R.S.',  1858;  Froissart,  Chronicles,  Book  ii. 

DICETO,  Ralph  de  (d.  1220),  Dean  of  St. 
Paul's,  derived  his  surname  possibly  from 
Dissay  in   Maine,  and  was   born    probably 
before  1130.     He  was  perhaps  a  chorister  of 
St.  Paul's,  or  at  any  rate  attached  in  early  life 
to  the  Church.     He  succeeded  Richard  de 
Beimels  as  Archdeacon  of  Middlesex  in  1162, 
being,  it  seems  likely,  of  his  kindred,  and 
possibly  the  son  of  his  brother  Ralph,  who    ; 
had  been  dean  till  1160,  a  competitor  for  the    ; 
post  being  John  the  Kentishman,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Poitiers,  who  corresponded  with  him 
till  his  death.     He  studied  at  St.  Genevieve, 
Paris.      He  took  kindly  to  the  new  Bishop 
of  London,  Gilbert  FoUot  {q.v.),  but  never 
definitely   opposed   Becket    (q.v.).     In    1180 
he    became    Dean    of    St.    Paul's,    and    im- 
mediately made  a  survey  of  all  the  property 
of    the    cathedral,    built    largely,    and   was 
generous  in  benefactions.     His  chief  works 
are  the  Ahbreviationes  Chronicorum  and  the 
Imagines    Historicorum,    which    carry    the 
history  through  his  own  time  up  to   1202. 
Many  MSS.  of  his  works  exist  at  St.  Paul's. 
He    was    a    cultivated    scholar,    acquainted 
with  the  Latin  classics  and  the  writers  of  the 
Silyer  Age ;    a  careful  chronicler,   well  in- 
formed as  to  pubhc  events  ;  and  in  the  words 
of  his  canons'  record,  bonus  decanus. 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Ii.  lie  Diceto,  ed.  Stubbs  (R.S.). 

DISCIPLINE.  Some  method  of  enforcing 
its  laws  and  punishing  offenders  is  necessary 
to  an  organised  body.     The  Church  being  a 


spiritual  society  can  only  inflict  spiritual 
censures,  namely,  the  withdrawal  of  spiritual 
privileges,  culminating  in  expulsion.  The 
primary  object  of  this  discipline  is  the 
spiritual  benefit  of  the  offender,  his  repent- 
ance and  restoration.  It  is  fro  salute  animae. 
It  is  based  on  Scripture  and  apostolic  practice 
(Mt.  181^8 .  1  Cor.  53  5 ;  1  Tim.  po ;  Tit.  S^"), 
and  soon  developed  into  a  system  of  pubUc 
penitence  and  restoration  by  absolution, 
which  from  about  the  seventh  century  was 
largely  superseded  by  private  confession  and 
absolution.  After  the  recognition  of  the 
Church  by  the  State  spiritual  penalties  were 
enforced  by  the  coercive  power. 

A.  Public  Discipline.     1.  Jurisdiction. — 
In  the  Anglo-Saxon  period  there  was  little  dis- 
tinction between  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
jurisdictions.     'J  he   Church   had   to    enforce 
on  her  converts  the  observance  of  the  moral 
law.     And  not  only  breaches  of  that  law, 
but  also  such  offences  as  neglecting  to  have 
a  child  baptized,  or  to  observe  Sunday  or 
Lent,  were  punishable  under  the  civil  law. 
After    the    Norman    Conquest    the    church 
courts    [q.v.)    acquired    a    wide    disciphnary 
jurisdiction  over  the  clergy  for  crimes  which 
in  laymen  would  be  punishable  in  the  secular 
courts  [Benefit  of  Clergy],  and  over  clergy 
and  laity  alike  for  sins  which  were  not  crimes, 
such  as  sexual  immorahty,  usury,  or  perjury; 
for  heresy  [q.v.)  and  sorcery,  and  for  such 
breaches  of  ecclesiastical  decorum  as  lying 
in    bed   during   church   time,   or  habitually 
rejoicing  at  seeing  priests  in  trouble.     The 
State  also  gave  to  the  church  courts  the  duty 
of     enforcing     by     spiritual     penalties     the 
collection  of  taxes  and  debts  from  clerks. 
The  application  of  ecclesiastical  penalties  to 
such  matters,  the  ease  with  which  they  could 
be  commuted  for  money,  and  the  vexatious 
use  of  the  disciplinary  jurisdiction  brought  it 
by  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  into  weakness 
and  contempt.     The  efforts  of  Grindal  {q.v.) 
and  others  to  restore  it  were  ineffective  until 
it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  High  Commission 
{q.v.).     After  the  abohtion  of  that  court  it 
again    decayed.     The    Rector's    Book,    Clay- 
worth,  Notts  (ed.  Gill  and  Guildford,  1910), 
shows  the  rector  in  1676  publishing  an  ex- 
communication sent  out  of  the  archdeacon's 
court    against    two    persons     for    marrying 
within  the  time  prohibited  and  refusing  to 
appear  to  give  account  of  the  same.     Their 
absolution    was    published    a    week    later. 
Early  in  the  eighteenth  century  Johnson  of 
I    Cranbrook  maintained  that  dissenters  were 
!    stUl  subject   to   church  discipHne  for   '  un- 
I    cleanness,'  but  admitted  that  '  there  is  not 
j   now  a  spirit  in  the  EngUsh  people  to  put  the 


(17G) 


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[Discipline 


Penal  Laws  against  Vice  in  execution.  .  .  . 
If  a  wealthy  man  be  presented  he  gets  the  in- 
formation withdrawn  by  feeing  some  officer  ; 
if  a  poor  man  .  .  .  the  churchwardens  will 
not  be  at  twenty  shillings  charge  to  bring  an 
offender  to  penance.' 

Nevertheless,  tines  and  penances  continued 
to  be  inflicted.  In  1787  the  church  courts 
were  violently  attacked  in  the  House  of 
Commons  as  rapacious,  oppressive,  and  even 
*  infernal '  ;  and  their  activity  was  checked 
by  an  Act  '  to  prevent  frivolous  and  vexatious 
suits '  by  limiting  the  time  for  beginning  a 
suit  for  defamation  to  six,  and  for  fornica- 
tion, incontinence  or  brawling  to  eight  months 
after  the  offence  (27  Geo.  ui.  c.  44).  Spiritual 
penalties  for  non-payment  of  tithes  {q.v.)  and 
church  rates  {q.v.)  disappeared  when  those 
matters  were  removed  from  the  church  courts. 
In  1855  their  jurisdiction  over  defamation 
was  abolished  on  the  ground  that  it  had  ceased 
to  be  a  means  of  enforcing  spiritual  discipline, 
and  become  oppressive  (18-19  Vic.  c.  41).  In 
1860  the  jurisdiction  over  the  laity  for 
brawling  was  transferred  to  the  temporal 
.courts  (23-4  Vic.  c.  32).  In  1876  their  long- 
disused  power  of  punishing  perjury  was  held 
to  have  been  withdrawn  by  the  statutes 
which  made  it  punishable  at  common  law, 
and  the  jurisdiction  over  the  laity  for  moral 
offences  was  declared  not  to  be  '  in  harmony 
with  modern  ideas,  or  the  position  which 
ecclesiastical  authority  now  occupies  '  {Philli- 
more  v.  Machon,  1  P.D.  481).  The  church 
courts  now  exercise  disciplinary  jurisdiction 
over  the  clergy  for  immorality,  and  over 
clergy  and  lay  church  officials  for  breaches  of 
church  law. 

2.  Procedure. — In  the  ]Middle  Ages  the 
bishop's  visitation  was  a  special  time  for 
seeking  out  and  presenting  offenders.  The 
duty  of  presentment,  which  formerly  lay  with 
the  officials  of  the  court  and  the  laity  gener- 
ally, was  by  the  canons  of  1604  confined  to 
the  churchwardens  and  sidesmen,  with  whom 
in  theory  it  stUl  rests.  In  modern  times  the 
bishop  is  either  himself  the  accuser,  or  allows 
anj-  one  who  is  willing  to  undertake  the  duty, 
to  promote  his  office.  Apart  from  definite 
accusation,  '  common  fame '  was  a  sufficient 
reason  for  summoning  a  man  before  the 
church  court  and  putting  him  to  purgation. 
He  had  to  take  an  oath  that  he  was  innocent, 
and  to  produce  some  half-dozen  compurgators 
who  would  swear  that  they  beheved  him.  If 
he  failed  he  was  held  guilty  without  further 
trial, '  inasmuch  as  that  person  must  be  owned 
to  be  ripe  for  the  censures  of  the  Church 
who,  in  a  whole  parish,  cannot  find  so  small 
a    number    to    declare    their    belief    of    his 


innocence  '  (Gibson,  Codex).  This  '  oath  ex 
officio '  was  '  a  discipline  too  wholsom  to  be 
digested  '  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
was  abolished,  1661  (13  Car.  ii.  st.  1,  c.''l2). 

3.  Censures. — In  the  Middle  Ages  the 
church  courts  could  inflict  whipping,  fine, 
and  imprisonment.  Clerks  guilty  of  notorious 
crimes  were  not  allowed  to  purge  themselves, 
but  were  kept  in  the  bishop's  prison.  The 
obstinate  heretic  was  in  the  last  resort 
burned.  Ihe  canon  law  claimed  that  the 
Churcli  had  power  to  inflict  this  penalty; 
and  in  1401  the  Lollard,  William  Sawtre,  was 
burned  under  this  power  before  the  passing 
of  the  Act  (2  Hen.  iv.  c.  15)  which  gave  it 
civil  sanction.  In  actual  fact  no  temporal 
punishment  can  be  inflicted  on  an  unwilling 
culprit  without  the  consent,  active  or  passive, 
of  the  State,  in  which  all  temporal  and  coercive 
power  ultimately  resides.  The  Act  of  1401 
was  repealed  in  1534  (25  Hen.  vrn.  c.  14), 
but  revived  in  1554  (1-2  Ph.  and  M.  c.  6), 
and  again  repealed,  1559  (1  Eliz.  c.  1)..  The 
writ  de  heretico  comburendo  was  finally 
abohshed  in  1677  (29  Car.  n.  c.  9),  with  an 
express  proviso  that  the  Church  might  still 
impose  ecclesiastical  censures. 

Spiritual  censures,  to  some  of  which 
temporal  consequences  have  been  and  still 
are  attached,  are  as  follows  : — 

(i)  Penance.  PubUc  penance  (appearing 
barefoot  in  church,  or  in  the  streets,  carry- 
ing a  taper  or  a  faggot)  was  sometimes  en- 
forced in  the  Middle  Ages  even  on  persons 
of  high  rank.  But  it  and  excommunication 
could,  as  a  rule,  be  escaped  by  a  money 
payment,  so  that,  as  Chaucer  said  {Canf. 
Tales,  Prol.),  a  man  need  have  no  fear  of  them 
unless  his  soul  were  in  his  purse,  '  for  in  hys 
purs  he  sholde  y-punysshed  be.  Purs  is  the 
Ercedekenes  [archdeacon's]  helle.'  This  juris- 
diction over  the  laity  was  chiefly  exercised 
by  the  archdeacon  {q.v.).  We  find  warnings 
against  the  practice  of  commutation  as  early 
as  the  eighth  century  ;  the  canon  law  sought 
to  restrict  it  by  providing  that  money  should 
not  be  taken  for  grave  sins,  or  from  re- 
lapsed offenders,  and  w-hen  taken  should  be 
applied  to  pious  uses.  In  1413  the  House 
of  Commons  protested  in  vain  against  the 
practice  ;  and  Convocation  tried  to  regulate 
it  in  1597,  in  1640,  and  in  1710.  Penance 
continued  to  be  inflicted  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  In  1812  Sir  William  Scott  told  the 
House  of  Commons  that  in  cases  of  defama- 
tion '  persons  were  not  asked  to  go  into 
church  in  a  white  sheet,  or  anything  of  that 
sort ;  but  merely  to  retire  into  the  vestry- 
room,  and  in  the  presence  of  two  or  three 
friends  of  the  injured  party,  to  ask  pardon 


M 


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[Discipline 


and  promise  to  be  more  guarded  in  future.' 
In  1816  a  man  found  guilty  of  incest  was 
sentenced  by  the  Court  of  Arches  to  do 
penance  in  church  '  whilst  the  greater  part 
of  the  congregation  might  be  assembled  to 
see  and  hear  the  same  '  {Blackinore  v.  Brider, 
1  Phil).  Eccl.  359).  Persons  refusing  to  per- 
form penance  might  be  imprisoned  for  con- 
tumacy ;  instances  of  this  are  found  as  late 
as  1830  {Proceedings  of  Eccl.  Courts  Com- 
mission, 1832,  pp.  568-9).  In  1856  Sir  R. 
Phillimore  (g.v.),  as  Chancellor  of  Chichester, 
claimed  but  did  not  exercise  the  power  to  inflict 
penance.  It  may  now  be  considered  obsolete, 
(ii)  Excommunication,  the  ultimate  spiri- 
tual penalty,  in  its  lesser  form  involved 
exclusion  from  Mass  and  Communion ;  the 
greater  was  complete  deprivation  of  Christian 
privileges  and  fellowship.  Both  were  accom- 
panied by  temporal  disabilities.  Before  the 
Norman  Conquest  an  excommunicate  was 
out  of  the  protection  of  the  civil  law.  After- 
wards he  could  not  sue  or  perform  any  legal 
act,  but  he  could  be  sued.  If  he  did  not 
submit  within  forty  days  the  ecclesiastical 
might  signify  the  fact  to  the  temporal  court, 
which  would  imprison  him  under  the  writ 
de  excommunicato  capiendo.  This  procedure 
was  not  always  followed.  William  i.  forbade 
that  any  ecclesiastical  penalty  should  be  laid 
on  any  of  his  barons  or  servants  without  his 
leave ;  and  there  were  various  exemptions. 
The  punishment  being  used  for  offences  for 
which  it  was  inappropriate  was  not  regarded. 
John  Keyser,  when  excommunicated  for 
debt  in  1465,  '  openly  affirmed  that  the  said 
sentence  was  not  to  be  feared,  neither  did 
he  fear  it.'  For  at  harvest  '  he  had  as  great 
plenty  of  wheat  and  other  grain  as  any  of  his 
neighbours,  saying  to  them  in  scorn  .  .  . 
that  a  man  excommunicate  should  not  have 
such  plenty  of  wheat '  (3  Insts.  42).  The 
Millenary  Petition,  1603,  asked  '  that  ex- 
communication come  not  forth  under  the 
name  of  lay-persons,  chancellors,  officials,  etc. 
That  men  be  not  excommunicated  for  trifles 
and  twelvepenny  matters.'  And  Bacon  wrote: 
'  For  this  to  be  used  ii'reverently,  and  to  be 
made  an  ordinary  process,  to  lackey  up  and 
down  for  fees,  how  can  it  be  without  deroga- 
tion to  God's  honour,  and  making  the  power 
of  the  keys  contemptible  ? '  The  scandal 
continued,  however,  until  1813,  when  ex- 
communications were  abolished  except  as 
'spiritual  censures  for  offences  of  ecclesiastical 
cognisance,'  when  they  were  not  to  involve 
any  civil  incapacity  or  penalty  save  imprison- 
ment for  not  more  than  six  months  (53  Geo. 
lu.  c.  127).  Its  existence  as  a  spiritual 
censure  is  shown,  e.g.,  by  the  rubric  which 


forbids  the  Burial  Service  to  be  used  for 
excommunicates.  The  rubric  before  the 
Communion  Service  gives  the  clergy  a 
limited  power  of  imposing  the  lesser  excom- 
munication, subject  to  appeal  to  the  ordinary. 

The  procedure  under  the  writ  de  excom- 
municato capiendo  was  reformed  in  1563 
(5  Eliz.  c.  23).  In  1605  Bancroft  {q.v.) 
complained  of  the  interference  of  the  temporal 
courts  in  releasing  excommunicates  withoiit 
their  making  submission.  The  Act  of  1813 
(amended  in  1832  by  2-3  Will.  c.  92)  abolished 
the  writ  and  empowered  the  church  courts 
to  signify  any  contumacy  or  contempt  to  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  which  should  issue  the 
writ  de  contunuice  capiendo  for  the  offender's 
imprisonment.  By  3-4  Vic.  c.  93  (1840)  the 
church  court,  with  the  consent  of  the  other 
parties  to  the  suit,  may  release  him  with- 
out his  submission.  Several  clergy  were 
imprisoned  under  this  procedure,  1877-87. 
[Ritual  Cases.]  It  enables  the  church  court 
to  call  in  the  secular  arm  to  punish  contumacy 
without  pronouncing  sentence  of  excom- 
munication. 

(iii)  Monition.  A  warning  not  to  repeat 
the  offence ;  disobedience  to  it  entails  the 
penalties  of  contempt.  But  the  court  is  not 
obliged  even  to  issue  a  monition  if  it  is 
satisfied  the  offence  will  not  be  repeated. 

(iv)  Suspension,  for  a  limited  period,  either 
ab  officio,  from  performing  clerical  duties,  or 
ab  officio  et  heneficio  from  the  temporal  benefits 
of  the  offender's  preferments  as  well.  Under 
this  head  may  be  included  the  inhibition  from 
performing  divine  service  or  exercising  the 
cure  of  souls,  provided  by  the  Public  Worship 
Regulation  Act  {q.v.). 

(v)  Sequestration  of  the  profits  or  income 
of  a  benefice.  In  the  Middle  Ages  the  church 
courts  enforced  payment  of  civil  debts  by 
this  process.  In  modern  times  it  may  be 
classed  with  the  pecuniary  forfeitures  im- 
posed under  1-2  Vic.  c.  106  for  such  offences 
as  plurality  and  non-residence. 

(vi)  Deprivation  of  preferment.  To  this 
in  certain  cases  incapacity  to  hold  further 
preferment  is  added  (Clergy  Disc.  Act,  1892, 
55-6  Vic.  c.  32).  Under  Canon  122  sentence 
of  deprivation  can  only  be  pronounced  by  the 
bishop  in  person.  It  has,  however,  been 
customary  for  the  Dean  of  the  Arches  to 
pronounce  it.  Under  the  Felony  Act,  1870, 
it  is  incurred  ipso  facto  by  con\action  in  the 
temporal  court  for  felony. 

(vii)  Degradation,  or  deposition,  from 
holy  orders  may  be  inflicted  summarily  by 
pronouncing  the  sentence,  or  solemnly  by 
divesting  the  culprit  of  the  robes  and  instru- 
ments (a  book  or  vessel)  pertaining  to  his 


(  178  ) 


Discipline]  Dictionary  of  English  Church  History  [Dolling 


order.  It  was  thought  to  be  a  condition 
precedent  to  the  punishment  of  a  clerk  by  the 
temporal  court.  In  1630  the  Star  Chamber 
ordered  Leighton  to  be  degraded  before 
sentencing  him  to  the  pillory,  because  '  this 
court  for  the  reverence  of  that  calling  doth 
not  use  to  inflict  any  corporal  or  ignominious 
punishment  upon  any  person  so  long  as  they 
continue  in  Orders.'  In  1686  the  King's 
Bench  ordered  one  Samuel  Johnson  to  be 
degraded  before  being  pilloried  and  whipped 
for  a  seditious  libel.  Three  bishops  took 
from  him  a  Bible,  his  cap,  gown,  and  girdle, 
but  not  his  cassock,  which  omission  was 
afterwards  held  to  invalidate  the  degrada- 
tion (see  State  Trials,  xi.  1339).  For  the 
degradation  of  Bishop  Middleton  in  1590  see 
Bishops. 

B.  Pbivate  Discipline  through  private 
confession  and  absolution  became  common 
from  about  the  seventh  century.  At  first  the 
power  of  reconciling  penitents  w'as  thought 
to  reside  only  in  the  bishop,  who  could  delegate 
it  to  priests  or  deacons.  Afterwards  priests 
also  were  recognised  as  possessing  this  power 
except  in  cases  of  grave  sin.  In  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church  the  penances  enjoined  in 
private  confession  were  largely  regulated  by 
the  '  Penitentials  '  ascribed  to  Theodore  (q.v.) 
and  others,  which  laid  down  the  appropriate 
penalties  for  various  sins.  Later,  the  prac- 
tice was  regulated  by  the  canon  law.  The 
Lateran  Council,  1215,  ordered  that  every  one 
should  go  to  confession  at  least  once  a  year, 
and  breaches  of  this  rule  were  punishable  in 
the  church  courts.  Contributions  of  money 
or  labour  towards  works  of  piety  w-ere  fre- 
quently imposed  as  penances,  which  gave 
rise  to  the  system  of  indulgences,  or  remissions 
of  penance  in  return  for  such  works  or  for 
money  payments.  They  were  popularly 
believed  also  to  carry  remission  from  the 
gmlt  of  sin,  and  a  traffic  in  them  arose. 
Thomas  Gascoigne,  in  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  wTote  that  men  would 
declare  they  could  easily  get  plenary  remission 
from  any  sin  for  fourpence  or  sixpence  or  a 
game  at  tennis.  Private  confession  was 
retained  in  the  English  Church  at  the  Refor- 
mation. Xeglect  of  it  was  made  punishable 
by  fine  and  imprisonment  by  the  statute 
31  Hen.  vm.  c.  14  (1539).  Canon  113  of  1604 
forbids  the  priest  to  reveal  anjrthing  he  has 
heard  in  confession.  During  the  seventeenth 
century  it  was  fairly  commonly  practised, 
and  it  was  retained  loy  the  Nonjurors  {q-V-)- 
The  tradition  of  the  advisabiUty  of  deathbed 
confession  survived  well  into  the  Hanoverian 
period,  and  appears  as  a  subject  of  mockery 
in  the  eighteenth- century  novelists.     In  1793 


Henry  Best,  Fellow  of  Magdalen,  0.\f(jrd,  in 
a  University  sermon  advocated  the  revival 
of  the  practice,  which  actually  came  about 
through  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.). 

[G.    C] 

N.  Mar.sli.'ill,  Discipline  of  the  Primitive 
Ch.,  171-4;  Gibson,  Codex;  Hale,  Precedents; 
Pliillimore,  Ecd.  Law ;  S.  Johnson,  \Yorks 
(Some  Memorials),  1710  ;  H.  C.  Lea,  Hist,  of 
A  wricular  Confession. 

DOLLING,  Robert  William  Radclyflfe 
(1851-1902),  priest,  was  educated  at  Harrow 
and  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  which  he  left 
without  a  degree  owing  to  ill-health,  and 
became  assistant  to  his  father,  an  Ulster 
land  agent.  Living  much  in  London,  he 
became  attached  to  St.  Alban's,  Holborn, 
and  as  '  Brother  Bob  '  was  warden  of  a  branch 
of  St.  Martin's  League  of  Postmen.  Or- 
dained deacon  in  1883,  he  was  almost  at  once 
given  charge  of  St.  Martin's  ^lission.  Stepney, 
which  he  resigned  in  1885,  soon  after  his 
ordination  as  priest,  owing  to  difficulties 
with  Bishop  Temple  [q.v.)  as  to  his  relations 
with  his  parish  church.  In  August  1885  he 
was  appointed  to  the  charge  of  the  Winchester 
College  Mission,  St.  Agatha's,  Landport,  and 
flung  himself  into  the  work  of  a  garrison 
and  dockyard  town,  its  exuberant  evil  and 
possibilities  for  good,  with  an  energy  as 
exuberant  as  its  own.  With  the  help  of  his 
sisters  and  a  band  of  workers,  whom  he 
infected  with  his  own  enthusiasm,  he  organ- 
ised and  extended  the  work  of  the  Mission. 
His  burly  presence,  his  jovial  personality,  and 
gift  of  good  fellowship  made  him  the  central 
and  inspiring  figure  wiiether  in  gymnasium, 
dancing  class,  or  mothers'  meeting,  and  all 
alike  were  sanctified  by  his  great-hearted 
sympathy,  his  zeal  for  Christ,  and  love  of 
souls.  He  carried  the  same  qualities  into 
his  work  on  the  School  Board  and  Board  of 
Guardians,  his  crusades  against  brothels  and 
intemperance,  his  Cliristian  Socialism,  and 
championship  of  the  cause  of  labour.  To 
him  '  every  social  question  was  a  question  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.'  It  was  his  nature  to 
keep  open  house,  and  soldiers  and  sailors, 
thieves  out  of  gaol  and  tramps  out  of  work, 
members  of  Parliament,  inebriate  clergymen 
whom  only  he  could  reclaim,  training-ship 
boys,  and  Winchester  prefects  gathered 
round  the  common  table.  He  always  main- 
tained the  close  connection  of  the  Mission 
with  Winchester,  and  the  school  in  return 
supported  him  with  whole-hearted  confidence. 
His  sermons  in  chapel,  his  speeches  in 
'  School,'  the  week-end  visits  of  the  senior 
boys  to  Landport,  and  his  practice  of  spend- 
ing a  day  a  week  at  Winchester,  all  contributed 


(  179 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Drama 


to  make  Dolling  and  his  work  a  part  of  the 
school  life. 

His  religion  was  a  fervent  evangelicalism, 
expressed  partlj-  in  his  methods  of  extempore 
prayer  and  mission  services,  partly  in  the 
gorgeous  ceremonial  of  the  Catholic  faith. 
It  culminated  in  the  magnificent  basilica 
which  was  the  outward  crown  of  his  ten  years' 
work.  '  A  sturdy  beggar,'  as  he  called 
himself,  he  had  during  that  time  raised 
nearly  £50,000  for  the  Mission.  His  '  ritual ' 
involved  him  in  difficulties  with  successive 
bishops  of  Winchester,  which  reached  their 
height  at  the  time  of  the  dedication  of  the 
new  St.  Agatha's  in  1895.  Bishop  RandaU 
Davidson  refused  to  aUow  a  third  altar 
specially  for  Eucharists  for  the  departed,  and 
rather  than  give  up  the  principles  which  he 
thought  involved,  viz.  prayers  for  the  dead 
and  non-communicating  attendance  at  Holy 
Communion,  Dolling  resigned,  leaving  Ports- 
mouth in  January  1896.  Always  a  striking 
and  powerful  preacher,  he  now  devoted  him- 
self to  raising  monej'  by  preaching  to  pay  off 
a  debt  on  St.  Agatha's,  and  visited  America, 
where  he  preached  four  hundred  sermons  in 
ten  months.  In  1898  he  became  Vicar  of  St. 
Saviour's,  Poplar,  where  his  chief  work  was 
done  among  the  children,  whom  he  loved. 
But  his  health  was  now  broken  by  continual 
overwork,  and  from  his  coming  to  Poplar  he 
was  '  a  man  spent.'  The  bishops  under  whom 
he  worked  in  London— Creighton  {q.v.)  and 
Winnington-Ingram — gave  him  generous  sup- 
port, and  the  bishops  of  London  and  of 
Stepney  took  part  in  his  funeral  service. 

[G.    C] 

Personal  recollections  :   DoUinrr,    Ten   Years 
in  a  Portsmouth  Slum;  C.  E.  Osborne,  Life. 

DRAMA  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH. 

The  Church  has  alwaj-s  sought  to  teach  by 
the  use  of  symbolism  and  dramatic  repre- 
sentation in  public  worship.  Early  instances 
of  this  are  the  Palm  Sunday  procession, 
the  reading  of  the  Gospels  in  Holy  Week  by 
several  ministers  representing  the  various 
actors  in  the  Passion ;  above  all,  in  the 
Eucharist,  by  the  solemn  reproduction  of  the 
words  and  actions  of  our  Lord  at  the  Last 
Supper.  From  about  the  ninth  century 
short  scenes,  called  '  tropes,'  were  introduced 
into  the  services  on  certain  days,  representing 
in  dialogue  and  action  the  events  commemor- 
ated. In  an  Easter  trope  used  at  Winchester 
in  the  tenth  century  one  priest,  vested  in  an 
alb  to  represent  an  angel,  sat  in  the  Easter 
Sepulchre,  and  was  approached  by  three  others 
in  copes,  bearing  tlniribles,  and  personating 
the  holy  women  bringing  spices.     A  dialogue, 


closely  following  the  words  of  Scripture,  led 
up  to  a  hymn  of  praise.  This  originally 
formed  the  introit  at  Mass,  but  was  after- 
wards transferred  to  the  choir  offices. 
Similar  tropes  recalled  the  Adoration  of  the 
Shepherds  at  Christmas,  the  dialogue  between 
the  Apostles  and  the  Angels  on  Ascension 
Day,  and  other  events  of  the  Christian  Year. 
They  were  sacred  dramas  in  an  elementary' 
form,  and  were  elaborated  as  time  went  on 
by  the  introduction  of  other  characters  :  St. 
Peter,  St.  John,  and  the  Risen  Lord  at 
Easter ;  and  at  Christmas  the  Magi  and 
Herod,  whose  ranting  became  so  popular  as 
to  pass  into  a  byword. 

Strictly  speaking,  pWs  on  Scriptural  sub- 
jects (including  the  apocrj-phal  gospels,  which 
supplied  a  very  popular  episode,  the  Harrow- 
ing of  Hell,  or  dehverance  of  spirits  in  prison) 
were  called  '  Mysteries,'  perhaps  from  their 
original  place  among  the  ceremonies  of 
the  Mass,  and  those  on  the  lives  of  post- 
Scriptural  saints  '  Miracles.'  But  in  England 
this  word  was  used  for  both.  Plaj-s  on 
the  hves  of  the  saints  were  only  intro- 
duced here  after  the  Norman  Conquest.  A 
Ludus  de  8.  Katarina  was  performed  at 
Dunstable  about  1100.  Hilarius,  a  twelfth- 
century  wTiter,  probably  an  Englishman, 
wrote  as  well  as  a  Raising  of  Lazarus  and  a 
Daniel  a  miracle  of  St.  Nicholas  which  is 
frankly  comic.  A  heathen  finding  his  goods 
stolen  beats  the  image  of  St.  Nicholas,  in 
whose  charge  he  had  left  them.  The  indig- 
nant saint  appears  in  person,  compels  the 
robbers  to  restore  their  booty,  and  the  owner 
is  converted. 

Meanwhile  the  Scriptural  plaj-s  were  under- 
going further  development.  It  was  natural 
to  play  the  Passion  and  the  Resurrection 
consecutively,  and  to  precede  them  by  the 
Old  Testament  stories  which  foreshadow 
the  events  of  the  Gospel.  A  twelfth- century 
Norman  play  of  the  FaU  and  the  death  of 
Abel  is  extant.  Cycles  were  thus  formed 
which,  even  in  the  tweKth  century,  were  toO' 
long  and  elaborate  to  be  played  in  church, 
and  were  transferred  to  the  open  air.  The 
ecclesiastical  drama  had  •  now  reached  a 
stage  at  which  it  could  be  further  developed 
only  by  elaboration  of  the  dramatic  and 
comic  elements,  which  made  it  unsuitable  for 
liturgical  purposes.  Consequently,  while  the 
tropes  retained  their  place  in  the  services, 
the  interest  of  the  subject  is  transferred  to  the 
great  cycles  representing  the  sacred  story 
from  the  fall  of  Lucifer  to  the  Last  Judgment,, 
which  the  trade  guilds  of  York,  Chester,  and 
other  places  represented  at  Corpus  Christi 
with   much   elaboration   of   humour,    horse- 


(180) 


Dress] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Dress 


play,  and  sometimes  of  pathos.  The  Church 
still  encouraged  these  developments  of  its 
drama,  as  means  of  edification  and  a  counter- 
attraction  to  the  ribaldry  of  purely  secular 
entertainments.  The  Lollards  {q.v.)  opposed 
them  on  what  would  now  be  called  '  puritani- 
cal '  grounds.  They  were  at  their  zenith  in 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  and 
survived  till  the  close  of  the  sixteenth. 

The  remaining  kind  of  ecclesiastical  drama, 
the  Morality  or  moral  play,  dealt  allegorically 
with  the  struggle  between  good  and  evil  for 
the  soul  of  man,  the  characters  being  per- 
sonified qualities.  Dialogues  such  as  tliat 
between  Mercy,  Peace,  Truth,  and  Righteous- 
ness, founded  on  Ps.  85  and  attributed  to 
Archbishop Langton  (q.v.),?ire  purely  didactic. 
The  dramatic  Morality  only  appears  in  the 
foiirteenth  century ;  the  earliest  extant 
example,  The  Castell  of  Perseverance,  dating 
from  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth,  shows 
Humanum  Genus  attacked  by  the  World, 
the  Flesh,  the  Devil,  and  the  Seven  Deadly 
Sins,  who  are  resisted  by  the  Virtues.  The 
well-known  Everyman  is  another  example. 
In  the  sixteenth  century  Moralities  were 
turned  to  controversial  purposes,  as  when 
Dissimulation  appears  as  a  monk  calling 
himself  Devotion.  The  later  history  of  the 
Morality  is  chiefly  important  for  its  part  in 
the  development  of  English  drama.  The 
various  kinds  of  religious  drama  were 
sometimes  united  with  each  other  or  with 
secular  elements  in  the  same  play.  The 
fifteenth-century  Mary  Magdalene  combines 
the  events  of  the  saint's  life,  both  Scriptural 
and  legendary,  wdth  the  Morality  element  of 
the  attack  of  the  powers  of  evil  upon  her  soul. 
And  The  Historie  of  Jacob  and  Esau  (c.  1557) 
adds  many  of  the  features  of  both  classical 
and  native  comedy  to  its  Scriptural  plot. 

[G.    C] 

A.  W.  Pollard,  Jing.  Miracle  Plays; 
Chambers,  Mediccval  Stage ;  Camb.  Hist.  Eng. 
Lit.,  V. 

DRESS  OF  THE  CLERGY.  The  everyday 
dress  of  the  clergy  has  been  the  subject  of  a 
long  series  of  enactments,  from  the  sixth  cen- 
tury downwards;  and  notably  of  Canon  16  of 
the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  in  1215  (which  is 
incorporated  in  the  Decretals,  iii.  i.  15),  and 
in  England  of  the  Constitutions  of  Otho  (1237) 
and  of  Ottobon  (1268),  and  the  Canons  of 
1460,  1463,  and  1604;  besides  the  statutes 
of  Universities  and  Colleges  which  regulate 
academical  dress,  and  whatever  rules  govern 
English  legal  dress,  both  of  which  are  only 
varieties  of  the  traditional  clerical  dress  of 
the  West.      These  enactments    tend   to   be 


rather  negative  than  positive,  prohibiting 
gaiety,  luxury,  cxpensiveness,  and  con- 
formity with  current  secular  fashions,  and 
rather  assuming  than  explicitly  describing 
what  was  to  be  worn.  But  certain  positive 
principles  emerge ;  in  particular,  the  gar- 
ments are  to  be  long  (talaris),  loose,  closed, 
i.e.  not  open  in  front,  of  one  colour,  and  that 
neither  green  nor  red.  The  clerical  dress 
derives  from  the  Roman  suit  of  the  fourth 
century,  the  tunica  and  paemda,  which 
through  the  change  of  secular  fashions  and 
the  adoption  of  a  new  type  of  costume  by 
laymen  became  ecclesiastical,  and  then  split 
up  and  developed  on  two  lines,  the  one  that 
of  liturgical  dress  [Vestments],  the  other 
that  of  the  everyday  clerical  dress.  Accord- 
ingly in  the  ninth  century  we  find  the  clergy 
ordinarily  wearing  the  alb  or  tunic  and  the 
capjya,  the  full  chasuble,  with  (later  if  not 
already)  side-slits,  through  which  the  arms 
were  passed ;  and  from  the  ninth  to  the 
eleventh  century  priests  were  required  always 
to  wear  stoles.  In  the  fourteenth  century, 
and  no  doubt  a  century  or  two  earlier,  the 
complete  clerical  suit  consisted  of  an  under- 
tunic  {subtunica,  the  cassock),  an  over-tunic 
[supertunica,  the  gown),  and  a  hood  [capu- 
tium),  i.e.  a  cape  and  a  headpiece  with 
a  lengthened  '  poke '  {liripipimn,  tippet). 
Beneficiaries,  dignitaries,  and  graduates  had 
gown  and  hood  lined  with  fur,  or  later,  in 
summer,  with  silk  ;  and  between  the  gown 
and  the  hood  they  wore  a  '  habit,'  either  a 
cappa,  with  two  side-slits  {chimaera,  chimere) 
or  a  single  central  slit  through  which  to 
pass  the  arms  ;  or  a  tabard,  a  tunic  with  short, 
pointed  sleeves  ;  or,  especially  if  they  Avere 
lawyers,  a  mantle  [armilausa)  fastened  on  the 
right  shoulder  ;  and  dignitaries  and  doctors 
added  a  cap,  which,  originally,  it  seems,  a 
loose  skull-cap  turned  up  round  the  edge, 
took  on  a  different  form  in  some  countries, 
in  France  and  Italy  developing  into  a  fez, 
while  in  England  remaining  a  skull-cap  ;  and 
the  higher  lawyers  wore  a  coif,  a  linen  cap 
tied  under  the  chin.  Bishops  wore  a  linen 
rochet  over  the  gown  and  under  the  cappa.  In 
the  latter  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  changes 
began  to  be  made.  The  over-tunic  or  gown 
was  divided  up  the  front,  and  the  sleeves  were 
often  widened  ;  the  hood,  instead  of  being 
put  on,  was  either  thrown  loosely  over  one 
shoulder,  or  '  squared,'  as  it  is  still  called  at 
Cambridge,  i.e.  laid  over  the  shoulders,  the 
liripipe  falling  over  one,  the  cape  over  the 
other  ;  or,  like  the  secular  hood,  it  was  con- 
verted into  the  chaperon,  with  a  streaming 
liripipe,  and  then  the  liripipe  was  detached 
and  became  the  tippet  or  scarf ;    and  the 


(181) 


Dress] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Dress 


skull-cap  developed  four  corners,  no  doubt 
at  the  outset  accidentally  and  merely  because 
it  was  made  of  four  pieces  ;  and  this  square 
cap  was  by  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury worn  by  all  ecclesiastics.  Besides  this, 
in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
tabard,  and,  except  for  lawj-ers,  the  mantle 
disappeared  ;  and  the  cappa  fell  into  disuse 
except  in  the  universities  and  by  bishops ; 
and  the  bishops  split  both  forms  of  cappa  up 
the  front ;  whence  the  open  cliimere  and 
the  '  parliament  robe.'  English  bishops  also 
turned  up  their  fur-Uned  gown  sleeves  to  form 
a  cuff  over  their  rochet  sleeves.  Further, 
the  old  variety  of  colour  generally  disap- 
peared, except  for  graduates  in  the  univer- 
sities and  on  formal  occasions,  and  black 
took  its  i^lace.  This  was  taken  for  granted  in 
England,  but  was  enacted  on  the  Continent 
in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  then, 
the  ordinary  clerical  dress  is  that  depicted 
on  the  title-page  of  the  Great  Bible  of  1539 
and  in  the  great  portrait  of  Cranmer  in  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery.  This  traditional 
costume  is  enforced  by  the  Thu'tieth  Injunc- 
tion of  1559.  But  meanwhile  it  had  been 
abandoned  in  Geneva,  and  the  lay  gown,  with 
its  '  false '  sleeves,  and  the  round  bonnet  had 
been  adopted  ;  and  this  costume  was  affected 
by  the  returned  exiles  and  the  Puritan  party, 
as  it  was  also  adopted  by  the  lay  faculties, 
law  and  medicine,  in  the  universities.  One 
side  of  the  '  vestiarian  '  difficulty  of  the  reign 
of  EHzabeth  was  the  enforcement  of  the  tradi- 
tional dress  as  against  the  Genevan  fashion. 
One  chapter  of  the  Advertisements  [q.v.)  of 
1566  was  devoted  to  this ;  and  the  final  enact- 
ment which  governs  the  dress  of  the  clergy 
is  the  74th  Canon  of  1604,  which  requires 
bishops  to  wear  their  accustomed  apparel, 
that  is,  rochet,  cliimere,  tippet,  and  cap ; 
dignitaries  and  graduates,  cassock,  gown, 
hood  or  tippet,  and  cap  ;  and  all  other  clerics 
the  same,  except  the  tippet.  But  there  have 
been  further  changes  of  form.  Canon  74  re- 
quires gowns  with  sleeves  either  '  strait '  at 
the  wrists  or  wide.  The  wide  sleeve  is  that 
of  the  ordinary  bell  shape,  gathered  at  the 
shoulder ;  the  '  strait '  sleeves  were  either 
ordinary  close  sleeves,  in  tliis  period  a  little 
puffed  at  the  shoulders,  or  full  '  balloon ' 
sleeves  gathered  in  at  the  shoulders  and  again 
at  the  wrist ;  and  subsequently  both  forms 
were  made  too  long,  and  then  a  slit  was  made 
at  the  elbow  and  the  arm  put  through  the  slit, 
leaving  the  sleeve  to  fall  from  the  elbow,  and 
from  this  resulted  the  modern  M.A.  sleeve 
of  the  universities  ;  or  in  the  latter  form  the 
Avristband  was  pushed  up  the  arm  and  pro- 


duced the  '  pudding  sleeve.'  In  the  second 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  hood,  when 
it  was  not  displaced  by  the  tippet,  was  again 
'  put  on  '  and  not  thrown  over  the  shoulders  ; 
but  it  was  greatly  enlarged,  and  so  fell  low 
down  at  the  back  ;  and  though  shortened 
in  front,  it  so  continued  throughout  the  seven- 
teenth century  ;  but  with  the  advent  of  wigs 
in  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  sht  down 
the  front  and  a  ribbon  inserted,  so  that  it 
hung  whoUy  on  the  back.  And  after  the  Res- 
toration, the  identity  of  hood  and  tippet 
being  forgotten,  both  came  to  be  used  together, 
except  by  doctors  in  full  dress,  and  by  bishops 
until  S.  Wilberforce  (q.v.),  who  initiated  the 
fashion  of  wearing  the  hood  over  the  black 
chimere.  But  the  use  of  the  hood  for  everj'- 
day  wear  seems  to  have  been  displaced  in 
practice  by  that  of  the  tippet  since  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century  ;  and  by  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  century  the  tippet  itself 
seems  to  have  fallen  into  disuse,  except  in 
church,  by  all  but  doctors  and  chaplains. 
Meanwhile  the  square  cap  developed  its 
squareness :  by  about  1640  it  had  become 
on  the  continent  the  modern  biretta ;  in 
England  it  assumed  a  more  flexible  and  grace- 
ful form.  But  both  here  and  elsewhere  it 
was  worn  over  a  skull-cap ;  and  the  '  mortar- 
board '  of  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century 
apparently  combined  the  square  cap  and  the 
skull-cap  in  one  piece.  In  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth the  clergy  wore  the  current  ruff  at  the 
neck  and  wrists.  Consequently  a  frill  ap- 
peared below  the  turned-up  linings  of  the 
sleeves  of  bishops;  hence  the  modern  frill 
beneath  the  black  wristband  of  the  rochet ; 
the  red  wristband  now  worn  with  the  red 
chimere  is,  unless  the  prelate  be  an  Oxford 
D.C.L.,  a  mere  folly,  perhaps  invented 
by  Wilberforce.  The  neck-ruff  gave  place 
to  the  square  collar  or  band  in  about 
1640,  and  this  was  gradually  reduced  till 
it  became  the  '  bands '  in  about  1730. 
The  bishops  apparently  abandoned  the  use 
of  rochet  and  chimere  as  their  ordinary  dress 
after  the  Great  RebeUion,  and  adopted  the 
ordinary  clerical  dress  which  continued  in 
use  till  late  in  the  eighteenth  century,  when 
bishops  and  the  higher  dignitaries  adopted 
the  short  cassock  ('apron')  under  a  coat, 
while  the  clergy  generally  adopted  the  pro- 
fessional dress,  common  to  them  with  doctors 
and  lawyers,  viz.  black  with  a  white  neck- 
cloth, to  which  later,  in  some  cases,  was 
added  the  '  stand-up '  collar.  About  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  plain 
('M.B.')  waistcoat  came  into  use,  and  some- 
what later  the  Roman  collar.  As  to  the  hair 
both  on  head  and  face  (apart  from  the  tonsure, 


(  182 


Duns] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Duns 


which  in  England  was  disused  from  tho 
sixteenth  century),  the  clergy  have  followed 
the  lay  fashions,  while  lagging  somewhat  be- 
hind the  rest  of  the  world.  They  grew  their 
hair  long  after  about  1650,  and  adopted  tho 
^\-ig  early  in  the  cigliteenth  century,  and  in 
England  at  least  retained  it  in  some  cases 
till  after  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
In  respect  of  tlie  hair  of  the  face,  in  the  Middle 
Ages  they  were  generally  clean-shaved,  but 
sometimes  wore  beard  and  moustache  ;  and 
this  became  general  in  about  1530  and  lasted 
till  about  1G20,  when  the  moustache  and 
imperial  succeeded  and  lasted  till  about  1700, 
when  again  they  shaved  clean,  and  continued 
to  do  so  down  to  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
centurj',  after  which  in  England  they  con- 
tinued to  follow  the  lay  fashion,  which  now 
no  longer  required  uniformity,  and  did  as 
they  pleased.  [f.  e.  b.] 

DUNS  SCOTUS  (d.  1308).  The  materials 
for  a  biography  of  Joannes  Duns  Scotus  are 
slender.  Even  the  land  of  his  origin  is  dis- 
puted, but,  although  both  Scotland  and  North- 
umberland have  claimed  liim,  the  claim  of 
Ireland,  vigorously  asserted  in  the  seventeenth 
century  by  the  Franciscan  annalist.  Father 
Luke  Wadding,  is  probably  the  strongest. 
The  date  of  his  birth  is  variously  given  as 
1266  and  1274,  but  it  is  certain  at  least  that 
he  died  at  Cologne  in  October  1308.  At  some 
unknown  date  and  place  he  became  a  Fran- 
ciscan, and  at  an  early  age  went  to  Oxford, 
where  his  reputation  as  a  teacher  was  to  be 
made,  and  where  also  he  would  naturally 
fall  in  with  the  tradition  most  hostile  to  the 
Dominican  influence.  From  Oxford  he 
passed  to  Paris,  where  he  carried  on  his  many 
battles  from  1304  until  the  year  of  his  death. 
In  its  main  outlines  the  intellectual  career  of 
Duns  Scotus  resembles  that  of  the  other 
great  scholastics.  In  studjdng  mathematics 
he  was  by  no  means  peculiar.  His  largest 
work,  the  Opus  Oxoniense,  took  the  accus- 
tomed form  of  a  commentary  on  the  Sentences 
of  Peter  Lombard ;  and  most  of  his  labours, 
collected  in  the  Of  us  Parisiense,  deal  with  the 
topics  already  handled  at  Oxford.  There  are 
also  commentaries  on  some  of  Aristotle's 
works,  a  treatise,  De  Rerum  Principio,  and  a 
Grammatica  Speculativa,  which  is  thought  to 
be  genuine.  The  antithesis  of  Scotist  and 
Thomist,  and  the  survival  for  some  centuries 
of  Scotist  chairs  of  philosophy,  are  the  most 
notorious  tributes  to  his  influence.  But  the 
title  of  doctor  subtilis,  once  imposed  as  a 
mark  of  honour,  has  mainly  survived  as  a 
reproach.  The  fact  is  that  he  was  not 
happy  in  the  moment  of  his  birth.     The  new 


world  revealed  by  the  translations  of  Aristotle 
had  been  so  thoroughly  surveyed  by  the 
great  Dominicans  that,  unless  he  was  pre- 
pared either  to  relapse  into  antiquated  paths 
or  to  plunge  into  heresy,  little  was  left  for 
a  man  of  wide  learning  and  restless  ingenuity 
but  the  business  of  differing  from  others. 
Duns  Scotus  was  in  his  very  essence  a  con- 
troversialist. We  need  not  question  his 
sincerity,  nor  suppose  that  his  advocacy  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception 
was  prompted  by  his  opposition  to  the  rival 
doctors,  but  we  can  hardly  escape  the  im- 
pression that  to  agree  with  his  enemies,  or 
even  with  his  friends,  was  pain  and  grief 
to  him.  Possibly,  too,  this  is  the  deepest 
and  truest  antagonism  between  Scotus  and 
Aquinas,  for  if  it  was  an  instinct  with  St. 
Thomas  to  arrive  by  way  of  criticism  at 
harmony,  it  was  not  less  an  instinct  with 
Scotus  to  prove  that  such  harmony  was  un- 
real. The  tendency  of  some  modern  students 
(especially  P.  P.  Minges)  is  to  diminish  the 
differences  between  the  two  champions. 
Often,  indeed,  it  seems  as  though,  after  long 
and  laborious  argument,  Scotus  had  suc- 
ceeded only  in  slightly  readjusting  the 
balance  among  the  elements  already  recog- 
nised by  Aquinas.  For  instance,  it  has  been 
said  by  many  writers  that  Aquinas  is  '  in- 
tellectualist,'  but  Scotus  '  voluntarist '  ;  yet 
nothing  could  be  much  more  erroneous  than 
to  suppose  that  Scotus  was  in  sympathy 
with  '  voluntarism '  of  the  modern  kind. 
He  does  reject  the  Aristotelian  or  Dominican 
doctrine  of  the  wiU  in  its  relation  to  the 
ultimus  finis,  and  on  this  basis  rests  his 
opinions  that  theology  is  practica  rather  than 
intellectiva,  that  voluntas  is  nobler  than 
intellectus,  and  that  beatitude  consists  in 
fruitio  rather  than  in  visio.  Nevertheless,  a 
modern  reader  is  not  unlikely  to  feel  that, 
whereas  Aquinas  has  made  ample  allowance 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  will,  Scotus  has 
denied  the  supremacy  of  intellect  on  grounds 
pre-eminently  intellectualistic.  His  position 
is  determined  not  by  temperament  but  by 
logic,  and  there  is  Httle  in  him  of  Bona- 
ventura's  inclination  towards  the  '  affective ' 
or  mystical  life.  Another  wide  field  of  con- 
troversy is  opened  up  by  theories  relating  to 
matter,  to  form,  and  to  the  manner  of  their 
inter-connection.  It  must  suffice  to  note 
that  by  carrying  the  union  of  form  and 
matter  into  regions  beyond  human  observa- 
tion, Scotus  deprives  the  angelic  individual 
of  its  Thomist  privilege  of  constituting  a 
distinct  species,  while  in  the  sphere  of  more 
earthly  speculations  he  assaults  the  argu- 
ment that  would  find  in   matter  alone  the 


(183) 


Dunstan] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Dunstan 


principium  individuationis.  He  might,  how- 
ever, have  been  wiser  to  content  himself  with 
destructive  criticism,  for  the  Scotist  doctrine, 
sometimes  known  as  haecceitas,  amounts  to 
little  more  than  the  assertion  that  an  indi- 
vidual is  individual  because  of  the  individu- 
ality belonging  to  it.  On  the  whole,  the 
glory  of  Duns  Scotus  would  seem  to  be  a 
departed  glory.  A  revival  of  Thomism  is 
even  now,  for  good  or  evil,  in  process,  but  a 
revival  of  Scotism  in  this  or  any  future  age 
is  almost  bej^ond  imagination,    [w.  H.  v.  k.] 

DUNSTAN,  St.  (924-88),  was  born  at  or 
near  Glastonbury  in  the  West  Saxon  king- 
dom. His  parents  were  of  noble  blood,  and 
his  mother  was  connected  with  the  court. 
He  received  a  good  education,  and  took  the 
clerical  tonsure  at  Glastonbury  while  still 
a  boy,  but  was  afterwards  placed  in  the 
household  of  King  Athelstan.  His  attain- 
ments earned  him  the  reputation  of  a  wizard  ; 
and  being  traduced  to  the  King  by  jealous 
kinsmen,  he  was  expelled  from  the  court 
with  brutal  violence.  After  a  severe  illness 
he  turned  his  thoughts  to  religion  and  became 
a  fully  professed  monk  at  Glastonbury, 
though  much  of  his  time  was  spent  at  Win- 
chester in  the  household  of  Bishop  Aelfheah, 
his  kinsman.  He  devoted  himself  to  the 
arts  of  calligraphy,  illumination,  and  metal 
work  ;  he  also  became  a  proficient  harper, 
and  composed  antiphons  —  among  others 
the  well-known  Kyrie  rex  splendent.  In 
Eadmund's  reign  (940-6)  he  returned  to 
court,  and,  in  spite  of  new  calumnies,  Avas 
made  Abbot  of  Glastonbury.  As  abbot 
he  made  the  monastic  school  a  famous 
seminary  of  religion  and  learning ;  many 
of  his  pupils  rose  to  high  positions  in  the 
Church.  It  would  seem  that  Dunstan  intro- 
duced the  Benedictine  rule  at  Glastonbury  ; 
in  any  case,  he  was  influenced  by  the  Bene- 
dictine ideal.  He  showed  a  tendency  to 
the  strictest  asceticism  ;  his  chamber  was 
'  not  so  much  a  room  as  a  tomb,'  low  and 
narrow,  and  lighted  only  by  a  lattice  in  the 
door.  Under  King  Eadred  (946-55)  Dun- 
stan became  a  trusted  minister  and  the 
custodian  of  the  royal  treasures ;  but  he 
refused  the  see  of  Crediton  on  the  plea  of 
imworthiness  (perhaps  as  being  under  the 
canonical  age),  and  still  lived  much  at 
Glastonbury.  At  the  coronation  feast  of 
Eadwig  (955)  he  was  one  of  the  messengers 
whom  the  Witan  sent  to  recall  the  King  from 
his  paramour's  company ;  and  Eadwig  after- 
wards revenged  himself  by  confiscating 
Dunstan's  property.  Dunstan,  fearing  still 
more  extreme  measures,  escaped  to  Flanders, 


where  Count  Arnulf  placed  him  in  charge  of 
the  newly  restored  monastery  of  St.  Peter 
at  Ghent.  But  in  957  Eadgar,  brother  of 
Eadwig,  having  been  elected  King  by  the 
Mercians  and  Northumbrians,  recalled  Dun- 
stan to  be  his  adviser,  and  gave  him  the 
sees  of  Worcester  and  London,  which  he  held 
together.  Two  years  later  Eadgar  succeeded 
Eadwig  in  Wessex,  and  made  Dunstan  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  expelling  the  arch- 
bishop-elect, Brihtric,  Bishop  of  Wells,  who 
was  of  exemplary  character  but  a  partisan 
of  Eadwig.  The  irregularity  of  Dunstan's 
appointment  was  condoned  by  the  notorious 
Pope  John  xni.,  to  whom  Dunstan  applied 
in  person  for  the  pallium.  Apparently  this 
visit  to  Rome  opened  an  epoch  of  more 
regular  correspondence  with  the  papacy. 
John  XIII.  gave  his  approbation  to  the  re- 
forming movement  in  the  Enghsh  Church, 
with  which  the  names  of  Dunstan  and  Eadgar 
are  closely  connected.  The  first  object  of  the 
reformers  was  to  purify  the  older  religious 
houses  by  introducing  monks  in '  place  of 
secular  canons.  They  carried  out  this  policy, 
not  without  violence,  in  Wessex,  Mercia,  and 
East  Anglia,  and  were  cordially  supported 
by  the  King.  Dunstan,  though  a  friend  of 
monasticism,  was  more  cautious.  The 
leaders  of  the  reforming  clergy  were  his 
friends:  St.  Aethelwold  had  been  his  pupil; 
St.  Oswald  received  the  sees  of  Worcester  and 
York  through  his  influence.  But  it  is  sig- 
nificant that  Dunstan  left  secular  canons  in 
possession  of  his  own  metropolitan  church. 
Nor  did  he  feel  that  unqualified  respect  for 
Rome  which  characterised  the  new  monasti- 
cism ;  on  one  occasion  he  refused  point-blank 
to  pardon  an  offender  against  the  marriage 
laws  for  whom  the  Pope  had  interceded. 
Dunstan  acted  as  Eadgar's  chief  minister  in 
secular  affairs,  and  was  preoccupied  with 
that  policy  of  consolidation  and  construc- 
tion which  gave  his  master,  by  973,  a  quasi - 
Imperial  position  in  Great  Britain.  Legend 
makes  Dunstan  responsible  for  delaying 
Eadgar's  coronation  till  973  ;  and  we  can 
hardly  doubt  that  it  was  his  influence  which 
induced  the  King  to  obtain  in  that  year  the 
Pope's  benediction.  We  may  also  attribute 
to  Dunstan's  advice  the  ecclesiastical  laws 
of  Eadgar.  But  these  contain  few  novelties, 
are  moderate  in  tone,  and  lend  no  support  to 
the  story  that  Dunstan  persecuted  the  married 
clergy.  He  took,  however,  a  strong  line 
against  the  ecclesiastical  reaction  which 
followed  Eadgar's  death.  During  the  inter- 
regnum, when  the  throne  was  in  dispute 
between  Eadward  the  elder,  and  Aethelred 
the  j'ounger,  son  of  Eadgar,  the  lay  magnates 


(  1S4  ) 


Durham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Durham 


of  Mercia  and  East  Anglia  took  up  arms, 
some  to  attack  and  some  to  defend  tlie  monks 
of  the  reformed  liouses.  Dunstan  and  St. 
Oswakl  threw  the  weight  of  their  names  into 
the  scale  against  Aethclred,  the  candidate  of 
the  reactionaries  ;  and  they  finally  procured 
the  election  of  Eadward.  'I'he  Church  re- 
forms of  Eadgar  were  then  triumphantly  vin- 
dicated in  three  successive  synods.  The  last 
of  these,  held  at  Calne  in  Wiltshire  (977), 
was  disturbed  by  an  accident  which  rumour 
exalted  into  a  miracle.  The  floor  of  the 
council  chamber,  which  was  an  upper  room 
(solarhrm),  gave  way;  and  the  assembled 
prelates  except  Dunstan,  who  was  standing 
on  a  beam,  fell  violently  to  the  ground.  At 
Calne  the  controversy  ended  in  favour  of  the 
reformers.  But  shortly  afterwards  Eadward 
was  assassinated  at  Corfe  (978),  and  Acthelred 
succeeded  him.  Dunstan  performed  the 
coronation ;  but  in  980  he  assisted  in  trans- 
lating the  remains  of  Eadward  from  Corfe 
to  Shaftesbury  Abbey  {q.v.),  where  they  were 
buried  with  the  honours  due  to  a  martyr. 
After  this  date  Dunstan  seems  to  have  been 
viewed  with  disfavour  by  Aethelred,  and  dis- 
appears from  j)oliticaI  history.  In  986 
Aethelred  laid  waste  the  bishopric  of 
Rochester,  which  was  under  the  special 
patronage  of  Canterbury,  and  Dunstan  was 
obliged  to  buy  peace  by  payment  of  a  heavy 
sum.  Two  5'ears  later  the  archbishop  died 
at  Canterbury.  He  was  at  once  revered  as 
a  saint,  though  he  only  owes  his  place  in  the 
Calendar  to  a  law  of  King  Cnut  {q.v.),  who 
ordained  that  19th  May  should  be  kept  as 
Dunstan's  Mass  Day.  His  shrine  at  Canter- 
bury enjoyed  high  repute  as  a  resort  of 
pilgrims  and  a  sanctuary  for  malefactors, 
until  it  was  overshadowed  by  that  of  St. 
Thomas  ;  his  intercessions  were  also  highly 
valued  by  the  Canterbury  schoolboys  when 
in  danger  of  a  whipping.  Dunstan  left  no 
writings ;  the  Concordia  Regularis,  a  con- 
temporary exposition  of  the  Benedictine 
rule,  has  been  attributed  to  him ;  but  it 
refers  to  him  in  the  third  person,  and  is  prob- 
ably the  work  of  Abbot  Aelfric  (q.v.).  The 
Bodleian  Library  boasts  of  several  manu- 
scripts which  were  formerly  in  his  possession  ; 
one  of  these  is  a  commonplace  book,  illus- 
trated by  his  own  hand.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Stubbs,  Memorials  nf  St.  DunMnn.  R.S.  ; 
E.  W.  Robertson,  Hist.  Essays.  1872  ;  Hook, 
Lives  of  the  A  rehbisliops  of  Canterhn ry,  i. 

DURHAM,  See  of,  must  be  distinguished 
from  the  palatinate  or  bishopric  of  Durham. 
Diocese  and  bishopric  were  not  conterminous. 
The   bishopric   was   a   large   franchise   con- 


taining Darliam  and  parts  of  Northumber- 
land, with  members  in  Yorkshire.  It  was 
founded  before  the  Conquest,  organised  in 
the  twelfth  century,  and  became  a  kind  of 
buffer  state  between  England  and  Scotland, 
over  which  the  bishop  ruled  as  a  king.  His 
secular  power  was  somewhat  diminished  in 
1536,  and  was  finally  annexed  to  the  Crown 
in  1836  (6-7  Will.  iv.  c.  19).  The  see  of 
Durham  was  formed  in  995.  Before  that 
year  the  local  metropolis  of  the  Church  had 
been  at  Lindisfarne  and  Chester-le-Street 
successively.  Simeon,  the  Durham  his- 
torian (c.  1130),  is  careful  to  trace  this  suc- 
cession. St.  Aidan  (q.v.)  is  the  founder  of  the 
see,  which  was  afterwards  moved  to  Durham. 
With  the  help  of  King  Oswald  {q.v.)  he  estab- 
lished his  see  at  Lindisfarne,  where  his  suc- 
cessors ruled  until  the  invasions  of  the  Danes. 
The  boundaries  of  the  diocese  were  not  strictly 
fixed,  but  probably  contracted  and  expanded 
according  to  the  fluctuations  of  the  royal 
power  in  Northumbria.  Roughly  it  included 
Northumberland  and  Durham,  but  Hexham 
was  taken  out  of  it,  and  was  a  separate  see 
from  678  to  821.  In  854  the  bishopric  of 
Hexham  was  divided  between  Lindisfarne 
and  York,  Lindisfarne  taking  the  district 
between  Tyne  and  Aln,  and  York  that  be- 
tween Tyne  and  Tees.  This  connection  of 
Hexham  ^\-ith  York  continued  until  1836, 
when  it  was  added  to  Durham  by  Order  in 
Council  of  22nd  December.  The  Danish 
invasions  were  a  grave  source  of  trouble  in 
the  ninth  century,  and  in  875  the  Lindisfarne 
monks  abandoned  the  island,  carrjdng  Avith 
them  the  body  of  St.  Cuthbert  {q.v.),  the  most 
famous  of  their  bishops  and  saints.  After 
seven  years  of  wandering  they  settled  at  the 
old  Roman  town  of  Chester-le-Street,  and 
this  became  the  headquarters  of  the  Con- 
gregation of  St.  Cuthbert,  as  the  followers 
of  the  body  of  the  saint  were  called.  Here 
for  one  hundred  and  twelve  years  the  see  was 
established  under  a  succession  of  eight  bishops, 
in  whose  time  the  patrimony  of  St.  Cuthbert, 
or  the  bishopric,  was  gradually  formed.  Its 
confines  were  probably  still  ill-defined.  With 
the  final  outburst  of  Danish  ferocity  at  the 
end  of  the  tenth  century,  the  congregation 
took  the  saint's  body  to  Ripon  for  a  short 
time.  Returning  towards  Chester-le-Street 
in  995,  they  determined  to  make  Dunholm 
their  residence.  Its  impregnable  position 
suggested  the  choice,  and  from  that  day  to 
this  Dunholm,  or  Durham,  has  been  the 
ecclesiastical  capital  of  the  see.  Here  a 
church  was  raised  to  enshrine  the  saint,  and 
became  a  widely  sought  centre  of  pilgrimage. 
The  Norman  Conquest  brought  great  changes. 


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[Durham 


A  castle  was  built  for  the  Lotharingian  Bishop 
Walchcr  from  which  to  rule  his  diocese  and 
to  exercise  the  secular  jurisdiction  which  had 
begun  in  Saxon  days  and  was  now  being 
consolidated  under  Norman  influence.  The 
successors  of  Walcher  developed  this  palatine 
power.  William  of  St.  Calais  built  the  new 
cathedral  in  1093,  and  placed  Benedictine 
monks  in  possession.  The  organisation  of 
parishes  and  rural  deaneries  was  carried  out  by 
degrees  in  the  twelfth  centurj\  The  pastoral 
supervision  of  the  diocese  was  inefficiently 
performed  OAving  to  the  bishops'  absorption  in 
secular  duties,  and  to  their  frequent  absence 
from  the  north.  Scottish  raids  greatW  inter- 
fered with  church  work,  particularly  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  though  they  recurred  at 
intervals  until  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 
The  bishops  built  castles  or  fortified  houses 
at  various  points  in  their  little  kingdom. 
Their  power  was  much  abridged  by  the 
centrahsing  action  of  Henry  Yiu.  In  his 
reign  great  changes  came  to  the  diocese.  In 
1540  the  monastery  surrendered  to  the 
CrowTi,  and  prior  and  monks  were  replaced 
by  a  dean  and  twelve  canons.  Hugh  White- 
head, the  last  jjrior,  a  man  of  virtuous  and 
religious  life,  became  first  dean.  The  attrac- 
tions of  St.  Cuthbert's  shrine  were  destroyed. 
Under  Edward  vi.  a  plan  was  made  to  divide 
the  see,  establishing  a  new  centre  at  Newcastle. 
The  accession  of  Mary  {q.v.)  brought  back 
the  old  order,  and  this  change  was  delayed  for 
over  three  hundred  years.  The  Elizabethan 
bishops  had  a  heavy  task  in  carrying  out  the 
rehgious  alterations  of  the  period.  In  1569 
the  Northern  Rebellion  well-nigh  succeeded 
in  restoring  the  former  system.  The  diocese 
was  a  great  centre  of  recusancy,  and  never 
settled  down  to  a  whole-hearted  acceptance 
of  the  Reformation  until  the  days  of  Bishop 
Cosin  {q.v.).  The  Wesleyan  movement  had 
much  influence,  and  in  the  early  nineteenth 
centurj',  at  a  time  when  Bishop  Barrington 
was  striving  to  extend  the  woi'k  of  the 
Church,  Primitive  Methodism  gained  a  great 
hold  upon  the  miners.  The  enormous  in- 
crease of  population  introduced  a  problem 
of  Church  extension  with  which  bishop  after 
bishop  grappled.  Barrington,  Van  Mildert, 
and  later  bishops  strove  to  build  new  churches, 
to  cut  up  parishes,  to  keep  pace  with  the 
rapid  growth  of  Sunderland,  Gateshead,  and 
Stockton.  The  perplexing  industrial  ques- 
tions of  the  last  thirty  years  have  exercised 
the  thoughts  and  studies  of  clergy  and  laity 
alike.  Nowhere  have  there  been  such  im- 
pressive and  influential  Church  leaders  as 
Bishops  Lightfoot  [q.v.)  and  Westcott  {q.v.). 
The   division    of   the   diocese   in    1881    was 


carried  through  by  Bishop  Lightfoot.  [New- 
castle, See  of.]  The  population  of  the 
reduced  diocese,  which  was  867,258  in  1881,  is 
now  much  increased.  It  was  1,114,590  in 
1901. 

The  see  of  Durham,  shorn  of  its  Yorkshire 
members  in  1841,  was  restricted  to  the 
county  of  Durham  in  1881  (save  part  of  Sock- 
burn,  in  Yorkshire).  The  archdeaconries  and 
rural  deaneries  had  been  fixed  before  the 
Taxatio  of  1291,  in  which  we  first  trace 
the  completed  mediseval  organisation  of  the 
diocese.  The  archdeaconries  of  Northumber- 
land and  Durham  corresponded  to  the  two 
counties.  In  the  latter  county  there  were 
the  deaneries  of  (1)  Durham  with  35 
parishes  ;  (2)  Auckland,  including  the  Auck- 
lands  and  the  prebends  of  Auckland  ;  (3) 
Lanchester,  including  Lanchester  and  the 
prebends  of  Lanchester ;  (4)  Chester-le- 
Street,  with  corresponding  inclusion ;  (5) 
Darhngton,  including  20  parishes.  Some 
modification  was  introduced  before  the  Valor 
{q.v.)  of  1535,  but  the  process  cannot  be 
traced.  By  Order  in  Council,  27th  August 
1842,  Northumberland  was  divided  into 
the  archdeaconries  of  Northumberland  and 
Lindisfarne.  In  1881  the  reduced  diocese 
was  divided  into  two  archdeaconries — Dur- 
ham and  Auckland.  The  rural  deaneries 
were  rearranged  thus  :  Durham  had  the  rural 
deaneries  of  Jarrow,  23  parishes ;  Chester- 
le-Street  20  parishes  ;  Gateshead  15  parishes  ; 
Durham    17    parishes ;     Houghton-le-Spring 

15  parishes ;  Wearmouth  26  parishes ; 
Easington  20  parishes ;  Lanchester  13 
parishes.  Auckland  had  the  rural  deaneries 
of  Auckland,  23  parishes ;  Stanhope  16 
parishes  ;   Darlington  28  parishes  ;   Stockton 

16  parishes ;  Hartlepool  15  parishes.  (For 
some  account  of  the  arrangement  see  Bishop 
Lightfoot,  Charge,  1882.)  These  247  parishes 
have  now  been  increased  to  254.  Many  of 
them  were  the  result  of  the  redistribution 
carried  out  by  the  nineteenth- century  bishops. 
The  income  of  the  see  was  assessed 
by  the  Taxatio  of  1291  at  £2666,  13s.  4d. 
Temporalia,  and  there  were  £40  Sjnrihialia ; 
and  by  the  Valor  EcclesiasHcus,  1534,  at 
£2821,  Is.  5Jd.  Ecton  (1711)  gives  the 
value  as  £1821,  Is.  3d.  It  had  increased  to 
nearly  £50,000  by  1836,  when  the  Ecclesias- 
tical Commissioners  reduced  it  to  £8000 ; 
and  it  was  further  reduced  to  £7000  on  the 
founding  of  the  see  of  Newcastle. 

The  cathedral  church,  reconstituted  in 
1541,  and  dedicated  to  Christ  and  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  consisted  of  a  dean  and  twelve 
prebendaries,  with  other  ofiicers.  (See 
Hutchinson,  Hist.  Durh.,  ii.  102.)     Mary  be- 


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[Durham 


stowed  the  patronage  of  the  prebends  upon 
the  bishop.  The  cathedral  is  governed  by 
the  statutes  of  Philip  and  Mary,  1554,  as 
limited  by  the  Act  of  1707,  dealing  with 
chapters  of  the  new  foundation  (6  Ann.  c.  21). 
The  original  and  amjile  list  of  officers,  ninety- 
six  in  number,  has  been  modified  by  subse- 
quent Acts,  notably  the  Cathedrals  Act, 
1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  11.3),  which  suspended  six 
canonrics,  and  the  Bishoprics  Act,  1878  (41-2 
Vic.  c.  68),  and  is  now  reduced  to  about  fifty 
persons.  One  canonry  is  annexed  to  the 
Professorship  of  Greek  and  another  to  that 
of  Divinity  and  Ecclesiastical  History  in  the 
University  of  Durham.  The  dean  and 
chapter  have  twenty-nine  benefices  in  their 
gift,  of  which  five  are  within  the  city  of 
Durham.  There  has  been  a  bishop  suffragan 
of  Jarrow  since  1906. 

Bishops  of  Lindisfaene 

1.  St.   Aidan   [q.v.),  635;   cons,   by  Scoto- 

Irish  bishops  ;  d.  31st  August  651. 

2.  Finan,  651. 

3.  Colman,  661  ;    retired  after  the  Whitby 

Council  in  664  ;  d.  676. 

4.  Tuda,  664. 

5.  Eata,  678  ;  exact  date  of  death  unknown. 

6.  St.  Cuthbert  {q.v.),  685. 

7.  Eadberct,  687. 

8.  Eadfrith,  698;  d.  721. 

9.  Aethelwold,  724. 

10.  Cynewiilf ,  740 ;  d.  782. 

11.  Hygbald.781;  d.  802. 

12.  Ecgbert,  803.  14 

13.  Heathored,  821.  15 

16.  Eardulf,  854;    d.  899. 

wanderings  of  the  Congregation  of  St. 
Cuthbert  took  place  from  875  until 
the  establishment  of  the  see  at  Chester- 
le-Street,  883. 

Bishops  of  Chester-le-Street 

17.  Cutheard,  900 ;  added  to  the  patrimony  of 

St.  Cuthbert  [V.G.H.,  ii.  6). 

18.  Tihed,  915.  21.  Sexhelm,  947. 

19.  Wigred,  928.  22.  Ealdred,  957. 

20.  Uhtred,  944.  23.  Elfsige,  968. 
24.  Aldhun,  990;    the  flight  to  Ripon  took 

place  under  his  direction,  and  under 
him,  with  the  help  of  the  Earl  Uhtred 
of  Xorthumbria,  the  see  was  established 
at  Durham  in  995.  The  Congregation 
of  St.  Cuthbert  settled  at  Durham 
{Sim.  Durh.,  i.  78). 

Bishops  of  Durham 
24.  Aldhun,  995  ;    built  the  White  Church, 
and   the   first  cathedral  which   super- 
seded it ;  his  daughter  m.  Earl  Uhtred ; 
d.  1018. 


Ecgred,  830. 
Eaubert,  845. 
Under  him  the 


26. 
27. 

28. 

29. 
30. 

31. 
32. 


33. 
34. 
35. 


36. 


37. 


38. 


39. 


40. 


41. 


Eadniund,  1(J20. 

Eadred,  1041  ;  bought  the  bishopric 
from  Harthacnut;  perhaps  never  cons. 

Aethelric,  1042 ;  res.  10.56 ;  d.  1072  ; 
unpopular ;    nominee   of   Earl   Si  ward. 

Aetlielwin,  1056 ;  brother  of  previous 
bishoj) ;  submitted  to  the  Conqueror 
feigncdly  ;    cons,  at  Winchester. 

Walchcr,  1071  ;  a  Lotharingian  appointed 
by  the  Conqueror  ;  occupied  Durham 
Castle,  built  for  him  by  Earl  Wal- 
theof ;  developed  palatinate ;  murdered, 
1080. 

William  of  St.  Carileph  (or  St.  Calais, 
in  Maine),  1081  ;  built  the  existing 
cathedral ;  substituted  Benedictine 
monks  for  the  Congregation  of  St. 
Cuthbert ;  d.  1096.  See  vacant, 
1096-9  {Sim.  Durh.,  i.   119). 

Ralph  Flambard,  1099 ;  minister  of 
William  n.  ;  developed  the  palatinate 
and  city  {Sim.  Durh.,  i.  138) ;  com- 
pleted the  nave  of  cathedral ;   d.  1128. 

Geoffrey  Rufus,  1133;  attempts  made 
by  the  Scots  to  wrest  the  palatinate  ; 
d.  1140,  Cumine,  a  usurper,  held 
Durham,  1141-4,  defying  the  canoni- 
cally  appointed  bishop. 

William  de  St.  Barbara,  1143  ;  d.  1152. 

Hugh  de  Puiset  {q.v.),  1153  ;  d.  1195. 

Philip  of  Poitou,  1197;  confidential 
friend  of  Richard  i. ;  introduced  a  period 
of  great  disputing  between  bishop  and 
prior;  cons,  at  Rome  by  Pope  Celes- 
tine  in.;  d.  1208.  A  long  vacancv. 
1208-17. 

Richard  Marsh,  1217  (P.) ;  appointed 
after  long  disputes  ;  Chancellor  of  King 
John  ;  convent  dispute  prolonged ;  ap- 
peal to  Rome;  d.  1226.  A  vacancy  of 
more  than  two  years. 

Richard  le  Poor,  1229  ;  first  elected  in 
1215,  and  set  aside ;  tr.  from  Sahs- 
bury ;  ended  the  conventual  strife  by 
the  Convenit,  1229 ;  completed  the 
cathedral  by  adding  the  Nine  Altars ; 
d.  1237  ;    buried  at  Tarrant,  Wilts. 

Nicolas  Farnham,  1241  ;  Prior  Mel- 
samby  elected,  but  set  aside ;  Farn- 
ham, the  King's  physician,  elected ; 
res.  1248. 

Walter  Kirkham,  1249 ;  controversy 
with  the  King  as  to  forfeitures  ;  bishop 
engaged  in  disputes  with  bishopric 
feudatories;    d.  1260. 

Robert  Stichill,  1260  ;  Prior  of  Finchale  ; 
d.  in  France,  1274  ;  his  heart  buried  at 
Durham. 

Robert  of  Holy  Island,  1274;  Prior  of 
Finchale;  d.  1283. 


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[Durham 


42.  Antony  Bek,   1284 ;   the  palatine  power   j    56. 

begins  to  reach  its  height;    employed 
by  Edward  i.  in  the  Scottish  negotia-       57. 
tions ;    the  period  of  Scottish  invasion 
begins ;    Bek    made  King  of  Man  and       58. 
Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  1306;  d.  1310. 

43.  Richard  KeUaw,  1311  ;    a  man  of  learn-    i 

ing  and   liigh  character ;    the  diocese       59. 
suffers    severely  from    the    Scots ;     d.    ; 
1316. 

44.  Lewis  de   Beaumont,    1318   (P.) ;    kins-       60. 

man  and   nominee  of   Queen  Isabella ; 
the  Pope  overrode  a  different  election, 
and  promoted  Beaumont ;  a  man  of  ex- 
traordinary character   and  ignorance;       61. 
d.  1333. 

45.  Richard   of    Bury  (d'Aungerville),    1333 

(P.);  superseded  the  chapter's  election       62. 
of  Graystanes ;  Bury,  tutor  of  Edward 
m.,  is  famous  for  his  Philobihlon ;    d.       63. 
1345. 

46.  Thomas  Hatfield,  1345  (P.) ;  was  elected       64. 

by  the  chapter,  but  the  Pope  annulled 
the  election  and  provided  him ;  Keeper 
of  the  Privy  Seal ;  the  most  famous  65. 
of  the  palatine  bishops  of  the  period  ; 
his  throne  is  in  the  cathedral ;  the  battle 
of  Durham,  1346,  and  the  Black  Death, 
1349,  mark  his  episcopate  ;   d.  1381. 

47.  John    Fordham,    1382    (P.);     Canon    of       67. 

York  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1388.  j 

48.  Walter  Skirlaw,  1388 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Bath   ' 

and    Wells;     Canon    of    York,    1370;       68. 
Archdeacon  of  Northampton,  1380  ;    a 
great  builder  ;  d.  1406  ;   cons,  (to  Lich- 
field) 14th  January  1386  by  seven  pre- 
lates   in    the    presence    of    the    Kings    j 
of    England   and  Armenia  and    many   I 
nobles.  69. 

49.  Thomas  Langley,  1406(P.);  Dean  of  York 

and  Chancellor  of  England  ;    cardinal,       70. 
1411  (the  only  Durham  cardinal  save 
Wolsey) ;     restored    the    Galilee     and 
built  the  Northern  Gateway  and  Gaol ; 
founded  schools  at  Durham  ;   d.  1437.      ! 

50.  Robert  Neville,  1437  (P.);    son  of  first       71. 

Earl  of  Westmorland ;  uncle  of  Ed- 
ward IV.  and  Richard  iii.  ;  built  the 
Exchequer  near  the  castle  ;   d.  1457.        I 

51.  Laurence  Booth,  1457  (P.) ;    nominee  of    j    72. 

Queen  Margaret ;   tr.  to  York,  1476. 

52.  William    Dudley,    1476    (P.);     Dean   of       73. 

Windsor;    d.  1483.  74, 

53.  John   Sherwood,    1484   (P.) ;    patron   of 

the  Renaissance ;    d.  in  Rome,  1494.       ,    75. 

54.  Richard  Fox  (q.v.),  1494  (P.)  ;   tr.  from    j 

WeUs.  i 

65.  WiUiam    Senhousc,    1502    {al.    Sever   or    '    76. 
Sinews);   tr.  (P.)  from  Carlisle  ;   previ- 
ously Warden  of  Merton  ;   d.  1505. 

(188) 


Christopher  Bainbridge,  1507  (P.) ;  Dean 
of  York  ;    tr.  to  York,  1508. 

Thomas  Ruthall,  1509  (P.) ;  tr.  to 
Winchester,  1528  {Script,  iii.). 

Thomas  Wolsey  (q.v.) ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Bath  and  Wells,  1523;  tr.  to  Winchester, 
1529. 

Cuthbert  Tunstall  (q.v.),  1530;  tr.  (P.) 
from  London;  built  chapel  in  castle; 
dep.  and  d.,  1559. 

James  Pilkington,  1561  ;  Master  of  St. 
John's,  Cambridge ;  a  refugee  at 
Geneva ;  returned  under  Elizabeth  ; 
d.  1576. 

Richard  Barnes,  1577  ;  tr.  from  Carlisle ; 
tried  to  promote  conformity;  d.  1587. 
After  a  vacancy 

Matthew  Hutton,  1589;  tr.  to  York, 
1595. 

Tobias  Matthew,  1595;  Dean  of  Dur- 
ham ;   tr.  to  York,  1606. 

WiUiam  James,  1606  ;  Dean  of  Durham  ; 
friend  of  James  i. ;  tried  to  repress 
increasing  recusancy  ;    d.  1617. 

Richard  Neile,  1617  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln  ; 
led  the  Arminian  changes  at  Durham  ; 
tr.  to  Winchester,  1627. 

George  Monteigne,  1628  ;  tr.  to  York, 
1628. 

John  Howson,  1628 ;  tr.  from  Oxford  ; 
,  took  a  more  moderate  position  than  his 
two  predecessors  ;  d.  1632. 

Thomas  Morton,  1632  ;  tr.  from  Coventry 
and  Lichfield  ;  of  great  learning  and, 
on  the  whole,  anti-Arminian  ;  received 
Charles  i.  at  Durham,  1633  and  1639  ; 
pensioned  off,  1646,  and  then  ejected ; 
acted  as  tutor  ;    d.  1659. 

John  Cosin  {q.v.),  1660  ;  d.  1672.  After 
a  vacancy 

Nathaniel  Crewe,  1674 ;  Bishop  of 
Oxford  ;  Jacobite  in  sympathy  at  first ; 
Baron  Crewe  on  death  of  his  brother  in 
1691  ;  left  various  benefactions,  and 
estates  under  trust ;    d.  1722. 

William  Talbot,  1722;  tr.  from  Salis- 
bury; patron  of  Butler  {q.v.);  father 
of  Charles,  first  Baron  Talbot ;  d. 
1730. 

Edward  Chandler,  1730 ;  tr.  from 
Coventry  and  Lichfield  ;    d.  1750. 

Joseph  Butler  {q.v.),  1750;    d.  1752. 

Richard  Trevor,  1752 ;  tr.  from  St, 
David's ;   d.  1771. 

John  Egerton,  1771  ;  tr.  from  Coventry 
and  Lichfield  ;  father  of  seventh  Earl 
of  Bridgewater  ;    d.  1787. 

Thomas  Thurlow,  1787  ;  tr.  from  Lin- 
coln ;  brother  of  Lord  Chancellor 
Thurlow;    d.  1791. 


Ealdred] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Easter 


77.  The  Hon.  Shiite  Barrington,   1791  ;    tr. 

from  Salisbury  ;  a  vigorous  diocesan 
organiser  ;  interested  in  agriculture  ; 
d.  1826. 

78.  William    Van   Mildert,    1826;     tr.    from 

LlandalT ;  the  last  of  the  palatine 
bishops ;  very  liberal ;  in  favour  of 
moderate  reforms  ;  great  patron  of  the 
new  University ;  one  of  the  old  High 
Churchmen  ;   d.  1836. 

79.  Edward   Maltby,    1836;     tr.    from   Chi- 

chester ;  formerly  Headmaster  of 
Harrow  ;  '  a  Greek  play  bishop ' ;  res. 
1856. 

80.  Charles  Thomas  Longley,  1856  ;   tr.  from 

Ripon  ;  tr.  to  York,  1860. 

81.  The    Hon.     Henry    Montague    Villiers, 


1860;  tr.  from  Carlisle;  d.  1861,  after 
much  suffering  ;  a  leader  of  the  Evan- 
gelical party. 

82.  Charles  Baring,  1861  ;  tr.  from  Gloucester 

and  Bristol ;  an  Evangelical  of  much 
practical  piety  ;   res.  1878  ;    d.  1879. 

83.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot  {q.v.),  1879  ;   d. 

1889. 

84.  Brooke  Foss  Westcctt   [q.v.),   1889;    d. 

1901. 

85.  Handley  Carr  Glyn  Moulc,  1901 ;  formerly 

Hulsean  Professor  and  Fellow  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

[H.  G.] 

Beilo,  II. E.  ;  Simeon  of  Durham,  Scriplores 
Tirs.  (Surtee.s  Soc.) ;  F.C'.//.,  vol.  11.;  Canon 
Low  Low,  Dio.  Jlist. 


E 


EALDRED,  or  ALDRED,  Archbishop  of 
York  (d.  1069),  is  first  mentioned  as  a 
monk  at  Winchester.    About  1027  he  became 
Abbot  of  Tavistock,  and  in  1046  was  nominated 
to  the  see  of  Worcester.     A  capable  admini- 
strator and  on  good  terms  with  the  famU}'^ 
of  Godwin,  he  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in 
the  English   episcopate  under  Eadward  the 
Confessor.     In  1050  he  represented  the  Iving 
at  the  Council  of  Rome,  convened  by  Pope 
Leo  IX.  ;  and  in  1054  he  was  sent  on  a  mission 
to  the  Emperor  Henry  m.,  whose  help  he 
invoked  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  home 
Eadward  Aetheling,  son  of  Eadmund  Ironside, 
from   exile   in   Hungary.     Ealdred   spent   a 
year  at  Cologne  with  Archbishop  Hermann  ; 
and  it  may  have  been  on  this  visit  that  he 
became  familiar  with  the  rule  of  Chrodegang 
of  Metz,  which  he  afterwards  imposed  upon 
the  canons  of  York,  Beverley,  and  Southwell. 
In  1058  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem 
through  Hungary,  following  a  fashion  wliich 
was  then  popular  on  the  Continent,  but  to 
which  no  Enghsh  bishop  had  hitherto  con- 
formed.    In  1060  he  was  appointed  to  the 
see  of  York,  with  the  King's  permission  to 
hold   W^orcester   as    before.     Next    year   he 
went  to  Rome  for  his  pallium  [Pall];  but 
Nicholas  n.  refused  to  grant  it  until  he  had 
resigned   W^orcester,    and   persisted   in    this 
decision  even  though  Earl  Tostig,  who  had 
accompanied   Ealdred,   threatened   that   the 
paj'ment  of  Peter's  Pence  {q.v.)  should  cease. 
Papal  legates  returned  with  Ealdred  to  enforce 
tb  e  surrender  of  Worcester  ;    and  Wulf stan 
{q.v.)   was   appointed  to   that  see   on   their 
recommendation.     But  Ealdred  contrived  to 


retain  for  some  time  a  large  part  of  the 
Worcester  estates.  On  the  death  of  the 
Confessor  he  adhered  to  Harold,  and  it  is 
said  that  Harold  was  crowned  by  him, 
though  Norman  writers  allege  that  the  cere- 
mony was  performed  by  the  schismatic 
Stigand.  After  Harold's  death  Ealdred 
desired  to  crown  Eadgar  Aetheling  at  London. 
But  finding  himself  deserted  by  Earls 
Eadwine  and  Morcar,  he  made  peace  with 
the  Conqueror,  whom  he  crowned  in  West- 
minster Abbey  on  25th  December  1066.  He 
afterwards  crowned  Queen  Matilda  when 
she  came  to  England.  Tradition  represents 
Ealdred  as  defending  with  spirit  both  his 
own  property  and  the  rights  of  his  fellow- 
countrymen  against  Norman  greed.  He  is 
even  said  to  have  rebuked  William  i.  face  to 
face.  But  he  died  on  11th  September  1069, 
before  he  had  been  able  to  give  any  signal 
proofs  of  the  patriotism  with  which  he  was 
credited.  [h.  w.  c.  d.j 

Freeman,  Xormcm  Cuiiquest,  vols,  ii.,  111.,  Iv. 

EASTER  OFFERINGS  were  due  by  canon 

law    to    the    priest    from    every   parishioner 

when    he    received   Communion    at    Easter. 

Similar  offerings  were  payable  at  Christmas, 

Whitsuntide,  and  the  feast  of  the  dedication 

of  the  parish  church.     They  might  not  be  less 

than  2d.  a  head,  but  by  custom  might  be 

more.     At  Croydon  they  were  4d.  for  a  man, 

3d.  for  a  woman,  5d.  for  a  married  couple  ; 

at  Batley  '  every  communicant,  2d.  ;    every 

'    cow,  2d. ;  every  plough,  2d. ;  every  foal,  Is. ; 

I    every  hive  of  bees.  Id.  ;    every  house,  3|d.' 

i    In  1749  the  Court    of    Chancery  held   they 


(189) 


Edmund] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Edmund 


were  due  '  of  common  right '  {Carthew  v. 
Edwards,  1  Ambl.  71).  The  Tithe  Act,  1839 
(2-3  Vic.  c.  62),  provided  for  their  commu- 
tation. In  recent  j'ears  the  name  has  been 
applied  to  a  voluntary  offering  customarily 
made  to  the  parish  priest  at  Easter. 

[G.  C] 
Pliilliniore,  Ecd.  Lew:. 

EDMUND,  St.,  king  and  martyr  (841-70), 
was  born  in  841,  and  while  still  a  boy  was 
designated  for  the  East  Anglian  tlirone. 
The  story  runs  that  the  King  of  East  Anglia 
(to  whom  a  twelfth-century  writer,  with  no 
support,  however,  from  known  records,  gives 
the  name  of  Offa),  being  about  to  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  paid  a  visit 
to  his  relative,  the  King  of  '  Saxony '  (prob- 
ably Kent),  the  father  of  Edmund,  and 
adopted  the  boy  as  his  own  son.  The  East 
Anglian  Kang  then  went  his  way,  but  died 
on  his  journey  homewards  (about  a.d.  853-4), 
after  nominating  Edmund,  who  is  said  to 
have  been  his  nephew,  as  his  successor. 
The  '  Saxon '  King  reluctantly  permitted 
Edmund  to  sail  for  Norfolk,  there  to  be 
trained  for  the  duties  of  kingship. 

The  education  of  the  young  prince  lasted 
for  a  year  or  more,  during  which  period  we 
seem  to  trace  him  at  Hunstanton  and  Attle- 
borough  in  Norfolk,  and  perhaps  on  5th 
November  855  at  Winchester  on  the  occasion 
of  Aethelwulf's  {g.v.)  much-canvassed  grant 
to  the  Church.  On  Christmas  Day,  855,  he 
was  chosen  Kling,  at  first  probably  by  the 
North-folk  only ;  but  exactly  a  year  later 
he  was  solemnly  crowned  in  Suffolk  at 
Bures,  on  the  River  Stour.  Probably  the 
ceremony  was  hastened  through  fear  of  the 
rival  ambitions  of  Mercia  and  Wessex,  and 
anxiety  caused  by  Danish  irruptions.  It  does 
not  appear  that  his  sovereignty  was  dis- 
puted, or  that  the  Danes  did  at  that  time 
trouble  East  Anglia.  By  the  benignity  and 
justice  of  his  rule  Edmund  won  the  hearts 
of  his  subjects  as  well  as  by  the  purity  and 
gentleness  of  his  disposition,  his  care  of  the 
poor,  and  his  steady  repression  of  wrong- 
doing. 

But  in  866  a  great  host  of  Danish  free- 
booters, under  chiefs  called  Inguar  and 
Hubba,  landed  and  wintered  in  Edmund's 
territories.  War  did  not,  however,  at  once 
break  out ;  the  strangers  made  a  pact  with 
the  natives,  procured  horses  from  them,  and 
in  the  following  spring  went  northwards  to 
York.  Returning  south  in  868,  they  were  be- 
sieged at  Nottingham,  which  they  had  taken, 
by  an  English  force  under  Alfred  {q.v.)  of 
Wessex  and  Burrhed,  King  of  Mercia.     If  a 


charter  ascribed  to  Burrhed  can  be  trusted, 
Edmund  was  present  at  the  siege,  but  this 
is  not  certain.  Later  the  Danes  withdrew  to 
York,  but  in  870  once  more  appeared  in 
southern  districts  as  a  conquering  army,  the 
fleet  under  Inguar,  the  land  forces  under 
Hubba.  The  former  entered  the  mouth  of 
the  '  Aide,'  and  the  Danes  sacked  Oxford. 
Edmund  marched  from  '  Haegelisdun ' 
against  the  invaders,  but  was  defeated.  His 
whole  kingdom  did  not  extend,  probably, 
over  more  than  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  with 
the  addition  of  Cambridgeshire,  or  at  least 
the  Isle  of  Ely,  and  it  was  only  with  a  part 
of  his  '  f  jTd  '  that  he  could  encounter  the 
marauders.  Edmund  was  pursued  and  taken 
in  or  near  a  village  called  Sutton.  His 
captors  had  at  first  offered  to  spare  his  life  if, 
as  a  dependant,  he  would  share  his  kingdom 
with  Inguar.  The  terms  were  refused, 
though  Humbert,  Bishop  of  Elmham,  the 
northern  diocese  of  East  Angha,  advised 
compliance.  The  King  was  bound  to  a  tree 
and  beaten ;  he  was  made  a  target  for  the 
arrows  or  javehns  of  the  Danes;  and  finally, 
whUe  still  asserting  his  faith  in  Christ,  was 
beheaded  by  Inguar's  order  (20th  November 
870).  Returning  to  their  boats,  the  pagans 
disdainfully  flung  the  head  of  Edmund  into 
the  intervening  thicket. 

When  peace  had  been  in  some  degree 
restored  the  East  Anglians  recovered  the 
martyr's  head,  which  they  found  guarded 
by  a  wolf,  and  laid  it  with  the  body  in  a 
humble  grave  in  Sutton,  and  built  over  it  a 
little  bede-house,  close  to  the  spot  where 
their  King  had  been  killed. 

The  legend  usually  related  places  the  final 
catastrophe  not  at  Sutton,  which  is  near 
Woodbridge,  but  at  Hoxne,  on  the  borders 
of  Suffolk  and  Norfolk,  and  some  chroniclers 
speak  of  a  battle  near  Thetford.  Whichever 
was  the  scene  of  Edmund's  death  and  first 
burial,  it  was  not  many  years  before  the  fallen 
hero  acquired  the  repute  of  sanctity.  This 
certainly  occurred  during  the  reign  of  Aired, 
as  is  proved  by  four  coins  found  at  Cuerdale, 
and  either  in  Alfred's  lifetime  or  early  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  the  Elder  the  sacred  body 
was  removed  to  a  new  mausoleum  at  Bedeiics- 
worth,  now  Bury  St.  Edmunds  (q.v.),  in  which 
town  the  martyr  was  venerated  for  many  ages. 

]Much  of  the  accretion  of  legend  and  marvel 
which  attach  to  the  memory  of  St.  Edmund 
must  be  discarded  from  serious  history.  The 
story  of  the  wolf,  and  of  the  lifeless  head  of 
the  saint  calhng  the  searchers  with  the  re- 
peated exclamations,  '  Here  !  Here  !  Here  ! ' 
must  be  treated  as  fables.  The  tale  that  the 
tree  to  which  he  was  bound  by  the  Dan(js 


(  190 


Edmund] 


Dictionanj  of  Etujlid-h  CJmrcli  Hi-story 


[Edmund 


stood  in  Hoxne  Wood  till  1848  is  both 
mythical  and  modern,  and  a  local  legend  that, 
under  pursuit  by  his  enemies,  the  King  took 
refuge  beneath  a  bridge,  and  was  detected 
by  his  gilt  spurs,  is  too  silly  almost  to  notice. 

[F.  H.] 

Cin-i'Ild  Sii/idi  K(/»iini(/i.  ed.  Lord  F.  HtTvey. 

EDMUND  iSt.)  RICH  (c.  1170-1240),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  was  elected  archbishop 
in  1233,  in  succession  to  Richard  Weather- 
shed,  after  three  elections  to  the  vacancy  had 
been  quashed,  on  various  grounds,  by  the 
Pope.  He  was  elected  at  Rome  by  certain 
monks  of  Canterbury  who  had  been  ordered 
by  their  convent  to  present  the  name  of  John 
Blund.  Gregory  ix.,  having  rejected  Blund, 
instructed  the  envoys  to  make  another 
choice,  that  the  primatial  see  might  be  filled 
without  further  delay.  The  election  was  ap- 
proved by  Henry  m.  on  10th  October  1233  ; 
Edmund  was  consecrated  at  Canterbury  on 
2nd  April  1234.  On  the  day  of  consecration 
he  received  his  pallium  [Pall],  which  had 
been  sent  to  him  from  Rome, 

The  new  archbishop  was  deservedly  re- 
nowned for  piety,  asceticism,  and  theological 
scholarship.  But  his  previous  career  had 
been  uneventful,  and  is  only  outlined  in  the 
vaguest  manner  by  his  biographers.  He  was 
born  at  Abingdon.  His  father  died  while 
he  was  a  youth.  His  mother,  a  woman  of 
saintly  character,  gave  him  a  careful  training 
in  religion,  and  sent  him  to  study  at  Paris. 
Returning  to  England  not  later  than  the 
year  1200,  he  lectured  in  arts  for  six  years  at 
Oxford.  He  then  studied  theology  at  Paris, 
and  became  a  famous  teacher  there.  About 
1222  he  accepted  the  office  of  Treasurer  to 
Salisbury  Cathedral,  and  devoted  himself 
earnestly  to  meditation  and  good  works. 
Already  a  preacher  of  some  note,  he  enhanced 
his  reputation  by  preaching  a  crusade  (?  in 
1227)  at  Oxford,  Worcester,  Gloucester,  and 
Leominster. 

As  archbishop  he  offered  a  steady,  though 
ineffectual,  resistance  to  royal  misrule  and 
papal  exactions.  A  week  after  his  consecra- 
tion he  threatened  to  excommunicate  Henry 
HI,  unless  the  King  v/ould  amend  his  govern- 
ment; and  in  the  same  year  he  accused 
Henry  of  connivance  at  the  treachery  by 
which  Richard  Marsha],  leader  of  the  baronial 
opposition,  had  been  done  to  death.  In  1237 
he  supported  an  agitation  in  the  Great 
Council  for  the  dismissal  of  the  foreign 
councillors  who  had  misled  the  King.  Such 
behaviour,  strange  in  our  eyes,  was  then  not 
only  warranted  but  demanded  by  public 
opinion.     By  long  usage  the  Archbishop  of 


Canterbury  ranked  as  the  first  adviser  of  the 
Crown  and  tlie  special  champion  of  popu- 
lar liberties.  But  henceforth  Edmund  was 
chiefly  occupied  in  resisting  the  schemes  of 
King  and  Pope  for  the  taxation  of  the  clergy 
and  the  exploitation  of  ecclesiastical  patron- 
age. In  furtherance  of  these  schemes  Henry 
III.  invited  the  Pope  to  send  a  papal  legate 
into  England,  and  Cardinal  Otho  accordingly 
arrived  in  1237.  Edmund  protested  that 
the  invitation  was  prejudicial  to  the  liberties 
of  his  see.  He  met  the  legate  with  due 
respect,  and  attended  the  legatine  council 
of  St.  Paul's  (November  1237),  in  which  Otho 
promulgated  some  important  constitutions  to 
be  permanently  observed  by  the  English 
Church  (Wilkins,  Concilia,  i.  649-56).  But 
soon  afterwards  the  archbishop  paid  a  visit 
to  Rome,  ostensiblj;'  on  judicial  business,  in 
defiance  of  a  mandate  from  Otho  to  remain 
at  home.  He  failed  to  secure  the  recall  of  Otho. 
The  legate  continued  to  reside  in  England  until 
1241,  and  extorted  large  sums  from  the  clergy. 
In  1240  he  demanded  a  fifth  of  their  mov- 
ables from  the  prelates ;  the  demand  was  at 
first  resisted  by  Edmund  and  others  ;  but 
the  courage  of  the  archbishop  failed  him,  and 
in  the  end  he  paid  the  sum  of  eight  hundred 
marks  which  was  required  of  him.  Shortly 
afterwards  the  Pope  demanded  that  three 
hundred  benefices  should  be  assigned  to 
Romans  of  his  nomination.  Edmund, 
despairing  for  the  liberties  of  the  English 
Church,  resolved  to  imitate  the  flight  of  his 
predecessor,  Becket  [q.v.).  He  went  overseas 
to  the  monastery  of  Pontigny,  and  there  de- 
voted himself  to  religious  exercises  and 
self-mortification.  His  health  failed  rapidly. 
He  removed  to  Soisy  for  a  change  of  air,  but 
sank  rapidly,  and  died,  10th  November  1240. 
His  body,  which  was  buried  at  Pontigny, 
was  credited  with  miraculous  virtues  from 
the  very  day  of  liis  death.  It  is  still  preserved 
in  an  elaborate  shrine  behind  the  high  altar, 
having  survived  the  storms  of  the  Huguenot 
risings  and  the  French  Revolution.  In  spite 
of  objections  raised  by  Henry  in.,  he  was 
canonised  by  Pope  Innocent  iv.  in  1247.  The 
honour  was  not  ill- bestowed.  Though  httle 
of  a  statesman,  Edmund  Rich  was  remarkable 
for  the  virtues  of  his  private  hfe.  No  man  of 
his  generation  was  so  widely  beloved  or  so 
deservedly  revered.  His  name  is  perpetuated 
by  St.  Edmund  Hall  at  Oxford,  the  chapel  of 
which  was  dedicated  in  his  honour  by  Bishop 
Fell  {q.v.)  in  1682.  [h.  w.''c.  d.] 

Matthew  Paris  ;  the  lives  jiriuted  bj-  Sarins, 
by  Martene,  and  Duraiid  in  Thesaurus  Anec- 
dotonim,  vol.  iii.,  and  by  Dom  Wallace  in 
St.  Edmund  of  Canterbury,  1893. 


(  191  ) 


Education] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Education 


EDUCATION,  THE  CHURCH  IN  RE 
LATION  TO.  In  f^nglaiid  Education  was 
from  the  first  the  child  and  creature  of  the 
Church,  in  whose  exclusive  care  it  remained 
until  the  Reformation,  and  in  its  almost 
exclusive  care  until  the  Restoration.  From 
Bede  [q.v.)  we  can  infer  that  education  was 
introduced  into  England  by  St.  Augustine 
{q.v.),  and  that  he  founded  the  first  Eng- 
lish school  as  a  part  of  the  first  English 
Church  at  Canterbury.  He  tells  how  Sige- 
bert,  King  of  the  East  Angles,  who  had 
become  a  Christian,  when  he  came  to  the 
throne  in  631,  'wishing  to  imitate  what 
he  had  seen  well  ordered  in  the  Gauls, 
set  up  a  school  in  which  boys  could  be 
taught  grammar,  with  the  help  of  Bishop 
Felix,  whom  he  had  got  from  Kent,  and 
provided  them  with  masters  and  ushers  after 
the  Canterbury  custom.'  This  custom  could 
not  have  originated  with  any  one  but 
Augustine. 

When  in  598  the  school  at  Canterbury  was 
estabhshed,  the  episcopal  control  of  schools 
was  a  comparatively  recent  development. 
Until  the  sixth  century  the  schools,  both  the 
grammar  and  rhetoric  schools,  were  endowed 
by  and  under  the  control  of  the  emperors 
(or  their  successors,  the  barbarian  kings) 
and  the  municipalities,  and  were  since  the 
days  of  Quintilian,  in  the  strict  sense, 
'  public  schools.'  How  new  a  departure  it 
was  for  a  bishop  to  teach  school  may  be 
gauged  by  Gregory  the  Great's  {q.v.)  letter 
to  Desiderius,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  introducing 
Augustine's  emissaries  Lawrence  and  Mellitus 
{q.v.)  returning  from  a  mission  to  Rome. 
The  Pope  actually  rated  the  bishop  for 
'  teaching  grammar,  .  .  .  since  the  praise  of 
Christ  cannot  be  in  one  mouth  with  the  praise 
of  Jupiter.  Consider  yourself  what  a  crime 
it  is  for  a  bishop  to  recite  what  would  be 
improper  in  a  religious  layman.'  This 
letter  shows  that  though  the  schools  had 
come  under  ecclesiastical,  that  is  episco- 
pal, control,  the  classics,  with  their  heathen 
mythology,  still  remained  the  medium  of 
education,  and  in  spite  of  Gregory's  remon- 
strance fortunately  always  continued  to  be 
so.  The  Psalms  indeed,  with  the  Creed, 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, became  the  staple  for  teaching 
children  to  read,  and  prevailed  in  the  song 
school,  which  until  the  Reformation  per- 
formed the  function  of  an  elementary  school. 
But  when  the  boys  were  moved  on  from 
reading  to  the  grammar  school,  the  classical 
authors  and  the  Latin  grammar  formed  the 
staple  of  education.  The  Greek  Archbishop 
Theodore    {q.v.),    in    his    twenty    years    of 


strenuous  rule  and  teaching,  added  Greek, 
a  fact  which  undoubtedly  contributed  largely 
to  make  the  English  the  leaders  in  the 
educational  world  throughout  Europe  in  the 
seventh  and  eighth  centuries.  Greek  con- 
tinued to  be  taught  in  England,  at  all  events 
at  Canterbury  and  Winchester,  untU  the 
eleventh  century. 

In  connection  with  Canterbury  Cathedral 
under  the  governance  and,  certainly  with 
Archbishops  Theodore  and  Dunstan  {q.v.), 
under  the  actual  teaching  of  the  arch- 
bishop, the  school  established  by  Augustine 
remained  until  the  secular  clergy  were 
replaced  by  monks  in  the  eleventh  century. 
Then  it  was  removed  outside  the  cathedral 
precincts,  which  had  become  monastic,  and 
established  in  or  by  the  church  of  St.  Alphege, 
where  until  1540  it  was  taught  by  a  secular 
schoolmaster  appointed  by  the  archbishop, 
who  invested  him  with  powers  resembling 
those  of  the  chancellor  of  a  university, 
including  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  his 
scholars  in  aU  civil  cases  in  which  scholars 
were  concerned,  whether  as  plaintiff  or  de- 
fendant, and  in  aU  criminal  cases,  except  those 
of  life  and  limb,  with  power  of  enforcing  his 
judgments  by  excommunication.  A  series  of 
cases  in  the  fourteenth  century,  fortunately 
collected  and  preserved  among  the  cathedral 
muniments,  show  this  power  being  actively 
exercised.  In  1540  this  school  ceased  on 
the  estabhshment  of  the  present  Cathedral 
Grammar  School,  called  (since  the  eighteenth 
century  only)  the  King's  School,  where  the 
last  master  of  the  City  Grammar  School, 
John  Twyne,  was  made  the  first  master  of 
the  Cathedral  School.  The  master  and  usher 
were  made  integral  parts  of  the  cathedral 
foundation,  with  rank  and  pay  immediately 
after  the  canons,  while  for  the  first  time  fifty 
King's  scholars  were  provided,  on  the  model 
of  the  scholars  of  Winchester  and  Eton, 
to  receive  their  education  free,  also  lodg- 
ing and  board  in  the  common  haU  of  the 
new  college  of  canons,  and  clothing  and 
handsome  stipends  at  the  expense  of  the 
common  fund. 

Such  in  brief  is  the  history  not  only  of 
Canterbury  School  but  of  all  the  other  schools 
which  formed  the  earhest  and  chief  provision 
for  education  in  England  and  are  still  among 
the  chief  secondary  schools  of  the  country, 
the  cathedral  schools,  estabhshed  by  the 
bishops  in  their  episcopal  sees,  the  chief 
cities  of  the  time.  But  the  schools  varied 
in  development  according  as  the  cathedrals, 
like  Canterbury,  were  transferred  from  the 
clergy  to  the  monks,  or,  following  the  normal 
course  everywhere  but  in  England,  remained 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Education 


•with  the  secular   canons.      In    this   respect 
Winchester  (till  1540,  when  in  view  of  Win- 
chester College  no  cathedral  grammar  school 
was  set  up),  Rochester,  Worcester,  and  the 
later    Durham,     Norwich,     Elj-,     with    the 
Augustinian  Canons'  church  of  Carlisle,  were 
alike.     In    the    secular    cathedrals,    on    the 
other  hand,  the  primeval  St.  Paul's,  York, 
Chichester,     Lichtield,    Hereford,    and     the 
later  Exeter,  Lincoln,  Salisbury,  Wells,  the 
bishops  devolved  the  care  of  the  school  on 
the  chapter,  and  particularh-  on  the  resident 
officer,  called  the  schoolmaster,  who  in  early 
days  was  the  second,  and  in  later  daj's  the 
third  or  fourth,  person  in  the  church.     Only  in 
default  of  the  schoolmaster  and  the  chapter 
did  the  bishop  himself  resume  control.     Thus 
at  Hereford  in  138-i  the  schoolmaster,  then 
called   chancellor,    being   a   papal   nominee,    i 
a  non-resident  Italian,  having  made  default   ; 
in  appointing  a  grammar  schoolmaster  and 
paying  him,  and  the  chapter  having  failed 
to  make  him  do  so,  the  bishop  intervened 
and    appointed    one    himself ;     an    incident 
unfortunately     misinterpreted     by     careless 
local   historians    as    the   foundation    of    the 
school.     At  the   Reformation  these   schools 
of  the  cathedrals  of  the  old  foundation  went 
on  as  before,  but  those  which  had  not,  like 
Chichester    and    St.    PauUs    and    Lichfield, 
already   acquired   new   and   special   endow- 
ments, and  did  not,  like  York  and  Lincoln, 
subsequently     acquke     such     endowments, 
disappeared  for   lack   of   sustenance,   as   at 
Exeter,  Salisbury,  and  Wells — the  governing 
body,    the    canons,    failing   to   increase   the 
ancient   stipends   or   provide  new  buildings 
in  accordance  with  the  fall  in  the  value  of 
money  and  modern  educational  demands. 

The  Soxg  Schools. ^From  the  first  it 
would  appear  that  chanting  or  singing 
and  music  were  taught  by  different  masters 
and  in  separate  schools.  Bede  records 
that  James  the  deacon,  whom  Pauhnus 
{q.v.)  had  taken  with  him  to  York,  '  became 
master  of  ecclesiastical  singing  to  many, 
after  the  fashion  of  Rome  and  Canterbury,' 
while  under  Wilfrid  {q.v.),  Aeddi,  sur- 
named  Stephen,  also  went  from  Canterbury 
as  '  singing  master  to  the  Northumbrian 
churches.'  Canterbury,  again,  provided  a 
master  to  teach  '  church  songs,'  in  the  person 
of  Maban,  at  Hexham,  when  Acca  became 
bishop  there  in  709.  Yet  in  the  famous 
account  by  Alcuin  [q.v.)  of  the  episcopal  school 
at  York  under  Archbishop  Albert  (c.  735)  and 
Alcuin  himself,  they  as  '  masters  of  the  city ' 
taught  not  only  '  the  art  of  the  science  of 
grammar '  and  '  the  tongues  of  orators,'  i.e. 
rhetoric,  but  also  'singing  together  in  Aconian 


chant  and  playing  on  the  flute  of  Castaly,' 
i.e.     song     and    music.      Alcuin,    however, 
writing    after    he    had    become    master    of 
Charles  the  Great's  Palace  School  to  his  old 
pupil,   Eanbald    ii.,    when    he   had   become 
archbishop,    recommends   a   division   of   the 
schools,   the    teachers    of   writing    and    song 
being  differentiated  from  the  grammar  school- 
master.    In  later  times,  from  the  eleventh 
century  onwards,  the  two  schools  of  grammar 
and  song  were  distinct  and  separate  in  all  the 
great    towns — the   song    schoolmaster   {Ma- 
gister  Scolae  canliis  or  musicae)  being  under 
the  precentor  and  appointed  by  him,  while 
the    grammar  schoolmaster  was    appointed 
by  the  chancellor  and   responsible  to  him. 
So  at  Winchester  College  the  school  of  the 
master  of  the  choristers,  who  taught  singing 
and  music  not  only  to  the  choristers  but  to 
the  scholars,  was  distinct  from  that  of  the 
grammar  schoolmaster,  who  also  taught  gram- 
mar to  the  choristers  as  well  as  to  the  scholars. 
At  Eton  the  song  school  was  perhaps  more 
important,  as  besides  the  seventy  scholars 
there  were  twelve  scholars  of  a  lower  grade,  a 
kind  of  servitors  or  sizars,  who  were  a  sort  of 
choral  scholars.     In  both  cases  the  choristers 
were  almost  probationary  scholars,  and  were 
usually    promoted    to    scholarships    in    due 
course.     In  the  collegiate  churches  and  in 
chantry  schools  it  was  the  rule  to  find  two 
canons  or  officers,  as  in  the  collegiate  church 
of  Hastings  about  1080,  one  to  teach  the 
1    grammar  school,  the  other  the  song  school ; 
or  as  at  Durham  in  1414  and  Alnwick  in  1448, 
one   chantry  priest  to  teach  the  grammar 
school   and   the   other   the   song   school   in 
'    separate  buildings.     Occasionally  in  smaller 
places  the  teaching  of  grammar  and  song  was 
entrusted  to  one  person  as  at  Northallerton  in 
I    Yorkshire,  where  in  1377  the  Prior  of  Durham. 
!    to  whom  Northallerton  belonged,  appointed 
i    John  Pudsey,  clerk,  to  teach  boys  grammar 
I    and  song  in  the  school  there ;  while  about  the 
j    same  time  at  Howden  the  prior  appointed 
!    different  persons   to  the  song  and  reading 
j    school  and  the  grammar  school. 
j        Bishops'  and  Priests'  Schools  before 
!    the  Conquest. — -The    common    custom   for 
bishops    to   keep   schools    and    superintend 
j    education   was   in  826  crystalhsed  into  the 
1    common  law  of  the  Church  by  a  canon  of 
j    Eugenius  u.  iti  Council.     '  Complaints  have 
1    been   made   to  us    of    some    places  that  in 
them  neither  masters  nor  care  for  the  study 
I    of  letters  are  found.     Therefore  in  all  see- 
I    towns  care  and  dihgence  are  by  all  means  to 
1    be  had  that  masters  and  teachers  be  estab- 
!    lished    to   teach    assiduously    the    study    of 
'    letters    and    of    the    liberal   arts.'      The   so- 


N 


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[Education 


called  '  Canons  of  King  Edgar '  of  960 
and  the  '  Ecclesiastical  Laws  '  of  994  pur- 
ported to  extend  this  law  to  all  priests. 
'  We  enjoin  that  priests  diligently  teach 
youth  and  educate  them  in  crafts  ' — technical 
education — '  that  churches  may  have  help 
from  them.'  '  Priests  ought  always  to  have 
schools  of  schoolmasters  in  their  houses,  and 
if  any  of  the  faitliful  wish  to  entrust  his 
children  to  them  for  instruction  they  ought 
willingly  to  receive  them  and  teach  them 
kindly.'  This  last  is  copied  from  Theodulf, 
Bishop  of  Orleans,  so  that  it  probably  re- 
presents a  pious  wish  rather  than  actual 
English  practice  at  the  time.  StUl,  there  is 
no  doubt  that  besides  the  great  schools 
established  in  the  great  cities  and  other 
large  centres  of  population  in  connection 
with  the  cathedrals  and  the  great  coUegiate 
churches,  whether  those  which  had  been 
bishops'  sees  like  Hexham  and  Ripon, 
Thetford  or  Crediton,  or  were  almost  second- 
ary cathedrals  like  Beverley  and  Southwell 
Minsters,  a  certain  number  of  parish  priests, 
and  in  later  days  parish  clerks,  also  kept 
schools  of  a  humble  kind.  Moreover,  the  wan- 
dering scholars,  the  knights-errant  of  educa- 
tion, sometimes  set  up  schools  for  a  time 
in  likely  places,  such  as  the  one  who  '  by 
some  chance,  or  rather  by  the  grace  of 
God,'  settled  at  Rotherham  in  Archbishop 
Rotherham's  youth  (c.  1435),  and  gave 
him  the  education  which  enabled  him  to 
be  appointed  one  of  the  first  scholars  of  Eton 
in  1443  and  admitted  to  King's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, the  same  year.  The  bishops'  duties  to 
education  were  certainly  carried  out  in  later 
Anglo-Saxon  days  as  they  had  been  in  earUer. 
AeUric's  [q.v.)  Saxon-Latin  grammar  (c.  1005) 
tells  us  how  he  taught  grammar  as  he  had 
learnt  it  in  the  school  of  Bishop  Aethelwold  at 
Winchester,  while  Dunstan's  name  is  used  by 
him  as  that  of  the  typical  schoolmaster.  The 
account  of  Cnut  {q-v.),  after  his  conversion, 
going  round  and  providing  exhibitions  at 
the  cost  of  the  privy  purse  to  send  clever 
boys,  including  even  those  who  were  not  sons 
of  freemen,  to  school  in  any  notable  city  or 
borough  he  visited,  testifies  to  the  adequacy  of 
school  supply.  The  foundation  of  the  college 
of  Holy  Cross,  Waltham,  by  Earl  Harold 
(c.  1060),  with,  as  its  second  person  next  to 
the  dean,  Master  Athelard,  linported  from 
Holland,  educated  at  Utrecht,  and  teaching 
school  at  Liege,  shows  that  the  EngUsh 
authorities  were  as  well  aware  as  the  Nor- 
mans of  the  importance  of  education. 

Reactionary  Influence  of  Lanfranc. 
— Curiously  enough,  the  advent  of  the  ex- 
schoolmaster  Lanfranc  {q.v.)  as  archbishop 


was  adverse  rather  than  favourable  to  educa- 
tion. His  later  monastic  zeal  had  made  him 
an  enemy  to  the  wider  views  of  the  secular 
philosophers.  He  resisted  the  restoration  of 
the  monasticised  cathedi-als  of  Canterbury 
and  Winchester  to  the  secular  clergy.  While 
some  Normans  founded  coUegiate  churches 
with  grammar  schools  attached,  like  Henry, 
Count  of  Eu,  at  Hastings,  or  gave  them  a 
firmer  basis  by  placing  them  under  new 
coUegiate  churches,  like  Hbert  de  Lacy  at 
Pontefract,  Lanfranc  encouraged  the  pre- 
vailing tendency  to  monasticism.  The  trans- 
fer of  the  government  of  schools  from  the 
secular  clergy  to  the  Cluniac  monks,  as  at 
Eye  and  at  Reading,  or  to  the  new  order  of 
Augustinian  canons,  as  at  Gloucester,  to 
Llanthony  Abbey,  and  to  Darley  Abbey, 
which  went  on  from  1070  to  1180,  was  a 
reactionary  movement.  The  schools  were 
not  taught  by  the  monks  or  the  regular 
canons  themselves,  and  when  the  first  burst 
of  enthusiasm  in  each  successive  new  order 
was  over,  they  were  less  qualified  than  the 
most  idle  and  worldly  of  the  secular  clergy  to 
preside  over  educational  institutions. 

The  University  Movement. — The 
growth  of  the  Universities,  due  to  the 
existence  of  churches  of  secular  canons  at 
Paris  and  Oxford  respectively,  and  the  par- 
tial preservation  of  competition  thereby, 
manifested  in  the  lives  of  Abelard  and 
others,  stayed  the  dry-rot  that  threatened 
education.  The  University  Movement  was, 
in  England  as  in  France,  almost  whoUy 
clerical,  and  mainly  theological.  It  was  a 
spontaneous  movement,  not  emanating  from 
the  governors  of  the  Church,  and  owed  its 
development  to  the  protection  of  the  Church 
Universal,  as  embodied  in  the  distant  power 
of  the  Pope,  which  emancipated  it  from  the 
nearer  power  of  the  bishops.  It  immensely 
increased  the  numbers  of  the  clergy  and 
the  power  of  the  Church.  But  in  an  age  in 
which  school  teaching  was  a  matter  of  strict 
monopoly,  enforced  by  excommunication,  the 
Universities  set  an  example  of  free  trade 
in  education  and  competition  between  rival 
teachers.  WMle  the  cathedral  chanceUor's 
licence  to  teach  was  usually  restricted  to  one 
school,  or  at  least  to  the  privileged  churches, 
in  each  place,  the  University  ChanceUor's 
licence  was  given  to  aU  who  could  pass  the 
examination  prescribed. 

The  Cathedral  Chancellors'  Theo- 
logical Schools. — The  bishops  seem  to 
have  been  alarmed  for  their  cathedral 
schools,  and  partly  because  of  this,  partly 
foUowing  the  fashion  for  elevating  dialectic 
and   phUosophy   above    literary  instruction, 


( ly^) 


Education 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Education 


these   schools   were    differentiated    into    the    ! 
Chancellor's  school,  which,  like  the  Univer- 
sity schools,  devoted  itself  to  theology,  and 
the   grammar   school,   which   confined  itself 
to    literary    instruction.      The    new    move- 
ment    was     recognised     by     the     Lateran 
Councils  of  1179  and  1215,  which  gave  an 
impetus     to     the    separate    endowment    of 
schools  apart  from  a  share  in  the  general 
endowment  of  the  churches  to  which  they 
were   attached.     The   former   provided   that 
every    cathedral    church    should    provide    a 
benefice  for  a  master  to  teach  the  clerks  of 
the  Church  and  other  poor  scholars  gratis; 
the  latter  said  that  not  only  in  every  cathedral 
church,    but   in    every   other   where    means 
sufltice,  a  fit  master  should  be  endowed  to 
teach  grammar  and  other  things,  and  in  every 
metropolitical  church  also  a  theology  master. 
At  the  same  time  the  exaction  of  fees  for 
granting  a  licence  to  teach,  which  was  what 
a  University  degree  meant,  was   forbidden. 
The  earUest  separate  endowments  of  schools, 
as  apart  from  the  churches  to  which  they 
belonged,  were   at  St.   Paul's   in   1127  and 
at  Sahsbury  in  1137.     A  large  augmentation 
was  given  to  that  of  St.  Paul's  in  1198,  and 
in  1205  we  find  the  schoolmaster  no  longer 
called  by  that  name,  but  by  that  of  chancel- 
lor.    A  similar  grant  of  a  separate  endowment 
to  the  schoolmaster  of  York  about  1180  was 
followed   by   a   similar   change   of    title,    he 
appearing  as  Chancellor  in  1191.    Thencefor- 
ward the  Chancellor  restricted  his  own  teach- 
ing to  that  of  the  theological  school,  wliich 
became  known  as  the  chancellor's  school,  for 
attendance    at   which    the    parochial    clergy 
received  dispensation  from  residence  in  their 
parishes. 

The  College  Movement. — The  ordinary 
cathedral  school,  the  grammar  school,  was 
thenceforward  devolved  on  a  deputy  ap- 
pointed and  paid  by  the  chancellor,  called  the 
grammar  schoolmaster  {M agister  scholarum 
grammaticalium).  One  bishop,  the  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  seems  to  have  tried  to  set  up  a 
rival  to  Oxford  and  Cambridge  at  his  own 
cathedral  city.  A  movement  for  establish- 
ing houses  and  endowments  for  poor  scholars 
had  begun  at  Paris  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century  with  the  estabUshment  of  beds  in  hos- 
pitals for  poor  scholars.  This  was  improved 
on  by  separate  establishments  in  the  Oriental 
College  founded  by  Pope  Innocent  in  1248, 
and  the  House  of  the  Scholars  of  the  Sorbonne 
by  Robert  of  that  name  in  1257.  These  were 
promptly  imitated  in  England  in  the  House 
of  the  Scholars  of  St.  Nicholas,  founded  at 
St.  Nicholas  Hospital  in  Salisbury  by  Bishop 
Giles  Bridport,  under  the  wardenship  of  one 


of  the  canons  of  the  cathedral,  in  1262.     Two 
years    later    the  ex-Chancellor  of    England, 
Walter    of    Merton,    Bishop    of    Rochester, 
founded  at  Maldon  the  House  of  Scholars 
for  scholars  studying  at  Oxford.     In  1269  a 
second  college  at  Salisbury,  called  the  House 
of  the  Valley  Scholars,  was  founded  for  4:hco- 
logians  only  by  Bishop  Walter  de  la  Wyle. 
Next  year  Merton  moved  his  house  to  Oxford, 
appropriated  to  it  the  parish  church  of  St. 
John,  making  the  Warden  and  Fellows  the 
chapter  of  the  church.     Ten  years  afterwards 
the  first  college  at  Cambridge  was  founded 
by  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  at  first  in  connection 
with  a  hospital,  that  of  St.  John  (itself  two 
centuries  later  bodily  transformed  into   St. 
John's  College),  but  in  1285  moved  out  to 
Trumpington   Gate,    by    the    church    of    St. 
Peter,  which  was   appropriated   to   it,   and 
coUegiated,  the   college   thence   deriving    its 
name  of  Peterhouse.     All  over  the  country 
during  the  last  half   of   the  thirteenth  and 
the   first   half   of    the   fourteenth    century, 
pious    founders,    mostly    bishops,    or    kings 
and  queens  acting  on  their  advice,  founded 
collegiate    churches    of    the    secular   clergy, 
those    at    Oxford    and    Cambridge    ad    stu- 
dendum   et   oratidum,   and    those    elsewhere 
ad  orandum   et  studendum ;    in  the  former 
with  University  students  as  Fellows  in  the 
place  of  canons,  in  the  latter  with  a  public 
grammar   school,   taught   by  a   canon   or   a 
deputy,  attached.     Stopped  for  a  generation 
by   tlie    Black   Death,    the    movement   was 
resumed   on   a   larger   scale   by   WiUiam   of 
Wykeham  {q.v.)  in  the  foundation  of  New  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  in  1379,  and  the  first  grammar 
school  founded  as  an  independent  ecclesias- 
tical foundation  in  Winchester  College  in  1382. 
The    Educational    Movement    of    the 
Fifteenth  Century. — Meanwhile  the  spirit 
of   free   inquiry   and    discussion    which   the 
unlimited  competition  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge   had    produced,    reached    a   develop- 
ment   which   threatened    the    very   system 
of    ecclesiastical     authority    in     education. 
How  far  Wychffe  {q.v.),  one  of  the  greatest 
of    the    schoolmen,    would    have    succeeded 
in   dominating  Oxford   permanently,  as   he 
did  for   a   time,  if    politics    had    not   inter- 
vened,   and    so    effected    the    Reformation 
peacefully  through  educational  institutions, 
it  is  idle  to  speculate.     As  it  was,  the  Lollard 
schools,   if  they  were  anything   more  than 
chapels,  were  denounced  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
1    raent,  and  the  bishops  were  converted  into 
'    heresy-hunters,  and   newly  founded  colleges 
and  schools  were  specifically  directed,  like 
Eton,  to  the  extirpation  of  heresy  and  the 
increase  of  the  Catholic  faith. 


(  195  ) 


Education] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Education 


In  the  fifteenth  century  efforts  were  made 
to  break  the  monopoly  of  the  authorised 
grammar  schools  and  establish  free  trade  in 
schools  everywhere  as  at  the  Universities. 
It  has  been  suggested  in  some  quarters  that 
this  was  a  Lollard  movement  and  anti- 
clerical. But  the  persons  concerned  and 
the  facts  alleged  show  conclusively  that  there 
was  no  religious  motive  at  work.  In  1393 
the  Mayor's  Court  in  London  had  tried  to 
stay  proceedings  taken  in  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  by  the  masters  of  the  three  ancient 
authorised  schools :  St.  Paul's,  St.  Martin's- 
le-Grand,  a  coUegiate  church,  and  St.  Mary- 
le-Bow.  The  masters  had  sued  not  on 
religious  grounds,  but  against '  certain  stran- 
gers feigning  themselves  masters  in  gram- 
mar, not  being  sufficiently  learned  in  that 
faculty.'  The  Archbishop,  Bishop,  and  Chan- 
cellor of  St.  Paul's  asked  (and  no  doubt  ob- 
tained) a  writ  of  Privy  Seal  to  the  Lord 
Ma3-or  to  stop  his  interference  with  a  '  Court 
Christian.'  In  1410  the  masters  of  Gloucester 
Grammar  School  sued  a  rival  master  in  the 
Common  Pleas  for  damages  for  setting  up  an 
unlicensed  school,  M-hich  had  reduced  their 
fees  from  three  shillings  or  two  shillings  a 
quarter  to  one  shilling  or  less.  As  the  Prior 
of  Llanthony,  the  licensing  authority,  joined 
in  the  action,  it  is  clear  there  was  no  anti- 
church  movement  involved.  The  court  held 
the  action  would  not  lie  because  schools 
were  a  spiritual  matter,  and  therefore  for 
the  ecclesiastical  and  not  the  common  law 
courts.  The  London  monopoly  was  again 
attacked  in  1447,  on  the  ground  that  '  where 
there  is  great  number  of  learners  and  few 
teachers,  and  all  the  learners  be  compelled  to 
go  to  the  same  few  teachers,  the  masters 
wax  rich  in  money  and  the  learners  poor  in 
learning.'  But  as  the  petition  was  presented 
by  four  London  parsons,  who  asked  to  be 
allowed  to  set  up  schools  in  their  own 
parishes,  it  is  clear  there  was  nothing  anti- 
clerical in  the  movement.  The  petition  was 
granted  '  so  it  be  by  the  orders  of  the 
ordinary  or  otherwise  by  the  archbishop,' 
the  one  being  interested  in  the  monopoly  of 
St.  Paul's  School  and  the  other  in  that  of 
St.  Mary-le-Bow,  his  Peculiar.  A  year 
before,  6th  May  1446,  two  new  schools  had 
been  allowed  in  London,  one  in  St.  Dunstan's 
in  the  East,  the  other  in  St.  Anthony's 
Hospital  in  Threadneodle  Street,  whicli  for  the 
next  century  was  a  successful  rival  of  St. 
Paul's  School.  This  school  was  established 
under  royal  and  episcopal  patronage,  with 
statutes  made  by  William  Waynflete  [q.v.), 
then  Provost  of  Eton,  on  the  lines  of  Eton. 
Eton  was,  in  fact,  only  the  greatest  of  a 


large  number  of  free  grammar  schools  and 
university  colleges  estabhshed  during  the 
reign  of  Henry  ^^.,  who  much  more  than 
Edward  VI.  deserves  to  be  considered  the  royal 
patron-saint  of  education.  Ewelme,  Oxford- 
shire ;  Newport,  Salop ;  Towcester,  North- 
ants  ;  Alnwick,  Northumberland ;  Sevenoaks, 
Kent,  are  some  amongst  the  many  grammar 
schools  established  under  him,  all  free  schools, 
in  the  sense  of  being  free  from  tuition  fees, 
while  that  of  Newland,  Gloucestershire,  Avas 
to  be  '  half -free,  that  is  to  sale,  to  take  of 
scolars  lernynge  grammer  8d.  the  quarter, 
and  of  other  lernjnge  lettres  and  to  rede, 
4d.  the  quarter.'  A  unique  coUege  was 
founded  at  Cambridge  in  1439  called  God's 
House,  now  merged  in  Christ's  College,  the 
first  Secondary  Training  College,  for  the  train- 
ing of  grammar  schoohnasters.  A  remark- 
able protest  was  made  by  ex-schoolmaster 
Bishop  Waynflete  in  founding  Magdalen  Col- 
lege and  Magdalen  College  School  at  Oxford, 
against  taking  boys  from  grammar  and  plung- 
ing them  into  dialectic  and  philosojihy  before 
they  were  of  sufficient  learning  and  age.  These 
schools  and  colleges  were  the  first  products  of 
the  Renaissance  in  England.  They  marked 
the  reaction  against  excessive  scholasticism 
and  the  revival  of  literary  study  as  opposed 
to  that  of  logic.  After  a  pause  during  the 
Wars  of  the  Roses,  the  foundation  of  free 
grammar  schools  went  on  with  increasing 
volume  tin  the  first  year  of  Edward  VI. 
The  successful  churchman,  especially  if  a 
bishop,  was  expected  to  found,  and  did 
found,  a  grammar  school  in  his  native  place  if 
it  had  not  such  a  school  before,  or  to  endow 
it  on  a  more  substantial  scale  like  Archbishop 
Chichele  at  Higham  Ferrers,  or  Cardinal 
Wolsey  at  Ipswich,  and  Dean  Colet  in  London, 
if  a  school  had  existed  there  before. 

Revolt  against  Clerics  as  Educatobs 
BEFORE  THE  REFORMATION. — Incipient  revolt 
against  clerical  educators  may  perhaps  be 
seen  in  the  provision  at  Sevenoaks  (1437) 
that  the  master  was  by  no  means  to  be  in 
holy  orders;  and  in  John  Abbott's  gvnng 
his  school  at  Farthinghoe  in  Northants  to  the 
government  of  the  Mercers'  Company  in 
1443.  It  appears  more  prominently  in  the 
municipal  by-law  passed  at  Bridgnorth  in 
1502  that  '  no  priest  shall  teach  no  school 
after  the  common  [i.e.  public)  schoolmaster 
Cometh  to  the  town ' ;  and  in  Dean  Colet's 
taking  St.  Paul's  School  in  1510  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  Chancellor  of  St.  Paul's  and 
of  himself  as  dean  and  his  chapter  to  give 
it,  like  Abbott,  to  the  Mercers'  Company 
because  he  '  found  less  corruption  in  a  body 
of  married  laymen  than  in  any  other  order 


(196) 


Education 


Dktiomiry  of  English  Chwch  History 


[Education 


or  degree  of   mankind,'   wliile  appointing  a 
layman  headmaster. 

Restoration  of  Clerical  Influence 
AFTER  THE  Refor>l\tion. — The  Act  for 
the  dissolution  of  colleges  and  chantries, 
which  vested  the  endowments  of  all  col- 
leges and  chantries  in  the  Crown  from 
Easter  1548,  expressly  exempted  the  Uni- 
versity colleges,  with  Winchester  and  Eton, 
and  made  provision  for  the  rcconstitution 
of  those  grammar  schools  which  had  been 
attached  to  the  dissolved  collegiate  churches 
and  chantries  by  a  commission.  But  the 
commission  was  never  constituted,  an  interim 
order  only  being  made  for  the  continuance  of 
the  grammar  schoolmasters  at  a  salary  equal 
to  the  net  income  they  had  received  from  the 
dissolved  houses.  The  song  schools,  the 
chief  provision  for  elementary  education, 
were  abolished  altogether.  Some  half  a 
dozen  grammar  schools  were  reconstituted  by 
Act  of  Parliament,  about  a  dozen  by  letters 
patent,  placing  them  in  the  hands  of  newly 
constituted  municipal  corporations,  which 
took  the  place  of  confiscated  gilds,  and  about 
two  dozen  by  patents  creating  new  corporate 
governing  bodies  ad  hoc,  styled  '  Governors 
of  the  goods,  possessions,  and  requirements 
of  the  Free  Grammar  School  of  King  Edward 
the  Sixth  in  the  town  of  Sherborne,'  or  wher- 
ever it  might  be.  It  has  been  represented 
that  these  bodies  were  solely  lay  bodies,  and 
that,  in  the  charters  of  Edward  vi.  and  the 
much  more  numerous  charters  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth alike,  the  freedom  of  the  schools  was 
freedom  from  the  Church  and  from  ecclesi- 
astical control.  This  is  an  entire  mistake. 
The  freedom  given  was  freedom  from  tuition 
fees  simply.  It  was  almost  invariably  the  case 
that  the  rector  or  vicar  of  tlie  parish  church 
was  made  an  ex-ofiicio  governor,  and  in- 
variably the  case  that  the  statutes  to  be 
made  should  be  made  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese.  More- 
over, in  Henry  \aii.'s  Injunctions  in  1528, 
repeated  in  Queen  EUzabeth's  Injunctions 
in  1559,  it  was  provided  that  '  no  man 
shall  take  upon  him  to  teach  but  such  as 
shall  be  allowed  by  the  ordinary.'  This  was 
only  a  re-enactment  of  the  old  system  of 
licensing,  but  it  was  accompanied  by  a 
proviso  that  the  appointee  should  not  only 
be  found  meet  for  learning  and  dexterity  in 
teaching  and  in  conduct,  but  also  '  for  right 
understanding  of  God's  religion.'  It  was  to 
the  bishops  too  that  in  1580  was  committed 
the  power  of  examining  schoolmasters  and 
displacing  recusants.  After  the  clergy  had 
been  reformed  by  the  abolition  of  the  obli- 
gation of  celibacy,   the  jealousy  manifested 


of  priests'  teaching  disappeared.  While  it 
was  a  common  thing  in  the  fifteenth  and  the 
first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  find 
schoolmasters  even  in  cathedral  schools  like 
York,  or  in  collegiate  schools  such  as  Win- 
chester laymen  or  clerks  who  had  at  aU  events 
not  advanced  as  far  as  holy,  i.e.  subdeacon's, 
orders,  it  is  almost  unknown  from  1559  on- 
wards to  1640,  and  again  from  1660  to  1850, 
to  find  any  but  men  in  holy  orders  appointed 
masters  of  any  endowed  grammar  school.  In 
secondary  education,  therefore,  the  Church 
acquired  or  retained  even  more  control  after 
than  before  the  Reformation.  So,  too,  in  the 
universities.  Though  the  courts  held  in 
1619  that  colleges  were  lay  foundations, 
thcj',  nevertheless,  consisted  (with  a  few 
exceptions  of  legal  and  medical  fellows) 
almost  wholly  of  men  in  holy  orders  until 
the  University  Commission  of  1854.  It  is 
only  within  the  present  century  that  the 
precedent,  set  by  the  legal  college  of  All  Souls' 
in  1881,  of  electing  a  lay  head,  has  been 
followed  by  a  substantial  number  of  other 
colleges  at  both  the  old  universities. 

The  Church  and  Elementary  Schools 
after  the  Reformation. — In  elementary 
education  the  loss  of  the  song  schools  was 
largely  repaired  by  making  the  lower  classes 
in  grammar  schools  elementary,  or  by  adding 
a  quasi-independent  writing  school,  or  lower 
school.  In  such  cases  the  school  was  often 
promoted  and  in  effect  ruled  by  the  Church. 
But  after  Bates's  case  in  1670  and  Low's 
case  in  1700  had  practically  decided  that 
only  grammar  schoolmasters  required  a  licence 
from  the  ordinary,  the  exclusive  control  of 
elementary  education  by  the  Church  ceased. 
From  that  time  a  large  number  of  private 
adventure  schools  sprang  up. 

The  Church,  however,  made  a  determined 
and  persistent  effort  to  estabHsh  a  system  of 
elementary  education  for  the  lowest  classes, 
the  gutter  poor  who  had  grown  up  in  the 
large  towns,  then  almost  untouched,  by  the 
charity  schools  initiated  by  the  Society  for 
Promoting  Christian  Knowledge  in  1699. 
By  1705  35  such  schools  had  been  founded 
in  or  near  London,  which  by  1718  had 
grown  to  1378  schools,  with  28,610  scholars, 
while  there  were  241  other  schools,  the 
numbers  in  which  had  not  been  ascer- 
tained. In  these  schools  reading,  -n-riting, 
and  arithmetic  for  boys,  reading,  \mting, 
knitting,  and  sewing  for  girls,  were  subor- 
dinate to  the  chief  design,  education  in  the 
rules  and  principles  of  the  Enghsh  Church. 
Clothing  as  well  as  instruction  was  provided, 
and  the  schools  were  a  sort  of  lower-grade 
Christ's  Hospital  of  '  blue-coat '  boys.     The 


(197  ) 


Education] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Eikon 


boys  were  apprenticed  on  leaving,  the  girls  | 
sent  into  domestic  service.  Many  of  them  ! 
were  boarding  schools,  and  became  rich  in 
endowments.  In  1782  another  step  in  edu-  ! 
eating  the  lower  orders  was  made  under 
Church  auspices  by  Robert  Raikes  in  the 
establishment  of  Sunday  schools,  in  which 
instruction  in  secular  as  well  as  religious 
subjects  were  given.  Attempts  had  been 
made  before  by  J.  Wesley  {q.v.)  in  1737, 
Lindsay  and  Hannah  More  {q.v.)  in  1769; 
but  Raikes  first  organised  the  movement 
(which  founded  them  everywhere  under  the 
Society  for  the  Support  and  Encouragement 
of  Sunday  Schools  in  the  different  counties  of 
England),  which  became  the  Sunday  School 
Union  in  1803.  In  1834  there  were  a  million 
and  a  half  children  in  these  schools.  They 
prepared  the  way,  as  child  labour  began  to  be 
relaxed,  for  the  day  schools. 

It  is  questionable  whether  the  organised 
movement  for  day  schools,  rendered  econo- 
mically possible  by  the  monitorial  system, 
in  which  pupils  acted  as  teachers,  was  first 
initiated  by  Joseph  Lancaster,  son  of  a 
private  soldier,  a  Calvinist  become  Quaker ; 
or  by  Dr.  BeU,  the  son  of  a  barber,  who 
became  an  army  chaplain,  and  head  of 
an  orphan  asylum  at  Madras.  Lancaster 
opened  his  first  school  in  1796,  and  the 
famous  Borough  Road  school  in  1798.  Dr. 
Bell  published  his  book.  An  Experiment  in 
Education,  in  1797,  and  his  method,  known 
as  the  Madras  sj'stem,  was  adopted  in  St. 
Botolph's,  Aldgate,  in  1798.  The  moni- 
torial system  was  not  reaUy  new.  It  had 
prevailed  largely  in  the  grammar  schools  of 
the  Middle  Ages  and  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  even  at  Winchester  and  Eton.  But 
applied  upon  the  new  scale,  and  to  the  lower 
orders,  it  came  and  spread  with  all  the 
force  and  rapidity  of  a  new  discover}". 
The  National  Society,  founded  in  1811 
in  rivalry  with  the  undenominational  Royal 
Lancastrian  Institution  established  in  1808, 
and  merged  in  the  British  and  Foreign  School 
Society  in  1814,  soon  outdistanced  its  rival. 
By  1831  the  latter  had  490  schools,  the 
National  Society  over  3000,  with  an  average 
attendance  of  409,000.  Parliament  began  to 
make  grants  for  building  schools  in  1832. 
In  1837  it  was  stated  in  Parliament  that  the 
National  Society  had  received  £70,000  from 
Parliament,  had  raised  £220,000  by  sub- 
scriptions, and  built  over  700  more  schools, 
with  accommodation  for  130,000  more  chil- 
dren. When  the  Education  Act  of  1870  was 
passed,  it  was  ascertained  that  there  were 
4165  National  Schools,  or  schools  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Church,  which  had  cost  rather 


more  than  a  miUion  and  a  quarter  of  money  in 
Parhamentary  grants,  and  slightly  more  than 
three  miUions  in  subscriptions.  Of  a  total  of 
8919  schools  receiving  grants  in  1870,  6954 
were  Church  schools.  They  were  supported 
by  £418,839  in  subscriptions,  £502,023  in 
school  pence,  or  fees  paid  by  the  parents,  and 
one  and  a  half  millions  in  Parliamentary 
grants.  The  average  subscription  per  child 
came  to  7s.  S^d.,  as  against  9s.  7d.  in  grants. 
By  1890  the  subscriptions  had  fallen  to 
6s.  7Jd.  a  child,  as  against  17s.  6|d.  in  grants, 
with  an  average  attendance  of  almost  two 
million  children.  In  1904  the  Church  schools 
reached  their  highest  recorded  total  of 
11,874,  from  which,  partly  through  change 
of  classification,  partly  by  transfer  to  local 
education  authorities,  there  was  a  decline 
of  nearly  1000  to  10,952  in  1911,  with  an 
average  attendance  of  one  and  three-quarter 
million  children.  Only  in  1900  did  the  aver- 
age attendance  in  Board  schools  reach  the 
figure  of  those  in  Church  schools.  In  1911 
the  Council  schools  numbered  8006  only, 
but  with  an  average  attendance  of  well  over 
three  miUion  children.  In  training  colleges 
for  teachers  the  Church  is  still  supreme. 

[a.  f.  l.] 

A.  F.  Leacli,  Educational  Charters  and 
Jtocunients,  Eng.  iSrhnols  at  the  Reformation, 
Early  Yorkshire  Schools  ;  Yorks.  A  rchceol.  Soc. 
(Record  Series) ;  article  '  Schools'  in  V.C.H.  of 
Beds,  Bucks,  etc.  ;  H.  Holman,  Eng.  National 
Education;  Board  of  Education  Reports. 

EIKON  BASILIKE.  This  book,  Avith  for 
second  title  The  Pourtraiiure  of  his  Sacred 
Majesty  in  his  Solitudes  and  Sufferings,  was 
published  immediately  after  the  nmrder  of 
Charles  i.  {q.v.)  (January  1649).  It  is  said 
to  have  been  on  sale  the  next  day.  It 
achieved  enormous  popularity,  and  very  soon 
went  through  forty-seven  editions.  IVIilton 
answered  it  in  Iconoclastes  (1649),  and  a 
controversy  as  to  authorship  began  which 
was  resumed  at  the  Revolution  of  1688. 
The  book  professes  to  be  the  work  of  Charles, 
and  to  contain  verses  and  meditations 
inspired  by  the  events  of  his  last  years. 
There  are  added  '  Prayers  used  by  His 
Majesty  in  the  time  of  His  Sufferings. 
Delivered  to  Dr.  Juxon,  Bishop  of  London, 
immediately  before  His  Death,'  which  are 
no  doubt  genuine.  But  it  is  doubtful  how 
much  of  the  rest  of  the  book  was  actually 
written  by  the  King.  It  is  not  like  his 
ordinary  style,  and  it  is  very  like  the  style  of 
Gauden  {q.v.),  who  definitely  claimed  the 
authorship  in  a  letter  to  Clarendon,  21st 
January  1661.  Clarendon  answered :  '  The 
particular   which   you   often   renewed   I    do 


(198) 


Eikon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Elizabeth 


confesse  was  imparted  to  me  under  secrecy, 
and  of  which  I  did  not  take  myself  to  be  at 
liberty  to  take  notice,  and  truly  when  it 
ceases  to  be  a  secret  I  know  nobody  will  be 
glad  of  it  except  Mr.  Milton.  I  have  very 
often  wished  I  had  never  been  trusted  with 
it.'  If  Gauden  ^\Tote  it,  it  was  at  least  a 
masterpiece  of  dramatic  presentment.  He 
gave  a  wonderful  picture  of  a  character 
(which  maj'  be  compared  to  that  of  Calderon's 
Principe  Co7islante)  of  idealised  royalty, 
devoted  to  his  people  and  to  the  Church, 
and  holding  his  power  as  a  trust  from  God. 
And  '  it  is  quite  possible  that  he  had  before 
him  when  he  \vrote  actual  meditations, 
prayers,  and  memoranda  of  the  King,  which 
perished  when  they  had  been  copied  and  found 
their  place  in  the  masterly  mosaic'  A  few 
extracts  will  best  illustrate  the  ideal  which  is 
represented.  Thus  in  the  view  taken  of 
church  endowment  we  have  :  '  No  necessity 
shall  ever,  I  hope,  drive  me  or  mine  to  invade 
or  sell  the  Priests'  lands.  ...  I  esteem  it 
my  greatest  Title  to  be  called,  and  my 
chiefest  glory  to  be,  the  Defender  of  the 
Church,  both  in  its  true  Faith  and  its  just 
Fruitions,  equally  abhorring  Sacriledge  and 
Apostasie.  .  .  .  O  Lord,  ever  keep  Thy 
Servant  from  consenting  to  perjurious  and 
sacrilegious  Rapines,  that  I  may  not  have 
the  brand  and  curse  to  all  Posterity  of 
robbing  Thee  and  Thy  Church  of  what  Thy 
Bounty  hath  given  us  and  Thy  Clemency 
hath  accepted  from  us,  wherewith  to  en- 
courage Learning  and  Religion.  Continue 
to  those  that  serve  Thee  and  Thy  Church  all 
those  incouragements  which  by  the  will  of 
the  pius  Donors  and  the  justice  of  the  Laws 
are  due  unto  them  ;  and  give  them  grace  to 
deserve  and  use  them  aright  to  Thy  glory  and 
the  relief  of  the  Poor  ;  that  Thy  Priests  may 
be  cloathed  with  righteousness  and  the  Poor 
may  be  satisfied  with  bread  '  {Eikon  Basilike, 
xiv.).  This  exactly  represents  Charles's 
known  views.  Again,  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  he  bore  his  defeats  and  misfortunes, 
the  writer  makes  him  say :  '  God  may  at 
length  shew  my  Subjects  that  I  chose  rather 
to  suffer  for  them  than  with  them.  Haply  I 
might  redeem  myself  to  some  shew  of  liberty, 
if  I  would  consent  to  enslave  them.  I  had 
rather  hazard  the  ruine  of  one  King  than  to 
confirm  many  T\Tants  over  them ;  from 
whom  I  pray  God  deliver  them,  whatever 
becomes  of  me,  whose  Solitude  hath  not  left 
me  alone '  {Eikon,  xxiii.).  And  the  position 
of  '  Defender  of  the  Faith '  as  held  by  the 
English  King  is  very  happilj-  expressed,  as 
Charles  may  well  have  expressed  it,  in  the 
words:  'Thou,  0  Lord,  seest  how  much  I  have 


suffered  with  and  for  Thy  Church.  Make  no 
long  tarrying,  O  my  God,  to  deliver  both  me 
and  It.  As  Thou  hast  set  me  to  be  a  Defender 
of  the  Faith  and  a  Protector  of  Thy  Church, 
so  suffer  me  not  by  any  violence  to  be  over- 
born against  my  conscience.  Arise,  0  God, 
maintain  Thine  own  cause.  Make  me,  as  the 
good  Samaritan,  compassionate  and  helpful 
to  Thy  afflicted  Church.  As  my  Power  is 
from  Thee,  so  give  mc  grace  to  use  it  for  Thee  ' 
{Eikon,  xvii.).  It  seems  probable  that 
Charles  i.  at  least  saw  the  collection  in  manu- 
script ;  it  was  sent  to  him  at  Carisbrooke — 
at  least  that  is  the  assertion  of  Gauden,  his 
wife,  and  his  assistant  curate  at  Bocking.  On 
the  whole  the  external  evidence  as  to  author- 
ship is  inconclusive,  but  the  internal  is 
strongly  in  favour  of  Gauden.  [Gauden, 
John.]  [w.  h.  h.] 

E.  Almack,  Bibliography  of  the  King's  Book, 
1896 ;  Chr.  Wordsworth,  Who  wrote  Eikon 
Basilike,  1824;  C.  E.  Dohle,  Amdemy,  1883, 
pp.  330,  367,  402,  457  ;  Camh.  Ilist.  of  Eiig. 
Lit.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  161-2. 

ELIZABETH,    Queen   (1533-1603).      Two 

questions  are  treated  here  :  {A)  the  religious 
views  of  the  Queen ;  {B)  her  influence  upon 
the  English  Church. 

{A)  Her  parentage  brought  her  into  con- 
nection with  the  '  Divorce  '  of  Henry  \tii. 
and  his  repudiation  of  the  Pope.  She  was 
thus  naturally  biassed  against  the  papacy  ; 
both  her  respect  for  her  father  and  her 
experience  of  the  too  rapid  changes  under 
Edward  \t:.  would  incline  her  against  extreme 
changes  in  doctrine  or  ritual ;  Mary's  reign, 
and  her  difficulties  during  it,  seem  to  have 
strengthened  both  these  tendencies.  On 
her  accession  she  was  at  once  popular,  as  she 
saved  the  nation  from  the  rule  of  Spain. 
But  there  is  not  evidence  that  even  the 
rehgious  change  made  was  popular ;  the 
system  set  up  had  to  win  its  way,  which  in 
the  end  it  did.  But  it  is  clear  that  from 
the  first  a  repudiation  of  the  papacy  was 
intended ;  here  both  the  Queen  and  the 
ministers  she  had  chosen  were  agreed. 
Nevertheless,  the  Queen — whose  duplicity  in 
negotiations  was  notorious— was  not  above 
representing  her  views  as  either  strongly 
mediaeval  or  strictly  Reforming,  as  suited  the 
moment.  And  she  probably  vmderstood 
the  advantage  to  her  of  the  hopes  that  each 
party  held  of  her  taking  its  side  more  de- 
cisively. At  the  outset  of  her  reign  the 
ceremonies  and  ritual  of  her  chapel,  with 
its  ci-ucifix  and  lighted  candles,  set  up  a 
standard  and  were  eagerly  discussed.  Later 
on  (1564)  she  was  disturbed  by  the  laxity 
of  clerical  dress.     It  seems  probable  that  at 


(199) 


Elizabeth] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Elizabethan 


her  coronation  the  elevation  of  ilie  host  was 
omitted,  but  that  she  communicated.  This 
would  fit  in  with  her  later  acts.  She  had 
strong  opinions  in  favour  of  the  celibacy  of 
the  clergy,  and  she  certainly  disliked  the 
tendency  of  the  Puritans  to  encourage 
Parliamentary  interference  with  the  Church. 
It  was  her  fixed  view  that  Church  matters 
should  be  settled  under  the  Royal  Supre- 
macy by  the  bishops  and  Convocation ; 
hence  Church  matters  she  excluded,  along 
with  the  delicate  matter  of  her  marriage  and 
the  succession,  from  the  discussion  of  Par- 
liament. More  than  once — as  in  1566- — 
difficult}-  thus  arose.  It  may  be  said  with 
truth  that  the  Church  history  of  her  reign 
depended  upon  the  personalities  and  views 
of  the  archbishops,  but  both  Parker  {q.v.) 
and  Grindal  {q.v.)  had  differences  wdth  the 
Queen.  Parker  wished  to  reduce  the  cere- 
monial of  her  chapel  for  the  sake  of  example. 
He  remonstrated  with  her  for  her  action  against 
the  marriage  of  cathedral  clergy  (1561) ;  she 
refused  her  assent  to  the  Canons  of  1571,  so 
that  the  bishops  had  to  enforce  them  upon 
their  own  responsibility,  and  she  suppressed 
two  of  the  Canons  of  1576.  With  Grindal 
she  had  a  difference  as  to  the  suppression 
of  '  prophesjnngs  '  ;  she  disliked  their  en- 
couragement of  Nonconformit}',  while  Grindal 
liked  their  evangelical  character.  The  arch- 
bishop was  sequestered  for  six  months,  and 
afterwards  only  partly  restored  to  active 
ministrations,  and  this  state  of  things  lasted 
up  to  his  death  (1583).  Under  Whitgift 
{q.v.) — partly  because  of  his  policy  and  partly 
because  the  aims  of  the  Puritans  were  more 
clearly  seen — matters  went  more  smoothly. 
One  curious  result  of  the  relations  between 
Queen  and  archbishop  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Advertisements  {q.v.)  of  1566,  which  Parker 
issued  on  his  own  authority  as  an  attempt 
to  enforce  discipline  at  the  wdsh  of  the  Queen, 
although  she  refused  her  authority  to  his 
suggestions.  It  was  supposed  at  the  time, 
and  since,  that  she  had  given  them  her 
authorisation. 

{B)  What  has  been  said  may  make  clear 
the  difficulty  of  deciding  exactly  how  far 
Elizabeth  influenced  the  Church ;  her  own 
wishes  largely  agreed  with  the  policy  of 
Parker  and  Whitgift  as  they  tried  to  shape 
the  Church  and  direct  its  future.  She  had 
a  genuine  dislike  of  Puritanism  because  it 
worked  against  Cliurch  organisation  and 
opposed  traditional  order  and  ritual ;  on 
the  other  hand,  she  had  a  firm  determination 
not  to  admit  the  papacy  into  England.  Thus 
the  same  limiting  lines  on  two  different  sides 
were  drawn  both  by  her  inclination  and  by 


the  episcopal  policies ;  the  future  of  the 
English  Church  was  thus  kept  within  these 
definite  lines.  But  it  is  hard  to  say  exactly 
how  much  was  due  to  the  Queen  herself ; 
political  expediency  impelled  her  in  the 
same  direction  as  her  ^\ishes  ;  she  urged  the 
bishops  to  action,  but  she  disliked  to  take 
responsibility.  Of  her  personal  convictions 
it  is  harder  still  to  speak.  Like  other 
sovereigns  of  the  day,  she  viewed  religion  as 
a  force  in  politics  ;  her  considerable  learning, 
her  experiences  in  delicate  positions  before 
her  accession,  and  as  a  skilful  negotiator 
after  it,  made  her  disinclined  to  laj^  stress 
upon  minor  matters.  In  the  greater  issues 
her  wishes  and  her  proper  policy  agreed. 
Her  private  character  has  often  been  judged 
too  harshly.  From  her  father  she  inherited 
self-will,  and  from  her  mother  caprice  ;  her 
vanity  was  great,  and  her  conduct  towards 
her  many  admirers,  from  Seymour  down 
to  old  age,  was  lacking  in  refinement.  But 
there  is  no  reason  to  charge  her  with  any- 
thing worse.  She  often  injured  the  revenues 
of  the  Church  for  her  own  advantage,  and 
her  treatment  of  the  episcopal  lands  was 
disgraceful.  But  she.  herself  very  learned 
in  an  age  of  learned  women,  appreciated 
learning  in  the  clergy,  and  her  national 
enthusiasm  made  her  understand  the  needs 
of  a  national  Church.  This  national  en- 
thusiasm and  pride  joined  with  her  wisdom 
in  helping  to  mould  a  Church  which  was 
thoroughly  national,  and  in  the  course  of 
her  reign  became  efficient.  Her  church 
policy  was  thus  in  agreement  mth  her  secular 
policy,  and  had  the  same  result.  In  Church 
as  in  State  she  often  chose  her  ministers 
well,  and  if  she  did  not  always  support  them 
as  they  expected,  it  was  often  difficult  to 
discriminate  between  what  was  due  to  them 
and  due  to  her.  But  something  of  the 
greatness  of  a  great  age  belongs  to  her. 

[j.  p.  w.] 

A.  F.  Pollard,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  1547-1603; 
W.  H.  Frere,  Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  1558-1623; 
Dixon,  Hist.  Ch.  of  Eng.,  vols.  v.  and  vi.  ; 
A.  D.  Meyer,  Englo.ml  und  die  Katholische 
Kirche  unter  Elizabeth  vnd  den  Stuarts,  vol.  i., 
Rome,  1911  ;  Gee,  The  Elizabethan  Clergy,  1558- 
<:.'/ :  Birt.  The  Elizabethan  Beliginns  Settlement ; 
F.  W.  Maitlanil.  C.M.H..  vol.  ii.  cli.-i]).  xvi. 

ELIZABETHAN    SETTLEMENT,     The. 

The  term  is  used  to  express  the  state  of 
comparative  finality  in  ecclesiastical  affairs 
M'hich  was  reached  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth 
{q.v.).  The  Settlement  in  many  respects  was 
a  real  one,  though  not  seen  to  be  so  at  first. 
Under  Henry  {q.v.),  Edward,  and  Mary  {q.v.) 
the  pendulum  had  s%\-ung  backwards  and  for- 


(  200  ) 


ElizabethanJ 


Dictionary  uf  English  Charch  History 


[Elizabethan 


wards,  but  in  Elizabeth's  reign  it  came  to 
rest.  The  Reformation  Settlement  is  not  tlie 
work  of  Henry  viii.,  for  that  work  was  entirely 
undone  by  Mary  ;  nor  is  it  that  of  Edward  vi., 
and  still  less  of  Mary :  it  is  Elizabethan. 
Again,  the  Elizabethan  Settlement  represents 
the  triumph  of  the  idea  of  a  reformed  Catholi- 
cism which  is  neither  papal  nor,  in  the  strict 
sense  of  the  terms,  '  Protestant '  or  '  Re- 
formed.' The  Lutheran  Protestant  and  the 
Swiss  Reformed  Calvinist  derided,  as  did 
the  Recusant,  the  attempt  which  England 
made  to  establish  a  reformed  Catholicism  ; 
but  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  reign 
showed  that  such  an  achievement  was  pos- 
sible ;  and  the  history  of  three  centuries  since 
has  confirmed  it. 

The  Elizabethan  Settlement  rests  upon 
both  a  civil  and  an  ecclesiastical  basis.  The 
Acts  of  Elizabeth's  first  Parliament  gave  it 
its  civil  basis,  especially  the  Act  of  Suprem- 
acy and  the  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.).  The 
administrative  orders  of  the  Crown  contri- 
buted also  to  this.  Its  ecclesiastical  basis  was 
given  by  the  hierarchy  in  Elizabeth's  reign 
through  constitutions,  canons,  and  the  like. 
It  may  therefore  be  said  to  represent,  in  a 
more  or  less  documentary  form,  one  part  of 
that  complex  partnership  between  Church  and 
State  which  is  caUed  by  the  vague  term  of 
'  Establishment,'  though  the  greater  part 
of  the  partnership  has  its  roots  far  behind 
the  sixteenth-century  Reformation,  and  was 
unaltered  by  it.  In  all  these  respects  the 
Elizabethan  Settlement  was  a  real  one. 

It  was,  however,  a  settlement  in  which  no 
absolute  finality  was  reached ;  sometimes 
with  more  and  sometimes  with  less  of 
justification,  considerable  modification  has 
been  made  as  time  has  gone  on.  The 
Ehzabethan  period  was  but  a  stage  in  a  long 
history.  There  was  no  point  in  the  reign  at 
which  things  were  stationary,  and  change  has 
gone  on  ever  since.  Further,  there  are  im- 
portant points  in  which  the  Settlement  has 
been  altered,  or  at  any  rate  has  not  been 
observed.  Neither  Church  nor  State  has 
shown  an  entire  loyalty  to  the  situation  as 
then  defined.     For  example  : — 

1.  In  regard  to  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  :  it  is  only  in  recent  years  that  the 
worship,  as  there  prescribed,  has  begun  to  be 
seriously  carried  out.  The  Settlement  made 
by  the  Elizabethan  Act  of  Uniformity  intro- 
duced a  type  of  service  which  was  to  consist 
of  the  Rite  according  to  the  Second  Prayer 
Book  of  Edward  in  the  main,  but  with  orna- 
ments and  the  external  appearance  of  the 
First  Prayer  Book  of  1549.  It  was  soon 
found  in  Elizabeth's   reign  that  it  was  im- 


possible to  carry  out  this  arrangement  in 
any  complete  degree  so  far  as  the  external 
appearance  of  the  service  was  concerned,  and 
it  is  only  since  the  revival  of  the  eucharistic 
vestments  in  the  nineteenth  century  that  the 
law  of  the  Elizabethan  Settlement  has  begun 
to  be  observed.     [Vestments.] 

2.  With  regard  to  ecclesiastical  discipline 
and  the  relation  of  the  church  courts  to  the 
civil  courts:  the  church  courts  {q.v.)  have 
been  continually  the  victims  of  the  jealousy 
of  the  civil  courts.  In  Elizabeth's  reign  and 
later  they  were  hampered  by  vexatious 
prohibitions,  and  finally  in  the  nineteenth 
century  they  were  thrown  into  complete 
confusion  when  the  present  unconstitutional 
court  of  final  ecclesiastical  appeal  was  estab- 
lished by  Parliament  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  Church.  The  fault  of  this,  however, 
must  largely  be  laid  to  the  door  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Commission,  which  was  part  of 
the  Elizabethan  Settlement,  established  in 
accordance  with  the  Act  of  Supremacy  of 
Elizabeth.  [High  CoMjnssiON,  Court  of.] 
The  present  state  of  ecclesiastical  disorder, 
so  far  as  courts  are  concerned,  is  an  entire 
departure  from  the  Ehzabethan  Settlement. 

3.  The  relation  of  the  Church  to  Crown  and 
Parliament :  here  also,  through  aggression 
of  the  State,  the  bargain  of  the  Elizabethan 
Settlement  has  not  been  faithfully  observed. 
The  Elizabethan  Settlement  postulated  the 
Crown  as  supreme  over  two  machineries  of 
government,  ecclesiastical  and  civil — that  is, 
over  the  legislative  and  judicial  functions 
belonging  to  each,  i.e.  Convocation  {q.v.)  and 
Parliament  in  the  legislative  sphere,  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  and  the  civil  courts  in 
the  judicial  sphere.  Elizabeth  maintained 
against  the  growing  Puritan  opposition 
the  integrity  of  Convocation,  and  insisted 
that  ecclesiastical  legislation  should  be  in- 
itiated there  and  not  in  Parliament.  But 
the  Stuart  dynasty  in  its  unwise  conflicts 
with  Parliament  for  an  untenable  royal 
prerogative  involved  the  Church  in  its  own 
defeat,  with  the  result  that  in  the  eighteenth 
century  Convocation  was  silenced,  and  the 
Settlement  was  entirely  upset.  This  also 
has  only  been  partiaUy  recovered  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  The  present  Parlia- 
mentary jealousy  of  Convocation,  and  all 
its  consequences,  are  a  departure  from  the 
Elizabethan  Settlement. 

The  Elizabethan  Settlement  was  thus  both 
an  enduring  settlement  and  an  unenduring 
one.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  it  would 
always  survive,  but  it  is  not  creditable  to 
the  English  Constitution  that  many  vital 
changes   that   have   been   made  have  come 


(201  ) 


Ely] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ely 


about  for  the  most  part  not  through  joint 
action  of  the  Church  and  Parhament  with 
the  Crown,  but  through  civil  aggression  and 
a  disregard  of  the  essence  of  the  compact 
between  Church  and  State.  [w.  H.  F.] 

Frere,  Hist,  of  En;/.  Ch.,  155S-1625:  R.  W. 
Church,  Pascal  and  iit/icj-  Sermons,  pp.  52-96. 

ELY,  See  of.  The  Isle  of  Ely,  then  in  the 
diocese  of  Lincoln  {q.v.),  being  extremely 
easy  to  defend,  and  containing  the  rich  abbey 
of  St.  Etheldrcda  {q.v.),  Avas  not,  Henry  i. 
decided,  to  be  left  under  monastic  govern- 
ment, and  the  diocese  of  Lincoln  being  too 
large  for  a  single  bishop,  and  the  interests  of 
religion  therefore  requiring  a  division,  he 
and  Archbishop  Anselm  (q.v.)  desired  to 
found  a  new  see  in  the  abbey.  This  desire 
was  approved  by  the  Council  of  London, 
1108,  was  agreed  to  by  Robert,  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  sanctioned  by  Pope  Paschal  n.,  and 
carried  out  in  1109.  The  monks  became  the 
chapter  of  the  bishop,  and  were  thenceforth 
governed  immediately  by  a  prior.  In  1541, 
on  the  surrender  and  dissolution  of  the 
monastery,  a  dean  and  chapter  of  eight 
major  canons,  etc.,  was  founded,  the  last  prior 
becoming  first  dean.  By  the  Cathedrals  Act, 
1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113),  the  canonries  were  re- 
duced to  six,  two  being  annexed  to  the  Ely 
Professorship  of  Divinity  and  to  the  Regius 
Professorship  of  Hebrew  at  Cambridge  re- 
spectivel}-,  the  patronage  of  the  remaining 
four  stalls  being  left  to  the  bishop. 

The  diocese  originally  consisted  of  the  Isle 
of  Ely  and  the  county  of  Cambridge.  By  an 
Order  in  Council  of  12th  April  1337  it  was 
enlarged  by  the  transference  to  it  of  the 
counties  of  Huntingdon  and  Bedford  from 
the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  and  of  part  of  the 
archdeaconry  of  Sudbury  (the  western  part 
of  Suffolk)  from  that  of  Norwich ;  and  by 
another  Order,  dated  10th  April  1839,  certain 
other  parishes  from  Lincoln  were  added.  It 
is  now  divided  into  four  archdeaconries : 
Ely  (first  mentioned,  1110),  Bedford  (first 
mentioned,  c.  1078),  Huntingdon  (first  men- 
tioned, c.  1078),  and  Sudbury  (first  men- 
tioned, c.  1126).  It  consists  of  1,357,765 
acres,  and  has  a  population  of  531,000.  The 
revenues  of  the  see  were  assessed  in  the 
Taxatio  of  1291  at  £2000,  and  in  the  Valor 
Ecclesiaslicus  of  1534  at  £2134,  18s.  5d. 
Ecton  (1711)  gives  the  value  as  £2134, 
8s.  6Ad.     The  present  income  is  £5500. 

BiSHors 

1.  Hervey,    1109;     a    Breton;     tr.    from 
Bangor ;   had  been  unable  to  persuade 


the  Welsh  either  by  spiritual  or  carnal 
weapons  to  receive  him,  and  in  1107, 
on  the  death  of  Richard,  abbot  of  Ely, 
was  made  administrator  of  the  abbey  ; 
he  divided  the  estates  of  the  abbey  be- 
tween the  monks  and  the  see,  securing, 
the  monks  complained,  the  larger  share 
for  the  sec  ;  d.  30th  August  1131. 

2.  Nigel,  1133  ;  nephew  of  Roger  (q.v.).  Bis- 

hop of  Salisburjf ;  was  Treasurer ;  when 
Stephen  arrested  his  uncle  and  brother 
in  1139  he  escaped,  and  held  Ely 
against  the  King;  in  1143  he  went  to 
Rome,  being  accused  of  wasting  the 
property  of  the  see  on  knights,  but  was 
acquitted ;  after  his  return  the  civil 
war  brought  him  further  trouble  ;  he 
was  much  employed  by  Henry  ii.,  and 
bought  the  Treasiirership  for  his  son, 
Richard  Fitz-Neal,  Bishop  of  London ; 
an  excellent  official,  he  was  bishop  only 
in  name  ;    d.  30th  May  1169. 

3.  Geoffrey    Ridel,    1174;    as    Archdeacon 

of  Canterbury  a  prominent  opponent 
of  Becket  {q.v.) ;  he  was  constantly 
employed  in  secular  matters,  and  was 
proud  and  violent ;  he  was  liberal  to 
his  cathedral,  almost  completing  the 
new  building  to  the  west  and  building 
the  lower  part  of  the  western  tower ; 
d.  21st  August  1189. 

4.  WiUiam  Longchamp  {q.v.),  1189  ;  d.  21st 

January  1197. 

5.  Eustace,  1198  ;   on  his  nomination  to  the 

bishopric  he  was  made  Chancellor,  but 
held  that  office  less  than  two  years  ; 
after  pronouncing  the  interdict  in  1208 
fled  from  England,  but  was  restored  in 
1213  ;  he  was  much  employed  both  in 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  business ;  he  built 
the  western  part,  probably  the  Galilee, 
of  the  cathedral ;  d.  3rd  February  1215. 
There  was  a  disputed  election  between 
Geoffrey  de  Burgh,  Archdeacon  of 
Norwich,  and  one  Robert  of  York,  who 
held  the  spiritualities  for  nearly  five 
years  without  consecration,  but  Hono- 
rius  III.  quashed  both  the  elections 
in  1219,  and  appointed 

6.  John    of    Fountains,   1220  (P.);    Abbot 

of  Fountains  and  Treasurer ;  a  pious 
man  ;    d.  6th  May  1225. 

7.  Geoffrey  de  Burgh,  1225;  again  elected; 

was  brother  of  Hubert  de  Burgh,  the 
Chief  Justiciar;  d.  17th  December 
1228. 

8.  Hugh  of  Northwold,  1229  ;   Abbot  of  St. 

Edmund's ;  devout  and  magnificent, 
is  described  as  '  the  flower  of  Black 
monks '  ;    he  built  the  presbytery  of 


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his  church,  the  episcopal  palace,  and  a 
fine  tower,  and  dedicated  the  cathedral 
in  September  1252 ;  he  opposed  the 
King's  encroachments  on  the  liberties 
of  the  Church  ;  d.  6th  August  1254. 
9.  William  of  Kilkenny,  1255  ;  Keeper  of 
the  Great  Seal ;  of  high  character  ;  d. 
in  Spain  on  an  embass}',  22nd  Sep- 
tember 1256. 

10.  Hugh   Bclsham,    1257  ;     had  been   sub- 

prior  ;  the  King  refused  his  election, 
but  Hugh  obtained  his  confirmation 
from  Alexander  iv.,  who  consecrated 
him  at  Viterbo ;  he  founded  Peter- 
house,  the  earliest  of  Cambridge  colleges, 
after  the  model  of  Merton  College,  Ox- 
ford ;    d.  15th  June  1286. 

11.  John  Kirkby,  1286;    had  held  office  in 

the  King's  Chancery,  and  in  1283  was 
elected  Bishop  of  Rochester,  but  Arch- 
bishop Peckham  (q.v.)  refused  the  elec- 
tion on  the  ground  of  pluraUty  ;  he  was 
appointed  Treasurer  in  1284  ;  on  his 
election  to  Ely,  Peckham  did  not  re- 
new his  opposition  ;  he  gave  himself 
wholly  to  secular  business ;  d.  26th 
March  1290. 

12.  William  de  Luda,  or  Louth,  1290 ;  learned 

and  magnificent ;  d.  25th  March  1298. 

13.  Ralph  Walpole,  1299  ;   tr.  (P.)  from  Nor- 

wich ;  had  made  himself  unpopular  as 
Archdeacon  of  Ely,  for  all  the  diocese 
of  Norwich  '  abused  the  convent '  for 
electing  him;  on  Bishop  Elirkby's 
death  there  was  a  double  election ; 
Boniface  vin.  quashed  both  and  trans- 
lated Walpole  to  Ely  in  1299;  he 
revised  the  statutes  of  the  convent,  and 
was  probably  set  on  monastic  reform, 
which  may  perhaps  account  for  the 
notice  of  his  unpopularity  in  Norwich 
by  the  monk  Cotton ;  d.  20th  March 
1302. 

14.  Robert  of  Orford,  1302  (P.) ;    was  Prior 

of  Ely;  Archbishop  Winchelsey  re- 
fused to  confirm  his  election  on  the 
ground  of  his  illiteracy,  but  he  obtained 
confirmation  from  Boniface  vin.,  and 
returned  home  after  spending,  it  is  said, 
£15,000 ;    d.  21st  January  1310. 

15.  John  Keeton,  1310;  also  a  monk  of  Ely; 

in  1314  Edward  n.  visited  Ely  and 
decided  against  the  claim  of  the  con- 
vent to  have  the  body  of  St.  Alban ; 
d.  14th  May  1316. 

16.  John  Hotham,  1316 ;    was  Chancellor  of 

the  Exchequer;  Treasurer,  1317;  and 
Chancellor,  1318-20;  he  was  present  at 
the  battle  of  Myton,  1319,  and  in  1320 
was  arrested   and   fined,   probably  for 


some  civil  cause ;  he  joined  Queen 
Isabella  in  1326,  and  in  1327-8  was 
again  Chancellor  ;  after  being  paralysed 
for  two  years,  d.  15th  January  1337. 
In  his  time  the  convent  built  the 
octagon  of  the  cathedral  with  its  dome 
and  lantern,  and  he  rebuilt  three  bays 
of  the  presbytery. 

17.  Simon  Montacute,  1337  ;    Archdeacon  of 

Canterbury  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Worcester  by 
Benedict  xn.,  who  quashed  the  monks' 
election  of  their  prior ;  was  a  younger 
brother  of  William,  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
and  in  1318  had  been  recommended  to 
the  Pope  by  Edward  u.  on  the  plea  of 
his  poverty;  at  Ely  he  was  a  liberal 
benefactor  to  his  cathedral ;  d.  20th 
June  1345. 

18.  Thomas  de  Lisle,  1345  (P.) ;  Clement  \^. 

having  quashed  the  monks'  election  of 
their  prior,  Alan  Walsingham,  a  famous 
architect  and  goldsmith;  Thomas  had 
been  a  Dominican  prior  ;  he  was  en- 
gaged in  a  quarrel  with  Lady  Wake, 
daughter  of  Henry,  Earl  of  Lancaster, 
some  of  whose  estates  adjoined  his 
manors ;  was  fined  for  abetting  in- 
cendiarism, and  was  found  guilty  by 
a  jury  of  harbouring  a  murderer ;  his 
temporalities  were  seized  and  he  fled 
to  Avignon  ;  there  he  d.  23rd  June  1361. 

19.  Simon  Langham,  1362  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Canter- 

bury, 1366. 

20.  John  Barnet,  1366;   tr.  (P.)  from  Bath; 

d.  7th  June  1373. 

21.  Thomas  Arundel,  1374  (P.) ;   tr.  to  York, 

1388. 

22.  John    Fordham,    1388;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Durham  ;  a  favourite  of  Richard  n., 
who  made  him  Treasurer  in  1386,  but 
Parliament  insisted  on  his  dismissal; 
the  lords  ordered  his  banishment  from 
court,  1388,  and  his  translation  from 
Durham  to  Ely  by  Urban  vi.  was  pro- 
cured by  them  as  a  punishment ;  d. 
19th  November  1425. 

23.  Philip    Morgan,    1426;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Worcester  by  Martin  V. ;  a .  Welshman 
and  an  eminent  lawyer ;  had  been  fre- 
quently employed  in  diplomacy  by 
Henry  v.  ;  was  Privy  Councillor  in  1419 
and  one  of  the  Council  of  Government 
during  the  minority  of  Henry  vi.  ;  he 
was  elected  to  York,  1423,  but  the  Pope 
set  aside  the  election  and  granted  him 
Ely ;  he  insisted  on  his  visitatorial 
authority  over  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, and  the  University  obtained  a 
BuU  declaring  it  free  from  episcopal 
jurisdiction  ;     he    was    a    vigorous    re- 


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former  of  clerical  abuses  in  his  diocese  ; 
d.  25th  October  1435. 

24.  Louis  of  Luxemburg,  1438  (P.)  ;  Bishoi) 

of  Terouanne,  1415;  Archbishop  of 
Rouen,  1436  ;  held  Ely  in  commcndam  ; 
was  the  brother  of  the  Count  of  St. 
Pol ;  as  Archbishop  of  Rouen  had 
upheld  the  English  interest  in  France, 
and  was  uncle  of  Jacquetta,  second  wife 
of  the  Duke  of  Bedford ;  on  the  death 
of  Bishop  Philip  the  monks  elected 
Thomas  Bourclncr,  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
but  the  King  refused  the  election,  and  at 
his  request  Eugenius  iv.  granted  Louis 
the  administration  of  the  see ;  he  was 
appointed  cardinal  priest  in  1439  and 
cardinal  bishop  in  1442 ;  he  was  seldom 
in  his  English  diocese,  but  d.  there  18th 
September  1443. 

25.  Thomas  Bourehier,  1443;    tr.  (P.)  from 

Worcester;  tr.  to  Canterburj%  1454. 

26.  William  Grey,  1454  (P.);    of  the  family 

of  Grey  of  Codnor;  had  held  rich  pre- 
ferments ;  had  studied  at  Oxford  and 
Ferrara,  where  he  was  a  patron  of 
learned  men  and  became  a  prominent 
humanist;  Nicholas  v.  appointed  him 
ApostoHc  Xotary  and  Referendary  and 
nominated  him  to  the  see  of  Ely ;  he 
was  Treasurer,  1469-70 ;  he  was  hospit- 
able and  magnificent ;  to  his  coUege, 
Balliol,  he  was  a  liberal  benefactor, 
among  his  gifts  to  it  being  his  valuable 
collection  of  manuscripts  ;  and  he  also 
gave  largely  towards  the  restoration 
and  adornment  of  this  cathedral ;  d. 
14th  August  1478. 

27.  John   Morton   (q.v.),    1479;    tr.    (P.)    to 

Canterbury,  1486. 

28.  John  Alcock,  1486;    tr.  (P.)  from  Wor- 

cester; was  Master  of  the  RoUs,  1462, 
and  was  employed  in  diplomacy ;  in 
1474  he  was  joint  Chancellor,  and  as 
President  of  the  Council  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales  from  1473  had  much  to  do  with 
the  principality ;  he  was  again  Cha  ncellor , 
1485  ;  learned  and  pious,  he  desired  the 
reformation  of  ecclesiastical  abuses  ;  he 
founded  Jesus  College,  Cambridge, 
endowed  Peterhouse,  restored  Great 
St.  Mary's  Church,  and  carried  out  fine 
works  at  Ely  and  elsewhere  ;  d.  1st 
October  1500. 

29.  Richard    Redman,    1501  (P.) ;    tr.  from 

Exeter  ;  Abbot  of  Shap,  Westmorland  ; 
rebuilt  the  cathedral  of  St.  Asaph;  in 
1487  was  suspected  of  complicity  in  Lam- 
bert Simnel's  rebellion,  but  evidently 
cleared  himself;  he  was  profusclv  charit- 
able ;  d.  24th  August  1505. 


30.  James  Stanley,  1506  (P.)  ;   a  younger  son 

of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Derby;  had  studied 
at  Oxford  and  at  Paris ;  he  held  rich 
preferments ;  he  took  part  with  his 
stepmother,  ^Margaret  Beaufort,  in  her 
foundation  of  St.  John's  and  Christ's 
Colleges,  Cambridge  ;  he  had  a  family 
by  a  mistress  who  dwelt  in  one  of  his 
episcopal  residences ;  d.  22nd  March 
1515. 

31.  Nicholas  West,  1515  (P.) ;    said  to  have 

been  the  son  of  a  baker  at  Putney ; 
was  educated  at  Eton  and  King's 
CoUege,  Cambridge ;  he  was  much 
employed  in  diplomacy  both  before  and 
after  his  consecration  ;  he  reformed  the 
convent  of  Ely,  which  had  fallen  into 
grievous  disorder ;  he  was  chaplain  to 
Queen  Katherine  of  Aragon,  and  was 
a  Churchman  of  the  old  school,  but 
was  interested  in  literature;  magnificent 
in  his  daily  life,  he  was  also  extremely 
liberal,  built  exquisite  chapels  at  Ely 
and  Putney,  and  was  a  benefactor  to 
King's  CoUege  ;  d.  28th  AprU  1533. 

32.  Thomas   Goodrich  (q.v.),  1534;    d.  10th 

May  1554. 

33.  Thomas   Thirlby,   1554 ;    tr.  from  Nor- 

wich;  cons.  1540  to  Westminster; 
the  only  bishop  of  that  see;  owed 
much  to  Cranmer's  favour ;  he  was 
employed  by  Henry  vm.,  and  1542-8 
and  1553-4  was  ambassador  to  the 
Emperor;  at  Norwich  he  complied 
with  the  law,  but  secretly  disliked 
changes ;  he  was  favoured  by  Queen 
Mary,  and  took  part,  weeping,  in  the 
degradation  of  Cranmer;  only  three 
persons  seem  to  have  suffered  death  for 
heresy  in  his  diocese,  and  in  two  of  these 
cases  he  was  not  concerned ;  in  1559  he 
was  deprived  for  refusing  the  oath  of 
supremacy,  was  imprisoned,  1560,  and 
d.  26th  April  1570.  He  was  generaUy 
absent  from  his  diocese. 

34.  Richard    Cox,    1559 ;     a   prominent   re- 

former; first  Dean  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  1547 ;  Dean  of  Westminster, 
1549  ;  held  both  deaneries  and  other 
preferments  together ;  was  Chancel- 
lor of  Oxford,  1547-52,  and  from  his 
destruction  of  books  at  Oxford  was 
nicknamed  '  cancellor  '  ;  after  a  short 
imprisonment  on  Mary's  accession  he 
fled  to  Frankfort,  where  he  defended 
the  English  liturgy  from  the  attacks  of 
other  refugees ;  as  bishop  he  desired 
to  see  the  clergy  more  powerful  in 
secular  jurisdiction ;  his  resistance  to 
the    cupidity    of    Elizabeth    and    her 


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courtiers  earned  liiin  the  rei)utation 
of  parsimony,  and  he  \vas  warned  that 
it  would  not  be  well  for  the  Queen  to 
learn  '  how  great  a  grazier,  how  marvel- 
lous a  dairyman,  how  rich  a  farmer  '  he 
was;  his  see  was  so  terribly  despoiled 
that  he  resigned  in  vexation,  1580 ; 
d.  1581.  A  vacancy  of  eighteen  years, 
during  which  the  revenues  were  taken 
by  the  Crown,  and  the  diocese  ad- 
ministered by  commissioners  appointed 
by  the  archbishop. 

35.  Martin  Heton,   1599  ;    accepted  the  see 

with  the  condition  of  assenting  to 
further  serious  spoliation  ;  learned,  and 
a  good  preacher  ;  d.  l-4th  July  1609. 

36.  Launcelot  Andrewes  (g.f.),  1609;  tr.  f rom 

Chichester  ;  tr.  to  Winchester,  1619. 

37.  Nicholas  Felton,  1619  ;   tr.  from  Bristol ; 

a  close  friend  of  Andi-ewes  ;  held  the 
Mastership  of  Pembroke  College,  Cam- 
bridge, along  with  the  see  of  Bristol ; 
was  one  of  the  translators  of  the  Bible, 
and  a  man  of  piety,  learning,  and  sound 
judgment ;    d.  6th  October  1626. 

38.  John     Buckeridge,      1628 ;       tr.      from 

Rochester ;  President  of  St.  John's 
College,  Oxford,  1605-11,  and  Laud's 
(g-.v.)  tutor  and  friend;  was  a  sound 
and  learned  churchman,  an  eminent 
defender  of  episcopacy  and  Royal 
Supremacy  against  the  Presbyterians, 
and  a  man  of  exemplarv  piety ;  d. 
23rd  May  1631. 

39.  Francis  White,  1631  ;   tr.  from  Norwich  ; 

was  an  able  disputant,  who  as  Dean 
of  Carlisle  distinguished  himself  in  a 
controversy  with  '  Fisher  the  Jesuit ' ; 
d.  February  1638. 

Matthew   Wren    (g.r.),    1638;     tr.    from 
Norwich;  d.  1667. 

Benjamin  Laney,  1667  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln  ; 
was  Master  of  Pembroke  Hall,  1630-44, 
and  was  chaplain  to  Charles  i.  ;  was 
deprived,  1644,  and  followed  Charles  n. 
in  exile  ;  on  the  Restoration  he  regained 
his  mastership,  and  received  a  canonry 
at  Westminster  and  the  see  of  Peter- 
borough ;  he  was  munificent,  a  High 
Churchman,  but  lenient  with  Non- 
conformists ;  d.  24th  January  1675. 
42.  Peter  Gunning,  1675 ;  tr.  from  Chi- 
chester ;  suffered  deprivation  and  a 
short  imprisonment  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War ;  later  conducted 
Church  services  at  Exeter  House, 
Strand,  which  were  winked  at ;  on  the 
Restoration  was  made  Master  of  Clare 
Hall  and  a  Divinity  Professor  at 
Cambridge,  and  in  1661  Master  of  St. 


40 


41 


43. 


44. 
45. 


46. 


47. 


48. 


49. 


50. 


John's  College  and  Regius  Professor ; 
he  disputed  with  Baxter  at  the  Savoy 
Conference;  was  learned  and  pious,  a 
good  preacher,  an  active  bishop,  a 
'  hammer  of  schismatics,'  and  a  liberal 
giver  ;   d.  6th  July  1684. 

Francis  Turner,  1684;  tr.  from  Rochester; 
was  Master  of  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, 1670;  Dean  of  Windsor,  1683; 
was  one  of  '  the  Seven  Bishops  '  [q.v.) ; 
as  a  Nonjuror  {q.v.)  he  was  deprived, 
1690,  and  he  was  arrested  as  a  Jacobite, 
1696;  d.  2nd  November  1700. 

Simon  Patrick  [q.v.),  1691  ;  tr.  from 
Chichester;   d.  1707. 

John  Moore,  1707  ;  tr.  from  Norwich  ; 
the  son  of  an  ironmonger ;  a  popular 
London  preacher  ;  was  a  Low  Church- 
man and  a  Whig  ;  he  collected  a  famous 
library,  which  after  his  death  was 
bought  by  George  i.  and  presented  to 
the  University  of  Cambridge;  d.  31st 
July  1714. 

William  Fleetwood,  1714 ;  tr.  from 
St.  Asaph ;  a  good  Churchman,  though 
a  Whig  ;  pubhshed  a  preface  to  four 
sermons  in  1712,  in  which  he  attacked 
the  doctrine  of  non-resistance ;  the 
House  of  Commons  ordered  it  to  be 
burned  by  the  hangman  ;  it  was  re- 
published as  No.  384  of  the  Spectator ; 
he  was  tolerant,  and  was  much  liked 
by  his  clergy,  though  the  majority  of 
them  were  Tories  ;   d.  4th  August  1723. 

Thomas  Green,  1723  ;  tr.  from  Norwich  ; 
was  Master  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge,  1698-1716;  he  pronounced 
sentence  of  deprivation  on  Dr.  Bentley, 
Master  of  Trinity,  in  1734 ;  he  was  a 
'  finical '  man,  with  no  special  claim  to 
be  remembered  as  bishop  ;  d.  18th  May 
1738. 

Robert  Butts,  1738  ;  tr.  from  Norwich  ; 
a  rough,  hasty  man ;  said  to  have  been 
addicted  to  swearing ;  resided  little  in 
either  diocese,  and  was  much  disliked  ; 
he  was  a  good  preacher  ;  d.  26th  Janu- 
ary 1748. 

Sir  Robert  Gooch,  Bart.,  1748  ;  tr.  from 
Norwich;  was  Master  of  Caius  College, 
Cambridge,  from  1716  to  his  death;  was 
dignified,  liberal,  and  thrice  married  ; 
his  translation  to  Ely  was  the  result 
of  pressing  soUcitation  by  himself  and 
his  brother-in-law,  the  Bishop  of 
Salisbury  (Sherlock),  to  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  ;    d.  14th  February  1754. 

Matthias  Mawson,  1754;  tr.  from  Chi- 
chester ;  the  son  of  a  wealthy  brewer ; 
was  Master  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 


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Cambridge,  1724-44,  and  refused  the  see 
of  Gloucester,  1734;  he  was  an  awkward, 
retiring  man,  very  rich  and  very  Uberal ; 
d.  23rd  November  1770. 

51.  Edmund  Keene,  1771  ;   tr.  from  Chester  ; 

was  Master  of  Pcterhouse,  1748-54 ;  he 
dechned  the  Irish  primacy,  1764,  '  dis- 
liking so  public  a  situation ' ;  Horace 
Walpole  accuses  him  of  base  conduct 
on  more  than  one  occasion ;  as  bishop 
he  was  inactive,  good-humoured,  and 
liberal ;  he  rebuilt  the  palace  at 
Chester,  and  to  a  large  extent  that  of 
Ely,  and  built  Ely  House,  Dover 
Street ;   d.  6th  July  1781. 

52.  James  Yorke,  1781  ;  tr.  from  Gloucester  ; 

fifth  son  of  the  first  Earl  Hardwick; 
was  Dean  of  Lincoln ;  offered  Paley  the 
headship  of  Jesus  College,  and  Paley 
dedicated  his  Evidences  to  him ;  he 
advocated  a  revision  of  the  Articles ; 
d.  26th  August  1808. 

53.  Thomas     Dampier,      1808 ;      tr.     from 

Rochester  ;  famous  as  a  book  collector ; 
d.  13th  May  1812. 

54.  Bowyer  Edward  Sparke,  1812  ;    tr.  from 

Chester ;  owed  his  elevation  to  his 
having  been  tutor  to  the  Duke  of 
Rutland ;  was  Dean  of  Bristol,  1803  ; 
he  is  said  to  have  received  as  bishop 
revenues  which  in  the  aggregate 
amounted  to  nearly  £200,000  [Times, 
7th  April  1836) ;  and  he  provided  for 
his  two  sons  and  a  son-in-law  out  of  the 
most  valuable  preferments  in  his  gift, 
the  three  being  said  to  have  derived 
incomes  from  ecclesiastical  sources 
amounting  to  £12,200  a  year  between 
them  {Black  Book,  pp.  24-6) ;  d.  April 
1836,  aged  seventy-six. 

55.  Joseph  Allen,    1836;     tr.    from    Bristol 

when  that  see  was  united  to  Gloucester  ; 
was  tutor  to  Earl  Spencer;  Vicar  of 
Battersea,  1808 ;  Rector  of  St.  Bride's, 
Fleet  Street,  1829  ;  as  bishop  he  was 
diligent,  was  interested  in  attempts  to 
promote  religion  and  morahty,  and 
specially  in  the  religious  education  of 
the  poor,  and  was  a  man  of  independent 
character ;    d.  20th  March  1845. 

56.  Thomas     Turton,     1845 ;      was     Senior 

Wrangler,  1805 ;  a  Professor  of  Mathe- 
matics at  Cambridge,  1822;  Regius 
Professor  of  Divinity,  1827 ;  Dean  of 
Peterborough,  1830;  and  Dean  of 
Westminster,  1842;  he  published  several 
controversial  pamphlets  and  composed 
some  good  church  music.  For  some 
years  before  his  death  he  was  incapaci- 
tated by  sickness  ;  d.  7th  January  1864. 

(2 


57.  Edward  Harold  Browne,   1864;    tr.   to 

Winchester,  1873. 

58.  James  Russell  Woodford,  1873  ;    an  im- 

pressive though  not  eloquent  preacher  ; 
was  appointed  Vicar  of  Leeds,  1868 ;  as 
bishop  he  was  diligent  and  respected ; 
he  established  a  diocesan  fund  for  in- 
creasing church  accommodation  and 
the  augmentation  of  poor  livings ;  was 
zealous  as  a  restorer  of  churches,  and 
founded  the  Ely  Theological  College ; 
he  was  a  High  Churchman,  but  in 
sympathy  with  other  forms  of  thought, 
and  was  a  man  of  great  personal  holi- 
ness ;   d.  24th  October  1885. 

59.  Lord  Alwyne  Frederick  Compton,  1886  ; 

a  younger  son  of  the  second  Marquis 
of  Northampton  ;  was  Dean  of  Wor- 
cester, 1879,  and  Prolocutor  of  the 
Lower  House  of  Convocation,  Canter- 
bury ;  he  was  conscientious,  courtly, 
and  kind;  a  High  Churchman  who, 
though  he  endeavoured  to  propagate 
his  opinions,  showed  no  unfair  bias  ; 
he  resigned  the  see  at  the  age  of  eighty, 
1905;   d.  1906. 

60.  Frederick  Henry  Chase,  1905  ;    formerly 

President  of  Queens'  CoUege,  Cambridge. 

[w.  H.] 

ERASTIANISM,  The  principles  expounded 
by  Erastus,  on  the  predominance  of  the  civil 
power  in  ecclesiastical  concerns,  have  won  this 
name  in  England  owing  to  the  controversies 
in  the  Westminster  Assembly.  They  are 
not  known  by  this  name  on  the  Continent. 
Byzantinism  or  Csesaro-Papism  would  be  a 
more  accurate  term. 

Thomas  Liibcr  (or  Erastus)  was  born  at 
Baden  in  1524 ;  matriculated  at  University 
of  Basel  in  1542.  He  became  a  scientific 
physician  of  distinction,  and  in  1557  was 
made  Professor  of  Therapeutics  at  Heidel- 
berg by  the  Elector  Palatine,  Otto  Henry. 
In  1559  Otto  Henry  died,  and  the  new 
elector  proscribed  both  Catholicism  and 
Lutheranism.  The  latter  had  been  previously 
the  dominant  faith.  There  now  ensued  a 
violent  controversy  on  the  subject  of  the 
'  Holy  DiscipUne.'  An  attempt  was  made  by 
the  extremer  Calvinists  to  introduce  this 
;  brightest  jewel  of  the  Puritan  crown,  and 
estabhsh  ruling  elders  and  the  whole  para- 
phernaha  made  so  famous  in  Geneva  and 
afterwards  in  France  and  Scotland.  Erastus 
was  the  leader  of  the  party  who  were  opposed 
to  this.  In  1568  an  Enghsh  refugee,  George 
Wither,  offered  some  theses  on  the  discipline 
of  excommunication,  insisting  that  it  existed 
jure   divine   entirely   apart    from    the    civil 

06  ) 


Erastianism 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Erastianism 


magistrate.  Erastus  developed  his  opposi- 
tion in  his  Explicatio  Gravissimae  Quaes- 
tionis,  which  includes  his  seventy-five  theses, 
and  also  in  the  Confinnatio  or  reply  to  Bcza, 
who  had,  not  unnaturally,  entered  the  lists 
on  the  other  side.  In  spite  of  this  protest 
the  discipline  was  introduced,  and  Erastus 
was  himself  excommunicated  in  1574.  Under 
a  new  elector  a  Lutheran  revolution  fol- 
lowed, and  Erastus  left  Heidelberg  for  Basel, 
where  he  lectured  on  ethics,  and  died  in 
1583. 

In  Erastus's  Ufetime  neither  his  work  nor 
that  of  Beza  was  published.  What  made  it 
famous  was  the  similar  controversy  in 
England.  In  1589  the  Explicatio  was  pub- 
Ushed  nominally  at  Pesclavium,  really  at 
London,  and  the  real  editor  was  the  husband 
of  Erastus's  widow.  There  is  evidence  that 
Wolf,  the  pubUsher,  was  rewarded  by  the 
Council.  There  seems  little  doubt  that  the 
publication  was  an  attempt  by  Whitgift  {q.v.) 
to  produce  an  effective  reply  to  the  claim  of 
the  Presbyterian  leaders  in  England,  Cart- 
wright  {q.v.)  and  Travers  {q.v.),  to  introduce 
the  holy  discipline.  From  this  time  forth 
Erastianism  became  the  name  for  that 
view,  which  asserted  the  entire  possession  of 
coercive  authority  by  the  civd  power  in  the 
Church,  and  denies  any  to  the  clergy  or  to  the 
Church  as  organised  separately  from  the 
State.  The  name  of  Erastus  was  involved  in 
the  Arminian  controversy,  and  Grotius  was 
the  most  famous  name  on  that  side  in  his 
treatise  De  Imperio  Summarum  Potestatum 
Apud  Sacra  (1614). 

What  finally  naturalised  the  term  in 
England  was  the  controversy  in  the  West- 
minster Assembly.  The  attempts  of  the 
Presbyterian  divines  to  introduce  excom- 
munication and  to  make  it  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  the  civil  power  were  opposed  by 
Selden  and  others,  and  were  never  entirely 
successful.  The  theses  of  Erastus  were 
translated  into  EngUsh,  and  appeared  in 
1659  under  the  title.  The  Nullity  of  Church 
Censures,  The  controversies  which  led  to 
the  disruption  in  Scotland  in  1844  led  Dr.  Lee 
to  repubhsh  the  old  translation  with  an 
elaborate  preface  of  his  own,  vindicating 
Erastus  from  the  charge  of  Erastianism  as 
commonly  understood. 

Erastianism  in  the  sense  of  the  teaching  of 
Erastus  must  be  distinguished  from  its  later 
forms.  In  Erastus's  view,  and  the  same 
should  be  said  of  nearly  all  the  Erastian 
divines  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  there  was  no  claim  to  set  a  purely 
secular  power  above  the  Church.  What  they 
claimed    was    an    entire    recognition    of    the 


coercive  jurisdiction  of  the  civil  authority 
in  a  state  which  tolerated  but  one  religion  and 
that  the  true  one.  What  they  refuse  to  allow 
is  any  competing  jurisdiction.  Its  later  de- 
velopments are  due  partly  to  Selden  and 
Hobbes,  partly  to  the  growth  of  toleration. 
Selden  asks :  '  Whether  is  the  Church  or  the 
Scripture  the  judge  of  religion  ?  '  and  replies : 
'  In  truth  neither,  but  the  State.'  This  is 
precisely  the  view  of  Hobbes,  and  would 
make  all  religious  truth  the  sport  of  political 
expediency.  But  it  is  not  the  view  of 
Erastus  ;  what  he  claims  is  that  in  a  Christian 
state  the  magistrate  is  the  proper  person  to 
punish  all  offences,  and  since  excommunica- 
tion is  of  the  nature  of  punishment,  it  ought 
not  to  be  imposed  without  his  sanction. 
With  the  development  of  toleration  Parlia- 
ment has  come  to  consist  of  men  of  all 
religions  and  of  none.  Modern  Erastian- 
ism claims  the  right  of  a  body  so  composed 
to  adjudicate  on  matters  of  belief  either  in 
person  or  by  deputy,  and  would  allow 
ecclesiastical  causes  to  be  decided  by  civil 
judges,  who  might  every  one  of  them  be 
agnostics. 

At  the  same  time  Erastus,  like  Luther  or 
Hooker  {q.v.),  in  his  endeavour  to  maintain 
the  rights  of  the  laity  very  much  exaggerates 
the  function  of  the  civil  power.  The  error  of 
all  the  parties  at  this  time  arose  from  two 
causes :  {a)  the  disbelief  in  rehgious  tolera- 
tion ;  (6)  the  conception  of  the  State  as  a  single 
uniform  society  which  allowed  no  inherent 
rights  in  any  other  society.  The  supporters  of 
the  discipline  were  right  in  claiming  inherent 
rights  for  the  rehgious  society  and  denying 

i  that  they  were  aU  derived  from  the  civil 
power.  They  were  wrong  in  attempting 
with  such  a  claim  to  make  the  religious 
society  coextensive  with  the  nation,  and  to 
use  the  ci\'il  power  for  that  end.  The 
controversy  has  thus  more  than  one  aspect. 
Inside  the  body,   which    may    be    regarded 

i  either  as  Church  or  State  according  to  the 
aspect  uppermost  at  the  moment,  it  is  a  con- 

;    troversy  between  the  rights  of  the  laity  and 

i  those  of  the  hierarchy  (for  ruling  elders, 
though  laymen,  are  part  of  the  hierarchy). 
Outside  these  hmits  it  is  the  controversy 
between  those  who  push  the  princijile  of  the 
unity  of  the  State  to  an  extreme,  and  those 
who  assert  the  inherent,  underived  authority 
of  other  societies.  It  is  only  finally  to  be 
settled  by  the  recognition  {a)  of  the  liberty 
of  the  individual  to  choose  his  religion  ; 
(b)  the  rights  of  the  corporate  personality,  the 
Clmrch  or  family,  as  guaranteed  and  con- 
trolled but  not  created  by  the  State. 

[J.    N.    F.] 


(207) 


Essays] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Essays 


ESSAYS  AND  EEVIEWS.     Early  in  the 
year  1860  was  published  under  this   title  a 
volume  containing  essays  by  seven  writers  : 
Frederick  Temple  (q.v.),  the  Headmaster  of 
Rugby,  wrote  on  The  Education  of  the  World  ; 
Rowland  Williams,  Vice-Principal  of  Lam- 
peter and  Vicar  of  Broad  Chalk,  on  Bunsen's 
Biblical  Researches  ;    Baden  Powell,  Savihan 
Professor  of  Geometrj^at  Oxford,  on  The  Study 
of  the  Evidences  of  Christianity ;  H.  B.  Wil- 
son, Vicar  of  Great  Staughton  and  formerly 
Bampton  Lecturer,  on  The  National  Church  ; 
C.  W.  Goodwin,  a  lay  graduate  of  Cambridge, 
on  The  Mosaic  Cosmogony;  Mark  Pattison, 
Rector     of     Lincoln     CoUege,     Oxford,     on 
Temlencies  of  Religious  Thought  in  England, 
ir>SS-1750 ;    Benjamin  Jowett,   Fellow   and 
Tutor   of    Balliol   and   Regius   Professor   of 
Greek,    on    The   Interpretation   of  Scripture. 
A  notice  to  the  reader  explained  that  each 
author  was  responsible  for  his   own   essay 
alone,  and  continued  :     '  The  volume,  it  is 
hoped,   -s^-ill  be  received  as  an  attempt  to 
illustrate  the  advantage  derivable  to  the  cause 
of  religious  and  moral  truth,  from   a  free 
handling,  in  a  becoming  spirit,  of  subjects 
peculiarly  Mable  to  suffer  by  the  repetition  of 
conventional  language  and  from  traditional 
methods    of    treatment.'     The    writers    ex- 
pected severe  criticism;   A.  P.  Stanley  [q.v.), 
then  Regius  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory at  Oxford,  though  entirely  sympathetic, 
thought  the  project  inopportune,  and  refused 
to  take  part  in  it.     Jowett  wrote  to  him  : 
'  We  do  not  wish  to  do  anji^hing  rash  or 
irritating  to   the  pubUc  or  the  University, 
but  we  are  determined  not  to  submit  to  this 
abominable     system     of     terrorism,     which 
prevents  the  statement  of  the  plainest  facts 
and    makes    true    theology    or    theological 
education    impossible.'     The    terrorism    re- 
ferred  to   was   the   work   of   the   dominant 
faction  at  Oxford,  which,  having  trampled 
on  the  Tractarians,  was  now  turning  upon  its 
former  Liberal  aUies ;    Wilson  had  been  one 
of  the  Four  Tutors  who  in  1841  procured  the 
condemnation  of  Tract  90.     This  demand  for 
freedom  of  discussion  was  the  only  ground 
common    to    the    seven    authors.     Temple's 
essay  provoked  little  opposition  ;    it  was  a 
temperate  account  of  the  progressive  under- 
standing of  revelation  in  the  light  of  the 
conscience,    its    only    fault    being    that    the 
writer  underestimated  the  permanent  value 
of  ecclesiastical  dogma.     Williams  discussed, 
in  what  even  Stanley  called  a  '  flippant  and 
contemptuous  tone,'  those  human  elements 
in  the  Old  Testament  which  are  now  all  but 
universally     recognised.       Baden     Powell's 
paper  resolved  itself  into  an  attack  on  the 


idea   of    miracle,    which   he   took   to    mean 
'  something  at  variance  with  nature  and  law,' 
pronouncing  it  flatly  impossible,  since  '  even 
an  exceptional  case  of  a  known  law  is  included 
in   some  larger  law ' ;    thus  alleging  against 
miracles   the   very   consideration    by   which 
they  are  now  commonly  defended.     Wilson 
maintained  against  Evangelical  individuaUsm 
the  '  multitudinism  '  or  nationalism  which  he 
found  asserting  itself  at  Geneva  ;    to  secure 
this,    he    demanded    the    greatest    possible 
freedom  of  teaching  for  the  clergy,  as  of  belief 
for  the  laity,  and  consequently  the  relaxation 
of  subscription  to  formularies  ;   in  the  mean- 
time he  proposed  a  mode  of  dealing  with  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles  which  drew  upon  him 
many  reminders  of  the  part  which  he  had 
himself    taken    in    denouncing     the     '  non- 
natural  interpretation  '  of  Tract  90.     Good- 
win's essay  was  a  mere  negative  criticism  of 
various    attempts    to    reconcile    the    Mosaic 
story  of  Creation  with  ascertained  facts  of 
astronomy  and  geology ;    he  insisted  on  the 
literal    interpretation    of   the   story,    saving 
that    '  it   has   nothing   in   it  which   can   be 
properly  called  poetical,'  and  that  '  it  bears 
on  its  face  no  trace  of  mystical  or  symbolical 
meaning ' ;  this  narrative  was  '  the  specula- 
tion of  some  Hebrew  Descartes  or  Newton, 
promulgated    in   aU  good  faith  as  the  best 
and  most  probable  account  that  could  then 
be  given  of  God's  universe.'     Pattison,  a  lost 
disciple    of    the    Tractarians,    wrote    as    a 
brilhant  humanist,  with  unbounded  scorn  for 
aU  past  apologetic  except  Butler's  (q.v.),  and 
much  implied  derision  of  all  attempts  to  find 
a  basis  of  belief  in  his  own  day.     Jowett's 
essay  was  the  longest  and  weightiest  of  all ; 
he  criticised  various  methods  of  interpreta- 
tion  -with  thin   acumen   and   complete   lack 
of  sympathy,  and  distinguished  with  real  in- 
sight the  demands  of  popular  and  of  critical 
exegesis.     The  true  interpreter,  he  said,  will 
'  read  Scripture  like  any  other  book,  with  a 
real  interest  and  not  a  merely  conventional 
one.'     The  words  '  like  any  other  book  '  were 
taken,  apart  from  their  context,  as  the  one 
definite  suggestion  of  the  essay,  destroying 
all   special   reverence   for   the    Bible.     How 
slight    was    Jowett's    real    departure    from 
orthodoxy  may  be  judged  by  his  remark  : 
'  A  true  inspiration  guarded  the  writers  of 
the  New  Testament  from  Gnostic  or  Mani- 
chean   tenets ;     at   a   later   stage,    a    sound 
instinct  prevented  the  Church  from  dividing 
the  humanity  and  Divinity  of  Christ.'     To 
I    the    description,  put  out    by    '  an    eminent 
j    English  prelate,'  of  the  Nicene  definition  as 
'  the  greatest  misfortune  that  ever  befell  the 
i    Christian  world,'  he  replied  that  '  a  different 


(  208  ) 


Essays] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History  [Establishment 


decision   would   have   been   a   greater   mis- 
fortune.' 

Small  notice  was  taken  of  the  volume  until 
an  enthusiastic  welcome  in  the  Westminster 
Review  called  attention  to  it.     Several  edi- 
tions   then    rapidly   appeared.      Bishop    S.    [ 
Wilberforce  (q.v.)  fiercely  attacked  it  in  the 
Quarterly ;    Stanley  made  a  tepid  defence  in 
the  Edinburgh,  to  the  editor  of  which  he 
wrote     privately     some     extremely     severe 
strictures  on  four  of  the  writers.     Opponents 
unfairly    insisted    on    treating    the    seven 
authors  as  jointly  responsible  for  the  whole 
volume,  and  stirred  up  a  general  indignation 
which  refused  discrimination ;    the  few  who 
kept  their  heads  did  not  spare  condemnation  ; 
Tait  (q.v.),  who  was  afterwards  reckoned  the 
chief  defender  of  the  book  against  formal 
censure,  wrote  :     '  I  deeply  deplore,  indeed 
execrate,  the  spirit  of  much  of  the  Essays 
and  Reviews.''     A  meeting  of  bishops  was  held 
at  Fulham  in  February  1861,  at  which  was 
adopted    a    remonstrance,    drawn    up    by 
Wilberforce,  and  afterwards  issued  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  as    an  encyclical 
with  the  signatures  of  twenty-four  bishops, 
including  Tait,  Hampden  {q.v.),  and  Thirl- 
wall  (q.v.),  whose  reputation  for  Liberalism 
gave  it  the  greater  weight.     This  letter  did 
not  name  the  book,  but  reflected  on  some  of 
the  negations  of  its  authors,  and  hinted  at  the 
need  of  personal  censure.     A  little  later,  the 
Lower  House  of  the  Convocation  of  Canter- 
bury addressed  the  bishops  on  the  subject, 
and  a  synodical  condemnation  of  the  book 
was  pi'oposed.     A  committee,  presided  over 
by  Archdeacon  Denison  [q.v.),  reported  that 
there  were  good  grounds  for  condemnation, 
complaining  of  the  principle  found  running 
through  the  book  that  the  truth  of  Holy 
Scripture    should    be    determined    by    the 
measure  of  modern  thought.     In  the  mean- 
time legal  proceedings  had  been  instituted. 
For    this    purpose   the   writers    had   to    be 
dealt  with  individually  ;    Bishop  Hamilton 
of     Salisbury     took     action     against     Dr. 
Williams,    and     the    Rev.    James    Fendall 
against    INIr.    Wilson.      In    December    1862 
the  Dean   of  the   Arches,    Dr.    Lushington, 
condemned   each  of   the   accused   on   three 
special  counts,  one  of  these  in  IVIr.  Wilson's 
case  being  the  expression  of  a  hope  that  all 
souls  alike  may  '  find  a  refuge  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Universal  Parent,'  and  that  '  a  judg- 
ment   of    eternal   misery   may   not   be   the 
purpose  of  God.'     They  were  sentenced  to 
suspension  ab  officio  et  beneficio  for  one  year, 
but  appealed  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of 
the  Privy  Council,  and  after  a  hearing  before 
Lords    Westbury,     Cranworth,    Chelmsford, 


and  Kingstown,  with  the  two  archbishops  and 
the  Bishop  of  London  (Tait),  the  sentence 
was   reversed   on    8th   February    1864,    the 
archbishops  alone  dissenting  from  part  of  the 
judgment.     As  in  the  Gorham  {q.v.)  case,  the 
judges    disclaimed    all    power    of    deciding 
what  is  the  true  doctrine   of   the   Church, 
nor    did    they    pronounce    on    the    general 
tendency    of    the    book ;     they   found   only 
that  the  appellants  had  not,  in  the  passages 
alleged,  directly  contradicted  the  formularies. 
This  left  it  open  to  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties to  declare   that  doctrine,  and  protests 
against  the  judgment  were  at  once  organised. 
Pusey  joined  hands  with  Lord  Shaftesbury 
and    the    Evangelicals.      A    declaration    on 
the  Inspiration  of  Scripture  and  on  Eternal 
Punishment   was   signed   by   11,000   of   the 
clergy ;    on  16th  March  an  address  of  thanks 
for  their  dissent  from    the    judgment    was 
presented  to  the  archbishops  with  the  signa- 
tures   of    137,000   laymen.     On    20th   April 
Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  moved  in  Convocation 
that  the  bishops  should  consider  the  opinion 
expressed  by  the  clergy  on  21st  June  1861, 
that  there  were  sufficient  grounds  for  a  syno- 
dical condemnation  of  the  book.     Thirlwall 
objected  to  treating  it  as  a  whole ;    Tait 
warned  the  House  against  promulgating  new 
Articles    of    ReUgion.      A    committee    was 
appointed  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  arch- 
bishop,    which     reported     on     21st     June. 
Wilberforce  then  moved  :    '  That  this  Synod 
.  .  .  doth  hereby  synodically  condemn  the 
said  volume,  as  containing  teaching  contrary 
to  the  doctrine  received  by  the  United  Church 
of  England  and  Ireland,  in  common  with  the 
whole  Catholic  Church  of  Chiist.'     This  was 
adopted    with    only  two   dissentients,  Tait, 
and  Jackson  of  Lincoln.     On  15th  July  Lord 
Houghton  in  the  House  of  Lords  questioned 
the  lawfulness  of  this  action,  when  the  Lord 
Chancellor  (Westbury)  attacked  the  bishops 
in  a  tone  of  offensive  banter,  describing  '  the 
thing  which  they  call  a  synodical  judgment'  as 
'  a  well-lubricated  set  of  words,  a  sentence  so 
oily  and  saponaceous  that  no  one  can  grasp  it,' 
and  received  a  weighty  rebuke  for  liis  ribaldry 
from    Wilberforce.     From    that    date    the 
excitement    gradually    died    down,    though 
there  was  some  renewal  of  it  five  years  later, 
when  Temple  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Exeter. 
But  in  spite  of  the  ineffectiveness   of  the 
courts  in  deahng  with  doctrine,  it  was  felt 
that  the  false  teaching  was  sufficiently  con- 
demned,   and   the   doctrine   of   the   Church 
sufficiently  asserted.  [t.  a.  l.] 

ESTABLISHMENT  is  a  particular  relation- 
I    ship  of  the  Church  to  the  State,  under  which 


(  209 


Establishment]         Dictionary  of  Efiglish  Church  History         [Establishment 


its  machinery  is  a  recognised  part  of  the  civil 
constitution.     Until    the    sixteenth    century 
Church  and    State  in   England  were    com- 
posed of  the  same  persons,  and  there  could 
be  no  question  of  one  rehgious  body  being 
in   a   privileged   position.     Since   that   time 
other  religious  bodies  have  been  in  existence, 
and  the  Church  is  said  to  be  '  estabhshed  '  in 
contradistinction   to   them.     The   phrase   is 
fiist  used  in  Canon  3  of  1604 :    '  The  Church 
of  England  by  Law  estabhshed  under  the 
King's  Majesty.'     But  tlois  does  not  mean 
that  the  Church  was  chosen  by  the  State  out 
of  a  number  of  rehgious  bodies  and  placed 
in  a  privileged  position.     Its  relations  to  the 
State   remained   as   they  had   always  been, 
subject     to     such     modifications     as     were 
rendered  necessary  by  the  renunciation  of 
papal  jurisdiction.     The  Church  was  never 
'  established  '  by  any  specific  Act  or  Acts  of 
Parhament.     In  this,  as  in  other  respects, 
the  Enghsh  constitution  was  the  result  of 
slow  and  natural  growth.     During  the  long 
period  in  which  Church  and  State  were  co- 
extensive the  Church's  officers  were  recog- 
nised  by  the   State,   and    its   councils   and 
courts  were  as  much  part  of  the  national 
constitution  as  were  the  secular  assembhes 
and  tribunals.     The  law  which  the  synods 
enacted  was  the  King's  Ecclesiastical  Law, 
and    it    was    administered    by    the    King's 
Ecclesiastical  Courts.     And  tliis  is  still  the 
case  (see  Lord  Blackburn's  judgment  in  Mac- 
konochie  v.  Lord  Penzance,  1881,  6  A.C.  446). 
Besides  their  spiritual  authority  derived  from 
the  Church,  this  law  and  these  courts  possess 
temporal  authority,  as  part  of  the  law  and 
judicature  of  the  realm,  and  are  therefore 
subject  to  the  conditions  which  the  State 
imposes   in   return   for   the   support   of   the 
secular  arm.     Ihe  most  important  of  these 
conditions  are  that  the  Church  accepts  as 
vaUd     Acts     of     Parhament    dealing     with 
ecclesiastical    subjects,    provided    they    do 
not  conflict  with  the  spiritual  law  [Canon 
Law]  ;    that  the  State  chooses  the  persons 
to  be  appointed  to  bishoprics  [Bishops]  and 
certain   other  offices  in   the  Church ;    that 
Convocation    (q.v.)    cannot    meet    or    enact 
canons  without  the  permission  of  the  Crown ; 
and  that  the  Church  Courts  {q.v.)  are  in  some 
respects  subject  to  the  control  of  those  of  the 
State.     Should  these  conditions  hamper  the 
Church  in  its  spiritual  work,  or  be  intolerably 
abused  by  the  State,  it  would  be  the  Church's 
duty  to  free  itself  by  severing  its  connection 
with    the    State    and    giving    up    whatever 
privileges  it  derives  therefrom. 

It  has  been  maintained  that  the  Church 
which  accepts  such  privileges  from  the  State 


becomes  a  mere  '  department  of  public  wor- 
ship,' bound  in  its  doctrine  and  ceremonial 
by  whatever  laws  Parhament  may  enact. 
This  view  finds  no  support  in  history,  which 
shows  that  the  Church  is  a  spiritual  society 
with  jurisdiction  of  its  own  anterior  to  the 
State  and  independent  of  it.  [Authokity  in 
THE  Chukch.]  The  fact  that  the  State  recog- 
nises the  Church's  spiritual  law  as  of  divine 
origin  and  sanction,  and  agrees  to  enforce  it, 
does  not  give  it  power  to  abrogate  or  amend 
that  law.  The  State  may  withdraw  its 
support  if  it  chooses.  It  may  by  force  of  the 
civil  law  impose  upon  its  subjects  whatever 
rehgion  it  pleases  ;  but  if  such  legal  religion 
conflicts  with  that  of  the  Church,  the  Church 
can  only  refuse  to  adopt  it  and  face  the 
temporal  consequences. 

Nor  does  establishment  create  a  '  national 
Church '  in  the  sense  of  a  comprehensive 
body  which  would  include  all  members  of 
the  State  whatever  their  rehgious  views. 
Dr.  Arnold  (q.v.)  desired  to  see  the  Church 
hold  this  position,  but  difEerences  of  opinion 
are  now  too  wide  and  too  strong  for  such  a 
body  to  be  formed  except  on  fines  of  the 
vaguest  undenominationahsm.  The  Church 
could  only  occupy  such  a  position  by  re- 
nouncing its  distinctive  doctrines.  The 
Church,  however,  is  national  in  that  it  is  the 
official  representative  of  the  State  in  matters 
of  religion.  By  12-13  Wfil.  m.  c.  2  the 
sovereign  must  be  in  communion  with  it. 

Though  the  Church  was  not  estabhshed 
by  statute,  Disestabfishment,  or  the  sever- 
ance of  the  present  connection  of  Church  and 
State,  could  only  be  effected  by  statute  abro- 
gating the  State's  control  over  the  Church. 
This  would  give  the  Church  greater  Uberty, 
e.g.  Convocation  could  legislate  more  freely, 
and  bishops  would  be  chosen  without  any 
reference  to  the  civil  power.  The  Church's 
law  and  the  decisions  of  its  courts  would 
possess  the  same  sphitual  validity  as  before, 
but  would  not  be  enforced  by  the  secular 
arm,  unless  the  parties  had  entered  into  a 
civiUy  vafid  contract  to  abide  by  them,  when 
they  would  be  carried  out  by  the  civd  courts 
like  the  decisions  of  any  other  arbitrators 
{Long  V.  Bishop  of  Capetown,  1863,  1  Moo. 
P.C.    N.S.  461-2). 

Yet  the  fact  that  a  Church  is  not  estab- 
lished does  not  necessarily  give  it  complete 
freedom  from  secular  control.  It  must 
almost  necessarily  own  temporal  property, 
such  as  funds  and  buildings,  in  respect  of 
which  it  is  subject  to  the  temporal  law. 
And  if  such  property  is  held  on  terms  which 
include  matters  of  doctrine,  and  disputes 
arise,  the  civil  courts  must  inquire  into  and 


(-'10) 


Etheldreda] 


Dictionary  of  Fmglish  Church  History 


[Evangelicals 


decide  them.  The  history  of  non-estabhshed 
rehgious  bodies  affords  numerous  instances 
of  doctrines  being  the  subject  of  litigation  in 
the  secular  courts  {e.g.  Jones  v.  Stannard, 
Times,  2nd  February  1881  ;  Free  Church  of 
Scotland  {General  Assembly  of)  v.  Lord  Over- 
toun,  1904,  A.C.  515).  All  questions  con- 
cerning property  must  ultimately  be  decided 
b}'  the  civil  power  ;  but  the  necessity  of  thus 
referring  matters  of  doctrine  to  it  may  be 
avoided  by  inserting  a  clause  in  the  trust 
deeds  of  property  referring  disputes  to  a 
voluntary  tribunal  of  spiritual  validity,  and 
reserving  power  to  the  Church,  acting 
through  its  proper  authority,  to  vary  them 
in  points  of  doctrine. 

The  question  of  property  raises  the  subject 
of  Disendowment,  which  is  popularly  associ- 
ated with  Disestablishment.  All  property 
is  held  under  the  sanction  of  the  State. 
Morally  the  property  of  the  English  Church 
is  on  the  same  basis  as  that  of  any  other 
rehgious  or  secular  body.  Any  part  of  the 
Church's  income  which  can  be  shown  to  be 
given  by  the  State  in  return  for  services 
rendered  would  naturally  cease  with  those 
services.  But  apart  from  the  question  of 
the  origin  of  tithes  {q.v.),  nearly  the  whole  of 
that  income  arises  from  voluntary  gifts  made 
to  the  Church  either  now  or  in  the  past,  and 
not  from  public  funds.  [Church  and  State, 
Supremacy,  Royal.]  [q.  c] 

Brewer,  The  Establishment  and  Endowment 
of  the  Ch.  of  Eng.  (ed.  Dibdin) ;  authorities 
cited  for  Church  and  State. 

ETHELDREDA,  St.,  or  AETHEL- 
THRYTH  (d.  679),  a  daughter  of  Anna,  a 
Christian  king  of  the  East  Anghans,  is  said 
to  have  been  born  at  Exning,  Suffolk,  and  was 
married  to  Tondbert,  alderman  of  the  South 
Gyrwas,  receiving  from  him  the  Isle  of  Ely. 
He  died,  leaving  her  a  virgin,  and  five  years 
later,  in  660,  she  was  married  to  Egfrid,  the 
son  and  successor  of  Oswy  {q.v.).  King  of 
Northumbria.  Encouraged  by  Bishop  Wil- 
frid {q.v.),  she  preserved  her  virginity  against 
her  husband's  will,  and  after  twelve  years, 
672,  obtained  his  consent  to  her  retirement. 
She  received  the  veil  from  Wilfrid  at  Colding- 
ham.  a  double  monastery  of  men  and  women, 
where  Egfrid's  aunt,  Ebbe,  was  abbess. 
After  residing  there  a  year  she  journeyed 
to  the  Isle  of  Ely.  According  to  legend,  she 
left  Coldingham  because  her  husband  sought 
to  regain  her,  and  her  flight  from  him 
was  blessed  by  miracles.  In  Ely  she  built 
and  ruled  over  a  double  monastery,  like 
Coldingham,  practising  severe  asceticism 
in    dress,    fasting,    prayer,    watching,    and 


abstinence  from  the  bath.  She  was  attacked 
by  the  plague,  which  was  accompanied  by  a 
large  tumour  below  the  jaw  ;  it  was  lanced 
by  a  physician,  but  she  died  the  third  day 
after,  on  23rd  June  679.  By  her  direction 
her  body  was  buried  in  a  wooden  cofhn 
among  the  graves  of  the  monastery.  Her 
sister  Sexburga  succeeded  her,  and  on  17th 
October  695  translated  her  body,  which 
was  found  incorrupt,  placing  it  in  a  richly 
wrought  marble  sarcophagus  brought  to  her 
by  some  of  her  monks  from  the  ruined  city 
of  Grantchester,  close  to  the  modern  Cam- 
bridge. While  suffering  in  her  neck  Ethel- 
dreda spoke  of  the  time  when  she  loaded  it 
with  costly  necklaces.  Her  name  became 
popularised  as  Audrey,  and  her  pious  words 
bringing  it  into  connection  with  necklaces 
which  were  sold  at  the  fair  held  on  17th 
October,  and  by  pedlars  to  women  of  the 
lower  class  {Winter's  Tale,  iv.  3),  gave  us  the 
word  tawdry  (St.  Audrey).  Her  monastery 
perished  during  the  Danish  invasions,  and 
was  rebuUt  by  Bishop  Ethelwold.  A  new 
church,  now  Ely  Cathedral,  was  begun  by 
Abbot  Symeon  (1082-93),  and  continued 
by  his  successor,  who  again  translated  the 
saint's  body.  She  is  commemorated  on  17th 
October.  [w.  H.] 

Besides    Bede's   account,    a    twelfth-century 
life  iu  Liher  Eliensis  (Anglia  Chr.  Soc). 

EVANGELICALS.  The  two  religious  re- 
vivals in  England  during  the  eighteenth 
century  were  almost  simultaneous,  and  had 
much  in  common  both  in  cause  and  char- 
acteristics. The  debased  condition  of  social 
life  under  George  n.  called  for  such  move- 
ments not  only  within  the  Church  but 
also  outside  it.  The  general  tone  of  the 
higher  classes  was  vicious  and  profane,  that 
of  the  lower  classes  brutal  and  irreligious.  It 
was  chiefly  in  the  middle  classes  that  tlie  quiet 
piety  of  former  generations  continued.  Ex- 
cept in  some  country  parishes  the  spiritual 
heritage  from  the  past  slumbered.  Church 
fabrics  w-ere  neglected,  the  services  were 
perfunctorily  performed,  the  days  of  obser- 
vance were  disregarded.  The  clergy,  who 
were  often  absentees,  were  wanting  in 
sanctity  and  devotion ;  special  zeal  was 
resented  and  discouraged.  The  awakening 
came  through  the  ardent  preaching  and  tire- 
less energy  of  the  leaders  of  the  two  move- 
ments, and  the  terms  Evangelical  and 
Methodist,  at  first  frequently  interchange- 
able, came  into  use.  In  past  times  the 
former  expression  had  been  confined  to  the 
distinctive  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  and  to  the 
counsels  to  attain  a  saintly  Ufe ;  but  in  the 


(211) 


Evangelicals] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Evangelicals 


middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  it  began 
to  be  attached  to  Churchmen  who  laid  special 
stress  on  personal  conversion  and  the  vicari- 
ous Atonement  of  Christ.  With  other  names 
it  has  undergone  a  change  of  meaning,  and 
has  come  to  be  used  of  those  who  are  spiritu- 
allj'-minded  without  reference  to  any  parti- 
cular body  of  Cliristians.  The  use  of  it  in 
combination  with  other  terms  is  now  frequent, 
and  Liberal  Evangelical,  Evangelical  Catholic, 
and  Neo-Evangelical,  first  coined  in  1868, 
are  adopted  variations.  [Church,  High, 
Low.] 

The  two  movements  soon  began  to  diverge, 
not  so  much  at  first  in  docti'ine  as  in  method. 
The  Evangelical  revival,  which  remained 
within  the  Church,  held  in  a  modified  form 
the  Calvinism  of  Wliitefield  {q.v.),  but  did 
not  adopt  the  organised  intrusion  of  Wesley 
(q.v.)  into  other  parishes.  The  independence 
of  it  can  be  traced  in  the  work  of  the  pion- 
eers, as  Thomas  Walker  (1719-60)  at  Truro, 
Thomas  Adam  (1701-81)  at  Winteringham, 
and  Daniel  Rowlands  (1713-90)  in  Wales. 
The  work  of  the  Wesleys  and  of  Whitefield 
undoubtedly  exercised  a  strong  influence  on 
Evangelicals  not  only  from  personal  contact 
but  from  reUgious  sympathy.  The  saintly 
John  Fletcher  (1729-85)  of  Madeley,  who 
confined  himself  to  his  Shropshire  coUiers, 
was  at  one  time  designated  as  the  successor 
of  John  Wesley.  James  Hervey  (1714-58)  of 
Weston  Favell,  a  college  pupil  of  John  Wesle3^ 
was  a  staunch  Evangelical.  W^ilUam  Grim- 
shaw  (1708-63)  of  Haworth  on  the  York- 
shire moors,  and  John  Bex'ridge  (1716-93)  of 
Everton  in  the  Midlands,  both  itinerated; 
but  Henry  Venn  (q.v.)  during  his  eleven 
years  at  Huddersfield  acknowledged  the 
irregulai'ity  of  preaching  in  unconsecrated 
places.  John  Newton  (1725-1807),  at  one 
time  a  blasphemous  slave-dealer,  spent  nine 
years  among  the  Methodist  leaders  before 
his  ordination,  and  came  to  be  the  spiritual 
director  of  Evangelicals  at  Olney,  and  then 
at  St.  Mary  Woolnoth  in  London. 

The  Evangelical  leaders  took  their  parishes 
for  their  world,  and  formed  their  own  little 
societies  round  them.  Centres  of  activity 
were  established,  and  whole  districts  became 
quickened  into  new  life.  The  work  advanced 
against  constant  persecution  and  opposition, 
though  in  the  next  century  this  experience 
did  not  cause  toleration  to  be  extended  to 
the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.).  With  the 
well-disposed  there  was  the  attachment  to 
'  genteel '  conventions,  and  the  dread  of 
religious  enthusiasm  to  be  overcome.  The 
scholarly  WiUiam  Romaine  (1714-95)  en- 
dured hardness   before   he   triumphed   over 


the  prejudices  of  the  middle-class  congrega- 
tions at  St.  Dunstan's,  Fleet  Street,  and 
St.  Andrew's,  Blackfriars.  Charles  Simeon 
{q.v.)  at  Holy  Trinity,  Cambridge,  passed 
through  an  ordeal  of  contention  until  he 
secured  first  toleration  and  then  recognition 
as  the  greatest  spiritual  force  in  the  Univer- 
sity. At  an  earlier  date,  1768,  six  students 
of  St.  Edmund  Hall  suffered  expulsion  from 
Oxford  for  '  too  much  religion.'  But  an 
increasing  number  of  devoted  clergy  gradu- 
ally won  their  way  by  sheer  force  of  piety 
and  character.  Not  that  positions  of  im- 
portance were  given  to  them ;  the  only  one 
who  attained  liigh  preferment  was  Isaac 
Milner  (1751-1820),  a  brilUant  Senior 
Wrangler,  who  became  Dean  of  Carhsle. 
Another  Senior  Wrangler,  Henry  Martyn 
(1781-1812),  a  spiritual  son  of  Charles  Simeon, 
was  not  allowed  to  preach  in  any  church  in 
his  native  county  except  that  of  his  brother- 
in-law.  At  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  Evangelicals  were  the  most 
definite  and  the  most  active  influence  in  the 
Church ;  but  they  were  not  the  dominant 
party,  and  even  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth 
century  a  favourable  estimate  of  their 
numbers  is  not  more  than  one-fourth  of  the 
clergy.  In  1822  there  were  not  a  dozen 
Evangelical  clergy  in  London ;  and  ten  years 
later  Daniel  Wilson  (1805-86),  on  succeeding 
liis  father  at  Islington,  said  that  the  Evan- 
gelical party  were  '  few  in  number,  and  hold- 
ing for  the  most  part  subordinate  positions.' 
The  refined  Richard  Cecil  (1748-1810)  at 
St.  John's,  Bedford  Row ;  the  practical 
David  Woodd  (1785-1831)  at  Bentinck 
Chapel;  and  the  able  Thomas  Scott  (1746- 
1821)  at  the  chapel  of  the  Lock  Hospital, 
had  to  be  content  with  proprietary  chapels, 
which  later  deteriorated  into  commercial 
speculations.  Some  of  the  most  efficient 
EvangeUcal  clergy  remained  unbeneficed 
almost  to  the  end  of  their  lives,  while  men  of 
indifferent  attainments  obtained  by  influence 
important  livings.  To  remedy  this,  '  spheres 
of  work '  were  purchased,  and  gradually  the 
Simeon  Trustees  have  acquired  the  right  of 
presentation  to  more  than  a  hundred  parishes. 
With  the  second  generation  the  influence  of 
the  EvangeUcal  clergy  increased,  their  position 
was  accepted,  and  their  manifold  activities 
produced  devout  lives  and  good  works  that 
are  eminent  in  religious  history. 

The  conspicuous  work  of  the  Evangelicals 
in  the  nineteenth  century  is  found  in  the 
voluntary  societies  they  founded.  Some 
contain  the  term  '  Church '  in  their  title  and 
are  more  distinctive  in  their  principles,  while 
others  without  this   qualiflcation  are  more 


(212) 


Evangelicals] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Evangelicals 


general  in  their  range.  In  1783  the  Eclectic 
Society  was  formed  in  London  '  for  religious 
intercourse  and  improvement.'  The  numbers 
were  small,  but  their  influence  was  far- 
reaching.  A  discussion  in  1796  on  the  best 
method  of  promoting  the  knowledge  of  the 
Gospel  among  the  heathen,  with  a  view  to 
the  disposal  of  a  legacy  of  £4000,  led  to 
the  foundation  of  the  subsequently  world- 
wide Church  Missionary  Society  (1799). 
Its  title  until  1812  was  'The  Society  for 
i\Iissions  to  Africa  and  the  East.'  In  1802 
Josiah  Pratt  (1768-1844)  became  secretary 
at  an  annual  salary  of  £60,  which  later  on  was 
increased  to  £300,  and  during  the  twenty-one 
years  he  held  this  position  its  expansion 
became  assured.  The  first  bishop  to  join  the 
society  was  Henry  Ryder  (1777-1836)  of 
Gloucester,  who  was  tiiso  the  first  decided 
Evangelical  raised  to  the  bench  (1815).  The 
Newfoundland  Society  (1823)  owed  its 
inception  to  a  votive  offering  of  a  west- 
country  merchant  who  survived  shipwreck. 
In  1861  it  was  joined  with  the  Colonial  Church 
Society  (1838)  to  form  the  Colonial  and 
Continental  Church  Society.  The  South 
American  IMissionary  Society  was  instituted 
in  1844  to  forward  the  heroic  labours  of 
Allen  Gardiner.  Originating  at  Bristol, 
the  IVIissions  to  Seamen  (1856)  had  as  its 
founder  W.  H.  G.  Kingston,  the  author  of 
sea  stories  for  boys.  The  Church  Pastoral 
Aid  Society  (1836),  for  the  purpose  of  'in- 
creasing the  number  of  working  clergymen 
and  encouraging  the  appointment  of  pious 
and  discreet  laymen  as  helpers  to  the  clergy 
in  duties  not  ministerial,'  had  to  pass  through 
considerable  criticism.  The  matters  objected 
to  were  the  proposed  inquiries  into  the 
qualifications  of  the  clergy  and  the  employ- 
ment of  lay  assistants.  The  last  experiment 
of  this  kind  had  been  Wesley's  lay  preachers. 
In  1875  the  Church  Parochial  JVIission  Society, 
with  William  Hay  Aitken  as  its  first  leader, 
resulted  from  the  Moody  and  Sankey  Mission, 
and  promoted  the  movement  for  holding 
services  in  unconsecrated  buildings.  Until 
1855  it  was  illegal  by  the  Toleration  Act  of 
1812  (52  Geo.  m.  c.  155)  for  more  than 
twenty  persons  to  meet  for  religious  worship 
in  any  building  but  a  consecrated  church  or 
licensed  dissenting  chapel.  The  spiritual 
equipment  of  the  EvangeUcal  party  was 
strengthened  in  1861  by  the  estabUshment  of 
the  London  College  of  Divinity,  in  1877  by 
the  foundation  of  Wyclifie  Hall  at  Oxford, 
and  in  1881  by  that  of  Ridley  Hall  at  Cam- 
bridge.   [Theological  Colleges.] 

Other  societies  established  by  the  Evangeli- 
cals were  based  on  the  principle  of  devotion 


to  a  common  Master  without  reference  to  the 
Church's  system.  To  these  Nonconformists 
were  admitted.  The  clergy  in  general  in  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  were 
not  regarded  as  among  the  converted,  and 
on  their  part,  after  the  spread  of  dissent 
through  the  Methodist  revival,  an  agreement 
would  not  have  been  practicable.  In  the 
second  and  tliird  quarters  of  the  century  the 
general  bond  between  EvangeUcals  became 
more  that  of  a  vigorous  antipathy  to  Rome  and 
the  Oxford  Movement,  the  apparent  resem- 
blance of  which  had  readily  alarmed  them. 
Their  persecuting  tendency  was  also  shown 
in  their  hostility  towards  Dr.  Thomas  Arnold 
[q.v.),  who  seemed  to  them  to  tolerate 
Agnosticism,  and  to  his  successors,  F.  W. 
Robertson  of  Brighton  and  Charles  ICingsley 
(g.y.).  The  earlier  Evangelicals  did  not  deny, 
far  less  persecute ;  they  were  content  to 
affirm.  In  the  last  thirty  years  co-operation 
with  Nonconformists  has  been  found  mostly 
in  social  and  literary  work.  The  Religious 
Tract  Society  (1799)  publishes  -writings  of  an 
elementary  character,  while  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society  (1804)  circulates  the 
Scriptures  in  all  languages  and  to  aU  parts 
of  the  world.  In  1845  the  Evangelical 
Alliance  was  supported  by  the  partisan 
section.  The  Church  Association  (1865), 
prominent  at  one  time,  declined  through  its 
prosecutions  under  the  Public  Worship 
Regulation  Act  {q.v.),  and  new  organisations 
were  started,  which  have  been  since  united 
with  others  to  form  the  National  Church 
League.  [Societies,  Ecclesiastical.] 
William  Pennefather  (1816-73)  opened  the 
Mildmay  Deaconess  Home  in  1860  for 
'  women  desirous  of  labouring  in  the  Lord's 
vineyard  as  Phoebe  did  of  old.'  Five  years 
later,  after  a  close  study  of  the  Lutheran 
deaconesses  in  Prussia,  the  JNIildmay  deacon- 
esses appeared  in  their  quiet  uniform,  and 
though  at  first  disturbing  to  some  of  the  elder 
clergy,  met  with  a  speedy  success.  Other 
interdenominational  societies  in  which  the 
Evangelicals  have  the  greater  influence  are 
the  Cambridge  Inter-Collegiate  Christian 
Union  (1877),  to  band  together  men  in  *dead 
earnest '  for  the  spiritual  good  of  their 
brother  students;  the  Children's  Scripture 
Union  (1879),  with  its  seaside  services;  and 
the  Keswick  Convention  (1875),  for  the 
promotion  of  practical  hoUness.  The  Young 
Men's  Christian  Associa,tion  (1844),  the  Young 
Women's  Christian  Association  (1855),  the 
Railway  Mission  (1881),  the  Navvy  ]\Iission 
(1883)  are  also  spheres  in  which  Evangelicals 
and  Nonconformists  work  together.  But 
co-operation  was  not  found  possible  in  the 


(213) 


Evangelicals] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Evangelicals 


London  Mission  Society  (1795),  the  London 
Society  for  Missions  to  the  Jews  (1809),  and 
the  Indian  Female  School  Society  (1861), 
from  wliich  the  Church  of  England  Zenana 
Missionary  Society  was  divided  off  in  1880. 

A  notable  annual  gathering  of  Evangelicals 
is  the  IsHngton  Conference  (begun  1827), 
which  at  first  consisted  of  thirty  to  fifty  of 
the  clergy,  but  which  is  now  attended  by  as 
many  as  a  thousand.  The  list  of  Evangelical 
leaders  who  have  here  addressed  their 
brethren  contains  most  of  those  who  have 
been  prominent  in  this  school.  First,  Edward 
Bickersteth,  Hugh  Stowell,  Hugh  M'NeUe, 
John  W.  Cunningham,  H.  M.  ViUiers ;  then 
John  MiUer,  John  Charles  Ryle  {q.v.), 
E.  Garbett,  William  Cadman,  the  Bardsleys  ; 
then  W.  H.  Barlow,  T.  P.  Boultbee,  E.  Hoare, 
J.  Richardson,  W.  Lef  roy  ;  then  H.  W.  Webb- 
Peploe,  H.  C.  G.  Moule,  and  H.  Wace,  their 
leaders  of  to-day.  In  1899  the  centenary  of 
the  Church  IVIissionary  Society  was  a  great 
event.  The  '  Policy  of  Faith,'  the  unbounded 
development,  the  missionary  enthusiasm, 
though  sometimes  said  to  '  over-monopoUse 
efforts  and  gifts,'  yet  has  made  this  society, 
more  than  all  others,  the  institution  to  which 
Evangelicals  are  attached,  and  with  which 
they  are  especially  identified  in  the  twentieth 
century. 

On  the  nation  the  effect  produced  by  the 
Evangelical  movement  was  seen  at  first  in 
the  fresh  spirit  of  moral  zeal  carried  to  the 
hearts  of  the  poor.  It  checked  the  revolu- 
tionary and  sceptical  ideas  at  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  In  1780  Robert 
Raikes  by  his  Sunday  schools  gave  the 
first  impulse  to  popular  education.  The 
slave  -  trade  was  overthrown  by  Thomas 
Clarkson  and  William  Wilberforce  {q.v.)  after 
many  years  of  unwearied  exertions.  The 
Factory  Acts  were  due  to  the  philanthropic 
labours  of  Lord  Shaftesbury.  In  both 
centuries  many  of  the  '  serious  '  laity  gathered 
round  the  Evangelicals.  Of  John  Thornton 
(1720-90)  it  was  said:  '  Few  have  ever  done 
more  to  feed  the  hungry,  clothe  the  naked, 
and  help  all  that  suffer  adversity.'  One  of 
the  wealth  lest'^merchants  in  Europe,  his  purse 
was  always  open  to  schemes  of  charity, 
besides  the  distribution  of  Bibles,  Prayer- 
Books,  and  other  religious  publications. 
Another  of  their  most  influential  supporters 
was  Lord  Dartmouth  (1731-1801),  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  later  Colonial 
Secretary,  who  with  the  elder  Thornton 
secured  benefices  for  Evangelical  clergy.  In 
the  nineteenth  century  Lord  Shaftesbury 
(1801-85)  stands  out  beyond  all  others  in  his 
life  of  godliness  and  devotion  to  the  poor  and 


friendless.  Ragged  schools  and  every  sort 
of  Home  Mission  agency  had  his  special  sup- 
port. As  bishop-maker  for  nine  years  from 
1855,  when  his  relation,  Lord  Palmerston, 
became  Prime  Minister,  his  influence  was 
supreme ;  but  of  his  fourteen  nominations  not 
all  were  strictly  Evangelical,  though  none  were 
Tractarian.  At  the  close  of  the  century  his 
place  as  lay  leader  was  taken  by  Sir  John 
Kennaway.  The  '  Clapham  Sect '  was  for 
many  years  the  most  remarkable  group  of 
EvangeUcal  laymen.  John  Venn  (1759-1813) 
was  vicar  of  Clapham,  then  with  three  miles 
of  meadows  separating  it  from  London,  and 
a  population  of  two  thousand.  In  the  '  hoh' 
village '  were  the  residences  of  Henry 
Thornton  (1760-1815),  banker;  William 
Wilberforce,  M.P.  for  Yorkshire ;  Charles 
Grant  (1746-1823),  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company ;  James  Stephen  (1759- 
1832),  the  famous  advocate ;  Zachary 
Macaulay  (1768-1838),  formerly  Governor  of 
Sierra  Leone  ;  Lord  Teignmouth  (1751-1834), 
a  just  and  generous  but  not  inspiring  Gover- 
nor-General of  India ;  and  Granville  Sharp 
(1735-1832),  a  pioneer  in  the  suppression  of 
the  slave-trade.  Combined  in  this  coterie 
were  piety,  wealth,  eloquence,  knowledge  of 
men,  legal  acumen,  business  experience,  and 
Parliamentary  influence  such  as  made  their 
united  action  irresistible.  They  Uved  in  the 
world,  but  realised  the  presence  of  God  in 
aU  their  ways  ;  their  time  and  wealth  were 
regarded  in  the  light  of  a  trust  from  God ; 
their  inspiration  was  drawn  from  diligent 
study  of  the  Bible  and  fervent  prayer,  public, 
family,  and  private.  Evangehcals  looked  to 
the  '  Clapham  Sect '  not  only  because  of  their 
position  and  influence,  but  because  of  the 
beauty  of  holiness  that  dwelt  in  them. 
Though  many  despised  them,  to  '  sit  under  ' 
a  popular  preacher  became  a  recognised 
custom  of  the  day  even  with  the  fashionable 
world.  Their  example  quickened  the  spirit 
of  philanthropy  among  the  middle  classes, 
the  section  of  the  community  to  which  the 
Evangelicals  had  widely  appealed.  A  standard 
was  represented  by  them  which  impressed 
itself  on  all  who  came  in  contact  mth  it. 
The  effect  produced  is  measured  in  its  influ- 
ence on  the  family  rather  than  in  the  Church. 
The  particular  type  of  life  both  before  and 
after  this  time  continued  through  two  or 
three  generations,  and  the  tradition  was 
carried  on  from  father  to  son.  The  Venns, 
the  Scotts,  the  Thorntons,  the  Bickersteths, 
the  Bardsleys  are  notable  instances.  To  the 
intimacy  of  such  circles  admission  was  only 
obtained  by  the  '  converted,'  and  for  these 
it  was  an  essential  to  '  witness.'     Dancing, 


(214) 


Evangelicals] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Evangelicals 


card  parties,  and  the  theatre  were  rigorously 
banned.  Fiction,  unfit  as  much  of  it  was 
in  those  days,  was  also  not  allowed  because 
of  the  time  it  occupied  which  otherwise 
might  have  been  given  to  the  Scriptures,  ser- 
mons, and  books  such  as  Bunyan's  Pilgrini's 
Progress.  Interest  in  Foreign  Missions  and 
the  May  Meetings  held  in  Exeter  Hall, 
Strand  (1831-1907),  pro\'1ded  a  diversion  in 
their  ordered  lives.  If  in  earlier  generations 
aloofness  from  the  world  produced  austerity, 
later  the  mark  of  consecration  was  more 
manifest.  Their  phraseology  at  first  had 
been  pecuUar,  and  the  familiarity  with  which 
they  spoke  of  holy  things  may  have  appeared 
to  lack  reverence,  but  their  anxious  inquiries 
after  the  welfare  of  the  souls  of  others  and 
their  terms  of  endearment  came  from  a 
sincere  zeal  and  love  in  the  cause  of  their 
IVfaster.  Their  very  earnestness  constrained 
them  to  improve  every  occasion  in  season 
and  out  of  season.  The  frequent  use  of 
'  D.V.'  did  but  express  their  belief  in  divine 
interposition.  At  times  they  were  censorious. 
A  touch  of  quiet  worldliness  in  their  comfort- 
able homes  showed  itself  amid  their  not  always 
consistent  protest  against  pomps  and  pas- 
times. Their  strict  observance  of  Sunday, 
when  social  hospitality  was  neither  given 
nor  accepted,  and  their  clothes  and  meals 
and  books  and  conversation  and  relaxations 
were  of  a  precise  order,  was  a  power  in  the 
national  life.  The  waning  of  this  and  the 
decline  of  home  training  are  more  noticeable 
in  the  present  day  because  of  the  standard 
they  reached  two  generations  ago.  Works 
of  benevolence  and  mercy,  visiting  and 
Sunday-school  teaching,  were  fruitful  pro- 
ducts of  their  rehgion.  Changes  have  come 
in  their  methods  as  in  other  directions.  But 
a  level  of  saintliness  was  obtained  that 
expressed  their  personal  devotion  to  the 
Saviour,  and  made  them  in  their  day  the  salt 
of  the  earth. 

The  distinctive  feature  of  the  EvangeUcal 
clergy  has  been  their  preaching,  directed 
to  arouse  their  congregations  to  a  state  of 
personal  conversion.  The  depravity  of 
human  nature,  the  conviction  of  sin,  the 
Atonement,  Justification  by  faith  and  not  by 
works,  Sanctification  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  have 
been  the  doctrines  on  which  they  have  most 
insisted. 

In  earlier  days  the  subject  of  Predes- 
tination and  Pjlcction  was  pushed  to  extremes 
by  some,  though  few  held  the  tenets  of  the 
New  Birth  and  Christian  Perfection.  The 
Evangehcals  were  then  mostly  moderate 
Calvinists,  and  did  not  to  any  great  extent 
take  part  in  the  controversy  that  led  to  the 


first  cleavage  in  the  Methodist  movement. 
Later  there  were  many  who  repudiated 
Calvinism  and  advocated  the  doctrine  of 
Universal  Redemption.  The  power  of  their 
preaching  came  from  a  passionate  love  of 
souls  and  longing  to  promote  the  love  of 
God.  Not  so  much  the  desire  to  escape 
from  the  wrath  to  come  as  the  worthlessness 
of  everything  which  did  not  begin  and  end 
in  God  moved  men  to  self-surrender.  The 
sense  of  helplessness  and  the  need  of  grace 
have  found  a  permanent  expression  in  the 
words  of  Toplady  (q.v.) : — 

'  Notliing  in  my  hand  I  bring, 
Simply  to  Thy  Cross  I  cling.' 

But  a  tendency  of  their  preaching  was  to 
produce  an  incUnation  rather  to  rest  in  the 
certitude  of  salvation  than  to  feel  the  need 
of  spiritual  progress.  The  constant  exposi- 
tion of  texts  only  with  regard  to  favourite 
doctrines,  without  reference  to  a  system  of 
order  and  doctrine,  did  not  uplift  the  Church 
as  a  whole.  They  bad  little  interest  in  the 
search  for  theological  truth  or  in  the  ex- 
perience of  historical  tradition.  Philosophy, 
except  that  which  centred  in  the  Crucifixion, 
was  not  found  amongst  them.  Undue 
exaltation  of  preaching  caused  them  to 
undervalue  Uturgical  worship,  the  creeds,  and 
the  sacraments,  the  last  in  teaching  rather 
than  in  practice.  They  made  httle  study  of 
the  Prayer  Book,  though  they  asserted  their 
affection  for  it.  They  were  content  with  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles  and  the  Liturgy,  and 
at  no  period  did  they  agitate  for  revision. 
The  introduction  of  hymn-singing  and  the 
innovation  of  evening  services  are  their  two 
contributions  in  the  way  of  worship.  The 
mutilation  at  one  period  of  the  Baptismal 
Service  in  view  of  the  question  of  Regeneration, 
and  the  adoption  in  1852  of  Evening  Com- 
munions, are  phases  that  represent  ideas  held 
by  them  on  these  subjects.  Some  parishes, 
however,  as  Islington  under  the  elder 
Daniel  Wilson  (q.v.),  had  alreadj'  revived 
early  Eucharists,  the  use  of  the  Litany  on 
Wednesday  and  Friday,  and  a  service  on 
each  saint's  day.  In  their  churches  the 
pulpit  was  the  central  object,  and  the  font 
and  altar  had  scant  dignity  given  to  them. 
Not  that  lack  of  ceremonial  implied  irrever- 
ence or  slovenhness.  Evangelistic  preach- 
ing, pastoral  visiting,  prayer  meetings,  were 
not  supplemented  by  corporate  action  and 
Church  authority.  The  revival  of  Con- 
vocation iq.v.)  was  opposed  by  them  because 
of  the  exclusion  of  laymen,  whose  services 
were  a  growing  feature  in  their  work.  They 
did  not  favour  the  establishment  of  Church 


(  215  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Evelyn 


Congresses.  The  Oxford  Movement  was 
alien  to  them  through  the  emphasis  it  laid  on 
Church  order  and  discipline.  Like  the  Lati- 
tudinarians  {q.v.),  they  were  unable  to  produce 
ecclesiastical  leadership  or  power,  though  in 
their  own  organisations  they  showed  cohe- 
sion and  vitaUty.  Nevertheless,  they  trans- 
formed innumerable  lives.  They  delivered 
men  from  the  bondage  of  sin.  They  inspired 
them  with  a  hope  of  heaven.  They  won  souls 
to  a  knowledge  of  Christ ;  and  with  them  to 
know  Christ  was  '  to  believe  in  Him,  and  to 
love  Him,  to  walk  with  Him,  to  work  for 
Him,  to  watch  for  His  second  coming.' 

Few  books  of  merit  have  been  produced 
by  the  Evangelicals,  and  these  have  not  out- 
lived their  generation.  They  relied  on  the 
living  message  rather  than  on  the  printed 
page.  No  great  divine  arose  among  them. 
Hervey's  Theron  and  Aspasio  and  Medita- 
tions among  the  Tombs,  both  of  a  Calvinistic 
cast,  were  popular  in  their  day.  J.  H.  New- 
man iq.v.)  in  his  Apologia  says  that,  '  humanly 
speaking,  he  almost  owed  his  soul  to  the 
writings  of  Scott,'  whose  Force  of  Truth  and 
Commentaries  were  sold  in  their  thousands. 
Cecil's  Eemnins  is  still  remembered.  Joseph 
Milner  (1744-97)  of  Hull  wrote  a  History  of 
the  Church  of  Christ.  Venn's  Complete  Duty 
of  Man  and  Wilberforce's  Practical  View  were 
read  in  all  EvangeUcal  houses  for  many  years. 
Henry  Thornton's  Family  Prayers  was  an 
accepted  household  office.  Hannah  More's 
iq.v.)  writings  to  the  highly  placed  served 
their  purpose  in  quickening  many  to  a  sense 
of  their  responsibihty.  The  Christian  Ob- 
server, started  in  1802  as  a  monthly  magazine, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Clapham  circle, 
continued  until  1880.  The  Record,  begun 
with  the  violent  editorship  of  Alexander 
Haldane  in  1828,  is  now  the  weekly  organ 
of  moderate  Evangelicals.  But  the  hterary 
force  has  been  chiefly  with  hymn-writers. 
Thomas  Robinson  (1749-1813)  of  Leicester, 
in  one  of  the  many  congregational  collec- 
tions of  Psalms  and  Hymns,  excluded  all 
Psalms  from  tlie  old  version  of  Sternhold 
and  Hopkins.  The  Olney  Hymns  (1779), 
composed  by  William  Cowper  (1731-1800) 
and  John  Newton,  though  without  the 
gladness  of  the  Psalms,  appealed  to  the 
heart  through  their  intense  love  of  the 
Saviour,  and  '  enriched  the  hymnody  of  all 
time.'  The  Hymiud  Companion,  edited  by 
E.  H.  Bickersteth  (1870),  rapidly  became  the 
recognised  hymn-book  of  EvangeUcal  con- 
gregations, and  in  1893  was  in  use  in  1478 
English  churches.  The  Parker  Society  (1840) 
was  formed  to  meet  an  attack  on  the  Re- 
formation divines  by  a  reprint  of  their  works. 


Books  that  influenced  the  early  Evan- 
gelicals frequently  belonged  to  a  different 
school.  Thomas  a  Kempis  marked  the 
turning-point  in  the  life  of  John  Newton. 
Bishop  Thomas  Wilson's  (q.v.)  Lord's  Supper 
taught  Charles  Simeon  the  meaning  of  the 
Atonement.  Wilham  Law's  (q.v.)  Serious 
Call  changed  the  lives  of  John  Wesley, 
Thomas  Adam,  Henry  Venn,  and  Thomas 
Scott ;  and  this  book  beyond  all  others  may 
be  counted  as  a  source  of  the  revival. 

[h.  m.  l.] 

Balleine,  Hist,  of  the  Evangelical  Party ; 
W.  B.  Gladstone,  Gleanings,  vii.  ;  J.  H.  Over- 
ton, Evangelicdl  Revival  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century  ;  Eugene  Stock,  Hist,  of  the  Church 
Missionary  Society  ;  and  others. 


EVELYN,  John  (1620-1706),  one  of  the  most 
notable  lay  churchmen  of  tlie  seventeenth 
century,  was  born  of  a  Surrey  family,  became 
a  student  of  the  Middle  Temple,  and  a  fellow- 
commoner  of  BaUiol,  where  he  seems  to  have 
chiefly  studied  dancing  and  music.  He 
travelled  in  HoUand,  and  served  in  the  army 
there ;  I'eturning  to  England,  lie  spent  three 
days  in  November  1642  with  Charles's  army, 
and  then  settled  at  Wotton,  his  family  seat 
in  Surrey.  After  spending  most  of  the  next 
ten  years  abroad  he  settled  at  Sayes  Court, 
Deptford,  in  1652,  compounding  with  the 
Parliament.  He  now  devoted  himself  to 
gardening  and  natural  science,  and  was  one 
of  the  founders  of  what  became  the  Royal 
Society,  being  a  great  friend  of  John  Wilkins 
and  Robert  Boyle  [q.v.).  He  kept  up  cor- 
respondence with  Charles  ii.  in  exile,  and 
remained  firm  in  his  allegiance  to  the  Church, 
being  one  of  those  who  were  arrested  for 
receiving  the  Holy  Communion  on  Christmas 
Day,  1657.  He  worked  hard  for  the  Restora- 
tion, and  was  in  favour  at  court  after  the 
King's  return.  He  had  been  generous  to  the 
dispossessed  clergy,  and  supported  many  of 
them  by  money  and  kindness,  especially 
Jeremy  Taylor,  who  became  his  confessor. 
He  now  became  prominent  in  Church  matters, 
a  commissioner  for  the  rebuilding  of  St.  Paul's, 
and  aiding  the  establishment  of  the  Church 
in  the  plantations.  He  was  frequently  at  the 
court,  but  regarded  its  vice  and  dissipation 
with  growing  disgust.  '  What  contentment 
can  there  be  in  the  riches  and  splendour  of 
the  world  purchased  with  vice  and  dis- 
honour ? '  he  wrote  in  his  Diary ;  and  his 
description  of  the  last  Sunday  of  Charles  ii.'s 
life  is  one  of  the  most  famous  records  of  the 
luxury  and  frivolity  of  the  court.  He  was  a 
friend,  however,  of  artists  and  musicians,  and 
interested    in    all    the    culture    of    his    age. 


(21G) 


Exeter] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Exeter 


Besides  the  chief  clergy  of  the  time  he  was 
intimate  with  Bcntley  and  Pepys,  Gibbons 
and  Hollar.  He  was  famous  as  a  gardener, 
his  own  garden  at  Sayes  Court  being  one  of 
the  most  perfect  examples  of  the  formal 
style  of  the  age.  His  Life  of  Mrs.  Oodolphin 
contains  a  delightful  picture  of  the  life  of  a 
i-eligious  lady  of  the  court,  and  his  own 
Diary  throws  abundant  light  on  social, 
political,  and  religious  history.  A  devout 
man,  respected  by  all,  a  most  strict  follower 
of  the  rules  of  the  Church,  he  represented  the 
Caroline  divines  in  their  breadth,  piety,  and 
catholicity  in  a  way  which  made  him  uni- 
versally respected  even  among  those  who 
dislilicd  his  opinions  and  did  not  imitate  his 
conduct.  There  was  not  a  good  work  of  his 
age  with  which  he  was  not  associated. 

[w.  H.  H.] 
Memoirs,  e.l.  l)y  H.  B.  Wheatlry. 

EXETER,  See  of,  can  be  traced  from  the 
subdivision  of  that  of  Sherborne  [Salisbury. 
See  of]  by  Archbishop  Plegmund  in  909. 
Plegmund  established  the  three  dioceses  of 
Cornwall,  Devon,  and  Somerset.  In  1040,  on 
the  death  of  Burwold,  Bishop  of  Cornwall, 
that  diocese  was  united  with  Crediton.  The 
bishops  of  Devon  for  the  first  hundred  and 
•forty  years  held  their  see  at  Crediton,  whence 
it  was  removed  to  Exeter  by  Bishop  Leofric 
in  1046  on  account  of  the  defenceless  position 
of  Crediton  against  the  Danish  pirates.  Leofric 
recovered  alienated  property  at  Culmstock, 
Branescomb,  and  Saltcomb,  and  the  Con- 
queror granted  him  the  estate  of  Holcombe. 
By  Order  in  Council  of  30th  July  1838  the 
Scilly  Isles  were  declared  to  be  within  the 
diocese  of  Exeter  and  archdeaconry  of  Corn- 
wall. In  1876  the  ancient  diocese  of 
Cornwall  was  revived  by  the  establishment 
of  the  see  of  Truro  {q.v.),  with  jurisdiction 
over  the  territory  of  the  former  archdeaconry 
of  Cornwall, 

The  see  includes  all  the  county  of  Devon 
(with  the  exception  of  five  parishes  and  a 
hamlet  in  the  diocese  of  Truro,  and  two 
parishes  in  the  diocese  of  Sarum)  and  one 
parish  in  the  county  of  Somerset.  The 
population  is  658,273. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  Temporalia 
{i.e.  revenues  from  land)  at  £461,  18s.  4|d.  ; 
the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  of  1536  assessed  the 
income  at  £1566,  14s.  6d.,  but  the  survey  of 
Bishop  Veysey  of  November  of  the  same 
year  returned  it  as  £1391,  Is.  Ecton  (1711) 
gives  the  value  as  £500.  It  is  now  £4200. 
The  diocese  was  formerly  divided  into  four 
archdeaconries :  Exeter  (first  mentioned, 
1083),  Totnes  (first  mentioned,  1140),  Barn- 


staple (first  mentioned,  1143),  and  Cornwall 
(first  mentioned,  1089),  but  that  of  Cornwall 
ceased  to  exist  on  the  formation  of  the  sec 
of  Truro.  There  are  twenty-three  rural 
deaneries.  'Jlie  cathedral  church  is  ruled  by  a 
chapter  of  the  Old  Foundation  ;  the  deanery 
and  chancellorship  were  founded  by  Bishop 
Briwere  in  1225  ;  the  offices  of  treasurer  and 
precentor  date  from  1133  and  1154  respec- 
tively. There  are  twenty  non-residentiary 
prebendaries.  By  the  Cathedrals  Act,  1840 
(3-4  Vic.  c.  113),  the  number  of  canons 
residentiary  was  reduced  from  eight  to  five. 
An  Order  in  Council  of  11th  August  1837 
annexed  one  canonry  to  tlie  archdeaconry  of 
Exeter.  An  Order  of  30th  November  1882 
suspended  one  of  the  five  canonries  and 
transferred  its  endowment  to  Truro.  A 
bishop  suffragan  of  Crediton  was  appointed 
in  1897. 

Bishops  of  Crediton 

1.  Eadulf,  909  ;   d.  931. 

2.  Aethelgar,  934  ;  d.  953. 

3.  Aelf  wold,  953;  cons,  by  advice  of  Dunstan 

{q.v.);  d.  972. 

4.  Sideman,  973.  6.  Aelf  wold  ii.,  988. 

5.  Aelfric,  977.  7.  Eadnoth,  1008. 

8.  Lyfing,    1027 ;     on    death    of    Burwold, 

Bishop  of  Cornwall,  c.  1040,  that  see 
was  united  with  Crediton  ;  Lyfing  also 
held  the  see  of  Worcester;  accompanied 
Cnut  to  Rome  ;  d.  1046. 

Bishops  of  Exeter 

9.  Leofric,  1046 ;    chaplain  and  Chancellor 

to  Edward  the  Confessor ;  a  zealous 
defender  of  his  flock  against  piratical 
ravages ;  moved  the  see  to  Exeter  in 
1050,  and  there  maintained  the  cathe- 
dral staff  from  his  private  resources ; 
a  learned  and  generous  bishop ;  d. 
1072. 

10.  Osbern,  1072  ;    had  property  in  Sussex, 

Hampshire,  Surrey,  Berkshire,  Glouces- 
tershire, Norfolk,  and  Oxfordshire ; 
d.  1103. 

11.  William  Warelwast,  or  Warawast,  1107  ; 

an  obsequious  courtier,  whose  consecra- 
tion was  delayed  by  Anselm  {q.v.)  owing 
to  the  contest  about  Investitures  {q.v.) ; 
made  generous  use  of  his  property ;  re- 
signed on  becoming  blind,  and  retired 
to  Plympton  Priory;    d.  1137. 

12.  Robert  Chichester,  1138;   Dean  of  Salis- 

bury ;  d.  1155. 

13.  Robert  of  Warelwast,  1155 ;    nephew  to 

William  Warelwast ;  Dean  of  Salis- 
bury;   d.  1160. 


(217) 


Exeter] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Exeter 


14.  Bartholomew  of  Exeter,  1161  ;    Dean  of 

Chichester  and  Archdeacon  of  Exeter; 
cons,  by  the  Biahop  of  Rochester,  the  see 
of  Canterbury  being  vacant ;  named 
by  Alexander  m.  '  the  luminary  of  the 
Enghsh  Church  ' ;  formerly  an  oppon- 
ent of  Becket  [q.v.),  he  afterwards 
desired  to  remain  with  liim  in  voluntary 
banishment,  and  was  chosen  to  preach 
in  Canterbury  Cathedral  after  the 
murder  ;  a  saintly  and  learned  bishop  ; 
d.  1184. 

15.  John    Fitz-Duke,    1186;    Precentor    of. 

Exeter;   d.  1191. 

16.  Henry  Marshall,  1194;    son  of  Gilbert, 

Earl  Marshall ;  a  noble  prelate,  who 
completed  the  cathedral  as  designed  by 
WilUam  Warelwast ;  d.  1206. 

17.  Simon  de  Apulia,  1214  ;  avowed  partisan 

of  John ;  not  cons,  till  1214  in  conse- 
quence of  the  interdict ;  fixed  bound- 
aries of  the  city  parishes  ;  d.  1223. 

18.  William     Briwere,     or     Bruere,     1224 ; 

founded  in  1225  the  deanery  and 
precentorship,  appropriating  churches 
for  the  new  offices ;  pious  and  charit- 
able ;   d.  1244. 

19.  Richard    Blondy,    or    le    Blund,    1245; 

Chancellor  of  Exeter  ;    d.  1257. 

20.  Walter  Bronescombe,  1258  ;  cons,  while 

a  deacon ;  commenced  the  episcopal 
registers ;  heads  the  list  of  twelve 
bishops  and  barons  appointed  after  the 
battle  of  Evesham,  1265  [Dictum  de 
Kenilworth) ;  collected  and  revised  the 
cathedral  statutes,  and  obtained  con- 
firmation of  charters  for  the  past 
two  hundred  and  seventy-six  years ;  a 
bishop  of  unwearied  industry  and  un- 
sullied integrity ;    d.  1280. 

21.  Peter    Quivil,    or    Wyvill,    or    Peter    of 

Exeter,  1280 ;  built  the  cathedral 
transepts  by  breaking  through  the 
Norman  towers  and  joining  arches ; 
annexed  lands  for  precentorship  and 
chancellorship  ;  presided  over  an  im- 
portant synod  in  Exeter,  1287  ;  d.  1291. 

22.  Thomas    de    Button,    or   Bitton,    1292; 

Dean  of  Wells  ;  d.  1307. 

23.  Walter  Stapeldon,   1308;    Precentor  of 

Exeter  and  Doctor  of  Canon  Law ; 
chaplain  to  Pope  Clement  v.  ;  bene- 
factor to  cathedral  fabric  to  the  extent 
of  £1800 ;  vaulted  a  large  part  of  the 
choir  and  erected  the  sedilia  in  south  of 
sanctuary ;  treasurer  to  Edward  n., 
with  whom  he  was  a  high  favourite ; 
founded  Hart's  HaU  and  Stapeldon's 
Tnn  at  Oxford,  afterwards  consolidated 
in    Exeter    College ;     estabhshed    St. 


24 


25 


26 


27 


28 


29 


John's  Hospital  Grammar  School  in 
Exeter  ;   murdered  in  London,  1326. 

James  de  Berkeley,  1327  (P.) ;  elected 
first  by  the  chapter,  but  provided  by 
the  Pope ;  d.  1327. 

John  de  Grandison,  1327  (P.) ;  chaplain 
to  Pope  John  xxii. ;  found  the  cathe- 
dral in  a  state  of  poverty  and  confusion, 
but  by  careful  administration  restored 
it ;  resisted  the  visitation  of  the  diocese 
by  the  metropolitan,  Simon  Meopham, 
'  nequiter  vi  armata ' ;  in  1337  compiled 
the  Ordinale,  regulating  the  cathedral 
offices ;  wrote  a  life  of  St.  Thomas  of 
Canterbury ;   d.  1369. 

Thomas  Brentingham,  or  de  Brantyng- 
ham,  1370  (P.);  Treasurer  of  the  Ex- 
chequer ;   added  west  fagade  ;   d.  1394. 

Edmund  Stafford,  1395  (P.) ;  ChanceUor 
of  England,  1396  and  1401  ;  benefactor 
to  Exeter  College  ;  d.  1419. 

John  Catterike,  1419  (P.) ;  cons,  at 
Bologna,  1414  ;  tr.  from  Lichfield  and 
Coventry ;   d.  1419. 

Edmund  Lacey,  1420;  tr.  (P.)  from  Here- 
ford ;  accompanied  Henry  v.  to  Agin- 
court ;  composed  an  oflfice  in  honour 
of  the  Archangel  Raphael ;  built  the 
hall  in  Exeter  House,  London  ;  d. 
1455. 

30.  George  Neville,  1458  (P.) ;   tr.  to  York. 

31.  John  Bothe,  1465  (P.) ;  traditional  donor 
of  the  bishop's  throne  ;  d.  1478. 

Peter  Courtenay,  1478  (P.);  tr.  to 
Winchester. 

Richard  Fox  [q.v.),  1487  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Bath 
and  Wells. 

Oliver  King,  1493  (P.) ;  King's  secretary  ; 
formerly  Dean  of  Hereford ;  tr.  to 
Bath  and  Wells,  1495. 

Richard  Redmayn,  1496  (P.) ;  tr.  from 
St.  Asaph  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1501. 

John  Arundel,  1502;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Lichfield  and  Coventry  ;   d.  1504. 

Hugh  Oldham,  1505  (P.) ;  former  chap- 
lain to  Margaret  Beaufort ;  success- 
fully opposed  encroachment  upon  his 
ordinary  jurisdiction ;  a  munificent 
patron  of  education ;  completed  St. 
Saviour's  Chapel ;  d.  1519. 

John  Voj^scy,  or  Veysey,  1519  (P.) ; 
formerly  dean ;  President  of  the 
Council  of  the  Marches  of  Wales ; 
tutor  to  Princess  Mary,  and  in  agree- 
ment with  Henry  on  the  Divorce  and 
Supremacy  questions ;  in  1551  the 
Privy  Council  peremptorily  required 
him  to  surrender  the  see,  and  he  sub- 
mitted 'prompter  corporis  mefu,  retiring  on 
a  pension. 


32 


33 


34 


35 


36 


37 


38 


(218) 


Exeter] 


Dictionary  of  Englif^h  Church  History 


[Exeter 


39. 
40. 

41. 


42. 


43. 


44. 


45. 


46. 

47. 

48. 


49. 
oO. 

51. 


Miles  Coverdalo  {q.v.),  1551.  53. 

John  Voysey  {swp.),  1553  ;  reinstated  by 
Mary  ;   d.  (aged  ninety-two)  1554. 

James    Turberville,    1555 ;    restored    to 
the    see    the    borough    and    manor    of       54. 
Crediton  ;  deprived  and  imprisoned  by 
Elizabeth  for  not  subscribing   to   the 
Act  of  Supremacy,  1559. 

William  Alley,  or  AUein,  1560  ;  owing  to 
impoverishment  he  reduced  the  number 
of  canons  from  twenty-four  to  nine ;  56. 
'  Ho  bought  a  commyssion  to  be  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace  within  the  citie, 
contrary  to  the  lybertcs  of  the  same  ' 
(Hoker,  History) ;  instituted  a  '  Poor  1  57. 
Man's  Library  '  ;   d.  1570. 

William  Bradbridge,  1571  ;   former  Dean       58. 
of    Salisbury ;     allowed    to    hold    two       59. 
benefices  in  commendam  owing  to  im- 
poverishment ;    ruined  at  the  age  of 
seventy    by    agricultural    speculation ;       60. 
'  he    died    £1400    in    debt    to    Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  had  not  wherewith  to       61. 
bury  him  ' ;  d.  1578. 

John    Wolton,    1579 ;     a    scholar,    who       62. 
remodelled  the  statutes ;    in  1585  the    | 
Crown  restored  to  the  chapter  lands  and       63. 
rents    which    had    been    appropriated, 
reserving  an  annual  pension  of  £145  ; 
d.  1594.  64. 

Gervase    Babington,     1595 ;      tr.     from 
Llandaff  ;   surrendered  manor  of  Credi- 
ton  to   EUzabeth ;     tr.    to   Worcester,       65. 
1597. 

William  Cotton,  1598  ;  hostile  to  Puritan- 
ism  and   a   rigorous    exactor   of   con-       66. 
formity ;   d.  1621. 

Valentine  Carey,  1621  ;    former  Dean  of       67. 
St.  Paul's  ;   d.  1626.  68. 

Joseph  Hall,  1627  ;  tr.  to  Norwich,  1641. 

Ralph  Brownrigg,  1642  ;    Master  of  the       69. 
Temple  ;  was  never  installed  at  Exeter  ; 
d.  1659. 

John  Gauden  {q.v.),  1660. 

Seth  Ward  [q.v.),  1662;  former  dean; 
tr.  to  Salisbury,  1667. 

Anthony  Sparrow,  1667  ;    former  IMaster       71. 
of  King's  College,  Cambridge  ;    tr.  to 
Norwich,  1676. 

Thomas  Lamplugh,  1676 ;  tr.  to  York, 
1688,  as  reward  for  loyalty  to  James  ii.; 
when  established  there  he  became  an 
enthusiastic  supporter  of  William  of 
Orange. 


Sir  Jonathan  Trelawny,  Bart.,  1689  ;  tr. 
from  Bristol ;  one  of  the  Seven  Bishops 
{q.v.) ;  a  supporter  of  the  Revolution  ; 
tr.  to  Winchester,  1707. 

Offspring  Blackall,  1708  ;  former  chap- 
lain to  Queen  Mary ;  an  opponent  of 
Hoadly  {q.v.)  ;  d.  (aged  .sixty-six)  of  a 
fall  from  his  horse,  1716. 

Launcelot  Blackburn.  1717;  former 
dean  ;   tr.  to  York,  1724. 

Stephen  Weston,  1724 ;  an  excellent 
scholar  and  wise  bishop  ;  he  introduced 
the  custom  of  keeping  the  registers  in 
Enghsh;    d.  1742. 

Nicholas  Claggett,  1742  ;  tr.  from  St. 
David's  ;   d.  1746. 

George  Lavington,  1747  ;   d.  1762. 

Honble.  Frederick  Keppel,  1762;  formerly 
Canon  of  Windsor ;  son  of  the  second 
Earl  of  Albemarle  ;   d.  1777. 

John  Ross,  1778 ;  a  Fellow  of  the 
Royal  Society  ;   d.  1792. 

William  BuUer,  1792  ;  formerly  Dean  of 
Canterbury;    d.  1796. 

Henry  Reginald  Courtenay,  1797  ;  tr. 
from  Bristol ;   d.  1803. 

John  Fisher,  1803  ;  formerly  Canon  of 
Windsor  and  tutor  to  Princess  Charlotte 
of  Wales  ;  tr.  to  Sahsbury,  1807. 

Honble.  George  Pelham,  1807  ;  younger 
son  of  the  first  Earl  of  Chichester ;  tr. 
from  Bristol ;   tr.  to  Lincoln,  1820. 

WUham  Carey,  1820 ;  formerly  Head- 
master of  Westminster ;  a  strong  and 
good  bishop  ;   tr.  to  St.  Asaph,  1820. 

Christopher  Bethell,  1830;  tr.  from 
Gloucester ;   tr.  to  Bangor,  1830. 

Henry  Phillpotts  {q.v.),  1831 ;   d.  1869. 

Frederick  Temple  {q.v.),  1869 ;  tr.  to 
London, 1885. 

Edward  Henry  Bickersteth,  1885 ;  a 
well-known  composer  of  hymns ;  res. 
1900 ;   d.  1906. 

Herbert  Edward  Ryle,  1901  ;  tr.  to 
Winchester,  1903;  Dean  of  West- 
minster, 1911. 

Archibald    Robertson,    1903 ;     formerly 
FcUow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  and 
Principal  of  ICing's  College,  London. 
[e.  c.  m.] 
Oliver,  Lives  of  the  Bishop.i  of  Exeter  and 

Ecclesiastical  Antiquitks  of  Devon;  Reynolds, 

Ancient  Diocese  of  Exeter  ;    Le  Neve,  Fasti: 

Hintreston-Randolpb,    Episcopal    JRegisters    of 

the  I'jishops  of  Exeter  ;  Stubbs,  Recjistr.  Sacr. 


(219) 


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Dictionary  of  English  flixrch  Histori/ 


[Ferrar 


F 


FECKENHAM,  John  de,  alias  Howman 
(c.  1515-84),  Abbot  of  Westminster,  was 
one  of  the  chief  of  the  Marian  ecclesiastics  who 
survived  into  Elizabeth's  reign,  and,  refusing 
to  conform,  were  deprived  of  their  positions 
and  imprisoned.  He  was  a  monk  at  Eves- 
ham, and  on  the  suppression  of  the  monastery 
in  1540  returned  to  Oxford,  where  he  had 
been  educated ;  held  the  benefice  of  Solihull 
as  a  secular  priest,  and  was  chaplain  to 
Bishop  Bonner  (q.v.).  Under  Edward  he 
was  involved  in  the  bishop's  disgrace,  and 
spent  some  time  in  the  Tower.  At  Mary's 
(q.v.)  accession  he  was  released  and  made 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's.  His  power  in  preaching 
and  disputation  made  him  a  prominent 
character  in  the  ecclesiastical  world.  He 
sighed,  however,  for  his  monastery,  and  in 
1556  he  was  entrusted  with  the  task  of 
restoring  the  convent  at  Westminster.  This 
Benedictine  refoundation  was  on  the  lines 
of  the  Italian  congregation  rather  than  on 
old  English  Unes ;  but  its  career  was  short. 
Abbot  Feckenham  was  one  of  the  leading 
opponents  of  the  Ehzabethan  changes  both 
in  ParUament  and  elsewhere ;  he  and  his 
monks  were  among  the  first  to  refuse  the 
Oath  of  Supremacy,  and  they  were  there- 
upon ejected,  12th  July  1559.  The  abbot 
himself  after  ten  months  was  sent  to  prison, 
and  passed  nearly  the  whole  of  the  remaining 
twenty-four  years  of  his  life  in  some  sort  of 
imprisonment  or  custody.  He  maintained  to 
the  last  liis  reputation  as  a  man  not  merely 
of  ability,  but  of  singular  generosity  both  in 
matters  of  money  and  matters  of  belief. 
His  controversy  with  Home,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  when  he  was  quartered  upon 
him  (1563),  became  historic ;  and  it  was 
probably  in  consequence  of  it  that  he  was 
sent  back  to  the  worse  durance  of  the  Tower. 
After  a  short  period  of  comparative  liberty 
and  three  years  spent  with  the  Bishop  of 
Ely,  to  their  mutual  discomfort,  he  was  sent 
to  Wisbeach  Castle,  newly  become  a  special 
prison  for  recusants,  where  in  1584  he  died. 
His  life  is  a  fine  and  faithful  representation 
of  the  vicissitudes  and  hardships  of  those  who 
could  not  fall  in  with  the  English  Reforma- 
tion. [W.  H.  F.] 
Taimtoii,  Knglish  Black  Monks,  I.  c.  ix. 

FELL,  John  (1625-86),  was  one  of  the  most 
notable  of  the  militant  clergy  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  He  was  son  of  Dr.  Samuel 
Fell,  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  and  became  a 


Student  of  that  house  when  he  was  only  eleven, 
taking  the  degree  of  M.  A.  when  he  was  fifteen. 
He  was  in  arms  for  the  King,  lost  his  Student- 
ship, was  ordained,  and  remained  in  Oxford 
during  the  Commonwealth.  He  lived  in  Beam 
Hall,  opposite  Merton  College,  and  there  kept 
up  the  services  of  the  Church,  with  Dolben 
and  Allestree  (there  is  at  Christ  Church  a 
famous  picture  of  the  three).  At  the  Restora- 
tion he  became  canon,  27th  July,  and  dean, 
30th  November  1660,  of  Christ  Church,  and 
quickly  restored  both  cathedral  and  college 
to  conformity.  He  was,  says  Anthony  Wood, 
'  the  most  zealous  man  of  his  time  for  the 
Church  of  England,  and  none  that  I  yet 
know  of  did  go  beyond  him  in  the  perform- 
ance of  the  rules  belonging  thereto ' ;  and 
Burnet,  who  first  came  to  know  him  in  1663, 
said  that  he  and  Allestree  '  were  two  of  the 
devoutest  men  I  saw  in  England  :  they  were 
much  mortified  to  the  world  and  fasted  and 
prayed  much '  (original  form  of  his  History, 
published  by  Miss  Foxcroft  in  1902).  He  did 
much  building  at  Christ  Church,  including 
'  Tom  Tower,'  much  for  University  discipline, 
much  for  the  University  Press,  and  was  a 
generous  patron  of  scholars.  In  1675  he  was 
made  Bishop  of  Oxford,  retaining  the  deanery 
and  the  mastership  of  St.  Oswald's,  Gloucester. 
He  rebudt  the  bishop's  house  at  Cuddesdon, 
expelled  Locke  (by  James  n.'s  order)  from 
his  Studentship,  and  died  in  1686.  He  was 
a  learned  scholar,  editing  St.  Cyprian  and 
many  other  ancients ;  he  was  also  a  writer 
and  editor  of  books  of  devotion  ;  his  friend 
Allestree  probably  wrote  The  Whole  Duty  of 
Man.  But  Anthony  Wood  shows  that  the 
opinion  expressed  in  the  well-known  epigram 
was  not  peculiar  to  its  -writer.  [w.  H.  h.] 
Wood,  Athenac  Oxon lenses  ;  Evelyn,  Diary. 

FERRAR,  Nicholas,  born  in  London  on 
22nd  February  1593,  was  the  third  son  of 
Nicholas  Ferrar,  a  rich  East  India  merchant, 
and  of  Mary  (born  Woodnoth),  his  wife. 
Never  was  mother  more  truly  the  maker  of 
a  son,  her  life  deserving  its  record  almost  as 
well  as  his.  The  family  were  all  '  zealous 
lovers  of  the  Church,'  and  Nicholas  showed 
almost  from  his  infancy  a  strong  rehgious 
bent.  He  had  early  a  great  devotion  to 
the  Scriptures,  and  '  could  repeat  perfectly 
the  history  of  his  near  kinsman.  Bishop 
Ferrar'  (q.v.)  from  Foxe;  we  must  hope 
that  this  fact  of  kindred  may  harmonise, 
with  the  rest  of  his  character  and  thought. 


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[Ferrar 


the    lifelong    ailVction    of   his    delicate   soul 
for    that    grisly    classic.       At    Clare    Hall, 
Cambridge,    where    he    graduated   in    1610, 
subsequently     becoming     Fellow,     he     was 
known    as    a    serious    and    very    charming 
person    and    as    a    scholar    of    rare    gifts. 
But  his  health  was  always  frail,  and  travel 
being  prescribed  for  it  he  left  England   in 
the  train  of  Elizabeth,  the  newly  married 
I'rinccss  Palatine,   apparently  as  secretarj-, 
and  on  retiring  from  her  service  wandered  in 
Europe  for  several  j^ears,  spending  lengthened 
periods  at  Hamburg  and  afterwards  at  Padua, 
\'enice,  and  Rome.     On  his  return  followed 
the  remarkable  episode  of  his  employment  in 
important  public  business  connected  with  the 
Virginia  Company ;  which  exhibits  this  student 
and  mj^stic  in  the  light  of  a  sagacious  man 
of  business,  who  came  out  of  a  dangerous 
undertaking    the    poorer,    but    with    clean 
hands  and  a  high  reputation  for  capacity. 
In  1626  the  main  interest  of  his  life  begins. 
The  outbreak  of  plague  causing  Mary  Ferrar 
and  her  sons  to  leave  their  '  great  house  in 
the    parish    of    St.    Bennett    Sherehogge    in 
St.  Sj-the's  Lane  in  London,'   they  sought 
refuge  at  the  manor  lately  bought  by  her  in 
Huntingdonshire,    '  a  very  good  air  but  a 
depopulated   place.'     They  first   saw  Little 
Gidding  in  June  of  that  year,  and  she,  it 
seems,  scarcely  left   it    again    save  for  the 
farewell    visit    to    London,    during    which 
Nicholas,    early   on    Trinity   Sunday,    1626, 
was    privately    ordained    deacon    by     Laud 
{q.v.)    in   Henry    vn.'s    Chapel.     He    never 
sought  priest's  orders.     Friends  in  high  life 
thought  that  by  this  step  he  threw  away  a 
career ;     others   offered   livings   he   did   not 
want.     The  Ferrars  returned  quietly  to  their 
green   Midland    meadows ;    where    the   tiny 
church,  now  to  become  the  centre  of  their 
lives,   stood  under  the   shadow   of  '  a  fair 
house  fairly  seated ' ;    there   to  create  and 
develop   a   new   thing   in   rehgious   history. 
Here  three   generations,  represented   by  the 
famiUes  of  her  son  John  and  her  daughter 
Susanna    CoUet,    knelt    nightly    for    Mary 
Ferrar' s  blessing,  after  a  day  spent  in  good 
deeds  and  in  the  devout  practice  of  a  ruled 
and   ordered   life   of   prayer   and   work.     A 
picture,   redolent   of    the    seventeenth   cen- 
tury, of  their  life,  of  themselves,  and  their 
servants,  '  forty  persons  in  all,'  remains  for 
us  in  John  Ferrar' s  Ufe  of  Nicholas,   '  the 
soul    that     inspirited    the     whole     family.' 
Nicholas  Ferrar's  attractive  and  elusive  per- 
sonality  belongs   emphatically   to    liis    own 
age.       The    '  exceeding    dear    Brother '    of 
George  Herbert;  the  ascetic  contemplative, 
with    his    passion    for    feast    and    fast    and 


vigil,  for  lovely  ritual  and  '  good  and  grave 
Cathedral  music  ' ;    the  eager  restorer  of  im- 
propriated tithe  and  glebe,  is,  doubtless,  an- 
cestor after  the  spirit  of  the  Tractarians.     His 
deed  and  word  forthe  world  meant  the  creation 
of  a  thing,  which  never  has  been  seen  save  at 
Gidding.     '  Mr.  Ferrar's  religious  house '  was 
not,  according  to  the  popular  idea,  a  kind  of 
convent,  with  Mary  Collet  as  its  first  sister. 
It  was  no  less  than  a  new  company  of  the 
life  devout,   which,   drawing   together   '  the 
kindred  points  of  heaven  and  home,'  adapted 
to  a  definitely  rehgious  rule  the  uses  of  a  large 
and  varied  family  both  of  men  and  women. 
Its  days,  alive  with  busy  charity,  were  ruled 
by  two  capable  mothers,  and  fragrant  with  the 
wholesome  joys,  the  innermost  devotions,  of 
a  deeply  united  family.     The  '  Levite  in  his 
own  house,'  as  Nicholas  the  deacon  named 
himself,   their   spiritual   head   and   director, 
a  '  most  dear  and  honoured  father,'  called  his 
system  of  '  canonical  hours  '  and  '  particular 
praiers '  '  the  rule  by  which  he  ordered  his 
family.'     Beside  him  '  his  good  mother,  the 
veritable  foundress  and  governess  of  their 
rehgious  life,'  obeyed,  with  the  sympathy  of 
a  perfect  self-effacement,  the  child  who  had 
once    obeyed    her.     Gidding    of    its    nature 
needed  two  makers.     The  cloister  asks  the 
saint ;    the  home  is   '  not  a  hearth,  but  a 
woman.'     Every  figure  in  the  picture  repays 
study :    the    two    heads ;    the    two    vowed 
'  maiden  sisters,'  Mary  and  Anna — Nicholas's 
joy  and  '  ever  his  great  care  '  ;    the  younger 
Nicholas  yielding  up  '  most  cheerful '  his  life 
of  splendid  promise ;    the  busy  girls  at  their 
exquisite    bookbinding   that    we    still    may 
handle,  and  their  '  dressing  of  poor  people's 
wounds ' ;  the  harassed  King  and  the  soldierlj' 
'  Palsgrave  '  visiting  and  envying. 

That  Gidding  was  in  no  merely  picturesque 
sense  but  truly  a  '  religious  house,'  where  a 
real  and  strenuous  '  rule '  of  devotion  and 
practice  was  strictly  followed,  is  clear  from 
the  minute  directions  for  it  recorded  in 
Nicholas's  life  ;  from  the  exquisite  picture  of 
the  family  procession  to  church  in  Lenton's 
letter ;  far  more,  from  the  evident  fact  that 
these  busy  men  and  women,  who  came  and 
went,  married  and  bore  children,  j-et  never 
returned  to  Gidding  without  instantly  sub- 
mitting themselves  to  the  order  of  its  hours 
and  the  guidance  of  its  head.  This  ordered 
life  did  not  cease  with  Nicholas's  death  in 
1637.  In  1646  the  scurrilous  tract  called 
The  Arminian  Nunnery,  having  drawn 
Puritan  attention  to  it,  a  raid  was  made  on 
I  Gidding,  before  which  the  family  fled,  and 
much  damage  was  done ;  but  that  they 
ventured  back  is  evident  from  contemporary 


(  221  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Field 


letters   and   also   from    specimens   of    their 

bookbinding.  The  house  has  now  disappeared ; 
but  the  cahu  little  church,  very  much  as  it 
was,  and  still  enshrining  Ferrar's  altar, 
lectern,  and  brass  font,  still  stands,  remote  in 
'  a  soUtary  wooded  place '  amid  the  rural 
landscape,  '  a  green  thought  in  a  green  shade.' 
The  grave  of  Nicholas  is  before  its  west  door. 
It  is  a  spot  to  attract  the  pilgrim.  A  final 
Avord  nmst  be  given  to  Mr.  Shorthouse's 
exquisite  picture  of  Little  Gidding  in  John 
Inglesant.  It  is  unhappily  somewhat  in- 
accurate, and  unwarranted  liberties  are  taken 
with  the  real  and  fragrant  life  of  that  gentle 
saint,  Mary  CoUet.  [m.  j.  h.  s.] 

Nicholas  Ferrar  (two  lives),  ed.  Mayor, 
Camb. ,  1855;  Chron.  of  Peter  Langtoft,  ed. 
T.  Hearne,  app.  cxix.  and  cxxv. 

FERRAE,  Robert,  Bishop  of  St.  David's, 
a  Yorkshireman,  educated  chiefly  at  Oxford, 
became  an  Augustinian  Canon,  but  in  1528 
was  involved  in  a  charge  of  heresy,  and 
had  to  recant.  After  accompanying  Barlow 
{q.v.)  on  an  embassy  to  Scotland  he  became 
Prior  of  St.  Oswald's,  NosteU,  near  Pomfret, 
apparently  to  carry  out  the  surrender,  and 
then  chaplain  to  Cranmer,  whose  example  he 
followed  by  marrying.  At  the  accession  of 
Edward  vi.  he  became  chaplain  to  the 
Protector  Somerset,  who  appointed  him 
Bishop  of  St.  David's  by  letters  patent  in 
1548.  At  his  consecration  he  took  a  new 
oath,  '  very  full  and  large,'  renouncing  the 
Pope  and  acknowledging  the  Royal  Suprem- 
acy. On  St.  Martin's  Day  he  preached  at 
Paul's  Cross,  clothed  '  not  as  a  bishop  but  like 
a  priest,'  and  '  spoke  all  manner  of  things 
against  the  Church  and  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Altar,  and  against  vestments,  copes,  altars, 
and  all  other  things.'  He  was  one  of  the  few 
bishops  who  in  Hooper's  {q.v.)  opinion  '  enter- 
tained right  opinions  on  the  matter  of  the 
Eucharist.'  But  as  Bishop  of  St.  DaAid's 
he  refused  to  communicate  after  breaking 
his  fast.  In  his  diocese  he  met  with  great 
difficulties.  The  chapter,  led  by  Thomas 
Yonge  and  Rowland  Meyric,  quickly  made 
his  position  impossible ;  he  was  accused  of 
not  preaching  and  studjang  sufficiently,  of 
sanctioning  superstitious  practices,  of  stirring 
up  envy  between  Welsh  and  English,  and 
more  frivolously  that  '  he  useth  bridle  with 
white  studs  and  snaffle,  with  Scottish  stirrups, 
with  spurs,  a  Scottish  pad  with  a  little  staff 
of  three-quarters  long ' ;  that  he  whistled  to 
'  a  seal-fish  tumbhng '  in  Milford  Haven  ;  and 
that  '  he  daily  useth  whisthng  to  his  child 
and  says  he  understood  his  whistle  when 
he  was  but  three  days  old.'      On  the  fall  of 


Somerset — which,  says  Fuller  {q.v.)  shrewdly, 
was  his  chaplain's  greatest  fault — fifty-six 
formal  complaints  were  laid  before  the 
Privy  Council ;  in  1551  a  commission  was 
issued,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
witnesses  were  examined,  Ferrar  was  kept 
in  prison  till  Mary's  accession,  when  he  fared 
worse.  In  May  1554  he  was  deprived  of  his 
bishopric,  and  early  in  1555  was  roughly 
examined  by  Gardiner  {q.v.),  who  charged 
him  especially  with  the  breach  of  his  monastic 
vow,  though  Ferrar  pleaded  that  his  vow 
was  to  live  chaste,  not  to  live  single.  He 
was  sent  down  to  Carmarthen  and  tried 
before  Morgan,  his  successor  in  the  diocese ; 
he  dechned  to  subscribe  to  articles  '  invented 
and  excogitated  by  men ' ;  and  was  condemned 
and  burnt  on  30th  March,  '  on  the  South  side 
of  the  market  Cross.'  '  His  firmness  and 
sufferings  raised  his  character  more  than  his 
conduct  in  his  diocese  ' ;  he  told  a  bystander 
that  '  if  he  saw  him  once  to  stir  in  the  pains 
of  his  burning  he  should  then  give  no  credit 
to  his  doctrine '  ;  he  bore  his  sufferings 
unflinchingly  until  he  was  struck  down.  A 
poor,  feckless,  contentious,  but  sincere  man, 
he  was,  according  to  FuUer,  '  not  unlearned, 
but  somewhat  indiscreet  or  rather  uncomply- 
ing, which  procured  him  much  trouble ;  so 
that  he  may  be  said,  with  St.  Laurence,  to  be 
broiled  on  both  sides,  being  persecuted  both 
by  Protestants  and  Papists.'  [f.  m.] 

Burnet,    Hist,   of  the  Reformation  ;    Fuller, 
Worthies  of  Eng. ;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments. 

FIELD,  Richard  (1561-1616),  born  at  Hemel 
Hempstead,  member  of  Magdalen  Hall,  and 
later  of  Queen's  CoUege,  Oxford,  and  after- 
wards Lecturer  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  Rector  of 
Burghclere,  Prebendary  of  Windsor,  and 
Dean  of  Gloucester.  Recognised  as  a  man 
of  great  learning  during  his  lifetime,  he  is 
now  chiefly  remembered  by  his  famous 
treatise,  Of  the  Chxirch.  Of  this  work  the 
first  four  books  were  published  in  1606,  the 
fifth  in  1610;  a  considerably  enlarged  second 
edition  was  issued  in  1628.  It  contains  his 
permanent  contribution  to  Anglican  theology. 
He  defines  the  Church  as  '  the  multitude  and 
number  of  those  whom  Almighty  God 
severeth  from  the  rest  of  the  world  by  the 
work  of  His  grace,  and  caUeth  to  the  partici- 
pation of  eternal  happiness,  by  the  knowledge 
of  such  supernatural  verities  as  concerning 
their  everlasting  good  He  hath  revealed  in 
Christ  His  Son,  and  such  other  precious  and 
happy  means  as  He  hath  appointed  to 
further  and  set  forward  the  work  of  their 
salvation  '  (i.  vi.).  He  regards  the  Church  as 
being  '  at  the  same  time  both  visible  and  in- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Fisher 


visible  in  divers  respects,'  since  it  is  visible 
'  in  respect  of  the  profession  of  supernatural 
verities  revealed  in  Christ,  use  of  holy  sacra- 
ments, order  of  ministry,  and  due  obedience 
yielded  thereunto,  and  they  discernible  that 
do  communicate  therein,'  and  invisible  '  in 
respect  of  those  most  precious  effects  and 
happy  bcnelits  of  saving  grace  wherein  only  the 
elect  do  communicate'  (i.  x.).  He  describes 
the  '  notes  '  of  .the  Church  as  three  :  (1)  the 
complete  profession  of  the  revealed  super- 
natural verities  ;  (2)  the  use  of  the  appointed 
Christian  ceremonies  and  sacraments ;  and 
(3)  the  union  of  men  in  this  profession  and 
use  under  '  lawful  pastors  and  guides,  ap- 
pointed, authorised,  and  sanctified'  (u.  ii.). 
The  '  power  of  ordination '  he  ascribes  to 
"  bishops  alone,'  so  that  '  no  man  may  regu- 
larly do  it  without  them ' ;  but  he  adds  that 
'  bishops  and  presbyters  are  in  the  power  of 
order  the  same,'  and  that  in  an  extreme  case, 
such  as  the  apostasy  of  '  the  bishops  of  a 
whole  Church  or  country,'  the  presbyters 
'  remaining  Cathohc '  might  choose  one  of 
themselves  as  their  chief,  and  with  liim  con- 
tinue to  ordain  (v.  Ivi.).  He  admits  six, 
and  with  some  reservations  seven,  (Ecumeni- 
cal Councils  (v.  H.).  He  allows  a  '  primacy  of 
honour  and  order  found  in  blessed  Peter,' 
but  sharply  distinguishes  tliis  from  the 
'  amphtude  of  power  '  alleged  by  the  Church 
of  Rome  (v.  xxiii.,  xxiv.).  He  maintains 
that  'the  whole  Church  (comprehending  all 
the  behevers  that  are  and  have  been  since 
the  apostles'  time) '  is  '  freed  from  error  in 
matters  of  faith,'  and  that  in  matters  of 
faith  it  is  '  impossible  also  that  any  error 
whatsoever  should  be  found  in  aU  the  pastors 
and  guides  of  the  Church  thus  generally 
taken  ' ;  but  that  all  might  be  deceived  '  in 
things  that  cannot  be  clearly  deduced  from 
the  rule  of  faith  and  word  of  divine  and 
heavenly  truth '  (iv.  ii.).  His  antagonism 
to  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  he  describes 
as  '  the  synagogue  of  Satan,  the  faction  of 
antichrist,  and  that  Babylon  out  of  which 
we  must  fly  unless  we  wiU  be  partakers  of  her 
plagues'  (Appendix,  in.  vui.),  is  extreme. 
He  teaches  that  baptism  is  '  the  ordinary 
and  set  means  of  salvation,'  'so  that  no  man 
carelessly  neglecting  or  wihuUy  contemning  it 
can  be  saved,'  and  that  Christians  are  '  justi- 
fied, sanctified,  and  made  the  temple  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,'  and  '  have  the  beginning,  root, 
and  seed  of  faith,  hope,  and  love'  'when  they 
are  baptized  '  (m.  xxi.,  xliv.).  Concerning 
the  Eucharist,  he  held  that  the  elements  are 
changed  in  use  at  the  consecration  so  as  to 
signify  and  exhibit  and  contain  and  com- 
municate the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  and 


that  there  is  a  sacrificial  commemoration 
of  Christ's  passion  and  death  like  to  the 
heavenly  presentation  of  Himself  to  the 
Father  by  our  Lord  in  heaven  ;  and  though 
he  denied  that  the  Eucharist  is  a  '  propitia- 
tory sacrifice  for  the  quick  and  the  dead,' 
he  thought  that  the  mediaeval  canon  of  the 
Mass  did  not  involve  any  doctrine  contrary 
to  that  held  in  the  Church  of  England  since 
the  Reformation  (ui.  xxxviii.,  and  Appendix). 
He  denounces  as  '  an  invention  of  their  own  ' 
the  '  kind  of  absolution  imagined  by  the 
papists  '  '  giving  grace  '  and  '  remitting  sin,' 
and  restricts  the  absolution,  which  is  '  an 
apostolical  and  godly  ordinance,'  to  freeing 
from  censures  and  Church  punishments,  and 
'  the  comfortable  assuring  of  men  upon  the 
understanding  of  their  estate  that  they  shall 
escape  God's  fearful  punishments  '  (Appendix 
to  III.  xxiv. ;  Appendix,  in.  vii.).  While 
rejecting  Purgatory  and  '  the  Romish  manner 
of  praying  for  the  dead,'  he  affirms  that  prayer 
for  the  departed  is  in  itself  ancient  and  right 
(in.  xvii.).  Invocation  of  saints  he  repudi- 
ates as  '  not  known  in  the  first  ages  of  the 
Church'  (in.  xx.).  In  the  general  theo- 
logical position  which  has  been  illustrated 
above  Field  is  very  fairly  representative  of 
many  post-Reformation  Anglican  divines. 

[D.  S.] 

FISHER,  John  (d.  1535),  Bishop  of  Rochester, 
eldest  son  of  a  rich  and  devout  mercer  of 
Beverley,  was  educated  probably  at  the 
Minster  School  and  at  Michael-House,  Cam- 
bridge, where  he  graduated  B.A.,  1487;  M.A., 
1491;  and  became  Fellow,  and,  1497,  Master. 
In  1494  he  was  Senior  Proctor,  and  having 
business  at  court,  won  the  esteem  of  the 
King's  mother,  Margaret,  Countess  of  Rich- 
mond, who  made  him  her  confessor,  1497. 

Fisher  became  Vice- Chancellor  of  his 
University,  1501,  and  began  a  thorough 
reformation,  Cambridge  being  then  poor 
and  lifeless.  The  Lady  Margaret  gener- 
ously furthered  his  plans,  and  bj^  his  advice 
founded  Christ's  and  later  St.  John's  Colleges, 
as  well  as  the  Divinity  Lectureships  and 
Preachership  which  still  bear  her  name. 
Fisher  (who  became  President  of  Queens', 
1505-8)  founded  four  Fellowships  at  St. 
John's,  besides  scholarships  and  Greek  and 
Hebrew  lectureships.  It  was  due  to  his 
influence  that  Greek  at  Cambridge  met  with 
none  of  the  opposition  displayed  towards  it 
at  Oxford ;  and  he  brought  Erasmus  to 
Cambridge.  1504  he  was  elected  Chancellor 
of  the  University,  and  held  the  post  for  life. 
In  the  same  year  he  was  consecrated  Bishop 
of   Rochester.     Henry   viii.,   in   earlier  life, 


(  -'^'3  ) 


Fisher] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Foliot 


was  proud  of  him,  and  would  say:  '  No  King 
in  Christendom  hath  a  bishop  worthj^  to  bo 
compared  with  Rochester.' 

He  took  no  part  in  pohtics,  save  that,  1514, 
he  went  on  an  embassy  to  the  Pope,  and  until 
the  '  King's  Business '  began,  1527,  he  was 
known  chiefly  as  a  very  learned  and  holy 
student,  secluded  in  his  jjalace  at  Rochester. 
In  July  1527  Wolsey  (q.v.)  sounded  him  as  to 
the  King's  project  to  get  rid  of  Katherine 
of  Aragon,  and  found  him  firmly  opposed. 
Fislier  appeared  at  the  legatine  court 
(1529),  handed  in  a  book  he  had  written 
against  the  Eang's  plea  '  to  avoid  the  damna- 
tion of  his  soul  and  to  prove  himself  not 
unfaithful  to  the  King.'  Henry  attacked 
him  with  great  scurrihty,  and  marked  him  for 
ruin.  Later  in  the  year,  Fisher  in  the  House 
of  Lords  protested  against  the  tendency  of 
the  Church  legislation  which  emanated  from 
the  Commons,  describing  it  as  the  result  of  a 
cry  of  '  Down  with  the  Church,'  which  was 
due  to  '  lack  of  faith  only.'  He  accepted  the 
Supreme  Headship,  1530,  and  the  Submission 
of  the  Clergy,  1532.  In  1530  he  was  nearly 
poisoned  by  his  cook,  it  was  thought  at  the 
instigation  of  the  court.  The  unsuccessful 
poisoner  was  disavowed,  and  by  a  cruel  and 
retrospective  act  was  boiled  aUve  (22  Hen. 
vrn.  c.  9).  In  1534  Henry  accused  Fisher, 
with  five  others,  of  misprision  of  treason  (i.e. 
of  not  revealing  matters  politically  dangerous) 
in  connection  with  the  half-crazy  Elizabeth 
Barton,  the  Nun  of  Kent.  His  perfectly  just 
plea,  that  he  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to 
reveal  matters  which  the  nun  herself  had  told 
the  King,  availed  nothing.  Absent  from  the 
trial  through  illness,  he  was  sentenced  to 
imprisonment  and  forfeiture,  but  was  subse- 
quentty  fined  £300.  Three  months  later  he 
refused  to  swear  to  the  first  Succession  Act 
(25  Hen.  vm.  c.  22),  which  entailed  the 
crown  on  the  issue  of  Anne  Boleyn.  He  was 
willing  to  swear  to  the  succession,  but  not  to 
the  preamble  of  the  Act,  which  stated  that 
the  marriage  with  Katherine  was  contrary  to 
the  laws  of  God,  and  contained  expressions 
contrary  to  his  belief  about  the  papal  power. 

According  to  Chapuys,  for  two  years  Fisher 
had  been  urging  the  Emperor  to  invade 
England ;  of  this,  however,  the  Government 
knew  nothing  (Pollard,  Henry  VIII.,  322, 
note  2,  for  references).  He  was  condemned 
to  death,  17th  June  1535,  under  the  Verbal 
Treasons  Act  (26  Hen.  viii.  c.  13).  His  fate 
was  sealed  by  the  action  of  Paul  ni.,  who  had 
created  him  cardinal  a  few  weeks  before. 
Fisher,  who  retained  to  the  last  the  sturdy 
resolution  of  a  Yorkshireman,  made  a  very 
noble    end,  .22nd    June    1535,    calUng    his 


execution  '  his  wedding  day.'  His  body  was 
buried  in  AU  Hallows,  Barking ;  his  head, 
by  Henry's  order,  was  exposed  on  London 
Bridge.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Brewer,  Henry  YIII.  ;  J.  B.  Mullinger  in 
D.N.B.  ;  Dixon,  Hist,  of  Ch.  of  Eng.  ; 
Gairdner,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Ch.,  1485-1558,  and 
Lollardy  and  the  Reformation. 

FOLIOT,  Gilbert(d.  llSS),BishopofLondon, 
was  born  in  England  of  a  Norman  family, 
and  became  a  monk  at  Cluny,  where  he  rose 
to  be  prior.  He  was  thence  transferred  to 
Abbeville,  and  became  Abbot  of  Gloucester 
in  1139.  In  1148  he  was  made  Bishop  of 
Hereford,  possibly  through  the  influence  of 
kindred  in  the  district.  He  was  probably 
by  this  time  nearly  forty  years  of  age,  and 
was  renowned  for  his  learning,  activity,  and 
austerity.  He  never  took  meat  or  wine. 
Already  men  began  to  say  that  he  aspired 
to  be  archbishop.  In  1161,  however,  he 
refused  to  administer  the  sec  of  London 
during  the  infirmity  of  the  bishop,  Richard 
de  Belmeis,  and  in  1162  he  took  a  decided 
attitude  of  opposition  to  the  election  of 
Becket  to  Canterbury,  declaring  that  he  had 
been  a  persecutor  of  the  Church  and  a 
destroyer  of  her  goods.  The  Bishop  of 
London  died  in  the  next  year,  and  Foliot 
now  accepted  the  see,  though  apparently 
with  reluctance  (28th  April  1163).  He  was 
greatly  in  the  favour  of  Henry  ii.,  and  Becket 
warmly  eulogised  him.  But  a  dispute  at 
once  broke  out  between  them,  for  Foliot 
claimed  that,  as  he  had  already  vowed 
canonical  obedience  when  he  was  consecrated 
to  Hereford,  he  need  not  repeat  the  vow. 
Before  long  he  extended  this  claim  into  one 
for  actual  independence,  and  a  declaration 
that  London  was  a  metropohtan  see.  He 
took  his  claim  back  to  Roman  times,  and 
based  it  on  the  political  eminence  of  the  city. 
John  of  Salisbury  {q.v.)  pointed  out  that 
this  resort  to  pre-Christian  times  could  not 
convince,  and  satirically  accused  him  of 
being  wiUing  to  be  an  arch-flamen  as  he  could 
not  be  an  archbishop.  At  Clarendon  and  again 
at  Northampton  he  was  strongly  opposed  to 
the  archbishop  [Becket],  endeavoured  to 
take  his  cross  from  his  hand,  and  told  him 
that  he  always  had  been  and  alwaj^s  would 
be  a  fool.  He  was  one  of  Henry's  envoys  to 
Alexander  III.,  and  was  rebuked  by  the  Pope 
at  Sens  for  his  intemperate  language.  During 
Becket' s  exile  Henry  gave  liim  the  diocese  of 
Canterbury  to  administer,  and  he  was  charged 
with  great  severityagainst  the  archbishop's  kin- 
dred and  supporters  and  with  allowing  bribery 
by  clergy  wishing  to  marry.     He  continued 


(  224  ) 


Fox] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Foxe 


to  denounce  Becket  before  the  Pope  and 
attack  him  in  most  vigorous  letters.  Becket 
was  anxious  to  excommunicate  him,  but  was 
restrained  by  the  Pope  till  Whit  Sunday,  1169, 
when  the  sentence  was  formally  pronounced 
at  Clairvaux.  It  was  dehvored  by  a  French 
clerk  named  Beranger  to  the  celebrant  at 
High  Mass  in  St.  Paul's  on  Ascension  Day. 
Foliot  at  once  appealed  to  Rome,  with  his 
dean,  archdeacon,  canons,  and  parish  priests, 
and  at  Michaelmas  crossed  the  sea,  with  the 
Iving's  licence,  to  prosecute  the  appeal  in 
person.  The  Pope  empowered  the  Bishop 
of  Exeter  and  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen  to 
absolve  him  (Easter,  1170).  On  14th  June 
he  joined  in  crowning  Henry's  son,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  rights  of  Canterbury.  For 
this  Becket  on  his  reconcihation  with  Henry 
again  excommunicated  him,  or  rather  re- 
placed him  under  the  sentence  from  which 
he  regarded  him  as  having  been  irregularly 
released.  Fohot  crossed  to  Normandy  to  en- 
treat Henry's  protection  the  same  day  that 
Becket  returned  to  England  (1st  December 
1170).  Though  he  was  not  in  any  way 
responsible  for  the  archbishop's  murder  he 
was  not  absolved  till  May  1172.  He  remained 
a  close  adviser  of  the  King,  and  at  his  pilgrim- 
age to  Canterbury  in  1174  preached  a  sermon 
declaring  that  Henry  was  in  no  way  respons- 
ible for  the  crime.  He  remained  prominent 
till  his  death  in  1188,  taking  part  in  the  elec- 
tions of  Archbishops  Richard  of  Dover  and 
Baldwin.  He  was  undoubtedly  an  ambitious 
and  stern  man,  and  was  much  embittered  by 
disappointment  at  the  preferment  of  one 
whom  he  must  have  regarded  as  thoroughly 
secidar,  when  he,  who  represented  the  most 
rigid  monastic  ideal,  deserved  (as  he  thought) 
the  primatial  throne.  His  bitter  animosity 
to  Becket  coloured  his  whole  later  life.  As 
a  prelate  he  was  exact  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties,  but  narrow  and  occasionally  time- 
serving, as  well  as  obscurantist. 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Materials  for  the  Hist,  of  Becket,  R.S.  ; 
Gilbert  Foliot,  Epistolae  (Migne,  Pair.  Lat., 
cxc). 

FOX,  Richard  (1447  or  1448-1528),  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  was  bom  at  Ropesley,  Lincoln- 
shire. One  tradition  says  his  early  education 
was  at  Boston  Grammar  School,  another  tliat 
he  was  a  scholar  of  Winchester.  He  probably 
studied  for  a  time  at  Magdalen  College,  Ox- 
ford. In  any  case,  he  passed  on  to  the  then 
greater  opportunities  of  the  University  of 
Paris,  and  there  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Canon  Law,  and  was  ordained  priest.  At 
this  time  he  became  secretary  to  Henry,  Earl 


of  Richmond.  His  abilities  at  once  made  him 
notable  among  the  adherents  of  the  exiled 
prince,  and  Richard  in.  wrote  to  prevent 
his  institution  to  the  vicarage  of  Stepney  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  with  that  '  great 
rebel  Henry  ap  Tuddor.'  In  1485  Fox 
accompanied  Henry  to  England,  and  was 
present  at  Bosworth  Field.  Henry  at 
once  appointed  him  principal  Secretary  of 
State  and  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal.  For 
nearly  thirty  years  Fox  retained  his  great 
place  in  the  counsels  of  the  nation,  an 
admirable  example  of  the  type  of  ecclesi- 
astical statesmen  which  culminated  and 
ended  in  Wolsey  {q.v.).  Passing  rapidly  from 
one  bishopric  to  another,  he  was  for  a  time 
content  to  administer  the  spiritual  affairs 
of  his  diocese  by  deputy,  while  he  devoted 
himself  to  the  service  of  the  State,  and 
was  constantly  employed  in  the  negotia- 
tion of  treaties  and  other  secular  business. 
He  retained  his  influence  under  Henry  vm. 
{q.v.),  and  was  one  of  the  commissioners  who 
concluded  the  treaty  with  Louis  xn.  in  1510. 
The  outbreak  of  the  French  war  in  1513 
marks  the  beginning  of  the  rise  of  Wolsey, 
and  from  this  time  Fox  gradually  withdrew 
from  pubhc  affairs  to  the  spiritual  care  of  his 
diocese  and  to  the  encouragement  of  learn- 
ing. He  resigned  the  Privy  Seal  in  1516, 
and  died  on  5th  October  1528,  having  been 
blind  for  some  years. 

His  most  abiding  work  was  the  foundation 
of  Corpus  Christi  College  in  Oxford,  of  which 
the  first  statutes  are  dated  1517.  He  was  a 
man  of  Uberal  mind  and  a  friend  of  all  sound 
learning  whether  Old  or  New;  and  even  in 
the  busiest  times  of  his  life  was  zealous  in 
his  care  for  education,  and  maintained  a 
connection  with  both  the  Enghsh  Universities. 
At  Cambridge  he  was  Master  of  Pembroke  in 
1507  and  afterwards  Chancellor ;  at  Oxford 
he  was  a  benefactor  of  Magdalen,  and  assisted 
to  draw  up  new  statutes  for  BaUiol,  of  which 
college  he  was  elected  Visitor  in  1511. 

As  a  builder  Fox  cannot  compare  with 
some  of  his  great  predecessors,  and  if  the 
completion  of  King's  Chapel  at  Cambridge 
was  indeed  his  work,  it  is  a  striking  contrast 
to  the  unpretending  architecture  of  his  own 
foundation  at  Oxford,  His  first  care  at 
Winchester  was  the  roofing  of  the  choir,  in 
which  his  screen  and  chantry  still  bear  his 
device,  the  Pelican,  impaling  the  arms  of 
his  four  sees:  Exeter  (1487-92),  Bath  and 
Wells  (1492-4),  Durham  (1494-1501),  and 
Winchester  (1501-28).  [J.  H.  r.  p.] 

FOXE,  John  (1516-87), martyrologist.  There 
is  singularly  httle  in  the  record  of  the  early 

J25  ) 


Foxe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Foxe 


career  of  this  famous  writer  that  we  can 
safely  trust.  A  biography  of  him,  erroneously 
beheved  to  have  been  composed  by  one  of  his 
sons  in  the  seventeenth  century,  seems,  for 
the  most  part,  little  better  than  a  romance. 
It  is  certain  that  he  was  born  at  Boston  in 
Lincolnshire  in  1516,  and  also  that  he  went 
to  Oxford,  where  he  perhaps  entered  at 
Brasenose ;  he  became  FeUow  of  Magdalen 
in  1539,  graduated  B.A.  in  1537,  M.A.  1543  ; 
declining  to  cortiply  with  college  rules,  he  and 
five  others  resigned  their  fellowships.  He 
then  seems  to  have  found  employment  as 
tutor  with  the  Lucy  family  at  Charlecote, 
where  he  married,  7th  February  1547,  Agnes 
Randall  of  Coventry.  Shortly  afterwards  he 
went  to  London,  where,  it  is  said,  he  found  it 
hard  to  make  a  hving,  and  had  to  walk  in 
St.  Paul's,  lean  and  starved,  tiU  some  one 
came  to  him  with  a  gift  from  the  Duchess  of 
Richmond.  It  is  certain  that  he  became 
tutor  to  the  orphan  sons  of  that  lady's  un- 
happy brother,  the  poet  Surrey,  and  that  he 
stayed  with  the  famUy,  mostly  at  Reigate, 
during  the  reign  of  Edward  vi.  In  1550  he 
was  ordained  deacon  by  Bishop  Ridley  (q.v.) 
in  St.  Paul's.  He  was  not  ordained  priest  till 
1560  by  Bishop  Grindal  {q.v.). 

In  1554  the  old  Duke  of  Norfolk  died,  and 
his  grandson  Thomas,  who  had  been  Foxe's 
pupil,  became  duke.  The  times  were  in- 
convenient for  a  married  clergyman,  even  if 
that  were  aU,  and  Foxe  fled  to  the  Continent. 
He  had  already  written  and  pubUshed  some 
books  in  London,  but  he  took  abroad  with 
him  the  MS.  of  a  work  which  in  1554  he 
published  at  Strasburg — a  Latin  history  of 
the  Church  from  the  times  of  Wyclif  to 
A.D.  1500.  This  became  afterwards  the 
nucleus  of  a  larger  undertaking. 

On  the  3rd  December  1554  he  was  at 
Frankfort,  where  he  was  one  of  seventeen 
(Knox  and  Bale  being  two  of  the  others) 
who  signed  a  reply  to  a  letter  from  the  Enghsh 
congregation  at  Strasburg  deprecating  un- 
necessary alterations  in  the  last  book  of 
Common  Prayer.  This  was  virtually  the 
beginning  of  those  '  Troubles  at  Frankfort ' 
wliich  affected  so  deeply  the  Enghsh  re- 
formers in  exile  before  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  similar  troubles  in 
England  all  through  that  reign.  [Marian 
Exiles.]  When  Knox  and  his  adherents 
were  driven  out  of  Frankfort,  Foxe  withdrew 
with  some  of  them  to  Basle,  the  rest  going 
to  Geneva.  He  reached  Basle  in  November 
1555,  where  he  earned  his  bread  as  a  reader 
for  the  press  in  the  printing-office  of  Opor- 
inus,  who  also  befriended  him  in  publishing 
his  Christus  Triumphans  and   in    the  great 


project  he  had  further  in  hand.  For  news 
had  already  come  from  England  of  the  burn- 
ings of  martjTS,  which  had  begun  in  Febru- 
ary 1555,  continuing  on  to  the  end  of  Mary's 
reign,  and  Foxe  obtained  much  intelligence, 
especially  from  his  friend  Grindal,  as  to  the 
lives  and  fates  of  the  sufferers.  He  re- 
mained at  Basle  for  some  months  after 
EUzabeth's  accession,  seeing  his  great  work 
(in  its  original  Latin  form)  through  the 
press,  and  he  only  left  for  England  in 
October  1559. 

This  work  had  doubtless  been  a  severe 
strain  upon  him,  and  lack  of  adequate  funds 
must  have  increased  the  strain ;  for  his  old 
pupU,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  to  whom  it  was 
dedicated,  had  for  some  time  withheld 
pecuniary  support,  and  Foxe  wrote  to  him 
after  his  arrival  in  England  that  he  was 
dying  of  hunger.  The  duke,  on  this  appeal, 
at  once  ordered  provision  to  be  made  for  him, 
and  when  he  came  himself  to  London  re- 
ceived him  into  his  house  at  Aldgate.  Here 
he  turned  the  great  work  into  an  Enghsh 
form,  and  saw  the  first  edition  of  the  Acts 
and  Monuments  through  the  press  of  John 
Day  in  1563.  Criticism  came  slowly.  The 
very  magnitude  of  the  huge  foho  made  it 
difficult  to  handle  -ndth  care,  while  the  letter- 
press, with  the  appalling  woodcuts  of 
martyrs  enveloped  in  the  flames,  served 
sufficiently  the  grand  purpose  of  filling 
superficial  readers  with  a  deep  detestation  of 
Rome.  Answers,  moreover,  could  only  be 
printed  abroad,  and  the  first  was  the  Sex 
Dialogi  of  Harpsfield,  which  appeared  under 
the  name  of  Alan  Cope  at  Antwerp  in  1566. 
But  in  England  Foxe's  work  won  the  esteem 
naturally  due  to  a  great  undertaking  fuUy 
carried  out,  and  in  1571  Convocation  ordered 
that  every  bishop  should  have  a  copy  in  his 
house.  It  was  also  chained  to  desks  in  many 
parish  churches  for  general  perusal.  It  was 
doubtless  all  the  more  popular  after  the 
papal  excommunication  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
in  1570.  That  year,  though,  being  in  feeble 
health,  he  felt  scarcely  equal  to  the  task, 
he  was  called  on  to  preach  a  Good  Friday 
sermon  at  Paul's  Cross  on  the  24th  March, 
which  was  not  only  printed  at  the  time 
but  reprinted  several  times  in  later  years. 

On  the  2nd  June  1572  he  had  the  painful 
duty  of  attending  his  old  pupil,  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  at  his  execution  on  Tower  Hill. 
The  duke  left  him  a  pension  of  £20,  which 
was  continued  by  his  son.  Of  Foxe's  later 
years  the  most  conspicuous  incidents  are  his 
ineffectual  intercession  for  two  Dutch  Ana- 
baptists condemned  to  the  flames  in  1575, 
and    his    sermon    on    the    conversion    of    a 


(226) 


Foxel 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Friars 


Spanish  Jew  in  1577.  Wo  would  also  gladly 
believe  his  anonymous  biographer,  who  says 
that  ho  wrote  many  letters  to  influential 
persons  to  prevent  Campion  bcinui;  put  to 
death  in  1581.  Foxe  died  in  London  on  the 
18th  April  1587,  and  his  tomb  is  still  to  be 
seen  in  Cripplegate  Church.  His  Acts  and 
Monuments  was  republished  three  times 
before  his  death,  in  1570,  1576,  and  1583. 
A  fifth  edition  appeared  in  1596-7,  and  there 
have  been  many  since.  Of  his  other  works 
not  yet  mentioned,  the  most  notable  was 
his  completion  of  Haddon's  answer  to  the 
Portuguese  Jesuit  Osorius. 

To  form  any  estimate  of  Foxe  as  a 
historian  it  is  necessary  to  consider  his 
general  conception  of  church  history.  He 
dated  the  chief  corruptions  of  Christianity 
from  '  the  loosing  out  of  Satan,  which 
was  about  the  thousandth  year  after  the 
Nativity  of  Christ.'  From  that  time  in 
about  four  hundred  years  sound  doctrine 
and  purity  of  life  were  almost  extin- 
guished until  they  were  revived  by  Wyclif 
and  Huss.  Following  these  were  abund- 
ant martyrs  for  the  truth,  and,  generally 
speaking,  all  whom  '  the  Pope's  Church ' 
condemned  as  heretics  were  such  martyrs. 
The  fact  that  though  opposed  to  the  Church 
they  differed  vitally  on  doctrines  of  high 
importance  did  not  prevent  Foxe  placing 
their  names  in  a  new  martyrology ;  and  the 
industry  with  which  he  collected  information 
was  amazing.  Some  of  his  mistakes  were 
ludicrous,  especially  about  Grimwood  of 
Hitcham,  whom  he  not  only  accused  of 
swearing  away  a  man's  life  on  a  false  charge 
of  treason,  but  represented  to  have  been 
visited  for  so  doing  by  an  awful  judgment 
in  a  sudden  and  quite  impossible  kind  of 
death,  his  bowels  faUing  out  of  his  body. 
Grimwood,  however,  was  actually  alive  when 
Foxe  wrote,  and  many  years  afterwards, 
hearing  this  strange  story  about  himself 
related  from  the  pulpit  as  a  warning  against 
perjury,  brought  an  action  against  the  parson 
for  slander.  Yet  really,  considering  the  size 
of  the  work  and  the  credulity  of  the  author 
(who,  by  the  statement  of  a  contemporary, 
was  given  to  strange  delusions  about  him- 
self), positive  errors  are  few  in  the  Ads  and 
Monuments.  It  is  rather  that  the  facts  are 
generally  discoloured.  But  when  we  have 
made  allowance  for  the  bias  with  which  it 
was  written,  the  information  in  the  book  is 
full  and  valuable. 

It  is  strange  that  even  about  Foxe's  life 
we  are  left  so  much  in  the  dark.  For  no 
trustworthy  memoir  was  ever  written,  and 
almost  all  the  facts  which  can  be  safely  stated 


are  derived  from  documents,  for  which  see 
Sir  S.  Lee's  notice  of  him  in  D.N.B. 

[J.  G.l 

FRASER,  James  (1818-85),  Bishop  of  Man- 
chester, was  educated  at  Shrewsbury  and 
Lincoln  College,  Oxford,  and  became  Fellow 
of  Oriel  in  1840.  His  work  as  Assistant 
Commissioner  to  the  Education  Commission 
(1858)  and  in  similar  capacities  induced 
Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.)  in  1870  to  offer  him 
the  bishopric  of  Manchester,  a  centre  of  the 
religious  education  controversy,  upon  which 
Fraser's  views  were  in  accordance  with  the 
Act  of  that  year.  He  quickly  proved  him- 
self a  hard-working  bishop.  '  Striding  about 
his  diocese  on  foot,  carrying  his  own  blue  bag 
containing  his  robes,  stopping  runaway  carts, 
and  talking  famiUarly  with  every  one  he  met,' 
he  took  the  diocese  by  storm.  He  addressed 
meetings  of  railwaymen,  actors,  cab-drivers, 
medical  students,  slaughtermen,  and  others, 
interested  himself  in  social  questions,  and 
was  arbitrator  in  more  than  one  trade  dispute. 
He  married  in  1880. 

Fraser  professed  himself  a  churchman  of 
the  school  of  Hooker,  but  his  broad  sym- 
pathies did  not  include  a  toleration  of  so- 
called  '  extreme '  High  Churchmen,  though 
they  won  him  the  title  of  '  bishop  of  all 
denominations.'  He  refused  preferment  to 
a  clergyman  of  whose  behef  in  the  deity  of 
Christ  he  was  not  satisfied.  In  1879  he 
allowed  proceedings  to  be  taken  under 
the  Public  Worship  Regulation  Act  [q.v.) 
against  S.  F.  Green,  Rector  of  St.  John's, 
Miles  Platting.  Mr.  Green  conscientiously 
disregarded  the  judgment  of  Lord  Penzance, 
and  his  imprisonment  in  Lancaster  Castle 
caused  much  scandal  and  distress.  He 
refused  to  purchase  his  release  by  any 
recognition  of  the  jurisdiction  under  which 
he  iiad  been  condemned.  Eventually  his 
living  became  vacant  by  lapse,  and  in  1882 
he  was  discharged  on  Fraser's  application, 
after  an  imprisonment  of  nineteen  months. 
'  As  the  priest  presented  to  the  vacant  living 
declined  to  modify  the  ceremonial,  Fraser 
refused  to  institute  him,  and  successfully 
defended  legal  proceedings  brought  to  com- 
pel him  to  do  so.     [Ritual  Cases.] 

[G.  c] 

Hughes,  Me.moir;  Diggle,  Bishop  Fraser'a 
Lancashire  Life.  For  the  Miles  Platting  case 
•see  Deem  v.  Green  (S  P.  D.  79);  Jleyicood  v. 
Bishnp  of  Manchester  (12  Q.B.D.  404);  Ecd. 
Courts  Cuniinission,  evidence  5710-6020,  6205- 

I  51,  7704-92. 

1 

I    FRIARS,    The,    represent   one  side  of  the 
1    great   revival   of   religion   in   the   thirteenth 


(227) 


Friars] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Friars 


century,  with  its  earnestness  and  democracy. 
The  monks  had  for  object  the  cultivation  of 
reUgion  as  a  corporate  hfe ;  the  friars  aimed 
at  renouncing  worldliness  and  at  helping 
others. 

1.  The  Franciscans  followed  the  rule  of 
St.  Francis:  absolute  poverty,  living  upon 
elms  (mendicancy),  and  the  relief,  spiritual 
And  bodily,  of  distress.  Although  living  as 
mendicants  they  soon  needed  central  habita- 
tions, which  at  first  were  of  a  rough  kind  in 
poor  parts  of  towns  (thus  the  rafters  for 
their  Cambridge  chapel  were  set  up  by  one 
man  in  a  day).  Later  on  their  buildings 
became  larger,  and  even  magnificent,  and 
caused  criticism.  The  Franciscans  (or  Friars 
Minor,  Minorites,  Grej^riars)  were  authorised 
in  1210,  their  new  rule  in  1223.  The  Second 
Order  of  St.  Francis,  intended  for  women  (Poor 
Clares),  and  the  Friars  of  Penitence,  or  Third 
Order  (Tertiaries),  increased  the  popularity 
and  use  of  the  Order.  They  came  to  England 
(1224)  (London,  Stinking  Lane;  York,  Bris- 
tol, Lynn,  Cambridge,  etc.)  as  missionaries 
living  simple  Uves,  not  open  to  the  reproach 
of  wealth  like  the  secular  (parish)  clergy  and 
the  monks,  they  quickly  became  popular  and 
influential.  As  the  social  condition  of  the 
towns — where  the  Franciscans  first  settled — 
improved,  the  Order  became  wealthier.  The 
pathetic  interest  of  the  founder's  hfe  belongs 
to  his  Order  also.  But  in  carrying  the  Gospel 
to  men  they  had  to  seek  and  to  give  training — 
hence  we  find  them  at  the  Universities ;  their 
care  for  the  sick  and  lepers  turned  them  to 
natural  science.  Before  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury was  over  they  had  great  power  at  the 
Universities  (at  Oxford,  Grosseteste  {q.v.)  as 
chancellor  favoured  them),  and  were  fore- 
most in  science  [e.g.  Roger  Bacon).  This, 
although  inevitable,  was  a  departure  from 
the  founder's  rule,  which  had  forbidden  them 
books.  At  Oxford  a  long  struggle  began 
against  them, in  which  Fitz-Ralph,  Archbishop 
of  Armagh,  bore  part,  and  on  this  much 
academic  history  hinges.  They  tried  to  get 
freedom  for  their  own  teaching,  and  then 
to  gain  control  of  the  University,  and  met 
with  resistance.  At  Cambridge  they  gained 
the  privilege  of  lecturing  in  their  own  halls 
to  their  own  students.  Like  the  Dominicans, 
in  reviving  religion  they  revived  learning  also. 

2.  The  Dominicans  (Friars  Preachers;  from 
their  black  cloak  over  white  habit  called 
Black  Friars),  founded  by  St.  Dominic  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Albigenses,  and  authorised 
by  Honorius  ni.  in  1216  for  preaching,  be- 
came a  mendicant  order  (1220),  but  kept 
much  of  their  former  organisation  as  canons, 
and  were  less  democratic  than  the  Francis- 


cans. Gregory  ix.  (1233)  used  them  largely 
for  the  newly  introduced  Inquisition.  Eng- 
land was  made  (1221)  one  of  the  eight  pro- 
vinces, and  after  a  visit  to  Canterbury  the 
first  Dominicans  in  England  settled  at  Ox- 
ford, where  they  gained  great  influence,  and 
whence  they  spread  rapidly.  Their  intellec- 
tual energy  was  great,  especially  in  formal 
theology.  These  two  leading  Orders  were 
part  of  the  rich  life  of  the  tliirteenth 
century,  but  the  same  energy  and  the  same 
attempt  to  meet  the  conditions  of  the  day 
which  produced  them  was  also  seen  in  other 
ways. 

3.  The  Carmehtes,  founded  on  Mount 
Carmel  (1156),  came  to  Europe  (1240)  at  the 
time  of  these  new  mendicant  orders,  and  gave 
up  their  hermit  life  for  a  community  life  as 
mendicants  (from  their  white  cloak  over  a 
brown  habit  called  White  Friars). 

4.  There  were  many  congregations  of  her- 
mits under  the  Augustinian  rule  [Religious 
Orders],  especially  since  the  twelfth  century. 
These  were  joined  by  Alexander  iv.  (1256) : 
marked  by  a  black  habit. 

5.  There  were  other  lesser  Orders,  such  as 
the  Servites,  the  Crutched  Friars  (from  a  red 
cross  on  their  dress),  the  Brethren  of  the  Sack 
(from  their  coarse  dress),  who  came  to  London 
(1257),  and  others.  The  formation  of  new 
Orders  was  forbidden  (1215),  and  (1274)  only 
the  four  great  Orders  were  allowed  to  receive 
new  members,  although  the  latter  decree 
was  not  enforced.  Papal  poUcy  towards  the 
friars  varied  in  the  Middle  Ages  much  as  it 
did  centuries  later  towards  the  Jesuits. 

The  friars  had  great  effect  upon  social  and 
intellectual  life.  As  popular  mission  preachers 
they  went  everywhere,  and  from  this  and 
their  hearing  confessions  generally — under 
papal  encouragement  given  first  to  Domini- 
cans and  Franciscans,  then  to  other  mendi- 
cants— friction  arose  with  parish  priests. 
They  were  accused  of  a  share  in  the  Peasants' 
Revolt,  and  complaints  were  made  of  their 
over-much  begging.  (The  '  limitours  '  were 
so  called  from  their  begging  within  a  limited 
district.)  There  were  jealousies  among  the 
orders,  as  described  in  Piers  Plowman's  Creed. 
But  for  their  usefulness  Peckham  {q.v.),  him- 
self a  friar,  and  Grosseteste  encouraged  them. 
Boniface  vrn.  restricted  their  preaching  with- 
out leave  from  parish  priests,  but  the  old 
quarrel  remained.  It  was  easy  to  satirise 
them,  but  their  popularity — as  shown  by  be- 
quests— continued  down  to  the  Reformation. 
Their  defenders,  e.q.  Aquinas,  interpreted 
poverty  to  apply  to  the  individual  not  to  the 
Order. 

On   the  intellectual  side  the  Franciscans 


(  228  ) 


Friarsi 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Frideswide 


and  Dominicans  furnished  the  leading  school-  ! 
men,  many  of  whom  were  Enghsh.  Alex-  ] 
ander  Hales  (1245)  from  Gloucestershire, 
Bonaventura  (1274),  Duns  Scotus  {q.v.), 
Wilham  Ockham  [q.v.)  from  Surrey,  were 
Franciscans.  Albertus  Magnus,  a  German, 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  were  Dominicans.  The 
Franciscans  for  the  most  part  were  Realist 
in  their  philosophy,  but  the  Dominicans 
followed  Aquinas ;  hence  the  difference  be- 
tween Scotists  and  Thomists  (followers  of 
Scotus  and  Aquinas)  was  partly  a  difference 
between  the  two  great  Orders. 

A  division  among  the  Franciscans  between 
the   advocates   for   the   strict  rule   and   for 
relaxation  went  on — like  the  quarrel  between 
Franciscans   and   Dominicans — through   the 
IVIiddle  Ages.     The  second  Franciscan  general, 
Ehas  of  Cortona,  relaxed  the  rule,  and  dissen- 
sions began.    These  parties  were  called  respec- 
tively Observants  and  Community  bretliren. 
The  Enghsh  Franciscans  were  (1230)  for  strict- 
ness when  those  on  the  Continent  were  for 
laxity.     Many  Franciscans  who  were  eager 
for  poverty  followed  the  Apocalyptic  views  of 
Abbot  Joachim,  looking  for  a  speedy  earthly 
kingdom  of  God.     These  were  the  '  Spiritual 
Franciscans,'  often  at  conflict  with  author- 
ities and  popular  with  the  masses.     Some  of 
the  more  extreme  of  these  separated  them- 
selves and,  as  FraticeUi,  formed  a  heretical 
sect.     John  xxn.,  by  condemning  the  popular 
Franciscan    view    that    our    Lord    and    the 
apostles  had  no  property,  but  hved  on  alms, 
came  into   conflict  with   the  Order   (1322). 
The  Franciscans  then  supported  the  Emperor 
Lewis  the  Bavarian  in  his  struggle  with  the 
Pope,  and  Wilham  Ockham  and  Marsigho  of 
Padua,    by   thek   controversial   writings    in 
support  of  the  Emperor,  laid  the  foundations 
of  a  new  mediaeval  pohtical  school.     Their 
writings,  both  on  the  pohtical  and  the  philoso- 
phical side,  greatly  affected  Enghsh  thinkers — 
notably  Wyclif  [q.v.),  who,  it  is  worth  noting, 
remained  friendly  with  the  Franciscans  after 
his  quarrel  with  the  monks,  and  expected 
some   of   them   to   join   him.     In    1515   the 
Franciscan    Warden    in    London    (Standish) 
defended  the  citizens  for  their  attacks  on 
foreigners,  and  also  strongly  advocated  the 
royal    power    against    the    ecclesiastical — a 
striking  proof  of  the  democratic  and  pohtical 
tendencies  of  the  Order,     At  the  time  of  the 
Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries  the  Francis- 
can Observants  (a  strict  and  reformed  branch 
founded  by  St.  Bernardino  of  Siena,  intro- 
duced into  England  by  Henry  vn.),  especiaUy 
those  at  Greenwich,  were  treated  with  great 
cruelty.     They  had  become  the  fashionable 
court  order.     At  the  suppression  there  were 


60  Franciscan  houses,  53  Dominican,  42 
Austin,  36  Carmehte;  with  the  other  lesser 
Orders,  about  200  friaries  in  aU,  and  probably 
about  1800  friars.  (Gasquet's  estimate  in 
Henry  VIII.  and  the  English  Monasteries, 
vol.  n.  chap.  vii.).  [J.  P.  w.] 

Best  general  account  in  Heimbucher,  Die 
Orden  und  Kongregationai  dcr  katholische 
Kirche,  toI.  ii.  (1907).  On  English  Francis- 
cans best  account  is  Tractatus  Fr.  T/wmae  dc 
Ecdestun,  ed.  A.  G.  Little  (Paris,  1909).  For  St. 
Francis,  see  Kng.  Hist.  Rev.,  pansim  ;  Brewer, 
Monumenta  Franciscana,  R.S. ;  Helyot,  Eisl. 
des  Ordres  Monastiques ;  Jessoy)p,  Coming  of  the 
Friars  ;  Capes,  Hist  of  Eng.  Ch.  in  Fourteenth 
and  Fifteenth  Centuries,  chap.  xv. 

FRIDESWIDE,  St.  (d.  c.  735),  virgin  and 
abbess,  is  said  to  have  been  daughter  of  a 
Mercian  king  or  under-king  ruhng  at  Oxford. 
She  took  a  vow  of  virginity,  and  when  wooed 
by  a  neighbouring  king  took  refuge  in  a  pig- 
sty. Her  suitor  on  approaching  Oxford  was 
smitten  with  bhndness,  but,  according  to 
one  writer,  his  sight  was  restored  at  her 
prayer.  Returning  to  Oxford,  she  was  met 
by  a  leper,  who  was  healed  by  her  kiss.  She 
founded  a  convent  at  Oxford,  became  its 
abbess,  and  died  there. 

Many  of  the  legends  of  St.  Frideswide  are 
the  common  property  of  hagiology,  and  the 
earhest  extant  hves  of  her  date  from  the 
twelfth  century.  But  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  her  existence,  and  her  foundation  of 
a  rehgious  house  in  or  near  Oxford,  prob- 
ably at  Binsey.  The  monastery  bearing  her 
name  is  known  to  have  existed  during  the 
Danish  wars.  At  the  Domesday  survey  it 
was  occupied  by  secular  canons,  who  were  re- 
placed by  regulars  (Austin  Canons)  early  in  the 
twelfth  century.  Her  rehcs  were  translated  in 
1180,  from  which  time  she  was  regarded  as 
the  patron  saint  of  the  City  and  University 
of  Oxford.  In  1434  Archbishop  Chichele 
{q.v.)  ordered  her  festival,  19th  October, 
the  traditional  date  of  her  death,  to  be 
observed  as  that  of  the  special  patroness 
of  the  University  (Wilkins,  Coiic,  iii.  524). 
Her  shrine  (which  was  again  removed  in 
1289)  became  a  centre  of  devotion,  and 
received  many  rich  gifts.  It  was  plundered 
in  1538,  and  in  1552  Peter  Martyr's  {q.v.) 
wife  was  buried  in  or  near  it.  In  1557  these 
bones  were  removed  by  Dean  Marshall  at 
the  orders  of  Cardinal  Pole  {q.v.)  and  buried 
in  a  dunghill.  After  Elizabeth's  accession 
they  were  restored  and  mingled  with  those  of 
Frideswide  under  the  epitaph  Hie  recqniescit 
religio  cum  siiperstitione.  In  1525  her  monas- 
tery had  been  suppressed  by  Wolsey  {q-v.), 
who  replaced  it  by  a  college  built  on  the  same 


(  229  ) 


Frith] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Froude 


site,  and  known  as  '  Cardinal  College.'  After 
his  fall  this  was  refounded  by  Henry  vrn., 
and  in  1546  its  church  became  the  cathedral 
of  the  new  diocese  of  Oxford,  with  the  title 
of  Christ  Church.  Churches  are  dedicated 
to  St.  Frideswide  in  Oxford,  at  Frilsham 
(Berks),  at  the  Christ  Church  (Oxford)  Mission 
in  Poplar,  and,  under  the  name  of  St.  Fre- 
wisse,  at  Borny,  near  Boulogne.  Her  festival 
still  retains  its  place  in  the  Oxford  University 
Calendar,  though  it  disapjieared  from  that  of 
the  English  Church  in  1549.  [g,  c] 

Parker,  Karlij  Ilist.  of  Oxford ;  Wood,  City 
of  Oxford  ;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments,  ed. 
1868,  viii.  296. 

FRITH,  John  (1503-33), martyr, wasa  victim 
of  the  evil  cross-currents,  poUtical  and  theo- 
logical, that  arose  out  of  Henry  vxn.'s  secret 
encouragement  of  heresy  in  his  desire  to  marry 
Anne  Boleyn.  He  seems  to  have  been  bom  in 
1503.  He  studied  at  King's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, where  Stephen  Gardiner  {q.v.)  was  his 
tutor.  He  graduated  B.A.  in  1525,  and  being 
a  precocious  young  divine  was  immediately 
called  by  Wolsej^  iq-v.)  to  Oxford,  and  made  a 
Fellow  of  his  new  coUege  there.  He  was  one 
of  a  number  of  that  college  who  were  com- 
mitted to  custody  in  1528  on  a  charge  of 
heresy.  Four  of  the  prisoners  died,  appar- 
ently from  the  unwholesome  conditions  of 
an  underground  prison,  and  Frith  and  the 
others  w-ere  released  on  condition  that  they 
would  not  go  farther  than  ten  miles  from 
Oxford.  Frith,  however,  escaped  beyond 
sea.  Returning  two  years  later,  he  was  put 
in  the  stocks  at  Reading  ;  but  giving  evidence 
of  scholarship  to  the  schoolmaster,  he  was 
released.  He  had  been  seeking  out  the  Prior 
of  Reading,  a  large  purchaser  of  heretical 
books,  with  whom,  apparently,  he  went 
abroad  again,  as  Sir  Thomas  More  {q.v.)  was 
now  Lord  Chancellor  and  bent  on  prose- 
cuting heretics.  He  was  in  HoUand,  a  newlj' 
married  man,  in  the  spring  of  1531  ;  but  he 
returned  to  England  once  more  in  July  1532, 
lured  by  the  King,  who  at  this  time  felt 
that  heretics  might  be  useful  to  him,  how- 
ever much  his  Chancellor  was  against  them. 
He  ventured  even  to  write  and  circulate  in 
MS.  a  book  against  the  Real  Presence  in 
the  Eucharist,  of  w'hich  Sir  Thomas  More 
obtained  two  copies.  He  was  seized  and 
lodged  in  the  Tower,  not  for  punishment  but 
rather  for  his  security,  and  was  not  loaded 
with  irons.  Tyndale  {q.v.)  wrote  him  a 
sympathetic  letter  from  abroad,  urging  him 
to  be  wary  in  disclosing  his  mind,  lest  it 
should  create  division  among  those  opposed 
to  the  papacy ;    for  Dr.  Barnes  in  England, 


like  his  master,  Luther,  would  be  hot  against 
him  if  he  denied  the  Real  Presence.  He 
should  treat  that  subject  as  an  open  one. 
And  this  was  the  line  he  actually  took  when 
examined  upon  the  subject.  He  was  ex- 
amined on  the  20th  June  1533  both  upon  Pur- 
gatory and  on  the  Eucharist  by  Stokesley, 
Bishop  of  London,  and  others  at  St.  Paul's. 
His  old  tutor,  Gardiner,  now  a  bishop, 
did  his  utmost  to  show  him  that  his  views 
were  erroneous,  even  after  sentence  was 
passed  on  him  as  a  heretic,  but  to  no 
effect.  He  and  a  disciple  of  his  named 
Andrew  Hewet,  a  tailor's  apprentice,  were 
burned  at  Smithfield,  4th  July  1533.  His 
writings,  some  of  them  anonymous  or  pseu- 
donymous, are  rather  numerous  for  so  young 
a  man,  and  mostly  controversial. 

[J.  G.] 

FROUDE,  Richard  Hurrell  (1803-36),  priest 
and  author,  eldest  son  of  R.  H.  Froude, 
Archdeacon  of  Totnes,  was  educated  at 
Ottery  and  Eton.  He  entered  Oriel  CoUege, 
Oxford,  1821,  and  gained  a  double  Second 
Class  (Classics  and  Mathematics),  1824.  He 
became  Fellow,  1826  (with  R.  I.  Wilber- 
force,  q.v.),  and  Tutor,  1827.  As  an  under- 
graduate he  was  pupil  of  John  Keble  {q.v.), 
and  was  his  devoted  friend,  learning  his 
High  Churchmanship  from  him.  He  came 
to  know  J.  H.  Newman  {q.v.)  well,  1828-9, 
when  they  were  Tutors  together,  but  was  shj' 
of  him  at  first.  He  wrote  (7th  September 
1828) :  '  Newman  is  a  fellow  that  I  like  more, 
the  more  I  think  of  him  ;  only  I  would  give 
a  few  odd  pence  if  he  were  not  a  heretic'  He 
brought  Newman  to  know  Keble ;  from  that 
friendship  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.)  sprang. 
Froude  realised  the  importance  of  the  act, 
and  said,  with  death  in  prospect :  '  Do  you 
know  the  story  of  the  murderer  who  had 
done  one  good  thing  in  his  life  ?  WeU,  if  I 
was  ever  asked  what  good  deed  I  have  ever 
done,  I  should  say  I  had  brought  Newman 
and  Keble  to  understand  one  another.' 
Froude,  together  with  his  colleagues,  resigned 
his  Tutorship  in  1830  owing  to  their  differ- 
ences with  the  Provost  (Dr.  Hawkins).  Froude 
was  ordained  deacon,  1828  ;  priest,  1829.  He 
spent  the  winter  of  1832-3  in  Southern 
Europe,  accompanied  most  of  the  time  by 
Newman.  At  Rome  with  Newman  he  began 
the  Lyra  Apostolica  ;  his  poems  are  initialled 
/3,  and  are  of  great  beauty.  He  took  part  in 
the  formal  beginning  of  the  Movement  at 
the  conference  at  Hadleigh  [Rose,  H.  J.], 
July  1833.  He  was  in  the  West  Indies  for  his 
health,  November  1833  to  May  1835,  lectur- 
ing for  some  months  at  Codrington  College, 


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Dictionary  of  English  Clinrck  Ili.slonj 


[Gardiner 


Barbados.  He  died  of  consumption  at 
Darlington,  28th  February  1836. 

Froude  was  an  enthusiastic  Enghsli  Catho- 
lic ;  he  reverenced  the  Caroline  divines  {q.v.) 
and  the  Nonjurors  {q.v.).  He  was  drawn 
strongly  to  the  mediaeval  Ch\irch,  and  disliked 
the  sixteenth-century  reformers;  his  strictures 
uj)on  them  first  began  the  historical  criticism 
of  the  English  Reformation,  but  horrified  the 
British  public  at  the  time.  He  believed  in  the 
celibacy  of  the  clergy,  and  had  a  deep  devotion 
to  the  Real  Presence  and  reverence  for  the 
Blessed  Virgin.  Yet  he  felt  deep  disgust  at 
Roman  Catholicism  as  he  saw  it  abroad,  and 
thought  its  followers  '  wretched  Tridentines.' 
He  was  a  brilliant  talker,  a  bold  rider,  a 
daring  sailor,  and  a  very  handsome  and 
gallant  figure.  There  was  about  him  '  an 
awful  reality  of  devotion,'  and  probably  his 
merciless  self-discipline  hastened  his  death. 
'  No  one,'  Dean  Church  thinks, '  ever  occupied 
Froude's  place  in  Newman's  heart.'  The 
publication  of  his  Remains,  Part  i.  (2  vols., 
1838),  edited  bj-  Keble  and  Newman,  in 
which  his  strong  expressions  about  the 
Reformers  and  injudicious  extracts  from  his 
journal  were  printed,  caused  a  storm. 
Part  II.  (2  vols.,  1839)  contains  various  essays 
and  his  history  of  Archbishop  Becket.  It 
was  arranged  and  prepared  for  publication 
by  J.  B.  Mozley  {q.v.).  [s.  L.  o.] 

Jlemalns,  Part  I.,  1838 ;  Cluirch,  Oxford 
Muvement  ;  Newman.  Apoloqia  ;  L.  I.  Gainer, 
R.  U.  Froude. 

FULLER,  Thomas  (1608-61),  Church  his- 
torian, entered  Queens'  College,  Cambridge, 
when  just  thirteen,  graduated  B.A.,  1624; 
M.A.,  1628,  and  was  appointed  by  his 
uncle,  Bishop  Davenant  {q.v.),  to  a  pre- 
bend at  Salisbury,  1631 ;  Rector  of  Broad- 
winclsor,  1634.  As  proctor  in  Convocation 
{q.v.),  1640,  he  opposed  its  continuance  after 
the  dissolution  of  Parliament.  In  1641, 
though  not  formally  sequestered,  he  relin- 
quished his  preferments,  became  curate  at  the 


Savoy  Chapel,  London,  and  used  his  influence 
as  a  popular  preacher  in  the  cause  of  peace.  In 
1643  he  retired  to  Oxford,  where  his  advocacy 
of  conciliation  brought  him  into  disfavour, 
though  not,  it  would  seem,  with  Charles  i. 
{q.v.),  before  whom  he  preached  a  remarkal)le 
sermon  on  Jacob's  vow,  in  reference  to  the 
King's  promise  to  restore  his  abbey  lands  to 
the  Church.  He  was  in  Exeter  as  chaplain 
to  the  infant  Princess  Henrietta  at  its 
surrender,  1646.  Under  the  Commonweallli 
he  lived  unmolested,  owing  to  infiuential 
friends,  of  whom  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  presented 
him  to  the  living  of  Waltham  Abbey  (c.  1649), 
and  Earl  Berkeley  to  that  of  Cranford,  1658. 
Though  a  '  stout  Church-and-King  man ' 
Fuller  had  not  the  martyr's  temperament, 
and  his  ingrained  moderation  and  easy  good- 
nature lend  some  colour  to  Heylyn's  {q.v.) 
accusation  of  complying  with  the  times,  and 
South's  {q.v.)  picture  of  him  with  his  big  book 
under  one  arm  and  his  little  wife  under  the 
other,  running  after  his  patrons  for  invitations 
to  dinner  in  exchange  for  the  dull  jests  of 
his  conversation.  To  such  attacks  he  replied 
with  dignity  and  good  humour,  maintaining 
that  his  was  a  '  sinless  comphance  '  without 
compromise  of  principle.  At  the  Restoration 
he  returned  to  his  prebend,  but  refused  to 
disturb  the  minister  in  possession  at  Broad- 
windsor. 

As  a  historian  Fuller  is  prejudiced  and 
uncritical,  but  his  quaint  fehcity  of  style, 
continual  flow  of  wit,  and  easy,  vivacious 
narrative  have  won  him  a  reputation  among 
Enghsh  prose  WTiters  only  below  the  highest. 
His  marvellous  memory  caused  his  earliest 
biographer  to  style  him  '  a  perfect  walking 
hbrary.'  His  chief  works  are  The  Church 
History  of  Britain,  1655;  The  Worthies  oj 
England,  1662,  and  numerous  volumes  of 
sermons  and  quasi-devotional  moralisings. 

[G.    C] 

lI'orA-.s-;  anonymous  Life,  1661 ;  modern  Lives 
l)y  J.  E.  Bailey  and  J.  M.  Fuller. 


G 


GARDINER,  Stephen  (1493  ? -1555), 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  was  born  at  Bury 
St.  Edmunds  perhaps  in  1493.  The  date 
commonly  given,  1483,  is  impossible,  but  may 
be  a  misreading  of  some  inscription.  Many 
stories  of  his  parentage  and  early  years  are 
fabulous.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  John 
Gardiner,   a   substantial   cloth   merchant   of 


Bury,  and  was  educated  mostly  at  Cam- 
bridge. But  in  the  year  1511,  perhaps  before 
he  went  to  that  University,  he  visited  Paris 
as  one  of  a  certain  Mr.  Eden's  hoiisehold,  and 
there,  as  appears  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote 
to  Erasmus  in  1527,  he  met  the  great  Dutch 
scholar,  and  dressed  him  some  salads  in  a 
way    that    particularly    pleased    his    palate. 


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[Gardiner 


Returning  home,  and  pursuing  his  studies 
at  Cambridge,  he  became  a  doctor  of  civil 
law  in  1520,  and  of  canon  law  next  j^ear. 
Leland  says  that  he  gave  new  vigour  to  the 
study  of  law  at  Cambridge,  clearing  it  from 
a  mass  of  obsolete  pedantries  ;  and  also  that 
he  set  on  the  stage  the  comedies  of  Plautus, 
or  one  of  them  at  least.  He  himself  refers 
to  this  in  a  letter  of  much  later  date  to  Sir 
William  Paget  (who  was  his  early  pupil), 
reminding  him  of  a  time  when  they  both 
took  parts  in  a  performance  of  the  Miles 
Gloriosus.  In  1526  we  find  him  acting,  along 
with  two  bishops,  the  Abbot  of  Westminster 
and  others,  under  a  conimission  from  Wolsey 
{q.v. )  as  legate,  for  the  examination  of  certain 
German  heretics.  In  1527  he  is  designated 
as  Archdeacon  of  Taunton  in  a  treaty  made 
with  Francis  i.,  in  which  he  and  Sir  Thomas 
More  (q.v.)  were  commissioners,  to  act  in 
conjunction  with  two  Frenchmen.  Just 
before  this,  in  May,  he  had  been  present  at 
the  secret  proceedings  by  which  it  was  first 
proposed  to  inquire  into  the  vahdity  of 
Henry  \Tn.'s  marriage  with  Katherine  of 
Aiagon.  In  July  he  went  into  France  with  his 
master,  Wolsey  (q.v.),  who  on  his  return  found 
that  the  King  had  been  seeking  to  attain  his 
object  at  Rome  without  his  instrumentaUty. 
Henry  found  out  his  mistake,  and  was 
obhged  once  more  to  trust  everything  to  the 
cardinal,  who  in  1528  despatched  Gardiner, 
then  his  secretary,  and  Edward  Foxe  to  the 
Pope.  They  were  to  procure  the  sending  of 
Cardinal  Campeggio  {q.v.)  to  England  with  a 
decretal  commission  to  enable  him  and 
Wolsey  to  determine  the  question  of  the 
validity  of  the  King's  marriage.  This  was 
a  peculiar  demand,  and  taxed  Gardiner's 
ingenuity  to  the  utmost  to  procure  it,  backed 
up  by  strong  letters  from  Wolsey  as  to  the 
extreme  importance  of  the  concession.  The 
envoys  took  the  Pope  at  a  disadvantage,  for 
he  was  not  then  at  Rome,  having  escaped  in 
December  from  durance  in  the  castle  of 
St.  Angelo,  and  they  found  him  in  the 
dilapidated  city  of  Orvieto  (Urbs  Vetus, 
as  Gardiner  said  it  was  truly  called),  where 
hunger,  bad  lodgings,  and  ill  air  kept  him  as 
much  a  prisoner  as  ever.  But  Clement,  in 
a  bishop's  palace,  with  ante-rooms  '  all  un- 
hanged '  and  the  roofs  fallen  down,  was  not 
to  be  overcome  by  circumstances.  Gardiner 
did  his  best,  and  the  mission  of  Campeggio 
was  conceded ;  but  he  was  obhged,  even 
after  much  insistence,  to  accept  only  a  general 
commission  instead  of  a  decretal  one.  Wolsey 
saw  that  this  was  insufficient,  and  urged 
Gardiner  to  press  the  Pope  still  further,  in 
a  way  that  was  indeed  quite  improper,  till 


the  Pope  at  length  yielded  to  what  was 
orally  demanded,  and  no  more,  with  some 
special  precautions  against  abuse. 

In  this  bad  business  Gardiner  had  done 
his  best  as  a  lawyer  for  a  cUent ;  and  the 
King,  taking  him  from  Wolscy's  service, 
made  him  his  own  secretary.  In  1530  the 
King  sent  him  to  Cambridge  to  obtain 
opinions  against  the  lawfulness  of  marriage 
Avith  a  brother's  \^'idow,  which  he  did,  not 
without  some  amount  of  artifice.  In  May 
he  was  among  the  learned  convoked  to  de- 
nounce Tyndale's  (q.v.)  books,  and  in  July,  as 
a  doctor,  he  signed  the  letter  of  the  lords  to 
Clement  vn.  urging  him  to  give  a  speedy  de- 
cision in  the  King's  favour.  His  old  master, 
Wolsey,  was  by  this  time  in  disgrace,  and 
relied  much  on  Gardiner's  intercession  with 
the  King,  which  in  some  small  ways  was 
effectual,  but  not  as  regards  the  cardinal's 
colleges,  on  the  erection  of  which  he  had 
bestowed  so  much  thought  and  expense.  In 
1531  the  King  gave  Gardiner  the  bishopric 
of  Winchester,  telling  him  that  he  had  often 
'  squared  '  with  him,  but  loved  him  none  the 
worse — a  fine  evidence  both  of  Gardiner's 
freedom  of  judgment  and  Henry's  appre- 
ciation of  good  service.  Gardiner  was  now 
sent  on  a  mission  to  France  to  cultivate  closer 
relations  with  Francis  i.  and  counteract  the 
Emperor's  influence  at  Rome.  On  his  return 
in  1532,  being  a  bishop,  he  took  undoubtedly 
the  main  part  in  drawing  up  '  the  Answer  of 
the  Ordinaries,'  which  he  knew  could  not  be 
acceptable  to  the  King.  But  the  '  Submission 
of  the  Clergy '  ended  their  opposition  to  the 
Crown. 

Henry  continued  all  his  days  to  use 
Gardiner's  services,  which  he  valued  highly,  in 
embassies  and  otherwise.  But  in  April  1534 
the  more  subservient  Thomas  Cromwell  (q.v.) 
supplanted  him  as  the  King's  secretary.  Under 
Royal  Supremacy  Churchmen  no  longer  ruled, 
and  Gardiner,  against  the  grain,  took  the  oath 
of  supremacy,  like  other  bishops,  in  1535.  He 
also,  like  the  other  bishops,  wrote  a  treatise 
to  vindicate  the  doctrine,  which  at  the  time 
he  no  doubt  considered  defensible,  though 
he  regretted  his  action  afterwards.  But  he 
soon  found  himself  driven  to  a  more  un- 
gracious task.  For  he  was  set  to  compose  an 
answer  to  a  papal  brief  in  which  Paul  in. 
declared  to  Francis  i.  his  intention  to  deprive 
Henry  of  his  kingdom ;  and  such  an  answer 
involved  a  vindication  of  the  executions  of 
Fisher  and  More  as  traitors.  It  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  meant  only  for  diplomatic 
use,  not  to  be  shown  unless  needed.  Gardiner 
himself  was  sent  to  France  to  use  personal 
arguments  with  Francis,  and  engage  him  in 


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[Gardiner 


a  common  opposition  with  Henry  alike  to 
the  Pope,  the  Emperor,  and  a  proposed 
General  Council.  While  on  this  embassy  his 
opinion  was  asked  in  153G  about  a  pohtical 
aUiance  between  Henry  vur.  and  the  Lutheran 
princes  of  Germany,  wliich  he  strongly  dis- 
suaded, though  he  did  not  object  to  their 
being  subsidised  by  the  Iving.  He  remained 
abroad  three  years,  and  in  1539,  a  year  after 
his  return,  though  Cromwell  had  got  him 
excluded  from  the  Council,  his  inllucnce  was 
increasing.  Next  year  Dr.  Barnes,  being 
allowed  to  preach  at  Paul's  Cross,  brought 
himself  into  trouble  by  insulting  Gardiner. 
For  Cromwell,  on  whose  support  the  Protest- 
ant preachers  reUed,  was  now  tottering  to 
his  fall. 

In  November  1540  Gardiner  was  sent  to 
Charles  v.  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  followed 
him  into  Germany.  The  fall  of  Cromwell 
and  the  divorce  of  Anne  of  Cleves  had 
smoothed  the  way  for  a  better  understanding 
with  the  Emperor.  But  Charles  was  then 
more  intent  on  arriving  at  an  understanding 
■with  the  Protestants  at  the  diet  at  Ratisbon  ; 
and  it  was  really  to  prevent  his  doing  so 
that  Henry  had  sent  Gardiner  thither  as  a 
strong  opponent  of  Lutheran  theology.  So 
Gardiner's  mission  was  not  acceptable,  and 
met  with  some  hindrances.  But  it  was 
impossible  to  shake  him  off,  except  on  the 
plea  that  he  was  the  emissary  of  a  heretical 
Bang  who  had  divorced  the  Emperor's  aunt, 
Katherine  of  Aragon,  despised  the  Pope's 
authority,  and  even  now  showed  no  desire 
to  be  reconciled  to  the  Holy  See.  When 
Granvelle  met  him  with  these  reproaches 
Gardiner  had  some  difficulty  in  answering 
them.  He  laid  the  blame  of  the  past  on 
Cromwell,  but  said  it  was  a  capital  ofience  for 
an  EngUshman  to  talk  of  reconcihation  with 
Rome.  This  was  quite  true  ;  but  it  was  no 
less  true  that  if  the  Protestants,  who  were 
disgusted  at  the  divorce  of  Anne  of  Cleves, 
became  loyal  to  the  Emperor,  Henry  had  not 
a  friend  upon  the  Continent.  Charles,  how- 
ever, could  not  rely  on  the  Protestants,  and 
Granvelle  assured  Gardiner  that  he  was 
willing  to  intercede  for  his  master  with  the 
Pope.  And  such  was  Henry's  feehng  of 
insecurity  at  the  time  that  he  actually  in- 
structed Gardiner  to  thank  Granvelle  for  an 
offer  of  mediation  conveyed  tln-ough  the 
Imperial  ambassador  in  England. 

This  very  private  matter  led  to  an  incident, 
wliich  was  the  source  of  much  gossip,  and  was 
remembered  long  to  Gardiner's  disadvantage 
by  men  who  did  not  understand  the  circum- 
stances. It  became  known  that  Gardiner 
had  actually  received  a  letter  from  the  Pope 


at  Ratisbon,  and  people  thought  that  he 
would  be  put  to  death  as  soon  as  he  came 
home.  But  Henry  knew  the  value  of  his 
services,  and  received  him  very  well.  In 
England  while  ho  was  away  a  great  change 
had  been  made  in  his  cathedral,  which  was 
converted  from  a  monastic  into  a  secular 
foundation  with  a  dean  and  twelve  pre- 
bendaries. At  Canterbury,  where  he  first 
heard  Mass  after  landing,  a  similar  change 
had  taken  place,  and  on  inquiring  about  the 
new  establishment  he  found  that  the  pre- 
bendaries did  not  agree.  One  of  them,  a 
namesake  of  his  own,  told  him  men  got  into 
more  trouble  by  opposing  heresy  than  by 
promoting  it. 

In  the  Convocation  of  1542,  which  con- 
demned the  use  of  the  Great  Bible,  Gardiner 
took  a  prominent  part,  and  gave  in  a  list  of 
a  hundred  words  and  phrases  which  he  con- 
sidered ought  to  be  retained  in  translation  in 
a  form  as  near  the  Latin  as  might  be.  But 
the  Iving  put  an  end  to  the  revision  project 
indirectly,  and  gave  Anthony  Marlar  sole 
authority  to  print  the  Bible  in  English  for 
four  years.  In  the  same  year  Gardiner,  as 
Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
condemned  the  new  system  of  pronouncing 
Greek  that  had  been  introduced  by  John 
Cheke  {q.v.)  and  Thomas  Smith. 

Near  the  end  of  Henry's  reign  he  was  with 
the  Emperor  again,  negotiating  the  treaty 
of  Utrecht,  which  was  concluded  on  the 
16th  January  1546,  to  define  more  closely 
the  mutual  relations  of  the  two  sovereigns  in 
the  event  of  joint  hostihties  against  France. 
While  on  this  embassy  he  made  his  influence 
felt  at  home,  warning  Henry  that  it  would 
be  fatal  to  the  treaty  to  adopt  certain  reforms 
on  which  Cranmer  was  bent,  puUing  down 
roods  in  the  churches,  and  suppressing  the 
ringing  of  bells  on  All-Hallows'  night.  As  a 
diplomatist  it  is  clear  that  his  services  were 
highly  valued  by  Henry  to  the  last ;  yet  he 
was  not  named  in  the  King's  will.  It  is  said 
that  when  some  expected  that  he  would  have 
been  included  among  the  executors,  the  King 
distinctly  refused,  for  a  reason  that  was 
certainly  characteristic.  '  Jlarry,'  he  said, 
'  I  myself  could  use  him  and  rule  him  to  all 
manner  of  purposes  as  seemed  good  unto  me  ; 
but  so  shall  you  never  do.'  The  ecclesiastical 
revolution  which  Gardiner  would  have 
opposed  had  gone  too  far  to  be  repressed ; 
and  as  it  was  clear  that  in  the  coming  reign 
Church  matters  must  go  on  under  Cranmer 
as  archbishop,  the  presence  of  Gardiner  in 
any  high  councils  could  only  lead  to  un- 
pleasant contentions. 

Innovations,       indeed,       against       which 


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[Gerald 


Gardiner  jirotcsted  in  vain,  began  immedi- 
ately after  Henry's  death.  All  the  bishops 
had  to  take  out  fresh  licences  to  exercise 
their  functions  in  the  new  reign.  Images 
began  to  be  broken  and  maltreated,  when 
as  yet  the  orders  were  only  to  remove  them 
if  '  abused '  by  pilgrimages  and  worship. 
Afterwards  came  a  royal  visitation,  to  which 
both  Gardiner  and  ]ionnor  {q.v.)  raised  very 
natural  objections,  and  though  neither 
bishop  insisted  on  his  own  view  they  were 
both  sent  to  the  Fleet.  Bonner  was  soon 
released,  but  after  two  years  more  he  was 
deprived  of  his  bishopric.  Gardiner  remained 
over  three  months  in  the  Fleet  when  he  was 
released  by  a  general  pardon,  with  an  admoni- 
tion; but  the  Council  required  him  to  preach 
before  the  King  to  make  his  position  clear. 
This  he  did  (29th  June  1548)  in  a  way  that 
he  thought  could  give  no  offence.  But  next 
day  he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  the  Tower. 
And  he  not  only  remained  a  prisoner  dur- 
ing the  rest  of  the  reign,  but  was  deprived 
of  his  bishopric  after  a  long-drawn-out  trial 
on  a  flimsy  pretence  of  disobedience  to  royal 
authority. 

On  the  accession  of  Mary  he  was  liberated 
and  appointed  Lord  Chancellor.  He  was  also 
restored  to  the  Chancellorship  of  Cambridge 
University,  which  he  had  held  from  1540 
to  the  death  of  Henry  vin.  ;  and  in  1556  he 
was  made  Chancellor  of  Oxford  as  well.  He 
was  Mary's  most  trusted  councillor,  and 
though  opposed  to  her  wishes  in  her  marriage 
with  Philip,  he  jielded,  and  himself  solem- 
nised the  marriage.  From  the  first  he  did 
his  best  for  the  old  religion,  but  it  could  not 
be  fully  reinstated  till  the  coming  of  Cardinal 
Pole  [q.v.)  in  November  1554  and  the  recon- 
ciliation of  England  to  Rome.  When,  un- 
happily, the  old  heresy  laws  were  revived, 
he  did  what  was  possible  to  induce  the 
heretics  brought  before  him  to  accept  the 
pardon  offered.  But  though  he  sat  on  the 
legatinc  commission  before  which  the  first 
heretics  were  tried,  he  soon  gave  up  the 
thankless  task.  On  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 
ment in  October  1555  he  addressed  the  two 
Houses  with  an  eloquence  that  was  all  the 
more  astonishing  because  he  was  already  far 
gone  in  mortal  illness.  He  died  on  the  13th 
November,  and  his  body  was  carried  with 
great  solemnity  to  Winchester  and  buried 
in  his  cathedral. 

Accounts  of  Gardiner's  life  have  been 
defective  and  prejudiced,  being  founded 
mainly  upon  Burnet,  who  followed  Foxe's 
extremely  unfair  reports  of  what  he  did. 
Even  before  the  publication  of  the  Calendars 
of    State   Papers   in    the   last    century.    Dr. 


Maitland's  Esaays  on  tlie  Rcfonnaiion  had 
gone  far  to  counteract  these  misrepresenta- 
tions, and  modern  research  has  opened 
ample  stores  of  information,  which  put  a  very 
different  aspect  on  his  career.  For  some 
results  of  this  sec  Gairdner's  Lollardy  and 
the  Reformation.  [J.  G.] 

GAUDEN,  John  (1605-62),  divine,  took  his 
Arts  degree  from  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, and  those  in  Divinity  from  Wadham 
College,  Oxford.  He  was  private  tutor  to 
the  sons  of  Sir  W.  Russell,  and  married  their 
sister;  was  chaplain  to  Rich,  Earl  of  W^arwick, 
and  in  1642  became  Rector  of  Bocking, 
where  he  continued  the  use  of  the  Prayer 
Book  for  some  time.  He  asserts  that  he  was 
a  member  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  but 
was  turned  out  because  he  was  against  the 
extirpation  of  bishops.  From  the  time  of  the 
execution  of  the  King  he  began  to  publish 
pamphlets  against  the  proceedings  of  the 
army,  in  favour  of  religious  marriage,  and  in 
defence  of  the  ministry  of  the  Church.  But  he 
conformed  to  Presbyterianism,  and  continued 
to  hold  his  living.  In  1660  he  succeeded 
Brownrigg  as  preacher  at  the  Temple,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  after  the  Restoration, 
followed  him  also  as  Bishop  of  Exeter. 
During  the  years  1660-1  he  published  several 
important  pamphlets,  notably  Anti  Baal- 
berith,  a  vindication  of  his  own  conduct 
and  an  attack  on  the  covenant  and 
covenanters.  In  1662  he  was  translated  to 
Worcester,  but  died  on  20th  September  of 
the  same  year.  He  is  buried  in  his  cathedral 
church.  His  chief  claim  to  fame  is  his 
reputed  authorship  of  Eikon  Basilike  (q.v.). 
It  seems  that  both  Charles  ii.  and  James  ii. 
admitted  his  claim,  though  there  is  much 
evidence  that  Charles  i.  did  write  prayers 
and  memoranda,  which,  however,  were  not 
produced'  till  many  years  after  the  death  of 
Charles  ii.  and  of  Gauden.  According  to 
Barnet  it  was  mainly  by  Gauden's  influence 
that  the  '  Black  Rubric  '  was  reinserted  in 
the  Prayer  Book  of  1662.  [Common  Prayee, 
Book  of.]  ,   [w.  h.  h.] 

Wood,  Athenae  Oxonienscs  ;  Oliver,  Lives  of 
Bishops  of  Exeter. 

GERALD  DE  BARRI  (Giraldus  Cam- 
brensis)  (1146-1223),  chronicler,  born  at 
Manorbier,  near  Tenby,  was  the  youngest 
son  of  a  Norman  lord  and  grandson  of 
Nest,  famous  as  the  Helen  of  Wales  and  the 
ancestress  of  the  Fitzhenries,  Fitzgeralds, 
and  Fitzstephens.  Trained  first  by  his 
uncle,  David,  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  then  at 
Gloucester,  and  finally  at  Paris,  Gerald  in 


(  234) 


Gerald] 


Dictionary  oj  Etiglinh  Church  llislorij 


[Gilbert 


later  life  playud  many  parts.  As  coaiinis- 
sioner  of  Archbishop  Richard  he  in  1172 
enforced  on  the  refractory  Flemings  of  Roose 
the  payment  of  tithe  on  wool  and  cheese  ; 
as  a  royal  chaplain  he  acted  as  intermediary 
between  Henry  li.  and  the  Welsh  princes 
in  1184,  accompanied  Prince  John  to  Ireland 
in  1185,  and  Archbishop  Baldwin  on  his  tour 
through  Wales  to  preach  the  Third  Crusade 
in  1188.  As  Archdeacon  of  Brecon,  or  as  he 
preferred  to  say  Archidiaconus  Menevensis, 
ho  proved  a  vigorous  administrator  not  only 
of  his  archdeaconry  from  1175  to  1203,  but 
also  of  the  diocese  on  several  occasions,  and  a 
bold  champion  of  its  rights  against  Bishop 
Adam  of  St.  Asaph  when  in  1176  he  tried 
to  assert  his  claim  to  Kerry  as  part  of  the 
kingdom  of  Powys.  He  was  a  candidate  for 
the  bishopric  of  St.  David's  on  tliree  occasions 
—1176,  1198,  and  1214.  On  the  second  of 
these  occasions  he  fought  a  bitter  and  de- 
termined fight,  which  lasted  five  years  and 
involved  thi-ee  journeys  to  Rome,  not  only 
for  his  own  claim  to  the  see,  but  also  for 
its  independence  of  Canterbury  and  for  its 
rights  as  a  metropohtan  church,  with  not  only 
the  Welsh  bishops  as  suffragans,  but  also,  as 
Gerald  claimed,  those  of  Chester  (?'.e.  Lichfield), 
Hereford,  Bath,  and  Exeter.  He  had  to  eon- 
tend  against  the  bitter  hostiUty  of  Archbishop 
Hubert  Walter  {q.v.);  against  the  influence 
of  the  King,  who  saw  in  Gerald  not  only  a 
scion  of  powerful  Norman-Irish  families, 
but  also  a  Welsh  patriot;  and  against  the 
cynical  indifference  of  Innocent  in.  {q.v.). 
It  is  strange  that  Gerald,  who  was  probably 
responsible  for  the  assertion  of  the  claim  in 
1175,  did  not  support  the  chapter  in  their 
opposition  to  Archbishop  Baldwin's  celebra- 
tion of  the  Mass  at  the  high  altar  of  St. 
David's  in  1188.  It  is  now  agreed  that 
Gerald's  assertion  of  the  metropolitan  claims 
of  St.  David's  had  no  historical  basis ;  but 
it  is  also  true  that,  though  actuated  to  some 
extent  by  personal  ambition,  he  strove 
manfully  for  what  he  and  others  regarded  as 
'  the  honour  of  Wales.'  As  an  author  he 
discussed  geography,  history,  ethics,  divinity, 
canon  law,  biography,  and,  above  all,  Gerald 
de  Barri,  and  has  left  memorials  of  his 
prolific  ability  in  eight  bulky  volumes  in  the 
Rolls  Series.  Trenchant,  and  even  spiteful 
in  his  criticisms,  credulous  of  miracles  and 
fables,  vain  to  the  last  degree,  he  appeals  to 
us  by  his  intense  humanity,  his  fearless 
courage,  his  stubborn  determination,  his  witty 
and  humorous  anecdotes,  and  his  shrewd 
judgment  of  men  and  things.  [f.  m.] 

H.    Owen,    Gerald    the     Welshman  ;    J.    E. 
Lloyd,  A  Hist,  of  Wales  ;  Works  in  E.S. 


GIBSON,  Edmund  (1669-1748),  Bishop  of 
London,  entered  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  as 
'  a  poor  serving  child '  in  1686,  became 
Fellow,  and  was  ordained,  1694.  He  showed 
an  early  aptitude  for  antiquarian  studies, 
publishing  an  edition  of  the  Chronicon 
Saxonicum,  1692,  of  Camden's  Britannia, 
1695,  and  of  the  works  of  Spelman  {q.v.), 
1698.  As  librarian  at  Lambeth  under  Arch- 
bishop Tenison  he  joined  in  the  Convocation 
{q.v.)  controversy,  and  in  1702  published 
his  Synodus  Anglicana,  a  work  of  permanent 
value,  though  overshadowed  by  his  more 
famous  Codex  Juris  Ecclesiaslici  Anglicani, 
1713,  a  digest  of  English  Church  law  which 
is  still  a  standard  authority.  Industry, 
learning,  and  good  sense  rather  than  origin- 
ality or  genius  were  the  distinguishing 
characteristics  of  '  Dr.  Codex,'  as  he  was 
nicknamed,  and  they  enabled  him  to  fill  with 
credit  one  of  the  chief  places  in  the  church 
history  of  his  time.  Appointed  Bishop  of 
Lincoln  in  1716  through  the  influence  of 
Wake  {q.v.),  he  was  translated  in  1720  to 
London,  where  he  combated  immorality, 
opposed  '  infidehty  and  enthusiasm,'  pub- 
lished devotional  and  controversial  works, 
interested  himself  in  missionary  work  in  the 
colonies,  and  refused  translation  to  Win- 
chester. Although  he  classed  Methodists 
with  papists  and  deists  as  '  disturbers  of  the 
Kingdom  of  God,'  John  Wesley  called  him 
'  a  great  man,'  '  eminent  for  piety  and 
learning.'  During  the  last  years  of  Wake's 
primacy  '  there  was  committed  to  him  a  sort 
of  ecclesiastical  ministry.'  Sir  Robert  Wal- 
pole,  charged  with  treating  Gibson  as  pope 
of  the  Enghsh  Church,  replied,  '  and  a  very 
good  pope  he  is  too.'  But  his  successful 
opposition  to  the  Quakers'  Relief  BiU,  1736, 
designed  to  reform  the  mode  of  recovering 
tithe  and  church  rates,  lost  him  the  minister's 
confidence  and  the  primacy  on  Wake's  death 
in  1737.  In  1747  he  refused  it  on  the  score 
of  age  and  infirmity.  [g.  c] 

Works;  Smalbrooke,  Some  Account,  1749; 
Wood,  Athenae  Oxonienses ;  Abbey  and 
Overton,  Eng.  Ch.  in  the  Eighteenth  Century. 

GILBERT,     St.,    OF    SEMPRINGHAM 

(1083-1189),  was  the  son  of  a  Lincolnshire 
knight  of  Norman  blood  and  an  English  woman 
of  lower  condition.  He  studied  abroad,  and 
then  returned  to  England,  and  set  himself  to 
teach  what  he  had  learned.  He  had  a 
passion  for  education,  and  set  to  work  to 
teach  both  boys  and  girls  and  to  make  them 
while  learning  live  by  rule.  '  Though  they 
were  still  seculars  and  Gilbert  himself  was 
in  secular  dress,'  says  his  early  biographer. 


(  235 


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[Gilpin 


'  he  not  only  taught  his  scholars  the  rudiments 
of  learning,  but  also  morals  and  monastic 
disciphne.  He  restrained  the  bo^-s  from 
their  Uberty  of  playing  and  wandering  at 
wiU,  and,  according  to  the  monastic  rule,  he 
compelled  them  to  be  silent  in  church  and  to 
sleep  together  as  in  a  dorter,  to  speak  and 
to  read  only  in  the  places  which  he  chose  out 
for  them,'  By  his  father's  patronage  he  was 
admitted  to  the  livings  of  Sempringham  and 
West  Torrington.  Soon  his  fame  reached 
Robert  Bloet,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  and  he 
called  Gilbert  to  live  with  him  as  one  of  his 
clerks,  an  association  which  was  continued 
with  the  next  bishop,  Alexander,  nephew  of 
the  great  Roger  of  Salisbury,  '  for  he  judged 
it  good  to  live  under  episcopal  rule.'  It  was 
not  till  1134  that  he  was  allowed  by  the 
bishop  to  return  to  Sempringham.  Mean- 
while he  had  been  ordained  priest,  much 
against  his  will.  He  had  given  the  income 
of  his  benefice  of  Torrington  to  the  poor. 
He  was  now  able  to  minister  there  him- 
self, and  to  set  up  a  house  for  virgins  to 
engage  in  study  and  prayer,  as  seculars,  near 
the  church  of  Sempringham.  The  com- 
munity soon  attracted  attention,  and  through 
gifts  of  various  knights  it  spread,  and  before 
1154  Gilbert  had  built  eleven  houses  for  his 
order.  He  endeavoured  to  subject  them  to 
the  Cistercians,  but  the  general  chapter  of  that 
order,  1147,  declined  to  rule  over  women. 
But  he  made  friends,  in  his  visit  to  Gaul,  with 
St.  Bernard,  with  whom  he  stayed  at  Clair - 
vaux,  and  who  helped  him  to  draw  up  the 
institutes  of  his  order,  so  that  Innocent  m. 
{q.v.)  described  Gilbert  and  Bernard  as  the 
two  founders  of  Sempringham.  Eugenius  in. , 
St.  Malachy  of  Armagh,  and  other  eminent 
ecclesiastics  gave  him  every  encouragement, 
and  Eugenius  confirmed  the  order,  'having 
found  no  fault  in  it.'  On  his  return  to 
England  he  surrendered  his  control  to  Roger, 
Provost  of  Malton,  and  received  a  canon's 
dress  from  him.  During  the  Becket  {q.v.)  con- 
test he  supported  the  archbishop,  but  without 
losing  the  favour  of  Henry  and  Eleanor.  As 
he  grew  old  some  weakness  and  even  corrup- 
tion arose  in  his  order,  and  some  of  the  lay 
brothers  treated  him  very  badly,  but  he  lived 
among  them  till  the  last.  It  was  only  in  his 
later  years  that  he  himself  actually  entered  the 
order,  and  indeed  it  is  possible  that  Roger  of 
Malton  was  not  appointed  till  this  time.  The 
founder  died  at  Sempringham  at  the  age  of  one 
hundred  and  six,  having  hved  from  the  reign 
of  the  Conqueror  to  the  last  year  of  Henry 
II.,  a  length  of  life  unparalleled  in  feudal 
times.  The  order  regarded  him  with  the 
greatest  reverence,  and  told  how  '  kings  and 


princes  honoured  him,  pontiffs  and  prelates 
received  him  with  devotion,  kinsmen  and 
strangers  loved  him,  and  all  the  people 
revered  liim  as  a  saint  of  God.  We  have 
seen  bishops  on  their  knees  asking  for  his 
blessing  and  coming  from  a  great  distance  to 
beg  fragments  of  his  clothing.'  He  was 
canonised  by  Innocent  m.,  1202.  He  had 
founded  thirteen  conventual  churches,  nine 
of  which  were  for  men  and  women  together, 
four  for  canons  only,  and  at  liis  death  the 
order  had  700  men  and  1500  ■women  in  it. 
He  had  also  built  a  number  of  hospitals  for 
sick  and  poor,  lepers,  widows  and  orphans. 
The  order  was  unique  in  being  founded  on 
English  sod  and  having  no  houses  outside 
England,  unique  also,  in  this  period,  in  its 
arrangement  for  '  double  monasteries.'  Up 
till  the  fourteenth  century  the  order  grew  in 
members  and  riches.  Its  revenues  in  1278 
were  £3000.  At  the  dissolution  they  were  but 
£2421, 13s.  9d.,  while  the  numbers  of  the  pro- 
fessed showed  that  decay  had  set  in.  There 
were  then  only  143  canons  and  139  nuns,  with 
15  lay  sisters.     [Religious  Okdees.] 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Dugdale,    Monasticon ;     Rose    Graham,    St. 
Gilbert  of  iievipringhmn. 

GILPIN,  Bernard  (1517-83),  caUed  'The 
Apostle  of  the  North,'  was  a  type  of  the  class 
of  clergy  who,  though  more  satisfied  with 
reUgion  as  it  had  been  in  Mary's  reign,  were 
content  to  abide  in  the  Church  of  England 
and  accept  the  Ehzabethan  changes.  After 
sixteen  years  at  Oxford  he  became  one  of 
the  pubhc  preachers  of  King  Edward's 
day ;  but  under  Mary,  after  further  study 
abroad,  he  took  up  work  under  his  great- 
uncle,  Tunstall  (q.v.),  the  venerable  Bishop 
of  Durham ;  was  Ai'chdeacon  of  Durham  and 
Rector  of  the  great  parish  of  Houghton-le- 
Spring.  Before  long  he  was  in  trouble,  but 
as  a  reformer  of  morals  rather  than  of  doc- 
trine. The  Marian  persecution  thi'eatened 
him,  but  he  survived  the  attacks  then  made 
upon  him.  At  the  opening  of  the  new 
reign  he  refused  the  bishopric  of  Carlisle,  and 
devoted  his  life  to  apostolic  labours  in  the 
north.  Not  content  with  earing  for  his  own 
immense  cure,  he  made  great  missionary 
journeys  tlirough  the  neglected  areas  in  the 
northern  province,  winning  the  people  by 
preaching  and  acts  of  personal  and  munificent 
charity.  It  was  only  with  great  difficulty 
that  he  had  brought  himself  at  the  royal 
Visitation  of  1559  to  take  the  Oath  of 
Supremacy ;  but  his  example  won  the  ad- 
hesion of  countless  clergy  who  looked  to  him 
as  their  leader.     He  remained  independent. 


(  236  ) 


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[Gladstone 


outspoken,  and  soundly  attached  to  the 
doctrines  of  primitive  antiquity,  which  he 
had  learnt  to  distinguish  from  the  Roman - 
ensian  views  of  the  day.  But  his  position 
was  a  difficult  one ;  and  he  was  wise  in 
absenting  himself  from  home  during  the 
time  of  the  Northern  rising.  All  along  his 
attitude  brought  him  into  suspicion  and 
conflict  from  time  to  time  with  the  episco- 
pate, but  no  one  dared  touch  him ;  and 
Father  Gilpin  died  a  popular  hero  at  the  age 
of  sixty-six.  [w.  H.  F.] 

Vita  by  Bishop  Carloton,  1628,  etc. ;  printed 
in  Ent;lish  in  Wordsworth,  Eccl.  Jiiog.,  iii.  370- 
43-2. 

GLADSTONE,  William  Ewart  (1809-98), 
statesman,  was  the  fourth  son  of  Sir  John 
Gladstone,  first  Baronet,  a  God-fearing  man 
of  an  old-fashioned  type,  by  his  marriage  with 
Anne  Robertson,  a  fervent  Evangelical.  He 
was  born  on  the  29th  December  1809.  Ten 
years  later  Mrs.  Gladstone  said  in  a  letter  to 
a  friend  that  she  beUevcd  her  son  WiUiam 
had  been  'truly  converted  to  God.'  At 
eleven  WiUiam  Gladstone  went  to  Eton. 
Seventy  years  later  T.  T.  Carter  (of  Clewer) 
wrote :  '  I  remember  him  at  Eton,  a  pure  and 
noble  boy.'  In  1828  he  went  up  to  Christ 
Church,  where  the  blameless  schoolboy 
developed  into  the  blameless  undergraduate 
— diligent,  sober,  regular  alike  in  study  and 
devotion  ;  giving  his  whole  energies  to  the 
duties  of  the  place,  and  quietly  abiding  in 
the  religious  faith  in  which  he  had  been 
reared.*  Bishop  Charles  Wordsworth  said 
that  no  man  in  the  University  read  his 
Bible  more  regularly,  or  knew  it  better. 
Cardinal  Manning  (q.v.)  remembered  him  as 
walking  to  Church  '  with  his  Bible  and 
Prayer  Book  tucked  under  his  arm.'  He 
was  conspicuously  moderate  in  the  use  of 
wine,  and  Archbishop  Temple  (q.v.),  who 
followed  him  to  Oxford  ten  years  later,  de- 
clared that  undergraduates  drank  less  in  the 
'forties  because  Gladstone  had  been  courage- 
ously abstemious  in  the  'tliirties.  At  Christ- 
mas 1831  he  got  his  Double  First.  He 
earnestly  desired  to  take  holy  orders. 
Cardinal  Manning  said  in  old  age :  '  He  was 
nearer  to  being  a  clergyman  than  I  was. 
He  was  as  fit  for  it  as  I  was  unfit.'  But  his 
father  overruled  his  desire,  and  forced  him 
into  Parliament,  to  which  he  was  elected 
in  December  1832. 

Gladstone  left  Oxford  before  the  Oxford 
Movement  (q.v.)  began ;  and  his  first 
acquaintance  with  that  movement  came  to 
him  through  his  friendship  with  James 
Robert    Hope    (Scott).      Hope    stated     his 


opinion  that '  the  Oxford  writers  were  right ' ; 
and  Gladstone  determined  to  study  the 
question  for  himself.  Ho  began  with  a 
close  examination  of  the  Occasional  Offices 
of  the  Prayer  Book.  '  Those  offices,'  he 
said,  '  opened  my  eyes.'  From  Bishop 
Phillpotts  [q.v.)  he  learned  that  the  opinions 
of  the  Reformers  were  nothing  to  us,  and 
that  for  the  authoritative  interpretation  of 
the  Prayer  Book  we  must  go  to  the  divines 
of  1662.  His  previous  study  of  Hooker  had 
prepared  him  for  the  change  of  view.  He 
had  already  acquired  (during  a  visit  to  Rome) 
the  conception  of  a  Universal  Church,  and 
Sir  William  Palmer's  Treatise  on  the  Church 
of  Christ  confirmed  and  defined  that  concep- 
tion. From  this  process  of  independent 
examination  he  emerged — what  he  remained 
to  the  end  of  his  life — an  English  Catholic 
Churchman.  There  was  no  break  with  his 
rehgious  past.  He  was  from  first  to  last  an 
Evangelical.  But  CathoHc  doctrine  and 
practice  were  superimposed  on  the  Evan- 
gehcal  foundation.  In  1838  he  published 
his  first  book.  The  State  in  its  Relations  with 
the  Church.  It  was  mainly  a  political  book, 
in  that  higher  sense  of  politics  which  is  con- 
cerned with  the  nature,  functions,  and  well- 
being  of  the  State.  But  it  contains  some 
theological  passages  of  great  interest,  in 
which  the  writer  criticises  the  actual  work- 
ing, as  distinct  from  the  formal  teaching,  of 
the  Church  of  Rome. 

In  1846  he  published  Church  Principles 
considered  in  their  Results.  This  book 
maintains  the  visibility  and  office  of  the 
Church,  the  mathematical  certainty  of  the 
Apostolic  Succession,  and  the  nature  and 
efficacy  of  the  sacraments.  It  defines  the 
relations  between  authority  and  private 
judgment,  and  vindicates  the  Church  of 
England  as  the  divinely- appointed  exponent 
of  Christian  tnith  for  the  people  of  this 
country. 

His  private  life  was  ruled  in  strict  con- 
formity with  his  public  profession.  By  his 
marriage  in  1839  with  Catherine  Glynne, 
he  gained  a  zealous  and  devoted  supporter 
in  all  good  works  of  charity  and  benevolence. 
With  his  friend,  James  Hope,  he  joined 
himseK  in  a  lifelong  effort  to  reclaim  the 
fallen  sisters  of  humanity.  He  joined  in 
guaranteeing  the  maintenance  of  the  first 
Sisterhood  established  in  the  English  Church 
in  modern  times.  He  rigidly  limited  his  hours 
of  sleep  and  amount  of  food.  His  almsgiving 
was  profuse  and  systematic.  He  observed 
Fridays.  He  '  reserved  the  Sunday  for  sacred 
uses.'     He  was  a  weekly  communicant. 

In  1850  he  was  moved,  by  the  judgment  of 


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[Gladstone 


the  Privy  Council  in  the  Gorhain  case  (q.v.), 
to  address  to  the  Bishop  of  London  an  Open 
Letter  in  which  he  sought  to  prove  that, 
as  settled  at  the  Reformation,  the  Royal 
Supremacy  was  not  inconsistent  with  the 
spiritual  life  and  inherent  jurisdiction  of 
the  Church,  and  urged  that  the  recent 
establishment  of  the  Judicial  Committee  as 
the  ultimate  Court  of  Appeal  in  religious 
causes  was  '  an  injurious,  and  even  danger- 
ous, departure  from  the  Reformation  Settle- 
ment.' 

Hardly  had  the  commotions  connected 
with  the  Gorham  case  died  down,  when  an 
attack  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Eucharist 
was  begun  by  the  prosecution  of  Archdeacon 
Denison  {q.v.)  for  teaching  the  Real  Objec- 
tive Presence.  In  1856  Gladstone  wrote : 
'  My  mind  is  quite  made  up,  that  if  belief  in 
the  Eucharist  as  a  Reality  is  proscribed  by 
law  in  the  Church  of  England,  all  I  hold 
dear  in  life  shall  be  given  and  devoted  to 
over-setting  and  tearing  in  pieces  such  law, 
whatever  consequences,  of  whatever  kind, 
may  follow.' 

These  words  touch  one  of  Gladstone's 
central  convictions.  No  one  ever  had  a  more 
profound  or  more  childlike  faith  in  the  Reality 
of  the  Most  Blessed  Presence  under  the  forms 
of  Bread  and  Wine.  The  Real  Objective 
Presence,  depending  on  the  Lord's  act  in 
Consecration,  independent  of  the  receiver, 
and  prior  to  the  act  of  Communion — '  the 
Presence  of  the  Lord  upon  the  Christian 
altar ' — this  characteristic  truth  of  Catholic 
theology  was  held  and  taught  by  Gladstone 
with  all  his  heart,  and  soul,  and  mind,  and 
strength.  To  see  him  at  Communion  was 
an  object-lesson  in  adoring  worship.  This 
devotion  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  together 
mth  his  belief  in  the  Eucharistic  Sacrifice 
and  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Keys,  led  some  to 
imagine  that  he  was  tending  towards  Rome. 
This  was  a  signal  delusion.  He  used  to 
say :  '  I  am  the  strongest  antipapalist  in 
the  world.  The  papacy  is  a  tyranny  all 
through — a  tyranny  of  the  Pope  over  the 
bishops,  of  the  bishops  over  the  priesthood, 
of  the  priesthood  over  the  laity.'  The 
Temporal  Power  he  always  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  anti-Christ. 

Gladstone  had  begun  life,  as  his  treatises 
show,  with  a  strong  belief  in  the  virtues  of 
the  union  between  Church  and  State ;  but 
the  lapse  of  years  profoundly  modified  his 
view.  As  far  back  as  1845,  he  wrote  to  his 
friend,  Samuel  Wilberforce  [q.v.),  his  appre- 
hension that  '  The  Irish  Church  is  not  in 
large  sense  efficient '  ;  and  to  the  appeal — 
'  Have  faith  in  the  ordinance  of  God  ' — he 


replied  that  he  must  see  in  that  Church  '  the 
seal  and  signature  of  ecclesiastical  descent '  ; 
and  whether  she  could  show  them,  as  against 
the  Roman  claim,  he  evidently  thought 
doubtful.  The  Act  of  Irish  Disestablish- 
ment, which  he  carried  in  1869,  was  the 
gradual  outcome  of  these  and  similar  mis- 
givings. 

Some  traces  of  sympathy  with  the  Broad, 
Liberal,  or  Latitudinarian,  School  may  per- 
haps be  seen  in  his  high  regard  for  Charles 
Kingsley  [q.v.),  whom  he  twice  promoted  ; 
in  his  vigorous  efforts  to  defend  F.  D. 
Maurice  [q.v.)  against  official  persecution ; 
in  his  admiration  of  Ecce  Homo  ;  in  his  early 
and  persistent  confidence  in  Frederick 
Temple  [q.v.) ;  in  his  disparagement  of  the 
Athanasian  as  compared  with  the  Nicene 
Creed ;  in  his  increasingly  lenient  judgment 
on  the  nature  of  culpable  schism.  But  his 
most  conspicuous  departure  from  the  rigid 
traditionalism  of  his  early  theology  was  his 
adoption,  in  Studies  Subsidiary  to  the  Works 
of  Bishop  Butler,  of  the  doctrine  which  is 
commonly  called  '  Conditional  ImmortaHty.' 
He  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  human 
soul  is  not  necessarily  indestructible,  but 
that  immortality  is  the  gift  of  God  in  Christ 
to  the  believer. 

Gladstone's  last  illness,  which  began  in 
1897,  was  declared  incurable  in  March  1898. 
As  soon  as  he  knew  his  fate,  he  began  to 
make  systematic  preparation  for  death. 
He  summoned  Bishop  Wilkinson  [q.v.)  of 
St.  Andrews  to  Hawarden,  and  the  Bishop 
said,  with  reference  to  what  then  ensued : 
'  I  wish  that  every  young  man  could  have 
seen  him  as  he  weighed  his  Hfe,  not  in 
the  balances  of  earth,  but  of  heaven,  as 
he  reviewed  the  past  and  anticipated  the 
future.' 

By  Easter  Gladstone  was  far  gone  in  weak- 
ness, and  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  could 
endure  the  strain  of  a  private  Celebration. 
'  It  will  be  the  first  Easter  since  I  was  con- 
firmed,' he  said,  '  that  I  have  not  made  an 
Easter  Communion.'  When  his  son,  the 
Rector  of  Hawarden,  proposed  to  bring  the 
Holy  Sacrament  from  Church,  he  inquired, 
with  characteristic  dutifulness,  whether  the 
practice  was  strictly  consistent  with  the 
Church's  order ;  and,  being  assured  on  that 
point,  he  received  it  with  the  utmost  fervour 
of  thankful  devotion.  He  died  on  Ascen- 
sion Day,  19th  May  1898,  just  as  the  earhest 
Eucharists  were  going  up  to  God. 

[g.  w.  e.  k.] 

Personal  recollections  ;  Morley,  Life  ;  Corre- 
xpandence  on  CImrch  and  Religion,  ed.  Lath- 
bury  ;  G.  W.  E.  lUissell,  Household  of  Faith. 


(  238) 


Glass  1 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Glass 


GLASS,  Stained,  The  coloured  glass  in 
our  church  windows  is  sonietiraes  called 
'  stained  '  and  sometimes  '  painted,'  but  these 
terms  are  not  synonymous.  The  same  glass 
is,  as  a  rule,  both  stained  and  painted.  The 
glass  as  first  made  is  what  is  called  '  white,' 
that  is,  either  colourless,  or  slightly  green 
owing  to  the  accidental  presence  of  oxide  of 
iron.  The  various  colours  are  produced  by 
adding  to  the  melted  glass  in  a  crucible  or 
'  pot '  certain  metallic  oxides,  each  of  which 
stains  the  glass  some  particular  colour. 
The  ruby  stain,  however,  was  so  dark  that 
glass  of  the  same  thickness  as  the  rest  would 
have  been  practically  opaque,  while  if  it  had 
been  made  thin  enough  to  give  the  required 
shade  it  would  have  been  too  fragile  and 
inconvenient  in  every  way.  So  the  craftsman 
dipped  the  lump  of  white  glass  at  the  end  of 
his  blowing  tube  into  a  pot  of  melted  ruby, 
and  then  blew  his  bubble  and  spread  it  out  in 
the  form  of  a  plate.  The  glass  so  made  was 
white,  coated  with  a  thin  and  inseparable 
layer  of  ruby,  or  sometimes  the  glass  was  so 
managed  that  the  white  and  ruby  formed 
alternate  layers  in  the  finished  material. 
Coated  glass  is  often  called  '  flashed  ruby,' 
and  this,  as  well  as  flashed  blue  or  yellow 
coated  in  the  same  way,  was  in  common  use. 
It  was  not  found  practicable  to  mix  coloured 
glass  with  white,  as  wine  is  mixed  with  water, 
the  melted  glass  being  too  stiff  and  viscid  to 
combine,  and  the  product  would  be  too 
streaky.  The  diamond  as  a  cutting  instru- 
ment being  unknown  to  the  early  glaziers, 
they  drew  a  line  on  the  glass  with  a  red-hot 
iron,  causing  it  to  crack  in  the  required 
direction,  and  then  the  edges  were  chipped 
to  the  precise  shape  that  was  wanted  with 
a  notched  iron  instrument  called  a  grozing 
iron.  Ancient  fragments  always  show  these 
chipped  edges.  So  far  the  glass  was  only 
stained,  but  before  the  thirteenth  century  it 
was  found  that  the  effect  could  be  greatly 
heightened  by  painting  lines  or  shading  upon 
the  '  pot  metal '  or  stained  glass.  The  paint 
used  consisted  of  peroxides  of  copper,  iron, 
or  manganese,  ground  up  with  powdered 
flint  glass,  which  is  the  most  fusible  kind  of 
glass,  mixed  with  oil  or  gum  or  some  such 
medium,  and  appUed  with  a  brush.  Then 
the  glass  was  placed  in  a  suitable  furnace,  and 
so  the  paint  was  fused  on  to  it,  and,  if  done 
properly,  indelibly  fixed.  If  insufficiently 
burnt  the  paint  soon  peeled  off,  as  in  some 
modern  glass,  especially  in  the  work  of 
amateurs.  Thus  were  indicated  the  features, 
folds  in  garments,  or  veins  in  leaves.  The 
next  step  was  to  fasten  the  pieces  together  by 
the  process  called  leading.    The  glazier's  lead 


is  a  rod  of  about  a  quarter  of  an  inch  in 
diameter,  deejjly  grooved  on  two  sides  so  as 
to  be  Uke  the  letter  H  in  section  ;  the  grozed 
edges  of  the  glass  were  fltted  into  these 
grooves,  the  lead  was  soldered  together  where 
necessary,  some  sort  of  putty  or  paint  was 
rubbed  in,  and  thus  the  glass  mosaic  was 
completed.  These  methods  have  continued 
substantially  the  same  up  to  the  present  time, 
only  that  the  cutting  diamond  superseded 
the  ruder  method  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
Windows  with  geometrical  and  interlacing 
patterns  were  sometimes  executed  wholly  in 
white  glass,  depending  for  their  ornamental 
effect  solely  on  the  lead  lines.  The  early 
craftsman,  whether  in  pattern  work  or  in 
figures,  not  only  painted  in  glass,  he  drew  in 
lead.  His  designs  were  often  emphasised  by 
touches  of  colour,  while  consisting  mainly  of 
'  white  '  glass  of  various  tints,  resulting  from 
methods  of  manufacture  which  were  chemically 
imperfect,  but  which  greatly  improved  the 
general  effect,  for  anything  hke  the  evenness 
of  tint  that  we  see  in  the  modern  '  cathedral 
glass,'  so  caUed,  is  most  unsatisfactory. 
Pattern  glass  chiefly  '  white,'  relieved  here 
and  there  by  Unes  or  jewels  of  colour  and  by 
opaque  painting,  is  called  grisaille  (grey). 
The  'Five  Sisters  '  at  York,  and  some  windows 
at  Sahsbury,  afford  the  finest  English  ex- 
amples of  this ;  but  no  one  can  form  any  idea 
of  their  beauty  who  has  not  seen  them 
through  a  field-glass,  without  which  help, 
indeed,  no  ancient  glass  can  be  properly 
examined  in  detail. 

The  austere  Cistercian  regulation  issued  in 
1134  against  coloured  glass  shows  that  it  had 
then  become  common  in  France.  There  is 
comparatively  little  Enghsh  glass  of  the 
twelfth  century  now  left ;  there  may  be  some 
fragments  in  the  nave  at  York,  and  perhaps 
elsewhere.  The  earliest  glass  of  any  great 
importance  is  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
there  are  considerable  amounts  of  it  at 
Canterbury,  York,  Salisbury,  and  Tjincoln, 
while  smaller  portions  remain  elsewhere,  as  at 
Beverley  Minster  and  at  Brabourne  Church 
in  Kent.  The  characteristics  of  style  follow 
one  upon  the  other  much  as  in  architecture. 
The  broad  distinctions  are  between  Gothic, 
Renaissance,  and  Modern.  Gothic  may  be 
divided  into  (1)  thirteenth  century  and  be- 
fore; (2)  fourteenth  century;  and  (3)  fifteenth 
century  and  after,  though  naturally  the  three 
'  styles '  run  one  into  the  other  in  a  sort  of 
evolution. 

The  thirteenth-century  glass,  often  called 
'  Early  English,'  may  be  taken  as  including 
any  little  remains  that  there  may  be  of 
Romanesque  or  twelfth-century  work..      Its 


(239) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Glass 


main  characteristics  are  groups  of  figures  in 
medallions  of  circular  or  other  geometrical 
forms,  set  in  backgrounds  and  borders  of 
conventional  foUage.  When  large  and  broad 
Norman  windows  have  been  glazed  in  this 
style,  the  medallions  are  of  corresponding 
size,  and  subdivided  so  as  to  hold  four  or 
more  separate  subjects.  In  the  narrower 
Lancet  windows  the  medallions  are  pro- 
portionately small,  and  each  one  is  devoted 
to  a  single  subject.  The  figures  in  the 
medaUions  are,  as  a  rule,  few  in  number,  and 
so  stand  out  clearly  against  a  plain  back- 
ground, with  sometimes  a  conventional  tree 
or  building  to  suggest  a  scene.  The  lead 
lines  form  the  outhnes  of  the  figures,  etc.,  but 
often  have  to  cross  them,  always,  of  course, 
when  two  pieces  of  glass  either  of  the  same 
or  of  different  colours  require  to  be  joined. 
Figure  and  canopy  windows  of  this  period 
are  sometimes  found,  the  figures  rude  and 
stiff  and  the  canopies  small  and  simple. 
The  border  is  a  prominent  feature  in  most 
early  -windows ;  it  sometimes  occupies  half 
the  area  of  a  medalhon  window,  and  may 
include,  together  with  its  foliated  ornament, 
little  medaUions  with  figures.  Ornamental 
detail  is  always  strictly  conventional.  Some- 
times heraldry  is  modestly  introduced,  and 
shields  are  of  the  '  heater  '  form.  Colour  is 
uneven  and  of  an  infinite  variety  of  tone. 
The  glazing  is  a  mosaic  of  small  pieces. 
Painting  is  Hmited  to  the  one  opaque  pig- 
ment for  Unes,  cross-hatching,  and  shading. 
GrisaUle  usually  contains  more  or  less  coloured 
glass,  but  the  general  effect  is  grey  and 
silvery.  In  Jesse  windows  the  tree  branches 
out  so  as  to  enclose  spaces  in  which  are  set 
the  figures  of  ancestors  of  Christ,  with  atten- 
dant prophets  and  apostles  at  the  sides.  As 
in  medallions,  the  figures  stand  out  distinctly 
against  the  ruby  ground  if  the  background  of 
the  window  is  blue,  and  vice  versa.  In  the 
latter  part  of  this  period  the  fohage  became 
less  conventional — a  sign  of  transition.  In  in- 
scriptions Lombardic  letters  alone  are  used. 
In  the  fourteenth-century,  or  '  Decorated,' 
period,  together  with  windows  divided  by 
muUions  into  two  or  more  lights,  came  a 
different  arrangement  of  the  glass.  Figures 
and  figure  subjects  commonly  occur  together 
with  grisaille  in  the  same  window.  Or  the 
subjects  or  figures  are  piled  one  above  the 
other  in  panels  with  very  rudimentary 
canopies.  Canopies,  however,  soon  became 
conspicuous  features,  where  there  was  room 
enough  for  them,  taking  the  form  of  flat,  taU 
gables  with  crockets  and  finials,  over  cusped 
arches,  with  pinnacles  beside  them.  They 
are  made  chiefly  of  yellow  pot- metal  glass,  and 


are  set  in  one  or  more  rows  across  the  window. 
In  the  larger  windows  the  canopy  had  an 
elaborate  architectural  design  above  and 
behind  it,  sometimes  growing  to  quite  absurd 
proportions.  In  grisaille  windows  with  figures 
or  subjects  these  are  placed  in  panels  or 
under  canopies,  forming  coloured  bands  across 
a  light  window.  Any  attempt  at  perspective 
in  the  canopies  is  a  sign  of  transition  to  the 
next  period.  Borders  are  narrower  than  in 
the  earUer  windows,  and  are  often  still 
narrower  in  the  tracery-lights.  The  borders 
frequently  contain  heraldic,  allusive,  or  fancy 
devices,  alternating  one  with  another,  as 
crowns,  fleurs-de-lis,  castles,  covered  cups, 
and  squirrels  nibbUng  at  nuts.  It  was  in 
the  fourteenth  century  that  the  process  of 
staining  white  glass  yellow  on  the  surface 
was  discovered.  In  this  process  the  yellow 
stain  was  laid  on  in  the  same  way  as  paint 
where  required ;  white  and  yellow  on  the 
same  piece  of  glass  is  always  Middle  Gothic  or 
later.  The  hair  and  head-circlets  of  angels 
are  stained  yellow  upon  white  glass,  as  also 
are  monograms  or  other  devices,  as  in  figured 
'  quarries '  or  lozenge  panes.  Figures  are 
stUl  rudely  drawn,  and  appear  in  strained 
attitudes.  In  Decorated  grisaUle  the  foliated 
pattern  runs  aU  over  the  window,  and  is 
overlaid,  as  it  were,  by  the  white  or  coloured 
strap  work;  whereas  in  the  work  of  the 
thirteenth  century  it  is  confined  within  the 
spaces  of  the  main  pattern,  or  at  any  rate 
within  the  panels.  In  the  centres  of  the 
panels  are  coloured  bosses  or  heraldic  shields. 
FoUation  now  imitates  nature  so  closely  that 
the  different  plants  represented  can  be  at 
once  recognised.  Colour  becomes  more  even 
and  uniform  in  the  same  piece  of  glass,  and 
often  lighter  in  hue,  '  streaked  '  ruby  ceasing 
to  be  used  about  the  middle  of  the  century. 
Flesh  tint  passes  on  from  the  decided  pink  of 
early  glass  to  the  white  of  late  Decorated, 
and  heads  are  better  drawn  than  hands  and 
feet.  More  green  and  yellow  come  in,  and 
pale  blue  is  sometimes  converted  into  a 
greenish  colour  by  the  application  of  j^ellow 
stain.  Outline  painting  is  stiU  practised, 
becoming  more  deHcate  as  time  goes  on. 
Shading  continues  to  be  smeared  on.  But  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  century  the  smear 
begins  to  be  stippled  with  the  point  of  a 
brush  held  at  right  angles  to  the  glass ;  the 
effect  of  which  was  that  the  opaqueness  was 
mitigated,  and  it  became  possible  to  deepen 
the  shadows  without  affecting  the  trans- 
parency, and  so  to  relieve  the  flatness  which 
marked  the  earlier  work.  Inscriptions  are  at 
first  in  Lombardics,  then  in  black  letter  with 
Lombardic  capitals.     Mitres  are  gabled  and 


(240) 


Glass] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Glass 


crosiers  foliated.  Fourteenth-century  glass 
marks  a  transition  from  rude  and  archaic  draw- 
ing to  the  later  and  more  artistic  pictorial 
manner,  from  conventional  to  natural  foliage, 
and  from  strong,  rich  colour  to  the  delicate 
silvery  effect  of  the  later  coloured  glass. 

The  late  or  fifteenth-century  Gothic  glass 
corresponds  in  date  with  the  '  Perpendicular  ' 
Gothic  ai'chitectiu-e,  including  as  it  does 
transitional  characteristics  appearing  about 
twenty  years  before  the  century,  and  for 
about  thirty  years  after  it.  The  typical 
fifteenth  -  century  windows  contain  much 
more  white  and  less  coloured  glass  than  those 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  during  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  the  white  was  coining  in.  The 
figure  and  canopy  is  the  favourite  arrange- 
ment, and  it  can  be  carried  into  the  tracery  of 
perpendicular  windows.  Canopies  are  com- 
monly Uke  elaborate  tabernacles  such  as 
those  of  the  stalls  in  a  great  choir,  of  white 
glass  with  some  yellow  stain  and  brown 
shading,  and  often  drawn  in  good  perspective. 
There  is  white  in  the  draperies,  and  the  flesh 
is  represented  by  white.  There  are  commonly 
blue  and  ruby  backgrounds  in  the  alternate 
Ughts,  but  so  much  space  is  occupied  by  the 
subjects  and  tabernacles  that  comparatively 
little  blue  or  ruby  appears,  there  being  just 
enough  to  enrich  the  prevaihng  white.  With 
so  much  white  glass  the  general  effect  is 
all  the  more  bright  and  silvery.  There  was 
a  marked  improvement  in  drawing  all 
through  the  fifteenth  century.  The  faces  are 
pencilled  in  fine  fines,  and  as  beautifuUy 
executed  as  any  paintings  of  the  time.  The 
figures  are  in  natural  and  dignified  attitudes, 
and  groups  are  more  artistically  disposed 
than  before.  The  St.  Cuthbert  and  St. 
William  windows  at  York  are  among  the 
finest  examples  of  subject  windows.  In 
these,  except  at  the  tops  of  the  lights,  the 
canopies  are  very  much  reduced,  so  as  to 
give  more  room  for  the  groups.  The  lights 
with  red  backgrounds  have  blue  backgrounds 
to  the  canopies,  and  vice  versa.  In  the 
St.  Cuthbert  window  are  three  red  back- 
grounds alternating  with  two  blue ;  in  the 
St.  William,  three  blue  and  two  red.  Such 
alternate  backgrounds  were  a  usual  arrange- 
ment. In  the  great  east  window  at  York, 
apart  from  the  tracery,  are  one  hundred  and 
seventeen  subjects  in  its  twenty-seven  fights, 
but  the  canopies  are  so  insignificant  that  they 
hardly  separate  the  subjects.  In  subject 
panels  trees,  flowers,  grass,  rivers,  sea  with 
fishes,  rocks  with  starfishes,  buildings,  etc., 
are  introduced  with  more  or  less  skill  so  as 
to  suggest  scenes.  GrisaiUe  such  as  that  of 
the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  no 


longer  occurs,  but  there  are  windows  all  in 
white,  or  all  in  white  with  yellow  stain,  with 
delicate  painting,  and  backgrounds  of  painted 
and  stained  quarry  work.  Towards  the  end 
of  the  period  Renaissance  details  begin  to 
come  in.  Shading  is  carried  further  than  in 
the  previous  century,  and  is  sometimes  done 
on  both  sides  of  the  glass.  Heraldry  becomes 
very  gorgeous  and  elaborate.  Shields  are 
at  first  lengthened  at  the  sides,  while  later 
they  become  almost  square  at  the  bottom. 
Inscriptions  are  in  black  letter,  sometimes 
with  Lombardic  capitals.  Mitres  are  tall 
and  crosiers  elaborate. 

Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  Renais- 
sance in  art  reached  this  country,  and,  as  in 
architecture,  so  also  in  glass,  we  find  much  work 
that  is  wholly  Gothic  in  feeling,  though  contain- 
ing many  Renaissance  details.  There  was  a 
great  improvement  both  in  colour  and  in  draw- 
ing up  to  about  1535.  "I'hc  windows  have  much 
less  the  character  of  mosaics  than  any  that 
came  before  them,  and  in  their  distinctness, 
relief,  and  perspective  are  more  like  other 
pictures.  The  architectural  representations 
are  Italian  in  character.  Many  new  tints 
are  employed,  and  these  are  due  not  only  to 
new  kinds  of  glass,  but  to  the  free  use  of  the 
yeUow  stain  not  only  on  white  but  on  coloured 
glass,  producing  most  rich  and  varied  hues, 
and  sometimes  the  stain  was  applied  twice 
over  so  as  to  produce  two  shades.  Canopies 
are  drawn  in  correct  perspective,  with  both 
Italian  and  Gothic  details,  and  they  some- 
times extend  over  several  lights,  and  enclose 
well-executed  landscape  backgrounds.  Her- 
aldry is  very  elaborate.  Roman  letters  and 
Arabic  figures  begin  to  appear. 

The  Reformation  put  an  end  to  the  making 
of  coloured  windows  for  churches  for  many 
years,  and  when  coloured  windows  were  again 
required  the  art  had  been  lost.  There  was 
a  sort  of  revival  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
as  may  be  seen  in  windows  at  Wadham, 
Lincoln,  and  Balliol  Colleges  in  Oxford  and 
elsewhere,  but  these,  owing  to  heavier  shading 
and  inferior  glass,  are  dull  and  heavy  in  effect 
as  compared  Avith  pre-Reformation  glass. 
The  art,  both  in  colour  and  in  design,  fell  still 
lower  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  in  the 
early  nineteenth,  and  then  came  that  great 
revival  in  all  the  ecclesiastical  arts  which 
affected  glass  as  much  as  anything  else.  It 
began  with  imitation  of  thirteenth-century 
glass,  and  has  gone  through  all  phases,  until 
now  we  sometimes  have  imitation  Renais- 
sance, though  some  designers  have  aimed, 
with  more  or  less  success,  at  something 
'  original.'  It  seems  best,  in  ancient  or  in- 
deed in  any  churches,  to  have  any  new  glass 


Q 


(241) 


Glastonbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Glastonbury 


in  the  style  of  the  window  in  which  it  is 
placed,  though  any  servile  imitation  of  the 
old  or  affectation  of  archaic  grotesqueness 
should  be  avoided.  We  ought  not  to  put 
mosaic  medallions  into  a  fifteenth-century 
window,  nor  figures  vrith  elaborate  canopies 
into  a  lancet.  Nevertheless,  subject  glass  in 
the  Decorated  style,  with  restrained  canopy 
work  and  broad  borders,  has  been  put  into 
the  wide  Norman  and  Lancet  windows  of 
Durham  Cathedral  with  excellent  effect. 
The  best  modem  glass  is  quite  worthy  to 
stand  beside  the  old,  but  should  never  be 
put  in  its  place.  Much  invaluable  ancient 
glass  has  been  thrown  away  in  order  to  in- 
sert modern  '  memorial '  or  other  windows. 
Every  remaining  portion  of  ancient  glass 
should  be  carefully  preserved,  releaded  if 
necessary,  as  is  often  the  case,  but  dealt  with 
by  a  skilled  person.  If  it  cannot  be  preserved 
in  the  church  it  should  be  sent  to  a  museum. 
The  outer  surface  of  old  glass  is  always  more 
or  less  corroded  by  the  action  of  air,  rain, 
frost,  noxious  vapours,  etc. ;  hence  its  whitish 
opaque  appearance  outside.  This  does  not 
affect  the  translucency  of  the  glass  so  much 
as  might  be  expected  ;  indeed,  it  has  a  good 
effect  in  toning  down  strong  colours.  The 
less  done  at  such  decayed  surfaces  the  better, 
'  Cleaning  '  means  destruction.        [j.  t.  f.] 

Lewis  F.  Day,  Windows,  etc.,  1909  ;  Winston, 
An  Inquiry,  etc.,  1847,  2nd  ed.  1867  ;  Memoirs, 
etc. ,  1865 ;  Westlake,  Hist,  of  Design  in  Painted 
Glass,  1881-6  ;  J.  Fowler,  Archceologia,  xlvi.  ; 
Yorks.  Archueol.  Journal,  iii.  ;  J.  T.  Fowler, 
Turks.  Archceol.  Journal,  iv.,  xi.  ;  Wm. 
Fowler's  magnificent  hand-coloured  engrav- 
ings, 1802-22. 

GLASTONBURY  is  a  much  disputed  name 
(perhaps  from  das,  a  monastery.)  Ynyswit- 
rin,  the  British  name,  means  insula  vitrea, 
the  glass  -  green  island.  Avalon,  perhaps 
Semitic  (''?^,  abel,  grassy  place). 

The  mass  of  late  Celtic  discoveries  at  the 
lake  village  seems  to  bear  out  the_^suggestion 
that  Glastonbury  was  for  long  a  great 
emporium  and  treasure  island,  whose 
labourers  hved  on  the  smaller  islands,  the 
treasure  being  the  Mendip  minerals.  The 
approach  to  this  fortified  island  was  by  water- 
ways, past  the  fortresses  along  the  coast, 
which  guarded  the  Axe,  Brue,  and  Parrett. 
The  Phoenician  trade  with  '  the  Isles ' 
probably  ended  here,  and  it  is  not  impossible 
that  Hiram  of  Tyre  fetched  lead  from  this 
very  spot.  The  trade  by  Poseidonius's  time 
(135  B.C.)  was  carried  on  through  Vannes. 
When  Caesar  broke  the  Veneti  this  route  was 
naturally  also  broken,  and  the  Claudian 
conquest  driving  roads  to  the  north,  to  carry 


the  minerals  through  Southampton,  took 
away  the  commercial  importance  of  the 
shining  island,  which  is  now  known  to  have 
been  surprisingly  civiUsed  long  before  the 
Roman  conquest.  The  first  name  in  history 
is  the  King  Arviragus,  who  seems  to  have 
given  the  Romans  some  trouble.  In  his  day, 
and  thirty-one  years  after  our  Lord's  passion, 
St.  Joseph  of  Arimathsea  is  said  to  have  been 
sent  here  by  St.  Philip  and  to  have  been 
given  a  grant  of  land.  Many  smaU  tokens 
give  colour  to  tliis  tale.  The  early  ritual 
agrees  with  the  Philippine  tradition.  The 
remains  of  a  wattle  hut  have  been  found  in 
the  abbey  grounds ;  a  Levantine  dropstone 
sepulchre,  some  '  Egyptian  or  Syrian  '  tUes, 
aU  attest  the  connection  of  Britain  with 
the  Eastern  Mediterranean.  The  simpHcity 
of  the  story  makes  falsehood  unlikely,  and 
the  ancient  Church  is  five  times  mentioned 
before  the  coming  of  St.  Augustine.  In  spite 
of  troubles  and  temporary  abandonment 
the  place  seems  to  have  been  a  focus  of 
Christian  love  and  worship.  St.  Patrick  of 
Ireland,  his  successor  Benignus,  and  many 
other  Celtic  missionaries  were  here  laid  to 
rest.  The  Saxon  invasion  for  a  century  and 
a  half  threatened  to  reconquer  for  heathenism 
the  hoUest  earth  in  England,  during  which 
time  begins  the  history  and  subsequent  poetry 
of  King  Arthur,  who  with  Guinevere  is 
said  to  be  buried  near  the  old  church.  A  few 
years  before  Cenwalch  stormed  the  last 
British  strongholds  in  Wessex  he  had  been 
converted  to  the  faith,  so  the  old,  but  often 
restored,  church  and  the  additions  of  St. 
David  were  saved.  But  the  British  Church 
became  Latinised.  Ine  renewed  and  en- 
larged the  privileges  of  the  Tomb  of  Saints, 
and  perhaps  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
church  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  which  after- 
wards grew  to  such  magnificence.  Kentwine 
in  673  first  introduced  the  rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict. The  house  shared  not  a  little  in  the 
work  of  the  eighth- century  missions,  and 
began  to  educate  bishops  for  all  England. 
Nine  of  its  sons  were  promoted  to  Canterbury 
before  the  Norman  Conquest.  The  fierce 
struggles  of  three  Danish  wars  left  the  holy 
spot  still  unburnt,  and  Alfred  (q.v.)  endowed 
it  with  lands  and  rehcs  after  his  memorable 
victories.  Athelstan  brought  here  the  bones 
of  Pope  Urban  i.,  and  Edmund  the  Elder 
collected  rehcs  of  the  northern  saints.  Both 
these  last  Kings  were  buried  in  the  abbey. 
The  greatest  son  of  the  house  was  perhaps 
St.  Dunstan  {q.v.).  Edgar  also  upheld  and  ad- 
vanced this  privileged  '  second  Rome.'  Cnut 
iq.v.)  confirmed  the  charters,  fixing  his  seal 
in  the  wooden  church,  which  was  still  stand- 


(  242  ) 


Glastonbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Glastonbury 


ing  in  1022 ;  but  the  later  Anglo-Saxon 
abbots  seem  to  have  wasted  the  goods  and 
the  fame  of  the  place. 

The  transfer  of  so  unique  and  cherished  a 
treasure  to  the  Normans  was  made  with 
much  friction.  The  displacement  of  the 
old  church  music,  inherited  from  Dunstan, 
by  the  newer  Latin  plain-song,  caused 
riot  and  bloodshed  even  at  the  altar,  and 
WiUiam  I.  made  peace  by  a  grant  of  land 
and  banished  Turstan,  the  high-handed 
abbot,  who  returned  and  redeemed  his  fame 
by  buildings,  of  which  small  trace,  if  any, 
remains.  Herlwin,  his  successor,  is  the  first 
abbot  whose  work  has  survived  in  burnt  red 
stones  and  chevron  mouldings  in  the  south 
transept.  Henry  of  Blois  {q.v.)  buUt,  en- 
dowed, enlarged,  and  enriched  the  place,  and 
established  the  anti-episcopal  policy  which 
had  such  evil  effects  in  later  j^ears.  Henry  n. 
kept  the  abbey  without  an  abbot  from  1178- 
84,  when  a  dreadful  fire  burnt  not  only  the 
venerable  wooden  church  with  all  its  shrines, 
but  the  new  Norman  buildings  as  well. 
Ralf  Fitz-Stephen,  the  King's  chamberlain, 
Reginald,  Bishop  of  Bath,  and  others  helped 
to  set  up  the  ehapel  of  Our  Lady  (still  called 
St.  Joseph's  from  its  history)  in  the  Transi- 
tion style.  Among  the  rehcs  saved  were 
the  bones  of  St.  Patrick,  and  Gildas,  and 
St.  Oswald's  arm,  and  some  of  the  more 
doubtful  relics  of  St.  Dunstan.  From  this 
time  until  the  days  of  the  last  abbot  the 
abbey  church  rose  little  by  little.  To  the 
west  is  St.  Mary's  Chapel,  its  door  carving 
still  unfinished  because  Henry  rt.  died  too 
soon.  Then  comes  the  Early  English  Galilee 
and  west  door  to  the  great  church,  which  is  of 
astonishing  dimensions ;  the  nave,  ending  in 
the  huge  arch;  the  choir;  the  chapel  of  St. 
Edgar,  in  the  style  of  Henry  vn.'s  Chapel  at 
Westminster ;  and  at  the  last  an  apse,  make 
up  a  grand  total  of  five  hundred  and  ninety- 
four  feet.  Of  this  splendid  house  of  God 
only  a  few  shards  and  wrecks  remain,  but 
what  is  left  is  reverently  and  jealously  pre- 
served. The  history  of  the  house  after 
Henry  n.  is  that  of  a  learned,  art-loving 
Benedictine  monastery  composed  of  from 
fifty  to  sixty  monks  and  a  great  number  of 
retainers.  With  land  in  five  counties  and 
in  sixty-four  parishes,  with  many  livings  in 
its  gift,  with  a  school  which  helped  to  feed 
the  University  of  Oxford,  it  had  a  great 
interest  in  weaving,  jewellery,  field  sports, 
bell  casting,  clock  making,  music  and  organs, 
weaving,  painting,  and  all  ecclesiastical  art- 
work. With  much  almsgiving,  with  hospitals, 
fisheries,  deer  parks,  and  manors,  it  main- 
tained a  power  and  organisation  that  must 


have  made  the  diocese  almost  impossible  to 
work.  One  bishop,  Savaric,  tried  to  solve 
the  problem  of  this  great  division  by  getting 
himself  nominated  as  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Glastonbury  and  forcing  the  monks  to  elect 
and  obey  him.  But  even  in  the  reign  of  John 
this  high-handed,  though  statesman-like, 
solution  was  found  impracticable,  and  after 
two  abbot-bishops  the  interests  were  again 
divided,  and  Glastonbury  became  both  the 
wonder  of  the  land  and  the  great  difficulty 
of  the  Church.  It  was  so  beloved  by  the 
poor  that,  unlike  the  bishop,  it  had  no  need 
of  fortification  until  after  Cade's  rebellion. 
It  was  so  privileged  that  even  law-loving 
monarchs  like  Edward  i.  (who  came  to  see 
Kang  Arthur's  bones  put  in  a  shrine)  could  not 
act  officiaUy  in  its  precincts.  Henry  vu.  had 
to  deal  leniently  with  it.  Erasmus  and  Sir 
Thomas  More  found  much  pleasure  in  the 
learning  of  the  last  abbot  but  one,  Beere ; 
and  Leland,  the  antiquary,  was  astonished  at 
its  splendid  library.  At  last  the  crash  came. 
Abbot  Whiting,  an  old,  weak  man,  refused 
to  surrender  his  princely  house,  though  he 
surrendered  almost  everything  else.  A  charge 
of  treason  was  made  against  him — probably 
he  had  suppoited  the  Northern  rebeUion — and 
he  was  ignominiously  butchered  on  the  Tor, 
14th  November  1539.  Then  began  a  shame- 
ful and  barbarous  pillage.  The  work  of 
centuries  of  artists,  poets,  and  saintly  men 
was  destroyed  to  make  roads,  pigsties,  and 
secular  buildings.  The  hohest  place  in 
England  was  defiled  and  destroyed.  Except 
for  the  labours  of  Hearne,  the  antiquary,  the 
abbey  was  almost  forgotten  in  England  until 
1826,  when  Warner  wrote  its  history,  and 
1908,  when  Dr.  Kennion,  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells,  acquired  its  sacred  acres  once  more  for 
the  Church. 

There  is  but  little  left  now  to  see  beyond 
the  ruins  of  St.  Mary's,  the  Galilee,  the  re- 
mains of  the  great  church,  and  the  foundations 
of  the  abbey.  A  fragment  of  the  almonry 
a  piece  of  the  great  wall,  the  abbot's  kitchen 
and  his  barn,  rise  sohtary  from  the  green 
turf.  In  the  town  may  be  seen  the  old 
gateway;  the  Pilgrims'  Inn,  built  to  accom- 
modate the  wealthier  travellers ;  and  the 
tribunal,  erected  by  Abbot  Beere;  and  the 
museum  contains  a  few  rcHcs  of  the  de- 
parted glories.  The  Tor  is  still  crowned  by 
a  solitary  decorated  tower  of  St.  JVIichael, 
and  Chalice  Hill  speaks  of  the  legends  of 
the  Holy  GraU. 

The  holy  thorn,  a  Levantine  variety, 
which  sprang  from  St.  Joseph's  staff,  was 
cut  down  by  the  Puritans  for  flowering  upon 
Christmas  Day.     It  has  left  many  descend- 


(243) 


Gloucester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Gloucester 


ants,  one  in  the  abbey  grounds  and  others 
throughout  the  county. 

Abbots  of  Glastonbury 

Joseph  of  Arimathaea,  his  son,  Faganus, 
and  Diruvianus,  presidents. 


1. 

Worgret,  sixth 

35. 

Robert    of    Win- 

century. 

chester,  1171. 

2. 

Lalemond. 

36. 

Henry  de  Sohaco, 

3. 

Bregoret. 

1189. 

4. 

Bcorthwald, 

37. 

Savaric,  1192. 

seventh  century. 

38. 

JoceHn   of   Bath, 

5. 

Hemgesel. 

1206. 

6. 

Berwald,     eighth 

39. 

William  Vigor, 

century. 

1219. 

7. 

Albert. 

40. 

Robert   of   Bath, 

8. 

Aethfrid. 

1223. 

9. 

CengU. 

41. 

Michael  of  Ames- 

10. 

Tumbert,  or  Cum- 

bury,  1235. 

bert. 

42. 

Roger  Ford,  1253. 

11. 

Tican. 

43. 

Robert      Pether- 

12. 

Guban. 

ton,  1261. 

13. 

Waldun. 

44. 

John  of  Taunton, 

14. 

Bedwulf. 

1274. 

15. 

Guman,  ninth 

45. 

John     of     Kent, 

century. 

1291. 

16. 

Mucan. 

46. 

Geoffrey  of  Fro- 

17. 

Guthlac,  824. 

mont,  1303. 

18. 

Elmond,  851. 

47. 

Walter  of  Taun- 

19. 

Herefrith,  867. 

ton,  1322. 

20. 

Elfric,  916. 

48. 

Adam  of  Sodbury, 

21. 

Stiward,  922. 

1322. 

22. 

Aldhun. 

49. 

Walter    of    Mon- 

23. 

Dunstan,  943-55. 

ington,  1342. 

24. 

Elsi,  956. 

50. 

John  of  Chinnock, 

25. 

Egelward  i. 

1374. 

26. 

Sigebar,  965. 

51. 

Nicholas  of 

27. 

Berred,  1000. 

Frorae,  1420. 

28. 

Brithwin,  1017. 

52. 

Walter  More, 

29. 

Egelward  ti.,  1027. 

1445. 

30. 

Egelnoth,     1053 ; 

53. 

John  of  Selwood, 

deposed  by  Wil- 

1457. 

liam  I. 

54. 

Richard  of  Beere, 

31. 

Turstan,  1078. 

1493. 

32. 

Herlwin,  1101. 

55. 

Richard  Whiting, 

33. 

Sigfrid,  1120. 

1525-39. 

34. 

Henry    of     Blois 
(q.v.)  1126. 

[C.  L.  M.] 

Adam  de  Donierbam  ;  John  of  Glaston  ; 
Eyston,  Monument  ;  Hearne,  Hist.  ;  Warner, 
Hist.  ;  and  many  modern  handbooks,  of  whicli 
Mr.  Bli,i,'h  Bond's  is  best  for  the  architecture. 

GLOUCESTER,  See  of.  From  the  seventh 
till  the  sixteenth  century  the  lands  which 
had  been  originally  settled  by  the  tribe  of 
the  Hwiccas,  all  along  the  lower  course  of 
the  .Severn,  remained  united  as  the  bishopric 
of     Worcester     (q-v.).      When     the     South 


Midland  shires  were  created  in  the  tenth 
centur}',  the  bishoiaric  of  Worcester  prac- 
tically corresponded  to  Worcestershire  and 
Gloucestershire,  with  half  Warwickshire. 
But  there  was  one  exception  :  the  part  of 
Gloucestershire  west  of  Severn,  in  and  about 
the  Forest  of  Dean,  had  never  been  settled 
by  the  Hwiccas,  and  did  not  form  part  of 
their  tribal  bishopric.  It  belonged  to  the 
see  of  Hereford  (q.v.).  Gloucestershire  in 
the  later  Middle  Ages,  therefore,  included  a 
considerable  fragment  of  the  bishopric  of 
Hereford,  viz.  the  whole  of  the  '  Deanery 
of  the  Forest '  {Decanatiis  de,  Foresta),  and 
some  small  parts  of  the  deaneries  of  Ross 
and  Irchenfield. 

When  Henry  vni.,  in  partial  fulfilment  of 
his  pledge  to  create  and  endow  new  sees 
from  the  revenues  of  the  suppressed  mon- 
asteries, decided  in  1541-2  to  make  new 
dioceses,  with  Gloucester  and  Bristol  [q.v. )  as 
their  centres,  a  considerable  rearrangement 
of  boundaries  became  necessary.  The  King 
here,  as  in  most  of  his  other  creations,  took 
the  secular  frontiers  of  the  counties  as  his 
general  working  base,  and  not  the  old  ecclesi- 
astical Umits.  Roughly  speaking,  Ms  new  dio- 
cese of  Gloucester,  constituted  by  Letters 
Patent  of  3rd  September  1541,  was  to  coincide 
with  the  county.  But  Bristol,  chosen  as  a  see- 
town  because  of  its  size  and  wealth,  was  taken 
out  of  Gloucestershire  in  1542,  and  with  it  went 
its  large  rural  deanery  along  the  estuary  of 
the  Severn.  But  while  losing  this  city  and 
its  dependent  district,  the  new  bishopric  of 
Gloucester  acquired  a  large  addition,  which 
had  never  been  before  under  the  same 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  as  the  rest  of  the 
shire,  viz.  the  lands  beyond  Severn.  These, 
though  remaining  in  the  archdeaconry  of 
Hereford,  were  henceforth  in  the  diocese  of 
Gloucester,  and  made  two  rural  deaneries, 
those  of  the  Forest  and  of  '  Ross  and  Irchen- 
field ' ;  the  fragments  of  these  two  old 
Hereford  niral  deaneries  which  lay  within 
the  Gloucester  border  being  joined  as  a  single 
unit,  though  separate  rural  deaneries  of  Ross 
and  of  Irchenfield  continued  to  exist  within 
the  diminished  diocese  of  Hereford. 

The  vagaries  of  the  shire  boundary  between 

Gloucestershire  and  Worcestershire  arc  well 

known  ^ :     each    county   pushes    irregularly 

shaped   peninsulas   and   headlands   into   the 

other,   and  outlying  fragments  of  each  are 

also  found  lying  as  islands  wholly  surrounded 

by  aUen  territory.     Henry  vin.  made  but  a 

partial    effort    to    simplify    this    confusion, 

1  For  an  illuminating  paper  on  the  origin  of  these 
eccentric  limits,  see  C.  Taylor's  '  Northern  Boundary 
of  Gloucestershire'  in  Proceedings  of  the  Bristol  and 
Gloucestershire  Archcological  Society  for  1910. 


(  244  ) 


Gloucester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Gloucester 


which  had  been  of  little  practical  importance 
so  long  as  Gloucestershire  and  Worcester- 
shire were  parts  of  the  same  see.  Hence  the 
new  bishopric,  following  the  old  county 
boundary,  had  a  most  fantastically  jagged 
northern  boundary;  but  one  simplification  was 
made  :  in  the  midst  of  the  new  diocese  la}'  a 
large  patch  of  Worcester  see-land,  '  Blockley 
Jurisdiction,'  and  a  smaller  patch,  Cutsdean, 
which  had  in  the  later  ]\Iiddle  Ages  been 
under  the  Archdeacon  of  Gloucester,  though 
they  appertained  to  the  shire  of  Worcester. 
Now,  though  remaining  part  of  the  shire  of 
^^'orcester,  they  were  placed  within  the  see 
of  Gloucester.  Gloucestershire  owned  some 
outlying  fractions  scattered  eastward,  and 
these,  e.g.  ^^'idford  in  the  heart  of  West 
Oxfordshire,  and  Shenington  under  Edge- 
hill  in  Warwiciishire,  became  part  of  the  new 
Gloucester  bishopric.  On  the  other  hand, 
some  small  islands  of  Wiltshire  land  enclosed 
in  South  Gloucestershire,  such  as  Pulton, 
remained  in  the  bishopric  of  SaUsbury,  The 
new  diocese  contained  thirteen  rural 
deaneries — Hawkesbur}^  Dursley,  Stone- 
house,  Gloucester,  the  Forest,  Ross  and 
Irchenfield,  Winchcombe,  Chipping-Camden, 
Blockley,  Stow-on-the-Wold,  Cirencester, 
Bibury,  and  Fairford.  But  these  by  the 
eighteenth  century  had  been  reduced  to  ten 
onl3^  The  record  of  1779  gives  us  as  exist- 
ing only  Hawkesbury,  Dursley,  Stonehouse, 
Gloucester,  the  Forest,  Winchcombe,  Chip- 
ping-Camden, Stow,  Fairford,  and  Cu-en- 
cester,  Ross  and  Irchenfield  has  merged 
in  the  Forest  (which  was  transferred  from 
the  archdeaconry  of  Hereford  to  that  of 
Gloucester  in  1836),  Bibury  in  Fairford, 
Blockley  in  Stow.  There  was  only  one 
archdeaconry,  that  of  Gloucester  (first 
mentioned  as  part  of  Worcester  diocese, 
1122). 

The  bishopric  of  Gloucester,  as  thus  com- 
posed, was  one  of  the  smaller  English  dioceses, 
and  also  one  of  the  least  well  endowed. 
Ecton  (1711)  values  it  as  £315,  7s.  3d.,  and 
later  in  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  esti- 
mated to  be  worth  no  more  than  £900  a  year. 
During  its  early  history  it  was  more  than 
once  allowed  to  be  held  in  commendam  along 
with  a  neighbouring  bishopric.  In  1552  the 
see  was  dissolved,  and  became  for  two  years 
an  archdeaconry  in  the  diocese  of  Worcester, 
Hooper  {q.v.)  being  given  the  title  of  Bishop  of 
Worcester  and  Gloucester.  The  separate  see 
of  Gloucester  was  restored  in  1554.  Bishops 
ChejTiey  and  Bullingham  under  EUzabeth 
both  held  Bristol  as  well  as  Gloucester.  But 
these  pluralities  ceased  in  the  reign  of 
James  I.,  and  the  only  mark  of  the  poverty 


of  the  diocese  that  remained  was  that  its 
bishop  was  nearly  always  willing  to  be 
translated  to  a  greater  see.  Of  the  twenty- 
three  bishops  of  Gloucester  between  1604  and 
1862  no  less  than  thirteen  were  moved  on, 
after  a  short  tenure  of  the  diocese,  to  larger 
charges.  Only  three  of  the  twenty-three  are 
buried  in  Gloucester  Cathedral  (Bishops 
Miles  Smith,  Nicholson,  and  Benson). 

In  1616  James  i.,  hearing  that  there  was 
'  scarce  ever  a  church  in  England  so  ill 
governed  and  so  much  out  of  order '  as 
Gloucester,  appointed  Laud  (q.v.)  dean  to 
reform  it.  Laud  had  the  Holy  Table  placed 
altar  wise,  at  the  east  end  of  the  church, 
which  so  offended  Bishop  Miles  Smith  that 
he  never  entered  his  cathedral  afterwards, 
though  he  lived  eight  years  longer. 

The  boundaries  remained  unchanged  from 
1541  to  1836,  when  at  the  recommendation 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  the  sees  of 
Bristol  and  Gloucester  were  amalgamated  by 
Order  in  Council  of  5th  October  1836.  But 
only  Bristol  city  and  rural  deanery  of  the  terri- 
tories of  the  Bishop  of  Bristol  came  back  to 
Gloucester.  Dorsetshire  was  given  to  Salis- 
bury {q.v.),  while  Sahsbury  in  return  ceded 
to  Gloucester  its  northern  Wiltshire  rural 
deaneries,  Cricklade  and  Malmesbury,  by 
Order  in  CouncU  of  19th  July  1837.  A 
second"  archdeaconry  was  created  at  the 
same  time,  that  of  Bristol,  including  the 
rural  deaneries  of  Bristol,  Hawkesbury, 
Dursley,  Fairford,  and  Cirencester. 

This  arrangement  lasted  till  1897,  when  on 
the  recreation  of  a  separate  bishopric  of 
Bristol  (by  Order  in  Council  of  7th  July), 
the  see  of  Gloucester  gave  up  Bristol  city, 
and  its  extensive  rural  deanery,  with  those 
of  Stapleton  and  Bitton — both  nineteenth- 
century  creations  taken  out  of  Hawkesbury 
— and  the  two  recently  acquired  Wiltshire 
rural  deaneries,  to  make  up  the  new  diocese  of 
Bristol.  Thus  in  1912  the  see  of  Gloucester 
is  again  a  shire  diocese,  save  that  it  lacks 
the  three  rural  deaneries  next  to  Bristol,  and 
owns  the  island  of  Worcestershire,  which 
formed  '  Blockley  Jurisdiction.'  It  has  two 
archdeaconries :  Gloucester,  and  Cirencester 
(created  1832,  and  including  the  old  rural 
deaneries  of  Cirencester,  Fairford,  Stow,  and 
Stonehouse).  It  has  320  benefices,  served  bj'- 
410  clergy.  Its  population  is  320,924,  and  its 
extent  687,456  acres.  The  income  of  the 
bishop  was  at  its  union  ■with  Bristol  in  1836 
raised  to  £5000.  But  when  Bristol  was  taken 
out  of  it  in  1897  the  bishop  resigned  £700  of 
his  income,  and  the  see  is  now  worth  £4300 
annually. 

There    had    been    a    rehgious    house    at 


(  245) 


Gloucester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Gloucester 


Gloucester  from  681.  In  1022  it  was  re- 
founded  by  St.  Wulf Stan,  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
as  a  Benedictine  abbey.  Henry  m,  was 
crowned  in  its  church,  1216.  In  1283 
Gloucester  Hall  was  founded  at  Oxford  as 
a  college  for  its  monks.  But  the  exclusive 
connection  of  the  Hall  with  Gloucester  Abbey 
only  lasted  a  few  years.  The  buUding  of  the 
abbey  church  continued  through  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  culminated  in  the  erection  of  the 
beautiful  central  tower  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  The  church  was  extensively  re- 
stored in  the  nineteenth  century.  The  last 
abbot,  William  Parker,  died  in  1539,  and  on 
2nd  January  1540  the  abbey  surrendered  to 
the  Crown,  the  prior  receiving  a  pension  of 
£20,  and  twelve  monks  from  £5  to  £10  each. 
The  total  revenues  amounted  to  £1846,  5s.  9d. 
It  was  refounded  by  Henry  vm.  with  a  dedica- 
tion to  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  the  chapter  was 
made  to  consist  of  a  dean  and  six  canons, 
besides  minor  canons  and  others.  It  did  not 
absorb  that  of  Bristol  in  1836,  but  the  latter 
cathedral  retained  its  own  estabUshment. 
By  an  Act  of  1713  (13  An.  c.  6)  one  canonry 
is  annexed  to  the  mastership  of  Pembroke 
College,  Oxford,  The  Cathedrals  Act,  1840, 
suppressed  two  canonries,  leaving  four.  In 
1890  the  number  was  increased  to  five 
by  an  endowment  being  left  for  a  canon- 
missioner. 

Bishops  of  Gloucester 

1.  John  Wakeman,   1541 ;    last  Abbot  of 

Tewkesbury,  which  he  had  surrendered, 
1540,  and  where  he  has  a  monument; 
'  an  intriguing  and  servile  ecclesiastic  ' ; 
d.  1549. 

2.  John  Hooper  (g.v.),  1550. 

3.  James    Brooks,    or    Broks,    1554    (P.) ; 

d.  shortly  after  Ehzabeth's  accession, 
1558.     The  see  vacant  four  years. 

4.  Richard     Cheyney,     1562;      held     the 

bishopric  of  Bristol  in  commendam ; 
d.  1579.     The  see  vacant  two  years. 

5.  John  BulUngham,  1581 ;  held  the  bishop- 

ric of  Bristol  in  commoidam ;  d.  1598. 

6.  Godfrey  Goldsborough,  1598 ;    d.  1604 ; 

has  an  altar-tomb  in  the  cathedral. 

7.  Thomas   Ravis,    1605;     tr.    to   London, 

1607. 

8.  Robert  Parry,  1607  ;    tr.  to  Worcester, 

1610. 

9.  Giles  Thompson,  1611 ;    d.  1612,  before 

entering  his  diocese. 

10.  Miles  Smith,  1612  ;   a  favourer  of  Puri- 

tans ;   d.  1624. 

11.  Godfrey    Goodman   [q.v.),    1625;     depr. 

1640  ;  d.  1656.  The  see  vacant  four 
years. 


12.  William  Nicholson,  1661;  restored  Church 

order  and  reformed  abuses,  but  treated 
Nonconformists  with  consideration  ;  d. 
1672. 

13.  John  Pritchet,  1672  ;  d.  1681. 

14.  Robert    Frampton,     1681  ;      a    zealous 

Churchman  ;  arrived  half  an  hour  too 
late  to  join  in  the  action  of  the  Seven 
Bishops  (g.i>.);  depr.  1691  [Nonjueors], 
but  allowed  to  retain  the  living  of 
Standish,  worth  £40  a  year  ;  d.  1708. 

15.  Edward  Fowler,  1691  ;  a  Whig ;  '  Puri- 

tanically brought  up,'  but  '  wheel'd 
about  with  the  times  ' ;  d.  1714. 

16.  Richard  WiUis ;  tr.  to  Salisbury,  1721. 

17.  Joseph  Wncocks,  1721 ;  tr.  to  Rochester, 

1731. 

18.  EUas  SydaU,  1731  ;  tr.  from  St.  David's ; 

d.  1733. 

19.  Martin    Benson,    1735 ;     refused    higher 

preferment ;  the  friend  of  Bishop 
Butler;  Porteous,  Bishop  of  London, 
wrote :  '  His  purity,  though  awfully 
strict,  was  inexpressibly  amiable '  ;  d. 
1752. 

20.  James  Johnson,  1752 ;    tr.  to  Worcester, 

1759. 

21.  William  Warburton  {q.v.),  1760  ;  d.  1779. 

22.  Honble.  James  Yorke,  1779  ;  tr.  from  St. 

David's;  tr.  to  Ely,  1781. 

23.  Samuel  Halifax,  1781  ;  tr.  to  St.  Asaph, 

1789. 

24.  Richard  Beaden,  1789 ;   tr.  to  Bath  and 

WeUs,  1802. 

25.  George    Isaac    Huntingford,    1802 ;     tr. 

to  Hereford,  1815. 

26.  Honble.  Henry  Ryder,  1815  ;  tr.  to  Lich- 

field, 1824. 

27.  Christopher  BetheU,  1824  ;  tr.  to  Exeter, 

1830. 

28.  James    Henry    Monk,     1830 ;      became 

Bishop  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol,  1836. 

Bishops  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol 

28.  James    Henry    Monk,    1836 ;     revived 

Church  life ;  restored  rural  deans ; 
augmented  small  Uvings ;  cons,  fifty- 
four  new  churches  ;    d.  1856. 

29.  Honble.    Charles   Baring,   1856;    tr.    to 

Durham,  1861. 

30.  WiUiam  Thomson,   1861 ;    tr.  to  York, 

1862. 

31.  Charles  James  EUicott,  1863  ;    Hulsean 

Professor  of  Divinity,  Cambridge,  1860  ; 
Dean  of  Exeter,  1861 ;  appointed 
bishop  by  Palmerston  on  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury's advice,  because  of  his  share  in 
answering  Essays  and  Reviews  {q.v.), 
Disraeli  wished  to  appoint  him  to 
Canterbury,   1868 ;    Chairman  of  New 


(246) 


Goodman] 


Dictionary  of  Etiglish  Church  History 


[Gorham 


Testament  Revision  CJompany  ;  a  hard- 
working bishop  ;   res.  and  d.  1905. 

Bishops  of  Gloucester 

31.  Charles  James  Ellicott,  1897-1905. 

32.  Edgar    Charles    Sumner    Gibson,    1905 ; 

Principal  of  Wells  Theological  College, 
1880-95  ;   Vicar  of  Leeds,  1895. 

[c.  w.  c.  o.] 

V.V.II.  Gloucester;  Browue  Willis,  Cathedrals. 

GOODMAN,  Godfrey  (1583-1656),  Bishop 

of  Gloucester,  took  his  degrees  at  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Cambridge,  held  the  living  of  Stapleford 
Abbots  in  Essex,  1606-20 ;  became  Prebend- 
ary of  Westminster,  1607 ;  B.D.  at  Oxford, 
1615 ;  and  had  a  number  of  hvings  in  Berks, 
Gloucester,  and  Wales.  He  became  a  dis- 
ciple of  Andrcwes,  and  a  good  preacher  in 
his  style,  and  rose  to  be  Canon  of  Windsor, 
1617;  Dean  of  Rochester,  1621;  Bishop  of 
Gloucester,  1625.  A  sermon  at  court,  1626, 
was  supposed,  says  Heyhn  {q.i.),  'to  trench 
too  near  the  borders  of  popery,'  and 
many  complaints  were  made  against  him 
for  '  excessive  ritual,'  such  as  pictures 
and  hangings  decorated  with  the  crucifix 
and  the  restoring  of  the  cross  in  Windsor. 
He  seems  to  have  been  a  negligent  bishop, 
for  Laud  {q.v.)  opposed  his  translation  to 
Hereford,  and  ordered  him  to  retire  to  his  own 
diocese.  He  neglected  to  report  on  his  see 
in  1633,  1636,  1637,  and  resided  at  Windsor 
preferably  to  Gloucester.  He  became  more 
and  more  Romanist  in  his  views.  Panzani, 
the  Pope's  agent,  1636,  thought  him  a  convert, 
because  he  used  the  breviary  and  declared 
that  he  wished  to  keep  a  Roman  priest  in  his 
house.  But  it  was  not  till  his  refusal  to 
sign  or  accept  the  canons  of  1640  that 
matters  came  to  a  crisis,  and  the  Convocation 
of  May  1640  declared  him  deprived  of  his  see. 
He  then  submitted,  and  was  restored,  but 
expressed  a  desire  to  resign  as  soon  as  his 
debts  were  paid.  He  was  now  obnoxious 
alike  to  Laudians  and  Puritans,  and  was  beset 
by  both.  He  joined  in  the  protest  of  the 
bishops  against  their  intimidation,  December 
1641,  and  was  committed  to  the  Tower  on  a 
charge  of  high  treason.  He  was  released  and 
ordered  to  return  to  Gloucester,  where  his 
house  was  sacked  in  1643,  when  he  took 
refuge  in  Wales.  He  finally  retired  to 
Westminster,  and  died  there  on  19th  January 
1656,  and  was  buried  at  St.  Margaret's. 
He  declared  himself  a  Romanist  in  his  will. 
His  theological  works  are  of  no  value,  but  his 
account  of  the  court  of  James  i.  (not  pub- 
lished till  1839)  is  useful.  The  defects  of 
Goodman's  personal  character  and  his  dis- 


ingenuous concealment  of  his  opinions — there 
is  no  certainty  when  he  '  went  over  to  Rome,' 
if  he  ever  formally  did — prevented  his  un- 
doubted abihties  being  useful  to  reUgion  or 
learning.  [w.  H.  H.] 

'WoofX,  A  theuae  Oxonicnscs;  Walker,  Suffer- 
ings of  the  Clergy. 

GOODRICH,  or  GOODRICKE,  Thomas, 
D.D.  (d.  1554),  Bishop  of  Ely  and  Lord 
Chancellor,  younger  son  of  Edward  Goodrich 
of  East  Kirkby,  Lines ;  entered  C.C.C., 
Cambridge,  and  became  Fellow  of  Jesus,  and 
was  Proctor  in  1515.  He  was  presented  by 
Wolsey  to  the  rectory  of  St.  Peter,  Cheapside, 
London,  in  1529.  He  was  one  of  the  divines 
consulted  by  Convocation  as  to  the  legaUty 
of  Henry  vru.'s  marriage  with  Katherine,  and 
on  the  commission  appointed  by  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge  to  consider  the  same 
question.  He  was  soon  after  appointed  a 
royal  chaplain ;  made  Canon  of  St.  Stephen's, 
Westminster ;  sent  on  an  embassy  to  France ; 
and  in  1534  made  Bishop  of  Ely.  As  bishop 
he  laboured  to  maintain  the  Royal  Supremacy, 
but  at  the  end  of  the  reign  fell  under  suspicion 
of  favouring  the  reformed  rehgion  further 
than  the  King  allowed.  On  the  accession  of 
Edward  vi.  he  was  sworn  of  the  Privy  Council, 
put  on  a  commission  for  the  visitation  of  Cam- 
bridge University,  and  possibly  on  that  which 
drew  up  the  First  Prayer  Book  [Common 
Prayer,  Book  of].  He  was  sent  on  an 
embassy  to  France,  and  made  Lord  ChanceUor 
in  1552.  He  signed  the  letter  of  the  Council 
refusing  to  acknowledge  Mary's  right  to  the 
throne,  but  soon  afterwards  submitted ; 
signed  the  declaration  ordering  Northumber- 
land to  disarm,  was  pardoned  by  Mary,  and 
allowed  to  retain  his  bishopric. 

Burnet  {q.v.)  says  that  '  he  was  a  busy, 
secular-spirited  man  and  gave  himself  up 
wholly  to  faction  and  intrigues  of  State ; 
and  though  his  opinions  always  leaned  to 
the  Reformation  it  was  no  wonder  if  a  man 
so  tempered  would  prefer  the  keeping  of  his 
bishopric  to  the  discharge  of  his  conscience.' 

Hooper  {q.v.)  mentions  him  as  one  of  six 
bishops  who  were  '  favourable  to  the  cause 
of  Christ  and  held  right  opinions  on  the 
Eucharist ' ;  Hooper  had  conversed  wdth  him, 
and  '  discovered  nothing  but  what  was  pure 
and  holy.'  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Strype,  Eccl.  Memorials,  Cranmer ;  D.X.B. 

GORHAM,  George  Cornelius  (1787-1857), 
divine,  was  educated  at  Queens'  College, 
Cambridge,  of  which  he  became  Fellow  in 
1810.  In  1811  Bishop  Dampier  of  Ely 
threatened,  ineffectively,  to  refuse  to  ordain 


(  247 


Gorham] 


Dictioimry  of  English  Church  History 


[Granville 


him  on  account  of  unsoundness  on  baptismal 
regeneration.  He  attained  distinction  as  a 
botanist  and  an  antiquary,  and  in  1846  be- 
came Vicar  of  St.  Just  in  Pcnwith,  Cornwall, 
being  instituted  by  Bishop  PhiUpotts  {q.v.), 
who  shortlj'^  afterwards  rebuked  liim  for 
advertising  for  a  curate  '  free  from  Tractarian 
error.'  In  1 847  he  was  presented  to  Bramp- 
ford  Spckc  in  the  same  diocese,  when  the 
bishop  insisted  on  his  right  to  examine  him 
before  institution  (Canon  39).  The  examina- 
tion comprised  one  hundred  and  forty-nine 
questions,  and  occupied  eight  days,  lasting 
in  aU  fifty-two  hours,  Gorham  frequently 
protested  against  the  intricate  and  vexatious 
nature  of  the  questions  as  \drtually  a  '  penal 
inquisition,'  and  against  allowing  '  the  valu- 
able hours  of  life  (already  so  advanced  in 
each  of  us) '  to  '  roU  away  in  unprofitable 
discussion.'  The  point  at  issue  was  baptismal 
regeneration.  Gorham  held  that  it  was 
conditional  upon  worthy  reception  of  the 
sacrament,  and  that  infants  never  benefited 
in  baptism  except  by  virtue  of  some  other 
gift  of  grace.  His  views,  coloured  by  his 
peculiar  Calvinism,  were  distinct  from  those 
held  by  most  Evangehcals.  As  the  bishop 
eventually  refused  to  institute  him,  he  brought 
the  almost  obsolete  action  of  Duplex  Querela 
in  the  Court  of  Arches,  where  the  Dean, 
Sir  H.  Jenner  Fust,  decided  that  his  view 
was  opposed  to  that  of  the  Church,  and  that 
therefore  the  bishop  was  justified  in  his 
refusal.  The  Privy  Council  reversed  this 
decision  on  appeal,  and  the  bishop  having 
failed  to  obtain  a  prohibition,  and  stiU  refus- 
ing to  perform  the  institution,  Gorham  was 
instituted  by  Archbishop  Sumner.  He  com- 
plained that  the  bishop  stirred  up  iU-feeling 
in  liis  parish,  bidding  his  parishioners  '  be 
on  the  watch  for  occasions  of  complaint,'  but 
he  retained  the  Uving  till  his  death. 

'  The  Great  Gorham  Case '  raised  a  storm 
of  controversy.  Over  sixty  books  and 
pamphlets  deaUng  with  it  are  catalogued  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  a  foreign  visitor 
congratulated  a  country  which  knew  no  more 
serious  revolution  than  that  of  '  le  pire 
Gorham.'  The  Privj^  Council  did  not  profess 
to  define  doctrine,  but  only  to  lay  down  the 
'  true  and  legal  construction  '  of  the  Church's 
formularies,  without  being  '  minute  and 
rigid '  in  their  interpretation.  The  doctrine 
which  it  attributed  to  Gorham  and  declared 
to  be  lawful  was  that  the  grace  of  regeneration 
does  not  so  necessarily  accompany  the  act  of 
baptism  that  regeneration  invariably  takes 
place  in  baptism.  But  this  was  not  what 
he  really  held.  Dr.  Pusey  {q.v.)  and  the 
Tractarian  leaders,   though  they  supported 


the  bishop,  thought  his  action  ill-advised. 
Eventually  Archdeacon  Manning  {q.v.)  and 
others  seceded  to  Rome  in  consequence 
of  the  '  vile  judgment,'  But  such  men 
as  Keble  {q.v.),  S.  WUberforce  {q.v.),  and 
Gladstone  {q.v.)  realised  that  it  was  a  mere 
State  decision,  which  did  not  compromise  the 
Church.  Nor  was  it  without  good  results. 
It  was  an  important  factor  in  the  re\T.val  of 
Convocation  {q.v.),  and  it  drew  attention  to 
the  character  of  the  Privy  Council  as  an 
ecclesiastical  court  of  appeal  [Courts]. 

[G,    C] 

Works  ;  Moore,  The  Oorhain  Case  ;    Liddon, 
Life  of  Pusey,  vol.  iii, 

GRANVILLE,    or   GRENVILLE,    Denis 

(1637-1703),  Dean  of  Durham  and  later 
chaplain  to  James  ii,  f\t  the  Court  of  St. 
Germans,  an  active  organiser  in  the  diocese  of 
Durham  as  Archdeacon  of  Durham,  also  an 
interesting  writer  of  letters.  He  was  of  dis- 
tinguished family  and  connection.  He  was 
great-grandson  of  Sir  Richard,  whose  name  is 
undyingly  associated  with  the  Revenge,  and 
youngest  son  of  Sir  BevU,  the  famous  Cornish 
royahst.  He  was  descended  from  the  CorbeU 
family,  and  in  his  exile  delighted  in  tracing 
his  French  ancestry  and  connection  with 
many  noble  famihes  of  ancient  lineage. 
From  a  Cornish  school  Denis  passed  to  Eton, 
and  then  became  a  gentleman-commoner  at 
Exeter  College,  Oxford.  Here  he  feU  into 
debt,  and  was  afterwards  rarely  free  from 
money  troubles,  despite  his  preferments.  He 
was  a  convinced  Churchman,  and  naturally 
attracted  attention  at  the  Restoration. 
Bishop  Cosin  {q.v.)  was  the  source  of  his 
promotion.  Granville  married  the  bishop's 
daughter,  Anne,  who  was  little  help  to  her 
husband,  and  soon  became  the  victim  of 
intemperance.  After  holding  a  country 
living,  and  then  a  prebend  in  York  Cathedral, 
Granville  was  given  a  prebend  at  Durham  in 
1662.  Almost  coincidently  he  was  made 
Archdeacon  of  Durham,  and  held  in  turn  the 
rectories  of  Elwick  and  Sedgefield.  Such 
multipUed  preferment  deserved  the  criticism 
of  Archbishop  Bancroft  {q-v.).  Granville 
managed  to  keep  much  of  it  during  the  whole 
of  his  connection  with  Durham,  Bishop 
Crewe  contrived  his  further  appointment  to 
the  deanery  in  1684,  and  with  this  he  still 
held  the  archdeaconry  and  the  rectory  of 
Sedgefield,  His  efforts  for  the  improvement 
of  the  cathedral  services  and  personnel  were 
effective.  He  constantly  set  Cosin  before  him 
as  his  model.  His  principal  effort  was  to 
promote  the  more  frequent  celebration  of 
the   Holy   Communion,    and   by   his   efforts 


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[Gray 


weekly  Eucharists  were  restored  in  several 
cathedrals,  and  he  desired  to  restore  the  daily- 
Eucharist.  At  the  Revolution  he  had  the 
courage  of  his  convictions  and  strove  to 
promote  Jacobite  sympathy  in  the  diocese. 
He  fled  from  Durham  and  his  goods  were 
distrained  upon  for  debt.  Save  for  one  short 
visit  to  England  he  spent  the  rest  of  liis  life 
in  France,  partly  at  the  Court  of  St.  Germans. 
Like  Cosin  he  resisted  all  efforts  to  make  him 
submit  to  the  Church  of  Rome.  He  presently 
withdrew  to  other  places  of  retirement, 
where  friends  in  England  aided  him  with 
gifts  of  money,  as  also  did  Mary  of  Modcna. 
He  occupied  himself  in  his  exile  with  writing 
and  preaching  and  tracing  his  French 
pedigree.  He  died  and  was  buried  in  Paris 
in  1701.  His  wife  had  not  shared  his 
troubles,  but  remained  with  friends  at 
Durham,  and  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  in 
1691.  [H.   G.] 

V.C.IL,  Durliam,  ii.  .'58-G2 ;  D.N.B.  and 
authorities  there  cited  ;  The  Remains  of  Denis 
Granville,  SurteesSoc,  vols,  xxxvii.  and  xlvii.  ; 
Life  by  Koger  Granville,  1902. 

GRAY,  Robert  (1809-72),  Bishop  of  Cape- 
town, was  the  son  of  Robert  Gray,  Canon  of 
Durham,  and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Bristol, 
where  the  palace  was  burnt  during  the 
Reform  Bill  riots.  He  graduated  from 
University  College,  Oxford,  in  1831,  was 
ordained  in  1832,  and  after  serving  various 
cures  was  appointed  by  Letters  Patent  of  the 
Crown  first  Bishop  of  Capetown  in  1847. 
His  strenuous  labours  as  founder  and  pastor 
belong  to  the  history  of  the  South  African 
Church,  but  a  series  of  untoward  events 
brought  him  into  important  relations  with 
the  authorities  of  the  Church  of  England. 
In  1853,  other  bishoprics  being  founded  in 
South  Africa,  he  resigned  his  see  to  facilitate 
the  division  of  the  diocese,  and  by  new  Letters 
Patent  was  both  reappointed  bishop  and 
declared  metropohtan,  the  extent  of  his 
jurisdiction  being  defined  in  accordance 
with  the  general  law  of  the  Church.  A 
clergyman  named  Long  having  contested  his 
episcopal  authority,  recourse  was  had  to  the 
courts  of  the  colony,  and  on  appeal  to  the 
Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council, 
which  ruled  (29th  June  1863)  that  the  Letters 
Patent  of  1853  were  null  and  void,  so  far  as 
concerned  the  creation  of  any  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  because  granted  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  constitutional  government  in  the 
colony.  The  Church  in  South  Africa  was  a 
merely  voluntary  association,  the  members 
of  which  were  bound  as  by  contract,  and 
might  set  up  purely  spiritual  tribunals  with- 


out any  coercive  jurisdiction  {Long  v.  Bishop 
of  Capetown,  1  Moore  P.C.  N.S.  411).  This 
judgment  put  an  end  to  the  legal  conten- 
tion that  the  Church  of  England,  as  a  body 
established  by  law,  extends  to  all  the 
dominions  of  the  Crown. 

In  tlie  meantime  a  further  difficulty  had 
arisen.  Colenso  (q.v.),  Bishop  of  Natal,  had 
been  delated  for  heresy  to  Gray  as  metro- 
politan, and  was  cited  to  appear  on  17th 
November  1863  ;  in  October,  on  the  strength 
of  the  judgment  in  Long's  case,  he  publicly 
denied  the  metropolitan's  jurisdiction,  and 
refused  to  appear,  afterwards  petitioning  the 
Crown  to  set  aside  the  judgment  of  deposition 
pronounced  against  him.  The  petition  was 
referred  to  the  Judicial  Committee,  which 
gave  the  same  ruling  as  before,  adding  that 
the  oath  of  canonical  obedience  to  the 
metropolitan  taken  by  Colenso  at  his  consecra- 
tion could  not  set  up  any  right  to  exercise 
jurisdiction  which  the  law  would  recognise 
{In  re  Bishop  of  Natal,  1864,  3  Moore  P.C. 
N.S.  115).  These  judgments  of  the  Privy 
Council  are  not  to  be  confounded  with 
those  given  in  cases  carried  on  appeal  from 
the  Enghsh  courts  spiritual.  The  Judicial 
Committee  was  not  on  this  occasion  acting 
as  an  Ecclesiastical  Court  of  Appeal,  and 
the  questions  before  it  concerned  only 
the  legal  constitution  of  the  South  African 
colonies.  But  some  of  the  obiter  dicta 
deUvered  by  Lord  Westbury  on  the  second 
occasion  aroused  great  indignation,  and 
contributed  much  to  the  ruin  of  the  moral 
authority  of  the  tribunal.  He  spoke  of  the 
sovereign  as  '  head  of  the  Estabhshed  Church 
and  depositary  of  the  ultimate  appellate 
jurisdiction.'  He  laid  it  down  that  '  pastoral 
or  spiritual  authority  may  be  incidental  to 
the  office  of  bishop,  but  all  jurisdiction  in 
the  Church,  where  it  can  be  lawfully  con- 
ferred, must  proceed  from  the  Crown.'  He 
said  accordingly  that  '  in  the  case  of  a  settled 
colony  the  Ecclesiastical  Law  of  England 
cannot  ...  be  treated  as  part  of  the  law 
which  the  settlers  carried  with  them  from 
the  mother  country,'  and  this  because  '  the 
erection  of  a  new  court  with  a  new  jurisdiction 
cannot  be  without  an  Act  of  Parliament.' 
All  this  was  in  close  agreement  with  the  legal 
theories  of  a  past  age,  and  especiall}'  with 
those  of  Sir  Edward  Coke,  from  whom  the 
last  quotation  was  borrowed,  but  its  revival 
in  this  exaggerated  form  and  its  application 
to  the  oversea  dominions  of  the  Crown  was 
an  express  denial  of  the  Church's  inherent 
powers  of  discipline,  and  the  imphed  revival 
of  the  long-abandoned  title  of  '  Head  of  the 
Church  '  stirred  a  hvely  antagonism.     These 


(  -^^9  ) 


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[Gregory 


judgments  therefore,  though  dealing  directly 
only  with  the  merest  legal  niceties  of  colonial 
constitutions,  gave  rise  to  vigorous  con- 
troversy in  England.  In  South  Africa  their 
legal  effect  was  accepted  without  demur,  and 
the  Church  was  there  organised  in  complete 
independence  of  the  iState,  and  in  proper 
provincial  independence  of  the  Church  of 
England.  Some  malcontents  having  followed 
Colenso  in  declaring  themselves  members  of 
the  ■  Church  of  England  in  South  Africa,' 
and  having  made  good  their  legal  title  as  such 
to  certain  buildings  and  endowments  {Bishop 
of  Natal  V.  Gladstone,  1866,  L.R.  3  Eq.  1), 
the  Bishop  of  Capetown,  in  accordance  with 
ancient  precedents,  put  to  the  provincial 
synod  of  Canterbury  the  formal  question 
whether  they  held  communion  with  Colenso 
or  with  the  orthodox  bishops  who  had  de- 
posed and  excommunicated  him.  S.  WUber- 
force  {q.v.)  moved  the  synod  (in  June  1866) 
to  declare  that  the  Church  of  England  was 
in  communion  with  Gray,  and  not  in  com- 
munion with  Colenso;  but  other  bishops 
deprecated  an  open  collision  with  the  State, 
and  the  synod  affirmed  its  communion  with 
the  Bishop  of  Capetown  only,  saying  nothing 
about  Colenso.  After  Colenso's  death  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  his  compro- 
vincials  refused  to  recognise  and  consecrate 
the  priest  elected  by  his  followers  to  succeed 
him,  and  in  1891,  on  the  resignation  of  the 
bishop  (Macrorie)  consecrated  at  Capetown 
to  replace  him,  Archbishop  Benson  {q.v.) 
persuaded  both  parties  in  Natal  to  entrust 
him  with  the  choice  and  consecration  of  a 
new  bishop.  The  consent  of  the  South 
African  episcopate  being  obtained,  the  schism 
was  thus  healed. 

Of  Robert  Gray's  personal  character  an 
unfriendly  witness,  in  whose  judgment  '  it  is 
not  to  be  desired  that  the  Church  of  England 
should  have  many  prelates  of  his  tjrpe,'  bears 
the  following  testimony  : — '  Bishop  Gray 
was  entirely  one  with  that  section  of  the 
Church  of  England  which  denied  the  depend- 
ence of  the  Church  upon  the  State,  or  de- 
plored it  so  far  as  it  coiild  not  be  denied  ;  the 
party  of  Pusey  and  Keble,  of  Anselm  and 
Becket ;  in  doctrine,  but  not  in  poUtics,  the 
party  of  Sancroft  and  Cosin.  His  courage 
and  perseverance  are  worthy  of  all  praise, 
and  in  most  trying  circumstances  his  temper 
does  him  honour '  (Cornish,  The  English 
Church  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  ii.  262). 

[t.  a.  l.] 
ILL.  Farrer,  Life. 


GREGORY,  St.  (c.  540  to  12th  March  604), 
entitled    the    Great — '  Gregory    our   father 


who  sent  us  baptism '  —  the  first  pope 
of  his  name,  and  the  last  of  the  Four 
Doctors  of  the  Latin  Church,  was  born  in 
Rome.  Of  the  earher  part  of  his  life  few 
details  are  preserved,  and  almost  all  the 
dates  are  conjectural.  His  father  was 
Gordianus,  the  regionarius,  a  man  of  good 
family  and  considerable  wealth,  owning  large 
estates  in  Sicily  and  a  palace  on  the  Cselian 
Hill  in  Rome ;  his  mother  was  St.  Silvia 
{Ada  Sanctorum,  3rd  November).  Gregory 
received  the  best  education  to  be  had  at  the 
time,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  proficiency 
in  the  arts  of  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectic. 
He  entered  upon  an  official  career,  and  c.  573 
became  Prefect  of  the  City.  Soon  afterwards, 
however,  c.  574,  feeUng  irresistibly  drawn  to 
the  '  rehgious '  life,  he  resigned  his  office, 
devoted  the  greater  part  of  his  wealth  to 
founding  six  monasteries  in  SicUy  and  one 
in  Rome,  and  in  the  last — the  famous 
monastery  of  St.  Andrew — became  himself 
a  monk. 

But  he  was  not  permitted  to  remain  long 
in  retirement.  Probably  in  578  he  was 
ordained  '  seventh  deacon  '  (?  archdeacon) 
of  the  Roman  Church,  and  in  the  following 
spring  Pope  Pelagius  n.  appointed  him 
apocrisiarius,  or  resident  papal  ambassador 
at  the  court  of  Constantinople.  On  his 
return  to  Rome,  c.  586,  he  was  made  Abbot 
of  St.  Andrew's.  It  is  to  this  period  of  his 
life  that  the  incident  of  the  English  slave- 
boys  (if  it  be  accepted  as  historical)  must  be 
assigned.  The  famous  story  of  the  punning 
abbot  and  the  Angles  with  angel  faces  is 
derived  from  EngUsh  sources  (the  S.  Gallen 
Life  of  Gregory,  9  ;  Bede,  H.E.,  ii.  1,  from 
whom  it  is  copied  by  the  biographers  Paul. 
Diac,  Vita  Greg.,  17  ;  Johann.  Diac,  Vita 
Greg.,  i.  21).  According  to  the  earliest  version 
the  young  Angles  are  not  described  as  slaves 
and  Gregory  is  represented  as  conversing  with 
them  directly.  Gregory  himself,  however, 
nowhere  alludes  to  the  incident,  and  it  is 
strange  that  if  he  was  reaUy  fond  of  punning 
on  names  he  does  not  indulge  his  fancy  in  his 
famUiar  letters.  The  tradition  has  probably 
been  elaborated,  but  there  is  nothing  im- 
probable in  the  supposition  that  Gregory  first 
became  interested  in  Britain  through  a 
meeting  with  some  Angles  in  Rome.  This 
at  any  rate  would  account  for  what  followed. 
Gregory  resolved  personally  to  undertake 
the  conversion  of  Britain,  and  having  ob- 
tained the  reluctant  consent  of  the  Pope  he  set 
out  with  a  small  band  of  monks  upon  the 
mission.  On  the  third  day  of  his  journey, 
however,  he  was  overtaken  by  messengers 
from  the  Lateran,  who  ordered  him  to  return. 


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[Gregory 


In  590  Pelagius  n.  died,  and  the  clergy  and 
people  unanimously  chose  Gregory  as  his 
successor.  He  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
avoid  the  dignity,  but  while  he  was  preparing 
for  flight  he  was  seized  and  carried  off  to  the 
basiUca  of  St.  Peter,  and  there  consecrated 
bishop,  3rd  September  590. 

His  pontificate  was  marked  by  extraordinary 
energy  and  activity.  *  He  never  rested  ;  he 
was  always  engaged  in  providing  for  the 
interests  of  his  people,  or  in  writing  some 
composition  worthy  of  the  Church,  or  in 
searching  out  the  secrets  of  heaven  by  the 
grace  of  contemplation  '  (Paul.  Diac,  Vita, 
15).  He  persevered  in  the  ascetic  discipline. 
Having  banished  all  lay  attendants  from  his 
palace  he  surrounded  himself  with  clerics 
and  monks,  with  whom  he  lived  as  though 
still  in  a  monastery.  To  the  spiritual  needs 
of  his  people  he  ministered  with  pastoral  zeal, 
arranging  for  the  regular  performance  of  the 
services  in  the  Roman  basilicas,  frequently 
appointing  '  stations,'  and  deUvering  eloquent 
and  practical  sermons,  in  which  we  get  for 
the  first  time  a  distinct  approach  towards  a 
systematic  use  of  anecdote  and  illustration. 
Nor  was  he  less  soUcitous  in  providing  for 
the  temporal  welfare  of  his  flock.  Deaconries, 
guest-houses,  hospitals,  and  other  charitable 
institutions  were  hberaUy  endowed,  and  free 
distributions  of  food  were  made  to  the  poor 
at  the  convents  and  basilicas.  The  funds 
for  these  and  similar  purposes  were  provided 
from  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter — the  estates 
of  the  Roman  Church  in  Italy  and  the 
adjacent  islands,  Africa,  Gaul,  and  Dalmatia. 
In  superintending  these  domains  Gregory 
exhibited  remarkable  capacity,  and  his  letters 
dealing  with  the  management  of  the  property 
of  the  Church  are  of  extraordinary  interest 
(see  especially  Ep.,  i.  39a,  42).  Gregory 
was  one  of  the  best  of  the  papal  land- 
lords. His  only  fault  as  a  man  of  business 
was  that  he  was  incUned  to  be  too  lavish  in 
his  expenditure,  and  after  his  death  it  was 
said  that  by  his  excessive  Uberahty  he  had 
actually  impoverished  the  treasury  of  the 
Roman  Church. 

Within  the  strict  bounds  of  his  patriarchate, 
t.e.  the  Churches  of  Central  and  Southern  Italy 
and  the  islands,  it  was  Gregory's  policy  to 
watch  with  particular  care  over  the  election 
and  discipUne  of  the  bishops.  Apart  from 
this  he  abstained  as  far  as  possible  from 
interfering  in  the  concerns  of  the  several 
dioceses.  He  encouraged  the  bishops  to 
assemble  in  synods,  and  enforced  throughout 
the  patriarchate  the  regulations  that  clerics 
in  holy  orders  should  not  cohabit  with  their 
wives  or  permit  any  women,  except  such  as 


were  allowed  by  the  canons,  to  reside  in 
their  houses,  and  that  the  revenues  of  each 
church  should  be  divided  into  four  equal 
parts,  to  be  assigned  respectively  to  the 
bishop,  the  clergy,  the  poor,  and  the  repair 
of  the  fabric  of  the  church. 

In  his  relations  with  the  Churches  which 
lay  outside  the  Umits  of  his  patriarchate — in 
Northern  Italy,  Spain,  Gaul,  Africa,  lUyricum, 
and  the  East— Gregory  used  his  influence  with 
much  skill  to  promote  the  power  and  pre- 
tensions of  the  Roman  see.  He  claimed  for  it 
a  primacy,  not  of  honour  merely,  but  of  autho- 
rity, in  the  Church  Universal.  In  his  view 
Rome,  as  the  sec  of  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles, 
was  by  divine  appointment  [Ep.,  iii.  30)  '  the 
head  of  all  the  churches '  [E-p.,  xiii.  50).  The 
decrees  of  councils  would  have  no  binding 
force  '  without  the  authority  and  consent  of 
the  Apostolic  See '  {Ep.,  ix.  156).  The  Bishop 
of  Rome  was  called  to  undertake  'the  govern- 
ment of  the  Church '  {Ep.,  v.  44) ;  appeals 
might  be  made  to  him  against  the  decisions 
even  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople; 
and  all  bishops,  including  the  patriarchs, 
if  guilty  of  heresy  or  uncanonical  proceed- 
ings, were  subject  to  his  correction  {Ep., 
ix.  26,  27).  Such  claims,  even  when 
accompanied  by  the  Pope's  assurances  that 
he  had  no  desire  to  interfere  with  the 
canonical  rights  of  bishops  {Ep.,  ii.  52 ;  xi.  24), 
could  not  be  put  forward  without  encounter- 
ing opposition.  Three  notable  disputes — 
with  the  bishops  of  Ravenna  concerning  the 
use  of  the  pallium  [P.ill]  ;  with  Maximus,  the 
'usurping'  bishop  of  Salona;  and  with  the 
Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  over  the  title 
'  Ecumenical  Bishop  ' — prove  that  even  the 
greatest  of  the  early  popes  found  it  impos- 
sible always  to  enforce  his  authority.  Yet 
Gregory's  frank  assertion  of  this  lofty  claim, 
and  the  firmness  and  consistency  with  which 
he  upheld  it,  undoubtedly  contributed  greatly 
to  build  up  the  system  of  papal  absolutism. 
The  Une  which  he  took  prepared  the  way  for 
such  successors  as  Gregory  vn.  and  Innocent 
in.  {q.v.). 

Further,  this  consoUdation  of  spiritual 
authority  coincided  with  a  remarkable 
development  of  the  temporal  power  of  the 
papacy.  Italy  was  distracted  between  the 
Lombards  and  the  ImperiaUsts,  and  Gregory, 
avaihng  himself  of  a  unique  opportunity,  soon 
won  a  position  that  was  almost  regal.  For 
the  first  time  in  history  the  Pope  appeared 
as  a  poHtical  power.  He  appointed  governors 
to  cities,  issued  orders  to  generals,  provided 
munition  of  war,  sent  ambassadors  to  negoti- 
ate with  the  Lombard  King,  and  even  ventured 
to  conclude  a  private  peace.     He  determined 


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[Gregory 


with  sovereign  authority  what  was  to  be  done 
in  Rome,  and  outside  the  city  he  had  no 
hesitation  in  encroaching  on  the  prerogatives 
of  the  Imperial  government,  which  was  too 
weak  to  prevent  such  invasion  of  its  rights. 
Probably  he  did  not  consciously  aim  at  usur- 
pation ;  circumstances  compelled  liim  to 
assume  the  functions  of  a  secular  potentate. 
But  his  action  created  a  precedent,  of  which 
his  successors  were  not  unwilling  to  avail 
themselves. 

The  first  monk  to  become  Pope,  Gregory 
was  naturall_y  a  zealous  supporter  of  monas- 
ticism.  He  laboured  to  diffuse  the  monastic 
system  by  the  foundation  and  endowment  of 
new  monasteries,  and  undertook  to  reform 
the  older  institutions,  manj^  of  which  were  in 
a  very  unsatisfactory  condition,  by  enforcing 
a  strict  observance  of  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict. 
He  protected  the  monasteries  from  the 
encroachment  of  the  bishops  by  issuing 
privilegia  or  charters  in  restraint  of  abuses, 
whereby  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  in  the 
monasteries  was  confined  strictly  to  spiritual 
matters.  He  further  sought  to  emphasise 
the  distinction  between  monks  and  secular 
clergy,  prohibiting  the  former  from  minister- 
ing in  parish  churches,  and  ordaining  that  a 
monk  who  was  promoted  to  an  ecclesiastical 
cure  should  lose  all  rights  in  his  monastery. 
Two  sUght  innovations  introduced  by  him 
may  be  noticed :  the  minimum  age  of  an 
abbess  was  fixed  at  sixty,  and  the  period 
of  novitiate  was  prolonged  from  one  year 
to  two. 

Gregory  takes  high  rank  among  the  great 
organisers  of  missionary  enterprises  for  the 
conversion  of  heathens  and  heretics.  The 
spread  of  Catholic  Christianity  among  the 
Lombards  is  to  be  attributed  largely  to  his 
influence :  he  took  measures  also  for  the 
suppression  of  paganism  in  Gaul,  Italy,  Sicily, 
Sardinia,  and  Corsica ;  of  Arianism  in  Spain, 
of  Donatism  in  Africa,  of  Manicha^ism  in 
Sicily,  of  the  Schism  of  the  Three  Chapters  in 
Istria  and  Northern  Italy.  Most  important, 
however,  was  the  twofold  mission  to  Britain. 
First  in  596  he  sent  out  a  band  of  monks, 
headed  by  Augustine  (q.v.),  Prior  of  St. 
Andrew's  monastery.  These  missionaries 
do  not  appear  to  have  been  selected  on  ac- 
count of  any  particular  personal  qualifications 
for  the  work.  They  were  utterly  ignorant  of 
the  character  and  customs  of  the  people  to 
whom  they  were  sent,  and  could  not  speak 
a  word  of  their  language.  Further,  by  an 
extraordinary  oversight,  they  seem  to  have 
been  furnished  with  no  written  instructions  or 
even  letters  of  introduction.  After  journey- 
ing as  far  as  Ais  their  courage  failed,  and  they 


sent  Augustine  back  to  Rome  to  beg  that  they 
miglit  be  recalled.  Gregory,  however,  would 
not  allow  the  scheme  to  drop.  He  directed 
them  to  take  some  Franks  to  act  as  inter- 
preters, provided  them  with  letters  of 
recommendation  to  the  chief  persons  in  Gaul, 
and  to  ensure  discipline  among  the  mission- 
aries themselves  appointed  Augustine  abbot, 
and  gave  him  full  authority  over  his  com- 
panions. In  598  Augustine  sent  Laurentius 
and  Peter  to  Rome  to  report  what  had  been 
done,  to  ask  advice  on  certain  difficult  points, 
and  to  request  that  more  workers  might  be 
sent.  Strangely  enough,  Gregory  delayed  no 
less  than  three  years  before  replying.  In 
June  601,  however,  a  fresh  band  of  mission- 
aries set  forth  from  Rome,  bearing,  together 
with  presents,  some  remarkable  letters  from  the 
Pope  to  Bercta,  Aethelberht,  and  Augustine. 
Bercta  was  thanked  for  the  help  she  had  given 
to  the  mission,  and  flattered  with  the  assur- 
ance that  her  good  works  had  attracted  the 
notice  of  the  Emperor  (E'p.,xi.  35);  Aethelberht 
was  urged  to  put  down  the  worship  of  idols 
among  his  people  and  destroy  the  temples 
{Ep.,  xi.  37).  After  the  departure  of  the 
missionaries,  however,  Gregory  changed  his 
mind  on  the  last  point,  and  despatched  a 
courier  after  them  with  fresh  instructions. 
The  idols  were  to  be  destroyed,  but  the 
shrines  were  to  be  purified  with  holy  water 
and  dedicated  to  Christian  worship,  while  the 
heathen  sacrifices  were  to  be  transformed  into 
religiousfeasts(£'p.,xi.  56).  Of  the  three  letters 
to  Augustine  the  first  contains  an  exhortation 
to  the  archbishop  not  to  be  uplifted  on  account 
of  his  gift  of  miracles  {Ep.,  xi.  36) ;  the  second 
confers  on  him  the  pallium  [Pall],  to  be  worn 
only  during  Mass,  and  develops  a  scheme 
for  the  constitution  of  the  English  Church. 
Augustine,  whose  metropolitan  see  is  assumed 
to  be  not  Canterbury  but  London,  was  to 
ordain  twelve  bishops,  who  should  be  subject 
to  his  jurisdiction,  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
island.  Another  bishop  was  to  be  sent  to 
York.  If  the  people  in  that  part  of  the 
country  received  the  Gospel,  the  Bishop  of 
York  was  also  to  consecrate  twelve  suffragans, 
and  act  as  their  metropolitan.  During 
Augustine's  lifetime  all  the  bishops  in  the 
island  were  to  be  subject  to  his  authority, 
but  after  his  death  the  archbishops  of  London 
and  York  were  to  be  independent  of  each 
other,  the  senior  taking  precedence,  but  each 
ruling  in  his  own  province  as  metropolitan, 
each  receiving  the  pallium  from  Rome,  and 
each  being  ordained  by  his  own  suffragans 
{Ep.,  xi.  39).  'J'his  scheme  was  at  the  time 
impracticable,  yet  the  wisdom  with  which  it 
was  conceived  has  since  been  justified.     With 


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[Grindal 


the  substitution  of  Canterbury  for  London, 
and  some  other  inevitable  changes  of  dclail, 
it  represents  in  outHne  the  constitution  of  the 
Enghsli  Church  as  it  is  in  the  present  day. 
The  third  document  addressed  to  Augustine 
was  the  famous  Eesponsa,  consisting  of  replies 
to  a  number  of  questions  on  points  of  ecclesi- 
astical organisation  and  discipline  (£'p. ,  xi.  56« ) . 
With  the  writing  of  these  letters  and  the  send- 
ing of  the  second  band  of  missionaries  Gregory's 
labours  for  the  conversion  of  the  English 
came  to  an  end.  The  English  have  not  been 
unmindful  of  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  they 
owe  to  this  great  Pope.  Already  in  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century  he  was  in- 
voked in  England  as  a  saint,  and  the  Council 
of  Clovesho  decreed  that  the  festival  of  '  our 
father  Gregory  '  should  be  kept  as  a  holiday 
of  obhgation  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  368). 
Among  the  numerous  titles  bestowed  on 
him,  Bede's  designation  of  '  apostle '  is  the 
best  known  and  most  appropriate.  '  For  we 
rightly  may  and  ought  to  call  him  our  apostle, 
because,  whereas  he  bore  the  pontifical 
primacy  in  the  whole  world,  and  was  placed 
over  the  churches  already  converted  to  the 
true  faith,  he  made  our  nation,  till  then 
given  up  to  idols,  a  Church  of  Christ. 
Though  to  others  he  may  not  be  an 
apostle,  yet  he  is  to  us.  For  the  seal  of 
his  apostleship  are  we  in  the  Lord '  (Bede, 
H.E.,  ii.  1). 

Gregory  was  a  prolific  writer.  Among  his 
extant  works  are  more  than  eight  hundred 
etters,  a  commentary  on  Job  in  thirty-five 
books,  a  manual  for  the  use  of  bishops,  a 
collection  of  miraculous  stories  of  saints 
together  with  a  life  of  St.  Benedict,  and  a  large 
number  of  sermons.  Tradition  further  as- 
cribes to  him  a  reform  of  the  Liturgy,  a 
revision  of  the  Antiphonary,  and  the  re- 
vision and  rearrangement  of  the  system  of 
Church  music.  But  as  regards  the  Liturgy 
the  extent  of  his  work  has  undoubtedly  been 
exaggerated.  The  undisputed  Gregorian  in- 
novations amount  only  to  this,  that  he 
ordered  the  Alleluia  after  the  Gradual  to  be 
chanted  more  frequently  than  formerly,  and 
that  he  introduced  two  slight  modifications 
into  the  Canon,  inserting  some  words  into  the 
prayer  Hanc  igitur,  and  altering  the  place  of 
the  Paler  Noster.  Further,  in  the  ceremonial 
of  the  Mass  he  forbade  sub-deacons  to  wear 
chasubles  when  they  proceeded  to  the  altar 
for  the  celebration,  and  forbade  deacons  to 
perform  any  musical  part  of  the  service,  -with 
the  single  exception  of  the  chanting  of  the 
Gospel.  It  is  practically  certain  he  revised 
the  Antiphonary.  1'he  tradition  that  he  was 
the  founder  of  the  Roman  Schola  Cantorum 


has  been  proved  to  be  an  error,  while  the 
attribution  to  him  of  certain  hymns — among 
them  the  familiar  '  Blest  Creator  of  the  light ' 
— is  equally  mistaken. 

Finally,  as  Fourth  Doctor  of  the  Latin 
Church,  Gregory  claims  the  consideration  of 
theologians.  The  last  of  the  great  Latin 
fathers  and  the  first  representative  of  incdi- 
ieval  Catholicism,  he  is  the  link  which  con- 
nects the  theology  of  Tertullian,  Ambrose, 
and  Augustine  with  the  scholastic  speculation 
of  a  later  period.  His  teaching,  indeed,  is  not 
philosophical,  systematic,  or  truly  original. 
Its  importance  Ues  mainly  in  its  simple, 
popular  summarisation  of  the  doctrine  of 
Augustine,  and  in  its  detailed  exposition  of 
various  religious  conceptions  which  were 
current  in  the  Western  Church,  but  which 
had  not  hitherto  been  defined  with  precision. 
In  his  exposition,  e.g^.,  of  the  ideas  of  Purgatory, 
of  the  Eucharistic  Sacrifice,  of  Angels,  of  the 
efficacy  of  relics,  Gregory  made  a  distinct 
advance  upon  the  older  theology,  and  influ- 
enced profoundly  the  dogmatic  development 
of  the  future.  From  his  time  to  that  of 
St.  Anselm  (q.v.)  no  teacher  of  equal  eminence 
arose  in  the  Church. 

While  his  greatness  as  a  man  is  universally 
admitted,  there  are  some  who  call  in  question 
his  greatness  as  a  saint.  Certainly  he  had 
faults.  He  was  harsh  at  times  almost  to 
cruelty.  He  was  inchned  to  be  too  subser- 
vient to  persons  of  rank.  His  flattery  of  the 
murderous  usurper  Phocas  is  repulsive.  Yet 
the  careful  student  of  Gregory's  life  and 
writings  can  scarcely  fail  to  be  impressed  with 
the  nobiUty  of  his  character.  Never  certainly 
was  there  a  more  unselfish  man,  never  one 
more  genuinely  reUgious.  His  faults  were 
in  many  instances  those  of  his  age  ;  his  virtues 
were  his  own.  [f.  h.  d.] 

Works ;  the  complete  works  of  Gres;ory  in 
Migne's  Pat.  Lat.  ;  the  Epistolae  in  the  M.U.  11. , 
Berlin,  1887-99.  The  Pastoral  Care  and  a  selec- 
tion of  the  Letters  have  been  translated  into 
English  in  the  series  of  Nicene  and  Post-Nkene 
Fathers  ;  the  Morals  in  the  Library  of  Fathers. 
See  also  Dialogues  of  St.  Gregory,  ed.  E.  C. 
Gardner ;  the  Whitby  Life  of  Pope  St.  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  ed.  F.  A.  (Jasquet,  London, 
1964  ;  F.  Homes  Dudden,  Gregory  the  Great ; 
T.  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  vol.  v. 
cc.  7-1 « ;  H.  K.  Mann,  The  Lives  of  the 
Popes,  vol.  i.  pp.  l-2r>0  :  F.  Gregorovius,  Home 
in  the  Middle  AgesiKi:.),  vol.  'ii.  pp.  16-103  ; 
E.  G.  P.  Wyatt,  St.  Gregory  and  the  Gregorian 
Music.  For  other  literature  see  0.  Barden- 
liewer,  Patrology  (E.T.),  pp.  655-7. 

GEINDAL,  Edmund  (c  1519-83),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  succeeded  Parker  (q.v.) 
in  1575,  having  been  previously  Bishop  of 
London,  1559-70,  and  Archbishop  of  York, 


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[Grosseteste 


1570-5.  A  Cumbrian  by  origin,  he  was 
educated  at  Cambridge  ;  and  through  the 
patronage  of  Bishop  Ridley  [q.v.)  he  attained 
a  prominent  position,  and  was  hkch'  to  be 
nominated  bishop  by  Edward.  At  Mary's 
accession  he  went  abroad,  and  he  remained 
there  till  January  1559.  On  his  return  he 
came  back  to  his  former  influential  position 
and  reached  the  episcopate.  His  rule,  how- 
ever, in  London  was  lax,  not  through  any 
moral  defects,  but  owing  to  his  sjmipathy 
with  the  recalcitrants,  who,  under  foreign 
influence,  were  opposing  the  Church  settle- 
ment. His  attempts  at  disciphne  were 
therefore  half-hearted.  His  diocese  was  one 
of  the  most  difficTilt  and  most  crucial.  Owing 
to  liis  weakness  and  incapacity  Parker  had 
frequently  to  intervene  ;  and  it  was  thought 
a  good  way  out  of  an  embarrassing  situa- 
tion to  transfer  him  to  York  in  1570.  Here 
the  diocesan's  task  was  to  repress  Recusancy 
rather  than  coerce  Nonconformity,  and 
Grindal  was  more  in  his  element.  But  ill- 
fortune  led  him  to  Canterbury  five  years 
later.  There  were  many  persons  about  the 
court  who  were  anxious  for  a  poUcy  more 
favourable  to  Nonconformity,  and  even  to  the 
nascent  Presbyterian  views,  than  Parker  had 
been.  The  new  archbishop  was  in  a  sense 
their  man  ;  but  some  found  him  too  honour- 
able, some  too  obstinate,  for  their  taste,  and 
he  soon  was  in  trouble  with  the  Queen  be- 
cause of  his  tactless  handhng  of  the  problem 
caused  by  the  clerical  meetings  called 
'  prophesyings.'  On  his  refusal  to  suppress 
these  gatherings  at  the  Queen's  orders  he 
was  suspended  from  the  exercise  of  his  func- 
tions ;  and  though  he  was  allowed  later  to 
undertake  certain  of  his  spiritual  duties  he 
never  recovered  from  the  disgrace,  and  he 
was  about  to  resign  on  account  of  his  bhnd- 
ness  and  failing  health  when  he  died,  6th 
July  1583.  His  career  showed  plainly  the 
futihty  of  the  policy  of  concession  to  the  Non- 
conformist Churchmen  and  others  who  were 
going  further  still  than  they  to  overturn  the 
episcopal  Church  polity.  The  only  possible 
result,  if  it  had  been  successful,  would  have 
been  a  revolution,  which  would  have  been  as 
disastrous  politically  as  ecclesiastically.  In 
private  life  Grindal  made  many  friends,  and 
he  was  graced  by  personal  charm  as  well  as 
piety  and  learning ;  but  his  conscientious- 
ness was  often  misplaced,  and  his  weakness 
of  character  flew  to  obstinacy,  and  thus  the 
hopes  of  his  earlier  years  ended  in  failure. 

[w.  H.  F.] 

Strvpe,  Life ;  W.  H.  Frere,  Hist.  Eng.  Ch., 
1558-1625;  White,  Lives  of  the  Elizabethan 
Bishops ;  Bishop  Creighton  in  D.N.B. 


GEOSSETESTE,  Robert  (1175-1253), 
Bishop  of  Lincoln.  The  character  and  history 
of  Grosseteste  do  not  belie  the  promise  of  his 
name.  Among  the  great  English  churchmen 
of  his  age  he  has  left  the  highest  reputation 
for  dominant  character  and  varied  attain- 
ments. Born  at  Stradbroke,  Suffolk,  of 
humble  parentage,  he  was  a  distinguished 
'  master '  at  Oxford  in  1199.  He  graduated 
also  at  Paris,  studying  there  Hebrew  and 
Greek,  and  returned  to  Oxford,  where  he 
afterwards  became  rector  scholarum,  a  position 
corresponding  to  that  of  the  later  Chancellor. 
Whilst  holding  this  high  office  he  received 
successively  the  archdeaconries  of  Wiltshire, 
Northampton,  and  Leicester,  and  a  prebend 
at  Lincoln — all  of  which,  except  the  last,  he 
resigned  in  1232  owing  to  chronic  iU-health. 

The  main  interest  of  his  Oxford  career 
lies  in  his  relations  with  the  newly  arrived 
Franciscans.  Always  inclined  to  be  critical 
of  the  monks,  Grosseteste  joyfuUy  threw  in 
his  lot  with  the  new  order  of  Friars  {q.v.),  and 
became  the  first  lector  of  their  Oxford  com- 
munity. In  so  doing  he  helped  to  frustrate 
the  purpose  of  St.  Francis,  who  had  hoped  to 
found  a  brotherhood  of  simple,  unlettered 
saints.  The  dangers  of  laziness  were  illus- 
trated by  the  older  Religious  Orders,  and 
Grosseteste  accordingly  encouraged  learning, 
though  he  did  not  cease  to  exhort  the  friars 
to  the  life  of  poverty.  Their  weU-worn  and 
patched  habits  dehghted  him,  and  we  still 
have  one  of  his  sermons  in  praise  of  mendi- 
cancy. The  connection  with  Grosseteste 
was  maintained  after  he  had  left  the  Uni- 
versity, and  the  friars  eventually  received  the 
gift  of  his  library.  To  the  influence  of  their 
great  patron  may  be  attributed  in  part  the 
constitutionaUst  sympathies  of  the  Francis- 
cans in  the  disputes  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

In  1235  the  chapter  of  Lincoln  elected 
Grosseteste  bishop,  and  he  entered  upon 
the  administration  of  the  most  populous 
diocese  in  England,  In  spite  of  the  claims  of 
the  chapter  of  Canterbury,  the  consecration 
took  place  at  Reading.  Henceforward  so 
much  of  his  time  was  spent  in  strenuous 
conflict  with  monastic  bodies,  the  Pope,  and 
sometimes  the  King,  that  Matthew  Paris 
compares  him  to  Ishmael,  with  his  hand 
against  every  man.  These  controversies 
were  largely  concerned  with  monastic  ex- 
emptions from  episcopal  visitation  and  the 
monastic  tenure  of  benefices.  In  1239  the 
chapter  of  Lincoln  disputed  his  right  to 
visit  them,  and  later  produced  a  pretended 
history  of  their  church  in  support  of  their 
contention.  The  question  was  referred  to 
arbitrators,  but  no  decision  was  made,  until 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Grosseteste 


Grosseteste,  followed  in  haste  by  the  dean 
and  some  of  the  canons,  visited  the  Pope  at 
Lyons  in  1244  and  obtained  papal  approval 
of  his  claim.  In  1243  occurred  a  quarrel 
with  the  chapter  of  Canterbur3\  Grosseteste 
in  Iiis  zeal  for  discipline  had  deposed  and 
excommunicated  the  Abbot  of  Bardney  for 
not  answering  a  citation.  As  the  see  of 
Canterbury  was  vacant,  the  abbot  appealed 
to  the  chapter,  who  took  the  opportunity  to 
exercise  metropolitan  rights,  and  excommuni- 
cated the  bishop.  Grosseteste  was  furious. 
'  So  may  these  ever  pray  for  my  soul  to 
eternity,'  was  his  only  comment  upon  the 
sentence.  His  open  defiance  of  the  chapter 
received  the  sanction  of  a  papal  letter 
ordering  the  excommunication  to  be  with- 
drawn. Seven  years  later  Grosseteste  made 
a  second  visit  to  the  papal  court  to  protest 
against  the  appropriation  by  reUgious  houses 
of  the  tithes  belonging  to  benefices  in  their 
gift.  But  the  old  bishop  was  unable  to 
combat  the  venality  of  which  he  accuses 
the  Roman  court,  and  he  returned  to  England 
unsuccessful.  Probably  Matthew  Paris  is 
just  when  he  says  that  Grosseteste  was  unduly 
severe  in  deahng  with  the  monasteries, 
though  he  admits  that  such  severity  arose 
entirely  from  a  sense  of  responsibility  for 
the  souls  entrusted  to  his  care. 

In  his  relations  with  the  apostolic  see 
Grosseteste  is  thoroughly  representative  of 
EngUsh  churchmanship.  His  loyalty  to  the 
Pope  is  shown  in  his  adherence  to  the  un- 
popular constitutions  of  the  legate  Otho, 
although  his  local  sympathies  led  him  to 
protect  the  students  of  Oxford  who  attacked 
the  papal  emissary.  At  the  Council  of 
Merton  he  supported  the  papal  proposals 
against  the  EngHsh  barons.  In  1241  he 
joined  in  sending  a  message  from  several 
bishops  to  the  Emperor  Frederick  ii.,  urg- 
ing him  to  terminate  his  disputes  with  the 
papacy.  But  along  with  his  submission  to  the 
supremacy  of  Rome,  Grosseteste  was  vigorous 
in  resisting  practical  abuses.  The  popes  had 
lately  begun  to  claim  presentations  in 
England  on  a  large  scale,  and  nominated 
Italians,  often  of  unsuitable  character  or 
not  even  in  priests'  orders.  Such  nominees 
Grosseteste  '  hated  as  though  they  were  the 
poison  of  the  serpent.'  In  the  year  of  his 
death  he  refused  to  institute  the  Pope's 
young  nephew,  Federigo  di  Lavagna,  to  a 
canonry  at  Lincoln,  arguing  that  the  papal 
plenitude  of  power  was  for  edification,  not 
destruction.  Again,  in  matters  of  finance 
zeal  for  liberty  caused  him  to  refuse  the  de- 
mands of  the  Pope  in  1244,  unless  the  consent 
of  the  whole  body  of  bishops  was  obtained. 


In  the  poUtics  of  his  age  Grosseteste  played 
a  consistent,  if  inconspicuous,  part.  He  in- 
herited the  traditions  of  Stephen  Langton 
{q.v.)  and  the  Great  Charter,  and  was  the 
friend  and  adviser  of  Simon  de  Montfort. 
The  King  was  to  him  suspect  as  a  lover  of 
foreigners  and  of  arbitrary  power.  Thus  he 
persuaded  Nicholas  of  Farnham  to  accept 
the  bishopric  of  Durham,  lest  the  King 
should  appoint  some  alienigenam  el  degenerem. 
He  engaged  in  several  disputes  with  Henry 
over  Church  appointments  with  varying 
success,  according  as  the  King  received 
papal  support.  The  most  remarkable  case 
concerns  the  sheriff  of  Rutland,  whom 
Grosseteste  ordered  to  arrest  Ranulf,  a  clerk 
of  the  Lincoln  diocese,  deprived  for  incontin- 
ence. The  sheriff  refused  to  intervene,  and 
the  bishop  excommunicated  him.  Where- 
upon the  King  appealed  to  Rome,  and 
received  the  support  of  papal  letters  declaring 
against  the  citation  of  royal  bailiffs  before 
courts  christian  in  secular  matters. 

In  1244  Grosseteste  was  appointed  a 
clerical  representative  to  discuss  the  financial 
needs  of  the  Crown.  In  1252  the  royal 
demand  of  a  tenth,  nominally  for  crusading 
purposes,  met  with  his  vehement  opposition. 
It  mattered  nothing,  he  argued,  what  the 
French  gave  their  King ;  two  cases  would 
create  a  custom,  and  the  precedent  once 
established,  the  power  of  refusing  supply 
would  be  gone.  In  the  same  year  Grosseteste 
joined  in  securing  the  confirmation  of  the 
charters,  and  threatened  excommunication 
against  all  who  should  violate  them. 

In  the  summer  of  1253  his  last  illness  over- 
took him  at  Buckden.  Characteristically  he 
called  to  his  bedside  a  friar,  who  was  at  once 
his  confessor  and  his  medical  adviser.  The 
dying  speeches  attributed  to  him  are  chiefly 
censures  on  his  beloved  friars  for  not  suffici- 
ently combating  heresy,  on  the  corruption 
and  nepotism  of  the  Roman  court,  on  the 
growing  financial  power  exercised  by  the 
Caursins,  on  the  attempted  arbitrary  govern- 
ment of  Henry  in.  He  bewailed  the  growing 
luxury,  and  prophetically  declared  the  signs 
of  coming  strife,  which  should,  however,  free 
the  Church  from  her  bondage  to  the  world. 

At  Grosseteste's  tomb  in  Lincoln  Cathedral 
miracles  were  soon  recorded,  but  repeated 
attempts  to  secure  his  canonisation  failed. 
His  pubUc  career  had  not  recommended  him 
for  papal  approval ;  but  in  England  he  was 
canonised  informally  by  the  people.  Matthew 
Paris  describes  him  as  pleasant  and  jovial 
'  at  the  table  of  bodily  refreshment ;  at  the 
spiritual  table  devout,  tearful,  penitent '  ; 
as  a  bishop  diligent  and  honourable.     Food, 


(255) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Guest 


sleep,  and  merriment  were  his  prescription 
for  bodily  welfare.  The  Monumenta  of  the 
friars  record  the  case  of  a  scrupulous  brother 
who  asked  for  a  penance  and  was  told  to 
drink  a  cup  of  the  best  wine.  '  Dear  brother,' 
said  Grosseteste,  '  if  you  often  performed  a 
penance  like  that  you  would  have  a  better- 
ordered  conscience.'  His  close  relations  with 
Oxford  gave  Grosseteste  frequent  oppor- 
tunities of  befriending  necessitous  students, 
as,  for  instance,  when  he  induced  the  Uni- 
versity to  lend  small  sums  to  its  poorer 
members.  It  is  remarkable  that  Grosseteste 
was  among  the  few  who  appreciated  the  im- 
portance of  Foreign  Missions  {q.v.).  He  told 
the  friars  not  to  mourn  the  departure  of  Adam 
of  Oxford  for  the  East,  for  '  the  hght  of  his 
knowledge  is  so  bright  that  it  ought  to  be 
concentrated  most  where  it  may  dissipate 
the  thick  darkness  of  infidelity.'  He  offered 
himself  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  Saracens, 
if  commanded  by  the  Pope  and  cardinals. 

As  a  man  of  learning,  he  seemed  to  his  own 
age  a  universal  genius  and  magician.  Roger 
Bacon,  who  attended  his  lectures,  says : 
'  One  man  only,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  really 
knew  the  sciences.'  Matthew  Paris  calls  him 
vir  nimis  literatus,  a  primis  annis  scholis 
educatus.  An  enormous  number  of  treatises, 
sermons,  translations,  and  commentaries 
bear  his  name.  He  appears  in  the  r61es  of 
lawyer,  philosopher,  French  poet,  physicist, 
agriculturalist,  as  well  as  theologian.  For 
the  next  two  centuries  his  name  is  frequently 
quoted  as  the  greatest  English  authority  on 
every  subject  of  learning.  Though  more 
interested  in  natural  science,  to  which  he 
apphed  himself  with  diligence  and  honest 
research,  he  supervised  translations  or 
commentaries  on  many  famous  works,  in- 
cluding Aristotle's  Ethics,  his  Physics,  the 
Testament  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  the 
Ignatian  Epistles,  Walter  de  Henley's  treatise 
on  husbandry.  But  this  constituted  only 
one  side  of  a  career  conspicuous  in  the 
active  revival  of  religion  and  the  national 
life ;  as  the  guide  and  counsellor  of  the 
Franciscans  and  the  moral  reformer  of  his 
diocese ;  in  the  forefront  of  the  learning  of 
the  day  as  the  teacher  of  the  young  Univer- 
sity of  Oxford  ;  as  the  nationalist  statesman 
who  used  liis  influence  to  avert  the  threatened 
disruption  of  the  kingdom  and  to  secure  truth 
and  justice  in  the  State,  Grosseteste  is  an 
embodiment  of  the  best  influences  in  the 
pubhc  life  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

[e.  g.  b.  l.] 

Matthew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora ;  Grosse- 
teste, Letters ;  Monumenta  Franciscana,  i. — 
all  in  R.S.  ;  Felten,  Robert  Grosseteste,  Bischof 


■von  Lincoln,  1887 ;  Stevenson,  Robert  Grosse- 
teste ;  Creighton  in  Historical  Lectures  and 
Addresses;  Bigg  in  Wayside  Sketches  in 
Ecclesiastical  History,  1906  ;  H.  R.  Luard  in 
D.N.B. 

GUEST,  Edmund  (c.  1518-77),  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  son  of  Thomas  Guest,  Gheast,  or 
Gest,  of  Northallerton,  Yorks,  but  of  a  Wor- 
cestershire stock,  was  educated  at  York  and 
Eton;  Scholar,  1536;  Fellow,  B.A.  (with 
Aylmer),  1541 ;  M.A.,  1544;  and  Vice-Provost 
of  King's  College,  Cambridge;  B.D.,  1551. 
In  the  University  grace-book  his  name  is  spelt 
'  Gest '  and  '  Jest.'  Fuller  [q.v.)  apparently 
pronounced  it  as  '  guest.'  In  King  Edward's 
time  the  Vice-Provost  came  forward  on  the 
Reformers'  side,  and  dedicated  to  his  Provost, 
Cheke  {q.v.),  the  King's  '  schoolmaster,'  in 
1548  A  Treatise  againste  the  preuee  Masse 
in  behalf e  and  furtheraunce  of  the  mooste  holye 
communyon  (printed  by  T.  Reynold,  8vo). 
On  24th  June  1549  he  took  part  in  the  second 
day's  disputation  before  the  Visitors  of  the 
University.  Dr.  Glyn,  afterwards  Marian 
Bishop  of  Bangor,  maintained  Transub- 
stantiation  and  the  Eucharistic  Sacrifice, 
and  Guest  foUowed  Perne  and  Grindal  [q.v.) 
on  the  Protestant  side,  with  Pilkington  as 
third  opponent,  Ridley  [q.v.)  acting  as 
moderator.  Guest's  argument  has  been 
printed  by  Foxe,  Actes  and  Mon.,  ed.  1610, 
cols.  12586  sqq.  Though  ten  years  later 
Jewel  [q.v.)  on  his  return  to  England  in 
March  1559  could  write  of  him  [Works, 
Parker  Soc,  ii.  p.  1199)  to  P.  Martyr  [q.v.)  as 
'  a  Cambridge  man,  called  Ghest,'  he  was  like 
others  who  took  part  in  those  disputations 
marked  out  for  the  episcopate.  Licensed  to 
preach  in  1551,  he  had  in  1552  a  controversy 
with  Christopher  Carlile  of  Clare  Hall,  who  at 
Cambridge  commencement  in  July  main- 
tained a  position  against  the  Descent  into 
Hell.  Under  Mary  [q.v.)  Guest,  like  Parker 
[q.v.),  remained  in  England  in  concealment, 
and  on  Elizabetli's  accession  he  was  made 
domestic  chaplain  to  the  new  archbishop. 
It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  he  filled 
his  place  at  some  meetings  of  Prayer  Book 
revisers  about  February  1559,  when  illness 
prevented  Parker  from  attending.  An  un- 
dated paper  by  Guest,  which  Cecil  afterwards 
forwarded  to  Parker,  is  among  Parker  MSS. 
(cvi.  art.  137)  at  C.C.C,  Cambridge.  Strype 
[q.v.)  and  others  supposed  it  to  belong  to 
1559,  when  the  Ehzabethan  Prayer  Book 
was  being  drafted.  Dr.  Gee,  Elizabethan 
Prayer  Booh,  has  reprinted  it  (pp.  215-24), 
arguing  that  it  belongs  to  a  stage  in  the 
history  of  the  Second  Book  of  Edward  vr., 
about  March  1552  [ibid.,  p.  50).      The  C.Q. 


(  256  ) 


Hacket] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hampden 


Reviewer  (liv.  p.  346,  July  1902)  maintains 
Strype's  opinion.  Guest  was  prepared  to  take 
part  on  the  Protestant  side  in  the  public  dis- 
putation in  Westminster  Abbey,  March  1559, 
and  he  has  left  writings  on  the  three  questions 
proposed  ;  but  the  proceedings  were  brought 
to  a  close  before  his  turn  came  to  speak. 
Dorman,  a  papist,  in  his  Disproufe  (Antwerp, 
1565)  gives  testimony  to  Guest's  personal 
character  and  (setting  aside  his  so-called 
heretical  opinions)  his  fitness  '  to  beare  the 
office  of  a  true  bisshop.'  Harpsfield  {q.v.) 
being  deprived  after  the  disputation.  Guest 
was  appointed  Archdeacon  of  Canterbury, 
13th  October,  and  Rector  of  Chffe  in  Kent, 
and  when  consecrated  to  the  see  of  Rochester, 
24th  March  1560,  was  allowed  to  hold  these  pre- 
ferments in  commendam.  The  Queen  made 
him  also  "her  almoner;  '  and  he,'  says  Fuller, 
'  must  be  both  a  wise  and  a  good  man  whom 
she  would  trust  with  her  purse.'  He  remained 
unmarried.  He  had  assisted  Parker  with 
the  Articles  of  Religion  {q.v.)  in  1563,  and 
signed  the  xxvru.  on  29th  January.  He 
also  as  a  commissioner  in  causes  ecclesi- 
astical signed  the  Advertisements  [q.v.). 
About  1565  he  prepared  a  conservative 
translation  of  the  Psalms  for  the  Bishops' 
Bible,  which  appeared  in  1568.     In  May  1571 


he  wrote  to  Cecil  (ineffectually),  urging  in 
the  interest  of  peace  and  charity  some  modi- 
fications of  Articles  xvii.,  xxv.,  and  xxvm., 
the  last  of  these  having  been  penned  by  him  in 
its  original  form.  He  desired  also  the  excision 
of  Article  xxix.  [S.P.  Dom.,  Ixsviii.  37).  He 
preached  in  his  cathedral  at  Rochester  in 
favour  of  the  Presence  in  the  Eucharist.  Dr. 
Frere  has  printed  Guest's  Articles  and  Injunc- 
tions for  Rochester  Cathedral  (1565)  and 
diocese  (1565  and  1571),  and  likewise  those  for 
Salisbury  Cathedral  (1574) — Alcuin  Club  Col- 
lection, xvi.  (1910).  After  Jewel's  death  Guest 
was  translated  in  December  1571  to  Sarum. 
He  had  no  trouble  with  Roman  Cathoho 
recusants  in  either  of  his  dioceses,  owing 
presumably  to  his  adherence  to  the  true 
principles  of  the  EngUsh  Reformation.  Ho 
died  at  SaUsbury,  28th  February  1577, 
leaving  to  the  Cathedral  Ubrary,  according 
to  his  epitaph  (which  dates  his  death  in- 
correctly), a  vast  quantity  of  excellent  books, 
some  of  which  Mr,  Maiden  has  identified. 
His  brass  effigy,  showing  a  mild  and  benevo- 
lent countenance,  was  removed  from  the 
choir  in  1684  to  the  south-east  transept. 

[c.  w.] 

H.  Geast  Dugdale,  Life,  18iO;  D.N.B. 


H 


T_TACKET,  John  (1592-1670),  Bishop  of 
■*■  ■■■  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  son  of  a  London 
tailor,  was  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's, 
Strand,  and  educated  at  Westminster  and 
Trinity  CoUege,  Cambridge,  where  he  became 
FeUow.  He  was  ordained  in  1615,  and  soon 
afterwards  became  chaplain  to  Bishop  Williams 
(q.v.),  and  received  among  other  benefices  St. 
Andrew's,  Holborn,  and  Cheam  in  Surrey — 
the  one,  he  was  told,  being  given  for  wealth 
and  the  other  for  health.  He  resided  in 
London  in  the  winter,  and  was  an  active 
parish  priest  and  a  popular  preacher;  a 
large  sum  collected  by  him  to  rebuild  the 
church  was  afterwards  confiscated.  He  was 
appointed  Archdeacon  of  Lincoln  in  1631, 
and  Canon  of  St.  Paul's  in  1641.  He  took 
an  active  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
earlier  sessions  of  the  Long  Parhament  as  a 
representative  of  the  moderate  and  con- 
ciliatory part  of  the  Church,  and  pleaded 
for  the  retention  of  deans  and  chapters,  at 
first  with  success.  He  was  appointed  a 
member  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  of 
divines,     but    soon    retired.     His    Holborn 


living  was  sequestrated,  but  he  was  allowed 
to  retain  Cheam,  and  seems  to  have  con- 
tinued to  use  the  Prayer  Book  publicly,  and 
remained  loyal  to  the  King. 

At  the  Restoration  he  once  more  became 
prominent  as  a  preacher,  and  was  offered  the 
bishopric  of  Gloucester,  which  he  refused,  but 
accepted  that  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield  in 
1661.  The  cathedral  was  in  ruins,  but  he 
set  himself  to  restore  it  with  the  utmost 
energy,  and  raised  a  sum  of  £20,000,  of  which 
he  contributed  £3500  himself.  He  was 
opposed  by  Wood,  the  dean,  whom  he  ex- 
communicated in  consequence.  But  success 
crowned  his  efforts,  and  a  solemn  service  of 
consecration  was  held  on  Christmas  Eve, 
1669.     He  died  on  25th  October  1670. 

[c.  P.  s.  c] 
Plume,  Life  of  Hacket,  ed.  Walcot,  lSti5. 

HAMPDEN,    Renn  Dickson   (1793-1868), 

Bishop  of  Hereford,  was  educated  at  Oriel 
College,  Oxford,  and  became  Fellow,  1814. 
In  1833  he  was  appointed  Principal  of  St. 
Mary    HaU,    Oxford,    where    he    introduced 


R 


(257) 


Hampden] 


Dictionary  of  Eiiglish  Church  History 


[Hampton 


reforms  and  spent  £4000  of  his  own  money 
on  the  buildings.  A  pamphlet  advocating 
the  admission  of  dissenters  to  the  University 
(1834),  but  especially  his  Bampton  Lectures 
of  1832  on  '  The  Scholastic  Philosophy 
considered  in  its  relation  to  Christian  Theo- 
logy,' brought  his  orthodoxy  into  suspicion. 
Their  theme  was  the  injurious  effect  of  the 
survival  of  scholasticism  on  Protestant  truth, 
as  involving  excessive  veneration  for  the 
sacramental  system,  tradition,  and  church 
authority.  The  lectures  were  thought  to 
have  been  inspired  by  Blanco  White,  and  to 
be  heretical  on  the  subjects  of  the  Blessed 
Trinity  and  the  Atonement.  His  appoint- 
ment as  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  in  1836 
met  with  vigorous  opposition,  led  by  J.  H. 
Newman  {q.v.)  and  Dr.  Pusey  {q.v.),  and 
supported  by  Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.),  who  in 
1856  expressed  his  regret  for  his  action. 
'  A  shower  of  pamphlets  .  .  .  descended 
from  Oxford  over  the  land.'  EvangeUcals 
joined  in  the  protests,  but  Lord  Melbourne 
refused  to  let  Hampden  withdraw,  saying: 
'  Be  easy,  Doctor  ;  I  like  an  easy  man.'  A 
statute  to  exclude  the  Professor  from  the 
boards  which  inquired  into  heresy  and 
nominated  select  preachers,  though  delayed 
by  the  proctors,  was  carried  in  Convocation. 
An  attempt  to  repeal  it  in  1842  was  defeated. 
Hampden  was  learned,  but  his  style  was 
obscure  and  his  manner  unattractive ;  '  he 
stood  before  you  like  a  milestone  and  brayed 
at  you  Uke  a  jackass.'  His  dislike  of 
Tractarianism  led  him  in  1842  to  require  a 
Tractarian  candidate  for  the  degree  of  B.D. 
(R.  MacmuUen)  to  maintain  a  low  and 
questionable  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist. 
In  this  act  of  tyranny  he  was  supported  by 
the  courts  {Hampden  v.  MacmuUen,  Notes  of 
Ecd.  and  Mar.  Cas.,  iii.,  supp.  1). 

In  1847  Lord  John  RusseU  raised  a  storm 
of  protest  by  offering  him  the  see  of  Hereford. 
Thirteen  bishops  signed  a  remonstrance.  It 
was  proposed  to  prosecute  Hampden  for  false 
doctrine,  but  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.) 
withdrew  his  consent  to  the  suit.  Evangeli- 
cals and  Liberals  alike  protested  against 
throwing  '  a  fresh  firebrand  into  our  unhappy 
Church.'  But  the  minister,  a  strong  Erastian 
and  Low  Churchman,  intended  the  appoint- 
ment as  a  blow  to  the  High  Church  party, 
and  when  the  Dean  of  Hereford,  Dr.  Mere- 
weather,  protested  that  he  would  not  vote 
in  the  chapter  for  Hampden's  election  to  the 
see,  merely  replied :  '  I  have  had  the  honour 
to  receive  your  letter  of  the  22nd  inst.  in 
which  you  intimate  to  me  your  intention  of 
breaking  the  law.'  Hampden  was  duly 
elected,  the    dean    and    one    canon   voting 


against  him  ;  and  the  election  was  confirmed, 
the  Queen's  Bench  deciding  (though  the 
judges  were  divided)  that  the  vicar-general 
was  right  in  refusing  to  hear  objectors- to  the 
confirmation  ( R.  v.  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
1848,  11  Q.B.  483).  Thus  ended  the  many 
Hampden  controversies.  Henceforth  he  was 
'  buried  alive  '  in  his  diocese,  which  he  ad- 
ministered peaceably  but  without  distinction. 
[Bishops.]  [g.  c] 

Works ;  H.  Hampden,  Memorials  of  Dr. 
HamjKlen  ;  T.  Mozlej',  Reminiscences ;  R.  Jebb, 
The  Case  of  Dr.  Hain2Jden. 

HAMPTON  COURT  CONFERENCE,  The, 

was  called  by  James  i.  in  the  summer  of  1603 
to  give  the  Puritans  an  opportunity  of  dis- 
cussing with  the  bishops  the  reform  of  the 
Church.  In  December  the  Puritan  ministers 
held  a  conference  in  or  near  London  to  decide 
on  their  demands.  The  moderates  defeated 
the  radicals,  who  wished  to  '  modify '  episco- 
pacy sufficiently  to  make  it  Presbyterianism, 
and  pledged  the  speakers  to  ask  simply  for 
the  reform  of  abuses  and  minor  matters. 
The  bishops  spent  the  autumn  preparing  their 
case.  On  14th  January  1603-4,  the  first  day 
of  the  conference,  the  bishops  were  alone  with 
the  King,  and  were  really  forced  to  defend 
themselves.  This,  however,  they  did  to 
James's  satisfaction,  and  agreed  to  reform 
many  abuses.  On  the  second  day,  16th 
January,  the  majority  of  the  bishops  in 
committee  drew  up  in  form  the  points  con- 
cluded at  the  first  day's  debate  mth  the 
King,  while  Bancroft  {q.v.).  Bishop  of  London, 
and  Bilson,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  aided  by 
several  deans,  debated  the  question  of  reform 
mth  five  Puritans — Reynolds,  Spark,  Chader- 
ton,  Knewstubbs,  and  Feilde.  As  spokesman, 
Reynolds  demanded  purity  of  doctrine,  an 
able  clergy,  the  government  of  the  Church 
'  sincerely  ministered  according  to  God's 
word,'  and  the  correction  of  the  errors  in  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  and  the  amendment 
of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles.  All  these  points 
he  elaborated  at  great  length,  insisting  para- 
doxically that  they  were  things  of  no  import- 
ance which  it  was  highly  essential  to  change. 

Bancroft,  with  great  keenness  of  insight, 
tore  the  thin  mask  from  these  demands. 
What  they  asked  really  included,  he  said,  the 
adoption  of  the  full  Calvinistic  doctrine  of 
predestination,  thus  abandoning  the  position 
the  EngUsh  Church  had  always  held.  The 
change  desired  in  confirmation  was  meant  to 
place  in  the  hands  of  the  ordinary  clergy  the 
right  to  confirm,  and  hence  the  right  to  admit, 
new  members  to  the  Church.  To  declare 
that  the  minister's  intentions  were  not  of  the 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Heath 


essence  of  the  Eucharist,  as  Reynolds  asked, 
was  to  permit  the  Puritan  clergy  to  administer 
to  tlieir  flocks  a  sacrament  which  they  did  not 
bcHeve  was  a  sacrament  at  all,  which,  how- 
ever, they  must  perform  in  order  legally  to 
hold  their  cures.  To  say  that  they  might 
perform  the  highest  rite  in  the  ritual  without 
beheving  it  was  to  sanction  the  violation  of 
the  law  of  the  Church  in  its  most  essential 
point.  An  addition  to  the  Catecliism  and  a  new 
translation  of  the  Bible  were  readily  granted. 
But  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism  James 
dcchned  to  omit,  and  he  flatly  told  the  Puri- 
tans that  he  and  the  bishops  desired  a  learned 
clergy  as  much  as  any  Puritan,  but  that  with- 
out better  incomes,  better  clergy  were  not  to 
be  hoped  for.  He  added  that  he  thought  all 
these  requests  slight  and  unimportant. 

Nettled  at  last  by  this  reception,  Reynolds 
finally  brought  forth  the  radical  proposals, 
and  asked  for  the  modification  of  episcopacy. 
He  asked  that  the  bishops  and  archdeacons 
should  share  their  functions  with  a  council  of 
learned  ministers.  The  archdeacon's  visita- 
tion would  thus  become  a  classis,  the  bishop's 
a  provincial,  and  the  archbishop's  a  national 
synod.  Hence,  without  changing  the  law 
of  the  Enghsh  Church,  the  substance  of  the 
true  Church  government  instituted  by  Christ 
could  be  introduced.  James  had  had  too 
much  experience  of  Scottish  presbyters  not 
to  see  the  meaning  of  this  proposal,  and  told 
Reynolds  he  would  never  grant  it  till  he  was 
'  pursy  and  fat.'  Rising,  he  said  that  if  this 
was  all  the  Puritans  had  to  say  he  saw  no 
crying  need  for  reform  ;  they  should  conform, 
or  he  would  '  harry  them  out  of  the  land.' 
So  ended  the  second  day. 

On  18th  January,  the  third  day,  a  large 
and  imposing  assembly  of  dignitaries  met, 
and  James,  presiding,  first  listened  to  reports 
from  the  various  committees  of  the  points 
to  be  reformed.  (A  list  of  them  is  in  Prothero, 
Statutes  and  Const.  Documents,  416.)  Then 
the  Puritan  advocates  were  called,  who  came 
accompanied  by  a  representative  group 
(thirty-two  in  all)  of  the  most  prominent  of 
the  p  vrty  from  all  over  England.  The  royal 
decisions  were  announced,  they  promised  to 
obey  them,  the  King  agreed  to  tolerate  tender 
consciences  for  a  while,  and  the  Conference 
ended.  The  positive  result  of  the  Conference 
itself  was  a  list  of  points  which  several  com- 
mittees of  the  bishops  and  privy  councillors 
were  to  put  into  execution,  and  later,  in  1611, 
the  so-called  Authorised  Version.  [Bible, 
English.]  [r.  Q.  u.] 

Barlow,  Summe  and  Substance  of  the  Con- 
ference ;  IJslier,  Reconstruction  of  the  £ng.  Ch.  ; 
Cardwell,  Conferences. 


HARPSFIELD,  Nicholas  (c.  1510-75),  was 
the  younger  and  more  distinguished  of  two 
brothers  who  held  high  ecclesiastical  office 
in  Mary's  reign.  Both  were  Wykehamists, 
Oxonians,  and  learned  writers ;  ijut  while 
John  (1510-78),  the  elder,  went  into  retire- 
ment soon  after  Elizabeth's  accession,  pub- 
lished nothing  further,  and  took  no  part  in 
controversy,  Nicholas,  who,  being  Archdeacon 
of  Canterbury  had  earned  an  unenviable 
reputation  as  an  ecclesiastical  judge,  became 
one  of  the  chief  disputants  on  the  Conserva- 
tive side.  His  life  was  spent  in  prison  from 
his  arrest,  while  attempting  to  escape  abroad, 
in  August  1559  to  his  death ;  but  he  wrote 
considerably  nevertheless.  Some  of  his 
books  were  published  by  friends,  e.g.  his 
Dialogi  by  Cope  and  his  Defence  of  Fecken- 
ham  [q.v.)  by  Stapleton  ;  others  only  appeared 
after  his  death,  or  remain  still  in  MS.  His 
earlier  work,  a  treatise  on  Henry's  first 
divorce,  is  of  considerable  historic  value. 

[w.  H.  F.] 

Pocock,  iutrod.  to  Harpsfield's  Treatise  on  the 
pretended  Divorce  (G.S. ).  Catholic  Rec.  Society, 
Misc.,  i.  41,  48,  53. 

HEATH,  Nicholas  (c.  1501-78),  Archbishop 
of  York ;  after  being  appointed  Archdeacon  of 
Stafford  in  1534  was  in  1535  sent  with  Edward 
Fox,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  to  the  princes  of 
the  Smalcaldic  League  to  negotiate  for  a 
doctrinal  alliance  between  them  and  Henry 
vm.  The  mission  failed,  but  Heath's 
'  humanity  and  learning  '  made  a  favourable 
impression.  [Reunion  with  the  Foreign 
Reformed.]  In  1539  he  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Rochester,  and  in  1543  translated 
to  Worcester.  In  Edward  vi.'s  reign  the 
devastation  of  altars  and  churches  induced 
liim,  like  many  others,  to  turn  back  to  the 
Conservative  side.  In  1548  he  attacked  in 
the  House  of  Lords  the  manner  in  which  the 
First  Prayer  Book  treated  the  doctrine  of 
the  Mass.  Yet  in  1551  he  was  one  of  the 
commission  appointed  to  draw  up  the  new 
Ordinal,  wliich,  when  finished,  he  refused  to 
endorse,  though  he  professed  himself  ready 
to  use  it.  He  was  consequently  imprisoned, 
and  eventually  deprived,  but  was  allowed  to 
live  in  the  house  of  Ridley  (q.v.). 

On  Mary's  accession  he  was  restored,  and 
in  1555  translated  to  York,  where  he  procured 
the  return  of  much  of  the  former  property  of 
the  see.  In  1556  he  became  Lord  Chancellor, 
in  which  capacity,  on  Mary's  death,  he  pro. 
claimed  EUzabeth  '  undisputed  heir '  to  the 
Grown.  Soon  afterwards  he  resigned  the 
seal,  and  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  a  layman, 
became  Lord  Keeper,  an  appointment  signifi- 


(  259  ) 


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[Henry 


cant  of  the  difference  in  policy  of  the  two 
Queens.  Heath  did  his  best  to  go  with  the 
new  order,  but  the  Royal  Supremacy  {q.v.), 
even  in  the  modified  form  in  which  Elizabeth 
exercised  it,  was  more  than  he  could  approve. 
Speaking  on  the  Supremacy  BUI  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  he  admitted  that  to  withdraw 
obedience  from  Paul  iv.,  'a  very  austere  stern 
father  unto  us,'  was  a  comparatively  unim- 
portant matter.  But  the  title '  Supreme  Head,' 
then  proposed,  was  one  which  Parhament 
could  not  confer  nor  the  Queen  receive 
(Strype,  Atmals,  I.  ii.  399).  He  had  already 
refused  to  officiate  at  Elizabeth's  coronation, 
and  now  became  the  leader  of  the  main  body 
of  Marian  prelates  who  dechned  the  Supre- 
macy Oath.  He  was  deprived  in  July  1559, 
but  after  three  years'  imprisonment  (June 
1560  to  September  1563)  was  allowed  to  retire 
to  his  house  at  Chobham,  Surrej^  where  he 
lived  '  many  years  in  great  quietness  of  mind 
to  my  singular  comfort.'  He  was  included 
in  the  official  returns  as  a  recusant,  and  Mass 
was  known  to  be  said  at  his  house.  But  he 
was  apparently  not  molested,  and  Elizabeth 
occasionally  visited  him.  [w.  H.  F.] 

Bridgett,    Catholic    Hierarchy,    vii.  ;     Burt, 
Elizabethan  Religious  Settlement ;  iJ.N.B. 

HENRY  VIII.  (1491-1547),  King  of  England, 
born   at   Greenmch,   28th  June,   was   third 
child  and  second  son  of  Henry  vii.  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter  of  Edward  iv., 
and    thus    in    his    person    united    the    rival 
houses    of    York    and    Lancaster.     He    was 
baptized  at  Greenwich  in  the  Church  of  the 
Friars'    Observants    (reformed    Franciscans, 
then  and  earUer  an  order  specially  beloved 
by  the  Tudors)   by   Bishop   R.   Fox   {q.v.). 
In  pursuance  of  his  policy  of  keeping  the 
great  offices  out  of   the  hands  of  the  old 
nobility   and   conferring   them   on   his   sons 
(the  work  being  done  by  capable  dignitaries, 
civil  servants  of  less  exalted  rank),  Henry 
vu.  made  the  baby  prince,  1492,  Warden  of 
the  Cinque  Ports  ;    1494,  Lord  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland    (where    Sir    E.    PojTiings    was    his 
Deputy) ;  and  December  1494,  Warden  of  the 
Scottish  Marches.     Brought  up  strictly  by 
clever  parents,  Henry  was  from  his  very  early 
years  carefully  educated.     Erasmus,  writing 
1st  April  1529,  bears  clear  witness  to  Henry's 
intellectual  ability  and  training   {Epistolae, 
London,  1642,  p.    1269),    'puellus    admodum 
stvdiis    admotus    est.     He    was    trained    in 
Mathematics     and     spoke     Latin,     French, 
Spanish,  and  a  little  Itahan.     In  1499,  when 
only  eight,  his  writing  astonished  Erasmus, 
and  the  precocious  boy  sent  the  great  scholar 
a  note  challenging  something  from  his  pen. 


All  his  life  he  was  devoted  to  music ;  when 
four  years  old  (1495)  he  had  a  band  of 
minstrels  of  his  own,  distinct  from  those  of 
his  father  and  elder  brother.  He  practised 
the  art  he  so  much  loved,  and  played  on  the 
lute,  the  organ,  and  the  harpsichord.  He 
brought  to  England  the  organist  of  St. 
Mark's,  Venice,  one  Dionysius  Memo,  and 
on  one  occasion  listened  to  an  organ  recital 
by  him  for  four  hours  without  a  break. 
Henry  was  also  a  composer  (vocal  and 
instrumental  pieces  of  his  composition  are 
among  the  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum), 
and  one  of  his  anthems,  '  O  Lorde,  the  Maker 
of  aU  thyng,'  is  still  sung  in  EngUsh  cathedrals. 
Henry  was  also  remarkable  for  his  prowess 
as  an  athlete.  Erasmus,  in  the  letter  above 
quoted,  witnesses  to  it.  In  riding,  tilting, 
wresthng,  and  archery,  Henry  was  among  the 
foremost  in  his  realm.  Hunting  was  a  passion 
with  him,  and  he  would  tire  eight  or  ten  horses 
in  the  day,  stationed  beforehand  along  the 
Une  of  country  he  meant  to  take ;  and  Gius- 
tiniani,  the  Venetian  ambassador,  in  a  secret 
despatch  of  1519,  describes  also  Henry's 
'  extravagant  fondness  for  tennis — at  which 
game  it  is  the  prettiest  thing  in  the  world  to 
see  him  play,  his  fair  skin  glowing  through  a 
shirt  of  the  finest  texture.' 

The  story  that  Henry  was  intended  by  his 
father  for  high  ecclesiastical  office  and  was 
therefore     specially     trained     in     theology, 
appears  to  rest  only  on  the  authority  of  Lord 
Herbert  of  Cherbury,  whose  life  of  Henry  was 
published,    1649,   and  is  probably  only   an 
inference    from    the    King's    theological    in- 
terests.    These    were    throughout    his    life 
considerable.  According  to  the  contemporary, 
Polydore  Vergil,  Wolsey  induced  Henry  to 
study   St.    Thomas   Aquinas.     In    1518   the 
King    appears   to    have    defended    '  Mental 
and   ex  tempore  Prayer'    as    against    those 
who  confined  their  devotions  to  fixed  forms, 
and    in    1521     he    composed    his    treatise, 
Assertio  Septem  Sacramentontm,  in  reply  to 
Luther,   and  the  work   is   no  contemptible 
performance.     On  11th  October  1521  Leo  x. 
gave  him   the   title   Fidei   Defensor  for   his 
book   against   Luther.     Henry   had   pressed 
for    some    such    title    as    early    as     1515, 
and  in  January  1516  he  had  suggested  that 
particular  title  (Pollard,   107).     Henry  dis- 
played his  theological  side  in  his  examination 
of  Lambert  (or  Nicholson)  at  his  trial  for 
heresy,  November   1537,  and,  according  to 
CromweU  {q.v.),  '  benignly  essayed  to  convert 
the  miserable  man  '  to  belief  in  the  corporeal 
presence  in  the  Eucharist.     The  later  formu- 
laries of  his  reign  (the  Articles  of  1536,  the 
Bishops'  Book,  1537,  and  the  so-caUed  King's 


(  260  ) 


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[Henry 


Book,  1543)  doubtless  owe  something  to  his 
interest  in  the  subject.  The  last  contains  a 
preface  by  the  Iving,  in  which,  after  a  brief 
and  excellent  summary  of  the  Christian  faith 
as  expounded  in  the  book,  he  warns  his  people 
that  the  reading  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment is  '  not  so  necessary  for  all  those  folks  ' 
who  belong  to  the  class  that  needs  teaching. 
They  arc  to  hear  and  not  to  read ;  and  the 
King  concludes  his  warning  by  insisting  on 
his  own  interpretation  of  the  text :  '  Blessed 
are  they  that  hear  the  Word  of  God  and 
keep  it,'  i.e.  hearing  the  doctrine,  not 
reading  the  Scriptures,  is  best  for  most  men. 
Henry  was  reckoned  religious  by  some 
observers.  '  Very  rehgious,'  Giustiniani  calls 
him  in  1519,  and  describes  how  he  used  to 
hear  three  Masses  on  the  days  on  which  he 
hunted,  and  sometimes  five  on  other  days,  and 
he  used  to  attend  the  Office,  i.e.  Vespers  and 
CompUne,  in  the  Queen's  chamber.  To  the 
end  of  his  life  '  Henry  seldom  neglected  to 
creep  to  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday,  to  serve 
the  priest  at  Mass,  and  to  receive  holy  bread 
and  holy  water  every  Sunday  '  (Pollard,  388, 
quoting  L.  and  P.,  xiv.  i.  967).  Nicolas 
Sander  in  his  De  Schismate  Anglicano  (ed. 
1628,  p.  166)  admits  that  Henry  '  always  held 
the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  in  the 
highest  honour,'  and  relates  how  when  a 
Uttle  before  his  death  he  was  about  to  com- 
municate, and  finding  it  extremely  difficult  to 
rise  from  his  chair  and  kneel, '  the  Zwinghans 
around  him  were  assuring  him  that  in  his 
state  of  health  he  might  communicate 
sitting,  the  King  rephed  that  if  he  did  not 
cast  himself  to  the  earth  before  the  most  holy 
sacrament,  he  should  be  derogating  from  its 
due  honour.'  But  in  the  sixteenth  century 
orthodoxy  of  beUef  and  practice  did  not 
necessarily  involve  a  Christian  purity  of  life. 
Henry  had  been  brought  up  in  a  good 
home,  and  the  married  life  of  his  parents 
was  a  model  of  happiness  and  fidehty.  Ho 
himself  married  on  11th  June  1509  (he  had 
succeeded  to  the  Crown  on  22nd  April) 
Kathcrine,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
of  Castile  and  Aragon,  the  nominal  ^vidow  of 
his  brother  Arthur,  who  had  died  in  April 
1502.  At  the  time  of  her  union  with  Henry, 
Katherine  was  twenty-four  and  Henry  not 
quite  eighteen,  and  she  was  sufficiently 
beautiful  for  the  King  to  be  very  much  in  love 
with  her.  The  first  years  of  their  married 
life  were  years  of  real  happiness.  Doubtless 
if  Katherine  had  possessed  tact  she  would 
have  kept  her  husband's  love.  Unfortunately 
for  her,  her  lack  of  tact  made  her  imablc  to 
manage  him  (as  Katherine  Parr  did  in  later 
years),  and    more    than    once    she  seriously 


wounded  his  vanity,  and  to  do  so  was  to 

invite  his  jealousy  and  dislike.  The  marriage 
was  singularly  unfortunate  in  another  respect. 
By  June  1514  she  had  borne  the  King  three 
sons  and  a  daughter,  but  they  were  either 
born  dead  or  survived  their  birth  only  a  few 
days.  A  fourth  son  was  born  prematurely  at 
the  end  of  the  year,  dead — a  fact  Peter 
Martyr  attributed  to  the  King's  brutality 
to  the  Queen  at  the  time,  as  he  vented  on  her 
his  rage  with  her  father.  In  February  1516  a 
daughter,  Mary,  was  born.  In  the  next  year 
the  Queen  seems  to  have  had  a  miscaiTiago ; 
and  in  November  1518,  when  Henry  was  again 
hoping  for  a  male  heir,  a  daughter  was  born 
dead.  This  was  the  last  of  Katherine's 
children.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Henry's  desire  for  a  male  heir  to  continue 
the  direct  succession  was  a  serious  passion 
with  him. 

Henry,  despite  his  high  interests,  was  not 
a  faithful  husband,  and  the  best  that  his 
apologists  urge  for  him  is  that  he  was  not  as 
licentious  as  his  contemporaries.  Yet  he  fell 
immeasurably  below  the  standard  set  him 
by  his  father,  or  by  his  friend.  Sir  Thomas 
More  {q.v.).  As  early  as  1510  scandal  con- 
nected his  name  with  a  married  sister  of  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham.  In  October  1513  he 
brought  back  with  him  from  Calais  Bessie 
Blount  (daughter  of  Sir  John  Blount),  a 
maid  of  honour  to  Katherine,  and  gave  her  a 
splendid  estabhshment  at  New  Hall  in  Essex. 
She  bore  him  a  son,  Henry  Fitzroy,  1519,  who 
was  created  Duke  of  Richmond.  About 
1521  Mary  Boleyn,  sister  of  Anne  Boleyn, 
became  his  mistress,  and  in  1533  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk  told  the  Imperial  ambassador, 
Chapuys,  that  Henry  had  always  been  in- 
clined to  amours  [L.  and  P.,  vi.  241),  and  even 
in  1515  it  was  said  that '  he  cared  only  for  girls 
and  hunting '  {L.  and  P.,  ii.  1105).  In  this 
connection  an  odious  story,  still  cuiTent  (cf. 
Lewis,  Introduction  to  Sander's  Rise  a)id 
Progress  of  the  Anglican  Schis^n,  1877), 
alleges  that  Henry  was  himself  the  father 
of  Anne  Boleyn.  It  was  stated  by  Sander 
in  his  book,  on  tlu;  authority  of  Mr. 
Justice  Rastall,  a  brother-in-law  of  Sir  T. 
More;  but  it  had  an  earlier  currency,  as  some 
such  story  was  being  repeated  in  England 
in  1533  (Pocock,  Records  of  the  Reformation, 
ii.  468 ;  Brewer,  Henry  VIII.,  ii.  240  n.). 
Henry  himself  denied  it  to  Sir  George 
Thrograorton,  though  he  admitted  his  affinity 
to  Anne  through  his  connection  with  her 
sister.  Mary  Boleyn  was  man-ied  later 
to  one  of  Henry's  courtiers,  Sir  W.  Cary, 
who  died  1528.  Notwithstanding  his  grosser 
pleasurss,     Henry    was    a     keen     man     of 


(261) 


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[Henry 


business,    and    even    under    Wolsey    {q.v.) 
took    a     large    share    in    foreign    politics ; 
but  after  1525,  when  Francis  i.  was  captured 
at   Pa  via    by    Charles    v.,    foreign    politics 
ceased    to    be    interesting.      Wolsey's    own 
policy  of  the  balance  of  power  had  become 
impossible,  and  the  King   turned  to  other 
subjects.     Uppermost   was   the   question   of 
his  wife.     It  was  now  certain  that  he  could 
no  longer  hope  for  a  male  heir,  and  Katherine 
herself    was    becoming    repugnant    to    him. 
Since  1524  (so  he  told  GrjTiacus   in   1.531 ; 
Brewer,  ii.  162,  n.  2)  he  had  ceased  to  treat 
her  as  his  wife,  and  he  began  to  develop 
scruples  as  to  the  legaUty  of  his  marriage. 
Brewer  supposed  that  the  matter  began  to 
be  discussed  secretly  by  tlie  King  in  1525 
and  1526,  but  it  is  now  clear  that  he  mis- 
Tinderstood  a  reference  to  islud  benedictum 
divortkim   (Pollard,    197,    n.    1).      How   the 
doubts   arose   is   not  known.      Shakespeare 
records  the  tradition   that   they   were   sug- 
gested to  Henry  by  his  confessor,  Longland, 
Bishop    of   Lincoln    (1521-47).     Henry    told 
the  Lord  Mayor  and  aldermen  of  London 
later  that  they  arose  from  the  death  of  his 
children,  together  with  his  own  Bible  reading. 
In  1527  Henry  and  Wolsey  both  stated  that 
doubts    as    to    the    validity   of    the    King's 
marriage  had  been  suggested  by  a  French 
envoy,  the  Bishop  of  Tarbes,  when  concluding 
a  treaty  which  involved  the  marriage  of  the 
Princess  Mary  and  Francis  i.     Whatever  the 
origin,  on  17th  May  1527,  with  great  secrecy,  a 
trial  was  held  before  Wolsey  as  legate  and 
Archbishop  Warham  (q.v.)  as  assessor,  at  which 
Henry  appeared  to  answer  a  charge  of  living 
with  his  brother's  wife.     The  court  came  to 
no  decision,  and  Katherine  never  knew  of  it. 
Henry  opened  negotiations  with  Rome  on 
his  own  account  apart  from  Wolsey,  and  in 
1528    sought  a  dispensation    '  to  have    two 
wives  ' ;    '  whereof   some  great  reasons  and 
precedents    appear,    especially    in    the    Old 
Testament'  {L.  and  P.,  iv.  2157  and  2161). 
This  clumsy  device  was  bound  to  fail,  but 
Wolsey    succeeded    fn    gaining    a    Legatinc 
Court  in  England  to  try  the  case  under  a 
decretal  commission,  i.e.  a  commission  laying 
down  the  law  by  which  the  case  was  to  be 
determined,  without  further  appeal.    To  hold 
this    court    Cardinal    Campeggio    {q.v.)    was 
associated  with  Wolsey,  and  reached  London 
on  28th  October  1528.     The  court  began  its 
sessions  in  the  great  hall  of  the  Black  Friars 
in  London,  31st  May   1529,  and  sat  inter- 
mittently until  23rd  July,  when  it  was  sup- 
posed  that   sentence  would    be   given ;    but 
following    the    use    of    the   Roman   courts, 
Campeggio  adjourned  it  for  the  summer  until 


1st  October.  Meanwhile  Pope  Clement  vn. 
had  made  up  his  mind  to  become  an  Imperial- 
ist, and  on  15th  July  revoked  the  cause  to 
Rome.  The  immediate  result  was  the  faU  of 
Wolsey,  who  was  charged  with  Praemunire  in 
October,  and  stripped  of  most  of  his  posses- 
sions. The  question  was  complicated  by 
Henry's  passion  for  Anne  Boleyn  (a  lady  of 
the  court  and  sister  of  his  former  mistress). 
Some  sixteen  of  his  love-letters  to  her  survive, 
written  in  the  period  1527  to  December  1528 
(printed  in  the  Harleian  Misc.,  iii.  45,  and  in 
The  Pamphleteer,  1823,  vols.  xxi.  and  xxii.). 
These  documents — now  in  the  Vatican — 
are  disgraced  by  some  gross  allusions,  and  are 
discreditable  alike  to  the  ^vriter  and  to  the 
lady  who  received  them.  After  the  break  up 
of  the  Legatine  Court  Henry  was  at  first  at 
a  loss,  but  finally  entered  upon  a  policy  of 
coercing  the  Pope  and  the  English  Church. 
His  greatest  tour  de  force  was  when  he 
accused  the  whole  English  Church  clergy  and 
then  the  laity  of  Praemunire  for  acquiescing 
in  Wolsey's  legatine  authority  in  December 
1530.  Henry  himself  had  caused  the  Prae- 
munire, had  clamoured  for  Wolsey  to  be 
made  legate,  and  in  1528  had  prayed  for  a 
Legatine  Court  to  try  his  own  case,  and  had 
pleaded  before  it.  Yet  in  1530  he  was  the 
only  man  in  the  realm  not  guilty  of  Prae- 
munire. His  use  of  the  statute  was  char- 
acteristic :  '  It  was  conservative,  it  was  legal, 
and  it  was  unjust '  (Pollard,  284). 

The  result  of  this  action  was  the  recognition 
of  the  Royal  Supremacy  {q.v.)  by  the  Convo- 
cations. In  November  1532  Henry  was 
married  to  Anne  Boleyn,  probably  by  George 
Brown,  a  Franciscan  friar  {Edinburgh  Review, 
January  1886),  and  she  was  crowned  at  West- 
minster, 31st  May  1533.  On  7th  September 
1533  her  daughter  Elizabeth  was  born  at 
Greenwich  (her  birthday  seems  to  have  been 
the  cause  of  the  addition  of  the  Festival  of 
St.  Enurchus  to  the  Enghsh  Calendar  in 
1604,  as  during  her  reign  the  day  was  probably 
a  holiday).  On  23rd  May  1533  Cranmer  {q.v. ) 
had  declared  the  marriage  between  Henry  and 
Katherine  void  db  initio,  and  on  28th  May  he 
pronounced  that  with  Anne  Boleyn  good  and 
lawful.  Henry  had  treated  Katherine  with 
singular  callousness.  Until  14th  July  1531 
he  had  been  to  see  her  every  three  days,  but 
on  that  date  he  left  Windsor  without  bidding 
her  farewell,  and  never  saw  her  again.  He 
bade  her  withdraw  to  various,  somewhat 
malarious,  manor-houses  in  turn,  took  her 
daughter  Mary  from  her,  and  never  allowed 
them  to  meet  again.  At  Rome,  11th  July 
1533,  the  marriage  with  Anne  was  declared 
void,  and  on  23rd  March  1534  Clement  vn. 


(  ^62.) 


Henry] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Henry 


declared  that  with  Katharine  to  be  legal. 
After  the  birth  of  Elizabeth,  Queen  Katherine 
was  declared  Princess  Dowager  of  Wales,  and 
the  Princess  Mary  lost  her  title  and  pre- 
eminence. On  7th  January  1536  Katherine 
died  at  Kimbolton,  conscious,  dignified,  and 
devout  to  the  end.  The  story  that  she  wrote 
at  the  last  a  touching  letter  to  Henry  is  a 
pure  invention.  When  the  news  of  her  death 
reached  Henry  he  and  Anne  dressed  them- 
selves in  yellow,  and  the  King  danced  with 
the  ladies  of  the  court  '  like  one  mad  with 
delight.'  Katherine's  request  to  be  buried 
among  the  Franciscan  Observants  was 
neglected,  and  her  body  was  laid  in  the 
Benedictine  abbey  church  of  Peterborough. 

From  1534  the  breach  with  Rome  -nddened, 
and  in  1535  a  reign  of  terror  began.  Sir 
T.  More  and  Bishop  Fisher  were  executed,  and 
Henry  reached  a  height  of  absolutism  un- 
kno^vn  in  previous  history.  On  2nd  May 
1536  Anne  Boleyn  was  arrested  on  charges 
of  incest  and  adultery,  and  after  a  trial  before 
her  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  twenty- 
six  peers,  was  found  giiUtj%  and  executed 
on  19th  ^la.y.  Two  days  before  Cranmer 
declared  in  a  formal  court  at  Lambeth  the 
marriage  between  her  and  Henry  to  be 
utterly  null  and  void  ah  initio,  and  by  an 
Act  of  1536  the  Princess  EUzabeth  was 
declared,  Hke  Mary,  illegitimate.  Henry  was 
now  '  a  Christian  bachelor,  mishandled  by 
fate '  (H.  A.  L.  Fisher).  He  had  in  appearance 
been  married  some  twenty-seven  years,  and 
had  begotten  two  daughters,  but  so  far  was 
appearance  from  reahty  that  Cranmer  de- 
cided that  he  had  never  yet  been  legally 
married,  and  was  stiU  without  la-o^ul  off- 
spring. On  the  day  of  Anne's  execution 
Henry  received  a  dispensation  to  marry 
Jane  Seymour,  one  of  the  maids  of  honour ; 
next  day  they  were  secretly  betrothed,  and 
were  married  on  30th  May.  Jane  Seymour 
is  the  one  Queen  of  Henry  whom  all  unite 
in  praising,  save  Alexander  Aless,  a  Scots 
reformer,  who  denounced  her  as  '  an  enemy 
to  the  Gospel.'  Cardinal  Pole  described  her 
as  '  fuU  of  goodness,'  and  she  did  much  to 
alleviate  the  hard  lot  of  the  Princess  Mary. 
She  exercised  no  poUtical  power,  and  died 
twelve  days  after  giving  birth  to  a  son, 
Edward  \^.,  at  Hampton  Court,  24th  October 
1537. 

Henry's  health  was  now  (1538)  bad.  He 
had  a  fistula  in  one  leg,  his  face  at  times  grew 
black,  and  he  himself  speechless  from  pain. 
He  proceeded,  however,  with  the  Dissolution 
of  the  Monasteries  {q.v.)  and  with  overtures 
to  the  reforming  princes  of  the  Empire.  In 
1539  he  resolved  to  marry  Anne  of  Cleves 


with  a  view  to  strengthening  bis  position 
in  Europe.  She  was  thirty-four  years  old, 
a  plain,  heavy  woman,  destitute  of  every 
accomplishment  save  needlework,  and  know- 
ing no  language  but  her  own.  Henry  married 
her  most  unwillingly  on  6th  January  1540, 
caUing  her  (so  Burnet  alleges)  '  no  better  than 
a  Flanders  mare.'  The  result  of  the  wedding 
was  the  fall  and  death  of  Cromwell  {q.v.)  in 
July  1540,  and  on  7th  July  1540  the  united 
Convocations  declared  the  marriage  between 
Henry  and  Anne  of  Cleves  null  and  void,  on 
the  ground  of  her  precontract  and  Henry's 
defective  intention.  Anne  was  pensioned, 
and  was,  wrote  Marillac,  the  French  am- 
bassador, in  August  1540,  '  as  joyous  as  ever, 
and  wears  new  dresses  every  day.'  She 
lived  happily  in  England  until  her  death  in 
1557.  On  28th  July  1540  Henry  married  a 
young  girl,  Katherine  Howard,  niece  of  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk.  His  old  spirits  returned, 
and  he  began  a  new  rule  of  fife,  rising  between 
five  and  six  A.ar.  even  in  winter,  hearing 
Mass  at  seven,  and  then  riding  until  ten. 
In  November  1541  Cranmer  disclosed  to  him 
the  unchastity  of  the  Queen.  She  was  con- 
demned bv  Act  of  Attainder  and  executed, 
11th  Febniary  1542.  On  12th  July  1543  he 
married  liis  last  wife,  Katherine  Parr,  already 
the  widow  of  two  husbands  (Edmund  Brough 
and  Lord  Latimer),  and  destined  to  be  the 
A\Tfe  of  a  fourth  (Sir  Thomas  Seymour).  Her 
character  was  beyond  reproach ;  she  nursed 
Henry  tenderly  during  his  closing  years, 
and  '  succeeded  to  some  extent  in  mitigating 
the  violence  of  his  temper'  (PoUard,  411). 
His  increasing  infirmities  did  not,  however, 
deter  Henry  once  more  from  going  to  war 
with  France,  and  from  July  to  the  end  of 
September  1544  he  conducted  the  campaign 
in  person,  and  captured  Boulogne.  Financial 
exigencies  drove  him  to  debase  the  currency, 
though  he  coined  his  own  plate  to  meet  the 
cost  of  the  war;  and  in  June  1546  he  made 
peace,  England  retaining  Boulogne  for  eight 
years  longer. 

His  diseases,  however,  grew  upon  him. 
The  fistula  which  was  at  last  to  slay  him 
grew  worse,  and  his  bulk  was  so  un-nieldy  that 
he  could  -n-ith  difficulty  walk  and  stand.  In 
January  1547  he  became  mortally  ill,  but 
was  'loath  to  hear  any  mention  of  death.' 
He  died  at  two  a.m.  on  28th  January, 
being  fifty-five  years  and  seven  months  old. 
According  to  Sander,  he  had  in  his  last  hours 
constantly  moaned  out  the  word  '  monks  ' 
(De  Schismafe,  ed.  1628,  173),  and  his  last 
act  was  to  ask  for  a  cup  of  white  wine. 
Having  drank  it  he  said :  '  We  have  lost  every- 
thing ' ;  and  so  died.     It  is  clear  that  he  sent 


(263) 


Henry] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Henry 


for  Cranmer,  who  arrived  two  hours  before 
the  end,  when  Henry  was  speechless  and 
could  only  grasp  the  archbishop's  hand  in 
response  to  his  appeal  that  he  trusted  in 
Christ.  By  his  will  he  was  buried  at  Windsor, 
and  money  was  left  for  a  great  number  of 
Masses  to  be  said  for  the  repose  of  his  soul ; 
and  it  is  stated  that  until  the  Revolution  in 
1792  Mass  was  said  annually  for  him,  under 
the  will  of  Francis  i.,  at  the  cathedral  of  Notre 
Dame  in  Paris. 

Henry's  character,  like  that  of  his  father, 
shows  a  break  in  middle  life.  In  1530 
Wolsey,  as  he  lay  dying,  said  to  Sir  WiUiam 
Kingston :  '  He  is  a  prince  of  royal  courage 
and  hath  a  princely  heart,  and  rather  than 
he  wUl  miss  or  want  part  of  his  appetite  he 
will  hazard  the  loss  of  one  half  of  his  kingdom. 
I  assure  you,  I  have  often  kneeled  before  him 
in  his  privy  chamber,  the  space  of  an  hour 
or  two,  to  persuade  him  from  his  wUl  and 
appetite,  but  I  never  could  dissuade  him  ' 
(Cavendish,  Ufe  of  Wolsey).  In  1534  Sir  T. 
More  said  to  Cromwell:  '  You  are  entered  into 
the  service  of  a  most  noble,  wise,  and  hberal 
prince :  if  you  wiU  foUow  my  poor  advice, 
you  shall  in  your  counsel  given  to  his  Majesty 
ever  teU  him  what  he  ought  to  do,  but  never 
what  he  is  able  to  do  .  .  .  for  if  a  hon  knew 
his  own  strength,  hard  were  it  for  any  man 
to  rule  him  '  (More,  Life  of  More,  260).  These 
were  judgments  of  able  men  who  knew  him 
weE.  After  More  the  King's  ministers  were  of 
a  lower  tj'pe,  and  Henry  became  more  and 
more  the  capricious  tyrant.  But  he  carefully 
clothed  his  despotism  with  the  forms  of  law, 
and  doubtless  his  strange  matrimonial  experi- 
ences were  in  part  due,  as  he  averred,  to  his 
own  '  scrupulosity  of  conscience.'  Yet  '  when 
Henry  made  a  voyage  of  exploration  across 
that  strange  ocean  his  conscience,  he  generally 
returned  with  an  argosy '  (Fisher).  To  the 
end  of  his  days  he  seems  never  to  have  lost 
his  self-respect,  and  his  intense  belief  in 
himself  and  in  his  kingship  seems  in  his  later 
years  his  strongest  support.  At  the  beginning 
of  his  reign  radiantly  popular,  by  the  blood- 
shed of  the  years  foUo-wdng  his  marriage  with 
Anne  he  lost  his  popularity,  but  never,  it 
would  seem,  the  confidence  of  the  nation. 
He  judged  with  unerring  accuracy  the  need 
of  a  strong  monarchy  and  the  price  which 
his  people  were  wilHng  to  pay  for  it ;  he 
erected  the  despotism  and  exacted  the  price. 
Memorable  in  English  Church  history  as  the 
•  majestic  lord  who  broke  the  bonds  of  Rome,' 
his  chief  acts  were  the  assertion  of  the  Royal 
Supremacy  and  the  Dissolution  of  the  Re- 
hgious  Houses.  He  was  in  a  real  sense 
the  creator  of  a  Royal  Navy,  and  his  love 


for  England  was  indubitable.  His  personal 
character  is  described  by  Dixon  as  one  of 
'  degraded  magnificence,'  his  court  was  fierce 
and  foul,  and  the  justest  estimate  of  his 
private  life  is  that  of  PoUard :  '  Every  inch 
a  King,  Henry  vm.  never  attained  to  the 
stature  of  a  gentleman  '  {Life,  335). 

[s.  L.  o.] 

A.  F.  Pollard,  Henry  VIII.  ;  J.  Gairdner, 
article  in  D.X.B.  and  Lollardy  and  the  liefor- 
mation;  H.  A.  L.Fislaer,  Pol.  Hist.  ofEng.,  lis.'i- 
1547  ;  Brewer,  Reign  of  Henri/  VIII.  ;  Stiibbs, 
Lectures  on  Mediceval  and  Modern  Hist.  ;  the 
documents  of  the  reign  have  been  completely 
calendared  in  the  Letters  and  Papers  of 
Henry  VIII.  ;  J.  A.  Fronde,  Hist,  of  Eng., 
wrote  as  an  apologist  for  the  King. 

HENRY  OF  BLOIS  (d.  1171),Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, was  a  grandson  of  the  Conqueror  and 
brother  of  King  Stephen.  He  was  educated 
at  Cluny,  where,  if  he  failed  to  develop  in 
himself  the  monastic  type  of  character,  he 
at  least  formed  a  lasting  admiration  for  the 
monastic  ideal.  His  uncle,  Henry  i.,  gave 
him  the  abbacy  of  Glastonbury  (1126)  and 
the  see  of  Winchester  (1129);  and  he  obtained 
a  papal  dispensation  to  hold  these  preferments 
together.  But  he  first  became  prominent  in 
poUtics  when  his  brother  came  forward  as 
the  rival  of  the  Empress  for  the  throne. 
He  declared  for  Stephen,  and  persuaded 
Archbishop  WiUiam  to  do  the  same,  pledging 
himself  that  Stephen  would  maintain  the 
liberties  of  the  clergy.  Stephen  accordingly 
made  in  his  second  charter  of  hberties  (1136) 
an  express  grant  to  the  bishops  of  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  ecclesiastical  persons  and 
property.  But  when  the  see  of  Canterbury 
fell  vacant  it  was  refused  to  Bishop  Henry, 
although  he  made  strenuous  efforts  to  obtain 
it.  Stephen's  choice  fell  upon  Theobald, 
Abbot  of  Bee ;  but  Henry  was  consoled  by 
the  Pope  with  a  legatine  commission  which 
made  him,  for  some  purposes,  the  superior 
of  the  primate  (1139).  [Legates.]  In  the 
same  year  Henry  asserted  his  new  authority  by 
citing  the  King  before  a  sjTiod  to  answer  for 
his  rough  treatment  of  Roger  of  Salisbury 
{q.v.).  Stephen  refused  to  give  satisfaction, 
and  stayed  the  proceedings  of  the  council  by 
an  appeal  to  Rome.  There  was  no  open 
breach  between  the  brothers,  but  the  ill 
success  of  Stephen  in  the  civil  war  soon  con- 
vinced the  bishop  that  it  was  God's  will  to 
depose  the  persecutor  of  the  clergy.  When 
Stephen  was  captured  at  Lincoln  (1141)  the 
Empress  made  overtures  to  Henry.  He 
admitted  her  to  Winchester,  proclaimed  her 
the  Lady  of  England,  and  held  a  council  of 
the  clergy,  from  which  he  obtained  a  declara- 


(2G4) 


Henry] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Herbert 


tion  that  Stephen  had  forfeited  the  kingly 
title.  The  bishop  accompanied  the  Empress 
to  London  for  her  coronation,  which  never 
took  place,  and  shared  her  flight  when 
she  was  expelled  from  the  city.  But  on 
discovering  that  she  paid  no  heed  to  his 
advice,  and  would  grant  no  terms  to  his 
famdj',  he  opened  negotiations  with  Stephen's 
friends.  The  Empress,  discovering  his  in- 
trigues, besieged  him  at  Winchester.  But 
he  was  reheved  by  the  King's  party,  and 
shared  their  triumph  when  Stephen  was  set 
at  liberty.  The  bishop  justified  his  last 
change  of  front  in  a  third  council,  held  at 
London  (December  1141),  to  which  he  stated 
that  the  Empress  had  broken  faith  with  him 
and  that  the  Pope  had  censured  him  for  desert- 
ing Stephen.  The  sincerity  of  the  explana- 
tion may  be  doubted.  Henry  was  not  so  black 
as  he  is  painted  by  the  biographer  of  Stephen. 
He  was  too  impetuous  to  be  an  accomplished 
hypocrite  ;  his  taste  for  war  and  politics  was 
tempered  by  a  genuine  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  his  order,  and  even  by  a  desire 
to  ensure  the  peace  of  the  kingdom.  But 
he  was  consequential,  hot-headed,  and  auto- 
cratic ;  he  could  not  tolerate  a  rival  or 
swallow  an  afiront.  After  1141  he  remained 
loyal  to  Stephen,  but  stUl  indulged  his 
factious  temper  in  ecclesiastical  quarrels. 
Until  he  lost  his  legatine  commission  he  waged 
an  unseemly  warfare  against  his  rival, 
Theobald ;  and  he  is  traditionally  credited 
with  the  ambition  of  making  Winchester  an 
archiepiscopal  see.  He  pushed  his  nephew, 
William  Fitzherbert,  into  the  see  of  York, 
and  supported  the  election  against  the  Pope 
and  St.  Bernard.  He  encouraged  Stephen  in 
an  anti-papal  policy,  and  was  consequently 
suspended  for  a  time.  But  age  appears  to 
have  softened  his  imperious  temper.  He 
promoted  the  reconciliation  between  Stephen 
and  Henry  of  Anjou  (1153),  which  deprived 
his  own  family  of  the  succession.  He  was 
loyal  to  Henry  ii.,  although  their  relations 
were  far  from  cordial.  In  the  Becket  con- 
troversy he  showed  to  better  advantage  than 
at  any  other  time  of  his  life ;  for  he  en- 
deavoured to  play  the  part  of  a  mediator,  and 
gave  public  evidence  of  his  sjniipathy  with 
the  archbishop.  Though  he  remained  in 
England  and  deprecated  Becket's  more 
violent  acts,  he  steadily  supported  the 
privileges  which  the  King  had  attacked.  He 
died  a  few  months  after  Becket's  murder. 
It  is  related  that  on  his  death- bed  he  re- 
proached Henry  n.,  who  had  come  to  see 
him,  with  the  responsibiUty  for  that  crime. 
In  his  latter  years  he  was  a  munificent  bene- 
factor to  Cluny ;   and  at  Winchester,  besides 


adding  to  the  cathedral  and  in  part  rebuilding 
St.  Swithin's  monastery,  he  founded  the  hos- 
pital of  St.  Cross.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Norgate,  Eiuj.   under   the  Angevin  Kings ; 
Ramsay,   Foundations  of  Eng.   and  Angevin 

Empire. 

HERBERT,  George  (1593-1633),  divine  and 
poet,  was  fourth  of  the  seven  sons  whom, 
with  their  three  sisters,  Magdalen  (daughter 
to  Sir  Richard  Newport)  bore  to  Richard 
Herbert  of  Montgomery  Castle,  the  eldest  of 
her  children  being  the  statesman  and  philo- 
sopher, Edward,  Lord  Herbert  of  Chcrburj'. 
Of  the  younger  brothers,  Sir  Henry  was  Master 
of  the  Revels  ;  Thomas  (a  posthumous  son) 
was  a  brave  seaman,  and  author  of  pasquin- 
ades, etc. ;  Richard,  who  had  some  reputation 
as  a  dueUist,  was,  like  William,  a  soldier ; 
while  Charles  was  educated  at  Winchester, 
and  became  ultimately  Fellow  of  New  College. 
Of  himself,  George  Herbert,  in  the  first  among 
five  of  those  poems  which  are  entitled  Afflic- 
tion, thus  addresses  God  : — 

'  Whereas  my  birth  and  spirit  rather  took 

The  way  that  takes  tlie  town  ; 
Thou  didst  betray  me  to  a  lingering  book, 
And  wrap  me  in  a  gown.' 

He  was  a  Queen's  Scholar  of  Westminster 
School,  while  Andrewes  (q.v.)  was  dean. 
There  he  began  his  boyish  '  apologetic 
epigrams  '  against  the  Scottish  Presbyterian, 
Andrew  Melville.  Thence  in  1609  he  passed 
to  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  under  Dr. 
Nevile,  where  in  1614  he  became  Fellow. 
In  1618  he  was  appointed  Deputy  Orator  for 
the  University.  In  1620  he  became  Public 
Orator,  in  which  capacity  he  composed  for  the 
University  Latin  congratulatory  or  comph- 
mentary  letters,  e.g.  to  King  James,  to  thank 
him  for  a  presentation  copy  of  Basilicon 
Doron,  or  to  Bacon  (1620),  for  whom  he 
translated  part  of  the  Instauratio,  and  who  in 
return  complimented  the  youthful  orator  by 
dedicating  to  him  his  collection  of  Psalms  in 
verse.  Through  his  mother  and  his  elder 
brother  Herbert  came  to  know  Dr.  Donne, 
who  became  a  lifelong  friend,  and  influenced 
his  tastes  and  style  as  well  as  his  religious 
character.  About  the  time  of  James  i.'s 
death  and  other  changes  at  court  he  turned 
resolutely  to  the  study  of  divinity.  Bishop 
J.  WiUiams  [q.v.),  who  was  Donne's  patron,  in 
July  1626  gave  Herbert  his  earliest  Church 
preferment,  viz.  the  prebend  of  Leighton 
Bromswold,  Hunts  (with  a  stall,  '  Layton 
Ecclesia,'  in  Lincoln  Cathedral).  He  took 
serious  thought  for  the  parish  on  the  estate, 
and  with  the  help  of  John  and  Nicholas 
Ferrar  {q.v.)  in  the  neighbouring  parish  of 


(  2G5  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hereford 


Gidding,  and  contributions  from  Lord  Pem- 
broke, made  the  dilapidated  church  which 
he  found  at  St.  Mary's  Leighton  to  become, 
though  he  did  not  Uve  to  see  it  finished,  '  for 
decency  and  beauty  .  .  .  the  most  remark- 
able parish  church  in  this  whole  nation ' 
at  that  day.  With  characteristic  earnestness 
of  purpose  and  love  of  detail  he  gave  his 
directions  for  the  construction  of  its  plain  but 
solid  furniture.  On  coUation  to  the  prebend 
he  was  only  in  deacon's  orders,  but  his  health 
and  his  occupations  led  him  in  1627  to  part 
.  with  the  post  of  Orator,  which  he  had  thought 
so  desirable.  In  1629,  being  on  a  visit  to  his 
stepfather's  brother,  the  Earl  of  Danby,  he 
fell  in  love  Avith  Jane  Danvers,  who,  from 
her  father's  report  of  her  future  husband, 
became  (says  Walton)  '  so  much  of  a  Pla- 
tonick,  as  to  fall  in  love  with  Mr.  Herbert  un- 
seen ' ;  and,  becoming  an  orphan  very  shortly 
after  the  marriage  was  arranged,  '  Jane  .  .  . 
changed  her  name  into  Herbert  the  third  day 
after  their  first  interview.' 

With     commendable     humihty     Herbert 
doubted  at  first  whether  he  ought  to  accept 
the  rectory  of  Fugglestone  with  Bemerton, 
near  Wilton  and  Salisbury,  wliich  Charles  i. 
offered  him,  while  the  recently  married  poet 
was    contemplating    a    lifelong     diaconate ; 
he  was,  however,  persuaded  by  Laud  {q.v.) 
to  accept  the  benefice  and  to  put  off  his 
courtly  silk  attire  and  lay  aside  his  sword. 
'  A  tailor  was  sent  for  to  come  speedily  from 
Salisbury  to  Wilton  to  take  measure,  and 
make  him  canonical  clothes  against  next  day ; 
which  the  tailor  did ' ;  and  Bishop  Davenant 
{q.v.)    as    expeditiously    instituted    Herbert 
into    '  the   good    and    more   pleasant    than 
healthful    parsonage   of    Bemerton.'     Lying 
before  the  altar  in  the  locked  church  at  his 
induction  he  made  those  solemn  vows  for  his 
own  conduct  which  he  exemplifiod  no  less  in 
his  brief  but  saintly  life  there  (1630-3)  than 
in  his  charming  prose  manual,  A  Priest  to 
the  Temple,  or  Countrey  Parson,  his  Character 
and  Rule  of  Holy  Life,  finished  apparently  in 
1632,  but  not  pubhshed  till  twenty  years 
later.     This  httle  treatise  was  accompanied 
by    a    reissue    of    Herbert's     collection    of 
'  outlandish   proverbs,'    named   Jacula   pru- 
dentum,  some   of  which  no  doubt  had   en- 
livened the  music  parties  which  he  frequentlj- 
attended  on  liis  way  back  from  the  cathedral 
evensong  on  week  days.     His  religious  poems, 
some  of  them  probably  known  to  his  friends 
in  his  lifetime,  and  married   to   the   sweet 
tones  of  his  own  voice  and  lute  or  viol,  were 
given  by  Herbert  on  his  death-bed  to  Nicholas 
Ferrar,  who  at  first  met  with  some  difiieulty 
on  submitting  the  MS.  (now  in  the  Bodleian), 


in  obtaining  the  licence  of  the  vice-chancellor 
of  Cambridge  by  reason  of  the  lines  : — 

*  Religion  stands  on  tip-toe  in  our  land, 
Readie  to  passe  to  th'  American  strand.' 
The  Church  Militant. 

Three  editions  of  the  poems  were  issued  in 
1663,  and  more  than  seventy  thousand  copies 
had  been  sold  by  1670.  They  have  comforted 
many,  fronx  King  Charles  in  his  captivity 
and  Richard  Baxter  {q.v.)  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  to  our  own  times.  A  few  lyrics,  such 
as  '  Throw  away  thy  rod '  and  '  Sweet  day, 
so  cool '  (in  Walton's  Compleat  Angler),  '  I 
got  me  flowers,'  etc.,  are  still  occasionally 
sung.  J.  and  C.  Wesley  {q.v.)  recast  forty 
of  them  for  congregational  use,  but  they 
dropped  in  time  out  of  the  Wesleyan  hymn- 
book.  One  finished  jewel  alone  was  admitted 
into  Hymns  Ancient  and  Modern,  '  Let  all 
the  world '  (No.  548). 

On  3rd  March  1632-3,  while  the  singing 
men  of  Sarum  chanted  'the  singing  service 
of  the  dead,'  as  he  desired  (Aubrey),  George 
Herbert's  delicate  frame  was  laid  beneath  the 
altar  of  the  little  church  or  chapel  of  St. 
Andrew,  Bemerton,  in  restoring  which,  along 
with  his  prebendal  church  in  Lincolnshire  and 
his  parsonage  houses,  he  spent  his  moder- 
ate income.  [Caroline  Divines,  Mystics, 
Poetry  in  English  Church.]         [c.  w.] 

Works;     I.    Walton,     Life:    Julian,    Diet. 
Jill  inn. 

HEREFORD,  See  of,  was  carved  out  of 
the  vast  Mercian  diocese  of  Lichfield  {q.v.) 
in  the  seventh  century,  but  its  boundaries 
were  for  a  long  time  ill-defined,  and  have  been 
subject  to  many  changes.  It  now  includes 
the  whole  county  of  Herefordshire,  and  nearly 
all  Shropshire  south  of  the  Severn,  together 
with  twenty- one  parishes  which  are  wholly 
or  in  part  in  Worcestershire,  eight  parishes 
in  Radnorshire,  and  eight  in  Montgomery- 
shire, with  parts  of  four  others  of  which  the 
remaining  portions  are  in  Shropshire.  In 
early  times  the  diocese  stretched  much  farther 
southwards,  including  Cheltenham  and  Mon- 
mouth, and  until  the  see  of  Gloucester  {q.v.) 
was  formed,  the  Forest  of  Dean. 

Before  the  Norman  Conquest  the  see  of 
Llandaff  {q.v.)  seems  to  have  embraced  all 
Herefordshire  west  of  the  Wye,  where  the 
population  was  chiefly  Welsh,  and  for  a  cen- 
tury and  a  half  it  claimed,  by  repeated 
appeals  to  the  Pope,  the  district  of  Irchinfield, 
which  it  had  lost  during  the  old  age  of  Bishop 
Herwald.  The  disputed  i)arishes  were  not 
regained,  but  Dixton,  Stanton,  and  Mon- 
mouth were  restored  in  1844.     In  1852  the 


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[Hereford 


Ewyas  deanery,  of  which  Llandaff  had  been 
stripped  by  St.  David's,  was  assigned  to 
Hereford.  In  1905  the  rural  deanery  of 
Condover,  with  its  fifteen  parishes,  was 
transferred  from  the  diocese  of  Lichfield  to 
that  of  Hereford,  and  also  Quatt,  Worfield, 
and  Mathon  from  the  diocese  of  Worcester 
{q.v.),  while  Badger,  Beckbury,  Bobbington, 
Meolo  Brace,  and  Sutton  were  transferred  to 
Lichfield,  and  Shelsley  Walsh  to  Worcester. 
The  popxilation  is  now  218,874. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  Tempor- 
alia  of  the  see  at  £449,  Is.  5d.  and  the 
Spiritiialia  at  £20.  In  the  Valor  Ecdesias- 
ticus  the  income  appears  as  £768,  10s.  lOjd. 
The  present  income  is  £4200,  with  a  house. 
It  was  said  by  Swinfield  to  be  the  worst 
endowed  bishopric  in  England,  and  if  men 
of  influence  and  ambition  were  appointed 
to  it,  they  were  commonly  soon  translated 
to  other  spheres.  Of  the  early  bishops  for 
three  centuries  scarcely  anj'thing  but  their 
names  have  been  recorded,  and  those  with 
variations  of  detail. 

The  diocese  is  divided  into  two  arch- 
deaconries: Hereford  (first  mentioned,  1109) 
and  Ludlow  (first  mentioned  as  Salop,  1162, 
renamed  Ludlow.  1876).  The  deanery  dates 
from  about  1140.  The  chapter  when  fully 
developed  in  the  thirteenth  century  con- 
sisted of  a  dean  and  twenty-seven  canons, 
who  were  also  called  prebendaries  from  the 
separate  estates  enjoyed  by  each  in  addition 
to  a  share  of  the  general  revenue.  The 
dignities  of  the  precentor,  treasurer,  and 
chancellor  were  also  held  commonly  by 
canons.  The  division  of  the  estates  of  the 
church  between  the  bishop  and  the  chapter 
took  place  very  early,  the  manors  being 
retained  by  the  former,  while  the  latter  was 
mainly  supported  by  the  great  tithes  of 
dependent  churches,  the  dean  and  dignitaries 
having  also  a  large  number  of  pensions 
charged  on  other  parishes.  A  distinct 
provision,  however,  for  the  chapter  was  made 
even  before  the  Conquest  by  the  gift  of 
four  manors  by  two  Saxon  ladies,  and  smaller 
benefactions  followed  in  later  days. 

From  the  first  the  distribution  of  the 
corporate  funds  was  arranged  so  as  to 
encourage  constant  residence.  It  was  made 
for  the  most  part  in  the  shape  of  daily 
commons  given  in  kind  to  every  canon  near 
at  hand,  and  stated  quantities  of  corn  were 
charged  on  the  neighbouring  manors,  to  be 
dehvered  at  the  canons'  bakehouse.  Funds 
were  assigned  early  in  the  thirteenth  century 
for  division,  under  the  name  of  mass-pence, 
among  the  canons  who  were  present  at  Mass 
in  the  cathedral,  and  many  lists  of  attend- 


ances stiU  exist  in  the  archives.  There 
were  like  distributions  at  many  obits  or 
anniversary  services  to  all  who  officiated 
or  were  present  on  such  occasions.  Gradu- 
ally titular  residcntiaries  ousted,  as  in  other 
cathedrals,  all  the  rest  from  powers  of  man- 
agement and  benefits  of  office,  except  the 
possession  of  the  prebends.  The  term  '  resi- 
dentiary '  first  appears  in  1356,  but  there  was 
no  fixed  usage  as  to  the  number  before  1569, 
when  a  rule  was  made  that  there  should  be  six 
only,  bound  to  six  months  of  residence,  which 
the  Caroline  statutes  reduced  to  three.  Finally 
the  number  of  canons  was  limited  to  four. 

A  pecuhar  privilege  of  the  chapter  of 
Hereford  was  the  monopoly  of  all  rights  of 
interment,  not  merely  (jf  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city,  but  of  the  villages  for  some  miles 
around.  This  caused  friction  with  the 
neighbouring  parishes,  which  did  not,  in  the 
city  at  least,  have  any  separate  churchyards 
until  comparatively  recent  times.  The  duties 
which  this  privilege  involved  furnished  work 
and  emolument  for  the  vicars,  originally 
twenty-seven,  to  correspond  to  the  number 
of  the  canons,  whose  deputies  they  were. 
The  numerous  chantries  that  were  founded 
provided  a  definite  status  and  more  income. 

A  characteristic  of  the  chapter  was  the 
pertinacity  with  which  they  resisted  all 
attempts  of  their  bishops  to  hold  visitations 
of  the  cathedral.  Other  chapters  showed 
at  times  the  same  repugnance,  but  at  Here- 
ford the  resistance  was  successfully  main- 
tained for  many  centuries.  Popes  might 
sanction  or  disallow  the  episcopal  claim,  but 
the  chapter's  attitude  remained  the  same, 
and  till  the  sixteenth  century  it  held  its  own. 
Its  plea,  which  it  did  not  always  take  the 
trouble  to  urge,  was  that  the  cathedral  stood 
within  the  Pecuhar  of  the  dean,  which  was  a 
group  of  more  than  twenty  parishes  and 
chapehies  in  and  round  the  city,  in  which  he 
had  large  powers,  instituting  the  incumbents, 
and  having  testamentary  and  matrimonial 
jurisdiction.  [Peculiars.]  Under  Ehzabeth 
the  papal  sympathies  of  the  chapter  were  fatal 
to  its  independence.  Bishop  Scory  implored 
the  Crown  to  intervene  ;  a  commission  was 
appointed  which  introduced  some  drastic 
changes;  and  at  a  later  date  the  Caroline 
statutes  superseded  the  ancient  Consuetudines, 
which  had  been  in  force  from  the  middle  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  They  reduced  the 
number  of  the  vicars- choral  to  twelve — 
all  to  be  in  holy  orders — and  made  them 
responsible  for  the  vocal  part  of  the  musical 
services  of  the  cathedral,  other  than  that  of 
the  boy  choristers,  giving  them  also  a  life 
tenure  of  office,  and  independent  manage- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hereford 


ment  of  their  estates,  subject  to  the  control 
of  the  dean  and  chapter  as  visitors. 

The  cathedral  school  existed  at  a  very  early 
date,  not  as  a  mere  song  school  for  choristers, 
but  as  a  grammar  school  attached  to  the 
cathedral  in  accordance  with  the  canon  law. 
It  was  certainly  not  founded  by  Bishop 
Gilbert,  as  has  been  supposed,  for  he  merely 
appointed  a  master  when  the  chancellor, 
who  was  then  a  Roman  cardinal,  neglected 
to  discharge  his  duty  in  the  matter.  It  was 
formally  reconstituted  under  EUzabeth. 

Bishops 
*  Buried  in  the  Cathedral  or  Lady  Arbour. 

1.  Putta,  676.  12.  Utel,  793. 

2.  Tyrhtel,  688.  13.  Wulfhard,  800. 

3.  Torhthere,  710.  U.  Beonna,  824. 

4.  Walcliltsod,  727.  15.  Eadulf,  825. 

5.  Cuthbert,    736  ;  16.  Cuthwulf,  837. 

tr.  to  Canter-  17.  Mucel,  857. 

bury  in  740.  18.  Diorlaf,  866. 

6.  Podda,  741.  19.  Cynemund,  888. 

7.  Hecca,  747.  20.  Eadgar,  901. 

8.  Ceadda,  758.  21.  Tidhelm,  930. 

9.  Aldbehrt,  777.  22.  Wulfhelm,  934. 

10.  Esne,  781.  23.  Alfric,  941. 

11.  Ceolmund,  787.        24.  Athulf,  951. 

25.  *Ethelstan,    1012;     said    by  a  twelfth- 

century  writer  to  have  rebuilt  the 
cathedral,  which  was  set  on  fire  by  the 
Welsh  in  1055 ;  d.  1056. 

26.  Leofgar,    1056;     'Earl   Harold's    mass- 

priest  ' ;  d.  1056.     Four  j-ears'  vacancy. 

27.  *Walter  of  Lorraine,  1061 ;  d.  1079. 

28.  Robert  Losinga,  1079 ;    a  skilful  mathe- 

matician ;  began  to  buUd  a  cathedral 
after  the  pattern  of  that  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle ;  abridged  the  chronicle  of 
Marianus  Scotus ;  d.  1095. 

29.  Gerard,  1096;   tr.  to  York,  1100. 

30.  *Reinelm,  1107;  d.  1115. 

31.  *Geof[rey  de  Olive,   1115;    '  agricuUurae 

studens  ' ;  d.  1120. 

32.  *Richard  de  Capella,  1121 ;   clerk  of  the 

signet  to  Henry  I. ;  d.  1127. 

33.  *Robcrt    de    Bcthune,    1131;     Prior    of 

Llanthony,  to  whose  support  when 
plundered  by  the  Welsh  he  devoted  four 
prebends  of  his  cathedral,  for  which 
reason  perhaps  he  hved  on  bad  terms 
with  the  dean  and  chapter,  though 
famous  for  his  saintly  virtues ;  com- 
pleted the  fabric  of  the  cathedral,  the 
nave  and  south  transept  of  which  still 
remain ;  d.  1148. 

34.  Gilbert  FoUot  {q.v.),  1148  ;  tr.  to  London. 

35.  Robert  de  Melun,  1163;    Prior  of  Llan- 

thony ;    a  theologian  of  high  repute. 


36 


39 


40, 


41 


42, 


whose  works   were  found   long   after- 
wards in  mediaeval  hbraries;  d.  1167. 
*Robert   Fohot,    1174 ;     Archdeacon   of 
Oxford;  d.  1186. 

37.  *  William   de  Vere,    1186;     credited   by 

tradition  with  the  erection  of  the  Lady 
Ohapel,  for  which  perhaps  he  prepared 
by  the  actual  removal  of  the  eastern 
apse ;  gave  liberal  help  to  the  endow- 
ments of  the  chapter;  d.  1198. 

38.  *Giles  de  Braose,   1200;    prominent  in 

the  strife  of  the  barons  with  John ;  d. 
1215. 

*Hugh  de  Mapenor,  1216 ;  Dean  of 
Hereford;  d.  1219. 

Hugh  FoUot,  1219;  founder  of  the 
hospital  of  St.  Katherine  at  Ledbury; 
d.  1234. 

Ralph  of  Maidstone,  1234 ;  Dean  of 
Hereford ;  gave  to  the  see  his  inn, 
Mounthalt  in  London ;  res.,  1239,  to 
become  a  Franciscan  friar  at  Oxford. 

*Peter  d'Aigueblanche,  1240 ;  detested 
by  the  clergy  for  his  schemes  of  exaction 
in  the  interest  of  Pope  and  King ;  dis- 
puted the  rights  of  the  dean  and  chapter, 
and  with  papal  aid  forced  reluctant 
canons  to  contribute  to  rebuild  the 
north-west  transept ;  seized  at  Here- 
ford by  the  insurgent  barons,  and  im- 
prisoned at  Eardisley  Castle ;  left 
Uberal  benefactions  for  the  poor,  but 
also  elements  of  strife  in  the  Savoyard 
kinsmen  whom  he  had  lodged  in  offices 
of  dignity  around  him  ;  d.  1268. 

43.  *John  Breton,  1269 ;  d.  1275. 

44.  *Thomas    Cantilupe,    1275 ;     the    only 

canonised  Bishop  of  Hereford,  and  the 
last  Englishman  canonised  at  Rome; 
eminent  as  scholar  and  Chancellor 
of  Oxford,  and  Chancellor  of  England 
during  the  ascendancy  of  Simon  de 
Montfort ;  lived  in  ascetic  rigour,  and 
maintained  the  rights  of  his  see  against 
all  aggression;  disputes  with  Arch- 
bishop Peckham  {q.v.)  moved  him  to 
appeal  to  Rome,  but  he  died  on  his 
way  thither  near  Orvieto,  1282,  whence 
his  bones  were  carried  to  Hereford. 
Numbers  of  sick  folk  believed  that  they 
were  cured  at  his  tomb,  and  the  beauti- 
ful tower  of  the  cathedral  was  largely 
paid  for  by  the  offerings  of  pilgrims  to 
his  shrine. 

*Richard  Swinfield,  1283 ;  a  notable 
preacher  and  careful  administrator, 
whose  Register  is  full  of  historical 
and  antiquarian  notices;  d.  1317. 

Adam  Orleton,  1317  (P.);  tr.  to  Wor- 
cester, 1327. 


45. 


46. 


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47. 


48. 


49. 
50. 

51. 


53. 

54. 

55. 
56. 

57. 

58. 
59. 


60. 

61. 

62. 
63. 

64. 

65. 


♦Thomas  Charleton,  1327  (P.) ;  Trea- 
surer of  England  in  1329  ;  Chancellor 
and  Keeper  of  Ireland  ;  d.  1344. 

*  John  Trillcck,  1344  ( L*. ) ;  ruled  his  diocese 
with  unfailing  care,  deserving  the  eulogy 
of  '  grains,  prudens,  pius '  placed  on  his 
grave;  d.  1360. 

*Levn3  Charleton,  1361  (P.);  d.  1369. 

William  Courtenay,  1370  (P.);  tr.  to 
London,  1375. 

John  Gilbert,  1375;  tr.  (P.)  from  Ban- 
gor; tr,  to  St.  David's,  1389. 

*John  Trevenant,  1389  (P.) ;  Auditor  of 
the  court  of  Rota  at  Rome ;  long  busily 
engaged  with  proceedings  against  not- 
able Lollards,  especially  William  Swyn- 
derby  and  Walter  Brut,  which  fill  a 
large  part  of  his  Register;  d.  1404. 

Robert  Mascall,  1404  (P.) ;  a  CarmeHte 
friar  ;  confessor  to  Henry  iv.  ;  contri- 
buted to  the  building  of  the  Bishop's 
Cloister;  d.  1416. 

Edmund  Lacy,  1417  ;  Master  of  Univer. 
sity  College,  Oxford ;  tr.  to  Exeter, 
1420. 

Thomas  Polton,  1420  (P.);  tr.  to  Chi- 
chester, 1421. 

Thomas  Spofford,  1422  (P.);  Abbot  of 
St.  Mary's,  York,  to  which  he  finally 
retired ;  res.  1448. 

Richard  Beauchamp,  1449  (P.) ;  tr.  to 
Sahsbury,  1450. 

Reginald  Boulers,  1451  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Lich- 
field, 1453. 

*John  Stanbury,  1453;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Bangor ;  a  Carmelite  friar  chosen  by 
Henry  vi.  to  be  his  confessor  and  first 
Provost  of  Eton ;  gave  the  site  and 
large  help  for  the  Vicars'  College ;  built 
the  Stanbury  Chantry  ;  d.  1474. 

Thomas  MiUing,  1474  (P.) ;  Abbot  of 
Westminster ;  friend  and  patron  of 
Caxton ;  d.  1492. 

Edmund  Audley,  1492;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Rochester  ;  built  the  Audley  Chantry  ; 
tr.  to  Sahsbury,  1502. 

Hadrian  de  CasteUo,  1502  (P.);  tr.  to 
Bath  and  WeUs,  1504. 

*Richard  Mayew,  1504  (P.);  second  Presi- 
dent of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  and 
Chancellor  of  the  University;  d.  1516. 

*Charlcs  Booth,  1516  (P.);  ChanceUor  of 
the  Welsh  Marches  ;  built  or  completed 
the  north  porch  of  the  cathedral;  d.l535. 

p]dward  Foxe,  1535 ;  '  the  principal 
piUar  of  the  Reformation '  (Fuller) ; 
Provost  of  King's  College,  Cambridge ; 
sent  with  Gardiner  to  negotiate  with 
the  Pope  for  the  King's  divorce ;  tried 
to  persuade  the  Queen  to  renounce  her 


66. 


67 


68. 


70, 


title ;  scut  to  Smalcald  to  induce  the 
German  princes  to  unite  with  the 
Church  of  England ;  one  of  the  com- 
pilers of  '  the  Bishops'  Book ' ;  d.  1538. 

Edmund  Bonner  (q.v.),  1538  ;  removed 
to  London  before  consecration. 

*John  Skip,  1539 ;  almoner  to  Anne 
Bolcyn ;  last  Abbot  of  Wigmore ; 
Master  of  Gonville  HaU,  Cambridge ; 
took  part  in  the  composition  of  'the 
Bishops'  Book  '  and  '  the  ICing's  Book ' ; 
possibly  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  draw  up  the  First  Prayer  Book  of 
Edward  vi.,  but  protested  against  it; 
d.  1552. 

John  Harlcy,  1553  ;  dep,  under  Mary  as 
a  married  and  '  pretensed  Bishop  of  in- 
ordinate life  and  conversation';  d.  1554. 
69.  *Robcrt  Parfew,  or  Wharton,  1554 ; 
Abbot  of  St.  Saviour's,  Bermondsey  ; 
tr.  (P.)  from  St.  Asaph  ;  d.  1557. 

[Thomas  Reynolds ;  Dean  of  Exeter ; 
nominated,  1558,  but  not  consecrated; 
d.  in  the  Marshalsea.] 

John  Scory,  1559  ;  a  Dominican  friar  ; 
Bishop,  under  Edward  VT.,  of  Rochester 
and  then  of  Chichester ;  recanted 
'  with  tears  and  groans  '  before  Bonner, 
but  retracted  his  submission,  and  fled 
to  Friesland ;  elected  to  Hereford,  he 
found  the  cathedral  clergy  '  dissemblers 
and  rank  Papists,'  and  little  sympathy 
in  the  city  with  reforms,  being  himself 
'  abhorred  for  the  most  part  for 
religion  '  ;  he  desired  to  rebuild  his 
palace,  but,  much  to  his  indignation, 
the  dean  and  chapter  refused  to  consent; 
grave  charges  were  brought  against  him 
of  abuses  in  the  management  of  the 
property  of  the  see  ;  assisted  in  con- 
secration of  Parker  {q.v.) ;  d.  1585. 

*Herbert  Weslfaling,  1586 ;  Dean  of 
Windsor;  d.  1602. 

*Robert  Bennet,  1603 ;  Dean  of  Windsor ; 
d.  1617. 

Francis  Godwin,  1617  ;  tr.  from  LlandafI, 
1601 ;  author  of  the  work  de  praesulihus 
Angliae;  'a  pure  Latinist  and  incom- 
parable historian  '  (Fuller)  ;  said  by 
Wharton  {q.v.)  to  have  devoted  more 
pains  to  the  Latin  than  to  the  matter ; 
d.  1633. 

[William  Juxon  {q.v.);  elected,  but  tr.  to 
London  before  consecration. 

Godfrey  Goodman  {q.v.);  Bishop  of 
Gloucester;  elected,  but  the  royal 
assent  being  refused  he  was  obhged  to 
resign  his  claim  to  the  see.] 
74.  *Augustine  Lindsell,  1634 ;  tr.  from 
Peterborough;  d.  1634. 


71. 


72, 


73 


(  2G9  ) 


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[Heresy 


75.  Matthew    Wren    {q.v.),     1635;      tr.     to 

Norwich. 

76.  *Theophilus     Field,     1635;      tr,     from 

St.  David's;   d.  1636. 

77.  George  Coke,    1636;    tr.   from   Bristol; 

committed  to  the  Tower  in  1641  for 
protest  against  proceedings  in  the  House 
of  Lords  during  the  enforced  absence 
of  the  bishops;  d.  in  retirement,  1646, 
soon  after  the  sequestration  of  his 
estates. 

78.  Nicolas  Monk,  1661  ;   Provost  of  Eton ; 

d.  1661. 

79.  *Herbert  Croft,  1662  ;  Dean  of  Hereford 

before  the  Commonwealth  ;  a  Jesuit  in 
earlvlife;  d.  1691. 

80.  *Gilbert    Ironside,    1691  ;     Warden    of 

Wadham  College,  Oxford ;  tr.  from 
Bristol;  d.  1701. 

81.  *Humphrey  Humphreys,  1701  ;   tr.  from 

Bangor;  d.  1712. 

82.  *Philip  Bisse,  1713  ;  tr.  from  St.  David's  ; 

expended  much  in  questionable  taste 
on  the  cathedral  and  palace ;  d.  1721. 

83.  Benjamin  Hoadly  {q.v.),  1721  ;    tr.  from 

Bangor;  tr.  to  Salisbury,  1723. 

84.  Henrjr  Egerton,  1724 ;    puUed  down  the 

ancient  chapel  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene 
adjoining  the  cloisters ;  d.  1746. 

85.  *Lord  James  Beauclerk,  1746,  in  whose 

time  the  west  tower  fell ;  d.  1787. 

86.  John  Harley,  1787 ;  d.  1788. 

87.  *John  Butler,  1788;    tr.  from  Oxford; 

d.  1802. 

88.  *rfolliot  Herbert   Cornewall,   1803;    tr. 

from  Bristol ;  Dean  of  Canterbury ;  tr. 
to  Worcester,  1808. 

89.  John  Luxmore,  1808;  tr.  from  Bristol; 

tr.  to  St.  Asaph,  1815. 

90.  George  Isaac  Huntingford,  1815;  Warden 

of  Winchester  College ;  tr.  from  Glou- 
cester; d.  1832. 

91.  Edward  Grey,  1832  ;  Dean  of  Hereford ; 

d.  1837. 

92.  Thomas  Musgrave,   1837  ;   tr,  to  York, 

1847. 

93.  Renn  Dickson  Hampden  {q.v.),  1848. 

94.  *Jamos  Atlay,   1868  ;    Vicar  of  Leeds ; 

Canon  of  Ripon;  d.  1894. 

95.  John    I'crcival,    1895 ;     Headmaster    of 

Clifton  and  Rugbj^  Schools  ;  President 
of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 

[w.  w.  c] 

Browne  Willis,  Survey ;  Havergall,  Fasii 
Herefordenses  ;  Jipiscnjtal  Registers  (Caritilupe 
Society)  ;  Pliillott,  Dio.  Hist. 

HERESY  is  a  word  derived  from  the  Greek 
uipi(TLs,  meaning  '  a  sect,'  which  is  actually 
so    translated    in    Acts    5^',   15^,  and    24*. 


It  ought  also  to  have  been  translated  '  a 
sect,'  as  it  actually  is  in  the  R.V.  (24^*), 
to  make  St.  Paul's  answers  relevant  to 
the  charge  against  him  in  24^.  But  a  sect 
among  Christians  was  a  wrong  thing  from 
the  first,  because  aU  are  members  of  one  body; 
and  sects  or  '  heresies  '  are  placed  by  St. 
Paul  in  Gal.  S^"  among  the  '  works  of  the 
flesh,'  which  are  as  '  manifest '  as  they  are 
evil.  St.  Paul  accordingly  instructs  Titus 
(3^")  to  reject,  or  refuse,  a  heretical  man 
'  after  a  first  and  second  admonition,'  simply 
because  he  is  perverse  and  factious.  Heresies, 
moreover,  are  shown  to  be  utterly  destructive 
of  the  faith  in  2  Peter  2^,  where  it  is  said 
that  they  wdll  be  introduced  by  false  teachers, 
'  denying  the  Lord  that  bought  them.'  On 
this  subject  the  apostolic  instruction  was 
still  followed  in  the  Middle  Ages.  But 
Christianity  having  by  that  time  become  the 
general  religion  of  European  nations,  it  was 
not  found  easy  to  deal  with  heretics  merely  by 
church  censures  and  by  instructing  Christians 
to  avoid  their  company.  So  in  the  thirteenth 
century  Aquinas  {Secmida  Secundae,  qu.  xi.) 
maintains  that  a  heretic  who  remains  ob- 
stinate after  a  first  and  second  admoni- 
tion is  rightly  punished,  first  by  anathema 
(or  excommunication),  and  afterwards  by 
death. 

Here  we  trace  the  beginning  of  evils 
abhorrent  to  more  humane  times.  The 
truth,  it  was  felt,  was  in  the  keeping  of  the 
Church,  that  is  to  say,  of  a  weU-instructed 
clergy,  and  in  doubtful  questions  there  was 
an  appeal  from  bishops  to  the  Pope.  The 
scholastic  method  of  reasoning  in  very  subtle 
questions  might  not  be  so  infallible  as  men 
thought ;  but  to  raise  opposition  to  what 
seemed  well-founded  decisions  was  real 
factiousness  on  the  part  of  any  one  but  a 
well-qualified  divine.  Certainly  to  persist 
obstinately  in  maintaining  one's  own  opinion 
in  the  face  of  the  Church  was  a  course  calcu- 
lated to  engender  strife  ;  and  if  the  Church 
had  no  other  remedy  but  to  excommunicate 
the  offender,  what  could  the  civil  authority 
do  with  such  a  mischief-maker  ?  There  was 
but  one  opinion  in  the  Middle  Ages — that 
ho  should  be  burnt.  And  this  \'iew  the 
Church  virtually  approved,  for  perverse 
heretics  seemed  to  deserve  no  mercy,  though 
there  are  cases  in  the  twelfth  century  of 
bishops  actually  protecting  heretics  from 
popular  fury  (Tanon,  Hisloire  des  Tribu- 
naux  d&  V Inquisition  en  France,  p.  15). 

It  would  seem,  indeed,  that  Church 
censures  were  for  a  long  time  held  to  be 
sufficient.  The  late  M.  Julien  Havet  con- 
sidered  that   burning   for   heresy   was   first 


(270) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Heresy 


provoked  by  the  extravagances  of  the 
Cathari  after  the  j-ear  1000  ;  but  possibly  it 
may  be  traced  farther  back.  In  England, 
in  the  earliest  notice  of  the  coercion  of  heretics, 
they  were  dealt  with  not  by  burning  but  by 
severe  enough  measures  ordered  simply  by 
despotic  power.  At  a  council  at  Oxford  in 
1166  some  thirty  heretics  who  came  from 
Germany  were  condemned ;  and  Henry  ii. 
ordered  them  to  be  branded  in  the  face  (their 
leader  in  the  chin  also),  and  whipped  out 
of  the  town  in  winter,  no  man  being  allowed 
to  offer  them  food  or  shelter.  This  severity 
was  said  to  have  purged  the  realm  completely 
of  an  unwonted  pest  brought  in  by  aliens 
(R.  Howlett's  cd.  of  William  Newburgh, 
R.S.,  i.  131-4).  The  first  recorded  instance 
of  burning  in  England  was  in  1210,  when  we 
are  told  (without  particulars)  that  an  Albi- 
gensian  was  burnt  in  London  {Liber  Niger, 
p.  3,  C.S.)-  In  1222  occurred  the  more  cele- 
brated case  of  a  deacon  who  was  burnt  as  an 
apostate,  having  turned  Jew  for  the  love  of 
a  Jewess.  By  that  time  a  methodical  way 
of  deaUng  with  heretics  had  been  indicated 
by  the  Lateran  Council  of  1215,  which 
directed  that  they  should  be  condemned  by 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in  presence  of 
the  secular  powers,  or  their  baihffs,  and  de- 
livered up  to  them  for  punishment,  clerks 
being  first  degraded  from  their  orders. 
Some  English  bishops  who  had  attended  this 
council  took  part  in  one  at  Osney  by 
Oxford  in  the  spring  of  1222,  at  which  judg- 
ment was  pronounced  on  the  apostate  deacon  ; 
and  the  condemned  man  was  accordinglj^  de- 
graded by  the  court  christian  and  forthwith 
burnt  by  the  lay  power.  No  sentence  of 
death  seems  to  have  been  passed;  at  least 
there  is  no  evidence  of  any  condemnation 
by  a  lay  court,  and  the  earhest  accounts 
read  otherwise.  But  apparently  the  lay 
power  must  get  rid  of  such  an  offender,  if 
the  nation  would  not  incur  interdict. 

At  his  coronation  in  1220  the  Emperor 
Frederick  n.  was  pledged  to  punish  heretics 
by  banishment  and  confiscation  of  goods; 
and  he  not  only  pubUshed  a  '  constitution ' 
to  that  effect,  but  followed  it  up  in  later 
years  ^^ith  others  more  severe.  One  of  these, 
issued  in  1231,  expressly  sanctioned  punish- 
ment by  fire,  and  governed  from  that  time 
the  practice  in  the  Empire  and  of  European 
princes  generally  (Lyndwood,  p.  293,  note  d). 
In  1298,  the  recent  papal  law  being  codified  in 
'the  Sext'  by  Boniface  vin.,  the  kind  of  obedi- 
ence which  the  Church  expected  of  Chi'istian 
princes  in  this  matter  was  made  stUl  more 
obvious.  About  that  time  in  England  we 
find  it  was  a  principle  recognised  by  law  that 


various  felonies  ought  to  be  punished  by 
burning,  and  that  among  others  sorcerers, 
sodomites,  and  unbelievers  '  openly  at- 
tainted,' when  reported  to  the  King  should 
be  put  to  death  by  him  '  as  a  good  marshal 
of  Christendom.'  Yet  for  nearly  two 
hundred  years  after  the  date  of  the  Judaiscd 
deacon  not  one  actual  case  of  burning  for 
heresy  in  England  seems  to  be  on  record  ; 
and  it  was  generally  believed  tiU  recent  limes 
that  there  were  none  before  the  first  year  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  statute  de 
herelico  comburendo  (2  Hen.  iv.  c.  15)  was 
passed.  This,  however,  is  rather  doubtful ; 
for  in  sermons  attributed  to  Wyclif  (q.v.), 
and  certainly  of  Richard  n.'s  time,  there  are 
very  distinct  allusions  to  heretics  being  per- 
secuted and  burnt.  There  is  also  in  the 
Chronicle  of  Meaux  (ii.  323)  a  retrospective 
notice  of  the  persecution  of  some  Franciscans 
in  various  countries  in  1318  for  their  opposi- 
tion to  Pope  John  xxil.  ;  and  among  those  in 
England  were  fifty-five  men  and  eight  women 
burnt  '  in  a  certain  wood.'  Possibly  this  may 
have  been  the  wooded  district  of  the  ChUtern 
Hills,  %^'hich  in  a  later  period  became  a  noted 
refuge  for  heretics. 

It  seems  probable,  however,  that  there  was 
very  little  heresy  in  England  before  the  days 
of  Wychf,  and  therefore  very  little  burning. 
Wyclif  himself,  moreover,  was  no  real  here- 
tic, for  it  was  always  a  question  while  he 
lived  whether  his  teaching  would  not  ulti- 
mately prevail.  But  existing  order  was 
threatened  by  his  strong  denunciation  of 
abuses  ;  and  a  few  years  after  his  death  we 
have  the  rare  spectacle  of  an  enthusiast 
named  WilUam  Swynderb}^  appealing  both 
to  the  King  and  to  Parhament  against  an 
episcopal  sentence.  For  this  departure  from 
customary  practice  he  gave  reasons  not  a 
little  interesting.  The  bishop,  he  said,  after 
excommunicating  a  man,  could  do  no  more 
without  help  of  the  Iving's  laAv  ;  yet  a  cause 
of  heresy  involved  judgment  of  death.  For 
the  bishop  woidd  say,  as  the  Jews  did  to 
Pilate :  '  It  is  not  lawful  for  us  to  put  any 
man  to  death  '  ;  and  Swynderby  hoped  that 
no  justice  would  pass  an  untrue  judgment, 
as  the  bishop  had  done. 

LoUardy  was  at  this  time  very  strong,  and 
was  largely  favoured  b^'  infiu'ential  men ; 
but  it  was  soon  found  dangerous,  especially 
after  Henry  iv.'s  accession,  when  the  statute 
de  herelico  comburendo  was  passed.  And 
even  before  that  Act  had  become  law  WUfiaiu 
Sawtre  was  burned  in  Smithfield  under  the 
authority  of  a  King's  writ  dated  26th  Feb- 
ruary 1401  but  not  issued  till  the  2nd  March, 
when  it  bore  the  words :  '  By  the  King  and 


(  271  ) 


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[Heresy 


Council  in  Parliament.'  In  this  writ  it  was 
set  forth  that  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bur}',  with  the  consent  of  his  suffragans  and 
the  whole  clergy  of  his  province,  had  in  due 
order  of  law  condemned  Sawtre  as  a  heretic 
who  had  relapsed  after  being  abjured,  and 
had  therefore  degraded  him  and  left  him  to 
a  secular  tribunal,  as  the  Church  had  nothing 
more  to  do  -R-ith  him.  The  King  accordingly, 
seeing  that  such  heretics,  by  divine  and 
human  law  and  canonical  usage,  ought  to  be 
burnt,  directed  the  maj'or  and  sheriffs  of 
London  to  have  it  done  in  some  pubUc  place 
within  their  hberty  '  in  detestation  of  such 
a  crime,  and  as  a  warning  to  other  Christians.' 
Such  was  the  tenor  of  the  writ,  which  was  duly 
entered  on  the  Parhament  RoU  as  issued  to 
the  mayor  and  sheriffs  on  Wednesdaj^ 
2nd  March.  Later,  apparently  on  Thursday, 
the  10th  of  the  same  month,  the  last  day  of 
Parhament,  was  passed  the  Act  above 
mentioned,  which,  however,  was  not  mainly 
intended  to  authorise  the  burning  of  heretics, 
though  it  did  authorise  such  punishment  in 
extreme  cases,  but  rather  to  give  the  bishops 
(for  it  was  passed  at  their  request,  and  that 
of  the  clergy  generally)  more  complete  control 
over  such  men,  seeing  that  heretics  easily 
escaped  from  one  diocese  to  another  and 
evaded  episcopal  jurisdiction.  In  fact,  the 
most  important  provision  of  this  Act  was 
one  for  putting  down  aU  unlicensed  preach- 
ing ;  for  this  was  the  check  chiefly  relied 
on  to  meet  the  evil.  And  measures  of 
Convocation  afterwards  strengthened  the 
disciphne  of  the  Church  in  this  matter  by 
laying  under  interdict  not  only  unhcensed 
preachers  in  churches  or  churchj^ards,  but 
the  very  churches  and  parishes  that  allowed 
them. 

Open  heresy  thus  lost  favour.  Sir  John 
Oldcastle,  the  last  renowned  knight  to  give 
it  any  support,  added  treason  to  heresy,  and 
was  burnt  by  a  special  sentence  of  Parlia- 
ment at  St.  Giles's,  being  suspended  by  a 
chain  over  a  blazing  fire  (1417).  The  Church 
was  really  getting  into  order  as  the  Great 
Schism  was  ended,  and  heretics  who  were 
disturbers  of  order  were  of  small  account  tiU 
the  day  when  Henry  vni.  encouraged  them 
for  his  own  purposes  and  brought  on  the 
Reformation. 

The  very  essence  of  heresy  was  an  attempt 
to  disturb  order.  Opinions  were  not  heresy 
so  long  as  they  were  held  ■with  due  respect 
for  the  decisions  of  the  Church,  and  it  was 
only  reasonable  that  private  opinion  should 
show  deference  to  the  faith  which  had 
been  expounded  and  discussed  for  centuries. 
Private  opinion  may  even  have  been  right 


in  some  things ;  for  a  view  of  orthodoxy  rest- 
ing on  a  seeming  Bibhcal  foundation,  and 
developed  by  mere  logical  syllogisms  from  a 
hypothesis  which  might  itself  be  questioned, 
is  no  such  entirely  safe  guide  as  men  too 
readily  imagine.  Philosophers  may  build 
upon  figures  of  speech  and  raise  an  edifice 
which  common  men  cannot  inhabit  or  make 
real  use  of.  The  danger,  moreover,  was 
serious,  when  the  Church,  founding  itself,  to 
aU  appearance,  both  on  reason  and  on  Scrip- 
ture, insisted  on  Aristotehan  views  about 
physical  things  before  the  truths  of  physical 
science  had  reaUy  been  investigated.  Thus 
the  common  faith  of  aU  Christendom  was 
made  to  include  theories  about  '  substance ' 
and  '  accidents '  and  the  stability  of  the  earth, 
which  do  not  harmonise  well,  or,  it  may  be, 
at  aU,  with  advancing  scientific  knowledge. 
ReUgion  must  not  shut  out  the  fight  of 
experience  on  any  subject  whatever ;  and 
the  attempt  to  do  so  in  reUgion's  name  only 
paralyses  faith  without  being  able  to  shackle 
investigation. 

Nevertheless,  it  must  be  owned  that  the 
emancipation  of  the  human  mind  in  the  six- 
teenth century  was  not  largely  due  to  divines 
or  philosophers  of  the  highest  rank.  Luther 
almost  stands  by  himself.  Calvin  can 
scarcely  be  caUed  a  friend  of  freedom.  And 
when  we  turn  to  England  the  best  theologian 
we  have  to  show  is  Cranmer  {q.v.),  whose 
internal  history  was  evidently  a  painful 
struggle  reflected  in  a  life  of  marked  incon- 
sistencies. The  Reformation  here  began 
with  a  royal  despotism  which  wilfully  stirred 
up  heresy  to  help  in  destroying  that  supreme 
power  at  Rome  on  which  existing  church 
order  depended.  And  when  once  that  work 
was  done  heresy  could  no  longer  be  coerced 
so  easily  as  it  had  been.  Very  flagrant 
repudiations  of  what  was  vital  to  the  faith  of 
all  Christendom  were  still  for  a  time  put 
down  by  the  fiery  remedy.  But  the  faith  of 
a  nation,  measured  by  dogmatic  standards, 
could  no  longer .  be  upheld  t  y  penal  laws. 
After  a  long  struggle,  in  which  for  a  time  old 
heresies  got  the  upper  hand,  men  were  allowed 
to  form  themselves  into  dissenting  com- 
munions. From  that  time  forward  the  faith 
has  only  vindicated  itself  by  its  own  inherent 
consistency,  and  men  who  stand  apart  from 
the  Church  from  no  love  of  schism  scarcely 
deserve  to  be  reputed  heretics.  '1  heir 
opinions,  indeed,  may  be  heretical,  but  con- 
scientious acts  are  not.  And  the  injurious 
effects  of  wrong  opinions  so  entertained  lose 
themselves  in  the  general  body  of  Christian- 
ity. Indeed,  it  may  well  be  beheved  that 
though  popular  theology  must  go  astray  to 


(  272  ) 


Hermits] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Hermits 


some  extent,  it  is  better  that  the  laity 
should  cultivate  thinking  than  merely  accept 
dogmas  on  authority.     [Lollards.]  I 

[J.  G.] 

HEEMITS.  The  hermit  differed  from  the 
anchorite  (q.v.)  in  that  the  former  was 
solivagus,  tlie  latter  conclusus.  The  vow  of 
the  anchorite  forbade  him  to  leave  his  cell, 
that  of  the  hermit  held  him  only  to  a  solitary 
life  of  celibacy  and  a  rather  easily  interpreted 
poverty. 

The  first  hermits  in  this  country  were 
probably  those  Celtic  solitaries  of  both  sexes 
of  whom  traces  abound  in  Cornwall  and  in 
other  districts,  but  whose  legends  are  gener- 
ally puzzUng  and  doubtful.  Like  these  their 
successors,  the  earlier  Enghsh  hermits,  of 
whom  St.  Guthlac  is  the  most  famous,  took 
up  their  abode  in  lonely  places,  in  fens,  caves, 
and  forests,  where  they  imitated  as  closely  as 
possible  the  life  of  their  forerunners  in  the 
Thebaid  in  the  fourth  century.  Before  the 
twelfth  century,  however,  we  find  that  this 
feature  of  eremitic  life  had  quite  ceased  to  be 
characteristic.  The  majority  of  hermits  now 
lived  by  high  roads,  or  even  in  towns.  This 
change  was  probably  due  in  great  measure 
to  the  Berengarian  controversy,  and  to  the 
increased  stress  laid  upon  Easter  '  duties.' 
The  devout  hermit  could  no  longer  live  in 
places  where,  unless  he  were  a  priest  himseK, 
he  was  unable  to  receive  the  sacraments. 

Moreover,  as  life  became  more  complex 
the  hermit's  temptation  to  rely  less  upon  his 
own  exertions  than  upon  the  alms  of  the 
charitable  would  increase,  and  this  considera- 
tion helped  to  bring  his  hut  to  the  bridge  or 
the  roadside.  When  the  idea  of  flight  from 
the  haunts  of  men  had  dwindled  thus,  hermits 
became  useful  to  the  community  as  menders 
of  roads  and  bridges  and  succourers  of 
travellers.  Indeed,  this  semi-religious  duty 
became  characteristic  of  their  order,  and 
the  '  bridge-hermit '  of  the  Middle  Ages  was 
a  thoroughly  familiar  figure.  The  manner  of 
life  thus  developed  was  open  to  considerable 
abuse.  Thus  we  find  hermits  bracketed  with 
beggars  and  vagabonds  in  a  statute  of  Richard 
n.  From  this  condemnation,  however,  are 
excepted  such  '  approved '  hermits  as  have 
letters  testimonial  from  the  ordinary.  The 
same  distinction  is  made  in  one  of  the  numer- 
ous wills  which  leave  money  to  hermits  to 
pray  specially  for  the  testator's  soul.  These 
'  approved '  hermits  obtained  formal  per- 
mission from  the  bishop  to  '  serve  God  in 
that  order,'  and  received  the  episcopal 
benediction  in  an  Office  which  was,  however, 
much  simpler  than  that  of  enclosure,  and  did 


not  include  Mass.  Letters  were  sometimes 
issued  to  the  clergy  of  the  diocese  announcing 
that  the  profession  had  been  made,  and 
requesting  them  to  recognise  the  new  hermit 
and  see  to  his  support.  In  some  cases  there 
was  a  right  of  advowson  to  recognised 
hermitages,  and  hermits  were  formally 
appointed  by  the  bishop  or  patron.  Hermits 
were  seldom  priests,  but  they  often  had 
chapels  attached  to  their  ceUs,  and  we  find 
episcopal  licences  for  Mass  to  be  celebrated 
in  such  chapels.  In  the  very  rare  case  of  a 
monk  becoming  a  hermit  after  his  profession, 
he  seems  to  have  lived  under  the  obedience 
of  the  nearest  abbot  of  a  monastery.  The 
same  cell  was  not  infrequently  inhabited  at 
different  times  by  hermits  and  by  strict 
recluses,  and  there  are  cases  of  two  cells 
existing  attached  to  the  same  church,  of  which 
one  was  occupied  by  a  hermit  and  one  by  an 
anchorite.  Proximity  to  a  church  was  not, 
however,  necessary  for  hermitages.  Some- 
times a  regidarly  constituted  hermitage  would 
be  submitted  to  the  rule  of  a  neighbouring 
convent,  and  would  develop  in  process  of  time 
into  a  cell  of  the  house.  Several  small 
communities,  such  as  Writtle  and  St.  James, 
Cripplegate,  had  this  origin. 

The  profession  of  poverty  did  not  forbid  a 
hermit  to  collect  money  as  well  for  charity 
as  for  his  own  support.  Fixed  '  wages  '  of 
five  shiUings  a  quarter  were  paid  to  a  hermit 
at  Hunstanton  by  the  L' Estrange  family, 
probably  in  consideration  of  his  praying  for 
them.  He  might  also  possess  cattle  and 
lands,  as  is  proved  by  the  will  of  more  than 
one  hermit — for  hermits  were  able  to  make 
legal  wills.  A  certain  amount  of  land  seems 
generally  to  have  accompanied  a  hermitage, 
and  there  the  occupant  would  keep  at  least 
one  cow,  as  well  as  grow  vegetables  for  his 
table. 

Hermits  probably  said  the  Hours  in  the 

shorter  form  used  by  lay  brethren  in  rehgious 

houses.     They  had  often  a  servant,  or  disciple, 

who  was  trained  to  succeed  his  master.     And 

when  they  died  they  were  buried  in  their  cells. 

A  kneU  would  be  rung  for  an  '  approved  ' 

hermit  at  the  nearest  church.     How  numerous 

these  '  poor  hermits  '  became  we  can  guess  as 

well  from  the  strictures  of  Piers  Ploivman  as 

from  such  romances  as  the  HirjTi  History  of  the 

Holy  Graal     To  this  day  a  few  of  their  more 

\   permanent  cells  exist — the  famous  Royston 

Cave,   the   rock-dwelling   of   St.    Robert   at 

Knaresborough,     and     another,     partly     of 

[    masonry,  at  Warkworth.     In  the  seventeenth 

1    century  a  larger  number  survived,  for  Weever 

■    writes  that  there  were  then  '  solitarie  little 

cells    or    cabbins    in    divers    places    of    this 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hickes 


Kingdome   which   carrie   still   the   name   of 
Hermitages.'  [d.  e.] 

Besaiit.  Medidval  London,  ii.  170  ;  Jusseraiul, 
Eng.  Wayfaring  Life,  p.  137;  Cutts,  Sanies  and 
Characters ;  Fosbrooke,  British  Monachism.  ; 
Episcopal  Registers,  passim  ;  Office  for  Blessing 
a  Hermit  in  Bp.  Lacy's  Pontifical;  Works  of 
Richard  RoUc,  ed.  Horstniann. 

HEYLIN,  Peter  (1600-62),  born  at  Burford,   I 
went  from  the  grammar  school  there  to  Hart 
Hall,    and    then    to    ]\Iagdalen    College,    at    ; 
Oxford.     B.A.,   1617;   Fellow  of  Magdalen,    = 
1618;  ordained,  1624;  D.D.,  1633.     In  1627    1 
he  disputed  in  the  Divinity  School,  maintain- 
ing that  the  Church  of  England  came  from 
the  ancient  Cathohc  Church  and  not  from 
Wycliffites,  Waldenses,  and  the  like.     Patron- 
ised by  Laud,  he  received  various  preferments 
(Meysey    Hampton,     near     his     birthplace, 
was  offered  him,  but  Bishop  Goodman  {q.v.) 
did   not   allow   him   to   accept   it),   and   in 
1631  was  made  a  prebendary  of  Westminster, 
where  later  as  treasurer  he  did  much  for 
preservation  of  the  fabric.    In  1633  he  became 
Rector  of  Alresford,  Hants ;   in  1635  he  was 
one  of  the  prebendaries  of  Westminster  who 
complained  against  the  dean  (Williams,  Bishop 
of  Lincoln) ;  in  1636  he  wrote  and  published 
an  anti-Puritan  History  of  the  Sabbath.     In 
the  latter  year  he  began  a  famous  controversy 
■with  WiUiams  by  his  Coal  from  the  Altar, 
directed  against  the  order  to  keep  the  altars 
in  churches  table- wise,  i.e.  extending  east  and 
west,  not  north  and  south.     Wilhams  rephed 
in  The   Holy  Table,  Name   and  Thing,  and 
Heylin  answered  again  in  Antidotum  Lincol- 
nense.     He  held  various  livings  till  the  out- 
break of  the  war,  and  meanwhile  was  very 
active  in  controversy,  taking  a  prominent 
part  in  the  Convocation  of  1640,  and  advising 
that   it   might   constitutionally  continue   to 
sit  and  act  after  ParUament  was  dissolved. 
[Convocation.]    He  was  for  some  time  with 
the  King  in  Oxford,  engaged  on  the  news-sheet 
of  the  King's  party,  Mercurius  Aulicus,  but 
lost  his  hvings,  was  declared  a  dehnquent, 
and  for  a  long  time  had  great  difficulty  in 
procuring  support  for  his  family.     Up   till 
1660  he  wrote  continuously  on  every  subject 
of  public  interest  from  geography  to  church 
history  and  the  life  of  Charles  i.     His  most 
notable    books    are    the    Cosmographie,    a 
brilliant  geographical  survey ;  the  Hislui  y  of 
Presbyterianism,   a  vigorous  attack  on   the 
pohtics  and  religion  of  the  Calvinists ;  the 
History  of  the  Beformalion,  a  justification  of 
the  Anglican  point  of  view;  and  the  Cyprianus 
Anglicus,  a  bright  and  sympathetic  life  of 
Laud.     At  the  Restoration  it  was  he  who 


advised  the  summoning  of  the  Convocation, 
and  he  was  much  consulted  by  the  Church 
party  during  the  ecclesiastical  settlement. 
He  returned  to  his  house  at  Westminster, 
but  he  was  infirm  and  blind,  and  he  died  on 
8th  May  1662,  and  was  buried  in  the  Abbey. 
To  Heylin's  learning,  good  memory,  and 
sharp  wit  the  Laudian  party  owed  a  great 
deal.  He  was  a  consistent  defender  of  the 
position  of  the  Church  as  inherited  from  the 
earliest  days,  and  he  conclusively  vindicated 
the  loyalty  of  his  patron,  the  archbishop. 

[w.  H.  H.] 

Wood,  Athenae  Oxonienses  ;  Walker,  Suffer- 
ings of  the  Clergy. 

HICKES,  George  (1642-1715),  bishop  and 
Nonjuror,    educated    first   at    Thirsk,    later 
at  the  Grammar  School,  Northallerton,  en- 
tered St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  1659,  but 
his  ardent  RoyaUst  and  Church  views  in- 
volved him  in  trouble  with  Thankful  Owen, 
the  Puritan  President,  and  he  was  sent  down. 
1660  he  returned  as  a  '  servitor  '  to  Magdalen, 
whence  he  graduatedB.A.,  1663.    He  migrated 
to  Magdalen  Hall,  but,  1664,  was  elected  to 
a  Yorkshire  Fellowship  at  Lincoln  College. 
1665  he  became  M.A.,  and  for  seven  years 
was   what    is    now    called    a    coUege    tutor. 
1675  he  became  Rector  of  St.  Ebbe's,  Oxford. 
1678  he  was  made  D.D.  at  St.  Andrews,  and, 
1679,  at  Oxford.     He  became  Prebendary  of 
Worcester  and  Vicar  of  AU  Hallows,  Barking, 
1680;  a  royal  chaplain,  1681;  and  Dean  of 
Worcester,   1683.     In   1686  he  resigned  All 
Hallows,  Barking,  but  accepted  the  Uving  of 
Alvechurch  to  hold  with  his  deanery.    In  1684 
he  refused  the  see  of  Bristol.      He  opposed 
James  n.'s  measures,  and  did  not  read  the 
Declaration,  but  he  was  staunch  in  his  loyalty, 
;    and  refused  the  oaths  to  William  and  Mary. 
He  was  consequently  suspended  and  then  de- 
prived, but  allowed  to  remain  at  his  deanery  till 
May  1691,  when,  a  new  dean  being  appointed, 
he  affixed  with  his  own  hand  a  strong  protest 
to  the  choir  gates  of  his  cathedral  church, 
an  act  which  compelled  him  to  remain  hidden 
for   some   time   to   avoid   arrest.     He   took 
refuge    with    a    strong    poUtical    opponent. 
White  Kennett,  later  Bishop  of  Peterborough, 
at  Ambrosden,  Bucks,  where  he  pursued  his 
studies  in  Saxon  and  Icelandic.     For  some 
time  he  was  compelled  to  adopt  the  disguise 
of  a  major  in  the  army.     When  it  was  de- 
cided to  continue  the  episcopal  succession 
Hickes  went  to  James  n.  at  St.  Germans  to 
select  men.     He  was  one  of  those  chosen, 
and  was   consecrated  bishop   (of   Thetford) 
with  WagstafEe  [q.v.],  24th  February  1693. 
In  1699  Lord  Chancellor  Somers  procured  a 


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[High 


nolle  prosequi,  which  stayed  fur"ther  proceed- 
ings against  hira,  on  account  of  his  great 
services    to    learning    on    non-controversial 
subjects,     Hiokes  lived  for   many   years  in 
Great  Ormond  Street,  London,  and  officiated 
regularly  at  the  oratory  in  Scroope's  Court, 
near  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn.     Here,  in  cele- 
brating   the    Holy    Eucharist,    he   used   the 
Office  in  the  Prayer  Book  of  1549.    Hickes    ' 
was   in   learning   and   ability  the  equal   of 
the  greatest  of  the  Caroline  divines.      His 
Thesaurus  of  the  Ancient  Northern  Tongues 
(1703-5)  is  '  a  stupendous  monument  of  learn-    ' 
ing    and    industry.'     His    contributions    to    | 
theology  were  no  less  learned.     His  Christian 
Priesthood  and  his  Constitution  of  the  Catholic 
Church  show  his  patristic  scholarship.      He 
was   of   necessity   driven   into   controversy. 
His  works  on  the  Roman  question  are  among 
the  best  defences  of  the  Anglican  position. 
A  well-known  book  of  Devotions  in  the  Way  nf 
Antient  Offices,  compiled  by  Susanna  Hopton, 
printed  1701,  was  revised  and  has  a  preface 
by  him,  and  is  often  called  by  his  name. 
Hickes  was  after  Bishop  Lloyd's  death,  1709, 
the  unquestioned   leader  of   the   Nonjuring 
body,  and  was  affectionately  called  by  them 
'  the  good  Father  Hickes.'     Though  he  had 
many  friends  among  conforming  Churchmen, 
Hickes  was  a  determined  advocate  of  the 
continuance     of     the     succession     and    the 
separation,  in  contrast  with  Ken  {q.v.)  and 
DodweU.     He     regarded     the     '  Revolution 
Church'   as   a   schismatic  body.      He  died, 
loth  December  1715,  and  is  buried  in  St. 
Margaret's,  Westminster.     His  elder  brother, 
John    Hickes,    held    opinions    diametrically 
opposed  to  those  of  the  bishop,  was  ejected 
from  hishving,  1662,  andexecuted  for  his  share 
in  Monmouth's  rising,  1685.     [Nonjurors.] 

[s.  L.  o.] 

HIGH  COMMISSION,  Court  of.  Origin. 
— The  Commissioners  for  Causes  Ecclesiastical 
originated  in  the  small  and  temporary  com- 
missions created  for  the  trial  of  heretics  by 
T.  Cromwell  {q.v.)  as  Vicegerent.  Some  traces 
of  commissions  somewhat  similar  in  composi- 
tion and  procedure  are  to  be  found  in  the 
preceding  half-century,  and  it  is  probable 
that  Henry  and  Cromwell  only  completed  the 
transformation  of  the  mediaeval  heresy  trial. 
The  summary  procedure  of  the  mediaeval 
trial,  sanctioned  partly  by  lay  and  partly  by 
ecclesiastical  authority,  was  continued  ;  the 
decision  was  as  before  final,  and  appeal  was 
impossible ;  the  penalty  of  fine  and  im- 
prisonment reflected  the  old  maxim  that  the 
State  alone  might  inflict  the  penalty  of  death. 
The    inquisitorial    powers    of    the    Commis- 


sioners  Ecclesiastical   (as  their  official  title 
ran  till  1611,  though  tlie  popular  name,  '  High 
Commission,'  superseded  it  before  1.580)  were 
old,  and  the  procedure  in  all  essentials  older. 
Edward  vi.,  following  a  still  older  adminis- 
trative habit,  put  into  commission  the  powers 
Cromwell   had  exercised  as  Vicegerent,  and 
his    first    body   of    Commissioners    exercised 
their   authority   by   creating   smaller   bodies 
to  conduct  the  actual  trial.     Mary,  however, 
by  Letters  Patent  of    1556  gave  the  Com- 
mission   the  form   it    preserved  till   1583 — 
a  body  of  bishops,  statesmen,  and  lawyers, 
endowed  with  almost  plenary  authority  and 
practically    iinliniited    discretion    in    causes 
ecclesiastical.       Elizabeth     expressly     sanc- 
tioned the  Commission  by  a  clause  of  the 
Act  of  Supremacy  (1  Eliz.  c.  1,  s.  vui.),  which 
has  long  been  erroneously  regarded  as  the 
beginning  of  the  Commission.     Indeed,  the 
Commission  was  not  a  creation  at  all,  but  a 
growth,  and  its  origin  was  the  necessity  of 
exercising  in   some   way   the   amplitude   of 
authority  invested  in  the  Crown  by  Henry's 
assumption  of  the  Supreme  Headship.   Henry 
had  used   it  against  Roman    Catholic    and 
Protestant  ;     Edward    vi.    had    persecuted 
the    CathoUcs,    Mary   the    Protestants,    and 
Ehzabeth  actually  expelled  some  of  Mary's 
bishops  and  priests  by  an  instrument  which 
Mary    herself    had    developed.     The    High 
Commission  received  its  final  form  at  Eliza- 
beth's hands  because  her  settlement  was  the 
first  to  be  permanent. 

History  of  the  High  Commission. 
1.  1535-83.  An  Inquisitorial  Instrument  for 
the  repression  of  Heresy.  —  During  these 
years  the  Commission  was  wholly  under  the 
control  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  its  members 
were  more  often  statesmen  and  civil  lawyers, 
who  could  be  trusted,  than  ecclesiastics,  whose 
allegiance  was  usually  dubious.  Indeed,  it 
was  a  temporal  body  for  quasi-political  work, 
and  was  a  tool  of  the  Privy  Council,  devoid 
of  any  institutional  life  or  traditions  of  its 
own.  Its  chief  duty  was  the  enforcing  of 
the  rehgious  tests  of  temporal  loyalty  as  laid 
down  in  the  Acts  of  Supremacy  and  Uni- 
formity and  in  the  Thirty-nine  Ai'ticles. 
It  was  busily  supporting  the  State,  not  the 
Church.  Its  powers  were  as  broad  as  the 
royal  prerogative,  and  its  procedure  as  inde- 
terminate as  that  of  the  Privy  Council,  but 
the  Commissioners  were  not  allowed  to 
exercise  such  discretion  themselves.  The 
orders  from  the  Privy  CouncU  were  of  the 
most  minute  description,  telhng  them  what 
to  do  and  how  to  do  it.  (See  Privy  Council 
Register,  New  Series,  xi.  137,  149,  174,  182, 
212,  456 ;   xii.  336  ;   xiii.  72,  etc.)     Coupled 


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to  these  were  duties  connected  with  the 
censorship  of  the  press,  later  handed  over  to 
the  Bishop  of  London  and  the  Star  Chamber. 

2.  1583-1611.  Development  into  a  Lmv 
Court. — Gradually  as  the  Commission  be- 
came more  and  more  permanent,  its  duties 
more  regular,  its  term  of  office  longer,  its 
membership  more  numerous,  it  developed 
more  and  more  the  aspect  of  a  court,  and 
began  to  have  more  and  more  an  institu- 
tional life  and  spirit  of  its  own.  The  questions 
before  it  became  in  the  'seventies  less  and  less 
poUtical ;  every  year  reduced  the  possibihty 
of  popular  revolt ;  Norfolk  was  executed, 
Mary  Stuart  in  prison  ;  the  Roman  CathoUcs 
seemed  cowed ;  and  the  work  of  the  Com- 
mission became  more  and  more  ecclesiasti- 
cal, requiring  a  knowledge  of  ecclesiastical 
law  and  administrative  routine  rather  than 
of  the  precepts  of  state- craft.  The  force  of 
circumstances  was  emancipating  the  Com- 
mission from  the  close  control  of  the  Privy 
Council,  and  tending  to  bring  into  promin- 
ence its  legal  rather  than  its  inquisitorial 
aspect.  Indeed,  it  had  always  been  treated 
as  a  court,  albeit  a  court  untrammelled  by 
precedent  and  the  usual  rules  of  procedure, 
and  exercising  rather  the  residual  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Crown  than  an  ordinary  com- 
petence to  try  suits  between  party  and  party. 
But  in  1576  the  new  aspect  as  a  court  be- 
comes evident,  by  1583  the  development 
is  clearly  under  waj^  and  by  1592  was 
certainly  completed. 

This  change  seems  to  have  been  chiefly 
due  to  Richard  Bancroft  {q.v.),  aided  bj^ 
Richard  Cosin,  Edwin  Stanhope,  and  John 
Aylmor,  Bishop  of  London.  From  now  on 
iintil  its  dissolution  in  1640  its  judicial 
functions  in  suits  between  party  and  party 
dwarf  every  other  power  it  has.  The  old 
inquisitorial  functions  fell  into  practical 
abeyance,  and  were  used  only  occasionally. 
The  registrar  and  the  few  notaries,  at  first 
the  whole  staff,  had  now  expanded  into  an 
army  of  clerks,  whUe  proctors  and  advocates 
were  regularly  licensed  to  practise  before  its 
bar,  and  clients  so  thronged  its  doors  that 
the  plea  rolls  could  hardly  be  kept  clear.  Its 
procedure  became  regular  and  firm,  but  was 
popular  with  suitors  because  of  its  prompti- 
tude, and  its  freedom  from  the  vexatious 
delays  and  useless  forms  so  common  in  liti- 
gation in  the  courts  of  that  time.  Its  juris- 
diction was  extended  to  cover  the  usual 
competence  of  ecclesiastical  courts  (q-v.). 
The  most  interesting  aspect  of  its  work 
appeared  in  its  development  of  an  equitable 
jurisdiction  in  ecclesiastical  cases,  and  in  the 
broad  use   of   pleading   in  forma   pauperis, 


whereby  it  performed  most  of  the  functions 
of  an  ecclesiastical  Court  of  Requests.  The 
possibility  of  securing  a  decree  of  specific 
performance,  sanctioned  by  temporal  pains 
of  fine  and  imprisonment,  made  the  Commis- 
sion exceedingly  popular  among  htigants. 

Another  aspect  of  the  Commission's  work 
was  especially  developed  by  Bancroft.  The 
ordinary  ecclesiastical  officials  were  lacking 
in  coercive  power ;  they  might  censure 
and  admonish,  and  even  excommunicate, 
but  neither  laity  nor  clergy  paid  much  atten- 
tion to  such  feeble  pains  and  penalties.  At 
the  same  time,  the  clergy  were  ignorant  and 
disobedient,  but  could  not  be  displaced, 
partly  because  the  stipends  were  so  poor  that 
better  qualified  men  refused  the  benefices, 
and  partly  because  the  Queen,  for  reasons 
of  state,  usually  forbade  the  removal  for 
simple  ecclesiastical  delinquencies  of  clergy 
who  were  loyal  to  the  State.  The  work  of 
the  Church  had  to  be  done  by  means  of  un- 
wiUing  hands,  and  the  hierarchy  did  not 
possess  in  itself  the  requisite  powers  to 
coerce  them  into  obedience.  The  Reforma- 
tion had  nominally  added  nothing  to  the  legal 
powers  of  bishop  or  archbishop,  and  extra- 
ordinary authority  had  hitherto  always  come 
from  Rome  in  the  form  of  bulls,  decrees,  or 
legates.  For  want  of  such  authority  in  the 
reformed  Church  matters  had  gone  from 
bad  to  worse  for  half  a  century  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  dioceses  and  provinces.  Now, 
about  1590,  Bancroft  seems  to  have  made 
clear  to  Whitgift  [q.v.)  and  Burghley  that 
the  needed  coercive  power  existed  in  the 
High  Commission,  which  could  itself  enforce 
specific  performance  of  any  order  and  com- 
pel obedience  from  the  most  refractory. 
Hence  the  Commission  became  also  an  ad- 
ministrative organ  of  the  greatest  importance, 
and,  in  fact,  the  key  of  the  whole  ecclesiasti- 
cal fabric.  By  its  means  order  and  decency 
were  finally  evolved  by  Whitgift,  Bancroft, 
and  Cosin  in  a  thousand  details  of  ecclesi- 
astical routine. 

It  was  unlikely,  however,  that  the  common 
law  courts  would  view  with  favour  the 
powers,  authority,  and  ever-growing  popu- 
larity of  this  new  court.  Cawdry  in  1587 
had  questioned  the  legality  of  the  new  ad- 
ministrative functions  of  the  Commission, 
but  the  judges  had  upheld  them.  The  right 
of  the  Commission  to  hear  ordinary  suits  at 
ecclesiastical  law,  and  indeed  cases  which 
trenched  very  nearly,  if  not  completely,  on 
the  territory  claimed  by  the  common  law 
judges,  was  another  matter.  On  this  ground 
Sir  Edward  Coke,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Common  Pleas,  began  in  1607  and  1608  a 


(276) 


High] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[High 


strong  attack  on  the  Commission,  and  in- 
sisted that  its  powers  exceeded  the  authority 
granted  by  the  statute  of  Ehzabeth,  and 
that  it  had  no  right  to  try  every  and  any 
case  ecclesiastical,  but  only  those  of  extremely 
serious  nature.  The  blow  struck  at  the 
Commission's  position  as  a  law  court  also 
imperilled  its  administrative  functions,  which 
Bancroft  (now  archbishop)  felt  were  of  the 
first  and  greatest  consequence.  The  arch- 
bishop and  his  lawyers  fought  hard  in  Fuller's 
case  (1C07)  and  on  various  prohibitions,  as 
well  as  in  debates  before  the  Kng,  but  were 
neither  defeated  nor  victorious.  Some  sort 
of  compromise,  whose  exact  terms  we  do  not 
know,  was  patched  up  in  1611. 

3.  1611-40.  A  Laio  Court  for  the  Trial  of 
Suits  between  Party  and  Party. — In  1611  Arch- 
bishop Abbot  {q.v.)  carried  out  Bancroft's 
scheme  for  a  reorganisation  of  the  Commission. 
The  period  of  growth  was  ended,  and  the 
Commission  stood  forth  as  a  law  court  with 
a  fixed  procedure,  a  broad  though  not  un- 
limited jurisdiction,  and  a  regular  staff  of 
officials  to  execute  its  orders.  Further,  it 
had  attained  institutional  strength  and  an 
esprit  de  corps  of  its  own.  All  this  was 
openly  recognised  in  the  Letters  Patent  of 
1611.  Procedure  and  organisation  were 
officially  sanctioned,  and  the  name  High 
Commission  was  formally  adopted.  Dignity 
was  lent  by  the  presence  among  the  Com- 
mission's members  of  a  crowd  of  divines  and 
statesmen,  but  it  was  understood  that  they 
would  rarely,  if  ever,  sit.  Its  decisions  were, 
however,  to  be  no  longer  final,  and  Com- 
missions of  Review  were  to  be  issued  by  the 
Crown  in  case  of  appeal.  By  the  restoration 
of  the  earher  form  in  1625  this  provision 
was  repealed,  and  the  Commission  took  on 
again  some  of  its  aspects  of  unhmited  power 
and  arbitrary  procedure.  Moreover,  be- 
tween 1583  and  1633  the  old  inquisitorial 
functions  were  so  seldom  used,  and  the 
judicial  sessions  were  so  regular  and  so 
crowded  with  suitors,  that  the  resumption 
under  Laud  {q.v.)  of  only  a  part  of  the  Com- 
mission's earlier  activities,  and  the  exercise  of 
a  Uttle  of  its  early  authority,  were  thought 
scandalous  innovations  and  unwarranted 
abuses  of  law.  In  fact,  a  few  decrees  in  indi- 
vidual cases,  for  which  abundant  precedent 
existed,  have  generally  been  treated  by  his- 
torians as  conclusive  evidence  of  the  usual 
functions  of  the  Commission  (such  as 
Leighton's  case),  in  complete  neglect  of  the 
Act  Books  crowded  with  ordinary  law-suits 
and  a  Court  Calendar  so  long  that  only  the 
unceasing  activity  of  Laud  and  his  lawyers 
could  keep  pace  witli  it.     Whatever  opinion 


wo  may  hold  as  to  the  justice  of  the  Com- 
mission's decrees  in  some  few  cases,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  its  legal  and  adminis- 
trative activity  was  the  backbone  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Church  from  1583  to  1640, 
and  that  to  it  was  mainly  due  such  efficiency 
and  vigour  as  were  displayed. 

Procedure.  1.  Party  and  Party. — (1) 
Articles  formed  by  the  plaintiff's  proctor 
were  submitted,  scrutinised,  and  must  be 
accepted  and  signed  by  the  plaintiff's  advo- 
cate and  by  a  Commissioner.  (2)  Letters 
missive  were  then  granted  against  the  de- 
fendant, or  if  he  were  a  fugitive  an  attach- 
ment issued  to  apprehend  him.  (3)  Affidavit 
of  messenger  or  pursuivant  of  the  serving  of 
the  letters  or  attachment.  (4)  Defendant 
appearing  took  oath  ex  officio  to  answer  truly 
the  Articles  Original  (No.  1).  (5)  Three  days 
allowed  the  plaintiff's  proctor  to  bring  in 
Articles  Additional.  (6)  The  defendant 
answers  these  articles  before  his  proctor  and 
a  Commissioner.  The  case  might  now  be 
followed  in  two  ways :  (a)  the  plaintiff  might 
attempt  to  prove  his  contention  by  the 
defendant's  answers  ;  the  hearing  comes  at 
once  ;  all  the  articles  and  the  answers  are 
read  in  open  court ;  advocates  heard  for 
both  sides ;  the  Commissioners,  beginning 
with  the  youngest,  give  individual  opinions  ; 
the  registrar  issues  the  decree  in  accordance 
with  the  majority  opinion:  or  (6)  when  the 
plaintiff  cannot  prove  his  case  from  the 
answers  of  the  defendant  and  must  prove 
his  contention  by  witnesses,  etc.  (7)  Terms 
probationary:  to  the  plaintiff  to  prove  his 
articles,  and  then  to  the  defendant  to  prove 
his  defence ;  the  evidence  of  each  to  be  signed 
by  an  advocate  duly  licensed  to  practise  in 
the  High  Commission ;  each  to  put  in  inter- 
rogatories, which  the  other  must  answer  in 
writing.  When  each  had  asked  and  had 
answers  to  all  his  questions,  the  counsel  for 
the  plaintiff  moved  to  go  to  report,  and  the 
Commissioners  issued  to  the  defendant  a 
monition  to  appear  on  a  date  fixed.  Both 
advocates  then  put  in  briefs  of  their  argu- 
ments, and  each  received  the  other's.  On 
the  morning  of  the  hearing  came  informa- 
tions, an  informal  hearing  before  three  Com- 
missioners, the  registrar,  the  advocates,  and 
proctors  concerned  in  the  case.  The  briefs 
were  read  by  the  advocates,  objections 
adduced  by  either  side,  proof  furnished 
when  demanded,  witnesses  produced,  and 
finally  the  briefs  were  signed  by  the  Com- 
missioners present,  and  when  thus  approved 
could  no  longer  be  questioned  for  matters  of 
fact.  In  the  afternoon,  before  the  full  court, 
came   the   hearing,  which  consisted   of   the 


(277) 


Hilda] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hoadly 


reading  of  the  formal  papers,  of  the  briefs, 
of  a  speech  by  each  advocate,  and  of  the 
opinions  of  the  Commissioners,  delivered  in 
order  of  seniority,  beginning  with  the 
youngest.  The  majority  decided,  and  the 
registrar  issued  the  decree  in  accordance 
with  their  decision. 

2.  Cases  of  Office.  —  The  procedure  was 
the  same  as  in  cases  between  party  and  party, 
except  that  the  part  of  the  plaintiff  was  taken 
by  the  court  or  an  advocate  appointed  to 
act  for  it.  In  Laud's  time  a  King's  Advocate 
was  appointed  to  prosecute  cases  of  office. 

[r.  g.  tJ.] 

Usher,  Reconsfruciion  of  the  Eng.  Ch.,  treats 
its  history  in  outline  to  1610.  The  coniinissions 
are  abstracted  in  Prothero,  Statutes  and  Consti- 
ftilional  Documents.  The  only  remaining  Act 
Books  are  fully  calendared  in  the  State  Papers 
Domestic,  1634-6,  1639-40.  The  Privy  Council 
Register,  New  Series,  contains  much  on  the 
early  history  of  the  commission.  The  bulk  of 
the  material  is  in  manuscript. 

HILDA,  St.,  or  HILD  (614?-80),  abbess, 
daughter  of  Hcreric,  nephew  of  King  Edwin 
(g.v.),was  born  about  614,  and  was  baptized  by 
Paulinus  [q.v.)  in  627.  When  thirty- three  she 
assumed  the  monastic  habit,  and  spent  a  year 
in  East  Anglia,  intending  to  imitate  her  sister 
Hereswid,  a  nun  of  CheUes,  near  Paris. 
Aidan  {q.v.)  called  her  back  to  Xorthumbria, 
and  after  a  year  spent  as  a  nun  she  became 
Abbess  of  Hereteu,  or  Hartlepool,  and  ruled 
her  house  with  wisdom  gained  from  learned 
men,  many  of  whom,  and  among  them  Aidan, 
visited  her.  In  657  she  founded  a  monastery 
at  Streaneshalc,  or  Whitby,  where,  as  at 
Hartlepool,  she  presided  over  a  double  com- 
munity of  men  and  women.  Under  her 
wise  and  holy  governance  her  monastery  ex- 
hibited the  characteristics  of  the  Church  in 
the  Apostolic  Age.  AH  called  her  '  Mother.' 
She  taught  the  Scriptures  diligently.  Five 
Whitby  monks  became  bishops,  and  she  re- 
ceived the  poet  Caedmon  into  her  house. 
Kings  and  nobles  asked  counsel  of  her.  She 
attended  the  conference  held  at  W'hitby 
in  664  [Wilfrid]  on  the  Scotic  side,  but 
probably  adopted  the  Catholic  Easter.  She 
took  part  agamst  AVilfrid  in  his  dispute  with 
Archbishop  Theodore.  After  an  illness  of 
six  years  she  died  on  17th  November  680, 
having  that  j-ear  founded  a  monastery  at 
Hackness  as  a  dependency  of  Whitby. 

[W.  H.] 

Bede,  H.E.  ;  Eckenstein,  Womaji  tinder 
Munasticism. 

HOADLY,  Benjamin  (1676-1761),  bishop, 
was    educated    at    Clare    HaU,    Cambridge. 


He  became  Rector  of  St.  Peter-le-Poor, 
London,  holding  later  in  plurality  the 
rectory  of  Streatham.  In  1705  he  preached 
before  the  Lord  Mayor  against  Passive 
Obedience  and  Non-Resistance.  The  Lower 
House  of  Convocation  complained  of  this 
sermon  as  dishonouring  the  Church,  but 
without  result.  Hoadly  soon  became  the 
champion  of  the  Whig  clergy  against  Atter- 
bury  {q.v.)  and  the  High  Churchmen.  In 
1709  the  House  of  Commons  voted  an  address 
prajang  the  Queen  to  '  bestow  some  dignity  ' 
on  him  as  a  reward  for  '  his  eminent  services 
both  to  Church  and  State  '  in  supporting  the 
principles  of  '  the  late  happy  revolution.' 
In  1715  George  i.  made  him  Bishop  of  Bangor, 
and  he  was  allowed  to  hold  both  his  livings 
in  commendam.  In  1716  he  attacked  the 
Nonjurors  {q.v.),  and  in  1717  he  preached 
before  the  King  on  '  The  Nature  of  the  King- 
dom or  Church  of  Christ.'  Its  argument, 
from  th?  text,  'My  kingdom  is  not  of  this 
world'  (Jn.  18^®),  is  directed  to  prove  that 
the  Gospels  afford  no  warrant  for  the  exist- 
ence of  any  visible  church  authority.  In  the 
Kingdom  of  Christ  He  is  Kang,  arid  this 
excludes  all  other  authority.  The  laws  of 
the  Kingdom  are  plainly  fixed,  and  no  one 
has  authority  to  alter,  add  to,  or  interpret 
them  in  such  manner  as  to  be  binding  on 
others.  This  sermon,  said  to  have  been 
suggested  by  the  King,  gave  rise  to  the 
Bangorian  controversy.  Hoadly' s  own  con- 
tributions to  it  fiU  between  five  and  six 
hundred  folio  pages  of  his  Works,  which  also 
contain  a  list,  admittedly  incomplete,  of 
more  than  a  hundred  pamphlets  and  writings 
by  other  authors  on  this  subject  during  1717 
and  1718  alone.  Among  his  antagonists  were 
Law  {q.v.)  and  T.  Sherlock  (q.v.),  who  was 
one  of  several  royal  chaplains  deprived  of  their 
posts  for  writing  against  Hoadly.  The  most 
important  outcome  of  the  controversy  was 
the  suppression  of  Convocation  {q.v.).  A 
committee  of  the  Lower  House  had  extracted 
from  his  works  a  number  of  propositions  al- 
leged to  be  subversive  of  Church  government. 
A  synodical  condemnation  of  his  opinions 
would  have  emphasised  the  opposition  of  the 
clergy  to  the  government.  Accordingly  it 
was  thought  expedient,  in  Hallam's  phrase, 
'  to  scatter  a  little  dust  over  the  angry 
insects,'  and  Convocation  was  prorogued  in 
1717,  and  not  allowed  to  meet  again,  except 
formaUy,  till  1852. 

Hoadly,  '  cringing  from  one  bishopric  to 
another,'  was  rewarded  with  the  see  of 
Hereford  in  1721,  translated  in  1723  to 
Sahsbury,  and  in  1734  to  Winchester.  In 
1735    he    published    anonymously    A    Plain 


(278) 


HolgateJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Holy 


Account  of  the  Nature  and  End  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  maintaining  that  sacrament  to  be  a 
mere  commemorative  rite.  His  theological 
position  is  shown  by  his  low  and  latitudinarian 
views  on  matters  alike  of  church  government 
and  doctrine  ;  his  conception  of  his  pastoral 
duties  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that 
during  his  six  years  as  Bishop  of  Bangor  he 
never  set  foot  in  the  diocese.  He  is  memorable 
as  a  strong  and  skilful  controversialist,  but 
in  spite  of  the  adulation  with  which  he  sets 
forth  views  acceptable  to  those  in  power,  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  conscientiously 
held  them.  [g.  c] 

Works,    with    Life    by    his    son  ;    Wilkius, 
Concilia. 

HOLGATE,  Robert  (1491-1555),  Archbishop 
of  York,  joined  the  order  of  St.  Gilbert  of 
Sempringham  {q-v.),  and  was  probably 
educated  in  their  house  at  Cambridge.  He 
became  Master  of  Sempringham.  Prior  of 
^Valton,  Yorks,  and  Vicar  of  Cadney, 
Lincolnshire.  Owing  to  a  dispute  with 
»Sir  Francis  Ascough  at  Cadney  he  came  to 
London,  and  was  made  chaplain  to  Henry  viii. 
In  later  life  he  stated  that  but  for  this  he 
would  have  remained  a  poor  priest  all  his 
life.  He  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  LlandafE 
in  1537,  receiving  the  royal  licence  to  hold 
the  Mastership  of  Sempringham  and  the 
Priory  of  Walton  in  commendam.  He  became 
President  of  the  Council  of  the  North  in  1535, 
and  was  henceforward  much  occupied  in 
secular  business.  In  1540  he  surrendered 
Walton  to  the  King,  and  received  in  exchange 
a  grant  of  all  its  lands.  In  1545  he  was 
translated  to  York,  and  at  confirmation 
received  a  pall  {(J.ik)  from  Cranmer — the  sole 
instance  of  an  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
conferring  the  pall  under  the  authority  given 
him  to  do  so  by  25  Hen.  vin.  c.  20  (Stubbs, 
C.H.,  iii.  305  n.,  and  Gent.  Mag.,  1860,  522; 
Dr.  Wickham  Legg,  Yorks.  ArchceoL  Journal, 
1898,  121).  He  alienated  to  the  King  sixty- 
seven  manors  belonging  to  the  see,  in  return 
for  large  grants  from  dissolved  monasteries. 
By  such  means,  while  he  impoverished  the 
see,  he  became  the  wealthiest  bishop  in 
England. 

In  1549  he  was  married  publicly,  though  it 
is  stated  that  the  marriage  had  been  previ- 
ously performed  privately.  He  had  differ- 
ences with  Warwick,  and  had  to  resign  the 
Presidency  of  the  Council  of  the  North. 
In  1551  one  Anthony  Norman  complained 
that  Holgate's  wife  had  been  previously 
married  to  himself,  and  demanded  her 
restitution.  The  Council  appointed  com- 
missioners   to    go    into    the    matter.     Their 


report  is  not  known,  but  the  lady  was  de- 
scribed as  his  wife  in  a  grant  of  lands  from 
the  King  after  the  inquiry. 

He  appears  not  to  have  had  any  strong 
religious  convictions  and  to  have  been  ready 
to  conform  to  the  opinions  of  the  party  in 
power.  In  Edward's  reign  he  passed  as  a 
Reformer,  ordered  the  vicars-choral  of  the 
cathedral  to  have  each  a  New  Testament 
in  English,  that  the  works  of  Calvin  and 
BuUinger  should  be  included  in  the  library, 
forbade  the  playing  of  the  organ  during 
service,  and  directed  that  all  carving  and 
images  behind  the  high  altar  should  be 
removed  and  texts  substituted. 

On  Mary's  accession  he  was  imprisoned 
and  deprived  for  being  married,  but  obtained 
his  release  by  declaring  that  he  repented  of 
his  marriage,  that  he  had  only  married  for 
fear  of  being  thought  a  papist,  and  offering 
to  put  his  wife  away,  obey  the  Queen's  laws, 
and  pay  £1000.  His  petition  was  granted, 
but  his  death  soon  followed.  His  wealth 
was  enormous,  but  no  mention  is  made  of 
his  wife  in  his  will.  [c.  P.  s.  c] 

Strype.  J'k-.cl.  Memorials,  Cranmer  :  W.  Hunt 
in  D.'iV.n. 

HOLY  EUCHARIST,  Doctrine  of,  in  Eng- 
lish Church.  There  is  no  reason  for  suppos- 
ing that  the  Eucharistic  beliefs  ordinarily  held 
in  the  Church  of  England  before  the  Refor- 
mation differed  from  those  customary  in  the 
rest  of  the  Western  Church.  The  teaching 
of  the  Venerable  Bede  {q.v.)  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury that  the  Eucharist  is  a  sacrifice  in  which 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  are  offered  to  God 
on  behalf  of  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  that 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  are  received 
by  Christians  by  means  of  Communion,  is  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  that  of  St.  Gregory 
the  Great  (q.v.),  which  was  probably  brought 
to  England  by  St.  Augustine  [q.v.)  at  the 
end  of  the  sixth  century.  That  the  same 
beliefs  were  held  by  the  Celtic  Clirlstians,  to 
whom  other  strains  of  English  Cliristianity 
are  due,  may  be  illustrated  from  the  Bangor 
Antiphonary  of  the  seventh  century  (i.  10  v, 
11  r;  ii.  10,  11,  H.B.S.  ed.),  and  the  Stoice 
Missal  in  the  eighth  (i.  45,  46,  H.B.S.  ed.). 
The  teaching  of  Aelfric  {q.v.)  in  England  in 
the  tenth  century,  with  the  doubt  whether  his 
meaning  is  that  there  is  a  gift  of  spiritual  union 
with  Christ,  bestowed  inwardly  only  on  the 
communicant,  or  that  the  means  of  the  gift  is 
that  the  elements  are  made  by  consecration 
spiritually  to  be  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Clirist  {Homilies,  ii.  268-73,  Aelfric  Society 
ed.),  is  a  reproduction  of  that  contained  in 
the  treatise  of  Ratramn  of  Corbey  and  Orbais 


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in  the  ninth  century  in  his  treatise.  On  the 
Body  atid  Blood  of  the  Lord.  The  theological 
instruction  and  the  devotional  wTitings  of 
Lanfranc  [q.v.)  and  Anselm  {q.v.)  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  are  represen- 
tative of  England  and  Normandy  alike  ;  and 
the  provision  in  the  Canterbury  statutes  of 
the  eleventh  century  for  the  carrying  of  the 
Sacrament  in  procession  on  Palm  Sunday 
and  for  acts  of  adoration  in  connection  with 
the  procession,  as  well  as  for  the  placing  of 
the  Sacrament  in  the  Sepulchre  and  the 
consequent  adoration  on  Maundy  Thursday 
and  Good  Friday,  are  probably  expressive  of 
customs  which  were  also  Norman  {Decreta  'pro 
Ord.  S.  Benedicti,  i.  4  ;  Ordinarium  Can.  Reg. 
8.  Laudi  Rotomagensis ;  John  of  Rouen, 
De  off.  eccl.  ;  Martene,  De  ant.  mon.  rit., 
xii.  13-15;  xiii.  46;  siv.  39).  In  the 
thirteenth  century  the  teaching  of  Alexander 
of  Hales,  who,  an  Enghshman  by  birth, 
filled  various  ecclesiastical  offices  in  England 
before  his  removal  to  Paris,  with  its  scanty 
treatment  of  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice  and 
its  minute  discussion  of  the  doctrine  of 
Transubstantiation,  its  merits  in  the  asser- 
tions of  the  objective  value  of  consecration, 
of  the  reahty  of  the  Presence  and  gift  of  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  and  of  the  need 
of  worthy  reception  if  there  is  to  be  spiritual 
profit,  as  well  as  its  demerits  in  over-elabora- 
tion of  the  nature  and  method  of  the  Presence 
so  as  to  bring  it  into  accordance  with  the 
AristoteUan  philosophy  {S.T.,  iv.  v.  x.  si.), 
affords  a  characteristic  instance  of  the  general 
tendencies  of  the  time.  The  thirteenth- 
century  Enghsh  directions  for  the  adoration 
of  our  Lord  at  the  elevation  of  the  Host  and 
when  the  Sacrament  is  carried  do  not  differ 
from  the  contemporary  instructions  abroad. 
William  of  Ockham  [q.v.),  also  a  native  of 
England  and  a  teacher  at  Paris,  who  became 
Provincial  of  the  Enghsh  Franciscans  in 
1322,  taught  that  aU  that  Holy  Scripture 
and  the  true  tradition  of  the  Church  and 
considerations  of  reason  reaUy  supported 
was  that  the  Body  of  Christ  is  under  the 
species  of  bread  ;  but  he  accepted  the  current 
doctrine  that  the  substance  of  the  bread  and 
wine  ceases  to  be  on  the  authority  of  the 
Church  of  his  day  (Quodl.  sept.,  iv.  34,  35) ; 
John  Wyclif  {q.v.)  questioned  very  much  in 
the  ordinary  scholastic  teaching  concerning 
the  nature  and  results  of  Transubstantiation 
{Trial,  iv.  1-10  ;  De  Euch.,  passim  ;  Fasc. 
Ziz.,  R.S.,  v.  105,  115-17,  131)  ;  the  LoUard 
statement  of  1395  foUowed  Wyclif  {q.v.) 
{Fasc.  Ziz.,  R.S.,  v.  361,  362);  Sir  John 
Oldcastle,  representing  the  best  of  the 
Lollards  {q.v.),  in  1413  exphcitly  explained 


that  '  the  most  worshipful  Sacrament  of  the 
altar  is  Christ's  Body  in  the  form  of  bread, 
the  same  Body  that  was  born  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  our  Lady  Saint  Mary,  done  on  the 
cross,  dead  and  buried,  the  third  day  rose 
from  death  to  hfe,  the  which  Body  is  now 
glorified  in  heaven,'  but  that  '  as  Christ  when 
dweUing  on  earth  had  in  Himseh  Godhead 
and  manhood,  yet  the  Godhead  veiled  and 
invisible  under  the  manhood,  which  was  open 
and  visible,  so  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  altar 
there  is  real  Body  and  real  bread,  that  is, 
the  bread  which  we  see,  and  the  Body  of 
Christ  veiled  under  it  which  we  do  not  see ' 
{Fasc.  Ziz.,  V.  438,  444).  These  aU  were 
giving  utterance  to  hnes  of  thought  which 
were  being  developed  outside  as  well  as  within 
England.  So  also  were  the  more  extreme 
LoUards,  who  maintained  that  the  Eucharist 
was  '  nothing  but  a  morsel  of  dead  bread  and 
a  tower  or  pinnacle  of  antichrist '  (see  the 
statement  of  Sir  Louis  de  Chfford  quoted  in 
Walsingham,  Historia  Anglicana,  R.S.,  ii.  252, 
253 ;  xxviii.  h).  The  reply  of  the  official 
representatives  of  the  Church  in  England 
was  no  less  in  accordance  with  the  Hnes 
adopted  abroad.  Care  was  taken  in  the 
declaration  of  the  University  of  Oxford  in 
1381,  at  the  Council  of  London  in  1382,  and 
in  other  official  actions  to  maintain  not  only 
that  the  consecrated  Sacrament  is  the  Body 
of  Christ,  but  also  that  after  consecration  the 
substances  of  bread  and  wine  do  not  remain  ; 
and  the  theological  attitude  thus  adopted 
was  enforced  by  such  steps  as  the  burning 
of  WUHam  Sawtre  in  1401  and  of  Richard 
Wyche  about  1439.  On  the  other  hand, 
while  devotions  of  the  people  and  the  in- 
structions of  the  clergy  in  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries  imply  that  the  conse- 
crated Sacrament  is  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,  they  are  unaffected  whether,  the 
continuance  of  the  bread  and  the  wine  is 
affirmed  or  denied.  The  intense  devotion  of 
Mother  Juhan  of  Norwich's  Revelations  of 
Divine  Love,  the  teaching  of  John  Myrc  of 
LUleshall  in  his  Festival  Booh  and  his  In- 
structions for  Parish  Priests,  Langforde's 
Meditations  for  Ghostly  Exercise  in  the  Time 
of  the  Mass,  the  discourse  addressed  to  the 
York  Guild  of  Corpus  Christi  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  would  lose  their  meaning  if  the 
consecrated  Sacrament  were  not  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ ;  whereas  they  make  no 
suggestion  as  to  the  nature  of  the  physical 
change  in  the  elements,  and  they  would  gain 
nothing  or  lose  nothing  according  as  the 
spiritual  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation  which 
the  great  Schoolmen  had  formulated  were 
affirmedordenied.  So  in  the  century  preceding 


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the  Reformation  the  official  representatives  of 
the  Church  in  England  were  bent  on  enforcing 
that  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation  which, 
designed  to  protect  the  spiritual  character  of 
the  Eucharistic  Presence  of  Christ,  carried 
with  it  a  denial  of  the  continuance  of  the 
substance  of  the  bread  and  wine  in  the  con- 
secrated Sacrament ;  the  care  of  pastors  and 
the  love  of  people  were  not  much  concerned 
with  the  tcchnicahties  of  the  doctrine  from 
one  point  of  view  or  another,  provided  that 
their   mental   conceptions   allowed   to   their 
souls  the  truth  that  the  hving  Lord  who  was 
born  of  Mary  and  died  on  the  cross  was  present 
and    adored    and    offered    in    sacrifice    and 
received.     The  New  Learning  of  the  Renais- 
sance had  its  votaries  in  England  as  abroad. 
John  Colet  {q.v.).  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  who  died 
in  1519,  was  one  of  its  pioneers.     In  caution, 
in   restraint,   in   mysticism,   in   the   evident 
dread  of  anything  carnal  or  mechanical  or 
unreal,  in  the  devout  behef  that  the  conse- 
crated Sacrament  is  the  Body  and  the  Blood 
of  Christ,  Colet  may  well  represent  the  most 
refined  and  cultivated  minds  in  the  wonder- 
ful opening  years  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Throughout  the  reigns  of  Henry  vm.,  Edward 
VI.,  Mary,  and  Elizabeth  different  and  con- 
tradictory behef s  were  strugghng  for  mastery. 
A  doctrine  of  the  Eucharistic  Presence  which, 
whether  called  by  the  name  of  Transubstan- 
tiation or  not,  was  substantially  that  officiaUy 
aflirmed   by   the   Church   of    Rome   at   the 
Council  of  Trent  may  be  seen  in  the  wTitings 
of  King  Henry  \Tii.  {q.v.)  and  Bishop  Fisher 
iq.v.),  the  Six  Articles  of  1539,  and  the  King's 
Book  of  1543 ;  in  the  wTitings  of  Gardiner  (q.v. ) 
and  others  during  the  reign  of  Edward  vi. ;  in 
the  official  acts  of  Mary's  reign  ;    and  after 
the  accession  of  Ehzabeth  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Convocation  of  Canterbury  in  1559.    A 
doctrine  which  affirmed  that  the  consecrated 
elements  are  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ 
without    deciding    anji^hing    in    regard    to 
Transubstantiation  is  in  the  Ten  Articles  of 
1536,  the  Bishops'  Book  of  1537,  the  Thirteen 
Articles  of  1538,  and  the  Furst  Prayer  Book  of 
Edward  vi. ,  issued  in  1 549.     A  doctrine  which 
does  not  connect  the  Presence  of  Christ  with 
the  consecrated  Sacrament  before  Communion, 
but  maintains  that  the  faithful  communicant 
receives  either  the  Body  of  Christ  itself  or  the 
power  and  virtue  of  the  Body,  is  suggested 
by  some  features  of  the  Second  Prayer  Book 
of  Edward  vi.,  issued  in  1552,  by  the  draft 
Forty-five  Articles  of  1551,  by  the  Forty-two 
Articles  of   1553,  by  Poijnet's  Catechism  of 
1553,  and  by  the  wTitings  of  Ridley  {q.v.), 
Cranmer     {q.v.),     and     Latimer     {q.v.).     In 
Elizabeth's   reisn,    in    accordance   with   her 


weU-known  policj',  the  tendency  is  to  make 
room   for   different    doctrines.     The   Prayer 
Book   of   1559   is  not  incompatible  with  a 
belief  either  that  the  elements  become  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  at  consecration,  or 
that  faithful  communicants  receive  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ  at  their  Communion  with- 
out these  having  been  previously  present, 
though    perhaps    shghtly    inclining    to    the 
former  belief ;    the  teaching  of  the  Thirty- 
eight  Articles  of  15G3,  the  Thirty-nine  Articles 
of   1571   [Articles  of  Religion],  and  the 
Homilies   of    1563,   while  denying  Transub- 
stantiation and  ZwingUanism  alike,  is  in  the 
direction  of  asserting  that  faithful  communi- 
cants really  receive  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,  and  leaving  open  the  further  question 
whether  the  Body  and  Blood  are  present  at 
the  consecration  or  only  to  the  communicant 
at  communion  ;   and  the  tendency  thus  seen 
in  the  documents  may  be  illustrated  from 
the  differences  in  the  writings  of  individual 
theologians.     In  subsequent  reigns  the  sarne 
tendency   continues,    though    the    emphasis 
mostly  tends  towards  asserting  the  gift  to 
the  communicant  and  either  denying  or  being 
careless  about  a  presence  in  virtue  of  consecra- 
tion.  The  additions  made  to  the  Catechism  in 
1604  and  the  Prayer  Book  of  1662  require  beUef 
that  faithful  communicants  receive  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ,  and  incline  towards  the 
doctrine  that  the  Body  and  Blood  are  present 
at  consecration  and  before  reception,  without 
explicitly  asserting  this  latter  doctrine.     Till 
1688  a  minority  among  theologians  asserted 
a   presence  in   the   Sacrament  before  Com- 
munion ;    the  large  majority  are  content  to 
say  that  the  Body  and  Blood  are  received 
by  the  faithful  communicant.     In  the  teach- 
ing of  John  Hales  in  his  tract.  On  the  Sacra- 
ment of  the  Lord's  Supper,  pubhshed  probably 
soon  after  1635,  there  is  an  instance  of  the 
Zwinghan   doctrine   that   the   communicant 
receives   only  bread  and  wine   as   signs   of 
Christ,  which,  in  defiance  of  the  formularies, 
was  in  later  years  to  be  widely  prevalent  and 
strongly  influential  in  the  Enghsh  Church. 

Through  the  long  period  from  the  accession 
of  Henry  vin.  to  the  departure  of  James  n. 
the  doctrine  of  the  Sacrifice  does  not  always 
follow  the  doctrine  of  the  Presence ;  but  for 
the  most  part  those  who  affirmed  that  the 
consecrated  Sacrament  is  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ  recognised  also  the  specifically 
sacrificial  character  of  the  Eucharist,  though 
as  a  rule  without  much  definition  of  sacrifice, 
and  those  who  rejected  the  Presence  at  con- 
secration tended  to  deny  any  more  distinct 
Sacrifice  than  a  mere  memory  of  the  cross  and 
such  as  is  to  be  found  in  all  acceptable  prayer. 


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[Hook 


In  the  closing  years  of  the  seventeenth  century 
and  in  the  eighteenth  the  chief  points  of  in- 
terest lay  in  the  growth  of  Zwinglianism  and 
in  the  teaching  of  the  Nonjurors  [q.v.).  It 
was  at  this  time  that  Zwinglianism  obtained 
that  hold  in  English  thought  which  has 
hardly  yet  altogether  ceased  to  influence 
doctrine  and  practice  in  the  English  Church. 
The  Nonjurors,  who  shared  with  the  best 
divines  of  the  English  Church  a  horror  of 
Zwinglianism,  were  not  entirely  agreed  among 
themselves  as  to  a  positive  doctrine  ;  but 
there  was  developed  among  them  a  character- 
istic belief,  which  eventually  became  more 
influential  in  Scotland  and  America  than  in 
England,  that  the  elements  are  made  at  the 
recital  of  the  institution  to  be  representative 
symbols  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ, 
that  as  such  symbols  they  are  then  offered 
in  sacrifice,  and  that  at  the  later  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  the  elements  become  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  in  virtue  and  power 
and  effect.  It  was  the  natural  outcome  of 
this  doctrine  that  the  group  of  the  Nonjurors 
known  as  the  Usagers  were  eager  to  use  the 
Liturgy  which  they  published  in  1717,  in 
which  the  recital  of  the  institution,  the 
commemoration  of  Christ,  and  the  invoca- 
tion of  the  Holj^  Ghost  were  placed  in  an 
appropriate  order.  The  nineteenth  century 
inherited  from  the  earlier  times  denials,  vague- 
ness, and  beliefs.  The  best  representatives  of 
the  Evangelical  Movement  [Evangelicals] 
emphasised  the  blessedness  of  the  spiritual 
participation  in  Christ  w'hich  the  faithful 
communicant  enjoys. 

The  Tractarians  [Oxford  Movement] 
reaffirmed  the  value  of  the  Eucharistic 
sacrifice  and  of  the  doctrine  that  by  virtue  of 
the  consecration  the  living  and  spiritual  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ  are  present  in  the  Sacra- 
ment under  the  form  of  bread  and  wine. 
Later  writers  placed  the  doctrine  in  closer 
touch  wath  other  characteristics  of  Christian 
thought  by  their  emphasis  on  the  spiritual 
nature  of  the  risen  Body  of  Christ,  and  on 
the  intimate  connection  between  the  earthly 
offering  in  the  Church's  Eucharist  and  the 
heavenly  pleading  of  our  Lord.  During  the 
long  and  at  times  bitter  controversies  of  the 
last  sixty  or  more  years  the  Church  of  England 
itself  has  not  given  any  authoritative  inter- 
pretation of  its  formularies  ;  and  the  general 
tendency  has  been  to  acquiesce  in  a  position 
that  the  formularies  exclude  Zwinglianism  and 
at  any  rate  a  gross  and  carnal  form  of  Tran- 
substantiation,  but  arc  patient  of  very  differ- 
ent doctrines  between  these  two  extremes. 
Meanwhile  the  progress  of  positive  Eucharis- 
tic truth  within  the  English  Church  has  been 


no  less  than  marvellous.  The  Zwinglianism 
once  so  common  has  almost  disappeared, 
though  time,  of  course,  is  needed  to  remove 
all  its  effects.  In  each  generation  receptionist 
and  virtualist  opinions,  if  still  held,  take  a 
stronger  and  more  effective  form.  There  has 
been  a  vast  increase  in  the  number  and  influ- 
ence of  those  who  believe  that  the  consecrated 
Sacrament  is  the  Body  of  Christ  and  that  the 
Eucharist  is  the  sacrificial  pleading  of  Him 
who  for  our  redemption  took  human  life  and 
died  and  rose  again.  [d.  s.] 

Stone,  Hist,    of   the  Doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  and  Holy  Communion. 

HOOK,  Walter  Farauhar  (1798-1875),  Vicar 
of  Leeds  and  Dean  of  Chichester,  was  edu- 
cated at  Winchester  and  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  leading  a  solitary  life  at  both  owing 
to  his  studious  habits  and  love  of  seclusion. 
After  working  at  Whippingham.  Birmingham, 
and  Coventry  he  was  elected  Vicar  of  Leeds 
by  the  trustees  in  1837  in  spite  of  the  strong 
opposition  of  the  Evangelicals.  Though  he 
never  identified  himself  with  the  Oxford 
Movement  {q.v.),  his  learning  caused  him  to 
w^elcome  it,  and  he  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
its  leaders,  whom  he  often  defended  against 
misrepresentation.  His  sermon,  'Hear  the 
Church,'  preached  before  the  Queen  in  1838, 
a  defence  of  the  authority  of  the  Church 
apart  from  its  connection  with  the  State, 
caused  some  sensation  and  controversy. 
The  early  history  of  St.  Saviour's,  a  church 
given  anonymously  to  Leeds  by  Dr.  Pusey 
{q.v.),  intensified  his  mistrust  of  the  Movement 
in  some  of  its  aspects.  For  between  its 
consecration  in  1845  and  1851  nine  of  its 
clergy  seceded  to  Rome.  This  brought  about 
a  temporary  breach  of  his  friendship  with 
Pusey,  of  whom,  however,  he  spoke  in  later 
years  as  '  that  saint  whom  England  perse- 
cuted.' Hook  maintained  his  position  as  a 
sober,  '  historical  Church  of  England  man  ' 
so  consistently  against  opposition  from 
every  quarter  that  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce 
(q.v.)  compared  him  to  a  ship  at  anchor, 
which,  though  stationary,  always  swings 
round  to  breast  the  tide. 

He  was  the  first  to  apply  the  principles  of 
the  revival  of  church  life  to  practical  work  in 
a  large  town,  and  his  example  affected  the 
whole  of  the  north  of  England.  During  his 
incumbency  twenty-one  churches  were  built 
in  Leeds.  About  1851  he  adopted  for  a 
short  time  the  then  novel  practice  of  evening 
Communion.  He  took  part  in  public  affairs, 
and  advocated  a  secular  system  of  State 
education.  He  was  a  hard  worker,  commonly 
rising  before  five  in  the  morning.     His  sturdy 


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[Hooker 


independence  of  character  and  shrewd 
humour  broke  down  all  opposition,  and  won 
the  devotion  of  Yorkshircmen.  He  published 
sermons,  pamphlets,  and  works  of  popular 
church  history,  the  best  known  being  his 
Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  to 
which  he  devoted  much  time  after  becoming 
Dean  of  Chichester  in  1859.  [g.  c] 

\V.  11.  W.  Stephens,  Life. 

HOOKER,  Richard   (1553-1600),   'a  poor 
obscure     English     priest,'     author    of     the 
Ecclesiastical  Polity,  of  which  Pope  Clement 
vm.  declared  that  '  it  had  in  it  such  seeds  of 
eternity  that  it  would  abide  till  the  last  fire 
shall  consume  all  learning.'     Hallam  justly 
describes  it  as  '  the  first  great  original  prose 
work  in  our  language.'     At  Exeter  Grammar 
School  Hooker  showed  such  a  grave  modesty 
and  sweet  serenity  that   at  the  request  of 
his  uncle,  John  Hooker,  Bishop  Jewel  {q.v.) 
took  him  under  his  care,  and  in  1567  procured 
him  a  'clerk's  place'  at  C.C.C,  Oxford,  in 
which  condition  he  continued  till  his  eigh- 
teenth year,  '  still  increasing  in  learning  and 
prudence,  and  so  much  in  learning  and  piety 
that  he  seemed  to  be  filled  with  the  Holy 
Ghost.'     Restored  from  a  dangerous  sickness 
by  his  mother's  prayers,  he  started  on  foot  to 
visit  her,  also  visiting  Jewel  on  the  way,  who 
sent   him  forward  with  his   blessing,   good 
counsel,  twenty  groats,  and  a  horse  which 
had  carried  him  many  a  mile  (his  walking- 
stafi).     On  Jewel's  death  Hooker  discovered 
another  patron  in  the  President  of  Corpus, 
Dr.   Cole,  who  found  him  pupils.     Walton 
gives    an    exquisite    picture    of    the    young 
tutor's  saintly  life,  he  all  the  while  '  enriching 
his  quiet  and  capacious  soul  with  the  precious 
learning  of  the  Philosophers,  Casuists,  and 
Schoolmen  .  .  .  restless    in    searching    the 
scope  and  intent  of  God's  Spirit  revealed ^to 
mankind  in  the  Sacred  Scripture.  .  .  .  Nor 
was  this  excellent  man  a  stranger  to  the  more 
light  and  airy  parts  of  learning,  as  musick  and 
poetry.'    In  1577  he  was  chosen  Fellow  of  his 
college,  and  in  1579  Reader  in  Hebrew  to 
the  University.     In    that    year,    for    some 
unknown   reason,    probably   some   point   of 
Church  observance,  he  and  other  Fellows  were 
expelled  the  college,  but  were  reinstated  on 
appeal    to    the   Visitor.      In    1582    Hooker 
was  ordained,  and  soon  after  was  appointed 
to  preach  at  Paul's  Cross.     The  lodging  for 
preachers,    called   the    Shunamite's    House, 
was  then  kept  by  John  Churchman,  whose 
^^ife  made  Hooker  good  cheer,  and  told  him 
'  it  was  best  for  him  to  have  a  wife  that 
might  prove  a  nurse  to  him  .  .  .  and  such 
a  one  she  could  and  would  provide.'     This 


turned  out  to  be  her  own  daughter  Joan, 
■  who  brought  him  neither  beauty  nor  portion.' 
By  this  marriage  he  '  was  drawn  from  the 
tranquillity  of  his  colledge  .  .  .  into  the  cor- 
roding  cares   that  attend   a  married   Priest 
and    a    countrey     parsonage ;      which    was 
Drayton-Beauchamp    in    Buckinghamshire.' 
Here  his  old  pupils  found  him  tending  sheep 
and  reading  Horace,  whence  he  was  called 
indoors  to  rock  the  cradle.     But  in  1586  he 
became,  somewhat  unwillingly.  Master  of  the 
Temple,    where   the    controversies   gathered 
round  him  that  gave  birth  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
Polity.     The  afternoon  lecturer  was  Walter 
Travers  (q.v.),  a  vehement  Calvinist,  so  that 
it   was    said    '  the   forenoon    sermon    spake 
Canterbury,    and    the    afternoon    Geneva.' 
Inhibited   by  Archbishop  Whitgift,  Travers 
began  a  pamphlet  war,  among  his  charges 
befng  that   Hooker  had   said   '  he  doubted 
not  but  that  God  was  merciful  to  many  of 
our  forefathers  living  in  popish  superstition, 
inasmuch  as  they  sinned  ignorantly.'  '  Weary 
of  the  noise  and  oppositions '  of  one  whom 
he  called  '  a  good  man,'  Hooker  solicited  the 
archbishop   to   remove   him   to   some   quiet 
spot   where   he   could   devote  himself   to   a 
justification    of    the    Church's    system.     In 
1591  Whitgift  presented  him  to  Boscombe, 
near  SaUsbury,  and  the  same  year  he  became 
prebendary  of  Netheravon.     Within  eighteen 
months  he'^had  finished  the  first  four  books  of 
the  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  though  publication 
was    delayed    till    1594.     In     1595    Queen 
Elizabeth  presented  him  to  Bishopsbourne, 
near   Canterbury,   where   he    'gave   a   holy 
valediction  to  the  pleasures  and  allurements 
of  earth,'   devoting  himself  to  prayer  and 
mortification   and   the   duties   of   his   office. 
Many  turned  out  of  the  road  to  see  one  so 
famous,  but  they  found  only  'an  obscure, 
harmless  man  ...  in  poor  clothes  ...  of 
a  mean  stature  and  stooping,  and  yet  more 
lowly  in  the  thoughts  of  the  soul.'     He  had 
at  this  time  a  close  friend  in  Dr.   Adrian 
Saravia,   who   was    his    confessor.     Hooker 
died  on  All  Souls  Day  1600,  '  meditating,'  he 
said,  '  the  number  and  nature  of  the  Angels.' 
He    had   published   the    fifth    book   of    the 
Ecclesiastical  Polity  in  1597,  and  seems  to 
have  left  the  last  three  in  a  state  of  for- 
wardness.    His  widow  was  accused  of  allow- 
ing Puritan  hands  to  garble  the  MS. 

Hooker  met  an  anarchic  Puritanism,  not 
with  its  own  abusive  violence,  but  with  a 
broad  theory  of  the  order  of  the  world  and  a 
large  elucidation  of  the  nature  of  law,  whose 
'  sc°at  is  the  bosom  of  God  and  her  voice  the 
harmony  of  the  world.'  Behind  the  decrees 
of  Pope  or  council,  and   even   behind  the 


(  283  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hooker 


Sacred  Scriptures  themselves,  stands  the 
Eternal  Reason,  expressing  itself  in  regular 
and  constant  law,  which  reaches  from  the 
throne  of  God  to  the  life  of  the  meanest  worm. 
Yet,  because  God  reveals  Himself  in  many 
ways,  our  reason  arrives  at  the  knowledge  of 
His  will,  not  by  merely  asking  what  is  written, 
but  by  a  number  of  concurrent  means  and 
faculties.  Puritans  thought  they  found  in 
the  Bible  a  methodical  code  of  rules,  so  that 
it  was  sinful  to  do  anything  in  religion  without 
express  Scriptural  direction.  Hooker,  on  the 
other  hand,  maintained  that  it  is  no  deroga- 
tion to  the  perfection  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures 
to  hold  that  tliey  leave  many  things  to  the  dis- 
cretion and  tradition  of  the  Church,  a  '  super- 
natural Society,'  which  is  illuminated  by 
the  heavenly  Wisdom  and  has  by  means  of 
Councils  General  the  authority  of  a  mother 
over  private  judgments.  As  a  '  politic 
Society '  the  Church  has  '  full  dominion  over 
itself,'  and  the  use  which  it  has  made  of  this 
autonomy  in  decreeing  rites  and  ceremonies 
Hooker  shows,  especially  in  the  famous  Fifth 
Book,  to  be  in  accordance  with  reason.  He 
asserts  the  continuity  of  the  Church  of 
England  with  the  historic  Catholic  Church — 
'  To  reform  ourselves  is  not  to  sever  ourselves 
from  the  Church  we  were  of  before ;  in  the 
Church  we  were  and  we  are  so  stiU' — and 
describes  the  '  rites,  customs,  and  orders  of 
ecclesiastical  government,'  derided  as  '  popish 
dregs,'  as  '  those  whereby  for  so  many  ages 
together  we  have  been  guided  in  the  service 
of  the  true  God.'  But  such  customs,  even 
when  of  apostolic  origin,  '  have  the  nature  of 
things  changeable,'  though  he  admits  that 
not  only  the  law  of  nature  but  even  some 
positive  laws  are  immutable. 

It  is  when  Hooker  applies  this  luminous 
doctrine  of  the  law-making  power  of  human 
society,  and  especially  of  the  Spirit-guided 
Church,  to  the  organic  structure  of  the  Church 
itself  that  he  is  a  somewhat  dangerous  guide. 
The  Gospel  ministrj-  stands  on  the  same  foot- 
ing as  the  Gospel  sacraments  rather  than  on 
that  of  mere  ceremonies.  In  Hooker's  time, 
however,  it  was  regarded  as  a  question  of 
the  best  form  of  Church  administration  and 
government,  rather  than  as  one  of  the  trans- 
missory  devolution  of  stewardship  and  am- 
bassadorship for  Christ.  Hooker  loses  sight 
of  Apostolic  Succession,  as  the  covenanted 
channel  of  grace  and  truth,  in  the  discussion 
of  ecclesiastical  polity,  and  places  it  on  the 
level  of  wearing  surplices  or  keeping  Lent. 
'  I  conclude,'  he  says,  '  that  neither  God's 
being  author  of  laws  of  government  for  His 
Church,  nor  His  committing  them  into  Scrip- 
ture, is  any  reason  sufficient  wherefore  all 


churches  should  for  ever  be  bound  to  keep 
them  without  change.'  Hooker  roundly  de- 
nied the  Calvinistic  minor  premiss  that  the 
original  form  of  Church  polity  had  been 
Presbyterian.  A  strange  thing,  he  says,  it  it 
were  so,  that  no  part  of  the  Church  had  ever 
found  it  out.  But  even  were  it  true,  the 
Calvinistic  major  assumption  that  the 
Church  is  bound  always  by  its  first  consti- 
tution is  challenged.  Here  Hooker's  con- 
temporaries of  the  close  of  the  Tudor  period, 
such  as  Saravia,  BQson,  and  Bancroft  {q.v.), 
parted  company  with  him.  They  perceived 
the  apphcation  to  the  Divine  Society  of  a 
contrat  social  theory,  which  regarded  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  kingdom  of  God  as  evolved 
out  of  the  general  wiH  of  the  Christian  people, 
to  be  impossible,  for  the  Church  is  prior  to 
its  members,  and  its  fundamental  principles 
are  not  derived  from  consent.  But  also  it 
was  seen  that  a  confusion  had  arisen  between 
the  question  of  the  '  form  of  episcopal  regi- 
ment '  and  the  issue  how  the  ministerial 
commission  is  conveyed.  To  escape  con- 
demning the  ordinations  of  the  Continental 
Protestants,  Hooker  held  that  though  '  the 
whole  Church  visible  hath  not  ordinarily 
allowed  any  other  than  bishops  alone  to 
ordain,'  yet  cases  of  '  inevitable  necessity  ' 
might  arise  for  departing  from  that  rule. 
But,  apart  from  the  question  whether  the 
whole  visible  Church  ever  made  or  ever 
relaxed  any  such  rule,  the  real  point  was 
whether  ordination  can  in  any  case  proceed 
from  below,  that  is  to  say,  from  popular  or  lay 
appointment.  Elsewhere  Hooker  extols  the 
unearthly  derivation  and  authority  of  the 
priesthood  in  the  most  exalted  language, 
e.g.  E.P.,  V.  Ixxvii.,  sees.  1,  2,  3.  Episcopacy, 
again,  is  a  '  sacred  regiment,  ordained  of 
God'  (vil.  i.,  sec.  4).  This  is  a  far  higher 
view  than  the  Erastian  one  of  Cranmer  and 
Whitgift,  and  Hooker  was  a  Church  champion 
of  a  more  spiritual  order  than  his  predecessors. 
His  exposition  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Incarnation  in  the  Fifth  Book  is  of  profound 
value,  and  the  consequent  sacramentalism 
of  the  Gospel  dispensation  is  uncompromis- 
ingly drawn  out  as  regards  the  '  sacrament  of 
new  birth.'  The  '  Food  of  Immortality,' 
too,  is  stated  to  be  '  a  ti-ue  and  real  participa- 
tion of  Christ  and  of  life  in  His  Body  and 
Blood,'  so  that  '  these  holy  mysteries  do 
instinimentally  impart  into  us,  in  true  and 
real  though  mystical  manner,  the  very  Per- 
son of  our  Lord  Himself,  whole,  perfect 
and  entire.'  But  for  these  words  the  state- 
ment just  before  that  we  receive  '  the  grace 
of '  Christ's  Body  and  Blood  might  seem  to 
lean  to  virtualism.     Similarly,  in  spite  of  the 


(  ^'S4  ) 


Hooper] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Hooper 


much-debated  expression  {E.P.,y.  lxvii.,sec.  6) 
that  '  the  real  presence  of  Christ's  most  blessed 
Body  and  Blood  is  not  to  be  sought  for  in  the 
Sacrament,  but  in  the  worthy  receiver  of  the 
Sacrament,'  Hooker's  teaching,  though  un- 
satisfactorily expressed,  was  not  a  mere 
receptionism.  He  docs  not  deny  an  objective 
verity  of  the  Body  and  Blood  '  externally 
seated  in  the  very  elements  themselves,'  but 
only  that  it  should  be  speculatively  '  sought 
for  '  there  rather  than,  where  we  are  certain 
it  is,  in  the  soul  of  the  believing  recipient. 
Hooker  alludes  to  fasting  reception  as  a 
thing  not  controverted  (iv.  ii.,  sec.  3).  He  also 
speaks  firmly  of  the  profitableness  before 
communion  of  auricular  confession  to  '  God's 
appointed  officer  and  vicegerent,'  to  whom 
are  committed  the  keys  of  remission  and 
retention  of  sins.  It  will  be  seen  that 
Hooker  represents  a  conservative  reaction 
from  the  excesses  of  the  earUer  Reformation, 
preparing  the  way  for  the  fuller  recovery 
attained  by  the  school  of  Andrewes  (q.v.), 
Herbert  {q.v.),  and  Laud  {q.v.).  His  master 
mind  checked  and  turned  the  tide  of  revolu- 
tion. And  he  rescued  theological  contro- 
versy from  the  gutter,  investing  it  with  a 
solemn  dignity,  richness,  and  grandeur. 

[D.  M.] 

Works,  eel.  Keble,  Church,  and  Paget ;  Izaak 
Walton,  Life  :  Vernon  Staler,  Life. 

HOOPER,  John  (d.  1555),  Bishop  of 
Gloucester  and  Worcester,  born  towards  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century  in  Somersetshire. 
His  father  did  not  favour  the  Reformation. 
'  My  father,  of  whom  I  am  the  only  son  and 
heir,  is  so  opposed  to  me  on  account  of 
Christ's  rehgion,  that  should  I  refuse  to  act 
according  to  his  wishes,  I  shall  be  sure  to 
find  him  for  the  future  not  a  father  but  a 
cruel  tjTant.'  Even  in  1.550  he  writes:  'My 
father  is  yet  living  in  ignorance  of  the  true 
reUgion,  but  I  hope  that  the  grace  of  God 
will  at  length  teach  him  better.' 

He  is  said  to  have  been  a  Cistercian  monk 
at  Gloucester.  On  the  Dissolution  he  went 
to  London,  was  converted  to  the  new 
doctrines  by  the  writings  of  Zwingli  and 
BuUinger,  returned  to  Oxford  in  order  to 
propagate  them,  and  '  eftsoons  fell  into 
displeasure  and  hatred  of  certain  who 
began  to  stir  coals  against  him,'  and  would 
have  been  prosecuted  for  heresy  under 
the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles,  but  escaped, 
and  became  steward  in  the  household  of  Sir 
Thomas  Arundell,  who  discovering  his 
opinions  sent  him  to  Bishop  Gardiner  {q.v.) 
that  he  might  be  converted,  but  without 
effect,  though  he  kept  him  some  days,  and 


commended  his  learning  and  wit.  He 
shortly  afterwards  fled  to  Paris,  and  returning 
was  compelled  to  fl}'  again  to  the  Continent 
by  way  of  Ireland. 

In  1546  he  married  an  Antwerp  lady  at 
Basle,  and  in  1547  removed  to  Zurich,  where 
he  remained  for  two  years,  and  became 
intimate  with  Bullinger.  Before  this  he 
had  adopted  extreme  Zwinglian  views.  In 
a  letter  to  Bullinger,  probably  in  1546,  he 
lamented  the  state  of  religion  in  England. 
'  England  has  at  this  time  ten  thousand 
nuns,  not  one  of  whom  is  allowed  to  marry. 
The  impious  mass,  the  most  shameful  ceUbacy 
of  the  clergy;  auricular  confession,  super- 
stitious abstinence  from  meat,  and  purgatory, 
which  was  never  before  held  by  the  people 
in  greater  esteem  than  now.'  He  objected 
to  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist 
as  much  as  to  the  Roman.  Though  in  a 
letter  to  Bucer  {q.v.)  he  disclaimed  a  belief 
that  the  sacraments  were  only  bare  signs, 
it  is  difficult  to  see  that  he  understood 
anything  else  by  them.  '  The  minister 
gives  what  is  in  his  power — namely,  the 
bread  and  wine,  and  not  the  Body  of  Christ ; 
nor  is  it  exhibited  by  the  minister,  and  eaten 
by  the  communicant,  otherwise  than  in  the 
word  preached,  read,  and  meditated  upon. 
And  to  eat  the  Body  of  Christ  is  nothing  else 
than  to  believe,  as  He  Himself  teaches  in  the 
sixth  of  John.' 

He  returned  to  England  in  May  1549, 
became  chaplain  to  the  Protector  Somerset, 
and  was  prominent  among  a  section  of  the 
more  extreme  Reformers.  He  devoted  him- 
self to  preaching,  and,  according  to  Foxe, 
'  the  people  in  great  companies  and  flocks 
came  daily  to  hear  his  voice,  and  often  were 
unable  to  get  into  the  church  on  account  of 
the  crowd ;  he  used  continually  to  preachy 
most  times  twice,  at  least  once,  every  day.' 

He  took  part  in  denouncing  Bonner  {q.v.) 
to  the  Council  for  a  sermon,  and  in  1550 
preached  a  course  of  Lent  sermons  before 
the  Iving,  in  which  he  attacked  the  Ordinal 
just  pubhshed  on  account  of  the  vestments 
and  the  form  of  oath,  and  was  in  conse- 
quence brought  before  the  Council  by 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  and  admonished.  In  the 
same  year  he  was  nominated  by  Northumber- 
land to  the  see  of  Gloucester.  He  refused  on 
account  of  the  oath,  which  the  King  himself 
altered  to  remove  the  objectionable  allusion 
to  saints  and  the  gospels.  He  also  objected 
to  the  vestments.  A  long  and  bitter  dis- 
cussion took  place,  in  which  the  foreign 
Reformers  at  Zurich  and  Basle  were  consulted 
and  took  different  sides.  The  King  and 
six  of  the  Council  sent  a  letter  to  Cranmer 


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HooperJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Home 


authorising  him  to  consecrate  Hooper  w-ithout 
them,  but  this  he  refused  to  do.  At  one 
period  Hooper  was  confined  to  the  Fleet  for 
contumacy,  after  which  he  submitted,  and 
was  consecrated,  8th  March  1551.  The 
bishopric  was  thus  forced  upon  him  because 
the  mandate  for  his  consecration  had  been 
issued.  As  bishop  he  showed  great  activity. 
He  preached  three  or  four  times  a  day, 
issued  many  injunctions,  and  endeavoured 
to  organise  the  diocese  on  the  Zurich  model, 
with  superintendents  instead  of  rural  deans 
and  archdeacons.  At  his  visitation  of  1551 
he  found  that  of  311  clergy  10  could  not  say 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  27  did  not  know  who  was 
its  Author,  30  could  not  tell  where  it  was  to 
be  found  {E.H.R.,  January  1904).  In  the 
same  year  Sir  Anthony  Kingston,  being 
rebuked  by  Hooper  for  adultery,  struck  him 
on  the  cheek,  for  which  he  was  fined  and 
compelled  to  do  penance,  which  resulted  in 
his  conversion. 

In  1552  he  resigned  the  see  of  Gloucester, 
which  was  dissolved  and  amalgamated  with 
Worcester,  to  which  Hooper  was  appointed 
with  the  title  of  Bishop  of  Worcester  and 
Gloucester.  He  consented  under  pressure 
to  alienate  the  revenues  to  the  Crown.  He 
administered  his  new  diocese  on  the  same 
lines,  but  met  with  more  opposition,  and 
two  of  the  canons  denounced  his  articles  as 
illegal. 

On  the  accession  of  Mary  he  was  one  of 
the  first  against  whom  proceedings  were 
taken  on  account  of  religion,  though  as  the 
laws  against  heresy  were  not  yet  re-enacted 
he  was  apprehended  on  a  charge  of  owing 
money  to  the  Queen,  and  committed  to  the 
Fleet  on  11th  September  1553.  He  seems 
to  have  remained  there  fifteen  months,  and 
by  his  own  account  was  treated  with  great 
harshness,  '  having  nothing  appointed  to 
me  for  my  bed  but  a  little  pad  of  straw  and 
a  rotten  covering  with  a  tick  and  a  few 
feathers  therein,  the  chamber  being  vile  and 
stinking.'  In  March  1554  he  appeared  before 
the  commission,  and  was  deprived.  The 
charges  were  principally  that  he  was  married 
and  did  not  believe  in  the  corporal  presence  in 
the  Eucharist.  In  January  1555  he  again 
appeared  before  the  commissioners  at  St. 
Mary  Overy,  Southwark  ;  two  examinations 
were  made,  but  he  refused  to  recant,  and  was 
sentenced  to  be  degraded  and  delivered  to 
the  sheriffs.  He  was  sent  to  Gloucester  for 
execution,  and  was  burnt  on  9th  February 
1555.  His  suffering  was  extreme,  but  his 
constancy  was  unshaken. 

Hooper  was  a  voluminous  writer  as  well 
as  an  indefatigable  preacher,  and  did  much 


to  popularise  extreme  Protestant  views.  His 
moral  character  was  high ;  he  was  hberal  to 
the  poor,  and  his  zeal  was  great  if  not  always 
according  to  knowledge.  His  character  was 
austere,  stern,  and  unbending.  Foxe  relates 
that  '  a  worthy  citizen  came  to  his  door 
for  counsel,  but  being  abashed  at  his  austere 
behaviour  durst  not  come  in  but  departed, 
seeking  remedy  of  his  troubled  mind  at  other 
men's  hands.'  He  was  stiff  in  his  opinions, 
incapable  of  admitting  himself  to  be  in  the 
wrong,  unable  to  see  any  good  in  his  adver- 
saries, and  to  judge  by  his  eulogies  on  Somer- 
set, Warwick,  and  other  members  of  the 
council  almost  incapable  of  seeing  any  evil 
in  those  who  shared  his  opinions.  He  was 
a  man  to  extort  respect  rather  than  to  win 
love,  but  his  cruel  death  must  have  gone  far  to 
promote  the  opinions  for  which  he  laboured 
so  remorselessly  in  his  life.         [c.  P.  S.  c] 

Strype,  Memorials ;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monu- 
ments;  Works,  Origi7ial  Letters  (FnikeT  Soc). 

HORNE,  George  (1730-1792),  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  second  son  of  Samuel,  Rector  of 
Otham,  Kent,  born  at  Otham,  1st  November 
1730  ;  educated  at  Maidstone  School ;  Ex- 
hibitioner of  University  College,  Oxford, 
1746;  B.A.,  1749;  M.A.,  1752;  B.D.,  1759; 
D.D.,  1764 ;  ordained  deacon  by  Bishop  Seeker 
of  Oxford,  1753 ;  and  priest  presumably  in 
1754.  In  1750  he  was  elected  Kent  Fellow 
of  Magdalen  College  ;  and  it  is  Home  to 
whom  Gibbon  refers  in  the  Autobiography  as 
'  the  only  student,  a  future  bishop  '  among 
the  Fellows  in  1752-53.  Gibbon  adds  that 
he  was  '  deeply  immersed  in  the  foUies  of  the 
Hutchinsonian  system ' ;  along  with  his 
friend,  W.  Jones  {q.v.),  of  University  CoUege, 
afterwards  of  Nayland,  and  his  cousin, 
W.  Stevens  ('Nobody'),  and  with  other 
eminent  members  of  the  University,  he 
accepted  much  of  '  Hutchinsonianism,'  with- 
out being  committed  to  its  more  fantastic 
developments,  attracted  by  its  reverent  and 
spiritual  treatment  of  Holy  Scripture  as  con- 
trasted with  the  general  attitude  of  the 
moment,  and  regarding  it  as  the  antidote  to 
the  contemporary  rationalism  and  Deism  {q.v.). 
He  wrote  in  defence  of  the  so-called  Hutchin- 
sonians,  especially  in  reply  to  the  anonymous 
strictures  of  Kennicott.  In  1768  he  was 
elected  President  of  Magdalen,  and  in  the 
same  year  he  married  Felicia,  daughter  of 
Phihp  Burton  of  Eltham.  From  1771-81  he 
was  chaplain  in  ordinary  to  George  in.  In 
1776  he  published  his  best  known  work,  A 
Commentary  on  ihe  Psalms,  a  devotional  ex- 
position, simple  and  devout,  with  a  learned 
introduction   vindicating   the   Christian   use 


(  286  ) 


HorneJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Hort 


of  the  Psalms  as  interpreted  of  our  Lord 
and  the  Church.  J.  Wesley  in  his  Journal 
(27th  March  17S3),  says  of  the  Commentary  : 
'  I  suppose  [it  is]  the  best  that  ever  was 
wrotb.'  It  has  been  reprinted  whole  or  in 
extract  between  twenty  and  tliirty  times. 
From  1776-80  Home  was  Vice-ChanceUor  of 
the  University,  and  in  this  capacity  was 
brought  into  close  relation  with  the  Chan- 
cellor, Lord  North,  by  whose  influence  he 
was  nominated  to  the  deanery  of  Canterbury 
in  1781.  On  21st  May  1790  he  was  elected 
to  the  see  of  Norwich,  and  was  consecrated  at 
Lambeth  on  6th  June.  EaiUng  health  had 
made  him  reluctant  to  accept  the  see,  and  led 
him  to  resign  the  Presidency  of  Magdalen 
in  1791.  He  found  some  relief  by  repeated 
visits  to  Bath,  but  he  died  there,  17th  January 
1792.  He  was  buried  at  Eltham,  Kent,  and 
his  epitaph  (reproduced  in  liis  cathedral 
church)  was  written  by  his  friend  and  bio- 
grapher, Jones  of  Nayland.  The  charm  and 
the  integrity  of  Home's  character  are  suffi- 
ciently marked  in  the  phrases  by  which  he 
became  known  to  a  younger  Oxford  genera- 
tion— '  True  as  George  Home,'  '  Sweet- 
tempered  as  George  Home.'  He  was  a  higli 
churchman  of  a  profoundly  reUgious  and 
devotional  temper ;  and  it  may  be  noted 
that  he  re-edited  Stanhope's  version  of 
Andrewes's  Preces  Privatae  and  prepared  an 
edition  of  the  Manual  for  the  Sick ;  and  other 
devotional  tractates  and  versions  are  among 
his  works.  '  He  conformed  himself  in  many 
respects  to  the  strictness  of  Mr.  Law's  rules 
of  devotion '  ;  but  he  was  disquieted  by 
Law's  advocacy  of  J.  Bohme's  mysticism. 
Home  was  an  eminent  preacher;  and  pub- 
lished a  large  number  of  sermons.  His 
sympathy  was  keen  and  practical  with  the 
Scottish  bishops — '  Better  bishops  than  I 
am ' — and  their  flocks  ;  he  told  W.  Jones 
that  if  St.  Paul  were  on  earth,  he  thought 
he  would  communicate  with  the  Scottish 
Church  as  most  like  the  people  he  had  been 
used  to  ;  and  he  used  his  iniiuence  in  promot- 
ing the  repeal  (1790)  of  the  penal  laws  which 
oppressed  them.  Of  Methodism,  Home 
spoke  severely  and  even  contemptuously  in 
a  University  sermon  in  1761  (cf.  Wesley, 
Journal,  8th  March  1762) ;  but  he  dis- 
approved of  the  expulsion  of  the  Six 
Students  from  St.  Edmund  Hall  in  1768  ; 
and  when  at  Norwich  he  refused  to  interfere 
with  Wesley's  ministrations.  Among  his 
friends  were  Hannah  More  {q.v.)  and  S.  John- 
son {q.v.) ;  BosweU  notes  that  in  March  1776 
he  and  Johnson  '  drank  tea  ^\dth  Dr.  Home  '  ; 
and  in  a  letter  of  1791  Home  writes  :  '  I 
sooth  my  mind  and  settle  my  temper  every 


night  with  a  page  or  two  of  Bozzy,  and  always 
meet  with  something  to  the  purpose.'  Besides 
the  works  already  mentioned,  he  wrote  a 
good  deal,  mostly  in  pamphlet  form  ;  among 
other  things  the  anonymous  Letter  to  Adam 
Smith,  LL.D.,  on  the  life,  death,  and  philosophy 
of  D.  Hume,  Letters  on  Infidelity,  and  a  Letter 
to  Dr.  Priestly;  a  collection  of  Aphorisms 
and  Opinions ;  and  contributions  to  The 
Scholar  armed  and  The  Orthodox  Church- 
man (the  precursor  of  the  British  Critic). 
There  are  two  portraits  of  Home  at  Mag- 
dalen  College  and  one  at  University  College, 
and  several  engravings.  [f.  e.  b.] 

W.   Jones   of  Nayland,  Memoirs:  of  George 
Hor7ie,  1).  I).  ;   Macray,  Register  of  Magdalen 

College,  N.S.,  v. 

HORT,  Fenton  John  Anthony  (1828-92), 
scholar  and  divine,  was  born  in  Dublin  and 
educated  at  Rugby  and  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  of  whicla  he  became  Fellow  in 
1852,  after  being  Third  Classic,  1850,  and 
gaining  First  Classes  in  both  Moral  and 
Natural  Sciences,  1851,  as  well  as  becoming 
President  of  the  Union.  Ordained  deacon, 
1854  ;  priest,  1856,  he  was  Vicar  of  St. 
Ippolyts  (Herts),  1857-72  ;  FeUow  and  Lec- 
turer of  Emmanuel  College,  1872-8  ;  was  a 
member  of  the  New  Testament  Revision 
Company,  1870-80,  and  Apocrj^jha,  1880-92  ; 
Hulsean  Professor  {vice  Perowne),  1878-87, 
and  Lady  Margaret  Reader  {vice  Swainson), 
1887-92. 

The  least  known  of  the  great  Cambridge 
triumvirate  of  the  nineteenth  century  [Light- 
foot,  Westcott],  Dr.  Hort  exercised  an 
influence  more  easily  underestimated  than 
justly  appraised.  The  pupil  of  Westcott, 
the  friend  of  Maurice  {q.v.),  Kingsley  {q.v.), 
Lightfoot,  Bradshaw,  and  Clerk-MaxweU ; 
a  writer  on  botany  and  a  textual  critic  of 
supreme  abihty ;  an  original  member  of  the 
Alpine  Club  ;  a  devoted  parish  priest  and  a 
University  professor,  he  touched  life  en  many 
sides.  In  Cambridge  his  influence  was  that 
of  a  master ;  outside  it  a  constitutional 
difficulty  in  expressing  his  thought  and  an 
extreme  sensitiveness  as  to  the  responsibility 
of  judgment  confined  his  reputation  to  the 
circle  of  scholars.  But  his  share  in  the  New 
Testament  Revision  was  probably  greater 
than  that  of  any  other,  and  his  joint  edition 
of  the  Greek  Testament  (first  projected  with 
Dr.  Westcott  in  1853  and  pubhshcd  in  1881) 
opened  a  new  era  in  textual  criticism.  Its 
introduction,  despite  severe  compression,  is  a 
masterpiece  of  analysis  and  reconstruction, 
and,  if  subsequent  studies  have  tended  to 
claim  for  the  Western  Text  a  greater  im- 


(287) 


How] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Howley 


portance  than  Westcott  and  Hort  allow, 
the  book  still  remains  one  to  which  aU 
Biblical  scholars  unhesitatingly  acknowledge 
their  obhgations.  Besides  articles  on  Gnostic 
heretics  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.,  the  only  other 
work  published  in  his  lifetime  was  the  Two 
Dissertations  (1876)  on  Jn.  P^  and  the  Con- 
stantinopohtan  Creed — a  book  of  permanent 
value.  Of  posthumous  works  the  Hulsean 
Lectures  (deUvered  1871,  published  1893), 
entitled  The  Way,  the  Truth,  and  the  Life, 
though  difficult  in  style  and  in  the  last  part 
without  final  revision,  are  a  real  contribution 
to  theology.  The  studies  of  Judaistic  Chris- 
tianity and  The  Anti-Nicene  Fathers  are  of 
less  importance,  but  the  fragments  of  com- 
mentaries on  1  Peter  and  the  Apocalypse  and 
the  Prolegomena  to  Romans  and  Ephesians 
well  repay  study.  His  last  work  was  the  '  Life ' 
of  Bishop  Lightfoot  for  the  D.N.B. 

[c.  J.] 
Sir  A.  F.  Hort,  Life  and  Letters. 

HOW,  William  Walsham  (1823-97),  first 
Bishop  of  Wakefield,  was  educated  at  Shrews- 
bury and  at  Wadham  CoUege,  Oxford.  In 
1851  he  became  Vicar  of  Whittington  in 
Shropshire,  where  for  twenty-eight 'years  he 
carried  on  the  active  pastoral  work  in  which 
he  excelled  and  dehghted.  His  speech  at 
the  Wolverhampton  Church  Congress,  1867, 
setting  forth  the  Anglican  position  as  he 
conceived  it,  made  a  marked  impression,  and 
gave  him  the  position  which  he  ever  after 
retained  of  a  leader  among  moderate  High 
Churchmen.  In  1879  he  was  appointed 
suffragan  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  with 
special  charge  of  the  East  End,  under  the 
title  of  Bishop  of  Bedford,  with  a  canonry  at 
St.  Paul's  and  the  living  of  St.  Andrew, 
Undershaft.  He  did  valuable  work  in 
leading  and  welding  together  the  revival  of 
church  life  and  work  which  had  already 
begun  in  the  East  End.  In  1888  he  became 
first  Bishop  of  Wakefield  {q.v.),  and  spent  his 
remaining  years  in  organising  the  new 
diocese.  He  declined  in  1890  the  rich  see 
of  Durham.  To  a  devout  and  loving  spirit 
he  joined  great  gifts  of  organisation,  simple 
straightforward  preaching  and  writing,  a 
talent  for  hjnnn-writing,and  a  genial  humour. 
Among  his  works  are  Plain  Words,  Pastor  in 
Parochia,  and  other  manuals,  and  many 
hymns.  [g.  c] 

F.  D.  How,  Life. 

HOWLEY,  William  (1766-1848),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  son  of  the  Vicar  of  Bishop's 
Sutton,  Hants,  was  educated  at  Winchester 
College,  where  he  '  knocked  Sydney  Smith 

(2^ 


{q.v.)  down  with  the  chess-board  for  check- 
mating him,'  and  tliis  is  said  to  have  been 
the  only  violent  action  of  his  life.  In  1783 
he  was  admitted  a  Scholar  of  New  College, 
Oxford,  of  which  society  he  became  FeUow 
and  Tutor,  proceeding  B.A.,  1787,  and  M.A., 
1791.  His  scholarship  is  said  to  have  been 
admirable,  but  he  never  displayed  it.  In 
1804  he  was  appointed  Canon  of  Christ 
Church,  and  in  1809  Regius  Professor  of 
Divinity.  He  held  also  the  vicarages  of 
Bishop's  Sutton  and  Andover  and  the 
rectory  of  Bradford  PevereU.  In  1813, 
through  the  good  offices  of  Lord  Abercorn 
(1756-1818),  to  whose  son  he  had  been  tutor, 
he  was  appointed  Bishop  of  London.  Though 
no  orator,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the 
House  of  Lords  whenever  ecclesiastical 
matters  were  discussed.  He  supported  the 
Bill  of  Pains  and  Penalties  against  Queen 
Caroline,  laying  stress  on  the  dogma  that 
'  The  King  can  do  no  wrong  either  morally 
or  poHticaUy '  (which  last  word  the  D.N.B. 
absurdly  renders  '  physically  ').  His  loyalty 
did  not  lack  its  reward,  for  in  1828  he  was 
raised  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  He  was 
enthroned  by  proxy,  thereby  drawing  down 
upon  himself  the  amused  reprobation  of 
Sydney  Smith :  '  A  proxy  sent  down  in  the 
Canterbury  Fly,  to  take  the  Creator  to  witness 
that  the  archbishop,  detained  in  town  by 
business  or  pleasure,  will  never  violate  that 
foundation  of  piety  over  which  he  presides — 
all  this  seems  to  me  an  act  of  the  most  extra- 
ordinary indolence  ever  recorded  in  history.' 
In  1829  Howley  led  the  opposition  to  the 
Roman  CathoUc  Relief  Bill,  and  in  1831  he 
opposed  the  Reform  Bill ;  but  in  the  critical 
session  of  1832  he  changed  liis  tactics  like  a 
wise  man,  and  offered  no  further  opposition 
to  the  Bill.  In  1833  he  opposed  the  Irish 
Church  Reform  BiU,  and  moved  the  rejection 
of  the  BiU  for  removing  Jewish  disabilities. 
In  1839  he  triumphantly  carried  Six  Resolu- 
tions against  Lord  John  Russell's  very  mild 
scheme  for  National  Education. 

As  Bishop  of  London  he  had  baptized 
Princess  Victoria,  and  in  the  early  morning 
of  20th  June  1837  he  posted  from  Windsor, 
where  he  had  attended  the  death-bed  of 
William  iv.,  and,  together  with  the  Lord 
Chamberlain,  announced  to  the  princess  at 
Kensington  Palace  her  accession  to  the 
throne.  On  the  28th  of  June  1838  he 
crowned  her  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Dean 
Stanley  remembered  his  '  tremulous  voice 
asking  for  the  Recognition.' 

Howley  was  the  last  Prince-Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  for  on  his  death  the  Ecclesi- 
astical Commission  reduced    the  income  of 

5) 


Howley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Hugh 


the  see  to  £15,000  a  year.  When  he  dined  | 
out  no  one  left  the  room  till  he  rose  to  go ;  , 
and  at  Lambeth  he  presided  in  state  over 
public  banquets,  to  which  the  guests  invited 
themselves,  and  where  '  the  domestics  of  the 
Prelacy  stood,  with  swords  and  bag-wigs, 
round  pig,  and  turkey,  and  venison.'  He 
drove  abroad  in  a  coach  and  four,  and  when 
he  crossed  the  courtyard  of  Lambeth  Palace 
from  the  chapel  to  '  Mrs.  Howley's  Lodgings ' 
he  was  preceded  by  men  bearing  flambeaux.^ 
His  gold  shoe  buckles  descended  to  Arch- 
bishop Benson  {q.v.). 

In  character  Howley  was  humble,  modest, 
and  benevolent — '  gentle  among  the  gentle,' 
said  Mr.  Gladstone,  '  and  mild  among  the 
mUd.'  Sydney  Smith,  even  when  opposing 
the  Cathedral  Reforms  which  the  archbishop 
sanctioned,  testified  to  his  '  gentleness, 
kindness,  and  amiable  and  high-principled 
courtesy  to  his  clergy.'  When,  having  made 
himself  obnoxious  to  the  populace  by  his  op- 
position to  the  Reform  Bill,  he  was  mobbed  in 
the  streets  of  Canterbury,  and  the  chaplain  in 
attendance  complained  that  a  dead  cat  had 
hit  him  in  the  face,  the  archbishop  replied  that 
he  should  be  thankful  it  was  not  a  live  one. 
AU  testimony  points  to  liis  deep  and  practical 
piety  ;  and  Mr.  Gladstone  used  to  quote  him 
as  one  of  the  persons  of  liigh  authority  who 
dated  the  revival  of  rehgion  in  England  to 
the  horror  aroused  by  the  excesses  of  the 
French  Revolution  in  its  later  stages.  Dean 
Church  iq.v.)  says,  rather  tepidly,  that  ho 
'  might  be  considered  a  theologian.'  He 
accepted  the  dedication  of  The  Library  of 
the  Fathers.  He  charged  earnestly  against 
the  Unitarians.  He  said  he  would  rather  re- 
sign than  consecrate  Dr.  Arnold.  In  old  age 
he  allowed  his  younger  and  more  vigorous 
suffragan,  Bishop  Blomfield  {q.v.),  to  hurry 
him  into  responsibility  for  the  ill-starred 
Jerusalem  bishopric  {q.v.) ;  but  in  1847  he 
told  Lord  Aberdeen  that  he  '  would  rather  go 
to  the  Tower  than  consecrate  Bishop  Hamp- 
den.' This  strong  profession  he  was  not 
required  to  make  good,  for  he  died  on  the 
11th  of  February  1848,  within  one  day  of 
completing  his  eighty-third  year.  He  had 
'  used,  without  abusing,  a  princely  revenue,' 
and  left  £120,000. 

He  died  at  Lambeth,  and  was  buried  at 
Addington.  His  body  was  conveyed  to  its 
burial-place  by  road ;    the  hearse  was  drawn 


1  No  woman  was  allowed  to  enter  the  oflicial  ai)art- 
iTients  at  Lainbetli,  not  even  to  dust  them.  When 
evening  chapel  was  ended  the  archbishop  went  across 
to  the  private  apartments  in  the  fashion  described. 
When  Archbishop  Benson  .succeeded  to  the  primacy 
there  still  were  people  living  who  remembered  the 
flambeaux. 


by  six  black  horses,  and  '  a  plume  of  black 
feathers '  (instead  of  a  mitre)  was  borne  in 
front  of  it.  [o.  w.  e.  r.] 

HUGH,   St.   (c.  1135-1200),  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, son  of  William,  a  knight  of  Avalon,  near 
Pontcharra,  in  Burgundy,  who  died  a  monk. 
His  mother  Anna  was  also  of   great  piety 
and  active  holiness  ;   so  that  from  his  earliest 
youth  he  learned  the  valour,  simplicity,  and 
single-hearted  devoutness  which   made  him 
a  power  with  his  contemporaries.      He  en- 
tered the  priory  of  Villarbenoit  at  an  early 
age  ;  and  after  ordination  was  put  in  charge 
of  the  mission  chapel  of  St.  Maxintin ;  but 
finding    himself     unfitted    for    parish    work 
fled    to    the    austere    rule    of     the     great 
Charter-House,  where  his  fervour  and  learn- 
ing soon  made  him  distinguished  among  a 
distinguished     company.     He     was    elected 
procurator,  and  in  that  office  dealt  with  all 
outsiders  during  the  troubled  times  of  the 
Becket  {q.v.)  controversy.     After  the  murder 
of  St.  Thomas,  Henry  ii.  agreed,  as  part  of  his 
penance,  to  found  three  religious  houses,  of 
which  one  was  a  Carthusian  house  at  Witham, 
a  work  which  was  done  so  indefinitely  and 
half-heartedly    that    the    new    Carthusians 
were  brought  into  conflict  with  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  district.    Hugh  was  recommended 
to  the  King  as  an  ornament  to  the  Church, 
one  to  whom  there  were  no  foreigners,  no  out- 
casts,  and  no  enemies,  whose  virtues  would 
soothe  the  soreness  of  the  wounded  people. 
Reginald,  Bishop  of  Bath,  had  the  honour  of 
fetching  the  reluctant  Hugh  into  his  diocese 
and  country.     Here,  with  infinite  tact  and 
patience,  the  two  houses  and  churches  were 
built,  after  the  population,  nearly  as  large  as 
it  is  at  present,  had  been  settled  elsewhere  on 
generous   terms.     The   secular   church,  stfll 
standing,  was  finished  at  the  time  when  the 
great  fire  burnt  down  ancient  Glastonbury. 
The  Ukeness  to  Avalon  Church,  and  the  still 
closer  likeness  of  the  Galilee  at  Glastonbury  to 
St.  Hugh's  Lincoln  work,  make  his  influence 
clear  in  this  lovely  art.    As  a  teacher  he  rather 
set  his  face   against  miracles,  as  compared 
with  '  the  unique  miracle  of  holiness.'    He  was 
elected  to  the   bishopric  of   Lincoln  at  the 
order  of  the  King  in  1186;  but  refused  it, 
untU  he  was  freely  chosen  by  the  chapter  and 
commanded  thereto  by  the  head  of  his  order. 
After  a  humble  entry  that  was  the  jest  and 
wonder  of  all  men,  he  entered  upon  fourteen 
years  of  active  hfe,  always  bounteous  in  alms, 
rigorous  and  clean-handed  in  rule,  and  care- 
less about  the  consequences  of  offending  the 
mighty.     He  surrounded  himself  with  emin- 
ent scholars  and  promoted  learning  greatly. 


(  289  ) 


Huntingdon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Huntingdon 


He  was  entirely  fearless  in  differences  with 
Henry  n.,  Richard,  and  John    even   about 
forest  law,  which  he  hated.     He  excommuni- 
cated  and   flogged  wrongdoers,  refused  pre- 
bends to  courtiers,  and  was  a  tender  friend 
not  only  to  all  little  children,  but  to  animals,    1 
birds,  and  to  the  outcast  lepers,  to  the  very   | 
dead,  and  (not  without  danger  at  times)  even    i 
to  the  persecuted  Jews.     Lincoln  Cathedral,   1 
a  comparatively  new  Romanesque  building, 
had  been  shattered  by  the  fall  of  a  tower,  and 
■ndth  an  incredible  audacity  he  built  it  up  in 
the  form  of  a  cross.     If  not  the  sole  inventor 
of  the  Early  English  style,  he  was  one  of  its 
earUest    and    chief    exponents.     His    work, 
some  of  it  done  with  his  own  hands,  is  still 
to  be  seen.     If  a  wall  were  not  stable  enough 
he  buttressed  it  from  outside  after  it  was    i 
already  reared.     If  that  were  not  sufficient 
he  arcaded  it  inside.     The  work  has  a  bold, 
amateur  wajnvardness  that  is  perplexing  in 
contrast  to  the  finished  and  ordered  excel- 
lence of  the  Angel  Choir,  built  in  his  honour. 
St.  Hugh  opposed  vigorously  the  demands 
of  the  kings  to  reward  secular  officials  with 
sinecures  at  the  expense  of  the  Church.     He 
also  resisted  the  policy  of  employing  church 
oflficers  in  civil  functions,  showing  that  he 
sharply  distinguished  the  bodies  civil  and 
ecclesiastical ;   but  as  a  landlord  and  master 
he  used  his  civil  powers  with  an  unfeudal 
mercy  and  generosity  which  provoked  great 
remonstrance.     He  refused  to  exact  fines  and 
heriots  from    the    needy,   laughing   at   cus- 
toms  which   infringed   mercy,    and   defying 
them.     His  passionate  love  of  reUcs  alone 
seems  to  divide  him  from  the  holiest  men  of 
our  own  time,  but  his  life  and  advice  were 
of  the  sanest  and  wholesomest  of  aU  time. 
In  his  last  year  he  went  into  Xormandy  to 
help  in  the  treaty  of  peace  betM'een  John  and 
the  King  of  France.     He  then  visited  his  old 
haunts,  fell  ill  at  Clermetz,  and  got  home  to 
die.     In  appearance  he  was  blue-eyed,  •ndth 
red-brown  hair,  of  middle  height,  strongly 
built,  and  because  of  his  excessive  fasts  in- 
clined to  fatness.     He  was  buried  at  Lincoln, 
the  Kings  of  Scotland  and  England,  with 
many  notable  men,  bearing  his  pall.     In  art 
St.    Hugh   is   usually   represented   with   his 
favourite  swan,  as  for  instance  in  the  sculpture 
of  the  tower  of  St.  Mary's  Church  in  Oxford. 

[c.  L.  M.] 

Magna  Vita,  R.S.  ;  Metrical  lAfe,  ed. 
Diniock  ;  Migne,  Pdlrologia,  vol.  153,  contains 
an  abridgment  of  tlie  first;  Lives  by  Perry, 
Tliurston.  and  Marson. 

HUNTINGDON,    Selina,  Countess    of 
(1707-91),     daughter    of    the    second    Earl 


Ferrers.      Her   mind,   even    in    very    early 
infancy,  was  of  a  serious  cast,  and  Avhen  she 
was  nine  years  old  the  funeral  of  a  child  of 
her  own  age  made  a  deep  impression  on  her. 
In  1728  she  was  married  to  Theophilus,  ninth 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  (1696-1746).     The  mar- 
riage was  entireh^  happj*.     Both  Lord  and 
Lady    Huntingdon    were    excellent    people 
according  to  their  lights,  setting  an  example 
of  virtuous  living  in  a  profligate  age,  and 
abounding    in    practical    benevolence.     The 
Methodist  Revival  [Methodism]  under  White- 
Held  (g.v.)  and  the  Wesleys  (g.v.)  was  now 
beginning  to  spread  ;  and  among  its  adherents 
was    Lady    Margaret    Hastings,    who    com- 
municated  the  Methodist   doctrines  to   her 
sister-in-law.    Lady    Huntingdon.      Shortly 
afterwards   Lady   Huntingdon   had    a   dan- 
gerous illness,   and,  when  the  sense  of  sin 
and  the  fear  of  death  lay  heavily  on  her,  she 
remembered  some  words  of  Lady  Margaret's 
about  the  joy  and  peace  which  spring  from 
faith  in  a  Personal  Saviour.     Her  conversion 
dated  from  this  illness,  and  as  soon  as  she 
recovered  she  sent  a  message  to  the  brothers 
Wesley,  who  happened  to  be  preaching  in 
the  neighbourhood   of   Donington  Park,  in 
Leicestershire    (Lord    Huntingdon's    home), 
and  assured  them  of  her  adhesion  to  their 
doctrines.     Lord  Huntingdon  did  not  share 
this  change  of  view ;  but  he  accompanied  his 
wife  to  the  meetings  of  the  Methodist  Society 
in  Fetter  Lane,  and  together  they  frequented 
the    vigorous    preaching   of    George   White- 
field   in   London,   at  Bristol,   at    Bath,   and 
wherever  they  could  foUow  him.     By  1740 
Lady  Huntingdon  had  acquired  so  leading  a 
position  among  her  new  associates  that  she 
procured  permission  from  John  Wesley  for 
a  young  layman  called  Maxfield  to  '  expound  ' 
in  public.     Maxfield  soon  became  the  first 
itinerant    lay  -  preacher    of    the    Methodist 
Society,    and    thus    Lady    Huntingdon    was 
'the   honoured   instrument   of   sending   this 
new  and  unwearied  sickle  into  the  harvest.' 
About  1744  she  formed  a  personal  acquaint- 
ance with  Whitefield,  which  determined  the 
subsequent  tenor  of  her  life.      Whitefield's 
passionate    piety,    forcible    eloquence,    and 
unwearied  zeal  in  the  Master's  ser\nce  gave 
him  a  deserved  influence  over  his  followers  ; 
but  the  vulgarity  which  was   ingrained  in 
his  nature  is  painfully  apparent  in  his  rela- 
tions Tvdth  Lady  Huntingdon.    However,  that 
excellent  lady  did  not  dislike  rehgious  flat- 
tery ;   she  became  Whitefield's  staunch  aUy, 
and  made  him  her  chaplain.      Lord  Hunt- 
ingdon died  in  1746,  and  Lady  Huntingdon, 
being  now  mistress  of  her  own  movements 
and  "^fortune,  estabhshed  herself  at  Ashby- 


(  290) 


HuntingdonJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Huntingdon 


de-la-Zouch,  and  devoted  herself  wholly  to 
the    work    of    evangelisation.     For    twenty 
vears  she  and  Whitcficld  continued  to  pro- 
voke each  other  to  good  works."^     AVhile  he 
Avas  preaching  she  was  organising,  and  really, 
though  unconsciously,  laying  the  foundations 
of  a  new  church.     .She  is  said  to  have  spent 
on  religious  objects  £100,000,  and  she  sold 
her  jewels  to  swell  tlie  sum.     She  built  or 
acquired  chapels  in  several  parts  of  London, 
and  in  all  quarters  of  England,  Wales,  and  Ire- 
land.   When  no  chapel  was  available  she  had 
prayers  and  preaching,  and  even  the  Holy 
Comnnniion,  in  her  own  house.     Exercising 
her  rights  as  a  peeress,  she  appointed  several 
clergymen  as  her  chaplains,  and  employed  them 
as  itinerant  ministers  for  the  service  of  her 
scattered  congregations.     In  1768  she  bought 
an  ancient  mansion,  called  Trevecca  House, 
in  the  parish  of  Talgarth,  South  Wales,  and 
converted  it  into  a  College  for  the  reUgious 
and  literar}^  instruction  of  intending  ministers, 
proposing  to  admit  only  such  as  were  truly 
converted,  to  God  and  resolved  to  dedicate 
themselves   to   His   service.     They  were   at 
liberty  to  stay  there  three  years,  during  which 
time    they    were    to    have    their    education 
gratis, '  with  every  necessary  of  life  and  a  suit 
of   clothes  once   a   year.'     They  might  seek 
Orders  in  the  Church  of  England,  or  become 
ministers  in  any  of  the  orthodox  Protestant 
communions.2       r^i^Q    theology     taught     at 
Trevecca  was  rigidly  Calvinistic  ;  and  in  the 
controversy  concerning  Calvinism  and  Armi- 
nianism  which   raged    between   Wesley  and 
Whitefield,  Lady  Huntingdon  was  strongly 
on  Whitefield's  side.     The  controversy  came 
to  a  head  in  1770,  when  the  minutes  of  the 
Methodist  Conference  affirming  the  doctrine 
of  universal  redemption  were  denounced  by 
the  Calvinists  as  popery  in  disguise.     For 
adhering  to  the  doctrine  contained  in  them 
the  headmaster  of  Trevecca  was    promptly 
dismissed  by  his  patroness,  and  henceforth 
the  breach  between  the  Methodist  Society  and 
'Lady  Huntingdon's  Connexion'  was  com- 
plete.    Just  at  this  juncture  Whitefield  died. 
The   removal   of   this   powerful   personality 
left    Lady   Huntingdon   completely    uncon- 
trolled.    There  was  no  one  in  her  connexion 
qualified  by  age,  character,  and  intellectual 
powers  to  counsel  or  restrain  her,  and  from 
this  time  tfil  her  death  she  ruled  with  undis- 
puted   sway.      She   gathered    round    her    a 
company  in  which  rank,  wealth,  and  educa- 
tion were  represented,  but  aU  were  in  strict 

1  In  his  will  he  described  her  as  'that  Elect  Lady, 
that  Mother  in  Israel,  that  mirror  of  true  and  xindefiled 
Religion,  the  Right  Hon.  Selina,  Conntessofllinitingdon.' 

2  The  college  was  transferred  in  1792  to  Cheslmnt, 
Herts,  and  in  1905  to  Cambridge. ; 


subordination  to  herself.  Her  chaplains  were 
her  servants,  and  her  chief  lieutenants  were 
cei'tain  '  Honourable  Women.' 

The  fact  that  Lady  Huntingdon  admitted 
candidates  for  the  Nonconformist  ministry 
to  her  college  at  Trevecca  shows  that  she 
was  already  sitting  very  loose  to  the  English 
Church,  and  in  this  respect  again  she  differed 
widely  from  the  Wesleys  ;  but  she  did  not 
actually  separate  herself  from  the  Church  till 
1779,  and  then  the  decisive  act  was  forced 
upon  her  by  clerical  opposition.  In  1779  she 
bought  a  disused  place  of  public  amusement, 
called  '  The  Pantheon,'  at  Spa  Fields, 
Clcrkenwell,^  and  proposed  to  convert  it  into 
a  chapel.  However,  the  vicar  of  the  parish 
objected,  as  he  had  the  right  to  do,  to  the 
erection  of  an  Anglican  chapel  of  ease  in  his 
parish  and  not  under  his  control.  Lady 
Huntingdon  had  no  mind  to  have  her  chapels 
and  chaplains  under  any  control  except  her 
own,  so,  in  order  to  secure  independence  of 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  she  registered 
her  chapels  as  dissenting  places  of  worship 
under  the  Toleration  Act.  After  this  decisive 
act  of  separation  (though  she  tried  to  make 
out  that  it  was  so)nething  less)  those  of  her 
chaplains  Avho  held  English  livings  of  course 
resigned  their  chaplaincies.  Meanwhile  their 
places  were  supplied  by  the  '  ordination  '  of 
students  from  Trevecca.  These  recruits 
could  receive  at  the  best  only  Presbyteral 
ordination  ;  but  this  was  conferred  on  them 
on  the  9th  of  March  1783,  and  so  Lady 
Huntingdon's  Connexion  '  lapsed  into  open 
schism.' 

Apart  from  the  affairs  of  her  own  church, 
for  such  it  soon  became,  Lady  Huntingdon 
often  exercised  a  salutary  influence  over  the 
personages  and  events  of  her  day.  Her 
position  and  connections  gave  her  easy  access 
to  the  highest  ranks  of  society,  and  she 
sedulously  preached  the  Gospel,  or  caused  it 
to  be  preached,  to  her  noble  kinsfolk  and 
acquaintance.  She  took  an  active  part  in 
defeating  that  movement  for  relaxation  of 
subscription  to  the  Prayer  Book  which  was 
fomented  by  the  Latitudinarian  party. 
When  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
Mrs.  Cornwallis  turned  Lambeth  Palace  into 
a  place  of  revelry  and  dissipation,  she  in- 
voked and  obtained  the  powerfid  aid  of 
King  George  in.,  who  very  soon  brought  the 
scandal  to  an  end.  When  gross  abuses  had 
arisen  in  the  charities  of  Repton  School  and 
EtwaU  Hospital  (of  which  Lord  Huntingdon 
was  a  hereditary  trustee)  it  was  Lady 
Huntingdon  who  urged  the  rights  of  the  poor. 


1  The  site  is  now  occupied  by  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Redeemer. 


(291  ) 


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[Hymns 


and  suggested  the  drastic  set  of  questions  by 
which  the  truth  was  eUcited.  In  everything 
to  which  she  put  her  hand  she  was  energetic, 
thorough,  and  business-hke.  Her  latter 
years  were  much  occupied  with  schemes  for 
carrjdng  on  after  her  death  the  work  to  which 
she  had  given  her  Ufc,  and  for  uniting  what 
were  quaintly  called  '  The  Societies  in  the 
Secession  patronised  by  Lady  Huntingdon  ' 
in  an  independent  and  permanent  church. 
She  spent  her  time  between  the  College  at 
Trevecca  and  her  house,  close  to  the  chapel,  at 
Spa  Fields ;  but  she  was  still  so  keen  on 
evangelistic  work  that  as  late  as  1786  she 
promised  to  pay  a  visit  to  Brussels,  attended 
by  one  of  her  favourite  ministers,  with  a  view 
to  introducing  the  Gospel  into  a  benighted 
land,  and  '  had  a  new  equipage  prepared  for 
the  occasion.'  The  invitation  from  Brussels 
seems  to  have  been  something  of  a  hoax  or 
a  plot,  and  the  visit  did  not  take  place,  but 
the  energy  which  even  contemplated  it 
demands  our  admiration.  Lady  Huntingdon 
died  at  Spa  Fields  in  her  eighty-fourth  year 
on  the  17th  June  1791.  She  is  buried  at 
Ashby-de-la-Zouch.  [g.  w.  e.  r.] 

Life  and  times,  2  vols.,  1839. 

HYMNS  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH. 

The  hymns  used  in  the  English  Church  before 
the  Reformation  were  those  of  the  usual  cycle, 
which  (with  some  minor  differences)  pre- 
vailed in  most  of  the  Latin  Breviaries  of  the 
West.  England  had  possibly  had  a  dis- 
tinguished share  in  the  original  formation 
of  this  cycle ;  it  added  a  few  hymns  for 
local  festivals  at  a  later  date,  but  it  was  less 
productive  of  novelties  than  other  countries 
in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  same  is  true 
of  the  sequences  in  the  Missal,  if  they  may  be 
classed  as  hymns.  There  was  but  little 
available  in  England  of  versions  in  the 
vernacular,  though  English  carols  were 
common  and  popular  as  well  as  Latin  ones  ; 
and  a  few  of  the  hymns  and  sequences  which 
most  resembled  carols  were  translated  and 
sung  in  EngUsh  by  the  people.  Hymnody 
proper,  however,  was  so  far  not  a  popular 
and  voluntary  addition  to  church  services, 
but  a  fixed  and  unchanging  item  in  the  Latin 
clerical  offices  of  the  Breviary. 

When  the  attempt  was  made  to  provide 
in  the  Prayer  Book  a  popular  form  of  these 
offices,  reduced  in  number  and  complexity 
so  as  to  suit  the  laitj^  attempts  were  made  to 
include  versions  of  the  Latin  hymns.  But 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  had  no  gift  of  versification, 
and  no  one  who  had  was  available  for  the 
task ;     consequently   the  English  offices   of 


Morning  and  Evening  Prayer  appeared 
devoid  of  any  official  hymnody  ;  and  so  they 
have  continued  ever  since.  The  only 
ancient  hymn  preserved  in  the  Prayer  Book 
(apart  from  psalms,  canticles,  and  the  Te 
Deum)  is  the  Veni  Creator  in  the  Ordinal, 
which  is  represented  by  two  versions,  one 
(1550)  probably  by  Cranmer,  and  the  other 
taken  in  1661  from  Cosin's  Collection  of 
Private  Devotions,  1627.  Thus,  almost  by 
an  accident,  the  EngUsh  Church  was  reduced 
to  the  same  loss  of  hymnody  which  many  of 
the  foreign  reformers  took  as  a  duty,  through 
their  prejudice  against  the  use  of  anything 
but  Holy  Scripture  in  public  worship.  While 
Geneva,  France,  and  that  part  of  Germany 
which  followed  Switzerland  took  this  line,  and 
confined  their  attention  to  metrical  psalms,. 
the  case  was  very  different  with  Lutheran- 
ism  ;  for  that  movement  owed  much,  both 
in  its  origin  and  thenceforward,  to  its  con- 
tinuance and  development  of  the  vernacular 
hymnod3\  Luther's  hymns  won  a  place 
where  otherwise  his  influence  would  hardly 
have  penetrated.  They  threatened  for  a 
moment  to  make  a  successful  invasion  of 
England,  when  Coverdale  [q.v.)  about  1539' 
published  versions  of  the  favourite  German 
chorales  in  his  Goostly  Psalmes.  But  the 
tide  turned,  and  the  German  influence  be- 
came suspect,  and  vanished,  condemned 
to  wait  for  Hanoverian  days  before  it  had 
another  opening. 

The  Genevan  influence,  on  the  contrary, 
came  to  stay;  when  Sternhold  and  his= 
followers  had  provided  a  metrical  version 
of  the  Psalter,  copying  the  example  of  Marot 
and  Beza  in  the  French  psalms,  the  book 
soon  received  an  official  sanction  ;  and  from 
1560  onwards  it  became  almost  a  companion' 
volume  to  the  Prayer  Book.  Psalms  and 
paraphrases  thenceforward  occupied  the  field 
to  the  almost  complete  exclusion  of  hymns ; 
only  Cranmer's  version  of  the  Veni  Creator 
and  some  half-dozen  hymns  were  admitted 
into  the  early  Metrical  Psalters.  It  was  a 
nucleus  that  was  enlarged  very  slowly ;  a 
hymn  before  sermon,  some  penitential  hymns 
(among  them  the  familiar  '  0  Lord,  turn  not 
away  Thy  face '),  and  a  thanksgiving  after 
Communion  were  the  most  noticeable. 

The  attempt  to  provide  a  church  hymn- 
book  was  first  made  by  George  Wither,  with, 
the  help  of  the  music  of  0.  Gibbons  in  1623. 
His  Hymnes  and  Songes  of  the  Church  was  not 
a  compilation,  but  a  set  of  hymns  from  his 
own  hand ;  and  this  fact,  besides  indiscreet 
royal  patronage,  raised  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  its  success.  The  '  Old  Version '  of  the 
psalms  continued  on  its  way  without  a  rivaJi 


(292) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Hymns 


or  a  companion  in  Churcli  circles,  and  only 
began  to  lose  ground  when  the  New  Version 
of  1696  appeared.  Thus  psalmody  com- 
peted with  psalmod}- ;  but  the  day  of  the 
return  of  hymns  was  still  deferred.  How- 
•ever,  the  Supplement  to  the  New  Version 
offered  an  opportunity  which  was  not 
wasted ;  and  the  appearance  there  of 
'  While  shepherds  watched  their  flocks  '  fore- 
shadowed a  change  that  was  coming,  though 
still  only  slowly.  Musical  development, 
meanwhile,  was  going  ahead  rapidly,  but  it 
was  still  mainly  concerned  with  metrical 
psalms  rather  than  with  the  small  group  of 
hymns  that  was  in  use. 

The  real  father  of  English  hymnody  is 
Isaac  Watts,  the  Independent  minister,  who 
leapt  into  fame  at  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century'.  The  Nonconformist 
bodies  had  been  making  some  experimental 
moves  in  hymnody  for  some  time,  being  not 
tied,  as  the  Church  seemed  to  be,  to  a  semi- 
official psalm-book ;  and  now  at  a  burst 
there  came  from  Watts' s  pen  such  master- 
pieces as  '  W^hen  I  survey  the  wondrous 
Cross '  and  '  0  God,  our  help.'  A  new  age 
had  begun  ;  but  still  prejudices  were  strong 
against  any  non-biblical  hymns  both  among 
Nonconformists  and  Churchmen. 

The  next  era  was  inaugurated  by  the 
Wesleys  {q.v.)  ;  and  they  developed  the 
EngUsh  hymn,  as  formed  by  Watts,  having 
the  advantage  of  an  intimate  knowledge  and 
appreciation  of  the  treasures  of  German 
hymnody.  While  John  Wesley  figured 
chiefly  as  a  translator,  his  brother  Charles 
produced  native  compositions ;  and  among 
the  countless  hymns  which  he  wrote  during 
his  long  career  are  some  of  the  best  estab- 
lished of  our  favourites,  e.g.  '  Jesu,  Lover  of 
my  soul.'  At  first  the  use  of  these  hymns 
was  confined  to  the  Methodist  Societies,  and 
they  found  Uttle  place  in  church  worship  ; 
but  the  delight  in  hymn-singing  was  in- 
fectious. The  London  charitable  institu- 
tions for  Orphans  and  Magdalens  took  it  up, 
and  the  singing  in  their  chapels  became  so 
famous  that  bishops  exhorted  the  parishes 
to  practise  congregational  singing,  and  the 
Charity  Children  were  trained  to  lead  the  rest 
of  the  worshippers.  Some  of  the  more  stiff- 
necked  were  declaiming  still  against  non- 
biblical  compositions ;  but  more  hberal 
Churchmen  were  steadily  introducing  the 
hymns  of  Watts  and  the  Wesleys. 

Meanwhile  the  character  of  the  books 
changes ;  for  collections  of  '  Psalms  and 
Hymns '  begin  to  supersede  the  Metrical 
Psalter  (in  either  version),  or  the  books  of 
mere  selections  from  the  psalms.    Gradually 


the  proportion  of  the  two  ingredients  alters, 
till  the  hymns  oust  the  bulk  of  the  psalms  ; 
the  book  becomes  a  hymn-book,  and  only  a 
few  versions  of  psalms  find  a  place  there, 
disguised  as  hymns. 

So  far  there  was  nothing  which  had  been 
produced  for  church  worship  comparable 
with  the  hymns  of  Watts  and  the  Wesleys  ; 
but  in  1779  the  Olney  Hymns  appeared,  the 
joint  production  of  John  Newton  and  William 
Cowper ;  and  this  book,  in  some  degree, 
made  good  the  deficiency.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century  materials  had 
accumulated  from  many  quarters  ;  the  '  Col- 
lections '  that  appeared  were  improving  in 
quality ;  but  they  had  not  yet  come  into 
any  liturgical  shape,  though  schemes  for 
special  psalms  distributed  according  to  the 
calendar  had  been  for  some  time  in  exist- 
ence. The  change,  which  was  to  give 
modern  church  hymn-books  their  form,  was 
made  by  Bishop  Heber,  who,  while  still  a 
parish  priest,  drew  up  for  his  parishioners 
his  Hymns  written  and  adapted  to  the  weekly 
Church  service  of  the  year.  It  was  pubUshed 
by  his  widow  in  1826.  Half  the  hymns  in- 
cluded were  Heber's  own ;  the  rest  were 
gathered  from  many  sources,  and  included 
some  of  the  earliest  of  modern  versions  from 
Latin  office  hymns.  Thenceforward  such 
translations  became  increasingly  prominent, 
especially  under  the  influence  of  the  Oxford 
Movement  {q.v.),  until  Dr.  Neale  {q.v.)  and 
his  companions  issued  in  1852  the  Hymnal 
Noted,  both  words  and  tunes  being  drawn 
from  the  Latin  Offices.  Meanwhile  Neale 
was  also  writing  English  hymns,  in  company 
with  Keble  {q.v.)  and  Lyte  and  other  repre- 
sentative Churchmen ;  with  Faber  and  Cas- 
waU,  who  had  passed  over  to  the  Roman 
communion;  with  Miss  Havergal  and  Mrs. 
Alexander,  representing  the  other  sex. 
Further  translations  became  available — from 
the  Greek,  a  department  in  which  Neale  was 
again  conspicuous,  and  from  the  German, 
especially  through  the  versions  of  Miss 
Winkworth  and  Miss  Cox.  In  the  multi- 
plicity of  '  Selections '  that  were  formed 
from  these  materials  three  lines  of  gradual 
development  have  led  to  tliree  of  the  chief 
hymn-books  of  the  day :  (1)  Edward  Bicker- 
steth's  Psalmody  of  183.3  was  the  forerunner 
of  his  son's  Psalms  and  Hymns  (1858),  and 
that  has  developed  into  the  Hymnal  Com- 
panion (1870)  ;  (2)  the  S.P.C.K.  Psalms  and 
Hymns  of  1855  has  grown  into  Church  Hymns; 
(3)  by  the  withdrawal  of  Mozley's  Hymnal, 
Hymns  ami  Introits,  and  a  number  of  other 
current  books,  the  way  was  opened  for  the 
launching  of  Hymns  Ancient  and  Modem  in 


(  293 


Injunctions] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Injunctions 


1861.  These  are  the  chief  books  in  use 
throughout  the  Anglican  communion,  but 
the  Churches  of  Ireland,  Canada,  and  the 
United  States  have  official  hvmn-books  of 


their  own.    [Music  in  the  Church,  Poetry 
IN  THE  Church.]  [w.  h.  f.] 

Julian,    Dictionary  of  Hymnology;   Hymns 
Ancient  and  Modern  (Historical  Edition). 


INJUNCTIONS  are  orders  given  by  ad- 
■'■  mini.strutive  authority  for  the  observance 
of  Church  law  and  customs  in  places  where 
there  is  need  of  such  a  reminder.  When  the 
bishop  visits  his  diocese,  or  even  the  arch- 
deacon his  archdeaconry,  he  first  investigates 
by  Articles  of  Inquiry,  and  then  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  irregularities  that  have  been 
'  detected '  and  gives  such  Injunctions  as 
seem  necessary  to  correct  them.  The  practice 
runs  back  to  a  distant  past,  and  is  a  valuable 
piece  of  administrative  machinery.  It  ap- 
plies also  to  other  spheres  of  jurisdiction  such 
as  a  monastery  or  a  college.  From  time  to 
time  Injunctions  have  had  a  special  signific- 
ance. When  Henry  viii.  undertook  the 
task  of  ecclesiastical  visitation  he  issued 
Injunctions  (1536)  through  Cromwell  {q.v.) 
as  his  vicar-general,  and  thus  began  a  series 
of  Royal  Injunctions  which  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  changes  during  the  six- 
teenth century.  Edward  vi.,  Mary,  and 
Ehzabeth  all  followed  his  example  in  this 
respect.  Edward  and  Elizabeth  were  more 
precise  than  their  father,  for  they  issued 
Articles  of  Inciuiry  as  well  as  Injunctions. 
Mary  was  less  precise,  for  her  Injunctions 
(1554)  were  not  only  based  on  no  Articles  of 
Inquiry,  but  they  were  arbitrarily  issued 
apart  from  any  visitation. 

Injunctions  must  be  distinguished  from 
legislation ;  they  are  merely  reminders  of 
existing  law  and  custom,  and  a  notification 
that  obedience  and  conformity  are  expected. 
?uch  action  is  specially  necessarj^  because 
otherwise  Canon  Law  might  fall  into  desue- 
tude, and  might  cease  to  be  binding,  through 
mere  neglect,  unless  kept  in  vigour  by  such 
Injunctions.  Properly  speaking,  there  is  no 
oppoitunity  in  them  for  innovation  ;  but 
they  were  used  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  as  a  means  of  altering  and  innovat- 
ing both  by  the  Crown  and  by  the  bishops. 
The  Crown  set  the  example,  and  it  was  not 
unnatural,  since  the  Tudors  were  used  in  the 
civil  sphere  to  act  thus  personally  bj'  pro- 
clamation. But  it  w^as  a  less  tolerable 
abuse  when  bishops  followed  the  royal 
example ;  lor  constitutional  government, 
not  arbitrary  action,   was  the   tradition   in 


Church  affairs.  Their  excuse,  no  doubt, 
was  that,  since  Henry  had  paralysed  the 
action  of  Convocation,  the  constitutional 
procedure  of  legislating  by  canon  was  not 
open  to  them,  and  that  changes  were  there- 
fore necessarily  to  be  made  arbitrarily.  The 
Elizabethan  Injunctions,  the  last  of  the 
series,  had  a  permanence  which  was  denied 
to  those  which  preceded  them.  They  were 
regarded  as  having  a  special  authority ;  and 
the  Elizabethan  bishops,  flouted  by  Puritans, 
countermined  by  courtiers,  and  liable  to  be 
left  unsupported  by  the  Queen  if  they  out- 
ran her  humour,  were  glad  to  take  shelter 
behind  them  in  administering  discipline. 
But  as  Convocation  recovered  its  power 
of  making  canons,  and  issued,  in  fact,  the 
codes  of  1571,  1585,  and  1597  (the  last  two 
with  special  roj-al  sanction),  the  Injunctions 
of  1559,  which  had  been  invaluable  in  the 
interim  between  the  Marian  and  the  Eliza- 
bethan episcopates,  dechned  in  value.  Many 
of  theii'  provisions  became  obsolete,  and  others 
were  incorporated  in  the  canons.  After  the 
publication  of  the  complete  code  in  the  next 
reign  (160-1)  this  decline  was  still  more 
evident  and  rapid.  In  the  early  daj^s  the 
Injunctions  were  read  in  church  every 
quarter,  and  to  the  end  of  the  reign  they  were 
kept  in  print ;  but  subsequently  there  was 
no  call  for  fresh  editions  ;  the  canons  occupied 
the  printer  instead,  and  were  appended,  like 
the  Articles  of  Religion,  to  the  Prayer  Book. 
They  were  read  in  church,  and  the  bishops 
appealed  to  them  where  formerly  they  had 
cited  the  Royal  Injunctions ;  and  this  docu- 
ment became  of  historical  rather  than  of 
legal  value. 

Episcopal  Visitation  and  Injunctions  con- 
tinued to  do  good  service  when  the  royal 
action  had  ceased  and  its  provisions  fallen 
into  obscurity.  But  Articles  and  Injunctions 
became  rarer  in  the  eighteenth  century  and 
ceased,  as  Visitation  became  no  longer  a 
legal  inquiry  but  only  the  occasion  of  a 
formal  appearance,  a  sj-nodal  payment,  a 
charge,  and  a  luncheon.  A  revival,  however, 
came  in  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century  ;  and  the  machinery  now  recovered 
is  likely  to  prove  useful  again  in  maintaining 


(294) 


Innocent] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Innocent 


discipline  and  efficieney,  provided  it  is  kept 
to  its  proper  use  and  not  made  an  oppor- 
tunity for  arbitrary  action.  [\v.  H.  F.] 

Frere,    VixitatitiH  Articles  and  Injunctions 
(Alcuiii  Club). 

INNOCENT  III.,  Pope,  Lothar  dei  Conti 
(c.  llGl-1216),  belonged  to  a  noble  family 
of  Latiuni ;  his  father  was  of  German,  his 
mother  of  Roman,  descent.  In  his  youth  he 
studied  at  Paris  and  Bologna  ;  when  scarcely 
of  full  age  he  earned  distinction  as  a  jurist 
in  the  Curia.  In  1190  he  was  made  a  cardinal 
by  his  uncle,  Clement  in.,  and  although 
viewed  with  less  favour  by  Celestine  ni. 
(1191-8),  he  earned  such  a  reputation  that 
on  Celestine's  death  he  was  unanimously 
elected  to  the  papacy  by  his  colleagues  (1198). 
At  this  date  he  was  known  outside  Rome 
chiefly  as  a  writer  upon  rehgious  subjects ; 
among  his  works  the  De  Contempizi  llttndi 
achieved  some  popularity,  and  is  not  without 
biographical  value ;  and  the  De  mysteriis 
Missae  is  a  liturgical  treatise  of  some  import- 
ance. But  he  was  essentially  a  politician  and  a 
leader  of  men — quick  of  wit,  ready  of  tongue, 
an  impressive  orator,  an  erudite  publicist 
and  lawyer.  He  became  Pope  at  a  critical 
juncture  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Holy  See. 
Henry  vi.,  who  had  succeeded  in  uniting  the 
Sicilian  to  the  Imiserial  Crown,  died  a  few 
months  before  Celestine,  leaving  Sicily  and 
Naples  to  an  infant  heir ;  and  the  Empire 
was  now  in  dispute  between  two  rival  claim- 
ants. There  was  thus  an  opportunity  of 
freeing  the  States  of  the  Church  from  German 
tyranny,  of  reasserting  the  papal  suzerainty 
over  Sicily  and  Naples,  of  playing  off  the 
Saxon  against  the  Hohenstauft'en  party  in  the 
Empire  until  both  were  fatally  weakened. 
Innocent  made  a  skilful,  if  unworthy,  use  of 
his  favourable  situation.  He  restored  the 
tottering  edifice  of  the  temporal  power;  he 
abused  his  position  as  guardian  of  Frederic 
of  Sicily  to  strengthen  his  own  influence  in 
that  kingdom ;  in  Germany  he  supported 
Otto  IV.  against  Philip  of  Suabia  and 
Frederic  against  Otto.  Xo  Pope  since 
Gregory  \ti.  had  counted  for  so  much  in 
European  politics.  The  pontificate  of  Inno- 
cent was,  in  a  sense,  the  golden  age  of  the 
mediaeval  papacy.  But  the  results  of  his 
activity  were  not  commensurate  with  his 
hopes.  He  was  deceived  several  times  by 
his  chosen  allies,  by  Otto,  by  Frederic,  by 
Pliilip  Augustus.  1  he  Fourth  Crusade  and 
that  against  the  Albigensians  were  raised  in 
his  name,  but  escaped  from  his  control  and 
brought  his  office  into  disrepute.  The 
decadence  of  the  papacy  in  the  next  hundred 


years  must  be  attributed  to  the  effects  of  the 
policy  which  his  genius  imposed  upon  his 
successors  from  Honorius  iii.  to  Boniface  \t:ii. 
'J'hough  pious  and  disinterested,  Innocent 
attached  excessive  weight  to  material  re- 
sources and  visible  dominion.  He  treated 
the  national  Churches  as  provinces  of  an 
ecclesiastical  monarchy  ;  he  asserted  in  new 
and  startling  forms  the  time-honoured 
principle  that  kings  should  acknowledge 
themselves  the  servants  of  the  Church. 

His  relations  with  the  Plantagenets  have 
been  often  misrepresented.  He  endeavoured 
to  use  England  as  a  pawn  in  the  politics  of 
the  Empire.  He  supported  Richard  Coeur 
de  Lion,  and  he  treated  John  with  unusual 
forbearance,  because  they  were,  or  might  be, 
valuable  allies.  But  on  more  than  one 
occasion  he  threw  prudence  to  the  winds,  in 
his  dealings  with  these  sovereigns,  that  he 
might  assert  the  liberties  or  the  dignity  of 
the  Church.  He  peremptorily  commanded 
Richard  to  deprive  Hubert  Walter  {q.v.)  of 
the  justiciarship,  and  consistently  sided  with 
the  monks  of  Canterbury  against  that  power- 
ful minister.  He  supported  the  turbulent 
Geoffrey  of  York  against  both  Richard  and 
John.  He  took  John  to  task  for  the  rejiudia- 
tion  of  Hadwisa-Isabelle  of  Gloucester  ;  and, 
at  a  time  when  John  was  peculiarly  desirable 
as  an  ally,  he  protested  against  his  lawless 
maltreatment  of  the  Bishop  of  Limoges  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Dublin.  The  nomination 
of  Stephen  Langton  {q.v.)  to  the  see  of  Canter- 
bury (1206)  was  a  high-handed  act,  but 
certainly  not  suggested  by  political  motives  ; 
Innocent  endangered  the  cause  of  his  own 
party  to  vindicate  the  principle  of  free  elec- 
tion. His  later  measures  against  John  were 
neither  precipitately  undertaken  nor  ex- 
cessive, considering  the  brutal  measures  by 
which  the  King  sought  to  intimidate  the 
English  clergy.  The  interdict  was  not  en- 
forced until  1208  ;  the  sentence  of  personal 
excommunication  was  only  pubhshed  late  in 
1209  ;  and  yet  another  three  years  elapsed 
before  Philip  of  France  was  invited  to  execute 
the  sentence  of  deposition.  The  terms  im- 
posed upon  John,  when  he  at  lengtli  sub- 
mitted (1213),  were  extremely  light  ;  for 
there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  Innocent 
demanded  the  oath  of  vassalage.  John 
appears  to  have  offered  his  homage  of  free 
will,  to  obtain  support  against  the  baronial 
opposition.  It  was  the  successors  of  Inno- 
cent who  abused  the  papal  suzeraint}^  over 
England.  Innocent  can  hardly  be  blamed 
for  interfering  in  the  constitutional  crisis  of 
the  next  two  years.  He  was  invited  to  do 
so  by  the  barons,  and  he  appears  to  have 


(  295  ) 


Investitures] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Investitures 


mediated  in  good  faith.  That  he  should 
quash  Magna  Carta  {q.v.),  which  his  com- 
missioner had  approved,  seems  only  natural 
when  we  remember  that  he  had  consistently 
forbidden  the  barons  to  coerce  the  King  and 
that  Pandulf  {q.v.)  was  no  plenipotentiary. 
It  is  true  that  Stephen  Langton  was  against 
the  King,  and  appeared  at  Rome  to  explain 
the  position  of  the  barons.  But  by  this  time 
Stephen  himself  stood  convicted  of  disobedi- 
ence— the  one  offence  for  which  Innocent  ad- 
mitted no  excuses  ;  and  it  is  improbable  that 
he  received  a  fair  hearing.  Innocent  lived 
long  enough  to  witness  the  overthrow  of  his 
•protigi ;  but  the  nierits  of  Magna  Carta  as 
a  constitutional  settlement  were  not  demon- 
strated in  his  lifetime.  He  died  on  16th  July 
1216  at  Perugia,  while  Louis  of  France  and 
the  English  rebels  were  in  the  full  tide  of 
success.  [H.  w.  c.  D.] 

Luchaire,  Innocent  111.  ;  Norgate,  John 
Lackland;  Stubbs,  C.II.,  i.  ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis, 
Eng.  under  the  Normans  and  Angevins. 

INVESTITURES  CONTROVERSY,   The 

(1059-1122),  was  the  result  of  a  vicious  system 
of  patronage  which  developed  pari  passu 
with  feudahsm  in  Western  Europe.  By  the 
eleventh  century  it  was  the  practice  of 
sovereigns  to  treat  the  more  important 
ecclesiastical  benefices  as  a  species  of  fief, 
which  was  held  from  the  Crown  and  escheated 
on  the  death  of  the  occupant.  The  ruler 
claimed  the  right  of  appropriating  the  re- 
venues of  such  a  benefice  during  a  vacancy, 
and  nominated  a  successor  as  and  when  he 
pleased.  The  newly  appointed  prelate  re- 
ceived seisin  of  his  office  by  the  delivery  into 
his  hands  of  its  spiritual  insignia,  the  ring 
and  staff ;  and  in  return  he  rendered  the 
same  homage  as  any  other  vassal.  He  was 
not  competent  to  exercise  his  office  until  he 
had  been  canonically  elected  and  consecrated  ; 
but  the  effect  of  the  royal  investiture  could 
not  be  safely  called  in  question.  The  natural 
consequence  was  that  benefices  were  some- 
times sold,  and  frequently  conferred  as 
rewards  for  political  services.  Churches 
were  impoverished  to  satisfy  the  demands 
of  the  sovereign  upon  his  nominee,  and 
ecclesiastical  discipline  was  ill  enforced  by 
prelates  who  had  been  selected  for  any  cause 
rather  than  their  fitness.  Against  this 
abuse  the  reformed  papacy  made  a  deter- 
mined protest  in  the  second  half  of  the 
eleventh  century,  denouncing  simony  in  the 
first  place,  and  then  lay  investiture  as  a 
practice  which  led  inevitably  to  simony. 
Lay  investiture  was  also  disliked,  on  more 
abstract  grounds,  because  it  seemed  to  imply 


the  supremacy  of  the  State  over  the  Church. 
The  ring  and  the  staff  denoted  a  spiritual 
office,  and  he  who  gave  the  symbols  plainly 
claimed  the  right  to  give  what  they  denoted. 
The  controversy  was  raised  by  reformers 
such  as  Cardinal  Humbert  and  Peter  Damiani. 
The  papacy  declared  for  the  cause  of  reform 
in  1059,  when  a  Roman  synod  held  by 
Nicholas  ii.  condemned  every  form  of  lay 
patronage :  id  per  laicos  nullo  modo  quilibet 
clericus  aut  preshrjter  obtineat  ecdesiam  nee 
gratis  nee  preiio.  This  proved  too  sweeping 
to  be  enforced.  For  some  time  the  papacy  was 
content  to  make  war  merely  on  the  grosser 
forms  of  simony.  But  in  1078  a  synod  held 
by  Gregory  vil.  condemned  the  practice  of 
receiving  ecclesiastical  benefices  as  fiefs  ;  and 
laymen  who  gave  investiture  were  declared  ex- 
communicate by  another  decree  in  1080.  The 
new  legislation  was  aimed  in  the  first  instance 
at  the  Emperor ;  it  opened  a  bitter  quarrel 
with  Henry  iv.  and  Henry  \.,  which  was  pro- 
tracted until  1122,  when  the  exhaustion  of 
both  parties  made  a  compromise  possible. 
The  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122)  provided  that, 
in  the  Imperial  dominions,  there  should  be  free 
and  canonical  elections  to  vacant  bishoprics 
and  abbacies ;  that  the  elections  should  take 
place  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  ;  that, 
if  the  electors  disagreed  among  themselves, 
he  should  have  the  power  of  choosing  between 
the  rival  candidates ;  that  the  prelate-elect 
should  be  invested  by  the  Emperor  with  the 
temporalities  of  his  office,  and  should  perform 
the  services  due  from  them.  These  terms 
left  to  a  disingenuous  Emperor  a  loophole  for 
evasion ;  and  the  Imperial  prerogative  of 
arbitration  was  grossly  abused  by  Conrad  ni. 
and  Frederic  Barbarossa ;  so  that  the  chief 
result  of  the  Concordat  was  to  change  the 
form  rather  than  the  inward  nature  of  the 
dispute  between  papacy  and  Empire.  But 
the  terms  arranged  at  Worms  were  the  best 
that  conciliatory  statesmen  on  either  side 
could  devise.  For  Enghshmen  the  con- 
cordat has  a  peculiar  interest  since  it  followed 
the  lines  of  an  earher  agreement  between  the 
English  crown  and  the  papacy  (1107).  This 
was  negotiated  by  Archbishop  Anselm  {q.v.), 
but  his  correspondence  with  Paschal  ii. 
shows  that  he  only  executed  instructions 
which  came  to  him  from  Rome.  In  England 
the  question  of  investitures  was  raised  com- 
paratively late,  and  was  settled  with  less 
friction  than  might  have  been  expected. 
William  I.  and  Lanfranc  {q.v.)  were  able  to 
disregard  the  papal  legislation  on  the  sub- 
ject, since  Gregory  vii.  stood  in  need  of 
England's  support,  and  was  satisfied  that 
the   King   exercised   his   objectionable   pre- 


(296) 


Investitures] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Islip 


rogative  in  an  unobjectionable  manner. 
Rebuking  a  too  zealous  legate,  the  Pope 
MTites  (1081)  that  William,  though  not 
immaculate,  neither  sells  nor  plunders  the 
churches  of  his  kingdom.  Under  \ViIliam 
Rufus  the  case  was  different.  The  new  King 
kept  vacant  bishoprics  and  abbacies  in  his 
own  hands,  or  sold  them  for  ready  money,  or 
used  them  to  reward  such  ministers  as 
Robert  Bloet  and  RanuLf  Elambard.  Against 
such  abuses  there  was  general  indignation, 
and  Archbishop  Anselm  rebuked  the  King 
to  his  face.  But  even  Anselm  did  not  yet 
dispute  the  King's  rights  of  appointment 
and  investiture,  from  which  these  evils 
followed  as  a  logical  coroUarj^  Anselm  was 
himself  nominated  and  invested  by  Rufus  ; 
and,  though  he  begged  to  be  excused,  he  took 
no  exception  to  the  manner  of  his  appoint- 
ment. But  towards  the  end  of  the  reign, 
when  Anselm  was  in  exile,  he  took  part  in 
a  council  at  Rome  (1099)  which  issued 
sentences  of  excommunication  against  all 
who  gave  or  who  received  lay  investiture. 
Though  Anselm  did  not  feel  strongly  on  the 
subject,  he  proceeded  to  enforce  the  decree 
on  his  return.  He  refused  to  do  homage  to 
Henry  i.  and  to  hold  intercourse  with  those 
who  violated  the  decree ;  and,  since  the 
King  stood  firm,  Anselm  went  into  exile 
for  the  second  time  (1103-5).  The  English 
bishops,  for  the  most  part,  made  light  of  his 
scruples,  and  begged  him  to  give  way.  But 
he  stood  firm  until  Paschal  ii.  gave  him 
leave  to  make  a  compromise.  Negotiations 
were  opened  in  1105,  but  the  final  settlement 
was  delayed  until  1st  August  1107,  when 
terms  were  formulated  in  the  Council  of 
London.  They  are  only  known  to  us  at 
second-hand,  and  there  is  some  variation 
between  our  different  accounts.  But 
Paschal  conceded  that  the  King  might  re- 
ceive homage  and  grant  investiture  of  the 
temporalties  before  the  consecration  of  the 
prelate-elect.  In  writing  to  Anselm  the 
Pope  expressed  a  hope  that  the  King  might 
be  ultimately  induced  to  forego  these  rights. 
But  they  were  tenaciously  maintained  by 
Henry  and  his  successors.  The  King,  on 
his  side,  recognised  the  principle  of  free 
election.  We  learn  from  the  later  Constitu- 
tions of  Clarendon  that  elections,  in  the  time 
of  Henry  i.,  took  place  in  his  chapel  and  in 
his  presence.  He  did  not  claim  in  so  many 
words  the  right  of  arbitrating  if  a  dispute 
arose  among  the  electors.  But  no  one  could 
be  elected  without  his  previous  approval ; 
and  consequently  the  King  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  reducing  the  election  to  a  mere 
form    if    he    wished.     To    this    extent    the 


English  settlement  of  1107  was,  no  less  than 
the  Concordat  of  Worms,  a  defeat  for  the 
papacy  and  the  reforming  party.  In  regard 
to  the  question  of  homage,  they  had  only 
withdrawn  from  an  untenable  position.  But 
another  battle  had  to  be  fought  before  free- 
dom of  election  was  legally  guaranteed  in 
England.  This  concession  was  made  at 
length  by  King  John,  and  was  afterwards 
incorporated  in  Magna  Carta  {q.v.). 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

W.  n.  W.  Stephens,  The.Eng.  Ch.,  10fr,-1272  ; 
M.  Rule,  Lifennd  Times  of  St.  Anselm;  H.  W.  C. 
Davis,  Eng.  under  the  Normans  and  Anfjevins. 

ISLIP,  Simon  of  (d.  1.366),  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  born  probably  at  Islip,  Oxon, 
was  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford,  in 
1307,  became  a  doctor  both  of  canon  and 
civil  law,  and  was  made  Archdeacon  of  Can- 
terbury in  1343.  As  chaplain  to  Edward  lu., 
he  was  closely  attached  to  him  for  many 
years,  and  employed  in  various  offices, 
political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical.  After  two 
persons  who  had  been  nominated  to  succeed 
Stratford  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  had 
died  of  the  Black  Death  before  consecration, 
he  was  elected  by  the  chapter,  and  provided 
by  the  Pope,  to  the  primacy.  He  was  an 
energetic  archbishop,  pursuing  and  punishing 
abuses  in  every  direction,  but  incurring  much 
blame  (probably  undeserved)  for  personal 
hardness  and  avarice.  In  1350  he  put  forth 
a  canon  which  formed  an  exact  parallel  to 
the  Statute  of  Labourers,  requiring  priests 
to  serve  for  the  same  wage  as  before  the 
Black  Death.  He  appears  to  have  approved 
thoroughly  of  the  independent  attitude  of 
the  English  State  in  regard  to  Rome ;  the 
statutes  of  Provisors  {q.v.),  1351,  against 
papal  '  provision '  to  benefices,  and  of 
Praemunire  {q.v.),  1353,  against  papal  juris- 
diction, being  passed  in  his  time.  He  con- 
cluded the  ancient  dispute  between  the  two 
primates  by  the  agreement  ordered  by 
Edward  in.,  1353,  that  the  northern  metro- 
politan might  have  his  cross  borne  erect  be- 
fore him  within  the  southern  province,  if  he 
gave  to  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  at  Canter- 
bury a  gold  effigy  of  an  archbishop  worth  £40, 
or  gems  of  equal  value.  The  arrangement 
seems  to  be  no  longer  maintained.  He  was 
a  generous  benefactor  to  Canterbury-  and 
Cambridge,  and  at  Oxford  he  founded  a 
coUege  of  clerks  secular  and  regular,  which 
he  attached  to  Christ  Church,  Canterbury  ;  it 
was  later  absorbed  in  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 
Islip  was  buried  in  his  cathedral  church. 

[W.   H.   H.] 

Wharton,  Anglio  Sacra, 


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[Jerusalem 


JERUSALEM,  Bishopric  in.  T  lie  import- 
ance of  this  is  largely  due  to  its  effect  on 
J.  H.  Newman  {q.v.).  It  was  one  of  '  the 
three  blows  which  broke  '  him  in  the  autumn 
of  18-41,  and  '  which  finally  shattered  his  faith 
in  the  Anglican  Church.' 

The  project  began  with  Frederic  William 
IV.,  King  of  Prussia,  who  felt  great  interest 
in  the  Holy  Land.  He  was  grieved  that 
Protestants  had  no  head  or  rallying  point 
there.  Further,  he  admired  Enghsh  institu- 
tions, including,  apparenth%  the  Enghsh 
Church,  but  it  seems  that  one  ultimate  object 
of  the  scheme  was  to  introduce  the  episco- 
pate into  the  national  Church  of  Prussia. 
To  promote  these  ends  he  sent  Chevalier 
Bunsen  as  special  envoy  to  London,  June 
1841,  to  negotiate  for  a  bishopric  in  Jerusalem, 
to  which  the  English  bishops  should  conse- 
crate. The  English  Government  favoured 
the  design,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
(Howley)  [q-v.)  and  the  Bishop  of  London 
( Blomfield)  [q.v. )  supported  it.  Bunsen  gained 
the  help  of  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord 
Ashley  (afterwards  Shaftesbury),  the  leader 
of  the  Evangelicals.  A  statement  was  later 
issued  explaining  the  scheme  as  a  step 
towards  the  unity  of  discipline  and  doctrine 
between  the  English  Church  and  '  the  less 
perfectly  constituted  of  the  Protestant 
Churches  of  Europe,  and  that,  too,  not 
by  the  way  of  Rome,'  while  it  was  to 
establish  '  relations  of  amity  with  the  ancient 
Churches  of  the  East.'  A  treaty  between 
the  two  Governments  was  signed,  15th  July 
1841. 

Bunsen  by  August  had  arranged  matters 
with  the  bishops,  and  30th  August  1841 
Howley  introduced  the  Bill  creating  the 
bishopric  into  the  House  of  Lords.  It 
became  law  on  5th  October  (5  Vic.  c.  6). 
Bj'  this  Act  the  bisliop  was  to  have 
jurisdiction  not  only  over  Anglican  churches, 
but  also  '  over  such  other  Protestant  con- 
gregations as  may  be  desirous  of  placing 
themselves  under  his  authority.'  By  Royal 
Warrant  he  could  exercise  jurisdicton  over 
congregations  in  Syria,  Chaldea,  Egypt, 
and  Abyssinia.  The  Prassian  King  gave 
£15,000  towards  an  endowment;  £20,000 
was  to  be  raised  by  subscription  in  England. 
Mr.  Gladstone  [q.v.)  (whom  Bunsen  had  been 
at  special  pains  to  conciliate)  promised  to  act 
as  one  of  the  trustees,  but  later  withdrew. 
Bunsen  used  every  art  to  gain  his  support. 


including  a  dinner  at  the  Star  and  Garter  at 
Richmond  (15th  October  1841),  where  he 
induced  him  to  propose  a  toast :  '  Prosperity 
to  the  Church  of  St.  James  at  Jerusalem  and 
to  her  first  bishop.' 

Other  features  of  the  scheme  were  that 
the  Crowns  of  England  and  Prussia  were  to 
nominate  in  turn  to  the  bishopric,  the  bishop 
was  to  ordain  German  ministers  on  their  sub- 
scribing the  Confession  of  Augsburg,  Angli- 
cans on  subscribing  the  XXXIX.  Articles 
and  the  Prayer  Book,  but  Anglicans  and 
Prussians  were  to  use  their  separate  formu- 
laries in  their  services. 

The  Evangelicals  welcomed  the  scheme,  as 
did  Dr.  Arnold  {q.v.)  and  his  school.  '  Thus,' 
Arnold  wrote  (23rcl  September  184J.),  '  the 
idea  of  my  Church  Reform  Pamphlet,  which 
was  so  ridiculed  and  so  condemned,  is  now 
carried  into  practice  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  himself.'  Ihe  project  was  reso- 
lutelj-  opposed  by  High  Churchmen,  especially 
Bishop  Phillpotts  {q.v.),  J.  R.  Hope  (later 
Hope-Scott),  a  distinguished  barrister,  and 
even  by  the  Times  (19th  October  1841). 

Xewman  (11th  November  1841)  sent  a 
solemn  protest  to  his  own  bishop  and  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  on  the  grounds 
that  Lutheranism  and  Calvinism  were  heresios 
repugnant  to  Scripture,  and  that  the  Enghsh 
Church  was  admitting  such  heretics  to 
communion  without  renunciation  of  their 
errors.  '  On  these  grounds,  I,  in  my  place, 
being  a  priest  of  the  Englisli  Church  and 
Vicar  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin's,  Oxford,  by 
way  of  relieving  my  conscience,  do  hereby 
solemnly  protest  against  the  measure  afore- 
said, and  disown  it,  as  removing  our  Church 
from  her  present  ground  and  tending  to  her 
disorganisation. ' 

1  he  later  history  of  the  scheme  is  summed 
up  in  Newman's  words  :  '  As  to  the  project 
of  a  Jerusalem  bishopric,  I  never  heard  of 
any  good  or  harm  it  has  ever  done  except 
what  it  has  done  for  me  ;  which  many  think 
a  great  misfortune,  and  I  one  of  the  greatest 
of  mercies.'  Only  two  Germans  were  ever 
ordained  under  the  scheme.  On  their  return 
to  Germany  their  ordination  was  not  acknow- 
ledged by  the  Prussian  Evangelical  Church, 
and  pastorates  could  not  be  found  for  them, 
and  this  effectually  checked  the  scheme.  1  he 
first  German  pastor  in  Jerusalem  did  not 
arrive  till  1853,  and  then  had  a  congregation 
of  twenty-three  persons. 


(  298  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Jewel 


Bishops 

1.  Michael    Solomon   Alexander;    cons,    at 

Lambeth  by  Archbishop  Howley,  7th 
November  1841;  an  Israelite,  born  1799 
at  Tronzka,  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Posen,  who,  having  been  a  Rabbi,  was 
converted  and  baptized  at  Plymouth, 
1825,  and  was  later  ordained  in  Ireland  ; 
he  worked  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Jews,  and  (1832)  became  Professor  of 
Hebrew  at  King's  College,  London ; 
after  his  consecration  he  was  conveyed 
to  Jaffa  with  his  suite  in  a  ship  of  war 
(the  Devastation),  provided  by  the 
Government  through  Lord  Ashley. 
He  did  little  to  realise  the  hopes  of  his 
patrons,  and  died  in  Egj'pt  (on  his  way 
to  England),  23rd  November  1845,  leav- 
ing a  large  young  family  slenderly  pro- 
vided for. 

2.  Samuel  Gobat,  who  was  nominated  by 

the  Prussian  King  on  Bunsen's  recom- 
mendation, was  by  birth  a  Swiss  (born  at 
Cremine,  1799) ;  Bishop  Phillpotts  pre- 
sented a  solemn  protest  against  his  con- 
secration with  seven  weighty  objections, 
23rd  May  1846  ;  it  was  disregarded,  and 
Gobat,  who  had  been  ordained  deacon, 
August  1845,  was  privately  ordained 
priest  by  Bishop  Blomlield,  30th 
June,  and  cons,  bishop  by  Archbishop 
Howley,  5th  July  1846,  the  preacher 
being  Bishop  Daniel  Wilson  [q.v.) ; 
in  1851  it  appeared  that  he  was  prose- 
lytising from  Eastern  churches  ;  J.  M. 
Neale  [q.v.)  sent  to  the  Eastern  Patri- 
archs an  address  and  protest  against 
such  efforts ;  this  was  signed  by  the 
leading  High  Churchmen,  Pusey, 
Keble,  Marriott,  I.  Williams,  and  more 
than  a  thousand  others ;  to  it  the 
Archbishops  of  Canterbury  (Sumner), 
York  (Musgrave),  Armagh,  and  Dublin 
replied  with  an  address  of  sympathy 
with  Gobat ;  in  1856  he  intruded  into 
Scottish  dioceses  and  performed  epis- 
copal functions,  evoking  a  strong  pro- 
test from  the  Primus  (Skinner)  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  his  career 
was  unfortunate ;  he  had  differences 
with  his  own  clergy  and  with  the  Eng- 
lish residents  in  Jerusalem,  and  when 
he  died  in  Jerusalem,  11th  January 
1879,  the  see  seemed  likely  to  end. 
He  used  as  his  official  signature  the 
strange  form  '  S.  Angl-HierosoL' 

3.  Joseph  Barclay  was  nominated  by  Lord 

Bcaconsfield  and  cons,  by  Archbishop 
Tait,  25th  July  1879  ;  he  was  an  Irish- 


man, and  graduate  of  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Dublin,  and  the  first  native  of 
Great  Britain  to  hold  the  see  ;  he  had 
been  an  active  missionary  among  the 
Jews,  and  had  worked  in  Jerusalem, 
1861-70;   he  died,  22nd  October  1881. 

No  attempt  was  made  by  the  Prussian 
King  to  fill  the  see,  and  the  treaty  of  1841 
was  finally  dissolved  in  1886.  Germany 
withdrew  from  the  affair,  receiving  back  the 
£15,000  given  by  Frederic  Wilham  iv.,  and 
the  passionate  prayer  of  Newman  in  1843 
was  answered  [Sermons  on  Subjects  of  the 
Day,  335,  note  1):  'May  that  measure 
utterly  fail  and  come  to  naught,  and  be  as 
though  it  had  never  been.' 

In  1887  the  bishopric  was  reconstructed  on 
different  lines  by  Archbishop  Benson  (q.v.)  in 
spite  of  opposition  from  Liddon  {q.v.)  and 
others.  Dr.  George  Popham  Blyth,  then  Arch- 
deacon of  Rangoon,  was  chosen  in  spite  of  Low 
Church  protests,  and  consecrated  to  represent 
the  Enghsh  Church  in  the  Holy  City.  His 
work  has  issued  not  only  in  growing  friend- 
liness between  the  Eastern  and  English 
Churches,  but  in  the  building  of  the  beautiful 
church  and  college  of  St.  George  (consecrated 
1910).  [s.  L.  o.] 

W.  H.  Hecliler,  The  Juruaalan.  Bishnpric  ; 
Memoirs  of  Bishop  Bloiiifield,  J.  R.  Hope- 
Scott,  Bishop  Barclay,  Bunsen,  and  Bishop 
Gobat;  MS.  collections  of  Dr.  Bloxam  at 
Magdalen  Colif:ge,  Oxford ;  Rejdy  to  Tmi 
Paviphhts  (Vindication  of  Bishop  Gobat), 
London,  1859. 

JEWEL,  or  JUELL,  John  (1522-71),  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  one  of  a  family  of  ten ;  born  on 
an  ancestral  farm  in  Berrynarbor  parish, 
North  Devon ;  passed  from  Barnstaple 
school  well  prepared  in  logic,  etc.,  to  Merton 
College,  Oxford,  July  1535.  Parkhurst  becom- 
ing his  tutor,  made  him  '  postmaster  '  [por- 
tionisla),  and  in  1539  recommended  him  to  a 
better  scholarship  at  Corpus,  where  he  be- 
came B.A.,  and  in  1542  Fellow;  B.D.,  1552  ; 
and  1565  D.D.  in  absentia.  About  1548  he 
came  under  Peter  Martyi-'s  [q.v.)  influence, 
attending  his  divinity  lectures,  and  assisting 
in  his  supplementary  Protestant  teaching. 
Licensed  Preacher,  1551  ;  Archdeacon  of 
Chichester  and  Rector  of  Sunningwell, 
Berks,  where  he  preached  and  catechised. 
He  held  the  office  of  Pubhc  Orator  ju^t  long 
enough  to  compose  (in  general  terms)  the 
University's  congratulation  to  Queen  Mary 
{q.v.)  on  her  accession,  1553,  and  to  hear 
St.  Mary's  bell  ring  for  the  restored  Latin 
Mass  while  showing  his  draft  letter  to  the 


(  299  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[John 


vice-chancellor.  He  declined  to  attend  Mass 
at  Corpus,  lost  his  Fellowship,  and  after 
a  touching  valedictorj^  address  to  his  class 
removed  for  a  while  to  Broadgate  Hall 
(later  Pembroke  College).  He  had  a  very- 
good  memory  and  used  a  system  of  short- 
hand ;  acted  as  notary  to  Cranmer  [q.v.) 
<ind  Ridley  {q.v.)  at  their  disputation  in  April 
1554.  When  pressed  to  subscribe  a  popish 
test  he  gave  way,  hastily  took  the  pen,  and 
smiling,  said :  '  Have  you  a  mind  to  see  how 
well  I  can  write  ? '  His  hfe  was  yet  en- 
dangered, and  learning  that  Parkhurst  had 
left  the  country  he  made  his  escape,  wdth 
assistance  from  Augustine  Bernher  (Lati- 
mer's Swiss  servant).  Sir  N.  Throgmorton, 
and  Laurence  Humphrey,  whom  Jewel,  when 
bishop,  dechned  to  institute  because  he 
refused  to  wear  the  legal  vestments.  At 
Frankfort,  Edwin  Sandys  (who  shared  bed 
and  board  with  him),  seconded  by  Chambers 
and  Sampson,  persuaded  Jewel  to  make 
pubhc  confession  of  his  frailty  in  subscribing. 
He  took  part  with  Cox  against  Knox  and 
other  extreme  Calvinists  [Maeian  Exiles], 
and  went  to  Strasburg,  where  Peter  Martyr 
repaid  to  him  the  kindnesses  which  he  had 
received  when  in  England.  He  also  in 
1556  took  him  to  Zurich  (where  Jewel 
lodged  with  Froschover  the  printer),  and 
probably  helped  him  to  visit  Padua,  his 
former  home,  where  Jewel  met  the  Venetian 
Scipio,  with  whom  he  afterwards  had  a  con- 
troversy about  the  English  attitude  towards 
the  Council  of  Trent.  At  Zurich  Jewel  suc- 
ceeded Pellican  as  Hebrew  professor. 

Hearing  of  Elizabeth's  {q.v.)  accession,  he 
reached  England  in  March  1559  in  time  to 
assist  his  former  tutor,  Parkhurst,  who  had 
been  robbed  while  travelling,  and  to  be  pre- 
pared to  oppose  the  papists  in  the  disputation 
at  Westminster.  He  served  on  the  Royal 
Commission  of  the  West  under  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  thus  visiting  his  own  county, 
Devon,  and  Salisbury,  where  he  came  into 
contact  with  Gardiner's  chaplain,  T.  Harding, 
and  more  or  less  directly  with  H.  Cole.  He 
was  consecrated  to  the  impoverished  bishop- 
ric of  Sarum,  and  gave,  besides  the  Royal 
Injunctions  {q.v.)  of  1559,  Articles  of  Visi- 
tation to  the  cathedral  (visited  by  deputy) 
in  1560,  1562,  and  1568,  with  statutes  on  the 
two  last  'dates  (Alcuin  Club  Collection,  xvi.). 
He  called  in  the  Latin  service-books  about 
the  end  of  March  1560.  He  preached  at 
Paul's  Cross,  15th  June  and  26th  November 
1559,  and  31st  March  1560.  On  the  second 
and  third  occasions,  as  also  when  preaching 
before  the  court,  17th  March  1560,  he  re- 
peatedly challenged  the  champions  of  specific- 


ally Roman  doctrines  and  practices  to  bring 
forward  one  clear  proof  from  the  first  six 
centuries  A.D.  An  answer  was  essayed  by 
Dr.  Cole,  and,  after  the  appearance  of  Jewel's 
Apologia  fro  Ecclesia  Anglicana,  1562,  an- 
other by  Harding  (1564)  from  Louvain. 
Sermon,  Letter,  Replj',  Confutation,  and 
Defence  followed  one  another  in  regular  suc- 
cession in  a  seven  years'  war  of  controvers\^ 
The  Apologia  was  translated  into  English 
and  other  languages — Anne  Bacon's  version 
being  edited,  1564,  by  Archbishop  Parker 
{q.v.),  who  desired  to  append  it  to  the 
Articles  of  ReUgion  which  Jewel  in  1571 
revised,  Bancroft  {q.v.)  directed  his  works  to 
be  in  every  parish,  1610.  Jewel  denounced 
the  '  seditious  BuU '  of  Pius  v.,  which  was 
handed  to  him  when  preparing  to  preach  in 
his  cathedral.  Ill-health  kept  him  latterly 
in  his  diocese,  where  he  befriended  promis- 
ing boys  ;  among  them  Hooker  {q.v.).  He 
died  at  Monckton  Farley,  23rd  September 
1571,  after  riding  to  preach  at  Lacock,  and 
is  buried  in  his  cathedral  church.  Bishop 
John  Wordsworth  was  convinced  that  the 
bibliotheca  which,  according  to  Fuller  and 
others,  was  raised  {exstruda)  at  Jewel's  cost 
in  Sarum  Cathedral  was  merely  a  book-case, 

[c,  w,] 

J.  Ayre,  Works  and  Memoir  (Parker  Soc. ), 
1845-50:  D.N.B. 


JOHN  OF  BEVERLEY,  St.  (d.  721), 
Bishop  of  York,  was  educated  under  Arch- 
bishop Theodore  {q.v.),  and  became  a  monk 
of  Whitby.  He  was  consecrated  Bishop  of 
Hexham  probably  in  687,  and  conferred 
deacon's  and  priest's  orders  on  Bede  {q.v.), 
who  wTites  warmly  of  his  sanctity.  He  was 
diligent  in  teaching,  and  was  beloved  by  the 
band  of  scholars  he  gathered  round  him. 
Often,  like  Cuthbert  {q.v.),  he  sought  retire- 
ment, especiall}-  during  Lent,  and  dwelt  with 
a  few  friends  in  a  wood  near  Hexham,  at  a 
place  believed  to  be  St.  John's  Lee,  where  he 
had  a  church  and  cell.  In  705  he  was  trans- 
lated to  York,  then  claimed  by  Wilfrid  {q.v.) 
as  his  see.  He  built  a  monastery  at  Indera- 
wood,  afterwards  Beverley,  and  when  he 
became  too  old  for  his  episcopal  duties  he 
consecrated  Wilfrid  ii.  as  his  successor  at 
York,  retired  to  Beverley,  and  there  died 
on  7th  May  721,  He  was  canonised  in  1037. 
Many  miracles  are  recorded  of  him,  and  his 
fame  was  great  in  the  north.  [w,  H,] 

All  that  is  certain  about  John's  life  comes 
from  Bede.  Folcard  (eleventh  century)  wrote 
a  life,  op.  Historians  of  York,  R.S.  ;  see  also 
llaine,  Ilexhcm  (Surtees  Soc). 


(300) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Johnson 


JOHN  OF  SALISBURY  (c.  1120-80),  Bishop 
of  Chartres,  was  born  at  Old  Sarum.  He 
studied  logic  at  Paris  under  Abelard,  and 
grammar  at  Chartres  in  a  school  maintaining 
the  traditions  of  the  eminent  humanist, 
Bernard.  Returning  to  Paris  about  1140, 
he  studied  theology  and  pliilosophy,  and 
soon  after  became  domesticated  with  liis 
lifelong  friend  Peter,  then  Abbot  of  Moutiex 
la  Celle,  In  1148  he  was  present  at  the 
Council  of  Rheims.  There  St.  Bernard  pre- 
sented him  to  Archbishop  Theobald  of 
Canterbury,  whose  secretary  he  eventually 
became.  When  his  friend  Thomas  Becket 
{q.v.)  became  archbishop  John  espoused  his 
cause  against  the  King  and  shared  his  exile. 
He  was  prominent  in  negotiations  between 
archbishop.  Pope,  and  King.  While  un- 
wavering in  his  loyalty  to  Thomas  and  to 
Alexander  m.,  he  severely  criticised  the 
former's  want  of  tact  and  the  latter's  vacil- 
lation. He  was  present  at  the  archbishop's 
murder.  In  1172  he  became  Bishop  of 
Chartres  divina  dignatione  et  mentis  S. 
Thomae  martyris. 

John,  in  Bishop  Stubbs's  words  '  the 
central  figure  of  English  learning '  in  his 
time,  was  first  and  foremost  a  humanist. 
Educated  at  Chartres,  the  nursery  of  the 
short-Uved  humanistic  movement  of  the 
twelfth  century,  he  became  possessed  of  a 
conception  of  the  ancient  world  which, 
however  limited  in  comparison  with  that  of 
the  Renaissance  scholars,  was  the  same  in 
kind  as  theirs,  and  free  from  the  fantastic 
distortion  and  false  perspective  so  common 
after  the  hterary  scholarship  of  his  time 
had  given  way  to  the  tyranny  of  the  scholastic 
philosophy,  for  which  his  own  encouragement 
of  AristoteUan  studies  had  prepared  the  way. 
Except  for  a  few  words  he  knew  no  Greek, 
but  eagerly  learned  from  those  who  did ; 
with  the  Latin  writers  available  he  was 
thoroughly  familiar.  His  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  Bible  is  apparent  on  every  page  he 
wrote ;  he  had  an  extensive  acquaintance 
with  such  of  the  Fathers  as  could  be  read  in 
Latin.  With  his  humanism  went  a  deep 
sense  of  the  spiritual  significance  of  the 
international  unity  of  Christian  civilisation  ; 
in  such  ecumenical  institutions  as  the  Roman 
law  and  the  papal  jurisdiction  he  recognised 
a  divine  ordinance  against  the  separatist 
tendencies  of  national  kingdoms,  in  which 
the  ultimate  sanction  was  neither  reason  nor 
revelation,  but  force.  Hence  his  unwavering 
support  of  Becket  against  Henry  n.,  and  of 
Alexander  m.  against  Frederick  Barbarossa. 
This  loyalty  to  Christendom  did  not  exclude 
a  lively  English  patriotism  and  a  pride  in  his 


native  city  and  country  ;    indeed,  in  many 

qualities  of  his  mind  he  was  typically  English. 
He  united  a  universal  curiosity  with  a  steady 
common-sense ;  strong  moral  convictions  and 
genuine  piety  with  a  capacity  for  many 
friendships,  and  a  genial  tolerance  where 
principle  was  not  at  stake.  He  wrote  an 
admirably  simple  and  vigorous  style;  he 
knew  his  world  well,  and  did  not  spare  the 
faults  of  the  powerful  and  the  fashionable  ; 
and  his  philosophy,  if  not  original  or  profound, 
is  always  learned,  appreciative,  and  sensible. 

Writings. — (1)  Letters  :  some  official,  and 
giving  a  vivid  impression  of  the  various 
business  of  the  court  of  Canterbury  ;  others 
personal,  mostly  of  the  period  of  his  exile, 
charmingly  written,  thoroughly  alive,  and 
full  of  information.  (2)  Entheticus  de  dog- 
mate  Philosophorum  ('  Introduction  (?)  on 
the  doctrine  of  Philosophers '),  an  elegiac 
poem,  including  a  satirical  account,  under 
symbolical  names,  of  the  most  prominent 
figures  in  Enghsh  pohtics  during  Stephen's- 
reign.  (3)  Policmticus  ('Statesman's  Hand- 
book ')  de  nugis  curialium  et  vestigiis  phi- 
losophorum  ('  of  the  trifling  pursuits  of 
courtiers  and  the  tradition  of  the  philoso- 
phers '),  in  eight  books,  the  fullest  expres- 
sion of  the  author's  mind,  and  with  its  sequel 
(4)  Metalogicon  ('Plea  for  Logic'),  which 
contains  John's  intellectual  autobiography, 
and  describes  the  methods  and  results  of  the 
philosophical  teaching  of  his  day,  a  store- 
house of  information  as  to  the  learning  and 
thought  of  the  age.  These  works  were 
offerings  to  Becket,  whose  copy  stiU  exists 
in  the  hbrary  of  C.C.C.,  Cambridge.  (")> 
Historia  Pontificalis,  a  fragment  in  con- 
tinuation of  Sigebert's  chronicle.  (6)  Vita 
S.  Anselmi,  written  for  the  process  of  St. 
Anselm's  canonisation,  which,  however, 
did  not  take  place  at  this  time.  (7)  Vita 
S.  Thomae.  [c.  c.  j.  w.] 

Opera  Omnia,  ed.  J.  A.  Giles,  Oxford,  1848- 
(reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrologia  Latina,  toni. 
cxcix.  ;  Historia  Pontificalis  (not  in  Giles), 
ed.  W.  Arndt,  in  Monnmenta  Ilistoriae  Ger- 
maviae,  torn.  xx.  pp.  ^loseqq.,  without  autlior's 
name  ;  Vita  S.  Thomae  and  many  letters  in 
Robertson's  Materials,  R.S.  ;  Policraticus,  ed. 
C.  C.  J.  Webb;  R.  L.  Poole,  Illustrations  of 
the  Hist,  of  Mediaeval  Thought,  pp.  201  fol. 

JOHNSON,  Samuel  (1709-84),  writer  and 
critic,  son  of  a  Lichfield  bookseller,  entered 
Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  where  the  bitter- 
ness of  poverty  made  him  '  rude  and  insolent,' 
but  a  perusal  of  Law's  {q.v.)  Serious  Call 
rescued  him  from  laxity  of  principle.  He 
left  Oxford  without  a  degree  owing  to  his 
fathers   insolvency,   and   became   a   school- 


(  301 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Jones 


master,  but  in  1737  came  to  London.  After 
a  period  of  privation  and  struggle  his  poems, 
his  Eambler  (1750-2),  and  his  English  Diction- 
ary (1755)  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the 
literary  profession.  In  his  later  years  he 
wrote  little  except  the  Lives  of  the  Poets 
(1779-80).  Ill-health  largely  explains  the 
sloth  and  irregular  habits  of  which  he  bitterly 
accuses  himself.  '  This  is  not  the  life  to 
which  Heaven  is  promised,'  he  writes  in  his 
journal,  which,  with  his  Prayers  mid  Medita- 
tions, reveals  his  deep  piety,  penitence,  and 
humility,  and  his  careful  and  solemn  prepara- 
tion for  his  annual  Communion,  at  Easter, 
at  St.  Clement's  Danes.  He  employed  his 
great  authority  and  vigorous  powers  of  argu- 
ment against  infideUty  and  laxity  of  every 
kind.  '  Obscenity  and  impiety  have  always 
been  repressed  in  my  presence,'  he  said.  In 
an  age  of  looseness  of  belief  and  practice 
the  unswerving  faith  and  earnest  piety  of  the 
dictator  of  literature  produced  a  great  effect. 

He  was  a  convinced  churchman,  and 
astonished  his  biographer  by  declaring  that 
he  would  '  stand  before  a  battery  of  cannon 
to  restore  the  Convocation  to  its  full  powers,' 
as  well  as  by  liis  preference  for  Roman 
Catholicism  over  Presbyterianism  on  the 
ffround  that  '  the  Presbyterians  have  no 
church,  no  Apostohcal  Succession.'  In  Scot- 
land he  refused  to  attend  a  Presbyterian 
place  of  worship.  He  had  a  respect  for 
Roman  Catholicism,  and  doubted  the  sincer- 
ity of  converts  from  it,  though  '  an  obstinate 
rationaUty  '  prevented  him  from  joining  that 
Church.  In  spite  of  his  dictum,  '  No  reason- 
ing papist  believes  every  article  of  their 
faith,'  he  defended  its  controverted  doctrines 
with  much  force.  '  Sir,  there  is  no  idolatry 
in  the  Mass ;  they  believe  God  to  be  there, 
and  they  adore  Him.'  He  practised  fasting 
and  prayer  for  the  departed,  and  would  not 
condemn  invocation  of  saints,  though  he  did 
not  practise  it. 

Johnson  '  had  nothing  of  the  bear  but  his 
skin.'  His  roughness  of  manner  covered 
much  tenderness  and  practical  charity.  His 
natural  melancholy,  which  he  fought  against, 
but  only  partially  overcame,  accounts  for 
his  morbid  horror  of  death  and  damnation. 
But  he  bore  much  suffering,  and  at  last 
encountered  death  with  Christian  fortitude. 

[G,    C] 

Boswell's   Life  and    Tonr  to  the  Hebrides  ; 
G.  B.  Hill,  Johnson  Miscellanies. 

JONES,  Griffith  (1683-1761),  founder  of 
the  Circulating  Welsh  Charity  Schools,  was 
born  in  the  parish  of  Cilrhedyn,  situated 
in  the  two  counties  of  Pembroke  and  Car- 


marthen, He  evinced  a  strong  desire  to 
take  holy  orders,  and  was  accordingly  sent 
to  the  Elizabethan  Grammar  School  at 
Carmarthen,  from  which  he  was  ordained 
directly,  it  would  appear,  in  1708  by  Bishop 
Bull  of  St.  David's,  In  1711  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  vicarage  of  Llandilo  Abercowyn, 
and  in  1716  to  the  rectory  of  Llanddowror, 
both  in  the  countv  of  Carmarthen, 

The  S.P.C.K.,"'  originated  in  1698,  had 
among  its  founders  three  influential  Welsh- 
men, whose  zeal  for  the  society  resulted  in 
the  establishment  in  Wales  of  charity  schools 
for  the  education  of  the  young  and  illiterate, 
and  its  agents  were  very  active  in  the  circu- 
lation of  cheap  Bibles,  Prayer  Books,  and 
wholesome  literature  generally.  It  was  a 
laudable  effort  to  establish  a  system  of 
elementary  education.  But  it  was  not 
sufficient,  and  there  was  a  thirst  for  education, 
Griffith  Jones  stepped  in  to  supplement  these 
schools  with  a  system  known  as  the  Circu- 
lating Welsh  Charit}^  Schools,  the  first  of 
which  he  started  in  1730,  It  had  been  his 
custom  to  catechise  his  congregation  in  a 
homely  manner  before  the  Sunday  on  which 
Holy  Communion  was  administered,  and  the 
ignorance  he  found  led  him  to  adopt  some 
means  of  instructing  them,  as  well  as  others 
generally.  He  first  trained  teachers,  and 
then  sent  them  on  circuit  from  parish  to 
parish,  remaining  for  a  few  months  only  at 
a  time  in  each,  and  then  moving  on  to  the  next 
centre.  The  schools  were  not  confined  to 
children,  but  were  attended  by  adults,  who 
were  regularly  catechised.  In  the  undertak- 
ing he  received  much  financial  support  from 
Madam  Bevan  of  Laugharne  in  Carmarthen- 
shire. He  published  annual  reports  of  the 
schools,  under  the  name  Welsh  Piety,  from 
1738  to  1760,  and  these  were  continued  by 
Madam  Bevan  till  her  death. 

The  number  of  schools  opened  in  his  life- 
time amounted  to  nearly  four  thousand,  and 
the  number  of  scholars  to  over  a  hvindred 
and  fifty  thousand.  It  was  work  done  in 
the  education  of  the  masses  in  the  principles 
of  the  Church  of  England ;  and  in  his  day 
he  did  more  than  any  other  man  in  Whales 
in  promoting  the  study  of  rcUgious  literature 
in  the  mother  tongue.  He  died  in  1761, 
and  was  buried  at  Llanddowror,  of  which 
he  had  been  rector  for  forty-five  years. 
Madam  Bevan  carried  on  the  schools  till  her 
death  in  1777,  and  in  her  wiU  made  provision 
for  continviing  them,  but  owing  to  the  vaUdity 
of  the  wiU  being  questioned  the  fund  was  not 
released  until  1804.  The  work  however,  which 
had  been  carried  on  for  nearly  half  a  century, 
had  by  then  come  to  an  end.  [J.  F.] 


(  302  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


I  Juxon 


JONES,  William,  of  Nayland  (1726-1800), 
divine,  was  descended  from  Colonel  John 
Jones,  the  brother-in-law  of  Oliver  Cromwell 
and  a  regicide,  a  descent  of  which  he  was 
not  proud,  and  which  led  him  to  keep  30th 
January  as  a  day  of  special  humiliation  for 
the  sins  of  his  ancestor.  He  was  educated 
at  the  Charterhouse  and  at  University 
College,  Oxford,  where  he  formed  a  lifelong 
friendship  with  George  Home  {q.v.),  and 
he  lived  to  be  his  chaplain  and  biographer. 
He  was  attracted  by  the  writings  of 
John  Hutchinson  (1674-1737),  whose  philo- 
sophy, as  laid  down  in  Moses'  Principia, 
found  a  complete  system  of  science  and 
revealed  truth  in  the  mystical  interpretation 
of  the  Hebrew  language,  and  especially  of 
the  Old  Testament.  Jones  held  '  that  the 
Hebrew  is  the  primaeval  and  original  lan- 
guage ;  that  its  structure  shows  it  to  be 
divine ;  and  that  a  comparison  with  other 
languages  shows  its  priority ' ;  but  both  he  and 
Home  repudiated  the  name  Hutchinsonian. 
Jones's  defence  of  the  Catholic  Doctrine  of 
the  Trinity  brought  him  to  the  notice  of 
Archbishop  Seeker.  After  holding  various 
curacies  in  Xorthamptonshtre  he  was  pre- 
ferred by  Seeker  to  livings  in  Kent :  Bethers- 
den,  1764 ;  Pluckley,  1765.  In  1777  he 
became  perpetual  curate  of  Nayland  in 
Suffolk,  which  has  provided  him  with  a 
distinguishing  title,  and  exchanged  Pluckley 
for  Paston  in  Northamptonshire,  which  he 
\'isitecl  annually ;  '  but  he  set  up  his  staff  at 
Xayland  for  the  remainder  of  his  days.' 
Xayland  became  a  rallying  point  for  the  old 
High  Church  party.  In  1792  he  helped  to 
found  a  '  Society  for  the  Reformation  of 
Principles,'  which  was  to  counteract  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French  Revolution.  It  re- 
sulted in  the  publication  of  the  British  Critic. 
He  was  never  entirely  free  from  poverty, 
which  obliged  him  to  take  pupils  until  1798, 
when  Archbishop  Moore  gave  him  the 
sinecure  rectorj^  of  Holltngbourne,  Kent. 
His  constant  friend,  William  Stevens,  paid 
the  stipend  of  a  curate  for  '  the  old  boy,'  as 
his  friends  called  him. 

Jones  was  learned  in  many  subjects,  and 
was  a  skilful  controversialist.  As  a  musician 
he  is  remembered  as  the  composer  of  the 
famUiar  tune  '  Xayland,'  which  he  called 
'  Stevens '  after  his  friend.  Hence  it  appears 
in  collections  sometimes  as  '  St.  Stephen's.' 
Jones  retained  to  the  last  '  the  lively  spuit  of 
a  boy,  with  more  than  a  common  share  of 
manly  wisdom ' ;  his  scientific  knowledge 
caused  him  to  be  made  F.R.S. ;  but  his 
chief  fame  is  his  rigid  adherence  to  the 
Catholic    tradition  in    the    English  Church, 


based  on  profound  theological  knowledge. 
His  works  were  edited  in  six  volumes  by  his 
biographer,  W.  Stevens.  His  Letters  from 
a  Tutor  to  his  Pupils,  republished  in  1846, 
show  his  sterling  good  scns3,  his  admirable 
taste,  and  his  deep  piety,  and  in  these 
respects  anticipate  the  spiritual  letters  of 
Bishop  E.  King.  His  orthodox  high  church- 
manship  was  joined  to  '  a  more  spiritual 
tone  than  was  common  in  his  day,'  and  he 
is  remembered  as  a  leader  of  '  the  school, 
more  numerous  than  is  commonly  supposed, 
which  formed  the  link  between  the  Non- 
jurors '  and  the  Oxford  Movement. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Work.'.',  with  Li/>:  by  W.  Stevens;  J.  H. 
Overton  in  J).N.B.  ■.uuX'Ehij.  Ch.  in  Eighteenth 
Century  ;  Churton,  Memoir  of  Joshua  Watson. 


JUXON,  William  (1582-1663),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  born  at  Chichester,  went 
to  school  at  Merchant  Taylors',  London,  and 
became  Scholar  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford, 
in  1602.  He  chiefly  studied  law,  and  took 
the  B.CL,  degree.  After  his  ordination  he 
became  in  1609  Vicar  of  St.  Giles's,  Oxford, 
where  his  '  edifying  way  of  preaching  '  drew 
large  congregations.  On  10th  December 
1621  he  was  unanimously  elected  President 
of  St.  John's,  to  succeed  Laud  [q.v.);  became 
Dean  of  Worcester,  1627  ;  Vice-Chancellor  of 
the  University,  1626  and  1627.  He  actively 
aided  in  the  Laudian  reform  of  the  Univer- 
sity statutes,  was  made  Clerk  of  the  Closet, 
1632,  and  Dean  of  the  Chapel  Royal,  1633, 
Laud  had  all  along  been  his  friend,  admirer, 
and  patron,  and  had  the  highest  opinion 
of  his  wisdom  and  integrity.  Xo  doubt 
it  was  through  Laud's  influence  that  he 
was  nominated  to  the  bishopric  of  Here- 
ford in  1632,  but  it  was  to  London  that 
he  was  consecrated  at  Lambeth  on  27th 
October  1633.  As  bishop  he  was  scrupulous 
in  visitation  and  in  enforcing  the  law,  biit 
was  successful  and  popular  untU  the  growth 
of  Puritanism  spread  difficulties  in  his  way. 
He  was  active  in  the  restoration  of  St.  Paul's, 
concerned  in  the  revision  of  the  Scots  Prayer 
Book  (from  which  he  anticipated  trouble), 
and  energetic  in  every  kind  of  public  work. 
So  much  was  he  trusted  that  Laud  was  able 
to  procure  his  appointment  as  Lord  High 
Treasurer,  6th  March  1636,  in  which  post  he 
worked  with  regularity  and  imselfish  devotion 
to  duty.  He  was  activeh"  engaged  in  the 
collection  of  ship  money  and  forced  loans,  yet 
no  one  attributed  the  measures  to  him,  and 
Falkland,  when  most  bitterly  criticising  the 
bishops,  said  of  him  '  that  in  an  unexpected 


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[Keble 


place  and  power  he  expressed  an  equal 
moderation  and  huniilitj^  being  neither 
ambitious  before,  nor  proud  after,  either 
the  crosier  or  the  white  staff.'  When  Charles 
came  to  Oxford  in  1636  to  open  the  new 
buildings  Laud  had  given  to  St.  John's, 
Juxon  was  present,  having  superintended 
most  of  the  building  and  found  the  marble  at 
Bletchington.  He  (with  Ussher,  q.v.)  advised 
Charles  i.  to  refuse  his  assent  to  the  attainder 
of  Strafiord,  and  was  the  constant  adviser  of 
the  King  after  Laud  w\as  imprisoned,  and 
Charles  declared  that  he  '  was  ever  the  better 
for  his  opinion.'  [Charles  i.]  During  the 
last  year  of  the  King's  life  Juxon  was  con- 
tinually with  him,  was  present  during  his 
trial,  ministered  to  him  before  his  execution, 
received  his  prayers  from  his  hand  [Eikon 
Basilike],  and  attended  him  on  the  scaffold. 
'  You  are  exchanging  a  temporal  for  an  eternal 
crown;  a  good  exchange,'  were  Ms  last  words, 
and  Charles  rephed :  '  Remember.'  He  took 
the  body  to  Windsor  for  burial,  but  the 
church  service  was  not  allowed.  During  the 
Commonwealth  he  remained  in  seclusion  at 
Little  Compton,  reading  the  church  service 
at  Chastleton  House,  and  hunting  with  his 
own  pack  of  hounds.  On  the  Restoration  he 
was  made  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  with 
universal  thankfulness  and  rejoicing,  being 


elected,  13th  September  1660,  and  confirmed 
on  20th  September  in  Henry  vn.'s  Chapel,  a 
large  concourse  being  present.  The  actual 
crowning  of  Charles  n.  was  performed  by 
him,  but  he  was  unable  from  infirmity  to  con- 
duct the  whole  service ;  and,  after  beginning 
many  fine  works  of  generosity  and  charity, 
he  died  on  4th  June  1663.  He  had  been 
bitterly  disappointed  with  Charles  n.,  being 
'  so  much  struck  with  what  he  observed  in 
him  that  he  lost  both  heart  and  hope.'  He 
was  buried  with  great  pomp  in  St.  John's 
College  Chapel,  where  Laud's  remains  were 
soon  laid  beside  him,  that  the  college  might 
still  possess  all  that  was  mortal  of  the  two 
who  had  been  '  sometime  and  successively 
Archbishops  of  Canterbury  and  Presidents  of 
that  Society.'  Juxon  was  in  opinions  a 
thorough  Laudian,  but  he  was  a  gentle  and 
tactful  as  well  as  a  tolerant  man.  Lloyd  in 
his  Memoirs  of  those  that  Suffered  says  he  was 
'  the  delight  of  the  English  nation,  whose 
reverence  was  the  only  thing  all  factions 
agreed  in,  by  allowing  that  honour  to  the 
sweetness  of  his  manners  that  some  denied 
to  the  sacredness  of  his  function,  being  by 
love  what  another  is  in  pretence,  the  universal 
bishop.'  [w.  H.  H.] 

S.    R.    Gardiner,   JJist.   of  Eng.  ;  Sir  Philip 
Warwick,  Memoirs. 


K 


KEBLE,  John  (1792-1866),  divine  and 
poet,  eldest  son  of  John  Keble,  Vicar 
of  Coin  St.  Aldwyn,  Glos.,  was  born  at  Fair- 
ford,  where  his  father  resided.  Educated 
at  home,  he  was  elected  Scholar  of  C.C.C, 
Oxford,  in  December  1806,  being  only  four- 
teen years  old.  In  1810  he  graduated  with 
a  double  First  Class  (i.e.  in  Classics  and  in 
Mathematics),  and  1811  was  elected  Fellow 
of  Oriel,  then  the  intellectual  centre  of  the 
University.  In  1812  he  won  the  Enghsh  and 
the  Latin  Essays,  being  stiU  under  twenty-one. 
He  became  famous  rapidly  as  one  of  the  ablest 
men  in  a  briUiant  college,  held  various  Uni- 
versity appointments,  and  became  Tutor  at 
Oriel  in  1817.  He  resigned  his  Tutorship 
and  left  Oxford,  1823,  going  to  aid  his  father, 
then  in  faihng  health.  He  had  been  ordained 
deacon,  Trinity  Sunday,  1815  ;  priest.  Trinity 
Sunday,  1816,  by  Bishop  W.  Jackson  of 
Oxford.  He  had  worked  since  his  ordination 
in  various  Cotswold  parishes,  and  was  curate 
of  Southrop,  1823-5,  where  Isaac  Williams 
{q.v.),  R.  H.  Froude  [q.v.),  and  R.  I.  Wilber- 


force  [q.v.)  were  his  pupils.  T.  Ai'nold  {q.v.) 
had  been  his  close  friend  at  Corpus,  and  they 
were  Fellows  together  at  Oriel.  Keble  was 
godfather  to  Arnold's  distinguished  son 
Matthew.  In  1831  Keble  became  Professor 
of  Poetry  at  Oxford,  and  held  the  chair  untU 
184:1.  His  lectures,  delivered  in  Latin,  were 
published  in  1844,  and  contain  a  sympathetic 
criticism  of  the  chief  Greek  and  Latin  poets. 
An  EngUsh  translation  of  them  is  now  (1912) 
in  the  press.  From  1819  he  had  begun  to 
write  poems,  and  in  1827  he  pubUshed  them 
anonymously  as  The  Christian  Year.  Their 
success  was  instantaneous,  and  before  his 
death  there  had  been  ninety-five  editions, 
which  increased  in  the  year  after  he  died  to 
one  hundred  and  nine.  Arnold,  who  had 
seen  them  in  manuscript  in  1823,  declared  that 
'  nothing  equal  to  them  exists  in  our  lan- 
guage.' Keble  had  been  brought  up  as  a 
churchman  of  the  school  of  the  Caroline 
Divines  {q.v.),  and  had  learnt  from  his  father 
the  old  Catholic  doctrines  of  the  Real 
Presence,  the  Power  of  the  Keys,  belief  in 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Keble 


the  visible  Church  and  in  the  Apostolical 
Succession,  and  to  these  he  held  fast  through 
life.  These  teachings,  mediated  through 
R.  H.  Froude,  touched  Newman  {q.v.),  and 
the  close  friendship  of  the  three  begun  in 
1829  resulted  in  the  Oxford  Movement  (q.v.). 
That  Movement  -vvas  begun  by  a  sermon 
preaclied  by  Keble  on  "  National  Apostasy ' 
(on  the  text.  1  Sam.  12-^)  before  the  Judges  of 
Assize  in  St.  Mary's,  Oxford,  14th  July  1833; 
and  Newman  in  the  Apologia  describes  Keble 
as  'the  true  and  primary  author  of  the  Oxford 
Movement.'  There  is  little  doubt  that  the 
sermon  was  prompted  by  the  preacher's 
study  of  the  w-orks  of  Charles  Leslie  [Non- 
jurors], reprinted  by  the  University  Press 
1832.  In  the  Tracts  for  the  Times  which 
followed  Keble  took  his  share,  writing  Nos. 
4,  13,  40,  52,  54,  57,  60,  78,  and  89.  He 
was.  however,  chieflj^  occupied  with  his  great 
edition  of  the  Works  of  R.  Hooker,  3  vols., 
1836.  With  Newman  he  edited  Froude's 
Remains,  Part  i.  (2  vols.),  1838  ;  Part  ii. 
(2  vols.),  1839;  and  wrote  the  strong  Preface 
to  vol.  i.  of  Part  ii.  In  1838  he  became  with 
Newman  and  Pusey  (q.v.)  joint  editor  of  the 
Library  of  the  Fathers.  For  this  he  translated 
St.  Irena3us  and  revised  some  of  the  volumes 
of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Chi'ysostom.  He 
strongly  urged  on  Newman  the  publication  of 
Tract"  No.  90  (1841),  and  in  1844  pressed 
Pusey  to  publish  an  English  translation  of  the 
Breviary.  He  was  the  close  friend  and  adviser 
of  Newman,  and  strove  wisely,  but  in  vain,  to 
avert  liis  secession  in  1845.  His  own  confi- 
dence in  the  Enghsh  Church  never  wavered, 
and  with  the  danger  liis  spirit  rose  higher. 
He  believed  unhesitatingly  in  the  essential 
unity  of  the  Catholic  Church  and  in  the 
English  Church  as  a  living  part  of  it.  Hence, 
despite  the  prejudices  of  the  time,  he  claimed 
in  its  fulness  all  that  could  be  justly  rec- 
koned Catholic.  His  view  of  the  position 
of  the  English  Church  was  resolutely  true  to 
facts.  ■  '■  Under  appeal  and  doing  penance," 
that  is  the  English  Church's  place  in  the 
kingdom  of  heaven ;  we  are  not  saying  it  of 
her  in  comparison  with  other  Churches,  but 
positively — whatever  other  Churches  are, 
such,  we  firmly  believe,  is  our  place.'  He 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  struggles  after 
1845;  strengthening  the  confidence  of 
waverers  after  the  Gorham  Judgment  (1850); 
refusing  to  hear  of  Pusey  withdrawing  two 
adapted  Roman  CathoHc  books  which  had 
displeased  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  [q.v.), 
1851 ;  printing  in  1857  two  strong  pampldets 
protesting  against  the  Divorce  Act,  and  in  the 
same  year  publishing  his  treatise  on  Euchar- 
istical    Adoration,    which    defended     in    the 


clearest  terras  the  doctrine  of  the  Real  Ob- 
jective Presence  attacked  in  the  case  of  Arch- 
deacon Denison  {q.v.)  and  in  that  of  Bishoj) 
A.  P.  Forbes  in  Scotland  at  the  same  time. 
To  this  treatise  he  is  said  to  have  devoted 
more  time  and  trouble  than  to  any  other  of 
his  works.  In  1863  he  produced  his  great 
Life  of  Bishop  T.  Wilson  as  an  introduction 
to  Wilson's  Works. 

Keble  had  married  in  1835,  and  ceased  to 
be  Fellow  at  Oriel.  In  1836  he  became 
Vicar  of  Hursley,  near  Winchester,  where  he 
remained  till  his  death,  which  occurred  at 
Bournemouth,  29th  March  1866.  He  is 
buried  at  Hursley. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment in  1833  until  his  death  no  dignity  in  the 
English  Church  was  ever  conferred  upon  hira 
(he  had  been  offered  a  colonial  archdeaconry 
in  1824,  but  refused  it  on  account  of  his 
father's  need  of  help,  and  he  was  created 
Hon.  Canon  of  Cumbrae  in  Scotland  in  1854), 
and  this  grave  reproach  is  a  vivid  illustration 
of  the  party  spirit  and  narrowness  of  the 
authorities  of  the  time.  His  own  bishop, 
C.  Sumner,  refused  in  1841  to  ordain  his 
curate,  Peter  Young,  priest,  and  Mr.  Young 
remained  a  deacon  at  Hursley  until  ordained 
priest  by  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  (for  the 
Bishop  of  Exeter)  in  1857.  After  Mr. 
Keble's  death  his  work  was  recognised,  and 
the  great  college  at  Oxford  wliich  bears  his 
name  was  founded  in  his  memorv  and  opened 
in  1870. 

Mr.  Keble,  apart  from  his  genius  and  learn- 
ing, was  remarkable  for  the  rare  distinction 
of  his  nature.  '  Without  a  particle  of  the 
religious  cant  of  any  school,  without  any 
self-consciousness  or  pretension  or  unnatural 
strain,  he  literally  passed  his  days  under  the 
quick  and  pervading  influence  ...  of  the  wUl 
and  presence  of  God'  (Dean  Church).  And 
the  same  authority  declares  that  "to  the  last ' 
he  kept  'a  kind  of  youtliful  freshness,  as  if 
he  had  not  yet  realised  that  he  was  not  a 
boy.  .  .  .  He  was  the  most  refined  and 
courteous  of  gentlemen,  and  in  the  midst 
of  the  fierce  party  battles  of  his  day'  he 
was  '  always  a  considerate  and  courteous 
opponent'  {Occas.  Papers,  ii.  296-9).  He  was 
especially  devoted  to  children,  and  was  the 
friend  and  plaj-mate  of  the  large  family  of 
his  neighbour.  Dr.  (later  Bishop)  Moberh-. 
whose  Memoir  {Dulce  Dommn,  1911)  specially 
illustrates  this  side  of  Keble's  charactei'. 
When  he  was  a  young  tutor  with  his  pupils 
at  Southrop  the  old  gardener  used  to  say: 
'  Master  is  the  greatest  boy  of  the  lot ' 
(I.  Williams,  Aiitohiog.,  p.  18). 

Another    feature    of    Mr.    Keble    was    his 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ken 


inspired  common-sense.     This   made    him  a 
sound     spiritual     guide,     and     as     Church 
principles   revived   hearing   confessions   and 
directing  consciences  became  a  real  part  ot 
his  work.     He  became  in  1846  the  spiritual   ; 
guide   of   Dr.   Pusey,   and   in    1854    of   Dr. 
Liddon.      He    spoke   out    strongly   on    the 
need  of  the  revival  of  sacramental  confession 
in    1850.     His   Letters  of  Spiritual   Counsel,    I 
first  pubhshed  1870,  illustrate  this  side  of  his 
character.     It  is  generally  understood  that    | 
Dr.  Moberly  was  IVIr.  Keble's  own  confessor. 

>Ir.  Kebie's  especial  influence  in  times  of 
panic  in  the  Church,  when  men  were  being  ' 
driven  over  to  Rome  (1845  and  1850-1),  was 
intellectually  his  distrust  of  what  was  cut  and 
dried — the  lesson  he  had  learnt  from  Nature,  i 
.4  priori  views,  like  those  of  W.  G.  Ward  in  his 
Ideal  of  a  Christian  Church  (1844),  never  shook  : 
him.  A  body  totus  teres  atque  rotwulus  was 
unlike  anything  in  Nature,  and  a  human 
and  artificial  rather  than  a  divine  and  natural 
creation,  so  that  anomaUes  in  the  EngUsh 
Church  were  to  his  mind  no  proof  that  she 
had  ceased  to  be  divine.  His  view  was 
in  direct  antithesis  to  that  which  prefers 
'  mathematics  appUed  to  things  eternal,' 
and  seeks  a  refuge  from  the  anomahes  of 
the  English  Church  in  the  sharp  and  clear 
uniformity  of  Rome.  This  teaching  is 
stamped  upon  The  Christian  Year.  With  it 
is  combined  a  very  deep  personal  love  to 
our  Lord  as  a  Hving  friend,  '  Generally 
speaking,  religious  men,  before  Mr.  Keble, 
spoke  of  Him  in  a  more  distant  way,  as 
One  holding  the  central  place  in  a  dogmatic 
system '  (Principal  Shairp,  Studies,  etc.,  1868, 
p.  329). 

Keble's  poems  besides  The  Christian  Year 
were  those  contributed  to  the  Lyra  Apostolica, 
1836,  written  under  the  signature  y;  The 
Psalter  in  English  Verse,  1839;  Lyra  Inno- 
ceniium,  1846;  Miscellaneous  Poems,  1869 
(which  included  the  verses  from  Lyra  Apos- 
tolica). Archbishop  Benson  {q.v.)  dehghted 
in  his  poetry,  and  insisted  that  in  it  is  to  be 
found  '  the  common  ground  where  poetry  and 
religion  meet '  {Life,  i.  592).  [s.  l.  o.] 

Memoir  by  Sir  J.  T.  Coleridge  ;  hires 
by  Dr.  Lock  and  Hon.  E.  Wood  ;  Dr.  Liddon, 
senuoii  (No.  xiii.)  in  Clericcd  Life  and  Wurk; 
Cliurch,  Oxfmxl  Movement,  chap.  ii.  ;  Dr.  W. 
Lock,  Introductions  to  The  Christian  Year 
and  Lyra  Innocentiii.m  (Library  of  Devotion, 
Methuen,  1898-9);  Isaac  Williams,  Autobio- 
(jraphy. 

KEN,  Thomas  (1637-1711),  Bishop  of  Bath 
and  Wells,  son  of  an  attorney  in  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  of  an  ancient 
Somerset  family.     His  eldest  sister  married, 


1646,  Isaac  Walton,  who  on  Ken's  father's 
death,    1651,    became    his    guardian.     30th 
January  1651  Ken  was  admitted  scholar  of 
Winchester,    where    he    formed    a    lifelong 
friendship  with  Francis  Turner,  later  Bishop 
of  Ely,  and  one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.). 
1656  he  was  elected  to  New  College,  Oxford, 
but  there  being  no  vacancy  he  entered  at 
Hart  Hall,  succeeding  to  a  vacancy  at  New 
College,  1657.     At  Oxford  he  was  known  for 
his  '  excellent  genius '  in  music.     He  was  a 
skilful   lutariist,   and  sang  well.     Becoming 
Fellow  of  New  College  he  graduated  B.A., 
1661;    M.A.,  1664;    was  ordained,   and  be- 
came Rector  of  Little  Easton,  Essex,  1663-5. 
He  became  chaplain  to  his  friend,  Morley, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  in  1666  Fellow  of 
Winchester,  resigning  his  Fellowship  at  New 
College.     1667-9  he  was  Rector  of  Bright- 
stone.     1669  he  became  Prebendary  of  Win- 
chester and  Rector  of  East  Woodhay,  resign- 
ing Brightstone,  since  he  resolutely  dechned 
to  hold  livings  in  plurahty.      1672  he   re- 
signed   his   living,   and    went   to   reside   in 
Winchester,  where  in  1674  he  pubhshed  his 
famous  Manual  of  Prayers  for  Winchester 
scholars.     1679-80  he  was  chaplain  to  the 
Princess    Mary    at    The    Hague,   where   he 
rebuked  William  of  Orange  for  his  treatment 
of  his  wife,  and  earned  his  further  dislike  by 
causing  one  of  his  friends.  Count  Zulestein, 
to  marry  one  of  Mary's  Maids  of  Honour 
whom     he     had     wronged.     Returning     to 
England  in  1680  he  was  made  chaplain  to 
Charles  n.,  to  whom  he  showed  the  same 
firmness,  refusing  when  the  court  came  to 
Winchester    to    allow    Nell    Gwyn  the  use 
of   his   prebendal   house.      1683-4   he   went 
as  chaplain  to  the  fleet  sent  to  dismantle 
Tangier.     November  1684  he  was  offered  the 
see  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and  was  consecrated, 
26th  January  1 685.     A  week  later  h  e  attended 
the  King's  death-bed  '  without  any  intermis- 
sion for  three  whole  days  and  nights,'  and 
gave  him  absolution,  for  which  act  he  was 
censured  by  Burnet  {q.v.). 

He  attended  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  the 
night  before  his  execution  and  on  the  scaf- 
fold, and  was  unremitting  in  his  care  for  the 
prisoners  taken  in  his  rebelhon,  which  took 
place  in  Ken's  diocese. 

He  petitioned  against  the  Declaration  of 
Indulgence  (1687),  and  was  one  of  the  Seven 
Bishops  {q.v.).  He  was  personally  loyal  to 
James  n.,  and  voted  in  the  Convention  for  a 
regency.  When  the  Prince  of  Orange  be- 
came king  Ken  was  unable,  though  after 
much  hesitation,  to  take  the  oath  to  the 
new  sovereigns.  Petitions  were  sent  praying 
that  he  might  be  allowed  to  remain,  as  he  was 


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Dictiomiry  of  English  Church  History 


King 


dearly  loved  in  his  diocese,  but  though 
allowed  much  delay  he  was  deprived,  1691, 
having  made  a  solemn  protest  against  the  act 
in  his  cathedral  church  and  in  the  market- 
place at  Wells.  His  generosity,  especially 
to  the  French  Protestants,  had  been  lavish, 
and  the  sale  of  his  effects  left  him  with  only 
£700  and  his  books,  which  he  never  sold. 
He  retired  to  Longleat,  the  seat  of  his  friend, 
Lord  Weymouth,  who,  to  avoid  the  appear- 
ance of  patronage,  received  his  £700.  and 
allowed  him  an  annuity  of  £80.  1695  he 
openly  ofticiated  in  his  robes  at  the  funeral 
of  John  Kettlewell,  a  saintly  Nonjuror.  He 
consented,  with  great  reluctance,  to  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  succession  of  Xonjuring 
bishops.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in 
appealing  for  funds  for  distressed  Nonjurors 
in  July  1695,  for  which  he  was  summoned 
before  the  Council,  but  defended  the  action 
with  his  customary  simplicity  and  courage, 
and  the  affair  dropped. 

1703,  when  Kjdder,  his  intruded  succes- 
sor, was  killed  at  Wells  in  the  great  storm. 
Queen  Anne  wished  to  restore  Ken.  He 
dechned,  but  his  friend  Hooper  being  ap- 
pointed he  resigned  to  him  the  rights  of 
canonical  jurisdiction  which  he  had  hitherto 
claimed.  1704  Anne  granted  him  a  pension 
of  £200  a  year  for  life.  Ken  w-as  anxious  to 
close  the  schism,  and  by  his  advice  Robert 
Nelson  {q.v.)  and  others  ceased  to  be  Non- 
jurors. He  continued  to  Hve  chiefly  at 
Longleat,  where  '  in  a  large  upper  room ' 
with  Ms  books  he  '  wrote  hymns,  sang  them 
to  his  viol,  prayed,'  and  finally  died,  after 
some  years  of  ill-health,  19th  March  1711. 
He  was  buried,  as  he  directed, '  in  the  Church- 
3'ard  of  the  nearest  Parish  \vithin  his  Diocese 
(which  happened  to  be  Frome  Selwood), 
under  the  east  window  of  the  Chancel,  just 
at  sunrising.'  He  was  unmarried.  His  name 
is  best  known  by  his  familiar  morning  and 
evening  hymns.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Lives,  by  'A  Layman'  (Loudou,  1851),  Dean 
Pluniptre  ;  Overton,  Tlie  Nonjwrurs. 

KING,  Edward  (1829-1910),  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, second  son  of  Walker  Iving,  Rector  of 
Stone  and  Archdeacon  of  Rochester.  Born  in 
London  29th  December  1829,  he  was  privately 
educated  till  he  matriculated  at  Oriel  College, 
Oxford,  1848  (B.A.,  1851;  M.A.,  1855; 
B.D.  and  D.D.,  1873).  At  Oriel  he  was  a 
disciple  of  Charles  Marriott  {q.v.),  of  whom 
he  said,  '  If  there  is  any  good  in  me,  I  owe 
it  to  Charles  Marriott.  He  was  the  most 
Gospel-like  man  I  ever  met.'  After  visiting 
the  Holy  Land,  he  was  ordained  at  Cuddesdon 


by  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  deacon  on  Uth  June 
1854,  priest  3rd  June  1855,  as  assistant 
curate  of  Wheatley,  where  his  characteristic 
gifts  at  once  found  scope:  his  love  for  the 
poor  and  simple  and  his  sympathy  and  influ- 
ence with  young  men.  In  1858  Wilberforce 
made  him  chaplain  of  Cuddesdon  College, 
and  in  1859  pressed  Mm,  but  in  vain,  to 
succeed  Liddon  as  Vice-Principal ;  but  on 
the  death  of  H.  H.  Swinny  in  1863  he  became 
Principal  of  the  College  and  Vicar  of  Cuddes- 
don, and  so  continued  till  1873.  Here  he 
exercised  an  enormous  influence  on  many 
generations  of  ordinands,  and  inspired  an 
enthusiastic  loyalty  which  still  lives.  In 
1873  Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.)  nominated  Mm  to 
succeed  Dr.  Ogilvie  as  Regius  Professor  of 
Pastoral  Theology  and  Canon  of  Christ 
Church.  Archbishop  Tait  {q.v.)  had  done 
his  best  to  prevent  the  appointment,  w'liich 
Avas  elsewhere  criticised ;  but  the  result 
more  than  justified  Mr.  Gladstone's  judgment. 
Dr.  King's  professoriate  was  a  brilHant  one. 
His  lectures  on  Parochialia  were  perhaps  as 
good  as  such  lectures  can  be ;  wliile,  apart 
from  the  technical  duties  of  Ms  chair,  he 
became  the  most  potent  reUgious  force  in 
the  University,  a  force  wMch  widely  and 
characteristically  exerted  itself  tMough  the 
'  Bethel '  (a  wash-house  in  Ms  garden  wMch 
he  cleaned  out,  and  put  into  it  '  cocoa-nut 
matting  and  chairs  and  a  harmonium — very 
simple,  but  very  lovely'),  where  on  Friday 
nights  in  term  he  gave  spiritual  instructions 
on  such  subjects  as  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Deadly  .Sins,  and  the  Ten  Commandments. 
]Missionary  work  '  stirred  Mm  up  to  the  very 
bottom,'  and  he  had  much  to  do  Avith  the 
foundation  in  1876  of  St.  Stephen's  House 
in  Oxford  (in  memory  of  Stephen  Fremantle 
of  CM'ist  Church)  as  a  hostel  for  gradu- 
ates preparing  for  the  mission  field,  wMch, 
standing  opposite  the  King's  Arms  Hotel, 
became  known  as  '  Canon  King's  Arms ' ; 
and  in  1878  with  that  of  the  Missionary 
College  at  Dorchester,  Oxon,  of  wMch  for 
some  years  he  was  visitor ;  while  he  was 
keenly  interested  in  the  Oxford  IVIission  to 
Calcutta,  founded  in  1880.  Meanwhile  he 
was  the  confessor  and  dii-ector  of  many  souls, 
and  the  general  adviser  of  as  many  more. 
In  1885,  to  the  joy  of  Christopher  Words- 
worth {q.v.),  who  had  resigned  the  see  of 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Gladstone  nominated  Dr.  King 
to  succeed  him.  He  was  elected  Mith  enthu- 
siasm on  20th  March,  confirmed  on  23rd  April, 
consecrated  by  Archbishop  Benson  and  nine 
assistants  on  25th  April,  Liddon  preacMng  the 
sermon,  A  Father  in  Christ,  and  entMoned  on 
1 9th  May.    He  at  once  made  the  same  impres- 


(  ;307  ) 


King] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[King 


sion  in  his  diocese  as  he  had  made  elsewhere. 
But  in  1888  he  was  attacked,  mainly  from  out- 
side.   The  Church  Association,  with  the  concur- 
rence of  a  layman  of  the  diocese,  petitioned  the 
metropolitan  to  cite  him  for  alleged  illegalities 
committed  in  the  Minster  and  at  St.  Peter- 
at-Gowts  in  December  1887,  viz.  the  use  of 
the  eastward  position,  altar  lights,  the  mixed 
chalice,  Agnus  Dei,  the  sign  of  the  cross  at 
the   absolution    and   the    blessing,    and   the 
ablution  of  the  sacred  vessels  at  the  altar. 
On  4th  January  1889  the  archbishop  cited 
the  bishop  to  appear  before  him  on  12th  Feb- 
ruary in  his  court,  which  had  been  in  abey- 
ance for  two  hundred  years,  and  of  the  com- 
petence   of    which    there    was    considerable 
doubt.      [Courts.]     Immediately   from    all 
over  the  diocese,  England,  and  the  EngUsh- 
speaking  world,  messages  of  sympathy  and 
promises  of  prayers  and  Eucharists  poured  in 
on  him,  and  a  defence  fund  was  raised  more 
than  sufficient  for  his  expenses.     On   12th 
February  he  appeared  before  the  archbishop 
and    five   episcopal    assessors,    and    on    the 
advice    of    friends,    both    ecclesiastical    and 
legal,  he  read  a  protest  against  the  procedure, 
claiming  his  right  to  be  heard,  not  by  the 
metropolitan  alone,  but  by  all  the  bishops 
of     the     province.      The     archbishop     over- 
ruled the  objection,  and  the  trial  began  on 
5th  February   1890.     The  judgment,  which 
was  deUvercd  on  21st  November,  was  gener- 
ally in  favour  of  the  bishop.     It   was  de- 
scribed by  R.  W.  Church  (q.v.)  as  '  the  most 
courageous  thing  that  has  come  from  Lambeth 
for  the  last  two  hundred  years,'    and    was 
received     with     general     satisfaction.     The 
prosecutors  appealed  to  the  Judicial  Com- 
mittee of  the  Privy  Council,  which  dismissed 
the  appeal  on  2nd  August  1892,  only  attempt- 
ing to  save  its  face  by  the  absurd  contention 
that  the  vicar  of  the  parish  and    not   the 
bishop  was  responsible  for  the  lights  on  the 
altar.    The  troubles  of  these  four  years,  while 
they   did   not   visibly   disturb   his   serenity, 
aged  the  bishop  ;    but  for  seventeen  years 
more    he  administered    his    diocese,    better 
loved  than  ever.      He  founded  a  Diocesan 
Fund  for  church  building  and  spiritual  aid ; 
promoted    Houses   of    Rescue ;   and  formed 
the  Grimsby  Church  Extension  Society  to  meet 
the  needs  of  the  largest  and  most  growing 
town  population  in  the  diocese.    In  the  early 
years  of  the  new  century  he  enforced  in  his 
diocese  the  archiepiscopal  '  Opinion  '  on  In- 
cense, and  within  limits  that  on  Reservation  ; 
and   on  the  legalising  of    marriage   with  a 
deceased  wife's  sister  he  directed  his  clergy  to 
refuse  to  solemnise  such  marriages  or  to  allow 
them  in  their  churches  ;  while  he  felt  himself 


bound,  in  view  of  the  data  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  practice  of  the  Eastern  Church, 
and  the  decision  of  the  Lambeth  Conference, 
not  to  treat  as  excommunicate  an  innocent 
party  married  after  divorce,  though  not 
consenting  to  such  marriage  in  church.  On 
his  eightieth  birthday,  29th  December  1908, 
he  received  from  his  diocese  a  birthday 
present  of  £2000  for  Grimsby.  On  30th 
November  1909  he  alone  of  the  bishops  voted 
in  the  House  of  Lords  against  the  Finance 
Bill  of  that  year.  In  January  1910  Ms  health 
began  definitely  to  fail,  and  by  the  end  of 
February  he  knew  that  his  end  was  near, 
and  with  characteristic  simplicity  he  made- 
his  final  arrangements  and  preparations,  and 
died  on  8th  March.  On  llth  March  his- 
funeral  in  the  cloister  garth  of  his  cathedral 
church  was  attended  by  a  vast  throng,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  officiating. 

Edward  King  was  a  great  man  ;  a  rare 
distinction  was  the  mark,  as  of  his  face,  so 
of  his  person  and  his  life.  Spiritually  he 
was  a  saint,  simple,  sane,  sensible,  strong, 
and  a  saint  who  made  saintliness  infinitely 
attractive  ;  with  all  the  Tractarian  serious- 
ness and  solemnity,  and  with  a  French 
capacity  for  making  it  seem  not  impossible 
to  be  good.  Intellectually  he  has  sometimies 
been  depreciated,  perhaps  because  he  won  no 
academic  distinctions.  But  those  who  knew 
him  will  perhaps  think  that  he  was  among 
the  most  intellectual  persons  they  have  ever 
known ;  only,  as  was  perhaps  the  case  with 
St.  Anselm,  to  whom  he  has  been  compared, 
his  intelligence  was  so  much  a  part  of  his 
character,  so  wholly  himself,  that  it  might 
easily  escape  notice  in  the  simplicity  and, 
charm  of  his  personality.  He  had  a  singularly 
alert  mind,  and  was  interested  in  everything  ; 
no  one  ever  saw  him  bored,  and  '  he  never 
touched  a  topic  without  displaying  an  original 
view  ' ;  and  he  was  keenly  alive  to  the  intel- 
lectual difficulties  of  his  clay.  He  knew  and 
could  talk  French,  German,  and  Itahan ;  and 
in  a  mixed  company  he  could  talk  in  at  least 
three  languages  at  once — no  small  accompUsh- 
ment ;  while  his  EngHsh  was  admirable.  And 
he  read  widely  to  the  end.  Socially  he  was 
amazing  :  he  moved  up  and  down  the  social 
strata  without  effort ;  or  rather  he  seemed  to 
have  no  sense  of  social  distinctions,  and  could 
talk  to  every  one  '  in  the  language  wherein 
he  was  born,'  so  that  the  ploughboy  could 
say  he  must  have  been  a  ploughboy  himself. 
He  was  so  absolutely  a  gentleman  that  his 
rustics  could  say  there  was  nothing  of  the 
gentleman  about  him.  He  published  nothing 
except  a  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Charles  John  Elliott 
in  reply  to  Some  strictures  on  a  hook  entitled 


(  308  ) 


Kingsley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Kingsley 


'  The  Comiminicanis'  Manual '  with  two  pre- 
faces by  the  Bei\  E.  King,  D.D.,  and  his  epis- 
copal charges.  A  few  sermons  were  pubhshed 
for  him  in  his  hfetime.  Since  his  death  a  col- 
lection of  spiritual  letters  and  some  volumes  of 
sermons  have  appeared.  Of  portraits,  there 
is  a  convincing  crayon  drawing  of  him  at  the 
age  of  twenty-six  by  J.  Drummond  (1855); 
a  sketch  (1873)  and  a  portrait  (1874,  now 
at  Ciiddesdon  College;  engraved  1877)  by 
G.  Richmond,  and  a  portrait  (in  the  Palace 
at  Lincoln)  by  Mr.  Ouless  (1900)— neither  of 
them  like  him.  [f.  e.  b.] 

G.  W.  E.  Kussell,  Edward  King;  B.  W. 
Kaiidolpli  lias  edited  Spiritual  Letters,  The 
Love  and  Wisdom  of  Uod,  Sermo7is  and  Ad- 
dresses, and  Duty  unl  Conscience. 

KINGSLEY,  Charles  (1819-75),  divine, 
was  son  of  a  landed  proprietor  in  the 
New  Forest,  who  lost  his  fortune,  took  to 
holy  orders  as  a  profession,  and  died  Rector 
of  Chelsea. 

Charles  was  a  high-spirited  and  active  boy, 
fond  of  natural  history  and  the  open  air, 
but  not  good  at  games.  He  had  no  aptitude 
for  accurate  scholarship,  but  read  discursively, 
and  wrote  English  verse  and  rather  rhapsodi- 
cal prose.  In  1836  he  entered  King's  College, 
London.  He  went  up  to  Magdalene  College, 
Cambridge,  1838,  where  he  won  a  scholar- 
sliip,  but,  in  his  own  words,  he  was  '  very 
idle  and  very  wicked  '  during  his  first  two 
years  at  Cambridge.  In  1839  he  met  his 
future  wife,  Frances  Grenfell.  She  exercised 
a  deep  influence  on  his  character,  and 
indeed  altered  the  whole  tone  and  purpose 
of  his  life.  He  abandoned  all  the  rough 
sports  and  base  pleasures  in  which  he 
had  delighted,  read  very  hard,  and,  in  spite 
of  lost  time,  secured  a  first  class  in  the 
Classical  Tripos,  and  a  second  in  Mathematics. 
He  had  resolved  to  seek  holy  orders,  and  in 
1842  he  was  ordained  to  the  curacy  of 
Eversley  in  Hampshire,  and  soon  afterwards 
made  acquaintance  mth Maurice's  {q.v.)  King- 
dom of  Christ,  a  book  which  permanently 
coloured  his  theological  thinking.  In  1844 
he  was  appointed  Rector  of  Eversley  by  the 
squire.  Sir  John  Cope  of  Bramshill,  and 
Eversley  for  the  rest  of  his  life  was 
his  home.  He  was  a  zealous  parish  priest, 
but  his  activities  extended  far  beyond 
parochial  bounds.  He  felt  an  irresistible 
impulse  towards  authorship.  Most  of  his 
books  were  in  effect  pamphlets.  The  poem 
which  first  made  his  name.  The  801711' s 
Tragedy,  and  his  story,  Hyyatiu,  were  attacks 
on  asceticism.  His  hatred  of  Romanism 
effervesced  in  Westward  Ho.     His  sympathy 


with  the  agricultural  poor  was  expressed  in 
Yeast,  with  the  citizens  of  the  town  in 
Alton  Locke.  Two  Years  Ago  was  a  pica  for 
sanitary  reform.  His  prose  writings  were 
interspersed  with  delightful  verses,  many  of 
which  became  popular  songs.  Maurice's 
influence  drew  him  into  the  '  Christian 
Socialist '  movement,  and  he  contributed  a 
good  deal  to  the  journals  connected  with  it, 
signing  himself  '  Parson  Lot.'  A  sermon  on 
'  The  Message  of  the  Church  to  Labouring 
Men,'  which  he  preached  at  St.  John's, 
Fitzroy  Square,  in  1851,  seemed  so  revolu- 
tionary in  tone  that  the  incumbent  of  the 
church  rose  in  his  place  and  denounced  it. 

Kingsley's  writings  attained  a  wide  popu- 
larity. His  theory  of  practical  religion, 
which  laid  excessive  stress  on  the  culture  of 
the  body,  acquired  the  nickname  of '  Muscular 
Christianity.'  He  soon  cast  aside  the  social- 
istic or  radical  opinions  of  his  early  life, 
became,  or  found  that  he  had  always  been,  a 
devotee  of  the  Crown  and  the  aristocracy. 
He  became  a  favourite  of  Prince  Albert,  and 
in  1859  he  was  made  Chaplain  in  Ordinary  to 
the  Queen.  In  1860  he  was  appointed 
Regius  Professor  of  Modern  History  at 
Cambridge,  and  it  soon  became  apparent  that 
he  was  very  imperfectly  acquainted  with  the 
subject  which  he  had  to  teach ;  but  his 
lectures  were  attended  by  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
afterwards  King  Edward  vn.  He  was  now 
attaining  a  wide  influence,  but  in  1864  he 
made  a  fatal  slip.  He  had  pubUshed  in 
MaciiiiUaa's  Magazine  an  article  in  which  he 
roundly  accused  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
in  general,  and  Dr.  Newman  {q.v.)  in  par- 
ticular, of  teaching  systematic  Ipng.  When 
Newman  challenged  him  for  proof  he  failed 
abjectly  to  produce  it,  but  had  not  the  grace 
to  apologise  or  withdraw.  His  lumbering 
attempts  at  self-justification  eUcited  New- 
man's Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua.  Newman's 
sincerity  was  triumphantly  vindicated,  and 
Kingsley  stood  displayed  as  a  rash  and 
reckless  accuser  of  his  brethren,  and  a  most 
unskilful  controversialist. 

From  that  time  his  influence  palpably 
declined,  but  his  worldly  fortunes  mended. 
Mr.  Gladstone  (q.v.)  made  him  a  Canon  of 
Chester  in  1869,  and  of  Westminster  in  1873. 
His  last  prominent  intervention  in  pubUc 
controversy  was  in  1873,  when  he  came 
forward  as  a  champion  of  the  Athanasian 
Creed,  laying  special  stress  on  the  testimony 
which  it  bears  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Inter- 
mediate State.  [g.  w.  e.  k.] 

C/iarles  Kingsley :  His  Letters  and  Memories 
of  his  Life,  by  his  wife ;  J.  H.  Newman, 
Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua. 


(  309  ) 


Kitchin] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Lanfranc 


KITCHIN,  Anthony  (1477-1563),  Bishop 
of  Llandaff,  was  originally  a  Westminster 
Benedictine,  and  later  Abbot  of  Eynsham.  He 
was  made  Bishop  of  Llandaff  in  1545,  and  held 
the  see  uninterruptedly  till  his  death  in  1563. 
He  sided  with  the  Marian  bishops  in  their 
Parliamentary  opposition  to  the  Elizabethan 
changes,  but  then  he  parted  company  from 
them.  He  took  the  Elizabethan  oath  of 
supremacy,  and  was  one  of  the  commission 
appointed  for  Parker's  (q.v.)  consecration  in 
1559,  but  did  not  act.  He  preferred  to 
retire  to  the  obscurity  of  his  diocese,  from 
which  he  scarcely  emerged,  tiU  his  death 
four  years  later  at  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty-six.     He  and  Stanley,  the  Bishop  of 


Sodor  and  Man,  were  the  only  two  Marian 
bishops  who  retained  possession  of  their  sees  ; 
but  Barlow  (q.v.)  and  Scory  were  other  Unks 
with  the  Edwardine  past,  the  latter  conse- 
crated with  the  new  Ordinal  in  1551,  but  the 
former  in  1548  with  the  Latin  Pontifical. 
Kitchin  was  made  to  figure  in  the  more 
developed  form  of  the  Nag's  Head  fable,  as 
being  present  in  the  tavern  and  refusing  to 
consecrate  Parker.  His  character  has  been 
much  attacked  by  those  who  disapproved 
of  him  for  the  Une  which  he  took ;  it  is 
difficult  to  say  with  how  much  justification. 

[w.  H.  F.] 

White,  Lives  of  the  Elizabethan  Bishops.  11- 
13;  Collins,  Eng.  Reformation,  6f>. 


T  ANFRANC  (d.  1089),  Archbishop  of 
•■— '  Canterbury,  belonged  to  a  leading 
family'  of  Pavia.  He  was  educated  in  the 
famous  law-school  of  that  city,  and  won 
considerable  reputation  as  a  jurist ;  some 
of  his  opinions  are  cited  as  authoritative 
by  the  glossators  of  a  later  age.  His  legal 
studies  left  a  profound  impression  on  his 
essentially  practical  mind ;  their  infiuence 
may  be  traced  in  his  political  career,  and 
even  in  his  theological  writings.  But 
while  still  young  he  migrated  to  Nor- 
mandy, and  set  up  a  school  at  Avranches, 
'  having  heard  that  the  study  of  letters  had 
much  decayed  among  that  barbarous  race, 
and  understanding  that  he  might  there 
obtain  great  glory  and  profit.'  After  two  or 
three  years  his  thoughts  turned  to  rehgion, 
and  he  entered  the  abbey  of  Bee,  which  under 
Herluin,  its  founder  and  first  abbot,  was  then 
regarded  as  a  pattern  of  monastic  organisa- 
tion and  a  school  of  saints  (1042).  Herluin 
discerned  the  abilities  of  Lanfranc,  and  about 
1045  promoted  him  to  be  prior.  But  Lan- 
franc devoted  himself  chiefly  to  theological 
studies,  and  to  the  direction  of  the  monastic 
school,  which  in  his  time,  and  owing  to  his 
fame,  attracted  students  even  from  Gascony 
and  Italy.  Manj'  of  his  pupils  rose  subse- 
quently to  high  places  in  the  Church  ;  among 
them  were  Ivo  of  Chartres,  the  celebrated 
canonist,  and  Anselm  of  Badagio,  afterwards 
Pope  Alexander  ii.  As  a  theologian  Lan- 
franc is  chiefly  remembered  for  his  interven- 
tion in  the  controversy,  raised  by  Berengar 
of  1  ours,  concerning  the  Eucharist.  Lan- 
franc was  accused  at  Rome  of  sympathising 
with  the  heresiarcb.      He  not  onlv  cleared 


himself  before  Leo  ix.,  but  also  undertook  to 
state  the  orthodox  position  against  Berengar 
at  the  Council  of  Vercelli  (1050).  It  is 
stated, on  doubtful  authority ,  that  he  repeated 
this  performance  at  the  Councils  of  Tours 
(1055)  and  Rome  (1059).  But  liis  principal 
contribution  to  the  long  dispute  was  a 
treatise,  De  Corpore  et  Sanguine  Domini, 
written  at  some  time  after  the  final  recan- 
tation of  Berengar  (1079).  Berengar,  accord- 
ing to  Lanfranc,  had  maintained  that  the 
elements  in  the  Eucharist  were  not  changed 
by  consecration,  and  treated  the  sacrament  as 
merely  symbolic.  Lanfranc  argues,  from 
Scripture  and  the  Fathers,  that  the  earthly 
substances  are  incomprehensibly  converted 
through  consecration  into  the  Lord's  Body 
and  Blood,  while  the  external  form  and 
appearance  remain.  This  work,  and  some 
commentaries  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
are  his  only  considerable  writings  on  theo- 
logy. While  still  the  Prior  of  Bee  he 
became  a  friend  and  counsellor  of  Duke 
Wilham ;  and  his  career  is  henceforth  that 
of  a  statesman  in  whom  the  taste  for 
affairs  perpetually  conflicts  with  a  sincere 
reverence  for  the  monastic  ideal  of  seclusion. 
Between  1053  and  1059  he  incurred  Wilham's 
displeasure  by  public  condemnation  of  the 
marriage  which  the  duke  had  contracted, 
in  defiance  of  a  papal  prohibition,  with 
Matilda  of  Flanders.  He  was  ordered  to 
quit  Normandy,  and  actually  started  for 
Rome.  But,  happening  to  meet  William  by 
the  way,  he  obtained  forgiveness  by  his  ready 
wit  and  imperturbable  good  humour.  He  was 
afterwards  instrumental  in  persuading  Pope 
Nicholas  n.   to  remove  the  interdict  which 


310 


Lan  franc] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Langton 


had  been  laid  upon  Normandy  and  to  con- 
done the  objectionable  marriage  (1059).  In 
token  of  penitence,  the  duke  founded  the 
monastery  of  St.  Stephen  at  Caen  ;  and  ho 
nominated  Lanfranc  as  the  first  abbot  (1066). 
Soon  afterwards  Lanfranc  was  elected  to  the 
see  of  Rouen,  left  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Archbishop  Maurilius  (1067).  But  he  de- 
clined the  honour  with  the  consent  of  the 
duke,  who  may  have  already  singled  him 
out  as  the  fittest  successor  to  Archbishop 
Stigand.  Lanfranc  was  nominated  to  Canter- 
bury in  1070.  Though  he  only  accepted 
the  see  under  pressure  from  the  Pope's 
legate,  he  at  once  threw  himself  into  the 
work  of  reforming  the  English  Church. 
[Norman  Conquest.]  In  his  zeal  for  the 
purification  of  English  monasticism,  and 
for  the  enforcement  of  clerical  celibacy,  he 
showed  himself  a  true  son  of  Bee  and  a 
partisan  of  the  Hildcbrandine  movement. 
But  his  zeal  was  tempered  by  respect  for 
custom  and  vested  interests.  He  raised  no 
protest  against  the  custom  of  lay  investiture, 
even  after  it  had  been  condemned  by  a 
papal  council  (1078).  He  refused  to  perse- 
cute those  parish  priests  who  had  contracted 
marriages  before  the  decree  of  the  Covmcil 
of  Winchester  (1076).  He  passively  sup- 
ported his  master  in  resisting  the  claim  of 
Gregory  vn.  to  feudal  suzerainty  over 
England,  and  remained  neutral  during  the 
papal  schism  which  began  in  1080 ;  and  it 
would  seem  that  he  shared  in  the  mistrust 
which  other  bishops  in  other  countries 
had  conceived  of  Gregory's  too  autocratic 
pohcy.  If  Lanfranc  had  hardly  formulated 
the  conception  of  a  national  Church,  he  was 
unwearied  in  defending  the  rights  of  Canter- 
bury. In  1070  he  raised  a  claim  to  the 
obedience  of  the  see  of  York,  which  was 
strenuously  resisted  by  Archbishop  Thomas, 
disliked  by  William,  and  dubiously  received 
by  Alexander  n.,  Lanfranc's  former  pupil. 
But  the  archbishop  won  over  the  King, 
induced  the  Pope  to  refer  the  matter  to  an 
English  council,  and  obtained  at  Winchester 
(1072)  from  the  assembled  clergy  a  favourable 
verdict  which,  unhappily  for  his  reputation, 
he  owed  to  spurious  charters.  On  a  smaller 
stage,  before  the  shire-moot  of  Kent,  he 
defended  the  estates  of  his  see  with  complete 
success  against  the  formidable  earl-bishop, 
Odo  of  Bayeux  (q.v.).  In  works  of  piety  and 
charity  he  showed  a  commendable  zeal. 
He  was  a  liberal  benefactor  to  the  poor  and 
to  the  monks  of  Canterbury  and  St.  Albans  ; 
he  rebuilt  his  cathedral ;  he  founded  the 
hospital  of  St.  John  outside  Canterbury,  and 
the  leper-house  of  St.  Nicholas,  Harbledown. 


Though  hampered  in  his  studies  by  want  of 
leisure,  he  devoted  himself  to  textual  criti- 
cism ;  under  his  supervision  the  Vulgate  and 
the  writings  of  the  Fathers  were  purged  of 
the  errors  which  careless  copyists  had  intro- 
duced. But  it  may  not  unfairly  be  said 
that,  next  to  ecclesiastical  reform,  politics 
were  the  chief  subject  of  his  thoughts.  He 
sometimes  acted  as  justiciar  when  William  i. 
was  absent  in  Normandy,  and  showed  energy 
and  courage  in  crushing  the  revolt  of  the  Earls 
of  Hereford  and  Norfolk  in  1074-5.  His 
influence  secured  the  recognition  of  William  ir. 
as  King  of  England  at  a  time  when  many  of 
the  baronage  would  have  preferred  the  feeble 
Robert  Courthose  (1087) ;  and  he  kept  the 
Church  and  the  native  EngUsh  loyal  to  their 
allegiance  in  the  rebelHon  of  1088.  It  is 
remarkable  that  so  staunch  a  Churchman 
twice  identified  himself  with  the  State  in 
resistance  to  claims  of  episcopal  privilege. 
In  1082  he  asserted  the  right  of  the  Conqueror 
to  deal  with  Odo  of  Bayeux  as  with  a  dis- 
loyal baron  ;  and  in  1088  he  took  the  same 
attitude  in  regard  to  WiUiam  of  St.  Calais, 
Bishop  of  Durham.  But  the  principle  on 
which  he  acted  in  these  cases  was  afterwards 
accepted  by  the  Church ;  and  he  may  be 
awarded  the  credit  for  anticipating  the  one 
satisfactory  solution  of  the  Investitures  Con- 
troversy (q.v.).  Lanfranc  died  in  May  1089, 
and  was  buried  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Freeman,  Xonnnn  Conquest ;  W.  R.  W. 
Stephens,  The  Eng.  C'h.,  106G-m2  ;  Antoiiic 
(Iliarnia,  Lavfranc  (Paris,  1S49) ;  H.  W.  (:. 
Davis,  Kmi.  imder  the  S'orma/is  and  Angevins. 

LANGTON,  Stephen  (d.  1228),  Cardinal  and 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  of  EngUsh 
extraction,  but  received  his  education  in  the 
University  of  Paris,  where  he  graduated  as  a 
doctor  in  theology  and  afterwards  lectured. 
He  earned  a  reputation  as  a  copious  and 
original  commentator  on  the  Old  Testament ; 
tradition  affirms,  but  apparently  without 
foundation,  that  he  was  the  first  to  divide 
the  Vtilgate  into  chapters.  Innocent  ui.  [q.v.) 
made  him  a  cardinal  in  1206,  and  he  had 
not  been  long  at  Rome  before  he  was  elected, 
on  the  same  Pope's  nomination,  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury.  The  election  was  made  at 
Rome  by  a  delegation  of  the  Canterbury 
monks,  after  Innocent  had  refused  to 
accept  either  Reginald,  whom  they  had  elected 
irregularly,  or  John  de  Grey,  who  had  been 
forced  upon  them  by  John.  As  the  King  would 
not  recognise  Innocenfs  nominee.  Langton 
remained  on  the  Continent  until  1213.  He 
at  first  acted  as  a   restraining  force  upon 


(311  ) 


Langton] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Latimer 


Innocent ;  but,  when  John  had  shown  bis 
contempt  of  an  interdict  and  a  sentence  of 
personal  excommunication,  the  archbishop 
demanded  a  sentence  of  deposition  (1212). 
Hereupon  John  j'ielded,  and  Langton  was 
allowed  to  enter  England  in  1213.  He 
soon  evinced  a  sympathy  for  the  baronial 
opposition.  It  is  even  stated  that  he  sug- 
gested, to  them  the  policy  of  taking  their 
stand  upon  the  charter  of  Henry  i.,  which 
afterwards  served  as  tlie  model  of  Magna 
Carta  {q.v.).  But  in  public  he  preserved  the 
attitude  of  a  mediator.  In  the  conferences 
which  preceded  the  signing  of  Magna  Carta 
he  negotiated  with  the  barons  on  the  King's 
behalf  and  in  his  name  (1215).  In  the 
preamble  to  the  charter  Langton  heads  the 
list  of  the  counsellors  by  whose  advice  John 
states  that  he  is  acting ;  and  the  insertion 
of  the  first  clause,  guaranteeing  the  liberties 
of  the  Church,  was  probably  his  work.  Late 
in  1215  he  was  suspended  by  papal  com- 
missioners for  refusing  to  enforce  a  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  the  baronial 
party.  He  went  to  Rome  in  person,  and 
pleaded  his  cause  before  Innocent  m.,  with 
the  result  that  the  sentence  was  relaxed. 
But  he  was  not  allowed  to  revisit  England 
until  the  close  of  the  civil  war.  Returning 
in  1218,  he  lent  the  support  of  the  English 
Church  to  the  Regency  in  its  struggles  against 
papal  claims  and  baronial  insubordination, 
procuring  the  recall  of  Pandulf  {q.v.),  and 
assisting  Hubert  de  Burgh  to  crush  Falkes 
de  Breaute,  His  last  political  act  of  import- 
ance was  to  obtain  from  Henry  iii.  the  fourth 
and  final  edition  of  Magna  Carta  (1225).  In 
his  ecclesiastical  capacity  he  distinguished 
himself  by  asserting  the  privileges  of  Canter- 
bury. In  1220  he  obtained  from  the  Pope 
a  promise  that  no  more  legates  (q.v.)  should 
be  sent  to  England  in  his  lifetime.  This  did 
not  prevent  the  Holy  See  from  commission- 
ing a  nuncio,  the  sub-deacon  Otho,  to  collect 
money  from  the  English  clergy  and  to 
demand  rights  of  presentation  for  his  master 
(1225).  But  upon  a  protest  from  Langton 
the  nuncio  was  withdrawn  ;  and  from  this 
time  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  were 
allowed  to  liold,  as  of  right,  the  dignity  of  a 
legatus  natus.  Langton  left  his  mark  on  the 
law  of  the  English  Church.  In  1222  he  held 
at  Oseney  a  provincial  synod  in  which, 
besides  the  decrees  of  the  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  (1215),  he  promulgated  special  con- 
stitutions for  the  English  Church  (Wilkins, 
Concilia,  i.  585. )  One  of  these  provided  that 
all  Jews  should  wear  a  distinctive  badge ; 
another  excluded  the  concubines  of  the 
clergy  from  participation  in  the  sacraments. 


This  same  synod  also  set  a  memorable  pre- 
cedent by  condemning  an  apostate  deacon, 
who  had  Judaised,  and  handing  him  over  to 
the  secular  arm  to  be  burned  at  the  stake. 
The  procedure  could  be  justified  by  the 
Lateran  decrees,  but  was  novel  to  English 
jurists.  It  is  fortunate  for  Langton's  fame 
that  his  successors  found  no  occasion  to  act 
upon  the  precedent.  He  died  at  Slindon, 
in  Sussex,  in  July  1228.  His  disinterested- 
ness and  moderation,  his  piety  and  learning, 
made  a  profound  impression  on  contempor- 
aries. But  the  chronicles  of  the  period  are 
singularly  deficient  in  anecdotes  of  his  private 
life.  Scholarly,  reserved,  and  self-restrained, 
he  had  a  marked  capacity  but  little  liking 
for  political  affairs,  and  never  courted  the 
public  eye.  But  he  undoubtedly  ranks 
among  the  foremost  men  of  his  age,  and  is 
perhaps  the  greatest  of  our  mediaeval  arch- 
bishops, [h.  w.  c.  d."| 

Stubbs,  preface  to  M'alter  of  Coventry,  vol. 
ii.  ;  C.  E.  Maurice,  Life  in  '  English  Popular 
Leaders,'  vol.  i.  ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eng.  under 
the  Normu'ris  and  Angevina. 

LATIMER,  Hugh  (1485-1555),  Bishop  of 
Worcester,  was  born  at  Thurcaston,  Leicester- 
shire. '  My  father  was  a  yeoman  and  had  no 
lands  of  his  own,  only  he  had  a  farm  of  three 
or  four  pound  a  j^ear  at  the  uttermost  and 
hereupon  he  tilled  so  much  as  kept  half  a 
dozen  men.  He  had  walk  for  a  hundred 
sheep  and  my  mother  milked  tliirty  kine. 
He  was  able  and  did  find  the  King  a  harness 
with  himself  and  his  horse.  I  can  remember 
that  I  buckled  his  harness  when  he  went  into 
Blackheath  field  (1497).  He  kept  me  to 
school  or  else  I  had  not  been  able  to  have 
preached  before  the  King's  majesty  now.' 
According  to  Foxe,  '  he  so  profited  at  the 
common  school  of  his  own  country  that  at 
the  age  of  14  years  he  was  sent  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge.'  Nor  were  bodily 
exercises  neglected.  '  In  my  time  my  poor 
father  was  as  diligent  to  teach  me  to  shoot 
as  to  learn  me  any  other  thing ;  he  taught 
me  how  to  draw  ;  how  to  lay  my  body  in  my 
bow,  and  not  to  draw  with  strength  of  arms 
as  other  nations  do,  but  with  strength  of  the 
body.' 

At  Cambridge  he  became  a  Fellow  of  Clare 
Hall,  and,  having  been  ordained,  attracted 
the  attention  of  Thomas  Bilney  by  a  sermon 
against  Melanchthon.  Bilney  '  was  the  in- 
strument by  which  God  called  me  to  know- 
ledge ;  for  I  was  as  obstinate  a  Papist  as  any 
was  in  England.  Bilney  heard  me  at  the 
time  and  perceived  that  I  was  zealous  without 
knowledge ;    and  he  came  to  me  afterwards 


(312) 


Latimer] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Latimer 


in  my  study  and  desired  me  to  hear  his 
confession.  I  did  so,  and  by  his  confession 
I  learned  more  than  before  in  many  years. 
So  from  that  time  forward  I  began  to  smell 
the  word  of  CJod  and  forsook  the  school- 
doctors  and  such  fooleries.' 

Being  suspected  of  Lutheran  tendencies  he 
was  inhibited  in  1525  by  Bishop  West  of  Ely 
from  preacliing  in  that  diocese.  He  was 
afterwards  examined  by  order  of  Cardinal 
Wolsey  iq.v.)  acting  as  Legate,  and  on 
disowning  Lutheran  errors  was  given  per- 
mission to  preach  throughout  the  kingdom. 

In  December  1529  his  two  sermons  '  on 
the  card  '  provoked  hostility,  as  he  deprecated 
pilgrimages  and  other  external  observances 
as  compared  with  works  of  mercy.  He  won 
the  roj'al  favour  as  a  supporter  of  the  divorce. 
In  1530  his  name  appears  as  favourable  to 
the  King's  purposes  on  a  committee  of 
divines  appointed  at  Cambridge  to  report 
on  the  validity  of  the  marriage  with 
Katherine.  He  was  immediately  afterwards 
appointed  to  preach  before  the  King.  In 
1530  he  was  presented  to  West  Kington,  in 
Wiltshire,  where  he  seems  to  have  resided. 
Foxe  says  that  '  his  dihgence  was  so  great, 
his  preaching  so  mighty,  the  manner  of  his 
teaching  so  zealous  that  he  could  not  escape 
without  enemies.'  In  1532  he  was  accused 
of  saying  that  Our  Lady,  was  a  sinner,  of 
forbidding  invocation  of  saints,  of  denjnng 
purgatory  and  hell  tire,  and  stating  that 
almost  ail  the  bishops  and  clergy  in  England 
were  thieves,  and  that  there  was  not  enough 
hemp  in  England  to  hang  them  with.  His 
own  bishop,  Campeggio  (g.?;.),was  an  absentee, 
and  in  the  end  he  was  cited  to  appear  before 
Bishop  Stokesley  of  London,  and  after  some 
delay  made  a  complete  submission,  but  was 
summoned  to  appear  again  almost  immedi- 
ately, and  confessed  that  he  had  erred  in 
doctrine.  In  1533  he  was  in  trouble  again 
for  a  sermon  preached  at  Bristol,  and  was 
inhibited  by  the  Bishop  of  London.  How- 
ever, in  the  next  spring,  1534,  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  preach  before  the  King  on 
Wednesdays  in  Lent,  and  was  active  in 
supporting  the  marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn. 
In  1535  he  was  made  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
and  issued  injunctions  ordering  every  priest 
and  rehgious  to  have  a  whole  Bible  in 
EngUsh  or  at  least  a  New  Testament ;  he 
ordered  the  clergy  not  to  lay  aside  preach- 
ing for  any  religious  observance,  to  admit 
no  one  to  Communion  who  could  not  say  the 
Paternoster  in  English,  and  to  instruct  the 
children  of  their  parishes  to  read  English. 
He  had  the  image  of  the  Virgin  in  Worcester 
Cathedral,  '  our  great  Sibyll,'  as  he  called  it, 


stripped  of  its  jewels  and  ornaments  and 
eventually  burned  in  London.  '  She  herself 
with  her  old  sister  of  Walsingham,  her  young 
sister  of  Ipswich,  with  their  other  two  sisters 
of  Doncastcr  and  Penrice  would  make  a  jolly 
muster  in  Smithfield.' 

In  1536  he  was  at  Lambeth  examining 
heretics  with  Cranmer  {q.v.)  and  Shaxton. 
He  preached  the  ojiening  sermon  at  Convoca- 
tion, denouncing  the  bishops  and  clergy, 
and  asking  what  good  they  had  done  during 
the  past  seven  years.  They  had  burnt  a 
dead  man,  William  Tracy,  and  tried  to  burn 
a  living  one  (himself)  ;  '  this  other  ye  would 
have  raked  in  the  coals  because  he  would 
not  subscribe  to  certain  articles  which  took 
away  the  supremacy  of  the  King.'  In  1537 
he  took  part  in  the  committee  which  pro- 
duced The  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man, 
or  Bishops^  Book — work  which  he  found 
difficult  and  uncongenial.  '  It  is  a  troublous 
thing  to  agree  upon  a  doctrine  in  things  of 
such  controversy,  with  judgments  of  such 
diversity,  every  man  meaning  well  and  yet 
not  all  meaning  one  way.'  In  1538  he  was 
on  a  commission  to  examine  Forest,  and 
afterwards  preached,  or,  as  he  callously  put 
it,  '  played  the  fool,'  at  his  execution.  He 
was  also  one  of  the  commission  to  examine 
the  famous  '  Blood  of  Hailes.'  When  the 
Act  of  the  Six  Articles  was  passed  he  and 
Shaxton,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  resigned  their 
sees.  He  was  kept  a  prisoner  for  more 
than  a  year  in  the  house  of  Sampson,  Bishop 
of  Chichester.  When  liberated  he  was  ordered 
not  to  preach  or  to  visit  London,  either 
L'niversity,  or  his  diocese.  He  was  brought 
before  the  Council  in  1546  on  a  charge  of 
having  encouraged  Dr.  Crome,  and  he  re- 
mained a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  until  the 
accession  of  Edward  vi.  in  1548. 

The  few  years  of  Edward's  reign  were 
perhaps  the  most  fruitful  of  his  life.  In  the 
words  of  his  servant,  '  then  most  of  all  he 
began  to  set  forth  his  plough  and  to  till  the 
ground  of  the  Lord  and  sow  the  good  corn  of 
God's  word.  In  the  which  his  painful 
travails  he  continued  all  King  Edward's  time, 
preaching  for  the  most  part  every  Sunday 
two  sermons.  .  .  .  For  he  being  a  sore 
bruised  man  and  above  threescore  and  seven 
years  of  age  took  notwithstanding  all  these 
pains  in  preaching,  and  besides  this  every 
morning  ordinarily  winter  and  summer  about 
two  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  he  was  at  his 
book  most  diligentl3\'  He  was  one  of  the 
commission  which  condemned  Joan  Bocher 
the  Anabaptist,  who  was  burnt  in  consequence. 
He  refused  to  resume  his  bishopric,  but  had  a 
great  vogue  as  a  preacher.     He  preached  a 


(313) 


Latimer] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History        [Latitudinarians 


course  at  St.  Paul's,  beginning  1st  January 
1548,  including  his  famous  sermons  on  the 
Plough,  in  ■which  he  inveighed  against  un- 
preaching  and  non-resident  prelates,  and  held 
up  the  devil  as  an  example.  '  He  is  the  most 
dihgent  preacher  of  all  others  ;  he  is  never  out 
of  his  diocese ;  he  is  never  from  his  cure ; 
he  is  ever  in  his  parish ;  the  diligentest 
preacher  in  all  the  realm  ;  he  is  ever  at  hi3 
plough."  In  Lent,  1549,  he  preached  a  course 
before  the  King,  mainly  deahng  with  current 
abuses,  especially  the  wrong-doing  of  the  rich 
and  their  oppression  of  the  poor.  He  did  not 
scruple  to  take  a  strong  partisan  line  in  his 
sermons  in  support  of  Somerset,  and  attacked 
Lord  Seymour,  justifying  his  execution,  and 
hinting  not  obscurely  at  his  eternal  damna- 
tion. 

Soon  after  Mar^-'s  accession  a  summons 
was  issued  for  his  apprehension.  He  was 
given  six  hours'  notice  of  the  intended  arrest 
in  order  that  he  might  escape.  But  this  he 
refused  to  do,  and  said  to  the  pursuivant: 
'  My  friend,  you  be  a  welcome  messenger  to 
me ;  and  be  it  known  to  you  and  to  the 
whole  world  that  I  go  as  willingly  to  London 
at  this  present,  being  called  by  my  prince  to 
give  an  account  of  my  doctrine  as  ever  I  was 
to  any  place  in  the  world.'  He  appeared 
before  the  Council,  and  was  committed  to 
the  Tower.  In  March  1554  he  was  sent 
down  to  Oxford  with  Ridley  {q.v.)  and 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  to  dispute  with  divines  from 
both  Universities  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Mass. 

After  some  delaj-,  and  several  appearances 
before  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  and  other 
commissioners,  he  was  condemned  for  heresy 
and  delivered  to  the  secular  arm.  On 
16th  October  he  and  Ridley  were  led  to  execu- 
tion '  upon  the  north  side  of  the  town  in  the 
ditch  over  against  Balliol  College.'  Latimer 
was  dressed  '  in  a  poor  Bristow  freez  frock 
much  worn  and  a  kerchief  on  his  head.' 
When  the}'  came  to  the  stake  bags  of  gun- 
powder were  tied  round  their  necks  by 
Ridley's  brother-in-law.  A  lighted  faggot 
was  then  laid  at  Ridley's  feet,  and  Latimer 
said :  '  Be  of  good  comfort,  Master  Ridley, 
and  play  the  man ;  we  shall  this  day  light 
such  a  candle  by  God's  grace  in  England  as 
I  trust  shall  never  be  put  out.'  Soon  the 
flames  reached  Latimer,  and  he  died  without 
much  suffering.  He  was  perhaps  the  most 
widely  influential  of  the  English  Reformers, 
owing  to  his  vigorous,  aggressive  personality, 
combined  with  a  very  popular  style  of 
preaching;  homely,  vigorous,  and  often 
vulgar,  but  never  dull  or  obscure.  He  had 
the  courage  of  his  convictions,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  rebuke  vice  or  to  speak  plainly 


to  kings  and  great  nobles.  His  sermons 
preached  before  Edward  vi.  in  1549  were 
published  in  that  year,  and  six  more  editions 
appeared  in  that  century.  He  attached  an 
exaggerated  importance  to  preaching :  '  Take 
away  preaching,  you  take  away  everything.' 
He  was  unmarried,  and,  unlike  some  of  the 
Reformers,  his  private  life  wiU  bear  inspection. 
He  was  honest  and  sincere,  and  was  ever  the 
champion  of  the  poor.  At  his  first  sermon 
before  Henry  vni.  he  begged  the  life  of  a 
poor  woman  unjustly  condemned  to  death  at 
Cambridge.  He  wished  poor  children  taught 
to  read,  poor  scholars  sent  to  Universities, 
chaplains  provided  for  prisons.  He  was 
bitterly  hostile  to  the  Inclosures. 

His  interest  in  the  Reformation  movement 
was  the  interest  of  the  practical  man  who 
wished  abuses  removed  rather  than  that  of 
the  theologian.  But  his  self-confidence  and 
hasty  temper  made  him  a  violent  partisan, 
lacking  in  judgment  and  foresight.  He  be- 
came a  loj-al  supporter  of  Henry  vm.,  Anne 
Boleyn,  Cromwell  {q.v.),  and  Somerset,  rather 
through  want  of  balance  and  judgment  than 
want  of  principle.  He  upheld  the  Royal 
Supremacy  bhndlj-,  without  seeing  that  it 
was  used  to  maintain  abuses  as  much  as  to 
remove  them.  He  was  never  tired  of 
denouncing  '  monkery,'  set  pilgrimages  and 
such  '  fooleries,'  yet  states  that  there  are  now 
(1549)  '  none  but  great  men's  sons  in 
colleges,'  and  predicts  that  '  the  realm  will 
come  to  a  very  barbarousness  and  utter  decay 
of  learning '  ;  that  poor  men  are  woefully 
oppressed ;  that  livings  are  sold  and  givert 
to  servants ;  that  there  is  more  open 
immorality  than  ever  before — though  he 
appears  to  have  been  unconscious  that  the 
alterations  in  religion  had,  to  say  the  least, 
not  been  as  successful  as  he  had  hoped. 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Sermons  (Parker  Soc.)  ;  Strype,  Memorials  ^ 
Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments. 

LATITUDINARIANS.  The  word  was 
'  first  hatch'd  at  Cambridge,'  apparently  near 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  to  de- 
scribe those  who  favoured  latitude  of  opinion 
in  religious  matters  and  treated  forms  of 
Church  government  and  worship,  or  even  doc- 
trine, as  indifferent.  As  a  rule,  this  indifference 
was  allied  with  hostihty  towards  much  of 
the  doctrine  and  practice  sanctioned  by  the 
universal  Church.  Old  writers  give  caustic 
definitions  of  the  name:  Wycherley,  1676, 
'  Thou  dost  side  with  all  men,  but  wilt  suffer 
for  none';  Butlei',  1680,  'A  Latitudinarian 
.  .  .  believes  the  Way  to  Heaven  is  never 
the  better  for  being  strait ' ;  Diet.  Cant.  Crew, 


(314  ) 


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1700.  '  Lalitudinarian,  a  Churchman  at  large, 
one  that  is  no  Slave  to  Rubrick  .  .  .  and 
in  fine  looks  towards  Lambeth,  and  rowes 
to  Geneva.'  The  terms  'Latitudinarians' 
and '  Latitude-men '  were  abusively  applied  to 
the  group  of  Cambridge  Platonists  {q.v.) 
who  opposed  '  superstitious  conceits  and  a 
fierceness  about  opinions.'  They,  in  Burnet's 
words,  '  loved  the  constitution  of  the  Church, 
and  the  liturgy,  and  could  well  live  under 
them.  .  .  .  They  were  all  very  zealous 
against  Popery.'  One  of  the  earliest  apologies 
for  Latitudinarianism  is  the  Free  Discourse, 
1670,  by  Edward  Fowler  (1632-1714),  formerly 
a  Presbyterian  minister.  In  1691  he  was  con- 
secrated bishop  to  fill  the  see  of  Gloucester, 
ousting  Frampton,  who  was  deprived  as  a 
Nonjuror.  In  the  Commission  for  revising 
the  Prayer  Book  in  1689  Fowler  had  pro- 
posed that  the  iise  of  the  Athanasian  Creed 
should  be  optional.  Soon  after  he  had 
grasped  the  crosier  he  taught  a  semi-Arian 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  and  revived  Origen's 
theory  that  the  soul  of  Jesus  Christ  existed 
before  the  Incarnation.  Nearly  contem- 
porary %vith  Fowler  was  Daniel  Whitby 
(1638-1726),  Precentor  of  SaUsbury.  He 
urged  dissenters  to  conform,  and  denied 
Apostolical  Succession.  He  was  author  of 
a  commentary  which  upheld  Christ's  deity, 
a  doctrine  which  he  later  privately  abandoned, 
though  he  retained  his  clerical  office  and 
preferments. 

Arianism,  which  reduces  the  Son  of  God 
to  the  position  of  a  pagan  demi-god,  was 
strongly  favoured  by  the  theological  works 
of  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  (1675-1729).  He  was 
criticised  by  Waterland  {q.v.),  who,  in  op- 
position to  Clarke's  insistence  on  the  use  of 
Scripture  only,  justly  declared  that  '  the 
sense  of  Scripture  is  Scripture.'  Clarke  was 
once  silenced  in  the  presence  of  Queen  Anne 
by  Dr.  Hawarden,  who  asked  him :  '  Can  the 
Father  destroy  the  Son  ?  '  —  a  question  to 
which  no  Arian  could  reply  except  by  a 
blasphemous  affirmative. 

The  accession  of  the  Hanoverian  dynasty 
to  the  English  throne  gave  the  party  their 
chance.  George  i.  and  Walpole  wished  to 
weaken  the  Church,  and  Walpole,  with  con- 
summate skill,  chose  as  his  instrument 
Benjamin  Hoadly  [q.v.),  who  pubhshed  in 
1716  an  attack  on  the  doctrine  of  a  visible 
Church,  and  followed  it  by  a  sermon  before 
the  King,  in  which  he  declared  that  Christ 
'  left  behind  no  visible,  human  authority.' 
The  King  retained  Samuel  Clarke  as  a  chap- 
lain, and  rid  himself  of  four  chaplains  who 
opposed  Hoadly. 

By  the  middle  of  the  century  there  was  a 


serious,  tliough  by  no  mean.s  universal, 
decay  of  church  life.  Morals,  faith,  and 
worship  had  alike  dechncd.  Herring  (1693- 
1757),  Archbishop  of  York  and  afterwards 
of  Canterbury,  though  an  active  worker, 
commended  the  writings  of  Hoadly  and 
Clarke.  In  1743  the  Bishop  of  Chester 
succeeded  in  stopping  weekly  Eucharists 
at  the  collegiate  church  of  INIanchcster. 
On  clerical  life  a  lurid  light  is  thrown  by  the 
correspondence  of  Edmund  Pyle,  a  Latitudi- 
narian  chaplain  in  ordinary  to  George  n. 
The  clergy  of  his  party  appear  as  vultures  in 
their  greed  for  preferment,  negligent  of  their 
duty,  seeking  gain  by  political  sermons,  and 
supporting  anti-Christian  opinions.  Pyle's 
father,  who  held  many  preferments,  was 
almost  suffocated  '  with  distemper  and  in- 
dignation '  at  the  sight  of  an  emblem  of  the 
Trinity  in  Unity  on  a  new  pulpit  in  his 
church  of  St.  Margaret's,  Lynn.  Pyle  also 
describes  as  '  an  excellent  member  of  our 
church '  an  ecclesiastic  named  Sykes,  who 
was  loaded  with  preferment,  though  he 
supported  Arianism  and  attacked  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Resurrection. 

In  1751  Clayton,  Bishop  of  Clogher,  attacked 
the  Athanasian  and  Nicene  Creeds.  He  was 
followed  in  1754  by  Archdeacon  Blackbume, 
who  started  the  '  Anti-subscription '  move- 
ment. Apparently  Arian  at  heart,  he  op- 
posed the  need  of  episcopacy,  confirmation, 
and  confessions  of  faith.  Cornwalhs,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  (1768-83),  being  es- 
sentially a  courtier  rather  than  a  prelate, 
Blackburne  circulated  in  1771  a  petition  for 
application  to  Parliament  for  rehef  from 
subscription  to  the  Liturgy  and  Articles. 
The  petition  was  rejected  by  ParHament, 
and  though  Cornwallis  was  not  adverse  to 
a  revision  of  the  Prayer  Book,  the  bishops 
feared  that  it  would  disturb  the  peace,  and 
sagaciously  dropped  the  scheme.  The  rise 
of  EvangeUcahsm  {q.v.)  checked  the  progress 
of  Latitudinarianism,  but  it  prepared  for 
its  recrudescence  because  it  was,  as  one  of 
the  greatest  of  Evangehcal  Nonconformists 
declared,  '  satisfied  with  fellowship  of  an 
accidental  and  precarious  kind.  It  cared 
nothing  for  the  idea  of  the  Church  as  the 
august  Society  of  saints.  It  was  the  ally 
of  "individuahsm '  (Dale,  The  Old  Evangeli- 
calism and  the  Neic.  pp.  16,  17). 

Between  1820  and  1833  there  was  in  many 
quarters  a  revival  of  Church  hfe,  and  this 
revival  seems  to  have  provoked  a  violent 
anti-clerical  attack  not  only  on  real  abuses 
but  on  the  Church  itself.  New  democratic 
principles  were  leavening  the  minds  of  the 
people,    a    new    popular    hterature    which 


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[Laud 


ignored  religion  was  at  work,  and  the  govern- 
ment Avas  unfriendly.  Dr.  Arnold  (^.r.)  of 
Rugby,  Avho  though  reckoned  as  a  Broad 
Churchman  was  as  much  opposed  to  secular- 
ism as  be  was  devoted  to  the  Divine  Person 
of  our  Lord,  was  in  favour  of  fighting  the 
evils  of  the  day  by  admitting  dissenters  into 
the  Church.  The  Oxford  Movement  (g-.r.) 
showed  a  more  excellent  way,  and  advanced 
against  theological  '  LiberaUsm,'  as  it  now 
began  to  be  called,  with  the  weapons  of 
learning  and  spiritual  experience.  The  op- 
ponents of  the  Tractarians  had  little  or  no 
respect  for  the  living  collective  tradition  of 
the  Church,  the  deposit  of  the  faith  handed 
down  by  obedient  love.  And  when  the 
Church  in  Oxford  was  weakened  by  the 
secession  of  some  of  the  Tractarians,  the 
Latitudinarian  spirit  throve  aggressively.  It 
found  a  cultured  expression  in  Essays  and 
Revieivs  {q.v.),  1860.  We  here  only  note 
the  essay  on  The  National  Church.  It 
cautiously  assails  the  Athanasian  Creed  and 
the  Church's  doctrines  of  the  sacraments 
and  the  ministrj^ ,  and  advocates  a  relaxation 
of  subscription  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles 
in  the  interests  of  those  who  are  reluctant 
'  to  enter  an  Order  in  which  their  intellects 
may  not  have  free  play.'  It  anticipates  the 
most  recent  Modernism  by  urging  that  Jesus 
Christ  has  not  revealed  His  religion  '  as  an 
historical  faith,'  and  that  '  a  uniformity  of 
historical  belief  .  .  .  can  never  exist.'  The 
book  was  condemned  by  Convocation  as 
'  containing  teaching  contrary  to  the  doctrine 
received  by  the  united  Church  of  England 
and  Ireland,  in  common  with  the  whole 
Cathohc  Church  of  Christ.' 

We  may  connect  with  Essays  and  Reviews 
the  controversy  about  Bishop  Colenso  {q.v.), 
who  after  long  discussions  was  excom- 
municated in  spite  of  the  State,  and  was 
superseded  in  the  see  of  Natal  by  Bishop 
Macroric  in  1869.  The  case  of  Colenso  is 
not  unlike  that  of  the  ancient  heresiarch, 
Xestorius,  with  whom  he  had  much  in 
common.  We  can  put  a  more  favourable 
interpretation  on  some  of  his  statements 
than  they  received  from  his  contemporaries, 
but  other  statements  prove  that  his  con- 
demnation was  inevitable.  Colenso's  letters 
to  Enghsh  newspapers  in  1866  show  that  he 
objected  to  prayers  offered  to  Jesus  Christ 
{Life  of  Bishop  Gray,  ii.  pp.  264,  278),  though 
he  had  protested  to  the  Bishop  of  Cape  Town 
that  he  believed  in  His  divinity.  In  the 
immediately  succeeding  years  the  sermons 
of  Dr.  Liddon  {q.v.)  and  the  fruitful  researches 
of  Dr.  Lightfoot  (q.v.)  in  primitive  Christian 
literature  inflicted  severe  wounds  on  Lati- 


tudinarianism.  To  some  extent  it  was 
fostered  in  Oxford  by  Professor  Jowett,  and 
by  Dr.  Hatch,  whose  revolutionary  theories 
w-^ith  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  ministry 
were  refuted  by  Dr.  Gore.  Hatch's  work 
marks  the  transition  from  the  older  to  the 
more  recent  theological  '  Liberalism.'  The 
old  Latitudinarianism  was,  on  the  whole, 
English.  It  was  also  mainly  content  to 
appeal  to  the  well  educated.  The  modern 
'  Liberalism  '  or  '  Liberal  Christianity '  or 
'  Liberal  Protestantism '  draws  its  inspiration 
from  Germany.  And  it  conducts  an  active 
propaganda,  endeavouring  to  reach  all  classes. 
It  is  aided  by  a  copious  supply  of  translations 
from  foreign  rationalistic  books.  A  bold 
attempt  to  utilise  the  -writers  of  such  works 
was  made  in  the  Encyclop<sdia  Bihlica  (1899- 
1903).  '  Liberalism  '  of  this  foreign  type  has 
especially  assailed  the  miracles  of  our  Lord, 
His  Virgin  birth,  and  His  bodily  resurrection. 
Within  the  Church  of  England  it  is  mainly  a 
small  clerical  movement,  and  the  laymen  who 
care  for  religion  are  as  a  rule  solidly  opposed 
to  it.  [l.  p.] 

Murray,  L'ng.  Die.  ;  D.N.B.  ;  Tulloch. 
Ratioimi  Theolof/y  in  the  Seventeenth  Century  : 
Memoirs  of  a  Royal  Chaplain,  ed.  by  A.  Harts- 
horne{Jolin  Lane.  1905) ;  Ferry.  Student's  Eng. 
Ch.  Hist.,  1717-1884. 

LAUD,  William  (1573-1645),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  the  son  of  William  Laud,  a 
clothier,  was  born  at  Pveading,  7th  October 
1573,  and  was  educated  at  the  free  school  there 
and  at  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  matriculat- 
ing when  he  was  ten  days  over  his  sixteenth 
birthday.  He  became  Reading  Scholar  of 
the  coUege,  1590,  and  Fellow,  1593;  B.A., 
1594;  M.A.,  1598;  B.D.,  1604;  D.D.,  1608. 
For  the  degree  of  B.D.  he  discussed  the 
doctrine  of  baptism,  taking  views  opposed 
to  the  extreme  Protestant  teaching,  and  for 
that  of  D.D.  the  divine  right  of  episcopacy. 
(It  is  worth  noting  that  Dr.  S,  R.  Gardiner 
in  the  D.N.B.  made  an  error  on  this  point, 
still  uncorrected  in  the  new  edition ;  Laud's 
Works,  iii.  262.)  At  St.  John's  Laud's 
tutor  was  John  Buckeridge,  who  no  doubt 
influenced  his  opinions  in  the  direction  they 
took,  for  both  built  their  theology,  as  Heylin 
{q.v.)  says,  '  upon  the  noble  foundations  of 
the  fathers,  councils,  and  the  ecclesiastical 
historians,'  and  both  represented  the  conse- 
quent reaction  against  the  Calvinism  which 
had  for  some  years  been  in  power  at  Oxford. 
St.  John's  itself,  however,  was  an  example  of 
the  way  in  which  the  repudiation  of  Roman 
supremacy  had  been  carried  out  in  England. 
Several  of  the  Fellows  had  left  the  country 


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[Laud 


and  accepted  the  papal  obedience.  The 
original  I'resident  had  retired  ironx  or  been 
deprived  of  his  college  office,  but  had  con- 
tinued to  hold  his  ecclesiastical  benefices. 
But  the  founder  of  the  college  himself,  iSir 
Thomas  White,  had  all  the  while  directed  the 
fortunes  of  the  young  society,  accepting  the 
Reformation,  and  providing  for  the  per- 
formance of  divine  service  in  the  college 
chapel,  with  no  sign  of  violent  breach  with 
the  past.  The  college  founded  under  Mary 
went  on  under  Elizabeth,  with  its  founder 
still  in  charge  of  it.  This  is  significant,  for 
it  shows  that  Laud  was  brought  iip  at  Oxford 
under  influences  unfavourable  to  the  develop- 
ment of  Puritan  opinions,  and  representative 
rather  of  that  theory  which  is  known  as 
'  the  continuity  of  the  English  Church.' 
Laud  went  through  the  ordinary  duties  of  a 
college  Fellow  ;  he  was  Proctor  in  1603-4. 
He  became  chaplain  to  Charles,  Earl  of  Devon, 
and  in  this  office  consented  to  marry  his 
master  to  Lady  Rich,  who  had  been  divorced 
in  consequence  of  her  adultery  with  him. 
It  was  a  grievous  breach  of  his  duty  to  the 
Church,  and  Laud  repented  bitterly  of  what 
he  had  done.  Ever  after  he  observed  St. 
Stephen's  Day,  the  day  on  which  he  had 
committed  this  sin,  as  a  strict  fast.  A  tract 
of  his  remains  in  the  Record  Office,  which 
shows  that  he  repudiated  all  defence  of  the 
action  and  endeavoured  to  bring  the  earl  at 
last  to  repentance.  As  a  preacher  at  Oxford 
Laud  maintained  the  Catholicism  of  the 
English  Church,  and  one  of  his  sermons  was 
accused  to  the  vice-chancellor ;  but  the  Chan- 
cellor intervened,  and  proceedings  ceased. 
In  1608  Laud  became  chaplain  to  Neile, 
Bishop  of  Rochester,  '  a  man  who  very  well 
understood  the  constitution  of  the  Church  of 
England.'  He  was  given  several  benefices, 
and  in  1610  a  prebend  in  Westminster  Abbey 
in  reversion.  He  then  resigned  his  Fellowship. 
When  Buckeridge,  who  had  become  President 
of  St.  John's,  became  Bishop  of  Rochester  in 
succession  to  Neile,  Laud  was  elected  to  the 
Presidency  after  a  hot  contest,  which  had  to 
be  referred  to  the  Visitor,  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester (JBilson),  who  refeiTcd  it  to  the  King. 
James  decided  in  Laud's  favour,  and  before 
long  made  him  his  chaplain.  Returning  to 
Oxford,  Laud  became  the  leader  of  those 
opposed  to  Calvinism,  and  as  such  was 
attacked  by  Abbot  (Regius  Professor  of 
Divinity)  from  the  University  pulpit  as 
'  a  papist  in  point  of  free  will,  inherent 
righteousness  and  the  like,  .  .  .  and  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  Sacrament.'  But  Laud 
was  able  to  fight  down  opposition,  and 
gradually  to  influence  the  whole  University. 


In  1616  he  was  made  Dean  of  Gloucester, 
where  he  offended  the  bishop.  Miles  Smith, 
a  Calvinist,  by  getting  the  chapter  to  remove 
the  altar  to  the  east  end  of  the  cathedral.  In 
1617  he  went  to  Scotland  with  James  vi., 
and  shocked  the  Presbyterians  by  wearing  a 
surplice.  In  1621  the  Westminster  reversion 
fell  in,  and  he  at  once  became  a  leading 
member  of  the  chapter.  He  was  consecrated 
Bishop  of  St.  David's  on  18th  November 
1621,  giving  up  his  Oxford  headship  but 
retaining  his  Westminster  prebend.  In  1622 
he  took  part  in  a  famous  '  controversy  with 
the  Jesuit  Fisher,'  attempting  to  secure  the 
mother  of  the  favourite,  Buckingham,  in 
allegiance  to  the  English  Church.  The  book 
which  resulted  from  this  was  published  in 
1624,  and  went  through  several  editions.  It 
is  an  admirable  summary  of  the  English 
seventeenth-century  arguments  against  Rome. 
It  points  out  that  the  Greek  Church  is  a 
standing  disproof  of  the  papal  claim  to 
exclusive  authority,  and  resists  the  Roman 
view  that  all  points  defined  by  the  Church 
are  fundamental.  On  one  side  his  work  is 
an  anticipation  of  Chillingworth  [Religion 
of  Protestants),  on  another  it  is  a  develop- 
ment of  Hooker ;  but,  above  all,  it  is  an 
assertion  of  the  position  of  the  English 
Church  as  essentially  loyal  to  the  doctrine 
and  discipline  of  the  undivided  Church. 
Laud  visited  the  diocese  of  St.  David's  twice, 
was  enthroned  in  his  then  almost  inaccessible 
cathedral,  and  built  and  consecrated  a  chapel 
in  his  palace  at  Abergwili,  near  Carmarthen. 
On  the  accession  of  Charles  i.  Laud,  who  was 
already  the  confessor  of  the  King's  friend, 
Buckingham,  became  the  sovereign's  chief 
ecclesiastical  adviser.  He  showed  that  he 
claimed  for  the  Church  a  wide  tolerance,  and 
yet  that  he  believed  her  ministers  to  be 
definitely  bound  by  her  definite  enactments. 
Then  he  defended  Richard  Mountague 
[C.oiOLiNE  DI\^NEs]  against  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1628,  as  in  later  years  fie  sup- 
ported Chillingworth  ;  promoted  the  Latitu- 
dinarian  '  ever  memorable  John  Hales ' ;  and 
was  responsible  for  the  Declaration  prefixed 
(1628)  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  wliich 
ordered  silence  on  points  of  controversy  and 
the  acceptance  of  the  words  of  the  docu- 
ment in  their  plain  sense;  but  he  enforced, 
in  whatever  position  he  was  placed,  the 
obedience  of  the  clergy  to  the  Prayer  IBook, 
Articles,  and  canons  of  the  Church.  He 
advised,  or  assisted,  Charles  and  Bucking- 
ham in  political  matters,  and  thus  soon 
began  to  share  in  their  unpopularity.  The 
King  rewarded  him  with  the  bishopric  of 
Bath  and  Wells,    1626,  and  London.  1628, 


317) 


Laud] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Laud 


and  in  1633,  on  the   death    of   Abbot,    he 
became  in  fact,  what  he  had  long  been  in 
practice,  primate  of  all  England.    At  Charles's 
coronation  he  had  been  deputy  for  the  Dean 
of  Westminster   (Williams   {q.v.).   Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  who  was  his  lifelong  enemy,  now  in 
disgrace) ;  he  had  succeeded  Andrewes  {q.v.) 
as  Dean  of  the  Chapel  Royal;  and  he  had 
been  for  eight  years  most  intimate  with  the 
King.    In  1628  he  was  elected  Chancellor  of 
the  University  of  Oxford,  where  (as  later  at 
Dublin)  he  gave  new  statutes,  Avhich  were 
in  force  for  over  two  hundred  years,  and 
greatly  reformed  the  studies  and  discipline 
of  the  place.     His  interest  in  learning  was 
very  near  his   heart,  and   he   was  a   muni- 
ficent  benefactor  to  the  Bodleian  Library, 
employing  agents  to  hunt  up  books  all  over 
Europe  and  elsewhere ;   and  he  built  a  new 
quadrangle  for  his  own  college.     As  Arch- 
bishop  of   Canterbury   his    poUtical    duties 
were  considerable.     He  sat  on  many  com- 
mittees, and  in  aU  of  them  worked  hard. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Courts  of   Star 
Chamber  and  High  Commission  {q.v.),  and  his 
conduct  in  each  exposed  him  to  great  un- 
popularity and  to  misrepresentation.     In  the 
iormer  he  was  concerned  with  many  cases  of 
criminal  libel,  such  as  those  of  Prynne  (against 
the    King    and    Queen,    in    Histriomastix), 
Leighton  (against   the   bishops  and  church 
system),  and  Prynne,  Burton,  and  Bastwick 
for  further  Ubels  against  the  Church,  and  is 
said  (though  the  evidence  is  not  complete)  to 
have  pressed  for  a  severe  sentence  on  these 
<;ivil  offences.    In  the  Court  of  High  Commis- 
sion, wliich  dealt  only  with  offences  against 
morals    and    against    church    law,    he    was 
extremely    severe    against    moral    offenders. 
The  laxity  which  had  come  into  Enghsh  life 
with  the  Reformation  needed  sharp  treatment, 
and  the  High  Commission  did  not  spare  the 
most  exalted  persons.     In  regard  to  offences 
against  the  Prayer  Book,  its  procedure  seems 
to  have  been  moderate.     The  most  stringent 
measures  were  taken  to  secure  conformity  in 
those  who  held  benefices,  but  few  seem  to  have 
been  deprived.   Laud's  determination  to  intro- 
duce order  extended  over  every  province  of 
pubhc  life  with  which  he  was  concerned.     He 
tried  to  stop  corruption  in  the  civil  service  by 
procuring  the  appointment  of  Lord  Treasurer 
for  Juxon  {q.v.)  (his  successor  as  President 
of   St.   John's  and  as  Bishop    of   London). 
He  held  a  metropoUtical  visitation,  visited 
the  cathedrals  and  the  University  of  Oxford, 
reporting    annually    on    the    state    of    his 
province   to   the   King,   and   making  every 
effort  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  canons  or 
statutes  by  which  the  clergy,  parochial  or 


cathedral,    were    bound.     He    was,    indeed, 
throughout  a  practical  reformer,  seeking  to 
make  the  Church  effective  in  its  work  and 
loyal   to   its   standards.     Thus   he   got   the 
King  in  1633  to  urge  the  bishops  to  ordain 
only  those  who  had  definite  cures  or  titles — 
an  attempt  to  stop  a  pre-Reformation  abuse; 
and  urged  everywhere  the  placing  of  altars 
at  the  east  end  of    the  churches,  severely 
reprehending    Bishop  Wilhams's  book,   The 
Holy   Table,   Name   and    Thing,  which   had 
upheld  a  different  practice.     His  activities 
were  not  Umited  to  his  political  and  rehgious 
duties  in  England.     He  corresponded  with 
foreign  Protestants,  welcoming  pohtical  alli- 
ance, but  showing  no  desire  to  admit  inter- 
communion mth  non-episcopal  bodies.     He 
endeavoured   to    provide   a   bishop   for   the 
British  dominions  in  the  New  World,  but  the 
matter  was  not  carried  through  before  his 
fall.     He  supported  the  restored  episcopacy 
of  Scotland,  went  with  Charles  to  Edinburgh, 
and  took  care  for  the  restoration  of  churches 
and  of  parocMal  endowments,  and  assisted 
the  bishops  in  the  issue  of  a  new  Prayer  Book 
containing  the  '  Scottish  Communion  Office,' 
1637.     In  Ireland  he  cordially  supported  his 
friend  the  Lord  Deputy,  Thomas  Wentworth, 
Earl  of  Strafford,  agreed  with  him  against 
persecution  of  the  Romanists  and  in  excluding 
their  bishops,  and  got  the  Church  to  accept 
the  EngUsh  Articles,  as  a  clear  repudiation 
of  extreme  Calvinism.     He  took  measures  to 
bring  foreign  Protestant  settlers  to  accept 
after  the  first  generation  the  doctrine  and 
usage  of  the  national  Church,  and  he  provided 
carefuUy  for  the  spiritual  wants  of  English 
merchants  abroad.    In  fact,  he  kept  an  eye  on 
every  side  of  British  activity.  He  filled  so  large 
a  space  in  pubhc  life  that  he  could  not  fail  to 
attract  attention  overseas.     Papal  emissaries 
endeavoured  to  attract  him,  but  he  rephed 
that  Rome  must  be  other  than  she  was  before 
he  could  see  any  possibihty  of  Enghsh  re- 
union with  her ;   and  he  did  much  to  bring 
many    '  perverts '     back    to    the    Anglican 
Church.     The  Greek  Church  also  entered  into 
relations    with    him.      Lascaris,    afterwards 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  visited  him,  and 
they  discussed  hopes  of  reunion.     He  was 
indeed    by    far    the    greatest    ecclesiastical 
figure  of  his  age.     With  less  truth,  he  was 
taken  to  be  a  great  political  figure,  and  he 
was  so  closely  associated  with  the  King  that 
when  poUtical  troubles  came  to  a  crisis  he 
was  involved  in  the  King's  fall.     He  was 
indeed  almost  driven  to  take  sides  with  the 
party  of  absolutism.     His  studies  in  pohtical 
science  were  in  the  direction  of  obedience  to 
authority.     Thus  after  the  Short  Parhament 


(318) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  Histonj 


[Laud 


his  notes  show  that  he  distinctly  advised 
unconstitutional  means  of  raising  money  if 
no  others  could  be  taken.     '  Tried  all  ways, 
and  refused  all  ways.     By  the  law  of  God 
and  man  you  should  have  subsistence,  and 
lawful  to  take  it.'     From  1633  to  1638  Laud's 
measures  may  be  said  to  have  been  in  active 
progress.     From    1639    they    broke    down. 
1'he  Bishops'  War  gave  Scotland  to  Presby- 
terianism  and  utterly  routed  the  Laudian 
party   in    the   Church.     Against    his    better 
judgment  and  the  ad\ace  he  had  given  to 
Charles,  Convocation  was  prolonged  after  the 
dissolution  of  the  Short  Parliament,   1640, 
and  gave  the  King  suppUes  which  Parhament 
refused.     New  canons  were  passed,  distinctly 
anti-Roman,   but  equally  anti-Puritan   and 
anti-popular.     The  unfortunate  requirement 
of  an  oath  from  office-holders  never  to  '  con- 
sent to  alter  the  government  of  this  Church 
by  archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  archdeacons, 
etc.,'  caused  even  more  laughter  than  indigna- 
tion.    Then  the  High  Commission  Court  was 
broken  up  on  22nd  October  1640.    Within  ten 
days  the  Long  Parliament  met,  and  on  18th 
December   Laud   was   impeached.     He   was 
sent  to  the  Tower,  1st  March  1641.     He  bade 
a  pathetic  farewell  from  the  window  of  his 
prison  to  Strafford  on  12th  May,  giving  him 
his  blessing  as  he  was  led  to  the  scaffold. 
He  was  then  kept  in  prison  for  three  years 
without  trial.     On  12th  March  1644  the  few 
remaining  Lords  heard  in  Westminster  Hall 
the    charges   of   the   Commons   against   the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  as  a  traitor  to  the 
sovereign  against  whom  they  were  engaged 
in    civil   war.     The   charges   were   of    great 
width ;   everything  almost  that  he  had  done 
as  an  ecclesiastic,  and  a  good  deal  that  he 
had  not  done,  was  brought  in  evidence  that 
he  had  endeavoured  to  alter  the  constitution 
of  the  Church,  and  was  thus  a  traitor  to  the 
Crown.     He    defended   himself    with    extra- 
ordinary patience  and  acuteness.  His  counsel, 
Heam,  argued  that  no  act  alleged  fell  within 
the  statute  of  treason,  and  when  the  reply 
was  made  that  though  no   single  act  was 
definite  treason  yet  all  together  were  treason- 
able, answered :   '  This  is  the  first  time  that 
e'er  I  heard  that  a  thousand  black  rabbits 
did  make  one  black  horse.'     The  Lords,  it 
was  clear,  could  not  accept  that  view ;    no 
lawyer     could     support     it.       Then     other 
measures    were    taken.     A    mob    petitioned 
that  the  archbishop  should  be  executed,  and 
on  22nd  November  the  Commons  substituted 
for  the  impeachment   a   Bill  of   Attainder. 
After  hesitation  and  conference  the  Lords 
passed  this  on  4th  January  1645.     Not  more 
than    fourteen    peers    at    the    utmost   were 


concerned.  On  the  same  day  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  was  disestablished,  and 
the  Directory  substituted  for  it,  also  by  the 
Lords  and  Commons.  '  Thus,'  wrote  a 
member  of  the  Lower  House,  '  the  archbishop 
and  the  Prayer  Book  died  together.'  It  was 
on  10th  January  1645  that  the  arclibishop 
met  his  death  on  Tower  Hill.  In  a  touching 
speech  he  asserted  his  loyalty  to  '  the  Church 
of  England  established  by  law.'  He  was 
buried  at  All  Hallows,  Barking,  by  the  Tower. 
After  the  Restoration  his  coffin  was  exhumed, 
and  it  was  interred  under  the  altar  in  St. 
John's  College  Chapel  at  Oxford  on  24tli 
July  1663. 

Laud  was  unquestionably  the  greatest 
prelate  the  English  Church  had  produced 
since  the  Reformation.  He  was  a  theologian 
of  the  type  of  Andrewes,  a  convinced 
Anghcan,  but  a  befiever  that  Anglicanism 
was  fundamentally  Catholic.  He  has  been 
styled  a  reformer ;  and  such  he  was  in  that 
lie  desired  to  bring  back  the  Church  from 
Calvinistic  teaching,  which  seemed  to  him  to 
limit  the  love  and  mercy  of  Almighty  God. 
But  he  was  also  eminently  conservative ;  he 
strove  for  uniformity  of  usage,  but  only  in 
obedience  to  the  formularies  to  which  he  and 
the  Church  were  pledged.  Thus  he  gave  a 
coherence  to  the  Anghcan  position  which 
men  could  understand,  which  gave  Charles  a 
party  who  would  fight  and  die  for  him,  and 
enabled  the  restoration  of  the  kingship  in  1660 
to  bring  with  it  a  restoration  of  the  Church 
as  Laud  had  endeavoured  to  organise  and 
represent  it.  Personall}',  Laud  was  a  warm 
and  generous  friend,  a  tolerant  thinker,  a 
strenuous  worker,  a  bibliophile,  a  musician, 
a  lover  of  animals.  He  saw  his  own  aim  with 
unusual  clearness,  and  he  set  about  realising 
it  by  the  methods  of  an  experienced  teacher. 
But  he  was  dictatorial  and  impatient.  People 
forgot  his  real  tenderness  of  heart  in  the 
abruptness  of  his  outward  manner.  He 
saved  the  Church  of  England,  and  probably 
he  could  not  have  saved  liis  own  life  had  he 
been  ever  so  conciliatory  in  the  expression 
of  the  opinions  which  he  and  she  held.  But 
his  personal  defects  went  a  long  way  to 
condemn  him.  Clarendon,  who  greatly  ad- 
mired him,  writes :  '  He  did  court  persons 
too  Uttle,  nor  cared  to  make  his  designs  and 
purposes  appear  as  candid  as  they  were,  by 
showing  them  in  any  other  dress  than  their 
own  natural  beauty  and  roughness,  and  did 
not  consider  enough  what  men  said  or  were 
like  to  say  of  him.  If  the  faults  and  vices 
were  fit  to  be  looked  into  and  discovered, 
let  the  persons  be  who  they  would  that  were 
guilty  of  them,  they  were  sure  to  find  no 


(  319  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Layton 


connivance  of  favour  from  him.  He  intended 
the  disciphne  of  the  Church  should  be  felt 
as  well  as  spoken  of,  and  that  it  should  be 
applied  to  the  greatest  and  most  splendid 
transgressors,  as  well  as  to  the  punishment 
of  smaller  offences  and  meaner  offenders ; 
and  thereupon  called  for  or  cherished  the 
discovery  of  those  who  were  above  the  reach 
of  other  men  or  their  power  and  will  to 
chastise.'  Thus  his  honesty  was  no  small 
element  in  his  condemnation.  But  he  left 
a  school  of  devoted  admirers,  and  loyalists 
justly  regarded  him  as  a  martyr  for  the 
Church.  [w.  h.  h.] 

HeyVm,  Cypria/ii's  A ngliais;  Laud,  Works; 
S.  R.  Gardiner,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  and  in  D.N.B.  ; 
W.  H.  Hutton,  William  Loud. 

LAW,   William  (1686-1761),  was   born   at 
King's  Cliffe,  Northamptonshire,  of  a  com- 
mercial stock,  with   good   traditions  of   re- 
finement and  learning;    entered  Emmanuel 
College,  Cambridge,  as  a  Sizar  in  1705 ;  was 
elected  Fellow,  and  was  ordained  in  171 1.    He 
was  suspended  from  his  Fellowship  for  a  public 
speech  reflecting  on   the  Government,     On 
the  death  of  Anne  he  refused  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  George  i.,  and  remained  a  Non- 
juror {q.v.)  to  the  end.     In  1727  he  entered 
the  family  of  Mr.  Gibbon  of  Putney  as  tutor 
to  Edward  Gibbon,  father  of  the  historian. 
Advanced  to  the  position  of  family  friend, 
monitor,  and  general  authority,  he  remained 
there  for  twelve  years,  till  the  death  of  Mr. 
Gibbon  broke  up  the  household.     In   1740 
Law  retired  to  his  native  village,  and  there 
lived  till  his  death,  having  been  previously 
associated  for  some  years  with  two  ladies, 
Mrs.    Hutcheson   and  Miss   Hester   Gibbon, 
who    under    his    direction    founded    schools 
and  almshouses,  and  lived  a  life  of  practical 
piety  and  devotion.     It  is  doubtful  whether 
Law  ever  officiated  in  church  after  becoming 
a   Nonjuror.     His   life    was    one   of   almost 
monastic    simplicity,    regularity,    and — save 
for  the  times  when  he  threw  himself  vigor- 
ously into  controversy — of  seclusion. 

He  is  chiefly  known  as  the  author  of  the 
Serious  Call ;  as  perhaps  the  most  brilliant 
EngUsh  ecclesiastical  controversiahst ;  and  a 
mystic,  the  disciple  of  Jacob  Bohme.  The 
Serious  Call  stirred  the  hearts  of  the  two 
Wesleys  (q.v.).  Gibbon,  the  historian,  speaks 
of  it  as  'a  popular  and  powerful  book  of 
devotion '  ;  and  Dr.  Johnson  {q.v.)  as  that 
which  first  caused  him  to  think  in  earnest.  As 
controversialist  he  combated  successively  Dr. 
Hoadly  {q.v.),  who  denied  to  the  Church  all 
superhuman  origin  or  function ;  Dr.  Mande- 
viile,  who  practically  did  the  same  for  man- 


kind ;  Tindal  the  Deist,  who  exalted  a  low 
conception    of   Reason  to  be  the  rule  and 
measure  of  all  things ;  Hoadly,  who.  writing 
anonymously,  degraded  '  the  Nature  and  End 
of  the   Sacrament  of    the   Lord's  Supper '  ; 
Dr.  Trapp,  who  extolled  the  excellence  of  a 
half-hearted  devotion;   and   Dr.  Warburton 
{q.v.),  who  maintained  that  the  Mosaic  system 
and  the  Old  Testament  took  no  account  of 
man's    immortality.      As    mystic    and    con- 
structive theologian    Law  has    received  far 
less  attention  than  he  deserves.     His  great 
thesis  was  the  unalterable  love  of  God  ;  and, 
like  all  mystics,  he  rejects  absolutely  as  a 
grotesque   fable    and    invention    the   notion 
of  a  vengeance-loving  God,  and  of  a  debtor- 
and-creditor  theory  of  payment  exacted  and 
extorted  in  the  Atonement.     From  the  same 
motive,  and  in  obedience  to  his  keen  logical 
instinct,  he  absorbed  and  reproduced  in  a 
more  acceptable  form  the  teachings  of  Jacob 
Bohme,  finding  as  others  have  done,  in  the 
doctrine  of  a  primarily  perfect  Creation,  its 
necessary  shattering  into  chaos  and  warring 
elements  by  the  Fall  of  the  Angels,  and  its 
progressive  emergence  from  this  state  unto 
the  consummation  of  all  things,  an  anchor  for 
the  Christian  mind,  in  view  of  the  apparently 
blind  and  malevolent  forces  of  Nature.     The 
truly  mystical  idea  that  Self — self-will  instead 
of  God's  Will — is  the  root  of  all  sin,  and  of 
man's  apostasy  from  God,  is  very  forcibly  ex- 
pressed by  Law ;  and  by  no  one  is  the  reason- 
ableness of  redemption,  its  restoring  to  man 
exactly  that  tiling  he  had  lost,  more  lucidly 
set  forth.     The  Spirit  of  Love  and  the  Spirit 
of  Prayer  are  two  of  his  works  that  deserve 
a  far  wider  recognition  than  has  been  ac- 
corded them.     The  Way  to  Divine  Knoidedge 
and  the  Grounds  and  Reason  of  Christian  Re- 
generation will  carry  the  reader  still  further 
into  the  depths  of  his  thought ;    while  his 
polemical  works  contain  much  of  enduring 
interest.     His  Three  Letters  to  the  Bishop  of 
Bangor    (Hoadly)    are    probably    the    most 
brilliant   pamphlets   in   all   English   Church 
history.  [e.  c.  g.] 

Works;    J.     H,     Overton,     The    Life    and 
Opinions  if  the  Rev.  William  Law. 

LAYTON,  Eichard  (1500  ?-lo44),  Dean  of 
York,  and  the  chief  agent  in  the  visitation 
of  the  monasteries,  was  educated  at  Cam- 
bridge ;  seems  to  have  been  in  the  employment 
of  Wolsey  {q.v.);  held  several  preferments,  but 
lived  in  London.  He  was  employed  by 
Cromwell  {q.v.)  in  the  suppression  of  Syon, 
and  afterwards  wrote  to  him:  'You  will 
never  know  what  I  can  do  till  you  try  me.' 
On  1st  August  1535  he  began  visiting  the 


(  .320  ) 


Legates] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Legates 


smaller  monasteries  from  Evesham,  passing 
thence  to  Bath  and  the  west,  and  later  into 
Sussex.  [Monasteries,  Suppkession  of.] 
To  judge  by  his  letters  to  Cromwell,  he  was 
thoroughly  unscrupulous,  and  anxious  only 
to  please  his  employer.  Finding  that  he  had 
given  offence  by  praising  the  abbey  of 
Olastonbury,  he  wrote  an  abject  letter  of 
apology,  and  promised  not  to  offend  again. 
The  lack  of  time  alone  would  have  made  even 
a  pretence  at  an  impartial  visitation  a  farce. 
Confessions  were  extorted  by  every  kind 
of  pressure,  and  considerable  money  pay- 
ments were  taken.  In  the  same  year  he 
visited  the  northern  monasteries,  taking  those 
in  Northamptonshire,  Bedfordshire,  and 
Leicestershire  on  the  way.  He  made  him- 
self so  unpopular  that  his  execution  was 
demanded  by  the  leaders  of  the  Pilgrimage 
of  Grace  (q.v.).  He  took  part  in  the  trial  of 
Anne  Boleyn  and  the  divorce  of  Anne  of 
Cleves. 

In  1537  he  became  Rector  of  Harrow-on- 
the-Hill,  where  he  pressed  Cromwell  to  stay 
with  him  with  the  w^ords :  '  Surely  Simeon 
was  never  so  glad  to  see  Christ  his  master  as 
I  shaU  be  to  see  your  Lordship.'  He  was 
made  Dean  of  York  in  1539,  and  died  in  1544. 
After  his  death  it  was  discovered  that  he  had 
pawned  the  minster  plate.  From  his  many 
letters  which  survive  he  seems  to  have  been 
a  coarse,  foul-minded  man,  rough  and  violent 
towards  those  weaker  than  himself ;  a  supple 
time-server  to  Cromwell,  whom  he  called  his 
Maecenas  et  unicus  patronvs;  greedy  and 
unscrupulous  at  aU  times,  and  an  almost 
worthless  mtness  so  far  as  the  monasteries 
were  concerned.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Nanutims  vf  tlie  lieformatum,  C.S. ;  Letters 
on  Suppression  of  Monasteries,  C.S.  ;  Gasquet, 
Henri/  VIII.  and  the  ling.  Monnsterics. 

LEGATES,  papal  envoys  to  local  churches 
and  governments,  were  appointed  from 
early  times.  Presbyteri  a  latere  are  men- 
tioned in  a  canon  of  the  Council  of  Sardica 
(343) ;  the  apocrisiariu.s,  Avhom  the  popes 
kept  at  Constantinople  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, may  be  called  a  resident  legate.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  Church  was  visited  by  legates 
as  early  as  786,  when  the  Bishops  George 
and  Theophylact  arrived  with  commenda- 
tory letters  from  Adrian  i.  to  the  Kings  of 
^Yessex,  Mercia,  and  Northumbria.  Their 
object  was  to  obtain  the  promulgation  of 
certain  reformatory  canons,  and  these  were 
duly  approved  by  the  Mercian  and  Northum- 
brian \Vitans.  In  and  after  the  time  of 
HUdebrand  the  legatine  office  acquired  a  new 
importance.     Legates    became    the    instru- 

X  ( 


ments  through  whom  the  Pope  signified  his 
commands  to  Churches  and  sovereigns,  or  on 
occasion  interfered  directly  in  the  detail  of 
ecclesiastical  administration.     Three  kinds  of 
legatine  commission  may  be  distinguished  in 
the  mediaeval  period.     The  legatus  missus,  or 
nuncio,  was  despatched  on  a  special  mission 
with  limited  powers.     To  this  class  belonged 
some  of  the  papal  tax  collectors  who  visited 
England  under  Henry  in.  and  Edward  i^; 
as,  for  instance,  William  Testa,  appointed  in 
1306  to  administer  the  vacant  see  of  Canter- 
burj^     Testa  was  summoned  before  Parlia- 
ment, compelled  to  refund  the  money  which 
he  had  collected,  and  forbidden  to  continue 
his  exactions.    The  legatus  natus,  or  perpetual 
legate,    held   liis    commission    by   virtue   of 
occupying    some    privileged    episcopal    see. 
He  was  empowered  in  general  terms  to  visit 
and  reform  the  Churches  placed  beneath  his 
jurisdiction.     A  commission  of  this  kind  was 
obtained  in  1126  by  WiUiam  of  Corbeil,  then 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.     It  was  a  personal 
grant,  which  expired  with  his  death.     The 
nest  English  legate  of  this  type  was  Henry  of 
Blois  iq.v.),  Avho  held  the  office  in  1139-43. 
But  Archbishop  Theobald  subsequently  re- 
ceived it  (c.  1150),  and  it  was  granted,  though 
sometimes  after  a  long  delay,  to  his  successors, 
Becket  {q.v.),  Richard,  Baldwin,  and  Hubert 
Walter  {q.v.).    Stephen  Langton  {q.v.)  did  not 
obtain  it  until  he  made  a  special  journey  to 
Rome  for  the  purpose  in  1220.     But  from  his 
time  until  Cranmer  in  1534  renounced  the 
title  (WUkins,  Concilia,  iii.  769),  the  commis- 
sion was  regularly  granted  to  the  archbishops 
of  Canterbury.     It  was  also  granted  to  the 
archbishops    of    York    from    1352    onwards. 
But  the  legati  nati  were  liable  to  be  tempor- 
arily superseded  by  a  legate  sent  from  Rome. 
The  legatus  a  latere  was  a  papal  plenipotenti- 
ary, and  his  mandates  could  only  be  resisted 
by  an  appeal  to  the  Pope.  He  was  usually  sent 
to  hold  a  council  of  the  national  Church,  or 
to  transact  political  business  of  exceptional 
importance.    Of  legatine  councils  held  in  Eng- 
land the  most  noteworthy  are  :    (1)  that  of 
1071,  held  by  Ermenfrid  of  Sion  to  depose 
Bishop  Aethehic  of  Selsey.      This  was  held 
at  the  instance  of  William  i.,  w^ho  had,  how- 
ever,  reserved  the  more  important  case  of 
Archbishop  Stigand  to  be  heard  in  the  Great 
Council ;     (2)  the    Council    of    Westminster 
(1125),  held  by  the  notorious  Cardinal  John  of 
Crema  to  enact  reforming  decrees  (given  by 
Florence  of  Worcester's  continuator,  s.a.) ; 
(3)  the  Council  of  St.  Paul's,  held  by  Cardinal 
Otho  in   1237  ;    and  (4)  the  CouncU  of  St. 
Paul's,  held  by  Cardinal  Ottobuoni  in  1268. 
The  constitutions   passed   in    the  two  last- 


321 


Legh] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Lichfield 


named  assemblies  were  of  considerable  im-  ] 
portance,  and  are  commonly  cited  as  the  j 
Constitutions  of  Otho  and  Ottobon.  They 
relate  more  particularly  to  pluralities,  the 
enforcement  of  clerical  celibacy,  the  farming 
of  benefices,  and  the  procedure  of  courts 
christian.  The  practice  of  sending  legates 
a  latere  was  resented  by  the  Enghsh  arch- 
bishops, who  claimed  for  themselves  the 
exclusive  exercise  of  legatine  authority  in  the 
EngUsh  Churck  The  attitude  of  the  Crown 
on  the  subject  was  fluctuating.  Henry  i. 
obtained  from  Calixtus  ii.  a  promise  that  no 
legate  should  be  sent  to  England  -oithout  the 
royal  assent.  But  the  promise  was  broken 
even  by  the  Pope  who  gave  it ;  and  although 
Henry  i.  claimed  the  right  of  excluding 
uninvited  legates,  it  was  rarely  exercised 
either  in  his  time  or  afterwards.  Legates 
were  occasional!}^  invited  for  pohtical  pur- 
poses by  John,  by  Henry  in.,  and  even  by 
Edward  i.  Of  those  who  interfered  in 
political  affairs  the  most  important  are : 
Gualo  (1216-18),  who  was  sent  to  check 
the  invasion  of  England  by  the  French  Prince 
Louis,  and  remained  as  guardian  of  the  infant 
Henry  m.  ;  Pandulf  {q.v.)  (1218-21),  who 
claimed  supreme  power  in  the  Regency,  till  re- 
called at  the  request  of  Stephen  Langton ;  and 
Ottobuoni  (1265-8),  who  mediated  between 
Henry  m.  and  the  defeated  Montfortians. 
Of  English  legates  the  most  remarkable  is 
Cardinal  Wolsey  (q.v.)  who  was  created  lega- 
tus  a  latere  jointly  with  Campeggio  (q.v.)  in 
1518  to  preach  a  crusade,  but  was  continued 
in  the  office,  from  1519  onwards,  with  large 
powers  for  the  visitation  of  the  monasteries. 
In  1554  Cardinal  Pole  (q.v.)  came  to  Eng- 
land as  legate  to  effect  the  reconciliation  of 
the  EngUsh  Church  with  Rome,  and  remained 
to  direct  Mary's  poUcy.  His  special  com- 
mission was  cancelled  in  1557  by  Paul  iv., 
though  he  was  allowed,  as  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  to  retain  the  rank  of  legaius 
natus.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  stiU 
retains  a  fragment  of  his  legatine  power  in  his 
right  to  grant  degrees,  such  degrees  being — 
before  the  breach  with  Rome — degrees  in  the 
University  attached  to  the  papal  court. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Stubbs,  C.H.,    xix.  ;    G.   Phillips,    Kirchen-' 
recht,  vol.  vi. 

LEGH,  Sir  Thomas  (d.  1545),  probably  a 
member  of  the  Cheshire  family  of  Legh,  was 
one  of  the  two  principal  agents  in  the  visi- 
tation of  the  monasteries  [Monastebies, 
Suppression  of].  He  became  an  advocate 
in  1531,  and  went  as  ambassador  to  Denmark, 
1532,  when  he  was  described  by  Chapuys  as 


'  a  doctor  of  low  quality.'  In  1535  Layton 
[q.v.)  wrote  to  Cromwell  to  ask  that  he  and 
Legh  might  be  appointed  to  visit  the  northern 
monasteries ;  he  was  first  sent  with  John 
ap  Rice  to  Worcester,  Malvern,  and  other 
places  in  the  west  and  south.  He  wrote  to 
Cromwell  to  complain  of  Layton's  leniency, 
but  was  himself  complained  of  by  ap  Rice, 
who  declared  '  that  he  was  too  insolent 
and  pompatique  ' ;  '  handleth  the  fathers 
very  roughlj','  was  '  satrapique,'  of  intolerable 
elation  of  mind,  and  extortionate  in  his 
pecuniary  exactions.  He  wished  this  informa- 
tion to  be  kept  secret  from  Legh,  as  otherwise 
he  feared  '  irrecoverable  harm  from  Legh's 
rufflers  and  serving  men.' 

Legh  then  made  a  visitation  in  the  eastern 
counties,  joined  Layton  at  Lichfield,  and 
accompanied  him  on  his  northern  tour. 
He  was  so  unpopular  in  the  north  that  his 
cook  was  hanged,  as  he  was  out  of  reach 
himself.  The  plan  of  action  was  to  extort 
confessions  when  possible ;  faihng  that  to 
accept  any  report  adverse  to  tlie  monks 
without  allowing  time  for  investigation,  and 
to  make  the  conditions  of  life  as  odious  as 
possible  by  enforcing  obsolete  statutes,  by 
pecuniary  exactions,  and  in  other  ways  to 
persuade  the  religious  that  their  wisest  course 
was  to  surrender  their  house.  For  the 
province  of  York  and  the  diocese  of  Coventry 
and  Lichfield  Legh  and  his  colleagues  made 
up  a  list  of  enormities  of  appaUing  foulness. 
No  credence  can  be  placed  in  these  '  com- 
perts.'  Many  of  the  houses,  painted  most 
blackly,  were  afterwards  weU  reported  on 
by  the  neighbouring  gentr3%  and  in  the  Act 
for  suppressing  the  smaller  monasteries 
(27  Hen.  viii.  c.  28)  the  preamble  expressly 
thanks  God  that  in  the  larger  houses  re- 
hgion  was  '  right  well  kept  and  observed.' 
\\'hen  the  preamble  was  drawn  up  the  King 
and  his  advisers  possiblj^  had  before  them  the 
'  comperts  '  in  which  the  larger  monasteries 
are  traduced  as  well  as  the  small. 

Legh  became  rich  by  the  acquisition  of 
monastic  and  other  Church  property,  was 
knighted  in  1544,  and  died,  1545.  He  seems 
to  have  been  a  greedy,  unscrupulous  man, 
subservient  to  his  employers,  and  was  '  one  of 
the  vilest  instruments  that  Henry  ever  used  ' 
(Dixon).  [c.  P.  s.  c] 

For  autliorities  see  Layton. 

LICHFIELD,  See  of,  represents  the  seventh- 
century  Mercian  see,  which  has  sometimes 
been  thought  to  be  a  survival  of  a  British 
see.  Peada,  sub-King  of  the  Middle  Angles, 
was  baptized,  653,  by  Bishop  Finan  of  Lindis- 
farne,   who  in   656  consecrated  Diuma,  an. 


(  322  ) 


Lichfield] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  llidorfi 


[Lichfield 


Irishman.  Bishop  of  the  Middle  Angles. 
He  was  followed  by  several  bishops  of 
Scotic  consecration,  but  the  diocese  reveres 
the  name  and  memory  of  St.  Chad  {q.v.), 
who  made  Lichfield  his  episcopal  see.  It 
was  now  conterminous  with  the  kingdom  of 
Mercia,  covering  practically  the  whole  of 
the  Midlands  from  the  Humbcr  to  the  Wye, 
and  stretching  south  nearly  to  London. 
Under  Bishop  Seaxwulf  this  huge  area  was 
divided  and  sees  were  formed,  at  Lichfield 
for  the  Mercians,  Leicester  for  the  Middle 
Angles,  Sidnacester  for  Lindsey,  Worcester 
for  the  Hwiccians,  Hereford  for  the  Hecanas, 
and  possibly  also  Dorchester  for  the  South 
Angles.  Bishops  Headda  and  Ealdwine  held 
Lichfield  and  Leicester  together,  but  from 
about  737  they  were  again  separated. 

Offa  (757-796)  raised  the  Mercian  kingdom 
to  the  height  of  its  power.  He  took  advant- 
age of  his  overlordship  to  constitute  Lich- 
field an  archiepiscopal  see.  At  the  Synod  of 
Cealchythe  (Chelsea,  near  Leighton  Buzzard) 
in  7S5"  Jaenbyrht  of  Canterbury  was  forced 
to  give  up  some  portion  of  his  province. 
0£Ea  was  supported  by  Pope  Adrian  i.,  and 
Hygebeorht  was  appointed  by  Offa.  Adrian, 
fearing  that  Offa  would  set  up  a  rival  papacy, 
perhaps  at  Canterbury,  acceded  to  Offa's 
request,  thus  flattering  the  pride  of  Lichfield, 
which  could  never  be  looked  on  as  a  rival  to 
Rome,  and  at  the  same  time  humbling  that 
of  Canterbury.  Hygebeorht  signs  as  arch- 
bishop several  times  between  786  and  801. 

Ofia  and  Ecgferth,  his  son  and  successor, 
died  in  796.  Coenwulf,  a  distant  cousin, 
succeeded  (796-821).  He  decided  on  the 
advice  of  his  bishops  to  restore  the  see  of 
Canterbury  to  its  former  dignity.  Alcuin 
in  a  letter  to  Aethelheard,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  in  797  begs  that  Hygebeorht  of 
Lichfield  be  not  deprived  of  his  paU  during 
his  Ufetime,  but  says  that  the  consecration 
of  bishops  must  come  back  to  the  holy  and 
primatial  see. 

The  diocese  of  Lichfield  now  embraced 
roughly  Staffordshire,  Cheshire,  Lancashire, 
Shropshire,  Warwickshire,  and  Derbyshire. 
The  see  was  removed  from  Lichfield  to  Chester 
by  Bishop  Peter  in  1075.  His  successor, 
Robert  de  Limesey,  removed  it  to  Coventry 
in  1095.  The  bishops  held  the  title  some- 
times of  Chester,  some.times  of  Coventry, 
and  later  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield.  But 
Liclifield  seems  to  have  been  throughout 
the  real  centre  of  episcopal  life  and  work. 
In  1541  the  bishopric  of  Chester  {q.v.)  was 
formed,  and  the  countj^  and  archdeaconry 
of  that  name  taken  from  Lichfield.  At  the 
Restoration,   Bishop  Hacket  took  the  title 


Lichfield  and  Coventry.  By  Order  in  Council, 
22nd  December  1836,  the  archdeaconry  of 
Coventry,  covering  the  greater  part  of 
Warwickshire,  was  cut  off  and  given  to 
Worcester.  Bishop  Butler  and  his  successors 
have  been  Bishops  of  Lichfield.  By  Order  in 
Council,  19th  December  1846,  the  deanery  of 
Bridgnorth  was  added  to  Hereford.  The 
archdeaconry  of  Derby  was  separated  in 
1884  to  form  part  of  the  new  diocese  of 
Southwell  {q.v.).  The  diocese  contains 
1,174,196  acres,  and  has  a  population  of 
1,222,312.  It  is  divided  into  the  arch- 
deaconries of  Stafford  (first  mentioned, 
c.  1135),  Salop  (first  mentioned,  1083),  and 
Stoke  (created  1877).  A  bishop  suffragan  of 
Shrewsbury  was  consecrated  in  1537  under 
26  Hen.  viii.  c.  14,  but  did  not  work  in  the 
diocese.  There  was  a  suffragan  with  the 
same  title,  1888-1905,  and  since  1909  there 
has  been  a  bishop  suftragan  of  Stafford. 

The  revenue  of  the  see  in  1182  was  £165 
(W.  Salt,  Coll.,  i.  109-10);  the  Taxalio  of 
1291  estimates  it  at  £349,  2s.  lOd.  In  1468 
it  was  £984,  13s.  l|d.  The  Valor  Ecdesi- 
asticus,  1534,  estimates  it  at  £703,  5s.  2d. 
Ecton  (1711)  gives  the  value  as  £559, 17s.  3|d. 
In  1806  it  was  £559,  17s.  3d.,  and  by  the 
Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  it  has  been 
fixed  at  £4200. 

Bishop  Aethelwald  is  said  to  have  instituted 
a  body  of  twenty  secular  canons  at  Lichfield 
in  822.  The  number  of  prebends  was  in- 
creased in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries 
to  thirty-one,  of  which  two  were  suspended 
by  the  Cathedi-als  Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113), 
since  when  there  have  been  four  canons 
residentiary,  three  of  whom  hold  the  offices 
of  precentor  (which  dates  from  the  twelfth 
century),  treasurer  (first  mentioned,  1140), 
and  chancellor  (first  mentioned,  1223). 

The  church  traditionally  ascribed  to 
Jaruman,  and  dedicated  by  Headda,  700,  was 
probably  that  of  St.  Peter,  to  which  the  body 
of  St.  Chad  was  translated  before  731.  No 
trace  of  it  remains,  but  the  foundations  of 
the  Norma  n  cathedral  of  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries  still  exist.  The  present 
cathedral,  dedicated  to  St.  Mary  and  St.  Chad, 
is  Early  EngHsh  and  Early  Decorated,  and 
dates  chiefly  from  the  thirteenth  century. 
Its  warm,  soft  colour  is  due  to  the  New  Red 
Sandstone  of  the  Hopwas  and  Lichfield 
quarries.  The  western  spire  was  built, 
c.  1350.  The  cathedral  was  wrecked  by  the 
Puritans,  1643 ;  restored  by  Bishop  Hacket. 
who  built  the  central  spire ;  and  was  reconse- 
crated, 24th  December  1669.  It  was  restored, 
1788-1822,  and  under  Sir  Gilbert  Scott  in 
'    the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


(  323  ) 


Lichfield] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Lichfield 


List  of  Bishops 


9. 
10. 
12. 
13. 


14. 


15. 


16. 
17. 


23, 


24. 
25, 

26, 

27, 


Diuma,  656 ;    cons,  by  Finan  of  Lindis- 

farne ;  d.  658. 
Ceollach,  c.  658  ;  Irish  ;  cons,  by  Finan  ; 

returned  to  Zona. 
Trumhere,  c.  658 ;   akin  to  royal  house 
of    Deira ;     cons,    by    Irish    bishops ; 
probably  Avithdrew  in  659. 
Jaruman,  662 ;  built  church  in  the  Close, 
666  ;  sent  at  head  of  a  mission  to  Essex 
to  restore  Christianity  ;  d.  667. 
Ceadda  (St.  Chad)  {q.v.),  669. 
Wynfrith,    672 ;     deacon   to   St.    Chad ; 

dep.  by  Theodore,  675. 
Seaxwulf,    675 ;    first   Abbot   of    Peter- 
borough,     c.      664-675 ;       encouraged 
growth  of  monasticism  ;  d.  691. 
Headda,  c.  691 ;    dedicated  cathedral  of 

Lichfield,  700. 
Ealdwine  (Wor),  c,  721  (?  715) ;  d.  737. 
HAvitta,  737.  11.  Hemele,  752. 

CHithfrith,  765. 

Beorhthun,  c.  768.     Kent  recovered  by 
Ofia  in  775  ;  this  led  to  overshadowing 
of  the  see  of  Canterbury. 
Hygebeorht,  779  ;    Bishop  of  Lichfield, 

779-785;  Archbishop,  7 85-c.  802. 
Ealdwulf,  c.  803 ;  by  consent  of  King 
and  b}'  authority  of  Leo  in.  renounced 
archiepiscopate,  and  at  Synod  of  Clove- 
sho,  803,  signed  as  Bishop  of  Lichfield. 
Herewine,  c.  815. 

Aethelwald,  818  ;    in  822  instituted  the 
canons  of  Lichfield  under  the  provost, 
Hwitta;  eleven  priests  and  nine  deacons; 
d.  828. 
Hunbeorht,  828.      20.  Tunbeorht,  c.  843. 
Cynebeorht,c.833.  21.  Eadbeald,i  c.  860. 
Eadbeorht,^  c.  869.     The  silence  of  the 
register  tells  of  the  wreckage  wrought 
by  the  Danes. 
Wulfred,^  c.  877.     In  878  AeKred  made 
Aethelred  ealdorman  of  the  Mercians. 
Wulfred  probably  made  bishop  at  same 
time.     ]\Iercia  alone  preserved  remains 
of    old    learning.     In    895    the    Danes 
crossed  Mercia  to  Chester. 
,  Wigmund,!  c.  895. 
,  Aelfwine  (Ella),  c.  910.     The  succession 

in  the  lists  recovered. 
.  Aelfgar  (Wulfgar),  c.  937. 
■  Cynesige,  949.     This  may  have  been  the 
occasion  of  the  gift  or  recovery  of  the 
Codex  of    St.    Chad's    Gospel    to    the 
cathedral   of   Lichfield.     The   note   on 
the    title-page     reads :      '  Kynsy     (or 
Wynsy)  Praesul.'     The  title  '  Praesul ' 
is  not  usual.     It  may  have  been  assumed 
1  Not  ill  old  episcopal  lists. 


by  Cynesige  in  connection  with  the 
recoverv  of  Mercian  independence. 

28.  AVjmsige,'  c.  963.     30.  Godwine,  c.  1003. 

29.  Aelfheah.  973.        31.  Leofgar,  1020. 

32.  Beorhtmaer,  1026 ;  d.  1039. 

33.  Wulfsige,  1039.     In  1043  the  nuns  turned 

out  of  Coventry  and  monks  established 
xinder  Abbot  Leofwine  ;  d.  1053. 

34.  LeofA\ine,    1053 ;     Abbot    of    Coventry, 

1043-1053;  cons,  abroad;  d.  1067. 
See  vacant,  1067-1072.  Staffordshire 
in  rebeUion  in  1069.  William  wasted 
the  country.  In  1070  he  built  castles 
at  Stafford  and  Chester.  [The  bishops 
from973  to  1067  appear  from  their  names 
to  be  related  to  the  Mercian  houses.] 

35.  Peter,    1072 ;     cons,   by  Lanfranc ;     re- 

moved see  to  Chester,  1075,  partW  from 
wasted  condition  of  Staffordshire,  partly 
for  safety. 

36.  Robert  do  Limesey,  1085 ;    chaplain  to 

William  I.  ;  removed  see  to  Coventry', 
1102  ;   d.  1117.    See  vacant  till  1121. 

37.  Robert  Peche,  1121  ;   chaplain  to  Henry 

I. ;  began  work  of  restoration  at  Lich- 
field ;  d.  1127.  See  vacant,  1127-1129. 
Farmed  during  vacancy  by  Geoffrey  de 
Chnton,  the  Chancellor. 

38.  Roger    de    Chnton,    1129;     nephew    of 

Geoffrey  de  Clinton;  ordained  priest, 
21st  December  1129 ;  cons.,  22nd 
December  1129,  by  Archbishop  Wilham; 
encouraged  foundation  of  rehgious 
houses,  and  himself  founded  Benedictine 
nunnery  at  Farewell  in  1140,  and  Cis- 
tercian house  at  Buildwas  in  1135 ; 
restored  the  cathedi-al  at  Lichfield, 
increased  the  number  of  prebends, 
fortified  the  castle,  and  entrenched  the 
city;  he  took  the  cross  in  1147,  and 
d.  at  Antioch  in  1148.  [The  three 
bishops  from  1085  to  1148  were  all 
chosen  from  the  families  of  Mercian 
landowners.] 

39.  Walter  Durdent.  1149.    The  King  granted 

right  of  election  for  first  time  to  monks 
of  Coventry  and  canons  of  Lichfield. 
They  failed  to  agree,  and  ffing  ap- 
pointed Walter  Durdent  Prior  of  Canter- 
bury ;   d.  1159.     See  vacant  till  1161. 

40.  Richard    Peche,    1161  ;     son    of    thirty- 

seventh  bishop  ;  Archdeacon  of  Chester, 
1125  ;  Archdeacon  of  Coventry,  1126- 
1161  ;  elected  by  chapters  of  Coventry 
and  Lichfield ;  increased  endowment 
of  deanery  and  communitj'  of  Lichfield  ; 
founded  St.  Thomas's,  Stafford ;  re- 
tired there  on  pension,  Michaelmas, 
1182;  d.  6th  October  1182.  Thomas 
Noel  held  rents  during  vacancy. 


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41.  Gerard  la  Pucelle,  1183 ;    chaplain  and 

legal  adviser  to  Richard,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury ;  Canon  of  St.  Thomas's, 
Stafford ;  elected  by  chapters  of 
Coventry  and  Lichfield  :  d.  at  Lichfield, 
perhaps  by  poison,  13th  January  1184. 

42.  Hugo    de    Nonant,     1188 ;    nominated, 

January  1185  ;  received  temporalities, 
1184;  cons.  1188;  expelled  monks  from 
Coventry,  1190;  SheriSof  Staffordshire, 
1190-1194;  forfeited  temporalities,  c. 
1196;  monks  of  Coventry  restored, 
1197;  d.  1198. 

43.  Geoffrey    de    Muschamp,    1198;     Arch- 

deacon of  Cleveland,  1194-1198  ;  elected 
by  chapters  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield 
on  nomination  of  Ai'chbishop  Hubert ; 
d.  1208 ;  buried  during  interdict.  See 
vacant,  1208-1214. 

44.  Wilham    de    Cornhill,    1215 ;     disputed 

election  ;  monks  of  Coventry  elected 
Prior  Josbert,  1208  ;  canons  of  Lich- 
field elected  Walter  de  Gray,  1210 ; 
Pandulf  {q.v.)  cancelled  both,  and  by 
his  advice  both  chapters  elected  William 
de  Cornhill  Archdeacon  of  Huntingdon ; 
appointed  receiver  of  forfeited  church 
property  in  1208 ;  royal  assent,  6th 
August  1214 ;  cons,  at  Reading,  25th 
January  1215  ;  gave  canons  of  Lichfield 
right  to  elect  dean  ;   d.  1223. 

45.  Alexander  de  Stavenby,  1224  (P.);  pro- 

vided by  Honorius  iii.  on  appeal  after 
disputed  election ;  ordained  priest, 
Easter  Eve,  1224 ;  cons,  at  Rome, 
Easter  Day,  14th  April  1224;  in  1228 
Gregory  ix.  ordered  that  elections 
should  be  made  by  the  united  chapters 
at  Coventry  and  Lichfield  alternately ; 
restored  and  endowed  church  at  Lich- 
field ;  founded  Franciscan  house  at 
Lichfield ;   d.  1238. 

46.  Hugh  de  Pateshull,  1240 ;    Canon  of  St. 

Paul's ;  Clerk  of  the  Exchequer ; 
Treasurer  of  England,  1234  ;    d.  1241. 

47.  Roger  de  Weseham,  1245  (P.)  ;   Dean  of 

Lincoln;  pro\ided  by  Innocent  iv. 
on  nomination  of  Grosseteste  [q.v.) ; 
monks  of  Coventry  and  canons  of 
Lichfield  agreed  in  1255  that  the 
greater  chapter  for  election  of  bishop 
consist  of  equal  number  from  each 
chapter  ;   res.  1256  ;   d.  1257. 

48.  Roger   de   Meyland   (Longespee),    1258 ; 

son  of  WiUiam  of  Longespee,  Earl  of 
Salisbury  ;  Canon  of  Lichfield  ;  ignorant 
of  English,  and  lived  abroad ;  admon- 
ished by  Archbishop  Peckham  {q.v.)  to 
reside,  1282 ;  in  1284  Archdeacon  of 
Derby  made  coadjutor  ;  d.  1295. 


49.  Walter    de    Langton,    1296;     Dean    of 

Bruges ;  Canon  of  Lichfield ;  Treasurer 
of  England,  1295-1307  ;  trusted  coun- 
sellor of  Edward  i. ;  on  an  embassy  when 
elected  ;  imprisoned  under  Edward  ii.  ; 
built  new  palace  in  the  Close,  made 
shrine  for  St.  Chad,  rebuilt  Eccleshall 
Castle;  paved  streets  of  Lichfield;  d. 
1321. 

50.  Roger  de  Norbury,  1322  (P.) ;    Canon  of 

Lincoln,  1316;  Chancellor  of  Cambridge 
University,  1321  ;  Treasurer  of  Eng- 
land, 1327  ;  tr.  body  of  Bishop  Langton 
to  tomb  on  south  of  altar  ;  d.  1359. 

51.  Robert  de  Stretton,  1360  ;    chaplain  to 

Black  Prince;  became  blind  in  1381; 
restored  shrine  of  St.  Chad ;  d.  1385. 

52.  Walter  Skirlaw,  1386  (P.) ;    tr.  to  Bath, 

1386. 

53.  Richard  Scrope  [q.v.),  1386  (P.) ;    tr.  to 

York,  1398  ;    buried  at  Lichfield. 

54.  John    Brughill,     1398;     tr.     (P.)    from 

Llandaff ;  Dominican  confessor  to 
Richard  n. ;  enthroned  at  Lichfield, 
8th  September  1398 ;  Richard  it. 
present,  and  held  a  feast  in  bishop's 
palace ;  by  his  will  house  built  for  the 
chantry  priests  ;   d.  1414. 

55.  John    Catterick,    1415;     tr.    (P.)    from 

St.  David's ;  tr.  to  Exeter,  1419 ;  one 
of  thirty  electors  of  Martin  v.  in  Council 
of  Constance,  11th  November  1417. 

56.  William  Hey  worth,  1420  (P.) ;   Abbot  of 

St.  Alban's  ;  gave  land  in  Bacon  Street 
to  sacrists  and  St.  Mary's  Guild  in 
city  for  the  rent  of  a  rose  on  Midsummer 
Day ;  this  the  old  foundation  of 
Milley's  Hospital ;  d.  1446. 

57.  WiUiam  Booth,  1447  (P.);  tr.  to  York,  1452. 

58.  Nicolas    Close,     1452;      tr.     (P.)    from 

Carlisle ;       Chancellor     of     Cambridge 
University,  1450  ;   d.  1452. 
69.  Reginald   Bolars,    1453;     tr.    (P.)   from 
Hereford ;   d.  1459. 

60.  John    Hales,    1459 ;     Provost   of    Oriel, 

1446 ;  built  canons'  houses  in  west  of 
Close;  gathered  round  him  a  group  of 
great  men :  Thomas  HejTV'ood,  builder 
of  the  Ubrary,  dean,  1457-1492  ;  John 
Morton  {q.v.).  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
burj%  Archdeacon  of  Chester,  1474- 
1478 ;  Nicolas  West,  Bishop  of  Ely, 
Archdeacon  of  Derbv,  1486-1515;  d. 
1490.     See  vacant,  1491-1492. 

61.  WilHam  Smith,  1493  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Lincoln, 

1495;  Dean  of  Chapel  Royal,  St. 
Stephen's,  Westminster ;  founded 
Grammar  School  at  Lichfield,  1495. 

62.  John  Arundel,  1496  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Exeter, 

1502. 


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63.  Geoffrey  Blythe,  1503  (P.) ;  Dean  of  York, 

149S  ;  President  of  Council  of  Wales, 
1512 ;  opened  aqueduct  in  Close ; 
d.  1533. 

64.  Rowland    Lee,    1534  ;     comni.  -  gen.    to 

Wolsey  in  Visitation  of  1529  ;  President 
of  Council  of  Wales,  1534-1543;  in 
1539  shrine  of  St.  Chad  granted  to  use 
of  cathedral  church ;  failed  to  save 
cathedral  priory  of  Coventry  from 
destruction  ;   d.  1543. 

65.  Richard     Sampson,     1543 ;      tr.     from 

Chichester ;  President  of  Council  of 
Wales,  1543-1548 ;  conservative  in 
church  matters  ;   d.  1554. 

66.  Ralph  BajTie,  1554  ;  repaired  cathedral ; 

refused  oath  to  Elizabeth ;  depr. 
1559  ;   d.  at  Islington,  1559. 

67.  Thomas  Bentham,    1559 ;    had  been  in 

exile  in  Zurich  and  Basel  ;  d.  1579. 

68.  WiUiam  Overton,  1580 ;   d.  1609. 

69.  George  Abbot   [q.v.),  1609;    tr.  to  Lon- 

don, 1610. 

70.  Richard  Neile,  1610  ;  tr.  from  Rochester ; 

tr.  to  Lincoln,  1613. 

71.  John  Overall    [q.v.),   1614;    tr.  to  Nor- 

wich, 1618. 

72.  Thomas  Morton,  1619  ;  tr.  from  Chester; 

tr.  to  Durham,  1632. 

73.  Robert  Wright,  1632  ;    tr.  from  Bristol ; 

first  Warden  of  Wadham  College,  Ox- 
ford ;  committed  to  the  Tower,  1641  ; 
held  Eccleshall  Castle  for  the  King, 
1642 ;   d.  1643. 

74.  Accepted  Frewen,    1644 ;     tr.   to   York, 

1660. 

75.  John  Hacket  {q.v.),  1661  ;   d.  1670. 

76.  Thomas  Wood,  1671  ;   Dean  of  Lichfield, 

1664-1671  ;  excommunicated  by  Bishop 
Hacket,  1667 ;  suspended  for  non- 
residence  and  scandalous  Uving,  1685 ; 
the  bishop's  palace  built  as  fine  for 
waste  of  revenues ;  left  £20,000  for 
hospital  for  old  men,  and  £14,000  to 
Oxford  University ;  retired  to  Astrop- 
Wells,  1690  ;   d.  1692,  aged  85. 

77.  WiUiam  Lloyd,  1692  ;    tr.  to  Worcester, 

1699. 

78.  John  Hough,   1699;    tr.   from  Oxford; 

tr.  to  Worcester,  1717. 
/9.  Edward  Chandler,  1717  ;  tr.  to  Durham, 
1730. 

80.  Richard    Sraalbrooke,    1731  ;     tr.    from 

St.  David's  ;  charge  of,  1746  :  '  Method- 
ism akin  to  Romanism  '  ;  d.  1749. 

81.  The  Honble.  Frederick  Cornwallis,  1750; 

Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  1766-1768;  tr.  to 
Canterbury,  1768. 

82.  John  Egerton,  1768;    tr.  from  Bangor; 

tr.  to  Durham,  1771. 


83.  BroAvnlow    North,    1771 ;     tr.    to    Win- 

chester, 1774. 

84.  Richard  Hurd,  1775 ;    tr.  to  Worcester. 

1781. 

85.  James,    fourth    Earl    CornwaUis,    1781 ; 

Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford ; 
Dean  of  Canterbury,  1775 ;  of  Windsor, 
1791  ;  of  Durham,  1794  ;   d.  1824. 

86.  Henry  Ryder,  1824;  tr.  from  Gloucester ; 

the  first  Evangelical  to  receive  an 
English  bishopric ;  great  promoter  of 
church  work  and  church  building  in 
the  diocese ;  d.  1836. 

87.  Samuel    Butler,    1836;    Headmaster    of 

Shrewsbury  School,  1798-1836;  he 
carried  forward  Bishop  Ryder's  work 
of  organisation;  received  the  title  of 
Bishop  of  Lichfield  ;  d.  1839. 

88.  James  Bowstead,  1840 ;    tr.  from  Sodor 

and  Man ;  fostered  Bishop  Ryder's 
work  of  church  extension ;  drew  up 
rules  for  rural  deans  ;  d.  1843. 

89.  John    Lonsdale,    1843 ;     Canon    of    St. 

Paul's ;  Provost  of  Eton ;  Principal  of 
King's  College,  London ;  Archdeacon 
of  Middlesex  ;  Theological  College  at 
Lichfield  founded,  1857  ;  churches  re- 
stored ;  the  last  bishop  to  reside  at 
Eccleshall  Castle  ;  d.  1867. 

90.  George   Augustus    Selwyn    {q.v.),   1867 ; 

tr.  from  New  Zealand  ;   d.  1878. 

91.  William  Dalrymple  Maclagan,  1878 ;  tr. 

to  York,  1891. 

92.  Honble.  Augustus  Legge,  1891 ;  Vicar  of 

Lewisham,  1879.  [t.  b.] 

Thomas  of  Chesterfield,  c.  1350 ;  Harwood, 
Hist,  and  Antiquities  of  Lichfield;  Beresford, 
Dio.  Hist.  ;  Stubbs,  Registrum. 

LIDDON,  Henry  Parry  (1829-90),  divine, 
son  of  a  captain  in  the  Royal  Navy,  was 
educated  at  King's  College  School,  London 
(where,  as  his  contemporaries  remarked,  he 
never  was  the  least  hke  a  schoolboy,  but  was 
studious,  grave,  thoughtful,  and  devout).  At 
Christ  Church,  Oxford,  where  he  matricu- 
lated, June  1846,  he  was  as  unlike  the  ordinary 
undergraduate  as  he  had  been  unlike  the 
ordinary  schoolboy.  He  led  a  secluded  and 
studious  life  with  a  handful  of  like-minded 
companions,  and  fell  early  under  the  influence 
of  Dr.  Pusey  {q.v.).  His  early  training  had 
been  Evangelical ;  but  now  he  adopted  the 
CathoHc  position  eagerly,  and  began  to 
regulate  his  life  in  accordance  with  its  rules. 
In  1850,  being  only  twenty-one,  and  having 
to  compete  with  men  nearly  two  years  his 
seniors,  he  gained  a  Second  Class  in  Lit.  Hxim. 
In  1851  he  was  Johnson  Theological  Scholar. 
In  1852  he  started  for  Italy,  where  he  was 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Liddon 


presented  to  Pope  Pius  ix.,  and  was  plied 
with  all  manner  of  Roman  arguments  and 
appeals ;  but  his  confidence  in  the  English 
Church  remained  unshaken.  As  Lord  Acton 
said  of  him  in  after  years,  '  he  tried  and 
rejected  the  claim  of  Rome.'  He  returned  to 
England  in  November,  and  after  discussing 
with  Bishoji  S.  Wilbcrforce  {q.v.)  the  admitted 
difficulties  of  Anglicanism,  he  determined  to 
be  ordained  without  delay.  He  was  made  a 
deacon  on  the  19th  of  December  1852,  and 
priest  a  j'ear  later.  At  first  he  attempted  to 
work  at  Wantage,  under  W.  J.  Butler;  but 
his  health  was  not  strong  enough  for  parochial 
work,  and  in  1854  he  accepted  from  Bishop 
Wilberforce  the  office  of  Vice-Principal  of 
Cuddesdon  College.  [Theological  Col- 
leges.] There  he  was  exactly  in  his  element, 
devoting  all  his  fine  gifts  of  spirituality, 
knowledge,  and  eloquence  to  the  task  of 
preparing  men  for  the  responsibilities  of  the 
priesthood.  But  in  1858  a  sudden  storm  of 
Protestant  misrepresentation  burst  upon  the 
college.  The  bishop  was  frightened  by  the 
outcry,  and  feared  that  it  might  damage  the 
institution  which  he  had  founded  and  tended 
with  so  much  care.  Furthermore,  he  was 
conscious  that  there  were  differences  between 
himself  and  Liddon  on  the  matter  of  Euchar- 
istic  adoration  and  the  expedient  limits  of 
confession,  and  he  '  came  with  a  torn  heart 
to  the  conclusion '  that  Liddon  must  go. 
So  in  1859  Liddon  accepted  the  post  of 
Vice-Principal  of  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford, 
and  went  into  residence  there  in  May  1859. 
His  prime  care  was  for  the  undergraduates 
of  the  Hall,  many  of  whom  were  preparing 
for  holj'  "orders  ;  but  his  lectures  on  Sunday 
evenings  were  open  to  all,  and  very  largely 
attended.  His  unique  powers  of  preaching 
were  winning  general  recognition.  His  sermons 
were  then  extempore,  extremely  long,  and 
elaborately  rhetorical.  It  was  obvious  that 
he  had  studied  French  models,  but  the  sub- 
stance of  his  teaching  was  what  it  remained 
to  the  end — the  Catholic  doctrines  of  sin  and 
repentance,  the  Church,  the  Creed,  and  the 
Sacraments,  as  these  reach  us  through  the 
formularies  of  the  English  Church.  His  first 
■  book  of  sermons,  called  originally  Some  Words 
for  God,  but  afterwards  University  Sermons, 
Series  I.,  was  pubhshed  in  1865. 

Liddon  resigned  the  Vice-Principalship  of 
St.  Edmund  Hall,  1862,  and  returned  to  his 
rooms  in  'Tom  Quad,'  Christ  Church,  which 
he  retained  to  his  death.  Here  he  passed, 
even  more  completely,  under  the  influence  of 
Dr.  Pusey.  He  became  examining  chaplain 
to  Bishop  Hamilton  of  Salisbury,  Avho  made 
him  a  prebendary  of  his  cathedral.     He  under- 


took to  write  a  commentary  on  the  book  of 
Leviticus.  He  helped  Bishop  Wilberforce 
in  his  diocesan  missions,  he  was  in  great  re- 
quest as  a  confessor  and  guide  of  souls,  and 
he  constantly  preached  at  St.  Paul's  and 
other  London  churches.  He  was  appointed 
at  short  notice  (on  the  breakdown  of  A.  W. 
Haddan)  to  deliver  the  Bampton  Lectures 
for  1866,  and  he  chose  a  subject  on  which  he 
had  long  thought  and  reasoned  and  studied 
with  intense  devotion.  When  the  time  for 
delivery  came,  the  lecturer  attained  the 
great  triumph  of  his  life.  The  overflowing 
audiences  that  heard  the  lectures,  and  the 
wider  world  outside  that  read  them,  now 
knew  that  Liddon  was  the  foremost  preacher 
in  the  English  Church,  and  The  Divinity  of 
our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  became  a 
standard  work  of  Enghsh  theology. 

In  1868  Liddon  was  urged  to  accept,  but 
finally  declined,  the  Wardenship  of  the 
newly-founded  Keble  College.  In  Lent, 
1870,  he  delivered  before  vast  and  brilliant 
congregations  at  St.  James's,  PiccadUly,  the 
lectures  afterwards  published  as  Some  Ele- 
ments of  Religion.  During  the  course  he 
was  appointed  by  Mr.  Gladstone  (q.v.) 
Canon  of  St.  Paul's,  and  four  months  later 
he  was  chosen  Ireland  Professor  of  Exegesis 
at  Oxford.  He  was  made  D.C.L.  by  Lord 
Salisbury  at  the  Encaenia  of  1870,  and  be- 
came D.D.  in  the  follo\ving  November. 

From  this  time  Liddon's  life  was  almost 
wholly  devoid  of  incident.  Providence  had 
placed  him  exactly  where  his  singular 
gifts  could  be  used  to  the  best  advantage  ; 
he  was  untrammelled  by  the  duties  of 
executive  office,  and  he  remained  till  the  end 
of  his  life  the  chief  teacher  of  the  English 
Church.  His  power  was  certainly  enhanced, 
rather  than  diminished,  by  the  fact  that  he 
dechned  the  deanery  of  Salisbury  in  1885, 
and  the  bishopric  of  Edinburgh,  to  which 
he  was  elected  in  1886,  and  refused  to  be 
nominated  by  Lord  Salisbury  to  the  see  of 
St.  Albans  in  1890. 

His  year  was  divided  between  London 
and  Oxford.  In  both  places  he  was  the 
inspiring  preacher  and  the  discreet  guide  of 
souls.  Every  now  and  then  some  crisis  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Church  forced  him  into 
prominence  of  a  kind  very  distasteful  to  his 
feeUngs.  He  had  no  love  of  controversy,  but 
he  realised  that  it  is  sometimes  a  duty  which 
cannot  be  shirked.  The '  Purchas  Judgment ' 
[Ritual  Cases]  of  1871,  which  prohibited 
among  other  things  the  Eastward  Position  at 
the  altar,  forced  Liddon  into  the  disagreeable 
position  of  defying  his  diocesan  in  his  own 
cathedral.     In     1872     the    attack     on     the 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Lincoln 


Athanasian  Creed,  fomented  by  Archbishop 
Tait  {q.v.),  was  repelled  in  great  measure  by 
Liddon's  efforts.  In  1876  he  took  a  pro- 
minent part  in  opposing  Lord  Beaconsfield's 
polic}-,  which  aimed  at  making  England  the 
champion  of  the  Turkish  power.  The  pro- 
secutions under  the  ill-starred  Pubhc  Wor- 
sliip  Regulation  Act  [q.v.)  of  1874  prompted 
the  sermons  on  Church  Troiihles  which  he 
preached  at  St.  Paul's  in  Advent,  1880.  In 
the  last  year  of  his  hfe  the  surrender  to 
Rationalism  which  he  thought  he  detected 
in  some  portions  of  a  book  called  Lux  Mundi 
wrung  from  him  some  pathetic  protests. 
The  Life  of  Dr.  Pusey,  which  he  undertook 
in  1882  and  left  unfinished,  was  a  burden  too 
great  for  his  physical  resources.  He  dechned 
in  health  and  vigour,  and  died  (after  a  terribly 
painful  illness  connected  with  the  spine)  on 
9th  September  1890.  He  is  buried  in  the 
crypt  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral. 

[g.  \v.  e,  r.] 

Personal  recollections;   Johnston,  Life  and 
Letters;  G.  W.  E.  Russell,  Life. 

LIGHTFOOT,  Joseph  Barber  (1828-89), 
Bishop  of  Durham,  was  born  at  Liverpool, 
and  educated  at  the  Royal  Institution, 
Liverpool;  King  Edward's  School,  Birming- 
ham (under  Prince  Lee) ;  and  Trinitj-  College, 
Cambridge  (scholar,  1849  ;  senior  classic  and 
thirtieth  wrangler,  1851;  Fellow,  1852;  Tutor, 
1857).  He  was  ordained  deacon,  1854,  and 
priest,  1858,  by  Prince  Lee,  then  Bishop  of 
Manchester ;  was  Hulsean  Professor  at  Cam- 
bridge (vice  EUicott),  1861-75;  dnd  Lady 
Margaret  Reader  [vice  Selwyn),  1875-9 ; 
Canon  of  St.  Paul's,  1871-9  ;  member  of  the 
Xew  Testament  Revision  Compam%  1870-80, 
and  of  the  Universities  Commission,  1877-81; 
Bishop  of  Durham,  1879-89. 

Bishop  Lightfoot  belongs  to  the  small 
company  of  Fathers  and  scholars  whose 
learning,  illuminated  by  spiritual  and  criti- 
cal insight,  makes  their  work  a  possession 
not  for  one  century  or  country  but  for  all. 
That  work  was  done  in  two  distinct  but 
closely  related  fields — Bibhcal  and  patristic. 
Within  the  former  fall  the  commentaries 
on  Galatians  (1865),  Philippians  (1868),  and 
Colossians  (1875),  with  the  articles  on  Acts, 
Romans,  and  Thessalonians  in  Smith's  Diet. 
Bible,  and  the  essays  reprinted  in  Biblical 
Essays  (1893)  and  The  Apostolic  Age 
(1892).  To  him  belongs  the  credit  of 
bringing  home  to  English  students  the  fact 
that  St.  Paul  was  not  an  imperfect  writer 
of  a  debased  form  of  Greek  but  a  master 
of  a  living  language.  Lightfoot's  profound 
learning  and  '  matchless  lucidity  of  exposi- 


tion '  ensure  that  although  scholars  may  not 
always  adopt  his  conclusions,  they  will  not 
need  to  reconstruct  the  foundations  on  which 
these  are  based.  Thus  the  commentary  on 
Gralatians  retains  its  value  even  for  those 
who  accept  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay's  arguments 
for  the  South  Galatian  theorj-.  His  study  for 
a  '  Fresh  Revision  of  the  English  New  Testa- 
ment' (1871,  1881)  is  a  powerful  plea  for  the 
work  of  revision  in  which  he  shared.  The 
most  keenly  debated  of  his  writings,  the  essay 
on  The  Christian  Ministry,  must  be  studied 
for  itself  apart  from  the  inferences  and 
representations  of  those  for  whom  it  saj^s 
too  much  or  too  little. 

His  patristic  works  on  the  Apostolic 
Fathers — St.  Clement  of  Rome  (1869;  appen- 
dix, 1877 ;  2nd  edit.,  1890),  St.  Ignatius  and 
St.  Polycarp  (1885;  2nd  edit.,  1889)— are 
books  from  which  the  student  may  gain  a 
deeper  insight  into  a  scholar's  methods  of 
collecting  and  testing  evidence  and  building 
surely  upon  it  than  from  almost  any  others 
of  the  kind.  It  was  this  critical  and  con- 
structive faculty  which  gave  crushing  force 
to  the  '  examination '  {Contemp.  Review, 
1874,  1877  ;  repubhshed,  1889)  of  ]\Ir.  Cassel's 
anonj^mous  work,  entitled  Supernatural  Re- 
ligion. To  the  same  class  belongs  the  article 
on  '  Eusebius  '  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 

Though  outwardly  shy  and  undemon- 
strative. Dr.  Lightfoot  excited  not  only 
veneration  but  enthusiasm  in  those  who 
worked  with  him.  His  episcopate  was 
marked  by  the  creation  of  the  see  of  New- 
castle [q.v.)  (1881-2)  and  an  enormous 
scheme  of  Church  extension  (1884  onwards), 
the  division  of  the  archdeaconry  of  Durham 
(May  1882),  the  institution  of  a  canon  mis- 
sioner,  the  foundation  of  the  White  Cross 
movement  (1883),  and  the  gathering  round 
him  at  Auckland  of  a  body  of  young  gradu- 
ates, whom  he  influenced  in  their  training 
for  orders  to  a  remarkable  degree.  Of  his 
four  volumes  of  sermons.  Leaders  of  the 
Northern  Church  (1890)  is  the  best  known. 

Lc.  J.] 

Article  '  Bishop  Lightfoot '  (attributed  to 
Archdeacon  Watkius),  1894,  reprinted  from 
the  Quarterly  Revieiv  ;  A.  Harnack  in  Theol. 
Literaturzeitung,  14th  June  1890 ;  F.  J.  A. 
Hort  in  D.N.B.  ;  A.  C.  Benson,  The  Leaves 
(f  the  Tree. 

LINCOLN,  See  of.  The  origin  of  the 
bisliopric  is  to  be  found  in  Lindsey,  a  district 
more  or  less  represented  by  the  present 
county,  where  Paulinus  {q.v.)  preached.  A 
separate  bishopric  was  founded  for  the 
Lindisfari  in  678,  the  first  bishop  being 
Eadhed.     A      bishopric      for      the     Middle 


(  32S  ) 


Lincoln] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Ilistor]! 


Lincoln 


AngUans  was  founded  at  Leicester,  and  Cuth- 
win  was  consecrated  to  it  in  G80  ;  and  Dor- 
chester having  become  Mercian  (Winchester 
taking  its  place  as  a  West  iSaxon  sec),  the 
diocese  extended  to  the  Thames.  In  705  it  was 
united  with  Lichfield  {q.v.),  but  was  sundered 
from  it  in  737.  On  the  Danish  conquest  of 
Mercia,  874,  the  Bishop  of  Leicester,  Alcheard, 
fled  to  Dorchester,  and  died  there  in  897,  and 
thus  Dorchester  became  the  see  of  a  bishop- 
ric which  represented  the  ancient  bishoprics 
of  Lindsey  and  Leicester,  and  so  remained 
until  Bishop  Remigius  removed  his  see  to 
Lincoln  about  1075. 

In  1075  the  diocese  stretched  from  the 
Humber  to  the  Thames,  and  included 
roughly  the  present  counties  of  Lincoln, 
Leicester,  Cambridge,  Northampton,  Rut- 
land, Huntingdon,  Bedford,  Buckingham, 
Oxford,  and  part  of  Herts.  In  1109  Cam- 
bridgeshire was  taken  from  it  for  the  newly 
founded  see  of  Ely  {q.v.).  In  1541  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  see  of  Peterborough  {q.v.)  re- 
lieved it  of  Northamptonshire  and  Rutland. 
In  1542  Oxfordshire  was  put  under  the  new 
see  of  Oxford  {q.v.),  and  in  1550  the  arch- 
deaconry of  St.  Albans  was  added  to  London. 
In  1837  Bucks  was  added  to  Oxford  and 
Leicestershire  to  Peterborough,  in  1837-9 
Bedford  and  Huntingdon  to  Ely,  and  in 
1845  the  portions  of  Herts  still  remaining 
in  Lincoln  to  Rochester.  Nottinghamshire, 
however,  except  the  deanery  of  Southwell, 
was  transferred  from  York  to  Lincoln  in 
1837,  and  in  1844  the  deanery  of  South- 
well was  also  added.  In  1884,  however, 
Nottinghamshire  passed  to  the  new  see  of 
Southwell  {q.v.).  With  trifling  exceptions, 
the  diocese  is  now  (1912)  conterminous  with 
the  county. 

The  Taxatio  of  Nicholas  iv.,  1291,  estimates 
the  total  value  of  the  bishopric  from  tempor- 
alities and  spiritualities  at  £1000.  In  the 
Valor  Ecdesiasiictis,  1534,  the  net  sum  of  both 
sources  of  income  is  put  at  £2095,  12s.  5d. 
Under  Edward  vi.,  owing  to  ahenations,  it 
had  sunk  to  £828,  4s.  9d.,  which  is  the  sum 
given  by  Ecton  (1711).  The  income  of  the 
see  since  the  foundation  of  the  diocese  of 
Southwell  has  been  £4500. 

Bishop  Remigius  in  1092  created  seven 
archdeaconries;  the  eighth,  that  of  Stow, 
seems  to  have  been  founded  by  Bishop 
Alexander  in  1123.  The  present  diocese  con- 
tains two  archdeaconries,  Lincoln  and  Stow, 
the  boundaries  of  which  were  rearranged  by 
Orders  in  Council,  1876  and  1877,  The 
acreage  of  the  diocese  (1,775,457)  is  exceeded 
only  by  that  of  Norwich  and  St.  David's. 
There  are  five  hundred  and  sixty  benefices. 


The  population  is  564,013.  The  cathedral 
church  is  governed  by  a  chapter,  founded  by 
Bishop  Remigius  in  1092.  The  constitution 
was  that  of  Rouen,  imitating  Bayeux.  In 
its  primitive  form  it  consisted  of  a  dean, 
precentor,  chancellor,  and  treasurer.  To 
these  a  sub-dean  was  added  in  1145.  There 
were  fifty-two  prebends.  When  the  treasure 
was  seized  by  Henry  viit.  ,  June  1540,  the  office 
of  treasurer  ceased,  and  the  four  residenti- 
aries  from  that  time  consisted  of  the  dean 
and  the  three  remaining  officers.  By  1660 
five  prebends  had  been  dissolved  and  four 
had  lapsed. 

Bishops  of  Lindsey 

1.  Eadhed,  678  ;    retired  to  Ripon  on  the 

conquest  of  Lindsey  by  the  Mercians. 

2.  Aethelwin,  680;  see  at  Sidnaccster  (Stow); 

had  studied  in  Ireland ;  ruled  well. 


6. 


Eadulf,  750. 
Ceolwulf,  767. 
Eadulf,  796. 


3.  Eadgar,  ?  706. 

4.  Cyneberht,  d.  732. 

5.  Alwig,  733. 
9.  Berhtred,  ?  838. 

10.  Leofwine,  ?  953  ; 

Chester. 

11.  Sigeferth,  ?  997. 

The  diocese  seems  then   to   have  been 
merged  in  Dorchester. 


also    Bishop    of    Dor- 


1. 

2. 

3. 
4. 
5. 
9. 
10. 


11. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
17. 
18. 

19. 

20. 

21. 

22. 


6.  Werenberht,  802. 

7.  Hrethun,  816. 

8.  Aldred. 


Bishops  of  Leicester  and  Dorchester 

Cuthwine,  680. 

Wilfrid;  administered,  692-705.  [702-35 
the  see  was  joined  to  Lichfield.] 

Torthelm,  737. 

Eadberht,  764. 

Unwona,  ?  786. 

Ceolred,  840. 

Alcheard,  d.  897-8 ;  on  the  Danish  con- 
quest of  Mercia  he  had  fled  to  Dor- 
chester, which  thus  became  the  see  of 
the  bishopric. 

Ceolwulf,  909.  12.  W^insige,  ?  926. 

Oskytel,  950. 

Leofwine,  ?  953 ;  also  Bishop  of  Lindsey. 

Eadnoth,  ?975.         16.  Aescwig,  ?  979. 

Aelghelm,  1002. 

Eadnoth,  1006;  Abbot  of  Ramsey; 
slain  at  the  battle  of  Assandun,  1016. 

Aethelric,  1016 ;  a  wise  man  ;  influential 
with  Cnut ;  d.  1034. 

Eadnoth,  1034 ;  built  the  minster  at 
Stow;  d.  1050. 

Ulf,  1050 ;  a  Norman ;  ignorant  and  un- 
worthy ;  was  expelled,  1052. 

Wulfwig,  1053  ;  Chancellor  to  Edward 
the  Confessor;  d.  1067. 

Remigius ;  a  monk  of  Fecamp ;  cons. 
1067  to  Dorchester ;    moved  his  see  to 


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11 


Lincoln  in  accordance  with  the  prin- 
ciple laid  down  at  the  Council  of  London, 
1075,  of  removing  episcopal  sees  from 
villages  to  cities  ;  he  organised  his  vast 
diocese  under  seven  archdeacons,  and 
buUt  a  noble  cathedral ;  he  is  said  to 
have  preached  zealousl.y  and  to  have 
denounced  the  slave-trade  ;  d.  6th  May 
1090.  Miracles  were  believed  to  be 
worked  at  his  tomb. 

Bishops  of  Lincoln 

Remigius ;  see  above. 
Robert  Bloett,  1094 ;  Chancellor  mnder 
the  Conqueror  and  under  William  n., 
and  Justiciar  under  Henry  i.  ;  he  was 
much  engaged  in  secular  affau-s,  mag- 
nificent yet  humble,  and  extremely 
liberal;  in  later  life  he  was  impover- 
ished by  law-suits  ;  d.  suddenly,  10th 
January  1123. 
Alexander,  1123;  nephew  of  Roger, 
Bishop  of  SaUsbviry;  a  thoroughly 
secular  prelate  ;  A^as  a  great  builder  of 
fortresses  and  religious  houses ;  arrested 
by  King  Stephen  in  1139  and  forced  to 
surrender  liis  castles ;  d.  1148. 
Robert  de  Chesney,  1148  ;  foolish  and 
pUable ;  is  accused  of  wasting  the  pro- 
perty of  his  see;  d.  26th  December  1166. 
A  vacancy  of  seventeen  years,  during 
which  Geoffrey,  a  natural  son  of 
Henry  n.,  was  elected,  1173,  and  held 
the  see  without  consecration  untU  1182. 
Walter  of  Coutances,  1183  ;  learned  and 
liberal ;  tr.  to  Rouen,  1184.  A  vacancy 
of  two  years. 
Hugh   of    Avalon,   St.    {q.v.),    1186;    d. 

1200.     A  vacancy  of  two  years. 
William   of    Blois,    1203;     kind-hearted 
and    good;     d.    10th    May    1206.     A 
vacancy  of  three  years. 
Hugh  of  Wells,  1209  ;  cons,  at  Melun  dur- 
ing the  interdict ;  organised  his  diocese 
by  the  institution  of  vicarages  ;   was  a 
■vigorous  and  strict  disciplinarian ;    d. 
1235. 
Robert  Grosseteste  [q.v.),  1235;  d.  1253. 
Henry  of  Lexington,  1254  ;  of  a  baronial 
family ;      had     a     dispute    with    the 
University  of  Oxford  as  to  his  jurisdic- 
tion over  it ;  d.  1258. 
.  Richard  of  Gravesend,  1258  ;   sided  with 
Simon  de  Montfort  during  the  barons' 
war ;     went  to   Rome  for  absolution, 
and   remained   abroad   several   years ; 
he  is  said  to  have  been  praiseworthy, 
and  was  certainly  liberal ;  d.  18th  De- 
cember 1279. 


12.  Oliver  Sutton,  1280;    of  the  Lexington 

family ;  a  liberal  benefactor  to  his 
church  ;   d.  13th  November  1299. 

13.  John    Dalderby,     1300;     was    learned, 

pious,  eloquent,  and  extremely  liberal 
in  his  benefactions  ;  d.  12th  January 
1320.  Miracles  were  said  to  have  been 
wrought  at  his  tomb,  but  the  attempt 
of  Edward  in.  to  procure  his  canonisa- 
tion failed. 

14.  Henry  Burghersh,  1320  (P.) ;  was  nephew 

of  the  powerful  Lord  Badlesmcre  who, 
against  the  will  of  the  chapter  and  by 
bribes,  procured  his  appointment  by 
papal  provision,  though  not  of  canoni- 
cal age  ;  his  temporalities  were  seized 
by  Edward  n.  on  the  defeat  of  the 
rebels  in  1322,  but  later  the  King  was 
reconciled  to  him,  and  the  bishop  dis- 
gracefully betrayed  him ;  he  was 
Treasurer  in  1327  and  Chancellor  in 
1328,  and  was  much  employed  by 
Edward  m.  in  secular  business ;  he 
was  an  able,  bad  man ;  d.  4th  December 
1340.  His  ghost  is  said  to  have  ap- 
peared and  to  have  begged  that  the 
canons  of  Lincoln  would  deliver  him 
from  punishment  by  making  restitu- 
tion to  those  whom  he  had  wronged. 

15.  Thomas  Bek,  1342  (P.) ;  elected  first  by 

the  chapter,  but  appointed  by  papal 
Bull  of  provision ;  cons,  by  Clement  vi. 
at  Avignon ;  was  brother  of  Antony, 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  and  kinsman  of 
Antony  Bek,  Bishop  of  Durham,  and 
is  described  as  '  a  noble  and  excellent 
cleric  '  ;   d.  2nd  February  1347. 

16.  John  Gpiwell,  1347  (P.) ;  laid  the  town  of 

Oxford  under  an  interdict  for  the  riot 
on  St.  Scholastica's  Day,  1355  ;  he  is 
said  to  have  obtained  from  the  Pope 
exemption  from  metropolitan  juris- 
diction, and  he  disinterred  and  caused 
to  be  Ul  treated  the  body  of  one  of  the 
King's  judges,  whom  he  had  in  life 
excommunicated  by  the  Pope's  order, 
and  who  was  buried  in  a  church ;  d. 
1362. 

17.  JohnBokyngham,  1363(P.);  pronounced 
the  Lollard  preacher  Swynderby  a  here- 
tic, and  received  his  recantation.    Boni- 

'  face  IX.  translated  him  to  Lichfield  in 
1397  in  order  to  make  room  for  Henry 
Beaufort,  alleging,  what  was  doubtless 
true,  that  Bokyngham's  age  and  in- 
firmities rendered  him  unfit  to  rule  so 
large  a  diocese ;  he  refused  the  trans- 
lation, and  retired  to  Canterbury,  where 
he  died  in  the  monastery  of  Christ 
Church,  1398. 


(  330  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Lincoln 


18.  Henry  Beaufort  (q.v.),  1398  {V.) ;   tr.  to   |    27. 

Winchester,  1405. 

19.  Philip  Repingdon,  1405  (P.) ;   liad  been 

a  prominent  Oxford  Lollard,  but  ab- 
jured his  heresies,  1382 ;  he  became  an 
abbot  and  the  friend  and  confessor  of 
Henry  iv.  ;  as  bishop  he  was  promin- 
ent in  putting  down  Lollardy ;  he  was 
made  cardinal  by  Gregory  xu. ;  res. 
10th  October  1419. 

20.  Richard  Fleming,  1420  (P.) ;  cons,  at  Flor- 

ence ;  had  defended  Lollard  doctrines 
at  Oxford  in  1409,  but  had  become 
orthodox  ;  as  bishop  he  was  diligent ;  29, 
he  attended  the  council  at  Pavia  and 
Siena ;  tr.  by  Martin  v.  to  York,  but 
the  English  council  would  not  allow 
this,  and  he  had  to  be  translated  back 
again ;  he  began  to  prepare  for  the 
foundation  of  a  college  (Lincoln)  at 
Oxford  for  theologians  to  combat 
heresy ;  d.  1431. 

21.  Wilham  Grey,  1431 ;   tr.  (P.)  from  Lon- 

don ;  had  trouble  with  the  dean,  John 
Mackworth,  a  quarrelsome  man ;  he  re- 
fused to  allow  Pope  Eugenius  iv.  to 
appoint  to  the  archdeaconry  of  North- 
ampton ;   d.  February  1436. 

22.  WiUiam  Alnwick,   1436;    tr.    (P.)    from 

Norwich  ;  had  been  tutor  to  Henry  vi., 
and  advised  him  in  founding  Eton  and 
King's  Colleges,  Cambridge ;  he  was 
able  and  of  high  character ;  he  drew 
up  statutes  for  his  Lincoln  chapter,  but 
the  dean  was  still  recalcitrant ;  he  built 
the  west  front  of  Norwich  Cathedral 
and  a  fine  addition  to  the  palace  at 
Lincoln;    d.  1449. 

23.  Marmaduke  Lumley,  1450;  tr.  (P.)  from 

Carhsle ;  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Council,  and  in  1447  Treasurer;  was 
one  of  the  Beaufort  party,  and  owed 
his  translation  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk ; 
d.  December  1450. 

24.  John     Chedworth,     1452 ;      was    active    j    33, 

against  Lollards,  who  abounded  in  his 
diocese ;    for  the  most  part  they  ab-    ,    34, 
jured,  one   at   least   was   burned ;    d. 
1471.  I 

25.  Thomas  Rotherham,  or  Scott,  1472  ;    tr.    | 

(P.)  from  Rochester;  tr.  to  York, 
1480. 

26.  John  Russell,  1480 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Roches- 

ter ;  was  Chancellor  under  Richard  iii.,    ;    35, 
1483-5,    and    Chancellor    of     Oxford, 
1483 ;    after  years  of  secular  business 
seems  to  have  resided  in  his  diocese,       36. 
and  is  described  by  Sir  Thomas  More 
as  wise  and  good,  and  one  of  the  best       37, 
learned  men  in  England  ;   d.  1494. 

(  331  ) 


31, 


WiUiam  Smith,  1496  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Lich- 
field ;  was  nnich  absorbed  in  business 
of  state ;  he  was  Chancellor  of  Oxford, 
1500-3 ;  was  extremely  liberal ;  re- 
founded  St.  John's  Hospital,  Lichfield, 
was  a  benefactor  to  Oriel  and  Lincoln 
Colleges,  and  co-founder  of  Brasenoso 
College,  Oxford ;  he  was  eager  and 
severe  in  persecuting  heretics,  especi- 
ally in  Buckinghamshire ;  d.  2nd  Janu- 
ary 1514. 

Thomas  Wolsey  {q.v.),  1514  (P.);  tr.  to 
York,  1514. 

William  Atwater,  1514  (P.)  ;  had  held  a 
large  number  of  valuable  benefices  ;  he 
was  about  seventy-four  when  he  was 
made  bishop  ;   d.  1521. 

John  Longlands,  1521  (P.) ;  confessor  of 
Henry  viii.;  delighted  in  Erasmus's  New 
Testament,  and  was  called  bySirThomas 
More  '  a  second  Colet '  ;  Chancellor  of 
Oxford,  1532  ;  he  forwarded  the  King's 
divorce  from  Katherine  of  Aragon,  up- 
held the  Royal  Supremacy,  and  was 
declared  by  the  rebels  of  1536  to  be 
at  the  bottom  of  all  the  trouble;  his 
suffragan.  Abbot  Mackarel,  was  hanged, 
1537  ;  he  appointed  two  others ;  he  was 
averse  from  change  in  doctrine,  and  was 
severe  with  heretics ;  d.  1547. 

Henry  Holbeach,  Holbeche,  or  Rands, 
1547  ;  tr.  from  Rochester  ;  cons.  1538 
as  suffragan  to  Worcester  with  title  of 
Bristol ;  received  see  of  Rochester, 
1544  ;  had  been  a  Benedictine  monk  ; 
held  reformed  doctrines,  and  was 
married ;   d.  1551. 

Jolin  Taylor,  1552  ;  had  been  Master  of 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  1538-46  ; 
adopted  reformed  opinions,  and  was 
imprisoned,  1540,  but  soon  retracted, 
and  was  released ;  he  was  deprived, 
1554,  and  died  at  the  end  of  that 
year. 

John  White,  1554  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Winchester, 
1556. 

Thomas  Watson,  1557  (P.)  ;  Master  of 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge;  obtained 
restitution  of  property  of  which  the  see 
had  been  despoiled  by  the  Crown  under 
Bishops  Holbeach  and  Taylor  ;  was  de- 
prived, 1559,  and  died  in  prison,  27th 
September  1584. 

Nicholas  Bullingham,  1560 ;  tr.  to 
Worcester,  1571,  the  see  of  Lincoln 
being  much  impoverished. 

Thomas  Cooper,  1571 ;  tr.  to  Winchester, 
1584. 

William  Wickham,  1584 ;  tr.  to  Win- 
chester, 1595. 


Lincoln] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Liverpool 


38 


42 


43 


William  Chaderton,  1595 ;  tr.  from 
Chester ;  had  through  Cecil's  influence 
been  President  of  Queens'  College  and 
Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Cam- 
bridge, where  he  took  a  leading  part 
against  the  Puritans ;  he  owed  the 
bishopric  of  Chester  to  Leicester's  influ- 
ence, and  was  kept  constantly  cmploj^ed 
by  the  Privy  Council  in  carrying  out 
the  law  against  popish  recusants  ;  he 
continued  this  work  at  Lincoln ;  Non- 
conformity was  strong  in  the  diocese ; 
he  seems  to  have  been  as  conciliatory 
as  was  possible  for  him  ;  d.  1608. 

39.  William      Barlow,      1608 ;       tr.      from 

Rochester ;  wrote  the  history  of  the 
Savoy  Conference,  and  was  one  of  the 
translators  of  the  Authorised  Version ; 
he  was  an  able  preacher  and  contro- 
versiahst ;  as  Bishop  of  Lincoln  he  was 
mostly  non-resident ;  d.  7th  September 
1613. 

40.  Richard  Xeill,  1614  ;    tr.  from  Lichfield  ; 

tr.  to  Durham,  1617. 

41.  George  Monteigne,  1617;   tr.  to  London, 

1621. 

John  Williams  [q.v.),  1621  ;  tr.  to  York, 
1641. 

Thomas  Winniffe,  1642 ;  was  made 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  1631,  and  retained 
the  deanery  after  his  consecration ;  in 
spite  of  the  Civil  War  he  remained  at 
his  episcopal  residence  at  Buckden 
until  1646  when,  the  episcopal  estate 
being  confiscated,  he  retired  to  Lam- 
bourn,  Berks;  d.  19th  September  1654; 
learned,  eloquent,  and  modest. 

44.  Robert    Sanderson,     1660 ;      had    been 

Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford  ; 
suffered  during  the  Commonwealth  and 
Protectorate ;  was  extremely  liberal 
in  repairing  the  damage  done  to  his 
cathedral  and  the  episcopal  hotises ; 
did  not  cause  Nonconformists  un- 
necessary trouble,  and  in  spite  of  his 
great  age  (he  was  born  1587)  was  an 
excellent  bishop  ;  d.  29th  January  1663. 

45.  Benjamin  Laney,  1663  ;    tr.  from  Peter- 

borough ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1667. 

46.  WillianrFuller,  1667  ;  tr.  from  Limerick  ; 

much  liked  both  by  Pepys  and  Evelyn  ; 
had  suft'ered  during  the  Civil  War ;  he 
took  '  great  pains  '  to  obtain  the  see  of 
Lincoln ;  he  had  a  house  in  the  city  in 
which  he  resided  when  he  visited  his 
diocese ;  repaired  damage  done  to  the 
cathedral  by  Puritans  ;  d.  1675. 
Thomas  Barlow,  1675 ;  retained  his 
Fellowship  at  Queen's  College,  Ox-ford, 
during  the  Civil  War  troubles,  and  be- 


47. 


came  Provost,  1657 ;  a  distinguished 
scholar  and  controversialist ;  was  a 
Calvinist,  a  Low  Churchman,  and  a 
trimmer  ;  he  neglected  his  diocese  ;  d. 
1691. 

48.  Thomas  Tenison,   1692;    tr.  to  Canter- 

bury, 1695. 

49.  James  Gardiner,  1695  ;    a  Low  Church- 

man and  a  Whig ;  was  diligent  and 
conscientious,  fully  alive  to  the  deplor- 
able state  of  his  diocese  and  the 
negligence  of  many  of  the  clergy;  he 
laboured  to  bring  matters  into  better 
order,  but  he  was  lacking  in  resolution  ; 
d.  1st  March  1705. 

50.  William  Wake  {q.v.),  1705  ;  tr.  to  Canter- 

bury, 1716. 

51.  Edmund  Gibson  {q.v.),  1716;  tr.  to  Lon- 

don, 1723. 

52.  Richard     Reynolds,     1723;      tr.     from 

Bangor ;  was  a  liberal  giver,  and  is 
described  by  Doddridge,  the  Noncon- 
formist, as  '  a  valuable  person  '  ;  d. 
1744. 

53.  John  Thomas,    1744 ;   tr.    to   Sahsbury, 

1761. 

54.  John  Green,  1761 ;    had  been  Master  of 

Corpus  Christi  College  and  Regius 
Professor  of  Divinity  at  Cambridge; 
was  indolent,  kindly,  and  dignified ; 
d.  25th  April  1779. 

55.  Thomas  Thurlow.  1779  ;  tr.  to  Durhaui, 

1787. 

56.  George  Pretyman  Tomline,  1787  ;  tr.  to- 

Winchester,  1820. 

57.  George  Pelham,  1820  ;   tr.  from  Exeter  ; 

was  greedy  for  preferment,  and  a 
pluralist ;   d.  7th  February  1827. 

58.  John  Kaye,  1827  ;   tr.  from  Bristol ;   son 

of  a  hnen-draper  ;  had  been  Master  of 
Christ's  College  and  Regius  Professor 
of  Divinity  at  Cambridge ;  in  both  his 
dioceses  he  was  a  vigorous  reformer  of 
abuses  of  non-residence,  plurahty,  and 
clerical  carelessness ;  an  EvangeUcal 
and  an  admirable  bishop  ;    d.  1853. 

59.  John  Jackson,  1853  ;  tr.  to  London,  1869, 

60.  Christopher  Wordsworth  {q.v.),  1869;  d. 

1885 

61.  Edward  King  (f^.t'.),  1885;  d.  1910. 

62.  Edward    Lee    Hicks,     1910;      formerly 

Fellow   and   Tutor   of   Corpus   Christi 
College,  Oxford,  and   Canon    of   Man- 
chester, [w.  H.1 
y.C.lI.  Lincoln  ;  G.  G.  I'erry,  Dio.  Hist. 

LIVERPOOL,  Diocese  of.  The  south- 
western part  of  Lancashire,  forming  the 
Hundred  of  West  Derby,  was  originally  in 
the  far-stretching  diocese  of  Lichfield  {q.v.) 


33-2  ) 


Llandaff] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Histori/ 


Llandaff 


and  Coventry,  and  in  the  province  of  Canter- 
bury. In  1542  it  was  attached,  with  the 
rest  of  the  county,  to  the  new  diocese  of 
Chester  (q.v.),  and  transferred  to  the  province 
of  York.  In  1847  the  newly  formed  diocese 
of  Manchester  {q.v.)  took  the  greater  part  of 
Lancashire,  inchiding  the  ancient  parish  of 
Leigh  in  West  Derby  Hundred ;  the  rest  of 
the  Hundred,  together  with  the  ancient 
parish  of  Wigan,  remained  in  the  diocese  of 
Chester  as  the  archdeaconry  of  Liverpool. 
The  Bishoprics  Act,  1878  (41-2  Vic.  c.  68), 
authorised  the  erection  of  the  diocese  of 
Liverpool  and  others.  £100,000  was  raised 
by  voluntary  subscription,  and  after  much 
less  delay  than  in  other  cases  the  diocese 
of  Liverpool  was  constituted  by  Order  in 
Council,  30th  March  1880,  and  by  Order  of 
28th  June  1880  a  second  archdeaconry, 
that  of  Warrington,  was  created.  The 
parish  church  of  St.  Peter,  a  building 
of  no  spaciousness  or  dignity,  was  made 
the  pro-cathedral.  A  scheme  was  speedily 
set  on  foot  for  the  erection  of  a  new 
cathedral,  on  the  site  of  St.  George's  Church 
in  the  heart  of  the  city,  but  Bishop  Ryle 
{q.v.)  resolved  that  the  parochial  work  of  the 
diocese  should  be  thoroughly  established  be- 
fore money  was  collected  for  such  a  purpose. 
Great  activity  in  church  building  ensued,  and 
simultaneously  a  successful  effort  was  made 
to  provide  suitable  endowments  for  the  clergy. 
In  1904  the  erection  of  a  new  cathedral  was 
at  last  begun,  a  fine  site,  rather  far  from  the 
heart  of  the  city,  being  chosen.  Considerable 
progress  has  been  made  with  a  building  of 
remarkable  size  and  dignity.  There  is  as 
yet  no  legally  constituted  dean  and  chapter, 
but  twenty-four  honorary  canons  form  a 
provisional  chapter. 

The  area  of  the  diocese  is  262,829  acres  ; 
the  population  is  1,352,419.  There  are  12 
deaneries,  217  parishes  with  230  churches, 
served  by  upwards  of  400  clergymen.  The 
bishop's  income  is  £4200. 


Bishops  of  Liverpool 

1.  John  Charles  %le  {q.v.),  1880. 

2.  Francis  James  Chavasse,  1900;  formerh'- 

Pi'incipal  of  Wycliffe  Hall,  Oxford. 

[T.    A.    L.] 

LLANDAFF,  See  of,  may  be  said  to  have 
originated  with  St.  Dubricius  (Dyfrig)  and 
St.  Teilo  in  the  sixth  century.  The  Lucius- 
Christianising  legend,  which,  in  its  Welsh 
form,  is  confined  to  a  smaU  district  round 
Llandaff,  and  attributes  its  foundation  to 
King  Lucius,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  second 


j  century,  is  now  entirely  discredited.  The 
real  founder  of  Llandaff — '  tiie  monastery  on 
the  Tafi'— was  St.  Teilo  (died  about  580), 
and  in  authentic  Welsh  records  liis  name  is 
always  associated  with  it.  St.  Dubricius, 
who  lived  a  generation  earher,  was  Abbot  of 
Henllan,  and  afterwards  of  Mochros,  both 
on  the  Wye ;  but  Llandaff  may  rightly  be 
regarded  as  originally  a  subordinate  settle- 
ment to  Henllan,  being  made  by  Dubricius's 
disciple,  Teilo.  Llandaff  rapidly  grew  in 
importance  through  princely  favour ;  and  it 
was  not  long  before  the  archmonastery 
absorbed  the  three  great  Glamorgan  monas- 
teries, Llancarfan,  Llanilltyd,  and  Llandocha. 
[Abbeys,  Welsh.]  The  extensive  ground  it 
covered  with  settlements  or  churches,  even 
outside  the  present  diocese  (in  St.  David's 
{q.v.)  and  Hereford  {q.v.)  ),  may  be  seen  from 
the  long  fist  of  Teilo  churches  mentioned  in  its 
cartulary,  the  Liber  Landavensis  (compiled 
c.  1150).  Bishop  Urban  (1107-33),  a  great 
upholder  of  the  rights  of  Llandaff,  revived 
its  old  claim  to  thu'ty-eight  Teilo  churches 
and  villages  in  the  diocese  of  St.  David's, 
but  unsuccessfully.  In  his  time  the  Norman 
barons  appropriated  a  great  deal  of  the  dio- 
cesan endowments  to  Engfish  abbeys,  especi- 
ally St.  Peter's,  Gloucester,  and  Tewkesbury, 
an  action  which,  since  the  dissolution,  has 
greatly  crippled  the  work  of  this  diocese. 

The  diocese  is  co-extensive  with  the  ancient 
kingdom  or  j)rincipahty  of  Morganwg,  which 
included  several  small  principaUties  that  had 
independent  existence  at  an  early  period. 
Some  unimportant  readjustments  of  bound- 
aries, affecting  St.  David's  and  Hereford, 
were  made  by  Orders  in  Council  in  1844  and 
1846.  The  diocese  comprises  to-day  the 
whole  of  Monmouthshire  and  all  Glamorgan, 
except  the  Gower  Peninsula ;  and  there  are 
portions  of  a  few  parishes  in  the  counties  of 
Hereford  and  Brecon.  It  has  an  area  of 
868,575  acres  and  a  population  of  1,003,460. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  bishop's 
Temporalia,  i.e.  revenues  from  land,  at 
£93,  9s.  8d.,  and  the  Spiritualia  at  £13,  6s.  Sd. 
The  Valor  of  1535  assessed  the  income  at 
£154,  14s.  Id.  It  was  fixed  by  Order  in 
Council  in  1846  at  £4200. 

There  is  mention  of  a  dean  (Esni)  in  1120, 
but  until  1840  the  bishop  was  Quasi-Decanus, 
and  had  the  decanal  as  well  as  the  episcopal 
stall.  The  Cathedrals  Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic. 
c.  113),  joined  the  deanery  with  the  arch- 
deaconry of  Llandaff.  The  Welsh  Cathedrals 
Act,  1843  (6-7  Vic.  c.  77),  separated  the 
oflSces.  There  are  two  archdeaconries: 
Llandaff  (dating  from  1107)  and  Monmouth 
(created  1844).     There  are  four  residentiary 

(  333  ) 


LlandafI] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Llandai! 


canons,  two  being  also  archdeacons,  each 
receiving  £350  per  annum.  The  cathedral, 
though  of  the  '  Old  Foundation,'  was  -oTested 
into  '  New  Foundation '  in  1843.  The 
chapter  now  consists  of  the  dean,  treasurer 
(who  is  the  bishop,  dating  from  1256), 
precentor  (c.  1400),  chancellor  (1573),  four 
canons  residentiary,  and  six  canons  non- 
residentiary — all  in  the  bishop's  patronage, 
as  well  as  the  two  minor  canons.  In  1861  the 
patronage  of  a  number  of  livings  in  the 
dioceses  of  St.  Asaph  {q.v.)  and  Bangor  {q.v.) 
was  transferred  to  the  Bishop  of  Llandafi  to 
equalise  the  number  of  livings  in  his  gift, 
previously  very  few.  There  are  twenty-two 
rural  deaneries. 

List  of  Bishops 

The  supposed  and  early  bishops  were : — 

1.  Dubricius;  d.  c.  546.  2.  Teilo;  d.  c.  580. 
3.  Oudoceus ;  d.  c.  620.  4.  Berthguin. 
5.  Trichan.  6.  Elvog.  7.  Catguaret.  8. 
Edilbiu.  9.  Grecielis.  10.  Cerenhir.  11. 
Nobis.  12.  Nud.  13.  Cimeilliauc,  872; 
cons,  by  Ethehed,  Ai-chbishop  of  Can- 
terbury ;  d.  927.  14.  Libiau ;  cons,  by 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  d.  929. 
15.  Marchluid  ;  d.  c.  943.  16.  Pater ; 
d.  c.  961.  17.  Gulbrit.  18.  Gucaun, 
982 ;  cons,  by  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. 19.  Bledri,  983  ;  cons,  by  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  20.  Joseph, 
1022  ;  cons,  by  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury ;  d.  1043  at  Rome.  21.  Herwald, 
1056  ;  cons,  by  Ai-chbishop  of  Canter- 
bury at  London  ;  d.  1103. 

1.  Urban,     1107 ;      cons,     by    Ai'chbishop 

Anselm  [q.v.) ;  probably  a  Welshman, 
but  a  Norman  nominee;  d.  1133,  at 
or  on  his  way  to  Rome ;  an  active, 
energetic  bishop ;  to  him  Llandaff  owes 
its  cathedral.  See  vacant  about  six 
years. 

2.  Uchtryd,    1140;     a    Welshman;     Arch- 

deacon of  Llandaff;   d.  1148. 

3.  Nicholas    ab    Gwrgant,    1148 ;     was    in 

trouble  with  three  Archbishops  of 
Canterbury;   d.  1183. 

4.  Wilham  Saltmarsh,   1186;    a  Norman; 

Prior  of  St.  Augustine's,  Bristol ; 
d.  1191. 

5.  Henry,    Prior    of    Abergavenny,    1193 ; 

probably  began  the  reconstruction  of 
the  cathedral ;   d.  1218. 

6.  WiUiam,  Prior  of  Goldcliff,   1219  (P.); 

d.  1230. 

7.  Elias  of    Radnor,    1230 ;     Treasurer    of 

Hereford ;   d.  1240. 


9. 
10. 
11. 

12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 

16. 
17. 

18. 
19. 

20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 

24. 
25. 
26. 

27. 
28. 

29. 

30. 

3L 

32. 


William  de   Burgh,    1245 ;     the  diocese 

greatlv  despoiled  through  constant  wars ; 

d.  1253,  blind. 
John    de    la    Ware,    1254 ;     Abbot    of 

Margam,  1237  ;   d.  1256. 
William  of  Radnor,  1257  ;    Treasurer  of 

Llandaff ;  d.  1266. 
Wilham    de    Braose,    or    Bruce,    1266 ; 

Canon    of    Llandaff ;      d.     1287.     See 

vacant  ten  years. 
John  of  Monmouth,  1297  (P.)  ;   Canon  of 

Lincoln  ;   d.  1323. 
John  de  Egleschf,  1323;    tr.   (P.)   from 

Connor  ;    a  Dominican  ;   d.  1347. 
John    Pascal,    1347    (P.) ;     a    CarmeUte 

Friar ;  learned  and  eloquent ;  d.  1361. 
Roger  Cradock,  1361 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Water- 
ford  and  Lismore ;  a  Friar  Minor ;  d. 

1382. 
Thomas  Rushook,  1383  (P.) ;  the  King's 

confessor  ;  tr.  to  Chichester,  1385. 
WiUiam  Bottlesham,  or  Botosham,  1386 

(P.) ;   titular  Bishop  of  Bethlehem  ;  tr. 

to  Rochester,  1389. 
Edmund  Bromfield,  1389  (P.) ;  a  factious 

man  ;   d.  1393. 
Tideman    de    Winchcomb,     1393    (P.); 

elected   first    by  the    chapter;    Abbot 

of  Beauheu  ;   tr.  to  Worcester,  1395. 
Andrew  Barrett,  1395  (P.) ;   Prebendary 

of  Lincoln  ;   d.  1396. 
John   Burghill,    1396   (P.);    the  King's 

confessor  ;   tr.  to  Lichfield,  1398. 
Thomas  Peverell,  1398  ;  tr.  from  Ossory ; 

tr.  to  Worcester,  1407. 
John  de  la  Zouche,  1408  (P.);   a  Friar 

Minor ;  d.  1423.    With  his  appointment 

translations  ceased  till  1545. 
John  WeUs,  1425  (P.) ;    cons,  at  Rome; 

d.  1440. 
Nicholas    Ashby,    1441    (P.);     Prior    of 

Westminster ;    d.  1458. 
John    Hunden     (Houden),     1458     (P.); 

Prior  of  King's  Langley,  Herts ;    res. 

1476. 
John  Smith,  1476  (P.) ;  d.  1478. 
John  Marshall,  1478  (P.) ;    a  benefactor 

to  the  cathedral ;  d.  1496. 
John  Insleby,  1496  (P.) ;  a  Carthusian ; 

Prior  ol  Shene  ;   d.  1499. 
Miles  SaUey,  1500  (P.);  Abbot  of  Eyns- 

ham;    greatly  improved  the  episcopal 

palace  at  Matherne  ;   d.  1517. 
George  de  Athequa,  1517  (P.) ;  a  Spanish 

Dominican  ;    chaplain  of  Katherine  of 

Aragon  ;   res.  1537. 
Robert  Holgate  {q.v.),  1537  ;  a  Yorkshire- 
man  ;  Master  of  the  GUbertines ;    tr.  to 

York,  1545.     He  had  a  suffragan,  John 

Bird,  who  was  tr.  to  Bangor,  1539. 


(334) 


LlandafT] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Lollards 


33.  Anthony  Kitchin  {q.v.)   (Kechyn),  alias 

Dunstan,  1 545 ;  probably  the  worst 
bishop  of  this  diocese  ;  d.  1565. 

34.  Hugh  Jones,  1566 ;    the  first  Welshman 

appointed  for  three  hundred  years 
(Godwin)  ;   d.  1574. 

35.  A^'ilham    Elethin,     or    Griffiths,     1575 ; 

Archdeacon  of  Brecon ;  issued  new 
statutes ;   d.  1590. 

36.  Gervase  Babington,  1591  ;    Treasurer  of 

LlandafE ;   tr.  to  Exeter,  1595. 

37.  Wilham  Morgan,  1595  ;  tr.  to  St.  Asaph, 

1601. 

38.  Francis    Godwin,    1601  ;      sub-Dean    of 

Exeter ;    tr.  to  Hereford,  1617. 

39.  George  Carleton,  1618  ;  tr.  to  Chichester, 

1619. 

40.  Theophilus  Field,  1619;  tr.  to  St.  David's, 

1627. 

41.  William   Murray,    1627 ;    tr.    from    lO- 

fenora ;   d.  1640. 

42.  Morgan  Owen,  1640 ;   a  friend  of  Laud 

{q.v.),  one  of  the  bishops  impeached  and 
imprisoned  for  promulgating  the  canons 
of  1640 ;  d.  1645.  The  see  vacant  for 
over  fifteen  years. 

43.  Hugh     Lloyd,     1660 ;      Archdeacon     of 

St.  David's  ;   d.  1667. 

44.  Francis   Davies,    1667 ;     Archdeacon    of 

Llandaff;    d.  1675. 

45.  William    Lloyd,    1675 ;     tr.    to    Peter- 

borough, 1679. 

46.  WiUiam  Beaw,  1679;  d.  1706,  aged  ninety. 

47.  John   Tylor,  1706 ;    Dean    of  Hereford ; 

d.  1724. 

48.  Robert    Clavering,    1725 ;     Regius   Pro- 

fessor of  Hebrew  at  Oxford  ;  tr.  to 
Peterborough,  1728.  The  diocese  was 
now  at  its  very  lowest  point.  Rapid 
translations  became  common. 

49.  John  Harris,  1729  ;    held  the  deanery  of 

Hereford,  and  afterwards  of  Wells  in 
commendam ;   d.  1738. 

50.  jMatthias  Mawson,  1739 ;  tr.  to  Chichester^ 

1740. 

51.  John   Gilbert,    1740 ;    Dean  of  Exeter ; 

tr.  to  Salisbury,  1748. 

52.  Edward  Cressett,  1749  ;    Dean  of  Here- 

ford ;   d.  1755. 

53.  Richard    Newcome,    1755 ;     tr.    to    St. 

Asaph,  1761. 

54.  John  Ewer,  1761  ;   tr.  to  Bangor,  1769. 

55.  Jonathan  Shipley,  1769  ;  tr.  to  St.  Asaph 

within  five  months  from  consecration. 

56.  Shute  Barrington,  1769  ;  tr.  to  Sahsbury, 

1782. 

57.  Richard  Watson,  1782  ;    Archdeacon  of 

Ely ;   d.  1816. 

58.  Herbert  Marsh,  1816 ;    estabUshed  rural 

deans ;    tr.  to  Peterborough,  1819. 


59.  WiUiam    Van    Mildert,     1819;      Regius 

Professor  of  Divinity,  Oxford  ;  held  also 
deanery  of  St.  Paul's ;  tr.  to  Durham, 
1826.  Bishops  again  began  to  reside 
a  part  of  everj-  year  in  the  diocese, 

60.  Charles    Richard    Sumner,    1826 ;     also 

Dean  of  St.  Paul's  ;  tr.  to  Winchester, 
1827. 

61.  Edward  Copleston,  1828  ;    also  Dean  of 

St.  Paul's  ;  Provost  of  Oriel,  Oxford  ; 
devoted  himself  to  the  restoration  of 
churches  and  building  of  parsonages ; 
d.  1849. 

62.  Alfred     OUivant,     1849;      a     strenuous 

worker  ;  d.  1882  ;  a  residence  acquired 
during  his  episcopate. 

63.  Richard  Lewis,  1883  ;  d.  1905  ;  a  broad- 

minded,  hard-working  prelate ;  he 
made  a  great  and  successful  effort,  by 
the  erection  of  churches,  to  meet  the 
enormous  growth  of  population  during 
this  and  the  previous  episcopate  ;  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  new  churches  and 
mission  halls  were  built. 

64.  Joshua  Pritchard  Hughes,  1905. 

[J.    F.] 

B.  Willis,  Si'Tvei/  of  LUrndoff;  Newell,  h'ui. 
Hist.  ;  Stubbs,  Jieg.  Sacr.  ;  Le  Neve,  Fasti. 

LOLLARDS  (name  used  for  Beghards  on 
the  Continent,  used  by  Crump  at  Oxford  for 
Wyclif's  {q.v.)  followers,  c.  1382,  and  soon 
general ;  probably  applied  to  street  preachers 
or  idlers  ;  the  punning  derivation  from  lol- 
Hum,  tares,  became  common).  There  are  two 
questions:  (1)  as  to  the  exact  connection  of 
LoUardy  with  Wyclif's  teaching,  and  (2)  as  to 
its  iniiuence  upon  the  Reformation.  Although 
it  is  usual  to  consider  Lollardy  as  the  direct 
result  of  Wyclif's  teaching,  there  is  some 
discontinuity  at  the  outset  between  his  circle 
of  Oxford  disciples  (broken  up  in  1382)  and 
the  wider  movement.  Some  well-knoAiii 
Lollards,  e.g.  Swinderby,  h;xd  been  independ- 
ent (wholly  or  partly)  of  Wychfite  influence, 
and  many  later  LoUards  were  merely  ordinar\' 
instances  of  earnest  men  of  individual 
reUgious  feeUngs.  Their  revolutionary  and 
Biblical  tastes,  and  sometimes  communistic 
leanings,  led  to  their  being  called  Lollards 
and  considered  Wyclif's  disciples.  Through 
some  of  Wyclif's  '  Poor  Priests '  the  Oxford 
academic  movement,  and  the  wider  general 
movement  independent  of  Wyclif,  were 
brought  into  conjunction.  The  enumeration 
of  Wychf 's  heresies  and  their  condemnation — 
the  first  serious  case  of  heresy  {q.v.)  in  England 
— gave  the  bishops  a  rough  test  for  heretics, 
and  any  one  condemned  for  these  views  would 
be  held  a  Lollard.     With  the  growtli  of  anti- 


(  335  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Lollards 


Lollard  legislation  tMs  became  commoner. 
But  Lollardy  was  a  result  of  the  general  fer- 
ment of  thought  at  the  close  of  the  four- 
teenth century.  There  was  a  movement  of 
individualism,  new  social  classes  were  work- 
ing their  wav  up,  new  ideas  gained  ground, 
and,  in  default  of  the  Church  meeting  these 
new  demands,  irregular  and  erratic  teachers 
gained  influence.  If  we  take  this  view  of 
Lollardy  it  is  needless  to  discuss  its  exact 
relation  to  the  Reformation.  Cases  of  religi- 
ous earnestness  joined  to  disregard  of  Church 
order,  on  the  part  of  men  who  sought  their  own 
salvation  in  an  individuahstic  way,  continued 
to  arise.  They  were  Lollards  not  because 
they  foUowed  WycHf,  but  because  they  were 
shaped  by  the  same  impulses  that  shaped 
the  LoUards  nearer  his  day.  But  the  tend- 
ency of  Lollards  to  gather  in  special  locaUties, 
sometimes  those  [e.g.  Leicestershii-e,  Norfolk, 
and  parts  of  the  city  of  London)  where  Wyclif 
or  his  immediate  followers  had  taught,  should 
be  noticed.  When  persecution  revived  under 
Henry  vn.  and  Henry  vm.  the  victims  came 
largely  from  the  districts  which  had  furnished 
victims  under  the  Lancastrians. 

Among  well-known  Lollards  were  William 
Swinderby,    at   Leicester   and    Lincoln    and 
Hereford";   John  Purvey,  generally  supposed 
to  be  the  author  or  reviser  of  the  second  and 
later  Wyclifite  version  of  the  Bible,  and  the 
writer  of  Regimen  Ecclesiae  (which  is  not  to  be 
identified  with  the  Remonstrance  published 
by  Forshall),  who  laid  stress  upon  preaching 
above  everything,  and  held  the  Mass  to  be  a 
tradition.     Purvey  was  born  at   Lathbury, 
and  worked  near  Bristol.     In   1401  he  re- 
canted, as  had  done   Philip  Repingdon  (in 
1382),    afterwards    Bishop    of    Lincoln    and 
cardinal;   and  (in  1391)  Nicholas  Hereford, 
concerned  in  translating  the  Old  Testament 
(first  Wyclifite  version),  who  had  appealed 
to  the  Pope  and  been  imprisoned  in  Rome. 
John  Aston  (Ashton),  another  Oxford  dis- 
ciple of  Wyclif,  was  with  Purvey,  Hereford, 
and    others    inhibited    by    the    Bishop    of 
Worcester  (1387).     Some  of  these  men  were 
said  to  be  leagued  together  in  an  unlicensed 
(illegal)  college.     As  early  as  1382  unlicensed 
preachers    were    causing    trouble,    drawing 
crowds,  and  refusing  to  obey  any  summons 
from  a  bishop.     Commissions  were  issued  to 
sheriffs  to  arrest  persons  named  by  bishops, 
and  to  imprison  them  until  the  Church  was 
satisfied.     But  the  Commons  declared  that 
they  had  not  assented  to  this,  and  so  the  old 
ecclesiastical  procedure  went  on,  but  royal 
letters  empowered  the  bishops  to  seize  and 
imprison  these   preachers  until  the  Council 
decided  what  to  do  with  them.     In  1387-8, 


while  the  excitement  and  fear  due  to  the 
rebellion  of  1381  stiU  caused  anxiety  for 
society  and  the  Church,  there  was  a  story  of 
ordinations  by  certain  LoUards  in  SaUsbury 
diocese,  and  there  were  riots  in  London.  The 
ParUament  petitioned  the  King  to  act,  and 
he  wrote  urging  the  bishops  to  activity.  In 
the  diocese  of  Norwich  Bishop  Despenser  iq.v.) 
returned  from  his  unfortunate  crusade,  was 
stringent.  In  two  waj'S  the  Lollards  were 
active :  in  their  schools  (cf.  the  coUege 
mentioned  above)  and  in  literature.  The 
Rolls  of  Parhament  (1401  and  1414)  speak  of 
Lollard  schools.  In  1424-30  we  have  cases : 
Richard  Belworth  at  Ditchingham,  John 
Abraham  at  Colchester ;  at  Burgh  and 
London ;  and  Thomas  Moore  at  Ludney.  The 
scattering  of  '  schedules  '  or  pamphlets  (as 
by  Aston  at  his  trial,  by  Benedict  WiUiams 
(1405),  by  William  PateshuU  in  the  London 
riots  of  1387  ;  in  the  case  of  the  Conclusions 
of  1395,  of  Oldcastle's  assertion  of  his  ortho- 
doxy) also  tended  to  spread  Lollardy. 

The  lay  party,  formerly  headed  by  John 
of  Gaunt,  reappeared,  and  some  of  the  gentry 
sympathised  with  LoUards  in  their  attacks 
upon  endowments ;  among  them  were  the 
Earl  of  SaUsbury  (d.  1400),  Sir  Thomas 
Latimer,  and  Sir  Lewis  de  CUfford,  The 
twelve  Conclusions  of  1395,  attacking  endow- 
ments, the  hierarchy,  clerical  celibacy,  the 
Mass,  prayers  for  the  dead,  the  immorality 
of  the  clergy,  presented  to  the  Parhament, 
Ulustrate  the  boldness  and  the  exaggerations 
of  the  LoUards.  Their  denunciation  of  war 
and  capital  punishment  is  curious.  Along 
with  these  twelve  Conclusions  of  1395  should 
be  taken  the  thirty-seven  Conclusions,  and 
the  Remonstrance  pubUshed  by  Porshall. 
They  belong  to  a  C3^cle  of  Uterature  which 
repeated  the  same  material  in  manj^  forms. 

Many  LoUard  works,  such  as  the  Apohgi/ 
for  Lollards,  have  been  wrongly  ascribed  to 
Wyclif.  This  Apology  shows  the  same  scope 
of  reading  as  Purvey's  Remonstrance  and  Pro- 
logue to  the  New  Testament.  The  addition 
of  prologues  strongly  LoUard  to  works  {e.g. 
translations  of  the  Canticles,  Psalms,  etc.) 
was  common,  and  this  spread  of  LoUard 
teaching,  preaching,  and  writing  made  the 
authorities  anxious.  Current  controversies 
are  often  iUustrated  by  poUtical  songs.  A  re- 
action against  the  LoUards  set  in  (1401)  under 
the  Lancastrians.  The  sympathy  of  Richard 
II.  for  them  has  often  been  exaggerated,  and 
his  epitaph  describes  him  as  putting  down 
heretics ;  but  the  new  dynasty  was  both 
orthodox  and  severe,  and  Archbishop  Arundel 
(1397)  was  energetic.  The  Act  De  Heretico 
Comburendo  (1401,  2  Hen.  iv.  c.  15)  spoke  of  a 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[London 


new  sect  which  usurped  the  office  of  preaching, 
held  conventicles  and  schools,  and  circulated 
books  and  evaded  the  episcopal  jurisdiction. 
Authority  was  given  to  all  diocesans  to  sup- 
press all  these.  A  prisoner  was  to  be  held 
three  months  until  purged  or  abjured ;  if 
obstinate,  to  be  given  to  the  secular  courts 
and  burnt.  The  old  lay  party  presented 
schemes  for  confiscating  Church  property 
(1404,  1410).  The  knights  of  the  shires 
prayed  (1410)  that  convicted  clerks  should 
not  be  placed  in  bishops'  prisons,  and  that 
the  new  statute  might  be  changed.  But 
(1414)  new  legislation  came.  Heresy  was 
made  an  offence  at  common  law ;  judges 
were  to  swear  to  exterminate  it ;  persons 
condemned  by  ordinaries  were  to  be  dehvered 
to  the  secular  courts.  And  by  a  new  pro- 
vision of  great  importance  justices  were  to 
inquire  into  heresy  and  to  hand  the  accused 
over  to  their  ordinaries.  There  was  the  same 
condition  of  things  in  England  as  that 
abroad  under  which  the  Inquisition  arose, 
but  it  was  significant  that  in  England  the 
State  took  the  power  to  itself.  The  free 
action  of  episcopal  jurisdiction  was  interfered 
with  abroad  by  the  Inquisition,  in  England 
by  the  State.  But  it  may  be  noted  that  before 
this  legislation  the  general  principles  had 
been  far  from  clear,  as  is  shown  by  Sawtre's 
execution  and  by  Swinderby's  appeal  to  the 
King,  which  raised  a  general  principle. 
The  true  object  of  the  episcopal  courts  was 
to  prevent  the  spread  of  mischief,  not  to 
punish.  The  claim  to  punish,  or  the  sug- 
gestion from  the  State  that  punishment 
should  be  inflicted,  at  once  brought  in  the 
coercive  power  of  the  civil  arm.  There  were 
many  curious  cases,  such  as  that  of  Thorpe 
(probably  much  worked  up  in  the  pamplilet 
of  his  examination,  re-edited  by  George  Con- 
stantino or  Tindal)  and  that  of  Richard 
Wyche.  There  was  also  much  local  support 
of  Lollards  (as,  1392,  by  Henry  Fox,  Mayor 
of  Northampton).  The  case  of  Sir  John  Old- 
castle  (by  a  strange  confusion  turned  into 
Falstaff)  is  important.  With  him  LoUardy 
was  more  a  social  or  pohtical  than  a  religious 
matter.  He  protested  his  orthodoxy,  although 
in  a  popular  song  he  was  accused  of  babbhng 
the  Bible  day  and  night.  He  played  with 
rebeUion  and  heresy,  and  the  suppression  of 
his  movement  threw  back  Lollardy  (1416). 
Jack  Sharpe's  rebeUion  (1431),  with  its  agita- 
tion, in  London  and  elsewhere,  against  the 
endowed  religious  and  prelates  was  the  last 
vigorous  outbreak.  Henceforth  Lollardy  lived 
on  as  a  kind  of  lowly  discontent,  with  a  litera- 
ture of  its  own,  and  a  rough  but  localised 
system  of  spreading  its  views.      There  were 


(1420-30)  many  single  cases  (e.gr.  William  White 
in  Norwich  diocese).  The  north  was  less 
troubled  by  Lollardy  than  was  the  south. 
In  Durham  the  state  of  religion  was  backward ; 
neither  a  wish  for  reformation  nor  earnestness 
had  much  place.  In  York  there  was  the  case 
of  Thomas  Richmond  ( 1426),  a  Franciscan,  who 
preached  against  the  ministers  of  the  Church 
(affirming  that  deadly  sin  deprived  a  priest 
of  his  priesthood);  but  the  case  is  remarkable 
for  the  able  arguments  of  the  authorities  that 
(1)  this  doctrine  of  the  effect  of  deadly  sin 
meant  anarchy,  and  (2)  that  the  Church 
must  be  left  its  own  control  of  its  own 
officers  ('  no  man  should  put  his  sickle  into 
another's  corn  ').  The  provision  of  instruc- 
tion in  the  north  did  more  for  the  Church 
than  did  repression  in  the  south. 

In  the  controversies  with  the  Lollards 
the  victory  lay  with  their  opponents.  Netter 
of  Walden  (a  Carmehte,  D.D.  of  Oxford,  and 
present  at  Pisa  and  Constance ;  Provincial 
of  his  order,  confessor  to  Henry  v.)  in  his 
massive  Doctrinale ;  William  Woodford,  an 
opponent  of  Wyclif,  in  his  work  (see  Brown's 
Fasciculus)  against  the  Trialogus ;  Roger 
Dymok,  who  wrote  against  the  twelve 
Conclusions,  were  all  superior  to  the  Lollards 
in  learning  and  ability.  But  they  failed  to 
see,  as  Reginald  Pecock  (q.v.)  did  see,  how 
the  movement  should  be  met.  Pecock's  view 
was  that  by  understanding  Lollard  views, 
and  patiently  teaching  Lollards  the  truth, 
they  could  be  won  over.  It  was  true  that 
virtuous  people  were  not  necessarily,  as 
Lollards  taught,  the  best  expounders  of  Holy 
Writ  —  that  was  a  work  for  learning  and 
wisdom.  But  the  Church  must  use  the  vulgar 
tongue  and  come  down  to  these  earnest  men 
upon  their  own  ground.  It  was  a  magnificent 
ideal.  LoUardy  was  the  result  of  a  new- 
stirring  of  individual  Ufe,  which  without 
guidance  did  harm,  but  if  properly  met 
and  guided  would  have  lost  its  danger. 
It  was  reaUy  a  demand  upon  the  Church  for 
new  energy,  and  by  Church  and  State 
combined  was  met  with  repression.  Hence 
its  ineffectiveness  and  its  pathos.     [Heresy.] 

[j.  p.  w.] 

See  references  under  Wyclif;  also  Gairdner, 
LoUardy  and  the  Reformation  ;  W.  H.  Wylie, 
Hist,  of  Enq.  v/nder  Henry  I V.  ;  Foxe,  Book  of 
Martyrs;  Wright,  Political  Songs,  R.S. ;  and 
for  local  details  V.C.H. 

LONDON,  See  of.  The  bishopric  with  its 
see  at  London  was  founded  for  the  East 
Saxons  at  the  consecration  of  Melhtus  {q.v.) 
in  604,  and  during  the  Middle  Ages  the  diocese 
included  the  city  of  London,  the  counties  of 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[London 


Middlesex  and  Essex,  and  parts  of  Hertford- 
shire. In  1540  was  established  a  bishopric 
of  Westminster,  to  which  Middlesex,  with 
the  exception  of  Fulham,  was  assigned  as 
diocese,  but  it  was  dissolved  in  1550.  In 
that  year  the  diocese  of  London  was  extended 
by  the  transference  to  it  of  the  archdeaconry 
of  St.  Albans  from  Lincoln.  In  accordance 
\\ith  the  recommendations  of  the  Ecclesi- 
astical Commissioners  (1835),  carried  out  by 
an  Order  in  Council  of  1845,  the  diocese  was 
diminished  by  its  territory  in  Herts  and  all 
Essex  except  nine  suburban  parishes,  as 
Barking,  East  Ham,  West  Ham,  and  others. 
But  it  was  extended  b}^  receiving  from 
Rochester  eight  suburban  parishes  in  Kent, 
among  them  Charlton,  Lewisham,  Green- 
wich, and  Woolwich  ;  and  from  Winchester 
the  borough  of  Southwark  and  thirteen 
Surrey  parishes,  as  Battersea,  Bermondsey, 
and  Camberwell ;  together  with  certain 
peculiars  of  Canterbury,  as  Barnes,  Mortlake, 
and  Wimbledon.  The  transfer  from  Win- 
chester was  not  to  take  effect  until  the  next 
vacancy  in  that  see,  and  before  this  occurred 
the  London  Diocese  Act,  1863  (26-7  Vic. 
c.  36)  repealed  that  part  of  the  Order.  It 
also  provided  that  the  above-mentioned 
Essex  and  Kentish  parishes  should  be  trans- 
ferred from  London  to  Rochester.  This  was 
done  after  the  death  of  Bishop  Wigram  of 
Rochester  in  1867.  The  diocese  now  (1912) 
includes  the  city  of  London,  the  county  of 
Middlesex,  and  the  boroughs  of  the  county 
of  London  on  the  north  side  of  the  Thames. 
Its  population  is  3,610,000. 

The  Taxatio  of  Nicholas  iv.  estimates 
the  total  yearly  value  of  the  bishopric  at 
£1000.  In  the  Valor  Ecdesiasticus  {q.v.)  the 
net  revenue  is  put  at  £1119,  8s.,  which  by 
1711  had  sunk  to  £1000  (Ecton).  The 
present  income  is  £10,000.  There  was  a 
suffragan  bishop  of  Bedford  (1879-95),  and 
there  are  now  suffragan  bishops  of  Stepney 
(1895),  Ishngton  (1898),  Kensington  (1901), 
and  Willesdcn  (1911).  By  the  middle  oi 
the  twelfth  century  there  were  four  arch- 
deaconries in  this  diocese ;  that  of  London, 
which  must  doubtless  have  existed  from  the 
ninth  century,  and  have  included  the  whole 
diocese — though  the  more  complete  organisa- 
tion introduced  by  the  Normans  made  it 
merely  the  first  in  dignity  among  four — 
appears  about  1136,  the  other  three,  Middle- 
sex, Essex,  and  Colchester,  aU  appearing  by 
1142.  In  1550  a  fifth  archdeaconry,  that  of 
St.  Albans,  was  added.  In  pursuance  of  an 
Order  in  Council  of  8th  August  1845  the 
archdeaconries  of  Essex,  Colchester,  and  St. 
Albans  were   transferred    to    the  diocese  of 


Rochester,  and  the  diocese  of  London  con- 
sequently retained  only  those  of  London  and 
Middlesex.  An  archdeaconry  of  Hampstead 
was  created  1912. 

The  cathedral  church  of  St.  Paul  is  of  the 
Old  Foundation,  and  is  ruled  by  a  dean  and  four 
residentiary  canons.  One  canonry  is  annexed 
to  the  archdeaconry  of  London.  There  are 
thirty  prebends.  The  minor  canonries  are  a 
corporation  by  Royal  Charter.  The  number 
was  formerly  twelve,  but  under  arrangements 
made  by  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners 
will  be  ultimately  reduced  to  six. 

Bishops 

A  British  bishop  of  London  named  Resti- 
tutus  attended  the  Council  of  Aries,  314, 
and  assented  to  its  decrees. 


9. 
11. 
12. 

13. 
14. 

15. 
16. 

17. 
19. 
20. 
21. 

22, 


23. 

24, 
25, 
26, 
28, 


MeUitus  (g.v.),  604;  d.  624. 

Ceddiq.v.),  654;  d.  664. 

Wini;  cons,  in  Gaul;  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, 663  ? ;  bought  the  see  of  London 
from  the  Mercian  king  about  666,  and 
in  spite  of  the  scandal  caused  by  this 
simony,  held  it  till  his  death  in  674  ? 

Earconwald,  675 ;  a  bishop  of  great 
sanctity  ;    d.  30th  April  693. 

Waldhere,  693 ;  -mrote  to  Archbishop 
Bertwald  on  political  matters  in  705. 

Ingwald ;  d.  745. 

Ecgwulf ;  fl.  745-59. 

Sighere,  or  Wigheah ;  fl.  772. 

Aldberht;  fl.  786.     10.  Eadgar;  fl.  789. 

Coenwalh;  fl.  793. 

Eadbald,  793;  'left  the  land,'  which 
may  possibly  mean  died,  in  796. 

Heathoberht;  d.  801. 

Osmund,  802  ?  ;  present  at  the  Councils 
of  Clovesho,  803,  and  Acle,  805. 

Aethelnoth;  fl.  811-16. 

Ceolberht ;  fl.  824-39. 

Deor%vuK ;  fl.  860.      18.  Swithulf. 

Aelfstan,  or  Heahstan  ;  d.  898. 

Wulfsige;  fl.  901-10. 

Heahstan;  fl.  910-26. 

Theodred  ;  in  time  of  King  Athelstan ; 
called  the  Good ;  caused  some  robbers 
to  be  hanged,  and  repented  all  the  rest 
of  his  life  ;   d.  951  ? 

WuHstan. 

Brithelm  ;  fl.  953-9  ? 

Dunstan  {q.v.),  959. 

Aelfstan,  961.  27.  Wulfstan,  996. 

Aelfhun,  1004;  buried  St.  Alphege,  the 
martyred  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in 
1012. 
,  Aelf  wig,  or  Elf  wy ;  cons,  at  York  by  Arch- 
bishop Wulfstan,  1014 ;   d.  1035  ? 
,  Aelfweard,    1035?;    held    the   abbey  of 


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31. 
32. 

33. 
34. 
35. 

36. 

37. 

38. 

39. 
40. 

41. 

42. 

43. 


44 


Evesham  with  the  see  ;  d.  of  leprosy  at 
Ramsey  Abbey,  25th  July  1044. 
Robert  of  Jumieges,  1044  ;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury, 1051. 
William,  1051;    deservedly  honoured  by 
Englishmen    and  Normans   alike,   and 
specially  in  London  ;  d.  1075. 
Hugh   of    Orival,    1075 ;    d.  of   leprosy, 

12th  January  1085. 
Maurice,   1086;  began  to  build  Old  St. 

Paul's  ;  d.  26th  September  1107. 
Richard  de  Belmcis,  1108;  an  able  states- 
man and  a  magnificent  prelate ;   con- 
tinued building  of  St.  Paul's ;   d.  16th 
January  1127. 
Gilbert  the  Universal,  1128  ;    a  famous 
scholar ;    accused  of  avarice ;    d.   10th 
August    1134.      A    vacancy    of    seven 
years. 
Robert  de  Sigillo ;  cons.    1141  ;  on  the 
side    of    the    Empress    Matilda ;    was 
captured  and  imprisoned  for  a  while 
by  Geofirey  de  MandevUle ;    he  is  said 
to    have    died    from    eating    poisoned 
grapes,  1151. 
Richard    de    Belmeis    ii.  ;     nephew    of 
Bishop  Richard  (35),    1152;    lost   his 
speech,  probably  by   paralysis,  about 
1157;   d.  4th  May  1162. 
Gilbert  FoUot  {q.v.);  tr.  from  Hereford, 

1163. 
Richard  Fitz-Neal ;  son  of  Nigel,  Bishop 
of    Ely,    1189;    like    his    father,    was 
Treasurer    of    the    Exchequer;    wrote 
the    Dialogus   de    Scaccario ;     d.    10th 
September  1198. 
William    of    St.    Mire    rEglise^     1199; 
published    the    interdict,    and    fled    to 
France,    1208 ;    was    reconciled    with 
John,    1213;    he    voluntarily   resigned 
the  see  in  1221 ;  d.  1224. 
Eustace    of    Fauconberg,    1221  ;    then, 
and  perhaps  later.  Treasurer ;   was  em- 
ployed in  political  affairs ;    he  was  a 
liberal   benefactor  to   his   church ;     d. 
2nd  November  1228. 
Roger    le     Noir,     1229 ;     learned     and 
honourable ;    was  a  fearless  defender 
of  the  rights  of  the  Church;    upheld 
Hubert  de  Burgh  ;  endeavoured  vainly 
to  check  the  proceedings  of  the  foreign 
usurers,  who  were  a   means   of   papal 
oppression  of  the  clergy ;   d.  29th  Sep- 
tember 1241.     The  behef  that  miracles 
were  wrought  at  his  tomb  in  St.  Paul's 
is  a  witness  to  his  character  and  popu- 
larity.    A  vacancy  of  three  years. 
.  Fulk  Basset,  1244 ;    of  noble  birth  and 
high  character ;    actively  resisted  the 
oppression    of    the    Church    by    Inno- 


45 


48 


49. 


cent  IV,  ;  a  prominent  member  of  the 
baronial  and  popular  party,  but  went 
over  to  the  side  of  Henry  iii.  about 
1257  ;  d.  25th  May  1259. 
Henry  of  Wingham,  1260  ;  Keeper  of  the 
Great  Seal,  but  retired  from  the 
Chancery  in  that  year  ;  he  held  several 
benefices  in  plurality ;  d.  13th  July  1262. 

46.  Henry  of  Sandwich,  1263  ;    a  prominent 

member  of  the  baronial  opposition  to 
Henry  ixr.  ;  suspended  in  1266  for 
neglecting  to  obey  the  legate's  order  to 
excommunicate  Simon  de  Montfort  and 
his  party,  and  was  detained  seven  years 
at  Rome  with  small  means ;  was  re- 
stored in  1272,  and  in  January  1273 
received  at  St.  Paul's  with  much  re- 
joicing ;    d.  15th  September  1273. 

47.  John  Chishull,  1274 ;  had  been  Treasurer; 

was  a  benefactor  to  his  church  ;  d.  7th 
February  1280. 

Richard  of  Gravesend,  1280;  a  muni- 
ficent prelate  ;  benefactor  to  his  church, 
the  poor,  and  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge ;   d.  9th  December  1303. 

Ralph"  Baldock,  1306;  appointed  Chan- 
cellor by  Edward  i.  in  1307,  but  dis- 
placed by  Edward  ir. ;  he  was  one  of  the 
Lords  Ordainers  of  1310,  but  does  not 
seem  to  have  taken  a  prominent  part  in 
politics ;  he  wrote  a  book  of  annals,  not 
now  extant,  and  was  a  munificent  bene- 
factor to  his  church ;  d.  24th  July  1313. 

Gilbert  Segrave,  1313 ;  of  a  baronial 
fajtdly ;    d.  18th  December  1316. 

51.  Richard  Newport,  1317  ;   d.  24th  August 

1318. 

52.  Stephen  of  Gravesend,  1319  ;   nephew  of 

Bishop  Richard  (48) ;  as  a  supporter  of 
the  government  of  Edward  n.  was  in 
danger  of  his  life  from  the  Londoners 
in  the  outbreak  of  1326 ;  he  protested 
against  the  election  of  Edward  lu.  in 
his  father's  place,  and  was  implicated 
in  the  conspiracy  of  the  Earl  of  Kent 
against  Mortimer's  government ;  d. 
8th  AprH  1338. 

Richard  Bentworth,  1338  ;  was  appointed 
Chancellor ;    d.  8th  December  1339. 

Ralph  Stratford,  1340  ;  probably  nephew 
of  John  Stratford,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury ;  had  been  one  of  the  clerks  of 
Edward  iii.  ;  upheld  his  kinsman,  the 
archbishop,  in  his  quarrel  with  the 
King;  in  1350  Edward  recommended 
him  for  a  cardinalate ;  he  was  a  bene- 
factor to  Stratford-on-Avon ;  d.  7th 
April  1354. 
55.  IVIichael  Northburgh,  1354  (P.);  elected 
by  the  chapter,  but  the  election  was 


50. 


53. 


54. 


(  339  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[London 


anntilled  by  the  Pope,  and  he  was  pro-  | 
vidcd ;  had  been  much  employed  by  the 
King ;  was  his  secretary,  and  Keeper  of 
the  Privy  Seal ;  he  wrote,  in  two  letters, 
an  account  of  Edward's  marches  in 
France  in  1346,  preserved  in  Avebury's 
Chronicle,  and  a  book  on  law  not  now 
extant;  he  was  probably  co-founder 
with  Sir  Walter  Manny  of  the  London 
Charterhouse,  and  left  several  bene- 
factions ;  d.  9th  September  1361. 

56.  Simon  Sudbury  (q.v.),  1362  (P.) ;    tr.  to 

Canterbury,  1375. 

57.  William  Courtenay,  1375  (P.) ;  tr.  from 

Hereford  ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1381. 

58.  Robert  Braybrook,  1382  (P.) ;  was  Chan- 

cellor for  six  months;  he  strenuously 
opposed  the  Lollards,  reformed  the 
chapter  of  St.  Paul's,  and  was  zealous 
for  good  order  in  the  Church ;  d.  28th 
August  1404. 

59.  Roger  Walden,  1405  (P.) ;  had  been  con- 

secrated, 1398,  to  Canterbury  on  the 
fall  of  Archbishop  Arundel ;  was  de- 
prived as  an  intruder  on  the  accession 
of  Henry  iv.,  1399  ;  spent  five  years  in 
obscurity,  and  then  received  the  see  of 
London  ;  d.  6th  January  1406. 

60.  Nicholas  Bubwith,  1406  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Saiis- 

bury,  1407. 

61.  Richard    Clifford,    1407;    tr.    (P.)    from 

Worcester;  had  been  a  favourite  of 
Richard  n.,  and  Keeper  of  the  Privy 
Seal ;  was  ambassador  to  the  Council 
of  Constance ;  is  said  to  have  been  pro- 
posed for  the  papacy  and  to  have  in- 
fluenced the  electors  to  choose  Martin  v., 
1417 ;  held  many  benefices  in  pluraUty; 
d.  20th  August  1421. 

62.  John  Kemp,   1421 ;    tr.   (P.)  from  Chi- 

chester ;  tr.  to  York,  1426. 

63.  WiUiam  Grey,  1426  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Lincoln, 

1431. 

64.  Robert  Fitzhugh,  1431  (P.) ;  cons,  at  Fo- 

ligno ;  had  been  Chancellor  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge  ;  was  ambassador 
to  Council  of  Basle,  1434  ;  was  popular 
and  of  high  character ;  d.  15th  January 
1436. 

65.  Robert  Gilbert,  1436  (P.);  had  been  War- 

den of  Merton  College,  Oxford,  and  Dean 
of  York,  and  had  accompanied  Henry 
V.  on  his  expedition  into  France  ;  he 
tried  some  LoUards,  and  the  condemna- 
tion and  burning  of  two  of  them  in 
1440  caused  much  displeasure  in  Lon- 
don ;  d.  22nd  June  1448. 

66.  Thomas   Kemp,   1450  (P.) ;    nephew  of 

Archbishop  John  (62) ;  one  of  the  Duke 
of  Somerset's  party,  but  lived  peacefully 


under  the  Yorkist  kings ;  he  built  the 
pulpit  at  Paul's  Cross  and  contributed 
to  the  building  of  the  Divinity  School 
at  Oxford  ;   d.  28th  March  1489. 

67.  Richard  Hill,  1489  (P.);  in  a  dispute  with 

the  Prior  of  Christ  Church,  Aldgate,  he 
came  to  the  priory  with  an  armed  force 
and  made  the  prior  prisoner  ;  a  contro- 
versy with  Archbishop  Morton  on  the 
jurisdiction  of  their  courts  ended  in  his 
defeat ;   d.  20th  February  1496. 

68.  Thomas  Savage,  1496  ;   tr.  (P.)  from  Ro- 

chester;  tr.  to  York,  1501. 

69.  William  Warham  {q.v.),  1502  (P.) ;  tr.  to 

Canterbury,  1503. 

70.  William  Barons,   1504  (P.) ;    had  been 

Master  of  the  Rolls ;  d.  10th  October 
1505. 

71.  Richard  Fitz- James,  1506  (P.);  tr.  from 

Chichester ;  a  Churchman  of  the  old 
school;  upheld  his  Chancellor  when 
accused  of  the  murder  of  Hunne;  a 
strong  opponent  of  Dean  Colet ;  tried 
many  heretics,  but  all  escaped  death ; 
was  a  man  of  high  character,  and  much 
respected  ;  d.  15th  January  1522. 

72.  Cuthbert  TunstaU  [q.v.),  1522  (P.) ;  tr.  to 

Durham,  1530. 

73.  John  Stokesley,  1530  (P.) ;  learned;  sub- 

servient to  Henry  vm.,  who  employed 
him  in  his  divorce  from  Katherine  of 
Aragon ;  a  bishop  of  the  old  school 
and  a  bitter  persecutor  of  heretics ; 
d.  8th  September  1539. 

74.  EdmundBonner  (g.v.),  1540;  depr.  1549; 

restored,  1553 ;  depr.  1559. 

75.  Nicholas   Ridley  {q.v.),    1550;    tr.  from 

Rochester ;  depr.  1553. 

76.  Edmund    Grmdal    {q.v.),    1559 ;     tr.    to 

York,  1570. 

77.  Edwin    Sandys,    1570;     tr.    from    Wor- 

cester ;  tr.  to  York,  1577 ;  the  first 
married  Bishop  of  London. 

78.  John    Ayhner,    1577 ;     a    distinguished 

scholar  and  a  strenuous  upholder  of 
Church  order ;  was  severe  with  Puri- 
tans and  Nonconformists,  who  were 
strong  in  his  diocese ;  he  was  hot- 
tempered,  quarrelsome,  and  bitter- 
spirited  ;  he  made  many  enemies,  who 
calumniated  him,  specially  in  the 
Martin  Marprelate  tracts  {q.v.) ;  d. 
3rd  June  1594. 

79.  Richard  Fletcher,  1595 ;  tr.  from  Wor- 

cester;  had  helped  in  drawing  up 
the  Lambeth  Articles,  and  was  inclined 
to  Calvinism ;  he  was  a  self-seeking, 
subservient  courtier ;  he  married  a 
widow  for  his  second  wife,  for  which 
he  was  suspended  almost  directly  he 


(340) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[London 


80. 
81. 
82. 

83. 
84. 


85. 
86. 
87. 


90, 


received  the  see  of  London  ;  he  was 
restored,  but  the  Queen's  displeasure 
virtually  killed  him ;  he  died  while 
smoking  a  pipe,  loth  June  1596. 

Richard  Bancroft  {q.v.),  1597;  tr.  to 
Canterbury,  1604. 

Richard  Vaughan,  1604 ;  tr.  from 
Chester  ;  d.  30th  March  1607, 

Thomas  Ravis,  1607 ;  tr.  from  Glou- 
cester ;  a  translator  of  the  Bible ; 
bitter  against  Nonconformists ;  d. 
14th  December  1609. 

George  Abbot  {q.v.),  1610;  tr.  from 
Lichfield;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1611. 

John  King,  1611  ;  had  been  Dean  of 
Christ  Church ;  he  was  a  learned  theo- 
logian, a  pious  man,  an  eloquent  and 
diligent  preacher,  and,  as  his  opposition 
to  the  divorce  of  Lady  Essex  shows, 
independent  of  court  favour;  d.  30th 
March  1621.  A  report  that  he  was  re- 
conciled on  his  death-bed  to  the  Roman 
Church  was  proved  to  be  utterly  false. 

George  Monteigne,  or  Mountain,  1621  ; 
tr.  from  Lincoln  ;  tr.  to  Durham,  1628. 

WiUiam  Laud  {q.v.),  1628  ;  tr.  from  Bath 
and  WeUs;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1633. 

William  Juxon  (q.v.),  1633  ;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury, 1660. 

Gilbert  Sheldon  {q.v.),  1660 ;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury, 1663. 

Humfrey  Henchman,  1663 ;  tr.  from 
Salisbury ;  as  Canon  of  Salisbury  he 
had  been  distinguished  by  his  pro- 
motion of  reverent  ceremonial ;  he 
suffered  deprivation  and  spoliation  dur- 
ing the  rebellion,  and  dwelt  quietly 
at  SaUsbury;  in  1651  he  enabled 
Charles  n.  to  escape  after  the  battle 
of  Worcester ;  as  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
while  an  uncompromising  High  Church- 
man, he  won  the  respect  alike  of  Church- 
men and  Nonconformists,  specially  by 
his  part  in  the  Savoy  Conference ;  in 
London  he  gave  no  trouble  to  Non- 
conformists ;  d.  7th  October  1675. 

Henry  Compton,  1675;  tr.from  Oxford;  a 
younger  son  of  the  second  Earl  of  North- 
ampton ;  had  in  his  youth  borne  arms 
for  the  King,  and  at  the  Restoration 
held  a  commission  in  the  Horse  Guards, 
but  was  ordained,  1662  ;  as  Bishop  of 
London  he  opposed  the  Romanising 
policy  of  James  n.,  and  was  suspended 
by  the  Court  of  High  Commission :  he 
signed  the  invitation  to  William  of 
Orange,  and  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
volunteers  marched  into  Oxford  '  in  a 
blue  cloak  and  with  a  naked  sword '  ; 
he  tried  to  promote  a  union  between  the 


Church  and  dissenters,  and  supported 
the  Comprehension  Bill,  1689;  disap- 
pointed of  translation  to  Canterbury, 
he  turned  from  the  Whigs  to  the  Tory 
party ;  he  was  not  learned,  but  was 
a  diligent  bishop  ;  his  charities  were 
large,  and  he  took  much  interest  in 
missionary  work  in  North  America ; 
d.  7th  July  1713. 

91.  John  Robinson,  1714;    tr.  from  Bristol; 

of  humble  birth ;  was  employed  in 
diplomacy,  1680-1709;  was  made  Privy 
Seal,  1711,  and  was  plenipotentiary  at 
the  Congress  of  Utrecht,  1712-13;  as 
Bishopof  Londonhepcrformedhisdutics 
regularly,  and  was  charitable,  but  in- 
competent;    d.  11th  April  1723. 

92.  Edmund  Gibson  {q.v.),  1723 ;  tr.  from  Lin- 

coln ;  d.  6th  September  1748. 

93.  Thomas   Sherlock  {q.v.),  1748;   tr.  from 

Salisbury ;  when  he  accepted  the  see 
of  London  he  was  seventy,  and  though 
an  industrious  man,  could  no  longer 
be  active  ;   d.  1761. 

94.  Thomas  Hayter,  1761 ;  tr.  from  Norwich  ; 

had  been  a  considerable  pluralist  and 
tutor  to  the  sons  of  Frederick,  Prince 
of  Wales  ;   d.  9th  January  1762. 

95.  Richard    Osbaldeston,    1762;     tr.    from 

CarUsle,  which  diocese  he  had  neglected; 
d.  15th  May  1764. 

96.  Richard  Terrick,  1764 ;    tr.  from  Peter- 

borough ;  had  been  a  pluralist ;  a  good 
preacher,  and  generally  liberal-minded, 
except  with  respect  to  Roman  Catho- 
lics, whose  chapels  he  caused  to  be 
closed  ;   d.  29th  March  1777. 

97.  Robert  Lowth,  1777  ;    tr.  from  Oxford ; 

an  accomplished  scholar,  specially  in 
Hebrew,  as  witnessed  by  his  exquisite 
translation  of  Isaiah  (1778),  and  an 
able  controversiaUst ;  he  expressed 
warm  admiration  for  John  Wesley ; 
he  declined  the  primacy,  1783 ;  d. 
3rd  November  1787, 

98.  Beilby  Porteous,  1787  ;  tr.  from  Chester ; 

though  himself  a  pluralist  while  at 
Chester,  and  often  while  Bishop  of 
London  absent  from  his  diocese,  was 
for  his  time  an  active  and  reforming 
bishop  ;  he  was  fearless  and  of  an  inde- 
pendent spirit,  and  while  insisting  on 
church  order  sympathised  with  the 
EvangeHcal  Movement ;  he  supported 
the  aboHtion  of  the  slave-trade,  Sunday 
schools,  and  the  work  of  Hannah  More 
{q.v.),  and  urged  the  better  observance 
of  holy  days  ;  he  was  a  good  preacher 
and  a  liberal  giver;  d.  14th  May 
1809. 


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Longchamp] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Lowder 


99.  John  Randolph,  1809 ;  tr.  from  Bangor ; 
had  been  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity, 
and  had  held  other  professorships  at 
Oxford ;  as  a  bishop  he  was  incon- 
spicuous save  for  his  support  of  the 
National  Society  r  d.  1813. 

100.  WiUiam    Howley    {q.v.),    1813;    tr.    to 

Canterbury,  1828. 

101.  Charles  James  Blomfield  (q.v.),   1828 
tr.  from  Chester ;  res.  1856. 

102.  Archibald  CampbeU  Tait  [q.v.),   1856 

tr.  to  Canterbury,  1868. 

103.  John  Jackson,  1869  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln 
did  much  good  work  at  Lincoln,  and 
worked  equall}^  well  as  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don ;  a  pious  and  tolerant  Evangehcal ; 
began  the  East  London  Church  Fund ; 
d,  6th  January  1885. 

104.  Frederick  Temple  [q.v.),  1885  ;  tr.  from 
Exeter ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1896, 

105.  Mandell  Creighton  (g.v.),  1897;  tr.  from 

Peterborough;  d.  1901. 

106.  Arthur  Foley  Winnington-Ingram,  1901  ; 

tr.  from  suffragan  bishopric  of  Stepney, 
to  which  he  was  consecrated  in  1897. 

[w.  H.] 

LONGCHAMP,  William,  d.  (1197),  Bishop 
of  Ely,  was  Chancellor  of  Aquitaine  under 
Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  in  the  time  of  Henry 
n.  When  Richard  succeeded  his  father,  he 
made  Longchamp  Chancellor  of  England  and 
Bishop  of  Ely,  and  when  departing  for  the 
Third  Crusade  further  obtained  for  his 
favourite  a  legatine  commission,  and  made 
him  chief  justiciar.  Longchamp  was  de- 
spised by  the  barons  as  a  low-born  upstart, 
and  courted  unpopularity  by  his  arrogant 
demeanour.  Of  Norman  extraction,  he 
affected  to  despise  the  native  English,  and 
surrounded  himself  with  a  train  of  foreign 
knights.  He  kept  an  almost  royal  household, 
and  was  served  at  table  by  pages  of  high 
lineage.  When  making  his  progresses  he 
and  his  servants  hved  at  free  quarters  on  the 
countryside.  But  he  was  loyal  to  Richard  ; 
and  his  government,  though  harsh,  was  guided 
by  the  desire  to  maintain  the  royal  power 
intact.  Unfortunately  for  himself  he  pre- 
ferred autocratic  methods,  never  consulted 
the  Great  Council,  and  put  himself  in  the 
wrong  by  chastising  without  trial  those  whom 
he  regarded  as  hostile  to  his  master.  Among 
his  victims  were  Hugh  de  Puiset  [q.v.).  Bishop 
of  Durham,  whom  he  compelled  by  force  to 
resign  the  earldom  of  Northumberland  and 
justiciarship  of  the  North ;  Gerard  de 
Camville,  a  partisan  of  Prince  John,  whom 
he  deprived  of  the  shrievalty  of  Lincoln ;  and 
the  King's  half-brother.  Archbishop  Geoffrey 


of  York,  whom  he  arrested  for  returning  to 
England  without  leave.  John  pressed  the 
barons  and  bishops  to  impeach  Longchamp 
for  misconduct,  and  carried  his  point  owing 
to  the  timely  arrival  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen,  whom  Richard  had  sent  home  to 
investigate  the  claims  against  the  justiciar. 
Longchamp  attempted  to  hold  the  Tower 
of  London  against  the  opposition,  but  was 
soon  forced  to  submit.  He  was  condemned 
to  lose  his  temporal  offices  and  to  leave  the 
kingdom.  This  is  the  first  instance  on 
record  of  a  royal  minister  impeached  in  the 
Great  Council ;  but  the  precedent  is  im- 
paired by  the  irregular  character  of  the 
proceedings.  Richard  on  his  return  refused 
to  dismiss  Longchamp,  and  the  bishop  re- 
mained Chancellor  of  England  until  his  death. 
The  personal  character  of  Longchamp  is 
blackened  by  the  venomous  Gerald  de  Barri 
[q.v. ).  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  Longchamp 
was  respected  by  the  English  bishops  so  long 
as  he  remained  the  ruler  of  England ;  and  the 
Pope  dismissed  as  frivolous  the  accusations 
which  his  pohtical  enemies  preferred  at  Rome. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Stubbs,  preface  to  Roger  of  Hoveden,  iii. 
(R.S. );  Norgate,  Eng.  under  the  Angevin 
Kings,  vol.  ii.  ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eng.  under 
the  Normans  and  Angevins. 

LOWDER,  Charles  Fuge  (1820-80),  born  at 
Bath,  eldest  son  of  a  banker,  was  educated  at 
King's  CoUege  School,  London,  and  Exeter 
College,  Oxford,  where  he  graduated  B.A. 
(Second  Class  Lit.  Hum.),  1843,  but  failed  to 
get  a  Fellowship.  Being  ordained,  1843,  he 
worked  in  the  west  of  England  until  he 
became  curate  of  St.  Barnabas,  Pimhco, 
1851-6,  during  which  time  that  church,  with 
its  restored  ceremonial,  bore  the  brunt  of 
Protestant  attack,  both  by  riot  and  prosecu- 
tion. About  1855  a  society  of  clergy  for 
devotion  and  mission  work  was  founded — the 
Society  of  the  Holy  Cross.  Lowder  joined  it, 
and  began  mission  preaching  in  East  London 
on  Ash  W^ednesday,  1856.  A  settlement 
was  formed  in  the  degraded  parish  of  St. 
George's  in  the  East,  and  Lowder  took 
charge  of  it  on  22nd  August.  In  1858 
Lowder  and  his  colleagues  were  joined  by 
A.  H.  Mackonochie  [q.v.).  From  the  first 
the  mission  was  worked  in  the  spirit  of  the 
Oxford  Movement.  The  Eucharistic  vest- 
ments were  used  in  the  mission  chapel  (and 
from  1857  in  the  parish  church).  This  caused 
some  friction  with  the  new  bishop,  Tait  [q.v.), 
who  complained  of  '  dresses  and  ceremonies,' 
'  mimicking  of  popery,'  and  the  like,  but  did 
not  interfere  with  the  missioners.     In  1859 


(3i2): 


Lyndwood] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Lyndwood 


fierce  riots  broke  out  in  the  parish  church, 
'  nominall}',  and  in  part  really,  caused  by 
Mr.  Bryan  King's  ritualistic  practices,  but 
largely  stimulated  by  the  Jewish  sweaters  of 
the  East  End,  whose  proceedings  the  clergy 
had  the  unheard-of  impertinence  to  denounce 
and  interfere  with.'  The  riots  began,  22nd 
May  1859,  lasted  until  November  18C0,  and 
ended  with  the  rector's  I'esignation.  The 
storm  fell  partly  on  Lowder  and  Mac- 
konochie,  who  assisted  at  the  parish  church, 
and  once  at  least  Lowder's  life  was  in  danger. 
Bishop  Tait  and  the  Home  Secretary  long 
dechned  to  interfere.  The  mission  churches, 
served  by  Lowder  and  Mackonochie,  were  not 
molested  after  October  1859. 

The  church  of  St.  Peter's,  London  Docks, 
was  consecrated  on  30th  June  1866,  and 
Lowder  became  first  vicar.  In  July  and 
August  came  the  cholera,  and  the  heroism  of 
Lowder,  the  clergy,  and  sisters  of  St.  Peter's 
roused  wide  admiration,  and  broke  down 
any  remaining  barrier  between  him  and  his 
neighbours. 

In  1868  he  was  nearly  broken  by  the 
secession  of  three  of  his  curates  to  Rome. 
In  1869  '  the  Way  of  the  Cross  '  was  preached 
through  the  streets  of  his  parish,  '  the  Times 
commenting  on  the  folly  of  such  an  attempt.' 
In  1869  and  1878  the  Church  Association 
failed  to  institute  prosecutions  against  him, 
and  in  the  last  instance  through  Archbishop 
Tait.  '  Father  '  Lowder  (so  he  was  univers- 
ally known  to  his  people)  was  deeply  beloved 
by  the  dock  labourers  and  others  for  whom 
he  spent  his  hfe.  His  mission  produced 
amazing  results  far  outside  its  own  borders  ; 
it  began  the  system  of  mission  districts  and 
settlements.  Worn  out  with  work  and  the 
begging  it  involved  he  died  unexpectedly  at 
Zell-am-See,  in  the  Austrian  Tyrol,  9th 
September  1880.  His  funeral  at  St.  Peter's, 
with  its  crowds  of  weeping  men,  marked  an 
epoch  in  the  Ufe  of  the  Church  in  East 
London.     He  is  buried  at  Chislehurst. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Charlrs  Lowder  :  A  Biogrnphij. 

LYNDWOOD,  William  (1375-1446),  canon- 
ist, born  at  Lyndwood,  near  Market  Rasen  in 
Lincolnshire,  was  educated  at  Gonville  and 
Caius  College,  Cambridge,  became  Fellow  of 
Pembroke  Hah,  and  then  removed  to  Oxford, 
where  he  graduated  LL.D.  He  took  holy 
orders,  and  was  preferred  to  many  livings 
in    turn,    finally    becoming    Bishop    of    St. 


Davids  in  1442.     In  1414  he  was  appointed 

by  Archbishop  Chiehele  {q.v.)  his  Official 
Principal,  and  took  part  in  the  trial  of 
the  Lollards ;  in  1426  he  became  Dean 
of  the  Arches.  He  seems  to  have  been 
constantly  employed  in  diplomatic  business 
with  Burgundy,  Portugal,  France,  Spain, 
Scotland,  and  the  Hanseatic  League.  In 
March  1432-3  he  became  Keeper  of  the 
Privy  Seal.  He  helped  Bekington  to  pro- 
mote the  foundation  of  Eton  College.  He  is 
most  famous  as  the  author  of  the  Provinciale, 
a  digest  in  five  books  of  the  synodical  con- 
stitutions of  the  province  of  Canterbury 
from  the  time  of  Langton  {q.v.)  to  that  of 
Chiehele,  with  explanatory  glosses.  It  was 
completed  in  1433,  dedicated  to  the  arcli- 
bishop,  and  intended  as  a  text-book  for  the 
unlearned,  simpliciter  literati  et  pauca  intel- 
ligentes.  It  is  valuable  because  it  gives  the 
opinion  of  a  high  ecclesiastical  judge  on  the 
legislative  and  jurisdictional  powers  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  there  is  no  mistaking 
what  Lyndwood's  opinion  was.  He  constantly 
speaks  of  the  archbishop's  legislative  power 
and  not  of  that  of  the  provincial  council, 
though  he  should  undertake  no  ardua  negotia 
without  the  counsel  of  his  brethren.  But 
still  he  is  the  legislator.  Thus  a  collision 
of  a  pi'ovincial  constitution  and  a  decretal 
would  not  be  a  collision  between  two  Churches, 
but  simply  between  a  superior  and  an  inferior. 
And  very  rarely  does  he  find  such  collisions. 
The  archbishop  may  make  for  his  province 
statutes  which  are  merely  declaratory  of  the 
jus  commune  of  the  Church  ;  he  may  supple- 
ment papal  legislation,  but  he  has  no  power 
to  derogate  from,  stiU  less  to  abrogate,  the 
laws  made  by  his  superior.  Nor  can  the 
archbishop  override  legatine  constitutions. 
Lyndwood  is  quite  clear  that  the  constitutions 
of  Otto  and  Ottobon  are  superior  to  those  of 
any  English  prelate  or  council.  An  EngUsh 
prelate  cannot  put  any  statutory  interpreta- 
tion upon  them  ;  his  power  is  merely  execu- 
tive, not  authoritative.  The  constitutions 
Lj'ndwood  discusses  are  meagre,  and  in  his 
opinion  merely  by-laws,  which  do  very  little, 
and  say  nothing  on  more  than  half  the  topics 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisprudence.  [Canon  Law.] 
Lyndwood  is  represented  in  his  academic 
di'ess  on  a  brass  on  his  father's  tomb  at 
Lyndwood  (now  Linwood)  Lines.      [f.  m.] 

F.  W.  Maitland,  Canon  Law  in  the  Ch.  of 
Knj.  ;  W.  W.  Capes,  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Eng.. 
in  the  Fifteenth  Centm-y;  Sir  W.  Ramsaj\ 
Lancaster  and  York;  J.  M.  Rigg  in  D.X.B. 


(  343  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Magee 


M 


TV/TACKONOCHIE,  Alexander  Heriot 
^^*-  (1825-87),  priest,  third  son  of  a  colonel 
in  the  East  India  Company's  service,  was  born 
at  Farehani,  Hants,  and  educated  for  a  short 
time  at  Edinburgh  Universitj^  whence  he 
removed  to  Wadham  College,  Oxford.  He 
worked  hard,  and  gained  a  Second  Class  in  Lit. 
Hum.,  1848.  At  Oxford  he  came  to  know 
Charles  Marriott  {q.v.),  who  deeply  influenced 
his  life.  He  was  Curate  of  Westbury,  Wilts, 
1849-52, and  Wantage  (where  W.  J.  Butler  was 
vicar  and  H.  P.  Liddon  {q.v.)  one  of  his  col- 
leagues), 1852-8,  when  he  joined  the  mission  at 
St.  George's  in  the  East.  [Lowder,  C.  F.]  He 
was  there  during  the  violent  Protestant  riots 
of  1859,  and  refused  the  offer  of  St.  Saviour's, 
Leeds,  fearing  to  desert  his  post.  In  1862  he 
became  first  Vicar  of  St.  Alban's,  Holborn, 
a  church  built  and  endowed  by  Mr.  Hubbard, 
afterwards  Lord  Addington.  The  parish  was 
a  centre  of  vice,  heathenism,  and  poverty. 
The  first  services  (which  began  11th  May 
1862)  were  held  over  a  fish-shop,  afterwards 
in  a  cellar  in  GreviUe  Street.  Linen  Euchar- 
istic  vestments  were  worn  in  St.  Alban's 
church  from  its  consecration  in  1863.  In 
1864  coloured  sUk  vestments  were  presented 
and  incense  was  used.  In  1867  the  Church 
Association  [Societies,  Ecclesiastical] 
through  a  Mr.  ]\Iartin  prosecuted  Mac- 
konochie, on  the  evidence  of  hired  informers, 
for  altar-lights,  elevation  of  the  elements, 
kneeling  during  the  consecration  prayer, 
the  mixed  chalice,  and  incense.  The  first 
three  were  pronounced  la-w-ful  by  Sir  R. 
PhiUimore  {q.v.);  the  Privy  Council  reversed 
the  decision,  and  condemned  Mackonochie  in 
costs.  In  1869  he  was  prosecuted  again  for 
disobeying  the  judgment,  and  condemned  on 
one  count.  In  1870  he  was  again  charged 
with  disobedience,  and  was  condemned  in 
costs  and  suspended  for  three  months.  In 
1874  he  was  prosecuted  again,  and  condemned 
for  using  vestments,  as  on  other  counts,  and 
suspended  for  six  weeks.  The  senior  curate, 
A.  H.  Stanton,  refused  to  celebrate  Holy 
Communion  in  the  manner  ordered  by  the 
court,  and  the  whole  congregation  migrated 
for  that  service  to  St.  Vedast's,  Foster  Lane. 
March  1878  a  fresh  attack  began  before 
Lord  Penzance,  and  Mackonochie  was 
sentenced  to  three  years'  suspension.  The 
Queen's  Bench  Division  granted  a  prohibition 
against  Lord  Penzance,  but  this  was  reversed 
by  the  Court  of  Appeal.  In  1880  and  1881 
came  further  attempts  to  enforce  suspension. 


the  House  of  Lords,  to  whom  appeal  was 
made  for  a  prohibition,  upholding  Lord 
Penzance. 

February  1882  Mr.  Martin  appealed  for 
further  punishment,  and,  to  avoid  more  liti- 
gation, at  the  urgent  request  of  Archbishop 
Tait  {q.v.)  on  his  death-bed  Mackonochie 
resigned  his  living,  and  by  exchange  be- 
came Vicar  of  St.  Peter's,  London  Docks. 
Nevertheless,  in  1883  the  attack  was  con- 
tinued. Lord  Penzance  held  the  exchange 
immaterial,  and  pronounced  sentence  of 
deprivation,  and  his  living  of  St.  Peter's 
was  formally  sequestrated.  He  remained  in 
possession  of  it  however  until,  worn  out 
with  the  long  persecution,  he  resigned  on 
31st  December  1883.  He  returned  to  St. 
Alban's  as  curate,  but  lived  much  at  Wan- 
tage and  in  Scotland.  His  health  was  broken 
and  his  powers  were  faiUng.  15th  December 
1887,  while  visiting  the  Bishop  of  Argyll, 
he  lost  his  way,  and,  overtaken  by  darkness 
and  storm,  was  found  two  days  later  dead 
in  a  snowdrift  in  the  Mamore  deer  forest, 
guarded  by  two  dogs  who  had  accompanied 
his  walk. 

Though  set  in  the  forefront  of  the  ritual 
movement  Mackonochie  had  no  love  for 
ceremonial  as  such,  and  was  severely  un- 
sesthetic  and  unmusical.  Self-discipHned 
and  ascetic,  he  was  a  devoted  parish  priest 
and  a  great  spiritual  guide.  He  was  a  firm 
adherent  of  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.)  and 
passionately  loyal  to  the  English  Church. 
Tait,  though  strongly  opposed  to  him,  said 
in  1859 :  '  I  have  not  a  better  man  in  my 
diocese  than  IMr.  Mackonochie.'  His  treat- 
ment by  the  Church  Association  largely 
helped  to  detach  public  sj^mpathy  from  its 
cause.  [s.  L.  o.] 

E.  A.  T.,  Memoir:  G.  W.  E.  Russell,  House- 
hold of  Faith;  E.  Ibbotson,  Brief  Hist. 

MAGEE,  William  Connor  (1821-91),  Arch- 
bishop of  Yox'k,  was  an  example  of  heredity 
in  the  Church,  being  a  grandson  of  William 
Magee  (1766-1831),  Archbishop  of  Dublin, 
1822-31.  He  was  a  scholar  of  Trinity  College, 
Dublin ;  B.A.,  1842  ;  was  ordained  in  1844 
to  the  curacy  of  St.  Thomas,  Dublin,  but 
crossed  to  England  in  1847,  becoming  Curate 
of  St.  Saviour,  Bath,  and  afterwards  Minister 
of  the  Octagon  Chapel,  1851-6,  where  he 
made  a  great  reputation  as  an  eloquent 
preacher.  From  1856  to  1864  he  was  In- 
cumbent of  the  Quebec  Chapel  in  London, 


(  344  ) 


Magna] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Magna 


then  returned  to  Ireland  as  Rector  of  Innis-  I 
killen  and  Canon  of  Clogher.  In  1864  lie 
became  Dean  of  Cork,  and  in  1865  Donellan 
Lecturer  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  both  of 
which  preferments  had  been  held  by  his 
grandfather.  He  was  also  Dean  of  the 
Chapel  Royal  at  Dublin.  In  1868  he  achieved 
fame  as  the  most  brilliant  oratorical  opponent 
of  the  proposed  discstabhshmcnt  of  the 
Irish  Church,  and  was  nominated  by  Mr. 
Disraeli,  mainly  on  that  account,  to  the 
bishopric  of  Peterborough.  His  credit  as 
orator  and  preacher  continued  to  grow,  and 
he  added  to  it  a  rather  dangerous  reputation 
for  wit,  his  speeches  in  the  House  of  Lords 
and  elsewhere  being  sometimes  more  brilliant 
than  prudent.  An  epigrammatic  remark 
made  on  a  Licensing  Bill,  that  he  would 
rather  see  England  free  than  sober,  secured 
a  longer  notoriety  than  some  wiser  sayings. 
In  his  diocese  he  was  an  administrator  of  an 
old-fashioned  type,  not  conforming  to  the 
fashion  of  extreme  activity  followed  by  many 
of  his  contemporaries,  and  his  promotion  to 
the  see  of  York  in  1891  was  somewhat  of  a 
surprise.  He  held  it  for  very  few  weeks, 
succumbing  to  an  attack  of  influenza  in  the 
early  summer  of  that  year.  He  was  not 
distinguished  for  theological  or  other  learning, 
his  only  important  contribution  to  science 
being  a  Boyle  lecture  on  the  power  of  prayer, 
in  answer  to  Professor  Tyndal's  presidential 
address  at  the  British  Association  in  1871, 
and  this  was  rather  popular  than  strictly 
scientific.  [t.  a.  l.] 

J.  C.  Macdoniiell,  Life. 

MAGNA  CARTA  was  sealed  by  King  John 
at  Runnymede,  near  Windsor,  on  15th  June 
1215.  It  embodied  the  chief  demands  which 
the  rebel  barons  had  presented  to  him  as 
their  ultimatum.  But  it  was  drafted  under 
the  influence  of  Archbishop  Stephen  Langton 
{q.v.);  and  like  the  charter  of  Henry  i.,  upon 
which  it  was  modelled,  it  concedes  benefits  to 
all  classes  of  the  community.  Many  of  its 
provisions  were  temporary  in  their  char- 
acter, and  were  omitted  from  the  reissues  of 
Henry  in.  and  later  sovereigns.  Some  others 
express  the  resentment  of  the  baronial  class 
against  the  centralising  and  levelling  policy 
of  Henry  n.  The  general  principles  which 
the  charter  enunciates  are  few  and  far 
between ;  it  is  chiefly  important  as  the  first 
monument  of  national  resistance  to  autocratic 
rule,  and  as  a  striking  assertion  of  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  King  is  under  the  law.  But 
almost  to  our  own  days  it  has  been  extolled 
as  the  palladium  of  English  liberties  and  the 
foundation  of  our  constitutional  law. 


Four  clauses  of  the  original  Magna  Carta 
relate  to  the  Church.  The  first  section 
promises  that  the  English  Clmrch  shall  be 
free  and  possess  her  rights  and  liberties 
unimpaired.  This  is  primarily  a  confirma- 
tion of  tlie  special  charter  to  the  Church 
granted  by  John  on  21st  November  1214, 
which  promises  that  all  elections  of  prelates 
shall  be  made  freely  in  canonical  form,  the 
King  reserving  the  right  to  refuse  his  con- 
firmation, if  there  be  any  reasonable  cause  for 
doing  so.  But  the  '  freedom  '  of  the  Church 
had  been  confirmed  in  similar  terms  by 
Henry  i.  and  Stephen  in  their  coronation 
charters  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  in  each 
case  the  '  freedom  '  claimed  was  deliverance 
from  abuses  of  recent  date.  In  section  14 
of  Magna  Carta  the  King  acknowledges  the 
right  of  archbishops,  bishops,  and  abbots  to 
be  summoned  individually  to  the  Great 
Council,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  greater 
barons.  Under  section  22  a  special  privilege 
is  accorded  to  clerks  who  have  rendered 
themselves  liable  to  amercement  in  the  royal 
courts  of  justice.  They  are  not  to  be  fined 
so  heavily  that  any  part  of  the  fine  shall  fall 
upon  the  revenues  which  they  derive  from  a 
benefice.  The  principle  implied  is  that 
ecclesiastical  revenues  must  be  regarded  as 
whoUy  devoted  to  the  service  of  God. 
Section  27  recognises  the  right  of  the  Church 
to  supervise  the  distribution  of  the  chattels  of 
an  intestate  free  man.  This  reminds  us  that 
the  Church  claimed  a  moral  right  to  direct 
testators  in  the  disposition  of  their  movables, 
which  were,  speaking  broadly,  the  only  form 
of  property  then  devisable  by  will  [Courts]. 
This  clause  was  omitted  from  the  second  issue 
of  Magna  Carta  (1216),  because  it  barred  the 
claim  of  the  King  and  other  lords  to  appropri- 
ate the  chattels  of  their  men  who  died  intes- 
tate. Magna  Carta  was  revised  and  reissued 
not  only  in  1216,  but  also  in  1217  and  1225. 
In  the  reissue  of  1217  we  find  one  new  clause 
which  imposes  an  important  check  upon  the 
growth  of  ecclesiastical  endowments.  It  pro- 
hibits a  form  of  grant  by  which  the  donor 
surrenders  his  land  to  a  church  on  condition 
of  being  permitted  to  hold  it  from  the  church 
for  his  life.  The  result  of  these  grants  had 
been  to  deprive  lay  lords  of  such  feudal 
incidents  as  wardship,  marriage,  and  escheat. 
This  clause  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  enact- 
ments which  culminate  in  the  statute  of 
Edward  i.  concerning  Mortmain  [q.v.),  De 
Viris  Religiosis  (1279).  They  were  framed 
as  much  in  the  interest  of  the  barons  as  of 
the  King  ;  but  they  attest  a  general  convic- 
tion that  the  Church  was  acquiring  a  danger- 
ously large  proportion  of  landed  property. 


(345) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Man 


Magna  Carta  was  annulled  by  Pope 
Innocent  m.  (q.v.)  on  25th  August  1215  at 
John's  request.  The  Pope  stated  that  the 
charter  had  been  extorted  from  the  King 
by  force,  and  that  its  terms  were  dishonour- 
able, unlawful,  unjust,  and  derogatory  to  the 
royal  prerogative.  He  forbade  the  King 
to  observe  or  the  barons  to  enforce  it,  on 
pain  of  anathema.  But  the  revised  charter 
of  1216  was  sealed  by  the  legate  Gualo,  then 
acting  as  co-regent  with  WiUiam  Marshal. 
In  the  preamble  to  this,  and  also  to  the 
charter  of  1217,  it  is  stated  that  Gualo 
counselled  the  reissue.  Henceforth  Magna 
Carta  was  regarded  as  being  ratified  and 
guaranteed  by  the  Church ;  those  who  in- 
fringed it  were  frequently  punished  or 
threatened  ^-ith  spiritual  censures.  On  one 
famous  occasion  Archbishop  Peckham  {g.v.) 
ordered  that  a  copy  of  it  should  be  affixed  to 
the  door  of  every  parish  church  (1279),  by 
way  of  protest  against  the  encroachments 
which  Edward  i.  had  committed  upon 
ecclesiastical  '  freedom.'  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

The  text  of  Magna  Carta  in  Stubbs,  Select 
Charters  ;  see  also  W.  S.  McKecLnie,  Magna 
Carta ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eug.  under  the  Xor- 
mans  and  Angevins. 

MAN,  Isle  of,  Church  in.  The  Isle  of  Man 
is  historically  no  part  of  our  countr}\  Lying 
between  Ireland  and  Galloway,  which  was  a 
Gaelic-speaking  part  of  Scotland,  Man  was 
originally  in  much  closer  contact  with  them 
than  with  England  or  Wales.  The  language 
was  Gaehc,  and  the  first  Christianity  was 
Irish,  as  is  proved  by  the  dedications  of  the 
churches.  Of  this  Christianity,  which  must 
date  at  least  from  the  sixth  century,  no 
literary  evidence  survives. 

The  continuous  history  of  Man  begins  with 
the  Norse  invasions.  Man  was  the  southern- 
most of  a  long  line  of  insular  settlements. 
Beginning  with  Shetland  and  Orkney,  which 
they  called  the  Northern  Isles,  their  colonies 
stretched  from  the  Outer  Hebrides  to  Man. 
The  whole,  from  Lewis  to  Man,  were  called 
the  Southern  Isles  (Suthr-eyar),  and  this, 
which  passed  into  the  form  '  Sodor,'  was  the 
original  name  of  the  see.  '  Sodor  and  Man  ' 
did  not  come  into  official  use  till  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  was  due  to  forgetfulness 
of  the  fact  that  Man  was  part  of  Sodor, 
though  it  had  come  to  be  the  only  part  with 
which  the  bishop  was  concerned.  By  an 
unfortunate  guess  Sodor  was  given  as  a 
name  to  the  little  island  ofi  Peel,  on  which 
the  cathedral  of  Man  now  stands  in  ruin. 

Man  was  conquered  by  the  Norsemen 
before  800,  and  the  y  were  converted  by  about 


1000.  The  island  was  at  times  a  dependency 
of  the  Scandinavian  kingdom  of  Dubhn,  at 
times  an  independent  kingdom,  and  at  other 
limes  directly  subject  to  Norway,  and  this 
poUtical  status  determined  the  position 
of  its  Church.  In  its  earlier  phases  the 
Christianity  of  Norway  had  no  diocesan 
system ;  the  bishops  were  the  King's  bishops, 
exercising  jurisdiction  from  his  court.  But 
they  were  far  distant,  and  it  is  probable  that 
as  Dubhn  fell  under  the  influence  of  Canter- 
bury, so  Sodor  early  came  under  that  of 
York.  The  first  diocesan  bishop,  according 
to  the  Chronicle  of  Man,  was  one  Roolwer 
(Rolver,  i.e.  Hrolfr,  Pvolf,  RoUo),  who  must 
have  lived  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor. From  Rolf  onwards  the  hne  can  be 
obscurely  traced,  with  few  dates  and  many 
contradictions.  Probably  his  successors,  like 
himself,  preferred  Man  to  the  Scottish  islands 
as  a  place  of  residence ;  though  so  many 
even  of  those  whose  title  was  undisputed 
were  buried  in  England,  Ireland,  or  Scotland 
that  we  may  assume  a  certain  neglect  of 
episcopal  duty. 

The  connection  with  York  naturally 
resulted  from  the  want  of  a  definite  ecclesi- 
astical status.  The  last  bishop  whom  we 
know  to  have  been  consecrated  there  was 
Gamahel,  about  1160.  By  this  time  a 
constitution  had  been  provided  for  the 
Northern  Church.  In  1151  the  King  of  Man, 
needing  protection  against  Scotland,  did 
homage  to  Norway.  Thus  it  was  natural 
that  when  the  English  Cardinal  Nicolas, 
afterwards  Pope  Adrian  iv.  {q.v.),  organised 
the  Norwegian  Church  at  the  Council  of 
Nidaros  in  1152,  Sodor  should  be  made  one 
of  the  suffragan  sees  in  the  new  province  of 
Nidaros  or  Trondhjem.  The  consecration  of 
Gamahel  in  defiance  of  this  provision  seems 
to  have  been  the  starting-point  of  a  series 
of  conflicts  between  rival  bishops,  sometimes 
the  consecrated  of  York  and  sometimes  he 
of  Trondhjem  possessing  the  see,  while  his 
opponent  hvecl  in  Norwaj-,  England,  or 
Scotland,  claiming  to  be  bishop,  but  actuaUy 
serving  as  assistant  to  some  diocesan  else- 
where. 

Canonical  order  required  an  electing  body 
as  well  as  a  consecrating  archbishop.  By  a 
very  exceptional  provision  the  election  tCK 
Sodor  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  reUgious  house 
outside  the  diocese.  Furness  Abbey,  on  the 
coast  of  Lancashire  nearest  to  Man,  was 
founded  in  1127  by  Stephen,  Count  of 
Boulogne,  and  afterwards  King  of  England, 
as  a  member  of  the  congregation  or  order  of 
Savigny,  a  group  of  strict  Benedictine  houses 
which   joined   the   Cistercians   in    1147.     In 


(34G) 


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[Man 


1134  it  received  from  King  Olaf  i.  of  Man 

large  grants  of  land,  on  which  it  founded  the 
daughter  abbey  of  Rushen,  the  only  religi- 
ous house  of  importance  in  the  island.  But 
Furncss  not  only  retained  a  certain  superiority 
over  Rushen;  it  acted  as  though  no  monastery 
existed  in  Man,  and,  as  the  only  ecclesiastical 
corporation  holding  (directly  or  indu'cctly)  a 
baronial  estate  in  Man,  it  claimed  the  right  of 
electing  the  bishop.  The  origin  of  this  claim 
is  unknown  ;  it  seems  to  antedate  the  founda- 
tion of  the  archbishopric  of  Trondhjem,  and 
may  have  been  exercised  before  Rushen  was 
established.  It  was  only  intermittently  en- 
joyed ;  though  recognised  by  the  Pope  in 
1244,  later  popes  in  1349  and  1363  asserted 
that  by  ancient  custom  the  right  belonged  to 
the  clergy  of  the  '  city  and  diocese  of  Sodor.' 
Yet  once,  in  1247,  the  chapter  of  St.  Germans' 
cathedral  had  elected  a  bishop.  Xo  doubt, 
as  elsewhere,  the  power  practically  belonged 
to  kings  and  popes.  lona,  which  was  in  the 
diocese  and  became  a  Benedictine  house  in 
1203,  never  apparently  claimed  a  voice  in 
the  election. 

The  next  important  event  was  the  cession 
of  Man  and  the  Isles  by  Norway  to  Scotland 
in  1266.  Magnus,  the  last  King  of  Man,  had 
just  died  in  1265,  and  Alexander  in.  of 
Scotland  refused  to  admit  his  son  to  the 
feudatory  kingship.  There  was  some  diffi- 
culty in  making  good  the  new  rule,  but  by 
1275  Scotland  was  in  possession.  The  rights 
of  Trondhjem  were  secured  by  the  treat}^ 
and  five  Scottish  bishops  held  the  see  in 
succession.  All  were  consecrated  in  Xorwaj^, 
but  as  three  were  buried  in  Scotland  we  may 
assume  that  they  did  not  devote  their  whole 
attention  to  theii-  diocese.  In  1290  Edward  i., 
in  the  exercise  of  his  claims  over  Scotland, 
took  possession,  and  though  Robert  Bruce 
won  it  back  for  a  short  time  in  1313,  the 
Scots  were  quickly  expelled,  and  finally 
ceded  Man  to  England  in  1334.  This  was 
but  a  formalitj-.  The  English  were  already 
in  possession,  but  were  not  disposed  to  trouble 
themselves  with  a  direct  rule.  After  various 
grants  of  the  kingdom,  or  lordship,  from  1330 
onwards,  it  was  finally  given  in  1406  to  Sir 
John  Stanley  and  his  heirs.  With  him  and 
his  descendants,  the  Earls  of  Derby,  and  after 
the  extinction  of  the  direct  male  fine  in  1736, 
with  the  Dukes  of  AthoU  as  representing  the 
heiress,  the  lordship  remained  till  1827.  The 
rights  of  the  Lord  amounted  in  practice  to  a 
complete  internal  sovereignty. 

The  Scots,  as  soon  as  Man  was  lost, 
annexed  their  islands,  which  had  formed  part 
of  the  see,  to  that  of  Argyll,  which  since 
then  has  borne  the  name  of  Argyll  and  the 


Isles.  The  connection  of  Man  with  Norway 
ceased  with  that  with  Scotland,  and  the  see 
passed  under  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of 
Rome,  which  ignored  the  rights  of  Trondhjem. 
None  of  the  English  laws  limiting  the 
authority  of  Rome  extended  to  Man.  But 
in  any  case  of  doubt  it  had  come  to  be  usual 
for  immediate  recourse  to  be  had  to  Rome, 
and  a  bishop  in  so  dubious  a  position  as  an 
elect  of  Man  could  not  turn  safely  to  any 
other  source  of  consecration.  Thus  in  1349 
William  Russell  was  consecrated  at  Avignon, 
and  his  successors  till  the  eve  of  the  Reforma- 
tion were  either  consecrated  there  or  else 
furnished  with  a  provision  from  Rome. 
In  the  fifteenth  century  the  list  is  very 
uncertain  ;  at  times  there  seem  to  have  been 
rival  bishops,  and  usually  the  bishop  was 
acting  as  a  suffragan  somewhere  in  England, 
or  else  was  an  English  abbot,  to  whom  a 
titular  see  gave  the  dignity  of  a  mitre.  B\^ 
whom  these  bishops  were  elected,  if  at  aU,' 
is  unknown.  As  at  least  three  came  from  the 
Enghsh  neighbourhood  of  the  Earl  of  Derby, 
we  may  assume  that  they  were  nominated 
by  him.  In  no  case  does  the  English  Crown 
seem  to  have  exercised  its  power  of  rejecting 
such  nomination,  either  before  or  after  the 
Reformation.  It  may  be  mentioned  that 
three  bishops — Simon  in  1229,  Mark  in  1291, 
and  WiUiam  Russell  in  1350 — held  sj-nods  and 
issued  canons  of  the  usual  type.  Simon  also 
founded  the  cathedral  chapter  at  St.  Germans, 
or  Peel,  which  disappeared  at  the  Reforma- 
tion,    It  had  had  httle  history  or  wealth. 

A   sohtary  Bull   of   Calixtus  ni.  in    1458 
speaks  of  the  see  as  subject  to  York.     This 
may  be  an  error  of  the  scribe,  or  it  may 
register,  and  perhaps  by  registering  confirm, 
a   claim   of   York.     In   practice   it  had   no 
effect,  and  for  another  century  there  was  no 
appeal  from  the  bishop,  save  to  Rome.     In 
1505  Thomas,  Earl  of  Derby,  confirmed  to 
Huan  Rufforth,  then  bishop,  and  liis  succes- 
sors, the  lands  and  liberties  of  his  church, 
and  in   1541   the  bishop  is  officially  styled 
'  Lord  MetropoUtan.'     This  liberty  was  soon 
to  cease.     Henry  vin.  {q.v.)  had  no  respect 
for  rights  that  could  not  defend  themselves. 
About  1539,  without  any  pretence  of  legisla- 
tion, he  confiscated  Rushen  Abbey  and  the 
other  religious  houses  and  properties  in  the 
island  to  his  own   use,  without   regard    to 
what  claims  the  Lord  of  the  island  might 
possess.     In  1542  the  see  was  united  by  an 
Act  of  the  English  Parliament  to  the  province 
of  York  (33  Hen.  viii.  c.  31),  and  in  1546 
the  King  appointed  Henry  Mann  to  the  see 
by  Letters  Patent,  with  permission  to  retain 
the  deanery  of  Chester   and  other   English 


(  347  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Man 


preferment.  Mann  held  the  see  through  all 
changes  till  his  death  under  Mary  in  1556, 
when  the  Lords  resumed  their  power  of 
appointing  the  bishop,  which  was  exercised, 
subject  to  Letters  Patent  approving  the 
appointment,  till  the  cession  to  the  Crown 
in  1827. 

The  laws  of  England  did  not  run  in  the 
island,  and  there  is  no  record  of  any  legis- 
lation by  which  ecclesiastical  change  was 
introduced.  In  fact,  the  Church  records  of 
the  island  are  only  preserved  from  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  its  statutes  in 
writing  date  from  1610.  Change  in  all 
probability  was  introduced  by  the  bishops, 
backed  by  the  Lords,  and  became  gradually 
complete  as  old  incumbents  died  out  and 
men  of  modern  sympathies  took  their  place. 
The  process  would  be  the  easier  that  appar- 
ently from  1562  to  1568  and  certainly  from 
1576  to  1599  the  bishops  acted  as  governors 
of  Man  for  the  absent  Lord.  But  the  open 
practice  of  some  of  the  older  rites  continued 
much  longer  than  in  England,  and  the  delay 
in  adapting  law  to  practice  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  children  of  the  clergy  were 
not  made  legitimate  till  1610. 

Man  had  some  of  the  best  bishops  of  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  such 
BS  Isaac  Barrow  the  elder,  Thomas  Wilson 
{q.v.),  and  Mark  Hildesley,  through  whom  the 
Manx  Bible  and  Prayer  Book  were  completed  ; 
and  also  one  at  least  of  the  worst.  A  long 
and  exasperating  conflict  was  happily  ended 
in  1839,  when  a  law  was  passed  commuting 
the  whole  tithe  of  the  island  and  providing 
for  its  collection  by  one  public  officer,  who 
takes  a  toll  of  £525  for  the  Crown,  and 
distributes  the  remainder  (£5550)  among  the 
bishop  and  the  beneficed  clergy.  This  is 
the  chief  source  of  the  episcopal  income, 
which  is  stated  at  £1500.  The  bishop  has 
a  seat,  but  no  vote,  in  the  English  House 
of  Lords. 

By  the  Established  Church  Act,  1836  (6-7 
Will.  IV.  c.  77),  the  see  was  to  be  united  with 
Carlisle  at  the  next  vacancy.  This  provision 
was  made  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
bishop  (Ward),  who  was  then  almost  bhnd. 
He  at  once  set  to  work  to  save  his  see,  and 
his  efforts  hastened  his  end.  The  provision 
was  repealed  in  1838  (1-2  Vic.  c.  30),  im- 
mediately after  his  death  {Sixty  Years  Ago  : 
an  Eventful  Episcopate,  1896).  In  1875  a 
proposal  to  unite  the  diocese  with  that  of 
Liverpool  came  to  nothing  owing  to  Manx 
opposition.  The  population  of  the  see  is 
52,034. 

The  only  religious  body  beside  the  Church 
which   is   of    importance    is    the   Wesleyan. 


After  the  death  of  Bishop  HUdesley  the 
Church  fell  into  a  laxity  which  gave  an 
opening  to  the  Methodists,  and  for  two 
generations  thej'  seem  to  have  dominated 
the  rehgious  Ufe  of  the  island.  They  form- 
ally separated  from  the  Church  in  1839. 
Since  this  Churchmanship,  of  an  Evangehcal 
colour,  perhaps  derived  from  Liverpool,  has 
had  its  due  influence. 

By  the  constitution  of  Man,  Church  and 
State  have  always  been  closely  connected. 
Bishop,  archdeacon,  and  vicar-general  sit 
in  the  local  ParUament,  the  Tynwald  Court ; 
ecclesiastical  discipline  was  enforced  by  the 
Lord's  courts  of  law  till  the  early  nineteenth 
century ;  the  mediaeval  jurisdiction  of  the 
vicar-general  in  probate  lasted  tUl  1884,  and 
affiliation  cases  are  still  decided  by  him. 
The  '  convocation '  of  the  island  stUl  meets 
annually,  and  its  power  of  making  canons 
has  never  been  revoked  ;  none  have,  how- 
ever, been  made  since  1704,  and  for  their 
enforcement  they  would  need  to  pass  the 
Tynwald  Court.  This  court  passed  an  Act 
in  1880  for  the  division  of  the  island  into 
rural  deaneries,  and  in  1895  for  the  constitu- 
tion of  a  chapter,  with  the  bishop  as  dean, 
and  four  canons.  This  chapter  does  not 
receive  a  congS  (Telire  on  the  vacancy  of  the 
see.  No  change  took  place  in  regard  to  the 
Church  when  the  Cro-mi  purchased  from  the 
fourth  Duke  of  AthoU  in  1827  the  whole  of 
his  rights  as  Lord,  including  the  advowson 
of  the  see. 

Down   to   the   middle   of   the   nineteenth 

century  many  of  the  clergy  used  the  Manx 

service  on  three  Sundays  in  the  month,  and 

I   in  some  churches  the  whole  service  (including 

!    the  sermon)  was  said  in  Manx  once  a  month 

down  to  1875,  but  English  hymns  were  sung. 

!    By  that  time  the  generation  of  clergy  to 

;   whom  Manx  was  familiar  had  died  out,  and 

,   the  Manx  service  has  not  since  been  used. 

i    In  recent  years  the  practice  of  reading  the 

lessons  in  Manx  has  been  revived.     Formerly 

J    some  of  the  clergy  used  to  have  the  English 

Bible  and   Prayer  Book  before   them,   and 

i   translate   into   Manx    as   they   went   along. 

!   The  first  part  of  the  Bible  published  in  Manx 

[   was    St.    Matthew's    Gospel    under    Bishop 

Wilson   in    1748.     The  Manx   Prayer   Book 

was   published   under    Bishop   Hildesley   in 

\    1765  ;    the  complete  Bible,  1772.     The  first 

;   Manx  Hymn  Book  was  pubhshed  in  1799 ; 

j    it   included   translations   of   hymns  by  the 

Wesleys  (q.v.)  and  Watts. 

The  early  fists  of  bishops  are  incomplete, 
confused,  and  contradictory  (see  Stubbs, 
Registrum  Sacrum,  ed.  1897,  p.  210).  From 
the  time  of  Henry  vrn.  they  are  as  follows, 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Manchester 


but  it  is  not  known  who  was  bishop  when 
the  see  was  united  to  York  in  1542 : — 


7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 


11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 
15. 

16. 


17. 
18. 
19. 

20. 


21. 

22. 
23. 

24. 
25. 

26. 

27, 
28. 

29, 


Henry  Mann,  also  Dean  of  Chester,  1546  ; 
d.  1556. 

Thomas  Stanley,  1555  (P.) ;    d.  1568. 

John  Salisbury,  also  Dean  of  Norwich, 
1570;   d.  1576. 

John  Mcyrick,  also  Governor  of  Man, 
1576 ;  d.  1599. 

George  Lloyd,  1600  ;  tr.  to  Chester,  1604. 

John  Piiihps,  1605 ;  also  Archdeacon  ; 
the  first  to  undertake  the  translation 
of  Bible  and  Prayer  Book  into  Manx 
(1610) ;  as  he  was  a  Welshman  the 
Manx  clergy  refused  to  have  anything 
to  do  with  his  Prayer  Book,  saying 
the  people  w^ould  not  understand  such 
Manx  ;    d.  1633. 

WiUiam  Forster,  1633  ;   d.  1635. 

Richard  Parr,  1635  ;  d.  1644, 

Samuel  Rutter,  1661 ;  d.  1662. 

Isaac  Barrow,  1663  ;  also  Governor  of 
Man ;  tr.  to  St.  Asaph,  1669,  but  held 
Sodor  and  Man  in  commendam  till  1671. 

Henry  Bridgman,  also  Dean  of  Chester, 
1671  ;   d.  1682. 

John  Lake,  1683  ;  tr.  to  Bristol,  1684  ; 
one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.). 

Baptist  Levinz,  1685  ;  d.  1693.  Vacancy 
of  five  years. 

Thomas  Wilson  {q.v.),  1698  ;  d.  1755. 

Mark  HUdesley,  1755 ;  completed  the 
Bible  and  Prayer  Book  in  Manx;  d.  1772. 

Richard  Richmond,  1773 ;  a  pecidiarly 
secular  bishop  (see  Mayor's  History  of 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  iii.  p.  561), 
who  destroyed  the  consistent  work  of 
his  predecessors  since  Barrow  ;  d.  1780. 

George  Mason,  1780  ;   d.  1783. 

Claudius  Crigan,  1783  ;   d.  1813. 

George  Murray,  1814 ;  tr.  to  Rochester, 
1827. 

WiUiam  Ward,  1828  ;  Rector  of  Great 
Horkesley,  Essex ;  saved  his  see  from 
threatened  extinction  ;    d.  1838. 

James  Bowstead,  1838  ;  tr.  to  Lichfield, 
1840. 

Henry  Pepys,  1840;  tr.  to  Worcester,  1841. 

Thomas  Vowler  Short,  1841  ;  tr.  to  St. 
Asaph,  1846. 

Walter  Augustus  Shirley,  1847  ;   d.  1847. 

Robert  John  Eden,  1847  ;  tr.  to  Bath 
and  Wells,  1854. 

Horace  Powys,  1854  ;  d.  1877. 

Rowley  Hill,  1877  ;   d.  1887. 

John   Wareing   Bardsley,    1887 ;     tr.   to 

Carlisle,  1892. 
Norman  DumenU  John  Straton,   1892 ; 
tr.  to  Newcastle,  1907. 


30.  Thomas   Wortley  Drury,    1907;     tr.   to 

Ripon,  1911. 

31.  James  Denton  Thompson,  1912. 

[e.  w.  w.] 

C'hrorticoii  Manniae  ;  Dugdale,  Manasticon, 
s.v.  Furness  Abbey  and  Iluslien  Abbey  ;  Moore, 

Hist.  Islrnf  Man;   Dui.  /fist. 

MANCHESTER,  See  of.  The  Ecclesiastical 
Commissioners  of  1835  [Commissions,  Royal] 
recommended  that  the  disproportionately 
large  see  of  Chester  {q.v.)  should  be  relieved, 
and  spiritual  provision  made  for  the  growing 
population  of  the  towns  of  Lancashire  by 
the  establishment  of  a  bishopric  at  Man- 
chester. The  Established  Church  Act,  1836 
(6-7  Will.  IV.  c.  77),  empowered  the  Crown 
to  constitute  the  see  by  Order  in  Council, 
which  was  issued  accordingly,  12th  December 
1838.  It  never  took  effect,  and  was  repealed 
by  the  Act  which  estabhshed  the  see  in  1847 
(10-11  Vic.  c.  108).  To  avoid  increasing  the 
number  of  bishops  in  the  House  of  Lords  the 
Commissioners  had  recommended  the  fusion 
of  the  sees  of  Bangor  {q.v.)  and  St.  Asaph 
{q.v.).  But  this  proposal  met  with  much 
opposition,  and  the  difficulty  was  overcome 
by  a  clause  providing  that  the  junior  bishop 
for  the  time  being  should  always  be  without 
a  seat  in  the  House.  The  constitution  of  a 
diocese  whose  bishop  was  not  also  a  lord  of 
Parliament  was  a  constitutional  innovation 
which  caused  some  misgiving,  but  the  ex- 
pedient thus  introduced  has  since  become 
the  rule  on  the  creation  of  a  new  see. 

The  diocese  was  established  by  Order  in 
Council,  10th  August  1847,  under  the  Act 
of  that  year.  It  consists  of  the  county  of 
Lancaster,  with  the  exception  of  Liverpool 
and  the  surrounding  district,  which  remained 
in  the  Chester  diocese  until  the  creation  of  the 
see  of  Liverpool  {q.v.)  and  the  deaneries  of 
Furness  and  Cartmel,  which  were  transferred 
to  the  see  of  Carhsle  {q.v.).  It  contains 
845,904  acres,  and  in  1847  was  divided  into 
the  archdeaconries  of  Manchester  and  Lan- 
caster. Its  population  was  then  1,123,548. 
This  has  now  increased  to  3,124,296,  and  arch- 
deaconries of  Blackburn  (1877)  and  Rochdale 
(1910)  have  been  constituted.  A  suffragan 
Bishop  of  Burnley  was  appointed  in  1901, 
and  of  WhaUey  in  1905.  The  parish  church 
of  Manchester,  dedicated  to  St.  Mary  the 
Virgin,  St.  George,  and  St.  Dcnys,  had  been 
a  collegiate  church  since  1422.  The  college 
was  dissolved  in  1547  and  refounded  in  1578. 
In  1847  it  was  constituted  the  cathedral  of 
the  new  see,  its  dean  and  prebendaries 
becoming  the  dean  and  chapter.  The 
episcopal  residence,  first  fixed  at  Mauldeth 


(349) 


Manning] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Marian 


Hall,  five  miles  from  Manchester,  was  changed 
under  Bishop  Frascr  to  Bishopscourt,  a  house 
in  the  city. 

1.  James  Prince  Lee,  1847  ;    distinguished 

Headmaster  of  King  Edward's  School, 
Birmingham  ;    d.  1869. 

2.  James  Fraser  {q.v.),  1870. 

.3.  James     Moorhouse,     1886;      tr.     from 

Melbourne  ;   res.  1903. 
4.  Edmund  Arbuthnott  Knox,    1903;     tr, 

from  suffragan  bishopric  of  Coventry ; 

formerly    Fellow    of    Merton    College, 

Oxford.  [g.  c] 

Hansard,  Purl.  Debates,  1847;   V.C.II.  Lan- 
caster. 

MANNING,  Henry  Edward  (1808-92), 
Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Westminster,  was  born 
at  Copped  Hall,  near  Totteridge.  His  father 
was  Wilham  Manning,  merchant  and  M.P. 
He  was  educated  at  Harrow  School,  1822-6, 
playing  two  years  in  the  cricket  eleven,  and 
entered  BaUiol  CoUege,  Oxford,  in  1827.  He 
soon  distinguished  himself  as  a  speaker  at  the 
Union,  and  his  contemporaries  remembered 
him  as  a  very  handsome  and  smartly-dressed 
undergraduate,  with  much  self-confidence  and 
lofty  ambitions.  His  father  wished  him  to  be 
a  clergyman,  but  he  had  set  his  heart  on 
pohtical  life,  and  was  studiously  preparing 
himself  for  it,  when  his  father  became  bank- 
rupt, and  aU  hopes  of  an  independent  future 
were  dissipated.  In  order  to  make  a  living 
he  accepted  a  clerkship  in  the  Colonial  Office, 
but  the  work  was  distasteful  to  him  and  he 
soon  resigned  it.  He  had  taken  his  degree, 
with  a  First  Class  in  Classics,  at  the  end  of 
1830,  and  he  was  elected  to  a  Fellowship  at 
Merton  CoUege  in  1832.  He  had  now  made 
up  his  mind  to  seek  holy  orders.  In 
December  1832  he  was  ordained  deacon 
by  Bishop  Bagot  of  Oxford,  and  in  January 
1833  he  went  to  Lavington,  Sussex,  as  curate 
to  a  well-known  Evangehcal,  the  Rev.  John 
Sargent,  who  was  both  squire  and  rector. 
On  the  3rd  of  May  in  the  same  year  Mr. 
Sargent  died,  and  Manning  was  appointed  to 
be  rector.  On  the  7th  November  he  married 
his  late  rector's  daughter,  CaroUne  Sargent, 
whose  eldest  sister  had  married  Samuel 
Wilberforce  {q.v.).  In  1837  Mrs,  Manning 
died.  There  were  no  children  of  the  marriage. 
Manning  was  an  energetic  parish-priest. 
He  had  been  brought  up  an  Evangelical ; 
began  his  work  on  those  lines,  and  was  a 
frequent  and  popular  speaker  on  the  platforms 
of  Evangelical  societies ;  but  gradually  the 
new  influences  which  had  been  started  by  the 
Oxford  Movement  {q.v.)  began  to  affect  his 


views.  He  kept  aloof  from  the  Tract-writers 
(though  a  share  in  Tract  78,  printed  1837, 
was  his),  and  remained  on  excellent  terms 
with  his  diocesan,  Bishop  Otter ;  but  he 
began  to  realise  the  authority  of  the 
Church,  and  to  maintain  the  Anglican  Rule 
of  Faith  as  against  both  popular  Protestan- 
tism and  the  claims  of  Rome.  These  ex- 
tremely orthodox  views,  coupled  with  his 
excellence  as  a  preacher  and  a  parish-priest, 
soon  secured  him  official  recognition.  He  was 
appointed  Archdeacon  of  Chichester  in  1840, 
and,  after  the  secession  of  Newman  {q.v.)  and 
his  friends  in  1845,  he  came  to  be  regarded  as 
a  leader  of  the  High  Church  party.  But,  as 
years  went  on  and  the  difficulties  of  Anglican- 
ism became  more  apparent,  his  faith  in  the 
Church  of  England  began  to  decay,  and  the 
Gorham  Judgment  {q.v.)  of  1850,  which 
seemed  to  show  that  the  Judicial  Committee 
of  the  Privy  Council  was  for  Anglicans  the 
final  authority  in  matters  of  faith,  completed 
the  process.  He  resigned  his  preferments  in 
November  1850,  and  on  the  6th  of  April 
1851  was  received  into  the  Church  of  Rome. 
He  was  ordained  priest  by  Cardinal  Wiseman 
two  months  later,  and  then  went  to  Rome  to 
prosecute  his  theological  studies,  and  remained 
there  till  1854,  Returning  to  England  he 
was  made  Provost  of  the  Chapter  of  West- 
minster, and  founded  and  became  head  of 
the  Congregation  of  the  Oblates  of  St. 
Charles  at  Bayswater.  He  soon  became 
known  as  the  most  ardent  of  ultramontanes, 
and  so  secured  the  special  favour  of  Pius  ix., 
who  made  him  in  1865  Archbishop  of  West- 
minster, and  cardinal  in  1875.  He  became 
one  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates  for  the 
definition  of  Papal  Infallibility,  and  was  a 
most  zealous  defender  of  the  Temporal  Power. 
By  tact,  social  skill,  and  knowledge  of  the 
EngUsh  people,  he  did  much  to  popularise 
Romanism  in  England,  He  worked  hard  at 
social  reform,  laboured  to  promote  the  cause 
of  total  abstinence,  and  served  on  the  Royal 
Commissions  on  the  housing  of  the  poor,  and 
on  elementary  education.  He  died  on  the 
14th  of  January  1892,  and,  after  lying  in  state, 
was  buried  at  St.  Mary's  Cemetery,  Kensal 
Green.  His  funeral  procession  was  a  striking 
tribute  to  the  regard  and  respect  in  which  he 
was  held  by  the  people  of  London. 

[g.  w.  e.  k.] 
Personal  recollections  ;  Purcell,  Life. 

MARIAN  EXILES,  The,  were  the  men  and 
women  who  fled  to  the  Continent  during  the 
reign  of  Mary  to  escape  persecution  [Marian 
Reaction].  Many  found  their  way  to  Switzer- 
land,    Some  went  to  Venice,  others  to  Stras- 


(  350  ) 


Marian] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Marian 


burg  and  Cracow.  The  largest  body  took 
refuge  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main.  The  first 
party  appeared  there  in  June  1554.  Their 
stay  was  marked  by  incessant  quarrelHng. 
They  were  allowed  the  use  of  the  French 
Protestant  Church,  and  soon  formed  them- 
selves into  parties  over  the  use  of  the 
English  Prayer  Book.  WiUiam  Whitting- 
ham  {q.v.)  and  John  Knox  became  the  ex- 
treme anti-Prayer-Book  party.  They  ob- 
jected principally  to  the  responses,  and 
especially  '  the  suffrages  devised  off  Pope 
Gregory,'  i.e.  the  Litany ;  the  custom  of 
reading  set  portions  of  the  Bible  as  lessons, 
gospels,  and  epistles ;  the  observance  of 
holy  days ;  services  without  a  sermon ; 
private  communions  for  the  sick  ;  the  sign  of 
the  cross  in  baptism  ;  the  ring  in  marriage  ; 
the  surplice;  and  the  laying  on  of  hands 
in  confirmation.  They  appealed  for  help  to 
Calvin,  who  replied  condemning  '  sundry 
lea\angs  of  Popish  dregges '  in  the  English 
book,  with  the  result  that  many  waverers  were 
won  over,  and  the  anti-Prayer-Book  party 
prevailed.  Their  triumph  was  short-lived, 
as,  while  they  were  still  disputing,  a  party 
arrived,  including  Richard  Cox,  Dean  of 
Christ  Church  and  Westminster,  and  formerly 
tutor  to  Edward  vi.  Cox  became  a  champion 
of  the  Praj^er  Book,  and  after  an  unedifying 
conflict  during  service  time  had  Knox 
expelled  and  the  Prayer  Book  reinstated. 
Whittingham,  John  Foxe  {q.v.),  and  others 
then  withdrew.  Cox  was  elected  minister, 
but  soon  resigned.  Da^^d  Whitehead  suc- 
ceeded him,  but  gave  place  to  Robert  Home, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  Winchester,  in  January 
1556.  A  year  later  an  acrimonious  contro- 
versy arose  on  a  question  of  Church  govern- 
ment and  discipline.  Home  and  Whitehead 
being  protagonists  of  the  two  parties. 
Whitehead  was  victorious,  and  Home  vdih.- 
drew  to  Strasburg. 

Besides  the  exiles  who  went  to  Frankfort 
a  small  party,  including  Peter  Martyr  {q.v.) 
and  Jewel  {q.v.),  afterwards  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury", took  refuge  in  Zurich,  and  devoted 
themselves  to  studj^,  and,  unhke  their  feUow- 
exiles,  lived  in  peace  and  quietness.  A  small 
party  went  to  Geneva,  and  chose  for  ministers 
Christopher  Goodman  (afterwards  deprived 
for  Nonconformity)  and  Knox.  Many  went 
to  Strasburg,  including  Grindal  {q.v.),  Sandys, 
Sir  John  Cheke  {q.v.),  and  Sir  Arthur  Coke. 
Troubles  arose  there  also  over  the  use  of 
the  Prayer  Book :  '  While  some  desire 
the  book  of  reformation  of  the  Church  of 
England  to  be  set  aside  altogether,  others 
only  deem  some  things  in  it  objectionable, 
such  as  kneeling  at  the  Lord's  Supper,  the 

(3 


linen    surplice,    and    other    matters    of    this 
kind.' 

Some  went  to  Basle,  and  were  joined  by 
John  Foxe  and  other  dissentients  from 
Frankfort,  whose  arrival  caused  an  outbreak 
of  strife.  Some  found  their  way  to  We^el, 
in  Westphalia,  but  left  in  a  body  because  the 
Lutheran  magistrates  refused  to  let  them 
celebrate  the  sacraments  in  the  Genevan 
manner.  In  September  1556  they  settled  in 
Aarau,  with  Thomas  Lever,  Master  of  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge,  as  their  minister, 
and  adopted  a  service  book  drawn  up  by 
BuUinger.  It  is  worth  noting  that  Lever 
two  years  before  had  been  a  champion  of  the 
English  book  at  Frankfort. 

John  Laski, a  Polish  nobleman  and  a  bishop, 
with  Barlow  {q.v.).  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
and  a  small  part}^  visited  Poland,  and  seem  to 
have  combined  instruction  in  the  art  of  brew- 
ing with  an  attempt  to  propagate  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Reformation.  In  the  latter  they 
were  quite  unsuccessful.  The  congregation  of 
the  Dutch  church  at  Austin  Friars  founded  by 
Laski  underwent  many  adventures.  They 
originally  sailed  for  Denmark,  but  were  not 
allowed  to  land  on  account  of  their  Calvin- 
istic  opinions,  and  were  rejected  for  the 
same  cause  in  turn  by  Liibeck,  Weimar, 
Rostock,  and  Hamburg.  In  each  place  a 
conference  was  held,  and  when  their  views 
were  known  expulsion  followed,  one  Lutheran 
speaker  calling  them  '  the  devil's  martyrs.' 
At  last  they  found  a  refuge  in  the  cities  of 
East  Friesland. 

When  the  news  came  of  the  death  of  Mary 
in  1558  the  great  majority  of  the  exiles 
returned  to  England.  The  effect  of  their 
sojourn  abroad  was  to  add  a  considerable 
impulse  to  the  Reforming  movement  in 
England,  already  strengthened  by  memories 
of  Smithfield.  Extreme  men  like  Knox 
became  more  determined,  and  moderate 
men  like  Lever  and  Whitehead  became 
extreme.  It  is  noteworthy  that  Whitehead, 
who  was  a  leading  supporter  of  the  English 
Prayer  Book  at  Frankfort,  was  afterwards 
deprived  for  Nonconformitj^.  From  one 
point  of  view  the  exile  may  be  regarded  as 
having  given  birth  to  English  Nonconfor- 
mity. The  five  years  of  freedom  the  exiles 
enjoyed,  and  their  liberty  to  go  as  far  in 
the  Protestant  direction  as  they  wished, 
made  it  difficult  for  all,  and  impossible  for 
most,  ever  to  tolerate  contentedly  even  the 
tolerabiles  ineptiae  of  the  Enghsh  book. 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 
,4  brieff  discourse  off  the  Troubles  begonne  at 
Francfordin  Oermani/ {1575  ;  reprinted,  LoikI., 
1908)  ;  Utenhove,  Simplex  et  jidelis  Xarratio  ; 
Oriijinal  Letters  (Parker  Soc). 

51  ) 


Marian] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Marprelate 


MARIAN  REACTION.  The  reign  of  Queen 
Mary  {q-v.)  is  an  important  era  in  the  history 
of  the  Enghsh  Church.  The  personal  and 
private  affairs  of  Henry  vm.  had  precipi- 
tated a  breach  wth  Rome  which  had  long 
been  preparing,  and  when  the  breach  was 
once  made  it  became  much  wider  than 
Henry  intended.  The  force  of  protest,  when 
once  released,  carried  the  Church  under  the 
Edwardian  politicians  to  an  extreme,  from 
which  there  was  bound  to  be  some  recoil. 
Consequently  at  Edward's  death  there  were 
many  who  saw  no  escape  from  the  slippery 
slope  on  which  the  Church  had  recently 
seemed  to  be,  except  by  grasping  again  the 
hand  of  Rome.  Accordingly  Mary  found 
widespread  support  for  her  pohcy ;  Pole 
{q.v.)  was  welcomed,  and  a  solemn  reconcUia- 
tion  was  made,  30th  November  1554.  But 
this  reaction  also  involved  more  trouble 
than  was  at  first  seen.  In  some  respects 
easy  terms  were  made  for  the  Edwardines. 
Married  clergy  were  indeed  ejected  from  their 
benefices,  but  in  many  cases  they  were  put 
into  others.  The  Edwardine  orders  were 
probably  condemned  in  theory,  but  in  prac- 
tice apparently  tolerated,  only  some  supple- 
mentary ceremony  being  added  where  it  was 
sought.  The  impropriated  Church  property 
was  allowed  to  remain  in  lay  hands,  though 
this  was  abhorrent  to  the  Queen  herself. 

But  nothing  could  minimise  the  anta- 
gonism of  those  who  had  adopted  the 
new  views  and  those  who  clung  to  the  old. 
To  the  former  the  old  was  superstition  and 
idolatry,  while  to  the  latter  the  new  was 
heresy.  Consequently  the  Marian  policy 
became  one  of  acute  persecution ;  and  it 
was  only  consistent  with  the  mediaeval 
theory  to  which  the  prelates  and  politicians 
in  power  were  essentially  clinging,  that  that 
persecution  should  extend  to  the  rack  and 
the  stake,  and  should  involve  inquisitorial 
examination  into  personal  beliefs  and  private 
motives.  From  this^procedure  the  conscience 
of  England  revolted ;  the  day  of  rehgious 
toleration  had  not  yet  come,  nor  did  it  come 
for  many  a  day,  even  in  theory ;  but  there 
was  a  demand  for  at  least  that  modicum  of 
toleration  which  soon  the  Elizabethan  policy 
was  to  grant,  viz.  that  a  man  should  be  judged 
only  by  his  public  action,  not  upon  inquisi- 
torial examination,  and  that,  provided  he 
conformed  to  certain  external  requirements 
of  the  law,  he  might  believe  what  he  chose. 

Other  circumstances  deepened  the  tragedy 
of  Mary's  reign :  the  hated  match  with 
Spain,  full  of  bitterness  to  a  poor,  despised, 
and  childless  wife;  the  loss  of  Calais,  the 
plagues,   and   agricultural   depression.     But 


here,  as  elsewhere  at  this  period,  religion 
was  the  chief  motive  force  ;  and  England 
after  five  years  of  the  Roman  aUiance  was 
eager  to  be  rid  of  it  again.  The  storm  of 
change  that  swept  over  the  country,  as  Pole 
and  Mary  died,  defying  governmental  re- 
straint, repudiating  the  leadership  of  the 
surviving  Marian  prelates,  and  welcoming 
with  open  arms  the  return  of  those  who  had 
been  exiles  for  the  reformed  faith,  shows 
how  spontaneous  was  the  revulsion  of  1558, 
and  how  essentially  short-lived  the  Marian 
reaction  had  been.  Nothing  had  been 
permanently  acquired.  The  old  service- 
books  had  been  brought  back,  but  only  to 
disappear  again ;  the  redecoration  of  the 
churches  after  the  Edwardine  sacrilege  was 
undone  by  fresh  acts  of  desecration.  The 
Religious  Orders,  but  momentarily  restored, 
were  again  scattered.  While  Mary  had  per- 
force perpetuated  some  of  the  reforms  of  her 
brother  and  father,  such  as  the  increased 
number  of  dioceses,  Elizabeth  perpetuated 
nothing  of  her  sister's. 

But  the  reaction  was  valuable  because  it 
made  a  new  starting-point  for  the  English 
Refoi'mation.  It  broke  the  entail  of  many 
of  Henry's  worst  actions ;  it  interrupted  the 
down-grade  tendencies  of  the  rule  of  Edward's 
Council ;  and  it  showed  in  how  many  respects 
it  would  be  foUy,  in  throwing  over  the  Marian 
policy,  to  return  to  that  of  Edward  or  Henry. 
Thus  it  prevented  a  return  being  made  to  the 
Royal  Supremacy  [q.v.),  as  Henry  or  Edward 
understood  it,  or  to  the  Prayer  Book  as  1552 
had  left  it,  or  to  the  Edwardine  degradation 
of  episcopacy,  by  the  practical  suppression 
of  Convocation  and  of  all  episcopal  dis- 
ciplinary power — to  name  a  few  of  the  chief 
points.  When  Parker  {q.v.)  succeeded  Pole, 
he  was  able  to  do  so  with  much  less  of  break 
than  when  Pole  sat  waiting  for  Cranmer  [q.v.) 
to  be  burnt,  before  he  could  take  possession 
of  his  see.  And  the  reaction  being  over, 
in  consequence  of  it,  even  amid  the  turmoil 
of  controversy  and  perplexity  which  filled 
Western  Christendom  from  end  to  end, 
many  important  things  stood  out  in  their 
true  proportion  better  in  England  than  else- 
where, and  were  beacon  lights  for  future 
guidance,  [w.  h.  f.] 

Dixon,   Hist,   of  the  Ch.  of  Eng.,  vol.  iv.  ; 
Frere,  Marian  Reaction,  C.H.S. 

MARPRELATE  CONTROVERSY.   In 

1587  an  anonymous  pamphlet.  The  Epistle  to 
the  Terrible  Priests  of  the  Confocation  House, 
written  ostensibly  by  '  Martin  Mar-prelate,' 
appeared  on  the  streets  in  London.  In  it 
and  its   successors   a  humorous   but  ribald 


(352) 


Marprelate] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Marriage 


attack  was  made  upon  the  bishops  for  with- 
standing the  true  Reformation.  Moreover, 
said  Martin,  their  mistakes  of  judgment  were 
so  apparent,  their  ignorance  of  doctrine  so 
lamentable,  and  their  inefficiency  in  ad- 
ministration so  monumental  that  any  one 
with  half  an  eye  could  see  that  episcopacy 
was  a  failure.  Martin  would  carry  on  war 
against  this  '  swinish  rabble '  and  put  a 
'young  Martin  in  euerie  parish,  .  .  .  euerie 
one  of  them  able  to  mar  a  prelate.'  Martin's 
identity  is  still  disputed,  but  the  Tracts  were 
the  work  of  various  hands,  and  the  most 
important  those  of  John  Penry  and  WiUiam 
Udall.  Their  purpose  was  to  render  the 
bishops  so  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  EUzabeth 
and  her  subjects  that  both  would  see  that 
episcopacy  was  a  bad  form  of  Church  govern- 
ment, because  it  would  not  work  and  because 
the  bishops  were  fools.  Elizabeth  would  then 
abolish  episcopacy  and  set  up  the  Book  of 
Disciphne  for  which  the  Puritans  had  been 
petitioning.  The  Tracts  undoubtedly  com- 
manded wide  attention  ;  Bishop  Cooper  and 
the  Dean  of  Salisbury  issued  ponderous 
refutations ;  Dr.  Some  answered  them  in 
kind  ;  while  Richard  Bancroft  {q.v.)  strained 
every  resource  of  the  State  to  suppress  them, 
and  later  preached  one  of  the  famous  sermons 
of  the  century  against  the  authors  and  their 
partisans. 

There  was  reason  for  apprehension.  Ban- 
croft had  a  year  or  so  earUer  convinced  the 
leaders  of  Church  and  State  that  the  Puritans 
were  few  in  number  and  by  no  means  im- 
portant for  their  position,  wealth,  or  inteUi- 
gence,  but  the  reception  accorded  these 
Tracts  made  both  ecclesiastics  and  statesmen 
wonder  whether  he  had  not  been  mistaken. 
This  was  the  Armada  year,  when  treason 
within  might  mean  the  loss  of  England's 
independence.  The  Tracts  claimed  to  speak 
for  a  large  body  of  men,  and  Elizabeth,  fearful 
as  ever  of  offending  any  one  influential  enough 
to  make  himself  heard,  was  inclined  to  beUeve 
that  the  bishops  had  disobeyed  her  strict 
orders  to  connive  at  anything  short  of  dis- 
loyalty, and  was  about  to  deal  harshly  with 
them  in  consequence.  The  State  feared  lest 
the  Tracts  portended  a  discontent  so  wide- 
spread that  it  might  threaten  the  stability 
of  the  government ;  the  Church  was  appre- 
hensive lest  EUzabeth's  fright  should  destroy 
what  independence  it  had  left.  The  Mar- 
prelate  Tracts  were  the  climax  of  the  first 
Puritan  assault  upon  the  Church  in  favour 
of  the  Book  of  Discipline. 

But  the  Tracts  had  meanwhile  opened  a 
rift  in  the  Puritan  party  itself.  The  Puritans 
favouring  the  Book  of  Discipline,  fully  con- 

Z  (  353  ) 


scious  of  the  fact  that  the  favour  of  the  State 
was  all-important,  had  decided  in  1584  upon 
a  campaign  of  petitions  to  Ehzabeth  and 
her  ministers  begging  the  adoption  of  their 
scheme.  On  its  failure  they  had  sanctioned 
the  Tracts  which  should  show  the  inanity  and 
inefficiency  of  episcopacy,  and  in  the  mean- 
time they  had  begun  secretly  to  practise  the 
ideas  of  the  Book  of  Discipline,  Classes  were 
already  in  existence  in  1584,  and  by  1587 
provincial  and  national  synods  were  sitting, 
and  the  extension  of  the  scheme  was  already 
projected.  They  believed  they  had  found  a 
loophole  in  the  laws  and  were  comparatively 
safe.  But  Penry  and  Udall  went  a  good  deal 
further  in  their  abuse  of  the  bishops  than  the 
majority  of  the  party  approved  ;  they  roused 
Elizabeth's  fears  instead  of  her  sympathies, 
and  found  themselves,  instead  of  the  bishops, 
objects  of  suspicion.  The  moderates  were 
fearful  that  the  active  attempts  of  Bancroft 
to  find  the  secret  press  would  uncover  the 
whole  Puritan  movement ;  they  therefore 
disowned  the  Tracts  and  bitterly  regretted 
their  publication. 

Their  fears  were  well  grounded.  Bancroft 
found  the  press  at  Fawsley  in  Northampton- 
shire, chased  the  printers  to  Coventry  and 
Manchester,  where  in  August  1589  they 
surrendered.  Penry  and  Udall  escaped,  but 
were  later  caught  and  executed.  The  whole 
Puritan  party  had  by  this  time  been  impli- 
cated either  in  the  publication  of  the  Tracts 
or  in  the  attempt  to  practise  the  discipline. 
Several  men  were  arrested  in  the  autumn  of 
1589  and  spring  of  1590,  but  all  were  finally 
set  free  in  1592  from  lack  of  evidence  to 
convict.  The  Marprelate  Tracts,  which  were 
to  have  upset  episcopacy,  uncovered,  and  so 
broke  up,  the  early  Puritan  movement. 

[e.  g.  u.] 

Arber,  Eng.  Garner  and  Marprelate  Tracts  ; 
Usher,  Presbyterian  Movement,  C.S.,  1905,  and 
Reconstruction  of  the  Eng.  Ch. 

MARRIAGE,  Law  of.  The  Christian  Church 
from  the  first  regarded  all  marriage  as,  to 
quote  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  '  an 
honourable  estate  instituted  of  God.'  The 
marriage  of  Christians,  in  addition  to  the 
divine  origin  which  it  shared  with  all  marriage, 
was  a  union  sanctified  by  the  fact  that  God 
had  taken  human  flesh  in  the  Incarnation  ; 
that  the  persons  contracting  it  had  been 
baptized  into  the  Church,  whose  union  with 
Christ  was  expressed  under  the  figure  of 
marriage ;  and  that  He  had  approved  it  and 
regulated  it.  Therefore  the  marriage  of 
Christians  is  a  sacrament  (it  is  so  called  in 
the  Homilies),  and  is  distinguished  by   the 


Marriage! 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Marriage 


epithet  'holy.'  It  retains  this  character 
whether  solemnised  according  to  the 
Church's  rites  or  not.  For  the  baptized 
cannot  divest  themselves  of  their  position  as 
members  of  the  Church ;  and  in  this  sacra- 
ment the  ministers  are  the  parties  themselves, 
the  priest  being  only  an  appointed  witness 
who  gives  the  Church's  blessing.  A  marriage 
which  lacks  that  blessing  is  still  a  sacrament 
(unless  invaUdated  by  some  canonical  im- 
pediment), though  irregular. 

Jurisdiction.— It  follows   that  Christian 
marriage  must  be  subject  to  the  Church's 
law.     In  England  the  Church  assumed  this 
jurisdiction  from  the  first.     Some  of  Augus- 
tine's {q.v.)  questions  to  Gregory  [q.v.)  deal 
with  points  of  marriage  law.    Theodore  {q.v.) 
in   his   Penitential   laid   down    rules    about 
marriage.     And    the    Church's  law    as   em- 
bodied'in  these  and   other   enactments  was 
accepted  by  the  State.     For  instance,  Cnut 
{q.v.)   gave  civil   sanction  to   the    Church's 
rule    concerning    marriage    within    the    pro- 
hibited    degrees.     An     elaborate     code     of 
marriage  law  formed  part  of  the  Canon  Law 
{q.v.),  and  Henry  n.  and  his  successors  did 
not  dispute  the  Church's  right  both  to  enact 
and  to  administer  the  law  of  marriage.     The 
decisions    of    the    church    courts    {q.v.)    on 
questions   of   legitimacy   were   accepted   by    ] 
those  of  the  State.     But  an  attempt  to  force 
on   the  State  the  Church's  rule,  by  which 
subsequent  marriage  of  parents  legitimatised 
bastard  children,  was  rejected  by  the  Council 
of    Merton,     1236,     the     barons     declaring 
Nolumus    leges    Angliae    mutari.     The    civil 
courts    retained    control    of    questions    of 
dower,    though   Archbishops    Boniface    and 
Peckham  {q.v.)  sought  to  bring  them  under 
tlie  Church's  jurisdiction. 

The  papal  dispensing  power  was  largely 
exercised  in  questions  of  marriage  until  1534, 
when  the  Peter  Pence  Act  (25  Hen.   vni. 
c.  21)  ordered  that  this  jurisdiction  should  be 
exercised  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
concurrently   with   the   ordinary   dispensing 
powers    of    the    bishops.     [Bishops.]    The 
Succession  Act,  1534  (25  Hen.  vm.  c.  22), 
forbade   the  further   exercise   of   the   papa! 
dispensing  power  over  marriages  within  the 
prohibited  degrees.     This  provision  was  re- 
peated in  1536  (28  Hen.  vm.  c.  7)  and  1540 
(32  Hen.  vm.  c.  38).     But  apart  from  the 
abolition  of  this  power,  and  of  appeals  to 
Rome  generally  (which  in  recent  times  had 
been  largely  concerned  with  marriage  cases), 
Henry    vm.'s    statutes    did    not    affect   the 
Church's  matrimonial  jurisdiction,  which  its 
courts  continued  to  exercise  until  1857.     In 
1682  the  King's  Bench  definitely  declared 


that  questions  of  marriage  law  fell  within  the 
cognisance  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  since 
'  divines  better  know  how  to  expound  the 
law  of  marriages  than  the  common  law^'ers  ' 
{Watkmson  v.  Me.rgalron,  Rayra.  464).     The 
first  breach  in  the  canon  law  of  marriage  was 
made   by   Parliament   in    1753    (see   below). 
The  Act  of  1836  transferred  the  ordinance 
to  '  the  bleak  and  frigid  zone  of  ci\al  contract.' 
The  Church  was  now  administering  law  the 
Tuaking  of  which  the  State  had  assumed  to 
itself.     This  circumstance,  together  Tvith  the 
constant   breaches   of   the   Church's   law   of 
divorce  by  private  Acts  of  Parliament,  made 
the  matrimonial  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical  courts  a   meaningless   survival.     By 
1830   the    time   was    not   ripe   for   decisive 
change.     The  Courts  Commission  [Commis- 
sions, Royal]  merely  hinted  at  the  desir- 
abUitj^  of  divorce  a  vinculo,  and  recommended 
that  the  church  courts  should  be  reformed 
to  enable   them   to  administer   the  existing 
marriage  laws  more  efficiently.     But  reforms 
came  slowly,  and  the  antiquated  procedure 
of  the  courts,  combined  with  the  fact  that  the 
Church's  law  no  longer  represented  the  con- 
science of  the  nation,  to  render  it  imperative 
that  the  State  should  take  over  the  adminis- 
tration of  what  was  becoming  an  increasingly 
secular  code.     A  BUI  to  enable  a  civil  court 
to  grant  divorce  failed  to  obtain  a  second 
reading   in    1843.     In    1850   a   Royal   Com- 
mission was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
law  of  divorce  and  its  administration.     It 
reported  in  1853  that  all  matrimonial  causes 
should  be  transferred  to  a  new  civil  tribunal. 
BUls  founded  on  the  report  failed  to  pass  in 
1854  and  1856.     But  in  1857  the  Divorce  and 
Matrimonial   Causes   Act   (20-1    Vic.    c.    85) 
abolished  the  matrimonial  jurisdiction  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts,  and  replaced  them  by  a 
new  secular  court.     The  effect  of  this  Act 
on  the  law  of  marriage  will  be  discussed 
below.    As  regards  jurisdiction,  its  result  was 
to  mark  the  final  separation  of  the  marriage 
law  of  the  State  from  that  of  the  Church, 
which  is  still  binding  on  the  conscience  of  its 
members,  like  any  other  part  of  its  moral  law, 
but  is  no  longer  accepted  and  enforced  as 
a  whole  by  the  civil  power.     The  State  has 
now  its  own  marriage  laws  (based  in  part 
upon  the  canon  law),  to  which  churchmen 
are  subject   as   citizens   except  where  they 
conflict  with    the    Church's    law.     [Church 
AND  State.] 

Who  may  Marry. — The  general  principle 

that   any  baptized  man   and  woman  may 

contract  a  Christian  marriage  is  naturally 

I    subject   to   considerable   limitations.     These 

I    were  reduced  bv  the  canonists  to  fifteen  heads. 


(354) 


Marriage] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Marriage 


Some  of  these,  such  as  mistaken  identity  and 
the  use  of  forco.,  do  not  require  detailed 
consideration.  The  intention  of  the  parties  \ 
to  contract  marriage  with  each  other  was 
always  essential.  Diversity  in  religion  was 
also  an  impediment.  Marriage  with  non- 
Christians  was  forbidden  by  the  early 
councils.  The  prohibition,  though  based  on 
Scripture  (1  Cor.  7^'),  was  frequently  dis- 
regarded. Prominent  examples  in  English 
history  are  the  marriages  of  Aethelbert  of 
Kent  [Augustine]  and  Edwin  of  Northumbria 
[Pauunus].  In  later  times  marriage  with 
a  Jew  was  felony  by  English  law.  By  canon 
law  marriage  with  an  unbaptized  person, 
though  irregular,  is  apparently  valid.  Physi- 
cal disabilities  were  also  grounds  of  in- 
validity. 

Bigamy. — The  fact  that  either  party  had 
a  wife  Uving  was  in  general  a  complete  bar 
to  remarriage.  In  England  bigamy  was  an 
offence  against  the  ecclesiastical  law  only, 
until  1604,  when  it  was  made  felony  except 
for  persons  whose  husband  or  wife  had  been 
beyond  the  seas  for  seven  years  and  were  not 
known  to  be  aUve  (1  Jac.  i.  c.  11). 

For  restrictions  imposed  by  holy  orders 
see  IVIarriage  of  the  Clergy. 

By  canon  law  marriage  was  void  by  reason 
of  age  only  if  the  parties  were  incapable  of 
giving  rational  consent,  i.e.  under  seven  years, 
but  it  was  voidable  if  the  husband  were  under 
fourteen  or  the  wife  under  twelve.  Otherwise 
it  was  good  in  spite  of  the  withholding  of  the 
consent  of  parents  or  guardians.  Canon  100 
of  1604  forbade  but  did  not  invalidate 
marriage  of  persons  under  twenty-one  with- 
out such  consent.  By  Lord  Hardwicke's 
Marriage  Act,  1753  (26  Geo.  n.  c.  33),  marriage 
by  Hcence  was  void  without  such  consent  if 
either  party  (not  being  a  widower  or  widow) 
were  under  twenty-one.  This  provision  was 
repealed  in  1822  (3  Geo.  iv.  c.  75).  And  in 
1823  4  Geo.  iv.  c.  76  restored  the  rule  of 
Canon  100,  so  that  all  marriages  are  now 
vaUd  if  the  parties  are  over  fourteen  and 
twelve  respectively,  though  up  to  twenty-one 
the  consent  of  parents  or  guardians  should  be 
obtained. 

Prohibited  Degrees. — Fear  of  sanctioning 
incest  has  caused  the  Church  to  prohibit  the 
marriage  of  near  relations.  Its  law  on  this 
subject  is  based  on  the  Mosaic  code  (Levit. 
18,  20;  Deut.  22,  27)  and  on  the  Roman 
civil  law,  but  was  much  elaborated  by  the 
canonists.  Its  prohibitions  were  founded 
on: — 

1.  Consanguinity,  blood  relationship  cither 
in  the  direct  line,  which  was  an  absolute 
bar,  or  collaterally  through  descent  from  a 


common  ancestor,  when  the  relationship  was 
computed  by  counting  the  steps  by  which 
each  party  was  separated  from  that  ancestor. 
Thus  brother  and  sister  were  related  in  the 
first  degree,  '  first  cousins  '  in  the  second.  If 
the  lines  of  descent  varied  in  length,  the 
shorter  was  taken  for  this  purpose.  The 
Lateran  Council,  1215,  forbade  marriage  in 
the  fourth  degree.  Before  this  it  had  been 
forbidden  up  to  the  seventh.  For  this 
purpose  half-blood  relationship  is  equivalent 
to  that  of  the  whole  blood. 

2.  Affinity  was  based  on  the  text :  '  They 
shall  be  one  flesh'  (Gen.  22').  The  blood 
relations  of  either  party  to  a  marriage  stood 
in  the  same  relationship  to  the  other ;  and 
the  rules  of  consanguinity  were  applied.  This 
was  affinity  of  the  first  genus.  But  the 
principle  was  extended  so  as  to  make  a  man 
related  by  affinity  of  the  second  genus  to  the 
husbands  and  mves  of  his  wife's  kindred, 
and  so  on.  But  the  council  of  1215  declared 
that  only  affinity  of  the  first  genus  was  a  bar 
to  marriage.  Affinity  was  created  by  fornica- 
tion.^ In  1527  Henry  vin.  sought  a  papal 
dispensation  from  the  affinity  between  himself 
and  Anne  Boleyn,  caused  by  his  illicit  rela- 
tions with  her  sister  (Brewer,  Henry  VIII., 
ii.  240).  Even  a  promise  to  marry  was  held 
to  create  '  quasi-affinity.' 

3.  Spiritual  affinity  arose  out  of  the  analogy 
between  standing  sponsor  and  actual  parent- 
hood. At  first  the  sponsor  was  only  for- 
bidden to  marry  the  godchild  or  its  parent. 
The  rule  was  afterwards  extended  to  its 
other  kin,  and  spiritual  affinity  was  held  to 
exist  between  a  person  confirmed  (and  his 
kin)  and  the  person  presenting  him  for 
confirmation.  This  '  maze  of  flighty  fancies 
and  misappUed  logic  '  has  been  ignored  by 
the  English  Church  since  the  sixteenth 
century.  Its  law  no  longer  knows  anything 
of  spiritual  affinity  as  a  bar  to  marriage. 

In  the  IVIiddle  Ages  the  law  of  prohibited 
degrees  was  so  far-reaclfing  and  compUcated 
that  the  papal  dispensing  power  had  to  be 
freely  used  as  a  corrective.  This  power  was 
aboUshed  in  England  by  the  statutes  cited 
above,  which  reduced  the  prohibited  degrees 
to  those  of  '  God's  law,'  meaning  the  rules 
contained  in  Levit.  18  or  to  be  deduced 
therefrom.  A  Table  on  these  lines  was 
pubhshed  by  Archbishop  Parker  {q.v.)  in 
1563,  and  authorised  by  Canon  99  of  1604. 
It  is  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Prayer  Book, 
and  is  still  the  law  of  the  English  Church. 
In  practice,  however,  marriages  mthin  these 
degrees  were  not  held  void  unless  declared  so 

1  This  is  apparently  still  the  law  of  the  English  Clmrch, 
though  the  auUiorities  are  not  perfectly  clear. 


(  355  ) 


Marriage] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Marriage 


by  the  ecclesiastical  court  after  proceedings 
taken,  and  this  could  not  be  after  the  death 
of  either  party.  Many  such  marriages  were 
contracted,  especially  with  deceased  wives' 
sisters.  But  the  parties  could  never  be  sure 
that  proceedings  might  not  be  taken  and  their 
children  declared  illegitimate.  In  1834  the 
seventh  Duke  of  Beaufort  contracted  such  a 
marriage,  and  Lord  LjTidhurst's  Marriage 
Act,  1835  (5-6  Will.  iv.  c.  54),  was  passed 
primarily  to  reheve  him  of  this  uncertainty. 
It  provided  that  marriages  abeady  con- 
tracted within  the  degrees  of  affinity  should 
not  be  annulled,  but  that  for  the  future  all 
such  marriages  should  be  absolutely  void. 
This  caused  dissatisfaction,  and  in  1847  a 
Royal  Commission  was  appointed,  with 
Bishop  Lonsdale  of  Lichfield  as  chairman. 
It  reported  that  marriages  with  a  deceased 
wife's  sister  were  stiU  common,  and  was  in 
favour  of  legalising  them.  Bills  with  this 
object  were  constantly  introduced  from  1849 
to  1907,  when  7  Edw.  vn.  c.  47  enacted  that 
thej^  should  not  be  void  or  voidable  by  reason 
of  the  affinity,  but  expressly  refrained  from 
altering  the  position  of  the  clergy  of  the 
EngUsh  Church  with  regard  to  them,  under 
the  ecclesiastical  law,  which  remains  binding 
on  the  conscience  of  churchmen,  though  that 
of  the  State  is  not  in  harmony  wdth  it  in  this 
particular. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  canon  law 
divides  all  impediments  to  matrimony  into 
two  classes :  an  impedimentum  impediens  does 
not  invalidate  the  marriage,  but  renders  the 
parties  liable  to  ecclesiastical  censures,  e.g. 
if  either  party  is  under  twenty-one  (but 
over  fourteen) ;  an  impedimentum  dirimens 
nullifies  the  pretensed  marriage  altogether, 
e.g.  if  either  party  has  a  spouse  living. 

Conditions  of  Mabriage. — It  being  ascer- 
tained that  no  impediment  exists,  the  essential 
requisite  to  constitute  the  marriage  is  the 
mutual  consent  of  the  parties.  From  early 
times  this  was  signified  by  betrothal,  which 
was  of  two  kinds :  sponsalia  per  verba  de 
futuro,  a  binding  contract  to  marry,  which 
was  held  to  constitute  a  valid  marriage  when 
consummated,  and  sponsalia  per  verba  de 
praesenti,  a  declaration  that  they  took  one 
another,  then  and  there,  as  husband  and  wife. 
Such  betrothals  were  hardly  distinguishable 
in  effect  from  actual  marriage  ;  they  formed 
a  contract  which  could  not  be  dissolved  by 
one  of  the  parties  actually  contracting  and 
consummating  an  otherwise  valid  marriage 
with  a  third  person — a  fact  which  shows  that 
the  canonists  regarded  the  mutual  promise  to 
marry  as  the  essence  of  the  sacrament,  not 
sexual     intercourse    or    the    religious    cere- 


mony. Consensus  facit  matrimonium.  The 
Act  of  1540,  already  cited,  forbade  marriages 
solemnised  and  consummated  to  be  dissolved 
merely  on  the  ground  of  pre-contract.  But 
by  1548  it  was  found  that  this  provision, 
though  '  godly  meant,'  was  '  ungodly  abused  ' 
by  those  who  wished  to  break  their  promises 
to  marry.  It  was  therefore  repealed  (2-3 
Edw.  VI.  c.  23),  and  questions  of  pre-contract 
left  to  the  church  courts  to  be  dealt  with 
according  to  canon  law,  until  the  Marriage 
Act,  1753,  abolished  suits  for  specific  perform- 
ance of  contracts  to  marry. 

Betrothal  was  normally  followed  by  the 
marriage  ceremony,  which  from  early  times 
was  regarded  by  Christians  as  a  religious  rite. 
The  Church  considered  it  important  to 
prevent  any  secrecy  or  uncertainty  about 
marriages.  Publicity  was  a  powerful  safe- 
guard against  violation  of  the  law  of  canonical 
impediments.  And  for  these  reasons,  as  well 
as  because  it  was  desirable  that  it  should  be 
haUowed  by  the  Church's  blessing,  the  canon 
law  declared  that  marriage  must  be  contracted 
pubUcly  in  facie  ecclesiae.  A  secret  union 
without  any  religious  ceremony  though 
valid  was  irregular,  and  the  parties  were  Hable 
to  ecclesiastical  censures  for  violating  the 
Church's  discipline. 

To  prevent  such  clandestine  marriages  the 
custom  arose  in  the  twelfth  century  of  publish- 
ing banns,  that  is,  announcing  an  intended 
marriage  publicly,  and  caUing  on  those  who 
knew  of  any  impediment  to  declare  it.  In 
1200  Archbishop  Hubert  Walter  {q.v.)  forbade 
the  celebration  of  marriages  until  banns  had 
been  thrice  pubUshed  in  church  {Hoveden, 
R.S.,  iv.  135),  and  the  Lateran  Council,  1215, 
made  this  the  rule  of  the  Western  Church. 

From  at  least  the  early  part  of  the  four- 
teenth century  the  bishops  acquired  the  power 
of  dispensing  with  the  necessity  of  banns. 
This  power  of  granting  licences  was  confirmed 
to  the  bishops  by  the  Peter  Pence  Act,  1534 
(25  Hen.  viu.  c.  21),  which  also  permitted  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  to  grant  in  both 
provinces  such  Ucences  and  dispensations 
as  had  been  formerly  given  by  the  Pope. 
The  present  law  of  the  Church  on  the  subject 
is  contained  in  the  rubrics  in  the  Marriage 
Service  and  in  Canons  62  and  101.  Banns 
must>  be  published  in  the  parish  churches  of 
the  parties  on  three  Sundays  or  holy  days, 
or  a  licence  must  be  obtained.  A  common 
licence,  simply  dispensing  with  the  necessity 
of  banns,  may  be  granted  by  any  bishop 
through  the  Chancellor  and  his  surrogates  ; 
a  special  licence  to  marry  at  any  convenient 
time  and  place  only  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  through  his  officials.     The  grant- 


(  356  ) 


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[Marriage 


ing  of  a  licence  is  a  matter  of  discretion  and 
not  of  right.     The  question  how  far  a  bishop 
can    control   his   Chancellor  in  granting   or 
refusing  licences  must  depend  mainly  on  the 
wording  of  the  Chancellor's  patent.  [Courts.] 
The   Council  of   Westminster   (1175)   had 
decreed  that  any  priest  celebrating  a  clandes- 
tine marriage  should  be  suspended  for  tlu'ce 
years.     At    the    close    of    the    seventeenth 
century   Parliament   found   it   necessary   to 
enforce  the  Church's  law  on  this  subject  by 
civil    penalties    (1695,    6-7    Will.    m.    c.    6^; 
1696,  7-8  Will.  III.  c.  35).     In  1711  the  clergy- 
man celebrating  such  a  marriage  was  to  be 
fined  £100  (10  An.  c.  19).     Yet  clandestine 
marriages  increased  to  an  alarming  extent. 
'  The  vision  of  a  broken-down  parson  ready, 
without  asking  (questions,  to  marry  any  man 
to  any  woman  for  a  crown  and  a  bottle,  was 
an     ever-present     terror     to     parents     and 
guardians.'     In  1753  this  e^al  induced  Parlia- 
ment  for   the   first   time   to   deal   with   the 
principles  of  the  law  of  marriage  by  passing 
Lord  Hardwicke's  Marriage  Act  (26  Geo.  n. 
c.  33),  enacting  that  marriages  without  banns 
or  hcence   should   be   void,   though   by   the 
Church's  law  they  were  irregular,  indeed,  but 
vahd.     The  Act  further  required  the  presence 
of     two    witnesses    besides    the    officiating 
clergyman,  and  the  keeping  of  a  marriage 
register.     This  Act  being  enforced  by  severe 
penalties,  fourteen  years'  transportation  for  a 
transgressing  clergyman,  and  death  for  forging 
an  entry  in  the  register,  undoubtedly  checked 
clandestine  marriages.     Eloping  couples  were 
obhged  to  have  recourse  to  Gretna  Green,  the 
nearest    village    over    the    Scottish    border, 
where  the  Act  did  not  run.     But  its  stringency 
in  making  clandestine  marriages  void  pro- 
duced evil  results,  and  it  was  repealed  by  the 
Marriage  Act,  1823  (4  Geo.  iv.  c.  76),  wlfich 
re-enacted  most  of  its  other  provisions  but 
restored  the  Church's  rule  as  to  the  validity 
of    clandestine     marriages.     Thus     between 
1753  and  1823  a  clergyman  solemnising  such 
a  maiTiage  w-as  hable  to  transportation,  and 
the    marriage    was    void.     Since    1823    the 
marriage  is  vahd  in  civil  as  in  canon  law,  but 
the  clergyman  is  still  guilty  of  a  felony. 

Time  and  Place  of  Marriage. — By  the 
canon  law  marriage  might  not  be  solemnised 
between  Advent  Sunday  and  the  Octave  of 
the  Epiphany  (exclusive),  nor  between  Sep- 
tuagesima  and  Low  Sunday,  nor  between 
the  first  Rogation  Day  and  the  seventh  day 
after  Pentecost  (inclusive).  In  Elizabeth's 
reign  these  rules  were  recognised,  and  dispensa- 
tions from  them  granted  by  the  Archbishops 
of  Canterbury.  An  attempt  to  abolish  them 
in  part  failed  in  1562.     A  canon  permitting 


marriage  throughout  the  year  was  passed  by 
Convocation  in  1575,  but  did  not  obtain  the 
royal  assent.  In  practice  these  prohibitions 
appear  to  have  lapsed.  Canon  62  of  1604 
laid  down  that  marriages  might  only  be 
celebrated  between  eight  and  twelve  in  the 
forenoon,  but  a  canon  of  1888  extended  the 
time  to  three  p.m.,  to  bring  the  Church's  rule 
into  harmony  with  the  Marriage  Act,  1886 
(49-50  Vic.  c.  14).  A  niarriage  in  facie 
ecclesiae  must  be  celebrated  in  the  parish 
church  of  one  of  the  parties,  or  in  some  public 
chapel  duly  licensed  for  the  purpose.  But  a 
special  Ucence  may  authorise  the  marriage 
to  be  celebrated  in  any  place. 

The  form  of  marriage  is  that  set  out  in  the 
Prayer  Book,  but  all  that  is  essential  by 
canon  law  is  the  mutual  taking  of  each 
other  as  husband  and  wife.  The  form  of 
words  requked  by  statute  for  civil  vahdity 
(Marriage  Act,  1898,  61-2  Vic.  c.  58)  contains 
a  declaration  that  the  parties  know  no  impedi- 
ment as  well  as  the  mutual  consent. 

Civil  Marriage  was  first  permitted  in 
England  by  the  Marriage  Act,  1836  (6-7  W^ill. 
IV.  c.  85).  By  tills  and  the  Acts  amending  it 
Ucences  may  be  granted  by  a  State  oflScial, 
the  registrar,  the  marriage  contract  entered 
into  in  his  presence,  and  in  any  building 
registered  for  the  purpose.  Such  a  marriage 
contracted  by  members  of  the  Church  is 
vahd  but  irregidar,  and  a  breach  of  discipline. 
Divorce. — Indissolubility  is  a  characteris- 
tic of  Christian  marriage.  From  this  it  follows 
that  though  under  certain  circumstances, 
such  as  infidchty  or  cruelty,  it  may  be  advis- 
able to  allow  the  parties  to  separate,  neither 
of  them  may  marry  again  during  the  lifetune 
of  the  other;  for  that  would  be  to  break 
the  tie  contracted  by  the  original  marriage. 
This  rule  is  based  on  Holy  Scripture  (Mt.  5^-, 
1939;!  Mk.  102  12;  Lk.  1618;  Rom.  T^S; 
1  Cor.  71''"'  ^').  The  Western  Church  has 
always  in  theory  held  the  absolute  indis- 
solubility of  the  marriage  tie.  On  marriage 
as  on  other  subjects  the  canon  law  developed 
and  to  a  great  extent  became  fixed  in  the 
twelfth  century.  Its  leading  features  may 
thus  be  summarised  : — 
!  1.  Marriage  was  indissoluble;  therefore 
divorce  a  vinculo,  from  the  marriage  tie, 
involving  freedom  to  either  party  to  remarry 
during  the  other's  life,  was  absolutely  pro- 
hibited. 

2.  Tins  rule  was  evaded  by  the  practice 
of  declaring  marriages  null.  If  impediment 
could  be  shown  to  have  existed  the  marriage 


1  The  interpretation  of  the  apparent  exception  in  Ml.  VP 
is  disputed;  it  has  been  held  to  refer  to  pre-nuptial 
fornication  as  nullifying  subsequent  marriage. 


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[Marriage 


was  void  ab  initio ;  no  tie  had  ever  existed, 
and  therefore  both  parties  were  free.  This 
jurisdiction  was  extensively  exercised,  especi- 
ally by  the  papal  court ;  so  that,  in  the  words 
of  the  Act  of  1540,  akeady  quoted, '  marriages 
have  been  brought  into  such  an  uncertainty 
thereby  that  no  marriage  could  be  so  surely 
knit  and  bounden  but  it  should  he  in  either  of 
the  parties  power  and  arbitre,  casting  away 
the  fear  of  God  ...  to  prove  a  pre-contract, 
a  kindred,  an  alliance,  or  a  carnal  knowledge 
to  defeat  the  same.' 

3.  The  distinction  was  recognised  between 
divorce  a  vinculo  and  divorce  a  mensa  et  toro, 
or  separation  from  board  and  bed,  whicli 
was  granted  by  the  church  courts  for  adultery 
or  cruelty.  This  did  not  break  the  marriage 
tie,  and  so  gave  no  hberty  of  remarriage  ; 
the  possibility  of  a  reconcihation  was  always 
borne  in  mind. 

The  breach  with  Rome  did  not  afiEect  this 
law  except  by  abohsliing  the  papal  dispensing 
power.  The  Eeformaiio  Legum  (q.v.)  pro- 
posed, probably  under  the  influence  of  foreign 
reformers,  to  abohsh  divorce  a  mensa  et  toro, 
and  to  allow  divorce  a  vinculo  with  leave  to 
the  innocent  party  to  remarry  ia  cases  of 
adultery,  cruelty,  desertion,  and  long  absence. 
This  scheme  never  became  law,  but  is  said, 
apparently  on  insufficient  evidence,  to  have 
been  acted  on  by  the  courts  during  the 
remainder  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  fact, 
the  Church  refused  to  accept  the  '  wUd  ideas  ' 
of  the  foreigners  who  no  longer  regarded 
marriage  as  a  sacrament.  The  canons  of 
1597  and  1604  presuppose  the  older  rule 
against  divorce  a  vinculo,  deal  only  with 
separation  and  nullity,  and  specifically  forbid 
remarriage.  This  prohibition  was  not  always 
regarded. .  In  1605  Laud  {q.v.)  married  the 
Earl  of  Devon  to  Lady  Rich,  who  was  divorced 
a  mensa  et  toro  for  adultery.  His  lifelong 
penitence,  and  the  fact  that  the  legaUty  of 
the  marriage  was  questioned,  show  the 
prevalence  of  the  behef  that  the  marriage 
tie  was  indissoluble.  Down  to  1857  the 
church  courts  granted  (i)  divorce  a  mensa  el 
toro  at  the  suit  of  either  party  for  adultery  or 
cruelty ;  (ii)  a  decree  of  nullity  on  the 
ground  of  proliibitcd  degrees,  a  pre-existing 
marriage,  physical  or  mental  incompetency. 
This  sentence  made  the  marriage  void  ub 
initio,  rendered  the  issue  illegitimate,  and  the 
parties  free  to  remarry. 

With  the  church  courts  thus  rigorously 
administering  the  canon  law  it  was  necessary 
for  those  who  wished  to  be  free  of  the  marriage 
tie  to  have  recourse  to  Parhament.  The  first 
private  Act  was  passed  in  1552  to  legahse 
the    second    marriage    of    the    Marquis    of 


Northampton  while  his  first  wife  was  ahve. 
On  Mary's  accession  it  was  repealed,  thus 
leaving  the  second  marchioness  in  an  equi- 
vocal position.  More  than  a  century  later 
(1669)  an  Act  dissolving  the  marriage  of 
Lord  de  Roos  for  his  wife's  adultery  passed 
with  difficulty.  All  the  bishops  but  Cosin 
iq.v.),  Reynolds,  and  WUkins  opposed  it. 
Charles  n.  (apparently  with  some  idea  of 
obtaining  a  similar  Act  for  himself)  attended 
the  debates  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  found 
them  '  better  than  a  play.'  During  the 
eighteenth  century  the  number  of  private 
divorce  Acts  averaged  about  one  a  year,  and 
from  1800  to  1852  more  than  two  a  year. 
The  party  applying  for  an  Act  must  obtain 
a  sentence  of  divorce  a  mensa  et  toro  in  the 
church  court,  and  (usuaUy)  a  verdict  and 
damages  for  '  criminal  conversation '  in  a 
civil  court.  This  was  frequently  collusive, 
there  being  no  intention  that  the  damages 
should  be  paid.  The  Standing  Orders  of  the 
House  of  Lords  required  a  clause  forbidding 
remarriage  of  the  guilty  party  to  be  included 
in  the  Bill,  but  it  was  always  struck  out  at  a 
later  stage.  A  husband  whose  otsti  conduct 
was  without  reproach  could  always  obtain 
such  an  Act  for  liis  wife's  adultery ;  a  wife 
only  if  the  husband's  adultery  were  aggravated 
by  other  circumstances.  Only  four  Acts 
were  granted  at  the  wife's  instance.  An 
unopposed  Act  cost  in  all  about  £1000 ;  the 
costs  were  much  higher  if  the  proceedings 
were  opposed.  This  costly,  cumbrous,  and 
disingenuous  procedure  caused  general  dis- 
satisfaction. Robert  PhiUimore  (q.v.)  com- 
plained of  the  '  canvassing  '  and  '  sohciting 
of  support '  in  Parhament.  And  the  system 
of  '  granting  a  private  favour  by  Act  of 
Parhament '  was  clearly  immoral  in  itself, 
as  well  as  in  its  effect,  which  was  to  allow 
to  the  rich  an  exemption  from  the  law  which 
was  denied  to  the  poor.  There  was  a  growing 
demand  for  a  readier  method  of  obtaining 
divorce  a  vinculo.  And  it  was  inevitable 
that  the  State  should  refuse  to  be  bound  by 
the  Church's  marriage  law,  which  no  longer 
harmonised  with  pubHc  opinion.  This  state 
of  things  resulted  in  the  Divorce  Act,  1857, 
which  (besides  abohshing  the  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  over  marriage)  aUowed  divorce 
a  vinculo  for  the  wife's  adultery  or  for  the 
husband's  adultery  with  aggravating  circum- 
stances. It  did  not  compel  a  clergyman  to  re- 
marry a  guilty  party,  but  he  must  allow  the 
use  of  his  church  if  another  clergyman  is  wiU- 
ing  to  perform  the  ceremony.  It  aUowed 
'  judicial  sej^aration,'  the  equivalent  of 
divorce  a  mensa  et  toro,  for  adultery,  cruelty, 
or  desertion.     The  Bill  was  strongly  opposed 


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[Marriage 


by  Gladslouo  {q.v.)  in  tliu  (Joiumoiis  ami 
S.  Wilbcrforce  (q.v.)  in  the  Lords.  Tait 
{q.v.),  then  Bishop  of  London,  supported  it. 
A  clause  forbidding  remarriage  of  the  guilty 
party  was  carried  b}'  Archbishop  Sumner 
but  afterwards  struck  out.  The  eilect  of  the 
Act  was  to  separate  the  law  of  Church  and 
State  on  an  essential  point  of  morals  and 
divine  revelation.  The  State  has  a  legal 
right  to  consider  the  marriage  tie  dissoluble 
and  frame  its  laws  accordingly,  but  its 
action  cannot  affect  either  the  law  of  the 
Church  or  the  binding  obligation  of  that  law 
upon  churchmen.  The  indissolubility  of 
Christian  marriage  was  again  affirmed  by  the 
Convocation  of  Canterbury  in  1896-8. 

[G.   C] 

W.  J.  Knox  Little,  Holy  Mairimojiy  ;  Diet. 
Chris.  ybiYi;/.,  article  'Marriage';  Pollock  and 
Maitland,  Hist.  E}tg.  Laio  \  Philliniore,  Ecd. 
Law ;  Reports  of  Royal  Commissions  of  1847 
and  1850;  Chron.  (Jonv.,  l^^Q-^.      . 

MARRIAGE  OF  THE  CLERGY.     In  the 

first  three  centuries  there  was  no  rule  of  the 
Church  against  the  ordination  of  married 
persons,  nor  against  the  use  of  marriage  after 
ordination.  On  the  other  hand,  by  at  least 
the  early  years  of  the  third  century  the 
rule  was  estabUshed  that  no  bishop,  priest, 
or  deacon  should  marry  after  ordination ; 
and  no  instance  to  the  contrary  is  known, 
except  in  so  far  that  for  a  time  in  part  of 
the  East  a  deacon  could  marry  if  he  gave 
notice  of  his  intention  at  the  time  of  his 
ordination ;  in  451  the  Fourth  General 
Council  (Canon  14)  by  impUcation  includes 
subdeacons  in  this  prohibition,  indicating 
at  the  same  time  that  in  some  provinces  it 
had  been  extended  to  readers  and  singers. 
But  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century 
there  was  a  growing  disposition  to  require 
the  married  to  discontinue  the  use  of  their 
marriage  after  ordination.  This  was  checked 
in  the  East  by  the  Council  of  Nicaea  (Socr.^ 
H.E.  i.  11),  and  again  at  Gangra  in  350 
(Canon  4).  But  in  the  West  it  was  enacted 
at  Elvira  in  306  (Canon  33),  and  at  the  end 
of  the  century  in  Africa  in  390  (n.  Carthage, 
Canon  2) ;  in  Spain  again  in  400  (i.  Toledo, 
Canon  1)  and  later;  and  in  Gaul  in  452 
(n.  Aries,  Canon  44).  Meanwhile  Pope 
Siricius  iirgently  enjoined  it  in  his  decretal 
epistle  to  Himcrius  of  Tarragona  in  385 ; 
and  he  was  followed  by  Innocent  i.  in  his 
letter  to  Exuperius  of  Toulouse  in  404,  and 
by  St.  Leo,  who  extended  the  prohibition  to 
subdeacons,  in  445  [E'p.  xii.  4) ;  and  hence- 
forth abstinence  from  the  use  of  marriage 
became  the  theoretical  rule  of  the  Western 


Church.  The  Eastern  Church  defined  its 
own  discipline  in  the  Council  in  Trullo  in 
692 ;  it  repudiates  the  Roiuan  tradition,  and 
admits  married  men  to  the  diaconate  and  the 
presbytcratc,  without  their  ceasing  to  cohabit 
with  their  wives;  but  a  bishop  must  separate 
from  his  wife  before  consecration  (Canons  13, 
48).  In  his  answer  to  St.  Augustine's  {q.v.) 
interrogations  (Bcde,  H.E.  i.  27),  St.  Gregory 
the  Great  {q.v.)  implies  that  the  major  orders 
in  England  will  be  celibate  ;  but  elsewhere 
he  allows  exceptions  in  the  case  of  sub- 
deacons in  provinces  where  their  celibacy  is 
not  customary.  How  far  the  rule  was 
strictly  carried  out  in  the  early  Middle  Ages 
is  perhaps  not  very  clear.  But  in  England, 
after  the  Danish  invasions  of  the  ninth 
century  and  the  desolation  and  demoralisation 
that  resulted  from  them,  the  parish  clergy 
were  generally  married  men  living  with  their 
wives,  and  even  the  monastic  and  cathedral 
churches  were  served  by  seculars  who  were 
generally  married  and  did  not  live  the 
common  life.  As  a  consequence  of  the 
monastic  revival  of  the  tenth  century,  in  the 
early  years  of  the  eleventh  century  protests 
were  raised  against  the  married  clergy.  In 
the  laws  made  at  Aenham  (1009)  priests 
are  ordered  to  live  in  chastity,  since  it  is  not 
lawful  for  them  to  use  wives  ;  and  in  the 
canons  written  for  Wulf sige  of  Sherborne,  and 
in  the  pastoral  letter  written  for  Wulfstan  of 
York,  both  by  AeKric  (g.v.),the  unlawfulness 
of  the  marriage  of  priests  is  urged,  while  it  is 
confessed  that  it  is  impossible  to  force  them 
to  chastity.  In  the  great  '  Hildebrandine  ' 
reforms,  which  began  with  the  papacy  of 
Leo  IX.  (1048-54),  along  with  the  uprooting 
of  simony,  the  enforcement  of  the  celibacy  of 
the  clergy  was  a  dominant  feature.  Leo  is. 
and  Nicolas  ii.  (1059-61)  legislated  anew  on 
the  matter ;  but  a  crisis  was  reached  when 
Hildebrand,  now  Gregory  vn.  (1073-86),  in  a 
Roman  S^Tiod  of  1074,  following  Nicolas  ii., 
inhibited  married  priests,  deacons,  and  sub- 
deacons, and  forbade  the  laity  to  hear  their 
Masses.  This  enactment  raised  a  storm  of 
protest  in  France  and  Germany.  In  Eng- 
land it  was  not  at  once  acted  upon.  In  the 
Council  of  Winchester,  1076,  canons  were  for- 
bidden to  be  married,  while  parish  priests  were 
not  required  to  put  away  their  wives,  but 
the  unmarried  were  forbidden  to  marry,  and 
bishops  to  ordain  married  men  to  the  dia- 
conate or  the  priesthood.  At  the  Synod  of 
Westminster  in  1102,  under  St.  Anseliu  {q.v.), 
it  was  ruled  that  no  clerk  above  a  subdeacon 
might  marry,  and  those  who  were  married 
must  put  away  their  wives  ;  that  a  married 
priest  might  not  say  Mass,  nor  the   people 


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[Marriott 


hear  him  if  he  did ;  and  that  sons  of 
priests  might  not  inherit  their  fathers' 
benefices.  It  was  found  impossible  to  en- 
force this  legislation,  and  in  1107  Paschal  ii. 
in  a  letter  to  St.  Anselm  dispensed  with  the 
rule.  In  1129  a  Synod  of  London  committed 
it  to  Henry  i.  to  deal  with  the  recusant 
clergy,  with  the  result  that  the  King  con- 
siderably increased  his  revenue  by  allowing 
the  clergy  to  keep  their  wives  on  payment 
of  a  fine.  In  the  thirteenth  century  ecclesi- 
astical legislation  against  the  married  clergy 
is  repeated  over  and  over  again— a  proof  that 
the  situation  persisted ;  and,  in  fact,  the 
cohabitation  of  clergymen  with  partners, 
whether  after  marriage  (which  however 
ii-regular  was  not  void  in  itseh,  but  only 
voidable  if  challenged  in  an  ecclesiastical 
court  during  the  lifetime  of  the  partners)  or 
in  some  form  of  concubinage,  continued 
and  was  connived  at  in  the  fourteenth, 
fifteenth,  and  early  sixteenth  century.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  is  no  ground  for  the 
report  that  a  letter  of  Erasmus  implies  that 
Archbishop  Warham  (q.v.)  had  a  wife  and 
family;  for  the  letter  has  no  address,  and 
the  insertion  of  Warham' s  name  is  due  to 
the  eighteenth- century  editor,  while  the  letter 
was  almost  certainly  meant  for  Mountjoy. 

In  the  reforming  movements  on  the  Con- 
tinent, both  German  and  Swiss,  from  the 
outset  {e.g.  in  Luther's  Address  to  the  Nobility 
and  The  Babylonish  Captivity  of  1520)  the 
abolition  of  the  prohibition  of  clerical  marri- 
age was  part  of  the  programme.  In  England 
even  as  early  as  1521  Henry  viu,  had  occasion 
to  issue  a  proclamation  inhibiting  and  de- 
priving those  priests,  '  few  in  number,'  who 
had  married  of  their  own  authority,  and 
threatening  with  more  serious  punishment 
those  who  should  marry  hereafter.  In  1532, 
on  the  eve  of  his  election  to  Canterbury, 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  married  his  second  wife ; 
clerical  marriage  was  here  also  part  of  the 
reforming  programme;  and  the  Bishops' 
Book  of  1537  omitted  all  reference  to  any 
restrictions  on  the  clergy.  But  this  reform 
made  no  progress  in  Henry's  reign ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  Six  Articles  Act  of  1539  voided 
all  marriages  of  priests,  decreed  forfeiture 
of  goods  and  benefices  against  those  who 
refused  to  put  away  their  wives,  and  made 
such  marriage  in  future  felony ;  and  in  the 
King's  Book  of  1543  the  text  of  the  Bishops' 
Book  was  changed  so  as  to  exclude  the 
marriage  of  priests.  On  the  accession  of 
Edward  VI.  the  situation  was  at  once  changed. 
Convocation  in  15-47,  by  fifty-three  votes  as 
against  twenty-two,  resolved  that  all  canons, 
etc.,  restricting  or  condemning  clerical  marri- 


ages should  be  utterly  void ;  at  the  beginning 
of  1549  an  Act  was  passed  legahsing  the  marri- 
age of  priests  (2-3  Edw.  vi.  c.  21) ;  and  in 
1552  a  further  Act  aimed  at  reheving  such 
marriages  from  the  stigma  which  still  attached 
to  them  and  legitimating  the  issue  of  them 
(5-6  Edw.  \i.  c.  12).  On  the  accession  of 
Mary,  before  the  repeal  of  the  Edwardine 
Acts,  the  married  clergy,  first  in  London,  then 
throughout  the  country,  were  deprived  of  their 
benefices ;  and  the  first  Act  of  Repeal  in  the 
autumn  of  1553  (1  Mar.  sess.  2,  c.  2)  abolished 
the  Acts  of  1549  and  1551.  These  were  not 
restored  in  Ehzabeth's  reign,  but  in  1559  the 
twenty-ninth  of  the  Injunctions  recognised 
clerical  marriages,  but,  in  view  of  offence  that 
had  been  given  through  indiscretion  on  the 
part  of  the  clergy,  the  consent  of  the  bishop 
and  two  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  goodwill 
of  the  woman's  parents,  kinsfolk,  or  master, 
was  required  for  any  such  marriage ;  and  the 
warrant  issued  to  the  High  Commission  em- 
powered it  to  restore  to  their  benefices  those 
who  had  been  deprived  for  marriage  under 
Mary.  The  Millenary  Petition  presented 
by  the  Puritan  divines  to  James  I.  on  his 
accession  in  1603  asked  that  the  Act  of  1551 
might  be  revived ;  and  in  1604  both  the 
Edwardine  Acts  were  re-enacted  (1  Jac.  i. 
c.  25).  Meanwhile  in  1563  the  Tridentine 
Council  {Sess.  xxiv.  Canon  9)  had  anathema- 
tised any  who  should  say  that  clergymen  in 
major  orders  could  contract  vaUd  marriages. 

[f.  e.  b.] 

Thomassinus,  Vet.  et  nova  Ecd.  Disciplijia. 
ii.  60  sqq.  ;  J.  Wordswortli,  The  Ministry  of 
Grace ;  E.  L.  Cutts,  Parish  Priests  and  their 
People  in  the  Middle  Ages  in  Eng.  ;  Gee  and 
Hardy,  Docuraents  illustrative  of  Eng.  Ch. 
Hist.  ;  Prothero,  Sitatutts  and  Constitutional 
Documents,  1559-1G25. 

MARRIOTT,  Charles  (1811-58),  divine,  en- 
tered Exeter  CoUege,  Oxford,  March  1829, 
but  became  scholar  of  BaUiol  in  November 
1832 ;  he  won  a  First  Class  in  Classics  and 
Second  Class  in  Mathematics.  Easter,  1833, 
he  was  elected  Fellow  of  Oriel  (with  Rogers, 
later  Lord  Blachford),  succeeding  R.  I. 
Wilberforce  {q.v.).  He  was  ordained,  and, 
1838,  left  Oxford  to  become  first  Principal 
of  the  Theological  CoUege,  Chichester,  where 
he  began  work,  February  1839,  but  resigned, 
1841,  and  returned  to  Oriel.  He  had  col- 
laborated with  Manning  {q.v.)  in  compiling 
No.  78  of  the  Tracts  for  the  Times,  1837,  and 
was  a  close  friend  of  Newman,  Pusey,  and 
Keble  {q.v.).  He  became  one  of  the  foremost 
men  of  the  Oxford  Movement  {q-v.),  and  on 
Newman's  secession,  which  was  a  heavy  blow 
to  him,  he  did  much  to  strengthen  waverers. 


360  ) 


Martyr] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Mary 


He  was  associated  after  1845  with  Kcblo 
and  Puscy  as  joint  editor  of  the  Library  of  the 
Fathers,  but  the  real  burden  of  the  work  fell 
on  Marriott.  In  1850  he  became  Vicar  of 
St.  Mary's.  Many  who  were  drawn  to  Rome 
or  unbelief  turned  to  him  for  help.  To  his 
rooms  came  most  foreign  ecclesiastics  of 
distinction  who  visited  Oxford,  learned 
Benedictines,  American  and  colonial  bishops. 
When  cholera  broke  out  at  Oxford,  1854, 
Marriott  was  constant  in  visiting  the  sick,  hear- 
ing their  confessions,  and  ministering  to  them. 
In  a  subsequent  smallpox  epidemic  he  took 
the  disease,  and  was  seriously  ill.  In  the 
same  year  his  influence  in  the  University  was 
shown  by  his  election  as  a  member  of  the  Heb- 
domadal Council,  then  first  constituted.  His 
heavy  labours  brought  on  a  stroke  of  paralysis, 
1855.  He  hngered  on  three  years  at  his 
brother's  house  at  Bradfield,  and  died  there, 
15th  September  1858.  Marriott  was  a  man 
of  briUiant  gifts,  a  finished  scholar,  and  a 
thinker.  Little  remains  of  his  work,  since  he 
spent  himself  so  freely  on  the  Library  of  the 
Fathers.  '  No  one,'  says  Church,  '  did  more 
than  Marriott  to  persuade  those  around  him 
of  the  sohd  underground  rehgious  reality  of 
the  Oxford  Movement.'  [s.  L.  o.] 

Clmrch,  Oxford  Movement  ;  Burgon,  Lives. 

MARTYR,  Peter,  properly  Peter  Martyr 
Vermigh  (1500-62),  reformer,  was  an  ItaUan, 
born  at  Florence.  He  became  an  Augus- 
tinian  Canon  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  and 
studied  for  eight  years  in  the  University  of 
Padua,  where  he  learnt  Greek  and  Hebrew, 
and  became  acquainted  with  Reginald  Pole 
{q.v.),  who  befriended  him  at  Rome  when 
forbidden  to  preach  on  suspicion  of  heresy. 
He  became  Abbot  of  Spoleto  about  1530,  and 
Prior  of  St.  Fridian  at  Lucca,  1534.  Here  he 
came  to  hold  ZwingUan  views,  and  in  1543 
fled  to  Zurich  to  avoid  persecution,  and  thence 
to  Basle,  writing  to  his  disciples  that  he  was 
inspired  by  God  to  choose  the  fit  moment 
for  deserting  them.  At  Strasburg  he  was 
appointed  Professor  of  Theology,  and  married 
Catherine  Dammartin,  an  ex-nun. 

In  1547  Cranmer  {q.v.)  invited  Martyr  and 
Ochino  to  England,  paid  £126,  7s.  6d.  for  their 
outfit  and  journey,  and  procured  pensions  of 
forty  marks  a  year  for  them.  In  1549  Martyr 
was  appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity 
at  Oxford,  and  in  1550  was  made  Canon 
of  Christ  Church,  where  he  shared  with  the 
dean,  Richard  Cox,  the  distinction  of  being 
the  first  to  introduce  women  as  residents  in 
any  coUege  or  hall  in  Oxford — a  proceeding 
which  was  resented  by  the  inhabitants,  who 
broke   his   windows   so   often   that   he   was 


forced  to  change  his  lodgings  and  fortify  his 
garden.  He  joined  with  Bucer  {q.v.)  in  criti- 
cising the  Prayer  Book  of  1549,  with  which 
he  was  imperfectly  acquainted,  and  his 
exhortations  produced  their  effect  in  the 
Prayer  Book  of  1552.  [Common  Prayer, 
Book  of.]  He  was  much  looked  up  to  by 
the  leading  reformers,  though  his  increasing 
Zwinglianism  led  to  differences  with  Bucer. 
In  Christ  Church  he  refused  to  wear  a 
surplice.  On  Mary's  accession  he  was  con- 
fined, but  allowed  to  escape  to  the  Con- 
tinent. Some  opposition  was  made  to  his 
reappointment  at  Strasburg,  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  given  up  the  Lutheran  doctrine 
of  the  Eucharist,  and  though  this  was  un- 
successful at  the  time  he  was  forced  to  leave 
in  1556,  and  retired  to  Zurich,  where  he 
married  again.  After  the  death  of  Mary  he 
declined  to  return  to  Oxford,  though  he  kept 
up  a  regular  correspondence  with  Jewel  {q.v.), 
Parkhurst,  Sandys,  and  others.  His  first 
wife  died  at  Oxford,  and  was  buried  in  the 
cathedral,  near  the  tomb  of  St.  Frideswide 
[q.v.).  Her  body,  by  Mary's  orders,  was  dis- 
interred and  thrown  on  a  dung-heap.  After 
EHzabeth's  accession  her  remains  were  col- 
lected and  mingled  with  the  relics  of  St. 
Frideswide.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Letters  (Parker  Soc.)  ;  IJ.X.B. 

MARY,  Queen  (1516-58),  the  only  chUd  of 
Henry  vm.  and  Katherine  of  Aragon  who 
survived  infancy,  was  born  on  the  18th  Feb- 
ruary 1516.  Pohtical  matches  were  pro- 
posed for  her  even  in  her  infant  years,  and 
the  projects  continually  changed.  She  was 
highly  accompHshed.  Her  misfortunes  began 
when  she  was  eleven  years  old,  the  time  when 
her  father  was  first  known  to  be  seeking  a 
divorce  from  her  mother ;  and  the  way  for 
the  great  design  was  paved  by  a  lie,  that 
the  French  ambassador  had  questioned  the 
legitimacy  of  her  birth.  Six  years  later  the 
King  achieved  his  purpose  by  casting  off  the 
Pope's  authority,  marrying  Anne  Boleyn, 
and  getting  from  Cranmer  {q.v.)  a  sentence 
declaring  the  nulhty  of  his  marriage  with 
Katherine.  Acts  were  passed  in  Parhament 
in  accordance  with  the  King's  views,  and 
Mary  was  told  that  her  own  father  had 
threatened  to  take  her  life  if  she  did  not 
acknowledge  herself  a  bastard.  Later,  on 
the  birth  of  Anne  Boleyn's  daughter,  she 
was  more  imperatively  ordered  to  give  up  the 
name  of  princess,  and  was  made  to  act  as 
lady's  maid  to  her  haff-sister.  Her  treat- 
ment, and  that  of  her  mother,  grew  worse  and 
worse,  and  the}-  were  separated  from  each 
other   that   they   might   receive   no   umtual 


(361) 


Mary] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Mary 


sympathy.  Then,  after  her  mother's  death, 
a  project  was  formed  by  the  Imperial  am- 
bassador to  rescue  her  from  her  father's 
tjTanny  by  carrying  her  off  to  Flanders ; 
but  she  was  too  well  watched.  After  the 
fail  of  Anne  Boleyn  in  1536  she  was  once 
more  received  into  favour,  but  only  after 
signing,  with  averted  eyes,  the  repulsive 
statement  that  she  was  the  child  of  an  in- 
cestuous union,  forbidden  by  God's  law  and 
man's.  She  was  then  not  only  relieved  from 
intolerable  persecution,  but  replaced  in  the 
succession  by  her  father's  will,  confirmed  by 
Act  of  Parliament. 

Under  the  reign  of  her  brother  Edward 
she  was  again  seriously  persecuted.  Like 
several  of  the  bishops,  she  could  not  acknow- 
ledge that  the  changes  in  rehgion  made  bj' 
the  Council  were  constitutional,  and  she 
refused  to  use  the  new  Prayer  Book  or  to 
discontinue  her  Mass.  The  Emperor's  am- 
bassador interfered  on  her  behalf,  and  ob- 
tained a  promise  of  toleration  to  her,  which 
the  Council  afterwards  repudiated  as  only 
temporary,  Warwick  being  well  aware  that 
the  Emperor  had  troubles  enough  with  the 
Protestants  in  Germany  to  prevent  him 
taking  action  against  England.  Finally 
War\\'ick,  having  been  created  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  organised  his  audacious 
plot  for  diverting  the  succession  to  the  throne 
from  Mary  to  Lady  Jane  Grey.  Lady  Jane, 
however,  only  queened  it  for  nine  days,  and 
on  the  19th  July  1553  Mary  was  proclaimed 
in  London.  Bishop  Gardiner  [q.v.)  and  others 
were  released  from  prison,  and  a  number  of 
real  traitors  sent  to  the  Tower.  But  there 
was  still  a  dangerous  spirit  abroad,  especially 
in  London,  where  on  the  13th  August  a  dagger 
was  thrown  at  Dr.  Bourne,  Bishop  Bonner's 
iq.v.)  chaplain,  while  preaching  at  Paul's 
Cross,  because  he  said  his  master's  late  im- 
prisonment had  been  unjust.  Five  days 
later  the  Queen  issued  a  proclamation  de- 
claring her  desire,  while  maintaining  her  own 
religion,  to  put  no  undue  pressure  on  her 
subjects  in  that  matter  till  a  settlement 
could  be  reached,  and  urging  mutual  tolera- 
tion. At  the  same  time  Northumberland,  his 
son  Warwick,  the  Marquis  of  Northampton, 
and  three  of  their  confederates  were  arraigned 
and  received  sentence  for  treason  ;  but  only 
the  duke  himself  and  two  others  were 
executed.  Mary  proceeded  with  cautious 
lenity.  Bishops  deprived  under  Edward 
were  restored  to  their  sees.  Gardiner  was 
made  Lord  Chancellor,  and  Parliament  re- 
versed Edward  vi.'s  laws  about  religion. 

In  November   Parliament  petitioned   the 
Queen  to  marry  an  Englishman  ;   but,  un- 


happily, she  had  decided  otherwise  and 
promised  the  Imperial  ambassador  that  she 
would  wed  Philip  of  Spain,  the  Emperor's 
son.  The  Emperor  had  befriended  her 
hitherto  as  no  one  else  could  do  ;  but  politic- 
ally the  choice  was  most  disastrous  for 
England,  destroying  cordiality  with  France. 
Early  in  1554  insurrections  broke  out  in 
various  parts  against  the  Spanish  marriage, 
in  which,  especially  in  Wyatt's  insurrection 
in  Kent,  there  was  a  hidden  design  of  re- 
storing the  Edwardine  rehgion.  But  these 
movements  collapsed,  even  that  of  Wyatt, 
after  he  had  reached  the  gates  of  London  ; 
and,  as  pardoned  rebels  had  taken  up  arms 
again,  Mary  felt  it  necessary  to  be  more 
severe.  She  now  let  the  sentences  passed 
in  November  1553  be  executed  even  upon 
Lady  Jane  Grey  as  well  as  upon  her  husband 
and  her  father,  Suffolk. 

In  July  Philip  landed  at  Southampton, 
and  was  married  to  Mary  at  Winchester. 
Then  the  third  Parhament  of  the  reign  was 
summoned,  and  Cardinal  Pole  {q.v.),  whom 
the  Pope  had  despatched  to  reconcile  the 
kingdom  to  Rome,  at  length  arrived  in 
England.  He  had  been  kept  back  more  than 
a  year  by  the  Emperor,  to  whom  the  marriage 
was  a  far  more  important  thing  than  the 
reconciliation  of  England  to  Rome.  He 
reached  Whitehall  in  November,  his  attainder 
having  just  been  reversed  by  Parliament,  and 
on  St.  Andrew's  Day,  the  30th,  the  Lords  and 
Commons  attending  at  Whitehall,  he  ab- 
solved the  realm  from  schism.  Parliament 
now  took  steps  to  repeal  antipapal  Acts,  and, 
unhappily,  to  restore  the  old  heresy  {q.v.) 
laws  which  existed  before  Henry  vni.'s  day. 

There  were  misgivings  from  the  first  about 
the  effect  of  reviving  these  laws  in  all  their 
severity ;  and  when  they  began  to  be  put 
in  force  Philip's  Spanish  confessor  remon- 
strated in  a  sermon  at  court.  But  if  the  old 
faith  and  obedience  were  to  be  restored  they 
must  be  guarded,  apparently,  by  the  old 
penalties.  And  so,  early  in  1555,  began  a 
long  course  of  persecution,  intended  to  root 
out  heresy  from  a  land  newly  reconciled  to 
the  old  religion.  In  January  some  preachers 
were  examined  by  Gardiner  and  the  Council, 
and  two  or  three  recanted;  but  Rogers  {q.v.) 
was  burned  at  Smithfield  on  the  4th  February, 
andHooper  {q.v.)  and  others  were  sent  down  to 
suffer  in  the  country,  each  at  the  special  scene 
of  his  labours.  The  first  layman  who  suffered 
was  Thomas  Tomkins,  a  weaver,  of  whose 
treatment  by  Bishop  Bonner  a  very  distorted 
account  is  given  by  Foxe  {q.v.).  He  and 
five  others  were  condemned  by  Bonner  on 
the  9th  February.     He  had  been  long  in  the 


(362) 


Mary] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Maurice 


bishop's  custody  at  Fulliam,  not  very  closely 
kept,  for  he  was  allowed  to  make  hay  there, 
and  the  bishop,  to  prevent  his  rusliing  on  his 
fate,  one  day  asked  him  if  he  thought  ho 
could  endure  tlame  ;  on  which  he  held  his 
hand  above  a  lighted  candle  without  flinching. 
He  was  burned  at  Smithficld  on  the  16th 
March.  Lay  victims  were  now  much  more 
numerous  than  clergymen,  and  in  thick  suc- 
cession there  fell,  chiefly  in  London  diocese, 
but  elsewhere  also,  a  long  array  of  martyrs, 
v/hose  principal  heresy  was  the  denial  of 
transubstantiation.  There  were,  indeed, 
spiritual  men  still  among  the  victims,  among 
whom,  besides  the  three  well-known  Oxford 
martyrs,  were  Bishop  Ferrar  ((/.v.),' burned  at 
Carmarthen  30th  March ;  John  Cardmaker, 
burned  at  Smithfield  30th  May ;  John  Philpot 
((/.v.),  lately  Archdeacon  of  Winchester,  burned 
at  Smithfield  on  the  18th  December  before  the 
year  1555  was  ended  At  Oxford  Ridley  [q.v. ) 
and  Latimer  {q.v.)  sufiEered  in  October,  and 
Cranmer  in  March  1556.  But  for  the  most 
part  the  victims  were  not  clergymen.  Some 
were  gentlemen,  some  husbandmen,  some  arti- 
sans, weavers,  hnen-drapers,  and  the  like,  who 
gloried  in  the  new  Ught  of  Edwardine  reUgion. 
The  example  of  martyrdom  was  contagious, 
and  the  bones  of  a  butcher  burned  in  Essex 
were  carried  about  as  rehcs.  Papal  rehgion 
did  not  grow  in  favour  by  these  severities. 

The  persecution  went  on  as  before  through 
that  year,  and  the  next,  and  the  next,  till 
Mary's  death  in  November  1558 ;  and  the 
recorded  victims  number  no  fewer  than  two 
hundred  and  seventy-six.  The  martyrdoms, 
indeed,  were  mostly  in  the  diocese  of  London, 
though  there  were  not  a  few  at  Canterbury, 
Chichester,  Coventry,  Lichfield,  Norwich, 
and  other  places.  Scarcely  one  seems  to  be 
known  in  the  north  of  England ;  but  one 
day  at  Stratford-ie-Bow  there  were  as  many 
as  thirteen. 

Yet  it  must  be  said  that  heresy  and  treason 
often  encouraged  each  other,  and  Mary 
thought  less  of  treason  against  herself  than 
of  treason  against  the  Church.  The  powerful 
owners  of  church  land  had  consented  to  the 
nation's  reconciUation  to  Rome  only  on  the 
assurance  that  they  should  not  be  called 
upon  to  give  up  what  they  had  gained  from 
the  spohation  of  the  abbeys.  Mary,  however, 
gave  freely  of  her  own  for  the  restoration  of 
the  monastic  system,  and  set  up  Westminster 
(17.?;.)  again  as  an  abbey  of  monks,  and  the 
Charter-house  at  Sheen,  and  some  houses 
of  friars.  Her  zeal,  nevertheless,  met  with 
a  poor  return  from  Pope  Paul  iv.,  who  was 
an  enemy  to  Spain  and  to  her  husband.  Her 
reign,  moreover,  was  stUl  troubled  with  con- 


spiracies, such  as  that  of  Sir  Henry  Dudley 
in  1556,  complicated  with  French  intrigues. 
Her  domestic  life,  too,  was  saddened  by  dis- 
appointment of  the  prospect  of  having  a 
child  by  Philip.  She  was  twice  deceived 
about  the  symptoms.  And  in  her  last  year 
came  the  crowning  misfortune  of  the  loss  of 
Calais,  taken  by  the  French  at  the  beginning 
of  1558.  She  possessed  the  accomplish- 
ments of  the  learned  ladies  of  her  time ;  she 
had  translated  from  the  Latin  the  paraphrase 
of  St.  John's  Gospel  by  Erasmus,  under  the 
editorship  of  Udall  {q.v.).  Her  court  was 
stainless,  and  she  was  the  first  English 
sovereign  to  find  funds  for  aged  soldiers 
wounded  in  the  English  service,  though,  un- 
happily, her  will  was  not  attended  to.  A 
book  of  prayers  belonging  to  her  is  now  in 
the  British  Museum  {SloaneMSS.,  1583,  f.  15). 
It  opens  of  itself  at  a  blurred  and  tear-stained 
page,  on  which  is  a  prayer  for  the  unity  of 
the  Catholic  Church,  and  another  for  the  safe 
delivery  of  a  woman  with  child.         [j.  G.] 

MAURICE,  John  Frederick  Denison 
(1805-72),  divine,  was  son  of  a  Unitarian 
minister,  whose  family  was  soon  invaded  by 
religious  disputes;  some  members  of  it  becom- 
ing Calvinist  Baptists,  and  others  conforming 
to  the  Church  of  England. 

Amid  these  controversial  voices,  Frederick 
Maurice  grew  up  a  silent,  meditative,  un- 
natural boy,  who  cared  nothing  for  games, 
amusements,  or  the  open  air,  and  '  never 
knew  the  note  of  a  single  bird.'  He  passed 
through  a  phase  of  hideous  depression, 
believing  himseK  predestined  to  hell ;  and 
was  still  in  a  condition  of  complete  unsettle- 
ment  when,  in  1823,  he  entered  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge.  There,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  his  tutor,  Julius  Hare,  he  gradually 
emerged  from  his  shyness,  and,  led  by  his 
friend,  John  Sterling,  became  a  member  of 
the  famous  '  Apostles'  Club.'  He  was  now 
thinking  of  going  to  the  Bar,  and  he  migrated 
to  Trinity  HaU  with  a  view  to  studying  law. 
As  he  neared  the  close  of  his  University 
career,  he  found  himself  in  a  position  of 
conscientious  difficulty.  In  order  to  qualify 
himself  for  his  B.A.,  he  would  have  to  de- 
clare himself  a  member  of  the  Church  of 
England.  If  he  could  do  this,  his  abilities 
and  knowledge  seemed  to  make  it  certain 
that  he  would  obtain  a  Fellowship.  But 
ho  felt  that  he  could  not  make  the  declara- 
tion honestly,  and  he  slipped  away  from 
Cambridge  without  a  degree.  He  came 
up  to  London  with  Sterhng,  and  took  to 
journalism,  and  showed  such  power  with 
his  pen   that  he  was    made    editor  of    the 


(  363  ) 


Maurice] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Maurice 


Athenoeum,  which  some  of  his  friends  had 
purchased.  But  the  Athenceum  failed.  His 
father  was  ruined.  There  was  illness  and 
death  in  the  home  ;  and  he  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that,  so  far,  his  life  had  been  a 
failure,  and  that  he  was  meant  after  all  to 
be  what  in  his  childhood  he  had  ii^-ishcd  to  be, 
a  minister  of  the  Christian  Gospel.  He  had 
now  decided  to  join  the  Church  of  England. 
In  1830  he  entered  Exeter  College,  Oxford, 
when  he  was,  of  course,  much  older  than 
other  undergraduates,  and  very  poor ;  but 
the  fame  of  his  high  character  and  intel- 
lectual powers  got  abroad,  and  he  became  a 
member  of  the  famous  Essay  Club,  which 
was  called,  after  its  founder,  '  The  W.E.G.' 
He  took  his  degree  in  1834,  and  was  ordained 
to  the  curacy  of  BubbenhaU,  near  Leaming- 
ton. Here  he  remained  for  two  years,  taking 
pastoral  charge  of  the  parish,  and  publishing 
in  turn  his  first  (and  only  completed)  experi- 
ment in  fiction  —  a  kind  of  veiled  auto- 
biographj'  called  Eustace  Conway,  and  a 
controversial  pamphlet  on  Suhscriftion  No 
Bondage. 

In  1836  Maurice  was  appointed  Chaplain 
at  Guy's  Hospital.  He  was  a  tender  and 
devoted  ministrant  to  the  sick  and  dying ; 
but  he  found  time  for  thought  and  for  writing. 
In  1837  he  pubhshed  the  one  book  which, 
of  all  the  many  that  he  wrote,  has  had  a 
practical  efiect  and  a  permanent  value.  It 
was  called  The  Kingdom  of  Christ,  or  Hints  to 
a  Quaker  concerning  the  Principles,  Concep- 
tions, and  Ordinances  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Here  he  sets  forth  the  contention  of  his  whole 
life — that  the  Catholic  Church  is  the  Kingdom 
of  Christ  on  earth ;  that  the  Sacraments  are 
the  pledges  and  guarantees  of  grace  ;  that 
the  ministry  has  a  real  commission  from  God  ; 
and  that  the  Cathohc  creeds  and  the  Enghsh 
formularies  are  much  nearer  the  eternal 
truth  of  things  than  the  speculations  of  the 
sectaries.  The  book  provoked  a  storm  of 
controversy.  Romanists  disliked  it  because 
it  regarded  the  Roman  Church  as  only  a 
portion  of  the  Cathohc  whole.  Tractarians 
condemned  it  because  in  some  points  of 
sacramental  theology  it  differed  from  Dr. 
Pusey  {q.v.).  All  sectaries  agreed  in  abusing 
it  because  of  its  passionate  witness  to  the 
claim  of  the  Enghsh  Church.  Only  a  ver}^ 
small  group  of  intimate  disciples  accepted  it 
cordiaUy ;  but  through  them  and  their 
spiritual  descendants  it  has  humanised  and 
Uberalised  the  rehgious  movement  which 
sprang  from  Oxford  in  1 833.  [Oxford  Move- 
ment.] Maurice  was  now  in  the  way  of 
worldly  advancement,  not  excessive  indeetl, 
but  valuable  as  testimony  to  his  increasing 


power.  In  1840  he  was  appointed  Pro- 
fessor of  Enghsh  Literature  at  King's  CoUege. 
He  was  chosen  to  gi^'e  the  '  Boyle  Lectures  ' ; 
and  the  '  Warburton  Lectures  '  at  Lincoln's 
Inn ;  he  was  made  Chaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn ; 
and  in  1846,  a  theological  school  being  created 
at  King's  College,  he  was  appointed  Professor 
of  Theology  there. 

Meanwhile  the  air  was  full  of  industrial 
unrest.  The  working  classes,  bitterly  dis- 
appointed by  the  failure  of  the  Reform  Act  to 
bring  the  millennium,  were  hotly  demanding 
the  further  reforms  which  were  grouped  to- 
gether in  '  The  People's  Charter.'  Maurice 
had  by  now  gathered  round  him  a  group  of 
young  disciples,  who  shared  his  deep  anxiety 
about  the  signs  of  the  times,  and  were  even 
desperately  anxious  to  save  the  State  by 
applying  Christian  principles  to  social  and 
pohtical  problems.  Hence  arose  the  '  Chris- 
tian Social '  movement,  of  which  Maurice 
was  the  prophet  and  guide.  He  denounced 
the  creed  of  Unrestricted  Competition,  as 
'  expecting  Universal  Selfishness  to  do  the 
work  of  Universal  Love.'  He  said :  '  I 
seriously  beheve  that  Christianity  is  the  only 
foundation  of  Socialism,  and  that  a  true 
Socialism  is  the  necessary  result  of  a  sound 
Christianity.'  In  order  to  diffuse  and  en- 
force these  doctrines  Maurice,  aided  by 
Charles  Kingsley  (g.v.),  J.  M.  Ludlow, 
E.  Vansittart  Neale,  and  Tom  Hughes,  be- 
gan to  issue  in  1848  a  httle  newspaper  called 
Politics  for  the  People.  It  died  in  the  same 
summer,  and  Maurice  soon  replaced  it  with 
The  Christian  Socialist,  which  in  turn  became 
The  Journal  of  Association,  when  Maurice 
became  convinced  that  the  way  to  social 
salvation  lay  through  Co-operation. 

All  this  social  activity,  and  the  enuncia- 
tion of  doctrines  which  steady-going  people 
regarded  as  revolutionary,  alarmed  the 
Council  of  King's  CoUege.  The  worldly 
and  the  timid  and  the  respectable  began  to 
utter  warning  cries  about  the  strange  doings 
of  the  Professor  of  Theology ;  and  in  1851 
the  principal,  Dr.  Jelf,  felt  himself  bound  to 
remonstrate  with  Maurice,  who  in  return 
flatly  refused  to  unsay  his  teaching  or 
modify  his  language.  Maurice  retained  his 
chair ;  but,  even  more  than  before,  he  was 
now  a  marked  and  a  suspected  man.  With 
the  quixotic  courage  which  was  his  truest 
nature,  he  soon  gave  his  enemies  a  fresh 
ground  for  attacking  him.  In  1853  he 
pubhshed  a  volume  of  Theological  Essays, 
which  reafiirmed  the  main  positions  taken 
in  The  Kingdom  of  Christ,  but  also  contained 
more  disputable  luatter.  He  had  always 
been   essentially   a   Platonist.     For  him   all 


(  364  ) 


Maurice] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Maurice 


visible  phenomena  were  merely  shadows  cast 
by  the  invisible  realities  of  the  Eternal  World. 
Time  and  Space  were  words  of  little  meaning. 
The  Eternal  Life  of  God  was  the  only  thing 
which  really  existed.  To  have  our  part  in 
that  Life  was  the  unspeakable  boon  which 
had  been  put  within  our  grasp  by  the  Divine 
Incarnation.  '  Eternity  has  nothing  to  do 
with  time  or  duration.'  It  was  not  an  end- 
less extension  of  Time  but,  on  the  contrary, 
a  condition  of  timelessness.  Eternal  Life 
meant  participation  in  the  Eternal  Life  of 
God,  and  Eternal  Death  was  refusal  to  par- 
ticipate in  that  Life.  '  When  I  wrote  the 
sentences  about  Eternal  Death,'  said  Maurice, 
'  I  knew  that  I  was  writing  my  own  sentence 
at  King's  College.'  The  event  proved  him 
right.  As  before,  Maurice  refused  to  with- 
draw, to  modify,  or  to  capitulate.  In  1853, 
in  spite  of  a  vehement  protest  from  Mr. 
Gladstone  {q.v.)  and  some  others,  the  Council 
dismissed  Maurice  from  his  theological  chair, 
and  also,  in  order  to  make  a  clean  sweep 
of  his  pernicious  influence,  from  the  chair  of 
Enghsh  Literature. 

Tliis  summary  act  of  persecution  pro- 
duced unexpected  results.  Sympathy 
flowed  in  on  Maurice  like  a  flood.  Soon  a 
fresh  sphere  of  usefulness  opened  in  '  The 
Working  Men's  College,'  founded  in  1854, 
of  which  Maurice  became  Principal.  His 
dismissal  from  ICing's  CoUege  had  multiplied 
his  influence  tenfold. 

In  the  year  1858  H.  L.  Mansel,  afterwards 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  preached  the  Bampton 
Lectures,  taking  as  his  subject  '  Reason  and 
Revelation.'  It  is  difficult  at  this  time  of 
day,  looking  back  through  the  dense  clouds 
of  controversy  which  those  lectures  provoked, 
to  discern  precisely  the  points  at  issue.  So 
far  as  one  can  see,  Mansel  held  that  man 
can  only  know  God  through  Revelation,  and 
regarded  '  Revelation  '  as  synonymous  with 
the  Bible.  From  this  position  it  foUowed 
that  aU  we  know  about  the  attributes  of  God 
is  derived  from  the  Bible's  account  of  His 
actions,  and  that  our  conception  of  goodness 
must  be  found  by  a  careful  collection  of  all 
the  texts  in  which  the  inspired  writers  in 
different  ages  have  told  us  what  He  did.  It 
is  useless  to  say  that  this  or  that  is  inconsistent 
with  the  Divine  Love  and  Goodness.  We 
know  that  God  did  it,  therefore  it  must  be 
consistent  with  His  character.  If,  to  take  a 
concrete  instance,  it  is  revealed  in  the  Bible 
that  He  dooms  milUons  of  His  creatures  to 
endless  torment,  such  a  doom  must  be  just 
and  good.  To  Maurice  all  this  seemed  practical 
Atheism.  He  held  with  passionate  tenacity 
the  belief  that  God  has  revealed  Himself,  not 


only  in  the  Bible,  but  in  History,  in  Nature, 
in  Conscience,  and,  above  all,  in  the  Incarna- 
tion ;  that  by  this  combined  revelation  He 
has  shown  us  that  Moral  Bc>auty  which 
in  its  perfection  is  the  sum  of  His  divine 
attributes ;  and  that,  if  the  Bible  seems  to 
assign  to  Him  actions  or  qualities  incon- 
sistent with  that  perfection,  we  must  be 
misinterpreting  the  Bible;  and  our  duty  is 
to  reread  the  misinterpreted  passages  in  the 
light  of  the  divinely  enlightened  conscience 
and  of  all  that  is  implied  in  the  divine 
Incarnation.  Feeling  intensely  that  what 
Conscience  calls  good  is  raised  to  its  highest 
power  in  God,  and  that  what  Conscience 
condemns  as  evil  must  be  evil  in  God's 
sight,  Maurice  attacked  Mansel  in  Letters 
to  a  Student  of  Theology  with  an  ex- 
ceeding great  vehemence,  which  reminded 
people  that,  while  he  resembled  St. 
John  in  being  an  Apostle  of  Love,  he 
resembled  him  no  less  in  being  a  Son  of 
Thunder. 

By  degrees  the  controversy  died  out,  as 
aU  controversies  die ;  and  the  remainder  of 
Maurice's  Ufe  was  comparatively  calm.  In 
1860  he  was  appointed  to  the  incumbency  of 
St.  Peter's,  Vere  Street.  In  1861  he  pubUshed 
liis  monumental  History  of  Philosophy,  which 
is  in  truth  a  history  of  great  men  in  all  ages 
and  of  all  schools,  all  alike  feehng  after  the 
knowledge  of  God,  and  refusing  to  be  content 
with  any  intellectual  substitute  for  Him.  In 
1866  he  was  elected  Professor  of  Casuistry 
and  Moral  Philosophy  at  Cambridge.  To  the 
end  he  had  to  endure  the  annoyance  of  being 
misunderstood  and  misrepresented.  Every 
one  called  him  a  Broad  Churchman,  some 
in  approval,  some  in  condemnation;  but 
aU  alike  were  wrong.  Of  the  Broad  Church 
party  he  wrote :  '  Thek  breadth  appears  to 
me  to  be  narrowness.  They  include  aU  kinds 
of  opinions.  But  what  message  have  they 
for  the  people  who  do  not  hve  on  opinions  ? ' 
What  indeed  ?  That  message,  in  Maurice's 
beUef,  was  delivered  by  God  to  man  through 
the  agency  of  the  Catholic  Church.  He 
never  was,  in  the  usual  sense  of  the  word, 
Protestant.  'He  passed  from  the  Unitarian 
position  to  the  assertion  of  a  kind  of  Liberal 
Catholicism  ;  and  Catholic  he  remained  to  the 
end.'  That  his  theology  should  have  been 
persistently  misconstrued  is  due  in  part  to 
his  exceeding  vehemence  in  attacking  each 
sect  and  schism  and  '  party  '  and  '  school  of 
thought '  in  turn  ;  but  it  is  due  in  greater 
part  to  his  bewildering  style,  as  obscure  as 
a  painting  by  Turner,  and  as  full  of  splendid 
gleams.  His  old  age  was  calm  and  honoured, 
and  he  died  simply  of  a  lifetime  of  over- 


(  3G5  ) 


Mayl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Milman 


work  on  the  1st  of  April   1872.      He  was 


buried  at  Highgate. 


[g.  w.  e.  r.] 


Lives  by  F.  Maurice  and  C.  F.  G.  Masterniaii. 

MAY,  William  (d.  1560),  Dean  of  St. 
Paul's  and  Archbishop-elect  of  York,  elder 
brother  of  John  May,  Bisliop  of  Carlisle, 
was  educated  at  Cambridge,  and  became 
FcUow  of  Trinity  Hall  in  1531  and  President 
of  Queens',  1537.  In  1534  he  was  appointed 
Cranmer's  [q.v.)  commissary  to  visit  the  see  of 
Norwich,  and  in  1535,  before  ordination,  was 
instituted  to  the  rectory  of  Bishop's  Hatfield, 
Herts,  by  special  dispensation  from  the 
archbishop.  He  was  ordained  deacon  and 
priest  the  next  year.  He  signed  the  Six 
Articles  in  common  with  many  others  who 
were  to  repudiate  their  doctrine  in  the  next 
reign.  He  was  one  of  the  commission  which 
drew  up  the  Bishops  Boole.  He  received 
various  preferments,  culminating  in  1545  in 
the  deanery  of  St.  Paul's,  which  he  con- 
trived to  retain,  in  spite  of  all  changes,  until 
the  accession  of  Mary. 

He  occupied  a  prominent  position  under 
Edward  vi.,  and  took  a  part  in  most  of  his 
ecclesiastical  measures.  In  1547  he  was  one 
of  the  commissioners  who  visited  St.  Paul's  to 
put  into  force  an  edict  of  the  Council  com- 
manding the  destruction  of  all  images  in 
churches.  He  was  dean  when  Communion 
was  first  administered  there  in  both  kinds. 
The  altar  was  pulled  down  by  his  com- 
mand, and  he  celebrated  at  a  table.  In 
1547  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  royal 
visitors  to  visit  the  western  dioceses.  He 
was  perhaps  on  the  commission  which  drew 
up  the  Prayer  Book  of  1549,  and  on  another 
which  deprived  Bonner  {q.v.),  who  treated 
him  with  scant  respect,  teUing  him  on  one 
occasion  he  might  speak  when  his  turn 
came.  He  was  a  canonist,  and  a  member  of 
the  commission  appointed  in  1552  to  revise 
the  canon  law  [Refokmatio  Legtjm].  On 
Mary's  accession  he  lost  all  preferments,  but 
was  otherwise  unmolested.  When  Elizabeth 
succeeded  he  was  reinstated,  and  in  1560 
elected  Archbishop  of  York,  but  died  the  same 
day.  He  was  buried  in  St.  Paul's.  Sir 
William  Petre,  who  accompanied  him  on  a 
political  mission  to  France  in  1546,  described 
him  as  '  a  man  of  the  most  honest  sort,  wise, 
discrete  and  well  learnyd  and  one  that  shall 
be  very  mete  to  serve  his  Majestie  many 
wayes ' — a  not  unfair  account  of  him. 

[C.  P.  s.  c] 

Strype,  Works;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments  ; 
Wriothesley,  Chronicle  :  Machyn's  Diary, 
C.S. 


MELLITUS  (d.  624),  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, was  of  noble  parentage  and  a  friend 
of  Pope  Gregory  {q.v.),  who  sent  him  with 
others  bearing  letters  to  Augustine  {q.v.)  in 
601.  He  converted  the  East  Saxons,  and 
in  604  Augustine  consecrated  him  to  be 
their  bishop.  Ethelbert  of  Kent,  their 
superior  King,  built  a  church,  dedicated  to 
St.  Paul,  for  him  in  London  to  be  the  place 
of  his  see.  He  went  to  Rome  to  consult 
Boniface  iv.  on  matters  affecting  the  English 
Church,  was  present  at  the  Pope's  council 
hold  in  610,  and  subscribed  its  decrees. 
After  Ethelbert's  death  the  East  Saxons 
relapsed  into  heathenism,  and  their  young 
joint-kings  expelled  Mellitus  from  their 
kingdom,  for  thej'  were  angry  because  he 
refused  to  give  them  'the  white  bread'  of  the 
Eucharist  without  previous  baptism.  With 
Justus  of  Rochester  he  took  refuge  in  Gaul, 
and  remained  there  a  year.  Then  Eadbald 
of  Kent  recalled  him ;  but  the  Londoners 
would  not  receive  him  back,  and  Eadbald, 
who  was  not  so  powerful  as  his  father 
Ethelbert  had  been,  could  not  compel  them 
to  do  so.  On  the  death  of  Laurentius  in 
619  he  was  made  the  third  Archbishop  of 
Canterburj^  and  perhaps  at  this  time  received 
a  hortatory  letter  from  Boniface  v.  He 
suffered  much  from  gout,  but  his  fervent 
spirit  triumphed  over  his  phvsical  infirmity. 
He  died  on  24th  April  624.     "  [w.  H.] 

Bede,  H.E.  ;  Blight,  Early  Eng.  Ch.  Hist. 

MILMAN,  Henry  Hart  (1791-1868),  Dean 
of  St.  Paul's,  a  younger  son  of  Sir  Francis 
Milman,  Baronet,  an  eminent  phj^sician, 
was  educated  at  Eton  and  Brascnose  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  where  he  had  a  distinguished 
career,  winning  some  University  prizes,  in- 
cluding the  Newdigate  in  1812  with  a  poem 
on  '  the  Apollo  Belvedere ' ;  in  1814  he  became 
Fellow  of  his  college,  was  ordained  in  1816. 
and  in  1818  became  Vicar  of  St.  Mary's, 
Reading,  and  married  in  1824.  From  1821 
to  1831  he  held  the  professorship  of  poetry 
at  Oxford,  and  while  ably  fulfilling  his 
clerical  duties  published  much  poetry,  having 
already  written  a  play,  Fazio,  or  the  Italian 
Wife,  acted  in  London  in  1818.  He  studied 
Sanscrit  with  success,  and  later  translated 
some  Indian  poems.  In  1827  he  was 
Bampton  Lecturer.  A  History  of  the  Jews, 
which  he  published  in  1829,  treats  its  subject 
on  the  lines  of  secular  history,  representing 
the  heroes  of  the  nation  as  emirs  and  sheiks, 
as  far  as  possible  eliminating  supernatural 
interposition,  and  noting  the  relations  between 
the  Jews'  religion  and  other  religious  systems. 
The    book     caused    great    scandal    among 


(  3GG 


Missions] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Missions 


churchmen ;  it  was  attacked  in  reviews,  j 
and  Gladstone  (7. v.)  in  his  younger  days  was 
'  horrified  by  it.'  It  exercised  a  remarkable 
iniliicnce  on  the  progress  of  religious  thought 
by  introducing  the  application  of  historical 
criticism  to  the  Biblical  narrative  and  sug- 
gesting the  science  of  comparative  religion. 
His  History  of  Christianity  under  the  Empire 
(18-40)  is  of  less  importance.  In  1835  he 
was  made  Canon  of  Westminster  and  Rector 
of  St.  Margaret's,  and  in  1849  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's,  whore  among  other  reforms  he 
instituted  Sunday  evening  services.  In  1855 
he  published  his  great  work,  The  History  of 
Latin  Christianity  to  the  Death  of  Nicholas  V., 
which  holds  a  place  among  English  histori- 
cal books  of  the  first  rank.  His  Annals 
of  St.  Paul's  was  published  posthumously. 
He  died  on  24th  September  1868,  leav- 
ing four  sons  and  two  daughters.  Robert 
Milman,  Bishop  of  Calcutta,  1867-76,  was  his 
nephew.  [w.  H.] 

Ann.    Reg.,    1868;    Encycl.   Brit.;   B.N.C. 
Register. 

MISSIONS,  Foreign.  The  EngUsh  Church 
has  been  from  the  beginning,  with  a  period 
of  lapse  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  seven- 
teenth century,  emphatically  a  missionary 
Church.  In  the  sixth  century  Celtic  mis- 
sionaries, among  whom  St.  Columban  was 
prominent,  had  carried  the  Gospel  from 
Ireland  and  lona  to  the  heathen  of  the 
Continent.  But  the  first  Enghsh  Churchman 
to  do  so  was  St.  Wilfrid  {q.v.),  who  on  his  way 
to  Rome  in  678  was  driven  by  a  storm  to 
take  refuge  among  the  heathen  Frisians, 
among  whom  he  tarried,  preaching  and 
baptizing.  A  few  years  later  Ecgberht,  a 
Northumbrian  priest  living  in  Ireland, 
desired  to  carry  the  faith  to  the  German 
tribes  from  whom  the  Angles  and  Saxons 
were  sprung.  He  was'  prevented,  but  as- 
sisted in  sending  others  to  Frisia,  WilH- 
brord  (q.v.)  among  them.  About  693 
Switberht,  being  chosen  bishop  to  assist 
Wilhbrord,  returned  to  England,  and  was 
consecrated  by  Wilfrid,  the  first  bishop 
consecrated  in  England  for  work  abroad. 
Among  other  English  missionaries  who 
spread  Christianity  and  civilisation  among 
the  Teutonic  tribes  of  Europe  were  two 
Anglian  priests  known  as  Black  and  White 
Hewald,  martyred  in  Saxony  (c.  695); 
Adalbert,  a  prince  of  the  royal  house  of 
Northumbria,  who  laboured  in  the  north  of 
Holland;  and,  greatest  of  all,  Wynfrith  or 
Boniface  {q.v.),  '  the  Apostle  of  Germany.' 
In  883  Alfred  (q.v.)  sent  alms  to  India 'in 
fulfilment   of   a   vow    made   in    the    Danish 


wars.     And  even  during  those  wars  devoted 
EngUshmen  were  labouring  as  missionaries 
in  the  Scandinavian  homes  of  their  enemies. 
Olaf  Tryggvason,  King  of  Norway  (995-1000), 
(Miiployed    English    bishops    to    convert    his 
])coplc,  and   Cnut  (q.v.)  sent   English   mis- 
sionaries to  convert  his  Scandinavian  sub- 
jects, and  St.  Olaf  had  followed  the  same 
policy.     St.   Sigfrid,   a   well-known   English 
missionary  bishop  in  Norway  and  Sweden, 
lived  through  most  of  the  eleventh  century 
(Bishop    Wordsworth,    National    Church    of 
Sweden,    57-88).     But    from    the    eleventh 
century    the    missionary   spirit   was   largely 
overshadowed  by  the  Crusades  (q.v.).     These 
were  in  part  inspired  by  missionary  zeal,  but 
vitiated    by    a    pohcy    of    compulsory    con- 
version   by    the    strong    hand.     The    true 
missionary  spirit,  however,  survived,  notably 
among  the  Friars  (q.v.).     About  1230  Adam 
of  Oxford,  a  famous  Franciscan,  was  sent  at 
his  own  request  by  Gregory  ix.  to  preach  to 
the  Saracens,  and  other  Franciscan  missions 
to  the  infidels  of  the  Holy  Land  followed. 
The  Council  of  Vienne  (1312)  ordered  that 
professorships     in     Arabic,     Hebrew,     and 
Chaldaean  should  be  founded  at  Oxford  and 
other  universities  to  promote  the  conversion 
of  Jews  and  Turks.     In    1370   William  de 
Prato,    a    Franciscan    who    had   studied    at 
Oxford,    '  was  sent  to  the  Tartars  by  the 
Pope  as  Bishop  of  Peking,  and  head  of  the 
Franciscan  Mission  in  Asia '   (A.   G.  Little, 
The  Grey  Friars  in  Oxford).     But,  as  a  rule, 
in  the  later  JVIiddle  Ages  persecution  took  the 
place  of  evangeUsation,  and  such  forays  as 
that  of  the  Teutonic  knights  in  Litlmania,  in 
which  the  Earl  of  Derby,  afterwards  Henry 
IV.,  took  part,  were  crusades  only  in  name. 

After  the  breach  with  Rome  foreign 
mission  work  mth  all  its  machinery  had 
to  be  begun  anew.  Yet  a  keen  sense  of 
the  duty  of  Churchmen  at  home  towards 
non-Christians  appears  in  the  records  of 
the  Elizabethan  adventurers.  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  gave  the  Virginia  Company  £100 
for  the  propagation  of  Christianity  in  its 
territory.  And  in  1632  Dr.  Donne  preached 
before  that  company  what  has  been  called 
'  the  first  missionary  sermon  printed  in 
the  English  language.'  Archbishop  Laud 
{q.v.)  recognised  the  Church's  responsibility 
in  regard  to  the  North  American  colonies, 
and  in  1634  an  Order  in  Council  gave  the 
Bishop  of  London  jurisdiction  over  English 
congregations  abroad.  In  1638  a  scheme  was 
promoted  for  establishing  the  episcopate  in 
North  America,  but  home  troubles  prevented 
its  realisation.  In  1649  the  Long  Parliament 
inaugurated    the    first    EngUsh    missionarv 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Missions 


organisation,  '  The  Society  for  the  Propaga- 
tion of  the  Gospel  in  New  England.'  £12,000 
was  collected  in  English  churches  by  Crom- 
well's order,  the  society  was  refounded  bj' 
Charles  n.  in  1662,  and  is  still  at  work  in 
Canada  under  the  name  of  '  The  New 
England  Company.'  After  the  Restoration 
the  scheme  for  a  colonial  episcopate  was 
revived,  but  broke  down  on  Clarendon's  fall. 
Bishop  Compton  of  London  was  active  in 
providing  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  North 
American  and  West  Indian  colonics  bj!-  send- 
ing out  clergj',  and  Archbishop  Sheldon  [q.v.) 
was  also  interested.  The  Chi'istian  Faith 
Society  for  the  West  Indies  was  founded  in 
1691.  An  attempt  at  missionary  work  in 
the  East  Indies  was  begun  in  1682,  Robert 
Boyle  (q.v.)  and  Burnet  [q.v.)  being  among 
its  promoters.  The  S.P.C.K.  came  into  exist- 
ence in  1698,  the  S.P.G.  in  1701.  In  1799  the 
Church  IVIissionary  Society  was  born. 

Speaking  generally,  all  AngUcan  missions 
throughout  the  world  taken  together  hardly 
form  one-seventh  of  the  mission  forces  of 
the  world  to-day,  exclusive  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.     The  annual  income  of  the  missions 
in  the  world  to-day  outside  Rome  amounts 
to    about    £5,070,000.      Towards    this    sum 
the  Anglican  communion  does   not    contri- 
bute   more    than    £900.000.     The    Roman 
Church  publishes  no  accounts.    The  Orthodox 
Eastern  Church  spends  about  £30,000  upon 
its  missions  exclusive  of  Japan,  which  has  an 
independent   income.     The    Roman    Church 
claims    10,000,000    adherents.     The    Roman 
Church    has    among    non-Christians    about 
34,000    European,    or    American,    workers ; 
the  great  European  and  American  missions 
not  in  communion  with  the  EngUsh,  Roman, 
or    Eastern    Churches    about    16,500 ;     the 
Anglican  communion  about  2600.     It  is  a 
noteworthy  fact  that  any  weakening  of  behef 
in  full  Christian  doctrine,  whether  in  con- 
nection with  the  Incarnation  or  the  Resurrec- 
tion, seems  to  smite  with  steriUty  all  mission 
work  among  non-Christians  in  the  rare  cases 
where  it  is  attempted.     There  are  two  other 
great  organisations,  partly  Anglican,  which 
largely  aid   the  mission   cause,  the   British 
and  Foreign  Bible  Society  and  the  Religious 
Tract  Society. 

The  approximate  date  which  can  be  taken 
as  a  starting-point  for  the  great  revival  of 
modern  missionary  work  abroad  is  1871.  In 
that  year  Bishop  Patteson  {q.v.)  was  mur- 
dered ;  in  1872  the  S.P.G.  inaugurated  the 
Day  of  Intercession  at  St.  Andrew's  tide. 
Bishop  G.  H.  Wilkinson  being  one  of  the  chief 
movers.  From  this  time  Anglican  missions 
gained  force  everywhere     In    1874  Living- 


!  stone  died,  and  the  Universities  Mission  to 
Central  Africa  gained  impetus,  along  with 
many  other  missions,  and  the  C.M.S.  entered 
Uganda  within  three  years.  In  1884  Bishop 
Hannington  was  murdered.  The  Student 
Volunteer  Movement  arose  in  1886,  and  has 
enormously  added  to  the  missionary  force 
within  the  English  Church  as  weU  as  outside 
it.  During  the  last  forty  years  missionary 
work  has  not  only  advanced  by  strides,  but 
has  also  become  much  more  efficient  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  Within  the  English 
Church  distinct  advance  has  been  made  in 
the  estimation  in  which  missions  are  held. 
In  this  respect  the  newer  rehgious  bodies  are 
still  ahead  of  the  Church  of  England.  Among 
the  Presbyterians  and  the  Methodists  the 
Church  is  its  own  missionary  society,  as  are 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  America 
and  the  Church  in  Canada.  In  the  English 
Church  proper,  however,  missionary  work  is 
still  done  by  great  societies  ;  but  these  are 
drawing  closer  together  under  the  influence 
of  the  Central  Board  of  Missions,  which 
represents  the  whole  Church.  This  Board 
does  not  collect  money  for  work  abroad, 
but  acts  as  a  regulator  and  unifier  of  all 
missionary  work  done  by  the  Church. 

Africa. — In  1752  the  S.P.G.  sent  a  chaplain 
to  the  Gold  Coast.     In  1765  the  first  negro 
priest   was   ordained   from    that   region    by 
the  Bishop  of  London.     This  mission  was 
abandoned,  and  the  C.M.S.  began  work  in 
1 804.    In  the  same  year  they  went  to  the  Susu 
tribes ;  in  1816  to  the  hberated  slaves  sent 
from  America  to  Sierra  Leone.    Except  on  the 
Gold  Coast,  to  which  the  S.P.G.  has  returned, 
and  in  Liberia,  which  is  connected  with  the 
Church  in  America,  aU  Anglican  missions  in 
West  Africa  are  connected  with  the  C.M.S. 
By  far  the  largest  diocese  there  is  that  of 
West  Equatorial  Africa,  imder  a  European 
bishop    with   two   African    suffragans.     The 
diocese    includes    Northern    and    Southern 
Nigeria,  and  extends  to  Lake  Chad,  and  it  has 
to  confront  the  advance  of  Islam  from  the 
north.     This    advance    has    been    indirectly 
aided  by  British  rule.     Formerly  the  Moslem 
came  as  a  raider  and  slave  trader ;  to-day  he 
comes  as  a  peaceful  subject.     The  African 
Christian  communities  in  these  regions  are 
practically    self-supporting.     Enghsh    funds 
are   utilised   for   the   support   of    European 
workers.     The    Anglican    missions    in    West 
Africa    must    number    more    than    50,000 
adherents,  and  there  are  100  African  clergy. 
There  are  six  bishops.     There  is  as  yet  no 
organised     province     of     West    Africa.     In 
Nigeria  and  in  Sierra  Leone  there  are  iwMy 
organised  synods.     In  1864  an  attempt  was 


(  368) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Missions 


made  to  crcalu  an  independent  diocese  under    \ 
an  African  bishop  (Bishop  Crowther),  but  the 
result  was  disappointing,  and  tlicre  has  been 
no  further  attempt  in  this  direction.  j 

South    Africa. — The    first    English    priest 
was  sent  by  the  S.P.G.  in  1820,  but  it  was  a 
feeble  mission  till  the  advent  of  Bishop  Gray 
{([.v.)  in  1847  at  Cape  Town.  Dioceses  followed 
in  quick  succession.     The  S.P.G.  has  been  the 
chief  home  agent  in  suppljnng  funds.     Its 
annual  grant  to  the  province  is  about  £22,000. 
The  province  of  South  Africa  extends  up  to 
the  Zambesi,  but  does  not  include  Madagascar.    ' 
There  are  over  1,000,000  Europeans  scattered 
throughout  these  regions.     These  have  to  be 
shepherded  in  so  far  as  they  wiU  accept  the 
Church's  ministrations.     Yet  they  are  almost 
lost  among  the  immense  African  populations, 
virile  races  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers, 
and  the  absorbing  problem  of  the  future  is 
the  colour  question.     Another  element  is  the 
large  East  Indian  population,  especially  in 
Natal.     On  the  east  coast  and  in  Portuguese 
territory  there  are  serious   difficulties  with 
the   Government.      Portugal    fears    Enghsh 
influence  for  poUtical  reasons,  and   Enghsh 
missionaries,  though  absolutely  loyal  to  the 
local  government,  are  sorely  hindered.     The 
Church  of  the  province  of  South  Africa  is  an 
independent  daughter  Church  of  the  Anglican 
communion,    fully  organised,  with  its  arch- 
bishop,   its    general    synod,    and    diocesan 
synods,    and   its   own    ecclesiastical    courts. 
Its  European  clergy  number  about  400,  its 
African     clergy    75,     its    adherents     about 
275,000. 

Central  Africa. — This  region  has  the  Zam- 
besi for  its  southern  boundary,  and  reaches 
northward  to  a  point  north  of  the  Albert 
Nyanza.  Enghsh  Church  work  began  at 
Mombasa  in  1844  with  Krapf.  The  Uni- 
versities IVIission  at  Livingstone's  request 
commenced  in  the  direction  of  Lake  Nyassa 
in  1859,  soon  moving  to  Zanzibar.  There  are 
now  three  dioceses  in  the  U.M.C.A.  region. 
North  of  it  lie  the  two  dioceses  of  Mombasa 
and  Uganda,  under  the  C.M.S.,  who  entered 
Uganda  by  Stanley's  request  in  1876.  Funds 
from  England  are  used  only  for  the  support 
of  European  workers,  otherwise  the  Church 
is  self-supporting.  There  are  50  European 
clergy  and  about  35  African  clergy,  over 
2000  catechists,  and  60,000  baptized. 

Egypt  and  the  Soudan. — These  are  definitely 
Moslem  lands,  with  their  pecuhar  difficulties. 
There  is  a  very  efficient  band  of  Anglican 
clergy  and  workers  in  Cairo  under  the  C.M.S. 
for  work  among  Moslems  and  the  study  of 
Arabic.  A  weekly  paper  in  English  and 
Arabic  is  published,  and  has  great  influence. 


In  the  Soudan  missionary  work  is  steadily 
advancing  among  Moslems  and  heathens, 
so  far  as  Government  restrictions  permit. 
These  arc  gradually  being  removed.  Egypt 
is  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  in 
Jerusalem.  In  Palestine,  under  the  C.M.S. , 
are  missions  to  Moslems  and  Jews.  [Jeru- 
salem Bishopric]  Another  mission  to 
Moslems  under  the  C.M.S.  and  of  great  value 
is  the  Persian  and  Mesopotamian  Mission, 
started  in  1869  by  Dr.  Bruce.  Unique  in 
character  and  effect  is  the  Archbishop's 
Mission  to  the  Assyrian  Christians,  inaugur- 
ated by  Archbishop  Benson  iq.v.)  in  1884. 
Its  object  is  to  help  the  Assyrian  Christians 
to  be  more  worthy  and  better  educated 
members  of  their  own  Church. 

India.— T\\e  first  gift  of  the  Enghsh  Church 
for  mission  work  in  India  was  made  by  the 
S.P.G.  to  the  Danish  Mission  in  1709.  At 
that  time  it  was  against  the  charter  of  that 
society  to  undertake  work  outside  the 
British  Empire,  and  the  S.P.C.K.  supported 
the  Danish  Mission  from  1824  to  1834. 
During  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century  splendid  work  was  done  by  the 
chaplains,  such  as  Martyn,  Thomason, 
Buchanan,  Corrie ;  but  caste  was  in  some 
sense  retained,  and  the  missions  were  weak. 
Modern  missions  in  strong  force  in  India  date 
from  1813.  Middleton  was  the  first  bishop, 
and  was  followed  by  Heber.  The  C.M.S. 
began  its  great  work  in  India  in  1814,  the 
S.P.G.  in  1820.  Heber  ordained  the  two 
first  Indians,  a  Tamil  (C.  David)  and  Abdul 
Masih,  a  convert  from  Islam  made  by  ]\Iartyn. 
The  missions  spread  through  India  from  1814 
to  1860,  south,  north,  west,  and  east  as  far  as 
Burma.  The  Zenana  Society  came  in  1861, 
and  the  Universities  and  others  have  contri- 
buted nobly — the  Oxford  Mission  to  Calcutta 
beginning  in  1880  ;  the  Society  of  St.  John 
the  Evangelist,  Cowley,  in  1877 ;  the  Cam- 
bridge Mission  to  Dellii  in  1877  ;  the  Dubfin 
University  Mission  to  Chota  Nagpur  in  1891 ; 
and  here,  as  everywhere,  the  S.P.C.K.  has 
been  the  handmaid  of  aU.  The  mass  of 
Anglican  Christians  is  to  be  found  in  South 
India  ;  it  is  in  the  Tamil  and  Telegu  countries 
that  we  meet  with  what  are  called  '  mass 
movements  '  at  present,  and  among  the  lowest 
castes  or  no  caste.  These  have  so  much 
benefited  in  every  way  that  it  has  had  a 
marked  effect  on  other  castes.  The  Indian 
is  not  an  individualist ;  tens  of  thousands 
probably  are  behevers  to-day,  who  dare  not 
be  baptized.  One  day  a  whole  region  may 
move  at  once.  Women's  work,  of  utmost 
value  everywhere,  is  probably  even  more 
important  than  men's  work  in  India.    Women 


2  A 


(3G9  ) 


Missions] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Missions 


doctors  liave  here  one  of  the  noblest  fields  in 
the  world. 

The  see  of  Madras  was  founded  in  1835, 
Bombay  in  1837.  Lahore  followed  in  1877, 
then  Burma,  Travancore,  Ceylon,  Chota 
Nagpur,  Lucknow,  Tinnevelly,  Nagpur.  The 
Church  has  devoted  itself  equally  to  aU 
classes.  It  has  spent  enormous  sums  on 
educational  as  weU  as  on  evangehstic  work, 
on  women's  work  and  on  medical  missions. 
The  Indian  Church  Aid  Association  supphes 
clergy  for  ministrations  to  Europeans  and 
Eurasians,  who  are  a  great  factor  in  the  future 
of  Indian  Chiistianity.  A  special  organisa- 
tion has  lately  been  created  to  cope  with  this 
work.  The  organisation  of  the  Church  in 
India  is  imperfect,  but  the  Indian  episcopate 
is  beginning  to  speak  with  a  united  voice. 
The  Bishop  of  Calcutta  is  a  metropohtan.  And 
an  Indian  is  about  to  be  raised  to  the  episco- 
pate. There  are  in  India  375  European 
clergy  as  missionaries,  53  laymen,  200  women, 
317  Indian  clergy,  6342  lay  teachers,  including 
women.  But  it  is  America  that  is  converting 
India.  All  the  forces  of  all  the  Enghsh 
missions.  Churchmen  and  Nonconformist 
combined,  do  not  equal  the  American  forces, 
which  in  India  are  whoUy  non-episcopal. 
The  Enghsh  Church  may  possibly  be  doing 
as  much  as  one-tenth  of  the  mission  work 
in  India  to-day.  Meanwhile  Indian  Christi- 
anity is  spreading  fast. 

Eastward  from  Burma  are  the  Malay 
States,  Singapore,  and  Borneo,  regions  of 
the  utmost  importance  for  the  Church ; 
they  are  fuU  of  Chinese  and  Tamils,  besides 
the  races  indigenous  to  the  country.  The 
foundation  of  the  see  of  Labuan  and  Sarawak 
in  1855  was  marked  by  the  first  consecration 
of  a  bishop  of  the  Church  of  England  outside 
the  British  Isles  since  the  Reformation. 
Singapore  was  added  to  it  in  1861.  In  1909 
Borneo  and  Singapore  were  made  separate 
sees. 

China. — Probably  China  and  Japan,  with 
their  enormous  populations  and  races  of 
strong  character,  are  more  important  for 
good  or  for  evil  in  the  history  of  Christendom 
than  any  other  land  at  present  non-Christian. 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  Anghcan 
communion  can  claim  more  than  one-twelfth 
of  the  Christians  in  China,  even  after  exclud- 
ing the  Church  of  Rome.  The  Church  in 
the  United  States  first  entered  China  in  1837, 
the  first  Enghsh  Churchman  in  1844.  The 
C.M.S.  is  in  evidence  in  South  China,  with 
Shanghai,  Ningpo,  Eoochow,  and  Hong 
Kong  as  centres.  The  S.P.G.  helps  in  the 
north,  with  Peking  and  Tai-an-fu  in  Shantung 
as  centres.     The  Canadian  Church  has  com- 


menced a  mission  in  Honan,  consecrating  a 
bishop  and  supplying  the  staff.  There  is  now 
a  newly  formed  general  synod,  and  periodical 
meetings  are  to  be  held  for  this  purpose. 
There  are  eleven  Anghcan  bishops  in  China, 
of  whom  the  majority  owe  allegiance  to 
Canterbury,  three  to  the  Church  in  the  United 
States,  one  to  the  Primate  of  Canada. 
Women's  work  and  medical  missions  are  a 
great  power  in  China,  and  it  would  seem  as 
though  hatred  of  the  foreigner  as  such  were 
passing  away.  The  Chinese  Christians,  both 
in  the  north  and  the  south,  during  the  last 
forty  years  have  added  a  mighty  roU  of 
martyrs  to  the  Church's  history. 

Japan. — The  Church  in  America  first 
entered  Japan  on  the  part  of  the  Anghcan 
communion  in  1859.  The  C.M.S.  foUowed  in 
1869,  the  S.P.G.  in  1872.  From  Great  Britain 
only  the  Enghsh  Church  and  the  Salvation 
Army  are  found  in  Japan.  The  Nippon  Sei 
Kokwai  (Holy  Cathohc  Church  of  Japan)  is  a 
portion  of  the  Anghcan  communion,  with  its 
own  synod  and  canons.  But  the  bishops  are 
at  present  accepted  from  abroad;  4  are 
British,  2  American,  1  Canadian,  yet  aU 
owe  definite  aUegiance  to  the  Nippon  Sei 
Kokwai  and  its  jurisdiction.  This  Church  has 
7  bishops,  the  proportion  of  clergy  being 
70  foreign  and  57  Japanese,  while  the 
baptized  number  about  15,000.  The  Church 
in  Japan  has  its  own  external  mission  field 
in  Formosa,  and  also  in  the  Bonin  Islands. 
Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  Enghsh  Church  can 
hardly  be  one-fourth  of  the  non-Roman  and 
non-Eastern  Church  Christians.  The  Roman 
Church  claims  60,000  adherents,  the  Russian 
Orthodox  Church  more  than  30,000. 

Corea. — America  is  the  chief  factor  in 
Corean  Chi'istianity,  with  the  exception  of 
Rome.  The  American  missions  are  non- 
episcopal.  There  are  some  340  of  their 
workers  as  against  some  30  Anghcans.  Ex- 
cluding Rome,  there  are  probably  200,000 
Corean  Christians  to-day,  the  fruit  of  thirty 
years'  work.  The  English  Mission  began  in 
1890  under  Bishop  Corfe,  and  is  fiUed  to-day 
with  an  intense  evangehstic  spirit,  coupled 
with  strong  Cathohc  principles.  It  is  for  the 
most  part  a  cehbate  mission.  In  Manchuria 
the  English  Church  works  at  present  only 
among  Europeans. 

The  South  Pacific. — The  province  of  New 
Zealand  has  for  its  premier  mission  field  the 
diocese  of  Melanesia,  founded  by  Bishop 
Patteson,  1861,  but  inaugurated  by  the  late 
Bishop  G.  A.  Selwyn  (q.v.).  The  Church  in 
Austraha  places  its  New  Guinea  Mission  in 
the  same  prominent  position.  In  New 
Guinea    the    British   region    is    divided   for 


(37U) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Monasteries 


mission  purposes  by  the  Government  into 
three  or  four  portions:  Congregational 
(L.M.S.),  Roman,  Anglican,  Methodist.  The 
Anglican  portion  is  magnificently  ordered, 
and  is  the  pride  of  the  AustraUan  Church. 
The  see  of  New  Guinea  was  founded  in  189G. 
Within  Austraha  there  are  strong  Anglican 
missions  to  aboriginals  on  reserves  and  to 
Chinese.  In  Melanesia  there  are,  besides  the 
bishop,  12  European  clergy,  685  ordained 
and  unordained  Melanesian  workers,  and  j 
about  16,000  adherents,  mostly  baptized. 
The  diocese  of  Polynesia  was  founded  in 
1908.  But  in  Oceania,  as  elsewhere,  the 
English  Church  is  far  surpassed  in  strength 
and  numbers  by  the  Roman  Church  and  by 
the  other  great  missions.  Excluding  Rome, 
it  is  probable  that  only  one  out  of  fourteen 
Christians  belongs  to  the  English  Church. 

Canada. — All  along  the  northern  regions  of 
Canada  there  have  been  for  years  strong 
missions  among  Indians  and  Esquimaux 
under  the  C.M.S.  This  society  is  slowly 
withdrawing  now  that  the  early  work  of 
evangehsation  is  being  completed,  and  the 
Canadian  Church  is  undertaking  the  burden. 

The  West  Indies. — In  the  province  of  the 
West  Indies  there  are  missions  to  East 
Indians  and  Chinese,  who  are  in  large  num- 
bers in  Trinidad  and  British  Guiana.  In  the 
latter  diocese  there  are  missions  also  to  the 
aboriginal  Indians  with  a  record  of  noble 
work. 

South  America. — The  EngUsh  Church  is 
represented  by  three  dioceses :  British 
Guiana  (1842),  the  Falkland  Islands  (1869), 
and  Argentina  (1910).  The  South  American 
Missionary  Society  has  for  years  done  a  noble 
work  among  races  such  as  those  in  Terra 
del  Fuego,  the  Paraguayan,  Chaco,  and  the 
Araucanian  Indians. 

The  care  of  scattered  Church  people  must 
also  be  mentioned.  The  white  Christian,  if 
he  falls  away  in  pioneer  lands,  becomes 
worse  than  a  pagan.  The  S.P.G.  made  this 
duty  its  first  responsibiUty  in  every  part  of 
the  earth.  The  Colonial  and  Continental 
Church  Society  of  late  years  has  taken  up 
the  problem  strongly.  [h.  h.  m.] 

Hunt,  Hist.  Eng.  Ch.  to  1U60 ;  jMaelear, 
Hist,  of  Christian  Missions  in  Middle  Ages  ; 
Grant,  Missions  (Bampton  Lectures) ;  Hutton, 
Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  1625-1714,  xvii.  ;  article 
'  Foreign  Missions, '^^icycZ.  Brit. ;  First  Annual 
Review  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Ch.,  1908  ; 
Central  Boards  of  Missions  ;  Statistical  Atlas 
of  Foreign  Missions ;  Edinburgh  World 
Alissionary  Conference,  1910. 

MONASTERIES,  Suppression  of  the.   But 

tor  its  sweeping  and  tyrannical  character  the 


conduct  of  Henry  vui.  {q.v.)  in  putting  down 
monasteries  was  not  unprecedented,  nor 
even  quite  unjustifiable.  These  establish- 
ments had  been  long  on  the  dechne,  many 
of  them  were  encumbered  with  debt,  and 
could  not  keep  up  their  numbers.  They 
failed  at  times  to  give  exhibitions  to  the 
Universities,  and  there  was  certainly  no 
small  demorahsation  in  some  houses.  Yet 
though  in  former  times  ahen  priories  had 
been  suppressed,  and  even  one  or  two  other 
houses,  Wolsey's  {q.v.)  great  scheme  for  the 
suppression  of  a  number  of  small  monasteries 
with  a  view  to  the  promotion  of  learning  by 
new  colleges  was  not  generally  popular  ;  and 
after  he  had  procured  at  great  expense  from 
the  Pope  and  from  his  sovereign  full  powers 
to  carry  it  out,  most  of  the  endowments  were 
confiscated  at  his  fall.  The  Ipswich  College 
was  never  estabhshed,  and  that  which  was 
to  have  borne  his  name  at  Oxford  was 
established  on  a  smaller  scale.  The  King 
then  caused  the  reduced  estabUshment  to 
bear  his  own  name  as  '  King  Henry  vm.'s 
College.'  It  now  bears  the  famfiiar  name  of 
Christ  Church. 

But  Wolsey's  beginning  suggested  to  the 
King  ideas  which  bore  further  fruit  when  his 
repudiation  of  papal  authority  committed  him 
to  a  new  church  pohcy.  Monasteries  were 
specially  dependent  on  Rome,  their  whole 
rehgious  life  determined  by  rules  which  could 
only  be  relaxed  by  reference  to  the  Roman 
See ;  and  however  easy  Henry  found  it  to 
coerce  the  bishops,  only  one  of  whom  earned 
martyrdom  by  not  acquiescing  in  his  Suprem- 
acy, it  was  a  much  more  serious  matter  to 
have  hosts  of  communities  all  over  the 
country  chnging  to  the  old  tradition  of  Rome 
as  a  final  seat  of  authority.  In  1535,  before 
summer  had  well  begun.  Royal  Supremacy 
had  fully  asserted  itself  by  the  trials  and 
executions,  under  new-made  laws,  first  of 
four  monks  and  a  secular  priest,  then  of 
Bishop  Fisher  [q.v.),  and  finally  of  Su:  Thomas 
Mere  [q.v.).  In  the  later  summer  Dr. 
i  Richard  Layton  {q.v.)  and  Dr.  Thomas  Legh 
I  {q.v.),  both  of  whom  had  been  instrumental 
in  getting  evidence  against  More  and  Fisher 
in  the  Tower,  having  accompanied  Thomas 
Cromwell  {q.v.)  into  the  west  of  England, 
obtained  from  him,  as  the  King's  \acegerent 
in  spiritual  matters,  powers  to  make  a  circuit 
and  visit  the  monasteries  of  the  kingdom 
generally.  They  did  traverse  a  large  part 
of  the  country,  laying  down  strict  rules  for 
the  monks,  and  reporting  all  that  they  could 
find  in  the  way  of  vice  and  superstition  in 
the  different  houses,  getting,  moreover,  the 
visitatorial     power    of    bishops    suspended 


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Monasteries] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Monasteries 


during  their  visitation,  and  rearranging  the 
studies  at  the  Universities,  where  they  abol- 
ished that  of  the  canon  law.  They  then  met 
at  Liclifield  and  visited  Yorkshire  and  the 
northern  monasteries  together.  Their  re- 
ports for  the  province  of  York,  and  those  for 
the  dioceses  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  and 
of  Norwich,  still  survive,  full  of  disgusting 
foulness,  perhaps  current  scandals,  how  far 
well  founded  it  is  difficult  to  judge  ;  but  the 
rapidity  with  which  the  work  was  done  for- 
bids us  to  believe  that  the  '  comports,'  as 
they  were  called,  were  founded  on  a  really 
judicial  examination.  The  visitors  had  made 
an  end  by  the  time  Henry  vni.'s  '  Long 
Parliament '  had  met  for  its  last  session  in 
1536.  They  had  visited  less  than  one-third 
of  the  monasteries  of  all  England  in  about 
half  a  year.  But  they  had  collected  suffi- 
cient information  for  the  King's  purpose. 
It  is  not  clear  that  their  actual  reports  were 
laid  before  Parhament.  More  probably  it 
was  an  account  of  their  substance  that  is 
said  to  have  elicited  against  the  monasteries 
the  cry  of  '  Down  with  them  ! '  But  as 
early  as  the  3rd  March  we  find  a  rumour 
that  abbeys  and  priories  under  the  value 
of  £200  a  year  were  to  be  suppressed,  and  a 
visit  which  the  King  in  person  paid  to  the 
House  of  Commons  on  the  11th,  when  he 
delivered  them  a  Bill  for  consideration, 
seems  certainly  to  mark  the  introduction  of 
this  particular  measure.  For  by  the  18th  it 
had  become  law  as  27  Hen.  vm.  c.  28 ;  and, 
according  to  a  later  tradition,  the  Commons 
were  only  induced  to  pass  it  by  the  King 
threatening  to  '  have  some  of  their  heads  ' 
if  they  refused.  The  King  had  simply  pro- 
cured damaging  reports  of  the  monasteries 
with  a  view  to  suppressing  all  that  he  dared 
at  that  time.  And  in  the  preamble  of  the 
Act  itself  it  was  strangely  asserted  that  vice 
was  prevalent  in  small  monasteries  which 
contained  fewer  than  twelve  monks,  while 
religion  was  better  kept  in  some  larger  ones — 
a  statement  not  exactly  in  harmony  with  the 
reports  of  the  visitors.  There  was,  indeed, 
a  provision  in  the  Act  itself  to  enable  the  King 
to  preserve  from  dissolution  such  of  those 
smaller  houses  as  he  thought  fit,  and  he 
actually  spared  more  than  twenty  of  them 
for  the  time,  as  neighbours  in  many  cases 
offered  considerable  sums  for  their  con- 
tinuance. The  heads  of  the  suppressed 
monasteries  were  generally  pensioned,  while 
the  monks  were  to  be  transferred  to  larger 
and  better  ordered  houses. 

The  suppression  of  these  minor  monasteries 

was    undoubtedly    the    main    cause    of    the 

for  m  idable    rebellions    which    broke    out    in 


Lincolnshire  and  Yorkshire  in  October  1536, 
and  the  prolonged  state  of  uncertainty  that 
lasted  in  the  north  of  England  for  months 
after.  [Pilgrimage  of  Geace.]  Yet  it  was 
soon  apparent  that  suppressions  were  to  be 
carried  further  even  than  the  Act  warranted 
by  a  process  of  surrender.  The  two  first 
surrenders,  indeed,  were  with  a  view  to  a 
grander  foundation.  In  July  1537  Bishop 
Barlow,  who  was  Prior  of  Bisham,  sur- 
rendered that  priory  to  the  King  with  a  view 
to  its  being  re-erected  as  a  mitred  abbey,  and 
the  abbot  and  convent  of  Chertsey  at  the 
same  time  surrendered  their  house  for  the 
better  endowment  of  the  new  abbey.  Then 
the  Prior  of  Lewes  was  intimidated  into 
yielding  up  his  house,  which  the  King  had 
agreed  to  give  to  Cromwell  and  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk ;  and  Cromwell,  v;ho  had  the  larger 
share,  set  an  Italian  engineer  to  pull  down 
the  priory,  a  magnificent  old  Cluniac  founda- 
tion dating  from  the  Conqueror's  day,  with 
massive  pillars,  which  he  blew  up  with  gun- 
powder. CVomwell  then  gave  the  prior's 
house  to  his  son  Gregory  for  a  residence. 
The  mitred  abbey  of  Bisham  had  not  lasted 
six  months  when  it,  too,  was  surrendered, 
19th  June  1538,  by  the  same  Abbot  Cordrey 
who  had  surrendered  Chertsey.  The  taking 
of  surrenders  systematically  had  already 
been  begun  in  January  by  the  same  worthies 
Legh  and  Laji^on  who  had  visited  the  mon- 
asteries. Legh  began  with  Muchelney  in 
.Somerset,  and  went  on  by  Chester,  through 
Yorkshire,  as  far  as  Holm  Cultram,  an  abbey 
on  the  very  borders  of  Scotland,  and  returned 
through  the  Midlands.  Layton  went  through 
Cambridgeshire  into  Norfolk  with  a  colleague 
whose  presence  raised  uncomfortable  sus- 
picions— Robert  Southwell,  attorney  of  the 
Court  of  Augmentations.  As  this  court  had 
been  recently  erected  by  Parliament  to  deal 
with  the  revenues  of  suppressed  monasteries, 
people  naturally  said  that  they  were  going 
to  suppress  monasteries  right  and  left — 
rumours  which  Laj-ton  unblushingly  de- 
nounced as  a  scandal,  lest  the  monks  should 
convey  their  property  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
King's  agents.  And  probably  it  was  to 
reassure  the  public  generally  that  the  priory 
of  Barnwell,  which  it  was  thought  they  were 
going  to  suppress,  was  spared  for  ten  months 
longer.  They  went  on,  in  fact,  to  Norfolk, 
where  they  only  suppressed  Westacre  by 
virtue  of  a  special  commission,  the  monks 
confessing  in  a  formal  document  signed  by 
them  and  sealed  with  the  convent  seal  that 
tlic}^  had  forfeited  aU  right  to  their  house 
and  property  by  maladministration.  This 
document  was  certainly  drawn  up  for  their 


(  ::i72  ) 


Monasteries] 


Dlriionary  of  English  Church  Ifi.^fon/ 


[Monasteries 


signature  beforehand ;  and  the  next  surrender 
which  Layton  and  Southwell  took,  that  of 
St.  Andrew's,  Northampton,  a  month  and  a 
half  later,  was  obtained  in  the  same  way  by 
a  confession  prepared  for  the  signature  of  the 
monks,  with  a  preamble  verbally  the  same 
as  that  of  Westacre,  though  the  confession 
itself  was  fuller  and  more  humihating. 

Layton  and  Southwell  seem  to  have  been 
anxious  to  proceed  with  due  legal  formaUties 
in  procuring  confessions  to  justify  forfeitures 
to  the  King's  use.  But  the  work  was  already 
being  carried  on  elsewhere  by  other  officers 
of  the  Augmentations,  and  as  time  went  on, 
at  least,  these  formahtics  were  dropped. 
Boxley  Abbey  in  Kent  was  surrendered  on 
the  29th  January — in  what  particular  form 
does  not  appear ;  but  here  was  a  specious 
case  for  exposing  what  was  called  an  im- 
posture. The  celebrated  '  Rood  of  Grace,' 
which  nodded  its  head,  rolled  its  eyes,  and 
did  various  other  things— always  more 
marvellous  when  reported  afar  oflE — was  de- 
tached from  the  wall  and  found  actually  to 
have  been  worked  by  wires  inside  the  image  ! 
The  exposure  was  a  thing  that  served  the 
King's  purpose  better  than  any  confession. 
The  image  was  taken  to  Maidstone  and  made 
to  perform  on  market  day  before  the  people. 
It  was  then  brought  to  London  and  exhibited 
at  Paul's  Cross,  where  Bishop  Hilsey  preached 
eloquently,  explaining  all  the  trickery  ;  after 
which  it  was  immediately  broken  up  and 
cast  among  the  crowd.  But  the  abbot  and 
monks,  instead  of  being  treated  as  impostors, 
were  pensioned  liberally. 

Surrenders  were,  no  doubt,  procured  with 
the  greater  ease  when  a  monastery  could  be 
charged  with  encouraging  superstition  or 
imposture.  Relics  and  pilgrimages  began 
now  to  be  discountenanced  and  put  down. 
In  his  sermon  at  Paul's  Cross,  Bishop  Hilsey 
denounced  these  things  generally,  and  said 
idolatry  would  continue  till  the  images  to 
which  men  offered  were  taken  away.  He 
also  declared  some  gross  scandals  about  '  the 
Blood  of  Hailes ' — the  supposed  blood  of 
Christ  contained  in  a  phial  in  a  west-country 
monastery ;  and  an  examination  of  the  rehc 
afterwards  took  place  which  certainly  dis- 
proved that  it  was  the  blood  of  our  Lord, 
but  disproved  popular  scandals  about  it  no 
less.  StiU  '  Our  Lady  of  Walsingham '  and 
'  pilgrimage  saints  '  generally  were  put  down  ; 
and  when  neither  fraud  nor  superstition 
could  be  plausibly  alleged  to  quicken  sur- 
renders, fear  could  be  too  easily  inspired  of 
a  charge  of  treason.  For  abbots  and  monks 
were  generally  disaffected  towards  the  Royal 
Supremacy ;    and  where  there  were  one  or 


two  insubordinate  monks  an "  abbot  could 
easily  get  into  trouble.  The  Abbot  of 
Woburn  surrendered  his  house  through  fear  ; 
and  yet,  after  all,  ho  and  two  of  his  monks 
were  hanged  for  treason. 

In  this  suppression  of  the  larger  houses 
wo  sec  pretty  plainly  that  gentler  influences 
and  the  show  of  legality  gradually  gave  place 
to  pure  coercion  and  tyranny.  The  whole 
work  was  almost  completed  within  the  two 
years  1538  and  1539 ;  and  in  the  former 
year  the  houses  of  friars  were  also  suppressed. 
Only  one  order  of  these — the  Observants,  the 
stricter  branch  of  the  Franciscans  —  had 
been  suppressed  at  an  earlier  date,  1534,  on 
account  of  their  boldness  in  opposition  to  the 
divorce.  In  the  autumn  of  1539  the  most 
conspicuous  houses  which  still  remained 
were  the  three  great  Benedictine  abbeys  of 
Glastonbury  (q.v.),  Reading,  and  Colchester, 
and  it  was  suspected  that  their  heads  en- 
couraged each  other  not  to  surrender.  This 
was  no  crime ;  and  yet  Cromwell's  written 
memoranda  show  clearly  how  their  indict- 
ments, trials,  and  executions  were  arranged 
beforehand.  The  Abbot  of  Glastonbury  was 
hanged  (15th  November)  Cin  Tor  HiU,  beside 
his  monastery;  the  Abbot  of  Reading,  also 
in  November,  beside  Reading;  and  the 
Abbot  of  Colchester  on  the  1st  December  at 
Colchester.  There  was  very  little  spirit  left 
in  any  abbot  after  that  to  refuse  to  give 
up  his  house.  Westminster  Abbey  (which 
was  to  be  made  a  cathedral)  surrendered 
on  the  16th  January  1540,  and  before  that 
month's  end  five  more  monasteries  and  a 
nunnery  had  also  capitulated.  Then  on 
the  16th  February  the  drama  virtually 
came  to  a  close  with  the  surrender  of  Thet- 
ford  in  Norfolk. 

Never  did  tyranny  produce  such  great  and 
lasting  effects.  The  booty  was  enormous ; 
the  distress,  even  from  the  first,  was  acute. 
Perhaps  chiefly  at  the  first ;  for  though  at 
the  Parliamentary  dissolution  in  1536  pro- 
vision was  made  for  pensions  to  the  dis- 
possessed monks  and  nuns,  we  find  it  stated 
in  that  very  year  that  many  of  them 
wandered  about  houseless,  not  knowing  how 
to  live.  On  the  other  hand,  greedy  courtiers 
enriched  themselves  by  obtaining  large  grants 
of  monastic  property  and  rack-renting  the 
poor  tenants  of  many  an  abbey.  A  reign  of 
avarice  and  peculation  ensued,  which  called 
forth  the  indignation  of  Latimer  (q.v.)  and 
other  reformers.  There  was  some  pretence, 
no  doubt,  of  bestowing  the  confiscated  en- 
dowments on  better  objects.  Ten  or  twelve 
new  bishoprics  were  to  be  erected,  and  some 
monasteries  were  to  be  turned  into  coUegiate 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[More 


churches.  But  in  the  end  it  came  to  six 
new  bishoprics,  of  which  one  was  suppressed 
in  the  following  reign  (Westminster).  Nor 
did  the  universities  benefit  greatly  by  royal 
bounty  out  of  the  plunder,  though  the  King 
ordered  the  clergy  to  tax  their  incomes  for 
the  maintenance  of  scholars  there,  and  him- 
self took  the  credit  of  founder  of  the  one 
greatest  college  in  each  seat  of  learning. 
For  in  Cambridge  he  erected  Trinity  College 
by  dissolving  tlu-ee  smaller  estabhshments 
and  uniting  their  endowments,  while  in 
Oxford  he  simply  appropriated  the  work  of 
Wolsey  and  reduced  the  scale  on  which  it 
was  carried  out.  Throughout  the  country 
he  left  great  gaunt  ruins,  which  it  took 
centuries  to  convert  even  into  picturesque 
objects  for  artists  and  photographers. 

[J.  G.] 

Wright,  Suppression  of  the  Monasteries,  C.S. ; 
Gasquet,  Henry  VIII.  and  the  Eng.  Monas- 
teries ;  Dixon,  Hist.  Ch.  of  Eng.  ;  Gairdner, 
Lollardy  and  the  Reformation,  11.  ;  H.  A.  L. 
Fisher,  Pol.  Hist.  Eng.,  1485-1647,  app.  ii. 


MORE,  Hannah  (1745-1833),  came  of  a 
respectable  family  in  Norfolk,  which  con- 
tributed two  captains  to  Cromwell's  army. 
Her  father,  Jacob  More,  was  master  of  a 
grammar  school  at  Stapleton,  near  Bristol. 
As  a  child  she  displayed  quick  intelligence 
and  a  natural  interest  in  books,  which  her 
father  fostered  by  teaching  her  the  elements 
of  Latin  and  mathematics.  She  also  learned, 
in  the  society  of  some  French  officers  on 
parole,  '  that  free  and  elegant  use  of  the 
French  language  for  which  she  was  after- 
wards distinguished.'  And  when  she  grew 
up  she  took  her  part  in  teaching  the  pupils 
of  a  girls'  school  kept  by  her  sisters  at 
Bristol.  She  had  a  precocious  fondness  for 
using  her  pen,  and  before  she  was  eighteen  she 
published  a  '  Pastoral  Drama,'  caUed  A  Search 
after  Happiness,  intended  for  the  use  of 
young  ladies'  schools.  Both  at  Bristol  and 
in  the  neighbourhood  her  vivacity,  accom- 
plishments, and  agreeable  manners  secured 
her  admission  into  local  society. 

In  1773  she  visited  London,  and  so  begah 
her  entry  into  the  great  world.  She  became 
acquainted  with  Garrick,  and  through  him 
with  Dr.  Johnson  {q.v.).  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds, 
De  Lolme,  Baretti,  Gibbon,  Burke,  and  the 
band  of  blue-stockings  who  gathered  round 
Mrs.  Montagu.  Her  visits  to  London  were 
annually  repeated,  and  very  soon  she 
became  the  fashion,  and  was  asked  to  all  the 
great  houses  and  smart  parties  in  town. 

London  just  then  was  not  a  very  spiritu- 
ally-minded place,  yet  it  was  through   this 

(374) 


quite  mundane   experience   that   she   found 
her  way  to  the  fervent  piety  and  entire  de- 
votion which  marked  the  remainder  of  her 
life.      The    deaths    of    her    friends   Garrick 
and  Johnson  had    a   solemnising   effect   on 
her  thoughts,  and  she  turned  instinctively 
to  the   more   seriously- minded    members  of 
the  brilliant   society  in  which   she   moved. 
Through    Mrs.    Boscawen,    mother    of    the 
Duchess   of    Beaufort   and    an   Evangehcal, 
Hannah     More     became     acquainted     with 
BeUby    Porteous,    Bishop    of    London,    and 
with  John  Newton,  whose  Cardiphonia  pro- 
duced a  deep  impression  on  her  mind.     The 
gentler  influence  of  the  bishop  softened  the 
strictness  of  Newton's  theology ;  and  Hannah, 
though  she  now  began  to  feel  a  quickened 
interest  in  higher  things,  did  not  find  herself 
constrained  to  part  at  once  with  the  society 
and  amusements  of  the  world.     But  gradu- 
ally she  began  to  find  less  satisfaction  in 
social    and    literary    pursuits    and     an    in- 
creasing desire  to  devote  her  talents — which 
were     now     universally     admitted— to     the 
service  of  God  and  man.     '  Lord,'  she  wrote 
in  her  journal,  '  I  am  spared,  while  others 
are  cut  off.     Let  me  now  dedicate  myseK 
to  Thee  with  a  more  entire  surrender  than  I 
have  ever  made.'     Henceforward  she  wielded, 
as   Newton   said,    '  a   consecrated   pen.'     In 
1785   she   acquired  a  little  property  called 
Cowslip  Green,  near  Bristol,  and  to  this  she 
retired,   spending  most  of    her   year    there, 
and  only  pajdng  short  and  occasional  visits 
to  London.     She  passed  through  a  season  of 
retirement  and  spiritual  meditation ;    took 
stock  of  her  life,  past  and  future,  and  laid 
down  the  lines  on  which  her  energies  were 
henceforth  to  be  spent.     In  1788  she  pub- 
lished a  book  called  Thoughts  on  the  Import- 
ance of  the  Manners  of  the  Great  to  General 
Society,  and  published  it  anonymously,  be- 
cause '  she  hoped  it  might  be  attributed  to  a 
better  person,  and  so  might  produce  a  better 
effect.'     As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  at  first 
attributed    to    WiUiam    Wilberforce     {q.v.), 
but  the  true  authorsliip  soon  leaked  out.     It 
had  a  tremendous  success,  seven  large  edi- 
tions being  sold  in  five  months.     But  she 
soon  turned  her  attention  from  '  the  great ' 
to  the  humble,  and  issued  in  1792  a  very 
clever  little  volume  of  Village  Politics  by  Will 
Chip,  designed  to  counteract  by  plain  argu- 
ments in  easy,  coUoquial  English  the  spread 
of  revolutionary  literature  among  the  English 
poor.     The     immense     success     of     Village 
Politics   set   the   author   on   writing   a  long 
series  of  *  Cheap  Repository  Tracts,'  in  which 
religious  truth  and  civil  duty  were  inculcated 
with  persuasive  force. 


More] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[More 


To  all  this  literary  labour  she  added  the 
establishment,  maintenance,  and  constant 
superintendence  of  day  schools  and  Sunday 
schools  for  the  service  of  the  poor  in  the  Vale 
of  Cheddar,  in  which  neglected  district  she 
wrought  a  moral  transformation.  In  all 
these  good  works  she  was  nobly  aided 
by  her  sister  Patty,  and  backed  by  the 
purses  of  friends  in  the  distance — Wilber- 
force,  Porteous,  and  Henry  Thornton.  From 
first  to  last  she  was  a  loyal  Churchwoman, 
and  all  the  leading  Churchmen  of  the  day 
were  her  friends  and  counsellors.  Her 
vogue  in  the  religious  world  was  at  least  as 
great  as  it  had  been  in  literary  and  fashion- 
able circles.  She  was  hailed  as  '  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  females  that  ever  was  in  the 
world,'  and  '  one  of  the  most  truly  evangehcal 
writers  of  any  age  not  apostoUcal.'  Bishop 
Porteous  said  of  one  of  her  tracts :  '  Here 
you  have  Bishop  Butler's  Analogy  for  a 
halfpenny.'     f^z^  J* 

In  1805  she  pubHshed  Coslebs  in  Search  of 
a  Wife,  a  really  witty  satire  on  the  foibles 
of  irreligious  society.  The  first  edition  was 
sold  oS  in  a  day,  and  thirty  more  edi- 
tions before  the  author  died.  Other  books 
foUowed  one  another  in  quick  succession. 
She  lived  a  life  of  incessant  activity,  and, 
though  her  strength  began  to  fail,  her  pen 
never  flagged.  '  The  greatest  credit  is  due 
to  her  as  the  first  among  the  Evangelicals 
who  dared  to  enlist  the  novel  and  the  drama 
on  the  side  of  religion  and  virtue.' 

It  was  while  she  was  residing  at  Cowslip 
Green  that  she  gave  a  copy  of  her  Sacred 
Dramas  to  a  boy  called  William  Ewart 
Gladstone  {q.v.),  saying:  'You  have  just 
come  into  the  world,  and  I  am  just  going 
out  of  it.'  She  left  Cowslip  Green  in  1827, 
and  established  herself  at  Clifton,  where  she 
died  on  the  7th  of  September  1833. 

'  It  may  be  questioned  whether  any  one 
in  modern  times  has  lived  so  long  with  less 
waste  of  existence,  or  written  so  much  with 
less  abuse  of  abiHty.'  [g.  w.  e.  e.] 

W.  Roberts,  ^Vrmoh: 

MORE,  Sir  Thomas  (1478-1535),  Lord 
Chancellor  of  England,  was  one  of  those 
who  first  thought  of  reformation  of  the 
English  Church  according  to  the  ideas  of 
the  '  New  Learning.'  He  was  son  of  Sir 
John  More,  an  eminent  lawyer  and  after- 
wards judge,  who  placed  him  in  the 
household  of  Cardinal  Morton,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  where  he  attracted  atten- 
tion for  his  originality  and  goodness.  He 
studied  at  Oxford  c.  1492,  and  became 
intimate  with  Grocyn  and  Linacre,  advocates 


of  the  learning  introduced  by  the  Renais- 
sance in  Italy.  He  learnt  Greek  from 
Linacre,  and  studied  Latin  and  French, 
theology  and  music.  Ho  returned  to  Lon- 
don to  study  law  in  1494,  and  became 
a  friend  of  Lily  and  of  Colet  {q.v.),  and 
in  1497  was  introduced  to  Erasmus,  who 
became  his  dearest  friend.  In  1499  More 
seriously  considered  whether  he  had  a 
vocation  to  holy  orders,  and  he  lived  some 
time  under  the  direction  of  the  brothers 
of  the  Charterhouse.  He  lectured  at  St. 
Lawrence  Jewry  (Grocyn  was  rector)  on 
St.  Augustine's  De  civitate  Dei.  But  in 
1503  he  gave  up  the  idea  of  becoming  a 
priest,  and  devoted  himself  to  law,  in  which 
he  soon  acquired  great  fame.  He  opposed 
Henry  vn.  in  Parliament  in  1504,  married 
in  1505,  visited  Louvain  and  Paris  in  1508. 
Erasmus  visited  him  twice,  and  there  is 
no  doubt  that  they  shared  many  views  as 
to  the  corruptions  of  the  Church,  the  ignor- 
ance of  the  clergy,  and  the  need  of  reform. 
He  powerfully  advocated  the  study  of 
Greek  as  an  essential  part  of  a  sound  educa- 
tion, defended  the  writings  of  Erasmus, 
and  threw  himself  on  the  side  of  those  who 
desired  to  bring  all  the  treasures  of  sacred 
learning  to  the  assistance  of  the  Church 
in  her  struggle  against  obscurantism  on  one 
side  and  heresy  on  the  other.  In  1516  he 
pubHshed  his  Utopia,  a  scathing  criticism 
of  the  pohtical  and  social  evils  of  the  day 
and  a  plea  for  toleration.  He  enjoyed  many 
appointments  under  the  Crown,  and  was 
brought  into  very  close  relations  with 
Henry  vni.  {q.v.),  who  professed  great  affec- 
tion for  him,  which,  however.  More  never 
trusted.  In  1523  he  became  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Commons.  It  is  said  that 
he  opposed  Wolsey  in  regard  to  the  subsidy 
demanded  in  that  year,  but  the  story  lacks 
confirmation.  He  assisted  Henry  vrn.  in  his 
book  on  the  seven  sacraments  against  Luther, 
and  in  1523  himself  -s^rote  a  further  letter 
against  the  German  reformer.  In  1528  he 
wrote  his  Dialogue,  directed  against  the 
English  reformers,  especially  Tvndale  {q.v.). 
In  1529  ho  became  Lord  Chancellor,  and  was 
illustrious  for  his  honourable  discharge  of 
his  high  functions.  He  was  stern  in  enforc- 
ing the  laws  against  heretics ;  but  the  respon- 
sibility in  most  cases  rested  upon  the  bishops, 
and  More  must  be  acquitted  of  undue 
severit}^  judged  by  the  standard  of  the  age. 
In  controversy  he  was  extremely  sharp,  and 
he  devoted  himself  to  it  on  his  resignation 
of  the  Chancellorship  in  1532,  which  was 
due  to  his  disagreement  with  the  measures 
directed   bv   King   and   Parliament   against 


(  375  ) 


Morgan] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Morgan 


the  Roman  jurisdiction.  He  was  for  a  time 
deceived  by  the  imposture  of  the  Nun  of 
Kent  (1533),  but  repudiated  her  when  she 
was  exposed,  and  though  at  first  inserted 
in  the  BUI  of  Attainder  against  her  sup- 
porters was  struck  out  by  the  King  at 
the  third  reading.  On  SOth  March  1534 
a  new  Act  required  an  oath  to  the  succes- 
sion of  Anne  Boleyn's  issue.  The  commis- 
sioners added  to  this  requirement  that  of 
a  renunciation  of  the  Pope,  and  the  oath 
was  offered  to  More  at  Lambeth  by  Cranmer, 
Audley,  Cromwell,  and  the  Abbot  of  West- 
minster on  13th  April.  He  dechned  it,  and 
was  committed  to  the  Tower  four  days  later. 
In  prison  he  wrote  a  beautiful  Dialogue  of 
Comfort  agaiiist  Tribulation.  After  much 
questioning  from  CromweU  and  Rich,  in 
which  he  declined  to  commit  himseK,  he 
was  charged  with  high  treason,  and  tried 
at  Westminster  on  1st  July  1535.  He  de- 
clared his  political  loyalty  to  the  King,  but 
confessed  that  he  did  not  accept  the  Act 
of  Supremacy.  He  was  found  guilty,  and 
was  executed  on  Tower  HiU  on  6th  July 
1535,  telling  the  beholders  that  he  died  'in 
and  for  the  faith  of  the  CathoHc  Church.' 

More's  position  in  the  history  of  the 
Enghsh  Church  is  one  of  extreme  interest. 
His  theolog}^  was  based  very  largely  on  St. 
Augustine  and  the  Canon  Law.  He  was 
thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  Erasmus, 
in  favour  of  a  Cathohc  Reformation  of 
practical  abuses,  a  thorough  teaching  of 
the  ancient  faith  purged  from  late  excesses 
of  legends  and  ignorance,  and  had  a  wide 
sympathy  with  the  New  Learning.  He 
stoutly  defended  the  Cathohc  doctrine  of 
the  intermediate  state  and  prayers  for  the 
dead,  and  the  utility  in  practice  of  images, 
relies,  and  pilgrimages.  He  attacked  Luther 
as  a  heretic,  and  his  English  followers,  such 
as  Joye,  and  Tyndale  as  garbling  the  New 
Testament  by  incorrect  translation  and 
annotation.  He  took  a  legal  view  of  the 
Pope's  jurisdiction,  basing  it  on  Canon  Law 
(including  the  forged  Decretals,  which  were 
not  then  exposed),  and  so  regarded  it  as 
part  of  Catholic  obedience.  Thus  while 
his  mental  outlook  was  modern  and  wide, 
he  came  to  die  for  the  later  mediaeval  theory. 

[w.  H.  H.] 
Eopcr's  Life,  Clresacre  More's  Life,  and  the 
Latin  and  English  Works  of  More  are  the 
best  original  authorities.  Later  bioa;raphies 
are  by  Sir  S.  Lee  in  D.N.B.,  Fr.  Bridgett 
(1891),  and  W.  H.  Hutton  (second  edition, 
1910). 


MORGAN,   William    (c.    1541-1604),   the 
author  of  the  first  translation  of  the  whole 


Bible  into  Welsh,  was  born  at  Ty  Mawr, 
Wybernant,  near  Penmachno  in  Carnarvon- 
shire. He  was  educated  at  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge,  of  which  he  was  a  sizar. 
His  first  preferment  was  in  1575  as  Vicar  of 
Welshpool  and  sinecure  Rector  of  Denbigh. 
In  1578  he  became  Vicar  of  Llanrhaiadr  ym 
Mochnant  in  Denbighshire,  and  in  1588 
Rector  of  Llanfyllin  and  sinecure  Rector  of 
Pennant  Melangell  in  Montgomeryshire. 

It  was  at  Llanrhaiadr  that  he  finished,  if 
he  did  not  also  begin,  liis  translation  of  the 
Bible.  He  had  not  proceeded  very  far  with 
it  when  some  complaint  was  made  to  the 
bishop  against  him  hy  some  of  his  parishioners. 
Its  real  nature  is  not  kno^vn,  but  it  would 
appear  that  it  was  urged  througli  the  vindic- 
tiveness  of  an  influential  local  family  whose 
anger  he  had  incurred.  The  bishop  would 
not  be  moved,  so  the  case  was  brought  before 
the  archbishop  (Whitgift,  q.v.),  and  Morgan 
was  summoned  to  Lambeth.  He  had  been 
one  of  Whitgift's  pupils,  and  on  learning  that 
he  was  engaged  in  translating  the  Scriptures 
into  Welsh,  and  having  satisfied  himself  as 
to  his  capacity  for  the  task  ('  being  a  good 
scholar,  both  a  Grecian  and  Hebrician'),  the 
archbishop  urged  him  to  go  on  and  translate 
the  whole  Bible.  Moreover,  he  made  him  his 
chaplain,  and  generously  promised  to  dis- 
charge the  entire  cost  of  pubUcation.  Morgan 
returned  home  much  encouraged.  In  1588 
the  whole  Bible  (Apocrypha  included)  was 
through  the  press — an  edition  of  from  eight 
hundred  to  one  thousand  copies  for  Church 
use.  Of  these  some  fifty  copies  exist,  perfect 
and  otherwise.  In  his  Latin  dedication  to 
Queen  Elizabeth  he  acknowledges  his  obUga- 
tions  to  many  who  had  assisted  him  in  various 
ways,  among  them  the  Bishops  of  St.  Asaph 
and  Bangor,  and  Dean  Goodman  of  West- 
minster— the  last  especially  for  hospitahty 
during  the  twelve  months  the  work  was 
passing  through  the  press. 

Morgan  was  promoted  to  the  bishopric  of 
Llandaff  in  1595,  and  translated  to  St.  Asaph 
in  1601,  where  he  died,  10th  September  1604, 
and  was  buried  in  the  choir  of  the  cathedral, 
without  any  inscription  or  monument. 
However,  in  1892  a  national  monument  was 
erected  in  the  cathedral  yard  to  his  memory 
and  that  of  other  Welsh  Bible  translators 
(eight  statuettes  in  all). 

Morgan's  is  an  independent  translation 
made  direct  from  the  original.  Many  of  the 
changes  introduced  into  the  Revised  Enghsh 
Version  were  anticipated  by  him.  His 
translation  infused  new  life  and  vigour  into 
the  language,  and  fixed  the  standard  of  Welsh 
prose,  as  well  as  providing  a  rich  terminology 


(  37G  ) 


Mortmain] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Hisfori/ 


[Morton 


of  religious  expression.  The  present  author- 
ised Welsh  Version,  published  in  1620,  is  a 
recension  of  Morgan's  text  by  his  successor, 
Bishop  Richard  Parry,  brought  into  line  with 
the  English  Version. 

Morgan's  correspondence  with  Sir  John 
Wynn  of  Gwydir  reveals  him  as  a  very 
conscientious  man  and  of  an  independent 
character.  [j.  f.] 

MORTMAIN.  Land  held  by  a  religious 
corporation  was  said  in  the  Middle  Ages  to 
be  held  in  mortmain,  or  the  dead  hand, 
because  it  was  able  to  escape  payment  of 
the  feudal  dues  to  the  King  or  other  over- 
lord from  whom  it  was  held.  Much  of  the 
national  revenue  as  well  as  that  of  the  great 
lords  came  from  these  dues,  the  chief  of 
which  was  the  '  relief '  paid  at  the  death  of 
the  tenant  by  his  heir.  The  overlord  was  de- 
prived of  this  income,  as  well  as  of  his  rights 
of  wardship  and  other  incidents  of  feudal 
tenure,  when  the  land  was  acquired  by  a 
reUgious  body  which  never  died,  married, 
or  begot  children.  Moreover,  a  fraudulent 
practice  grew  up  by  which  a  man  could  make 
over  his  land  to  such  a  body,  and  receive  it 
back  as  a  fief  from  the  Church,  thus  depriving 
the  overlord  of  his  rights.  By  the  twelfth 
century  a  quarter  of  the  land  of  the  kingdom 
was  estimated  to  be  in  the  grip  of  the  dead 
hand.  Attempts  to  check  this  abuse  were 
made  in  1217  by  Section  43  of  the  reissue  of 
the  Great  Charter,  and  by  the  Petition  of  the 
Barons,  1258,  but  were  ineffective  until  the 
Statute  of  Mortmain,  or  De  Viris  Religiosis, 
1279  (7  Edw.  I.  St.  2).  It  recites  the  injury 
done  by  the  accumulation  of  land  by  reUgious 
houses  not  only  to  the  lords  but  to  the  whole 
nation  in  the  diminution  of  the  revenue 
available  for  its  defence,  and  prohibits  the 
alienation  of  land  in  any  manner  which  would 
bring  it  ad  manum  mortuam,  under  pain  of  its 
forfeiture  to  the  superior  lord,  and  iiltimately 
to  the  Crown  if  the  intermediate  lords  failed 
to  enforce  their  rights.  The  clergy  resisted 
this  law  in  vairi.  But  it  was  evaded  by 
coUusive  law- suits,  by  giving  land  to  be  held 
in  trust  for  religious  bodies,  and  by  consecrat- 
ing lands  as  churchyards  under  the  authority 
of  papal  buUs.  Attempts  to  check  these 
devices  by  later  legislation,  such  as  13  Edw.  i. 
st.  1,  and  15  Ric.  n.  c.  5,  were  not  altogether 
successful.  Nor  was  the  law  strictly  ad- 
ministered. The  right  of  forfeiture  might  be 
waived  on  payment  of  a  fine.  And  the  Crown 
was  never  compelled  to  exercise  its  right  of 
forfeiture,  but  might  grant  licences  for  land 
to  be  held  in  mortmain  (20  Edw.  i.).  This 
power  was  commonly  exercised  if  an  inquiry 


in  Chancery  under  the  writ  ad  quod  damnum 
showed  the  proposed  grant  to  be  desirable. 
The  Crown's  power  of  granting  such  licences 
at  its  discretion  was  confirmed  in  1G96  (7-8 
Will.  III.  c.  37)  and  in  1888  (see  below). 

In  1531  conveyances  of  land  for  maintaining 
perpetual  obits  {i.e.  commemorations  of  the 
departed)  and  similar  purposes,  if  made  for 
more  than  twenty  years,  were  declared  void. 
This  was  the  first  of  the  statutes  against 
'  superstitious  uses,'  which  were  concerned 
not  with  the  actual  holding  of  property  by 
religious  bodies,  but  with  the  purpose  to 
which  they  devoted  it.  It  became  a  principle 
of  English  law  that  gifts  in  favour  of  any 
religion  but  that  of  the  Established  Church 
are  against  pubhc  policy,  and  will  not  be 
enforced  by  the  courts.  This  rule  lias  been 
gradually  relaxed,  but  some  purposes,  such 
as  Masses  for  the  dead,  are  still  held  to  be 
within  it. 

In  1554  the  operation  of  the  mortmain 
statutes  was  suspended  for  twenty  years,  in 
the  hope  of  inducing  those  who  had  acquired 
the  property  of  the  religious  houses  at  the 
dissolution  to  return  it  voluntarily  (1-2  Ph. 
and  M.  c,  8).  Later  statutes  have  from  time 
to  time  made  exceptions  in  the  law  of  mort- 
main in  favour  of  objects  thouglit  to  be 
specially  deserving,  such  as  the  augmentation 
of  small  livings,  the  foundation  of  hospitals 
and  workhouses,  and  the  building  of  churches 
and  parsonages.  Exceptions  have  also  been 
made  in  favour  of  the  principal  Universities 
and  their  colleges,  and  the  colleges  of  Eton, 
Winchester,  and  Westminster.  The  present 
law  controlling  the  acquisition  of  land  by 
religious  and  charitable  bodies  is  comprised  in 
the  Mortmain  and  Charitable  Uses  Act,  1888 
(51-2  Vic.  c.  42),  and  the  Acts  amending  it. 
Land  assured  by  will  to  a  charitable  use  must 
be  sold  within  a  j'^ear  of  the  testator's  death, 
and  other  assurances  of  interests  in  land  for 
charitable  uses  must  be  made  by  deed,  before 
two  witnesses,  at  least  a  year  before  the 
assuror's  death;  must  take  effect  immediately, 
and  be  free  from  any  reservation  in  favour  of 
the  assuror  or  his  successors.  [o.  c] 

Stubbs,  Const.  Hist.,  eh.  xiv.  ;  Shelford,  On 
Mortmain  ;  Tudor,  Law  of  Charitable  Trusts. 

MORTON,  John  (c.  1420-1500),  Cardinal 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a  subservient 
ecclesiastical  statesman  under  Henry  vxr,, 
a  great  builder,  the  last  of  the  mediaeval 
primates  of  all  England.  Born  in  Dorset, 
he  went  to  BaUiol  College,  Oxford,  and 
adopted  the  law  as  his  study  and  profession. 
He  practised  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  and 
recommended   himself   to   Bourchier,   Arch- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Music 


bishop  of  Canterbury,  under  whose  influence 
a  steady  stream  of  promotion  set  in.     The 
Wars  of  the  Roses  found  him  an  adherent 
of  the  Lancastrians,  and  after  Towton,  1461, 
he   followed   their   course   in   the   north   of 
England.     He  made  his  submission  to  the 
Yorkists,  and  renewed  the  interrupted  tale 
of  preferment.     He  became  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  and  won  the  confidence  of  Edward  rv., 
who  employed  him  as  an  ambassador  more 
than  once.     In  1479  he  became  Bishop  of 
Ely.     The    events    of    1483-4    brought   him 
again  into  trouble,  and  he  had  to  flee  the 
country  until  Henry  vn.  came  to  the  throne. 
He  now  came  to  the  fuU  height  of  his  influ- 
ence.    Henry    trusted    him,    and    consulted 
him  much  in  the  early  troublous  days  of  his 
reign.     In  1486  he  became  Primate,  and  next 
year  Lord  Chancellor,  in  which  office  he  be- 
came  a    great   force,    and   his    speeches   in 
Parliament  were  a  feature  of  the  time.     In 
1493  he  became  cardinal  at  Henry's  request, 
but  was  far  less  ecclesiastic  than  statesman. 
As  archbishop  he  strove  to  reform  the  clergy 
and  to  visit  the  monasteries  in  his  province. 
He  was  aUve  to  some  of  the  abuses  of  his  time, 
and  he  also  did  something  to  restrict  sanctu- 
ary rights.     As  statesman  he  rendered  him- 
self unpopular  by  the  financial  exactions  of 
the  reign,  in  which  he  was  thought  to  have 
some  part.     To  this  fact  is  due  the  legend 
of  'Morton's  Fork.'      He  will,  however,  be 
chiefly  remembered  as  a  builder.     Morton's 
Tower   at   Lambeth   Palace,   and   his   dyke 
running    from    Wisbech    to    Peterborough, 
preserve   his  name.      At  Oxford  he  helped 
to  rebuild  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  and  else- 
where he  was  vigorous  in  repairing  the  see- 
houses.     He    was    probably    too    much    the 
lawyer  and  business  man  to  feel  any  strong 
interest  in  the  revival  of  learning,      [h.  q.] 

MOZLEY,  James  Bowling  (1813-78), 
entered  Oriel  College,  Oxford,  October  1830 
(his  elder  brother  Thomas  had  been  elected 
Fellow  there,  1829),  but  to  the  surprise  and 
disappointment  of  his  friends  obtained  only  a 
Third  Class  in  Classics  in  1834,  He  won  the 
English  Essay  in  1835.  He  tried  for  Fellow- 
ships at  Oriel  (1836)  and  Lincoln  (1837), 
where  he  was  rejected  on  account  of  his 
Tractarianism.  He  had  been  from  the  first 
associated  with  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.), 
and  in  1836  his  brothers  John  and  Thomas 
had  married  the  two  sisters  of  J.  H.  Newman 
{q.v.).  In  1838  he  became  member  of  a  house 
in  St.  Aldate's,  Oxford,  taken  by  Pusey  (g.v.) 
for  graduates  studying  divinity,  and  was  or- 
dained deacon  Trinity,  1838,  Newman  sending 
him  the  surplice  in  which  he  had  himself  been 


ordained  deacon  and  priest.  He  became  Fel- 
low of  Magdalen,  July  1840.  He  left  Oxford, 
became  Vicar  of  Old  Shoreham,  and  married, 
July  1856.  He  was  Bampton  Lecturer,  1865, 
his  subject  being  '  Miracles.'  Mr.  Gladstone 
made  him  Canon  of  Worcester  in  1869,  and  in 
1871  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford. 
In  1875  he  had  a  seizure  from  which  he  never 
quite  recovered,  and  after  another  attack 
died,  4th  January  1878,  at  Shoreham. 

Dr.  Mozley,  though  he  developed  late,  was 
one  of  the  greatest  minds  of  his  day.  In  the 
crisis  of  the  Oxford  Movement  in  1845  his 
calm  reasoning  helped  to  avert  panic.  He 
answered  Newman's  Development  of  Christian 
Doctrine.  Later,  the  Gorham  case  [Goeham, 
G.  C]  led  him  to  differ  from  High  Churchmen. 
After  four  years'  reading  (1851-5)  'he  enter-, 
tained  no  doubt  of  the  substantial  justice  of 
the  Gorham  decision ' ;  consequently  he 
severed  his  connection  with  the  Christian 
Remembrancer,  which  had  lasted  ten  years, 
and  pubHshed  three  books  (1855,  1856, 
and  1862)  on  the  Baptismal  Controversy. 
Church  wrote,  2nd  January  1855  :  '  Mozley's 
book  will  no  doubt  .  .  .  accomphsh  the 
break  up  that  J.  H.  N.  began.  I  am  very 
sorry  for  the  result.'  Mozley  regarded  these 
as  his  best  work.  He  still  remained  in  other 
respects  '  in  a  very  real  sense  a  High  Church- 
man.' At  Christ  Church  his  friends  were 
the  High  Church  leaders :  Pusey,  Liddon, 
and  King  {q.v.).  His  University  Sermons,  his 
Essays,  Historical  and  Theological  (collected 
and  repubUshed  after  his  death),  and  his 
Oxford  lectures  to  graduates.  Ruling  Ideas 
in  Early  Ages,  show  his  powers  at  their  best. 
In  the  judgment  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  Mozley 
combined  '  the  clear  form  of  Cardinal  New- 
man with  the  profundity  of  Bishop  Butler,' 
and  Dean  Church  held  a  like  opinion.  Few 
have  equalled  him  for  strength  and  depth  of 
thought.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Letters,  ed.  A.  Mozley;  Introd.  (by  A.  Mozley) 
to  Essays,  Historical  and  Theolor/iral ;  W.  A. 
Greenbill  in  D.N.B. 

MUSIC   IN  THE   ENGLISH   CHURCH. 

'The  Christian  Church  may  be  said  to 
have  started  on  its  way  singing'  (Frere). 
Certainly  the  conversion  of  England  to 
Christianity  took  place  at  a  time  of  all 
others  the  most  favourable  to  music. 
St.  Augustine  {q.v.)  brought  with  him  the 
Roman  chants,  which  had  just  been  arranged 
and  fixed — practically  as  we  now  know  them 
— by  the  great  Pope  who  sent  him,  and  whoso 
name  is  for  all  time  enshrined  in  the  words 
we  use  to  describe  the  Church's  own  music, 
'  Gregorian  Chant.'     [Plainsong.] 


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Music 


Though  the  Reading  MSB.  (the  earliest 
native  music  of  which  we  have  any  record) 
go  back  no  farther  tlian  the  early  tliirtccnth 
century,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  between 
the  coming  of  St.  Augustine  and  that  date  the 
Church  in  England  produced  no  composers. 
But  all  traces  of  such  musicians  and  their 
work  have  perished,  if  we  except  such 
additions  to  or  modifications  of  Gregorian 
Chant  as  local  use  may  from  time  to  time 
have  sanctioned.  The  Reading  MSS.  arc  the 
first  authentic  specimens  we  possess  of  native 
music.  Besides  the  well-known  secular  rota 
or  canon,  Sumer  is  icumen  in,  the  volume 
contains  several  sacred  motets  in  parts, 
Regina  clemencie.  Dam  Maria  credidit,  Ave 
Gloriosa  Virgimim,  Ave  Gloriosa  Mater,  by 
unknown  composers  (possibly  by  the  monk 
John  of  Fornsete).  Another  specimen  of 
sUghtly  later  date  is  the  volume  caUed  by 
Rockstro  the  Chaucer  MSS.  (in  allusion  to 
the  fact  that  it  contains  the  Angelus  ad 
Virginem,  mentioned  in  the  MUler's  Tale). 
This  also  contains  music  scored  in  two  or 
three  parts,  and  is  believed  to  be  at  least  as 
old  as  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
The  founder  of  the  EngUsh  school,  and  the 
first  who  has  left  behind  him  authentic 
compositions,  is  John  Dunstable,  the  date  of 
whose  birth  is  unknown,  but  who  died  in 
1453,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of  St. 
Stephen,  WaUbrook.  Very  little  of  his  music 
is  preserved.  Before  and  after  him  come 
great  gaps,  and  he  is  the  only  link  between 
the  unknown  composers  of  the  Reading  MSS. 
and  Chaucer  MSS.  and  the  early  sixteenth 
century,  as  no  trace  of  the  work  of  Hanboys, 
Saintwix,  or  Habington  {temp.  Edward  iv.) 
exist,  though  they  were  the  first  who  took 
degrees  in  music.  Fayrfax  and  Pheljrppes 
are  the  most  important  names  of  the  early 
sixteenth  century,  and  later  came  Henry 
vni.,  Thorne,  Redford,  Johnson,  Taverner, 
Parsons,  Edwards,  Shepherde,  and  John 
Merbecke,  organist  of  St.  George's  Chapel, 
Windsor,  best  known  by  his  work,  The  Boke 
of  Common  Praier  noted.  This  precious 
heritage  of  our  Church  is  a  splendid  specimen 
of  late  Plainsong,  in  some  cases  slightly 
adapted  from  earlier  forms,  and  fitted  to  the 
English  words  of  the  first  Liturgy  of  Edward 
VI.  Dr.  Christopher  Tye  and  Robert  White 
are  the  greatest  of  the  composers  before  TaUis. 
The  well-known  setting  of  the  '  Acts  of  the 
Apostles '  by  the  former,  together  with 
anthems,  services,  masses,  and  motets,  are 
preserved  in  various  libraries,  and  some  have 
been  recently  reprinted.  White  is  less  known, 
but  much  of  his  work  may  be  found  at  Christ  . 
Church,  Oxford. 


We  now  come  to  the  great  names  of  Thomas 
Tallis  and  William  Byrd,  master  and  pupil. 
The  better  known  works  of  Tallis  are  his 
Litany  and  Responses  and  his  service  in  the 
Dorian  mode.  The  Cantiones  Sacrae  (1575), 
the  joint  work  of  Tallis  and  BjTd,  contains 
thirty-four  motets  of  the  highest  value  and 
beauty.  Archbishop  Parker's  metrical  trans- 
lation of  the  Psalms  (Day,  1567)  has  tunes 
in  each  of  the  modes  by  Tallis.  Two  of  these, 
known  as  Tallis's  Ordinal  and  Canon,  have 
been  '  adapted '  by  the  editors  of  modern 
hymn-books.  The  Canon  in  particular  has 
suffered,  first  at  the  hands  of  Ravenscroft 
(1621),  who  shortened  it  by  exactly  one-half. 
This,  however,  it  bore  well,  as  the  phrases 
cut  out  were  merely  repetitions,  and  Tallis's 
harmonies  were  skUfully  reproduced  almost 
unaltered.  It  might  have  been  thought  that 
later  editors  would  have  left  it  at  this,  but 
the  detestable  habit  of  wrenching  the  people's 
part  from  the  tenor  and  placing  it  in  the 
treble  has  distorted  this  and  many  another 
fine  tune.  Dr.  Vaughan  Williams,  in  the 
English  Hymnal  (1906),  first  restored  the 
people's  part  to  its  original  place  in  the  tenor. 
The  third  mode  melody  is  perhaps  the  noblest 
hymn  tune  ever  written  by  an  Englishman. 
Altogether  the  work  of  Tallis  is  the  most 
important  that  has  ever  been  done  for  the 
Church  by  any  musician,  and  his  right  to 
be  considered  the  greatest  English  Church 
composer  is  unassailable. 

Imbued  with  the  true  spirit  of 'polyphonic 
music  was  Richard  Farrant.  His  service  in 
mode  X  has  been  reprinted,  but  his  author- 
ship of  '  Lord,  for  Thy  tender  mercies'  sake  ' 
is  doubted. 

In  1549  appeared  the  first  complete  metri- 
cal version  of  the  Psalms,  by  Robert  Crowley, 
which  contains  the  earhest  known  music  to 
the  English  version.  This  consists  of  one 
tune,  of  which  the  melody  (the  seventh 
psalm  tone)  is  in  the  tenor,  and  which  is  the 
first  tentative  Anghcan  double  chant.  The 
composer  is  unknown. 

In  1553  Francis  Scagar  published  Certayne 
Psalms,  with  music  in  four  parts,  which, 
however,  is  more  of  the  nature  of  a  motet 
than  a  tune.  The  origin  of  the  English 
harmonised  psalm  tune,  which  developed 
later  into  the  hymn  tune  as  we  know  it, 
may  be  traced  to  Dr.  Tye's  '  Acts  of  the 
Apostles.' 

Sternhold  and  Hopkins's  first  Metrical 
Psalter  (1549)  had  no  inusic  ;  and  it  is  not 
till  the  edition  of  1560  that  tunes  (not  har- 
monised) were  added.  The  first  harmonised 
version  of  Sternhold  and  Hopkins's  transla- 
tion appeared  in  1563,  and  is  known  as  Day's 


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Psalter.  In  it  are  one  hundred  and  forty- 
one  psalm  tunes  in  four  parts,  of  which 
eighty-one  are  by  W.  Parsons,  and  the  rest 
by  T.  Causton,  J.  Hake,  R.  Brimle,  and 
N.  Southerton.  This  was  followed  by  other 
Psalters  containing  tunes  in  four  parts, 
among  which  we  may  note  Damon's  (1579), 
Este's  (1592),  Allison's  (1599),  in  which  the 
tune  is  set  in  the  treble,  and  Ravenscroft's 
(1621).  These  Avorks  contain  the  earhest 
and  finest  English  hymn  tunes,  character- 
ised by  a  broad  and  manly  style  of  melody 
and  harmony  too  often  lacking  in  modern 
tunes.  Until  the  publication  of  the  English 
Hymnal  (1906)  they  had  invariably  been 
mutilated  by  compilers.  Mention  should  be 
made  of  two  short  anthems  by  Ravenscroft, 
'  O,  Jesu  meek,'  and  '  Ah,  helpless  soul,'  of 
great  beauty  and  tenderness,  which  have 
been  recently  printed  for  the  first  time. 

The  last  composer  in  the  grand  manner  was 
Orlando  Gibbons,  who  wrote  for  the  Church 
anthems  and  services  of  the  highest  order, 
preserving  the  characteristics  of  the  Golden 
Age  well  into  the  seventeenth  century.  His 
two-part  tunes  for  George  Wither's  Hymns 
and  Songs  of  the  Church  (1623)  are  an  in- 
valuable treasury  of  Church  tunes. 

Anthems,  services,  etc.,  by  Bull,  Munday, 
Bevin,  E.  Gibbons,  Hilton,  Batten,  and 
Morley  will  be  found  in  the  valued  collections 
of  Adrian  Batten  (1635),  J.  Barnard  (1641), 
Edward  Lowe  (1661),  J.  Chfford  (1664), 
Thomas  Tudway  (1720),  and  Wilham  Boyce 
(1778). 

The  Commonwealth  was  a  disastrous  time 
for  Church  music.  The  forces  of  Puritanism, 
which  culminated  in  the  Great  Rebellion,  were 
often  actuated  by  a  bhnd  and  gross  hatred  of 
beauty,  stateliness,  and  tradition.  The  Refor- 
mation was  responsible  for  much  pillage,  but 
now  the  stalwarts  of  the  Commonwealth 
ranged  the  land  like  the  Destroying  Angel, 
and  with  pious  exhortations  burnt,  amongst 
other  things,  every  music-book  they  could  lay 
hands  on.  Not  content  with  this,  they  would 
not  allow  children  to  bo  taught  to  sing. 
Fortunately  their  reign  was  short,  and  the 
Restoration  inaugurated  a  new  school  of 
Enghsh  Church  nmsic,  of  which  the  leaders 
were  Lawes,  C.  Gibbons,  Child,  Pelham 
Humphry,  John  Blow,  M.  Wise,  and 
Matthew  Locke  —  nearly  all  choristers  in 
the  Chapel  Royal. 

In  the  hands  of  these  composers  the  old  pure 
polyphony  of  the  Golden  Age  developed  into 
a  freer  art-form  with  solos,  recitatives,  duets, 
ritornelles,  and  choruses — all  forming  part  of 
the  same  composition.  Pelham  Humphry 
was  the  first  exponent  of  the  new  style,  but 


it  was  left  to  Henry  Purcell  (1658-95)  to 
carry  it  to  its  greatest  heights.  At  first 
largely  influenced  by  LuUi  (in  compliance 
with  Charles  n.'s  gay  tastes  in  sacred  music), 
Purcell  speedily  became  the  greatest  musician 
of  the  age,  and  may  be  called  our  national 
composer.  His  Church  music  consists  of 
anthems,  services,  hymns,  songs,  psalms,  etc., 
in  many  cases  with  orchestral  accompaniment. 
The  Purcell  Society  has  undertaken  the  com- 
plete edition  of  his  music,  of  which  sixteen 
volumes  have  been  pubhshed.  Foremost 
among  his  Church  works  comes  the  great 
Te  Deum  in  D,  only  recently  purged  of  the 
corruptions  of  eighteenth-century  editors. 

The  Chapel  Royal  was  the  nursery,  under 
Dr.  Blow,  of  other  excellent  musicians,  not- 
ably Dr.  Jeremiah  Clarke,  Dr.  WiUiam  Croft, 
Dr.  Greene,  and  Dr.  Boyce — still  heard  in  our 
cathedrals. 

St.  George's  Chapel,  Windsor,  produced  Dr. 
Benjamin  Rogers,  whose  Hymnus  Eucharisii- 
cus  is  sung  annually  on  1st  May,  on  the  tower 
of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford.  George  Wither's 
Hymns  and  Songs  of  the  Church  (mentioned 
above)  was  followed  by  Thomas  Harper's  un- 
successfid  attempt  to  introduce  the  Genevan 
tunes  into  England  in  their  entirety  (1632), 
and  later  by  George  Sandys' s  (son  of  the 
archbishop)  Paraphrase  upon  the  Psalms  of 
David  (1636),  with  music  by  Henry  Lawes. 
These  beautiful  tunes,  twenty-four  in  num- 
ber, have  been  unaccountably  neglected  by 
modern  compilers. 

John  Playford  brought  out  two  Psalters 
(1671  and  1677),  the  latter  of  which,  containing 
the  whole  of  the  Church  tunes,  achieved  last- 
ing popularity,  reaching  its  twentieth  edition 
in  1757. 

The  seventeenth  century  was  responsible 
for  an  innovation  which  cannot  be  too  greatly 
deplored.  Insensible  to  the  traditions  of  a 
thousand  years,  the  Church  allowed  her 
ancient  music,  the  Gregorian  psalm  tunes, 
to  be  replaced  by  the  Anglican  Chant.  At 
first  preserving  to  some  extent  the  dignity 
and  expressiveness  of  the  old  Plainsong,  the 
new  form  rapidly  degenerated  into  a  vehicle 
for  banality,  which  has  done  more  to  alienate 
people  of  artistic  feeling  and  culture  from  the 
Church  than  is  suspected. 

The  eighteenth  century,  if  we  except  Boyce 
and  Greene,  saw  Church  music  at  its  lowest 
ebb.  The  ideals  of  this  period  were  worthily 
represented  by  Kent  and  Nares,  in  the  shape 
of  anthems  and  services  made  up  of  trivial 
tunes  poorly  harmonised.  Handel's  ora- 
torios, which  as  a  nation  we  maj'  claim, 
cannot  be  said  to  be  the  product  of  the 
Church. 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Music 


The  uinolcciiLli  cculury  opoucd  badly, 
the  only  Church  musicians  worth  mentioning 
being  Thomas  Attwood  and  the  elder  Wesley, 
whose  eight-part  antiphon,  In  exitu  Israel, 
was  much  admired  by  Gounod.  To  this 
eccentric  old  musician  we  owe  the  introduc- 
tion of  Bach's  music  to  England,  and  he  was 
the  first  to  wish  for  the  restoration  of  the 
neglected  Gregorian  Chant — anticipating,  in 
thought  at  least,  by  half  a  century  the  musical 
revival  arising  from  the  Oxford  Movement 
iq.v.).  Attwood  (a  pupil  of  Mozart)  is  justly 
celebrated  for  his  graceful  melody,  of  which 
a  good  example  is  the  well-known  tune  sung 
to  the  words,  '  Come,  Holy  Gliost.' 

His  godson,  Thomas  Attwood  Walmisley, 
holds  an  honoured  place  in  Church  music. 
His  service  in  D  minor  is  one  of  the  few  by 
English  composers  which  have  sustained 
nobility  of  thought  and  genuine  inspiration 
not  unworthy  of  the  exalted  words  of  the 
Magnificat. 

His  contemporary,  the  great  Samuel 
Sebastian  Wesley  (son  of  the  elder  8.  Wesley). 
is  the  fine  flower  of  the  English  Cathedral 
School  of  Music,  wliich  after  him  ran  lament- 
ably to  seed.  His  magnificent  service  in  E, 
and  his  anthems,  '  The  Wilderness,'  '  Blessed 
be  the  God  and  Father,'  and  '  Ascribe  unto 
the  Lord,'  entitle  him  to  rank  as  the  greatest 
Church  musician  since  Purcell.  He  combines, 
as  no  other  Church  composer  has  done,  the 
grand  manner  of  the  antique  school  with  the 
most  striking  resources  of  modern  harmonj' 
and  modulation. 

Sir  John  Goss,  though  he  never  rises  to  the 
heights  of  W^esley,  is  distinguished  for  the 
manly,  '  clean '  style  of  his  Church  music, 
which  never  descends  to  the  '  sugary ' 
sentiment  of  later  composers.  With  him  the 
genuine  school  may  be  said  to  have  closed, 
though  Henry  Smart,  Edward  Hopkins,  and 
George  Garrett  are  worthy  of  notice  as  com- 
posers of  much  popular  Church  music. 

We  have  now  to  consider  what  may  be 
called  the  sentimental  school,  which  has  ob- 
tained an  enormous  vogue,  and  whose  influ- 
ence is  still  widespread.  With  this  school  arc 
associated  the  names  of  Stainer,  Dj'kes,  and 
Barnby.  The  earnestness  of  these  composers 
is  unquestioned,  and  Dr.  Dj^kes,  whose  per- 
secution by  Bishop  Baring  at  Durham  will 
be  remembered,  was  a  distinguished  priest 
and  theologian.  But  it  must  be  acknow- 
ledged that  their  music  is  insipid  and  has 
nothing  behind  it  but  the  first  obvious  appeal, 
which  is  so  easy  to  make  and  so  easy  to 
respond  to.  Unfortunately  their  successors, 
the  composers  of  to-day,  seem  little  disposed 
to  aim  higher  than  popular  taste  demands. 


English  hymuody  by  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  had  fallen  upon  sad  days. 
There  was  no  standard  collection  of  tunes,  and 
it  was  mostly  left  to  the  organist  to  put  forth 
productions  of  his  own  for  use  in  his  church. 
The  best  tunes  of  Hayes,  Wainwright,  Carey, 
and  Tans'ur,  however,  rise  superior  to  the 
taste  of  their  age,  and  find  a  place  in  our 
modern  collections.  Wc  may  mention  in 
passing  Vincent  NovoUo's  Surrey  Cha'pel 
Music,  HuUah's  Psalter  with  appropriate 
Tunes  (1843),  and  Mercer's  Church  Fsaller 
and  Hymn-Book  (185i).  Though  these  com- 
pilations achieved  popularity,  it  was  not 
till  the  appearance  of  Hymns  Ancient  and 
Modern  (1861)  that  the  urgent  need  for  a 
standard  book  was  satisfied.  The  reaction 
against  Victorian  ideals  in  painting,  sculpture, 
music,  and  art  generally,  which  is  so  marked 
a  feature  of  modern  life,  makes  unprejudiced 
criticism  of  the  book  very  difficult.  It  did 
as  much  as  was  possible  at  the  time  to  revive 
the  best  Church  song,  and  each  succeeding 
edition  has  been  an  advance  on  that  preceding 
it.  It  is  impossible,  however,  for  modern 
criticism  to  condone  the  poverty  and  senti- 
mentaUty  of  many  of  the  specially  written 
hymns  and  tunes. 

The  Bristol  Tune-Book  appeared  in  1863, 
the  ill-fated  Hymnary  in  1872,  and  Church 
Hymns  in  1874.  The  Hymnal  Companion 
(1870)  is  also  still  used.  But  for  nearly 
fifty  years  Hymns  Ancient  and  Modern  has 
been  accepted  by  the  average  church-goer  as 
the  representative  hymn-book  of  the  Church. 
The  1904  edition  was,  however,  the  signal 
for  much  discontent,  which  found  practical 
expression  in  the  publication  of  the  English 
Hymnal  (1906). 

This  is  the  most  satisfactory  modern  book 
that  has  yet  appeared.  It  has  wisely 
'  avoided  as  far  as  possible  the  "  specially 
composed  tune" — that  bane  of  many  a 
hymnal.'  In  it  for  the  first  time  the  great 
tunes  are  treated  with  respect,  and  the 
finest  versions — in  most  cases  the  earliest — 
have  been  printed.  National  music  has  been 
largely  drawn  upon.  Welsh  hymn  melodies, 
which  are  distinguished  above  those  of  all 
other  nations  by  a  strange  and  wild  religious 
fervour,  are  well  represented,  and  English 
folk-song  is  most  successfully  used.  The 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  book  is 
its  courage,  which  justifies  the  hope  that  the 
next  edition  may  see  the  exclusion  of  the  few 
sentimental  tunes  still  left  in.  [Ji.  s.] 

Mention  should  also  bemadeof  tlu' y(/''^e«(/'m 
Hymnal,  1899  ;  the  Oxford  Ih/mnal,  1898 ; 
and  Songs  of  Sion,  1905 — the  latter  a  valuable 
repository  of  Church  tunes. 


(  3«1  ) 


Musicians] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Musicians 


MUSICIANS  OF  THE  ENGLISH 
CHURCH.  Attwood,  Thomas  (1765-1838). 
A  choir  boy  of  the  Chapel  Royal.  Sent  to 
Italy  to  study  music  by  George  iv.  (then 
Prince  of  Wales).  He  afterwards  became 
a  pupil  of  Mozart  at  Vienna  (1785-7). 
Organist  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  and 
Composer  to  the  Chapel  Royal,  1796. 
Organist  of  George  iv.'s  private  chapel  at 
Brighton,  1821.  Organist  Chapel  Royal,  1836. 
Priend  of  Mendelssohn,  who  dedicated  his 
three  Preludes  and  Fugues  for  the  organ  to 
liim.  Composer  of  much  tuneful  Church 
music. 

Barnhij,  Sir  Joseph  (1838-96).  A  chor- 
ister in  York  Minster.  Organist  St.  Andrew's, 
WeUs  Street,  1863,  and  St.  Anne's,  Soho,  1871. 
Conductor  Royal  Choral  Society,  Precentor 
and  Director  of  Music  at  Eton  College,  and 
Principal  of  Guildhall  School  of  Music. 
Editor  of  The  Hymnary,  and  composer  of 
much  popular  music,  including  services, 
anthems,  and  hymn  tunes. 

Boyce,  William,  Mus.  Doc.  (1710-79). 
Chorister  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  and  then 
articled  pupU  to  Dr.  Greene,  at  that  time 
organist.  His  articles  having  expired,  he 
became  organist  of  Oxford  Chapel,  Vere 
Street.  He  also  took  lessons  of  the  cele- 
brated Dr.  Pepusch.  While  still  young  his 
hearing,  like  that  of  so  many  musicians, 
became  impaired.  He  did  not  allow  this 
to  interfere  with  his  work,  though  it  was 
a  serious  drawback.  He  became  organist 
of  St.  IVIichael's,  Cornhill,  in  1736,  and  in 
the  same  year  composer  to  the  Chapel 
Royal.  In  1737  he  accepted  the  appoint- 
ment of  conductor  of  the  meetings  of  the 
Three  Choirs  of  Gloucester,  Worcester,  and 
Hereford.  In  1749  he  was  chosen  organist 
of  AHhaUows,  Thames  Street.  He  succeeded 
Dr.  Greene  in  1755  as  Master  of  the  liing's 
Music,  and  conductor  of  the  annual  festivals 
of  the  Sons  of  the  Clergy  at  St.  Paul's  Cathe- 
dral. In  1758  he  was  appointed  one  of  the 
organists  of  the  Chapel  Royal,  resigning  his 
posts  at  St.  Michael's,  CornhiU,  and  All- 
haUows,  Thames  Street.  His  deafness  in- 
creasing, he  occupied  his  remaining  years 
in  collecting  and  editing  his  valuable  work 
in  three  volumes,  entitled  Cathedral  Music, 
a  collection  of  the  best  work  of  EngUsh 
composers  of  the  previous  two  hundred  years. 
He  wrote  many  fine  anthems  and  services. 

Byrd,  William  (1542 'M623).  Chorister  of 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  Anthony  a  Wood 
mentions  that  he  was  '  bred  up  to  music 
under  Thomas  TaUis.'  Appointed  organist 
of  Lincoln  Cathedral  about  1563.  In  1569 
he  was  elected  a  gentleman  of  the  Chapel 


Royal,  though  retaining  his  post  at  Lincoln. 
In  1575  Elizabeth  granted  Tallis  and  Byrd  a 
monopoly  for  printing  and  selhng  music  and 
music  paper,  Enghsh  and  foreign,  for  twenty- 
one  years.  In  the  same  year  they  published 
their  famous  collection  of  motets.  Talhs's 
death  in  1585  gave  Byrd  the  sole  monopoly 
of  the  music  printing  patent.  It  is  curious 
that  Byrd,  whom  recent  discoveries  prove 
to  have  been  a  Roman  Catholic,  should  have 
held  an  appointment  in  the  Chapel  Royal. 
His  great  skill  and  reputation  as  a  musician 
must  have  procured  him  powerful  friends. 
He  wrote  many  masses,  anthems,  and  services, 
and  left  behind  him  one  of  the  greatest  names 
in  English  music. 

Croft,  William,  Mus.  Doc.  (1678-1727). 
One  of  the  children  of  the  Chapel  Roj-al 
under  Dr.  Blow.  Organist  at  St.  Anne's, 
Soho.  Gentleman  extraordinary  of  the 
Chapel  Royal,  1700.  Organist  Chapel  Royal, 
1707.  Organist  Westminster  Abbey,  and 
master  of  the  children,  and  composer  to  the 
Chapel  Royal,  1708.  In  1724  he  pubhshed 
tliirty  anthems  and  a  burial  service  in  two 
finely  engraved  folio  volumes,  entitled  Musica 
Sacra.     He  is  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

Dykes,  John  BaccMts,  Mus.  Doc,  M.A. 
(1823-76).  Born  in  Hull.  Pupil  of  Walmisley 
at  Cambridge,  where  he  conducted  the 
University  Musical  Society.  Minor  Canon 
and  Precentor  of  Durham  Cathedral,  1849. 
Vicar  of  St.  Oswald,  Durham,  1862.  He 
was  one  of  the  principal  contributors  to 
Hymns  Ancient  and  Modern,  of  which  he 
was  joint  editor.  His  anthems,  services,  and 
hymn  tunes  obtained  great  popularity.  He 
was  a  distinguished  theologian. 

Gibbons,  Orlando,  Mus.  Doc.  (1583-1625). 
The  son  of  W^iUiam  Gibbons,  one  of  the 
town  waits  of  Cambridge.  Probably  educated 
in  the  college  chapel  choirs  of  Cambridge. 
Admitted  organist  of  the  Chapel  Royal, 
1604.  In  1612  he  published  The  first  set 
of  Madrigals  and  Motets  of  five  'parts. 
For  his  beautiful  tunes  in  two  parts  see 
George  Wither's  Hymns  and  Songs  of  the 
Church.  He  was  appointed  organist  of 
Westminster  Abbey  in  1623,  and  died  of 
apoplexy  in  1625.  Much  of  his  music  was 
printed  in  the  collections  of  Barnard  and 
Boyce.  He  has  been  called  the  English 
Palestrina. 

Goss,  Sir  John  (1800-80).  Chorister  of  the 
Chapel  Royal,  and  pupil  of  Attwood,  whom  he 
succeeded  as  organist  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral 
in  1838.  Composer  to  the  Chapel  Royal, 
1856.  Knighted,  1872.  He  wrote  services, 
anthems,  chants,  hjTnn  tunes,  distinguished 
for  melodious  grace  and  sound  part- writing. 


(  382 


Musicians] 


Dictiominj  of  English  Church  History 


Musicians 


Greene,  Maurice,  Mus.  Doc.  (1095-1755). 
Chorister  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  Ap- 
pointed organist  of  St.  Dunstan's  in  the  West, 
1710,  and  St.  Andrew's,  Hoiborn,  1717.  In 
1718  he  became  organist  of  St.  Paul's  Cathe- 
dral, and  on  the  death  of  Dr.  Croft  in  1727 
organist  and  composer  to  the  Chapel  Royal. 
Friend  of  Handel.  Elected  Professor  of 
Music  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  1730. 
Master  of  the  King's  band  of  music,  1735. 
Pubhshcd  his  Forty  select  Anthems  in  1743. 
In  1750  he  began  to  collect,  with  the  idea  of 
publishing  in  score,  the  best  English  cathe- 
dral music.  This  he  was  unable  to  complete 
owing  to  bad  health,  and  he  bequeathed  his 
materials  to  his  friend.  Dr.  Boyce  (see  Boyce). 
He  is  a  representative  Enghsh  cathedral  com- 
poser. 

Merheche,  John  (1523  ?-1585  ?).  Little  is 
known  of  the  life  of  the  man  who  occupies 
so  unique  a  place  in  the  annals  of  English 
music.  In  1542,  while  organist  of  St. 
George's  Chapel,  Windsor,  he  was  arrested 
and  condemned  to  the  stake  for  heresy,  but 
was  saved  through  the  intervention  of  Bishop 
Gardiner  {q.v.)  and  one  of  the  commissioners. 
Sir  Humphrey  Foster.  In  1550  he  pubhshed 
his  Boke  of  Common  Prater  noted,  a  work  which 
stands  absolutely  alone.  It  has  suffered 
much  at  the  hands  of  later  editors.  No 
perversion  in  modern  notation  should  be 
countenanced  for  a  moment. 

Monk,  William  Henry  (1823-89).  Born  in 
London.  Organist  Eaton  Chapel,  Pimlico  ; 
St.  George's  Chapel,  Albemarle  Street ;  and 
Portman  Chapel,  St.  Marylebone.  Director  of 
choir  in  King's  College,  1847,  and  organist, 
1849.  Professor  of  vocal  music  at  the  same 
college,  1874.  Organist  St.  Matthias,  Stoke 
Newington,  1852.  One  of  the  principal  musi- 
cal editors  of  Hymns  Ancient  and  Modern, 
to  which  he  contributed  some  well-known 
tunes. 

Piircell,  Henry  (1658  ?-95).  The  national 
Enghsh  composer.  Chorister  of  the  Chapel 
Royal  and  pupil  of  Dr.  Blow.  Appointed 
organist  of  Westminster  Abbey,  1680,  and  of 
the  Chapel  Royal,  1682.  His  music  is  re- 
markable for  its  strength,  tenderness,  and 
freshness.  His  great  Te  Deum,  and  Jubilate 
constitute  the  finest  modern  settings  of  those 
canticles.  His  anthems  are  no  less  remark- 
able, and  '  Thou  knowest.  Lord,'  '  Jehovah, 
quam  multi  sunt,'  and  the  anthems  com- 
posed for  the  coronation  of  James  n.,  are 
among  our  greatest  treasures.  Purcell  ex- 
celled in  all  kinds  of  composition,  and  is  the 
founder  of  the  later  English  school. 

Smart,  Henry  (1813-79).  Born  in  London. 
Organist   Blackburn   Parish   Church,    1831  : 


St.  Phihps,  London,  1830  ;  St.  Luke's,  Old 
Street,  1844  ;  St.  Pancras,  1864.  Composer 
of  much  deservedly  popular  Church  music. 

Stainer,  Sir  John,  Mus.  Doc.  (1840-1901). 
Born  in  London.  Chorister  of  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral.  Organist  SS.  Benedict  and  Peter, 
Paul's  Wharf,  1854  ;  Tcnbury,  1856  ;  Mag- 
dalen College,  Oxford,  1859;  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral,  1872.  It  is  due  to  him  that  the 
St.  Paul's  service  reached  its  present  high 
state  of  choral  efficiency.  Composer  of 
much  Church  music. 

Tallis,  Thomas  (1515  ?-85).  The  father  of 
modern  English  music,  whose  compositions  for 
the  Church  are  iinsurpassed.  It  is  supposed 
that  he  was  a  chorister  in  St.  Paul's  Cathe- 
dral, and  later  in  the  Chapel  Royal.  He  was 
organist  of  Waltham  Abbey  until  its  dissolu- 
tion in  1540.  Soon  after  this  he  probably 
became  a  gentleman  of  the  Chapel  Royal. 
In  1567  he  composed  eight  tunes  for  Arch- 
bishop Parker's  Psalter.  Ehzabeth  granted 
him  a  monopoly  (see  Byrd).  The  Cantiones 
Sacrae  (1575)  are  the  joint  work  of  TaUis 
and  Byrd.  TaUis  was  responsible  for  sixteen 
of  these.  His  extraordinary  song  in  forty 
real  parts  (eight  choirs  of  five  voices)  is 
interesting  only  as  an  exercise,  and  not 
vocally  effective.  His  Preccs,  Responses, 
Litany,  and  service  in  the  Dorian  mode 
were  composed  in  aU  probability  shortly 
after  the  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  vi. 
(1552). 

Tye,  Christopher,  Mus.  Doc.  Born  early 
in  the  sixteenth  century.  Chorister  and 
afterwards  gentleman  of  the  Chapel  Royal. 
Organist  of  Ely  Cathedral,  1541-61.  He 
made  a  metrical  version  of  the  first  fourteen 
chapters  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
which  he  set  to  music.  Anthems  by  him 
are  in  Barnard's  and  Boyce's  collections. 
He  taught  EdAvard  vi.  music.  He  died 
about  1580.  He  was  a  priest,  and  rector 
in  turn  of  Doddington-cum-March,  Little 
Wilbraham,  and  Newton.  His  anthem,  '  O 
Lord  of  Hosts,'  is  a  dehghtful  example  of  the 
early  cathedral  school. 

Walmisley,  Thomas  Attivood,  Mus.  Doc. 
(1814-56).  Born  in  London.  Studied  com- 
position under  his  godfather,  Thomas  Att- 
wood.  Organist  of  Croydon  Church,  1830. 
Organist  of  Trinity  and  St.  John's  Colleges, 
Cambridge,  1833.  Elected  Professor  of 
Music  at  Cambridge,  1836.  Friend  of  Men- 
delssohn. His  best  music  is  in  the  true 
cathedral  style.  His  services  in  B7  and  in 
D  minor  may  be  cited  as  instances. 

Wesley,  Sam,uel  (1766-1837).  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  English  Church  musicians. 
The  greatest  organist  of  his  day,  to  him  be- 


(  383  ) 


Mystics] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Mystics 


longs  the  honour  of  introducing  the  works 
of  Bach  to  the  English  public.  He  -nas  the 
first  modern  musician  to  call  attention  to  the 
claims  of  the  Church's  traditional  music, 
Plainsong.  He  was  a  well-read  man  and 
a  classical  scholar,  son  of  the  famous  Charles 
Wesley.  [Wesleys.]  He  wrote  oratorios, 
masses,  antiphons,  services,  and  anthems. 

Wesley,  Samuel  Sebastian,  Mus.  Doc.  (1810- 
76).  Natural  son  of  the  preceding  S.  Wesley. 
Chorister  of  the  Chapel  Royal.  Organist  St. 
James,  Hampstead  Road,  1826;  St.  Giles, 
Camberwell,  and  St.  Johns,  Waterloo  Road, 
1829;  and  Hampton-on-Thames,  1830.  He 
held  tliree  of  these  appointments  simul- 
taneously. He  was  appointed  organist  of 
Hereford  Cathedral  in  1832.  In  1842  he 
accepted  from  Dr.  Hook  {q.v.)  the  organist's 
post  at  Leeds  Parish  Church.  In  1849  he  be- 
came organist  of  Winchester  Cathedral,  and 
of  Gloucester  Cathedral  in  1865.  He  is  one  of 
the  greatest  Enghsh  Church  musicians.  His 
most  important  works  are  his  anthems,  '  The 
Wilderness,'  '  Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father,' 
and  '  Ascribe  unto  the  Lord,'  and  his  services 
in  E.  He  was  no  less  famous  as  an  organist, 
and  his  extempore  playing  was  a  thing  to 
wonder  at.  [m.  s.] 

MYSTICS.  Mysticism  has  constantly 
suffered  through  being  presented  and  defined 
only  in  its  aberrations.  Hardly  more  re- 
sponsible than  the  astronomer  for  the  con- 
duct and  conclusions  of  the  astrologer  is  the 
mystic  for  the  Antinomian  and  the  Ecstatic, 
with  whom  he  is  all  too  commonly  identified. 
To  confound  it,  on  the  other  hand,  as  is  very 
frequently  done,  with  what  is  known  as  Vital 
Rehgion,  is  to  confuse  the  saints  who  were 
mystics  with  the  many  who  were  not,  leav- 
ing unexplained  the  perfectly  recognisable 
but  elusive  quaUty  which  it  is  sought  to 
define.  It  matters  not  at  aU  what  name 
is  given  to  this  quahty  ;  but  it  is  obvious  that 
if  it  is  not  caUed  mystical  it  must  be  called 
something  else ;  and  it  would  appear  more  use- 
ful to  retain  the  term  in  the  sense  whereby 
it  has  for  centuries  indicated  the  difference 
between,  for  example,  the  Epistles  of  St. 
James  and  of  St.  John,  rather  than  import 
into  it  a  new  connotation,  making  it  ex- 
press essentially  that  which  they  have  in 
common.  The  mystic,  then,  is  one  to 
whom  a  certain  attitude  of  mind  is  natural ; 
and  mysticism  may  be  considered  as  being 
less  tht  things  regarded  than  the  manner 
of  regarding  them.  That  there  is  a  con- 
siderable body  of  mystical  doctrines,  as  such, 
no  one  would  deny;  but  its  three  most 
BaUent  examples  rather  illustrate  than  tra- 


verse the  above  statemcul.  The  mystical 
paradox  (as  it  is  often  called)  of  the  absolute 
necessity  for  scK-suppression,  self-dying, 
.since  only  by  this  means,  and  in  direct  pro- 
portion as  it  is  attained,  will  the  life  of  God 
penetrate  and  govern  the  soul,  is  the  mystic's 
amphfication  of  the  Lord's  statement :  '  Who- 
soever would  save  his  life  shall  lose  it ;  hut 
whosoever  shall  lose  his  life  for  My  sake,  the 
same  shall  save  it.'  The  '  process  of  Christ ' 
is  the  apprehension  of  St.  Paul's  words :  '// 
we  have  become  xinited  with  Him  by  the  likeness 
of  His  death,  we  shall  be  also  by  the  likeness 
of  His  resurrectio7i.'  And  even  '  deification ' 
itself,  far  from  tending  necessarily  to  an  un- 
bridled pantheism,  should  be  understood  as 
the  translation  into  character  of  becoming 
partakers  of  the  divine  nature. 

It  will  be  most  profitable  to  confine  our- 
selves to  the  consideration  of  Christian 
mystics  alone,  and  to  leave  on  one  side  the 
mystics  of  India  and  the  East ;  even  Plato 
also,  and  his  great  follower,  Plotinus,  except 
as  they  are  traceable  in  the  influence  exer- 
cised through  the  Alexandrines  upon  the 
Cambridge  Platonists  {q.v.).  The  Greek 
Fathers  were  far  more  mystically  minded 
than  the  Latin,  with  the  notable  exception 
of  St.  Augustine ;  and  it  was  the  Greek 
writings,  especially  those  of  the  pseudo- 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  that  guided 
mystical  thought  and  speculation  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  effect  of  these  latter 
writings  upon  Western  thought  was  the 
result  of  their  translation  into  Latin  by  an 
Irishman,  Scotus  Eriugena,  at  the  express 
command  of  the  Prankish  King,  Charles  the 
Bald.  About  the  same  time  King  Alfred 
(q.v.)  was  preparing  the  way  for  England's 
prominence  in  mystical  expression  by  trans- 
lating Boethius  into  the  vulgar  tongue,  his 
Consolation  of  Philosophy  being  termed  the 
vade  mecum  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  is  little 
known,  and  less  believed,  that  England  pos- 
sesses a  longer  roll  of  famous  mystics,  in 
prose  and  poetry,  than  any  other  country; 
and  although  the  Scotsman  or  Irishman, 
Richard  of  St.  Victor  (d.  1173),  prior  of  the 
celebrated  abbey  of  St.  Victor,  near  Paris, 
achieved  his  fame  apart  from  his  native 
island,  an  Enghsh  school  was  arising  which, 
a  century  later,  contributed  some  of  the 
earliest  writings  in  the  vernacular,  those  of 
Richard  Rolle  of  Hampole  {q.v.),  and  Walter 
Hilton  (d.  1396),  an  Augustinian  Canon  of 
Thurgarton.  Hilton's  treatise.  The  Scale  of 
Perfection,  was  the  favourite  reading  of 
Margaret,  Countess  of  Richmond,  mother  of 
Henry  vu.  Another  early  Enghsh  mystic 
whose   works,    entitled    The   Revelations   of 


(3«4) 


Mystics] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Mystics 


Divine  Love,  have  lately  been  recovered,  and 
have  achieved  a  wide  popularity,  is  the 
anchoress,  Dame  Julian  of  Norwich  (1342- 
1442).  It  wUl  be  seen,  in  the  course  of  this 
brief  review,  that  of  the  three  classes  into 
which  mystics  are  roughly  divided,  the 
philosophical,  the  devotional,  and  the  Nature 
mystics,  the  first  is  less  largely  represented 
in  England  than  the  others.  Though  this 
country  is  not  lacking  in  philosophers  of 
distinction,  it  yet  remains  that  a  tendency 
to  abstract  speculation  is  not  generally  dis- 
tinctive of  the  .English  mind ;  and  it  is 
possible  that  this  circumstance  is  still  further 
accentuated  among  English  theologians  by 
the  absence  of  what  makes  so  large  a  feature 
of  the  Roman  curriculum  for  holy  orders, 
the  training  in  patristic  and  scholastic 
writings.  It  is  apparent  that  the  early 
Enghsh  mystics  took  the  line  we  should 
expect,  of  sincere  practical  piety,  and  did 
much  to  make  rehgion  a  living  thing  among 
the  poorer  people.  This  sincere  devotional 
note  remains  a  characteristic  of  English 
mysticism  throughout  its  history,  even 
when  blended,  as  in  the  Cambridge  Platon- 
ists  [q.v.),  with  philosophical  thought.  While 
it  is  characteristic  of  the  mystic  that  he  should 
always  exalt  the  value  of  the  inner  light,  and 
the  kernel  rather  than  the  shell  of  true  rc- 
Hgion,  thereby  appearing  at  times  to  be 
the  champion  of  individualism  and  revolt 
against  external  authority,  nothing  is  more 
misleading  than  to  claim  him,  as  is  often 
done  by  modern  American  writers,  as  the 
essential  heretic.  Many  mystical  writers 
have,  it  is  true,  been  condemned  by  Councils, 
Synods,  and  Popes,  notably  Origen,  Eriugena, 
Eckhart,  and  Molinos ;  but  quite  as  many 
bore  the  imprimatur  of  the  Church  they 
loyally  served,  to  their  dying  day;  among 
whom  we  may  reckon  Richard  RoUe  and 
his  successors — in  fact,  by  far  the  greater 
number  of  Enghsh  mystics  down  to  modern 
times ;  and  on  the  Continent  such  great 
figures  as  St.  Catherine  of  Siena,  St.  Francis 
de  Sales,  Thomas  a  Kempis,  and  St.  Teresa. 
That  the  gap  in  mystical  writers  occurring 
at  the  death  of  Dame  Julian  should  be  the 
longest  traceable  since  Richard  RoUe  up  to 
our  own  days,  shows  the  unparalleled  con- 
tinuity of  English  thought  on  these  hnes.  It 
is  closed  by  two  great  laymen,  Sir  Thomas 
Browne  (1605-82),  author  of  the  Religio 
Medici ;  and  Henry  Montagu,  Earl  of  Man- 
chester (1563-1642),  Chief  Justice  of  England 
and  Lord  Privy  Seal,  writer  of  the  httle 
treatise  called  Manchester  al  Mondo.  A 
group  of  divines  leads  us  on  to  the  Cambridge 
Platonists:  Joseph  Hall,  Bishop  of  Norwich 


(1574-1656),  Giles  Fletcher  (1584-1623),  and 
George  Herbert  (q.v.)  (1593-1633).  'Ihc 
saintly  Bishop  Hall,  writer  of  Christ  Mystical, 
and  an  earnest  defender  of  the  Apostolical 
Succession,  was  greatly  persecuted  by  the 
Puritans,  and  was  one  of  the  eleven  bishops 
imprisoned  in  the  Tower  under  the  Long 
Parliament.  To  Giles  Fletcher,  author  of 
Christ's  Victory  and  Triumph,  etc.,  and 
George  Herbert,  one  of  the  most  widely 
famous  of  the  English  mystics,  must  be  added 
three  other  poets:  the  chivalrous  and  ad- 
venturous Francis  Quarles  (1592-1644),  who 
served  first  the  Queen  of  Bohemia,  and  later 
became  secretary  of  Archbishop  Ussher  {q.v.), 
but  lost  everything  in  the  royal  cause  ;  and 
Richard  Crashaw  (1613-50),  who  himself, 
the  son  of  a  fierce  antipapist,  was  turned 
out  of  Peterhouse  for  his  Roman  Catholic 
leanings,  and  died  a  canon  of  Loretto. 
Henry  Vaughan,  the  third  (1621-95),  was 
imprisoned  as  a  Royahst ;  and  after  his  release, 
practised  as  a  physician  in  Wales.  His 
collection  of  poems,  Silex  Scintillans,  is  as 
widely  known  as  those  of  George  Herbert. 
Simultaneous  with  the  rise  of  the  Cambridge 
Platonists  were  two  other  mystical  move- 
ments, each  of  the  three,  as  far  as  can  be 
traced,  keeping  perfectly  clear  and  distinct 
from  the  others.  The  more  famous  of  these 
two  movements  was  Quakerism,  possessing 
both  in  its  tendencies  and  in  the  writings 
of  its  prophets,  Isaac  Penington  (1616-79), 
George  Fox  (1624-90),  and  WiUiam  Penn 
(1644-1718),  undoubted  affinities  with  mysti- 
cism, though  not  in  itself  of  so  avowedly 
mystical  a  tendency  as  the  other  movement, 
known  as  that  of  the  Philadelphians.  In 
1652  a  certain  Dr.  Pordage  held  meetings 
for  the  study  of  the  great  German  mystic, 
Jacob  Bohme.  Out  of  these  gatherings  was 
formed  in  1670  the  Philadelphian  Society 
by  Mrs.  Jane  Leade — the  whole  inspired  with 
a  high  mystical  purpose  and  the  avowed 
intention  of  giving  practical  expression  to 
the  doctrine  of  universal  brotherhood.  They 
established  relations  with  German  and  Dutch 
mystics  of  the  time ;  but  were  forbidden 
to  meet  together,  and  gradually  died  out.  A 
singular  feature  in  Enghsh  mysticism  is  Crom- 
well's chaplain,  Peter  Sterry  (d.  1672),  One 
of  the  fourteen  Puritan  divines  sent  by  the 
Lords  to  the  Westminster  Assembly,  he  sat 
in  it  almost  from  the  beginning.  Thomas 
Traherne  (1637-74),  the  greatest  English 
Nature  mystic,  whose  prose  and  poetical 
works  have  only  recently  been  reissued,  was 
a  worthy  foUower  of  the  great  seventeenth- 
century  group  of  poets,  and  has  many 
links   also   with   the   Cambridge   Platonists. 


2b 


(  385  ) 


Neale] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Nelson 


The  next  outstanding  figure  is  that  of  Wilham 
Law  [q.v.) ;  and  from  his  days  onwards  the 
torch  of  mysticism,  grasped  in  turn  by  Blake, 
Coleridge  and  Wordsworth,  has  not  suffered 


extinction.  In  no  age,  in  spite  of  all  its 
perversions  and  imitations,  has  there  been 
a  keener  appreciation  of  its  spirit  than  in  our 

NU.  [E.  C.  G.] 


own 


N 


NEALE,  John  Mason  (1818-66),  divine, 
only  son  of  a  distinguished  Cambridge 
scholar  who  became  anEvangehcal  clergyman, 
was  educated  at  Sherborne,  and  in  1836  became 
scholar  of  Trinity,  Cambridge.  His  dislike 
of  mathematics  prevented  his  gaining  classi- 
cal honours,  which,  before  1841,  it  was  impos- 
sible to  take  without  previous  mathematical 
honours.  He  took  a  Pass  degree,  1840.  He 
then  became  assistant  tutor,  and  after  his 
ordination  in  1841  chaplain  at  Downing 
College.  He  won  the  Seatonian  prize  poem 
in  1845,  and  on  ten  occasions  afterwards. 
He  founded  the  famous  Cambridge  Camden 
Society  for  Archaeological  and  Ecclesiological 
Studies.  Evangehcals  and  Low  Churchmen 
feared  it,  and  Bishop  Sumner  refused  to 
Ucence  Neale  to  St.  Nicholas,  Guildford,  in 
1841.  Bishop  Monk  of  Gloucester  ordained 
him  priest.  Trinity,  1842,  and  next  day  he 
became  Vicar  of  Crawley,  Sussex.  Here  his 
health,  always  delicate,  failed,  and  he  resigned 
the  living.  He  married,  July  1842,  and,  1843-6, 
Uved  chiefly  in  Madeira.  He  then  accepted 
the  Wardenship  of  SackviUe  College,  East 
Grinstead — a  small  seventeenth-c  jntury  alms- 
house— a  post  worth  £28  a  year.  He  received 
no  further  offers  of  preferment,  save  the 
provostship  (deanery)  of  Perth  in  1850  and 
a  small  living  in  1856.     He  decUned  them. 

He  was  created  D.D.  by  Trinity  College, 
Hartford,  Conn.,  1860.  At  Sackville  CoUege 
Neale  was  much  persecuted.  He  had  rebuilt 
the  chapel,  and  used  the  ordinary  altar  orna- 
ments— cross,  candles,  and  flowers.  Bishop 
Gilbert  of  Chichester  attacked  him  for  this, 
and  finally  inhibited  him  in  the  diocese,  1847. 
The  mob  took  up  the  tale.  There  were  riots 
in  1848,  in  1851,  and  later  in  1856.  In 
1857  there  was  a  disgraceful  scene  at  the 
funeral  of  a  Sister  at  Lewes.  Neale  was 
knocked  down,  and  the  Sisters  with  difficulty 
rescued.  In  1866,  a  few  months  before  his 
death,  he  was  mobbed  in  the  streets  of  Liver- 
pool. Bishop  Gilbert  removed  his  inhibition 
and  became  reconciled  to  Neale  in  1861. 

Neale's  work  was  manifold.  He  was  a 
Church  historian,  theologian,  controversiaUst, 
preacher,  spiritual  guide,  poet,  story-writer, 
and  a  marvellous  hnguist,  speaking  twenty 


languages.  He  founded  the  sisterhood  of 
St.  Margaret,  East  Grinstead  (1854),  and  his 
hymns  (chiefly  translations  from  Greek  or 
Latin),  '  Art  thou  weary,'  '  Jerusalem  the 
golden,'  and  many  more,  'are  in  all  collections. 
His  learning  did  much  to  promote  a  better 
understanding  with  the  Eastern  churches. 
His  stories,  The  Farm  of  Aptonga,  Theodora 
Phranza,  and  others  had  before  his  death 
been  translated  into  the  chief  European 
languages,  and  are  widely  known.  He  was 
a  traveller,  and  wrote  on  Portugal  and 
Dalmatia.  Through  aU  the  crises  in  the 
Enghsh  Church,  1845-51,  Neale  was  un- 
shaken, and  did  much  to  steady  the  unsettled. 
In  private  life  he  was  gentle  and  sensitive, 
with  strong  affections  and  a  great  sense  of 
humour.  He  died,  worn  out  with  labours, 
at  Sackville  College,  6th  August  1866. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Memoir  ;  Letters  ;  Memoirs  of  a  Sister  of  St. 
Saviour's  Priory  ;  Huntingdon,  Randovi  Re- 
collections. 

NELSON,  Eobert  (1656-1715),  religious 
writer  and  phflanthropist,  son  of  a  rich 
London  merchant,  was  educated  at  St. 
Paul's  School,  and  then  by  George  Bull, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  from  whom 
he  learnt  his  strong  Church  principles. 
Early  in  life  he  contracted  a  warm  friendship 
with  TiUotson  [q.v.).  In  1682  he  married  the 
Lady  Theophfla  Lucy,  who,  to  his  great  grief, 
became  a  Romanist,  but  this  did  not 
prevent  the  union  being  very  happy.  He 
disapproved  of  the  Revolution  of  1688, 
retiring  to  the  Continent  during  its  course. 
He  returned  in  1691,  firmly  resolved  never 
to  acknowledge  Wilham  and  Mary,  and 
therefore  joined  the  Nonjurors  {q.v.),  mainly 
because  he  did  not  wish  to  join  in  the  prayers 
for  the  royal  family.  On  these  grounds 
TiUotson  approved  of  his  secession.  In  1710, 
before  the  death  of  Wilham  Lloyd,  the  last  of 
the  deprived  bishops  except  Ken,  Nelson, 
together  With  DodweU  and  others,  returned 
to  the  national  Church,  but  did  not  join  in 
the  prayers  for  the  royal  family.  This  de- 
fection was  perhaps  the  greatest  blow  the 
Nonjuring  cause  received.     On  Easter  Day 


(386  ) 


Neville] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Newcastle 


Nflson  received  the  Blessed  Sacrament  from 
Archbishop  Sharp  {q.v.)  of  York.  In  1713  he 
assisted  in  the  pubhcation  of  The  Hereditary 
Right  Asserted,  by  George  Harbin. 

During  liis  Nonjuring  days  Nelson  re- 
mained on  good  terms  with  many  of  the 
conforming  clergy,  and  supported  nearly 
all  the  various  charitable  and  philanthropic 
institutions  of  the  age.  He  was  an  enthusi- 
astic patron  of  the  Religious  Societies  {q.v.) 
and  of  the  Societies  for  the  Reformation  of 
Manners  {q.v.),  and  an  influential  member  of 
the  S.P.C.K.  and  the  S.P.G.  He  gave  valu- 
able assistance  to  Di-.  Bray's  {q.v.)  scheme 
for  providing  parochial  libraries  in  England, 
to  the  Corporation  of  the  Sons  of  the  Clergy, 
and  to  the  Charity  School  Movement.  In 
1710  he  was  appointed  to  the  Commission  for 
building  fifty  new  churches  in  London.  In 
Anne's  reign  he  became  celebrated  for  his 
religious  writings.  His  best  known  works 
are  his  Companion  to  the  Fasts  and  Festivals 
of  the  Church  of  England  (1704),  of  which  a 
thirty-sixth  edition  appeared  in  1836 ;  a 
Life  of  Bishop  Bull  (1713),  his  old  tutor  ;  and 
his  Address  to  Persojis  of  Quality  (1715). 
Nelson  spent  and  bequeathed  his  own  fortune 
in  charitable  works,  and  has  been  well  called 
the  '  pious  Robert  Nelson.'  [g.  v.  p.] 

C.  F.  Secretan,  Life  and  Times  of  the  Pious 
Robert  ydson  ;  Overton,  The  Nonjurors. 

NEVILLE,  Ralph  (d.  1244),  Bishop  of  Chi- 
chester, was  an  illegitimate  cadet  of  the  noble 
house  of  his  name.  Honorius  iii.  by  Bull, 
25th  January  1220,  removed  this  canonical 
disability  to  his  ordination.  He  early  entered 
the  Government  service  as  a  clerk  in  the 
Chancery.  King  John  was  his  patron,  and 
in  1214  he  received  the  deanery  of  Lichfield, 
and  within  the  next  two  years  some  six 
livings  in  various  parts  of  England,  and  a 
prebend  in  St.  Paul's.  October  1222  he 
was  elected  Chancellor  of  Chichester,  and 
immediately  afterwards  bishop,  but  was  not 
consecrated  until  April  1224.  1226  he  became 
Chancellor  of  England,  and  in  1227  the  ap- 
pointment was  made  for  life.  He  was  chosen 
archbishop  by  the  Canterbury  monks,  1231, 
but  Gregory  ix.  quashed  the  election,  fearing, 
it  is  said,  Neville's  independent  spirit.  1238 
he  was  elected  Bishop  of  Winchester,  but 
Henry  in.  refused  his  assent,  and  called  all 
who  voted  for  Neville  '  fools.'  The  bishop 
had  been  the  colleague  and  friend  of  Hubert 
de  Burgh,  and  was  opposed  to  the  foreign 
influences  which  dominated  the  court.  In 
1236  he  refused  to  resign  his  chancellorship  at 
Henry's  request.  In  1238  the  King  forced 
him  to  give  up  the  Seal,  but  he  retained  the 


title  and  emoluments  of  Chancellor.  In  1242 
the  office  was  restored  to  him.  His  house  in 
London  was  opposite  the  Temple,  and  its  site, 
Chancery  Lane,  owes  its  name  to  his  residence 
there.  Bishop  Neville  was  an  excellent  public 
servant,  and  a  loyal  official,  who  helped  to 
preserve  the  throne  during  the  minority  of 
Henry  lu.  He  was  a  just  and  merciful 
judge,  a  generous  benefactor  to  his  cathedral 
church,  and  a  careful  husband  of  his  episcopal 
property.  The  letters  from  his  steward  in 
Sussex  throw  much  interesting  light  on 
thirteenth-eentury  farming.  By  his  refusal 
to  resign  the  chancellorship  save  to  the 
Council  which  had  conferred  it  on  him. 
Bishop  Stubbs  holds  that  Neville  anticipated 
the  later  constitutional  doctrine  of  the  re- 
sponsibility of  ministers.  [s.  L.  O.] 

D.N.B.;  Royal  Letters  Henry  ///.,  R.S.  ; 
Sussex  Archceol.  Collections,  iii.  ;  Stephens, 
Memorials  of  See  of  Chichester. 

NEWCASTLE,  See  of.  The  earliest  North- 
umbrian see  was  that  of  Lindisfarne,  founded 
by  Aidan  {q.v.)  in  635.  There  was  also  a  see 
of  Hexham,  678-821.  In  881  Eardulf ,  the  last 
Bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  was  driven  thence  by 
the  Danes,  and  fixed  his  see  at  Chester-le- 
Street.  In  991  his  successor,  Aldhun,  was 
again  driven  out  by  the  Danes,  and  settled 
at  Durham,  from  whence  the  church  of 
Northumberland  was  governed  for  nearly 
nine  hundred  years.     [Durham,  See  of.] 

A  separate  bishopric  for  Northumberland 
was  discussed  under  Edward  vi.,  but  nothing 
was  done.  In  1854  the  corporation  of 
Newcastle-on-Tyne,  supported  by  other  local 
bodies,  petitioned  the  Home  Secretary  for  a 
separate  diocese,  pleading  that  proper  ad- 
ministration of  the  Church  in  their  county 
was  impossible  while  it  remained  a  distant 
part  of  the  immense  Durham  diocese.  In 
1876  Bishop  Baring  took  the  matter  up,  and 
supported  the  inclusion  of  Newcastle  in  the 
Bishoprics  Act  of  1878  (41-2  Vic.  c.  68), 
under  which  the  see  of  Newcastle  was  founded 
by  Order  in  Council  published  23rd  May 
1882.  Its  income  was  fixed  at  £3500, 
£1000  a  year  being  taken  from  that  of 
Durham,  and  over  £75,000  raised  by  volun- 
tary contributions.  Benwell  Tower,  two  miles 
from  Newcastle,  was  presented  to  the  see  as 
an  episcopal  residence  by  Mr.  J.  W.  Pease, 
a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  The 
parish  church  of  St.  Nicholas,  Newcastle, 
dating  chiefly  from  the  fourteenth  century, 
became  the  cathedral  church.  Though  there 
are  four  endowed  canonries  the  chapter  has 
not  yet  been  legally  constituted,  and  the 
bishop  is  appointed  by  Letters  Patent  from 


(387) 


Newman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Newman 


the  Crown.  The  diocese  consists  of  the 
county  of  Northumberland,  with  Berwick- 
upon-Tweed,  and  the  ancient  civil  parish  of 
Alston,  with  its  chapelries  in  Cumberland.  It 
contains  1,290,312  acres,  has  a  population  of 
700.014,  and  is  divided  into  the  archdeaconries 
of  Northumberland  (first  mentioned,  1140) 
and  Lindisfarne  (separated  from  it  in  1882). 

Bishops 

1.  Ernest  Roland  Wilberforce,  1882  ;   tr.  to 

Chichester,  1895. 

2.  Edgar  Jacob,  1895;    tr.  to  St.  Albans, 

1903. 

3.  Arthur  Thomas  Lloyd,  1903;    tr.  from 

Thetford  ;  formerly  Vicar  of  Newcastle ; 
a  most  active  and  saintly  bishop  ;  d. 
1907. 

4.  Norman  Dumenil  John  Straton,   1907  ; 

tr.  from  Sodor  and  Man. 

[Q.  c] 

NEWMAN,  John  Henry  (1801-90),  cardinal, 
son  of  a  London  banker,  was  brought  up 
under  Calvinistic  influences,  went  through  the 
process  of  conversion  in  1816,  which  he  ever 
after  regarded  as  a  turning-point  in  his  life ; 
was  sent  up  to  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  very 
young,   did   not   highly   distinguish   himself 
in  the  schools,  but  in  1822  was  elected,  after 
examination,    a   Fellow   of    Oriel,    then   the 
leading    college    in    the    intellectual    life    of 
Oxford.     He  became  a  Tutor  of  the  college 
in  1826.     Hurrell  Froude  {q.v.)  was  elected 
a  Fellow  in  the  same  year.     Newman  had 
united  with  Froude  to  vote  for  Hawkins  as 
Provost  against  Keble  (q.v.).     For  this   he 
was  rewarded  in  1829  by  Hawkins  turning 
him  out  of  his  tutorship,  because  he  insisted 
on  construing  strictly  the  tutor's  function  in 
loco  parentis  to  have  regard  to  the  moral  and 
spiritual  welfare  of  his  pupils.     In  1832  he 
went  abroad  with  Froude  and  his  father,  the 
archdeacon.     The  journey  in  which  Newman 
saw  Rome  for  the  first  time  was  undertaken 
for  the  sake  of  Froude's  health,  which  it  did 
not  permanently  re-estabhsh.     Newman  him- 
self towards  the  close  was  alone,  and  nearly 
died  of  fever  in  Sicily.     It  was  on  the  voyage 
back  from  Marseilles  that  he  wrote   'Lead, 
kindly    Light.'      So   far    as    Newman    was 
conctirned   it   was    chiefly   during  the   long 
dream     time    of    this    interlude    that    the 
thoughts  gathered  which  were  to  take  shape 
in  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.).     The  year  of 
the  great  Reform  Bill  was  one  which  foreboded 
great  danger  to  the  Establishment.     And  the 
Movement   avowedly  took  its  origin  in  the 
endeavour   to    find    some   defence    for    the 
Church  of  England  deeper  than  that  of  mere 


political  conservatism.     Newman  resolved  to 
proceed  by  the  method  of  short  tracts,  and 
becoming   the   editor,  wrote   the  first  with 
its  call  to  battle,  '  I  am  but  one  of  your- 
selves,  a  presbyter.'      And  the  circulation, 
which  was  conducted  in  somewhat  primitive 
fashion,  began  shortly  to  affect  the  country 
parsonages.     Newman  had  been  presented  by 
his  college  in  1828  to  the  hving  of  St.  Mary's, 
Oxford.     This  was  to  prove  his  widest  source 
of    influence   in    the    EngHsh    Church.     His 
sermons,  though  not  definitely  propagandist, 
attracted     all     those    undergraduates    who 
listened  to  sermons  at  all,  and  moulded  a 
whole  generation  of  clergy.     In  1833  he  also 
pubUshed  his  first  volume.  The  Avians  of  the 
Fourth  Century,  which  as  an  exposition  of 
Cathohc  doctrine  is  unrivalled,  and  as  history 
is  far  less  unsatisfactory  than  is  often  sup- 
posed, due  regard  being  had  to  the  date  of  its 
pubhcation.     In  1834  the  Movement,  which 
had     been     proceeding     by    rapid     strides, 
received  a  great  accession  of  strength  in  the 
person  of  Pusey  {q.v.). 

In  1836  came  the  controversy  over  Hamp- 
den's   {q.v.)    Bampton    Lectures.     In    this 
Newman  was  the  main  assailant.     The  same 
year  began  the  connection  with  the  British 
Critic  (a  magazine  started  in  1814),  which 
was  to  contain  so  many  soUd  contributions  to 
theology  and  some  of  Newman's  best  writing. 
In  1839  the  downgrade  began.     Newman  read 
an  article  of  Wiseman's  on  'The  AngUcan 
Claim,'   and  declared  that  it  was  the  first 
serious  blow  he  had  received  from  the  Roman 
side.     From  this   '  stomach-ache '   he  never 
recovered.     He    began    to    fear    that    the 
EngUsh  Church  was  no  better  off  than  the 
Donatists  or  the  Monophysites,  and  although 
he  buoyed  himself  up  with  fresh  arguments, 
such  as  the  essay  on  The  Catholicity  of  the 
Anglican  Church,  he  was  never  more  a  whole- 
hearted defender  of  the  Via  Media.     Influ- 
enced partly  by  Ward  and  others  of  the  more 
extreme  men  who  had  come  late  into  the 
Movement,    he    wrote    in    1841    Tract    90, 
designed     to     prove    that    the    Protestant 
interpretation    which    custom    had    affixed 
to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  was  not  binding, 
but    that    they    might    be    construed    in    a 
Cathohc  sense.     In  the  course  of  this  tract 
he  lays  down  the  principles  of  the  ethics  of 
conformity,  as  they  are  now  almost  univers- 
ally received.     The  tract  provoked  an  outcry. 
Four  Oxford  Tutors,  of  whom  Tait  {q.v.)  was 
one,  protested  against  its  alleged  immorality, 
and  the  bishops  after  some  delay  began  to 
charge    against    its    author.      In    obedience 
to    his    own    bishop    Newman    stopped    the 
further  issue  of  the  Tracts.     He  had  fitted 


(  388) 


Newman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Newman 


up  a  few  cottages  at  Littlemore  as  a  sort  of 
refuge  for  men  desiring  to  live  in  community. 
Tlierc  he  retired  with  a  few  others.  In  1843 
he  published  a  retractation  of  all  the  hard 
things  he  had  said  of  the  Roman  Church, 
and  resigned  St.  Mary's.  One  further  event 
greatly  moved  him,  and  this  was  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Jerusalem  Bishopric  {q.v.),  the 
ill-fated  project  of  Bunsen.  He  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  archbishop  publicly  protesting  against 
this.  But  though  it  may  be  thought  to 
have  intensified  his  feeling,  this  incident  did 
not  originate  or  even  accelerate  his  action. 
In  1845  a  successful  attempt  was  made  to 
censure  W.  G.  Ward  for  the  Ideal  of  a  Christian 
Church,  but  the  proctors'  veto  (exercised  by 
Church  {q.v.)  and  Guillemard)  saved  Newman 
from  insult.  He  was  engaged  on  that  essay, 
afterwards  published,  On  the  Development  of 
Christian  Doctrine,  which  is  in  some  ways  the 
most  original  of  all  his  works.  Before  the 
book  was  really  completed  he  took  the  final 
step,  and  was  received  into  the  Roman  Church 
on  9th  October  by  the  Passionist,  Father 
Dominic. 

After  an  interlude  at  various  places  in 
England,  Newman  was  sent  to  Rome  for  a 
year.  In  1847  he  founded  the  congregation 
of  the  Oratory  of  St.  Philip  Neri  in  Birming- 
ham, which  in  1852  was  removed  to  the 
suburb  of  Edgbaston.  This  remained  his 
home  for  the  rest  of  his  Life,  except  for  the 
short  and  intermittent  sojourn  in  Dubhn. 
In  1850  he  dehvered  the  lectures  on  The 
Difficulties  of  Anglicans.  The  course  was 
designed  to  show  that  Rome  was  the  logical 
outcome  of  Tractarianism,  and  that  the 
difficulties  felt  by  many  were  not  vital 
objections  to  the  Roman  system.  At  this 
time,  1851,  there  took  place  the  famous 
papal  aggression.  At  the  inauguration  of 
the  '  revived '  Roman  hierarchy  Newman 
preached  that  sermon  on  '  The  Second 
Spring '  which  Macaulay  was  declared  to  have 
by  heart.  In  view  of  the  outcry  provoked  by 
the  unwise  phraseology  of  Cardinal  Wiseman 
Newman  was  induced  to  deliver  the  course 
of  lectures  on  The  Present  Position  of  Catholics 
in  England.  This  volume  contains  some  of 
the  best  specimens  of  his  irony.  Unfortun- 
ately, however,  he  alluded,  in  terms  entirely 
justified,  to  the  character  of  an  ex-Dominican, 
Dr.  Achilli,  who  had  been  greatly  advertised 
by  the  ultra-Protestant  part}'.  Achiih  prose- 
cuted Newman  for  criminal  hbel.  In  the 
existing  state  of  the  pubhc  mind,  with  a 
judge  manifestly  prejudiced,  it  was  not 
surprising  that  Newman  was  condemned. 
This  was  directly  in  the  teeth  of  the  evidence; 
but  a  motion  for  a  new  trial  failed,  and  New- 


man was  sentenced  to  a  fine  of  £100,  in  a  case 
of  which  the  costs  were  £14,000.  On  the 
whole,  however,  he  had  gained;  the  money 
was  subscribed  for  him,  and  the  manifest 
injustice  of  the  verdict  turned  feeling  in  his 
favour.  In  1854,  at  the  request  of  Cardinal 
CuUen,  Newman  became  the  Rector  of  the 
Roman  CathoUc  University  in  Dublin.  His 
position  was  hopeless  from  the  first.  The 
bishops  wanted  nothing  of  Newman  but  his 
name ;  they  hampered  and  insulted  him ; 
their  ideal  was  merely  a  superior  sort  of 
seminary ;  and  after  three  years'  disappoint- 
ing efforts  Newman  retired.  One  good  result 
had  come  of  the  ill-fated  project,  the  lectures 
on  The  Idea  of  a  University.  From  1857-64 
Newman  was  also  much  occupied  with 
another  difficult  matter.  Sir  John  (later  Lord) 
Acton  and  others  had  been  for  some  time 
endeavouring  to  raise  the  standard  of  culture 
among  Roman  Catholics,  and  as  a  means  to 
this  end  they  had  chosen  a  magazine.  The 
Rambler,  however,  became  so  extravagant  in 
theological  liberalism  that  the  authorities 
were  set  against  it.  Eventually,  after  much 
negotiation,  Newman  consented  to  take  over 
the  editorship.  He  retained  it,  however,  for 
a  very  few  months.  An  article  of  his  own  on 
'  Consulting  the  Laity  in  matters  of  Faith,' 
though  it  contains  one  of  the  best  possible 
expositions  of  the  true  principles  of  authority, 
was  denounced  to  Rome,  and  could  not  but  be 
offensive  to  strict  ultramontanes.  After  tliis, 
the  review  was  bought  by  Acton,  and  New- 
man was  invited  sometimes  to  give  advice. 
But  the  net  result  of  his  intervention  was 
that  he  had  awakened  the  distrust  of  both 
sides,  and  left  the  breaches  unhealed.  Prob- 
ably, however,  if  it  had  not  been  for  Newman, 
Acton  and  Simpson  would  not  have  been  able 
to  continue  the  Home  and  Foreign  Review  as 
long  as  they  did.  It  should  be  said  that  the 
Oratory  School  at  Edgbaston  was  founded 
in  1859.  Newman  was  not  headmaster,  but 
exercised  a  general  supervision,  and  his  name 
had  much  to  do  with  the  success  of  the  school. 
At  this  time  liis  position  was  at  its  nadir. 
Distrusted  by  the  authorities  of  his  own 
Church,  openly  attacked  in  the  Dublin 
Review  by  W.  G.  Ward,  with  the  influence 
of  Manning  {q.v.)  on  the  increase  and  incur- 
ably hostile,  Newman  had  fallen  out  of  pubUc 
notice  ;  his  books  had  ceased  to  sell,  and  his 
work  appeared  to  be  over. 

In  1864  came  the  chance  of  his  life.  He 
took  it,  and  after  the  pubUcation  of  the 
Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua  his  place  in  English 
life  was  secure.  Kingsley  {q.v.)  began  by 
making  a  charge  of  dehberate  approval  of 
falsehood  against  Newman.     Invited  to  give 


(  389  ) 


Newman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Newman 


his  authorities,  he  was  unable  to  do  more 
than  allude  to  the  general  trend  of  a  sermon. 
Pressed    still    further,    he    still    refused    to 
withdraw  his  charge,  and  made  even  baser 
insinuations    in    a    rejoinder    entitled    What 
then  does  Dr.  Neivman  mean  ?     Xewman  dis- 
cerned that  here  was  the  true  point  at  issue 
— the  meaning  and  spirit  of  his  whole  life ; 
and  the  Apologia,  written  at  white  heat  and 
coming  out  in  weekly  parts,  was  the  conse- 
quence.    A  pubhc  assurance  of  the  sympathy 
of  his  co-religionists  made  him  more  than 
ever  dangerous    to    the    extreme  ultramon- 
tanes,  like   Manning,  Ward,   and  Vaughan, 
styled    by    Newman    '  the    three    tailors    of 
Tooley  Street.'     A  suggestion  that  he  should 
go    to    Oxford    to    preside    over   a    Roman 
Catholic     college    or    hostel    was    bitterly 
opposed  by  his  enemies.     In  the  year  1870 
he  issued  his  Grammar  of  Assent.     Tliis  with 
the  Development  and  the  University  Sermons 
is   Newman's   most   important   contribution 
to  the  phUosophy  of  religion,  and  anticipates 
much  that  has  been  recently  written  from 
the  philosophic  side  on  the  nature  of  belief. 
The  book  was  approved  by  Ward,  but  its 
strong    anti-scholastic     tendency     made     it 
unpopular  with  the  exponents  of  the  prevail- 
ing   scholastic    orthodoxy.     This    was    the 
time    of    the    Vatican    Council.     Newman, 
though  he  believed  the  doctrine  of  '  Papal 
Infallibility,'  was  opposed  to  its  promulgation, 
and  to  the  influence  of  Manning  and  the 
Jesuits  who  pressed  for  it.     Thus  he  was  in 
the  strictest  sense  an  inopportunist.     Though 
invited,  as  one  of  the  theological  assessors, 
by  Archbishop  Dupanloiip,  Newman  refused 
to  attend  the  Council.     But  his  views  were 
known,  and  the  unauthorised  publication  of 
a  private  letter  gave  them  more  pronounced 
expression    than    he  \^ould    have    desired. 
Despite  this,  when  in   1874  Mr.   Gladstone 
(g.v.)  published  his  pamphlet  on  The  Vatican 
Decrees  in  their  hearing  on  Civil  Allegiance, 
all  turned  to  Newman  for  help.     His  Letter  to 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  forms  not  merely  a  most 
efiective   answer   to  Mr.    Gladstone,   but  is 
also   a   very   adroit   blow   delivered   at   the 
extreme  ultramontanes.     Even  Acton  could 
say  that  he  might  accept  the  decree  with 
Newman's    explanations.     The    only    other 
event    of    importance    in   Newman's  life   is 
the  offer  of  the  cardinalate.     When  Pius  ix. 
was  succeeded  in  1876  by  the  more  liberal 
Leo  xin.,  Newman's  admirers  felt  that  it  was 
opportune    to    ask    for    some    recognition. 
After  some  difficulty,  created  by  Manning, 
the    honour    was    conferred    in    1878,    and 
Newman  lived  the  last  twelve  years  of  his 
life  honoured  alike  witliin  and  without  his 


own  communion.  He  wrote  no  more  books, 
but  in  1881  published  an  article  of  liberal 
tendency  on  the  object  of  Biblical  criticism, 
and  spent  much  time  in  arranging  his  corre- 
spondence. After  growing  gradually  more  and 
more  feeble,  he  died  on  11th  August  1890. 
The  chorus  of  eulogy  which  followed  his 
death  provoked  hostile  critics.  In  Philo- 
mythus,  Newnuinianism,  and  his  two  volumes 
on  the  Anglican  Life  of  Cardinal  Neivman, 
Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott  set  himself  to  besmirch  his 
reputation,  and  employed  arguments  on  a 
lower  level  than  those  of  Kingsley. 

The  personal  charm  and  extraordinary 
subtlety  of  Newman's  character  render  him 
one  of  the  most  intimate  and  alluring  of 
writers.  His  contribution  to  the  life  of  his 
time  may  be  summed  up  as  follows: — He 
discerned  earlier  than  most  men  the  terrific 
strength  of  the  forces  that  threatened  to 
engulf  the  Christian  faith ;  he  saw  that  the 
existing  bulwarks,  alike  intellectual  and 
political,  were  of  little  value  ;  and  that  the 
true  conflict  was  between  rationaHsm  as  an 
accepted  principle  and  the  religious  sense  of 
men.  He  saw  that  those  who  decide  for  the 
religious  sense  have  decided  for  a  power 
super-individual,  and  that  the  collective 
consciousness  of  the  religious  community 
must  be  their  authority  rather  than  the 
individual  reason.  Further  he  saw  that  all 
beliefs  must  be  ultimately  determined  by 
their  relation  to  life,  and  that  real  assent 
would  be  no  merely  mechanical  result.  Man 
is  not  merely  a  sort  of  super-Babbage,  grind- 
ing out  conclusions  like  a  calculating  machine. 
Thus  all  his  religious  philosophy  arises  from 
the  denial  to  the  individual  of  the  power  to 
form  entirely  valid  conclusions  once  he  has 
accepted  the  postvlate  of  religion  ;  while  in  his 
view  of  the  social  consciousness,  as  incarnate 
in  the  Church,  he  is  led  to  develop  the 
doctrine  of  organic  evolution  in  the  spiritual 
just  as  Darwin  did  in  the  natural  world. 
It  is  sometimes  a  question  how  far  the 
development  allowed  by  Newman  is  truly 
organic,  and  how  far  it  is  a  mere  logical 
expUcation.  On  the  whole,  however,  the 
better  opinion  appears  to  be  that  it  was  the 
former,  or  at  least  that  he  was  feeling  his 
way  to  it.  This  seems  clear  from  the  famous 
passage  about  the  Church  '  changing  that  she 
may  remain  the  same.'  It  is  the  viewing  of 
all  religious  philosophy  under  the  category 
of  life  that  is  Newman's  main  contribution. 
Its  value  is  permanent,  and  his  influence  is 
in  some  ways  on  the  increase. 

This  he  foresaw.  In  his  darkest  moments 
he  seems  to  have  felt  that  he  would  be 
appreciated  after  his  death,  and  the  interest 


(390) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


in  him  in  France  and  Germany  has  developed 
in  the  last  ten  years.  This  is  testified  hy 
WDrks  like  those  of  Henri  Br6mond  in  France, 
and  Lady  Blennerhassett  in  Germany. 

Of  the  style  so  much  has  been  said  that 
it  is  idle  to  add  a  word.  Mr.  Gladstone  de- 
scribed it  well  as  *  transporting.'  Its  minglinji 
of  sweetness  and  austerity  and  the  depth  of 
its  intimiti  make  it  nnliko  all  else. 

[j.   N.   F.] 

Li/c  and  Correspoiuh-nce,  ed.  A.  Mozley ; 
Life  by  Wilfrid  Ward ;  Apologia  pro  Vita 
Sua. 

NONCONFORMITY.  It  is  needless  to 
carry  the  history  of  Nonconformity  in  England 
beyond  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  In  earlier 
days  a  resemblance  of  ideas  can  be  discovered 
but  no  continuity  of  organisation.  The 
prime  motive  of  Nonconformity,  as  we  know 
it,  was  antagonism  to  tradition  as  embodied 
in  Rome.  At  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's 
reign,  though  there  was  a  widespread  survival 
of  sympathy  with  the  old  order,  it  was  mute 
and  passive.  The  governing  and  thinking 
classes  were  eager  for  change  ;  repugnance 
excited  by  the  horrors  of  Mary's  reign,  hatred 
of  Spain,  and  the  example  of  the  most  en- 
lightened and  progressive  parts  of  Europe 
worked  together  to  stimulate  the  desire. 
The  Roman  communion  was  not  as  yet 
effectually  reformed  and  disciplined,  nor  was 
it  clear  that  the  progress  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation  was  to  be  stayed  at  the  point 
it  had  already  reached.  The  future  seemed 
to  belong  to  the  new  Churches ;  even  in 
France,  till  Henry  iv.  bought  Paris  by  a 
change  of  creed,  it  was  quite  possible  that 
Protestantism  might  at  least  share  the  nation 
with  Rome.  It  was  natural,  then,  that  in 
England  the  ardent  spirits  should  strive  to 
complete  the  breach  with  the  past,  and 
should  cherish  resentment  against  what 
seemed  the  half-hearted  compromise  estab- 
lished as  the  national  Church.  And  in 
excuse  for  them  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
-  that  till  the  rise  of  Bancroft  (q.v.)  and 
Hooker  (q.v.)  the  Church  of  England  held  no 
obviously  consistent  position,  either  in  theory 
or  practice,  by  which  it  could  be  discriminated 
from  its  foreign  allies.  Its  tone  was  apologetic 
on  the  side  of  argument ;  it  pleaded  that  the 
practices  it  retained  from  the  past  were 
pardonable,  and  at  the  worst  were  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  a  schism,  or  for  a  revolution- 
ary change  in  usages  and  constitution.  But 
what  was  wanting  in  resolute  maintenance 
of  the  ecclesiastical  position  was  supphed  by 
a  vigorous  policy  of  suppression,  the  victims 
of  which  could  not  distinguish  between  the 


share  of  the  Church  and  that  of  the  State  in 
their  sufferings. 

The  danger  to  the  Church  from  this  move- 
ment was  that  its  promoters  professed  them- 
selves to  be,  and  in  eyes  of  many  were,  the 
foremost  champions  against  Rome.  We  are 
apt  to  think  of  their  protest  as  directed 
primarily  against  our  own  Church's  pecuU- 
arities ;  statesmen  like  Burghley  regarded 
their  domestic  sallies  as  pardonable  because 
they  seemed  the  most  consistent,  and  there- 
fore the  most  formidable,  opponents  of  the 
ahen.  But  we  may  leave  out  of  account, 
as  having  had  no  permanent  results,  such 
separatism  as  was  merely  a  protest  against 
ancient  observances,  without  a  definite 
Church  theory  of  its  own.  The  agitation  was 
only  dangerous  when  it  became  logical ;  and 
the  French  reformers  were  ready  to  supply  a 
reasoned  and  consistent  scheme.  By  this 
time  the  German  reformation  had  fallen  into 
the  background.  Its  strength  had  been  in 
inward  feeling  and  in  the  support  of  the 
State,  and  as  feeling  grew  less  intense  it  was 
replaced  by  an  orthodoxy  which  became  as 
scholastic  as  the  mediaeval,  while  the  support 
of  the  local  government  grew  into  a  domina- 
tion. But  if  Lutheranism  was  unattractive, 
it  was  also  remote.  The  Lutheran  regions 
were  severed  from  Britain  by  a  screen  of 
Churches  which  maj%  for  all  practical  purposes, 
be  caUed  Calvinist.  From  the  North  Sea  to 
the  Alps,  Western  Europe,  where  it  was  not 
Roman,  was  Calvinist,  and  it  was  among 
Calvinists  of  varying  shades  that  the  Marian 
Exiles  {q.v.)  had  resided,  and  had  learned  that 
a  national  Church,  to  include  all  the  members 
of  the  nation,  is  a  necessary  part  of  the  divine 
order ;  they  had  also  learned  that  the 
Scripture  reveals  the  right  constitution  of 
this  Church,  and  that  existing  Churches  must, 
as  a  matter  of  duty,  be  reconstructed  after 
this  pattern.  The  wisest  leaders  of  Conti- 
nental reform  pressed,  indeed,  for  unity  in 
England,  lest  the  nation  should  be  lost 
through  internal  disputes  to  the  common 
cause  ;  but  logic  and  passion  were  too  strong. 
It  passed  for  nothing  that  the  English 
Church,  or  at  least  its  leaders,  had  no  quarrel 
with  the  doctrines  of  the  extreme  reformers, 
and  was  hostile  to  Rome.  There  was  an 
appearance  of  compromise,  a  retention  of 
historical  institutions  which  seemed  un- 
scriptural  to  men  who  had  reached  the  con- 
clusion that  bishop  and  presbyter  were  at 
first,  and  therefore  were  designed  always  to 
be,  names  for  the  same  office.  There  was 
also — and  here  they  were  justified  in  their 
complaints — a  notorious  inefficiency  in  the 
working  ministers  of  the  Church,  and  a  failure 


(391) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


of  the  bishops  to  raise  the  standard.     And  so 

in  the  first  great  manifesto,  The  Admonition 

to  the  Parliament  of  1571,  the  practical  failure 

is  used  to  enforce  the  need  of  new  principles 

of  government.     It  is  useless  to  '  patch  and 

piece,'    as    hitherto.     The    English    Church 

must   '  altogether  remove  whole  Antichrist, 

both  head  and  taU,  and  perfectly  plant  that 

purity  of  the  word,  that  simplicity  of  the 

sacraments  and  severity  of  disciphne,  which 

Christ  hath  commanded  and  commended  to 

His  Church.'     This  result  was  to  be  attained 

b}'   the    estabhshment   of   a    ministry   with 

coercive   powers,   in   the  enjoyment   of   the 

existing  church  revenues,  all  the  members  of 

which  were  to  be  on  a  parity  with  one  another, 

while  they  were  to  be  organised  in  an  elaborate 

system  of  courts  that  should  culminate  in  a 

national  assembly.     The  scheme  was  based 

on  the  assumption  that  the  character  of  a 

Church  is  not  affected  by  its  constitution. 

Before  and  after  this  revolution  the  Church 

of  England  would  retain  its  identity  as  an 

orthodox,  an ti- Roman  communion  ;  and  the 

innovators  held  that  they  were  not  quarrelling 

with  it  but  with  certain  accidental  pecuharities 

that  disfigured  it.     They  could  not  sanction 

these  defects  by  conforming  to  its  existing 

rules,  but  they  claimed  that  their  loyalty  was 

shown  by  the  very  fact  of  their  zeal  for  its 

improvement.     For  this  improvement  they 

laboured  by  controversy  and  by  attempts  at 

organisation.     We  are  only  concerned  with 

the  latter. 

I.  Pkesbyterians 

At  Wandsworth  in  1572  was  established 
a  definitely  Presbyterian  Church,  which  was 
promptly  suppressed.  But  the  founders  were 
not  discouraged.  They  believed  that  the 
future  was  theirs,  and  prophesied  that  Matthew 
Parker  {q.v.)  would  be  the  last  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury.  A  more  comprehensive  scheme 
was  quickly  started.  Like-minded  clergy  were 
to  form  voluntary  associations,  either  for 
mutual  improvement  in  preaching  and  in 
spiritual  exercises,  or  else  for  mutual  disci- 
phne ;  and  though  they  held  their  benefices 
by  patronage  and  episcopal  institution  the}- 
were  to  regard  this  private  membership  as 
their  true  right  to  exercise  their  ministry. 
They  were  to  admit  such  others  as  they 
thought  fit,  and  gradually  to  extend  both  the 
membership  and  the  authority  of  these 
private  societies  tiU  they  became  the  actual 
government  of  the  Church.  When  a  federa- 
tion of  such  local  organisations  sent  repre- 
sentatives to  a  national  assembly  the  work 
would  be  accomphshed ;  and  though  the 
higher   officers,  such  as  bishops  and   arch- 


deacons, might  stUl  survive,  they  would  be 
of  merely  antiquarian  interest  without  ad- 
ministrative power.  In  parishes,  especially 
in  towns,  where  the  clergy  were  out  of  sym- 
pathy with  the  movement,  and  there  was 
Httle  hope  of  more  amenable  successors  being 
appointed,  wealthy  laymen  subscribed  to  buy 
up  impropriate  tithe  as  an  endowment  for 
lectureships  to  be  held  by  Puritan  clergy. 
The  churchwardens  would  see  that  they  had 
access  to  the  pulpit,  and  they  would  be 
regarded  by  their  adherents  as  the  true 
ministers  of  the  parish  and  accepted  as  such 
in  the  '  class,'  or  association  of  neighbouring 
clergy.  There  was,  in  fact,  the  beginning  of 
such  a  government  as  existed  in  the  Presby- 
terian Church  of  Scotland.  Under  the  weak 
rule  of  Grindal  (q.v.)  and  with  the  support 
of  many  leading  laymen,  who  protected  the 
innovators  by  giving  them  the  post  of  chap- 
lain, the  plan  seemed  likely  to  succeed. 
When  Bancroft  brought  method  into  the 
government  of  the  Church,  and  churchmen 
came  to  be  conscious  of  distinctive  principles 
of  their  own,  the  attempt  to  create  an 
imperium  in  imperio  was  abandoned.  Mean- 
while a  new  danger,  that  of  Independency, 
was  rising,  whose  negation  of  the  principle 
of  national  Churches  was  repugnant  to  the 
Presbyterians,  and  drove  them  into  closer  sym- 
pathy with  Anglicans,  as  maintainors  equally 
with  themselves  of  the  threatened  principle. 
There  was  also  the  obvious  consideration  that 
a  benefice  in  the  Estabhshed  Church  did 
actually  confer  upon  the  minister  much  of 
the  authority  he  desired,  and  also  gave  him 
power  to  work  for  its  increase ;  while  the 
natural  tendency  to  acquiesce  in  a  familiar 
position  made  submission  to  the  pressure  of 
authority  and  tolerance  of  the  new  arguments 
of  the  Anglican  school  seem  comparatively 
easy.  Thus  the  successors  of  stern  and 
consistent  champions  of  the  Presbyterian 
principle,  such  as  Cartwright  (q.v.)  and 
Travers  [q.v.),  were  men  content  to  live  and 
let  live.  Their  protests  grew  steadOy  fainter, 
though  their  principles  were  cherished  in 
their  hearts,  ready  to  emerge  in  protest 
against  Laudianism,  which  itself  was  not  an 
arbitrary  innovation  but  the  inevitable  and 
normal  outcome  of  the  Anglican  mode  of 
thought.  But  the  fact  that  the  Westminster 
Assembly  of  1643  was  composed  of  elderly 
beneficed  clergy,  episcopallj-  ordained  under 
Elizabeth  or  James  i.,  and  quite  satisfied  as 
to  the  validity  of  their  position,  shows  how 
thoroughly  at  home  Presbyterianism  had 
come  to  be  in  the  Church.  Latent  it  had 
been,  but  its  advocates  felt  no  incongruity  in 
their   task   of   rendering  it  explicit   as   the 


(  392  ) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


discipline  and  doctrine  of  England.  The 
Church,  in  their  judgment,  was  not  essenti- 
ally changed,  but  only  practically  improved, 
by  the  innovation. 

For  a  moment  it  seemed  that  they  had  won 
a  lasting  triumph.  To  the  merchants  of 
London  and  Bristol,  to  a  large  proportion  of 
the  trading  and  landed  classes  throughout 
the  country,  it  appeared  that  the  interests  of 
civil  liberty  were  bound  up  with  those  of  a 
rigorous  ecclesiastical  discipline.  The  Puritan 
clergy  were  eager  to  undertake  their  share  of 
the  work ;  excommunication  was  to  be  a 
power  in  constant  exercise.  But  the  laity 
flinched  from  the  prospect,  and  the  Presby- 
terian system  was  effectually  set  in  motion 
only  in  London  and  the  neighbourhood  of 
Manchester.  The  failure  was  due  quite  as 
much  to  the  unwillingness  of  the  average 
Enghshman  to  submit  to  a  Genevan  regime 
as  to  the  rival  enthusiasm  of  Independency. 
In  the  curiously  anarchical  system  which 
subsisted  under  the  Commonwealth  any  one 
who  could  obtain  a  presentation  and  pass  the 
'  Triers  '  might  enjoy  a  benefice  were  he  Pres- 
byterian, Anglican  (provided  he  did  not  use 
the  Prayer-Book),  Independent,  or  Baptist. 
Probably  a  majority  were  in  general  sympathy 
with  the  Westminster  Assembly,  but  though 
they  could  enforce  payment  of  their  income 
from  endowment,  they  could  not  silence  those 
whom  they  denounced  as  '  sectaries.'  Any 
one  might  form  a  separate  congregation,  and 
the  Presbyterian  ideal  of  a  coercive  and 
uniform  Church  was  as  distant  as  ever. 

We  cannot  wonder  that  the  Presbyterians 
worked  for,  and  welcomed,  the  Restoration. 
They  valued  highly  their  own  share  in  bring- 
ing it  about,  and  expected  to  be  rewarded  by 
such  a  modification  of  the  national  Church  as 
should  make  it  equally  agreeable  to  themselves 
and  to  the  Anglicans.  They  were  prepared 
to  make  considerable  concessions,  for  they 
recognised  that  the  Church  must  be  a  home 
for  their  old  adversaries  as  well  as  for  them- 
selves ;  and  they  were  bitterly  disappointed 
when  they  found  that  no  concessions  would 
be  made  by  the  other  side.  They  had,  in  fact, 
totally  failed  to  realise  the  reaction  of  public 
opinion  to  royahsm  and  episcopacy.  Still,  for 
more  than  a  generation  they  clung  to  the  hope 
of  comprehension,  and  were  encouraged  in 
the  hope  by  an  important  element  within 
the  Church.  [Reunion,  iv.]  This  longing 
for  unity  persisted  in  spite  of  a  persecution, 
which  was  singularly  impohtic.  Baxter  {q.v.) 
was  steady,  if  not  always  practical,  in  his  ad- 
vocacy of  reunion  on  terms  which,  he  thought, 
might  easily  be  arranged  without  dishonour 
to  either  side.     Among  Anglicans,  Tillotson 


{q.v.)  pleaded  for  comprehension,  and  StiUing- 
fleet  {q.v.)  showed,  by  his  efforts  to  make  peace 
among  conflicting  Presbyterians,  that  he  did 
not  consider  them  as  aliens.  But  such  sym- 
pathy and  such  efforts  were  vain,  and  the  Pres- 
byterians sank  into  the  state  of  a  number 
of  detached  congregations.  This  was  fatal 
to  them.  Their  principles  required  tliat  they 
should  be  an  organised  national  Church ; 
they  were  now  in  the  position  of  the  Independ- 
ents. If  a  chapel  were  vacant  its  lay  officers 
could  only,  as  a  separate  corporation,  enter 
into  agreement  with  an  individual  minister  to 
fill  the  charge  ;  such  a  transaction,  perfectly 
satisfactory  to  Independents,  contradicted 
the  very  root  principle  of  Presbyterianism. 
Still  they  retained,  at  least  into  the  reign 
of  George  i.,  a  large  proportion  of  the  mer- 
cantile wealth  of  England ;  and  perhaps 
under  Anne  the  number  of  Presbyterian 
peers  was  not  much  smaller  than  that  of 
Roman  Catholic  peers  to-day. 

But  a  great  and  fatal  doctrinal  change  was 
impending.  While  the  Independents,  for 
the  most  part  of  humbler  status  and  less 
exposed  to  the  social  and  intellectual  spirit 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  usually  main- 
tained the  old  Puritan  Calvinism,  it  was 
rapidly  softened  among  the  Presbyterians 
after  the  Restoration.  The  orthodox  Baxter 
took  the  lead  in  this  movement  of  thought, 
and  those  who  followed  him  were  often  called 
Baxterians.  But  this  reaction  against  rigor 
ous  doctrine  coincided  in  time  and  soon 
coalesced  with  the  tendency  that  became 
Unitarianism. 

II.  Unitarians 

This  was  a  mode  of  thought  that  sprang 
up  in  the  early  years  of  the  Reformation, 
and  had  never  been  suppressed,  though  its 
adherents  had  been  systematically  persecuted 
in  England  as  elsewhere.  The  last  to  suffer 
at  the  stake  in  England  were  tAvo  Arians, 
burnt  in  1612  ;  and  John  Biddle,  the  first 
minister  avowedly  to  teach  Unitarianism  in 
England,  suffered  repeated  imprisonment 
under  the  government  of  Cromwell  and 
Charles  n.  The  Westminster  Assembly, 
indeed,  was  eager  for  his  execution.  In  the 
ferment  of  thought  during  the  Common- 
wealth the  hated  doctrine  gained  many 
adherents.  Milton,  in  his  later  years,  was 
affected  by  it.  And  it  had  a  strong  attraction 
for  the  mind  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  its  most  distinguished 
lay  convert,  while  some  of  the  most  talented 
of  the  clergy,  in  the  early  part  of  the  century, 
such  as  Samuel  Clarke,  Rector  of  St.  James's, 
Westminster,  and  the  Cambridge  Professor 


(393) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


Whiston  {q.v.),  were  its  advocates,  without 
feeling  it  necessary  to  leave  their  Church. 

More  causes  than  one  influenced  the 
Presbyterians  in  the  same  direction.  Their 
desire  for  a  comprehension  that  should  admit 
them  to  the  Church  led  them  to  minimise 
points  of  difference  in  one  direction,  so  that 
it  was  natural  for  them  to  minimise  them  in 
others.  It  was  they  who  especially  practised 
occasional  conformity,  i.e.  the  reception  of 
the  Communion  at  their  parish  church  as  a 
preliminary  to  the  assumption  of  civil  ofifice  ; 
and  the  party  in  the  Church  that  sympathised 
with  this  proceeding  on  their  part  was  that 
which  was  most  inclined  to  theological 
indifference.  And  the  reaction  of  the  age 
against  the  precise  doctrines,  faith  in  which 
had  been  urged  as  essential  on  every  side  for 
a  century  and  a  half,  led  to  an  estimate  of 
benevolence,  in  God  and  man,  as  the  highest 
.  of  qualities.  Tolerance  and  generosity  seemed 
nobler  than  orthodoxy,  especially  to  men 
for  whom  orthodoxy  was  apt  to  mean  a 
crude  doctrine  of  predestination.  These 
were  among  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
prevalence  of  this  new  teaching  among  the 
English  Presbyterians,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  it  was  dangerous  to  hold  it.  Unitarians 
were  expresslj^  excluded  from  the  benefit  of 
the  Toleration  Act  of  1689,  and  their  faith 
was  a  criminal  offence. 

We  may  now  trace  the  growth  of  the  inno- 
vation among  them.  Since  Thomas  Emlyn 
(1663-1741)  the  line  of  Unitarian  ministers 
has  been  continuous.  He  suffered  much 
both  from  the  hostility  of  orthodox  dissenters 
and  from  the  law  ;  his  final  release  from 
prison  was  in  1705.  But  aUies  were  springing 
up  in  many  quarters,  especially  in  London  and 
Exeter,  whence  the  Presbyterian  ministers 
were  ejected  in  1719  by  their  laity,  who  were 
not  3'et  in  sympathy  with  the  movement. 
Both  parties  appealed  for  support  to  the 
dissenters  of  London,  who  since  1691  had 
been  united  by  a  treaty,  called  the  '  Heads  of 
Agreement,'  in  a  loose  federation.  A  memor- 
able meeting  was  held  at  Salters'  Hall  in 
February  1719,  just  before  the  Exeter  eject- 
ment, at  which  a  resolution  in  favour  of  the 
exclusion  of  the  Unitarians  was  carried  by  the 
vote  of  fifty-seven  ministers  and  delegates 
against  fifty-three.  If  the  Presbyterians  had 
been  alone  there  would  have  been  a  large 
majority  for  comprehension.  Not  that  all 
those  who  were  in  favour  of  toleration  were 
unorthodox,  but  that  there  was  in  the  whole 
communion  a  general  dislike  for  non- 
Scriptural  terms  of  communion.  The  trust 
deeds  of  most  of  the  Presbyterian  chapels 
had  been  deliberately  drawn  in  vague  terms, 


without  specification  of  the  doctrine  to  be 
taught ;  and  now,  in  spite  of  the  danger, 
good  men  regarded  the  admission  of  Uni- 
tarianism  as  a  lesser  evil  than  the  definition 
of  doctrine.  The  consequence  was  a  large 
secession  to  Independency,  so  that  among  the 
Presbyterians,  even  where  the  trusts  were 
definitely  orthodox,  Unitarian  teaching  be- 
came general.  The  movement,  which  was 
from  one  point  of  view  a  natural  reaction 
from  rigorism,  swept  all  before  it.  There 
was  a  great  outburst  of  intellectual  life,  in 
which  Chandler,  Lardner,  and  Priestley  were 
conspicuous ;  both  historical  theology  and 
philosophy,  moral  and  natural,  were  ad- 
vanced by  Unitarian  scholars.  At  the  same 
time  the  movement  exerted  an  attractive 
force.  Not  only  among  Nonconformists,  and 
especially  (as  we  shall  see)  Baptists,  but  also 
among  Churchmen  it  had  a  serious  vogue. 
It  is  no  secret  that  several  bishops,  both 
English  and  Irish,  were  in  sympathy  with  it ; 
and  there  was  a  strong  agitation  for  the 
relief  of  the  clergy  from  the  subscription  to 
the  Articles.  It  was  led  by  Francis  Black- 
burne.  Archdeacon  of  Cleveland,  and  was 
defeated  in  Parliament  in  1772,  after  a  famous 
speech  by  Burke,  in  which  he  denounced  the 
proposal  that  the  subscription  should  be  to 
the  Scriptures,  to  be  interpreted  by  each  as 
he  would.  Though  Blackburne  retained  his 
position,  Theophilus  Lindsey,  John  Disney, 
and  other  men  of  some  mark  entered  the 
Unitarian  ministry.  Much  feehng  was  ex- 
cited by  the  ejection  of  WUliam  Frend  from 
his  Fellowship  at  Jesus  College,  Cambridge, 
for  the  same  cause  in  1787.  And  similar 
secessions  followed  for  the  next  generation  ; 
that  of  S.  T.  Coleridge,  who  Avas  candidate 
for  the  Unitarian  chapel  at  Shrewsbury  in 
1798,  but  left  the  creed  by  1807,  is  especially 
noteworthy. 

But  the  movement  had  its  obviously  weak 
sides.  This  extraordinary  change  of  doctrine 
seems  to  have  taken  place  almost,  or  quite, 
unconsciously  in  most  cases.  It  was  at  first 
httle  more  than  a  shifting  of  sympathies,  as 
in  the  case  of  Isaac  Watts,  the  hj^mn-writer ; 
but  gradually  such  names  as  Eusebian,  semi- 
Arian,  Arian,  Socinian  came  to  be  used  as 
terms  of  praise,  and  latterly  Unitarian,  which 
was  late  in  coming  into  general  use,  though  it 
was  devised  before  1700,  and  is  used  for  the 
sake  of  clearness  throughout  this  article. 
The  change  may  be  well  traced  in  the  lives 
of  the  Calamy  family,  extending  from  1600 
to  1876,  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Bio- 
graphy. It  may  also  be  seen  in  the  history  of 
the  valuable  trust  of  Lady  Hewlej^  founded 
in  1705,  for  the  support  of  '  poor  and  godly 


(394) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


preachers.'  Lady  Hewley  was  a  Presbyterian, 
but  the  trustees  and  beneficiaries  came  to  be 
Unitarian,  and  astonishment  as  well  as  resent- 
ment was  felt  when  in  1842  the  charge  of  the 
trust  was  restored  by  the  Court  of  Chancery 
to  orthodox  hands  {Shore  v.  Wilson,  9  C. 
and  F.  355).  But  if  the  change  of  spirit 
had  come  quietly,  and  with  no  sense  of 
revolt  against  the  past,  it  was  none  the  less 
an  effective  barrier  against  the  rising  tide 
of  the  Evangelical  movement.  The  Pres- 
byterians could  not  be  vivified  by  it,  and 
lost  seriously  by  the  secession  of  members 
touched  by  the  new  enthusiasm. 

But  at  the  same  time  a  new  spirit  of  pugna- 
city, political  and  religious,  was  awakened  in 
them.  The  old  spirit  had  been  one  of  placid 
tolerance  ;  the  new  Unitarians,  who  rejoiced 
in  the  name,  were  aggressive.  They  took  an 
active  part  in  agitation  against  the  abuses 
of  the  eighteenth  century ;  the  tendency 
of  the  revivalists  was  conservative,  while 
theirs  was  radical.  Priestley  may  be  re- 
garded as  typical ;  when  the  Tory  mob  of 
Birmingham  destroyed  liis  chapel  it  was  to 
the  cry  of  '  No  Presbyterians.'  As  the  day 
of  triumph  for  the  political  reformers  drew 
near,  the  Unitarians,  and  especially  their 
ministers,  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  influ- 
enced the  policy  of  the  Whig  leaders  to  an 
extent  that  was  out  of  all  proportion  to  their 
numbers.  Their  vigour  was  naturally  shown 
in  religious  controversy.  Thej^  spoke  con- 
temptuously of  the  old  beliefs  and  carried  on 
a  vigorous  polemic  against  them.  Public 
debates  between  champions  of  Unitarianism 
and  of  orthodoxy,  the  latter  often  Anglican, 
were  favourite  intellectual  exercises  in  the 
early  nineteenth  century.  Hence  an  active 
hostility  on  the  other  side,  which  lost  to  the 
Presbyterians  the  trust  of  Lady  Hewley,  and 
would  have  lost  the  Unitarians  almost  all  their 
chapels,  as  having  been  built  for  Trinitarian 
worship,  had  not  Lord  John  Russell  in  1845 
passed  an  Act  which  made  possession  for 
twenty-five  years  a  sufficient  title.  In  fact, 
the  '  old  chapel '  of  practically  every  town  in 
England  was  Unitarian  at  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  though  many  were  almost 
extinct.  At  the  date  of  Russell's  Act  the 
number  had  again  greatly  diminished,  and 
it  is  still  smaller  now.  In  fact,  save  in  some 
of  the  northern  and  midland  manufactur- 
ing towns,  e.g.  Birmingham,  Unitarianism  is 
simply  a  hereditary  creed,  held  by  the  de- 
scendants of  the  English  Presbyterians,  who 
are  still,  by  wealth  and  education,  though 
not  by  numbers,  an  influential  body.  It  is 
said  that  their  tendency  is  to  pass  over  to 
Independency  as  a  larger  society  and  with  a 


more  vigorous  corporate  life.  It  may  be  that 
they  are  exerting  an  influence  upon  Independ- 
ent thought.  'J  he  old  English  Presbyterian- 
ism  has  no  orthodox  descendants.  Orthodox 
minorities  of  chapels  which  became  Unitarian 
joined  the  Independents  ;  sometimes  whole 
congregations  did  so,  as  a  protest  against 
the  newtheologyof  their  fellow-Prcsl>yterians, 
or  again  an  orthodox  minister  who  obtained 
election  as  successor  to  a  Unitarian  (a  not 
uncommon  case)  would  carry  his  chapel  and 
flock  to  Independency.  There  are  probably 
no  chapels,  there  is  certainly  no  organised 
societj^  called  Presbyterian  and  claiming  a 
continuous  and  orthodox  succession  from  the 
original  English  Presbyterians.  Their  histori- 
cal heirs  are  the  Unitarians  ;  the  '  English 
Presbyterian  Church  '  of  the  present  day  is  a 
Scottish  colony,  organised  within  the  nine- 
teenth century,  whose  whole  antecedents  lie 
beyond  the  Border. 

III.    CONGREGATIONALISTS 

The  second  of  the  two  great  types  of  Non- 
conformity is  the  Congregational,  which 
itself  has  two  branches,  the  Baptist  and 
the  Independent.  Like  the  other,  it  had 
its  origin  at  the  Reformation.  Besides  the 
successful  reformers,  who  stamped  their 
systems  upon  nations  or  states,  there  were 
many  others,  not  less  earnest,  and  often 
quite  as  reasonable,  who  failed  to  make  any 
public  impression.  Their  teaching  varied, 
but  the  most  important  were  men  who  denied 
the  validity  of  infant  baptism,  because  it 
was  not  the  profession  of  a  personal  faith. 
If  religion  was  a  personal  matter,  the  Christian 
Church  must  consist  of  believers  only ;  the 
indifferent  and  the  unworthy  had  no  place  in 
it.  Thus  a  local  Church,  embracing  all  the 
inhabitants  of  a  district,  whatever  their 
spiritual  state,  did  not  fulfil  the  conditions 
laid  down  in  the  New  Testament ;  whether 
it  were  Roman,  Lutheran,  Zwinglian,  it  was 
no  true  Church.  And  further,  the  Church 
for  the  believer  meant  no  wider  association 
than  those  persons  with  whom  he  personally 
was  in  communion.  There  might  be,  and 
should  be,  alhanccs  of  like-minded  Churches, 
but  these  could  not,  without  sacrifice  of  their 
essential  character,  give  up  their  independ- 
ence. Thus  the  number  of  Churches  was 
indefinitely  large,  and  no  smallness  of 
membership  impaired  the  completeness  even 
of  the  least.  Christ  was  the  Head  of  each, 
and  therefore  it  was  perfect  in  itself.  Men 
who  held  such  views  penetrated  everjTvhere, 
and  everjnu'here  raised  antagonism.  The 
Reformers  were  as  hostile  as  the  Romanists, 
for   they,   too,  had   accepted   the   idea  of   a 


(  395  ) 


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national  Churcli.  If  Balthazar  Hiibmaier 
was  burned  at  Vienna  in  1528,  Felix  Manz 
was  drowned  with  ZwingU's  approval  in  the 
Lake  of  Zurich  in  1527.  Both  were  evan- 
gelically orthodox,  and  advocates  of  toler- 
ance before  the  time.  Their  crime  was  that 
tliey  broke  up  local  Cliurches ;  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  concentrated  force  of  Rome 
this  was  a  real  danger  for  the  Protestants. 
And  soon  the  cause  of  the  Separatists  was 
discredited  by  the  excesses  of  a  minority, 
the  worst  being  the  scandalous  Anabaptists 
of  Miinster.  Thus  they  came  to  have  a 
bad  name  as  men  of  doubtful  character,  as 
well  as  disturbers  of  unity,  although  most 
were  blameless  in  life  and  orthodox  in  creed. 
Hence  they  were  driven  in  self-defence  to 
elaborate  a  doctrine  of  toleration,  or  rather 
of  neutraUty  on  the  part  of  the  State ;  a 
doctrine  which  was,  in  fact,  a  necessary  part 
of  their  position,  though  in  less  stormy 
circumstances  they  might  have  emphasised 
it  less. 

Those  who  first  propagated  their  doctrine 
in  England  were  of  the  least  offensive  type. 
They  practised  infant  baptism,  holding  that 
the  faith  of  the  parents  justified  the  admission 
of  the  children.  Not  later  than  1568  one 
Richard  Fitz  had  founded,  and  was  minister 
of,  a  '  privy  Church '  in  London.  He  was  a 
teacher  of  the  common  Calvinism  of  the  day, 
and  had  aU  the  Puritan  hatred  for  historical 
religion.  But,  unlike  the  normal  Puritans, 
he  did  not  wish  to  gain  possession  of  the 
organisation  of  the  Church,  and  complete 
the  Reformation  by  reducing  it  to  what 
seemed  the  Scriptural  pattern.  It  could  not 
be  purified,  just  because  it  was  national ;  it 
must  be  abandoned.  He  described  his  own 
as  '  a  poor  congregation  whom  God  hath 
separated  from  the  Church  of  England ' ; 
and  the  divine  purpose  was  to  be  fulfilled  by 
a  process  of  disintegration.  There  was  not 
to  be  one  Church ;  there  was  to  be  a  multi- 
tude. We  cannot  wonder  that  this  doctrine 
met  with  general  hostility.  Fitz  soon  dis- 
appeared, and  his  Church  with  him,  but 
from  Robert  Browne  onwards  the  Une  is 
unbroken.  Browne  became  enamoured  of 
the  Genevan  discipline,  and  had  his  fuU 
share  of  the  troubles  of  those  who  tried  to 
introduce  it  into  England.  But  about  1580, 
being  about  thirty  years  of  age,  he  revolted 
from  Presbyterianism,  and  founded  a  Con- 
gregational society  at  Norwich.  He  had  the 
advantage  not  only  of  eloquence  but  of  a 
logical  mind,  and  was  able  to  present  his 
theory  at  its  best.  '  The  Church  planted  or 
gathered,'  he  said,  '  is  a  company  or  number 
of  Christians  or  beUevers,  which,  by  a  willing 


covenant  made  with  their  God,  are  under 
the  government  of  God  and  Christ,  and 
keep  His  laws  in  one  holy  communion.' 
But  the  people  so  associated  are  not  a 
democracy.  Browne  had  a  very  high  con- 
ception of  authority,  both  civil  and  rehgious. 
The  former  is  ordained  by  God ;  and  as  for 
the  latter,  '  Church  governors  are  persons 
receiving  their  authority  and  office  of  God 
for  the  guiding  of  His  people  the  Church, 
received  and  called  thereto  by  due  consent 
and  agreement  of  the  Church.'  The  pastor's 
power  is  derived  from  God,  not  from  the 
people ;  the  Church's  duty  is  to  discover 
to  whom  God  has  entrusted  this  power,  and 
then  to  obey  him.  This  theory  was  strongly 
advanced  by  the  late  Dr.  Dale  of  Birming- 
ham in  his  standard  History  of  English 
Congregationalism  (1907).  In  practice  the 
minister  has  too  often  been  the  hired  servant 
of  the  congregation.  Browne  himself,  from 
motives  that  cannot  be  discovered,  seceded 
from  his  own  society,  and  spent  the  latter 
half  of  his  life  in  conformity  as  master  of 
Stamford  Grammar  School  and  as  Rector  of 
Achurch,  Northants,  till  his  death  in  1633. 
The  cause  he  had  advocated  did  not  suffer 
by  his  desertion,  and  its  new  leaders  exhibited 
a  spirit  as  bitter  as  his.  Their  most  striking 
achievement  was  the  raising  of  the  '  Martin 
Marprelate '  controversy  (q.v.)  by  John  Penry, 
a  young  Welshman  who  had  graduated  at 
Cambridge  in  1584  but  had  not  accepted 
orders,  holding  that  ordination  was  invalid 
unless  accompanied  by,  or  consisting  in 
election  to  the  ministry  over  a  particular 
congregation.  He  was  an  earnest  and  able 
man,  and  soon  came  into  collision  with  Whit- 
gift  {q.v.),  not  only  as  an  irregular  preacher, 
but  also  through  his  denunciations  (doubtless 
in  many  cases  well  grounded)  of  the  clergy 
in  Wales.  He  was  treated  with  severity, 
and  retaliated  by  pubhcations  printed  at  his 
secret  press,  with  which  he  moved  about 
England.  For  two  years  he  avoided  his 
pursuers,  and  poured  out  a  succession  of 
scurrilous  pamphlets  against  the  bishops 
and  also  against  Elizabeth,  branding  her  as 
a  worse  tyrant  than  Mary.  In  1590  Penry 
escaped  to  Scotland,  but  presently  returned, 
joined  a  Separatist  congregation  at  Stepney, 
was  quickly  recognised,  arrested,  tried,  and 
hanged  in  1593.  He  had  deliberately  taken 
the  risk ;  and  we  cannot  pity  him  as  we  do 
the  equally  rigid  Separatists,  such  as  Barrow 
and  Greenwood,  whose  death  (1593)  was 
made  inevitable  by  Penry' s  aggressiveness. 

CongregationaUsm  made  Uttle  headway 
during  the  next  generation.  Its  most  earnest 
advocates  took  refuge  in  Holland,  where  they 


(396 


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quarrelled  much  among  themselves,  and 
printed  many  books  and  formed  many 
schemes  for  the  conversion  of  England. 
Under  James  i.  they  began  to  form  private 
congregations  in  England ;  in  1616  was 
established  one,  now  calling  itseK  the  '  Church 
of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,'  which  has  had  a 
continuous  existence  in  South  London  till 
the  present  day.  Soon  after  this  the  thought 
of  emigration  began  to  attack  the  Separatists. 
It  is  true  that  the  most  prominent  of  the 
settlers  in  New  England,  the  first  of  whom 
left  England  in  1628,  were  Puritans  of  the 
normal  kind,  who  believed  in  a  State  Church. 
But  in  their  new  circumstances  they  estab- 
lished their  churches  on  Separatist  Unes  of 
voluntary  adhesion.  Yet  since  it  was 
necessary  that  there  should  be  churches 
throughout  the  settlements  at  a  reasonable 
distance  apart,  so  that  each  citizen — citizen- 
ship was  confined  to  members  of  these 
churches  tiU  1664 — might  have  one  within 
his  reach,  the  result  was  the  de  facto  estab- 
lishment of  a  parochial  system.  Soon  all 
New  England  had  voted  the  support  of  the 
ministry  out  of  taxation,  and  dissenters  from 
this  Congregational  estabhshment  were  not 
reUeved  from  the  payment  tiU  1729,  while 
the  connection  with  the  State  continued 
much  longer,  lasting  in  Massachusetts  till 
1834. 

When  New  England  was  settled  there 
was  no  token  of  an  approaching  victory  for 
Congregationahsm.  The  cause  was  un- 
popular. In  1641,  when  the  Long  Parha- 
ment  issued  its  Grand  Remonstrance,  the 
manifesto  which  was  designed  to  win  public 
favour  in  the  approaching  conflict  with  the 
King,  the  promise  to  suppress  the  exorbi- 
tance of  prelacy  was  balanced  by  another, 
that  '  private  persons  and  particular  congre- 
gations '  should  not  be  allowed  '  to  take  up 
what  form  of  divine  service  they  please ; 
for  we  hold  it  requisite  that  there  should  be 
throughout  the  whole  realm  a  conformity  to 
that  order  which  the  laws  enjoin  according 
to  the  Word  of  God.'  And  in  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  which  consisted  for  the 
most  part  of  clerical  delegates,  two  from 
each  county,  selected  by  its  members  of 
Parliament,  there  were  but  five  Independ- 
ents, and  these  were  not  whole-hearted 
Separatists,  like  their  Ehzabethan  predeces- 
sors. They  admitted  that  the  State  must 
compel  its  members  to  attend  church,  and 
therefore  sanctioned  the  practical  continuance 
of  a  parochial  system.  Unless  there  were 
churches  in  every  parish,  coercion  could 
not  be  applied.  But  they  stipulated  that 
the  churches  shoidd  be  organised  on  Con- 


gregational lines ;  though  they  also  insisted 
that  those  who  were  forced  to  attend  should 
not  be  forced  to  become  members  of  the 
'  Church,'  in  their  sense,  and  that  tho 
'  Church  '  should  not  be  compelled  to  receive 
them  as  members.  There  were  to  be  an 
outer  and  an  inner  circle.  In  effect,  they 
had  their  way.  The  attempt  to  enforce 
Presbyterianism,  as  we  have  seen,  broke 
down,  and  every  parochial  clergyman, 
whatever  his  sympathies,  had  in  practice  to 
be  an  Independent.  For  the  parish  system, 
with  its  endowments,  was  maintained,  and 
for  want  of  any  higher  organisation  the 
incumbent  was  concerned  only  with  his 
own  congregation.  And  among  these  incum- 
bents many  were  Congregationahsts,  who 
had  no  scruples,  here  or  in  America,  over 
the  acceptance  of  a  secure  financial  position. 
But  there  is  no  doubt  that,  in  parishes  where 
the  minister  was  not  of  their  school,  the 
Congregationahsts  took  advantage  of  the 
hberty  allowed  under  the  Commonwealth 
to  form  a  local  society  after  their  own  mind. 

At  the  Restoration  such  informal  assem- 
bUes  were  suppressed,  and  in  1662  the 
Congregational  occupants  of  benefices  had 
to  conform  or  secede.  This  blow  had  no 
such  disastrous  effects  in  their  case  as  in 
that  of  the  Presbyterians.  They  returned 
at  once  to  what  was,  in  theory,  their  right 
position  ;  their  principles  made  it  impossible 
to  cherish  any  keen  regret  for  the  loss  of  an 
official  position.  In  one  respect  only  did 
they  faU  short  of  their  original  standard. 
They  seem  to  have  lost  their  ideal  of  the 
divine  right  of  the  single  Church,  and  to 
have  made  the  engagement  of  a  minister  a 
mere  matter  of  business  between  him  and 
the  officers  of  the  congregation.  It  was  not 
their  circumstances,  but  rather  the  example 
of  the  Presbyterians,  who  could  do  nothing 
better  now  that  their  dream  of  a  national 
position  had  passed,  that  led  to  this  declen- 
sion. But  the  general  lassitude  after  a 
century  and  more  of  denominational  conflicts 
is  sufficient  to  explain  any  indifference  to 
original  standards. 

From  the  Revolution  onward  they  lived 
a  quiet  life,  like  other  dissenters.  Attempts 
to  coalesce  with  the  Presbyterians  were  as 
fruitless  as  those  of  the  latter  to  combine 
with  the  national  Church.  Soon,  as  we  have 
seen,  doctrinal  divergence  began.  The  Inde- 
pendents were  rigorous  in  their  Calvinistic 
orthodoxy ;  till  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  even  later,  their  standard  was 
the  Westminster  Confession.  Though  some 
of  their  leaders  were  affected  by  the  preva- 
lent Arian  thought,  it  never  became  dominant 


(  397  ) 


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among  them,  as  among  the  Presbyterians. 
In  fact,  orthodoxy  became  the  paramount 
consideration,  and  the  doctrine  of  the 
ministry  fell  into  the  background.  Thus 
they  were  drawn  towards  the  Churcli  of 
England,  which,  on  its  side,  did  not  lay  groat 
stress  in  the  eighteenth  century  on  the 
historical  claims  of  its  ministry.  And  the 
Congrcgationahsts,  though  dwindhng  in 
numbers,  were  a  weighty  and  scholarly 
body,  taking  an  important  jiart,  at  the 
Church's  side,  in  the  conflict  with  Deism 
and  in  Scriptural  research. 

When  the  great  Methodist  revival  took 
place  the  Independents  threw  themselves  de- 
cisively on  the  Calvinist  side.  (See  below.)  The 
Arminianism  (q.v.)  of  the  Wesleyans  revolted 
them,  and  they  were  often  irritated  by  the 
loss  of  zealous  adherents,  who  were  drawn 
away  by  the  attraction  of  a  more  vivid  life 
in  the  new  community.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  most  vigorous  element  in  the  English 
Church  was  that  of  the  Calvinist  EvangeUcals. 
They,  too,  were  at  daggers-drawn  with 
Arminianism,  and  in  their  eagerness  to  pro- 
mote their  cause  were  ready  to  enlist  Con- 
gregational help.  In  fact,  the  languishing 
Congregational  society  was  revived  by 
Evangehcal  members  of  our  communion. 
They  preached  far  and  wide  outside  their 
own  parishes  ;  how  were  they  to  retain  their 
converts  where  the  parish  clergy  were  un- 
sympathetic ?  What  would  now  be  the 
obvious  resource,  the  building  of  a  new 
church,  was  not  available.  Till  the  nine- 
teenth century  it  required  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment and  the  estabhshment  of  a  new  civil, 
as  well  as  ecclesiastical,  organisation,  and  it 
was  not  likely  that  consent  would  be  given. 
The  plan  frequently  adopted  was  the  founda- 
tion of  a  Congregational  chapel.  Henry  Venn 
{q.v.)  promoted  more  than  one  in  the  district 
round  his  parish  of  Huddersfield,  and  when 
he  left  that  place,  and  was  dissatisfied  with 
his  successor,  he  headed  the  subscription  list 
for  a  chapel  that  should  perpetuate  his 
doctrine.  The  same  result  followed  the 
teaching  of  such  men  as  Grimshaw  of  Haworth 
and  Berridge  of  Everton.  In  these  chapels 
the  use  of  the  Prayer  Book  was  not  un- 
common, and  the  teaching  was  exactly  that 
of  AngUcan  Calvinists.  But  a  further  step 
was  taken.  Churchmen  found  the  funds  for 
the  education  as  Congregational  ministers 
of  poor  and  pious  men,  whose  work  should 
be  essentially  undenominational  revivalism, 
and  only  incidentally  that  of  the  Independent 
minister.  Thus  a  great  impetus  was  given 
to  Congregationalism,  which  soon  in  conse- 
quence regained  self-confidence  and  the  sense 

(  398 J 


of  a  corporate  life,  and  of  the  difEerence 
between  itself  and  AngUcanism.  Yet  for  a 
while  this  practical  subordination  produced 
remarkable  results.  Such  men  as  Rowland 
Hill  were  of  this  spirit ;  and  the  London 
Missionary  Society  was  founded  in  1795,  and 
maintained  till  about  1815,  on  the  principle 
that  no  system  of  association  is  binding  upon 
Christian  people.  The  very  basis  of  Inde- 
pendency, for  which  its  founders  had  been 
content  to  die,  was  explicitly  rejected  ;  and 
though  that  excellent  Missionary  Society  is 
now  in  practice  Congregational,  in  theory  it 
stiU  allows  members  of  other  communions 
to  work  in  its  ranks,  and  to  organise  their 
converts  after  their  own  principles. 

But  this  phase  passed  away.  Side  by 
side  with  the  proteges  of  the  Anglican 
EvangeUcals  there  were  working  prominent 
and  successful  ministers,  whose  horizon  was 
that  of  their  own  denomination,  and  to  these 
the  former  class  was  inevitably  attracted, 
as  they  grew  conscious  of  their  own  useful- 
ness and  of  the  difference  in  practical  status 
between  themselves  and  those  under  whose 
protection  they  had  gained  their  position. 
Thus  the  link  grew  gradually  weaker,  yet 
the  character  of  Congregationalism  long 
remained  one  of  serious  EvangeUcanism, 
detached  from  poUtics,  and  indeed  animated 
by  dislike  for  those  agitations  in  which  the 
Unitarians  took  the  lead,  and  which  seemed 
to  be  tinged  with  their  spirit.  This  temper 
might  have  continued — as  late  as  1880  Mr. 
Paxton  Hood  was  forced  to  resign  his  charge 
at  Manchester  on  account  of  his  strong  Liberal 
opinions  {D.N.B.,  s.v.) — but  for  two  causes. 
One  was  the  fooUsh  poUcy  of  Lord  Liver- 
pool's government  in  attempting  to  depress 
dissent  in  the  supposed  interests  of  the 
Church — a  policy  which  was  supported  by 
too  many  of  the  bishops.  This  drove 
dissenters  together,  and  diffused  among 
them  a  general  hostility  to  the  Chui'ch.  The 
other  was  the  change  wrought  within  the 
Church  by  the  Oxford  Movement  (q.v.), 
which  rendered  conspicuous  points  of  differ- 
ence which  hitherto  Evangehcals,  both 
Anglican  and  Congregational,  had  been  able 
to  ignore.  It  was  not  by  accident  that  the 
new  spirit  reached  its  chmax  of  violence  in 
1841,  when  the  Church  of  England  was 
described  as  a  '  hfe-destroying  upas.'  Such 
exaggeration  has  in  recent  times  disappeared  ; 
but  perhaps  the  competitive  spirit,  en- 
gendered in  business  circles  of  the  north, 
has  not  ceased  to  influence  the  attitude 
taken  up  by  Congrcgationahsts  towards 
the  Church.  Meanwhile  their  tendency 
is     away    from     Separatism     and     towards 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History        [Nonconformity 


organisation.  It  must  also  be  said  that 
Congregational  thought  has  been  peculiarly 
open  to  modern  influences  from  Germany 
and  elsewhere,  and  is  now  often  quite  as 
'  emancipated  '  as  that  of  the  Unitarians,  for 
whom  their  forefathers  felt  such  repugnance. 
The  denomination  is  the  most  insular  of  all 
our  largo  religious  bodies.  It  has  never 
taken  root  on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  In 
great  Britain  it  has  some  495,000  Church 
members,  in  Canada  only  some  11,000,  and 
in  Australasia  about  20,000.  In  the  United 
States  are  730,000.  Converts  in  various 
mission  fields  number  120,000  members 
{Did.  Religion  and  Ethics,  1911,  iv.  p.  24). 

IV.  Baptists 

The  second  branch  of  the  Separatists  or  In- 
dependents, the  Baptists  or  Anabaptists,  as 
their  opponents  of  the  sixteenth  century  called 
them,  are  certainly,  though  obscurely,  con- 
nected with  mediaeval  movements  of  rebellion 
in  thought.  A  revival  of  that  old  desire  for 
BibUcal  simplicity  in  faith  and  worship  and 
for  separation  of  the  Church  from  the  world 
that  had  often  arisen  and  never  been  wholly 
suppressed  in  the  IMiddle  Ages  was  stimulated 
by  the  protests  of  Luther,  but  the  seed  from 
which  it  sprang  was  not  of  his  sowing.  In 
1525  the  rebaptism  of  adults  on  profession 
of  faith  was  publicly  performed  at  Zurich 
and  at  Waldshut  in  Southern  Germany,  and 
from  that  time  onward  the  movement  grew 
rapidly,  in  spite  of  terrible  slaughter  perpe- 
trated both  by  Protestants  and  Romanists. 
Fugitives  from  the  Netherlands  reached 
England  under  Henry  vin.,  and  found  sym- 
pathisers, in  whose  minds,  it  is  practically 
certain,  the  teaching  of  the  Lollards  {q.v.)  was 
lingering.  The  little  societies  which  sprang 
up  here  and  there  were  of  blameless  people, 
holding  no  such  wild  doctrines  as  were 
exemplified  at  Miinster  ;  but  after  the  out- 
break in  that  city  (1534-5)  it  was  inevitable 
that  they  should  be  suspected  of  sharing 
Anabaptist  principles  at  their  worst.  All 
Enghsh  parties  were  equally  hostile  to  them, 
and  their  divergence  from  current  theology 
was  quite  as  fatal  as  their  ecclesiastical 
system.  They  were  Arminian  (to  use  a  later 
term),  and  so  were  at  issue  with  the  Augustin- 
ianism  of  the  day,  and  they  allowed  them- 
selves such  liberty  of  Christological  specula- 
tion as  to  incur  the  suspicion  of  Arianism. 
Arianism  was  one  of  the  grounds  on  which 
Joan  Bocher  was  burnt  in  1549  in  Kent ; 
Kent  was  to  be  the  stronghold  of  the  General 
Baptists  in  the  next  century.  But  in  spite  of 
violent  though  spasmodic  persecution  obscure 
congregations  of  Anabaptists  seem  to  have 


survived  till  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign  in 
various  parts  of  England. 

But  these  were  not  to  be  the  origin  of  the 
English  Baptists,  as  we  know  them,  though 
doubtless  the  survivors  were  ready  to  join 
the  new  congregations  as  soon  as  they  were 
formed.  The  continuous  history  begins  with 
a  congregation  of  Separatists  at  Amsterdam, 
founded  by  English  exiles  in  1592  and  in- 
creased by  later  accessions.  They  were 
Independents,  and  practised  infant  baptism, 
but  some  of  them  came  to  have  scruples  by 
contact  with  the  Memwnites,  a  body  of  gentle 
and  orthodox  Baptists,  founded  by  Menno 
Simons,  a  priest  of  Friesland,  who  had  been 
drawn  to  the  persecuted  Anabaptists  by 
sympathy  with  their  sufferings,  and  was 
couv^erted  to  their  doctrine  in  1535.  He 
became  its  fearless  and  effective  advocate, 
and  when  Holland  became  free  and  Protestant 
his  church  flourished  in  that  country. 
Among  the  English  exiles  who  were  attracted 
by  this  teaching  was  John  Smith,  a  Fellow 
of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  and  an  un- 
beneficed clergyman,  who  had  renounced  his 
orders  and  become  an  Independent.  On 
Dutch  soil  he  renounced  his  Calvinism,  and 
became  convinced  that  Scripture  requires 
the  baptism  of  believers.  He  therefore 
baptized  himself  in  a  meeting  of  his  followers, 
and  afterwards  baptized  thera,  all  professing 
their  faith.  This  act,  which  gained  him  the 
title  of  the  '  Se-Baptist,'  was  performed  about 
1608,  and  broke  up  the  unity  (such  as  it  was) 
of  the  English  Separatists  of  Amsterdam. 
For  a  while  the  Little  body  of  Baptists  held 
together,  but  presently  Smith  became  doubt- 
ful of  the  regularity  of  his  proceeding,  and 
applied  to  the  Mennonites  for  admission  by 
baptism  into  their  church.  They  were  slow 
to  decide,  and  Smith  died  at  Amsterdam  in 
1612,  before  their  answer  came.  It  was 
favourable,  and  Smith's  followers  (a  minority 
of  his  own  little  flock)  were  admitted,  and 
were  lost  among  the  Mennonites.  But  while 
they  disappear  from  history,  the  majority  of 
these  first  Enghsh  Baptists,  from  whom  their 
leader  had  parted,  were  to  be  the  founders  of 
their  denomination  in  England.  They  were 
satisfied  with  their  position  and  resented 
Smith's  doubts ;  they  therefore  formed 
themselves  into  a  separate  church  under 
Thomas  Helwys,  who  had  the  courage  to 
return  with  his  people  to  England  in  1611. 
He  established  himself  in  London,  was 
successful  as  a  preacher,  and  suffered  less 
persecution  than  might  have  been  expected, 
being  protected  by  family  influence.  The 
denomination  rapidly  spread,  especially  in 
London,  Leicestershire,  and  Kent. 


(  399  ) 


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Such  was  the  beginning  of  the  General 
Baptists,  or  '  baptized  believers  who  own 
universal  redemption.'  In  their  eyes  baptism 
was  chiefly  '  a  sign  of  profession  and  mark 
of  difference,  whereby  Christian  men  are  dis- 
cerned from  others  that  be  not  christened,'  as 
our  Article  xxvn.  puts  it;  and  the  distinction 
was  made  as  broad  as  possible.  For  instance, 
marriage  outside  their  Church  was  punished 
by  exclusion.  For  infants,  in  their  eyes, 
baptism  could  have  no  value,  for  they  held 
that  children  inherited  no  guilt,  and  attached 
no  importance  to  Christian  parentage  as 
conferring  upon  the  offspring  a  right  to 
baptism.  As  one  of  their  'six  principles,' 
which  they  derived  from  Hebrews  6,  they 
practised  the  laying  on  of  hands  after 
baptism.  Feet-washing  also  was  among 
their  rehgious  customs.  In  their  ministry, 
which  was  elective,  it  was  not  uncommon  for 
several  preachers  to  be  attached  to  one 
congregation ;  the  ministers  usually  main- 
tained themselves  by  some  handicraft.  A 
peculiarity  of  their  ministry  was  that  of  a 
special  class  of  '  messengers,'  or  apostles,  who 
were,  and  are,  called  in  for  the  setting  apart 
of  a  minister.  But  there  is  no  thought  of 
succession  or  of  an  authority  other  than  that 
which  is  derived  from  the  congregation. 
For  their  higher  organisation  there  were 
from  the  first  local  associations,  and  from 
1654  a  General  Assembly,  which  still  con- 
tinues, and  has  the  longest  and  most  perfect 
series  of  records  of  any  Nonconformist  body 
in  England. 

Before  passing  on  to  the  later  history  of 
the  General  Baptists  it  will  be  well  to  trace 
the  beginnings  of  their  brethren  and  rivals, 
the  Particular  Baptists.  Henry  Jacob,  a 
clergyman  who  had  become  a  Separatist  and 
estabUshed  a  congregation  at  IVIiddelburg  in 
Holland,  returned  with  his  flock  to  London 
in  1616.  They  were  strict  Calvinists,  but 
among  them  were  some,  including  Jacob 
himself,  who  could  find  no  warrant  of 
Scripture  for  the  baptism  of  infants.  But 
Jacob  held  that  parish  churches  might  be 
true  churches,  and  did  not  make  the  question 
of  baptism  crucial.  The  consequence  was  a 
succession  of  separations,  more  or  less  amic- 
able, by  one  of  which  in  1633  the  first 
congregation  of  strict  Calvinistic  Baptists 
was  formed.  This  body  in  1642  added 
immersion  to  its  principles,  a  triple  effusion 
of  water  over  the  head  of  the  kneeling 
recipient  having  been  practised  hitherto. 
But  though  strict  Baptists  spread  more 
rapidly,  there  were  also  congregations  with 
open  or  mixed  communion,  of  which  Bunyan's 
at  Bedford  was  one.     Such  societies  required 


a  Calvinistic  confession  of  faith  from  their 
members,  and  were  in  all  respects,  save  that 
of  indifference  on  the  point  of  baptism, 
similar  to  the  strict  or  Particular  Baptists 
and  to  the  Independents.  They  did  not, 
however,  attain  to  any  great  numbers  or  im- 
portance. At  the  present  day  it  seems  to  be 
not  unusual  for  a  minister  of  the  one  com- 
munion to  be  chosen  as  its  pastor  by  a 
congregation  of  the  other,  though  probably,  if 
the  congregation  be  Baptist,  it  is  one  that  is 
loosely  attached  to  the  system  of  its  denomi- 
nation. It  may  also  be  mentioned  here  that 
very  early  in  the  movement  Sabbatarian  or 
Seventh-day  Baptists  appeared  in  England, 
teaching  the  obhgation  of  the  Jewish  Sabbath 
— a  doctrine  which  they  had  learnt  from 
Germany.  Though  now  almost  extinct  here, 
they  survive  in  some  numbers  in  the  United 
States. 

The  Ci\dl  War  gave  the  Baptists  the 
opportunity  of  expansion.  They  had  been 
among  the  first  and  most  consistent  advocates 
of  the  Uberty  of  conscience,  and  they  were 
not  slow  to  fight  for  it.  Unlike  their  Con- 
tinental fellows,  they  had  no  scruple  about 
bearing  arms.  Among  the  leading  officers  of 
the  Parliamentary  army  were  many  Baptists, 
and  also  among  the  conspirators  against  the 
restored  monarchy.  The  latest  estimate  of 
the  number  of  congregations  formed  by  the 
end  of  the  Commonwealth  gives  one  hundred 
and  fifteen  to  the  General  and  one  hundred 
and  thirty-one  to  the  Particular  Baptists 
{Transactions  of  the  Baptist  Hist.  Soc,  ii.  236), 
and  among  their  pastors  were  a  fair  number 
who  had,  more  or  less  inconsistently,  accepted 
a  parochial  position.  Perhaps  forty  were 
ejected  in  1662,  and  a  certain  number  must 
have  had  to  surrender  their  benefices  to  the 
lawful  holders  on  their  return,  1660.  Many, 
however,  disapproved  of  such  a  departure 
from  principle  as  the  acceptance  of  an 
ecclesiastical  hving. 

From  the  Restoration  the  story  is  one  of 
growth  of  the  Particular  and  of  decay  of  the 
General  Baptists.  The  former,  who  had 
formed  a  General  Assembly  of  their  own  in 
1689,  clave,  like  the  Independents,  to  the 
Westminster  Confession  and  Calvinist  prin- 
ciples. The  latter  were  affected  by  the 
same  mode  of  thought  as  the  Enghsh  Pres- 
byterians, though  their  adoption  of  Arian 
and  afterwards  of  Unitarian  views  was 
neither  so  rapid  nor  so  complete.  Occa- 
sionally a  Particular  congregation,  touched 
by  the  new  mode  of  thought,  would  secede 
to  the  Assembly  of  the  General  Baptists; 
more  often  an  orthodox  body  of  the  latter 
wovdd    find    refuge     with    the     Particular 


(  400  ) 


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Baptists  from  tlio  novel  teaching.  Some- 
times a  congregation  of  the  General  Jiaptists 
would  oscillate  between  Trinitarianism  and 
Unitarianism,  according  to  the  views  of  its 
minister  for  the  time  being.  But  the 
tendency  of  the  General  Baptists  as  a  whole 
was  towards  Unitarianism.  Sometimes  a 
congregation  professed  that  doctrine,  and 
simultaneously  forsook  the  membership  of 
their  General  Assembly ;  more  often  tliey 
combined  the  old  membership  with  the  new 
teaching. 

The  great  revival  of  the  eighteenth  century 
afiEected  both  the  Particular  and  the  General 
Baptists.  The  Calvinist  teaching  of  White- 
field  iq.v.)  was  as  acceptable  to  the  former 
as  the  Arminianism  of  Wesley  {q.v.)  to  the 
latter,  and  in  the  wide  outburst  of  feeling 
old  rehgious  associations  were  less  regarded 
than  is  often  supposed.  Evangelical  fervour 
was  to  be  found  among  Particular  Baptists, 
and  so  they  won  recruits.  It  was  also 
found  among  those  General  Baptists  who 
had  retained  their  orthodoxy,  but  the  con- 
verts who  joined  them  through  Methodism 
were  not  content  with  the  ambiguous  posi- 
tion of  their  new  denomination.  The  ortho- 
dox element  seceded,  and  in  1770  formed  the 
New  Connection  of  General  Baptists,  which 
held  no  communion  with  the  old  General 
Assembly.  The  latter  retained  only  the 
Latitudinarian  congregations,  and  under  the 
influence  of  William  Vidler  (about  1800) 
became  aggressively  Unitarian.  At  the 
present  day  the  denomination  survives  as  a 
small  inner  circle  within  the  decayed  Uni- 
tarian body,  still  preserving  its  legal  and 
historical  continuity,  and  meeting  annually 
in  its  old  General  Assembly.  The  New  Con- 
nection of  the  General  Baptists,  being 
Arminian,  could  not  coalesce  with  the 
Particular  Baptists,  who  wei-e,  in  their  turn, 
prevented  by  their  peculiar  rite  from  such 
association  with  the  Anglican  Evangelicals 
as  was  possible  for  the  Independents.  Thus 
the  effect  of  the  Methodist  revival  was  both 
to  vivify  the  orthodox  element  among  the 
Baptists,  and  also  to  heighten  their  corpor- 
ate sense. 

When  the  interest  in  predestination  died 
down  there  was  nothing  to  hinder  a  coali- 
tion between  the  Particular  Baptists  and  the 
orthodox  wing,  the  New  Connection,  of  the 
fieneral  Baptists.  But  before  this  was 
possible  the  Particular  school  was  to  pass 
tlirough  a  phase  of  high  Calvinism,  which 
in  many  cases  verged  upon  fatalism  and 
Antinomianism.  From  this  unhealthy  state 
the  denomination  was  rescued  by  the  novel 
interest    in    foreign    missions    which    spread 


through  all  Evangelical  comnuinions  towards 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  William 
Carey  (1761-1834),  a  self-taught  scholar  with 
a  gift  for  liinguages,  was  minister  of  a  congre- 
gation at  Leicester,  and  was  deeply  impressed 
with  a  sense  of  the  duty  of  Christians  to  the 
heathen.  After  a  struggle  of  three  years 
with  the  strict  Calvinists,  who  believed  that 
God  would  save  those  who  were  to  be  saved, 
and  that  human  effort  was  presumptuous 
and  futile,  he  and  others  of  like  mind  founded 
in  1792  the  '  Particular  Baptist  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  among  the 
Heathen.'  Carey  himself  went  out  to  Bengal 
in  1794,  and  is  one  of  the  heroes  of  mission- 
ary enterprise.  He  died  at  his  post  after 
forty  years'  service.  From  the  date  of  the 
institution  of  the  mission  strict  Calvinism 
grew  weaker  among  the  Baptists ;  their 
greatest  preacher,  Robert  Hall  (1764-1831), 
exerted  his  influence  against  it.  The  Baptist 
Union,  designed  to  be  comprehensive,  was 
founded  in  1813,  and  has  by  degrees  come  to 
include  everything  that  is  influential  in  the 
denomination.  The  final  merging  of  diverse 
interests  may  be  said  to  have  taken  place  in 
1891,  when  the  Missionary  Society  of  the 
New  Connection  of  General  Baptists  was 
amalgamated  with  that  of  the  Particular 
Baptists.  The  historical  difference  now 
counts  for  nothing ;  and  all  Baptists,  save 
some  surviving  Calvinists,  are  at  one  in 
doctrine  and  sympathy. 

The  Baptists,  though  in  their  earlier  days 
they  had  men  of  learning  for  their  ministers 
and  among  their  laity  many  members  of 
wealth  and  position,  have  never  rivalled 
the  intellectual  eminence  of  the  Independ- 
ents, and  have  jjerhaps  ministered  in  later 
times  to  a  less  educated  class.  In  their 
earliest  days  they  were  among  the  most 
courageous  advocates  of  tolerance,  or  rather 
of  the  neutrality  of  tlie  State  ;  and  it  seems 
that,  exce]:)t  in  their  days  of  strict  Calvinism, 
there  has  been  among  them  a  political  sense 
as  definite  as  their  religious  creed.  They 
were  tJie  first  orthodox  denomination  that, 
as  a  whole,  was  in  sympathy  with  the  wave 
of  democratic  feeling  excited  by  the  French 
Revolution ;  and  in  spite  of  the  promin- 
ence of  Unitarians  on  the  Whig  side  their 
repugnance  to  tliat  doctrine  did  not  inspire 
them  with  indiflerencc,  such  as  was  felt  by 
many  other  dissenters,  to  the  reform  of 
Parliament.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  this 
adherence  to  one  political  party  has  continued 
to  the  present  day. 

In  England  the  Baptists  are  now  a  some- 
what smaller  body  than  the  Congregational- 
ists.     On  the  Continent  of  Europe  they  are 


2C 


(401) 


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few.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  United 
States  thej^  are,  next  to  the  Roman  CathoUcs 
and  the  IMethodists,  the  largest  denomination, 
or  rather  group  of  denominations,  for  they 
are  spUt  into  at  least  ten  important  and  many 
smaller  communions.  A  large  proportion 
of  their  members  are  of  negro  race.  The 
Baptist  missions  in  India  have  been  very 
fruitful. 

V.  Methodism 

The  latest  important  separation  from  the 
EngHsh  Church  is  that  of  the  Methodists. 
From  the  first  the  idea  of  mutual  influence 
for  good  exercised  by  Christian  people 
in  close  association  was  dominant  among 
those  who  were  to  be  the  leaders  in  the 
movement.  Charles  Wesley  [Wesleys] 
of  Christ  Church  joined  with  two  or 
thi'ee  other  Oxford  undergraduates  early  in 
1729  to  form  a  society  with  strict  rules  of 
life,  work,  and  rehgious  observance,  to  which 
the  nickname  of  '  the  Methodists  '  was  quickly 
given.  In  the  autumn  of  1729  John  Wesley 
{q.v.),  brother  of  Charles,  returned  to  Oxford 
and  became  the  leader  of  the  movement, 
which  gained  a  number  of  adherents  in  Oxford 
during  his  residence,  which  lasted  till  1735. 
Among  the  latest,  joining  in  1735,  was  George 
Whtefield  {q.v.).  When  John  Wesley  left 
Oxford  that  city  ceased  to  be  the  centre  of 
Methodism  ;  its  adherents  for  the  most  part 
entered  into  holy  orders,  and  began  spiritual 
work  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  There 
had  been  Uttle  sympathy  among  the  teachers 
in  the  University,  and  few,  if  any,  of  the 
Methodist  graduates  remained  in  Oxford. 

From  this  time  the  Methodists  were  a  power 
in  England  at  large,  the  young  clergy  in 
their  various  parishes  spreading  the  cause. 
But  for  a  while  the  leaders  left  them.  The 
two  Wesleys  and  Whitefield  went  to  the 
American  colonies,  where  John  Wesley 
founded  a  society  after  the  Oxford  pattern 
in  Georgia ;  while  Whitefield  had  wonderful 
success  as  a  revivalist,  and  stamped  upon 
American  reUgion  its  characteristic  excite- 
ment. In  America  also  the  Wesleys  came  into 
close  contact  with  the  Moravians,  though  they 
were  never  at  home  in  their  pecuhar  mysticism. 
We  must  bear  in  mind  that  Moravians  were 
not  regarded  by  EngHsh  Churchmen  exactly 
as  other  dissenters.  Archbishop  Potter  in 
1737  gave  them  his  informal  recognition, 
Bishop  Wilson  {q.v.)  of  Sodor  and  Man  was 
their  friend,  and  in  1749  they  were  placed  by 
Parliament  in  a  specially  favoured  position, 
and  declared  to  be  a  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church.  To  this  day  the  Moravians  attach 
great  importance  to  this  solemn  attestation 


of  the  character  of  their  Church.  In  1738, 
after  his  return  from  Georgia,  John  Wesley 
experienced  a  conversion,  under  Moravian 
influence,  which  marks  a  fourth  stage  in  his 
development ;  and  though  he  was  to  part, 
somewhat  ungraciously,  from  them  as  from 
others  who  had  been  his  teachers,  their 
organisation  and  their  spirit  were  to  leave  a 
permanent  mark  upon  Methodism.  Mean- 
while the  evangelistic  work  went  happily 
on  ;  there  was  hostility,  but  there  was  also 
support  from  high  quarters.  Wesley's  English 
society,  in  aUiance  with  the  Moravians,  was 
started  in  1739  in  London  ;  Whitefield,  before 
his  departure  for  America,  had  founded  one 
on  the  Oxford  model  at  Gloucester.  There 
was  no  sign  as  yet  of  any  breach  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Methodists,  still  less  any  symptom  of 
departure  from  the  Church  of  England. 

But  in  1740  two  important  disputes  arose. 
John  Wesley  parted  from  the  Moravians 
and  founded  a  special  society  of  his  own 
followers  in  London ;  and  a  decisive  turn  was 
given  to  the  fortunes  of  Methodism  by  the 
doctrinal  dispute  between  him  and  White- 
field.  The  inevitable  cleavage  between 
Arminians  and  Calvinists  appeared.  We 
have  seen  how  it  affected  other  bodies ; 
it  was  to  be  as  disastrous  to  the  Methodist 
cause.  The  Wesleys  were  brought  up  in  a 
Laudian  home.  Both  their  parents  repre- 
sented a  violent  reaction  from  a  Puritan 
ancestry.  The  mother  had  actually  passed 
through  a  Socinian  phase  in  her  transition 
from  the  Calvinism  of  her  father  to  the 
Arminianism  of  her  husband ;  as  we  have 
seen,  the  Socinian  insistence  on  divine 
benevolence  was  a  protest  against  the  stern 
predestinarian  doctrine  of  Calvinism.  As 
strict  churchmen,  the  Wesleys  had  little 
or  no  contact  with  the  orthodox  dissenters, 
among  whom  Calvinism  prevailed.  In  fact, 
the  only  dissenter  with  whom  John  Wesley 
ever  seems  to  have  had  any  intimacy  was 
the  curiously  neutral  Philip  Doddridge,  in 
whom  personal  orthodoxy  was  combined 
with  a  tolerance  that  embraced  Socinians. 
On  the  other  hand,  Whitefield,  though 
ordained,  was  from  the  first  indifferent  to 
distinctions  of  church  and  chapel.  His 
wonderful  rhetorical  gifts  were  nowhere  more 
powerfully  exercised  than  among  the  Presby- 
terians of  Scotland  and  the  dissenters  of  every 
school  in  America,  where  he  ignored  his  own 
communion,  and  at  last  was  buried  in  a 
Presbyterian  church  in  Massachusetts.  Not 
that  he  preferred  the  chapel ;  rather  he 
accepted  without  criticism  that  great  mass 
of  Calvinist  exegesis  which  was  common  to 
orthodox  Protestantism,  and  regarded  agree- 


(402  ) 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  E/oglish  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


raent  with  its  teaching  aa  the  one  essential. 
AVithin  tlic  Church  the  same  doctrine  was  soon 
to  be  dominant,  and  was  to  make  the  position 
of  Arminian  Churchmen  uncomfortable,  if 
not  untenable. 

The  breach  came  in  1740,  when  Wesley 
preached  at  Bristol,  and  afterwards  published, 
a  sermon  on  '  Free  Grace.'  It  was  meant  as 
a  protest,  if  not  a  challenge,  and  Whitefield 
promptly  replied.  The  leaders  had  a  nobler 
spirit  than  their  followers  ;  they  were  soon 
personally  reconciled,  and  occasionally  worked 
together;  and  by  Whitefield' s  request  Wesley 
preached  the  sermon  at  the  Enghsh  com- 
memoration of  his  death.  But  serious  co- 
operation was  impossible  when  the  rank  and 
hie  on  both  sides  were  embittered,  when 
partisans  flung  scurrilities,  and  when,  especi- 
ally on  the  Calvinist  side,  every  effort  was 
made  to  win  deserters  from  the  other  camp. 
The  weary  controversy  came  to  be  conducted 
by  the  Arminian  Magazine  on  the  one  side 
and  the  Gospel  Magazine  (which  has  but 
lately  expired)  on  the  other  ;  and  though  the 
temper  and  the  arguments  be  equally  un- 
attractive, it  must  have  had  an  educative 
influence  in  its  day. 

By  this  time  both  the  great  leaders  were 
organising  their  scattered  societies  into 
larger  unities.  Whitefield  was  the  first  to 
take  this  step.  In  1743  he  presided  at  the 
first  conference,  held  at  Watford,  near 
Cardiff,  of  his  Calvinistic  Methodist  followers. 
Five  clergy  and  ten  lay  preachers  formed  the 
assembly;  and  it  is  a  sign  of  Presbyterian 
sympathies  that  the  president — an  office 
bestowed  upon  Whitefield  whenever  he  might 
be  in  England — was  styled  '  Moderator,'  as 
in  Scotland.  Whitefield  had  no  gift  or  taste 
for  administration,  and  soon  resigned  the 
office.  By  this  renunciation  the  success  of 
the  '  Welsh  Calvinistic  Methodist  Church ' 
may  be  explained — a  success  which  contrasts 
strikingly  with  the  failure  of  his  Enghsh 
organisation.  The  associated  societies  in 
Wales  spread  rapidly,  the  chief  leaders 
coming  to  be  David  Jones  (1735-1810),  Vicar 
of  Llangan,  Glamorganshire,  and  Thomas 
Charles  (1755-1814),  who,  hke  Whitefield,  was 
never  beneficed.  Their  Calvinist  principles 
rendered  it  easier  for  the  Welsh  revivalists 
than  for  the  foUowers  of  Wesley  to  associate 
with  the  more  serious  clergy  of  the  Church, 
and  the  patronage  of  the  Countess  of  Hunting- 
don [q.v.)  had  a  like  effect.  But  practical 
difficulties,  caused  as  much  by  their  rejection 
of  the  Church's  discipline  as  by  the  frequent 
persecutions  which  forced  them,  in  self- 
defence,  to  register  their  meeting-houses  as 
dissenting  chapels,  gradually  weakened  the 


bond.  Yet  till  the  death  of  David  Jones 
Communion  was  only  celebrated  by  priests, 
and  usually  received  in  the  parish  churches. 
The  decisive  step  was  taken  as  soon  as  the 
death  of  Jones  gave  undisputed  control  to 
Charles.  In  1811,  twenty-seven  years  after 
Wesley  had  taken  the  same  step,  Charles 
ordained  several  of  the  lay  preachers,  and 
the  Welsh  Calvinistic  Methodists,  whose 
organisation  was  already  complete  in  every 
other  respect,  began  their  separate  course. 
It  was  not  for  another  generation  that  they 
fell  under  political  influences  which  made 
them  hostile  to  the  Church  from  which  they 
sprang.  They  are  not  less  completely 
separate  from  the  Wesleyans,  though  the  old 
strife  of  Calvinist  and  Arminian  is  extinct. 
In  the  New  History  of  Methodism,  which  gives 
the  fullest  account  of  Methodist  organisation 
throughout  the  world,  they  are  ignored  ;  their 
actual  association,  like  their  system  of  govern- 
ment, is  Presbyterian,  and  they  are  in  full 
aUiance  with  the  United  Free  Church  of 
Scotland  and  the  Presbyterian  Church  of 
England.  Next  to  our  own  communion, 
they  are  the  largest  reUgious  body  in  the 
Principality  of  Wales,  where  Arminian 
Methodism,  in  spite  of  Wesleyan  efforts,  has 
struck  no  deep  roots. 

Whitefield's  conference  was  quickly  copied 
by  Wesley.  As  yet  there  seemed  no  sign 
that  his  movement  was  to  be  more  important 
than  the  other,  though  his  extraordinary  gift 
of  government  was  already  developed,  and 
he  was  keeping  the  societies  that  he  founded 
under  a  strict  supervision,  maintained  by  a 
visitation  that  was  directed  at  least  as  much 
to  the  welfare  of  his  converts  as  to  their 
increase  in  numbers.  For  instance,  in  1743 
he  visited  his  people  at  Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
and  after  he  had  ejected  fifty  as  unworthy,  he 
records  that  eight  hundred  remained,  though 
a  number  of  dissenters  had  withdrawn  be- 
cause three  leading  ministers  of  the  town 
had  refused  communion  to  his  adherents, 
W^e  must  notice  that  though  Wesley  required 
converts  from  indifference  to  communicate 
with  his  own  church,  it  was  not  he  but  the 
ministers  who  made  Methodism  incompatible 
with  the  older  forms  of  dissent.  In  the  same 
year  he  issued  the  first  rules,  rehgious  rather 
than  governmental,  for  the  '  United  Societies.' 
That  they  should  be  united  was  a  necessity 
of  administration.  In  1744  his  first  confer- 
ence was  held  ;  it  was  attended  by  six  clergy, 
including  the  two  Wesleys,  and  four  lay 
preachers,  and  has  been  held  annually  ever 
since. 

We  must  now  consider  what  was  the  actual 
relation   of   the   Wesleyan  Methodist   body, 


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Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


thus     increasingly     conscious     of     its     own 
coherence,     towards    the    EngUsh    Church. 
The  most  important  point  was  that  of  Com- 
munion.    It    was   usually    possible   for    the 
Methodists  to  attend  in  a  body  at  some  parish 
church  at  a  stated  ser\ace,  or  to  arrange  for  a 
special  corporate  Communion  from  time  to 
time.     When  this  was  difficult,  John  Wesley 
took  the  opportunity  of  the  sickness  of  a 
convert  to  hold  a  large  private  celebration  ; 
Charles     Wesley,     less     scrupulous,     would 
assemble   his   people   in   a   school   or   other 
unconsecrated  building.     But  a  strong  desire 
arose  among  Methodists  for  a  Communion  of 
their  own.     Not  many  of  the  preachers  had 
been  devout  members  of  the  Church ;   most 
had  been  quite  indifferent  before  their  con- 
version, but  a  good  number  had  been  Non- 
conformists.    Such  men  had  no  tie  to  the 
Church  except  their  periodical  Communion  ; 
and  the  mass  of  the  Methodist  people  had  no 
religious    associations    outside    the    society. 
Preachers  and  people  wished  their  system  to 
be  complete,  and  as  the  number  of  itinerant 
clergy    dwindled    their    urgency    increased. 
Charles     Wesley     ministered     regularly     in 
London  from  1756,  and  his  brother  found  few 
recruits  for  the  travelling  work.     We  find, 
as    a    startling   novelty,    that   preachers    at 
Norwich  celebrated   in    1760.     Even   before 
this  there  had  been  symptoms  of  a  desire 
for    separation    in    the    annual    conference ; 
and  John  Wesley's  reading  had  led  him  to 
the   conclusion  that  ordination  by  bishops 
was  a  matter  of  disciphne,  not  of  principle. 
StUhngfleet  {q.v.)  and  Lord  Chancellor  King 
were    the    authorities    he    trusted    for    the 
view  that  the  office  of  priest  is  identical  with 
that  of  bishop.     But  it  was  long  before  he 
acted.     Though  he  asserted  in  1780  that  he 
had  as  good  a  right  to  ordain  as  to  administer 
the  Lord's  Supper,  it  was  not  till  1784  that 
he  exercised  the  right,   and  then  only  for 
America  or  Scotland ;  and  to  the  last  he  as- 
serted that  his  action,  not  affecting  England, 
made  no  change  in  his  relation  or  that  of  his 
people   to    the    English    Church.       Yet    as 
early  as  1747  he  had  put  the  New  Testament 
into  the  hands  of  a  kneehng  preacher  with 
the  words:   'Take  thou  authority  to  preach 
the  Gospel,'  but  without  imposition  of  hands. 
His  chief  prompter  was  Thomas  Coke  (1747- 
1814),  a  wealthy  and  ambitious  unbeneficed 
clergyman,  who  was  one  of  the  three  priests 
who  laid  their  hands  on  the  first  candidates. 
Later  in  1784  he  was  himself  set  apart,  with 
laying  on  of  hands,  as  '  superintendent '  of 
the  work  in  America — a  title  which  he  at 
once  changed,  to  Wesley's  indignation,  into 
'  bishop.'     The  largest  Methodist  bodies  in 


the  United  States  retain  the  title  of  bishop 
for  their  chief  officers,  and  distinguish  them- 
selves as  '  Episcopal  Methodists.'  In  that 
country  Methodism  has  enormously  increased. 
The  great  majority  of  the  eighteen  million 
people  now  under  Methodist  instruction, 
according  to  Whitaker's  Almanack,  are  in 
the  United  States. 

Though  Wesley  refused  to  recognise  the 
fact,  separation  in  England  was  inevitable. 
He  must  himself  be  regarded  as  the  chief 
cause  of  it.  He  had  promoted  wath  all  his 
force  a  corporate  feehng  in  his  society,  and 
in  1784  provided  by  deed  for  its  continuance, 
under  the  government  of  the  '  legal  hundred  ' 
of  co-opted  senior  ministers.  Before  his  death 
the  chapels  (there  were  three  hundred  and 
fifty-nine  in  England  in  1784)  were  generally 
licensed  as  dissenting  places  of  worshij), 
though  their  purpose  was  specified  simply  as 
that  of  places  for  preaching  the  Gospel. 
Thus  the  machinery  was  ready,  and  also  the 
men.  For  Wesley  had  been  quite  indifferent 
to  Church  sympathies  in  his  choice  of 
preachers.  Provided  they  were  earnest  and 
able  and  free  from  the  taint  of  Calvinism,  he 
had  cared  nothing  for  their  ecclesiastical 
antecedents.  Many,  in  fact,  had  joined  him 
from  dissent ;  he  had  excited  much  hostility 
among  dissenters  by  enticing  away,  as  they 
thought,  their  rising  hopes.  And  when  he  had 
secured  his  preachers,  either  from  irreligion 
or  dissent,  he  did  nothing  to  train  them  in 
Churchmanship.  Their  whole  interest  was 
in  their  own  society,  and  it  was  ine\'itable 
that  they  should  desire  to  make  it  complete 
and  self-sufficing;  in  other  words,  to  separate 
altogether  from  the  Church. 

The  state  of  the  Church,  after  the  revival 
had  gained  a  firm  hold  upon  it,  was  not  such  as 
to  attract  the  Methodists.  The  serious  men 
were  all,  or  almost  aU,  Calvinists,  and  only 
the  more  moderate  Calvinists,  such  as 
Charles  Simeon  [q.v.),  would  tolerate  the 
errors  of  '  free  grace.'  We  have  seen  how 
Congregationalism,  as  an  evangehstic  agency, 
was  fostered  by  the  Calvinists  within  the 
Church,  and  the  second  branch  of  the 
revival,  that  led  by  Whiteficld,  was  for  some 
time  to  dweU  on  the  border-line  between 
the  Church  and  Independency.  Whitefield 
founded  his  English  organisation,  which 
was  to  be  a  failure,  in  1756 ;  or  rather 
Sehna,  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  the  great 
patroness  of  the  Calvinist  movement,  took 
the  lead  in  government,  while  Whitefield 
furnished  the  inspiration.  Far  more  clergy 
were  enlisted  under  their  banner  than  under 
Wesley's,  and  her  right  as  a  peeress  to  appoint 
chaplains   saved    many    of    them    from    the 


(  404  ) 


Nonconformity]        Dictiomiry  of  English  Church  History        \  Nonconformity 


char,Li;o    of    irrogulaiity.     Her    position    was 
fi'anivlv  undenominational ;   her  cliief  founda- 
tion.  Trevecca   College,   was   to   be   for   the 
training  of  ministers,  either  for  the  Church 
or  for  dissent.     The  one  essential  was  that 
thoy  should  be  in  earnest,  and  be  Calvinists. 
She    was    also    hberal    in    building    chapels, 
of  which  she  retained  the  freehold.     When 
her   preachers,   following   the   Wesleyan   ex- 
ample, recognised  the  practical  convenience 
of    registering    the    buildings    as    places    of 
dissenting  worship,  her  chaplains  who  held 
parishes,   such  as   Romaine,   withdrew  from 
her  organisation.     The  natural  consequences 
swiftl}-   followed.     Two   of   her   unbeneficed 
chaplains  anticipated  Wesley  by  holding  an 
oixlination  in  1783,  and  when  Lady  Hunting- 
don,   before   her   death,  vested  her    chapels 
in  trustees  slie  established  a  dissenting  body 
which  is   still    called    her   '  Connexion.'      It 
is   simply  an   inner   circle  among  Congrega- 
tionaUsts,   maintained  in  existence  by  legal 
requirements.     Her    college    also    is    purely 
Congregational.     The  results  of  Whitefield's 
work  and  of  that  of  his  supporters,  other  than 
such  as  were  under  the  control  of  the  countess, 
have  had  the  same  history.     The  most  re- 
markable of  his  school  was   Rowland   Hill, 
who  did  not  proceed  beyond  deacon's  orders. 
He  was  equally  critical  of  Church  and  dissent, 
pursuing  his  own  line  of  earnest  revivalism 
and  hostility  to  the  Arminians.     The  '  Surrey 
Chapel,'   which  he  founded,  is  now  one  of 
the  chief  fortresses  of  Congregationalism  in 
London.     In  fact,  the  want  of  any  character- 
istic doctrine  of  the  Church,  or  rather  the 
positive    assertion    that    there    is    no    such 
doctrine,  marked  both  the  Anglican  and  the 
Congregational    sides    in    this    alliance.     Its 
lasting  result  has  been  tliree  great  societies  : 
the  London  Missionary  Society,  which  in  de- 
fiance of  its  foundation  principle  has  become 
Congregational ;     the    British    and    Foreign 
Bible   Societ}',    which   is    now   wider   in   its 
sympathies   than    its   founders    might   have 
approved;  and  the  Religious  Tract  Society, 
which    has    succeeded    in    maintaining    its 
neutrality. 

While  the  Calvinist  revival  had  no  special 
doctrine  to  hold  its  adherents  together,  the 
Arminian  school  were  driven  back  upon 
themselves.  Nowhere,  within  or  without  the 
Church,  had  they  any  considerable  support ; 
if  they  had  remained  there  would  probably 
have  been  a  great  Calvinist  secession. 

We  must  conclude  by  tracing  the  develop- 
ment of  Wesleyan  Methodism  in  its  various 
branches.  After  John  Wesley's  death  things 
remained  for  a  while  as  they  were ;  his 
influence  checked  the  impulse  of  separation. 


But  it  was  proposed  at  each  annual  conference, 
and  agitation  in  the  congregations  increased. 
In  1792  resort  was  had  to  the  lot,  whether 
or  no  the  general  administration  of  the 
sacraments  should  be  undertaken.  The  lot 
fell  against  it ;  but  in  1795  the  conference 
resolved  to  leave  it  open  to  the  congregations 
to  choose  for  themselves ;  and  except  in 
Ireland  they  chose  to  separate,  though  many 
individuals,  Methodists  in  all  other  respects, 
continued  to  receive  the  Holy  Communion 
in  their  parish  churches.  Tliis  compromise 
found  no  supporters  in  the  younger  genera- 
tion, and  is  now  extinct.  But  in  Ireland  it 
was  retained  by  the  main  body  till  1870, 
when  the  Metliodists  decided  that  the  dises- 
tablished Church  was  not  that  to  wliich  they 
had  adhered  hitherto.  They  then  severed  a 
connection  which  docs  not  appear  to  have 
been  satisfactory  to  either  party.  In  England 
separation  was  emphasised  by  the  assumption 
of  the  title  of  '  Reverend '  for  the  ministers 
in  1818  ;  and  the  laying  on  of  hands,  not 
exercised  since  Wesley's  death,  was  resumed 
in  1836.  It  was  carefully  stated  that  the 
rite  is  not  essential ;  and  the  Methodists, 
unlike  their  founder,  hold  no  doctrine  of  a 
Presbyterian  transmission  of  the  ministry. 

The  later  history  of  Wesleyan  Methodism 
is  largely  that  of  a  conflict  between  conserva- 
tive and  '  liberal '  tendencies,  leading  to 
division,  which  now  is  tending  to  heal  itself. 
The  autocracy  of  Wesley,  who  had  kept  his 
preachers  under  his  own  control,  was  followed 
by  the  oligarchy  of  the  Legal  Hundred.  The 
spirit  of  Methodism  was  very  conservative. 
It  supported  Pitt  against  the  revolutionary 
movement,  and  in  the  next  generation  brought 
upon  itself  the  scurrility  of  Cobbett,  who  saw 
in  each  of  its  chapels  a  bulwark  of  the  un- 
reformcd  Parliament.  But  from  the  first 
there  was  a  democratic  party,  which  agitated 
for  popular  government  of  the  denomination. 
Its  leader  was  Alexander  Ivilham  ;  he  and  his 
followers  were  expelled  in  1796,  and  founded 
the  Methodist  Xew  Connexion,  which  rapidly 
gained  importance,  and  has  in  later  times  been 
the  branch  of  Methodism  that  has  continued 
to  draw  the  largest  proportion  of  its  member- 
ship from  the  working  classes.  Many  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Labour  Movement  have  sprung 
from  its  ranks  and  learned  the  art  of  speaking 
in  its  pulpits.  But  its  most  important  result 
has  been  tlie  Salvation  Army.  '  General ' 
Booth  (1829-1912)  seceded  from  the  ministry 
of  the  New  Connexion  in  1861  to  undertake 
independent  evangelistic  work.  He  estab- 
hshed  a  great  philanthropic  organisation, 
based  as  it  seems,  like  an  inverted  pyramid, 
upon  a  small   and  stationary   membership, 


(WD) 


Nonconformity!       Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


and  supported  by  external  subscriptions.  He 
disused  the  sacraments,  though  liis  teach- 
ing was  otherwise  the  evangehcaUsm  usual 
among  Methodists,  and  he  kept  entire  con- 
trol of  the  army  in  his  own  hands. 

The  next  democratic  revolt  was  against  the 
disciphne  enforced  by  the  Legal  Hundred. 
WiUiam  O'Bryan,  a  Cornish  preacher,  awoke 
much  excitement  and  made  many  converts. 
He  and  they  would  not  submit  to  the  rules 
of  the  denomination,  which  were  imperiously 
pressed.     The  result  was  his  expulsion  and 
the  estabhshment  of  the  '  Bible  Christians  '  as 
an  independent  and  democratically  governed 
community  in  1815.     It  had  much  success 
in  the  west  of  England.     But  in  spite  of 
these  warnings  the  central  government  of  the 
Wesleyan    Methodists    remained    repressive, 
and  no  concessions  were  made  to  popular 
demands.     At  the  same  time  Wesleyans  were 
rising  in  the  social  scale,  and  with  education 
there    came   the    demand   for   an   educated 
ministry.     Hence   indignation   among   those 
who  regarded  the  untutored  pleadings  of  the 
earlier  preachers  as  the  true  eloquence  for 
Methodists  when  it  was  resolved  to  found 
a  '  Theological  Institution  '   in  1834.      This 
was  the  occasion  of  one  of  a  succession  of 
schisms,  the  most  serious  of  which  was  caused 
by  the  expulsion  of  a  number  of  ministers  in 
1849  for  carrying  on,  not  always  courteously 
or  candidly,  a  '  reform  agitation.'     They  were 
followed,  it  is  said,  by  one  hundred  thousand 
people,  and  founded  a  separate  denomination, 
which  in  1857  was  merged  with  other  seceders 
in  the  '  United  Methodist  Free  Church.'     This 
united    in    1907    with    the    Methodist    New 
Connexion  and  the  Bible  Christians  to  form 
the  '  United  Methodist  Church,'  which  has 
now  one  hundred  and  forty-four  thousand 
members.     The  lesson  of  the  need  of  con- 
cession was   not  lost  upon  the  parent  de- 
nomination.     The    system    of     suppression 
came  to  an  end  with  the  death  of  Jabez 
Bunting  (1779-1858),  and  by  successive  acts 
of  legislation  the  constitution  of  the  Wesleyan 
Methodists  has  become  as  democratic    and 
as  flexible  as  that  of  their  rivals. 

Omitting  two  small  bodies  which  arose  in 
the  strife  that  has  been  mentioned,  and  have 
refused  to  join  any  of  the  larger  bodies,  we 
must  turn  to  the  last  of  the  Methodist 
denominations.  By  the  year  1800  Methodism, 
at  least  among  its  leaders,  had  become  staid 
and  decorous.  But  there  was  an  outburst 
of  the  old  revivalism  in  that  year,  led  by 
Hugh  Bourne,  a  carpenter,  and  lay  preacher 
of  great  spiritual  force,  in  North  Stafford- 
shire, which  spread  over  the  potteries  and  the 
adjacent  parts  of  Cheshire  in  the  following 

( -ioe ) 


years.  It  was  inflamed  by  the  arrival  in 
England  of  Lorenzo  Dow,  an  American 
enthusiast,  expert  in  the  novel  methods  of 
the  '  camp  meeting.'  Bourne  and  his  follow- 
ing welcomed  the  device,  and  a  great  camp 
meeting  was  held  on  a  hill  named  Mow  Cop, 
with  the  expected  success  in  regard  to  excite- 
ment, but  also,  as  the  Methodist  leaders 
thought,  with  results  of  moral  mischief.  The 
conference  decided  that  such  meetings  in 
future  were  not  to  be  held.  Bourne  defied 
them,  and  was  expelled  in  1808.  By  1810 
he  and  his  people  had  formed  a  community 
called  '  Camp-Meeting  Methodists  ' ;  other 
dissidents  joined  them,  and  the  enlarged  body 
took  the  name  '  Primitive  Methodists '  in 
1812.  Those  who  did  not  sympathise  with 
their  fervour  preferred  to  call  them  '  Ranters.' 
The  denomination  had  many  difficulties, 
largely  internal,  to  contend  with.  It  has  now 
210,000  members,  while  the  Wesleyans  have 
514,000  (Whitaker's  Almanack,  1912). 

All  the  Methodist  bodies  have  the  same 
government,    the    same    circuit    system,    by 
which  one  or  two  ministers  are  for  about 
three  years  responsible  for  aU  the  chapels  of 
a  district,  the  services  being  largely  conducted, 
under  their  superintendence,  by  local  preachers 
according  to  an  elaborate  quarterly  '  plan.' 
The  ministers  are  paid  and  pensioned  from 
a  central  fund,  which  assures  a  modest  com- 
petence to  aU.     Thus  there  are  no  prizes  in 
the  calling;  and  influence  in  the  denomina- 
tion means  influence  not  through  the  weight 
of  an  important  congregation,  but  through 
the  power  of  attractive  speech  on  many  plat- 
forms or  the  gift  of  counsel  in  the  central 
government.     But,   speaking   generally,   the 
characteristic  of  the  Wesleyan  ministry,  and 
no  doubt  of  that  among  other  Methodists,  is 
a  high  average  of  efficiency  rather  than  the 
eminence  of  individuals  ;    and  the  laity,  as 
preachers  and  as  governors,  hold  so  large  a 
place  in  the  pubUc  life  of  the  various  bodies 
that   the   particular   ministers   cannot   gain 
such    prominence    as    in    other    dissenting 
societies.     Nor  have  the  ministers,  with  some 
exceptions,  attained  much  eminence  in  the 
fields  of  knowledge  or  thought.     Methodism 
has  shown  itself,  in  all  its  branches,  peculiarly 
conservative  in  theology.     While  doubtless 
different  strata  of  education  are  predominant 
in  different  denominations,  the  tendency  in 
all  is  steadily  upwards,  and  Methodism  seems 
to  be  ceasing  to  appeal  to  any  class  socially 
lower  than  the  intelligent  artisan.     Thus  old 
barriers  between  the  humbler  and  the  more 
refined  types  of  Methodism  must  be  tending 
to  disappear,  and  probably  there  will  before 
long  be  a  fusion  of  all  English  Methodists  into 


Nonconformity]        Dictionary  of  English  Church  History       [Nonconformity 


one  body,  such  as  has  akeady  taken  place  in 
Canada  and  Australia.  [e.  w.  w.] 

VI.  The  Society  of  Friends,  commonly 
C.VLLED  Quakers 

How  is  it  possible  that  a  sect,  numerically 
small,  for  generations  despised,  appealing  to 
the  nation  neither  through  its  Uterature  nor 
through  its  pulpits,  could  have  exercised  that 
purifying  influence  upon  religious  life,  far 
beyond  its  own  borders,  which  is  rightly 
ascribed  to  the  Society  of  Friends  ? 

Not  through  fictitious  external  claims,  as 
a  world-embracing  Church,  but  through 
quiet,  insistent,  moral  influence  ;  not  through 
the  intellectual  appeal  of  a  theological  system, 
infalhble  and  complete,  but  through  un- 
flinching assertion  of  its  mystical  views  rather 
than  its  dogmas ;  not  through  an  elaborate 
and  technically  perfect  system  of  Church 
organisation,  but  through  a  peace-loving, 
loyal  attachment  to  a  very  practical  con- 
stitution has  the  Society  of  Friends  exerted 
a  persistent  and  purif jing  influence  for  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  not  merely  on  the 
religious  life  of  England,  but  also  upon  that 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

That  influence  has  not  been  uniformly 
exerted  throughout  that  period.  The  latter 
half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  period  of 
persecution,  saw  the  expression  of  the  dis- 
tinctive opinions  held  by  the  Society  in  theh 
most  \-igorous  and,  because  so  little  under- 
stood, in  their  most  objectionable  form. 
During  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  first 
half  of  the  nineteenth,  the  period  of  qui- 
escence, it  ceased  to  be  aggressive.  In  the 
latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  it 
assumed  an  influence  in  political  and  social 
life  out  of  all  proportion  to  its  numerical 
strength ;  it  exercised  a  permanent  stimulus 
upon  philanthropic  effort,  springing  from  the 
sterling  character  of  its  members  and  their 
firm  adherence  to  their  distinctive  tenets. 

The  origin  of  these  '  pecuhar  views  ' — at  the 
present  time  by  no  means  '  peculiar ' — must 
undoubtedly  be  sought  amongst  the  mystical 
speculations  both  on  the  Continent  and  also 
in  England,  both  in  the  Cathohc  Church 
itself  and  in  the  turbulent  rehgious  atmo- 
sphere of  the  Puritan  revolution.  It  is  not 
possible  to  trace  at  present  the  exact  con- 
nection, still  less  any  direct  contact,  with 
these  mystics  in  order  to  explain  the  remark- 
able rapidity  of  the  propagation  and  the 
whole-hearted  devotion  of  the  '  First  Pub- 
Ushers  of  Truth,'  or  those  who  received  their 
direct  inspiration  from  the  hfe  and  teaching 
of  George  Fox.  But  it  is  unwise  to  regard 
George    Fox    as    an    isolated    phenomenon. 


His  views,  or,  as  he  preferred  to  call  them, 
his  '  openings,'  are  in  the  main  traceable 
amongst  the  German  and  English  mystics. 
From  the  '  Friends  of  God  of  the  Oberland  ' 
in  the  fourteenth  century  is  derived  the 
separatist  leaning  towards  the  small  group, 
and  from  the  '  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life ' 
his  absolute  dependence  upon  the  direct 
guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  In  fact,  no 
spiritual  expression  is  of  any  value  in  his 
eyes  except  what  is  derived  by  direct  inspira- 
tion or  '  opening.'  Dogma,  or  crystallised 
theological  opinion,  or  as  he  called  it 
'  notions,'  he  distrusted.  His  view  of  the 
importance  of  direct  inspiration  runs  directly 
counter  even  to  the  views  of  the  Lollards 
and  the  Anabaptists  upon  the  Bible  as  the 
supreme  and  aU-sufficient  rule  of  life.  Still 
more  vigorouslj'  he  opposed  all  institutional 
Christianity,  wliich  had  become  jejune  and 
barren,  because  separate  from  and  unin- 
spired by  the  hfe-giving  Spirit.  The  Ana- 
baptists, with  whom  Fox  was  brought  into 
contact  through  his  uncle,  Pickering,  '  sug- 
gested,' doubtless,  the  negation  of  infant 
baptism  and  the  sacraments  generally, 
except  in  their  spiritual  sense.  Ilis  tenets 
about  oaths,  war,  capital  punishment,  '  set 
services,'  and  '  quiet  waiting '  are  found 
fuUy  expressed  in  the  '  Family  of  Love,'  as 
founded  by  Niklaes  of  Miinster  in  the  six- 
teenth century.  The  term  '  seeker '  had 
since  1617  come  to  be  applied  to  those  Ana- 
baptists, Familists,  and  Brownists  who 
were  dissatisfied  both  with  the  Church  of 
England  and  the  Presbyterian  communions. 
These  were  not  a  homogeneous  body,  but 
rather  represent  residuals  of  various  move- 
ments ;  some  are  sporadic  and  are  assimilated 
into  larger  movements.  Their  character  is 
appositely  expressed  by  William  Penn  in  his 
preface  to  G.  Fox's  Journal  as  '  Like  doves 
without  their  mates.'  Without  assuming 
that  all  the  seekers  were  converted  en  masse 
by  Fox,  their  existence  explains  in  part  the 
rapidity  of  the  increase  of  Fox's  disciples. 

The  personality  of  Fox  is,  however,  the 
dominating  factor  of  the  movement.  Ho 
was  born  at  Fenny  Drayton  in  Leicestershire 
in  1624 ;  his  father,  Christopher  Fox, 
'  righteous  Christer,'  was  a  Puritan  weaver, 
and  his  mother,  Mary  Lago,  came  of  the 
'  stock  of  the  martyrs.'  He  was  intended  for 
holy  orders,  and  evidently  showed  no  dis- 
inclination towards  that  profession.  He 
explains,  however,  that  he  was  '  persuaded 
by  others  to  the  contrary,'  and  was  ap- 
prenticed instead  to  a  shoemaker.  His 
sterling  honesty  of  character  and  love  of 
plain  dealing,  even  though  still  an  apprentice, 


(407) 


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is  shown  by  his  general  reputation,  that  '  if 
George  says  "  VerUy  "  there  is  no  altering 
him.'  It  was  not,  however,  until  the  early 
summer  of  1643,  when  invited  by  his  cousin, 
Bradford,  and  another  '  professor,'  who  were 
with  him  on  business  at  a  fair,  to  drink 
healths  that  he  felt  the  inconsistency  of  that 
practice,  paid  down  his  groat,  went  away, 
spent  the  night  praying  and  crying  to  the 
Lord,  and  heard  a  voice  speaking  to  him : 
'  Thou  seest  how  young  people  go  together 
unto  vanity,  and  old  people  into  the  earth, 
and  thou  must  forsake  all,  both  young  and 
old,  and  keep  out  of  all,  and  be  as  a  stranger 
unto  all.'  '  Then,'  says  Fox,  '  at  the  com- 
mand of  God,  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  seventh 
month  1643,  I  left  my  relations  and  brake 
off  all  familiarity  or  friendsliip  with  young  or 
old.'  '  I  had  wherewith,'  he  says,  '  both  to 
keep  myself  from  being  chargeable  to  others 
and  to  administer  something  to  the  necessity 
of  others.'  He  spent  nine  months  at  Lutter- 
worth, Northampton,  and  Newport  Pagnel, 
but  being  in  doubt  whether  he  was  doing 
right,  and  hearing  that  his  parents  desired  it, 
he  returned  home  in  1644.  He  was  still  far 
from  clear  about  what  he  must  do,  and  was 
advised  by  his  relations  to  marry  ;  others 
wished  him  to  join  an  auxiliary  band  of  the 
Parliamentary  army;  a  clergyman  recom- 
mended him  '  to  smoke  tobacco  and  sing 
psalms ' ;  another  suggested  blood-letting, 
but  though  this  was  tried  no  blood  would 
flow.  He  had  much  intercourse  at  this  time 
with  Nathaniel  Stephens,  the  Rector  of 
Fenny  Drayton,  a  kind,  patient  Calvinist, 
who  discussed  infant  baptism  and  other 
doctrines  with  Fox,  but  annoyed  him  by  a 
reference  to  the  conversations  in  the  pulpit. 
Thus  he  expresses  himself :  '  The  Lord 
opened  to  me  that  being  bred  at  Oxford  or 
Cambridge  was  not  enough  to  fit  and  qualify 
men  to  bo  ministers  of  Christ.'  He  left  off 
attending  church,  and  preferred  on  Sundays 
to  walk  in  the  fields  with  Bible  in  hand,  and 
when  reproached  by  his  friends  answered  : 
'  There  is  an  anointing  in  man  to  teach 
him,  and  the  Lord  will  teach  His  people 
Himself,' 

Thus  the  contact  with  the  religious  opinions 
of  those  able  to  teach  him  had  only  served 
to  repel  him,  and  William  Penn's  statement 
in  the  preface  to  the  Journal  is  substantially 
true:  'As  to  man,  he  was  an  original,  being 
no  man's  copy.' 

Probably  in  1647,  his  ministry  began  at 
a  time  when  Fox  was  following  his  trade  at 
Mansfield.  It  seems  to  have  consisted  chiefly 
in  visits  to  '  shattered  baptists  '  in  Dukinfield, 
Manchester,  in  Nottinghamshire  and  Leices- 


tershire. His  preaching  consisted  of  a  '  few 
but  powerful  and  piercing  words.'  Among 
these  '  tender  '  separatists  he  found  his  first 
woman  preacher,  EUzabeth  Hooton  of 
Skegby,  near  Mansfield.  They  seem  to  have 
formed  a  group  and  called  themselves 
'  Children  of  the  Light,'  thus  emphasising 
Fox's  chief  message,  the  Light  of  Christ  as 
the  Guide  to  Eternal  Life.  The  traces  of 
this  early  preaching  bear  a  close  resemblance 
to  the  innere  Erleuchtung  of  Jacob  Bohme ; 
in  fact,  his  books  seem  to  have  been  read  by 
Fox's  early  followers.  Fox  was  by  no  means 
a  visionary,  but,  on  the  contrary,  his  mind 
was  strongly  set  on  realities.  He  strongly 
discountenanced  '  doubtful  disputations,'  and 
strove  rather  by  means  of  a  pointed  phrase 
to  strike  at  the  core  of  things.  He  had  much 
to  do  to  calm  the  '  dark  imaginations,'  '  the 
exalted  spirits,'  and  the  '  whimseys  '  of  those 
of  his  hearers  who  belonged  rather  to  the 
'  Ranters  '  than  to  the  Quakers.  He  attacked 
all  insincerities  of  convention,  '  their  images 
and  crosses  and  sprinkling  of  infants,  with  all 
their  holy  days.'  '  When  the  Lord,'  he  adds, 
'  sent  me  forth  into  the  world  He  forbad  me 
to  put  off  my  hat  to  any,  high  or  low,  and  I 
was  required  to  Thee  and  Thou  all  men.  .  .  . 
I  was  not  to  bid  people  "  Good  Morrow  "or  / 
"  Good  Evening."  '  ^^ 

His  itinerant  preaching  journeys  continue 
incessantly  from  1649  to  1691,  and  close 
practically  with  his  death,  and  tlu-oughout 
this  period  not  simply  Fox  himself  but  his 
followers  both  men  and  women  had  to  suffer 
countless  and  indescribable  persecution. 
George  Fox  was  convicted  and  imprisoned 
at  Derby  in  1650  and  at  Carlisle  in  1653 
under  the  Blasphemy  Act  of  1650.  His 
followers  were  frequently  committed  under 
the  Brawhng  Act  of  1553  (1  Mar.  st.  2,  c.  3) 
for  disturbing  the  preacher  or  for  wearing  the 
hat  during  a  proclamation.  During  the  Com- 
mon wealth  period  three  thousand  one  hundred  """ 
and  seventy  Friends  suffered  for  conscience' 
sake.  Throughout  the  Restoration  period  the 
persecution  was  much  more  stringent  when 
charges  were  brought  against  them  for 
refusing  the  oaths  of  Supremacy  and  Allegi- 
ance— they  refused  on  principle  to  swear  in 
a  law  court  or  elsewhere — and  for  non-attend- 
ance at  church,  especiaUy  under  the  Quaker 
Act  of  1662  (13-14  Car.  ii.  c.  1),  directed 
against  those  who  maintained  that  the 
taking  of  an  oath  was  illegal,  and  also  under 
the  Conventicle  Acts  of  1664  and  1670 
(16  Car.  II.  c.  4  ;  22  Car.  ii.  c.  1).  Baxter's 
shrewd  remark  that  Quakers  are  '  Ranters 
reversed,'  implies  that  Fox's  calm  spirit  and 
his  teaching  of  religious  silence,  just  at  a  time 


(  408  ) 


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when  talk  was  the  besetting  malady  of 
Presbyterianisni,  had  sobered  faction  and 
disciplined  fervour  amongst  his  followers,  and 
his  quiet  genius  for  organisation  had  crys- 
tallised an  unmanageable  mass  into  a  syste- 
matic network  of  meetings,  and  imbued  the 
individual  Friend  with  an  exalted  sense  of 
corporate  responsibility  and  a  co-operative 
spirit  that  has  gradually  developed  a  true 
citizen  ciiaracter  throughout  the  iSociety. 

Probably  the  most  charming  and  brilliant 
of  the  itinerating  preachers  first  influenced  by 
Fox  and  others  was  James  Nayler.  It  is  re- 
ported that  lords,  lailies,  officers,  and  ministers 
listened  to  him  at  a  meeting  in  Lady  Darcy's 
house,  '  behind  a  ceiling.'  The  adulation  of 
two  women,  Martha  Simmonds  and  Hannah 
Stranger,  combined  with  the  rigour  of  his 
imprisonment  in  Exeter,  though  George  Fox 
visited  him  there  when  released  from  Launces- 
ton  and  found  him  '  dark  and  much  out,' 
had  brought  him  to  imagine  that  he  was 
the  Messiah.  Thus  on  24th  October  1656 
Nayler  was  led  in  procession  through  the 
Redcliffe  Gate  of  Bristol  into  the  centre  of 
the  city,  preceded  by  women,  who  threw  their 
garments  in  the  way  and  cried,  '  Holy,  holy, 
holy.  Lord  God  of  Israel.'  This  demonstra- 
tion was  not  participated  in  by  Bristol 
Friends.  Being  asked  by  the  magistrates, 
'  Art  thou  the  only  Son  of  God  ?  '  he  replied, 
'  I  am  the  Son  of  God,  but  I  have  many 
brethren.'  The  case  was  reported  to  their 
town-clerk,  who  was  in  Parliament,  and  thus 
reported  to  the  House.  A  Committee  was 
appointed  to  examine  and  report.  Nayler 
was  summoned  to  London,  and  after  lengthy 
debate  sentenced  by  the  House,  evidently 
without  any  legal  authority,  to  be  pilloried 
in  Palace  Yard,  whipped  by  the  hangman  to 
the  Old  Exchange,  have  his  tongue  bored,  and 
to  be  branded  on  the  forehead  ^vith  the  letter 
B.  He  was  then  ordered  to  Bristol,  where 
the  whipping  was  repeated  in  a  more  lenient 
form  on  27th  January  1657.  After  being 
taken  back  to  London,  in  three  months'  time 
he  was  reported  to  be  '  loving  and  much 
nearer  the  truth  than  he  was.'  This  episode 
had  a  momentarily  disastrous  effect  upon 
the  Quaker  movement,  particularly  in  the 
West  of  England.  Probably  nowhere  was 
the  Restoration  persecution  more  extensive 
and  cruel  than  in  Bristol.  In  1682  nearly  all 
the  adult  Quakers  were  in  prison. 

Fox,  however,  continued  his  missionary 
journeys  unmoved  by  Naj-ler's  fate.  He 
visited  every  county  in  England  and  Wales, 
Scotland  in  1657,  Ireland  in  1669,  the  West 
Indies  and  North  America  in  1671-3,  and 
Holland  both  in  1677  and  1684.     He  suffered 


eight  imprisonments.  He  wrote  and  com- 
plained about  the  condition  of  the  gaols,  and 
used  the  press  as  an  agency  for  the  dissemina- 
tion of  his  opinions,  though  he  dissuaded 
his  followers  from  overmuch  printing.  At 
Swarthmoor,  near  Ulverston,  Fox  '  convinced ' 
Margaret  Fell,  wife  of  Judge  Fell,  M.P.  and 
Judge  of  Assize  of  the  Chester  and  North 
Wales  Circuit,  and  from  this  time  forward 
this  old  Elizabethan  manor-house,  still 
standing,  served  as  the  nucleus  and  focus  of 
the  Society.  Judge  Fell  died  in  1658,  and 
eleven  years  later  Margaret  Fell  married 
George  Fox.  Tlieir  married  hfe,  disturbed 
by  George  Fox's  constant  absence  on 
missionary  journeys,  was  terminated  by  the 
death  of  Fox  on  13tli  January  1691. 

Toleration  can  liardly  bo  expected  on  either 
side  in  Puritan  controversy ;  but  it  can  be 
fairly  asserted  of  Fox  and  his  followers  that 
their  polemical  writings  show  less  personal 
rancour  and  scandal  tlian  those  of  their 
opponents.  In  1653  and  1654  Fox  published 
Unmasking  and  Discovering  of  Antichrist, 
directed  chiefly  against  the  theories  of  Puritan 
'  Professors,'  and  The  Vials  of  the  Wrath  of 
God  Poured  forth  upon  the  Seat  of  the  Man  of 
Sin,  in  which  he  attacked  Original  Sin.  In 
1659  he  replied  to  over  a  hundred  pamphlets 
issued  against  Quakers  in  The  Great  Mistery. 
Of  his  followers,  Edward  Burrough  answered 
John  Bunyan's  Some  Gospel  Truths,  and 
Samuel  Fisher  in  a  more  scholarly  treatise, 
Rusticus  ad  Academicos  (1660),  replied  to 
Richard  Baxter,  Owen,  and  others  on  the 
question  of  the  foundations  of  faith  whether 
upon  the  Inner  Light  or  upon  the  letter  of 
Scripture. 

The  organisation  of  the  Society  grew  up 
naturally,  beginning  in  November  1656  by  a 
meeting  of  elders  at  Balby,  near  Doncaster. 
These  meetings  exercised  a  wise  and  gentle 
restraint  upon  promiscuous  preaching,  and 
issued  letters  of  counsel  and  adWce  to  the 
members  concerned.  In  1656  there  is  an 
entry  in  Fox's  Journal,  '  I  was  moved  by  the 
Lord  to  send  for  one  or  two  out  of  a  county  to 
Swarthmore  and  to  set  up  the  men's  meetings 
where  they  was  not.  .  .  .  And  about  this 
time  I  was  moved  to  set  up  the  Men's 
Quarterly  Meetings  throughout  the  nation, 
though  in  the  North  they  was  settled  before.' 
This  was  probably  the  first  General  Meeting, 
and  was  continued  at  Skipton  in  subsequent 
years.  The  main  object  of  these  gatherings 
was  to  provide  funds  by  collections  for 
ministering  and  persecuted  Friends.  In  1658 
it  is  evident  that  monthly  meetings  were 
held  to  discharge  the  local  business  of  each 
smaller  group  of  Friends,  to  register  births. 


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marriages,  and  burials.  The  county  was  in 
the  main  the  unit  of  administration,  but 
groupings  of  counties  occur.  In  no  case  did 
the  superior  general  meeting  supersede  the 
individual  congregation.  They  do  not  at- 
tempt to  exercise  authority.  The  hierarchy 
of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  has  its  three- 
fold counterpart  among  Friends — ministers, 
elders,  and  overseers.  Their  rehgious  meet- 
ings were  held  without  prearranged  ritual  or 
ceremony,  and  often  in  silence.  This  organ- 
isation was  overhauled  in  1667, and  henceforth 
wherever  Fox  went,  he  was  careful  to  organise 
as  he  proceeded.  At  the  same  time  marriages 
are  celebrated  in  meeting  and  not  before  a 
civil  magistrate.  But  there  were  not  wanting 
individualists  in  the  society  who  strongly 
opposed  this  organisation. 

Of  the  subsequent  works  to  establish  the 
society,  the  chief  are  Robert  Barclay's 
Apology  for  the  True  Christian  Divinity,  as 
the  same  is  held  forth  and  preached  by 
the  people,  called  in  scorn  Quakers  (1676) ; 
WiUiam  Penn's  No  Cross,  no  Crown,  written 
in  prison.  Penn's  successful  foundation 
of  Philadelphia  in  1682,  and  the  estabhsh- 
ment  of  a  colony  in  Pennsylvania,  in 
the  constitution  of  which  Quaker  principles 
play  a  large  part,  formed  a  new  departure 
in  colonisation,  by  which  the  rights  of  the 
aborigines  were  respected. 

Having  already  acquired  the  Uberties  they 
desired,  throughout  the  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth centuries  the  Quakers  spent  their 
energy  in  efforts  for  their  own  consolidation 
and  equipment  as  an  independent  sect. 
Following  the  lead  of  Wesley,  education  was 
provided  for  all  members  by  the  establish- 
ment in  1779  of  Ackworth  School,  near 
Pontefract,  for  boys  and  girls,  and  subse- 
quently similar  boarding-schools  were  partly 
endowed  throughout  England,  Ireland,  and 
America.  Their  aim  was  to  afford  a  simple, 
cheap  yet  thorough  commercial  education. 
Thus  Quakers  grew  in  respect,  both  for  their 
integrity  and  their  business  intelligence. 
This  led  directly  to  the  accumulation  of 
wealth,  though  John  Dalton,  educated  at 
the  Lancaster  School,  as  founder  of  the 
Atomic  Theory  in  chemistry,  is  a  proof  that 
the  school  also  produced  original  thinkers. 
Their  labours  external  to  their  own  society 
were  directed  towards  improvements  in  the 
treatment  of  prisoners.  Elizabeth  Fry  (1813) 
did  much  valuable  and  permanent  work. 
Though  numerically  small — the  total  number 
of  Quakers  in  Great  Britain  at  the  present 
time  is  under  20,000 — yet  they  have  shared 
largely  in  obtaining  freedom  for  slaves  and 
respect  for  the  riglits  of  aborigines;  in  the 


organisation  of  Sunday  schools,  especially  for 
adults ;  in  agitation  against  war,  particularly 
during  the  Crimean  War ;  against  the  Opium 
Trade,  and  in  the  solution  of  social  problems. 
Special  provision  was  made  for  Quakers  by 
the  Tolerarion  Act,  1688  (1  W.  and  M.  c.  18). 
They  were  not  required  to  take  the  oaths 
imposed  upon  other  Nonconformists,  but  a 
special  declaration  was  provided  for  them, 
and  in  1696  they  were  allowed  to  make 
affirmation  in  any  case  where  by  law  an  oath 
is  required  (7-8  Will.  m.  c.  34 ;  continued  in 
1714  by  1  Geo.  I.  st.  1,  c.  6).  In  1833  the 
House  of  Commons  unanimously  decided  that 
Joseph  Pease,  the  first  Quaker  to  take  his 
seat,  might  make  affirmation  in  place  of  tak- 
ing the  usual  oaths.  The  special  treatment 
accorded  by  the  Toleration  Act  led  to  the 
exclusion  of  Quakers  from  later  Acts  relating 
to  other  Protestant  Nonconformists.  Mar- 
riages contracted  and  solemnised  according 
to  their  usage  are  expressly  recognised  as 
valid  by  the  Marriage  Act,  1836  (7  Will.  I  v. 
c.  85).  Special  provision  was  made  for  the 
recovery  of  tithes  (q.v.)  and  church  rates 
(q.v.)  from  Quakers.  [c.  o.] 

NONJURORS,  The.  This  name  belongs 
to  the  clergy  and  laity  who  scrupled  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  WiUiam  and  Mary, 
1689,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  still 
bound  by  their  former  oath  to  James  n., 
'  his  heirs  and  lawful  successors.'  If  it  had 
been  possible  to  constitute  William  and 
Mary  regents  there  need  have  been  no 
Nonjurors,  but,  7  th  February  1689,  the  Con- 
vention recognised  the  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Orange  as  sovereigns  of  England,  and  the 
first  means  taken  to  secure  the  stability  of 
this  settlement  was  the  imposition  of  an 
oath  of  allegiance.  This  was  ordered  to  be 
taken  before  1st  August  by  all  ecclesiastics, 
under  pain  of  suspension.  Six  months'  grace 
was  allowed  before  deprivation.  Nine  EngUsh 
bishops,  fearing  to  violate  their  consciences, 
refused  the  oath ;  they  were  Archbishop 
Sancroft  {q.v.).  Bishops  Ken  {q.v.).  Turner 
(Ely),  Lake  (Chichester),  White  (Peter- 
borough)— who  had  all  been  among  those 
sent  to  the  Tower  by  James  n.  [Seven 
Bishops]  —  Cartwright  {q.v.),  Frampton 
(Gloucester),  Lloyd  (Norwich),  and  Thomas 
(Worcester),  One  Irish  bishop,  Sheridan  of 
Kilmore  and  Ardagh,  and  practically  the 
whole  Scots  clergy,  bishops,  and  priests, 
were  in  the  same  case.  Three  of  the  English 
bishops — Cartwright,  Thomas,  and  Lake — 
died  before  their  deprivation,  the  last  two 
each  making  solemn  dying  declarations  of 
their  reasons  for  refusing  the  oath.      With 


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[Nonjurors 


these  bishops  were  about  four  hundred  clergy 
and  some  eminent  laymen. 

The  separation  of  the  Nonjurors  thus 
appears  at  first  political,  yet  for  a  century 
past  the  English  Church  had  taught  so 
insistently  the  complementary  doctrines  of 
Non-resistance  and  Passive  Obedience  that 
politics  and  churchmanship  were  inextricably 
mixed.  Bishop  Lake  in  his  dying  declara- 
tion (27th  August  1689)  says  that  he  took 
these  doctrines  (Non-resistance  and  Passive 
Obedience)  '  to  be  the  distinguishing  char- 
acter of  the  Church  of  England ' ;  and  Ken  in 
his  will  declares  '  that  ho  dies  in  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church  of  England  ...  as  it 
adheres  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Cross,'  by  which 
he  meant  the  doctrine  of  Passive  Obedience, 
following  Kettlewell  (see  Kettlewell,  Complete 
Works,  i.  167  ;   ii.  143-4). 

Non-resistance  was  taught  in  the  Homily 
on  Wilful  Disobedience  (1569),  and  was  the 
doctrine  that  rebeUion  of  subjects  against 
their  prince  was  in  every  conceivable  instance 
a  grievous  sin.  Passive  Obedience  was  the 
attitude  to  be  adopted  by  the  subject  towards 
unla^vful  commands  of  his  prince.  No  one 
was  bound  to  concur  in  their  execution,  but 
no  subject  must  resist  them  by  arms.  These 
doctrines,  which  involved  further  the  Divine 
Right  of  Kings,  '  were  held  as  against 
"  Papists  "  who  set  the  Pope,  and  ''  plebists  " 
who  set  the  people,  above  the  Lord's 
Anointed.' 

But  to  '  the  State  point '  was  soon  added  a 
'  Church  point.'  The  bishops  and  clergy  de- 
prived in  1690  were  deprived  solely  by  Act  of 
Parliament.  There  was  no  attempt  at  any 
canonical  sentence,  and  whatever  may  be 
said  for  the  necessities  of  the  time,  this  was 
a  grave  violation  of  Church  order.  Many  of 
the  best  churchmen  who  had  taken  the 
oaths  refused  sees  thus  irregularly  declared 
vacant,  as  South  (q.v.),  Sharp  (q.v.),  and 
Beveridge.  The  sees  were  kept  open  for  a 
time  in  the  hope  that  the  deprived  bishops 
might  return,  and  no  bishops  were  conse- 
crated to  fill  them  until  the  summer  of  1691. 

Meanwhile  the  deprived  bishops  considered 
they  held  their  canonical  rights  to  the 
obedience  of  their  clergy.  Bancroft,  urged 
by  Bishops  Lloyd  and  Turner,  determined 
to  continue  the  succession  of  bishops,  since 
many  of  the  English  prelates  were,  in  the 
Nonjuring  view,  schismatical  intruders.  The 
old  archbishop  delegated  all  his  archiepiscopal 
powers  to  Lloyd,  9th  February  1692.  The 
question  of  the  new  consecrations  divided 
the  moderate  from  the  more  thoroughgoing 
party.  Frampton  stood  apart  from  it,  and 
Ken,  though  reluctantly  giving  his  consent 


to  the  act,  frankly  disliked  it.  Great  pains 
were  taken  to  act  constitutionally.  The 
Suffragan  Bishops  Act  (26  Hen.  vin.  c.  14) 
was  relied  on  since  no  '  election  '  was  pos- 
sible. Dr.  Hickcs  (q.v.)  was  sent,  May  1693, 
to  James  ir.  with  a  list  of  names.  The  King 
selected  Hickes  and  Wagstaffe  (q.v.),  who 
were  consecrated  with  great  secrecy,  24th 
February  1694,  by  Lloyd,  Turner,  and 
White. 

The  accession  of  Anne  might  have  done 
something  to  heal  the  schism,  for  James  ii. 
had  died,  1701,  but  for  an  '  Abjuration  Oath ' 
ordered  by  one  of  the  last  Acts  of  William  iir., 
1701  (13  Will.  in.  c.  6),  which  required  as  a 
qualification  for  all  ofiSce  in  Church  or  State 
an  abjuration  of  '  the  pretended  Prince  of 
Wales.'  In  1714  another  Act  (1  Geo.  i.  st.  2, 
c.  13)  imposed  on  all  who  held  a  public  post 
of  more  than  £5  annual  value  an  oath  that 
'  George  i.  was  rightful  and  lawful  King, 
and  that  the  person  pretending  to  be  Prince 
of  Wales  had  not  any  right  or  title  whatso- 
ever.' 

These  later  oaths  were  a  blunder,  since  they 
prevented  the  return  of  many.  The  deprived 
clergy  were  by  no  means  poUtical  Jacobites ; 
they  were  not  as  a  body  engaged  in  plots  for 
the  return  of  the  exiled  family.  They  were 
scrupulous  churchmen,  who  gave  up  income 
and  position  rather  than  violate  the  sanctity 
of  their  oaths.  Queen  Anne's  churchmanship, 
the  death  of  Ken,  the  last  of  the  '  Deprived 
Fathers,'  1711,  with  his  known  wish  to  heal 
the  schism,  induced  the  more  moderate 
Nonjurors  to  return  to  the  English  Church. 
Hickes  and  the  stricter  sort  remained  un- 
compromising, and  in  1713,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  two  Scots  bishops,  he  consecrated 
Jeremy  Collier  (q.v.),  Spinckes,  and  Hawes 
to  the  episcopate.  These  bishops  took  no 
territorial  titles,  and  were  consecrated  '  not 
as  Diocesan  but  as  Catholic  successors  '  to 
the  bishops  originally  deprived.  In  1716 
two  important  movements  took  place.  The 
Nonjurors  attempted  to  establish  communion 
with  the  Eastern  Church  by  negotiations  which 
lasted  over  nine  years.  [Reunion,  n.]  If 
some  of  their  suggestions  were  fanciful,  yet  the 
Nonjuring  bishops  were  uncompromising  in 
their  firmness  to  what  they  held  to  be  the 
truth.  In  the  same  year  the  controversy  on 
'  the  Usages '  began.  Bishop  Hickes,  like 
other  AngUcan  divines  before  and  after  him, 
had  preferred  the  Communion  Office  in  the 
1549  Prayer  Book  to  that  of  1662.  He  had 
used  the  1549  Office  in  his  oratory  in  Scroopo's 
Court,  and  had  reprinted  it  in  an  appendix 
to  his  Christian  Priesthood.  In  July  1716  it 
was  proposed  among  the  Nonjurors  to  use  the 


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[Nonjurors 


Liturgy  of  1549.  Meetings  and  discussions 
followed.  The  majority  were  against  change. 
Collier  with  the  most  learned  liturgiologists, 
Brett,  and  the  Scots  bishop  Campbell,  urged 
the  addition  to  the  1662  book  of  what  were 
termed  '  the  Usages.'  These  were  (1)  the 
Mixed  Chalice  at  the  Eucharist;  (2)  public 
prayer  for  the  Faithful  Departed  ;  (3)  prayer 
for  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the 
Oblations  ;  (4)  the  Prayer  of  Oblation  of 
the  Consecrated  Sacrament,  from  the  Book 
of  1.549. 

Thomas  Deacon,  later  a  bishop,  then  a  very 
young  priest,  took  an  active  part  in  favour  of 
the  Usages,  Some  Nonjurors,  indeed,  con- 
sidered the  Usages  essential.  Finally,  in  1718, 
a  new  sei'vice-book,  the  work  of  Collier,  Brett, 
and  Deacon,  was  composed  and  published. 
It  was  largely  the  Liturgy  of  1549,  with 
additions  ancl  alterations  from  primitive 
Eastern  sources.  It  contained  further  Offices 
for  Confirmation  (in  which  the  Chrism  and 
Sign  of  the  Cross  were  restored)  and  the 
Visitation  of  the  Sick  (where  Unction  is 
prescribed).  It  was  formally  authorised  for 
use  by  Colher,  Uth  March  1719.  Mean- 
while more  consecrations  had  taken  place. 
Dr.  T.  Brett  and  Henry  Candy,  consecrated 
on  25th  January  1716  in  Mr,  Gandy's 
chapel,  were  both  men  of  learning  and 
distinction.  Brett  was  a  member  of  an 
old  Kent  family,  wealthy,  and  had  been  a 
country  rector,  Gandy  had  been  a  well- 
known  Fellow  of  Oriel,  Oxford,  but  had  lost 
his  preferment  at  the  Revolution.  He  had 
succeeded  Hickes  at  the  oratory  in  Scroope's 
Court.  After  1719  the  'Usagers'  and  'Non- 
usagers  '  remained  apart,  each  side  consecrat- 
ing bishops.  On  the  Non-usager  side  Hilkiah 
Bedford  and  Ralph  Taylor  were  consecrated, 
25th  January  1721,  in  Dr.  R.  Rawlinson's 
clia|)el  at  Gray's  Inn.  Taylor  had  been 
chaplain  to  the  English  churchmen  at  St. 
Germans.  He  consecrated  two  bishops 
alone  and  on  his  own  authority.  On  the 
Non-usager  side  were  also  consecrated  Henry 
Doughty  (by  four  Scots  bishops  at  Edinburgh, 
.30th  March  1725,  at  the  request,  however,  of 
Collier  and  Spinckes),  John  Blackbourne 
(Ascension  Day,  6th  May  1725,  at  Gray's  Inn), 
Henry  Hall  (11th  June  1725  at  Gray's  Inn), 
and  Richard  RawIinson,the  famous  antiquary, 
25th  March  1728,  at  the  chapel  in  Scroope's 
Court,  Holborn.  On  the  Usager  side  there 
had  been  consecrated  John  Griffin  (25th 
November  1722)  and  Thomas  Brett,  junior 
(9th  April  1727).  George  Smith  was  conse- 
crated by  Non-usager  bishops,  26th  December 
1728,  and  to  his  good  offices  and  those  of 
Dr.  Brett  .on  the  other  side,  is  chiefly  due 


the  healing  of  the  division,  for  bishops  of 
both  sides  united  in  consecrating  Timothy 
Mawman,  17th  July  1731.  A  year  later  the 
separation,  as  far  as  the  main  body  went,  was 
formally  healed.  An  '  Instrument  of  U^nion  ' 
was  signed  in  London,  17th  April  1732,  by 
both  the  Bretts  on  behalf  of  the  Usagers,  and 
by  Gandy  and  Rawlinson  (for  himself  and  for 
G,  Smith)  for  the  Non-usagers,  by  which  the 
Usagers  agreed  to  give  up  their  '  New  Office  ' 
after  the  following  1st  September  and  to 
celebrate  according  to  the  form  used  in  the 
'  Established  Litui'gy.'  Phrases  in  that  Office 
were  stated,  however,  to  be  understood  in  the 
sense  of  the  Usagers  (Prayers  for  the  Dead  and 
Invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit),  and  a  little 
water  was  '  always  to  be  privately  mix'd  with 
the  Sacramental  Wine  before  it  be  placed 
upon  the  Altar.'  Further,  it  was  agreed  '  to 
consecrate  at  first  rather  more  than  sufficient 
for  all  the  Communicants  that  there  may  never 
be  any  need  of  a  Second  Consecration.'  (The 
documents  printed  in  Athenmum,  No.  4254, 
8th  May  1909.)  Bishop  Blackbourne  is  said 
to  have  stood  apart  from  this  union  till  his 
death,  1741.  He  was  a  saintly  old  man,  and 
lived  in  London,  '  almost  lost  to  the  world, 
and  hid  among  old  books,'  He  answered 
one  who  inquired  if  he  belonged  to  Black- 
bourne's  diocese.  '  Dear  friend,  we  leave 
the  sees  open,  that  the  gentlemen  who  now  un- 
justly possess  them,  upon  the  restoration,  may, 
if  they  please,  return  to  their  duty,  and  be 
continued.  We  content  ourselves  with  fuU 
episcopal  power  as  suffragans.'  It  is  an 
exact  illustration  of  the  position  claimed  by 
the  later  Nonjuring  bishops.  The  last  of  the 
regular  line  was  Robert  Gordon,  or  Gordoun, 
consecrated  11th  June  1741.  He  ministered 
at  an  oratory  in  or  near  Theobald's  Road, 
London,  and  from  an  account  of  his  services 
in  1764  appears  to  have  returned  to  some  of 
the  Usages,  In  1777  he  commended  his 
flock  to  the  Scots  bishops  after  his  death, 
which  occurred  in  November  1779.  Their 
bishops  were  not  the  only  distinguished 
Nonjurors.  Among  the  priests  were  John 
KettleweU  (1653-95),  a  master  among  English 
devotional  writers;  Charles  Leslie  (1650- 
1722),  the  deprived  Chancellor  of  Connor, 
whose  brilliant  gifts  were  used  in  defence  of 
the  Christian  faith  specially  against  the 
Deists,  but  who  dealt  with  almost  all  the 
opponents  of  the  Anglican  position  in  turn 
(the  publication  of  a  complete  edition  of  his 
works  at  Oxford,  1832,  was  the  herald  of 
the  Oxford  Movement,  q.v.) ;  William  Law 
(^.f.)  (1686-1761) ;  Ihomas  Carte  (1686-1754), 
a  distinguished  historian ;  and  'J  homas 
Baker  (1656-1740),  a  Nonjuror  of  the  type  of 


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[Nonjurors 


Ken,  and  one  of  the  must  learned  antiquaries 
of  the  University  of  Cambridge.  Among  lay 
Nonjurors:  Robert  Nelson  [q.v.) ;  Francis 
Cherry  (1665-1713),  the  tniltivated  Berksliire 
squire,  and  patron  of  Hearnc ;  and  Henry 
Dodwell  (1641-1711),  the  learned  Camden 
Reader  in  Ancient  History  at  Oxford,  re- 
turned to  the  National  Church  in  1710; 
Thomas  Hearne  (1678-1735),  most  famous 
of  Enijlish  antiquaries;  Samuel  -lebb  (1604- 
1772)  and  his  son.  Sir  Richard  Jebb  (1729-89), 
were  among  Nonjuring  physicians.  John 
Byrom  (1692-1763),  the  poet  (and  author  of 
'Christians,  awake'),  though  not  strictly 
a  Nonjuror,  for  he  never  refused  the  oaths, 
was  both  in  theology  and  politics  really  of 
their  body. 

Two  irregular  successions  of  Nonjuring 
bishops  demand  notice.  Bishop  Ralph  Tay- 
lor in  1722  (the  year  of  his  own  consecration 
and  death)  consecrated  Dr.  Richard  Welton 
and  a  Mr.  Talbot  as  bishops  for  the  American 
colonies.  The  act  was  irregular  and  un- 
canonical,  since  by  Church  law  three  bishops 
are  required  for  a  regular  consecration. 
Necessity  in  this  case  may  have  been  held 
to  justify  the  act.  Welton  (who  had  been  a 
well-known  London  rector)  died  in  1726,  and 
Talbot  probably  in  1727.  Dr.  Timothy 
Newmarsh  is  said,  on  the  strength  of  a  MS. 
note  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Dr.  F.  G. 
Lee,  to  have  been  consecrated  by  Hall  and 
Welton  in  the  oratory  in  Gray's  Inn,  29th 
May  1726.  Nothing  is  known  of  this 
consecration,  and  at  the  date  given  Welton 
was  on  his  way  from  America  to  Lisbon, 
where  he  died  in  August.  Recent  investiga- 
tion has  made  it  practically  certain  that  no 
such  person  as  '  Bishop  Timothy  Newmai'sh  ' 
ever  existed,  save  as  the  picturesque  figment 
of  some  imaginative  brain,  though  Dr.  Lee 
believed  that  lie  possessed  the  morse  of  a 
cope  of  this  shadowy  prelate. 

The  settlement  between  Usagers  and  Non- 
usagers  in  1732  had  not  been  accepted  by 
the  Scots  bishop  Campbell,  or  by  two  other 
learned  priests,  both  friends  of  CoUier,  Roger 
Laurence  and  Thomas  Deacon.  Laurence 
was  already  famous  before  he  joined  the 
Nonjurors  by  his  treatise,  Lay  Baptism  In- 
valid, published  1708.  It  had  roused  a 
fierce  controversy,  in  which  Bingham  {q.v.), 
Hickes,  and  many  others  took  part.  He 
was  a  strong  Usager,  and  in  1733  Bishop 
Archibald  Campbell  consecrated  him  bishop, 
and  Laurence  then  joined  Campbell  in  con- 
secrating Deacon. 

Thomas  Deacon  (1697-1753),  a  man  of  many 
gifts,  was  born  at  Limehouse,  the  son  of  a 
sea-captain,  and  was  ordained  deacon,  12th 


March,  and  jn-iest,  19th  March  1716,  in  the 
Scroope's  Court  oratory  by  Collier  when  ho 
was  not  yet  nineteen  years  old.  He  was 
certainly  learned  and  cultivated,  and  besides 
his  part  in  the  Usages  controversy  studied 
medicine  under  the  well-known  physician, 
Richard  Meade.  He  removed  to  Manchester 
to  practise  medicine  between  1719-21.  Ho 
was  much  respected  there  as  a  physician,  and 
he  ministered  also  as  a  Nonjuring  priest. 
After  his  consecration  in  1733  he  put  forth  a 
Compleat  Collection  of  Devotions,  1734,  which 
restored  many  primitive  usages,  such  as 
Infant  Communion,  the  draught  of  Milk  and 
Honey  after  Baptism,  and  Exorcism  of  the 
Possessed.  John  Wesley  {q.v.)  gave  him 
suggestions  for  arranging  the  Proper  Psalms 
for  fast  and  feast  days  in  his  Offices. 

Deacon  thus  became  the  representative  of 
the  old  Usager  body,  and  when  Bishop 
Campbell  died,  1744,  took  over  the  super- 
intendence of  the  London  clergy  and  laity 
who  had  been  in  comnmnion  with  Campbell. 
Deacon's  family  were  deeply  involved  in 
the  Forty-five.  Three  of  liis  sons  were 
taken  prisoners,  one  was  executed,  one  died 
in  prison,  and  the  third  was  transported  for 
life.  Deacon  himself  died  at  Manchester, 
1753,  where  his  tombstone  describes  him  as 
'  the  greatest  of  sinners  and  the  most  un- 
worthy of  primitive  bishops,'  and  contains  a 
prayer  for  his  soul  and  that  of  his  wife.  He 
was  a  man  of  wide  and  deep  learning,  and  was 
to  the  end  a  friend  of  William  Law.  Before 
his  death  Deacon  had  consecrated  Kenrick 
Price  bishop  (8th  March  1752).  Price  was  a 
grocer,  but  for  more  than  thirty-seven  yeavs 
he  presided  '  over  the  reumant  of  the  ancif  nt 
British  Church  in  Manchester,  without  the 
least  worldly  profit.'  Bishop  Price  dird  in 
Liverpool,  September  1790,  and  eithei  he  or 
Bishop  Deacon  had  consecrated  to  Uie  episco- 
pate a  verj^  shadowy  but  interesting  hgure, 
P.  J.  Browne,  M.D.,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
in  reality  Lord  John  Johnstone,  younger  son 
of  the  Marquis  of  Annandale.  A  letter  from 
him  occurs  in  Byrom's  Remains.  Bishop 
Browne,  dying  17th  June  1779,  predeceased 
Bishop  Price,  who  continued  the  succession, 
however,  by  consecrating  in  1780  William 
Cartwright,  a  son-in-law  of  Bishop  Deacon, 
an  apothecary  first  in  London  and  after  1769 
in  Shrewsbury.  Bishop  Cartwright  was  a 
very  dignified  and  benevolent  gentleman 
who  ministered  to  the  scattered  remnant  in 
Lancashire,  and  a  record  exists  of  a  baptism 
with  trine  immersion.  Chrism,  and  Com- 
munion administered  by  him,  7th  May  1797. 
In  1761  he  issued  a  book  of  the  Day  Hours,  '  to 
be  used  by  all  religious  Societies  wliere  there 


(413) 


Nonjurors] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Norman 


is  a  Priest  and  in  the  Houses  of  all  the  Clergy.' 
Bishop  Horsley  of  St.  Asaph,  when  visiting 
Shrewsburj',  surprised  his  hearers  by  main- 
taining that  Bishop  Cartwright  was  as  much 
a  bishop  as  himself.  It  is  recorded  that 
Cartwright  used  to  dress  in  purple  cloth. 
He  died  and  was  buried  at  Shrewsbury, 
14th  October  1799.  Dr.  Seabury,  the  first 
bishop  of  the  American  Church,  seems  to 
have  applied  indirectly  to  Bishops  Cartwright 
and  Price  to  know  whether  he  could  receive 
consecration  from  them.  In  1795  CartwTight 
consecrated  Thomas  Garnett,  who  is  said  to 
have  been  '  keeper  of  the  Communion  Plate  ' 
of  the  congregation  in  Manchester.  Bishop 
Garnett  consecrated  Charles  Booth,  a  watch- 
maker in  Long  Millgate,  Manchester,  who 
removed  to  Ireland,  where  he  died  in  1805. 
With  him  the  irregular  line  ended. 

There  are  vague  reports  of  Nonjuring 
congregations  lingering  on  in  the  early 
nineteenth  century  in  the  west  of  England, 
and  Lathbury  had  been  told  that  a  Non- 
juring  clergyman  '  was  living  so  late  as  the 
year  1815.'  But  the  term  'Nonjuror'  was 
later  often  loosely  used  to  describe  a  strict 
High  Churchman. 

Little  can  be  gleaned  as  to  the  worship  of 
the  Nonjurors.  The  Non-usagers  would  not 
differ  from  the  contemporary  practice  of 
the  Established  Church.  The  Usagers,  how- 
ever, in  1718,  and  again  after  1734,  went 
further.  Bishop  Deacon  in  his  portrait  in 
episcopal  dress  wears  a  pectoral  cross  and 
carries  a  pastoral  staff.  The  head  of  the 
pastoral  stafiE  of  Bishop  Kenrick  Price  was 
preserved  as  late  as  1844,  and  is  probably 
that  now  in  possession  of  the  Society  of  St. 
John  the  Evangehst,  Cowle3^  A  MS.  in  the 
Bodleian  Library  (Add.  D.  30)  asserts  '  on 
information  derived  from  IVIr.  Seddon  '  that 
the  Nonjurors  of  Dr.  Deacon's  congregation 
'  had  vestments,  candles,  etc..  same  as 
Catholics,  dipped  infants,  and  did  not  believe 
in  Transubstantiation.'  An  extract  from  the 
New  Manchester  Guide,  1815,  records  that  in 
1815  the  Nonjurors  had  no  place  of  worship, 
says  that  Bishop  Thomas  Garnett  '  sold  the 
plate '  at  Hahfax,  and  that  his  successor, 
Bishop  Booth, '  burned  his  books  in  the  street.' 
A  small  box  containing  a  glass  chalice, 
paten,  flagon,  and  a  corporal,  probably 
belonging  to  Bishop  Deacon,  was  given  to 
the  Society  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist, 
Cowley,  in  1906.  Described  as  '  a  medicine 
chest,  together  with  two  Nonjuring  De- 
votional books,'  it  had  been  bought  in 
Manchester  by  Dr.  Sedgwick  in  the  nineteenth 
century. 

The  Nonjuring  secession  was  a  grievous 


blow  to  the  English  Church.  Eminent  alike 
for  their  piety  and  learning,  these  men,  who 
preferred  poverty  to  perjurj%  were  the  type 
of  clergy  and  laity  who  are  the  glory  of  the 
Church  in  every  age.  Posterity  has  dealt 
unjustly  by  them.  Even  Dr.  Johnson 
repeated  the  unworthy  slander  of  Colley 
Cibber,  who  in  his  adaptation  of  Molifere's 
Tartuffe  changed  the  title  to  The  Nonjuror. 
More  recent  research  has  done  them  truer 
justice.  Harassed  by  penal  laws  made  by 
Whig  governments,  the  Nonjurors  meekly 
accepted  their  lot;  they  were,  for  the  most 
part,  scholars  and  gentlemen,  and  they  carried 
on  in  their  theology  the  tradition  of  the 
Caroline  Divines  {q.v.),  and  by  preserving  the 
Cathohc  tradition  they  were  the  precursors  of 
the  Oxford  Movement.  The  supposed  re- 
semblance of  the  Tractarians  to  the  Nonjurors 
indeed  provoked  the  fierce  invective  of  Dr. 
Arnold  {q.v.)  and  the  obiter  dicta  of  various 
bishops,  and  led  to  a  belief,  current  in  the 
'fifties,  that  the  Tractarians  were  about  to 
form  a  Nonjuring  Chiurch.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Lathbury,  Hist,  of  the  Nonjurors  ;  Overton, 
The  Nonjurors ;  H.  Broxap,  Biography  of 
Thomas  Deacon. 

NORMAN  CONQUEST,  The,  is  sometimes 
said  to  have  begun  with  the  reign  of  Edward 
the  Confessor ;  but  this  is  only  a  fanciful 
way  of  expressing  the  truth  that  the  personal 
connection  of  that  sovereign  with  Normandy 
led  to  a  considerable  immigration  of  Norman 
favourites,  and  suggested  hopes  of  the 
English  succession  to  Duke  William.  The 
Conquest,  in  the  Uteral  sense,  began  with  the 
battle  of  Senlac,  or  Hastings  (14th  October 
1066),  and  was  rendered  complete  by  the 
Harrjdng  of  the  North  (1069),  which  crushed 
the  last  considerable  revolt  of  the  English. 
The  general  effects  of  the  Conquest  upon 
English  society  and  institutions  must  be 
studied  in  such  works  as  Freeman's  Norman 
Conquest ;  we  are  here  concerned  with  this 
great  revolution  only  in  so  far  as  it  affected 
the  English  Church.  After  Senlac  there  was 
a  party  among  the  EngUsh  clergy  who  would 
have  welcomed  the  election  of  Eadgar 
AetheUng,  the  legitimate  representative  of 
the  House  of  Cerdic.  But  they  were  deserted 
by  the  English  earls ;  and  accordingly  the 
advance  of  William  upon  London  was 
followed  by  the  submission  of  the  leading 
bishops.  The  example  was  set  by  Stigand 
of  Canterbury,  whose  irregular  appointment 
and  recognition  of  a  schismatic  antipope 
had  enabled  WiUiam  to  represent  his  expedi- 
tion as  a  holy  war,  and  to  obtain  for  it  the 
blessing  of  Alexander  n.     Ealdred  [q.v.),  the 


(414) 


Norman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Histonj 


[Norman 


patriot  Archbishop   of  York,   consented   to 
crown   the   Conqueror,   and   thus   gave   the 
semblance  of  a  legal  title  to  the  new  dynasty. 
Throughout  the  troubles  of  the  next  few  years 
the  Norman  Avas  loyally  supported  by  the 
native  clergy.     He  showed  his  gratitude  by 
respecting    the   endowments   and    privileges 
of  the  principal  churches.      The  Domesday 
survey  proves  that  this  forbearance  was  not 
invariably  maintained.     But  there  are  cases 
on  record  in  which   the   King  allowed  the 
EngUsh  shire-moots  to  adjudicate,  in  accord- 
ance  with   Enghsh   law,   on   the   claims   of 
aggrieved  bishops  and  abbots.     He  was  less 
conservative  in  dealing  with  the  personnel 
and  the  disciphne  of  the  clergy ;   for  here  he 
was    influenced    by    political    and    religious 
considerations,  which  made  him  indifferent 
to     Enghsh     sensibihties.     It     was     clearly 
desirable    that    the    immense    estates    and 
territorial  influence  of  the  EngUsh  churches 
should  be  controlled  by  Normans.     By  the 
close  of    the  reign   there  was   left  but  one 
English  bishop,  Wulfstan  {q.v.)  of  Worcester, 
and  the  leading  rehgious  houses  were  also 
ruled  by  foreigners.     For  this  policy  there  was 
some  excuse  in  the  low  morale  of  the  English 
clergy  and  the  relaxed  disciphne  of  English 
monasticism.     The    ecclesiastical    pohcy    of 
William  was  inspired  by  Lanfranc  (q.v.),  a 
sincere  supporter  of  the  Hildebrandine  pro- 
gramme of  reform  ;  and  the  King  was  religi- 
ous after  a  fashion.     Moreover,  he  came  to 
England  as  the  soldier  of  the  Pope,  and  was 
sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  efficacy  of 
papal  censures  to  realise  the  importance  of 
redeeming  his  pledges.     His  relations  with 
Alexander  n.  were  cordial,  and  his  first  attack 
on  the  Enghsh  bishops  was  made  with  the 
co-operation  of  papal  legates,  who  sanctioned 
the  deposition  of  Stigand  and  other  prelates 
and  approved  the  appointment  of  Lanfranc 
to  Canterbury  (1070).     Gregory  vii.,  who  was 
more  exacting,  found  the  King  by  no  means 
submissive.     WiUiam     refused     in     decided 
terms  to  acknowledge  himself  the  vassal  of 
the  Holy  See  (c.  1080) ;    he  persistently  dis- 
regarded the  papal  decrees  against  lay  investi- 
ture {q.v.);  he  imprisoned  Odo  of  Bayeux  for 
preparing  an  expedition  to  assist  Gregory  in 
his  wars  with  the  Empire  (1082);    and  he 
enacted  that  no  Pope  should  be  recognised, 
no  papal  letters  received,  in  England  without 
the  sanction  of  the  Crown.     But,   even  in 
Gregory's  time,  the  King  acknowledged  the 
right  of  the  Pope  to  receive  Peter's  Pence  {q.v. ) 
and  other  accustomed  dues.     In  spite  of  some 
mistaken  choices,  the  nominations  to  English 
prelacies  were  usually  so  good  that  Gregory 
condoned    Wilham's    irregular    methods    of 


appointment,   and   spoke   of   him   as   more 
deserving    of    honour    than    other    princes. 
This  judgment  may  be  justified  by  reference 
to  measures  of  reform  which  truly  expressed 
the  Hildebrandine  ideal.     First  in   import- 
ance was  the  revival  of  the  national  Church 
Council  for  purposes  of  legislation  [Councils]. 
In  the  later  Anglo-Saxon  period  the  Witan, 
composed  of  both  lay  and  spiritual  magnates, 
had  made  laws  indifferently  for  Church  and 
State.     Under  WiUiam  i.   a  council  of  the 
clergy  met  at  the  same  time  as  the  Magnum 
Concilium   of   feudal  tenants   in   chief,   but 
deliberated  apart,  and  passed  ecclesiastical 
canons  which  were  subject  only  to  the  King's 
approval.     The  King  occasionally  took  part 
in  these  assemblies,  but  there  is  no  suggestion 
of  undue  influence  on  his  part.     Next  comes 
the  separation  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
law-courts,  which  was   effected  by  a  royal 
ordinance     about     1072     [Coukts].     It     is 
possible  that  bishops  retained  the  right  of 
assisting  the  sheriffs  in  secular  justice  and 
tempering  the  law  with  mercy.     At  all  events 
they   possessed,   under    this   ordinance,  the 
exclusive  right  of  supervising  judgments  by 
ordeal  {q.v. ).    But  the  importance  of  the  bishop 
in  the  popular  law-courts  rapidly  dwindled ; 
while  the  claims  of  the  reformed  episcopal 
jurisdiction  were  as  rapidly  enlarged.     This 
measure  gave  to  the  clerical  estate  a  new 
sense  of  corporate  unity,  and  led  inevitably 
to    the    conflict    of    lay    with    ecclesiastical 
jurisdictions  under  Henry  n.     Thirdly  must 
be  mentioned  the  canon,  passed  by  the  Council 
of  Winchester  in  1076,  which  to  some  extent 
enforced  the  recent  Lateran  decrees  (1074)  on 
the  subject  of  clerical  ceUbacy.     The  EngUsh 
canon  made,  however,  an  important  conces- 
sion by  recognising  the  marriages  of  parish 
priests,    if     contracted    before     1076.     The 
Hildebrandine  rule,  with  its  uncompromising 
severity,  was  only  adopted  under  Anselm's 
{q.v.)  primacy  in  1102.     While  thus  enforcing 
the  separation  of  the  clergy  from  the  laity, 
the  Conqueror  did  not  hesitate  to  employ 
ecclesiastics  as  political  functionaries.    Bishop 
Walcher   of    Durham   held   the   earldom   of 
Northumbria  from   1076  to   1080 ;    Odo  of 
Bayeux  {q.v.)  was  Earl  of  Kent  from  1067  to 
1082 ;     both    Odo    and    Lanfranc    acted    as 
regents  (justiciars)  during  the  absences  of  the 
King  from  England.     The  trial  and  punish- 
ment of  Odo  show  the  King's  determination 
to  keep  a  tight  hand  on  his  bishops  in  their 
secular    capacity    as    tenants-in-chief.     And 
their  spiritual  powers  were  limited  by  the 
rule  that  no  tenant-in-chief  might  be  excom- 
municated   without    the     King's     consent. 
Some    other    ecclesiastical    changes    of    the 


(415) 


Norwich] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Norwich 


period,  though  striking  and  important,  must 
be  briefly  summarised.  The  unity  of  the 
EngUsh  Church  was  reasserted  by  Lanfranc, 
who  demanded  a  profession  of  obedience  from 
Archbishop  Thomas  of  York,  and  justified  his 
claim  before  an  Enghsh  council  (1072),  to 
which  the  dispute  had  been  referred  by 
Alexander  ii.  A  council  of  1075  ordered  the 
removal  of  bishops'  sees  from  villages  to 
towns ;  with  the  result  that  Old  Sarum  took 
the  place  of  Sherborne,  Chichester  of  Selsey, 
Chester  (afterwards  Coventry)  of  Lichfield, 
Thetford  (afterwards  Norwich)  of  Elmham, 
Lincoln  of  Dorchestcr-on-Thames,  Bath  of 
Wells.  The  new  race  of  prelates  showed 
extraordinary  zeal  in  building  new  churches, 
as  for  instance  at  Canterbury,  Rochester, 
Winchester,  St.  Albans,  Hereford,  York; 
and  a  new  style  of  ecclesiastical  architecture, 
modelled  on  that  of  Normandy,  penetrated 
every  English  shire  [Akchitectuke].  The 
Cluniac  ideal  of  monasticism  was  popularised  ; 
at  Canterbury,  Durham,  Rochester  and  else- 
where, the  canons  of  the  cathedral  chapters 
were  expelled  to  make  way  for  monks. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

W.  R.  W.  Stephens,  TheEng.  Ch.,  106G-1272; 
Stubbs,  Lectures  on  Eddy  Eng.  Hist.,  pp.  89- 
107  ;  H.  W.  C.  Uavis,  Eng.  under  the  Normans 
and  Angevins. 

NORWICH,  See  of.  The  conversion  of 
East  Anglia  took  place  about  the  year  628, 
when  Earpwald  the  King  and  his  people 
accepted  the  faith  and  were  baptized. 
Shortly  after  his  succession  he  was  killed, 
and  the  East  Anglians  lapsed  into  idolatry. 
In  631  his  half-brother,  Sigbert,  made  himself 
King.  He  was  a  Christian  who  had  been 
converted  during  an  exile  in  Gaul,  and  he 
was  determined  to  re-establish  Christianity 
in  East  Anglia.  At  this  time  a  Burgundian, 
named  Felix,  had  offered  himself  to  Honorius, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  for  missionary 
work  in  this  land.  Whether  he  was  a  bishop 
or  received  consecration  at  the  hands  of 
Honorius  is  not  clear,  but  it  is  certain  that 
Honorius  appointed  hiin  Bishop  of  East 
Anglia,  and  sent  him  to  Sigbert.  The  sea- 
port town  of  Dunwich — not  the  present  town 
of  that  name — was  given  him  as  his  see  city. 
Dunwich  remained  the  title  of  the  see  until 
673,  when  Archbishop  Theodore  caused  the 
diocese  to  be  divided.  The  South  Folk  con- 
tinued under  the  bishops  of  Dunwich,  while 
for  the  North  Folk  the  new  diocese  of  Elmham 
was  formed. 

At  the  time  of  the  Danish  invasions  there 
appear  to  have  been  no  bishops  in  East  Anglia 
for  many  years.     When  they  reappear  they 


are  bishops  of  Elmham  alone,  and  the  whole 
of  that  country  has  become  one  diocese  as  at 
the  first.  In  1078  Bishop  Herfast  removed 
the  see  to  Thetford,  then  an  important  town. 
'  But  it  was  soon  overshadowed  by  Norwich, 
whither  the  see  was  once  more  removed  in 
j  1094  by  Bishop  Herbert  Losinga.  Losinga 
will  always  be  famous  for  having  built  the 
cathedral,  the  greater  part  of  which  still 
remains.  Himself  a  monk  of  Fecamp,  he 
introduced  the  Benedictines  into  Norwich, 
and  caused  his  new  cathedral  to  be  also  a 
monastic  church.  At  the  Dissolution  in 
1538  the  prior  became  the  first  dean,  and  six 
I  prebendal  stalls  were  created.  One  of  these 
I  was  annexed  to  the  mastership  of  St.  Cather- 
I  ine's  Hall,  Cambridge,  under  12  An.  2,  c.  6 
(1713),  and  two  were  suspended  by  the 
Cathedrals  Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113).  The 
diocese  to-day  includes  six  hundred  and 
three  of  the  six  hundred  and  seven 
;  ecclesiastical  parishes  or  districts  of  the 
i  ancient  county  of  Norfolk  (three  being  in 
the  diocese  of  Ely  and  one  in  that  of 
Lincoln) ;  and  the  ancient  county  of  Suffolk, 
with  the  exception  of  the  rural  deaneries 
of  Blackburn  (except  Ricklinghall  inferior), 
Clare,  Fordham,  Sudbury,  Thingo,Thedwaster 
— all  in  the  archdeaconry  of  Sudbury.  These 
were  transferred  in  1837  to  the  diocese  of 
Ely.^  It  was  formerly  divided  into  four  arch- 
deaconries :  Norwich  (first  mentioned,  1124), 
Norfolk  (first  mentioned,  c.  1200),  Suffolk 
(first  mentioned,  c.  1126),  and  Sudbury 
(first  mentioned,  c.  1126,  but  the  list  is  not 
successive  till  c.  1225),  since  1837  in  the 
diocese  of  Ely.  The  archdeaconry  of  Lynn 
was  constituted  in  1894.  The  acreage  of 
the  diocese  is  1,994,525,  and  the  population 
733,307  (est.).  The  income  of  the  see  is 
given  in  the  Taxatio  of  1291  as  £666,  13s.  4d. 
for  Temporalia ;  no  Spiritualia  are  recorded 
in  1291,  but  under  Henry  vi.  they  amounted 
to  £28;  in  the  Valor  Ecclesiastims  (1535) 
the  income  is  £978,  19s.  4|d.  The  vahie  for 
first-fi-uits  is  given  by  Ecton  (1711)  as 
£834,  lis.  7id. ;  it  is  now  £4500.  There  were 
seven  bishops  suffragan  between  the  years 
1263  and  1531.  Suffragan  bishops  of  Thet- 
ford and  Ipswich  were  appointed  in  1894  and 
1899  respectively. 

BiSHOrs  OF  Dunwich 

FeUx,  630.    Thomas,  647.    Boniface,  652. 
Bisi,669.  Aecci,673.  Aescwulf.  Eadulf, 

1  Up  to  1S37  one  parish  in  Norfolk  (Emneth)  was  in 
tlie  diocese  of  Ely,  one  in  Suffolk  (Freckenliani)  was  in 
Hocliester,  and  tliree  clmrelies  were  peculiars  of  the 
Archliishop  of  Canterbury.  It  included  sixteen  churches 
and  chapels  in  Cambridgeshire.  The  peculiars  were 
abolished  in  May  1847. 


(416) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  Historij 


[Norwich 


?  747.  Cuthwine.  Aldberht.  Ecglaf. 
Heardrcd,  ?  781.  Aelhun^  790.  Tid- 
ferth,  798.  Wacrcmund,  ?  824.  Wilrcd, 
825.     AethelwTilf. 

Bishops  of  Elmham 

Baduvine,  673.  Nothbert,  ?  706.  Heatho- 
lac.  Acthelfrith,  736.  Eanferth,  ?  758. 
Acthclwiilf,  ?  781.  Alchcard,  ?  786. 
Sibba,  ?  814.  Hunfertli.  Humbert,  d. 
870.  Eadulf,  ?950.  Aclfric.  'I'hoodred, 
?975.  Theodred.  d.  995.  Aclfstan, 
995.  Aelfgar,  1001;  res.  1016,  1021. 
Alfwine,  or  Alwin,  1016.  Aelfric,  d. 
1038.  Alfric,  1038.  Stigand,  1043; 
tr.  to  Winchester.  Aethelmar,  1047  ; 
brother  to  Archbishop  Stigand,  who 
procured  him  the  see  ;  depr.  at  Council 
of  Winchester,  1070.  Herfast,  1070  ;  re- 
moved the  see  toThetford,  1075;  d.  1085? 
WiUiam  of  Beaufeu,  1086;  d.  1091. 

Bishops  of  Norwich 

1.  Herbert  Losinga,  1091  (Thetford) ;  Abbot 

of  Ramsey ;  obtained  the  see  (Thetford) 
by  purchase  ;  d.  1119. 

2.  Everard  of  Montgomery,    1121  ;     Arch- 

deacon of  Salisbury  ;  aroused  the  hos- 
tiUty  of  the  monks  of  Norwich  ;  vacated 
the  see,  probably  under  compulsion  ; 
retired  to  Fontenay  ;  became  a  Cister- 
cian ;  d.  1150. 

3.  William  de  Turbe,   1146;    a  monk  who 

had  spent  all  his  life  from  boyhood  in 
the  monastery  of  Norwich  ;  consistently 
and  openly  opposed  Henry  n.  and  sup- 
ported Becket ;  d.  1174. 

4.  John  of  Oxford,   1175  ;    scholar,  lawyer, 

politician ;  supported  the  King  during 
the  quarrel  with  Becket ;  presided 
over  Council  of  Clarendon,  1164  ;  Dean 
of  Salisbury,  1165;  excommunicated 
by  Becket,  1166;  d.  1200. 

5.  John  de  Gray,  1200  ;  a  native  of  Norfolk  ; 

favourite  of  King  John,  who  obtained 
his  nomination  to  Canterbury  in  1205  ; 
d.  1214. 

6.  Pandulf    {q.v.),    1222;     Papal   Nuncio; 

described  as  Bishop  of  Norwich  in 
1215,  though  stUl  in  minor  orders ; 
not  cons,  until  1222. 

7.  Thomas    Blunville,    1226 ;     during    his 

episcopate  the  friars  settled  in  Lynn 
and  Norwich  ;   d.  1236. 

8.  WiUiam    de    Ralegh,    1239;     elected    in 

succession  by  the  monks  of  Winchester, 
canons  of  Lichfield,  and  monks  of 
Norwich  to  those  sees  respectively ; 
Henry  nr.  refused  him  Winchester,  so 
he   chose  Norwich ;    again  elected   to 


10. 


11. 
12. 


15. 


16 


17 


18. 


19 

,    20 

I 
21 


Winchester,  1244,  to  which  election  the 
King  this  time  agreed. 
Walter  de  Suffield,  or  Walter  Calthorp, 
1245  ;    saintly  and   wealthy  ;     built  a 
new    Lady  Chapel,  in    which    ho    was 
buried  ;     left   large   bequests ;     it   was 
believed  that  miracles  were  worked  at 
his  tomb  ;   d.  1257. 
Simon  do  Wauton,  or  Watton,  1258  ;    a 
distinguished  lawyer  ;    held  no  clerical 
api)ointmcnt,    and    perhaps    was     not 
ordained  before  his  election  to  Norwich  ; 
changed  sides  in  1262  from  the  Barons 
to  the  King  ;   d.  1266. 
Roger    de    Skcrwyng,    1266 ;     monk    of 

Norwich  ;   Prior  since  12.57  ;   d.  1278. 
William  Middleton,  1278  ;  Dean  of  Arches; 
Archdeacon  of  Canterbury  ;    during  his 
episcopate  the  monastery  of  Norwich 
began  the  support  of  scholars  at  Oxford  ; 
d.  1288. 
Ralph  Walpole,  1289  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1299. 
John  Salmon,  1299  (P.) ;    Prior  of  Ely; 
career  political  rather  than  ecclesiasti- 
cal ;    Chancellor  of  England  ;    enlarged 
the  bishop's  palace,  and  began  building 
the  cloisters  ;   d.  1325. 
[Robert  Baldok  ;  elected  to  the  see,  1325  ; 
Chancellor  of  England  ;   never  bishop  of 
the  diocese,  as  the  Pope  refused  him 
consecration  ;  died  in  Newgate  Prison.] 
William  Ayermin,   1325  (P.);    obtained 
the  see  through  the  influence  with  the 
Pope    of    Isabella,   to   whose   side    he 
deserted    from    Edward   li.  ;     did    not 
receive  the  temporalities  of  the  see  until 
after  the  fall  of  the  Despensers  ;  d.  1336. 
Antony  Bek,  1337  (P.) ;  Dean  of  Lincoln  ; 
frequently  at  strife  with  the  monks  of 
Norwich;    d.  1343. 
William  Bateman,  1344  (P.)  ;    son  of  a 
Norwich  citizen  ;    official  at  the  court 
of  Avignon  ;    a  distinguished  lawyer  ; 
founded  Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  as  a 
school  of  civil  and  canon  law  ;   d.  1355. 
Thomas  Percy,  1356  (P.) ;    only  twenty- 
two  years  ofd  when  appointed  ;  restored 
the   cathedral,   which  had    suffered   in 
the  gale  of  1362  ;    built  the  clerestory 
of  the  choir  ;   d.  1369. 
Henry  Despenser  {q.v.),  1370  (P.). 
Alexander  Tollington,  or  Tottington,  1407 
(P.) ;   Prior  of  Norwich  ;  d.  1413. 
,  Richard    Courtenay,    1413   (P.);     never 
enthroned  in  the  cathedral ;   four  times 
Chancellor  of  Oxford  ;  repudiated  right 
of  primate  to  hold  a  visitation  at  Ox- 
ford concerning  LoUardy,  1411 ;  d.  1415. 
.  John  Wakering,    1416 ;     Archdeacon  of 
Canterbury ;      Master    of     the     Rolls, 


2  D 


(417) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Norwich 


1405-1415  ;  began  persecution  against 
LoUards ;   d.  1425. 

23.  William  Alnwick,  1426  (P.) ;  Archdeacon       44. 

of  Salisbury ;  summoned  White,  the 
Lollard,  to  trial,  and  pronounced  his 
condemnation  ;  tr.  to  Lincoln. 

24.  Thomas    Brown,    1436;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Rochester;  d.  1446. 

25.  Walter  Le  Hart,  1446  (P.) ;    Provost  of 

Oriel  College,  Oxford  ;  built  the  vaulted       45. 
roof  of  the  cathedral  nave. 

26.  James  Goldwell,  1472  (P.) ;  d.  1499.  | 

27.  Thomas  Jane,  or  Janne,  1499  (P.) ;  pur- 

chased the  see  by  payment  to  the 
Pope  of  7300  golden  florins  ;    d.  1500.  46. 

28.  Richard  Nix,  or  Nykke,  1501  (P.) ;  promi- 

nent in  opposition  to  heresy,  and  speci- 
ally in  attempts  to  suppress  heretical 
literature ;  at  his  death  the  estates  of  47. 
the  abbey  of  St.  Benet's  Hulme  and 
the  priory  of  Hickhng  became  the  en- 
dowment of  the  bishopric,  of  which  the 
original  revenues  were  confiscated  by  48. 
the  Crown  ;   d.  1536. 

29.  WiUiam  Rugg,  or  Repps,  1536  ;  Abbot  of 

St,  Benet's  Hulme  ;   res.  the  see,  1550.       49. 

30.  Thomas  Thirlby,  1550 ;    tr.  from  West- 

minster ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1554. 

31.  John    Hopton,     1554 ;     a    Dominican ;       50. 

confessor  to  Queen  Mary  ;  d.  1558. 

32.  John  Parkhurst,  1560  ;  encouraged  Non- 

conformist   practices ;     indolent,    lax,       51. 
unspiritual;   d.  1575. 

33.  Edmund   Freke,  1575 ;    an   Augustinian       52. 

canon  ;  tr.  from  Rochester  ;  strong  op- 
ponent of  Puritans  ;  tr.  to  Worcester.  53. 

34.  Edmund     Scambler,     1585 ;      tr.     from 

Peterborough  ;    d.  1592.  j 

35.  Wilham  Redman,  1595 ;    Archdeacon  of   I 

Canterbury;    d.  1602.  54. 

36.  John   Jegon,    1603 ;    Master    of    C.C.C, 

Cambridge ;     Vice-Chancellor     of     the       55. 
University  ;  Dean  of  Norwich  ;  d.  1618. 

37.  John  Overall  {q.v.),  1618. 

38.  Samuel     Harsnet,     1619;      Master     of       56. 

Pembroke     College,     Cambridge ;      tr.    , 
from  Chichester  ;   tr.  to  York,  1628. 

39.  Francis  White,  1629 ;   distinguished  con- 

troversialist ;  tr.  from  Carlisle ;   tr.  to 

Ely,  1631.  57. 

40.  Richard  Corbet.  1632;    Dean  of  Christ 

Church  ;   tr.  from  Oxford  ;  d.  1635.  58. 

41.  Matthew  Wren  {q.v.),  1635.  59. 

42.  Richard    Mountague,    1638 ;     tr.    from 

Chichester;     friend     and    disciple     of       60, 
Laud;  voluminous  writer  of  AngUcan 
pamphlets ;     attacked    by    House    of 
Commons,  1625;    d.  1641.  61, 

43.  Joseph   Hall,    1641  ;     tr.   from   Exeter ;    [ 

High  Churchman,  able  controversialist ;    | 

(418) 


suffered  during  Commonwealth  ;  never 
left  his  diocese  ;  d.  1656. 

Edward  Reynolds,  1661  ;  Dean  of  Christ 
Church,  from  which  ejected  in  1650  ; 
friend  of  Baxter,  by  whom  recommended 
for  a  bishopric,  and,  hke  whom,  was 
'known  to  be  for  moderate  Episcopacy' ; 
author  of  '  General  Thanksgiving '  in 
Prayer  Book  ;  d.  1676. 

Antony  Sparrow,  1676 ;  Fellow  of 
Queens'  College,  Cambridge;  ejected 
thence  during  the  Commonwealth ;  tr. 
from  Exeter ;  author  of  Rationale  upon 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  ;  d.  1685. 

William  Lloyd,  1685 ;  tr.  from  Peter- 
borough ;  Nonjuror ;  deprived  of  his 
see;  d.  1709.  [Nonjuroks.  Seven 
Bishops.] 

John  Moore,  1691  ;  a  great  collector  of 
books ;  at  his  death  his  Ubrary  was 
bought  by  George  I.  and  given  to  the 
University  of  Cambridge;  tr.toEly,  1707. 

Charles  Trimnell,  1708  ;  Prebendary  of 
Norwich ;  Archdeacon  of  Norfolk ;  an 
Erastian  ;   tr.  to  Winchester,  1721. 

Thomas  Greene,  1721;  Master  of  C.C.C, 
Cambridge ;  domestic  chaplain  to 
George  i.  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1723. 

John  Leng,  1723 ;  chaplain  to  George  i. ; 
d.  of  smallpox  caught  at  coronation  of 
George  n.,  1727. 

Wilham  Baker,  1727  ;  tr.  from  Bangor  ; 
d.  1732. 

Robert  Butts,  1733  ;  Dean  of  Norwich ; 
tr.  to  Ely,  1738. 

Sir  Thomas  Gooch,  Bart.,  1738  ;  tr.  from 
Bristol ;  founded  society  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the 
clergy  of  the  diocese ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1748. 

Samuel  Lisle,  1748  ;  tr.  from  St.  Asaph  ; 
d.  1749. 

Thomas  Hayter,  1749 ;  Archdeacon  of 
York  ;  chaplain  to  George  n.  ;  tutor 
to  George  ni.  ;   tr.  to  London.  1761. 

PhUip  Yonge,  or  Young,  1761-1783; 
Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge  ; 
Pubhc  Orator  of  the  University ; 
Master  of  Jesus  College ;  Canon  of 
St.  Paul's;  tr.  from  Bristol;  d.  1783. 

Lewis  Bagot,  1783 ;  tr.  from  Bristol ;  tr. 
to  St.  Asaph,  1790. 

George  Home  (q.v.),  1790. 

Charles  Manners  Sutton,  1792  ;  Dean  of 
Peterborough;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1805. 

Henry  Bathurst,  1805  ;  supported  Roman 
Catholic  Emancipation  and  the  Reform 
Bill ;   said  to  be  unorthodox  ;   d.  1837. 

Edward  Stanley,  1837 ;  did  much  to 
revive  Church  life  in  the  diocese  ;  father 
of  Dean  Stanley  {q.v.) ;  d.  1849. 


Nowell  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ockham 


62.  Samuel  Hinds,  1849  ;    Dean  of  Carlisle  ; 

owed  his  promotion  to  his  friendship 
with  Archbisliop  Whately ;  res.,  after 
marrying  his  cook,  1857. 

63.  The  Honble.  John  Thomas  Pelham,  1857  ; 

member  of  the  family  of  the  Earls  of 
Chichester  ;  an  old-fashioned  Evangeli- 
cal ;  d.  1893. 

64.  John  Sheepshanks,  1893  ;    did  much  to 

revive  Church  life  in  the  diocese ;  res. 
1910;  d.  1912. 

65.  Bertram  Pollock,  1910 ;   formerly  Head- 

master of  Wellington.         [e.  m.  b.] 
V.C.H.,  Norfolk,  ii.  ;  Jessop,  JJiu.  HUt. 

NOWELL,  or  NOEL,  Alexander  (1507?- 
1602),  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  the  reputed  author 
of  much  of  the  Prayer  Book  Catechism,  was 
educated  at  Brasenose  College,  Oxford,  and 
is  said  to  have  shared  rooms  with  John 
Foxe  [q.v.).  He  became  Fellow  of  his 
College  and  Public  Reader  of  Logic  in  the 
University,  and  after  being  ordained  was 
•appointed  Master  of  Westminster  School 
and  Prebendary  of  the  Abbey.  In  Edward's 
time  he  became  known  as  a  preacher,  and 
'  preached  in  some  of  the  notablest  places 
and  auditories  in  the  realm.'  He  was  re- 
turned as  Member  of  Parliament  for  Looe  in 
Mary's  first  Parliament,  but  was  not  allowed 
to  sit  as  '  having  a  voice  in '  Convocation 
{Parliament,  Clergy  in].  He  then  went 
abroad,  and  took  a  leading  position  among  the 
•exiles  at  Frankfort,  and  in  their  disputes 
joined  the  Presbyterian  side  [Mabian  Exiles]. 
On  Mary's  death  he  returned  to  England, 
became  Archdeacon  of  Middlesex,  Rector  of 
Saltwood,  Canon  of  Canterbury,  and  Pre- 
bendary of  Westminster. 

In  November  1560,  in  recognition  of  '  his 
godly  zeal  and  special  good  learning  and  the 


singular  gifts   and   virtues,'   he   was  elected 
I    Dean  of  St.  Paul's.     He  preached  constantly 
j    before  the  Queen,  but  was  nearly  disgraced 
I    by  putting  a  richly  bound  Prayer  Book  with 
pictures  of  the  saints  and  martyrs  in  her  place 
j    at  St.  Paul's,  which  she  ordered  the  verger 
I   to  remove.     After  service  she  went  into  the 
'    vestry,  and  rated   the   dean   for  having  in- 
fringed her  proclamation  against   '  pictures, 
images,  and  Romish  relics.'     Two  years  later, 
with    some    inconsistency,    she    interrupted 
him  in  a  sermon  in  which  he  spoke  slightingly 
of  the  crucifix,  and  called  aloud  from  her  seat : 
'  To  your  text,  Mr.  Dean.     Leave  that ;    we 
have  heard  enough  of  that,'  to  the  complete 
discomfiture  of  the  preacher,  who  was  unable 
to  proceed. 

In  1562  he  became  Rector  of  Much  Had- 
ham,  Canon  of  Windsor  in  1594,  and  Principal 
of  Brasenose,  1595.  He  died  in  1602,  and 
was  buried  in  St.  Mary's  Chapel,  behind  the 
high  altar,  in  St.  Paul's.  He  was  twice 
married,  but  had  no  children.  He  was  con- 
sidered an  authority  on  educational  matters, 
and  endowed  a  free  school  at  Middleton, 
but  wiU  be  chiefly  remembered  as  the  author 
of  three  Catechisms.  ( 1 )  The  '  Large  Cate- 
chism,' approved  by  Convocation  in  1563, 
and  first  printed  in  1572  with  a  dedication 
to  the  archbishops  and  bishops.  (2)  An 
abridged  edition  of  it,  called  the  '  Middle 
Catechism.'  (3)  The  '  Small  Catechism '  of 
1572,  which  is  nearly  identical  with  that  in 
the  1549  Prayer  Book,  of  which  Nowell  was 
probably  the  author  as  well  as  of  the  first  part 
of  our  present  Catechism,  the  second  part 
being  added  in  1604,  reduced  and  altered 
from  Nowell's.  [Common  Prayer,  Book  of.] 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments  ;  Strj'pe,  Annals 
and  Memorials  ;  Troubles  at  Frankfort. 


o 


QCKHAM,  William  of  (d.  1349),  Doctor 
^^  Invincibilis;  a  Franciscan  and  one  of  the 
most  notable  of  the  later  scholastics.  After 
graduating  B.D.  at  Oxford  he  migrated  to 
Paris  for  his  D.D.,  and  there  made  his  reputa- 
tion. He  became  with  Marsiglio  of  Padua, 
also  in  Paris,  a  pronounced  supporter  of  the 
stricter  school  of  Franciscans,  and  justified 
the  extreme  interpretation  of  the  vow  of 
evangelical  poverty,  as  against  Pope  John 
XXII.  Both  on  this  ground  and  on  that  of 
his  views  on  the  rights  of  the  secular  power, 
Ockham  and  Marsiglio  became  a  mark  for  the 
hostility  of  the  Pope,  at  that  time  absorbed 


in  the  tliroes  of  the  controversy  with  Lewis 
of  Bavaria.  Summoned  to  Avignon  in 
1333,  he  was  condemned  by  the  Pope;  but 
Ockham  escaped,  and  fled  to  King  Lewis. 
He  remained  at  his  court,  and  accompanied 
him  back  from  Italy  to  Bavaria.  In  spite  of 
the  Pope's  constant  attacks  and  Bulls  of 
excommunication,  the  little  party  of  Im- 
perialists lived  quietly  at  Munich  under  the 
King's  protection.  With  Michael  de  Cesena 
Ockham  may  be  regarded  as  the  leader  of 
the  fraticeUi  in  what  was  to  be  the  death 
struggle  of  the  party  with  the  Conventuals. 
In   the   Opii^  Nonaginta  Dieruin,  printed  in 


(419) 


Odo] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Odo 


Goldast's  great  collection,  vol.  ii.,  Ockham 
replied  to  the  Pope's  attack  on  the  Franciscan 
ideal.  John  xxir.,  however,  had  given  to 
his  opponents  a  chance  of  revenge  by  his 
views  on  the  Beatific  Vision.  Ockham  was 
secure  of  orthodox  support  in  accusing  the 
Pope  of  heresy  in  his  De  dogmatihus  Papae 
Johannis  XXII.  His  best  known  and  most 
important  works,  however,  are  those  which 
relate  to  the  final  phase  of  the  long  media?val 
conflict  for  supremacj-  between  the  sacer- 
doiium  and  the  imperium.  The  actual  course 
of  the  dispute  between  John  xxii.  and  Le\Ws 
of  Bavaria  is  of  far  less  interest  than  those 
which  preceded  it.  There  are  no  incidents 
like  that  of  Canossa,  and  no  characters 
of  such  universal  interest  as  Frederic  ii. 
or  Barbarossa.  The  literature,  however,  of 
this  the  final  phase  of  the  conflict  is  of  far 
greater  value.  Partly  this  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  it  is  post-Aristotelian,  and  the  Politics 
had  had  time  to  filter  into  the  educated  mind 
of  Europe.  The  first  phase  of  the  controversy 
was  largely  Scriptural,  and  the  theocratic 
mysticism  of  Gregory  \ii.  intensified  this 
tendency.  The  second  was  largely  legal ; 
the  revived  study  of  the  Roman  law  furnished 
the  atmosphere  in  which  the  struggle  between 
the  Popes  and  the  Hohenstauffen  was  carried 
on.  The  final  phase,  however,  was  definitely 
political,  and  there  is  evidence  of  a  distinct 
effort  to  find  some  general  philosophy  of  the 
State,  and  in  that  scheme  to  find  the  true  place 
for  the  clerical  power.  The  most  notable 
work  in  the  controversy  is  not  that  of 
Ockham  but  of  Marsiglio,  the  famous 
Defensor  Pads.  Yet  the  great  dialogue  of 
William  of  Ockham,  filling  six  hundred  pages 
of  Goldast,  is  a  mine  of  interest  and  suggestion 
for  those  who  desire  to  see  how  the  mediseval 
mind  in  its  final  efflorescence  envisaged  the 
problem.  It  is  also  very  important,  as 
heralding  the  modern  view  of  the  State. 
Ockham,  who  had  made  his  submission,  died 
as  an  orthodox  friar  in  1349. 

His  position  in  the  history  of  philosophy 
is  also  important.  An  extreme  Nominalist, 
he  divided  in  the  sharpest  manner  the 
spheres  of  faith  and  reason,  and  appears  to 
have  held  a  view  of  the  nature  of  religious 
belief  not  dissimilar  altogether  from  modern 
Pragmatism.  His  attitude  to  reason  had 
a  good  deal  to  do  with  that  of  the  reformers, 
more  especially  Luther;  and  he  is  remem- 
bered for  some  acute  maxims,  such  as  the 
famous  eniia  nan  sunt  mulliplicanda  praeter 
necessilatem.  [j.  N.  F.] 


ODO  (d.  1097),  Bishop  of  Bayeux  and  Earl  of 
Kent,  was  the  uterine  half-brother  of  William 


the  Conqueror,  from  whom  he  received  the- 
see  of  Bayeux  in  1049  or  1050,  when  fourteer» 
or  fifteen  years  of  age.  Though  secular  in- 
his  life  and  interests,  he  was  a  liberal  bene- 
factor to  his  cathedral  church,  which  he- 
entirely  rebuilt,  and  even  became  a  patron^ 
of  learning.  He  sent  some  of  his  clerks  to- 
study  at  Liege  and  other  centres  of  learning  ; 
among  them  Thomas,  afterwards  Archbishop- 
of  York;  Samson,  brother  of  Thomas,  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Worcester;  and  Turstan, 
who  became  Abbot  of  Glastonbury  in  1081. 
In  1066  Odo  founded  the  priory  of  St.  Vigor 
at  Bayeux,  which  he  colonised  from  the 
abbey  of  Mont  St.  Michel.  In  the  conquest 
of  England  he  took  a  prominent  part.  He- 
contributed  forty  ships  to  the  fleet,  and 
fought  in  person  at  Senlac,  armed  with  a 
mace  instead  of  a  sword  that  he  might  not 
be  guilty  of  shedding  blood.  He  received  as 
his  share  of  the  spoil  a  number  of  estates  in 
many  shires,  together  with  the  earldom  of 
Kent.  He  is  called  Comes  Palatinus  by 
Orderic  Vitalis,  but  simply  comes  Cantiae  in- 
charters ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  he 
held  Kent  as  a  palatine  earldom  in  the- 
modern  sense.  He  acted  as  regent  for 
William  i.  in  1067,  and  was  of  great  import- 
ance in  English  administration  till  1082. 
On  at  least  two  occasions  he  led  a  royal' 
army  against  rebels  in  England.  He  was 
detested  for  his  harshness  and  avarice  ;  eveni 
the  church  of  Canterbury  suffered  at  his- 
hands.  In  1082  he  was  preparing  an  expedi- 
tion to  Italy,  probably  not,  as  Orderic  states,, 
to  secure  the  papacy,  but  rather  to  assist 
Gregory  vn.  He  was  arrested  by  William  i., 
and  impeached  before  the  Great  Council  for 
breach  of  feudal  loyalty.  He  pleaded  that, 
as  a  bishop,  he  could  not  be  tried  by  laymen, 
but  was  told  that  the  Council  dealt  with  him 
only  in  his  secular  capacity,  as  Earl  of  Kent,, 
and  was  adjudged  guilty.  William  kept  him 
in  close  confinement  at  Rouen  despite  the 
remonstrances  of  Gregory  vii.,  but  reluctantly 
granted  a  pardon  when  on  his  death -bed. 
Returning  to  England,  Odo  recovered  his 
earldom  from  William  ii.,  but  immediately 
organised  a  baronial  revolt  in  favour  of  Duke 
Robert  (1088).  The  revolt  was  suppressed, 
and  Odo  was  banished  from  England,  the 
English  troops  of  Rufus  clamouring  in  vain 
for  his  execution.  Henceforth  Odo  was  the 
right-hand  man  of  Duke  Robert  in  Nor- 
mandy, and  was  active  in  defending  the 
duchy  against  Rufus.  The  duke  and  the 
bishop  departed  together  on  the  First  Cru- 
sade (September  1096)  [Crusades],  but  Odo 
sickened  on  the  way,  and  died  at  Palermo 
(February    1097).     He   left   an    illegitimate^ 


(420) 


Ordeal] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ordinations 


son,    John,    who    entered    the    service    of 
Henry  I.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Freeman,  Norman  Conquest  and  William 
Rii/us ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eng.  under  the 
yormans  and  Angevins. 

ORDEAL  (Ordal)  is  an  Anglo-Saxon  word 
meaning   '  judgment,'  which  was  early  con- 
fined to  tlic  special  sense  of   '  God's  judg- 
ment,'   which    in    C4ernian    still    has    to    be 
•expressed  by  the  full  form,  Gotlesurtheil.     In 
the  New  English  Dictionary  it  is  defined  as 
'  an  ancient  mode  of  trial  among  the  Teutonic 
peoples,    retained    till    after    the    Norman 
period,   in  which  an  accused   or  suspected 
person  was  subjected  to  some  physical  test 
fraught  with   danger,  .  .  .  the  result  being 
regarded  as  the  immediate  judgment  of  the 
Deity.'     The   usage   had   passed   over  from 
paganism  without  any   change   save  in  its 
rehgious  sanction,  and  has  parallels  in  many 
races  and  ages.     Our  ancestors  before  the 
Norman  Conquest,  if  charged  -with  a  crime 
of  which  they  had  not  been  caught  in,  the  act, 
were  allowed  to  purge  themselves  by  oath- 
helpers,     afterwards     called     compurgators, 
the  number  of  whom  varied  according  to  the 
dignity  of  the  accused  and  the  gra\'ity  of  the 
charge.     They  were  to  profess  their  belief, 
based  on  personal  knowledge,  of  the  good 
character  of  the  accused.     In  a  very  simple 
age  it  was  probably  a  satisfactory  test  that  a 
man's  neighbours  should  be  willing  to  do  this. 
If  they  refused  his  only  chance  of  escaping 
•conviction  was  hy  the  ordeal.     Unfortunately 
none  of    the   earher  forms   of    ordeal   have 
survived,  though  that  of  hot  water  is  men- 
tioned in  the  37th  law  of  Ine  (688-95).     But 
no  less  than  sixteen  later  formulfe  are  col- 
lected in  Liebermann's  Geselze  der  Angelsach- 
sen,  and  the  editor  believes  that  more  may  be 
discovered.     He  holds  that  the  existing  forms 
were  introduced  from  the  Continent  between 
A.D.  850  and  975,  though  they  have  been 
filtered  in  England.     Combining,  for  the  sake 
of  brevity,  the  features  of  the  various  rituals, 
we  find  that  the  ordeal  is  always  under  the 
direction  of  the  clergy.     The  accused  must 
fast  for  three  days,  and  at  the  appointed  time 
a,  Mass  is  said,  at  which  he  communicates, 
being  warned  by  the  priest  to  abstain  if  he 
is    guilty.     Such    abstention    would    be    a 
confession  of  guilt.     After  the  Mass  a  Htany 
is  sung,  and  the  '  creature '  of  water  or  iron 
is  exorcised,  blessed,  and  adjured  to  reveal 
the  truth.     If  cold  water  is  chosen  the  man 
is  thrown  in ;   in  case  of  innocence  he  sinks. 
If  hot  iron,  he  has  to  carry  a  ball,  of  triple 
weight  in  more  serious  cases,  for  a  distance 
of  nine  feet ;    if  hot  water,  according  to  the 


case,  he  lifts  a  stone  from  the  caiddron  at  the 
depth  either  of  his  wrist  or  of  his  elbow.     In 
both  ordeals  the  member  is  swathed  up  and 
sealed  for  three  days.     Then  the  priest  ex- 
amines it,  and  if  he  finds  an  open  wound, 
from  which   matter  is  proceeding,   he  pro- 
nounces   the    man    guilty.     The    remaining 
ordeal  for  which  the  rite  has  survived  is  that 
of  swallowing.     The  exorcism,  blessing,  and 
adjuration  of  the  '  creatures '  is  as  before  ; 
the  accused  is  given  a  mouthful  of  barley 
bread  and  goat's  milk  clieese,  and  if  he  fails 
to  swallow  them  he  is  guilty.     Another  ordeal 
— for   which   the   rite  is  lost — was    that    of 
w^alking  blindfold  between  hot  ploughshares, 
but  apparently  cold  water  and  hot  iron  were 
those  most  commonly  applied.     They  were 
used  with  great  seriousness,  at  least  in  the 
earlier  times  ;    human  life  was  too  sacred  to 
be   forfeited    on    merely   human    testimony. 
They  were  part,  therefore,  not  of  secular  but 
of   ecclesiastical  law,   and   so   remained   till 
their  disuse.     Partial  disuse  came  in  with  the 
Conquest.     Unlike  the  English,  the  Normans 
employed  the  other  Teutonic  test  of  guilt 
or  innocence,   that  by  battle,   and   though 
ordeal  remained  open  to  the  conquered  race 
they  were   allowed   their   choice   between   it 
and  fighting.     The  ordeal  seems  to  have  been 
preferred,  perhaps  because  collusion  was  easy. 
William  Rufus  flatly  denounced  it  as  dis- 
honest ;  and  the  temptation  to  be  merciful 
must  have  been  strong.     But  it  was  a  pope 
who  suppressed  it.     Innocent  iii.   {q.v.),  at 
the  great  Fourth  Lateran  Council  of  1215, 
Canon  18,  commanded  the  clergy  to  take  no 
part    in    ordeal    proceedings,    and    as    their 
active  participation  was  necessary  for  this 
mode  of  trial,  it  fell  at  once  into  desuetude. 

[e.  w.  w.] 

Pollock  and  Maitland,  Hist.  Eng.  Law, 
especially  chap,  ix.,  sec.  4.  The  texts  are  in 
Liebernianii,  op.  cit..  4<il--29. 

ORDINATIONS,  Anglican.  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
validity  of  the  orders  conferred  in  the  English 
Church  has  been  assailed  from  time  to  time 
by  Roman  Catholic  writers  ;  Anglican  ecclesi- 
astics conforming  to  the  Roman  Church  have 
been  reordained ;  and  in  1896  Leo  xiii. 
determined  that  orders  conferred  by  the 
English  rite  are,  and  always  have  been,  null 
and  void.  There  was  some  preliminary 
skirmishing  on  the  part  of  the  controver- 
sialists of  Elizabeth's  reign  ;  but  the  grounds 
of  their  attack  were  vague,  and  it  is  at  least 
uncertain  whether  it  was  directed  against 
the  validity,  and  not  merely  against  the 
regularity,  of  the  ordinations   assailed.     In 


(421) 


Ordinations] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ordinations 


1603,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the  clearer 
statements  of  Bancroft  (1589),  Bilson  (1593), 
and  Hooker  {q.v.)  (1597)  on  the  subject  of 
holy  order,  a  definite  attack  on  the  reality 
and  validity  of  the  English  succession  was 
opened  by  Kellison,  and  he  was  followed  up 
bv  the  Jesuits  HoljT^-ood  (1604),  Fitzherbert 
(1613),  and  Fitzsimons  (1614).     This  attack 
called  forth  the  reply  of  Francis  Mason,  Of 
the  consecration  of  bishops  in  the  Church  of 
Etigland    (1613),    wliich    was    answered    by 
Champney    in     1616,    in    reply    to    whom 
Mason's  book  was  republished  in  an  enlarged 
form  in  1625  as   ViTidiciae  Ecclesiae  Angli- 
canae.     The   dispute   was   renewed  in    1645 
in  a  correspondence  between  J.  Cosin  (q.v.), 
during  his  exile,  and  Robinson,  Prior  of  the 
English  Benedictines  in  Paris  (Cosin,  Works, 
iv.  241).     In  1657  the  Jesuit  Peter  Talbot 
shifted  the  ground  of  attack  in  consequence 
of  the  pubhcation  of  J.  Morin's  great  work, 
De  sacris   ordinationihus,   in   which   current 
opinions  as  to  the  '  matter '  of  the  sacrament 
of   order   were    corrected   by   an   investiga- 
tion of  the  history  of  rites  of  ordination.     In 
1658  J.  Bramhall  replied  to  Talbot  (Bram- 
hall,    Worl's,  iii.  5),  and  Lewgar  replied  to 
Bramhall  (1662);    and  the  controversy  was 
continued,  G.  Burnet  [q.v.)  (1677)  and  H.  Pri- 
deaux  (1688)   replying   to  other   assailants. 
In  1720  Eus^be  Renaudot,  author  of  Litur- 
giarum  orientalium,  collectio,  and  the  colla- 
borator of  Nicole  and  Arnauld  in  La  perpHuitS 
de  la  foi,  contributed  to  a  second  edition  of 
Tho.  Gould's  La  veritable  croyance  de  VEglise 
catholique,  an  adverse  memoir  on  Anglican 
ordinations,  on  which  he  had  already  been 
consulted  by  Bossuet.  He  was  replied  to  by  Le 
Courayer  in  his  Dissertation  (1723)  and  Defense 
de  la  Dissertation  (1726) ;  and  the  Dominican 
Le  Quien  (1725)  replied  to  Le  Courayer,  and 
the  Jesuit  J.  Constable  (1727)  borrowed  Le 
Quien's  argument.     The  first  and  the  fourth 
of  the  Tracts  for  the  Times  (1833)  were  a  call 
to  clergy  and  laity  to  consider  afresh  the 
apostoUc   succession,    and,   as   was   natural, 
interest  in  the  question  was  revived.     H.  J. 
Rose  (q.v.)  had  already  given  an  abstract  of 
Lo  Courayer's  argument  in  App.  vi.  to  the 
2nd  ed.  of  his  Commission  and  Consequent 
Duties  of  the  Clergy  (1831);   Sir  W.  Palmer 
summarised  the  controversy  in  his  treatise 
On  the  Church  (1838);   A.  W.  Haddan  re- 
edited  Bramhall,  with  notes  and  corrections, 
in    the   Library   of  Anglo-Catholic   Theology 
(1842),  and  later  discussed  the  whole  matter 
afresh  in  Apostolical  Succession  (1869) ;  and 
Le  Courayer  was  republished  in  English  in 
1844.      On    the    Roman    side,  Lingard   had 
refuted  part  of  the  current  Roman  argument 


as   unhistorical    (1829,    1834)  ;     the   general 
assault  was  again  delivered  by  Kenrick  in 
America  (1841) ;   in  1873  the  whole  conten- 
tion was  restated,  if  captiously  and  scepti- 
cally, yet  with  great  ability,  exhaust iveness, 
and    candour,    by   E.    E.    Estcourt    in    The 
Question  of  Anglican  Ordinations  discussed; 
and  in  1879  appeared  A.  W.  Hutton's  Angli- 
can Ministry,  with  a  preface  by  J.  H.  New- 
man.    As  the  upshot  of  some  discussions  in 
1893  between  Lord   Halifax  and  the  Abbe 
Portal   on   possibilities    of    reunion,    it   was 
thought  that   a  reconsideration   of   English 
ordinations  would  form  a  convenient  point 
of   departure   for  some  attempt  to  further 
better    relations ;     and    a    discussion    was 
initiated   by  M.   Portal,   and  continued   by 
IVEVI.   Gasparri  and  Boudinhon  and    others, 
who  concluded  in  favour  of  the  validity  of 
the  ordinations,  while  the  Anglican  conten- 
tion was    ably  restated    by  Messrs.   Denny 
and  Lacey  in  Dissertatio  apologetica  de  Hier- 
archia  Anglicana  (1895).    The  French  divines 
pressed .  the  matter  on  the  attention  of  Leo 
xin.,  who  was  at  that  time  exerting  his  in- 
fluence to  promote  the  union  of  Christendom, 
and  in  consequence  he  determined  to  have 
the    question    re-examined,    and    appointed 
a  commission  of  eight  for  the  purpose.     After 
sessions  lasting  for  six  weeks  the  commission 
submitted  their  results  to  a  committee  of 
cardinals,  who  in  two  months  reported  to 
the   Pope   against   the   validity   of   English 
orders,  and  on  18th  September  1896  Leo  xttt. 
issued  the  Bull  Apostolicae  curae,  which  pro- 
nounced that  '  ordinations  performed  by  the 
Anghcan  rite  have  been  and  are  utterly  invahd 
and    altogether    nuU.'     The    English    arch- 
bishops   (Temple    and    Maclagan)    issued    a 
Responsio  to  the  Bull  (19th  February  1897), 
addressed  to  aU  the  bishops  of  the  Cathoho 
Church,  which  was  issued  also  in  EngUsh, 
French,  and  Greek.     Leo  xttt.  sent  a  short 
letter  in  answer  (20tli  June);  and  Cardinal  H. 
Vaughan  and  the  English  Roman  Cathohc 
bishops  replied  to  the  archbishops  (29th  De- 
cember) in  A  vindication  of  the  Bull  ''Apos- 
tolicae curae.'' 

Here  it  is  impossible  to  do  more  than  in- 
dicate shortly  the  objections  that  have  been 
made,  and  the  answers  that  have  been  given, 
in  a  discussion  which  has  involved  an  im- 
mense amount  of  minute  detail. 

Since  the  English  succession,  at  least  for 
some  forty  years,  derived  exclusively  from 
Parker  (q.v.)  and  his  consecrators,  the  dis- 
cussion has  largely  been  concentrated  upon 
his  consecration.  It  will  be  convenient, 
therefore,  to  refer  to  the  particular  objections 
raised  to  Parker's  consecration,  and  to  combine 


(  ■122  ) 


Ordinations] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ordinations 


with  them  as  we  go  the  parallel  objections 
wliich  apply  more  generally.  Matthew  Parker 
was  elected  by  the  chapter  of  Canterbury  on 
1st  August  1559,  continued  on  9th  December, 
and  consecrated  in  Lambeth  Chapel  17th  De- 
cember, by  Barlow  [q.v.),  late  Bishop  of  Bath 
and  Wells,  now  elect  of  Chichester  ;  Scory, 
late  of  Chichester;  Covcrdalc  {q.v.),  late  of 
Exeter ;  and  Hodgkin,  suffragan  of  Bedford ; 
according  to  the  rite  of  1552  [Common  Prayer, 
Book  of],  except  in  one  particular,  viz.  that 
all  the  bishops  recited  the  formula  Take  the 
Holy  Ghost,  etc. ;  and  the  whole  procedure  is 
described  in  the  Lambeth  Register.  This 
description  is  exceptionally  minute,  no  doubt 
because,  while  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
had  been  restored  to  its  legal  status  by  the 
Act  of  Uniformity,  the  Ordinal  had  not  been 
so  restored,  and  it  remained  without  legal 
recognition  till  1566 — an  omission  which  gave 
the  Roman  controversialists  of  Elizabeth's 
reign  the  ground  for  their  attacks  on  the 
legal  status  of  the  bishops.  This  consecration 
has  been  assailed  on  various  grounds. 

1.  The  Nag's  Head  Fable. — In  1604  a  story 
was  set  afloat  by  Holywood,  and  was  subse- 
quently repeated  by  controversialists  down 
till  the  nineteenth  century,  which  implied 
that  no  such  consecration  had  taken  place  ; 
to  the  effect  that  the  Anglican  succession 
originated  at  the  Nag's  Head  Tavern  in 
Cheapside,  where  Scory,  described  as  himself 
unconsecrated,  laid  o.  Bible  on  the  heads  of 
the  kneehng  nominees  for  several  sees,  saying 
to  each  :  '  Take  thou  authority  to  preach  the 
Word  of  God  sincerely  '  ;  and  this  is  all  the 
consecration  they  received.  This  absurd 
story,  which  was  unknown  even  to  controversi- 
alists for  forty-five  years,  and  is  inconsistent 
with  facts  other  than  those  of  Parker's 
consecration,  has  been  abandoned  by  all. 

2.  The  Lambeth  Register. — The  legend  was 
confuted  by  appeal  to  the  normal  evidence 
for  the  facts,  Parker's  Register  at  Lambeth. 
Immediately  the  genuineness  of  the  Register 
was  denied,  and  Mason  was  charged  with 
forging  it.  The  charge  was  quite  groundless  ; 
and  even  if  it  had  been  otherwise,  the  evidence 
for  the  consecration  would  scarcely  have  been 
affected.  For  the  process  of  the  promotion 
of  a  bishop  involves  a  long  and  intricate  series 
of  necessary  documents,  and  all  these  are 
preserved  in  Parker's  case,  in  due  form  and 
in  their  right  places.  Nor  is  the  Register 
otherwise  the  only  evidence  for  the  fact  of 
the  consecration,  which  is  described  or 
alluded  to  in  all  sorts  of  contemporary  docu- 
ments ;  and  no  question  is  now  made  that 
what  is  recorded  in  the  Register  took  place  as 
there  described. 


3.  Barlow's  Episcopal  Character. — In  1616, 
i.e.  not  till  forty-eight  years  after  Barlow's 
death,  the  objection  was  raised  that  Barlow, 
Parker's  principal  consecrator,  had  never 
himself  been  consecrated,  chiefly  on  the 
grounds  that  there  is  no  record  of  his  conse- 
cration in  Cranmer's  Register  at  Lambeth, 
and  that  he  and  Cranmer  held  and  expressed 
the  view  that  consecration  was  unnecessary. 
To  tliis  it  is  replied  (a)  that  it  is  neither 
wonderful  nor  exceptional  that  a  document 
should  be  missing,  especially  in  Registers  so 
carelessly  kept  as  those  of  the  archbishops 
of  this  period,  Warham,  Cranmer,  and  Pole, 
where  numbers  of  documents  are  missing 
which  ought  to  be  found,  including  the 
certificate  of  the  consecration  of  S.  Gardiner 
[q.v.)  himself  ;  (6)  that,  whatever  personal 
opinions  Cranmer  and  Barlow  expressed  four 
years  later,  and  in  spite  of  the  ribald  remark 
charged  against  Barlow  in  the  year  of  his 
promotion  (1536)  to  the  effect  that  the  king's 
nomination  could  make  as  good  a  bishop  as 
Barlow  himself,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  either  of  them  ever  acted  officially  on 
these  opinions ;  while  Cranmer  signed  the 
official  Declaration  of  the  functions  and  divine 
institution  of  bishops  and  priests  in  1536  or 
1537,  and  both  Cranmer  and  Barlow  signed 
the  Bishops'  Booh  of  1537  and  the  King's 
Booh  of  1543  ;  while  within  a  week  or  two 
of  the  date  at  which  Barlow  must  have  been 
consecrated  Cranmer  certainly  consecrated 
two  bishops,  and  in  1548  he  issued  a  Catechism 
in  which  the  doctrine  of  the  Apostolic  Succes- 
sion is  expressed  with  even  naive  crudity ; 
and  Barlow  acted  always  as  a  bishop  in  all 
respects,  taking  part  in  the  consecration  of 
other  bishops,  without  challenge  or  suspicion 
on  anybody's  part — for  it  is  not  pretended 
that  even  liis  colleagues  knew  the  aUeged 
facts,  and  this  though  he  was  involved  in 
a  struggle  with  his  own  chapter  at  St.  David's, 
and  though  Cranmer,  had  he  failed  to  conse- 
crate him,  would  have  subjected  himseK  and 
his  officials  to  the  penalties  of  praemunire 
by  a  statute  passed  only  two  years  before  ; 
(c)  and  that  even  if  Barlow  had  never  been 
consecrated,  Parker's  consecration  would  be 
unaffected,  for  neither  the  doctrine  of  the 
Church  nor  a  consensus  of  theologians  en- 
forces the  view  that  only  one  of  the  three 
bishops  required,  as  a  matter  of  regularity, 
to  co-operate  in  the  consecration  of  a  bishop 
is  the  real  consecrator,  and  the  others  contri- 
bute nothing  but  their  witness  ;  the  other 
three  of  Parker's  consecrators  were  sufficient, 
or  if  two  of  them  are  challenged  as  consecrated 
by  the  English  rite  (on  grounds  noticed  below), 
Hodgkin  alone,  who  was  consecrated  by  the 


(423) 


Ordinations] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ordinations 


Latin  Pontifical  in  1537,  was  sufficient  for 

validity. 

4.  The  Rite. — Next,  the  sufficiency  of  the 

'Edwardine  rite  has  been  questioned,  mainly 

on  two  grounds,  (a)  That  in  the  '  form  '  of 
ordination — the  '  Take  the  Holy  Ghost,' 
etc. — in  the  case  of  both  bishops  and  priests, 
the  order  conferred  is  not  specified^for  the 
defining  words  of  the  present  form  were  not 
added  till  1662  (though,  in  fact,  then  only  in 
view  of  Presbyterian  arguments)  ;  and  hence 
the  form  was  indeterminate  and  applicable 
to  other  conditions.  To  this  it  is  replied  that 
in  other  '  forms  '  of  which  the  validity  has 
not  been  questioned,  there  is  no  specification 
of  the  order  conferred  ;  while  in  fact  the 
Edwardine  forms  were  not  indeterminate, 
since  they  were  determined,  in  the  case  of 
bishops,  by  the  words  of  2  Tim.  1^,  which 
foUow  and  by  common  consent  refer  to  the 
episcopate,  and  in  the  case  of  priests,  by  the 
rest  of  Jn.  20^3,  which  is  taken  over  from  the 
Latin  Pontifical ;  and  also,  by  the  whole  con- 
text of  the  rite  in  which  they  occur,  which 
is  explicitly  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  or 
the  ordination  of  a  priest  as  the  case  may  be. 
{b)  That,  in  the  ordination  of  presbyters,  the 
delivery  to  the  ordinand  of  the  paten  with 
the  bread  and  the  chalice  with  wine  and 
water,  with  the  words  '  Receive  authority  to 
offer  sacrifice  to  God  and  to  celebrate  Masses 
as  Avell  for  the  quick  and  the  dead,'  which 
was  regarded  as  the  '  form  '  and  '  matter  '  of 
ordination  to  the  priesthood,  and  had  so  been 
defined  by  the  Pope,  Eugenius  iv.,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  was  omitted  in  the  Edwar- 
dine rite.  To  this  it  is  only  necessary  to  replj^ 
at  the  moment,  that  the  researches  of  J.  Morin 
in  De  sacris  ordinationihus,  before  referred  to, 
showed  that  this  is  a  comparatively  modern 
ceremony,  unknown  to  the  East  and  iox  a 
thousand  years  to  the  West,  and  is  not  the 
'  form  '  and  '  matter  '  of  ordination  to  the 
priesthood,  and  the  view  that  it  is  so  has 
now  been  abandoned. 

5.  Inlenlion. — It  was  objected,  on  the 
ground  of  the  private  opinions  of  Barlow, 
mentioned  above,  that  he  did  not  intend  to 
confer  the  orders  of  the  Church.  Now  it  is 
obvious  that  a  minister  of  the  Church  must 
have  a  serious  intention  of  doing  what  he  is 
about ;  that  he  must  not  merely  '  play 
church.'  But  it  seems  also  obvious  that  a 
minister,  who  as  such  only  exists  as  the 
organ  of  the  Church,  cannot  by  a  mere 
inward  determination,  of  which  he  gives  no 
outward  sign,  evacuate  of  all  meaning  the 
acts  which  he  does  only  as  authorised  by 
the  Church.  '  The  minister  of  a  sacrament 
acts  in  the  person  of  the  whole  Church,  whose 


minister  he  is  ;  and  in  the  words  he  utters 
it  is  the  intention  of  the  Church  that  is  ex- 
pressed, and  this  suffices  for  the  perfection 
of  the  sacrament  unless  the  contrary  is  out- 
wardly expressed  on  the  part  of  the  minister 
or  the  recipient '  (St.  Thomas  Aquinas, 
Summa,  iii.  68  §  8  ad.  2).  Hence  all  that  is 
required  of  a  minister  is,  in  the  words  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  that  he  must  have  '  the 
general  intention  of  doing  what  the  Church 
does '  ;  and  the  evidence  of  this  intention  is 
that,  without  protest,  he  solemnly  uses  the 
rite  of  the  Church.  In  the  case  of  Parker's 
consecration  there  is  no  ground  for  suggesting 
that  the  ministers  did  not  seriously  mean 
to  do  what  they  were  about,  i.e.  to  carry  out 
the  rite  of  the  Church  and  to  '  do  what  the 
Church  does.'  And  as  to  what  the  Church 
not  only  does  but  intends,  this  is  obvious 
from  the  Preface  to  the  Ordinal,  viz.  she 
intends  to  continue  the  orders  that  have  been 
in  the  Church  since  the  Apostles'  time  ;  and 
this  cannot  be  affected  by  any  opinions  that 
individuals  may  have  held  in  the  sixteenth 
century;  while  if  any  one's  opinion  is  relevant 
to  the  questions  it  is  Cranmer's,  and  he,  in 
the  Catechism  of  1548,  already  mentioned, 
unequivocally  asserts  the  Apostolic  Succession 
by  communication  of  the  Holy  Ghost  con- 
tinuously all  down  the  ages.  But  finally  it 
is  objected — and  this  no  longer  with  special 
reference  to  Parker's  consecration — that  the 
intention  of  the  Anglican  Church  itself,  as 
expressed  in  the  Ordinal,  is  defective  ;  for 
not  only  does  the  rite  contain  no  acts  or  words 
explicitly  conferring  the  authority  to  conse- 
crate and  offer  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the 
Lord,  which  is  the  essence  of  priesthood,  but 
the  acts  and  words  {e.g.  the  delivery  of  paten 
and  chalice,  etc.),  in  which  for  centuries  the 
conveyance  of  this  authority  had  been  ex- 
pressed and  symbolised,  had  been  rejected  ; 
and  the  atmosphere  in  which  the  rite  was  com- 
piled shows  that  this  rejection  was  deliberate 
and  significant.  To  this  it  is  replied  that 
holy  order  can  mean  and  contain  notliing 
more  than  what  our  Lord  instituted  and  the 
Apostles  conferred,  and  the  Anglican  Church 
makes  it  abundantly  clear  that  she  intends 
to  confer  this  ;  that  the  Church  ordains  to 
an  order  and  an  office  and  all  that  it  contains, 
and  it  is  not  necessary  to  specify  or  even 
explicitly  to  intend  the  particular  contents 
of  the  authority  conveyed  ;  that  even  if  it 
were  granted  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Anglican 
Church  is  erroneous,  yet  even  heresy,  and 
heresy  affecting  the  substance  of  the  sacra- 
ments, has  not  been  held  to  affect  the  validity 
of  sacraments  celebrated  and  conferred ; 
that   forms    of    ordination    of   unquestioned 


424 


Ornaments] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Ilistori/ 


Ornaments 


validity  contain  no  explicit  reference  to 
sacrifice  or  even  (as  in  the  ancient  parts  of 
the  Roman  rite  itself)  to  the  Eucharist  at 
all,  while  St.  Thomas  in  his  discussion  of 
order  does  not  even  allude  to  sacrifice 
(Sunwia,  iii.  38) ;  that  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Eucharist  is  not  something  over  and  above 
the  sacrament  itself,  and  in  conferring  the 
authority  to  minister  and  dispense  the 
sacraments,  the  Church  confers  and  intends 
to  confer  all  that  is  included  in  ministering 
the  sacraments,  and  therefore  of  necessity, 
along  with  the  authority  to  consecrate,  the 
authority  also  to  sacrifice  ;  and  finally  the 
AngUcan  Church  has  never  questioned  any 
doctrine  of  sacrifice  defined  before  the  Council 
of  Trent  (and  the  Tridentine  definition  is 
later  than  the  compilation  of  the  Ordinal) 
or  such  a  doctrine  as  satisfied  Peter  Lombard 
and  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  or  indeed  any  such 
doctrine  as  is  in  itself  really  intelligible. 

The  Apostolicae  curae  ignored  all  the  parti- 
cular questions  relating  to  the  consecrations 
of  Barlow  and  Parker,  and  confined  itself 
to  a  criticism  of  the  English  rite  and  the 
intention  expressed  in  it ;  and  this  only  in 
the  second  place  and  out  of  '  consideration 
and  charity  '  ;  since  the  question  was  no 
longer  an  open  one,  but  had  been  decided 
hj  the  Roman  see  from  the  first,  and  the 
original  decision  had  been  carried  out  con- 
sistently in  practice  ever  since,  orders  con- 
ferred under  the  English  rite  being  treated 
as  null,  and  the  recipients  of  them,  on 
occasion,  reordained.  To  this  it  is  replied, 
that  while  no  instance  is  forthcoming  of  an 
Edwardine  clerk  being  deprived  for  lack  of 
order  under  Mary,  and  many  continued  to 
hold  their  benefices  or  were  promoted  to  new 
ones,  the  assertion  that  the  Roman  See  had 
already  rejected  Edwardine  ordinations  rests 
upon  a  dubious  interpretation  of  the  papal 
documents  issued  to  Pole  and  of  Pole's  own 
General  Indulgence  ;  and  that  the  point  is, 
not  what  has  been  the  subsequent  Roman 
practice,  as  to  which  there  is  no  question, 
but  whether  the  practice  has  been  based  on 
adequate  knowledge  of  the  facts ;  and  this 
question  the  Bull  does  not  clear  up. 

[f.  e.  b.] 

H.afldan,  AjMstoiical  Successioyi ;  Eslcourt, 
The  Question  of  Anglican  Ordination  l)is- 
cussed ;  Denny  and  Lacey,  iJissertatio  apolo- 
getica  de  Hierarchia  Anglicana  ;  Lacey,  A 
Roman  Uiarii ;  Lord  Halifax,  Leo  XIII.  and 
Anrjlican  Orders. 

ORNAMENTS  RUBRIC.  When  the  Eng- 
lish Prayer  Book  was  issued  to  supersede  the 
Latin  service-books,  the  question  naturally 
arose  as  to  the  ceremonies  which  were  to 


accompany  the  new  rite,  and  as  to  the  '  Orna- 
ments '  of  the  Church  and  the  Minister.  The 
First  Prayer  Book  of  1549  continued  the 
existing  custom  for  the  most  part  as  to  the 
Ornaments  of  the  Minister  so  far  as  parish 
churches  were  concerned.  It  expressly 
ordered  the  Celebrant  to  wear  an  alb  with  a 
vestment  or  cope,  and  the  Sacred  Ministers 
to  wear  albs  with  tunicles.  For  the  Ante- 
Communion  service,  when  no  celebration 
followed,  the  officiant  was  to  wear  an  alb  or 
surpUce,  with  a  cope ;  for  matins  and  even- 
song, at  baptisms  and  burials,  a  surplice. 
In  cathedrals  and  colleges,  but  not  of  neces- 
sity in  other  places,  the  clergy  in  quire 
Avere  to  wear  surplice  and  hood  ;  and  the 
hood  also  was  recommended  to  be  worn  by 
preachers.  For  a  bishop  too  the  old  use 
was  retained ;  over  his  rochet  (which  he 
wore  out  of  church)  he  was  to  put  on  a 
surplice  or  alb  with  a  cope  or  vestment,  and 
his  pastoral  staff  was  to  be  carried  either  by 
himself  or  by  his  chaplain. 

The  term  vestment  here  used  denotes  not 
a  garment  but  a  set  of  garments,  usually 
made  in  suit  of  the  same  material ;  it  com- 
prised normally  at  least  (1)  chasuble,  (2) 
stole,  and  (3)  fanon  or  maniple,  but  it  was 
capable,  especially  in  certain  connections,  of 
comprising  a  much  larger  series  of  required 
ornaments.  With  the  alb  the  girdle  and 
amice  were  universally  worn;  indeed,  the  alb 
without  them  was  incomplete.  The  rubric 
therefore  is  in  a  sense  ambiguous,  just  as  it 
would  be  to  describe  a  man  as  wearing  a 
plain  white  shirt  and  a  tweed  suit ;  the 
description  is  adequate  to  any  one  who 
knows  the  customs  of  the  day,  but  it  is  not 
exhaustive. 

At  this  stage  there  was  no  controversy  as 
to  the  dress  of  the  minister,  and  no  change 
was  made  by  the  book  of  1549.  Bucer 
noted  at  the  time  that,  as  a  concession  to 
the  conservatives,  the  vestments  commonly 
used  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  are 
being  retained.  There  is  nowhere  any  justi- 
fication for  a  theory  which  the  Encyclopoedia 
Britannica  has  borrowed  from  a  German 
Jesuit,  that  the  stole  and  girdle  were  abol- 
ished in  England  in  1549. 

Three  years  later  the  concession  was  with- 
drawn, for  the  Second  Book  restricted  the 
archbishop  or  bishop  to  his  rochet  and  the 
priest  or  deacon  to  a  surplice  only.  The 
vestiarian  controversy  began,  however,  with 
the  Elizabethan  book  of  1559,  which  is  the 
immediate  source  of  the  present  Ornaments 
Rubric.  The  com])romise  then  adopted  was 
that  the  book  should  be  that  of  1552  (with  a 
few  changes),  not  that  of  1549,  but  with  a 


(  425  ) 


Ornaments] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ornaments 


proviso  that  the  ornaments  of  1549  should  be 
retained  until  other  order  should  be  taken. 
Consequently  the  older  Ornaments  Rubric 
of  1552  did  not  appear  in  1559,  but  in  its 
place  a  rubric  framed  as  the  equivalent  of 
the  proviso  in  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  The 
clause  stating  that  other  order  might  be  taken 
in  the  matter  was  omitted,  but  a  reference 
was  made  to  the  Act  itself,  which  was  printed 
in  fuU  at  the  beginning  of  the  book. 

There  have  been  three  questions  raised  as 
to  the  rubric.  First,  whether  the  words 
'  such  ornaments  in  the  church  as  were  in  use 
by  authority  of  ParUament  in  the  second  year 
of  the  reign  of  King  Edward  the  vi.'  refer 
to  the  Fu^t  Prayer  Book  or  to  the  months 
preceding  its  issue.  It  is  now  generally 
agreed  that  the  reference  is  to  the  former. 

Secondly,  it  is  questioned  whether  the 
rubric  was  ever  superseded  by  '  other  order  ' 
taken  in  the  matter ;  and  thirdly,  whether 
if  this  was  the  case  in  Elizabeth's  reign,  the 
present  rubric  (which  is  not  that  of  1559 
but  of  1662)  is  affected  by  it  or  is  inde- 
pendent of  it  and  supersedes  it.  The  present 
rubric  only  differs  from  that  of  1559  by 
deserting  the  phraseology  of  1552  in  order  to 
follow  more  exactly  the  Proviso. 

With  regard  to  these  questions,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  rubric  was  never 
fully  comphed  mth  either  between  1559  and 
1661  or  in  the  century  and  a  half  following 
the  issue  of  the  new  rubric  of  1662.  There 
is  no  clearly  proved  instance  of  the  wearing 
of  chasuble  or  stole  all  through  these  periods. 
Already,  before  the  Act  was  passed  in  1559, 
such  ornaments  were  being  destroyed  up  and 
down  the  country  ;  more  perished,  and  with 
some  better  show  of  authority,  during  the 
Royal  Visitation  in  the  summer  of  1559  ;  and 
thenceforward  the  destruction  slowly  con- 
tinued as  it  became  more  and  more  evident 
that  (to  use  a  phrase  of  Parker's,  q.v.)  they 
'  serve  not  to  use  at  these  days.'  The  diffi- 
culty of  the  time  was  to  obtain  obedience 
to  the  rubric  in  any  degree.  In  1560  the 
bishops  attempted  to  secure  a  cope  at  the 
Eucharist  and  a  surplice  at  other  services, 
but  without  much  success.  In  1566  they 
reduced  their  demand  still  further  to  a  sur- 
plice in  parish  churches,  and  copes  at  the 
Eucharist  only  in  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches.  But  still  disobedience  prevailed, 
and  after  this  minimum  demand  was 
strengthened  by  being  formulated  in  Canons 
24  and  25  of  1604,  there  were  few  cathedrals 
that  set  the  example  of  conformity  and  many 
incumbents  who  disliked  or  refused  the  sur- 
plice. 

As  to  the  question  whether  the  Crown  took 


other  order  there  are  two  suggestions  in  the 
affirmative.  Some  have  treated  the  Injunc- 
tions {q.v.)  of  1559  as  being  such  action.  It 
was  undoubtedly  royal  action,  but  so  vague 
is  the  thirtieth  Injunction  that  it  probably 
refers  only  to  the  outdoor  clerical  dress  ;  and 
if  it  be  supposed,  as  it  has  been  by  some, 
to  be  a  return  to  the  rubric  of  the  book  of 
1552,  there  is  no  accounting  for  the  insist- 
ence on  the  cope,  which  that  rubric  forbad, 
in  1560,  1566,  and  1604. 

Others  have  seen  a  taking  of  other  order 
in  the  Advertisements  [q.v.)  of  1566,  and  it 
was  on  this  ground  that  the  Privy  Council 
decided  against  the  legality  of  the  Edwardine 
vestments  [Ridsdale  v.  Clifton,  1877,  2  P.D. 
276).  But  further  investigation  has  justi- 
fied those  who  maintained  the  contrary ; 
for  historically  it  seems  certain  that  the 
Advertisements  had  no  royal  authority 
accorded  to  them ;  and,  if  that  is  so,  the 
Privy  Council  decision  rests  upon  a  mis- 
apprehension. The  whole  question  is  intri- 
cate, but  it  has  recently  been  reinvestigated 
by  a  series  of  historians,  and  following  in 
their  wake  by  a  committee  of  bishops  of 
the  Convocation  of  Canterbury,  who  con- 
clude '  that  the  Ornaments  Rubric  cannot 
rightly  be  interpreted  as  excluding  the  use 
of  all  vestments  for  the  clergy  other  than 
the  surplice  in  parish  churches,  and,  in 
cathedral  and  collegiate  churches,  the  sur- 
plice hood  and  cope.' 

This  conclusion  is  reached  by  the  bishops 
only  after  the  study  of  the  third  question, 
viz.  the  effect  of  the  action  taken  in  1661 
and  1662.  The  Privy  Council  judgment 
took  the  rubric  of  1662  to  be  a  mere  continu- 
ance of  the  existing  state  of  things,  and 
therefore  to  be  qualified  by  the  Advertise- 
ments, and  authorise  only  surplice  and  cope. 
But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  bishops 
refused  the  petition  of  the  Puritans,  who 
demanded  to  have  the  rubric  excluded  or 
altered,  on  the  ground  that  'it  seemeth  to 
bring  back  the  cope,  alb,  etc.,  and  other 
vestments,'  which  they  also  described  as 
obsolete  ceremonies.  It  is  clear  therefore 
as  a  matter  of  history  that  they  had  this 
point  before  them  when  they  decided  to 
remodel  the  rubric,  and  renew  the  reference 
to  the  book  of  1549  as  the  authority  to  be 
followed  in  this  respect. 

Further  investigation  has  therefore  cut 
away  the  ground  from  under  the  Privy 
Council  decision  of  1877.  The  historians 
have  discredited  it  increasingly,  and  an 
eminent  lawyer  at  the  time  (Chief  Baron 
Kelly)  described  it  as  a  judgment  of  policy, 
not  of  law.    [Ritual  Cases.] 


(  4-2G  ) 


Osmund] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Osmund 


The  Ornaments  Rubric  is  now  generally 
recognised  as  authorising  in  its  true  inter- 
pretation the  ornaments  of  1549.  It  may 
seem  even  to  enforce  them  ;  but  other  cere- 
monial rubrics  are,  as  a  rule,  not  necessarily 
to  be  carried  out  in  the  fullest  degree  every- 
where ;  and  if  this  one  in  its  present  form 
seems  to  demand  too  iincompromisingly,  a 
simple  change  of  '  shall '  to  '  may  '  would 
give  room  for  discretion  and  authorise  the 
two  usages  now  prevailing,  and  justified, 
the  one  by  enactment  and  the  other  by 
tradition.     [Vestments.]  [w.  h.  f.] 

Tlie  Ornaments  of  the.  Ch.  and  its  Ministers, 
Convocation  Keport,  No.  416  (1908)  ;  Frere, 
Principles  of  Religious  Ceremonial,  c.  xiv. 


OSMUND,  St.  (d.  1099),  Bishop  of  Sarum, 
is  described  in  the  Commemoration  Service  in 
use  in  SaUsbury  Cathedral  as  '  builder  of  the 
Cathedral  Church  of  Old  Sarum,  founder  of 
the  Cathedral  Chapter,  and  giving  lustre  to 
the  Church  by  the  "  Use  of  Sarum."  ' 

St.  Osmund  was  '  probably  an  earl '  (Bishop 
J.  Wordsworth),  son  of  Henry,  Count  of 
Seez,  by  Isabella,  daughter  of  Robert,  Duke 
of  Normandy.  He  came  over  as  a  chaplain 
to  his  uncle,  the  Conqueror,  and  became 
Chancellor,  c.  1072-8.  He  was  employed  on 
the  Domesday  survey  at  Grantham,  and  was 
present  at  the  Council  of  Sarum  in  April  1086 
when  the  results  of  the  valuation  were  laid 
before  WiUiam.  Osmund's  own  labours  are 
said  to  have  extended  through  the  north  of 
England,  while  he  is  beUeved  to  have  held  the 
earldom  of  Dorset. 

In  1078  he  became  Bishop  of  Sarum. 
[Sausbuby,  See  of.]  The  cathedral  of 
Old  Sarum  may  have  been  begun  by  his 
predecessor,  but  Osmund  may  justly  claim 
to  have  built  the  greater  part.  In  one  of  his 
two  undoubted  charters  he  claims  to  have 
'  constructed  the  church  of  Sarum  and  to  have 
constituted  canons  in  it.'  He  founded  a 
chapter  on  a  model  which  H.  Bradshaw 
discovered  to  be  peculiar  (in  Normandy)  to 
Bayeux,  but  which  served  as  a  model  for 
England  [Chapters,  Cathedral],  and  was 
introduced  into  Scotland  and  Ireland.  He 
attracted  to  himself  a  number  of  learned  and 
musical  clergy,  worked  with  his  own  hand  at 
writing  and  binding  books  for  their  library, 
made  (so  tradition  testifies)  an  ordinal  of 
divine  service  [Sarum  Use],  and  endowed 
canonries  with  a  generosity  so  businesslike 
that  he  was  slanderously  reported  to  be  cove- 
tous and  grasping.  Besides  lands  the  endow- 
ments consisted  of  half  the  oblations  (excepting 
the  ornaments)  laid  upon  the  high  altar,  and 


the  whole  of  the  offerings  on  the  other  altars ; 
burial  fees  and  half  the  offerings  made  at 
funerals  when  the  bishop  himself  was  cele- 
brating, excepting  half  the  gold  offered  in 
church.  When  any  canon  died  two-thirds 
of  that  year's  income  of  the  vacated  prebend 
was  to  go  into  a  common  fund  for  the  sur- 
viving canons,  and  the  otlier  third  of  it 
to  the  poor  (Bradshaw  and  Wordsworth, 
Cathedral  Statutes,  iii.  870).  These  endow- 
ments of  St.  Osmund  continued  until  the 
prebendal  stalls  were  disendowed  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  Cathedral  Com- 
missioners. 

According  to  William  of  Malmcsbury, 
Osmund  officiated  at  the  retranslation  of  St. 
Aldhelm's  remains  in  1078,  and  procured  from 
the  Abbot  of  Malmcsbury  a  bone  of  St.  Ald- 
helm's left  arm,  which  he  placed  in  a  silver 
coffer.  With  this  relic  he  cured  the  severe  ill- 
ness of  Archdeacon  Everard,  and  enabled 
Hubald,  another  of  his  acting  archdeacons,  to 
sing  the  Alleluia  at  Mass  on  All  Saints'  Day. 
He  was  present  at  the  consecration  of  Battle 
Abbey  Church,  11th  February  1094  {Chron.  de 
Bello),  and  in  1095  he  opposed  Ansclm  (q.v.)  at 
Rockingham,  but  in  the  May  following  asked 
his  forgiveness,  and  was  reconciled.  He  ex- 
piated (says  William  of  Malmesbury)  what- 
ever faults  he  may  have  had  by  patiently 
enduring  a  painful  disease,  of  which  he  died 
on  the  4th  of  December  1099.  He  was  buried 
at  Old  Sarum.  The  Carta  Osmundi  de  'prima 
Institutione  ecclesie  is  printed  in  Bradshaw 
and  Wordsworth's  Cathedral  Statutes,  iii.  pp. 
869-71,  cf.  ii.  p.  Ixxxiii  n.  and  Altera  Con- 
st itutio  or  Aliae  Ordinationes,  probably  of  the 
same  year  (1091),  ibid.,  ii.  pp.  7-10.  To  St. 
Osmund,  as  the  late  Bishop  J.  Wordsworth 
declared  in  his  commemoration  sermon  on 
5th  November  1889,  those  who  followed 
him  have  alwaj^s  looked  '  not  only  as  to 
the  founder  of  a  cathedral  body,  but  as 
to  the  giver  to  it  of  a  ritual  which  made 
Salisbury  in  both  respects  an  example  to 
other  churches.'  In  1228  Bishop  Richard 
Pooi'e,  who  embodied  as  much  as  possible  of 
Osmund's  two  charters  in  the  Sarum  Ordinal 
and  Consuetudinary  of  his  da^-,  and  to  whom 
the  fuller  development  of  Sarum  use  is  mainly 
to  be  attributed,  procured  a  Bull  from  Gregory 
IX.  for  holding  an  inquiry  into  the  grounds  for 
allowing  his  great  predecessor's  canonisation. 
Successive  bishops  and  chapters  and  kings  of 
England  repeated  the  petition,  but  not  until 
1457,  after  the  canons  of  Salisbury  had  contri- 
buted £700  and  carried  on  negotiations  for 
upwards  of  four  years,  was  the  request  granted. 
Osmund's  remains  were  removed  from  Old 
Sarum  to  the  Lady  Chapel  at  Salisbury,  and 


(  427  ) 


Oswald] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Oswy 


were  buried  there.     His  relics  were  translated 
to  the  shrine  in  July  1457. 

Three  Dorset  churches — Evershot,  l\Iel- 
bury  Osmond,  and  Osniington — bear  ancient 
dedications  in  St.  Osmund's  honour.  Re- 
mains of  his  shrine,  with  six  apertures,  are 
now  in  Sarum  Cathedral  nave. 

In  1472  Sixtus  iv.  granted  an  indulgence  to 
all  who  visited  Salisbury  Cathedral  on  St. 
Osmund's  feast,  and  on  21st  ^Nlarch  1481  an 
assembly  at  St.  Paul's,  London,  ordered 
4th  December  to  be  observed  in  his  honour. 

[c.  w.] 

Authorities  ciuoted  in  text ;  Rich  Jones, 
Fasti  Sarisb.  ;  C.  Wordsworth,  Continuation  of 
Lincoln  Black  Book  and  Cathedral  Statutes; 
U.  L.  Kingsford  in  D.y.li.  ;  an  accoiuit  of  the 
canonisation  proceedings,  ed.  A.  R.  Maiden  for 
Wilts  Record  Soc,  1901. 

OSWALD,  ST.  (604?-42),  King  of  Nor- 
thumbria,  son  of  Ethelfrid  of  Bernicia  by 
Acha,  sister  of  Edwin  of  the  rival  house  of 
Deira.  on  the  defeat  and  death  of  his  father  in 
617  took  shelter,  together  with  his  brothers, 
with  the  Scots  of  Dalriada,  among  whom  he 
received  baptism,  dwelling  for  a  time  with  the 
monks  of  lona,  and  perhaps  also  in  Ireland. 
When  his  elder  brother  Eanfrid,  who  had 
apostatised,  was  slain  by  the  British  King 
Cadwalla  in  634,  Oswald,  encouraged  by  a 
vision  of  St.  Columba,  defeated  and  slew 
Cadwalla  at  Heavenfield,  near  Hexham. 
His  victory  made  him  King  of  Bernicia,  to 
which,  as  Edwin's  nephew,  he  reunited 
Deira ;  he  added  Lindsey,  and  gained 
supreme  influence  over  other  kingdoms 
of  English,  Britons,  Picts,  and  Scots,  was 
termed  totius  Briianniae  imperator,  and 
became  reckoned  among  the  kings  called 
Bretwaldas.  He  stood  godfather  to  the 
West  Saxon  King  Cynegils,  married  his 
daughter,  said  to  be  named  Cyneburga,  and 
joined  him,  apparently  as  his  superior,  in 
granting  Dorchester  to  Birinus  {q.v.).  Anxious 
for  the  evangelisation  of  his  people,  he 
applied  to  the  monks  of  lona  for  a  bishop  ; 
one  was  sent,  but  resigned  his  mission,  and 
Aidan  {q.v.)  was  sent  in  his  place.  Oswald 
forwarded  Aidan's  work  in  aU  possible  ways, 
and  at  first  acted  as  his  interpreter.  Profuse 
in  charity,  at  one  Easter  feast  he  gave  the 
food  prepared  for  him  to  the  poor,  and 
ordered  the  silver  dish  on  which  it  was  served 
to  be  broken  up  and  distributed  among  them. 
On  this  Aidan  prayed  that  his  hand  might 
never  decay.  He  was  defeated  and  slain 
by  Penda,  the  heathen  King  of  Mercia,  at 
Maserfield,  identified  with  Oswestry  (Oswald's 
Cross),  Shropshire,  on  5th  August  642.  As 
he  fell  he  prayed  for  the  souls  of  his  men 


fighting  round  him.  His  head  and  hands 
were  fixed  on  poles,  and  the  next  year  were 
removed  to  Xorthumbria  ;  the  right  hand 
was  believed  to  be  undecayed  five  centuries 
later.  In  875  his  head  was  placed  in  St. 
Cuthbert's  coffin,  where  it  still  was  at  Durham 
in  1828.  Many  miracles  were  ascribed  to  his 
relics.  He  left  a  son  Ethelwald  [see  under 
Oswy].  [w.  h.] 

Bede,  H.E.  ;  Reginald,  Vita  S.  Osimhti 
(twelfth  century),  ap.  Sym.  Duiielm.  0pp.; 
Adamnan,  Vita  S.  Columbae. 

OSWY,  or  OSWIN  (612  ?-71),  King  of  Nor- 
thumbria,  brother  of  Oswald  {q.v.),  was,  like 
him,  brought  up  and  received  baptism 
among  the  Scots.  After  Oswald's  death  in 
642,  and  a  hard  struggle  \\dth  Penda  of 
Mercia,  he  established  himself  as  King  in 
Bernicia,  while  in  644  Oswin,  a  cousin 
of  Edwin,  became  King  in  Deira.  Oswy 
married  Eanflaed,  the  daughter  of  Edwin. 
As  his  power  increased  he  made  war  on 
Oswin,  who  fled  before  him,  was  betrayed 
and  murdered  by  his  command  in  651  at 
Gilling,  where  at  Eanflaed' s  request  and  in 
atonement  he  gave  land  for  a  monastery,  in 
which  prayers  should  be  said  for  Oswin's  soul. 
Deira,  however,  accepted  Ethelwald,  Oswald's 
son,  as  King.  Oswy  persuaded  Penda' s  son 
Peada,  under-king  of  the  Mid-Angles,  to  be 
baptized  and  receive  Christian  teachers  as  a 
condition  of  marrjdng  his  daughter,  and  con- 
verted Sigebehrt,  the  East  Saxon  King,  and 
sent  Cedd  {q.v.)  to  evangelise  that  people. 
In  655  Penda,  who  had  slain  five  Christian 
kings,  pressed  him  hard,  but  Oswy  defeated 
and  slew  him  on  the  Winwaed,  apparently  in 
the  Leeds  district.  In  fulfilment  of  a  vow 
made  before  the  battle  he  gave  lands  for 
the  foundation  of  twelve  monasteries.  This 
victory  enabled  him  to  reunite  Deira  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  and  he  made  his  son 
Alchfrid  under-king  over  it.  He  warred 
successfully  against  the  Britons,  had  power 
over  the  Scots,  and  probably  even  greater 
dominance  over  other  English  kings  than 
Oswald,  and  he  also  came  to  be  reckoned  as 
a  Brctwalda.  His  wife  Eanflaed,  Alchfrid, 
and  Wilfrid  {q.v.)  urged  him  to  accept  the 
Roman  ecclesiastical  usages,  favoured  by  the 
Deiran  party  in  his  kingdom,  in  place  of  the 
Scotic,  which  were  observed  in  Bernicia. 
He  presided  over  a  conference  on  this  question 
at  Whitby  in  664,  and  decided  in  favour  of 
the  Catholic  Easter,  and  the  Scotic  clergy 
either  left  England  or  conformed.  His 
decision  was  probably  due  to  political  rather 
than  ecclesiastical  reasons.  When  Wilfrid, 
who   had   become   Bishop  of   Northumbria, 


{i-28) 


Overall] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


lOxford 


stayed  long  abroad,  he  gave  his  bishopric  to 
Chad  (q.v.),  and  perhaps  in  connection  with 
this  change  Alchfrid  rebelled  against  him, 
and  he  made  another  son,  Egfrid,  iinder- 
king  in  his  stead.  In  667,  acting  as  sui)erior 
King,  he  joined  Egbert  of  Kent  in  asking 
Pope  Vitalian  to  consecrate  Wighard  to 
Canterbury.  At  Archbishop  'I  heodore's  re- 
quest he  sent  Chad  to  be  bishop  of  the 
Mercians,  and  he  received  Wilfrid  as  Bishop 
of  York.  Wilfrid  gained  great  influence 
over  him,  and  Oswy  lioped  to  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  Rome  in  his  company ;  but  he 
died  on  15th  February  671,  and  was  buried 
at  Whitby.  He  had  a  natural  son,  Aldfrid, 
King  of  Northumbria,  685-705  ? 

[w.  ir.J 

OVERALL,  John  (1560-1619),  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  was  born  at  Hadleigh,  educated  at 
the  Grammar  School  there  and  at  St.  John's, 
Cambridge.  In  1578  entered  Trinity  College 
as  a  scholar,  became  Minor  Fellow,  1581,  and 
in  1596  Senior  Fellow,  and  then  Master  of 
Catherine  Hall  and  Regius  Professor  of 
Divinity,  holding  both  offices  till  1607.  He 
had  been  ordained  in  1592,  and  held  the 
vicarage  of  Epping.  At  Cambridge  he 
opposed  the  prevaihng  Calvinism,  and  his 
appointment  to  the  professorship  was  a  sign 
that  strict  Genevan  doctrine  was  on  the 
wane,  for  Dr.  Whitaker,  his  predecessor,  had 
had  a  share  in  framing  the  Lambeth  Articles 
(1595).     [Calvinism.] 

In  1602  he  succeeded  Nowell  {q.v.)  as  Dean 
of  St.  Paul's,  and  during  his  tenure  of  this 
office  held  two  rectories  in  Hertfordshire, 
one  of  them  for  a  year  after  his  acceptance  of 
a  bishopric.  At  the  Hampton  Court  Confer- 
ence {q.v.)  in  1604  he  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  discussion  on  Predestination,  and  gave 
satisfaction  to  James  i.  ;  and  when  Dr.  Rey- 
nold's request  for  an  addition  to  the  Church 
Catechism  was  granted  Overall  amended  and 
abbreviated  a  form  prepared  by  Nowell. 

The  present  questions  and  answers  on  the 
Sacraments  are,  with  a  few  verbal  alterations 
made  in  1661,  due  to  him.  Overall  also  took 
part  in  another  result  of  the  conference,  the 
revision  of  the  Bible,  being  on  the  West- 
minster Committee  which  took  in  hand 
Genesis  to  2  Kings,  under  Andrewes  {q.v.) 
as  president  (1611).  In  1605  he  became 
Prolocutor  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convoca- 
tion of  Canterbury.  The  King  had  been 
anxious  to  obtain  Church  opinion  on  his  sup- 
port of  the  Dutch  against  Spain.  Convoca- 
tion agreed  upon  a  book  with  a  number  of 
canons,  so-called,  on  the  subject.  The  title 
was    Concerning    the    Government    of    God's 


Catholic  Church  and  the  Kingdom  of  the 
World.  Its  authors  have  been  condemned 
as  advocates  of  arbitrary  government.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  they  were  attempting  to 
defend  the  position  of  national  sovereigns 
against  papal  attacks.  James,  however, 
refused  to  sanction  Canon  28,  which  allowed 
a  '  new  form  of  government '  which  had 
originated  in  successful  rebellion.  The  book 
would  ])robably  have  been  forgotten  had  not 
Sancroft  {q.v.)  published  it,  a  few  days  before 
his  suspension,  as  Bishop  Overall's  Convocation 
Book,  obviously  overlooking  the  force  of 
Canon  28.  Slierlock  {q.v.)  took  advantage  of 
Overall's  authority  to  make  his  peace  with 
the  de  facto  King  William  iii. 

In  1614  Overall  became  Bishop  of  Coventry 
and  Lichfield,  and  was  translated  to  Nor- 
wich, 1618.  His  pupil,  Cosin  {q.v.),  tells  us 
that  he  used  the  Prayer  of  Oblation  im- 
mediately after  Consecration  and  before  Com- 
munion {Works,  V.  114),  and  Fuller  {q.v.)  that 
as  bishop  he  was  '  a  discreet  presser  of  con- 
formity.' Although  he  has  left  no  great 
works  of  his  own,  he  gave  Voss  nuich 
material  for  his  History  of  the  Pelagian 
Controversy,  and  had  much  influence  on 
Laud  {q.v.)  and  Cosin.  The  latter  erected  a 
monument  and  wrote  his  epitaph  (1669)  in 
Norwich  Cathedral.  [b.  b.] 

OXFORD  MOVEMENT  is  the  name  gener- 
ally given  to  the  religious  movement  which 
began  in  1833,  since  its  chief  agents  were 
members  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  and 
Oxford  was  its  centre  until  1845. 

The  Church  in  England  had  become  by  1833 
bitterly  unpopular.  Its  bishops,  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  had  taken  considerable  part  in 
rejecting  the  Reform  Bill  of  1831  (twenty-one 
of  the  majority  of  forty-one  were  bishops). 
Its  beneficed  clergy,  to  a  large  extent  squires 
and  country  gentlemen,  were  members  of  the 
unpopular  Tory  part3^  There  was,  in  the 
words  of  a  political  opponent,  '  a  black 
recruiting  sergeant  in  cv^ery  vUlage.'  The 
riots  at  Bristol  in  1831  had  resulted  in  the 
burning  of  the  bishop's  palace,  and  when  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1832  had  passed  it  was  beheved 
that  the  triumphant  Whig  ministers  would 
treat  the  Church  as  they  had  treated  the  un- 
reformed  House  of  Commons  and  improve 
it  away.  Spiritually  the  Church  was  weak. 
The  Evangelical  Movement  had  spent  much 
of  its  force,  and  was  confined  principally  to 
fashionable  watering-places,  as  Bath,  Chelten- 
ham, and  Tunbridge  Wells,  and  to  pro- 
prietary chapels  in  the  large  towns.  Its 
influence  on  the  people  at  large  was  being 
exercised     chiefly    through    the    dissenters. 


(  429  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Oxford 


The  old  High  Church  party  was  small  and 
select,  but  timid  and  cautious.  It  included 
such  men  as  Joshua  Watson  {q.v.).  Bishops 
Blomfield  {q.v.),  Phillpotts  {q.v.),  and  Arch- 
bishop Howley  {q.v.),  but  its  influence  did 
not  reach  beyond  a  limited  circle  of  dignified 
churchmen,  and  was  more  confined  than 
that  of  the  Evangelicals.  The  bulk  of  the 
clergy  and  laity  seem  to  have  been  outside 
both  spheres  of  influence,  and  quiet  worldli- 
ness  was  the  distinguishing  feature  of  Church 
life.  A  small  band  of  '  Liberals '  (called 
earlier  the  '  Noetics ' )  existed :  their  centre  had 
been  originally  at  Oriel  College,  Oxford.  Whigs 
in  politics,  their  aims  were  chieflj^  to  relax 
subscription  to  creeds  and  formularies  in 
favour  of  comprehension.  Their  influence 
was  as  limited  as  that  of  the  High  Church- 
men. They  were  aghast  at  the  state  of 
aflEairs,  and  the  most  prominent  among  them. 
Dr.  Arnold  {q.v.),  wrote  in  1832  :  '  The  Church 
as  it  now  stands  no  human  power  can  save.' 
His  project  and  that  of  his  school  was  to 
break  down  all  barriers  between  the  Church 
and  dissenters  and  to  form  one  federated 
National  Protestant  EstabUshment,  loosing 
the  ties  which  bound  the  English  Church  to 
the  One  Holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church. 

But  the  Movement  was  called  forth  not 
only  by  the  political  dangers  of  the  Reform 
time.  Charles  Lloyd,  Bishop  of  Oxford  and 
Regius  Professor  of  Divinity,  had  in  1823 
begun  private  lectures  to  the  younger 
Fellows  of  colleges,  and  his  course  on  the 
history  of  the  Prayer  Book  had  taught  them 
that  its  sources  were  primitive  and  mediaeval, 
and  had  set  them  to  study  sympathetically 
the  devotions  of  the  pre- Reformation  Church. 
W.  Palmer's  Origines  Liturgicae,  published  in 
1832,  turned  men's  eyes  in  the  same  direction. 

The  struggle  over  Roman  CathoUc  Eman- 
cipation was  another  active  cause.  The 
victorious  Roman  Catholics  under  Daniel 
O'ConneU  were  allied  with  the  Whigs  against 
the  English  Church,  and  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment was  born  partly  '  out  of  the  anti-Roman 
feelings  of  the  Emancipation  time.  ...  It 
was  to  avert  the  danger  of  people  becoming 
Romanists  from  ignorance  of  Church  prin- 
ciples.' This  is  witnessed  to  in  the  preface  to 
Mr.  Keble's  famous  sermon  on  '  National 
Apostasy '  (see  below),  and  the  earliest  adver- 
tisement for  the  Tracts  for  the  Times  (see 
below)  describes  them  as  '  Tracts  .  .  . 
against  Popery  and  Dissent.'  But  over  and 
above  these  causes  there  was  the  hatred  of 
'  LiberaUsm '  in  rehgion,  by  wliich  was 
meant  '  the  tendencies  of  modern  thought  to 
destroy  the  basis  of  revealed  religion,  and 
ultimately  of  all  that  can  be  called  religion 


at  all'  (Church).  It  was  the  spirit  which, 
released  at  the  French  Revolution,  had  got 
to  work  in  the  lectui'e-rooms  of  German 
universities  and  was  beginning  to  influence 
thought  in  England  in  the  doctrine  that 
education,  civilisation,  rational  intelligence, 
'  the  march  of  mind,'  would  cure  the  evils 
and  sorrows  of  mankind. 

In  1832  it  seemed  as  if,  in  Arnold's  phrase, 
no  human  power  could  save  the  Church. 
Yet  that  supreme  work  was  reserved  for 
a  devoted  and  brilliant  band  who  were 
united  in  membership  of  the  most  distin- 
guished Oxford  coUege  of  the  day.  Oriel, 
and  in  a  passionate  loyalty  to  the  Eng- 
lish Church.  They  had  studied  and  cared 
for  its  past,  they  deplored  its  present,  but 
they  hoped  high  for  its  future.  Their  senior 
and  leader  was  John  Keble  {q.v.),  who 
had  learnt  the  old  Catholic  truths  from  his 
father,  a  Gloucestershire  vicar.  A  sermon 
on  '  National  Apostasy,'  preached  by  him  in 
the  university  pulpit  on  Sunday,  14th  July 
1833,  was  the  formal  beginning  of  the 
Movement.  The  sermon  was  evoked  by  a 
Bill,  then  before  Parliament,  for  suppressing 
ten  Irish  bishoprics.  Men  saw  in  this  the 
prelude  of  spoliation,  and  felt  that  a  crisis 
had  come.  Following  this  sermon,  on  25th 
July,  four  clergy  met  in  conference  at  Hadleigh 
Rectory,  Suffolk,  to  concert  practical  mea- 
sures. They  were  the  rector,  Hugh  James 
Rose  {q.v.),  a  Cambridge  man  ;  the  Rev. 
William  Palmer,  a  learned  Dublin  graduate, 
living  in  Oxford ;  the  Rev.  the  Honble.  A.  P. 
Perceval,  a  dignified  country  clergyman ;  and 
the  Rev.  R.  H.  Froude  {q.v.),  the  intimate 
friend  of  Keble  and  Newman  {q.v.).  The  con- 
ference lasted  four  days,  and  two  points  were 
agreed  on  to  fight  for,  the  doctrine  of  the 
Apostolical  Succession  and  the  integrity  of 
the  Prayer  Book.  There  was  a  further  idea 
of  founding  an  '  Association,'  which  the  Oriel 
men  disliked  and  which  was  never  realised, 
but  two  addresses  to  Archbishop  Howley, 
one  from  seven  thousand  clergy,  the  other 
from  two  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  heads 
of  families  (in  drafting  which  Joshua  Watson 
took  part),  were  signed  and  presented  during 
1834 ;  they  were  results  of  the  Hadleigh 
Conference.  Far  more  important  and  far- 
reaching  were  the  Tracts  for  the  Times,  written 
by  Members  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  the 
first  three  of  which  were  issued  on  9th 
September  1833.  These  were  begun  '  out  of 
his  own  head '  by  John  Henry  Newman  {q.v.), 
the  other  great  leader  of  the  Movement,  and 
Fellow  of  Oriel.  These  early  Tracts  (which 
furnished  a  nickname  for  the  Movement ; 
its  adherents  were  called  '  Tractarians ')  are 


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unique.  '  Clear,  brief,  stern  in  their  appeal 
to  conscience  and  reason,  they  are  like  the 
short,  sharp,  rapid  utterances  of  men  in 
pain  and  danger  and  y)ressing  emergency.' 
They  were  the  first  public  utterances  of  the 
Movement  as  a  whole,  and  '  they  rang  out  like 
pistol  shots/  No  wonder,  since  their  authors 
wore  among  the  ablest  men  of  the  day : 
Keble,  Newman,  Froude,  and  later  Puscy 
iq.v.).  At  first  the  older  and  more  dignified 
men,  W.  Palmer  and  A.  P.  Perceval,  were 
alarmed  by  the  Tracts ;  later  on  both  wrote 
in  the  series.  The  accession  of  Dr.  Pusey 
to  the  Tract-writers  in  1834  gave  a  fresh  basis 
to  the  Movement.  He  gave  it  '  a  position 
and  a  name,'  for  he  was  profoundly  learned, 
of  great  weight  in  Oxford,  and  from  his  family 
connections  well  known  outside  it.  And  he 
was  '  a  man  of  large  designs,'  and  soon  took 
his  place  with  Keblo  and  Newman  as  one  of 
the  leaders. 

The  object  of  the  Tracts,  as  of  the  Move- 
ment as  a  whole,  was  to  recall  men  to  the 
foundations  on  which  churchmanship  rested. 
They  defended  the  Church  not  as  a  State 
establishment,  but  as  the  Divine  Society 
founded  by  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  endowed 
with  supernatural  powers,  the  trustee  of  the 
revealed  Catholic  faith,  and  the  possessor  of 
a  ministry  which  descended  directly  from  the 
apostles.  This  teaching,  which  had  been  that 
of  the  Carohne  Divines  {q.v.)  and  the  Non- 
jurors iq.v.),  had  been  largely  obscured  in  the 
previous  century,  though  it  was  still  held, 
at  least  in  its  main  outlines,  by  the  older  High 
Churchmen,  like  Joshua  Watson,  and  by  tlie 
suffering  remnant  of  the  Church  in  Scotland. 
The  Movement  quickly  gathered  force,  partly 
from  the  intellectual  brilliance  of  its  mem- 
bers, partly  from  the  holiness  of  their  lives. 
Besides  Keble,  Newman,  and  Pusey,  they  in- 
cluded R.  I.  Wilberforce  iq.v.),  R.  H.  Froude, 
R.  W.  Church  iq.v.),  C.  Marriott  (q.v.), 
I.  Williams  (q.v.),  J.  B.  Mozley  {q.v.),  and 
among  their  sympathisers  were  M.  J.  Routh 
iq.v.),  Dean  Hook  (q.v.),  H.  E.  Manning 
iq.v.),  and  Gladstone  {q.v.).  But  the 
revival  provoked  bitter  opposition.  Arch- 
bishop Whateley  {q.v.)  and  Dr.  Arnold 
attacked  it  savagely,  while  some  EvangeUcals, 
as  Bishop  D.  Wilson  {q.v.),  regarded  it  as  the 
work  of  Satan.  The  English  bishops  were 
at  the  best,  as  PhiUpotts  and  Blomfield,  timid 
and  cautious,  and  denounced  extravagances 
warmly.  Until  1843  one  of  the  greatest 
forces  of  the  Movement  in  Oxford  was 
Newman's  sermons,  preached  in  his  place  as 
Vicar  of  St.  Mary's.  '  Without  them,'  says 
Dean  Church,  '  the  Movement  would  never 
have  been  what  it  was.     The  sermons  created 


a  moral  atmosphere  in  which  men  judged  the 
questions  in  debate.'  The  English  Church 
has  ever  been  strong  in  preachers,  but  rarely 
iiave  sermons  like  those  of  Newman  at  St. 
Mary's  been  preaclicd  and  listened  to. 

Attacks  on  the  Movement  came  not  only 
from  Broad  Churchmen  and  Evangelicals, 
but  from  Roman  Catholics  and  the  University 
authorities.  'I'he  Roman  Catholics  were  led 
by  Cardinal  Wiseman,  who  began  his  attack 
on  the  position  claimed  for  the  English 
Church  in  Lent,  1836.  The  University 
authorities,  for  the  most  part  complacent, 
unlearned,  and  pompous  folk,  given  chiefly 
to  politics  and  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  at 
first  regarded  the  Movement  with  smiles  and 
jokes,  or  with  contemptuous  indifference. 
Later  this  attitude  changed  into  one  of 
'  helpless  and  passionate  hostility.'  '  Blind 
and  duU  as  tea-table  gossips,'  they  failed  to 
see  that  the  Movement  which  they  disliked 
was  one  '  for  deeper  religion,  for  a  loftier 
morality,  for  more  genuine  self-devotion  .  .  .,' 
and  they  treated  it  as  a  mere  revival  of 
popery.  From  1836  onwards  there  were 
unceasing  attacks  by  the  Latitudinarians  and 
Evangelicals,  the  Oxford  authorities  and  the 
Roman  Catholics.  Further  difficulties  arose 
from  a  new  party  in  the  Movement  itself. 
These  '  cut  into  it  at  an  angle '  and  tried  to 
deflect  its  course  in  their  own  direction. 
Able  and  brilliant  to  a  man,  they  despised 
the  solid  Anglican  foundations  on  which  the 
older  men  had  built.  Among  them  were 
W.  G.  Ward,  F.  W.  Faber,  F.  Oakeley,  aU  of 
whom  went  to  Rome;  indeed,  '  their  direction 
was  unquestionably  Romeward  almost  from 
the  beginning  of  their  connection  with  the 
Movement.'  In  1839  doubts  as  to  his 
position  crossed  Newman's  mind,  and  early 
in  1841,  with  a  view  to  meeting  them  and 
to  answering  the  difficulties  raised  by  the 
extreme  men,  he  pubUshed  Tract  No.  90, 
Remarks  on  certain  Passages  in  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles.  The  Heads  of  Houses  at  Ox- 
ford (with  two  exceptions)  hastily  branded 
it  as  dishonest,  though  many  of  the  old 
High  Churchmen,  as  Hook  and  Palmer, 
defended  it. 

The  condemnation  of  this  Tract  by  many 
English  bishops,  the  Jerusalem  Bishopric 
{q.v.),  and  further  doubts  raised  by  his  study 
of  Church  history,  '  broke '  Newman  by  the 
end  of  the  year.  In  February  1842  he 
retired  to  Littlemore,  and  resigned  his  living, 
18th  September  1843.  May  1843  Dr.  Pusey 
was  suspended  b^^  the  Vice-Chancellor  from 
preaching  before  the  University  for  two  years 
on  account  of  a  sermon  on  the  Holy  Eucharist. 
1844  W.  G.  Ward  pubhshed  The  Ideal  of  a 


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Christian  Church — a  Romanising  book.    The 
Oxford    Heads    seized    their    chance.       In 
February  1845  in  Convocation  at  Oxford  the 
book  was  censured  and  Ward  deprived  of  his 
degrees,  but  a  proposal  to  condemn  Tract 
Xo.  90  was  vetoed  by  the  proctors,  Guillemard 
and  Church.     After  this  the  Ronieward  drift 
began.     Ward    and    his    friends    went    first. 
Newman    was    received    at    Littlemore,    9th 
October  1845.    The  main  body,  under  Keble, 
Pusej-,  and  Marriott,  stood  firm;  but  for  j^ears 
to  be  a  '  Tractarian  '  or  a  '  Puseyite  '  was  to 
be   a    man    proscribed,   and   the   victorious 
authorities  did  their   best  to   extirpate  the 
Movement    in    Oxford.     It    spread    to    the 
country    and    the    great    towns.     Although 
from    1836    to    1845   the    Tractarians    were 
'  fighting  for  their  lives,'  they  did  much  amid 
the   storm   of   controversy   to   justify   their 
appeal  to  the  Anglican  divines  and  to  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church.     In  1836  a  Library 
of  the  Fathers  was   begun,  under  the  joint 
editorship  of  Keble,  Newman,  and  Pusey — 
a  series  of  scholarly  translations — the  main 
burden  of  which  after  1845  fell  on  Charles 
Marriott     and     broke     him     down.       The 
Anglo-Caiholic    Library,    begun    about    the 
same  time,  reprinting  the  works  of  the  Caroline 
divines,  was  another  splendid  witness  to  the 
sound  learning  and  scholarship  of  the  men  of 
the  Movement.     The  wonder  is  that  in  so 
brief   a   time  they  accomplished   so   much. 
'  There  were   giants   in  the  earth  in  those 
days.'      In     1850    the     Gorham     judgment 
[GoEHAM,  G.  C]  caused  a  further  crisis  and 
a  large  secession.     Manning,  R.  I.  Wilber- 
force,   and  many  more  joined  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  but  the  leaders  again  stood 
firm.     The  principles  of  the  Movement,  as 
carried  out  in  practice  in  the  large  towns,  at 
first  roused  much  opposition.     There  were 
riots  in  London,  at  St.  Barnabas,  Pimlico, 
1850,  and  at  St.  George's  in  the  East,  1859-60. 
[LowDER,    C.    F. ;    Mackonochie,    A.    H.] 
Dr.  J.  M.  Neale  (q.v.)  experienced  much  mob 
violence.      The  press  from  1850-70  bitterly 
ridiculed  the  revival,  and  the  Court  was  also 
hostile.     The  bishops,  with  few  exceptions, 
as  S.  Wilberforce  (q.v.)  and  W.  K.  Hamilton 
of    Salisbury,  were    chosen   from    opponents 
of  the  Movement.     The  ability  and  rehgious 
force  of   the  leaders    triumphed   over  these 
difficulties,   and   the   power  of  the  younger 
men.  Dr.  Liddon  (q.v.)  and  Dr.  King  (q.v.), 
together  with  wider  knowledge   of    history 
and  theology,  modified  the  old  hatred.     The 
leaders  of  both  political  parties  from  1880- 
1900,   Mr.    Gladstone   and  Lord    Salisbury, 
sympathised  with  the  Movement,  and  from 
the  primacy  of  Archbishop  Benson  (q.v.)  the 


era  of  persecution  ceased.  The  truth  and 
force  of  the  revival  made  itself  felt  on  all 
hands,  it  began  a  fresh  period  of  Church  life 
and  energy,  and  hardly  a  church  in  com- 
munion with  the  see  of  Canterbury  fails  to 
show  trace  of  the  Movement  which  began 
at  Oxford  in  1833.  [s.  L.  o.] 

R.  W.  Church,  Oxford  Movement ;  Newman, 
Aiiolof/ia  aiifl  Letters  and  Correspondence ; 
Lices  of  Pusey,  Keble,  Church. 

OXFORD,  See  of,  was  formed  by  Henry 
VIII.  out  of  that  of  Lincoln  (q.v.).  In  a  list 
of  proposed  new  bishoprics  drawn  up  in 
1539  occurs  '  Oseney  cum  Thame,'  and  on 
1st  September  1542  were  issued  the  Letters 
Patent  of  erection  of  '  the  late  monastery  of 
Oseney  to  be  the  cathedral  church  of  a. 
bishop,  dean,  and  six  prebendaries,  with 
the  King's  chaplain,  Robert  King,  Bishop 
"Ronensis"  in  partibus  (and  late  Abbot  of 
Oseney  and  Thame),  as  its  first  bishop, 
having  for  his  palace  the  college  or  mansion 
called  Gloucester  College  .  .  .  the  office  not 
to  prejudice  the  University  of  Oxon ' ;  while 
to  the  dean  and  chapter  of  Oxford  were 
given  the  site,  church,  and  furniture  of  the 
late  abbey  of  Oseney.  At  the  same  time  the 
town  of  Oxford  was  created  a  city.  The  new 
see  thus  obtained  a  considerable  share  of 
monastic  property,  for  besides  the  grant  of 
most  of  the  possessions  of  Oseney  and  Thame, 
the  palace  designed  for  the  bishop  was  simply 
the  old  Benedictine  college.  The  diocese 
was  a  small  one,  consisting  merely  of  the  city 
and  county  of  Oxford.  For  three  years  it 
possessed  two  deans  and  chapters— that  of 
Oxford,  with  its  seat  at  Oseney,  and  that  of 
Christ  Church,  with  its  seat  at  St.  Frides- 
wide's.  But  in  1545  the  King  resumed 
possession  of  the  lands  of  both,  and  in  1546 
they  were  amalgamated,  and  St.  Frideswide's 
was  constituted  as  the  cathedral  church  with 
a  dean  and  eight  canons.  In  1858  the 
University  Commission  suppressed  two 
canonries,  and  annexed  five  to  professorships 
in  the  University  and  one  to  the  archdeaconry 
of  Oxford.  After  1546  Oseney  fell  rapidly 
into  decay,  and  to-day  not  a  stone  of  the 
abbey  church  is  visible.  The  bishops,  too, 
lost  their  palace  (which  eventually  became 
Worcester  College),  and  were  forced  to  live 
on  one  or  other  of  their  scattered  estates, 
until  Bishop  Bancroft  built  the  palace  at 
Cuddesdon  early  in  the  next  century.  The 
earlier  history  of  the  see  of  Oxford  is  not 
very  inspiring.  The  diocese  was  the  smallest 
in  England  ;  the  cathedral  was  also  a  college 
chapel ;  during  the  first  sixty  years  of  its  ex- 
istence the  see  was  vacant  no  less  than  forty. 


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Few  of  the  bishops  before  Wilberforce  were 
men  of  distinction.  Many  of  tlie  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth-century  prelates  were  academic 
pedants  immersed  in  the  pettinesses  of  Uni- 
versity business,  and  ignorant  both  of  the 
world  and  of  themselves.  With  the  seven- 
teenth century  a  proper  succession  of  bishops 
began,  but  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War 
brought  new  disasters.  The  Royalist  garrison 
of  Oxford  burned  the  newly  erected  palace  of 
Cuddesdon,  and  Bishop  Skinner  was  forced 
to  live  in  retirement  at  Launton,  carrying  on 
the  succession  of  the  clergy  by  numerous  and 
secret  ordinations.  After  the  Restoration 
Bishop  Fell  {q.v.)  began  the  rebuilding  of 
Cuddesdon,  which  remains  much  as  he  left  it. 
The  difficulties  in  which  the  University  and 
diocese  were  placed  by  the  arbitrary  acts  of 
James  n.  can  be  best  understood  by  the 
King's  deaUngs  with  Oxford  through  his 
various  tools,  of  whom  Bishop  Parker  {q.v.) 
was  one  of  the  basest.  In  the  eighteenth 
century  the  chief  interest  Hes  in  the  growth 
of  Methodism  [NoNCOSFORmTY :  Methodism] 
in  the  University  and  in  the  cordial  rela- 
tions which  subsisted  between  John  Wesley 
[q.v.)  and  Bishop  Potter;  so  in  the  early 
nineteenth  century  between  the  early  Trac- 
tarians  and  Bishops  Lloyd  and  Bagot. 
Under  Bishop  Bagot  the  see  attained  an 
accession  of  territory  and  dignity.  Ecton 
(1711)  gives  the  value  as  £381,  lis.  O^d. 
Berkshire  was  transferred  from  the  diocese  of 
Salisbury  by  Order  in  Council  of  10th  October 

1836,  and  with  it  the  chancellorship  of  the 
Order  of  the  Garter.  The  county  of  Bucking- 
ham was  transferred  from  the  diocese  of 
Lincoln  by  Order  in  Council  of  19th  July 

1837,  and  the  diocese  became  from  the 
smallest  one  of  the  largest  in  England.  It 
now  contains  648  parishes,  with  a  population 
in  1911  of  695,878.  Of  the  three  archdeacon- 
ries Oxford  and  Bucks  both  date  from  about 
1078,  and  Berks  from  the  tweKth  century. 

Bishops 

1.  Robert  King,  1542,  College  of  Bernar- 
dines,  Oxford ;  Abbot  of  Brewerne, 
Thame,  and  Oseney ;  suffragan  of 
Lincoln  under  the  title  Reonensis  in 
partibus  (perhaps  Oreos  in  the  island 
of  Eubcea  and  province  of  Athens) ; 
a  man  of  exceedingly  accommodating 
disposition  ;  accepted  the  post  of  Abbot 
of  Oseney,  while  stiU  holding  Thame, 
for  the  express  purpose  of  surrendering 
both  abbeys  ;  retained  his  see  unin- 
terruptedly till  the  end  of  Mary's  reign, 
and  sat  at  Cranmer's  trial ;  the  fine 
old   house,    known    as    Bishop    King's 


house,  in  St.  Aldate's,  Oxford,  is 
unanimously  attributed  to  him  by  the 
Oxford  handbooks,  but  there  is  no  real 
evidence  that  it  was  built  by  him ; 
d.  1557  ;  buried  in  the  cathedral. 
Thomas  Goldwell,  1558;  All  Souls, 
Oxford  ;  chaplain  to  Cardinal  Pole 
{q.v.);  a  violent  papalist ;  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph,  1555  ;  nominated  Bishop  of 
Oxford,  November  1558,  but  as  he  was 
not  yet  in  possession  of  the  see  at  Mary's 
death  it  is  doubtful  if  he  should  be 
placed  in  the  succession  ;  he  fled  to  the 
Continent,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life 
chiefly  in  Italy  ;  d.  1585.  See  vacant 
more  than  nine  years. 

2.  Hugh  Curwen,  or  Coren,  1567  ;  possessed 

a  conscience  which  never  acted  to  the 
detriment  of  its  owner's  interests ;  he 
was  educated  both  at  Cambridge  and 
Oxford  ;  was  Dean  of  Hereford  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  vi.,  and  Archbishop  of 
Dublin,  1555-67,  when  this  '  old  un- 
profitable workman,'  whose  morals 
were  as  suspect  as  his  language  was 
notorious,  was  nominated  to  Oxford  ; 
d.  1568.     See  vacant  twenty-one  years. 

3.  John    Underbill,    1589;    New    CoUege ; 

Rector  of  Lincoln  College,  1576 ;  was 
persuaded  to  take  the  see  '  in  a  way  to 
a  better,'  but  '  ere  the  first-fruits  were 
paid  he  died  in  much  discontent  and 
poverty,'  1592.  See  vacant  eleven 
years.  '  a  prey  to  the  Earl  of  Essex.' 

4.  John  Bridges,  1604  ;  Fellow  of  Pembroke 

CoUege,  Cambridge  ;  Dean  of  Salisbury, 
1577  ;  ranks  high  as  an  Anglican 
controversiaUst,  both  against  the 
Roman  party  as  represented  by  Sanders 
and  Campion  and  against  the  Puritans  ; 
his  vast  Defence  of  the  Government 
Established  in  the  Church  of  Englande 
for  Ecclesiasficall  Hatters  (1587)  was 
the  immediate  cause  of  the  first  Mar- 
prelate  Tracts,  the  first  of  which  assails 
Bridges  both  as  a  bore  and  as  a  defender 
of  '  the  proud  popish,  presumptuous, 
profane,  paultrie,  pestilent,  and  per- 
nicious prelates,  bishop  of  Hereforde 
and  all ' ;  d.  1618. 

5.  John    Howson,    1618 ;     Christ    Church ; 

earned  the  favour  of  James  i.  by  his 
'  sound  preaching  and  ready  penning  of 
theologicaU  treatises'  against  Roman 
and  Puritan  opponents  of  the  Church ; 
tr.  to  Durham,  1632. 

6.  Richard  Corbet,  1628;    Dean  of  Christ 

Church  ;  poet,  wit,  and  practical  joker  ; 
'  One  time  as  he  was  confirming,'  says 
Aubrey,   '  the  country  people  pressing 


2  E 


(433) 


Oxford] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Oxford 


in  to  see  the  ceremonie,  sayd  he,  '  21. 
"  Beare  off  then,  or  I  '11  confirme  j-ee 
with  my  staffe."  Another  time  being 
to  lay  his  hand  on  the  head  of  a  man 
very  bald,  he  turnes  to  his  chaplayne 
and  saj'd,  "  Some  dust,  Lnshington," 
to  keepe  his  hand  from  slipping  '  ;  tr. 
to  Norwich  1632. 

7.  John  Bancroft,  1632  ;    nephew  to  Arch- 

bishop    Bancroft     {q.v.) ;      Master    of 
University  CoUege ;    styled  by  Prynne   :    23. 
'  a    corrupt    unpreaching    popish    pre- 
late ' ;   builder  of  the  palace  at  Cud-       24. 
desdon  (1635),  and  was  buried  there; 
d.  1641. 

8.  Robert  Skinner,  1641  ;    Trinity  College  ; 

tr.  from  Bristol ;  one  of  the  bishops 
committed  by  Parliament  to  the  Tower, 
1642;  tr.  to  Worcester,  1663. 

9.  WiUiam   Paul,    1663  ;   AU  Souls  ;   Dean       26. 

of  Lichfield,  1661  ;   d.  1665. 

10.  Walter    Blandford,    1665;     Warden    of 

Wadham  ;   tr.  to  Worcester,  1671. 

11.  Nathaniel  Crewe,  1671  ;    Rector  of  Lin- 

coln College  ;   favoured  by  James  n.  as 
Duke  of  York,  by  whose  influence  he 
was  tr.  to  Durham,  1674  ;   a  sycophant 
and  time-server,  but  extremely  munifi-       27. 
cent. 

12.  Henry  Compton,  1674  ;   Canon  of  Christ       28. 

Chiirch  ;   tr.  to  London,  1675.  ; 

13.  John  Fell  {q.v.),  1676;    Dean  of  Christ 

Church;  d.  1686.  | 

14.  Samuel  Parker  {q.v.),  1686  ;    Archdeacon 

of  Canterbury  ;    d.  1688.  29. 

15.  Timothy  HaU,   1688  ;    an  obscure  B.A. 

of  Pembroke  CoUege ;    rewarded  with 
this  bishopric  by  James  n.  for  read- 
ing the  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  but 
was  never  in  actual  possession  of  the       30. 
see  ;  d.  1690.  i 

16.  John     Hough,     1690-9 ;      President     of       31 

Magdalen  College  after  a  prolonged 
struggle  with  James  n. ;  tr.  to  Coventry 
and  Lichfield,  1699.  32, 

17.  WiUiam  Talbot,  Oriel  CoUege ;    Dean  of 

Worcester,  1691  ;    Latitudinarian  ;    tr.       33, 
to  Salisbury,  1715. 

18.  John  Potter,  1715  ;   University  CoUege ; 

Canon  of  Christ  Church  and  Regius 
Professor  of  Divinity ;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury, 1737.  34, 

19.  Thomas  Seeker,  1737  ;    Exeter  CoUege ; 

tr.  from  Bristol ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1758. 

20.  John  Hume,  1758 ;  tr.  from  Bristol ;   tr. 

to  Salisbury,  1766. 


Robert  Lowth,  1766;  New  CoUege; 
tr.  from  St.  David's  ;  tr.  to  London, 
1777. 

John  Butler,  1777  ;  educated  in  Ger- 
many; Sir  R.  Hill  {Piet.Oxon.,  1768  ed., 
ii.  p.  34)  says  tliat  he  was  famiharly 
known  as  '  Dr.  Pig  and  Castle,'  from  an 
inn  at  Bridgnorth,  whose  wealthy  hos- 
tess he  married,  1768 ;  a  Tory  pamph- 
leteer ;    tr.  to  Hereford,  1788. 

Edward  SmallweU,  1788;  tr.  from  St. 
David's  ;   d.  1799. 

John  Randolph,  1799  ;  Canon  of  Christ 
Church  and  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity; 
tr.  to  Bangor,  1807. 

Charles  Moss,  1807;  Christ  Church ;  owed 
his  fortune,  ecclesiastical  and  financial, 
to  his  father,  Charles  Moss,  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  WeUs;  d.  1811. 

WiUiam  Jackson,  1811  ;  Canon  of  Christ 
Church  and  Regius  Professor  of  Greek ; 
appointed  to  the  see  by  the  Prince 
Regent  only  because  his  elder  brother. 
Dean  Cyril  Jackson,  had  already  re- 
fused it ;  is  described  as  '  very  self-in- 
dulgent,' as  indeed  his  portrait  displays 
him;  d.  1815. 

Edward  Legge,  1815 ;  Dean  of  Windsor ; 
d.  1827. 

Charles  Lloyd,  1827  ;  Canon  of  Christ 
Church  and  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity, 
in  which  office  he  exercised  considerable 
influence  on  the  future  leaders  of  the 
Oxford  Movement;  d.  1829. 

Richard  Bagot,  1829;  Christ  Church, 
Oxford ;  FeUow  of  AU  Souls ;  Dean 
of  Canterbury  ;  sympathised  generaUy 
with  the  Tractarians  ;  tr.  to  Bath  and 
WeUs,  1846. 

Samuel  WUberforce  {q.v.),  1846  ;  Dean  of 
Westminster  ;    tr.  to  Winchester,  1869. 

John  Fielder  Mackamess,  1869  ;  Merton 
CoUege;  Prebendary  of  Exeter ;  eminent 
Liberal  High  Churchman  ;  d.  1889. 

WnUam  Stubbs  {q.v.),  1889;  tr.  from 
Chester;    d.  1901. 

Francis  Paget,  1901  ;  Canon,  1884,  and 
Dean,  1892,  of  Christ  Church ;  through 
his  learning,  piety,  and  power  he  wiU  be 
ranked  as  one  of  the  greatest  bishops  of 
the  see;  d.  1911. 
Charles  Gore,  1911  ;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
CoUege;  tr.  from  Birmingham. 

[G.    B.] 

Marshall,  Bio.  Hist.  ;  V.C.H.,  Oxford,  Berks, 
Biicks. 


(434) 


Pace] 


Dictioiuiry  of  English  Church  History 


[Paley 


pACE,  Eichard  (1482  ?-153C),  scholar, 
■*■  diplomatist,  and  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  was 
born  in  or  near  Winchester  and  educated  in 
the  Bisliop's  School  there,  at  Queen's  CoUege, 
Oxford,  and  at  Padua,  where  he  became 
acquainted  with  Erasmus.  He  was  a  dis- 
tinguished scholar,  who  amused  himself  by 
translating  Plutarch  into  Latin,  and  did 
much  for  the  study  of  Greek  at  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,  but  the  best  part  of  his  active 
life  was  spent  as  a  diplomatist. 

He  accompanied  Archbishop  Bainbridge  of 
York  to  Rome.  Bainbridge  was  murdered, 
and  SUvestro  dei  Gigli,  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
was  suspected.  Pace  did  his  best  to  bring  the 
crime  to  light,  and  Pope  Leo  x.,  attracted 
by  his  faithfulness  to  his  employer,  recom- 
mended him  to  Henry  \Tir.  {q.v.),  to  whom  he 
became  secretary  on  his  return  to  England  in 
1515.  In  the  same  year  he  went  as  ambassa- 
dor to  Switzerland  to  counteract  the  growing 
French  power.  In  1518  he  went  to  Germany 
to  endeavour  to  procure  the  election  of 
Henry  as  Emperor,  and  though  unsuccessful 
was  made  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  on  his  return. 
In  1520  he  attended  Henry  at  the  Field  of 
the  Cloth  of  Gold,  and  preached  a  sermon  on 
the  blessings  of  peace.  In  1521  he  translated 
into  Latin  Fisher's  sermon  on  the  papal  bull 
against  Luther,  and  went  to  Italy  to  procure 
Wolsey's  election  as  Pope,  and  again  on  the 
same  errand  in  1523  on  the  death  of  Adrian  vi. 
Returning  home  on  the  election  of  Clement 
vn.,  he  was  soon  sent  on  a  mission  to  Venice. 
While  there  he  failed  in  mind  and  body, 
became  incapable  of  discharging  his  public 
duties,  and  was  under  some  form  of  restraint 
until  his  death.  His  benefices  and  prefer- 
ments were  many,  but  he  can  have  spent 
little  time  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
attached  to  any  of  them.  He  seems  to 
have  held  simultaneously  with  the  deanery 
of  St.  Paul's  the  deaneries  of  SaUsbury 
and  Exeter,  the  archdeaconry  of  Dorset, 
four  prebends,  two  vicarages,  and  two  rec- 
tories, besides  being  Reader  in  Greek  at  Cam- 
bridge. 

He  was  in  many  respects  a  typical  divine 
<if  the  Renaissance,  an  accompUshed  scholar, 
and  cultivated  man  of  the  world,  amiable 
and  of  moral  hfe,  who  used  the  Church  as  a 
means  of  worldly  advancement  and  its  offices 
as  sources  of  revenue  and  dignity. 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 
Strype,  Alemorials  ;  D.  N.  B. 


PALEY,  William  (1743-1805),  Archdeacon 
of  Carlisle,  son  of  the  Rev.  W.  Paley,  who  was 
for  fifty-five  years  headmaster  of  Giggleswick 
school,  was  born  at  Peterborough,  entered 
Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  in  1759,  gradu- 
ated as  Senior  Wrangler  in  1763,  was  elected 
Fellow  in  1766,  and  worked  industriously  as 
Tutor  till  1776,  when  he  was  collated  by  the 
Bishop  of  Carlisle  to  the  rectory  of  Musgrove. 
He  held  various  benefiocs  in  that  diocese 
until  1794,  when  he  became  Prebendary 
of  St.  Raid's  and  Sub-Dean  of  Lincoln, 
and  in  1795  was  collated  to  the  valuable 
rectory  of  Monk-Wearmouth  in  the  diocese 
of  Durham.  After  he  left  Cambridge  his 
life  was  chiefly  spent  in  the  composition  of 
works,  avowedly  constructed  out  of  materials 
accumulated  in  the  course  of  his  tutorial 
work,  and  evincing  little  originality  or 
profundity,  but  characterised  by  good  sense 
and  usually  by  clear  thinking.  His  chief 
productions  are  : — 

1.  The  Principles  of  Moral  mid  Political 
Philosophy,  1785 ;  a  work  of  much  pretension 
and  mediocre  performance  which  won  a 
reputation  far  exceeding  its  deserts,  chiefly 
because  of  its  combination  of  severe  utili- 
tarianisin  —  his  canon  being  '  Whatever 
is  expedient  is  right '  —  and  the  strictest 
theological  orthodoxy.  He  effected  this 
combination  by  referring  ultimate  human 
happiness  to  a  state  of  future  reward  and 
punishment,  awarded  on  the  measure  of 
obedience  to  arbitrary  commands  of  the 
Creator.  The  treatise  contains  three  good 
things  :  a  contention  that  the  will  of  God, 
and  consequent  moral  obHgations,  can  be 
ascertained  no  less  by  an  inquiry  into  the 
natural  consequences  of  human  action  than 
from  the  revealed  declarations  of  Holy 
Scripture ;  a  polemic  against  the  notion  of 
a  special  '  moral  sense '  by  which  good  and 
evil  actions  may  be  directly  discerned  ;  and 
a  destructive  criticism  of  the  pohtical  theory 
of  social  contract. 

2.  Horae  Paulinne,  1790 ;  his  ablest  and 
most  useful  as  well  as  most  original  work, 
though  he  himself  held  it  cheap.  It  consists 
of  an  ingenious  and  convincing  argument, 
showing  by  an  examination  of  '  undesigned 
coincidences '  that  neither  could  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  have  been  founded  on  the 
extant  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  nor  the  Epistles 
forged  out  of  the  information  afforded  by  the 
Acts ;    thus  the  documents  mutually  corro- 


(435) 


Paley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pall 


borate  each  other.     It  is  a  piece  of  genuine    i 
though   narrow   criticism,    utihsing    all    the   | 
materials  available  at  the  time.     It  has  been    ' 
■well  said  that  the  most  suspicious  counsel 
at  the  Old  Bailey  could  not  put  two  witnesses 
tlurough    a    stricter    cross-examination    than 
that  to  which  Paley  subjected  the  two  writers. 
This    work    was    speedily    translated    into 
French  and  German. 

3.  A  View  of  the  Evideivces  of  Christianity, 
1794 ;  a  work  long  overrated  but  now 
almost  forgotten.  It  is  based  on  a  crude 
conception  of  miracles  as  attesting  the  truth 
of  a  di\-ine  revelation,  the  miracles  themselves 
being  attested  by  trastworthy  witnesses. 
The  best  thing  in  the  book  is  the  vindication 
of  the  subjective  honesty  of  the  witnesses, 
based  on  the  fact  that  the  profession  of 
Christianity  brought  them  nothing  but 
persecution  and  contempt.  The  attempted 
proof  of  the  objective  truth  of  the  revelation 
thus  attested  is  spoilt  by  the  impUcation  of 
the  wTiter  in  a  vicious  circle — a  curious  fault 
in  so  clear-headed  a  man.  Revelation  is 
attested  by  miracles;  a  mh-acle  is  defined 
as  a  work  of  power  which  God  alone  can 
do ;  but  the  fact  that  the  extraordin- 
ary events  relied  on  are  miraculous  in  tliis 
sense  is  attested  only  by  the  revelation 
itself. 

4.  Natural  Theology,  1802  ;  by  far  his  best 
work,  regarded  from  a  literary  point  of  view, 
and  containing  some  things  of  permanent 
value.  It  successfully  estabhshes  the  reason- 
ableness and  probabihty  of  a  theistic  inter- 
pretation of  the  universe,  and  fails  chiefly 
because  of  his  persistent  attempt  to  make 
the  proof  demonstrative. 

In  the  Athenceum  of  1848  it  was  shown 
that  Paley  borrowed  almost  the  whole 
argument  of  this  last  work,  without  acknow- 
ledgment, from  the  Cartesian  Nieuwentyt's 
treatise  on  the  works  of  the  Creator,  an 
English  translation  of  which.  The  Religious 
Philosopher,  appeared  in  1718.  The  plagiar- 
ism has  been  defended  on  the  ground  of 
Paley's  habitual  use  of  his  old  note-books, 
in  which  he  had  amassed  materials  without 
indication  of  their  source,  but  the  borrowing 
here  is  too  systematic  to  be  covered  by  that 
explanation.  It  is  more  fuUy  accounted  for 
by  his  own  defence  of  the  lack  of  citations  in 
the  Moral  Philosophy,  where  he  contended 
in  effect  that  what  is  pubhshed  is  public 
property,  and  that  authors  need  not  be 
cited  except  when  they  are  put  forward  as 
authorities.  He  claimed  to  be  '  something 
more  than  a  mere  compiler,'  and  it  must 
be  allowed  that  he  improved  at  least  the 
presentment  of  Nieuwentyt's  argument.     He 


died  at  Lincoln,  where  he  was  keeping  his 
annual  residence  as  sub-dean,  May  1805, 
and  was  buried  at  CarUsle,  where  he  was 
archdeacon.  [t.  a.  l.] 

PALL  {pallium,  o)no(f)6piov).     In  the  earUest 
representations,  in  the  mosaics  of  the  sixth 
century,  the  pallium  is  a  scarf,  woven  of 
white  wool,  four  or  five  inches  broad  and  some 
twelve  feet  long,  adorned  with  a  fringe  and 
a  small  black  or  red  cross  at  each  end,  worn 
over  the  chasuble,  looped  round  the  shoulders 
so  as  to  faU  in  a  V  shape  back  and  front,  the 
ends  crossing,   and   presumably  pinned,  on 
the  left  shoulder  and  hanging  down  back  and 
front.     In  the  eighth  century  the  pendants 
were  drawn  in  and  pinned  to  the  points  of 
the  loops,  so  that  the  palhum  presented  a 
Y  shape  before  and  behind  ;  in  the  course  of 
the  ninth  century  it  was  sewn  into  this  form, 
so  that  the  pins,  though  retained,  became 
useless.     By    the    eleventh    century   it   had 
begun  to  be  cut  out  in  the  shape  of  a  circular 
coUar,  -with  pendants  back  and  front  (as  in 
the  arms  of  the  see  of  Canterbury)  ;   but  the 
stuff  continued  to  be  doubled  on  the  left 
shoulder,  a  survival  of  the  original  crossing  of 
the  pendants.     It  was  not  till  in  and  after  the 
ninth  century  that  the  crosses  were  multipUed, 
and  in  particular  they  came  to  be  attached  to 
the  shoulders  and  to  the  points  at  which  the 
pendants  were  pinned  to  the   collar ;     but 
there  was  no  rule  as  to  the  number  of  them. 
The  pall  has  tended  to   diminish  in   size ; 
I    to-day  it  is  only  about  two  inches  wide,  and 
the  pendants  about  twelve  inches  long,  and 
the  coUar  lies  rather  closely  round  the  neck. 
Its  origin  is  obscure.      The  Grseco-Roman 
i    palhum  was  a  large   quadrangular  wooUen 
wrapper — a  garment  which  was  a  favourite 
I    one  with  Christians  (see  e.g.  TertuUian,  de 
:    Pallio),  and  was  for  long  in  pictorial  repre- 
sentations the  conventional  dress  of  apostles 
and  of    early  martyrs  and   saints    (see  e.g. 
the  sixth-century  mosaics  in  S.   Apolhnare 
Nuovo   at   Ravenna).     A  probable  view   is 
that  in  origin  the  ecclesiastical  paUium  was 
this  garment  '  contabulated,'  i.e.  folded  into 
a  strip.      The  eighth-century  forger  of  the 
Donation  of  Constantino  regarded  the  Roman 
palhum  as  the  lores  worn  by  the  Emperor  and 
the  consuls,  and  as  conferred  by  the  Emperor 
on  the  Pope  ;  and  the  Imperial  origin  of  the 
paUium  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  in  the 
sixth  century  the  Popes  asked  permission  of 
the  Emperor  at  Constantinople  before  con- 
ferring the  pallium  on  bishops  outside  the  Im- 
perialf  rontiers ;  while  the  Archbishop  Maurus 
of    Ravenna    asked    for    and    obtained    the 
paUium  direct  from  the  Emperor.     Now  the 


(436) 


Pall] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


LPandulf 


Imperial  lows  is  a  '  contabulate '  iorja  picta; 
and  it  may  well  be  that  the  pallium  was 
originally  conferred  by  the  Emperor  on 
prelates  as  parallel  to  the  consular  lows,  but 
as,  in  its  austerity,  more  congruous  to  the 
ecclesiastical  character  than  its  gorgeous 
secular  counterpart. 

The  pallium  was  worn  by  all  bishops  in 
Merovingian  Gaul,  probably  in  Spain  and 
Africa,  and  certainly,  as  now,  in  the  East, 
where  there  is  evidence  for  its  use  in  about 
400  (S.  Isid.  Telus.,  Ej}p.  l  136).  In  penin- 
sular Italy  it  was  otherwise  ;  there  only  the 
Pope  and  the  Bishop  of  Ostia,  the  ordinary 
consecrator  of  the  Pope,  used  the  pallium 
of  right  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  century.  But 
the  Roman  pallium  gradually  obtained  a 
special  significance.  The  Popes  began  to 
confer  it  on  bishops,  whether  within  or  with- 
out their  own  immediate  sphere,  as  a  mark  of 
personal  distinction ;  first  to  be  used  only  at 
Mass,  and  later  on  certain  specified  occasions; 
especially  on  their  vicars,  like  the  Bishops  of 
Thessalonica,  Justiniana  Prima,  and  Aries — 
and  the  grant  made  to  St.  Csesarius  of  Aries 
in  516  by  Symmachus  is  the  first  certain  in- 
stance recorded  of  the  papal  grant  of  the  pal- 
lium— or  on  specially  eminent  prelates,  and 
in  course  of  time  on  all  metropolitans;  e.g. 
paUiums  were  sent  to  several  metropolitans 
in  Gaul  in  the  time  of  St.  Boniface  {q.v.), 
and  metropolitans  were  required  to  receive 
them  throughout  the  Frankish  dominions 
under  Charles  the  Great ;  while  in  866 
Nicolas  I.  lays  it  down  that  no  metropolitan 
may  be  enthroned  or  celebrate  before 
receiving  the  pallium.  Consequently  it  comes 
to  be  interpreted  as  signifying  the  plenitudo 
pontificalis  officii;  while  the  fact  that  the 
paUiums  were  before  distribution  laid  for  a 
night  on  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter  signified  that 
the  receiver  had  a  special  share  in  the  preroga- 
tive of  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles. 

In  England  the  pallium  was  conferred  by 
St.  Gregory  the  Great  {q.v.)  on  St.  Augustine 
{q.v.).  Laurentius  and  Mellitus  {q.v.)  did  not 
receive  it ;  but  from  Justus  down  to  Reginald 
Pole  {q.v.)  it  was  regularly  conferred  on  the 
metropoUtans  of  Canterbury,  except  in  the 
case  of  Aelfsige,  who  died  on  his  way  to  fetch 
his  pallium  from  Rome,  and  of  Stigand,  one 
of  whose  offences  was  that  he  appropriated  the 
paUium  of  his  extruded  predecessor,  Robert 
of  Jumi^ges,  which  he  used  for  six  years  be- 
fore receiving  one  of  his  own  from  the  irre- 
gular Pope,  Benedict  ix.  Honorius  i.  in  734 
sent  a  pallium  for  St.  Paulinus  {q.v.)  of  York, 
but  he  had  fled  south  before  it  reached  him ; 
and  the  first  metropolitan  of  York  was  Egbert, 
•who  received  the  pallium  from  Gregory  iii. 


in  734,  and  it  was  granted  to  his  successors 
down  to  Edward  Lee  (1531-45).  The  Annates 
Act,  1534  (25  Hen.  viir.  c.  20),  provided  that 
on  the  election  of  an  arclibishop  the  Crown 
should  signify  the  election  to  one  archbishop 
and  two  bishops  or  to  four  bishops,  requir- 
ing them  to  invest  and  consecrate  the  elect, 
'  and  to  give  and  use  to  him  such  pall,  bene- 
dictions, ceremonies,  and  all  other  things  re- 
quisite for  the  same,  without  suing,  procuring, 
or  obtaining  any  bulls,  briefs,  or  other  things 
at  the  said  see  of  Rome,  or  by  the  authority 
thereof  in  any  behalf.'  Accordingly,  on  the 
elevation  of  Holgate  {q.v.)  to  York  in  1545, 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  blessed  a  pallium  and  con- 
ferred it  on  him  (Cranmer's  Rr.r/ister,  309b 
sq.).  Henceforward,  except  in  the  case  of 
Pole,  the  pallium  was  disused.      [f.  e.  b.] 

De  Marca,  de  Concordia,  vi.  6  sq.  ;  Thomas- 
sinus,  Vet.  et  nova  Diacipl.,  i.  ii.  53  sqq.  ; 
Duchesne,  Origines  du  Culte  Chretien;  W.  E. 
Collins,  Beginnings  of  Eng.  Christianity : 
J.  W.  Legg,  The  Blessing  of  the  [Episcopal 
Ornament'' called  the  Pall  {Yorkshire  Archa-.ol. 
Journal,  xv.);  Braun,  Die  Litwrgische  Oewan- 
ditng  (abbreviated  in   Catholic  EncyclopcBdiu, 


PANDULF  (d.  1226),  papal  legate  and 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  first  visited  England  in 
1211  as  the  nuncio  of  Innocent  iii.  {q.v.)  to 
negotiate  for  John's  submission.  He  was  of 
Roman  origin,  and  at  that  time  a  sub-deacon 
employed  in  the  papal  household.  Nothing 
came  of  his  first  mission  ;  but,  according 
to  a  late  authority  {Burton  Annals),  he 
threatened  to  absolve  the  English  from  their 
allegiance,  and  to  enforce  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  John,  which  had 
been  already  issued  but  was  then  suspended. 
Pandulf  came  again  in  1213,  when  John  had 
offered  submission,  to  present  the  conditions 
imposed  by  the  Pope.  He  met  the  King  at 
Dover,  and  received  John's  written  promise 
to  abide  by  the  judgment  of  a  legate  in  the 
matters  for  which  he  had  been  excommuni- 
cated (13th  May).  On  15th  May  John  sur- 
rendered the  realms  of  England  and  Ireland 
to  Pandulf  as  the  Pope's  representative, 
promising  that  he  and  his  heirs  would  hold 
them  from  the  Roman  Church,  would  render 
liege  homage  to  the  Pope,  and  would  pay  a 
tribute  of  a  thousand  marks.  Wendover 
says  that  this  surrender  was  exacted  by  the 
Pope.  The  Barnwell  annalist  describes  it, 
Avith  more  probabiUty.  as  the  spontaneous 
act  of  John,  who  certainly  could  not  have 
found  a  better  method  of  eluding  the  English 
opposition.  The  further  work  of  settlement 
was  entrusted  to  a  legate,  Nicholas  of 
Tusculum.     But  Pandulf  was  much  employed 


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[Papacy 


in  England  during  the  stay  of  Nicholas,  and 
after  his  departure,  on  the  business  of  the 
Pope  and  the  King.  In  Magna  Carta  {q.v.) 
Pandulf  appears  as  one  of  John's  counsellors 
and  as  surety  for  his  good  faith.  But  when 
Innocent  quashed  the  Charter  Pandulf 
excommunicated  the  leading  barons  and 
suspended  Stephen  Langton  {q.v.).  His 
action  was  upheld  at  Rome,  but  in  1216  he 
was  superseded  by  the  legate  Gualo,  and 
returned  to  Pvome.  In  1218  he  returned 
to  England  as  Gualo's  successor,  and  for 
three  years  played  a  leading  part  in  secular 
and  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Both  he  and 
Honorius  ui.,  by  whom  his  actions  were 
minutely  controlled,  showed  a  sincere  anxiety 
to  benefit  the  cause  of  the  young  Henry. 
But  Pandulf's  autocratic  behaviour  was 
resented  both  by  Langton  and  by  Hubert 
de  Burgh.  Though  bishop-elect  of  Norwich, 
the  legate  was  exempted  from  Langton' s 
jurisdiction,  and  made  ecclesiastical  appoint- 
ments without  reference  to  the  archbishop. 
To  the  royal  ministers  and  council  he  issued 
peremptory  orders  on  the  smallest  of  adminis- 
trative questions;  he  supervised  diplomatic 
negotiations,  interfered  in  judicial  business, 
and  disposed  of  royal  patronage.  His  recall 
was  at  last  demanded  and  obtained  by 
Langton,  He  resigned  his  legateship  in 
July  1221,  and  left  England  ;  but  he  kept  the 
see  of  Norwich,  to  which  he  was  consecrated 
at  Rome  in  1222.  He  died  in  1226,  and  was 
buried  in  Norwich  Cathedral. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Norgate,  John  Lackland ;  Shirley,  Royal 
Letters,  vol.  i.,  Introduction  ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis, 
Eng.  under  the  Norinans  and  Angevins. 

PAPACY,  THE,  AND  ITS  RELATIONS 
WITH  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH.    The 

history  of  the  Papacy,  both  in  itself  and  in 
its  relations  with  England,  falls  into  strongly 
marked  periods. 

1.  The  primitive  period  left  Rome  with 
a  precedence  of  honour,  with  a  jurisdiction, 
limited  but  definite,  as  a  court  of  appeal, 
and  with  a  traditional  claim  to  great  respect. 
The  claim  to  succeed  to  the  power  of  St.  Peter, 
taken  to  imply  government  over  the  other 
Apostles,  intensified  this  authority,  and  the 
Popes  spoke  as  representing  St.  Peter.  Amid 
the  political  disorder  of  the  earlier  Middle 
Ages  the  Papacy  was  able  to  be  a  real  centre 
of  unity ;  and  its  interest  in  missions  (St. 
Gregory  the  Great  {q.v.),  St.  Boniface  {q.v.)), 
joined  to  a  sense  of  responsibihty  for  the  new 
races  of  Europe,  raised  its  power.  With 
Gregory  the  Great  a  new  period  begins ;  but 
a  word    should   be   said   as   to    the   British 


Church,  partly  belonging  to  the  first  period. 
There  is  Uttle  ground  for  asserting  any 
special  British  independence  of  the  Papacy. 
The  British  Church  inherited  the  traditions 
of  the  period  when  the  papal  power  was 
beginning  to  grow.  Hence  the  differences 
between  the  missionaries  from  Rome  and 
the  Celtic  Christians,  which,  however,  gradu- 
ally disappeared  as  Britons  and  EngUsh  grew 
into  unity. 

2.  The  mission  of  St.  Augustine  {q.v.)  came 
definitely  from  Rome,  and  hence  England, 
unhke  the  Continent,  was  unaffected  by  the 
politics  and  traditions  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
Gregory  the  Great  was  definitely  our  '  Apostle,' 
and  a  peculiarly  close  connection  with  Rome 
thus  began.  Rome  stood  for  a  larger 
civihsation  and  a  wider  Christian  unity. 
The  best  of  the  EngUsh  kings  and  ecclesi- 
astics felt  this,  and  it  is  seen  in  (a)  the 
definite  adoption  (Synod  of  Whitby,  664) 
of  Roman  customs  ;  {b)  the  frequent  pilgrim- 
ages to  Rome ;  (c)  the  early  institution — 
when  exactly  is  doubtful — of  Peter's  Pence 
{q.v.)  (afterwards  apphed  to  the  support  of 
the  English  school  at  Rome) ;  {d)  the 
sending  to  Rome  for  consecration  of  Wig- 
hard,  chosen  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
On  his  death  there  Vitalian,  the  Pope,  chose, 
although  possibly  not  asked  to  do  so,  with 
great  care  and  excellent  results  Theodore 
as  archbishop.  With  him  the  Roman  gift  for 
organisation  came  to  England  :  Wilfrid  {q.v.) 
and  Benedict  Biscop  {q.v.)  are  types  of  men 
who  understood  this  side  of  the  Roman 
connection.  But  Wilfrid's  appeals  to  Rome 
against  Canterbury  showed  another  side, 
and  the  disregard  of  the  Roman  decision  by 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  may 
be  noted,  although  it  is  not  to  be  exaggerated 
into  a  repudiation  of  Roman  authority,  nor 
are  the  appeals  to  be  regarded  as  precedents. 
[For  the  case  of  Dunstan  refusing  to  obey 
the  Pope  in  recalling  an  excommunication 
see  Makower,  Const.  Hist,  of  Ch.  of  Eng., 
sec.  23.] 

3.  With  the  Norman  Conquest  a  third 
period  begins.  The  Normans  both  in  Nor- 
mandy and  in  Sicily  were  allies  of  the 
Papacy,  and  appreciated  the  order  and 
unity  for  which  the  Papacy  stood.  They 
agreed  with  the  ideas  of  reform,  which  began 
to  be  powerful  with  the  Pope  Leo  ix.  and 
under  the  Emperor  Henry  m.  in  Germany. 
Simony  was  prevalent,  with  a  low  idea  of 
the  Church's  responsibility.  Against  this 
appeared  the  conception  of  a  Church  purified, 
compact,  and  organised  under  the  Papacy : 
this  resulted  in  the  struggle  over  Investitures 
{q.v.).     The  English  Church  was   backward. 


(438) 


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[Papacy 


isolated,  and  needed  reform.  Stigand's  posi- 
tion was  significant.  Tlic  Norman  Conquest, 
blessed  by  Alexander  u.,  who  declared 
William  I.  the  rightful  king,  made  a  change. 
Lanfranc  {q.v.),  too,  was  a  reformer,  and  thus 
after  his  accession  (1070)  the  English  Church 
was  governed  in  strict  alliance  with  tlic 
Papacy  and  its  ideas  of  reform.  At  the 
Council  of  1070  (when  Stigand  was  deposed) 
three  legates  were  present,  and  from  this  time 
legates  (now  beginning  to  be  widely  used) 
often  visited  England.  They  worked  with 
the  revival  of  synods  and  councils,  which 
had  for  some  time  been  almost  disused  in 
England.  The  policy  of  WiUiam  i.  towards 
the  Papacy  must  be  noted  :  while  keeping 
to  the  limits  of  custom,  of  the  English  State 
and  of  the  Western  Church,  he  refused  to 
regard  himself  as  a  vassal  of  the  Pope. 
Lanfranc,  too,  was  rebuked  by  Gregory  vii. 
for  not  visiting  Rome  at  a  time  when  frequent 
visits  thither  by  bishops  and  attendance 
at  the  yearly  councils  there  were  the  rule. 
But  as  William  and  Lanfranc  kept  the 
Church  free  from  abuses,  Gregory,  glad  to 
gain  this,  did  not  urge  his  demands.  (See 
Bolimer,  Kirche  und  Staat  in  England  und 
in  der  Normandie  im  XI.  und  XII.  Jahr- 
hunderi.)  Anselm's  appeal  to  Rome  (1095), 
although  the  best  known,  was  not  the  first 
case :  William  of  St.  Calais  had  previously 
appealed  (1088).  The  cases  illustrate  both 
the  growing  tendency  to  appeals,  and  the 
royal  claim  to  restrict  them:  this  claim, 
however,  was  not  always  pressed,  since  it 
was  easy  to  arrange  matters  with  the  curia. 
The  canon  law,  revived  first  in  Germany 
and  then  in  Italy,  was  now  developing,  and 
the  best  ecclesiastical  ideas  of  the  day  were 
based  upon  it.  William  i.  had  separated  the 
civil  and  the  Church  courts  in  England,  and 
the  new  system  began  just  when  the  canon 
law  was  having  great  effect.  Under  Arch- 
bishop Theobald  the  new  system  was  more 
fully  organised,  and  the  canon  law,  besides 
its  general  Roman  connections,  made 
appeals  to  Rome  and  the  ultimate 
jurisdiction  of  the  Papacy  an  essential  part 
of  Church  order.  But  the  working  of  this 
system  was  interfered  with  sometimes  by 
royal  power,  sometimes  by  political  causes. 
A  controversy  has  been  raised  as  to  the 
exact  force  of  the  Roman  Canon  Law  in 
England  before  the  Reformation.  Stubbs 
accurately  and  cautiously  defined  the  Roman 
Canon  Law  as  having  great  authority,  but 
he  also  knew  that  it  was  inoperative  some- 
times against  the  royal  power,  sometimes 
against  local  ecclesiastical  custom.  It  is 
incorrect  to  sav   (as  in   a  statement  which 


Maitland  attacked)  that  Roman  Canon  Law 
needed  for  validity  in  England  reception 
by  the  English  Church ;  it  is  equally  in- 
correct to  regard  it  as  absolutely  binding 
and  accepted  in  spite  of  all  conditions.  To 
Lyndwood  {q.v.)— the  great  fifteenth-century 
lawyer  and  Official  of  Canterbury— the 
Church  of  England  was  quae.dam  uriiver- 
sitas  {i.e.  a  corporation  with  an  independent 
life).  The  mediaeval  mind  did  not  distin- 
guish as  we  do  between  two  societies,  the 
Church  and  the  State,  although  it  did  distin- 
guish between  two  classes  of  officials,  those  of 
the  King  and  those  of  the  Church ;  it  mattered 
little  that  the  restrictions  which  hindered 
the  perfect  working  of  the  Roman  Canon  Law 
came  sometimes  from  the  royal  law,  some- 
times from  local  ecclesiastical  use.  The 
contention  made  by  Standish  {q.v.)  before 
Convocation  (1514),  that  a  constitution 
ordained  by  Pope  and  clergy  was  not  binding 
in  a  territory  where  the  use  is  always  other- 
wise, could  be  justified  by  mediaeval  practice, 
although  possibly  not  by  the  rigid  theory 
of  the  canon  law.  But  it  should  be  re- 
membered that  the  papal  power  was  con- 
stantly growing  both  in  theory  and  in 
practice.  The  tendency  which  in  civil 
politics  produced  centralised  governments 
was  seen  in  the  Church  also,  and  hence  the 
papal  jurisdiction  and  right  of  control 
steadily  grew,  with  some  advantages  and 
with  some  disadvantages.  It  was  at  times 
convenient  for  the  Crown  to  make  use  of  the 
papal  power ;  it  was  at  times  convenient 
for  ecclesiastics  to  have  in  the  Pope  a  defence 
against  the  Cro\\Ti.  And  the  papal  control 
over  bishops  steadily  grew  :  (a)  the  changing 
interpretation  of  the  pall  {q.v.),  at  first  a 
mark  of  honour,  then  regarded  as  a  mark  of 
jurisdiction  conferred,  and  (b)  the  oath  taken 
by  metropohtans  to  the  Pope,  are  illustrations 
of  this  growth. 

Wilham  I.  had  made  a  rule  not  to  admit 
any  legate  into  England  unless  appointed 
at  the  request  of  Iving  and  Church.  Anselm 
protested  against  the  visit  of  a  legate,  as 
interfering  with  his  own  prescriptive  rights. 
(For  the  consecutive  history  see  Makower, 
sec.  24.)  When  a  legate  held  a  council  at 
London  (1125)  the  archbishop,  William  of 
CorbeU,  obtained  a  commission  for  himself 
as  legate  to  avoid  this  interference,  and  after 
a  period  in  which  this  union  of  offices  was 
intermittent  it  became  permanent  when  Lang- 
ton  obtained  the  legateship  (1221).  Thus  the 
archbishops  of  Canterbury  were  legati  naii, 
and  it  was  only  occasionally  and  for  special 
purposes  that  legates  a  latere  visited  England. 
The  legateship  of  Henry  of  Blois  {q.v.)  under 


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[Papacy 


Stephen;  the  interference  with  the  arch- 
bishop's power  by  the  presence  of  Gualo  and 
Pandulf  {q.v.)  under  Henry  iii.,  as  well  as  the 
visits  of  Otho  and  Ottobon ;  and  the  struggle 
caused  by  the  legatine  commission  of  Henry 
Beaufort.  Bishop  of  Winchester,  should  be 
noted.  Finally,  the  commission  given  to 
Wolsey  {q.v.)  was  specially  wide,  and  after 
his  fall  it  was  difficult  to  distinguish  between 
the  powers  inherent  in  the  archbishop  and 
those  held  by  him  as  legate  representing  the 
visitatorial  power  of  the  Pope.  The  mixture 
of  them  had  led  to  greater  dependence  upon 
Rome  and  acquiescence  in  papal  claims.  The 
Archbishops  of  York  had  received  a  legatine 
commission  from  1352  onwards,  and  were 
sometimes  used  to  depress  the  power  of 
Canterburj^ 

4.  The  struggle  between  John  and  the 
Papacy — which  in  the  thirteenth  century  was 
held  by  a  succession  of  its  ablest  rulers — ^led 
to  a  change  in  relation.  John  resigned  England 
and  Ireland  to  the  Pope,  to  receive  them  back 
as  a  Papal  fief  on  a  yearly  tribute  of  a  thou- 
sand marks.  Sicily  was  now  governed  by 
Innocent  iii.,  as  guardian  of  Frederic  ii.,  and 
after  John's  death  Papal  legates  really  bore 
a  chief  part  in  the  government  of  England. 
The  connection  with  Rome  thus  took  on  a 
new  form.  (Luard,  Relations  between  England 
and  Rome ;  and  Gasquet,  Henry  III.  and  the 
Church.)  From  the  reign  of  the  Confessor 
up  to  the  reign  of  John,  the  Popes  had  inter- 
fered at  times  in  the  appointment  of  Bishops 
{q.v.),  and  disputed  appointments  had  been 
referred  to  Rome.  When  capitular  elections 
became  the  rule  disputes  were  commoner, 
and  were  so  referred.  In  these  appointments 
the  interests  of  the  Crown,  which  we  must 
now  begin  to  distinguish  from  those  of  the 
Church,  came  into  conflict  with  those  of  the 
Pope ;  but  the  papal  confirmation  of  appoint- 
ments (sometimes  a  mere  form,  but  also 
capable  of  being  more)  was  fixed  by  custom. 
Paschal  ii.  (1099-1118)  claimed  this  right 
(which  resulted  from  the  claim  to  control 
all  bishops)  in  respect  of  all  sees,  although 
it  had  hitherto  usually  belonged  to  the 
metropolitan,  in  respect  of  his  own  province. 
Innocent  lu.  {q.v.)  claimed  the  right  to 
appoint  a  bishop  where  an  unworthy  person 
had  been  elected  ;  in  the  case  of  Langton  he 
actually  appointed  on  his  own  authority. 
This  went  beyond  confirmation.  Appeals 
in  disputed  elections  became  commoner, 
and  gradually  chapters  lost  their  right  of 
election,  while  the  appointment  became 
a  matter  of  arrangement  between  King 
and  Pope.  But  the  system  of  provisions 
(1226  onwards,  by  which  the  Pope  interfered 


with  the  rights  of  patrons)  was  soon 
extended  to  bishoprics  (fourteenth  cen- 
tury). The  Statute  of  Pro  visors  {q.v.)  was 
an  attempt  to  check  this  interference  (the 
evils  of  which  are  plentifully  illustrated  by 
the  papal  registers  for  England),  but  the 
statute  was  often  evaded  by  Pope  and  King 
working  together ;  and  although  capitular 
elections  were  free  for  a  short  time  under 
Henry  v.,  before  the  reign  of  Henry  vni.  the 
King,  through  the  connivance  of  the  Pope, 
really  regulated  all  episcopal  appointments. 
[Bishops,  PRO^^soRS.]  Thus  at  the  very  time 
when  legislation  against  papal  power  began, 
the  freedom  of  the  Church  was  sacrificed  to 
arrangement  between  King  and  Pope.  The 
history  of  the  French  Church  illustrates  this 
side  of  our  history.  The  Universities 
approved  of  the  papal  provisions  because 
they  were  often  used  for  the  promotion  of 
their  members. 

Papal  '  taxation  '  or  '  exactions  '  was  based 
on  the  right  of  the  Pope  first  to  ask  and  then 
to  command  help  from  the  Church;  its  gradual 
growth  out  of  the  earlier  reqviests  for  grants 
to  crusades  should  be  traced  in  detail.  There 
was  a  mixture  of  demands  forced  upon  the 
clergy,  in  which  the  Pope  was  aided  by  the 
King,  and  of  voluntary  contributions,  and 
the  whole  was  supervised  by  a  collector, 
who  was  bound  by  oath.  (Stubbs,  C.H.,  iii. 
p.  336.)  Under  Henry  iii.  the  regular  papal 
taxation  fell  heavily  upon  the  clergy,  but 
although  the  King  was  allowed  to  share  in  it, 
other  modes  of  raising  money  superseded 
this.  The  claim  to  first-fruits,  which  began 
in  the  thirteenth  century  and  was  enlarged 
afterwards,  was  held  to  be  very  oppressive, 
and  in  spite  of  national  feeling,  expressed  by 
Grosseteste  and  by  the  outspoken  Matthew 
Paris,  the  oppression  continued. 

5.  The  claim  of  the  Pope  to  be  the  '  Uni- 
versal Ordinary'  and  to  supersede  local 
authority  showed  itself  in  many  ways,  as 
e.q.  in  the  control  of  indulgences.  Archbishop 
Chichele  {q.v.)  in  1423  issued  an  indulgence 
for  his  province,  following  the  old  custom 
by  which  indulgences  had  been  under 
episcopal  control ;  but  Martin  v.,  insisting 
upon  the  papal  claim  to  supersede  local 
jurisdiction,  rebuked  this  as  presumption. 
This  is  one  illustration  of  the  process  of 
papal  interference  with  episcopal  authority 
which  developed  throughout  the  Middle  Ages, 
and  is  further  illustrated  by  the  discussions 
and  regulations  at  Trent.  The  same  process  is 
seen  in  jurisdiction  over  heresy  when  the 
Inquisition,  allied  to  the  Papacy,  superseded 
the  old  episcopal  control.  In  England  the 
peculiar  course  taken,  excluding  the  Inqui- 


(  440  ) 


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sit  ion  but  making  use  of  the  power  of  the 
State,  should  be  noted.  [Lollards.]  This 
advance  of  papal  claims  came  to  a  crisis  with 
Boniface  vrn.  and  his  Bull  Clericis  Laicos 
(1296).  Between  the  Pope  and  the  King  the 
position  of  Archbishop  Winchclsey  was  diffi- 
cult. Here  again  French  history  helps  to 
explain  English.  The  policy  of  Boniface  led, 
through  his  struggle  with  the  French  crown, 
to  the  papal  sojourn  at  Avignon,  during 
which  the  steadily  growing  exactions  and 
exercise  of  power  were  made  more  un- 
popular by  their  coincidence  with  the  Eng- 
lish wars  against  France.  A  Papacy  under 
French  control  did  not  recommend  itself. 
(Creighton,  Papacy,  chaps,  i.  and  ii.)  The 
aUiance  of  King  and  Pope  weighed  still  more 
heavily  upon  the  Church.  The  sojourn  at 
Avignon  was  followed  by  the  papal  schism 
under  Urban  vi.  (1378),  which  directly  led  to 
a  criticism  of  papal  authority  just  when  the 
exactions  had  caused  a  demand  for  reform. 
(Funk,  Mamml  of  Ch.  Hist.,  ii. ;  Salembier, 
Le  Grand  Schistne  (TOccident,  Paris,  1902; 
Workman,  Age  of  Wyclif  and  Age  of  Hus  ; 
and  Creighton  as  above.) 

6.  The  Great  Councils  of  the  West.  In 
papal  history  these  councils  mark  an  epoch 
of  great  importance.  The  independence  of 
national  Churches,  the  rights  of  the  epis- 
copate and  of  the  college  of  cardinals, 
the  demands  for  reform  '  of  head  and 
members,'  all  press  for  recognition  and  settle- 
ment. In  England  the  anti-Lollard  legis- 
lation illustrates  the  exercise  of  papal 
authoritjr,  but  insular  troubles  somewhat 
hampered  England  in  international  matters ; 
yet  we  should  note  the  part  played  by  the 
Enghsh  delegates  at  Pisa  (1409) — Hallam, 
Bishop  of  Salisbury,  Chichele  of  St.  David's, 
and  Chillenden,  Prior  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury;  and  at  Constance  (1414)  by 
Hallam  vnth  others.  But  in  spite  of  the 
agitation  and  criticism,  and  of  the  demands 
made,  the  Papacy  came  out  of  the  conciliar 
period  stronger  than  before.  It  was  enabled 
to  do  this  by  its  concordats  with  the  national 
churches.  (Creighton,  Papacy,  Bk.  ii.  chap, 
viii.)  By  these  some  reforms  demanded  by 
the  nations  were  conceded  in  return  for  re- 
cognition of  papal  claims;  but  the  English 
concordat  was  short  and  comparatively  in- 
significant, although  by  its  very  shortness  it 
illustrates  the  national  claim  to  independence. 
Thus  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  all  other 
relations  of  the  Papacy  with  England  were 
really  obscured  by  its  relation  with  the 
Crown  (now  becoming  stronger  than  ever,  and 
acting  along  with  the  nation).  Hence  in 
the    Reformation    {q.v.)    period    this    special 


relation  is  of  fundamental  importance. 
But  the  explanation  of  that  importance  is 
found  in  the  many-sided  growths  and  theories 
of  the  Middle  Ages.  Incidents  such  as  took 
place  under  Archbishop  Chichele  (a  series 
reaching  from  1421  to  1428),  showed  the 
difficulties  of  the  position:  he  was  com- 
manded to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  Statutes 
of  Provisors  and  Praemunire,  was  suspended 
by  a  Bull  which  the  protector,  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  refused  to  have  opened,  and 
appealed  to  a  General  Council.  The  arch- 
bishop was  humiliated,  the  Pope  persisted 
in  his  demands,  but  the  Government  while 
maintaining  its  statutes  quieted  the  Pope  in 
other  ways. 

7.  A  discussion  of  the  relations  of  the 
Papacy  with  England  during  the  Reforma- 
tion period  would  involve  a  detailed  history 
of  events.  They  can  only  be  properly 
understood  by  a  comparison  with  (a)  the 
cases  of  France  and  Germany,  and  (6)  the 
liistory  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  For  the 
later  periods  these  relations  are  mainly 
diplomatic  and  political.  The  negotiations 
under  James  i.  and  Charles  i.  have  not  yet 
been  fully  studied.  (See,  however,  Meyer  as 
before  in  the  continuation  of  the  work.)  The 
relations  of  Roman  Catholics  to  the  State 
became  widely  separated  from  those  between 
the  State  and  the  Papacy.  The  relations 
between  the  English  Church  and  the  Papacy 
arise  mainly  in  the  controversy  as  to  Angli- 
can ordinations  [q.v.)  and  the  question  of 
Reunion  [q.v.).  The  great  change  of  relations 
at  the  Reformation  needs  for  its  full  justffica- 
tion  a  view  of  the  growth  of  the  Papacy  in 
later  times.  (Nielsen,  History  of  Papacy  in 
Nineteenth  Century.)  The  tendency,  seen 
before  the  Reformation,  to  excessive  inter- 
ference with  episcopal  and  local  independence, 
has  greatly  developed.  [j.  p.  w.] 

See  the  books  already  nieutioued,  and  for 
tlie  Papacy,  Mirbt,  Quc/len  zur  Geschichte  der 
PapsUttivi  unci  dem  romischen  Katliolismus, 
Leipzig,  new  edition,  1912  ;  Pastor,  Ilist.  of 
the  Popes,  trans,  by  Antrobus.  1899,  etc.  ;  and 
the  general  Church  histories.  Funk,  Gieseler, 
Moelier,  and  Kurtz.  The  controversies  on 
Papal  power  and  its  nature  are  not  referred  to, 
but  are  instructive. 

PARISH,  for  the  purpost-s  of  this  article, 
means  a  definite  area  of  laud,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  have  a  right  to  the  religious  offices 
of  an  incumbent  who  is  normally  in  priest's 
orders,  and  the  duty  of  accepting  his  services. 
He  receives  a  specified  and  permanent  in- 
come, and  is  nominated  bj^  a  patron  to  the 
benefice. 

While    the   episcopal   government   of   the 


(441) 


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Church,  in  the  manner  to  which  we  are 
accustomed,  was  imitated  from  the  bureau- 
cratic system  of  the  Roman  Empire,  as  it  was 
devised  by  Diocletian  and  perfected  by 
Constantine  the  Great,  the  parochial  system, 
with  its  '  freehold  of  the  clergy,'  is  of  Teutonic 
origin,  and  the  adjustment  of  the  two  forms 
a  great  part  of  Church  history.  The  system 
of  ecclesiastical  patronage  is  universal,  in 
the  past  and  often  in  the  present,  in  the 
lands  which  have  been  or  are  under  Teutonic 
rule.  It  was  equally  prevalent,  in  the  first 
age  of  their  Christianity,  among  the  Arian 
and  the  Cathohc  Germans,  and  is  so  uniform 
in  character  that  it  must  be  an  institution  of 
the  time  before  the  tribes  dispersed  to  settle 
in  the  conquered  provinces  of  the  Empire. 
In  other  words,  it  is  older  than  their  con- 
version. Patron  and  priest  must  represent 
the  primitive  lord  of  land  in  his  rehgious 
capacity,  whose  right  and  duty  it  is  to 
provide  worship  for  the  benefit  of  his  family, 
his  dependents,  and  those  who  hold  land 
under  him,  and  the  delegate  whom  he 
appoints  to  perform  this  worship  for  him. 
This  is  the  thesis  of  Ulrich  Stutz,  now  widely 
accepted.  Such  a  lord — the  old  doctrine  of 
the  free  Teutonic  village  community  is  no 
longer  tenable — was  owner  of  the  place  of 
worship  and  master  of  his  agent  for  the 
purpose  of  worship,  and  he  made  a  profit 
for  himseK,  beyond  what  he  paid  his  priest 
or  allowed  that  priest  to  accept  from  wor- 
shippers, out  of  the  receipts  of  his  temple. 

When  the  Germans  became  Christian  it 
was  impossible  to  root  out  this  conception  of 
the  relation  between  lord  and  priest.  The 
church  fabric  was  the  property  of  the  land- 
lord ;  according  to  the  theory  of  English 
law,  it  so  remained  till  the  fifteenth  or  six- 
teenth century  (F.  W.  Maitland,  Collected 
Payers,  iii.  231  f.).  He  gave  it  as  a  beneficium 
to  what  man  he  would,  though  the  authorities 
of  the  Church  strove,  and  ultimately  with 
success,  to  secure  that  the  person  beneficed 
should  not  be  a  serf.  In  that  case  his  depend- 
ence   upon    his    patron    would    have    been 


absolute.  The  recipient  was  bound  to  per- 
form his  duties,  and  to  accept  such  stipend 
as  the  owner  might  give.  On  such  terms  he 
was  presented  to  the  bishop  for  ordination, 
was  ordained  on  the  title  of  his  benefice  (to 
use  later  terms),  and  normally  held  it  till  his 
death. 

We  may  wonder  that  the  bishop  should 
have  had  so  small  a  share  in  the  business,  and 
should  have  consented  to  such  derogation 
from  his  office.  The  only  plausible  explana- 
tion is  that  there  was  property  annexed  to 
the  priesthood,  which  passed  from  the  last    | 

(  442  ) 


pagan  to  the  first  Christian  occupant,  and 
could  only  be  obtained  by  submission  to 
the  old  conditions  of  grant  and  tenure.  And 
the  bishops  among  the  Teutons  had  no  large 
staff  of  clergy  at  their  own  disposal ;  if 
local  worship  was  to  be  maintained  it  could 
only  be  by  the  permission  of  the  lord,  and 
out  of  the  existing  revenue.  This  was  from 
what  we  call  the  glebe  land,  which  has  peculi- 
arities attaching  to  it  that  in  no  wise  savour 
of  a  Christian  origin. 

The  normal  glebe  of  an  Enghsh  benefice  is 
two  yard-lands,  i.e.  twice  as  many  strips  of 
land  in  the  common  fields  as  were  held  by  the 
normal  member  of  the  village  community, 
together  with  a  double  share  in  the  other 
rights   of   the   community.     Sometimes,   in- 
deed, the  priest  had  the  pasture  rights  of 
two  yard-lands  and  a  half,  though  he  had  not 
the  same  excess  in  other  respects.     In  an 
enclosed  parish  this  holding  would  amount 
to  from  forty  to  sixty  acres,  an  extent  which 
is  very   common.     Where   there  is,   at  the 
present  day,   a  large  glebe,  it  will  almost 
always  be  found  to  have  been  received  in 
lieu  of  tithe,  at  an  enclosure  of  the  eighteenth 
or  early  nineteenth  century.     With  his  two 
yard-lands  the  priest  was  a  member  for  aU 
purposes  of  the  community,  ploughing  and 
reaping  with  them,  his  cattle  pasturing  with 
theirs.     He    was,    however,    free    from    any 
servile  duties  that  were  laid  upon  his  fellow- 
members,  such  as  that  of  labouring  on  the 
lord's  demesne.     His  interests,  however,  were 
bound  up,  in  respect  of  his  glebe,  with  those 
of  his  humbler  parishioners,   and  detached 
from    those    of    the    lord.     The    glebe    was 
burdened  with  the  duty  of  supplying  a  bull 
and  a  boar  for  the  service  of  the  animals, 
not  of  the  lord  but  of  the  members  of  the 
community.     This  is  attested  for  all  parts  of 
England,  and  survived  in  some  places  to  very 
recent    times.     In     Germany    it    prevailed 
everywhere,  from  the  North  Sea  to  Styria, 
though  there  the  duty  often  extended  to  the 
further  provision  of  a  staUion  and  a  ram,  or 
one  or  more  of  these  four  animals  according 
to  the  custom  of  particular  villages  (F.  X. 
Kiinstle,  Die  deutsche  Pfarrei,  88).     So  strange 
and  so  widely  prevalent  a  custom  must  be 
anterior  to  Christianity.     As  in  Ireland  and 
Armenia  (though  in  both  the  circumstances 
were  quite  different  from  those  of  Teutonic 
lands)  there  was  rehgious  property  waiting 
for  an  occupant,  and  the  Christian  stepped  in, 
accepting  the  same  conditions  of  tenure  as 
his  pagan  predecessor.     It  must  be  borne  in 
mind   that   all   this   took   place   before   the 
institution  of  compulsory  Tithe  {q.v.). 

Since  the  owner  of  the  church  expected 


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to  derive  profit  from  it,  his  interest  required 
that  it  should  have  a  congregation,  whose 
fees  and  offerings  would  form  a  considerable 
])art  of  the  revenue  to  be  divided  between 
himself  and  the  priest.  Hence  compulsory 
attendance  on  the  part  of  those  dependent 
on  the  lord.  As  they  had  to  grind  their  corn 
at  his  mill,  so  they  had  to  perform  their 
religious  duties  at  his  church.  We  must  bear 
in  mind  that  religion  meant,  in  practice,  the 
ordinances  of  religion,  and  Bede  {q.v.)  has 
told  how  ilhtcrate  priests  sometimes  were 
{Ep.  ad  Egbertum,  sec.  5).  As  the  country 
became  more  populous  such  private  churches 
spread.  A  weU-known  piece  of  alhterative 
verse  of  the  ninth  century  explains  some  of 
the  growth.  If  a  free  man  (ceorl)  in  the 
Iving's  service  tlirives  till  he  gain  five  hides 
of  land  (the  many  parishes  called  Fifield, 
Fyfield,  Fifehead  all  mean  '  five  hides,'  and 
show  what  the  estate  was),  and  have  church 
and  kitchen,  bell-house  and  mansion,  seat 
and  office  in  the  liing's  hall,  then  he  is  to 
rank  as  a  thegn.  We  must  not  suppose  that 
he  buys  out  some  proprietor  of  cultivated 
land.  He  coUects  twenty  of  what  were 
afterwards  called  copyholders — or  rather 
nineteen,  for  the  priest  of  his  church  will 
take  the  place  of  two — and  estabhshes  a 
new  village  community  in  the  waste.  We  see 
that  the  possession  of  a  church  is  one  of  the 
conditions  of  his  gentihty.  But  we  must  also 
recognise  the  possibility  of  a  lordless  village 
subscribing  lands  to  secure  itself  a  priest, 
at  least  in  the  period  just  before  the  Conquest 
(Maitland,  Domesday  and  Beyond,  144). 
The  process  went  on  even  after  the  Nor- 
man Conquest,  for  the  Domesday  picture  of 
England  shows  that  in  many  districts  there 
were  fewer  vUlages  than  in  later  times, 
especially  in  the  eastern  counties.  In  the 
towns,  also,  it  seems  that  the  period  after 
the  Conquest  was  fertile  in  the  foundation 
of  proprietary  churches,  especially  in  London. 
Since  there  was  no  system  of  ecclesiastical 
control  over  these  churches  so  long  as  they 
remained  in  lay  hands,  great  efforts  were 
made  to  obtain  the  churches  for  bishops  or 
ecclesiastical  bodies.  This  would  not  diminish 
the  authority  of  the  owner,  but  the  owner 
would  be  a  Churchman  or  body  of  Churchmen. 
In  the  case  of  the  chapter  of  St.  Paul's,  which 
was  peculiarly  successful  in  acquiring 
churches,  we  are  well  informed  as  to  the 
way  in  which  the  power  was  used.  Their 
churches  in  the  city  of  London  were  regularly 
rented  out  in  the  eleventh  century,  the  rent 
in  some  cases  reaching  £1  ;  the  Domesday 
price  of  an  ox  is  2s.  or  2s.  6d.  The  tenant 
was   often   the    priest   who   did    the   duty ; 


but  often  a  third  person,  perhaps  a  layman 
or  a  woman,  paid  the  rent  and  was  responsible 
for  the  services,  hiring  a  priest  to  conduct 
them.  The  churches  were,  in  fact,  property 
and  a  source  of  income,  even  wlien  they  were 
held  by  ecclesiastics ;  and  on  the  episcopal 
estates  the  same  process  was  carried  out,  the 
archbishops  and  bishops  establishing  priests 
in  the  position  that  has  been  described,  in- 
stead of  keeping  in  their  own  hands  the  super- 
intendence of  the  spiritual  work. 

Thus,  with  glebe  land  as  its  financial  basis 
and  the  actual  ownership  of  the  church 
building  as  its  outward  symbol,  the  system 
was  established  with  which  we  are  familiar. 
It  was  anterior  to  tithe,  as  a  compulsory 
payment,  and  was  not  affected  by  it.  From 
this  original  ownership  has  sprung  the 
undisputed  claim  of  the  Eling's  courts  to 
decide  in  all  disputes  concerning  property-  in 
advowsons,  the  form  which  the  old  ownership 
of  churches  finally  took.  From  it  also  sprang 
such  acts  of  ownership  as  the  division  of 
advowsons  among  heirs,  which  might  result 
either  in  alternate  presentation  or  the  ulti- 
mate division  of  the  liarish.  From  it,  again, 
came  the  separation  of  advowson  from  estate. 
In  such  case  as  that  of  co-heiresses  an  equah- 
sation  of  the  shares  was  effected  in  this  way,  a 
church  being  thrown  in  to  balance  a  deficiency 
of  land,  e.g.  Graveley  and  Watton,  both  in  the 
fourteenth  century  (Cussans,  Hertfordshire). 
But  the  process  began  earUer,  for  in  the 
thirteenth  century  the  famous  Abbot  Samson 
of  St.  Edmund's  Bury  was  busily  investing 
the  surplus  funds  of  his  abbey  in  churches 
and  half-churches,  while  there  is  ample 
e\"idence  that  the  clergy  themselves  were 
often  their  own  patrons,  and  the  extra- 
ordinary prevalence  of  exchanges  in  the 
centuries  before  the  Reformation  shows  that 
their  hold  upon  their  rights  was  a  strong  one. 

Things  might  have  remained  as  they  w'cre 
in  England  had  not  the  great  struggle  over 
Investitures  {q.v.)  arisen  on  the  Continent. 
The  idea  was  there  prevalent,  about  the  year 
1000  and  earher,  that  even  bishoprics  were 
benefices,  and  there  were  cases  in  Southern 
France  of  their  being  bequeathed  and  sold. 
In  Germany,  especially,  the  stronger  emperors 
treated  them  as  proprietary  churches,  as  we 
have  seen  that  English  lords  did  the  churches 
of  their  villages;  and  finally  Ftome  itself  came 
to  be  so  regarded.  But  the  emperors,  in 
reforming  Rome,  had  raised  Roman  self- 
respect,  and  the  Imperial  claim  to  be  the 
ultimate  and  divinely  constituted  authority 
was  confronted  by  the  similar  papal  claim. 
As  regards  the  parish  churches,  the  result  of 
prolonged  conflict  was  something  of  a  com- 


(  443  ) 


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promise.  By  Alexander  ni.  in  the  Third 
Lateran  CouncU  of  1179  it  was  made  the 
common  law  of  the  Church,  so  far  as  Roman 
authority  extended,  that  the  bishop  should 
institute  to  livings  and  the  patron  (no  longer 
the  proprietor)  should  present  and  not  collate. 
Only  the  bishop  could,  and  in  England  can, 
collate  to  a  living,  i.e.  to  one  in  his  own  gift, 
coUation  being  tlie  giving  of  a  church  to  a 
clerk  b}'  the  ordinary  in  whose  gift  it  is.  In 
course  of  time  the  theory  was  invented  that 
the  Church,  in  recognition  of  the  generosity 
of  a  founder,  allows  his  successors  in  title  to 
nominate  to  the  benefice  he  endowed.  The 
theory,  liistoricaUy  false  in  regard  to  aU 
earher  benefices,  served  to  justify  the 
change,  and  was  itself  true  of  later  founda- 
tions. 

Thus  the  doctrine  of  patronage  took  its 
present  form.  The  position  of  the  incumbent 
was  strengthened  as  against  the  patron, 
while  in  face  of  the  bishop  he  maintained 
his  '  freehold  '  position — a  security  of  tenure 
■wliich  in  later  times  was  to  save  both  the 
Evangelical  and  the  Oxford  Movements  from 
episcopal  suppression.  For  the  bishop  gained 
no  further  powers  over  the  incumbent,  when 
once  instituted ;  there  was  not  the  Continental 
idea  that  the  bishop  has  a  general  control 
over  ecclesiastical  property  in  his  diocese. 
By  a  peculiarity  of  English  legal  thought  the 
holder  of  a  benefice  is  a  '  corporation  sole,' 
the  freeholder  of  his  house  and  sources  of 
income. 

His  parish  was  originally  a  purely  ecclesi- 
astical unit  of  administration ;  in  the 
northern  half  of  England  it  often  contained 
Beveral,  even  many,  civil  units  or  townships, 
though  elsewhere  parish  and  vill  usually 
coincided  in  area.  The  area,  for  both 
purposes,  would  become  more  precise  as 
considerations  of  tithe  compelled  attention 
to  its^limits.  The  position  of  the  incumbent 
towards  liis  parishioners  was  a  strong  one. 
He  had  the  law  both  of  Church  and  State  to 
support  him ;  and  in  the  Middle  Ages,  when 
every  one  thought  as  much  of  rights  as  of 
duties,  he  often  had  successful  litigation  with 
his  parishioners.  Upon  them  the  custom  of 
England,  departing  from  general  canon  law, 
cast  the  maintenance,  and  the  rebuilding  if 
need  be,  of  every  part  of  the  church  except 
the  chancel.  It  was  ruled  that  even  a  sacristy 
opening  out  of  the  latter  must  be  repaired 
by  the  /parish.  England  also  laid  upon  the 
parish  the  provision  of  ecclesiastical  vest- 
ments and  ornaments  ;  and  hence,  when  the 
idea  of  representation  spread  from  Parhament 
to  local  affairs,  came  the  election  of  church- 
wardens.    They    seem    not    to    have    been 


general  before  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
the  moneys  which  they  handled  were  as  a  rule 
voluntarily  collected.  It  was  not  till  Tudor 
times  that  Church  Rates  [q.v.)  were  regularly 
voted  and  levied.  Then,  also,  the  new 
necessity  for  systematic  relief  of  the  poor 
cast  upon  the  existing  parochial  machinery, 
with  the  incumbent  at  its  head,  fresh  and 
important  duties  of  raising  and  spending 
money.  There  was  no  existing  local 
machinery  that  could  do  the  work,  and  it 
seemed  better  to  enlist  the  parochial  organisa- 
tion than  to  devise  a  new  one.  As  society 
grew  more  complex  new  rates  were  ordered  by 
Parliament,  but  stiQ  under  the  same  parochial 
authority.  It  was  an  ecclesiastical  authority, 
and  had  to  enforce  payment  by  the  ecclesi- 
astical penalty  of  excommunication,  which 
had  serious  consequences,  e.g.  a  tradesman 
labouring  under  it  could  not  sue  for  debt. 
These  civil  disqualifications  of  excommunica- 
tion were  not  removed  till  1813,  after  which 
year  parochial  rates  could  be  claimed  through 
ordinary  legal  process.  The  parish  under  its 
rector  also  assumed  in  different  places  various 
functions  for  which  no  other  organ  could  be 
found.  Where  a  parish  contained  only  free- 
holders, the  lord  having  been  bought  out  by 
them,  it  could  take  the  place  of  his  court, 
and  lay  down  and  enforce  rules  for  common 
fields  and  pasturage  and  elect  officers  for  such 
purposes.  And  generally  the  parish  was  so 
useful  that  Parliament  found  it  necessary  to 
create  the  '  civil  parish  '  as  a  unit  of  organisa- 
tion, by  a  series  of  Acts  from  1663  onwards. 
Such  a  civil  parish  is  a  district  for  which  a 
separate  poor  rate  is  made  ;  in  many  places, 
especially  in  the  north  of  England,  the  town- 
ships of  a  large  parish  had  established  their 
independence  in  this  respect.  The  modern 
parish  council  as  an  incident  of  local  govern- 
ment is  a  development  of  tlie  civil  parish. 

TiU  recent  times  the  creation  of  new 
parishes  could  only  be  effected  by  a  special 
Act  of  Parliament,  since  a  new  area  for  civil 
as  well  as  ecclesiastical  purposes  was  thus 
established.  Such  Acts  were  costly  and  rare  ; 
the  only  large  provisions  of  this  kind  ever 
made  were  that  for  fifty  parishes  in  London 
under  Anne  (1710, 9  An.  c.  22),  and  the  Church 
Building  Act  of  1818  (58  Geo.  in.  c.  4.5)  with 
its  grant  of  £1,000,000,  followed  by  £500,000 
in  1824  (5  Geo.  iv.  c.  103).  By  these  Acts 
not  only  were  churches  built,  but  parishes 
were  assigned  to  them.  Previously  a  remedy 
had  been  sought  in  chapels  of  ease,  perpetual 
curacies  without  cure  of  souls,  or  proprietary 
chapels — all  of  which  were  fairly  numerous. 
Of  actual  parish  churches  it  is  said  that  only 
a  dozen  were  built  in  London  between  1760 


(444) 


Parker  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Parker 


and  1818.  The  state  of  Leeds  before  Hook's 
{q.v.)  generous  renunciation  in  1844  is  well 
known  (Stephens,  Life  of  Hook,  ii.  159). 
From  1843  (6-7  Vic.  c.  37)  onwards  a  succes- 
sion of  Acts  has  made  the  creation  of  new 
parishes,  for  ecclesiastical  purposes  only,  easy 
and  cheap.  They  are  established,  under 
various  titles,  by  an  Order  in  Council  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
missioners, and  by  a  similar  procedure  small 
parishes  can  be  combined.  [e.  w.  w.] 

PARKER,  Matthew  (1504-75),  succeeded 
Pole  {q.v.)  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
being  elected  1st  August  1559,  and  conse- 
crated at  Lambeth  on  17th  December  follow- 
ing. No  archbishop  ever  less  desii'ed  the 
post  or  resisted  his  appointment  longer.  But 
EUzabeth  and  Cecil  were  convinced  that  he 
was  the  one  man  available  for  the  office,  and 
the  event  justified  their  choice.  Previous 
experiences  had  prepared  Parker  for  his 
task.  He  came  from  the  conservative 
East  AngUa,  and  on  being  thrown  in 
with  the  leading  reformers  at  Cambridge 
(1521)  he  learnt  to  go  a  long  way  with  them 
but  to  refrain  from  their  extremer  courses. 
Deep  study  of  the  Bible  and  the  Fathers 
strengthened  a  mind  that  was  naturall}^ 
mediating  and  judicial.  He  reluctantly 
accepted  the  post  of  chaplain  to  Anne 
Boleyn,  who  in  1535  presented  him  to 
the  deanery  of  Stoke  (Suffolk),  a  collegiate 
church  of  secular  priests.  He  also  won  aca- 
demic distinction  at  Cambridge  as  Master 
of  Corpus  Chi-isti  (1544)  and  Vice-Chan- 
ceUor,  and  later  he  became  Dean  of  Lin- 
coln ;  but  he  refrained  from  any  prominent 
part  in  ecclesiastical  politics.  At  Mary's 
accession  he  could  not  cast  in  his  lot  either 
with  those  in  authority  or  with  the  exiles 
abroad  [iLmiAN  Exiles]  ;  so  as  a  deprived 
married  priest  he  spent  the  time  in  obscurity 
and  in  study,  with  dangers  ever  impending, 
but  never  actually  reaching  him.  Thus  he 
learnt  to  form  a  sound  judgment  of  his  own 
in  the  midst  of  conflicting  tongues,  and  to 
maintain  it  wdth  gentleness  and  conviction. 

Elizabeth  had  already  reigned  nine  months 
before  Parker  was  drawn  out  from  his 
retirement,  so  he  had  Uttle  part  in  the 
momentous  events  of  those  days.  Many 
difficulties  arose  about  his  consecration, 
since  the  Marian  bishops  refused  to  act ;  and 
hence  arose  the  extravagant  Nag's  Head 
fable,  asserting  that  no  consecration  ever 
took  place,  but  only  a  mock  ceremony  in  a 
Fleet  Street  tavern.  In  fact,  the  evidence 
of  his  consecration  is  abundant ;  both  the 
ceremony  and  the  record  of  it  were  provided 


for  with  exceptional  care.  Tlie  fable  is  the 
earliest  of  a  long  series  of  ineptitudes  that 
has  characterised  the  Roman  view  of  Eng- 
lish orders.  [Ordinations,  Anglican.]  Con- 
secrated himself  by  Bishops  Barlow  {q.v.), 
Scory,  Hodgkin,  and  Coverdale  {q.v.),  the 
new  archbishop  was  soon  busy  with  further 
consecrations  ;  most  of  the  vacant  sees  were 
filled  again,  and  episcopal  government  was 
restored  after  a  year's  turbulent  interlude. 

It  was  Parker's  task  to  steer  the  bark  of 
the  Church  between  Scylla  and  Charybdis. 
While  every  one  else  vacillated,  from  the 
Queen  downwards,  and  no  one  more  than 
she,  he  alone  knew  his  course  and  kept  it. 
This  tenacity  was  characterised,  however, 
by  great  forbearance  and  gentleness.  He 
shielded  the  Marian  prelates  from  the  worst 
rigours  of  the  penal  laws,  and  in  countless 
ways  mitigated  then'  hard  lot.  He  bore 
long  and  patiently  with  the  tiresomeness  of 
those  who  would  not  wear  a  surplice  because 
it  was  white,  or  a  college  cap  because  it  was 
square ;  and  when  at  last  he  felt  himself 
compelled  to  proceed  against  their  rebeUion 
he  did  so  reluctantly  and  merctfuUy.  Living 
in  an  atmosphere  of  corruption  and  venality, 
he  was  one  of  the  few  great  people  in  Church 
or  State  who  were  untouched  by  it ;  and  he 
maintained  the  property  of  the  Church  and 
a  high  standard  of  administrative  integrity 
against  powerful  courtiers  and  against  the 
Queen  herself.  His  maintenance  of  the 
Prayer  Book  in  face  of  the  attack  of  the 
Genevan  party  would  of  itself  win  for  him 
the  perpetual  gratitude  of  churchmen ;  but 
we  owe  to  him  further  the  revision  of  the 
Edwardine  Articles  of  ReHgion  {q.v.),  the  New 
Calendar  of  1561,  which  recovered  the  Black 
Letter  Saints'  Days,  the  definition  of  the 
Church's  marriage  rules  with  the  Table  of 
Degrees  [MAKELkGE,  Law  of],  the  Second 
Book  of  Homilies,  and  the  Canons  of  1571. 
While  documents  such  as  these  secured  the 
position  of  the  Church  on  paper,  the  arch- 
bishop was  in  practice  carrying  the  tradi- 
tional administration  and  disciphne  in  the 
face  of  hostihty  from  friend  as  well  as  foe. 
It  is  easy  to  criticise  what  was  done,  to  com- 
plain that  more  was  not  done  to  reform 
mediaeval  abuses  in  the  clergy,  in  patronao-e, 
in  ecclesiastical  suits,  and  so  forth ;  it  is 
easy  to  regret  some  of  the  methods  employed, 
to  note  the  unsatisfactory  character  of  the  Ec- 
clesiastical Commission  [CojunssiON,  Court 
OF  High]  in  itself  and  in  its  working,  or  to 
deplore  the  over-reUance  upon  the  secular 
arm.  Parker  was  a  man  of  his  OAvn  time, 
and  worked  along  the  lines  of  the  day ;  so, 
while  striking  a  better  balance  than  most 


(445) 


Parker] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Parker 


people  between  conservatism  and  innovation, 
he  failed  where  the  age  failed,  was  blind  where 
it  was  blind.  And  when  he  was  gone,  and 
Grindal  {q.v.)  took  Ms  place,  the  mass  of 
blundering  that  ensued  showed  more  clearly 
than  anji^hing  previous  how  great  had  been 
the  wisdom  of  Parker. 

His  closing  years  were  much  saddened 
by  the  accumulating  difficulties  of  the 
situation.  As  the  position  of  the  Church  and 
its  refusal  of  Rome  and  Geneva  became  more 
expUcit,  so  the  hostihty  increased  on  either 
hand.  A  more  fighting  policy  was  required, 
and  Parker's  delicately  adjusted  edifice 
needed  to  be  handed  over  to  a  Whitgift  {q.v.) 
— a  man  incapable  of  erecting  it  but  better 
capable  of  defending  it.  The  transition 
begins  already  in  1572,  when  Parker  entrusts 
to  'Whitgift  the  reply  to  the  Puritan  attack 
made  on  the  Church  by  the  Admonition  to 
the  Parliament,  and  the  remaining  three  j^ears 
of  his  life  were  greatly  saddened  by  the 
unfair  treatment  which  the  archbishop 
received  from  great  courtiers  such  as 
Leicester,  and  from  the  Queen  herself. 

His  solace,  now  as  ever,  lay  in  study  and 
literary  work.  He  was  a  great  collector 
and  lover  of  books,  as  the  treasures  testify 
which  he  left  to  the  library  of  his  old  college 
at  Cambridge ;  but  he  was  a  student,  even 
more  than  a  collector,  and  an  encourager 
and  patron  of  the  studies  of  others.  His 
translation  of  the  Psalter,  published  in  1567, 
was  the  work  of  his  Marian  retirement. 
History,  and  especially  Anglo-Saxon  anti- 
quities, occupied  his  leisure  during  his 
primacy.  His  De  Antiquitate  Britannicae 
Ecdesiae,  printed  in  1575,  is  an  account  of 
the  archbishops  from  St.  Augustine — '  my 
first  predecessor ' — down  to  his  o^ti  time, 
and  it  closed  with  a  brief  autobiography^ 
His  course  was  then  nearly  run,  and  on 
17th  May  1575  he  died.  He  was  buried 
in  Lambeth  Church,  where  his  tomb  was 
desecrated  by  Puritans  in  1648.  Under 
Bancroft's  (q.v.)  primacy  his  bones  were 
recovered,  and  reburied  with  the  epitaph, 
Corpus  Maiihaei  Archiepiscopi  hie  tandem 
quiescit.  [w.  h.  f.] 

Strype,  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker  ;  Kennedy, 
,1  rchhishop  Parker. 

PARKER,  Samuel  (1640-88),  Bishop  of  Ox- 
ford, is  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters 
in  the  political  and  religious  controversies 
of  the  reigns  of  the  last  two  Stuart  kings,  A 
study  of  his  career  reveals,  in  great  measure, 
both  the  objects  of  James  ii.'s  religious 
poUcy  and  the  difficulties  which  stood  in  that 
King's  way.     Parker  was  at  Oxford  during 


the  Commonwealth,  and  posed  as  a  Presby- 
terian of  the  straitest  sort,  but  the  Restora- 
tion produced  a  change  in  his  views.  He 
deserted  Wadham  and  Presbyterianism  for 
Trinity  and  the  Church  of  England.  He 
next  became  chaplain  to  a  nobleman,  where 
'  he  gained  a  great  authority  among  the 
domestics  ;  they  all  listened  to  Mm  as  an 
oracle  ' — a  courtsMp  wMch  only  made  him 
still  more  in  love  with  himself.  He  amassed 
some  Church  preferments,  including  the 
archdeaconry  of  Canterbury,  and  wrote 
numerous  philosopMcal  works.  But  he  was 
chiefly  known  tMough  his  controversy  with 
Andrew  MarveU.  Parker  had  made  himself 
the  protagonist  of  those  who  regarded 
ecclesiastical  divisions  as  a  danger  to  the 
unity  of  the  state.  In  1670  he  published 
his  Discourse  of  Ecclesiastical  Politie,  which 
for  raihng,  his  '  best,  nay  his  only  talent,' 
would  be  hard  to  surpass,  though  Parker 
professed  to  look  upon  Mmself  as  a  person 
of  '  tame  and  softly  humour.'  The  object 
of  the  book  is  to  assert  the  authority  of  the 
cMef  magistrate  over  the  consciences  of  sub- 
jects in  matters  of  religion.  '  Why,'  it  asks, 
'  should  the  Church  be  so  salvagely  worried 
by  a  wild  and  fanatique  rabble  ;  why  should 
the  pride  and  insolence  of  a  few  peevish,  ignor- 
ant and  malapert  preachers  once  more  in- 
volve the  kingdom  in  blood  and  confusion  ?  ' 
'  when  people  separate  and  rendevouz  them- 
selves into  distinct  sects  and  parties  .  .  .  their 
minds  (like  the  salvage  Americans)  are  as 
contracted  as  their  heads,  and  all  that  are 
not  witMn  the  fold  of  their  Church  are  with- 
out the  sphere  of  their  charity.'  The  only 
cure  is  absolute  submission  of  conscience  to 
the  State.  '  If  my  conscience  be  really  weak 
and  tender,  what  can  become  it  more  than 
humble  obedience  and  submission  to  author- 
ity ?  '  The  book  naturally  evoked  a  furious 
controversy.  Though  it  made  some  good 
points  it  had  on  the  whole  the  misfortune  to 
be  stupid,  with  its  '  abundance  of  ranting, 
raving,  revihng  expressions,  insomuch  that 
the  Arch- Angel  was  more  civil  to  the  devil 
than  the  archdeacon  to  the  dissenters,  and 
yet  all  to  no  purpose.'  It  had  the  mis- 
fortune, too,  of  being  answered  by  the  greatest 
satirist  of  that  day,  and  very  nearly  the 
greatest  of  any  day.  Marvell's  Rehearsal 
Transposed  is,  perhaps,  the  most  splendid 
example  of  Ms  satirical  powers.  It  savagely 
exposes  the  violence  and  the  aims  of  his 
opponent.  '  Though  it  hath  been  long 
practised,  I  never  observed  any  great  success 
by  reviling  men  into  conformity.'  Grant  the 
I^ng  the  authority  that  Parker  allows  him 
and  '  His  Majesty  may  lay  by  his  Dieu  and 


(  446  ) 


Parker] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Parliament 


make  use  only  of  his  Mon  Droit.'     Marvcirs 
attack  was  so  peculiar  and  so  entertaining 
'  that  from  the  King  down  to  the  tradesman 
his    book    was    read    with    great    pleasure.'    ; 
Burnet  {q.v.)  is  probably  right  in  saying  that 
the  result  of  the  controversy  was  the  humiha- 
tion    of    Parker    and    his    party.     He    next 
became   an   apostle   of   Toleration.     At   the 
end  of  1686  James  n.  thrust  him  into  the 
bishopric  of  Oxford.     His  tenure  of  the  see, 
though  short,  is  important  in  two  ways :  his    i 
efforts  first  to  force  the  King's  doctrines  of 
toleration   on    the   diocese ;    and    secondly, 
to  secure  the  King's  supremacy  in  the  Uni- 
versity.    He  early  came  into  conflict  with 
his  clergy,  publishing  a  pamphlet,  Reasons  for 
abrogating  the  Test,  in  which  he  urged  the 
aboUtion  of  the  oath  of  office  against  Tran- 
substantiation  imposed  by  the  Test  Act  of 
1678.      So  far  as  they  go  his  arguments  are 
sound  enough,  e.g.  when  he  objects  that  the 
ordinary  member  of  ParUament  is  too  stupid 
to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  abstruse 
terms  of  such  an  oath.     But  he  laid  himself 
open  to  the  charge  of  self-seeking,  and  it  was 
openly  asserted  that  the  pamphlet  was  -oTitten 
with  the  object  of  exchanging  a  poor  for  a 
rich  bishopric.     His  quarrel  with  his  clergy 
arose    over    his    endeavour    to    make    them 
subscribe  to  an  address  thanking  the  King 
for  his  Declaration  in  favour  of  Liberty  of 
"Worship,  or  rather  for  his  promises  to  main- 
tain the  Church  of  England  which  the  de- 
claration  contained.     The  clergy,  with  one 
exception,   refused,    alleging   that   the   legal 
rights  of  the  Church  of  England  required  no 
further  guarantees,  and  that  the  bishop  had 
no  right  to  impose  his  arbitrary  will  upon 
them    independently    of    the    metropolitan. 
The    incident    sufficiently    unveils    Parker's 
character.     Like  many  men  of  low  birth,  he 
had   an   exclusive   sense   of   his   own   petty 
dignity,  and  he  was  obsessed  with  the  idea 
that  the  clergy  ought  not  to  make  the  interests 
of  the  Church  their  primary  consideration, 
but  rather  his  authority.     Parker's  end  was 
sad.     The    King's    efforts    to    estabHsh   his 
reUgion  in  Oxford  had  been  checked  by  the 
refusal  of  the  Fellows  of  Magdalen  to  elect 
as  President  his  Roman  Catholic  nominee. 
James  (August  1687)  ordered  them  to  elect 
Parker.     They  refused,   and  chose  Hough ; 
the  King  came  to  Oxford  in  person,  yet  with 
all  his  browbeating  could  not  attain  his  end. 
The  resistance  of  the  Fellows  was  eventually 
overcome  by  force,  and  Parker  was  installed, 
at  first  by  proxy.     His  residence  lasted  less 
than  five  months,  a  period  which  was  spent 
in  admitting  popish  Fellows  and  expelling 
'  waggish,  quarrelsome  scholars.'     It  was  the 


general  expectation  that  he  would  openly 
declare  himself  of  the  King's  religion,  as 
the  Master  of  University  had  already  done. 
'  The  great  obstacle,'  said  a  contemporary 
pamphlet,  '  is  his  wife,  whom  he  cannot  rid 
himself  of.'  But  he  refused  to  allow  the 
Roman  Cathohc  services  in  chapel,  and  when 
one  day  he  received  royal  orders  to  admit 
yet  more  popish  Fellows,  he  '  walked  up  and 
down  the  room,  and  smote  his  breast,  and 
said:  "  I'here  is  no  trust  in  princes.  Is  this 
the  kindness  the  King  promised  me  ?  To  set 
me  here  to  make  me  his  tool  and  his  prop  ! 
To  place  me  with  a  company  of  men,  which 
he  knows  I  hate  the  conversation  of  !  "  So 
he  sat  down  in  liis  chair,  and  fell  into  a  con- 
vulsion fit,  and  never  wont  downstairs  more 
till  he  was  carried  down '  (20th  March  1688). 

[G.  B.] 

Wood.   Athrn.    Oxon.  ;    Burnet,    Hist.    Own 
Timf. 


PARLIAMENT,  Clergy  in.   From  the  Con- 
version {q.v.)  the  bishops  sat  in  the  Witenage- 
mots  of  the  separate  kingdoms,  and  after- 
wards of  the  whole  country,  by  virtue  of  their 
spiritual  office,  which  gave  them  the  position 
of  advisers  of  the  Crown.    Before  the  Norman 
Conquest  some  abbots  also  sat  in  the  Witen- 
agemot,  and  after  it  in  the  Great  Council,  as 
did  all  the  bishops.     When,  in  the  develop- 
ment of  ParUament  during  the  tliirteenth  and 
following  centuries,  the  Great  Council  was 
replaced  by  the  House  of  Lords,  the  bishops 
of  all  the  Enghsh  and  Welsh  sees  (except 
Sodor  and  Man  {q.v.),  which  was  not  part  of 
the  province  of  York  till  1542)  and  as  many 
abbots  and  priors  as  had  acquired  the  right 
of  personal  summons  were  included  in  it  as 
the  estate  of  Lords  Spiritual.     But  they  were 
now  held  to  be  summoned,  like  the  temporal 
peers,  by  virtue    of    their    tenure    of    their 
baronies  from  the  Crown.  During  the  vacancy 
of  a  see  the  Guardian  of  the  SpirituaUties 
was  summoned,  though  he  held  no  barony, 
because  he  alone  could  call  the  inferior  clergy 
to  ParUament  (see  below).     The  abbots  and 
priors,  finding  attendance  a  burden,  insisted 
that  they  need  only  come  if  they  held  their 
lands  by  miUtary  tenure,  and  their  number 
in  Parliament,  as  high  as  seventy-five  early 
in    the    fourteenth    century,    sank    during 
its  course  to  twenty-eight.      Even   so,    the 
archbishops  and  bishops  numbering  twenty- 
one,  the  spiritual  peers  formed  more  than  half 
of  the  mediaeval  House  of  Lords.     Between 
1509  and  1534  Henry  vrn.  appears  to  have 
deliberately    increased    the   lay    peers   from 
thirty-six  to  fifty-four,  in  order  to  secure  a 


(447) 


Parliament] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Parliament 


majority  for  his  anti-clerical  legislation.  At 
the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  the  abbots 
and  priors  disappeared  from  Parliament,  bvit 
by  an  Act  of  1536  (27  Hen.  vm.  c.  45)  the 
bishops  of  Xorwich  were  made  abbots  of 
St.  Benet's  Hulme,  and  it  has  been  urged 
that  they  retained  the  right  to  sit  in  this 
capacity.  Under  the  statute  31  Hen.  vin. 
c.  9  (1539)  six  new  sees  were  created,  and 
their  occupants  summoned  to  the  House  of 
Lords,  though  they  had  no  baronial  tenure. 
That  of  Westminster  only  lasted  till  1550, 
since  when  the  number  of  Enghsh  spiritual 
peers  has  stood  at  twenty-six ;  except  from 
1642,  when  they  were  excluded  by  16  Car.  i. 
c.  27,  until  they  were  restored  in  1661  (13 
Car.  n.  c.  2).  The  foundation  of  the  see  of 
Manchester  {q.v.)  in  1847  produced  the  con- 
stitutional innovation  of  an  Enghsh  diocesan 
bishop  without  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
Subsequent  creations  of  new  sees  have  always 
been  accompanied  by  the  proviso  that  the 
number  of  bishops  in  Parliament  should  not 
be  increased.  It  is  laid  down  that  these  shall 
always  be  the  two  archbishops,  the  bishops 
of  London,  Winchester,  and  Durham,  and 
twenty-one  others,  in  order  of  seniority  irre- 
spective of  the  sees  they  occupy.  A  some- 
what similar  rule  was  in  force  for  L-eland 
from  the  Act  of  Union  (1801)  to  the  dis- 
estabUshment  of  the  Irish  Church  (1869), 
when  one  archbishop  and  three  bishops  of 
that  Church  sat  in  the  House  of  Lords 
under  a  scheme  of  rotation. 

The  claim  that  the  bishops  sit  by  virtue  of 
baronial  tenure,  which  was  commonly  ac- 
cepted in  the  jMiddle  Ages,  and  was  advanced 
by  themselves  in  1388,  has  now  disappeared. 
It  could  never  have  been  valid  for  the  sees 
created  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  later, 
and  since  1860  (23-4  Vic.  c.  124)  all  episcopal 
estates,  with  unimportant  exceptions,  arc 
vested  not  in  the  bishops  but  in  the  Ecclesi- 
astical Commissioners.  The  bishops  now  sit 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  of  which  they  form  the 
oldest  portion,  ])y  virtue  of  their  spiritual 
office,  as  they  did  in  the  Witenagemot.  The 
distinction  is  expressed  in  the  words  of  the 
writ.  They  are  summoned  on  their  '  faith 
and  love '  to  the  Crown,  the  temporal  peers 
on  their  '  faith  and  allegiance.' 

In  the  Middle  Ages  the  bishops  sometimes 
claimed  that,  as  they  were  a  separate  estate 
from  the  temporal  peers,  their  separate 
consent  was  necessary  to  legislation.  In 
1515  the  judges  held  that  a  vaUd  Parliament 
could  be  held  without  them  (Keilwey, 
Reports,  184).  The  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.), 
1559,  was  passed,  although  all  the  bishops 
present  voted  against  it.     The  law  as  finally 


settled  is  as  stated  by  Coke  (Insts.,  ii.  585). 
The  bishops  have  a  right  to  be  summoned  to 
Parhament,  but  their  actual  presence  and 
separate  assent  are  not  essential.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  laws  passed  before  their  restora- 
tion in  1661  are  vaUd.  The  temporal  peers 
have  frequently  regarded  them  with  jealousy, 
and  in  1692  resolved  that  though  Lords  of  Par- 
hament they  were  not  peers.  This  opinion, 
which  first  appears  about  1625,  though  his- 
torically questionable,  is  now  the  doctrine 
of  the  constitution.  Therefore  a  bishop 
apparently  has  not  the  privilege  of  being  tried 
by  the  peers  for  treason  or  felony.  Soon  after 
the  Reform  Act  of  1832  efforts  towards 
excluding  the  bishops  from  Parhament  were 
made  in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  without 
result  (1834,  1836,  1837). 

Representatives  of  the  clergy  were  occasion- 
ally summoned  to  the  secular  councils  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  In  1295 
Edward  i.  issued  writs  to  the  archbishops  and 
bishops  commanding  them  to  attend  Parha- 
ment, and  to  forewarn  (praemuyiientes)  the 
deans  and  archdeacons  to  be  present  in  person, 
each  chapter  by  one  proctor  and  the  parochial 
clergy  of  each  diocese  by  two.  The  clerical 
estate  of  Parliament  thus  formed  must  be 
distinguished  from  the  Lower  Houses  of 
Convocation  (q.v.).  These  are  two  separate 
spiritual  assembhes,  parts  of  the  provincial 
synods  of  the  Enghsh  Church.  The  clerical 
estate  was  to  be  a  single  body,  an  integral 
part  of  Parliament,  in  which  it  was  to 
represent  the  temporal  interests  of  the 
clergy. 

Edward  designed  that  it  should  vote  the 
taxes  to  be  paid  by  them,  but  to  this  they 
objected,  preferrmg  to  maintain  the  right 
they  had  established  to  tax  themselves  in 
Convocation.  Their  wish  was  respected,  and 
the  chief  reason  for  the  clerical  estate  in 
Parliament  was  thus  removed.  The  proctors 
seldom  attended,  and  took  httle  part  in  the 
proceedings.  In  the  first  half  of  the  four- 
teenth century  the  kings  were  wont  to  send 
a  separate  mandate  enjoining  the  archbishops 
to  compel  their  attendance,  which,  however, 
seems  to  have  ceased  altogether  soon  after 
the  end  of  that  century.  From  about  1377 
the  wording  of  the  writ  was  changed  from 
ad  faciendum  et  consentiendum  to  ad  consenti- 
endum.  The  consent  only  of  the  clergy  was 
asked,  and  this  they  might  be  supposed  to 
give  by  their  absence.  That  they  sometimes 
took  part  in  the  proceedings  even  after  this 
date  is  shown  by  the  case  of  Haxey,  Canon  of 
Lichfield,Lincoln,Howden,  and  Southwell,  and 
clerical  proctor  in  Parhament  in  1397,  w  hen  he 
attacked  abuses  of  administration,  and  especi- 


(  448  ) 


Parliament] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Patrick 


ally  the  expense  of  maintaining  many  bishops 
and  ladies  at  court.  For  this  he  was  con- 
demned to  death  as  a  traitor,  but  was  saved 
hy  his  privilege  of  clergy.  In  September 
1.397  the  spiritual  estates  in  both  Houses  of 
Parliament  chose  Sir  Thomas  Percy,  Knight, 
to  give  assent  on  their  behalf  to  the  actions  of 
Parliament. 

In  1547  the  Lower  House  of  Canterbury 
Convocation  petitioned,  but  without  result, 
that  '  according  to  the  anticnt  custom  of  this 
realm,  and  the  tenor  of  the  king's  writs  for 
the  summoning  of  the  parliament,'  they  '  may 
be  adjoyned  and  associated  with  the  lower 
house  of  parliament,'  and  that  if  this  were 
not  done  no  laws  affecting  the  Church  might 
be  passed.  The  praemunientes  clause,  sum- 
moning the  clerical  proctors  to  Parliament, 
is  still  retained  in  the  writs,  and  instances  of 
elections  under  it  are  found  down  to  the 
latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

In  1553  No  well  (q.v.)  was  not  allowed  to 
sit  in  the  House  of  Commons  because  as  a 
prebendary  of  Westminster  he  had  '  a  voice 
in  the  convocation  house.'  The  presence  of 
Sir  John  Tregonwell,  a  lay  prebendary  on 
the  committee  which  thus  reported,  shows 
that  holy  orders,  not  the  holding  of  prefer- 
ments, were  considered  the  real  bar.  Until 
the  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.),  1662,  made 
episcopal  ordination  obligatory,  deaneries 
and  prebends,  being  sine  cura  anlmarum, 
were  considered  appropriate  rewards  for  lay 
civil  servants.  Instances  of  lay  deans  [Whit- 
tingham]  sitting  in  the  House  of  Commons  are 
Sir  John  WoUey  (d.  1592),  Elizabeth's  Latin 
secretary,  and  Sir  Christopher  Perkins  (d. 
1622),  a  diplomatist,  both  Deans  of  Carlisle. 
Dr.  French  Laurence  sat  in  Parliament,  1796- 
1809,  while  holding  the  lay  prebend  of  Salis- 
bury attached  to  the  Regius  Professorship 
of  Civil  Law  at  Oxford.  Since  Convocation 
gave  up  the  right  of  taxation  in  1664  the 
clergy  have  voted  in  ParUamentary  elections  ; 
but  the  question  of  their  right  to  sit  in  the 
Commons  was  not  finally  settled  till  1801, 
when  Home  Tooke,  who  was  in  priest's  orders, 
having  been  elected  for  Old  Sarum,  an  Act 
was  passed  declaring  the  clergy  ineligible 
(41  Geo.  m.  c.  63). 

The  Clerical  Disabilities  Act,  1870  (33-4 
Vic.  c.  91).  provided  that  a  clergyman  of  the 
English  Church  can  render  himself  eligible 
to  sit  in  the  House  of  Commons  by  resigning 
his  preferments  and  executing  a  deed  re- 
linquishing aU  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
holy  orders.  Canon  76  enacts  that  no 
clergyman  shall  give  up  his  orders,  or  '  use 
himself  as  a  layman,'  on  pain  of  excom- 
munication.    But   a   temporal   peer  who   is 


in    holy   orders    may   sit    in   the   House   of 
Lords.  [g.  0.] 

Stubbs,  CJ.II.,  vi.,  xi.,  xv.,  xx.,  ami  Sei. 
Clvtrters;  Ausoii,  Ja(i(i  of  the  Cdnstitulion; 
Freeman.  T/u'  IIui/si'  of  Lords  (•  Hint.  Essays,' 
4th  ser.);  Pike,  C'omt.  Hist,  of  the  House 
of  Lords  ;  Atterbiiry,  Rights  of  Convocation  ; 
Hansard,  I'lui.  Hist.,  xxxv.  ;  Pari.  DeMates, 
xxiii.,  xxxiii.,  xxxvi. 

PATRICK,   Simon  (1626-1707),  Bishop  of 
Ely,   eldest  son  of  Henry  Patrick,   a  pious 
mercer   of   Gainsborough,   was   educated   at 
the  Grammar  School  there,  and  at  Queens' 
College,  Cambridge,  where,  as  he  was  poor, 
the  master  helped  him  by  giving  him  work 
as   a   transcriber,   and   he   soon   obtained   a 
scholarship.      He    graduated    B.A.   in   1648, 
was  ordained  by  a  Presbyterian  classis,  and 
began  to  preach ;  but  having  learnt  from  the 
works    of    Hammond    and    'ihorndike    the 
necessity  of  episcopal  ordination,  he  received 
it  privately  in  1654  from  the  ejected  Bishop 
of  Norwich,  Joseph  Hall.     He  became  chap- 
lain  to   Sir   Walter  St.  John  at  Battersea, 
and  in  1658  was  appointed  to  the  vicarage 
there.     At  the   Restoration  he  gladly  con- 
formed to  the  Church  order.     In   1661    he 
was   elected   Master   of    his    college,    but   a 
mandate  from  Charles  ii.  led  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  another.     In  1662  he  was  presented 
to  the  rectory  of  St.  Paul's,  Co  vent  Garden, 
and  was  recognised  as  distinguished  among 
the    great   London    preachers    of    the   time. 
Throughout  the  plague  of  1665-6  he  remamed 
at   his   post ;   he   was   diUgent,   and   caused 
prayers  to  be  read  in  his  church  twice  daily. 
Having  graduated  D.D.,  he  was  incorporated 
of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  in  1666.     He  was 
a  friend  of  Tenison,  afterwards  archbishop, 
and  at  a  later  date  co-operated  with  him  in 
founding  a  school  for  the  education  of  the 
poor  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin-in-the-Fields. 
He  was  made  one  of  the  King's  chaplains, 
and  in  1672  was  appointed  a  prebendai-y  of 
Westminster,    where    he    became   sub-dean. 
In  1679  he  received  the  deanery  of  Peter- 
borough, which  he  held  along  with  his  London 
benefice.     Together  with  Dr.  Jane  he  repre- 
sented the  English  Church  in  a  conference 
with  Romanist  divines  arranged  by  James  n. 
in  1686.     He  was  the  first  to  sign  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  London  clergy  in  May  1688  not 
to    read    the    Declaration    of    Indulgence. 
[Seven  Bishops.]    He  took  the  oath  at  the 
Revolution,  and  was  one  of  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  William  iii.  in  1689  to  examine 
the  liturgy  with  a  view  to  the  comprehen- 
sion of  Nonconformists.    He  was  consecrated 
Bishop  of  Chichester,  1689.     In  1691  he  was 
translated  to  Ely.     As  bishop  he  upheld  the 


■1  F 


(449) 


Patteson] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Patteson 


principles  of  the  Church,  and  made  it  efficient 
in  his  diocese.  He  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian 
Knowledge,  and  warmly  supported  the 
Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel. 
He  was  devout,  learned,  and  of  an  emin- 
ently practical  cast  of  mind.  Patrick 
was  a  proUfic  author.  His  Parable  of  the 
Pilgrim,  pubUshed  in  1664,  fourteen  years 
before  Bunyan's  famous  allegory,  and 
vastly  inferior  to  it  as  literature,  soon  ran 
through  six  editions;  an  abridged  edition 
was  pubhshed  in  1840.  He  also  wrote 
Commentaries  on  the  Old  Testament,  which 
were  long  held  in  high  esteem ;  controversial 
treatises  against  both  Roman  Catholic 
doctrines  and  Nonconformity;  many  books 
of  devotion  and  on  reUgious  subjects,  and 
poems ;  and  he  left  an  Autobiography,  which 
was  first  pubhshed  in  1839.  His  principal 
works,  excluding  the  Commentaries  but  in- 
cluding the  Autobiography,  were  collected  and 
pubhshed  in  nine  volumes  in  1858. 

[w.  H.] 

Autobiography;  Chamberlayne.  Memoir  in 
Parable  of  the  Pilgrim  ;  D.N.B.  ;  Hutton, 
Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  1603-1714. 

PATTESON,  John  Coleridge  (1827-1871), 
Bishop  of  Melanesia,  was  son  of  a  Justice  of 
the  King's  Bench ;  his  mother  was  one  of 
the  remarkable  Coleridge  family.  At  Eton, 
where  he  was  more  noted  for  purity  of  char- 
acter than  for  ability,  he  became  Captain  of 
the  Eleven.  His  mind  turned  early  towards 
a  missionary  vocation.  At  Oxford  he 
became  a  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  and 
then  went  to  Dresden  to  learn  Hebrew. 
There  he  formed  a  lifelong  friendship  with 
Max  MiiUer,  and  found  that  he  had  an 
unusual  faculty  for  learning  and  speaking 
languages.  With  this  further  sense  of  quaU- 
fication  for  missionary  work  he  became  curate 
of  Alfington,  near  his  father's  house  in 
Devonshire.  In  1854  Bishop  Selwyn  {q.v.) 
came  to  England.  He  had  asked  Lady 
Patteson  for  Coleridge  as  a  boy,  and  now 
gave  him  an  invitation,  which  Patteson 
without  reserve  accepted.  Never  was  a  more 
complete  surrender.  The  old  judge  gave  up 
the  stay  of  his  old  age,  the  son  gave  up  home, 
friends,  the  art  and  music  that  he  loved, 
determined  never  to  return.  By  the  indul- 
gence of  his  college  he  retained  his  Fellowship. 
He  accompanied  SelwjTi  to  New  Zealand, 
with  the  intention  that  he  should  take  special 
charge  of  the  Melanesians.  In  the  first  year 
he  visited  the  New  Hebrides.  He  loved  the 
natives  as  soon  as  he  knew  them,  and  declared 
that  he  would  not  change  his  life  with  them 


for  any  other.  They  being  now  taught  in 
their  own  tongues  expanded  with  dehght; 
and  moving  down  with  him  to  the  sunny 
beach  at  Kohimarama  they  formed  the 
nucleus  of  the  native  teaching  body  who 
were,  it  was  hoped,  to  evangehse  the  islands. 
The  place  of  Bishop  Patteson  in  history  is 
not  fixed  by  enterprise  or  wise  plans,  though 
these  were  not  wanting,  but  by  his  extra- 
ordinary command  of  native  languages,  and 
his  power  of  hving  with  young  savages, 
understanding  them,  and  drawing  them 
upwards  by  his  personal  influence.  The 
Melanesian  portion  of  the  Pacific,  with  its 
multitude  of  islands,  is  divided  by  a  strange 
multiphcity  of  languages.  Patteson,  before 
he  died,  could  speak  in  about  thirty  ;  with 
five  or  six  he  was  thoroughly  conversant ; 
he  spoke  aU  these  hke  a  native,  but  he  did 
not  Uve  to  print  or  write  much  of  what  he 
knew.  It  is  hard  to  conceive  how  the 
Melanesian  Mission  could  have  advanced 
without  him. 

His  fitness  for  the  charge  of  Melanesia  being 
proved  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  the 
Mission  on  St.  Matthias's  Day,  1861,  by  the 
bishops  of  New  Zealand,  acting  without 
patent  or  other  authority  than  that  inherent 
in  their  episcopate.  He  soon  had  a  new 
vessel,  the  Southern  Cross,  and  a  few  young 
men  in  training,  and  thought  the  time  had 
come  to  appeal  for  assistance  in  Austraha. 
This  he  did  in  1864  with  persuasive  and 
pathetic  eloquence. 

In  the  next  island  voyage  his  boat  was 
attacked,  and  two  young  Pitcairners  killed  by 
arrow  wounds — a  lasting  grief  to  the  bishop. 
In  the  next  year  he  spent  some  time  at  Mota, 
estabhshing  the  first  of  the  native  schools 
with  which  he  hoped  to  furnish  all  the  groups. 
But  now  the  distance  of  New  Zealand  from 
the  Melanesian  Islands,  the  cold  of  the 
winter,  the  constant  occupation  of  the  bishop 
in  matters  apart  from  his  mission,  made  it 
necessary  to  move  the  headquarters  to 
Norfolk  Island,  the  only  place  available. 
There,  when  not  in  the  islands,  the  last  years 
of  his  life  were  spent,  with  his  room  opening 
into  the  chapel,  in  freest  intercourse  with 
expanding  native  minds,  reading  Hebrew  and 
theology  with  the  young  clergy,  discussing 
principles  and  methods  of  missionary  and 
linguistic  work,  and  in  the  nursing  of  the  sick. 
This  happy  life  was  interrupted  by  sickness ; 
and  then  came  his  last  voyage.  The  troubles 
of  the  labour  trade  had  begun— a  scourge 
to  the  islands  and  a  serious  danger  to  the 
mission.  In  1871  the  bishop  spent  some 
time  at  Mota,  baptizing  many  natives.  It 
was  on  the  httle  island  of  Nukapu  that  his 


(  450) 


Paulinus] 


Dictionarij  of  English  Church  History 


[Pearson 


life  was  taken  by  natives  enraged  by  the  kid- 
napping of  five  of  theii"  number  by  a  labour 
vessel  from  Fiji.  One  of  the  mission  clergy, 
Joseph  Atkin,  and  a  native  teacher  were 
killed  by  arrows.  The  bishop's  body  was 
restored,  with  five  wounds,  covered  with  a 
palm  leaf  in  which  five  knots  were  tied. 
It  was  sunk  in  the  sea  as  the  vessel  hung 
off  the  island  in  a  calm,  and  the  near 
volcano  sounded  like  funeral  guns. 

]Miss  Yonge  {q.v.),  in  her  Memoir,  has  made 
Bishop  Patteson's  life  and  work  widely  known. 
What  he  gave  to  EngUsh  people  in  example 
can  be  understood  ;  to  those  who  Uved  with 
him  he  seemed  to  move  on  holy  ground ; 
the  first  generation  of  Mclanesians  who  heard 
the  Gospel  had  in  him  their  pattern  of  a 
Christian.  [r.  h.  c] 

C.  M.  Yonge,  Life  ;  personal  recollections. 

PAULINUS  (d.  644),  Bishop  of  York,  a 
Roman,  was  sent  by  Pope  Gregory  {q.v.)  to 
Augustine  {q.v.)  in  601.  He  was  consecrated 
bishop  in  625  that  he  might  accompany  Ethel- 
burga,  daughter  of  Eadbald,  King  of  Kent, 
who  was  going  north  to  marry  Edwin,  the 
Northumbrian  King.  When  in  626  Edwin 
was  hesitating  whether  to  receive  baptism, 
PauHnus  reminded  him  that,  when  an  exile 
at  the  court  of  Raedwald,  the  East  Anglian 
King,  and  in  peril  of  liis  life,  he  had  appeared 
to  him  and  foretold  his  future  greatness, 
and  that  Edwin  had  promised  that  if  his 
prophecy  were  fulfilled  he  woiUd  accept  his 
teaching.  Paulinus  may  have  been  in  East 
Anglia  at  the  time,  perhaps  about  616. 
Edwin  acknowledged  the  promise ;  the 
Xorthumbrian  witan  decided  to  accept 
Christianity,  and  Edwin  was  baptized  by 
Paulinus,  together  with  many  of  his  house 
and  his  nobles,  on  Easter-eve,  11th  April  627, 
in  a  wooden  church  hastily  erected  at  York 
and  dedicated  to  St.  Peter.  At  the  instiga- 
tion of  Paidinus  the  King  raised  a  stone 
chiu-ch  over  this  wooden  building  and  made 
York  the  place  of  his  see.  Paulinus,  for  the 
most  part,  dwelt  ^vith  the  King,  and  the 
whole  of  Edwin"  s  wide  dominions  were  his 
mission  field.  He  baptized  many  in  the 
Swale  at  Catterick;  for  there  were  no  churches, 
and  we  read  only  of  one,  besides  that  at 
York,  being  buUt  in  Deira,  at  Campodunum 
(perhaps  Doncaster),  though  there  probably 
were  others.  He  visited  Bernicia  with  the 
King  and  Queen,  and  for  thirty-six  days  at 
Yeavering  catechised  and  baptized  a  multi- 
tude of  people  in  the  glen ;  so,  too,  he  did 
in  the  Trent  Valley;  and  he  also  visited 
Lindsey,  where  he  converted  the  reeve  of 
Lincoln,    who    buUt   a   stone   church   there. 


In  that  church  he  consecrated  Honorius  to 
the  see  of  Canterbury,  probably  in  627.  When 
in  633  Edwin  was  defeated  and  slain  at 
Hatfield  by  Penda  of  Mercia  and  the  Briton 
CadwaUa,  Ethel burga  fled  to  Kent,  and  Paul- 
inus accompanied  her.  His  faitliful  deacon 
James,  however,  remained  in  Northumbria 
preaching  and  baptizing.  Paulinus  received 
the  bishopric  of  Rochester,  and  a  paUium 
[PaXlL],  sent  in  634  by  Pope  Honorius, 
which  would  have  given  him  archiepiscopal 
dignity,  but  as  it  was  not  granted  untQ  after 
he  had  left  York  he  cannot  strictly  be  called 
archbishop ;  indeed,  the  line  of  archbishops  of 
York  did  not  begin  until  a  century  later. 
He  died  at  Rochester  on  10th  October  644. 
He  was  a  tall  man,  a  little  bent,  with  black 
hair,  a  thin  face,  and  an  aquiline  nose,  and 
of  a  venerable  and  awe-inspiring  aspect. 

[w.  H.] 

Life  of  Pope  Greijory  the  Great  (the  oldest), 
ed.  Gasquet ;  Bade,  H.E. 

PEARSON,  John  (1612-86),  Bishop  of 
Chester,  was  a  native  of  Great  Snoring  in  Nor- 
folk. He  was  educated  at  Eton  and  Queens' 
College,  Cambridge,  was  elected  Scholar 
(1632)  and  FeUow  (1634)  of  King's,  was  Pre- 
bendary of  Nether- Avon,  Salisbury  (1640-61), 
Rector  of  Thorington  in  Suffolk  (1640), 
weekly  preacher  at  St.  Clement's,  Eastcheap 
(1654).  In  1660  he  became  Rector  of  St. 
Christopher-le- Stocks,  Prebendary  of  Ely, 
Archdeacon  of  Surrey,  and  Master  of  Jesus 
College,  Cambridge  ;  in  1661  Lady  Margaret 
Reader  in  Divinity,  in  1662  Master  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge,  and  in  1673  Bishop  of 
Chester.  His  most  important  writings  were 
An  Exposition  of  the  Creed,  pubUshed  in 
1659 ;  Vindiciae  Epistolarmn  S.  Ignatii, 
1672 ;  Annales  Cyprianici,  1682 ;  Disser- 
tationes  de  serie  et  successione  primorum 
Romae  Episcoporum,  published  in  a  pos- 
thumous collection  of  some  of  his  wTitings  in 
1688,  and  some  of  the  treatises  included  in 
the  edition  of  his  Minor  Works,  pubhshed  from 
MSS.  by  Archdeacon  Edward  Churton  in 
1844.  A  good  idea  of  liis  thought  and 
methods  may  be  formed  by  comparing  the 
Exposition  of  the  Creed,  -vvritten  for  ordinary 
readers,  with  the  Minor  Works,  written  for 
scholars.  A  very  incomplete  impression 
would  be  formed  from  either  studied  separ- 
ately. The  most  valuable  part  of  the 
Exposition  of  the  Creed  is  in  the  elaborate 
notes,  consisting  largely  of  quotations  from 
patristic  literature,  in  which  he  was  extra- 
ordinarily learned.  His  theology  is  marked 
by  his  clear  grasp  on  the  truths  concerning 
the  Being  of  God,  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  the 


(  451  ) 


Peckham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pecock 


Incarnation.  In  some  respects  his  Exposition 
of  the  Creed  is  open  to  criticism,  as  in  the 
omission  of  a  sufficient  treatment  of  any 
other  than  the  intellectual  elements  of 
faith ;  in  his  emphasis  on  the  supposed  fact 
that  the  world  was  made  '  most  certainly 
within  not  more  than  six,  or  at  furthest 
seven,  thousand  years '  (in  the  first  edition 
he  wrote,  '  most  certainly  within  much  less 
than  six  thousand  years  ') ;  in  his  coTupletely 
ignoring,  probably  as  part  of  a  revolt  against 
some  mediaeval  ideas  about  Purgatory,  the 
intermediate  state ;  in  his  apparent  view- 
that  the  material  particles  of  our  present 
bodies  wiU  be  restored  and  reunited  in  the 
resurrection ;  and  in  the  extent  to  which 
he  associates  local  movements  '  through  all 
the  regions  of  the  air,  through  all  the  celestial 
orbs,'  with  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord.  But 
when  all  such  qualifications  are  made,  it 
remains  a  splendid  example  of  strong  and 
soUd  treatment  of  fundamental  theology  and 
a  permanently  valuable  exposition  of  ortho- 
dox belief.  In  his  other  writings  much  of 
his  historical  and  critical  work  is  of  a  very 
high  order,  and  exhibits  an  interesting  com- 
bination of  scholastic  method  with  such 
knowledge  as  was  possible  in  his  day.  His 
ecclesiastical  position  is  well  shown  by  his 
contentions  that  the  papal  claims  are  to  be 
rejected  as  destructive  of  that  true  idea  of 
the  ministry  which  regards  all  the  bishops  as 
successors  of  all  the  apostles,  and  that  bishops 
alone  can  ordain.  [d.  s.] 

PECKHAM,  John  (c  1240-92),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  a  Yorkshireman,  a  student 
of  Paris  and  apparently  of  Oxford,  and 
entered  the  Franciscan  Order.  He  returned 
to  Oxford  about  1270  and  became  a  leader 
of  the  Franciscan  movement,  and  finally 
the  Provincial  of  the  Order  in  England.  He 
was  famous  for  his  austerities,  '  fasting  as 
it  were  for  seven  Lents  a  year,'  and  travelled 
on  foot  to  attend  a  general  chapter  of  his 
Order  at  Padua.  He  was  summoned  to 
Rome  by  Pope  Nicholas  ni.  (himself  a  Fran- 
ciscan, and  known  as  the  Sun  of  the  Order, 
of  which  Peckham  was  the  Moon),  and  was 
made  Lector  Sacri  Palatii.  He  was  in 
Rome  when  Robert  Kilwardby,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  resigned  liis  office  in  1278. 
Robert  Burnell,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
the  Chancellor  of  England,  was  elected  to 
succeed  him,  but  the  election  was  quashed 
by  Nicholas  m.,  who  nominated  Peck- 
ham,  1278,  and  urged  him  to  stamp  out 
the  scandal  of  plurahsm  in  his  province. 
To  this  end  Peckham  summoned  a  pro- 
vincial S5mod  at  Reading  in  1279,  in  which. 


finding  the  decretal  Ordinarii  Locorum  of 
the  Council  of  Lyons  of  1274  too  severe, 
he  promulgated  a  constitution  of  his  own 
founded  on  that  of  the  Lateran  Covmcil  of 
1215.  He  also  published  articles  directing 
the  clergy  to  explain  the  excommunica- 
tions issued  against  impugners  of  Magna 
Carta  and  those  who  interfered  with  the 
Church  courts.  These  he  was  compelled  by 
Edward  i.  to  withdraw,  and  the  King  in 
return  caused  Parhament  to  pass  the  Statute 
of  Mortmain  (q.v.).  His  intervention  in  the 
Welsh  war  of  Edward  i.  was  due  to  his  desire 
to  put  down  what  were  said  to  be  abuses  in 
the  Welsh  Church,  to  bring  it  more  closely 
under  the  control  of  Canterbury,  and  into 
greater  conformity  with  English  customs. 
He  seems  to  have  meant  well,  and  tried  to 
arrange  some  settlement,  but  was  not  always 
judicious  in  his  treatment  of  Welsh  national 
feeling. 

Peckham  was  greatest  as  a  theologian 
and  physicist.  As  archbishop  he  was 
energetic  and  zealous  for  Church  reform ; 
he  sincerely  loved  justice  and  hated  oppres- 
sion, but  his  want  of  tact  and  insistence 
on  the  rights  of  his  office  brought  him  into 
frequent  quarrels,  and  to  a  great  extent 
frustrated  his  good  intentions.  In  personal 
character  he  was  humble,  kindly,  and  devout. 
He  died  at  Mortlake  in  1292  after  a  long 
illness,  and  is  buried  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

[G.  C] 

Registruni  Epistolarinn  Fratris  Johannis 
Peckham,  R.S. ;  D.N.B.  ;  Ogle,  Canon  Laiu  in 
Mediceval  England. 

PECOCK,  Reginald  (139o?-1460?),  was  bora 
in  Wales,  and  after  a  career  of  some  dis- 
tinction at  Oxford,  during  which  he  was 
made  a  Fellow  of  his  college  (Oriel),  was 
summoned  to  court,  where  his  learning  won 
him  approval.  Probably  to  Humphrey, 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  he  owed  more  than  one 
preferment.  In  1431  he  was  appointed 
Master  of  Whittington  CoUege  in  London. 
In  1444  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  St. 
Asaph,  and  in  1450,  through  the  influence  of 
WiUiam  de  la  Pole,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  was 
translated  to  Chichester.  He  wielded  the  pen 
of  a  ready  writer,  and  in  1457  he  was  charged 
with  having  uttered  heretical  opinions  in 
many  of  his  books.  His  trial,  or  rather 
trials,  before  Archbishop  Bouchier  culminated 
in  his  downfall.  He  was  offered  the  choice 
of  either  recanting  his  opinions  and  publicly 
burning  his  books,  or  else  becoming  himself 
fuel  for  the  fire.  He  chose  the  former 
alternative.  Fortunately  copies  were  kept 
of  some  of  the  offending  volumes.     He  ended 


(452) 


Pecock] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Peculiars 


his  (lays  in  captivity  in  the  abbey  of  Thorney 
under  cruel  conditions,  for  he  was  deprived  of 
all  books,  save  a  missal  and  a  breviary,  and 
he  liad  '  nothing  to  •nrite  with ;  no  stuff  to 
vrite  upon.' 

He  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  complex 
temper — conservative  in  his  relation  to  the 
practices  of  the  Church,  radical  in  his  treat- 
ment of  theological  questions.  In  matters 
of  practice  he  was  always  ready  to  defend  the 
status  quo  and  to  minimise  the  evils  of  the 
time,  which  were  a  scandal  not  only  to  the 
Lollards,  but  to  many  orthodox  churchmen. 

In  a  sermon  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  in 
1447  he  defended  the  non-resident  and  non- 
preaching  bishops  of  the  day,  and  in  his 
greatest  work  {The  Repressor)  may  be  found 
an  ingenious  and  subtle  defence  of  such 
matters  as  the  wealth  of  the  clergy,  pilgrim- 
ages, the  multiphcation  of  monastic  houses, 
in  which  he  assumed  that  any  abuses  con- 
nected with  these  were  the  creation  of  un- 
informed imagination.  He  was  an  ardent 
supporter  of  the  temporal  as  well  as  of  the 
spiritual  power  of  Rome. 

But  it  is  as  a  thinker  that  Pecock  stands 
out  as  a  man  of  original  mind,  and  the  one 
intellectually  remarkable  figure  of  his  day. 
He  was  entirely  opposed  to  the  narrow 
view  of  the  Lollards  as  to  the  verbal  inspira- 
tion of  Holy  Scripture,  and  this  fact  led 
him  to  develop  views  concerning  the  suprem- 
acy of  natural  reason  which  excited  the  anta- 
gonism of  Churchman  and  Lollard  alike. 
The  contention  of  the  latter  was  that  '  no 
ordinance  is  to  be  esteemed  a  law  of  God, 
unless  it  be  grounded  in  Holy  Scripture.' 
The  fallacy  of  such  a  proposition  was  the 
occasion  for  Pecock  to  adopt  a  line  of  reason- 
ing that  revealed  his  mental  vigour  and 
helped  to  cause  his  own  undoing.  This  is 
contained  in  The  Repressor.  To  the  conten- 
tion of  the  Biblemen,  he  replied  that  '  it 
belongeth  not  to  Holy  Scripture  to  ground 
any  governance,  or  deed,  or  service,  or  any 
law  of  God,  or  any  truth  of  God  which  man's 
reason  bj^  nature  may  find.,  learn,  and  know.' 
He  applied  this  statement  to  the  moral  law, 
Avhich,  he  urged,  can  be  known  apart  from 
any  help  of  Scripture,  and  which,  indeed,  was 
known  before  the  books  of  the  Bible  were 
written.  His  conclusion  is  that  the  purpose 
of  Scripture  is  to  encourage  men  to  keep  the 
moral  law,  but  that  that  law  itself  is  taught 
by  man's  reason.  If  reason  and  Scripture 
come  into  conflict,  the  former  inust  be 
obeyed,  for  that  which  is  -WTitten  in  the  heart 
is  superior  to  any  outward  words. 

His  Book  oj  Faith  is  a  characteristic  example 
of  the  two  sides  of  his  mind.     On  the  one 


hand  there  are  passages  which,  taken  by  them- 
selves, could  have  excited  no  suspicion  even 
in  the  fifteenth  century.  But  in  his  dis- 
cussion of  the  nature  of  faith,  and  the  author- 
ity of  the  Church  and  of  Scripture,  a  great 
deal  of  a  very  different  character  may  be  dis- 
covered below  the  surface  ;  and  when,  in  the 
prologue  to  the  book,  he  affirmed  that  '  no 
clerk  ought  to  be  displeased  '  with  what  was 
to  follow,  he  must  have  had  a  shrewd  suspicion 
that  he  was  about  to  stir  up  a  considerable 
amount  of  clerical  displeasure.  In  Chapter 
iv.,  Part  II.,  he  has  a  striking  contrast 
between  Credo  and  Credo  in  as  relating  to  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  he  announces  his 
intention  of  a])plying  the  same  treatment 
to  the  one  baptism,  the  forgiveness  of  sins, 
and  the  life  everlasting.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  the  chapters  containing  this  further 
matter  are  missing. 

In  his  discussion  of  the  authorship  of  Genesis 
he  displayed  a  critical  temper  which  even 
to-day  is  modern.  It  should  be  added  that 
his  overweening  conceit  must  have  increased 
the  bitterness  of  his  opponents,  and  there  is 
something  to  be  said  for  the  opinion  that 
political  enmity  contributed  to  his  mis- 
fortunes. Moreover,  his  frank  opposition 
to  the  war  with  France  could  not  have 
increased  his  popularity.  [e.  m.  b.] 

The  Repressor,  ed.  Babingtou,  R.S.,  1S60  ; 
Tlie  Book  of  Faith,  ed.  Morisou  ;  J.  Gairdner, 
Lollard])  and  the  Reformation  in  Eng.,  vol.  i. 


PECULIARS.  The  word  is  used  to  denote 
a  parish  or  group  of  parishes  '  exempt  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Ordinary  of  the  diocese,' 
i.e.  the  bishop,  and  in  which  some  other 
authority  than  he  instituted,  and,  when 
necessary,  tried  the  clergy,  and  proved  the 
wills.  [Courts.]  In  mediaeval  England  the 
dioceses  w^ere  honeycombed  A^ith  these  juris- 
dictions.    They  fall  into  these  classes : — 

\.  Monastic  Peculiars. — The  very  great 
abbeys  secured  exemption  from  the  diocesan 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  and  his  arch- 
deacon, and  this  privilege  was  extended  to 
the  churches  on  their  estates  aU  over  England. 
Westminster  {q.v.),  St.  Albans  [q.v.),  Bury 
St.  Edmunds  (q.v.),  Glastonbury  {q.v.),  and 
Evesham  were  in  this  position.  They  were 
exceptions  from  the  Benedictine  houses 
owing  to  their  immemorial  antiquitj'.  In 
some  of  them  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of 
the  abbey  was  exercised  by  its  own  arch- 
deacon, as  at  Westminster  and  St.  Albans. 

2.  Peculiars  belonging  to  ivhole  Orders. — The 
Gilbertines  and  Praemonstratensians  were 
exempt     from     diocesan     jurisdiction,     and 


(  453  ) 


Peculiars] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Peculiars 


though  they  held  little  land  they  held  many 
parishes. 

3.  Royal  Peculiars,  i.e.  the  churches  on 
lands  surrounding  a  royal  castle,  as  Shrews- 
bury, Bridgnorth,  and  Hastings,  These 
were  liable  to  archiepiscopal  visitation. 
Windsor  and  Westminster  Abbey  are  of  this 
class  where  the  Ordinary  is  the  Crown.  In 
1832  there  were  eleven  of  these. 

4.  Archiepiscopal  Peculiars :  springing  from 
their  right  to  execute  jurisdiction  where  their 
seats  or  palaces  were.  Of  these  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  had  very  many  and 
the  jurisdiction  over  them  was  exercised 
by  commissaries.  These  still  survive  nomin- 
ally in  the  titles  of  the  Deans  of  Booking, 
Hadleigh  and  Stamford.  The  Deanery  of 
the  Arches  in  London  was  another  Archi- 
episcopal Peculiar. 

5.  Episcopal  Peculiars :  situated  in  one 
diocese,  but  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishop  of  another,  e.g.  the  Bishop  of  London 
had  four  parishes  in  the  diocese  of  Lincoln. 
If  a  bishop  had  a  residence  in  another  diocese 
it  was  a  Peculiar  of  this  kind.  Bishops  might 
also  have  PecuUars  in  their  own  dioceses,  i.e. 
places  subject  immediately  to  their  juris- 
diction to  the  exclusion  of  that  of  the  arch- 
deacon. 

6.  Cathedral  Peculiars. — These  arose  from 
the  division  of  the  cathedral  property  between 
the  bishop  and  the  chapter,  which  took  place 
usually  in  the  twelfth  century.  [Cathedeal 
Chapters.]  In  these  the  chapter  exercised 
ordinary  jurisdiction  over  their  property, 
and  instituted  clerks.  The  jurisdiction 
varied.  At  Lichfield  each  prebendary  was 
Ordinary  in  liis  own  church ;  at  Salisbury  and 
elsewhere  the  whole  chapter  collectively  was 
the  Ordinary  ;  sometimes  the  Dean  had  his 
own  Peculiar  jurisdiction  as  well  as  that  held 
with  his  Chapter,  and  well  into  the  nineteenth 
century  Deans  of  Sahsbury  held  Visitations 
of  their  Peculiars  and  delivered  charges 
[e.g.  Dean  Pearson  in  1839  and  1842). 

A  complete  and  clear  list  of  the  various 
Peculiars  in  England  is  printed  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  the  first  five  volumes  of  the  Valor 
Ecclesiasticus  (q.v.)  1810-1825.  These  are 
given  under  the  hands  of  the  various  diocesan 
bishops  in  answer  to  inquiries  sent  out  by 
the  Commission  on  the  Public  Records. 
Canterbury,  Bangor,  St.  Asaph,  and  Llandaff 
had  none,  nor  had  Durham  and  Carlisle  in 
the  northern  province.  They  are  given  as 
under : — 

Vol.  i.  Rochester,  Bath  and  Wells,  Bristol, 
Chichester  and  London. 

Vol.  ii.  Winchester,      Salisbury,      Exeter, 
Oxford  and  Gloucester. 


Vol.  iii.  Hereford,     Lichfield,     Worcester, 
Norwich,  Ely. 

Vol.  iv.  Lincoln,  Peterborough,  St.  David's. 

Vol.  V.  York  and  Chester. 

A  further  Ust  of  such  courts  with  much 
information  is  in  App.  D,  No.  8  of  the 
Eccles.  Courts  Commission  Report,  1832 
(pp.  554  seq.).  By  that  time  the  four  Welsh 
dioceses  and  Chester  had  no  courts  below 
the  Diocesan.  Durham  had,  however,  a 
PecuHar  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter. 

From  1559  the  power  of  the  bishops  over 
Peculiars  had  begun  to  develop.  The  Act  of 
Supremacy,  1559  (I  EUz.  c.  1),  gave  them 
jurisdiction  for  purposes  of  the  Act  over  aU  ex- 
empt places.  A  proposal  to  subject  Pecuhara 
and  exempt  places  to  the  diocesan  was  made 
later  in  the  reign.  Bishop  Randolph  at 
Oxford  laboured  with  the  same  design  and 
charged  on  the  subject  in  1802  and  1805. 
PecuHars,  he  said,  were  due  '  to  the  usurpa- 
tions of  Papacy  in  the  very  worst  times  of 
its  prevalence.' 

Peculiars  were  brought  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  diocesan  by  the  Act  for  en- 
forcing residence,  1803  (43  Geo.  m.  c.  84), 
but  only  for  the  purposes  of  that  Act.  A 
Bill  to  transfer  their  jurisdiction  altogether 
to  the  diocesan  courts  failed  to  pass  in  1812. 
In  1832  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Commission 
[CoMivnssiONS,  Royal]  reported  that  there 
were  nearly  three  hundred  such  jurisdictions, 
and  recommended  their  abolition.  The  Act 
6-7  WiU.  IV.  c.  77  gave  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commissioners  power  to  prepare  schemes, 
to  be  carried  into  effect  by  Order  in  Council, 
transferring  Peculiars  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  diocesan.  This  power  was  extended  in 
1850  (13-14  Vic.  c.  94).  Peculiar  jurisdiction 
was  gradually  abohshed  by  1-2  Vic.  c.  106 
(1838),  by  the  Church  Disciphne  Act,  1840 
(3-4  Vic.  c.  86),  and  by  10-11  Vic.  c.  98 
(1847)  and  subsequent  Acts.  Many  Pecuhars 
were  abohshed  for  aU  purposes  by  Order  in 
Council  of  8th  August  1845 ;  but  the 
PecuUars  of  cathedral  churches  and  royal 
residences,  including  Westminster  Abbey, 
were  excepted.  Some  Peculiars  were  abol- 
ished by  special  Acts  of  ParUament,  as  St. 
Burian's,  Cornwall,  by  13-14  Vic.  c.  76 
(1850),  and  a  few  still  exist. 

Donatives  were  livings  once  in  the  gift  of 
an  ecclesiastical  body,  which  had  ordinary 
jurisdiction  over  them,  which  when  the  cor- 
poration to  which  they  belonged  was  dis- 
solved, passed  to  the  grantees  of  the  land. 
The  owner  of  the  Uving  was  also  the  Ordin- 
ary, and  could  institute  irrespective  of  the 
bishop.  This  led  to  grave  abuses.  Donatives 
augmented  by  Queen  Anne's  Bounty  {q.v.) 


(  404  ) 


Pentecostals] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Peterborough 


became  thereby  subject  to  the  diocesan.  All 
Donatives  were  gradually  brought  under 
episcopal  jurisdiction  in  the  same  way  as 
PecuUars,  and  were  finally  aboUshed  by  the 
Benefices  Act,  1898  (61-2  Vic.  c.  48).  A 
bishop  now  has  sole  ordinary  jurisdiction  in 
his  diocese.  [s.  l.  o.] 

Burn,  JiccL    Law;    Phillimore,   KccL  Lair; 
and  authorities  in  the  text. 

PENTECOSTALS,  or  Whitsun  -  farthings, 
were  offerings  made  to  the  cathedral  church 
at  Pentecost.  They  grew  from  voluntary 
offerings  from  those  who  according  to  custom 
(mentioned  1396,  see  Gibson,  Codex,  p.  1017) 
visited  the  mother  church  of  the  diocese  at 
that  season,  into  a  fixed  payment  from  every 
parish  to  the  bishop,  recoverable  in  the 
ecclesiastical  court.  In  PhiUimore's  Ecd. 
Lmv  (2nd  ed.,  1895,  p.  1245)  they  are 
said  to  be  still  paid  by  particular  churches 
in  a  few  dioceses.  [g.  c] 

PETERBOROUGH,  See  of.  It  is  supposed 
that  Peada,  eldest  son  of  Penda,  fourth  King 
of  Mercia,  founded  a  monastery  at  Medeham- 
stede,  the  modern  Peterborough,  about  the 
year  655,  but  did  not  live  to  finish  his  work. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  WuLfhere, 
who  completed  the  minster.  Aethelred,  his 
brother,  was  an  even  more  munificent  bene- 
factor, and  is  said,  though  much  doubt  has 
been  thrown  upon  the  story,  to  have  obtained 
through  St.  Wilfrid  {q.v.)  many  extraordinary 
privileges  from  Rome.  Under  Abbot  Hedda 
the  monastery  was  raided  by  the  Danes 
(870)  and  burnt,  when  the  archives  were 
destroyed.  Beorred,  King  of  the  Mercians, 
seized  all  the  lands  belonging  to  it  between 
Stamford,  Huntingdon,  and  Wisbech,  and 
divided  them  amongst  his  soldiers.  The 
rebuilding  probably  commenced  in  966, 
chiefly  through  the  efforts  of  Aethelwold, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  dedicated  it  to 
St.  Peter,  whence  the  adjacent  village 
took  the  name  of  Peterborough.  The  first 
abbot  of  the  new  monastery  was  Adulf, 
Chancellor  of  King  Eadgar,  who,  having 
accidentally  caused  the  death  of  his  only  son, 
forsook  the  court  and  became  a  monk ; 
afterwards  Archbishop  of  York.  Other 
abbots  of  note  were  Kenulf,  who  aug- 
mented the  revenues  and  obtained  a  con- 
firmation of  the  charters  from  Aethelred  n., 
and  afterwards  became  Bishop  of  Winchester. 
Brand,  being  abbot  under  the  Conqueror, 
offended  him  by  applying  to  Eadgar  the 
AtheUng  for  confirmation,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  pay  a  fine  of  forty  marks  of  gold 
before  either  his  own  election  or  the  privileges 


of  the  monastery  were  secured.  Under  the 
next  abbot,  the  Norman  Tliorold,  Hereward 
the  Wake,  joining  a  Danish  force,  proceeded 
to  Peterborough  and  robbed  the  monastery 
of  some  of  its  chief  treasures,  including  the 
uncorrupted  right  arm  of  St.  Oswald  [q.v.). 
This,  however,  was  regained  by  the  Prior. 

Later  the  monks  paid  the  King  three 
hundred  marks  of  silver  for  the  privilege  of 
electing  their  own  abbot,  and  elected  Godric. 
During  the  abbacy  of  John  de  Scez  a  fire 
occurred  (1116)  which  nearly  destroyed  the 
monastery — said  to  be  a  divine  judgment  on 
the  blasphemy  of  the  abbot,  who,  on  some 
trivial  annoyance,  'fell  a-cursing.'  In  1117 
he  laid  the  foundation  of  a  new  church,  the 
origin  of  the  present  cathedral.  Martin  de 
Bee,  appointed  in  1133,  was  assiduous  in  the 
work  of  rebuilding.  Other  famous  abbots 
were  Benedict,  who  completed  the  nave ;  he 
was  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  to  Richard  i. 
Robert  de  Sutton,  who  first  joined  the  side 
of  the  Barons  and  then  that  of  Henry  m., 
and  was  heavily  fined  in  consequence.  At 
the  dissolution  (1539)  Peterborough  had 
become  one  of  the  richest  and  most  famous 
monasteries  in  England.  According  to  Paley, 
the  church  was  spared  owing  to  its  containing 
the  remains  of  Katherine  of  Aragon. 

In  1541  Letters  Patent  were  issued  con- 
verting the  monastic  church  into  the  cathedral 
of  a  new  diocese,  which  consisted  of  the 
counties  of  Northampton  and  Rutland 
(except  three  parishes  in  each),  hitherto  in 
that  of  Lincoln.  It  was  endowed  with 
one-third  of  the  property  of  the  abbey, 
amounting  to  £733  yearly  value ;  the  other 
two-thirds  were  assigned  to  the  King  and  to 
the  new  chapter.  The  income  of  the  abbey 
in  1534  was  £1721,  14s.,  according  to  Dug- 
dale  ;  Speed  values  it  at  £1972,  7s.  Ecton 
(1711)  gives  the  income  of  the  see  as  £414, 
17s.  8id.     It  is  now  £4500. 

The'chapter  as  founded,  1541,  consisted  of 
a  dean  and  six  prebendaries  or  major  canons, 
six  minor  canons,  a  deacon,  sub-deacon, 
eight  singing  men,  eight  choristers,  two 
schoolmasters,  twenty  scholars,  six  almsmen, 
and  others — in  all,  about  seventy.  Queen 
Mary  gave  the  bishop  the  presentation  to 
the  canonries.  Two  of  the  major  canonrics 
were  suspended  in  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113). 

Lentil  1837  the  diocese  consisted  of  the 
single  archdeaconry  of  Northampton  (first 
mentioned,  c.  1078).  In  that  year  the  county 
of  Leicester,  forming  the  archdeaconry  of 
Leicester  (first  mentioned,  c.  1078),  in  the 
diocese  of  Lincoln,  was  added  to  Peter- 
borough. In  1875  the  archdeaconry  of 
Oakham  was  formed  out  of  that  of  North- 


(  455  ) 


Peterborough]  Dictionary  of  English  Church  History         [Peterborough 


anipton.     A  bishop  suffragan  of  Leicester  was 
appointed,  1888.     The  population  is  792,8-7. 

Bishops 

1.  John  Chambers,  1541 ;  last  abbot  of  the 

monastery.  '  He  loved  to  sleep  in  a 
whole  skin  and  desired  to  die  in  his  nest'; 
so,  finding  he  could  not  avert  the  dis- 
solution by  bribery,  surrendered  the 
monastery  to  the  Crown,  1539,  and 
became  bishop  of  the  new  see,  1541 ;  d. 
1556. 

2.  David  Pole,  1557  (P.);    LL.D. ;  FeUow 

of  All  Souls,  Oxford;  depr.  by  Elizabeth, 
but  left  at  liberty  ;  d.  1568,  leaving  his 
books  to  AU  Souls  College,  desiring  them 
to  send  and  fetch  the  same  '  on  account 
of  my  poverty  at  my  latter  end  '  ( Fen- 
land  Notes  and  Queries,  ii.  112). 
.3.  Edmund  Scambler,  1561  ;  tr.  to  Norwich. 

4.  Richard    Howland,     1585;     Master    of 

St.  John's,  Cambridge ;  recommended 
in  1594  for  the  archbishopric  of  York, 
'  which  he  much  endeavoured  after  but 
was  put  by ' ;  d.  1600.  In  1587  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots  was  buried  in  the 
cathedral  church,  but  was  removed  to 
Westminster,  1603. 

5.  Thomas  Dove,  1601 ;  chaplain  to  Queen 

Elizabeth;  d.  1630. 
■6.  William  Piers,  1630  ;  tr.  to  Wells. 

7.  Augustine  Lindsell,  1633  ;  tr.  to  Hereford. 

8.  Francis  Dee,  1634;  d.  1638. 

0.  John  Towers,  1639 ;  formerly  dean ;  '  suc- 
ceeded to  the  bishopric  through  his  own 
great  solicitations.'  During  his  episco- 
pate the  cathedral  suffered  greatly  from 
the  excesses  of  the  soldiery.  It  was  used 
as  a  parish  church  for  Presbyterians. 
Bishop  Towers  d.  1649,  '  having  been 
outed  of  aU  by  the  iniquity  of  the  times,' 
and  the  see  was  vacant  twelve  years. 

10.  Benjamin  Laney,  1660 ;    tr.   to  Lincoln. 

11.  Joseph   Henshaw,  1663;    Dean  of   Chi- 

chester ;  '  lived  not  very  hospitably  in 
his  diocese  '  ;  author  of  a  book  famous 
at  the  time, //orae  <S'«ccmvae  ;  d.  1679. 

12.  William  Lloyd,  1679  ;   tr.  to  Norwich. 

13.  Thomas  White,  1685  ;  the  lifelong  friend 

of  Ken  (q.v.)  and  a  devout  scholar; 
one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.); 
'  being  a  single  man  distributed  a  good 
deal  in  charity';  depr.  in  1690  for 
refusing  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  William  and  Mary,  and  became  a 
leading  Nonjuror;  d.  1698. 

14.  Richard  Cumberland,   1691  ;    a  learned 

author  who  wrote  a  refutation  of  the 
'  free  principles '  of  Hobbes's  De  legibus 
Naturae  disquisitio  philosophica  widely 


circulated  in  England  and  abroad ;   d. 
1718. 
15.  White  Kennett,  1718;  b.  1660;  educated 
at  Westminster  and  St.  Edmund  Hall. 
Oxford,  of  which  he  was  Vice-Principal. 
1690-1695.     In  early  hfe  a  Tory  and 
High  Churchman,  he  became  after  the 
Revolution  a  strong  Whig.     He  was  a 
popular    London    rector,  and    became 
Dean  of  Peterborough,  1707.     He  wrote 
against  Atterbury  {q.v.)  on  the  history 
and  rights  of  Convocation.     He  was  a 
distinguished  antiquary,  and  in  earlier 
life  a  patron  of  Thomas  Hearne.     At 
Peterborough  he  greatly  enriched  the 
chapter  library,  gathering  a  collection 
of  fifteen  hundred  volumes  and  tracts. 
Dr.    Welton   [Nonjurors],   Rector   of 
Whitechapel,  when  placing  in  his  church 
a  new  altar-piece,  a  picture  of  the  Last 
Supper,  bade  the  artist  give  to  Judas 
Iscariot  the  features  of  Bishop  Burnet 
{q.v.).     The    artist,  fearing   the  conse- 
quences, substituted  Kennett.     Among 
the  crowds  who  came  to  see  the  picture 
was  Mrs.  Kennett,  who  '  recognised  her 
husband  with  indignant  astonishment.' 
Kennett  obtained  from  the  consistory 
court  an  ord-er  for  the  removal  of  the 
picture;  d.  1728. 

16.  Robert      Clavering,      1729;      tr.      from 

Llandaff;  d.  1749. 

17.  John  Thomas,  1747  ;   tr.  to  Winchester. 

18.  Richard  Terrick,  1757  ;   tr,  to  London. 

19.  Robert  Lambe,  1764 ;  d.  1769, 

20.  John  Hinchchffe,  1769  ;  son  of  a  London 

stable-keeper ;  Headmaster  of  West- 
minster ;  Master  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  which  position  he  retained 
after  becoming  Bishop  of  Peterborough, 
until  in  1789  he  was  appointed  Dean  of 
Durham,  which  he  held  with  his  bishop- 
ric till  his  death  in  1794. 

21.  Spencer  Madan,  1794 ;  tr.  from  Bristol ; 

d.  1813. 

22.  John  Parsons,  1813 ;    Master  of  Balliol ; 

introduced  many  reforms  there ;  re- 
tained the  Mastership  tUl  his  death 
in  1819 ;  buried  in  Balliol  College 
Chapel. 

23.  Herbert  Marsh,  1819 ;  tr.  from  Llandaff  ; 

had  been  Lady  Margaret  Professor  of 
Divinity  at  Cambridge.  Pitt  settled 
£500  a  year  on  him  to  mark  his  approval 
of  his  History  of  the  Politics  of  Great 
Britain  arid  France  ;  d.  1839. 

24.  George  Davys,  1839;    Fellow  of  Christ 

College,  Cambridge  ;  tutor  to  Princess 
— afterwards  Queen— Victoria  ;  Dean 
of  Chester;  d.  1864. 


(45G) 


Peter's] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Peter's 


25.  Francis  Jeunc,  1864  ;    Fellow  and  later 

Master  of  Pembroke  College,  Oxford  ; 
Headmaster  of  King  Edward's  School, 
Birniinghain ;  Dean  of  Jersey  and 
Dean  of  Lincoln  ;  a  strong  opponent  of 
the  Oxford  Movement ;  d.  1868. 

26.  Williara  Connor  Magee(9.r.),  1868;  tr.  to 

York. 

27.  MandeU   Creighton    {q.v.),   1891  ;   tr.    to 

London. 

28.  Honblc.  Edward  Henry  Carr  Glyn,  1897  j 

formerly  Vicar  of  St.  Mary  Abbotts, 
Kensington.  [g.  f.  a.] 

Gunton,  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Peterborouglu 
(1686) ;  Poole,  Dio.  Hist.  ;  Browne  Willis, 
Survey. 

PETER'S  PENCE.  The  early  history  of 
this  impost  is  obscure.  There  is  evidence 
throughout  the  tenth  century  that  it  was 
being  collected,  but  the  iteration  of  the 
command,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  fines 
tlu-eatened  in  case  of  disobedience,  make 
it  probable  that  payment  was  often  refused. 
Before  the  tenth  century  there  is  only  one 
piece  of  clear  evidence,  viz.  Asser's  assertion 
that  Aethelwulf,  Alfred's  father,  sent  every 
year  three  hundred  mancuses  (a  mancus 
equals  2s.  6d.)  to  Rome  for  his  soul's  good, 
one  hundred  for  lights  at  St.  Peter's,  one 
hundred  for  lights  at  St.  Paul's,  and  one 
hundred  for  the  Pope  personally.  There  is 
no  hint  that  Aethehvulf  was  following  a  pre- 
cedent or  that  his  successors  continued  the 
contribution.  In  fact,  Asser  (sec.  99  fif.) 
in  his  long  account  of  the  way  in  which 
Alfred  {q.v.)  distributed  half  his  revenue  to 
charities  and  churches,  at  home  and  abroad, 
does  not  name  Rome  as  one  of  the  recipients, 
though  his  alms  to  Rome  are  several  times 
named  in  the  A.  -  S.  Chronicle.  Thus  we 
cannot  find  the  origin  of  Peter's  Pence  in  a 
■direct  royal  gift :  in  fact,  no  king  could  have 
bound  his  heirs  in  such  a  way.  Yet  there  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  as  a  tax,  not  a  gift, 
the  '  Romescot,'  '  Rome  fee,'  '  Rome  penny,' 
'  Hearthpenny'  was  levied  in  England  before 
Alfred's  day.  Historians  later  than  the 
Norman  Conquest,  yet  doubtless  using  old 
tradition,  assign  its  origin  to  Ine  of  Wessex 
(d.  726)  or  Offa  of  Mercia  (d.  796),  stating  in 
both  cases  that  an  annual  penny  was  charged 
upon  each  hearth,  i.e.  inhabited  house. 
The  object  of  the  charity  is  said  to  have  been 
poor  English  jDilgrims  at  Rome,  resident  in 
the  Schola  Saxonum,  which  is  regarded  as  an 
almshouse — an  anachronism  which  discredits 
the  story,  as  Mr.  W.  H.  Stevenson  has  shown 
{.455er,  p.  244).  But  a  mistaken  guess  as  to 
motive  does  not  lessen  the  probability  that 


one  of  these  kings,  perhaps  Offa,  established 
the  tax ;  find  refusal  to  pay  came  to  be  re- 
garded as  an  insult  not  only  to  God  but  to  the 
King,  for  it  was  '  royal  alms.'  Farther  nortVi 
we  have  ample  evidence  in  the  '  Northumbrian 
Priests'  Law,'  which  is  earlier  than  the 
Conquest,  for  the  mode  of  collection.  Three 
collectors  were  appointed  for  each  wapen- 
take, and  the  sum  received  was  delivered  to 
the  bishop,  who  shared  with  the  King, 
according  to  the  Laws  of  Cnut  [q.v.),  the  fines 
inflicted  for  non-payment.  In  spite  of 
stringent  laws  the  tax  was  ill  paid,  and  seems 
to  have  fallen  into  desuetude  under  Edward 
the  Confessor.  This  was  one  of  the  griev- 
ances that  led  Alexander  ii.  to  encourage 
William's  invasion ;  and  it  was  natural,  in 
the  thought  of  that  age,  that  the  Pope  should 
have  regarded  the  payment  as  a  tribute,  and 
have  made  the  claim,  rejected  by  the  Con- 
queror, of  a  superiority  over  England. 
However,  from  William  i.  onwards  the 
payment  was  made,  and  though  Alexander 
had  said  that  it  had  been  formerly  divided 
between  Pope  and  Schola,  it  now  passed  as  a 
whole  into  the  Pope's  treasury.  It  seems 
that  after  the  Conquest  the  poorest  house- 
holders, whose  property  did  not  exceed  2s.  6d. 
(the  Domesday  price  of  an  ox),  were  excused, 
but  from  others  the  impost  was  systematically 
levied.  But  in  the  twelfth  century  an 
agreement  was  made,  at  an  unknown  date, 
by  which  the  bishops  paid  a  fixed  sum  of 
three  hundred  marks  (£200)  to  the  Pope,  from 
which  a  deduction  of  one  mark  was  allowed, 
making  the  annual  payment  £199,  6s.  8d. 
It  was  assessed  in  fixed  proportions  on  the 
different  bishops,  Lincoln  paying  the  largest 
share,  £42,  nearly  double  as  much  as  London 
and  Norwich,  which  followed  it.  The  smallest 
charges  were  on  Rochester,  £5,  10s.,  and 
Ely,  £5.  Durham,  Carlisle,  and  the  Welsh 
sees  contributed  nothing.  The  collection 
was  profitable  to  the  bishops ;  in  1214 
Innocent  ni.  complained  that  they  levied 
one  thousand  marks  from  their  dioceses 
and  only  paid  him  three  hundred.  He 
tried,  and  failed,  to  raise  the  assessment, 
which  remained  unaltered  till  payments  to 
the  Pope  ceased.  By  that  time  Peter's  Pence 
were  but  a  small  part  of  the  great  revenue 
collected  by  the  Pope's  agent  in  England, 
and  no  provision  was  made  by  Henry  vni. 
to  retain  this  source  of  income,  as  he  retained 
first-fruits  and  tenths,  for  himself.  With  the 
rejection  of  papal  authority  Peter's  Pence 
disappeared.  It  was  abolished  by  the  Act 
25  Hen.  viii.  c.  21.  It  is  worthy  of  mention 
that  nowhere,  save  in  England  and  the 
Scandinavian  countries,  was  there  this  sys- 


(  4.-)7  ) 


Phillimore] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Phillpotts 


tematic  contribution  to  Rome.  Probably  it 
was  through  English  influence,  either  from 
the  time  of  Cnut  or  from  that  of  the  English 
Cardinal  Nicolas,  afterwards  Adrian  iv. 
iq.v.),  who  settled  the  ecclesiastical  state  of 
the  northern  countries,  that  the  payment 
spread  to  Scandinavia.  [e.  w.  w.] 

PHILLIMORE,  Sir  Robert  Joseph  (1810- 
85),  Dean  of  the  Arches,  son  of  Joseph  Philli- 
more, himself  a  distinguished  civilian,  was 
educated  at  Westminster  and  Christ  Church,  of 
which  he  was  a  Student.  There  he  formed  life- 
long friendships  with  W.  E.  Gladstone  [q.v. )  and 
G.  A.  Denison  {q-v.),  whose  sister  he  married 
in  1844.  As  an  advocate  he  rapidly  attained 
success,  and  became  Chancellor  of  the  dioceses 
of  Chichester,  Salisbury,  and  Oxford.  As 
member  of  Parliament  for  Tavistock  (1852-7) 
he  promoted  legislation  to  reform  the  ecclesi- 
astical courts.  In  1862  he  was  made  Queen's 
Advocate  and  knighted,  and  was  a  leading 
adviser  of  the  Government  upon  questions  of 
international  law.  But  his  chief  interests  lay 
in  the  church  courts,  where  he  was  '  looked 
upon  by  Churchmen  as  their  natural  advo- 
cate.' In  1867  he  was  appointed  Judge  of  the 
Admiralty  Court  and  Dean  of  the  Arches  in 
succession  to  Dr.  Lushington,  who  retained, 
however,  the  Mastership  of  the  Faculties, 
the  lucrative  ofiice  which  furnished  the  salary 
for  the  deanery.  In  1873,  on  Lushington's 
death,  Phillimore  reunited  the  salary  with 
the  work.  He  tried  a  number  of  important 
cases,  including  Martin  v.  Mackonochie  and 
Sheppard  v.  Bennett.  His  judgments  were 
marked  by  wide  learning  and  by  an  apprecia- 
tion of  the  true  functions  of  an  ecclesiastical 
court.  His  interpretation  of  Prayer  Book 
and  Articles  by  the  hght  of  history,  and  by  the 
mind  of  the  Church  as  shown  in  the  writings 
of  divines  of  acknowledged  eminence,  was  a 
welcome  contrast  to  the  harsh  Erastianism  of 
the  Privy  Council,  which  told  him  he  should 
confine  himself  to  '  the  plain  meaning  '  of  the 
Formularies.  He  has  been  justified,  however, 
by  the  admission  of  his  methods  of  interpreta- 
tion by  the  Privy  Council  itself  in  Read  v. 
Bishop  of  Lincoln.  He  resigned  the  Deanery 
of  the  Arches  in  1875,  but  continued  to  sit  as 
a  judge  of  the  Probate  Division  till  1883. 
In  1881  he  was  created  a  baronet. 

Phillimore  was  '  before  all  things  a  devoted 
and  warm-hearted  Churchman.'  '  No  one 
who  knows  him,'  said  Dr.  Pusey,  '  can  doubt 
what  he  has  done  for  religion.'  He  served  the 
Church  not  only  as  an  erudite  lawyer,  but 
also  as  a  member  of  the  Ritual  and  Ecclesi- 
astical Courts  Commissions.  His  published 
works  were  by  no  means  confined  to  legal 


subjects,  for  ho  was  a  scholar  of  culture  and 
refinement.  [g.  c] 

JkN.B.;  article  by  Dr.  Liddon  in  Guardirni, 
11th  February  1885  ;  Ecd.  Judgments,  with  pre- 
face by  himself. 

PHILLPOTTS,  Henry  (1778-1869),  Bishop 
of  Exeter,  son  of  a  Gloucester  innkeeper, 
won  a  scholarship  at  C.C.C.,  Oxford,  at 
the  age  of  thirteen,  and  a  Fellowship 
at  Magdalen  four  years  later.  As  Rector 
of  Stainton-le-Street,  Durham,  he  was  a 
dihgent  parish  priest,  at  the  same  time 
gratifying  his  legal  tastes  by  active  work 
as  a  magistrate.  He  came  into  notice  as  a 
vigorous  Tory  controversiaUst  and  an  oppo- 
nent of  Roman  CathoHcism.  On  becoming 
Dean  of  Chester  in  1828  he  was  unjustly 
accused  of  changing  his  opinions  on  Roman 
Catholic  Emancipation  for  the  ?ake  of  pre- 
ferment. His  appointment  as  Bishop  of 
Exeter  in  1830  was  unpopular  in  the  diocese, 
where  the  prevailing  tone  was  Evangelical, 
while  Phillpotts  was  a  sacramentaHst  and  a 
High  Churchman  of  the  old  school.  More- 
over, he  had  a  reputation  for  nepotism, 
time-serving,  and  plurahsm.  His  zeal  for 
church  disciphne,  combined  with  a  natural 
love  of  litigation,  involved  him  during  his 
episcopate  in  more  than  fifty  law-suits,  which 
cost  him  in  all  between  £20,000  and  £30,000. 
Most  of  them  were  concerned  with  questions 
of  church  patronage  and  disciphne.  After 
the  most  famous  of  them  [Gorham]  he 
published  a  denunciation  of  Archbishop 
Sumner  {q.v.)  as  '  a  favourer  and  supporter ' 
of  heresy,  and  protesting  against  the  institu- 
tion of  Gorham  by  the  archbishop,  said : 
'  I  cannot,  without  sin — and  by  God's  grace 
I  will  not — hold  communion  with  him,  be 
he  who  he  may,  who  shall  so  abuse  the  high 
commission  which  he  bears.'  He  also  accused 
the  judges  of  being  '  swayed  by  other  motives 
besides  justice  and  truth,'  and  assembled  a 
diocesan  synod  at  Exeter,  the  first  held  in 
England  for  many  years  [Councils],  to 
reaffirm  the  doctrine  impugned. 

In  the  House  of  Lords  he  was  soon  recog- 
nised as  an  orator  of  the  first  rank.  For  over 
thirty  years  he  took  a  leading  part  in  debate 
as  an  independent  Tory  and  High  Churchman, 
vigorously  resisting  any  encroachment  on  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  Church,  and 
interesting  himself  in  measures  which  con- 
cerned the  moral  and  social  welfare  of  the 
people.  His  opposition  to  the  Reform  Bill 
increased  his  unpopularity  in  his  diocese. 
Lord  Grey  '  never  could  endure  him,'  and  he 
answered  that  minister's  advice  to  the 
bishops  to  '  set  their  house  in  order '  by  » 


(  458  ) 


Philpot] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pilgrimage 


violent  counter-attack.  He  opposed  the 
Poor  Law  Amendment  Act  of  1834,  especially 
protesting  against  its  injustice  to  the  mothers 
of  illegitimate  children.  In  1844  he  intro- 
duced a  Bill  for  the  suppression  of  brothels 
and  of  trading  in  seduction  and  prostitution. 
He  attacked  with  equal  vigour  the  Dissenters' 
Chapel  Bill,  '  that  horrid  system,'  the  social- 
ism of  Robert  Owen,  and  the  proposal  to 
allow  marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sister, 
which  formed  the  subject  of  one  of  his  latest 
speeches  in  the  House. 

Phillpotts's  love  of  controversy,  his  intem- 
perate methods  of  conducting  it,  and  his 
high-handed  rule  at  Exeter  made  him  many 
enemies,  who  denounced  him  as  a  '  turbulent 
prelate,'  '  domineering,'  and  '  the  pest  of  his 
diocese.'  But  while  freely  accusing  him  of 
ambition  and  love  of  intrigue,  they  could  not 
deny  him  the  possession  of  great  talents  and 
a  personality  of  remarkable  force,  which 
enabled  him  to  fill,  not  unworthily,  a  large 
space  in  the  church  history  of  his  time.  A 
conscientious  and  hard-working  bishop,  he  did 
much  to  restore  church  life,  in  a  stagnant 
diocese  where  firm  discipline  was  needed. 
Though  he  condemned  Tract  90  he  recognised 
the  value  of  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.) 
and  the  devotion  of  its  adherents,  and  showed 
courage  in  defending  them.  In  1848  he 
sanctioned  a  community  of  Sisters  of  Mercy 
under  Miss  Sellon  for  work  among  the  poor 
of  Devonport,  and  supported  them  against 
strong  opposition.  He  took  a  keen  interest 
in  the  proposed  see  of  Truro  {q.v.),  and  con- 
tributed hberaUy  to  its  endowment,  as  well 
as  to  the  restoration  of  Exeter  Cathedral 
and  other  objects.  From  1863  he  lived  in 
seclusion,  being  physically  infirm,  though 
'  in  fuU  force  intellectually,'  as  Bishop  S. 
Wilberforce  wrote  of  him  in  1867,  adding: 
'  It  is  very  striking  to  see  the  taming  of  the 
Old  Lion,'  He  was  in  process  of  resigning  his 
see  when  he  died.  [g.  c] 

Shutte,  Life  (to  1832) ;  Hansard,  Pari. 
Debates,  1831-63  ;  Edinhurgh  Brriew,  July 
1850  ;  A.  C.  Kelway,  George  Rvmile  I'r}pme. 

PHILPOT,  John  (1516-1555),  Archdeacon  of 
Winchester  and  Protestant  martyr,  third  son 
of  Sir  Peter  Philpot,  was  born  at  Compton, 
Hants,  in  1516.  He  was  educated  at 
Winchester  and  New  College,  Oxford,  where 
he  was  Fellow,  1534-1541.  He  became  a 
convert  to  the  Reformed  opinions,  and  went 
abroad  when  the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles  was 
passed  in  1539.  He  was  ever  contentious, 
and  through  disputing  with  a  Franciscan  on 
the  road  from  Venice  to  Padua  nearly  fell 
into  the  clutches  of  the  Inquisition.     Return- 


ing to  England,  he  went  to  Winchester,  '  and 
as  the  time  ministered  more  boldness  to  him 
he  had  divers  conflicts  with  Gardiner  the 
Bishop'  {q.v.).  Gardiner  complained :  'One 
Philpot  in  Westminster  whom  I  accounted 
altered  in  his  wits  devised  tales  of  me 
the  specialities  whereof  I  was  never  called 
to  answer  to.'  Afterwards  he  quarrelled 
bitterly  with  Poynet  {q.v.),  Gardiner's  suc- 
cessor, who  claimed  a  yearly  pension  from 
him.  '  This  causing  contention  between  them, 
intolerable  troubles  arose  and  slanders  in 
that  diocese  to  them  both '  ;  the  bishop's 
registrar,  who  seems  to  have  fomented  the 
quarrel,  then  waylaid  him,  and  set  his  men 
to  beat  him.  But  though  severely  beaten  he 
could  get  no  remedy  in  the  spiritual  court, 
as  the  bishop  and  registrar  were  against 
him. 

When  Mary  succeeded  he  took  part  in  a 
debate  in  Convocation  on  the  Catechism  and 
the  Presence  in  the  Mass,  and  soon  showed 
himself  the  protagonist  of  the  half-dozen 
who  took  the  Protestant  side.  According  to 
his  own  account,  he  could  more  than  hold 
his  own  with  his  antagonists,  and  adopted  an 
aggressive  and  somewhat  contemptuous  tone, 
which  provoked  more  than  one  rebuke  from 
Weston,  the  prolocutor.  The  debate  chiefly 
turned  on  the  corporal  presence  in  the 
Eucharist,  which  Plulpot  hotly  denied, 
'  That  sacrament  of  the  altar,  which  ye  reckon 
to  be  all  one  with  the  mass,  is  no  sacrament 
at  all,  neither  is  Clirist  in  anywise  present  in 
it.'  He  was  soon  afterwards  committed  to 
prison,  and  after  remaining  there  a  year  was 
handed  over  to  Bonner  (g.v.),  who  tried  hard  to 
persuade  him  to  recant,  and  seems  to  have 
done  his  best  for  him ;  but  he  maintained  the 
same  defiant  attitude,  and  was  at  length 
condemned  and  burnt  in  Smithfield  in 
December  1555.  He  met  his  death  with  great 
courage  and  resolution,  kissing  the  stake, 
and  saying :  '  Shall  I  disdain  to  suffer  at  this 
stake  seeing  my  Redeemer  did  not  refuse  to 
suffer  a  most  vile  death  upon  the  Cross  for 
me  ?  ' 

He  was  a  man  of  much  learning  and  whole- 
hearted devotion  to  what  he  believed  to  be 
the  truth,  but  obstinate  and  quarrelsome,  and 
as  relentless  to  his  opponents  as  they  were  to 
him.  He  approved  of  the  burning  of  Ana- 
baptists, and  on  one  occasion  having  spat  on 
an  Arian  wrote  a  tract  to  justify  his  action. 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Foxe,      Acts     and     Monuments ;       Strype, 
.\femoriids  ;  Machyn's  Diary. 


PILGRIMAGE  OF  GRACE,  The,  was  a 
rising    in    Yorkshire,    preceded    by    one    in 


(  459  ) 


Pilgrimage] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pilgrimage 


Lincolnshire,  which  had  broken  out  mainly 
in  consequence  of  the  first  attempt  to  put 
down  the  smaller  monasteries  under  the  Act 
of  1536  [Monasteries,  Suppression  of]. 
Commissioners  for  a  subsidy  visited  Lincoln- 
shire in  the  end  of  September  just  after  the 
suppression  of  the  abbey  of  Louth  Park  and 
the  nunnery  of  Legbourne,  and  rumours  were 
spread  of  new  and  excessive  taxation,  with 
the  suppression  of  many  parish  churches  and 
diminution  of  holidaj-s.  The  insurgents, 
with  entire  loyalty,  sent  two  deputies  to  the 
King,  and  compelled  the  country  gentlemen 
to  take  an  oath  to  stand  by  them.  The  King 
was  for  some  days  in  serious  anxiety  about 
the  issue,  and  was  much  relieved  to  find  that 
Lincolnshire  was  pacified  by  a  message  from 
the  Earl  of  Shrewsbur}'.  Before  this  trouble 
was  over  Yorkshire  was  up  in  arms,  and  the 
movement  soon  spread  over  all  the  north  of 
England.  Robert  Aske,  a  lawyer,  ordered  a 
muster  on  Skipwith  Moor,  and  by  the  middle 
of  October  he  had  easily  obtained  possession 
of  the  city  of  York.  He  issued  a  proclama- 
tion denying  that  they  had  assembled  on 
account  of  taxation,  but  because  ill-disposed 
persons  in  the  King's  council  sought  to 
destro}'  the  Church  and  rob  the  whole  body 
of  the  realm.  And  his  followers,  entering  on 
a  '  pUgrimage  of  grace,'  swore  that  their  only 
objects  were  the  maintenance  of  God's  faith 
and  Church  militant,  preservation  of  the 
King's  person  and  issue,  and  purifying  the 
nobUity  of  all  villains'  blood  and  evil  coun- 
sellors. They  must  restore  Christ's  Church 
in  its  purity  and  put  down  heretical  opinions. 
The  Archbishop  of  York  and  others  who 
were  afraid  to  countenance  the  movement 
retreated  into  Pomfret  Castle,  which  held 
out  for  the  King  for  a  short  time  under  Lord 
Darcy,  while  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  on  his 
way  to  Hexham,  returned  to  Skipton  Castle, 
where  he  was  besieged.  But  Darcy  sur- 
rendered Pomfret  Castle  to  Aske.  Thither 
the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  the  King's  lieu- 
tenant for  the  north,  despatched  Lancaster 
herald  with  a  royal  proclamation  ;  but  Aske 
refused  to  let  him  read  it,  saying  they  were 
all  going  up  to  London  on  pilgrimage  to 
obtain  an  answer  to  their  articles.  The 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  marching  northwards, 
found  it  needful  to  make  a  truce  with  the 
rebels  (27th  October),  with  declaration  of 
the  King's  pardon.,  while  Sir  Ralph  Ellerker 
and  Robert  Bowes  went  up  with  him  to  set 
forth  their  demands  to  the  King.  The  King 
detained  them  more  than  a  fortnight  at 
Windsor,  while  their  comrades  in  the  north 
were  impatient,  and  sent  them  back  with  a 
carefully  worded  reply,  on  which  a  council 


was  held  at  York.  Thej^  had  to  consider  that 
Norfolk  was  coming  down  again  to  meet  the 
northern  gentry  at  Doncaster  on  the  5th 
December,  and  issues  of  peace  and  war  still 
hung  in  the  balance.  It  was  arranged  that 
there  should  first  be  a  meeting  of  the 
commons  at  Pomfret,  where  the  northern 
clergy  should  also  assemble  under  Arch- 
bishop Lee,  to  give  their  advice  whether  there 
were  just  cause  for  fighting.  The  arch- 
bishop was  alarmed,  having  already  jdelded 
to  the  commons  when  Darcy  surrendered 
Pomfret ;  and  he  preached  there  on  Sunday, 
the  3rd,  a  sermon  with  which  his  hearers  were 
disappointed,  declaring  that  there  was  no 
cause  to  fight  for  the  faith,  as  the  King  had 
provided  sufficient  safeguard  for  it  by  the 
Ten  Articles  lately  set  forth.  But  the  Con- 
vocation passed  resolutions  in  favour  of 
papal  jurisdiction  and  the  old  order  of  the 
Church.  Norfolk  was  perplexed,  and  made 
an  interim  arrangement,  promising  a  free 
Parliament  in  the  north  of  England,  which 
the  King  had  agreed  to  for  complete  settle- 
ment of  differences.  The  '  pilgrims  '  then 
tore  off  their  badges  of  the  Five  Wounds  of 
Christ,  saying :  '  We  will  wear  no  badge  or 
sign  but  the  badge  of  our  Sovereign  Lord.' 

But  good  faith  was  not  kept  by  the  King. 
He  called  Aske  up  to  a  private  conference, 
and  treated  him  with  so  much  urbanity  that 
on  his  return  to  the  north  at  the  New  Year 
(1537)  he  tried  to  assure  everybody  that  the 
King  was  very  gracious.  The  King,  he  said, 
had  approved  the  general  pardon,  Norfolk 
was  coming  again  to  the  north,  and  all 
grievances  would  be  heard  in  a  Parliament 
at  York,  at  which  the  Queen  would  be 
crowned.  But  in  spite  of  these  assurances 
there  were  grave  misgivings.  Many  said 
they  wanted  no  pardon,  as  they  had  done  no 
wrong.  The  King  seemed  to  be  fortifying 
HuU  and  Scarborough.  One  John  Hallom 
was  caught  in  an  attempt  to  surprise  HuU. 
Sir  Francis  Bigod  failed  in  an  attempt  on 
Scarborough,  but  fled  to  the  West  Borders, 
where  there  w^as  a  new  rising  owing  to  the 
King's  use  of  border  thieves  to  keep  the 
country  down.  Norfolk  did  come,  but  not 
as  a  peacemaker.  He  went  first  to  Carlisle, 
punishing  the  insurgents  with  martial  law, 
and  terrifying  the  country  with  savage 
executions.  Then  going  on  to  Durham  and 
York  he  endeavoured  to  find  who  were  re- 
sponsible for  the  demands  made  at  Doncaster. 
He  got  Aske  into  his  hands,  and  sent  him  up 
to  the  King,  who  sent  him  down  again  to 
suffer  for  treason  in  Yorkshire,  while  a 
number  of  Lincolnshire  and  Yorkshire  rebels 
were  tried,  hanged,  and  quartered  in  London. 


(  460) 


Plainsong 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Hidory 


Plainsons 


In  Lancashire  the  Abbots  of  Sawley  and 
Whalley  were  hanged,  and  the  Abbot  of 
Furness  felt  it  prudent  to  surrender  his 
house.  [j.  G.] 

PLAINSONG  IN  THE  ENGLISH 
CHURCH,  riainsong  {Canius  rianiis).  Even 
or  Level  ISong,  i.e.  having  all  notes  of  an  even 
and  indefinite  time  value,  is  the  Church's 
own  music,  proceeding  from  the  Church's 
prayers,  '  born  at  the  Altar,  grown  to  great- 
ness with  the  Church  itself,  and  ordered 
together  with  its  worship  '  (Wagner). 

England  was  perhaps  the  first  country  to 
receive  the  Gregorian  Chant,  and  the  earhest 
copies  of  Gregory's  Antiphoner  were  perhaps 
brought  here  by  St.  Augustine  (q.v.)  (596). 
The  antiphon  Deprecamur  Te,  chanted  by 
the  great  missionary  and  his  companions  as 
they  advanced  to  greet  King  Ethelbert,  was 
the  first  Gregorian  music  ever  heard  in  Eng- 
land. Augustine  organised  the  Church  music 
after  the  Gregorian  pattern.  James,  one  of 
his  band,  was,  as  Bede  {q.v.)  relates,  a  noted 
teacher  of  the  chant,  which  soon  spread  over 
the  island.  The  position  of  cantor  became 
one  of  great  importance,  and  was  held  by 
many  distinguished  priests. 

The  Council  of  Clovesho  (747)  ordained 
that  the  Uturgical  chant  should  be  carefully 
studied  according  to  the  Gregorian  Anti- 
phoner. '  The  time  of  working  and  planting 
had  lasted  for  a  century  and  a  half  ;  from 
750  onwards  the  Liturgy  and  Uturgical  chant 
in  England  continued  in  a  quiet  and  steady 
course.  The  numerous  monasteries  faith- 
fully guarded  the  rites  and  music  which  had 
been  entrusted  to  them.'  An  attempt  at 
innovation,  soon  ended,  took  place  in  the 
eleventh  century,  and  it  was  not  till  the 
ecclesiastical  disturbances  of  the  sixteenth 
century  that  the  chant  began  to  die  out  in 
the  country  wliich  had  first  received  it  from 
Rome.  There  were  three  principal  '  Uses,' 
viz.  Sarum,  York,  and  Hereford,  of  which 
perhaps  that  of  Sarum  {q.v.),  as  given  in  the 
old  MSS.  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries,  is  the  finest. 

Plainsong  never  completely  died  out  in 
England  except  during  the  Commonwealth, 
when  there  was  very  little  music  at  all.  The 
versicles  and  responses  at  least — which  are 
just  as  much  Plainsong  as  the  Mass  chants — 
have  always  been  sung,  though  more  often 
than  not  corniptly,  in  our  cathedral  and 
parish  churches. 

The  Reformation  did  not  abolish  Plain- 
song, or  introduce  what  is  called  '  Angli- 
can '  music.  The  great  settings  of  Canticles 
and    Communion    service   of    Tallis,    Byrd, 


Gibbons,  Farrant,  and  others  were  musical 
developments  independent  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  first  and  most  celebrated  product 
of  the  Reformation  was  a  little  volume 
called  Merbecke's  Boke  of  Common  Praier 
noted,  which  is  entirely  Plainsong.  The  first 
'  Anglican  '  chant  did  not  make  its  appear- 
ance till  more  than  one  hundred  years  after 
the  breach  with  Rome. 

If  we  except  the  versicles  and  responses. 
Plainsong  fell  into  disuse  in  England  from 
the  Commonwealth  till  1843,  when  Mr.  W. 
Dyce  published  his  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
noted  (after  Merbecke's  system).  This  was 
soon  followed  by  Oakley's  Laudes  Diurnae,  in 
which  the  Psalms  and  Canticles  were  adapted 
to  Gregorian  tones  for  the  use  of  Margaret 
Chapel  (now  All  Saints,  Margaret  Street). 
In  1850  the  Rev.  Thomas  Helmore  issued  his 
Psalter  and  Canticles  noted,  which,  with  his 
Brief  Directory  of  Plainsong  (1850)  and  his 
Hymnal  Noted  (1851),  have  been  the  standard 
text-books  of  the  English  Plainsong  revival 
till  recently.  The  names  of  these  reformers 
must  ever  be  honoured.  They  did  excellent 
and  much-needed  work.  But  they  were 
handicapped  by  want  of  knowledge.  They 
never  quite  grasped  the  first  principles  of 
Plainsong,  i.e.  that  the  time  value  of  the  notes 
depends  entirely  on  that  of  the  syllables  to 
which  they  are  sung.  There  is  always  in 
Helmore's  work  the  feeling  that  he  is  trjnng 
to  set  up  an  arbitrary  rhythm  in  order  that 
the  time  may  be  beaten  out  if  need  be.  Their 
versions  of  the  chant  were  mostly  taken  from 
debased  French  sources,  and  are  very  corrupt. 
The  outcome  of  this  revival  was  the  foun- 
dation in  1870  of  the  London  Gregorian 
Choral  Association.  Their  festivals  at  St. 
Paul's  Cathedral  were  for  forty  years  con- 
ducted on  the  principles  of  Helmore.  In 
1910,  however,  the  association  courageously 
reformed  itself,  and  its  future  on  Solesmes 
lines  seems  settled. 

In  the  last  two  decades  of  the  nineteenth 
century  the  labours  of  the  monks  of  Solesmes 
have  brought  to  light  much  that  was  unknown 
concerning  the  chant  and  its  performance. 
The  following  extract  from  the  preface  to 
A  Manual  of  Gregorian  Chant  (1903)  lays 
down  the  right  methods: — 

'  Of  all  the  elements  which  compose 
rhythm,  strength,  duration,  pitch,  move- 
ment, the  last  is  the  most  important.  .  .  . 
The  progress  of  the  voice  in  singing  may  very 
well  be  compared  to  a  man's  walk,  or  rather 
to  the  flight  of  a  bird.  When  the  bird  soars 
up,  it  seems  that  the  first  impulse  Avill  carry 
it  very  far ;  however,  it  soon  dies  away,  and 
a  new  flap  of  the  wings  is  necessary  to  give 


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[Poetry 


a  fresh  impulse  and  keep  up  the  bird  in  its 
flight. 

'  The  same  must  be  said  of  the  voice :  the 
first  impulse  cannot  last  for  ever,  and  it  is 
necessary  that  the  voice  should  soon  find  a 
support  on  which  it  may  aUght,  as  it  were, 
and  receive  a  fresh  impulse.  Thus  the  voice 
moves  in  a  succession  of  ups  and  downs, 
which  were  called  by  the  ancients  "  arsis  " 
and  "  thesis,"  and  are  represented  by  the 
successive  rise  and  fall  of  the  hand  or  foot  of 
the  singer. 

'  This,  of  course,  is  not  peculiar  to  Plain 
Chant,  but  is  found  also  in  all  kinds  of  music, 
so  that  the  rh3i;hm  of  Gregorian  Chant  is  not 
essentially  different  from  the  rhj'thm  of 
modern  music,  in  which  the  successive  im- 
pulses of  the  voice  are  marked  by  the  bars 
which  separate  the  measures. 

'  The  use  of  these  bars,  however,  in  Plain 
Chant,  would  be  a  great  mistake,  as  it  would 
lead  to  a  confusion  of  the  two  kinds  of 
music,  which  might  again  cause  the  destruc- 
tion of  Plain  Chant. 

'  Measure,  in  modern  music,  is  based  on 
the  division  of  time  into  equal  parts,  so  that 
the  syllables,  whether  long  or  short,  must 
adapt  themselves  to  the  notes  to  which  they 
are  sung ;  whilst  in  Plain  Chant  the  value 
of  the  notes  in  syllabic  passages  depends 
entirely  on  the  value  of  the  syllables  and  on 
their  place  in  the  sentence. 

'  Moreover,  in  modern  nmsic,  the  thesis 
or  stress  of  the  voice  marked  by  the  bars 
is  regularly  strong,  while  in  Plain  Chant 
it  may  be  strong  or  weak  indifferently;  aU 
depends  on  the  value  of  the  syllable  on  which 
the  voice  finds  support  for  a  fresh  impulse. 

'  This  shows  that,  strictly  speaking,  the 
rhythm  of  Plain  Chant  is  not  measured 
rhjiihm,  but  there  is  something  in  it  more 
immaterial  and  less  mechanical  than  in 
modern  music'     [Music  in  the  Church.] 

[m.  s.] 

For  a  coiapreliensive  history  Professor  Peter 
Wagner's  great  work.  Introduction  to  the  Gre- 
gorian Melodies,  Part  i.,  has  been  translated 
into  English ;  Dr.  Frere's  article  in  Grove's 
Dictionary  and  Jilements  of  Plainsong  (P.  and 
M.M.  Soc). 

POETEY  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH. 

The  periods  in  which  religious  poetry  has 
most  flourished  in  England  have  not  been 
the  great  periods  of  secular  poetry — the  age 
of  Chaucer,  the  age  of  Shakespeare,  the  age 
of  Byron  and  Shelley  and  Wordsworth  and 
Keats.  The  impulse  to  the  poetic  art  in 
general  comes  usually  from  the  widening  of 
horizons,  produced  by  a  great  addition  to 


human  knowledge,  or  by  a  new  point  of  view 
from  which  knowledge  is  regarded ;  such  as 
were,  in  their  several  ages,  the  discovery  of 
Italian  literature,  the  discovery  of  the  new 
and  the  rediscovery  of  the  old  world,  and  the 
discovery  of  the  '  rights  of  man.'  Such 
additions  to  knowledge  tend  for  the  moment 
to  damp  rehgion  down.  On  the  other  hand, 
reUgious  poetry  does  not  flourish  in  times  of 
reUgious  controversy  when  pamphlets  are 
flying.  We  have  no  reUgious  poets  during  the 
Reformation  period,  or  during  the  reaction 
under  Mary ;  nor,  again,  during  the  con- 
troversies of  the  eighteenth  century.  A 
revival  of  reUgious  poetry  impUes  a  revival 
of  reUgion,  and  we  find  that  the  periods  when 
reUgious  poetry  has  most  flourished  in  Eng- 
land since  the  Norman  Conquest  have  been 
certain  periods  of  reUgious  enthusiasm : 
(1)  the  thirteenth  century,  when  religious 
emotion  had  been  rekindled  by  the  friars, 
and  they  and  the  monks  were  at  the  height  of 
their  influence  for  good ;  (2)  the  seventeenth 
century,  when  the  revived  study  of  antiquity 
had  rekindled  the  saintly  ideal  in  the  hearts 
of  churchmen  like  Bishop  Andrewes  {q.v.) ; 

(3)  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century ,  under 
the    influence   of    the   EvangeUcal   revival ; 

(4)  the  Tractarian  revival  in  the  early  nine- 
teenth century ;  (5)  a  mid- Victorian  period 
of  speculative  theology. 

1.  The  Thirteenth  Century. — In  the  great 
cathedrals  of  SaUsbury  and  Lincoln  and  the 
abbey  church  of  Westminster,  which  were 
built  in  this  century,  we  can  trace  the  develop- 
ment of  the  new  architecture  from  what  pre- 
ceded it.  What  models  had  the  religious  poet  ? 
There  were  (a)  the  Latin  hymns  of  St.  Bernard 
and  others;  and  accordingly  we  find  English 
lyrics  written  after  this  pattern,  which  have 
passion  and  dignity  and  are  free  from  the 
mawkish  taint  that  hangs  about  many  of 
our  modern  imitations.  There  were  also 
{h)  the  Norman-French  poems  of  the  trouvrres, 
wliich  were  being  imitated  by  the  court  poets 
with  success ;  and  we  find  these  new  lyrical 
forms,  of  aU  varieties,  put  to  the  service  of 
sacred  poetry,  and  used  with  a  freshness  and 
vividness  that  are  admirable.  Here,  for 
example,  is  a  singularly  vivid  picture  of 
the  crucifixion  : — 

•  High  upon  a  down 

Where  all  folk  see  it  may, 

A  mile  from  the  town, 
About  the  mid-day, 

The  Cross  is  up  areared  ; 

His  friends  are  afeared, 
And  elingeth  as  the  clay  : 

The  rood  stands  in  stone, 

Mary  stands  alone 
And  saitli  wdl-away. 


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'  The  nailes  be  too  strong, 

'I'he  smithiis  are  too  sly, 
Thou  bleddest  all  too  long, 

The  tree  is  all  too  high  ; 
The  stont's  be  all  wet ; 
Alas,  Jesu  the  sweet. 

For  now  friend  hast  thou  none, 
Hut  Saint  Johan  to-mourning 
And  Mary  weeping 

For  pine  that  thee  is  on.'  ^ 

A  great  deal  of  this  early  poetry  is  more 
in  the  vein  of  Ecclesiastes  than  of  the  Gospel. 
The  line  between  the  monastic  contempt 
of  the  world  and  the  old  Preacher's  doctrine 
of  vanity  was  a  fine  one,  and  the  natural 
English  melancholy  expressed  itself  character- 
istically upon  the  transitoriness  of  everything 
human  without  always  an  equally  complete 
recognition  of  the  eternity  of  what  is  divine. 
There  is  a  remarkable  poem  by  a  Franciscan, 
Brother  Thomas  of  Hales,  written  before  1250 
for  a  young  lady  who  asked  him  for  a  love- 
song,  one  verse  of  which  anticipates  a  famous 
ballade  of  Villon  : — 

'Where  is  Paris  and  Heleyn 

That  were  so  bright  and  fair  of  blee,'- 
Amadas,  Tristram,  and  Dideyne, 

Isoude  and  alle  they, 
Hector  with  his  sharpe  main, 

And  Cissar  rich  of  worldes  fee  ? 
They  be  iglyden  out  of  the  reyne, 

So  the  shaft  is  of  the  clee. '  ^ 

Old  English  Miscellany  (E.E.T.S.,  1S72). 

The  lyrical  religious  poetry  of  the  fourteenth 
and  fifteenth  centuries  does  not  difier  greatly 
from  that  of  the  thirteenth  in  its  general 
character.  The  best  of  aU  the  religious  verse 
that  has  survived  from  the  fifteenth  century 
is  the  beautiful  allegory  with  the  refrain, 
taken  from  Canticles,  Quia  amore  langueo. 
To  this  century  also  belong  the  many 
Christmas  carols  preserved  in  the  Sloane  MS. 
2593  (Brit.  Mus.),  edited  by  Thomas  Wright 
for  the  Warton  Club.  But  the  fourteenth 
century,  which  produced  WycUf,  produced 
also  that  most  interesting  allegorical  and 
satirical  poem  or  group  of  poems  in  the  old 
alliterative  measure  known  as  '  Piers  the 
Plowman.'  It  is  impossible  in  a  few  words 
to  give  a  summary  of  its  contents  or  esti- 
mate of  its  merit.  The  best  account  of  it  is 
the  essay  contributed  by  Professor  Manly 
of  Chicago  to  the  Cam.  Hist.  Eng.  Lit. 
(ii.  1-42), 

Before  passing  to  the  second  great  period 
of  religious  poetry  we  may  notice  one  or  two 
names  in  the  sixteenth  century.     Spenser's 


1  Somewhat  modernised  from  tlie  original  in  Wright's 
Specimens  of  Lyric  Poetry  (Percy  Society),  p.  86. 

2  Colour.  a  Bowstring. 


Faery  Queene  is  in  intention  a  religious 
allegory,  describing  the  conflict  of  a  Christian 
with  the  temptations  of  world,  flesh,  and 
devU.  But  as  the  poet  wrote  it  in  the  manner 
of  Ariosto,  as  a  cycle  of  romantic  adventures, 
it  is  possible  for  the  reader  almost  to  ignore 
its  moral  significance,  the  interest  of  the 
story  and  the  beauty  of  the  writing  being 
independent  of  the  allegory.  Hence  it  is 
only  in  occasional  passages,  such  as  the 
stanzas  on  the  'Ministry  of  Angels'  (ii.  8), 
that  we  find  what  can  strictly  be  called 
sacred  poetry.  More  simply  religious  is  the 
'  Hymn  of  Heavenly  Love,'  which  appeals  to 
us  as  directly  as  to  Spenser's  contemporaries 
except  in  passages  dealing  with  the  cos- 
mogony. The  '  Hymn  of  Heavenly  Beauty  ' 
is  a  piece  of  poetical  Platonism,  which  would 
have  shocked  Plato  by  its  Puritan  conclusion. 
In  the  next  generation  Spenser  had  a  devoted 
disciple  in  Giles  Fletcher,  who  wrote  on  the 
Nativity  and  the  Passion,  sometimes  very 
beautiftdly.  But  for  the  most  part  the  re- 
ligious verse  of  the  sixteenth  and  early 
seventeenth  centuries  consists  of  occasional 
poems  by  writers  who  put  their  strength  into 
secular  poetry,  or  by  private  gentlemen  like 
Sir  Henry  Wotton  and  Sir  Walter  Ralegh. 
Campion,  the  song-writer,  and  Ben  Jonson 
have  left  us  several  pieces  of  great  beauty. 
Herrick's  '  Noble  Numbers '  have  all  the 
rhythmical  skill  that  distinguishes  his  secular 
poems,  and  not  a  little  of  their  quaintness. 
They  are  not  deeply  spuitual,  but  they  have 
the  air  of  sincerity.  Some  of  the  best  of 
these  occasional  poems  are  anonymous,  such 
as  '  Hierusalem,  my  happy  home '  and  '  Yet 
if  his  majesty  our  sovereign  lord.' 

2.  The  Seventeenth  Century. — The  new 
movement  of  the  seventeenth  century  was 
inaugurated  by  John  Donne,  Dean  of  St. 
Paul's,  and  from  him  it  passed  to  his  young 
friend,  George  Herbert  {q.v.),  and  to  Richard 
Crashaw,  and  through  Herbert  to  Henry 
Vaughan.  The  imaginative  intensity  of 
Donne  takes  in  each  of  his  successors  a 
different  shape :  in  Herbert  of  devout 
submission,  in  Crashaw  of  ecstatic  adoration, 
in  Vaughan  of  mystical  contemplation. 
Donne's  religious  verse,  though  less  crabbed 
than  his  satires,  is  often  obscure,  but  the 
thought  is  always  worth  digging  for.  A 
worse  fault  is  the  morbid  strain  which  infects 
this,  as  aU  his  writing,  and  appears  in  the 
design  of  his  monument  at  St.  Paul's.  The 
four  sonnets  on  '  Death '  are  perhaps  the 
greatest  of  his  religious  pieces,  but  the 
simplest  and  most  beautiful  is  the  '  Hymn  to 
God  the  Father,'  which  he  -wrote  for  the 
choristers  at  St.  Paul's,  and  so  took  pains  to 


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[Poetry 


make  smooth.  The  best  introduction  to  the 
religious  verse  of  Donne  is  his  Life  by  Izaak 
Walton;  and  that  Life  and  the  Life  of  Herbert 
afford  the  best  commentary  on  this  school 
of  poetry.  Herbert's  poetry,  indeed,  is  un- 
intelligible apart  from  the  story  of  his  life. 
He  handed  the  manuscript  on  his  deathbed 
to  the  clergj-man  who  attended  him,  with 
these  instructions  :  '  Sir,  I  pray  you  deliver 
this  book  to  my  dear  brother  Ferrar,  and  tell 
him  he  shall  find  in  it  a  picture  of  the  many 
spiritual  conflicts  that  have  passed  between 
God  and  n\y  soul,  before  I  could  subject  mine 
to  the  will  of  Jesus  my  Master ;  in  whose 
service  I  have  now  found  perfect  freedom  ; 
desire  him  to  read  it,  and  then,  if  he  can  think 
it  may  turn  to  the  advantage  of  any  dejected 
poor  soul,  let  it  be  made  public  ;  if  not,  let 
him  burn  it,  for  I  and  it  are  less  than  the  least 
of  God's  mercies.'  Herbert's  biography  shows 
of  what  nature  those  conflicts  were.  The 
original  disturbing  cause  was  the  desire  to 
rise  at  court.  In  early  life  his  prospects 
were  brUliant ;  but  the  death  of  King  James 
and  his  patrons  disappointed  him  of  his  hopes. 
This  disappointment  led  him  to  reconsider 
his  way  of  life,  and  it  supplies  occasion  for 
some  of  his  most  interesting  poems,  e.g. 
'  The  Quip.'  The  enemy  he  encounters  is 
not  the  flesh,  but  the  world.  In  Herbert's 
poetry  two  or  three  things  are  especially 
striking  :  (1)  The  high  merit  of  the  ordinary 
level  of  his  style,  that  of  a  scholar  and  a 
gentleman ;  always  dignified,  with  a  calm 
and  sustained  equableness.  (2)  The  mastery 
of  metre.  The  particular  form  of  stanza  is 
alwaj's  happily  chosen  to  meet  the  character 
of  the  mood  to  be  expressed.  (3)  The  wisdom 
of  the  sentiment.  The  Church  Porch,  a 
body  of  rules  of  common  morality  and  good 
manners,  must  strike  every  reader  as  full  of 
wisdom  ;  but  the  wisdom  is  as  conspicuous 
in  matters  of  religion.  No  better  example 
could  be  given  than  the  famous  '  Elixir.' 
(4)  But  beyond  the  poet's  skill  and  wisdom 
there  is  in  Herbert  at  his  best  an  intimacy 
and  touching  sweetness  that  brings  what 
he  has  to  say  home  to  his  reader.  Some- 
times a  whole  poem  is  written  in  this  delicate 
vein,  sometimes  it  breaks  out  suddenly  in  a 
dry  place.  Examples  are 'Discipline'  ("Throw 
away  thy  rod  '),  which  for  its  simpUcity  and 
restrained  passion  might  stand  as  the  per- 
fection of  the  religious  lyric ;  *  The  Flower ' 
('How  fresh,  O  Lord'),  and  the  exquisite 
quatrain  in  '  Easter '  : — 

'  I  got  me  flowers  to  strew  Thy  way  ; 

I  got  me  bouglis  oft'  many  a  tree  : 

I>ut  Thou  wast  up  by  break  of  day, 

And  broughtstTliy  sweets  along  with  Thoc' 


Henry  Vaughan  was  a  disciple  of  Herbert, 
and  borrowed  from  him  one  of  his  least  happy 
qualities,  the  trick  of  curious  metaphor, 
as  well  as  many  of  his  metres  and  topics. 
But  what  Vaughan  has  of  the  best  is  his  own. 
Constitutionally  he  was  a  very  different 
person  from  Herbert.  The  one  was  an  ascetic, 
the  other  a  mystic.  Vaughan  has  a  passion 
for  nature  ;  he  observes  her  moods  ;  to  him 
the  world  is  but  a  veil  for  the  Eternal  Spirit, 
whose  presence  may  be  felt  even  in  the 
smallest  part.  He  makes  us  feel,  as  Frederick 
Myers  said  of  Wordsworth,  that  '  Nature  is 
no  mere  collection  of  phenomena,  but  infuses 
into  her  least  approaches  some  sense  of  her 
mysterious  whole.'  Hence  to  Vaughan,  as 
to  Wordsworth,  everything  in  nature  is 
interesting.  There  are  '  surprises '  laid  by 
God  '  in  each  element  to  catch  man's  heart.' 
The  wind  is  a  true  tj-pe  of  the  Spirit;  the 
streams  are  a  tj'pe  of  man's  pilgrimage. 
Naturally  many  of  the  poems  deal  with  the 
contrast  between  the  '  toil  unsever'd  from 
tranquillity '  of  the  rest  of  the  universe, 
and  man's  restless  waywardness.  The  world, 
says  Vaughan,  would  be  Paradise  if  man 
would  but  open  his  eyes  and  look  about  him 
intelligently.  As  it  is,  he  too  often  loses 
wonder  as  he  grows  up.  The  '  Retreat '  is 
well  known  to  be  the  germ  of  Wordsworth's 
great '  Ode  on  the  Intimations  of  Immortality 
from  Childhood.'  It  is  not  often  that  Vaughan 
gets  his  voice  as  clear  as  in  that  poem.  Often 
his  pieces  begin  well,  and  then  lose  themselves 
in  the  sand.  But  there  are  one  or  two  in 
his  own  characteristic  vein,  in  which  the 
inspiration  is  maintained  throughout.  The 
finest  is  that  on  '  Departed  Friends.' 

With  Vaughan  may  be  associated  Thomas 
Traherne,  who  has  much  in  common  with 
him,  notably  the  doctrine  that  earth  would 
be  Paradise  if  men  did  not  lose  the  spirit  of 
wonder.  His  central  idea  is  that  the  world 
was  created  for  man's  delight,  and  fails  of  its 
purpose  if  man  is  not  delighted. 

Crashaw  is  a  poet  of  a  very  different  stamp 
from  these.  He  is  fluent,  fervent,  ecstatic  ; 
at  his  worst  sinking  to  ineptitudes  of  extrava- 
gance, and  at  his  best  rising  into  raptures, 
of  which  neither  Herbert  nor  Vaughan  was 
capable.  A  Fellow  of  Peterhouse  when  that 
was  the  '  ritualistic  '  college  at  Cambridge, 
he  joined  the  Roman  commimion  when  the 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment purged  that  society,  and  died  a  Canon 
of  Loretto  not  without  a  suspicion  of  poison. 
The  best  measure  of  his  accomplishment  as 
a  master  of  language  is  the  version  of  Strada's 
poem  on  the  Nightingale  who  had  a  singing 
match  with  a  Musician ;   but   some   of  his 


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religious  verse  is  almost  as  wonderful  in 
execution.  The  finest,  on  the  whole,  is  the 
poem,  '  To  the  Name  above  every  Name.' 
But  that  poem  also  exhibits  Crashaw's 
characteristic  defect.  There  arc  repetitions 
both  of  words  and  sentiments  ;  and  there 
is  not  enougli  substance  in  the  thought  to 
bear  being  hammered  out  into  two  hundred 
and  forty  verses.  Fluency  and  carelessness 
and  thinness  of  idea  being  his  besetting  faults, 
he  is  at  his  best  when  his  subject  is  definite 
and  ample,  and  his  metre  fixed,  as  in  the 
'  Hymn  to  St.  Teresa/  and  the  lines  to  the 
Countess  of  Denbigh,  which  should  be  read  in 
the  corrected  version.  The  best  example  of  his 
florid  manner  is  the  '  Hymn  of  the  Nativity ' ; 
of  his  passion,  the  appendix  to  '  The  Flam- 
ing Heart'  ('  O  thou  undaunted  daughter  of 
desires '). 

More  popular  than  any  other  seventeenth- 
century  poet  in  his  own  day  was  Francis 
Quarles,  who  was  born  a  year  before  George 
Herbert.  He  has  an  easy  mastery  of  rhyme 
and  rhythm,  but  his  thought  is  commonplace. 
One  stanza  in  the  Emblems  is  still  remembered 
for  a  hapax  legomenon  : — 

'  What  mean  dull  souls,  in  this  high  measure 

To  haberdash 
In  earth's  base  wares,  whose  greatest  treasure 

Is  dross  and  trash  ; 
The  height  of  whose  enchanting  pleasure 

Is  but  a  flash  ? 
Are  these  the  goods  that  thou  supply'st 
Us  mortals  with  ?  are  these  the  high'st? 
Can  these  bring  cordial  peace?     False  world, 
thou  liest.' 

There  are  two  great  names  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  which  must  not  be  passed  over 
in  the  most  summary  survey  of  religious 
poetry,  though  they  were  both  outside  the 
main  movement.  It  is  not  easy  to  speak  of 
Milton  as  a  religious  poet  without  seeming  to 
disparage  him,  because  although  in  his  case, 
as  in  Spenser's,  the  greatest  of  his  poems  is 
on  a  reUgious  subject,  its  interest  is  not 
chiefly  a  reUgious  interest.  Paradise  Lost 
is  beyond  question  the  most  magnificent 
poem  in  the  English  language,  but  it  would 
be  difficult  to  conceive  of  it  as  exercising  any 
religious  effect  upon  its  readers.  And  the 
same  thing  is  true  of  the  '  Ode  on  the 
Nativity  '  ;  that,  too,  in  its  special  way  is 
magnificent,  but  it  is  not  religious.  Milton 
is  most  religious  when  he  is  putting  into  his 
verse  his  own  personal  thoughts  about  life 
and  goodness  and  God,  as  in  certain  well- 
known  passages  of  Comus  and  Samson 
Agonistes,  the  Sonnet  on  his  blindness,  and 
the  '  Ode  at  a  Solemn  Music'  With  Milton 
mav  be  mentioned  his  friend  Andrew  Marvell, 


a  curiously  ambiguous  personality,  both  in 
life  and  art.  Many  of  his  pieces  cannot 
be  taken  seriously  —  they  may  be  the 
experiments  of  a  young  scholar — but  the 
'  Dialogue  between  the  Resolved  Soul  and 
Created  Pleasure  '  and  the  '  Ode  on  a  Drop  of 
Dew,'  while  they  have  all  the  '  witty  delicacy  ' 
that  distinguishes  Marvell  at  his  best,  are 
genuinely  religious. 

3.  The    Evangelical    Revival. — The    third 
period  of  religious  poetry  was  marked  by  a 
development    of    hymnody,    in    which    the 
experiences   of   the   Christian   believer  were 
generalised  for  use  in  the  congregation  on 
the    model   of    the    Hebrew   Psalter.     This 
movement  began  quite  early  in  the  eighteenth 
century    with    the     Hymns    and    Spiritual 
Songs  of  Isaac  Watts  (1707,  2nd  ed.  1709), 
followed    by    his    Psalms   of   David   (I7I9), 
both  of   wliich  enjoyed  immense  popularity 
among  the   Dissenters.     The  best  of   them, 
'  Jesus   shall  reign   where'er  the   sun '    and 
'  O   God,  our  help  in  ages  past,'  from  the 
Psalter,  and  '  Come,  let  us  join  our  cheerful 
songs  '  and  '  When  I  survey  the  wondrous 
cross,'  from  the  Hymns,  are  still  among  the 
very  best  of  their  kind.     Addison  enriched 
the   language   of    devotion   with   some   fine 
piece.s  after  Watts's  model,  printed  in   the 
Saturday  Spectator  (1712),  three  of  which  are 
still  popular :    '  The  Lord  my  pasture  shall 
prepare,'  '  When  all  Thy  mercies,  O  my  God,' 
ancl  '  The  spacious  firmament  on  high.'     Con- 
sequently when  the  Wesleys  {q.v.)  began  their 
evangelistic  work  in  the  Church  of  England 
they  had  an  admirable  instrument  ready  to 
their  hand  of  which  Charles  Wesley  made 
an  unexampled  use.     He  wrote  hymns  to 
the    number,    it    is    said,    of    six    thousand 
five    hundred,   which    appeared    in    various 
volumes    from    1737    to    1762 ;     and    some 
have   an   exquisite   lyrical   accent.      It  was 
his    brother    John,     however,     who    wrote 
the   only  religious  verse  of  the   movement 
which  takes  rank  not  as  a  hymn  but  as  a 
poem,     the     '  Jacob     wTestUng.'       Through 
Wesley  and  Whitefield  the  impulse  to  sacred 
song   reached   John    Newton,    and   through 
him  it  inspired  William  Cowpcr.     The  Ohieij 
Hi/mns,  published   in    1779,  contained  New- 
ton's '  Glorious  things  of  Thee  are  spoken,' 
one  of  the  most  grand  and  jubilant  of  hymns, 
and  Cowper's  '  Hark,  my  soul,  it  is  the  Lord,' 
one  of  the  most  tender.     Three  years  before, 
Toplady  had  issued  the   volume  of   Psalms 
and  Hymns  which  gave  to  English  Christi- 
anity    perhaps     its     most     popular     hymn, 
'  Rock  of  Ages ' ;  and  in  1773  a  posthumous 
volume    of    Poems    by    John    I3yrom    ap- 
peared, which  among  much  mere  paraphrasing 


2  G 


(  465  ) 


Poetry] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Poetry 


of  passages  from  his  master,  William  Law, 
contained  the  beautiful  hTic,  '  My  spirit 
longeth  for  thee,'  which  appears  in  a  mangled 
form  in  modern  hymn-books. 

4.  The  Roynantic  and  Traciarian  Revivals. — 
Before  proceeding  to  speak  of  the  poets  of 
the  Tractarian  revival,  it  is  necessary  to  call 
attention  to  a  religious  side  of  the  Romantic 
revival  which  preceded  it.  No  one  will 
dispute  that  both  Wordsworth  and  Coleridge 
were  rehgious  men,  and  that  the  poetry  of 
the  one  and  the  prose  writings  of  the  other 
have  exerted  a  deep  influence  upon  the 
religious  thought  of  the  century.  But  it 
would  be  true  to  say  that  Wordsworth's 
influence  has  been  felt  in  the  more  funda- 
mental region  of  natural  religion  rather  than 
in  any  imaginative  representation  of  Christian 
doctrine.  The  Ecclesiastical  Sonnets  are 
not  inferior  in  merit  to  the  bulk  of  the 
Christian  Year,  and  if  they  have  escaped 
popularity  it  is  because  EngUsh  Churchmen 
are  as  a  rule  uninterested  in  their  own  past 
history  ;  but  no  one  would  caU  them  inspired, 
and  on  EngUshmen  generally  they  have  left 
no  mark.  The  religious  poetry  of  Words- 
worth is  to  be  sought  in  his  great  '  Ode  on  the 
Intimations  of  Immortality '  and  the  '  Ode 
to  Duty,'  and  also  in  passages  of  the 
Excursion.  The  first  principle  of  his  theo- 
logy, that  the  spirit  of  intelligence  and  love 
which  we  find  in  simple  and  innocent  human 
nature  also  animates  the  external  world, 
is  expressed  with  special  beauty  and  power 
in  the  '  Lines  written  near  Tintern  Abbey.' 
The  transcendence  of  God,  no  less  than  His 
immanence,  is  asserted  in  such  poems  as 
'  An  Evening  Voluntary.'  In  reply  to  the 
charge  that  he  '  averted  his  eyes  from  half 
of  human  fate,'  it  is  sufficient  to  point  to 
'  Resolution  and  Independence  '  and  '  The 
Afflictions  of  Margaret,'  and  the  fine  lines 
prefixed  to  'The  White  Doe  of  Rylstone' 
('Action  is  transitory,'  etc.).  The  name  of 
Coleridge  among  sacred  poets  is  best  repre- 
sented by  his  son  Hartley,  who  wrote  many 
excellent  sonnets,  the  best  known  being  that 
which  concludes  with  the  lines : — 

'  Think  not  the  faith  by  which  the  just  shall 
live 
Is  a  dead  creed,  a  map  correct  of  heaven, 
Far  less  a  feeling  fond  and  fugitive, 
A  thoughtless  gift  withdrawn  as  soon  as  given. 
It  is  an  affirmation  and  an  act 
That  bids  eternal  truth  be  present  fact.' 

Earlier,  however,  than  Wordsworth  and 
Coleridge,  William  Blake,  the  harbinger  of 
the  Romantic  revival,  had  enriched  sacred 
poetry  with  a  few  pieces  of  marked  power 
and  originaUty.     Much  of  Blake's  religious 

(  466  ) 


verse  is  marred  by  the  antinomian  tendency 
which  he  had  imbibed  from  WiUiam  Godwin  ; 
but  in  the  Songs  of  Innocence  and  Songs 
of  Experience  he  has  suppUed  an  almost 
startling  imaginative  commentary  on  the 
social  problem.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find 
a  parallel  to  the  two  poems  on  '  Holy 
Thursday '  without  going  back  to  the  eighth- 
century  Jewish  prophets ;  and  every  social 
reformer  since  has  found  inspiration  in  the 
poems  on  the  New  Jerusalem,  '  England, 
awake,  awake,  awake  ! '  and  '  And  did  those 
feet  in  ancient  times.'  No  other  Christian 
poet  has  so  insistently  urged  the  Christian 
duty  of  forgiveness. 

The  differentia  of  the  poems  to  which  the 
Tractarian  revival  gave  rise  may  be  found  in 
a  certain  didactic  strain.  This  is  true  even 
of  those  poems  in  the  Christian  Year  (1827) 
which  were  written  before  Keble  {q.v.) 
conceived  the  idea  of  making  that  very  popu- 
lar collection.  The  earliest  poems  in  the 
book,  composed  in  1819,  are  '  Blest  are  the 
pure  in  heart,'  '  Lord,  and  what  shall  this 
man  do  ? '  '  When  God  of  old  came  down  from 
heaven,'  '  There  is  a  book,  who  runs  may  read,' 
which  are  all  doctrinal,  and  these  together 
with  the  Morning  and  Evening  poems  have 
long  taken  their  place,  in  whole  or  part, 
among  the  hymns  of  the  English  Church. 
This  didactic  character  partly  accounts  for 
their  popularity.  Parents  taught  them  to 
their  children  on  the  Sunday,  and  the  children 
again  to  their  children,  so  that  the  Christian 
Year  became  a  tradition  in  many  households. 

The  consequent  debt  owed  by  Enghsh 
Churchmanship  to  the  Christian  Year  is  very 
great ;  for,  as  has  been  well  said,  '  it  has  a 
real  openness  of  mind  for  the  whole  large 
view  of  the  Church  and  the  world.'  The  same 
didactic  quality,  but  in  a  sterner  mood,  is 
characteristic  of  the  Lyra  Apostolica,  an 
anthology  consisting  of  pieces  written  by 
Newman  {q.v.)  and  R.  H.  Froude  {q.v.) 
during  a  voyage  to  the  Mediterranean  in 
1833,  with  others  by  Keble,  Isaac  Wflliams, 
Bowden,  and  R.  I.  Wilberforce.  Of  the 
179  pieces  in  the  volume  Newman  contributed 
109  and  Keble  46.  Though  Newman  wrote 
verse,  only,  as  it  were,  -nath  his  left  hand, 
not  a  few  of  his  contributions  to  the  Lyra 
Apostolica  take  a  high  place  among  EngUsh 
sacred  poems.  '  Lead,  kindly  Light,'  written 
when  its  author  was  becalmed  in  the  Strait 
of  Bontfazio,  and  '  aching  to  get  home,' 
has  become  as  popular  a  hymn,  from  its 
exquisite  rendering  of  a  mood  of  depression 
overcome  by  faith,  as  the  angels'  song  in  the 
'  Dream  of  Gerontius '  ('Praise  to  the  HoUest 
in  the  height ').     No  less  beautiful  are  two 


PoetryJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pole 


poems  on  the  blessed  dead,  called  '  Rest '  and 
'  Knowledge.'  More  directly  didactic  are 
such  verses  as  the  '  Zeal  of  Jehu '  and 
'  Deeds,  not  Words,'  wliich  make  their  point 
with  remarkable  trenchancy.  Keble's  most 
beautiful  contributions  to  the  Lyra  Apostolica 
are  '  The  Winter  Thrush,'  an  unrhymcd  ode 
called  '  Burial  of  the  Dead,'  inspired  by  the 
loss  of  his  favourite  sister,  and  '  The  Watch 
by  Night.'  But  of  the  Lyra  Apostolica  it  is 
true  to  say  that  the  whole  was  greater  than 
any  single  part,  because  it  recalled  and  im- 
pressed the  idea  of  the  Church  as  a  spiritual 
society  with  a  history  and  standards  and 
disciphne  of  its  own.  Of  the  poetry  of  Isaac 
Williams  (7.U.),  which  was  pre-eminently 
'  of  an  age,'  it  will  be  sufficient  to  say  with 
Dean  Church  that  '  it  was  in  a  lower  and 
sadder  key  than  the  Christian  Year,  which 
no  doubt  first  inspired  it '  ;  that  '  it  wanted 
the  elasticity  and  freshness  and  variety  of 
Keble's  verse ' ;  but  that  '  it  was  the  out- 
pouring of  a  very  beautiful  mind.' 

The  direct  heir  of  the  tradition  of  scholarly 
poetry  that  originated  with  the  Tractarians 
was  Richard  Chenevix  Trench  {g.v.)  (1807- 
1886),  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Dublin. 
With  much  of  Newman's  gnomic  force  he 
has  greater  facility  in  expression,  and  on 
another  side  he  has  much  of  Keble's  mystical 
deUght  in  natural  beauty.  F.  W.  Faber 
(1814-1863)  wrote  a  few  memorable  pieces, 
but  is  chiefly  remembered  as  a  hymn-writer. 
Later  in  the  century  came  two  gifted  women, 
Dora  Greenwell  (1821-1882)  and  Christina 
Rossetti  (1830-1894),  the  former  teaching 
gentle  lessons  of  patience  and  hope,  the  latter 
crying  with  passion  against  a  vain  world. 
Both  poetesses  had  learned  in  suffering, 
physical  and  mental,  what  they  taught  in 
song.  The  former  has  the  advantage  in 
the  bracing  quality  of  her  message,  the  latter 
in  original  genius.  Few  sacred  poems  reach 
the  level  of  Miss  Rossetti's  '  From  House  to 
Home '  and  '  A  New  and  Old  Year  Song,' 
and  most  of  her  religious  lyrics  display  some 
touch  of  imaginative  or  rhythmical'  beauty, 
though  there  is  too  little  variety  in  the 
thought. 

5.  The  Theological  Revival. — The  religious 
movement  of  the  mid-Victorian  age  was,  in 
the  main,  a  theological  apologetic  against  a 
new  materiahsm  in  society  due  to  a  rapid 
development  of  the  natural  sciences,  and  a 
new  disquietude  among  the  faithful  due  to 
what  seemed  to  be  the  possible  results  of 
Bibhcal  criticism.  The  sense  of  these  dangers 
is  felt  in  many  poems  by  A.  H.  Clough 
(1819-1861)  and  Matthew  Arnold  (1822-1888), 
and  each  in  his  own  way  made  an  endeavour 


to  minister  to  the  needs  of  the  time.     But 
the  chief  religious  poets  of  this  era  are  its 
two  greatest  poets,  Tennyson  and  Browning. 
Tennyson  was  much  impressed  by  the  doctrine 
of  the  evolution  of  species,  and  he  met  the 
current  materialistic  deduction  from  it  by 
the    passionate    affirmation    of    two    deep 
convictions:      (1)     that     such     a     process 
must  extend  beyond  death  and  be  a  progress 
to  some  '  far-o2  divine  event  to  which  the 
whole  creation    moves '  ;    (2)  that  if  Nature 
is  to  be  interpreted  by  Man,  and  not  Man  by 
Nature,  we  have  in  man's  highest  powers  and 
thoughts  and  feehngs  the  best  evidence  of  the 
Creator.     The   welcome   thus   given   to   the 
bright    side    of    evolutionary    doctrine,    as 
supplying  new  evidence  to   the  heart  and 
imagination  of  the  Being  of  God,  the  truth  of 
immortality,    and   the   perfectibility   of   the 
human  race  is  one  of  the  great  debts  that  the 
age  owes  to  Tennyson.     He  has  treated  this 
and  kindred  questions   in    '  In   Mcmoriam,' 
'  The  Making  of  Man,'  '  By  an  Evolutionist,' 
and  '  The  Ancient  Sage.'     In  Browning  there 
is    a    great    deal    of    mere    argumentation, 
philosophical  and  theological,  which  is  not 
poetry  at  aU.     But  now  and  again,  as  he 
muses,  the  fire  kindles.     Of  the  three  great 
attributes  of  God — power,  wisdom,  love — it 
is  the  last  that  especially  needs  establishing 
in  face  of  evidence  that  seems  to  conflict 
with  it ;  and  it  is  to  the  estabUshment  of  this 
truth  that  Browning  devotes  himself,  mak- 
ing affirmation  of   his  own  beliefs  through 
the  mouth  of  the  Pope  in  '  The  Ring  and  the 
Book,'  SavJ,  Paracelsus,  Rabbi  ben  Ezra,  and 
many  another  dramatic  character.    The  pecu- 
har  value  of  Browning's  religious  poetry  to  the 
churchman  is  that  from  the  ideal  of  his  own 
heart  he  asserts  not  only,  like  Tennyson,  the 
benevolence  of  God  to  His  creatures,  but  the 
self-sacrffice  of  God,  and  so  the  special  doc- 
trine of   Christianity.     From  this  profound 
conviction   of  the   perfect  love   of   God   he 
pronounces  on  all  the  great  problems  of  life, 
sin,  pain,  and  death.     Among  the  writers  of 
religious   poetry  in   the   latter   half   of   the 
nineteenth  century  must  be  mentioned  three 
Roman  CathoUcs — Coventry  Patmore,  Francis 
Thompson,  and  Gerard  Hopkins,  who  to  a 
certain    exuberance    characteristic    of    their 
Church  joined  a  genuine  religious  ardour. 

[h.  c.  b.] 

POLE,  Reginald,  Cardinal  (1500-58),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  a  younger  son  of  Sir 
Richard  Pole  by  his  wife  Margaret,  daughter 
of  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  was  born  at  Stour- 
ton  Castlo  in  Staffordshu-c.  Educated  at 
Sheen  Charter-house  and  Oxford,  as  a  youth 


(4G7) 


Polei 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pole 


of  the  blood  royal.  Henry  viii.  (q.v.)  took 
much  interest  in  his  upbringing,  and  gave  him 
several  pieces  of  church  preferment  even 
as  a  layman  in  his  teens.  In  1521  he  went 
to  Padua,  and  made  many  friendships  with 
scholars.  He  visited  Rome  at  the  Jubilee 
in  1525,  and  returned  to  England  in  1527. 
But  in  1529  he  obtained  leave  of  the  King 
to  go  abroad  again  to  study  at  Paris.  He 
was  really  afraid  of  being  entangled  in  Henry's 
project  for  a  divorce,  but  found  he  had  not 
escaped  the  danger  at  Paris,  where  the  King 
required  him  to  obtain  University  opinions 
in  his  favour.  This  he  did,  and  returned 
again  to  England.  After  Wolsej^'s  death  in 
1530  the  King  offered  him  the  choice  either 
of  the  archbishopric  of  York  or  the  bishopric 
of  Winchester  to  secure  his  favour  in  pro- 
moting the  divorce,  and  his  real  regard  for 
Henry  at  that  time  made  it  embarrassing  to 
refuse.  Pole,  however,  drew  up  a  paper  to 
dissuade  the  KJng  from  his  object,  in  which 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  admitted  the  arguments  would 
to  most  people  appear  convincing ;  and  he 
obtained  leave  of  the  King  in  January  1532 
once  more  to  go  abroad.  Henry  even  con- 
tinued his  pensions.  He  went  first  to 
Avignon,  but,  not  liking  the  climate,  removed 
to  Italy  again,  and  spent  some  years  between 
Padua  and  Venice. 

Meanwhile  the  news  from  home  was  dis- 
tressing. The  King  divorced  Katherine  and 
married  Anne  BolejTi  in  1533.  Pole's  mother, 
whom  Henry  had  made  Countess  of  Salis- 
bury early  in  tlie  reign,  was  governess  to 
the  Princess  Mary,  and  Mary  (q.v.)  was  now 
disinherited.  Popular  feeling  was  strong 
against  the  King,  and  some  politicians  even 
hoped  that  Pole  might  marry  the  Princess 
and  combine  Yorkist  and  Tudor  claims  to 
the  Crown.  That  was  too  dangerous  a  pro- 
ject, and  nothing  was  said  of  it  to  Pole  him- 
self. But  in  1535  it  was  suggested  to  him 
in  the  Emperor's  name  that  it  lay  with  him 
by  virtue  of  his  birth  and  abilities  to  redress 
the  wrongs  of  Katherine  and  pacify  dis- 
content in  England — a  message  to  which  he 
sent  an  oral  reply  by  a  confidential  messenger. 
Certainly  he  was  most  anxious  to  avoid  rash 
movements.  At  this  time  he  was  solicited 
on  the  King's  behalf  by  Thomas  Starkey, 
who  had  been  his  chaplain  at  Padua  and  was 
now  in  England  in  the  King's  service,  to 
write  out  his  carefully  considered  opinion, 
not  on  the  divorce,  on  which  he  had 
already  given  it,  but  on  two  academic  ques- 
tions :  ( 1 )  whether  marriage  with  a  deceased 
brother's  wife  was  permissible  by  divine  law, 
and  (2)  whether  papal  supremacy  was  of 
divine    institution.     These    points,    it    was 


intimated,  he  might  still  be  able  to  decide  in 
the  King's  favour,  as  what  he  had  previously 
written  was  only  against  the  policy  of  the 
King's  acts  ;  but  there  was  no  desire,  he  was 
assured,  to  control  his  judgment. 

Starkey  had  been  trying  to  persuade  the 
King,  though  he  confessed  Pole  had  always 
been  very  reticent  on  these  subjects,  that 
fuller  study  had  inclined  him  to  the  King's 
own  views  ;  and  by  letters  to  Pole  himself 
he  endeavoured  to  lead  him  in  that  direction. 
Pole  made  him  no  direct  answer,  seeming 
as  if  he  reqviired  further  time  to  consider  the 
matter ;  and  indeed  he  was  composing  a 
long  treatise  in  reply,  which  he  only  finished 
in  May  1536.  It  was  meant  merely  for  the 
King's  own  eye  ;  but  it  did  not  at  all  coincide 
with  his  inclinations.  In  fact,  it  was  a  very 
severe  censure  of  Henry's  conduct,  written, 
as  he  said,  not  without  tears,  owing  to  hi» 
old  regard  for  him.  Henry  dissembled  his 
indignation  and  urged  Pole  to  come  and 
discuss  matters  with  him  in  conference  ;  but 
the  severe  laws  he  had  himself  got  enacted 
were  a  sufficient  excuse  for  non-compliance. 
StiU,  after  the  fall  of  Anne  Boleyn  he  had 
hopes  of  the  King's  return  to  the  Church. 
His  friends  in  Italy  feared  that  the  entreaties 
of  his  family  at  home  might  prevail  with 
him  to  go  back  to  England,  and  the  Pope 
summoned  him  to  Rome  to  a  consultation 
with  reference  to  the  proposed  General 
Council.  He  accordingly  went  thither  and, 
not  a  little  to  his  dismay,  was  made  a  Cardinal 
in  December  1536.  He  also  took  an  active 
part  in  the  Consilium  Delectorum  Cardiiia- 
livm,  pubUshed  two  years  later,  for  reforming 
abuses  in  the  Church. 

The  King  was  intensely  angry  at  his  being 
made  Cardinal,  but  avoided  showing  it. 
Two  great  insurrections  had  just  taken 
place  in  the  north  of  England,  and  he  had 
much  cause  for  anxiety.  The  Pope,  more- 
over, in  February  1537  made  his  new 
cardinal  a  legate  [q.v.),  with  instructions  to  go- 
through  France  or  Germany  towards  England, 
and  perhaps  to  Scotland,  where  his  presence 
would  have  had  a  most  disturbing  influence. 
But  commotions  had  already  been  allayed 
by  smooth  words,  and  Pole's  mission  was  too 
late.  Accompanied  by  Giberti,  a  known 
friend  of  England,  he  only  reached  Lyons 
on  the  24th  March.  There  was  war  between 
the  Emperor  and  Francis,  each  of  whom 
feared  to  affront  Henry,  and  Henry  as  the 
legate  passed  through  France  demanded  his 
extradition  as  a  traitor.  Such  a  demand  was 
outrageous  ;  nevertheless,  it  was  only  evaded. 
Francis  promised  not  to  receive  Pole  as  legate, 
and  though  the  cardinal  made  a  public  entrj'- 


(  468  ) 


PoleJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pole 


into  Paris  he  was  told  that  his  presence  in 
Prance  was  inconvenient.  So  he  withdrew 
to  Cambray,  a  neutral  place,  leaving  Giberti 
to  discharge  his  mission  to  Francis  i.,  while 
he  awaited  a  safe-conduct  from  Mary  of 
Hungary,  Regent  of  the  Netherlands.  But 
through  his  ambassador  at  her  court  Henry 
had  insisted,  as  he  had  done  with  Francis, 
that  Pole  shou'd  be  delivered  up  to  him  if 
he  entered  the  Emperor's  dominions  ;  and 
though  she  protested  at  first  that  she  must 
receive  a  legate,  she  excused  herself  from 
seeing  him,  and  sent  him  an  escort  to  conduct 
him  to  Liege,  where  he  was  safe  under  the 
protection  of  the  Cardinal  of  Liege,  with 
whom  he  remained  three  months,  till  licensed 
by  the  Pope  to  return  from  his  abortive 
mission. 

In  the  end  of  1538  Pole's  brother,  Lord 
Montague,  and  the  Marquis  of  Exeter  were 
beheaded  in  England  on  a  charge  of  treason, 
in  which  his  whole  family  were  involved. 
At  the  same  time  new  indignation  was 
awakened  against  Henry  at  Rome  by  the 
spoUation  of  Becket's  shrine  and  the  burn- 
ing of  his  bones.  So  in  December  Pole  was 
despatched  once  more  with  a  legatine  com- 
mission to  visit  first  the  Emperor  in  Spain 
and  afterwards  Francis  (for  they  had  made 
peace  by  this  time)  to  persuade  them  to 
break  off  intercourse  with  England.  But 
though  the  Emperor  would  not  listen  this 
time  to  Henry's  demand  for  his  extradition, 
he  declined  to  take  such  a  step  without  being 
sure  of  Francis,  and  as  Francis  had  the  like 
jealousy  of  the  Emperor,  this  second  mission 
of  Pole's  turned  out  as  fruitless  as  the  first. 
Moreover,  he  was  in  continual  danger  from 
assassins  willing  to  do  Henry  service.  In 
1539  Parliament  passed  an  Act  of  Attainder 
against  Pole  and  many  others,  including  his 
mother  and  his  deceased  brother.  Lord 
Montague.  Pole  was  then  at  Carpentras 
staying  with  his  friend  Sadolet,  whose  sym- 
pathy was  his  best  consolation.  But  the 
Pope  required  his  presence  in  Rome  once 
more,  and  gave  him  a  bodyguard  for  surety 
against  assassins.  In  1541  Contarini,  on 
being  sent  to  the  Diet  at  Ratisbon,  took 
counsel  with  Pole  how  to  conciliate  the  Pro- 
testants, and  there  was  a  nearer  approach 
to  agreement  then  than  at  any  other  time. 
Pole  was,  however,  in  want  of  means,  and  the 
Pope  gave  him  '  the  legation  of  the  Patri- 
mony ' — that  is,  the  secular  government  of 
ix  district,  of  which  Viterbo  was  the  capital. 
At  this  time  news  came  of  his  mother's  bar- 
barous execution,  which  horrified  every  one. 
'  1  am  now,'  said  he,  '  the  son  of  a  martyr, 
and  we  have  one  patron  more  in  heaven.' 


In  1542,  when  a  premature  attempt  was 
made  to  open  the  Council  at  Trent,  Pole  was 
one  of  the  three  legates  sent  thither  for  the 
purpose.  He  had  a  similar  commission  in 
1545,  but  his  two  colleagues  reached  the 
place  without  him,  as  there  was  a  plot  against 
his  life.  He  was,  however,  at  the  actual 
commencement  in  December,  and  continued 
there  till,  in  June  next  year,  his  state  of 
health  compelled  him  to  leave  for  Padua. 
There  he  kept  up  correspondence  with  the 
Council  till,  with  the  Pope's  permission,  he 
returned  to  Rome  in  November.  In  Janu- 
ary 1547  Henry  viii.  died,  and  Pole,  not 
knowing  what  would  happen,  wrote  to  the 
council  of  Edward  vr.  of  the  necessity  of 
redressing  the  wrongs  done  during  the  late 
reign.  He  sent  frequent  messages,  but  they 
were  not  listened  to,  he  being  excepted  from 
the  general  pardon  at  Edward's  accession. 
On  the  death  of  Paul  iii.  in  1549  Pole  was 
nearly  elected  Pope.  In  1550  Julius  iii. 
issued  a  Bull  for  the  resumption  of  the 
Council  at  Trent,  but  in  April  1552  it  had 
to  be  again  suspended  owing  to  the  war 
waged  by  the  Lutherans  in  the  Tyrol.  This 
time  Pole  was  not  a  legate,  and  had  taken  no 
part  in  its  proceedings.  In  the  spring  of 
1553  he  withdrew  to  a  monastery  on  the 
Lake  of  Garda,  where  news  reached  him  of 
the  death  of  Edward  vi.  He  at  once  received 
a  commission  as  papal  legate  not  only  to 
Queen  Mary  (q.v.),  but  to  the  Emperor  and  to 
Henry  ii.  of  France.  But  much  had  to  be 
done  before  he  could  set  foot  in  England, 
partly  owing  to  the  state  of  the  country  and 
partly  to  the  Emperor's  jealousy  lest  he 
should  be  an  obstacle  to  the  match  with  his 
son  Philip.  So  Pole  was  detained  on  the 
Continent  with  idle  efforts  to  make  peace 
between  the  French  King  and  Charles  v., 
while  in  England  Mary  was  crowned,  ParUa- 
ment  reversed  the  Edwardine  legislation, 
and  Philip  landed  and  was  married  to  her. 
But  there  was  still  one  point  on  which  great 
people  required  assurance  before  they  would 
welcome  a  legate  come  to  reconcile  England 
to  Rome.  The  grantees  of  church  lands  had 
no  mind  to  restore  them.  Pole  obtained 
powers  of  dispensation  that  their  rights 
should  not  be  questioned.  But  these  were 
not  enough,  and  Rome  itself  felt  the  neces- 
sity of  dropping  the  claims  of  the  Church. 

So  in  November  1554  Mary  s  third  Parlia- 
ment reversed  Pole's  attainder,  and  two 
noblemen  were  sent  to  the  Low  Countries  to 
conduct  him  into  England.  In  coming  he 
forbore  to  assume  the  character  of  legate  till 
he  received  a  message  from  the  Queen  at 
Rochester    requesting    him    to    do    so.      A 


(  469 


Pole] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Popish 


patent  had  just  been  issued  to  enable  him  to 
exercise  legatine  functions,  and  next  day  he 
received  letters  under  the  Great  Seal  notify- 
ing that  all  laws  passed  against  Mm  had  been 
repealed.  He  reached  Whitehall  by  river  on 
Saturday,  24th  November,  and  had  a  most 
cordial  reception  both  from  Philip  and  Mary. 
On  Tuesday  following  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament  were  summoned  to  hear  him 
declare  the  object  of  his  mission  ;  and  on  the 
30th  they  came  before  him  at  the  palace, 
where,  at  the  Queen's  suppUcation,  he  ab- 
solved a  penitent  nation  from  the  sin  of 
schism.  Convocation  next  day  drew  up  an 
address  to  the  King  and  Queen  acknowledg- 
ing that  it  was  a  natural  duty  to  restore 
alienated  property  to  the  Church,  but  beg- 
ging their  intercession  with  the  legate  to 
confirm  existing  titles,  otherwise  it  might  be 
dangerous. 

Shortly  after  this  Pope  Julius  rn.  died,  and 
his  successor,  Marcellus  ii.,  died  three  weeks 
after  being  elected.  Then  Cardinal  Caraflfa 
was  chosen,  who  took  the  title  of  Paul  iv. 
At  both  the  conclaves  Pole  had  been  again 
spoken  of  as  likely  ;  and  on  the  second  occa- 
sion not  only  Mary  but  the  French  court 
did  what  they  could  for  him,  but  they  were 
too  far  off.  Pole,  however,  presided  over 
some  ineffectual  conferences  near  Calais  for 
peace  between  the  Emperor  and  France. 
Meanwhile  Paul  iv.  expressed  to  an  English 
embassy  the  highest  approval  of  what  Pole 
had  done  in  the  restoration  of  England  to 
the  Church,  and  gave  them  certain  Bulls,  one 
of  which,  however,  touched  in  a  general  way 
the  delicate  question  of  the  restoration  of 
church  property.  In  spite  of  past  assurances 
this  caused  uneasiness,  which  another  Bull 
was  issued  afterwards  to  relieve.  Restitu- 
tion was  not  to  be  asked  ;  but  the  Queen,  for 
her  part,  avowed  that  she  would  give  up  tithes 
and  first-fruits  and  do  her  best  to  restore 
what  else  she  had  of  the  Church's  property. 

In  1555  Pole  held  a  legatine  synod,  which 
enacted  a  code  of  constitutions  and  con- 
templated a  number  of  reforms.  On  the 
deprivation  of  Cranmer  the  administration 
of  the  see  of  Canterbury  was  committed  to 
Pole  (11th  December).  As  yet  he  was  no 
priest,  but  he  was  so  ordained  at  the  Grey 
Friars,  Greenwich,  on  the  20th  March  1556, 
and  he  celebrated  his  first  Mass  next  day — 
the  day  Cranmer  was  burned  at  Oxford. 
Then  on  Sunday,  the  22nd,  he  was  conse- 
crated Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  About 
the  same  time  he  was  elected  Chancellor  of 
the  University  of  Cambridge  in  succession 
to  Bishop  Gardiner  {q.v.),  and  in  October 
following  Oxford  paid  him  the  same  honour. 


Of  the  Marian  persecution  it  does  not 
appear  that  Pole  was  a  great  instigator,  or 
that  he  had  much  to  do  with  it.  Three 
penitent  heretics  who  had  been  condemned 
once  obtained  pardon  on  appeal  to  him  as 
legate ;  but  no  doubt  he  did  not  interfere 
with  the  ordinary  course  of  what  were  simply 
legal  executions.  A  strange  thing  at  the 
end  of  his  career  was  that  he  somehow  in- 
curred the  displeasure  of  Paul  iv.,  who  had 
not  long  before  extolled  his  conduct  to  thy 
utmost.  This  was  doubtless  connected  with 
that  Pope's  hatred  of  Spanish  rule  in  Naples  ; 
and  when  after  the  abdication  of  Charles  v. 
Philip  n.  became  King  of  Spain  and  Naples 
as  weU  as  of  England,  matters  did  not  im- 
prove. There  was  war  in  Italy  between  the 
Pope  and  Phihp,  and  renewed  war  between 
Spain  and  France,  as  Henry  n.  became  the 
Pope's  ally.  In  April  1557  the  Pope  with- 
drew all  his  legates  from  PhiHp's  dominions 
generally,  and  cancelled  Pole's  legation, 
though  England  was  neutral  at  the  time. 

Philip  and  Mary  wrote  joint  letters  to  the 
Pope  for  the  restoration  of  Pole's  legateship, 
as  his  services  could  not  be  dispensed  with. 
For  Marj^'s  sake,  but  not  for  her  husband's, 
since  a  legate  in  England  was  required,  Paul 
promised  to  appoint  one,  but  would  not 
revoke  what  he  had  done.  He  made  the 
Queen's  confessor,  Friar  William  Peto,  a 
cardinal,  and  wrote  to  Pole  requiring  his 
presence  at  Rome.  But  Mary,  learning 
from  her  ambassador.  Came,  what  was  done, 
stopped  the  Pope's  messenger  at  Calais  to 
await  the  return  of  one  whom  she  herself 
sent  to  Rome.  Pole  begged  her  to  let  the 
Pope's  messenger  come,  and  said  his  own 
legatine  functions  were  at  an  end ;  but  he 
sent  a  messenger  to  the  Pope  to  show  how 
iU  His  Hohness  had  rewarded  his  zealous 
services.  Never  had  Pope  so  treated  a  legate 
before,  replacing  him  by  another  without 
caUing  him  to  justify  himself  from  suspicions. 
The  Pope  was  strangely  prejudiced  against. 
Pole  and  all  who  favoured  him,  hinting  that 
he  was  a  heretic — a  strange  imputation,  as 
Pole  himself  wrote,  on  one  whose  trials  and 
hardships  had  been  entirely  due  to  heretics. 

Queen  Mary  died  in  the  morning  of  the 
17th  November  1558  and  Pole  in  the  evening 
of  the  same  day.  He  was  buried  in  Canter- 
bury Cathedral.  [J.  G.] 

Phillips,  Life  of  Pole  ;   Venetian  Calendar^ 
vols,  v.,  vi. 

POPISH  PLOT,  The,  was  a  pretended  plot 
for  assassinating  Charles  n.,  massacring 
Protestants,    and    establishing    Romanism, 


(470) 


Popish] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Popish 


which  Titus  Gates  professed  to  have  dis- 
covered in  1678. 

Gates  (1649-1705),  the  chief  perjurer,  was  a 
man  of  the  vilest  character.  He  was  expelled 
from  Merchant  Taylors'  School  in  1665,  and 
afterwards  went  to  Sedlescombe  school,  near 
Hastings,  and  thence  to  Gonville  and  Caius 
College,  Cambridge.  His  tutor.  Dr.  Thomas 
Watson,  said  of  him :  '  He  was  a  great  dunce, 
ran  into  debt,  and  being  sent  away  for  want 
of  monej',  never  took  a  degree.'  He  man- 
aged, however,  to  get  ordained,  and  became 
Vicar  of  Bobbing,  1673.  Soon  afterwards, 
1674,  he  got  into  trouble  for  a  false  charge 
against  a  Hastings  schoolmaster,  and  was 
put  in  prison  and  condemned  to  pay  £1000 
damages  and  charged  with  perjury,  1675. 
He  escaped  from  gaol,  and  obtained  a  post 
as  a  naval  chaplain,  but  was  expelled  within 
a  few  months.  He  then  became  chaplain  to 
the  Protestant  members  of  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk's  household,  1676,  and  this  gave  him 
his  opportunity  of  knowing  something  of  the 
hopes  and  designs  of  Roman  Cathohcs.  Be- 
coming acquainted  with  Dr.  Israel  Tonge, 
a  well-known  Protestant  controversiaUst,  he 
joined  him  first  in  denunciation  of  papists 
and  then  in  concocting  details  of  an  alleged 
plot.  To  acquire  sufficient  local  and  personal 
knowledge  Gates  in  April  1677  formally  pro- 
fessed conversion  to  the  Church  of  Rome, 
consorted  with  the  Jesuits,  and  sought 
admission  to  their  order.  He  was  actually 
sent  to  their  college  at  VaUadolid  in  June, 
but  was  expelled  after  five  months,  and 
returned  to  London.  In  December  he  was 
admitted  to  the  seminary  of  St.  Gmer,  but 
was  expelled  from  it  in  June  1678. 

Gn  his  return  he  and  Tonge  fabricated 
the  details  of  the  plot.  By  the  instru- 
mentality of  one  Kirkby  it  was  brought  to 
the  King's  notice,  and  Kirkby's  statement 
was  supported  by  a  paper  drawn  up  by  Gates 
and  given  by  Tonge  to  Danby.  Gates  and 
Tonge  also  appeared  before  Sir  Edmund 
Berry  Godfrey,  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
deposed  to  the  truth  of  forty-three  written 
articles  giving  particulars  of  the  plot.  The 
chief  points  were :  that  the  Pope,  Inno- 
cent XI.,  had  appointed  the  Jesuits  to  have 
supreme  power  in  the  kingdom  ;  that  the 
King  was  to  be  assassinated,  and  that  P^re 
la  Chaise  had  lodged  £10,000  in  London  as 
a  reward  for  the  murder ;  that  Sir  George 
Wakeman  had  been  paid  £8000  to  poison 
him ;  that  four  Irish  cut-throats  had  been 
hired  to  stab  him  in  his  coach  at  Windsor ; 
and  two  Jesuits,  Grove  and  Pickering,  were 
to  be  paid  £15,000  to  shoot  him  with  silver 
bullets.      His  death  was  to  be  followed  by 


a  French  invasion  of  Ireland  and  a  general 

massacre  of  Protestants. 

This  had  been  settled,  according  to  Gates,  at 
a  general '  consult '  of  the  Jesuits  held  at  the 
White  Horse  Tavern  in  Fleet  Street,  at  which 
he  said  he  had  been  present.  The  consult 
had,  in  fact,  been  held  at  the  Duke  of  York's 
house,  and  Gates  would  not  in  any  case  have 
been  admitted. 

Gates  was  summoned  before  the  Council, 
and  his  tale  eagerly  accepted — the  King  alone 
remaining  incredulous.  He  was  granted  a 
salary  of  £40  a  month.  A  number  of  Jesuits 
were  apprehended,  including  Coleman,  the 
Duke  of  York's  secretary.  Public  feeling  had 
begun  to  be  aroused  when  an  event  occurred 
which  fanned  the  flame  of  Protestant  frenzy 
into  a  blaze.  Gn  17th  Gctober  1678  Sir 
Edmund  Berry  Godfrey  was  found  strangled 
in  a  ditch  at  the  foot  of  Primrose  Hill. 
The  Jesuits  were  credited  with  the  murder. 
It  has  long  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  un- 
discovered crimes  of  history;  but  Sir.  Pollock, 
the  latest  historian  of  the  plot,  beheves  that 
Prance,  the  informer,  by  whose  word  three 
men  were  executed,  was  one  of  the  murderers, 
and  the  others  were  the  Jesuits,  Walsh, 
Pritchard,  and  Le  Fevre  —  the  motive  for 
the  murder  being  that  Coleman  had  dis- 
closed to  Godfrey  that  the  Jesuit  consult 
had  taken  place  at  the  house  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  who  would  have  been  ruined  if  this 
had  come  out,  and  it  was  necessary  therefore 
to  get  him  out  of  the  way. 

Whoever  perpetrated  the  crime  its  effect 
was  undeniable.  A  reign  of  terror  for 
Roman  Catholics  began.  Informers  and 
false  witnesses  appeared  on  every  side,  of 
whom  one,  WiUiam  Bedloe,  almost  as  mag- 
nificent a  perjurer  as  Gates,  was  chief.  They 
were  encouraged  by  the  Whigs,  who  made 
considerable  party  capital  out  of  it.  In 
November  Parliament  passed  a  resolution 
that  '  there  hath  been  and  still  is  a  damnable 
and  heUish  plot  contrived  and  carried  out 
by  Popish  recusants  for  the  assassinating 
the  King  and  rooting  out  the  Protestant 
religion,'  and  had  the  vaults  under  West- 
minster Hall  searched  for  gunpowder.  For 
the  first  time  a  real  attempt  was  made  to 
put  the  laws  against  popish  recusants  into 
force.  AH  over  the  country  the  houses  of 
Roman  Cathohc  gentry  were  searched  for 
arms,  prisons  were  filled,  and  estates  con- 
fiscated. Besides  the  three  executed  for 
Godfrey's  murder,  fourteen  were  put  to  death 
for  high  treason.  Eight  priests  were  exe- 
cuted on  account  of  their  orders  under  a 
statute  of  1585  (27  Ehz.  c.  2).  Five  more 
died  in  prison.     Thirty  more  persons  were 


(471  ) 


Popish] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Popish 


condemned  to  death,  but  were  reprieved,  of 
whom  sixteen  died  in  prison.  Roman 
Catholics  in  London  were  banished  to  the 
country.  Thirty  thousand  were  said  to  have 
fled.  Their  books,  relics,  and  vestments  were 
burnt.  Houses  were  ransacked.  Those  in 
prison  were  not  provided  with  food,  and  being 
sometimes  arrested  at  inns,  on  sick-beds,  or 
in  hiding-places  were  often  hurried  away 
without  money,  and  depended  for  subsist- 
ence on  the  charity  of  their  friends.  Many 
abjured.  The  Jesuit  Warner  wrote  :  '  Hope 
itself  is  scarce  left  us.' 

Gates  even  ventured  to  accuse  the  Queen 
of  complicity  in  the  plot  against  her  hus- 
bands  life.  Five  Roman  Catholic  peers  were 
impeached,  but  only  one.  Lord  Strafford, 
was  executed.  The  persecution  received  its 
first  check  by  the  acquittal  of  Sir  George 
Wakeman,  the  Queen's  physician,  and  four 
others  in  July  1679,  when  the  untrustworthi- 
ness  of  the  witnesses  became  evident  to  the 
less  violently  prejudiced.  But  the  last  execu- 
tion did  not  take  place  until  July  1681,  when 
Archbishop  Plunket  of  Dublin  and  Edward 
Fitzharris  were  executed  for  high  treason. 

The  question  arises.  Was  there  any  plot 
at  all  ?  Was  there  any  fire  concealed  as 
much  as  revealed  by  the  smoke  of  Oates's 
perjuries  ?     In  all  probability  there  was. 

For  the  first  thirteen  years  of  his  reign 
the  Roman  Catholics  looked  for  help  to 
Charles  ii.  In  1662  he  issued  a  Declaration 
of  Indulgence,  suspending  all  penal  laws 
against  dissenters,  both  Roman  Catholic  and 
Protestant,  but  was  powerless  to  enforce  it 
in  face  of  the  opposition  in  both  Houses  of 
Parliament.  Failing  in  this,  his  next  plan 
seems  to  have  been  to  use  the  help  of 
Louis  XIV.  to  establish  Roman  Catholicism 
as  the  state  religion  and  make  himself 
independent  of  Parliament.  This  scheme 
was  proposed  to  the  Pope  through  Richard 
Bellings.  It  was  the  object  of  the  secret 
treaty  of  Dover  of  1670,  when  Charles  was 
promised  £150,000  and  six  thousand  men  if 
required.  As  part  of  the  programme,  he 
declared  war  against  the  Dutch  in  1672,  and 
two  days  before  issued  a  second  Declaration 
of  Indulgence.  But  the  war  was  compara- 
tively unsuccessful.  The  Declaration  was 
revoked  in  1673,  and  when  he  made  peace 
with  the  Dutch  in  February  1674  he  may  be 
said  to  have  finally  abandoned  the  policy 
of  establishing  Roman  Catholicism.  Hence- 
forward he  looked  to  secure  his  power  by 
other  means,  and  English  Roman  Catholics 
knew  that  they  must  look  elsewhere  both  for 
relief  and  dominance,  and  their  hopes  were 
now  centred  on  the  Duke  of  York. 


Coleman,  the  Duke's  secretary,  formerly 
a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits,  became  the  centre  of 
a  new  series  of  intrigues,  upon  which  his 
letters  down  to  1675  throw  considerable 
light.  He  corresponded  wth  the  papal 
court  and  with  Pfere  la  Chaise  and  other 
Jesuits  in  France.  His  intentions  are  reason- 
ably plain.  '  We  have  here  a  mighty  work 
upon  our  hands,  no  less  than  the  conversion 
of  three  kingdoms  .  .  .  and  there  were 
never  such  hopes  of  success  since  the  death 
of  Queen  Mary  as  now  in  our  days  when  God 
has  given  us  a  prince  who  is  become  zealous 
of  being  the  author  and  instrument  of  so 
glorious  a  work.  .  .  .  That  which  we  rely 
on  most  next  to  God  Almighty's  Providence 
and  the  favour  of  my  master  the  duke  is  the 
mighty  mind  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty.' 
His  first  idea  seems  to  have  been  to  bribe 
Charles — with  French  or  papal  gold — to 
dissolve  Parliament,  issue  a  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  and  leave  the  main  business  of 
government  in  the  hands  of  the  Duke  of 
York.  Finding  that  this  scheme  would  not 
work,  his  next  plan  was  to  bribe  Parliament 
to  petition  the  King  to  restore  the  duke 
and  to  pass  an  Act  for  liberty  of  conscience. 
£20,000  he  thought  would  be  enough.  But 
he  was  speedily  undeceived,  and  had  to 
abandon  this  project  also. 

It  was  by  now  clear  that  the  King  was  an 
impediment  in  the  way  of  the  realisation  of 
these  aims,  as  he  had  definitely  engaged  in  a 
policy  of  Anglican  predominance.  He  must 
either  be  thrust  aside,  and  the  matter  con- 
cluded without  him,  or  forced  into  action. 
The  intrigues  of  1675-9  are  obscure,  as 
Coleman's  correspondence  ceases.  But  there 
is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  he  and  the 
Jesuits  were  as  busy  as  ever.  It  seems 
unlikely  that  they  should  have  continued  to 
indulge  hopes  of  the  conversion  of  England 
in  the  near  future  as  they  undoubtedly  did 
if  they  did  not  contemplate  some  bold  stroke. 
What  this  was  to  be  we  cannot  tell.  It  is 
at  least  likely  that  nothing  definite  had  been 
decided  on  when  Gates  appeared  on  the 
scene.  Gates  was  undoubtedly  a  liar,  and  all, 
or  nearly  all,  his  sworn  statements  were 
perjuries.  The  sources  from  which  he 
borrowed  the  literary  form  of  his  fabrication 
can  be  traced.  Plots  were  common  in  his 
daj%  and  a  tract  survives  describing  the  trial 
and  execution  of  several  men  in  1662  for  a 
plot  not  unlike  that  outlined  by  him.  He 
must  also  have  been  cognisant  of  the  narra- 
tives of  the  Gunpowder  Plot  and  the  Havern- 
field  Plot,  and  both  of  them  disclose  points 
of  close  resemblance  with  the  Popish  Plot. 
In  William  Prynne's  account  of  the  Havern- 


(  472  ) 


Poynet] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Praemunire 


field  Plot,  under  the  title  of  Rome's  Master- 
fnece,  there  is  even  the  device  of  drawing 
out  the  plot  in  articles.  But  for  all  that  he 
knew  a  little  and  guessed  more  of  what  was 
going  on,  and  reared  his  clumsy  super- 
structure of  lies  on  a  foundation  of  fact  of 
•wliich  he  guessed  rather  than  knew  the  truth. 

In  April  1682  his  pension  was  reduced  to 
£2  a  week,  and  in  August  it  was  withdrawn 
fvltogether.  In  1684  he  was  arrested  for 
calling  the  Duke  of  York  a  traitor,  condemned 
to  pay  £100,000,  and  in  default  imprisoned. 

After  the  accession  of  James  li.  he  was 
tried  for  perjury,  condemned  to  pay  a  tine  of 
2000  marks,  to  be  stripped  of  his  canonical 
habits,  to  be  whipped  from  Aldgate  to  New- 
gate and  two  days  later  from  Newgate  to 
Tyburn,  and  to  be  imprisoned  for  life. 
Soon  after  the  accession  of  William  and 
Mary  he  was  released,  and  at  the  request 
of  the  Commons  given  a  pension  of  £5  a 
week.  In  1693  this  was  suspended  at  the 
instance  of  Queen  Mary  on  account  of  his 
published  libels  on  her  father,  but  after 
her  death  he  was  granted  in  1698  £500  to 
pay  his  debts  and  a  pension  of  £300  a  year. 
He  became  a  Baptist,  and  used  to  preach  in 
Wapping  Chapel,  but  was  expelled  from  that 
sect  '  as  a  disorderly  person  and  a  hypocrite.' 
He  died  in  1705.  In  person  he  was  hideous. 
He  was  short,  bull-necked,  and  bow-legged. 
His  forehead  was  low  and  eyes  small  and 
very  deep -set.  His  face  very  large  and  red, 
and  his  chin  so  long  that  the  mouth  seemed 
to  come  in  the  middle.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Titus  Gates,  D.N.B.  ;  Pollock,  Popish  Plot ; 
articles  by  W.  C.  Abbott  in  E.H.R.,  January 
1910.  aud  American  Hist.  Rev.,  April  and  July 
1909! 

POYNET,  or  PONET,  John  (1514-1556), 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  was  educated  at 
Queens'  College,  Cambridge,  where  he  became 
Fellow,  Bursar,  and  Dean.  He  was  an  ex- 
cellent classical  scholar  and  a  very  learned 
man,  knowing  mathematics,  astronomy,  and 
Italian.  He  adopted  Reformed  opinions, 
became  chaplain  to  Cranmer  (q.v.),  and  held 
several  preferments.  The  Act  of  the  Six 
Articles  does  not  appear  to  have  troubled 
him.  After  the  accession  of  Edward  vi.  he 
preached  before  the  King  on  Fridays  in  Lent, 
1550,  Hooper  {q.v.)  preaching  on  Wednesdays. 
Both  were  rewarded  with  bishoprics  ;  Poynet 
with  Rochester.  He  was  the  first  bishop 
consecrated  under  the  new  Ordinal.  In  the 
following  year  he  was  nominated  to  succeed 
Gardiner  (q.v.)  at  Winchester. 

He  had  first  to  surrender  the  lands  and 
revenues  of  the  see,  then  enormously  rich. 


and  received  in  exchange  a  fixed  sum,  derived 
from  certain  rectories,  of  the  value  of  two 
thousand  marks  a  year.  He  was  also  allowed 
a  large  remission  of  tenths  and  lirst-fruits — 
an  allowance  to  himself  and  not  his  successors, 
which  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  bribe. 
The  alienated  lands  were  given  to  covirtiers. 
His  chief  work  was  his  Short  Treatise  of 
Politique  Power,  a  work  of  some  importance 
for  the  history  of  the  time,  and  one  of  the 
earliest  statements  of  the  doctrine  of  tyranni- 
cide. He  also  engaged  in  an  acrid  contro- 
versy with  Dr.  Martin  in  defence  of  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy.  His  own  matrimonial 
experiences  were  curious  and  unedifying. 
He  seems  to  have  gone  through  the  form  of 
marriage  with  a  butcher's  wife  at  Nottingham 
during  the  life  of  her  husband,  and  Machyn 
in  his  Diary,  1551,  states:  '  The  27th  day  of 
July  was  the  new  Bishop  of  Winchester 
divorced  from  the  butcher's  wife  with  shame 
enough.'  He  was  also  ordered  to  pay  the 
husband  a  yearly  pension  as  compensation. 
He  then  married  again.  On  the  death  of 
Edward  he  was  deprived  as  being  married 
and  intruded.  He  joined  Wyatt,  and  when 
the  rebels  were  delayed  at  Brentford  he 
counselled  some  of  the  officers  '  to  shift  for 
themselves  as  he  intended  to  do,'  and  made 
his  escape  to  Strasburg,  where  he  died. 
He  was  a  man  of  considerable  abilities  but 
indifferent  character,  and  a  scurrilous  writer. 

[c.  r.  s.  c] 

Foxe,  Acts'  and  Monuments;  Strype, 
Memorials ;  S.  R.  Maitland,  Essays  on  the 
Reformation,  p.  51. 

PRAEMUNIRE.  The  medieval  church 
system  produced  in  the  English  Church  a 
tendency  to  look  on  itself  as  a  separate  body, 
standing  apart  from  the  general  life  of  the 
nation,  and  dependent  on  a  foreign  power, 
the  Pope,  rather  than  on  the  EngHsh  Crown. 
As  the  consciousness  of  united  national  life 
increased  kings  and  parliaments  sought  to 
resist  this  tendency  in  the  Church.  The 
statutes  of  Pro  visors  (q.v.)  show  the  opposition 
to  the  papal  encroachments  on  patronage  in 
the  English  Church.  The  statutes  of  Prae- 
munire form  another  incident  in  the  same 
struggle  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  the 
Crown  over  the  Church,  whose  members  are 
also  the  Crown's  subjects,  and  to  control  their 
communications  with  a  foreign  power.  They 
are  especially  aimed  at  the  encroachments  of 
that  power  on  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English 
courts. 

The  first  of  the  statutes  (1353,  27  Edw.  iii. 

I    St.  1,  c.  1)  enacts  that  any  one  drawing  the 

King's  subjects  out  of  the  realm  on  pleas 


(  473  ) 


Praemunire] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Praemunire 


the  cognisance  whereof  belongs  to  the  Kling's 
courts,  or  impeaching  the  judgments  given  in 
those  courts,  shall  have  a  day  appointed  to 
answer  his  contempt,  and  if  he  fail  to  do  so 
shall  be  put  out  of  the  King's  protection, 
his  lands  and  goods  forfeited,  and  his  body 
imprisoned  at  the  King's  pleasure.  This 
statute,  though  directed  at  the  court  of 
Rome,  is  general  in  its  terms  and  names  no 
names.  The  next  (1365,  38  Edw.  m.  st.  2) 
specifically  mentions  citations  from  Rome  as 
causing  injury  to  the  King  and  realm,  and 
also  deals  with  the  evil  of  provision.  The 
principal  statute  of  Praemunire  was  passed  in 
1393  (16  Ric.  n.  c.  5),  and  is  even  more 
outspoken.  It  declares  that  by  the  Pope's 
usurpations  the  laws  of  the  realm  are  '  de- 
feated and  avoided  at  his  wiU,  in  perpetual 
destruction  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Kling.' 
It  gives  the  offender  no  locus  poenitentiae,  or 
opportunity  to  explain  his  action,  and  re- 
enacts  the  former  penalties  against  any  who 
should  procure,  bring  into  the  realm,  receive, 
or  execute  any  bulls,  excommunications,  or 
other  instruments  from  Rome.  The  name 
praemunire,  which  came  to  be  applied  indiffer- 
ently to  the  statutes,  the  offence,  the  writ, 
and  the  severe  and  comprehensive  punish- 
ment, was  taken  from  the  word  in  the  writ 
which  bids  the  sheriff  warn  {praemunire) 
the  accused  to  appear  and  answer  to  the 
charge. 

This  legislation  was  not  altogether  effective 
in  checking  appeals  to  Rome.  Some  cases 
had  to  be  taken  thither  because  the  local 
courts  were  not  competent  to  deal  with  them. 
In  others  the  kings  gave  leave  to  appeal,  or 
connived  at  breaches  of  the  law.  But  the 
diminution  in  the  number  of  appeals  to  Rome 
in  the  fifteenth  century  was  in  part  due  to 
these  statutes.  In  1439,  and  again  in  1447, 
Convocation  complained  that  they  were  being 
used  against  the  English  Church  courts,  for 
whose  protection  they  had  been  devised.  Ap- 
parently then,  as  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
the  civil  lawyers  found  them  a  useful  weapon 
in  the  perennial  warfare  between  the  two 
jurisdictions,  though  in  1514  Richard  Hunne 
was  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  to  sue 
praemunire  against  a  priest  who  had  cited 
him  in  the  church  court.  But  in  1515  the 
judges  determined  that  Convocation  had  been 
guilty  of  praemunire  in  proceeding  against 
Standish  (q.v.),  a  friar  who  had  defended 
the  Act  restricting  benefit  of  clergy  {q.v.). 
This  was  but  a  sUght  foretaste  of  what  was 
to  follow.  In  1529  Henry  vra.,  with  bare- 
faced injustice,  declared  that  Wolsey's  {q.v.) 
acts  as  legate  constituted  an  offence  of 
praemunire,  though  they  had  been  done  with 


the  acquiescence,  and  even  at  the  orders  of, 
the  King ;    and  in  1530  that  the  recognition 
of  the  legate's  authority  by  the  whole  body  of 
the  clergy  and  laity  involved  them  in  his  guUt. 
By  this  threat  he  extracted  the  Submission  of 
the  Clergy  from  Convocation  {q.v.)  in  1531. 
Having  proved  the  value  of  his  weapon,  he 
used   it   freely  to   enforce   his   ecclesiastical 
legislation  of  1533  and  1534.     The  statutes 
24  Hen.  vui.  c.  12,  25  Hen.  vin.  cc.  19  and  21 
apply  its  penalties  to  all  who  are  concerned 
in  appeals  to  Rome  or  in  bringing  Ucences  or 
dispensations  from  thence  ;  and  25  Hen.  vni. 
e.  20  makes  it  the  penalty  for  refusing  to 
elect  or  consecrate  the  King's  nominee  to  a 
bishopric.     In     1553     these     extensions     of 
praemunire  were  abohshed,  and  it  was   re- 
stricted to  the  offences  to  which  it  had  been 
applicable  at  the  accession  of  Henry  vrn. 
(1  Mar.  st,  1,  c,   1),     In  1554  it  was  made 
the  penalty  for  those  who  should  molest  the 
possessors  of  the  abbey  lands  (1-2  Ph,  and 
M.  c,  8),     This  was  confirmed  by  Elizabeth, 
who    also    revived    Henry's     statutes,    and 
used  praemunire  to  enforce  her  ecclesiastical 
supremacy  (1559,  1  Eliz,  c.  1)  and  to  harry 
the     Roman     Catholic     recusants.     It    was 
made  the  penalty  for  maintaining  the  Pope's 
authority,    being    reconciled    or    reconcihng 
others  to  him,  helping  to  maintain  Jesuits 
or   priests,  bringing   into    the   realm   bulls, 
'  crosses,  pictures,  beads,  or  such  like  vain  and 
superstitious  things  from  the  bishop  or  see  of 
Rome,'  and  similar  offences  (1563,  5  Eliz.  c.  1; 
1571,13EUz.c.2;  1585, 27  Eliz.  c,  2),  After  the 
discovery  of  the  Gunpowder  Plot  the  refusal 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  was  added  to 
the  list  (1606,  3  Jac.  i.  c.  4).     The  statute 
of    1563,    however,    declared    that    persons 
attainted  of  praemunire  might  not  be  slain 
at  sight  with  impunity,  a  point  which  had 
previously  been  considered  doubtful.     Under 
James    i.  praemunire    formed    part    of    the 
quarrel  between  the  temporal  and  ecclesi- 
astical courts.     It  was  asserted  that  since 
the  church  courts  were  definitely  acknow- 
ledged to  be  under  the  Royal  Supremacy,  and 
were  regulated  by  statute,  it  was  no  longer 
possible  for  them  to  encroach  on  the  rights 
of  the  Crown,  and  therefore  praemunire  could 
not  lie  against  them.     Coke  and  the  judges, 
however,  maintained  that  they  might  still 
act  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Crown  by  assuming 
jurisdiction    over    cases    cognisable    in    the 
King's  temporal  courts,   and  in  such  case 
praemunire  would  lie. 

Down  to  the  reign  of  Henry  vra.  praemunire 
had  been  a  weapon  with  which  the  State 
resisted  the  encroachments  of  the  papacy 
and  enforced  the  Royal  Supremacy  over  the 


(  474  ) 


Proctors! 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Proctors 


English  Church.  Elizabeth  diverted  it  from 
its  original  use  to  the  repression  of  Roman 
Catholic  recusancy,  and  in  her  reign  it  was 
also  extended  to  purely  civil  offences.  In 
1571  it  was  applied  to  those  who  took  interest 
at  a  higher  rate  than  ten  per  cent,  per  annum 
(13  Eliz.  c.  8),  and  was  afterwards  adopted  by 
the  criminal  law  as  the  penalty  for  various 
ofiences,  including  the  promotion  of  bubble 
companies  (1719,  6  Geo.  i.  c.  18),  down  to 
1772,  when  those  who  assisted  at  breaches  of 
the  Royal  Marriage  Act  (12  Geo.  m,  c.  11) 
were  made  liable  to  'praemunire.  In  the 
nineteenth  century  it  was  twice  the  subject 
of  rather  academic  discussion  in  the  House  of 
Lords.  After  the  Hampden  {q.v.)  case  in 
1848  Bishop  Phillpotts  {q.v.)  presented  a 
petition  for  the  repeal  of  those  provisions  of 
25  Hen.  vni.  c.  20  which  make  praemunire  the 
penalty  for  refusing  to  elect  or  consecrate 
a  bishop  designate.  Lord  Denman  then  said 
that  such  a  penalty  was  '  objectionable  and 
unworthy  of  a  civilised  country,'  and  he 
would  be  glad  to  see  it  abolished.  No  action 
was  taken,  however,  either  then  or  in  1864, 
when  Lord  Westbury  alleged  that  by  con- 
demning Essays  and  Reviews  {q.v.)  without  a 
licence  from  the  Crown,  Convocation  had 
made  itself  liable  to  praemunire.  But  this 
was  scarcely  a  correct  exposition  of  the  law, 
the  better  opinion  being  that  the  royal  hcence 
is  only  required  for  the  formal  enactment  of 
canons.     [Papacy  and  the  English  Chukch.] 

[G.  c] 

Statutes;  Stubbs,  CIL,  xix.  ;  Wilkins,  Con- 
cilia ;  Blackstone.  Commentaries,  iv.  viii.  ; 
Coke,  Insts.,  iii.  119  ;  Reports,  xii.  37  ;  Han- 
sard, Pari.  Debates,  1848  aud  1864. 

PROCTORS.  The  growth  of  an  ordered 
system  of  Canon  Law  {q.v.)  and  Courts  {q.v.) 
administering  it  involved  the  appearance  of 
a  body  of  professional  canon  lawyers.  In 
1237  the  legate  Otho  laid  down  rules  which 
illustrate  the  formation  of  a  close  corporation 
of  such  lawyers,  formally  appointed  and 
bound  by  oath  to  respect  professional 
etiquette.  Already  the  distinction  between 
advocates  and  proctors  roughly  corresponds 
to  that  between  barristers  and  solicitors, 
and  can  be  summed  up  in  the  words  of 
AyUfEe,  the  eighteenth  -  century  canonist, 
that  advocates  or  '  persons  of  the  long  robe  ' 
should  be  skilled  in  knowledge  of  the  law  and 
proctors  in  the  practice  thereof ;  and  he 
adds  that  the  office  of  the  one  is  difficult  and 
honourable,  and  of  the  other  easy  and  of  no 
honour  at  all.  In  1281  Archbishop  Peckham 
{q.v.)  decreed  that  no  one  should  practise  as 
an  advocate  until  he  had  studied  civil  and 


canon  law  for  three  years  at  least.  In  1567 
some  of  the  advocates  bought  the  site  of 
Doctors'  Commons,  to  the  south  of  St.  Paul's 
Churchyard,  and  at  their  own  expense  built 
courts,  a  hall  and  library,  and  houses  for  the 
judges  and  advocates.  Here  the  provincial 
courts  of  Canterbury  and  the  consistory  of 
London  were  held  for  throe  centuries.  The 
Court  of  Admiralty  was  added  in  1666,  and  in 
1672  the  buildings,  which  had  suffered  in 
the  Great  Fire,  were  restored.  In  1768  the 
advocates  were  incorporated  under  royal 
charter  into  '  The  College  of  Doctors  of 
Laws,'  consisting  of  a  President  (the  Dean  of 
the  Arches  for  the  time  being),  and  Fellows, 
who  must  have  taken  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  and  have  been 
admitted  advocates  under  a  rescript  from 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  No  advocate 
might  practise  for  a  year  after  admission. 
The  judges  in  the  provincial  courts  were 
chosen  from  among  the  advocates.  Thirty- 
four  proctors,  licensed  by  the  archbishop, 
were  also  attached  to  the  college.  No 
proctor  could  be  admitted  to  practice  until 
he  had  served  seven  years  as  articled  clerk 
to  one  of  these  thirty-four.  In  1536  the 
proctors  of  the  Court  of  Arches  had  tried  to 
induce  Archbishop  Cranmer  {q.v.)  to  restrict 
their  number  to  ten  in  order  that  this  close 
corporation  might  enjoy  a  more  lucrative 
practice ;  but  this  attempt  failed,  for  even 
when  there  were  twenty  or  more  they  were 
'  so  overladde  with  causes  that  they  were 
driven  to  take  oft  and  many  delaj'es  and 
prorogations.'  The  inconveniences  resulting 
from  Warham's  restriction  of  the  number  to 
ten  had  been  one  of  the  complaints  of  the 
Commons  against  the  church  courts  in  their 
petition  of  1532.  The  canons  of  1604  lay 
down  rules  for  the  conduct  of  proctors, 
forbidding  them  to  act  without  the  counsel 
of  an  advocate,  or  '  to  be  clamorous  in  court,' 
where  their  '  loud  and  confused  cries  '  were 
'  troublesome  and  offensive  to  the  judges  and 
advocates'  (Canons  129-33).  Proctors  and 
advocates  as  officers  of  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  were  under  their  control,  with  which 
the  temporal  courts  could  not  interfere. 

In  modern  times  the  bulk  of  ecclesiastical 
practice  consisted  of  matrimonial  and  testa- 
mentary cases,  which  were  taken  from  the 
church  courts  by  the  Probate  and  Divorce 
Acts,  1857  (21-2  Vic.  cc.  77  and  85).  Under 
the  Probate  Act  the  College  of  Doctors  of 
Law  was  dissolved,  and  its  property  handed 
over  to  the  existing  members  for  their  own 
benefit.  The  ecclesiastical  courts  were  now 
thrown  open  to  the  whole  bar.  And  by  the 
combined  effect  of  these  Acts  and  the  Legal 


(  475  ) 


Procurations] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Provisors 


Practitioners  Act,  1876  (39-40  Vic.  c.  66),  and 
the  Solicitors  Act,  1877  (40-1  Vic.  c.  25),  the 
distinction  between  proctors  and  solicitors 
was  similarly  obliterated.  The  ecclesiastical 
courts  under  the  old  system  had  the  reputa- 
tion of  providing  a  number  of  somnolent  and 
comfortable  posts,  for  the  loss  of  which  their 
possessors  were  handsomely  compensated. 
On  the  other  hand,  these  reforms  resulted  in 
the  disappearance  of  the  race  of  ecclesiastical 
lawyers,  and  practically  put  an  end  to  the 
study  of  canon  law,  which  had  been  '  lan- 
guidly pursued  '  so  long  as  the  ecclesiastical 
bar  provided  a  separate  career  with  lucrative 
prizes  of  its  own.  There  is  now  little  induce- 
ment for  any  lawyer  to  pay  special  attention 
to  the  Church's  law,  the  study  of  which 
therefore  tends  to  fall  into  desuetude. 

The  word  proctor,  a  form  of  '  procurator,'  is 
also  used  to  denote  the  representatives  of  the 
clergy  in  Convocation  {q.v.).  and  the  principal 
executive  officers  in  the  older  Universities. 

[G.   C] 
Gibson,    Codex ;    Ayliffe,    Parergon ;    Burn, 
Ecd.    Law ;    Strype,    Memorials  of  Cranmer, 
upp.   xviii.;    Report  of  Eccl.   Courts   Commis- 
sion, 1832. 

PROCURATIONS.  At  Bishops'  {q.v.)  or 
Archdeacons'  {q.i\)  visitations  the  provision  of 
necessary  entertainment  for  the  visitor  and 
his  retinue  was  a  charge  upon  the  parish  or 
religious  house  visited.  It  was  at  first  paid 
in  kind,  the  amount  being  fixed  by  local 
custom.  Before  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages 
these  '  procurations  '  were  commuted  for  a 
money  payment,  which  formed  part  of  the 
regular  income  of  the  bishop  or  archdeacon, 
and  was  recoverable  in  the  ecclesiastical  court. 
In  England  the  procuration  payable  to  an 
archdeacon  Mas  7s.  6d. ;  Is.  6d.  for  himself 
and  his  horse,  and  Is.  for  each  of  six 
followers  ;  and  this  customary  pay  overrode 
the  decretal  Vas  Electionis  of  Benedict  xii., 
which  fixed  a  larger  sum.  At  the  Suppres- 
sion of  the  Monasteries  iq-v.)  provision 
■was  made  for  the  payment  of  their  pro- 
curations by  the  new  owners  of  their 
lands  (see  27  Hen.  viii.  c.  28 ;  31  Hen.  viii. 
c.  13  ;  32  Hen.  viii.  c.  22 ;  34  Hen.  viii.  c.  19). 
Since  the  revenues  of  archdeacons  and  bishops 
have  been  vested  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
missioners under  3-4  Vic.  c.  113,  23-4  Vic.  c. 
124,and  31-2  Vic.  c.  113, bishops'  procurations 
have  been  allowed  to  lapse,  and  in  some 
cases  those  of  archdeacons  also ;  but  some 
are  still  payable,  irrespective  of  visitation. 
{Archd.  of  Exeter  v.  Green,  Times,  llth  Aug. 
1912.) 

A  procuration  was  also  due  at  the  consecra- 
tion of  a  church  for  the  refreshment  of  the 


bishop  and  his  train.  At  the  consecration  of 
Elsefield  Church  in  1273  two  marks  were 
paid  for  this  purpose.  [g.  c] 

Gibson,   Codex;    Phillimore,  Eccl.  Lena;  .1. 
S[tephens],  Procurations,  1661. 

PROVISORS  were  persons  appointed  by  the 
Pope  to  benefices  not  yet  vacant,  the  appoint- 
ment taking  effect  on  the  next  vacancy. 
The  papal  claim  to  override  the  rights  of 
patrons  by  this  system  of  provision  first 
appears  in  England  early  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  In  1226  the  legate  Otho  asked 
that  two  prebends  in  each  cathedral  should 
be  reserved  for  the  Roman  See.  The  request 
was  refused,  but  others  followed,  culminating 
in  1240  in  the  demand  that  the  Bishops  of 
Lincoln  and  Salisbury  should  find  benefices 
for  three  hundred  Italian  clerks.  Such 
demands  roused  public  opinion  in  England 
to  strong  opposition,  and  the  intruded 
foreigners  were  sometimes  mobbed,  with 
the  connivance  of  the  sheriffs.  The  popes, 
however,  continued  the  practice  in  spite  of 
the  remonstrances  of  Grosseteste  {q.v.)  and 
other  English  bishops.  In  1307  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Carlisle  petitioned  against  the 
unbridled  multitude  {effrenatam  multitiidinem) 
of  provisions,  reciting  the  injuries  suffered  by 
patrons  in  the  loss  of  their  rights,  and  by  the 
whole  realm  in  the  accumulation  of  benefices 
in  the  hands  of  aliens  and  absentees.  At  that 
time  no  statute  was  passed.  The  success  of 
the  temporal  courts  in  asserting  their  jurisdic- 
tion over  suits  arising  out  of  presentations  to 
benefices  did  much  to  preserve  the  rights  of 
lay  patrons,  and  to  check  the  papal  encroach- 
ments in  this  direction  [Courts].  But  the 
popes  continued  to  provide  to  positions  in 
the  gift  of  churchmen  and  religious  houses, 
who  could  not  well  seek  the  assistance  of  the 
lay  courts  against  their  spiritual  overlord. 

Matters  became  more  serious  when  the 
popes  began  to  reserve  to  themselves  appoint- 
ments to  bishoprics.  This  was  an  extension 
of  the  power  they  had  previously  enjoyed  of 
deciding  between  rival  candidates,  a  decision 
which  sometimes  took  the  form  of  setting 
aside  both  and  appointing  their  own  nominee. 
The  first  case  of  such  provision  was  the 
appointment  of  Langton  (q.v.)  to  Canterbury, 
1 206.  On  the  death  of  Archbishop  Winchelsey 
of  Canterbury  (1313)  Clement  v.  reserved  to 
himself  the  appointment  of  a  successor,  and 
between  1317  and  1334  no  fewer  than  eighteen 
appointments  to  EngUsh  sees  were  reserved 
by  John  xxn.,  who  in  1328  asserted  a  claim 
to  appoint  to  all  vacancies  caused  by  transla- 
tion. Such  encroachment  would  have  been 
impossible   without   the   connivance   of   the 


(476) 


ProvisorsJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Public 


Crown,  and  it  is  significant  that  the  bishop 
appointed  to  Canterbury  in  1313  was  the 
candidate  favoured  by  i\w  King.  Edward 
III.  remonstrated  against  the  papal  claims, 
but  he  allowed  them  in  practice,  on  the  under- 
standing that  they  were  frequently  exercised 
in  favour  of  his  own  nominees,  an  arrange- 
ment which  caused  Clement  vi.  to  observe  in 
1345 :  '  If  the  King  of  England  were  to  petition 
for  an  ass  to  be  made  bishoj)  we  must  not  say 
him  nay.'  This  remark  led  to  an  unseemly 
jest  at  the  banquet  wliich  followed  the 
consecration  of  Bradwardine  to  Canterbury 
at  Avignon  in  1349.  A  clown  was  brought 
into  the  hall  riding  an  ass,  and  bearing  a 
petition  that  he  might  be  made  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  In  England  the  system  was 
not  regarded  as  a  joke.  The  Pope  was  seen 
to  use  his  privilege  not  merely  to  reward  his 
friends,  but  as  a  lucrative  source  of  income 
by  the  open  sale  of  benefices  and  dignities. 
Disgust  was  heightened  by  the  fact  that 
England,  '  the  milch  cow  of  the  papacy,' 
suffered  more  by  this  traffic  than  any  other 
country,  and  that  many  of  those  who  profited 
by  it  were  Frenchmen,  with  whom  England 
was  then  at  war.  In  1343  and  the  following 
years  ParUament  petitioned  in  strong  terms 
against  the  practice,  with  the  result  that  the 
first  statute  of  Provisors  was  passed  in  1351 
(25  Edw.  in.  st.  4,  sometimes  cited  as  st.  6). 
It  enacts  that  elections  and  presentations 
shall  be  free  ;  that  appointments  to  which  the 
Pope  provides  shall  be  forfeited  for  that  turn 
to  the  Crown ;  and  that  if  the  provisor 
disturbs  the  lawful  holder  he  shall  be  im- 
prisoned and  fined  at  the  King's  will.  This 
was  re-enacted  by  later  statutes  of  Provisors 
in  1365  (38  Edw.  in.  st.  2)  and  1390  (13  Ric. 
II.  st.  2,  c.  2).  The  weakness  of  this  legisla- 
tion was  that  it  left  the  remedy  in  the  hands 
of  the  King,  who,  as  a  rule,  had  no  wish  to 
quarrel  with  the  Pope,  or  to  enforce  his  own 
rights  if  a  satisfactory  compromise  could  be 
found.  A  system  of  collusion  grew  up.  The 
popes  retained  complete  rights  over  sees 
vacated  by  translation,  and  a  rule  of  give  and 
take  was  followed,  neither  party  opposing  the 
nominees  of  the  other.  When  they  were 
agreed  upon  a  candidate  the  King  sent  a 
letter  to  the  chapter  nominating  him,  and  the 
Pope  provided  him.  Thus  both  were  satis- 
fied. The  kings  retained  a  cheap  and  easy 
method  of  rewarding  their  friends  and  ser- 
vants, and  the  popes  their  source  of  income 
together  with  the  recognition,  in  theory,  of 
their  right  to  appoint  to  all  bishoprics.  The 
sufferers  were  the  chapters,  who  lost  their 
right  of  election.     [Bisnops.] 

That  the  statute  of  Provisors  was  not  con- 


sidered altogether  ineffective  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  in  1391  the  House  of  Commons 
successfully  resisted  an  attempt  to  repeal  it. 
The  statute  of  Praemunire  {q.v.)  of  1393 
supplied  the  machinery  for  enforcing  it.  It 
was  supplemented  and  strengthened  by 
statutes  against  the  purchase  and  tenure  of 
benefices  by  aliens,  and  similar  legislation, 
and  for  a  time  the  flow  of  provisions  was 
checked.  Martin  v.  strongly  urged  Arch- 
bishop Chichele  (q.v.)  to  secure  the  repeal  of 
the  *  execrable '  statute  of  Provisors,  but  in 
vain.  Under  Henry  vi.  the  papal  claims 
were  again  admitted.  But  by  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century  the  kings  had  got 
the  real  power  in  the  matter  into  their  hands. 
Their  nominees  were  accepted  as  a  matter 
of  course,  and  when  in  1534  Henry  vui, 
abolished  the  Pope's  share  in  appointment 
to  bishoprics  (25  Hen.  viii.  c.  20)  he  did  Uttle 
more  than  give  statutory  sanction  to  the 
system  already  in  existence.  Mary  (q.v.) 
revived  the  form  of  provision.  In  1554  she 
petitioned  Pope  Julius  in.,  '  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  realm'  of  England,  that  he 
would  provide  seven  bishops  to  the  sees  to 
which  she  had  appointed  them.  This  was 
done  at  a  consistory  held  at  Rome,  6th  July 
(Raynaklus.  Aniiales.  sec.  5).  The  abolition 
of  the  papal  authority  in  the  English  Church 
naturally  put  an  end  to  provision  to  minor 
dignities  and  benefices,  in  which  the  popes 
had  in  a  great  measure  succeeded  in  evading 
the  law.  Bishop  Morteval  of  Salisbury,  for 
instance,  complained  that  of  fifty  offices  to 
which  he  had  the  right  of  collation,  twenty- 
eight  were  held  by  papal  provision  in  1315. 
After  1534  the  statutes,  being  no  longer 
required,  became  entirely  obsolete,  the  only 
allusion  made  to  them  by  so  exhaustive  a 
legal  writer  as  Blackstone  being  a  warning 
to  his  readers  that  in  prohibiting  the  pur- 
chase of  provisions  at  Rome  they  did  not 
forbid  the  buying  of  grain  and  other  victual 
there.     [Papacy  and  English  Chukch.] 

[o.  c] 

Stubbs,  O.II.,  xiv.  ami  xix.  ;    Wilkins,  Con- 
cilia ;  Statutes. 

PUBLIC  WOESHIP  REGULATION 
ACT,  1874  (37-8  Vic.  c.  85),  was  the  result  of 
the  spread  of  ceremonial  in  the  'sixties,  the 
common  prejudice  against  it,  and  the  un- 
satisfactory results  of  litigation  on  the 
subject.  Lord  Shaftesbury,  the  leader  of 
the  opposition  to  ceremonial,  introduced 
various  Bills  to  reform  the  church  courts. 
Eventually  Archbishop  Tait  {q.v.),  convinced 
that  legislation  was  inevitable,  determined 
to  undertake  it  himself,  and,  with  the  assent 


(477) 


Public] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Puiset 


of  the  bishops,  drafted  a  Bill  for  the  session 
of  1874.  Ill-luck  pursued  it.  The  dissolu- 
tion of  Parhament  necessitated  a  new 
Convocation,  which  did  not  meet  until  the 
Bill  was  already  before  Parliament,  and  had 
no  opportunity  of  discussing  it.  And  through  : 
some  indiscretion  the  press  was  enabled  to  I 
publish  its  outUne  prematurely,  so  that  the 
clergy  first  learned  the  intentions  of  the 
archbishop  from  their  daily  newspaper.  Tait,  ' 
in  vain,  assured  High  Churchmen  that  the 
BiU  dealt  only  with  procedure  and  would  not 
alter  the  Church's  law.  As  introduced  by  { 
him  into  the  House  of  Lords,  it  proposed  to 
create  in  each  diocese  a  Board  of  Assessors 
(clerical  and  lay),  to  whom  the  bishop  should 
refer  complaints,  and  on  whose  advice  he 
should  act ;  an  appeal  was  allowed  to  the 
archbishop,  whose  judgment  should  be  final. 
\Vhen  Convocation  met,  the  Lower  House 
refused  to  approve  these  proposals,  and 
suggested  an  alternative  scheme.  Opposition 
was  intensified  by  the  action  of  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury. Tait's  intention  to  revive  and  I 
strengthen  the  bishop's  forum  domesticmn  j 
was  not  what  Shaftesbury  required,  and  he  i 
proposed  amendments  entirely  altering  the  j 
character  of  the  BiU,  ignoring  diocesan  courts,  | 
introducing  a  lay  judge,  and  giving  an  appeal  j 
to  the  Privy  Council  Tait  and  nearly  all  the 
bishops  reluctantly  accepted  these  amend- 
ments rather  than  lose  the  BiU,  which  thus 
became  mainly  the  work  of  Shaftesbury, 
who  took  advantage  of  Tait's  desire  for 
legislation  and  the  anti-High-Church  feel- 
ing to  carry  out  designs  which  had  hitherto 
failed.  In  the  House  of  Commons  Disraeli, 
amid  a  storm  of  cheers,  described  it  as  'a 
BiU  to  put  down  rituaUsm '  and  '  mass  in 
masquerade.'  Sir  WiUiam  Harcourt,  leader 
of  the  extreme  Erastians,  claimed  that  Par- 
liament could  deal  with  aU  church  matters, 
and  denied  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishops,  on  the  ground  that  no  bishop  '  en- 
forced his  behests  by  a  fosse  comitatus  of 
angels.'  Gladstone  {q.v.)  pleaded  for  a 
reasonable  diversity  of  use,  deprecated  the 
Ul-advised  interference  of  ParUament,  and 
brought  forward  six  resolutions  against  the 
BiU.  But  his  influence  and  eloquence  were 
powerless.  On  one  point,  the  bishop's  veto, 
Tait  had  stood  firm  against  Shaftesbury. 
The  Commons  inserted  an  appeal  from  this 
to  the  archbishop.  The  Lords  rejected  this 
amendment,  and,  largely  through  Tait's  per- 
sonal influence,  the  Commons  gave  way. 

The  Act  provides  for  the  appointment  by 
the  two  archbishops,  jointly,  of  a  barrister  or 
ex- judge,  who  must  sign  a  declaration  that  he 
is  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  as 


judge  of  the  provincial  courts  of  Canterbury 
and  York.  If  they  fail  to  appoint  the  Crown 
sliaU  do  so.  The  bishop,  on  representation 
by  an  archdeacon  or  churchwarden  or  three 
parishioners,  of  any  illegality,  may  either  veto 
proceedings,  or  with  the  consent  of  the  parties 
decide  the  case  himself,  or  transmit  it  to 
the  judge,  from  whom  an  appeal  shaU  lie  to 
the  IPrivy  Council.  Obedience  to  the  judge's 
order  shaU  be  enforced  by  inhibition,  and 
eventuaUy  by  voidance  of  the  benefice. 
Many  churchmen  at  once  repudiated  the 
Act  as  possessing  no  spiritual  authority.  It 
had  been  passed  by  ParUament  in  the  teeth 
of  Convocation  backed  by  a  strong  body  of 
church  opinion  ;  it  overrode  the  constitution 
of  the  church  courts,  and  the  requirements 
of  the  Church's  law  as  to  the  appointment 
and  qualifications  of  ecclesiastical  judges  ;  it 
ignored  the  diocesan  court,  and  it  recognised 
the  disputed  jurisdiction  of  the  Privy  Council. 
Lord  Penzance,  an  ex-judge  of  divorce,  was 
appointed  by  the  archbishops,  and  his  refusal 
to  qualify  himself  as  an  ecclesiastical  judge 
emphasised  the  fact  that  his  jurisdiction  was 
derived  solely  from  ParUament.  Therefore 
it  was  consistently  disregarded  by  the  great 
majority  of  clergy.  Attempts  were  made  to 
hamper  it  by  applying,  whenever  opportunity 
offered,  to  the  temporal  courts  for  a  prohibi- 
tion. These  applications  met  with  varying 
success,  and  on  one  occasion  led  to  a  sharp 
controversy  between  Penzance  and  Lord 
Chief-Justice  Cockburn  as  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  new  court.  Between  1877  and  1882 
four  clergy  were  imprisoned  for  contumacy, 
an  unforeseen  result  which  did  much  to  bring 
the  Act  into  odium,  and  strengthened  the 
hands  of  the  bishops  in  vetoing  prosecutions. 
Down  to  1882  eighteen  suits  had  been  initi- 
ated under  the  Act,  of  which  eight  had  been 
vetoed.  After  that  time  prosecutions  became 
still  less  frequent,  and  for  several  years  before 
Penzance's  retirement  in  1899  his  court 
had  been  practicaUy  deserted.  He  has  been 
succeeded  by  properly  qualified  ecclesiastical 
judges.  But  though  both  the  Courts  Com- 
mission, 1883,  and  the  Discipline  Commission, 
1906  [Commissions,  Roy.ax],  recommended 
its  repeal,  the  discredited  Act  stiU  exists, 
and  is  sometimes  thought  to  taint  the  pro- 
vincial courts  with  Erastianism  [Cotjbts, 
Ritual  Cases].  [g.  c] 

Hansard,  Pad.  Debates,  1874  ;  Chronicle  of 
Convocation ;  Life  of  Abp.  Tait,  xxiv.  ;  Law 
Reports ;  Proceedings  of  £ccl.  Courts  Com- 
mission, 1883,  and  J&'ec?.  Discipline  Commission, 
1906. 

PUISET,  Hugh  de  (1125-95),  Bishop  of 
Durham,  was  a  nephew  of  King  Stephen, 


(478) 


Puiset] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Puritanism 


and  owed  his  rapid  promotion  in  the  Cliurch 
to  that  relationsliip.     In  1142  he  was  made 
Archdeacon    of    Winchester    by    his    uncle, 
Henry  of  Blois  {q.v.);    in  1143  received  the 
treasurersliip  of  York  from  his  cousin,  Arch- 
bishop William  ;    and  in  1153  was  elected  to 
the  see  of  Durham,  though  under  the  canoni- 
cal age,  at  the  instance  of  the  King.     Arch- 
bishop Henry  Murdac  refused  to  consecrate 
him,  on  the  ground  of  his  youth,  his  secular 
tastes,  and  his  loose  morals.     But  he  obtained 
support   from    Henry    of    Blois    and    even 
from  Theobald  of  Canterbury ;    and  Anas- 
tasius  IV.  was  persuaded  to  consecrate  him 
at  Rome,     As  Bishop  of  Durham  he  ruled 
his  monks,  his  clergy,  and  his  barons  with  an 
iron  hand,  riding  rough-shod  over  privilege 
and  custom.     He  defended  the  liberties  of 
Durham    with    success    against    the    see    of 
York ;   and  Henry  n.  showed  him  a  remark- 
able degree  of  indulgence,  in  consideration 
of   the   importance   of   his   palatinate   as   a 
bidwark  against  the  Scots.     This  favour  was 
ill  repaid  by  Puiset,  who  in   1173  made  a 
truce  with  William  the  Lion,  and  gave  the 
Scots  free   passage   through   his   lands.     In 
consequence   he   lost   for   a   time   his   chief 
castles,  but  he  recovered  the  King's  grace  by 
paying  a  fine  of  two  thousand  marks.     His 
energies  were  chiefly  devoted  to  the  aggran- 
disement of  his  see.     He  added  largely  to  the 
episcopal  estates,  and  compiled  the  famous 
survey  of  them  which  is  known  as  the  Boldon 
Book  ;    he  reorganised  the  administration  of 
the  palatinate,  restored  the  castles  of  Durham 
and  Northallerton,  and  completed  the  city 
wall  at  Durham.     His  life  was  secular ;   but 
he  observed  a  certain  decorum,  and  spent  his 
wealth  lavishly  on  such  pious  works  as  the 
Galilee  of  Durham  Cathedral  and  the  leper 
hospital  of  Sherburn.     On  the  accession  of 
Richard  i.  the  bishop  made  haste  to  purchase 
from  the  King  the  earldom  of  Northumber- 
land and  the  justiciarship  of   England   be- 
yond   the    Humber — a    transaction    which 
scandalised    strict    churchmen,    and    placed 
Puiset  in  a  position  resembling  that  of  a 
German    prince-bishop.      The    bargain  was 
the  more  scandalous  as  the  bishop  used  the 
funds  which  he  had  raised  for  the  crusade 
to  pay  the  heavy  price  demanded  by  the  King, 
and  begged  or  bought  a  papal  dispensation 
from  his  crusading  vow.     Longchamp  {q.v.), 
the  Chief  Justiciar,  soon   picked  a  quarrel 
with  him,  and  compelled  him  to  resign  his 
new  dignities  ;    but  Puiset  appealed  to  the 
King,  and  obtained  restitution  of  the  earldom. 
This  he  held  until  1194,  when  it  was  given  to 
Hugh  Bardulf  by  Richard,  in  spite  of  Puiset's 
offer   to   pay   for   a   renewal   of   his   grant. 


Puiset  attempted,  between  1190  and  1192, 
to  make  his  see  independent  of  York,  and 
actually  obtained  a  grant  of  exemption  from 
Clement  in. ;  but  this  was  cancelled  by 
Clement's  successor,  Celcstine  in.  Puiset 
died  in  March  1195,  al)sorbcd  to  the  last  in 
plans  for  recovering  his  earldom. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Stubl)s,  prefaces  to  Roger  of  Iloveden,  i.  ami 
ii.,   R.S.  ;    Noi'gate,  Eng.  under  the  Angevin 

Kings. 

PURITANISM.  The  term  is  exclusively 
used  of  an  English  variety  of  extreme 
Protestantism  existing  both  within  and 
without  the  English  Church.  Its  meaning 
and  spirit  are,  however,  not  confined  to 
England  or  to  any  one  phase  of  Church 
history.  Apart  from  the  special  doctrines 
associated  with  it  historically,  Puritanism 
has  always  signified  a  certain  view  of  spiritu- 
ality and  the  means  of  attaining  thereto. 
The  Puritan  spirit  is  a  '  world-renouncing ' 
spirit,  and  seeks  God  by  way  of  denjang  all 
external  means ;  thus  it  is  closely  akin  to 
Manichseism  in  its  view  of  the  material 
world  as  essentially  evil,  and  is  ascetic  in 
the  Oriental  as  opposed  to  the  CathoUc 
sense.  With  a  denial  of  all  external  means, 
Puritanism  also  tends  to  individualism  in 
religion,  although  that  tendency  does  not 
manifest  itself  at  first. 

Wyclif  {q.v.)  is  justly  regarded  as  the  fore- 
runner of  EngUsh  Puritanism.  His  whole 
attitude  to  Catholic  doctrine  and  life  is 
essentially  that  of  the  Puritans,  and  he  seems 
to  have  shared  fully  their  dishke  of  art  and 
aU  amusement.  Indeed,  he  was  far  more 
closely  akin  to  the  Puritans  than  was  Luther 
with  his  expansive  geniality.  But  the 
Puritans  proper  can  hardly  be  said  to  have 
appeared  in  England  before  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth. 

The  situation  in  the  reign  of  EUzabeth 
was  of  the  nature  of  a  reaction.  Mary's 
government  had  made  her  reUgion  unpopular. 
Tired  of  the  Spanish  aUiance,  humihated  by 
the  loss  of  Calais,  and  deeply  moved  by  the 
pohcy  of  persecution,  the  nation  was  pre- 
pared for  change.  It  was  not  Protestant  in 
spirit  (in  the  ordinary  sense),  but  it  desired 
something  like  the  Henrician  system.  That 
desire  to  a  large  extent  was  fulfilled  by  Queen 
EUzabeth  and  her  advisers  in  the  new 
settlement.  [Elizabethan  Settlement.] 
The  Act  of  Supremacy  secured  the  nation 
against  further  encroacluuents  on  the  part 
of  the  papal  monarchy,  and  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  {q.v.)  gave  them  a  form  of  service, 
tolerable  if  not  popular.     For  many,  how- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Puritanism 


ever,  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  did  not  go 
far  enough.  The  moment  it  had  become 
clear  that  no  such  dangers  as  those  of  the 
previous  reign  were  before  them,  large 
numbers  of  the  English  Churchmen  who  had 
been  in  voluntary  exile  returned  to  this 
country.  In  Geneva  and  Heidelberg  they 
had  learned  to  love  the  bare  services  and 
elaborate  preachments  of  the  prevailing 
fashion.  Europe,  or  a  large  part  of  it,  owned 
in  Calvin  an  intellectual  and  spiritual 
master,  and  his  authority  was  more  absolute 
than  that  of  most  of  the  popes.  Swayed  by 
these  notions  such  men  came  back  hoping 
for  a  '  root-and-branch '  revolution,  and 
anxious  to  reform  the  Church  on  the  Calvinist 
Presbyterian  model.  Thus  when  it  appeared 
that  the  new  order  would  not  only  continue 
episcopacy,  but  would  enjoin  set  prayers, 
sacerdotal  vestments,  and  outward  sacra- 
mental signs,  there  was  a  great  outcry.  The 
first  few  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  were  filled 
with  the  '  Vestiarian  '  controversy.  Those 
who  had  looked  for  a  church  entu-ely  purified 
bitterly  complained  of  the  rags  of  popery, 
and  there  was  in  some  cases  great  difficulty 
(as  there  had  been  in  the  case  of  Bishop 
Hooper,  q.v.),  in  others  impossibility,  in 
securing  even  a  minimum  of  discipline.  It 
was  to  achieve  this  minimum  of  decorum 
that  Parker  {q.v.)  issued  his  famous 
'Advertisements'  {q.v.)  in  1566.  They  had 
the  archiepiscopal  not  the  royal  authority, 
and  they  were  ineffectual  at  the  moment. 
The  bishops  were  largely  Puritan  in  sym- 
pathy, though  prepared  to  enforce  order  to  a 
limited  extent. 

Later  on  in  the  reign,  in  the  'seventies, 
there  was  a  definite  and  determined  attempt 
to  remodel  the  Church  on  the  Presbyterian 
lines.  This  took  two  forms.  First,  there 
was  an  appeal  to  Parliament  to  do  what  was 
needful  by  legislation.  Many  were  the 
conflicts  on  the  matter  between  the  Queen, 
who  upheld  the  authority  of  bishops  and  Con- 
vocation, and  the  narrow  Puritan  laymen, 
e.g.  Wentworth  and  Strickland,  who  were  en- 
deavouring to  force  a  reform  over  the  heads 
of  the  clergy.  To  the  Queen's  firmness,  how- 
ever, more  than  to  any  other  cause,  it  was 
due  that  that  attempt  failed  and  only  came 
to  maturity  in  the  Long  Parliament.  Apart 
from  this,  however,  under  the  influence  of 
Thomas  Cartwright  (q.v.),  the  author  of  the 
Admonition  to  Parliament,  attempts  were 
made  to  introduce  the  Presbyterian  form  of 
government  as  a  voluntary  system,  while 
compljang  with  the  law  in  the  matters  of 
patronage  and  conformity. 

This,  however,  was  defeated  largely  through 


the  resolution  of  Whitgift  {q.v.),  whose 
tenure  of  the  primacy  is  of  capital  import- 
ance. It  is  true  that  before  this  time  both 
Brownists  and  Baptists  [Nonconformity, 
III.,  IV.]  had  become  definitely  organised  as 
separatist  bodies.  But  by  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  it  appeared  that  the  effort 
to  Puritanise  the  English  Church  was  unlikely 
to  succeed;  while  Bancroft  {q.v.)  had  already 
in  his  famous  sermon  taken  up  that  line  on 
the  divine  right  of  episcopacy,  which  was 
ultimately  to  mean  so  much  more. 

When  James  i.  became  king  the  Millenary 
Petition  set  forth  the  state  of  feeling.  It 
witnessed  to  the  strength  of  the  Puritan 
clergy  in  numbers,  and  to  their  desire  for  no 
more  than  a  toleration.  The  point  made 
then  and  at  other  times  was  that  it  was 
unwise  and  unchristian  to  insist  on  com- 
pliance in  matters  of  ceremony,  and  that 
toleration  within  the  limits  of  the  Establish- 
ment would  be  but  right.  Bacon  was  for 
indulgence  of  these  '  nonconforming  '  clergy. 
Not  so,  however,  the  King,  whose  experi- 
ence in  Scotland  had  not  led  him  to  love 
the  Puritan  etlios.  The  Government  took 
the  course  of  imprisoning  some  of  the 
petitioners,  and  in  the  Hampton  Court 
Conference  {q.v.)  which  followed  it  was 
made  abundantly  clear  that  conformity 
would  be  enforced  as  far  as  possible,  and  that 
James  was  in  no  mind  to  weaken  the  Eliza- 
bethan settlement  {q.v.).  From  this  time  till 
the  Restoration,  and  indeed  till  1688,  the  rela- 
tions of  the  Puritan  party  to  the  authorities 
form  the  pivot  on  which  all  politics  revolve. 
From  the  very  beginning  of  the  reign,  in  the 
Apology  of  Parliament,  and  right  on  tiU  its 
close,  the  Puritan  diflficulty  is  one  of  the  main 
causes  of  misunderstanding  between  James 
and  his  Parliament. 

All  this  was  accentuated  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  i.  {q.v.).  This  was  due  to  two  causes. 
The  King  himself  was  brought  up  as  an 
Enghsh  Churchman,  and  had  to  the  Prayer 
Book  a  romantic  attachment  which  was  to 
cost  him  his  life.  Thus  on  his  side  there  were- 
elements  of  religion  and  passion  added  to  his 
regard  for  the  episcopal  system  and  liturgy 
which  were  entirely  foreign  to  the  mind  of 
James,  essentially  a  foreigner.  Secondly,  by 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Charles  a  new 
group  of  clergy  had  risen  into  prominence, 
whose  opposition  to  the  Puritans  was  far 
deeper  than  that  of  the  time-serving  prelates 
of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  more  conscious,  if 
not  logically  more  real,  than  that  of  Matthew 
Parker.  Most  of  the  bishops,  and  still  more 
of  the  clergy,  of  the  first  fifty  years  of  the 
Elizabethan   settlement,  were  divided   from 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Puritanism 


the  Puritans  by  no  very  deep  or  discernible 
distinction.     They    differed    on    matters    of 
Church  government,  on  tlieir  notions  of  their 
relation  to  the  civil  power,  on  the  extent  of 
their    dislike    to    outward    forms ;     but    in 
essentials  they  were  agreed.     Above  all,  they 
held  without   qualification   that  complex  of 
doctrines  known  as  Calvinism  (q.v.).     This  is 
shown  by  the  readiness  of  Whitgift  to  adopt 
the  Lambeth  Articles.     This,  however,  was 
no    longer    to    be    the    case.     The    case    of 
Arminius  and  the  Remonstrants  had  opened 
men's  minds.     [Arminianism.]     The  specula- 
tions  which    it    evolved   were   far-reaching. 
There  grew  up  a  school  of  divines  who  were 
convinced   that  the   whole  doctrine   of   the 
relation  of  God's  Providence  to  man's  freedom 
was  a   mystery;    that  in  regard  to   many 
matters  the  only  wise  or  Christian  attitude 
is    a    reverent    agnosticism;    and    that,   in 
particular,  the  expUcit  statements  of  Calvin- 
ism are  revolting  and  incompatible  with  the 
beUef  that  God  is  Love.     On  these  matters 
they  were  wiUing  to  adopt  a  non-committal 
attitude;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were 
wedded   to   the  notion  of  decorum  of  cere- 
monial observance  and  a  uniform  standard 
of  worship,  enforced  by  authority,  and  to  a 
high  view  of  the  sacraments,  not  common 
among    the    Puritan    clergy.     Laud    (q.v.), 
their  leader,   was   the   personal   friend   and 
adviser  of  the  King ;  and  the  favour  of  the 
Government  was  consistently  shown  to  those 
stigmatised  as  lax  or  Arminian  clergy.     The 
Puritan     spirit     grew     more     violent     with 
opposition.     It  proceeded  to  attack  Richard 
Mountague  [Caroline  Divines]  for  his  alleged 
anti-Calvinist  opinions,  and  was  seeking  in 
every  way  to  make  a  Calvinistic  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Articles  compulsory,  when  Charles 
interposed  with  the  declaration,  stiU  prefixed 
to  the  Prayer  Book,  which  asserts  that  no 
'  gloss '  is  needed,  and  is  plainly  framed  to 
admit  freedom  inside  the  limits  of  subscrip- 
tion.     The  Laudian  rule,  coupled  with  the 
personal  government  of  Charles,  drove  every 
one  with  a  grievance  into  the  Puritan  camp. 
This  was  interrupted  by  the  attempt,  and  then 
the  failure  of  the  attempt,  to  introduce  the 
new    Prayer    Book    into    Scotland.     Charles 
faced  the  Long  Pariiament  (after  the  brief 
futility  of  the  Short  ParUament)  with  the 
knowledge    that    he    would  _^have    to    jacld 
many  points.     The  unwise  canons  of   1640 
had   further   aroused   opposition,  and  there 
was  no  doubt  that  the  Parliament  was  deter- 
mined to  put  a  stop  to  the  tyrannies  of  the 
last  ten  years,  and  in  that  sense  to  put  an 
end  to  prelacy.     Both  the  Star  Chamber  and 
the  Court  of  High  Commission  {q.v.)  were 


abolished.  But  there  was  no  general  desire 
to  alter  the  form  of  the  Church  as  by  law 
estabhshcd. 

The  history  of  the   months   between  the 
opening   of   the   Long   Parliament   and    the 
outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  is  the  history  of 
the   way  in   which   episcopacy   became   the 
rallying  war-cry  on  cither  side.     At  first  it 
appeared  that  there  were  only  a  few  members 
in  favour  of  the  '  root-and-branch  petition,' 
but    by    the    time    Charles    returned    from 
Scotland  it  was  clear  that  there  was  a  strong 
party  in  favour  of  an  entire  remodelling  of 
the  Church.     When  Charles  wrote  the  letter 
to  the  Lords  which  announced   his   resolve 
to  abide  by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  ho 
took    the    step   which   created   the   royalist 
party.     He  had  faced  the  angry  squires  and 
resolute  lawyers  in    1640  with   no   support 
but  among  a  small  band  of  courtiers  and 
officials.     Now  he  had  the  bulk  of  the  nation 
on  his  side.    The  Civil  War  was  not  a  war  for 
poUtical  power  nor  for  reUgious  hberty.    It 
was  a  war  between  two  sets  of  ideas,  each 
of  them  with  a  footing  within  the  Church, 
and  each  claiming  an  exclusive  right  to  be 
enforced  by  persecution.     The  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  1643,  which  Pym  negotiated, 
drove  the  Parhamentarians  still  further  in 
the  direction  of  enforced  Puritanism.     The 
Westminster  Assembly  met  in  consequence, 
and  after  great  diflficulties  there  was  issued 
in     August     1645     the    new    Directory     of 
Pubhc  Worship  and  ordinances  passed  for 
the  introduction  of   the    Discipline.      This, 
however,  was  never  really  enforced  except 
locally ;    England   was    never    in   any  real 
sense  Presbyterian.    With  the  victory  of  the 
army,  she  ceased  to  be  so  even  nominally. 
The  CromweUian  rule  was  an   Independent 
government,  during  which,  in  the  name  of 
liberty,  toleration  was  denied  to  the  Praj^er 
Book,  and  in  the  name  of  rehgion  the  Quakers 
were    harried.     With    the    Restoration,  the 
most  popular  event  in  Enghsh  history,  there 
vanished    the   last    hopes    of    Puritan    rule. 
The  nation  showed  plainly  enough  that  it 
would  never  endure  another  '  reign  of  the 
saints,'  and  the  only  question  was  how  much 
of  tolerance  the  Puritan  party  could  secure. 
The   Act    of    Uniformity   barred,    and    was 
intended  to  bar,  the  retention  of  their  hvings 
by   the   bulk    of   the   Puritan    clergy.     The 
Clarendon    Code  was    an    attempt,    no    less 
stupid  than  barbarous,  to  stamp  them  out 
by  persecution.     The  rest  of  the  subject  is 
better  studied  under  the  heading  of  Tolera- 
tion iq.v.).     But  Puritanism  was  indeed  de- 
caying through  other  causes.     The  writings 
of  Richard  Baxter  {q.v.)  mark    the    change. 


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[Pusey 


His  attitude  is  that  of  the  liberal  rationalis-  | 
ing  spirit  of  the  era  of  Descartes,  and  his 
Reasonableness  of  the  Christian  Religion -pre- 
pared the  way  for  Locke.  In  Church  matters  j 
he  heralded  modern  undenominationalism. 
The  Restoration  witnessed  the  gradual 
secularising  of  pohtics ;  and  during  the  next 
fifty  years  the  Puritan  and  Laudian  schools  ; 
alike  give  way  to  the  Latitudinarian  {q.v.), 
and  the  forces  that  made  eighteenth-century 
Deism  {q.v.)  and  EstabHshmentarianism  are 
seen  at  work.  Until  both  Church  and  Dissent 
were  revived  by  Wesley  {q.v.),  the  old  spirit 
had  largely  decayed.  Although  Puritanism 
represents  certain  permanent  tendencies  in 
human  nature,  and  can  be  discerned  to-day 
in  many  ethical  and  social  movements, 
even  apart  from  rehgion,  English  Puritanism 
in  its  distinct  form  can  hardly  be  said  to 
have  outlasted  the  reign  of  Charles  ii. 

Puritanism,  alike  within  and  without  the 
English  Church,  has  had  a  very  strong  effect 
in  moulding  the  EngUsh  character.  It  has 
intensified  all  those  characteristics  hostile  to 
art,  and  by  forbidding  aU  other  outlets  to 
energy,  concentrated  on  money-making  the 
energies'  of  the  middle  class.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  led  to  a  strong  sense  of  duty,  a  high 
level  of  personal  morality,  a  rigid  if  unsympa- 
thetic integrity,  and  an  austere  simplicity. 
These  elements  seem  to  be  decaying  with  the 
breaking  up  of  the  intellectual  foundations 
on  which  Puritanism  was  reared ;  above  all, 
the  literal  infaUibihty  of  the  Bible.  In  some 
of  the  great  writers  of  the  Victorian  Age  there 
can  be  traced  the  process  of  this '  exodus  from 
Houndsditch,'  in  the  phrase  of  Carlyle,  who 
himself  exhibits  the  retention  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  Enghsh  or  rather  Lowland 
Scotch  Calvinism  with  the  repudiation  of  its 
Christian  basis.  In  Matthew  Arnold's  writ- 
ings a  vigorous  polemic  was  conducted 
against  the  hterary  and  artistic  ideals  which 
Puritanism  had  fostered  in  the  middle  class ; 
and  probably  the  better  educated  modern 
dissenters  have  been  more  affected  by  his 
influence  than  they  would  care  to  admit. 
In  the  novels  of  Mark  Rutherford  can  be 
seen  depicted  the  breakdown  of  provincial 
Puritanism  under  the  stress  of  modern 
knowledge ;  and  Mr.  Arnold  Bennett's  Clay- 
hanger,  with  his  other  stories,  displays  sides 
of  the  same  process.  [j.  N.  f.] 

PUSEY,  Edward  Bouverie  (1800-82),  divine, 
son  of  the  Honblc.  Philip  Bouverie  (son  of  the 
first  Lord  Folkestone),  who  took  the  name  of 
Pusey  on  inheriting  the  estate  of  Pusey  in 
the  Vale  of  White  Horse.  His  mother  was 
Lady  Lucy  Cave,  daughter  of  Lord  Har- 


borough.     He  early  became  a  good  horse- 
man and  a  good  shot,  a  strong  swimmer  and 
an  excellent  whip.     In  1807  he  went  to  a 
private  school  at  Mitcham,   where  he  was 
severely  disciplined,  and  so  well  taught  that 
he  could  have  passed  the  Oxford  '  Smalls  ' 
before  he  left  the  school.     In  January  1812 
he  went  to  Eton,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
been  the  last  boy  who  learned  dancing.    After 
Eton  he  spent  fifteen  months  of  hard  study 
as  a  private  pupil  of  Dr.  Maltby,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Durham ;  and  in  1819  he  went  up 
to  Christ  Church.     For  his  first  two  years  he 
mixed  his  reading  with  a  good  deal  of  hunt- 
ing, but  in  1822  he  obtained  his  First  Class 
in  Classics.     1823  he  was  elected  Fellow  of 
Oriel,  and  in  1824  won  the  Latin  Essay;  but 
his  mind  was  already  set  on  a  more  exhaustive 
scheme  of  study,  bearing  especially  on  the 
criticism  of  the  Old  Testament.    His  attention 
was  first  turned  in  this  direction  by  his  friend- 
ship with  Julian  Hibbert,  who,  while  still  a 
schoolboj^  had  begun  to  question  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Christian  faith,  and  who  developed 
into  a  bitter  and  pugnacious  atheist.    Through 
his   attempts  to  convince  his  friend,  Pusey 
first  learned  the  virulence  of  anti-Christian 
thought,    and    became    convinced    of    the 
necessity     of     investigating     the     systems, 
philosophical  and  literary,  on  which  the  foes 
of   faith  relied.     He   went  to   Gottingen   in 
1825,  and  thence  to  Berlin.     In  both  places 
he  put  himself  in  close  communication  with 
the  professors  of  the  most  advanced  criticism. 
He  went  into  residence  at  Oriel  in  1826,  and 
after   studying    Hebrew,    Arabic,    and    the 
cognate  languages,  returned  to  Germany,  and 
'  toiled   terribly,'  working  at   Oriental    lan- 
guages  for   fifteen   or   sixteen    hours   daily. 
When  he  returned  to  Oxford  in  1827,  he  was 
what  very  few  men  in  England  then  were,  a 
Semitic    scholar.     H.    J.     Rose    {q.v.)    had 
preached  before  the  University  of  Cambridge 
a  series  of  '  Discourses  on  the  State  of   the 
Protestant  Rehgion  in  Germany,'  in  which 
he  showed  that  the  popular  Protestantism 
of  Germany  had  gone  very  near  to  losing  its 
hold  on  the  fundamental  truths  of  Christianity. 
Some  of  the  German  teachers  whom  Rose 
attacked     had     become     Pusey's     personal 
friends,  and  they  asked  him  to  vindicate  their 
teaching  against  what  they,  and  he,  considered 
to    be    Rose's    uncharitable    misstatements. 
Circumstances  deferred  the  task  of  vindica- 
tion   until    1828,    when    he    pubhshed    An 
Historical  Enquiry  into  the  Probable  Causes  of 
the  Rationalist  Character  lately  predomiTiant 
in  the  Theology  of  Germany.     His  defence  of 
his  German  friends  was  remarkable.     So  far 
as  he  admitted  the  decay  of  faith  among  them 


(  482  ) 


Pusey] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Pusey 


he  attributed  it  to  reliance,  in  the  seventeenth 

and  eighteenth  centuries,  on  the  mere  forms   | 
and   phrases   of   orthodox   religion,   without   ' 
care  for  the  spiritual  realities  wliich  they  are   ! 
intended    to    convey.     But    he    afterwards   | 
came  to  see  that  he  had  judged  some  of  the 
German   theologians   too   leniently,   and   he   j 
realised  the  fatal  tendency  of  their  destructive 
criticism.     He  made  all  the  amends  in  ^his 
power,  and    withdrew    from    circulation   his 
two    defences    of    German    theology,    and 
ordained  in  his  will  that  they  should  not  be 
republished.     On  Trinity  Sunday,   1828,  he 
was  ordained  deacon,  and  on  the  12th  of  June 
he  was  married  to  Maria  Catherine  Barker, 
with  whom  he  had  fallen  in  love  before  he 
went  to  Oxford.     In  the  following  September 
he  was  appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew 
and    Canon    of    Christ    Church.      He    was 
ordained  priest  on  the  23rd  of   November  ; 
on  Christmas  Day  he    celebrated    the  Holy 
Communion  for  the  first  time.     His  official 
house  in  the  '  Tom '   Quadrangle  of  Christ 
Church  was  his  first  and  last  independent 
home,  the  birthplace   of   his   children,  and 
the  scene  of  his  long  life's  work. 

At  first  the  leaders  of  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment  [q.v.)   left   Pusey  on   one  side.     In  a 
casual    conversation    Pusey    told    Newman 
{q.v.)   that   he   had   been   too    hard   on   the 
Evangelicals^  {q.v.).     It  would  be  better  to 
conciliate    them.     Pusey    had    thoughts    of 
writing  something  with  that  purpose.   '  Well,' 
said  Newman,   '  suppose  you  let  us  have  it 
for  one  of  the  Tracts ' ;  and  Pusey  consented. 
The  '  something  '  turned  out  to  be  a  Tract  on 
the  '  Uses  of  Fasting,'  which  was  pubUshed  in 
1834  ;  and  its  appeal  to  the  Evangelical  school 
lay  in  its  clear  and  earnest  recognition  of  the 
personal  relation  of  the  individual  soul  to 
God.     By    this    publication    Pusey    became 
publicly    and    formally    identified    with    the 
Oxford     Movement.     '  Dr.     Pusey,'     wrote 
Newman  in  1864,  '  gave  us  at  once  a  position 
and  a  name.  .  .  .  He  was  a  Professor,  and 
Canon   of   Christ   Church ;     he   had   a   vast 
influence  in  consequence  of  his  deep  religious 
seriousness,  the  munificence  of  his  charities, 
his  Professorship,  his  family  connections,  and 
his  easy  relations  with  the  University  autlior- 
ities.  .  .  .  There  was  henceforth  a  man  who 
could  be  the  head  and  centre  of  the  zealous 
people  in  every  part  of  the  country  who  were 
adopting    the    new    opinions.'      Meanwhile 
Pusey  had  been  sedulously  cataloguing  the 
Arabic  manuscripts  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 
He     completed     this     task    in    1835,    and 


1  In  later  years  Pusey  said  :  '  I  loved  the  Kvangelicals 
because  they  loved  our  Lord,"  and  '  I  loved  them  for  their 
zeal  for  souls.' 


now  turned  to  the  '  Tracts,'  for  which 
he  had  promised  to  write  on  the  doctrine 
of  Baptism.  On  this  subject  he  wrote 
three  Tracts,  which  taken  together  amount 
to  a  treatise.  Their  appearance  was  '  like 
the  advance  of  a  battery  of  heavy  artil- 
lery on  a  field  where  the  battle  has  been 
hitherto  carried  on  by  skirmishing  and  mus- 
ketry. It  altered  the  look  of  things  and 
the  conditions  of  the  fighting '  (Church). 
'  After  No.  67  the  earlier  form  of  the  Tracts 
appeared  no  more.'  Henceforth  the  official 
chief  of  the  Movement,  as  it  was  seen  by  the 
world  outside  Oxford,  was  Pusey.  '  Its 
enemies  fastened  on  it  a  nickname  from  his 
name/  which  was  recognised  all  over  England 
as  the  name  of  the  party,  and  found  its  way 
into  foreign  languages  {e.g.  Puseiski,  used 
by  Pius  IX.). 

Mrs.   Pusey  died  on   26th  of  May  1839; 
and  she  had  been,  as    Newman  said,  '  the 
one  object  on  earth  in  which  his  thoughts 
have     centred     for     the     greater    part    of 
his    life.'     It    was    inevitable    that    such  a 
cross    as    this,    so    heavy    and    so    sharp- 
edged,     should     leave     a     permanent     im- 
press on  Pusey's  heart  and  life ;    but  it  was 
not  permitted  for  a  single  week  to  impede 
his  work  for  God  and  souls.     The  work,  how- 
ever, was  resumed  under  altered  conditions. 
Piisey    retired    absolutely    from    the    world. 
He  even  declined  to  attend  the  official  dinners 
of  the  chapter  of  Christ  Church.     He  hence- 
forth refused  to  enter  his  own  drawing-room, 
because  his  wife  and  he  had  used  it  so  much 
together.    He  never  passed  her  grave  without 
a  praj'er.    He  kept  in  daily  remembrance  the 
hour  of  her  departure.     He  insisted  on  regard- 
ing her  early  death  as  a  special  punishment 
for  his  sins.  As  years  v/ent  on  he  dwelt  increas- 
ingly on  this  thought,  and  multiplied  the  prac- 
tices of  austerity  which  seemed  to  drive  it 
home.    He  laid  stripes  on  himself  ;  he  wore 
haircloth  next  his  skin ;    he  ate  by  prefer- 
ence unpleasant  food.     He  never  '  looked  at 
beauty  of  nature  without  inward  confession 
of  unworthiness.'     He  made  '  mental  acts  of 
being  inferior  to  every  one  he  saw,  especi- 
ally the  poor  and  the  neglected,  or  the  very 
degraded,     or     children.'     He     drank     cold 
water,  remembering  that  he  was  '  only  fit 
to  be  where  there  is  not  a   drop  to  cool 
the  flame.'      He    made    *  acts    of    internal 
humiliation  '  when  undergraduates  or  college 
servants  saluted  him.     To  crown  all,  he  made 
1    it  a  rule  '  alwaj^s  to  lie  down  in  bed,  confessing 
'    that  I  am  unworthy  to  lie  down  except  in 
Hell,    but   so  praying   to    he   down   in    the 
Everlasting  Arms.' 

In  March  1841  Newman  resigned  his  place 


(  4S3  ) 


Pusey] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Pusey 


in  the  Movement.  The  leadership,  which 
he  had  shared  with  Pusey,  passed  wholly  into 
Pusey's  hands.  Referring  to  this  time, 
Pusey  wrote  in  after  years  :  '  Dear  J.  H.  N. 
said  to  me  one  day  at  Littlemore :  "  Pusey, 
we  have  leant  on  the  bishops,  and  they  have 
given  way  under  us."  Dear  J.  K.  and  I 
never  did  lean  on  the  bishops,  but  on  the 
Church.'  Surely  the  diverse  fates  of  Newman  . 
and  Pusey  can  be  read  in  that  one  sentence. 
Henceforward  Pusey  (always  with  '  J.  K.' 
in  the  background)  had  to  encourage  the 
hopeless,  and  rally  the  downhearted,  and 
reassure  the  cowardly,  and  guide  the  per- 
plexed. He  had  to  think,  and  plan,  and 
negotiate,  and,  when  necessary,  fight  for  all 
the  rest. 

The  great  sorrow  of  his  wife's  death, 
which  in  1839  sundered  Pusey  for  ever  from 
the  world,  seems  to  have  given  a  practical 
turn  to  an  idea  already  present  to  his  mind. 
In  December  1839  he  wrote  to  Keble : 
'  Newman  and  I  have  separately  come  to 
think  it  necessary  to  have  some  "  Soeurs  de 
Charit6  "  in  the  Anglo-CathoUc  Church ' ;  and 
he  wrote  in  the  same  sense  to  Dr.  Hook  {q.v.). 
The  first  community  of  sisters  was  founded 
in  1845.  [Religious  Ordeks,  Modern.] 
Pusey  superintended  it  and  did  more  than 
any  other  one  man  to  lay  the  basis  of  the 
Common  Life  for  Women  in  the  English 
Church. 

In  his  treatise  on  Baptism  he  had  laid 
great  stress  on  the  serious  import  which 
inspired  writers  attach  to  post-baptismal  sin. 
His  language  may  have  been  too  unguarded 
and  unquaUfied  ;  certainly  he  was  misunder- 
stood and  misrepresented.  S.  WUberforce 
{q.v.)  accused  him  of  '  Novatian  hardness.' 
Others  said  that  he  had  '  scared  '  them  with 
the  ghastly  notion  that  post-baptismal  sin 
is  unforgivable.  J.  B.  Mozley  {q.v.),  though 
defending  the  substance  of  Pusey's  teach- 
ing, saw  something  'harsh'  in  his  way 
of  stating  it.  Pusey  was  always  willing 
to  take  advice  from  friends,  and  these 
considerations  led  him  to  plan  a  course 
of  sermons  on  '  Comforts  to  the  Penitent.' 
He  originally  thought  of  taking  Absolu- 
tion as  the  first  of  these;  but,  having 
regard  to  the  highly  uninformed  state  of  the 
pubUc  mind,  he  chose  instead  the  Holy 
Eucharist,  as  '  a  subject  at  which  they  would 
be  less  likely  to  take  offence.'  The  sermon 
was  preached  before  the  University  on  the 
14th  May  1843,  and  did  not  invite  or 
suggest  controversy.  It  was  a  plain  re- 
statement, in  language  venerated  all  over 
Christendom,  of  the  Eucharistic  truth  which 
has  been  held  from  the  beginning. 


But  1843  was  an  electrical  time.  The 
University  was  the  centre  of  disturbance, 
and  Pusey  was  delated  to  the  vice-chancellor 
as  having  preached  false  doctrine.  The 
vice-chancellor  called  to  his  aid  six  doctors 
of  divinity.  Sitting  in  secret  conclave  they 
examined  the  incriminated  sermon,  but  gave 
Pusey  no  opportunity  for  defence.  They 
condemned  his  teaching  as  erroneous,  and 
suspended  him  from  preaching  before  the 
University  for  two  years.  Whatever  this 
strange  performance  was  intended  to  effect, 
what  it  actually  effected  is  certain.  It  called 
the  attention  of  churchmen  to  a  truth  of  the 
Catholic  faith  which  had  been  strangely 
overlooked.  It  gave  Pusey  an  unequalled 
opportunity  of  demonstrating  (by  the  publica- 
tion of  the  sermon,  with  an  appendix  of 
authorities)  the  soundness  of  his  doctrine; 
and  it  helped  to  make  him  for  the  rest  of  his 
life  the  special  champion  and  the  most  in- 
sistent teacher  of  the  Real  Objective  Pre- 
sence, and  all  that  it  involves. 

On  1st  February  1846  Pusey,  whose  term 
of  suspension  had  expired,  preached  again 
before  the  University.  Pursuing  his  plan 
of  showing  the  various  means  of  grace  ap- 
pointed for  the  restoration  of  the  repentant 
sinner,  he  chose  for  his  subject,  '  The  Entire 
Absolution  of  the  Penitent,'  and  began  by  a 
reference  to  the  circumstances  under  which 
he  had  been  suspended.  '  I  was  endeavour- 
ing to  mitigate  the  stern  doctrine  of  the 
heavy  character  of  a  Christian's  sins,  by 
pointing  out  the  mercies  of  God  which  might 
reassure  the  penitent.'  In  the  condemned 
sermon,  which  he  now  reasserted  to  the  very 
height  of  its  doctrinal  position,  he  had  shown 
the  supreme  blessing  conveyed  through  the 
Holy  Eucharist.  He  now  continued  the  same 
line  of  thought.  All  forgiveness  is  of  God. 
The  Church  and  her  ministers  are  not  substi- 
tutes for  but  instruments  of  Christ,  the 
one  Absolver.  But  that  the  one  Absolver 
had  delegated  to  His  Church  the  absolving 
power  was  plain  from  the  words  of  the  text 
(Jn.  20213)  -and  that  the  Church  of  England 
claims  the  right  to  exercise  this  awful  gift  is 
plain  from  the  formula  of  absolution  in  the 
Visitation  of  the  Sick,  when  read  in  connection 
with  the  Ordinal.  '  The  Church  of  England 
teaches  the  reality  of  Priestly  Absolution  as  ex- 
plicitly as  it  has  ever  been  taught,  or  is  taught 
to-day,  in  any  part  of  Christendom.'  Against 
this  sermon  no  pubhc  or  official  objection 
was  raised.  The  Doctrine  of  the  Keys  was 
triumphantly  vindicated,  and  a  great  part 
of  Pusey's  subsequent  life  was  spent  in 
applying  it  practically.  Probably  no  priest 
in  the  Church  of  England  has  ever  heard 


(  484 


Puseyl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


\  Pusey 


so  many  confessions  or  directed  so  many 
consciences,  but  ho  had  not  yet  made  his 
own  confession.  He  now  wisely  placed  him- 
self under  Keble's  guidance,  and  made  his 
j&rst  confession  at  Hursley  in  December  1846. 

From  the  way  of  life  wliich  he  would  have 
chosen  for  himself — retirement,  study,  prayer, 
and  private  ministry  to  souls — Pusey  was 
constantly  recalled  by  the  duty  of  publicly 
championing  imperilled  truth.  In  1850  he 
addressed  a  great  meeting  in  London,  called 
to  protest  against  the  '  Gorham  Judg- 
ment.' His  speech  was  a  rallying  voice  of 
encouragement  and  hope  in  a  day  of  terror 
and  defeat  and  flight.  '  The  Judicial  Com- 
mittee,' he  said,  '  of  five  persons  have  not 
power  to  commit  the  Church  of  England  to 
heresy.' 

Newman,  while  an  AngUcan,  had  "wiitten  : 
'  The  Heads  of  Houses  may  crush  Tractarian- 
ism ;  they  will  then  have  to  do  with  German- 
ism.' In  the  early  'fifties  his  prophecy  began 
to  be  made  good.  The  '  Liberal '  school  in 
theology  (so  termed  by  a  curious  misnomer, 
for  nothing  on  earth  can  be  less  Liberal  than 
the  attitude  of  Latitudinarians  towards 
Catholicism)  had  of  late  made  great  advances. 
Essays  and  Reviews  {q.v.),  the  work  mainly  of 
this  school,  pubUshed  in  1860,  disturbed  the 
faith  of  some,  and  its  writers  were  upheld  by 
the  Judicial  Committee.  Throughout  these 
commotions,  which  extended,  roughly,  over 
ten  years,  Pusey,  though  deeply  distressed  and 
worried  on  all  hands,  kept  his  head,  his  justice, 
and  his  charity.  He  responded  warmly  to 
an  appeal  from  Lord  Shaftesbury  (who  be- 
fore this  had  bitterly  attacked  him)  for 
co-operation  with  Evangehcals  in  the  battle 
against  unbeUef. 

This  conflict  with  unbelief  led  Pusey,  by 
a  way  wholly  unforeseen,  into  conflict  with 
Rome.  In  1864  he  pubUshed  a  pamphlet  on 
the  legal  force  of  the  judgment  on  Essays 
and  Reviews,  and  in  his  preface  he  had  said 
that  some  Roman  CathoUcs  seemed  to  be  in 
an  '  ecstasy  of  triumph  at  the  victory  of 
Satan,'  though  others  were  '  saddened '  by 
anything  which  weakened  '  the  great  bul- 
wark against  InfideUty  in  this  land.'  To 
this  rather  provocative  language  Manning 
promptly  replied  in  an  open  letter  to  Pusey 
on  '  The  Workings  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the 
Church  of  England.'  In  this  letter  he  dis- 
claimed all  sympathy  with  Satan,  but  was  at 
great  pains  to  show  that  the  EngUsh  Church 
was  not,  and  could  not  be,  a  '  bulwark  against 
Infidelity.'  Contrariwise,  he  maintained  that 
she  was  '  a  cause  and  spring  of  Unbelief,' 
by  reason  of  the  fact  that  she  herself  had 
rejected  divine  truth.     To  this  railing  accusa- 


tion Pusey  rejoined  in  I'he  Truth  and  Office 
of  the  English  Church. 

Some  attempts,  very^  mild  at  first,  to 
promote  order  and  comeUness  in  divine 
worship  had  marked  the  whole  course  of  the 
Catholic  revival.  Such  attempts  came  to  be 
called  '  Ritualism ' ;  and  in  the  autumn  of 
1866  there  was  an  outbreak  of  anti-Ritualist 
passion  in  the  Times.  In  February  1867 
the  bishops  endeavoured  to  conciliate 
public  opinion  by  passing  a  Resolution  on 
RituaUsm,  which  seemed  to  imply  censure  of 
the  doctrine  which  ceremonial  is  meant  to  ex- 
press. This  brought  Pusey  into  the  field.  He 
published,  under  the  title  Will  ye  also  go 
away  ?  a  sermon  with  a  preface  and  appendix. 
In  this  sermon  he  reaffirms,  in  simple  words 
but  with  unabated  force,  the  doctrine  of  the 
Real  Objective  Presence.  In  the  preface  he 
refers  to  the  episcopal  manifesto,  and  gives 
his  opinion  on  ceremonial.  '  The  so-called 
Ritualist  movement  was  eminently  a  lay 
movement.  We,  the  clergy,  had  taught  the 
ti-uth  ;  the  people  had  said :  "  Set  it  before 
our  eyes."  Although  I  have  never  taken  part 
in  the  Ritualist  movement,  I  beheved  and 
beUeve  that  the  object  of  that  movement  has 
been  to  set  before  the  eyes  CathoUc  truths 
in  regard  to  the  Holy  Eucharist  which  have 
ever  been  received  in  the  Church.' 

The  fourth  report  of  the  Ritual  Com- 
mission [Commissions,  Royal]  in  1870,  with 
its  suggestions  as  to  the  Athanasian  Creed, 
stirred  Pusey's  indignation,  and  he  plunged 
into  the  fight.  He  averred  that,  if  the 
Creed  were  touched,  he  should  resign  his 
preferments.  '  It  would  not  be  the  same 
Church  for  wliich  I  have  fought  hitherto.  .  .  . 
We  have  endured  much,  but  we  cannot 
endure  having  one  of  our  creeds  rent  from 
us.'     The  fight  raged  all  through  1871  and 

1872,  and  the  victory  was  not  won  till  May 

1873,  when  it  was  agreed  in  Convocation  that 
the  Athanasian  Creed  should  be  retained 
unmutilated,  and  should  be  used  in  public 
worship  as  before.  The  battle  had  been  won 
by  Pusey,  and  his  right-hand  man  had  been 
his  devoted  disciple,  H.  P.  Liddon  {q.v.). 

In  the  winter  of  1872-3  Pusey  had  a  severe 
illness,  and  from  henceforward  was  an 
altered  man.  His  mental  powers  and  his 
habits  of  dfligence  remained  unimpaired, 
but  his  bodily  health  declined.  He  was 
specially  liable  to  attacks  of  bronchitis,  and 
he  took  to  Uving  almost  entirely  indoors. 
The  greater  part  of  the  year  he  spent  in 
Christ  Church,  but  went  occasionally  for 
change  of  scene  to  the  '  Hermitage  '  at  Ascot, 
near  the  convent  occupied  by  the  Devonport 
Sisterhood.     He  became  almost  stone  deaf. 


(485) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Queen 


and,  wiiun  iieanag  couiessions,  he  asked  the 
penitent  to  aid  him  by  putting  on  paper 
what  he  wished  to  say.  His  voice  became 
so  husky  that  he  could  not  preach,  and  his 
last  two  University  sermons  were  read  for 
him  by  others.  As  a  younger  man  he  had  often 
worked  all  night  as  well  as  aU  day.  Even  at 
seventy  years  of  age  he  would  make  appoint- 
ments for  seven  a.m.,  and  continue  working 
tUl  twelve  at  night.  Until  dechning  strength 
made  it  impossible,  he  used  to  celebrate  the 
Holy  Communion  in  his  study  every  day, 
generally  at  four  in  the  morning  (he  had 
received  special  permission  from  Bishop 
Wilberforce  so  to  do),  and  to  the  end  he 
thus  celebrated  in  this  way  on  Sundays  and 
saints'  days.  When  celebrating  in  liis  own 
house  he  wore  a  surpUce  and  a  crape  scarf  ; 
but  in  a  church  where  the  Eucharistic  vest- 
ments were  used  he  wore  them.  In  June 
1882  he  went  to  his  '  Hermitage '  at  Ascot. 
Towards  the  end  of  July  he  began  to  flag. 
The    sisters,    whose    confessions    he    heard, 


thought  that  he  was  not  quite  equal  to 
himself.  Still,  on  his  eighty-second  birthday 
(22nd  August)  he  was  quite  bright.  Two 
days  later  he  was  less  well ;  but  he  gathered 
strength  to  write  to  the  Times  two  pathetic 
appeals  on  behalf  of  the  Rev.  S.  F.  Green, 
imprisoned  under  the  P.W.R.  Act.  On  the 
4th  of  September  he  took  to  his  bed.  In 
the  mental  wanderings  which  prevailed 
through  the  night  of  13th  September  he 
thought  that  he  was  performing  the  priestly 
acts  which  had  been  the  occupation  and  glory 
of  his  life.  On  Saturday,  16th,  he  seemed  to 
be  murmuring  the  Te  Deum,  and  he  passed 
away  at  three  in  the  afternoon,  with  the  words 
on  his  Ups :  '  My  Lord  and  my  God.'  On  the 
21st  of  September  he  was  laid  in  the  nave  of 
Christ  Church  Cathedral,  beside  his  -wife  and 
liis  two  elder  daughters.  The  list  of  his 
published  works  fills  an  appendix  of  fifty 
pages  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Life. 

[g.  w.  e.  r.] 
Lives  by  Liddou  and  G.  W.  E.  RusstU. 


QUEEN  ANNE'S  BOUNTY.  In  1704 
Queen  Anne  announced  to  the  House  of 
Commons  her  intention  of  giving  up  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Church  the  revenue  from  first- 
fruits  and  tenths  appropriated  to  the  Crown 
in  1534.  [Vaxor  Ecclesiasticus.]  She 
proposed  that  this  revenue,  amounting  to 
£16,000  or  £17,000  a  year,  should  be  devoted 
to  the  augmentation  of  small  livings,  of  which 
Burnet  (q.v.),  who  claims  to  have  suggested 
the  design,  says  there  were  some  hundreds 
'  that  had  not  of  certain  provision  £20  a  year, 
and  some  thousands  that  had  not  £50.' 
Marlborough,  who  was  all-powerful  with 
the  Queen,  was  wiUing  to  purchase  Tory 
support  for  the  French  war  by  allowing  her 
to  make  this  gift  to  the  Church.  Accord- 
ingly the  Act  2-3  An.  c.  20  (commonly  cited 
as  c.  11)  was  passed  'for  making  more 
effectual  Her  Majesty's  gracious  intentions.' 
It  recites  the  evils  that  follow  from  the  clergy 
'  depending  for  their  necessary  maintenance 
upon  the  good  will  and  liking  of  their  hearers,' 
which  places  them  '  under  temptation  of  too 
much  complying  and  suiting  their  doctrines 
and  teaching  to  the  humours  rather  than 
the  good  of  their  hearers.'  It  provides  for 
the  erection  of  a  corporation  to  hold  and 
administer  for  the  purpose  proposed  the 
revenue  surrendered  by  the  Crown  and  any 
other  grants  that  might  be  made.     On  3rd 


November  1704  Letters  Patent  were  issued 
appointing  some  two  hundred  '  Governors 
of  the  Bounty  of  Queen  Anne  ' ;  *  a  numer- 
ous body  of  men  selected  from  those  already 
overworked.  Such  was  the  idea  then  to 
secure  efficient  administration.'  They  in- 
cluded all  the  bishops  (except  Sodor  and 
Man),  deans,  lord-Ueutenants,  privy  coun- 
cillors, serjeants-at-law,  and  the  mayors  of 
all  the  cities  in  England. 

The  governors  found  their  revenue  greatly 
in  arrears  and  much  encumbered.  At  their 
instance  Acts  were  passed  in  1706  and  1707 
discharging  all  livings  of  less  than  £50  a  year 
from  payment  of  first-fruits  and  tenths 
(5-6  An.  c.  24,  6  An.  c.  54,  commonly  cited 
as  c.  27).  This  affected  about  three  thousand 
nine  hundred  Hvings,  and  reduced  the  re- 
venue by  about  £3000.  By  1713  they  had 
cleared  away  preliminary  obstacles,  and 
could  begin  their  proper  work  by  awarding 
twenty-eight  poor  livings  £200  each.  Further 
Letters  Patent  were  issued  creating  additional 
governors,  including  aU  the  Queen's  Counsel, 
and  laying  down  the  rule  that  all  augmen- 
tations should  be  '  by  the  way  of  purchase, 
and  not  by  the  way  of  pension,'  i.e.  they 
were  to  grant  capital  sums,  not  annuities. 
An  Act  of  1714  (1  Geo.  i.  st.  2,  c.  10) 
enabled  them,  Avith  the  approval  of  the 
Crown,     to    make    rules    under    which     to 


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[Reformatio 


work.  They  employed  strange  and  un- 
fortunate methods.  All  eligible  parishes 
claiming  aid  went  into  the  ballot-box, 
and  as  many  were  drawn  out  as  there 
were  grants  of  £200  to  distribute.  Thus 
(though  no  cure  exceeding  £10  a  year  might 
be  augmented  until  all  under  that  amount 
had  received  £200)  many  livings  had  five  or 
six  grants  in  the  course  of  a  century,  while 
others  as  deserving  had  no  grant  at  all.  Tlie 
number  of  claims  was  so  great  that  livings  of 
over  £35  did  not  become  entitled  to  a  grant 
till  1788.  Unhappily  for  the  Church,  prac- 
tically the  only  investment  then  allowed  by 
pubhc  opinion  was  freehold  land.  When 
no  land  in  the  parish  was  to  be  had  the 
nearest  land  obtainable  was  bought.  Hence 
diflSculties  have  arisen,  many  parishes  pos- 
sessing smaU  estates  twenty  or  thirty  miles 
away. 

Livings  not  exceeding  £35  might  be 
augmented  by  grants  of  not  more  than 
£600  on  a  benefactor  contributing  an  equal 
or  greater  sum.  The  limit  of  £35  was  raised 
to  £60  in  1804,  and  to  £200  in  1820.  Since 
1836  nearly  the  whole  of  the  funds  have  been 
appUed  to  meeting  benefactions,  and  the 
ballot  has  been  practically  abandoned. 

In  1777  the  governors  were  empowered  to 
lend  money  on  mortgage  to  incumbents  for 
building  or  repairing  parsonages  (17  Geo.  m. 
c.  53),  and  in  1803  to  make  grants  for  the 
purchase  or  building  of  parsonages  (43  Geo. 
US.  c.  107).  Later  statutes  have  extended 
their  powers  and  duties  in  receiving  and 
advancing  money.  In  1838  the  separate 
collection  of  first-fruits  and  tenths  was 
abohshed,  and  the  Treasurer  of  Queen 
Anne's  Bounty  appointed  sole  collector 
(1-2  Vic.  c.  20).     And  by  Order  in  Council, 


27th  November  1852,  they  were  commuted 
for  fixed  annual  payments. 

Between  1809  and  1820  Parliament,  under 
the  influence  of  Tory  governments,  made 
eleven  grants  of  £100,000  each  to  the  fund. 
These  additions  to  taxation  were  made  at  the 
height  of  the  popular  distress.  The  first 
private  benefaction  was  £600,  given  in  1708. 
By  1867  the  total  received  from  private  bene- 
factors was  over  £2,000,000,  and  the  grants 
awarded  from  the  governors'  own  funds  had 
reached  £3,500,000.  From  1836  to  1868 
the  amount  awarded  in  grants  was  about 
£11,600  a  year,  and  from  1880  to  1899 
£28,300  a  year.  By  1899  the  total  grants 
(including  private  benefactions)  had  exceeded 
£7,500,000.  In  1898  the  minimum  grant  was 
reduced  from  £200  to  £100. 

In  1868  a  Select  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Commons  recommended  that  the  number 
of  governors  should  be  reduced.  It  was  then 
about  five  hundred  and  eighty,  and  by  1900 
had  reached  six  hundred  and  fifty,  owing 
chiefly  to  the  increase  in  the  number  of 
Queen's  Counsel.  Only  fifty-two  governors 
were  ever  summoned  to  the  meetings.  In 
1901  a  joint  Select  Committee  of  both 
Houses  recommended  that,  to  avoid  dup- 
hcation  of  work,  the  governors  should 
be  amalgamated  with  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commission.  [Coivimissions,  Roy.vl.]  The 
governors  expressed  disapproval  of  this 
proposal,  maintaining  that  their  adminis- 
tration compared  favourably  with  that  of 
the  Commissioners.  No  action  has  yet  been 
taken,  though  a  Bill  to  effect  the  amal- 
gamation was  introduced  in  1902.     [a.  c] 

Hodgson,  Account  of  the  Augmentations 
of  Small  Livings,  1826 ;  Proceedings  of  the 
Select  Committees,  1868,  1900,  1901. 


R 


REFORMATIO  LEGUM  ECCLESIAS- 
TICARUM.  The  document  which 
goes  by  this  name  was  a  scheme  of  order  and 
discipUne  for  the  Reformed  Church  of  England 
which  was  never  allowed  to  take  effect.  '  The 
Submission  of  the  Clergy'  in  1532  was  a 
sequel  to  the  recognition  of  Royal  Supremacy 
extorted  from  Convocation  in  the  previous 
year.  It  virtually  abrogated  the  canon  law 
[q.v.).  For  by  it  the  clergy  engaged  not  only 
to  enact  no  new  canons  without  the  King  s 
consent,  but  to  submit  the  old  ones  to  the 
examination  of  a  royal  commission  of  thirty- 
two  persons,  half  laymen  and  half  clergy. 


that  only  those  canons  should  remain  binding 
which  were  found  consistent  with  God's  laws 
and  those  of  the  realm.  This  proposed  com- 
mission was  never  constitiated  in  Henry  ath.'s 
days,  though  repeated  Acts  of  Parliament 
were  passed  to  give  effect  to  the  intended 
revision  ;  and  the  Uke  efforts  continued  under 
Edward  v^.,  till  in  1551  there  wvas  actually 
issued  not  only  a  commission  of  thirty- 
two,  as  promised,  but  a  select  commission  of 
eight  to  rough-hew  the  work  of  forming  a 
new  body  of  canon  law.  Just  at  this  time 
preparations  were  making  for  a  new  Prayer 
Book  more  agreeable  than  the  first  to  Calvin 


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[Reformation 


and  the  Swiss  reformers,  who  were  con- 
sulted with  a  view  to  the  estabUshment  of  a 
common  religion  independent  of  Rome — an 
object  to  which  the  commission  on  the  canon 
law  seemed  a  natural  supplement.  The 
result  of  their  labours  was  presented  by 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  to  Parliament  in  March  1553. 
but  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  would  not 
allow  the  matter  to  be  discussed.  Little 
more  than  three  months  later  Edward  vt. 
died,  and  the  work  remained  in  MS.  till  1571, 
when  it  was  printed  by  Foxe  (q.v.),  the 
martyrologist,  with  a  preface  in  which  it  was 
surmised,  with  no  small  assurance,  that  it 
would  have  been  issued  for  pubhc  use  by 
Parhamentaj'y  authority  if  Edward's  Ufe  had 
been  spared.  Such  a  suggestion,  however, 
is  against  all  appearances.  The  work  was 
simply  a  new  system  of  canon  law  drawn  up 
very  much  in  the  style  of  the  old  decretals 
and  constitutions,  but  adapted,  with  some 
doctrinal  modifications,  to  a  Church  under 
Royal  Supremacy.  Transubstantiation  was 
repudiated,  and,  strange  to  say,  reception 
in  a  sitting  posture  was  virtually  sanctioned, 
a  fact  which  seems  to  sho^  that  Cranmer  did 
not  have  his  own  way  in  the  commission. 
Like  the  old  pontifical  compilations,  the  book 
is  divided  into  titles.  Ihere  are  fifty-one 
titles  (not  numbered,  unfortunately,  for  refer- 
ence), and  aU  but  the  last  (which  is  only  a 
schedule  of  rules  of  law)  are  divided  again 
into  chapters.  The  whole  work  is  set  forth 
as  proceeding  from  the  King's  mouth,  and 
the  subjects  range  from  the  Holy  Trinity 
and  the  CathoUc  faith  (tit.  i.)  to  such  matters 
as  dilapidations  of  churches  and  vicarages 
(tit.  sv.).  There  is,  however,  no  surrender 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  to  the  civil 
power.  In  tit.  xhv.,  for  example,  violence 
used  towards  a  clergyman  is  treated  as  an 
atrocious  crime,  involving  excommunication 
of  the  oflFender ;  from  which  he  can  only  be 
relieved  by  fxill  discharge  of  such  penance  as 
the  ordinary  shall  think  fit  to  impose. 

The  authority  on  which  the  whole  is  set 
forth  is  curiously  indicated  in  Chapter  i.  of 
the  very  first  title :  De  fide  Christiana  ah 
omnibus  am'plectenda  et  profiienda.  The 
language,  translated  from  the  Latin,  is  as 
follows  : — '  As  aU  royal  power  and  adminis- 
tration of  laws  is  derived  from  God,  we  must 
take  our  beginning  from  God,  whose  nature 
being  first  set  forth  truly,  it  will  be  easier  to 
foresee  the  rest  of  those  laws  which  we  have 
procured  to  be  enacted  for  the  conservation 
of  the  state  of  the  Church.  Wherefore  we 
will  and  order  aU  men  who  are  any  way  under 
our  rule  to  accept  and  profess  the  Christian 
reUgion ;    against  which  whoever  begin  any 


cogitations  or  actions  alienate  God  from 
themselves  by  their  impiety.  We,  more- 
over, who  are  ministers  of  the  divine  Majesty, 
have  determined  that  aU  their  powers,  and 
even  life  itself,  are  to  be  forfeited  by  who- 
ever have  involved  themselves  in  such  out- 
rageous wickedness.  And  let  this  be  valid 
among  all  our  subjects  of  whatever  name, 
place,  or  condition  they  be.' 

This  was  drawn  up  by  divines  in  the  King's 
name,  and  no  doubt  sounded  too  high  a  note 
for  mere  secular  statesmen.  [j.  G.] 

Reformatio  Legum,  ed.  Cardwell. 

REFORMATION  IN    ENGLAND,   The, 

should  always  be  studied  over  the  whole 
period  1509-1662,  not  in  isolated  reigns  or 
periods  which  give  a  false  impression  of  its 
course  and  results  ;  it  should  not  be  separated 
from  the  preceding  mediaeval  history  or  from 
the  Continental  history  of  the  period,  with 
which  it  has  many  resemblances  and  many 
differences,  both  equally  instructive.  And 
the  study  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  England  forms 
a  necessary  introduction.  Broadly  speaking, 
at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  we  can  see 
five  great  forces  at  work.  These  are:  (1) 
national  life  ;  (2)  individuaUsm  ;  (3)  a  new 
vigour  of  learning  and  inquiry  ;  (4)  a  renewed 
study  of  the  Scriptures ;  (5)  a  spirit  of 
questioning  and  criticising  authority,  seeking 
to  know  its  utiHty  and  not  accepting  it  on 
trust  or  from  the  mere  fact  of  its  existence. 
1.  The  Middle  Ages  had  developed  the 
great  nations,  and  given  some  of  them  great 
national  institutions,  monarchies,  parha- 
ments,  and  so  forth.  The  growth  of  these 
nations  had  been  accompanied  by  some 
friction  and  jealousies  against  other  bodies, 
notably  the  Western  Church  and  the  Papacy. 
If  these  had  sometimes  helped  the  national 
hfe  their  aims  had  been  different ;  questions 
of  Church  and  State,  of  Papacy  and  Monarchy, 
of  the  Curia  and  national  Churches,  had  arisen 
from  time  to  time  and  in  many  ways.  But 
the  Middle  Ages  had  never  drawn  the  sharp 
distinction  which  we  do  between  Church  and 
State ;  their  view  (which  is  seen  clearly  in 
the  Investiture  contest  and  its  literature)  was 
rather  that  of  one  society  organised  in  different 
ways,  which  sometimes  agreed,  sometimes 
crossed,  each  other.  And  the  Middle  Ages 
had  never  cared  to  reconcile,  had  indeed 
hardly  faced,  the  contradictions  which  were 
inherent  in  such  a  system.  But  these 
contradictions  and  the  problems  arising  out 
of  them  really  underlay  the  rich  and  varied 
development  of  mediaeval  society ;  their 
emergence  was  only  a  matter  of  time,  and 
would  inevitably  give  rise  to  strife.     If  the 


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[Reformation 


great  nations  had  formed  central  institutions 
and  strong  powers,  the  Papacy  had  done  the 
same ;  its  central  courts  had  grown  greatly, 
as  a  matter  of  convenience  more  than  of 
ambition,  especially  in  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries.  And  inside  the  different 
nations  the  Church,  with  its  fundamental  idea 
of  an  international  Christian  Society,  and 
with  its  developed  courts  and  organisation, 
represented  an  ideal  very  different  from  that 
of  the  great  national  States.  When  stress 
was  laid  upon  the  latter  men  would  have  to 
reconsider  questions  of  great  importance ; 
all  sorts  of  difficulties,  all  sorts  of  solutions, 
were  sure  to  appear.  A  change  of  society 
and  social  ideals,  which  had  been  slowly 
forming  throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  came 
to  a  crisis  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
affected  both  pohtical  and  religious  history. 
This  is  the  signihcance  of  the  strong  national 
feehngs,  strong  monarchies,  and  conflicting 
national  policies  which  form  the  background 
of  the  Reformation.  Differences  between 
Church  and  State,  difficulties  between  the 
Papacy  and  the  Monarchy  in  England,  had 
appeared  throughout  the  Middle  Ages.  [Pro- 
visors,  Praemunire.]  Their  more  emphatic 
appearance  at  the  Reformation  [Supremacy, 
Royal]  was  a  result  of  the  general  move- 
ment indicated  here.  Not  only  under  Henry 
vin.  and  EUzabeth  in  England,  but  also 
under  Mary,  and  in  France,  Germany,  and 
Spain,  we  see  the  same  problems  arising. 

2.  The  Middle  Ages  in  their  strong  instinct 
for  society,  for  corporations  and  gilds  (giv- 
ing rise  to  institutions  national,  local,  and 
social),  had  tended  to  depress  individuahty, 
to  produce  types,  and  restrain  individual 
activity.  In  pohtics  and  commerce  there  were 
signs  at  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  that 
the  old  corporate  ideals  were  losing  force  ; 
individual  enterprise  became  the  great  factor 
in  an  age  of  growing  competition.  In  the 
history  of  thought,  too,  individuals  rather 
than  schools  were  becoming  important.  In 
ecclesiastical  and  rehgious  matters  the  same 
change  took  place.  Individual  rehgion — 
never,  of  course,  forgotten — became  relatively 
more  urgent ;  individual  more  than  social 
needs  pressed  for  attention.  Just  as  with 
the  \'igour  of  national  Ufe  the  use  of  national 
languages  for  rehgious  purposes  appeared — 
it  may  be  noted  that  France  and  Germany 
(in  their  Ldbels  of  Reformation  at  Trent)  both 
favoured  the  use  of  the  vernacular  in  the  Mass 
and  divine  service  —  so  books  of  private 
prayer  and  personal  instruction  became 
more  common.  Individuahsm  was  a  rehgious 
force  capable  of  great  things,  but  above  all 
needing  instruction ;    it  was  likely   to  run 


into  excesses,  and  it  needed  guidance.  It  was 
a  problem  for  the  Church  and  its  teachers  ; 
the  wisdom  or  the  lack  of  wisdom  shown  in 
the  treatment  of  this  new  force  greatly 
affected  the  history  of  the  Reformation. 
Many  of  the  phenomena  of  the  Reformation 
period  in  England  and  on  the  Continent, 
much  of  its  power  and  many  of  its  defects, 
may  be  explained  by  this  rise  of  individuahsm 
and  the  difficulty  of  treating  it. 

3.  The  Revival  of  Learning,  closely  con- 
nected with  the  new  spirit  of  inquiry,  was 
a  direct  result  of  mediseval  teaching  ;  it  was 
quickened  by  many  events  and  processes  of 
the  late  fifteenth  and  early  sixteenth  centuries, 
and  it  worked  along  with  the  power  of 
individuahsm ;  thought,  inquiry,  personal 
peculiarities  were  aU  quickened.  There  was, 
as  shown  by  Erasmus,  Colet  [q.v.),  and  others, 
a  wish  for  reform  of  abuses  and  better  in- 
struction. A  reformation  on  conservative 
hnes  should  have  been  possible  ;  the  English 
Convocation  in  1532  (like  the  too  timid 
Lateran  Council  of  1512  and  the  too  long- 
delayed  Council  of  Trent)  did  attempt  the 
task.  But  the  struggle  between  Pope  and 
Monarch,  and  the  appearance  of  more  drastic 
reformers,  made  this  conservative  reform 
difficult.  In  England,  as  in  Germany  after 
Luther,  many  supporters  of  the  New  Learning 
eventually  became  strong  supporters  of  what 
was  in  existence.  The  strong  measures  of 
Henry  vin.  and  the  violent  changes  under 
Edward  vi.  aUenated  some  moderate  re- 
formers ;  others,  like  Gardiner  {q.v.),  who 
under  Henry  viii.  had  supported  Royal 
Supremacy,  became  under  Mary  opponents 
of  change,  when  under  Edward  vr.  they  had 
seen  it  too  rapid  and  destructive. 

4.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
Reformation  was  not  purely  destructive. 
A  deep  revival  of  religious  earnestness, 
showing  itself  mainly  on  the  side  of  in- 
dividuality, began  towards  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  This  was  the  positive 
side  of  the  Revival  of  Learning,  of  the 
Lutheran  and  Zwinglian  and  Calvinistic 
movements,  of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love  in 
Italy  and  of  the  Jesuit  Society;  it  showed 
itself  on  the  Continent  in  widespread  re- 
form of  existing  Religious  Orders  and  of 
Friars — such  as  helped  to  form  the  mind  of 
Luther.  In  England  we  see  it  in  the  Oxford 
Reformers,  and  in  the  movement  at  Cam- 
bridge which  foUowed  the  teaching  of 
Erasmus  (loll)  and  was  fostered  by  Bishop 
Fisher  {q.v.)  and  his  foundations.  One  of  its 
manifestations  was  a  study  of  Scripture  and 
an  appeal  to  its  authority.  The  study  of 
Hebrew  and  Greek  and  the  invention  of  print- 


(i89) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Reformation 


ing  made  this  study  more  fruitful  and  popular,    , 
but   its    novelty   is    often    overstated.     The    | 
Scriptures  were  better  known  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  versions  of  them  were  commoner 
than  is  often  allowed  in  popular  statements. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  mediaeval 
Church  was  hostile  to  the  study  or  spread  of 
the   Scriptures   either  in  learned  languages    | 
or  in  the  vernacular.     [Lollards  ;  Wyclif  ; 
Bible,  English.]    But    the    Novum  Testa- 
menium    of     Erasmus    and     his    comments 
upon    the    Scriptures    had    great    influence. 
This  was  particularly  the  case  at  Cambridge, 
where  a  number  of  young  scholars  took  up  the 
study  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  writings  upon 
them.     [Cranmer,  Latimer,  Ridley,  Tyn- 
DALE.]     This  movement  was  not  interfered 
with   until    Robert  Barnes  (Christmas  Eve, 
1525)  made  his  celebrated  attack  upon  Wolsey 
in  a  sermon,  which  led  to  the  break  up  of  the 
party.     Many  of  the  Cambridge  men  taken 
over  by  Wolsey  to  his  new  foundation  of 
Cardinal's  College  had  belonged  to  it.     But 
there  was  another  side   of   the   movement. 
TjTidale,  besides  his  work  at  the  Scriptures, 
was  a  writer  of  pamphlets  extreme  in  their 
theological  views  and  politically  dangerous, 
and  his  life  illustrates  the  mixed  tendencies 
at  work  in  the  Reformation.     But  the  appeal 
to  the  Scriptures  (always  recognised  by  the 
Church)  became  with  some  of  these  reformers 
the  sole  test  of  doctrine  and  practice ;  it  was  a 
principle  adapted  by  many  of  the  Puritans 
and  contended  against  by  Hooker  {q.v.}.     Its 
influence    with    Cart-wTight    {q.v.)    and    the 
Presbyterians  as  well  as  with  others  should 
be  noted.     And  many  individuals  took  their 
own  interpretation  as  authoritative,  so  that 
reUgious  life  became  decentralised.     It  was 
an  exaggeration  of  the  sound  principle  of  the 
Revival  of  Learning,  and  in  the  hands  of  un- 
learned  or  undisciplined   men  it  did  much 
harm.     The  rise"  of  various,  sometimes  small, 
religious  bodies  was  a  result  of  it.     The  work- 
ing of  this  appeal  to  the  Scriptures  should  be 
studied  in  the  recognition  of  it  by  the  English 
Church  as  seen  in  the  Prayer  Book  [Common 
Prayer,    Book    of]    and    elsewhere    (Ten 
Articles  of   1536 ;  the  Bishops'  Book,  1537  ; 
and  the  Kincj''s  Book,  1543),  as  weU  as  in  the 
exaggeration    of    it    by    the    Puritans.     A 
positive  result  of  the  English  Reformation 
was   the   place  given    to   the  Scriptures  in 
the    vernacular    together    with    the    Prayer 
Book.    The  attainment  of  this  positive  result 
was  in  danger  both  from  those  who  disliked 
its  freedom  and  from  those  who,  like  some 
Reformers    and    the    Puritans,    abused    the 
principle  itself. 

5.  The  great  councils  of  the  West  and  the 


controversial  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages 
had  raised,  and  left  unsettled,  many  questions 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  Church,  its  organi- 
sation and   government.      Questions  of  the 
relation  of  the  State  to  the  Papacy,  of  the 
Episcopate  to  the  Papacy,  and  so  on,  had 
been  raised.    When  in  the  course  of  the  Refor- 
mation the  course  of  events  raised  the  ques- 
tion of  papal  power — which  Sir  Thomas  More 
{q.v.)  had  foreseen  would  become  critical — 
these    earher    works    were    studied    afresh. 
Debates  have  been  raised  as  to  the  feeling  in 
England  towards  the  Papacy.    On  the  whole, 
it  seems  that  then  the  papal  claims  were  gener- 
ally accepted,  although  the  discussion  and  final 
disproof  of  the  forgeries  of  the  False  Decretals 
and  the  Donation  of  Constantino  disturbed 
opinion ;    complaints  about  jurisdiction  and 
irritation  at  its  abuse  were  another  matter. 
Complaints  were  also  made  against  the  Church 
courts    {q.v.)    in    England    itself.      Warham 
{q.v.)    attempted    a    reform    of     them,     the 
Reformation  Parliament   dealt    with   them, 
and    the    case    of    Richard    Hunne    caused 
much  discussion.     The   '  King's  Matter '   or 
'  Divorce '  under  Henry  viu.  raised  issues  of 
papal  power  and  also  of  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction ;  it  was  the  occasion,  although  not 
the  cause,  of  the   '  Reformation  '   so   far  as 
it  went  under  Henry   vin.      The  abolition 
of     papal    power — which    Henry    did    not 
probably  think  irrevocable  until  late  in  his 
reign — took  place  under  the  conditions  of  the 
other  movements  we  have  spoken  of.     This 
question  was  raised  on  the  Continent  also. 

As  to  the  course  of  the  Reformation  in 
successive  reigns,  under  Henry  vm.  papal 
jurisdiction  was  abolished,  the  national 
sovereignty  was  asserted  more  vigorously 
than  before,  and  the  Royal  Supremacy — 
especially  under  Cromwell  {q.v.)  as  Vicar- 
General — was  used  with  great  tyranny. 
The  fall  of  Wolsey  made  this  assertion 
possible,  and  the  Submission  of  the  Clergy 
enforced  it.  The  Suppression  of  the  Monas- 
teries {q.v.)  wrought  a  great  change  in  society. 
For  a  time  it  enriched  the  King,  and  it  re- 
moved in  Parliament  and  in  the  Church 
obstacles  to  the  carrying  out  of  his  will. 
But,  in  a  sense,  it  was  independent  of  the 
Reformation,  and  thus  the  legislation  of 
Mary's  reign,  w'hile  restoring  old  conditions, 
left  the  Suppression  still  effective.  Doctrin- 
ally  little  change  was  made  under  Henry, 
although  the  process  of  liturgical  revision, 
and  encouragement  of  the  vernacular  in 
;  worship,  was  begun.  The  King — politically 
!  in  his  negotiations  with  the  Lutherans,  and 
religiously  in  his  conniving  at  the  circulation 
of   extreme   reforming    tracts — played    with 


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Dictionary  of  English  Churrli  /Ilslori/ 


[Reformation 


these  popular  forces.  His  reign,  therefore, 
is  one  in  which  various  and  opposed  tend- 
encies of  thought  and  action  are  mingled. 
Under  Edward  vi.  the  effect  of  polities  is 
strongly  marked ;  plunder  of  the  Church 
increased,  and,  more  for  convenience  than 
from  conviction,  extreme  tendencies  were 
encouraged,  as  may  be  seen  in  popular 
sermons  and  in  the  differences  between  the 
First  and  Second  Prayer  Books  of  Edward  vi. 
Cranmer's  (q.v.)  plans  included  not  only  the 
prayers  in  English,  but  (in  accordance  with 
primitive  practice  and  Continental  reforming 
usage)  frequent  meetings  of  synods  and  a 
codification  of  Enghsh  Canon  Law  (q.v.). 
The  removal  of  Papal  power  had  made  the 
church  law  chaotic ;  such  parts  of  it  as 
were  not  contradictory  to  the  law  of  the 
land  were  still  authoritative  by  statute.  A 
Commission  had  been  appointed  under  Henry 
to  codify  it,  and  the  Reformatio  Legum  {q.v.), 
produced  in  MS.  by  Parker  under  Elizabeth 
when  the  question  of  codification  came  up,  re- 
presents Cranmer's  views,  greatly  influenced 
by  the  foreign  divines  who  under  Edward  vi. 
visited  England.  But,  happily,  this  scheme 
was  not  adopted,  and  although  successive 
canons  (the  history  of  their  formation  is 
instructive)  partly  supphed  its  place,  some 
disorder  was  dvie  to  the  chaotic  state  of 
church  law.  The  difficulties  felt  by  Parker 
[q.v.)  and  even  his  successors  were  largely 
due  to  this,  and  the  arbitrary  Court  of 
High  Commission  [q.v.)  set  up  under  EHza- 
beth,  and  used  under  the  Stuarts,  badly 
supplied  its  place.  But  the  control  of 
morals  by  the  ordinary  courts,  episcopal 
and  other,  still  went  on,  and  only  gradu- 
ally disappeared  after  the  Civil  War.  It  is 
hard  to  say  what  might  have  taken  place  in 
England  under  the  rule  of  self-seeking 
politicians  and  the  influence  of  foreign 
reformers  had  not  Edward's  death  and  the 
accession  of  Mary  caused  a  break.  Under 
Mary  {q.v.)  England  was  reconciled  to  the 
Papacy,  and  so  far  as  possible  the  old  state 
of  things  restored.  [Marian  Reaction.] 
Gardiner  and  others,  who  had  under  Henry 
supported  the  Royal  Supremacy,  now  sup- 
ported the  Papacy  as  the  only  efficient  barrier 
against  revolution.  But  the  unpopularity  of 
the  Spanish  marriage  and  the  severe  persecu- 
tions, due  mainly  to  the  Queen  herself  in  her 
wish  to  enforce  her  own  religion,  caused 
some  change  in  public  opinion.  On  her  death 
EHzabeth's  accession  was  popular,  although 
it  is  probable  that  on  the  purely  religious 
side  the  Ehzabethan  Settlement  {q.v.)  only 
gradually  commended  itself.  Naturally  the 
bishops   and  Convocation  did  not  welcome 


the  reaction  which  took  place.  From  the 
first  the  rejection  of  papal  power,  and  a 
return  to  the  conditions  of  Henry's  reign 
(although  the  title  of  Supreme  Governor,  at 
the  Queen's  wish,  replaced  that  of  Supreme 
Head),  was  determined  on.  Archbishop 
Parker  was  called  upon  to  rule  the  Church, 
and  his  moderation  and  wisdom  were  effective, 
altliougli  hampered  by  the  statesmen  who 
were  puritanically  inclined,  and  by  the  exiles 
of  Mary's  reign,  who  returned  from  the 
Continent  strongly  tinged  with  Calvinism 
and  with  a  dislike  of  even  moderate  cere- 
monial. Parker's  main  tasks  were  the  en- 
forcement of  discipline  and  tlie  pro\dsion 
of  clergy.  The  Vcstiarian  controversy 
soon  gave  way  to  larger  controversies  as  to 
the  nature  of  Church  government.  The 
excommunication  of  the  Queen  by  Pius  v. 
(1570)  and  the  influence  of  Cartwright  at 
Cambridge  marked  the  failure  of  the  Govern- 
ment's attempt  to  include  all  sections  of 
the  nation  in  the  Church.  Presb}i;erianism 
— which  in  England  led  to  the  assertion  of 
the  sinfulness  of  episcopacy — attempted 
secretly  to  undermine  the  Church.  It  was 
an  attempt  to  reproduce  in  England  the 
model  of  '  the  best  reformed  churches  abroad.' 
It  was  this  movement  wlnich  Whitgift  {q.v.) 
with  the  help  of  Bancroft  {q.v.)  put  down. 
But  although  suppressed  in  this  form, 
another  type  of  Presbyterianism  was  intro- 
duced later  on  from  Scotland,  and  became  of 
great  importance  in  the  Civil  War  and  under 
the  Commonwealth. 

Under  Elizabeth  Puritan  tendencies  main- 
tained their  power  inside  the  Church,  as 
Nonconformity  {q.v.),  scrupling  at  ceremonies 
or  doctrine  or  ritual,  and  outside  the  Church, 
gave  rise  to  separate  bodies — Independents 
and  Baptists.  [Nonconformity.]  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  early  in 
the  reign  had  sought  papal  leave  to  worship  in 
their  parish  churches  and  under  the  Prayer 
Book,  also  formed  a  separate  body.  [Roman 
Catholics.]  The  zeal  of  the  Jesuit  mission, 
aiming  at  the  reconversion  of  England,  and 
connected  through  some  of  its  members  with 
political  plots,  led  to  a  quarrel  between  the 
older  Roman  clergy  and  the  new  mission- 
aries (the  Archpriest  controversy)  and  an 
appeal  to  Rome.  The  formation  of  an  or- 
ganisation for  the  Roman  Catholics  was  the 
result,  and  thus  the  English  Church  was 
confronted  by  other  refigious  bodies  on  two 
opposite  sides.  The  close  connection  between 
questions  of  politics  and  religion,  as  seen  in 
the  French  religious  wars,  the  revolts  of 
the  Netherlands,  and  later  on  the  Thirty 
Years  War,  made  these  internal  differences 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Reformation 


more  difficult.  Henceforth  the  history  of 
religious  Toleration  (q.v.)  and  the  penal  laws 
as  to  reUgion  has  to  be  followed.  At  times 
of  excitement  the  House  of  Commons,  sup- 
ported by  the  nation,  clamoured  for  the  strict 
observance  of  these  laws,  and  after  the 
Restoration  the  Commons  were  more  vin- 
dictive than  either  Crown  or  Church. 

The  pecuUar  character  of  the  EngUsh 
Reformation,  seen  in  its  preservation  of 
episcopacy  and  its  deliberate  appeal  to  the 
primitive  Church  as  well  as  to  the  Scriptures, 
and  testified  to  by  the  criticisms  of  foreign 
reformers  as  well  as  by  Enghsh  theologians 
under  Elizabeth  (see  especially  the  Zurich 
Letters),  was  shown  more  plainly  as  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  went  on.  Externally  it  led  to 
long  controversies,  in  which  the  works  of 
Bishop  Jewel  (q.v.)  are  specially  significant, 
against  the  Church  of  Rome.  These  go  on 
under  the  Stuarts,  and  Laud's  controversy 
with  Fisher  is  specially  noteworthy.  On 
the  other  side  is  the  great  struggle  against 
the  Puritans,  in  which  Hooker  defined  the 
Anghcan  position.  It  was  sometimes  con- 
venient for  the  government  to  misrepresent 
its  position  with  a  view  to  poUtical  alliances 
abroad.  But  the  basis  nevertheless  laid  down 
in  theory  was  gradually  worked  out  in  fact, 
and  by  its  practical  efficiency  the  English 
Church  had  by  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign 
greatly  strengthened  its  hold  upon  the  nation. 
And  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  much  in 
the  Elizabethan  Settlement  was  only  intended 
as  an  '  Interim ' :  bishops,  on  the  one  side, 
hoped  to  be  able  later  on  to  enforce  the  Orna- 
ments Rubric  {q.v.)  and  to  stiffen  up  disci - 
pUne ;  the  returned  exiles,  on  the  other  hand, 
always  hoped  to  carry  the  Reformation  a 
stage  further.  Future  difficulties  were  there- 
fore certain.  On  one  important  matter,  the 
recognition  of  foreign  and  non-episcopal 
orders,  the  opinions  of  individuals  have 
less  weight  than  the  regulation  and  practice 
of  the  Church :  Whitgift's  declaration  that 
he  knew  no  cases  in  his  province  in  which 
ministers  without  episcopal  ordination  held 
benefices  is  decisive  when  taken  along  with 
the  practice.  In  spite  of  friendliness  towards 
other  Christians,  there  is  absolutely  no  evi- 
dence from  the  Elizabethan  or  Stuart  period 
for  the  recognition  of  non-episcopal  orders 
by  the  English  Church.  [Reuoton,  iv.]  The 
necessity  of  episcopal  ordination  was  a  gener- 
ally accepted  fact  up  to  the  time  of  the  Refor- 
mation ;  its  assertion  and  proof  were  made 
necessary  when  its  truth  was  questioned. 
Thus  from  the  time  of  Ehzabeth  onwards  it 
was  defended :  argument  and  the  practice 
of  the  Church  went  together. 


The  strong  Calvinistic  tone  of  EngUsh  theo- 
logians under  Ehzabeth  gradually  gave  way 
to  so-caUed  Arminianism  {q.v.)  under  James  i. 
The  Lambeth  Articles  (never  authoritative) 
had  represented  a  compromise  between 
extreme  Calvinists  and  their  opponents,  but 
even  the  doctrine  of  these  Articles  was  too 
Calvinistic  for  a  later  day.  The  growing 
theology  of  Laud's  school  was  very  different, 
and  it  was  accompanied  by  new  stress  upon 
Church  disciphne,  and  upon  Catholic  as 
opposed  to  Puritan  practice.  There  had  been 
much  laxity  in  disciphne,  and  many  ministers 
had  not  conformed  strictly  to  the  Prayer  Book. 
The  attempt  to  enforce  this  conformity,  to 
make  the  system  of  the  Enghsh  Church  as 
laid  down  by  the  Prayer  Book  efEective  in 
practice,  was  the  work  of  Laud.  Throughout 
Europe  there  was  a  strong  Catholic  reaction, 
and  it  was  the  Cathohc,  as  distinct  from  the 
reformed,  side  of  the  English  Church  upon 
which  Laud  laid  emphasis.  But  he  had  to 
reckon  with  views  and  practices  which  were 
the  result  of  many  varying  tendencies  and 
periods  in  the  Enghsh  Church.  The  dishke 
of  the  church  courts,  the  dread  of  Romanism, 
the  opposition  to  his  revival  of  canonical 
legislation,  aU  worked  against  him.  Further, 
he  depended  too  much  upon  royal  help  and 
upon  the  arbitrary  ecclesiastical  Court  of 
High  Commission  {q.v.),  and  this  association 
of  his  ecclesiastical  principles  with  the  asser- 
tion of  absolute  royal  power  brought  disaster 
upon  the  Church.  The  Civil  War  and 
the  Commonwealth  represent  the  triumph 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  of  the  extreme  Re- 
forming school,  which  had  tried  to  evade, 
to  transform,  and  finally  to  overcome,  the 
settlement  of  the  Church.  Hence  the  true 
issue  of  the  Reformation  is  to  be  seen  when 
at  the  Restoration  the  Church  of  England 
returns  to  its  former  position,  with  its 
formularies  and  organisation.  The  final 
struggle  with  tendencies,  seen  again  and  again 
during  the  period,  had  taken  place.  There 
were  some  changes,  due  to  lapse  of  Church 
usage  during  the  civil  wars  ;  the  growing 
disuse  of  confession,  of  ecclesiastical  discipline, 
etc.,  which  is  often  ascribed  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, is  really  due  to  the  period  just  after 
the  Restoration  ;  the  struggle  as  to  whether 
ecclesiastical  supremacy  was  only  to  be 
exercised  by  the  Crown  or  whether  it  was  not 
also  shared  by  Parhament  had  been  seen 
beginning  under  Elizabeth.  Under  Charles  i. 
and  the  Commonwealth  Parhament  had  in- 
terfered largely  in  Church  matters.  Thus 
after  the  Restoration  the  Church  of  England 
had  in  practice  lost  something  of  the  inde- 
pendence which  in  theory  and  constitution 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Religious 


belonged  to  it.  The  Reformation,  emphatic 
enough  in  some  of  its  work,  positive  enough  in 
its  repudiation  of  the  Papacy,  in  its  appeal 
to  Scripture  and  the  Primitive  Church,  had 
loft  many  difficulties  bcliind.  There  was 
justice  in  the  Puritan  criticism  that  its 
discipline  was  imperfectly  administered,  and 
in  the  other  criticism  that  it  had  not  asserted 
sufficiently  its  freedom  against  the  Civil 
Power.  These  difficulties  were  legacies  of 
the  Reformation.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Reformation  had  also  left  it  in  close  touch 
with  the  whole  national  life,  which  would  have 
been  doubtful  under  papal  control ;  it  had 
also  inherited  the  Reformation  appeal  to  the 
Primitive  Church  and  to  the  Scriptures — 
an  appeal  made  clear  in  its  Prayer  Book  and 
all  its  ecclesiastical  documents ;  it  had  also 
inherited  a  love  of  learning  and  intellectual 
freedom,  which  it  would  have  been  difficult 
to  preserve  had  it  committed  itself  more 
completely  to  either  side  in  the  Reformation 
struggles.  These  were  great  results,  but 
even  greater  was  that  preservation  of  con- 
tinuous life  which  was  to  show  itself  in  future 
days.  The  Reformation  had  thus  left  many 
difficulties  and  caused  others,  but  for  its 
justification,  on  the  conservative  and  on  the 
reformative  side,  the  Church  of  England  can 
appeal  to  its  later  history.  [Continuity  of 
THE  Church  of  England.]         [j.  p.  w.] 

For  illustrations  from  the  Continental  Refor- 
mation see  Kidd,  Documents  of  the  Continental 
Reformation  ;  Ranks,  Hist,  of  the  Popes  and 
Tlue  Reforination  in  Germany;  C.M.H.,  vols, 
ii.  and  iii.  ;  Whitney,  The  Reformation  in  Hist, 
of  the  Church  Universal.  For  the  English 
Reformation,  Dixon,  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  oj  Eng.  : 
J.  Gairdner,  Lollardy  and  the  Reformation. 
Volumes  in  the  Pol.  Hist,  of  Eng.  by  Fisher, 
Pollard,  and  Montague  ;  volumes  in  Hist,  of 
the  Eng.  Ch.  liy  Gairdner,  Frere,  and  Hutton. 
In  most  of  these  works  references  to  original 
documents  and  bibliographies  will  be  found. 

RELIGIOUS  ORDERS.  I.  Monasticism 
had  in  early  times  more  claim  perhaps  to  the 
gratitude  of  England  than  to  that  of  any  other 
country,  for  to  its  influence  was  mainly  due 
the  revival  of  the  Christian  Church,  which  had 
been  swept  away,  save  in  the  west,  by  the 
paganism  that  ensued  upon  the  Saxon 
conquest.  By  the  companions  of  St.  Augus- 
tine {q.v.)  and  their  successors  in  the  south, 
by  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Irish  monks  in  the 
north  of  England  the  reconquest  was  gradually 
accomplished.  For  a  century  every  monastic 
settlement  was  a  missionary  agency,  and  the 
regular  clergy  formed  for  the  most  part  the 
staff  of  every  mission  church.  On  their 
ministrations  and  counsel  the  bishops  leaned 
in  the  first  sees  that  were  founded,  though  the 


secular  clergy  acted  with  them  or  replaced 
them  in  the  subdivided  bishoprics  of  later 
days.  But  the  debt  was  far  greater  than 
this.  The  rule  which  St.  Benedict  drew  up 
among  the  hills  of  Subiaco  and  at  Monte 
Cassino  early  in  the  sixth  century  determined 
for  ages  the  spirit  and  details  of  cloistered 
life  in  Western  Europe.  Besides  the  vows  of 
humility,  chastity,  and  obedience  he  insisted 
on  the  daily  discipline  of  manual  labour, 
which,  like  prayer,  was  an  effort  to  conform 
to  the  Divine  Will.  The  inmates  of  the  early 
Benedictine  houses  assembled  in  the  morning 
hours ;  each  had  his  daily  task  and  the  needful 
tools  assigned  him,  and  went  forth  to  his 
unquestioned  labour.  There  he  and  his 
brethren  drained  the  marshes,  felled  the 
forests,  and  made  a  garden  of  many  a  dreary 
waste ;  while  their  example  gradually  taught 
its  lesson  to  rude  races  that  loved  the  excite- 
ment of  the  chase  and  war,  but  scorned  the 
drudgery  of  common  labour. 

Their  influence  in  later  days  took  many 
other  social  forms.  Their  libraries  preserved 
the  literary  treasures  of  the  old  world,  while 
they  wrote  out  the  history  that  was  being 
made  around  them,  and  trained  within  their 
walls  the  schoolmasters  of  the  future.  Amid 
unceasing  vicissitudes  of  turmoil  and  strife 
the  convent  walls  constantly  appealed  to 
the  high  ideals  of  peace  and  order ;  their 
privilege  of  sanctuary  sheltered  the  fugitives 
from  the  blood  feud  and  arrested  the  pursuit 
of  vengeance,  while  in  quiet  times  the  many 
victims  in  life's  struggles  turned  to  them  for 
sympathy  and  succour,  travellers  found  a 
resting-place,  and  the  asperities  of  class 
distinctions  in  the  society  around  were 
softened  by  the  fusion  of  ranks  within  the 
walls,  where  kings  became  monks,  and  monks 
like  Dunstan  {q.v.)  and  Anselm  {q.v.)  became 
archbishops  and  ruled  kingdoms. 

The  influence  of  the  Benedictine  rule  in 
Saxon  England  naturally  followed  on  the 
arrival  of  the  Benedictine  Augustine  {q.v.) 
and  his  missionary  band  and  the  spread  of 
the  movement  which  they  began.  The  monks 
who  had  been  driven  by  the  Lombards  from 
their  home  on  Monte  Cassino  were  welcomed 
by  St.  Gregory  {q.v.)  in  his  foundation  on  the 
Ccelian  hill  in  honour  of  St.  Andrew.  The 
Prior  of  St.  Andrew  was  chosen  by  him  as  the 
leader  of  the  missionary  enterprise,  and  the 
rule  which  had  thus  been  carried  in  repeated 
wanderings  was,  of  course,  accepted  in  all  the 
settlements  they  planted.  Celtic  monasteries 
indeed  lived  on  in  Wales  and  Ireland  with 
austerer  forms  and  peculiar  relations  in  some 
cases  to  the  bishops  who  resided  in  their 
cloisters.     It  is  impossible  to  read  without 


493  ) 


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Religious 


a  thrill  of  admiration  of  the  energy  of  self- 
devotion  with  which  the  Irish  monks  streamed 
forth  to  plant  the  Cross  in  so  many  lands  of 
northern   heathendom,   and   for   a   time   St. 
Aidan    {q.v.)    and    the    Celtic    missionaries 
successfully     contended     with     the     Italian 
teachers   for   the   honour   of   evangelising   a 
great  part  of  England.     But  finally  that  fine 
school  of  apostolic  influence  with  its  special 
traditions  and  narrower  range  of  culture  gave 
place  to  the  more  flexible  and  less  ascetic 
spurit  of    the  great  order,  and  with  its  pre- 
dominance   the    disputed    territory    passed 
from  the  backwaters  of  secluded  piety  into 
the   main    stream   of    general    Church    life. 
Thenceforth  through  the  Saxon  period  the 
Benedictine  Rule  prevailed  almost  without 
a  rival  in  the  cloisters.     To  it  belonged  the 
religious  houses  to  which  half  the  cathedral 
churches  were  attached,  and  the  old  abbeys 
with    their    widespread    manors    and    great 
historic  names,  like  Bury  {q.v.)  and  Glaston- 
bury {q.v.),  Westminster  {q.v.)  and  St.  Albans 
{q.v.).     They   passed   through   great   vicissi- 
tudes and  saw  many  of  their  weaker  neigh- 
bours fall  before  the  storms  ;    they  had  sad 
periods  of  self-indulgence  and  decline,  but 
in  the  main  they  adhered  to  their  leading 
principles  of  duty.     They  did  not  lapse  so 
far  from  the  original  ideal  as  did  many  of  the 
like  societies  in  other  lands,   and  therefore 
perhaps  England  did  not  experience  the  great 
revivals  which  from  time  to  time  called  new 
orders  into  being  on  the  Continent  to  cor- 
rect  the   slumbering    devotion    of    the    old. 
No  important  order  originated  here,  for  the 
Gilbertines    were    never   very    numerous    or 
strong,  perhaps  from  the  absence  of  the  evils 
that  roused  the  reforming  spirit  elsewhere. 
There   had    been   indeed   in   earlier   daj's   a 
dismal   period   of   demorahsed   and   ruinous 
conditions,  when  the  genuine  spirit  of  the 
Benedictine  rule  languished  and  seemed  nigh 
to  death.     The  Danes  swept  over  the  land, 
attacking  the  rehgious  houses  -wath  special 
fury ;    the  few  that  survived  lost  heart  and 
energy  to  strengthen  the  weakened  traditions 
of  cloistered  discipline  ;   schools  and  learning 
faded  out  of  sight ;  Church  life  seemed  to  sad 
eyes  faint  and  sick.     Then  came  the  vigorous 
revival   of    Dunstan   {q.v.)    and    Aethelwold 
and  Oswald,  who  sought  perhaps  the  know- 
ledge of  the  old  discipUne  at  Fleury.     The 
restored  monasticism  was  self-assertive  and 
aggressive.     It  turned  the  secular  clergy  out 
of  the  stalls  which  they  were  beginning  to 
claim  by  right  of  family  succession  in  the 
churches    which    they    had    invaded    as    at 
Winchester,  or  held  of  old  as  at  Rochester 
and   Worcester.     The  new  colonies  became 


nurseries  of  spiritual  independence  and 
patriotic  spirit,  and  as  such  were  regarded 
with  mistrust  by  the  first  Norman  monarchs. 
There  was  indeed  no  lack  of  religious  suscepti- 
bility in  the  conquering  dynasty  and  race. 
They  showered  their  bounties  with  an  un- 
grudging hand  at  times  when  they  were 
stirred  to  reverence  or  thrilled  with  shame. 
But  at  first  after  the  Conquest,  in  their 
gratitude  for  victory  won,  they  gave  largely 
of  the  spoils  of  war  to  the  abbeys  and  the 
priories  of  their  Norman  homes,  whose  prayers 
had  followed  them  to  the  battlefield.  Manors 
and  advowsons  fell  into  the  hands  of  foreign 
monks,  who  felt  ere  long  their  tenure  insecure 
unless  a  daughter  priory  or  cell  were  planted 
to  guard  the  new  possessions.  The  parishes 
that  had  been  transferred  to  them  they  could 
charge  with  a  pension  in  their  favour,  but 
there  was  grave  risk  of  forfeiture  of  this 
when  England  was  at  war  with  France  and 
alien  priories  passed  into  the  King's  hands. 
In  many  cases,  therefore,  foreign  abbeys 
made  the  best  terms  they  could  with  Enghsh 
bishops  or  cathedral  chapters,  and  gave  away 
to  them  advowsons,  as  of  free  grace,  to  gain 
an  influential  patron  for  other  interests  at 
stake.  So  much  at  least  may  be  read  between 
the  lines  of  many  a  pious  charter. 

The  patriotic  spirit  that  the  Conqueror 
found  in  the  English  monasteries  did  not  long 
continue.  In  fear  of  pressure  from  the  heads 
of  Church  and  State  they  looked  abroad  for 
permanent  support,  and  in  payment  for  the 
privileges  which  they  thus  obtained  they 
became  in  spirit  colonies  of  papal  Rome. 
Their  annahsts  indeed  in  later  days  groaned 
under  the  exactions  to  which  the  land  was 
subjected  by  the  insatiable  cupidity  of 
the  Roman  court,  when  its  agents  were 
quartered  on  their  churches  and  enormous 
tributes  levied,  but  they  could  not  venture 
to  renounce  the  aid  of  so  powerful  a  protector, 
with  whose  help  bishops  and  even  kings 
might  be  at  times  defied.  It  was  their  pride 
to  gather  in  their  archives  the  series  of  papal 
Bulls  which  had  been  granted  to  their  prayers : 
the  ancient  charters — forgeries  sometimes — 
which  were  prized  as  the  evidences  of  privileges 
and  exemptions  bestowed  on  the  whole  order, 
or  on  its  members,  which  defined  their  rights 
and  secured  them  from  episcopal  control. 

The  general  government  of  a  monastery 
depended  on  the  abbot,  who  had  been  elected 
by  the  monks  after  the  royal  licence  had  been 
gained,  and  had  received  confirmation  from 
the  bishop  or  Pope,  his  special  deputies  being 
the  prior  and  sub-prior  appointed  by  him. 
In  cathedrals  and  the  smaller  monasteries, 
as  in  the  Cluniac,  the  prior  elected  by  the 


(494) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Religious 


monks  acted  like  the  abbot  in  the  larger,  and 
he  with  the  second  or  third  prior  was  assisted 
by  the  circatores  clauslri,  or  circas,  who 
watched  over  the  discipline  without  authority 
to  do  more  than  report.  Below  these  in  rank 
were  certain  office-bearers,  numedobedientiarii, 
each  of  whom  pi'ovided  for  a  special  depart- 
ment of  the  common  cloister  life.  For  the 
expenses  of  each  of  the  more  important, 
separate  estates,  or  charges  on  dependent 
parishes,  were  commonly  set  apart,  and  the 
accounts  of  these  were  drawn  up  j'car  by 
year  at  their  direction,  and  presented  at  the 
general  audit.  Many  such  rolls  have  been 
preserved  from  early  ages,  and  exhibit  in 
minute  detaU  the  whole  system  of  administra- 
tion.    These  officers  were  : — ■ 

1.  The  'precentor,  the  officer  who  had  the 
highest  authority  in  the  management  of  the 
church  services,  in  the  choice  of  the  music, 
and  the  regulation  of  the  singing.  He  had 
a  succentor  under  him,  and  acted  also  as 
librarian  and  archivist.  He  drew  up  the 
mortuary  roll,  and  kept  one  of  the  keys  of  the 
common  chest. 

2.  The  sacristan,  with  sub-sacrists  under 
him,  who  were  called  by  various  names,  had 
the  general  care  of  the  church,  its  cleaning, 
lighting,  furniture,  incense,  and  wine. 

3.  The  anniversarian  was  charged  with  the 
commemoration  of  the  special  benefactors 
of  the  monastery. 

4.  The  cellarer,  who  ranked  commonly  next 
after  the  precentor,  had,  in  the  language  of 
the  rule,  '  to  care  for  all  things  necessary  for 
the  brethren  in  bread  and  drink  and  divers 
kinds  of  food.'  He  had  also  to  provide  all 
the  vessels  required  for  the  refectory,  cellar, 
and  kitchen,  and  for  the  fuel  and  all  materials 
required.  To  assist  him  he  had  a  sub-cellarcr 
and  steward  of  the  grain  (granatarius).  Part 
of  his  duties  was  in  some  houses  taken  over 
by  a  hordarian  set  over  the  hoard,  or  the 
supplies  of  food  in  the  larder,  as  also  by  a 
curtarian,  a  kind  of  manciple  who  gave  out 
the  bread  and  beer  for  the  table. 

5.  The  refectorian  had  the  charge  of  the 
dining  hall  or  frater,  with  that  of  the  benches, 
tables,  cloths,  napkins,  and  straw,  as  also  for 
the  lavatory  annexed. 

6.  The  kitchener,  with  assistant  cooks  and 
servants,  had  the  care  of  the  whole  kitchen 
department. 

7.  The  chamberlain  had  charge  of  the 
wardrobe  and  the  bedding  of  the  brethren, 
defrayed  the  cost  of  the  laundry,  prepared  for 
the  baths  and  general  shaving,  and  once  a 
year  had  the  dormitory  cleaned  out. 

8.  The  infirmarian  was  appointed  to  take 
care  of  the  infirm  and  sick,  to  bring  from  the 


aumbrey  books  for  them  to  read,  and  to 
regulate  the  practice  of  periodical  blood- 
letting. 

9.  The  almoner  by  Lanfranc's  rule  should 
"  find  out  wlierc  in  the  neighbourhood  the 
sick  are  lying,  and  before  entering  the  house 
turn  out  all  women  into  the  street,  and  then 
going  in  console  the  sick  person  kindly, 
offering  him  what  he  can.'  He  distributed 
the  remnants  of  the  meals  and  gave  the 
customary  doles,  and  provided  mats  for  the 
monks'  feet  in  church. 

10.  The  guest-master  received  and  cared  for 
travellers  and  visitors  to  the  monastery, 
a  charge  which  was  often  a  heavy  burden 
when  the  house  lay  near  to  any  of  the  great 
highroads. 

11.  The  custos  operum,  master  of  the  fabric, 
superintended  necessary  repairs. 

12.  The  master  of  the  novices  was  to  be  '  a 
person  fitted  for  winning  souls,'  having  the 
general  care  and  instruction  of  the  novices 
during  their  period  of  probation. 

13.  The  hostiarius  kept  the  gate  as  porter, 
and  had  a  horse  to  attend  the  superior  on  his 
journeys  when  required,  leaving  a  deputy  in 
his  place. 

As  regards  the  daily  life :  a  large  part 
of  the  day  was  occupied  by  the  regular 
services,  which  began  soon  after  midnight 
and  ended  only  just  before  bedtime.  Matins 
and  Lauds  during  the  night  were  followed 
by  a  return  to  bed,  after  which  came  Prime 
and  the  early  Mass  of  the  Blessed  Virgin; 
then  the  chapter  Mass,  followed  by  the  daily 
meeting  in  the  chapter-room  for  purposes  of 
discipline  and  matters  of  pubUc  business. 
Then  came  High  Mass,  followed  directly  by 
the  dinner,  during  which  some  passage  of  a 
good  book  was  read  aloud  by  the  conventual 
reader  who  was  on  duty  for  the  week.  The 
working  hours  were  in  the  afternoon — the 
work  in  earher  ages  including  manual  labours 
in  the  fields  and  all  forms  of  domestic  duty 
within  the  house ;  but  in  the  later  Middle 
Ages  menial  labours  were  found  irksome ; 
the  venerable  maxim,  labor  are  est  or  are,  was 
forgotten,  and  a  large  number  of  servants 
in  the  wealthier  houses  performed  the 
necessary  tasks,  leaving  Uttle  opportunity 
for  work  except  the  study  of  the  books 
borrowed  from  the  library,  any  literary  work 
or  transcription  and  illumination  of  MSS.,  and 
the  accounts  of  the  Obedientiaries.  In  the 
evening  came  Vespers,  followed  by  supper 
when  it  was  allowed,  and  by  Compline  finally 
to  close  the  day.  Interspersed  or  variously 
combined  with  the  other  offices  were  sung 
the  prayers  of  the  canonical  hours  of  Tierce 
Sext,  and  None. 


(  495  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Religious 


To  pass  on  to  the  other  congregations :  the 
Cluniac,  a  modification  of  the  Benedictine, 
great  as  was  its  reputation  and  wide- 
spread as  was  its  influence  on  the  Continent  of 
Europe,  was  never  very  popular  in  England. 
It  began  a.d.  912  with  Berno,  Abbot  of 
Gigny,  who  buUt  a  monaster}'  at  Cluny,  near 
Macon,  from  which  grew  what  became  the 
fashionable  order  of  the  day,  whose  houses 
were  centres  of  education  and  learning.  Its 
ideal  was  that  of  a  great  central  convent  with 
dependent  societies  widely  scattered,  all  in 
close  relations  and  ties  of  obedience  to  the 
mother  house.  The  vast  confederacy  thus 
established,  with  its  imperial  government, 
became  a  notable  power  in  Europe,  and 
continued  for  two  hundred  years  as  a  source 
of  piety  and  learning.  The  superior  of  each 
house  was  the  nominee  of  the  Abbot  of  Cluny, 
and  ranked  therefore  only  as  his  prior, 
subject  to  his  visitation  and  dependent  on  his 
orders.  For  more  than  a  century  there  was 
no  sign  of  it  in  England  ;  under  the  Conqueror 
came  Barnstaple,  and  Lewes  soon  after. 
These  and  others,  of  which  the  more  eminent 
were  Wenlock,  Bermondsey,  Pontefract,  and 
Montacute,  ranked  only  as  alien  priories, 
with  no  national  status,  as  they  held  their 
property  only  by  the  grace  of  Cluny.  In 
times  of  war  with  France — which  covered 
long  periods — their  possessions  might  be 
confiscated,  and  the  benefices  of  which  they 
held  advowsons  filled  by  presentation  of 
the  Crown.  Many  of  them  were  in  course 
of  time  entirely  suppressed,  while  others 
managed  to  free  themselves  from  alien 
dependence,  and  no  large  number  survived 
to  perish  at  the  general  suppression. 

As  the  Cluniacs  had  originated  from  the 
Benedictines,  so  the  Cistercians  went  forth 
from  the  Cluniacs,  each  order  adding  more 
rigour  to  the  original  rule,  the  lax  observance 
of  which  was  the  cause  of  the  reform.  In 
1098  a  little  band  of  monks,  with  their  abbot 
and  prior  at  their  head,  passed  through  the 
abbey  gateway  of  Molesme,  in  the  diocese  of 
Langres,  journeying  on  through  a  wild  and 
rugged  country  tiU  they  reached  the  forest  of 
Citeaux,  in  the  province  of  Burgundy.  Here, 
in  the  solitude  which  they  desired,  with  the 
sanction  of  the  Lord  of  Beaune  and  of  the 
legate  of  the  Holy  See,  they  chose  a  spot  for 
the  new  foundation  from  which  the  multitude 
of  Cistercian  houses  were  to  take  their  name. 
The  main  features  of  the  distinctive  system 
which  was  adopted  by  the  new  order  were 
ascribed  to  Stephen  Harding,  an  Enghshman, 
who  had  been  the  leading  spirit  among  the 
malcontents  at  Molesme  and  was  himself 
abbot  of  Citeaux.     St.  Benedict  had  enjoined 


no  marked  austerity  in  food  or  dress,  and  the 

manual  labours  which  he  prescribed  had  been 
disused  when  the  rents  of  the  monks'  estates 
sufficed  for  all  their  wants.  The  Cistercians 
abstained  from  flesh  diet,  wore  only  white 
wooUen  clothing,  and  insisted  on  hard  work. 
As  Gerald  de  Barri  {q.v.)  wrote  of  them, 
'  seeking  out  the  desert  places  of  the  wilder- 
ness and  shunning  the  haunts  and  hum  of 
crowds,  earning  their  daily  bread  by  manual 
labour,  and  preferring  uninhabited  solitudes, 
they  seem  to  bring  back  to  one's  eyes  the 
primitive  life  and  ancient  discipline  of  the 
monastic  reUgion,  its  poverty,  its  parsimony 
in  food,  the  roughness  and  meanness  of  its 
dress, its  abstinence  and  austerities'  {Speculum 
Ecclesiae,  Brewer's  transl.).  He  adds  that 
they  were  conspicuous  for  their  charity  and 
hospitality ;  for  their  gate  is  never  closed — at 
morning,  noon,  and  evening  it  stands  open 
to  all  comers.  Unlike  the  Cluniacs,  they 
maintained  the  independence  of  the  separate 
houses,  but  organised  their  union  by  the 
presiding  influence  of  the  Abbot  of  Citeaux, 
under  whom  the  superiors  of  all  were  bound 
to  meet  in  yearly  chapters.  The  fundamental 
statutes  were  drawn  up  by  the  founder, 
Stephen, under  the  name  of  the  Carta  caritatis, 
to  be  constantly  observed  in  all  their  houses. 
St.  Bernard,  the  renowned  champion  of  the 
Church,  was  one  of  the  first  to  join  the  Uttle 
band  at  Citeaux,  to  pass  on  thence  to  plant  a 
daughter  house  at  Clairvaux,  and  spread  the 
influence  of  the  order  far  and  wide,  for 
within  fifty  years  the  abbeys  grew  to  the 
number  of  five  hundred.  In  England  the 
first  abbey  was  founded  at  Waverley  in 
1 129,  and  the  number  grew  rapidly  up  to  the 
hundred  which  existed  at  the  close.  A 
refined  simplicity  in  the  main  lines  and  a 
sparing  use  of  decorative  details  are  dis- 
tinctive features  of  Cistercian  buildings,  which 
are  even  in  their  ruined  state,  in  their  setting 
of  green  fields  and  wooded  hills,  among  the 
loveUest  features  of  our  rural  scenes.  The 
Cistercians  did  not  indeed  long  retain  their 
early  reputation.  Walter  Map,  the  satirist,  at 
the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  paints  them  in 
much  coarser  colours,  and  Gerald  de  Barri, 
whose  high  praises  have  been  quoted,  tells 
many  a  story  of  their  life  on  the  Welsh 
borders  in  which  covetous  worldhness  bulks 
largely.  There  was  much,  it  has  been  urged, 
to  account  for  these  unfavourable  pictures. 
The  older  monasteries  were  Uving  freely  on 
the  bounty  of  an  earUer  age  in  their  rich 
lands  in  the  south.  There  was  left  for  the 
Cistercians  '  the  rocky  highlands  of  Yorkshire 
or  the  gleaning  of  grapes  in  the  dismal  flats 
and   unreclaimed   swamps   of   Lincolnshire.' 


(  49G  ) 


Reliaiousl 


Dictionary  oj  English  Church  History 


Religious 


It  needed  iudustry  and  thrift  to  make 
progress  under  such  conditions.  They  be-  . 
came  great  sheep-masters,  making  England 
famous  for  fine  wool ;  they  improved  the  breed 
of  horses  and  deforested  their  lands.  Fre- 
quenting markets,  driving  hard  bargains, 
they  faced  the  risk  of  mingling  the  guile  of 
the  serpent  with  the  innocence  of  Eden. 
Left  in  twos  or  threes  in  remote  cells  as 
overseers,  some  lapsed  into  discreditable 
courses,  and  sullied  the  fair  fame  of  the  whole 
order  which  did  so  much  for  the  country  life 
of  England. 

The  Carthusian  Order  took  its  name  from 
the  Chartreuse  in  the  mountains  near 
Grenoble,  where  in  1086  St.  Bruno  built  for 
himself  and  a  few  companions  an  oratory 
with  separate  cells,  where  they  lived  in  the 
most  austere  asceticism,  \vith  scanty  dress 
and  coarse  hair  shirts,  on  a  diet  of  bean  bread 
and  pulse  and  herbs,  with  no  addition  of 
tiesh  meat,  sajdng  in  their  cells  the  prayers 
of  tthe  Lesser  Hours,  and  only  assembhng 
together  for  Matins  and  Vespers.  For  a 
hundred  years  this  rigorous  system  attracted 
no  votaries  in  England,  and  at  the  suppression 
there  were  few  houses  which  had  accepted  a 
rule  of  such  excessive  hardship,  the  last 
founded  being  the  well-known  Charterhouse 
of  Shene. 

There  was  a  distinct  group  whose  members 
were  called  Canons,  like  the  clergy  of  cathe- 
drals for  whom  Chrodegang  had  framed  a 
rule  of  common  life,  but  whose  system  was 
conventual  or  practically  monastic.  Their 
profession  was  to  a  special  house,  though, 
unlike  the  monks,  they  were  allowed  to 
serve  impropriated  parishes.  Of  these  the 
Austin  or  Black  Canons  came  into  England 
soon  after  a.d.  1100  to  St.  Botolph's,  Col- 
chester, and  numbered  about  a  hundred  and 
seventy  houses  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution. 
Many  of  these  were  of  no  great  importance, 
but  Waltham  Cross  and  Cirencester  had 
mitred  abbots  at  their  head.  Speaking 
generally,  there  were  no  very  distinctive 
features  in  their  rule. 

Another  set  of  like  societies  were  the 
Premonstratensian  Canons,  settled  first  by  St. 
Norbert  at  Premontrd,  near  Laon,  who  were 
also  called  White  Canons  from  their  dress. 
Theu-  rule  was  like  that  of  the  Austins,  with 
the  distinctive  feature  that  the  abbot  of  the 
mother  house  of  Pr^montre  was  abbot-general 
of  the  whole  order,  with  the  right  to  visit  all 
the  communities,  by  himself  or  by  deputy,  and 
to  hold  a  general  chapter  of  the  whole.  There 
was  therefore  an  adequate  supervision  of  all 
the  English  houses,  and  from  the  extant 
reports  of  the  visitations  there  appears  to 


have   been  little  ground  for  censure  among 

their  thirty-fouf  houses  in  England. 

The  Gilbcrtinc  Canons  took  their  name  and 

rule  from  St.  Gilbert  of  Sempringham  {q.v.), 
whose  order  included  both  men  and  woinen 
in  the  same  sets  of  buildings. 

The  Military  Orders  were  connected  with 
the  practice  of  pilgrimage  and  the  crusading 
movement.     [Crusades.] 

The  Hospitallers  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem, 
instituted  in  1092,  ministered  to  the  needs  of 
pilgrims,  who  visited  the  Holy  Land,  in  cases 
of  sickness  or  destitution.  They  soon  began 
in  England,  being  estabhshed  in  1100  near 
Clerkenwell,  and  the  commandcries  on  their" 
estates  were  widely  scattered  throughout  the 
land.  Their  rule,  except  as  to  mihtary  duties, 
followed  the  practice  of  the  Austin  Canons. 

The  Knights  Templars,  so  called  because 
their  abode  at  first  was  in  rooms  near  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem,  were  founded  about 
A.D.  1118  to  protect  the  roads -traversed  by 
pilgrims  and  to  guard  the  holy  places. 
Richly  endowed  by  noble  benefactors  in  all 
parts  of  Christendom,  they  soon  settled  in 
England,  and  in  1185  found  a  central  home  in 
Fleet  Street,  called  the  New  Temple,  where 
their  church  still  stands.     Dependent  as  cells 

,  on  the  London  house  were  the  preceptories 
'which  were  buUt  on  their  estates.  Their 
story  is  memorable  beyond  that  of  others 
on  account  of  their  sudden  downfall  and 
their  tragic  fate.  As  to  the  real  cause  of  their 
ruin  there  is  little  doubt.  Philip  the  Fair  of 
France  coveted  their  wealth,  was  jealous  of 
their  military  power  and  strongholds,  and 
was  determined  to  crush  a  rival  influence 
that  even  a  king  might  find  too  strong.  He 
found  a  supple  tool  in  a  crafty  Pope,  Clement 
v.,  who  owed  the  King  his  papal  crown  and 
dared  not  thwart  his  aims.  In  one  day  the 
whole  brotherhood  in  France  was  hurried 
off,  to  wait  in  prison  for  trial  for  the  blasphemy 
and  obscene  rites  of  which  they  were  accused. 
The  Grand-Master  and  his  comrades  were 
tortured  in  their  dungeons,  and  at  last  given 
to  the  flames ;  but  the  trial  was  a  mockery  of 

■<  justice.  In  England  the  charges  were  not 
credited  at  first,  but  urgent  pressure  was 
applied,  and  the  chiefs  of  Church  and  State 
decided  to  arrest  the  Templars.  The 
accused  in  their  despair  submitted  to  abjure 
their  errors  and  do  penance ;  their  houses 
were  broken  up,  the  inmates  distributed 
among  other  communities,  and  the  whole 
order  formally  dissolved  by  the  authority  of 
Clement  v.  in  1312.  Their  estates  were 
given  finally  to  the  Hospitallers.  The 
tragedy  gave  a  shock  to  the  rehgious  world, 
but  its  infamy  could  not  be  fiilly  reaUsed  at 


2  I 


(  497  ■) 


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[Religious 


first;  and  the  order  itself  was  little  loved, 
though  feared  and  honoured,  for  its  privileges 
were  odious  and  had  ceased  to  have  a  meaning 
when  Acre  had  fallen,  and  the  Holy  Land 
was  abandoned  to  unbefievers. 

There  were  numerous  nunneries  belonging 
to  all  the  orders  which  have  been  specified, 
excepting  the  Carthusian  and  the  MiUtary 
Orders.  In  addition  to  these  we  may  note  the 
Bridgettines,  for  whom  St.  Austin's  rule  was 
modified  by  St.  Bridget,  Queen  of  Sweden. 
Their  one  house  in  England  was  at  Syon,  near 
Isleworth,  founded  in  1414 ;  dissolved  with  all 
the  rest,  it  was  restored  by  Mary,  only  to  be 
suppressed  again  under  Elizabeth.  But  after 
various  wanderings  the  community  returned 
again,  settUng  itself  in  Chudleigh — a  unique 
case  of  survival. 

Some  few  of  the  nunneries  were  wealthy 
and  important,  hke  Shaftesbury  {q.v.),  Dart- 
ford,  Amesbury,  and  St.  Clement's  of  York ; 
but  for  the  most  part  they  were  little  famihes 
of  modest  means,  making  no  great  stir  in  the 
social  world.  To  some  of  them  the  neigh- 
bouring gentry  sent  their  daughters  for  their 
schooling,  as  there  was  so  little  educational 
provision  for  the  girls  elsewhere ;  others 
enjoyed  more  freedom  of  intercourse  with 
the  outside  world  than  was  allowed  commonly 
to  monks.  In  general,  they  offered  shelter 
to  the  homeless  from  the  storms  of  troubled 
times,  and  their  presence  made  for  peace  and 
kindly  charities  as  well  as  for  devotion. 
On  thewhole,  the  evidence  presents  favourable 
pictures  of  their  home  life,  with  occasional 
frailties  sharply  corrected  by  a  bishop's  hand, 
with  natural  bickerings  of  uncongenial 
tempers  Hving  too  closely  and  too  long  to- 
gether, but  with  httle  grave  disorder. 

By  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  many 
of  the  less  important  and  younger  monasteries 
began  to  feel  the  pressure  of  hard  times. 
Ambitious  superiors  had  buHt  on  too  large 
a  scale  or  spent  extravagantly ;  the  streams 
of  new  endowments  ceased  to  flow ;  the 
produce  of  their  lands  diminished,  and  they 
were  in  debt  to  moneylenders.  With  one 
accord  they  cast  longing  eyes  upon  the  tithes 
of  the  parishes  where  they  had — as  frequently 
— advowsons,  and  petitioned  their  bishops 
for  Ucence  to  appropriate  them.  The  answer 
commonly  was  gracious,  though  a  Swinfield 
repeatedly  refused  the  request  of  Edward  I. 
that  the  priory  of  Worcester  might  have 
Lindridge,  and  a  scrupulous  Pope  scoffed 
indignantly  at  a  like  request  from  the 
wealthy  priory  of  Durham.  The  episcopal 
registers  abound  in  answers  to  such  appeals, 
and  the  form  seems  almost  stereotyped  for 
common  use.     The   bishop   hears   that   the 


endowments  are  but  scanty ;  hospitaUty  to 
wayfarers  and  charity  to  the  poor  exhaust 
their  funds  ;  lire  or  flood  has  done  havoc 
in  their  buildings,  or  a  murrain  carried  off 
their  cattle.  He  accedes  to  their  request 
on  the  condition  that  adequate  provision 
for  a  vicar  shall  be  made,  and  this  he  will 
himself  apportion.  Sometimes  he  interposed 
with  help  to  ward  off  imminent  ruin,  or  bought 
up  the  property  of  alien  priories  for  some 
larger  scheme  of  social  usefulness.  In  other 
cases  the  Crown  might  interpose  to  appoint 
an  official  guardian  to  deal  with  creditors,  and 
feed  the  monks  till  by  better  management 
readjustment  could  be  made. 

Meantime  the  bounty  of  benefactors  turned 
steadily  away  from  the  monastic  houses. 
There  were  very  few  new  foundations,  fewer 
enrichments  of  the  old.  Generous  piety 
gave  its  wealth  to  charities,  hospitals,  schools, 
and  colleges,  which  now  stood  higher  in  the 
popular  favour.  That  there  was  much  to 
account  for  this  in  the  conditions  of  cloistered 
life  cannot  be  reasonably  doubted.  The 
episcopal  registers  lie  open  with  the  records 
of  laxity  and  disorders  which  called  for  the 
censure  of  the  bishops  at  their  visitations. 
These  might  have  been  more  numerous  if 
papal  exemptions  had  not  withdrawn  whole 
orders  and  important  houses  from  such 
official  scrutiny,  while  it  was  a  far  cry  to 
Rome,  which  alone  could  interpose. 

It  is  fair  to  note  that  in  a  great  Benedictine 
monastery  thus  exempted  the  long  traditions 
of  reverence  and  order  were  probably  main- 
tained ;  there  was  no  marked  departure 
from  the  old  ideal  of  cloistered  life  ;  wliile  in 
an  order  like  the  Premonstratensian  visita- 
tions were  constantly  repeated,  and  the 
reports  were  good.  But  it  must  be  owned 
that  the  traditions  of  learned  industry,  which 
took  the  place  of  the  manual  labour  of 
earlier  ages,  seemed  to  die  away ;  the  annals, 
which  are  of  such  value  for  the  history  of 
remoter  times,  as  published  in  the  RoUs  Series, 
fail  almost  completely  in  the  later  period ;  the 
interests  of  education  owed  them  little,  for 
we  read  complaints  that  the  schools  for  the 
novices  and  younger  monks  are  much 
neglected,  while  there  is  scant  evidence  that 
they  did  much  to  teach  the  ehUdhood  of  the 
outer  world ;  they  might  stUl  entertain  the 
wayfarer  as  of  old,  but  actual  charity  for 
local  needs  consisted  in  the  distribution 
of  trust  funds  in  form  of  doles. 

It  may  be  urged  indeed  with  truth  that  in 
these  respects  the  language  of  disparagement, 
like  that  of  praise  of  their  influence  in  earlier 
times,  appeals  to  a  standard  which  the 
admirers  of  ascetic  virtue  cannot  recognise. 


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Religiousl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  Histori/ 


[Religious 


Tlic  monks  entered  their  cells  to  save  thoir 
own  souls,  not  for  directly  pastoral  work  ;  for 
they  were  monks,  not  friars,  and  bound  by 
no  utilitarian  rule.  'I'heir  founders  gave 
endowments  for  the  benefit  of  their  prayers 
and  the  sanctity  of  their  example.  In  that 
case  the  question  may  bo  narrowed  to  the 
doubt  if  they  were  really  maintaining  in 
general  a  high  level  of  spiritual  life,  and  if 
they  were  not  far  too  many,  in  proportion 
to  the  population  round  them,  to  be  seriously 
engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  their  professed 
ideal. 

It  may  be  hard,  however,  to  form  a  dis- 
passionate judgment  on  this  subject  when  we 
read  of  what  Avas  done  by  Henry  viil.  and 
his  unscrupulous  agents  when  the  suppression 
was  resolved  on.  It  was  an  infamy  to  s^nd 
out  such  unworthy  instruments  to  gather 
evidence  in  hot  haste  from  any  quarter  on 
such  a  multitude  of  religious  houses.  The 
reports  sent  in  are  utterly  worthless  ;  no  one 
can  detect  the  modicum  of  truth  which  they 
may  contain,  for  the  object  was  not  to  prove 
facts  but  to  condemn  outright.  [MoNAS- 
TEKiES,  SurpRESSioN  OF ;  Leoh  ;  Layton.] 

[w.  w.  c] 

The  Obedientiary  RoUsof  8t.  Sioilhun,  eil.  Dean 
Kitchin  (Wincliester  Record  Soc.)  ;  Accotints 
of  the  Obedientiaries  of  Abingdon,  ed.  B.  E.  G. 
Kirk  (C.S.);  Chronicon  Monnst.  de  Abingdon, 
ed.  J.  Stevenson  (R.S.) ;  Abbot  Gasquet,  Eng. 
Monastic  Life  ;  Canon  W.  W.  Capes,  Hist,  of 
Ch.  of  Eng.  in  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
Centuries. 

RELiaiOUS    ORDERS.      II.  Modern.— 

The  Act  of  Ehzabeth  dissolving  the  Religious 
Houses  refounded  by  Mary  ( 1  Eliz.  c.  24, al.  39), 
ended  the  formal  expression  of  the  Religious 
Life,  technically  so  called,  in  England,  with 
two  exceptions,  until  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  idea,  however,  never  died  down,  and 
attempts  were  made  to  realise  it.  The 
house  of  Nicholas  Ferrar  {q.v.)  in  1625 
at  Little  Gidding,  although  not  strictly 
conventual,  for  the  inmates  had  taken  no 
vows,  was  yet  a  harking  back  to  the  idea  of 
the  community  life,  and  as  such  it  was  dis- 
liked b}^  the  Puritans,  who  called  it  '  The 
Arminian  Nunnery.'  After  the  Restoration 
a  community  of  some  twelve  ladies  of  gentle 
birth  was  begun  in  London,  Bancroft  [q.v.), 
then  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  acting  as  their 
director.  One  lady,  elected  abbess,  went  to 
Flanders  to  study  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict 
in  one  of  the  English  Benedictine  houses 
there.  The  project,  however,  came  to 
nothing,  the  abbess  marrying  and  seceding 
to  Rome.  This  community  is  known  only 
from  an  account  in    the    autobiography  of 


'  Father  Budo  of  St.  Siiuou  Stock,'  one 
Walter  Joseph  Travcrs,  a  Discalced  Carmel- 
ite (Fr.  B.  Zim  merman  n,  Carmel  in  England, 
1899).  Later  on,  however,  the  idea  gained 
ground.  Archbishop  Leighton  (1611-84)  re- 
gretted that  'retreats  for  men  of  mortified 
tempers '  had  been  lost  in  the  English 
Church,  while  Fuller  (q.v.)  would  have  been 
glad  if  nunneries  had  continued  '  those  good 
shec-schools,'  but  without  vows.  In  1694 
Mary  Astell  (1668-1731),  daughter  of  a  New- 
castle merchant,  published  A  Serious  Pro- 
posal to  the  Ladies,  which  was  '  to  erect  a 
vionaslery,  or  if  you  will  (to  avoid  giving 
offence  .  .  .)  we  will  call  it  a  Religious  Re- 
tirement.' There  were,  however,  to  be  no 
vows  or  irrevocable  obligations.  Daily 
services  ordered  '  after  the  cathedral  manner, 
in  the  most  affecting  and  elevating  way,' 
frequent  Eucharists,  '  a  course  of  solid  in- 
structive preaching,'  and  special  carefulness 
about  the  fast  days  of  the  Church  were  part 
of  the  scheme.  The  Proposal  was  favourably 
received,  and  in  1697  a  Second  Part  appeared, 
dedicated  to  the  Princess  Anne  of  Denmark 
(Queen  Anne).  '  A  certain  great  lady,' 
either  Queen  Anne  or  Lady  E.  Hastings, 
proposed  to  give  £10,000  towards  erecting 
such  a  college.  Bishop  Burnet  [q.v.)  remon- 
strated warmly,  saying  it  would  appear  '  to 
be  preparing  the  way  for  Popish  Orders,  and 
would  be  reputed  a  nunnery '  (Ballard, 
Mem.  of  British  Ladies).  The  Taller,  Nos. 
32,  59,  and  63,  attacked  and  shamefully 
misrepresented  the  project,  w^hich  was,  as 
its  author  said,  '  rather  academical  than 
monastic' 

Edward  Stephens  [q.v.)  printed  about 
1696-7  a  Letter  to  a  Lady,  which  contains 
with  it  The  m,ore  Excellent  Way;  or  a  Proposal 
of  a  Compleat  Work  of  Charity.  The  two 
papers  are  complementary.  The  Letter  de- 
scribes the  Proposal,  W'hich  is  to  found  a 
religious  house  for  men  and  another  for 
women — that  for  women  first,  '  because  of 
that  sex  we  find  most  devout  people,  and 
because  their  employments  better  admit  of 
intermission,'  and  so  make  regular  daily 
churchgoing  more  possible.  The  Proposal 
says  in  a  note  that  '  a  Religious  Societj^  of 
Single  Women,'  according  to  this  design,  has 
begun,  and  the  Letter  adds  that  the  author  has 
for  that  purpose  '  procured  a  Friend  to  take  a 
Lease  of  a  convenient  House  of  near  £40  per 
annum.'  There  seem  to  have  been  at  the 
time  twenty-one  women  in  this  Order. 

In  1698  Sir  Geo.  Wheeler  (1650-1723) 
published  The  Protestant  Monastery,  a  book 
of  devotion  for  the  Christian  home,  which 
illustrates  views  current  among  High  Church- 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Religious 


men  as  lu  iLu  monastic  life.  He  defends 
the  term  monastery  used  by  Bishop  Duppa, 
and  praises  the  monasteries  he  had  seen  in 
Greece.  In  Chapters  m.  and  iv.  he  discusses 
the  possibihties  of  monasteries  for  men  and 
for  women.  He  doubts  as  to  the  former; 
the  latter  he  considers  '  more  convenient,  if 
not  very  necessary,  for  all  times  and  countries.' 
He  hopes  for  more  'unprejudiced  times,'  in 
which  such  projects  may  be  realised. 

In  1737  Sir  Wm.  Cunninghame  of  Preston- 
field,  Edinburgh  (16G3-1740),  2nd  Baronet  of 
the  family  of  Cunninghame  of  Caprington, 
approached  Archdeacon  Thomas  Sharp  (1693- 
1758),  son  of  Archbishop  Sharp  [q.v.),  with  a 
proposal  for  'a  Nunnery  of  Protestant  re- 
ligious and  virtuous  persons,  well  .born,  of 
the  female  sex,  conforming  themselves  to 
the  worship  of  the  Church  of  England.' 
Sedgefield,  Durham,  was  suggested  as  the 
place  for  the  foundation.  The  scheme 
is  given  in  detail.  There  were  to  be 
a  prioress  and  sub-prioress,  but  no  vows. 
The  archdeacon  deprecated  the  proposal  at 
great  length  {Life  of  Archbishop  Sharp,  n. 
app.  iii.  281-302). 

The  eighteenth  century  was  not  Kkely  to 
produce  such  foundations,  yet  Richardson 
in  Sir  Charles  Grandison  (1753)  -wishes  there 
could  be  a  Protestant  nunnery  in  every 
county  '  with  a  truly  worthy  divine,  at  the 
appointment  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese, 
to  direct  and  animate  the  devotion  of  such 
a  society' ;  and  W.  Law  (q.v.)  at  Kingscliffe 
and  Lady  E.  Hastings  both  Uved  hves  de- 
voted to  prayer  and  almsgiving  on  the  lines 
of  the  Religious  Life ;  and  John  Wesley 
{q.v.)  records  {Life  of  Fletcher  of  Madeley, 
1786)  that  when  he  was  young  he  was 
'  exceedingly  affected  with  an  account  of 
Mr.  Ferrar  at  Little  Gidding,  .  .  .  and 
longed  to  see  such  another  family.'  English 
philanthropists,  as  John  Howard  in  1776, 
were  struck  by  the  B6guines  of  Belgium ;  and 
more  emphatic  expression  of  admiration  for 
such  Sisters  and  of  the  need  for  them  in  Eng- 
land is  borne  by  Southey  in  his  Colloquies,  ii. 
330  (1829),  and  by  Dr.  Gooch  in  the  letters 
of  1825. 

The  modern  revival,  however,  is  due  to 
the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.).  The  project  of 
a  sisterhood  suggested  itself  independently 
to  Newman  {q.v.)  and  Pusey  {q.v.)  in  1839. 
Letters  of  1840  between  Newman,  Pusey,  and 
Keble  {q.v.)  refer  to  the  question.  Newman 
*  despaired  of '  the  project  at  first  {Anglican 
Letters  and  Correspondence,  ii.  295,  298,  311, 
315) ;  he  had  written  in  1836  to  P.  Rogers 
urging  him  to  find  a  substitute  in  parishes 
for  '  Parsons'  wives.' 


The  first  Sister  to  dedicate  herself  to  the 
Rehgious  Life  was  Miss  Marian  Hughes 
on  Trinity  Sundaj^  5th  June  1841,  in  St. 
Mary's,  Oxford,  and  she  shortty  after  went 
abroad  to  study  the  Religious  Life  among 
women  in  France.  She  did  not  actually 
enter  a  community  until  her  father's  death 
in  1849.  She  was  professed  in  1841  by  Dr. 
Pusey,  who  hesitated  to  receive  such  a  pro- 
fession, since  he  had  no  authority  from  the 
bishop  to  do  so.  Later  he  received  such 
authority.  Miss  Hughes  hved  as  the  Mother 
Superior  of  the  Convent  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
at  Oxford  until  May  1912. 

In  April  1844  other  churchmen  were  at 
work,  and  meetings  were  held  in  London. 
Lord  John  Manners,  Mr.  Gladstone  {q.v.),  and 
Dr.  Hook  {q.v.)  were  resolved  to  establish  a 
sisterhood  in  part  as  a  memorial  to  Southey, 
and  the  first  revived  sisterhood  began  at 
17  Park  Village  West,  N.W.,  on  Wednesday 
in  Easter  week,  26th  March  1845. 

Another  community  was  founded  in  1848 
at  Devonport  under  Miss  PrisciUa  Lydia 
Sellon  (1821-76),  with  the  direct  approval 
of  the  bishop,  PhiUpotts  {q.v.).  It  was 
called  '  The  Society  of  the  Holy  Trinity  of 
Devonport.'  It  early  provoked  attack  from 
Protestant  quarters,  partly  because  the  view 
of  holy  obedience  held  by  Miss  Sellon 
was  of  an  abnormal  description.  A  vivid 
pamphlet  Hterature  exists  on  the  subject; 
and  alleged  eccentricities  of  the  early  days 
at  Devonport  have  been  the  basis  of  later 
attacks  on  sisterhoods  in  general,  e.g.  Sister- 
hoods in  the  Church  of  England,  2nd  ed.,  1863  ; 
The  Anglican  Sister  of  Mercy,  etc.  The 
sisterhood  in  Park  Village,  whose  Superior 
and  other  sisters  went  out  to  the  Crimean 
War  as  nurses  with  Florence  Nightingale 
in  1854,  was  broken  up,  and  the  surviving 
members  joined  the  Devonport  Society. 
The  Society  of  the  Holy  Trinity  began  a 
Home  at  Ascot  in  1861,  and  finally  with- 
drew from  Devonport  c.  1902. 

The  community  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr, 
Oxford,  was  founded  in  1847  by  Canon 
Chamberlain.  Other  communities  followed, 
chiefly  in  the  diocese  of  Oxford,  where  Bishop 
S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.)  was  sympathetic,  or  they 
grew  up  round  churches  which  were  centres  of 
revived  life.  Thus  in  1848  began  the  famous 
Sisterhood  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin,  Wantage, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  vicar,  W.  J.  Butler. 
On  23rd  December  1849  was  founded  the 
Society  of  the  Holy  and  Undivided  Trinity 
at  Oxford  under  Miss  Hughes,  professed  in 
1841  ;  in  1852  the  Society  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  Clewer,  under  Harriet  Monsell  (pro- 
fessed, St.  Andrew's  Day,  1852),  inspired  by 


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Canon  T.  T.  Carter.  The  Community  of  All 
Saints  was  founded  in  1S51  by  W.  Upton 
Richards,  Vicar  of  All  Saints,  Margaret 
Street,  London,  a  famous  Tractarian  sanc- 
tuary. In  1855  the  Community  of  St. 
Margaret,  East  Grinstcad,  was  founded  by 
Dr.  J.  M.  Neale  {q.v.)  on  lines  suggested  by 
the  Order  of  the  Visitation  founded  by  St. 
Fran9ois  de  Sales  and  by  the  principles  of  the 
Society  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul.  In  June  1856 
the  sisters  began  to  occupy  their  first  house 
at  East  Grinstead.  In  1855  the  Community 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  was  founded  at 
Brighton  by  A.  D.  Wagner,  Vicar  of  St.  Paul's 
— the  approval  of  the  Bishop  of  Chichester, 
in  whose  diocese  these  last  communities  were 
situated,  being  doubtless  secured  by  the 
influence  of  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  (Neale, 
Letters,  277),  whose  country  house  was  at 
Lavington  in  Sussex.  In  1856  Lavinia  Crosse 
founded  the  Community  of  All  HaUows  at 
Ditchingham,  Norfolk ;  and  in  1857  the 
Community  of  the  Holy  Cross  (now  at  Hay- 
ward's  Heath,  Sussex)  was  founded  for  work 
in  St.  George's  in  the  East,  London,  by 
C.  F.  Lowder  {q.v.)  and  Miss  E.  Neale,  sister 
of  Dr.  J.  M.  Neale. 

Other  Sisterhoods  founded  since  then  are 
the  Community  of  St.  Peter,  Horbury, 
Yorks,  founded  by  Canon  John  Sharp  and 
Mrs.  Sidney  Lear,  1858  ;  the  Community  of 
St.  Peter,  Kilburn,  founded  by  Rosamira 
Lancaster,  1861  ;  that  of  the  Holy  Name 
of  Jesus  at  Malvern  Link,  founded  in 
connection  with  St.  Peter's,  Vauxhall,  1865, 
by  its  first  vicar,  G.  Herbert;  the  Sisters  of 
Bethany,  Lloyd  Square,  W.C,  founded  by 
Miss  Etheldreda  Anna  Benett  in  October  1866; 
the  Holy  Rood  at  North  Ormesby,  Middles- 
borough,  founded  1867  ;  St.  Mary  and  St. 
John,  Chiswick,  1868,  united  1910  with  St. 
Margaret's,  East  Grinstead  ;  the  Cominunity 
of  the  Paraclete,  founded  by  Arthur  Tooth, 
Vicar  of  St.  James's,  Hatcham,  1873,  removed 
to  Woodside,  Croydon,  1877 ;  St.  Lawrence, 
Belper,  1874 ;  St.  Denys,  Warminster, 
founded  by  Canon  Sir  J.  Erasmus  Philipps, 
Bart.,  1879;  St.  Katherine  of  Egypt, 
Fulham,  1879 ;  the  Sisters  of  the  Church, 
founded  by  Emily  Ayckboum,  1870,  recog- 
nised by  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  became 
Visitor,  1903;  the  Sisters  of  Charity, 
Servants  of  the  Poor,  founded  1868  by 
A.  H.  Ward,  Warden  of  St.  Raphael's, 
Bristol;  the  Community  of  the  Epi- 
phany at  Truro,  founded  by  Bishop  G.  H. 
Wilkinson,  1883  ;  the  Holy  Comforter,  Upper 
Edmonton,  1891,  now  of  Baltonsborough, 
Glastonbury ;  Sisterhood  of  the  Ascension, 
1894,  founded  with  the  special  approval  of 


Bishop  Temple  {q.v.)  in  the  parish  of  the 
Annunciation,  Bryanston  Street,  W. ;  St. 
Michael  and  All  Angels,  Hammersmith, 
founded  under  Bishop  Temple,  1895 ;  the 
Holy  Family,  1896 ;  the  Community  of  the 
Servants  of  Christ,  founded  in  the  parish 
of  St.  Stephen,  Upton  Park,  1897,  now  at 
Pleshey,  Chelmsford ;  and  an  enclosed  Order 
of  the  Love  of  God  founded  at  Cowley, 
Oxford,  in  1907. 

Other  sisterhoods  are  the  Sisters  of  the 
Poor  at  St.  Michael's,  Shoreditch,  founded  by 
the  vicar,  H.  D.  Nihill,  and  Hannah  Skinner, 
1866  ;  the  Community  of  St.  Mary  and  St. 
Scholastiea,  founded  by  Father  Ignatius  in  1868 
to  observe  the  strict  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  but 
separated  from  his  community  later,  moved 
in  1893  to  Mailing  Abbey  and  1911  to  St. 
Bride's  Abbey,  Milford  Haven,  affiliated 
1907  to  the  Benedictines  of  Caldey  Island; 
and  a  Community  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin, 
founded  byG.  Nugee,  then  Vicar  of  Wymering, 
Hants,  c.  1866.  The  Nursing  Sisters  of 
St.  John  the  Divine,  founded  in  1848  to 
improve  the  nursing  in  hospitals,  in  1850 
began  to  nurse  in  the  London  hospitals.  In 
1868  the  late  Mr.  J.  G.  Talbot  founded  at 
Tenterden  the  Kent  Penitentiary.  This  was 
moved  in  1865  to  Stone,  near  Dartford,  and 
in  1877  the  ladies  who  worked  in  it  formed 
themselves  into  the  Community  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  under  IVIiss  Harriet  Nokes  as 
Superior.  In  1910  the  work  was  taken  over 
by  the  Clewer  Sisters,  and  the  original  com- 
munity ceased.  A  Sisterhood  of  the  Divine 
Compassion  begun  at  Plaistow  at  the  same 
time  as  the  Brotherhood,  1894,  became  in 
1897  the  Society  of  the  Incarnation  of  the 
Eternal  Son,  and  works  at  Saltley,  Birming- 
ham. 

The  growth  of  communities  for  men  since 
the  Oxford  Movement  has  been  slower,  and 
there  have  been  various  experiments.  Mr. 
Newman  retired  to  live  at  Littlemore,  Feb- 
ruary 1842,  and  proposed  to  build  a  mon- 
astic house  and  form  a  community  there. 
From  25th  April  1842  (Bloxam  MSS.,  457) 
the  inmates  began  to  say  the  Breviary  offices, 
and  they  Uved  a  strict  community  life  until 
they  left  the  English  Church  in  1845.  But 
there  were  no  vows,  and  it  can  scarcely  be 
ranked  as  a  rehgious  order,  though  it  was  the 
tentative  beginning  of  what  might  have 
become  an  order.  F.  W.  Faber  when  Rector 
of  Elton,  Hunts  (1843-5),  formed  a  small 
community  of  some  seven  young  men  and  a 
Society  of  St.  Joseph.  Their  devotions  were 
interrupted,  it  was  believed,  by  supernatural 
noises  (Life  and  Letters,  216-38). 

In    1849    G.    R.    Prynne    endeavoured   to 


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establish  a  brotherhood  at  St.  Peter's,  Ply- 
mouth. 

In  May  1855  Edward  Steere  [q.v.),  later 
the  famous  bishop  of  Zanzibar,  began  a 
community  for  men,  the  Brotherhood  of  St. 
James,  at  Tamworth,  but  the  experiment 
seems  to  have  failed  within  a  year. 

In  1863  Joseph  Leycester  Lyne,  better 
known  as  Father  Ignatius,  O.S.B.,  sought  to 
revive  the  Order  of  St.  Benedict  in  England. 
After  living  at  Ipswich  (1862),  Norwich  (1863), 
and  Laleham  (1867)  the  community  M-as 
estabUshed  at  Llanthony,  July  1870,  where 
a  modern  abbey  was  built.  The  community 
was  never  large,  and  the  Enghsh  bishops 
never  recognised  it ;  on  the  death  of  Father 
Ignatius,  1908  (a  remarkable  mission 
preacher  and  a  man  of  great  devotion, 
though  wilful  and  eccentric),  the  buildings 
of  Llanthony  passed  to  the  Benedictine 
community  at  Caldey.  Miss  Goodman,  a 
former  Devonport  sister,  describes  an  earlier 
attempt  of  Father  Ignatius  (1861)  to  form 
a  brotherhood  (Sisterhoods,  2nd  ed.,  128-31), 
and  alludes  to  some  attempt  to  found  a 
community  for  men  in  1844  '  at  an  obscure 
village  in  Suffolk.'  Her  reference  is  probably 
to  F.  W.  Faber  at  Elton. 

Most  famous,  with  branch  houses  in  three 
continents,  is  the  Society  of  St.  John  the  Evan- 
gelist, Cowley,  founded  by  R.  M.  Benson, 
Vicar  of  Cowley  and  Student  of  Christ 
Church,  Oxford,  6th  May  1866,  when  he, 
with  Father  O'Neill  (an  Eton  tutor)  and 
Father  Grafton  (Bishop  of  Fond  du  Lac, 
1889),  made  their  professions  together.  The 
impulse  to  found  the  Society  came  from  a 
sermon  by  Mr.  Keble  preached  at  Wantage, 
22nd  July  1863. 

On  St.  James's  Day,  25th  July  1892,  the 
Community  of  the  Resurrection  was  begun 
by  Bishop  Gore,  then  Principal  of  Pusey 
House,  Oxford.  The  community  '  consists  of 
priests  occupied  in  various  works — pastoral, 
evangelistic,  hterary,  and  educational.'  It 
arose  from  the  drawing  together  of  the  clergy 
living  at  Pusey  House  and  those  of  the 
Oxford  Mission  in  Calcutta.  Established  first 
at  Pusey  House,  then,  September  1893,  at 
Radley,  the  community  moved  to  Mirfield 
in  1898.  One  of  its  chief  works  is  the  College 
of  the  Resurrection  for  training  ordinands. 

The  Society  of  the  Sacred  Mission,  begun 
in  1891  in  Brixton  with  a  view  to  training 
men  for  service  abroad,  moved  in  1897  to 
Mildenhall,  and  was  estabUshed  at  Kelham, 
1903.  Its  house  is  a  recognised  theological 
college,  and  trains  many  men  for  the  priest- 
hood. The  Order  was  founded  bv  H.  H. 
Kelly. 


The  Society  of  the  Divine  Compassion  was 
founded,  20th  January  1894,  at  Plaistow  by 
the  Honble.  J.  G.  Adderley  and  others.  It  is 
dedicated  to  thq  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus  and 
in  honour  of  St.  Francis. 

The  strict  rule  of  St.  Benedict  was  revived 
in  1898,  when  a  community  was  founded  by 
Aehed  Carlyle  under  the  special  sanction 
of  Archbishop  Temple.  The  community, 
which  began  in  the  Isle  of  Dogs,  moved  later 
to  Painsthorpe,  and  finally  to  Caldey. 

Other  attempts  at  brotherhoods  were  the 
Order  of  St.  Augustine,  begun  by  G.  Nugee 
at  Cosham  and  then  at  Wymering,  Hants, 
c,  1870,  removed  to  Walworth  1877. 

A  Brotherhood  of  the  Holy  Redeemer, 
founded  1866  at  Torrington,  Lines,  by  the 
rector,  T.  W.  Mossman,  for  poor  students 
wishing  to  be  ordained.  It  was  disliked 
by  the  bishop  (Jackson),  and  removed  to 
Newcastle-on-Tyne,  where  it  collapsed. 

An  Order  of  St.  Joseph  was  founded  by 
R.  Tuke,  A.K.C.,  Curate  of  St.  John's, 
Hackney,  c.  1865.  The  community — a  very 
small  one — called  themselves  Augustinians. 
After  a  short  time  they  seceded. 

A  Brotherhood  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was 
founded  at  Stoke-on-Tern,  Shropshire,  by 
the  rector,  R.  W.  Corbet,  in  1869.  The 
community,  which  was  for  priests,  ended  in 
1879.  During  its  existence  it  received  the 
special  benediction  of  Pope  Pius  ix.,  on  the 
stipulation  that  the  Hours  were  said  in 
common. 

A  Brotherhood  of  St.  Paul,  founded  in 
1891  by  W.  Moultrie  Robbins,  was  a  direct 
result  of  the  Resolutions  of  Convocation  in 
1890,  and  was  specially  favoured  by  Bishop 
Temple.  Its  headquarters  were  in  Lisson 
Grove,  London,  and  its  work  was  street 
preaching  and  visiting.  After  a  few  members 
had  joined  it  the  community  came  to  an 
end. 

This  revived  Religious  Life  has  from  time 
to  time  been  sealed  with  the  formal  approval 
of  the  English  Church.  The  question  of  Rules 
was  discussed  in  the  Canterbury  Convocation 
in  1861  and  1863,  when  on  14th  February 
an  address  sympathetic  towards  the  com- 
munities from  the  Lower  House  was  approved 
by  the  Upper,  and  the  bishops  commended 
sisterhoods  and  their  work  to  the  prayers  of 
the  Church. 

In  July  1875  a  Committee  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Canterbury  Convocation  was 
appointed  '  to  consider  the  rise,  progress,  and 
present  condition'  of  sisterhoods  and  brother- 
hoods. The  Report  was  presented.  May 
1878,  and  strong  resolutions  were  passed 
expressing  thankfulness   for  their  work,  as 


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[Reunion 


well  as  for  the  episcopal  rcco2;nition  accorded 
to  thein.  (The  Report  was  based  on  returns 
made  only  by  communities  in  the  Canterbury 
I^rovince.) 

In  July  1889,  in  the  same  Convocation, 
iVrchdeacon  (later  Dean)  Farrar,  in  a  speech 
of  great  eloquence,  proposed  resolutions  in 
favour  of  brotherhoods,  clerical  and  lay. 
They  were  debated  and  carried  with  much 
enthusiasm,  February  1890,  and  were  passed 
by  the  Upper  House.  The  chief  result  of 
the  discussion  was  to  bring  out  the  wide 
sympathy  felt  for  the  revival. 

The  gi-owth  of  Religious  Orders  in  the 
English  Church  in  the  period  1845-1900  is 
almost  without  parallel  in  Christian  history, 
and  there  are  far  more  women  in  Religious 
Orders  in  England  in  1912  than  there  were 
when  the  Religious  Houses  were  dissolved 
b}'  Henry  viil. 

The  number  of  sisters  at  the  Dissolution 
is  calculated  at  745 ;  from  tables  prepared 
in  1909  there  were  then  some  1300  (Bishop 
Weller's  Hale  Mem.  Sermon,  1909,  app,  ii.). 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Bisliop  H.  R.  Weller,  Religious  Orders  in  tlie 
A ni/licaii  Communion,  Milwaukee,  1909  ;  article 
in  Encijc.  Brit.,  'Sisterhoods,'  but  both  need 
correction  and  are  incomplete. 

REPRESENTATIVE  CHURCH  COUN- 
CIL, The,  was  formed  to  meet  the  desire 
for  a  national  council  [Councils]  which 
found  expression  shortly  after  the  revival  of 
Convocation  {q.v.).  Every  subject  on  which 
the  judgment  of  tlie  Church  was  desired 
had  to  be  considered  by  the  two  Convocations 
separately,  which  led  in  practice  to  incon- 
venience and  delay.  It  appeared,  however, 
that  the  archbishops  had  no  power  to 
summon  a  national  synod  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Crown.  The  Convocations  could 
only  hold  joint  meetings  informally,  and  this 
they  did  in  1896,  and  again  in  1899  and  the 
following  years.  A  Bill  to  enable  the  two 
Convocations  to  sit  together  failed  to  pass 
through  Parliament  in  1901.  In  1904 
resolutions  were  passed  by  both  Convocations 
separately,  and  also  by  the  Houses  of  Lay- 
men, requesting  the  archbishops  to  summon 
a  'Representative  Church  Council '  of  bishops, 
clergy,  and  laity,  which  met  for  the  first  time 
under  that  name  in  July  of  the  same  year. 
In  1905  it  agreed  upon  its  constitution,  the 
first  article  of  which  provides  that  it  shall 
consist  of  three  Houses.  The  members  of 
the  Upper  Houses  of  the  Convocations  of  the 
two  Provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York  con- 
stitute the  first  House,  or  House  of  Bishops ; 
the  members  of  the  Lower  Houses  of  the  Con- 

( 


vocations  of  both  Provinces  constitute  the 
second,  or  House  of  Clergy;  and  the  members 
of  the  Houses  of  Laymen  of  both  Provinces 
constitute  the  third,  or  Lay  House.  The  two 
archbishops  are  joint  presidents  of  the 
Council.  Provision  is  made  for  the  three 
Houses  to  sit  together  or  separately.  In  any 
case,  its  acts  must  receive  the  assent  of  all 
three  Houses.  Article  10  of  the  constitu- 
tion defines  the  relations  of  the  Council 
to  the  episcopate  and  to  Convocation,  and 
guards  it  from  the  imputation  of  seeking 
to  usurp  the  functions  of  either  in  the 
Church's  constitution :  '  Nothing  in  this 
Constitution  nor  in  any  proceeding  of  the 
Council  shall  interfere  with  the  exercise  by 
the  Episcopate  of  the  powers  and  functions 
inherent  in  them,  or  with  the  several  powers 
and  functions  of  the  Houses  of  Convocation 
of  the  two  Provinces.'  Article  11  forbids  it 
'  to  issue  any  statement  purporting  to  declare 
the  doctrine  of  the  Church  on  any  question  of 
theology.'  A  scheme  was  also  drawn  up  for 
the  representation  of  the  laity  by  indirect 
election  on  a  communicant's  franchise.  It 
was  hoped  that  the  assembly  thus  constituted 
would  be  able  to  formulate  and  express  the 
opinions  of  churchmen  upon  questions  of 
importance  in  Church  and  State,  and  so  assist 
Convocation  and  Parliament  in  ascertaining 
the  mind  of  the  Church ;  and  also  that 
legislative  powers  might  be  conferred  upon  it 
at  some  future  time  when  it  should  have 
proved  itself  capable  of  exercising  them. 
The  Council  has  met  annually  since  then 
(the  three  Houses  sitting  together),  and  has 
passed  resolutions  on  various  subjects.  But 
the  advantages  which  might  be  expected  to 
foUow  from  the  existence  of  a  single  assembly 
speaking  for  the  whole  national  Church  have 
been  to  a  great  extent  nullified  by  its  unrepre- 
sentative character  and  the  seeming  unreality 
of  its  proceedings.  It  is  no  more  representa- 
tive of  the  clergy  than  the  Convocations  are, 
and  it  lacks  the  weight  which  they  derive 
from  their  historical  and  constitutional 
position.  The  presence  of  laymen  as  con- 
stituent members  effectually  debars  it  from 
ever  becoming  a  constitutional  synod  of  the 
Church.  Whatever  position  it  may  attain  in 
the  future,  it  has  at  present  failed  either 
to  gain  the  confidence  of  Churchmen,  or  '  to 
appeal,'  as  was  hoped  at  its  inception,  '  to 
the  mind  and  conscience  of  the  nation.' 

[G.    C] 

Chronicle  of  Convocation  ;  Times  ;  Reports  of 
the  Council's  proceediiigs  (S.P.C.K.). 

REUNION.     (1)  With  the  Roman  Church.  - 
The  breach   with  Rome  took  place,  1538-9, 

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and  although  Henry  vm.  twice,  according 
to  Bishop  S.  Gardiner  {q.v.),  was  about 
to  attempt  to  heal  the  division,  in  fact  no 
such  attempt  was  made.  The  English 
Church  returned  formally  to  the  obedience 
of  and  communion  with  Rome  in  the  second 
year  of  Mary,  30th  November  1554.  The 
breach  with  Rome  was  reopened  when  the 
EUzabethan  Acts  of  Supremacy  and  Uni- 
formity became  law,  1559.  For  some  time, 
however,  it  seemed  capable  of  being  closed. 
English  diplomatists  asserted  that  the  Pope 
was  willing  to  accept  the  Praj^er  Book  if 
Elizabeth  would  acknowledge  his  supremacy. 
The  Bishop  de  Quadra,  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador in  1562,  defending  Enghsh  Romanists 
who  attended  the  Church  services  to  avoid 
the  penal  laws,  said  that  those  services 
contained  no  impiety  or  false  doctrine.  The 
excommunication  of  Ehzabeth  by  Paul  v. 
in  his  BuU  Regnans  in  excelsis,  25th  March 
1570,  effected  the  breach  begun  in  1559, 
and  the  idea  of  Rome  became  in  England 
linked  with  that  of  treason,  and  later  of 
assassination. 

Under  James  i.  the  rise  of  the  theologians 
of  the  school  of  Hooker  {q.v.),  and  the 
consequent  reaction  from  Calvinism,  while 
it  produced  the  great  Anglican  controver- 
sialists against  Rome,  Andrewes  {q.v.),  Laud 
{q.v.),  Mountague  [Cakoline  Di\t:nes],  and 
others,  yet  did  something  towards  Reunion 
by  clearing  the  issues  and  illustrating  the 
great  amount  of  ground  common  to  both 
communions. 

Under  Charles  i,  {q.v.)  direct  negotiations 
were  carried  on  between  the  Roman  See  and  the 
English  Government  with  regard  to  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  be  taken  by  English  Roman 
Catholics.  An  English  Benedictine,  Dom 
Leander,  was  sent  by  Urban  vni.,  1632,  as 
agent  from  the  Roman  court,  and  Panzani, 
an  Oratorian,  in  1634.  Leander  thought 
reunion  '  seemeth  possible  enough,  if  the 
points  were  discussed  in  an  assembly  of 
moderate  men,  without  contention  or  desire 
of  victory,  but  out  of  a  sincere  desire  of 
Christian  union.'  Panzani  thrice  discussed 
reunion  with  Bishop  Mountague,  who  assured 
him  that  both  archbishops  and  the  Bishop  of 
London  (Juxon,  q.v.),  and  many  others,  were 
favourable  to  it  and  ready  to  concede 
'  a  supremacy,  purely  spiritual,'  to  Rome. 
The  Jesuits  and  the  Puritans  in  England 
were  regarded  as  the  chief  obstacles  to  an 
understanding.  Panzani  was  succeeded  by 
Cuneo  {i.e.  Con,  a  Scot),  who  was  in 
England  1636-9.  Cuneo  disliked  Laud, 
and  regarded  him  as  an  obstacle  to  reunion. 
Laud  was  apparently  offered  the  cardinalate 


after  he  became  primate,  and  refused  at 
once,  as  he  would  not  think  of  reunion 
'  till  Rome  be  other  than  she  is.'  Like 
Andrewes,  he  prayed  daily  for  the  reunion 
of  Christendom,  but  would  not  consent  to 
unconditional  submission  to  Rome. 

Reunion  was  advanced  by  the  publication 
in  1633  of  a  learned  Paraphrastica  Expositio 
of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  by  Sancta  Clara 
(Christopher  Davenport),  a  Franciscan,  and 
chaplain  to  Queen  Henrietta  Maria.  He  held 
eighteen  of  the  Articles  to  be  orthodox,  two 
mere  logomachies,  and  the  remaining  nineteen 
'  patient,  but  not  ambitious,  of  a  Catholic 
interpretation.'  He  defended  the  sufficiency 
of  the  Edwardine  Ordinal,  and  believed 
Anghcan  Ordinations  {q.v.)  to  be  valid.  The 
Jesuits  failed  to  secure  the  condemnation  of 
his  book.  It  is  supposed  to  have  formed 
the  basis  of  Tract  No.  90.  [Oxford  Move- 
ment.] 

During  his  exile  and  after  his  accession 
Charles  n.  desired  the  help  of  the  Roman  See 
in  return  for  the  full  toleration  of  Roman 
Catholics.  In  1663  remarkable  terms  for 
reunion  were  drawn  up.  While  accepting 
the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  the 
EngUsh  Church  was  to  remain  largely 
national,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  to 
be  Patriarch  of  the  three  kingdoms.  Only  a 
few  rights  were  reserved  to  the  Roman  See. 
Existing  bishops  were  to  remain,  but  to 
be  reconsecrated  by  three  legates  specially 
appointed.  The  King  was  to  nominate  to 
bishoprics,  and  the  existing  rights  over  former 
Church  property  respected.  Protestants  were 
to  enjoy  complete  toleration.  Communion 
was  to  be  in  both  kinds  to  those  who  wished 
it;  the  Eucharist  was  to  be  in  Latin,  but  with 
EngUsh  hymns;  married  clergy  should  retain 
their  wives;  celibacy  was  not  to  be  introduced 
till  later ;  some  of  the  Religious  Orders  were 
to  be  revived.  '  It  is  not  clear  how  far  the 
King  was  privy  to  this  scheme  ...  it  agrees, 
however,  both  with  his  views  and  with  his 
position.  .  .  .  We  can  as  little  imagine 
that  the  Anglican  episcopate  had  approved 
these  projects  '  (Ranke,  iii.  400).  The  so- 
called  Popish  Plot  {q.v.),  1678,  fanned  into 
flame  the  old  political  hatred  of  Roman 
Catholics,  and  Charles  n.'s  reception  into 
that  Church  on  his  death-bed,  and  the 
attacks  of  James  n.  upon  the  English  Church, 
roused  churchmen  to  controversy  and  to 
emphasise  points  of  difference  rather  than 
of  agreement  with  Rome. 

In  1704  appeared  a  remarkable  Essay 
towards  a  Proposal  for  Catholic  Communion 
.  .  .  by  a  Minister  of  the  Church  of  England. 
The  author  is  unknown,  but  was  possibly 


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W.  Bassett,  Rector  of  St.  Swithin's,  London. 
It  is  an  appeal  by  a  man  of  '  moderate  ' 
rather  than  extreme  views,  and  in  the  interest 
of  general  reunion  endeavours  to  show  how 
and  where  it  is  possible  with  Rome. 

In  1717  William  Wake  [q.v.),  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  was  engaged  in  correspondence 
by  some  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  acting  with 
the  concurrence  of  Cardinal  de  Noaillos, 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  as  to  the  possibiUty  of 
reunion.  Du  Pin  was  the  principal  agent  on 
the  French  side,  and  in  his  Commonitorium 
on  the  XXXIX.  Articles  approved  twenty- 
three  absolutely;  the  remainder  could  be 
admitted  with  explanations.  Wake  satisfied 
the  French  divines  as  to  AngUcan  orders, 
and  did  not  consider  Transubstantiation  an 
insuperable  difficulty.  The  death  of  Du  Pin, 
1719,  the  changed  attitude  of  the  French 
Government,  the  power  of  the  French 
Jesuits,  and  especially  the  opposition  of 
Dubois,  Archbishop  of  Cambrai,  brought  the 
negotiations  to  an  end.  Wake  in  his  last 
letter    to    Du    Pin,    1st   May    1719,    says : 

In  dogmas,  as  you  have  candidly  proposed 
them,  we  do  not  much  differ ;  in  Church 
government  less  ;  in  fundamentals,  whether 
regarding  doctrine  or  discipUne,  hardly  at  all. 
From  these  beginnings  how  easy  was  the 
advance  to  concord,  if  only  our  minds  were 
disposed  to  peace.' 

In  1723  Pierre  Francois  le  Courayer,  a 
Canon  Regular  of  the  Augustinian  abbey  of 
St.  Genevieve  at  Paris,  published  a  Vindica- 
tion of  Anglican  Orders.  He  was  created 
D.D.  at  Oxford,  1727.  In  1728  he  settled  in 
England,  where  he  was  much  patronised,  and 
amassed  a  fortune.  He  seems  to  have  re- 
mained externally  a  Roman  CathoUc  though 
excommunicate,  and  sometimes  he  dressed 
as  a  layman.  On  his  death,  at  the  age 
of  ninety-five  in  1776,  he  was  buried  in 
the  cloisters  of  Westminster  Abbey.  Two 
works,  published  posthumously,  showed  him 
to  have  lapsed  in  later  years  into  views  akin 
to  Unitarianism. 

The  eighteenth  century  was  not  likely  to 
be  fruitful  in  projects  of  reunion.  Isolated 
churchmen,  specially  well  informed,  like  Dr. 
Johnson  {q.v.),  were  free  from  the  con- 
ventional prejudices  against  Rome.  Johnson 
when  in  Paris  was  sympathetic  with  and 
appreciative  of  much  that  he  saw  in  French 
rehgious  life.  The  horrors  of  the  Revolution, 
1789,  did  more  to  stir  EngUsh  sympathies 
with  the  French  Roman  Cathohcs.  Shute 
Barrineton,  Bishop  successively  of  Llan- 
dafE  (1769),  Sahsbury  (1782),  Durham  (1791- 
1826),  in  a  charge  urged  the  attempt 
at  reuniting  the  Churches  of  England  and 


Rome  as  a  pubUc  duty  of  the  greatest 
magnitude.  That  reunion  he  considered 
'  not  very  remote.'  The  charge  is  printed  as 
a  preface  to  a  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  by 
P.  Gandolphy,  London,  1815. 

The  matter  of  Roman  Catholic  emancipa- 
tion brought  the  question  of  reunion  forward. 
In  the  House  of  Commons  in  1 824  a  Mr.  Robert- 
son spoke  strongly  in  favour  of  reuniting  the 
two  churches,  and  Dr.  J.  Doyle,  Roman 
Catholic  Bishop  of  Kildare  and  Leighlin, 
wTote  (13th  May  1824)  urging  such  reunion, 
referring  to  the  efforts  of  Archbishop 
Wake,  and  proposing  a  conference  of  divines. 
The  time  was  unfavourable.  Various  pam- 
phlets and  sermons  on  the  same  side  followed 
as  in  1842,  A  Union  between  the  Eoman 
Catholic  and  Protestant  Churches  rendered 
Practicable,  and  The  Roman  Catholic  and 
Anglican  Churches  proved  to  be  nearer  to 
each  other  than  most  men  imagine. 

The  Oxford  Movement  (q.v.),  on  the 
spiritual  side,  made  for  reunion  by  clearing 
the  air  of  prejudice  and  emphasising  the 
points  of  agreement  between  the  Churches. 
But  it  was  in  origin  anti-Roman,  and  J.  H. 
Newman  {q.v.)  was  for  long  bitter  in  his 
denunciations  of  Rome.  In  conversation 
with  Dr.  Wiseman  at  Rome  (in  1832)  R.  H. 
Froude  {q.v.)  and  Newman  spoke  of  reunion, 
and  were  surprised  to  learn  that  it  involved 
'  swallowing  the  Council  of  Trent  as  a  whole.' 
The  leaders  of  the  Movement  after  1836  were 
too  much  occupied  in  defending  the  EngUsh 
Church  against  Roman  Cathohc  attacks  to 
engage  in  schemes  for  reunion.  The  more 
extreme  wing  of  the  school  who  were  drawn 
towards  Rome  went  further,  and  early  in  1841 
W.  G.  Ward,  in  a  letter  to  the  Univers 
which  roused  some  excitement,  expressed 
ardent  desire  for  reunion  with  Rome. 
These  were  met  from  the  Roman  side  by 
Ambrose  Phillipps  de  Lisle,  a  Leicestershire 
gentleman  (1809-78),  who  had  become  a 
Roman  Catholic,  1825,  but  cherished  great 
affection  for  the  EngUsh  Church. 

The  secessions  to  Rome  in  1845  and  1850-1 
naturally  hindered  plans  for  reunion,  some 
of  the  recent  converts,  especially  Manning 
{q.v.),  being  unwiUing  to  consider  any  plan 
save  that  of  absolute  submission  by  Anghcans. 
Cardinal  Wiseman,  however,  in  a  Letter  to 
Lord  Shrewsbury,  1841,  had  appeared  to  take 
a  less  uncompromising  view,  and  pleaded  for 
mutual  explanation. 

In  1857  Mr.  PhilUpps  de  Lisle  printed  his 

Future  Unity  of  Christendom,  and  in  the  same 

year    was    founded,    8th    September,    '  The 

I    Association  for  the  Promotion  of  the  Unity 

I    of  Christendom,'  which  included  clergy  and 


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laity  of  the  Roman  Catholic,  Greek,  and 
Anglican  communions.  Its  only  obligation 
lay  in  a  common  daily  prayer  for  unity. 
English  Roman  Cathohc  bishops  secured  the 
condemnation  of  the  Association  at  Rome, 
September  1864,  largely  through  the  action 
of  Manning,  and  Roman  Catholics  were 
ordered  to  withdraw  from  it.  The  Associa- 
tion, however,  continues.  At  the  end  of  1864 
Manning  published  an  attack  on  the  EngUsh 
Church  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Pusey  {q.v.),  who 
rephed  in  a  learned  Eirenicon,  pubhshed 
September  1865.  Pusey  pleaded  for  reunion 
between  the  Churches  and  for  mutual  ex- 
planations, and  in  October  presented  the  book 
in  person  to  several  French  bishops.  Two 
Enghsh  bishops,  Hamilton  of  Sahsbury 
and  EUicot  of  Gloucester,  warmly  approved 
it,  but  it  roused  the  indignation  of  most 
English  Roman  Catholics,  especially  Newman, 
who  replied  to  it  in  a  famous  Letter,  January 
1866.  '  There  was,'  he  said,  '  one  of  old  time 
who  wreathed  his  sword  in  myrtle ;  excuse 
me — you  discharge  your  olive  branch  as  if 
from  a  catapult.' 

From  1865  Pusey  was  in  friendly  conversa- 
tion with  great  French  ecclesiastics.  In  1869 
he  published  a  second  and  in  1870  a  third 
Eirenicon  in  the  form  of  letters  to  Dr.  New- 
man, and  had  hopes  of  the  case  of  England 
being  brought  before  the  Vatican  Council 
of  1870  through  Mgr.  Dupanloup.  Bishop 
A.  P.  Forbes  of  Brechin  was  an  eager  assistant 
of  Pusey  in  this  work,  but  the  triumph  of 
Ultramontanes  at  the  Council  put  an  end  to 
any  hope  of  immediate  action.  In  1867  an 
Enghsh  layman,  G.  F.  Cobb,  published  a 
learned  work,  The  Kiss  of  Peace,  or  England 
and  Rome,  at  one  on  the  Doctrine  of  the 
Eucharist,  in  the  interest  of  reunion. 

In  1877  began  a  stranger  effort,  the  Order 
of  Corporate  Reunion.  Its  history  is  still 
shrouded  in  mystery.  The  Order  was 
'  instituted,'  2nd  July  1877,  and  the  first 
Pastoral  of  its  Rulers,  formally  promulgated 
on  8th  September, '  being  read  in  the  presence 
of  witnesses  on  the  steps  of  St.  Paul's  Cathe- 
dral and  in  other  places  throughout  the  land.' 
The  object  of  the  Order  was  apparently  to 
bring  about  reunion  by  reordaining  English 
clergy  sub  conditione,  and  thus  supplying  the 
English  Church  with  orders  which  Rome  would 
recognise.  For  this  purpose  the  founder. 
Dr.  F.  G.  Lee,  Vicar  of  All  Saints,  Lambeth, 
had  been  secretly  consecrated  bishop  in 
or  near  Venice  (report  said  by  bishops  of 
the  Roman  and  Eastern  communions  on 
the  high  seas,  to  avoid  interference  with 
other  jurisdictions),  and  himself  consecrated 
as     bishops    T.    W.    Mossman,     Rector    of 


West  Torrington,  Lines,  and  a  learned 
layman,  Thomas  Seccombe  of  Terrington, 
Norfolk.  There  is  evidence  that  they  con- 
secrated other  bishops.  The  Order  pro- 
mulgated orders  of  service  to  be  used  in  its 
oratories,  but  was  never  an  important  or 
large  body,  and  was  from  the  first  repudiated 
by  High  Churchmen.  The  mystery  surround- 
ing it  invested  it  with  romance.  It  failed  tu 
promote  the  object  at  which  it  aimed,  for  two 
of  its  bishops  were  received  on  their  death- 
beds into  the  Roman  Church  :  Dr.  Mossman 
in  1885  and  Dr.  Lee  in  1901. 

In  1894  some  learned  French  clergy  began 
to  study  afresh  the  question  of  Anglican 
ordinations,  and  a  remarkable  pamphlet  of 
that  year,  by  '  Fernand  Dalbus '  (the 
pseudonym  of  the  Abbe  Portal),  concluded 
that  the  English  rite  was  adequate,  although 
for  reasons  not  generally  admitted  by  Roman 
theologians,  it  considered  the  orders  invahd. 
A  distinguished  scholar,  the  Abb6  Duchesne, 
in  July  1894  set  these  reasons  aside,  and 
concluded  that  Enghsh  ordinations  '  might  he 
recognised  as  valid.'  Eventually  the  Pope, 
Leo  XIII.,  appointed  a  commission  to  report. 
Much  interest  was  taken  in  the  matter. 
Mr.  Gladstone,  May  1896,  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Archbishop  of  York  emphasising  the 
friendly  action  of  the  Pope.  The  Enghsh 
Roman  Catholics,  as  represented  by  Cardinal 
Vaughan,  were  anxious  that  Anglican  orders 
should  not  be  recognised ;  and  their  party 
ultimately  prevailed,  and  in  September  1896 
the  BuU  Apostolicae  Curae  declared  that 
the  question  of  Anglican  ordinations  had 
already  been  determined  adversely  from  the 
first.  This  decision  was  a  serious  blow  to 
hopes  of  reunion  for  the  time,  for  friendly 
intercourse  had  begun  with  the  French 
clergy,  and  a  review,  published  weekly.  La 
Revue  Anglo- Rom aine,  begun  in  November 
1895,  was  brought  to  an  end,  after  fifty-one 
numbers,  in  November  1896  in  consequence 
of  the  decision.  [s.  l.  o.] 

Sancta  Clara,  Paraphrastica  Ex2MsUio,  re- 
published, with  a  translation,  1865.  The  Essay 
towards  a  Proposal  for  Catholic  Commmiion, 
1704,  was  republished  as  An  Eirenicon  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century,  with  valuable  Introduction 
by  H.  N.  Oxenham,  1879.  For  negotiations 
between  Wake  and  DuPin.  Lupton,  Archbishop 
Wake  and  the  Project  of  Union,  1896. 
Courayer's  book  was  reprinted,  Oxford,  1844. 
Bishop  Shute  Bariington's  charge  is  quoted  in 
Reunion  Maqazine  (1879),  i.  15.  For  the  period 
1864-70,  Liddon,  Life  of  Pusey,  iii.  106-94. 
For  the  Order  of  Corporate  Reunion,  the  A'e- 
union  Magazine.  1879,  prints  the  formal 
documents.  See  Correspondence  in  the  Tablet, 
1902,  pp.  216-17.  298,  and  28th  November  1908 
to  13th  March  1909  ;  Walsli,  Secret  Hist,  of  the 
Oxford  Movement,  chap,  v.,  otherwise  usually 


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an  untrustworthy  book.  For  the  events  1894-6, 
Moberly,  Ministerial  Priesthood,  app. ,  gives  au 
account  of  the  French  works;  T.  A.  Lacey, 
A  Roman  Dianj  ;  8no.a,d-Cox,  Life  of  Cardinal 
Vaughan;  Purcell,  Life  of  A.  P.  de  Lisle; 
Lord  Halifax,  Leo  XII L  and  Anglican  Orders  ; 
and  a  volume  lettered  '  Reunion  '  among  the 
MSS.  of  Dr.  J.  R.  Bloxam  at  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford,  gives  much  information. 

(2)  With  the  Orthodox  Eastern  Churches.— 
A  theory  once  popular,  but  now  discredited, 
sought  to  find  an  Asian  origin  for  Christian- 
ity in  Britain,  but  the  fact  that  a  Greek  monk, 
Theodore  of  Tarsus  [q.v.),  was  one  of  the 
most  important  of  the  early  archbishops  of 
Canterbury,  forms  a  link  between  the  English 
and  Eastern  Churches.  When  the  division 
between  East  and  West  was  thought  to  have 
been  healed  at  the  Council  of  Florence  (1439), 
Henry  vi.  sent  envoys  with  letters  of  con- 
gratulation, written  in  no  formal  terms,  to 
express  his  joy  at  the  reunion,  and  public 
thanksgivings,  processions,  and  litanies  were 
celebrated  throughout  England.  The  at- 
tempted reunion  at  Florence  failed,  and  dur- 
ing the  troubles  which  succeeded  in  Western 
Christendom,  and  especially  in  England,  the 
Eastern  Churches  seem  to  have  been  for- 
gotten. The  EngHsh  Reformers  of  the  six- 
teenth century  paid  little  attention  to  the 
East.  They  appealed  on  controverted  points 
to  Greek  customs  and  Greek  opinions,  but 
Bishop  Jewel  {q.v.)  in  his  Defence  of  the 
Apology  says :  '  What  the  Grecians  this  day 
think  of  us  I  cannot  tell.'  The  Church  of 
Constantinople  was  expressly  omitted  from 
the  charge  of  error  brought  against  the  other 
four  patriarchates  (Jerusalem,  Alexandria, 
Antioch,  and  Rome)  in  Article  xix.,  but 
direct  intercourse  between  England  and  the 
Eastern  Churches  was  hardly  practicable 
until  1579,  when  a  commercial  treaty  with 
Turkey  was  made  and  the  Levant  Company 
founded.  Bishop  Andrewes  {q.v.)  prayed 
daily  for  reunion,  '  for  the  Eastern  Church, 
its  deliverance  and  union,'  and  his  devotions 
themselves  owe  a  good  deal  to  Eastern  service- 
books. 

In  1611  George  Sandys  (son  of  an  arch- 
bishop of  York)  visited  Alexandria,  and 
became  acquainted  mth  the  remarkable 
Cjrril  Lucar,  Patriarch  of  that  see  (1602-21) 
and  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  (1621-38). 
Sandys  reports  him  as  saying  '  that  the 
differences  between  us  and  the  Greeks  are 
but  shells.'  In  1616  CjtU  began  to  corre- 
spond \vith  Archbishop  Abbot  {q.v.),  and  in 
that  year,  at  James  l.'s  request,  sent  a  Greek 
priest,  Critopoulos,  afterwards  Patriarch 
of  Alexandria,  to  study  for  five  years  at 
Balliol  College,  Oxford,  where  Abbot  seems 


to  have  supported  him.  Sir  Thomas  Roe, 
ambassador  at  Constantinople  (1621-8),  pro- 
tected Cyril,  and  through  Roc  the  Patriarch 
presented  Charles  i.  with  the  splendid  MS., 
the  Codex  A.  (Alcxandrinus).  Cyril  was 
murdered,  through  Jesuit  intrigues,  in  1638. 
Friendly  intercourse  between  Anglicans  and 
Easterns  continued  throughout  the  seven- 
teenth century,  partly  through  the  succession 
of  distinguished  chaplains  to  the  English 
community  at  Aleppo  and  partly  through  the 
clergy  and  laity  connected  with  the  embassy 
at  Constantinople.  Dr.  Isaac  Basire,  who 
travelled  in  Greece  (1650- ?  8),  at  the  request 
of  the  Metropolitan  of  Achaia  preached 
twice  to  his  assembled  suffragans  and  clergy ; 
and  Paisius,  Patriarch  of  Jenisalem,  '  the 
better  to  express  his  desire  of  communion 
with  our  old  Church  of  England,'  gave  Basire 
'  his  bull  or  patriarchal  seal  in  blank  (which 
is  their  way  of  credence)  besides  many  other 
respects.'  With  a  view  to  a  better  under- 
standing between  the  Churches,  Dr.  Basire 
circulated  a  Greek  translation  of  the  Church 
Catechism.  After  the  Restoration  the  in- 
terest in  the  Eastern  Churches  quickened. 
Successive  chaplains  at  Constantinople — Dr. 
Thomas  Smith  (chaplain,  1668-71),  Fellow 
of  Magdalen,  Oxford,  and  later  a  Nonjuror ; 
Dr.  John  Covel  (1671-8),  afterwards  Master 
of  Christ's,  Cambridge ;  and  Edward  Brown 
(1678) — were  learned  and  sympathetic.  Dr. 
Smith  published  in  1676,  under  the  special 
sanction  of  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  a  Latin 
work  on  the  Greek  Church  (second  edition, 
1678,  and  Enghsh,  1680).  Dr.  Covel  printed 
a  somewhat  similar  treatise  in  1722,  in  which 
he  relates  that  Gunning,  Pearson  {q.v.),  and 
Sancroft  {q.v.)  in  1670  asked  him  to  inquire 
carefully  into  the  teaching  of  the  Easterns 
on  the  Real  Presence.  To  them  was  ad- 
dressed, presumably,  a  synodical  answer 
'  sent  to  the  lovers  of  the  Greek  Church  in 
Britain'  (1672),  a  copy  of  which  was  among 
the  documents  sent  to  the  Nonjurors  in  1721 
(see  below).  Sir  Paul  Ricaut,  an  able  and 
devout  layman,  secretary  to  Lord  Winchilsea 
at  Constantinople  (1661-9)  and  consul  at 
Smyrna  (1669-78),  was  eager  in  the  cause,  and 
printed  a  book  on  the  Greek  and  Armenian 
Churches  (1678).  The  project  of  Archbishop 
Abbot  and  Cyril  Lucar  had  not  wholly  failed, 
for  after  the  Patriarch's  death  a  trusted 
official  of  his,  Nathanael  Conopius,  was  be- 
friended by  Archbishop  Laud  {q.v.),  and  sent 
by  him  to  Balliol,  Oxford.  He  became 
Minor  Canon  of  Chi-ist  Church,  where  he 
remained  until  expelled  by  the  ParUamentary 
visitors.  He  then  returned  to  the  East,  and 
became  Bishop  of  Smyrna  (1651). 


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From  1677  onward  a  project  of  founding  a 
college  for  Greeks  at  Oxford  was  afoot.  It 
was  not  realised  until  1698,  when  it  was 
arranged  that  twenty  students,  five  from  each 
patriarchate,  should  reside  at  Gloucester  HaU 
(later  Worcester  College).  A  number  of 
Greeks  came,  but '  the  scheme,  after  a  hopeful 
beginning,  came  to  an  unhappy  end,'  in  spite 
of  the  efforts  of  Edward  Stephens  [q.v.). 
'  The  college  was  mismanaged,  and  the  students 
were  drawn  off  elsewhere ;  some  led  an 
irregular  life,  and  others  were  (it  is  said) 
lured  away  by  Roman  intrigue.'  In  1677, 
largely  through  the  efforts  of  Compton,  Bishop 
of  London,  a  Greek  Church  was  built  in  the 
then  fashionable  district  of  Soho,  which  was 
served  by  the  exiled  Metropolitan  of  Samos, 
Joseph  Georgirenes.  This  building  in  the 
eighteenth  centur}^  fell  into  disuse,  and  after 
many  years  of  desecration  was  reconciled 
and  restored  to  Christian  worship  in  1850  as 
St.  Mary's,  Crown  Street,  Soho. 

The  influence  of  the  desire  for  an  under- 
standing with  the  East  is  seen  in  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Royal  Commission  to  revise 
the  Prayer  Book  (1689-90)  as  to  the  Filioque 
clause  in  the  Nicene  Creed.  '  It  is  humbly 
submitted  to  the  Convocation  whether  a 
Note  ought  not  here  to  be  added  with  relation 
to  the  Greek  Church,  in  order  to  our  maintain- 
ing Catholic  Communion.' 

In  1701  the  friendly  relations  were  further 
emphasised  by  the  respect  paid  to  Neophytus, 
Archbishop  of  PhiUppopolis,  and  his  attend- 
ants then  visiting  England.  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge conferred  on  the  archbishop  the  D.D. 
degree;  at  Oxford  his  suite  were  created 
M.A.,  and  his  physician  M.D. 

In  1714  the  persecuted  Church  of  Alex- 
andria sent  to  England  Arsenius,  Archbishop 
of  the  Thebaid,  with  an  archimandrite,  four 
deacons,  and  others  *  to  crave  the  assistance 
of  good  Christians.'  They  received  £200  from 
Queen  Anne,  £100  from  George  I.,  and  other 
help ;  but  they  outstayed  their  welcome,  and 
the  authorities  were  anxious  to  get  rid  of  them. 
They  remained,  reduced  to  great  poverty, 
until  1716.  In  July  of  that  year  the  Scots 
bishop,  the  Honble.  Archibald  Campbell,  pro- 
posed to  the  English  Nonjurors  {q.v.)  that  they 
should  'endeavour  a  union  with  the  Greek 
Church.'  Bishops  Collier  (q.v.),  Campbell, 
and  Spinckes  drew  up  proposals ;  Spinckes 
put  them  into  Greek,  and  the  three  bishops 
'  delivered  them  to  the  Archbishop  of  Thebais, 
who  carried  them  to  Muscovy,  and  engaged 
the  Czar  (Peter  the  Great)  in  the  affair.'  The 
Czar  '  heartUy  espoused  the  matter,'  and  sent 
the  proposals  '  to  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria 
to   be   communicated   to   the   four   Eastern 


Patriarchs.'  Meanwhile  the  question  of  the 
Usages  had  divided  the  Nonjurors,  and  when 
the  Patriarchs'  answer  came  in  1722  Bishop 
Spinckes,  as  leader  of  the  Non-usagers, 
decUned  to  go  further  in  the  matter.  The 
Usager  bishops,  however,  repUed  to  the 
Patriarchs  (29th  May  1722),  and  at  the  same 
time  wrote  to  the  Holy  Synod  of  the  Russian 
Church.  The  Patriarchs  rejoined  in  Septem- 
ber 1723,  and  there  negotiations  with  them 
ended.  But  negotiations  with  the  Russian 
Church,  which  seemed  far  more  promising, 
were  only  broken  by  the  death  of  Peter  the 
Great  in  1 725.  The  suggested  basis  for  reunion, 
the  Proposal  for  a  Concordate,  etc.,  of  1716,  is 
learned  but  at  times  odd.  It  suggests  a 
rearrangement  of  the  patriarchal  thrones, 
(settled  by  general  councils  for  nearly  four- 
teen centuries),  and  proposes  to  transfer  the 
primacy  of  the  Universal  Church  to  Jerusa- 
lem. It  mentions  twelve  points  on  which 
the  Nonjurors  and  Easterns  were  agreed,  but 
adds  five  '  wherein  at  present  they  cannot  so 
perfectly  agree.'  (1)  The  Nonjurors  do  not 
give  to  oecumenical  canons  authority  equal  to 
that  of  Holy  Scripture.  (2)  They  fear  undue 
honour  paid  to  the  Blessed  Virgin.  (3)  They 
cannot  invoke  saints  and  angels.  (4)  They 
hesitate  to  worship  the  sacred  symbols  in  the 
Eucharist.  (5)  They  fear  the  Eastern  use  of 
sacred  pictures.  They  suggest  finally  that  a 
church,  '  called  the  Concordia,'  shall  be  built 
'  in  or  about  London,  which  may  be  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Patriarch  of  Alex- 
andria,' where  the  English  service  shall  at 
times  be  used,  and  '  that  if  it  shall  please  God 
to  restore  the  suffering  Church  of  this  island 
and  her  bishops  to  her  and  their  just  rights,' 
then  on  certain  days  divine  service  according 
to  the  Greek  rites  shall  be  celebrated  '  in  the 
Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Paul.'  The  answer 
of  the  Patriarchs  is  a  document  of  portentous 
length,  and  the  sum  of  it  is  that  the 
Easterns  could  alter  nothing.  The  reply 
of  the  Nonjurors  shows  ability  and  pro- 
found learning.  Though  their  explanation 
of  their  views  on  the  Holy  Eucharist  seems 
to  prove  them  Virtualists  [Holy  Eucharist], 
they  ask  for  liberty  as  to  '  Invocation  of 
Saints,  the  worship  of  images,  the  Adoration 
of  the  Host.'  The  Patriarchs  in  return  de- 
chned  to  change  their  attitude,  though  they 
wrote  with  great  courtesy  and  friendliness, 
and  sent  copies  of  the  decrees  of  the  Synod 
of  Jerusalem  of  1672. 

In  1724  Archbishop  Wake  {q.v.)  had  become 
aware  of  these  negotiations,  and  addressed 
a  dignified  letter  to  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusa- 
lem dated  September  1725.  He  urged  the 
Patriarch   to    beware   of   the   Nonjurors   as 


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schismatics  under  tictitious  titles.  '  Mean-  1 
while,'  he  wrote,  '  we,  the  true  Bishops  and 
Clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  as,  in  every 
fundamental  article,  we  profess  the  same 
Faith  with  you,  shall  not  cease  in  spirit  and 
effect  (since  otherwise  owing  to  our  distance 
from  you  we  cannot)  to  hold  communion 
with  you,  and  to  pray  for  your  peace  and 
happiness.'  And  he  entreated  the  Patriarch 
'  to  remember  him  in  his  prayers  and  sacri- 
fices at  the  Holy  Altar  of  God.'  In  the 
opinion  of  Bishop  Wordsworth  of  SaUs- 
bury,  it  was  due  to  Archbishop  Wake's 
intervention  '  that  the  action  of  the  Non- 
jurors did  not  compromise  the  relations  of 
the  EngUsh  with  the  Eastern  Church  more 
than  it  seemed  likely  to  do.'  Mr.  G.  WilHams 
suggested  that  the  uncompromising  atti- 
tude of  the  Patriarchs  was  due  to  their 
discovery  that  the  Nonjurors  were  not  the 
official  representatives  of  the  English  Church. 
From  1725  for  more  than  a  century  there 
is  no  record  of  any  intercourse  between  the 
Churches,  though  '  research  into  the  archives 
of  the  S.P.C.K.  and  other  similar  reposi- 
tories would  probably  yield  fruit '  (Bishop 
J.  Wordsworth). 

Official  intercourse  was  renewed  by  the 
ill-fated  Jerusalem  Bishopric  scheme  {q.v.), 
which  in  1841  was  designed,  according  to 
G.  WiUiams,  '  as  an  embassy  of  peace  and 
good  will  to  the  Eastern  Church.'  The 
first  bishop.  Dr.  Alexander,  bore  a  commen- 
dator}^  letter  to  the  Patriarchs  from  Arch- 
bishop Howley  (q.v.),  which  stated  that  Alex- 
ander was  forbidden  to  intei'meddle  in  any  way 
with  the  prelates  of  the  East,  and  was  to  show 
them  due  reverence,  and  the  letter  avowed 
'  our  hearty  desire  to  renew  that  amicable 
intercourse  with  the  ancient  Churches  of  the 
East,  which  has  been  suspended  for  ages; 
and  which,  if  restored,  may  have  the  effect, 
with  the  blessing  of  God,  of  putting  an  end 
to  divisions.'  As  a  further  proof  of  this, 
the  learned  G.  WiUiams  (1814-78),  FeUow  of 
King's,  Cambridge,  who  was  deeply  inter- 
ested in  restoring  communion  with  the 
Eastern  Church,  accompanied  him,  at  Arch- 
bishop Howley's  request,  as  chaplain. 

The  Oxford  Movement  [q.v.)  had  stirred  the 
longing  for  unity  with  the  Eastern  as  well 
as  the  Roman  Church,  and  in  1839  WiUiam 
Palmer  (1811-79),  FeUow  of  Magdalen,  Ox- 
ford,  a  deacon,  petitioned  the  Grand  Duke 
Alexander  of  Russia,  then  visiting  Oxford, 
to  take  means  to  bring  about  an  under- 
standing between  the  English  and  Russian 
Churches.  Dr.  Routh  [q.v.)  aided  Palmer, 
and  when  in  1840  Palmer  visited  Russia 
with  a  view  to  explaining  the  position  of  the 


English  Church,  Dr.  Routh  gave  him  a  letter 
to  the  Russian  bishops,  asking  them  if,  after 
examination,  they  considered  his  faith  ortho- 
dox, to  admit  him  to  communion.  Mr. 
Palmer  was  aided  in  his  endeavours  by  a 
gifted  and  fair-minded  bishop,  Dr.  Luscombc, 
who  had  been  consecrated  by  the  Scots 
bishops  in  1825,  at  the  request  of  the  Eng- 
lish hierarchy,  to  minister  to  the  English 
churchmen  in  Europe,  and  who  lived  in 
Paris  till  his  death  in  1846.  The  venerable 
Bishop  Torry  of  St.  Andrews  also  gave  Mr. 
Palmer  counsel  and  credentials.  But  Palmer's 
efforts,  though  thorough  and  earnest,  met 
with  little  immediate  response,  and  were  in 
part  counteracted  by  his  secession  to  Rome 
in  1855. 

The  action  of  Bishop  Gobat  of  Jerusalem 
in  proselytising  from  Greek  Christians  might 
have  caused  serious  friction,  but  it  was  met 
by  a  strong  formal  protest  largely  organised 
by  Neale  {q.v.)  and  sent  to  the  Patriarchs 
in  1854.  The  Crimean  War  for  a  time 
checked  hopes  of  mutual  understanding,  but 
in  July  1863  the  Lower  House  of  the  Canter- 
bury Convocation  appointed  a  committee 
'  to  communicate  with  the  committee '  of 
the  General  Convention  of  the  American 
Church  (appointed  in  1862)  '  as  to  inter- 
communion with  the  Russo-Greek  Church.' 
Later  it  was  suggested  that  overtures  to- 
wards intercommunion  '  should  be  extended 
to  the  other  Eastern  patriarchates,'  and  this 
was  done  in  1866.  The  committee  reported 
annually  from  1865-72,  and  from  1874-6, 
the  Lower  House  unanimously  resolving  in 
1868  that  the  archbishop  and  bishops  take 
steps  towards  opening  direct  negotiations 
with  the  Eastern  Patriarchs. 

Voluntary  associations  of  churchmen  have 
been  formed  for  the  same  object.  The  Asso- 
ciation for  Promoting  the  Unity  of  Christen- 
dom, founded  in  1857,  includes  Eastern  as 
well  as  Anglican  churchmen ;  the  Eastern 
Church  Association,  first  founded  in  April 
1864,  by^  the  untiring  efforts  of  George 
WiUiams  gained  much  episcopal  support,  the 
Metropolitan  of  Servia  (Archbishop  of  Bel- 
grade), Bishops  S.  Wilberforce  [q.v.)  and 
Hamilton  of  SaUsbury  being  among  its 
patrons.  The  Association  was  refounded 
in  1893  under  Bishop  Wordsworth  of  SaUs- 
bury. 

Conferences  for  reunion  met  at  Bonn  in 
1874  and  1875,  when  representatives  came 
from  the  Eastern,  the  Old  Catholic,  and  the 
English  Churches,  and  Dr.  DoUinger  presided. 
The  question  of  the  Filioque  was  discussed  in 
1875,  and  a  formula  of  concord  was  reached. 
Among  the  English  representatives  were  in 


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1874  Bishop  Harold  Browne  of  Winchester, 
and  in  1875  Dr.  Liddon  [q.v.).  Though 
without  immediate  result,  these  conferences 
undoubtedly  did  much  for  the  cause  of 
reunion;  while  the  Anglican  and  Eastern 
Orthodox  Churches  Union,  founded  in  1906, 
has  distinguished  Eastern  as  well  as  EngUsli 
bishops  among  its  members,  and  pub- 
lishes a  magazine  (Eirene)  in  EngUsh  and 
Greek. 

The  Lambeth  Conferences  [Councils]  have 
each  in  turn  been  followed  by  official  inter- 
course with  the  Orthodox  East.  Arch- 
bishop Longlcy  on  28th  November  1867 
sent  a  formal  letter  to  the  Patriarchs  with  a 
copy  of  the  encyclical  issued  by  the  assembled 
bishops,  and  the  same  course  has  been 
followed  on  each  occasion,  save  that  in  1897 
the  Bishop  of  Sahsbury  was  commissioned 
to  dehver  in  person  to  each  of  the  Eastern 
Patriarchs  the  resolutions  on  unity.  The 
Conference  of  1888  appointed  a  committee 
'  to  consider  the  relation  of  the  Anghcan 
communion  to  the  Eastern  Church,'  and  its 
report  expressed  the  hope  '  that  at  no  dis- 
tant time  closer  relations  may  be  established 
between  the  two  Churches.'  The  1897 
Conference  desired  the  two  English  arch- 
bishops with  a  committee  to  confer  with  the 
Orthodox  Eastern  Patriarchs,  '  with  a  view 
to  .  .  .  establishing  closer  relations '  with 
them  (Resolution  36),  while  the  committee 
on  reunion  of  the  1907  conference  '  re- 
corded with  thankfulness  the  steady  growth 
of  friendly  intercourse  between  the  two 
communions  since  1897,  and  the  Conference 
sent  a  letter  of  greeting  to  a  National  Council 
of  the  Russian  Church,  which  seemed  at 
the  time  to  be  on  the  jjoint  of  meeting, 
and  requested  that  the  1897  committee 
should  be  made  permanent  (Resolutions 
60,  61). 

Acts  of  personal  civility  between  ecclesi- 
astics of  both  Churches  have  been  frequent 
since  1870,  when  Archbishop  Lycurgus  of 
Syra  and  Tenos,  visiting  England,  received  an 
honorary  degree  of  D.D.  at  Oxford,  and  was 
present  at  the  consecrations  of  Dr.  Mackenzie 
as  Bishop  of  Nottingham  and  Dr.  Mackarness 
as  Bishop  of  Oxford.  English  bishops  have 
been  received  with  marked  honour  by  the 
Russian  Church,  e.g.  Archbishop  Maclagan  in 
1897,  and  Bishop  Creighton  {q.v.)  in  1896 
when  he  attended  the  coronation  of  the 
Czar. 

The  English  and  Eastern  Churches  are  on 
terms  of  official  friendship,  but  intercom- 
munion is  not  yet  accomphshcd,  nor  are 
English  Orders  and  sacraments  as  yet  recog- 
nised   officially   by   the    Eastern    Churches, 


though  individual  divines  among  them  have 
declared  themselves  in  their  favour. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

G.  Williams,  The  Orthodox  and  the  Non- 
jurors, London,  1S68.  The  original  text  of 
the  '  Proposals '  of  the  Nonjurors  was  dis- 
covered by  Bishop  Dowden  of  Edinlnirgh,  and 
au  account  of  it  was  published  in  the  J.T.S., 
vol.  i.  562.  They  are  printed  in  Martin  and 
Petit's  Oollectio  Conciliorum  (Paris,  1905),  vol. 
i.,  cols.  370-6'24  ;  Bishop  J.  Wordsworth,  The 
C'/i.  of  Eng.  atid  the  Eastern  Patriarchates  ; 
Reports  of  the  Committee  on  Intercovimunion, 
1S65-76,  printed  as  Occasional  Papers  of  the 
Eastern  Ch.  Association,  New  Series,  viii., 
ix.,  and  x.  For  the  Greek  College  at  Oxford, 
Union.  Review,  vol.  i.  490,  1863  ;  W.  J.  Birk- 
beck,  Russia  and  the  Eng.  Ch.,  vol.  i.  ;  A 
Visit  to  the  Russian  Ch.,  ed.  J.  H.  Newman  ; 
Dr.  A.  C.  Headlam,  '  Relations  with  the 
Eastern  Churches '  in  Ch.  Problems.  1900 ; 
Dr.  J.  M.  Neale,  Life  and  Times  of  Bishop 
Patrick  Torry,  chap.  vi. 

(3)  With  the  Foreign  Reformed. — The  breach 
with  Rome  in  1534  led  almost  of  necessity 
to  attempts  at  union  with  the  reformed 
abroad,  and  in  December  1535  negotiations 
were  opened  wdth  '  the  Princes  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession,'  i.e.  the  Lutheran  princes  of 
the  Empire  who  adhered  to  the  Confession 
presented  to  the  Emperor  at  Augsburg, 
25th  June  1530.  Foxe,  Bishop  of  Hereford, 
with  Heath  {q.v.),  afterwards  Archbishop  of 
York,  and  Dr.  Barnes  (burnt  as  a  heretic,  1540) 
were  sent  to  the  princes  at  Smalcald  to  urge 
them  to  refuse  a  General  Council  offered  by  the 
new  Pope,  Paul  m.,  and  instead  to  come  to 
a  unity  of  doctrine  with  the  EngUsh  Church. 
This  proposition  by  Henry  vin.  '  may  claim 
the  eminence  of  having  hindered  the '  last 
chance  of  the  reconcUiation  of  the  world ' 
(Dixon,  Hist,  i.  309).  The  English  divines 
made  an  unfavourable  impression.  '  Nicolas 
Heath  the  Archdeacon  alone  excels  in^ 
Humanity  and  Learning.  As  for  the  rest 
of  them  they  have  no  relish  of  our  Philosophy 
and  Sweetness.'  The  Germans  insisted  that 
Henry  must  approve  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
Bishop  S.  Gardiner  {q-v.),  who  saw  the  pro- 
posed Articles,  advised  against  them.  In  1536 
the  conferences  with  the  Lutherans  proceeded 
slowly,  and  ended  without  result  in  April. 
In  1538  Henry,  from  pohtical  motives,  was 
even  more  eager  for  alliance  with  the  Lutheran 
princes,  and  a  distinguished  Lutheran  em- 
bassy, led  by  Burckhardt,  arrived  and  con- 
ferred with  an  EngUsh  committee  of  three 
bishops  (including  Cranmer,  q.v.,  and  Tun- 
staU,  q.v.)  and  four  doctors.  The  negotiations 
broke  down  in  August,  since  the  English 
divines  '  would  not  let  go  their  Communion 
in  one  kind,  their  private  Mass,  and  their 


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Celibacy  of  Priests.'     lii  ia3U  tliu  Lutheran 
ambassadors  returned,  and  were  willing  to 
make    great    doctrinal    concessions    to    the 
conservative   bishops,   but   the   Act   of    Six 
Articles   (31    Hon.    vni.    c.    14)    marks   the 
complete    breakdown    of     the    attempt    at 
union.     Thirteen    Articles,   however,   agreed 
upon  apparently  at  the  conferences  of  1538 
(and  discovered  among  the  Cranraer  MSS. 
in  the  nineteenth  century)  had   a   consider- 
able influence  on  the  later  XXX IX.  Articles 
{q.v.).     Archbishop  Cranmer  long  cherished  a 
scheme  for  uniting  the  Foreign  Reformed  with 
the  Enghsh  Church   in  one  communion,  an 
idea  which  had  originated  with  Melanchthon, 
and   with   this    in   \aew    he   invited   various 
distinguished  foreigners  to  England  to  pre- 
pare  '  one   common   harmony   of   faith   and 
doctrine.'     For  this  he  laboured  from  Henry 
vui.'s  death,  1547,  to  1553,  but  the  project 
was  frustrated  partly  by  the  lukewarmness 
of  IMelanchthon  and  partly  by  the  difficulties 
of  England  itself.     This  conference  was  to 
have  been  attended  not  only  by  Lutherans, 
but  by   '  the  different  shades  of  Swiss  re- 
formers.'     This  dream  was  shared  only  by 
the  archbishop  and  his  immediate  friends, 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  larger 
body  of  the  EngUsh  bishops  would  have  been 
opposed  to  it. 

Throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  reign 
of  Ehzabeth  the  bond  between  the  Enghsh 
Church  and  the  Swiss  reformers  was  close, 
Beza,  Calvin,  and  Bullinger  exercising  the 
greatest  influence  over  Enghsh  theology. 
But  notwithstanding  this  pressure  the  orders 
of  these  Presbyterian  bodies  seem  always  to 
have  been  reckoned  irregular  and  invalid, 
and  it  was  objected  to  Dean  Whit  ting- 
ham  [q.v.)  of  Durham  in  1578  that  he  '  was 
not  made  minister  after  the  Orders  of  the 
Church  of  England,  but  after  the  Form  of 
Geneva.' 

No  further  schemes  of  reunion  with  the 
Foreign  Reformed  seem  to  have  been  pro- 
posed until  the  reign  of  James  i.  In  1618 
four  Anglican  divines  attended  the  Synod 
of  Dort  in  HoUand :  Bishop  Carleton  of 
Llandaff;  Dr.  HaU,  later  Bishop  of  Nor- 
wich; Dr.  Davenant  {q.v.),  later  Bishop 
of  Sahsbury ;  and  Dr.  Samuel  Ward.  They 
protested  against  Ai'ticle  31  of  the  Belgic 
Confession,  which  denied  episcopal  govern- 
ment when  it  was  proposed  for  the  approval 
of  the  foreign  divines,  and  Bishop  Carleton 
made  a  strong  defence  of  the  Apostolic 
Succession  of  bishops.  These  English  were, 
in  CoUier's  words,  '  no  more  than  four  court 
divines ;  their  commission  and  instructions 
were  only  from  the  King  .  .  .  they  had  no 


delegation  from  the  bishops,  and  by  conse- 
quence were  no  representatives  of  tlie  Britisli 
Church.'  Individual  Churchmen,  however, 
especially  Bishop  Davenant  and  John  Duric 
(1596-1680),  laboured  to  reunite  the  Foreign 
Reformed  among  themselves,  especially  '  the 
Calvinists  to  the  Lutherans,'  a  work  aided  by 
Archbishops  Abbot  [q.v.)  and  Laud  {q.v.). 

After  the  death  of  Charles  i.  {q.v.)  and  the 
proscription  of  the  English  Church  [Common- 
wealth, CuuBCU  Under]  friendly  relations 
with  the  Foreign  Reformed  took  place  in 
France,  and  Cosin  {q.v.)  and  others  attended 
their  ministrations.  Others,  however,  as 
Clarendon,  refused  to  do  this ;  but,  owing  to 
the  still  lively  fear  of  the  political  power  of 
Rome,  many  Churchmen  emphasised  eagerly 
their  belief  in  the  '  Reformed  Churches  '  and 
communicated  with  them.  But  the  ministry 
of  these  Churches  was  never  recognised 
officially  by  the  Enghsh  Church,  although  in 
individual  cases  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  and 
once,  it  is  said,  after  1662,  men  ordained  by 
them  have  held  English  benefices. 

While    among    High    Churchmen    in    the 

seventeenth   century  there  are  to  be   found 

great  names,  as  Cosin  and  Denis    Granville 

{q.v.),    who    appear    to    have    reckoned    the 

Foreign  Reformed  as  '  true  '  though  imperfect 

Churches,  and  were  disposed  to  recognise  their 

ministry  as  vahd  though  irregular,  yet  these 

were  only  the  opinions  of  individual  divines, 

and  the  Enghsh  Church  has  never  deflected 

from  the  view  expressed  in  the  preface   to 

the  Ordinal,  that  episcopal   consecration  or 

Ordination  is  necessary  to  constitute  a  Bishop, 

Priest,  or  Deacon ;    and  while  the   fear   of 

Rome  in  the  seventeenth  century  very  largely 

accounts   for   the   attitude   of   some   of   the 

divines,  the  official  view  of  the  Enghsh  Church 

was  expressed  by  the  Lower  House  of  the 

Convocation   of   Canterbury  in    1689,  when 

(in  an  address  to  the  Crown)  it  vetoed  the 

i    words  '  the  Protestant  Rehgion  in  General ' 

{    lest '  it  shoiild  own  the  Presbyterian  Churches 

1    of  the  Continent ' ;  and  great  names  at  the 

same  period  are  on  this  side,  as  Dr.  Hickes 

{q.v.)  in  his  Answer  to  the  Rights,  etc.,  1707. 

The    practice    of    the    Enghsh    Church   has 

been   to  reordain  ministers  of  the  Foreign 

Reformed    while    recognising    at    once    the 

orders  of  Rome. 

In  1708  Frederick,  King  of  Prussia,  de- 
sired to  unite  the  Lutherans  and  Calvinists 
in  his  dominions,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
obtain  for  them  a  hturgy  and  the  Apostohcal 
Succession,  for  which  purpose  he  sought  a 
union  with  the  Enghsh  Church.  The  attempt 
was  renewed  in  1710,  when  Archbishop 
Sharp  {q.v.),  and  through  him  Queen  Anne, 


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became  interested.  The  Prussian  Ambassa- 
dor (M.  Bonet),  in  a  long  account  of  the  nego- 
tiations to  his  King,  17th  March  1710-11, 
alleges  that  the  English  clergy  arc  '  possessed 
with  '  a  belief  in  the  Apostolical  Succession, 
'  and  upon  this  supposition  they  allege  there 
can  be  no  true  ecclesiastical  government  but 
under  bishops  of  this  order ;  nor  true 
ministers  of  the  Gospel  but  such  as  have 
been  ordained  by  bishops ;  and  if  there  be 
others  that  do  not  go  so  far,  yet  they  all  make 
a  great  difference  between  the  ministers  that 
have  received  imposition  of  hands  by  bishops 
and  those  that  have  been  ordained  by  a 
synod  of  presbyters.'  The  negotiations  were 
ended  by  the  death  of  the  Prussian  king, 
1713. 

Earl  Stanhope,  in  introducing  a  Bill  for  the 
reUef  of  Protestant  dissenters,  13th  December 
1718,  '  argued  that  by  the  union  of  all  true 
Protestants,  the  Church  of  England  would 
still  be  the  head  of  aU  the  Protestant 
churches,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
become  the  patriarch  of  aU  the  Protestant 
clergy.' 

For  the  rest  of  the  century  interest  in  and 
intercourse  with  the  Foreign  Reformed 
bodies  waned  in  England.  The  Moravian 
Brotherhood,  as  a  society  in  the  Enghsh 
Church,  elected  Bishop  T.  Wilson  [q.v.)  one 
of  '  the  Antecessors  of  the  General  Synod 
of  the  brethren  of  the  Anatohc  Unity,'  1749, 
an  office  which  he  accepted  with  pleasure. 

In  the  cause  of  Foreign  Missions  English 
Churchmen  and  Lutherans  worked  together 
in  India  throughout  the  eighteenth  century, 
the  S.P.C.K.  subsidised  the  Danish  and 
German  Lutheran  Missions  in  the  Madras 
Presidency,  and  these  relations  ceased  only 
in  1824  when  the  missions  were  taken  over 
by  the  S.P.G.  The  C.M.S.  also  in  its  earUest 
years  emploj^ed  Lutheran  agents  in  India 
in  default  of  English  clergy,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  Lutheran  orders  have  never 
been  recognised  officially  by  the  English 
Church. 

The  scheme  for  a  Bishopric  in  Jerusalem 
[q.v.)  to  be  managed  jointly  by  England  and 
Prussia,  carried  through  in  1841,  was  in 
reality  an  indirect  attempt  to  unite  the 
English  Church  with  the  State  Church  of 
Prussia,  or  to  lead  the  way  to  such  a  union 
by  giving  the  Prussian  clergy  vaUd  orders. 
The  scheme  failed  of  its  object. 

The  question  of  Moravian  'orders'  came 
before  the  Lambeth  Conference  in  1878,  and 
aga^n  in  1888.  In  1888  the  Conference 
decided  that  efEorts  should  be  made  to  estab- 
lish more  friendly  relations  with  the  Swedish 
Church.     A  previous  effort  towards  negotia- 


tion with  the  Scandinavian  Churches  had 
been  made  by  the  Aberdeen  Diocesan 
Synod  in  1863.  The  Conference  of  1897, 
while  avowing  its  insufficient  information 
as  to  the  orders  of  the  Moravians,  expressed 
'  a  hearty  desire  for  such  relations  with  them 
as  will  aid  the  cause  of  Christian  unity,' 
recommended  '  further  discussion,'  and  asked 
for  committees  to  consider  both  Moravian 
and  Swedish  orders.  In  the  Conference  of 
1908  a  Swedish  bishop  (Dr.  Tottie)  attended 
with  a  letter  to  the  bishops,  and  a  committee 
reported  that  Swedish  orders  '  were  a  matter 
for  friendly  conference  and  explanation.' 
A  committee  in  1906  had  found  the  claim  to 
episcopal  succession  among  the  Moravians 
'  not  proven,'  and  the  Conference  of  1908  laid 
down  precise  regulations  as  to  alliance  with 
the  Moravian  body.  The  General  Synod  of  the 
Moravian  Church  in  June  1909  at  Herrnhutt 
welcomed  the  Lambeth  decrees  warmly ;  and 
Bishop  J.  Wordsworth  in  his  last  work.  The 
National  Church  of  Sweden,  looked  forward  to 
an  alliance  with  the  Swedish  Church,  which 
should  unite  with  the  EngUsh  Church  the 
estimated  seventy  millions  of  Lutherans. 

Projects  for  reunion  with  the  Old  Catholics 
were  adumbrated  by  the  Conferences  held 
at  Bonn,  1874  and  1875,  and  a  message  of 
sympathy  with  them  was  contained  in  the 
official  '  letter '  of  the  Lambeth  Conference 
of  1878.  Desire  for  friendly  relations  with 
the  Old  CathoUcs  of  Holland,  Germany, 
Switzerland,  and  Austria  was  expressed  in  the 
Conference  of  1888,  though  the  Conference 
beheved  that  '  the  time  had  not  come  for 
any  direct  alliance.'  In  1897  the  desire  for 
friendly  relations  was  renewed,  and  the  offer 
of  Communion  to  their  members  was  repeated. 
Similar  resolves  '  to  maintain  and  strengthen 
the  friendly  relations  which  already  exist ' 
were  passed  in  1908.  Strong  sympathy  be- 
tween members  of  the  Enghsh  Church  and 
the  so-caUed  Jansenist  Church  of  Holland 
began  vrith  the  History  by  Dr.  J.  M.  Neale 
[q.v.),  published  in  1858,  before  any  Old 
Catholics  existed  and  the  Society  of  St. 
WUhbrord  (the  Anglican  and  Old  CathoUc 
Union),  of  which  Dr.  CoUins,  Bishop  of 
Gibraltar,  was  the  first  Anghcan  president, 
and  which  bishops  of  both  Churches  have 
joined,  was  founded  in  1908,  '  to  promote  a 
closer  intercommunion  '  between  the  EngUsh 
Church  and  the  Old  Cathohcs  abroad. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

For  the  movement,  lij35-9,  Strype,  Ecd.  Mem. 
(fol.  ed.),  i.  228-32,  341-3,  and  app.  ]57-63; 
Hardwick,  Hist,  of  the  Articles,  c.  4.  For 
Cranmer  see  iiewiatns,  P.S.,  420,  n.  4  ;  Original 
Letters,   P.S.,   24;  Hardwick,   op.   cit.,   70-3. 


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For  Synod  of  Dort  sec  Collier,  Rccles.  Hist., 
eil  ISIO,  vii.  411,  un.i  tor  Joliii  Drurie, 
Worclswoith,  Xat.  Ch.  of  Sweden,  290-8.  For 
the  (lueslion  of  the  Ministrj-  of  the  Foreign 
Reformed  see  Goode,  Brotherli/  Communion 
with  (he  Foreign  Protestant  Churches  desired, 
etc.  (1859),  and  Meiisoii,  Relation  of  the  Ch.  of 
Eng.  to  the  other  Reformed  Churches,  1911. 
A.S  to  alleged  case.s  in  which  the  Knglish  Clmrch 
ofilciall}'  recognised  persons  in  the  uunistry  of 
the  Reformed  Churches  as  competent  to 
minister  without  episcopal  ordination,  see 
Denny.  Eiu/.  Ch.  and  the  Ministry  of  the  Re- 
formed Churches  (Ch.  Hist.  Soc,  1902),  wliich 
by  anticipation  answers  statements  of  Dr. 
Henson  in  his  Relation,  etc.  For  the  eigh- 
teenth century  see  Life  of  Archbishop  Sharp,  i. 
403  st'r/.,  ii.  app.  ii.,  153-215;  Lord  Mahon, 
Histor;/,  i.  491.  R-portt  of  the  Lambeth  Con- 
ferences. 

(4)  Home  Reunion. — This  question  arose 
for  the  first  time  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
[Nonconformity.]  Earlier  separatists  from 
the  English  Church  [Loll.yrds]  were  dealt 
with  as  heretics  [Heresy],  and  under  Eliza- 
beth the  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.)  was  a 
measure  of  coercion.  The  Puritans  {q.v.), 
who  desired  the  formularies  to  be  changed  in 
their  interests,  were  rebuffed  at  the  Hampton 
Court  Conference  (q.v.),  and  toleration  {q.v.) 
was  of  slow  growth.  In  1667  a  scheme  for 
'  comprehension  '  of  Presbyterians  {q.v.)  was 
put  forward,  and  such  schemes  were  frequent 
throughout  the  reign  of  Charles  n.  The 
movement  was  partly  political,  and  was 
supported  by  those  who  were  later  called 
'Low  Church'  {q.v.).  Tillotson  {q.v.)  and 
Stilhngfleet  {q.v.)  sympathised,  and  Bishop 
Croft  of  Hereford  in  The  Naked  Truth,  1675, 
advocated  concessions.  Burnet  {q.v.)  then 
zealously  opposed  the  movement  in  his 
Modest  Survey  .  .  .  of  Naked  Truth,  1676. 
Dr.  Whitby  in  The  Protestant  Reconciler,  1682, 
pleaded  for  further  concessions.  In  practice, 
however,  the  more  Puritan  bishops,  as  Seth 
Ward  {q.v.),  were  most  vigorous  with  dis- 
senters, while  churchmen  of  the  school  of 
Juxon  {q.v.),  Sanderson,  and  Bancroft  {q.v.) 
were  mild  and  gentle. 

The  Revolution  of  1688  led  to  further 
schemes  of  comprehension,  and  the  com- 
mission of  1689  [CojranssioNS,  Royal]  pro- 
posed terms  of  reunion  which  would  have 
compromised  the  question  of  the  apostolic 
ministry.  Convocation  rejected  the  pro- 
posals. Burnet  was  eager  in  the  cause,  yet 
was  active  in  winning  over  dissenters  to  the 
Church,  and  greatly  lessened,  he  says,  their 
number  and  influence  in  Salisbury.  The 
schemes  of  comprehension  concerned  princi- 
pally the  Presbyterians ;  many  of  the  Inde- 
pendents were  wholly  irreconcilable.  The 
Baptists  showed  no  disposition  to  come  to 

2K  ( 


an  agreement  with  the  Church,  nor  did 
members  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  [Non- 
conformity.] 

The  removal  of  the  fear  of  Rome  in  1689 
broke  up  the  alliance  between  Churchmen 
and  dissenters  in  England,  and  althougli 
comprehension  was  debated  in  Convocation 
in  1702,  the  tide  of  feeling  in  Queen  Anne's 
reign  was  entirely  against  it.  In  1748  a  cor- 
respondence on  reunion  was  begun  between 
Dr.  Samuel  Chandler  (1693-1766),  the  eminent 
Presbyterian,  and  Bishop  Gooch  of  Norwicli, 
in  which  Bishop  Sherlock  {q.v.)  and  Arch- 
bishop Herring,  as  well  as  Dr.  Philip  Dod- 
dridge, the  Presbyterian  (1702-51),  took  part. 
No  practical  results  followed. 

The  rise  of  the  Methodists,  while  it  led 
to  sympathy  between  Evangelicals  within 
and  without  the  English  Church,  brought  no 
proposal  for  home  reunion  or  comprehension, 
and  the  subject  did  not  again  arise  until 
Dr.  Arnold  {q.v.),  alarmed  at  the  dangers 
which  threatened  the  Church  in  1832,  pub- 
lished his  Principles  of  Church  Reform,  which 
proposed  the  union  of  all  sects  with  the  Church 
by  Act  of  Parliament,  i.e.  that  all  Christian 
bodies  should  be  recognised  as  belonging  to 
the  National  Church,  a  proposal  which  was 
rather  federation  than  reunion,  and  which 
Arnold  considered  '  comprehension  without 
compromise.'  The  proposal  had  been  in 
part  dictated  by  exaggerated  fears.  '  Nothing 
can  save  the  Church  but  a  union  with  the 
dissenters,'  he  wrote  (January  1833).  The 
proposal  roused  a  storm  of  protest,  and  was 
answered  by  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.). 

Movements  for  home  reunion  came  next 
from  the  adherents  of  that  Movement. 
In  1869  a  committee  was  formed  at  the 
Wolverhampton  Church  Congress  to  form  a 
society  for  the  reunion  of  Christendom  on  the 
basis  of  the  national  Church.  Its  method 
was  to  win  back  dissenters  by  way  of 
compromise.  The  society  was  a  complete 
failure,  and  in  1878  its  members  joined  the 
Home  Reunion  Society,  which  was  founded  by 
a  devoted  layman,  William  Thomas  Mowbray, 
in  1873.  Its  constitution  was  finally  settled 
(January  1875)  under  its  first  president. 
Bishop  Harold  Browne  of  Winchester.  The 
society  is  pledged  to  support  no  scheme  that 
can  compromise  the  teaching  of  the  Three 
Creeds  or  the  episcopal  constitution  of  the 
Church.  It  has  done  much  by  prayer, 
conference,  and  social  intercourse  between 
churchmen  and  dissenters  to  bring  about  a 
better  understanding.  At  successive  Lam- 
beth Conferences  since  1888  the  subject  has 
been  considered,  that  of  1888  lajdng  down 
the  four  principles  on  which  such  reunion 

H3  ) 


Richard] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Richard 


must  proceed,  viz.  :    (1)  the  Holy  Scriptures 
as  the  rule  of  Faith ;    (2)  the  Apostles'  and 
Nicene     Creeds ;    (3)    the    two    Sacraments 
of  the  Gospel ;  (4)  the  Historic  Episcopate. 
This  was  reaffirmed  by  a  committee  of  the 
Conference  of  1897,  and  Resolutions  75-8  of 
the  Conference  of  1908  conceived  that  under 
certain  conditions  'it  might  be  possible  to 
make  an  approach  to  reunion  on  the  basis 
of  consecrations  to  the  episcopate  on  lines 
suggested  by  such  precedents  as  those  of  1610.' 
Individual  clergy  have  gone  further.     A 
series  of  sermons  by  Dr.  Henson  on  Oodly 
Union  mid  Concord,  1902,  advocated  a  more 
complete  surrender  of  the  Church's  practice, 
and  Bishop  Percival  of  Hereford  invited  and 
admitted    dissenters  to    Communion   in   his 
cathedral  in  June  1911.     The  bishop's  action 
was  disclaimed  in  Convocation,  and  such  en- 
deavours have  seemed  less  attempts  at  reunion 
than  demonstrations  against  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment and  the  Church  principles  for  which  it 
stood,  just  as  in  the  seventeenth  and  eigh- 
teenth centuries  the  desire  to  comprehend 
Presbyterians  was  in  great  measure  dictated 
by  a  desire  to  relax  the  formularies.     The 
Estabhshed  Church  in  Scotland   has  stood 
on  a  somewhat  different  footing.     In  1610 
James  i.  and  vi,  induced  thi-ee  Scottish  titular 
bishops  to  accept  consecration  from  the  Eng- 
lish episcopate,  and  they,  returning  home, 
consecrated    the    rest    of    their    brethren. 
(From    1572    there   had   been   bishops   who 
were,  in  fact,  Presbyterian  ministers.)     Until 
1689  the  Church,  under  regularly  consecrated 
bishops,  continued  in  Scotland  in  fuU  com- 
munion   with    the    Enghsh    Church.     After 
1689,  when  the  Presbyterian  Establishment 
was  set  up,  communion  between  the  Estab- 
lished Church  of  Scotland  and  the  EngUsh 
Church  ceased,   though  efforts  were  made, 
especially  by  Bishop  C.  Wordsworth  of  St. 
Andrews,  to  bring  about  intercommunion. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Abbey  and  Overton,  Eng.  C'h.  in  Eighteenth  ■ 
Ce7itury,     i.     386-410 ;     ReAinion     Magazine, 
December  1910,    '  Home  Reunion  '  ;    Lambeth 
Conference  Reports,  1888,  1897,  1908. 

RICHARD  OF  WYCH,  St.  (?  1197-1253), 
Bishop  of  Chichester,  was  born  at  Wych 
(now  Droitwich),  near  Worcester,  son  of 
well-to-do  parents,  who  seem  to  have  been 
landowners.  The  family  name  was  appar- 
ently Chandos,  for  his  brother  is  so  named 
in  the  bishop's  will.  On  the  death  of 
Richard's  father  the  famUy  became  extremely 
poor,  and  Richard,  though  the  younger  son, 
undertook  the  management  of  the  property, 
and  after  several  years  of  strenuous  labour 


restored  the  family  fortunes.     His  brother 
in    gratitude     offered    to    make    over    the 
lands  to  him  (the  estate  seems  to  have  been 
named  Burford:  no  trace  of  the  name  now 
survives   in  the  neighbourhood),  and  urged 
him    to    marry    '  a    certain     noble     lady.' 
Richard     declined     these    suggestions,    and 
went  to  Oxford  to  prepare  for  holy  orders. 
He  lived  very  poorly,  since  a  priest,  to  whom 
he    had    entrusted    his    capital,    wasted    it. 
Richard  shared  a  lodging  with  two  under- 
graduates as  poor  as  himself.     They  had  but 
one   warm    tunic   and    one    hooded    gown 
between  them,   and  in  this  they  attended 
lectures  in  turns.     Their  ordinary  food  was 
bread  and  vegetables  with  a  very  little  wine. 
They  had  fish  or  meat  only  on  great  festivals 
or    when     entertaining    guests.     After    his 
course  at   Oxford,  Richard  went    to    Paris. 
He  seems  then  to  have  taken  his  M.A.  at 
Oxford,  and  to  have  spent  seven  years  in  the 
study  of  Canon  Law  at  Bologna,  where  he 
was  greatly  distinguished.     His  tutor  there 
offered  him  his  daughter  in  marriage;   but 
his  heart  was  set  on  the  priesthood,  and  in 
1235  he  returned  to  Oxford,  where  he  became 
Chancellor  of  the  University.     The  two  best 
churchmen  of  the  day  had  meanwhile  marked 
him:   Archbishop  Edmund    Rich  (g.v.)  and 
Bishop  Grosseteste  [q.v.).  and    each  invited 
him  to    become    his    Chancellor.      Richard 
accepted    the  offer  of    the  archbishop,  and 
became  his  devoted  follower,  accompanjang 
him  in  his  exUe,  and  continuing   with   him 
tiU   his  death  at  Soissy,  1242.     He  was  of 
great   assistance    to    the    archbishop's  bio- 
grapher, to  whom  he  gave  much  material. 
Overcome  with  grief  at  his  master's  death,  he 
retired  to  a  Dominican   house   at   Orleans, 
where    he    studied   theology,    was  ordained 
priest,  and  wished  to  enter  the  order.     He 
was  recalled  to  England  by  the  new  primate, 
Boniface  of  Savoy,  and  induced  to  resume 
his    Chancellorship.     At  the  same  time  he 
became  Vicar  of  Deal  and  Rector  of  Charing, 
Kent. 

Richard  Passelew  had  been  elected  bishop 
by  his  fellow  canons  of  Chichester,  1244. 
Archbishop  Boniface  caused  him  to  be 
examined  formally  by  Grosseteste,  and 
then  quashed  the  election.  He  recom- 
mended Richard  of  Wych  to  the  canons, 
who  elected  him  unanimously.  Henry  m. 
was  furious,  and  refused  to  surrender  the 
temporahties  of  the  see,  objecting  that 
Boniface  had  '  provided '  Richard.  The 
Pope,  Innocent  iv.,  heard  the  case  at  Lyons, 
confirmed  the  election,  and  consecrated 
Richard,  21st  July  1245.  For  two  years 
Henry  kept  ''the  temporahties,  and  Richard 


(  514  ) 


Richard] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Ridley 


was  a  homeless  wanderer  in  his  own  diocese, 
Hving  chiefly  with  a  poor  priest — one  Simon 
of  Tarring — but  Avorking  most  actively, 
traversing  the  downs  and  woods  on  foot. 
He  won  the  liearts  of  the  Sussex  folk  in  an 
astonishing  degree,  and  was  a  model  bishop. 
His  statutes  for  the  diocese  regulate  conduct 
and  ceremonial  alike,  and  show  Richard  a 
wise  ruler  as  well  as  a  good  parish  priest. 
(They  are  in  Wilkins,  Cone,  i.  688-93.) 
He  instituted  contributions,  later  called 
St.  Richard's  pence,  from  each  church  in  the 
diocese,  to  be  offered  for  the  upkeep  of  the 
cathedral  church  on  Easter  Day  or  Whit  Sun- 
day. In  1246,  threatened  with  excommuni- 
cation, Henry  in.  restored  the  temporalities. 
Details  of  Richard's  personal  life  are  full  and 
vivid  in  his  earliest  biographies.  He  never  ate 
meat,  on  humanitarian  grounds,  and  when 
lamb  or  chicken  was  served  at  his  table  he 
would  exclaim :  '  0  if  you  wei"e  rational  and 
could  speak,  how  you  would  curse  our  glut- 
tony. We  indeed  have  caused  your  death, 
and  you,  innocents,  what  have  you  done 
worthy  of  death  ? '  Though  he  lived  with 
extreme  simpUcity  his  dress  showed  his  good 
breeding  and  good  taste,  '  neither  too  smart 
nor  too  shabby '  [nee  nitida  nimium  nee 
abjecta  plurimum  sed  ex  modefato  et  competenti 
liabitu).  In  his  name  is  found  by  his 
biographer,  Ralph  of  Bocking,  the  memory 
of  his  beautiful  manners  (Ricardus  =  ii/cZe?i.s, 
Cams,  et  Didcis). 

'  His  very  name  the  record  of  his  smile 
And  of  his  sweetness  and  his  charm.' 

(Warren.) 

In  politics  Richard  was  of  the  school  of 
Grosseteste,  and  strongly  opposed  to  royal 
absolutism,  and  is  reckoned  by  Stubbs  among 
the  political  heroes  of  the  century  {C.H., 
ii.  314).  He  was  an  ardent  Crusader, 
and  preached  the  Crusade  throughout  his 
diocese  and  in  Kent.  While  preaching  it  his 
strength  gave  way.  He  was  carried  to  Dover, 
consecrated  a  church  there  to  the  memory 
of  his  master  and  friend,  St.  Edmund,  and 
died  about  midnight,  3rd  April  1253. 

'The  gentle  confessor.  Bishop  Richard,' 
was  buried  in  his  cathedral  church,  near 
the  altar  of  St.  Edmund,  by  his  direction. 
He  was  canonised  by  Urban  iv.,  22nd  January 
1262,  in  the  Franciscan  church  at  Viterbo. 
His  memory  lingered  long  in  Sussex  (there 
was  a  Guild  of  St.  Richard  at  Eastbourne  in 
the  fifteenth  century),  and  at  Droitwich, 
where  the  omission  of  his  festival,  1646,  was 
followed  by  the  drying  up  of  a  well,  which 
reflowed  when  the  observance  was  resumed. 
His  festival  was  kept  in  Droitwich  in  1680, 


and  the  wakes  which  wero  its  modern  de- 
velopment flourished  until  the  nineteenth 
century.  More  strange  was  an  Italian 
devotion  to  him,  illustrated  by  a  TAfe  pub- 
lislicd  at  Milan  in  1706,  in  which  St.  Richard 
appears  as  the  protector  of  the  Coachmen's 
Union  of  Milan.  It  exhibits  him  (in  a  frontis- 
piece) distinguished  by  a  nimbus,  driving  a 
coach  and  four.  The  origin  of  this  devotion 
is  '  beyond  conjecture.' 

Henry  vin.  ordered  his  shrine  to  bo  de- 
stroyed, 4th  December  1538 ;  the  directions 
were  very  precise  (Wilkins,  Cone,  iii.  840) ; 
it  has  been  in  part  restored.  The  barons  of 
the  western  Cinque  Ports  (Hastings  and  her 
members)  were  accustomed  to  present  their 
share  of  the  coronation  canopy  to  St. 
Richard's  tomb.  He  is  still  commemorated 
in  the  calendar  of  the  EngUsh  Church  on  4th 
April.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Lives  in  Acta  Sanctorum,  (April),  i.  277 
seq. ,  and  by  Stephens  in  Memorials  of  the  Sec 
of  Chichester.  A  very  excellent  Life  is  in 
Newman's  series,  probably  by  R.  Orusby  ;  others 
are  in  D.A\B.  l>y  Mrs.  Tout,  and  liy  Canon 
Cooper  in  Sussex  Arch.  Coll.,  xliv.  fl'is  will  is 
printed  in  Sasscx-  Arch.  Coll.,  i.  167  «''/• 

RIDLEY,  Nicholas  (1500  ?-1555),  Bishop 
of  London,  second  son  of  Christopher  Ridley 
of  Unthank  Hall,  belonged  to  an  old  North- 
umberland family;  'being  a  child,  learned 
his  grammar  with  great  dexterity  at  New- 
castle,' and  then  went  to  Pembroke  Hall, 
Cambridge,  of  which  he  afterwards  became 
Fellow.  After  graduating  M.A.  he  pursued  his 
studies  at  the  Sorbonne  and  at  Louvain,  and 
returned  to  Cambridge  about  1530.  He  was 
active  in  securing  the  official  recognition  of 
the  Royal  Supremacy  {q.v. )  by  the  university, 
but  it  does  not  appear  when  he  first  became 
a  convert  to  reformed  views.  He  seems  to 
have  owed  his  change  to  his  own  studies, 
especially  to  Bertram's  book  on  the  Eucharist. 
'  This  Bertram  was  the  first  that  pulled  me 
by  the  ear  and  that  first  brought  me  from 
the  common  error  of  the  Romish  Church 
and  that  caused  me  to  search  more  dfligently 
and  exactly  the  Scriptures  and  the  writings 
of  the  old  ecclesiastical  fathers,'  and  to 
conversations  with  Cranmer  {q.v.)  and  Peter 
Martyr  {q.v.).  He  preached  in  1539  against 
the  Six  Articles,  but  seems  even  then  to  have 
accepted  the  doctrine  of  the  corporal  presence 
in  the  sacrament,  and  did  not  finally  reject 
it  before  the  end  of  the  reign. 

He  became  chaplain  to  Cranmer  in  1537 ; 
Vicar  of  Heme,  1538 ;  Master  of  Pembroke 
Hall,  1540 ;  chaplain  to  the  King  and  Canon 
of  Cantcrbur}^  1541 ;  and  though  suspected 
of  heresy  and  examined   by  commissioners 


(515) 


Ridley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ridley 


succeeded  in  holding  all  these  preferments 
during  the  rest  of  the  reign.  On  the 
accession  of  Edward  vi.  he  became  Vicar  of 
Soham  in  Cambs.,  and  Bishop  of  Rochester 
in  September  1547,  and  obtained  permission 
to  hold  in  commendam  his  two  vicarages 
and  two  canonries  until  Christmas,  1552,  and 
he  also  retained  the  Mastership  of  Pembroke 
Hall.  He  went  with  Cranmer  as  a  deputa- 
tion from  the  Council  to  Edward  \^.  to  ask 
permission  for  Mary  [q.v.)  to  hear  Mass  at 
the  request  of  Charles  v.  At  which  request 
the  King  burst  into  such  bitter  weeping  and 
sobbing  that  the  bishops,  '  seeing  the  King's 
zeal  and  constancy,  wept  as  fast  as  he,'  and 
gave  up  their  purpose. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  reign  he  accom- 
panied as  preacher  the  visitors  sent  to 
enforce  Reformation  doctrines  in  the  dioceses 
of  York,  Durham,  Carlisle,  and  Chester, 
and  later,  in  1549,  he  was  one  of  the  visitors 
at  Cambridge.  He  presided  over  three 
disputations  concerning  the  Eucharist,  and 
summed  up  in  favour  of  the  Protestants. 
He  rejected  transubstantiation,  and  equally 
disclaimed  holding  the  view  that  the  sacra- 
ment was  '  a  bare  sign.'  His  theory  was 
that  the  faithful  receive  not  Christ's  Body, 
but  the  '  power  and  inward  might '  of  His 
Body.  And  he  would  have  forbidden  any 
honour  being  paid  to  the  outward  sign,  but 
only  to  the  Body  of  Christ  in  heaven.  His 
argument  was  learned,  and  he  attached 
much  importance  to  the  opinion  of  the  '  old 
ancient  fathers.'  He  became  Bishop  of  London 
when  Bonner  {q.v.)  was  deprived  in  1549. 

As  bishop,  Foxe  {q.v.),  a  partial  authority, 
tells  us  that  '  he  so  travailed  and  occupied 
himself  by  preaching  and  teaching  the  true 
and  wholesome  doctrine  of  Christ  that  never 
good  child  was  more  singularly  loved  of  his 
dear  parents  than  he  of  his  flock  and  diocese. 
Every  Sunday  and  holiday  he  lightly  preached 
in  some  one  place  or  other,  except  he  was 
otherwise  letted  by  weighty  affairs  and  busi- 
ness, to  whose  sermons  the  people  resorted, 
swarming  about  him  like  bees.'  He  ordered 
the  altars  in  his  diocese  to  be  replaced  by 
communion  tables,  but  laboured  earnestly  to 
induce  Hooper  {q.v.)  to  wear  the  episcopal 
vestments  required  by  law,  as  being  '  things 
indifferent.'  He  was  perhaps  one  of  the  com- 
mittee which  drew  up  the  Prayer  Book  of 
1549.  A  sermon  he  preached  before  the 
King  was  in  part  responsible  for  the  found- 
ing of  Christ's  Hospital,  St.  Thomas's  Hospital, 
and  the  Bethlehem  Hospital.  Like  Latimer 
{q.v.),  he  remonstrated  against  the  rapacity 
of  the  courtiers  and  great  nobles  and  their 
seizure    of    Church   property.    In    1552    he 


visited  Mary,  who  received  him  courteously, 
but  decUned  his  offer  to  preach  to  her — a 
refusal  of  which  he  made  a  good  deal  later. 
He  was  persuaded  by  Northumberland  to 
sign  the  document  which  acknowledged  the 
title  of  Lady  Jane  Grey  to  the  throne,  and 
was  promised  the  bishopric  of  Durham. 
Immediately  after  the  King's  death,  by 
command  of  the  Council,  in  a  sermon  at 
Paul's  Cross  before  the  Lord  Mayor  and 
corporation,  he  declared  Mary  and  Elizabeth 
to  be  illegitimate,  and  denounced  Mary's 
religious  opinions. 

When  all  hope  of  establishing  Lady  Jane 
Grey  on  the  throne  was  over,  '  he  speedily 
repairing  to  Framhngham  to  salute  the  Queen 
had  such  cold  welcome  there  that  being 
despoiled  of  all  his  dignitie  he  was  sent  back 
on  a  lame  halting  horse  to  the  Tower.' 
He  was  excepted  from  the  Queen's  amnest3% 
and  Bonner  was  reinstated  Bishop  of  London. 
In  March  1554  he  was  sent  to  Oxford  with 
Cranmer  and  Latimer  to  dispute  with  learned 
divines  of  both  Universities  about  the  Pre- 
sence in  the  Eucharist. 

When  the  three  articles  were  read  to  him  : 
(1)  affirming  that  Christ's  natural  Body  was 
in  the  sacrament ;  (2)  denying  that  the 
substance  of  bread  and  wine  remained  after 
consecration ;  (3)  affirming  that  the  Mass 
was  a  sacrifice  propitiatory  for  the  sins  of 
the  quick  and  dead,  he  said :  '  They  were 
all  false  and  that  they  sprang  out  of  a  bitter 
and  sour  root.  His  answers  were  sharp, 
witty,  and  learned.'  He  denied  the  presence 
of  Christ's  natural  Bodj',  but  admitted  a 
spiritual  presence.  '  I  confess  that  Christ's 
Body  is  in  the  sacrament  in  this  respect ; 
because  there  is  in  it  the  Spirit  of  Christ, 
that  is  the  power  of  the  Word  of  God,  which 
not  only  feedeth  the  soul  but  cleanseth  it.' 

As  a  result,  he  was  declared  a  heretic, 
but  it  was  not  until  September  1555,  when 
Parliament  had  re-enacted  the  penal  laws, 
that  he  was  tried  under  the  new  statutes. 
He  was  sentenced  and  then  formally  degraded 
by  Bishop  Brooks  and  the  vice-chanceUor. 
During  his  degradation  '  Dr.  Ridley  did 
vehemently  inveigh  against  the  Romish 
bishop  and  all  that  foolish  apparel  [the  Mass 
vestments],  calling  him  antichrist  and  the 
apparel  foolish  and  abominable,  yea  too 
fond  for  a  Vice  in  a  play.'  He  was  then 
handed  over  to  the  mayor,  and  the  next  day 
was  brought  to  execution  with  Latimer. 
His  brother-in-law,  Shipside,  fastened  bags 
of  gunpowder  round  his  neck;  but  in  spite 
of  this  death  was  long  in  coming,  as  the  fire 
only  burnt  his  feet  and  legs,  and  he  suffered 
horribly,  crying  out  continually:  'Lord,  have 


(516) 


Ripon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ritual 


mercy  on  me.  Let  the  fire  come  unto  me. 
I  cannot  burn.'  At  last  tlic  fire  touched  the 
gunpowder,  and  death  released  him. 

Foxe  tells  us  that  he  was  '  a  man  right 
cornel}'  and  well  proportioned  in  all  points  '  ; 
'  learned,  wise  of  counsel,  deep  of  wit  and  very 
politic  in  all  his  doings.'  He  seems  to  have 
been  gentle  and  void  of  rancour,  and  treated 
Bonner's  mother  with  great  kindness  when 
he  succeeded  Bonner  as  Bishop  of  London. 
He  was  much  given  to  pi'ayer  and  contempla- 
tion ;  his  chief  relaxation  was  playing  chess. 
He  was  a  man  of  independent  judgment, 
and  perhaps  the  master-spirit  among  the 
Reformers.  '  Latimer  leaneth  to  Cranmer, 
Cranmcr  leaneth  to  Ridley,  and  Ridley  to 
the  singularity  of  his  own  wit.' 

He  had  the  austere  mind  of  the  Puritan, 
which  objected  to  all  sensible  objects  as  aids 
to  devotion.  He  would  have  banished  all 
images,  including  presumably  pictures  and 
stained-glass  windows,  on  the  ground  that  if 
they  did  not  lead  to  superstitious  abuse,  they 
were  liable  to  distract  the  mind  from  prayer. 

He  seems  to  have  realised  the  failure  of 
himself  and  liis  fellow-reformers  to  stem  the 
tide  of  immorality,  which  prevailed  after  even 
more  than  before  the  changes  were  begun. 
'  It  was  great  pity  and  a  lamentable  thing  to 
have  seen  in  many  places  the  people  so 
loathsomely  and  unrehgiously  to  come  to  the 
Holy  Communion  and  to  the  Common 
Prayers  ...  in  comparison  of  that  blind 
zeal  and  undiscreet  devotion  which  they  had 
aforetime  to  those  things  whereof  they 
understood  never  one  whit.' 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Strype,  J/e)rtori(/^5 ;  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monu- 
ments ;  Ridley,  A  Brief  Declaration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  with  a  memoir  by  Bishop  Moule ; 
Worlis  (Parker  Soc). 

RIPON,  See  of.  Ripon  was  apparently 
the  seat  of  a  bishop  for  a  short  time  in  the 
seventh  century,  when  Wilfrid  [q.v.),  finding 
his  see  of  York  occupied,  resided  there  from 
666  to  669,  and  Eadhed,  Bishop  of  Lindsej^ 
retired  there  on  the  conquest  of  his  diocese 
by  Mercia  (c.  678).  But  after  his  death  no 
bishop  had  his  seat  at  Ripon  until  1836.  In 
1835  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  [Com- 
missions, RoYAi,],  desiring  to  bring  the  great 
dioceses  of  the  north  to  a  more  manageable 
size,  recommended  the  erection  of  a  see  there, 
to  be  endowed  by  the  reduction  of  the  larger 
episcopal  incomes.  The  Established  Church 
Act,  1836  (6-7  Will.  iv.  c.  77),  empowered  the 
Crown  to  carry  this  out  by  Order  in  Council, 
and  the  see  was  established,  5th  October  1836. 
An  increase  in  the  number  of  bishops  in  the 


House  of  Lords  was  avoided  by  the  fusion  of 
the  sees  of  Gloucester  [q.v.)  and  Bristol  {q.v.). 
The  new  diocese  consisted  of  that  part  of  the 
county  of  York  which  was  formerly  in  the 
diocese  of  Chester,  and  also  of  part  of  the  dio- 
cese of  York.  The  boundary  between  Ripon 
and  York  was  rearranged  by  Order  in  Council, 
1st  February  1838,  but  in  1888  part  of  the 
diocese  of  Ripon  was  transferred  to  Wakefield 
{q.v.).  The  diocese  consists  of  a  great  part 
of  the  North  and  West  Ridings,  with  a  few 
parishes  in  Lancashire,  and  has  a  population 
of  1,136,045.  The  income  of  the  see  is  £4200. 
It  was  originally  divided  into  the  archdeacon- 
ries of  Richmond  (first  mentioned,  as  part 
of  York  diocese,  1088)  and  Craven  (created 
1836).  An  archdeaconry  of  Ripon  was  formed 
in  1894.  A  bishop  suffragan  was  appointed 
in  1888  with  the  title  of  Bishop  of  Penrith, 
which  in  1889  was  changed  to  Richmond,  and 
in  1905  a  bishop  su&agan  of  Knaresborough 
was  appointed.  A  bishop's  palace  was  built 
near  Ripon,  1838-41.  The  church  of  SS. 
Peter  and  Wilfrid,  Ripon,  whose  crypt  dates 
back  to  the  seventh  century,  had  belonged 
to  the  Augustinian  Canons  from  the  eleventh 
century  untU  the  Dissolution  under  Henry 
vrn.  It  was  refounded  as  a  collegiate  church 
by  James  i.  in  1604,  and  in  1836  it  became 
the  cathedral  church  of  the  new  see,  and  its 
dean    and    prebendaries    became    dean    and 


1.  Charles    Thomas    Longley,    1836 ;     ad- 

ministered the  diocese  successfully. 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  commended  his  '  unremit- 
ting activity,  zeal,  and  piety  ' ;  tr.  to 
Durham,  1856. 

2.  Robert  Bickersteth,  1856;  Evangelical; 

advocated  legalisation  of  marriage  with 
a  deceased  wife's  sister;    d.  1884. 

3.  William  Boyd  Carpenter,  1884  ;  res.  1911. 

4.  Thomas  Wortley  Drurj^  1912 ;    tr.  from 

Sodor  and  Man.  [g.  c] 

RITUAL  CASES.  The  revival  of  ceremonial 
which  was  a  development  of  the  Oxford 
Movement  {q.v.)  met  with  considerable 
opposition  from  the  first,  although  the 
'  ritualists,'  as  they  were  vulgarly  and  in- 
accurately called,  contended  that  they  were 
restoring  lawful  practices  which  had  fallen 
into  disuse.  Westerton  v.  Liddell,  the  first 
suit  in  which  these  questions  were  brought 
before  the  courts,  was  begun  in  1855  after 
communications  of  both  parties  with  Bishop 
Blomfield  {q.v.),  who  censured  the  'dis- 
respectful and  menacing  tone '  adopted  by 
Westerton,   the  churchwarden.     The  action 


(  517  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ritual 


was  brouglit  in  the  consistory  court  of  London 
against  Liddell,  Vicar  of  St.  Paul's,  Knights- 
bridge,  for  the  removal  of  the  high  altar  and 
its  cross,  candlesticks,  coloured  altar-cloths, 
and  the  credence  table.  A  parallel  suit 
{Beal  V.  Liddell)  was  brought  in  respect  of 
the  district  church  of  St.  Barnabas,  PimUco. 
The  decision  was  in  Westerton's  favour  on  all 
points  except  the  candlesticks  (which  were 
held  to  be  legal  if  the  candles  were  only  lit 
when  necessary  for  giving  hght),  and  was 
confirmed  by  the  Court  of  Arches  on  appeal. 
Liddell  appealed  to  the  Privy  Council,  which 
thus  had  a  question  of  ceremonial  before  it 
for  the  first  time.  It  upheld  the  '  rituaUst ' 
view  of  the  Ornaments  Rubric,  and  pro- 
nounced the  altar-cloths,  credence,  and  cross 
on  the  screen  legal,  confirming  the  courts 
below  in  other  respects,  1857. 

After  this  the  ceremonial  revival  spread 
rapidly.  In  1868  began  the  famous  suits  of 
Martin  v.  Mackonocliie  [Mackonochie,  A.H.], 
the  last  judgment  in  which  was  not  delivered 
tUl  1883.  In  the  Court  of  Arches  Sir  Robert 
Phillimore  {q.v.),  in  an  elaborate  judgment, 
decided  that  altar -Ughts  were  legal,  that 
incense,  the  mixed  chalice,  and  elevation  of 
paten  and  chaUce  were  not,  and  that  '  ex- 
cessive kneehng '  during  the  prayer  of 
consecration  was  one  of  a  class  of  practices 
neither  ordered  nor  forbidden  by  the  Prayer 
Book,  but  intended  to  be  governed  by  the 
discretion  of  the  bishop.  The  Privy  Council 
held  that  Ughts  and  '  excessive  kneeling  '  were 
illegal,  and  in  1870  suspended  Mackonochie 
for  three  months  for  disobeying  its  judgment, 
thus  assuming  a  power  to  inflict  a  purely 
spkitual  penalty.  The  next  important  case 
was  El-phinstone,  afterwards  Hebbert,  v. 
Purchas,  1869-71  (the  original  promoter,  a 
colonel,  dying  during  the  suit  and  being 
replaced  by  a  retired  Indian  judge).  The 
defendant,  perpetual  curate  of  St.  James's 
Chapel,  Brighton,  was  charged  with  some 
thirty-five  alleged  illegal  practices,  including 
the  hanging  of  a  stufl'od  dove  over  the 
Holy  Table  on  Whitsunday.  From  many 
of  them  he  was  admonished  to  abstain  by 
the  Dean  of  the  Arches,  who  decided,  how- 
ever, that  the  eucharistic  vestments  {q.v.), 
the  eastward  position,  wafer  bread,  and  the 
mixed  chalice  were  legal.  In  these  points 
the  Privy  Council  reversed  the  judgment 
and  declared  them  illegal.  It  decided  that 
'  the  cope  is  to  be  worn  in  ministering  the 
Holy  Communion  on  high  feast  days  in 
Cathedrals  and  CoUegiate  Churches,  and  the 
surphce  in  aU  other  ministrations.'  Mr. 
Purchas  did  not  appear  in  either  court  owing 
to  poverty  and  ill-health.     Although  the  suit 

(5 


was  undefended,  the  taxed  costs  amounted 
to  £7661,  18s.  7d.      Clifton  v.  Ridsdale  was 
the    first    case    brought    under    the    Pubhc 
Worship   Regulation  Act   {q.v.).     The   Rev. 
C.  J.  Ridsdale  was  incumbent  of  the  district 
chapelry    of    St.     Peter,    Folkestone.     The 
charges  against  hini  were  the  use  of  vestments, 
wafers,  and  similar  matters.     Lord  Penzance 
gave  judgment  in  accordance  with  the  Privy 
Council's    decision    in    Hebbert    v.    Purchas. 
Ridsdale   appealed    to    the    Privy   Council, 
recently  reconstituted  under  the  Act  of  1876. 
Hopes  were  entertained  that  thus  reconsti- 
tuted that  court  would  cut  itself  off  from  its 
questionable  past  and  prove  a  more  suitable 
tribunal  for   the   decision   of   Church   cases. 
It  allowed  the  questions  decided  in  Hebbert 
V.  Purchas  to  be  reopened  and  reargued,  but 
eventually  dismissed  the  appeal  on  all  points, 
though  it  apparently  extended  the  Purchas 
decision  as  to  the  cope  so  as  to  make  it  apply 
to  all  Eucharists  in  cathedral  and  coUegiate 
churches.     The  combined  effect  of  this  and 
the  Purchas  judgment  was  utterly  to  discredit 
the  Privy  Council  in  the  eyes  of  a  very  large 
number  of  churchmen.     They  were  accused 
of  inconsistency  in  admitting  and  even  ap- 
peahng  to  its  jurisdiction  as  long  as  it  seemed 
likely  to  decide  in  their  favour,  and  repudiat- 
ing its  authority  when  the  judgments  went 
against  them.     But  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  Privy  Council  was  in  possession  of 
the  field.     There  was  no  other  tribunal  to 
which  those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
decisions  of  the  provincial  court  could  turn. 
And  although  its  claim  to  adjudicate  upon 
doctrine    had    aheady  been    questioned,    it 
was  not  easy  to  reaUse  all  at  once  that  it  had 
no  right  to  the  jurisdiction  which  it  claimed 
in  the  less  vital  matters  of  ceremony  until  it 
stultified  itseK  by  the  nature  of  its  decisions. 
Discontent  centred  mainly  round  two  points. 
The  judgment  in  Martin  v.  Mackonochie  had 
seemed  to  sanction  the  eastward  position, 
and  many  clergymen,  among  them  Bishop 
S.    Wilberforce    {q.v.),    had    in    consequence 
adopted  that  position  instead  of  the  '  north 
end.'     Much  astonishment  and  indignation 
ensued  when  in  the  Purchas  case  the  Privy 
!    Council,  ignoring,  as  it  seemed,  its  previous 
ruHng,  held  that  the  north  end  position  was 
compulsory    throughout     the     Communion 
i    service.     The  two  senior  canons  of  St.  Paul's 
1    Cathedral,  Dr.  Liddon  {q.v.)  and  Mr.  Gregory, 
openly    disregarded    the    judgment    in    this 
respect   and   pubhshed   their   reasons.     The 
I    decision    against    eucharistic  vestments  was 
I    even   more  vehemently  disputed.     For   the 
i    Privy  Council  both  in    Westerton  v.  Liddell 
and   Martin   v.   Mackonochie  had   taken   a 

18) 


Ritual  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Ritual 


view  of  tlio  Ornamenta  Rubric  which 
sanctioned  them,  and  it  was  held  by  weighty 
authorities  that  that  view  can  only  be 
avoided  by  a  misunderstanding  (some  even 
said  a  falsification)  of  the  historical  evidence. 
A  strong  minority  of  the  court  disapproved  of 
tlie  judgment  in  Clifton  v.  Ridsdale.  Lord 
Chancellor  Cairns,  by  unexpectedly  reviving 
an  Order  in  Council  of  1627,  prevented  them 
from  officially  publishing  their  dissent,  but 
the  existence  of  this  minority  (which  included 
Sir  R.  Phillimore,  the  first  ecclesiastical 
lawyer  of  the  day),  leaked  out  and  added 
to  the  dissatisfaction.  Chief  Baron  Kelly, 
another  member  of  the  court,  was  known  to 
have  declared  that  the  judgment  was  one  of 
'  pohcy,  not  law.'  And  a  third  member  of 
the  minority.  Lord  Justice  Amplilett,  spoke 
of  it  as  '  a  flagitious  judgment.'  From  this 
time  dates  the  complete  repudiation  by 
High  Churchmen  of  the  authority  of  the 
Privy  Council.  Its  incompetence,  and  the 
one-sided  nature  of  its  decisions,  led  to 
investigations  into  its  origin  which  revealed 
its  complete  lack  of  jurisdiction.  The  next 
period  is  one  of  undefended  ritual  prosecu- 
tions. The  court  of  first  instance  also  was 
one  which  churchmen  could  not  recognise, 
as  being  set  up  only  by  Parliament  in  the 
Pubhc  Worship  Regulation  Act.  After  the 
Purchas  judgment  the  Church  Association 
called  on  its  members  for  an  '  abundance  of 
complaints.'  A  large  proportion  of  those 
which  resulted  were  vetoed  by  the  bishops, 
but  some  reached  the  courts.  Five  of  the 
clergy  prosecuted  were  imprisoned  for  periods 
varying  from  a  fortnight  to  nineteen  months, 
namely,  A.  Tooth,  Vicar  of  St.  James's, 
Hatcham,  in  1877;  T.  P.  Dale,  Rector  of 
St.  Vedast  and  St.  Michael  le  Querne,  city 
of  London,  in  1880 ;  R.  W,  Enraght,  Vicar  of 
Holy  Trinity,  Bordesley,  in  1880;  S.  F.  Green, 
Rector  of  St.  John's,  Miles  Platting,  in  1881-2 
[Eraser,  James]  ;  and  J.  Bell  Cox,  perpetual 
Curate  of  St.  Margaret's,  Toxteth  Park, 
Liverpool,  in  1887.  In  Perkins  v.  Enraght 
a  consecrated  wafer  was  produced  in  court, 
and  Archbishop  Tait  [q.v.)  with  difficulty 
secured  its  return. 

In  1888  the  suit  of  Read  v.  BisJiop  of  Lincoln 
was  brought  on  behalf  of  the  Church  Associa- 
tion against  Bishop  King  {q.v.)  for  alleged 
illegal  practices.  After  some  uncertainty  as 
to  jurisdiction  the  case  was  heard  by  Arch- 
bishop Benson  {q.v.)  -with  five  episcopal 
assessors.  The  court  decided  that  the  sign 
of  the  cross  in  absolution  and  benediction  was 
illegal,  but  that  the  following  were  not  illegal : 
—the  eastward  position  (provided  that  the 
manual  acts  were  not  hidden),   the  mixed 


chalice  (provided  that  it  were  not  ceremonially 
mixed  as  a  part  of  the  service),  the  ablutions, 
altar-lights,  and  the  singing  of  the  Agnus  Dei. 
On  appeal  the  Privy  Council  upheld  the  arch- 
bishop's decision,  except  that  it  left  the 
question  of  altar -lights  undecided,  finding 
that  the  bishop  was  not  responsible  for  their 
lighting.  The  bishop  appeared  by  counsel 
before  the  archbishop,  but  not  before  the 
Privy  Council,  as  he  declined  to  recognise 
its  jurisdiction.  This  case  broke  the  spell 
of  the  Privy  Council  by  showing  that  its 
previous  decisions  were  not  infallible  or 
irrevocable,  but  could  be  reconsidered  in  the 
light  of  history  and  liturgiology.  Though 
some  doubt  was  expressed  as  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  archbishop's  court,  its  spiritual 
character  and  moral  authority  were  un- 
questionable. Without  violation  of  consci- 
ence or  principle,  the  clergy  could  yield  to  it 
an  obedience  which  they  were  obliged  to 
deny  to  Lord  Penzance  and  the  Privy  Council, 
and  even  to  bishops  when,  instead  of  relying 
on  their  spiritual  authoritj^  they  aspired 
only  to  enforce  the  decrees  of  those  tribunals. 
Its  practical  effect  was  to  bring  to  a  close  the 
epoch  of  ritual  prosecutions.  Later  suits  deal- 
ing with  ceremonial  matters  have  been  few 
and  unimportant.  Irregularities  of  ceremonial, 
real  or  supposed,  no  longer  occupy  so  dis- 
proportionately large  a  place  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Church  as  they  did  before  the  Lincoln 
Case,  and  the  bishops  have  been  left  to  deal 
with  them  by  the  exercise  of  their  spiritual 
authority,  and  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  the  Church,  unhampered  by  interference 
from  without.     [Courts.] 

Table  of  Princifal  Cases 

Wesferlon  v.  Liddell  and  Beal  v.  Liddell,^ 
1855-7,  4  W.R.  167,  5  W.R.  470.     See  above. 

Flamank  v.  Simpson,  1866-8,  1  Adm.  and 
Eccl.  276, 2  Adm.  and  Eccl.  116.  Heard  with 
Martin  v.  Mackonocliie  in  Court  of  Ai'ches, 
the  charges  being  substantiall}'  the  same. 
No  appeal. 

Martin  v.  Mackonochie  i.,  1868-70,  2  Adm. 
and  Eccl.  116,  2  P.C.  365,  3  P.C.  52,  409. 
See  above. 

Sumner  v.  Wix,  1870,  3  Adm.  and  Eccl. 
58.  Lights  at  the  gospel,  hghts  on  either 
side  of  the  holy  table  or  on  a  ledge  over  it, 
not  required  for  giving  light,  and  incense 
preparatory  to  Holy  Communion  held  un- 
lawful by  Court  of  Axches. 

Elphinstone  v.  Piirchas  and  Hebbert  v. 
Purchas,^  1869-71,  3  Adm.  and  Eccl.  66, 
3  P.C.  605.     See  above* 

Martin  v.  Mackonochie  u.,  1874,  4  Adm. 


i  Keijort  also  published  in  volume  form. 


(519) 


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iDictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Rochester 


and  Eccl.  279.  Lights  at  morning  prayer, 
Agnus  Dei,  sign  of  the  cross,  held  unlawful 
by  Court  of  Arches;  other  charges,  vestments, 
etc.,  covered  by  previous  decisions.  Mac- 
konochie  suspended  for  six  weeks  by  Sir  R. 
PhilUmore. 

Combe  v.  Edwards  (afterwards  De  la  Bere), 
1874-8,  4  Adm.  and  Eccl.  390,  2  P.D.  354, 
3  P.D.  103.  Charges,  vestments,  lights, 
mixed  chalice,  etc.  Plea  that  promoter  held 
a  pew  in  an  Independent  chapel  held  irrele- 
vant. In  his  judgment  Lord  Penzance 
vigorously  criticised  Lord  Chief- Justice  Cock- 
burn  for  prohibiting  him. 

Durst  V.  Ilasters,  1875-6,  1  P.D.  123,  377. 
Movable  cross  on  retable  held  illegal. 

Clifton  V.  Ridsdale,^  1875-7,  1  P.D.  316, 
2  P.D.  376.     See  above. 

Hudson  v.  Tooth,  1876-7,  2  P.D.  125,  3 
Q.B.D.  46.  Lights  and  incense  in  procession 
held  unlawful.  In  this  and  the  three  follow- 
ing cases  the  stock  charges  were  brought, 
vestments,  eastward  position,  altar  lights, 
mixed  chalice,  etc.,  and  in  each  the  defendant 
was  imprisoned  for  contumacy. 

Serjeant  v.  Dale,  1878-81,  "2  Q.B.D.  558, 
8  Q.B.D.  376. 

Perkins  v.  Enraght,  1879-81,  43  L.T.N.S. 
770,  6  Q.B.D.  376. 

Dean  v.  Green,  1879-82,  8  P.D.  79. 

Martin  v.  Mackonochie  ni.,  1880-3,  6  P.D. 
87,  7  P.D.  94,  8  P.D.  191.  Same  charges  as 
before.  Sentence  of  deprivation  pronounced 
by  Lord  Penzance. 

Comhe  v.  De  la  Bere  u.,  1880-1,  6  P.D.  157, 
22  Ch.D.  316.  Same  charges  as  before.  Lord 
Penzance  pronounced  sentence  of  deprivation. 

Hakes  v.  Cox,  1885-92,  19  Q.B.D.  307, 
20  Q.B.D.  1,  15  A.C.  506,  1892  P.  110. 
Vestments  and  other  usual  charges.  De- 
fendant's imprisonment  for  contumacy  led 
to  decision  of  an  important  point  of  habeas 
corpus  law  by  civil  courts. 

Bead  v.  Bishop  of  Lincoln,^  1888-92, 
13  P.D.  221,  14  P.D.  88,  1891  P.  9,  1892 
A.C.  644.     See  above. 

Davey  v.  Hinde,  1899-1903,  1901  P.  95, 
1903  P.  221.  Faculty  granted  for  removal 
of  stations  of  cross,  images,  and  other  orna- 
ments placed  in  church  without  a  faculty. 

Bishop  of  Oxford  v.  Henly,  1906-9,  1907 
P.  88,  1909  P.  319.  Reservation  of  the 
blessed  sacrament  and  service  of  benediction 
held  unlawful.  Defendant  did  not  appear, 
and  was  deprived.  [g.  c] 

Law  Meports;  Paul,  Hist.  Mod.  Jing.; 
Cornisli,  Kng.  Gh.  in  Nineteenth  Century  ;  con- 
temporary memoirs  and  biograpliies. 


Kei)ijrl  also  inibli.slied  in  volume  form. 


ROCHESTER,  See  of,  owes  its  foundation 
to  St.  Augustine's  desire  to  extend  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Church.  In  604  he  consecrated 
Justus  Bishop  of  Rochester.  Bede  {q.v.) 
shows  that  the  share  of  King  Aethelberht  in 
the  foundation  of  the  see  was  considerable. 
*  As  for  Justus,  Augustine  ordained  him 
bishop  in  Kent,  in  the  city  of  Durobreve 
(Rochester),  in  which  King  Aethelberht 
made  the  church  of  the  blessed  apostle 
Andrew '  ;  he  also  presented  many  gifts 
to  the  bishop,  and  added  lands  and  posses- 
sions for  the  use  of  those  who  were  with  him. 

Portions  of  the  foundations  of  the  church 
here  mentioned  still  remain  beneath  the  soil, 
and  the  position  of  its  eastern  apse  is  shown 
by  lines  that  have  been  cut  in  the  floor  of 
the  nave  of  the  present  cathedral. 

The  cathedral  was  at  first  served  by  a 
college  of  secular  canons,  an  arrangement 
which  continued  until  1082,  when  Bishop 
Gundulf  replaced  them  by  Benedictine  monks, 
who  were  in  turn  dispossessed  at  the  Dissolu- 
tion (c.  1541)  by  a  dean  and  six  canons. 
Under  the  Cathedrals  Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic. 
c.  113)  the  number  of  canons  was  reduced  to 
four.  In  1713  one  canonry  was  annexed  to 
the  Provostship  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford, 
but  was  severed  from  it  in  1882  and  annexed 
to  the  Oriel  Professorship  of  the  Interpreta- 
tion of  Holy  Scripture. 

Rochester  for  many  centuries  occupied  an 
intimate  and  dependent  position  in  relation 
to  Canterbury.  When,  e.g.,  the  latter  see 
was  vacant,  its  affairs  were  administered  by 
the  bishops  of  Rochester  and  vice  versa. 
The  bishops  of  Rochester  were  for  a  consider- 
able time  appointed  directly  by  the  arch- 
bishops, though  occasionally  this  rule  was 
broken  by  royal  interference.  The  privilege 
of  appointing  to  the  see  of  Rochester  was 
confirmed  to  the  archbishop  by  a  royal  charter 
of  the  thirteenth  year  of  King  John.  The 
developments  after  the  Norman  Conquest  did 
not  involve  any  immediate  weakening  of  the 
hold  of  Canterbury  upon  Rochester,  and  Lan- 
franc  [q.v.)  not  only  appointed  Gundulf  bishop, 
but  also  caused  him  to  build  a  new  cathedral 
and  to  found  the  monastery  If  the  Martiloge 
of  Canterbury  is  to  be  trusted,  the  new  order 
of  things  was  entirely  due  to  Lanfranc.  '  He 
also  began  the  church  of  Rochester  from  the 
foundations.  He  honestly  finished  that  which 
was  begun,  and  adorned  it  with  many  and 
decent  ornaments.  Above  all,  he  instituted 
there  the  holy  religion  of  monks.' 

Since  Gundulf  was  both  a  monk  and  a 
distinguished  architect,  it  is  clear  that  he  was 
chosen  to  be  bishop  to  superintend  the 
introduction     of     these     changes.     Such     a 


(  520  ) 


Rochester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


I  Rochester 


position  of  dependence  could  be  neither 
permanent  nor  peaceful,  and  by  the  twelfth 
century,  though  the  archbishop  still  nomin- 
ated in  the  case  of  a  vacancy,  there  was  a 
formal  election  of  his  nominee  on  the  part  of 
tlie  chapter.  Naturally  this  caused  disi)utes, 
in  which  it  appears  that  not  only  the  arch- 
bisliops  but  the  monks  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury,  were  eager  to  assert  their  rights 
over  Rochester.  They  claimed,  e.rj.,  that  on 
the  death  of  a  bishop  liis  pastoral  staff  should 
be  carried  to  Canterbury  Cathedral,  and  kept 
there  until  the  new  bishop  had  been  con- 
secrated. On  one  occasion,  at  least,  the 
monks  of  Rochester  evaded  meeting  the  claim 
by  burying  the  staff  in  the  coffin  of  the  bishop. 

After  the  dispute  concerning  the  choice  of 
Richard  of  Wcndover  in  1235,  in  which  the 
monks  of  Rochester  won,  the  part  played  by 
the  archbishop  in  the  elections  amounted 
only  to  a  formal  assertion  of  a  right  which 
had  ceased  to  exist  in  fact.  However,  apart 
from  such  differences,  the  archbishops  were 
always  zealous  for  the  rights  of  Rochester. 
The  Bishop  of  Rochester  to  this  day  remains 
provincial  chaplain  of  Canterbury,  an  office 
he  held  from  at  least  the  twelfth  century  ; 
from  the  thirteenth  he  was  also  the  Primate's 
cross-bearei'. 

The  temporalities  of  the  see  were  assessed 
in  the  Tazatio  of  1291  at  £143,  12s.  3d.,  and 
the  spiritualities  at  £46,  13s.  4d.,  which  by 
Henry  vi.'s  reign  had  increased  to  £116, 
13s.  4d.  In  the  Valor  Ecclesiasiicus  (1534)  it 
was  worth  £369, 18s.  10|d.  Ecton  (1711)  gives 
the  value  as  £358,  4s.  9kl.  The  Act  of  1905 
provided  that  the  income  should  be  £4000, 
and  that  the  sum  of  £15,000  should  be  set 
aside  from  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  Adding- 
ton  '  for  the  provision  and  maintenance  of 
a  residence  for  the  Bishop  of  Rochester.' 

Rochester  has  specially  suffered  in  the 
matter  of  frequent  alterations  in  its  diocesan 
boundaries,  which  have  been  changed  without 
any  regard  to  antiquity  or  history,  and  this 
venerable  diocese  has  been  more  than  once 
treated  as  the  dumping- ground  for  territory 
that  no  one  else  desired  to  possess. 

1.  From  604-1846  the  diocese  consisted 
of  the  western  part  of  Kent,  which  has  been 
thought  to  have  been  a  separate  sub-kingdom. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
the  original  diocese  of  Rochester  was  sub- 
divided into  the  rural  deaneries  of  Rochester, 
Dartford,  Mailing,  and  Shoreham.  Shore- 
ham  was  a  pecuhar  of  Canterbury. 

2.  In  1846  the  deaneries  of  Dartford, 
Mailing,  and  Shoreham  were  transferred  to 
Canterbury,  and  the  diocese  of  Rochester 
was  made  to  include  the  deanery  of  Rochester 


(including  the  present  deaneries  of  Cobham 
and  Gravescnd)  and  the  counties  of  Hertford 
and  Essex  (with  the  exception  of  Barking, 
East  Ham,  West  Ham,  Little  Ilford,  Low- 
Ley  ton,  Walthamstow,  Wanstead,  Woodford, 
and  Chingford). 

3.  From  1867-1877  the  diocese  comprised 
the  deaneries  of  Rochester,  Greenwich,  and 
Woolwich  in  Kent,  and  the  entire  counties 
of  Essex  and  Hertford. 

4.  In  1877  Essex  and  Hertford  became  the 
diocese  of  St.  Albans  {q.v.),  and  the  Parlia- 
mentary divisions  of  East  and  Mid-Surrey, 
i.e.  South  London,  were  added  to  Rochester. 

5.  In  1905  the  diocese  of  Soutliwark  {q.v.) 
was  created.  This  comprised  East  and  Mid- 
Surrey,  as  well  as  that  part  of  West  Kent 
which  is  included  in  the  county  of  London. 
With  this  latter  exception  Rochester  received 
back  its  original  territory,  and  its  boundaries 
were  once  more  what  they  had  been  for  the 
first  twelve  hundred  years  of  its  existence. 
The  population  is  497,434. 

The  diocese  is  now  divided  into  two  arch- 
deaconries :  Rochester  (occurs,  1089)  and 
Tonbridge  (created,  1906). 

List  op  Bishops 

1,  Justus,  604  ;   tr.  to  Canterbury,  624, 

2.  Romanus,  624. 

PauUnus,  St.  {q.v.),  633. 

Ithamar,  644.  5.  Damian,  655. 

Putta,  669  ;   tr.  to  Hereford,  676. 

Cuichelm,  676.  8.  Gebmund,  678. 

Tobias,  693. 

EaduLf,  or  Aldful,  727. 

Dunn,  or  Dunno,  741. 

Eardulf,  747.  13.  Diora,  before  775. 

Weremund  i.,  before  785. 

Beormod,  or  Beormund,  about  803. 

Tatnoth,  844. 

Bedenoth,  or  Badenoth. 

Weremund  ii.,  before  860. 

Cuthwulf,  868. 

Swithulf,  or  Swithwulf ,  880. 

Ceolmund,  897.         23.  Burrhric,  934. 

Cyneferth,  926.        24.  Aelfstan,  955. 

Godwine  i.,  995. 

Godwine  n.,  1046. 

Siward,  1058.  28.  Arnost,  1076. 

Gundulf,  1077  ;  a  monk  of  Bee.  ;  archi- 
tect of  the  first  Norman  cathedral,  of 
the  keep  of  Rochester  Castle,  and  of  the 
White  Tower  of  London;  d.  1108. 

Ralph  d'Escures,  1108 ;  tr.  to  Canterbury, 

1114. 
Ernulf,    1115;     Prior    of    Canterbury; 

Abbot  of  Peterborough;    made  many 

additions  to  the  cathedral ;  compiler  of 

Textus  Roffensis;  d.  1124. 


3. 

4. 

6. 

7. 

9. 
10. 
11. 
12. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
25. 
26. 
27. 
29. 


(  5-21  ) 


Rochester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Rochester 


32 


35. 


36 


37 


38 


John,  1125  ;  Archdeacon  of  Canterbury; 

d.  1137. 
JohndcSeez,  1137;  d.  1142. 
Ascelin,  1142  ;  Prior  of  Dover  ;   engaged 

in    controversy    with    the    monkvS ;    d. 

1148. 
Walter,    1148;     Archdeacon   of   Canter- 
bury ;  brother  of  Archbishop  Theodore ; 

d.  1182. 
Waleran,  1182  ;   Archdeacon  of  Bayeux  ; 

elected  by  the  chapter ;  d.  1184. 
Gilbert    Glanville,    1185;     treated    the 

monks    harshly,  and  excommunicated 

King  John  ;  d.  1214. 
Benedict    de    Sansetun,     1215 ;      freely 

elected  by  the  chapter  ;  d.  1226. 

39.  Henry  Sandford,  1227  ;    Archdeacon  of 

Canterbury ;  the  existing  choir  first 
used;  d.  1235. 

40.  Richard  Wendover,   or  Wendene,   1238  ; 

d.  1250. 

41.  Laurence   of   St.   Martin,    1251  ;     under 

him  St.  WiUiamof  Perth  was  canonised — 
a  Scottish  baker  murdered  on  pilgrimage 
near  Rochester ;  the  gifts  at  his  shrine 
paid  for  the  building  of  the  choir ; 
d.  1274. 

Walter  of  Merton,  1274 ;  founder  of 
Merton  College,  Oxford  ;  Chancellor  of 
England  ;  d.  1277. 

John  Bradefield,  1278;  d.  1283. 

44.  Thomas  Inguldsthorpe,  1283 ;  d.  1291. 

45.  Thomas  of  Wouldham,  1292;  d.  1317. 

46.  Haymo  Heath,  or  Hythe,  1319  (P.) ;  bunt 

a  central  tower  and  spire  of  the  cathe- 
dral; d.  1352. 

47.  John    Sheppey,    1353    (P.); 

Rochester ;     Chancellor    of 
d.  1360. 

48.  WiUiam  Whittlesey,    1362  (P.) ;     tr.   to 

Worcester,  1369. 

49.  Thomas   TriUeck,    1364   (P.) ; 

St.  Paul's;  d.  1372. 
Thomas  Brinton,  1373  (P.) ;  d 
William  Bottlesham,  1389  ;  tr. 

LlandafE;  d.  1400. 
John  Bottlesham,  1400;  d.  1404. 
Richard    Yonge,    1404 ;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Bangor;  d.  1418. 
54.  John  Kempe,  1419 ;    (P.)  tr.  to  London, 

1422. 
John  Langdon,  1422  (P.) ;  d.  1434. 
Thomas  Brown,  1435  (P.) ;  Dean  of  Salis- 
bury; tr.  to  Norwich,  1436. 
WiUiam  Wells,  or  Wellys,  1437  (P.);   d. 

1444. 
John  Lowe,  1444;  tr.  (P.)  from  St.  Asaph ; 

d.  1467. 
Thomas    Scott    de    Rotherham,    1468 ; 

tr.  to  Lincoln,  1472. 


60 


42. 


43. 


50. 
51. 

52. 
53. 


55. 
56. 

57. 

58. 

59. 


Prior    of 
England ; 


Dean   of 

,  1389. 
(P.)  from 


to   Cliichester, 


;  d.  1558. 
1560 ;     tr. 


to 


tr.  to  Norwich, 


John    Alcock,    1472;     Dean    of    West- 
minster ;   tr.  to  Worcester,  1476. 

John  Russell,  1476  (P.);  tr.  to  Lincoln, 
1480. 

Edmund  Audley,  1480  ;   tr.  to  Hereford, 
1492. 

Thomas    Savage,    1493;     (P.)    Dean    of 
Westminster  ;  tr.  to  London,  1496. 

RichardFitzjames,1497;  tr.to  Chichester, 
1503. 

John  Fisher  {q.v.),  1504  (P.) ;  d.  1535. 

John  Hilsey,  1535  ;    author  of  a  Primer ; 
a  supporter  of  T.  Cromwell;  d.  1539. 

Nicholas  Heath  [q.v.),  1540. 

Henry   Holbeach,    or    Holbeche,    1544 ; 
tr.  from  Bristol ;    tr.  to  Lincoln,  1547. 

Nicholas    Ridley    {q.v.),    1547 ;     tr.    to 
London,  1550. 

John  Poynet  {q.v.),   1550;    tr.   to  Win- 
chester, 1551. 

John    Scorj^,    1551  ;     tr. 
1552. 

72.  Maurice  Griffin,  1554  (P.) 

73.  Edmund    Guest     {q.v.), 

Salisbury,  1571. 

74.  Edmund  Freke,  1572; 

1575. 

75.  John  Piers,  1576  ;  tr.  to  Salisbury,  1577. 

76.  John  Yonge,  1578 ;  d.  1605. 

77.  WilUam  Barlow,   1605 ;    tr.  to  Lincoln, 

1608. 

Richard  Neile,  1608;  Dean  of  West- 
minster ;   tr.  to  Lichfield,  1610. 

John  Buckeridge,  1611 ;  tr.  to  Ely, 
1628. 

Walter  CurU,  1628  ;  tr.  to  Bath  and  Wells, 
1629. 

John  Bowie,  1630;  d.  1637. 

John  Warner,  1638  ;  d.  1666. 

John  Dolben,  1666  ;  tr.  to  York,  1683. 
84.  Francis  Turner,  1683  ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1684  ; 
one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.). 

Thomas  Sprat,  1684 ;  man  of  letters, 
tolerant ;  sat  on  James  ii.'s  Ecclesi- 
astical Commission,  but  joined  in 
crowning  WiUiam  and  Mary  ;  held  the 
deanery  of  Westminster  with  the 
bishopric,  as  did  the  next  six  bishops; 
d.  1713. 

Francis  Atterbury  {q.v.),  1713;  depr. 
1723. 

Samuel  Bradford,  1723 ;  tr.  from  Carlisle ; 
d.  1731. 

88.  Joseph  Wllcocks,  1731 ;    tr.  from  Glou- 

cester ;  d.  1756. 

89.  Zachary  Pearce,  1756  ;  tr.  from  Bangor  ; 

a  classical  scholar;  d.  1774. 

90.  John  Thomas,  1774 ;  d.  1793. 

91.  Samuel    Horsley,    1793 ;     tr.    from    St. 

David's ;   tr.  to  St.  Asaph,  1802. 


61 


62 


63 


64 


65 


67, 
68, 

69, 

70 

71 


78. 

79. 

80. 

81. 
82. 
83. 


85. 


86. 


87. 


(52 


Roger] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Roger 


92.  Thomas  Dampier,  1802;  Dean  of  Ro- 
chester ;   tr.  to  Ely,  1808. 

93.  Walter  King,  1809 ;  d.  1827. 

94.  Hugh    Percy,    1827 ;    tr.    to    Carlisle, 

1827. 

95.  Lord  George  Murray,  1827 ;  tr.  from 
Sodor  and  Man;  the  last  bishop  to 
wear  his  wig  in  the  House  of  Lords ; 
d.  1860. 

96.  Joseph  Cotton  Wigram,  1860 ;  d.  1867. 

97.  Thomas  Legh  Claughton,  1867  ;  tr.  to 
St.  Albans,  1877,  which  see  he  largely 
helped  to  found. 

98.  Anthony  Wilson  Thorold,  1877  ;  tr.  to 
Winchester,  1890. 

99.  RandaU  Thomas  Davidson,  1891  ;  tr. 
to  Winchester,  1895. 

100.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  1895 ;  Warden 
of  Keble  College^  Oxford ;  Vicar  of 
Leeds ;  tr.  to  Southwark,  1905,  which 
see  he  helped  to  found. 

101.  John  Reginald  Harmer,  1905  ;  tr.  from 
Adelaide.  [e.  m.  b.] 

Pearman,  Dio.  Hist.  ;  W.  H.  St.  John  Iloiif, 
Cathedral  CImrch  and  Monastery  of  iSt. 
Andreio  at  Rochester. 


ROGER  LE  POER,  d.  (1139),  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  was  at  first  a  poor  priest  of  Caen, 
who  in  the  time  of  William  Rufus  com- 
mended himself  to  the  future  Henry  i.  by 
the  celerity  with  which  he  said  Mass.  Taken 
into  the  prince's  household,  he  proved  a  loyal 
servant  in  adversity;  and  such  was  his 
native  shi-ewdness  that,  although  illiterate, 
he  became  a  confidential  minister.  Soon 
after  the  accession  of  Henry  to  the  EngUsh 
throne  Roger  was  appointed  Chancellor  (1101) 
in  succession  to  William  Gifiord.  Next  year 
he  was  nominated  to  the  see  of  Salisbury 
(September  1102).  His  canonical  election 
followed  in  1103;  but  Anselm  {q.v.)  refused 
to  consecrate  him  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
accepted  investiture  {q.v.)  from  the  King's 
hands.  Roger  remained  a  bishop-elect  until 
the  King  had  adjusted  his  differences  with 
Anselm  and  Paschal  n.  (1107).  Immediately 
afterwards  he  was  consecrated  by  Anselm. 
On  being  elected  to  Salisbury,  Roger  had 
resigned  the  chancellorship ;  but  within  the 
next  six  years  he  accepted  the  more  onerous 
office  of  Chief  Justiciar.  In  this  capacity 
he  was  secundus  a  rege.  He  presided  over 
the  royal  court  of  justice,  and  acted  as  regent 
of  England  when  Henry  was  absent  in  Nor- 
mandy. Eor  some  years  he  added  to  his 
other  duties  the  supervision  of  the  exchequer. 
His  knowledge  of  finance  was  unrivalled,  and 
he  appears  to  have  placed  the  fiscal  system 


of  the  kingdom  on  a  sounder  basis  by  liis 
close  attention  to  detail.  Such  activities 
were  inconsistent  with  the  ordinary  standard 
of  episcopal  duty.  But  Roger  was  encour- 
aged by  Anselm,  and  even  by  the  Pope,  to 
continue  in  a  position  where  he  could  render 
eminent  services  to  the  Church.  As  a  royal 
lieutenant,  the  justiciar  seems  to  have  served 
his  master  honestly.  He  was  trusted  by 
Henry  i.,  who  heaped  estates  and  prefer- 
ments upon  him.  But  he  took  presents 
without  scruple  from  all  who  had  business 
with  liim.  As  a  bishop  he  was  little  to  be 
commended.  He  heard  Mass  with  regularity, 
and  he  rebuilt  his  cathedml.  But  he  was 
grasping  and  ostentatious.  He  lived  openly 
with  a  concubine,  and  acknowledged  the  son 
whom  she  bore  to  him.  He  used  his  influ- 
ence with  the  King  to  obtain  for  his  nephews, 
Alexander  and  Nigel^  the  rich  sees  of  Lincoln 
and  Ely.  On  the  death  of  Henry  i.  (1135) 
Roger  declared  for  Stephen,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  he  had  already  sworn  allegiance 
to  the  Empress  Matilda  (1126).  Matilda's 
Angevin  marriage  was  unpopular  in  England, 
and  Roger  affirmed  that  he  considered  him- 
self released  from  his  oath  when  she  was  given 
to  a  foreign  husband.  But  he  drove  a  pro- 
fitable bargain  with  Stephen,  who  could 
not  dispense  with  his  assistance.  His  son, 
Roger  le  Poer,  became  chancellor ;  the  trea- 
sury was  given  to  Nigel  of  Ely  ;  and  Roger 
received  for  himself  the  royal  borough  of 
Malmesbury.  He  held  no  definite  offices, 
but  behaved  as  though  stiU  justiciar,  and 
irritated  the  King's  followers  by  his  arrogance. 
He  and  his  kinsmen  were  soon  accused  of 
conspiring  in  favour  of  the  Empress — a 
charge  to  which  some  colour  was  lent  by  the 
fact  that  they  were  strengthening  the  defences 
and  adding  to  the  garrisons  of  their  castles. 
Stephen  accordingly  arrested  the  old  bishop, 
his  son,  and  Nigel  of  Ely,  and  demanded  the 
surrender  of  their  castles  as  the  price  of  their 
release.  These  terms  were  accepted,  but  not 
until  Stephen  had  threatened  to  hang  the 
Chancellor  before  the  walls  of  Devizes  Castle, 
into  which  Bishop  Alexander  had  thrown  him- 
self. Alexander  lost  his  temporalities,  but 
the  rest  of  the  family  suffered  no  further 
punishment.  Their  cause  was  taken  up  by 
the  legatine  council  of  Winchester  (1139). 
Stephen  attempted  to  meet  the  charge  of 
sacrilege  by  stating  his  grievances  against 
Roger ;  but  Stephen  finally  defied  the  council, 
and  appealed  to  Rome  against  its  decisions. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  his  ruin :  Bishop 
Roger  was  shortly  to  be  avenged  by  the 
Empress  and  the  offended  legate,  Henry  of 
Blois  (q.v.).     But  Roger  died  at  the  end  of 


(523) 


Rogers] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Rolle 


1139,  worn  out  by  chagrin  and  the  shock  of 
his  disgrace.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Stubbs,  C.II.,  vol.  i.  ;  Norgate,  Kmj.  under 
the  Angevin  Kings  ;  J.  H.  Round,  Ucqlfrey  de 
Mandeville ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eng.  under  the 
Normans  and  Angevins. 

EOGERS,  John  (1500  ?-1555),  Protestant 
divine  and  first  martyr  under  Mar}!-,  a  native 
of  Aston,  near  Birmingham,  was  educated  at 
Pembroke  Hall,  Cambridge,  and  became 
Rector  of  Holy  Trinit}^  in  the  City  of 
London,  1532.  In  1536  he  resigned,  and 
became  chaplain  to  a  company  of  Merchant 
Venturers  at  Antjverp.  There  he  met  Tj^ndale 
{q.v.),  and  became  a  convert  to  the  new  views. 
Before  his  arrest  in  1 535  Tyndale  seems  to  have 
handed  over  to  him  his  incomplete  translation 
of  the  Old  Testament,  which  Rogers  prepared 
for  the  press,  completing  the  Old  Testament  by 
adding  the  rendering  of  Miles  Coverdale  {q.v.) 
when  Tyndale's  stopped,  added  Tyndale's 
own  translation  of  the  New  Testament  already 
published,  and  a  preface,  marginal  notes,  and 
calendar  by  himself,  and  a  list  of  '  commune 
places  '  in  a  table  of  contents,  which  included 
most  of  the  passages  which  were  supposed  to 
confute  Roman  doctrine. 

The  Bible  was  dedicated  to  Henry  vin. 
and  printed  at  Antwerp  in  1537 ;  fifteen 
hundred  copies  were  sent  to  England  to  be 
sold  by  permission.  The  translator's  name 
was  given  as  Thomas  Matthew — Tyndale's 
fate  having  taught  a  lesson  of  prudence  to 
translators  and  editors.  While  at  Antwerp 
he  married,  '  knowing  the  Scriptures  and 
that  unlawful  vows  may  lawfully  be  broken,' 
and  soon  afterwards  became  head  of  a 
Protestant  community  in  Saxony. 

On  the  accession  of  Edward  vi.  he  returned 
to  England,  and  was  presented  to  the  rectory 
of  St.  Margaret  Moyses,  the  vicarage  of 
St.  Sepulchre  in  London,  the  prebend  of 
St.  Pancras  with  the  rectory  of  Chigwell, 
and  was  afterwards  made  Divinity  Lecturer 
at  St.  Paul's.  According  to  Foxe,  he  refused 
to  intercede  with  Cranmer  to  save  the  crazy 
Anabaptist  Joan  Bocher  from  burning,  re- 
marking that  it  was  a  '  gentle  punishment.' 

After  the  death  of  Edward  he  preached  a 
sermon  at  Paul's  Cross,  warning  the  people  to 
beware  of  pestilent  poi^ery,  idolatry,  and 
superstition,  for  which,  he  was  called  to 
account  before  the  Council.  Though  dis- 
missed at  the  time  he  was  soon  brought  before 
the  Council  again,  and  commanded  to  keep 
his  house,  whence  he  was  removed  to  New- 
gate, January  1554.  While  there  he  drew  up 
with  Hooper  {q.v.),  Bradford,  and  others  a 
document  professing  the  extremest  form  of 


Protestant  doctrine.  After  further  examina- 
tions before  the  Council  he  was  condemned 
by  a  commission  presided  over  by  Gardiner 
{q.v.)  at  St.  Saviour's,  South wark. 

He  asked  for  permission  to  see  his  wife 
before  he  died,  but  it  was  refused.  He  is 
said  to  have  met  her  with  his  eleven  children 
on  his  way  to  execution.  He  refused  a  pardon 
at  the  stake,  and  was  burnt  at  Smithfield, 
4th  February  1555.  The  family  of  Frederic 
Rogers,  afterwards  Lord  Blachford,  claims 
descent  from  him.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Foxe,  Acts  and  Monvments;  Strype, 
Memoricds. 

ROLLE,  Richard,  of  Hampole  (1290-1349). 

The  only  authentic  account  of  this,  the  earliest 
English  mystical  writer  known  to  have 
written  in  the  vernacular,  comes  from  the 
very  unusual  source  of  an  Office  compiled  for 
use  after  his  canonisation,  which,  however, 
never  took  place.  This  shows  that  Richard 
was  born  near  Pickering  in  Yorkshire,  and 
was  sent  to  Oxford  by  an  ecclesiastical 
patron.  When  he  was  nineteen  he  experi- 
enced so  overwhelming  a  sense  of  sin,  and 
desire  for  complete  spiritual  surrender,  that 
he  left  the  University,  where  the  intellectual 
revival  from  Paris  was  in  full  force,  under 
the  purely  scholastic  influence  of  Duns 
Scotus  {q.v.).  The  ardent  and  contemplative 
spirit  of  Richard  Rolle  reacted  against  the 
subtleties  of  the  schools,  so  often  without 
either  practical  or  devotional  issue ;  and 
sent  him,  having  begged  tunics  and  a  hood 
from  his  sister,  to  embrace  the  life  of  a  her- 
mit. John  of  Dalton,  father  of  an  Oxford 
friend,  granted  him  a  cell  on  his  estate  at 
Topcliffe,  and  supplied  his  few  wants.  Per- 
secution obliged  him  to  wander,  till  he  be- 
came chaplain  to  the  Cistercian  nunnery 
of  Hampole,  near  Doncaster,  where  he  died. 
His  influence  was  very  wide,  and  his  numer- 
ous writings  were  known  to  a  large  number  of 
followers,  including  Walter  Hilton,  and  later, 
to  John  Wyclif  {q.v.).  Even  in  life  his 
reputation  for  holiness  was  almost  as  great 
as  after  death,  when  miracles  were  alleged 
to  have  been  worked  at  his  grave.  The  Form 
of  Perfect  Living  is  his  best  known  work.  He 
also  wrote  little  treatises  on  Our  Daily  Work, 
on  Prayer,  on  Grace,  together  with  Meditations, 
Epistles,  and  Poems.  The  treatise  known  as 
The  Prick  of  Conscience,  for  long  ascribed  to 
him,  has  lately  been  shown  to  bear  no  trace 
whatever  of  his  style  or  his  fervent  ecstatic 
manner  of  thought.  [e.  c.  g.] 

Works  ;  Horstinaii,  Richard,  Rolle  of  Ham- 
jmlc,  Radclife  College  Monographs,  No.  15 ; 
R.  H.  Benson,  A  Book  of  the  Love  of  Jesus. 


(524) 


Roman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Roman 


ROMAN  CATHOLICS.  Koman  Catholic  is 
the  ofificial  title  in  England  of  the  body  of 
Christians  which  is  in  communion  with  Rome. 
They  themselves  prefer  to  be  called  simply 
'  Catholics,'  because  they  are  not  yet  able  to 
see  how  it  is  possible  to  be  catholic  without 
being  in  comnmnion  with  Rome.  The  English 
Church,  or  Ecclesia  Anglicana,  from  the  time 
of  its  foundation  by  St.  Augustine  {q.v.) 
acknowledged  the  current  claims  of  the 
papacy,  and,  as  they  grew,  it  continued  to 
do  so  down  till  the  sixteenth  century.  The 
Celtic  Christianity,  which  had  grown  up  in  a 
condition  of  much  greater  detachment  from 
Rome,  had  been  defeated  on  this  point  at  the 
Council  of  Whitbjr  in  664  by  King  Oswy's 
(q.v.)  approval  of  a  somewhat  risky  argument 
of  St.  Wilfrid  {q.v.).  Thenceforward  the 
English  Church  was  Roman  in  the  sense  that 
it  was  in  communion  with  Rome,  but  its 
title  was  Ecclesia  Anr/licana,  or  English 
Church. 

In  the  sixteenth  century  it  broke  from 
Rome  under  the  influence  of  the  revival  of 
learning  and  a  renewed  study  of  the  Bible 
and  patristic  literature.  Henry  viu.'s  (q.v.) 
personal  quarrel  with  the  Pope  facilitated 
this  at  the  time,  just  as  Mary's  (q.v.)  Spanish 
feeling  facilitated  the  reconciliation  of  her 
day.  But  when  the  breach  was  renewed 
under  Elizabeth  it  became  necessary  to 
find  some  name  for  those  who,  finding  that 
they  could  not  by  the  Pope's  direction  be  in 
communion  both  with  Rome  and  with  the 
English  Church,  elected  to  adhere  to  the 
former.  It  was  a  new  situation,  and  a  new 
nomenclature  was  required.  In  practice  the 
contemporary  name  soon  came  to  be  '  Re- 
cusant '  (where  it  was  not  a  mere  quarrelsome 
nickname  such  as  '  Papist '),  that  is,  a  person 
who  refuses  to  attend  the  English  services. 
Queen  Mary's  first  proclamation  (1553)  bade 
her  subjects  '  live  together  in  quiet  sort,  and 
Christian  charity,  leaving  those  new-found 
devihsh  terms  of  papist  and  heretic  and  such 
like.'  There  had  already  been  some  sparring 
as  to  the  right  to  the  title  '  Catholic,'  for  the 
reformers  claimed  to  be  the  true  Catholics 
on  the  ground  of  their  adherence  to  Bibli- 
cal and  patristic  doctrines  ;  but  it  was  in 
Elizabethan  controversy  that  the  term 
'  Roman '  was  adopted  as  the  qualif  jdng 
adjective  suitable  to  '  Recusant '  CathoUcs. 
The  accurate  antithesis  to  Roman  Cathohcs 
was  '  Protestant  Catholics,'  and  this  phrase 
was  used  for  a  time  by  controversialists  of  the 
Enghsh  Church  to  describe  their  own  position. 
Unfortunately  the  bitterness  that  prevailed 
on  both  sides  spoilt  the  nomenclature,  and 
tended  to  popularise  on  the  one  side  the 


terms  Protestant  (as  a  noun  not  an  adjective) 
and  papist,  and  on  the  other  side  Catholic 
and  heretic.  But  in  less  heated  areas  the 
name  Roman  Catholic  won  its  way  as  being 
accurate  and  conciliatory  ;  for  the  Recusants 
never  objected  to  the  adjective  Roman  in 
itself,  and  it  is  only  in  recent  days  that  they 
have  objected  to  its  use  in  conjunction  with 
the  term  Catholic.  In  numberless  cases, 
when  they  have  wished  to  be  conciliatory, 
they  have  used  the  term  Roman  Catholic  of 
themselves. 

The  Act  of  Supremacy,  1559  (1  Eliz.  c.  1), 
compelled  all  office-holders  in  Church  and 
State  to  abjure  all  foreign  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  and  laid  heavy  penalties  on  all 
who  maintained  such  jurisdiction.  In  1563 
the  offence  was  expressly  defined  as  maintain- 
ing the  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  or 
of  his  see,  and  was  subjected  to  the  penalties 
of  praemunire  (q.v.)  (5  EHz,  c.  1).  In  1571 
bringing  in  or  being  in  possession  of  Bulls  or 
other  instruments  from  Rome  was  made 
treason  (13  Eliz.  c.  2).  This  was  in  answer 
to  '  that  roaring  BuU,'  Regnans  in  excelsis 
(1570),  in  which  Pius  v.  excommunicated  and 
deposed  the  Queen.  In  1581  to  say  or  hear 
Mass  was  made  punishable  by  fine  and 
imprisonment  (23  Eliz.  c.  1).  In  1584 
Jesuits  and  seminary  priests  were  ordered 
to  leave  the  realm  or  suffer  the  penalties  of 
treason  (27  Eliz.  c.  2).  And  in  1593  all 
Recusants  were  put  under  severe  restrictions 
(35  Eliz.  c.  2).  Under  these  cruel  persecution 
laws  the  Recusants  were  prevented  from 
forming  into  any  organisation  ;  they  carried 
on  no  episcopal  succession,  and  it  was  not  until 
1568  that  they  founded  seminaries  abroad  at 
Douai  and  elsewhere  in  order  to  keep  up  a 
supply  of  clergy  to  minister  in  secret  to  their 
adherents  in  England,  and  missioners  to 
work  for  the  reconversion  of  the  country. 
Some  organisation  began  in  1598  with  the 
appointment  of  an  archpriest ;  but  internal 
quarrels  marred  the  work,  and  all  proposals 
for  re-establishing  an  episcopal  government 
were  defeated,  perhaps  by  Jesuit  influence. 
It  was  not  until  1623  that  a  bishop  was  ap- 
pointed for  England. 

After  the  Gunpowder  Plot  still'  harsher  re- 
strictions were  placed  on  Recusants,  including 
the  necessity  of  receiving  communion  in 
the  English  Church  thrice  a  year  (3  Jac.  i. 
CO.  4-5).  The  weight  of  persecution  pressed 
heavily  through  the  greater  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of 
Charles  n.  and  James  ii.  to  lighten  it.  In 
1678  they  were  prohibited  from  sitting  in  either 
House  of  Parhament  (30  Car.  n.  st.  2).  After 
the  Revolution  Roman  priests  sajdng  Mass  or 


(  525  ) 


Rose] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Routh 


keeping  school  were  made  liable  to  imprison- 
ment for  life.  And  all  papists  were  made 
incapable  of  purchasing  lands,  or  even,  unless 
they  took  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supre- 
macy, of  inheriting  them  (1700,  11  Will.  in. 
c.  4).  The  repeal  of  these  provisions  in  1778 
(18  Geo.  m.  c.  60)  led  to  the  '  Gordon  Riots  ' 
of  1780.  A  larger  measure  of  toleration 
followed  in  1791.  Roman  CathoUcs  who  took 
an  oath  abjuring  the  Pope's  deposing  power 
were  freed  from  persecution,  and  the  teaching 
professions  and  some  others  were  opened  to 
them ;  and  Roman  CathoUc  worsliip  was 
legalised  under  restrictions  (31  Geo.  m.  c.  32). 
By  the  Roman  Catholic  ReUef  Act,  1829 
(10  Geo.  TV.  c.  7),  the  Declaration  against 
Transubstantiation  imposed  in  1678  was 
aboUshed  for  some  purposes,  but  not  entirely 
till  1867  (30-1  Vic.  c.  67).  Roman  Cathohcs 
were  allowed  to  sit  in  Parhament  and  vote 
at  elections,  aU  restrictions  on  their  posses- 
sion of  property  were  removed,  and  all  offices 
in  the  state  were  opened  to  them  except  a 
few,  of  which  the  Lord  Chancellorship  and  the 
Lord  Lieutenancy  of  Ireland  are  the  most 
important.  By  12-13  WiU.  m.  c.  2  the 
sovereign  may  not  be  a  Roman  CathoUc  nor 
marry  one. 

Until  Emancipation  was  secured  in  1829 
the  proper  organisation  of  the  body  could 
hardly  be  effected.  Since  then  the  old 
system  of  government  by  vicars  -  apostolic 
has  been  altered  by  the  estabhshment  in 
1850  of  a  new  hierarchy,  with  an  archbishopric 
at  Westminster  and  a  number  of  suffragan 
sees;  and  further  developments  were  an- 
nounced (1912)  which  created  three  pro- 
vinces, with  archbishops  at  Liverpool  and 
Birmingham.  The  setting  up  of  a  territorial 
hierarchy  in  1850  was  at  the  time  greatly 
resented  by  the  Enghsh  pubUc,  but  the  resent- 
ment has  for  the  most  part  died  down.  The 
English  Church  has  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
Roman  CathoUc  body  ;  it  has  much  to  learn 
and  mucli  to  teach  ;  it  does  not  set  much 
store  either  on  those  clergy  and  laity  whom 
it  accepts  back  from  Roman  Catholicism, 
nor  on  the  much  advertised  secessions  from 
its  own  numbers  to  the  Roman  obedience. 
In  view  of  the  present  fight  of  Christianity 
against  gathering  foes,  no  less  than  in  the  hope 
of  future  reunion,  it  is  desirable  that  the  body 
should  be  as  strong  and  as  weU  organised  as 
its  relative  smaUness  in  this  country  allows  it 
to  be.  [Papacy  and  the  English  Church, 
Reunion.]  [w.  h.  f.  and  g.  c] 


ROSE,  Hugh.  James  (1795-1838),  divine, 
came  of  an  ancient  Scottish  Jacobite  family, 
and  was  educated  at  Uckfield  and  Trinity 


College,  Cambridge,  where  he  won  great  dis- 
tinctions, but  missed  a  Fellowship.  TravelUng 
in  Germany  (1824-5)  he  became  acquainted 
with  the  rationaUstic  theology,  and  on  his 
return  preached  and  A\Tote  against  it.  Pusey 
{q.v.)  replied,  defending  the  Germans. 

In  1826  Rose,  as  Christian  Advocate  at 
Cambridge,  preached  a  course  on  '  The 
Commission  and  consequent  Duties  of  the 
Clergy,'  in  which  he  insisted  on  the  ApostoUcal 
Succession,  and  taught  clearly  the  CathoUc 
doctrine  of  the  Christian  ministry.  A  second 
edition  of  these  sermons,  caUed  for  in  1831, 
was  justly  regarded  by  Rose  as  a  sign  that 
his  '  old-fashioned  opinions '  were  popular. 
In  1830  he  became  Rector  of  Hadleigh, 
Suffolk,  where,  25th  to  29th  July  1833,  an 
informal  conference  was  held  to  organise  a 
scheme  for  defence  of  the  Church.  Those 
present,  besides  Rose,  were  R.  H.  Froude 
{q.v.),  WilUam  Palmer,  a  distinguished 
scholar,  and  the  Honble.  A.  Perceval.  It  was 
agreed  to  fight  for  two  points,  the  doctrine  of 
the  Apostolical  Succession  and  the  integrity 
of  the  Prayer  Book.  Rose  founded  in  1832 
the  British  Magazine,  an  organ  of  Church  prin- 
ciples. In  1833  he  became  Divinity  Pro- 
fessor at  Durham,  but  resigned  from  ill-health 
next  year,  when  he  became  domestic  chap- 
lain to  Archbishop  Howley  {q.v.).  In  1836 
he  was  made  Principal  of  King's  CoUege, 
London,  but  his  delicate  health  interfered 
with  hds  work.  He  went  to  Italy,  October 
1838,  and  died  at  Florence,  22nd  December. 

He  was  a  devoted  friend  of  J.  H.  Newman, 
who  thus  dedicated  the  fourth  volume  of  his 
famous  Sermons :  '  To  Hugh  James  Rose  .  .  . 
who,  when  hearts  were  faiUng,  bade  us  stir 
up  the  strength  that  was  in  us,  and  betake 
ourselves  to  our  true  Mother.' 

Rose  at  first  warmly  approved  of  the  Tracts 
for  the  Times,  though  he  did  not  wTite  for 
them.  Later  he  became  critical  of  certain 
tendencies  in  them.  By  Burgon  [q.v.)  he 
has  been  held  the  true  author  of  the  Move- 
ment of  1833 ;  a  mistaken  view,  for  Rose  had 
neither  the  genius  nor  the  power  of  a  leader, 
but  he  was  a  most  valuable  ally,  trusted  by 
the  old-fashioned  and  dignified  High  Church- 
men of  the  day,  and  a  man  of  singular  hoUness, 
and  of  great  personal  charm.         [s.  l.  o.] 

Burgon,  Lives  of  Tivelve  Good  Men  ;  Newmau, 
ApoIiKjia. 

ROUTH,  Martin  Joseph  (1755-1854), 
President  of  Magdalen  CoUege,  Oxford,  is 
interesting  as  representing  the  permanence 
of  the  CathoUc  tradition  in  the'^EngUsh 
Church  and  Unking  the  theology  of  the 
Nonjurors   {q.v.)   and   the   CaroUne   Divines 


(  526  ) 


Rural  1 


Dictionary/  of  English  Church  History 


[Rural 


(q.v.)  with  the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.). 
He  was  the  eldest  of  thirteen  children  of 
Peter  Routh,  Rector  of  South  Elniham, 
Suffolk,  was  educated  at  Beccles,  and  entered 
Queen's  College,  Oxford,  1770;  elected  Dciny 
at  Magdalen,  1771;  and  Fellow,  1775.  On 
his  mother's  side  he  was  descended  from  a 
niece  of  Archbishop  Laud  (q.v.).  He  was 
ordained  deacon,  1777,  and  priest,  1810,  on 
accepting  the  rectory  of  'I'ilehurst,  where  he 
spent  his  Long  Vacations.  After  holding  vari- 
ous college  offices  he  was  elected  President, 
1791,  succeeding  Bishop  Home  {q.v.).  In 
1783  his  persuasions  induced  Dr.  Samuel 
Seabury,  who  had  come  from  the  United 
States  to  secure  episcopal  consecration, 
to  apply  to  the  Scottish  not  to  the  titular 
Danish  bishops,  who  had  lost  the  Apostolical 
Succession.  Dr.  Routh  used  to  say :  '  I 
ventured  to  tell  them,  sir,  that  they  would 
not  find  there  what  they  wanted.'  When  the 
Oxford  Movement  began  Routh  was  almost 
the  only  divine  who  was  deeply  read  in  the 
Fathers  and  the  old  theology.  He  appeared 
in  Convocation  in  1836  to  protest  against 
Hampden's  appointment  as  Divinity  Pro- 
fessor, and  he  was  a  friend  to  J.  H.  Newman 
(q.v.),  whom  he  used  to  the  last  to  call  '  the 
great  Newman.'  He  opposed  the  action  of 
the  Heads  of  Houses  at  Oxford  in  censuring 
Tract  No.  90,  and  his  cautious  though  real 
support  was  of  some  consequence  to  the 
Tractarians.  He  assisted  W.  Palmer  in  his 
efforts  towards  reunion  with  the  Russian 
Church.  [Reunion.]  His  great  age  pre- 
vented his  taking  much  part  in  the  Tractarian 
struggles.  Newman  dedicated  to  him  in 
1837  his  volume  on  the  Via  Media.  '  To 
M.  J.  Routh  .  .  .  who  has  been  reserved  to 
report  to  a  forgetful  generation  what  was 
the  theology  of  their  fathers,  this  volume 
is  inscribed  with  a  respectful  sense  of  his 
eminent  services  to  the  Church,  and  with  the 
prayer  that  what  he  witnesses  to  others  may 
be  his  own  support  and  protection  in  the  day 
of  account.'  Routh  died  in  his  hundredth 
year,  22nd  December  1854,  leaving  his 
splendid  library  to  the  University  of  Dur- 
ham, [s.  L.  o.] 

Burgou,  Lives  of  Tivehe  Good  Men  ; 
Magdalen  College  Register,  Old  Series,  vol.  vii.  ; 
New  Series,  vol.  v. 

RURAL  DEANS.  From  the  beginning  of 
the  sixth  century  there  appear  in  Gaul  officers 
called  archipresbyieri,  or  archpricsts,  who 
stand  in  the  same  relation  to  priests  as 
archdeacons  {q.v.)  to  deacons.  On  one  side, 
the  archpriest  over  the  cathedral  priests  has 
developed  into  the  dean  ;    on  another,  the 


archpriest  over  llie  priests  of  part  of  a  dioceso 
has  been  robbed  of  most  of  his  functions  by 
the  archdeacon,  and  has  dwindled  into  a 
rural  dean.  The  archpriest  of  the  latter  kind 
presided  over  one  of  the  few  baptismal 
churches  within  the  diocese,  and  governed  the 
clergy  who  ministered  in  the  chapels,  without 
right  of  baptism,  that  were  scattered  over 
the  area  committed  to  his  charge.  Such 
ancient  Enghsh  parishes  as  Leeds  and 
Sheffield,  containing  a  multitude  of  charges 
which  have  now  developed  into  perpetual 
curacies,  represent  this  state  of  the  Church. 
In  course  of  time  these  old  baptismal  churches 
lost  their  importance,  many  of  the  chapelries 
attaining  equal  rights  with  them,  so  that 
the  archpriest  no  longer  stood  in  sohtary 
dignity.  About  the  ninth  century  the  new 
office  of  rural  dean  appears.  The  area  often 
remained  the  same ;  in  others  the  new 
district  contained  the  whole  or  parts  of  the 
dominion  of  more  than  one  original  archpriest. 
But  though  the  office  of  rural  dean  was  new, 
the  old  title  was  often  given  to  it,  and  at  the 
present  day  the  ecclesiastical  provinces  of 
France  and  Germany  are  divided  into  either 
raral  deaneries  or  archpresbyteries,  in  what 
seems  quite  a  capricious  way.  The  office  is 
the  same,  but  the  name  varies.  Among  the 
provinces  which  have  always  used  the  title 
of  rural  dean  is  Rouen,  from  which  the  office 
was  brought  to  England,  probably  by  Arch- 
bishop Lanfranc  {q.v.). 

Incidentally  it  must  be  mentioned  that 
the  title  '  archpriest '  was  chosen  (not  as  a 
survival  but  as  a  loan  from  abroad)  for  the 
head  of  each  of  four  colleges  of  chantry 
priests,  founded  under  Bishops  Stapleton  and 
Grandison  in  the  diocese  of  Exeter  early  in 
the  fourteenth  century.  They  were  at 
Haccombe,  Beer  Ferrers,  and  Whitchurch  in 
Devonshire  and  at  Penkivell  in  Cornwall. 
On  the  lower  Rhine  such  collegiate  churches 
were  at  that  time  often  governed  by  arch- 
priests,  and  the  name  may  well  have  been 
borrowed  thence.  The  archpriest  was  also 
incumbent  of  the  church  in  which  he  and 
his  colleagues  ministered  ;  and  at  Haccombe, 
though  the  other  priests  and  the  remainder 
of  the  endowment  disappeared  at  the  general 
suppression,  the  rector  is  still  instituted  to 
the  benefice  as  archpriest.  In  the  other 
instances  even  this  trace  of  the  past  has 
vanished. 

Norman  attempts  to  introduce  order  into 
the  Enghsh  Church  brought  in  the  office  of 
rural  dean.  E\'idence  for  the  name  *  arch- 
priest' in  this'sensefin\.England  is  not  to  be 
found,  yet  '  archoffeiriad '  was  sometimes 
used   in   Wales.     The  rural   dean   held   the 


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Rural] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Rural 


lowest  court  of  ordinary  jurisdiction,  visiting 
in  succession  the  churches  of  his  deanery  at 
which  moral  offenders  were  presented  and 
punished.  He  also  had  matrimonial  juris- 
diction and  probate  of  wUs,  both  doubtless 
only  in  the  case  of  humble  folks.  He 
inducted  newly  instituted  clergy  into  their 
benefices,  after  the  rule  of  institution  was 
estabhshed,  and  levied  the  contribution  of 
his  clergy  for  national  or  ecclesiastical 
purposes.  He  had  for  official  purposes  a 
seal  of  his  own.  His  courts  were  held  every 
third  or  fourth  week,  and  with  greater 
solemnity  once  a  quarter. 

But  in  the  thirteenth  century  the  growing 
power  of  the  archdeacon  encroached  upon 
the  rural  dean.  The  archdeacon  was 
favoured  by  the  new  canon  law,  and  the 
elaborate  system  of  fees  and  fines  that  was 
developed  under  it  made  it  worth  his  while 
to  extend  his  jurisdiction  as  -nddely  as  pos- 
sible. It  was  obviously  inconvenient  that 
two  courts  should  be  held  at  frequent 
intervals  witliin  the  same  area.  Hence  the 
archdeacons,  in  person  or  more  often  through 
their  officials,  ousted  the  rural  deans  from  the 
presidency  of  their  courts,  and  in  time  it 
came  to  be  beheved  that  the  rural  dean  was 
simply  a  delegate  of  the  archdeacon.  In 
some  districts  where  the  powers  of  the  arch- 
deacon were  strongest,  as  in  the  arch- 
deaconries of  Canterbury  and  Richmond,  the 
nomination  of  rural  deans  actually  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  archdeacon.  Thus 
reduced  to  insignificance,  the  office  seems 
almost  to  have  disappeared  before  the 
Reformation,  though  the  direction  of  Bishop 
Bentham  of  Lichfield  at  his  visitation  of 
1565  (Dixon,  Hist.  Ch.  of  Eng.,  vi.  80),  that 
rural  deans  should  receive  presentations  from 
the  clergy  against  fornicators  and  adulterers 
at  their  quarterly  courts,  is  a  survival  or 
revival  of  some  importance. 

Though  the  deaneries  were  retained  within 
the  dioceses  for  convenience  of  episcopal 
administration,  the  rural  deans,  Avhen  they 
survived,  were  merely  honorary  officers. 
The  first  effort  for  their  effectual  reinstate- 
ment was  made  by  the  Puritans,  who  wished 
under  ruridecanal  forms  to  introduce  the 
presbytery.  The  restoration  was  vainly 
proposed  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference 
{q.v.)  in  1604,  and  was  promised  by  Charles  n. 
in  the  Declaration  of  Breda,  though  this  was 
one  of  the  concessions  to  which  ParHament 
refused  its  sanction;  and  it  was  advocated 
by  Baxter  {q.v.),  as  a  voluntary  and  non- 
coercive office,  in  his  letter  to  Clarendon 
declining  the  bishopric  of  Hereford.  Seth 
Ward  {q.v.)  of  Salisbury,  an  efficient  bishop 


and  free  from  any  sympathy  with  Presbyteri- 
anism,  revived  it  under  Charles  u.,  without 
lasting  effect.  The  same  was  done  by  one 
or  two  energetic  bishops  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  such  as  Martin  Benson  of  Gloucester. 
The  revival  of  Church  life  which  preceded  the 
Oxford  Movement  {q.v.)  was  marked  by  a 
general  resuscitation  of  the  office.  Where 
rural  deans  had  died  out  they  were  instituted, 
where  they  survived  they  received  a  task  to 
perform,  and  the  old  deaneries,  often  ex- 
cessively large,  were  divided.  Among  the 
first  to  take  this  step  were  Bishops  Kaye  of 
Lincoln  and  Marsh  of  Peterborough.  In 
London  Bishop  Blomfield  {q.v.)  created  rural 
deans  in  1844 ;  he  had  already  advocated 
the  revival  of  the  office  whUe  archdeacon. 
They  are  now  universal,  the  last  diocese  to 
receive  rural  deans  being  Sodor  and  Man  in 
1880.  It  was  thought  necessary  to  obtain 
an  Act  of  the  island  legislature  for  the 
purpose. 

Now,  as  in  the  past,  the  appointment  is  in 
the  bishop's  hands,  the  canon  law  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  which  gave  the  arch- 
deacon a  certain  share  in  the  appointment  to 
the  office  as  weU  as  a  control  over  its  occupant, 
having  become  inoperative.  The  bishop 
either  nominates  directly  or  instructs  the 
clergy  to  choose  one  of  their  number,  to  whom 
he  gives  his  commission.  The  tenure  may 
either  be  permanent  or  for  a  term  of  years, 
and  it  is  not  clear  that  the  commission  does 
not  expire  with  the  death  or  removal  of  the 
bishop  who  gave  it.  The  duties  laid  upon 
the  i-ural  dean  vary  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  diocese,  which  means  in  practice  the 
terms  of  the  commission  drawn  up  by  the 
first  bishop  who  revived  the  office,  which  may, 
or  may  not,  have  been  modified  by  his 
successors.  In  practice  the  efficiency  of  the 
system  depends  entirely  on  the  personality 
of  the  rural  dean,  who  presides  over  a  purely 
voluntary  assemblage  of  clergy  and  church- 
wardens or  lay  delegates  from  the  parishes. 
It  appears  to  be  entirely  optional  with  each 
bishop  whether  he  will  retain  the  system 
which  he  inherits  from  his  predecessor,  and 
indeed  whether  or  no  he  will  have  rural  deans 
in  his  diocese.  The  provision  in  successive 
acts  for  legalising  changes  in  the  area  of 
deaneries  and  archdeaconries  does  not,  as  in 
the  latter  case,  necessarily  assume  that  there 
will  be  an  officer  appointed  to  preside  over 
the  district  so  defined. 

It  remains  to  speak  of  certain  deaneries 
which  have,  in  effect,  been  archdeaconries. 
Of  these  the  most  noteworthy  are  those  of  the 
Canterbury  Peculiars  and  of  the  Channel 
Islands.      The    archbishops    of    Canterbury 


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Ryle] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sacheverell 


had  jurisdictions  outside  their  diocese  not 
only  in  the  deaneries  of  Hadleigh,  Bocking, 
and  Stamford,  which  have  a  titular  survival, 
but  also  in  parts  of  Surrej'  and  Sussex,  which 
formed  the  deaneries  of  Croydon  and  Shore- 
ham.  The  deans  whom  they  appointed 
exercised  wider  powers  than  those  of  an 
archdeacon,  and  excluded  the  local  arch- 
deacon from  all  interference  within  their 
deanery.  The  Channel  Islands,  attached 
to  the  diocese  of  Winchester,  1499,  though 
not  included  in  any  of  its  archdeaconries, 
were  also  subject  to  deans  with  very  full 
powers,  which  in  some  measure  they  I'etain. 
The  five  deans  of  Jersey,  Guernsey,  Hadleigh, 
Bocking,  and  Stamford  enjoy  the  title  of 
'  Very  Reverend,'  which  it  has  lately  been 
decided  that  rural  deans  of  the  Roman  com- 
munion in  England  may  not  assume.  At 
least  two  of  the  greater  abbeys  of  England, 
whose  peculiar  jurisdiction  was  not  large 
enough  to  justify  the  title  of  archdeacon  for 
its  officer,  had  rural  deans  with  the  same 
archidiaconal  authority.  Evesham  was  one, 
and  Battle,  the  dean  of  whose  Pecuhar  now 
bears  the  title  of  '  Very  Reverend,'  though 
in  fact  he  is  now  nothing  more  than  incumbent 
of  the  place,  was  another.  [e.  w.  w.] 

RYLE,  John  Charles  (1816-1900),  first 
Bishop  of  Liverpool,  was  educated  at  Eton 
and  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  where  he  won  the 
Craven  Scholarship  in  1836,  and  graduated 
First  Class  in  Classics,  1837.  Originally  de- 
stined for  the  army,  he  was  compelled  to  aban- 
don this  career  through  loss  of  fortune,  and 
after  some  hesitation  took  holy  orders,  being 
ordained  deacon  in  1841  by  Bishop  Sumner  of 
Winchester,  who  in  1843  collated  him  to  the 
rectory  of  St.  Thomas  in  that  city.  In  1844 
he  became  Rector  of  Helmingham  in  Suffolk, 
and  in  1861  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  collated 


him  to  the  vicarage  of  Stradbroke.  He  had 
now  become  a  noted  writer  of  popular  tracts, 
about  two  hundred  of  which  he  issued  in  the 
course  of  fifty  years.  Some  weightier  writings 
also  engaged  him.  In  his  Christian  Leaders  of 
the  Last  Century  he  treated  rather  piously 
than  critically  some  of  the  chief  men  of  the 
Evangelical  Movement ;  he  was  also  respons- 
ible for  seven  volumes  of  Expository  Thoughts 
on  the  Gospels  and  other  works,  of  which 
Knots  Untied  is  perhaps  the  most  characteris- 
tic. He  was  even  better  known  as  a  platform 
speaker  than  as  a  preacher  or  writer,  having  a 
fine  presence,  a  noble  voice,  and  a  singularly 
genial  manner.  He  was  always  frankly 
partisan,  but  was  not  greatly  addicted  to 
controversy.  In  the  year  1880  he  was 
nominated  to  the  deanery  of  SaUsbury,  but 
before  taking  possession  was  appointed  to  the 
new  diocese  of  Liverpool  {q.v.),  this  being  one 
of  the  last  official  acts  of  Lord  Beaconsfield. 
His  administration  of  the  diocese  was  from 
the  first  a  surprise  to  those  who  knew  him 
only  as  a  popular  speaker  and  to  those  who 
looked  for  Uttle  but  partisan  activity  ;  some 
who  desired  this  freely  expressed  their 
disappointment.  He  discountenanced,  after 
some  doubt,  the  proposal  to  erect  a  costly 
cathedral,  preferring  to  devote  his  energies, 
and  the  offerings  of  the  faithful,  to  the 
provision  of  parish  churches  and  of  a  proper 
maintenance  for  the  clergy.  In  the  last 
respect  he  left  his  diocese  the  best  furnished 
in  England.  The  mellowing  and  deepening 
of  his  own  reUgious  character  through  the 
exercise  of  the  pastoral  office  was  marked  in 
his  later  years,  when  he  came  to  be  interested 
in  the  Keswick  Convention  and  similar 
gatherings,  of  which  he  had  formerly  been 
suspicious,  and  his  theology  would  seem  to 
have  become  less  hard  and  formal.  He  was 
thrice  married.  [t.  a.  l.] 


s 


SACHEVERELL,  Henry  (1674-1724), 
born  at  Marlborough,  went  to  Magdalen 
College,  Oxford,  where  he  became  Demy,  Fel- 
low, and  Bursar,  and  took  the  D.D.  degree  in 
1708.  He  became  a  noted  preacher  and  pam- 
phleteer, writing  vigorously  against  Whigs, 
latitudemen,  and  dissenters.  He  held  various 
preferments,  including  that  of  Chaplain  of 
St.  Saviour's,  Southwark,  1705.  In  1709 
two  sermons  brought  him  into  pubUc  fame, 
the  second,  preached  at  St.  Paul's  before  the 
Lord  Mayor  on  5th  November,  being  (on  its 


publication)  at  once  taken  up  by  the  House 
of  Commons.  In  it  '  he  played  particularly 
and  expressly  upon  the  Bishop  of  Sarum ' 
(Burnet,  q.v.),  declared  that  the  Whigs 
'  formerly  laboured  to  bring  the  Chuich  into 
the  conventicle,  now  they  labour  to  bring  the 
conventicle  into  the  Church,  which  will  prove 
its  inevitable  ruin,'  and  reflected  severely  on 
the  ministry,  particularly  on  Godolphin.  Ihc 
sermons  were  declared  to  be  seditious  hbels 
by  the  Commons,  and  the  preacher's  impeach- 
ment  was   ordered.     The   proceedings   soon 


•1  L 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[St.  Albans 


showed  how  tlioroughly  London  feeling  was 
on  Sacheverell's  side.  It  is  said  that  forty- 
thousand  copies  of  the  sermon  were  sold, 
and  his  lodgings  were  surrounded  by  enthusi- 
astic crowds,  who  escorted  him  to  Westminster 
Hall,  and  followed  Queen  Anne's  coach,  hoping 
her  '  Majesty  was  for  Dr.  Sacheverell.'  After 
a  trial  from  27th  February  to  20th  March 
1710,  in  which  the  Whig  lawyers  were  able  to 
set  forth  their  reasoned  theory  of  the  con- 
stitution, he  was  found  guilty,  but  sentenced 
only  to  suspension  from  preaching  for  three 
years.  Archbishop  Sharp  and  other  bishops 
had  voted  for  his  acquittal,  and  he  became 
a  popular  hero,  being  received  with  immense 
enthusiasm  in  a  sort  of  royal  progress  through 
the  Midlands.  Before  his  suspension  was 
over  the  Tories  were  in  power  with  a  triumph- 
ant majority,  and  Queen  Anne  had  no  longer 
a  constitutional  obligation  to  disguise  her 
feelings,  and  gave  him  the  Crown  living  of 
St.  Andrew's,  Holborn.  His  first  sermon  after- 
wards was  preached  at  St.  Saviour's,  South- 
wark,  and  sold  for  £100.  He  had  but  two  notes 
on  which  he  continued  to  harp — the  wicked- 
ness of  Whiggery  and  the  duty  of  passive 
obedience  to  the  Crown.  He  was  a  good 
Tory  undoubtedly  and  a  good  churchman  so 
far  as  politics  went,  but  Hearne  was  probably 
not  far  wrong  when  he  described  him  as  '  a 
man  of  much  noise  but  Uttle  sincerity.'  He 
left  Atterbury  {q.v.),  then  an  exile  in  Paris, 
£1000  in  his  will.  [w.  h.  h.] 

Bloxaiu,  Magdalen  College  Register,  vol.  vi.  ; 
Huttoii,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Ch.,  1625-1714. 

ST.  ALBANS,  Abhey  of.  In  the  year  793 
Ofia,  King  of  the  Mercians,  desiring  to  expiate 
the  murder  of  Ethelbert,  King  of  the  East 
Angles,  founded  an  abbey  at  Verulam  in 
Hertfordshire  for  a  hundred  Benedictine 
monks.  He  first  discovered  the  bones  of 
Alban,  the  proto-martyr  of  Britain,  to  whom 
he  dedicated  his  foundation,  and  laid  them  in 
the  ruins  of  a  third-century  church  which  had 
been  erected  on  the  site  of  the  martyrdom.  He 
then  obtained  the  consent  of  Pope  Adrian  i. 
to  his  plan,  together  with  the  canonisation 
of  Alban,  and  special  privileges,  among  them 
freedom  from  episcopal  control,  for  the  pro- 
posed monastery.  Though  he  appears  to 
have  intended  to  build  a  more  magnificent 
church,  he  did  not  carrj'  out  his  design,  and 
the  abbey  church  which  now  stands  is  mainly 
the  work  of  Paul  de  Caen,  the  first  Norman 
abbot. 

St.  Albans,  being  a  royal  foundation,  was 
the  premier  abbey  of  England  until  the  death 
of  Abbot  Thomas  de  la  Mare  in  1396,  and  its 


abbot  occupied  the  highest  place  among 
mitred  abbots  in  ParUament.  In  the  fifteenth 
century,  however,  the  pre-eminence  was 
gradually  usurped  by  Westminster  {q.v.). 
Throughout  the  Middle  Ages  an  almost  un- 
broken series  of  chroniclers  were  writing  at 
St.  Albans,  supplying  the  source  of  much  of 
the  history  of  the  time.  The  position  of  the 
abbey  on  Watling  Street,  the  main  north 
road  from  London,  enabled  the  monks  to 
hear  everything  of  importance  that  occurred 
in  the  capital,  and  makes  their  evidence  of 
exceptional  value.  Of  this  school  Ma  the  w 
Paris,  Rishanger,  and  Walsingham  are  the 
most  eminent.  At  St.  Albans  also  a  valuable 
library  of  manuscripts  was  collected  by  Abbot 
Symon  (1167-83),  and  added  to  by  many 
subsequent  abbots.  Printing  was  early  intro- 
duced into  the  abbey,  where  in  1480  a  press 
was  set  up  by  John  of  Hertford. 

The  abbey  was  richly  endowed  by  its 
numerous  benefactors  with  landed  property, 
distributed  in  aU  parts  of  England.  The 
Valor  Ecclesiasticus  in  1536  assessed  the 
revenue  at  £2102,  7s.  Ifd.  But  the  income 
was  largely  supplemented  by  offerings  made 
at  the  shrine  of  St.  Alban,  and  the  gifts  of 
distinguished  visitors  who  passed  the  night 
at  the  abbey  guest-house  when  journeying 
north  from  London. 

Abbots  of  St.  Albans 

The  list  of  the  pre-Conquest  abbots  and 
their  dates  is  in  part  legendary. 

1.  Wniigod;   appointed  793. 

2.  Eadric,  796  ;    perhaps  mythical. 

3.  Wulsige,  or  Valsig. 

4.  Vulnoth,    919-30     (Searle,    Oiiomasticon 

Anglo- Saxonicum). 

5.  Aedfrid,  c.  930  (Searle). 

6.  Ulsinus. 

7.  Aelfric,  969 ;  became  Bishop  of  Wilton, 

989 ;  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  994 
or  995  ;  d.  1002. 

8.  Ealdred.  9.  Eadmer. 

10.  Leofric,  c.  995  ;  d.  1006 

11.  Aelfric,  c.  1006-c.  1050. 

12.  Leofstan,  c.  1050-66. 

13.  Frederic,  1066. 

14.  Paul  de  Caen,  1077  ;    nephew  of  Arch- 

bishop Lanf  ranc  ;  rebuilt  the  church  ; 
the  tower,  transepts,  and  the  east  side 
of  the  nave  of  the  present  cathedral 
are  his  work ;  in  his  time  the  cell  of  Bin- 
ham  in  Bedfordshire  was  given  to  the 
monastery  by  Petrus  de  Valons,  and 
the  priory  of  Tynemouth  was  also 
presented  by  its  founder,  Robert 
Mowbray,  Earl  of  Northumberland. 


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[St.  Albans 


15. 


16. 


17. 

18. 


19. 


20. 


21. 


22. 


23. 


24. 
25. 
26. 


Richard  d'Aiibeny,  or  de  Albeneio,  1097. 
The  now  church  built  by  his  predecessor 
was  dedicated  on  Holy  Innocents'  Day, 
1115.  The  priory  of  Wyinondhun  and 
the  cell  of  Boaulieu  in  Bedfordshire 
were  given,  among  other  benefaction.-?, 
by  memberd  of  the  abbot's  family. 

Gc>offrey  de  Gorhuu,  1119;  obtained 
from  Henry  i.  a  charter  of  liberties 
granting  him  the  right  of  holding  pleas, 
and  cognisance  of  crimes  previously 
tried  in  the  hundred  and  county  courts  ; 
he  built  the  hospital  of  St.  Julien  for 
lepers,  and  also  founded  the  nunneries 
of  Merkyate  and  Sop  well. 

Ralf  do  Gobion,  1146. 

Robert  de  Gorham,  1151  ;  nephew  of 
Abbot  Geoffrey ;  it  was  probably  in 
his  abbacy  that  Nicholas  Breakspear, 
afterwards  Pope  Adrian  iv.  {q.v.),  was 
refused  admittance  into  the  abbey  on 
the  ground  of  insufificiency  of  learning  ; 
the  abbot  later  went  to  Rome,  and 
obtained  extensive  privileges  from  the 
English  Pope. 

Symon,  1167  ;  left  an  endowment  for 
the  maintenance  of  one  hired  scribe 
to  be  employed  in  the  abbey's  hterary 
work. 

Warren  de  Cambridge,  1183  ;  founded  the 
hospital  of  St.  Mary  de  Pratis  for 
leprous  women ;  he  contributed  two 
hundred  marks  of  silver  to  the  ransom 
of  Richard  I. 

John  de  Cella,  1195.  The  Early  English 
building  in  the  church  (the  four  arches 
in  the  north  aisle  and  the  lower  portions 
of  the  west  end)  is  his  work.  During  his 
abbacy  the  kingdom  was  placed  under 
interdict,  and  services  at  the  abbey  were 
suspended. 

WiUiam  de  Trumpingt;on,  1214 ;  com- 
pleted the  work  at  the  west  end  begun 
by  his  predecessor ;  in  his  time  the 
priory  of  Redbourn  was  dedicated  to 
St.  Amphibalus,  the  priest  whom  St. 
Alban  was  supposed  to  have  sheltered 
by  assuming  his  cloak  when  he  was 
in  danger  of  persecution.  This  abbot 
attended  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council 
of  1215;  in  1217,  during  his  abbacy, 
Mathew  Paris  was  admitted  into  the 
fraternity. 

John  de  Hertford,  1235.  The  abbey  was 
placed  under  interdict  in  1256  owing  to 
the  refusal  of  this  abbot  to  pay  live 
hundred  marks  to  the  papal  collectors. 

Roger  de  Norton,  1260. 

John  de  Barkhampsted,  1291. 

John  de  Marinis,  1302. 


27.  Hugh  de  Evcrsdun,  1308  ;   completed  the 

Lidy  Chapol  in  the  Decorated  style, 
and  restored  the  south  aisle,  which 
was  partially  destroyed  owing  to  some 
pillars  giving  way ;  his  abbacy  was 
much  troubled  by  quarrels  with  the 
townsmen  as  to  the  rights  and  juris- 
diction exercised  by  the  abbey  over  the 
borough. 

28.  Richard    de    Wallingford,     1326;      was 

learned  in  mathematics  and  astronomy, 
and  is  famous  for  inventing  an  astro- 
nomical clock. 

29.  Michael  de  Mentmore,  1335 ;    d.  1349  of 

the  Black  Death,  as  did  forty-seven 
monks. 

30.  Thomas  de  la  Mare,  1349  ;    of  the  same 

family  as  Peter  de  la  Mare,  first  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Commons.  The  Peas- 
ants' Revolt  of  1381  gave  occasion  for 
a  renewed  outbreak  of  troubles  with 
the  town,  which  was  suppressed  with 
some  difficulty.  John  Ball,  the  fana- 
tical priest,  was  among  those  hanged 
at  St.  Albans  as  a  result  of  the  insur- 
rection. 

31.  John  Moote,  1396. 

32.  VViUiam  Heyworth,  1401. 

33.  John  Wheathampsted,  1420  ;    previously 

Prior  of  Gloucester  College,  Oxford,  to 
which  he  was  afterwards  a  lavish  bene- 
factor ;  he  spent  much  of  the  abbey's 
revenue  in  adorning  and  repairing  the 
church,  and  instituted  a  new  officer, 
'Master  of  the  Works,'  to  supervise 
the  building  operations ;  he  resigned  in 
'  1440  in  order  to  avoid  being  impUcated 

in  the  disgrace  of  his  patron,  Hum- 
phrey, Duke  of  Gloucester. 

John  Stoke,  1440. 

John  Wheathampsted;  re-elected,  1451. 
The  Register  of  Wheathampsted  (in 
R.S.),  which  gives  an  account  of  his 
second  abbacy  in  prose  and  verse,  is 
attributed  to  him. 

WiUiam  Alban,  1464. 

WilUam  Wallingford,  1476 ;  before  his 
election  held  the  title  of  officiarius 
generalis,  combining  the  duties  of  arch- 
deacon, cellarer,  bursar,  forestei',  and 
sub-cellarer ;  his  notorious  misdeeds 
called  forth  a  letter  of  admonition  from 
Archbishop  Morton ;  d.  1492,  not  1484, 
as  has  often  been  stated. 

37.  Thomas  Ramryge,  1492. 

38.  Thomas  Wolsey  {q.v.),   1521 ;    held  the 

abbey  in  commendam  till  his  death  in 
1530  ;  he  appears  never  to  have  taken 
possession ;  the  revenues  were  appro- 
priated to  his  foundations  at  Oxford 


34. 


35. 
36. 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[St.  Asaph 


and  Ipswich,  for  which  purpose  he  also 
dissolved  the  priory  at  Wallingford  and 
the  hospital  of  St.  Mary  de  Pratis  in 
1529. 

39.  Robert  Catton,  1530  ;  though  nominated 

by  the  King  was  tenacious  in  maintain- 
ing the  rights  of  the  abbey  against  the 
royal  commissioners.  In  the  Ust  of 
signatures  to  the  Ten  Articles  of 
1536  his  name  appears  before  that  of 
the  Abbot  of  Westminster.  It  would 
seem,  therefore,  that  the  premiership 
had  returned  to  St.  Albans. 

40.  Richard     Boreman,     alias     Stevenache, 

1538  ;  surrendered  the  abbey  and  was 
pensioned  in  1539. 

The  abbey  was  surrendered  in  December 
1539,  and  part  of  it  was  granted  in  1550  to 
Sir  Richard  Lee,  who  reconveyed  it  to  Richard 
Boreman  (the  last  abbot)  in  1551.  When 
the  refounding  of  the  abbey  was  contem- 
plated Boreman  reconveyed  the  property  to 
Queen  Mary,  December  1556.  It  passed  into 
private  hands  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  1564. 
The  Crown  reserved  to  itself  the  abbey 
church,  the  Lady  Chapel,  and  some  other 
buUdings.  In  1553  Edward  vi.  sold  the 
church  to  the  mayor  and  burgesses  to  be 
their  parish  church,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
Lady  Chapel  was  cut  off  to  be  the  grammar 
school.  The  exempt  jurisdiction  of  the  abbey 
— exercised  by  its  archdeacon — became  an 
archdeaconry  of  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  1542. 
In  1550  this  archdeaconry  was  transferred 
to  the  diocese  of  London.  In  1845  it  was 
transferred  to  the  diocese  of  Rochester,  an^J 
in  1877,  to  the  newly  created  diocese  of  St. 
Albans  {q.v.). 

Cells  and  hospitals  subordinate  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  Albans  : — 

Priories  :  Beaulieu  (Beds),  Belvoir  (Lines), 
Binham  (Norfolk),  Hatfield  Peverel  (Essex), 
Hertford  (Herts),  Redbourn  (Herts),  Tyne- 
mouth  (Northumberland),  Wallingford 
(Berks),  Wymondham  (Norfolk).  Nunneries: 
Merkyate  (Beds),  SopweU  (Herts).  Hospi- 
tals :  St.  Julian,  St.  Mary  de  Pratis. 

[a.  l.  p.] 

Matliew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora  (ed.  Luard, 
R.S.):  Ocsta  ahbatum  monasterii  S.  Atbani  a 
Thome.  WaJsingham  (ed.  Riley,  R.S.);  Peter 
Newconie,  Hist,  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Albans, 
1793;  Dugdale,  Monasticon ,  vol.  ii.  ;  V.C.JI., 
Herts,  ii. 

ST.  ALBANS,  See  of,  was  formed  to  provide 
for  the  great  increase  of  population  in  the 
districts  adjoining  London  by  means  of  a 
rearrangement  of  the  dioceses  of  Rochester, 
Winchester,  and  London.     The  counties  of 


Hertford  and  Essex  were  taken  from 
Rochester  to  form  the  new  diocese,  and 
Rochester,  thus  relieved,  took  over  parts  of 
Winchester  and  London.  A  fund  was 
formed  for  the  endowment  of  the  new  see 
by  taking  £500  each  from  the  incomes  of  the 
Bishops  of  Winchester  and  Rochester,  by 
the  sale,  with  the  Bishop  of  Winchester's 
consent,  of  the  London  house  of  his  see,  and 
by  pubhc  subscription.  The  see  was  estab- 
lished by  Order  in  Council  of  30th  April 
1877,  under  the  Bishopric  of  St.  Albans 
Act,  1875  (38-9  Vic.  c.  34).  The  Bill  had 
been  opposed  by  dissenting  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  who  objected  to  any 
State  recognition  of  episcopacy;  but  the 
debates  produced  nothing  of  note  except 
Sir  W.  Harcourt's  description  of  the  reign  of 
Edward  vr.  as  '  the  best  days  of  the  Church 
of  England.'  An  increase  of  the  number  of 
bishops  in  the  House  of  Lords  was  avoided  by 
following  the  precedent  of  the  bishopric  of 
Manchester  {q.v.).  The  see  consists  of  the 
counties  of  Hertford  and  Essex,  together  with 
North  Woolwich.  It  has  a  population  of 
1,665,319,  and  an  acreage  of  1,392,573,  and 
is  divided  into  the  archdeaconries  of  Essex 
(first  mentioned,  1142),  Colchester  (first  men- 
tioned, 1132),  and  St.  Albans  (founded,  1542). 
The  abbey  of  St.  Albans  (q.v.)  was  made  the 
cathedral  church.  In  1900  Letters  Patent 
were  issued  constituting  a  dean  of  St.  Albans, 
but  there  is  as  yet  no  recognised  chapter,  and 
the  bishop  is  therefore  appointed  by  Letters 
Patent  from  the  Crown.  The  income  of  the 
see  is  £3200.  A  suffragan  Bishop  of  Col- 
chester was  appointed  in  1882,  and  of  Bark- 
ing in  1901. 

1.  Thomas  Legh  Claughton,  1877  ;  tr.  from 

Rochester  on  the  foundation  of  the  see ; 
famous  as  a  parish  priest  at  Kidder- 
minster; res.  1890;  d.  1892. 

2.  John   Wogan   Eesting,    1890 ;    formerly 

Vicar  of  Ch.  Ch.,  Albany  St.;  a  devout 
High  Churchman ;  d.  1902. 

3.  Edgar  Jacob,  1903 ;   tr.  from  Newcastle. 

[G.    C] 

ST.  ASAPH,  See  of,  may  be  said  to  owe  its 
origin  to  the  monastic  settlement  made  by 
St.  Kentigern  (Cyndeyrn)  in  the  mid-sixth 
century  on  the  banks  of  the  Elwy,  where  now 
stands  the  cathedral  church  of  the  diocese. 
The  original  name  of  the  settlement  was 
'  Llan  Elwy,'  i.e.  the  monastery  on  the  Elwy, 
which  is  still  the  name  used  in  Welsh  for  the 
city  and  the  diocese,  '  St.  Asaph '  not  being 
known  to  occur  earlier  than  the  beginning 
of   the   twelfth    century.     The   four  Welsh 


(532) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[St.  Asaph 


cathedrals  were  originally  monasteries  of  the 
well-known  Celtic  type.  That  they  were  not 
'  diocesan  '  is  shown  by  their  situation.  The 
word  llan,  whicli  has  its  congeners  in  all  the 
Celtic  languages,  means  an  enclosed  area— 
thence  the  monastic  enclosure  and  all  within 
it,  and  to-day  a  parish  church  as  well  as  the 
village  about  it.     [Abbeys,  Welsh.] 

The  story  of  the  foundation  of  the  monas- 
tery has  been  told  by  Joeelyn  of  Furness 
in  his  Life  of  St.  Kentigern,  written  c.  1180. 
Kentigern,  owing  to  hostilities,  had  to 
abandon  his  work  at  Glasgow  among  the 
Cumbrian  Britons,  and  fled  to  Wales.  After 
a  brief  visit  to  St.  David  he  settled  at  Llan- 
elwy,  building  his  monastery  of  timber, 
inore  Britonum.  When  peace  was  restored 
in  573  he  was  recalled.  There  were  in  the 
monaster^'  at  the  time  965  monks  ;  of  these 
665  left  in  a  body  with  him,  leaving  300  at 
Llanelwy,  over  whom  he  placed  his  favourite 
disciple,  St.  Asaph. 

Pre-Norman  Wales  was  tribal,  and  its 
Christianity  likewise  tribal,  and  monastic. 
Anything  like  the  modern  diocesan  episcopacy 
was  out  of  the  question  ;  but  its  beginnings 
were  there,  as  the  monasteries,  by  their  great 
missionary  zeal,  managed  to  get  large  areas 
under  their  influence.  Wales  owes  its  present 
diocesan  and  parochial  organisation  to  the 
master  mind  of  the  Norman.  Of  '  bishops  ' 
of  St.  Asaph  before  the  consecration  of 
Gilbert  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in 
1143  practically  nothing  is  known,  nor  are 
there  any  records  of  the  '  see.' 

The  diocese  was  originally  conterminous, 
for  the  most  part,  with  the  ancient  princi- 
pality of  Powys,  within  which  the  great 
monastery  was  Llanelwy.  It  now  includes 
the  entire  counties  of  Fhnt  and  Denbigh,  and 
portions  of  those  of  Carnarvon,  Merioneth, 
Montgomery,  and  Salop,  and  has  an  area 
of  1,067,583  acres  and  a  population  of 
288,446.  The  old  deanery  of  Cyfeihog  and 
Mawddwy,  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  diocese, 
was  exchanged  in  1859  for  that  of  Dyffryn 
Clwyd  and  Cinmerch,  a  detached  part  of 
Bangor,  within  a  short  distance  of  the  city 
of  St.  Asaph.  An  Order  in  Council  of  1838 
prospectively  united  the  sees  of  St.  Asaph 
and  Bangor  with  a  view  to  the  foundation 
of  the  bishopric  of  Manchester,  but  happily 
it  was  repealed. 

The  Taxatio  of  1291  assessed  the  bishop's 
Temporalia,  i.e.  revenues  from  land,  at 
£22,  2s.  lOd.,  and  the  Spiritnalia  at  £166, 
13s.  4d.  The  Valor  of  1535  assessed  the 
income  at  £131,  lis.  6d.  It  was  rated  for 
first-fruits  at  £187,  lis.  6d.  (Ecton,  1711). 
It  was  fixed  by  Order  in  Council  in  1846  at 


£4200.  Down  to  1844  there  was  but  one 
archdeaconry,  its  earliest  known  holder 
(before  1115)  being  styled  'Archdeacon  of 
Powys.'  It  was  held  in  commendam  by  the 
bishop  from  1573  to  1844,  when  it  was 
released  and  divided  into  the  two  arch- 
deaconries of  St.  Asaph  and  Montgomery. 
In  1890  a  tliird  archdeaconry,  that  of  Wrex- 
ham, was  constituted.  The  three  are  en- 
dowed with  a  residentiary  canonry  of  £350 
a  year  each  ;  and  there  is  one  other  resi- 
dentiary canonry.  St.  Asaph  Cathedral, 
like  the  other  Welsh  cathedrals,  though  its 
customs  are  those  of  the  '  Old  Foundation ' 
was  wrested  in  1843  into  '  New  Foundation ' 
(Welsh  Cathedrals  Act,  6-7  Vic.  c.  77).  The 
chapter  consists  of  the  dean  (dating  from 
1210),  six  prebendaries,  and  seven  cursal 
canons — all  appointed  by  the  bishop,  as  are 
also  the  four  vicars-choral.  There  are  seven- 
teen rural  deaneries. 

List  of  Bishops 

The  supposed  early  bishops  were : — 

1.  St.  Kentigern,  c.  560.  2.  St.  Asaph; 
native  of  the  locaUty  ;  cousin  to  St. 
Deiniol  of  Bangor  ;  head  of  monastery, 
573.  3.  St.  Tyssilio  of  Meif od ;  son  of 
Prince  of  Powys  ;  c.  600.  4.  Renchidus, 
c.  800.  5.  Chebur,  c.  928.  6.  Melanus, 
c.  1070. 

1.  Gilbert,    1143 ;     cons,    at    Lambeth    by 

Archbishop  Theobald  ;  the  first  bishop 
of  the  see  to  receive  his  orders  from 
England. 

2.  Galfrid,  or   Geoffrey   ab   Arthur,  1152 ; 

confounded  with  Geoffrey  of  Mon- 
mouth. 

3.  Richard,  1154;   a  monk. 

4.  Geoffrey,  1160  ;   a  nominee  of  Henry  ii.  ; 

deserted  his  see,  1175. 

5.  Adam,      1175;       fellow  -  student     with 

Gerald  de  Barri  (q.v.)  at  Paris, 
with  whom  he  had,  as  bishop,  a  con- 
troversy re  Kerry;   d.  at  Oxford,  1181. 

6.  John,  1183;  d.  1186. 

7.  Reiner  i.,  1186 ;  Austin  Canon  of  Haugh- 

mond  ;  accompanied  Archbishop  Bald- 
■vvin  in  his  visitation  of  the  diocese  in 
1188  ;  d.  1224. 

8.  Reiner  ii. ;  apparently  two  of  the  name 

in  succession. 

9.  Abraham,  1225 ;   d.  1233. 

10.  Hugh,  1235 ;  a  Franciscan  friar ;  d.  1240. 

11.  Howel,  1240;    son  of  Ednyfed  Fychan  ; 

during  his  time  Wales  was  conquered  by 
Henry  m.,  and  the  Welsh  bishops  and 
clergy  had  their  sees  and  churches  so 


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St.  Asaph] 


Dictionary  of  English.  Church  History 


[St.  Asaph 


despoiled  that  they  were  forced  to  beg 
their  bread  ;  d.  1247  at  Oxford. 

12.  Anian   or   Einion    ab   Meredydd,   1249 ; 

d:  1266. 

13.  John,  1267  (on  the  authority  of  Wharton), 

14.  Anian  or  Einion  ab  Ynyr,  1268  ;  known 

as  '  The  Black  Friar  of  Nannau  ' ;  con- 
fessor to  Edward  i.  in  the  Holy  Land ; 
best  known  for  his  bold  assertion  of  the 
rifrhts  of  the  Church  ;  d.  1293. 

15.  Leoline     Bromfield,    or      Llywelyn     ab 

Llyweh-n  ab  Yn\T  of  Yale,  1293  (P.) ; 
bore  a  chief  part  in  the  resettlement  of 
the  Church  after  the  annexation ;  d. 
1314. 

16.  Dafydd  ab  Bleddyn,  1315  ;   d.  1352. 

17.  John  Trevor,  1346;    cons,  at  Avignon; 

d.  1357. 

18.  Llywelyn  ab  Madog,   1357   (P.);    dean, 

1339-57  ;   cons,  at  Avignon  ;   d.  1375. 

19.  William  Spridlington,  1376  (P.) ;    dean, 

1357-76  ;   d.  1382. 

20.  Lawrence  Child,  1382  (P.) ;  a  Benedictine 

monk  of  Battle  ;   d.  1389. 

21.  Alexander    Bache,    1390     (P.);     a    Do- 

minican Friar ;  confessor  to  Richard 
n. ;  d.  1395. 

22.  John   Trevor,    1395   (P.) ;     the    chapter 

elected  Gruffin  Trevor,  but  the  Pope 
annulled  the  election  and  provided 
John  Trevor;  driven  from  his  see  by 
Henry  iv.  ;  was  tr.  to  St.  Andrews, 
Scotland,  but  did  not  obtain  posses- 
sion ;   d.  1410. 

23.  Robert  Lancaster,  1411  (P.) ;    Abbot  of 

Valle  Crucis ;  cons,  at  Lincoln  by 
Archbishop  Arundel ;    d.  1433. 

24.  John  Lowe,  1433  (P.) ;   tr.  to  Rochester, 

1444. 

25.  Reginald  Pecock  {q.v.),  1444  (P.) ;   tr.  to 

Chichester,  1449. 

26.  Thomas  Knight,   1449;    depr.   1460  for 

his  Lancastrian  politics ;  reinstated, 
1469  ;   res.  and  d.  1471. 

27.  Richard    Redman,    1471  ;     restored   the 

cathedral  after  it  had  been  eighty 
years  in  ruins ;   tr.  to  Exeter,  1495. 

28.  Michael  Deacon,  1495  (P.) ;   confessor  to 

Henry  vii.  ;    d.  1500. 

29.  Dafydd   ab    leuan    ab    lorwerth.    1500; 

Abbot  of  Valle  Ciiicis  ;   d.  1503. 

30.  Dafydd  ab  Owen,  1503  (P.);    Abbot  of 

Aberconwy  (Maenan) ;  rebuilt  the 
palace  after  it  had  been  in  ruins  for 
a  hundred  years  ;    d.  1513. 

31.  Edmund  Birkhead,  1513  (P.);  promoted 

the  rebuilding  of  Wrexham  Church ; 
d.  1518. 

32.  Henry    Standish    {q.v.),    1518    (P.) ;     d. 

1535. 


33. 

34. 

35. 


36. 

37. 
38. 

39. 

40. 

41. 
42. 

43. 

44. 
45. 

46. 

47. 

48. 
49. 


WiUiam  Barlow  {q.v.),  1535;  tr.  to  St. 
David's,  1536. 

Robert  Wharton,  or  Paifew,  1536  ;  tried 
to  remove  the  see  at  one  time  to 
Wrexham,  at  another  to  Denbigh  ;  tr. 
to  Hereford,  1554. 

Thomas  Goldwell,  1555  (P.);  Queen 
Mary  appointed  him  in  October  1558 
ambassador  to  the  papal  court,  and 
nominated  him  for  translation  to  the 
see  of  Oxford,  but  she  died  before  it 
took  place,  and  Goldwell  fled  to  the 
Continent ;   d.  1582  in  Rome. 

Richard  Davies  {q.v.),  1560  ;  wag  depr. 
by  Queen  Mary  of  his  preferments  in 
Bucks,  when  he  went  into  exile  in 
Geneva,  but  Elizabeth  on  her  accession 
promoted  him  to  this  see ;  tr.  to  St. 
David's,  1561. 

Thomas  Davies,  1561  ;  distinguished  for 
his  piety  and  charity  ;  d.  1573. 

William  Hughes,  1573  ;  befriended  and 
assisted  Morgan  {q.v.)  in  his  translation 
of  Welsh  Bible  ;   d.  1600. 

William  Morgan  {q.v.),  1601;  tr.  from 
Llandaff;  first  translator  of  the  whole 
Bible  into  Welsh,  1588  ;  d.  1604,  and 
buried  in  cathedral  choir. 

Richard  Parry,  1604 ;  Dean  of  Bangor, 
1599  ;  editor  of  Authorised  Version  of 
Welsh  Bible,  1620  ;  d.  1623  ;  buried  in 
cathedral. 

John  Hanmer,  1624  ;  d.  1629  ;  buried  at 
Selattyn. 

John  Owen,  1629 ;  chaplain  to  Charles  r. ; 
sujBfered  much  during  the  Common- 
wealth— deprived,  imprisoned  in  the 
Tower,  and  fined  ;  d.  1651  ;  buried  in 
cathedral.     See  vacant  for  nine  years. 

George  Griffith,  1660;  wrote  in  defence 
of  the  Church  during  the  Common- 
wealth ;  drew  up  the  Form  for  Adult 
Baptism  ;  d.  1666  ;  buried  in  the  choir 
of  the  cathedral. 

Henry  Glemham,  1667  ;  dean  of  Bristol ; 
d.  1669  ;  buried  at  Little  Glemham. 

Isaac  Barrow,  1669 ;  tr.  from  Sodor 
and  Man  ;  d.  1680 ;  buried  at  south 
side  of  west  door  of  the  cathedral. 

William  Lloyd,  1680 ;  one  of  the  Seven 
Bishops  {q.v.) ;  a  learned  prelate ; 
tr.  to  Lichfield,  1692. 

Edward  Jones,  1692  ;  tr.  from  Cloyne  ; 
d.  1703 ;  buried  in  St.  Margaret's, 
Westminster. 

George  Hooper,  1703  ;  Dean  of  Canter- 
bury ;  tr.  to  Bath  and  Wells,  1704. 

William  Beveridge,  1704  ;  '  the  Reviver 
and  Restorer  of  Primitive  Piety  ' ;  d. 
1708  ;  buried  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral. 


(.534) 


St.  Asaph] 


Diclionary  of  English  Church  History 


[St.  David's 


50.  WiUiam  Fleetwood,   1708  ;    tr.   to  Ely, 

1714. 

51.  John  Wynne,   1715  ;    Principal  of  Jesus 

College,  Oxford ;  tr.  to  Bath  and 
Wells,  1727. 

52.  Francis  Hare,  1727  ;  Dean  of  Worcester  j 

tr.  to  Chichester,  1731. 

53.  Thomas  Tanner,  1731  ;    a  learned  anti- 

quary ;  friend  of  Bishop  Gibson  {q.v.) 
and  Anthony  a  Wood ;  d.  at  Christ 
Church,  1735. 

54.  Isaac  Maddox,   1736;    Dean  of  Wells; 

tr.  to  Worcester,  1743. 

55.  Samuel    Lisle,    1744 ;     Dean    of    Peter- 

borough ;   tr.  to  Norwich,  1748. 

56.  Honble.  Robert  Hay  Drummond,  1748  ; 

Prebendary  of  Westminster ;  tr.  to 
Salisbury,  1761. 

57.  Richard     Newcome,     1761  ;      tr.     from 

LlandafE ;  d.  1769  ;  buried  at  Hackney. 

58.  Jonathan  Shipley,  1769  ;    tr.  from  Llan- 

dafi;    d.  1787. 

59.  Samuel  HaUifax,  1787  ;  tr.  from  Glouces- 

ter (the  first  English  bishop) ;  d.  1790, 
and  buried  at  Worksop. 

60.  Lewis  Bagot,  1790 ;    tr.  from  Norwich ; 

d.  1802,  and  buried  at  St.  Asaph. 

61.  Samuel  Horsley,  1802  ;   tr.  from  Roches- 

ter ;  an  active  bishop  and  a  powerful 
and  learned  controversialist ;  regarded 
as  the  greatest  prelate  of  his  day ;  d. 
1806. 

62.  WHUam  Cleaver,  1806  ;  tr.  from  Bangor ; 

d.  1815,  and  buried  at  BrasenoseCoUege, 
Oxford. 

63.  John  Luxmoore,   1815 ;   tr.  from  Here- 

ford ;  a  great  offender  in  the  matter 
of  nepotism  and  plurality;  d.  1830, 
and  buried  at  St.  Asaph. 

64.  William  Carey,  1830;  tr.  from  Exeter; 

a  generous  benefactor  to  the  diocese ; 
founded  the  Diocesan  Church  Building 
Society;  d.  1846,  and  buried  at  St. 
Asaph. 

65.  Thomas  Vowler  Short,   1846;    tr.  from 

Sodor  and  Man  ;  res.  1870  ;  d.  1872  at 
Gresford  Vicarage ;  buried  at  St.  Asaph ; 
an  able  administrator  and  Uberal  bene- 
factor of  elementary  education. 

66.  Joshua   Hughes,  1870 ;    first  Welshman 

cons,  to  the  see  since  Bishop  Wynne 
in  1715;  founded  the  Diocesan  Church 
Extension  and  Board  of  Education 
Societies ;  d.  1889  at  Crieflf,  N.B.,  and 
buried  at  St.  Asaph. 

67.  Alfred  George  Edwards,  1889;  Warden  of 

Llandovery  College,  1875-85. 

[J.    F.] 

Thomas,    Hist,    of  the  Dio.   of  St.    Asaj^h; 
Stubbs,  Kfgistr.  Sacr.  ;  Le  Neve,  Fasti. 


ST.  DAVID'S,   See  of.      At   the   end  of 

the  fifth  century  the  Cymry  under  Cuncdda 
and  his  sons  burst  into  Wales,  and  their 
coming  was  at  once  folloAved  by  the  Age  of 
the  Saints,  the  most  important  being  Dcwi 
(David),  grandson  of  Ceredig,  one  of  Cuncdda's 
sons.  Little  certain  can  be  winnowed  from 
the  legends  that  have  gathered  round  his 
name,  but  we  know  that  he  founded  his 
house — Tyddewi— on  the  banks  of  the 
River  Alun,  and  this  became  the  mother 
church  of  Dyfed,  and  ultimately  the  ecclesi- 
astical centre  of  South-West  Wales.  In  the 
tenth  century  there  were  seven  bishops' 
houses — Esgoptai — in  Dyfed.  Owing  to  the 
saintliness  of  its  founder,  to  its  reputation  as 
a  centre  of  education — it  was  from  St.  David's 
that  Alfred  {q.v.)  summoned  Asser — and  to 
the  connection  between  the  bishop  and  the 
civil  power,  the  influence  and  strength  of 
St.  David's  grew  till  it  became  conterminous 
with  the  kingdom  of  Deheubarth,  which  as 
it  spread  brought  under  the  control  of  St. 
David's  the  district  between  the  Towy  and 
the  Tawe,  modern  Breconshire,  and  the  two 
outlying  portions  of  Ystradyw  and  Ewias. 
After  a  period  of  isolation  following  the  rejec- 
tion of  Augustine's  {q.v.)  somewhat  haughty 
overtures,  the  diocese  adopted  the  Roman 
tonsure  in  768,  and  gradually  fell  into  line  in 
other  matters.  At  first  its  churches  were 
dedicated  to  Welsh  saints  (in  many  cases 
their  founders),  but  in  the  eighth  century 
there  were  many  dedications  to  St.  IVIichael, 
as  in  the  twelfth  century  to  St.  Mary.  The 
visit  of  William  the  Conqueror  to  St.  David's 
and  the  invasions  of  the  Lords  Marcher 
witnessed  the  growth  of  Norman  power, 
which  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  illustrated 
by  the  suspension  of  Bishop  Wilfrid  and  his 
subsequent  restoration  by  Anselm  {q.v.).  In 
1115  the  chapter  was  forced  to  elect  Bernard, 
an  important  step  in  the  Normanising  of  the 
Church.  Yet  his  episcopate  witnessed  the 
canonisation  of  St.  David.  The  thirteenth 
century  saw  a  great  increase  of  the  power  of 
the  Welsh  princes  and  three  Welshmen  as 
bishops  of  the  see,  while  the  period  from  the 
death  of  Llywelyn  in  1282  to  that  of  Glyndwr 
in  1415  was  marked  by  ten  bishops,  seven  of 
whom  held  high  offices  of  state ;  seven,  too, 
remained  bishops  of  the  see  to  the  time  of 
their  death — a  proof  that  the  see  was  not  a 
mere  stepping-stone  to  promotion.  Yet  it 
was  poorly  endowed ;  the  temporalities  of 
the  bishop  were  assessed  for  the  Tazatio  of 
1291  at  £104,  and  he  also  received  £20 
of  the  capitular  income  ;  in  1377  the  tem- 
poralities were  vested  in  the  chapter  at 
£190  during   a  vacancy;    under  Henry  vr. 


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[St.  David's 


the  spiritualities  amounted  to  £33,  6s.  8d. 
The  century  prior  to  the  Reformation 
was  marked  by  the  increased  influence 
of  the  papacy  and  by  a  demoralisation  that 
affected  all  classes,  including  clergy,  monks, 
and  friars.  Translation  of  bishops  was 
frequent,  and  there  was  an  increasing  num- 
ber of  absentees.  The  Reformation  does  not 
seem  to  have  brought  with  it  any  sudden 
doctrinal  or  ceremonial  change,  but  the 
adoption  of  the  vernacular  language  created  a 
difficulty,  which  did  not  exist  in  England ; 
the  ruTal  districts,  except  parts  of  Radnor 
and  South  Pembroke,  were  almost  entirely 
Welsh,  but  the  towns  were  English,  and  there 
were  scattered  monoglot  minorities.  At  the 
time  Wales  suffered  from  a  variety  of  dialects, 
a  defect  that  was  remedied  by  the  publication 
of  the  Welsh  Bible.  In  1546  a  Welsh  manual 
containing  the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and 
the  Commandments  was  published,  probably 
at  the  expense  of  Sir  John  Price  of  Brecon  ; 
in  1563  the  Act  for  the  translation  of  the 
Welsh  Bible  and  Prayer  Book  was  passed 
(5  Eliz.  c.  28) ;  and  in  1567  the  New  Testament 
was  produced  by  the  labours  at  Abergwili  of 
Bishop  Richard  Da  vies  {q.v.)  and  William 
Salesbury  (g'.v.),  assisted  by  Huet,  the 
precentor  of  St.  David's.  In  1588  Bishop 
Morgan's  Bible  was  pubUshed,  the  first  Lesson 
having  meanwhile  been  read  in  EngUsh. 
Financially  the  Reformation  was  most 
disastrous  to  this  diocese ;  the  parochial 
incumbents  do  not  now  receive  half  the  tithe, 
even  allowing  for  that  which  has  since  been 
recovered.  The  total  income  of  the  clergy, 
including  the  bishop  and  chapter,  was  rated 
in  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  (q.v.)  at  £3320 ; 
and  this  had  to  suffice  for  three  hundred  and 
seventeen  churches  and  one  hundred  and 
thirty-one  chapels  of  ease.  The  bishopric 
was  rated  in  the  Valor  at  £457,  and  a  little  later 
Strype  (g.v.)  valued  it  at  £263.  Ecton  (1711) 
gives  the  value  as  £426,  2s.  Id.  The  decline 
was  probably  due  to  alienation  of  estates,  to 
the  abolition  of  the  profitable  regalia,  which 
accrued  to  the  bishop  as  a  Lord  Marcher,  and 
to  a  vicious  system  of  leasing.  Though  at- 
tempts were  made  by  the  Tudors  to  set  up 
a  Welsh  episcopate,  the  poverty  of  the  see 
was  fatal  to  the  policy ;  of  forty  bishops 
from  1505  to  1874  only  five  were  Welsh,  and 
twenty  were  translated  to  other  sees.  Bishop 
Barlow  {q-v.),  1536,  an  ardent  reformer, 
alienated  Lamphey  to  Richard  Devereux, 
stripped  the  lead  off  the  palace  roof,  and 
tried  to  remove  the  see  to  Carmarthen.  The 
suppression  of  the  monasteries  deprived  the 
diocese  of  all  educational  institutions,  and 
the  establishment  of   a  grammar  school  at 


Carmarthen  by  letters  patent  in  1576  was  but 
a  poor  substitute.  Little  was  heard  of  Non- 
conformity, though  John  Penry  [Marprelate 
Controversy]  was  a  native  of  the  diocese. 
Soon  after  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  Rebellion 
Puritanism  was  fostered  by  the  efforts  of 
Vavasor  Powell  of  Radnorshire,  and  in  1650 
the  Act  for  the  better  propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Wales  empowered  a  commission  of 
seventy-one  to  eject  clergy  '  guilty  of  any 
delinquency,  scandal,  malignancy,  or  non- 
residency,'  to  supply  '  godly  and  painful  men,' 
certified  by  twenty-five  ministers,  and  to 
appropriate  the  revenues  of  all  parochial  liv- 
ings, rendered  vacant  in  these  or  other  ways. 
It  has  been  calculated  that  some  one  hundred 
and  eighty  livings  in  this  diocese  were  in  their 
hands,  and  that  at  least  one  hundred  and 
forty  of  the  clergy  were  ejected  and  replaced 
by  a  few  itinerant  missioners  or  '  Gospel 
PostiUions.'  So  great  was  the  scandal  that 
in  1654  Cromwell  by  ordinance  appointed  a 
new  commission  to  inquire  into  the  proceed- 
ings of  their  predecessors.  Under  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  {q.v.),  1662,  thirty  ministers  were 
ejected,  while  ten  suspended  ultimately 
conformed.  In  1672  only  thirty  meeting- 
houses were  licensed  in  the  diocese.  The 
strife  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  followed 
by  reaction  and  torpor  in  the  eighteenth,  and 
quite  early  Bishop  Bull  commented  on  the 
insufficiency  of  the  clergy,  and  pointed  to  lay 
impropriation  of  tithe  as  the  main  cause  of 
the  defect,  as  did  Dr.  Erasmus  Sanders  in  his 
vivid  View  of  the  Diocese,  1721.  As  the  result 
of  a  dispute  the  archdeacon's  functions  were 
suspended  and  not  restored  till  1837  ;  but 
rural  deans  were  reinstituted  by  Bishop 
Horsley  (1788-94),  and  that  there  was  real 
spiritual  life  is  proved  by  the  work  of  Griffith 
Jones,  Rector  of  Llanddowror,  the  founder  of 
the  Circulating  Schools,  which  in  twenty-four 
years  taught  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
people,  nearly  one-third  of  the  population  of 
Wales,  to  read  their  Welsh  Bibles.  His  great 
work  paved  the  way  for  the  rise  of  Calvinistic 
Methodism,  which  can  claim  HoweU  Harris 
of  Talgarth  as  its  founder,  though  more 
important  were  Daniel  Rowland,  the  curate 
of  Llangeitho  ;  WiUiam  Williams  of  Panty- 
celyn ;  Peter  WiUiams,  the  Bible  com- 
mentator; and  Thomas  Charles — aU  natives 
of  this  diocese,  and  aU  in  holy  orders  except 
Harris.  Though  the  first  association  was 
held  at  Watford  in  Glamorgan  in  1743,  the 
Methodists  did  not  break  away  from  the 
Church  till  some  time  after  the  deaths  of  its 
founders,  and  until  the  influence  of  the 
'  exhorters  '  became  predominant.  In  1811 
the  congregations  of  one  hundred  and  twenty- 


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[St.  David's 


eight    '  societies '   in   this   diocese    seceded ; 
the  shock  to  the  Church  was  very  great,  and 
for  the  naomcnt  seemed  fatal.     But  a  revival 
of  Church  life  followed.     Since  1800  only  one         1. 
bishop  of  the  see  has  been  translated ;    the         2, 
special  requirements  of  the  see  have  received         3, 
greater  consideration  ;   since  1874  a  Welsh-         4. 
speaking  episcopate  has  been  restored,  after         5. 
Bishop  Thirlwall  {q.v.)  prepared  the  way  by         6. 
himself  learning  Welsh ;    provision  for  the         7. 
better  education  of  the  clergy  was  made  by  the 
foundation  of  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter, 
by  Bishop  Burgess  in  1822.     Since  1831  the 
number  of  churches  and  mission-rooms  has       10. 
grown  from  four  hundred  and  forty-eight  to       11. 
six  hundred  and  seventy-two  ;    the  resident       12. 
incumbents  have  more  than  doubled,  as  has       13. 
the  number  of  parsonages,  while  the  endow-       14. 
ment    of    the  incumbents    has    been    more       15. 
than  doubled  during  the  last  century  ;    and       16. 
with  this  material  progress  there  has  been  a       17. 
quickening  of  reUgious  life.     The  area  of  the       18. 
diocese  was  reduced  by  the  transfer  of  some       19. 
small  portions  to  LlandafE  in  1844  and  1846,  of       20. 
two  parishes  in  the  county  of  Montgomery  to       21. 
the  diocese  of  St.  Asaph  in  1849,  and  of  its 
territory  in  Hereford  to  that  diocese  in  1852.       40. 
It  now  comprises  the  counties  of  Pembroke,       41, 
Cardigan,  and  Carmarthen,  nearly  the  whole       42. 
of  Radnor  and  Brecon,  and  part  of  Glamorgan.       43. 
It  contains  2,267,900  acres,  and  has  a  popula-       44. 
tion  of  509,943.    In  1910  the  net  income  from 
endowments  amounted  to  £94,200  (including 
grants  for  curates  to  the  amount  of  £4610),       45. 
the    bishop's    stipend    being    £4500.       The       46. 
diocese  is  divided  into  four  archdeaconries 
and  twenty-nine  rural  deaneries.     The  arch- 
deaconry of  Brecon  (first  mentioned,  c.  1135), 
with  nine  rural  deaneries,  corresponds  roughly       47. 
to  the  counties  of  Brecon  and  Radnor ;    the       48. 
archdeaconry    of    Cardigan    (c.    1137),    with 
seven  rural  deaneries,  includes  the  whole  of 
Cardiganshire  and  portions  of  the  counties  of 
Carmarthen  and  Pembroke ;  the  archdeaconry 
of  Carmarthen  (c.    1140),  with  seven  rural 
deaneries,  comprises  the  rest  of  Carmarthen-       49. 
shire,  the  western  strip  of  Glamorganshire,       50. 
and  a  very  small  portion  of  Pembrokeshire ;       5L 
the  archdeaconry  of  St.  David's  (c.    1128),       52. 
with  six  rural   deaneries,  includes  what  is       53, 
left  of  Pembrokeshire.     The  cathedral  chap-       54. 
ter  is   composed   of   a   dean,  who  was   first 
appointed  in  1840,  four  canons  residentiary 
(under  the  Welsh  Cathedrals  Act,  1843,  5-6 
Vic.    c.   77),    and   twelve  prebendaries,   the 
first  being  the  King.     There  are  also  five 
vicars-choral,  one  of  whom  is  also  vicar  of       55. 
the    parish,    and   an    organist.      There    has    |    56. 
been  a  suffragan  bishop  of   Swansea  since    I    57, 
1890. 


22.  Idwal. 

23.  Asser,    friend    of 

Alfred  ((/.v.);  tr. 

to  Sherborne. 
Arthwael. 
Samson. 
Ruelin. 
lihydde.rch. 
Elwin. 

29.  Morhiw. 

30.  Llunwerth,  944. 

31.  Enewrig,  944. 

Hubert. 

Ivor. 

Morgeneu ;  mur- 
dered by  Norse- 
men, 999. 

35.  Nathan. 

36.  Jeuan. 

37.  Arwystl. 

38.  Morgeneu;  d. 

1025. 

39.  Hermin ;  d.  1040. 


24. 
25. 
26. 

27. 
28. 


32. 
33. 
34. 


Bishops 

Uncertain  names  are  printed  in  italics. 

David. 

Cijnog,  or  Cynoc. 

Teilo. 

Ceneu. 

Morfael. 

Haerwnen. 

Elwaed. 

Givrnwen. 

Llunwerth,or  Len- 
divord. 

Gwrgivyst. 

Gwgan. 

Clydawg. 

Eineon. 

Elfod. 

Ethelman. 

Elanc. 

Maelsgwyd. 

Sadwrnfen. 

Cadell. 

Sulhaithnay. 

Novis,  or  Nobis, 
840 ;   d.  873. 

Trahaearn. 

Joseph ;  d.  1063. 

Bleiddud,  1063  to  1071  or  1072. 

Suhen,  Bishop,  1072  or  1073  to  1078. 

Abraham,  1078  ;  murdered  by  Norsemen, 
1080. 

SuUen  ;  recalled,  1080-5  ;  res.;  d.  1091. 

Wilfrid,  1085-1115. 

Bernard,  1115-47;  'the  first  Norman 
bishop  of  the  see,'  which  he  organised 
and  developed  ;  its  metropolitan  claims 
were  asserted  under  him  ;  d.  1147. 

David  Fitzgerald,  1147;  d.  1176. 

Peter  de  Leia,  1176;  a  foreigner;  forced 
on  the  chapter  in  spite  of  Gerald  de 
Barri  (q.v.);  he  began  to  build  the 
present  cathedral  church  ;  Archbishop 
Baldwin,  on  a  tour  through  Wales,  cele- 
brated Mass  at  the  high  altar;  d.  1198. 

Geoffrey  de  Hennelawe,  1203. 

Gervase,  1215 ;  d.  1229. 

Anselm  le  Gros,  1230 ;  d.  1247. 

Thomas  the  Wekhman,  1248;  d.  1255. 

Richard  de  Carrew,  1256;  d.  1280. 

Thomas  Becke,  1280 ;  Lord  High  Trea- 
surer ;  under  him  Archbishop  Peckham 
(q.v.)  visited  St.  David's;  celebrated 
Mass  at  the  high  altar  in  the  cathedral 
church;  he  was  Chancellor  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oxford  ;  d.  1293. 

David  Martin,  1296;  d.  1328. 

Henry  de  Gower,  1328  (P.);  d.  1347. 

John  Thoresby,  1347  (P.) ;  Lord  Chan- 
cellor, 1349-56  ;   tr.  to  Worcester,  1349. 


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58.  Reginald  Brian,  1350  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Wor-         87. 

cester,  1352. 

59.  Thomas  Falstaflfe,  1353  (P.) ;  d.  1361. 

60.  Adam  Houghton,  1361  (P.);   LL.D.  Ox- 

ford; Lord  Chancellor,  1377;  d.  1389. 

61.  John  GUbert,  1389;  tr.  (P.)  from  Here- 

ford ;   twice  Lord  Treasurer ;  d.  1397.  89. 

62.  Guy  de  Mona,  1397  (P.) ;   twice  Keeper 

of  Privy  Seal ;  Lord  High  Treasurer ; 
d.  1407. 

63.  Henry  Chichele  {q.v.),  1408  (P.) ;  tr.  to 

Canterbury. 

64.  John  Catterick,   1414   (P.);    tr.  (P.)  to         90. 

Lichfield,  1415. 

65.  Stephen    Patryngton,    1415    (P.);    Pro-         91. 

vincial  of  the  CarmeHte  order ;  tr.  to 
Chichester,  1417. 

66.  Benedict   Nicholl,    1418;    tr.   (P.)  from         92. 

Bangor ;  d.  1433. 

67.  Thomas  Rodburne,  1433  (P.);  d.  1442.  93. 

68.  William  Lyndwood  {q.v.),  1442  (P.). 

69.  John  Langton,  1447  (P.);  d.  1447. 

70.  John  de  la  Bere,  1447  (P.) ;  res.  1460. 

71.  Robert  Tully,  1460  (P.) ;  d.  1481.  94. 

72.  Richard  Martyn,  1482  (P.) ;   LL.D.  Cam- 

bridge ;    Chancellor  of   Ireland,   1477 ; 

d.  1483.  95. 

73.  Thomas     Langton,     1483    (P.);     Pem-         96. 

broke    College,     Cambridge ;      tr.     to 
Salisbury,  1485.  97, 

74.  Hugh  Pavy,  1485  (P.);  d.  1496.  98. 

75.  John  Morgan,  1496  (P.);  LL.D.  Oxford; 

d.  1504. 

76.  Robert    Sherbourn,    1505   (P.);    tr.    to        99. 

Chichester,  1508.  100. 

77.  Edward    Vaughan,    1.509    (P.);    LL.D. 

Cambridge;  d.  1522.  101, 

78.  Richard     Rawhns,    1523     (P.);     D.D.; 

Warden  of  Merton  College,   1508,  but       102. 
deprived,  1521 ;  d.  1536. 

79.  William  Barlow  [q.v.),  1536;  tr.  to  Bath 

and  Wells,  1548.  103. 

80.  Robert  Ferrar  {q.v.),  1548;  depr.  1554. 

81.  Henry  Morgan,  1554  (P.);  D.C.L.;  pre-       104 

viously  Principal  of  St.  Edmund  Hall, 
Oxford  ;  depr.  1559.  105 

82.  Thomas    Young,     1560 ;      Principal    of 

Broadgates  Hall,  Oxford,  1542-6;    tr.       106 
to  York,  1561. 

83.  Richard  Davies  {q.v.),  1561 ;   D.D.  New 

Inn  Hall,  Oxford ;   tr.  from  St.  Asaph  ;       107, 
translator  of  the  New  Testament  into 
Welsh;  d.  1581.  108, 

84.  Marmaduke     Middleton,     1582;      D.D. 

Oxon  ;  tr.  from  Waterford  ;  degraded,       109, 
1590;  d.  1592. 

85.  Anthony    Rudd,    1594;     D.D.    Trinity       110. 

College,  Cambridge ;  d.  1615. 

86.  Richard  Milbourne,  1615;  tr.  to  Cariisle, 

1621. 

(  538) 


William  Laud  {q.v.),  1621 ;  tr.  to  Bath 
and  Wells,  1626. 

Thcophilus  Field,  1627  ;  Fellow  of  Pem- 
broke Hall,  Cambridge ;  D.D.  Oxon  ; 
tr.  from  LlandafE ;  impeached  for 
bribery,  1621 ;  tr.  to  Hereford,  1635. 
Roger  Mainwaring,  1636 ;  D.D.  All  Souls 
College,  Oxford ;  imprisoned  for  two 
sermons  on  'Religion'  and  'Allegiance,' 
preached  before  Charles  i.  in  1627 ; 
imprisoned  by  the  Long  Parliament ;  d. 
1653. 

WiUiam  Lucy,  1660;    Trinity  College, 
Oxford  ;   B.D.  Cambridge ;  d.  1677. 
William  Thomas,  1678  ;   D.D.  St.  John's 
College,  Oxford ;    Dean  of  Worcester, 
1665  ;   tr.  to  Worcester,  1683. 
Laurence  Womack,  1683  ;   D.D.  Corpus 
Christi  College,  Cambridge ;  d.  1686. 
John    Lloyd,    1686;      Merton    College, 
Oxford ;     Principal    of    Jesus    College, 
1673;    D.D.,    1674;     Vice-Chancellor, 
1682-5;  d.  1687. 

Thomas  Watson,  1687  ;  D.D.  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge;  dep.  for  simony, 
1699. 

George  Bull,  1705.    [Caroline  Divines.] 
Philip  Bisse,  1710;    D.D.  New  College, 
Oxford;   tr.  to  Hereford,  1713. 
Adam  Otley,  1713  ;  d.  1723. 
Richard  Smallbrooke,  1724  ;  D.D.  Mag- 
dalen  College,  Oxford  ;   tr.  to  Lichfield, 
1731. 
Elias  Sydall,  1731;  tr.  to  Gloucester,  1731. 
Nicholas   Claggett,    1732;     D.D.    Cam- 
bridge  ;   tr.  to  Exeter,  1742. 
Edward  Willes,  1743  ;    tr.  to  Bath  and 
WeUs,  1743. 

Honble.  Richard  Trevor,  1744  ;  D.C.L. 
Queen's  College,  Oxford ;  tr.  to  Durham, 
1752. 

Anthony  Ellis,  1752  ;    D.D.  Clare  HaU, 
Cambridge ;    d.  1761. 
Samuel  Squire,  1761  ;  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge  ;  d.  1766. 
Robert  Lowth,  1766  ;  D.D.  New  College, 
Oxford ;    tr.  to  Oxford.  1766. 
Charles  Moss,  1766  ;  M.A.  Caius  College, 
Cambridge ;   tr.    to    Bath    and    Wells, 
1774. 

Honble.  James  Yorke,  1774 ;  tr.  to  Glou- 
cester. 1779. 

John  Warren,  1779  ;  D.D.  Caius  College, 
Cambridge  ;   tr.  to  Bangor,  1783. 
Edward  Smallwell,  1783  ;  tr.  to  Oxford, 

1788. 
Samuel  Horsley,  1788  ;    LL.B.  Trinity 
Hall,  Cambridge  ;  a  learned  theologian 
and  a  High  Churchman  ;  tr.  to  Roch- 
ester, 1793. 


Salesbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Salisbury 


111.  William  Stewart,  1794  ;  D.D.  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge ;  tr.  to  Armagh, 
1800 ;   d.  1822. 

112.  George  Murray,  1800;  D.D.  New 
College,  Oxford ;   d.  1803. 

113.  Thomas  Burgess,  1803  ;  C.C.C,  Oxford ; 
founder  of  St.  David's  College,  Lam- 
peter;  tr.  to  Salisbury,  1825. 

114.  John  B.  Jenkinson,  1825 ;  Dean  of 
Durham,  1827-40;  d.  1840. 

115.  Connop  Thirlwall  {q.v.),  1840;   d.  1875. 

116.  William  Basil  Jones,  1874  ;  D.D.  ;  Fel- 
low of  Queen's  and  University  Colleges, 
Oxford;    d.  1897. 

117.  John  Owen,  1897  ;  D.D.  Jesus  College, 
Oxford.  [f.  m.] 

W.  Basil  Jones  and  E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  of 
St.  David's;  W.  L.  Bevan,  Dio.  Hist,  of  St. 
David's  ;  J.  E.  Lloyd,  A  Hist,  of  ]y(des ;  "j.  E. 
Newell,  Hist,  of  the  Welsh  Oh.  ' 

SALESBURY,  William  (c.  1517  -  c.  1600), 
who  occupies  a  prominent  place  in  the  history 
of  the  translation  of  the  Scriptures  into 
Welsh,  came  of  an  old  and  distinguished 
Norman -Welsh  family.  The  Salesburies 
came  to  Denbigh  in  the  time  of  Edward  i., 
and  by  wealthy  alliances  not  only  acquired 
great  influence  in  the  country,  but  also 
became  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  Welsh 
sentiment.  WiUiam,  the  most  eminent  of 
them  all,  was  the  son  of  Foulk  Salesbury 
of  the  branch  settled  at  PlSs  Isa,  near 
Llanrwst,  in  Denbighshire.  He  was  born 
in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
about  1517  ;  but,  strange  to  say,  nothing  is 
known  with  certainty  as  to  the  date  or  place 
of  his  birth,  or  even  the  date  of  his  death  or 
the  place  of  burial. 

He  received  his  University  education  at 
Oxford,  where  he  entered  at  Broadgate  Hall. 
Here  he  came  into  contact  with  the  reforming 
movement,  of  which  he  became  a  strenuous 
supporter.  In  his  Baferie  of  the  Pope's 
Botereulx,  which  he  subsequently  published 
in  1550,  he  defends  his  change  of  mind ; 
indeed,  all  his  publications,  excepting  one 
or  two  of  a  purely  literary  character,  were 
designed  to  further  the  Reformation.  The 
first  of  them  was  Oil  Synnwyr  -pen  Kembero 
ygyd  (*  The  Sum  of  Cymric  Wisdom  '),  a  col- 
lection of  proverbs,  printed  without  date, 
but  apparently  in  1546,  which  is  the  second 
book  pubUshed  in  the  Welsh  language, 
if  not  the  first,  in  this  year.  In  1547 
he  published  his  English-Welsh  dictionary, 
which  was  followed  in  1551  by  his  Kynniver 
llith  a  ban,  a  translation  of  all  the  litur- 
gical Epistles  and  Gospels  of  the  Prayer  Book. 
We  next  find  him  collaborating  with  Bishop 


Richard  Davies  (q.v.)  in  the  task  of  translating 
the  New  Testament  and  Prayer  Book  into 
Welsh,  both  of  which  appeared  in  1567. 
The  whole  of  the  New  Testament  was  Sales- 
bury's  work,  with  the  exception  of  the  five 
short  epistles  done  by  Davies,  and  the  Book 
of  Revelation,  translated  by  Thomas  Huet, 
Precentor  of  St.  David's.  This  translation 
was  the  principal  work  of  Salesbury's  life. 
The  expense  of  publishing  the  two  translations 
was  borne  equally  by  Davies  and  Salesbury ; 
and  the  bond  for  the  sum  borrowed  by  Sales- 
bury to  meet  his  share  is  still  in  existence. 

Salesbury's  Welsh  presents  an  uncouth 
appearance  owing  to  the  idea  he  had  that 
words  should  be  spelt  according  to  their 
supposed  etymology — as  much  like  Latin 
as  possible — and  this  artificiality  about  his 
translation  miUtated  much  against  its  popu- 
larity. But  the  Renaissance  in  England  also 
produced  a  great  deal  of  spurious  learning — 
the  result  of  the  perverted  ingenuity  of  the 
so-called  classicists.  [j.  f.] 

SALISBURY,  See  of.  In  705  the  West 
Saxon  bishopric  founded  by  Birinus  {q.v,)  was 
divided,  a  new  bishopric,  with  its  see  at  Sher- 
borne, being  created  for  the  western  portion, 
corresponding  with  the  counties  of  Dorset, 
Somerset,  and  part  of  Wilts,  also  Devon  and 
Cornwall,  which,  however,  seem  not  to  have 
been  brought  under  the  bishops  of  Sherborne 
till  Alfred's  reign.  In  909  the  creation  of 
the  dioceses  of  Wells  [Bath  and  Weils]  and 
Crediton  [Exetee,  See  of]  limited  Sherborne 
to  Dorset ;  and  another  new  see  was  set  up 
at  Ramsbury,  the  counties  of  Berks  and  Wilts 
being  taken  out  of  Winchester  (q.v.)  as  its 
territory.  In  1058  Ramsbury  and  Sherborne 
were  united  under  Herman,  who  in  1075 
moved  his  see  to  Old  Sarum  in  obedience  to 
the  decree  of  the  Council  of  London.  The 
diocese  now  comprised  the  counties  of  Dorset, 
Berks,  and  Wilts.  In  1219  Bishop  Richard 
le  Poor,  under  sanction  of  a  Bull  from 
Honorius  in.,  removed  the  see  from  the 
exposed  and  barren  fortress  of  Old  Sarum  to 
New  Sarum,  or  Salisbury,  in  the  fertile  valley 
of  the  Avon.  In  1496  Alexander  vi.  trans- 
ferred the  Channel  Islands  from  the  see  of 
Coutances  to  that  of  Sarum.  In  1499  he 
again  transferred  theni  to  Winchester.  In 
1542  Dorset  was  given  to  the  newly  formed 
see  of  Bristol  (q.v.).  But  by  Order  in  Council, 
5th  October  1836,  it  was  restored  to  Sarum, 
together  with  the  parish  of  Thorncomb  in  the 
Exeter  diocese;  and  the  archdeaconry  of 
Berks,  including  those  parts  of  Wilts  insulated 
therein,  was  transferred  to  Oxford  (q.v.). 
By    another    Order,    19th   July    1837,    the 


(  539  ) 


Salisbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Salisbury 


deaneries  of  Cricklade  and  Malmesbury  in 
Wilts  were  given  to  the  see  of  Gloucester 
and  Bristol.  The  diocese  now  consists  of 
Dorset,  Wilts  (except  these  two  deaneries), 
and  a  small  part  of  Berks.  It  covers 
1,309,617  acres,  and  is  divided  into  the  arch- 
deaconries of  Sarum  (first  mentioned,  1085), 
Wilts  (first  mentioned,  1157),  and  Dorset  (first 
mentioned  in  twelfth  century).  The  popula- 
tion is  372,188. 

Since  early  in  the  thirteenth  century  the 
Bishop  of  Sarum  has  been  precentor  of  the 
province  of  Canterbury.  A  Roman  Catholic 
writer  of  1608  says  that  '  in  ancient  tymes  ' 
he  held  the  title  of  the  Pope's  Master  of  the 
Ceremonies,  and  acted  as  such  when  at 
Rome.  The  Chancellorship  of  the  Garter, 
obtained  by  Bishop  Beauchamp,  1475,  was 
held  by  his  successors  tUl  Henry  vm.  took 
it  from  Campeggio  [q.v.).  It  remained  in  lay 
hands,  in  spite  of  the  eSorts  of  Bishops  Cotton 
and  Davenant  [q.v.)  to  recover  it,  tUl  Seth 
Ward  {q.v.)  obtained  its  restoration  in  1671. 
In  1836  it  was  transferred  to  Oxford  with 
the  archdeaconry  of  Berks.  The  mediaeval 
bishops  were  assisted  by  numerous  sufEragans, 
and  two  were  consecrated  under  the  Act 
26  Hen.  vm.  c.  14,  with  the  titles  of  Marl- 
borough (1537)  and  Shaftesbury  (1539).  The 
Taxatio  {q.v.)  of  1291  assessed  the  Temporalia 
at  £529,  19s.  5d.  The  Spiritualia  amounted 
only  to  £2,  which  by  Henry  vi.'s  reign  had 
increased  to  £72 ;  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus 
estimated  the  income  at  £1367,  12s.  8d.,  and 
Ecton  (1711)  at  £1385,  5s.  The  present 
income  is  £5000. 

The  secular  canons  of  the  original  founda- 
tion at  Sherborne  were  replaced  in  999  by 
monks  who  were  transferred  to  Sarum,  1075, 
though  there  remained  an  abbey  at  Sher- 
l)orne.  In  1091  Osmund  {q.v.)  reconstituted 
the  cathedral  body  on  the  model  of  that  of 
Bayeux  [Cathedral  Chapters],  to  consist 
of  a  dean,  precentor,  chancellor,  and  trea- 
surer, four  archdeacons,  a  sub-dean,  sub- 
chanter  or  succentor,  and  thirty-two  secular 
canons  or  prebendaries,  each  of  whom  nomi- 
nated a  vicar.  The  number  of  prebends 
(two  of  which  have  always  been  held  by  the 
bishop  and  dean  respectively)  has  varied  from 
time  to  time,  and  now  stands  at  forty-five. 
One  of  them  was  annexed  to  the  Regius 
Professorship  of  Civil  Law  at  Oxford  from 
1617  to  1855.  Late  in  the  Middle  Ages  some 
of  the  prebendaries  became  canons  residenti- 
ary ;  the  number  of  these  was  fixed  under 
Charles  i.  at  six,  and  in  1840  at  four  (3-4  Vic. 
c.  113).  The  vicars-choral  were  incorporated 
by  charter  of  Henry  iv.  in  1410.  Lay  vicara 
are  first  found  in  1551.     There  are  now  four 


9. 
10. 
11. 


vicars-choral  and  seven  lay  vicars,  one  of 
whom  is  organist. 

The  cathedral  church  is  in  the  Early 
English  style ;  it  was  begun  by  Richard  le 
Poor,  1220,  and  dedicated  by  Archbishop 
Boniface,  1258.  .The  tower  and  spire  were 
added  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

Bishops  of  Sherborne 

1.  St.  Aldhelm  {q.v.),  705  ;   d.  709. 

2.  Forthere,  709 ;  learned ;  a  friend  of  Bede 

{q.v.);   accompanied  Queen  Frithugyth 
of  Wessex  to  Rome,  737. 

3.  Herewald,  736.         4.  Aethelmod,  c.  778. 
5.  Denefuth,  793.  6.  Wigberht,  c.  801. 

7.  Ealhstan,  824;  a  warrior;  fought  against 

the  Mercians  and  the  Danes  ;  d.  867, 

8.  Heahmund,  868  ;  killed  in  battle  against 

the  Danes,  871. 
Ethelheah,  872. 
Alfsige,  or  Wulfsige,  883. 
Asser,  c.  900;  a  Briton,  and  learned  monk 

of  St.  David's  [St.  David's,  See  of]  ; 

friend,  tutor,  and  biographer  of  Alfred  ; 

may  have   been   coadjutor   Bishop    of 

Devon  and  Cornwall  before  his  accession 

to  Sherborne  ;  d.  c.  909. 
Aethelweard,  c.  910. 
Waerstan;  killed  by  the  Danes  c.  918. 
Aethelbald,  ?  918. 
Sighelm,  c.  926  ;   d.  933. 
Alfred,  933  ;   d.  943. 
Wulfsige,  c.  943  ;  d.  958. 
Aelfwold,  958  ;  d.  978. 
Aethelsige,  978. 
Wulfsige,  992  ;  substituted  monks  for  the 

secular  canons  of  Sherborne,  c.  999. 
Aethekic,  1001.       22.  Ethelsige,  c.  1012. 
Brihtwy,  1023. 
Aelfwold,  1045 ; 
Herman,  1058  ; 

Sarum. 

Bishops  of  Ramsbury 

Aethelstan,  909. 

Odo,  c.  926  ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  942. 

Aftlfric 

Osulf,  c.  952;  d.  970. 

Aelfstan,  c.  974  ;  d.  981. 

Wulfgar,  981. 

Sigeric,  985  ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  990. 

Aelfric,  990  ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  995. 

Brihtwold,  1005  ;   d.  1045. 

Herman,  1045. 

Bishops  of  Sarum 

25.  Herman ;  a  Fleming ;  as  Bishop  of 
Ramsbury  tried  to  get  his  see  removed 
to  the  rich  foundation  of  Malmesbury ; 
chagrined  by  his  failure  he  retired  to  the 


12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 

21. 
23. 
24. 

25. 


d.  1058. 

removed  the  see  to  Old 


(540) 


Salisbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Salisbury 


monastery  of  St.  Bertin  in  France, 
1055;  returned  in  1058,  and  received 
the  bishopric  of  Sherborne  in  addition 
to  Ramsbury ;  removed  the  see  to  Old 
Saruin,  1075,  where  he  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  cathedral ;  d.  1078. 
20.  Osmund,  St,  {q.v.),  1078;  d.  1099. 
Vacancy  of  nearly  three  years. 

27.  Roger  of   Salisbury   {q.v.) ;     nominated, 

1102;  elected,  1103;  cons.  1107; 
d.  1139. 

28.  Jocelin    de    Bohun,    1142;     sought    to 

reconcile  Bccket  [q.v.)  and  Henry  ii., 
but  was  excommunicated  for  his  share 
in  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  {q.v.), 
and  in  1170  suspended  by  Alexander  m. 
for  taking  part  in  the  coronation  of 
Prince  Henry ;  resigned,  retired  to  a 
monastery,  and  d.  1184.  See  vacant 
five  years. 

29.  Hubert    Walter    {q.v.),     1189;      tr.     to 

Canterbury,  1193. 

30.  Herbert  le  Poor,  1194;    Archdeacon  of 

Canterbury ;  remained  at  his  post 
during  the  Interdict ;  prepared  for  the 
removal  of  the  see  ;   d.  1217. 

31.  Richard  le  Poor,    1217;     tr.    (P.)   from 

Chichester  ;  brother  of  his  predecessor  ; 
removed  the  see  to  New  Sarum  ;  tr.  to 
Durham,  1228. 

32.  Robert     Bingham,     1229;      a     learned 

theologian ;    d.  1246. 

33.  William    of    York,    1247  ;     a    courtier ; 

chaplain  to  Henry  in.  ;  Archdeacon  of 
Stafford,  c.  1230 ;    d.  1256. 

34.  GUes  Bridport,   1257  ;    Dean  of  WeUs  ; 

nominated,  1261,  by  Henry  ni.  as  one 
of  the  arbitrators  between  himself  and 
the  Barons ;  failed  to  assert  visitatorial 
rights  over  the  chapter  ;   d.  1262. 

35.  Walter  de  la  Wyle,  1263  ;  d.  1271. 

36.  Robert  Wickhampton,    1274;     Dean  of 

SaUsbury ;  d.  1284. 

37.  Walter  Scammell,  1284  ;    Dean  of  Salis- 

bury ;   d.  1286. 

38.  Henry  Brandeston,  1287  ;    held   the  see 

only  eight  months  ;  d.  1288. 

39.  William  de  la  Corner,  1289  (P.) ;   chap- 

lain to  Pope  Honorius  iv.  ;  the  diocese 
now  divided  into  rural  deaneries ;  d. 
1291. 

40.  Nicolas  Longesp6e,  1292 ;  son  of  William, 

Earl  of  Salisbury,  natural  son  of  Henry 
II. ;  the  bishop's  mother  founded  a 
nunnery  at  Lacock,  and  became  its 
abbess  ;  he  was  elderly,  annosus,  when 
elected  ;   d.  1297. 

41.  Simon  of  Ghent,  1297  ;  protested  against 

the  papal  provision  of  foreigners  to  stalls 
in  the  cathedral ;    rebuked  the  clergy 


for  nun-residence  and  neglect  of  duty  ; 
d.  1315. 

42.  Roger  Mortival,  1315;   issued  a  code  of 

Cathedral  Statutes  ;    d.  1330. 

43.  Robert   Wyville,    1330    (P.);    built    the 

close  wall  with  stones  from  the  cathe- 
dral of  Old  Sarum  ;  fortified  the  episco- 
pal manors ;    d.  1375. 

44.  Ralph  Erghum,  1375  (P.) ;    tr.  to  Wells, 

1388. 

45.  John  Walthara,  1388  (P.) ;  Keeper  of  the 

Rolls  in  Chancery,  1381  ;  introduced 
the  writ  sub  poena ;  Archdeacon  of 
Richmond,  1385  ;  Keeper  of  the  Privy 
Seal,  1386  ;  tried  in  vain  to  prevent 
Archbishop  Courtenay  from  visiting 
his  diocese,  1390 ;  secured  the  right 
of  visiting  the  chapter  septennial!}^ ; 
Treasurer,  1391  ;  supporter  of  Richard 
n.  ;  owing  to  his  political  preoccupa- 
tions had  two  suffragans ;  d.  1395 ; 
buried  in  Westminster  Abbey  by  desire 
of  Richard  n. 

46.  Richard   IMitford,    1395;     tr.    (P.)   fio:a 

Chichester ;  partisan  of  Richard  ii.  ; 
d.  1407. 

47.  Nicholas  Bubwith,  1407  ;    tr.  (P.)  from 

London  ;  tr.  to  Bath  and  WeUs,  1407. 

48.  Robert  Hallam,  1407  (P.) ;    Archdeacon 

of  Canterbury,  1400 ;  Chancellor  of 
Oxford,  1403  ;  nominated  to  York  by 
Pope  Innocent  vir.,  1405,  but  not 
enthroned  owing  to  the  Kling's  objec- 
tions; attended  Council  of  Pisa,  1409, 
with  plenipotentiary  power  to  bind  the 
Church  of  England  ;  made  a  Cardinal 
priest,  1411  ;  attended  Council  of  Con- 
stance, 1414,  where  he  advocated  re- 
form and  asserted  the  council  was  above 
the  Pope;  his  death  (1417)  a  blow  to 
the  cause  of  reform. 

49.  John  Chandler,  1417  ;   d.  1427. 

50.  Robert  NeviUe,  1427  (P.) ;  tr.  to  Durham, 

1438. 

51.  William    Aiscough,    or    Ayscough,    1438 

(P.) ;  confessor  to  Henry  \^.,  whose 
marriage  he  solemnised  ;  unpopular  for 
non-residence  and  because  he  was 
thought  responsible  for  Henry's  mis- 
government  ;  murdered  at  Edington 
in  a  popular  rising,  just  after  saying 
Mass  on  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul's  Daj^, 
1450. 

52.  Richard  Beauchamp,  1450  ;   tr.  (P.)  from 

Hereford ;  Chaplain  of  the  Garter, 
1452 ;  superintended  the  building  of 
the  new  chapel  of  St.  George  at  Windsor, 
for  which  Edward  IV.  granted  the 
Chancellorship  of  the  Order  to  him  and 
his  successors,  1475  ;  Dean  of  Windsor, 


(  5-il  ) 


Salisbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Salisbury 


1478 ;  procured  the  canonisation  of  St. 
Osmund,  1456  ;   d.  1481. 

53.  Lionel  Woodville,  1482  (P.) ;   brother-in- 

law  of  Edward  iv. ;  x^aid  Pope  Sixtus  iv. 
2250  golden  florins  for  his  appointment ; 
supported  Buckingham's  rebellion,  and 
fled  to  Henry  Tudor  on  its  failure  ;  the 
temporalities  of  the  see  were  then  for- 
feited ;  d.  1484. 

54.  Thomas  Langton,   1485  ;    tr.   (P.)  from 

St.  David's ;  guardian  of  the  tempor- 
alities after  Woodville's  forfeiture  ;  tr. 
to  Winchester,  1493. 

55.  John  Blyth,  1493  (P.) ;    paid  Pope  Alex- 

ander VI.  4500  golden  florins  and  other 
gifts ;  d.  1499 ;  buried  by  his  own 
desire  beneath  the  confessional  chair 
behind  the  high  altar  of  the  cathedral. 

56.  Henry  Dean,  1500  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Bangor, 

paying  6637  golden  florins ;  tr.  to 
Canterbury,  1501. 

57.  Edmund  Audley,    1502;     tr.    (P.)   from 

Hereford ;   d.  1524. 

58.  Lorenzo    Campeggio    (g.u.),    1524    (P.) ; 

depr.  1534. 

59.  Nicholas     Shaxton,     1535 ;      supported 

reformed  views,  and  was  favoured  by 
Anne  Boleyn ;  res.  on  the  passing  of 
the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles,  1539  ;  con- 
demned to  be  burned  for  heresy,  1546  ; 
he  recanted,  and  preachedatthe  burning 
of  Anne  Askew  {q.v.) ;  under  Mary  he 
became  suffragan  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely, 
and  sentenced  Protestant  martyrs;  d. 
1556. 

60.  John  Salcot,  or  Capon,  1539 ;    tr.  from 

Bangor ;  Abbot  of  St.  Benet's  Hulme, 
1517 ;  made  Abbot  of  Hyde  for  his 
services  in  the  divorce  of  Henry  vui., 
who  called  him  a  '  great  clerk ' ; 
surrendered  Hyde,  1539;  a  zealous  re- 
former under  Edward  vi. ;  sentenced 
Protestants  to  the  stake  under  Mary ; 
an  unscrupulous  time-server ;  d.  1557. 

Meanwhile  the  popes  had  kept  up 
an  independent  succession,  nominating 
Gaspar  Contarini  on  Campeggio' s  death, 
and  in  1547  Cardinal  Peto,  who  resigned 
from  old  age  on  Mary's  accession.  She 
nominated  Francis  Mallett,  1558,  but 
before  consecration  he  was  set  aside  by 
Elizabeth. 

61.  John  Jewel  {q.v.),  1560;    d.  1571. 

62.  Edmund  Guest  {q.v.),  1571 ;   d.  1577. 

63.  John  Piers,  1577  ;    tr.  from  Rochester ; 

tr.  to  York,  1589. 

64.  John    Coldwell,     1691;      compeUed    by 

Elizabeth  and  '  the  wily  intrigues  of 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh '  to  impoverish  the 
see:   d.  1596. 


65, 
66. 


67, 


69. 
70. 

71'. 

72. 


73. 

74. 

75. 
76. 

77. 

78. 

79. 

80. 

81. 

82. 

83. 

84. 


Henry  Cotton,  1598  ;  father  of  nineteen 
children;    d.  1615. 

Robert  Abbot,  1615 ;  brother  of  Arch- 
bishop Abbot  {q.v.) ;  disowned  by  his 
brother  for  his  second  marriage ;  a 
learned  anti-Roman  controversialist ; 
attacked  Laud  {q.v.)  for  supposed  lean- 
ing towards  Romanism  ;    d.  1618. 

Martin  Fotherby,  1618  ;   d.  1620. 

Robert  Townson,  1620 ;  Dean  of  West- 
minster ;  d.  1621  of  a  fever  contracted 
by  unseasonable  sitting  up  to  study ; 
left  a  widow  and  fifteen  children  to 
be  provided  for  by  Davenant,  his 
brother-in-law  and  successor. 

John  Davenant  {q.v.),  1621  ;   d.  1611. 

Brian  Duppa,  1641 ;  tr.  from  Chichester  ; 
tr.  to  Winchester,  1660. 

Humfrey  Henchman,  1660 ;  tr.  to  Lon- 
don, 1663. 

John  Earle,  or  Earles,  1663  ;  tr.  from 
Worcester;  Dean  of  Westminster ;  tutor 
to  Charles  u. ;  refused  to  sit  in  the 
Westminster  Assembly ;  author  of 
the  famous  Microcosmographie  (1628) ; 
Walton  praises  his  '  innocent  wisdom,' 
'  sanctified  learning,'  and  '  pious,  peace- 
able and  primitive  temper '  ;  d.  1665. 

Alexander  Hyde,  1665 ;  first  cousin  to 
Edward  Hyde,  first  Earl  of  Clarendon  ; 
Dean  of  Winchester,  1660 ;    d.  1667. 

Seth  Ward  {q.v.),  1667;  tr.  from  Exeter  ; 
d.  1689. 

GUbert  Burnet  {q.v.),  1689  ;  d.  1715. 

William  Talbot,  1715  ;  tr.  from  Oxford  ; 
tr.  to  Durham,  1721. 

Richard  Willis,  1721  ;  tr.  from  Glouces- 
ter ;    tr.  to  Winchester,  1732. 

Benjamin  Hoadly  {q.v.),  1723  ;  tr.  from 
Hereford ;    tr.  to  Winchester,  1734. 

Thomas  Sherlock  {q.v.),  1734  ;  tr.  from 
Bangor  ;   tr.  to  London,  1748. 

John  Gilbert,  1748  ;  tr.  from  Llandaff  ; 
tr.  to  York,  1757. 

John  Thomas  i.,  1757;  tr.  from  Peter- 
borough ;   tr.  to  Winchester,  1761. 

Honble.  Robert  Hay  Drummond,  1761  ; 
tr.  from  St.  Asaph  ;  tr.  to  York,  1761. 

John  Thomas  ii.,  1761  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln 
at  the  age  of  eighty ;  was  four  times 
married  ;    d.  1766. 

John  Hume,  1766 ;  tr.  from  Oxford ; 
Canon  of  St.  Paul's,  1748-60;  Dean, 
1758-66  ;  ardent  anti-Methodist ;  seems 
to  have  inspired  the  expulsion  of  the 
six  students  from  St.  Edmund  Hall ; 
said  by  Lady  Huntingdon's  biographer 
to  hold  it  '  a  crime  to  attract  a  great 
auditory  and  be  blessed  in  the  con- 
version of  many  '  (Ollard,  Six  Students). 


(  542  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sancroft 


85.  Shute  Barrington,  1782 ;   tr.  from  Llan- 

daff ;   tr.  to  Durham,  1791. 

86.  John  Douglas,  1791  ;    tr.  from  CarUsle ; 

as  chaplain  to  the  Guards  present  at 
Fontcnoy,  1745;    d.  1807. 

87.  John   Fisher,    1807;     tr.    from   Exeter; 

friend  and  chaplain  of  George  in. ; 
visited  the  Channel  Islands  under 
commission  from  North  of  Winchester, 
1818;  no  bishop  had  been  there  since 
1499 ;  d. 1825. 

88.  Thomas    Burgess,    1825;     tr.    from    St. 

David's,  where  he  had  founded  St. 
David's  College,  Lampeter;  energetic 
organiser  and  copious  writer,  publishing 
over  a  hundred  works  ;  violently  op- 
posed Roman  Catholic  Emancipation ; 
d.  1837. 

89.  Edward  Denison,  1837  ;  brother  of  G.  A. 
•    Denison  {q.v.) ;   consecrated  at  the  age 

of  thirty-six  ;  a  wise  organiser  of  Church 
life  and  progress  ;  favoured  the  revival 
of  synods ;   d.  1854. 

90.  Walter  Kerr  Hamilton,  1854 ;    a  saintly 

adherent  of  the  Oxford  Movement 
(q.v.) ;  Fellow  of  Merton  with  Manning 
iq.v.)  and  Edward  Denison,  whom  he 
also  succeeded  as  Vicar  of  St.  Peter-in- 
the-East,  Oxford ;  founded  SaUsbury 
Theological  College,  1860;  in  his 
charges  maintained  the  doctrines  of 
the  Eucharistic  Sacrifice,  Real  Presence, 
and  sacramental  confession  ;  instituted 
diocesan  Retreats  ;   d.  1869. 

91.  George     Moberly,     1869 ;      a     brilliant 

scholar;  Fellow  of  BaUiol  College, 
Oxford ;  Headmaster  of  Winchester, 
1835-66  ;  Canon  of  Chester,  1868  ;  his 
High  Churchmanship  long  kept  him 
from  receiving  preferment ;   d.  1885. 

92.  John  Wordsworth,  1885  ;    son  of  Bishop 

C.  Wordsworth  of  Lincoln ;  Fellow  of 
Brasenose  College,  Oxford,  1867  ;  Oriel 
Professor  ;  a  scholar  of  European  fame  ; 
did  much  for  reunion,  and  towards  the 
close  of  his  life  was  eager  in  the  cause 
of  the  Swedish  Church;  d.  1911. 

93.  Frederic  Edward    Ridgeway,   1911  ;    tr. 

from  Kensington.  [g.  c] 

W.  Rich  Jones,  Fasti  Er.d.  Sarisb.  aud  Dio. 
Hist.  ;  Cassan,  Lives  of  the  Bishops  of  Salis- 
bury. 

SANCROFT,  William  (1617-93).  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  forms  an  interesting  link 
between  the  earUer  Caroline  Divines  (g.i".)  and 
the  Nonjurors  {q.v.).  He  was  the  son  of  a  yeo- 
man who  lived  at  Fressingfield,  Suffolk,  and 
nephew  of  a  Master  of  Emmanuel  College, 
Cambridge,  where  he  himself  took  the  ordin- 


ary degrees,  became  Fellow,  'I'utor,  Bursar, 
and  Reader  both  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.     He 
was  able  to  retain  his  Fellowship  till  1651,  in 
spite   of   Puritan   dominance,    but   he   then 
retired    to    Fressingfield,   and   wrote   books 
against  the  party  in  power :  Fur  praedeslin- 
atus,   1651,  against  Calvinism,  and  Modern 
Policies  (a  seventh  edition  in  1657),  against 
the   politics   and   religion   of   the   Common- 
wealth.    He  kept  up  relations  with  the  ban- 
ished clergy,  travelled  abroad  from  1657,  and 
returned  to  England  to  be  chaplain  to  Cosin 
{q.v.)  and  to  the  King,  Rector  of  Houghton- 
le-Spring,    Prebendary   of   Durham,    and   in 
1662  Master  of  Emmanuel.     He  took  an  im- 
portant if  not  prominent  part  in  the  Savoy 
Conference  {q.v.).     For  ten  months  in  1664 
he  was  Dean  of  York,  and  Le  Neve  notes  his 
remarkable  generosity.      Before  the  end  of 
the  year  he  was  installed  Dean  of  St.  Paul's. 
He  then  set  in  hand  the  restoration  which 
the  Great  Fire  soon  made  it  necessary  should 
be   undertaken  from   the  foundations.     He 
supported  Christopher  Wren  most  heartily 
throughout.      Nothing    was    done    '  without 
his    presence,     no    materials    bought,     nor 
accounts    passed    without    him.'     He    gave 
£1400  to  the  work,  and   built  the  present 
deanery  at  the  cost  of  £2500.    And  he  refused 
the  bishopric  of  Chester,  feeUng  his  work  lay 
wholly  at  St.  Paul's.     He  was  for  two  ^^ears 
(1668-70),  however,  Archdeacon  of  Canter- 
bury,  and  in   1670  Prolocutor  of  the  Can- 
terbury Lower  House  of  Convocation.     On 
27th  January  1678  he  was  consecrated  in 
Westminster  Abbey  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury.    He  made  a  most  active  archbishop, 
doing  his  duty  towards  high  and  low.     He 
suspended  Wood,   Bishop   of   Lichfield,   for 
negligence.     He  endeavoured  to  bring  James, 
Duke  of  York,  back  to  the  Enghsh  Church. 
He  spoke  to  Charles  ii.  on  his  death-bed  most 
earnestly,  calling  him  to  repentance.    On  the 
coronation  of  James  n.  he  was  obliged  to 
omit  the  Communion,  and  'under  pretence 
of  shortening  the  service  .  .  .  was  induced 
by  the  King  to  ruin  it ' — liturgicaUy  (Wick- 
ham   Legg),  damage   from   which   it   never 
recovered.       [Coroxatiox.]       He    accepted 
James's  promises  of  support  to  the  Church, 
but    refused    to    sit    on    the    Ecclesiastical 
Commission,   and   denied   its   legaUty.      He 
was  soon   led   into   open   dispute  with  the 
King,  declining  to  allow  the  clergy  to  give  up 
catechising,  and  at  length,  after  summoning 
a  meeting  of  bishops  and  prominent  laymen, 
definitely  refusing  to  obey  the  order  to  read 
the  King's  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience 
:    in  church.     His  further  actions  in  this  matter 
led  to  his  trial  and  acquittal  in  Westminster 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sarum 


Hall  with  six  other  bishops.  [Seven 
Bishops.]  Sancroft  calmly  continued  his 
work,  and  gave  instruction  to  the  clergy  to 
have  a  special  care  against  popish  emissaries. 
As  the  popular  mind  became  more  and  more 
excited,  and  a  revolution  was  evidently  at 
hand,  he  gave  his  best  advice  to  the  King, 
and  urged  the  summoning  of  a  free  Parlia- 
ment, and  finally  signed  the  request  to 
William  of  Orange  to  join  in  procuring  it. 
But  after  the  King's  flight  he  would  take  no 
part  in  any  proceedings  which  recognised  the 
legahty  of  the  new  Government.  He  issued 
a  commission  to  his  suffragans,  but  took  no 
part  in  the  coronation  of  WilUam  and  Mary. 
He  was  then  (1st  August  1689)  suspended  and 
(1st  February  1690)  deprived  with  the  other 
Nonjurors.  He  would  not  leave  Lambeth 
till  the  Barons  of  the  Exchequer  ordered 
his  expulsion.  He  retired  to  Fressingfield, 
and  lived  there,  performing  divine  service  in 
his  own  house,  till  his  death  in  November 
1693.  He  was  prepared  to  continue  the 
succession  of  Nonjuring  bishops,  but  he 
did  not  Uve  to  take  part  in  it.  On  his  death- 
bed he  repeated  what  was  really  the  motto 
of  his  life :  '  What  I  have  done,  I  have  done 
in  the  integrity  of  my  heart.' 

He  had  never  swerved  from  the  old  doctrine 
of  divine  right.  He  believed  the  hereditary 
succession  to  the  throne  to  be  the  law  of  God 
and  of  the  land ;  he  did  not  think  any  one 
had  power  to  dispense  him  from  his  oath  of 
allegiance,  but  he  was  firm  in  upholding  the 
constitutional  rights  of  the  Church  and 
Parliament  against  the  King.  He  was  entirely 
free  from  self-seeking  or  self-interest,  and  was 
one  of  the  most  loyal,  learned,  generous,  and 
pious  prelates  the  Church  of  England  has 
ever  had.  His  theology  was  a  reflection  of  that 
of  Andrewes  {q.v.)  and  Laud  {q.v.),  and  he  took 
charge  of  the  latter's  posthumous  works  with 
a  view  to  their  pubUcation.  [w.  H.  h.] 
D'Oyley,  Life  of  Sancroft. 

SARUM  USE.  The  prevalence  of  the 
Roman  rite  in  Western  Europe  during  the 
Middle  Ages  did  not  imply  '  uniformity,' 
which  was  a  product,  or  rather  an  aspha- 
tion,  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Neither  the 
text,  nor  the  ceremonial  in  which  the  text 
was  enshrined,  was  everywhere  identical; 
rather  it  is  probable  that  every  diocese  had 
usages  of  its  own.  For  example,  when  the 
service-books  came  to  be  printed  in  the 
second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  and 
the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth,  nearly 
two  hundred  several  diocesan  missals  —  in 
France  alone  some  seventy-five — were  pub- 
lished, of  which  probably  no  two  agree  in 


detaU ;  whUe  it  is  probable  enough  that 
some  varieties  were  never  printed  at  all, 
because  the  books  of  neighbouring  dioceses 
were  near  enough  for  practical  purposes. 
Such  local  varieties  were  known  as  '  Uses,' 
being  eacli  the  common  rite  secundum  usum 
of  the  particular  church  or  diocese.  The 
preface  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  of 
1549 — the  present  note  *  Concerning  the 
Service  of  the  Church' — enumerates  five 
Enghsh  uses:  those  of  Sarum,  Hereford, 
York,  and  Lincoln.  Of  these  five  '  uses  ' 
that  of  the  church  of  SaUsbury,  the  '  Sarum 
Use,'  was  the  most  eminent  and  influential; 
and  after  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries, 
which  carried  with  it  the  aboUtion  of  the 
monastic  *  use,'  the  breviary  according  to 
the  Use  of  Sarum  was  enjoined  by  Con- 
vocation in  1541  on  the  whole  province 
of  Canterbury.  The  Mass-book  of  St. 
Albans,  written  c.  1095-1105,  and  now  at 
Oxford  (Bodl.  Rawl.,  C.  1),  is  considered  by 
Dr.  J.  W.  Legg  to  be  the  earUest  known  book 
of  the  Sarum  group.  Even  before  the  re- 
moval of  its  cathedral  church  (c.  1220-5)  from 
the  fortified  hill  of  Old  Sarum  to  the  weU- 
watered  valley  of  Salisbury  (g. v.),  the  church 
of  that  diocese  had  begun  to  hold  a  command- 
ing position  on  account  of  the  excellency  of 
its  institutions,  which  are  ascribed  to  St. 
Osmund  (g.v.),  and  the  care  which  Richard 
le  Poor  in  particvilar  was  just  then  devoting 
to  ritual  and  ceremonial.  He  was  dean  in 
1197,  and  bishop  in  1217.  From  the  twelfth 
century  onward  the  church  of  Sahsbury  '  had 
a  very  leading  position  in  this  respect.' 
Although  York  held  its  own,  for  the  most  part, 
in  the  northern  province,  the  use  of  Sahsbury 
gained  some  footing  even  there,  as  well  as  in 
Scotland  and  Ireland.  It  was  Sarum,  rather 
than  York,  which  superseded  the  local  use 
of  Lincoln,  and  in  Wales  also  it  gained  some 
footing,  although  there  were  two  rival  uses 
(Bangor  and  Hereford)  to  compete  with  it, 
that  of  Hereford  having,  in  point  of  fact, 
sufficient  importance  to  justify  the  printing 
of  at  least  one  edition  of  its  mass-book  (1502) 
and  one  edition  of  its  breviary  (1505). 

The  Sarum  breviary,  though  not  perhaps 
printed  in  this  country  until  1506,  had  been 
printed  abroad  from  the  time  of  Edward  iv. 
(1475),  within  about  a  year  of  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  the  Roman  missal  in  print.  The 
ordinate  or  '  pye  of  two  and  three  commemora- 
tions of  Salisbury  use  '  was  printed  and  ad- 
vertised by  Caxton  at  Westminster  as  early 
as  1477.  The  earhest  known  London  edition 
of  the  Sarum  missal  was  that  of  Juhan 
Notary,  printed  by  him  for  Caxton's  suc- 
cessor, Wynkyn  de  Worde,  in  1498,  but  it 


(544) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sarum 


had   been  issued  abroad  in   1486   or   1487. 

Nearly  forty  editions  of  the  Sarum  breviary 
and  fifty  of  the  Sarum  missal  can  be  traced 
between  the  editio  priiiceps,  in  either  case,  and 
the  death  of  Henry  vui. 

The  statute  of  3-4  Edw.  vi.  c.  10,  on  25th 
January  1549,  enacted  that  '  all  books  called 
antiphoners,  missals,  grailcs,  processionals, 
manuals,  legends,  pies,  portuasses,  primers 
in  Latin  and  English,  couchers,  journals, 
ordinals,  or  other  books  or  writings  whatso- 
ever, heretofore  used  for  service  of  the  church, 
written  or  printed  in  the  Enghsh  or  Latin 
tongue,  other  than  such  as  shall  be  set  forth 
by  the  King's  majesty,  shall  be  .  .  .  clearly 
and  utterly  abolished,  extinguished,  and  for- 
bidden for  ever  to  be  used,'  etc.  In  addition 
to  the  principal  books  above  enumerated,  one 
other  species  of  service-books,  viz.  hymnals, 
was  specified  among  those  for  printing,  where- 
of Henry  vm.  had  granted  the  monopoly  to 
Grafton  and  Whitchurch  and  their  assigns 
about  December  1543.  Some  seven  weeks 
after  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  6th  July 
1553,  the  Latin  service  began  to  be  restored, 
and  on  21st  December  it  became  obUgatory. 
Sarum  missals,  processionals,  and  manuals 
were  reproduced  at  Rouen  and  elsewhere, 
and  early  in  1555  the  Sarum  breviary  was 
reprinted  at  Paris,  followed  by  at  least  half 
a  dozen  other  editions  in  that  reign.  The 
Latin  hymns  of  the  same  use  reappeared, 
mth  their  music,  in  1555  from  a  London 
press.  Of  York  use  at  least  one  breviary 
(Rouen)  of  that  time  has  been  traced,  and 
one  processional  from  the  same  London  press, 
but  no  Marian  service-book  of  Hereford  use 
has  come  to  light.  The  Bishop  of  Lincoln 
directed  that  the  Sarum  breviary  should  be 
adopted  at  Easter  term,  1557,  in  his  cathedral; 
and  the  questions  of  a  revision  of  the  breviary 
and  mass-book,  and  the  acceptance  of  uni- 
form ceremonies,  and  of  one  use  for  the  whole 
realm,  were  to  have  come  on  for  debate  in 
Convocation  in  November  1558  had  the 
primate  and  the  Queen  survived. 

According  to  Bishop  Bonner's  fifty-fourth 
article  of  visitation  for  the  diocese  of  London 
in  1554,  and  his  fifteenth  injunction  in  1555, 
the  books  required  to  be  provided  for  each 
church  at  the  cost  of  the  parishioners  were 
these : — 

(1)  A  Legend,  lectionary,  or  book  of  lessons 
selected  (for  matins)  from  the  Bible,  certain 
patristic  treatises  or  sermons,  lives  of  the 
saints,  and  homilies  on  the  liturgical  gospels. 
(2)  An  Antiphoner  (antiphonale,  antiphon- 
arium),  providing  the  text  £  nd  music  for 
the  antiphons,  invitatories,  hyu  ns,  responds, 
verses  of  the  canonical  hours ;  i  nd  also  the 


collects  and  the  little  chapters  or  brief  read- 
ings, usually  taken  from  the  liturgical  epistle, 
for  hours  other  than  matins.  Collects  and 
'  chapters '  were  sometimes  written  in  a 
separate  volume,  the  '  collcctar,'  and  were 
also  incorporated  in  the  portos  (see  No.  10 
below).  (3)  A  Grail  ('gradual'),  containing 
text  and  music  for  the  musical  portion  of 
the  Mass  (cf.  No.  9  below).  (4)  A  Psalter, 
arranged  as  a  service-book,  not  simply  in 
the  Biblical  order  of  the  one  hundred  and 
fifty  psalms.  It  had  antiphons  and  the 
canticles,  litany,  etc.,  and  in  some  cases 
collects  and  hymns.  The  psalter  contained 
likewise  a  calendar,  as  did,  generally  speak- 
ing, Nos.  2,  3,  5,  6,  7,  and  10.  (5)  An 
Ordinal  '  to  say  or  solemnise  divine  office,' 
not  in  the  later  sense  of  a  form  for  ordaining 
priests,  etc.,  but  the  directormm  sacerdotum, 
a  book  containing  '  the  rules  called  the  pye  ' 
{pica),  so  named  because  it  usually  had  only 
the  magpie  colours  of  black  ink  on  white 
paper,  without  such  rubrication  or  illumina- 
tion as  decorated  the  pages  of  other  books. 
The  ordinal  which  tradition  ascribed  to  St. 
Osmund,  and  the  custom-book  or  consuetu- 
dinary of  Bishop  Poor  and  those  who  con- 
tinued to  adopt  and  develop  their  labours, 
became  less  and  less  necessary  in  their  old 
form  as  the  rubrics  of  the  service-books 
were  elaborated  and  enlarged.  (6)  A  Missal, 
or  mass -book:  the  altar -book  containing 
the  service  of  the  Eucharist  throughout 
the  year,  and  sometimes  including  for  con- 
venience not  only  the  grail  (No.  3),  but  ako 
portions  of  other  books,  Nos.  7  and  8. 
(7)  A  Manual,  or  book  of  occasional  offices  to 
be  used  by  a  priest  in  administering  other 
sacraments  and  sacramentals ;  such  as 
baptism ;  marriage ;  visitation,  unction,  and 
Communion  of  the  sick ;  blessing  bread,  holy 
water  and  candles ;  burial  of  the  dead,  etc., 
and  giving  such  benedictions  as  he  might  be 
empowered  to  confer  on  persons  or  things. 
(The  manual  of  those  occasional  offices  which 
were  reserved  to  a  bishop,  such  as  ordination, 
consecration  of  churches,  etc.,  was  known  as 
the  Pontifical.  It  was  not  printed  in  old 
times  for  England,  and  was  not  required 
generally  for  a  parish  church,  each  bishop 
bringing  liis  own  MS.  with  him.  But  the 
confirmation  sen-ice  was  commonly  included 
in  the  printed  Manualc.)  Lasth%  the  parisli 
provided  (8)  a  Processional,  containing  the 
rubric,  texts,  and  music  which  were  used  in 
processions  in  the  church  or  churchyard,  or  in 
visiting  outlying  churches  in  the  city. 

These  books  had  been  named,  in  the  same 
order  in  which  Bonner  enumerated  them,  in 
the  English  canon  law  (Nos.  1-7  of  them)  by 


2  M 


(  545  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sarum 


Archbishop  Robert  Winchelsey  at  Merton 
Priory  in  Surrey  in  1305  in  the  text  of  his 
fourth  constitution.  The  last  (Xo.  8)  is 
added  in  the  gloss,  where  Lyndwood  {q.v.)  in 
1433  accounts  for  the  silence  of  the  text  of 
the  constitution  by  suggesting  that  the 
processional  was  tacitly  included  with  Xo.  7, 
the  manuale — a  comprehensive  title  for  the 
fuller  book  of  rites.  Winchelsej'  in  the 
fourteenth  century  had  specified  one  more 
book,  next  in  order  to  the  Grail,  viz.  (9)  a 
Troper,  which  contained  the  less  ancient  music 
of  the  Mass  (and  some  other  services),  which 
had  come  into  use  subsequently  to  the  time 
of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  {q.v.).  Music  and 
words  of  this  kind,  composed  in  the  tenth  and 
following  centuries,  went  in  course  of  time 
largely  out  of  use  ;  and  separate  Tropers, 
properly  so  called,  ceased,  to  be  transcribed 
in  the  thirteenth  century.  Sequences,  i.e. 
'  words  or  prose  set  to  the  prolonged  notes  of 
the  repeated  Alleluia  before  the  gospel,  and 
a  few  farsings  (or  interpolations  of  words 
sung)  to  the  Kyrie  and  Gloria  in  excelsis,  are 
still  found  in  the  Sarum  books  as  we  have 
them.'  Thus  the  later  MS.  sequence-books, 
while  they  continued  to  be  written,  inherited 
or  monopoHsed  for  a  while  the  name  of  the 
more  comprehensive  Troper  after  this  be- 
came an  extinct  species  of  service-book  when 
introit,  Sanctus,  and  Agnus  Dei  were  no  longer 
'  farsed.'  Even  the  sequences  of  Sarum  or 
other  EngUsh  uses  were  never  printed  as  a 
separate  book,  except  with  a  commentary  for 
the  use  of  schools ;  and  these  compositions, 
with  such  parts  of  the  old  Tropers  as  re- 
mained, were  already  incorporated  in  the 
(jJraU,  the  Missal,  and,  to  some  slight  extent, 
even  in  the  Breviar3\ 

In  his  twenty-eighth  injunction  in  1555 
Bonner  mentioned  incidentally  another 
'  ecclesiastical  book '  of  great  importance, 
namely,  (10)  a  Portas  (Latin,  portiforium), 
porthors,  portos,  or  portuesse,  the  usual  name 
by  which  in  England  the  Breviary  was  called. 
The  parishioners  were  not  legally  required  to 
provide  such  a  book,  although  an  archdeacon 
of  Dorset  about  1486  charged  the  church- 
wardens to  see  that  they  had  in  their  churches 
'  a  portuorie,  a  legend,  an  antiphoner,  a 
sawter,  a  masse  booke,  a  manual  and  a  pie  : 
whiche  ye  are  bounde  to  have' ;  in  other  words, 
a  breviary  in  addition  to  Nos.  1-7  of  the  list 
given  by  Winchelsey  and  Bonner,  only 
omitting  Xo.  3,  possiblj^  because  in  a  parish 
church  they  could  make  shift  without  a 
Grail  if  they  had  a  full  Mass-book.  As  to  the 
breviary,  they  might  plead  that  if  they 
provided  a  Legend  and  an  Antiphoner  this 
was  all  that  the  law  required  of  them  for  the 


choir  service,  and  that  the  parson  was 
practically  bound  to  have  a  Portos  of  his 
own  in  order  to  fulfil  his  daily  duty  of  saying 
the  divine  service  (matins  and  the  other 
canonical  hours) ;  so  he  might  as  well  bring 
it  with  him.  However,  there  was  in  many 
churches  a  copy  of  the  Breviary,  which  some 
former  incumbent  (or  other  benefactor)  had 
given  or  bequeathed  for  the  churchwardens 
to  keep  in  the  '  scob  '  (i.e.  the  chest),  or  on 
the  desk,  for  his  successors'  use. 

The  records  of  the  diocese  of  Salisbury  are 
not  so  well  furnished  with  detailed  church  in- 
ventories of  the  sixteenth  century  as  with  some 
other  documents;  nevertheless,  we  can  give 
some  typical  indications  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  law  about  providing  books  was  carried  out. 
The  EUzabethan  Royal  Injunctions  {q.v.)  of 
1559  (Xo.  47)  having  already  required  that 
churchwardens  should  deliver  inventories  not 
only  of  vestments  and  ornaments  but  of  'books, 
and  specially  of  grails,  couchers,'  i.e.  large 
books  to  lie  open  on  a  desk,  '  legends,  pro- 
cessionals, hymnals,  manuals,  portuesses, 
and  such  like,  appertaining  to  their  church,' 
the  Latin  service-books  of  Sarum  use  were 
presently  called  in  by  Bishop  Jewel  in  the 
spring  of  the  year  1561,  when  one  John 
Atkyns,  the  clerk  of  St.  Edmund's,  Sahsbury, 
received  a  gi'oat  from  the  churchwarden  '  for 
carrying  of  the  Latin  books  to  our  Lady 
church.'  They  had  already  bought  a  Com- 
munion-book, and  borrowed  '  a  book  named 
the  pharasjrres'  {Paraphrases  of  Erasmus  on  the 
New  Testament),  and  soon  afterwards  pro- 
cured '  a  booke  of  the  homyles.'  By  the 
parish  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  same  city,  in  the 
first  year  of  King  Edward  vi.,  2d.  had  been 
paid  '  for  carrying  of  the  books  of  the  church 
into  the  Close '  after  the  coming  of  the 
visitors.  From  the  inventory  of  a  small 
town  church  in  the  same  county  (St.  Peter's, 
Marlborough,)  we  know  how  small  a  number 
of  books  were  owned  bj'  a  church  in  the 
diocese  of  Sarum,  21st  December  1556,  viz. 
'  a  mass-book,  a  procession-book,  an  hympner, 
and  two  portesses  (new  bought).'  These  were 
struck  out  of  th^  list  as  revised  on  the  acces- 
sion of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  '  a  bybyll,  a 
paraferis,a  commenyan  boke  and  two  sauters ' 
(psalters)  were  substituted.  At  St.  Mary's, 
Reading,  at  that  time  belonging  to  Salisbury, 
on  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary  in  1553  one 
book  was  bought  for  4s.  It  was  first  written 
down  '  an  antiflfinar,'  then  corrected  to 
'  manuell.'  The  '  sauter  bocke '  entered 
earUer  in  the  account  of  the  year  in  another 
hand  was  bought  by  the  Edwardian  warden. 
For  the  fair-sized  country  church  of  St.  Denys, 
Stanford,    'n   the   Vale   of   Whitehorse,    the 


(  546  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


I  Sarum 


wardens  bought  at  Oxford,  and  brought  back, 
together  with  '  the  Statute  of  Rebelhon,'  in 
1555,  two  '  half-portusis '  for  7s.  8d. ;  a  pro- 
cessional in  parchment,  price  2s. ;  and  an  old 
manual  in  paper  for  20d. 

Among  '  juelles  '  remaining  in  St.  Edmund's 
Parish  Church  in  Salisbury  in  April  1554, 
when  Queen  Mary  had  been  nine  months  on 
tlie  throne,  the  churchwardens  had  two  old 
half-antiphoners  (probably  of  the  two-volume 
edition  of  1519-20),  three  processionals,  a 
manual,  two  grails,  and  a  Mass-book.  In  the 
course  of  the  year  they  purchased  for  2s.  4d. 
two  Mass-books,  a  manual,  a  portys,  and  a 
hymner.  These  may  have  been  '  kept  for  a 
day  '  (as  the  saying  went)  by  some  wary  well- 
wisher  to  the  '  old  religion  '  through  the  reign 
of  King  Edward  vi.  Further,  they  spent 
30s.  4d.  on  an  antiphoner  and  two  grails. 
They  also  provided  a  new  song  for  the  Salve, 
2d.  {Salve  regina  which  followed  compline 
having  been  forbidden  about  1547).  '  Salve 
de  Jesu  '  was  sung  on  Fridays  in  Lent  at  St. 
Edmund's,  Sarum,  in  1476, 1496, 1539, 1553-9. 
The  wardens  bought  also  in  1554  a  pro- 
cessional for  3s.,  and  had  two  pair  of  psalters 
'  dressed.'  Thus  this  parish  church  in  Salis- 
bury was  refurnished  with  five  out  of  the 
seven  sorts  of  books  required  by  Archbishop 
Winchelsey's  old  constitution,  and  with 
more  than  one  copy  of  the  processional 
named  in  Lyndwood's  gloss  as  well. 
Moreover,  having  complied  with  the  spirit 
and  letter  of  the  fifteenth- century  arch- 
deacon's charge,  wliich  has  been  already 
mentioned,  by  providing  a  (printed)  portos 
or  breviary,  they  could  make  shift  without 
the  two  remaining  books,  the  legeyida  and  the 
ordinale,  since  the  breviary  included,  among 
other  things,  the  lessons  and  also  a  pye  of 
two  and  three  commemorations.  The  pica 
of  two  commemorations  suited  the  case  of 
Salisbury  Cathedral  (because  the  dedication 
there  was  St.  Mary's,  the  other  weekly  com- 
memoration in  general  use  in  the  province 
being  that  of  St.  Thomas  the  martyr),  while 
churches  with  a  different  dedication,  such  as 
St.  Edmund's  had,  used  to  keep  a  com- 
memoration of  their  local  saint  or  title  each 
week,  as  a  rule,  in  addition  to  the  two  already 
named.  Under  Cromwell's  (q.v.)  influence  in 
1538  the  commemoration  of  Becket  had  been 
forbidden  by  the  Second  Royal  Injunctions 
of  King  Henry  vni..  No.  15,  and  the  ferial 
service  enjoined  instead. 

We  have  in  Swayne  and  Straton's  Church- 
warden's Accounts  two  copies  of  an  inventory 
of  books,  etc.,  belonging  to  St.  Edmund's 
parish,  taken  as  far  back  as  the  reign  of  King 
Edward  iv.,  before  service-books    began  to 


be  printed,  and  belonging  to  the  year  (1472) 
in  which  the  Robert  Hungerford  chantry  was 
endowed  with  its  '  ornaments.'  We  can 
therefore  give  here  in  a  summary,  supple- 
mented from  the  church  accounts  of  the  same 
parish,  a  list  of  the  stock  of  books  found  in  a 
large  church  in  the  city  of  Salisbury  before 
the  spirit  of  the  Reformation  made  ttself  in- 
fluential. 

(1)  Legends,  4,  one  of  them  called  'a 
temporall,'  i.e.  containing  lessons  proper  for 
Sundays,  as  distinct  from  other  holy  days, 
and  for  week  days  throughout  the  year. 
Another  legend  was  bought  for  40s.  in  1477. 

(2)  Antiphoners,  6.  One  or  more  of  these 
may  have  been  of  the  largo  size  suitable  for 
lying  open  on  a  desk  or  lectern  for  the  use 
of  two  or  three  singers  at  once.  Such 
volumes  were  known  as  '  couchcrs,'  '  lyggars  ' 
(or   ledgers),    or   in   Latin    libri   dormientes. 

(3)  Grails,  9.  One  of  these  in  1491  lay  daily 
before  the  parish  priest  on  the  south  side  of 
the  choir ;  two  others  had  been  specially 
assigned  for  use  at  Mass  of  the  Blessed  Virgin. 

(4)  Psalter,    1.     (5)    Ordinal,    with   pye,    1. 

(6)  Mass-books,  5.  (Probably  this  number 
did  not  include  the  missals  with  which 
Reginald  Tudworth's  chantry,  founded  in 
1322,  and  the  Weavers'  Gild  were  furnished.) 

(7)  No  Manuale  is  named  in  the  inventory  of 
1472,  but  one  may  have  been  included  among 
the  processionals,  and  a  manual  is  specifically, 
included  in  the  account  for  bookbinders' 
repairs,  c.  1490.  (At  Trinity  Hospital, 
Salisbury,  there  was  a  special  book  for 
Extreme  Unction.)  (8)  Processionals,  13  or 
14.  The  church  in  question  was  founded  for 
a  college  consisting  of  the  provost  and  twelve 
secular  canons,  of  whom,  however,  only 
seven  were  appointed.  In  1476  they  had  as 
many  as  fifteen  chalices  with  their  patens. 
William  of  Wykeham  [q.v.)  gave  eleven  anti- 
phoners, thirteen  processionals,  and  nineteen 
grails  to  New  College,  c.  1386.  At  All  Saints' 
Church,  Wycombe,  Bucks,  there  were  six 
processionals  in  1475,  and  two  manuals, 
which  had  increased  to  four  in  1519.  (9)  No 
troper  or  sequenciar  is  named  at  St.  Edmund's 
in  1472,  but  4d.  was  spent  in  1474-5  on 
writing  the  sequence  of  St.  Osmund  (who  had 
been  canonised  in  1457),  and  17d.  on  parch- 
ment for  his  historia,  i.e.  lessons,  etc.,  for  his 
festival ;  6s,  for  vellum  ;  and  5s.  for  engros- 
sing the  Visitation  of  our  Lady  and  St. 
Osmund's  '  stories  '  in  1479  ;  and  2s.  more 
was  spent  in  1495  for  "  making '  the  new 
festival  services  for  those  occasions ;  and 
20d.  more  in  1481  for  binding  the  '  legends  ' 
of  these  and  other  '  new  feasts  ' — doubtless 
the  Transfiguration  and  the  Name  of  Jesus. 


(547) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Savoy 


The  inventory  and  accounts  also  specify 
(10)  Portesses  or  Breviaries  of  various  sizes, 
6  in  number.  One  was  kept  in  a  '  scob '  or 
chest  before  the  altar  in  the  nave  beneath  the 
rood,  for  the  use  of  the  morrow-mass  priest, 
who,  like  the  rest,  was  bound  to  say  on  week 
days  the  services  of  matins,  lauds,  prime, 
terce,  and  sext  before  his  Mass,  and  nones  j 
after  it,  or  on  fasting  days  before  it. 

There  were  seven  or  eight  other  books,  not 
specifically  required  by  the  canon  law,  but 
some  of  them  in  practice  usually  found, 
viz.  : — 

(11-13)  A  Collectar,   probably  containing    ' 
little  chapters  as  well  as  orisons  or  collects  ; 
an  Epistolar  (or  '  pystol-boke ')  and  a  Gos- 
pellar,  containing  respectively  the  liturgical 
epistles  and  gospels,  used  when  the  sub- deacon 
and  the  deacon  chanted  them  solemnly  at  High 
Mass.     There  was  another  gospel  '  text,'  on 
vellum,  to   be   carried   ceremonially  with   a 
pax-brede  or  crucifixion  on  its  cover,  and  to 
be  passed  round  for  the  kiss  of  peace  near  the 
solemn  ending  of  the  Mass.     (14)  A  book  for 
the  organs.     In  like  manner  Wykeham  pro- 
vided  a   librum    de    cantu   organico   for   his 
college   at   Winchester.     (15,    16)   A   Dirige 
book,  for  the  dirge  or  matins,  etc.,  of  the 
dead;     and    a    Bead-roll,  from    which    the 
names  of  benefactors  and  others,  li-ving  or 
departed,   for  whom   prayers   were   bidden, 
were    rehearsed.     (17)    A    Primer-book,    or 
lay     folks'     prayer  -  book,     containing     the 
Horae  or  hours  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  etc., 
litany,  fifteen  gradual  and  seven  penitential 
psalms,    and    other    devotions    in    Latin    or 
Enghsh — a    book    which    may    have    been 
left  as  a  gift  or  offering — was  sold  to  help 
the    church   expenses  in    1479   for   3s.   4d., 
probably  to   some   parishioner.     [Services, 
Church,  before  the  Reformation.]    (18, 
etc.)  There  were  here,  as  in  other  churches, 
a  few  miscellaneous  books  kept  in  the  church 
for    the    assistance    and    edification    of    the 
clergy,  '  A  book  of  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,' 
Hugucio    (probably    his    lexicon    of    gram- 
matical derivations),  chained   in    the    Lady 
Chapel  (as  the  dictionary  called  CathoUcon 
was  at  Winchester  and  at  Wycombe,  and  the 
little  Cato  for  the  choir  boys  at  Lincoln); 
also  '  a  book  called  a  Sentenciall,  for  the  use 
of  the  church  ' :    as  this  last  was  bought  for 
20d.  in  1475,  it  can  hardly  have  been  the 
great  work  of  Peter  Lombard,  or  any  of  the 
larger  summaries  or  commentaries  thereon, 
but  possibly  a  collection  of  aphorisms  from 
moral    and    ecclesiastical    writers,    to    help 
meditation  and  sermon  composition. 

The    All    Saints',   Wycombe,    inventories 
(1475-1519)  also  include  (19,  etc.)  a  Psalter 


with  the  collects  and  the  hymns,  a '  martilage ' 
or  martyrology,  a  book  not  often  found  in 
the  ordinary  parish  churches,  and  one  with 
which  probably  the  collegiate  church  of  St. 
Edmund  could  the  better  dispense,  because 
its  chaplains  were  bound  to  '  follow  the 
choir  '  of  the  cathedral,  and  so  perhaps  might 
attend  the  capitular  service  in  the  chapter- 
house; an  invitatorie  (elsewhere  called 
Venitare),  with  the  '  Alleluya '  verses  of  the 
grayles ;  a  responsorary  with  a  little  grail — 
probably  both  the  last  (twofold)  items  were 
composite  books  for  singers ;  various  '  quires ' 
or  detached  sheets  for  feasts  recently  intro- 
duced, viz.  the  Visitation  of  our  Lady 
(1480)  with  music,  the  'Transfiguration  of 
Jhesu '  (1480),  and  the  Jesus  Mass,  or  the 
Name  of  Jesus  (1493).  Also,  for  study,  two- 
volumes  of  St.  Austin  and  one  of  St.  Gregory. 

[c.  w.] 

W.  H.  Yrere,  Scrum  i'se,2\o\s.  ;  C.Words- 
worth and  H.  Littlehales,  Old  KitgUsh  Service 
Books;  Wilts  Record  Soc,  Churchwardens' 
Accounts  .  .  .  ,S'«n(?»  (1443-170-2),  Swayne  and 
Straton  ;  Note  on  Mediseval  Service  Books  in; 
G.  W.  Protliero's  Memoir  of  H.  Bradshcnc, 
pp.  423-6;  J.  W.  Legs,  Westminster  Mass- 
Books  (H.B.S.),  iii.  pp. "1408-23;  Bvrk  Inven- 
tories (Alcuin  Club  Collection),  ix.  pp.  133-9; 
P.B.  Dictionary,  Hartord  and  Stevenson,  art.. 
'Use.' 

SAVOY  CONFERENCE.  In  the  Declara- 
tion of  Breda,  16th  April  1660,  Charles  n. 
proclaimed  '  a  Uberty  to  tender  consciences,. 
and  that  no  man  shall  be  disquieted  or  caUed 
in  question  for  difference  of  opinion  in  matters 
of  rehgion  which  do  not  disturb  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom ;  and  that  we  shall  be  ready  to- 
consent  to  such  an  Act  of  Parhament  as  upon 
mature  deUberation  shall  be  offered  to  us,  for 
the  full  granting  that  indulgence.'  After  his 
return  to  England,  Charles  welcomed  a 
suggestion  of  Baxter's  [q.v.),  that  agreement 
might  be  reached  by  conference  between  the 
'  episcopal '  party  and  the  '  presbyterian,' 
'  puritan,'  or  '  nonconformist '  party,  and  pro- 
mised to  further  such  a  conference.  To  a  depu- 
tation of  divines — Calamy,  Reynolds,  Baxter, 
and  others — he  urged  that  the  agreement  must 
be  effected,  not  by  the  surrender  of  either 
party,  but  by  mutual  concession  ;  declared 
that  it  should  not  be  his  fault  if  the  parties 
were  not  reconciled ;  and  invited  the  divines 
'■  to  submit  proposals  for  reform.  Accordingly 
!  an  Address  to  the  King  was  drawn  up,  chiefly 
by  Calamy  and  Reynolds,  containing  pro- 
posals for  the  amendment  of  discipUne,. 
Church  government,  Hturgy  and  ceremonies, 
I  praying  in  particular  that  kneeUng  at 
I    Communion,  holidays,  bowing  at  the  Holy 

i48  ) 


Savoy] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Savoy 


Name,  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  the  surplice 
should  not  be  enforced.  A  reply  to  this  was 
drawn  up  by  the  bishops,  in  which,  without 
suggesting  any  concessions,  they  criticised 
the  proposals  in  detail  in  a  hostile  sense, 
while  expressing  wilhngness  that  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  {q.v.)  should  be  revised. 
Baxter  wrote  a  proUx  defence  of  the  Address, 
but  it  was  suppressed  '  lest  it  should  hinder 
peace.'  So  far  little  progress  had  been  made; 
and  at  length  the  King  took  matters  into  his 
own  hands,  and  after  consultation  with  both 
parties  and  after  accepting  Puritan  amend- 
ments, issued  the  Declaration  of  25th  October 
1660,  in  which  he  promised  to  promote  reforms 
in  administration  and  to  appoint  an  equal 
number  of  learned  divines  of  both  persuasions 
to  revise  the  Prayer  Book  and  make  such 
alterations  as  should  be  thought  most  neces- 
sary, and  some  additional  forms,  to  be  used 
as  alternatives  to  the  existing  forms  at  the 
discretion  of  the  minister ;  and  meanwhile 
he  dispenses  those  who  desire  it  from  the  use 
of  the  ceremonies  which  give  offence,  pending 
the  determination  of  the  questions  at  issue 
by  a  national  synod  to  be  held  after  the 
promised  conference.  Accordingly  on  25th 
March  1661  the  Kling  issued  a  commission 
to  twelve  bishops  and  twelve  Puritan  divines, 
and  nine  assessors  on  each  side,  requiring  and 
authorising  them  to  meet  together  in  the 
Master's  lodgings  at  the  Savoy  or  elsewhere 
from  time  to  time  during  the  next  four 
months,  to  advise  upon  and  review  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer,  comparing  the  same  with 
the  most  ancient  Uturgies,  and  after  considera- 
tion of  the  contents  of  the  book  and  of  the 
objections  that  should  be  raised  against  it, 
to  make  such  reasonable  and  necessary  al- 
terations as  should  be  agreed  upon  as  needful 
for  the  satisfaction  of  tender  consciences  and 
for  the  restoring  of  peace,  but  avoiding  aU 
unnecessary  alterations ;  and  when  the  work 
is  done  to  present  it  to  the  King,  that,  if 
approved,  it  might  be  estabhshed.  The 
Conference  met  first  on  15th  April,  and 
Sheldon  [q.v.)  of  London  at  once  insisted  that, 
since  it  was  the  other  party  that  sought 
for  the  conference  and  desired  change,  it 
was  for  them  first  to  submit  in  writing  their 
objections  and  to  propose  the  alterations  and 
additions  they  desired.  The  Puritan  divines 
objected  to  this  procedure  as  not  satisfying 
the  King's  commission  '  to  meet  together, 
advise,  and  consult.'  But  Sheldon  insisted, 
and  Baxter  supported  him  and  persuaded  his 
party  to  acquiesce,  since  in  this  way  the}' 
would  have  better  opportunity  of  stating 
their  whole  case  before  the  world,  and  fruitless 
contention  would  be  avoided.     The  Confer- 


ence was  therefore  adjourned,  and  Baxter 
was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  compiling  the 
additions  to  the  Prayer  Book,  while  the  rest 
of  the  party  undertook  to  draw  up  the 
objections  to  be  submitted.  Accordingly  on 
4th  May  the  Exceptions  against  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer,  which  was  the  work  of 
Reynolds,  WaUis,  Calamy,  and  some  half- 
dozen  others,  were  submitted  to  the  confer- 
ence. The  Exceptions  form  a  detailed 
criticism  of  the  Prayer  Book  under  two 
heads :  first,  of  '  generals,'  under  which 
objections  are  brought  against  broad  char- 
acteristics both  of  rite  and  of  ceremony ; 
and  secondly,  of  '  particulars,'  under  which 
objections  are  made  to  details  throughout 
the  book.  Baxter's  proposals,  which  were 
presented  some  days  later,  instead  of  con- 
sisting of  '  some  additional  forms,'  were,  in 
fact,  a  new  service-book  of  the  Genevan  type 
(the  'Savoy  Liturgy').  Along  with  this 
Baxter  presented  a  Petition  for  Peace,  asking 
for  the  adoption  of  his  service-book  as  alter- 
native to  the  Prayer  Book  ;  for  the  same 
freedom  from  oaths  and  declarations  as  had 
been  granted  as  an  interim,  measure  by  the 
King's  Declaration ;  and  that  ministers  who 
had  not  been  ordained  by  bishops  should  not 
be  required  to  be  reordained,  nor  the  exercise 
of  their  ministry  made  to  depend  upon 
conditions  which  they  could  not  accept ;  and 
all  this  was  urged  with  arguments  and 
appeals  of  the  prohxity  which  was  customary 
with  Baxter  and  seems  throughout  to  have 
tried  the  temper  of  the  other  party.  Nothing 
more  was  heard  of  Baxter's  service-book,  but 
to  the  Exceptions  the  bishops  replied  in  writ- 
ing, deaUng  with  them  point  by  point,  and 
refusing  all  concession  except  in  respect  of 
seventeen  points,  mostly  of  no  importance 
(fifteen  of  them  were  embodied  in  the  revised 
book  of  1662).  There  followed  the  Rejoinder 
of  the  Ministers  to  the  Answer  of  the  Bishops, 
composed  by  Ba^xter  at  greater  length  than 
ever.  By  this  time  it  was  July,  and  the 
conference  had  only  ten  days  of  life  remain- 
ing. The  Puritan  side  entreated  that  before 
it  closed  there  might  be  a  personal  discussion 
between  the  parties.  After  two  days'  debate 
the  proposal  was  agreed  to,  and  three  of  each 
side  were  cliosen  to  carry  it  out — Pearson 
[q.v.).  Gunning,  and  Sparrow  for  the  bishops; 
Bates,  Jacomb,  and  Baxter  for  the  others. 
There  followed  some  stormy  and  fruitless 
debates,  in  which  Baxter  was  always  to  the 
front  with  his  ever-ready  and  copious  elo- 
quence. At  length  Cosin  {q.v.)  produced  a 
paper  as  '  from  a  very  worthy  person,'  pro- 
posing that  the  field  should  be  narrowed  by 
the  Puritan  side  stating  clearly  what  in  the 


( "^-^9 ) 


Scrope] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Selwyn 


existing  forms  they  held  to  be  contrary  to  the 
Word  of  God  and  what  only  inexpedient  ; 
and  that,  as  to  the  former,  if  proved,  the  Puri- 
tans should  be  given  satisfaction  ;  as  to  the 
latter,  it  should  be  referred  to  Convocation 
for  settlement.  This  led  to  further  debate 
and  no  result.  The  last  few  days  of  the 
conference  were  occupied  in  a  curious  dis- 
cussion carried  out  by  the  champions  of  both 
sides  in  writing  in  the  strict  logical  form  of 
the  schools,  on  the  single  issue  that  the  Book 
of  Common  Pra3'er  and  the  Canons  contain 
what  is  sinful  in  that  they  require  the 
minister  to  refuse  Communion  to  any  who 
will  not  receive  it  kneeling.  In  the  end  all 
that  was  agreed  upon  was  '  that  we  give 
nothing  in  our  Account  to  the  King  as  charged 
on  one  another,  but  what  is  delivered  in  by 
the  party  in  Writing ;  And  that  all  our  account 
was  to  be  this,  that  we  were  all  agreed  on  the 
End^,  for  the  Churches  Welfare,  Unity,  and 
Peace,  and  his  Majesty's  Happiness  and 
Contentment,  but  after  all  our  Debates,  were 
disagreed  of  the  means.  And  this  was  the 
End  of  that  Assembly  and  Commission.' 

[f.  e.  b.] 

Documents  relating  to  the  Settlement  of  the 
Ch.  of  Eng.  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  of  1662, 
1862 ;  Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  ed.  Sylvester, 
1696;  Burnet,  i/ /si!,  of  His  Oivn  Times;  Cardwell, 
Coifercnces  ;  P.  Hall,  Reliquiae  liturgicae,  iv. 


Parliament  of  1404.  Henry  now  led  an  army 
to  the  north.  Scrope  had  compromised  him- 
self by  unwise  profession  of  his  determination 
to  resist  to  the  uttermost,  and  by  perhaps 
more  than  one  public  manifesto.  Yorkshire- 
men  flocked  to  the  rebel  standard.  The 
two  forces  confronted  one  another,  and  a 
parley  followed,  in  which  Scrope  and  Mowbray 
were  persuaded  to  disband  their  followers, 
whilst  the  King,  as  was  promised,  should 
consider  their  grievances.  Scrope  was 
arrested,  and  a  trial  held  at  Bishopthorpe. 
The  King  was  determined  that  he  should  die, 
and  forced  the  tribunal  to  condemn  him, 
Scrope  vainly  asserted  that  he  intended 
reformation  and  not  rebellion.  He  was 
sentenced  to  death,  a  sentence  which  was 
carried  out  on  the  Feast  of  St.  William  of 
York,  whilst  Scrope  testified  that  he  died 
for  the  laws  and  good  government  of  England. 
His  grave  in  St.  Stephen's  Chapel  at  York 
became  a  centre  of  pilgrimage,  and  the 
offerings  made  there  contributed  to  the 
building  of  the  great  tower  of  the  minster. 
No  chapel  in  the  building  was  more  richly 
arrayed  than  that  in  which  Scrope's  body 
was  laid.  He  "was  never  canonised,  but 
with  Yorkshiremen  was  one  of  the  most 
popular  of  saints,  [h,  g,] 

Annates     Henrici    IV.     and     Walsingham  ; 
D.N.B.  ;  Wylie,  Henry  IV.,  vol.  ii. 


SCROPE,  Richard  (c  1350-1405),  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  member  of  a  famous  York- 
shire famUy,  a  great  northern  leader  of 
popular  discontent  with  the  new  royal 
dynasty,  a  martyr  to  his  cause,  and  an  un- 
canonised  saint.  He  was  son  of  the  first 
Lord  Scrope  of  Masham,  a  noted  soldier. 
At  first  a  student  of  law,  he  was  ordained 
in  1376  in  the  household  of  Arundel,  Bishop 
of  Ely.  After  he  had  held  various  appoint- 
ments, notably  that  of  Chancellor  of  Cam- 
bridge, Pope  Urban  vi.  consecrated  him 
Bishop  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield  in  1386. 
He  now  came  much  into  contact  with 
Richard  ii.,  at  whose  request  he  was  trans- 
lated to  York  in  1398.  When  Henry  iv. 
assumed  the  crown  Scrope  made  no  demur, 
and  aided  in  enthroning  him.  Before  long 
disaffection  set  in,  and  Scrope,  unwisely 
deserting  the  studies  and  offices  for  which  he 
had  reputation,  began  to  confer  with  the 
great  houses  of  the  north.  Northumberland 
and  Mowbray  fomented  a  spirit  of  rebellion, 
and  Scrope  joined  them.  They  drew  up 
articles  of  indictment,  in  which  various 
distresses  of  the  period  were  freely  ascribed 
to  the  King.  Scrope  also  boldly  opposed  the 
spoliation  of  the  Church  as  proposed  by  the 

(  550) 


SELWYN,  George  Augustus  (1809-78), 
founder  and  organiser  of  the  province  of  New 
Zealand  and  of  the  Melanesian  Mission,  was 
educated  at  Eton  and  Cambridge,  where  he 
was  Second  Classic.  He  returned  to  Eton  as 
private  tutor,  and  became  Curate  of  Windsor. 
His  great  natural  gifts,  his  cultivated  powers 
of  mind  and  body,  his  rehgious  fervour, 
seemed  already  to  mark  him  out  for  some 
great  career.  The  call  came  in  1841  to  be  the 
first  Bishop  of  New  Zealand,  and  was  at  once 
obeyed.  The  bishopric  was  established  by 
the  Crown  in  the  early  days  of  the  colony ; 
Letters  Patent  conveyed  legal  powers,  and 
extended  the  diocese  far  into  the  Northern 
Pacific.  A  letter  from  Archbishop  Howley, 
in  terms  which  were  never  forgotten  and 
singularly  fulfilled,  bade  him  regard  his  see 
as  '  the  central  point  of  a  system  extending 
its  influence  in  all  directions,  a  fountain 
diffusing  the  streams  of  salvation  over  the 
islands  and  coasts  of  the  Pacific'  New 
Zealand  had  been  opened  for  colonisation  by 
missions  of  the  C.M,S.  The  bishop  arrived 
to  find  the  natives  mostly  Christians  of  the 
English  Church,  The  colonists,  not  half  so 
numerous  as  the  natives,  scattered,  of  many 
sects,    had    no    Church    organisation,     Ihe 


Selwynj 


Dictionanj  of  English  Church  History 


[Services 


bishop,  who  learned  Maori  on  his  voyage, 
took  the  Native  Church  as  his  first  care,  and 
kept  his  love  for  it  to  the  last.  His  next  care 
was  to  visit  the  English  in  tlieir  widely 
separated  towns  and  settlements,  journeying 
on  foot,  fording  and  swimming  rivers,  sailing 
along  uninhabited  coasts.  In  less  than  a 
year  after  his  arrival  he  had  surveyed  his 
diocese,  and  had  formed  his  plans  of  education 
and  of  synodical  constitution.  He  founded 
liis  College  of  St.  John  for  the  religious  and 
industrial  education  of  both  races,  with  a  view 
to  the  supply  of  clergy  and  citizens  alike. 
This  he  called  the  '  key  and  pivot '  of  his 
work.  His  plans  for  synods,  with  admission 
of  faithful  laity,  much  on  the  American 
model,  did  not  from  the  first  lack  support 
among  the  colonists.  A  synod  of  bishops  and 
clergy  met  in  184'4,  'the  first  in  the  Church  of 
England  since  the  silencing  of  Convocation.' 
A  second  met  in  1847.  In  1850  the  six 
bishops  of  Australasia  met  in  Sydney,  and 
recommended  a  synodical  constitution  with 
lay  representation. 

Selwyn  was  now  able  to  turn  to  the  islands 
of  the  Pacific.  Having  ascertained  that  his 
field  must  be  Melanesia,  he  began  in  1849 
his  admirable  work  among  those  untouched 
islands.  Persuaded  that  every  man,  however 
savage,  was  able  and  even  likely  to  receive 
the  Gospel  if  presented,  and  that  every  one 
who  should  receive  it  would  be  able  and 
willing  in  some  measure  to  impart  it,  he 
sought  from  the  first  to  find  teachers  of 
the  heathen  among  themselves,  to  '  catch 
men  in  a  black  net  with  white  corks.'  Risk- 
ing no  life  but  his  own,  landing  alone  on 
many  a  dangerous  beach,  he  sought  and 
found  among  crowds  of  savages  the  boys 
whom  he  would  teach  to  be  the  teachers  of 
their  people,  and,  with  a  strange  success, 
he  brought  them  to  his  college. 

The  grant  of  self-government  to  the  colony 
gave  the  opportunity  to  the  Church.  The 
bishop  visited  England,  and  made  clear  the 
way  for  the  division  of  his  diocese,  the 
organisation  of  the  province,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Melanesian  diocese.  As  a  result 
the  Church  in  New  Zealand  was  soon  at 
work  -n-ith  a  system  of  trusts  and  co-ordinated 
synods.  In  1859  the  First  General  Synod 
was  attended  by  five  bishops,  with  clerical 
and  lay  representatives.  But  the  progress  of 
the  Church,  and  of  religion,  was  for  ten  years 
sadly  hindered  by  a  native  war.  The  bishop 
ministered  equally  on  both  sides ;  the 
natives  were  in  revolt  against  English  rule 
and  religion ;  the  colonists  were  angry  with 
the  friends  of  the  natives.  But  in  this  time 
of  unpopularity  the  bishop  was  really  making 


himself  better  known  to  both  races.  This 
was  shown  when  both  bade  him  farewell, 
when,  nuich  against  his  will,  he  had  become 
Bishop  of  Lichfield  ;  it  was  then  shown  that 
twenty-six  years  of  labour  among  them  were 
understood  and  valued. 

Bishop  Selwyn  accepted  translation  to 
Lichfield  in  1867,  where  he  laboured  abund- 
antly and  fruitfully.  Twice  he  visited  the 
sister  Church  in  the  United  States.  He  had 
to  grieve  for  the  death  of  Bishop  Patteson 
{q.v.),  to  rejoice  over  the  consecration  of  his 
own  son  to  take  the  vacant  place.  Bishop 
Selwyn  belongs  to  New  Zealand ;  but  it 
should  be  remembered  that  the  grass  of  the 
Cathedral  Close  at  Lichfield  was  long  worn 
by  the  feet  of  the  black-country  people  who 
visited  his  grave.  [r.  h.  c] 

G.  H.  Cartels,  Life  ;  personal  recollections. 

SERVICES,  Church  (before  the  Reforma- 
tion). The  services  of  the  Church  must  be 
viewed  from  a  twofold  aspect :  (1)  as  a  dutiful 
offering  to  God,  from  the  Bride  of  Christ  to  the 
King  of  kings,  from  the  Body  to  the  Head, 
from  the  recipient  of  grace  to  the  Holy  Ghost, 
the  giver  of  hfe  ;  (2)  as  a  ministration  of 
spiritual  gifts  of  grace  for  the  benefit  of 
members  of  the  household  of  faith.  In  their 
Godward  aspect,  the  services,  which  are  acts 
of  worship,  are  (normally)  confined  to  the 
consecrated  house  of  prayer,  although  charity 
or  necessity  may  justify  their  performance 
elsewhere  ( Jn.  422,  23  .  pan.  6"> ;  Acts  838, 
jg25,  33)^  while  in  their  function  of  ministering 
grace  for  the  benefit  of  man  they  are  some- 
times ministered  in  private  houses. 

1.  The  Church  service  consisted  primarily 
of  the  Sacrifice  of  Thanksgiving  ordained  by 
Christ  Himself.  Tliis  was  understood  to  be, 
among  other  things,  a  daily  sacrifice  and  a 
continual  remembrance  of  Redemption.  The 
sacring  of  the  ]\Iass  was  performed  on  the  altar 
before  which  the  bishop  or  priest  stood,  and 
it  normally  took  place  at  9  a.m.  It  was  post- 
poned on  fasting  days  till  noon. 

Further,  for  the  sake  of  providing  oppor- 
tunities for  every  priest  to  say  his  Mass,  and 
in  order  to  enable  all  devout  lay  folk,  whom 
journeys  or  secular  duties  might  othen-^-ise 
preclude,  to  hear  Mass  daily,  several  altars 
were  dedicated  in  each  church,  and  earlier 
Masses,  from  dawn  to  the  time  of  the  gospel 
at  High  Mass,  were  provided  in  succession, 
according  to  the  requirements  of  each  parish 
or  chapelry,  in  some  cases  daily,  in  others 
once  or  twice  a  week. 

To  take  the  case  of  St.  Edmund's,  Salisbury 
[Sakum  Use],  where  there  were  parochial 
services  in  the  nave  as  well  as  the  collegiate 


(  551 


Services] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Services 


services  in  the  large  choir,  the  latter  served   | 
by  the  provost  and  six  or  seven  secular  canons, 
the  former  by  the  parish  priest  with  an  assist- 
ant deacon,  clerk,  and  sexton,  as  weU  as  two    j 
or  more  chaplains  or  chantry  priests  to  say   ! 
Mass  for  the  souls  of  Reginald  Tudworth,    : 
W.  Randolph,  and  others.      Right  and  left   i 
of  the  high  altar  were  the  Lady  Chapel,  and 
that  of  St.  John  Baptist  in  the  choir  aisles ; 
and  farther  north,  the  chapel  of  St.  Katharine 
in  the  churchyard,  to  which  the  Abbot  of 
Abbotsbury  presented  an  incumbent.     The 
parish  priest's  place,  when  in  choir,  was  on 
the  south  side  of  the  church,  and  before  him 
was    placed   a   grail    open    upon    the   desk. 
There  was  a  rood-loft  on  which  the  singers 
chanted  on  solemn  occasions,  and  in  this  part 
of  the  church  the  deacon  recited  the  gospel 
at  Mass  from  the  book  or  text  brought  from 
the  altar.     Beneath  the  rood  was  the  parish 
altar,  near  which  the  confraternity  of  Jesus 
had  their  services,  and  at  which  the  parish 
priest,  or  some  chaplain  appointed  thereto, 
said  the  '  morrow  Mass '  at  6  a.m.  (in  some 
places  it  was  said   at  4   or  5   a.m.).     The 
celebrant  had  first  said  his  matins,  lauds, 
prime,  and  terce  from  his  portos  (or  breviary), 
which  he  took  out  of  the  '  scob '  or  chest,  of 
which  he  kept  the  key.     When  his  Mass  was 
done  he  was  succeeded  by  the  chaplain  of 
the  Weavers'  Gild,  and  he  himself  would  say 
the  remainder  of  the  canonical  little-hours  to 
nones  inclusive,  unless  he  deferred  them  to  say 
in  choir  after  assisting  at  the  High  Mass  in  his 
stalL     Right  and  left  of  the  Jesus  altar  of 
the  Holy  Rood  were  two  others  :   the  altar  of 
St.  George's  GUd,  of  which  the  aldermen  and 
city    council    were    members,    and    that    of 
Reginald  Tudworth' s  chantry — all  three  being 
set  against  the  choir  screen  ;  and  farther  still 
to  the  south  and  north,  where  the  transepts 
extended,   or   elsewhere  in   the  nave,   were 
other  altars,  with  such  titles  and  images  as 
St.    Nicholas,    SS.    Fabian    and    Sebastian, 
St.  Lawrence,  St.  JuHan,  and  St.  Andrew, 
and  lights  were  maintained  out  of  endow- 
ments before  some  of  these  images,  as  well 
as  before  the  rood  or  crucifix.     As  the  wor- 
shippers came  into  church  they  each  took 
holy    water    (blessed    at    Mass    on    Sunday 
morning)  from  the  stoup  near  the  south  door. 
Some  of  them  had  primers  (Hours  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  with  other  devotions),  which 
they  read  in  a  low  voice,  singly  or  in  pairs,  in 
their  places  in  the  nave,  while  service  was 
going  on  at  the  altar  or  in  choir ;  or  they  told 
their    beads,    reciting    the    rosary,    or    the 
'  psalter    of    our    Lady,'    viz.    the    Lord's 
Prayer,  followed  by  ten  Aves  or  Salutations 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  repeated  five  times  in 


succession,  with  a  final  Paternoster  and  the 
Creed.     These   forms   (with   the   Command- 
ments) the  parish  priest  was  charged  to  teach 
his  parishioners  periodically  from  the  pulpit. 
Though  a  considerable  number  of  EngUsh 
folk  heard  a  Mass  almost  every  day,  very  few 
were  'houseUed'  (received  Holy  Communion) 
more  than  thrice  a  year  at  most.     To  prepare 
for  these  receptions  they  were  shriven ;  and  a 
chair  for  the  priest  to  hear  confession  stood 
in  the  church  (probably  in  sight  of  one  of 
the    altars).     Pardons   or   indulgences   were 
kept  at  St.   Edmund's  at  Michaelmas  and 
Lady  Day,  when  the  ring  of  St.  Edmund  of 
Canterbury  {q.v.)  and  other  rehcs  were  ex- 
posed, and  a  third  part  of  the  offerings  of 
the  faithful  were  sent  to  Rome.     Hock-tide 
after  Easter,  and  '  Frick-Friday '   in  Whit- 
sun  week,  were  observed,   and   'king  ales' 
and  plays  were  held  about  Whitsuntide  and 
the  Translation  of  St.  Edmund  (9th  June). 
Besides    their    presence  at  Mass  and  their 
terminal    communion,    the   laity    witnessed, 
and  some   at  least  followed  devoutly,   the 
processions    in    the    church    or    about    the 
'  litton  '  (churchyard),  preparatory  to  High 
Mass,    when    anthems    were    sung,    tiU   the 
procession   halted    below   the    rood.      Thus 
far,  as  also    by  kissing   the   pax-brede,  by 
receiving  the  smoke  of  the  censer  as  it  was 
carried  round,  and  holy  bread,  blessed  before 
Sunday  Mass  and  distributed  afterwards,  the 
laity  were   associated   with   the   Sacrament 
ordained     by     Christ     Himself.     The     fore- 
mentioned  ser-sdces  were  extended  beyond  the 
walls  of  the  church  by  the  clerk  carrying 
holy  water  round  to  houses,  or  by  the  cantel 
(or  portion)  of  holy  bread,  taken  perhaps  by 
those  present  to  friends  detained  at  home, 
or  received  by  one  of  the  householders  each 
week  as  a  sign  and  reminder  that  he  was  to 
provide  the  next  Sunday's  bread  and  candle. 
There  were  also  the  other  processions  of  a 
special  kind,  particularly  at  Rogation -tide, 
or  those  in   times   of   general   suppUcation, 
ordered  sometimes  at  the   King's   instance 
and  enjoined  by  ecclesiastical  authority,  when 
the  litany  was  sung.     Last,  but  not  least, 
there  was  the  occasional  ministration  of  the 
Communion  (only  in  one  kind)  to  the  sick  in 
houses,  when  the  host  was  solemnly  carried 
by  the  priest,  preceded  by  the  clerk  with 
beU  and  light. 

2.  The  daily  service  prescribed  by  the 
Church  ranks  in  importance  next  to  the 
Eucharist  ordained  by  our  Lord.  The  Divine 
Service  of  the  Seven  Canonical  Hours :  matins 
(originally  a  composite  night  service  designed 
j  to  combine  a  course  of  psalms  and  reading, 
and  still  retaining  the  term  nocturnes  as  a 


(552) 


Services] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Seven 


designation  of  its  structure)  combined  ■\\ith 
lauds  the  service  of  psalms  of  praise  at  the 
return  of  dayHght,  prime  at  6  a.m.,  followed 
by  terce,  sexl,  and  nones,  each  of  these  three 
consisting  of  recitation  of  a  fourth  portion 
of  the  long  119th  (Vulgate  llSth)  psalm,  of 
M  hich  the  opening  part  had  been  said  or  sung 
at  prime  —  these  coming  theoretically  at  a 
distance  of  three  hours  apart,  the  Mass  or 
Eucharist  of  the  day  intervened  at  one  or 
other  of  the  intervals  between  two  of  these 
'  little  '  or  '  lesser  '  hours.  Vespers,  called 
'  Evensong '  in  England,  followed  later  in  the 
afternoon,  after  the  usual  dinner  hour,  and 
compline  {completorium)  properly  at  bed-time 
at  the  ending  of  the  day. 

This  form  of  daily  service  is  traced  to  the 
fifth  centurj'.  As  adopted  for  the  secular 
clergy  from  the  Gregorian  office,  it  provided 
in  the  first  place  for  the  recitation  of  the 
entire  psalter  with  canticles  from  the  Old 
Testament  and  St.  Luke,  to  recur  weekly  (the 
Gospel  canticles  daily).  The  groups  of  psalms 
alternated  with  lessons  from  the  Bible,  which 
was  intended  to  be  read  through,  in  a  season- 
able order  {e.g.  Isaiah  in  Advent),  once  a  year. 
Of  necessity  the  frequent  occurrence  of  holi- 
days and  weekly  commemorations,  provided 
Avith  certain  proper  psalms,  interfered  very 
often  with  the  ferial  course  of  the  week.  The 
systematic  Bible  reading  also  was  curtailed 
when  proper  lessons  from  lives  of  the  saints 
and  from  homilies  on  the  Gospel  for  the  day 
were  substituted  for  a  considerable  propor- 
tion of  the  Biblical  lessons.  Each  lesson  at 
matins — and,  out  of  Easter-tide,  there  were 
usually  nine  of  them  on  Sundays  and  holy 
days — was  separated  from  the  next  by  the 
repetition  of  responds  and  versicles,  which, 
as  the  lectionary  was  shortened,  lost  some  of 
their  original  appropriateness.  A  verse  or 
two  of  the  Epistle  of  the  Mass  usually  sup- 
plied the  reading  at  evensong  and  most  of 
the  lesser  hours.  The  psalmody  preceding 
each  set  of  three  matins  lessons,  as  well  as  the 
psalms  assigned  to  other  hours,  had  special 
point  given  by  the  introduction  of  antiphons. 
Canticles  from  the  Old  Testament  were  in- 
cluded in  the  psalmody  at  lauds,  Te  Deum 
concluded  festal  matins,  a  Gospel  canticle 
followed  the  brief  lesson,  and  a  hymn  at 
lauds,  evensong,  and  compline. 

A  hymn,  taken  from  a  collection  of  one 
hundred  and  fifteen,  was  appointed  for  each 
hour,  and  in  the  case  of  matins,  prime,  terce, 
sext,  and  nones  was  sung  early  in  the  service. 
Lauds  and  the  six  services  following  it  each 
culminated  in  the  collect,  with  a  dismissory 
'  Benedicamus.'  This  final,  precatory,  sec- 
tion of  the  hour  services  opened  on  week  days 


with  the  Lord's  Prayer,  followed  by  versicles 
and  responses. 

The  recitation  of  these  services  was 
specially  a  clerical  duty.  The  lay  folk, 
however,  in  England  usually  attended  even- 
song (work  being  stopped)  on  afternoons  of 
Saturdays  and  the  eves  of  holy  days ;  and 
also  matins  with  lauds  and  prime  (at  which 
Qiiicumque  vult  occurred),  procession  with 
High  Mass,  and  sometimes  the  evensong  at 
2  or  3  P.M.  on  Sundays;  and  to  this  extent 
they  were  associated  with  the  daily  service 
of  the  Church.  With  the  Latin  words  and 
tunes  of  some  of  the  fixed  psalms,  hymns, 
and  canticles  they  were  probably  famihar, 
as  well  as  with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Ave, 
recited  inaudibly  as  preparatory  to  each 
'  hour.'  Shorter  services,  framed  on  the 
same  model,  such  as  '  Hours '  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  of  the  Cross,  etc.,  and  their  gild  services, 
were  known  to  the  devout  lay  people,  and 
a  ffvv  of  them  had  copies  of  them  in  their 
primers  {Horae). 

3.  Special  duties  and  observances  marked 
Shrove-Tuesd&y,  ^-s/i-Wednesday,  Shere-  or 
Maundy-Thursday,  and  Good  Friday  (where 
there  was  creeping  to  the  cross  laid  down 
upon  a  cushion),  as  well  as  Candle-naas,  Palm- 
Sunday,  and  some  other  days. 

4.  Besides  those  just  mentioned  there  were 
other  occasional  services  provided  for  the 
faithful,  who  at  some  crisis  in  their  lives  were 
invited  to  seek  the  ministration  of  grace. 
The  sacrament  of  baptism  at  the  font,  church- 
ing of  women,  espousals  at  the  church  door, 
wedding  ]\Iass  at  the  altar,  conferring  the 
tonsure,  and  various  grades  of  'minor'  and 
'  holy '  orders,  blessing  of  pilgrims,  hermits, 
anchorites,  nuns,  etc.,  the  evensong,  dirge, 
and  Masses  for  the  dead,  as  well  as  con- 
firmation of  children,  were  ministered  in  the 
church  itself,  and  (as  a  rule)  only  there. 
The  Manuale  contained,  moreover,  forms 
for  visitation,  unction,  and  Communion  of 
the  sick,  commendation  of  the  departing 
soul,  and  blessing  the  grave :  as  well  as  for 
the  bridal  chamber,  a  house,  a  boat,  etc. — 
services  and  forms  wherewith  ministrations 
of  the  Church  were  carried  to  the  home  and 
to  the  work  abroad.  [c.  w.] 

For  aiitliorities  see  article  Saku.m  Use. 


SEVEN  BISHOPS,  The,  who  were  tried  for 
presenting  to  James  ii.  a  petition  stating 
their  reasons  for  refusing  to  pubUsh  in 
church  his  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience 
(originally  issued,  4th  April  1687),  which  the 
King  ordered  should  be  read  in  all  churches 
during  divine  service  on  20th  May.     As  soon 


(  55.3  ) 


Shaftesbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Shaftesbury 


as  the  King's  order  Avas  issued,  4th  May, 
Sancroft  {q.v.).  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
took  measures  to  meet  the  danger.  The 
declaration  was  illegal,  as  had  been  declared 
in  1672,  '  being  formed  on  such  a  dispensing 
power  as  at  pleasure  sets  aside  all  laws, 
ecclesiastical  and  civil.'  A  number  of  im- 
portant clergy  and  laity  met  at  Lambeth  to 
consult,  and  on  18th  May  six  divines  (Tillot- 
son  iq.v.),  Stillingfleet  [q.v.),  Patrick  [q.v.), 
Tenison,  Sherlock  [q.v.),  Crrove),  with  seven 
bishops,  drew  up  resolutions  explaining  why 
a  refusal  to  obey  the  King  was  necessary. 
The  petition  drawn  up  and  to  be  presented 
to  James  said  that  the  declaration  was  one 
'  of  so  much  moment  and  consequence  to  the 
whole  nation,  both  in  Church  and  State,  that 
your  petitioners  cannot  in  prudence,  honour, 
or  conscience,  so  far  make  themselves  parties 
to  it  as  the  distribution  of  it  all  over  the 
nation,  and  the  solemn  publication  of  it, 
once  and  again,  even  in  God's  house,  must 
amount  to.'  The  signatories  were  Sancroft, 
Lloyd  of  St.  Asaph,  Turner  of  Ely,  Lake  of 
Chichester,  Ken  {q.v.)  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
White  of  Peterborough,  Trelawny  of  Bristol. 
James  refused  to  receive  the  petition,  and 
declared  it  '  a  standard  of  rebellion.'  The 
bishops  were  summoned  before  the  Council, 
and  finally  tried  on  29th  June.  They 
received  a  public  ovation,  '  the  people 
thinking  it  a  blessing  to  kiss  any  of  these 
bishops'  hands  or  garments.'  After  a  whole 
night  in  consideration  the  jury,  30th  June, 
returned  a  verdict  of  not  guilty.  The 
arguments  in  the  case  were  of  great  con- 
stitutional importance.  The  Lord  Chief- 
Justice  (Sir  R.  Wright),  when  the  verdict 
was  delivered,  in  checking  the  applause 
said :  '  I  am  as  glad  as  you  can  be  that  my 
Lords  the  Bishops  are  acquitted  ;  but  your 
manner  of  rejoicing  here  in  court  is  indecent ; 
you  might  rejoice  in  your  chamber,  or  else- 
where, and  not  here.'  The  whole  proceedings 
were  pubhshed  in  folio,  1688,  and  in  octavo, 
1716.  Sancroft  designed  a  medal  of  com- 
memoration, [w.  H.  H.] 

Tryal  of  the  Seven  Bishops,  Lond.,  1716; 
State  Trials,  xii.  183.  All  Sancroft's  MSS.  on 
the  subject  are  in  tlieBodleianLibrarv  ;  Hutton, 
Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  1625- ni 4. 

SHAFTESBURY  ABBEY  was  founded  by 
Alfred  {q.v.)  and  consecrated  in  888,  the  first 
abbess  being  his  daughter,  the. Lady  Elgiva, 
under  whom  a  number  of  noble  ladies  took 
the  veil. 

Alfred  endowed  the  abbey  with  a  hundred 
hides  of  land,  '  a  nucleus  much  increased  by 
his  successors.'     Ihe  sisterhood  was  of  the 


Benedictine  order.  The  great  fame  of  the 
abbey  dated  from  the  burial  there  of  the 
murdered  King  Eadward,  20th  February  982. 
He  had  been  privately  buried  at  Warham, 
near  Corfe,  the  scene  of  his  murder,  978. 

The  cultus  of  St.  Eadward  the  Martyr  was 
popular  and  widespread,  and  has  left  its 
mark  in  the  calendar  of  the  English  Prayer 
Book,  where  his  '  Passion,'  18th  March,  and 
his  second  Translation,  20th  June  1001  (when 
his  relics  were  reinterred  behind  the  high 
altar),  are  among  the  lesser  saints'  days. 
His  shrine  became  one  of  the  most  popular 
places  of  pilgrimage.  His  name  was  added 
to  the  earlier  dedication  of  the  abbey  to  St. 
Mary.  The  town  for  centuries  was  known  as 
Edwardstow.  Aelfthryth  heaped  remorseful 
gifts  on  the  abbey.  Cnut  {q.v.)  died  here, 
12th  November  1035.  The  monastery  be- 
came in  time  so  rich  that  Fuller  {q.v.)  records 
an  adage  that  '  if  the  Abbess  of  Shaftesbury 
might  wed  the  Abbot  of  Glastonbury  their 
heir  would  have  more  land  than  the  King  of 
England.'  The  abbess  held  a  whole  barony 
of  the  Crown,  was  liable  to  be  summoned  to 
Parliament,  and  held  her  manorial  courts  in 
the  abbey  gate.  Shaftesbury  being  a  royal 
foundation,  the  King  claimed  to  present  a 
novice  for  admission  and  to  appoint  the 
abbess,  who  vowed  canonical  obedience  to 
the  diocesan  and  presented  to  four  prebends 
in  Sahsbury  Cathedral,  to  be  held  by  the 
conventual  confessors.  In  1313  Elizabeth, 
wife  of  Robert  Bruce,  was  imprisoned  here. 
In  1218  the  Pope  forbade  the  house  to 
admit  more  than  a  hundred  nuns,  but  this 
rule  appears  not  to  have  been  obeyed,  for  in 
1326  Bishop  Mortival  certified  that  there  was 
an  excessive  multitude  of  nuns,  and  two  years 
later  declared  the  revenues  equal  only  to  the 
maintenance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty, 
and  ordered  no  more  to  be  admitted. 

The  abbey  appears  to  have  maintained  to 
the  end  the  high  reputation  it  bore  in  the  time 
of  William  of  Malmesbury.  It  was  sur- 
rendered and  dissolved,  23rd  March  1539. 
Pensions  were  assigned  to  fifty-six  nuns, 
including  the  abbess,  the  prioress,  and  sub- 
prioress.  The  abbess  was  still  hving  in  1553. 
The  annual  revenue  was  assessed  by  the  Valor 
Ecclesiasticus  in  1536  at  £1166,  8s.  9d.  It 
was  rated  by  Dugdale  at  the  same  sum  at 
the  dissolution,  by  Speed  at  £1339,  Is.  3d. 
The  arms  of  the  abbey  were  '  Azure  in 
chief,  two  roses,  a  cross  flory  between  four 
martlets  or.' 

On  the  dissolution  the  work  of  destruction 
seems  immediately  to  have  commenced. 
Leland,  visiting  the  town  a  year  after,  says  : 
'  The  abbey  stood  .  .  .,'  implying  that  it  had 


(  554  ) 


Shaftesbury] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Shaftesbury 


already  been  demolished.  A  MS.  at  Wilton, 
1548,  shows  a  small  drawing  of  the  ruins, 
which  include  an  arcade  and  tower.  Soon 
after  the  last  vestiges  above  ground  dis- 
appeared. Excavations  recently  carried  out 
have  revealed  a  large  part  of  the  abbey  church 
and  cloister.  'Jhc  church  stood  on  the 
southern  edge  of  a  rocky  bluff,  and  must 
have  rivalled  IJncoln  and  Durham,  Laon 
and  V^zelay,  in  its  magnificent  situation. 
The  great  buttressed  embankment  wall 
which  supports  the  abbey  site  is  the  only 
relic  above  ground  of  this  wonderful  pile  of 
buildings.  'J  he  choir  and  the  north  and 
south  aisles,  probably  about  1120,  were  ap- 
sidal  internally,  but,  like  Romsey,  externally 
their  ends  were  rectangle.  The  base  of  the 
liigh  altar  was  discovered,  twelve  and  a  half 
by  four  feet.  On  either  side  of  the  aisle 
ran  a  low  stone  bench,  as  at  Salisbury. 
The  presbytery  and  choir  measured  about 
seventy-five  by  twenty-five  feet,  exclusive  of 
the  aisles,  which  were  di^^ded  from  the  choir 
by  walls  eight  feet  thick.  There  was  a 
central  tower  at  the  crossing.  The  transepts 
measured  internally  one  hundred  and  four- 
teen feet  across.  The  eastern  end  of  the 
north  transept  opened  on  an  Early  English 
crypt  twenty-four  by  eighteen  feet — a  some- 
what unusual  arrangement.  The  total  length 
of  the  church  was  probably  about  three 
hundred  and  fifty  feet,  but  the  western  end 
of  the  nave  has  not  yet  been  excavated. 
The  chapter-house  stood  eight  feet  from  the 
wall  of  the  south  transept.  On  the  floor  a 
smaU  piece  of  marble  was  discovered,  having 
incised  on  its  face : — 

M. 

NIC 

ATIO 

This  must  be  the  stone  spoken  of  in  the 
Bodleian  MS.  of  William  of  Malmesbury  as 
to  be  seen  in  the  twelfth-century  chapter- 
house at  Shaftesbury  inscribed  '  Anno  enim 
Dominicae  Incarnationis  dccclxxx  Alfre- 
dus  Rex  fecit  hanc  urbem  Regni  sui  viii.' 
The  cloister  measured  one  hundred  and 
eight  feet  six  inches  from  east  to  west. 
Numerous  fragments  of  fourteenth  and  fif- 
teenth-century windows,  also  short  lengths 
of  broken  Purbeck  columns,  bits  of  canopy 
work,  and  bosses  richly  gilt  and  of  fine 
workmanship,  have  been  found  all  over  the 
site  of  the  church  and  cloisters.  The  en- 
caustic paving  tiles  are  particularly  interest- 
ing and  varied,  showing  the  arms  of  the 
Montacutes,  Cheneys,  de  Bryons,  Stourtons, 
and  Cleres  —  families  once  connected  with 
the  abbey  and  neighbourhood. 


List  of  Abbesses 

The   date   when   not   otherwise   stated   is 
that  of  accession. 

1.  Elgiva,  or  Acthclgcofu,  or  AJgiva;  first 
abbess ;  c.  888. 

Aelfthrith ;  occurs  948. 

Herleva;  occurs  966;  d.  982. 

Alfrida  ;  occurs  1001  or  1009. 

Leueua ;  tem'p.  Edward  Confessor. 

Eulaha,  1074.  7.  Eustachia. 

Cecilia,  1107  ;  third  daughter  of  Robert 
Fitzhamon. 

Emma ;  temj).  Henry  i. 

Mary;  occurs  1189^;  d.  1216;  natural 
daughter  of  Gcoffrc}-,  Count  of  Anjou ; 
acknowledged  as  half-sister  by  Henry 
II.,  and  as  aunt  by  John ;  probably 
identical  wdth  Marie  de  France,  the 
Anglo-Norman  poetess,  '  one  of  the 
most  mysterious  and  interesting  figures 
in  the  literary  history  of  the  Middle 
Ages ' ;  resisted  a  demand  of  John 
to  contribute  towards  repairing  royal 
castle. 

J.,    1216. 

Amicia  Russell,  1223. 

Agnes  Lungespee,  1243  ;  presumably  a 
relation  of  William  Longespee,  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  and  natural  son  of  Henry  ii. 

Agnes  de  Ferrers,  1247  ;  summoned  to 
attend  the  expedition  against  Llewellyn, 
Prince  of  Wales,  1250. 

Juliana  de  Bauceyn  ;   d.  1279. 

Laurentia  de  Muscegros,  1279  ;    d.  1290. 

Joan  de  Bridport,  1290  ;  d.  1291. 

Mabel  Gifford,  1291  ;  the  Bishop  of 
Sa.-'um  ordered  Richard  de  Slykeborn, 
a  Minorite,  and  Richard  le  Brun  to 
be  her  confessors,  1302  ;  her  brother, 
Godfred  Gifford,  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
left  her  a  legacy,  1301. 

Alice  de  Lavyngton,  1302  ;    d.  1315. 

Margaret  Aucher,  1315  ;    d.  1329. 

Dionisia  le  Blunde,  1329  ;   d.  1345. 

Joan  Duket,  1345  ;   d.  1350. 

Margaret  de  Leukenore,  1350. 

Joan  Formage,  1362;  d.  1394;  in  1368 
Bishop  W^yvil  granted  her  a  dispensa- 
tion '  to  go  out  of  the  monastery  to 
one  of  her  manors  to  take  the  air  and 
divert  herself.' 

Egelina  de  Counteville,  1395. 

Cecilia  Fovent;  occurs  1398;    d.  1423. 

Margaret  Stourton,  1423  ;    d.  1441. 

Edith  Bonham,  1441  ;   d.  1460. 

Margaret  St.  John,  1460. 

Alice  Gibbes  ;   d.  1496. 

Margaret  Twyneo.  1496  ;   d.  1505. 

Elizabeth  Shelf ord,  1505  ;  d.  1528. 


14, 


19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 


25. 
26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 


(  555  ) 


Sharp] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sheldon 


33.  Elizabeth  Zouche,  or  Zuche,  1529  ;    sur- 
rendered the  abbey,  1539. 

[w.  M.  w.] 

V.O.H.,  Dorset,  ii.  73-9;  Hutchins,  Hist,  of 
Dorset,  ii.  ;  for  Abbess  Mary,  E.II.R.,  xxv. 
303 ;  xxvi.  317. 

SHARP,   John  (1645-1714),  Archbishop   of 
York.     His  father,  a  wet-  and  dry-salter  of 
Bradford,   was  Puritan   in   sympathy;    but 
his  mother,  a  Royalist,  taught  him  to  love 
the  Prayer  Book  and  its  system.     He  specially 
admired  the  Litany,  and  it  was  read  daily 
'  at  the  early  prayers  in  his  family  as  long 
as   he   Hved.'     He   preferred,   however,   the 
Communion  Office  of  King  Edward's  First 
Service  Book  (to  that  of  1662),  'as  a  more 
proper   office   for   the   celebration    of   those 
mysteries.'     He  entered  Christ's,  Cambridge, 
April  1660,  holding  Calvinist  opinions  learnt 
from   his   father.     These   he   rejected   later. 
He  became  Scholar,  but  failed  to  become 
FeUow.     He  graduated  B.A.,   1663;    M.A., 
1667,  in  which  year  he  was  ordained,  and 
became  tutor  and  domestic  chaplain  to  Sir 
Heneage  Finch,  then  Sohcitor-General,  after- 
wards Lord  Nottingham.     1673  he  became 
Archdeacon  of  Berkshire ;    1675  Prebendary 
of  Norwich  and  Rector  of  St.  Giles-in-the- 
Fields.       He     rapidly     became     a     famous 
preacher,   the   effect   of  the   simplicity   and 
directness  of  his  sermons  being  aided  by  his 
beautiful  voice,  and  he  was  both  a  scholar 
and  a  dihgent  parish  priest.     His  devotion  in 
celebrating  the  Holy  Communion  was  speci- 
ally remarkable.     In  1681  he  became  Dean 
of  Norwich,  retaining  his  London  Uving.     In 
1686,    incensed    by    the    efforts    of    Roman 
Catholic  proselytisers,  he  preached  strongly 
on   the  Roman'^  controversy,  which  annoyed 
the  King,  who  directed  Compton,  Bishop  of 
London,  to  suspend  him.     The  bishop  refused, 
Sharp  was  reinstated  in   the  royal  favour, 
largely  through  Jeffreys,  who  was  his  friend. 
He  refused  to  read  the  Declaration  of  1688. 
[Seven   Bishops.]    He  took  the  oaths   to 
WiUiam  and  Mary,  1689,  and  was  made  Dean 
of  Canterbury.     He  decHned  to  accept  any 
see   vacated    by  a   Nonjuror  (q.v.),    but  in 
1691  was  consecrated  Archbishop  of  York. 
He  was  a  model  prelate,  strangely  careful  as 
to  his  preferment,  knowing  his  clergy,  and 
being  specially  eager  about  their  preaching. 
He  was  scrupulous  in  examining  ordination 
candidates,   and  his  charges  to  them  were 
'  very  weighty  and  pathetical.'     He  was  tUl 
the  end  of  his  life  a  frequent  and  diligent 
preacher,  and  was  a  man  of  spiritual  Life, 
fasting  rigorously,  and  giving  much  time  to 
prayer.     He    was    much    seen    in    cases    of 


conscience,  and  acted  as  spiritual  adviser 
(though  not  actually,  it  would  seem,  as 
confessor)  to  Queen  Anne.  He  was  eager 
to  introduce  episcopacy  into  Prussia,  culti- 
vated relations  with  the  orthodox  Churches 
of  the  East,  and  was  a  good  friend  to  the 
episcopal  clergy  in  Scotland.  He  was  doubt- 
ful as  to  the  position  of  the  foreign  Protestant 
Churches,  but  helped  them  with'money.  He 
took  httle  part  in  pohtics,  but  acted  with 
great  independence.  As  archbishop  he  ex- 
ercised discipline  in  moral  cases  strictly  over 
clergy  and  laity  alike,  and  he  reformed  the 
chapter  at  Southwell.  His  interest  in  learn- 
ing was  great ;  he  drew  up  an  elaborate 
account  of  his  see  and  predecessors  from 
PauUnus  {q.v.)  to  Lamplugh;  and  he  was  an 
authority  on  coins.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Life,  written  hy  bis  son,  Archdeacon  Sharp, 
first  published  1825  ;  Norgate  in  D.X.B. 

SHELDON,  Gilbert  (1598-1677),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  son  of  Roger  Sheldon  of 
Ellastone.    Derbyshire,    a    servant    to    the 
seventh   Earl   of    Shrewsbury.     He   was   at 
Trinity  CoUege,  Oxford  (B.A.,  1617;  M.A., 
1620),  and  FeUow  of  AU  Souls  (1622),  the 
year    of    his    ordination.     He    held    various 
benefices,  and  was  brought  into  favour  with 
the  King.     He  became  a  friend  of  Falkland, 
and    was    often    with    the    theological    and 
literary  coterie  at  Great  Tew.     In  1626  he 
became  Warden  of  All  Souls,  and  he  was 
an  active  supporter  of  Laud's  reforms,  and 
anti-Roman  precautions,  in  the  University. 
During  the  war  he  was  often  in  attendance  on 
the  King ;    he  was  one  of  the  negotiators  at 
Uxbridge,  1644;   in  1646  received  Charles's 
vow   to   restore   all   Church  lands   and   im- 
propriations ;  and  in  1647  was  with  him  at 
Newmarket  and  Carisbrooke.    He  was  ejected 
from  All  Souls,  and  imprisoned  for  a  time, 
in   1648,  and  remained  in  seclusion  in  the 
Midlands  during  the  interregnum.     At  the 
Restoration   he   became   Bishop   of  London 
(consecrated,  28th  October  1660).     He  took 
but  sUght  part,  though  that  perhaps  a  con- 
trolling one,  in  the  Savoy  Conference  (q.v.), 
but   exercised   most   of   the   powers   of   the 
primacy  while  Juxon  (g.v.)  lived,  and  succeeded 
him  on  his  death.     He  made  the  important 
arrangement  with  Clarendon,  soon  after  he 
became  archbishop,   that  the  Convocations 
(q.v.)  should  no  longer  tax  the  clergy.     He 
became    Chancellor    of    the    University    of 
Oxford,  1667  (resigned,  1669),  and  built  the 
Sheldonian  Theatre  at  his  own  cost.      He 
was  a  liberal  supporter  of  scholars.     Pohti- 
caUy  he  was  in  favour  of  the  severe  measures 
of  Parliament  against  dissenters.     He  gave 


(  556 


SherlockJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sibthorp 


great  care  to  the  Church  in  England  and 
Wales,  and  endeavoured  to  procure  bishops 
for  America.  Theologically  he  held  fast 
'  the  true  orthodox  profession  of  the  Catholic 
faitli  of  Christ,  being  a  true  member  of  the 
Cathohc  Church  within  the  communion  of  a 
living  part  thereof,  the  present  Church  of 
England  '  (as  he  says  in  his  will),  and  he 
reproved  Charles  ii.  for  his  wicked  life,  and 
refused  liim  the  Holy  Communion,  losing  his 
favour  in  consequence.  He  died,  9th  Novem- 
ber 1677,  and  was  buried  at  Croydon. 

To  him  more  than  any  other  ecclesiastic  was 
due  the  restoration  of  the  Church  under 
Charles  ii.  to  the  position  she  held  before 
the  rebellion,  and  the  establishment  of 
Laudian  principles  as  dominant  in  the 
Church.  He  was  a  practical,  energetic, 
earnest  man,  making  no  show,  and  therefore 
slandered  by  his  political  and  religious 
opponents,  but  the  friend  of  good  men,  and 
so  far  as  can  be  judged  sincere  and  devoted, 
though  reserved  in  his  own  personal  religious 
life.  His  papers,  in  the  Bodleian  Library, 
deserve  more  thorough  study  than  they  have 
3'et  received,  and  a  complete  life  of  him 
would  make  plain  many  points  in  a  critical 
period  of  the  Ufe  of  the  English  Church. 

[w.   H.  H.] 
Burrows,  Worthies  of  All  Souls. 

SHERLOCK,  William  (c.  1641-1707),  Dean 

of  St.  Paul's,  was  educated  at  Eton  and 
Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  graduating  B.A., 
1660;  M.A.,  1663.  He  was  ordained,  and 
in  1669  was  presented  to  the  rectory  of 
St.  George's,  Lower  Thames  Street,  and 
became  famous  as  a  preacher.  He  was  made 
Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's,  1681,  and  Master 
of  the  Temple,  1685.  He  was  an  extremely 
clever  pamphleteer.  His  Case  of  Resistance, 
1684,  was  the  ablest  defence  of  the  doctrine 
of  Non-resistance  in  its  extremest  form.  He 
refused  to  read  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence, 
and  violently  attacked  popery  under  James 
n.,  but  refused  the  oaths,  1689,  and  became 
a  Nonjuror  {q.v.),  though  it  seems  that  he  was 
not  actually  deprived.  When  he  suddenly 
took  the  oaths,  1690,  and  published  his  Case 
of  Allegiance,  1691,  an  answer  to  his  earher 
views,  he  was  bitterly  attacked  by  the  party 
he  deserted.  He  was  converted,  he  said,  by 
Sancroft's  publication  of  Overall's  Convocation 
Book  [Overall],  which  justified  obedience 
to  a  king  de  facto.  June  1691  he  was  made 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  and  a  bookseller,  seeing 
him  handing  his  wife  along  St.  Paul's  Church- 
yard, said  :  '  There  goes  Dr.  Sherlock,  witli 
his  "reasons  for  taking  the  oath  at  his  fingers' 


ends.'  He  became  the  bitter  opponent  of 
his  former  friends,  and  1698,  when  White, 
deprived  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  was  buried 
in  the  churchyard  of  St.  Gregory's  (a  church 
under  the  dean's  jurisdiction),  Sherlock 
refused  to  allow  Bishop  Turner  (deprived  of 
Ely)  to  officiate  at  the  grave.  '  Is  not  this 
a  precious  mannikin  of  a  dean  ? '  Turner 
wrote  to  his  brother.  Sherlock  embarked  on 
the  Unitarian  controversy,  with  no  great 
result,  save  that  he  caused  two  writers, 
W.  Manning  and  T.  Evelyn,  to  abandon  the 
orthodox  position.  1698  he  became  Rector 
of  Therfield,  Herts,  and,  1704,  resigned  his 
Mastership  of  the  Temple,  where  his  son 
succeeded  him.  He  died  at  Hampstead, 
June  1707,  and  is  buried  in  St.  Paul's.  He 
was  the  author  of  forty-three  works. 

Sherlock,  Thomas  (1678-1761),  Bishop  of 
London,  was  his  eldest  son,  and  was  educated 
at  Eton  and  St.  Catherine's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, where  his  lifelong  rivalry  with 
Hoadly  {q.v.),  two  years  his  senior,  began. 
Ordained,  1701,  he  became  Master  of  the 
Temple,  1704,  a  post  he  held  till  1753,  and 
he  was  extraordinarily  popular.  He  became 
Master  of  his  college,  1714,  and  Dean  of 
Chichester,  1715.  He  was  engaged  in  pam- 
phlet war  with  Hoadly,  and  was  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  Convocation  appointed  to 
examine  his  notorious  sermon  when  Convoca- 
tion was  prorogued,  1717.  He  lost  his  royal 
chaplainship  a  year  later.  He  was  in  favour 
with  George  n.,  and  became  Bishop  succes- 
sively of  Bangor  (1728),  Salisbury  (1734),  and 
London  (1748).  He  is  said  to  have  refused 
both  archbishoprics — York,  1743,  and  Canter- 
bury, 1747.  Though  he  supported  Walpole 
in  ParUament,  some  remains  of  his  earlier 
High  Churchmanship  clung  to  him.  He 
endeavoured,  unsuccessfully,  to  get  bishops 
consecrated  for  the  American  colonies,  and 
pleaded  nobly  for  the  Scots  episcopal  clergy 
in  the  House  of  Lords  in  1746.  Even  in 
1716  he  had  not  feared  to  say  a  word  in  a 
sermon  on  behalf  of  the  Nonjurors. 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Lathbury,  Hist,  of  the  Nonjurors  ;  Overton, 
The  Nonjurars  ;  Memoirs  of  a  Royal  Chaplain, 
1729-63  \  and  articles  iu  D.X.B. 

SIBTHORP,  Richard  Waldo  (1792-1879), 
priest,  was  educated  at  Eltliam,  Westminster, 
and  University  CoUege,  Oxford ;  elected 
Demy  of  Magdalen  College,  1810,  and 
Fellow,  1818.  He  graduated  B.A.,  1813; 
M.A.,  1816  ;  B.D.,  1823.  He  is  remarkable, 
in  Mr.  Gladstone's  phrase,  as  having  '  thrice 
cleared  the  chasm  which  lies  between  the 
Roman  and  Anglican  Churches  '  {Gleanings, 


(557) 


Sibthorp] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Simeon 


^^i.  212).     As  an  undergraduate  he  fled  from    i 
Oxford,  October  1811,  to  become  a  Roman 
Catholic,  but  was  brought  back  by  his  elder 
brother  and  a  detective  before  his  reception. 
He  was  ordained  in  the  EngUsh  Church,  1815, 
and  became  a  strong  EvangeUcal,  working  in 
Lincolnshire,  Hull,  and  from  1825-9  at  various 
proprietary    chapels    in    London,    and    was 
Lecturer     at     St.     John's,     Bedford     Row,    | 
under    Baptist   Noel,    then    an    EvangeUcal    [ 
leader.     1829  he  returned  to  Oxford,  where    , 
his     preaching     attracted     ]Mr.     Gladstone. 
1830-41  he  was  Incumbent  of  St.  James's,    j 
Ryde,  Isle  of  Wight.     Here,  after  reading  the    I 
Tracts  for    the    Times,    his    views    changed 
about  1837  ;   but  he  was  never  '  wholly  what 
was  called  a  "  Tractarian,"  '  though  he  began 
more    frequent    and    more    elaborate    and 
musical  services,  with  surpliced  choristers. 

27th  October  1841  he  was  received  into  the 
Roman  Church,  and  was  reordained  priest, 
21st  May  1842.     He  worked  at  Birmingham, 
and  later  settled  near  St.   Helen's,   Isle  of 
Wight.     Here,  after  much  doubt  as  to  the 
devotion  paid  to  the  Blessed  Virgin,  he  re- 
turned to  the  Enghsh  Church,  October  1843. 
After  three  years,  spent  chiefly  at  Winchester, 
where  the  dulness  of  the  cathedral  services 
depressed   him.   Bishop   Sumner   refused   to 
allow  him  to  act  as  a  priest.     He  was  subse- 
quently  given   the   required   permission   by 
Bishop    Kaye    of    Lincoln,     1847.     Having 
settled  at  Lincoln,  he  founded  and  liberally 
endowed   a  bede-house,  St.  Anne's,  to  the 
memory  of  his  mother.     He  lived  in  Lincoln 
tiU  1864.    January  1865  he  was  received  again 
into  the  Roman  Church,  and  worked  in  Not- 
tingham on  the  staff  of  the  Roman  Cathohc 
cathedral  until  1874,  when  at  his  own  request 
he  was  placed  on  the  Ust  of  retired  priests. 
He   retained   deep    affection   for   AngUcans, 
and  wi-ote  (22nd  November  1876) :  '  After  all, 
for  sound  divinity,  give  me  the  old  Anglicans 
and  the  old  Puritans ' ;  and  in  his  last  letter 
to  Dr.  Bloxam:   'Whatever  you  do,  "do  not 
be  tempted  to  leave  your  present  position," 
is  the  closing  advice  of  your  old  friend.'     He 
died  at  Nottingham,  10th  April  1879,  but  was 
buried,    by    his  direction,   with    the    burial 
service  of  the  Enghsh  Church,   in   Lincoln 
Cemetery.     Mr.  Gladstone  described  him  as 
•  a  devout,  refined,  attractive  man,'  and  said  : 
'  I  can  never  think  of  him  but  as  a  simple, 
rare,  truly  elect  soul.'      Dean  Church   (On 
Temper)    caUs    attention    to    his    story    as 
specially   marked    by   '  patience,    sweetness, 
and  equity.'  [s.  i-  o.] 

lia.  letters  in  tlie  writer's  possession ; 
J.  Fowler,  Life  and  Letters ;  Gladstone, 
Gleanings,  vii.  ;  Magdalen  College  Register,  vii. 


SIMEON,  Charles  (1759-1836),  EvangeUcal 
divine,  son  of  Richard  Simeon  of  Reading, 
whose  brother  John  was  M.P.  for  Reading, 
and  was  created  a  baronet.    He  was  educated 
at  Eton,  where  he  was  a  peculiarly  active  boy, 
could    '  jump   over   half   a   dozen   chairs   in 
succession,  and  snuff  a  candle  with  his  feet '  ; 
and  he  grew  up  to  be  a  remarkably  good 
horseman.     In  after  years  he   said,   in  the 
self-accusing  manner  of  the  saints,  that  his 
conduct  at  school  had  been  deplorable  ;   but 
no   worse   faults   were   remembered   by   his 
schoolfellows    than    extravagance    and    hot 
temper.     In  1776  a  National  Fast-Day  was 
proclaimed,  as  an  act  of  self-abasement  before 
God  for  national  sins.     Simeon  was  deeply 
moved  by  the  call,  applied  it  to  his  own  case, 
and   '  accordingly  spent  the  day  in  fasting 
and  prayer.'     One  of    his  schoolfellows  re- 
corded that  he  '  became  pecuUarly  strict  from 
that   period.'      In   1779   he   entered    King's 
CoUege,    Cambridge,    where,    as    at    other 
coUeges,    the    rule    was    that    every    under- 
graduate must  communicate  in  the  chapel. 
'  The   thought   rushed   into   my   mind   that 
Satan  himself  was  as  fit  to  attend  as  I ;   and 
that,  if  I  must  attend,  I  must  prepare  for 
attendance  there.     Without  a  moment's  loss 
of  time,  I  bought  The  Whole  Duty  of  Man, 
the  only  rehgious  book  that  I  had  ever  heard 
of,  and  began  to  read  it  with  great  dihgence  ; 
at  the  same  time  caUing  my  ways  to  remem- 
brance, and  crying  to  God  for  mercy ;    and 
so    earnest   was    I    in    these    exercises    that 
within  the  three  weeks  I  made  myself  quite 
iU  with  reading,  fasting,  and  prayer.'     The 
appointed  day  arrived,  and  the  Communion 
was  duly  made ;    but  it  brought  no  peace  to 
Simeon's  troubled  soul.     He  knew  that  on 
Easter   Day   he    must    communicate   again, 
and  he  '  continued  with  unabated  earnest- 
ness   to    search    out    and    mourn    over    the 
numberless  iniquities  of  my  former  life  ;   and 
so  greatly  was  my  mind  oppressed  with  the 
weight   of  them,   that   I   frequently  looked 
upon  the  dogs  with  envy,  wishing,  if  it  were 
possible,  that  I  could  be  blessed  A^dth  their 
mortaUty,  and  they  be  cursed  with  my  im- 
mortality   in    my    stead.'     These    spiritual 
agonies  went  on  tiU  the  beginning  of  Holy 
Week,   or,   as   it  was   then   caUed,   Passion 
Week ;  and  then,  when  reading  Bishop  Wil- 
son's Short  and  Plain  Instruction  for  the  better 
understanding  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  Simeon 
came  upon  a  passage  in  which  the  ritual 
of  the  sin-offering  is  interpreted  as  signifying 
the  Atonement.     Then,  quite  suddenly,  '  the 
thought  came  into  my  mind.  What,  may  I 
transfer  all  my  guilt  to  another  ?     Has  God 
provided  an  Offering  for  me,  that  I  may  lay 


(  .558  ) 


Simeon] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


I  Simeon 


my  sins  on  His  head  ?  Then,  God  willing, 
I  will  not  bear  them  on  my  soul  one  moiiunt 
longer.  .  .  .  From  that  hour  peace  flowed 
in  rich  abundance  into  my  soul ;  and  at  the 
Lord's  Table  in  our  chapel  I  had  the  sweetest 
access  to  God  through  my  blessed  Saviour.' 

The  practical  effects  of  this  conversion 
immediately  became  visible.  Simeon  had 
been  a  conspicuous  dandy,  and  had  spent  a 
great  deal  on  his  dress  ;  now  he  '  practised 
tlie  most  rigid  economj^  consecrating  a 
stated  part  of  my  income  to  the  Lord,  to- 
gether with  all  that  I  could  save  out  of  the 
part  reserved  for  my  own  use.'  He  gathered 
some  of  the  college  servants  in  his  rooms  for 
a  simple  service,  at  which  he  read  '  a  good 
book  '  and  some  of  the  prayers  of  the  Church. 
He  began  a  Hfe  of  devotional  seclusion,  and 
recorded  its  incidents  day  by  day  in  his 
journal. 

'  Monday  in  Passion  Week  (1780).  I  have 
determined  that  I  will  neither  eat  nor  drink 
aU  this  week,  except  at  dinner,  and  that 
sparingly.' 

We  know  httle  of  Simeon's  intellectual 
progress  during  this  period.  He  brought 
from  Eton  an  adequate  amount  of  Latin 
scholarship,  but  less  Greek.  The  dubious 
privilege  of  King's  prevented  him  from 
entering  for  any  public  examination,  and  he 
was  elected  Fellow  of  his  college  in  January 
1782.  He  was  ordained  deacon  in  Ely  Cathe- 
dral on  Trinity  Sunday,  26th  May  1782,  being 
four  months  under  the  canonical  age.  He 
graduated  B.A.,  January  1783.  He  attached 
himself  as  honorary  curate  to  St.  Edward's 
Church,  where  he  preached  his  first  sermon 
on  the  2nd  of  June  1782.  The  effect  of  his 
preaching  was  immediate  and  remarkable. 
The  church  was  filled  to  overflowing,  and 
the  communicants  were  trebled.  The  fame 
of  the  young  preacher  went  abroad,  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1782  he  was  appointed  to  the 
incumbencj^  of  Trinity  Church, '  which  stands 
in  the  heart  of  Cambridge.'  As  the  post  was 
technical!}^  onlj'  a  curacy  in  charge  held  for 
the  bishop,  the  fact  that  Simeon  was  only 
a  deacon  was  no  bar  to  his  appointment. 
He  was  ordained  priest  at  Trinity,  1783. 
Henry  Venn  [q.v.)  wrote  him  these  words  of 
encouragement :  '  Thou  art  called  to  be  a 
man  of  war  from  thy  youth.  May  the 
Captain  of  our  Salvation  be  thy  guide, 
shield,  and  strength.'  Simeon  needed  ah 
the  encouragement  he  could  get,  for  his 
appointment  was  extremely  unpopular  with 
the  parishioners,  who  had  wished  for  another 
minister.  But  by  degrees  his  energy  and 
spiritual  power  made  their  mark.  He 
gathered  together  the  more  devout  members 


of  his  congregation  in  a  '  society,'  or,  as  it 
would  now  be  called,  a  '  guild,'  for  de- 
votional exercises  and  parochial  work.  He 
was  sedulous  in  teaching  and  catechising. 
He  prepared  the  young  most  carefully  for 
confirmation,  then  so  often  neglected  or 
profaned.  Alljang  himself  with  the  illus- 
trious Henry  Venn,  he  often  went  '  itiner- 
ating '  in  neglected  villages,  preaching  the 
Gospel  in  barns  and  other  unlicensed  places. 
But,  though  he  was  a  most  zealous  parish 
priest,  it  was  within  the  University  that  his 
influence  was  most  powerfully  felt.  The 
undergraduates  gathered  round  him  in  ever- 
increasing  numbers,  and  drank  in  from  his 
lips  the  Gospel  of  free  Redemption  through 
the  Blood  of  Christ.  He  himself  thus  de- 
scribed the  threefold  object  of  all  his  preach- 
ing :  '  To  humble  the  sinner,  to  exalt  the 
Saviour,  to  promote  holiness.'  As  the  third 
object  shows,  there  was  nothing  Antinomian 
in  his  teaching. 

But,  though  the  young  men  heard  him 
gladly,  he  was  persistently  opposed  by  the 
seniors  in  Cambridge,  and  insulted,  vilified, 
and  even  tlireatened  by  the  godless  mob, 
who  took  their  tone  from  their  superiors. 
One  incident  of  that  rough  time  must  be 
given  in  his  o\\n  words :  '  When  I  was  an 
object  of  much  contempt  and  derision  in  the 
university,  I  strolled  forth  one  day,  buffeted 
and  afflicted,  with  n\y  little  Testament  in  my 
hand.  I  prayed  earnestly  to  my  God  that 
He  Avould  comfort  me  with  some  cordial  from 
His  Word,  and  that,  on  opening  the  book,  I 
might  find  some  text  wliich  should  sustain 
me.  .  .  .  The  first  text  wliich  caught  my 
eye  was  this:  Theij  found  a  man  of  Cyrene, 
Simon  by  name ;  h iui  they  compelled  to  hear 
His  cross.  You  know  Simon  is  the  same 
name  as  Simeon.  What  a  world  of  instruc- 
tion was  here.  What  a  blessed  hint  for  my 
encouragement !  To  have  the  cross  laid 
upon  me,  that  I  might  bear  it  after  Jesus. 
What  a  privilege  !  It  was  enough.  Now  I 
could  leap  and  sing  for  jo}*  as  one  whom 
Jesus  was  honouring  with  a  participation  of 
His  siifferings.' 

For  some  ten  years  this  storm  of  opposition 
lasted,  and  then  graduaU\-  died  down.  The 
senior  part  of  the  University  became  tolerant 
and  even  cordial.  The  undergraduates  had 
never  failed  in  their  loyalty  to  him ;  and 
he  drew  successive  generations  closer  and 
closer  to  himself,  not  merely  by  his  preach- 
ing, but  by  social  intercourse.  From  first 
to  last  he  lived  in  rooms  in  ling's,  and 
there  he  used  to  assemble  his  undergraduate 
friends.  Prayer  and  praise  and  rehgious 
instruction  formed   the  staple  of  the  enter- 


(  559 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Smart 


tainment;  questions  on  religious  topics  were 
invited,  and  the  answers  given  with  all 
possible  earnestness,  though  flippant  or 
foolish  queries  were  promptly  rebuked.  On 
Friday  evenings  he  always  gave  '  open  tea- 
parties,'  to  which  men  could  come  without 
invitation,  and  he  constantly  lectured  on 
the  art  of  preparing  sermons  and  the  various 
difficulties  of  the  ministerial  office,  Mac- 
aulay,  whose  undergraduate  days  coincided 
with  those  of  Simeon's  ascendancy,  wrote  : 
'  If  you  knew  what  his  authority  and  influ- 
ence were,  and  how  they  extended  from 
Cambridge  to  the  most  remote  corners  of 
England,  you  would  allow  that  his  real  sway 
over  the  Church  was  far  greater  than  that 
of  any  primate.' 

Simeon  was  fundamentally  and  essentially 
an  Evangelical  of  the  EvangeUcals,  but  not 
less  distinctly  a  loyal  son  of  the  Church  of 
England.  He  exalted  the  Christian  ministry. 
He  taught  a  doctrine  not  distinguishable 
from  Baptismal  Regeneration.  He  had  a 
pious  devotion  to  the  Holy  Communion.  He 
had  a  Hvely  admiration  for  the  Prayer  Book, 
and  found  it  conducive  to  the  most  exalted 
devotion.  IVIr,  Gladstone  {q.v.),  reviewing 
the  rehgious  history  of  the  time,  said : 
'  There  can  hardly  be  a  question  that  the 
Evangehcal  teaching  with  respect  to  the 
Church  and  the  Sacraments  fell  below  the 
standard  of  the  Prayer  Book,  or  the  Articles, 
or  both.  Indeed,  an  ingenuous  confession  to 
this  effect  is  to  be  found  in  the  lectures  of 
IVIr.  Simeon.'  The  fault  which  Simeon  saw 
in  some  of  his  brother-Evangelicals  he  was 
himself  most  careful  to  avoid.  Indeed,  his 
determined  churchmanship  gave  annoyance 
to  some  of  his  followers,  who  said  that  '  Mr. 
Simeon  was  more  of  a  Church-man  than  a 
Gospel-man.'  His  own  formula  was :  '  The 
Bible  first,  the  Prayer  Book  next,  and  all 
other  books  and  doings  in  subordination  to 
both.*  He  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the 
last  of  the  Evangelicals,  as  they  were  before 
what  they  esteemed  some  erroneous  tend- 
encies in  the  Oxford  Movement  converted 
them  into  Low  Churchmen  and  contro- 
versialists. 

The  deep  and  permanent  effect  of  Simeon's 
teaching  was  not  marred,  rather  it  was  en- 
hanced, by  certain  peculiarities  of  style  and 
phrase.  His  favourite  gesture  in  the  pulpit 
resembled  that  of  catching  a  fly  between  his 
finger  and  thumb.  He  dressed  to  the  end  as 
clergymen  dressed  in  his  early  youth.  His 
phraseology  and  pronunciation  were  old- 
fashioned.  Speaking  of  the  religious  state  of 
the  country,  he  said :  '  I  see  a  doo  everywhere, 
but  a  shower  nowhere,'  When  praying  extem- 


pore, as  a  grace  before  breakfast,  he  said ; 
'  And  we  pray  not  for  ourselves  alone,  but 
also  for  the  poor  ignorant  creatures  who  wait 
behind  our  chairs.' 

He  died  after  a  short  illness  (contracted 
through  his  determination  to  pay  his  respects 
in  person  to  the  newly  appointed  Bishop  of 
Ely)  on  the  12th  November  1836.  He  was 
buried  under  the  chapel  of  King's  CoUege, 
which  had  been  his  home  for  fifty-eight 
years. 

All  through  life  he  had  practised  a  syste- 
matic benevolence,  and  all  that  was  left  of 
his  fortune — £5000 — he  bequeathed  to  the 
trust  which  he  had  created  for  bujing 
advowsons.  His  pubUshed  sermons — Horae 
Homileticae — ran  to  seventeen  volumes. 

[g.  w.  e.  k,] 

Meraoirs,    ed.    W.    Cams ;    Bishop    Moule, 
Charles  Simeon  ;  and  oral  tradition. 

SMART,  Peter  (1569-1652),  Puritan  divine, 
educated  at  Westminster  School,  Student  of 
Christ  Church,  Oxford ;  M.A.,  1595.  William 
James,  Dean  of  Durham,  appointed  him 
Master  of  the  Durham  Grammar  School  in 
1598,  James,  when  Bishop  of  Durham, 
ordained  Smart  and  gave  him  a  prebend  at 
Durham,  30th  December  1609,  When  Neile 
was  bishop  (1617-27)  Smart  for  years  absented 
himself  from  the  Holy  Eucharist  in  the 
cathedral  on  account  of  the  altar  and  the 
embroidered  copes.  To  plain  copes,  such  as 
were  worn  when  James  i.  communicated 
there  in  1617,  he  did  not  object.  On  Sunday, 
27th  July  1628,  he  preached,  and  afterwards 
printed,  a  violent  sermon  against  the  character 
of  the  services  under  Cosin  (q.v.),  then  a 
prebendary.  The  High  Commission  for  the 
province  of  York  suspended  him.  In  1629 
his  case  was  transmitted  to  the  High  Com- 
mission of  the  province  of  Canterbury.  He 
was  held  in  custody  and  his  book  burnt.  In 
1631  he  was  at  length  deposed  and  fined 
£500.  He  refused  to  pay,  and  was  imprisoned. 
His  friends  raised  £400  a  year  to  support  him 
and  his  family.  In  1641  the  Commons 
resolved  that  his  sentence  was  void,  and 
directed  the  prosecution  of  Cosin.  Smart's 
charges  broke  down  under  Cosin's  repUes; 
but  he  received  back  his  preferments,  took 
'  the  League  and  Covenant '  in  1643,  and  gave 
evidence  at  the  trial  of  Laud  in  1644,  He 
died  in  1652  at  Baxter  Wood  near  Durham. 
His  books  are  intemperate  tirades  against 
'  the  rotten  hereticaU  Arminian  Sectaries,' 
as  he  calls  the  clergy  who  differ  from  him. 
They  throw  hght  on  the  ordinary  Church 
customs  of  the  time  as  well  as  on  the  changes 
which  he  disliked  at  Durham.     He  describes 


(  560  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Smith 


these  changes  in  his  Catalogue  of  superstitious 
innovation    in    the   change    of    services    and 
ceremonial    brought    into    Durham    cathedral 
by  Bishop  Neal,  published  in  1G42,  and  A 
short  treatise  of  altars,  altar  furniture,  altar 
cringing,  1643.     He  objects  that  the  people 
have   been   compelled   to   stand   during   the 
singing    of    the    Nicene    Creed    and    at    the 
Gloria  Patri,  which  suggests  that  they  had 
previously    sat,    as    is    commonly    done    in 
Roman    Catholic    churches.     Also    that    the 
preacher  was  no  longer  suffered  to  dismiss 
the  congregation,  and  that  tlie  prayers  at  the 
altar  were  now  concluded  before  the  dismissal. 
He  dislikes  especially  the  new  '  glorious  high 
Altar '  of  stone  with  crucifixes  and  tapers, 
and  its   '  precious  golden  Pall,'   which  had 
upon  it  '  the  false  story  of  the  Assumption  of 
our  Lady.'     He  says  that  from  1627  to  1629 
'  every  day,  working  dayes  and  holy  dayes, 
they  went  to  the  Altar  (as  they  termed  it) 
to  say  a  second  Service,  so  they  call  the 
Communion   Service,'    and   '  they  tooke  for 
Assistants  at  the  Communion  the  whole  quire 
men  and  children  which  communicated  not.' 
From   the   point   of   view   of   some  modern 
controversies.  Smart's  evidence  is  important 
as  proving  the  use  of  Eucharistic  or  Mass 
vestments  in  the  Church  of  England  after 
the  Reformation.    0\ving  largely  to  the  action 
of  Puritan  bishops,  who  denied  to  their  clergy 
the  Uberty  of  obeying  the  law  of  this  Church 
and  realm,  these  vestments  were  commonly 
disused.     But  at  Durham  they  were  certainly 
in  use  for  some  years  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century.     Smart  makes  two  distinct  charges 
against  the  clergy.     First,  that  they  offend 
in  using  instead  of  '  decent,'  that  is  '  plaine,' 
copes,  '  sumptuous  Copes,  embroidered  with 
Images.'     Secondly,    '  in  using  scurvie,   py- 
bald,    curtal'd,    and    ridiculous    Vestments, 
falsly  called  Copes  (being  indeed  very  fools 
coats),  at  the  Communion  Table,  and  that 
dayly   at  the   Administration   of   the   Holy 
Communion.'     The  above   statements,  with 
no  essential  variation,  are  made  in  both  the 
books  mentioned  above.     Elsewhere  he  says : 
'  That  is  not  a  decent  cope  which  is  no  cope 
at  aU,  but  a  gay  curtal'd  vestment,  reaching 
scarce    down    to    the    knee,    of    which    our 
Durhamers  had  2,  condemned  and  forbidden 
by  the  Bishop  in  his  Visitation,  and  some 
other  of   the  prebendaries,  which   tearmed 
them  jackets,  tunicles,  heralds'   coats,  etc., 
etc'  (Rawhnson  MSS.).    Cosin's  entry  in  the 
Acts  of  Chapter  relating  to  the  above  is  dated 
12th  June  1627,  and  says:  'It  is  further  agreed 
that  the  three  vestments,  and  one  white  cope, 
now  belonging  to  the  Vestry  of  this  Church, 
shall  be  taken  and  carried  to  London,  to  be 


altered  and  changed  into  fair  and  large 
copes,  according  to  the  Canons  and  Con- 
stitutions of  the  Church  of  England.'  The 
above  passages  show  that  at  least  two  tunicles 
with  another  vestment,  which  was  apparently 
a  chasuble  of  the  same  set,  were  in  use  previous 
to  1627.  And  of  the  five  old  copes  now 
preserved  at  Durham  one  dates  from  the  time 
of  Charles  i.,  and  is  said  to  have  been  his  gift, 
and  one  of  the  other  four  is  adorned  at  the 
back  with  an  embroidered  crucifix  taken  from 
the  back  of  a  chasuble.  The  best  is  of 
magnificent  blue  cloth  of  gold.  These  five 
copes  were  in  use  until  1759.  By  a  strange 
coincidence  the  ancient  vestments  which 
remain  at  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  include 
two  tunicles,  a  white  cope  of  the  same  set, 
the  orphreys  of  two  chasubles  (one  of  Mary's 
time),  and,  the  finest  of  all,  a  cope  of  blue  and 
gold.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Marian  chasuble 
was  mutilated  until  late  in  the  seventeenth 
century.  L^*  -^0 

Works;     Cosin's    Correspondence,     Part    i. 

vol.  lii.,  Surtees  Society;  D.N.B.;  Kitchin, 

Seven  Sages  of  Durham. 

SMITH,  Sydney  (1771-1845),  was  educated 
at  Winchester  College,  where  his  experiences 
filled  him  with  deep  distaste  for  pubhc  schools. 
Of  the  pleasures  of  school-life  he  remembered 
nothing,  but  had  a  vivid  memory  of  fagging, 
flogging,  bullying,  and  gerund-grinding.  In 
January  1789  he  went  up  to  New  College, 
and  became  Fellow  in  1791.  Members  of 
New  College  were  in  those  days  exempt  from 
pubhc  examinations,  so  nothing  can  be  known 
of  his  academical  progress,  but  his  writings 
show  that  he  was  a  sound  scholar,  with  a  wide 
knowledge  of  EngUsh  as  well  as  of  classical 
literature.  He  took  his  degree  in  1792.  He 
had  dabbled  in  anatomy  and  chemistry 
at  Oxford,  and  the  Regius  Professor  of 
Medicine  recommended  him  to  be  a  doctor. 
His  father  wanted  him  to  go  as  a  supercargo 
to  China.  His  own  strong  preference  was 
for  the  bar,  but  necessity  determined  him 
to  seek  holy  orders.  He  assumed  the 
sacred  character  without  enthusiasm,  and 
looked  back  on  its  adoption  with  regret.  He 
was  ordained  priest  in  Christ  Church  in 
1796.  He  turned  his  back  on  Oxford,  where 
he  had  never  been  happy,  and  became  curate 
in  charge  of  Netheravon,  near  Amesbury. 
'Nothing,'  he  wrote,  'can  equal  the  pro- 
found, the  immeasurable,  the  a^vful  dulness 
of  the  place.'  Ho  had  worked  heartUy 
among  the  ignorant  and  degraded  villagers. 
The  squire,  Mr.  Hicks-Beach,  took  a  fancy 
to  him,  and  made  him  travelling  tutor 
to  his  son.     In  1798  he  went  with   young 


2  N 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Smith 


Beach  to  Edinburgh,  then  in  the  height 
of  its  intellectual  fame.  Here  he  worked 
hard  at  natural  and  moral  philosophy ;  and 
by  often  preaching  at  the  episcopal  chapel 
in  Rose  Street  acquired  considerable  repu- 
tation for  a  vigorous  and  unconventional 
eloquence.  He  preached  a  sound  and 
practical  morality,  but  there  is  very  little 
'  Gospel '  in  his  sermons.  In  July  1800  he 
married  Ameha  Pj^bus,  and  continued  to 
reside  in  Edinburgh,  taking  private  pupils. 

In  1802  he  joined  Jeffrey,  Brougham,  and 
Murray  in  founding  the  Edinburgh  Review. 
To  the  first  number  he  contributed  five 
articles,  and  in  all  he  wrote  close  on  eighty. 
TMs  connection  brought  him  into  increasing 
prominence.  In  1803  he  settled  in  London, 
and  was  at  once  introduced  into  the  briUiant 
society  which  gathered  at  HoUand  House. 
He  obtained  clerical  work  as  '  Alternate 
Evening  Preacher  at  the  Foundling  Hospital.' 
He  tried  to  open  a  proprietary  chai:)el  on  his 
own  account,  but  was  foiled  by  the  obstinacy 
of  the  rector  of  the  parish.  He  was  ap- 
pointed Morning  Preacher  at  Berkeley 
Chapel,  Mayfair,  and  at  Fitzroy  Chapel, 
Fitzroy  Square.  In  1806  the  Chancellor's 
hving  at  Foston  -  le  -  Clay,  near  York,  fell 
vacant ;  and  Lord  Chancellor  Erskine  cordi- 
ally accepted  '  the  nominee  of  Lord  and  Lady 
Holland".'  Foston  was  worth  £500  a  year, 
and  the  Archbishop  of  York  allowed  the 
rector  to  be  non-resident ;  so  Smith  con- 
tinued in  London. 

The  scandals  of  '  Non-Residence  '  had  now 
begun  to  disturb  the  minds  of  all  who  were 
under  any  serious  impression  of  religion.  In 
1808  Edward  Vernon  (afterwards  Harcourt) 
became  Archbishop  of  York.  He  was  the 
last  of  the  '  Prince-Archbishops,'  and  ruled 
the  northern  province  with  zeal  and  splen- 
dour for  forty  years.  He  soon  began  to 
put  the  Clergy  Residence  Act  of  1803  in 
force.  One  of  its  victims  was  Sydney  Smith, 
who  was  now  removed  from  the  joys  of 
London  to  the  austerities  of  Foston-le- 
Clay,  and  obeyed  the  call  with  great  reluc- 
tance. '  A  diner-out,  a  wit,  and  a  popular 
preacher,  I  was  suddenly  caught  up  by  the 
Archbishop  of  York,  and  transported  to  my 
living  in  Yorkshire,  where  there  had  not 
been  a  resident  clergyman  for  a  hundred 
and  fifty  years.  Fresh  from  London,  and 
not  knowing  a  turnip  from  a  carrot,  I  was 
compelled  to  farm  three  hundred  acres.  I 
turned  farmer,  as  I  could  not  let  my  land. 
Added  to  all  these  domestic  cares,  I  was 
village  parson,  village  doctor,  village  qom- 
forter,  village  magistrate,  and  Edinburgh 
Reviewer.'     He  preached  with  such  vigour 


that  •  the  accumulated  dust  of  a  hundred 
and  fifty  years  flew  out  of  the  pulpit 
cushion,  and  for  some  minutes  made  the 
congregation  invisible.'  By  his  constant 
contributions  to  the  Edinburgh  he  was 
helping  forward  good  causes,  and  estabhsh- 
ing  his  fame  as  the  greatest  writer  who  ever 
brought  humour  to  the  service  of  politics  and 
philanthropy.  In  1829  he  preached  two 
splendid  sermons  on  the  principles  of  Christian 
justice  before  the  Judges  of  Assize  at  York. 
He  was  an  early,  enthusiastic,  and  powerful 
advocate  of  Roman  Cathohc  Emancipation. 
His  Letters  of  Peter  Plymley,  published  anony- 
mously in  1807  and  1808,  excited  immense 
curiosity,  and  twenty  thousand  copies  were 
sold. 

In  1828  Lord  Chancellor  Lyndhurst,  who 
though  a  poUtical  opponent  was  a  private 
friend,  appointed  him  to  a  stall  in  Bristol 
Cathedral,  which  carried  with  it  the  in- 
cumbency of  Halberton,  near  Tiverton,  and 
he  exchanged  the  hving  of  Foston  for 
that  of  Combe  Florey  in  Somerset,  which 
could  be  held  conjointly  with  Halber- 
ton. He  instantly  began  to  repair  the 
parsonage,  but  the  church  he  left  as  dilapi- 
dated as  he  found  it.  There  he  performed 
two  services  on  Sunday,  administered  the 
Holy  Communion  once  a  month,  and  preached 
his  practical  sermons,  transcribed  from  his 
execrable  manuscript  by  the  clerk.  The 
common  people  called  him  a  '  bould ' 
preacher,  for  he  '  liked  to  have  his  arms  free, 
and  to  thump  the  cushion.' 

In  November  1830,  when  the  WTiigs  came 
in,  Sydney  Smith  again  plied  pen  and  voice  in 
furtherance  of  their  poHcy.  He  had  his  reward 
— not  indeed  a  bishopric,  to  which  his  admirers 
thought  him  entitled,  but  a  residentiary 
canonry  of  St.  Paul's :  '  A  snug  thing,  being 
worth  fuU  £2000  a  year ' ;  and  a  house.  No.  1 
Amen  Court,  which  he  let,  preferring  to  five 
in  the  West  End.  He  took  a  leading  part 
in  the  business  of  the  chapter,  did  much  to 
restore  and  preserve  the  monuments,  and 
brought  the  New  River  into  the  cathedral  by 
mains. 

His  preaching  (of  which  his  sermon  on  the 
'  Duties  of  the  Queen '  is  a  fine  specimen)  drew 
fashionable  congregations.  Greville  said : 
'  Manner  impressive,  voice  sonorous  and 
agreeable  ;  rather  famihar,  but  not  offensively 
so.'  '  Never,'  said  another  observer,  '  did 
anybody  to  my  mind  look  more  like  a  High 
Churchman,  as  he  walked  up  the  aisle  to  the 
altar — there  was  an  air  of  so  much  proud 
dignity  in  his  appearance.'  Yet,  whatever  he 
looked,  a  High  Churchman  he  certainly  was 
not.     He  was  not  a  Low  Churchman,  and 


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[Societies 


still  less  an  Evangelical.  He  was  ctei-nally 
poking  fun  at  '  tlie  patent  Christianity  of 
Clapham,'  at  Methodists  and  missionaries. 
He  was  a  convinced  Christian  of  the  school  of 
Palcy,  and  firmly  believed  that  the  Estab- 
lished Church  was  the  safeguard  of  national 
religion.  The  substance  of  his  teaching  was : 
'  Our  business  is  to  be  good  and  happy  to- 
day.' He  detested  what  he  saw  and  heard  of 
the  Oxford  Movement,  yet  he  bore  significant 
testimony  to  its  progress.  In  1842  he  wrote: 
'  Nothing  so  remarkable  in  England  as  the 
progress  of  these  foohsh  people.' 

Sydney  Smith's  defects  as  a  clergyman 
seem  to  arise  mainly  from  the  tone  of  the 
time  in  which  he  grew  up,  and  from  the 
circumstances  under  which  he  was  forced 
into  holy  orders.  He  was  a  genuinely 
religious  man  according  to  his  hght  and 
opportunity,  the  happy  possessor  of  a  rich 
and  singular  talent — the  talent  of  argumen- 
tative humour,  which  he  used  through  a  long 
life  in  the  service  of  the  helpless,  the  per- 
secuted, and  the  poor. 

He  died  on  the  22nd  of  February  1845, 
and  was  buried  at  Kensal  Green. 

[g.  w.  e.  r.] 

Lives  bv  liady  Holland,    Stuart   Reid,   and 
G.  W.  E.  Russell  (Eng.  Men  of  Letters). 

SOCIETIES,  Ecclesiastical.  Under  this 
head  are  grouped  the  voluntary  organisations 
of  churchmen  which  have  been  formed  by  the 
exigencies  of  the  ecclesiastical  controversy  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

1.  The  English  Church  Union. — In  1844 
Churchmen  in  the  West,  fearing  the  policy 
of  the  recently  formed  (1839)  Committee  of 
the  Council  on  Education,  and  anxious  for 
the  safety  of  Church  schools,  formed  a 
society  known  as  the  Bristol  Church  Union. 
This  rapidly  became  an  organ  of  opinion  on 
other  Church  questions.  In  1848  and  1849 
other  Unions  sprang  up  which  were  affihated 
to  the  Bristol  Union,  where  the  leading  spirit 
was  Archdeacon  Denison  {q.v.).  The  arch- 
deacon's violent  opposition  to  Mr.  Glad- 
stone {q.v.)  when  he  was  seeking  re-election 
for  the  University  of  Oxford,  1853,  dislocated 
the  Bristol  Union,  and  relations  between  it 
and  its  affiliated  Unions  were  suspended. 
In  1859  the  riots  at  St.  George's  in  the  East 
and  other  causes  roused  Churchmen  to  com- 
bine, and  8th  February  1859  a  conference  of 
sixteen  members,  under  the  chairmanship  of 
Sir  Stephen  Glynne,  which  met  again  on 
12th  May,  founded  the  '  Church  of  England 
Protection  Society.' 

There  then  existed  the  Church  Unions  of 


Bristol,  Exeter,  Chester,  Manchester,  London, 
Coventry,  Gloucester,  Norwich,  Yorkshire, 
and  the  South  Church  Union.  The  London 
Church  Union  had  been  most  active  in 
organising  protests  against  the  Gorham 
[q.v.)  decision,  and  a  Union  (apparently 
dissolved  by  1859),  known  as  the  '  Metro- 
politan Union,'  had  worked  for  the  revival  of 
Convocation.  In  November  1859  the  Hon. 
Colin  Lindsay,  President  of  the  Manchester 
Church  Union,  invited  delegates  from  each 
Union,  with  the  GuUd  of  St.  Alban  and  the 
recently  founded  Protection  Society,  to  dis- 
cuss common  action.  The  few  delegates  who 
came  resolved  on  11th  January  1860  that 
all  existing  Church  Unions  should  be  in- 
corporated with  the  Church  of  England 
Protection  Society.  This  was  done,  and  on 
14th  March  1860  the  society  changed  its  name 
to  the  English  Church  Union. 

The  objects  of  the  Union  were  tliose  of  the 
earher  society.     They  are  : — 

'  To  defend  and  maintain  unimpaired  the 
doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Church  of 
England. 

'  To  afford  counsel,  protection,  and  assist- 
ance to  aU  persons,  lay  or  clerical,  sufEering 
under  unjust  aggression  or  hindrance  in 
spiritual  matters. 

'  In  general,  so  to  promote  the  interests  of 
religion  as  to  be,  by  God's  help,  a  lasting 
witness  for  the  advancement  of  His  glory 
and  the  good  of  His  Church.' 

The  Hon.  CoUn  Lindsay  was  elected  first 
President.  He  resigned,  on  the  ground  of 
ill-health,  in  April  1868,  and  withdrew  from 
the  Union.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  he 
was  received  into  the  Church  of  Rome.  His 
successor,  Hon.  C.  L.  Wood  (afterwards 
second  Viscount  Halifax),  was  elected  on 
16th  June  1868. 

Membership  of  the  Enghsh  Clmrch  Union 
is  confined  to  communicants  of  the  Enghsh 
Church,  and  it  has  numbered  in  its  ranks  very 
many  distinguished  churchmen,  as  Mr.  Keble 
{q.v.).  Dr.  Pusey  {q.v.),  and  Bishop  King  {q.v.). 

It  has  defended  the  clergy  involved  in 
most  of  the  Ritual  Cases  {q.v.),  and  on  such 
subjects  as  Church  schools  and  the  sanctity 
of  marriage  has  proved  itself  a  force  to  be 
reckoned  with.  On  1st  January  1861  the 
first  number  of  the  Church  Review  appeared, 
'  a  monthly  paper,  to  be  a  medium  for  circulat- 
ing information  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
society,'  but  it  was  not  to  be  called  the 
journal  of  the  Union,  nor  did  it  necessarily 
represent  the  opinions  of  the  members. 
In  1862  it  became  a  weekly  newspaper. 
Difficulties  occurred  in  1863  as  to  the  relations 
between  the  Review  and  the  Union,  and  the 


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[Societies 


editor  of  the  Review  resigned  the  post  of  I 
secretary  to  the  Union  in  1864.  The  Union 
then  began  a  monthly  paper  of  its  own,  the 
Monthly  Circular,  which  later  changed  its 
name  to  the  Church  Union  Gazette.  The 
numbers  of  the  Union  in  1911  wex'e  stated 
officially  to  be  nearly  40,000,  including  27 
bishops. 

2.  The  Church  Association  and  kindred 
societies.  —  The  Church  Association  was 
founded  6th  November  1865.  Its  objects 
are :  '  To  uphold  the  doctrines,  prin- 
ciples, and  order  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  counteract  the  efforts  now- 
being  made  to  pervert  her  teaching  on 
essential  points  of  the  Christian  faith,  or 
assimilate  her  services  to  those  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  and,  furtlier,  to  encour- 
age concerted  action  for  the  advancement 
and  progress  of  spiritual  religion.' 

It  furnished  the   funds   for  all  the  vari- 
ous ritual  suits  since  its  foundation  until  the 
Bishop    of   Lincoln's   trial  in    1888-92.      It 
was    at    first    supported   by  leading   mem- 
bers   of     the    Evangelical    party,    but    its 
success  in  the  law  courts  was  fatal  to  its 
influence.     Priests   were   imprisoned   or   de- 
prived, and  their  goods  sold  to  pay  the  costs 
of  their  prosecution,  untU  the  pohcy  of  the 
Association  became  a  scandal,  and  Archbishop 
Tait  [q.v.),  at  the  end  of  his  life,  endeavoured, 
though    unsuccessfully,  to  stop  its  proceed- 
ings  against   Mr.    Mackonochie    {q.v.).     The 
sympathy  of   many  Evangelicals   was   lost, 
and  at  the  IsUngton  Clerical  Meeting  of  1883 
'  the  disastrous  policy  of  attempting  to  stay 
error  by  prosecution  and  imprisonments  '  was 
denounced.     The     Record     newspaper     (the 
organ  of  Evangelical  opinion  in  the  English 
Church)  declared  in   1889  that  it   '  became 
obvious  years  ago  that  Evangelical  Church- 
men as  a  body  were  not  in  sympathy  with 
the  Church  Association.'     One  result  of  the 
decision  of  Archbishop  Benson  in  the  case  of 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  was  that  '  it  caused 
the  Church  Association  to  abandon  its  policy 
of  prosecution.'     In  1870  the  '  Clerical  and 
Lay  Union  '  was  formed  '  as  a  branch  of  the 
Church  Association,'  Lord  Shaftesbury  presid- 
ing at  its  first  meeting.     Though  '  Clerical 
and  Lay  Unions '  were  existing  in  1910,  the 
history  of  the  body  is  obscure.     In  1890  the 
National    Protestant    League    was    founded 
'  to  co-operate  with  the  Church  Association 
in  maintaining  the  Protestant  Reformation 
established  by  law,  and  defending  it  against 
all  encroachments  of  Popery ;  also  in  securing 
the  return  of  Protestant  candidates  at  Par- 
liamentary  elections.'     The    only   condition 
of  membership  appears  to  be  the  payment 


of  an  annual  subscription.  The  Church  As- 
sociation issues  monthly  the  Church  Intel- 
ligencer, begun  in  1867,  altered  to  another 
form  in  1884.  The  Association  does  not 
pubUsh  the  number  of  its  members.  In  1911 
the  membership  of  the  National  Protestant 
League  was  3842. 

Attempts  were  made  to  organise  EvangeUcal 
Churchmen  apart  from  the  Church  Associa- 
tion. Such  were  the  '  Clerical  and  Lay 
Associations.'  The  first  of  these  was  formed 
for  the  west  of  England  at  Gloucester,  1858. 
Others  on  the  same  lines  were  the  IVIidland 
Counties  Association  at  Derby,  1859  ;  Carhsle 
EvangeUcal  Union,  1860  ;  that  for  IMiddlesex, 
Hertford,  and  Essex,  1861  ;  the  Eastern 
District  Association,  1862  ;  the  East  Lincoln 
Association,  1866 ;  and  later  Associations 
for  the  North-Western  District,  for  Devon 
and  Cornwall,  Tunbridge  Wells,  Surrey,  and 
the  Northern  Home  Counties.  Earliest  and 
most  influential  was  the  Islington  Clerical 
Meeting,  founded  in  1827  by  Daniel  Wflson 
{q.v.).  These  Associations  were  largely  devo- 
tional, and  to  a  great  extent  were  intended 
as  substitutes  for  the  Church  Congresses  and 
Diocesan  Conferences,  which  were  regarded 
with  suspicion  by  EvangeUcals.  Various 
public  schools  sprang  from  them :  Trent 
CoUege,  Derbyshire,  1866,  from  the  Mdland 
Association;  the  South  -  Eastern  (now  St. 
Lawrence)  College,  Ramsgate,  was  for  a  time 
controUed  by  the  South-Eastern  Association, 
founded  in  1879  ;  and  the  Dean  Close  Memo- 
rial School,  Cheltenham,  was  founded  by  the 
Western  Association  in  1886.  In  1880  Bishop 
Ryle  {q.v.)  attempted  to  unite  the  various 
Associations,  and  a  central  committee  was 
formed. 

In  June  1889  the  Protestant  Church- 
men's Alliance  began,  and  in  1891  absorbed 
two  older  societies,  the  Protestant  Associa- 
tion (founded  1835)  and  the  London  organ- 
isation of  the  Scottish  Reformation  Society 
(founded  1867),  which  had  been  amalga- 
mated under  the  name  of  the  Protestant 
Educational  Institute  in  1871.  In  May 
1893  the  Protestant  Churchmen's  Alliance 
absorbed  the  Union  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Associations,  and  the  united  body  became 
the  National  Protestant  Church  Union. 
The  pohcy  was  to  be  one  of  non-litigation, 
and  '  to  educate  public  opinion  through  the 
press,  by  Uterature,  by  lectures,  by  schools, 
by  the  pulpit.'  A  '  Ladies'  League,'  formed 
in  1899,  which  changed  its  name  to  the 
Church  of  England  League  in  1904,  was 
incorporated  with  the  National  Protestant 
Church  Union  in  August  1906,  and  the 
organisation  thus  formed  took  the  name  of 


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[Societies 


the  National  Church  League,  which  has  thus 
absorbed  six  diilcrent  societies. 

3.  Ecclesiastical  Societies  of  Broad  Church- 
men liave  been  less  well  known. 

In  1880  was  founded  the  'National  Church 
Reform  Union.'  It  was  believed  that  dis- 
establishment and  consequent  discndowmcnt 
were  at  hand,  and  the  Union  was  formed 
to  prevent  disestablishment  by  Church 
reform.  In  its  original  paper  it  declared 
ItseK  '  equally  opposed  to  sectarian  rigidity 
and  to  disestabhshmcnt.'  It  was  '  identified 
with  no  theological  school  and,  waging  war 
on  none,  invites  the  co-operation  of  all.' 
The  members  of  its  council  were,  however, 
almost  all  well  -  known  Broad  Church- 
men, as  Dean  Stanley  {q.v.),  Lord  Mount- 
Temple,  Arnold  Toynbee,  T.  H.  Green,  and 
Thomas  Hughes,  Q.C,  The  Union  advocated 
the  aboUtion  of  clerical  subscription,  discon- 
tinuance of  the  public  use  of  the  Athanasian 
Creed,  and  permission  to  use  in  the  church- 
yards forms  of  burial  service  other  than 
that  of  the  Prayer  Book.  It  supported  a 
scheme  for  Church  Boards  to  be  formed  in 
each  parish  to  enable  the  laity  to  take 
a  larger  share  in  Church  management, 
and  it  urged  the  removal  of  the  muni- 
cipal and  Parliamentary  disabilities  for 
clergy.  It  proposed  to  form  a  Parliament- 
ary committee,  and  among  its  most  active 
members  was  the  Hon.  Albert  Grey  (later 
Earl  Grey),  who  introduced  Bills  advo- 
cated by  the  Union  into  the  House  of. 
Commons.  The  Union  had  only  a  brief  life, 
but  some  of  its  aims  were  realised  in  later 
legislation. 

A  somewhat  similar  society,  the  '  Church- 
men's Union,'  was  inaugurated  on  31st 
October  1898  for  '  the  advancement  of  liberal 
religious  thought.'  Its  first  object  is  '  to 
maintain  the  right  and  duty  of  the  Church 
to  restate  her  belief  from  time  to  time  as 
required  by  the  progressive  revelation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.'  Its  President  was  Sir  Thomas 
Dyke-Acland,  Bart.  The  work  of  the 
Union  consists  chiefly  in  delivering  lectures 
and  circulating  pamphlets.  It  established  a 
quarterly  review,  the  Liberal  CMirchman,  in 
November  1904,  which  ceased  in  September 
1905.  In  April  1911  the  magazine  was  re- 
vived under  the  title  of  the  Modern  Church- 
man, a  Mid-Monthly  Magazine.  The  Union 
in  1910  had  about  four  hundred  and  fifty 
members.  [s.  l.  o.] 

G.  B.  Rolierts,  Hist,  of  the  Emj.  Ch.  Union, 
1895 ;  U.  R.  Balleine,  Hist,  of  the  Evangelical 
Party,  1908  ;  information  given  in  the  official 
publications  of  the  various  Societies  and  by  the 
courtesy  of  their  several  Secretaries. 


SOCIETIES  FOR  THE  REFORMATION 

OF  MANNERS  were  (■sfal)lishcd  in  London 
during   the   last   decatle   of    the   seventeenth 
century.     They  came  into  existence  in  order 
to  enforce  the  penal  statutes  against  vice  and 
immorality,    and    may   be   described    as    an 
attempt  to  provide  a  private  executive  for 
these    laws,     the     ordinary    administration 
having  failed  to  put  them  into  force.     The 
low  tone  of  morals  in  England  and  especially 
in  London  during  the  century  following  the 
Restoration   seemed   incapable   of   improve- 
ment   by    the    State,    and   in    1691    several 
private  gentlemen  in  London  attempted  to 
remedy  this   by  founding  a  society.      The 
laws   against   drunkenness,  profane   cursing 
and  swearing,  profanation  of  Sunday,  pros- 
titution, and  the  like,  largely  depended  for 
their  execution  upon  information,  and  private 
persons  were  encouraged  to  provide  informa- 
tion   by    the    promise    of    one-third    of    the 
penalty.     Among     the     founders     of     these 
Societies  were  several  lawyers.     In  July  1691 
they  obtained,  through  Bishop  Stillingfleet 
{q.v.)  of  Worcester,  an  order  from  Queen  Mary 
to  the  justices  of  Middlesex  urging  them  to 
put  those  laws  into  execution,  and  in  order  to 
provide  the  necessary  opportunities  of  punish- 
ing offenders  the  Societies  were  established  to 
provide  information.     Agencies  were  set  up 
in  London,  where  blank  forms  of  warrants 
were   kept   for   the   conviction   of   offenders 
against   whom   information   was   laid.     The 
members  of  the  Societies  were  bidden  to  apply 
at  such  agencies,  receive  a  warrant  fiUed  in 
with  the  particulars  they  brought,  take  it  to 
the  nearest  magistrate,  and,   having  sworn 
their  information,  to  take  the  signed  warrant 
back  to  the  agency.     These  warrants,  not  of 
arrest  but  of  conviction,  were  then  delivered 
to  the  constables  of  the  parishes  in  which  the 
accused  persons  lived,  and  with  this  authority 
the  constables  could  demand  the  statutory 
penalty  or,  in  default  of  this,  distrain  on  the 
offender's  property,  or,  failing  this,  imprison 
him  in  the  stocks  for  fixed  statutory  periods. 
A  register  of  the  warrants  delivered  was  kept 
by  the  Society,  and  the  constables'  report  to 
the  Quarter  Sessions  was  checked  by  these, 
as  well  as  the  accounts  of  the  churchwardens 
of  the  parish,  for  the  penalties  levied  were, 
by  statute,  given  to  the  poor.     A  \-igorous 
crusade  was  also  carried  on  by  the  distribution 
of  pamphlets,  \\Titten  against  the  prevailing 
vices,  and  of  accounts  of  this  new  attempt  to 
check  them. 

So  far  the  original  promoters  had  paid  for 
printing  and  salaries  which  the  movement 
entailed,  but  before  long  the  Societies  were 
organised  upon  a  basis  of  subscriptions  from 


(  565  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  GhurcK  History 


[Societies 


members,  and  a  constitution  was  defined. 
Weekly  meetings,  with  a  fine  for  absence,  were 
held,  new  members  were  only  admitted  with 
extreme  caution,  and  aU  proceedings  were 
kept  secret.  Members  were  enjoined  never 
to  accept  the  one-third  share  of  the  penalty 
which  the  law  allowed  to  informers,  and  the 
societies  throughout  their  forty-seven  years 
of  existence  always  adhered  to  this  principle. 
An  annual  meeting  was  held,  before  which 
a  sermon  was  preached  to  the  Societies  at 
St.  Mary-le-Bow.  These  sermons  were  after- 
wards preached  quarterly.  Much  opposition 
was  encountered  at  the  outset  from  antagon- 
istic magistrates,  and  attempts  to  enforce  the 
laws  were  only  partially  successful.  This 
antagonism  was  in  part  due  to  the  general 
hatred  of  informing  which  the  seventeenth 
century  had  engendered,  and  in  part  to  the 
corruption  and  supineness  of  the  justices. 

The  original  Societies  had  been  composed 
entirely  of  English  Churchmen,  but  in  1693 
the  members,  faced  with  the  problem  of 
securing  more  information,  were  forced  to 
widen  their  basis,  and  the  parent  Society 
made  overtures  to  the  dissenting  ministers 
of  London  to  persuade  their  flocks  to  aid  the 
movement.  They  did  so,  and  henceforth  the 
Societies  cannot  be  called  Anglican,  although 
English  Churchmen  largely  predominated  in 
them.  This  union  of  churchmen  and  dis- 
senters to  oppose  vice  was  held  up  by  the 
Low  Church  bishops  of  the  period  as  a  hopeful 
sign  of  union,  but  High  Churchmen  did  not 
cease  to  deprecate  them  as  '  mongrel  com- 
binations '  of  churchmen  and  dissenters. 
Earher  in  169.3  the  members  of  the  ReUgious 
Societies  [q.v.)  in  London  had  been  persuaded 
to  help  the  movement  by  becoming  informers. 
Hence  much  confusion  has  been  occasioned 
between  the  Religious  and  the  Reforming 
Societies  in  both  contemporary  and  modern 
writers. 

The  movement  had  influential  patronage. 
Queen  Mary,  Tenison,  Bishops  Compton, 
Fowler,  Trelawney,  Patrick  {q-v.),  and 
Stillingfleet  were  warm  supporters  of  it.  In 
1694  the  Societies  issued  their  first  annual 
report,  complaining  of  antagonistic  and  lazy 
magistrates.  In  1695  a  new  Act  against 
profane  cursing  and  swearing  (6-7  Will.  ni. 
c.  2)  was  passed,  making  conviction  follow 
upon  the  oath  of  one  witness  instead  of  two 
as  required  by  the  previous  statute  (21  Jac.  i. 
c.  7).  By  1697  there  were  twenty  of  the 
Societies  in  London.  A  royal  proclamation 
urging  the  executive  to  put  the  laws  against 
vice  and  immorality  into  execution  was 
issued  in  1698  and  reissued  in  1699.  By  the 
foundation  of  the  S.P.C.K.  in   1698  a  new 


attack,  and  one  which  was  to  prove  more  pro- 
fitable, was  opened  upon  the  vice  of  London. 
This  Society  helped  the  Reforming  Societies  by 
distributing  their  literature  throughout  Eng- 
land, and  by  urging  its  country  correspond- 
ents to  estabhsh  similar  Societies  in  their 
several  districts.  More  important  still,  it 
attempted  to  deal  with  the  root  of  the  evil  by 
supplying  education  to  the  younger  genera- 
tion of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  tlirough 
charity  schools.  In  1699  Archbishop  Teni- 
son formally  commended  the  Societies  in  a 
circular  letter  to  the  bishops  of  his  pro- 
vince, and  in  the  next  two  years  the  official 
approval  of  the  Kii-k  of  Scotland  and  of  the 
French  congregation  at  the  Savoy  was 
secured.  Some  impression  began  to  be  made 
upon  the  more  glaring  vices,  and  grand  juries, 
both  in  London  and  throughout  the  country, 
commended  the  efforts  of  the  Societies. 

Ever  since  their  co-operation  with  the 
dissenters  the  Societies  had  depended  mainly 
upon  Low  Churchmen  for  support  within  the 
Church.  This  tended  to  give  them  a  dis- 
tinctly Whig  bias.  In  1702  the  cause  re- 
ceived its  first  martyr,  John  Cooper,  a 
reforming  constable,  being  killed  by  some 
soldiers  in  Mayfair.  In  1704  the  Societies 
complained  to  Tenison  of  the  immorahty  of 
the  London  stage,  singhng  out  Vanbrugh  for 
special  attack.  But  no  result  followed.  In 
1709  another  reforming  constable  was  killed. 
In  this  year  the  High  Church  reaction  began 
to  affect  the  Societies.  Sacheverell  {q.v.) 
preached  a  bitter  sermon  against  them,  which 
was  ably  answered  by  Josiah  Woodward  and 
John  Disney  (a  High  Churchman).  The  pro- 
secutions, which  numbered  3299  in  1708, 
had  faUen  by  1715  to  2571,  and  by  1716  to 
1820.  One  result  of  this  decUne  under 
Tory  influence  was  to  sever  the  connection 
begun  in  1693  between  the  Societies  and  the 
Religious  Societies. 

WiUiam  Nicholson,  Archdeacon  and  after- 
wards Bishop  of  CarUsle,  induced  his  diocesan 
to  forbid  the  Carlisle  churchmen  to  help  a 
Society  set  up  there  in  1700.  Archbishop 
Sharp  {q.v.)  did  the  same  at  York.  The  main 
objection  was  that  the  dissenters  encouraged 
their  congregations  to  attend  Anglican 
sermons  on  the  subject,  and  expected  from 
churchmen  a  similar  compliance.  But  this 
the  high  churchmen  would  not  allow. 
Some  of  them  also  argued  that  the  Societies' 
procedure  gave  the  temporal  magistrate 
authority  in  matters  of  religion,  and  by  so 
doing  infringed  the  twelfth  canon.  As  the 
procedure  was  founded  on  statute  law,  this 
objection  was  hardly  to  the  point.  But 
apart  from  those  of  the  High  Churchmen 


(  566  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Societies 


there  were  other  and  more  weighty  objections 
to  the  Societies. 

It  was  objected  against  them  and  the  laws 
on  which  they  were  founded  that  they  only 
touched  the  meaner  criminals  of  the  populace 
and  allowed  the  influential  offenders  to  carry 
on  theu*  vice  impunished.  Swift  and  Defoe 
are  the  typical  representatives  of  this  class 
of  objector.  '  These  be  all  cobweb  laws,' 
writes  Defoe,  '  in  which  the  small  flies  arc 
catched  and  the  greater  ones  break  through.' 
And  so  it  was.  The  rich  drunkard  was  not 
haled  before  the  magistrate  nor  the  lewd 
young  aristocrat  convicted.  The  reason  of 
this  was  to  be  found  in  the  venalitj^  of  the 
constables  and  the  supineness  and  viciousness 
of  many  of  the  justices.  What  was  wanted 
was  a  thorough  reformation  of  the  nation's 
view  of  vice,  and  this  was  only  to  be 
attained  by  striking  at  the  root  of  the  evil 
and  supplying  a  better  private  and  public 
education  for  the  nation  in  general.  S^vift 
in  1709  advocated  a  reform  of  the  national 
seminaries — the  army,  the  navy,  and  the 
Universities,  and  the  stage  by  the  personal 
interference  of  the  sovereign,  and  a  stricter 
supervision  of  taverns  and  publishers. 

Another  great  class  of  objections  with 
which  the  Societies  had  to  contend  came  from 
the  frankly  vicious  part  of  the  population. 
These  were  mainly  levelled  at  the  practice 
of  laying  information,  and  that  of  convicting 
offenders  without  confronting  them  with 
their  accusers.  Since  these  practices  were 
authorised  by  statutes  the  Societies  could 
afford  to  continue  them,  but  a  more  serious 
charge  from  this  class  of  objectors  was  that 
they  informed  for  the  sake  of  the  one-third 
share  of  the  penalty  which  the  law  allowed  to 
informers.  Even  Lord  Chief  Justice  Holt 
complained  of  this.  In  justice  to  the  Societies 
it  must  be  said  that  they  always  fearlessly 
stated  this  charge  against  them  in  their 
annual  reports,  and  in  denying  it  asked  for 
proof,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
produced.  On  the  whole,  although  consider- 
able Ul-feehng  was  aroused  by  their  methods, 
yet  the  existence  of  these  attacks  proves  that 
some  headway  against  vice  was  made  by  the 
Societies  up  till  1714,  though  that  success 
was  mainly  confined  to  their  work  in  relation 
to  the  lower  classes  of  the  nation. 

The  Societies  were  not  confined  to  London 
or  to  England.  Associations  were  formed 
both  on  the  Continent  and  in  the  American 
colonies,  as  well  as  in  Ireland  and  Scotland. 
In  England  the  movement  spread  in  all 
directions.  There  was  a  very  flourishing 
Society  at  Bristol,  the  minutes  of  wliich  are 
accessible.     In  the  north  there  were  Societies 


at  Newcastle,  York,  Leeds,  Carlisle,  Chester, 
and  Hull;  in  the  Midlands  at  Nottingham, 
Derby,  Tamworth,  Warwick,  Coventry, 
Stafford,  and  Leicester ;  in  the  west  at 
Gloucester,  Shrewsbury,  and  throughout 
Wales;  and  in  the  south  at  Canterbury,  Dover, 
Portsmouth,  Lyme  Regis,  and  Bristol.  Be- 
sides these  town  organisations  many  country 
Societies  for  Reformation  existed.  In  Ireland 
several  existed  in  Dubhn  and  other  towns. 
A  very  interesting  development  of  the  move- 
ment also  occurred  in  Scotland. 

The  period  1714-38  is  the  period  of  the 
Societies'  decUne  in  England.  Under  Whig 
supremacy  they  might  have  been  expected 
to  revive,  and  though  they  did  so  for  a 
short  time  they  soon  sank  into  extinction, 
and  in  1738  pubhshed  their  last  report.  This 
extinction  was  not  due  to  their  work  being 
completed,  for  the  need  for  it  was  more 
pressing  than  ever,  but  they  were  being 
gradually  superseded  in  their  various  func- 
tions by  other  bodies.  The  State  began  to 
assume  its  rightful  responsibility  of  executing 
the  laws.  Commissions  of  magistrates  were 
appointed  to  deal  wdth  various  evils,  and  grand 
juries  were  urged  to  present  offenders  on  their 
own  account.  Again,  the  hterary  crusade  of 
the  Societies  was  gradually  assumed  by  the 
S.P.C.K.,  which  was  also,  by  its  policy  of 
erecting  charity  schools,  striking  at  the  root 
of  the  moral  evils  of  the  time — the  lack  of 
education.  Besides  this,  the  fact  that  the 
Societies  had  never  been  able'  to  reach  the 
upper  classes  had  reacted  on  their  member- 
ship. Their  members  were  not  of  the  same 
cahbre  as  in  earlier  times,  and  were  less  care- 
fully chosen.  This  was  probably  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  general  feeling  of  the  nation 
was  tending  to  be  absorbed  by  moral  rather 
than  by  theological  problems.  The  Deistic 
controversy  brought  theological  discussion 
into  the  arena  of  the  streets,  and  the  general 
philanthropic  impulses  if  not  absorbed  by 
this  were  caught  up  by  other,  more  distinctly 
charitable  and  less  inquisitorial,  societies, 
which  were  springing  up  all  over  London  and 
the  country. 

The  Societies  could  really  only  last  until 
the  State  machinery  was  set  to  work  to  fulfil 
the  State's  functions.  Since  they  awakened 
the  State  to  its  responsibility,  however  in- 
directly, their  efforts  were  not  wasted.  The 
amount  of  their  work  inay  be  judged  from 
the  fact  that  from  1691  to  1738  they  had  made 
no  fewer  than  101,638  prosecutions,  and  had 
distributed  more  than  444,000  books  and 
pamphlets  in  support  of  their  crusade. 
Later  attempts  to  revive  these  organisations 
by  the  Methodists  in  1707  and  by  William 


(  56i 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Societies 


Wilberforce  {q.v.)  and  Bishop  Beilby  Porteous 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  centurj^  were  not 
successful,  although  the  Wcsleyan  reforming 
societies  existed  for  some  years  and  caused 
more  than  10,000  arrests.  But  by  this  time 
the  statutes  upon  the  operation  of  which  the 
earlier  Societies  was  based  were  gradually 
being  superseded  or  repealed.         [g.  v.  p.] 

G.  V.  Partus,  Caritas  Anqlicnna,  1912; 
Overton,  Lifeintlie Eng.  Ch.,l&;i)-n l.'r,  Yates, 
Account  (if  the.  Societies  for  the  Reformation  of 
Manners,  1699  ;  pamphlets  and  ])apers  of  the 
Societies  in  the  Bodleian  and  B.  Mus.  and  MSS. 
ot  theS.P.C.K. 


SOCIETIES,  Religious.  The  religious 
societies  which  were  started  in  London  in 
1678  owe  their  estabhshment  mainly  to  the 
preaching  of  Anthony  Horneck  of  the  Savoy 
Church,  Beveridge  (afterwards  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph),  and  Smythies  of  St.  Michael's 
Cornhill.  Several  j'oung  men,  powerfully 
attracted  by  the  sermons  of  these  preachers, 
agreed  to  meet  together  every  week  for  re- 
ligious purposes.  These  societies  were  prob- 
ably in  imitation  of  various  Socinian  and 
atheistical  clubs  which  were  then  flourishing 
in  London.  Horneck  became  patron  and 
director,  and  drew  up  the  constitution  of 
the  first  Religious  Societies,  which  was  the 
model  for  the  regulation  of  such  organisations 
for  more  than  seventy  years.  Members  were 
to  meet  every  week,  under  pain  of  a  fine  of 
threepence  for  absence,  to  contribute  six- 
pence weekly  to  some  charitable  design,  and 
to  be  directed  and  controlled  by  English 
clergy.  Stewards  were  elected  to  administer 
the  funds,  and  an  annual  dinner,  preceded  by 
a  sermon,  was  arranged.  The  Societies  were 
cautiously  co-optive,  and  the  last  chapter  of 
the  constitution  forms  a  comprehensive  rule 
of  life,  pledging  them  to  loyalty  to  the  Church 
and  the  cultivation  of  a  humble  Christian 
spirit.  Soon  after  their  foundation  regular 
monthly  Communion  was  enjoined  on  all 
members. 

Under  James  ir.  the  Societies  became  sus- 
pected of  popery.  Probablj'^  the  suspicion 
arose  from  the  secrecy  of  their  meetings  and 
the  mysticism  of  Horneck.  Many  members 
left  the  Societies,  but  the  bolder  spirits  proved 
their  loyalty  by  establishing  daily  prayers  at 
St.  Clement  Danes  in  opposition  to  the  Mass 
at  the  Chapel  Royal.  This  marks  a  new 
development.  Henceforth  it  became  the 
aim  of  every  Society  to  maintain  regular 
services  in  some  church  in  London,  so  that 
by  1714  no  fewer  than  twenty-seven  of  the 
ninety-nine  London  churches  depended  on 
the   Religious    Societies   for    some    of    their 


r^'gular  services.  Generally  the  services  the 
Societies  supplied  took  the  form  of  monthly 
lectures  in  preparation  for  the  Holy 
PZucharist.  But  the  meetings  were  still 
under  suspicion,  and  in  order  to  escape 
molestation  the  members  changed  the  name 
of  their  '  societies '  into  that  of  '  clubs,'  and 
by  meeting  at  r„  public-house  and  spending 
an  odd  shilling  in  drink  they  successfully 
allayed  suspicion,  for  the  Societies  never 
made  total  abstinence  a  feature  of  their 
organisation. 

After  the  Revolution,  1688,  the  Societies 
again  became  active,  and  began  deliberately 
to  increase  their  numbers.  No  longer  were 
they  purely  'self-help'  societies,  for  the  pro- 
vision of  services  for  churches  had  made 
them  distinctly  philanthropic.  And  this 
character  was  maintained  by  an  extension  of 
charitable  efforts  on  the  part  of  individual 
members.  This  brought  them  more  before 
the  public,  and  as  a  result  criticism  of  their 
organisations  began.  Thus  challenged,  the 
members  laid  an  apology,  in  the  form  of  a 
statement  of  their  aims  and  methods,  before 
Compton,  Bishop  of  London.  He  was  fully 
satisfied,  and  dismissed  them  with  the  re- 
mark :  '  God  forbid  I  should  be  against  such 
excellent  designs.'  A  little  later  Archbishop 
Tillotson  (q.v.)  also  expressed  himself  in  their 
favour.  The  chief  objections  to  them  were 
that  they  tended  to  schism,  that  they  in- 
vaded the  office  of  the  parish  priest,  and  that 
they  engendered  spiritual  pride.  In  defence 
the  members  pointed  to  their  rules,  which 
enjoined  loyalty,  humility,  and  prayerfulness. 
The  argument  that  they  invaded  the  parson's 
office  was  captious  at  a  time  when  the  London 
parishes  were  in  dire  need  of  pastoral  help. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Societies  brought 
many  dissenters,  such  as  Quakers  and  Ana- 
baptists, back  to  the  Church,  A  more 
serious  charge,  that  they  hindered  parochial 
Communion,  was  met  by  their  declared 
design  to  extend  the  movement  tUl  each 
parish  had  its  own  Religious  Society. 

Meanwhile  the  Societies  found  warm 
supporters  in  Archbishop  Tillotson.  Bishops 
Compton,  Beveridge  of  St.  Asaph,  Fowler  of 
Gloucester,  and  Kidder  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
and  Queen  Mary.  They  further  made  pro- 
vision for  funeral  sermons  for  deceased 
members.  Their  philanthropy  now  took  an- 
other direction.  In  1691  the  first  Societies 
for  Reformation  of  Manners  [q.v.)  were  started 
in  London,  and  were  recruited  from  the 
Religious  Societies.  This  connection  between 
the  two  has  been  responsible  for  much  con- 
fusion between  them  in  the  accounts  both 
of  contemporary  and  modern   historians  of 


(  568  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


South 


the  movement,  llie  Religious  iSocietics  were 
distinctly  Anglican  ;  the  Reforming  Societies, 
though  originally  composed  of  churchmen, 
were  soon  forced  to  abandon  their  denomina- 
tional basis  of  membership. 

Little  more  is  heard  of  the  Religious  Socie- 
ties until  Anne's  reign,  when  they  were  drawn 
up  into  the  High  Church  reaction  of  1708. 
Early  in  the  Georgian  period,  indeed.  Arch- 
bishop Wake  {q.v.)  was  forced  to  take  steps 
to  prevent  the  charity  schools  under  their 
control  from  becoming  tainted  with  Jacobit- 
ism.  During  the  intervening  period,  how- 
ever, they  had  greatly  increased.  By  1701 
there  were  no  less  than  forty  of  them  in 
London  and  Westminster,  they  had  spread 
all  over  England,  and  had  even  reached 
Ireland,  where  they  were  warmly  defended 
by  BonneU,  the  Accountant-General,  In 
England  the  movement  flourished  more  in 
Kent  than  elsewhere,  perhaps  because  of  its 
nearness  to  London.  Possibly  the  most 
famous  of  all  the  English  Religious  Societies 
was  that  organised  by  Samuel  Wesley  in  his 
parish  at  Epworth  in  1701.  The  spread  of 
the  Societies  was  largely  due  to  their  con- 
nection with  the  S.P.C.K.,  which  advocated 
the  formation  of  Societies  for  Religion  and  for 
Reformation  of  Manners  in  all  the  districts 
in  which  they  had  correspondents. 

The  number  of  members  in  the  Religious 
Societies  appears  to  have  varied  greatly. 
A  MS.  Ust  of  some  of  the  Societies  in  London 
in  1694  gives  an  average  membership  of 
seventeen,  and  the  members  appear  to  come 
mostly  from  the  lower,  and  lower  middle, 
classes.  But  a  Religious  Society  at  Canter- 
bury in  1701  numbered  thirty,  and  later 
one  at  St.  Neots  (Cambs)  numbered  seventy. 
Still  later,  in  1743,  John  Wesley  found  a 
Society  at  St.  Ives  in  Cornwall,  organised  on 
the  Horneck  model,  numbering  one  hundred 
and  twenty. 

The  later  history  of  the  Religious  Societies 
is  the  history  of  their  connection  with 
Methodism.  In  1737  Whitefield's  {q.v.)  cru- 
sade among  the  London  Societies  once  more 
brought  them  into  prominence.  They  were 
rigidly  Anglican  during  this  period,  as  they 
had  always  been.  Their  private  forms  of 
service  are  almost  entirely  taken  from  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer.  But  the  Jacobit- 
ism  of  the  Religious  Societies  had  tended 
to  make  them  formal  and  lacking  in  the 
spirituaUty  which  animated  the  earlier  mem- 
bers. No  longer  were  they  actively  philan- 
thropic ;  only  the  regular  subscription  for 
charity  seems  to  have  remained  of  all  their 
former  efforts.  Orthodox  divines  did  not 
hesitate  to  warn  the  Societies  against  White- 


field,  but  he  succeeded  in  rcinvigorating 
them  to  some  extent.  In  1738  Wesley 
visited  them  frequently,  and  some  of  the 
members  of  the  Fetter  Lane  Society  were 
drawn  from  the  Religious  Societies.  Later, 
after  his  break  with  the  Moravians  and  his 
erection  of  a  more  purely  Methodist  associa- 
tion at  the  Foundry,  Wesley  continued  to 
visit  the  Religious  Societies,  hut  there  is  no 
evidence  to  show  the  Wesleyan  societies  were 

I  modelled  directly  on  the  earlier  Anglican 
organisations.     The  older  Societies  served  as 

i  a  recruiting  ground  for  the  Methodists,  and 
some  of  the  more  spiritual  members  preferred 
to  seek  in  the  Methodist  associations  that 
religious  communion  with  their  fellows 
which  their  own  Societies  no  longer  supplied. 
In  Bristol,  however,  the  connection  between 
the  old  and  the  new  was  much  closer.  White- 
field  used  the  rooms  of  the  Religious  Societies 
there,  and  organised  the  members  directly 
into  Methodist  associations.  But  the  fact 
that  the  Methodist  societies  were  recruited 
from  the  Religious  Societies  hardly  justifies 
the  assumption  that  they  were  based  on  the 
same  model.  The  chief  feature  of  the 
Methodist  societies  was  the  band  system, 
which  was  an  adaptation  from  Moravianism  ; 
and  the  principle  of  a  weekly  subscription  for 
charitable  purposes,  which  was  a  distinctive 
feature  of  the  Religious  Societies,  was  never 
utilised  by  the  early  Methodist  organisa- 
tions. The  connection  is  one  of  personnel 
rather  than  of  organisation.  The  Methodist 
societies,  however,  were  indirectly  the  cause 
of  the  extinction  of  the  older  Societies.  For 
they  attracted  the  most  enthusiastic  of  their 
members,  and  the  Societies,  left  without  their 
enthusiasts  in  an  age  of  spiritual  deadness, 
sank  into  extinction.  [g.  v.  p.] 

8.P.C.K.  minutes  and  coiresjiondence  (piib- 
lisheil  and  MS.);  Josiab  Woodward,  Accouyit 
of  the  Religious  Societies  in  Londnn  and  West- 
minster, etc.,  ]701;  'Orders  of  a  Religious 
Society'  (Bodleian  Library);  journals  of 
.J.  Wesley  and  Whitefield ;  Richard  Kidder, 
Life  of  Horneck. 

SOUTH,  Robert  (1634-1716),  divine,  son 
of  a  London  merchant,  was  at  Westminster 
School  under  Busby  (and  recorded  that  on  the 
day  of  Charles  i.'s  execution  he  was  prayed 
for  in  the  school  prayers  as  usual),  and  from 
thence  went  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  1651. 
He  travelled  abroad,  and  was  ordained  secretly 
in  1658.  Before  the  Restoration  he  preached 
against  the  Independents,  and  after  it  became 
Public  Orator  at  Oxford,  chaplain  to  Claren- 
don, and  Prebendarv  of  Westminster  (1663). 
D.D.  Oxford,  1663;  Cambridge,  1664;  Canon 
of  Christ  Church,  1670;  Rector  of  Islip,  1678. 


(  569  ) 


Southwark] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Southwell 


He  was  chaplain  to  Charles  n.,  and  Bancroft 
{q.v.)  recommended  him  to  James  n.  for  the 
see  of  Oxford.  He  had  already  become  the 
most  popular  preacher  of  the  day.  His  sermons 
were  extraordinarily  smart,  direct,  pungent, 
and  witty.  He  spoke  fearlessly  against 
popular  sins,  but  did  not  fear  to  make  his 
audience  rock  with  laughter.  His  style  was 
florid  as  weU  as  facetious,  but  in  its  later 
period  anticipated  the  plainness  of  the  age  of 
Anne,  and  he  remained  for  some  thirty  years 
unique  in  his  success.  At  the  Revolution  it 
was  only  after  long  hesitation  that  he  took  the 
oaths.  He  was  an  old  and  orthodox  Tory,  and 
was  not  in  real.  s}-mpathy  with  the  ruling 
powers  tiU  the  reign  of  Anne,  when  he  was 
perhaps  regarded  as  too  old  for  preferment. 
He  was  engaged  for  some  years  in  denouncing 
William  Sherlock  [q.v.).  Dean  of  St.  Paul's, 
for  unorthodoxy  in  his  Vindimtion  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  1693,  and  certainly 
succeeded  in  showing  him  to  be  both  weak 
and  shifty.  He  summed  up  indeed  his 
opponent's  position  by  saying :  '  There  is 
hardly  any  one  subject  that  he  has  wrote 
upon  (that  of  popery  only  excepted)  but  he 
has  wrote  for  and  against  it  too.'  It  was 
not  till  1713  that  he  was  offered  the  bishopric 
of  Rochester  and  deanery  of  Westminster. 
He  declined,  -with  an  irony  which  was  perhaps 
justifiable.  He  had  never  sought  preferment, 
and  had  always  used  his  income  to  enrich  the 
benefices  he  had  held ;  and  so  died  a  poor  man, 
8th  July  1716,  and  was  buried  in  the  Abbej-. 

[w.   H.  H.] 
Works  (pub.  1679-1744),  ^vith  Memoir  (1717). 

SOUTHWARK,  See  of.  When  the  diocese 
of  Rochester  {q.v.)  was  rearranged  by  the 
formation  of  that  of  St.  Albans  {q.v.)  in  1875, 
it  contained  a  population  of  1,600,000.  But, 
owing  to  the  growth  of  South  London,  the 
population  of  that  part  of  the  diocese  alone 
had,  thirty  years  later,  reached  2,000,000. 
In  spite  of  the  appointment  of  a  suffragan 
Bishop  of  Southwark  in  1891,  it  became 
apparent  that  the  spiritual  needs  of  South 
London  could  only  be  met  by  the  erection  of 
a  separate  see.  Several  attempts  to  secure 
an  Act  of  Parhament  for  this  purpose  failed. 
But  eventually  in  1904  the  Bishoprics  of 
Southwark  and  Bu-mingham  Act  (4  Edw.  vn. 
c.  30)  was  passed,  the  only  opposition  coming 
from  '  a  fewultra-anti-High-Church  people,'  as 
one  of  the  supporters  of  the  Bill  termed  them. 
Accordingly  the  see  was  estabhshed  by  Order 
in  Council,  20th  March  1905,  to  come  into 
operation  1st  May.  It  consists  of  the  whole 
of  the  administrative  county  of  London 
south    of    tlie    Thames,    together    with    the 


Parliamentary  divisions  of  East  and  Mid- 
Surrey.  It  was  originally  divided  into  the 
archdeaconries  of  Southwark  and  Kingston  ; 
that  of  Lewisham  was  constituted  in  1906. 
The  population  is  2,068,000,  and  the  income 
of  the  see  £3000.  There  have  been  suffragan 
bishops  of  Woolwich  and  Kingston  since  1905. 
The  church  of  St.  Saviour,  Southwark,  chiefly 
Early  Enghsh  in  style,  was  formerly  attached 
to  the  Augustinian  priory  of  St.  Mary  Overy. 
It  received  its  present  dedication  when  it 
became  a  parish  church  in  1540.  It  had  been 
a  pro-cathedral  since  its  restoration  in  1897, 
and  became  the  cathedral  church  of  the  see 
in  1905.  It  has  a  college  of  priests  working 
in  the  diocese  under  the  bishop  as  visitor  and 
the  Archdeacon  of  Southwark  as  warden, 
but  has  no  legally  constituted  chapter,  and 
the  bishop  is  therefore  appointed  by  Letters 
Patent  from  the  Crown.     [Bishops]. 

1.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  1905;   tr.  from 

Rochester  at  the  foundation  of  the  see  ; 
tr.  to  Winchester,  1911. 

2.  Hubert    Murray    Biirge,    1911;     Head- 

master of  Winchester.  [q.  c] 

SOUTHWELL,  See  of,  was  estabhshed  by 
an  Order  in  Council  of  2nd  February  1884, 
in  accordance  with  the  Bishoprics  Act,  1878 
(41-2  Vic.  c.  68).  It  consists  of  the  counties 
of  Derby  and  Nottingham,  together  with 
small  parts  of  those  of  Leicester,  Lincoln, 
and  Stafford,  and  was  originally  divided 
into  the  archdeaconries  of  Derby  and  Not- 
tingham ;  the  archdeaconry  of  Chesterfleld 
was  formed  in  1910,  and  that  of  Newark 
in  1912.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of 
1,287,639,  and  the  income  of  the  see  is  £3500. 
There  has  been  a  suffragan  bishop  of  Derby 
since  1889.  The  counties  of  Derby  and 
Nottingham  had  been  taken  from  the  dioceses 
of  Lichfield  {q.v.)  and  Lincoln  {q.v.)  respec- 
tively, relief  which  their  bishops  had  desired 
for  nearly  twenty  years  The  first  bishop, 
Dr.  Ridding,  had  a  difficult  task  in  overcoming 
jealousies  and  bringing  the  two  counties  into 
one  harmonious  diocese.  He  constantly 
urged  them  to  work  together  and  to  '  feel 
diocesan.'  The  collegiate  church  of  South- 
well, dedicated  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary, 
which  has  a  Norman  nave  and  transepts 
and  a  beautiful  thirteenth-century  chapter- 
house, was  made  the  cathedral  of  the  diocese, 
in  spite  of  its  inconvenient  position.  It  had 
been  the  archbishop's  cathedral  church  for 
the  county  of  Nottingham  before  the  Con- 
quest. Its  college  of  secular  canons,  after 
being  dissolved  by  Henry  vni.  and  re- 
founded  in  1585,  was  again  dissolved  and  dis- 


(570) 


Spelman] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Stanley 


endowed  by  tlio  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners 
in  1841.  Dr.  Bidding's  attempts  to  have  the 
chapter  reconstituted  were  unsuccessful,  so 
the  bishop  is  appointed  by  Letters  Patent 
from  the  Crown.  Dr.  Ridding  lived  at 
Thurgarton  Priory,  but  the  present  episcopal 
residence.  Bishop's  Manor,  Southwell,  was 
completed  in  1907. 

1.  George  Ridding,  1884 ;    Headmaster  of 

Winchester;   d.  1904. 

2.  Edwyn  Hoskyns,  1904  ;    tr.  from  suffra- 

gan bishopric  of  Burnley,  to  which  he 
was  cons.  1901.  [g.  c] 

Lady  Laura  Riddiug,  George  llidding,  Schuol- 
master  and  Bishop  ;  A.  F.  Leacli,  Visitations 
and  Memorials  of  ^'Southwell  Minster.  C.S. 

SPELMAN,  Sir  Henry  (?  1564-1641),  anti- 
quary, born  of  an  old  Norfolk  family,  was 
educated  at  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  He 
took  some  part  in  public  affairs,  and  in  1597, 
and  again  in  1625,  sat  in  ParUament.  But  his 
real  tastes  lay  in  the  study  of  legal  and 
ecclesiastical  antiquities.  In  1639  he  pub- 
lished a  volume  of  Concilia,  Decreta,  Leges, 
Constitutiones  of  the  EngHsh  Church,  which 
formed  the  basis  of  the  famous  work  of 
Wilkins  {q.v.).  In  spite  of  imperfections 
Spehnan's  work  (a  second  volume  of  which 
was  pubhshed  after  his  death)  marks  an  epoch 
in  the  study  of  history,  by  sho^^^ng  for  the 
first  time  how  it  should  be  based  on  a  system- 
atic and  scientific  study  of  original  documents. 
He  wrote  with  so  much  force  and  learning 
against  the  practice  of  turning  church 
buildings  and  lands  to  secular  uses  that 
many  who  had  acquii'ed  such  property 
voluntarily  restored  it  to  the  Church.  To 
the  end  of  his  life  his  advice  was  often  sought 
on  this  subject,  to  which  his  attention  had 
originally  been  turned  by  the  misfortunes 
which  pursued  him  as  long  as  he  possessed 
the  sites  of  two  abbeys  in  Norfolk.  His 
History  and  Fate  of  Sacrilege  was  not  com- 
pleted at  his  death.  An  attempt  to  publish 
it  in  1663  was  given  up  lest  it  '  should  give 
offence  to  the  nobihty  and  gentry  '  who  were 
in  possession  of  the  abbey  lands.  The  type 
for  this  projected  edition  was  destroyed  in  the 
Great  Fire.  Gibson  {q.v.)  omitted  it  from 
his  edition  of  Spelman's  works,  thinking  it 
would  be  taken  '  as  an  unpardonable  reflec- 
tion upon'  the  nobility.  But  it  was  pubhshed 
in  1698,  and  edited  by  J.  M.  Neale  (q.v.)  and 
J.  HaskoU  in  1846,  when  Dr.  Neale  beUeved 
that  the  republication  was  hindered  by  the 
efforts  of  the  devil.  [g.  c] 

Works,  with  Life  by  Gibson  ;  History  and 
Fate  of  Sacrilege,  ed.  1846. 


STANDISH,  Henry  (d.  1535),  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph,  and  a  consistent  opponent  of  the 
changes  made  in  the  critical  years  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  viii.  Standish  is  a  Lanca- 
shire name,  and  Dugdalc  asserts  that  the 
future  bishop  was  a  Lancashire  man.  He 
was  a  Franciscan  friar,  and  studied  and 
graduated  at  Oxford,  if  not  at  Cambridge 
also,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  vn.  When 
Henry  vui.  became  King  Standish  was  intro- 
duced to  his  favourable  notice.  Perhaps  at 
this  time  he  was  willing  to  adapt  his  con- 
victions to  suit  his  new  surroundings,  for  he 
took  up  a  position  on  the  question  of  tlif; 
relation  of  the  clergy  to  lay  tribunals  which 
involved  him  in  some  trouble  with  Convo- 
cation. The  King  exerted  his  influence  in 
favour  of  Standish,  and  Parliament  also 
bestirred  itself  to  protect  the  bold  friar  who 
had  taken  up  an  attitude  unpopular  with 
the  clergy.  The  controversy  which  took 
place  in  1515  was  of  some  importance,  as  it 
manifests  the  existence  of  a  tendency  to 
depress  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  with 
which  tendency  Parliament  and  the  laity 
generally  are  supposed  to  have  sympathised. 
From  this  point,  however,  Standish  stood 
forth  as  the  patron  of  accepted  church  views. 
The  ferment  caused  by  Luther's  doctrines 
soon  manifested  itself,  whilst  a  recrudescence 
of  LoUardy  caused  anxiety  in  London. 
Standish  opposed  all  such  ideas  in  sermons 
and  in  writings.  When  the  New  Testament 
of  Erasmus  was  pubhshed  Standish  attacked 
it,  and  is  said  to  have  warned  the  King  against 
what  he  held  to  be  the  errors  of  Erasmus. 
In  1518  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  St. 
Asaph.  His  friendship  with  the  King  stUl 
placed  him  upon  more  than  one  embassy  and 
commission.  His  undoubted  orthodoxy  re- 
commended him  to  Wolsey  as  a  commissioner 
to  examine  and  punish  heretics.  In  this  way 
he  was  called  upon  to  examine  Bilney  and 
Arthur  in  1527.  He  took  some  part  in  the 
divorce  proceedings,  but  his  attitude  on  the 
question  was  ambiguous.  He  was  one  of 
the  three  consecrators  of  Cranmer,  1533.  He 
did  not  take  any  prominent  part  either  for 
or  against  the  Submission  of  the  Clergy,  but 
was  wiUing  in  1535  to  renounce  the  papal 
jurisdiction.  That  is  his  last  recorded  public 
act.  [h.  g.] 

L.2'.  Foreign  and  Domestic;  Wood,  Allien. 
Oxon.  ;  Cooper,  Athen.  Cant. 

STANLEY,  Arthur  Penrhyn  (1815-81), 
Dean  of  Westminster,  son  of  Edward  Stanlej', 
brother  of  the  first  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley, 
Rector  of  Alderley,  and  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  was  educated  first  at  Seaforth,  near 


(  571  ) 


Stanley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Steere 


Liverpool,  and  afterwards  at  Rugby  under 
Dr.  Arnold  {q.v.),  whose  theological  views  he 
adopted  and  developed.  As  a  boy  he  was 
extremely  small  and  delicate,  shy  with 
strangers,  but  bright  and  gay  amongst  his 
friends,  and  passionately  fond  of  books.  He 
entered  Rugbj^  in  January  1829,  and  quickly 
ran  up  the  school,  aided  by  cleverness  and 
general  knowledge.  He  won  a  Classical 
Scholarship  at  Balliol  College  in  1833,  but 
remained  at  Rugby  till  1834,  when  he  went 
up  to  Oxford.  He  won  the  Ireland  Scholar- 
ship and  the  Newdigate  Prize  in  1837,  and 
a  First  Class  in  Classics,  1838,  when  he 
took  his  degree,  and  was  elected  Fellow 
at  University  College ;  and,  after  some 
boggling  over  the  Articles  and  the  Athanasian 
Creed,  was  ordained  deacon  by  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford  (Dr.  Bagot)  at  Advent,  1839.  He 
was  ordained  priest,  1843.  He  soon  became 
tutor  of  his  college,  and,  residing  always  in 
Oxford,  busied  himself  in  all  University  affairs, 
taking  what  was  then  deemed  the  '  Liberal ' 
side,  and  specially  promoting  University 
reforms.  In  1850  he  was  appointed  secretarj- 
to  the  Royal  Commission  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  Oxford,  and  is  said  to  have  written 
most  of  the  report.  In  recognition  of  his 
ser\-ices  he  was  made  Canon  of  Canterbury  in 
1851,  and  chaplain  to  Prince  Albert  in  1854. 
In  1856  he  was  appointed  Regius  Professor 
of  Ecclesiastical  Historj^  and  in  March  1858 
succeeded  to  the  stall  in  Christ  Church 
vacated  by  the  death  of  Dr.  Bull.  He  was 
made  examining  chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of 
London  (Tait)  in  1856 ;  but,  violently 
espousing  the  cause  of  Essays  and  Revieivs 
(q.v.),  he  wrote  in  the  Edinburgh  Revieiv  for 
April  1861  a  fiery  article  on  what  he  con- 
sidered Tait's  evasive  and  equivocating  line. 
In  February  1862  he  was  appointed  to  attend 
the  Prince  of  Wales  (afterwards  King  Edward 
VII.)  on  a  journey  to  Egypt  and  Palestine. 
This  circumstance,  added  to  the  fact  that 
he  had  been  a  favourite  of  Prince  Albert, 
secured  his  advancement  in  the  Church,  and 
also  procured  him  a  wife.  In  the  autumn  of 
1862  he  was  given  in  marriage — no  other 
phrase  expresses  the  process  as  recorded  by 
his  biographer — to  Lady  Aiigusta  Bruce, 
daughter  of  the  seventh  Earl  of  Elgin,  recently 
lady-in-waiting  to  the  Duchess  of  Kent, 
and  a  woman  of  surpassing  prudence.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  appointed  Dean  of  West- 
minster in  succession  to  Archbishop  Trench 
iq.v.),  and  was  installed  on  the  9th  of  January 
1864.  He  was  a  good  administrator  of  the 
abbey,  which  was  much  improved  under  his 
rule,  and  he  excelled  in  lecturing  on  its 
beauties   to  working   men.     His   daj-s   were 


spent  in  incessant  activity.  He  preached 
constantly,  and  wrote  books,  and  lectured 
on  all  manner  of  subjects,  and  spoke  in  public, 
and  contributed  articles  to  all  imaginable 
journals  and  magazines.  His  style  was  easy 
and  fluent,  and,  as  Lord  Beaconsfield  said, 
he  had  a  '  picturesque  sensibility '  for 
historic  scenes  and  actions  and  persons. 
He  was  a  general  favourite  in  society,  and, 
except  when  engaged  in  controversy,  was  one 
of  the  most  amiable  and  attractive  of  men. 
Tlicologicallj^  he  was  the  untiring  champion 
of  the  Latitudinarians,  and  the  most  absolute 
Erastian  in  the  Church  of  England.  He 
did  his  utmost  to  destroy  the  Athanasian 
Creed,  he  admitted  a  Socinian  to  Communion 
in  the  Abbey,  and  he  snubbed  the  Pan- 
Anglican  Conference  of  1867.  Whether  he 
himself  was  really  a  Socinian  or  an  orthodox 
believer  in  the  Deity  of  our  Lord  it  is 
impossible  from  his  writings  to  discover. 
Dr.  Liddon  (q.v.)  said  of  him  :  '  He  had  two 
intellectual  defects  which  flourished  in  his 
mind  with  extraordinary  vigour — he  was 
hopelessly  inaccurate,  and  he  was  more 
entirely  destitute  of  the  logical  faculty  than 
any  highly  educated  man  whom  I  have  ever 
known.  .  .  .  His  curious  want  of  logic 
prevented  him  seeing  the  real  drift  of  a  great 
deal  of  his  published  language  ;  but  it  had 
disastrous  effects  on  younger  men,  who  took 
him  at  his  word.'  He  died  on  the  18th  of 
July  1881,  and  was  buried  in  the  Abbey. 

His  best  books  are  The  Life  of  Dr.  Arnold, 
a    truly    admirable    biography ;    Sinai    and 
Palestine,  and  Historical  Memorials  of  West- 
minster Abbey.  [g.  w.  e.  k.] 
R.  E.  Prothero,  Life. 

STEERE,  Edward  (1828-82).  Bishop  of 
Zanzibar,  was  educated  at  Hackney  and 
University  College  School,  London,  and 
London  University;  graduated  B.A.,  1847; 
LL.B.,  1848;  LL.D.,  with  gold  medal  for 
Law,  1850.  Called  to  the  Bar  by  the  Inner 
Temple,  1850,  he  came  to  be  influenced  by  the 
Oxford  Movement  (q.v.),  and,  1854,  joined 
the  Guild  of  St.  Alban.  May  1855  he  gave 
up  his  chambers  and  founded  a  brotherhood 
at  Tamworth.  The  scheme  failed,  and  he 
was  ordained  deacon,  September  1856,  and 
priest,  1858,  when  he  became  curate-in- 
charge  of  Skegness,  where  the  fishermen  loved 
him  as  '  a  downright  shirt-sleeve  man  and  a 
real  Bible  parson.' 

1859  he  became  Rector  of  Little  Steeping, 
Lines.  In  1862  he  went  with  his  former 
vicar  at  Skegness,  W.  G.  Tozer,  Bishop  of  the 
Universities  Mission,  to  Central  Africa,  where 
he  mastered  the  Swaheli  language,  reduced 


(572) 


Stephensl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Stillingfleet 


other  dialects  and  languages  to  writing,  and 
printed  part  of  his  researches  by  aid  of 
native  boys.  1867-72  he  worked  in  his 
Lincolnshire  parish,  continuing  his  Swaheli 
labours.  At  the  Nottingham  Church  Con- 
gress, 1871,  he  made  a  great  impression  by  a 
speech  on  the  slave  trade.  He  volunteered 
for  Central  Africa  when  Bishop  Tozer's 
health  broke  down,  1872.  1873  he  laid 
the  foundation  stone  of  a  cathedral  church  in 
Zanzibar  on  the  site  of  the  former  slave  mar- 
ket. 1874,  after  several  refusals,  he  became 
Bishop  of  Zanzibar.  He  insisted  on  the 
mission  pressing  on  to  Lake  Nyassa.  His 
health  gave  way,  1877,  and  he  came  to 
England,  where  he  was  deservedly  honoured 
by  Oxford  (created  D.D.)  and  Cambridge 
(being  made  Select  Preacher).  He  returned 
to  Africa  in  November.  He  remained  there 
completing  the  New  Testament  and  Prayer 
Book  in  Swaheli  until  1882,  when  he  again 
came  to  England  for  rest,  but  returned  to 
Africa,  arriving  in  Zanzibar  by  24th  August. 
He  died,  28th  August,  and  was  buried  in 
Christ  Church  Cathedral,  Zanzibar,  w^hich  he 
had  consecrated  on  Cluistmas  Day,  1879. 

Steere  was  a  consistent  adherent  of  the 
Oxford  Movement,  a  philosopher  with  con- 
siderable breadth  of  view,  and  of  great 
practical  abihty.  He  was  a  scientific  linguist 
of  eminence.  He  knew  nine  languages  be- 
sides his  own,  and  not  including  the  African 
tongues,  two  of  which,  SwaheU  and  Yao,  he 
made  '  practicable  as  written  languages.' 
Before  going  to  .Africa  he  had  edited  Bishop 
Butler's  Analogy  (1857)  and  Sermons  (1862), 
and  written  an  essay  on  The  Existence  and  At- 
tributes of  God  (1856).  His  laborious  studies 
in  East  African  dialects  first  made  possible 
the  Christianisation  of  that  part  of  the  con- 
tinent, [s.  L.  o.] 
R.  M.  Heanle}-,  Mcmair  ;  article  in  iJ.X.B. 

STEPHENS,  Edward  (?1633-r706),  pamph- 
leteer and  priest,  was  a  Gloucestershire  squire, 
became  a  barrister,  and  was  in  some  favour 
with  Lord  Chief  Justice  Hale,  whose  daughter 
he  married.  As  a  lawyer  he  wrote  httle. 
He  l^ecame  a  poUtical  pamphleteer,  support- 
ing the  Revolution  of  1688,  but  harshly 
criticising  the  new  government.  His  writ- 
ings are,  however,  chiefly  theological.  In 
1674  he  began  to  write  against  Rome,  though 
he  afterwards  desired  reunion  with  her. 
He  attacked  the  Quakers,  and  afterwards 
proposed  plans  for  conciliating  them.  He 
strongly  advocated  frequent  Communion, 
and  early  in  life  promoted  monthly  and 
weekly  Eucharists  in  his  district  in  the 
country.     In  1691  he  claims  to  have  begun 


the  organisations  which  developed  into  the  So- 
cieties for  the  Reformation  of  Manners  {q.v.), 
but  left  them  later,  probably  on  account  of 
their  collaboration  with  the  London  dis- 
senters. In  1692  ho  formed  a  society  in 
London  for  daily  reception  of  the  Eucharist, 
an  Anglican  priest  whom  he  had  '  brought  off 
from  the  dissenters  '  being  the  chaplain.  In 
1693  he  was  himself  ordained  so  that  the  pro- 
ject might  not  be  abandoned.  He  obtained 
from  Fowler,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  the  use 
of  his  church  at  Cripplegate  for  the  daily 
Eucharists  of  his  little  society.  In  1695  he 
wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
defending  some  liturgical  interpolations  he 
had  used  when  celebrating.  By  1698  reunion 
was  the  great  work  of  his  life,  consequently 
he  threw  himself  with  zeal  into  the  proposal 
to  found  a  Greek  college  at  Oxford,  and  for 
his  services  in  that  cause  he  was  received  into 
full  communion  with  the  Greek  Church.  He 
founded  a  reUgious  society  for  women,  c.  1697, 
thus  reviving  the  idea  of  Religious  Orders. 
[Religious  Orders,  ii.]  He  claimed  in 
1705  to  have  maintained  the  daily  Eucharist 
for  nearly  twelve  j^ears.  He  embraced 
new  projects  with  tremendous  enthusiasm, 
and  attempted,  somewhat  dictatorially,  to 
enforce  his  views  upon  his  friends.  After 
1698  his  own  theological  position  is  not 
quite  clear.  Writing  against  A  Proposal  for 
Catholic  Reimion,  1704,  he  said:  'The  Greek 
Communion  I  take  to  be  the  only  true 
Cathohc  Communion  in  the  world.'  His 
various  changes  of  opinion  and  practice  and 
his  fondness  for  private  organisations  were 
typical  of  his  age.  A  hint  of  his '  enthusiasm ' 
is  conveyed  in  a  letter  written  to  him  by 
Dodwell  in  1704 :  '  I  wonder  who  those 
moderate  dissenters  could  be  who  approved 
of  your  prayers  for  the  dead  and  your  notions 
of  a  Christian  sacrifice.'  His  property  in 
Gloucestershire  was  at  Cherington  and  Little 
Sodbury.  [g.  v.  p.] 

Union,  Review  (1863),  i.  553-70  ;  Dr.  Wickliam 
Legg,  Trans.  St.  Paul's  Eccl.  Soc.^  vol.  vi.  ; 
Reliquiae  Hearnianae,  ed.  Bliss,  i.  63« ; 
pamphlets  and  MS.  collection  of  works  and 
catalogue  in  the  Bodleian  (Cherry  and  Rawlin- 
son  collections). 

STILLINGFLEET,  Edward  (1635-99), 
Bishop  of  Worcester,  was  born  at  Cranborne, 
Dorset,  of  an  ancient  Yorkshire  family.  Ho 
went  to  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge ;  took 
B.A.,  1653;  became  Fellow,  1653;  and  M.A., 
1656.  He  was  ordained  privately  by  Brown- 
rigg  (Bishop  of  Exeter),  and  in  1659  wrote 
the  Irenicum,  suggesting  comprehension  of 
Churchmen  and  Presbyterians.  He  regarded 
church  organisation  as  not  of  divine  oi'dering, 


573  ) 


Strype] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Stubbs 


but  dissent  as  indefensible,  and  thus  his  book 
took  a  prominent  place  in  the  literature  of  the 
'  latitude-men,'  and  he  was  ranked  by  Burnet 
{q.v.)  among  the  'moderate  episcopal-men.' 
He  became  Rector  of  Sutton,  Beds,  in  1657, 
and  there  wrote  his  Origines  Sacrae,  '  assert  • 
ing  the  divine  authority  of  the  Scriptures,' 
and  later  a  vindication  of  Laud's  {q.v.)  con- 
troversy with  Fisher.  He  became  well 
known  in  London  as  a  preacher  after 
the  Restoration,  was  preacher  at  the  Rolls 
Chapel,  Reader  of  the  Temple,  Rector  of 
St.  Andrew's,  Holborn,  and  Prebendary  of 
St.  Paul's.  Pepys  says  that  he  was  thought 
by  bishops  to  be  '  the  ablest  young  man  to 
preach  the  Gospel  of  any  since  the  Apostles ' ; 
he  was  so  handsome  as  to  be  called  'the  beauty 
of  hoUness,'  and  churches  were  crowded 
whenever  he  preached.  In  1677  he  became 
Archdeacon  of  London,  in  1678  Dean  of  St. 
Paul's,  and  continued  to  write  theological, 
historical,  and  antiquarian  books  {Works,  in 
6  vols.,  1710),  of  which  perhaps  the  most 
famous  is  the  Origines  Britannicae,  1685. 
His  judgment  on  historical  and  constitutional 
questions  was  considered  almost  beyond 
dispute.  In  the  Danby  case,  when  it  was 
questioned  whether  the  bishops  had  the  right 
to  sit,  he  showed  much  more  skill  'than  all 
the  rest  that  had  meddled  in  it,'  and 
established  the  right  beyond  contradic- 
tion. He  was  harried  by  the  Ecclesi- 
astical Commission  under  James  n.,  but 
received  promotion  at  the  Revolution,  being 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Worcester,  13th 
October  1689.  His  MSS.  remain  to  show 
how  much  he  was  consulted  by  the  bishops 
of  his  day,  how  prominent  a  part  he  played 
in  advocating  toleration  and  comprehension, 
at  the  same  time  controverting  papists  and 
Socinians.  Queen  Marj"-  n.  wished  him  to 
succeed  Tillotson  {q.v.)  at  Canterbury,  but 
Tenison  was  appointed.  He  died,  27th 
March  1699,  and  was  buried  in  his  cathedral. 
He  was  at  once  the  most  learned  and  the 
most  popular  of  the  early  Latitudinarians 
{q.v.),  and  had  a  great  reputation  with  the 
second  generation.  [w.  h.  h.] 

liuntlcy,  Life. 

STRYPE,  John  (1643-1737),  ecclesiastical 
historian  and  biographer,  born  in  Hounds- 
ditch,  youngest  son  of  John  van  Strijp,  a 
member  of  an  old  Brabant  family  who  settled 
in  London,  was  educated  at  St.  Paul's  School, 
and  after  entering  Jesus  College,  Cambridge, 
and  leaving  it  for  being  '  too  superstitious  ' 
for  him,  at  Catherine  Hall. 

He  became  perpetual  curate  of  Theydon 
Bois  in  1669,  but  resigned  the  appointment 


the  same  year  on  being  selected  minister  of 
Leyton  during  the  vacancy  of  the  living. 
'Jhis  post  he  held  until  his  death,  receiving 
all  the  emoluments  of  the  benefice,  by  virtue 
of  a  licence  from  the  Bishop  of  London.  He 
was  also  Lecturer  of  Hackney,  1689-1724,  and 
Rector  of  West  Tarring  from  1711.  He  spent 
his  last  years  in  Hackney.  For  many  years 
he  devoted  himself  to  collecting  materials, 
and  did  not  pubUsh  his  work  until  he  was 
fifty. 

Most  of  his  magnificent  collection  of  docu- 
ments came  from  a  collection  belonging  to 
Sir  William  Hicks,  great-grandson  of  Lord 
Burghley's  secretary.  Originally  lent  to  him 
for  purposes  of  transcription,  he  seems  to  have 
appropriated  them  to  his  own  use,  which  was 
rendered  possible  through  the  owner  being 
adjudged  a  lunatic  in  1699.  Some  were  sold  in 
1711  to  Robert  Harley,  and  are  still  part  of  the 
Harleian  MSS.  Strype's  principal  works  are 
Memorials  of  Cranmer,  Annals  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, Ecclesiastical  Memorials,  and  Lives  of 
Archbishops  Parker,  Grindal,  and  Whitgift, 
Bishop  Aylmer,  Sir  John  Cheke,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Smith.  His  style  is  cumbrous,  his 
materials  are  clumsily  arranged  and  used 
uncritically,  and  his  accounts  are  partial 
and  biassed,  but  his  accumulation  of  docu- 
ments make  him  a  storehouse  of  information 
with  which  no  student  of  the  sixteenth 
century  can  dispense.  [c.  p.  s.  c] 

Works;  D.N.B. 

STUBBS,  William  (1825-1901),  Bishop  of 
Oxford,  was  the  son  of  a  lawyer  at  Knares- 
borough,  showed  an  early  taste  for  historical 
and  antiquarian  studies,  and  passed  from 
Ripon  Grammar  School,  by  the  help  of  Bishop 
Longley  (afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury), to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  1844,  as 
a  servitor,  where  he  attracted  the  attention 
and  favour  of  Dean  Gaisford.  He  took  a 
first  class  in  Literis  Humaniorihus,  1848,  and 
a  third  in  Mathematics  (poverty,  not  lack  of 
ability,  the  cause,  it  seems,  of  this  latter,  for 
he  could  not  buy  aU  necessary  books).  He 
was  elected  Fellow  of  Trinity,  19th  June 
1848.  There  he  threw  himself  on  to  the  side 
of  the  High  Churchmen  and  Conservatives 
against  the  old  irreUgious  and  '  Liberal ' 
parties  in  the  Universitj*.  He  was  Vicar 
of  Navestock,  1850  to  1866.  In  1848  he 
began  his  Registrum  Sacrum  Anglicanum,  '  an 
attempt  to  exhibit  the  course  of  episcopal 
succession  in  England  from  the  records 
and  chronicles  of  the  Church '  (published 
in  1858).  In  1862  Archbishop  Longley  made 
him  librarian  at  Lambeth.  From  1864  to 
1889    he   produced   a   remarkable   series   of 


574  ) 


Stubbs] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Sudbury 


editions  of  English  Mudi;uval  Chronicles, 
which  showed  his  mastery  of  the  manuscript 
sources  of  English  history  and  his  remarkable 
power  of  entering  into  medireval  life  and 
character.  Tho  period  of  the  Angevins 
became  his  peculiar  possession  ;  but  his  wide 
historical  and  ecclesiastical  knowledge  spread 
far  beyond  it  and  was  able  to  illuminate  it 
at  every  point.  In  1866  he  was  apj^ointed 
Regius  Professor  of  Modern  History  at  Oxford. 
He  held  the  post  till  1884;  from  1879  till 
1884  he  was  a  canon  of  St.  Paul's.  In  1870  he 
published  Select  Charters,  the  first  attempt  to 
illustrate  the  history  of  the  Enghsh  constitu- 
tion up  to  Edward  i.  by  the  publication  of  a 
series  of  its  original  documents.  This  was 
followed  (1873-8)  by  the  Constitutional  History 
of  England  (down  to  1485),  which  placed  him 
at  the  head  of  the  English  historians  of  the 
century.  This  great  work  made  him  famous 
throughout  Europe,  and  he  received  many 
distinctions,  from  the  German  Order  of  Merit 
to  degrees  of  foreign  and  American  Univer- 
sities. In  1881  he  was  appointed  to  sit 
on  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts  Commission 
[CoMinssiONS,  Royal],  on  which  he  did  much 
valuable  work.  One  of  his  appendices  to 
its  Report  declared  that  the  Enghsh  Church 
before  the  Reformation  did  not  always 
or  absolutely  accept  the  Roman  canon 
law  as  binding.  This  view  was,  later, 
denied  by  Professor  F.  W.  Maitland,  but 
Stubbs,  though  he  admitted  the  force  and 
learning  of  the  contention,  still  beheved 
that  what  he  had  written  was  true  history 
{Lectures  on  Mediaeval  and  Modern  History, 
second  edition).  He  was  consecrated  to  the 
see  of  Chester,  25th  March  1884,  in  York 
Minster.  As  Bishop  of  Chester  he  gave 
impetus  to  the  efforts  to  meet  the  problems 
presented  by  the  growth  of  large  towns.  He 
was  translated  to  Oxford  in  1889,  where  he 
worked  as  hard,  struggling  to  meet  the  de- 
mands of  an  unwieldy  and  mainly  agricultural 
diocese.  In  1889  he  was  an  assessor  in  the 
'Lincoln  case.'  [Benson.]  In  his  episco- 
pal charges  he  gave  valuable  sketches  of 
early  nineteenth  -  century  church  history, 
and  criticised  the  '  higher  criticism.'  He 
opposed  disestabhshment  and  disendowment 
as  fraught  with  disaster  to  the  country,  but 
was  always  determined  in  his  defence  of  the 
spiritual  claims  and  character  of  the  Church 
as  opposed  to  the  views  of  some  lawyers 
and  politicians.  He  was  a  clear  and  impres- 
sive preacher  and  a  humorous  speaker  and 
conversationahst.  His  chief  friends  were 
men  eminent  in  the  historical  and  religious 
circles  of  his  time:  Freeman,  Green,  Bryce, 
Liddon  {q.v.).  Church  {q.v.).     In  theology  he 


called  Puscy  {q.v.)  'the  Master.'  In  politics  he 
was  a  strong  Conservative,  though  opposed  to 
the  Turkish  policy  of  Lord  Beaconsfield.  Since 
his  death  some  of  his  early  lectures  have  been 
pubUshed.  These  are  of  a  much  less  finished 
character  than  the  books  which  he  himself 
printed.  He  left  also  some  sermons  and 
lectures  which  he  had  revised,  and  these, 
especially  perhaps  an  important  letter  on 
Joint  Sessions  of  Convocation,  might  well  be 
given  to  the  world.  [w.  H.  H.] 

W.    H.    Hutton,   Litters  of   William  Stubbs 
(which  contains  a  complete  Ijibliography). 

SUDBURY,  Simon  of  (d.  1381),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  born  at  the  Suffolk  town 
from  which  he  took  his  name,  the  son  of 
middle-class  parents,  studied  '  both  laws  '  at 
Paris,  and  took  the  degree  of  doctor.  He  was 
chaplain  to  Innocent  vi.,  and  was  sent  by  him 
to  England,  where  he  became  Chancellor  of 
Salisbury.  He  was  '  provided '  to  the  see 
of  London  by  the  Pope.  It  is  said  that  in 
1370,  on  his  way  to  Canterbury  on  the 
tercentenary  of  St,  Thomas,  he  warned  the 
pilgrims  that  the  indulgence  they  would 
receive  would  not  avail  them  without  repent- 
ance, and  that  an  aged  and  indignant  knight 
warned  him  that  he  would  come  to  a  foul  end. 
In  1375  Gregory  xin.  appointed  him  by  Bull 
Ai'chbishop  of  Canterbury.  He  was  engaged 
in  much  political  business,  and  said  to  be 
lenient  towards  Wycliffites,  but  was  stern 
in  denouncing  clerical  abuses,  particularly 
non-residence.  He  crowned  Richard  ii. 
(16th  July  1377),  and  in  1378  he  tried 
Wychf  {q.v.)  in  Lambeth  Palace  Chapel,  dis- 
missing him  with  an  injunction  to  silence. 
At  his  visitation  the  traditional  resistance 
of  St.  Augustine's  Abbey  was  met  by 
his  claim  to  act  as  legattis  natus ;  but  the 
abbey  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who  gave  no 
decision  while  Simon  lived.  Just  before  the 
rising  of  1381  he  imprisoned  the  priest,  John 
Ball,  for  '  beguihng  the  ears  of  the  laity  by 
invectives,  and  putting  about  scandals 
concerning  our  own  person,  as  also  those  of 
other  prelates,  and  (what  is  far  worse)  using, 
concerning  our  holy  father  the  Pope  himself, 
dreadful  language,  such  as  shocks  the  ears 
of  Christians.'  (He  had  taken  the  side  of 
Urban  vi.  in  the  schism.)  The  Kentishmcn 
released  Ball,  destroyed  Simon's  goods  at 
Canterbury,  sacked  his  palace  at  Lambeth, 
and  demanded  that  he  should  be  given  up  to 
them  as  a  traitorous  minister.  He  resigned 
the  Chancellorship  of  England  but  remained 
in  the  Tower,  said  Mass  before  the  King  on 
14'th  June,  and  after  Richard  had  departed 
stayed  behind  in  the  chapel  awaiting  the  end. 


(575) 


Supremacy] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Supremacy 


The  mob  soon  afterwards  came  in,  seized  him, 
and  beheaded  him  vnih.  great  brutality  on 
Tower  Hill.  He  was  buried  in  Canterbury 
Cathedral,  where  a  monument  still  exists, 
but  his  head  is  shown  in  the  parish  church  of 
his  native  place.  He  suffered  for  the  part 
he  played  in  politics,  an  inevitable  result  of 
the  close  connection  between  the  State  and 
the  unreformed  Church  under  the  control  of 
Pope  and  King,  when,  as  Bishop  Stubbs 
{q.v.)  quotes,  '  the  rudder  got  mixed  with 
the  bowsprit  sometimes ' ;  but  he  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  liberal  and  tolerant 
mind.  [w.  H.  H.] 

Walsingham,  Chron.  Angliae;  Oman,  Hist. 
Enij.,  13T7-14S5;  Trevelyan,  Eng.  in  the  Age 

of  Wyclife. 

SUPREMACY,  Royal.  Tliis  is  undoubtedly 
a  painful  subject,  as  the  doctrine  was  first 
asserted  by  acts  of  remorseless  tjTanny,  and 
the  very  notion  of  a  State  Church,  which  is 
involved  in  it,  seems  to  conflict  with  a  pure 
rehgious  ideal.  Yet  it  does  not  necessarily 
do  so,  because  it  really  involves  nothing  but 
a  statement  of  indisputable  fact,  and  of  con- 
ditions essential  in  modern  times  to  a 
Christian  commonwealth.  The  King,  or  the 
Supreme  Government  in  any  country,  must 
be  supreme  over  all  persons  and  over  all 
causes,  alike  ecclesiastical  and  civil ;  and  we 
have  seen  in  our  day  that  what  are  called 
'  free '  Churches  are  subject,  no  less  than 
other  communities,  to  the  ordinary  tribunals 
of  the  land. 

This,  in  fact,  is  so  apparent  that  the  diffi- 
culty in  modern  times  is  to  imagine  a  state 
of  matters  in  which  the  King  and  the  law  of 
the  land  were  not  supreme.  But  in  the 
Middle  Ages  they  were  really  not  so.  In 
England,  as  in  other  countries,  the  canon 
law  of  Rome  was  independent  of  the  King's 
law,  or  the  law  of  the  land,  and  the  final 
appeal  in  any  ecclesiastical  case  was  to  the 
court  of  Rome.  Every  individual  Christian, 
moreover,  was  quite  as  much  a  subject  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  in  spiritual  as  he  was  of 
the  King  in  temporal  matters.  The  Church 
was  before  the  State,  and  could  summon  its 
own  offenders  to  its  own  tribunals.  If  they 
were  contemptuous,  and  after  repeated 
admonitions  would  not  obey  the  Church, 
they  were  denounced  as  heretics,  and,  being 
excommunicated,  were  handed  over  '  to  the 
secular  arm '  for  punishment  by  fire. 
[Heresy.]  For  it  was  felt  to  be  import- 
ant, even  for  the  State,  to  get  rid  of 
heresy.  But  questions  of  reUgion  and 
morals  were  entirely  within  the  sphere  of 
Church  courts,  and  universal  obecUence  to 


them  was  expected.  As  to  the  government 
of  the  Church,  moreover,  even  in  his  own 
kingdom,  a  secular  prince  had  no  right  to 
interfere  with  it  except  through  his  influence 
with  the  Holy  See  as  a  devout  son  of  the 
Church  whom  any  pope  would  gratify  in  all 
things  la\^^ul.  Such  was  the  mediaeval  state 
of  matters,  and  it  certainly  imposed  some 
restraint  upon  royal  tjTanny,  as  the  cases 
of  Henry  n.  and  John  show  clearly.  But 
by  the  time  of  the  Tudors  kingly  power  had 
become  very  much  stronger  in  England,  as 
in  other  countries  also.  Civil  law,  indeed, 
had  aU  along  been  making  encroachments 
on  the  sphere  of  ecclesiastical  law — en- 
croachments which  the  canon  law  would 
never  recognise  as  valid ;  but  however 
popes  might  denounce  Acts  of  ParUament 
like  the  Statute  of  Provisors  {q.v.),  kings 
could  always  vindicate  their  observance 
within  their  own  sphere  of  action,  or  make 
some  arrangement  at  Rome  itself  to  suspend 
them  for  the  mutual  advantage  of  themselves 
and  the  Pope.  In  fact,  kings  generally 
could  obtain  from  popes  almost  what  favours 
they  would ;  so  that,  powerfid  as  secular 
princes  were  becoming,  no  king  woiild  prob- 
ably have  thought  of  defying  papal  authority 
altogether  had  it  not  been  for  Henry  vm.'s 
[q.v.)  extraordinary  passion  for  Anne  Boleyn, 
and  his  stiU  more  extraordinary  determination 
to  redeem  his  pledge  to  her,  even  after  his 
passion  had  been  gratified  and  was  beginning 
to  burn  itself  out. 

Henry  believed,  at  first,  that  there  was 
a  flaw  in  the  dispensation  for  his  marriage 
with  Katherine  of  Aragon  by  which  it  could 
be  declared  nuU,  and  he  could  thus  be  set  free 
to  fulfil  his  promises  to  Anne.  But  when 
he  saw  by  the  failure  of  the  legatine  court 
that  he  could  not  obtain  his  desire  from 
Rome,  he  determined  to  obtain  it  otherwise, 
and  at  any  cost.  He  laid  the  whole  clergy 
of  the  realm  under  a  praemunire  for  having 
accepted  Wolsey's  {q.v.)  legatine  power,  and 
made  them  buy  their  pardon  by  an  enormous 
fine  (1531).  But  even  then  he  would  not  accept 
them  again  into  favour  tUl  they  had  recog- 
nised him  as  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church 
of  England.  This  unheard-of  title,  after 
much  debate,  they  conceded,  but  only  with 
the  quahfication  '  as  far  as  the  law  of  Christ 
allows.'  Then  he  caused  complaints  against 
the  clergy  to  be  raised  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  affected  to  hear  them  as  an 
impartial  judge.  He  declared  that  the 
clergy  were  but  half  his  subjects,  and  wrung 
from  them  on  the  16th  May  1532  their  cele- 
brated '  Submission,'  by  which  they  promised 
henceforward  to  enact  no  new  canons,  and  to 


(  576 


Supremacy] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Supremacy 


allow  those  already  enacted  to  be  examined 
by  a  mixed  committee  of  thirty-two,  to  see 
how  far  they  were  compatible  with  the  laws 
of  the  realm.  The  King  then  cut  off  Roman 
jurisdiction  altogether  by  Act  of  Parliament. 
He  also  secured  from  his  subjects  generally 
the  recognition  of  what  he  liad  done  by  oaths 
binding  them  to  the  succession  and  repudiat- 
ing the  Pope's  jurisdiction.  A  few  martyrs 
held  out  and  submitted  to  the  awful  penalties 
of  treason  for  refusing  to  acknowledge  the 
King's  Supremacy  over  the  Church ;  but  the 
nation  generally  obeyed  the  new  decrees. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  people  generally 
were  intimidated,  and  that  foreign  nations 
were  horrified.  Neither  is  there  a  doubt 
that  the  King  might  have  been  dethroned  by 
a  combination  against  him  abroad  if  the  two 
leading  princes  of  Europe,  who  both  disliked 
him,  could  have  agreed  to  execute  the  will 
of  the  Pope  against  him.  But  the  Emperor 
and  Francis  i.  were  suspicious  of  each  other, 
and  each  feared  to  make  Henry  his  enemy, 
lest  he  should  ally  himself  with  his  rival.  So 
royal  power  in  an  island  kingdom  was  safe, 
even  in  defying  the  spiritual  ruler  of  Christen- 
dom, whose  cause  no  prince  would  avenge. 
Yet  there  was  still  one  danger  within  the 
kingdom  itself  from  the  monasteries,  which 
had  never  been  accustomed  to  any  other 
obedience  but  to  that  of  Rome.  [Monas- 
teries, SuppBESSiON  or.]  So  these  establish- 
ments had  to  be  put  down  ;  and  Henry  viii. 
lived  out  his  days  in  fear  only  of  danger 
from  abroad,  which  at  times  inspired  him 
with  serious  but  not  lasting  dread.  Royal 
Supremacy  descended  to  liis  son,  and  what 
with  the  Smalcaldic  war,  the  Council  of 
Trent,  and  the  Interim,  England  was  stiU 
safe.  Even  Mary  (q.v.)  succeeded  Edward  as 
Supreme  Head  of  the  Church,  and  she  only 
restored  papal  authority  by  Royal  Supremacy, 
though  she  dropped  the  title.  Under  Elizabeth 
(q.v.)  Supremacy  was  again  asserted,  though 
the  title  was  a  little  changed.  It  was  im- 
possible to  restore  the  old  power  of  the 
papacy.  AU  delusions  on  that  subject  were 
put  an  end  to  at  last  by  the  fate  of  the 
Spanish  Armada,  and  they  have  never  been 
revived.  [j.  c] 

The  Royal  Supremacy  at  the  present  time  is 
exercised  in  three  ways.  (1)  The  State  has 
a  large  share  in  choosing  the  chief  officers 
of  the  Church.  [Bishops.]  (2)  It  controls 
the  Church's  legislature,  in  that  the  royal 
writ  is  necessary  for  its  meeting,  and  royal 
licence  and  assent  for  the  civil  validity  of 
new  canons.  [Convocation,  Canon  Law.] 
(3)  It  controls  the  Church's  courts,  not  so  as 

2  0  (  577  ) 


to  usurp  their  functions,  but  to  see  that  they 
act  justly  and  do  not  infringe  the  law  of  the 
land.    [Courts.] 

The  Supremacy  as  asserted  by  the  Tudors 
involved  three  conditions  which  made  it 
acceptable  to  the  Church.  (1)  It  was  to  bo 
exercised  by  a  sovereign  who  was  himself  a 
faithful  member  of  the  Church,  and  would 
therefore  accept  the  Church's  law  as  bind- 
ing within  its  sphere.  Such  a  one  would 
not  seek  to  extend  the  temporal  author- 
ity beyond  its  due  limits.  This  appears 
from  Article  xxxvn.,  and  from  Canon  2  of 
1604,  which  compares  the  royal  authority 
in  causes  ecclesiastical  to  that  of  the  godly 
kings  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  Christian 
emperors.  (2)  This  safeguard  would  have 
been  nugatory  unless  the  '  godly  king  '  not 
only  reigned  but  governed,  and  exercised 
the  Supremacy  according  to  his  personal 
will.  It  need  not  be  said  that  this  was 
clearly  understood  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
(3)  It  was  not  an  arbitrary  but  a  limited 
power,  to  be  exercised  constitutionally  in 
certain  well-defined  ways ;  visitatory  in  its 
nature,  designed  to  regulate  and  restrain 
the  exercise  of  spiritual  jurisdiction,  but  not 
to  usurp  any  of  its  functions.  This,  hke  the 
preceding  conditions,  clearly  appears  in  the 
sixteenth-century  pubUc  documents,  e.g.  the 
Act  of  Supremacy,  1559  (1  Eliz.  c.  1),  and 
Article  xxxvn. 

The  practical  exercise  of  the  Supremacy 
has  been  greatly  affected  by  the  constitu- 
tional developments  of  modern  times.  But 
the  assumption  frequently  made  that  it  has 
passed,  together  with  the  supreme  power  in 
the  State,  from  the  sovereign  personally 
to  Parliament  and  Cabinet  is  not  a  legiti- 
mate consequence  of  the  sixteenth-century 
settlement,  and  has  never  been  accepted 
by  the  Church.  The  alternative  to  the 
personal  Supremacy  of  a  godly  king  is  not 
the  Supremacy  of  the  majority  of  a  possibly 
godless  Parliament,  or  of  ministers  who  are 
not  necessarily  Churchmen  or  Christians ;  but 
that  the  Church,  like  the  State,  should  enjoy 
a  greater  measure  of  self-government  subject 
to  its  not  infringing  the  civil  law.  Should 
the  civil  authority  abuse  its  Supremacy  by 
interfering  capriciously  with  the  Church's 
powers  of  self-government,  the  Church  must 
in  self-defence  withdraw  in  its  turn  from  the 
sixteenth-century  settlement,  and  take  up 
the  position  of  a  non-established  Church,  over 
which  the  State  has  only  the  authority  which 
it  must  always  possess  over  any  association 
of  its  members.  [Church  and  State,  Estab- 
lishment, q.v.  also  for  authorities.] 

[G.  C] 


Swithun] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Synodals 


SWITHUN,  St.,  Bishop  of  Winchester 
(?  805-862).  Like  so  many  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  saints  who  Hved  too  late  to  have 
their  lives  recorded  by  Bede,  and  too 
early  to  get  the  advantage  of  the  literary 
revival  inaugurated  by  King  Alfred,  Swithun 
is  very  little  more  than  a  name  to  us.  There 
is  a  life  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  but  it  contains 
much  more  of  his  posthumous  history — the 
miracles,  etc.,  wrought  long  after  his  death — 
than  of  the  actual  facts  of  his  career.  He 
lived  during  a  most  important  period  of 
English  history :  his  earlier  years  were  con- 
temporary with  the  conquests  of  Ecgbert; 
his  later  ones  saw  the  commencement  of 
the  Danish  invasion.  His  own  city  of 
Winchester  was  burnt  by  the  Danes  while  he 
yet  lived.  But  the  compiler  who  wrote  his 
life  can  tell  us  nothing  of  his  connection  with 
the  great  events  of  his  day,  which  clearly 
must  have  been  close  and  important.  The 
Bishop  of  Winchester  was  the  chief  ecclesiastic 
in  Ecgbert's  W^est  Saxon  realm.  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  Chronicle  only  mentions  him  to  record 
his  death — under  the  wrong  year. 

From  the  Life  and  from  Florence  of 
Worcester — both  authorities  too  late  to  be 
safely  trusted — we  learn  that  Swithun  was 
bom  of  noble  parents,  that  he  earlj^  chose  the 
clerical  career,  and  that  he  was  ordained  in 
827  by  Helmstan,  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
whose  deacon  he  may  have  become,  for  there 
is  a  charter  (Kemble,  CD.,  No.  1004)  in  which 
he  signs  as  deacon  immediately  after  Helm- 
stan. Unfortunately  the  charter  is  one  of 
those  whose  authenticity  has  been  doubted. 
But  the  date  827  given  by  Florence  for 
Swithun's  ordination  must  clearly  be  wrong, 
as  Helmstan  only  obtained  the  bishopric  of 
Winchester  in  838,  Ecgbert  is  said  to  have 
had  a  high  opinion  of  him,  and  to  have  made 
him  the  tutor  of  his  son  Aethelwulf ,  whom  the 
Ldfe  wTongly  supposes  to  have  been  his  only 
issue.  If  Aethelwulf' s  pious  incapacity  was 
at  all  the  result  of  his  instructor's  lessons, 
SAvithun  bears  a  sad  load  of  responsibility. 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  the  tradition 
that  Aethelwulf  had  a  great  respect  for 
Swithun  must  be  correct.  Unless  this  had 
been  the  case,  the  King  would  not  have 
assented  to  his  promotion  to  the  bishopric  of 
Winchester,  the  most  important  see  of 
Wessex.  We  may  well  believe,  therefore, 
William  of  Malmesbury's  statement  that 
Aethelwulf  made  him  his  guide  in  spiritual 
matters,  while  he  trusted  affairs  of  finance 
and  statecraft  to  the  warlike  Bishop  Ealhstan 
of  Sherborne. 

Unfortunately  we  have  no  authority  for 
stating  how  Swithun  dealt  with  the  great 


problems  of  his  patron's  reign — the  second 
and  unwise  marriage  with  Judith,  daughter 
of  Charles  the  Bald,  the  rebeUion  of  his 
son  Aethelbald  during  his  absence  abroad, 
or  the  recrudescence  of  the  Danish  in- 
vasions, which  had  been  checked  for  a 
space  by  AethclwuH's  victory  of  Aclea. 
Instead  of  history  we  have  some  petty  and 
worthless  legends.  Swithun's  humihty  was 
so  great  that  when  about  to  dedicate  a 
church  he  would  never  ride,  but  always  went 
on  foot,  and  often  under  the  cover  of  night. 
He  built  a  bridge  over  the  Itchen  at  the 
eastern  end  of  Winchester,  which  was  con- 
sidered a  fine  work,  and  repaired  many 
churches.  His  only  recorded  miracle  during 
his  life  (after  his  death  they  abounded)  was 
to  join  again  by  a  blessing  the  basket  of  broken 
eggs  belonging  to  a  market  woman,  whom 
his  bridge-building  workmen  had  jostled  and 
upset.  On  his  death-bed  he  is  said  to  have 
begged,  in  humility,  that  he  might  be  buried 
outside  his  cathedral,  where  his  grave  might 
be  trodden  on  by  the  passers-by,  not  within  it. 
A  plausible  guess  may  be  made  at  the  real 
significance  of  the  saint's  place  of  burial, 
which  was  undoubtedly  where  the  legend 
places  it.  Winchester  had  been  cruelly 
sacked  by  the  Danes  only  a  year  before 
Swithun's  death,  and  this  fact  (ignored  by  the 
biographer)  may  account  for  his  ha\'ing  been 
laid  outside  the  walls  of  a  building  which  was 
probably  still  in  a  chaotic  state  of  ruin. 

That  Swithun  was  a  holy  and  pious  prelate 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  he  was 
canonised  by  popular  consent,  and  that  his 
name  and  fame  survived  long  enough  to  cause 
his  successor.  Bishop  Aethelwold,  in  the  reign 
of  Edgar,  a  century  after  his  death,  to 
translate  his  relics  into  the  minster  with  great 
state.  The  translation  is  said  to  have  been 
caused  by  a  vision,  and  to  have  been  followed 
by  more  than  two  hundred  miracles  of  healing. 
The  legend  that  Swithun  objected  to  the 
moving  of  his  coffin,  and  endeavoured  to 
prevent  it  by  causing  forty  days  of  continuous 
rain  to  fall,  is  pure  folk-lore.  It  has  no  place 
in  his  Life,  where  it  is  implied  that  he  directed 
his  own  translation  in  a  vision,  and  approved 
it  by  working  countless  marvels  when  he  had 
been  laid  in  his  new  resting-place.  His 
translation  is  commemorated  on  loth  July. 

[c.  w.  c.  o.] 

The  Life  by  Lanfrid,  a  monk  of  Winchester,  is 
early  eleventh  eentury.  There  is  also  a  metrical 
Li/f-  by  Wolstan,  equally  useless.  For  further 
bibliography  see  VV.  Hunt  in  D.N.B. 

SYNODALS  are  identical  with  Cathedra- 
tica,  dues  of  not  more  than  two  shillings  a 


(578) 


Tait] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tait 


year  paid  by  the  parochial  clergy  to  the  bishop 
'  in  honour  of  the  episcopal  chair  and  in  token 
of  obedience  and  subjection  thereto.'  They 
were  called  synodals  from  being  paid  by  the 
clergy  when  they  came  to  the  diocesan  synod. 
They  are  stated  in  the  legal  text-books  to 
have  been  reserved  by  the  bishop  on  the 
estabUshment  of  separate  parishes  with  in- 
dependent incomes.  This  is  merely  a  theory 
of  their  origin.     In  the  Middle  Ages  they  were 


a  fixed  item  in  the  bishop's  revenue.  Their 
subsequent  history  followed  the  same  course 
as  that  of  Procurations  {q.v.).  Synodals  is 
also  a  name  for  the  constitutions  made  in 
provincial  and  diocesan  synods  and  published 
in  parish  churches,  a  practice  abolished  under 
Edward  vi.  as  tending  to  interrupt  the  service 
(see  preface  to  Book  of  Common  Prayer). 

[G.    C] 
Gibson,  Codex ;  Phillimore,  Eccl.  Law. 


TAIT,  Archibald  Campbell  (1811-82), 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  born 
in  Edinburgh  of  purely  Scottish  descent ; 
and  his  parents  were  staunch  adherents  of 
the  EstabUshed  Kirk.  In  later  years  some 
doubt  arose  as  to  whether  he  had  ever  been 
baptized ;  but  his  biographer  satisfied  him- 
self on  this  point.  In  1821  he  was  admitted 
to  the  High  School  of  Edinburgh,  from  which 
in  1824  he  was  transferred  to  the  newly 
founded  '  Edinburgh  Academy ' ;  and  in 
1827  to  the  University  of  Glasgow,  where 
he  gained  several  distinctions,  and  in 
October  1830  he  won  a  Snell  Exhibition 
at  BaUiol  College,  Oxford.  In  November 
1833  he  graduated  B.A.  with  a  First  Class 
in  Classics ;  in  1834  he  was  elected  Fellow 
of  BaUiol.  He  was  soon  afterwards  ap- 
pointed to  a  Tutorship,  and  took  liis  M.A. 
in  1836. 

From  first  to  last  Tait  was  greatly  influ- 
enced by  liis  early  Presbyterianism.  He  was 
a  devout  and  orthodox  Christian  and  no 
Calvinist ;  but  on  those  ecclesiastical  topics 
which  distinguish  Anglicanism  from  other 
systems  of  reformed  religion  his  sympathies 
were  rather  -with  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  than 
with  the  Church  of  England.  On  all  ques- 
tions affecting  sacramental  doctrine,  the 
structure  of  the  Church,  and  the  nature  of 
the  ministry  he  remained  to  the  end  of  his 
life  what  he  had  been  in  his  Presbyterian 
youth.  It  is  beUeved  that  he  was  confirmed 
when  an  undergraduate  at  the  instance  of  his 
Tutor,  F.  Oakeley,  but  even  of  this  there  is 
no  certain  proof.  As  he  was  a  communicant, 
confirmation  nuist  be  presumed. 

As  FeUow  of  BaUiol  Tait  was  bound  by 
statute  to  be  ordained  within  a  given  time 
from  his  M.A.  degree.  He  had  not  the  least 
desire  to  do  otherwise.  Indeed,  he  felt  that 
the  clerical  character  would  help  him  in  his 
tutorial  work.  But  he  was  led  to  the  priest- 
hood rather  by  the  external  circumstances  of 

(57 


his  position  than  by  inward  desire  or  special 
fitness.  Residing  in  BalUol,  and  actively 
occupied  with  pupils,  he  found  time  to  act 
as  curate  at  Marsh  Baldon,  near  Oxford. 

In  1841  Tait  was  one  of  the  '  Four  Tutors  ' 
who  publicly  protested  against  Tract  90. 
[Oxford  Movement],  and  thus  began  a 
policy  which  he  pursued  with  unremitting 
ardour  and  varying  success  tiU  the  last 
month  of  his  long  life.  In  1842  he  was 
chosen  to  succeed  Dr.  Ai'nold  {q.v.)  at 
Rugby.  His  friend.  Lake,  afterwards  Dean 
of  Durham,  warned  him,  with  friendly 
candour,  that  liis  sermons  would  probably 
be  duU,  and  his  '  Latin  prose,  and  composi- 
tion generaUy,  weak.'  As  a  schoolmaster 
he  was  not  conspicuously  successful.  He 
knew  notMng  about  EngUsli  pubUc  schools, 
and  did  not  understand  boys ;  but  his 
resolute  wUl  and  untiring  energy  carried  him 
tlu'ough.  In  the  domestic  part  of  his  work 
he  was  greatly  assisted  by  his  wife,  Catharine 
Spooner,  whom  he  married  in  1843. 

In  February  1848  he  was  suddenly  stricken 
with  rheumatic  fever,  and  was  desperately 
iU.  Dean  Bradley,  then  an  assistant  master 
at  Rugbj^  described  his  anxious  walks  with 
a  coUeague  up  and  down  the  Close,  Ustening 
for  the  beU  which  would  announce  the  head- 
master's death.  Somehow  Tait  puUed 
through  ;  but  the  Ulness  left  a  serious  affec- 
tion of  the  heart.  It  is  worth  recording,  as 
characteristic  of  Tait's  calm  temper  and 
strong  will,  that  knowing  that  certain  exer- 
tions, such  as  hurrying  for  a  train  or  chmb- 
ing  a  hUl,  would  thenceforth  be  dangerous, 
he  simply  abjured  them  for  ever.  Thence- 
forward he  would  rather  let  the  train  go 
than  run  to  catch  it,  and  would  wait  at  the 
bottom  of  a  hUl  tiU  he  could  get  a  convey- 
ance to  carry  him  up.  Having  been  a  very 
strong  and  a  very  active  man,  he  quietly 
adopted  an  entirely  new  scheme  of  life  ;  and 
he  used  to  quote  his  owti  case  as  an  encour- 

9) 


Tait] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Taxatio 


agement  to  all  young  men  similarly  affected  : 
'I  have  done  the  hardest  work  of  my  life 
since  I  have  had  an  incurable  heart-disease.' 
In  1849  Tait  was  appointed  Dean  of 
CarUsle.  He  was  as  httle  fitted  for  a  dean 
as  for  a  headmaster,  and  his  life  at  CarUsle 
is  memorable  only  for  a  crushing  sorrow. 
In  the  spring  of  1856  he  lost  five  httle 
daughters  through  an  outbreak  of  scarlet 
fever  strangely  mismanaged.  Queen  Vic- 
toria heard  of  this  desolation,  and,  at  her 
instance.  Lord  Palmerston  appointed  Tait 
to  the  see  of  London.  It  was  an  appoint- 
ment which  surprised  many  at  the  time ;  but 
as  years  went  on  Tait  was  found  to  possess 
great  powers  of  statesmanship,  and  to  be 
capable  of  exercising  a  strong  influence  on 
the  laity. 

The  best  result  of  Tait's  episcopate  was  the 
estabUshment    of    the    Bishop    of    London's 
Fund.     This   was   the   kind   of    business   in 
which  he  excelled ;    but  in  more  spiritual 
matters  his  rule  was  disastrous.     From  first 
to  last  he  set  his  face  against  the  Cathohc 
revival     and     the     modest     beginnings     of 
rituaUsm.      He    persecuted    Mr.    Liddell   of 
St.    Paul's,    Knightsbridge,    for    having    a 
stone    altar,    and    Mr.    Stuart   of    St.  Mary 
Magdalen,  Munster  Square,  for  having  altar- 
Ughts.     He  revoked  the  licence  of  a  curate 
(Mr.  A.  Poole)  for  hearing  confessions.     He 
pubhcly  rebuked  the  clergy  of  St.  Michael's, 
Shoreditch,  for  wearing  coloured  stoles.     He 
voted  for  the  Divorce  Act ;    he  encouraged 
Bishop    Colenso    {q.v.).     He    admitted    un- 
confirmed people  to  Communion.     He  was 
friendly    to    Evangelicals,    enthusiastic    for 
Latitudinarians  and  Broad  Churchmen,  and 
consistently  hostile  to  every  one  who  believed 
in  the  Church  as  a  spiritual  society  with  laws 
and  powers  of  her  own.     And,  as  he  was  an 
influential  speaker  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
intimate  with  the  Queen,  and  closely  associ- 
ated with  Whig  ministers,  he  was  a  most 
formidable    foe    to    the    Catholic    cause    in 
London.     Yet  his  action  in  opening  the  dome 
of  St.   Paul's  Cathedral    to   the   people    by 
bringing  about  the  first  great  free  popular 
service  held  there,  and  by  preaching  at  it, 
must  be  counted  among  the  causes  which 
have  led  to  the  position  which  St.  Paul's 
now  fills  in  the  religious  life  of  London  and 
of  the  country. 

In  1868  he  was  appointed  by  Lord  Beacons- 
field  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  His  first 
important  act  in  his  new  sphere  was  to 
negotiate,  during  the  session  of  1869,  be- 
tween Queen  Victoria  and  Gladstone  [q.v.)  in 
the  matter  of  the  Irish  Church ;  the  Church 
was  disestabUshed  in  spite  of  him,  and  he 


ruefully  complained  that  '  a  great  oppor- 
tunity had  been  poorly  used.'  His  next 
attempt  was  to  abolish  the  public  use  of  the 
Athanasian  Creed  ;  but  in  tliis  he  was  frus- 
trated by  Drs.  Pusey  (q.v.)  and  Liddon  [q.v.). 
In  1874  he  introduced  the  Pubhc  Worship 
Regulation  Bill  {q.v.)  in  a  last  desperate 
attempt  to  abolish  RituaUsm. 

Meanwhile  fresh  troubles  feU  upon  Tait' a 
home.  In  1878  he  lost  his  only  son,  and 
later  in  the  same  year  his  vAie.  He  now 
was  a  stricken  man,  liis  health  began  to  fail, 
and  towards  the  end  of  1882  he  took  to  his 
bed,  and  there  attempted  to  undo  some  of 
the  mischief  which  he  had  done.  He  induced 
Mr.  Mackonochie  {q.v.)  to  resign  the  benefice 
of  St.  Alban's,  Holborn,  and  so  to  avert 
the  law- suit  wlaich  had  been  arranged  by 
the  Church  Association.  This  arrangement 
was  dignified  with  the  title  of  'The  Great 
Archbishop's  Legacy  of  Peace '  ;  but  it 
failed  to  secure  Mr.  Mackonochie  from 
further  molestation.  It  was,  however,  the 
act  of  a  brave  and  great  man,  great  enough 
to  admit  that  he  had  been  in  the  wrong ;  and 
its  indirect  and  moral  consequences  were  not 
smaU. 

Tait  died  on  Advent  Sunday,  1882,  and  was 
buried  in  the  churchyard  of  Addington.  In 
public  life  he  was  singularly  impressive  and 
dignified ;  in  private  life  he  was  a  sincerely 
devout  and  affectionate  man. 

Davidson    and    Beiihani,    Life ;    G.    W.    E. 
Russell,  Household  of  Faith. 

TAXATIO  ECCLESIASTICA.  The  word 
taxatio  means  a  valuation  by  which  taxes  are 
to  be  levied.  In  1291  Edward  i.  made  a 
complete  inquiry  as  to  the  amount  and 
value  of  aU  Church  property.  The  result 
is  the  Taxatio  Ecclesiastica  Angliae  et 
Walliae,  first  printed  by  the  Records  Com- 
mission in  1802.1  The  originals  have  not 
survived;  two  MSS.  of  Henry  iv.'s  reign- 
exist  in  the  Record  Office  and  an  older  one  in 
the  British  Museum.  From  this  record  the 
names  and  values  of  almost  aU  thirteenth- 
century  churches  and  chapelries  in  England 
and  Wales  can  be  ascertained.  Each  diocese 
is  assessed  under  its  archdeaconries,  which  are 
subdivided  into  rural  deaneries.  The  record 
of  every  diocese  is  divided  into  two.  The 
first  part  records  the  Spiriiualia,  i.e.  tithes 
{q.v.)  and  other  offerings,  the  second  records 

1  Tlie  Record  is  printed  in  so-called  facsimile  type,  the 
abbreviations  of  wUicli  are  interpreted  in  How  to  Write 
the.  Historti  of  a  Famiiij,  W.  P.  W.  Pliilliniore,  2nd  ed., 
277-81.  The  text  for  the  diocese  of  Exeter  is  stated  by  a 
recent  editor  (F.  C.  llingeston-Kandolph)  to  be  'full  of 
inaccuracies.' 


(  580) 


Taxatio] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Taylor 


the  Temporalia,  i.e.  the  lands  granted  by 
laymen  for  spiritual  purposes.  The  older 
sfcs  in  1291.  with  the  exception  of  Canterbury, 
have  practically  no  Spiritualia,  the  fact  being 
•that  at  the  outset  they  had  been  plentifully 
<>ntlowed  with  manors,  from  which  their 
income  was  derived.  The  Temporalia,  i.e. 
the  lands,  paid  scutage  on  military  fiefs  and 
•carucage  on  lands  held  by  other  tenure  from 
tlic  twelfth  century,  and  probably  in  1188  (the 
Paladin  Tithe)  the  Spiritualia  were  taxed 
as  well.  No  more  is  heard  of  taxing  Spiri- 
■tualia  until  1207,  but  the  Lateran  Council 
•of  1215  gave  the  Pope  power  to  exact  a 
share  of  the  income  of  the  clergy  for  a  crusade, 
and  from  '  1252  onwards  a  tenth  of  ecclesi- 
astical revenue  was  generally  taken  by  the 
Pope's  authority'  (Stubbs,  C.H.,  ii.  183  n.). 
These  annual  '  tenths  '  or  '  tithes  '  were  often 
granted  to  the  King.  Thus  in  1-288  Edward  i. 
obtained  from  Nicholas  iv.  the  grant  of  such 
an  annual '  tenth '  for  six  years,  and  another 
such  grant  in  1291,  and  it  was  with  a  view 
to  this  that  the  new  and  stringent  Taxatio  of 
1291  was  made  under  the  direction  of  Oliver 
Sutton,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  and  John  of 
Pontoise,  Bishop  of  Winchester.  It  was 
bitterly  resented  by  the  clergy ;  the  Canon  of 
Barnwell,  recording  the  tkree  valuations  of 
Church  property  (viz.  those  of  1219,  1256,  and 
1291),  says  :  Prima  pungit,  secunda  vulnerat, 
tercia  usque  ad  ossa  excoriat. 

The  Taxatio  has  been  somewhat  carelessly 
compiled.  No  benefices  under  six  marks  in 
annual  value  were  subject  to  royal  or  papal 
taxation  unless  their  rectors  held  another 
living  besides,  or  unless  appropriated  to  a 
monastery.  Lists  of  these  small  livings 
ought  to  appear  at  the  end  of  each  diocese;  in 
fact,  if  they  were  vicarages  they  are  almost 
always  omitted,  though  if  rectories  they  gener- 
ally appear. 

This  valuation  was  used  until  1854  in  the 
older  colleges  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
i.e.  those  founded  before  1535,  as  the  criterion 
of  the  annual  value  of  livings  for  purposes  of 
the  old  statutes  (wliich  forbade  a  living  of 
more  than  a  certain  annual  value  to  be  held 
with  a  Fellowship).  The  Taxatio  as  printed 
in  1802  needs  some  explanation,  and  names 
in  it  appear  in  more  than  one  form.  The 
bishopric  of  Lichfield  appears  sometimes  as 
*  Cestrensis,'  and  at  others  as  '  Coventrensis.' 
1  he  northern  province  ha\T[ng  been  devastated 
by  the  Scottish  wars  was  reassessed  in  1318. 
Dixon  {History  of  Church  of  England,  i.  250) 
sums  the  result  revealed  by  the  Taxatio  at 
£2 1 8,802.  A  writer  in  The  Home  and  Foreign 
Review  (January  1864)  reckoned  it  at 
£206,000.      Bishop    Stubbs    {C.H.,   ii.   581) 


made  it  £210,644,  93.  9d.  in  1291,  and  under 
the  New  Taxation  of  1318  £191,903,  2s.  5.}d. 
Reckoning  the  total  annual  income  of  the 
country  at  that  date  at  £1,000,000,  the 
Church  is  seen  to  hold  some  one-fifth  of  the 
whole.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Miss  Rose  Graham  in  E.II.R.,  .Inly  190S. 

TAYLOR,  Jeremy  (1613-67),  divine,  was 
born  at  Cambridge,  a  descendant  of  Rowland 
'J'aylor  {q.v.),  the  Protestant  martyr.  He 
studied  at  Gonville  and  Caius  College,  be- 
came a  Perse  Scholar  and  Fellow,  took  his 
degree,  and  was  ordained.  Ho  then  came 
to  London,  attracted  the  attention  of  Laud 
{q.v.)  by  his  sermons,  and  was  sent  to  Ox- 
ford, where  he  became  M.A.  from  University 
College,  and  was  by  Laud  (as  visitor)  made 
Fellow  of  All  Souls.  He  became  chaplain  to 
the  King  and  to  the  primate,  and  Juxon  {q.v.) 
made  him  Rector  of  Uppingham,  where  he 
resided  and  worked  assiduously.  He  preached 
a  famous  anti-Roman  sermon  at  Oxford, 
5th  November  1638.  He  was  in  attendance 
on  the  King,  1642-3,  and  was  taken  prisoner 
in  February  1645.  After  his  release  he  lived 
at  Golden  Grove,  Carmarthenshire,  as  chap- 
lain to  the  Earl  of  Carbery.  There  he  wrote 
his  Liberty  of  Prophesying,  Holy  Living,  and 
Holy  Dying.  He  was  in  London  at  the  time 
of  the  execution  of  Charles  T.,  who  gave  him 
his  watch,  and  he  is  said  to  have  suggested 
for  the  book  compiled  in  his  memory  the  title 
Eiko7i  Basilike  {q.v.).  During  the  interregnum 
he  preached  and  officiated  occasionally  in 
London,  and  wrote  his  Ductor  Duhitantium, 
which  is  practically  the  only  systematic  Angli- 
can treatise  on  casuistry.  In  1658  he  went 
to  Ireland,  where  his  ministrations  were  inter- 
fered with  by  the  '  Anabaptist  commissioners.' 
At  the  Restoration  he  was  appointed  Bishop 
of  Down  and  Connor,  and  he  was  consecrated 
in  St.  Patrick's,  27th  January  1661.  In  the 
same  year  he  was  made  '  administrator  '  of  the 
see  of  Dromore.  He  endeavoured  to  make 
friends  with  the  Presbyterians,  and  he  pleaded 
consistently  for  toleration,  but  he  failed, 
partly  through  the  linguistic  difficulty,  to 
win  the  Roman  Cathohcs  to  the  national 
Church.  He  died,  24th  July  1667,  and  was 
buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Dromore.  No 
description  of  him  equals  that  of  George  Rust 
in  his  funeral  sermon.  '  He  had  the  good 
humour  of  a  gentleman,  the  eloquence  of  an 
orator,  the  fancy  of  a  poet,  the  acuteness  of 
a  schoolman,  the  profoundness  of  a  philo- 
sopher, the  wisdom  of  a  chancellor,  the 
sagacity  of  a  prophet,  the  reason  of  an  angel, 
and  the  piety  of  a  saint.'  His  Holy  Living 
and  Holy  Dying  are  immortal,  and  his  Liberty 


(581) 


Taylor] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Temple 


of  Prophesying  and  Ductor  Dubiiantium  de- 
serve to  be.  There  has  been  no  greater 
master  of  rhetoric  in  EngUsh  literature,  and 
his  style  is  uniquely  rich,  sonorous,  and  full 
of  classic  reminiscence.  As  a  theologian  he 
is  consistently  Anglican,  anti-Roman,  and 
anti-Puritan.  On  the  doctrine  of  Holy 
Communion  he  saj's :  '  The  question  is  not 
whether  the  symbols  be  changed  into  Christ's 
body  and  blood  or  no,  for  it  is  granted  on  all 
sides '  { Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  20). 

[w.   H.   H.] 

Works  in  '  Library  of  Auglo-Catliolie 
Theology,'  10  vols.  ;  Lire  by  Heber,  revised  by 
C.  P.  Eden,  ]'^54  :  liy  Gosse,  1904. 

TAYLOR,  Rowland  (d.  1555),  Reformer, 
born  at  Rothbury,  Northumberland,  was  a 
fellow-countryman  of  Ridley  and  William 
Turner,  Dean  of  Wells,  who  writes :  '  With 
this  man  I  lived  for  many  yecLVS  in  great 
familiaritj%  and  often  and  earnestly  ad- 
monished him  to  embrace  the  evangelical 
doctrine  ;  and  that  he  might  the  easier  be 
brought  to  think  as  we  did,  I  privately  got 
him  the  book  called  Unio  Dissidentium,  by 
which  and  the  sermons  of  Latimer  he  was 
taken  and  easily  came  over  to  our  doctrine.' 
He  was  educated  at  Cambridge,  was  or- 
dained in  1528,  and  became  a  Doctor  in 
both  Civil  and  Canon  Law.  In  1540  he  was 
appointed  chaplain  to  Cranmer  (q.v.),  and 
was  a  member  of  Convocation.  In  1544  he 
was  presented  by  Cranmer  to  the  living  of 
Hadleigh,  Essex,  where  he  resided,  gave  up 
his  chaplaincy,  and  in  many  respects  became 
a  model  parish  priest.  Hadleigh  had  already 
received  the  new  doctrine  through  the  preach- 
ing of  Bilney,  and  Taylor  carried  on  the  same 
teaching  with  much  diligence.  '  No  Sunday 
or  holy-day  passed  nor  other  day  when  he 
might  get  the  people  together  but  he  preached 
to  them  the  word  of  God.'  According  to 
Foxe  {q.v.),  a  partial  witness,  his  life  was  as 
eloquent  as  his  preaching.  '  He  was  void  of 
all  pride,  humble  and  meek  as  any  child  ; 
neither  was  his  lowliness  childish  or  fearful, 
but  as  occasion,  time  and  place  required  he 
would  be  stout  in  rebuking  the  sinful  and 
evil  doers  ;  so  that  none  was  so  rich  but  he 
would  tell  them  plainly  his  fault  with  such 
earnest  and  grave  rebuke  as  became  a  good 
curate  and  pastor.'  Under  Edward  VJ.  he 
was  put  on  the  commission  against  Ana- 
baptists, appointed  Chancellor  of  London, 
one  of  the  Six  Preachers  at  Canterbury,  and 
Canon  of  Rochester.  He  was  a  commis- 
sioner for  the  reformation  of  ecclesiastical 
laws,  and  in  1552  was  appointed  Archdeacon 
of  Exeter. 


His  arrest  was  ordered  six  days  after  the 
accession  of  Mary.  If  Foxe's  account  is 
correct  he  must  have  been  released,  as  he 
gives  a  lively  account  of  his  subsequent 
proceedings  at  Hadleigh.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  say  Mass  in  the  old  way  at  Hadleigh 
church.  When  Taylor  heard  the  bell  he 
found  the  church  door  barred,  but  got  in  at 
the  chancel  door,  and  '  saw  a  popish  sacrificer 
in  robes,  with  a  broad  new-shaven  crown, 
ready  to  begin  his  popish  sacrifice.'  Then 
said  Dr.  Taylor :  '  Thou  devil !  who  made 
thee  so  bold  to  enter  into  this  church  of 
Christ  to  profane  and  defile  it  with  this 
abominable  idolatry  ?  '  Taylor  was  turned 
out  of  the  church,  but  refused  to  fly,  and  was 
soon  afterwards  arrested  and  imprisoned  in 
the  King's  Bench.  W'hile  there  he  signed  a 
confession  of  faith  with  the  other  prisoners 
repudiating  transubstantiation.  He  was  tried 
before  a  commission  presided  over  by 
Gardiner  (q.v.),  who  urged  him  to  be  recon- 
ciled. He  was  obstinate  in  his  refusal, 
defended  the  marriage  of  priests,  rejected 
transubstantiation,  and  called  the  Pope's 
church  '  the  church  of  Antichrist.'  He  was 
condemned,  and  sent  down  to  Hadleigh  to 
be  burnt.  He  met  his  end  with  fortitude  and 
forbearance,  saying  to  one  of  his  executioners 
who  wantonly  struck  him :  '  0  friend,  I  have 
harm  enough  ;   what  needed  that  ?  ' 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Foxe,     Ads     and     Monuments;      Strype, 
Memorials. 

TEMPLE,  Frederick  (1821-1902),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  son  of  Major  Octavius 
Temple,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Sierra  Leone, 
was  born  at  Santa  Maura,  one  of  the  Ionian 
Islands,  where  his  father  was  '  Resident  for 
the  Lord  High  Commissioner.'  His  early 
education  was  conducted  by  his  mother,  and 
on  his  sixth  birthday  he  had  to  say  the 
Catechism  without  a  mistake. 

His  father  died  in  1834,  leaving  a  widow 
and  eight  children  in  miserable  povert}\ 
He  had  bought  a  small  farm  at  Axon,  near 
Culmstock  in  Devon,  and  there  Mrs.  Temple 
brought  up  her  family.  The  boys  worked  on 
the  farm  and  the  girls  helped  the  maid- 
servants. By  strict  frugality  Mrs.  Temple 
was  able  to  maintain  her  sons  at  Blundell's 
School,  Tiverton,  which  Frederick  entered  in 
1834.  Frederick  and  his  younger  brother 
John  lived  in  lodgings,  and  the  fee  for  each 
was  £4  a  year.  Frederick  Temple  was 
confirmed  when  he  was  twelve,  and  im- 
mediately became  a  communicant.  His 
preparation  for  confirmation  had  been  mainly 
conducted    by   his   mother.     He    was    most 


(582) 


Temple] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Temple 


diligent  both  at  books  and  also  at  games. 
Mathematics  wore  his  favourite  study. 
'  I  got  hold  of  Bland's  Algebraical  Problems, 
and  worked  entirely  through  it  in  my  play- 
time.' In  I8;58  he  won  the  school-seholarship 
to  Balliol  College,  Oxford,  and  from  the  early 
age  of  seventeen  he  made  his  own  living.  He 
went  into  residence,  April  1839.  He  was 
miserably  poor,  and  worked  extraordinarily 
hard.  '  I  knew  what  it  was  to  be  unable  to 
afford  a  fire,  and  consequently  to  be  very 
cold,  daj's  and  nights.  I  knew  what  it  was, 
now  and  then,  to  live  upon  rather  poor  fare. 
I  knew  what  it  was — and  I  think  that  was 
the  thing  that  pinched  me  most — to  wear 
patched  clothes  and  patched  shoes.'  He  rose, 
summer  and  winter,  at  four  a.m.,  and  was 
busy  with  work,  chapel,  breakfast,  and 
lectures  tiU  three.  Dinner  was  at  four,  and 
evening  chapel  at  five-thirty.  By  seven  at 
latest  he  was  at  work  again  and  got  to  bed  at 
ten-thirty,  and  '  went  to  sleep  immediately.' 
The  result  of  all  this  labour  was  that,  being 
already  a  first-rate  mathematician,  he  so 
improved  in  classics  that  in  1842  he  was 
proxime  accessit  for  the  Ireland  Scholarship. 
In  the  same  year  he  obtained  a  Double  First, 
in  Classics  and  Mathematics,  and  took  his  B.  A. 
degree.  By  the  then  existing  regulations  of 
BaUiol,  a  Blundell  Scholar  could  only  become 
a  Blundell  Fellow,  but  Temple's  Lecture rship 
in  Mathematics  and  Logic  made  him  the  equi- 
valent of  a  modern  tutorial  Fellow.  He  made 
a  special  study  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas.  In 
1845  he  was  ordained  deacon,  and  in  1846 
priest.  On  the  evening  before  the  monthly 
Eucharist  in  college,  he  used  to  invite  to  his 
rooms  any  of  the  undergraduates  who  chose 
to  come,  and  gave  them  practical  and  devo- 
tional addresses. 

In  1847  Temple  wrote  :  '  It  has  been  my 
dream  for  years  to  devote  my  fuU  strength, 
as  soon  as  I  had  it,  to  the  education  of  the 
poor.'  An  opportunity  of  realising  this  dream, 
at  any  rate  indirectly,  occurred  in  1848, 
when  he  became  an  examiner  in  the  Education 
Office,  -vsdth  a  view  to  becoming  Principal  of 
Kneller  Hall,  as  soon  as  it  should  open  its 
doors.  The  Hall,  near  Twickenham,  was 
opened  in  1850  for  the  training  of  teachers  for 
Avorkhouse  schools.  The  experiment  was  not 
successful.  Temple  worked  hard,  but  got  on 
badly  with  the  official  chiefs  at  the  Education 
Office,  and,  after  a  great  deal  of  fighting  and 
worry,  resigned  in  May  1855.  He  notified 
the  fact  to  a  friend  in  an  apt  quotation  : 
'  Total — all  up  witli  Squeers.' 

In  1857  Dr.  Goulburn,  afterwards  Dean  of 
Norwich,  resigned  the  Headmastership  of 
Rugby;  Temple  was  elected,  and  began  his 


duties  in  January  1858,  bringing  with  him 
to  the  school-house  at  Rugby  his  venerable 
mother,  to  whom  he  was  most  tenderly 
attached,  and  a  sister  who  acted  as  his  house- 
keeper. He  now  found  himself,  for  the  first 
time,  in  exactly  the  right  place,  and  was 
Headmaster  of  Rugby  for  precisely  twelve 
years.  He  ruled  the  school  with  splendid 
vigour  and  marked  success.  His  sermons 
preached  in  the  school-chapel  were  master- 
pieces, combining  spiritual  fervour  with 
strong  common-sense,  and  an  ennobling 
doctrine  of  duty.  His  headmastership  was 
blemished  by  only  one  great  error,  which 
proceeded  from  causes  altogether  outside 
his  professional  business :  namely,  his 
participation  in  Essays  and  Reviews  (q.v.), 
1860.  His  essay,  the  first  in  the  volume,  was 
a  long  and  rather  dull  discourse  on  '  The 
Education  of  the  World,'  which  had  originally 
done  duty  as  a  sermon  before  the  British 
Association.  As  one  reads  it  now,  it  seems 
absolutely  harmless,  but  at  the  time  of 
publication  it  was  thought  to  be  an  attack  on 
miracles.  Some  of  the  other  essays  were  less 
innocent,  and  some  were  justly  chargeable 
with  flippancy  and  irreverence.  Temple,  of 
course,  came  in  for  a  full  share  of  the  blame. 
It  was  alleged  that  he  was  '  editor  '  of  the 
volume,  which  was  false ;  and  that,  as  head- 
master of  a  public  school,  he  had  no  business 
to  meddle  with  controversial  matters,  which 
was  true.  A  determined  effort  was  made  to 
squeeze  him  out  of  his  headmastership,  and 
even  his  friend,  Matthew  Arnold,  thought  he 
must  go  ;  but  he  budged  not  an  inch.  When 
the  Bishop  of  London,  Tait  (q.v.),  who  had 
been  his  tutor  at  Balliol,  joined  the  other 
bishops  in  condemning  the  book,  Temple, 
who  had  reason  to  expect  quite  different 
treatment,  attacked  him  with  remarkable 
vigour.  '  What  you  did  had  not  the  in- 
tention, but  it  had  all  the  effect  of  treachery.' 
'  You  ought  not  to  make  it  impossible  for  a 
friend  to  calculate  on  what  you  wiU  do.  I 
do  not  care  for  your  severity.  I  do  care  for 
being  cheated.' 

Temple  had  been  brought  up  a  Tory.  At 
Oxford  he  became  a  Liberal,  as  Liberalism 
was  understood  in  the  'forties  and  'fifties, 
and  he  felt  a  strong  admiration,  apart 
from  questions  of  opinion,  for  Gladstone 
iq.v.),  whose  policy  of  Disestablishment 
of  the  Chvu'ch  in  Ireland  he  supported, 
making  several  public  speeches  in  favour  of 
it  at  the  General  Election  of  1868.  To 
Gladstone,  a  man  who  actively  supported 
him  in  the  urgent  controversy  of  the  moment, 
whatever  it  might  be,  was  always  a  pearl  of 
price  ;   and  he  noted  Temple  for  preferment. 


(  583  ) 


Temple] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Temple 


He  once  said  to  the  present  \\Titer :  '  I  re- 
solved, if  I  ever  became  Prime  Minister, 
to  recommend  for  the  first  bishopric  which 
fell  vacant  Moberly,  who  had  been  most 
unjustly  passed  over ;  and  I  also  resolved 
to  offer  the  first  good  bit  of  preferment,  not 
a  bishopric,  which  came  into  my  hands,  to 
Temple.' 

Gladstone  became  Prime  Minister  in 
December  1868.  In  July  1869  he  offered 
the  deanery  of  Durham,  carrjing  with  it 
the  Wardenship  of  the  University,  to  Temple, 
who  declined  it.  In  August  1869  he  ap- 
pointed Moberly  to  the  see  of  Salisbury,  and 
in  the  autumn  he  had  three  bishoprics  to  fill 
— Exeter,  Oxford,  and  Bath  and  WeUs.  He 
offered  Temple  his  choice,  and  Temple  chose 
Exeter — '  because  of  my  strong  affection 
for  the  people  and  the  place.'  Gladstone 
WTote  to  Archbishop  Tait :  '  I  am  not  so 
sanguine  as  to  believe  that  one  of  the  three 
new  names  will  pass  wthout  some  noise.' 
The  noise  soon  became  a  tumult,  High 
Churchmen  and  Evangelicals  joining  in  the 
din.  Gladstone,  they  said,  with  one  accord, 
was  promoting  to  the  episcopate  one  who, 
by  writing  in  Essays  and  Reviews,  had,  as  Dr. 
Pusey  {q.v.)  expressed  it,  'participated  in  the 
ruin  of  countless  souls.'  Temple's  more  timid 
friends  implored  him  to  recant,  or  withdraw, 
or  explain  ;  but,  as  in  1860,  he  held  his  peace. 
He  was  confident  of  his  own  essential  ortho- 
doxy, and  confident  also  that  as  soon  as  he 
became  a  bishop,  that  orthodoxy  would  be- 
come, in  spite  of  the  clamour,  known  to  all 
men.  He  believed  that  Essays  and  Reviews 
had  done  more  good  than  harm ;  and  he 
could  not  expose  himself  to  the  obvious 
reproach  of  recanting  his  opinion  in  order  to 
facilitate  his  advance  to  a  great  position. 
The  Chapter  of  Exeter  '  elected '  him  by 
thirteen  to  six.  The  opposition  to  the 
'  Confirmation '  at  Bow  Street  was  over- 
ruled by  the  Vicar-General  [Bishops]. 
December  21st  was  the  day  fixed  for  the 
consecration  in  Westminster  Abbey ;  and 
strong  protests  by  several  bishops  of  the 
province  were  tendered  in  the  Jerusalem 
Chamber  to  the  presiding  bishop,  Jackson  of 
London,  but  they  again  were  overruled.  On 
the  29th  December  he  was  enthroned  in 
Exeter  Cathedral,  and  preached  a  noble 
sermon,  of  which  the  opening  words  were 
these :  '  Ever  since  I  first  was  told  that  it 
would  be  my  duty  to  labour  in  this  diocese 
of  Exeter,  I  have  desired  with  an  exceeding 
desire  for  the  day  to  come  when  I  might 
meet  you  face  to  face,  and  pour  out  before 
you  all  that  is  in  my  heart  of  devotion  to 
you  and  to  our  common  Master,  our  Lord 


God,  the  Son  of  God,  Jesus  Christ.'  Now 
that  Temple  was  safely  estabUshed  in  his 
scat  and  no  power  could  dislodge  him,  he 
gladly  took  a  step  which  when,  as  Dean 
Wcllesley  said,  '  the  mitre  was  hanging  over 
his  head,'  he  regarded  as  dishonourable,  and 
he  withdrew  his  essay  from  any  subsequent 
edition  of  Essays  and  Reviews.  The  '  Liberal ' 
party  in  the  Church  were  bitterly  dis- 
appointed. But  Matthew  Arnold,  who  was 
warmly  attached  to  the  Bishop,  highly 
approved.  '  I  told  him  that  I  thought  the 
Essays  and  Reviews  could  not  be  described 
throughout  as  "  a  free  handling,  in  a  becom- 
ing sfiril  "  of  religious  matters,  and  he  said 
he  quite  agreed  \nt\\  me.  ,  .  .  He  is  a  fine 
character.' 

From  the  very  outset.  Temple's  adminis- 
tration of  his  see  was  marked,  not  only  by 
strength  and  vigour,  but  by  a  wisdom  and 
tenderness  which  people  had  scarcely  ex- 
pected. He  had  a  rugged  exterior,  a  harsh 
voice,  and  no  manners.  Toadies  (whom  no 
bishop  ever  lacked)  used  to  repeat  his  rude- 
nesses as  witticisms,  and  paraded  his  snubbing 
speeches  and  ungracious  ways  as  signs  of  his 
invincible  honesty.  All  this  was  to  be 
deplored,  but  under  it  there  lay  a  truly  warm 
and  generous  heart,  and  a  simple  devotion 
which  compensated  for  some  things  which 
were  less  admirable.  Gradually  he  made  his 
way,  and  prejudices  melted  away  as  his 
essential  goodness  became  known,  and  liis 
activity  pervaded  the  whole  diocese.  He 
worked  for  diocesan  organisations,  Church- 
restoration  and  extension,  purity,  temper- 
ance, missions,  foreign  and  domestic ;  and 
he  secured  the  division  of  the  diocese, 
and  the  erection  of  Truro  {q.v.)  into  a  sep- 
arate see.  In  everything  which  he  under- 
took, he  strove  to  take  the  fine  wliich  the 
Church  of  England  takes ;  and,  though 
he  sometimes  misinterpreted  her  intention, 
no  one  could  doubt  his  loyalty  to  her.  In 
his  undergraduate  days,  he  had  been  to  some 
extent  affected  by  the  Oxford  Movement, 
and  was  at  one  time  inclined  towards  Rome  ; 
but  he  drew  back  from  the  movement  in 
some  disgust  when  the  seeming  tragedy  of 
W.  G.  Ward's  condemnation  and  degrada- 
tion ended  in  the  serio-comic  episode  of 
his  unsuspected  engagement.  From  1845  to 
1847  his  spiritual  life  '  passed  through  a 
tunnel,'  and  we  know  nothing  of  his  theo- 
logical history  till  he  emerged  with  his 
difficulties  settled,  and  himself  ready  to  be 
ordained.  For  the  next  thirty  years  he 
passed  as  a  '  Broad  Churchman,'  though  he 
never  labelled  himself  with  the  nickname ; 
and   it   was   only   towards   the   end   of   his 


(  584 


Temple] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Theodore 


episcopate  at  Exeter  that  people  began  to 
recognise  him  as  a  kind  of  stiff  High  Chureh- 
nian,  on  a  pattern  of  his  own.  He  bcheved 
in  the  Cathohc  Church  as  the  divinely-ap- 
pointed instrument  for  converting  and  saving 
the  world.  He  believed  in  the  Apostolical 
Succession  ;  he  believed  in  '  the  mysterious 
gift '  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  his  way  of 
accounting  for  it  tended  towards  con- 
substantiation.  He  knew  and  cared  nothing 
about  ritual,  and,  as  long  as  a  priest  was 
doing  good  work,  Temple  would  not  harry 
him.  In  January  1885  he  was  called,  again 
by  Gladstone,  to  the  see  of  London  ;  and 
there  he  ruled  for  eleven  years,  trusted  and 
honoured  even  by  those  who  disliked  him, 
and  revered  by  all  for  his  transparent  de- 
votion and  boundless  activity.  In  1896 
Lord  Sahsbury  elevated  him  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  and  the  least  successful  period 
of  his  career  began. 

In  1898  there  was  a  sudden  outbreak 
of  Puritan  fanaticism  against  '  ritualistic 
practices.'  In  February  1899  Temple  an- 
nounced that,  acting  on  the  direction  in  the 
preface  to  the  Prayer  Book,  he  would  hear 
cases  where  doubts  had  arisen  about  the 
proper  mode  of  conducting  divine  service, 
and  would  judge  such  cases  with  an  open 
mind.  The  use  of  incense  and  portable 
lights  were  the  first  points  submitted  to  his 
judgment,  and  no  one  could  have  been  less 
qualified  to  decide  them.  He  knew  the  Act 
of  Uniformity  and  he  knew  the  Prayer  Book, 
and  he  knew  nothing  more  about  the  matter. 
Accordingly  he  condemned  incense  and 
portable  hghts,  as  being  ornaments  not  pre- 
scribed. He  went  on  to  forbid  reservation 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  for  the  sick  and 
dying.  He  frankly  admitted  that  his  deci- 
sions were  merely  '  opinions,'  but  his  suffra- 
gans tried  hard  to  enforce  them.  In  the 
matter  of  incense  they  partially  succeeded  ; 
as  regards  reservation  they  totaUy  failed. 

In  1897  Temple  signed  and  promulgated 
the  Responsio,  which  the  learned  Bishop  John 
Wordsworth  had  written,  to  the  Pope's  Bull 
condemning  Anghcan  Orders.  In  the  same 
year  he  presided  over  the  Fourth  Lambeth 
Conference.  He  procured  the  sale  of  Adding- 
ton  Park,  and  the  restoration  of  the  old  palace 
at  Canterbury.  He  made  over  the  park  at 
Lambeth  to  the  London  County  Council,  and 
he  crowned  King  Edward  vn.  He  died  on 
the  23rd  December  1902,  and  was  buried  in 
the  cloister  garth  of  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

[g.  w.  e.  e.] 

Frederick  Temple,  by  Seven  Friends  ;  personal 
recollections. 


TERRIER.  An  ecclesiastical  '  Terrier '  is  a 
list  or  description  of  glebe  lands  and  tithes 
(q.v.)  belonging  to  a  benefice,  which  de- 
scription or  survey  has  been  made  by  the 
incumbent  or  churchwarden.  The  word  is 
sometimes  spelt  '  terrar.'  [s.  L.  c] 

Thomas,  Hanilhwik  ti  Ihe  I'uhlic  Records. 

THEODORE  (c.  602-90),  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, was  born  at  Tarsus  in  Cilicia.  Of 
his  early  life  practically  nothing  is  known. 
From  a  letter  addressed  by  Pope  Zacharias 
to  St.  Boniface  {q.v.)  {M.G.H.,  Epist.  in., 
Ep.  80)  it  may  be  inferred  that  Theodore 
received  part  of  his  education  at  Athens. 
Bede  (H.E.,  iv.  1)  speaks  of  him  as  being 
instructed  in  secular  and  divine  literature, 
both  Greek  and  Latin.  He  must  have  already 
acquired  the  reputation  of  a  scholar  when  in 
667,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six,  he  appeared  at 
Rome.  Here  he  became  known  to  Abbot 
Hadrian,  an  African  monk,  who  had  been 
offered  by  Pope  Vitalian  the  archbishopric 
of  Canterbury,  vacant  owing  to  the  death 
of  Wighard  before  consecration.  The  abbot 
refused  it,  but  recommended  Theodore  to 
the  Pope  as  a  man  well  fitted  to  fill  the  high 
office.  Vitalian  accepted  him  on  the  con- 
dition that  Hadrian  should  accompany  the 
new  archbishop  to  England,  to  watch  over 
him  and  prevent  him  from  introducing  any 
unorthodox  tenets  of  the  Greek  Church. 
Theodore  was  immediately  ordained  sub- 
deacon,  but  as  his  head  was  shaved  bald 
after  the  Eastern  practice  he  delayed  four 
months  in  Rome  to  grow  his  hair,  that  he 
might  be  tonsured  in  the  Roman  fashion. 
On  26th  March  668  he  was  consecrated, 
and  two  months  later  started  with  Hadrian 
and  Benedict  Biscop  (q.v.),  who  was  then  in 
Rome,  for  England.  Their  journey  was  not 
accomphshed  without  hindrance.  They  pro- 
ceeded by  sea  to  Marseilles,  and  thence  by 
land  to  Aries,  where  they  were  detained  by 
John,  the  archbishop,  by  command  of  Ebroin, 
the  Mayor  of  the  Palace.  The  latter  suspected 
them  of  carr^ang  on  pohtical  intrigue  between 
the  Emperor  Constans  n.  and  the  EngUsh 
King.  Theodore  was  soon  permitted  to  depart, 
though  Hadrian  was  detained  longer.  The 
winter  was  passed  at  Paris  with  AgUbert, 
formerly  Bishop  of  Wessex.  Here  Raed- 
frith,  the  high  reeve,  who  had  been  sent  by 
Ecgbert,  King  of  Kent,  to  conduct  Theodore 
to  England,  found  him,  and  they  proceeded 
together  on  their  journey.  After  another 
delay  owing  to  sickness  at  Etaples,  Theodore 
finally  arrived  at  Canterbury  on  27th  May 
669. 

His    first  step  was  to  make  in  company 


(  .585  ) 


Theodore  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Theodore 


with  Hadrian  a  journey  of  inspection 
throughout  England.  He  met  with  a  good 
reception,  and  taught,  says  Bede  {H.E.,  iv.  2), 
the  proper  rule  of  hfe  and  the  canonical 
custom  of  celebrating  Easter,  thus  carrying 
into  effect  the  decision  of  the  Synod  of  Whitby 
of  664.  The  task  of  organising  the  English 
Church  was  not  easy.  The  dioceses  co- 
extensive with  the  kingdoms  were  too  large 
for  proper  control,  and  the  see  of  Rochester 
and  the  Mercian  bishopric  were  vacant.  He 
set  to  work  at  once  to  reform  this  impos- 
sible system  of  Church  government.  Chad 
(q.v.),  who  was  ruling  the  Church  in  Nor- 
thumbria  while  its  rightful  bishop,  Wilfrid 
(q.v.),  was  administrating  in  Kent,  had 
been  irregularly  consecrated.  The  modest 
bishop  resigned  his  see,  and  Wilfrid  was 
restored.  Theodore,  however,  found  a 
place  for  Chad  in  the  vacant  bishopric  of 
Mercia.  Chad  was  in  some  way  regularised, 
and  established  at  Lichfield.  Theodore  then 
appointed  Putta  to  Rochester  and  Bisi  to 
Dunwich,  the  centre  of  the  East  Anglian 
bishopric.  Shortly  after  a  bishop  was  found 
for  Wessex.  The  late  Bishop  Agilbert  sent 
over  his  nephew  Leutherius,  who  was  conse- 
crated Bishop  of  Winchester  by  Theodore. 
After  two  years'  work  comparative  order 
had  been  restored  in  the  Church.  In  673 
Theodore  summoned  at  Hertford  the  first 
important  synod  of  the  whole  English  Church. 
Theodore  himself  presided.  Bishops  Bisi, 
Putta,  Leutherius,  and  Winfrith,  the  successor 
of  Chad  in  the  Mercian  diocese,  attended, 
while  proxies  of  Wilfrid  were  also  present. 
The  archbishop  addressed  the  Council,  ex- 
horting all  to  work  for  the  unity  of  the  Church, 
and  asked  their  observance  of  the  decrees 
of  the  Fathers.  He  then  produced  a  book 
of  canons,  probably  a  collection  made  by 
Dionysius  Exiguus,  in  which  he  had  marked 
ten  passages  of  particular  importance.  These 
dealt  with  the  canonical  observance  of  Easter 
and  the  sphere  of  a  bishop's  authority  ;  they 
provided  that  monks  and  clergy  should  not 
leave  their  monasteries  or  dioceses  without 
special  permission  ;  finallj-,  that  annual 
councils  should  be  held  at  a  place  called 
Clovesho  on  1st  of  August  in  each  year.  The 
ninth  article,  providing  that  the  number  of 
bishops  should  be  increased,  met  with  oppo- 
sition, and  finally  had  to  be  abandoned.  It 
is  possible  that  Wilfrid's  representatives, 
who  knew  their  master  would  resent  a 
diminution  of  his  sphere  of  influence,  caused 
its  rejection.  The  remaining  articles  were 
then  subscribed  by  those  present  (Bede, 
H.E.,  iv.  5). 

In  spite  of  his  failure  to  carry  the  proposal 


for  subdividing  the  dioceses  at  the  Synod 
of  Hertford,  Theodore  was  able,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  resignation  of  Bisi,  to  divide 
the  bishopric  of  East  AngUa  by  appointing 
two  bishops,  for  Elmham  in  the  northern, 
and  for  Dunwich  in  the  southern,  half  of  the 
kingdom.  About  the  same  time  Winfrith, 
Bishop  of  Mercia,  was  deposed  on  the  ground 
of  disobedience — perhaps  resistance  to  the 
proposed  partition  of  his  diocese.  Saxwulf 
was  appointed  in  his  place,  while  Putta,  who 
had  retired  from  Rochester  to  Hereford, 
seems  to  have  exercised  episcopal  authority 
in  that  district.  The  subdivision  of  Mercia 
was  thus  begun.  In  678  Theodore  turned 
his  attention  to  the  north.  The  Northum- 
brian King  Egfrith  was  at  enmity  with 
Wilfrid,  and  was  willing  to  assist  Theodore 
to  carry  out  the  partition  of  the  unman- 
ageable diocese  of  York.  Theodore  knew 
he  could  not  get  Wilfrid  to  concur  in  his 
design.  While  therefore  Wilfrid  was  tempor- 
arily absent  he  created  three  bishops,  Bosa, 
Eata,  and  Eadhed,  for  Deira,  Bernicia, 
and  Lindsey.  Wilfrid  appealed  to  Rome, 
but  though  the  decision  was  in  his  favour 
he  failed  to  get  immediate  redress  in  England. 
He  was  even  imprisoned  for  a  short  time,  and 
afterwards  was  compelled  to  go  into  exUe. 
In  679  Theodore  succeeded  in  restoring  peace 
between  Egfrith,  King  of  Northumbria,  and 
Ethelred,  King  of  Mercia.  It  was  with  the 
latter's  consent  and  co-operation  that  Theo- 
dore now  reorganised  the  Mercian  diocese. 
Florence  of  Worcester  (M.H.B.,  622)  attri- 
butes the  change  to  the  year  679,  though 
probably  the  partition  of  the  diocese  took 
place  gradually.  Under  the  new  arrange- 
ment there  were  five  sees  in  Mercia,  Wor- 
cester, Dorchester  (in  Oxon),  Leicester, 
Lichfield,  and  Sidnacester  (Stow).  [Lich- 
field, See  of.] 

On  17th  September  680  Theodore  held  his 
second  great  Church  Synod  at  Hatfield.  It 
was  considered  advisable  by  Pope  Agatho 
to  sound  the  Enghsh  Church  on  the  question 
of  the  Monothelete  heresy,  which  had  been 
condenmed  at  Rome  earUer  in  the  same  year. 
A  declaration  of  orthodoxy  was  therefore 
drawn  up  and  signed  by  those  who  attended, 
though  unfortunately  the  names  of  the 
bishops  present  have  not  been  recorded  by 
Bede  {H.E.,  iv.  17).  At  the  same  time, 
John,  the  Archchanter  of  St.  Peter's  and 
Abbot  of  St.  Martin's  at  Rome,  who  had  come 
over  to  England  with  Benedict  Biscop,  laid 
before  the  synod  the  decrees  of  the  Lateran 
Council  of  649  against  Monotheletism. 

In  681  Theodore  further  subdivided  the 
diocese  of  Lindisfarne  by  establishing  a  see 


(  586  ) 


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[Theological 


at  Hexham  and  consecrating  a  bishop  for 
the  Picts.  Bishop  Tunbtut  of  Hexham  was 
deposed  in  684  for  disobedience  ;  the  see 
was  given  to  Eata,  and  on  26th  March  of  the 
next  year  Theodore  consecrated  Cuthbert  at 
York  to  the  see  of  Lindisfarne.  The  death 
of  King  Egfrith,  however,  in  686  offered 
an  opportunity  for  a  reconcihation  between 
Theodore  and  Wilfrid.  The  archbisliop  liiin- 
self  wished  to  achieve  this  before  liis  death, 
and  no  doubt  the  patient  suffering  and  the 
missionary  work  of  Wilfrid  had  won  his 
admiration.  The  very  partisan  account  of 
Eddius,  Wilfrid's  biographer,  cannot  be 
accepted  in  all  its  details,  though  the  main 
facts  are  proved.  The  new  King  of  Nor- 
thumbria,  Aldfrith,  who  did  not  share  the 
animosity  of  his  predecessor  towards  Wilfrid, 
agreed  to  his  restoration  to  the  see  of  York, 
though  Theodore's  division  of  the  diocese 
remained  undisturbed.  The  last  years  of 
Theodore's  hfe  are  marked  by  no  new 
achievements.  He  died  on  the  19th  Septem- 
ber 690  at  the  age  of  eighty-eight,  and  was 
buried  in  the  church  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  at 
Canterbury. 

Theodore,  saj-s  Bede,  w-as  the  first  arch- 
bishop whom  all  the  English  Church  obeyed 
{H.E.,  iv.  2).  These  words  indicate  the 
importance  of  his  work.  He  established 
something  like  ecclesiastical  unity  in  a  country 
pohtically  divided  into  separate  kingdoms ; 
the  Councils  of  Hertford  and  Hatfield  prove 
the  success  of  his  efforts  in  this  direction. 
He  thoroughly  reorganised  the  Church  on  a 
permanent  and  workable  basis,  and  sub- 
divided the  dioceses  formerly  co-extensive 
with  the  kingdoms  into  sees  of  manageable 
dimensions.  Though  he  cannot  be  said  to 
have  founded  the  parochial  system,  as 
Elmham  {Hist.  Mon.  S.  Augustini,  ed. 
Hard\^-ick,  p.  285)  asserts,  his  work  aided 
its  development.  Under  Theodore's  guidance 
a  great  advance  was  made  in  education. 
Assisted  by  Hadrian,  who  succeeded  Benedict 
Biscop  in  the  abbacy  of  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul  at  Canterbury,  Theodore  taught  large 
crowds  of  scholars.  As  a  testimony  of  their 
work,  Bede  tells  us  that  there  are  many 
scholars  in  his  day  '  who  are  as  well  versed 
in  the  Greek  and  Latin  tongues  as  in  their 
own '  {H.E.,  iv.  2).  William  of  Malmesbury 
speaks  of  Theodore  as  the  '  Philosopher '  {De 
Gestis  Pontificum,  p.  7). 

The  only  work  of  importance  which  can 
be  attributed  to  Theodore  is  the  PenitenliaL 
It  is  a  compilation  of  answers  given  by 
Theodore  to  questions  addressed  to  him 
by  one  who  styles  himself  '  Discipulus  Um- 
brensium.'      It    is   printed    in    Haddan   and 


Stubbs.  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Docu- 
ments, iii.  173  f.,  from  a  MS.  at  C.C.C, 
Cambridge.  [a.  l.  p.] 

Bede,  //.A'.  ;  E.Miii3,  vita  Wilfridi  (hut  for 
the  jiartisaii  cliaracter  of  this  source  see 
E.n.R.,  vi.  luVo  f.);  Il.iddan  ami  Stubbs, 
Councils,  iii.  ;  Bright,  Eurly  Knrj.  (Jh.  Hist.  ; 
Hook,  Lives  of  the  Archbishops,  i. 

THEOLOGICAL  COLLEGES.  The  Council 
of  Trent,  Sess.  xxiir.  cap.  xviii.,  ordered  .that 
all  cathedral  and  metropolitan  churches  should 
maintain  a  college  for  the  education  of  poor 
youths  for  the  sacred  ministrj'.  Archbishop 
Cranmer  {q.v.)  in  England  had  the  same 
design,  '  that  in  every  Cathedral  there 
should  be  provision  made  for  Readers,  of 
Divinity,  and  of  Greek,  and  Hebrew,  and  a 
great  number  of  Students  to  be  both  exer- 
cised in  the  daily  worship  of  God,  and 
trained  up  in  Study  and  Devotion  ;  whom 
the  Bishop  might  transplant  out  of  this 
Nursery,  into  all  parts  of  his  Diocese.  And 
thus  every  Bishop  should  have  had  a  College 
of  Clergymen  under  his  eye  '  (Burnet,  Hist, 
of  Reformation,  Book  in.  vol.  i.  225,  fol.  ed.) 

Some  attempt  at  such  an  institution  was 
perhaps  to  be  seen  in  the  practice  of  the 
saintly  Dr.  Richard  Sherlock  (1612-89), 
Rector  of  Winwick,  Lanes,  who  '  always 
entertained  in  his  house  at  least  three  Curates 
for  the  service  of  his  Church  and  chapels. 
So  that  Winwick  became  a  very  desirable 
place  for  young  Divines  to  improve  them- 
selves in  the  work  of  the  jVIinistry.'  Such  is 
Bishop  T.  Wilson's  (q.v.)  account  of  his 
uncle  and  rector,  and  upon  it  Mr.  Keble 
(q.v.)  observes:  '  Winwick  Rectory  thus  comes 
before  us  a  sort  of  Priests'  House  or  Paro- 
chial College.' 

The  first  regular  attempt  to  carry  out 
Cranraer's  ideals  was  made  at  Sahsbury  by 
Bishop  Burnet  (q.v.).  He  thought  'the 
greatest  prejudice  the  Church  was  under 
was  from  the  iU  education  of  the  Clergy,' 
and  considered  the  Universities  useless  for 
purposes  of  ordinands,  who  there  'learned  the 
airs  of  vanity  and  insolence  '  {Autobiog.,  500). 
He  determined  to  found  a  diocesan  college. 
It  was  the  project  '  upon  which  his  heart  was 
most  set,'  to  have  at  Salisbury  '  a  nursery  of 
Students  in  Di\'inity  who  should  follow  their 
studies  and  devotions  till '  the  bishop 
'  could  provide  them.'  He  had  ten  students, 
to  whom  he  allowed  £30  a  year  apiece,  and 
during  the  eight  months  of  his  annual  resi- 
dence at  Sahsbury  the  students  came  to 
him  daily  for  an  hour's  lecture.  The  care 
of  them  was  partlv  shared  by  Dr.  Daniel 
Whitby  (1638-1726)^  Rector  of  St.  Edmund's, 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Theological 


Salisbury,  and  Prebendary  and  Precentor 
of  the  cathedral,  who  superintended  their 
studies  in  the  bishop's  absence.  He  was  a 
studious,  unbusiness-like  man,  pious  and  un- 
selfish, who  '  used  no  recreation  but  tobacco,' 
a  vigorous  anti-Romanist  controversialist,  a 
voluminous  writer,  and  in  later  life  held 
Unitarian  opinions.  The  experiment  pro- 
voked the  opposition  of  the  University  of 
Oxford,  and  after  five  years  the  bishop  '  saw 
it  was  expedient  to  let  it  fall '  {Life  in  History 
of  His  Oicn  Time,  fol.  ed.,  ii.  708  ;  Suppl. 
Hist,  ed.  Foxcroft,  329,  500). 

In  1698  Thomas  Wilson  {q.v.)  was  conse- 
crated Bishop  of  Sodor  and  Man.  His 
practice  was  to  take  ordination  candidates  to 
reside  with  him  at  Bishop's  Court  for  a  year 
before  their  ordination  ;  and  here  they  were 
allowed  to  saj^  the  daily  ofiices  in  chapel,  and 
were  thus  trained  in  reading  and  speaking 
as  well  as  in  theology. 

In  1707  Wilson  proposed  to  the  S.P.G. 
the  training  of  missionary  candidates  at  a 
school  founded  in  Man  by  Bishop  Barrow. 
The  scheme  feU  through  in  1711  owing  to 
the  supineness  and  timidity  of  Archbishop 
Tenison,  the  only  objection  being  '  the 
lowness  of  the  Society's  funds.'  For  nearly 
a  century  such  projects  were  put  aside,  until 
in  1804  Bishop  Burgess  of  St.  David's, 
horrified  at  the  condition  of  affairs,  founded 
'  A  Society  for  promoting  Christian  Know- 
ledge and  Church  Union '  in  his  diocese, 
10th  October.  One  object  of  it  was  '  to 
facilitate  the  means  of  education  to  young 
men '  intended  for  the  Church's  ministry, 
and  the  bishop  urged  that  '  an  establishment 
for  their  education  in  the  diocese  was  very 
desirable.'  For  this  object  he  asked  the 
clergy  to  subscribe  a  tenth  of  their  benefices, 
and  though  poorly  paid  they  responded 
nobly.  From  this  arose  St.  David's  College, 
Lampeter.  The  bishop's  projected  '  Collegi- 
ate Seminary  for  Clerical  Education  '  {Life, 
292)  excited  interest,  money  came  in,  and  in 
1809  he  began  operations  near  Llandewy 
Brefy,  but  desisted  since  enough  money  was 
not  in  hand.  In  1820  a  Welsh  landowner.  Dr. 
Harford,  offered  the  bishop  a  site  at  Lam- 
peter. Building  began  in  1821.  George  iv. 
subscribed  £1000,  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
granted  £200  each,  and  on  the  King's  birth- 
day, 12th  August  1822,  the  foundation  stone 
was  laid  by  the  bishop.  In  1825  Burgess 
appeared  to  jeopardise  his  project  by  accept- 
ing translation  to  Salisbury;  but  his  successor, 
Bishop  Jenkinson,  completed  the  work,  and 
it  was  opened  for  the  reception  of  students, 
1st  March  1827.  It  is  by  no  means  only  a 
theological  college,  and  by  Roj^al  Charters 


(1852  and  1868)  it  is  allowed  to  confer  the 
degree  of  B.D.  and  B.A.  and  the  status  of 
Licentiate  in  Divinity. 

St.  Bees.  Although  a  coUege  for  St. 
David's  was  projected  in  1804,  yet  St.  Bees 
was  founded  before  Lampeter  was  built. 
In  1816  Bishop  G.  H.  Law  of  Chester  founded 
at  St.  Bees  in  Cumberland  (then  in  the 
Chester  diocese)  a  '  Clerical  Institution '  for 
the  better  instruction  of  those  candidates 
for  holy  orders  who  were  unable  to  obtain 
a  University  education.  The  Geiitleman's 
Magazine,  i.  338  (April  1817),  politely  patron- 
ised the  new  venture,  and  Carhsle  in  his 
Endowed  Grammar  Schools  (1818),  i.  169, 
goes  out  of  his  way  to  describe  the  new  foun- 
dation and  to  praise  '  this  truly  pious  and 
benevolent  design.'  Bishop  Law  gave  £200 
towards  building  a  house  for  the  '  Superin- 
tendent,' Queen  Anne's  Bounty  gave  £300, 
and  William,  first  Earl  of  Lonsdale  (1757- 
1844),  converted  the  ruined  chancel  of  the 
priory  church  (the  nave  of  which,  disused 
after  the  Dissolution,  had  been  restored  as 
a  parish  church  in  1611)  into  a  lecture-room 
and  library  for  the  students.  'The  young 
Gentlemen  '  from  the  first  '  boarded  them- 
selves in  private  houses.'  By  an  arrange- 
ment between  the  bishop  and  the  earl, 
who  was  patron  of  the  living  of  St. 
Bees,  the  principal  was  appointed  in- 
cumbent of  the  parish.  The  college  course 
extended  over  two  years,  and  residence  was 
indispensable.  The  institution  seems  to  have 
flourished  from  the  first.  Wordsworth  in  his 
Itinerary  Poems  of  1833  embalmed  the  college 
in  his  verse  : — 

'  Oh,  may  that  power  who  hushed  the  storrny 
seas, 
And  cleared  a  way  for  the  first  Votaries, 
Prosper  the  new-born  College  of  St.  Bees.' 

In  1846-8  there  were  from  a  hundred 
to  a  hundred  and  twenty  students  in  resi- 
dence, '  of  a  somewhat  mixed  character.' 
A  local  guide  in  1870  states  that  '  St.  Bees 
supplies  more  candidates  for  orders  in 
England  and  Wales  than  any  other  theo- 
logical coUege ;  the  average  number  of 
students  is  from  eighty  to  ninety,'  and  the 
official  College  Calendar  for  1890  mentions 
some  sixty  students  as  in  residence  in  the 
previous  year.  A  hood  was  invented  by 
Dr.  Parkinson  and  granted  to  the  students 
— half  red  and  half  white  silk.  This  was 
altered  later  to  a  hood  of  black  stuff  lined 
with  puce.  The  principals  or  '  superin- 
tendents'  were  (1)  Dr.  Wm.  Ainger,  1816- 
40;  (2)  Robert  Redder  Buddicom,  1840-6; 
(3)  Dr.  Richard  Parkinson,  1846-58  ;   (4)  Dr. 


(  588 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Theological 


George  Henry  Ainger,  1858-71 ;  (5)  Edward 
Hadarezcr  Knowles,  1871-96. 

The  college  ceased  to  exist  about  1894  owing 
to  the  raising  of  the  standard  for  ordinands, 
the  institution  of  a  Central  Entrance  Exam- 
ination, and  other  tests.  The  fees  were  £10 
per  term,  and  there  were  four  terms  in  the 
year.  In  185G  the  college  passed  from  the 
diocese  of  Chester  into  that  of  Carlisle.  Its 
existence  was  recognised  by  3  and  4  Vic. 
c.  77.  {Guide  to  St.  Bees,  1870;  St.  Bees' 
College  Calendar,  1890 ;  G.  Huntingdon, 
Random  Recollections,  263-76.) 

C.M.S.  College  at  Islington.  In  1806  the 
committee  of  the  society  gave  '  much  time 
and  thought  to  the  subject  of  a  seminary 
in  England.'  Early  missionaries  were  trained 
by  Thomas  Scott  at  Bledlow,  Bucks,  and 
later  were  distributed  among  various  clergy. 
The  idea  of  a  training  institution  was  opposed, 
some  urging  that  candidates  should  be  sent 
to  the  Universities.  Later  it  was  agreed  that 
the  society  should  train  men  of  humble 
station  free,  and  a  house  in  Barnsbury  was 
opened  for  the  reception  of  students,  31st 
January  1825,  under  the  secretary,  Edward 
Bickersteth.  Daniel  Wilson  [q.v.)  had  then 
become  Vicar  of  IsUngton.  The  first  stone  of 
the  present  college  was  laid,  31st  July  1826, 
and  the  first  principal,  J.  N.  Pearson  (1826-38), 
appointed.  The  original  '  institution '  is  now 
the  principal's  house.  The  object  of  the 
coUege  is  to  train  men  ready  to  devote  their 
lives  to  the  missionary  work  of  the  C.M.S. 

The  Oxford  Movement  [q.v.)  by  its  revival 
of  enthusiasm  led  to  plans  for  diocesan 
theological  colleges.  The  first  to  be  estab- 
lished was  at  Chichester,  where  Charles 
Marriott  {q.v.)  became  principal,  February 
1839.  The  college  was  founded  largely 
through  Manning  {q.v.),  then  archdeacon. 
Its  original  buildings  were  Cawley  Priory 
in  South  PaUant  (1839-44) ;  in  recent  years 
the  college  has  been  established  in  West 
Street.  In  its  early  years  it  declined,  and  at 
the  end  of  1845  was  declared  non-existent. 
It  was  revived  in  1846  under  Philip  Freeman. 
(Burgon,  Twelve  Good  Men,  '  C.  Marriott.' 
Purcell,  Life  of  Manning,  confuses  two  pro- 
jects— a  diocesan  college  for  schoolmasters 
and  the  theological  college.) 

Wells  Theological  College,  opened  on  1st 
May  1840,  was  founded  by  the  bishop, 
G.  H.  Law,  who  had  previously  founded 
St.  Bees,  The  first  principal  was  J.  H. 
Pinder,  formerly  Principal  of  Codrington 
College,  Barbados.  The  college,  which  ever 
since  its  foundation  has  played  a  distin- 
guished part  in  English  Church  history,  is 
intended  for  graduates  only. 


In  1846  was  founded  St.  Aidan's  College, 
Birkenhead,  originating  in  a  private  theo- 
logical class  held  by  Dr.  Baylee,  whose 
scheme  for  a  Parochial  Assistant  Associa- 
tion was  adopted,  December  1846,  by  the 
Liverpool  rectors.  The  college  was  opened, 
24th  June  1847 ;  in  1856  large  new  build- 
ings were  built,  but  in  July  1868  it  closed, 
with  a  debt  of  £10,000.  It  was  reopened 
in  October  1869,  since  when  its  career  has 
been  uniformly  prosperous.  The  founder 
was  Dr.  Baylee,  with  some  local  gentlemen. 

St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury,  founded 
by  Royal  Charter,  1848,  was  a  direct  result 
of  the  principles  of  the  Oxford  Movement, 
E.  Coleridge  and  A.  J.  Beresford-Hopo 
uniting  to  restore  the  ruined  buildings 
of  the  ancient  abbey  of  St.  Augustine 
into  a  college  for  the  training  of  men  for 
foreign  service.  The  college  has  a  Warden 
and  Fellows,  the  Warden  being  nominated 
by  the  two  Primates  and  the  Bishop  of 
London. 

Cuddesdon  Theological  College,  the  most 
famous  of  English  theological  colleges,  was 
founded  by  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.), 
who,  after  interviewing  his  rural  deans  not 
three  months  after  his  consecration,  wTote 
second  among  his  Agenda :  '  A  diocesan 
training  coUege  for  clergy  to  be  established 
at  Cuddesdon.'  After  much  delay,  due  to 
the  wish  of  the  clergy  to  have  the  buildings 
not  within  the  palace  grounds,  it  was  at 
length  completed,  and  was  opened,  15th  June 
1854,  eight  bishops  being  present.  The  first 
principal  was  Alfred  Pott,  the  vice-principal 
H.  P.  Liddon  {q.v.),  to  whom  and  to  Bishop 
King  {q.v.),  the  third  principal,  the  coUege 
owed  its  early  fame.  It  was  more  than 
once  the  object  of  bitter  Protestant  attack, 
especially  in  1858,  but  notwithstanding  mis- 
representation its  sons  are  among  the  most 
distinguished  of  modern  Churchmen. 

Lichfield  Theological  College  was  pro- 
jected in  1852  by  two  clergy  of  the  diocese 
(E.  J.  Edwards  and  E.  T.  Codd),  and  an 
address  in  favour  of  it  was  signed  by  the 
dean  and  archdeacons  and  presented  to 
the  bishop  (Lonsdale),  who  in  1853  ap- 
proved the  suggestion  in  his  charge.  The 
Evangelicals  of  the  diocese  raised  violent 
opposition,  and  for  the  sake  of  peace  the 
scheme  was  suspended.  In  1855,  however, 
when  the  project  was  revived,  the  opposi- 
tion was  renewed.  Meetings  were  called  to- 
oppose  this  attempt  '  to  propagate  Trac- 
tarianism  and  force  it  upon  the  diocese  in 
its  most  insidious  and  odious  shape.'  The 
bishop,  however,  stood  firm.  A  Chancery 
suit  to  stop  the   college  being  built  failed. 


{589  ) 


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[Theological 


and  the  college  began  its  work  in  1857.  It 
is  now  one  of  the  largest  in  England. 

Salisbury  Theological  College  was  founded 
by  Bishop  W.  K.  Hamilton  in  1860.  He  had 
determined  on  such  a  foundation  from  tlie 
time  of  his  consecration,  the  idea  having  been 
suggested  to  him  by  liis  predecessor,  Edward 
Denison,  in  1841.  At  first  the  students  lived 
in  lodgings  in  the  city;  later  the  corporate 
life  began,  and  buildings  were  acquired. 

In  the  same  year,  1860,  St.  Boniface 
College,  Warminster,  was  founded  in  the 
Salisbury  diocese  by  Canon  Sir  James 
Erasmus  Philipps,  Bart.,  a  close  friend  of 
Bishop  Hamilton.  Its  object  was  to  take 
students  too  young  to  enter  St.  Augustine 
College,  Canterbury,  or  other  missionary 
colleges,  or  who  from  other  causes  were  not 
admitted  to  them.  It  has  grown  to  be  one 
of  the  largest  missionary  colleges. 

In  1863  the  London  College  of  Divinity 
(St.  John's  Hall,  Highbury)  was  opened  as 
an  Evangehcal  theological  college.  It  was 
founded  by  Alfred  Peache,  Incumbent 
of  Mangotsfield,  and  was  due  to  a  paper 
read  before  the  Western  Clerical  and  Lay 
Association.  [Societies,  Ecclesiastical.] 
The  college  is  now  recognised  as  a  school  of 
theology  in  the  University  of  London. 

The  Scholae  Cancellarii  at  Lincoln  were 
founded  by  Bishop  C.  Wordsworth  (q.v.) 
in  January  1874,  with  Dr.  E.  W.  Benson 
(q.v.)  as  first  head.  The  bishop  was  a  great 
benefactor  to  the  coUege,  spending  more  than 
£6000  on  it  in  his  life,  and  his  successor 
(Bishop  King)  also  fostered  it. 

In  1876  Ely  Theological  College  was  founded 
by  Dr.  James  Russell  Woodford,  Bishop  of 
Ely,  1873-85.  He  was  the  chaplain  and 
close  friend  of  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce,  and 
the  college  was  founded  on  the  model  of 
Cuddesdon,  although  at  first,  as  at  Salisbury, 
the  students  Uved  in  lodgings  in  the  city 
until  the  coUege  was  built.  The  college  is 
for  graduates  only. 

In  1876  also  the  Clergy  School  at  Leeds  was 
founded  by  the  then  vicar.  Dr.  John  Gott, 
later  Bishop  of  Truro,  the  object  being  to 
prepare  graduates  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
for  ordination,  chiefly  to  town  curacies. 

St.  Stephen's  House,  Oxford,  opened  in  1876, 
was  founded  mainly  through  Dr.  King,  later 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  and  Dr.  J.  Wordsworth, 
later  Bishop  of  Sahsbury,  and  others,  originally 
for  the  training  of  graduates  as  missionaries. 

In  1877  Wyclifife  Hall,  Oxford,  was  founded 
from  a  fund  raised  by  Evangelical  Church- 
men during  the  discussion  caused  by  the 
attack  on  Christianity  in  Su/pernatural  Re- 
ligion.    It  is  a  college  for  graduates  only. 


In  1878,  on  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul, 
St.  Pauls  Missionary  College  at  Burgh,  Lines, 
was  dedicated  for  the  training  of  men  who 
desire  to  devote  their  lives  to  the  foreign 
service  of  the  Church.  Originally  started 
tentatively  for  five  years,  it  has  flourished 
and  extended  widely.  Its  foundation  was  due 
to  Bishop  C.  Wordsworth  and  J.  H.  Jowitt. 

Dorchester  (Oxon)  Missionary  College,  to 
educate  for  the  work  of  the  Church  abroad 
men  unable  to  afford  a  University  training, 
was  founded  in  1878  by  a  body  of  Oxford 
graduates  presided  over  by  Dr.  King,  later 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  the  initiation  of  the 
scheme  being  due  to  the  Vicar  of  Dor- 
chester, W.  C.  Macfarlane. 

In  1878  the  Sodor  and  Man  Theological 
School  Avas  established  by  Bishop  HiU  for 
training  ordinands.  In  1889  it  was  trans- 
ferred by  Bishop  Bardsley  to  Bishop's  Court, 
and  renamed  Bishop  Wilsons  Theological 
School. 

In  1880  Ridley  Hall  was  founded  at 
Cambridge  on  the  same  lines  as  WycUffe 
HaU  at  Oxford,  and  with  the  same  objects. 

In  1881  the  Clergy  Training  School  at 
Cambridge  was  begun.  Originally  it  liired 
rooms  for  its  lectures  and  meetings.  In 
1899  a  block  of  buildings  was  built,  called 
'  Westcott  House,'  and  these  have  since 
been  enlarged. 

Manchester  had  three  theological  insti- 
tutions :  the  Scholae  Episcopi,  founded  1890, 
with  a  lecture-room  in  the  cathedral,  ended 
in  1911 ;  St.  Anselm's  Hostel,  founded  1907, 
to  give  free  training  to  carefully  selected 
ordinands;  and  Egerton  Hall,  founded  1908, 
for  graduates  preparing  for  ordination. 

Kelham  Theological  College,  founded  as 
the  Society  of  the  Sacred  Mission  in  1891 
[Religious  Orders,  Modern],  was  recog- 
nised as  a  theological  college  in  1897,  and 
marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  type  of 
institution,  in  which  the  students  are  trained 
in  a  theological  course  of  four  years,  and  are 
expected  to  repay  the  cost  of  their  training. 

St.  Michael  and  All  Angels,  Llandaflf,  was 
founded  for  graduates  in  1892  at  Aberdare 
by  Miss  Olive  Talbot.  It  moved  into  new 
buildings  at  Llandaff  in  1907,  It  also  has  a 
hostel  for  undergraduates  in  the  University 
of  Wales.  From  1892-1912  three  hundred 
men  have  been  ordained  from  the  college. 

Ripon  College,  founded  by  Bishop  W,  B. 
Carpenter,  1897,  was  amalgamated  in  1900 
with  Lightfoot  Hall,  Edghaston,  founded 
1899,  and  represents  the  Midlands  Clergy 
Training  CoUege.  The  Bishop's  Hostel, 
Farnham,  founded  by  Bishop  H.  Ryle  of 
Winchester  in  1899,  and  the  Bishop's  Hostel, 


(590) 


ThirlwallJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Thirlwall 


Newcastle-on-Tyne  (since  1907  Bishop  Jacob's 
Hostel),  founck-d  by  Bishop  Jacob,  tlicn  of 
Newcastle,  1901,  arc  ordinary  ty]ics  of  dio- 
cesan theological  colleges  for  graduates. 

St.  Chad's  Hostel,  Hooton  Pagnell,  founded 
1902,  based  on  the  lines  of  Kelham,  is  affili- 
ated to  St.  Chad's  Hall  at  Durham ;  while 
the  College  of  the  Resurrection,  Mirfleld. 
founded  1902  (affiliated  to  the  University  of 
Leeds,  1904)  is  an  effort  of  the  Community 
of  the  Resurrection  [Religious  Orders, 
Modern]  to  train  men  for  ordination,  the 
course  lasting  five  years. 

Bishops'  College,  Cheshunt,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Bishops  of  London,  South- 
wark,  and  St.  Albans,  was  founded  in  1909 
to  train  graduates  on  the  lines  of  Cuddesdon, 
Ely,  and  Wells.  It  was  founded  largely  by 
Canon  Lambert,  Vicar  of  Cheshunt,  who 
bought  the  buildings  of  Lady  Huntingdon's 
{q.v.)  College  at  Cheshunt,  formerly  belong-  j 
ing  to  the  Congregationalists.  I 

St.  John's  Hall,  Durham,  founded  1909,  I 
though  ranking  as  a  theological  college,  is  a  ! 
hostel  of  the  University  of  Durham. 

Dr.  "Vaughan  {q.i'.),  both  as  Vicar  of  Don- 
caster  and  Dean  of  LlandafE,  prepared  men  for 
ordination,  and  was  thus  head  of  a  sort  of 
theological  school.  Bishop  Lightfoot  of  Dur- 
ham {q.v.)  trained  candidates  for  ordination 
at  Auckland  Castle,  and  this  school  was  con- 
tinued by  his  successor,  Bishop  Westcott 
iq.v.),  and  for  a  time  by  Bishop  Moule.  The 
diocesan  theological  colleges  at  Gloucester 
(founded  1868)  and  Truro  (1877)  have  ceased 
to  exist.  A  theological  department  was 
founded  at  King's  College,  London,  in  1846, 
and  a  resident  hostel  in  connection  with  it 
was  begun  in  1902.  At  Queen's  College, 
Birmingham,  a  theological  department  was 
founded  and  endowed  by  Dr.  S.  W.  Warne- 
ford  and  incorporated  by  30  and  31  Vic. 
c.  6  in  1867. 

The  importance  of  theological  colleges  in 
the  English  Church  is  shown  by  a  resolu- 
tion of  the  Upper  House  of  the  Convocation 
of  Canterbury  (adopted  later  by  the  Upper 
House  of  the  York  province),  6th  July  1909 : 
'  That  after  January  1917  candidates  for 
holy  orders  be  required  (in  addition  to  a 
university  degree)  to  have  received  at  least 
one  year's  practical  and  devotional  training 
at  a  recognised  theological  college,  or  under 
some  other  authorised  supervision.' 

[s.  L.  o.] 

THIRLWALL,  Connop  (1797-1875),  Bishop 
of  St.  David's,  was  a  child  of  marvellous  pre- 
cocity, learning  Latin  at  three  years  old,  and 
at  four  reading  Greek   '  with  an  ease  and 


fluency  which  astonished  all  w^ho  heard  him.' 
In     1809     his    father    published    Connop's 
Primitiae,   '  Essays  and    Poems    on   various 
subjects.  Religious,  Moral,  and  Entertaining,' 
which  annoyed  the  bishop  so  much  in  later 
life  that  he  destroyed  every  copy  he  could 
find.     Erom  Charterhouse  he  entered  Trinity 
College,    Cambridge,    1814,    becoming    B.A. 
and    Eellow    of    his    College,    1818;    M.A., 
1821.     He  was  called  to  the  Bar,  1825,  but 
preferred  theology  to  law,  returned  to  Cam- 
bridge, 1827,  and  was  ordained.     In  1834  his 
advocacy  of   the  admission  of   dissenters  to 
the  University,  and  his  ironical  plea  that  it 
was  not  specially  a  place  of  religious  educa- 
tion, caused  the  Master  of  Trinity  (Words- 
worth)  to   ask   him   to   resign   his   assistant 
tutorship.     Lord  Melbourne  then  presented 
him  to  the  living  of  Kirby  Underdale,  where 
he  sometimes  spent  sixteen  hours  a  day  in  his 
study.     His  History  of  Greece  (1835-47)  has 
been  considered  superior  to  that  of  his  school- 
fellow  at  Charterhouse,   George  Grote.     In 
1840  Melbourne  offered  him  the  bishopric  of 
St.  David's,  after  ascertaining  his  orthodoxy 
from  Archbishop  Howley  {q.v.) :   '  I  don't  like 
heterodox  bishops,'   said  the  minister,  and 
assured  Thirlw^all  that  he  was  interested  in 
theology    and  found  the  Fathers  '  excellent 
reading  and  very  amusing.' 

Thirlwall  quickly  learnt  Welsh,  and  worked 
hard  to  restore  church  life  in  his  diocese,  but 
was  greater  as  a  scholar  than  as  an  adminis- 
trator. In  1842  he  pleaded  for  toleration  of 
the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.).  He  recognised 
the  value  of  the  ritual  revival,  though  he  dis- 
liked its  doctrinal  tendency,  and  found  Dr. 
Pusey  {q.v.)  'a  painful  enigma.'  He  joined 
in  the  episcopal  censure  of  Essays  and  Re- 
views {q.v.),  which  he  thought  contained 
opinions  irreconcilable  with  the  Church's 
teaching.  But  he  considered  the  Judicial 
Committee  of  the  Privy  Council  a  blessing 
to  the  Church,  holding  that  its  judgments 
could  not  affect  matters  of  faith  ;  and  feared 
lest  the  revival  of  synods  might  lead  to 
tampering  with  doctrine.  For  the  same 
reason  he  opposed  the  summoning  of  the 
Lambeth  Conference,  1867.  [Councils.]  Be- 
lieving that  Establishment  was  neither  good 
nor  bad  in  itself,  but  depended  on  the  merits  of 
each  case,  he  supported  the  disestablishment 
of  the  Irish  Church,  and  argiied  that  Church 
property  might,  without  sacrilege,  be  diverted 
to  temporal  uses  beneficial  to  society.  In 
1870  he  resigned  the  chairmanship  of  the  Old 
Testament  Revision  Company,  in  consequence 
of  the  decision  to  exclude  scholars  who  dis- 
believed in  the  Godhead  of  our  Lord,  hold- 
ing that  scholarship,  not  faith,  should  be  the 


(591) 


Tillotson] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tithe 


qualification.  He  resigned  his  see,  1874,  died 
unmarried,  1875,  and  was  buried  in  the  same 
grave  with  Grote  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

[G.  C] 

Letters,  ed.  J.  S.  Perowne  and  Ij.  Stokes 
(with  Memoir)  ;  Remains,  ed.  Perowne  ;  Letters 
to  a  Friend,  ed.  A.  P.  Stanley. 

TILLOTSON,  John  (1630-94),  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  was  born  at  Sowcrby  in 
Yorkshire.  He  was  a  Fellow  of  Clare  Hall, 
Cambridge  (1651),  was  ordained  by  the 
Scottish  Bishop  Thomas  8ydserff  (1660  or 
1661),  was  curate  of  Cheshunt  (1662), 
Rector  of  Kedington  (1662),  Preacher  at 
Lincoln's  Inn  (1664),  Lecturer  at  St.  Laurence 
Jewry  (1664),  Pi-ebendary  of  Canterbury 
(1670),  Dean  of  Canterbury  (1672),  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's  (1689),  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
(1691).  Though  not  among  the  members 
appointed  by  the  King's  warrant,  he  was  one 
of  two  or  three  scholars  present  as  watchers 
on  the  Nonconformist  side  at  the  Savoy 
Conference  {q.v.)  in  1661.  In  1668  he  took 
part  in  preparing  a  Bill,  which  the  House  of 
Commons  refused  to  consider,  by  which  not 
only  might  effect  be  given  to  the  promises  of 
toleration  contained  in  Charles  n.'s  Declara- 
tion from  Breda  (1660),  but  also  the  com- 
prehension of  dissenters  might  be  promoted 
by  various  concessions  to  them.  In  1688  he 
was  one  of  the  divines  who  helped  the 
'  Seven  Bishops '  {q.v.)  to  draw  up  their 
reasons  for  refusing  to  read  James  n.'s 
Declaration  of  Indulgence.  In  1689  William 
iir.  appointed  him  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  and 
proposed  that  he  should  be  archbishop ;  but 
Tillotson  was  very  reluctant  to  be  made 
'  a  wedge  to  drive  out '  Bancroft  [q.v.),  and 
succeeded  in  delaying  his  election  and 
consecration  until  May  1691.  In  1689  he 
was  a  member  of  the  Commission  for  the 
revision  of  the  Prayer  Book  and  canons  and 
for  reforming  the  ecclesiastical  courts ;  and 
he  drew  up  a  paper, '  Concessions  which  would 
probably  be  made  by  the  Church  of  England 
for  the  union  of  Protestants.'  In  November 
the  advocates  of  comprehension  proposed 
him  as  Prolocutor  of  the  Lower  House  of 
Convocation,  but  he  was  defeated  by  fifty- 
five  votes  to  twenty-eight.  These  events  in 
his  history  indicate  the  main  lines  of  his 
pohcy.  He  greatly  dreaded  Roman  Catholi- 
cism, and  earnestly  desired  to  include  in  the 
Church  all  Protestant  dissenters  except 
Socinians  by  means  which  would  not  involve 
any  sacrifice  on  their  part  of  the  principles 
which  had  hitherto  kept  them  separate. 
He  wished  '  we  were  well  rid  of  '  the  Athan- 
asian    Creed.     His   apparent  (acceptance    of 


Zwinglian  opinions  about  the  Eucharist, 
contrary  to  the  formularies  of  the  EngUsh 
Church,  may  have  had  considerable  influence 
in  promoting  the  growth  of  Zwinghanism 
among  English  Churchmen.  It  was  his  aim 
to  raise  the  standard  of  work  and  life  among 
the  clergy.  Though  in  favour  at  court,  he 
died  so  poor  that  had  not  the  King  condoned 
his  first-fruits  his  debts  could  not  have  been 
paid.  His  friend  Burnet  {q.v.)  preached  his 
funeral  sermon,  eulogising  his  blameless 
personal  character  as  well  as  his  learning. 
TiUotson's  easy  deUvery,  clearness  of  reason- 
ing, and  persuasive  style  made  him  famous  as 
a  preacher,  and  provided  a  pattern  on  which 
the  eighteenth  -  century  divines  modelled 
their  sermons.  '  He  was  not  only  the  best 
preacher  of  the  age,'  says  Burnet,  '  but 
seemed  to  have  brought  preaching  to  per- 
fection.' He  was  the  first  married  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  since  Parker.  [d.  s.] 

Works,  ed.  with  Life,  by  Birch,  1752 ; 
Beardniore,  Memorials ;  Burnet,  Hist.  Own 
Time. 

TITHE.  This  article  is  necessarily  limited 
to  England  and  to  the  Continental  ante- 
cedents of  tithe  in  our  country.  The  idea 
that  Christians  should  pay  tithe  is  not  older 
than  the  fourth  century.  Before  that  it  is 
only  mentioned  in  a  few  rhetorical  passages, 
with  vague  allusions  to  the  Mosaic  Law  from 
which  no  practical  inference  can  be  drawn. 
In  the  canons  of  the  classical  councils,  from 
Nicsea  to  Chalcedon,  though  they  range  over 
aU  the  practical  concerns  of  the  Church,  no 
mention  of  tithe  can  be  found.  But  late  in 
the  fourth  century  St.  Jerome  and  St. 
Augustine  in  Latin,  and  St.  John  Chrysostom 
in  Greek,  are  found  teaching  that  the  tenth 
of  the  Christian's  substance  belongs  to  God, 
and  should  be  distributed  for  His  service. 
As  a  practical  exemplification  of  this  duty, 
Cassian  tells  how  it  was  customary  for  the 
peasants  of  Egypt  to  pay  tithes  to  the  monks 
who  dwelt  near  them.  These  monks,  we 
must  remember,  were  laymen,  and  were 
not  in  any  sense  ministering  spiritually  to 
those  around  them.  But  almost  at  once  a 
more  precise  demand  was  made.  In  this 
same  generation  it  became  the  established 
doctrine  that  the  ministry  of  the  new  cove- 
nant exactly  corresponds  to  that  of  the  old. 
St.  Ambrose  is  the  first  writer  of  importance 
to  identify  the  deacon  with  the  Levite ;  he 
is  also  the  first  habitually  to  use  the  title 
sacerdos,  which  previously  had  meant  the 
bishop  {e.g.  always  in  St.  Cyprian)  for  the 
second  order  of  the  ministry.  The  inference 
was   obvious ;     the   Christian   clergy  had   a. 


(592) 


Tithe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tithe 


right  to  that  revenue  from  tithe  which  the 
Jewish  ministry  had  formerly  enjoyed.  In 
religious  Uterature  the  two  ideas,  of  charity 
in  general  and  of  the  maintenance  of  the 
clergy,  as  the  destination  of  the  tithe  that 
Christians  ought  to  pay,  are  equally  inculcated, 
and  found  synodical  expression  at  the  second 
Council  of  M^con  in  585,  when  the  bishops 
of  Burgundy,  then  at  the  height  of  its  power 
and  extent,  in  their  fifth  canon  command 
that  all  the  people  shall  bring  their  tithes  to 
the  clergy  to  be  spent  by  them,  the  only 
purposes  named  being  the  needs  of  the  poor 
and  the  redemption  of  captives.  Such  a 
canon  w-as  of  purely  moral  force ;  and  we 
find  that  the  Penitentials  of  the  farther  West, 
both  the  Irish  and  that  of  Theodore  {q.v.)  of 
Canterbury,  which  was  modelled  on  the  Irish 
pattern,  used  the  same  rehgious  pressure. 
Tithe,  as  understood  in  such  hterature,  is  the 
tenth  of  all  gains,  and  so  includes  the  tithe  of 
spoil.  Such  a  gift,  congenial  to  the  Teutonic 
mind,  was  commended  by  the  example  of 
Abraham  in  Gen.  14-''. 

As  yet  the  tithe  of  agricultural  produce 
had  not  been  thought  of  as  a  specific  source 
of  ecclesiastical  revenue.  But  under  the 
later  Roman  Empire  one  of  the  chief  taxes 
had  been  a  tenth  of  the  produce  of  land, 
exacted  in  kind.  This  tax  was  retained 
under  the  Franks,  and  is  still  levied  on  the 
Roman  plan  throughout  the  Turkish 
dominions.  In  the  early  Frankish  period 
wide  territories  were  granted  to  bishoprics 
and  monasteries,  subject,  like  all  other  lands, 
to  this  impost.  But  the  kings,  favouring  the 
Church,  often  reheved  such  estates  of  the 
tax ;  i.e.  the  coloni,  or  half-servile  tenantry, 
no  longer  paid  it  to  the  Crown  but  to  the 
landlord.  Lothar  ii.  (d.  628)  confirmed 
such  grants  of  immunity  made  by  himself 
and  his  predecessors  {M.O.H.,  Leges  n.  i. 
p.  19),  and  though  this  source  of  income  was 
far  from  universal,  the  eyes  of  the  Church 
were  from  that  time  fixed  upon  it.  It  could 
be  collected  under  the  owner's  supervision, 
and  being  a  tenth  it  seemed  to  be  Scriptural. 
Henceforth  tithe  other  than  from  land  falls 
into  the  background.  But  as  yet  there 
was,  at  least  in  the  case  of  the  higher  clergy, 
no  urgent  need.  The  endowments  in  land  of 
the  great  Frankish  churches,  as  of  the 
Enghsh,  were  very  large.  In  the  eighth 
century,  however,  the  Frankish  State  fell 
into  distress,  and  Charles  Martel  (reigned 
714-41)  as  his  last  resource  seized  the  Church 
lands  in  order  to  maintain  his  forces.  The 
Church  was  ruined  ;  bishops  could  not  furnish 
a  pittance  to  their  clerks,  and  ecclesiastical 
historians  have  blackened  the  reputation  of 


the  aggressor.  His  son,  Pepin  the  Short, 
made  his  peace  with  the  Church.  In  765  he 
issued  what  was  in  fact,  though  not  in  form, 
a  capitulary,  or  general  law,  for  his  dominions, 
which  made  tithe  compulsory,  ut  unusquis- 
que  homo,  aul  vellet  aut  nollel,  suam  decimam 
donet.  The  land  was  gone  and  could  not  be 
restored  ;  tithe,  and  tithe  from  land,  was  to 
be  the  equivalent.  An  important  difEcrence 
between  the  Church  history  of  the  Frankish 
Empire,  both  in  France  and  Germany,  and 
that  of  England  arose  from  the  fact  that  in 
England  the  bishops  and  the  great  monas- 
teries, retaining  their  lands,  had  no  such 
personal  interest  in  tithe  as  those  on  the 
Continent  had.  Later  Frankish  legislation 
only  made  the  law  of  Pepin  more  precise ; 
in  particular,  tithe  was  severely  and  even 
ruthlessly  exacted  by  Pepin's  son,  Charles 
the  Great,  from  the  Saxons,  whom  he  con- 
verted at  the  point  of  the  sword. 

In  England,  as  elsewhere,  the  moral  duty 
of  paying  tithe  was  inculcated,  but  legislation 
to  compel  obedience  was  later  than  among 
the  Franks.  The  Frankish  Empire  was  the 
pattern  copied  in  many  ways  by  English 
kings ;  and  the  Legatine  Council  of  787, 
whose  canons  were  sanctioned  by  the  Kings 
of  Mercia,  Wessex,  and  Northumbria,  with 
their  respective  witan,  was  in  aU  probabihty 
suggested  by  the  legislation  of  Pepin  in  765. 
But  the  English  law  was  studiously  vague. 
It  merely  enacted  that  tithe  must  be  paid ; 
neither  its  source  nor  its  purpose  is  speci- 
fied, cum  obtestatione  praecipimus,  ut  omnes 
studeant  de  omnibus  quae  possident  decimas 
dare.  We  first  find  a  definite  imposition 
of  tithe  on  land  in  the  laws  of  Aethelstan 
(i.  Aethelstan,  Prol.,  Liebermanu,  p.  146), 
in  which  it  is  ordered  that  the  bishop,  as 
well  as  king  and  ealdormen,  shall  pay 
tithe  of  the  increase  of  his  live  stock  and 
crops.  This  is  repeated  verbatim  in  the 
later  laws  of  Eadgar  and  Cnut.  It  is  im- 
portant to  note  that  the  bishop  is  a  payer 
and  not  a  recipient  of  tithe.  In  fact, 
on  episcopal  estates  the  same  system  of 
incumbencies  came  to  be  estabUshed  as  on 
lay  estates,  and  EngUsh  bishops,  anciently 
endowed,  have  never  had  a  personal  interest 
in  the  receipt  or  (save  within  narrow  hmits) 
authority  as  to  the  distribution  of  tithe. 
The  recipient  of  the  tithe  was  to  be,  accord- 
ing to  this  law,  the  '  old  minster,'  i.e.  the 
church,  under  the  control  of  the  bishop, 
which  was  the  headquarters  of  the  priest 
who  superintended  the  neighbourhood,  and 
was  the  place  where  he  administered  baptism. 
Perhaps  we  may  assume  that  there  was  one 
such  church  in  an  area  as  large  as  a  modern 


2  P 


(  593  ) 


Tithe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tithe 


rural    deanery.     If,    however,    there   was    a 
church   with   a   burial    ground   situated   on 
'  bocland  '  (land  granted  with  full  ownership 
and  succession),  the  owner  of  such  church 
was  to  give  one-third  of  his  tithe  to  it  and 
two-thirds  to  the  '  old  minster.'     We  must 
bear  in  mind  how  complete  was  the  posses- 
sion which  has  now  dwindled  into  patronage. 
[Parish.]     If,  however,  this  private  church 
had  no  burial  ground,  it  was  to  claim  no 
share  of  the  tithe,  all  of  which  must  go  to 
the    '  old    minster.'     This    system    of    dis- 
tribution   broke   down    before   the   Norman 
Conquest.     The  private  churches  gradually 
gained  fuUer  rights,  and  simultaneously  the 
bishops  obtained  some  control  over  them. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  bishops  abandoned 
their  special  interest  in  the  '  old  minsters,' 
constituting  themselves  simply  patrons  and 
collating     incumbents.     Thus     there     came 
to     be     no     practical     distinction     between 
churches  with  cure  of  souls,  and  the  special 
privileges   of    the    '  old   minsters '    fell   into 
obhvion,    though    many    of    them    retained 
dignity    as    collegiate    churches.     But    since 
the  decUne  of  the  '  old  minsters,'  and  Avith 
it  the  departure  of  their  practical  right  to 
tithe,  was  a  more  rapid  process  than  that 
of    the    estabUshment    of    parish    churches, 
there    came    a    time,    about    the    Norman 
Conquest,    when    owners    of   land    regarded 
themselves  in  some  cases  as  free  to  dispose 
of  their  tithe  as  they  would.     The  bishop 
and  his  cathedral  were  adequately  endowed 
with  land,  the  '  old  minster  '  only  concerned 
itself    with   its    own    parishioners,    and    the 
landowner  either  had  no  church  or  else  had 
so  complete  a  dominion  over  it  that  it  rested 
with  himself  whether  he  would  or  would  not 
bestow  his  tithe  upon  it.     But  this  was  a 
temporary    phase.     Such    tithe    soon    found 
a  permanent  recipient,   and  all  doubt  was 
ended  by  Innocent  m.'s  assertion,  cum  per- 
ceptio  decimarum  ad  paroeciales  ecclesias  de 
iure   communi    pertineat   (Decretals,   iii.    30, 
29),   which    imphed   that   unless   the    land- 
owner   could    show   that   he   was    lawfully 
paying  his  tithe  to  some  recipient,  such  as 
a  reUgious  house,  with  a  claim  prior  to  that 
of  the  parish  priest,  he  was  bound  to  pay  it  to 
the  latter. 

Before  we  follow  the  history  beyond  this 
decisive  point  reference  must  be  made  to 
the  isolated  appearance  in  the  laws  of 
Aethelred  the  Unready  (vm.  Aethelred,  c.  6, 
A.D.  1014,  Liebermann,  p.  264)  of  the  three- 
fold Continental  division  of  tithe,  concerning 
which  we  may  doubt  whether,  even  in  the 
Frankish  Empire,  it  was  ever  enforced.  Cer- 
tainly this  provision  of  Aethelred's  was  never 


effectual  in  England ;  it  was  promptly  re- 
voked by  Cnut  (^-.v. ),  his  successor,  and  nothing 
more  is  heard  of  it.  In  any  case,  it  was  no 
more  than  a  piece  of  devout  antiquarianism. 
We  now  turn  to  the  developed  law 
concerning  tithe  as  stated  in  the  Corpus 
Juris  Canonici.  It  is  of  divine  origin  and  a 
permanent  charge  on  land,  and  may  not  be 
redeemed,  though  a  composition  (or  modus) 
may  be  made,  and  the  recipient  may  lease 
out  bis  rights.  No  lay  authority  can  grant 
exemption ;  tithe  may  be  exacted  as  a  debt, 
and  the  wilful  debtor  is  denied  Christian 
burial.  The  unworthiness  of  the  clergy  does 
not  excuse  from  payment.  It  is  normally 
paj^able  to  the  parochial  or  baptismal 
church.  But  if  it  belongs  to  a  rehgious 
house,  the  bishop  is  to  see  that  a  portion 
is  paid  to  the  priest  who  perfoi-ms  the  duty 
of  the  church.  The  tithe  is  to  be  paid 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  parish.  (This 
might  be  more  or  less  than  a  tenth.  In 
England  the  variation  was  great.  At  East- 
wood, Essex,  it  is  said  that  the  tithe  of 
eggs  was  one  in  six.)  Tithe  of  grain  is  not 
limited  to  old  cultivation ;  land  newly 
brought  under  the  plough  is  liable  to  the 
payment,  but  tithe  on  it  will  not  foUow  an 
old  grant  to  a  monastery  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
a  monastery  which  breaks  up  land  of  its  own 
for  cultivation  will  not  pay  tithes  on  such 
additional  crops.  Grants  of  tithe  by  lay- 
men are  not  to  be  accepted  by  a  rehgious 
house  without  the  consent  of  the  bishop. 

The  Sext.  iii.  13,  which  deals  with  tithes, 
was  pubHshed  in  1298,  yet  it  assumes  that 
such  gifts  by  lajnnen  are  still  possible.  In 
England  they  were  obsolete  (see  below).  The 
Canon  Law  wavers  on  the  point  whether  a 
layman  can  be  a  tithe-owner  or  not,  but 
generally  gives  the  impression  that  he  cannot. 
It  has  little  to  say  about  the  intangible  tithe 
on  earnings ;  but  it  allows  that  necessary 
expenses  of  the  business  may  be  deducted 
before  the  merchant  or  tradesman  makes  his 
payment. 

In  England  we  need  not  trouble  ourselves 
with  this  last  description  of  tithe,  and  the 
problem  is  simplified  by  the  fact  that  the  old 
bishoprics  and  rehgious  houses  were  endowed 
with  lands,  and  not,  as  in  France  and  Germany, 
interested  in  tithes.  Just  as  on  lay  estates, 
parish  priests  on  theirs  became  what  were  ulti- 
mately called  rectors,  though  there  were  early 
cases,  numerous  yet  exceptional,  in  which 
monasteries  were  endowed  by  gift  with 
tithe  from  laymen's  lands.  The  Norman 
Conquest,  though  it  led  to  the  completion 
of  the  parochial  system,  led  also  to  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  parish  clergy.     Founders 


(  594 


Tithe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tithe 


of   monasteries  after  1066   usually  endowed    j 
them  not  with  lands,  or  only  slightly,  but 
with  ehurehes.     We  may  take  two  examples 
of  houses  of    considerable    importance,    the    ] 
Austin  Canons  of  Barnwell,  near  Cambridge,    | 
and    the    Benedictines    of    Walden    (Saffron    i 
Walden)    in    Essex.      The   former    received    j 
merely  a  site  on  which  to  build,  the  latter 
only  what  would  be  now  accounted  a  small 
farm.     Each  monastery  was  endowed  with 
all  the  churches  in  the  barony  of  its  founder. 
Walden   received   nineteen,   Barnwell   eight, 
together  with  two-thirds  of  the  tithes  of  the 
demesnes    of    the    knights   holding    of     the 
barony  of  Bourn  {Monasticon,  iv.  133 ;  Clark, 
Liber  llemorandorum  de   Berneioelle).      The 
parochial  tithe  had  now  to  be  turned  to  mon- 
astic account.     The  fact  that  many  monks  by 
the  eleventh  century  were  in  the  higher  orders 
removed  any  objection  on  grounds  of  prin- 
ciple.    In  fact,  the  Popes  of  that  age  encour- 
aged  the   endowment   of   monasteries   with 
tithe   because    their    inmates  so  frequently 
were  priests  or  '  levites ' ;    and  this  motive 
led  ultimately  to  the  command,  finally  given 
in  1311,  that  male  religious  should  take  such 
orders.     At  first  these  post-Conquest  monas- 
teries collected  the  whole  tithe  of  the  parish, 
the  duty  being  often  done  by  a  visiting  monk, 
if  it  were  at  hand  ;    often — indeed  always, 
if  it  were  distant — by  a  stipendiary  priest, 
without    security   of    tenure.     It   is   to    the 
credit  of  the  better  bishops  of  the  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries  that  they  struggled 
against    the    dependent    position    and    in- 
adequate remuneration  of  such  clergy,  and 
obtained    by    degrees    the    appointment    of 
permanent  vicars,   who   received  a  portion 
(perhaps  a  third)  of  the  income,  while  the 
rehgious  house,  which  retained  the  '  great ' 
tithe,  was  their  patron.     Thus  a  large  part 
of  the  tithe  of  England  passed  irrevocably 
into  monastic  and  ultimately  into  lay  hands. 
But    this    was    not    all.     Districts    of    con- 
siderable   acreage    round    their    monasteries 
were  often  retained  by  monks  of  later  creation 
in  their  own  hands  for  spiritual  purposes, 
which  meant  that  where  they  were  the  land- 
owners no  tithe  was  levied.     It  was  useless 
to  go  through  the  formaUty  of  paying  it  to 
themselves,  and  when  the  Dissolution  came 
there  was  no  incumbent  responsible  for  the 
services,  and  no  tithe  to  be  paid  to  any  one 
in    such    '  extra-parochial    places.'     Birken- 
head was  an   important  example,  where   a 
district    now    inhabited    by    more    than    a 
hundred  thousand  people  was  left  tiU  recent 
times  without  any  of  the  services  which  the 
Benedictines  of  the  priory  had  once  rendered. 
A  still  more  serious  deduction  from  the  sources 


of   parocliial   n^vcnuo   was   the   existence   of 
exempt   orders.     Till   Adrian   iv.    {q.v.)    the 
tendency  was  to  encourage  the  acquisition 
of  tithe  by  religious  houses  on  the  ground 
given    above.     But    that    Pope    initiated    a 
policy  of   restriction   in   the   interest  of   the 
parish  clergy,  and  many  privileges  were  with- 
drawn   by   him,    so    that    monasteries   were 
compelled  to  pay  tithe  upon  their  lands,  with 
the  exception  of  what  might  be  called  their 
home    farm.     Adrian,    however,    continued 
the  exemption  in  favour  of  the  two  military 
orders,  and  the  existence  of  small  parishes  or 
townships,  tithe-free  and  with  their  church  un- 
endowed, may  usually  be  explained  by  former 
ownership  on  the  part  of  Templars  or  Hospi- 
tallers.    It  was  a  more  serious  matter  that 
Adrian's  successor,  Alexander  iii. ,  exempted 
the  Cistercians,  his  most  active  supporters  in 
the  great  strife  between  Pope  and  Emperor. 
They    threw    themselves,    soon    after    their 
foundation,    into    the    work    of    agriculture, 
especially  pastoral,  in  which  they  acquired 
great  wealth.     Whether  or  no  the  exemption 
from  tithe  on  land  which  they  owned  and 
cultivated  encouraged  them  in  this  pursuit, 
they  certainly  extended  their  bounds  to  the 
utmost,    and    not    only    by    the    legitimate 
method    of    reclaiming    woods    and    moors. 
Instances  are  on  record  both  in  Germany 
and  in  England  of  their  evicting  the  whole 
population  of  a  parish  which  had  been  given 
them,  farming  the  land  themselves,  and  then 
refusing  to  pay  tithe  to  the  incumbent.     For 
the  EngUsh  case  see  Decretals,  iii.  30,  3,  where 
Adrian  iv.  forbids  this  abuse  of  the  exemption. 
But  far  more  important  were  the  areas  which 
they  reclaimed  by  the  labours  of  their  lay 
brothers,    a    class     much    more    numerous 
among  the  early  Cistercians  than  in  other 
orders,  though  in  their  later  days  they  pre- 
ferred the  service  of  hired  labourers  to  such 
assistance.     Thus    a     vast     area    of    land, 
especially  in  the  northern  counties  of  England, 
came  to  be  exempt  from  tithe,  as  owned  and 
cultivated  by  these  White  Monks. 

By  the  year  1200  the  creation  of  vicarages 
and  the  exemption  of  the  privileged  orders 
had  seriously  reduced  the  amount  of  tithe 
available  for  the  parochial  clergy.  But  the 
process  was  not  at  an  end.  Living  after 
living  came  to  be  burdened  with  a  pension  or 
a  portion  (the  former  fixed,  the  latter  fluctuat- 
ing with  the  value  of  produce)  for  the  benefit 
of  the  monastery,  sometimes  of  the  bishop, 
who  was  patron.  And  every  year,  down  to 
the  Dissolution,  saw  further  rectories  reduced 
to  vicarages.  Even  the  wealtliiest  abbeys 
would  do  this.  Westminster  so  treated 
Hendon  in  Middlesex  in  1478 ;    as  late  as 


(  595  ) 


Tithe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tithe 


J517  the  Cistercians  of  Stratford  in  Essex 
established  a  vicarage  at  West  Ham  in  that 
county.  Towards  the  end  of  the  period 
papal  consent  had  to  be  gained  for  such 
appropriations ;  previously  that  of  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese  sufficed.  But  such  transac- 
tions were  not  confined  to  the  regulars. 
When  the  secular  cathedrals  substituted 
separate  prebends  for  a  share  in  the  common 
fund,  the  estate  with  which  the  prebendary 
was  endowed  was  commonly  a  church.  He 
estabUshed  a  vicar  in  the  place,  retaining  the 
patronage  of  the  benefice  with  the  larger 
part  of  the  income  for  himself.  Archbishops 
and  bishops  would  do  the  same.  Wishing  to 
provide  for  the  clerks  who  attended  upon 
themselves,  they  would  collate  them  to  a 
rectory  in  their  gift,  which  they  rendered  a 
sinecure  by  appointing  a  vicar  to  do  the  work. 
So  Fulham  provided  the  Bishop  of  London 
Avith  a  sinecure  rectory,  and  Orpington, 
Kent,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterburj-.  Thus 
the  ancient  landed  sees  and  cathedrals  and 
monasteries  copied  the  poUcy  of  the  more 
modern  and  worse-endowed  orders,  and  un- 
less the  Reformation  had  stopped  the  process 
the  Enghsh  Church  would  doubtless  have 
reached  the  same  state  as  that  of  France, 
where,  at  the  Revolution,  parochial  rectories 
had  almost  ceased  to  exist,  and  the  revenues 
of  the  Church  were  unequally  divided  between 
a  few  privileged  clergy  or  corporations  and  a 
multitude  of  ill-paid  priests. 

The  Suppression  of  the  Monasteries  {q.v.)  and 
the  consequent  legislation  prevented  further 
impoverishment  of  the  parish  clergy,  though, 
at  the  very  time  of  the  Dissolution,  in  1536, 
Eton  and  Winchester  Colleges  were  exempted 
from  the  payment  of  tithe  on  their  estates. 
The  few  later  changes  in  this  direction  have 
been  by  express  Acts  of  Parhament,  as  when 
of  late  years  the  rectories  of  Somersham, 
Hunts,  and  Purleigh,  Essex,  which  had  been 
attached  to  the  Regius  Professorship  of 
Divinity  at  Cambridge  and  the  Provostship 
of  Oriel  at  Oxford  respectively,  were  detached 
from  those  offices,  whUe  the  major  part  of 
the  income  of  the  benefices  was  assigned  to 
the  Professor  and  the  Provost,  now  relieved 
from  the  charge,  and,  in  the  latter  case,  from 
the  compulsion  to  holy  orders.  But  a  great 
amount  of  tithe  which  had  been  appropriated 
to  religious  houses  and  similar  bodies  was  by 
the  Dissolution  placed  at  the  King's  disposal, 
and  he  proceeded  to  impropriate  it,  either 
retaining  it  for  the  Crown  or  granting  it  out 
to  private  persons.  In  neither  case  did  any 
spiritual  charge  rest  upon  it,  save  in  certain 
instances  where  an  undefined  condition  was 
imposed    that    the    grantee    should    make 


provision  for  the  continuance  of  divine 
service  in  some  church  or  chapel.  Where 
litigation  has  arisen  over  this,  the  obhgation 
has  been  maintained  by  the  courts,  but  has 
been  generally  interpreted  with  much  leniency 
towards  the  impropriator.  Tithe  in  lay  hands 
was  property  of  a  description  which  Enghsh 
law  had  not  contemplated,  though  probably 
in  isolated  instances  it  had  existed.  Its 
legal  character  therefore  had  to  be  deter- 
mined, and  it  was  assimilated  in  aU  respects 
to  freehold,  being  conveyed  and  inherited 
in  the  same  way.  Transactions  in  regard  to 
tithe  were  the  easier,  in  that  it  was  not  subject 
to  the  law  of  Mortmain  {q.v.),  for  a  conveyance 
of  tithe  did  not  bring  new  property  into 
permanent  spiritual  ownership,  since  it  had 
been  spiritual  ab  initio.  In  later  times  tithe 
had  to  pay  its  share  of  land-tax  with  other 
freehold  property,  and  its  subjection  to  local 
rates  is  a  just  grievance,  for  no  other  class 
than  the  clergy  pays  rates  on  a  professional 
income.  Their  case,  however,  is  comphcated 
by  the  co-existence  of  the  lay  impropriator. 

By  the  Suppression  of  the  smaller  monas- 
teries Henry  vni.  inadvertently  conferred 
a  considerable  benefit  on  the  parish  clergy. 
Many  of  these  houses  had  held  land  on  which 
no  tithe  was  levied  ;  on  the  disappearance  of 
the  exempt  body  the  common  law  revived, 
and  the  land  under  its  new  ownership  was 
once  more  burdened  with  tithe.  In  the 
Act  for  the  Dissolution  of  the  greater 
monasteries  (1539,  31  Hen.  vm.  c.  13),  it  was 
provided  that  the  land  itself  shovdd  be 
exempt,  and  to  this  day  it  is  a  matter  of 
importance  to  ascertain  whether  land  has,  or 
has  not,  belonged  to  one  of  those  greater 
monasteries  which  had  exemption,  for  the 
whole  or  part  of  their  estates,  from  tithe. 
To  this  end  a  hst,  by  no  means  accurate,  of 
these  monasteries  is  given  in  Phillimore's 
Ecclesiastical  Law  (ed.  1895,  vol.  ii.  p.  1154) ; 
certain  lesser  houses,  whose  dissolution  was 
delayed,  also  confer,  under  the  terms  of  this 
Act,  the  same  exemption.  Whether  by 
accident  or  design,  this  provision  was  not 
repeated  in  Edward  vi.'s  Act  for  the  Suppres- 
sion of  Chantries  (1547,  1  Edw.  vi.  c.  14); 
but  it  is  not  probable  that  they  held  much 
land  that  had  become  exempt. 

Tithe  in  England  has  httle  history  from 
this  time  to  the  Act  of  1836.  Under  Eliza- 
beth a  large  amount  of  monastic  tithe  was 
forced  upon  bishops  and  chapters  in  exchange 
for  lands  which  they  had  to  surrender  to  the 
Crown.  Under  the  earher  Stuarts  an  inter- 
esting attempt  was  made  to  recover  impropri- 
ated tithes  for  ecclesiastical  use  by  vesting 
them  in  trustees  who  should  pay  the  income 


(596  ) 


Tithe] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Toleration 


to  preachers  in  whom  the  Puritans  had 
confidence.  Such  tnists  were  dissolved  and 
the  tithe  confiscated  in  1633.  The  Common- 
wealth protected  tithe,  as  it  did  other  forms 
of  property  ;  a  modus  settled  at  the  assize  of 
1656  regulated  the  payment  of  certain  tithes 
at  Sutton,  Beds,  till  the  old  system  ceased. 
When,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  the  enclosure 
of  parishes  came  into  fashion,  in  many  places 
land  was  accepted  by  rectors  and  vicars  in 
lieu  of  tithe.  This  was  especially  the  ease  in 
Northamptonsliire,  but  instances  may  be 
found  in  all  counties.  It  may  safely  be 
asserted  that  where  a  large  glebe  farm  is 
found  and  no  tithe  is  levied,  the  arrangement 
is  not  older  than  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  same  is  true  of  those  cases  where  a 
fixed  annual  payment,  which  must  also  have 
been  established  by  an  enclosure  Act,  has 
taken  the  place  of  tithe.  The  immemorial 
system  went  on,  with  its  steady  crop  of 
Utigation,  without  much  complaint  till  the 
early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
]\Ieanwhile,  the  improvement  of  agriculture 
was  increasing  the  gross  quantities  of  pro- 
duce, and  in  some  districts,  notably  in  the 
fens,  the  reclamation  of  land  was  adding 
greatly  to  the  tithed  acreage,  while  special 
cultivation,  as  of  orchards  and  hop-grounds, 
added  a  new  source  of  income.  The  high 
prices  during  the  Napoleonic  war  also  com- 
pensated the  clergy,  with  others  interested 
in  land,  for  the  distresses  of  the  time. 

But  with  the  depression  that  followed  the 
war  there  came  a  period  of  difficulty,  in  which 
the  clergy  were  often  obliged  to  suffer  iUwiU 
from  the  farmers  whose  tithe  they  received. 
When  the  reforming  party,  busily  recasting 
English  institutions,  took  tithe  in  hand,  it 
conferred  a  benefit  both  upon  recipients  and 
payers  by  sweeping  away  the  mifltitude  of 
petty  and  complicated  sources  of  income. 
By  the  Act  of  1836  (6-7  WiU.  iv.  c.  71)  which, 
with  some  modifications,  still  regulates  the 
procedure,  an  estimate  was  made  of  the 
average  income  from  tithe  of  all  kinds  for 
the  last  seven  years,  and  by  this  the  future 
income  was  determined.  But  as  the  price 
of  commodities  fluctuates,  an  attempt  was 
made  to  secure  justice  by  adopting  a  plan 
of  '  corn-rents,'  already  employed  in  some 
parishes  under  private  Acts  of  Parliament. 
In  these  cases  the  payment  in  lieu  of  tithe 
was,  and  is,  fixed  for  a  term  of  years  (usually 
fourteen  or  twenty-one),  at  the  end  of  which, 
either  party,  if  dissatisfied,  can  apply  to 
quarter  sessions  for  a  revision,  which,  in  its 
turn,  establishes  an  unvarying  payment  for 
the  next  period.  It  seemed,  however,  fairer 
that  in  the  general  Act  provision  should  be 


made  for  an  annual  revision  in  accordance 
with  the  average  prices  of  the  last  seven  years. 
Unfortunately,    as   it    has    turned    out,    the 
prices  taken  into  account  were  only  those  of 
wheat,  barley,  and  oats.     Had  meat  and  wool 
been  included,  the  story  would  have  been 
different.     However,    for    many    years    the 
clergy  had  little  reason  to  complain.     Popula- 
tion and  prosperity  increased  and  prices  were 
high.     As  late  as  1878  tithe  stood  at  more 
than  £112  per  cent.,  but  from  that  year  there 
was  a  constant  decline  till  1901,  when  it  fell 
to  £66|-  per  cent.     Since  then  the  tendency 
has  been  upwards,  and  it  stands  at  £72,  14s. 
2|d.  for  1912,  with  good  prospects  of  further 
increase.     Another  important  provision  was 
that  which  made  it  possible  to  extinguish 
tithe  by  payment  of  a  capital  sum.     This  has 
been  freely  done  where  estates  have  been 
broken  up  for  building  purposes.     Limita- 
tions have  also  been  imposed  in  1886  upon 
extraordinary    tithe,    charged,    because    of 
special  values  in  the  produce,  upon  orchards, 
market- gardens  and  hop-grounds ;  and  by  the 
Tithe  Act  of  1891  (54-5  Vic.  c.  8)  the  collec- 
tion has  been  made  easier,  and  the  responsi- 
bility for  payment  removed  from  the  tenant 
to  the  landowner,  who  is  compensated  by  a 
proportionate  remission  in  cases  where  agri- 
cultural depression  had  reduced  the  annual 
value  so  low  that  the  tithe  was  two-tliirds  of 
the  rent. 

In  the  city  of  London,  from  very  early 
times,  the  clergy  were  paid  by  a  small  tax  on 
each  house,  and  this  sj'stem,  regulated  by 
various  Acts  of  Parliament,  has  been  main- 
tained till  the  present  day.  The  payment, 
designed  as  a  substitute  for  tithe,  has  borne 
the  name  since  the  sixteenth  century,  even  in 
official  documents,  though  its  nature  is  quite 
different.  The  same  inaccuracy  has  pre- 
vailed in  similar  instances  elsewhere. 

[e.  w.  w.] 

TOLERATION.  This  term  is  commonly 
used  to  denote  the  absence  of  legal  penalties 
for  the  expression  of  opinion  of  whatever 
kind.  It  will  so  be  used  in  this  article,  and 
will  not  be  taken  to  imply  social  toleration 
or  the  practical  equality  of  aU  opinions — an 
ideal  which  is  probably  not  feasible;  nor  will 
it  be  taken  to  denote  tolerance,  that  temper 
of  mind  which  is  able  without  heat  to  con- 
sider the  case  for  any  and  every  opinion — a 
temper  of  mind  which  may  be  absent  in 
firm  believers  in  legal  toleration. 

The  history  of  toleration  is  so  much  en- 
tangled with  the  history  of  persecution  that 
it  is  hard  to  treat  the  two  separately.  The 
Church  abandoned  the  idea  of  toleration  so 


(  597  ) 


Toleration] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Toleration 


soon  as,  having  accepted  under  Constantine 

the  patronage  of  the  Imperial  Government, 
she  surrendered  the  notion  of  herself  as  a 
society  distinct  from  the  State,  with  her  own 
life  inherent  and  independent,  and  accepted 
the  antique  Grseco-Roman  ideal  of  a  single 
omni-competent  society  with  no  real  limits 
to  its  power.  Henceforth  the  Empire  is 
to  be  no  more  tolerant  than  it  was  under  the 
pagan  rigime,  but  it  is  to  be  the  Civitas  Dei 
and,  inspired  by  the  CathoUc  religion,  is  to 
enforce  uniformity.  We  can  see  the  change 
in  process  in  the  works  of  St.  Augustine. 
From  the  time  of  Theodosius,  who  proscribed 
paganism,  until  the  rehgious  wars  of  the 
Reformation  had  worked  themselves  out 
(roughly  from  380-1688).  toleration  was 
neither  enjoyed  in  practice  nor  was  in  theory 
the  ideal  of  statesmen. 

It  must  be  the  purpose  of  this  article  to 
trace  the  process  by  which  a  new  ideal 
became  general. 

The  notion  of  freedom  of  opinion  began 
to  be  developed  towards  the  close  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  In  the  course  of  the  conflict 
in  the  fourteenth  century  between  Pope 
John  XXII.  and  Lewis  of  Bavaria,  Marsigho 
of  Padua  wrote  in  conjunction  with  John 
of  Jandun  the  well-known  tractate  Defensor 
Pads.  The  purport  of  this  tractate  is  to 
denj^  all  coercive  authority  to  the  clergy  ;  to 
identify  the  Church  with  the  State  in  the 
closest  way  and  to  democratise  the  govern- 
ment of  it.  In  the  course  of  his  argument 
Marsiglio  of  Padua  declares  more  than  once 
that  religious  persecution  as  such  is  un- 
christian and  unreasonable.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  declares  also  that  the  suppression 
of  religious  opinion  may  be  for  political 
grounds  desirable.  What  Marsigho  disliked 
was  the  coercive  power  of  the  clergy  ;  he  had 
no  dislike  to  the  suppression  of  opinion  as 
convenient  to  the  State  ;  and  his  importance 
as  a  pioneer  has  been  overrated.  On  the 
principles  expressed  by  him  it  would  be 
possible  to  justify  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
pagan  persecutions,  the  Clarendon  Code, 
and  the  Penal  Laws  of  Ireland.  Yet  Mar- 
sigho did  make  an  important  step  by  deny- 
ing that  religious  persecution  upon  rehgious 
grounds  is  ever  justifiable.  Not  long  after  this, 
at  the  close  of  the  conciliar  movement,  Gregory 
of  Heimburg,  one  of  its  last  supporters, 
definitely  laid  it  down  that  the  suppression 
of  religious  opinion  by  force  is  not  admissible. 
The  Hussite  wars  had  naturally  caused  on 
the  part  of  many  a  re-examination  of  the 
problem,  whether  so  much  bloodshed  was 
in  this  cause  really  to  be  approved. 

Such  views,    however,   were   largely   aca- 


demic. It  was  the  practical  results  of  the 
Reformation  that  forced  toleration  on  the 
governments  of  Europe.  What  happened 
was  briefly  this.  In  the  early  days  of  his 
revolt  Luther,  with  his  violent  individualism, 
wrote  in  a  way  which  might  lead  in  this 
direction  in  the  Liberty  of  a  Christian  Man. 
This,  however,  was  not  his  real  intention  ;  or 
if  it  were,  it  soon  disappeared  under  the 
pressure  of  events.  After  the  Peasants' 
Revolt  Luther  showed  himself  the  strongest 
supporter  of  the  princely  despotism  ;  and 
vnth  the  Anabaptist  outbreak  disappeared 
the  last  flicker  of  any  belief  in  toleration  on 
the  part  of  the  leaders  of  the  reform.  The 
desire  to  stand  well  with  the  powers  that  be, 
coupled  with  a  real  personal  love  of  authority, 
drove  the  reformers  more  and  more  into  the 
authoritarian  camp.  It  is  quite  an  error 
to  regard  them  as  protagonists  of  Uberty, 
except  in  so  far  as  they  themselves  set  at 
naught  the  existing  authority.  On  the 
contrary,  as  against  CasteUio  and  Brentz, 
who  strongly  developed  the  doctrine  of  tolera- 
tion, they  were  all  united.  Neither  Luther 
nor  Melanchthon,  nor  on  the  other  side 
Calvin  or  Beza,  desired  hberty  of  opinion. 
AU  desired  a  uniform  State,  and  in  process  of 
time  came  to  declare  the  rightfulness  of  per- 
secuting Catholics,  or  idolaters  as  they  were 
called.  Zwingli  even  not  only  wrote  against 
the  Anabaptists,  but  demanded  the  strongest 
measures  against  them.  Still,  steps  had 
been  taken.  The  execution  of  Servetus 
awakened  a  thrill  of  resentment,  and  though 
it  was  hotly  defended,  the  task  was  not  an 
easy  one.  Orthodox  Protestantism  now  took 
over  from  mediaeval  pohtics  the  notion  of  the 
Christian  State  or  City  of  God.  The  only 
difference  was  that  in  the  Protestant  view  the 
real  balai^ce  of  power  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
layman,  the  '  godly  prince.'  This,  of  course, 
was  not  the  case  with  Presbyterianism. 
But  for  Europe  in  general  the  theory  that 
seemed  to  rule  was  that  of  Erastus.  Brentz, 
however,  laid  down  a  doctrine  of  toleration : 
(a)  if  false  beUcfs  lead  to  crime,  the  crimes 
should  be  punished,  not  the  behef;  (b) 
opinions  should  never  be  forcibly  repressed, 
for  they  may  turn  out  to  be  true.  To  persecute 
is  to  close  the  avenues  to  knowledge.  In 
the  rehgious  peace  of  Augsburg  (1556)  the 
doctrine  of  cujtis  regio  ejus  religio  was  laid 
down.  This,  though  it  is  often  derided,  is 
a  real  landmark  in  the  history  of  tolera- 
tion. It  definitely  abandoned  in  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  that  CathoUc  basis  on  which 
it  rested.  It  admitted  a  diversity  of  re- 
ligions among  the  States  of  which  it  was  com- 
posed.    True,   it  recognised  no    hbertj^  for 


(  598  ) 


Toleration] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Toleration 


the  individual  (except  that  of  leaving  the 
country),  but  in  proclaiming  toleration  for 
the  princes,  three  hundred  in  number,  it 
symbolised  a  vast  revolution. 

Further  results  followed.  In  France  the 
Huguenots  had  ever  been  an  imperiicm  in 
imperio;  and  partly  owing  to  this,  Presbj'- 
terianism,  when  it  developed  in  Scotland, 
came  to  insist  very  strongly  on  the  separate- 
ness  of  the  two  kingdoms.  Church  and  State. 
Although  this  doctrine  does  not  always  mean 
toleration,  nor  did  the  Presbyterians  desire  it, 
yet  by  asserting  the  distinctness  of  the  two 
societies  it  paves  the  way  for  it. 

The  Huguenots,  however,  were  the  cause 
of  further  steps  in  the  same  direction.  The 
fever  of  the  religious  wars  and  the  horrors  of 
St.  Bartholomew  provoked  a  reaction.  The 
party  known  as  the  politiques  put  the  interest 
of  the  State  above  that  of  any  religion,  and 
though  for  the  most  part  opposed  to  tolera- 
tion of  a  new  sect  at  the  beginning  were 
prepared  to  grant  it  rather  than  attempt  the 
suppression  of  larger  bodies  of  beUevers  at 
the  cost  of  civil  war.  This  party  finally 
triumphed  with  Henri  iv.,  and  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  (1598)  is  the  symbol.  This  grants  no 
unlimited  toleration,  but  recognises  the 
existing  facts,  and  permits  the  Huguenots  to 
retain  their  worship  undisturbed.  Its  prin- 
ciples had  been  earlj^  proclaimed  by  the 
chancellor,  Michel  de  I'Hopital,  and  by  the 
philosopher,  Jean  Bodin.  The  idea  that 
uniformity  in  religion  is  the  necessary  basis 
of  the  body  pohtic  is  surrendered. 

Somewhat  the  same  was  the  view  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  {q.v.),  or  was  at  least  the  position 
she  claimed,  and  was  the  hne  taken  by  Cecil. 
She  did  not,  like  Philip  ii.,  prefer  rather  not 
to  reign  at  all,  than  to  reign  over  heretics. 
But  she  gave  up  any  claim  to  inquire  into 
belief,  and  the  introduction  of  recusancy 
fines  meant  at  least  this  much,  that  difference 
of  rehgion  might  be  endured  if  men  were  will- 
ing to  pay  a  price  for  their  private  opinions. 
At  the  same  time,  the  State  did  not  give  up 
the  idea  of  a  uniform  reUgion,  and  Roman 
Catholics  were  allowed  rather  than  tolerated. 
The  main  quarrel  until  the  Restoration  was 
what  should  be  the  character  of  the  national 
religion.  Neither  Puritan  nor  High  Church- 
man expected  or  desired  toleration.  Each 
fought  for  an  entire  dominance.  To  this, 
however,  there  were  exceptions.  Robert 
Browne,  the  founder  of  the  '  Brownists  '  and 
the  '  reputed '  parent  of  Independency,  in 
his  tract,  Reformation  without  tarrying  for 
any,  definitely  proclaimed  the  separateness  of 
the  spheres  of  government  and  religion,  and 
broke  with  the  great  bulk  of  the  Puritan  party, 


who  desired  to  eiTect  their  ends  through  the 
civil  magistrate.  But  with  this  and  other 
small  exceptions,  of  which  the  members  of 
the  Baptist  sect  were  an  clement,  the  ideal 
of  a  State  religion  homogeneous  and  coercive 
still  endured.  [Nonconformity.J  It  was 
the  true  cause  of  the  Civil  War.  The  logic 
of  facts,  however,  proved  that  England  could 
not  be  homogeneous  in  this  sense. 

Under  the  first  two  Stuarts  came  the  effort, 
ever  increasing  in  rigour,  to  crush  Puritanism. 
With  the  Long  Parliament  in  1640  this  effort 
was  seen  to  have  failed.  Then  with  the  Civil 
War  came  the  attempt  of  the  other  party. 
With  the  need  of  the  help  of  Scotland,  the 
ParUament  was  compelled  to  adopt  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant.  The  effect  of 
this  was  to  pledge  the  party  to  a  further 
reformation  in  the  Puritan  sense,  and  for  a 
time  to  make  Presbyterianism,  as  defined  at 
this  moment  by  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
the  estabhshed  religion.  This  uniformity, 
however,  existed  only  on  paper.  The  '  Disci- 
pline '  was  never  enforced  except  in  London 
and  Lancashire  ;  the  Erastian  party  in  the 
Assembly  and  Parhament  had  secured  the 
supremacy  of  the  civil  power ;  and  the  ever- 
increasing  influence  of  the  New  Model  army 
broke  up  the  unity  for  ever.  Cromwell  came 
into  power  as  the  leader  of  the  Independents. 
He  has  been  called  a  believer  in  toleration, 
but  in  the  Humble  Petition  and  Advice  and 
the  Instrument  of  Government  it  is  clear  that 
neither  popery  nor  prelacy  is  to  be  tolerated, 
i.e.  the  religion  of  the  majority  of  the  nation 
was  proscribed.  What  Cromwell  really  did 
was  to  establish  Independency,  while  he  was 
doubtless  tolerant  of  minor  differences  of 
opinion,  and  in  the  matter  of  Quakers  less 
anxious  to  persecute  than  most  of  his  fol- 
lowers. He  was  as  tolerant  as  his  position 
permitted. 

The  death  of  Cromwell  provoked  the 
Restoration.  Charles  n.  in  the  Declaration 
of  Breda  made  a  '  hberty  to  tender  consci- 
ences '  a  capital  promise  ;  but  it  was  limited 
by  a  reference  to  Parhament.  Parhament 
would  have  none  of  it.  The  Church  party 
was  vindictive  and  triumphant.  There  en- 
sued the  new  Act  of  Uniformity  (1662)  and 
the  famous  Clarendon  Code.  Charles's  two 
efforts  in  favour  of  toleration,  1662  and  1672, 
only  raised  a  storm,  for  the  danger  of  a 
Roman  CathoUc  State  was  ever  before  men. 
Events,  how'cver,  proved  that  the  dissenters, 
as  they  now  were,  could  not  be  suppressed  by 
such  measures  as  had  been  passed ;  the 
danger  from  Rome  and  Louis  XIV.  drew 
Churchmen  and  their  opponents  together. 
This  was  accentuated  in  the  reign  of  James  n. , 


(  599  ) 


Toleration] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Toplady 


who  published  ineffective  Declarations  of 
Indulgence,  1687  and  1688.  At  the  Revolu- 
tion the  dissenters  received  the  natural 
reward  for  their  loyalty  and  refusal  to  accept 
the  toleration  offered  by  James,  and  the 
Toleration  Act,  1688,  was  passed  (1  W.  and 
M.  c.  18).  The  toleration  did  not  extend  to 
the  Papists  or  the  Socinians,  and  was  a  bare 
toleration,  not  giving  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
which  by  the  Test  Act,  1673  (25  Car.  n.  c.  2), 
was  dependent  on  receiving  the  Communion 
according  to  the  rite  of  the  Church  of  England. 
So  far  as  the  Papists  were  concerned,  they 
were  worse  off  than  ever.  Infamous  laws 
were  passed  and  enforced  in  Ireland,  nor  has 
England  yet  recovered  from  the  resentment 
so  caused.  Scotch  Presbj^erianism,  now 
triumphant  and  established,  proceeded  to  a 
bitter  persecution  of  episcopalians. 

Locke's  famous  book  enshrines  the  theory 
of  toleration.  It  is  not  entire  toleration  that 
he  enforces,  for  he  would  allow  no  atheists 
in  the  State,  on  the  ground  that  the  original 
compact  cannot  be  enforced  on  an  atheist, 
for  he  does  not  recognise  its  sanctions.  It 
is  really  a  toleration  of  indifference  which 
Locke  upholds,  not  the  allowance  of  views 
believed  to  be  bad. 

It  was  not  till  1829  (10  Geo.  iv.  c.  7)  that 
full  toleration  came  •wdth  Roman  Catholic 
Emancipation ;  there  were  still  disabihties 
for  Jews.  These  were  removed  by  9-10  Vic. 
c.  59  and  subsequent  Acts.  Finally,  after 
the  Bradlaugh  troubles,  an  Act  was  passed 
which  removed  all  difficulties  from  atheist 
members  of  ParUament  (1888,  51-2  Vic. 
c.  46),  and  there  is  now  no  limit  to  the 
toleration  enjoyed  in  opinion  and  writing, 
except  the  following  : — 

1.  The  King  and  the  Lord  Chancellor  must 
be  members  of  the  Church  of  England. 

2.  The  Blasphemy  Laws. 

3.  The  Law  of  Libel. 

The  Blasphemy  Laws  are  commonly 
defended,  on  the  ground  that  people  ought 
not  to  have  their  feelings  needlessly  out- 
raged, but  it  is  doubtful  if  they  can  be  upheld 
on  principles  of  pure  toleration.  The  Law 
of  Libel,  as  it  is  at  present  enforced,  is  ap- 
proved as  a  necessary  protection  to  the  indi- 
vidual against  calumny. 

The  theory  of  toleration  was  expounded  in 
the  light  of  the  mid-century  individualism 
by  J.  S.  Mill  in  his  stirring  pamphlet  on 
Liberty,  which  provoked  Sir  James  Fitz- 
james  Stephen's  reply.  Liberty,  Equality,  and 
Fraternity.  From  the  Christian  point  of  view 
probably  the  most  important  book  since 
Jeremy  Taylor's  Liberty  of  Prophesying  is 
the  late  Bishop  Creighton's  Hulsean  Lectures 


on  Persecution  and  Tolerance.  Whether 
religious  toleration  \vill  maintain  itself  as  a 
principle  in  view  of  the  prcvaihng  drift  against 
all  individualism  is  a  very  doubtful  question. 
Certainly  there  would  be  few  now  who  would 
accept  that  distinction  between  acts  self- 
regarding  and  social  acts  on  which  Mill's 
argument  is  based.  Recent  events  in  France 
and  Portugal  afford  strong  evidence  that  a 
persecution  not  by  but  of  reUgion  would 
be  an  early  effort  of  any  triumph  of  unbe- 
lievers. Comte,  of  course,  asserted  the  right 
of  persecution.  As  Creighton  pointed  out, 
toleration  results  in  practice  from  a  variety  of 
contributing  forces,  which  might  very  easUy 
change.  [j.  n.  f.] 

TOPLADY,  Augustus  Montague  (1740- 
78),  divine,  was  born  at  Farnham,  son  of 
a  major  in  the  British  army,  who  died  six 
months  later  at  the  siege  of  Cartagena.  A 
precocious  boy,  and  the  only  companion 
of  a  widowed  mother,  he  was  entered  as  a 
day  boy  at  Westminster  School,  where  he 
wrote  sermons,  essays,  and  hymns,  and 
farces  which  he  submitted  to  Garrick  for 
production  at  Drury  Lane.  At  fifteen  he 
matriculated  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
where  he  fell  under  Methodist  influences, 
and  discovered,  to  his  dismay,  what  seemed 
to  him  the  Calvinistic  character  of  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles.  But  at  eighteen  he 
made  a  complete  change,  and  thenceforward, 
to  his  dying  day,  his  chief  aim  in  life  seems  to 
have  been  a  vehement  opposition  to  the 
teaching  of  John  Wesley  (q.v.).  At  nine- 
teen he  could  find  no  preaching  to  suit  him 
in  Dublin  but  that  of  Mr.  Rutherford,  the 
Baptist.  '  But  though  I  heard  the  gospel 
constantly  at  meeting,'  he  wrote,  '  because 
I  could  hear  it  nowhere  else,  I  constantly 
and  strictly  communicated  in  the  church 
only.'  On  5th  June  1762,  when  more  than 
a  year  short  of  the  canonical  age,  he  was 
ordained  to  the  curacy  of  Blagdon,  Somer- 
set. Another  curacy  at  Farleigh  Hunger- 
ford  in  the  same  diocese  occupied  him  for 
some  months,  but  a  great  part  of  his 
time  was  spent  in  London,  where  he  became 
a  popular  preacher.  In  1766  he  was  pre- 
sented to  the  benefice  of  Harpford  with 
Fen  Offery  in  Devonshire,  exchanging  this 
two  years  later  for  Broad  Hembury,  which 
he  retained  till  his  death.  He  was  still 
constantly  in  London,  and  in  1770  began 
his  open  controversy  with  John  Wesley,  in 
which  every  possible  expression  of  virulent 
contempt  was  poured  out  without  stint 
on  both  sides.  Always  of  delicate  health, 
he  wore  himself  out  in  this  fight.    Hearing 


(  600  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Trench 


on  his  death-bed  a  report  that  he  had 
modified  some  of  his  jiulgraents,  he  had 
himself  carried  to  the  pulpit  of  Orange 
ytreet  Chapel,  where  he  poured  out  a  savage 
attack  on  Weslcj',  contradicting  the  state- 
ment that  he  had  expressed  a  wish  to  see  him, 
and  saying :  '  I  most  sincerely  hope  my  last 
hours  wiU  be  much  better  employed  than 
in  conversing  with  such  a  man.'  Toplady 
always  called  his  own  doctrine  '  Calvinism,' 
though  it  had  little  or  no  dependence  on  the 
(lenevan  reformer.  He  taught  an  exagger- 
ated predestinarianism,  his  favourite  author- 
ities being  Zanchy  of  Heidelberg  and  the 
scholastic  Thomas  Bradwardine  (Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  1349),  on  whom  he  chiefly 
relied  in  his  most  important  work,  the 
Historic  Proof  of  the  doctrinal  Calvinism  of 
the  Church  of  England.  The  quality  of  his 
piety  was  curiously  illustrated  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  burning  of  Harpford  Vicarage 
just  after  he  had  exchanged  with  a  friend. 
On  hearing  that  the  loss  would  fall  on  his 
successor,  he  wrote  in  his  diary :  '  Who 
could  not  .trust  in  the  Lord  and  wait  until 
a  cloudy  dispensation  is  cleared  up  ?  Through 
grace  I  was  enabled  to  do  this  ;  and  the  result 
of  things  has  proved  that  it  would  not  only 
have  been  wicked,  but  foolish  to  have  done 
otherwise.  .  .  .  What  a  providential  mercy 
was  it  that  I  resigned  the  living  before  this 
misfortune  happened  !  O  God,  how  wise  and 
how  gracious  art  Thou  in  all  Thy  ways  ! ' 

Toplady  is  gratefully  remembered  for  the 
hymn  '  Rock  of  Ages,  cleft  for  me,'  which 
appears  to  have  been  written  in  a  gorge  of  the 
ISIendips  while  he  was  at  Blagdon.  Most 
of  his  other  verses  are  in  the  worst  taste 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  he  published 
in  the  Gospel  Magazine  some  scurrilous 
burlesque  Unes  against  Wesley ;  but  his  prose 
style  was  nervous  and  vivid,  and  he  seems  to 
have  been  a  considerable  orator. 

[T.  A.  L.] 
Works  ;  W.  Row,  Memoirs,  1794. 

TRAVERS,  Walter  (?  1548-1635),  Puritan 
divine,  the  eldest  son  of  a  strong  adherent  of 
the  Reformation,  a  goldsmith  of  Nottingham, 
matriculated  at  Christ's  College,  Cambridge, 
in  1560  ;  graduated  B.A.,  1565  ;  M.A.,  1569  ; 
was  elected  a  junior  Fellow  of  Trinity  CoUege 
in  1567,  and  a  senior  Fellow  two  years  later. 
Cambridge,  then  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
moderate  reformers  Uke  Whitgift  [q.v.),  was 
distasteful  to  him,  and  he  migrated  to  Geneva, 
where  he  became  a  friend  and  disciple  of  Beza. 
Here  he  wrote  and  published  anonymously 
De  Disciplina  Ecclesiastica  (1573),  in  which 
the  true  government  of  the  Church  was  de- 


clared to  have  been  placed  by  Christ  in  the 
hands  of  pastors,  elders,  and  deacons,  its 
central  government  resting  in  a  representative 
synod.  Returning  to  England  he  proceeded 
B.D.  at  Cambridge  and  D.D.  at  Oxford  (1.576) 
without  obstacle  on  account  of  his  radical 
ideas ;  but,  declining  to  subscribe  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles,  he  was  refused  a  licence  to 
preach.  Early  in  1578  he  appeared  at  the 
English  congregation  in  Antwerp,  where  he 
was  ordained  by  Cartwright  [q.v.)  and  others. 
A  year  or  two  later  found  hiin  in  England 
again  as  chaplain  to  Burglilcy,  the  Lord 
Treasurer,  and  tutor  to  his  son,  Robert  Cecil, 
later  Secretary  of  State.  In  1581  he  became 
afternoon  lecturer  at  the  Temple,  and  in 
1583  would  have  been  chosen  Master  had  he 
been  willing  to  be  ordained  according  to  the 
rites  of  the  English  Church.  Richard  Hooker 
[q.v.)  became  Master,  and  Travers,  continuing 
as  afternoon  lecturer,  was  soon  engaged  in  an 
active  controversy  with  him,  in  which  one 
answered  in  the  afternoon  what  the  other 
had  preached  in  the  morning.  Travers  was 
finally  inhibited  (1585  ?),  and  now  gave 
all  his  time  to  a  movement  in  which  he 
and  Cartwright  were  already  engaged — an 
attempt  actually  to  practise  his  scheme  of 
Church  discipUne.  He  and  Cartwright  wrote 
and  rewrote  a  Book  of  Discipline,  now  lost, 
but  certainly  based  on  their  earUer  books. 
In  accordance  -n-ith  this,  small  classes  of 
ministers  actually  met,  s^mods  were  held, 
legislation  passed,  cases  adjudged  to  which 
the  classes  submitted,  and.  above  aU,  measures 
concerted  to  transform  episcopacy.  Travers's 
part  is  vague  ;  he  was  not  molested  when  the 
Government  suppressed  the  movement;  but 
was  made  by  Burghley  in  1595  Provost  of 
Trinity  College,  Dubhn.  He  resigned  soon  on 
the  score  of  health  (1598),  and  lived  obscurely 
but  comfortably  in  London  till  his  death  in 
January  1635.  [R.  G.  tj.] 

Bancroft,  Dangi'.rous  Positions  and  Survey 
of  the  Pretended  Holy  DiscipUne  ;  Usher,  Pres- 
in/terinn  Movement  in  the  Jieign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  C.S.,  190.5. 

TRENCH,  Richard  Chenevix  (1807-86), 
Dean  of  Westminster  (afterwards  Archbishop 
of  DubUn),  was  educated  at  Harrow  and 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge  (B.A.,  1829; 
M.A.,  1833).  He  travelled  abroad,  and  in 
1830  joined  for  a  short  time  a  miUtary 
expedition,  under  General  Torrijos,  for  the 
liberation  of  Spain  from  the  despotism  of 
Ferdinand  \ai.  At  Cambridge  he  had  come 
under  the  influence  of  F.  D.  ^laurice  (q.v.), 
but  he  sympathised  with  the  High  as  well  as 
with  the  Broad  Church  School,  and  on  taking 


(601) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Truro 


holy  orders  (deacon,  1832 ;  priest,  1835) 
became  curate  to  H.  J.  Rose  {q.v.)  (whom  he 
called  'my  master')  at  Hadleigh.  He  was 
an  intimate  friend  of  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  to 
whom  he  was  curate  at  Alverstoke,  and  after- 
wards chaplain.  He  held  the  Professorship 
of  Divinity  (afterwards  called  that  of  New 
Testament  Exegesis)  at  King's  College, 
London,  1845-56 ;  was  appointed  Dean  of 
Westminster,  1856  ;  and  in  1857  began  the 
Sunday  evening  services  in  the  nave.  He 
courageously  showed  his  sympathy  with 
High  Churchmen  during  their  time  of  fiercest 
persecution,  lecturing  and  preaching  for 
C.  F.  Lowder  {q.v.)  at  the  London  Docks. 
In  1863  he  became  Archbishop  of  Dublin, 
his  tenure  of  that  oflBce  covering  the  dis- 
establishment and  reconstitution  of  the  Irish 
Church.  A  divine,  a  scholar,  and  a  poet,  he 
pubhshed  many  works,  of  which  his  Notes  on 
the  Parables  and  Notes  on  the  Miracles  of  our 
Lord  are  the  best  known.  [g.  c] 

Letters  and  Memorials. 

TRURO,  See  of.  The  early  history  of  the 
Cornish  bishopric  is  obscure.  It  is  probable 
that,  before  the  Romans  left  Britain,  Cornwall 
had  to  a  large  extent  become  Christianised. 
About  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  the 
Church  in  Cornwall  seems  to  have  been 
infected  by  Pelagianism,  and  was  probably 
included  in  the  visits  of  St.  Germanus  of 
Auxerre  to  Britain.  Up  to  869  there  is  no 
historical  list  of  Cornish  bishops,  nor  is  it  now 
known  where  the  see  was  originally  fixed,  but 
it  is  thought  that  among  the  British  bishops 
who  met  St.  Augustine  {q.v.)  at  Augustine's 
Oak  two  were  Cornish;  and  at  St.  Chad's 
{q.v.)  consecration,  664,  the  assisting  British 
bishops  came  from  Cornwall.  Kenstec, 
bishop-elect  of  the  Cornish  people,  professed 
obedience  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  c.  865. 
The  mission  of  Eadulf,  Bishop  of  Crediton, 
909,  and  the  arms  of  ^thelstan  finally  in- 
corporated the  Cornish  with  the  English 
Church  during  Conan's  episcopate  at  St. 
Germans,  931-55.  The  names  of  Conan's 
successors  are  fairly  ascertained. 

Bishops  of  Coenwall 

1.  Daniel  (St.  Germans),  955. 

2.  Comoere  (Bodmin),  960. 

3.  WuLfsige  (Bodmin).  967;  an  EngUshman. 

4.  Ealdred  (Bodmin),  993. 

5.  Aethelred  (uncertain). 

6.  Burhwold  (St.  Germans),  1016. 

The  see  of  Crediton,  to  which  three  towns 
in  Cornwall  were  annexed,  had  been  founded 
in  909.     In  1027  Lyfing,  Abbot  of  Tavistock. 


became  bishop,  and  on  his  uncle  Burhwold's 
death  held  Cornwall  with  Crediton.  Leofric 
succeeded,  1046,  and  in  1050,  under  a  charter 
of  Edward  the  Confessor,  fixed  the  see  of  the 
now  united  diocese  at  Exeter  {q.v.).  Before 
the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  Cornwall 
was  formed  into  an  archdeaconry.  For  eight 
hundred  and  thirty  years  Devon  and  Corn- 
wall were  ruled  as  a  single  diocese.  After 
prolonged  efforts,  1847-76,  Cornwall  was 
reconstituted  as  a  diocese  with  its  see  at 
Truro  under  the  Act  39-40  Vic.  c.  54,  by 
Order  in  Council  of  30th  April,  taking  effect 
from  4th  May  1877.  The  first  bishop.  Dr. 
Benson,  was  consecrated  on  St.  Mark's  Day, 
1877,  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  The  income 
is  £3000  and  residence. 

Bishops  of  Teueo 

1.  Edward  White  Benson  {q.v.),  1877  ;  tr.  to 

Canterbury,  1883. 

2.  George  Howard  Wilkinson,  1883  ;    Vicar 

of  St.  Peter's,  Eaton  Square,  S.W.  ; 
founded  community  of  the  Epiphany, 
1883 ;  cons,  choir  and  transept  of 
cathedral,  1887 ;  res.  (through  iU- 
health),  1891  ;  elected  to  St.  Andrews, 
1893;  Primus  of  Scottish  Church, 
1905  ;  d.  1907. 

3.  John  Gott,  1891  ;    Vicar  of  Leeds  and 

(1885-91)  Dean  of  Worcester  ;  dedicated 
nave  of  cathedral,  1903  ;   d.  1906. 

4.  Charles  WiUiam  Stubbs,  1906 ;    Dean  of 

Ely ;  dedicated  west  towers  and  beUs 
of  cathedral,  1910 ;  enlarged  and  im- 
proved the  see-house.  Lis  Escop ;  d. 
1912. 

5.  Winfrid  Oldfield  Burrows,  1912 ;  Student 

of  Christ  Church,  Oxford;  Archdeacon 
of  Birmingham. 

Under  the  Truro  Bishopric  Act,  St.  Mary's, 
Truro,  was  constituted  the  cathedral  church. 
In  1878  Benson  inaugurated  a  committee 
for  building  a  new  cathedral.  On  20th  May 
1880  the  first  stone  was  laid  by  King  Edward 
VII.,  then  Duke  of  Cornwall,  the  architect  be- 
ing J.  L.  Pearson,  R.A.  The  Central  (Vic- 
toria) Tower  was  dedicated,  22nd  January 
1904.  In  1910  the  church,  which  in  style  is 
Early  English  throughout,  was  completed  by 
the  erection  of  west  towers  and  spires.  The 
old  south  aisle  of  Truro  Parish  Church,  in- 
corporated with  the  cathedral,  is  Late  Perpen- 
dicular (c.  1509).  Total  cost,  about  £220,000. 
Cathedral  school,  founded  1906  (cost  £7000), 
in  the  precincts.  The  dean  and  chapter  are 
fully  constituted  by  the  Act  50-1  Vic.  c.  12, 
the  bishop  acting  as  dean,  till  the  deanery 
is  endowed.     The  diocese  is  divided  into  the 


(  G02 


Tunstall] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tunstall 


archdeaconries  of  Cornwall  (taken  over  from 
Exeter,  1876)  and  Bodmin  (constituted,  1878). 
It  comprises  Cornwall,  the  Isles  of  Seilly,  and 
five  parishes  in  Devon,  has  an  area  of  1359 
square  miles,  and  a  population  of  328,131. 
In  1905  Dr.  J.  R.  Cornish,  Archdeacon  of 
Cornwall,  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  St. 
Germans.  [a.  J.  w.] 

Article  by  the  late  Bishop  W.  Stubbs  on 
'Ancient  Bishopric  in  Cornwall '  (Truro  D  in . 
Calendar);  Haddan  and  Stnbbs,  Counnls  and 
Heel.  Documents,  i.  ;  Donaldson,  The  Bishopric 
of  Truro,  1877-1902  ;  liiographies  of  Arclibishop 
Benson  and  Bishop  Wilkinson  ;  Stubljs,  liegistr.  \ 
Sacr.  I 

TUNSTALL,  Cuthbert  (1474-1559),  Bishop 
of    London   and   afterwards   of    Durham,   a 
famous    figure    in    the    vicissitudes    of    the 
Reformation  period,  siding  mainly  with  the 
Old  Learning,  yet  tolerant  and  gentle.     He 
gave  the  impression  of  a  strength  and  judgment 
which  he  did  not  always  possess,  though  he 
caught  the  imagination  of  his  contemporaries 
at  home  and  abroad.     A  Yorkshireman  by 
birth,  he  is  said,  without  sufficient  proof,  to 
have  been  illegitimate.     His  early  youth  was 
probably  troublous,  but  he  passed  to  Oxford, 
Cambridge,    and    Padua.     His    attainments 
were  great,   and  he  found  introduction   to 
some  of  the  home  and  foreign  leaders  of  the 
Renaissance.     His  wander-year  over,  he  was 
ordained  in  1509,  and  was  preferred  to  various 
livings.    Warham  {q.v.),  recognising  TunstaU's 
legal  acumen,  made  him  his  Chancellor,  and 
thus  his  introduction  to  pubUc  life  began. 
More  benefices  came  to  him,  and  from  1515 
he  began  the  diplomatic  career  which  took 
up  so  large  a  portion  of  his  time  for  many 
years.     His  next   step   was  the  Mastership 
of  the  Rolls,   1516.     His  first  ecclesiastical 
act  which  really  attracted  attention  was  his 
oration  in  1518  on  the  occasion  of  the  marriage 
of  Princess  Mary,  Henry's  sister,  to  Louis 
xn.  of  France.     At  this  time  the  Lutheran 
movement  was  stirring,  and  Tunstall,  on  a 
lengthened  embassy  to  the  court  of  the  new 
Emperor,  was  most  unfavourably  impressed 
by   what  he   saw   and  heard  in   Germany. 
Soon  after  his  return  he  became  Bishop  of 
London   by   papal   provision,    and   in    1523 
Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal.     He  was  now  one 
of  the  foremost  figures  in  the  ecclesiastical 
world  as  well  as  in  pohtical  life.      He  took 
an  important  part  in  the  tortuous  pohtical 
negotiations  of  the  time.     He  did  not  neglect 
his   diocese,    where    a    revival   of   Lollardy, 
stimulated  by  Lutheranism,  was  in  progress. 
He  was  much  concerned  to  check  the  move- 
ment.    Hence    his    prohibition    of    various 
heretical    books,   and   notably   of   Tyndale's 


{q.v.)  New  Testament  in  1526.     A  bitterly 
distasteful  task  now  fell  to  him  in  defining 
his  attitude  towards  the  divorce  question. 
Did   he   compromise  his  conscience   in   dis- 
suading Queen  Katherinc  from  appeahng  to 
Rome  ?     His  translation  to  Durham  at  this 
stago  needs  explanation.     No  other  bishop 
of    London    has    been    transferred    to    the 
palatine    see.      It    may    be    surmised    that 
Henry  had  need  of  his  services  in  the  north, 
where  family  connection  and  previous  resi- 
dence   would    give    him    influence.     As    the 
proceedings  of  the  Reformation  Parliament 
progressed,   all   TunstaU's   sympathies   were 
on  the  conservative  side.     If  he   made  no 
pubhc  protest,  his  silence  is  probably  due  to 
a  constitutional  timidity  which  often  char- 
acterised his  action.     At  Durham  House  he 
was  near  the  King  at  Whitehall.     As  the 
Supremacy  question  went  forward  there  was 
almost   certainly   conference   between   King 
and  bishop.     At  first  Tunstall  made  emphatic 
objection,  but  he  was  talked  over.     From 
this  point  he  was  a  pubhc  supporter  of  the 
Supremacy,  and  in  his  diocese  he  '  preached 
the  Royal  Supremacy  so  that  no  part  of  the 
realm  is  in  better  order'  {L.P.  Hen.  VIII.,  x. 
182).     TunstaU's  conversion  in  this  affair  (a 
change   which   Gardiner   (q.v.)   also   shared) 
seems  in  no  way  to  have  injured  his  popu- 
larity.   There  was  no  change,  however,  in  dog- 
matic conviction.    Tunstall  does  not  appear  to 
have  resisted  the  fall  of  the  monasteries.     It 
was  probably  to  visit  upon  him  his  inaction 
that  the  rebels  in  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  {q.v.) 
rushed  upon  Auckland  Castle,  whence  he  had 
to  flee  at  midnight.     The  rising  synchron- 
ised with  the  curtailment  of  the  palatinate 
regahty  in  1536,  and  gave  further  excuse  to 
Henry   to  restrain   the   practical  independ- 
ence   of    the    bishopric.     Accordingly    the 
Council   of   the   North  was  established.     It 
was  natural  and  just  to  make  Tunstall  the 
first  president.     The  office  gave  him  engros- 
sing duties,  and  if  he  found  himself  less  of  a 
prince  palatine,  he  was  certainly  a  greater 
royal    officer    than    his    predecessors.     His 
correspondence  as  president  is  in  the  British 
Museum.     He  was  not,  however,  too  much 
absorbed    to    give    attention    to    the    wider 
affairs  of  the  Church.     He  had  a  share  m  the 
Institution   of  a  Christian   Man,   1537    (the 
Bishops'  Book),  and  in  1541   he  passed   in 
review  the  new  translation  of  the  Bible.     He 
probably  sympathised  with  the  Six  Articles 
Act   of    1539.     Whoever   suggested   the   re- 
constitution    of    the    dissolved    Benedictine 
monastery  of  Durham  as  a  capitular  estab- 
hshment,   the   result   was   probably   due   to 
Tunstall.     He    was    in    the    north    in    the 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tunstall 


troublous  years  of  Scottish  invasion  which 
marked  the  early  history  of  the  new  founda- 
tion, and  superintended  his  new  buildings 
in  Durham  and  Auckland.  In  1545  he 
revived  his  old  experiences,  taking  part  in 
an  important  embassy  to  treat  with  France, 
'ihe  most  humOiating  part  of  liis  long  career 
began  with  the  accession  of  Edward  \t:.  He 
had  to  take  some  part  in  Somerset's  Scottish 
war  in  1547.  Coincidently  with  this  his 
powers  as  bishop  were  suspended  during  the 
\'isitation  of  the  diocese  carried  out  by 
Royal  Commissioners.  Then  came  the  direct 
attack  upon  his  palatinate  power  which 
Northumberland  planned  with  such  subtlety 
and  carried  so  nearly  to  a  successful  issue. 
It  seems  clear  that  Northumberland  intended 
to  make  Durham  Castle  his  own,  to  divide 
the  diocese,  to  abohsh  the  palatinate  juris- 
diction, and  to  reign  in  the  north  as  Duke  of 
Northumberland  indeed.  It  was  not,  per- 
haps, difficult  to  get  up  a  case  against  Tunstall, 
who  had  voted  in  Parhament  against  the 
abohtion  of  chantries,  the  liturgical  changes, 
and  other  matters.  The  duke  succeeded  in 
securing  the  imprisonment  of  Tunstall  on  a 
charge  of  treason,  based  probably  upon  north- 
country  affairs  which  we  cannot  trace. 
Some  mysterious  words  about  aiding  a  Scot- 
tish rebeUion  were  given  as  the  pretext,  and 
TunstaU  remained  in  the  Tower  for  ten 
months.  The  time  was  not  wasted,  for  he 
now  wrote  the  most  famous  of  his  works,  De 
Veritate  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  Domini  Nostri 
Jesu  Christi  in  Eucharistia.  The  moment 
was  critical.  Cranmer  had  just  pubhshed 
his  Defence  of  the  true  and  Catholic  Doctrine 
of  the  Sacrament,  and  books  were  issuing 
daily  on  the  Protestant  side.  Gardiner  had 
answered  Cvanmer,  attacking  him  for  aban- 
doning CathoUc  belief.  TunstaU's  inter- 
vention in  the  great  debate  was  the  most 
significant  utterance  of  the  Old  Learning. 
The  pubhcation  of  the  treatise  was  apparently 
delayed  until  Mary's  reign,  and  this  may  be 
proof  that  the  bishop  was  not  anxious  to  pro- 
long strife,  but  to  make  his  voice  heard  when 
occasion  permitted.  In  those  dark  months 
of  imprisonment  Tunstall  was  deprived  of  his 
see,  and  the  bishopric  of  Durham  was  dis- 
solved. Durham  was  to  continue  as  a  see ; 
Gateshead,  annexed  to  Newcastle,  was  to 
constitute  a  second  see ;  and  the  palatinate 
jurisdiction  was  handed  over  to  Northumber- 
land. But  the  reign  of  Edward  soon  reached 
its  end,  and  a  respite  came  in  the  troubles 
of  Bishop  TunstaU.  Within  a  month  of  the 
young  King's  death  the  bishop  was  restored. 
An  Act  was  passed  annulling  the  spoliation  of 
Edward's  last  year  (1  Mar.  sess.  3,  c.  3).     As 


to  his  see,  it  was  '  now  by  the  authority  of 
this  present  Parliament  fully  and  wholly 
revived,  erected,  and  [shaU]  have  its  being 
in  like  manner  and  form  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  as  it  was  of  old  time  used  and 
accustomed.'  Perhaps  as  an  act  of  personal 
friendship  Mary  gave  to  TunstaU  and  his 
successors  the  patronage  of  aU  the  prebends 
in  the  cathedral.  TunstaU  was  growing  old, 
and  his  eighty  years  did  not  sit  lightly  upon 
him.  It  was  this  fact  which  probably 
excused  him  from  higher  office  in  the  Church. 
Had  his  years  been  fewer,  who  so  fit  as  he  to 
guide  church  poUtics  in  the  new  reign  ?  He 
was  more  widely  read,  at  least  as  tolerant, 
and  far  more  truly  in  the  confidence  of 
the  Old  Learning  than  was  Cardinal  Pole 
{q.v.).  He  took  part  in  such  events  as  his 
age  permitted.  He  went  to  Gravesend 
to  meet  Pole  on  his  arrival,  and  to  convey 
him  to  London.  He  conferred  with  various 
heretics  when,  a  year  later,  the  Commission  of 
Inquiry  had  been  constituted.  His  action 
was  gentle,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  reputation  is  weU  deserved  which  credits 
him  with  having  been  anxious  to  repress  the 
persecution.  Some  literary  work  must  be 
attributed  to  Mary's  reign.  In  1554  he 
printed  the  short  exposition  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse attributed  to  St.  Ambrose.  He  tells  us 
how  in  1546  he  found  the  manuscript  whUst 
searching  in  monastic  libraries.  This  would 
probably  be  in  France  whilst  he  was  engaged 
in  confirming  the  treaty  of  Ardres.  In  1555 
he  published  a  sermon,  or  more  probably  a 
charge.  Contra  impios  blasphematores  Dei 
praedestinationis,  aimed  apparently  against 
the  antinomian  teaching,  which  had  gained 
ground  under  the  patronage  of  the  extreme 
sectaries.  Tunstall  outlived  Pole  and  Mary. 
EUzabeth  dispensed  him  from  attending 
Parliament  in  her  first  year,  partly  owing  to 
the  fact  that  his  presence  in  the  north  was 
necessary  to  conclude  peace  with  the  Scots. 
At  the  end  of  June  1559  he  wrote  to  the 
Queen  asking  for  her  leave  to  come  to  London 
in  order  to  teU  her  about  the  peace  transac- 
tions. Cecil  was  requested  '  to  further  his 
suit  for  visiting  the  Queen.'  In  July  he  set 
out  on  his  journey,  and  is  reported  to  have 
preached  on  the  way,  exhorting  the  people  to 
constancy  in  the  faith.  Arrived  in  London, 
he  lodged  in  Southwark,  as  Durham  House 
had  not  been  restored  to  him.  He  expostu- 
lated in  vain  with  the  Queen  concerning  the 
alterations  in  reUgion.  A  little  later  he  wrote 
a  historic  letter  to  Cecil  complaining  of  the 
iconoclasm  of  the  Visitors  in  London.  In 
September  the  oath  of  aUegiance  was  tendered 
to  him.     He  refused  it,  and  he  was  deprived 


(  604  ) 


Tyndale] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Tyndale 


of  liis  see,  and  put  under  tho  surveillance  of  { 
Archbishop  Tarkor.     Worn  out  with  ago  and 

sorrow,  the  venerable  bishop  died  in  Parker's  • 

house,  18th  November  1559.  [n.  c]  | 

For  Tunstair.s  life  see  the  State  Papers  and 
other  contemporary  documents.  These  are  in- 
dicated and  summarised  in  Dr.  Pollard's  articli- 
in  D  N.li.  See  also  G.  E.  Phillip,  Extinction 
of  the.  Catholic  Hierarchy;  V.O.II.,  Durham,  | 
ii.  30-5  ;  and  lloss-Lewiu  in  Typical  Ewjlish 
Churchmen,  series  ii. 

TYNDALE,  or  TIND AL,  William  (d.  1536),   | 
translator  of  the  Bible,  was  born  '  about  the 
borders  of  Wales  '  ;   he  belonged  to  a  family 
of  some  standing  in  Gloucestershire,  and  was 
brought  up  from  a  child  in  the  University  of 
Oxford,  where  he  was  entered  at  Magdalen 
Hall  in  1510.     According  to  Foxe  {q.v.),  he 
made   great   progress   in   the  knowledge   of 
languages  and  of  the  Scriptures,  and  even 
thus  early  '  read  privily  to  certain  students 
and  fellows  of  Magdalen  College  some  parcel 
of  divmity ;    instructing  them  in  the  know- 
ledge and  truth  of  the  Scriptures.'     From 
Oxford  he  went  on  to  Cambridge,  and  after- 
wards became  tutor  to  the  children  of    Sir 
John  Welch  of  Old  Sodbury,  in  Gloucester- 
shire.    To  his  house  '  there  resorted  many 
times    sundry    abbots,    deans,    archdeacons 
with  divers  other  doctors  and  great  beneficed 
men ;     who    there    together    with     Master 
Tyndale  sittmg  at  the  same  table  did  use 
many   times    to  enter  communication   and 
talk    of    learned    men,    as    of    Luther    and 
Erasmus;     also    of    divers    other     contro- 
versies and  questions  upon  the  Scripture.' 
He    preached    principally    in    Bristol    and 
its    neighbourhood.     Before    long    he    was 
accused  before  the  Chancellor  of  the  diocese, 
who  '  rated  him  as  though  he  had  been  a  dog, 
but  let  him  go  free.'     About  this  time,  m  a 
dispute,    he    announced     his     intention    of 
translating  the  Bible.     '  If  God  spared  his 
life  ere  many  years  he  would  cause  a  boy 
that  driveth  the  plough  to  know  more  of  the 
Scripture  than  he  did.'     Finding  Gloucester- 
shire too  dangerous  he  came  to  London.     He 
tried  to   obtain   the   patronage    of    Bishop 
Tunstall  {q.v.),  but  Tunstall  repUed  that  his 
house  was  full.     He  then  became  preacher 
at  St.   Dunstan's-in-the-West,  and  lived  in 
the  house  of  Geofirey  Monmouth,  an  alder- 
man,  for   six  months,  where,   according  to 
Monmouth,  '  the  said  Tyndale  lived  like  a 
good  priest,  studying  both  night  and  day. 
He  would  eat  but  sodden  meat  by  his  good- 
will  nor  drink  but  small   single   beer.     He 
was  never  seen  in  that  house  to  wear  Unen.' 
Monmouth  gave  him  money,  and  sent  him 


to  Hamburg  (1524).  He  visited  Luther 
at  Wittenberg,  and  with  the  help  of  an 
ex-friar,  William  Roy,  began  printing  an 
Enghsh  translation  of  the  New  Testament 
at  Cologne.  The  proceedings  were  discovered 
when  the  work  was  half  done,  and  the  two 
fled  to  Worms  with  the  unfinished  sheets, 
and  printed  two  editions,  one  in  octavo  and 
the  other  in  quarto,  of  three  thousand  copies 
each,  the  latter  with  marginal  glosses. 
[Bible,  English.]  The  Enghsh  bishops  were 
warned,  and  Warham  (q.v.)  ordered  those 
who  had  copies  to  surrender  them  on  pain  of 
excommunication.  Warham  himself  seems 
to  have  bought  up  two  entire  editions  on  the 
Continent,  to  the  great  profit  of  the  trans- 
lators, who  lived  on  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
and  issued  further  editions. 

In  1525  Wolsey  tried  to  secure  Tyndalc's 
arrest  at  Worms,  but  he  took  refuge  at  Mar- 
burg. He  then  printed  his  Parable  of  the 
Wicked  Mammon,  a  treatise  on  the  parable 
of  the  unjust  steward,  dealing  with  the  doc- 
trine of  Justification  by  Faith.  In  1528  he  pro- 
duced also  The  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man, 
a  defence  against  the  charges  of  lawlessness 
brought  against  the  Reformers.  It  laid  down 
the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience  to  temporal 
rulers  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Scriptures 
in  matters  of  doctrine.  Henry  vni.  (q.v.)  was 
delighted  with  it,  '  for,'  saith  he,  '  this  book  is 
for  me  and  all  kings  to  read.'  His  next  work, 
ThePractyse  of  Prelates,  was  not  so  acceptable, 
since  in  it  he  denounced  the  King's  divorce. 
He  entered  into  a  bitter  controversy  with 
Sur  Thomas  More  {q.v.),  and  translated  the 
Pentateuch.  In  1531  Henry  vm.  made  some 
overtures  for  his  return  to  England,  and  when 
he  deehned,  demanded  his  surrender  from  the 
Emperor,  and  that  faihng,  endeavoured  to 
kidnap  him.  He  left  Antwerp,  but  returned 
in  1533,  and  remained  there  for  the  rest  of 
his  life.  In  1534  John  Rogers  {q.v.)  arrived 
in  Antwerp,  was  converted  by  Tyndale,  and 
helped  him  in  his  translation  of  the  Old 
Testament,  of  which  he  completed  during  his 
life  only  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Book  of 
Jonah,  but  there  is  reason  to  think  that  he 
left  a  manuscript  translation  of  the  historical 
books  down  to  Chronicles. 

In  1535  a  young  Enghshman,  Henry 
Phillips,  by  professing  zeal  for  the  Reforma- 
tion and  personal  regard  for  Tyndale, 
decoyed  him  from  his  house  and  handed  him 
over  to  the  Imperial  officers.  Great  efforts 
were  made  for  his  release.  The  Enghsh 
merchants  petitioned  Henry  vm.  on  his 
behalf,  and  Cromwell  {q.v.)  wrote  letters  to 
the  president  of  the  council  and  the  governor 
of  Vilvorde  asking  them  to  use  their  influence 


(  605  ) 


Udall] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Uniformity 


in  his  favour.  He  was  tried  for  heresy  and 
condemned  to  death.  His  execution  took 
place  on  6th  October  1536.  According  to 
Foxe,  his  last  prayer  was:  'Lord,  open  the 
King  of  England's  eyes.' 

He   will   always    be   remembered    for   his 
translation  of  the  Bible,  though  he  did  not 


live  to  finish  it.  His  style  was  direct  and 
forcible  and  liis  rendering  substantially 
accurate.  His  version  formed  the  model  of 
that  of  1611.    [Bible,  English.] 

[c.  p.  s.  c] 

Foxe,     Acts    and    Monuments ;     Gairdner, 
Lollardy  and  the  Reformation,  ii. 


u 


T  TDALL,  Nicholas  (1505-56),  reformer  and 
^^  dramatist,  was  educated  at  Winchester 
and  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  where  he 
was  much  influenced  by  Lutheranism  and 
the  new  learning.  His  joint  authorship  of 
the  pageants  which  celebrated  Anne  Boleyn's 
coronation  in  1533  indicates  both  his  Protes- 
tant leanings  and  his  literarj-  reputation. 
After  lea^-ing  Oxford  he  followed  the  profes- 
sion of  a  teacher,  and  in  1534  was  appointed 
Headmaster  of  Eton.  In  1541  he  was  sus- 
pected of  comphcity  in  a  robbery  of  plate 
from  the  college  chapel,  and  in  the  inquiry 
which  followed  he  confessed  to  a  more 
heinous  offence  with  one  of  his  pupils. 
Though  he  lost  his  mastership  he  was  soon 
in  favour  at  court  again,  and  received  various 
minor  church  preferments.  In  1549  he  was 
appointed  to  reply  to  the  complaints  of  the 
western  rebels,  who  demanded  the  restora- 
tion of  the  old  rehgion.  His  Answer  is  a 
skilful  and  effective  piece  of  controversial 
writing.  He  was  employed  in  the  translation 
of  Erasmus's  Paraphrase  of  the  Neiv  Testa- 
ment, in  which  Princess  Mary  also  took  part. 
In  spite  of  his  Protestantism  he  retained  her 
favour  after  her  accession,  probably  on 
account  of  his  hterary  talents,  and  he  re- 
mained the  recognised  provider  of  plays  and 
masques  for  the  court.  Shortly  before  his 
death  he  was  made  Headmaster  of  West- 
minster. His  career  is  important  as  illus- 
trating the  influence  of  the  humanist  move- 
ment on  the  moderate  reformers,  and  on 
the  development  of  English  literature.  By 
combining  the  classical  correctness  of  form, 
which  he  learnt  from  the  Latin  comedians, 
with  the  racy  humour  of  the  native  Enghsh 
interlude,  Udall  produced  in  Ralph  Roister 
Doister  the  first  genuine  English  comedy. 

[G.  C] 

Tronhle.s  connected  with  the  Prayer  Book  of 
1549,  C.S.;  D.X.B. 

UNIFORMITY,  Acts  of.  During  the 
Middle  Ages  the  forms  of  service  in  use  were 
merely  matter  of  custom,  and  there  was  no 


thought  of  regulating  them  by  statute.  Nor 
were  they  afiected  by  Henry  vm.'s  ecclesi- 
astical legislation.  There  was  some  attempt  at 
reform  of  the  service  books  in  his  reign,  and 
under  Edward  vi.  the  First  Prayer  Book  was 
drawn  up  by  a  body  of  bishops  and  divines 
in  1548,  and  discussed  at  length  in  Parlia- 
ment, which  on  21st  January  1549,  a  week 
before  the  end  of  Edward's  second  year, 
passed  the  first  Act  of  Uniformity  (2-3  Edw. 
VI.  c.  1).  It  recites  that  '  of  long  time ' 
there  have  been  divers  uses  in  the  English 
Church,  and  of  late  new  fashions  of  worship 
have  been  introduced  by  the  '  good  zeal '  of 
innovators ;  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
has  been  drawn  up  '  to  the  intent  a  uniform, 
quiet  and  godly  order  should  be  had,'  for 
which  Parhament  gives  the  King  '  most 
hearty  and  lowly  thanks,'  and  enacts  that 
from  Whitsunday  (9th  June),  1549,  its  ex- 
clusive use  in  the  '  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  commonly  called  the  Mass,'  and  in 
all  pubhc  services,  shall  be  obligatory  on  aU 
ministers  on  pain  of  six  months'  imprison- 
ment and  forfeiture  of  a  year's  income  for 
the  first  offence,  deprivation  and  a  year's 
imprisonment  for  the  second,  and  imprison- 
ment for  life  for  the  third.  Similar  penalties 
are  imposed  for  depra-\dng  or  preaching 
against  the  book.  Offences  against  the  Act 
are  to  be  tried  by  the  justices  of  assize,  with 
whom  the  bishop  may  sit  if  he  pleases, 
or  by  the  ecclesiastical  courts.  No  other 
'  manner  of  Mass  '  than  that  set  forth  in  the 
book  is  anywhere  permitted,  but  '  for  the 
encouraging  of  learning '  the  other  services 
may  be  said  publicly  in  the  Universities  in 
Latin,  Greek,  or  Hebrew;  and  elsewhere  any 
man  may  say  Matins  or  Evensong  in  these 
'  or  other  strange  tongue,'  '  privately  as  they 
do  understand.'  Eight  bishops  and  three  lay 
peers  voted  against  the  Bill,  which  was  sup- 
plemented by  a  statute  (passed  22nd  to  25th 
January  1550)  ordering  the  destruction  of 
all  missals  and  service  books  other  than  the 
Prayer  Book  (3-4  Edw.  \^.  c.  10).  This 
attempt  to  enforce  uniformity  was  unsuccess- 


(  606  ) 


Uniformity] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Uniformity 


ful,  for  the  book  was  a  compromise  which 
pleased  neither  the  conservative  nor  the 
reforming  party.  '  It  is  one  of  the  grim 
sarcasms  of  history  that  the  first  Act  of 
Uniformity  sliould  have  divided  the  Church 
of  England  into  the  two  parties  which  have 
ever  since  contended  within  her.'  By  1552 
the  reformers  were  in  the  ascendant,  and  the 
second  Act  of  Uniformity  (passed  9th  March 
to  14th  April;  5-6  Edw.  vi.  c.  1)  recites  that, 
doubts  having  arisen  as  to  the  interpretation 
of  the  '  very  godly  order  '  authorised  by  the 
previous  Act,  it  had  been  revised ;  to  this 
revision  (the  Second  Prayer  Book)  the  same 
provisions  were  to  apply  from  1st  November 
1552.  But  the  Act  is  more  stringent  than  its 
predecessor,  in  that  it  makes  attendance  at 
church  on  Sundays  and  holy  days  compul- 
sory on  all  who  are  not  reasonably  hindered 
on  pain  of  ecclesiastical  censures,  and  attend- 
ance at  any  other  form  of  service  is  made 
punishable  by  imprisonment  for  six  months, 
a  year,  or  hfe,  for  the  first,  second,  and  third 
offences  respectively.  Thus,  whereas  the 
former  Act  had  applied  merely  to  the  clergy, 
the  laity  were  now  brought  within  reach 
of  these  severe  penalties.  The  holy  days  to 
be  observed,  twenty-seven  in  number,  are 
enumerated  in  5-6  Edw.  vi.  c.  3.  All  the 
above-mentioned  Acts  were  repealed  in  1553 
by  1  Mar.  st.  2,  c.  2,  which  enacts  that  from 
20th  December  1553  only  the  forms  of 
service  most  commonly  used  in  the  last  year 
of  Henry  viii.  shall  be  allowed.  Elizabeth's 
Act  of  Uniformity  (1559,  1  Eliz.  c.  2)  repealed 
this  provision,  revived  the  Act  of  1552, 
ordered  the  use  of  the  Second  Prayer  Book 
from  24th  June  1559,  sanctioned  certain 
amendments  that  had  been  made  in  it,  in- 
creased the  penalties  for  depraving  it,  and 
made  absence  from  church  punishable  by 
a  fine  of  twelve  pence  as  well  as  by  ecclesi- 
astical censures.  It  also  provided  that  such 
ornaments  of  the  church  and  the  minister 
should  be  retained,  '  as  was  in  the  Church  of 
England  by  authority  of  Parliament  in  the 
second  year  of  '  Edward  vi.,  '  until  other  order 
shall  be  therein  taken  by  the  authority  of  the 
Queen's  Majesty,'  and  reserves  power  to  the 
Crown  to  ordain  and  publish  further  rites 
and  ceremonies.  This  power  was  exercised 
by  James  i.  in  1604.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  the  omission  of  the  usual  reference  to 
the  Lords  Spiritual  from  the  enacting  words 
of  the  statute  of  1559  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
all  the  nine  bishops  present  voted  against 
it,  but  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  was  an 
accident. 

The  Prayer  Book  now  remained  unaffected 
by    ParHamentary    action    till    1645,    when 


its  use  \\as  forbidden  by  ordinances  of  the 
Long  Parliament.  [Commonwealth,  Church 
UNDER.]  A  Bill  for  Uniformity  passed  the 
Commons  in  July  1661,  but  was  then  delayed 
on  account  of  the  revision  which  was  in  pro- 
gress. This  was  completed,  and  adopted  by 
Convocation  in  December,  and  in  1662  the 
Bill  was  again  considered  in  Parliament,  and 
also  in  Convocation.  The  revised  book  was 
not  discussed  by  either  House  of  Parliament, 
(hough  the  Commons  asserted  their  right  to 
discuss  it  if  they  pleased.  They  also  threw 
out  a  clause,  introduced  by  the  Lords,  giving 
the  Crown  power  to  dispense  with  the 
obligations  of  the  Bill.  It  received  the  royal 
assent,  19th  May  (13-14  Car.  ii.  c.  4).  It 
orders  the  exclusive  use  of  the  book,  which 
is  annexed  to  the  Act,  in  all  places  of  worship 
from  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  (24th  August), 
1662,  before  which  all  ministers  must  publicly 
declare  their  assent  to  it  on  pain  of  depriva- 
tion. All  ministers  and  schoolmasters  must 
also  make  a  declaration  of  the  illegality  of 
taking  arms  against  the  King,  and  must 
abjure  the  Covenant.  All  ministers  not 
episcopaUy  ordained  by  St.  Bartholomew's 
Day  are  to  be  deprived,  and  declared  in- 
capable of  holding  preferment.  Accordingly 
nearly  two  thousand  ministers  withdrew,  or 
were  ejected  from  their  livings.  Further 
attempts  were  made  to  enforce  uniformity 
by  the  persecuting  laws  known  as  the  Claren- 
don Code.  The  attempts  of  Charles  n.  and 
James  n.  to  dispense  with  the  necessity  of 
conforming  were  resisted  ;  and  the  existence 
of  such  dispensing  power  was  denied  by  the 
Declaration  of  Rights,  which  became  law  in 
1689  (1  W.  and  M.  sess.  2,  c.  2).  The  appHca- 
tion  of  the  Acts  of  Uniformity  to  dissenters 
has  been  relaxed  by  a  series  of  statutes,  the 
first  of  which,  the  Toleration  Act,  1689  (1  W. 
and  M.  c.  18),  exempts  Protestant  Trini- 
tarian dissenters  from  their  provisions,  on 
condition  of  taking  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and 
supremacy ;  their  ministers  were  also  to 
subscribe  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  except  the 
34th,  35th,  36th,  and  part  of  the  20th  (and, 
if  Baptists,  part  of  the  27th),  and  their  places 
of  worship  must  be  registered.  Similarly 
Umited  reUef  was  not  extended  to  Roman 
CathoUcs  tiU  1791  (31  Geo.  in.  c.  32).  Acts 
of  1779  (19  Geo.  m.  c.  44)  and  1812  (52  Geo. 
m.  c.  155)  further  relaxed  the  restrictions  on 
Protestant  dissenters,  and  in  1813  the  relief 
was  extended  to  disbehevers  in  the  Trinity 
(53  Geo.  m.  c.  160).  Acts  of  1829  and  1832 
put  Roman  Catholics  on  the  same  level  as 
the  Protestant  sects  (10  Geo.  iv.  c.  7,  2-3 
Wm.  IV.  c.  115).  The  effect  of  the  final 
relief  Acts  of  1846  and  1855  (9-10  Vic.  c.  59, 


(607) 


Ussher] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ussher 


18-19  Vic.  c,  86),  and  the  Universities  Test 
Act,  1871  (34-5  Vic.  c.  26),  was  to  confine 
the  operation  of  the  Acts  of  Uniformity  to 
members  of  the  Enghsh  Church.  In  this 
respect  also  they  were  modified  in  the  nine- 
teenth century.  The  Clerical  Subscription 
Act,  1865,  altered  the  oaths  to  be  taken 
by  the  clergy,  substituting  Declarations  of 
Assent  to  the  Prayer  Book  and  the  Thirty- 
Nine  Articles,  and  against  Simony  (28-9  Vic. 
c.  122).  The  Table  of  Lessons  Act,  1871 
(34-5  Vic.  c.  37),  and  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
Amendment  Act,  1872  (35-6  Vic.  c.  35),  gave 
civil  sanction  to  some  of  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  Ritual  Commission  [Commis- 
sioxs,  Royal].  Dissent  from  the  form  of 
pubUc  worship  recognised  by  the  State  first 
became  common  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
But  the  behef  that  it  was  the  State's  duty  to 
enforce  a  common  form  of  worship,  and,  as 
far  as  possible,  a  common  doctrine  on  aU  its 
subjects,  survived  from  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
led  to  the  Acts  of  Uniformity.  Their  relaxa- 
tion followed  as  it  came  to  be  understood 
that  dissent  is  not,  under  modern  conditions, 
a  crime  against  the  State.  This  is  now  fuUy 
recognised,  and  the  operation  of  the  Acts 
is  confined  to  the  Church  of  England.  They 
constitute  the  law  of  the  State  governing 
pubhc  worship  in  the  Established  Church, 
and  are  voluntarily  accepted  by  the  Church 
as  an  incident  of  its  connection  with  the 
State  [Establishment].  The  forms  of  pubhc 
worship  in  use  derive  their  spiritual  vahdity 
from  the  authority  of  the  Church  alone.  The 
Acts  of  Uniformity  merely  give  them  civil 
sanction.  The  Privy  Council  laid  down  in 
Westerton  v.  Liddell  and  Martin  v.  Mac- 
konochie  that  Parhament  intended  in  these 
Acts  to  impose  a  rigid  uniformity  in  the 
conduct  of  divine  service,  and  that  the 
slightest  deviation  is  illegal  as  a  breach  of 
the  Acts  [Courts,  Ritual  Cases].  This 
rigidity  is  to  some  extent  modified  in 
practice  by  the  ius  liturgicum  of  the  bishops. 
[Authority  in  the  Church;  Common 
Prayer,  Book  of  ;  Toleration,]    [g.  c] 

Statutes  ;  Procter  and  Frere,  Hist,  of  the  Book 
of  Common   Prayer ;    Campion,   Prayer  Book 

interleaved  1S8S. 

USSHER,  James  (1581-1656),  Archbishop  of 
Armagh,  was  in  1594  among  the  first  scholars 
of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  where  he  early 
distinguished  himself  as  a  theologian  and 
controversiaUst,  was  ordained  by  special 
dispensation  in  his  twenty-first  year,  became 


Professor  of  Divinity,  1607,  and  Vice- 
Chancellor,  1614.  His  first  work,  De  Chris- 
tianarum  Ecdesiarum  successione  et  statu 
(1613),  was  intended  as  a  continuation  of 
Jewel's  (q.v.)  Apologia.  He  drafted  a  set  of 
one  hundred  and  four  Articles  of  ReUgion  of 
a  Calvinistic  tendency,  which  were  accepted 
by  the  first  Convocation  of  Irish  clergy  held 
on  the  Enghsh  model,  1615.  In  1621  he  was 
appointed  Bishop  of  Meath,  and  translated 
to  Armagh,  1625.  In  1634  he  took  part  in 
imposing  an  amended  version  of  the  English 
canons  on  the  Irish  Church.  He  opposed  the 
toleration  of  Roman  Catholics,  and  was  on 
good  terms  with  Laud  (q.v.)  and  Strafiord, 
who  on  visiting  him  at  Drogheda  found  no 
Holy  Table  in  his  chapel,  '  which  seemed 
to  me  strange ;  no  bowing  there,  I  warrant 
you.'  In  1641  he  was  on  a  Committee  for 
Rehgion  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  drew  up  a 
scheme  or  '  model '  of  modified  episcopacy, 
in  which  the  bishops  were  to  preside  over 
synods  of  presbyters  and  to  be  incapable  of 
acting  without  their  advice.  Nothing  came 
of  this  plan,  though  it  played  a  part  in  the 
treaty  of  Newport,  1648,  when  Charles  was 
wilhng  to  accept  it.  In  contrast  with  the 
advice  of  Wilhams  {q.v.),  Ussher  warned  the 
King  against  assenting  to  StrafEord's  execu- 
tion against  his  conscience,  and  declared,  after 
attending  the  earl  on  the  scaffold,  that  he 
'  never  saw  so  white  a  soul  return  to  its 
Maker.' 

His  Irish  property  had  been  destroyed  in 
the  rebeUion  of  1640,  and  he  never  returned 
to  Ireland.  In  1642  Charles  gave  him  the 
bishopric  of  Carlisle  in  commendam.  He 
refused  to  attend  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
and  hved  in  Oxford  till  1645 ;  afterwards  in 
London,  where  he  preached  boldly  against 
the  treatment  of  the  King  by  Parliament. 
CromweU,  though  he  refused  at  Ussher's 
intercession  to  allow  episcopal  clergy  in- 
creased hberty  of  ministering  in  private, 
treated  him  ■vWth  deference,  and  on  his  death 
ordered  him  a  public  funeral  in  Westminster 
Abbey,  though  making  Ussher's  family  de- 
fray three-fourths  of  the  expense. 

Ussher  was  much  engaged  in  controversy, 
but  his  high  character  and  genuine  piety, 
as  weU  as  his  wide  and  profound  learning, 
made  him  one  of  the  most  respected  men  of 
his  time.  His  defence  of  prayer  for  the  dead 
was  reprinted  as  one  of  the  Tracts  for  the 
Times,  1836.  [g.  c] 

Works,  ed.  Ebrington,  with  Life. 


(608  ) 


ValorJ 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Vaughan 


VALOR  ECCLESIASTICUS,  The,  is  the 
name  given  to  olliciai  vahiation  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  monastic  revenue  which 
■was  made  under  Henry  viii.  It  is  a  survey 
more  detailed  than  the  Taxalio  Ecclesiasiica 
(q.v.)  of  1291,  which  for  most  purposes  it 
henceforth  superseded. 

The  cause  of  the  valuation  was  the  '  un- 
paralleled revolution  in  property  which 
marked  the  reign  of  Henry  vm.,'  and  which 
was  now  determined.  In  1532  Annates  or 
first-fruits,  i.e.  the  clear  revenue  and  profit 
of  a  benefice  for  one  entire  year  paid  to  the 
Pope,  had  been  conditionally  restrained 
in  the  case  of  bishops  and  archbishops 
(23  Hen.  vm.  c,  20).  By  the  Act  of 
1534  (25  Hen.  vrn.  e.  20)"  all  payment  of 
Annates  or  first-fruits  was  forbidden,  and 
b}^  a  later  Act  of  the  same  year  (26  Hen. 
viu.  c.  3,  the  preamble  of  which  Dr.  Dixon 
describes  as  '  the  most  perfect  example  of 
cunning  baseness  to  be  found  in  the  ecclesi- 
astical laws  of  the  reign')  all  Annates  or 
first-fruits,  together  with  a  tenth  annually  of 
the  clear  income  of  each  benefice,  were  given 
to  the  Crown.  No  first-fruits  were  to  be  taken 
from  a  benefice  of  less  than  eight  marks  a  year 
vinless  the  incumbent  remained  in  it  three 
years.  First-fruits  were  first  claimed  by  the 
popes  in  England  in  1256,  and,  at  first  inter- 
mittent, had  become  general. 

To  meet  the  requirements  of  the  Act  of  1534 
a  fresh  valuation  was  necessary,  and  com- 
missioners to  make  it  were  appointed, 
30th  January  1535.  They  were  the  usual 
agents  of  the  Government  at  the  time — the 
bishops,  who  were  the  only  ecclesiastics  on 
the  commission,  sheriJEEs,  justices  of  the  peace, 
mayors,  and  local  gentry.  The  result,  com- 
pleted in  five  or  six  months,  holds  '  the  pre- 
eminence among  the  ecclesiastical  records  of 
the  kingdom '  (Hunter),  and  is  comparable 
to  the  Domesday  Survey  of  1086.  The 
particulars  of  all  property  of  any  church  or 
monastery  in  England  and  Wales,  both  in 
Spiritualia  and  Temporalia,  are  recorded  in 
detail.  The  record  is  complete  save  that  the 
accounts  of  the  diocese  of  Ely  and  a  great 
part  of  those  of  London  and  York,  and  the 
counties  of  Berks,  Rutland,  and  Northumber- 
land, have  disappeared.  Fuller  (q-v.)  in- 
correctly states  that  the  Welsh  returns  were 
made  under  Edward  vi.,  but  for  these  the 
later  and  briefer  Liher  Valoris  (an  epitome 
of  the  Vahr  Ecclesiasticiis),  which  records  all 


the  benefices,  gives  the  net  annual  income 
and  the  tenth.  Dr.  Dixon  concludes  that 
the  survey,  though  not  a  friendly,  was 
probably  a  fair  one.  Speed  gives  the  total 
annual  value  thus  revealed  at  £320,280,  10s., 
which  Dixon,  comparing  it  with  the  total  at 
which  he  arrives  for  the  value  in  the  Taxalio 
(£218,202),  and  allowing  for  the  fact  that 
benefices  held  by  monasteries  are  not  there 
included,  shows  to  mean  a  relative  decrease 
in  the  revenue  of  the  Church  as  compared 
with  that  of  the  nation  as  a  whole.  In 
1291  it  was  eleven-fiftieths  of  the  whole, 
in  1535  it  was  not  more  than  eight -seventy- 
fifths.  When  the  monasteries  were  dissolved 
or  surrendered  their  incomes  were  generally 
larger  than  recorded  in  the  Valor,  but  on  the 
whole  the  record  is  trustworthy. 

These  dues  were  renounced  by  the  Crown 
in  1555  (2-3  Ph.  and  M.  c.  4),  and  were 
resumed  again  by  Elizabeth  (1  Ehz.  c.  4), 
'  who,  however,  discharged  from  first-fruits  all 
parsonages  under  ten  marks  and  all  vicarages 
under  £10.  Queen  Anne  restored  this 
revenue  to  the  Church  (to  be  administered  by 
trustees — Queen  Anne's  Bounty).  This  was 
confirmed  by  statute  in  1703  (2-3  An.  c.  20, 
commonly  cited  as  c.  11),  and  a  later  Act 
(6  An.  c.  24) '  discharged '  from  first-finiits  and 
tenths  all  benefices  under  £50.  The  Valor 
is  stUl  important  as  determining  the  legal 
value  of  any  Church  preferment  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  rights  and  restrictions  under 
any  statute  subsequent  to  1535,  and  is  often 
cited  as  '  The  King's  Books.'  Editions  of 
the  epitome,  the  Liber  Valoris  (an  abstract 
made  from  the  original  Valor  in  use  in  the 
First-Fruits  Ofiice)  were  piibhshed  in  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  the 
most  important  being  that  of  Ecton,  1711. 
much  enlarged  as  the  Thesaurus  reruvi 
Ecclesiasticarum,  1742. 

The  Valor  was  first  printed  (by  the  Records 
Commission)  in  six  folio  volumes,  with  a 
valuable  introduction,  between  the  years 
1810  and  1834.  [s.  l.  c] 

Valor  EcdesiasUcvs,  introd.  Ly  J.  Hunter ; 
Oxford  Studies,  i.,  Iii09,  ed.  VinograiiofT,  mono- 
graph by  Professor  Savine  of  Moscow  ;  Dixon, 
Hist.  ofCh.  of  Eng.,  i.  pp.  229-32,  -247-50. 

VAUGHAN,  Charles  John(1816-97),Master 
of  the  Temple  and  Dean  of  LlandafT,  was  son  of 
an  Evangehcal  vicar  of  St.  Martin's,  Leicester. 
He  learned  the  Greek  alphabet,  by  his  own 


2Q 


(  609  ) 


Vaughan] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Venn 


request,  on  his  seventh  bu■thda5^  He  was 
educated  at  Rugby  under  Dr.  Arnold  [q.v.), 
who  considered  him  one  of  his  most  promising 
pupils,  and  at  Trinity  College,  Cambridge, 
•where,  in  1838,  he  was  bracketed  with  the 
fourth  Lord  Lyttelton  as  Senior  Classic  and 
Chancellor's  Medallist,  and  was  elected 
Fellow  in  1839.  He  felt  a  strong  inclination 
for  the  Chancery  Bar,  but  was  induced  by 
religious  considerations  to  seek  holy  orders. 
He  was  ordained  in  1841,  and  was  ap- 
pointed Vicar  of  St.  Martin's,  Leicester.  On 
the  death  of  Dr.  Arnold,  he  stood  unsuc- 
cessfully for  the  Headmastership  of  Rugby, 
and  in  1844  was  elected  Headmaster  of 
Harrow,  in  succession  to  Dr.  Christopher 
Wordsworth  {q.v.).  His  administration  of 
Harrow  was  eminently  successful.  His  strong 
points  were  '  Greek  Iambics  and  Tact '  ; 
the  suaviter  in  moclo  concealed  only  im- 
perfectly the  fortiter  in  re ;  he  dehghted  in 
sarcasm,  and  his  smile  was  even  more 
dreaded  than  his  frown.  In  two  years  he 
raised  the  numbers  from  seventy  to  two 
hundred,  and  to  more  than  four  hundred 
before  he  left.  He  was  made  Chaplain  in 
Ordinary  to  the  Queen  in  1859.  He  resigned 
unexpectedly  at  the  end  of  1859.  In  1860 
he  became  Vicar  of  Doncaster,  and  there  he 
gathered  round  him  a  band  of  young  gradu- 
ates preparing  for  holy  orders,  whom  he 
instructed  in  the  Greek  Testament  and  in 
Parochialia,  and  who  were  called  '  Vaughan's 
Doves.'  In  1869  he  was  appointed  by  Mr. 
Gladstone  (q.v.)  Master  of  the  Temple  ;  but 
took  the  title  too  Uterally,  and  soon  found 
himself  embroiled  with  the  Benchers,  who 
are  the  real  '  masters.'  His  Greek  scholar- 
ship was  exquisite,  and  he  served  as  one  of 
the  company  for  revising  the  translation  of 
the  New  Testament.  His  sermons  were 
always  carefully  written  in  a  terse  and 
nervous  style,  but  liis  voice  and  manner 
gave  the  impression  of  um-cality.  He  taught 
clearly  the  central  truths  of  revelation,  but 
denied  the  Apostolic  Succession,  ignored  the 
Church,  and  held  a  low  doctrine  concerning 
the  sacraments.  His  theology  showed  few 
traces  of  the  Evangelicahsm  in  which  he  had 
been  reared ;  but,  in  its  hostility  to  aU 
forms  of  Higli  Churchmanship,  it  recalled  the 
polemical  vigour  of  Arnold.  His  influence 
was  chiefly  felt  bj^  young  men,  whether  at 
school,  at  the  Universities,  at  the  Temple,  or 
when  preparing  for  holy  orders.  To  them  he 
showed  unbounded  sympathy  and  unwearied 
kindness.  His  greatest  success  was  in 
preaching  before  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, where  he  was  repeatedly  appointed 
Select  Preacher  between  the  years  1860  and 


1888.  In  1879  he  was  aijpointed  (by  Bishop 
Ollivant)  Dean  of  Llandaff,  but  continued  to 
hold  the  Mastersliip  of  the  Temple  until 
February  1894,  when  he  was  taken  seriously 
ill  directly  after  preaching  in  the  Temple 
church,  and  the  illness  necessitated  the 
resignation  of  the  Mastership.  He  retained 
the  Deanery  of  Llandaflf,  occasionally  offici- 
ated, and  continued  to  instruct  his  '  Doves.' 
He  died  at  the  deanery  on  the  12tli  October 
1897,  and  was  buried  in  the  cathedral.  He 
left  in  his  will  a  positive  injunction  that 
no  biography  of  him  should  be  attempted. 
He  married  in  1850  Catherine  Stanley, 
daughter  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  and 
sister  of  his  friend,  Ai'thur  Penrhyn  Stanley 
{q.v.). 

The  hst  of  Vaughan's  writings  covers  six 
pages  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  Catalogue.  They  con- 
sist mainly  of  sermons,  with  some  lectui'es  and 
pamphlets,  and  annotated  editions  of  the  Greek 
text  of  some  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

[g.  w.  e.  r.] 

VENN,  Henry  (1725-97),  Evangelical  divine, 
was  son  of  Richard  Venn,  Rector  of  St. 
Antholin's  in  the  City,  and  also  of  Barnes, 
where  Henry  Venn  was  born.  He  was 
educated  at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge ; 
B.A.,  1746 ;  became  FeUow  of  Queens' ; 
and  was  ordained  deacon,  1747.  Just  be- 
fore his  ordination  he  played  cricket  for 
Surrey  against  All  England.  Surrey  won, 
and  when  the  match  was  finished  Venn  flung 
down  his  bat,  exclaiming :  '  Whoever  wants  a 
bat,  which  has  done  me  good  service,  may 
take  that,  as  I  have  no  further  use  for  it. 
It  shall  never  be  said  of  me :  "  Well  hit, 
Parson  !  "  '  Henceforward  his  constant 
prayer  was :  '  Grant  that  I  may  Uve  to  the 
glory  of  Thy  Name.'  He  Uved  a  life  of 
religious  meditation.  Law's  {q.v.)  Serious 
Call  made  a  deep  impression  on  his  con- 
science, and  he  sought  to  frame  his  life  after 
Law's  precepts.  With  regard  to  fasting, 
he  wrote :  '  I  have  come  to  a  compromise  ; 
which  is  that  on  Fridays  I  sliaU  not  break- 
fast, but  shall  eat  some  dinner.'  In  1750 
he  became  C\irate  of  St.  Matthew's,  Friday 
Street,  in  the  city,  and  at  Horsley  in  Surrey. 
He  soon  began  to  hold  gatherings  for  devotion 
in  his  house.  He  raised  the  number  of 
communicants  in  the  parish  from  twelve  to 
sixtj'.  He  used  to  go  galloping  over  the 
Surrey  Downs,  chanting  the  Te  Deum  in 
the  fulness  of  his  heart,  and  naturally  in- 
curred the  reproach  of  being  a  '  Methodist ' 
and  an  '  enthusiast.' 

In  1754  he  became  curate  of  Clapham, 
already  an  Evangelical  centre,  and  in  1759 


(610) 


Venn  I 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Vestments 


he  was  appointed  Vicar  of  Huddersfield. 
His  sermons  were  extraordinarily  long,  but 
full  of  power  and  persuasiveness.  Conver- 
sions were  frequent  under  his  ministry.  A 
parisiiioner  said :  '  I  never  heard  a  minister 
like  him.  He  was  most  powerful  in  unfold- 
ing the  terrors  of  the  Lord,  and,  when  doing 
so^he  had  a  stern  look  that  would  have  made 
vou  tremble.  Then  he  would  turn  off  to  the 
offers  of  grace,  and  begin  to  smile,  and  go  on 
entreating  till  his  eyes  were  filled  with  tears.' 
To  the  labours  of  the  pulpit  he  added  those 
•of  the  study,  and  in  1763  he  published  The 
Complete  Duty  of  Man,  which  ran  through 
twenty  editions. 

In  1771  he  left  Huddersfield  for  Gelling, 
a  village  near  Cambridge.  There  his  influ- 
ence reached  Charles  Simeon  {q.v.)  and 
Thomas  Robertson,  afterwards  Vicar  of 
Leicester,  and  so  became  incalculably 
diffusive.  In  1797  his  failing  health  com- 
pelled him  to  resign,  and  he  returned  to 
Clapham,  of  which  his  son  John  had  become 
rector.     There  he  died  on  the  24th  June. 

Henry  Venn's  teaching  was  Evangelical  in 
the  best  sense.  He  taught  salvation  through 
the  Cross  of  Christ,  and  that  alone.  His 
ministry  was  marked  by  that  personal  de- 
votion to  the  Divine  Master  which  is 
the  characteristic  of  great  saints  in  all  com- 
munions. The  things  of  the  Passion  w^ere 
in  all  his  thoughts.  He  was  keenly  alive 
to  the  poison  of  the  prevalent  Socinianism. 
Such  phrases  as  '  our  Crucified  God,'  '  our 
Incarnate  God,'  '  our  Adorable  Redeemer ' 
were  constantly  on  his  lips.  He  published 
a  treatise  on  The  Deity  of  Christ,  and  the 
danger  of  denying  it.  Of  the  Incarnation 
he  said :  '  This  great  mystery  is  the  centre 
of  all  the  truth,  and  itself  a  fountain 
of  fight,  like  the  sun.'  He  was,  like  all 
the  '  Clapham  Sect,'  a  convinced  and  de- 
voted churchman.  All  forms  of  dissent  he 
steadily  opposed.  He  wrote  on  '  The  Duty 
of  a  Parish  Priest,  and  the  incomparable 
pleasure  of  a  life  devoted  to  the  care  of 
souls.'  This  zeal  for  the  priesthood  in- 
creased with  his  increasing  years.  He  was 
a  staunch  upholder  of  the  Prayer  Book,  and 
a  resolute  opponent  of  the  schemes  for 
revising  it  fashioned  by  semi-Socinians.  He 
was  zealous  for  the  Means  of  Grace,  con- 
ducted special  services  of  preparation  before 
Holy  Communion,  and  dealt  faithfuUy  with 
lapsed  communicants.  He  wrote  that,  be- 
fore the  Eucharist,  liis  '  prayers  had  been 
warmly  presented,  that  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  might  be  magnified,  and  that  many 
might  eat  the  Flesh  of  the  Son  of  Man, 
and  drink  His  Blood  to  Eternal  Life.'     He 


strenuously  defended  Holy  Baptism  against 
the  attacks  of  miscalled  '  Baptists,'  and 
always  tried  to  make  a  christening  day  a 
season  of  special  devotion.  He  extolled 
worship  as  the  object  of  preaching.  He  was 
careful  to  catechise,  explaining  the  structure 
and  contents  of  the  Prayer  Book,  and  ho 
encouraged  congregational  hymn-singing  in 
church  and  at  the  Holy  Communion. 
'  Every  one  sang,'  he  wrote.  '  It  was  like 
Heaven  on  earth.' 

When  he  was  nearing  his  latter  end  he 
was  sometimes  tormented  by  the  fear  of 
'  what  is  to  come  in  the  last  agonies '  ;  but 
then  he  sustained  his  soul  with  a  noble  self- 
reproach  :  '  Who  art  thou  that  thou  shouldest 
be  afraid,  when  promises,  and  oaths,  and  love 
Divine,  and  Angels,  and  the  Holy  Trinity  are 
all  engaged  and  all  united  for  thy  help  and 
thy  salvation  ?  '  When  the  end  came  the 
promise  was  made  good  ;  and  the  doctor  who 
attended  him  on  his  death-bed  said :  '  Sir,  in 
this  state  of  joyous  excitement  you  cannot  die.' 

The  Life  of  Henry  Venn  the  elder  was 
begun  by  his  son,  and  published  by  his 
grandson  in  1834. 

His  son,  John  Venn  (1759-1813),  was 
appointed  Rector  of  Clapham  in  1793.  When 
he  began  his  ministry  there  his  father  wrote : 
'  When  I  looked  round  me,  after  Divine 
Service,  only  the  last  Sunday,  at  Clapham, 
ray  heart  bounded  within  me,  to  think  how 
different  a  Sacrament,  in  half  a  year's  time, 
there  would  be  on  that  very  spot.' 

John  Venn  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
'Church  IVIissionary  Society,  of  which  his  son 
Henry  became  secretary  in  1841. 

[g.  w.  e.  r.] 

VESTMENTS.  By  '  the  vestments '  is  gener- 
ally meant  the  '  ornaments  '  of  the  ministers 
of  the  altar — bishops,  priests,  deacons,  sub- 
deacons  and  acolytes^at  the  time  of  their 
ininisti'ation :  viz.  amice,  alb  and  girdle, 
maniple  and  stole,  tunicle,  dalmatic,  and 
chasuble.  The  basis  of  the  whole  suit  is  the 
alb  with  its  girdle,  and  the  chasuble,  which 
till  the  eighth  century  were  common  to  aU 
five  orders,  and  which  represent  and  per- 
petuate the  high-class  ordinary  Roman  diess 
of  the  fourth  century — viz.  the  tunica — a 
plain  sleeved  frock— and  the  paenula — a 
semicircle  of  woollen  stuff,  doubled  over 
and  sewn  up  along  the  straight  edges  so 
far  as  to  leave  only  room  to  pass  the  head 
through,  and  drawn  up  over  the  arms 
when  in  use.  After  the  fourth  century 
the  Roman  dress  gradually  gave  place  to 
a  more  compact  military  and  barbarian 
type,  being  retained  only  for  a  time  by  the 


(611) 


Vestments] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Vestments 


aristocratic  families,  and  permanently  by  the 
clergy,    first    as    simply    clerical,    then    as 
especially  hturgical.     The  Alb  was  at  first 
a  plain  hnen  tunic  reacMng  to  the  ankles  ; 
in  the  Gothic  period  it  was  adorned  with 
apparels,   patches  of  coloured  stufE  or  em- 
broidery, attached  to  the  skirts  back  and 
front,  and  to  the  ends  of  the  sleeves.     The 
Chasuble    {planeta,   casula)   was   at   first    of 
wool,    either    chestnut-coloured    {castaneus), 
i.e.  undyed,  or  purple,  and  unadorned ;  by 
the  eleventh  century  its  colour  was  varied, 
it  was  decorated  with  embroideries  at  the    j 
neck  and  round  the  borders,  and  it  was  made    I 
very  short  in  front  and  very  long  behind    | 
(see  Bayeux  tapestry) ;   in  the  Gothic  period    , 
it  recovered  sometlfing  of  its  old  shape,  but    ■ 
was  curtailed  at  the  sides  over  the  arms,  and 
was  often  decorated  with  strips  of  embroidery 
{aurifragia,    orphreys)    covering    the    seams 
back  and  front  and  over  the  shoulders.     In 
the  fifth  century  the  Pope  and  the  Roman 
deacons  wore,  over  the  alb,  a  second  tunic, 
the  Dalmatic,  of  white  linen,  with  wide  sleeves, 
and  adorned  with  purple  stripes  (clavi)  back 
and  front  from  the  shoulders  to  the  hem  and 
round  the  bottom  of  the  sleeves,  and  the  use 
of  the  dalmatic  was  later  granted  by  the  Pope 
as  a  privilege  to  the  bishops  and  deacons  of 
other  churches.     By  the  ninth  century  it  had 
come  into  general  use  by  bishops  and  deacons 
apart  from  special  grant.     Later  its  colour 
and  material  were  varied,   and  its   sleeves 
curtailed,  and  in  the  Gothic  period  it  was 
further  adorned  with  patches  of  embroidery 
between  the  stripes.     In  the  ninth  century 
a  contracted  and  more  unadorned  form  of  it, 
the  Tunicle  (tunicella)  was  adopted  by  sub- 
deacons,  and  worn  under  the  dalmatic  by 
bishops.     The    deacon's    Stole    {orarium),    a 
narrow  strip  of  plain  white  Unen,  later  of 
coloured  silk  and  adorned,  worn  over  the  left 
shoulder,  is  found  in  use  in  the  East  in  the 
fourth  century,  in  Gaul  and  Spain  in  the 
sixth,  in  Rome  not  till  the  eleventh,  and  then 
worn  under,  not  over,  the  dalmatic  ;  in  origin 
it  is  probably  a  folded  napkin  or  towel,  such 
as  occurs  in  pagan  representations  of  religious 
and   domestic    service,    which   perhaps    had 
already  ceased  to  be  of  practical  use,  and  had 
become   conventionalised,  when   it  was  ad- 
opted as  the  distinctive  attribute  of  deacons. 
The   Roman   deacons   of   the   fifth   century 
carried    their   napkin    {pallium    Unostinum) 
in  the  left  hand  or  over  the  left  forearm  ; 
this   napkin,  the   Maniple   {tnanipulus),  at- 
tached to  the  left  arm,  from  the  ninth  cen- 
tury   onwards,    perhaps    through    confusion 
with  the  handkerchief  {mappula,  sudarium), 
was  adopted  by  all  the  sacred  orders  all  over 


the  West,  and  underwent  the  same  trans- 
formations as  the.  deacon's  stole.     The  stole 
of  priests  and  bishops  (sixth  century  in  Gaul 
and  Spain,  eleventh  in  Rome)  is  probably 
of  different  origin  from  the  deacon's,  being 
a  wooUen  or  silk  scarf  for  the  protection  of 
the  neck.     The  Amice  {amictus),  found  first 
in  the  ninth  century,  is  of  like  origin,  being 
a  hnen  neckcloth,  probably  for  the  protection 
of  the  more  important  vestments  from  the 
effects  of  perspiration.     In  the  Gothic  period 
it  was  furnished  ^^'ith  an  apparel,  which  formed 
a  decorative  coUar  when  the  amice  was  in  use. 
The    Book    of    Common    Prayer,     1549, 
directed  that  the  priest  at  the  Mass,  and  the 
bishop   at   other  ministrations   also,   should 
wear  '  a  white  alb  plain,  with  a  vestment  or 
copC;'  and  his  ministers  '  albs  with  tunicles  '  ; 
where,  no  doubt,  the  amice,  hke  the  girdle, 
is  included  in  '  alb,'  while  '  a  vestment,'  whicli 
in  ordinary  usage  denoted  not  so  much  a 
particular  garment,  as  a  suit,  may  be  inter- 
preted to  include  stole  and  maniple.      But 
two  things  are  to  be  noticed  :   (1)  '  alb  plain,' 
i.e.  without  apparels,  and  '  tunicles,'  without 
mention   of   dalmatics,    suggest   that   plain- 
ness and  simpUcity  were  aimed  at ;    and  (2) 
the  cope,  hitherto  only  a  processional  and 
choir  vestment,  is  allowed  as  an  alternative 
to  the  traditional  '  vestment '  of  the  altar  ; 
and  in  this  Lutheran  precedent  was  followed. 
The  Book  of  1552  abolished  alb,  vestment, 
and  cope,  and  left  only  the  rochet  for  bishops, 
and   the   surplice   for   priests   and   deacons. 
The  Act  of  Uniformity  and  the  Ornaments 
Rubric  {q.v.)  of  1559  restored  '  such  ornaments 
as  were  in  use  by  authority  of  ParUament  in 
the  second  year  of  King  Edward  vi.,'  i.e. 
probably  the  vestments  prescribed  by  the 
Book  of  1549.     But,  except  in  so  far  as,  in 
accordance  with  the  Advertisements  (q.v.)  of 
1566  and  the  Canons  of  1604,  the  cope  was 
I    used  in   cathedral  and  coUegiate   churches, 
i    the  Ornaments  Rubric  was  probably  never 
observed  until  the  nineteenth  century  (but 
I   see  Smakt,  Peter).     The  use  of  the  chasuble 
!    was    restored    at    Wilmcote,    Warwickshire, 
1    in  about  1849 ;  by  J.  M.  Neale  at  Sackville 
College,  E.  Grinstead,  in  1850 ;  at  St.  Ninian's 
Cathedral,  Perth,  and  at  Cumbrae  in  1851, 
at   Harlow  in    1852,   and  at   St.  Thomas's, 
I    Oxford,  in  1854.     At  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century  the  vestments  were  in  use 
j   in  something  over  1500  churches  in  England 
and  Wales.  [f.  e.  b.] 

Thomassiims,  Veins  et  nova  Ecdesiae  I>is- 
ciplina;  Marriott,  Vcsliarium  Christianum ; 
Duchesne,  Orighies  du  culte  chretien  ;  Lowrie, 
Christian  Art  and  Ardiwology  \  Braini,  Die 
liturgische  Gewandung . 


(612) 


Wagstaffel 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wake 


w 


WAGSTAFFE,  Thomas  (1645-1712), 
Nonjuror,  was  educated  at  Charter- 
house and  New  Inn  Hall,  Oxford,  where  he 
graduated  B.A.,  1664;  MA.,  1667.  He  was 
ordained  deacon  and  priest,  1669,  and  became 
Rector  of  Martinsthorpe.  1684  he  was  pre- 
sented to  a  prebendal  stall  and  the  chancellor- 
ship at  Lichfield,  and  to  the  rectory  of  St. 
Margaret  Pattens,  London.  In  1689  he  re- 
fused the  oaths,  and  was  deprived.  Having, 
'  before  his  admission  to  holy  orders,'  studied 
physic  with  great  dihgence,  he  practised  in 
London  as  a  physician  after  his  deprivation, 
'  stni  wearing  his  canonical  habit.'  He  was 
with  Archbishop  Sancroft  {q.v.)  at  his  death, 
and  wrote  a  touching  account  of  his  end.  He 
was  one  of  the  two  selected  by  James  ii. 
at  St.  Germans,  1693,  for  consecration 
as  bishop.  He  was  nominated  by  Bishop 
Lloyd,  deprived  of  Norwich,  as  suffragan 
Bishop  of  Ipswich,  and  was  consecrated, 
24th  February  1694,  by  Lloyd,  Turner,  late 
of  Ely,  and  White,  late  of  Peterborough,  at 
the  lodgings  of  Bishop  White  at  the  Rev.  W. 
GifEard's  house  at  Southgate  in  Middlesex. 
[XoNJURORS.]  He  seems  not  to  have  per- 
formed episcopal  functions ;  no  records  of 
ordinations  by  him  exist;  and  he  was  practis- 
ing physic  in  London  as  late  as  1707.  He  was 
one  of  the  ablest  writers  on  the  Nonjuring  side. 
He  was  arrested  with  Bishop  Ken  {q.v.)  and 
others  for  raising  a  fund  for  the  poorer 
Nonjurors,  1696,  but  was  soon  released.  In 
his  latter  years  he  retired  to  his  own  property 
at  Binley,  near  Coventry.  Before  his  death 
he  desired  Holy  Communion  from  Francis 
Brokesby,  a  Nonjuring  priest,  who  had,  un- 
known to  him,  conformed  and  taken  the  oaths. 
On  learning  this  fact  Wagstaffe  '  withdrew  his 
request,  and  died  without  the  Sacrament.' 

His  second  son,  Thomas  (1692-1770),  was  a 
prominent  Nonjuror,  and  was  ordained.  He 
lived  much  at  Rome,  where  he  was  AngUcan 
chaplain  to  Prince  James  Edward  Stuart,  and 
later  to  his  son  Charles  Edward.  He  was 
greatly  respected  for  his  learning  and  piety, 
and  is  described  as  '  a  fine,  weU-bred  old 
gentleman.'  At  Rome  his  devout  life  caused 
it  to  be  said  that  '  had  he  not  been  a  heretic 
he  ought  to  have  been  canonised.' 

[s.  L.  o.] 

Overton,  The  JSonjururs;  .J.  L.  Fish  in  IJ.X.B. 


WAKE,    William  (1657-1737),  Archbishop 
of   Canterburj',   was   born   at   Blandford   in 


Dorset,  where  his  father  had  a  considerable 
estate.  In  1673,  not  yet  sixteen  years  old, 
he  was  admitted  Student  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  graduating  B.A.  in  1676;  M.A., 
1679.  He  was  ordained  soon  after,  and  in 
1682  became  chaplain  to  Viscount  Preston, 
Envoy-Extraordinary  at  the  French  court. 
In  this  year  the  Declaraiio  Cleri  Gallicani 
was  adopted  by  the  Assembly  of  the  French 
Clergy,  setting  out  the  four  Galhcan  pro- 
positions : — (i)  that  the  secular  power  is  inde- 
pendent of  the  spiritualty  ;  (ii)  that  the  Pope 
is  subject  to  a  General  Council ;  (iu)  that  the 
ancient  GaUican  hberties  must  be  respected ; 
and  (iv)  that  papal  decrees  on  matters  of 
faith  are  irreformable  only  when  they  have 
the  consent  of  the  Church.  Wake  interested 
himself  in  the  ensuing  controversies  and 
their  causes,  paying  special  attention  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Sorbonne  (1671)  on  Bossuet's 
Exposition  de  la  Foi  CathoUque,  and  the 
author's  tacit  withdrawal  of  the  condemned 
passages,  on  which  he  enlarged  in  an  Exposi- 
tion of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church  of  England 
(1686),  for  the  purpose  of  retorting  on 
Bossuet  the  argument  of  his  Variations  des 
^glises  Protestantes.  In  1685  Wake  returned 
to  England  wdth  Preston;  in  1688  became 
preacher  at  Gray's  Inn ;  took  an  active  part 
in  the  bitter  controversies  preceding  the 
Revolution ;  was  made  Deputy-Clerk  of  the 
Closet  to  WiUiam  and  Mary ;  Canon  of  Christ 
Church,  Oxford  (1689) ;  Rector  of  St.  James's, 
Westminster  (1693);  and  Dean  of  Exeter 
(1701).  In  1705  he  became  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, and  in  1716  succeeded  Tenison  as 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Hitherto  he  had 
acted  generally  with  those  who  were  then 
known  as  Low  Churchmen,  supporting  in 
the  House  of  Lords  theu-  scheme  for  the 
comprehension  of  dissenters;  but  in  1718  he 
opposed  the  repeal  of  the  Occasional  Con- 
formity Act,  and  in  1719  he  sucpeeded  in 
preventing  the  repeal  of  the  Test  and  Cor- 
poration Acts.  He  also  busied  himself  in 
the  Bangorian  controversy,  attacking  Hoadly 
(q.v.)  in  a  Latin  letter  curiously  addressed  to 
the  Superintendent  of  Zurich  and  published 
there.  In  1721  he  supported  the  Bill  brought 
in  by  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  for  suppress- 
ing blasphemy  and  profanenesss,  which  was 
directed  against  Arianisers,  and  this  brought 
him  into  sharp  conflict  with  Whiston  (q.v.), 
whom  he  had  formerly  defended.  He  was 
thus  identified,  though  a  steady  and  consistent 


(613) 


Wake] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wakefield 


Whig,  with  the  moderate  High  Churchmen, 
who  were  beginning  to  find  room  in  that 
party.  His  last  years  were  spent  in  serious 
mental  failure.  He  left  a  considerable 
estate,  derived  from  his  patrimony,  and 
bequeathed  to  Clirist  Church  a  library  and 
a  fine  collection  of  coins,  valued  altogether  at 
£10,000. 

Wake's  place  in  liistorj'  depends  chiefly 
on  his  controversy  with  Atterbury  iq-v.)  about 
Convocation,  and  his  correspondence  with 
Du  Pin  about  a  projected  alliance  of  the 
EngUsh  and  French  Churches.  In  1697-8, 
■\\hen  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  of 
Canterbury  was  fiercely  opposing  the  court 
and  the  Whig  bishops,  he  pubUshed  two 
pamplilets  in  defence  of  the  Ro3-al  Supremacy. 
In  1700  Atterbury  attacked  him  with  great 
vivacity,  but  weakened  his  case  by  an  errone- 
ous comparison  of  the  Lower  House  with  the 
House  of  Commons.  Wake  replied  in  1703 
with  The  State  of  the  Church  and  Clergy  of 
England,  a  work  of  immense  erudition, 
tracing  the  history  of  synods  in  England 
from  the  beginning,  and  effectively  disposing 
of  this  part  of  Atterbury's  plea.  In  1718 
began  his  correspondence  with  Du  Pin. 
William  Beauvoir,  chaplain  to  the  English 
embassy  at  Paris,  informed  him  of  the 
appeal  of  four  French  bishops  against  the 
BuU  Unigenitus,  mentioning  a  conversation 
withDu  Pin  and  otherdoctorsof  the  Sorbonne, 
who  thought  that  support  might  be  found 
from  the  Church  of  England  for  their  appeal 
to  a  General  Council.  Encouraged  by  the 
reception  of  this  hint,  Du  Pin  wrote  to  Wake 
definitely  proposing  the  union  of  the  two 
Churches.  Wake  replied  cautiously,  express- 
ing a  hope  that  the  French  Church  would 
secure  its  independence,  and  that  differences 
of  practice  would  not  hinder  intercommunion 
between  England  and  France.  In  March 
De  Girardin  spoke  hopefully  of  such  a  plan 
in  an  address  to  the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne, 
afterwards  writing  an  account  of  his  speech 
to  Wake,  who  doubted,  however,  whether  the 
Regent  d'Orleans  and  his  cardinal-minister 
would  allow  a  complete  breach  with  Rome. 
In  the  summer  Du  Pin  wrote  his  Commoni- 
torium,  which  Wake  rejected,  partly  as 
demanding  too  much  change  in  the  Church 
of  England,  and  partly  because  he  declined 
to  negotiate  with  one  of  inferior  rank  to 
himself.  '  I  do  not  think  my  character,'  he 
T^Tote, '  at  aU  inferior  to  that  of  an  Archbishop 
of  Paris  ;  on  the  contrary,  without  lessening 
the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  Church  of 
England,  I  must  say  it  is  in  some  respects 
superior.'  He  insisted  that  all  dealing  must 
be   on   equal   terms.     In   August   the   Pope 


issued  the  Bull  Pastoralis  Officio,  threatening 
the  appellants  with  excommunication ;  and 
Cardinal  de  Noailles  then  sent  a  friendly 
message  on  his  own  account  to  Wake,  who 
rephed  with  long  letters  to  Du  Pin  and  De 
Girardin,  urging  them  to  accept  a  complete 
breach  with  Rome.  Other  letters  passed, 
and  information  of  what  was  going  on 
leaked  out  at  Paris.  The  Government  inter- 
vened, and  in  February  1719  Du  Pin's  papers 
were  seized.  De  Noailles  temporised  ;  Du  Pin 
died  in  June ;  and  the  correspondence 
languished  in  the  hands  of  De  Girardin,  and 
others  less  interested.  In  March  1720  De 
NoaiUes  signed  a  qualified  acceptance  of  the 
BuU  Unigenitus,  the  internal  crisis  of  the 
French  Church  was  allayed,  and  Wake  with- 
drew from  the  correspondence.  His  conduct 
of  it  was  characterised  throughout  by  a 
jealous  regard  for  the  independence  and 
dignitj"  of  his  see,  a  stiffness  in  rejecting 
even  suggestions  for  the  modification  of  the 
religious  practice  of  the  English  Church,  and 
a  very  large  toleration  of  divergent  practice 
in  other  Churches.  The  idea  contemplated  on 
both  sides  was  that  of  an  alhance  of  inde- 
pendent national  Churches  against  the  claims 
of  the  papacy  or  of  the  Roman  Church. 
The  Sorbonne  doctors  seem  to  have  been  in 
earnest,  but  De  XoaiUes,  a  man  of  poor 
character,  only  played  with  the  idea.  Wake 
himself  was  severely  attacked  for  the  tolera- 
tion which  he  was  prepared  to  extend  to 
practices  commonly  abused  as  popish.  [Re- 
UNIOX,  I.]  [t.  a.  l.] 

Luptoii,  Arr/ibi.ihoj}  Wake  and  the  Project  of 
Union,  1896.  A  full  life  of  Archbishop  Wake 
lias  yet  to  he  written.  His  MSS.  are  in  the 
Library  at  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 


WAKEFIELD,  See  of.  A  South  Yorkshire 
Bishopric  Scheme  had  been  inaugurated  as 
early  as  187.5,  and  under  the  Bishoprics  Act, 
1878  (41-2  Vic.  c.  68),  the  Crown  was  author- 
ised to  establish  a  bishopric  of  Wakefield 
by  Order  in  Council.  The  necessary  funds, 
however,  were  not  raised  till  ten  years  later, 
and  the  see  was  established  by  Order  in 
Council  dated  17th  May  1888.  Its  territory 
was  taken  from  Ripon  {q.v.),  and  consists  of 
the  southern  part  of  the  West  Riding, 
amounting  in  all  to  235,000  acres.  It  has  a 
population  of  750,750,  and  is  divided  into  the 
archdeaconries  of  Halifax  and  Huddersfield, 
both  created  1888.  The  income  of  the  see  is 
£3000.  The  parish  church  of  All  Saints, 
Wakefield,  dating  mainly  from  the  fourteenth 
and  fifteenth  centuries,  was  made  the  pro- 
cathedral  church.    An  enlargement  in  memory 


(614) 


Walter! 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Walter 


of  Bishop  Walsham  How  was  consecrated  in 
1905.  'J  here  is  an  acting  but  not  a  legal 
chapter,  and  the  bishop  is  therefore  appointed 
by  Letters  Patent  from  the  Crown  [Bishops]. 
The  see-house,  Bishopgarth,  Wakelicld,  was 
completed  1893. 

1.  WiUiam  Walsham  How,  1888-97  {q.v.). 

2.  George  Rodney  Eden  ;  tr.,  1897,  from  the 

suffragan   bishopric    of    Dover;    cons. 
1890.  [G.  c] 

WALTER,  Hubert  (d.  1205),  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  was  a  nephew  of  Ranulf  Glan- 
ville,  the  great  justiciar  of  Henry  ii.,  and 
began  his  career  as  a  chaplain  in  his  uncle's 
household.  In  1184  he  became  a  Baron  of 
the  Exchequer;  and  in  1189  was  sitting  as 
a  Justice  of  the  Curia  Regis.  Though  ill 
educated  for  the  clerical  profession,  he  was 
prudent  and  keen-witted,  a  born  adminis- 
trator, and  an  expert  lawyer.  There  is 
reason  for  supposing  him  to  be  the  author  of 
the  treatise  De  Lcgibus  et  Consueludinihus 
Regni  Angliae,  commonly  ascribed  to  Glan- 
ville,  which  is  the  first  scientific  and  authori- 
tative work  on  English  law.  His  legal 
activities  were  rewarded  with  spiritual 
preferments — in  1186  with  the  deanery  of 
York,  in  1189  with  the  see  of  Salisbury.  At 
York  he  took  a  leading  part  in  the  quarrels 
between  the  chapter  and  Archbishop  Geoffrey, 
against  whose  election  he  protested  (1189), 
though  it  was  promoted  by  Richard  I. 
Richard  bore  Hubert  no  ill-will  for  this 
opposition  to  his  half-brother.  The  King 
mistrusted  Geoffrey,  and  found  Hubert  a  valu- 
able adjutant  in  the  Third  Crusade.  Hubert 
showed  both  energy  and  capacity  in  Palestine, 
and  in  1193  was  appointed  to  command  the 
English  contingent  on  the  homeward  voyage. 
But  on  reaching  Sicily  he  learned  of  the 
King's  capture,  and  went  to  Germany  to 
arrange  the  terms  of  release.  He  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  who  collected 
Richard's  ransom,  and  his  services  were 
rewarded  with  the  primacy,  left  vacant  by 
the  death  of  Archbishop  Baldwin  in  the 
Holy  Land.  Immediately  afterwards  he 
was  appointed  Chief  Justiciar,  in  which 
capacity  he  suppressed  the  rebellion  of 
Prince  John.  As  Richard  after  his  release 
was  continuously  absent  from  England,  the 
English  administration  remained  entirely 
in  Hubert's  hands  from  1194  to  1198.  The 
legatine  commission  which  he  obtained  in 
1195  made  him  equally  supreme  over  the 
Enghsh  Church.  In  both  his  capacities  he 
proved  an  energetic  but  high-handed  ruler. 
As  legate  he  humiliated  Archbishop  Geoffrey, 


who  had  claimed  that  York  was  of  equal  rank 
with  Canterbury,  by  making  a  careful  visi- 
tation of  the  northern  province ;  and  ho 
fomented  the  quarrels  between  the  King  and 
Geoffrey  which  led  to  the  latter's  temporary 
disgrace.  As  justiciar  he  effected  some  use- 
ful reforms,  instituting  the  office  of  coro- 
ner, reviving  the  hue  and  cry,  appointing 
wardens  of  the  peace  in  every  shire,  and 
applying  the  elective  principle  to  the  choice 
of  juries,  both  for  judicial  and  fiscal  purposes. 
By  this  last  measure,  and  by  the  liberal 
charters  which  he  issued  to  some  towns,  such 
as  Lincoln,  he  sensibly  promoted  the  habit 
of  local  self-government,  and  schooled  the 
nation  for  Parliamentary  government.  But 
the  exactions  necessitated  by  the  continental 
wars  of  Richard  were  felt  as  an  intolerable 
burden.  In  1 197  the  Great  Council,  headed  by 
St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln  (q.v.),  were  successful  in 
resisting  a  demand  for  military  aid.  The 
financial  difficulty  was  met  next  year  by  a 
new  land  tax,  called  the  earucage,  which 
was  a  more  stringent  form  of  the  old  dane- 
geld.  But  Richard  was  dissatisfied  with 
the  results  of  Hubert's  government,  and 
seized  the  first  opportunity  of  dismissing 
him.  The  monks  of  Canterbury  complained 
of  the  archbishop  at  Rome,  because  he  had 
diverted  part  of  their  revenue  to  maintain 
a  college  of  secular  priests  at  Lambeth ; 
incidentally  they  charged  him  with  sacrilege, 
and  with  neglecting  his  sacred  duties  for 
cares  of  state.  Innocent  ui.  (q.v.)  accord- 
ingly demanded  and  obtained  the  removal  of 
Hubert  from  the  justiciarship.  But  on  John's 
accession  the  archbishop  accepted  the  much 
inferior  office  of  Chancellor,  and  became  once 
more  a  political  figure.  He  acted  as  a  restrain- 
ing influence  upon  John,  although  there  are 
reasons  for  rejecting  the  story  (told  by 
Matthew  Paris)  that,  in  the  course  of  the 
coronation  service,  he  addressed  the  people, 
reminding  them  that  the  kingship  was  elective, 
not  hereditary.  Still,  John  rejoiced  at  his 
death,  saying :  '  Now  at  last  I  am  King  of 
England.'  The  archbishop's  latter  years 
were  embittered  by  the  Lambeth  question, 
in  which  the  monks  were  steadily  supported 
by  Innocent  in.  ;  but  he  successfully  re- 
sisted Gerald  de  Barri  (q.v.),  the  bishop- 
elect  of  St.  David's,  who  endeavoured  to 
obtain  from  the  Pope  a  recognition  of 
the  metropolitan  pretensions  of  that  see. 
Hubert  bequeathed  a  large  sum  to  Canter- 
bury Cathedral,  and  was  a  liberal  friend 
of  religious  houses.  Though  worldly  and 
unlettered,  he  fulfilled  his  archicpiscopal 
duties  with  dignity  and  zeal,  maintaining  the 
independence    of    the    Church    against    the 


(  615  ) 


Warburton] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Ward 


Crown,  and  defending  the  rights  of  his  see 
against  all  rivals.  [h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Norgate,  Eng.  under  the  Ajigevin  Kings  and 
Jo/in  Lackland;  Stubbs,  C.U.,  sii.  ;  H.  \V.  C. 
Davis,  Eng.  under  the  Xornmns  and  A/igevins. 

WAEBURTON,  William  (1698-1779), 
Bishop  of  Gloucester,  was  educated  at  Oak- 
ham Grammar  School,  where  his  master  is  said 
to  have  found  him  '  the  dullest  of  all  dull 
scholars.'  He  was  articled  to  an  attorney, 
but  his  love  of  reading  and  of  theology  decided 
him  to  take  holy  orders  (1723).  His  chief 
works  are  the  Alliance  between  Church  and 
State,  a  defence  of  establishment  on  utilitarian 
grounds;  the  Divine  Legation  of  Moses, 
designed  to  prove  the  divine  origin  of  the 
Je^vish  reUgion ;  and  editions  of  Shakespeare 
and  Pope.  His  writings  involved  him  in 
many  controversies,  which  he  conducted 
with  the  coarse  vigour  that  marks  his  style. 
His  blustering  and  pretentious  dogmatism 
brought  him  a  reputation  far  beyond  his  de- 
serts, and  imposed  even  upon  Johnson  {q.v.). 
But  in  1741  the  University  of  Oxford  refused 
him  the  degree  of  D.D.  He  was  created  D.D. 
bj^  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  1754. 
He  received  various  preferments,  including  a 
prebend  at  Durham,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
brought  about  the  disuse  of  copes  in  the 
cathedral  services  because  '  the  stiff  liigh 
collar  used  to  ruffle  his  great  full-bottomed 
wig.'  In  1759  he  was  appointed  Bishop  of 
Gloucester.  His  rehgion,  though  sincere, 
was  of  the  low,  easy-going  type  of  the  time. 
He  wrote  against  the  '  enthusiasm  '  of  the 
Methodists,  and  gave  offence  by  his  infrequent 
attendance  at  Holy  Communion,  but  he  re- 
quired a  stricter  preparation  of  candidates 
for  confirmation  than  was  then  usual.  His 
works  show  wide  reading  and  much  ingenuity 
but  Uttle  real  abilitj^  As  a  critic  he  is  prolific 
in  tasteless  and  unnecessary  explanations  and  J 
emendations,  and  his  ^vritings  generally  are 
remarkable  for  the  ferocious  arrogance  with 
which  he  treats  other  writers,  a  quaUty  which 
was  sometimes  accompanied  by  dishonourable 
conduct  towards  them  in  private. 

[G.    C] 

Works  (with  biographical  jireface  by  Hurd), 
J.  S.  Watson,  Life  ;  Nichols,  Literary  Anec- 
dotes and  lllustrutions. 

WARD,  Seth  (1617-89),  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
son  of  an  attorney  at  Aspenden,  Herts,  where 
the  bishop  in  1684  founded  a  small  hospital 
or  alms-house.  He  was  educated  at  the 
local  grammar  school  and  Sidney  Sussex 
College,  Cambridge,  where  he  was  '  servitor  ' 
(sizar)    to    the    master.    Dr.    Samuel   Ward. 


When  Dr.  Ward  (1643)  was  imprisoned  in 
St.  John's  College  with  others  who  refused 
to  take  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, 
Seth  Ward,  now  Fellow  of  their  college  and 
Mathematical    Lecturer,    though    no    blood 
relation,   attended   him   faithfully.     Though 
Seth  was  deprived  of  his  Fellowship  by  the 
Puritan  visitors  in  1644,  in  1649,  through  the 
good  offices  of  Scarburg  and  others,  he  was 
appointed  SavHian  Professor  of  Mathematics 
at  Oxford,   where  he  made  the  lectures  a 
reahty.      He    also    acquired    celebrity  as  a 
preacher,  though  the  conditions  of  his  pro- 
fessorship exempted  him  from  obhgation  to 
preach.     In  later  years  Charles  n.  said  that 
Ward  and  Croft  of  Hereford  were  the  only 
prelates    whom    he    '  could    not    have    bad 
sermons     from.'       After     the     Restoration 
Ward's  pubhc   pohcy  towards   papists  and 
other    dissidents    was    more    rigorous    than 
King    James    approved,  and  Colonel  Blood 
was  sent  to  reprimand  him.     He  was,  how- 
ever, kind  in  individual  cases  privately.     A 
mathematician  and  astronomer  of  no  mean 
order,  he  was  intimate  with  Barrow,  Ough- 
tred,    Scarburg,    and    Wilkins,    and    being 
incorporated     at    Oxford    as     '  fellow-com- 
moner'  of   Wadham   in    1650,  he  was  one 
of   the  first  members   of   the   Philosophical 
Society  of  Oxford  with  Boyle  {q.v.),  Evelyn 
{q.v.),  and  others;  and  in  1662  he  was  one  of 
the  original  members  of  the  Royal  Society. 
In  1656  he  had  been  collated  to  the  pre- 
centorship  of  Exeter  by  the  deprived  bishop, 
Ralph  Brownrigg,  and,  fidly  beheving  that 
Church  and  King  would  be  one  day  restored, 
he  paid  the  secretary's  fees,  and  in  due  time 
received  the  emoluments,  which  helped  him 
to  repair  the  palace  at  Exeter  when  he  was 
promoted  to  the  bishopric  in  1662,  after  half 
a  year's  tenure  of  the  deanery,  in  which  time 
he  carried  out  an  extensive  restoration  of  the 
cathedral    church.     In    September    1667    he 
was  translated  to  Sarum.     As  at  Exeter,  so 
here  he  compiled  in  a  large  pocket-book,  with 
a   map   at  either  end,  a  thorough  diocesan 
calendar,  Liher  Notitiae  generalis  Sethi  epis- 
copi  Sar.,  in  which  the  clergy  and  principal 
residents,  the  value  of  benefices,  etc.  (which 
in  time  he  helped  to  augment),  as  in  the  King's 
Books,  and  also  as  estimated  before  and  after 
the  Civil  War,  are  entered,  with  references 
to  episcopal  and  capitular  muniments,  and 
other    memoranda    made    at    various    times 
from  1667  to  1685.     He  regained  for  his  see 
the  Chancellorship  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter 
in  1671.     He  became  a  valetudinarian,  and 
the  prey  to  an  imaginary  malady  in  one  of 
his  toes,  Avhich  he  bathed  in  sherry,  etc.,  and 
shod  in  fox  fur.     His  mental  powers  faUed 


(616) 


Warham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Warham 


about  four  years  before  his  death,  one  of  his 
latest  conscious  acts  being  a  reconciliation 
with  Dr.  T.  Pierce,  the  dean  of  the  cathe- 
dral, who  with  some  acrimony  had  disputed 
the  bishop's  right  to  collate  to  one  of  the 
prebends,  but  after  the  award  of  a  com- 
mission was  required  to  apologise.  Ward 
never  married.  He  contributed  largely  to  a 
scheme  to  make  the  Avon  navigable  from 
Clirist  Church,  and  founded  in  1682  the 
'  i\Iatrons'  College  '  in  the  Close,  containing 
forty-two  rooms  for  widows  of  clergy. 

[c.  w.] 

W.  Pope,  L(/e(1697)  ;  reprinted  in  Cassan's 
Bishops  of  Salisbury. 

WARHAM,  William  (c.  1450-1532),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  patron  of  Erasmus 
and  the  Renaissance.  A  Hampshire  man 
and  a  Wykehamist,  Warham  passed  from 
Winchester  to  New  College,  Oxford.  His 
particular  study  was  law,  and  after  leav- 
ing Oxford  he  practised  in  the  ecclesi- 
astical courts.  More  than  one  embassy  or 
commission  reckoned  him  as  member.  In 
1493  he  was  sent  to  Flanders  to  nullify  the 
negotiations  of  Perkin  Warbeck  with  Margaret 
of  Burgundy.  On  his  return  he  was  ordained, 
and  held  various  benefices.  He  w^as  also 
made  Master  of  the  Rolls.  His  most  im- 
portant task  at  this  time  was  the  part  he 
played  as  ambassador  in  arranging  the 
marriage  of  Prince  Arthur  with  Katherine 
of  Aragon.  A  good  deal  of  other  poUtical 
work  fell  to  his  lot,  as  Henry  vn.  trusted 
him  completely  in  many  negotiations.  This 
stage  of  his  life  ended  in  1502,  when  he  was 
appointed  Bishop  of  London.  Two  years 
later  he  became  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
and  almost  coincidently  Lord  Chancellor. 
In  1506  he  became  Chancellor  of  Oxford,  and 
in  this  way  was  conversant  with  the  change 
of  educational  methods  and  of  religious  feel- 
ing which  soon  became  apparent  in  the 
University.  One  of  the  crying  abuses  of  the 
time  which  was  ventilated  again  and  again 
was  the  condition  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 
Ahve  to  this,  Warham  in  1508  regulated  the 
procedure  of  the  Court  of  Audience.  When 
Henry  vm.  became  king  Warham  succeeded 
to  his  confidence,  and  as  Chancellor  spoke 
at  the  opening  of  Parliament.  He  crowned 
Henry  and  Katherine  in  1509,  and  next  year 
presented  the  golden  rose  from  the  Pope. 
Erasmus  had  long  since  been  brought  to  his 
notice,  and  in  Henry's  early  years  the  arch- 
bishop helped  him  %vith  gifts  of  money.  But 
the  gradual  ecUpse  of  the  primate  was  in 
progress.  Wolsey's  {q.v.)  star  was  in  the 
ascendant,  and  Warham  had  the  mortifica- 


tion of  playing  an  entirely  secondary  part 
when  the  cardinal's  hat  arrived  for  Wolsey 
in  1515.     The  older  statesmen  of  Henry  vii. 
were  deeply  suspicious  of  the  new  men  and 
the  new  political   methods.     Warham    con- 
sequently resigned  his  chancellorship,  which 
was     bestowed     upon     Wolsey.     Warham's 
eclipse  was  still  further  manifest  when  Cam- 
peggio  ((?.«.)  arrived  as  legate  in  1518.     The 
position    was    repeated    something    like    a 
century  later,  when  Abbot  was  thrown  into 
the  shade  by  the  rise  of  Laud.     Warham, 
however,  was  not  entirely  left  out  of  sight, 
for  he  was  present  at  various  functions,  and 
notably  at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold  in 
1520.     The  views  of  Luther  were  at  this  time 
influencing  students  at  the  Universities,  and 
were  permeating  the  city  of  London.     War- 
ham, as  Chancellor  of  Oxford  and  ])rimate, 
rather    underrated    the    importance    of    the 
crisis,  and  evidently  thought  with  Tunstall 
{q.v.)  and  Fisher  {q.v.)  that  the  pubUc  burning 
of  Lutheran  Uterature  at  Paul's  Cross  in  1521 
would   prove   effective.     Men's   minds   were 
drawn  off  for  a  time  to  the  pohtical  situation, 
Warham    took  some  part  as  archbishop  in 
preparing  Kent  for  the  expected  invasion  by 
the  Emperor.     His  demands  of  money  from 
his  clergy  in  order  to  meet  the  expected  foe 
were  not  at  all  popular.     Claim  after  claim 
was  made  upon  men  who  were  reluctant  to 
contribute.     When  the  King's  divorce  was 
mooted  Warham    was    naturally  associated 
with  Wolsey  in  the  inquiry.     His  one  desire 
was  to  have  the  matter  tried  in  strictest  form 
of  law.     When  the  legatine  court  was  con- 
stituted he  was  too  ill  to  be  present.      The 
process  was  carried  out  in  the  issue  with  Uttle 
reference  to  him,  and  in  this  he  considered 
himself  happy,  for  he  had  no  wish  to  meddle 
with   the   affair.     The   Reformation   Parlia- 
ment began  to  sit  in  November  1529.     War- 
ham was  probably  much  stung  by  the  attack 
which  at  once  began   on    the  very  church 
courts  that  had  been  the  special  object  of  his 
reforming  skill.     But  he  took   no   effective 
measures  to  prevent  the  legislation  passed  as 
regards    fees    in    the    courts.     Possibly    he 
thought  that  the  anti-clerical  spkit  of  the 
new  ParUament  would  spend  itself  with  such 
action.     The  drama  developed  rapidly,  and 
Warham  witnessed  in  surprised  consternation 
Henry's  proceedings,  which  presently  culmin- 
ated in  the  events  leading  to  the  Submission 
of  the  Clergy.     His  anxiety  is  manifested  by 
his  action  in  proposing  to  modify  the  asser- 
tion of  the  King's  supremacy  by  the  insertion 
pf  the  words  quantum  per  Christi  legem  licet. 
At  this  juncture  the  divorce  question  again 
came  to  the  front,  and  the  aged  primate  was 


(617  ) 


Waterlandj 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Watson 


selected  by  the  King  to  pronounce  the  de- 
cision. Warham  would  not  consent  to  this, 
and  made  a  solemn  protest  against  all  the 
attacks  delivered  by  Parliament  upon  the 
position  of  clergy  or  of  Pope.  It  was  now 
that  the  King  inspired  the  petition  of  the 
Commons  against  the  clergy,  and  this  in  order 
to  justify  the  anti-clerical  polfcy  of  the  time. 
Warham  directed  or  drew  up  an  answer,  in 
which  he  justified  the  position  of  affairs,  and 
laboured  to  prove  that  reforms  had  taken 
place.  How  greatly  the  anxiety  of  such  pro- 
ceedings told  iipon  him  was  increasingly 
manifest.  He  lived  to  see  the  attack  upon 
the  clergy  almost  complete,  dying  soon  after 
the  Submission  of  the  Clergy  in  1532.  He 
was  buried  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

[H.  G.] 

Contemporary  chronicles,  the  (locuments  in 
the  State  Papers,  and  Dr.  Gairdncr  in  D.N.B. 

WATERLAND,  Daniel  (1683-1740),  divine, 
was  born  in  Walcsby  in  Lincolnshire.     He 
was  a  Fellow  of  Magdalene  College,  Cambridge 
(1704),    Master    of    Magdalene    College    and 
Rector    of    EUingham    in    Norfolk    (1713), 
Vice-Chancellor  of   the   University   of   Cam- 
bridge (1715),  Chaplain  in  Ordinarj^  to  the 
King  (1717),  Rector  of  St.  Austin  and  St. 
Faith,    London    (1721),    Chancellor    of    the 
diocese    of    York    (about    1723),    Canon    of 
Windsor  (1727),  Vicar  of  T-ndckenham  and 
Archdeacon  of  Middlesex  (1730).     In  1734  he 
declined   the   Prolocutorship    of   the    Lower 
House  of  Canterbury  Convocation,  and  either 
in  1738  or   1740  the  bishopric  of  Llandaff. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  industrious  in  the 
performance  of  the  duties  connected  with  the 
oiSces  which  he  held,   and  he  was  a  most 
voluminous  writer.     During  the  years  from 
1713  to  his  death  in  1740  there  are  only  nine 
in  which  he  is  not  known  to  have  published 
some  work,  and  in  several  years  there  were 
more  than  one,  in  one  year  so  many  as  six. 
The   most   important   of   his   writings   are : 
A    ViTidication   of  Christ's   Divinity   (1719), 
The  Case  of  Arian  Subscription  Considered 
(1721),  ^4  Sujyplement  to  the  Case  of  Arian 
Subscription    Considered    (1722),    A    Critical 
History    of    the    Athanasian    Creed    (1723), 
Scripture  Vindicated  (three  parts,  17.30,  1731, 
1732),   The  Nature,  Obligation,  and  Efficacy 
of  the  Christian  Sacraments  Considered  (1730), 
The  Importance  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Trinity    Asserted    (1734),    A    Revieio    of   the 
Doctrine  of  the.  Eucharist  (1737),  The  Christian 
Sacrifice  Explained  (1738),   and  The  Sacra- 
mental Part  of  the  Eucharist  Explained  (1739). 
His  works  indicate  the  four  chief  matters 
with  which  as  a  theologian  he  was  concerned. 


(1)  He  actively  resisted  the  Latitudinarian 
attempt  to  make  room  within  the  Church  of 
England  for  various  forms  of  denying  the 
divinity  of  Christ,  and  in  opposition  to  this 
attempt  he  did  valuable  work  in  regard  to 
the  doctrines  of  the  Holy  Trinity  and  the 
Incarnation.  [Latitudinabians.]  (2)  His 
historical  treatment  of  the  Athanasian  Creed 
is  for  his  time  of  a  very  high  order,  and  it  is 
interesting  to  compare  his  conclusions  with 
those  of  the  best  modern  authorities.  He 
was  of  opinion  that  the  Creed  was  written 
between  a.d.  420  and  430  in  Gaul,  and  that 
the  probable  author  was  St.  Hilary  of  Aries. 
(3)  He  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  Deism 
widely  prevalent  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
[Deists.]  (4)  His  Eucharistic  teaching  was 
that  those  who  communicate  worthily  receive 
the  virtue  and  grace  of  Christ's  body  and 
blood ;  and  that  the  Eucharist  is  '  a  true 
and  proper  sacrifice  '  consisting  in  a  '  sacrifice 
of  alms,'  a  '  sacrifice  of  prayer,'  a  '  sacrifice 
of  praise  and  thanksgiving,'  a  '  sacrifice  of  a 
penitent  and  contrite  heart,'  a  '  sacrifice  of 
ourselves,'  an  '  offering  up  the  mystical  body 
of  Christ ' — '  His  Church,'  an  '  offering  up  of 
true  converts  or  sincere  penitents  to  God  by 
their  pastors,'  and  a  '  sacrifice  of  faith  and 
hope  and  self-humiliation  in  commemorating 
the  grand  sacrifice  and  resting  finally  upon  it.' 
His  writings  on  this  subject  were  directed 
against  the  ZwingUanism  of  Hoadly  (g-.v.),  as 
well  as  against  the  views  on  the  Eucharistic 
sacrifice  of  the  Nonjurors  (q.v.).  [d.  s.] 
Works,  with  TJfe,  by  Van  Mildert. 

WATSON,  Joshua  (1771-1855),  born  on 
Tower  Hill,  where  his  father  was  a  wine 
merchant.  In  1786  he  entered  this  business, 
retiring  in  1814  in  order  to  give  himself  to 
work  for  the  Church.  He  married  a  sister  of 
Thomas  Sikes,  Vicar  of  GuUsborough,  one  of 
the  old  High  Church  party,  and  soon  became 
the  leader  of  that  school.  From  1811-22  he 
lived  at  Clapton,  close  to  his  only  brother, 
J.  J.  Watson  (Archdeacon  of  St.  Albans  and 
Rector  of  Hackney),  and  the  '  Clapton  Sect ' 
or  '  Hackney  Phalanx,'  became  a  recognised 
contrast  to  the  EvangeHcals  of  the  '  Clapham 
Sect.' 

Watson  was  a  devout  layman  of  the  best 
Anglican  type,  cultivated  and  widely  read, 
especially  in  theology,  and  of  unbounded 
munificence.  He  was  one  of  the  three 
originators  (in  1811)  of  the  National  Society 
(for  the  education  of  the  poor),  and  he  was 
chiefly  responsible  for  the  Church  Building 
Society,  begun  in  1817.  He  gave  much  time 
to  the  S.P.G.  and  the  S.P.C.K.  In  1837  he 
formed  the  constitution    of    the  Additional 


(618) 


Waynflete] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Waynflete 


Curates  Society,  and  became  its  first 
treasurer.  He  was  a  trusted  friend  of 
successive  Archbishops  of  Canterbury: 
Manners  Sutton  and  Howlcy ;  of  Bishops 
\ax\  Mildcrt  (of  Durham),  Lloyd  (of  Oxford), 
and  C.  J.  Blomtield  {q.r.). 

The  ofiicial  atmosphere  in  wliich  he  had  thus 
come  to  move,  advancing  age,  and  the  caution 
and  even  timidity  with  which  formerly  High 
Church  views  had  been  expressed,  caused 
him  to  regard  the  Oxford  ]\Iovement  with 
some  alarm,  which  deepened  when  Froude's 
Remains  and  Tract  Xo.  90  appeared.  But 
he  had  helped  to  draft  the  clerical  Address 
to  Archbishop  Howley  in  1833,  and  composed 
the  lay  Declaration  which  followed  in  1834, 
and  these  were  an  outcome  of  the  meeting  at 
Hadleigh.  [Rose,  H.  J.]  Newman  {q.v.) 
in  1840  dedicated  the  fifth  volume  of  his 
famous  Sermons  '  To  Joshua  Watson,  Esq., 
D.C.L.,  the  Benefactor  of  all  his  brethren, 
by  his  long  and  dutiful  ministry,  and  patient 
service,  to  his  and  their  common  Mother,' 
as  '  an  unsanctioned  offering  of  respect  and 
gratitude.'  Dr.  Pusey  (q.v.)  wrote  to  him :  '  I 
cannot  say  how  cheering  it  was  to  be  recog- 
nised by  you  as  carrjang  on  the  same  torch 
which  we  had  received  from  yourself  and 
from  those  of  your  generation  who  had 
remained  faithful  to  the  old  teaching.' 

[s.  L.  o.] 

E.  Churtoii.  Mrmoir.  2  voN. 


WAYNFLETE,  William  (1395-1486), 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
school  and  college  founder,  is  perhaps  the  first 
Englishman  who  owed  a  bishopric  to  his 
success  as  a  schoolmaster.  He  was  the  son  of 
Richard  Patyn,  alias  Barbour,  of  Wainfleet, 
Lincolnshire.  He  was  edvicated  at  Oxford,  but 
the  assertion  often  made  that  he  was  at 
Winchester  and  New  College  is  not  supported 
by  documents.  He  may,  however,  have  been 
a  commoner  at  Winchester  living  out  of  col- 
lege. Waynflete  is  possibly  the  William 
WajTiflete  ordained  subdeacon,  deacon,  and 
priest  bj*  Bishop  Fleming  of  Lincoln,  with 
title  from  Spalding  Priory,  December  21. 
1426.  He  is  perhaps  the  William  Waynflete 
admitted  Scholar  [i.e.  Fellow)  of  King's 
Hall  Cambridge,  6th  March  1428  [Exch.  Q.R., 
Bdle.  346,  Xo.  31),  who,  as  LL.B.,  with  the 
warden  received  letters  of  protection  for  an 
embassy  to  Rome,  15th  July  1429  [Proc. 
P.C.,  iii.  347).  He  is  the  Master  William 
Wannefliete  who  was  paid  fifty  shillings  as 
Magister  Informator,  or  headmaster,  of  Win- 
chester College  for  the  term  beginning  24th 
June   1430.     While  there  he  was  made  by 


Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  Master  of 
St.  Mary  Magdalen  Hospital. 

King  Henry  vi.,  having  founded  Eton 
College  in  imitation  of  Winchester  on  11th 
October  1440,  on  31st  January  1441  visited 
^Vinchester  to  see  its  working.  In  the  re- 
sult, Waynflete  left  the  headmastership  at 
Michaelmas,  1441.  Whether  he  went  to 
Eton  as  Headmaster,  as  often  stated,  there 
is  no  evidence  to  show.  He  certainly  was 
not  named  a  Fellow  in  the  foundation  charter 
of  Eton,  as  often  alleged.  He  received  a 
royal  livery  as  provost  at  Christmas,  1442. 
Eton  School  was  not  opened  before  May  1442, 
perhaps  not  before  1443.  WajTiflcte  was  at 
one  time  said  to  have  taken  half  Winchester 
to  Eton.  In  fact,  five  scholars  and  one 
commoner  left  Winchester  for  Eton  in  1443, 
the  full  number  of  seventy  scholars  not 
being  completed  till  1446.  On  the  death  of 
Cardinal  Beaufort  (q.v.),  1447,  Henry  secured 
the  election  of  Waynflete  as  his  successor 
in  the  see  of  Winchester,  and  on  13th  July 
Waynflete  was  consecrated  at  Eton.  That 
year  Henry  began  to  rebuild  Eton  on  a 
larger  scale,  and  Waynflete  was  made  chief 
'  executor  '  of  his  '  wUl '  for  that  purpose. 
Waynflete  took  a  prominent  part  in  politics. 
In  1454  he  was  the  chief  of  a  commission  to 
treat  with  the  King,  then  insane.  In  1456 
he  was  made  Lord  Chancellor,  as  apparently 
a  persona  grata  to  both  Yorkists  and  Lan- 
castrians. He  resigned  after  the  Yorkist 
victory  at  Xorthampton  on  7th  July  1460. 
He  took  a  leading  part  in  obtaining  the 
restitution  of  Eton  after  its  annexation  to 
St.  George's,  Windsor,  by  Edward  iv.,  and 
from  1467  to  1469  he  was  busy  completing 
the  chapel,  and  built  the  ante-chapel.  Wayn- 
flete was  prominent  in  receiving  Henry  on  his 
restoration  in  1470,  which  cost  him  a  new 
pardon  from  Edward  iv.  in  1471  and  a  loan 
of  two  thousand  marks  (some  £40,000). 

From  this  time  he  took  no  further  part  in 
politics,  and  devoted  himself  to  his  educa- 
tional foundations.  On  6th  May  1448  he 
had  obtained  licence  to  found,  and  on  20th 
August  founded  '  Seint  Marie  Maudeleyn 
Halle  '  at  Oxford  for  a  president  and  fifty 
graduate  scholars.  St.  Mary  Magdalen  College 
was  founded  by  deed  of  12th  June  1458,  the 
hall  surrendering  its  possessions,  including 
St.  John  the  Baptist  Hospital,  acquired  two 
j'ears  before,  in  which  the  new  college  was 
placed.  Political  troubles  stopped  further 
progress  till  5th  May  1474,  when  the  founda- 
tion stone  of  the  present  building  was  laid. 
On  23rd  August  1480  new  statutes,  often 
misinterpreted  as  the  foundation  of  the 
college,  copied  from  those  of  New  College, 


(619) 


Wesley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wesley 


with  few  exceptions,  were  made,  and  a  new 
president,  Richard  Mayhew,  Fellow  of  Xew 
College,  was  installed  with  seventy  scholars, 
divided  into  forty  Fellows  and  thirty  scholars, 
called  demies  from  their  commons  being  half 
those  of  the  feUows.  The  free  grammar 
school,  known  as  Magdalen  CoUege  School, 
was  estabUshed  at  its  gates.  The  Head- 
master's (boarding)  house  has  lately  been 
removed  across  the  Cherwell.  In  1484 
Waynflete  endowed,  and  placed  under  the 
college,  another  free  grammar  school,  the 
buUding  of  which  remains  almost  untouched, 
at  his  native  place,  Wainfleet  in  Lincolnshire. 
In  1471  and  1485  he  set  a  precedent,  destined 
to  far-reaching  imitation  under  the  Lady 
Margaret  Tudor,  Wolsey  {q.v.),  and  Henry 
vni.  {q.v.),  in  the  suppression  of  the  priories 
of  Sele,  Sussex,  and  Selborne,  Hants,  and 
the  annexation  of  their  endowments  to  his 
college.  On  27th  April  1486  he  made  his 
will,  giving  great  gifts  to  Winchester,  New, 
and  Magdalen  Colleges,  the  latter  being 
residuary  devisee.  On  11th  May  he  died, 
and  was  buried  in  a  chantry  chapel  behind 
the  high  altar  of  Winchester  Cathedral,  the 
effigy  on  which  is  probably  a  portrait. 

[a.  f.  l.] 

WESLEY,  Jolin  (1703-91),  and  Charles 
(1707-88),  evangehsts  and  founders  of 
Methodism,  were  respectively  fifteenth  and 
eighteenth  children  of  Samuel  Wesley  (1662- 
1735),  whose  father,  John,  and  grandfather, 
Bartholomew  Westley  (so  he  spelt  the  name), 
were  both  ministers  ejected  in  1662  under 
the  Act  of  Uniformity  {q.v.).  Samuel,  how- 
ever, was  ordained  in  the  English  Church, 
and  attained  some  distinction  as  man  of 
letters  and  High  Church  divine.  In  1695 
he  became  Rector  of  Epworth,  Lines,  where 
he  remained  the  rest  of  his  life,  bringing  up  a 
large  family  (he  had  nineteen  children,  of 
whom  nine  died  in  infancy),  and  strugghng 
against  pecuniary  difficulties.  His  wife  was 
Susannah,  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel  Annesley, 
also  an  ejected  minister.  A  disciple  in  some 
respects  of  the  Caroline  Divines  {q.v.)  and  the 
Nonjurors  {q.v.),  '  a  zealous  churchwoman 
yet  rich  in  a  dowry  of  nonconforming  virtues,' 
'  the  mother  of  Methodism '  exercised  a 
powerful  influence  in  the  religious  develop- 
ment of  her  famous  sons. 

John  Benjamin  Wesley,  to  give  him  the 
full  name  he  never  used,  developed  early. 
At  eight  years  old  his  father  admitted  him 
to  Communion.  His  love  of  reasoning  and 
argument  in  childhood  were  remarkable. 
In  1714  he  entered  the  Charterhouse,  and 
in  1720  went  up  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford, 


where  he  began  '  to  set  in  earnest  upon  a  new 
hfe.'  He  graduated  B.A.,  1724,  was  ordained 
deacon,  1725 ;  elected  Smithsonian  Fellow 
of  Lincoln,  1726 ;  and  in  1727  became  M.A., 
and  went  to  be  curate  to  his  father.  Recalled 
to  Oxford  by  the  duties  of  liis  Fellowship  in 
1729,  he  found  liis  brother  Charles,  who  had 
come  up  to  Christ  Church  from  Westminster 
in  1726,  one  of  a  Uttle  group  of  '  Methodists,' 
which  had  arisen  from  Charles  Wesley's 
attending  the  weekly  Eucharist  in  the 
cathedral  and  inducing  two  or  three  friends 
to  do  the  same.  The  nickname  was  not 
new,  but  was  appUed  in  general  to  any  who 
affected  to  be  methodical ;  and  Charles  and 
his  friends  had  agreed  '  to  observe  with  strict 
formahty  the  method  of  study  and  practice 
set  down  in  the  statutes  of  the  University.' 
John  Wesley  held  strongly  that  idleness  and 
neglect  of  study  were  sinful,  and  quickly 
became  acknowledged  leader  of  the  group. 
The  practice  of  the  Oxford  Methodists  in- 
cluded not  only  regular  habits  and  earnest 
study,  but  social  service,  chiefly  in  visiting 
prisons,  almsgiving,  systematic  prayer,  and 
regular  Communion.  They  observed  the 
Church's  fasts,  and  some  at  least  laid  stress 
upon  private  confession.  At  this  time  John 
Wesley  believed  in  prayer  for  the  departed, 
the  use  of  the  mixed  chahce,  and  similar 
practices  which  he  derived  from  primitive 
antiquity.  He  was  much  under  the  influence 
of  WiUiam  Law  {q.v.),  and  so  the  ancestry 
of  Oxford  Methodism  may  be  traced  in  part 
to  the  Nonjurors.  The  membership  of  the 
group  rose  to  twenty-seven  (including  some 
ladies),  and  during  the  absence  of  the  Wesleys 
from  Oxford  sank  as  low  as  five.  They  were 
ridiculed  as  '  the  Holy  Club,'  but  Bishop 
Potter  of  Oxford  declared  that,  though 
'  irregular,'  they  had  done  good. 

In  April  1735  the  Rector  of  Epworth  died, 
and  John,  going  to  London  to  present  his 
father's  last  work.  Dissertations  on  Job,  to 
Queen  CaroUne,  fell  in  with  the  founders  of 
the  new  colony  of  Georgia,  who  were  looking 
out  for  men  to  preach  the  Gospel  there.  He 
was  persuaded  to  undertake  the  task,  with 
a  stipend  of  £50  from  the  S.P.G.  Charles, 
after  some  hesitation,  gave  up  work  at  Ox- 
ford, was  ordained,  and  became  secretary  to 
General  Oglethorpe,  with  whom  the  brothers 
sailed  for  America  late  in  the  year.  John 
was  much  iiupressed  with  the  piety  of  some 
Moravians  on  the  ship,  and  to  further  his 
intercourse  with  them  learnt  German  and 
adopted  a  vegetarian  diet.  The  work  in 
Georgia  proved  a  disappointment,  lying  not, 
as  the  Wesleys  had  hoped,  among  the  heathen, 
but  among  rough  colonists,  for  whom  their 


(  620) 


Wesley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wesley 


precise  application  of  the  letter  of  the 
Church's  law  in  worship  and  discipline  was 
utterly  unsuitcd.  In  1736  John  proposed 
marriage  to  Sophia  Hopkcy,  niece  of  a  leading 
colonist,  but  after  consulting  the  Moravian 
elders  decided  '  to  proceed  no  further  in 
the  matter.'  After  her  marriage  he  injudici- 
ously refused  to  admit  her  to  Communion  for 
faults  the  nature  of  which  does  not  appear. 
Legal  proceedings  followed,  and  eventually 
(December  1737)  ho  returned  to  England, 
whither  Charles  had  preceded  him. 

While  still  depressed  by  a  sense  of  failure, 
and  under  the  influence  of  Moravian  EvangeU- 
cahsm,  John  Wesley  met  Peter  Bohler,  a 
famous  Moravian  preacher,  who  wrote  of  him : 
'  He  knew  he  did  not  properly  beUeve  in  the 
Saviour  and  was  willing  to  be  taught.  His 
brother  ...  is  ...  in  much  distress  in  his 
mind,  but  does  not  know  how  he  shall  begin 
to  be  acquainted  with  the  Saviour.'  On 
24th  May  1738  John  experienced  a  conversion 
at  a  devotional  meeting  in  Aldersgate  Street. 
'  I  felt  I  did  trust  in  Christ,  Christ  alone,  for 
salvation ;  and  an  assurance  was  given  me 
that  He  had  taken  away  my  sins,  even  mine, 
and  saved  me  from  the  law  of  sin  and  death.' 
Charles  had  undergone  a  similar  experience 
a  few  days  earher.  After  forcing  a  quarrel 
on  WiUiam  Law  for  decUning  to  follow  liim, 
John  visited  the  Moravian  headquarters  at 
Herrnhut,  and  returned  determined  to  preach 
the  Gospel  to  others.  His  teaching  attracted 
the  notice  of  Bishop  Gibson  {q.v.),  who  was 
reassured  by  an  interview  with  the  brothers, 
warning  them  against  the  enthusiasm  of 
Whitefield  [q.v.).  In  March  1739  John  Wesley 
joined  Wliitefield  at  Bristol,  where  he 
preached  in  the  open  for  the  first  time  on 
3rd  April.  His  dislike  of  the  practice  was 
overcome  by  its  evident  results.  '  The  devil 
does  not  love  field-preaching.  Neither  do  I ; 
I  love  a  commodious  room,  a  soft  cushion, 
a  handsome  pulpit.'  His  preaching,  like 
Whitefield' s,  was  accompanied  by  strong  ex- 
citement and  convulsions  among  his  hearers, 
which  Charles  thought  '  no  sign  of  grace.' 
The  unfamiliar  enthusiasm  of  the  preachers 
and  their  followers  roused  opposition  and 
even  persecution.  The  hostility  of  the  clergy 
forced  them  to  preach  in  the  open  or  at 
private  meetings,  e.g.  those  of  the  ReHgious 
Societies  {q.v.).  The  United  Society,  as  it 
was  called,  rose  out  of  a  little  group  who 
near  the  end  of  1740  began  to  meet  every 
Thursday  evening  at  an  old  '  Foundery '  in 
^loorfields  for  prayer  and  preaching.  In 
1740  the  Wesleys  finally  broke  with  the 
Moravians  on  account  of  their  quietism. 
The  split  between  Wesley  and  the  Arminian, 


and  Whitefield  and  the  Calvinist,  section 
followed  in  1741.  From  this  time  United 
Societies  of  Methodists  appeared  all  over  the 
country,  and  John  Wesley  devoted  himself 
to  organising  the  movement  and  to  itinerant 
preaching.  Between  1738  and  his  death  he 
is  said  to  have  travelled  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  miles  and  preached  forty  thousand 
sermons.  Forty-two  times  he  crossed  the 
Irish  Channel.  He  held  the  inactivity  of  the 
clergy  and  the  prevailing  spiritual  destitution 
a  sufficient  reason  for  disregarding  Church 
order,  and  declared :  '  I  look  upon  the  whole 
world  as  my  parish.' 

Charles  Wesley  was  not,  Ukc  his  brother, 
a  great  organiser  and  ruler  of  men,  nor  had 
he,  like  him,  a  vigorous  intellect  of  the  first 
order.  But  as  an  itinerant  preacher  deter- 
mined to  carry  the  Gospel  to  the  lowest  and 
most  neglected  classes  he  was  scarcely  less 
energetic.  Both  realised  that  reUgious  truth 
could  not  be  apprehended  by  the  intellect 
alone,  and  that  the  use  of  the  emotions  had 
been  neglected.  Both  also  continued  to 
maintain  their  High  Church  views,  and  it  is 
clear  they  intended  a  Church  revival,  not  a 
separation.  Their  elder  brother  Samuel,  how- 
ever, quickly  detected  the  real  tendency  of 
their  movement.  In  October  1739  he  wrote : 
'  They  design  separation.  They  are  already 
forbidden  all  the  pulpits  in  London  ;  and  to 
preach  in  that  diocese  is  actual  schism.  In 
all  likelihood,  it  wiU  come  to  the  same  all 
over  England,  if  the  bishops  have  courage 
enough.  They  leave  off  the  liturgy  in  the 
fields ;  and  though  Mr.  Whitefield  expresses 
his  value  for  it,  he  never  once  read  it  to  his 
tatterdemaHons  on  a  common.  ...  As  I 
told  Jack  I  am  not  afraid  the  Church  should 
excommunicate  him  (discipline  is  at  too  low 
an  ebb),  but  that  he  should  excommunicate 
the  Church.' 

The  story  of  the  movement  is  told  else- 
where. [NoNCONFORAnxY,  V.]  Its  separatist 
tendency  caused  Charles  to  take  alarm  as 
early  as  1755.  From  1761  he  gave  up 
active  work,  chiefly  owing  to  bad  health  ; 
but  there  was  no  cessation  of  confidence  and 
affection  between  the  brothers.  Charles  con- 
tinued to  preach,  and  to  urge  his  hearers 
to  'live  and  die  in  the  Church  of  England.' 
His  fame  rests  chiefly  on  his  hymns.  He 
is  said  to  have  -wi'itten  over  six  thousand. 
They  form,  as  his  brother  said,  '  a  body  of 
.  .  .  practical  divinity,'  and  bear  ample 
witness  to  his  high  sacramental  views  as  well 
as  to  his  poetical  gifts.  His  son  and  grandson 
were  famous  musicians.  [Musicians  of  the 
Church.] 

The  Calvinistic  controversy  broke  out  again 


(  621  ) 


Wesley] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Westeott 


in  1769,  Toplady  (q.v.)  being  John  Wesley's 
principal  antagonist.  One  of  its  results  was 
the  Arminian  Magazine,  founded  by  Wesley 
in  1778  to  controvert  the  doctrine  that,  as  he 
put  it,  '  God  is  not  loving  unto  every  man, 
that  His  Mercy  is  not  over  all  His  works.' 
It  occupied  much  of  his  time  and  energy 
during  the  rest  of  his  life.  In  1778,  also,  the 
'  New  Chapel,'  City  Road,  was  opened,  as 
the  headquarters  of  Methodism,  Wesley 
insisting  that  it  should  be  '  free  and  open,' 
and  that  the  sexes  should  be  separated. 

In  1784,  though  still  protesting  his  dislike 
to  separation,  he  took  the  decisive  step  by 
'  ordaining  presbyters,'  and  '  setting  apart,' 
with  imposition  of  hands,  Thomas  Coke, 
who  was  in  priest's  orders,  as  'superintendent' 
for  the  Methodists  in  America.  Other  ordina- 
tions followed,  chiefly  for  Scotland  and 
America.  He  also  executed  a  '  Deed  of 
Declaration '  defining  the  constitution  of  the 
Methodist  body.  Its  organisation  was  the 
principal  work  of  his  latter  years.  He 
travelled  about  seeking  to  regulate  the 
personal  habits  of  his  followers,  and  prescrib- 
ing their  physic,  diet,  and  dress  no  less  than 
their  doctrines  and  worship.  He  had  now 
lived  down  opposition,  and  was  universally 
respected.  Many  of  the  clergy  invited  him 
to  preach  in  their  churches.  He  maintained 
wonderful  health  and  strength.  At  seventy- 
one  he  thought  preaching  at  five  in  the 
morning  '  one  of  the  most  healthy  exercises 
in  the  world.'  In  1789  he  reiterated  his 
determination  to  '  hve  and  die  a  member  of 
the  Church  of  England.'  His  last  open-air 
sermon  was  preached  at  Winchelsea  in 
October  1790,  and  he  died  in  the  following 
February. 

His  incomparable  energy  and  industry 
combined  with  his  strong  personaUty  and 
great  powers  of  organisation  to  give  him  an 
almost  unparalleled  influence.  He  had  a 
cheerful  temper  and  considerable  wit.  His 
intellectual  powers  were  not  inconsistent 
with  a  remarkable  simplicity.  Charles  de- 
clared his  brother  was  born  '  for  the  benefit 
of  knaves.'  This  side  of  his  character 
appears  strongly  in  his  relations  with  women. 
Both  the  brothers  were  said  in  their  early 
days  to  be  '  a  dangerous  snare  to  many  young 
women.'  And  John's  susceptibihty  drew  him 
into  several  innocent  and  pious  flirtations. 
In  early  life  he  beUeved  in  clerical  ceUbacy, 
but  at  the  Bristol  Conference  of  1748  was 
persuaded  that  '  a  believer  might  marry 
without  suffering  loss  in  his  soul.'  In  1749 
he  proposed  marriage  to  Grace  Murray,  a 
young  widow  of  lowly  birth,  who  had  attended 
him    during    an    illness ;     and    imprudently 


allowed  her  to  accompany  him  on  his  mission- 
ary journeys.  The  lady,  though  lost  in 
joyous  amazement  at  his  proposal,  apparently 
did  not  know  her  own  mind,  and  for  some 
months  wavered  between  Wesley  and  John 
Bennett,  a  preacher  of  the  society,  whom  she 
eventually  married,  owing  to  the  prompt  and 
somewhat  unscrupulous  action  of  Charles 
Wesley,  who  feared  lest  the  match  should 
destroy  his  brother's  work.  This  did  not 
permanently  save  John  from  unsuitable 
marriage.  In  1751  he  married  Mary  VazeUle, 
who  had  been  a  domestic  servant  and  was 
now  widow  of  a  London  merchant.  She  was 
a  woman  of  violent  temper,  jealous  of  her 
husband's  absorption  in  his  work,  and  of  the 
female  converts  to  whom  he  wrote  his 
'  devotional  endearments.'  With  character- 
istic imprudence  he  appointed  as  his  house- 
keeper Sarah  Ryan,  a  woman  of  thirty-three, 
who  had  three  husbands  living.  Yet  such 
blunders  cannot  excuse  Mrs.  WesW's  be- 
haviour. She  tampered  with  her  husband's 
papers,  disseminated  slanders  against  him, 
and  set  him  at  loggerheads  with  his  brother. 
Once  a  friend  found  her  '  foaming  with  fury. 
Her  husband  was  on  the  floor,  where  she  had 
been  trailing  him  by  the  hair  of  his  head  ; 
and  she  herself  was  still  holding  in  her  hands 
venerable  locks  which  she  had  plucked  up 
by  the  roots.'  She  finally  left  him  in  1776. 
Charles,  on  the  other  hand,  was  happily 
married  (1749)  to  Sarah  Gwynne,  who  proved 
a  faithful  companion  to  him,  though  John 
Berridge,  Vicar  of  Everton,  declared  matri- 
mony had  '  maimed  '  him,  '  and  might  have 
spoiled  John  and  [Whitefield]  if  a  wise 
Master  had  not  graciously  sent  them  a  brace 
of  ferrets.'  [g.  c] 

Journal  of  John  Wesley,  ed.  Curnock ; 
Journal  of  Charles  Wesley,  ed.  Jackson;  Lives 
of  J.  Wesley  by  Soutliey,  Tyerniaii,  and  Urlin  ; 
of  C.  Wesley  by  .laekaon  ;  Townsend  and 
Workman,  Hist,  of  Methodism  ;  Abbey  and 
Overton,  Eng.  Ch.  in  Eighteenth  Century ; 
Leger,  Jtihn   Wrsley's  Last  Love. 

WESTCOTT,  Brooke  Foss  (1825-1901), 
Bishop  of  Durham,  was  born  at  Birmingham, 
and  educated  at  King  Edward's  School 
under  Prince  Lee,  who  later,  as  Bishop  of 
Manchester,  ordained  him  deacon  and  priest 
(1851),  and  at  Trinity'  College,  Cambridge 
(Senior  Classic  and  Twenty-fourth  Wrangler, 
1848 ;  Fellow,  1849).  From  1852-69  he  was 
a  master  at  Harrow  under  Vaughan  {q.v.) 
and  Butler,  subsequently  becoming  Canon 
of  Peterborough  (1869-83)  and  of  West- 
minster (1883-90),  and  Regius  Professor  of 
Divinity  at  Cambridge  {vice  Jeremie)  for 
twenty  years  (1870-90).     He  was  a  member 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Westminster 


of  the  New  Testament  Re-dsion  Company 
(1870-81)  and  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts 
Coininission  (1881-3),  and  was  consecrated 
Bishop  of  Durham  in  succession  to  his  school- 
fellow, Light  foot,  on  1st  May  1890. 

The  senior  of  the  three  men  [Hort,  Light- 
foot]  who  gave  the  Cambridge  school  of 
theology  world-wide  fame,  Dr.  Westcott 
achieved  a  greater  general  reputation  than 
any  of  his  pupils,  save  Archbishop  Benson 
(5.I'.).  As  it  came  unsought,  so  it  left  him 
unchanged.  Outwardly  a  man  of  small, 
fragile  frame,  with  a  leonine  head  and  a 
silver  voice,  he  left  upon  his  hearers  the 
impress — to  many  of  them  an  enduring 
stimulus — of  a  personality  aflame  with 
intense  spiritual  earnestness  and  deeply 
stirred  by  social  questions.  This  influence 
made  itself  felt  in  his  sermons  at  Harrow  and 
elsewhere ;  in  his  addresses  to  the  Christian 
Social  Union,  which  he  helped  to  found  in 
1887 ;  in  his  intercourse  with  his  pupils,  and 
in  a  wider  field  in  the  settlement  of  the  great 
Durham  Coal  Strike  on  1st  June  1892.  It 
was  expressed  also  in  his  efforts  for  the 
advancement  of  clerical  education,  which 
resulted  in  the  estabhshment  of  the  LTni- 
vcrsities  Preliminary  Examination  (1872), 
the  Cambridge  Theological  Tripos  (1874), 
and  the  Clergy  Training  School  (1881-7). 

The  permanence  of  the  influence  of  his 
writings  is  more  difficult  to  estimate.  Apart 
from  The  Neio  Testament  in  Greek  (with 
Dr.  Hort,  1881),  on  which  his  fame  chiefly 
rests;  the  articles  in  Did.  Chris.  Biog. 
("Clement,'  '  Origen,'  etc.)  and  Did.  Bible; 
and  The  Gospel  of  Life  (1892) — a  valuable 
essay  towards  distinguishing  Christianity  in 
the  hght  of  other  modes  of  faith — his  works 
fall  perhaps  into  two  classes.  The  first 
includes  the  History  of  the  Canon  (1855), 
The  Study  of  the  Gospels  (1860),  and  com- 
mentaries on  St.  John  (reprinted  from 
Speaker's  Comm.,  1882,  2nd  edit,  with  Greek 
text,  1908),  Epistles  of  St.  John  (1883), 
Hebrews  (1889),  and  Ephesians  (1906). 
Though  most  are  superseded  in  some  points 
by  modern  scholarship,  from  all  the  student 
may  stiU  learn  much,  e.g.  the  section  of  the 
introduction  to  St.  John,  which  contains  the 
argument  from  internal  evidence  as  to  the 
authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  though  not 
in  itself  conclusive,  is  permanently  valuable 
as  an  element  in  any  discussion  of  the  subject, 
and  many  again  will  feel  that  they  have  learnt 
more  from  Westcott  of  '  the  mind  of  St. 
John '  than  from  any  other.  The  second 
class  comprises  (a)  popular  works  tending  to 
foster  the  religious  study  of  the  Bible,  e.g. 
The  Bible  in  the  Church  (1864),  History  of  the 


English  Bible  (1868),  The  Paragraph  Psalter 
(1879);  (6)  works  dealing  with  the  relation 
of  Theology  to  Christian  life.  Among  these 
the  most  valuable  perhaps  are  The  Religious 
Office  of  the  Universities  (1891)  and  Religious 
Thought  in  the  West  (1891).  The  others 
include  the  Gospel  of  the  Resurrection  (1866), 
Christian  Life  (1869),  Revelation  of  the  Risen 
Lord  (1881),  Historic  Faith  (1883),  Revelation 
of  the  Father  (1884),  Christus  Consummator 
(1886),  Social  Aspects  of  Christianity  (1887), 
The  Victory  of  the  Cross  (1888),  The  Incur- 
natio7i  ami  Common  Life  (1893),  Christian 
Aspects  of  Life  (1897),  and  Lessons  from  Work 
(1901).  These  (many  originally  sermons) 
have  enjoyed  an  enormous  popularity  among 
readers  rather  conscious  of  difficulties  and 
desirous  of  finding  them  discussed  than 
anxious  for  definitive  solutions,  which  the 
author  would  have  distrusted  had  he  given 
them.  [C.  J.] 

A.  Westcott,  Life  and  Letters,  1903,  abridged 
eiUt.,  190r.  ;  J.  Clayton,  Life,  1906 ;  H.  S. 
Holland,  Personal  Studies,  1905  ;  A.  C.  Benson, 

Leaves  0/ the  Tree,  1911. 

WESTMINSTER  ABBEY.  In  the  days  of 
Aethelberht,  king  of  Kent  (d.  616),  a  rich 
citizen  of  London  built  a  church  to  St.  Peter 
at  Westminster,  then  an  island  in  the 
marshes  of  the  Thames,  and  called  Thorney. 
MeUitus  iq.v.),  Bishop  of  London,  came  to 
consecrate  the  building,  and  pitched  his  tent 
in  the  neighbourhood.  But  that  same  even- 
ing the  Apostle  Peter  appeared  on  the  farther 
bank  of  the  river  to  a  fisherman,  who  ferried 
him  across ;  then  the  apostle  with  the  aid  of 
a  celestial  choir  consecrated  the  church.  The 
fisherman,  rewarded  with  an  ample  haul  of 
salmon,  was  sent  to  inform  Mellitus,  who, 
when  he  had  seen  the  signs  of  consecration, 
departed.  Such  was  the  story  told  by  West- 
minster monks  in  the  eleventh  century.  In 
the  next  century  the  rich  citizen  was  identified 
with  Sebert,  king  of  Essex.  Unfortunately, 
Bede  never  mentions  a  church  at  West- 
minster, and  all  that  we  can  safely  assert 
comes  to  this :  Westminster  was  not  the  de- 
solate place  that  has  been  pictured;  traces 
of  Roman  buildings  have  been  found  ;  and 
it  is  likely  that  there  was  a  Christian  church 
here  in  early  times.  A  charter  of  Offa, 
exliibited  in  the  chapter-house,  shows  (if 
genuine)  that  there  was  a  monastery  here, 
c.  785.  Dunstan  (q.v.)  was  not  abbot  here, 
as  Flete  claimed ;  but  he  may  have  reformed 
this  among  other  monasteries,  and  a  genuine 
charter  of  King  Eadgar  is  extant.  In  any 
ease,  the  monastery  remained  a  small  one 
until  the  davs  of  Edward  the  Confessor. 


(  623  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Westminster 


Flete,  the  mediaeval  historian  of  the  abbey, 
gives  these  names  and  dates  of  abbots : 
Siward,  Ordbritht  (mentioned  in  OfEa's 
charter),  Alfwy,  Alfgar,  Adymer,  Alfnod, 
Alfric  (St.  Dunstan),  St.  Wulsin  (958-1005, 
Bishop"  of  Sherborne),  Alfwy  (1005-25), 
■Wulfnoth  (1025-49).  [For  the  abbots  which 
follow,  the  dates  down  to  Litlyngton  are 
taken  from  Robinson's  Flele ;  the  tombstones 
or  monuments  of  those  marked  with  a  *  are 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  abbey.] 

With  Edwin  (1049-71)  we  get  on  to  firm 
historical  ground.  For  his  king,  Edward  the 
Confessor,  was  the  real  founder  of  West- 
minster Abbey  and  its  greatness.  The  story 
is  that  the  king  was  required  to  found  a  mon- 
astery for  having  failed  to  keep  a  vow  to  make 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  and  that  the  vision  of 
a  hermit  pointed  out  the  site  ;  but  a  simpler 
reason  for  the  choice  of  Westminster  lay  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  royal  palace.  Here,  then, 
Edward  built  a  great  stone  church,  on  the 
model  of  Jumifeges.  This  was  the  first  speci- 
men seen  in  England  of  the  great  '  Norman 
churches  '  which  were  hereafter  to  stud  the 
land,  and  a  few  fragments  of  it  remain  to-day. 
The  king  was  unable  to  be  present  at  its 
consecration  on  28th  December  1065 ;  he 
died  on  4th  January  1066,  and  by  the  gift  of 
his  body  contributed  a  surer  source  of  great- 
ness. For  WiUiam  the  Conqueror  chose  to 
be  crowned  in  the  church  where  King  Edward 
lay ;  and  consequently  the  church  of  St. 
Peter  has  ever  since  been  the  place  of 
coronation  of  the  kings  and  queens  of  Eng- 
land. 

The  Saxon  abbot  ruled  till  1071.  Then  came 
three  Norman  abbots:  Geoflfrey  (1071,  sent 
back  to  Jumifeges  in  1075) ;  Vitalis  (1076-85), 
Abbot  of  Bernay;  Gilbert  Crispin*  (1085- 
1117),  under  whom  was  completed  the  build- 
ing of  the  new  monastery,  of  which  much 
remains  to-day,  e.g.  the  '  Norman  under- 
croft '  and  so-called  '  chapel  of  the  Pyx.' 
Gilbert  was  a  monk  of  Bee,  a  disciple  and 
friend  of  St.  Anselm  [q.v.),  a  writer  and  a 
theologian.  His  endowment  of  the  camera 
to  enable  it  to  clothe  eighty  monks  is  a 
witness  to  the  rapid  development  of  the 
monastery  under  its  new  regime.  Herbert 
(1121- ?  36)  was  a  monk  of  the  place. 
Gervase  (?I137-?56),  a  natural  son  of  King 
Stephen,  dissipated  both  its  property  and  its 
morals  until  he  was  expelled  by  Henry  n., 
c.  1156.  Laurence  *  (?  1158-73),  monk  of  St. 
Albans  and  a  preacher,  reintroduced  order. 
He  also  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  canonisa- 
tion of  Edward  the  Confessor,  whose  body 
was  accordingly  translated  to  a  new  tomb  on 
13th  October  1163.     With  Laurence's  name 


is  associated  St.  Katharine's  chapel  in  the 
infirmary,  the  scene  of  several  councils  and 
consecrations  of  bishops.  He  was  followed 
by  Walter  (1175-90),  Prior  of  Winchester; 
William  Postard  (1191-1200);  Ralph  Arundel 
(1200-14),  who  was  deposed  by  a  papal 
legate;  and  William  Humez  *  (1214-22)  of 
Caen,  the  last  abbot  from  Normandy. 

Abbot  Laurence  had  obtained  from  the 
Pope  the  privilege  of  wearing  the  mitre. 
In  1220  the  convent  secured  its  complete 
exemption  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishops  of  London ;  and  its  new  position 
of  independence  made  the  abbey  still  more 
suitable  for  a  national  centre.  Being,  as  it 
were,  the  royal  chapel,  the  monastery  which 
had  been  so  insignificant  in  Anglo-Saxon 
times  now  began  to  challenge  with  St. 
Albans  {q.v.)  and  Canterbury  the  primacy 
of  the  Benedictine  abbeys  in  England. 
Living  so  near  to  court,  the  abbots  were 
brought  into  close  contact  with  the  king, 
who  tended  to  use  them  more  and  more  in 
matters  of  state.  Thus  they  became  great 
magnates  of  the  realm,  as  is  notably  seen  in 
the  case  of  the  abbots  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury:  Ricliard  Berking  (1222-46),  Richard 
Crokesley  (1246-58),  PhiUp  Lewisham  (August 
to  October  1258),  Richard  Ware*  (1258-83), 
who  brought  the  famous  pavement  of  the 
presbytery  from  Rome,  and  Walter  Wenlok 
(1283-1307) — all  of  whom  (except  Lewisham) 
were  much  occupied  in  state  business  and 
offices.  The  exaltation  of  the  abbots  was 
not  estabhshed  without  internal  conflict. 
There  was  a  vigorous  life  in  the  convent,  and 
the  monks  with  their  officers  (obedientiaries) 
struggled  hard  against  the  arbitrary  rule  of 
the  abbots.  The  chief  subject  of  quarrel 
was  the  division  of  the  property  of  the  con- 
vent between  abbot  and  monks,  which  only 
received  its  settlement  under  Wenlok.  The 
aggrandisement  of  the  abbey  called  for  a 
corresponding  adornment  of  its  buildings,  and 
in  1220  a  new  lady  chapel  was  begun.  But 
the  matter  of  building  was  soon  to  be  taken 
out  of  their  hands  by  Henry  ni. 

Henry  ill.  was  as  devoted  to  St.  Edward 
as  St.  Edward  had  been  to  St.  Peter,  and  he 
determined  to  rebuild  Edward's  church  at  an 
expense  which  proved  to  be  enormous.  He 
began  in  1245  by  puUing  down  the  whole 
eastern  part  of  the  building,  and  then  built 
the  magnificent  church  which  still  stands 
to-day  and  justly  claims  to  be  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  buildings  in  Christendom. 
On  13th  October  1269  he  translated  the  body 
of  St.  Edward  to  the  shrine  where  it  now 
rests ;  and  in  his  death,  like  St.  Edward, 
he  conferred  yet  another  benefit  upon  the 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Westminster 


church.  For  he  elected  to  bo  buried  by  the 
Confessor's  shrine,  and  so  the  church  became 
the  place  of  royal  sepulture  as  well  as  corona- 
tion, and  to-day  it  holds  the  remains  of 
sixteen  sovereigns  of  England  (besides  the 
Confessor),  viz.  Henry  m.,  Edward  i., 
Edward  m.,  Richard  ii.,  Henry  v.,  Edward  v., 
Henry  vn.,  Edward  vi.,  Mary,  Elizabeth, 
James  I.,  Charles  n.,  William  in.,  Mary  ii., 
Anne,  George  ii.  Further,  the  bodies  of  the 
kings  have  gathered  round  them  the  dust  of 
many  of  the  best  and  greatest  of  Englishmen. 

Another  cause  of  the  identification  of  the 
abbey  with  the  national  history  was  the 
sitting  of  Parliament  within  its  precincts. 
There  has  been  some  exaggeration  in  this 
matter.  The  latest  authority  can  find  no 
evidence  of  a  session  here  in  Henry  m.'s  time 
or  indeed  before  1351.  The  Commons  sat  at 
intervals  in  the  chapter-house  from  1351  to 
1395,  and  in  the  refectory  from  1397  to  1416. 
After  that  it  is  thought  that  they  returned 
to  their  original  place  of  meeting,  the  palace.^ 

On  31st  March  1298  a  fire  which  began  in 
the  palace  destroyed  all  the  buildings  of  the 
monastery  except  the  church  and  chapter- 
house. [Other  fires  occurred  in  1447,  when 
the  dormitory  was  burnt;  in  1694,  when 
all  the  MSS.  in  the  Ubrary  were  burnt; 
in  1731  in  Ashburnham  House,  when  the 
Cotton  library  was  greatly  injured ;  and  in 
1803  in  the  lantern.]  This  trouble  was 
aggravated  by  the  great  scandal  of  the 
robbery  in  1303  of  the  royal  treasures 
kept  in  the  chapel  of  the  Pyx.  The  re- 
building after  the  fire  was  carried  on  with 
difficulty  under  Richard  Kedyngton  (1308-15) 
and  William  Curtlyngton  (1315-33).  In 
Thomas  Henley's  days  (1333-44)  the  old 
nave  of  the  Confessor's  church  had  to  be  re- 
stored, and  then  Simon  Byrcheston  (1344-9) 
began  to  rebuild  the  cloister.  But  another 
disaster  was  at  hand,  for  the  great  plague 
of  1348-9  carried  off  the  abbot  and  twenty- 
six  of  the  monks.  So  closed  a  half-century 
in  which  the  instability  of  society  at  large 
had  been  reflected  in  the  life  of  the  convent. 

A  new  era  began  with  Simon  Langham  * 
(1349-62),  who  restored  order  both  to  the 
finances  and  the  morals  of  the  exhausted 
convent,  and  won  the  title  of  second  founder. 
Quickly  promoted,  because  of  his  abilities, 
to  high  offices  of  state  and  to  the  sees  of  Ely 
and  Canterbury,  and  then  leaving  Canter- 
bury to  become  a  cardinal  at  the  papal  court 
at  Avignon,  he  always  retained  his  affection 
for  Westminster ;  he  conceived  and  pressed 
on  the  design  of  rebuilding  the  nave  to  match 


1  Mr.  A.  I.  Dasent  in  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
1911,  pp.  41-9. 


Henry's  choir,  and  at  his  death  at  Avignon  on 
22nd  July  1376  he  left  his  great  wealth  to  the 
convent. 

Nicholas  Litlyngton  (1362-86)  has  left  on 
the  abbey  the  mark  of  a  great  builder.  He 
finished  the  cloister  in  1365,  added  Jerusalem 
Chamber  and  the '  College  Hall'  to  the  Abbot's 
House,  and  built  a  new  set  of  cellarer's  build- 
ings, which  still  stand  on  the  east  side  of 
Dean's  Yard  ;  his  initials  are  still  to  be  seen 
in  glass  and  stone.  The  old  nave  was  now 
pulled  down,  and  on  3rd  March  1376  he  laid 
the  foundation  stone  of  the  '  new  work.' 
On  11th  August  1378  Hawley,  a  knight 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  abbey,  was 
murdered  in  the  choir  at  the  time  of  High 
Mass.  This  scandal  led  to  a  great  attack 
upon  the  church's  privilege  of  sanctuary, 
but  the  right  was  maintained,  though  limited 
under  the  Tudors,  till  the  reign  of  James  i. 
Almost  necessary  in  ages  of  violence,  the 
privilege  led  to  abuses ;  but  whether  it 
was  the  cause  of  the  crowding  (especially 
towards  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century) 
of  the  precincts  of  the  abbey  with  houses, 
the  parents  of  slums  which  were  only  cleared 
away  in  the  nineteenth  century,  is  uncertain : 
the  normal  development  of  property  in 
view  of  the  vicinity  of  the  court  was  quite 
sufficient  to  account  for  this.  The  close  of 
the  fourteenth  century  also  witnessed  the 
settlement  of  the  struggle  of  the  convent 
for  jurisdiction  over  St.  Stephen's  chapel 
in  the  palace.  Founded  by  Edward  ra., 
this  chapel  had  been  the  constant  object 
of  the  abbey's  jealousy.  Similar  struggles, 
characteristic  of  the  Htigious  spirit  of  the 
churchmen  of  that  age,  had  marked  the  last 
century  and  a  half,  viz.  contests  with  the 
Bishop  of  Worcester  over  Malvern  (Ware), 
with  Archbishop  Peckham  {q.v.)  concerning 
the  friars  (Wenlok),  and  with  the  Royal 
Treasurer  over  St.  James's  Hospital  (Henley). 

Richard  n.  was  almost  as  devoted  to  the 
abbey  as  Henry  rn.,  and  his  contemporary 
portrait  still  hangs  in  the  presbytery.  His 
friendship  led  to  the  indifference  of  Henry  iv., 
though  the  abbot,  William  Colchester*  (1386- 
1420),  was  not  the  traitor  that  Shakespeare 
represents.  Henry  iv.  actually  died  in  the 
abbot's  house,  in  Jerusalem  Chamber ;  and 
Henry  v.  determined  to  carry  out  the  build- 
ing of  the  nave,  which  had  come  to  a  stand- 
still. For  this  he  promised  one  thousand 
marks  a  year,  and  put  in  charge  of  the  work 
the  well-known  Richard  Whitington,  and 
Richard  Harweden,  a  monk,  afterwards  abbot 
(1420-40).  Henry  v.  had  a  magnificent 
funeral  in"  the  church ;  and  his  chantry, 
which  was  completed  in  1441,  forms  a  con- 


2r 


(  625  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Westminster 


spicuous  feature  of  the  buUding.  Little  pro- 
gress was  made  under  Abbot  Edmund  Kyrton* 
(1440-62) ;  but  at  this  time  John  Flcte  'nTote 
his  history  of  the  monastery.  The  abbey  was 
not  much  affected  by  the  Wars  of  the  Roses, 
unless  the  abdication  of  George  Norwych 
(1463-69)  was  due  to  pohtical  causes.  His 
successor,  Thomas  Millyng  (1469-74),  an  able 
man  and  a  strong  Yorkist,  gave  shelter  to 
Queen  Elizabeth  Wydville,  who  took  sanc- 
tuary for  six  months  in  1470-1,  in  which  time 
her  son  Edward  v.  was  born.  The  grateful 
Queen  founded  the  chapel  of  St.  Erasmus. 
The  story  how  she  fled  again  to  the  abbey 
in  1483  for  fear  of  Richard  m.  is  told  by 
Shakespeare. 

Millyng  pressed  on  the  building  of  the  nave, 
but  was  soon  promoted  to  the  see  of  Hereford. 
Jolm  Esteney*  (1474-98)  did  the  substan- 
tial work  of  roofing  and  vaulting,  and  finished 
the  great  west  window.  George  Fasset  * 
(1498-1500)  contributed  £600  (  =  £6000)  to 
the  work,  and  John  Islip  *  (1500-32)  com- 
pleted it.  IsUp  also  built  the  Jesus  chapel 
as  a  chantry  for  himself,  and  added  the 
Jericho  parlour  and  other  rooms  to  the  Ab- 
bot's House.  At  the  same  time  Henry  vn., 
the  last  royal  benefactor,  rebuilt  the  Lady 
Chapel.  The  sumptuous  edifice,  erected 
between  the  years  1503-12,  was  meant  to 
contain,  besides  the  king's  own  tomb,  a 
shrine  of  Henry  vi.  ;  but  as  the  king  failed 
to  obtain  the  canonisation  of  the  latter,  he 
left  his  body  at  Windsor. 

IsUp  was  the  last  great  abbot ;    his  suc- 
cessor, William  Boston  (1532-40),  who   won 
his  appointment  by  bribery,  made  no  resist- 
ance   to    the    surrender   of    the  monastery, 
which  was  signed  by  him  and  twenty-four 
monks  on  16th  January  1540.     This  number 
must  not  be  taken  to  indicate  the  real  strength 
of  the  convent.     Up  to  the  great  plague  ( 1 348 ) 
there  had  generally  been  about  sixty  monks; 
after  that  the  number  averaged  about  fifty; 
in  the  sixteenth  century  it  sank  to  forty. 
The   decHne  in   numbers  was   accompanied 
by  a  decay  in  the  independent  life  of  the 
convent.     The   abbots   had   become   the   de 
facto  rulers  of  the  convent,  its  officers  being 
practically  their  deputies ;    in  fact,  Esteney 
and  his  successors  united  in  themselves  the 
offices  of  sacrist,  cellarer,  and  warden  of  the 
new  work.     So  when  Henry  \tii.  refounded 
Westminster  as  a  cathedral  church  with  a 
dean  and  twelve  prebendaries  (17th  Decem- 
ber 1540)  the  change  was  not  very  great. 
The  abbot  became  dean,  taking  his  personal 
name  of  Benson  (1540-9),  six  monks  became 
prebendaries,  six  others  petty  canons,  and 
two    others   students   at    the    Universities. 


Thomas  Thirlby  was  made  bishop  of  West- 
minster and  given  the  abbot's  house.  His 
jurisdiction  included  the  whole  county  of 
Middlesex  (save  the  vill  of  Fulham),  taken 
out  of  the  diocese  of  London. 

The  contribution  of  the  monastery  to  Utera- 
ture  had  not  been  great.  Gilbert  Crispin 
was  its  greatest  writer.  Sulcard  and  Prior 
Osbert  of  Clare  also  wrote  in  Norman  times, 
and  sermons  of  Abbot  Laurence  are  extant. 
In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries 
there  were  chroniclers  such  as  John  of  London, 
John  Redyng,  and  others — not  of  the  first 
rank.  Other  Uterary  names  are  Richard  of 
Cirencester,  William  of  Sudbury  (fourteenth), 
John  Wilton  and  John  Flete  (fifteenth 
century). 

Under  Edward  vi.  the  bishopric  was  sur- 
rendered and  suppressed,  March  1550,  and 
the  county  of  Middlesex  restored  to  the  see  of 
London,  and  by  an  Act  of  1552  (5-6  Edw.  vi. 
c.  11)  the  abbey  church,  with  its  dean  and 
chapter,  was  united  to  the  bishopric  of 
London.  Richard  Cox  was  the  dean  (1549-53). 
The  fabric  of  the  church  seems  to  have 
suffered  little  damage  from  the  Reformation. 
The  refectory  and  the  chapel  of  St.  Katharine 
were  dismantled,  and  the  other  buildings 
made  into  prebendaries'  houses,  etc.,  and  so 
for  the  most  part  preserved.  But  the  church 
suffered  the  spoliation  of  its  goods ;  the 
wealth  of  vestments,  furniture,  and  orna- 
ments used  for  divine  worship  disappeared, 
the  kings  taking  the  best  treasures  and  the 
prebendaries  destroying  the  rest.  The 
chapter  also  suffered  much  from  the  greed  of 
Somerset,  but  were  saved  from  further  perils 
by  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  when  Cox 
made  way  for  Hugh  Weston  (1553-6).  In 
1556  the  Queen  re-estabhshed  the  monas- 
tery by  Ucence  from  Cardinal  Pole  {q.v.),  15th 
September  1556,  under  John  Feckenham  {q.v.). 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  and  a  man  of  very  high 
character,  as  abbot  (1556-9). 

The  death  of  Mary  was  followed  by  the 
suppression  of  the  monastery,  12th  July  1559, 
and  on  21st  May  1560  Queen  Elizabeth  re- 
founded  the  coUegiate  church,  consisting  of 
a  dean  and  twelve  prebendaries;  and  her 
foundation,  as  somewhat  modified  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  remains  to-day.  William 
Bill  *  (1560-1),  Master  of  Trinity  and  Provost 
of  Eton,  made  the  first  draft  of  the  new 
statutes,  and  Gahriel  Goodman  *  (1561-1601) 
organised  the  church  on  its  new  footing. 
Lancelot  Andrewes  [q.v.)  (1601-5)  adorned  the 
church  with  his  piety,  but  was  soon  raised  to 
the  episcopate.  Richard  Neile  (1605-10),  a 
chandler's  son  of  Westminster,  did  much 
for  the  furnishing  of  the  church,  but  was 


(  626  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Westminster 


promoted  to  higher  offices,  dying  Archbishop 
of  York.  George  Montaigne  (1610-17)  like- 
wise bccaino  Archbishop  of  York.  Robert 
Townson  (1617-20)  went  to  Salisbury.  And 
then  we  come  to  a  name  which  revived  the 
glories  of  a  past  when  abbots  held  great 
offices  of  state.  For  Jolin  Williams  [q.v.) 
(1620-44)  was  also  Bishop  of  Lincoln  and 
Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal.  He  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  spending  £4500  on 
the  repair  of  the  outside  of  the  church,  and 
£2000  in  founding  the  present  library. 

In  1644  Williams  gave  up  the  deanery  on 
being  made  Archbishop  of  York,  and  Ricliard 
Steward  (1644-51),  who  had  been  made 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's  in  1641,  was  appointed. 
But  since  1643  the  abbey  had  been  in  the 
hands  of  the  Parliament.  The  regalia  were 
dispersed,  the  church  purged  of  superstition 
by  the  destruction  of  windows,  pictures, 
organs,  and  Torrigiano's  altar  -  piece  in 
Henry  vn.'s  chapel ;  and  the  Westminster 
Assembly  (1643-52)  held  its  sittings  in 
Jerusalem  Chamber.  On  18th  November 
1645  a  committee  of  Parliament  was  ap- 
pointed to  govern  the  church,  school,  and 
almshouses  of  Westminster.  They  admin- 
istered the  estates  with  efficiency ;  and  the 
deanery  was  let  to  '  Lord  Bradshaw,'  who 
died  there  in  1659. 

The  Restoration  brought  back  the  old 
regime  and  some  sober  piety  ^  under  John 
Earle(s)  (1660-2),  promoted  to  Worcester; 
John  Dolben  (1662-83),  translated  to  York ; 
and  Thomas  Sprat*  (1683-1713).  Dolben 
had  been  made  Bishop  of  Rochester  in  1666, 
and  the  deans  of  Westminster  held  the  same 
bishopric  all  through  the  eighteenth  century 
until  Horsley,  the  last  of  the  episcopal  deans. 
Under  Sprat,  through  the  influence  of  the 
great  preacher,  Robert  South  {q.v.)  (prebend- 
ary, 1663-1716),  Sir  Christopher  Wren  was  put 
in  charge  of  the  restoration  of  the  exterior 
of  the  church  (1693-1723),  towards  which 
ParUament  in  1697  made  a  grant  of  a 
part  of  the  coal  duties.  South  declined  the 
deanery  in  1713;  then  Francis  Atterbury  * 
[q.v.)  (1713-23)  infused  new  vigour  into  the 
life  of  the  abbey.  From  his  time  date  the 
school  dormitory  in  the  garden,  the  remodel- 
Ung  of  the  Little  Cloisters,  and  the  glass  of  the 
North  Transept  Rose.  But  Atterbury' s  mili- 
tant spirit  soon  brought  him  into  collision 
with  the  prebendaries ;  and  becoming  en- 
tangled in  Jacobite  intrigues,  he  was  in  1723 
found  guilty  of  high  treason  by  the  House  of 
Lords,  deprived,  and  banished.  Samuel  Brad- 
ford *  (1723-31),  an  opponent  in  the  chapter, 

1  Herbert Thorndike (1601-72);  Simon  Patrick (1672-89); 
Anthony  Horneck  (1693-6),  were  prebendaries. 


took  his  place.  He  witnessed  the  revival  of 
the  Order  of  the  Bath,  and  its  association 
with  Henry  vii.'s  chapel  in  1725.  Under 
Joseph  Wilcocks  *  (1731-56)  the  building  of 
tlic  church  was  at  last  brought  to  an  end  by 
the  addition  of  the  western  towers  in  1735-45. 
At  the  same  time  Richard  Widmore,  the 
librarian,  was  cataloguing  the  muniments 
of  the  abbey  and  preparing  the  way  for  the 
study  of  the  history  of  the  abbey  by  his 
Enquiry  into  the  Foundation  (1743)  and 
History  of  Westminster  Abbey  (1751 ).  History 
lias  little  to  teU  of  the  abbey  under  Zachary 
Pearce*  (1756-68),  John  Thomas*  (1768-93), 
and  Samuel  Horsley  (1793-1802),  a  vigorous 
personality,  who  gave  up  Westminster  and 
Rochester  for  St.  Asaph. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
the  abbey  had  reached  its  lowest  point — in  the 
slovenliness  of  the  services,  in  its  unpopularity 
(a  large  fee  being  charged  for  admission  into 
the  church),  and  in  the  disfigurement  of  the 
fabric  by  monstrous  memorials.  But  the 
century  was  to  be  one  of  gradual  reform  in 
all  points.  William  Vincent  *  (1802-15),  who 
had  been  headmaster  of  the  school,  enclosed 
Tothill  Fields  (Vincent  Square),  restored  the 
exterior  of  Henry  vn.'s  chapel,  and  cleared 
away  the  monuments  from  the  nave  arches. 
Under  John  Ireland  *  (1815-42)  the  classic 
reredos  put  up  in  1706  was  removed  (1822), 
and  the  choir  screen  brought  to  its  present 
form  (1831).  In  Ireland's  latter  years,  as 
in  those  of  Buckland,  because  of  the  dean's 
infirmities,  the  abbey  was  ruled  by  Lord 
John  Thynne,  subdean  from  1834  to  1880, 
and  he  began  the  improvement  of  the  divine 
worship ;  he  introduced,  e.g.,  a  weekly 
Eucharist  and  early  services.  In  1840  the 
Cathedral  Act  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113)  reduced 
the  twelve  prebendaries  to  six  ;  and  later 
Acts  in  1868  (31-2  Vic.  c.  114)  and  1888 
(51-2  Vic.  c.  11)  made  the  school  independent 
of  the  abbey,  and  handed  over  the  valuable 
estates  of  the  church  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commissioners  in  return  for  a  fixed  annual 
payment  of  £20,000. 

Under  Thomas  Turton  (1842-5)  occurred 
the  first  consecration  of  bishops  in  the  church 
in  modern  times.  Samuel  WUberforce  {q.v.) 
(1845)  was  dean  but  a  few  months.  William 
Buckland  *  (1845-56),  the  geologist,  devoted 
his  attention  to  the  pressing  needs  of  sanita- 
tion. In  1848  the  choir  was  rearranged  and 
fitted  with  its  present  stalls  by  Blore,  while 
the  partitions  which  shut  off  the  transepts 
were  removed.  In  1852  Convocation,  which 
had  sat  in  the  abbey  since  the  Reformation 
until  its  suppression  in  1717,  once  more  began 
to  sit  in  Jerusalem  Chamber.  Richard  Chenevix 


(  627  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wharton 


Trench  *  {q,-v.)  (1856-64)  initiated  Sunday 
evening  services  in  the  nave  and  the  cus- 
tom of  inviting  preachers  from  outside  the 
chapter. 

Arthur  Penrhyn  Stanley*  [q.v.)  (1864-81) 
was  fascinated  by  the  historical  interest  of  the 
abbey,  and  to  his  enthusiasm  and  his  Memo- 
rials of  Westminster  Abbey  is  largely  due  the 
great  hold  which  the  abbey  has  upon  the 
patriotic  f  eehngs  of  EngUshmen  and  the  some- 
times extravagant  devotion  with  which  it  is 
regarded  by  those  beyond  the  sea.  In  1867 
the  screen  behind  the  altar  was  brought  to 
its  present  condition  by  G.  G.  Scott ;  but 
Stanley's  great  work  on  the  fabric  was  the 
restoration  (by  Scott)  of  the  chapter-house, 
which  since  the  dissolution  had  been  the 
storehouse  of  the  national  records. 

George  Granville  Bradley  *  (1881-1902) 
carried  on  Stanley's  traditions.  He  placed  the 
finances  of  the  abbey  on  a  firmer  footing  and 
pressed  forward  the  work  on  the  fabric  ;  the 
exterior  of  the  south  side  of  the  nave  was 
renewed  and  the  great  north  front  erected  by 
Pearson. 

Joseph  Armitage  Kobinson  (1902-11)  gave  up 
the  deanery  for  that  of  WeUs  in  1911,  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  then  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
Herbert  Edward  Ryle. 

In  1222  the  Precinct  of  the  Abbey  and  the 
whole  parish  of  St.  Margaret,  Westminster, 
were  declared  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  became  a 
Pecuhar,  the  jurisdiction  being  exercised  by 
an  archdeacon  (Glastonbury  and  St.  Albans 
had  also  their  archdeacons).  This  exempt 
archdeaconry  continued  down  to  the  Dissolu- 
tion, and  when  the  see  of  Westminster  was 
founded,  1540,  the  archdeacon  of  the  abbey 
became,  it  may  be  assumed,  the  archdeacon 
of  the  diocese.  When  the  diocese  was  sup- 
pressed the  archdeacon  continued,  becoming 
again  an  archdeacon  of  the  Peculiar  juris- 
diction of  the  abbey,  and  the  office  continued 
after  the  foundation  of  the  coUegiate  church 
by  Queen  Elizabeth.  Under  the  statutes  of 
tliis  fresh  foundation,  1560,  the  archdeacon 
was  to  be  elected  annually  by  the  dean  and 
chapter,  and  this  arrangement  continues. 
The  archdeaconry  of  Westminster  is  thus  the 
only  exempt  archdeaconry  surviving  in  the 
English  Church.  [e.  b.  e.] 

R.  Widmore,  Enquiry,  1743,  and  Hist,  of 
Westminster  Abbey,  1751 ;  J.  P.  Neale  and  E.  W. 
Braylej',  Westminster  Abbey,  1818-23;  G.  G. 
Scott,  Gleanings  from  Westminster  Abbey,  1863, 
and  W.  R.  Lethaby,  Westminster  Abbey,  1906, 
for  the  architecture  ;  A.  P.  Stanley,  Memorials, 
1869;  Francis  Bond,  Westminster  Abbey ,  1909; 
V.C.H.  London,  vol.  i.,  contains  a  good  his- 
tory of  the  monastery ;  J.  A.  Robinson,  Kotes 


and  Documents  relating  to  Westminster  Abbey, 
Nos.  1-4,  1909-11,  and  articles  in  Archwologia, 
Proc.  of  Brit.  Acad.,  and  Ch.  Q%iart.  Rev., 
contain  a  detailed  and  critical  account  of  several 
important  epochs. 

WHARTON,  Henry  (1664-95),  was  son  of 
the  Vicar  of  Worstead,  and  born  there, 
9th  November  1664.  He  went  to  a  local 
school,  but  was  mostly  taught  by  his  father, 
and  so  thoroughly  that  when  he  went  to 
Caius  College,  Cambridge,  he  was  soon  known 
as  '  an  extraordinary  young  man.'  He  held 
a  scholarship  at  Caius  till  1687,  and  studied 
almost  every  branch  of  human  knowledge. 
From  1686  he  helped  WiUiam  Cave,  the 
Church  historian,  as  secretary,  was  ordained 
in  1687,  assisted  Tenison  (afterwards  arch- 
bishop) in  controversy,  and  wrote  four  remark- 
able works  of  his  own.  In  1688  he  became 
chaplain  to  Sancroft  {q.v.),  with  whom  he 
remained  on  affectionate  terms  till  his  death, 
though  he  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  the 
Revolution.  On  19th  September  1689  he 
became  Rector  of  Chartham ;  he  resided 
there  from  1694,  died  5th  March  1695,  and 
was  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey,  with 
special  anthems  by  Purcell.  No  English 
scholar  of  the  seventeenth,  and  few  of  any, 
century  surpassed  him  in  industry  and 
ability.  His  Anglia  Sacra  (1691),  'a  collec- 
tion of  the  lives,  partly  by  early  writers,  partly 
compiled  by  himself,  of  the  English  arch- 
bishops and  bishops  down  to  1540'  {D.N.B.), 
was  indeed  '  a  work  of  incredible  pains,'  and 
it  was  but  one  fruit  of  his  incessant  labours 
in  the  Lambeth  Library.  He  left  vast 
collections  in  MS.,  catalogues,  materials  for 
editions  of  mediaeval  writers,  criticisms  of 
other  writers,  etc.  Sixteen  volumes  of  these 
are  still  in  the  Lambeth  Library.  He  pre- 
pared for  pubhcation  the  remains  of  Arch- 
bishop Laud  {q.v.),  by  the  direction  of 
Sancroft,  and  many  of  his  own  books  are 
of  permanent  value.  Under  the  pseudonym 
of  Anthony  Harmer  in  1693  he  exposed 
many  of  the  errors  of  Burnet's  (q.v.)  History 
of  the  Reformation.  The  service  which  he 
rendered  to  students  of  Enghsh  Church 
history  is  unrivalled,  for  he  came  at  a 
critical  time,  to  preserve  and  classify  manu- 
script materials,  and  to  inspire  a  generation 
of  antiquaries  and  scholars.  No  account 
of  him  would  be  complete  which  does  not 
quote  the  eulogy  of  Bishop  Stubbs  {q.v.) 
{Registrum  Sacrum  Anglicanum,  second 
edition,  p.  6) :  '  This  wonderful  man  died  in 
1695,  at  the  age  of  thirty,  having  done  for 
the  elucidation  of  EngUsh  Church  history 
(itself  but  one  of  the  branches  of  study  in 
which    he  was   the    most    eminent   scholar 


(628) 


Whately] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Whiston 


of  his  time)  more  than  any  one  before  or 
since.'  [w.  h.  h.] 

D'Oj'ley,  Life  of  Sancroft. 

WHATELY,  Eichard  (1787-1863),  Arch- 
bisliop  of  Dublin,  was  educated  at  Oriel 
College,  Oxford,  graduating  in  1808  with  a 
double  second  class.  In  1811  he  was  elected 
Fellow  with  his  close  friend,  John  Keblc 
{q.v.),  and  found  himself  associated  with  some 
of  the  most  brilliant  men  of  his  time,  the 
Noetics  or  Intellectuals,  as  they  were  called. 
Blanco  White,  the  Anglo-Spaniard,  who  had 
passed  from  Romanism  to  the  most  extreme 
Liberal  Protestantism  of  his  day,  became  a 
member  of  the  Common  Room,  and  exercised 
a  great  influence  over  the  younger  men. 
He  introduced  Whately  in  particular  to  the 
method  of  the  scholastic  philosophy,  critically 
treated.  The  Oxford  Liberals  of  that  date 
were  acutely  described  by  Church  {q.v.)  as 
'  intellectuallj^  aristocratic,  dissecting  the 
inaccuracies  or  showing  up  the  paralogisms 
of  the  current  orthodoxy.'  In  1822  Whately 
delivered  the  Bampton  Lectures  on  The  Use 
arid  Abuse  of  Party  Feeling  in  Religion. 
About  the  same  time  he  published  anony- 
mously the  curious  skit  on  the  critical 
method,  Historic  Doubts  relative  to  Napoleon 
Biwnaparte.  After  three  years  as  Rector 
of  Halesworth  he  returned  to  Oxford  in 
1825  as  Principal  of  St.  Alban  Hall,  where 
he  made  Newman  {q.v.)  vice-principal.  With 
some  help  from  Newman  he  wrote  his 
Elements  of  Logic  (1826).  In  1828  he 
warmly  supported,  against  the  general 
opinion  of  Oxford,  the  removal  of  the 
poUtical  disabilities  laid  on  papists,  and 
supported  the  re-election  of  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
who  had  resigned  his  seat  as  burgess  for 
the  University  on  that  question.  This  caused 
an  estrangement  from  Newman,  who  was 
rapidly  passing  away  from  his  temporary 
connection  with  Liberalism,  while  Whately's 
bent  in  that  direction  became  more  marked. 
In  1830  he  was  made  Professor  of  PoUtical 
Economy,  and  pubhshed  some  lectures  of 
small  value.  In  1831  he  was  appointed 
Archbishop  of  Dubhn,  where  he  added  to 
himself  the  reputation  of  a  wit,  and  poured 
out  for  many  years  a  constant  stream  of 
sermons,  pamphlets,  and  other  publications 
dealing  with  many  religious  and  political 
questions,  also  doing  admirable  work  as  a 
Commissioner  of  National  Education.  In 
1836  he  persuaded  the  Prime  Minister, 
against  the  advice  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  to  nominate  his  friend  Hampden 
{q.v.)  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity,  being 
thus  the  chief  author  of  the  confusing  con- 


troversies which  followed.  Apart  from  this 
incident  he  retained  his  own  decided  Liberal- 
ism without  challenging  the  more  orthodox, 
and  indeed  made  a  pungent  attack  upon 
Essays  and  Reviews  (q.v.).  He  died  after  an 
uneventful  and  most  unpopular  episcopate  in 
1863.  He  was  a  man  of  hard  and  brilliant 
intellect,  without  any  touch  of  originality. 

[T.   A.   L.] 

E.  .J.  Whately,  Life  of  Richard   Whately ', 
Tuckwell,  Pre-Tractarian  Oxford. 

WHISTON,  William  (1667-1752),  a  divine 
'  of  very  uncommon  parts  and  more  un- 
common learning,'  was  educated  at  Clare  Hall, 
Cambridge.  After  taking  holy  orders  he 
continued  to  apply  himself  to  mathematics 
and  science.  In  1703  he  succeeded  Sir 
Isaac  Newton  as  Lucasian  Professor  of 
Mathematics,  but  in  1710  was  deprived  of  his 
post  for  heresy,  and  banished  from  the 
University.  His  principal  work.  Primitive 
Christianity  Revived,  was  pubhshed  in  1711 
to  show  that  the  accepted  doctrines  concerning 
the  Persons  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  were  not 
in  accordance  with  Scripture  nor  with  the 
faith  of  the  primitive  Church,  which  he 
thought  was  Arianism,  or,  as  he  preferred  to 
call  it,  Eusebianism.  For  this  Convocation 
{q.v.)  '  fell  pretty  vehemently  upon  him,'  and 
the  question  whether  it  could  act  as  a  court 
to  try  him  for  heresy  was  referred  to  the 
judges,  eight  of  whom,  with  the  law  officers, 
rephed  that  Convocation  had  such  jurisdic- 
tion, and  that  no  Act  of  Parhament  had 
taken  it  away.  The  other  four  maintained 
that  since  the  Reformation  statutes  it  had  no 
such  jurisdiction,  but  could  only  examine  and 
condemn  heretical  tenets  without  convening 
their  maintainers.  On  consideration  Con- 
vocation followed  this  course  -with  Whiston, 
and  condemned  his  book,  but  the  censure 
was  never  confirmed  by  the  Queen.  Pro- 
ceedings were  also  taken  against  him  in  the 
ecclesiastical  courts,  but  after  a  time  were 
allowed  to  drop. 

He  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  writing  and 
lecturing  on  scientific  subjects  and  on  his 
theological  speculations,  discovering,  for 
instance,  that  some  prophecies  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse  had  been  fulfilled  by  Prince  Eugene's 
campaigns.  The  Prince  said  '  he  did  not 
know  he  had  the  honour  of  being  known  to 
St.  John,'  but  sent  Whiston  fifteen  guineas. 
He  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  leading 
Latitudinarian  divines  of  the  time,  who, 
however,  fought  shy  of  his  '  Society  for 
promoting  Primitive  Christianity.'  He  re- 
mained a  communicant  of  the  Church  of 
England  till  1747,  when  he  finally  left  it  '  as 


(629  ) 


Whiteneld] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Whitefield 


utterly  incorrigible,'  and  joined  the  Baptists. 
He  lived  a  simple,  ascetic  life,  fasting  till 
three  in  the  afternoon  on  Wednesdays  and 
Fridaj'S.  His  simple,  plain-spoken  honesty 
appears  in  such  incidents  as  his  rebuking 
Queen  Caroline  for  talking  in  church,  and  in 
his  conduct  of  the  many  controversies  into 
which  he  was  led  by  his  fanciful,  ill-balanced 
intellect, '  much  set  on  hunting  for  paradoxes,' 
which,  however,  was  combined  wdth  genuine 
learning.  It  has  been  thought  that  he  was 
in  some  respects  the  original  of  Goldsmith's 
Dr.  Primrose.  [g.  c] 

Memoir,  Historical  Preface  to  Primitive 
Christianity  Revived,  both  by  Whiston  himself  ; 
Burnet,  History  of  My  Own  Tivie ;  Nichols, 
Literary  Anecdotes. 

WHITEFIELD,  George  (1714-70),  evan- 
gelist, was  born  at  the  BeU  Inn,  Gloucester, 
then  kept  hj  his  father  (afterwards  by  the 
father  of  Bishop  Phillpotts,  q.v.).  He  describes 
himself  as  from  infancy  '  so  brutish  as  to  hate 
instruction ' ;  and  could  see  nothing  in  his 
early  life  but  '  fitness  to  be  damned.'  At 
fifteen  he  became  drawer  at  the  BeU,  but 
afterwards  went  back  to  school,  and  in  1732 
entered  Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  as  a 
servitor.  He  was  attracted  by  the  Oxford 
Methodists,  and  ordered  his  life  after  their 
pattern.  '  I  now  began  to  pray  and  sing 
psalms  thrice  every  day,  besides  morning  and 
evening,  and  to  fast  every  Friday,  and  to 
receive  the  Sacrament.'  He  did  not  openly 
join  them  tiU  1735,  in  which  year  he  experi- 
enced a  conversion.  In  1736  he  graduated 
B.A.,  and  became  leader  of  the  few  Methodists 
remaining  in  Oxford  after  the  departure  of 
the  Wesleys  {q.v.)  for  Georgia.  He  was 
ordained  deacon  by  Bishop  Benson  of 
Gloucester,  who  hearing  that  Whitefield's 
first  sermon  had  driven  fifteen  persons  mad, 
expressed  a  hope  that  the  aflOiction  would  be 
lasting.  The  story  shows  that  his  exceptional 
powers  as  a  preacher  were  quickly  recognised. 
Both  in  England  and  America,  which  he  visited 
in  1738,  crowds  flocked  to  hear  him  on 
Sundays  and  week  days  aUke.  Bishop 
Gibson  {q.v.)  at  this  time  described  him  as 
'  pious  and  well  meaning  but  too  enthusi- 
astic' On  Christmas  Day,  1738,  he  used 
extempore  prayer  for  the  first  time.  In 
January  1739  he  was  ordained  priest.  Find- 
ing the  Bristol  churches  closed  against  him, 
he  preached  in  the  open  air  to  two  hundred 
colliers  at  Kingswood  on  17th  February. 
The  daring  irregularity  of  the  act  made  a 
great  impression.  Within  two  months  he 
was  preaching  to  crowds  of  several  thousands. 
At  Moorfields  and  Kennington  his  audiences 


are  said  to  have  reached  fifty  thousand.  At 
these  services  he  made  collections  for  his 
proposed  orphanage  in  Georgia,  whither  he 
returned  and  founded  the  institution  in  1740. 
He  now  habitually  gave  up  the  surphce,  and 
exchanged  pulpits  with  dissenters,  disregard- 
ing the  sentence  of  suspension  passed  on  him 
by  the  Church  court  at  Charleston  (said  to 
be  the  first  exercise  of  jurisdiction  by  a 
Church  court  in  the  colonies).  Returning  to 
England,  1741,  he  championed  the  cause  of 
predestination  against  J.  Wesley,  whose  pro- 
vocative assumption  of  superiority  partially 
excuses  Whitefield's  unseemlj'^  violence  and 
use  of  such  expressions  as  '  Infidels  of  all  sorts 
are  on  your  side.'  The  two  men  were  soon 
reconciled,  and  were  close  friends  tiU  death, 
but  the  breach  between  Calvinists  {q.v.) 
and  Arminians  {q.v.)  remained  unhealed. 
[NoNCONFORmTY,  v.]  In  1743  the  Calvinistic 
Methodists  chose  Whitefield  as  their  moderator. 
Though  he  declared  he  would  never  leave 
the  Church  of  England  unless  thrust  out, 
he  was  not  so  essentially  orthodox  as  the 
Wesleys. 

In  1741  he  married  EUzabeth  James,  a 
widow  ten  years  older  than  himself,  whom  he 
describes  as  '  neither  rich  in  fortune  nor 
beautiful  as  to  her  person.'  But  she  proved 
a  helpful  wife  till  her  death  in  1768.  In  1744 
he  came  into  contact  with  Lady  Huntingdon 
{q.v.).  His  relations  with  her  were  marred 
by  fulsome  servihty.  He  had  not  the  force 
of  character  which  enabled  Wesley  to 
maintain  a  sturdy  independence  of  what 
Whitefield  called  '  tip-top  gentility.' 

Whitefield  was  first  and  foremost  a 
preacher.  His  natural  advantages  of  voice 
and  manner  were  supported  by  wonderful 
eloquence,  unsurpassed  dramatic  power,  and 
most  of  aU  by  his  great  sincerity  and  love  of 
souls.  The  effect  of  his  preaching  was 
extraordinary,  not  only  in  producing  faint- 
ings,  convulsions,  and  '  violent  agonies ' 
among  his  hearers,  but  in  its  lasting  results. 
He  visited  America  seven  times,  and  effected 
a  great  revival  of  rehgion,  though  he  justified 
slavery  and  was  himself  a  slave-owner.  For 
many  years  he  is  said  to  have  preached  from 
forty  to  sixty  hours  a  week,  and  Toplady  {q.v. ) 
credits  him  with  the  dehvery  of  eighteen 
thousand  sermons.  By  1770  he  was  utterly 
worn  out.  '  Lord  Jesus,'  he  exclaimed  on 
29th  September,  '  I  am  weary  in  Thy  work, 
but  not  of  it' ;  and  during  a  two  hours'  sermon 
preached  that  day  to  an  immense  multitude 
at  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  he  cried :  '  I  go 
to  rest  prepared.'  At  night  a  crowd  assembled 
at  the  house  where  he  was  staying  at  Newbury 
Port,  and  on  his  way  to  bed  he  spoke  to  them 


(  630) 


Whitgift] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Whitgift 


from  the  stairs  till  his  candle  burnt  out.  At 
six  next  morning  ho  died.  He  is  buried  at 
Newbury  Port.  [a.  c] 

Journals,   etc.,  ed.   Wale;    'I'yerman,   Life; 
aiithoritifs  cited  for  Wesley. 

WHITGIFT,  John  (1530-1604),  Archbishop 
of  Canterburj-,  succeeded  Grindal  in  1583. 
He  thus  embodied  the  ecclesiastical  policy 
of  the  second  half  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 
Throughout  he  had  her  favour,  and  to  an  un- 
precedented extent  her  support.  He  was  able 
therefore  to  bring  the  condition  of  the  Church 
to  a  stability  which  it  had  not  had  for  a  long 
time,  and  which  it  was  speedily  to  lose  again, 
through  its  alliance  with  the  political  incom- 
petency of  the  Stuarts. 

Whitgift,  the  son  of  a  wealthy  merchant 
of  Grimsby,  was  sent  to  school  in  London, 
and  passed  thence  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
came  under  the  influence  of  Ridley  (q.v.)  as 
Master  of  Pembroke,  and  Bradford,  the 
Marian  martyr,  as  his  tutor.  The  Uni- 
versity claimed  him  in  various  capacities 
until  1577,  as  Professor,  Master  of  Trinity, 
and  Vice-Chancellor.  He  distinguished  him- 
self as  the  opponent  of  CartwTight  (q.v.),  the 
learned  Puritan  leader,  and  he  showed  to 
Parker  {q.v.)  and  Burghley  good  evidence  of 
his  powers  as  a  disciphnarian  and  an  able 
champion  of  the  Church  platform  against 
the  growing  Presbyterianism.  During  the 
last  five  years  of  his  Cambridge  career 
he  was  being  drawn  into  wider  spheres  of 
activity  as  Prolocutor  in  Convocation,  and 
the  chosen  advocate  of  the  Church  in  the 
controversy  that  arose  from  the  publication 
of  the  Admonition  to  the  Parliament,  1572. 
He  gave  up  his  academic  position  in  1577  to 
become  Bishop  of  Worcester ;  and  after  six 
years  of  vigorous  rule  in  that  diocese,  and 
in  other  capacities  in  the  west  of  England, 
he  was  called  to  Canterbury.  The  same 
quahties  distinguished  his  rule  as  archbishop, 
though  as  time  went  on  he  reaUsed  increas- 
ingly the  largeness  and  complexity  of  the 
problems  with  which  he  had  to  deal ;  and  he 
tempered  his  executive  zeal  with  generosity 
and  even  gentleness  towards  those  who  came 
into  collision  with  him.  In  the  early  years 
the  controversy  with  Puritanism  was  sharp  ; 
and  the  malcontents,  baffled  in  their  high 
hopes  of  transforming  the  Enghsh  Church  into 
a  novel  Presbyterian  organisation,  spent 
themselves  in  bitter  slander  against  Whit- 
gift even  more  than  against  other  bishops, 
though  he  stood  out  above  a  crowd  of  far 
less  worthy  prelates,  conspicuous  for  fear- 
lessness, incorruptibility,  reforming  zeal,  and 
personal  piety.     As  a  bachelor  and  a  rich 


man  he  was  spared  many  of  the  tempta- 
tions of  an  avaricious  and  self-seeking  age ; 
and  his  greatness  is  best  shown  in  the  fact 
that  he  was  severest  against  courtiers  and 
others  in  high  positions  who  posed  as  Church 
defenders,  and  gentlest  towards  smaller  and 
less  successful  men,  who,  honestly  though 
perversely,  were  hostile  to  the  Church  polity. 

As  a  result  of  the  consistent  and  even- 
handed  pressure  of  the  early  years  there 
ensued  an  unexampled  time  of  quiet.  The 
Puritans  and  sectaries  indeed  never  ceased 
their  denunciations ;  they  merely  kept 
their  activity  in  abeyance,  so  that  in  many 
respects  it  broke  out  again  in  the  following 
century,  after  Whitgift  was  gone.  But  the 
ten  years  of  comparative  peace  which  com- 
prised the  second  half  of  liis  rule  as  archbishop 
were  of  priceless  value  to  the  Church.  In 
them  there  sprang  into  being  the  maturer 
work  of  the  English  Reformation,  which  in 
turn  made  possible  the  constructive  basis 
laid  by  the  Jacobean  and  CaroHne  divines ; 
and  on  this  the  Church  was  to  find  a  soUd 
and  lasting  resting-place.  The  archbishop's 
own  Apologia,  in  his  Answer  to  the  Admoni- 
tion, was  to  make  way  for  the  far  nobler 
work  of  Hooker  {q.v.)  in  the  Ecclesiastical 
Polity,  while  his  purely  disciplinary  view  of 
Church  orders  and  sacraments  was  to  make 
way  for  the  more  theological,  spiritual,  and 
cathoUc  conceptions  of  Andrewes  {q.v.)  and 
his  followers.  It  is  no  small  part  of  Whit- 
gift's  glory  that  he  encouraged  all  this,  and 
enabled  the  younger  men  to  make  progress 
wliich  he  himself  could  hardly  follow.  Doc- 
trinaUy  he  remained  very  Calvinistic ;  the 
famous  Lambeth  Articles  of  1595  showed 
both  how  fully  he  clung  to  that  point  of  view, 
and  also  how  much  less  narrowly  he  held  it 
than  most  of  its  advocates.  But  he  saw 
clearly  the  wide  gulf  that  lay  between  the 
adoption  of  the  predestinarian  theology  and 
the  acceptance  of  the  revolutionary  theories 
of  Church  pohty,  which  were  equally  dis- 
seminated from  Geneva.  The  Puritans  saw 
no  such  distinction ;  and  probably  they 
were  for  that  reason  honestly  convinced 
that  the  archbishop  was  dishonest  and 
time-serving,  because  he  held  so  closely  to 
the  former  and  so  vehemently  suppressed 
the  latter.  This  is  the  best  excuse  that 
can  be  made  for  the  caricature  of  Whitgift 
wliich  they  at  one  time  almost  persuaded 
posterity  to  accept  as  the  trae  portrait. 
But  in  Whitgift's  case,  as  in  Laud's  {q.v.), 
modern  research  and  historical  criticism  have 
recovered  the  genuine  picture. 

With  Roman  Cathohcs  the  archbishop 
had  much  less  to  do.    PoUtics  had  already 


(  631  ) 


Whittingham] 


Dictionary  of  E^iglish  Church  History  [Whittingham 


taken  the  decided  turn  which  made  recus- 
ancy a  poUtical  rather  than  an  ecclesiastical 
question.  It  was  only  in  that  form  that  he 
was  to  any  large  extent  concerned  with  it ; 
and  he  dealt  with  it,  much  as  any  other 
patriot  did,  as  though  it  was  merely  a  menace 
to  the  welfare,  or  even  the  existence,  of  the 
Queen  and  her  realm. 

At  James's  accession  the  archbishop  was 
almost  at  the  end  of  his  tether.  He  took 
part  in  the  Hampton  Court  Conference  {q.v.) 
in  1604,  but  the  chief  conduct  of  it  was  in 
the  hands  of  Bancroft  {q.v.),  the  Bishop  of 
London.  Six  weeks  later  \Vliitgift  died  at 
Lambeth  (29th  February  1604),  paralysed, 
and  onlj'  able  to  ejaculate  at  intervals  Pro 
Ecclesia  Dei  '  on  behalf  of  the  Church  of 
God.'  He  thus  pronounced  the  best  verdict 
on  his  own  career.  Whitgift,  who  never 
married,  was  buried  at  Croydon,  where  he 
had  lately  erected  and  endowed  the  Trinity 
Hospital — a  combined  almshouse  and  school, 
which  stUl,  in  a  developed  form,  is  the  best 
monument  to  his  memory.  [w.  H.  F.] 

Strype,  Life  of  Orindal,  1718,  etc  ;  Paule, 
Life,  16i2,  reprinted  in  Wordsworth's  JSccl. 
Biography,  vol.  iv.  :  Clayton,  Archbishop 
Whitgift,  1911. 

WHITTINGHAM,  William  (?  1524-79) 
Dean  of  Durham,  was  born  at  Chester  and 
educated  at  Brasenose  College,  Oxford, 
becoming  B.A.  and  Tellow  of  All  Souls,  1545. 
He  became  Student  of  Ch.  Ch.,  1548,  but 
having  adopted  extreme  Protestant  opinions 
left  England  soon  after  Mary's  accession, 
1553.  He  went  to  reside  at  Frankfort 
[Maeian  Exiles],  June  1554,  and  soon 
became  violent  on  the  Calvinist  side,  with 
Knox  urging  the  disuse  of  the  Prayer  Book. 
After  the  defeat  of  his  party  he  foUowed 
linox  to  Geneva,  September  1554.  Whitting- 
ham is  generally  believed  to  have  been  the 
historian  of  these  events  in  A  Brief  Discourse, 
etc.,  pubhshed  1575.  At  Geneva  he  was  twice 
elected  a  '  senior '  or  elder  of  the  Church 
(December  1555  and  December  1556).  In 
December  1558  he  was  appointed  deacon, 
and  in  1559  succeeded  Knox  as  minister. 
Whittingham  was  eager  in  the  work  of  trans- 
lating the  Bible.  He  produced  a  version  of 
the  New  Testament  at  Geneva,  June  1557, 
which  differs  from  the  later  well  -  known 
Genevan  version.  In  this  last,  the  Genevan 
Bible  (the  well-known  '  Breeches '  Bible), 
Whittingham  claimed  the  most  important 
share,  and  he  remained  at  Geneva  to  com- 
plete it.  It  was  issued  in  1560,  and  was 
in  a  way  a  manifesto  of  the  Calvinists.  It 
was  the  first  version  to  omit  the  Apocrypha. 


Even  after  the  Authorised  Version  of  1611 
the  Genevan  '  Breeches  '  Bible  was  the  ordi- 
nary Bible  in  EngUsh  households.  [Bible, 
English.]  At  Geneva,  Whittingham  turned 
into  metre  many  of  the  Psalms,  the  Ten 
Commandments,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer. 

Returning  to  England  he  attached  himself 
to  the  Dudleys,  becoming  chaplain  to 
Ambrose  Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick,  owing  to 
whose  efforts,  and  those  of  his  brother.  Lord 
Leicester,  Whittingham  was  made  Dean  of 
Durham,  19th  July  1563.  On  his  way  north 
he  preached  before  Elizabeth  at  Windsor. 
At  Durham  he  remained  till  death,  though 
in  1572  Leicester  wished  him  made  Secretary 
in  succession  to  Burleigh  (become  Treasurer). 
His  career  at  Durham  is  notable  for  extreme 
iconoclasm,  various  scandalous  charges 
against  him,  and  the  question  of  the  vaUdity 
of  his  ordination.  In  Durham  Cathedral 
he  removed  the  marble  and  freestone  slabs 
that  covered  the  graves  of  the  priors,  and 
had  some  used  for  troughs  for  horses  and  hogs, 
others  to  build  a  wash-house.  A  holy- water 
stoup  he  put  in  his  kitchen,  and  used  it  for 
steeping  beef.  His  wife  *  did  most  injuri- 
ously burn  in  her  fire '  the  famous  banner 
of  St.  Cuthbert.  He  further  protested  against 
'  the  old  popish  apparel '  without  apparently 
much  success.     [Smakt,  Peter.] 

In  1578  a  commission  was  appointed  to 
inquire  into  charges  against  him.  Apart 
from  questions  of  his  orders,  these  included 
such  things  as  his  being  defamed  as  an 
adulterer  and  a  drunkard,  which  in  a  docu- 
ment in  the  Record  Office  are  endorsed 
respectively  as  '  partly  proved  '  and  '  proved  ' 
(C.S.  Misc.,  vi.  p.  47).  Professor  Pollard 
regards  them,  however,  as  '  too  vague 
to  deserve  acceptance.'  The  chief  point 
against  Whittingham  was  doubtless  the 
question  of  his  orders.  Deaneries  were  not 
beneficia  curata,  i.e.  they  had  not  the  cure 
of  souls,  and  throughout  the  later  Middle 
Ages  and  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  were  held  occasionally  by  laymen. 
Such  cases  exist  after  as  well  as  before  the 
breach  with  Rome ;  less  frequently  after, 
since  they  were  recognised  as  a  mediaeval 
abuse.  In  1547,  however.  Sir  John  Mason, 
Kt.,  was  made  Dean  of  Winchester;  and  the 
deanery  of  Durham  seems  to  have  been  a 
favourite  post  for  laymen,  since  two  held  it  after 
Whittingham — his  successor,  Thomas  Wilson 
(1580),  and  Sir  Adam  Newton,  a  Scot  (1606-20). 
Such  men  either  did  not  reside,  or  if  they  did 
acted  merely  as  does  the  lay  head  of  an  Oxford 
or  Cambridge  college ;  but  Whittingham  took 
his  position  more  seriously,  devoted  some 
time  and  care  to  the  school  and  to  the  music 


(G32) 


Wilberforcel 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilberforce 


of  his  Church,  and  occasionally  celebrated  the 
Holy  Communion.  The  Archbishop  of  York 
(Sandys)  took  up  the  case  against  him,  and  it 
was  alleged  that  even  his  Genevan  ordination 
was  not  proved.  This  charge  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  made  good,  but  the  charge  that 
he  had  never  received  episcopal  ordination 
was  not  denied,  and  it  was  sought  to  deprive 
him  as  mere  laicus.  Lord  Leicester  and 
Whittingham's  powerful  friends  procured 
a  delay,  but  the  matter  was  proceeding  when 
Whittingham's  death  at  Durham  in  1579 
'  rendered  further  proceedings  unnecessary.' 
When  his  case  was  alleged  by  Travers  {q.v.) 
as  a  reason  against  his  own  inhibition. 
Archbishop  Whitgift  repUed  that  '  altho'  his 
case  and  Mr.  Travers  are  nothing  like,'  yet 
'  if  Mr.  Wliittingham  had  Uved  he  had  been 
deprived  without  special  grace  and  dis- 
pensation' (Strype,  Whitgift,  Bk.  iii.  App. 
No.  XXX.,  ed.  1718).  Whittingham's  tomb  at 
Durham  was  destroyed  by  the  Scots,  1640 — 
a  tragic  return  for  his  destruction  of  the  graves 
of  his  predecessors. 

His  wife  is  described  in  an  inscription  on 
his  grave  as  '  sister  of  John  Calvin,'  but 
'  chronology  makes  the  supposition  almost 
impossible,'  and  she  seems  to  have  been  a 
French  heiress.  She  shared  the  violent  dis- 
position of  her  husband,  for  in  1583  she 
was  charged  with  criminally  libeUing  the  wife 
of  a  Durham  schoolmaster  {Surtees  Soc,  vol. 
xxi.  p.  314).  [s.  L.  o.] 

A.  F.  Pollard  in  D.N.B. ;  Life  in  G.S.  Misc., 
vi.  (1871),  reprinted,  with  iutrod.,  in  A  Brief 
Discourse  of  the  Troubles  at  Frankfort,  ed. 
Arber,  1908 ;  Denny,  The  Eng.  Oh.  and  the 
Ministry  of  the  Reformed  Churches,  Ch.  Hist. 
Soc,  1900. 

WILBERFORCE,  Robert  Isaac  (1802-57), 
Archdeacon  of  the  East  Riding,  second  son  of 
William  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  entered  Oriel  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  1820,  and  graduated  B.A.  (First 
Class  both  in  Classics  and  Mathematics), 
1824 ;  elected  Fellow  (with  R.  H.  Froude,  q.v.) 
in  1826.  He  was  ordained  and  became  Tutor 
(with  Froude  and  Newman,  q.v.),  1828.  The 
moral  and  religious  guardianship  exercised 
by  the  tutors  over  their  pupils  caused 
friction  with  the  Provost  (Hawkins).  Ulti- 
mately the  tutors  resigned.  Wilberforce 
became  Vicar  of  East  Farleigh,  Kent,  1832  ; 
Vicar  of  Burton  Agnes,  Yorkshire,  1840;  and 
in  1841  Archdeacon  of  the  East  Riding. 
He  married  a  second  time  (his  first  wife  died 
1834)  in  1837.  He  early  threw  in  his  lot  with 
the  Oxford  Movement  {q.v.),  and  wrote  in 
the  Lyra  Apostolica  over  the  signature  e, 
though  not  in  the  Tracts  for  the  Times.  He 
was  one  of  the  deepest  theologians  of  his 


day,   and  his   Doctrine    of    the  Incarnation 
(1848),  Doctrine  of  Holy  Baalism  (1849),  and 
Doctrine  of  the  Holy  Eucharist    (1853)    are 
monuments  of  sound  learning.     About  1843 
he  became  the  close  friend  of  Archdeacon 
Manning    {q.v.),    who    confided    to    him    his 
difficulties  as  to  the  English  Church.     The 
Gorham  judgment  [Gorh.vm,  G.  C]  in  1851 
and  consequent  secession  of  Manning  caused 
him   grave   doubts,    but    he   was   reassured 
and    helped    by   Keble,    Puscy,    Gladstone, 
and  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce  {q.v.).      Doubts 
as  to  the  Royal  Supremacy  grew  upon  him, 
and    Manning    was    constantly   urging    the 
claims  of  Rome.     His  Principles  of  Church 
Authority   (1854)   was   a    sign   of    the   step 
he     contemplated,     and     he     resigned     his 
preferments,  proposing  to  live  in  lay  com- 
munion.    He  did  not  resign  until  he  was 
assured  that  he  would  not  be  prosecuted  for 
his  book  on  the  Holy  Eucharist,  as  he  was 
ready  to  stay  to  justify  the  holding  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Real  Presence  in  the  English 
Church.     He  entered  the  Roman  Church  in 
Paris,  1st  November  1854,  seeking  to  call  as 
little  attention  to  the  step  as  possible  for  the 
sake   of   his   brother  the  bishop  and  other 
Anglican  friends.     He  hesitated  to  enter  the 
Roman  priesthood  but,  urged  by  Manning, 
entered  the  Accademia  Ecclesiastica  at  Rome 
in  1855,  and  died  while  stiU  in  minor  orders. 
His  photograph  to  the  end  of  the  Cardinal'^s 
life  hung   close   to   the  altar  in  Newman's 
private  oratory  at  Edgbaston.     R.  I.  Wilber- 
force was,  in  the  judgment  of  Bishop  A.  T. 
Lyttelton,  '  the  greatest  philosophical  theo- 
logian of  the  Tractarians.'  [s.  L.  O.] 

Life  of  Bishop  S.  Wilberforce;  Furcell,  ii/e 
of  Cardinal  Manning  ;  Dr.  Overton,  D.^.B. 

WILBERFORCE,  Samuel  (1805-73),  Bishop, 
was  son  of  WilUam  Wilberforce  {q.v.),  who, 
like  most  of  the  Evangehcals  of  that  time, 
disapproved  of  Public  Schools,  and  Samuel 
was  educated  by  private  tutors;  but  he 
owed  less  to  them  than  to  his  affectionate 
intimacy  with  his  father.  Amid  all  the  press 
of  pohtical  and  philanthropic  work  the 
emancipator  found,  or  made,  time  to  write 
constantly  to  '  my  dear  lamb,'  as  he  caUed 
young  Samuel.  His  letters  display,  as  might 
be  expected  from  their  writer,  both  fervent 
piety  and  excellent  common-sense.  There 
is  no  note  of  Samuel's  confirmation,  but  he 
seems  to  have  made  his  first  Communion  at 
Easter,  1822.  In  addition  to  his  spiritual 
counsels,  Mr.  Wilberforce  took  great  pains  to 
cultivate  his  son's  faculty  of  pubUc  speech, 
'  causing  him  to  make  himself  well  ac- 
quainted  with    a    given  subject,  and   then 


(  633  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilberforce 


speak  on  it,  without  notes,  and  trusting  to 
the  inspiration  of  the  moment  for  suitable 
words.' 

Samuel  Wilberforce  went  up  to  Oriel 
CoUege,  Oxford,  in  1823.  He  immediately 
joined  the  '  United  Debating  Society,'  which 
had  just  been  founded,  and  which  soon 
afterwards  developed  into  '  The  Union.' 
From  the  first  he  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  debates,  arguing  on  the  Liberal  side.  He 
was  an  active  and  not  particularly  studious 
undergraduate,  much  addicted  to  hunting; 
yet  he  obtained  a  First  Class  in  Mathe- 
matics and  a  Second  in  Classics,  1826.  He 
had  thought  of  going  to  the  bar,  for  which 
his  pecuhar  talents  obviously  qualified  him. 
When  he  abandoned  this  idea  he  seems 
to  have  decided  to  seek  holy  orders,  for 
Hurrell  Froude  {q.v.)  wrote  to  him  in  March 
1827  :  '  From  what  j'ou  said  ...  I  thought 
you  seemed  more  reconciled  to  the  idea  of 
taking  orders  early  if  at  aU.'  The  cause  of 
these  uncertainties  was  probably  the  fact 
that  he  had  long  been  in  love  with  EmUy 
Sargent,  daughter  of  the  Vicar  of  Lavington, 
whom  in  1828  he  married.  In  after-years 
he  said :  '  When  I  saw  her  first,  she  was 
thirteen  and  I  was  fifteen,  and  we  never 
changed  our  minds.'  Through  this  alliance 
he  became  eventually  possessor  of  the 
Lavington  estate,  which  belonged  to  Mr. 
Sargent's  mother.  He  was  ordained  deacon 
by  Bishop  Lloyd  of  Oxford  in  Christ 
Church  Cathedral,  Advent,  1828,  and  was 
licensed  to  the  sole  charge  of  Checkendon, 
near  Henley-on-Thames.  He  was  ordained 
priest  in  1829,  and  in  June  1830  was  appointed 
to  the  rectory  of  Brightstone  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight.  As  illustrating  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  island  at  that  date  the  follow- 
ing extract  from  WUberforce's  diary,  describ- 
ing his  first  Tithe  Audit  Dinner,  is  worth 
preserving  : — '  18th  Jan.  1831.  A  good  Audit 
Dinner  ;  23  people  drank  1 1  bottles  of  wine, 
28  quarts  of  beer,  2\  of  spirits,  and  12  bowls 
of  punch  ;  and  would  have  drunk  twice  as 
much  if  not  restrained.  None,  we  hope, 
drunk.' 

Even  whUe  at  Checkendon  he  had  made  it 
clear  that  he  held  (as  his  father  is  said  to  have 
held)  the  doctrine  of  Baptismal  Regenera- 
tion ;  and  in  1833  he  preached,  at  Bishop 
Sumner's  Visitation,  a  sermon  which  boldly 
asserted  '  that  unbroken  succession  whereby 
those  who  ordained  us  arc  joined  unto 
Christ's  own  Apostles.'  In  1839  this  friend 
and  patron,  Charles  Richard  Sumner,  the 
last  Prince-Bishop  of  Winchester,  made  him 
Archdeacon  of  Surrey — a  preferment  which 
carried  with  it  a  canonry  of  Winchester  ;  and 


in  1840  gave  him  the  important  living  of 
Alverstoke.  In  1840  also  he  was  chosen  Bamp- 
ton  Lecturer  for  1841 ;  and  Prince  Albert, 
who  had  heard  him  speak  at  an  Anti- Slavery 
meeting  at  Exeter  Hall,  made  him  one  of 
his  chaplains.  In  1841  he  was  suddenly 
called  to  undergo  the  great  and  abiding 
sorrow  of  his  life.  His  -ndfe  died  on  the 
10th  of  March.  On  the  foUo\ving  day  he 
wrote  in  his  diary :  '  May  y«  utter  darkening 
of  my  life,  which  never  can  be  dispelled,  kill 
in  time  aU  my  ambitions,  desires,  and  earthly 
purposes,  my  love  of  money  and  power  and 
place,  and  make  me  bow  meekly  to  Christ's 
yoke.' 

This  heavy  blow  fell  on  Wilberforce  at  a 
critical  moment  of  his  life.  He  was  just 
rising  into  fame  as  an  indefatigable  parish 
priest,  as  a  popular  orator  on  religious 
platforms,  as  an  eloquent  preacher,  and  as  a 
favourite  at  court,  whither  his  duties  as 
chaplain  to  Prince  Albert  often  took  him. 
He  was  talked  of  as  tutor  to  the  infant  Prince 
of  Wales,  and  dreaded  the  prospect  of  being 
called  from  congenial  work  to  an  ofiBce  for 
which  he  felt  himself  unfitted.  But  this 
trial  was  averted,  for  in  March  1845  he  was 
appointed  by  Sir  Robert  Peel  to  the  deanery 
of  Westminster,  which  he  accepted  with 
misgiving.  He  was  installed  on  the  9th  of 
May,  retaining  the  benefice  of  Alverstoke, 
and  thereby  drawing  down  on  himself  from 
the  Morning  Post  the  reproach  of  avarice. 
On  the  14th  of  October  Sir  Robert  Peel 
ofEered  him  '  the  Bishoprick  of  Oxford.'  There 
was  no  nonsense  of  Nolo  Episcopari,  asking  for 
time  to  consider,  consulting  friends,  and  the 
like.  The  diary  simply  says  :  '  I  had  wished 
for  this,  and  now  that  it  comes,  it  seems  awful. 
Wrote  to  Sir  R.,  whose  letter  was  remarkably 
cordial,  and  accepted.'  He  was  consecrated 
on  the  30th  November,  and  enthroned  in  Christ 
Church  Cathedral  on  the  13th  December. 
So  began  the  most  memorable  episcopate 
of  modern  times.  From  1843  to  1873  the  life 
of  Bishop  Wilberforce  is  indeed  the  life  of 
the  English  Church,  and,  to  no  small  extent, 
the  life  also  of  the  English  State. 

WUberforce  had  been  born  and  brought 
up  an  Evangelical  of  the  older,  i.e.  the 
more  Churchman-hke,  school.  Through  his 
membership  of  Oriel  he  had  been  brought 
into  rather  close  relations  with  both  New- 
man iq.v.)  and  Pusey  {q.v.),  but  he  was  never 
an  adherent  of  the  Oxford  Movement  (q.v.). 
From  first  to  last  he  had  an  even  passionate 
hatred  of  Rome,  '  that  great  Cloaca  into 
which  all  abominations  naturally  run.' 
Burgon  (q.v.)  wrote  :  '  From  the  phraseology 
and  many  of  the  conventionalities  of  "  evan- 


(634) 


Wilberforce] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilberforce 


policalisiu,"  he  never,  to  the  last  hour  of  his 
life,  was  able  to  shake  himself  entirely  free,' 
and  probably  he  had  not  the  slightest  wish 
to  do  so. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  his  episcopate 
to  1852  Wilberforce  was  engaged  in  almost 
incessant  controversy  with  Puscy  on  such 
subjects  as  the  Intermediate  State,  vows  for 
sisters,  and  adaptations  of  Roman  Catholic 
manuals.  In  all  such  discussions  Pusey's 
theological  and  patristic  learning  gave  him 
an  immense  advantage,  while  the  bishop's 
common-sense  and  knowledge  of  the  world 
laid  bare  the  extreme  unwisdom  of  some  of 
Pusey's  actions. 

IMeanwhile  the  bishop,  who,  though  not 
a  particularly  strong  man,  had  untiring 
acti\nty  of  mind  and  body,  pervaded  every 
corner  of  his  large  and  somnolent  diocese. 
Everywhere  he  laboured  to  quicken  the  zeal 
of  the  clergy,  to  develop  all  the  resources 
of  the  Church,  to  bring  men  of  discordant 
views  into  harmony,  and  to  raise  the 
spiritual  tone  of  the  whole  diocese.  The 
modern  conception  of  a  bishop  as  a  man  who 
should  be  incessantly  moving  about,  seeing 
with  his  own  eyes  and  hearing  with  his  own 
ears,  grew  out  of  the  example  of  Bishop 
Wilberforce.  The  solemnity  and  pathetic 
earnestness  of  his  addresses  at  confirmations 
produced  a  deep  effect,  and,  together  with 
his  impressive  manner  in  conferring  holy 
orders,  set  a  new  standard  for  the  public 
ministrations  of  the  episcopate.  He  did 
much  to  promote  Communities  for  women 
at  Clewer  and  at  Wantage  [Religious 
Ordeks,  Modeen];  and,  with  a  view  to 
providing  more  adequate  training  for  the 
clergy,  he  established,  close  to  the  palace 
at  Cuddesdon,  the  theological  college  which 
afterwards  became  famous.  [Theological 
Colleges.] 

1847  was  a  decisive  year  in  Wilberforce' s 
life.  The  nomination  of  Dr.  Hampden  {q.v.) 
to  the  see  of  Hereford  excited  lively  and  wide- 
spread indignation.  Thirteen  of  the  bishops, 
including  W^ilberforce,  addressed  a  formal 
remonstrance  to  the  Prime  Minister,  and  were 
well  snubbed  for  their  pains,  and  there  the 
matter  might  have  been  left.  Unfortunately 
some  well-meaning  busybodies  resolved  to 
impede  Hampden's  elevation  to  the  bench 
by  commencing  a  suit  against  him,  in  the 
Court  of  Arches,  on  a  charge  of  false  doctrine. 
As  a  professor  in  the  University  Hampden 
was  exempt  from  episcopal  control,  but 
as  Rector  of  Ewelme  he  was  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Oxford.  When 
approached  by  the  clergy  who  were  promoting 
the  suit,  Wilberforce  declined  to  institute  the 


proceedings,  but  did  not  discourage  them. 
The  promoters  then  asked  him  to  sign 
'  Letters  of  Request '  to  the  Court  of  Arches, 
which  he  did,  giving  thereby  his  sanction  to 
the  commencement  of  the  suit.  He  had  been 
advised  that,  if  he  did  not  grant  the  '  Letters 
of  Request,'  a  mandamus  compelling  him  to 
sign  would  most  certainly  have  been  granted. 
In  fact,  he  was  advised  that  in  signing  the 
'  Letters  of  Request '  he  was  merely  acting 
ministerially,  and  that  he  had  no  option  but 
to  sign.  But,  later  on,  he  was  advised  that 
he  had  the  power  and  duty  of  examining  into 
the  charges  contained  in  the  letters,  so  as  to 
assure  himself  that  a  prima  facie  case  was 
made  out  to  his  satisfaction;  or,  in  other  words, 
that  he  could  and  should  act  judicially. 
Thereupon  he  set  himself  to  do  what 
he  obviously  had  better  have  done  before, 
and  applied  himself,  '  with  all  the  study 
he  was  master  of,'  to  Hampden's  incriminated 
writings,  with  the  result  that  he  satisfied 
himself  of  Hampden's  essential  soundness, 
and  on  the  24th  of  December  he  withdrew 
the  '  Letters  of  Request '  which  he  had 
signed  on  the  16th,  thereby  bringing  the 
suit  to  an  abrupt  close.  This  lame  and 
impotent  conclusion  pleased  no  one.  Hamp- 
den declined  further  communications  with 
the  bishop  except  through  his  solicitor. 
Every  one.  High  and  Low  alike,  who  had 
wished  to  bring  Hampden  to  trial  was  furious 
with  Wilberforce  for  stopping  the  proceedings, 
and  the  Bishop  of  Exeter  (Phillpotts)  wrote 
him  such  a  rebuke  as  prelates  seldom  receive. 
At  the  same  time  the  court  and  the  Govern- 
ment, naturally  incensed  by  Wilberforce' s 
attempt  to  interfere  with  the  appointment, 
were  not  the  least  placated  by  his  sudden 
submission.  As  Lord  High  Almoner  and 
as  Chancellor  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter  he 
was  still  brought  into  official  relations  with 
the  Queen  and  the  Prince  Consort,  but  he 
was  no  longer  the  famihar  friend  and  spiritual 
adviser.  In  1880  Dr.  Liddon  {q.v.)  wrote: 
'  The  Hampden  affair,  by  making  him  un- 
popular at  court,  was  probably  the  greatest 
blessing  of  his  life.  ...  He  was  in  a  fair  way 
to  be  spiritually  ruined  outright,  and  was 
saved  by  the  consequences  of  the  Hampden 
matter.  It  cut  him  off  from  the  court,  and 
from  ambitious  \-isions  which  had  over- 
clouded his  soul ;  and  it  sent  him  back  to 
his  conscience  and  his  diocese.' 

In  1849  Wilberforce,  reviewing  the  events 
of  the  year,  numbers  among  them  '  Evident 
withdrawal  of  Royal  favour.'  As  years  went 
on  this  '  favour '  was  further  withdrawn, 
and  one  reason,  at  least,  for  the  withdrawal 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  present  writer. 


(  635  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilberforce 


In  the  days  of  his  intimacy  at  court  Wilber- 
force was  always  virging  the  fitness  of  H.  E. 
Manning  (who  had  married  his  sister-in-law, 
Caroline  Sargent)  for  a  bishopric.  In  1851, 
when  Manning  seceded  to  Rome,  Prince  Albert 
said  to  Wilberforce  :  '  You  see  we  were  right 
in  not  attending  to  your  advice  about 
Manning.  It  would  have  been  a  great 
scandal  if  an  EngUsh  bishop  had  gone  over 
to  Rome.'  '  But,  sir,'  said  Wilberforce,  '  if 
Manning  had  been  made  a  bishop  he  never 
would  have  gone.'  There  was  a  certain 
savour  of  worldliness  and  calculation  in 
this  remark  which  tended  to  shake  the  royal 
confidence,  just  as  the  affair  of  Hampden 
had  roused  the  royal  ire. 

'  Sent  back,'  as  Liddon  said,  '  to  his  con- 
science and  his  diocese,'  Wilberforce  worked 
with  an  incredible  vigour.  He  was  the  first 
to  introduce  Parochial  '  Missions '  in  his 
diocese,  and  the  first  Bishop  of  Oxford  to 
make  special  attempts  to  reach  the  under- 
graduates. He  did  more  than  any  other 
prelate  to  restore  Convocation  {q.v.).  In  the 
House  of  Lords  he  was  a  constant  and 
effective  debater  whenever  any  measure 
affecting  the  Church  came  up.  He  played  a 
brilhant  part  on  the  platform  and  in  society, 
and  as  years  went  on  he  contrived  to  acquire 
a  kind  of  primacy  among  Enghsh  bishops. 
His  reputation  for  humour  was  exagger- 
ated, and  he  was  the  centre  of  countless 
anecdotes,  mostly  false ;  but  his  powers 
of  unpremeditated  speech  could  scarcely  be 
exaggerated.  Gladstone  (q.v.)  said  he  was 
one  of  the  three  men  whom  he  had  ever 
known  who  had  the  greatest  faculty  of  public 
speaking.  His  theology  developed,  though 
very  slightly,  in  the  Catholic  direction, 
though  now  and  then  he  courted  popularity 
by  rebuking  the  despised  ritualists.  None 
of  the  '  Three  Schools '  trusted  him  very 
completely;  but  there  was  a  fourth  school, 
formed  chiefly  of  those  who  feU  under  his 
personal  influence,  and  this  school  adored 
him.  The  RadicaUsm  of  his  early  youth  had 
made  way  for  Toryism,  and  Toryism  again 
for  a  kind  of  Liberal  Conservatism,  in  which 
he  was  a  close  follower  of  Gladstone.  Un- 
fortunately for  his  chances  of  promotion, 
he  had  offended  equally  the  court,  Lord  Pal- 
merston,  and  DisraeU.  Accordingly  he  was 
passed  over  for  the  sees  of  Canterbury, 
York,  London,  and  Durham.  Had  Gladstone 
become  Prime  Minister  six  weeks  sooner  than 
he  did  he  would  inevitably  have  sent 
Wilberforce  to  Canterbury ;  laut  Tait  was 
appointed  by  Disraeli  on  the  12th  of  Novem- 
ber 1868,  and  Gladstone  did  not  kiss  hands 
till  the  3rd  of  December.     The  first  act  of 


Gladstone's  ministry  was  to  disestablish  and 
disendow  the  Irish  Church.  Archbishops 
Tait  and  Thomson  and  Bishop  Wilberforce 
abstained  from  voting  on  the  Second  Read- 
ing, and  in  the  following  September  Glad- 
stone translated  Wilberforce  to  the  see  of 
Winchester,  amid  disagreeable  innuendoes 
from  those  who  had  reckoned  the  Bishop 
of  Oxford  as  a  staunch  supporter  of  the 
Irish  estabhshment.  After  a  brief  but 
energetic  occupancy  of  his  new  diocese, 
Wilberforce  was  killed  by  a  fall  from  his 
horse  on  the  19th  of  July  1873.  He  was 
buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife  in  Lavington 
Churchyard.  The  sincerity  of  his  personal 
devotion  is  unquestionable,  and  he  was,  as 
Burgon  caUed  him,  the  Remodeller  of  the 
Episcopate.  [Q.  w.  E.  E.] 

Lives  by  Ashwell  and  R.  G.  Wilberforce 
(3  vols.) ;  by  R.  G.  Wilberforce  (1905) ;  J.  W. 
Burgon  ;  and  oral  tradition. 

WILBERFORCE,  William,  politician  and 
philantliropist  (1759-1833).  The  Wilberforces 
spring  from  a  place  called  Wilberforce,  or 
Wilberfoss,  in  the  East  Riding.  In  the 
eighteenth  century  they  were  estabUshed  in 
business  at  HuU,  and  there  WUham  Wilber- 
force, famous  as  the  emancipator,  was  born. 
Having  inherited  ample  wealth,  he  parted 
with  his  father's  business  as  soon  as  he  was 
twenty-one,  and  made  his  choice  for  politics. 
As  an  undergraduate  at  Cambridge  he  had 
been  renowned  for  the  beauty  of  his  singing 
voice,  and  the  same  organ  stood  him  in  good 
stead  when  he  abandoned  singing  for  speech- 
making.  In  1780  he  was  elected  M.P.  for 
Hull ;  and,  though  his  body  was  so  small  and 
frail  that  '  he  looked  as  if  a  breath  could 
blow  him  away,'  he  was  at  once  recognised  as 
a  power  in  poUtics.  His  melodious  tones,  his 
grace  of  gesture,  and  his  expressive  play  of 
features  made  him  a  most  attractive  speaker, 
whether  on  the  hustings  or  in  the  House ;  and 
these  qualifications,  added  to  the  fact  that  he 
was  the  intimate  friend  of  Pitt,  seemed  to 
mark  him  out  for  a  great  political  career. 
In  1784  he  was  returned  for  Yorkshire  as  a 
staunch  supporter  of  his  friend  the  Prime 
Minister,  and  his  political  advancement 
seemed  more  than  ever  a  certainty ;  but 
there  was  a  change  at  hand  which  altered 
his  whole  career.  Let  it  be  told  in  his 
own  words.  Down  to  this  time  his  life  had 
been  '  not  licentious,  but  gay,'  and  yet  some- 
thing was  amiss.  '  Often  while  in  the  full 
enjoyment  of  all  that  the  world  could  bestow, 
my  conscience  told  me  that  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word  I  was  not  a  Christian.  I  laughed, 
I  sang,  I  was  apparently  gay  and  happy,  but 


(  636  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilberforce 


the  thought  would  steal  across  me :  "  What 
madness  is  all  this,  to  contimio  easy  in  a 
state  in  which  a  sudden  call  out  of  the  world 
would  consign  me  to  everlasting  misery,  and 
that  when  eternal  happiness  was  within  my 
grasp  !  "  '  In  brief,  he  underwent  an  old- 
fashioned  conversion  ;  and,  as  a  result  of  it, 
he  '  devoted  himself,  for  whatever  might  be 
the  term  of  his  future  life,  to  the  service  of 
his  God  and  Saviour.' 

His     conversion    showed     itself    in    very 
practical  forms.     He  gave  up  card-playing, 
of  which  he  had  been  very  fond.     He  took 
to  early  rising,  and  did  his  best  to  fast,  but 
found  it  difficult  on  account  of  his  physical 
frailty.      He    stripped    himself    of    luxuries, 
spent  a  great  deal  of  his  time  in  prayer  and 
in  the  study  of  his  Bible,  and  was  a  regular 
and  most  devout  communicant.     For  a  brief 
space    he    thought    of    abandoning    politics 
and  seeking  holy  orders,  but  was  dissuaded 
from  that  course  by  the  famous  EvangeUcal, 
John  Newton,  who  insisted  that  ParUament 
was  the  appointed  sphere  of  action  for  a 
man  so  conspicuously  endowed  with  Parlia- 
mentary gifts  and  opportunities.     He  there- 
fore returned  to  his  work  in  the  House  of 
Commons    with    greater    zeal    and    a    more 
determined  purpose  than  before ;   and,  fore- 
seeing the  offers  which  his  intimacy  with  Pitt 
made  almost  inevitable,  he  resolved  within 
himself  never  to  accept  either  office  or  a 
peerage.     Henceforward   his   life   was   dedi- 
cated to  the  unrewarded  service  of  humanity. 
In   1797   he   pubUshed   a  book   which  at 
once  became  famous,  A   Practical  View  of 
the    Prevailing    Religious    System    of    Pro- 
fessed Christians  in   the  Higher  and  Middle 
Classes  in  the  Country,  contrasted  with  real 
Christianity.     It  is  a  grave  and  tender  appeal 
to  consciences  deadened  by  conventionality. 
It  reminds  them  of  the  great  realities  of  life 
and  death,  sin  and  repentance ;    it  insists 
that  '  faith,  when  genuine,  always  supposes 
repentance  and  abhorrence  of  sin '  ;   and  it 
calls    on    them    '  gratefuUy    to    adore    that 
undeserved   goodness   which   has   awakened 
them  from  the  sleep  of  death,  and  to  prostrate 
themselves  before  the  Cross  of  Christ  with 
humble  penitence  and  deep  self -abhorrence.' 
The  book  from  first  to  last  is  eloquent  of 
personal  experience.     It  won  the  warm  ad- 
miration of  Edmund  Burke ;  it  ran  through 
fifty  editions,  and  it  established  its  writer 
as   the    lay-leader   of    EvangeUcal    religion. 
Wilberforce  was  Evangelical  in  the  best  and 
highest   sense.     He   was   no    Calvinist,    but 
proclaimed  Universal  Redemption.     He  ap- 
pealed throughout  to  '  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and,  with  them,  the  Church  of  England.' 


He  believed  in  Baptismal  Regeneration,  and 
loved  a  cheerful  Sunday.  He  worked  for 
all  the  causes  which  were  then  most  un- 
fashionable— Christian  Missions,  the  circu- 
lation of  the  Bible,  the  suppression  of  vice, 
the  mitigation  of  the  criminal  code,  and 
popular  education  ;  above  all — and  on  this 
achievement  his  fame  eternally  rests — for  the 
Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade. 

The  horrors  of  the  '  Middle  Passage '  had 
already  been  brought  before  public  notice  by 
Granville  Sharp ;  and  in  1787  a  group  of 
men  whose  hearts  were  touched  by  divine 
indignation  formed  the  first  Committee  for 
the  Suppression  of  the  Slave  Trade.  Wilber- 
force became  the  Parliamentary  leader  of 
the  movement,  and  in  1788  he  induced  Pitt 
to  espouse  the  cause — a  notable  triumph  of 
persuasive  power.  In  1789  Pitt  moved  his 
Resolution  in  favour  of  Abolition ;  but  the 
moment  was  not  propitious  for  humanitarian 
reform.  France  was  in  the  throes  of  re- 
volution ;  men's  minds  were  fixed  on  the 
dangers  which  impended  over  England  ;  and 
all  the  energy  of  the  Prime  Minister's  majestic 
mind  was  absorbed  in  the  task  of  safeguard- 
ing the  kingdom  against  foreign  and  domestic 
foes.  At  such  times  of  crisis  moral  causes 
fare  badly,  but  Wilberforce  and  his  friends 
were  men  not  easily  daunted.  In  1792,  in 
1796,  and  again  in  1804  they  carried  a  Bill 
for  Abolition  through  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  in  each  year  it  was  defeated  in  the  Lords. 
But  no  disappointments  and  no  delays  could 
damp  the  ardour  or  slacken  the  efiorts  of 
the  aboUtionists.  Throughout  all  those  dark 
years  Wilberforce's  motto  was :  '  This  one 
thing  I  do.'  He  worked  for  the  cause  nine 
hours  a  day,  scarcely  stopping  for  his  meals. 
Sometimes  he  was  writing  all  night.  He 
roused  a  spirit  of  intercessory  prayer  for 
his  object  among  all  his  EvangeUcal  con- 
nection, and  at  the  same  time  conducted  a 
pubUc  agitation  up  and  down  the  country. 
Almost  the  last  written  words  of  the  great 
John  Wesley  {q.v.)  were  addressed  to  him. 

'  My  dear  Sib, — Unless  the  Divine  Power 
has  raised  you  up  to  be  an  Athanasius 
co7itra  mundum,  I  see  not  how  you  can  go 
through  your  glorious  enterprise,  in  opposing 
that  execrable  viUainy  which  is  the  scandal 
of  religion,  of  England,  and  of  human  nature. 
Unless  God  has  raised  you  up  for  this  very 
thing,  you  will  be  worn  out  by  the  opposition 
of  men  and  devils ;  but,  if  God  be  for  you, 
who  can  be  against  you  ?  Oh,  be  not  weary 
of  well-doing.  Go  on,  in  the  name  of  God 
and  in  the  power  of  His  might,  till  even 
American  slavery,  the  vilest  that  ever  saw 


(  637  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[WUfrid 


the  sun,  shall  vanish  away  before  you.  That 
He,  who  has  guided  you  from  your  youth  up, 
may  continue  to  strengthen  you  in  this  and 
all  things,  i3  the  prayer  of,  dear  sir,  your 
affectionate  servant,  John  Wesley.' 

These  words  were  written  in  1791,  but  six- 
teen years  of  arduous  fighting  and  diligent 
labour  and  uncomplaining  endurance  had 
to  pass  before  the  consummation  of  Wesley's 
hopes.  The  Act  aboHshing  the  Slave  Trade 
passed  into  law  in  1807,  and  '  the  whole 
House  of  Commons  rose  to  cheer  the  Member 
for  Yorkshire,  by  whose  devoted  toU  this 
great  triumph  of  mercy  had  been  achieved.' 

Pitt  said  that  of  all  the  men  he  knew 
Wilberforce  had  the  greatest  power  of  natural 
eloquence.  Burke  said  the  same,  though 
he  had  only  known  him  in  the  early  stages 
of  his  career.  Lord  Brougham  testified  to 
'  the  inspiration  which  deep  feehng  alone 
can  breathe  into  spoken  thought.'  In  Wilber- 
force the  gift  of  persuasion  was  blended  with 
a  turn  for  sarcasm,  which,  as  a  rule,  was 
sedulously  controlled;  but  those  who  heard 
it  long  remembered  his  reply  to  a  scoflSng 
opponent  who  had  taunted  him  with  a 
facetiousness  not  in  keeping  with  his  reUgious 
profession.  '  I  submit  that  a  reUgious  man 
may  sometimes  be  facetious ;  and  I  would 
remind  the  Hon.  Member  that  the  irreligious 
do  not  necessarily  escape  being  dull.'  To 
these  gifts  he  added  another  not  less  valuable 
to  a  ParUamentarian.  '  If  there  is  any  one,' 
said  Canning,  '  who  thoroughly  understands 
the  tactics  of  debate,  and  knows  exactly 
what  will  carry  the  House  along  with  him, 
it  is  certainly  my  Hon.  friend.'  His  high 
character  and  absolute  freedom  from  self- 
seeking  gave  his  words  a  moral  weight 
more  impressive  than  even  eloquence ;  and, 
in  his  later  years,  Sydney  Smith  [q.v.)  de- 
clared roundly  that  he  '  could  do  anything 
he  liked  with  the  House.'  Such  as  he  was 
in  pubUc  life,  such  also  he  was  in  private. 
Madame  de  Stael,  after  making  his  acquaint- 
ance, said  that  she  had  always  heard  that 
Mr.  Wilberforce  was  the  '  most  religious  man 
in  England,'  but  she  had  never  before  known 
that  he  was  also  the  most  agreeable.  '  No 
one,'  said  another  admirer,  '  touched  life  at 
so  many  points.'  '  He  always,'  said  a  third, 
'  had  the  charm  of  youth.'  When  once  the 
Slave  Trade  was  abolished,  the  friends  of 
humanity  determined  to  abolish  Slavery 
itself.  After  moving  in  1824  for  total 
abolition,  Wilberforce  said :  '  I  have  delivered 
my  soul.'  Age  and  infirmity  were  increasing 
on  him,  and  he  retired  from  Parliament, 
leaving  what  remained  of  the  fight  to  younger 


and  stronger  men.  At  a  pubUc  meeting  of 
his  supporters  in  1830  he  said :  '  The  object 
is  bright  before  us ;  the  light  of  heaven 
beams  on  it,  and  is  an  earnest  of  success.' 
The  anticipation  was  justified.  In  the 
session  of  1833  the  first  Reformed  ParUa- 
ment  passed  the  Act  wliich  aboHshed  Slavery, 
and  '  the  Father  of  the  movement  Uved  just 
long  enough  to  bless  God  that  the  object  of 
his  life  had  been  attained.'  He  died  on  the 
29th  of  July  1833,  and  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament  followed  his  body  to  its  resting- 
place  in  the  Abbey.  [g.  w.  e.  r.] 

WILFRID  (634-709),  Bishop  of  York,  son 
of  a  Northumbrian  thegn,  had  an  unkind 
stepmother,  and  when  about  fourteen  left 
his  home  and  went  to  Oswy's  [q.v.)  court, 
where  Queen  Eanflaed  befriended  him.  He 
studied  at  Lindisfarne,  without  receiving 
the  tonsure,  and  in  653  set  out  for  Rome 
in  company  with  Benedict  Biscop  [q.v.). 
There  he  studied  the  Gospels  and  the  rules 
of  the  CathoUc  Church.  Returning,  he 
stayed  three  years  at  Lyons  with  the  arch- 
bishop, who  gave  him  the  Roman  tonsure.  In 
658  ( ? )  the  archbishop  was  slain,  and  Wilfrid 
well-nigh  shared  his  fate.  He  returned  to 
Northumbria  convinced  of  the  excellence  of 
the  Roman  usages.  Alchfrid,  the  under- 
king  of  Deira,  was  of  like  mind  ;  he  gave  him 
land  for  a  monastery  at  Stamford,  and  later, 
having  expelled  the  Scotic  monks  from  Ripon, 
made  him  abbot  there.  He  was  ordained 
priest  by  AgQbert,  the  dispossessed  Bishop  of 
Dorchester,  probably  early  in  664,  and  at 
that  time  was  prominent  in  the  Roman  party 
in  Northumbria.  Oswy  in  664  held  a  con- 
ference at  Whitby  on  the  questions  in  dis- 
pute between  the  Roman  and  Scotic  parties, 
at  which  Wilfrid,  on  behalf  of  Agilbert,  up- 
held the  Roman  calculation  of  Easter  against 
the  Scotic  Bishop  Colman.  Oswy  decided 
in  favour  of  the  Roman  usage,  and  Colman 
and  those  of  his  party  who  refused  to  accept 
his  decision  left  Northumbria.  Wilfrid  was 
chosen  Bishop  of  the  Northumbrians,  with 
his  see  at  York,  and  as  he  held  bishops 
ordained  by  the  Scots  to  be  uncanonical,  he 
received  consecration  from  Gauhsh  bishops 
at  Compifegne,  He  lingered  in  Gaul,  and 
Oswy  in  666  gave  his  bishopric  to  Chad  {q.v.). 
On  his  way  home  his  ship  was  stranded  on 
the  Sussex  coast,  and  he  incurred  some  danger 
from  the  heathen  people.  Finding  his  see 
filled  he  retired  to  Ripon,  and  did  work  as  a 
bishop  both  in  Mercia  and  Kent.  When 
Chad  [q.v.)  vacated  York  in  669  he  regained 
his  bishopric.  He  restored  his  cathedral 
church  and  built  noble  churches  at  Ripon 


(  638) 


Wilfrid] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


William 


and  Hexham,  worked  diligently,  was  widely 
popular,  and  though  wealthy  and  magnificent 
was  personally  abstemious. 

In    678    Archbishop    Theodore    {q.v.),    in 
pursuance    of    his    system    of    subdividing 
dioceses,  and  in  conjunction  with  Egfrid,  the 
Northumbrian  King,  divided  Wilfrid's  vast 
diocese  without  his  consent,  leaving  him  only 
the  greater  part  of  Deira.     He  could  obtain 
no  redress,  for  Egfrid  was  his  enemy,  and  he 
therefore  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and  set  out 
for    Rome.     Theodore    consecrated    bishops 
for  Bernicia,  Lindsey,  and  the  whole  of  Deira, 
and  thus  deprived  Wilfrid  of  York.     On  his 
way  to  Rome  Wilfrid  preached  the  Gospel 
in  Frisia  and  baptized  many.     His  journey 
was  dangerous,  for  Egfrid  sought  to  have 
him  slain,  or  delivered  up  to  him,  in  Gaul,  in 
Frisia,  and  in  Lombardy.     At  Rome  Pope 
Agatho  and  his  council  decreed  in  679  that 
the  whole  of  his  former  bishopric  should  be 
restored  to  him.     On  liis  return  Egfrid  put 
him    in    prison,    and    finally    confined    him 
straitly  at  Dunbar,  until  in  681  the  King's 
aunt,    Ebbe,    procured   his   release.     Egfrid 
caused  other  Christian  kings  to  refuse  him 
refuge,  and  he  went  to  the  heathen  South 
Saxons  and  evangelised  them,   founding   a 
monastery  at  Selsey,  which  became  the  seat 
of  the  South  Saxon  bishopric.    [Chichester. 
See  of.]    Thence  he  sent  a  mission,  which 
converted  the  Isle  of  Wight.     After  the  death 
of  Egfrid,  Theodore  was  reconciled  to  him, 
and  in  686-7   he  was  restored,  though  only 
to  York,  Hexham,  and  the  abbacy  of  Ripon. 
In   691    Aldfrith,   Egfrid's   successor,    de- 
manded his  assent  to  Theodore's  partition  of 
his  original  diocese,  and  contemplated  taking 
Ripon  from  him.     He  resisted,  was  banished, 
and  took  refuge  in  Mercia,   where   he  ad- 
ministered   the    diocese    of    Leicester.     He 
appeared    before    a    council    of    the    whole 
Church  at  Estrefeld,   probably   Austerfield, 
in  702,  could  get  no  redress,  was  excommuni- 
cated,   and    appealed    to    the    Pope.     He 
journeyed  to  Rome  on  foot,  though  nearly 
seventy,  visiting  WiUibrord  {q.v.)  on  his  way, 
and  in  704  John  vi.  urged  the  King  and 
Archbishop  Bertwald  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment with  him ;    Enghsh  resistance   made 
John  take  a  less  peremptory  course  than 
Agatho.     After  Aldfrith's  death  a  reconcilia- 
tion was  efiected  at  a  council  of  the  Nor- 
thumbrian Church  held  on  the  Nidd  in  705, 
and  Wilfrid  was  adjudged  the  bishopric  of 
Hexham  and  the  monastery  of  Ripon.     He 
was  ill  in  708;    he  died  at  Oundle  on  3rd 
October  709,  and  was  buried  at  Ripon.     He 
was  a  man  of  holy  life  and  signal  ability,  and 
was   full  of   missionary   zeal;    if   he  loved 


power  and  wealth  he  used  them  for  the  good 
of  the  Church.  [w.  h.] 

Bede ;    Life   by  Eddius,    one  of   Wilfrid's 

clergy,   in   Historians  of    York,  R.S.,   which 

Bede  evidently  used,  but  as  to  its  value  see 
E.H.R.,  vi.  535. 

WILKINS,  David  (1685-1745),  scholar,  was 
born  of  German  parents,  whose  name  of 
Wilke  he  anglicised  as  Wilkins.  After 
studying  in  many  countries  he  was  ordained 
in  the  English  Church,  and  was  appointed  by 
Archbishop  Wake  {q.v.)  librarian  at  Lambeth. 
He  also  received  various  minor  preferments. 
He  was  an  orientalist  and  antiquary  of  great 
learning.  His  best  known  work  is  the  Concilia 
Magnae  Britanniae,  a  collection  of  documents 
bearing  on  the  constitutional  history  of  the 
Enghsh  Church  from  the  earliest  times  to 
1717.  It  was  based  on  the  earHer  and  much 
smaller  work  of  Spelman  {q.v.).  Published  in 
1737,  this  'magnificent  monument  of  learning 
and  industry '  still  remains  a  standard  work 
of  reference.  [Q.  c] 

Nichols,  Literary  Anecdotes  and  Illustrations. 

WILLIAM,  St.,  of  Norwich  (1132-44). 
Apart  from  a  few  meagre  notices  in  chronicles 
(one  in  the  A.-S.  Chronicle  being  the  earliest 
in  date),  our  source  of  information  about 
this  St.  WiUiam  is  confined  to  his  Life  and 
Miracles,  in  seven  books,  written  before  1175 
by  Thomas  of  Monmouth,  a  monk  of  Norwich 
Cathedral  Priory.  It  is  preserved  in  a  single 
manuscript  coeval  with  the  author,  now  in 
the  University  Library,  Cambridge. 

It  has  a  special  importance  as  being  the 
starting  point  of  the  long  and  disastrous  series 
of  legends  of  'ritual  murders'  of  Christian 
childi'en  by  Jews. 

St.  William  was  the  child  of  Wenstan,  a 
Norfolk  farmer,  and  Elviva.  The  usual 
premonitory  vision  of  his  future  greatness 
and  the  usual  marks  of  early  sanctity  are  re- 
lated. In  1140  or  1141  he  was  apprenticed  to 
a  skinner,  and  went  to  live  in  Norwich.  Here 
he  attracted  the  notice  of  the  Jews.  On  the 
Monday  before  Easter  of  1144  (20th  March) 
a  man  who  professed  to  be  the  cook  of  the 
Archdeacon  of  Norwich  appeared  at  his 
mother's  door,  and  asked  to  be  allowed 
William's  services  as  kitchen-helper.  Per- 
mission was  extorted  from  the  reluctant 
mother  by  the  help  of  three  shillings.  WiUiam 
went  off  with  the  man,  was  traced  to  a  Jew's 
house,  and  never  seen  again  alive.  Thomas 
proceeds  to  relate  what  was  done  to  him, 
but  it  rests  upon  the  most  shadowy  evidence. 
The  boy  was  kindly  treated  by  the  Jews  until 
I   after  the  synagogue  service  on  the  Wednesday 


(  639  ) 


William] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Williams 


(22nd  March).  Then  they  gagged  and  bound 
him,  tormented  him  with  thorn  pricks,  bound 
and  nailed  him  by  way  of  crucifixion  to 
timbers  in  the  house,  and  finally  pierced  his 
side,  and  poured  boiUng  water  over  the  body 
to  stanch  the  bleeding.  Maundy  Thursday 
was  spent  in  dehberating  how  to  dispose  of 
the  body,  and  on  Good  Friday  it  was  carried 
to  Thorpe  Wood. 

The  body  was  discovered — owing  to  a 
miraculous  light  which  shone  over  Thorpe 
WTooij — on  Easter  Eve,  and  was  buried  where 
it  was  found.  Then  came  a  delay  of  some 
weeks,  until  the  synod  of  the  clergy  of  the 
district  met.  There  Godwin  Sturt,  the  boy's 
uncle,  made  a  formal  accusation  of  the  Jews. 
Popular  feeling  was  excited  against  them, 
and  they  took  refuge  in  the  castle  precincts, 
under  the  protection  of  the  sheriff.  On 
24th  April  the  body  was  translated  to  the 
monks'  cemetery,  adjoining  the  cathedral. 
Miracles  began  to  take  place,  and  WilUam's 
career  as  a  saint  was  inaugurated  There 
was,  however,  a  strong  party,  even  within  the 
monastery,  which  refused  to  acknowledge  his 
claims.  At  first  it  seems  to  have  been  headed 
by  the  prior,  EUas  (d.  1150).  As  time  went 
on  resistance  died  away.  St.  WiUiam  was 
successively  translated  to  the  chapter-house 
(1150),  to  a  place  near  the  high  altar  (1151), 
and  to  the  chapel  of  the  martyrs  (1154). 
At  the  period  of  the  Dissolution  he  had  a 
chapel  under  the  choir-screen. 

A  considerable  portion  of  Thomas's 
narrative  deals  with  the  disturbances  to 
which  the  supposed  martyrdom  of  William 
gave  rise. 

He  dwells  at  great  length  also  upon  the 
evidence  of  the  martyrdom.  This,  as  has 
been  said,  is  of  the  weakest  kind.  The  one 
fact  which  is  probably  to  be  reUed  upon  is 
that  the  boy  Wilham's  body  was  found  in 
Thorpe  Wood,  and  that  he  had  been  murdered. 
But  one  of  Thomas's  '  arguments '  is  of  ex- 
treme interest  and  importance  in  its  bearing 
on  the  beUef  in  Jewish  '  ritual  murders.'  He 
was  informed  by  a  Cambridge  Jew,  Theobald, 
who  subsequently  became  a  monk  in  Norwich 
Priory,  that  it  was  written  that  the  Jews 
could  never  obtain  their  freedom  or  return  to 
their  fatherland  without  the  shedding  of 
human  blood.  The  chiefs  of  the  Spanish 
Jews  therefore  assembled  annually  at  Nar- 
bonne,  and  cast  lots  to  determine  what  country 
should  furnish  the  victim  for  the  year.  Lots 
were  cast  again  in  the  capital  town  of  the 
selected  country,  and  the  city  thus  chosen 
had  to  provide  the  sacrifice. 

The  church  historian  Socrates  (vii.  16)  is 
the  first  to  record  anything  resembling  the 


mediaeval  legends  of  child  murder.  His 
instance  took  place  at  Inmestar  in  Syria 
about  A.D.  415,  and  was  apparently  an 
accidental  occurrence.  The  next  instance  is 
that  of  St.  WilUam,  which  is  speedily  followed 
by  others  from  Gloucester  (1160?),  Orleans 
and  Blois  (1171),  Pontoise  (1179),  Bury  St. 
Edmunds  (1181),  Huntingdon  (1181),  Win- 
chester (1192).  Of  the  many  subsequent 
cases  the  most  famous  in  England  was  that 
of  little  St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  Among  the  Continental  child 
martyrs  St.  Werner  of  Bacharach,  St.  Simon 
of  Trent,  and  St.  Andrew  of  Rinn  in  the  Tyrol 
may  be  named.  The  belief  in  ritual  murders 
is  by  no  means  extinct  at  the  present  day  in 
Eastern  Europe.  In  the  very  large  majority 
of  cases  the  accusation  has  been  made  with  the 
object  of  stirring  up  the  '  Judenhetze,'  or  of 
gratifying  private  grudges.  No  practice  even 
distantly  countenancing  the  beUef  has  ever 
been  sanctioned  by  the  Jews.  There  may  be 
a  small  residue  of  cases  in  which  superstition 
or  insanity  has  actually  prompted  the  murder 
of  a  Christian  chUd  by  a  Jew  ;  but  we  know 
of  none  for  which  good  evidence  can  be 
produced.  [m.  r.  j.] 

M.  R.  James  and  A.  Jessopp,  St.  William  of 
Sortuich. 

WILLIAMS,  Isaac  (1802-65),  divine  and 
poet,  was  educated  at  Harrow  and  Trinity 
College,  Oxford.  He  came  up  a  finished 
Latin  scholar  and  first-rate  cricketer,  with  no 
care  for  rehgion.  1822  he  became  Scholar, 
and  1823  won  the  Latin  verse  prize,  and  came 
to  know  J.  Keble  {q.v.),  with  whom  he  went 
to  read  at  his  curacy  at  Southrop,  near 
Fairford,  and  to  Keble  he  felt  he  owed  his 
soul.  R.  I.  Wnberforce  {q.v.)  and  R.  H. 
Froude  {q.v.)  were  with  him  at  Southrop. 
He  took  no  honours  owing  to  overwork.  He 
became  Fellow,  1831,  and  Tutor,  1832,  hav- 
ing been  ordained  deacon,  1829,  and  worked 
as  curate  to  T.  Keble  at  Windrush.  On 
returning  to  Oxford  he  became  Newman's 
friend  and  curate  at  St.  Mary's  through 
R.  H.  Froude,  who  brought  them  together. 
He  threw  himself  heartily  into  the  Oxford 
Movement  {q.v.),  wrote  in  the  Lyra  AposfoUca 
(where  his  poems  are  signed  0  ^^^  ^^  the 
Tracts  for  the  Times.  The  title  of  one  of  his 
tracts.  No.  80,  On  Reserve  in  Communicating 
Religious  Knowledge,  published  1839,  caused 
a  disturbance  '  like  the  explosion  of  a  mine.' 
Bishops  denounced  it  (sometimes  without 
reading  it).  Its  object  was  to  prevent  sacred 
words  and  phrases  (especially  concerning  the 
Atonement)  being  used  at  random ;  but  its 
title  suggested  '  a  love  of  secret  and  crooked 


(  G40) 


Williams] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Willibrord 


ways.'  In  1841  Williama  was  a  candidate 
for  the  Poctiy  Professorship,  vacated  by 
J.  Keble.  There  was  much  bitterness,  and 
Williams  withdrew,  his  supporters'  promises 
being  six  hundred  and  twenty-three  against 
nine  hundred  and  twenty-one  for  his  op- 
ponent. In  1842  Wnhams,  distrustful  of 
a  new  party  in  the  Movement,  retired  to 
Bisley,  married,  and  devoted  himself  to 
preparing  liis  well-known  Devotional  Com- 
mentaries. Almost  alone  of  the  Tractarians 
he  corresponded  with  Newman  after  1845. 
Newman  stayed  with  him  in  1865,  and 
Williams  insisted  on  driving  him  to  the  station, 
which  caused  an  attack  of  illness  from  which 
he  died.  '  He  has  really  been  a  victim,' 
Newman  wrote,  '  of  his  old  love  for  me.' 
Wilhams  began  a  series  of  Plain  Sermons  in 
1839,  and  represented  the  more  moderate 
and  old-fashioned  churchmanship.  AH  his 
life  he  remained  in  close  touch  with  Dr. 
Pusey  [q.v.)  and  Mr.  Keble.  It  was  tragic 
that  so  gentle  and  saintly  a  scholar  should 
have  been  the  centre  of  two  of  the  heaviest 
storms  (1839  and  1841)  which  overtook  the 
Movement  in  which  he  shared.  His  poems 
are  still  read,  and  his  hymns  are  in  common 
use.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Autohiogrnphy  ;  Church,  Oxford  Movement. 

WILLIAMS,  Jolin  (1582-1650),  Archbishop 
of  York,  born  at  Conway,  and  educated  at  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge,  was  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal statesman  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
Ordained  in  1605,  he  was  speedily  advanced 
through  royal  favour,  held  many  benefices, 
and  became  Dean  of  Westminster  in  1620. 
His  learning,  caution,  and  ability  to  see 
both  sides  of  a  question  fitted  him  to  be  an 
adviser  of  James  i.,  whom  he  accompanied 
to  Scotland  when  the  Church  was  being  slowly 
restored  to  its  former  position.  He  was  made 
Lord  Keeper  in  place  of  Bacon  in  1621,  being 
advanced  at  the  same  time  to  the  see  of 
Lincoln,  as  the  profits  of  the  secular  ofiice 
were  much  diminished. 

On  the  accession  of  Charles  i.  the  Great 
Seal  was  taken  from  him,  and  he  retired  to 
his  diocese.  In  1627  he  took  part  in  a 
controversy  of  the  greatest  importance. 
The  Vicar  of  Grantham  and  some  of  his 
parishioners  differed  about  the  position  of 
the  Holy  Table.  WiUiams  settled  the 
question  against  the  vicar,  and  decided,  ac- 
cording to  injunction  and  canon,  that  it 
should  not  be  placed  '  altarwise '  at  the 
east  end.  He  gave  a  similar  decision  at 
Leicester,  and  wrote  a  book,  Holy  Table, 
Name  and  Thing,  in  1636,  which  was  answered 
by    HeyUn    [q.v.).    Laud's    chaplain.       The 


archbishop  oflEered  him  another  bishopric,  and 
wished  to  make  peace  on  the  withdrawal  of 
the  book  and  acknowledgment  of  other 
charges  which  had  been  laid  against  him. 
The  bishop  had  experienced  the  usual  fate 
of  fallen  ministers,  had  been  heavily  fined, 
in  1637  was  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  and 
in  1639  was  in  further  trouble,  being  again 
fined  for  libel  against  Laud.  He  recovered 
his  influence  and  power  for  a  short  period 
after  his  release  at  the  beginning  of  the  Long 
Parliament.  He  was  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  inno- 
vations and  to  reform  the  Church.  Their 
deUberations  are  of  value  upon  one  contro- 
versial question  of  to-day,  for  they  considered 
'  whether  the  Rubrique  should  not  bee 
mended  when  aU  Vestments  in  them  of  Divine 
Service  are  now  commanded  which  were 
used  2  Edw.  vi.'  In  the  debates  upon 
episcopacy  he  also  tried  to  play  the  .part  of 
moderator,  proposing  that  assistants  should 
be  appointed  to  help  the  bishop  in  exercise 
of  jurisdiction  and  ordination. 

In  1642  the  King  appointed  him  Archbishop 
of  York,  but  he  was  unable  to  do  more  than 
visit  York  for  his  enthronement.  He  joined 
the  I^ng  in  1644  at  Oxford,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  war  made  the  best  terms  he  could, 
and  lived  in  retirement  in  North  Wales  until 
his  death.  He  was  a  generous  benefactor  to 
his  coUege.  He  was  a  friend  to  N.  Ferrar 
{q.v.)  at  Little  Gidding,  which  was  in  his 
diocese,  and  restrained  Ferrar's  nieces  from 
taking  life  vows ;  but  he  is  specially  remem- 
bered for  his  disingenuous  advice  to  Charles  i. 
hesitating  to  sign  the  Attainder  of  StrafEord, 
to  remember  that  he  had  two  consciences 
■ — pubhc  and  private.  [b.  b.] 

WILLIBEORD  (658  ?-739),  Archbishop  of 
Utrecht,  son  of  Wilgils,  a  Northumbrian, 
who  became  an  anchorite,  was  educated  in 
Wilfrid's  monastery  at  Ripon.  When  twenty 
he  went  to  Ireland  for  the  sake  of  learning, 
and  abode  twelve  years  with  Egbert,  the  or- 
ganiser of  missions.  Egbert  sent  him  in  690,  in 
his  thirty-third  year,  with  eleven  companions 
on  a  mission  to  Frisia.  Finding  that  Radbod 
and  his  people  would  not  be  converted,  they 
went  to  the  Frank,  Pippin  of  Heristal,  who 
had  subdued  part  of  the  country,  and  at  his 
invitation  preached  to  his  new  subjects  in 
'  Hither  Frisia,'  the  Meuse  district.  Willi- 
brord went  to  Rome,  obtained  the  approval 
of  Pope  Sergius  i.  for  his  work,  and  retiirned 
with  many  relics.  Though  successful  mth 
the  conquered  people,  he  could  do  httle  with 
the  independent  Frisians,  who  were  constantly 
at  war  with  the  Franks ;  he  visited  the  Danes, 


(641) 


Wilson 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wilson 


and  took  o£E  with  him  thirty  youths  to  edu- 
cate, and  in  Heligoland  he  violated  the  sacred 
places  of  the  deity  of  the  island.  For  this 
act  he  was  brought  before  Radbod ;  one  of 
his  companions  was  martyred,  but  Willi- 
brord's  undaunted  courage  excited  the 
admiration  of  Radbod,  and  he  spared  liis  life. 
In  695  he  again  visited  Rome,  and  on  22nd 
November  Sergius  consecrated  him  as  arch- 
bishop of  the  Frisians.  Pippin  assigned  him 
Utrecht  as  the  place  of  his  see  ;  he  consecrated 
bishops,  founded  monasteries,  built  churches, 
and  ordained  priests  for  them  with  separate 
cures.  In  703  or  704  he  received  a  visit  from 
Wilfrid  {q.v.),  who  had  preached  in  Frisia  be- 
fore him.  Pippin's  son  and  successor,  Charles 
Martel,  held  him  in  honour,  and  he  bap- 
tized Charles's  son  Pippin,  afterwards  King. 
When  his  strength  failed  he  consecrated  a 
bishop  as  his  coadjutor.  He  died  at  Epter- 
nach,  one  of  the  monasteries  he  had  founded, 
on  6lh  or  7th  November,  probabl}'  in  739. 

[w.  H.] 

Bede,  II.JS.  ;  two  Lives,  prose  and  verse,  by 
Alcuiu.     See  Mon.  Alcuin.,  ed.  Jaffe. 

WILSON,  Daniel  (1778-1858),  fifth  Bishop 
of  Calcutta,  eldest  son  of  Stephen  Wilson,  a 
prosperous  silk  manufacturer.  He  left  school 
at  fourteen  to  enter  an  uncle's  office  in  London, 
and  though  trained  in  a  strictly  Evangelical 
home  led  a  careless  life  until  1796,  when  he 
was  converted.  He  desired  ordination  ;  his 
father  refused  consent,  but  finally  gave  way, 
and  Wilson  entered  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford 
(then  the  Evangelical  centre),  1798.  He 
graduated  B.A.,  1802 ;  won  the  English 
Essay  (May  1803)  on  Common-Sense,  which 
provoked  a  Head  to  say  to  his  Vice- Principal : 
'  So  common-sense  has  come  to  Edmund  Hall 
at  last.'  '  Yes,'  he  repUed, '  but  not  yet  to  the 
other  colleges.'  WUson  was  examined  formally 
for  his  M.A.  degree,  1802,  and  took  it,  1804. 
He  was  ordained  as  curate  to  Richard  Cecil  at 
Chobham,  Surrey.  1801  he  returned  to  Oxford 
as  assistant  Tutor  (1804-7)  and  Vice-Principal 
(1807-12)  of  St.  Edmund  Hall,  but  was  also 
curate,  and  after  1811  minister,  of  St.  John's, 
Bedford  Row.  At  Oxford  he  was  very  stil5 
in  enforcing  University  regulations  (as  the 
wearing  of  bands),  but  was  an  excellent 
tutor,  and  the  Hall  flourished  under  him. 
His  chapel  in  London  soon  became  the  head- 
quarters of  the  EvangeUcals.  As  Vicar  of 
Islington  (1824)  he  introduced  morning 
prayers  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays,  and 
saints'  days  and  early  Eucharists.  He  was  one 
of  the  earUest  Evangehcals  to  be  made  bishop, 
being  consecrated  to  Calcutta,  1832.  Arriv- 
ing in  India,  5th  November  1832,  he  soon 


made  himself  felt/  was  indefatigable  in 
visitations,  built  a  new  cathedral  (1839-47), 
improved  the  palace,  and  was  a  firm  if  master- 
ful ruler.  He  regarded  the  '  mild  and,  I  hope, 
firm  Churchmanship,  which  I  have  maintained 
all  my  life  at  home,'  as  '  of  infinite  import- 
ance.' During  his  twenty-five  years  in  India 
Wilson  only  returned  to  England  once.  He 
violently  opposed  the  Oxford  Movement, 
which  he  regarded  as  the  work  of  '  the  great 
spiritual  adversary.'  Despite  narrowness  of 
view  he  was  a  devoted  bishop.  He  died  at 
Calcutta,  and  was  buried  beneath  the  altar 
of  his  cathedral.  [s.  L.  o.] 

Life,  2  vols.,  by  Bateman ;  Family  Letters, 
ed.  by  his  son  ;  Gladstone,  Gleanings,  vii. 

WILSON,  Thomas  (1663-1755),  Bishop  of 
Sodor  and  Man,  of  a  middle- class  family  of 
Burton,  Cheshire,  was  educated  at  Trinity 
CoUege,  Dublin,  '  whither  most  of  the  young 
gentlemen  of  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  were 
at  that  time  sent.'  He  was  intended  for  the 
medical  profession,  and  throughout  life 
deUghted  to  act  as  a  physician  to  the  poor ; 
but  was  persuaded  to  seek  holy  orders,  and 
in  1687  became  curate  to  lus  uncle,  Richard 
Sherlock,  at  Newchurch  Kenyon  (Lanes). 
In  1692  he  became  chaplain  to  the  ninth 
Earl  of  Derby,  and,  his  income  being  now 
£50,  he  devoted  a  fifth  of  it  to  pious  uses 
instead  of  a  tenth  as  before,  a  proportion 
which  in  later  life  he  increased,  ultimately  to 
more  than  a  half.  In  1697  Lord  Derby 
'  forced '  on  him  the  bishopric  of  Sodor  and 
Man.  He  was  consecrated,  16th  January 
1698,  and  installed  in  St.  German's  Cathe- 
dral, 11th  AprU.  The  income  of  the  see 
being  only  about  £300,  Lord  Derby  offered 
him  the  living  of  Baddesworth,  Yorkshire,  in 
commendam,  which  he  refused,  having  made 
resolutions  against  pluraUty  and  non-resi- 
dence. 

The  Church  in  the  Isle  of  Man  (3.  v.)  not  being 
bound  by  English  Acts  of  Parliament,  Wilson 
was  free  to  rule  it  according  to  ecclesiastical 
law.  He  held  an  annual  synod  of  his  clergy, 
in  which  in  1704  he  promulgated  ten  con- 
stitutions deahng  with  the  duties  of  the 
clergy,  church  discipline,  and  education. 
'J  hey  were  approved  by  the  civil  power,  and 
it  was  said  of  them  that '  the  ancient  discipline 
of  the  Church  '  might  be  found  '  in  all  its 
purity  in  the  Isle  of  Man.'  Wilson  was 
active  in  the  exercise  of  disciphne  (q.v.), 
inflicting  pubhc  penance  for  immorafity, 
slander,  perjury,  profanity,  witchcraft,  and 
other  offences.  Accused  persons  were  allowed 
to  clear  themselves,  if  they  could,  by  com- 
purgation,    and     penitents     were     pubhcly 


(G42) 


Wilsonl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Winchester 


absolved  and  reconciled  to  the  Church.  His 
jurisdiction  was  supported  by  the  civil  power 
with  tine  and  imprisonment.  His  excom- 
munication inv^olved  practical  outlawry. 
Slanderers  were  made  to  wear  '  the  bridle,' 
and  prostitutes  dragged  through  the  sea  after 
a  boat.  In  1716  an  excommunicated  woman 
appealed  to  the  Lord  of  the  Isle,  and  Wilson, 
refusing  to  appear  in  answer,  was  tined  £10, 
which  was  remitted  in  1719,  for  as  Man 
belonged  to  the  province  of  York  by  33  Hen. 
vin.  c.  31,  the  appeal  should  have  been  to 
the  archbishop.  Jb'urther  conflicts  witli  the 
civd  jurisdiction  foUowed,  Wilson  being 
opposed  by  Home,  governor  of  the  island, 
whose  wife  he  sentenced  to  do  penance  for 
slander  in  1721 ;  and  by  his  archdeacon, 
Horrobin,  whom  in  1722  he  suspended  for 
preaching  false  doctrine.  Horrobin  appealed 
to  the  governor,  who  lined  Wilson  and  his 
vicars-general  and  imprisoned  them  in 
Castle  Rushen  on  St.  Peter's  Day,  1722,  to 
the  great  distress  of  the  people,  who  assembled 
in  crowds  beneath  the  prison  window,  whence 
the  bishop  blessed  and  exhorted  them.  He 
petitioned  the  King  in  Councd,  on  whose  order 
he  was  released,  31st  August.  The  dampness 
of  the  prison  had  crippled  his  fingers, '  so  that 
he  was  constrained  to  write  ever  after  with 
the  whole  hand  grasping  the  pen.'  The  case 
was  eventually  decided  in  his  favour  in  1724, 
when  he  refused  to  accept  the  bishopric  of 
Exeter  as  compensation.  The  repression  of 
church  discipline  by  the  civil  authority 
continued,  and  though  some  offenders  volun- 
tarily submitted  to  penance,  and  ecclesiastical 
censures  on  the  clergy  were  frequent,  the 
disciphne  as  a  whole  decayed  in  Wilson's 
later  years. 

During  his  episcopate  of  fifty-seven  years 
WUson  watched  ever  the  material  as  weU  as 
the  spiritual  interests  of  his  people  with 
patriarchal  care.  His  Principles  and  Duties 
of  Christianity  (1699)  was  the  first  book 
printed  in  Manx.  He  favoured  the  principles 
of  the  Revolution,  but  was  a  High  Churchman 
in  doctrine  as  well  as  in  his  views  of  Church 
authority.  He  broke  down  what  he  called 
'  the  bad  custom  of  having  the  Lord's  Supper 
administered  in  country  parishes  only  three 
times  a  year.'  He  aUowed  dissenters  (pre- 
sumably visitors  to  the  island,  as  aU  its 
inhabitants  were  Church  people)  to  sit  or 
stand  at  Communion.  His  views  on  marriage 
were  usually  strict,  and  he  abhorred  the  union 
with  a  deceased  wife's  sister  as  incest ;  but  in 
1698  he  allowed  a  man  who  petitioned  him  for 
leave  to  remarry,  on  the  ground  that  his 
wife  had  been  transported,  '  to  make  such  a 
choice  as  shall    be  most  for  your  support 


and  comfort.'  He  was  an  early  supporter 
of  the  S.P.C.K.  and  S.P.G.,  wrote  in  sup- 
port of  missions,  and  drew  up  a  scheme 
for  the  training  of  missionaries.  He  kept 
up  '  the  old  custom  of  the  island  of  ap- 
proaching the  bishop  on  one  knee ' ;  and  at 
Kirk  Michael  the  congregation  used  to  wait 
kneeling  outside  the  church  for  his  blessing. 
The  veneration  with  which  his  humihty, 
sweetness  of  temper,  and  devout  piety  were 
regarded  spread  far  beyond  the  island. 
Cardinal  Fleury  sent  him  a  message  that 
'  they  were  the  two  oldest,  and,  as  he  beheved, 
the  two  poorest  bishops  in  Europe.'  In  1749 
he  accepted  a  dignity  offered  him  by  the 
Moravian  Church.  Even  in  the  streets  of 
London  he  was  surrounded  by  crowds  crying : 
'  Bless  me  too,  my  lord.'  Queen  Carohno 
said  at  his  approach :  '  Here  is  a  bishop  who 
does  not  come  for  a  translation '  ;  and 
George  n.  specially  asked  his  prayers. 
Ninety-nine  of  his  sermons  were  pubhshcd, 
and  his  Instruction  for  the  Lord's  Supper  and 
Sacra  Privata  have  remained  popular  de- 
votional works.  [g.  c] 

Lives  by  Cruttwell,  1781 ;  Stowell,  1819  ;  and 
Keble  (prefixed  to  WorJcs  in  Lib.  Anglo-Cath. 
Theol.,  1863);  Moore,  Hist.  Isle  of  Man. 


WINCHESTER,  See  of.  The  kingdom  of 
Wessex  was  one  of  the  last  of  the  Old  Enghsh 
states  to  embrace  Christianity.  In  635  its 
aged  King  CynegUs  was  baptized  by  Birinus 
[q.v.)  at  the  persuasion  of  his  suzerain, 
Oswald  {q.v.)  of  Northumbria.  At  this  time  it 
contained  not  only  the  regions  south  of  Thames 
from  the  border  of  Kent  as  far  as  the  Men- 
dips,  but  the  land  of  the  '  Chilternsaetas ' 
beyond  Thames,  the  modern  counties  of 
Oxfordshire  and  Buckinghamshire.  Cyne- 
gUs at  his  baptism  conferred  on  Birinus  [q.v.) 
the  town  of  Dorchester-on-Thames,  which  was 
the  residence  of  the  first  three  bishops  of  the 
West  Saxons.  Coenwalch  (643-71),  the  son 
and  successor  of  CynegUs,  remained  for  some 
years  a  heathen,  till  he  learnt  Christianity,  in 
a  moment  of  defeat  and  exUe,  at  the  court  of 
the  pious  Anna,  King  of  the  East  Angles 
(645).  On  his  restoration  he  took  Birinus  as 
his  teacher,  and  brought  over  his  whole 
kingdom  to  the  faith  (648).  At  the  death  of 
Birinus  (650)  he  invited  from  the  Continent, 
and  placed  in  his  stead  at  Dorchester,  Agil- 
berct,  a  Frankish  bishop.  A  few  years  later 
Coenwalch,  not  agreeing  well  with  Agilberct, 
proceeded  to  cut  up  the  bishopric  of  the 
West  Saxons  into  two  parts,  leaving  the 
Frank  at  Dorchester,  and  installing  a  subject 
of  his  own,  Wini,  as  bishop  at  Winchester. 


(643) 


Winchester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Winchester 


But  this  division,  which  seemed  to  fore- 
shadow the  later  see  of  Winchester,  was  not 
to  continue.  AgUberct  resigned  his  see  and 
departed.  Wini  was  expelled  from  Win- 
chester by  his  master  after  three  years, 
and  Wessex  was  actually  destitute  of  a  bishop 
when  Theodore  [q.v.)  became  archbishop  in 
669.  One  of  the  new  primate's  first  acts  was 
to  persuade  Coenwalch  to  restore  Agilberct 
to  his  place ;  but  when  the  King  besought 
him  to  return,  the  expelled  bishop  (who  had 
meanwhile  been  elected  to  the  important  see 
of  Paris)  refused  to  recross  the  Channel,  but 
sent  in  his  stead  his  nephew  Lothere  (Eleu- 
therius),  whom  Theodore  and  Coenwalch  con- 
sented to  receive. 

After  the  death  of  Coenwalch  (672)  Wes- 
sex fell  into  decay  and  disunion  for  some 
years,  and  Wulfhere  of  Mercia  seized  on 
the  lands  north  of  Thames,  and  perhaps 
on  Surrey  also.  Bishop  Hedde,  since  Dor- 
chester had  become  Mercian  soil,  retired 
to  Winchester,  which  remained  from  this 
time  onward  the  permanent  residence  of 
the  bishops  of  Wessex.  The  lost  lands 
became  for  a  short  time  a  new  Mercian 
bishopric  of  Dorchester,  which  only  lasted, 
however,  for  some  twenty-five  years.  The 
rest  of  the  Wessex  country  was  ruled  as  a 
single  see  by  Hedde  till  his  death  in  704. 
King  Ine,  at  the  counsel  of  Archbishop 
Bertwald,  divided  it  into  two  dioceses — 
Winchester  retaining  the  parts  east  of  the 
forest  of  Selwood  (Hants,  Surrey,  Berks, 
and  part  of  WUts),  while  the  new  bishopric 
of  Sherborne  [Salisbuey,  See  of]  took  over 
the  western  regions.  In  931  King  Edward 
the  Elder  and  Archbishop  Plegmund  took  up 
the  old  poUcy  of  Archbishop  Theodore,  and 
began  to  subdivide  the  unwieldy  sees.  Berk- 
shire and  Wiltshire  were  taken  from  Win- 
chester and  formed  into  a  new  diocese,  that 
of  Ramsbury.  This  left  Frithstan,  the 
twenty-third  Bishop,  in  charge  of  a  see 
whose  limits  were  not  to  be  varied  for  nearly 
six  hundred  years. 

All  through  Norman  and  Plantagenet 
times  the  great  and  wealthy  see  of  Win- 
chester, held  by  a  long  series  of  great  prelates, 
of  whom  a  vast  number  became  chancellors 
of  the  realm,  preserved  the  exact  Umits  left 
to  it  in  931.  In  1480  Bishop  Rotherham  of 
Lincoln  transferred  the  precincts  of  Mag- 
dalen College,  Oxford,  to  the  diocese  of 
Winchester.  This  transference  was  con- 
firmed by  a  Bull  of  Sixtus  iv.,  1481.  The 
arrangement  stiU  subsists.  In  1499  the 
Channel  Islands  were  transferred  to  Win- 
chester from  Salisbury,  but  the  authority  of 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester  in  them  does  not 


seem  to  have  been  fully  estabhshed  till  the 
time  of  Elizabeth. 

In  1845  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners 
by  Order  in  Council  of  8th  August  1845 
transferred  to  Canterbury  the  Surrey  parishes 
of  Addington,  Croydon,  and  the  district  of 
Lambeth  Palace,  so  as  to  give  the  archbishop 
territorial  jurisdiction  in  his  own  two  palaces. 
By  the  same  Order  the  populous  regions  of 
South  London  were  to  be  transferred  to 
London  on  the  next  avoidance  of  the 
see  of  Winchester.  But  before  this  order 
took  effect  it  was  repealed  by  Act  of 
Parliament  (1863,  26-7  Vic.  c.  36).  In 
1877,  in  consequence  of  the  estabUshment 
of  the  new  see  of  St.  Albans  (q.v.),  Rochester 
was  compensated  for  its  loss  of  Essex  by  being 
given  the  parts  of  Surrey  which  lay  near  to  its 
border.  Instead  of  using  old  ecclesiastical 
boundaries,  the  Act  which  made  the  change 
took  a  Une  derived  from  pohtical  divisions, 
giving  Rochester  the  land  comprised  in  the 
Parliamentary  constituencies  of  East  and  Mid- 
Surrey,  a  hne  by  no  means  coinciding  with 
the  old  boundary  between  the  two  great  old 
Surrey  rural  deaneries  of  EweU  and  Stoke, 
but  comprising  practically  the  whole  of  South 
London. 

Winchester,  however,  still  remains  one  of 
the  largest  English  dioceses,  consisting  of 
Hants,  West  Surrey,  and  the  Channel  Islands, 
a  total  area  of  1,386,381  acres,  with  a  popu- 
lation of  1,124,603,  and  containing  571  bene- 
fices served  by  1021  clergy. 

In  the  IMiddle  Ages  Winchester  was  not  only 
one  of  the  largest  but  also  the  wealthiest  of 
the  English  bishoprics.  According  to  an  old 
saying  attributed  to  Bishop  Edington, 
'  Canterbury  had  the  higher  rack,  but 
Winchester  had  the  fuller  manger.'  In  the 
Taxatio  Ecdesiastica  [q.v.)  of  1291  the  bishop 
is  credited  with  an  income  from  spirituahties 
and  temporaUties  combined  of  £2977, 19s.  lOd. 
In  the  Vahr  Ecclesiasticus  of  Henry  vrn.  the 
total  has  grown  by  about  a  third — being, 
spirituahties  £154,  5s.  3|d.,  and  temporaUties 
£4037,  19s.  lid.,  a  total  of  £4192,  5s.  2id. 
It  is  stated  by  Ecton  (1711)  to  be  rated 
for  first-fruits  at  £3193,  4s.  7|d.  The 
see  lost  much  at  the  Reformation,  but 
by  the  appreciation  of  landed  property  in 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
was  considered  to  be  worth  about  £10,000 
annually  in  1836.  The  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
missioners in  1851  fixed  its  revenue  at  £7000, 
but  deductions  having  been  made  for  the 
benefit  of  other  sees,  when  East  Surrey  was 
taken  out  of  it,  the  annual  value  is  now 
£6500. 

The  bishop  is  Prelate  of  the  Order  of  the 


(  644  ) 


Winchester  i 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Winchester 


Garter  and  Provincial  Chancellor  of  Canter- 
bury. The  first  complete  map  of  England 
divided  into  i-ural  deaneries  is  that  which 
can  be  compiled  from  the  Taxatio  of  Pope 
Nicholas  iv.  (1291).  In  this  we  find  Win- 
chester with  two  archdeaconries,  those  of 
Winchester  (first  mentioned,  1142)  and 
Surrey  (first  mentioned,  c.  1120),  and  twelve 
deaneries  —  nine  in  the  archdeaconry  of 
Winchester,  viz.  Andover,  Basingstoke, 
Alton,  Droxford,  Winchester,  Fordingbridgc, 
Somborne,  Southampton,  and  Wight,  and 
only  three  in  Surrey,  those  of  Guildford  (or 
Stoke),  Ewell,  and  Southwark.  These 
divisions  have  been  little  altered.  In  1878 
the  old  rural  deanery  of  Stoke,  of  unwieldy 
size,  was  cut  up  into  more  handy  units, 
Farnham,  Dorking,  and  Godalming.  A  new 
archdeaconry  of  the  Isle  of  Wight  was  created 
in  1874.  Guernsey  and  Jersey  are  pecuhars 
under  their  respective  deans,  and  are  not  in 
any  archdeaconry.  Bishops  suffragan  have 
been  appointed  of  GuUdford,  1874 ;  South- 
ampton, 1895  ;   and  Dorking,  1905. 

The  early  chapter  of  the  minster  consisted 
of  secular  canons.  They  were  expeUed  by 
Bishop  Aethelwold  in  964,  who  substituted 
forty  Benedictine  monks  under  a  prior,  the 
diocesan  himself  being  the  titular  abbot. 
In  1539  the  last  prior,  WiUiam  Kingsmill, 
surrendered  the  monastic  lands  to  Henry 
vm.,  and  was  made  the  first  dean  under  the 
Reformation  settlement.  The  new  founda- 
tion consisted  of  the  dean  and  twelve 
prebendaries.  Seven  prebends  were  sus- 
pended by  the  Cathedrals  Act,  1840  (3-4 
Vic.  c.  113). 

Bishops  of  the  West  Saxons 

1.  Buinus  {q.v.),  A.D.  634-50. 

2.  Agilberct,   650-62;    a  Frank  by  birth; 

resided  at  Dorchester  ;  quarrelled  with 
King  Coenwalch,  and  retired  to  France. 

3.  Wini,  662-5 ;    set  up  by  Coenwalch  at 

Winchester ;  expeUed  by  him  three 
years  later,  and  retired  to  London, 
where  he  became  bishop.  The  see 
vacant  five  years. 

4.  Lothere  (Eleutherius),  670-6  ;  a  Frank, 

and  nephew  of  Agilberct. 

5.  Hedde,     676-705 ;      permanently     made 

Winchester  the  see- town  of  the  West 
Saxon  diocese. 

Bishops  op  Winchester 

6.  Daniel,  705-44  ;   the  West  Saxon  diocese 

was  divided  on  his  consecration. 

7.  Hunfrith,  744.  10.  Ecgbald,  778. 

8.  Kineheard,  754.       11.  Dudda,  781. 

9.  Aethelheard,  759.     12.  Kinebert,  785. 


13.  Ealhmund,  803.       16.  Eadmund,  833. 

14.  Wigthegn,814-25.    17.  Eadhun,  836. 

15.  Herefrith,  825.         18.  Helmstan,  836. 

The  dates  from  Dudda  to  Helmstan  are  not 

quite  certain. 

19.  St.  Swithun  {q.v.),  852. 

20.  Ealfrith,  862  ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  872. 

21.  Tunberht,  872 ;  d.  879. 

22.  Denewulf,  879  ;   a  protege  and  councillor 

of  King  Alfred ;  d.  909. 

23.  Frithstan,  909.         24.  Bcornstan,  931. 

25.  Aelfheah  'the  Bald,'  934;    uncle  of  St. 

Dunstan  {q.v.),  of  whom  he  was  the 
early  patron. 

26.  Elfsige,    951 ;     tr,    to    Canterbury,    and 

perished  in  the  Alps  while  on  a  journey 
to  Rome,  959. 

27.  Brithelm,  960. 

28.  Aethelwold,  963;    Abbot  of  Abingdon; 

a  great  friend  and  ally  of  St.  Dunstan  ; 
substituted  monks  for  secular  canons  in 
the  chapter  ;  d.  984 ;    was  canonised. 

29.  Aelfheah  n.  {q.v.),  985 ;  tr.  to  Canterbury, 

1005  ('St.  Alphege'). 

30.  Kenulf,  1005.  32.  Elfsige n.,  1014. 

31.  Aethelwold n.,  1006.   33.  Alwin,  1032. 

34.  Stigand,  1047  ;  tr.  from  Elmham ;  a  great 

supporter  of  Earl  Godwin  and  Harold ; 
intruded  uncanonicaUy  on  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Canterbury  in  1052,  during 
the  exile  of  Robert,  and  held  Winchester 
in  plurality  with  it,  1052-70 ;  dep.  by 
William  i.,  1070;  d.  1072. 

35.  Walkelin,   1070;    rebuilt  the  cathedral; 

the  transepts  are  the  sole  remainder  of 
his  work;  d.  1098.  See  vacant  two 
years. 

36.  William  Giffard,  1100;  not  consecrated 

tiU  1107  owing  to  Investitures  Contro- 
versy {q.v.) ;  introduced  the  Cister- 
cians into  England ;  d.  1129. 

37.  Henry    of    Blois    {q.v.),     1128-71.     See 

vacant  three  years. 

38.  Richard  Tochve,  1174;    Chief  Justice  of 

England ;  had  been  a  bitter  opponent 
of  Becket  {q.v.);  d.  1128. 

39.  Godfrey  de  Lucy,  1189  ;  built  the  present 

east  end  of  the  cathedral ;  d.  1204. 

40.  Peter   des   Roches,    1204    (P.);     one   of 

the  foreign  favourites  of  John  and 
Henry  m.  ;  a  self-seeking  intriguer ; 
held  the  justiciarship  ;  was  driven  into 
exile  by  Hubert  Walter  and  Stephen 
Langton  ;  introduced  the  Dominicans 
into  England;  d.  1238.  See  vacant 
five  years,  King  Henry  rn.  trying  to 
intrude  his  relative,  William  de  Valence. 

41.  William  do  Rayleigh,  1244;  tr.  (P.)  from 

Norwich;  d.  1250. 


(  645) 


Winchester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Winchester 


42.  Ajrmer  de  Valence,  1249  ;  half-brother  of       63. 

Henry   m.  ;     imposed   by   the   King's       64. 
violence  on  the  chapter ;   driven  out  of 
England  by  de  Montfort ;    d.  at  Paris, 
1260. 

43.  John  Gervaise,  1260  (P.) ;    Chancellor  of       65. 

York  ;  a  warm  partisan  of  de  Montfort ; 
suspended  by  the  legate  Ottobon  after      66. 
Evesham ;  d.  in  exile  at  Viterbo,  1268. 

44.  Nicholas  Ely,  1268;  tr.  (P.)  from  Wor- 

cester ;  twice  Chancellor  of  Henry  m. ; 
d.  1280. 

45.  John  Sawbridge,  1282  (P.) ;   Archdeacon       68. 

of  Exeter;  d.  1304. 

46.  Henry  Woodlock,  1305  ;  supported  Arch-    |    69. 

bishop  Winchelsey  in  his  quarrel  with 
Edward  i. ;  crowned  Edward  n. ;  d.  1316.    1    70. 

47.  John     Sandall,     1316;      Chancellor     of 

Edward  n;  d.  1319.  71. 

48.  Reginald  Asser,  1320  (P.);  d.  1323. 

49.  John  Stratford,  1323  (P.) ;    tr.  to  Can- 

terbury, 1333. 

50.  Adam  de  Orleton,  1333;    tr.  (P.)  from 

Worcester  ;    a  bitter  enemy  of  Edward       72. 
n.  and  supporter  of  Queen  Isabella  and 
Mortimer ;   Chancellor  of  England ;  d. 
1345.  73. 

51.  William  of  Edington,   1345  (P.);    built 

the  present  nave  of  the  cathedral ; 
first  Prelate  of  the  Garter  in  1346 ; 
was  Chancellor  of  England ;  d.  1366.  74. 

52.  WiUiam of  Wykeham  {q.v.),  1367;  d.  1404. 

53.  Henry   Beaufort    {q.v.),    1404;     tr.    (P.) 

from  Lincoln  ;   d.  1447. 

54.  WiUiam  of  Waynflete  {q.v.),  1447  (P.);  d. 

1486. 

55.  Peter  Courtenay,    1487;     tr.    (P.)   from       75. 

Exeter;  d.  1492. 

56.  Thomas  Langton,   1493;    tr.   (P.)  from 

SaUsbury  ;    a  friend  of  the  '  new  learn- 
ing '  ;  d.  1501,  just  after  he  had  been       76. 
elected  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

57.  Richard  Fox  {q.v.),  1500;  tr.  (P.)  from       77. 

Durham ;  d.  1528. 

58.  Thomas    Wolsey    (q.v.),   1529   (P.);    d. 

1530.  78. 

59.  Stephen    Gardiner    {q.v.),    1531-50    and 

1553-5  (P.);  d.  1555.  79. 

60.  John  Poynet  {q.v.),  1551 ;  dep.  1553. 

61.  John  White,  1556-9  ;    tr.  from  Lincoln  ;       80. 

a  scholar  and  supporter  of  Queen  Mary 
and  a  persecutor  of  Protestants ;  de- 
prived by  Ehzabeth  whom  he  insulted 
at  Mary's  funeral  sermon;  d.  1560. 

62.  Robert  Home,  1561 ;  a  fanatical  Puritan ;       81 

Dean  of  Durham,  1551 ;  an  exile  under 
Mary ;  well  known  for  liis  controversies 
with    Feckenham    {q.v.)    and    Bonner       82. 
{q.v.);  administered  the  diocese  harshly 
on  puritanical  lines ;  d.  1580. 

(  646  ) 


J6hn  Watson,  1580 ;  d.  1584. 

Thomas  Cooper,  1583  ;  tr.  from  Lincoln  ; 
scurrilously  attacked  in  the  Martin 
Marprelate  tracts  ;  a  scholar  of  merit ; 
d.  1594. 

WiUiam  Wickham,  1594 ;  tr.  from  Lincoln ; 
d.  ten  weeks  after  enthronement. 

Wmiam  Day,  1596;  d.  1596. 

Thomas  Bilson,  1597 ;  tr.  from  Wor- 
cester ;  a  controversiaUst,  who  took  a 
large  part  in  the  Hampton  Court  Con- 
ference under  James  i. ;  d.  1616. 

James  Montagu,  1616  ;  tr.  from  Bath  and 
Wells;  d.  1618. 

Lancelot  Andrewes  {q.v.),  1619;  tr.  from 
Ely ;  d.  1626. 

Richard  Neile,  1628  ;  tr.  from  Ely ;  tr. 
to  York,  1632. 

Walter  Curie,  1632-47  ;  tr.  from  Bath  and 
WeUs ;  a  zealous  supporter  of  Laud 
{q.v.) ;  evicted  by  the  ParUament,  and 
d.  in  retirement,  1647.  The  see  vacant 
thirteen  years. 

Brian  Duppa,  1660  ;  tr.  from  Salisbury  ; 
a  strong  RoyaUst ;  wrote  many  de- 
votional books;  d.  1662. 

George  Morley,  1662 ;  tr.  from  Wor- 
cester ;  a  great  benefactor  to  the  dio- 
cese; rebuilt  Wolvesey  Palace;  patron 
of  Ken  {q.v.);  d.  1684. 

Peter  Mews,  1684  ;  tr.  from  Bath  and 
WeUs ;  had  been  a  military  officer  under 
Charles  i.  ;  supported  James  n.,  but 
quarreUed  with  him  over  the  Magdalen 
CoUege  case,  and  became  a  Whig;  d. 
1706. 

Sir  Jonathan  Trelawney,  1706  ;  tr.  from 
Exeter  ;  one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.) 
('  and  shaU  Trelawney  die  ?  ') ;  an 
active  supporter  of  WiUiam  rn. ;  d.  1721. 

Charles  TrimneU,  1721  ;  tr.  from  Nor- 
wich; d.  1723. 

Richard  WUlis,  1723  ;  tr.  from  SaHsbury  ; 
a  Whig,  and  a  founder  of  the  S.P.C.K. ; 
d.  1734. 

Benjamin  Hoadly  {q.v.),  1734 ;  tr.  from 
Salisbury;  d.  1761. 

John  Thomas,  1761  ;  tr.  from  Salisbury  ; 
tutor  to  George  in. ;  d.  1781. 

Honble.  Brownlow  North,  1781 ;  tr.  from 
Worcester ;  brother  of  the  Prime 
Minister,  Lord  North ;  a  nepotist  who 
much  dUapidated  the  revenues  of  the 
see;  d.  1820. 

George  Pretyman  TomHne,  1820 ;  tr. 
from  Lincoln  ;  tutor  to  WiUiam  Pitt 
the  younger;  d.  1827. 

Charles  Richard  Sumner,  1827  ;  tr.  from 
Llandaff  ;  a  prominent  EvangeUcal ;  a 
hard-working   organiser  for  a  diocese 


Wolseyl 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wolsey 


which  he  found  in  a  sad  condition  of 
neglect;  d.  1874. 

83.  Samuel  Wilberforcc  {q.v.),  1869;  tr.  from 

Oxford;  d.  1873. 

84.  Edward  Harold  Browne,  1873  ;  tr.  from 

Ely;  res.  1890;  d.  1891. 

85.  Anthony  Wilson  'Ihorold,  1890  ;  tr.  from 

Rochester;  d.  1895. 

86.  Randall  Thomas  Davidson,  1895;  tr.  from 

Rochester  ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  1903. 

87.  Herbert  Edward  Ryle,   1903  ;    tr.  from 

Exeter ;  res.  and  became  Dean  of  West- 
minster, 1911. 

88.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  1911  ;    tr.  from 

Southwark.  [c.  w.  c.  o.] 

Benli.-ini,  l)io.  Ili.tf;    V.G.H.,  Hants,  Surrey. 

WOLSEY,   Thomas   (1471-1530),  Cardinal, 

was  born  at  Ipswich,  his  father  probably  a 
grazier  and  well-to-do.  At  eleven  he  went 
to  Oxford,  where  he  became  Fellow  and 
Bursar  of  Magdalen,  then  Master  of  the 
Grammar  School  attached  to  it ;  Rector  of 
Lymington  (Somerset).  But  the  bent  of  his 
mind  was  towards  the  public  service,  and  he 
entered  (1503)  the  service  of  Sir  R.  Nanfan, 
the  Governor  of  Calais.  Here  he  gained 
experience  not  only  in  government  and  public 
life,  but  also  in  foreign  pohtics.  On  Nanfan' s 
retirement  he  entered  the  royal  service  (1508), 
being  employed  on  missions  to  Scotland  and 
to  the  Netherlands  (to  negotiate  a  marriage 
for  Henry  vn.  with  Margaret).  Under 
Henry  vxn.  he  soon  made  himself  the  most 
trusted  of  the  King's  servants — as  almoner, 
then  on  the  Council  (1511) — being  unwearied 
in  business.  He  was  rewarded  with  the 
deanery  of  Lincoln,  and  he  was  made  Lord 
Chancellor  (1515).  He  was  also  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  WeUs  (1518-23),  Abbot  of  St. 
Albans  (1521),  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  which  he 
gave  up  for  York  (1514),  Bishop  of  Durham 
(1523-30),  of  Winchester  (1529),  and  Arch- 
bishop of  York.  On  his  disgrace  he  sur- 
rendered W^inchester  and  St.  Albans.  He  was 
also  Bishop  of  Tournai,  but  this  instance  of 
pluraHsm  did  not  stand  alone  at  the  time. 
In  September  1515  he  was  created  Cardinal. 
In  1518  he  was  made  legatus  a  latere,  with 
special  powers  of  visitation.  For  these  two 
honours  both  he  and  the  King  had  asked. 
This  legateship  was  renewed  and  even  con- 
firmed for  Ufe.  Wolsey's  power  thus 
exceeded  that  of  the  archbishop.  He 
obtained  authority  to  visit  monasteries,  but 
authority  to  visit  secular  clergy  was  refused 
in  the  interests  of  regular  organisation.  Ho 
impressed  people  at  home  and  abroad  by 
his  magnificence  and  style ;  his  hospitaUty 
and     expenses    were     equally    great.       His 


growth  in  royal  favour — he  seemed  to  settle 
and  do  everything — led  people  to  think  his 
power  over  Henry  great ;  in  reality,  although 
Henry  left  much  to  him,  he  never  controlled 
the  King.     By  the  nobility  he  was  hated— 
partly  perhaps  as  an  ecclesiastic,  partly  as  an 
upstart,  but  possibly  more  because  he  was 
independent,  and  fearless  in  rebuking  them 
for  ill-doings.     To  the  poor  he  was  charit- 
able and  just ;    in  the  matter  of  enclosures 
his   commission   of    1517   inquired   not   only 
into  the  conversion  of  arable  to  pasture,  but 
also  into  the  '  imparking '  for  sport,  and  this 
was  unpopular  with  the  nobles  and  gentry. 
For  the   poor  he   made  justice   cheap   and 
speedy,   so  that  he  was — except  when  his 
foreign    pohcy    closed    channels    of    popular 
trade — dear  to  the  multitude ;    his  interfer- 
ence with  freedom  of  debate  in  ParUament 
is  well  known.     He  was  thus  a  really  great 
minister,    as    important    in    Europe    as    in 
England.     He  was  a  type  of  the  great  medi- 
aeval ecclesiastics,  given  up  more  to  state- 
craft than  to  rehgion,  and  he  was  a  foreign 
minister   just   when   the   rivalry   of   France 
and  Spain  under  Charles  v.  (also  Emperor) 
gave  England,  growing  in  power,  the  position 
of    an    arbiter.     But    Wolsey's    skill    made 
England  a  real  power  upon  the  Continent, 
and  although  the  acquisition  of  the  papacy 
for  himself  may  have  been  a  minor  object 
of  his  policy,  ambition  for  his  country  out- 
weighed    ambition     for    himself.     Opinions 
differ  as  to  the  wisdom  of  his  foreign  policy, 
which  partook  of  both  the  cleverness  and 
the   lack   of   scruple   common   to   the   day. 
But  of  the  skill  with  which  he  carried  out 
his    poUcy,   and    of    his    knowledge   of    the 
world,  there  can  be  no  question.     He  incited, 
it  was  said,  the  French  war  of  1512,  and  it 
was  he  who  made  the  peace  with  France  in 
1514.     The  alliance  with  France  was  never 
popular,  and  after  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of 
Gold  (1520)  Wolsey  returned  to  an  alliance 
with    Charles    v.     The    general   aim    of    his 
policy  was  to  prevent  any  power  becoming 
too  strong,  and  to  make  England  powerful. 
But  these  ends  were  dearly  bought  by  the 
wars  and  the  taxation  needed  for  them.     In 
the  conduct  of  war,  as  in  peace,  Wolsey  had 
shown  unequalled  diligence  and  mastery  of 
detail.      Just  before  the  divorce  the  peace 
with  France  in  April  1527  was  again  his  work. 
When  the  King's  divorce  came  up  Wolsey 
for   a    time  worked   to   help    the   King,   in 
ignorance  of  his  real  intention,  and  hoping 
to  replace  his  Spanish   by  a  French    wife. 
The  King  kept  him  in  the  dark,   and  his 
agents  and  the  King's  did  not  work  together. 
After  he   discovered   the  King's   wishes   he 


(647) 


Wolsey] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wolsey 


still  helped  him,  for  he  depended  upon  the 
King's  favour,  and  he  strove  to  secure  for 
himself  and  his  colleague,  Campeggio  [q.v.),  by 
a  decretal  commission  the  right  to  decide  the 
case  in  England  upon  issues  chosen.  But  the 
evocation  of  the  case  to  Rome  (13th  June 
1529)  meant  ruin  for  Wolsey,  and  this  soon 
appeared.  A  writ  of  Praemunire  (q.v.)  was 
issued  against  him  (9th  October  1529),  and  the 
Great  Seal  was  taken  from  him  and  given  to 
Sir  Thomas  More  (q.v.).  He  submitted  with- 
out a  struggle.  He  surrendered  his  property, 
and  of  aU  his  oflSces  he  was  only  allowed  to 
keep  the  archbishopric  of  York.  After  some 
Uttle  time  at  Esher  and  Richmond  he  went 
to  York,  keeping  Easter  at  Peterborough, 
and  Whitsuntide  at  his  manor  of  Southwell. 
Then  he  reached  Cawood,  near  York,  and 
preparations  were  made  for  his  enthronement 
on  7  th  November,  so  neglectful  had  he  been 
hitherto  of  his  office.  But  although  he  had 
lost  aU  his  property  his  enemies  had  not  yet 
forgiven  him.  His  physician  (De  Augustinis) 
gave  evidence  upon  which  he  was  accused  of 
treason  ;  negotiations  of  his  with  the  King 
of  France  were  twisted  to  mean  this.  He  was 
arrested  (4th  November)  and  moved  south- 
wards. His  health  was  already  broken,  and 
he  was  now  seized  with  dysentery.  At  Shef- 
field Park  the  Constable  of  the  Tower  came 
for  him,  and  it  was  plain  what  his  end  would 
be.  He  only  got  as  far  as  Leicester  (26th 
November)  when  he  took  to  his  bed.  He  died 
on  St.  Andrew's  Eve  (1530).  During  these 
last  months  he  had  devoted  himself  to  his 
episcopal  work  and  to  devotion,  and  had 
life  and  strength  been  spared  him  might 
have  made  himself  a  religious  force  in  the 
north.  His  issue  of  Constitutions  (mainly 
enforcing  older  rules)  for  the  diocese,  and  his 
design  of  visiting  aU  monasteries,  had  showed 
his  wish  for  efficiency.  Towards  the  end  he 
showed  a  spirituahty  which  had  been  wanting 
in  his  earlier  life.  He  left  a  son  and  daughter. 
He  narrowly  escaped  election  as  Pope,  and 
when  Clement  vn.  was  thought  to  be  dying 
(February  1529),  success  seemed  near.  Dur- 
ing Clement's  captivity  Wolsey  had  plans 
of  a  government  by  the  Cardinals,  and  in 
his  efforts  to  gain  the  divorce  he  did  not  fear 
to  speak  of  a  possible  breach  with  Rome 
and  the  organisation  of  a  purely  national 
Church.  The  wishes  of  Henry,  the  captivity 
of  the  Pope,  the  position  of  affairs  abroad 
and  at  home,  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
keep  his  position.  A  policy  based  on  expedi- 
ency and  craft  breaks  down,  where  one  built 
on  principles  succeeds.  Wolsey  had  un- 
matched ability  but  little  principle.  As  his 
legatine  commission  had  been  given  him  at 


the  King's  request  (instigated  by  Wolsey 
himself),  the  proceedings  against  him  were 
shameless  and  vindictive.  He  had  sacrificed 
interests,  national  and  personal,  spiritual  and 
temporal,  for  the  King  who  now  crushed  him. 
In  general  character  Wolsey  belongs  to 
the  great  ecclesiastical  statesmen  of  the 
Renaissance  and  of  the  new  pohtical  age ; 
splendid,  a  patron  of  architecture,  in  touch 
with  the  Uterary  and  pohtical  thought  of  the 
day  as  a  statesman  should  be.  It  is  signifi- 
cant that  he  wished  the  pupils  at  his  school 
of  Ipswich  to  learn  Italian.  In  spiritual  and 
religious  issues  he  had  less  interest.  His 
attitude  towards  (a)  the  Renaissance,  (6)  the 
new  rehgious  movements,  may  be  sketched, 
(a)  He  was  a  faithful  son  of  Oxford  ;  the 
University  (1518)  placed  all  its  statutes  in 
his  hands  to  be  dealt  with  at  his  pleasure,  as 
did  Cambridge  also  (1524).  He  began  at 
Oxford  by  founding  seven  lectureships  filled 
bj''  men  of  talent,  and  a  professorship  of  Greek. 
His  new  college  (Cardinal  CoUege,  Christ 
Church)  was  meant  to  prepare  some  five 
hundred  youths  for  the  secular  priesthood, 
and  it  was  to  be  fed  by  a  great  school  at  his 
birthplace,  Ipswich,  as  King's  College  was 
by  Eton,  and  New  CoUege  by  Winchester. 
The  coUege  was  to  have  an  income  of  £2000, 
obtained  from  twenty-two  suppressed  mon- 
asteries, a  Bull  being  procured  from  the 
Pope  empowering  Wolsey  to  suppress  small 
houses.  One  such  was  St.  Frideswide  at 
Oxford.  He  attended  to  all  the  details  him- 
self. His  plans  may  be  compared  with  those 
of  Bishop  Fisher  {q.v.)  at  Cambridge,  and  of 
Bishop  Richard  Fox  (q.v.)  at  Oxford.  For 
the  staff  of  the  college  he  drew  mainly  upon 
Cambridge  and  upon  the  j^ounger  party  of 
reform.  As  j^et  (1527)  Wolsey  had  shown 
no  fear  of  Lutheranism  or  of  new  tendencies 
in  religion.  (6)  The  disturbance  at  Cam- 
bridge— Christmas,  1524,  caused  by  a  sermon 
of  Barnes — brought  Barnes,  Latimer  (q.v.), 
and  others  under  Wolsey's  notice.  He  dealt 
leniently  with  them,  and  gave  Latimer,  who 
had  been  inhibited  by  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  a 
general  hcence  to  preach.  But  the  growth 
of  the  movement  led  to  a  change,  brought 
some  students  at  Cambridge  (Joye,  Bilney, 
and  others)  before  Wolsey,  and  the  Cambridge 
group  was  broken  up  (1527).  At  Oxford  a 
rigorous  inquiry  purified  Cardinal  Col- 
lege, and  some  of  the  Cambridge  scholars 
there  were  imprisoned.  Wolsey  thus  showed 
that  while  he  had  been  wiUing  to  patronise 
anything  likely  to  prove  useful — and  a  busy 
statesman  had  to  depend  upon  experts  for 
guidance  as  to  such  usefulness — he  had  no 
sympathy    with    any    new    departures    in 


(  648  ) 


Woodard] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Worcester 


religion  or  worship.  He  represented  the 
political  and  intellectual  sides  of  the  last 
generation  at  its  best,  but  he  stood  aloof 
from  the  newer  movements  of  the  younger 
generation.  Had  he  become  Pope  instead 
of  Adrian  vi.  he  would  have  worked  for 
efficiency  and  large  control,  learning,  edu- 
cation, and  activity.  But  spiritual  earnest- 
ness was  another  matter ;  that  he  only 
learnt  by  hard  adversity  too  late  to  teach 
the  world  he  had  influenced  and  aspired  to 
guide.  How  he  had  defended  the  Church  is 
shown  by  the  events  which  followed  his  fall, 
and  its  subjection  by  Henry  vxn. 

[j.  p.  w.] 

Cavendish,  Life  of  Wolsey  ;  Mandell 
Creigliton,  Cardinal  Wolsey  ;  Taunton,  Wolsey, 
Legate  and  Reformer ;  Brewer,  Reign  of 
Henry  VI 11.  ;  Fisher,  Pol.  Hist.  Mig.,  1485- 
1547;  Gairdner,  Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  1509-58. 

WOODARD,  Nathaniel  (1810-91),  born 
at  Basildon  Hall,  Essex,  the  fifth  son  of 
John  Woodard,  was  educated  privately,  and  in 
due  course  went  to  Magdalen  HaU,  Oxford ; 
B.A.,  1840;  M.A.,  1866.  In  1841  he  was 
ordained  deacon  (priest  1842),  and  worked  as 
a  curate  in  East  London,  where  he  reahsed,  in 
his  own  words,  '  that  the  greatest  possible 
good  that  a  nation  can  enjoy  is  unity  among 
the  several  classes  of  society,  and  certain  it  is 
that  nothing  can  promote  this  so  effectually 
as  all  classes  being  brought  up  together, 
learning  from  their  childhood  the  same 
religion,  and  the  same  rudiments  of  secular 
learning.' 

He  therefore  determined  to  attempt  a 
remedy  by  providing  pubhc-school  education 
on  definite  Church  hues  for  aU  save  the  lowest 
classes.  In  1847  he  became  curate  at  New 
Shoreham,  and  almost  immediately  devoted 
part  of  the  vicarage  to  the  purpose  of  a  day 
school,  placing  his  own  family  in  lodgings. 
In  1848  he  pubhshed  his  famous  pamphlet, 
A  Plea  for  the  Middle  Classes,  maintaining 
that  they  were  neglected  in  the  matter  of 
education,  which  attracted  bitterly  hostile 
criticism  and  strong  support. 

In  this  same  year,  1848,  a  society,  called 
by  the  name  of  St.  Nicolas,  was  founded  to 
extend  education  among  the  middle  classes, 
and  especially  their  poorer  members,  in  the 
doctrines  and  principles  of  the  Church.     For 
this  purpose  stately  buildings  arose  at  Lan-    i 
cing,  Hurstpierpoint,  and  Ardingly.   The  idea   \ 
underlying  the  scheme  was  that  the  parent 
society  was  to  govern  a  federation  of  similar   I 
societies.  The  country  was  mapped  out  into   ! 
five  divisions,  in  each  of  which  the  founder 
hoped  to  plant  a  society,  and  in  each  of  the   i 


divisions  there  were  to  be  schools  for  three 
social  grades  within  the  luiddle  class. 

This  idea  has  made  its  mark  in  the  north 
in  the  form  of  girls'  schools  at  Scarborough 
and  Harrogate — the  beginning  of  a  northern 
group ;  in  the  Midlands,  Denstone,  Ellesmere, 
Worksop,  and  Abbots  Bromley  have  estab- 
lished a  reputation  as  successful  educational 
centres.  In  addition  to  Lancing,  Hurstpier- 
point, and  Ardingly,  schools  at  Bloxham  and 
Bognor  complete  the  southern  group.  At 
Bangor  in  North  Wales  there  is  a  school  for 
girls,  founded  in  1887  ;  and  in  1880  King 
Alfred's  School,  Taunton,  was  opened. 

In  1870  Mr.  Woodard's  work  was  recognised. 
He  became  Canon  of  Manchester  (on  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Gladstone)  and  Rector  of 
St.  Philip's,  SaKord.  In  the  same  year  he 
was  created  D.C.L.  at  Oxford  by  Lord 
Salisbury  at  his  installation  as  Chancellor. 
In  1873  the  first  of  the  Midland  schools, 
Denstone,  was  begun,  through  the  energy 
and  munificence  of  Sir  Percival  Hey^vood. 
An  important  point  in  the  development  of 
Woodard's  scheme  was  marked  by  the  con- 
secration in  July  1911  of  the  splendid  chapel 
at  Lancing,  designed  to  serve  as  a  common 
centre  for  aU  his  societies.  [a.  l.  w.] 

WORCESTER,  See  of,  dates  from  679  or 
680,  when  the  diocese  of  Lichfield  {q.v,)  was 
divided,  and  a  separate  diocese  formed  for 
the  Hwiccas,  which  ultimately  became  that 
of  Worcester.  Worcester  had  aheady  a 
smaU  rehgious  house  of  St.  Peter,  founded 
by  Saxulph,  and  it  was  adopted  as  the  see. 
Tatfrith,  who  came  from  Whitby,  was 
selected  as  bishop,  but  died  before  his  con- 
secration, and  Bosel,  another  Whitby  monk, 
became  the  first  Bishop  of  Worcester. 

In  693  a  great  bishop  arose,  St.  Egwine, 
a  native  Hwiccian  of  noble  birth.  He  found 
that  his  diocese  was  only  nominaUj^  Christian, 
the  effect  of  the  sudden  conversion  of  a  whole 
tribe  by  the  example  or  even  order  of  the 
prince.  To  convert  the  converted  therefore 
became  Egwine's  ambition,  and  he  devoted 
himself  to  mission-preaching  up  and  down 
his  diocese,  sometimes  faring  iU,  as  once  at 
Alcester.  Among  other  methods  for  keeping 
ahve  real  Christianity  was  founding  centres  of 
devout  Uving  and  teaching.  In  702,  there- 
fore, he  created  what  became  one  of  the 
greatest  of  EngHsh  monasteries,  the  religious 
house  of  Evesham,  and  there  he  himself 
retired  twelve  years  later  as  abbot,  and 
died,  717. 

In  the  days  of  his  successor,  Wilfrid,  King 
Aethelbald  added  largely  to  the  estates  of 
the  Church.     Offa  did  the  same  in  Tilhere's 


(C49) 


Worcester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Worcester 


time.  Meanwhile  the  importance  of  the 
church  of  Worcester  was  rising.  St.  Peter's 
monastery  was  a  mixed  community  of 
seculars  and  regulars  under  the  rule  of  the 
bishop,  all  having  one  purse;  but  in  747, 
owing  to  the  Council  of  Clovesho.the  monastic 
rule  became  more  precise,  and  two  rehgious 
houses,  the  old  St.  Peter's  and  the  newer 
St.  Mary's,  grew  side  by  side  until  St. 
Oswald's  day. 

At  this  time  religious  houses  appeared  all 
over  the  diocese.  At  the  end  of  the  seventh 
century  Pershore  had  been  founded  by  King 
Ethelred,  Gloucester  (then  in  the  diocese) 
by  Osric.  Early  in  the  eighth  century  Deer- 
hurst,  Winchcombe,  Bredon,  Tewkesbury, 
and  Kidderminster  appeared.  Others  fol- 
lowed, so  that  in  the  end  nearly  half  of  the 
whole  count}'  of  Worcester  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Church.  It  is  a  remarkable  testimony 
in  favour  of  the  monks  there,  and  contrary 
to  the  usual  allegation  that  they  had  become 
generally  unworthy  and  unpopular,  that  at 
the  time  of  the  Reformation  the  older  form 
of  rehgion  kept  strong  hold  of  the  country. 
This  would  not  have  been  the  case  after  the 
suppression  of  the  rehgious  houses,  and  the 
aUenation  of  their  lands  and  the  withdrawal 
of  their  influence,  if  their  teaching  and  hfe 
had  been  vicious. 

In  850  King  Burhed  granted  Hartlebury 
to  the  bishop,  possibly  with  a  view  of  estab- 
lishing a  strong  spiritual  and  temporal  posi- 
tion against  the  usual  inroads  from  across 
the  Severn. 

In  the  tenth  century  a  connection  between 
the  archbishopric  of  York  and  the  bishopric 
of  Worcester,  which  is  not  altogether  easy 
to  account  for,  grew  up,  four  of  the  Bishops 
of  Worcester  holding  York  in  plurahty. 

Dunstan  {q.v.)  was  succeeded  by  Oswald, 
who  at  first  appeared  to  be  his  understudy ; 
but  presently  this  man  of  noble  blood,  fine 
presence,  and  great  capacity  in  affairs  proved 
almost  as  strong  a  person  as  his  patron. 
His  influence  also  went  in  the  direction  of 
fortifying  the  stricter  monastic  rule,  and  he 
finally  absorbed  the  old  secular  cathedral  of 
St.  Peter  in  the  renewed  Benedictine  church 
of  St  Mary,  which  by  inheritance  is  now  the 
cathedral.  In  983  the  new  cathedral,  all  of 
stone,  with  twenty-seven  altars,  was  com- 
pleted. Yet  so  rapid  were  the  changes  in 
those  days  that  in  a  century  this  building, 
which  was  a  marvel  in  the  diocese,  had  given 
place  to  a  new  church  built  by  WuLfstan  n. 
{q.v.).  This  bishop  brought  the  diocese  into 
order  when  disorder  reigned  elsewhere,  and 
among  other  works  built  a  new  cathedral, 
on  a  somewhat  different  site  from  Oswald's, 


the  crj'pt  of  which,  a  fine  example  of  Norman 
architecture,  still  exists. 

After  the  foundation  of  the  Court  of  the 
Welsh  Marches  by  Edward  iv.,  the  duty  of 
keeping  peace  on  the  Welsh  border  passed 
from  the  bishop  to  that  body,  and  the  see 
was  used  openly  for  non-resident  ItaUans, 
who  were  employed  as  emissaries  between 
Pope  and  King.  Two  of  these  held  the 
deanery  of  Lucca  as  well,  and  two  were 
Cardinals. 

UntU  1541  the  diocese  included  all 
Worcestershire  except  a  few  parishes  in  that 
of  Hereford ;  Gloucestershire  east  of  the 
Severn,  and  the  southern  part  of  Warwick- 
shire. It  was  divided  into  the  archdeaconries 
of  Worcester  (first  mentioned,  1089)  and 
Gloucester  (first  mentioned,  1122).  It  lost 
its  territory  in  Gloucestershire  at  the  founda- 
tion of  the  sees  of  Gloucester  {q.v.),  1541,  and 
Bristol  {q.v.),  1542,  and  consisted  of  only 
one  archdeaconry  untU  that  of  Coventry 
(first  mentioned,  1135)  was  transferred  from 
Lichfield  to  Worcester  by  Order  in  Council, 
22nd  December  1836.  An  Order  in  Council 
of  19th  July  1837  readjusted  the  boundaries 
of  Worcester  and  Gloucester.  The  arch- 
deaconry of  Birmingham  was  founded,  1892, 
and  the  see  of  Birmingham  {q.v.)  in  1905. 
An  Order  in  Council  of  11th  July  1905  sanc- 
tioned a  scheme  agreed  to  by  the  bishops 
of  Birmingham,  Hereford,  Lichfield,  and 
Worcester  for  the  rearrangement  of  their 
common  boundaries.  The  archdeaconry  of 
Warwick  was  founded  in  1909.  The  diocese 
now  consists  of  the  county  of  Worcester, 
nearly  aU  the  county  of  Warwick,  and  small 
portions  of  Oxfordshire,  Gloucestershire,  and 
Staffordshire.  There  are  27  rural  deaneries 
and  386  benefices. 

The  temporaUties  of  the  see  were  assessed 
by  the  Taxatio  of  1291  at  £485,  12s.  8d.,  and 
the  spiritualities  at  £8,  13s.  4d.,  which  by 
Henry  vi.'s  reign  had  increased  to  £66, 13s.  4d. ; 
and  the  Valor  of  1535  assessed  its  total  income 
at  £1049,  17s.  3d.  The  value  for  first-fruits 
as  given  by  Ecton  (1711)  is  £944,  17s.  9d. 
The  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  fixed  the 
revenue  of  the  see  at  £5000,  but  £800  was 
transferred  to  the  see  of  Birmingham,  leav- 
ing it  £4200.  The  bishop  is  Provincial 
Chaplain  of  Canterbu^3^ 

During  the  episcopates  of  the  non-resident 
Italians  the  work  of  the  diocese  was  done 
by  suffragans,  with  titles  taken  from  Oriental 
sees,  such  as  Sidon  and  Ascalon.  In  1538 
Henry  Holbeach,  Prior  of  St.  Mary's, 
Worcester,  was  consecrated  bishop  suffragan 
to  Worcester,  with  the  title  of  Bishop  of 
Bristol.     From    1891    to    1903    there    were 


(  650  ) 


Worcester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Worcester 


suffragan  bishops  of  Coventry.  The  present 
Bishop  of  Worcester  advocates  the  rccon- 
Btitution  of  the  old  see  of  Coventry,  and 
in  preparation  he  has  created  a  collegiate 
chapter  in  the  fine  church  of  St.  Michael, 
with  the  bishop  as  dean.  The  intention  is 
that  St.  Michael's  should  become  the  War- 
wickshire cathedral. 

The  priory  of  St.  Mary  of  Worcester  was  sup- 
pressed, January  1540,  and  the  secular  chapter 
founded  by  charter  of  24th  January  1542. 
Holbeach,  the  last  prior,  became  first  dean. 
The  chapter  included  ten  major  canonries,  of 
which  six  were  suspended  by  the  Cathedrals 
Act,  1840  (3-4  Vic.  c.  113).  These  canonries 
are  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown.  In  1627 
Charles  i.  annexed  a  prebend  at  Worcester 
to  the  Margaret  Professorship  of  Divinity  at 
Oxford.  This  was  exchanged  in  1840  for  a 
canonry  in  Christ  Church.  There  are  also 
twenty-four  honorary  canons  appointed  by 
the  bishop. 

Bishops  of  Worcestee 

1.  Bosel,  680 ;    a  monk  of  Whitby ;    res, 

from  infirmity,  691. 

2.  Oftfor,orOstfor,692;  a  monk  of  Whitby ; 

d.  693. 

3.  Aeegwine  (St.  Egwine),  693 ;   d.  717. 

4.  WiMrid,  717  ;   d.  743. 

5.  Miked,  743  ;   d.  775. 

6.  Waeremund,  775. 

7.  Tilhere,  777  ;  Abbot  of  Berkeley  ;  enter- 

tained OSa  at  a  feast  at  Fladbury, 
when  the  King  gave  the  church  of 
Worcester  '  a  very  choice  Bible  with 
two  clasps  of  pure  gold  ' ;   d.  781. 

8.  Heathored,  781  ;   d.  798. 

9.  Deneberht,  798  ;  d.  822. 

10.  Eadberht,  822  ;   d.  848. 

11.  Aelhun,  848  ;    Hartlebury  given  to  the 

see  by  Burhed,  King  of  the  Mercians, 
850 ;   d.  872. 

12.  Werefrith,  873  ;   d.  915. 

13.  Aethelhun,    915;     Abbot    of    Berkeley; 

d.  922. 

14.  Wilferth,  922  ;  d.  929. 

15.  Cynewold,  929  ;   d.  957. 

16.  St.  Dunstan  {q.v.),  957  ;    held  Worcester 

with  London,  959-60;  tr.  to  Canter- 
bury,  960. 

17.  St.  Oswald,  961  ;  held  York  in  addition  ; 

d.  992. 

18.  Aldulf,   992 ;    succeeded   to   both   sees ; 

d.  1002. 

19.  Wulfstan  i.,   1003  ;    succeeded  to   both 

sees  ;  res.  Worcester,  1016  ;  d.  1023. 

20.  Leofsin,  1016;  Abbot  of  Thorney;  d.  1033. 

21.  Brihteah,  1033  ;   Abbot  of  Pershore  ;    d. 

1038. 


22. 


23. 

24. 
25. 

26. 


27. 

28. 
29. 

30. 


31. 
32. 

33. 


34. 
35. 
36. 


37. 

38. 


39. 
40. 


Lyfing,  1038;  cons,  to  Crediton,  1027 
[Exeter,  See  of]  ;  afterwards  also 
Bishop  of  Cornwall,  and  appears  to 
have  held  both  sees  with  Worcester ; 
d.  1046. 

Ealdred  {q.v.),  1046  ;  tr.  to  York,  1061  ; 
res.  Worcester,  1062. 

St.  Wulfstan  ii.  (q.v.),  1062;  d.  1095. 

Samson,  1096 ;  a  Norman ;  Canon  of 
Baycux  ;   d.  1112. 

Theulf,  1115;  Canon  of  Bayeux ;  chap- 
lain to  Henry  i. ;  cons,  the  Great 
Church  at  Tewkesbury,  1121  ;   d.  1123. 

Simon,  1125;  chancellor  to  Queen 
Adeliza;    d.  1150. 

John  of  Pageham,  1151 ;  d.  at  Rome,  1158. 

Alfred,  1158;  chaplain  to  Henry  n.  ; 
d.  1160. 

Roger,  1164;  son  of  Robert,  Earl  of 
Gloucester ;  d.  and  was  buried  at 
Tours,  1179. 

Baldwin,  1180;   tr.  to  Canterbury,  1184. 

WiUiam  Northall,  1186;  Archdeacon  of 
Gloucester;   d.  1190. 

Robert  Fitz  -  Ralph,  1191;  Canon  of 
Lincoln  ;  Archdeacon  of  Nottingham  ; 
d.  1193. 

Henry  de  Soilli.  1193  ;  Abbot  of  Glaston- 
bury ;   d.  1195. 

John  of  Coutances,  1196;  Dean  of 
Rouen;  Archdeacon  of  Oxford ;  d.  1198. 

Mauger,  1200 ;  his  election  annulled  on 
the  ground  of  illegitim^acy  by  Innocent 
m.,  who  reversed  his  decision  after 
hearing  Mauger  in  person ;  replaced 
the  bones  of  Wulfstan,  which  had  been 
disturbed  by  his  predecessor,  and 
secured  Wulfstan's  canonisation,  1203  ; 
fled  from  England  on  account  of  the 
Interdict,  1208,  and  refused  to  pro- 
nounce the  Pope's  excommunication 
of  John ;  became  a  monk,  and  d.  at 
Pontigny,  1212. 

Walter  Gray,  1214  ;  tr,  to  York,  1215. 

Silvester  of  Evesham,  1216 ;  Prior  of 
Worcester  ;  dedicated  the  cathedral  in 
presence  of  Henry  m.,  1218  ;    d.  1218. 

WUham  of  Blois,  1218  ;  Archdeacon  of 
Buckingham  ;   d.  1236. 

Walter  Cantelupe,  1237 ;  enthroned  in 
the  presence  of  Henry  m.,  his  Queen, 
the  archbishop,  and  a  legate;  fortified 
Hartlebury ;  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Barons  against  Henry,  and  blessed 
their  troops  before  Evesham  ;  fled  after 
their  defeat,  and  was  excommunicated 
by  the  Pope ;  an  able  and  saintly 
bishop,  who  might  have  been  canonised 
but  for  his  championship  of  the  Barons' 
cause;    d.  1266. 


(  GOl  ) 


Worcester] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Worcester 


47. 


41.  Nicolas  of  Ely,  1266  ;   tr.  to  Winchester, 

1268. 

42.  Godfrey  Gifiard,  1268  ;  brother  of  Walter 

Giffard,  Archbishop  of  York ;  Arch- 
deacon of  WeUs ;  Chancellor  of  England, 
1266 ;  had  disputes  with  his  chapter 
and  with  the  Abbot  of  Westminster ; 
said  to  have  been  attended  on  his 
progresses  by  one  hundred  knights  ; 
completed  Hartlebury  Castle  and 
beautified  the  cathedral  church ;  be- 
came a  Franciscan  ;    d.  1302. 

43.  WilUam  Gainsborough,  1302  (P.) ;   Fran- 

ciscan friar  of  Oxford;  John  of  St. 
Germans,  a  Worcester  monk,  was 
elected,  but  the  archbishop  refused  to 
confirm  him,  and  on  appeal  the  Pope 
quashed  the  election  and  provided 
Gainsborough,  who  d.  1307. 

44.  Walter    Reynolds,    1308    (P.);     tr.    to 

Canterbury,  1313. 

45.  Walter  Maidstone,  1313  (P.) ;    Canon  of 

St.  Paul's  ;   d.  1317. 

46.  Thomas  Cobham,  1317  (P.) ;    Chancellor 
of  Cambridge  University  ;   d.  1327. 

Adam  de  Orleton,  1327  ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Hereford ;  the  chapter  had  elected 
Wulstan  Bransford,  Prior  of  Worcester, 
to  whom  the  King  restored  the  tempor- 
alities, and  recommended  him  to  the 
Pope,  but  Orleton  was  provided ;  tr.  to 
Winchester,  1333. 

Simon  Montacute,  1334  (P.) ;  Arch- 
deacon of  Canterbury  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1337. 

49.  Thomas  Hemenhale,  1337  (P.) ;   a  monk 

of  Norwich  ;    d.  1338. 

50.  Wulstan  Bransford,  1339  ;  again  elected, 
this  time  successfully  ;   d.  1349. 

John  Thoresby,  1350 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  St. 
David's,  the  Pope  setting  aside  the 
election  of  the  Prior  of  Worcester, 
John  de  Evesham  ;   tr.  to  York,  1352. 

Reginald  Brian,  1352 ;  tr.  (P.)  from  St. 
David's  ;   d.  of  the  plague,  1361. 

53.  John  Barnet,  1362  (P.) ;    Archdeacon  of 

London ;    tr.  to  Bath  and  Wells,  1363. 

54.  William  Whittlesey,  1364  ;    tr.  (P.)  from 

Rochester ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1368. 

55.  WilUam  de  L:y-nn,   1368;    tr.   (P.)  from 

Chichester ;   d.  1373. 

56.  Henry  Wakefield,  1375  (P.) ;  Archdeacon 

of  Canterbury ;  the  election  of  Walter 
de  Legh,  the  prior,  set  aside  by  the 
Pope ;   d.  1395. 

57.  Tideman  of  Winchcomb,  1395;    tr.  (P.) 

from  Llandaff ;  physician  and  adherent 
of  Richard  n.  ;  d.  1401. 
Richard  CUfiEord,  1401  (P.) ;   Archdeacon 
of  Canterbury  and  Dean  of  York ;   tr. 
to  London,  1407. 


48 


51 


52 


58, 


59.  Thomas   Peverell,    1407;    tr.    (P.)   from 

Llandaff  ;   a  Carmehte  ;   d.  1419. 

60.  Philip  Morgan,   1419   (P.);    tr.   to  Ely, 

1426. 

61.  Thomas    Polton,    1426;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Chichester ;  one  of  the  English  repre- 
sentatives at  the  Council  of  Constance  ; 
d.  at  the  Council  of  Basle,  1433. 

62.  Thomas    Bourchier,    1435    (P.);     tr.    to 

Ely,  1443. 

63.  John  Carpenter,  1444  (P.);    Provost  of 

Oriel  and  Chancellor  of  Oxford  ;  built 
the  gatehouse  at  Hartlebury,  and  re- 
founded  the  coUege  at  Westbury,  near 
Bristol,  for  which  place  he  had  so  great 
an  affection  as  to  wish  to  be  styled 
Bishop  of  Worcester  and  Westbury ; 
res.  1476 ;  d.  1476 ;  buried  at  Westbury. 

64.  John     Alcock,     1476;      tr.     (P.)     from 

Rochester  ;  tr.  to  Ely,  1486. 

65.  Robert  Morton,  1487  (P.) ;    Archdeacon 

of  Gloucester,  Winchester,  and  York ; 
Master  of  the  Rolls  ;   d.  1497. 

66.  John  de  GigUis,  1497  (P.);    an  ItaKan 

scholar  and  diplomatist ;  Archdeacon 
of  Gloucester  and  Dean  of  WeUs ;  d. 
at  Rome,  1498. 

67.  Silvester  de  Gigliis,  1498  (P.) ;    nephew 

of  his  predecessor ;  suspected  of 
poisoning  Bainbridge,  Archbishop  of 
York  ;   d.  at  Rome,  1521. 

68.  Juhus  de  Medicis ;  Cardinal ;  Archbishop 

of  Florence  and  of  Narbonne;  appointed 
administrator  of  the  see  by  a  papal 
Bull,  1521  ;  res.  1522  ;  became  Pope 
Clement  vn.,  1523,  and  refused  to  annul 
Henry  vm.'s  marriage  with  Katherine 
of  Aragon ;   d.  1534. 

69.  Jerome    Ghinucci,    1522    (P.) ;     Itahan 

Cardinal;  served  Wolsey  and  Henry 
vm.  as  diplomatist ;  dep.  for  non- 
residence  by  Act  of  Parhament,  1534, 
and  pensioned  ;   d.  at  Rome,  1541. 

70.  Hugh  Latimer  {q.v.),  1535;   res.  1539. 

71.  John  Bell,  1539  ;  Archdeacon  of  Glouces- 

ter ;  Chancellor  of  Worcester,  1518 ; 
served  Henry  vin.  as  a  diplomatist, 
and  in  the  matter  of  the  divorce,  in 
which  he  appeared  as  one  of  the  King's 
counsel ;  one  of  the  composers  of  the 
Bishops'  Book,  1537,  and  one  of  the 
revisers  of  the  New  Testament,  1542 ; 
res.  1543 ;   d.  1556. 

72.  Nicholas   Heath    {q.v.),   1543;    tr.   from 

Rochester ;   dcp.  1551. 

73.  John  Hooper  (q.v.),  1552  ;  held  the  see  in 

conjunction  with  that  of  Gloucester; 
dep.  1553. 
Nicholas  Heath ;  restored,  1553  ;  tr.  to 
York,  1555. 


(  652  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wordsworth 


74.  Richard  Pates,  1555  (P.);    papally  pro- 

vided on  death  of  Ghinucci,  1541  ; 
attended  Council  of  Trent  as  Bishop  of 
Worcester,  1547  ;  obtained  possession 
of  the  see  from  Mary,  1555 ;  dep,  by 
Ehzabeth,  1559  ;  d.  at  Louvain,  1565. 

75.  Edwin  Sandys,  1559;  tr.  to  London,  1570. 

76.  Nicholas    Bulhngham,    1571  ;     tr.    from 

Lincoln ;  impoverished  the  see ;  d. 
1576. 

77.  John  Whitgift  {q.v.),  1577  ;  tr.  to  Canter- 

bury, 1583. 

78.  Edmund  Freke,  1584  ;  tr.  from  Norwich  ; 

formerly  a  monk  of  Waltham ;  Dean 
of  Rochester  and  Sahsbury ;  Great 
Almoner  to  Queen  Ehzabeth  ;  d.  1591. 

79.  Richard  Fletcher,  1593  ;  tr.  from  Bristol ; 

tr.  to  London,  1594. 

80.  Thomas  Bilson,  1596  ;  tr.  to  Winchester, 

1597. 

81.  Gervase    Babington,    1597 ;      tr.    from 

Exeter;    d.  1610. 

82.  Henry  Parry,  1610  ;  tr.  from  Gloucester  ; 

d.  1616. 

83.  John    Thornborough,    1616;     tr.    from 

Bristol ;    an  alchemist ;   d.  1641. 

84.  John  Prideaux,  1641  ;    Rector  of  Exeter 

College  and  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity 
at  Oxford  ;  an  able  controversialist ; 
died  at  Baden  in  great  poverty,  1650. 
Ten  years'  vacancy. 

85.  George  Morley,  1660  ;   tr.  to  Winchester, 

1662. 

86.  John    Gauden    {q.v.),    1662 ;     tr.    from 

Exeter ;   d.  1662. 

87.  John  Earle,  1662  ;  tr.  to  Sahsbury,  1663. 

88.  Robert  Skinner,  1663  ;   tr.  from  Oxford  ; 

d.  1670. 

89.  Walter     Blandford,     1671  ;      tr.     from 

Oxford ;  d.  1675. 

90.  James    Fleetwood,    1675 ;     Provost    of 

King's  College,  Cambridge ;  present 
at  battle  of  EdgehiU,  1642,  whence 
he  carried  Prince  Charles  to  a  place 
of  safetv  ;   d.  1683. 

91.  Wilham    Thomas,    1683;     tr.    from    St. 

David's  ;  suspended  for  refusing  oath 
to  Wilham  and  Mary ;  told  his  dean, 
Hickes  {q.v.),  'I  think  I  would  burn  at 
a  stake  before  I  took  this  oath ' ;  d. 
1689. 

92.  Edward  Stmingfleetlg. v.),  1689  ;  d.  1699. 

93.  William   Lloyd,    1699;     tr.    from   Lich- 

field; one  of  the  Seven  Bishops  {q.v.); 
d.  1717. 

94.  John  Hough,  1717  ;    tr.  from  Lichfield ; 

elected  President  of  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford,  in  preference  to  James  n.'s 
nominee,  1687,  and  ejected,  but  re- 
stored, 1688 ;    d.   1743  at  the  age  of 


ninety-three,    having    been    a    bishop 
fifty-three  years. 

95.  Isaac  Maddox,  1743;  tr.  from  St.  Asaph; 
d.  1759. 

96.  James  Johnson,  1759 ;  tr.  from  Glouces- 

ter ;    chaplain  to   George  ni.  ;    killed 
by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  1774. 

97.  Honble.  Brownlow  North,  1774  ;  tr.  from 
Lichfield  ;    tr.  to  Winchester,  1781. 

98.  Richard  Hurd,  1781 ;  tr.  from  Lichfield ; 
scholar;  friend  of  Warburton  {q.v.)  and 
of  George  lu.  ;  dechncd  the  primacy, 
1783  ;  enriched  Hartlebury  Castle ; 
preached  against  enthusiasm ;  d.  un- 
married, 1808. 

99.  FfoUiot,    Herbert    Walker    Cornewall, 

1808 ;  tr.  from  Hereford  ;  d.  1831. 

100.  Robert  James  Carr,  1831  ;  tr.  from 
Cliichester ;  favourite  of  George  iv.  ; 
d.  1841. 

101.  Henry  Pepys,  1841  ;  tr.  from  Sodor  and 
Man;   d.  1860. 

102.  Henry  Philpot,  1861  ;  distinguished 
scholar  ;  Master  of  St.  Catherine's  Col- 
lege, Cambridge  ;  res.  1890  ;  d.  1892. 

103.  John   James    Stewart   Perowne,   1891 ; 

Dean    of  Peterborough;    res.  1901;  d, 
1904. 

104.  Charles  Gore,  1902;  Canon  of  West- 
minster ;  tr.  to  Birmingham,  1905. 

105.  Huyshe  Wolcott  Yeatman-Biggs,  1905  ; 
tr.  from  Southwark;  cons.  1891. 

[H.  w.] 
V.C.H.,  Worcester  aud  Norwich  ;  Smith  aud 
Onslow,   Dio.   Hist.  ;    Creighton,    The  Italian 
Bishops  of  Worcester  {Hist.   Essays  and  Re- 
views). 

WORDSWORTH,  Christopher  (1807-85), 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  was  son  of  Christopher 
Wordsworth,  Master  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  and  nephew  of  the  poet.  He 
was  educated  at  Winchester  College,  where 
he  had  a  briUiant  career,  in  atliletics  as  well 
as  in  scholarship.  He  played  cricket  for 
Winchester  against  Harrow,  and  caught  out 
H.  E.  Manning  {q.v.).  He  was  renowned  for 
just  severity  as  a  prefect,  wrote  priggish 
and  pedantic  letters,  and  '  prayed  most 
sincerely  every  day  for  the  good  estate  of  the 
Cathohc  Church.'  In  October  1826  he  entered 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  where  he  swept 
the  board  of  all  classical  prizes  and  dis- 
tinctions. In  1830  he  came  out  Senior 
Classic  and  first  Chancellor's  MedaUist,  took 
his  B.A.  degree,  and  was  elected  Fellow  of 
Trinity.  In  the  ^vinter  of  1832-3  he  made 
a  prolonged  tour  in  the  Ionian  Islands  and 
Greece,  wliich  supplied  him  with  the  material 
for  two  excellent  books  on  Greece  and  Athens 
and   Attica,    both   abounding    not    only   in 


(  653  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wordsworth 


scholarship  but  in  Uterary  and  artistic 
beauty.  At  Athens  he  had  a  severe  ilhiess, 
during  which  his  thoughts  seem  to  have 
taken  a  more  solemn  turn  than  had  before 
been  usual  with  him. 

Returning  to  England,  he  was  ordained 
deacon  in  1833 ;  priest,  1835.  On  the 
elevation  of  C.  T.  Longley  to  the  see  of 
Ripon  in  1836,  Wordsworth  was  chosen  to 
succeed  him  as  Headmaster  of  Harrow. 

Under  the  easy-going  rule  of  '  good-natured 
Longley '  Harrow  had  sunk  into  a  condition 
of  absolute  lawlessness.  Wordsworth  re- 
solved to  restore  order,  and  set  about  his 
task  with  tactless  vigour.  Eventually  he 
reduced  the  numbers  to  seventy,  and  those 
seventy  were  so  far  from  satisfactory  that  his 
successor,  Dr.  Vaughan  {q.v.),  was  recom- 
mended to  expel  them  all  and  start  with  a 
clean  slate.  In  one  point  Wordsworth  was 
a  benefactor  to  Harrow.  He  endeavoured 
to  arouse  a  spirit  of  definite  Churchmanship  ; 
and  to  do  so  when  the  Tractarian  party 
were  becoming  every  day  more  unpopular 
required  uncommon  courage.  His  TJieo- 
fhilus  Anglicanus  and  Preces  Seledae  were 
written  for  the  use  of  Harrow  boys ;  and  he 
suggested  and  securrd  the  erection  of  the 
first  school-chapel.  In  1844  he  left  Harrow 
on  his  appointment  as  Canon  of  Westminster, 
where  he  preached  long  and  learned  sermons 
in  the  abbey.  He  found  opportunity  for 
the  exercise  of  the  pastoral  charge  at  Stan- 
ford in  the  Vale  of  White  Horse,  of  which  he 
became  \icar  in  1850.  He  studied  and  wrote 
and  pubUshed  incessantly;  and  plunged  vigor- 
ously into  aU  ecclesiastical  controversies. 

From  first  to  last,  in  Church  and  in  State, 
Wordsworth  was  a  convinced  and  dogged 
Tory,  He  was  a  zealous  champion  of  the 
Church  of  Ireland,  and  insisted  that  she 
derived  her  succession  from  St.  Patrick,  and 
that  to  disestabhsh  her  would  be  a  national 
sin. 

In  March  1868  Gladstone  {q.v.)  proclaimed 
the  pohcy  of  Irish  Disestabhshment,  which 
he  carried  to  a  successful  issue  in  July  1869. 
In  October  1868  Archbishop  Longley  died ; 
and  as  a  result  of  the  changes  which  followed 
Wordsworth  was  informed  by  Disraeli  that 
he  had  recommended  the  Queen  to  raise  him 
to  the  episcopate,  '  because  I  have  confi- 
dence in  your  abUities,  your  learning,  and  the 
shining  example  which  you  have  set,  that 
a  Protestant  may  be  a  good  Churchman.' 
His  administration  of  the  see  of  Lincoln  was 
marked  by  single-minded  devotion,  by  untir- 
ing activity,  by  an  intensely  practical  belief  in 
the  value  of  ecclesiastical  institutions,  and 
by  a  morbid  horror  of  Rome  and  Romanism. 


He  revived  the  office  of  suffragan  bishop, 
and  he  created  a  diocesan  synod.  He 
promoted  the  division  of  the  diocese  and  the 
creation  of  the  see  of  Southwell.  He  zeal- 
ously promoted  church- building  and  church- 
restoration.  He  bestowed  the  utmost  pains 
on  his  confirmations  and  ordinations.  In 
matters  of  ritual  he  was  eclectic ;  pertina- 
ciously adhered  to  the  north  end  in  celebrat- 
ing the  Holy  Communion,  and  declined  to  don 
a  mitre ;  but  he  wore  the  cope  and  pectoral 
cross,  and  carried  his  pastoral  staff.  He 
studied  and  wrote  as  intently,  if  not  so  con- 
tinuously, as  of  old,  and  was  as  vigorous 
as  ever  in  ecclesiastical  controversy.  He  pro- 
tested against  the  appointment  of  Temple  to 
the  see  of  Exeter ;  and  against  the  exclusion 
of  Anghcan  bishops  from  the  Vatican  Council. 
He  denounced  the  New  Lectionary  and  the 
Revised  Version  of  the  New  Testament.  He 
opposed  the  Burials  Act  with  aU  liis  power ; 
he  objected  to  caUing  a  Wesleyan  minister 
'  Reverend ' ;  he  pubhcly  rebuked  a  horse- 
racing  vicar ;  he  refused  to  institute  a 
clergyman  who  had  obtained  his  hving  by 
simony  (and  had  to  pay  heavy  damages 
for  his  conscientiousness).  In  the  debates 
on  the  Pubhc  Worship  Regulation  Act  he 
withstood  Archbishop  Tait  {q.v.)  to  his  face. 
Yet  through  aU  these  storms  of  controversy 
he  maintained  the  most  friendly  relations 
even  with  those  whose  conduct  he  denounced, 
and  from  those  who  knew  him  most  intim- 
ately he  eUcited  a  singular  degree  of  affection 
as  well  as  respect.  He  made  E.  W.  Benson 
{q.v.)  Chancellor  of  Lincoln,  and  with  his 
aid  founded  the  Scholae  Cancellarii.  [Theo- 
logical Colleges.]  Benson  wrote  on  the 
16th  May  1883 :  '  The  Bishop  stiU  rises  at  six ; 
still  reads  and  -writes  as  much  as  ever ;  still 
quotes  Fathers  and  Classics  aptly  and  abund- 
antly, and  still  reasons  as  iU,  and  is  as  beauti- 
fully courteous  as  ever.'  On  9th  February 
1885  Wordsworth  resigned  his  see.  On  hear- 
ing that  his  successor  was  to  be  Edward  King 
(q.v.),  he  telegraphed  to  Gladstone,  who  had 
made  the  appointment,  Deo  gratias.  He  died 
on  the  21st  March  1885,  and  was  buried  on 
Lady  Day  in  the  churchyard  of  Riseholme, 
then  the  episcopal  residence  of  the  see. 

The  list  of  his  books  covers  thirteen  pages  in 
the  Brit.  Mus.  Catalogue.  The  most  remark- 
able were  his  annotated  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament  and  his  Commentary  on  the 
Holy  Bible — works  of  extraordinary  labour, 
of  solid  learning  and  quaint  interpretation. 

[g.  w.  e.  e.] 

Overton    and    Wordsworth,     Life;     A.    C. 
Benson,  Leaves  of  the  Tree. 


(  654  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wren 


WREN,   Matthew  (1585-1667),  Bishop  of 
Ely,   born  in  London,   1585,  eldest  son  of 
Francis,  mercer;    admitted  scholar  of  Pem- 
broke Hall,  Cambridge,    1601,   by  influence 
of  L.  Andrewes  {q.v.),  then  Master;  Fellow, 
1605;    M.A.,  1608;    D.D.,  1634;    ordained 
deacon    and     priest,     1611  ;      chaplain     to 
Andrewes,  now  Bishop  of  Ely,  and  rector  of 
Teversham,  Cambs,  1615  ;   became  chaplain 
to  Charles  Prince  of  Wales,  1622,  and  accom- 
panied him  on  his  visit  to  Spain  in  1623  ; 
Canon  of  Winchester,  1623  ;  rector  of  Bing- 
ham, Notts,  1624  ;    in  1625  he  was  elected 
Master  of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  and  exerted 
himself  to  collect  money  for  the  building  of 
the  chapel,  which  was  dedicated  in   1633  ; 
Dean  of  Windsor  and  Wolverhampton,  and 
Registrar  of  the  Garter,  and  Vice-ChanceUor 
at  Cambridge,  1628  ;  accompanied  Charles  i. 
on  his  journey  to  Scotland,  and  became  Clerk 
of  the  Closet  in  1633.    He  was  elected  Bishop 
of  Hereford,  5th  December  1634,  and  conse- 
crated, 8th  March  1635,  and  drew  up  new 
statutes  for  his  cathedral  chapter.     Trans- 
lated to  Norwich,  10th  November  1635,  he 
set  himself  to  enforce  the  Laudian  discipline, 
and  was  denounced  by  Prynne  in  News  from 
Ipswich,  1636.     He  was  translated  to  Ely, 
24th  April  1638.     On  19th  December  1640, 
the  morrow  of  Laud's  impeachment,  J.  Hamp- 
den -was  sent  by  the  Commons  to  the  Lords 
with  the  message  that  they  had  received  in- 
formation   against    Wren    '  for    setting    up 
idolatry  and   superstition  in   divers  places, 
and  acting  some  things  of  that  nature  in  his 
own  person,'   and  to   ask  that  security  be 
required  of  him  '  to  be  forthcoming  and  abide 
the  judgment  of  Parliament,'  since  they  hear 
he  is  endeavouring  to  escape  from  England. 
Consequently  he  was  bound,  with  three  other 
bishops,  in  £10,000  each,  for  his  daily  appear- 
ance; 5th  July  1 64 1  his  impeachment  was  deter- 
mined upon,  and  20th  July  Sir  T.  Widdrington 
made  a  violent  speech  against  him  before  the 
Lords,  and  twenty-four  articles  of  impeach- 
ment  were   laid   against   him.     In   August, 
along  with  the  archbishop  and  twelve  other 
bishops,  he  was  impeached  for  making  canons 
in  1640,  and  was  imprisoned  in  the  Tower 
from  December  1641  to  May  1642.     Mean- 
while the  original  charges  were  maintained, 
and  on  1st  September  he  was  again  thrown 
into    the    Tower.     An    able    and    effective 
defence  which  he  drew  up  on  all  the  twenty- 
four  charges  was  betrayed  ;  the  impeachment 
was  dropped,  but  his  continued  imprisonment 
was  decreed.     In  1644,  in  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Uxbridge,  he  was  expressly  ex- 
cluded from  hope  of  pardon ;    and  in  1648 
the  Commons  voted  that  he  should  not  be 


tried  for  his  Ufe,  but  should  be  imprisoned 
till  further  order';  and  he  remained  in  the 
Tower  till  1660,  for  part  of  the  time  (1644-6) 
having,  by  connivance  of  his  guardians,  free 
intercourse  with  George  Monk.  He  might 
more  than  once  have  gained  his  freedom  had 
he  been  willing  to  ask  it  from  Cromwell.  He 
was  released,  17th  March  1660.  He  de- 
voted £5000  of  the  income  of  liis  recovered 
see  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  chapel  of  Pem- 
broke Hall.  He  was  on  the  committee  of  the 
Upper  House  of  the  Convocation  of  Canter- 
bury for  the  revision  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  and  read  the  Gospel  at  Charles  n.'s 
coronation.  He  died  at  Ely  House,  24th  April 
1667,  and  was  solemnly  buried  in  Pembroke 
Chapel,  Rougedragon  carrying  the  crozier 
and  Norroy  the  mitre  (both  of  which  are  pre- 
served at  Pembroke  College),  and  Pearson 
{q.v.)  preaching  his  funeral  sermon.  Claren- 
don describes  him  as  '  of  a  severe  and  sour 
nature,'  but  this  seems  to  have  reference  to 
his  character  as  a  disciphnarian,  and  his  in- 
sistence on  the  rights  of  his  see,  rather  than 
to  his  personal  temper ;  and  it  is  further 
illustrated  by  his  reply  to  an  expostulation 
of  Charles  n.,  '  Sir,  I  know  my  way  to  the 
Tower.'  Clarendon  also  describes  him  as 
'  particularly  versed  in  the  old  hturgies  of 
the  Greek  and  Latin  churches  ' ;  accordingly, 
he  was  associated  with  Laud  and  Juxon  to 
form  a  committee  for  super%'ising  the  Scottish 
Canons  and  Book  of  Common  Prayer  of 
1636-37  ;  while  Bishop  of  Hereford  he  drew 
up  the  order  for  the  consecration  of  Abbey 
Dore,  and  after  the  Restoration  that  for  the 
consecration  of  Pembroke  Chapel ;  and  his 
suggestions  largely  influenced  the  revision 
of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  (q.v.)  in  1661. 
He  was  a  '  rituahst '  of  the  type  of  Andrewes 
and  Laud,  and  along  with  the  latter  was  the 
butt  of  Puritan  satire. 

The  after  that,  unto  this  jolly  fair, 
A  little  Wren  came  flying  througli  the  air, 
And  on  his  back,  betwixt  his  wings  he  bore 
A  minster,  stuffed  with  crosnes,  altars'  store, 
With  sacred  Fonts,  with  rare  gilt  cherubims, 
And     bellowing    organs,    chanting    curious 

hymns  .    .    . 
'  Buy  my  high  altars,'  he  lifts  up  his  voice, 
'  All  sorts  of  mass-books,  here  you  may  have 

choice.' 

Lambeth  Fair. 

The  only  works  of  Wren  were  Meditutiones 
sacrae  in  S.  Paginam,  de  genuino  sensu  atque 
exacta  nostra  versione  divinorum  (extuum; 
Epistolae  variae  ad  viros  doctissimos,  from 
which  his  son  Matthew  compiled  Increpaiio 
Barjesu,  1660 ;  a  sermon  on  Prov.  24^1,  printed 
in  Parentalia,  p.  115;  and  The  Abandoning 


(655  ) 


Wulfstan] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wyclif 


of  the  Scotch  Covenant:  a  brief  theological 
treatise  touching  that  unlatvful  Scottish  Cove- 
nant, 1662.  There  is  an  engraved  portrait 
of  Wren  in  Parentalia.  [f.  e.  b.] 

C.  and  S.  Wren,  Parentalia ;  Clarendon, 
Rebellion;  Staley,  Hierurgia  Anglicana  ; 
J.  W.  Legg,  Enqlish  Orders  for  Consecrating 
Churches  {B..B.?,.),  1911. 

WULFSTAN,  St.  (c.  1007-95),  Bishop  of 
Worcester,  was  a  native  of  Warwickshire, 
the  son  of  wealthy  and  well-connected 
parents.  Educated  in  the  monastic  schools 
of  Evesham  and  Peterborough,  he  developed 
a  retiring  and  studious  disposition,  although 
in  youth  he  was  handsome  and  athletic. 
His  parents  having  embraced  the  monastic 
profession  at  Worcester,  Wulfstan  attached 
himself  to  the  household  of  Bishop  Brihteah 
(who  held  that  see  from  1033  to  1038). 
Brihteah  induced  him  to  become  a  priest, 
and  gave  him  the  parish  of  Hawkesbury  (co. 
Gloucester) ;  but  shortly  afterwards  Wulfstan 
entered  the  cathedral  monastery,  to  devote 
himself  more  completely  to  God's  service. 
At  Worcester  he  held  in  succession  the 
offices  of  schoolmaster,  precentor,  sacristan, 
and  prior.  As  prior  he  earned  distinction, 
in  the  time  of  Bishop  Ealdred  {q.v.)  (1046-62), 
by  preaching  regularly  to  the  people  of  the 
diocese,  for  whose  instruction  Ealdred  had 
made  no  adequate  provision.  Wulfstan's 
detractors  argued  that  this  activity  was 
reprehensible,  inconsistent  with  the  monastic 
profession,  and  injurious  to  the  bishop, 
who  alone  had  the  right  of  preaching.  But 
Wulfstan  made  powerful  friends  by  the 
charm  of  his  personahty ;  among  these  are 
mentioned  the  Countess  Godiva  of  Mercia, 
her  son.  Earl  Aelfgar,  and  Harold,  son  of 
Godwin.  In  1062,  Ealdred  having  vacated 
the  see  of  Worcester,  Wulfstan  was  proposed 
for  the  vacancy  by  two  papal  legates  who 
had  made  his  acquaintance  at  Worcester. 
Edward  the  Confessor  accepted  the  sugges- 
tion, and  Wulfstan  was  appointed  with 
general  approbation.  He  was  consecrated 
on  8th  September  1062  by  Archbishop 
Ealdred  at  York,  because  Stigand  of  Canter- 
bury had  been  branded  by  Pope  Alexander 
as  a  schismatic  and  usurper.  Wulfstan,  how- 
ever, acknowledged  Stigand  as  his  superior. 
He  also  espoused  the  cause  of  Harold  on  the 
death  of  the  Confessor.  But  a  prompt  sub- 
mission and  his  saintly  character  saved  him 
from  deposition  after  the  Norman  Conquest. 
Lanfranc  {q.v.)  meditated  his  removal,  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  too  ignorant  for  a 
bishop,  but  WiUiam  i.  stood  his  friend. 
Wulfstan    and    Lanfranc    subsequently    co- 


operated in  resisting  the  claims  of  York  to 
jurisdiction  over  the  diocese  of  Worcester. 
Wulfstan  was  deputed  by  Lanfranc  to  visit 
the  diocese  of  Liclifield,  and  distinguished 
himself  by  compelling  his  own  clergy  to 
observe  the  legislation  of  1076  against 
clerical  marriages.  To  the  new  dynasty  he 
rendered  good  service  in  1075,  and  again  in 
1088,  by  making  head  with  his  own  knights 
and  retainers  against  local  rebeUions.  In 
1085  he  helped  the  Domesday  commissioners 
to  make  their  survey  of  Worcestershire.  In 
his  diocese  he  was  active  in  visitations,  in 
preaching  and  confirming,  in  the  building 
and  restoration  of  churches.  Between  1084 
and  1089  he  rebuilt  his  own  cathedral ;  his 
crypt  may  still  be  seen,  but  the  main  fabric 
was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1113.  He  shares 
with  Lanfranc  the  credit  of  suppressing  the 
export  trade  in  slaves,  of  which  Bristol  was 
the  centre.  He  visited  Bristol  frequently  to 
preach  against  this  abuse,  and  finally  shamed 
the  slave  merchants  out  of  their  evil  practices. 
He  died  of  old  age  on  18th  January  1095,  and 
was  buried  at  Worcester.  Locally  he  was  at 
once  venerated  as  a  saint,  but  his  formal 
canonisation  was  delayed  till  1203. 

[h.  w.  c.  d.] 

Freeman,  Norman  Conquest  and  William 
Rufus ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis,  Eng.  under  the  JS'or- 
mans  and  Angevins ;  Dean  Church,  St.  Wulf- 
stan, '  Lives  of  the  Eng.  Saints,'  1844;  reprinted 
1901. 

WYCLIF,  or  WICLIF,  John  (c.  1320-84), 
reformer,  was  born  probably  at  Hipswell,  near 
Richmond,  Yorks ;  went  to  Balliol  College, 
Oxford,  and  became  Master  of  the  college 
(1360-1).  After  a  petition  hy  the  university 
to  the  Pope  in  his  favour  he  was  provided  to 
the  prebend  of  Aust  in  the  church  of  West- 
bury-on-Trym  (24th  November  1352).  He 
was  given  dispensation  to  hold  this  along  with 
a  promised  canonry  in  Lichfield  (26th  Decem- 
ber 1373),  which  he  lost,  as  on  his  refusal  to 
pay  first-fruits  it  was  given  by  Gregory  xi.  to  a 
young  foreigner.  Up  to  this  date,  therefore, 
he  was  in  favour  at  Rome.  He  proceeded  D.D. 
about  1372,  and  we  are  told  that  this  date  was 
a^turning-point  in  his  teaching.  His  prefer- 
ments were  Fillingham  (1361),  LudgershaU 
(November  1368),  Lutterworth  (by  the 
Crown,  April  1374),  but  he  was  probably 
mostly  non-resident  in  these  parishes.  There 
was  another  John  Wyclif  or  Whitclif ,  a  Fellow 
of  Merton  (1356),  who  (probably)  was  the 
Vicar  of  Mayfield  (1361)  by  Archbishop  IsUp's 
appointment.  There  was  also  a  John  W^ycUf, 
Warden  of  Canterbury  Hall  (now  part  of 
Christ    Church),     who    may    be    identified 


(  656 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wyclif 


with  one  of  these.  This  Hall  was  founded 
for  monks  and  seculars  jointly ;  later  the 
monks  were  expelled,  and  John  Wyclif 
was  made  Warden.  Archbishop  Langham 
(March  1369)  restored  the  monks  (1371),  a 
measure  confirmed  two  years  later  by  Edward 
m.  It  was  said  soon  afterwards  that  his 
hostility  to  the  papacy  was  caused  by  this 
judgment,  but  it  has  also  been  doubted  if 
the  reformer  were  the  Warden  who  may  have 
been  Wyclif  of  Mayficld.  Wyclif  mentions  the 
incident  himself  quite  calmly,  and  although 
it  is  probable  that  he  was  the  Warden,  any 
ordinary  suit  such  as  this  could  have  given 
rise  to  no  anger.  The  beginning  of  his  pubhc 
life  must  now  be  placed  not  in  1366  but  about 
1375,  when  a  demand  was  made  by  the  Pope 
(1374)  for  the  tribute  promised  by  King  John. 
WycUf,  who  had  been  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners at  Bruges  to  discuss  the  non-ob- 
servance of  the  statute  of  Provisors  {q.v.), 
disputed  on  the  justice  of  this  claim.  The 
King,  he  urged,  held  his  kingdom  directs 
from  Christ ;  the  Pope,  who  Uke  all  lords 
lost  his  power  by  deadly  sin,  had  no  claim. 
Wyclif  here  appears  as  an  advocate  of  the 
State  against  the  Church,  and  as  a  critic  of 
the  Church's  claim  to  endowments  or 
revenues.  His  assertion  of  regal  sovereignty, 
his  feeHng  of  nationahty,  and  his  dislike  of 
endowments  were  fixed  principles — almost 
his  only  iixed  principles — throughout  his  life. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  his  pubhc  career. 
Before  1374-5  his  activity  had  been  academic 
and  philosophic.  From  1360  to  1370  or  so  he 
wrote  much,  cliiefly  on  philosophy,  as  a 
follower  of  St.  Augustine,  with  a  belief  in 
predestination  and  in  the  doom  of  some  to 
damnation.  He  was  a  strong  Realist,  attri- 
buting to  general  ideas  a  real  existence,  and 
he  denied  the  possibUity  of  anything  being 
annihilated.  His  academic  discussions  on 
these  points  shaped  his  later  views.  Like 
some  of  the  Friars  (with  whom  he  long 
kept  friendly)  he  held  endowments  to  be 
wrong,  and  with  his  strong  views  of  the 
power  of  the  State  he  held  that  the  civil 
power  and  lay  lords  were  bound  to  enforce 
reformation  of  Church  abuses.  After  1375 
he  preached  these  views  to  a  larger  public. 

He  was  much  indebted  for  his  views  to 
Grosseteste  {q.v.)  and  Richard  Fitz-Ralph, 
Archbishop  of  Armagh  (1347-60).  From 
Fitz-Ralph  he  took  his  theory  of  dominion  or 
lordship :  true  worship  was  derived  from 
God,  and  is  lost  by  deadly  sin  ('dominion 
is  founded  in  grace ').  This  doctrine  was 
meant  to  enforce  responsibility,  but  was 
open  to  abuse,  and  might  be  dangerous.  To 
WiUiam of  Ockham  {q.v.)  (although  a  Nominal- 


ist) Wyclif  owed  much  of  his  doctrine  of 
sovereignty  and  national  power,  and  of  his 
criticism  of  the  papacy.  Upon  the  Eucharist 
his  views  went  through  three  stages.  Up  to 
1 370  he  accepted  Transubstantiation,  although 
it  implied  an  exception  to  his  theory  of  the 
indestructibiUty  of  'substance.'  About  1372 
(at  his  doctorate)  he  was  more  doubtful, 
and  inclined  to  leave  the  question  aside. 
About  1380  he  became  convinced  that  the 
permanence  of  substance  held  good  here 
too,  and  therefore  that  Transubstantiation, 
which  implied  theannihilationof  the  substance 
of  the  elements,  was  untrue.  His  denial  of 
Transubstantiation  was  thus  based  on  scientific 
or  philosophic  grounds,  and  did  not  afifect  his 
belief  in  the  reahty  of  Christ's  Presence. 
About  1382  the  controversies  into  which  his 
views  of  endowments  led  him  became  more 
bitter,  and  the  monks  especially  opposed  him. 
In  September  1376  he  was  asked  by  John 
of  Gaunt,  the  leader  of  the  lay  party  who 
opposed  the  interference  of  ecclesiastics  like 
William  of  Wykeham  {q.v.)  in  poUtics  and 
administration,  to  preach  in  London.  This 
led  to  a  summons  to  appear  (February  1379) 
before  Convocation.  The  presence  with  him 
of  John  of  Gaunt  and  Percy  saved  him,  but 
a  riot  of  the  citizens  against  the  insolent 
duke  followed.  Bulls  from  Rome  to  Arch- 
bishop Sudbury  {q.v.),  the  King,  and  the 
University  were  now  procured  by  the  monks 
along  with  some  bishops.  The  eighteen  errors 
charged  by  them  against  him  mainly  concerned 
endowments  and  the  submission  of  ecclesi- 
astics to  civil  courts.  At  the  end  of  1377  the 
University  was  urged  to  inquire  into  his 
doctrines,  and  although  disliking  the  tone  of 
the  Bull,  they  obeyed.  His  views  were  decided 
to  be  dangerous,  but  not  heterodox.  In  the 
spring  of  1378  he  was  summoned  before  the 
archbishop  and  Courtenay  of  London,  whom 
the  Pope  had  named  as  commissioners.  This 
time  the  Londoners  were  on  his  side,  ana  the 
Princess  of  Wales  protected  him.  But  he  was 
charged  to  keep  sUent  on  his  errors.  I'he 
schism  of  1378,  leading  to  the  crasade  in 
Flanders  by  Bishop  Despenser  {q.v.)  of  Nor- 
wich (1382),  intensified  Wyclif 's  dislike  of 
the  existing  abuses ;  it  showed  churchmen 
striving  for  power  and  forgetting  the  law  of 
Christ.  Henceforth  he  became  more  anti- 
papaL  But,  strongly  as  he  spoke  against  the 
existing  papacy  and  its  methods,  he  was  not 
opposed  to  a  Pope  who  should  resemble  Christ, 
although  the  seat  of  his  power  need  not  be  at 
Rome.  In  the  idea  of  the  papacy  he  saw 
nothing  wrong,  much  as  he  hated  existing 
popes  and  the  abuses  of  their  power.  The 
events  of  the  time  and  its  abuses,  joined  to  his 


2  T 


(657) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wyclif 


strong  sense  of  national  life,  intensified  his 
anger  and  its  expression.  His  scholastic 
love  of  speculation,  and  the  freedom  of 
thought  common  in  mediaeval  Universities, 
made  his  criticism  of  the  general  Church  sys- 
tem very  thorough.  Holy  orders,  and  all 
sacraments,  were  questioned  or  even  denied. 
Such  teaching  spread  broadcast  had  a  deeper 
effect  than  when  confined  to  the  University. 
His  Latin  works  are  mainly  his  Oxford 
lectures,  some  recast  and  edited  ;  they  give 
us  his  views,  often  violent  and  sometimes 
changeable. 

Wj^clif's  devotion  to  St.  Augustine  led  to 
his  being  called  '  Joannes  Augustini ' ;  his 
love  and  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures  gained 
him  the  name  of  Doctor  Evangdicus.  His 
de  Veriiate  Sacrae  Scripiurae  (1378)  appeals 
to  the  Bible  against  the  abuses  of  the  day, 
and  advocates  a  translation  of  it  into  Eng- 
lish ;  and  incidentally  the  work  shows  that 
there  was  no  interference  at  that  time  with 
the  Scriptures  in  the  vernacular ;  it  was  only 
unUcensed  preaching  which  was  checked. 
There  were  already  many  partial  translations 
(such  as  Rolle  of  Hampole's  {q.v.)  Psalms), 
but  none  complete.  We  have  statements  by 
Hus,  Archbishop  Arundel  (1411),  and  Knigh- 
ton (anti-Wyclifite)  that  Wyclif  translated 
the  whole  Bible,  but  there  are  many  diffi- 
culties as  to  the  two  Wyclif  versions  (one 
rough  and  early,  the  other  more  pohshed  and 
later,  but  both  from  the  Vulgate).  The 
prologue  to  the  second  version — strongly  Lol- 
lard in  tone — is  certainly  not  Wyclif  s  work, 
it  is  possibly  Purvey's.  The  best  conclu- 
sion is  that  an  impulse  towards  the  translation 
came  from  Wychf,  but  (although  statements 
on  both  sides  are  often  too  positive)  he  did 
not  do  much  of  the  work  (which  was  com- 
pleted after  his  death)  himself.  Gasquet's 
theory  that  the  translation  known  as 
Wyclif's  was  really  an  orthodox  version 
recognised  by  the  Church  has  Httle  support. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  the  version,  apart 
from  the  prologues,  was  not  prohibited,  could 
be  possessed  with  episcopal  licence,  and  was 
widely  read.     [Bible,  English.] 

Another  controversy  has  arisen  as  to 
Wyclif's  '  Poor  Priests  or  preachers.'  Doubts 
have  been  expressed  whether  they  ever  existed, 
but  the  numerous  mentions  of  them  in 
Wyclif's  Latin  and  English  works,  and  the 
irritation  expressed  at  the  prohibition  of  cer- 
tain priests  (poor  and  by  choice  unbeneficed) 
are  strong  evidence  of  their  existence.  Their 
foundation,  tentative  and  not  very  formal, 
dates  from  Wyclif's  Oxford  days  (1377). 
At  first  they  were  priests,  then  laymen,  as 
he    came    to    make   less   of    learning,  more 


of  personal  piety.  They  resembled  the 
Friars  (q.v.),  with  whom  Wyclif  was  then 
friendly.  After  his  death  they  were  laymen, 
and  Wyclif's  own  expressed  contempt  for 
orders  favoured  the  change.  His  English 
sermons  were  probablj'  intended  for  their 
use.  By  this  means  Wyclifitism  was  spread, 
especiaUj'  in  certain  districts,  such  as  Leices- 
tershire, and  later  on  Norfolk. 

The  outbreak  of  1381,  its  popular  excite- 
ment, the  murder  of  Archbishop  Sudbury, 
and  the  succession  of  Courtenay,  changed 
things.  John  of  Gaunt  feU  from  power. 
Wyclif's  teaching  as  to  endowments  (based 
on  the  fable  of  Constantine's  donation  to 
Pope  Sj'lvester,  when  '  poison  was  poured 
into  the  veins  of  the  Church ')  and  upon 
Transubstantiation  was  blamed  as  causing 
the  trouble.  Wychf's  own  sympathy  was 
with  the  peasants  ;  both  his  teachings  and 
the  Poor  Priests  favoured  communism,  and 
(1380)  his  attack  upon  Transubstantiation 
had  intensified  controversies.  In  1381  his 
teaching  was  condemned  at  Oxford ;  the 
'  earthquake '  council  at  Blackfriars  (May 
1382)  condemned  ten  of  his  doctrines  as 
heresies,  fourteen  as  errors.  Arundel  then 
attacked  Wyclif  at  Oxford,  where  his  sup- 
porters (Nicholas  Hereford,  Repyngdon,  As- 
ton, and  others)  were  busy.  A  strife  of  some 
months,  in  which  the  King's  council  and  the 
archbishop  were  opposed  by  Wyclifites  and 
the  party  of  academic  independence,  ended 
in  the  complete  silencing  of  Wyclifites  at 
Oxford.  He  was  shut  out  from  the  schools, 
and  probably  promised  not  to  use  some  terms 
— substance,  etc. — outside.  There  is  no 
evidence  for  his  recantation.  His  boldness, 
in  his  appeal  to  the  King  and  the  nation, 
circulated  now  and  in  his  later  writings,  teUs 
against  it.  He  was  cited  to  Rome,  but  refused 
to  go,  and  (probably  paralysed)  remained  at 
Lutterworth  (having  left  Oxford)  until  his 
death  (St.  Sylvester's  Day,  31st  December 
1384).  The  struggle  (1382-4)  had  been 
primarily  academic,  and  its  effect  upon  Ox- 
ford was  very  great.  The  popular  side  of  the 
movement  remained.  But  the  catalogue  of 
Wyclif's  heresies  had  given  an  easy  means  of 
measuring  heresy,  hitherto  almost  unknown 
in  England.  The  bishops — impelled  by  the 
party  of  order  in  England,  and  by  the 
papacy  outside,  faced,  moreover,  by  popular 
disturbance  of  all  kinds  (preaching,  Lollard 
schools,  teaching,  circulating  of  LoUard  tracts 
and  of  prologues,  added  to  orthodox  works 
and  Scriptures) — made  the  most  of  their 
authority  for  investigating  and  suppressing 
lieresy  until  later  Acts  devised^^fresh  means 
of  dealing  with  it.     Wyclifitism  ceased  to  be 


(  658  ) 


Wykeham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Wykeham 


academic ;  it  lingered  on  as  a  popular  move- 
ment. [Lollards.]  Wyclif  s  chief  importance 
lies  in  his  being  the  last  of  the  great  English 
scholastics ;  in  his  expression  of  strong 
nationalism,  roused  to  vigour  against  papal 
claims  and  ecclesiastical  privileges  which 
worked  against  the  State ;  in  his  dislike  of 
endowments,  his  democratic  tendencies,  and 
his  suggestion  of  a  reform  carried  out  by  the 
State  and  by  laymen.  His  own  name  falls  into 
the  background  in  England  until  the  con- 
demnation of  his  heresies  at  Constance 
brought  it  forward  again.  In  Bohemia, 
whither  his  works  were  carried  by  students 
from  Oxford,  his  influence  was  great,  and 
was  one  element  in  the  Hussite  movement. 
The  exact  connection  between  WycUf  as  a 
teacher  and  the  later  Lollards  is  obscure, 
and  so  is  that  between  Wychf  and  the 
Reformation.  There  is  no  exact  proof  of 
direct  connection  in  either  case.  But  in  any 
case,  Wyclif  is  the  product  of  mediajval 
thought  and  of  its  break  up,  of  national 
and  political  tendencies  which  later  on  issued 
in  the  Reformation.  But  he  has,  apart  from 
his  bold  revolutionary  speculations,  more 
links  with  mediaeval  than  with  Reformation 
thought.  [j.  p.  w.] 

See  Camb.  Hist,  of  Eng.  Lit.,  il.  ii.,  for  full 
bibliography ;  Workman,  Dawn,  of  the  I'efor- 
mation  ;  Trevelyan,  Age  of  Wyrlife  ;  Rashdall 
in  D.N.B.;  Figgis  in  TypicoJ  Eng.  Church- 
men, series  ii.  (S.P.C.K.);  R.  L.  Poole,  Move- 
ments of  Reform,  also  Illustrations  of  MedioBval 
Thought-,  Select  Eng.  Works,  ed.  T.  Arnold; 
and  Latin  Works  in  publications  of  Wyclif 
Society. 

WYKEHAM,  William  of  (1323-1404), 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
founder  of  colleges,  according  to  the  only 
contemporary  authority,  the  life  written  by 
Robert  Heete  about  1430,  was  born  at 
Wickham,  Hants,  in  1323  or  1324,  the 
son  of  John,  nicknamed  Long,  of  whom 
all  we  know  is  that  he  was  '  endowed 
with  the  freedom  of  his  ancestors,'  and 
Sybil,  who  is  described  as  '  of  gentle  birth,' 
daughter  of  William  Bowate  and  grand- 
daughter of  Sir  Wilham  Stratton  of  Stratton, 
near  Micheldever,  Hants.  Some  patrons,  un- 
named, paid  for  his  education  at  Winchester 
in  the  primitive  sciences,  beyond  which  he 
never  passed.  The  primitive  sciences  are 
defined  in  a  papal  Bull  of  1335  (Leach, 
Educational  Charters,  290)  as  grammar,  logic, 
and  philosophy. 

On  leaving  school  Wykeham  became 
'  undcr-notary  (vice-tabellio)  to  a  certain 
squire,  constable  of  Winchester  Castle,' 
viz.  Robert   of   Popham,  who  became  con- 


stable,   25th    April    1340.     On    10th   May 

1356  he  was  made  clerk  of  the  King's 
works  in  the  manors  of  Henley  and  East- 
hampstead,  his  duty  being  to  pay  for  all 
wages  and  purchases  of  materials,  subject 
to  the  supervision  of  three  controllers.  In 
June  he  was  a  commissioner  for  the  Statute 
of  Labourers  in  the  liberty  of  St.  George's, 
Windsor,  and  in  October  surveyor  of  the 
works  of  Windsor  Castle,  with  the  same 
duties  as  at  Henley. 

This  appointment  has  been  supposed  to 
mark  his  becoming  architect  to  Windsor 
Castle.  A  well-known  story,  traceable  to 
Archbishop  Parker  {q.v.),  imputes  to  Wyke- 
ham the  Round  'I'ower  and  the  inscription  on 
it :  Hoc  fecit  Wykeham,  which,  when  brought 
to  the  King's  notice,  would  have  cost  him 
his  place  had  he  not  explained  that  it  meant, 
not  '  Wykeham  made  this,*  but  '  This  made 
Wykeham.'  The  Round  Tower  was,  how- 
ever, a  Norman  work.  Wykeham  was  pay- 
master and  manager,  not  architect.  The 
architect  was  William  of  Wynford,  the  chief 
mason,  whom  Wykeham  employed  after- 
wards as  chief  mason  at  Winchester  CoUege 
and  Winchester  Cathedral.  At  first  under 
Wykeham  there  was  a  great  reduction  in 
expenditure.  During  the  years  1356  to 
1361  of  Wykeham's  office  the  chief  work  was 
some  new  royal  apartments  to  the  east  of 
the  Round  Tower,  and  some  gateways  lead- 
ing to  them.  Whatever  were  Wykeham's 
duties,  his  performance  of  them  brought  him 
greatly   into   favour.      On    14th   November 

1357  his  name  first  occurs  in  an  ecclesiastical 
connection.  The  grant  of  the  living  of 
Irstead,  Norfolk,  in  1349  to  WiUiam  of 
Wykeham,  chaplain,  at  one  time  attributed 
to  our  Wykeham,  has  been  proved  to  refer  to 
another  man  of  the  same  name.  In  1357 
Wykeham,  the  King's  clerk,  was  given  one 
sliilhng  a  day  extra  wages — his  wages  as 
surveyor  were  also  one  shiUing  a  day — 
'  until  peacefully  advanced  to  some  benefice.' 
On  30th  November  he  was  presented  to  the 
rectory  of  Pulhaju,  worth  £53  a  year — one  of 
the  richest  livings  in  Norfolk.  This  was  the 
subject  of  a  contest  in  the  papal  court,  and 
though  Wykeham  obtained  a  papal  grant  of 
it  on' 8th  July  1358,  on  16th  April  1359  he 
was  given  a  pension  of  £20  a  year  by  the  King 
until  he  could  get  peaceful  possession.  It 
was  not  till  10th  July  1361  when  he  got  a 
new  grant  from  the  King  that  he  obtained 
possession. 

On  16th  April  1359  the  King  gave  Wyke- 
ham the  canonry  or  prebend  of  FUxton  in 
Lichfield  Cathedral,  but  he  only  obtained 
induction  29th  January  1361.     In  June  1359 


(  659  ) 


Wykeham] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Wykeham 


after  a  French  fleet  had  sacked  Winchclsea, 
Wykeham  was  made  survej^or  of  Dover  and 
other  southern  castles,  and  next  year  held  an 
inquiry  with  a  jury  as  to  the  defects  of  the 
walls  and  towers  at  Dover.  In  1360  he  was 
employed  in  negotiating  the  Peace  of  Bre- 
tigny,  to  which  he  was  one  of  the  witnesses, 
on  24th  October.  Meanwhile  he  had  been 
given  on  21st  May  1360  the  deanery  of 
St.  Martin's-le-Grand,  London.  On  13th 
February  1361,  at  the  joint  petition  of  the 
Kings  of  France  and  England,  the  Pope  '  pro- 
vided '  him  to  a  canonry  at  Lincoln.  In  1361, 
after  the  second  visitation  of  the  plague,  the 
secunda  pestis,  a  large  number  of  canonries 
fell  to  the  King  through  the  deaths  of  bishops 
and  canons,  and  preferments  were  heaped  on 
Wykeham.  Thus  he  became  a  prebendary 
of  Hereford,  12th  July;  of  the  coUegiate 
churches  of  Abergwilly  and  Llandewybrewi, 
IGth  July ;  of  Bromyard,  24th  July ;  of 
Auckland  (by  papal  provision),  11th  August ; 
of  Beverley,  1st  October ;  of  the  cathedral 
churches  of  SaUsbury,  16th  August ;  of  St. 
Paul's,  1st  October;  of  St.  David's,  22nd 
November;  and  of  WherweU  Monastery, 
Hants,  on  20th  December.  Yet  it  was  not 
till  5th  December  that  this  many-beneficed 
clerk  was  ordained  acolyte,  and  it  was  only 
next  year  that  he  took  holy  orders  by  becom- 
ing sub-deacon  in  March  and  priest  in  June. 
He  then  added  to  his  possessions  several 
more  prebends  at  Shaftesbury  Abbey  and 
Lincoln  Cathedral,  and  early  in  1363  at 
Hastings  and  St.  Stephen's,  Westminster, 
with  the  archdeaconries  first  of  Northampton, 
then  of  Lincoln,  the  provostry  of  the  fourteen 
prebends  of  Combe  in  Wells,  and  prebends  at 
Bridgnorth  and  St.  Patrick's,  Dubhn,  and 
the  rectory  at  Menheniot,  Cornwall.  It  is 
not  to  be  supposed  that  he  ever  saw  the 
rectory  or  any  of  his  prebends  outside 
London.  He  was  still  a  civil  servant.  Clerk  of 
the  Exchequer,  and  Keeper  of  all  the  Forests 
south  of  Trent.  On  6th  May  1364  he  was 
made  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  and  as  such 
was  practically  Prime  Minister,  figuring  in 
Froissart's  Chronicle  (i.  249)  as  '  a  priest  called 
Sir  William  de  Wican  who  reigned  in  England 
...  by  him  everything  was  done  and  with- 
out him  they  did  nothing.'  WilHam  of 
Edyngdon,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  died  in 
1366,  and  Wykeham  was  recommended  for 
bishop  by  the  King.  The  delay  of  six  months 
before  the  issue  of  Bull  of  4th  July  1367, 
providing  him  to  the  see,  has  been  attributed 
(Moberly,  Life  of  Wykeham)  to  papal  opposi- 
tion to  Wykeham  as  the  leader  of  a  nationaUst 
antipapal  party.  But  many  of  Wykeham's 
previous  preferments  were  conferred  by  the 


Pope.  The  delay  is  sufficiently  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  tliat  the  papal  court  was  at  this 
time  engaged  in  moving  to  Rome  after  its 
long  exile  at  Avignon. 

Wykeham  was  made  Chancellor  on  17th 
September,  and  consecrated  bishop,  10th 
October  1367.  As  Chancellor  he  was  respon- 
sible for  the  disastrous  war  with  France 
which  began  in  June  1368.  When  Parlia- 
ment met  in  1371  the  blame  for  the  disasters 
was  laid  on  him  and  his  clerical  colleagues ; 
a  lay  ministry  was  demanded,  and  he  resigned. 
In  1373  John  of  Gaunt  and  his  lay  ministers, 
having  been  equally  unsuccessful  against 
France,  Wykeham  was  made  one  of  a  council 
of  advice.  In  the  Good  Parhament  of 
February  1376  he  was  leader  in  the  impeach- 
ment of  Lord  Latimer  and  the  dismissal  of 
Alice  Perrers,  the  King's  mistress.  But  on 
the  Black  Prince's  death  on  8th  June  Alice 
Perrers  returned,  and  Wykeham  in  his  turn 
was  impeached.  He  was  convicted  (wTong- 
fuUy)  on  a  charge  of  remitting  half  of  a  fine 
for  licence  to  ahenate  land  and  altering  the 
rolls  of  Chancery  accordingly,  and  was  de- 
clared liable  to  a  fine  of  nine  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  marks  (£640,000).  He  was 
banished  the  court,  and  his  episcopal  revenues 
were  seized. 

Wykeham  had  almost  immediately  after 
becoming  bishop  begun  to  act  as  the  '  pious 
founder.'  On  6th  January  1368  he  bought 
the  manor  of  Boarhunt  in  Southwick,  with 
which  he  endowed  a  chantry  for  his  parents' 
souls  in  Southwick  Priory.  On  1st  September 
1373  he  contracted  with  Master  Richard  of 
Herton,  grammarian,  to  instruct  in  the  art  of 
grammar  for  ten  years  the  poor  scholars  whom 
he  maintained — showing  that  he  had  already 
started  the  school  which  became  Winchester 
College.  When  his  revenues  were  seques- 
trated in  1376  and  he  '  brake  up  household.' 
he  also  sent  home  the  seventy  scholars 
whom  he  was  maintaining  at  Oxford — show- 
ing that  he  had  already  maintained  the 
house  which  became  New  College. 

On  18th  June  1377  his  episcopal  revenues 
were  restored  through,  it  was  said,  a  bribe 
to  Alice  Perrers.  He  certainly  bought  part 
of  the  endowment  of  Winchester  College  from 
her  husband  three  years  later.  But  his 
restoration  was  probably  due  to  the  Princess 
of  Wales,  since  after  the  accession  of  her  son, 
Richard  n.,  he  was  granted  a  full  pardon. 
Winchester  College  was  soon  after  begun 
with  a  Bull  from  Pope  Urban  vi.,  1st  June 
1378,  enabhng  Wykeham  to  appropriate 
Downton  Rectory,  Wilts,  '  for  seventy  poor 
scholars  clerks  to  live  college-wise  and  study 
in  grammatical  near  the  city  of  Winchester.' 


(  660) 


Yonge] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[Yonge 


Under  papal  Bull  and  royal  licence,  the 
foundation  charter  of  '  Seinte  Marie  College  of 
Wynchestre  in  Oxenford '  for  a  Warden  and 
seventy  scholars  to  study  theology,  canon 
and  civil  law  and  arts  was  granted  by 
Wykeham,  26th  November  1379;  and  on 
5th  March  1380  the  first  stone  was  laid  of  the 
New  College,  as  it  is  still  called,  and  the 
college  entered  on  the  completed  buildings 
14th  April  1386.  On  6th  October  1382  the 
charter  of '  Seinte  Marie  College  of  Winchcstre 
by  Wynchestre '  was  issued.  But  the  first 
stone  of  the  present  buildings  was  not  laid 
till  26th  March  1388,  nor  were  they  inhabited 
till  28th  March  1394,  the  college  meanwhile 
Uving  in  the  parish  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 

The  cause  of  the  long  delays  in  the  erection 
of  the  colleges  is  to  be  found  in  the  disturbed 
state  of  politics,  the  Papal  Schism  in  1379, 
the  Peasants'  Revolt  in  1381,  the  wars  with 
France,  Scotland,  and  Spain,  and  the  con- 
stitutional struggles  in  1388,  followed  by 
Wykeham's  second  chancellorship  from 
3rd  May  1389  to  27th  September  1391. 
He  ceased  to  attend  the  Council  and 
Parliament  during  Richard  n.'s  unconstitu- 
tional attempts  at  arbitrary  power.  He 
probably  favoured  Henry  iv.'s  revolution, 
attending  the  Council  again  four  times  in 
Henry's  first  year,  and  making  him  great 
loans.  When  Winchester  College  was 
finished  in  September  1394  Wykeham  began 


rebuilding  Winchester  Cathedral.  He  made 
his  will,  24th  July  1403,  and  died  on  27th 
September  1404,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  and 
was  buried  in  the  beautiful  chantry  chapel  he 
had  built  and  endowed  in  the  nave  of  the 
cathedral,  where  as  a  boy  he  used  to  attend 
the  early  '  Morrow  Mass '  at  the  Virgin's 
altar,  called  '  Pek's  Mass.' 

His  rapid  rise  from  a  mere  clerk  in  1357  to 
the  highest  places  in  Church  and  State  in 
1359  was  apparently  due  to  his  business 
capacity  as  steward  and  lawyer.  As  a  war 
minister  he  was  not  successful.  His  church- 
manship  was  Erastian,  and  to  some  extent 
reactionary  and  opposed  to  Wyeliffism.  His 
fame  rests  on  his  two  great  foundations, 
by  far  the  largest  and  richest  educational 
establishments  in  England  of  that  age,  which 
eclipsed  even  the  great  Navarre  College  of 
Paris  University,  the  foundation  of  the 
Queen  of  France  and  Navarre  in  1304.  By 
placing  his  grammar  boys  in  a  separate  college 
at  his  native  place,  he  originated  a  new  and 
wider  view  of  a  great  school  as  an  independent 
institution  instead  of  a  mere  appanage  to  a 
church.  By  recognising  paying  commoners, 
'  sons  of  noblemen,'  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
school  college,  and  transferring  the  institution 
of  prefects  from  the  grown  students  to  boys, 
incidentally,  and  almost  by  accident,  he 
founded  the  English  Public  School  system 
as  it  now  exists.  [a.  f.  l.] 


■yONGE,  Charlotte  Mary  (1823-1901), 
^  writer,  came  of  an  old  Devonshire 
family.  She  was  born,  lived,  and  died  in 
Otterbourne,  a  hamlet  of  Hursley,  Hants. 
Her  father  was  an  intimate  friend  of  John 
Kcble  [q.v.),  and  Miss  Yonge  was  brought 
into  close  contact  with  the  Oxford  Movement 
(q.v.).  Mr.  Keble  prepared  her  for  confirma- 
tion, and  was  always  her  intimate  friend  and 
guide.  She  began  to  write  in  early  youth,  and 
never  ceased  to  work  until  her  death.  Her 
writings  have  influenced  at  least  two  genera- 
tions. She  made  the  idea  of  the  Church  as 
a  great  living  force  really  a  working  principle 
in  (he  fives  of  many  of  her  readers.  Through- 
out her  quiet,  almost  uneventful,  life  she 
worked  incessantly  for  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  good  of  His  Church.  She  showed  in  every 
book  how  intimately  creed  and  character  are 
intertwined ;  she  tried  to  inculcate  always, 
not  by  direct  words  but  by  impHcation,  that 
the  one  thing  needful  '  is  to  find  out  what 


God  requires  me  to  do.'  She  had  an  extra- 
ordinary skill  in  the  portraiture  of  char- 
acters within  the  bounds  she  fixed.  The 
people  live,  they  reveal  themselves ;  and  she 
has  almost  a  dramatic  power  in  the  develop- 
ment of  character,  a  skill  in  making  her 
characters  consistent  with  themselves.  This 
power  is  shown  very  early  in  some  of  the 
simpler  stories.  Marian  in  the  Two  Guar- 
dians is  a  remarkable  character  study.  She 
exalted  the  domestic  virtues,  and  invested 
'  the  trivial  round,  the  common  task  '  with 
an  atmosphere  of  romance ;  and  she  had  a 
passion  for  goodness,  and  a  desu'e  that  people 
should  use  their  circumstances  as  oppor- 
tunities for  the  development  and  training  of 
character.  But  she  never  lost  sight  of  the 
possibility  of  calls  to  other  than  the  purely 
domestic  career.  She  recognised  the  '  re- 
ligious life '  as  a  normal  development  of 
home  life,  and  herself  became  in  1868  an 
Exterior   Sister   of    the   Community  of    St. 


{G61) 


York] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[York 


Mary's,  Wantage.  She  was  ever  alive  to 
the  claims  of  foreign  missions.  She  was  the 
biographer  of  the  martyr  bishop,  John 
Coleridge  Patteson  {q.v.).  For  forty  years 
she  edited  the  Monthly  Packet,  a  magazine 
which  exercised  a  great  influence  in  its  day, 
and  which  nothing  has  replaced.  It  was 
redolent  with  the  atmosphere  of  Hursley  and 
the  earUer  Tractarians.  She  was  an  ardent 
lover  of  nature,  history,  astronomy,  botany, 
and  many  excellent  papers  appeared  in  the 
Packet  on  these  subjects,  historical  and 
literary,  and  papers  on  education,  on  ethical 
training,  and  endless  tales. 

Miss  Yongc's  work  may  be  divided  into 
village  tales  (excellent  studies  of  village  hfe 
in  the  'sixties) ;  short  stories,  of  which  the  best 
is  the  Castle  Builders ;  novels  and  family 
chronicles.  The  Heir  of  Eedclyffe,  The  Daisy 
Chain,  etc. ;  historical  stories,  The  Chaplei 
of  Pearls,  etc. ;  biographies.  Life  of  Bishop 
Patteson,  etc. ;  reUgious  studies.  Conversations 
on  the  Catechism,  Bible  Readings ;  Musings  on 
'  The  Christian  Year,''  etc.  [e.  b.] 

C.  Coleridge,  Life  and  Letters ;  E.  Romanes. 
C.  M.  Yonge. 

YOEK,  See  of.  That  Christianity  was  estab- 
lished in  the  Roman  city  of  York  is  proved  by 
the  presence  of  a  bishop  of  York  at  the  Council 
of  Aries  in  314.  The  Romano-British  Church 
was  overthrown  by  the  EngUsh  invaders,  to 
whom  Christianity  came  through  the  minis- 
trations of  PauUnus  {q.v.).  After  the  famous 
witan  which  met  at  York  in  627  and  de- 
clared for  Christianity,  Pauhnus  established 
his  see  at  York,  and  extended  his  influence 
north  and  south.  Then  came  the  overthrow 
of  his  work.  Its  roots  probably  penetrated 
deeper  than  many  think,  so  that  King  Oswald 
{q.v.)  only  revived  and  spread  what  had  al- 
ready been  planted.  St.  Aidan  {q.v.),  his  mis- 
sionary bishop  from  lona,  worked  from 
Lindisfarne  as  a  base.  Oswald  restored  the 
church  at  York,  and  built  it  of  stone.  In  664 
York  again  became  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  first 
of  St.  Chad  {q.v.)  and  then  St.  Wilfrid  {q.v.). 
In  678  Theodore  {q.v.)  subdivided  a  dio- 
cese wliich  had  enci-oached  upon  Lindisfarne, 
Hexham,  and  Lindsey.  In  the  issue  the 
diocese  of  York  seems  to  have  been  conter- 
minous with  Deira,  a  district  extending  from 
Humber  to  Tees.  In  735  the  Bishop  of 
York  became  Archbishop  and  Primate  of 
the  Northern  Province.  During  the  Danish 
invasions  the  Church,  sorely  depressed,  was 
never  uprooted.  About  854  the  diocese  of 
Hexham  was  divided  between  Lindisfarne 
and  York,  which  now  extended  its  bound- 


aries beyond  Tees  to  the  Tjnae  {Sim.  Durh., 
ii.   101).     The  Archbishop  of  York  greatly 
increased    in    prestige    during    the    Danish 
occupation.     With  the  establishment  of  the 
Lindisfarne  see  at  Durham  {q.v.)  in  995,  any 
authority  exerted  by  the  archbishop  over  the 
country  north  of  Tees  disappeared.     At  the 
Norman  Conquest  the  Humber  was  recog- 
nised by  Lanfranc  as  the  boundary  between 
the  two  provinces,  saving  that  Nottingham- 
shire   was    included    in    the    York    diocese. 
Thomas,     the     first     Norman     archbishop, 
claimed  jurisdiction  over  Lincoln,  Lichfield, 
and  Worcester ;   the  claim  was  rejected  by  a 
national  council  at  Windsor  in    1072,   but 
was    revived    during    the    twelfth    century, 
Roger  of  Pont  I'Evgque  in  1175  adding  a 
claim  to  Hereford.     The  Council  of  Windsor 
also  asserted  the  supremacy  of  Canterbury 
over  the  whole  of  Britain,  but  the  strife  for 
precedence    between    the    two    archbishops 
continued    until    the    fourteenth     century. 
The  Archbishop  of  York  is  from  1353  styled 
Primate  of  England.    Archbishop  Thomas  also 
reorganised  the  cathedral  and  the  diocese. 
There    were    probably    two    archdeaconries 
then  instituted,  York  and   Richmond.      In 
the  twelfth   centurv  archdeaconries   of   the 
East  Riding  (c.  1130),  of  Cleveland  (c.  1170), 
and   of  Nottingham   (c.    1174)   were  added. 
The  formation  of  the  diocese  of  Carlisle  {q.v.) 
defined  the  north-western  boundary  of  the 
diocese  in  the  twelfth  century.     Abbeys  and 
other  religious  houses  now  sprang  up  rapidly. 
In  no  other  part  of  England  did  more  noble 
buildings  exist  than  at  York,  Beverley,  and 
Ripon.     From  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century 
a  new  strife  began  as  the  palatinate  power  of 
Durham  increased,  and  the  archbishop  was 
often  thrown  into  the  shade.     Parishes  had 
sprung  up  irregularly,  and  often  with  very 
wide  boundaries.     Bede  had  drawn  attention 
to  this  in  the  eighth  century.     In  the  thir- 
teenth Archbishop  Gray  took  vigorously  in 
hand  the  subdivision  of  parishes.     The  friars 
and  hospitals  now  tried  to  cope  with  the 
increase  of  population  in  cities.     The  same 
century  saw  a  great  increase  of  building  and 
adaptation  of  older  buildings.     The  Taxatio 
{q.v.)  of  Nicholas,  drawn  up  in  1291,  the  year 
of  the  foundation  of  the  new  nave  at  York, 
shows  the  existence  of  the  five  archdeaconries 
mentioned  above,  and  gives  their  included 
deaneries  as  follows : — (1)  York  5 ;  (2)  Cleve- 
land 3,  besides  Beverley  and  the  parcels  of 
Durham  in  the  county ;    (3)  East  Riding  4  ; 
(4)  Richmond  6;    (5)  Nottingham  7.     The 
diocese  suffered  severely  from  the  Scottish 
invasions  and  Black  Death  of  the  fourteenth 
century.     Archbishop    Thoresby's    measures 


(  662  ) 


York] 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[York 


for  the  religious  instruction  of  liis  diocese  are 
noteworthy.  In  the  fifteenth  century  the 
minster  was  completed,  and  in  1472  the  re- 
dedication  took  place.  In  1472  also  St. 
Andrews  became  an  archiepiscopal  see,  and 
the  archbishops  in  consequence  lost  the 
shadowy  jurisdiction  which  they  had  exer- 
cised in  the  south  of  Scotland.  The  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century  is  marked  by  a  scries  of 
presentments  made  at  visitations,  which 
exhibit  '  a  manifest  decay  of  piety,  of  rever- 
ence, even  of  common  decency  in  the  cele- 
bration of  divine  offices.'  In  the  parish 
churches  there  is  evidence  of  neglect,  decay, 
and  desolation.  The  New  Learning  did  not 
make  its  way  in  the  north  as  in  London,  for 
instance,  althougb  some  northern  names  can 
be  given  of  those  who  were  in  sympathy  with 
it.  There  was,  however,  no  general  sym- 
pathy with  the  action  of  the  Reformation 
Parliament,  as  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  {q.v.) 
testifies,  in  which  much  simmering  discontent 
found  a  vent.  The  rebeUion  in  some  of  its 
stages  was  largely  identified  with  the  diocese  of 
York.  It  led  to  the  surrender  of  many  large 
monastic  houses.  Their  desolation  marked 
the  whole  of  Yorkshire,  where  monasteries 
abounded.  No  further  rising  was  attempted 
until  the  Durham  rising  of  1569,  in  which  the 
diocese  of  York  took  an  emphatic  share. 
Archbishop  Holgate  {q.v.)  was  invested  by 
Cranmer  with  the  pallium  in  evidence  of  the 
abolition  of  Roman  jurisdiction.  Next  came 
the  suppression  of  chantries  and  colleges, 
which  left  a  deep  mark  on  the  diocese  when 
Ripon,  Beverley,  and  innumerable  smaller 
houses  came  to  an  end  or  lived  on  in  dimin- 
ished magnificence.  In  1542  the  diocese  of 
Man  (g.v.)  was  added  to  the  northern  province. 
York  tolerated  the  Edwardine  changes  and 
gladly  welcomed  those  of  Mary.  Holgate 
was  deprived,  and  Heath  (q.v.)  was  substi- 
tuted— a  prelate  of  much  tolerance  and  wise 
feeUng.  The  discontent  with  which  the 
Elizabethan  system  was  regarded  broke  into 
rebeUion  in  1569.  The  last  of  the  EHzabethan 
Homilies  shows  what  was  thought  of  it. 
Grindal  {q.v.)  helped  on  the  reformation 
process,  but  the  dislike  of  the  papal  party 
soon  took  shape  in  Jesuit  and  Seminarist 
missions.  The  new  penal  statutes  were  in- 
voked, and  recusancy  put  down.  The 
seventeenth  century  brought  in  a  period  of 
restoration.  Ripon  was  set  up  again  as  a 
collegiate  church.  Neile  led  and  extended 
a  widespread  reformation  as  he  had  done  in 
Durham.  Notwithstanding  this,  Puritanism 
was  a  great  force  in  the  cities,  and  when 
Archbishop  Williams  {q.v.)  fled  in  1643,  the 
Parliamentary  and  Presbyterian  cause  went 


forward.  At  York  Presbyterian  discipline 
was  organised.  The  clergy  were  persecuted. 
Quakerism  and  other  sectarianism  flourished. 
The  Restoration  restored  everything,  and 
outwardly  the  monarchy  and  the  Church  were 
popular.  Much  effort  was  made  to  suppress 
recusancy.  Archbishop  Sharp  (q.v.)  (d.  1714) 
inaugurated  a  new  epoch  of  diocesan  energy 
and  improvement,  but  no  prelate  of  like 
mind  arose  after  him  for  many  years.  A 
return  entitled  Notitia  parochialis  shows 
the  condition  of  the  parishes  in  his  day.  A 
good  deal  of  church  building  w^ent  forward 
in  the  eighteenth  century.  Methodism 
laid  strong  liold  upon  the  diocese  after  the 
first  appearance  of  Wesley  {q.v.)  in  1712. 
Venn  {q.v.)  and  Roinaine  were  beneficed  in 
Yorkshire,  and  being  sympathetic  with  the 
new  movement  had  some  influence  upon 
those  of  the  clergy  who  were  Uke- minded. 
The  spiritual  stirring  of  the  period  was  con- 
siderable. Its  effects  had  not  died  out  when 
the  great  reconstruction  scheme  of  1836 
made  the  over-populous  diocese  more 
manageable  by  the  formation  of  the  sees  of 
Ripon  {q.v.)  and  Manchester  {q.v.).  The 
Tractarian  movement  pi'esently  found  many 
supporters  in  Yorkshire,  two  archdeacons 
(E.  Churton  and  R.  I.  Wilberforce)  being 
strong  in  their  sympathy  with  it.  Dr.  Hook 
{q.v.),  though  beneficed  in  the  diocese  of 
Ripon,  was  a  great  force  in  the  county 
generally.  At  Ripon,  Dean  Goode  and  Dean 
M'Neile  opposed  the  spread  of  Tractarianism, 
and  were  looked  to  as  leaders  in  the  northern 
province.  One  more  division  of  the  older 
diocese  took  place  in  1888,  when  W^akefield 
(q.v.)  was  taken  out  of  Ripon. 

In  the  IVIiddle  Ages  the  archbishops  were 
frequently  assisted  by  suffragan  bishops, 
with  titles  taken  from  foreign  and  Irish  sees. 
Under  the  Act  26  Hen.  vni.  c.  14  a  suffragan 
bishop  of  Berwick  was  consecrated  in  1537, 
of  Hull  in  1538,  and  of  Nottingham  in  1567. 
There  are  now  suffragan  bishops  of  Beverley 
(since  1889),  HuU  (since  1891),  and  Sheffield 
(since  1901).  The  income  of  the  see  was 
estimated  by  the  Taxatio  of  1291  at  £1333, 
6s.  8d. ;  by  the  Valor  of  1534  at  £1609,  19s.  2d. 
Ecton  (1711)  gives  the  value  as  £1610.  The 
present  income  is  £10,000. 

The  boundaries  of  the  mediaeval  diocese  of 
York,  as  defined  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries,  were  unaltered  until  1541,  when 
the  diocese  of  Chester  {q.v.)  was  instituted. 
The  large  archdeaconry  of  Richmond,  with 
its  great  extension  outside  Richmondshire 
into  Lancashire,  Westmorland,  and  South 
Cumberland,  was  then  subtracted  from  York. 
In  1836  and  1847  the  two  new  sees  of  Ripon 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[York 


and  Manchester  took  away  two  fresh  sUces 
of  the  diocese.  By  Order  in  Council  of  21st 
August  1837  Nottinghamshire  was  given  to 
the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  and  in  1878  to  South- 
well {q.v.).  By  an  Order  of  22nd  December 
1836  Hexhamshire  was  added  to  Durham. 
In  1888  the  diocese  of  Wakefield  [q.v.)  was 
instituted,  and  York  diocese  was  restricted  in 
consequence  to  the  centre  and  east  of  the 
county.  From  the  mouth  of  the  Tees  a  hne 
drawn  loosely  to  Northallerton,  Wetherby, 
Sheffield,  and  the  Humber  will  roughly 
contain  the  existing  diocese,  which  has  an 
acreage  of  1,730,704  and  a  population  of 
1,507,383. 

The  four  Yorkshire  archdeaconries  corre- 
sponded more  or  less  to  the  three  Ridings 
and  Richmondshire.  That  of  the  West 
Riding,  or  York,  is  first  mentioned  1093, 
that  of  the  East  Riding  1130,  Cleveland 
1170,  Richmond  1088.  The  rural  deaneries 
within  them  appear  to  have  been  coeval  with 
the  archdeaconries  in  which  they  were  situ- 
ated, and  in  general  corresponded  to  the 
ancient  wapentakes.  The  archdeaconry  of 
Richmond  was  transferred  to  Chester  in 
1542.  That  of  Nottingham,  first  mentioned 
1174,  was  originally  in  York  diocese,  but 
was  transferred  to  Lincoln  1837,  and  to 
Southwell  1884.  In  1884  the  archdeaconry 
of  Sheffield  was  formed,  four  deaneries  in 
the  extreme  south-west  of  the  diocese  being 
assigned  to  it.  At  the  present  time  there 
are  six  hundred  and  sixty  benefices  situate 
within  the  four  existing  archdeaconries, 
and  these  are  comprised  within  thirty-two 
deaneries. 

York  IVIinster,  dedicated  under  the  name 
of  St.  Peter  (minster  north  of  the  Trent 
is  often  appHed  to  secular  churches),  is 
a  cathedral  of  the  old  foundation.  It 
is  governed  by  customary  usage  as  limited 
by  Acts  of  Henry  vin.,  WiUiam  in.,  and 
George  m.  The  great  officers  of  the  chapter 
are,  besides  the  dean,  the  precentor,  the 
chancellor,  the  sub-dean,  and  the  succentor 
— aU  mediaeval  dignities,  now  usually  attached 
to  the  four  residentiary  canonries.  There 
are  also  twenty-eight  prebendaries.  The 
vicars-choral  are  an  ancient  corporation 
dating  from  the  thirteenth  century.  The 
canonries  are  in  the  gift  of  the  archbishop. 
The  dean  and  chapter  are  patrons  of  twenty- 
three  benefices,  of  which  five  are  situate 
within  the  city  of  York. 

Bishops  of  York 

1.  Paulinus    [q.v.),    627 ;     fled    before    the 
pagan  invasion,  633  ;  the  see  collapsed 


until 


2.  Ceadda,  or  St.  Chad  {q.v.),  664. 

3.  .St. Wilfrid  [q.v. ),  664,  who  had  been  chosen 

to  reconstitute  the  fallen  see  ;  he  went 
to  Gaul  for  consecration,  and  found 
St.  Chad  in  occupation  on  his  return, 
667  ;  St.  Chad  retired,  and  St.  Wilfrid 
held  the  see  until  678. 

4.  Bosa,  678  ;  cons,  by  Theodore  over  the 

contracted  see  of  York  ;  d.  705, 

5.  John  of  Beverley,  705 ;    Bishop  of  Hex- 

ham ;   res.  718. 

6.  Wilfrid  II.,  718  ;   res.  732. 

7.  Egbert,  734 ;    of  royal  hneage ;    corre- 

spondent of  Bede. 

Archbishops  of  York 

7.  Egbert,    735 ;     received    the    pall,    and 

became  Archbishop  of  York  and 
Primate  of  the  Northern  Province; 
founded  the  school  of  York  ;   d.  766. 

8.  Aethelberht,  or  Coena,  767  ;    rebuilt  the 

cathedral ;   d.  780. 

9.  Eanbald,  780 ;  d.  796. 

10.  Eanbald  ii.,  796. 

11.  Wulfsige,    812  ?     The   invasions   of    the 

Danes  obscure  the  history. 

12.  Wigmund,  c.  837. 

13.  Wulfhere,  854 ;  d.  900. 

14.  Aethelbald,  900. 

15.  Rodewald,  c.  928. 

16.  WuLfstan,  c.  931 ;   appointed  by  Athel- 

Stan ;  sided  with  the  Danes ;  tr.  to 
Dorchester. 

17.  Oskytel,  956;    tr.  from  Dorchester;    a 

Dane  contemporary  with  the  Danish 
Odo  of  Canterbury  ;    d.  971. 

18.  Oswald,    972 ;     Bishop    of    Worcester ; 

retained  his  former  see ;  introduced 
Benedictine  reformation  ;   d.  992. 

19.  Adulf,    992;    Abbot    of    Peterborough; 

also  held  the  see  of  Worcester  :  d.  1002. 

20.  Wulfstan  n.,  1003 ;    also  held  the  see  of 

Worcester;   d.  1023. 

21.  Aelfric,  1023  ;    d.  1051. 

22.  liinsige,  1051 ;    chaplain  of  Edward  the 

Confessor;   d.  1060. 

23.  Ealdred(g'.t;.),  1061  ;   also  held  the  see  of 

Worcester,  but  compelled  by  Pope 
Nicholas  n.  to  resign  it ;  d.  1069. 

24.  Thomas,  1070 ;  a  Canon  of  Bayeux ;  con- 

troversy with  Canterbury,  Worcester, 
Lincoln  ;    reconstructed  York  Minster. 

25.  Gerard,  1101  ;   tr.  from  Hereford;   strife 

with  Canterbury  renewed. 

26.  Thomas  ii.,  1109. 

27.  Thurstan,   1119;    Canon  of  St.   Paul's; 

great  patron  of  the  Cistercian  revival ; 
leader  at  the  Battle  of  the  Standard; 
res.  1140. 


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[York 


28.  William  Fitz-Herbert,   1143;   Treasurer 

of  York  ;  appointed  after  a  dispute  ; 
Henry  de  Coilli,  Stephen's  nephew,  was 
first  elected,  but  the  Pope  refused  to  con- 
iirin  ;  d.  1154.  Canonised  as  ISt.  WiUiam 
of  York  in  thirteenth  century.  In  1147 
Fitz-Herbert  was  superseded  by 

29.  Henry   Murdac,    1147    (P.);    Abbot    of 

Fountains ;  cons,  by  Pope,  and  super- 
seded WiUiam,  who  was  restored,  1153. 

30.  Roger  of  Pont  I'Eveque,  1154  ;   took  the 

King's  side  against  Becket ;  the  Can- 
terbury dispute  settled;  built  Ripon 
Minster;  d.  1181.    Sec  vacant  ten  years. 

31.  Geoffrey  Plantagenet,  1191  ;   natural  son 

of  Henry  n. ;  had  held  the  see  of 
Lincoln  without  consecration,  1173-82  ; 
cons,  to  York,  1191 ;  feuds  with  Puiset 
of  Durham  and  %vith  his  own  chapter ; 
retired  to  Normandy,  1207  ;  d.  1212. 
More  than  four  years'  vacancy. 

32.  Walter  Gray,  1216;    tr.  (P.)  from  Wor- 

cester ;  appointed  by  Pope  to  super- 
sede the  chapter's  nominee ;  a  prelate 
of  great  distinction ;  translated  St. 
WiKrid  at  Ripon ;  great  patron  of 
York  Minster ;    d.  1255. 

33.  Sewall  de  BoviU,  1256 ;    Dean  of  York ; 

d.  1258. 

34.  Godfrey   de   Ludham,    1258 ;     Dean    of 

York;    d.  1265. 

35.  Walter    Giffard,    1266    (P.);     reformed 

monasteries ;   d.  1279. 

36.  WiUiam  Wickwane,  1279  ;    Chancellor  of 

York  ;  a  builder  of  churches  ;  res.  1285. 

37.  John  Romanus,  1286 ;   Canon  of  York ; 

began  new  nave  of  York  Minster  and 
chapter-house ;   d.  1296. 

38.  Henry  Newark,   1298;    Dean  of  York; 

d.  1299. 

39.  Thomas    Corbridge,     1300 ;      Canon    of 

York ;   d.  1304. 

40.  William  Greenfield,  1306 ;  Dean  of  Chi- 

chester and  Chancellor  of  England ; 
d.  1315. 

41.  William   de   Melton,    1317  ;   Prebendary 

of  Lincoln ;  Canon  of  York ;  Provost  of 
Beverley  ;  an  important  prelate  ;  much 
occupied  in  Scottish  poUtics ;  completed 
the  nave  at  York  ;   d.  1340. 

42.  William  de  la  Zouehe,  1340  (P.);    cons. 

by  Clement  vi.  at  Avignon,  1342 ; 
Dean  of  York ;  leader  in  the  battle 
of  Neville's  Cross,  1346;  began  the 
Zouehe  Chapel  at  York  ;   d.  1352. 

43.  John    Thoresby,    1352;     tr.    (P.)    from 

Worcester ;  cardinal ;  a  prelate  of 
great  zeal  and  munificence ;  final 
settlement  of  the  Canterbury  dispute ; 
built  the  Lady  Chapel ;  d.  1373. 


44. 

45. 
46. 

47. 

48. 

49. 


50. 
51. 

52. 
53. 

54. 
55. 

56. 

57. 

58. 
59. 

60. 

61. 
62.' 


Alexander  Neville,  1374  (P.) ;  Canon  of 
York  and  Archdeacon  of  Durham  ;  an 
adherent  of  Richard  ii.  ;  hence  his 
exile  and  translation  (P.)  to  St.  Andrews; 
retired  to  Lou  vain  ;   d.  1392. 

Thomas  Arundel,  1388 ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Ely  ;  tr.  to  Canterbury,  1396  ;  the  first 
northern  primate  so  translated. 

Robert  Waldby,  1396;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Chichester ;  an  opponent  of  the  Wy- 
cliffitcs  ;    d.  1398. 

Richard  Scrope  {q.v.),  1397  ;  tr.  (P.) 
from  Coventry  and  Lichfield  ;   d.  1405. 

Henry  Bowct,  1407  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  Bath 
and  Wells  after  two  disputed  elections  ; 
d.  1423. 

John  Kemp,  1426  ;  tr.  (P.)  from  London 
after  chapter  election  of  Philip  Mortzan, 
Bishop  of  Worcester,  rejected  by  the 
Pope,  and  papal  provision  of  Fleming, 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  rejected  by  the 
council ;  Cardinal ;  tr.  to  Canterbury, 
1452. 

William  Booth,  1452;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Coventry  and  Lichfield  ;   d.  1464. 

George  NeviUe,  1465;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Exeter ;  brother  of  Warwick  the  King- 
maker ;  resisted  erection  of  St.  An- 
drews as  an  archiepiscopal  see;  d. 
1476. 

Laurence  Booth,  1476;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Durham  ;  brother  of  William  ;  d.  1480. 

Thomas  Rotherham,  1480 ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
Lincoln ;  Chancellor  of  England ;  d. 
1500. 

Thomas  Savage,  1501  ;  tr.  (P.)  from 
London  ;  d.  1507. 

Christopher  Bainbridge,  1508 ;  tr.  (P.) 
from  Durham ;  Cardinal,  151 1 ;  poisoned 
at  Rome,  1514. 

Thomas  Wolsey  {q.v.),  1514;  tr.  (P.) 
horn  Lincoln  ;  did  not  enter  the  diocese 
until  after  his  fall ;  held  Durham,  and 
then  Winchester,  with  York  ;    d.  1530. 

Edward  Lee,  1531  (P.) ;  Canon  of  York; 
Chancellor  of  Sahsbury ;  the  King's 
Almoner ;  a  man  of  learning,  but  op- 
posed to  the  New  Learning  ;   d.  1544. 

Robert  Hold egate,  or  Holgate  {q.v.),  1545; 
tr.  from  Llandaff ;    depr.  1554. 

Nicholas  Heath  {q.v.),  1555 ;  tr.  from 
Worcester ;    depr.  1559. 

William  May  {q.v.),  elected  August  8, 1560; 
died  same  day, 

Thomas  Young,  1561  ;  tr.  from  St. 
David's ;  President  of  the  Council  of 
the  North  ;   d.  1568. 

Ednmnd  Grindal  {q.v.),  1571  ;  tr.  from 
London  ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  1576. 

Edwin  Sandys,  1577  ;   tr.  from  London  ; 


(  6G5  ) 


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Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


[York 


less  Puritan  than  Grindal ;  proposed  a 
college  for  Ripon  ;  d.  1588. 

63.  John  Piers,  1589  ;  tr.  from  Salisbury  ;   a 

prelate  of  great  learning  ;   d.  1594. 

64.  Matthew  Hutton,  1595;    tr.  from  Dur- 

ham;  President  of  the  Council  of  the 
North ;   d.  1606. 

65.  Tobias  Matthew,  1606;  tr.  from  Durham ; 

a  great  preacher  ;  d.  1628. 

66.  George  Monteigne,  1628  ;    tr.  from  Dur- 

ham ;  d.  1628. 

67.  Samuel  Harsnctt,   1628;    tr.  from  Nor- 

wich ;  friend  of  Laud  and  upholder  of 
'Arminian'  reformation;    d.  1631. 

68.  Richard    Neile,    1632;     tr.    from    Win- 

chester ;  carried  out  Laud's  policy ; 
d.  1640. 

69.  John    Williams    {q.v.)y    1641  ;     tr.    from 

Lincoln  ;  d.  1650. 

70.  Accepted  Frewen,  1660  ;   tr.  from  Coven: 

try  and  Lichfield  ;   d.  1664. 

71.  Richard  Sterne,  1664;   tr.  from  Carlisle; 

d.  1683. 

72.  John  Dolben,  1683  ;   tr.  from  Rochester  ; 

d.  1686.     A  vacancy  followed. 

73.  Thomas    Lamplugh,     1688 ;      tr.     from 

Exeter;    d.  1691. 

74.  John  Sharps,  1691  [q.v.);  d.  1714. 

75.  Sir  WiUiam  Dawes,  Bart.,  1714  ;  tr.  from 

Chester  ;  scholar  and  preacher  ;  chap- 
lain to  William  ni.  and  Anne  ;  as  Rector 
of  Bocking  established  monthly  celebra- 
tions of  Holy  Communion  ;  an  active 
and  able  bishop  ;   d.  1724. 

76.  Launcelot   Blackburn,    1724 ;     tr.    from 

Exeter ;  a  moderate  and  quiet  pre- 
late; d.  1743. 

77.  Thomas  Herring,  1743;  tr.  from  Bangor ; 

Latitudinarian ;  tr.  to  Canterbury, 
1747. 


78.  Matthew   Hutton   u.,    1747 ;     tr.    from 

Bangor ;  lineal  descendant  of  his 
namesake ;  of  the  same  school  as 
Herring ;    tr.  to  Canterbury,  1757. 

79.  John  Gilbert,  1757  ;   tr.  from  Salisbury  ; 

an  infirm  archbishop  ;  d.  1761. 

80.  Honble.  Robert  Hay  Drummond,  1761  ; 

tr.  from  Salisbury ;  a  man  of  parts  and 
of  aristocratic  connection  ;  built  exten- 
sively at  Bishopthorpe  ;  d.  1776. 

81.  William     Markham,     1777 ;      tr.     from 

Chester ;  a  considerable  Latin  scholar 
and  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;  a 
man  of  magnificent  presence ;   d.  1807. 

82.  Edward  Venables  Vernon,  1807  ;  tr.  from 

Carlisle ;  an  eloquent  speaker ;  took 
the  name  of  Harcourt,  1831  ;  d.  1847. 

83.  Thomas  Musgrave,  1847  ;   tr.  from  Here- 

ford ;  a  prelate  of  much  practical 
ability ;  a  strong  Evangelical ;  opposed 
revival  of  Convocation  ;  d.  1860. 

84.  Charles  Thomas  Longley,  1860  ;  tr.  from 

Durham  ;   tr.  to  Canterbury,  1862. 

85.  WilHam     Thomson,     1862;      tr.     from 

Gloucester  and  Bristol ;  Provost  of 
Queen's  College,  Oxford ;  gained  the 
interest  of  the  industrial  population  of 
the  north  ;   d.  1890. 

86.  William  Connor  Magee  {q.v.),  1891 ;   tr. 

from  Peterborough  ;    d.  1891. 

87.  William  Dabymple  Maclagan,  1891  ;    tr. 

from  Lichfield ;  officer  in  Madras 
Cavaby,  1846-9;  ordained,  1856; 
Vicar  of  Kensington,  1875-8 ;  res.  1908 ; 
d.  1910. 

88.  Cosmo    Gordon   Lang,    1909 ;     tr.    from 

Stepney,  to  which  he  was  consecrated 
1901.  [H.  G.] 

V.C.H.,  Yorkshire,  ii.  ;  Ornsby,  Dio.  Hist. 


(  666  ) 


INDEX 


Note.— ^  list  of  Bishop  is  given  wider  each  Sec,  aitd  those  who  held  more  than  one  See  are 
dealt  with  under  the  See  last  occupied 


Advocates 
Aethelberht 

Agilbert    . 

Alb  .     .     . 


Alexander,  Mi- 
chael Solomon 

Alexander  of 
Hales      .     . 

Alphege,  St.  . 

Alban,  St.      . 

Amice    .     .     . 

Anabaptists  . 
Annates  .  . 
Anne  Boleyn 

Antiphoner 
Anglican  Orders 
Appeals  . 
Arches,  Court  of 
Archbishops  . 

Archpriests    . 
Archpriests,  Ro- 
man Catholic 
Aske,  Robert      . 
Asser     .     .     .     . 


Association  for 
Promoting  the 
Unity  of  Chris- 
tendom .     .     . 

Athanasian 
Creed      .     .     . 

Attwood,    Thos. 

Audience,  Court 
of 

Audrey,  St.    .     . 

Augsburg  Con- 
fession   .     .     . 

Augulus,  St.  .     . 

Austin  Canons 
(Augustinians) 

Aylmer,  John 


Baker,  Thomas , 


Proctors. 

Augustine  ;  Canterljury  ; 
Mellitus. 

Theodore  ;  Wilfrid  ;  Win- 
chester. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy ;  Or- 
naments Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Jerusalem,  Bishopric  in. 
Holy  Eucharist,   Doctrine 

of. 
Aelfeah. 
British        Church  ;        St. 

Albans,  Abbey  of. 
Ornaments  Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 
Nonconformity,  l\. 
Valor  Ecclesiasticus. 
Cranmer  ;     Henry    VIII.  ; 

Supremacy,  Royal. 
Plainsong  ;  Sarum  Use. 
Ordinations,  Anglican. 
Courts. 
Courts. 
Bishops;  Canterbury  and 

York,  Sees  of. 
Rural  Deans. 

Bancroft  ;    Roman  Catho- 
lics. 
Pilgrimage  of  Grace. 
Alfred;  St.  David's;  Salis- 
bury. 


Reunion  (l),  (2). 
Commissions,  Royal ; 

Pusey  ;  Tail ;  Tillotson  ; 

Waterland. 
Musicians. 

Courts. 
Etheldredra. 

Articles  of  Religion. 
British  Church. 

Abbeys ;  Religious  Orders. 
London. 


Ball,  John      .     .   s 

Bangorian  Con- 
troversy     .     . 

Baptists     .     .     • 

Barclay,  Joseph 

Barnby,  Sir 
Joseph    .     .     . 

Barnes,  Robert . 

Barton,  Eliza- 
beth .... 

Bell,  Dr.    .     .     . 

Benedictines  .     . 

Benefices  Act 

Benefices  Com- 
mission .     .     . 

Bertha,  Queen 
(Bercta).     .     . 

Bible  Christians 

Bible,  Polyglot  . 

Bible,  Welsh      . 

Biretta  ... 

Bishops  Book 
(Institution  of 
a  Christian 
man)  .... 

Blachford,  Lord 

Black  Rubric 

Blackbourne, 
John  .... 

Blackburn  e, 
Francis      .     . 

Bolingbroke, 
Viscount 
(Henry     St 
John)      .     . 

Bourne,  Hugh 

Boyce,  William 

Bradford-on- 
Avon 

Bradwardine, 
Thomas 

Bramhall,  John 

Breakspear, 
Nicholas     . 

Brett,  T.   .     . 

Breviary    .     . 


Nonjurors. 


'    Brevint,  Daniel 
(GG7  ) 


■St.     AJbans,    Abbey    of; 

Sudbury,  Simon  of. 
Convocation  ;        Hoadly  ; 

Sherlock,  Thomas. 
Nonconformity,  iv. 
Jerusalem  Bishopric. 

Musicians. 

Gardiner  ;  Reformation. 

Cranmer  ;    Fisher  ;  More, 

Sir  T. 
Education. 
Religious  Orders. 
Courts. 

Commissions,  Royal. 

Augustine  ;  Canterbury  ; 
Gregory. 

Nonconformity,  v. 

Chester  (No.  11,  Brian 
Walton). 

Davies  ;  Morgan  ;  Sales- 
bury. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy. 

Barlow  ;  Cranmer  ;  Lati- 
mer ;  Marriage  of  the 
Clergy. 

Church,  R.  W. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of; 
Gauden. 

Nonjurors. 

Latitudinarians  ;  Noncon- 
formity, II. 


Deists. 

Nonconformity,  v. 
Music  ;  Musicians. 

Aldhelm  ;  Architecture. 
Canterbury  ;       Provisors  ; 

Toplady. 
Caroline  Divines. 

Adrian  IV'. 
Nonjurors. 
Common  Prayer,  Book  of ; 

Hymns ;    Sarum    Use  ; 

Services,  Church. 
Caroline  Divines. 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Bridg'es,  John    . 

Briefs    .... 

British  an  d 
Foreign  Bible 
Society  .     .     . 

Broad  Church    . 

Brotherhoods 
Browne,  Robert 

Burg-hersh, 

Henry     . 
Bush,  Paul     .     . 
Byrd,  William    . 

Byrom,  John.     . 


Caedmon  .     .     . 

Calamy 
Canons        (of 

Cathedral 

Churches)  . 
Cantilupe,       St. 

Thomas  .  . 
Cantilupe, 

Walter  .  .  . 
Carey,  William . 
Carmelites  .  . 
Carte,  Thomas  . 
Carthusians  .     . 

Cartwright, 

William 
Cassock  . 
Catechism, 

Church  .     .     . 

Cathedral  Chap- 
ters   .... 

Cathedrals  Com- 
mission . 

Cathedratica .     . 

Celibacy    .     .     . 

Chancellor 

Channel  Isles    . 

Charitable 

Trusts  .  .  . 
Charity  Schools 


Charles  II. 

Charles,  Thomas 

Chasuble   .     .     . 

Cherry,  Francis 
C  h  e  y  n  e  y, 

Richard .     . 
Chimere 
Chubb,  Thomas 
Church  Associa 

tion    .     .     . 
Church         Con 

gress      .     . 


see  Oxford,  See  of. 
Hulls,  Papal. 

Evangelicals ;  Noncon- 
formity, V. 

Church,  High,  Low, 
Broad. 

Religious  Orders. 

Nonconformity,  ill.  ;  Tol- 
eration. 

Lincoln. 

Ikistol. 

Music;  Musicians;  Plain - 

song. 
Nonjurors  ;   Poetry. 


Aldhelm  ;  Bible  ;   Hilda. 
Savoy  Conference. 

Al:ibeys  ;  Chapters  ;  ]\e- 
ligious  Orders. 

Hereford. 

Worcester. 
Nonconformity,  n'. 
Friars. 
Nonjurors. 

Abbeys ;  Hugh  ;  Re- 
ligious Orders. 

Nonjurors. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of ; 
Hampton  Court  Con- 
ference ;  Nowell. 

Chapters. 

Commissions,  Royal. 

Synodals. 

Marriage  of  the  Clergy. 

Chapters,     Cathedral  ; 

Courts. 
Rural   Deans  ;    Salisbury  ; 

Winchester. 

Mortmain. 

Education ;  Jones,  Grif- 
fith ;  Societies  for  Re- 
formation of  Manners. 

Evelyn  ;  Juxon  ;  Ken  ; 
Popish    Plot  ;     Reunion 

(I). 
Llandaff;  Nonconformity, 

V. 

OrnamentsRubric ;  .Smart ; 

Vestments. 
Nonjurors. 

Bristol. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy. 
Deists. 

Evangelicals  ;  Societies, 
Ecclesiastical. 


Church  Discip- 
line Act .     .     . 

Churchmen's 
Union  .     . 

Church  Mission- 
ary Society 

Church  Pastoral 
Aid  Society     . 

Churchwardens . 

Cistercians     . 

Clapham  Sect 

Clapton  Sect     . 
Clarendon  Code . 
Clarke,  Samuel . 

Clerical  and  Lay 
Union 

Clerical  Disabili- 
ties Act .     .     . 

Clerical  Dress 

Clerical  Sub- 
scription     .     . 

Clergy  Discipline 
Act     .... 

Clerks,  Parish    . 

Cluniacs    .     .     . 

Coke,  Sir  Ed- 
w^ard .... 

Coke,  Thomas   . 

Collectar 

Collins,  Anthony 

Colman 

Colonialand  Con- 
tinental Church 
Society  .     .     . 

Colonies,  Church 


Councils. 


Columba,  St. 

Compton,  Henry 

Communities 
Concilia  Magnae 

Britanniae  . 
Confession  of  Sin 
Congregational- 

ists     .... 
Constantinople, 

Chaplains  at  . 
Cope     .... 


Cornwallis,  Fred- 
erick .... 

Corpus  luris 

Canonici     . 

Courtenay,  W.  . 

Coventry,  See  of 

Courayer,  P.  F. 
le 

Cowley,  Society 
of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist .     . 

Cowper,  Wilham 

Cox,  Richard 


see  Courts. 

Societies,  Ecclesiastical. 
Evangelicals ;       Missions, 
Foreign  ;  Venn,  John. 

Evangelicals. 

Discipline  ;  Parish. 

Abbeys ;  Architecture;  Re- 
ligious Orders;  Tithe. 

Evangelicals  ;  Venn, 

Henry;  Wilberforce,  W. 

Watson,  Joshua. 

Puritanism  ;  Toleration. 

Butler  ;  Latitudinarians  ; 
Nonconformity,  ii. 

Societies,  Ecclesiastical. 

Parliament,  Clergy  in. 
Dress  of  the  Clergy. 

Commissions,  Royal. 

Courts  (Church  Courts  in 
modern  times). 

Archdeacon. 

Abljeys  ;  Religious  Orders. 

Bancroft  ;  High  Commis- 
sion. 

Nonconformity,  V  ;  Wes- 
ley, J.  and  C. 

Sarum  Use. 

Deists. 

Durham. 

Evangelicals  ;  Missions, 
Foreign. 

Bray,  Dr.  ;  Missions, 
Foreign, 

Missions,  Foreign ;  Os- 
wald. 

London ;  Societies,  Re- 
ligious. 

Religious  Orders,  Modern. 

Wilkins,  David. 
Discipline. 

Nonconformity,  ill. 

Reunion  (2). 

Ornaments  Rubric  ;  Ritual 
Cases  ;  Smart  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Canterbury  ;  Latitudin- 
arians. 

Canon  Law  to  1534. 
Canterbury. 
Lichfield. 

Ordinations,  Anglican  ; 
Reunion  (i). 


ReligiousOrders,  Modern. 
Evangelicals ;  Hymns. 
Ely  ;       Marian        Exiles ; 
Westminster. 


(668  ) 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


C  r  a  s  h  a  w, 

Richard 
Crediton,  See  of 
Criminous  Clerks 

Croft,  William   . 
Cromwell,  Oliver 

Crowley.  Robert 
Cuddesdon 
Cudworth,  Ralph 
C  u  I  V  e  r  w  e  1, 
Nathaniel  .     . 
Cursus  .... 


Dalmatic   . 
de  Lisle 
Deacon,  Thomas 
Deaconesses . 

Deans   .     .     . 
Deans,  Lay    . 

Deans,  Rural 
Decretals  .  . 
Dedham  Classis 
Degradation  . 
Deiniol,  St.  . 
Delegates,  Court 

of  ...  . 
Deprivations . 
Determinism  . 
Diocesan    Coun 

cils,  or  Synods 
Dissenters 
Divorce 
Doctors'      Com 

mons 
Dodwell,  Henry 
Dominicans   . 
Donation  of 

Aethelwulf 
Donatives 
Donne,  John  . 
Dorchester,    See 

of.  .  .  . 
Dort,  Synod  of 
Dunstable.  John 
Dunwich,  See  of 
Du  Pin .  .  .  . 
Dyce,  W. .  .  . 
Dykes,  J.  B. .     . 


Eadwine    .     .     . 

Eastern  Church . 

Ecclesiastical 
Commissioners 

Eclectic  Society 

Ecton    .... 

Edward  the  Con- 
fessor 

Edward  VI.    .     . 

Egwine,  St.  .     . 
Elmham,  See  of 


Afy.stics  ;  Poetry. 

E.vceler  ;  Truro. 

Hent'fit  of  Clergy;  Clar- 
endon, Constitution  of. 

Music  ;   INIusici.Tns. 

I5axler ;  Toler.ilioii  ; 

Ussher. 

Music. 

Theological  Colleges. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 
Bulls,  Papal. 


Vestment.s. 

Reunion  (i). 

Nonjurors. 

Evangelicals  ;      Religious 

Orders,  Modern. 
Chapters. 
Parliament,     Clergy     in  ; 

Whittingham. 
Rural  Deans. 
P>ulls,  Papal ;  Canon  Law. 
Cartwright  (?  1535-1603). 
Bishops  ;  Discipline. 
Bangor. 

Courts. 

Bishops ;  Discipline. 

Calvinism. 

Councils. 

Nonconformity. 

Marriage. 

Proctors. 

Nonjurors. 

Friars  ;   Religious  Order."-. 

Aethelwulf;  Peter's  Pence. 

Peculiars. 

Poetry. 

Lincoln  ;  Winchester. 
Arminianism;  Reunion (j 


Emancipation, 
Roman  Catho- 
lic  

English  Church 
Union 

Erasmus 

Erigena     . 

Eton  College 

E  X  c  o  m  m  u  n  i- 

cation     .     . 
Extra vagants    . 

Faber,  F.  W.     . 


Faculty  .  .  . 
Farrant,  Richard 
Farse  .... 
Field,  John  .  . 
First  F'ruits   .     . 


Fitz,  Richard 
Flemish  Crusade 
Fletcher,  John  . 
Forbes,  William 
Foundation, 
New,  Old  .  . 
Fountains  Abbey 
Fowler,  Edward 

Fox,  George 
Foxe,  Edward    . 
Frampton, 

Robert   .     .     . 
Franciscans  .     . 

Friends,  Society 
of       .... 

Gandy,  Henry  . 
Garratt,  George 
Gaunt,  John  of  . 

General  Councils 
Germanus,  St.  . 
Gibbons,  Orlando 


Music. 

Gilbertines     .     . 

Norwich. 

Reunion  (i)  ;  Wake. 

Gildas  .     .     .     . 

Plainsong. 

Giraldus      Cam- 

Music ;  Musicians. 

brensis    .     .     . 

Girdle   .     .     .     . 

Glanvill,    Joseph 

Oswald  ;  Paulinus. 

Glebe    .     .     .     . 

Reunion  (2). 

Gobat,  Samuel  . 

Goss,  Sir  John   . 

Commissions,  Royal. 

Gown    .... 

Evangelicals. 

Gradual(orGrail) 

Valor  Ecclesiasticus. 

Greek  Church    . 

Norman  Conquest  ;  West- 

minster Abbey. 

Cranmer  ;     Henry    \iii.  ; 

Greene,   Mau- 

Latimer. 

rice     .... 

Worcester. 

Gregorian  Music 

Norwich. 

re  Roman  Catholics  ;   Toler- 
ation. 

Societies,  Ecclesiastical. 
Henry  VIII.;   More,  Sir  T. 
Mystics. 

Pvndwood  ;  Waynflete, 
William. 

Discipline. 

Canon  Law  to  1534. 

Oxford  Movement; 
Poetry  ;  Religious  Or- 
ders, Modern. 

Courts. 

Music  ;   Plainsong. 

Saruni  Use. 

Cartvvright  (?  1535-1603). 

Peter's  Pence  ;  Queen 
Anne's  Bounty  ;  Valor 
Ecclesiasticus. 

Nonconformity,  ill. 

Despenser. 

Evangelicals. 

Caroline  Divines. 

Chapters. 
Abbeys,  English. 
Latitudinarians ;        Glou- 
cester. 
Nonconformity,  VI. 
Hereford  ;  Reunion  (3). 

Gloucester  ;  Nonjurors. 
Abbeys  ;    Friars  ;    Religi- 
ous Orders. 

Nonconformity,  vi. 

Nonjurors. 

Music. 

Lollards;  Wyclif;  Wyke- 
ham. 

Councils. 

British  Church. 

Music;  Musicians;  Plain- 
song. 

Gilbert;  Peculiars;  Re- 
ligious Orders. 

British  Church  ;  David. 

Gerald  de  Barri. 

Ornaments  Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 

Parish  ;  Tithes. 

Jerusalem,  Bishopric  in. 

Music  ;  Musicians. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy. 

.Sarum  Use. 

Jerusalem,  Bishopric  in  ; 
Reunion  (2)  ;  Stephens, 
Edward. 

Music ;  Musicians. 
Gregory  the  Great ;  Plain- 
song. 


(  GG9  ) 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Gregory  VII. 

Gregory,  Dean 

Gundulf     .     . 
Grotius      .     . 

Gualo    .     .     . 

Guardian,  The 
Guthlac     .     . 


see  Norman  Conquest  ;  Pap- 
acy and  EnglishChurch. 

Ritual  Cases;  Church. 
R.  W. 

Rochester. 

Arminianism  ;  Erastian- 
ism. 

Legates  ;  Magna  Carta  ; 
Pandulf. 

Church,  R.  W. 

Hermits. 


Hadrian,  Abbot 
Hales,  John    .     . 

Hall,    Bishop 

Joseph  .  .  . 
Hallam,  Robert 
Hamilton,  W.  K. 
Hammond,  Henry 

Hatfield,  Council 

of 

Haxey,  Thomas 
Heber,  Reginald 
H  e  1  m  o  r  e, 

Thomas      .     . 
Henchman, 

Humfrey 
Herbert,  Lord  of 

Cherbury    .     . 
Hertford,  Council 

of 

Hexham,       See 

of 

High  Church 

Hill,  Rowland  . 
Hilton,  Walter  . 
Hobbes,  Thomas 
Holy  Orders  .  . 
Home  Reunion 
Society  .  .  . 
Hood     .... 

Hopkins,      Ed- 
ward      .     .     . 

Horneck,  An- 
thony     .     .     . 

Hospitallers      of 
St.  John      .     . 

Horsley,  Samuel 

Humanism,    Me- 
diaeval .     . 
Hutchinsonian  . 


Ignatius,  Father 
Independents 
Institution   of    a 
Christian  Man 


lona      .     .     .     . 
Islington      Con- 
ference .     .     . 


Aldhelm  ;  Theodore. 

Holy  Eucharist,  Doctrine 
of. 

Mystics  ;  Norwich  ;  Re- 
union (3). 

Salisbury. 

Arnold  ;  Salisbury. 

Barrow  ;  Caroline  Di- 
vines. 

Councils  ;  Theodore. 
Parliament,  Clergy  in. 
Hymns. 

Plainsong. 

London. 

Deists. 

Councils  ;  Theodore. 

Abbeys  ;  Durham  ;  York. 
Church,       High,       Low, 

Broad. 
Nonconformity,  in.,  V. 
Mystics. 
Eraslianism. 
Ordinations,  Angliran. 

Reunion  (4). 

Dress  of  the  Clergy  ;  Or- 
naments Rubric. 

Music. 

Societies,  Religious. 
Abbeys,    Welsh  ;    Religi- 
ous Orders. 

Nonjurors;  St.  Asaph; 
Westminster. 

Jnlin  of  Salisbury. 
Home ;    Jones     of    Nay- 
land. 


Religious  Orders,  Modern. 
Nonconformity,  ill. 
Barlow  ;  Common  Prayer, 

Book      of;      Cranmer ; 

Latimer ;    Marriage    of 

the  Clergy. 
Aidan  ;  Oswald. 


Evangelicals. 


Jackson,  Thomas 

Jacob,  Henry 
James   the    Dea- 
con    .... 

Jansenists .     .     . 
Jews      .... 


Jocelin  of  Brake- 
lond  .... 

Johnson,   John  . 

Jones,  David 

Jones,  Inigo  .     . 

Joseph,  St.,  of 
Arimathea . 

Juliana,  Mother, 
of  Norwich 

Justus   .... 


Katherine  of  Ar- 
agon 

Kennett,  White  . 

Kentigern,  St.    . 

Kettlewell,  John 

Kilham,  Alex- 
ander     .     .     . 

Kings  Book 
(Necessary 
Doctrine,  etc.) 

King's  Books, 
The  .... 

Knewstubbs, 
John  .... 


Lambeth  Articles 

Lambeth  Confer 

ences 
Lampeter  .     . 
Lancaster, 

Joseph    .     . 
L  a  n  g  h  a  m, 

Simon    .     . 
Lastingham 

Abbey  of    . 
Laurentius 

Laymen,  Houses 
of  ...  . 
Lectionary  .  . 
Legend  .  .  . 
Leicester,  See  of 
Leslie,  Charles  . 
Liber  Valoris 
Limitours  .  .  . 
Lindisfarne    .     . 

Lindsey,  See  of. 
Litany  .... 
Little  Gidding    . 

Liudhard   .     .     . 

Lloyd,  Charles  . 


see  Caroline  Divines. 

Nonconformity,  iv. 
Aidan  ;   Education    (Song 

Schools)  ;         Paulinus  ; 

Plainsong. 
Reunion  (3). 
Hugh  ;    William,    St.,    of 

Norwich. 


Bury  St.  Edmunds. 

Caroline  Divines. 

Nonconformity,  v. 

Architecture. 

British  Church  ;  Glaston- 
bury. 

Holy  Eucharist,  Doctrine 
of ;  Mystics. 

Augustine  ;      Canterbury 
Rochester. 


Cranmer  ;   Henry  vili. 
Peterborough. 
St.  Asaph.     • 
Nonjurors. 


Nonconformity,  v. 


Cranmer. 

Valor  Ecclesiasticus. 
Bancroft ;  Hampton  Court 
Conference. 


Bancroft  ;  Calvinism  ; 

Puritanism  ;  Whitgift. 
Councils ;      Reunion     (2) 

and  (4). 
Theological  Colleges. 

Education. 

Canterbury ;  Westminster. 

Abbeys  ;  Cedd  ;  Chad. 
Augustine  ;      Canterbury  ; 
Gregory. 

Convocation. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of. 

Sarum  Use. 

Lincoln. 

Nonjurors. 

Valor  Ecclesiasticus, 

P'riars. 

Abbeys;  Aidan;  Cuth- 
bcrt ;  Durham. 

Lincoln. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of. 

Ferrar,  Nicholas ;  Reli- 
gious Orders,  Modern. 

Augustine ;  Canterbury ; 
Gregory. 

Oxford  Movement ;  Ox- 
ford, See  of. 


(G70) 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Losinga,       Her- 
bert  .     .     .  . 
Low  Church  .  . 

Lucar,  Cyril  .  . 
Lucius,  King 
Lupus,  St. 

Lutheranisiu  .  . 


Lux  Mundi    .     . 
Lyra   Apostolica 


Magdalen  Col- 
lege, Oxford  . 
Malmesbury  .  . 
Maniple  .  .  . 
Manual  .  .  . 
Marvell,  Andrew- 
Mass     .... 


Matthew,  Thos. 
Mawman,  Timo- 
thy ...  . 
Mennonites  .  . 
Merbecke,    John 

Methodism     .     . 

Mildmay  Dea- 
conesses 

Millenary,  Peti- 
tion   .... 

Milner,  Isaac 
Miracle  Plays     . 
Missal  .... 

Moberly,  George 
Monk,  W.  H.  . 
Monks  .... 
Moral  Plays  .  . 
Moravian 
Church  . 

More,  Henry 
Mountague,  Rich. 


Nag's      Head 

Fable     . 
National  Society 
Nayler,  James 
Necessary    Doc 

trine,  etc.    . 
New  Learning 

Newmarsh,  Tim 

othy  ... 
Newton,  John 

Nigel  of  Ely  . 
Non-Usagers 
Norris,  John  . 


Norwich. 

Church,        High,        1-ovv, 

Broad  ;  Evangelicals. 
Re\uuc)n  (2). 
iiiilish  Cliurch. 
Hritish  Church. 
.\iticles       oi'       Religion 

Hucer  ;       Reformation 

Reunion  (3). 
Convocation  ;       Denison  : 

Liddon. 
Poetry. 


Waynflete,  William. 

Aldhelm  ;  Salisbury. 

\'estments. 

Sarum  Use. 

Parker,  S.  ;  Poetry. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of; 
Holy  Eucharist  ;  Ser- 
vices, Church. 

Rogers,  John. 

Nonjurors. 

Nonconformity,  IV. 

Music  ;  Musicians  ;  Plain- 
song. 

Nonconformity,  v. 

Evangelicals ;  Religious 
Orders,  Modern. 

Cartwright,  T.  (?I535- 
1603)  ;  Common  Prayer, 
Book  of ;   Puritanism. 

Evangelicals. 

Drama. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of; 
Sarum  Use. 

Keble  ;  Salisbury. 

Musicians. 

Religious  Orders. 

Drama. 

Nonconformity,  V.  ;  Re- 
union (3)  ;  Weslev,  J. 
and  C.  ;  Wilson,  T. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 

Arminianism  ;  Caroline 
Divines  ;  Charles  i.  ; 
Norwich  ;  Reunion  (i). 


Ordinations,       Anglican  ;  j 

Parker,  Matthew.  i 
Education. 

Nonconformity,  vi.  j 

Cranmer. 

Colet ;  Fisher;  More,  Sir 
T.  ;  Reformation. 

Nonjurors. 

Evangelicals  ;       Hymns  ; 

More,  Hannah  ;  Poetry.    I 
Ely  ;  Roger  le  Poer. 
Nonjurors. 
Cambridge  Platonists. 

(G7 


Nun  of  Kent  . 

Nunneries 

Oates,  Titus  . 
O' Bryan,  Wm. 
Observants 
Offa  .... 


Oldcastle,    Sir 
John .... 
Old  Catholics 
Olney  Hymns 
Order  of  Corpor 

ate  Reunion 
Otho   (Otto)  and 
Othobon(Otto 
buoni)     .     . 


see  Cranmer  ;    Fisher  ;  More, 
Sir  T. 
Religious  Orders. 

Po[)ish  Plot. 
Nonconformity,  v. 
Friars  ;   Henry  viir. 
Lichfield   ;      St.     Albans, 

Abbey  of. 
Heresy;   Holy  Eucharist; 

Lollards. 
Reunion  {3). 
Evangelicals;   Hymns. 

Reunion  (i). 

Canon  Law  to  1534  ;  Le- 
gates ;  Papacy. 


Pan- Anglican 

Conference 
Paris,    Matthew 
Parish  Clerks     . 
Pelagius    .     .     . 
Penal  Laws  .     . 

Penance     .     .     . 
Penn,  William   . 

Penry,  John  .     . 


Peto,  William     . 
Philadelphian 

Society  .  .  . 
Playford,  John  . 
Pontifical  .  .  . 
Poor,  Richard  le 
Portos  .... 
Porteous,  Beilby 


Praemunientes, 
Clause    .     . 
Prayer  Book. 

Prebendaries 
Precentor  .     . 

Predestination 


Premonstra- 

tensians      .     . 

Presbyterianism 


Price,  Kenrick 
Primitive  Metho 

dists  .  .  . 
Privy  Council 
Processional . 


Prohibition     . 
Protectorate, 
Church  under 
Prophesyings 

1) 


Councils. 

.St.  Albans,  Abbey  of. 

Archdeacon. 

British  Church. 

Nonconformity  ;  Roman 
Catholics  ;  Toleration. 

Discipline. 

Mystics;  Nonconfor- 
mity, VI. 

Marprelate  Controversy  ; 
Nonconformity,  III.  ; 
St.  David's. 

Pole. 

Mystics. 

Music. 

Sarum  Use. 

Salisbury  ;  Sarum  Use. 

Sarum  Use. 

London  ;  More,  Hannah  ; 
Societies  for  Reforma- 
tion of  Manners. 

Parliament,  Clergy  in. 

Common  Prayer,  Book 
of. 

Chapters,  Cathedral. 

Chapters,  Cathedral  ;  Re- 
ligious Orders. 

Calvinism  ;  Evangelicals  ; 
Nonconformity,  iv.  ; 
Toplady. 

Abbeys  ;  Peculiars  ;  Reli- 
gious Orders. 

Bancroft  ;  Cartwright,  T. 
(?  1535-1603) ;  Noncon- 
formity, I. 

Nonjurors. 

Nonconformity,  v. 
Courts  ;  Ritual  Cases. 
Common  Prayer,  Book  of; 

Sarum  Use ;     Services, 

Church. 
Courts. 

Commonwealth  ;    Ussher. 
Elizabeth  ;  Grindal. 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Provinciale 
Psalter  .     . 


Purcell,  Henry 
Purchas,  John 
Purvey,  John 
Pye,  or  Pica  . 
Pyle,  Edmund 

Quakers     .     .     . 
Quarles,  Francis 

Raikes,  Robert  . 
Ramsbury,  Seeof 
Rates    .     .     . 
Real  Presence 

Recusants 

Regeneration 
Baptismal  . 

Remonstrants 

Rescripts  .     . 

Reynolds,  or 
Raignolds  . 

Rievaulx    .     . 

Ritual  Murders 

Rochet .     .     . 


Rogers,  Ben- 
jamin     .     .     . 

Rossetti,  Chris- 
tina   .... 

Rovyland,  Daniel 

Ryder,  Henry     . 

Sacrilege,  His- 
tory and  Fate 
of 

St.  Bees    .     .     . 

Salvation  Army . 

Samson,  Abbot . 

Sawtre,  William 

Schoolmen    .     . 


see  Canon     Law     to     1534; 

Lyndwood. 
Bible,   English  ;  Common 

Prayer,        Book        of  ; 

Hymn,s  ;    Sarum    Use  ; 

Services,  Church. 
Music  ;   Musicians. 
Ritual  Cases. 

Bible,  Ens;lish  ;    Lollards. 
Sarum  Use. 
Latitudinarians. 

Nonconformity,  VI. 
Mystics  ;  Poetry. 

Education  ;  Evangelicals. 
Salisbury  ;  Winchester. 
Church  Rates  ;  Parish. 
Holy  Eucharist,  Doctrine 

of. 
Bancroft  ;    Roman  Catlio- 


Gorham. 

Arminianism. 

Bulls. 

Bancroft ;  Hampton  Court 
Conference. 

Abbeys,  English. 

William  of  Norwich. 

Dress  of  the  Clergy  ;  Or- 
naments Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Music. 

Poetry. 

St.  David's. 

Evangelicals  ;  Lichfield. 


Scory,  John   .     . 

Scott,  Sir  Gilbert 
Seabury,  Samuel 
Seagar,  Francis 
Selsey,  See  of  . 
Sellon,  Miss .     . 

Sempringham, 
Order  of      .     . 

Sext,  The      .     . 

Shaftesbury,  3rd 
Earl  of  (An- 
thony Ashley 
Cooper) .     .     . 

Shaftesbury,  7th 
Earl  of  (An- 
thony Ashley 
Cooper) .     .     . 


Spelman. 

Theological  Colleges. 
Nonconformity,  V. 
Bury  St.  Edmunds. 
Discipline  ;  Heresy. 
Duns      Scotus ;       Friars  ; 

Ockham. 
Hereford  ;         I'arker, 

Matthew. 
Architecture. 
Nonjurors;    Routh. 
Music. 
Chichester. 
Phill potts  ;    Religious 

Orders,  Modern. 

Gilbert. 

Canon  Law  to  1534. 


Shaxton,  Nicho- 
las    ...     . 
Sherborne      .     . 


Silchester .     .     . 

Sisterhoods    .     . 

Smart,  Henry     . 

Smith,  John  .     . 

Society  for  Pro- 
moting Chris- 
tian Know- 
ledge     .     .     . 

Society  for  the 
Propagationof 
the  Gospel. 

Sodor  and  Man 

Song  Schools    . 

Sparrow,  An- 
thony     .     .     . 

Spinckes,  Nath- 
aniel .... 

Spiritualia 

Sprat,  Thomas  . 

Stainer,  Sir  John 

Sternhold,  Thos. 

Stigand     .     .     . 


Stole     .... 

Strafford,  Earl  of 

Submission       of 

the  Clergy. 

Suffragans     .     . 

Sunday  Schools 

S  up  e  rstitious 
uses.  Laws 
against  .     .     . 

Surplice     .     .     . 

Sutton,  Christo- 
pher .... 

Sweden,  Church 
of 

Swinderby,Wm. 

Synods 


Tallis,  Thomas  . 

Taxation   of  the 
Clergy    .     .     . 
Templars  . 

Temporalia    .     . 
Tenison,  Thomas 


Tenths 


Deists. 

Commissions,  Royal  ; 
Evangelicals  ;  Jerusa- 
lem, Bishopric  in;  Pub- 
lic Worship  Regulation 
Act.  I 

(  ^>72  ) 


Testa,  William  . 
Theobald,  Arch- 
bishop   .     .     . 


Askew,  Anne  ;  Salisbury. 

Aldhelm ;  Bath  and 
Wells  ;  Salisbury  ;  Win- 
chester. 

Architecture;  British 
Church. 

Religious  Orders,  Modern. 

Music  ;  Musicians. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 


Bray  ;  Education  ;  Jones, 
Griffith. 


Bray  ;  Missions,  Foreign. 
Man,  Isle  of. 
Education. 

Caroline  Divines  ;  Nor- 
wich. 

Nonjurors  ;  Reunion  (2). 

Taxatio  Ecclesiastica. 

Rochester  ;  Westminster. 

Music  ;  Musicians. 

Hymns ;  Music. 

Bishops  ;  Canterbury  ; 

Ealdred  ;  Norman  Con- 
quest ;  Pall  ;   Wulfstan. 

Ornaments  Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Charles  I.;  Laud;  Ussher. 

Convocation  ;  Reformatio 
Legum  ;  Supremacy, 
Royal. 

Bishops. 

Education. 


Mortmain. 

Ornaments  Rubric  ;  Vest- 
ments. 

Caroline  Divines. 

Adrian  iv.  ;   Reunion  {3). 
Heresy  ;   Lollards. 
Councils. 


Music;  Musicians;  Plain- 
song. 

Convocation;  Parliament, 
Clergy  in. 

Crusades ;  Religious  Or- 
ders. 

Taxatio  Ecclesiastica. 

Canterbury  ;  Patrick  ; 
Seven  Bishops; 
Societies  for  Reforma- 
tion of  Manners. 

Taxatio  Ecclesiastica ; 
Valor  Ecclesiasticus  ; 
Tithe. 

I-cgates. 

Becket;  Canterbury; 
Henry  of  Blois  ;  Le- 
gates. 


Dictionary  of  English  Church  History 


Thirty-Nine  Ar- 
ticles.    .     .     . 

Thomas,     St. 
Aquinas      .     . 

Thorndike,  Her- 
bert   .... 

Thornton,     John 
and  Henry  .     . 

Tindal,  Matthew 

Toland,      Junius 
Janus 

Tractarians    . 

Traherne,    Tho- 
mas   .... 

Transubstantia- 
tion    .... 

Trini  ta  rian 
Controversy    . 

Troper .... 

Tropes       .     .     . 

Ty  e,  Ch  r  i  s  t  o- 
pher  .... 

Tunic    .... 

Tunicle      .     .     . 

Turton,  Thomas 

Udall,  William  . 
Unitarians      .     . 
Unity  of  Christ- 
endom   .     . 
Universities   . 
Usagers     .     .     . 


Vaughan,  Henry 
Vestiarian    Con- 
troversy     .     . 

Veto,  Episcopal 
Virtualism      .     . 

Visitations     .     . 


see  Articles  of  Religion. 

Duns  Scotus. 

Caroline  Divines ;  Patrick; 

Westminster. 
Evangelicals;  More, 

Hannah. 
Deists. 

Deists. 

Oxford  Movement. 

Mystics  ;  Poetry. 

Aelfric  ;  Holy  1-Aicharist, 

Doctrine  of, 
Bingham  ;  Sherlock  ; 

South. 
Sarum  Use. 
Drama. 

Music ;  Musicians. 
Dress  of  the  Clergy. 
Ornaments  Rubric;  Smart; 

Vestments. 
Ely  ;  Westminster. 

Marprelate  Controversy. 
Nonconformity,  ii. 

Reunion. 
Education. 

Collier  ;  Holy  Eucharist, 
Doctrine  of ;  Nonjurors. 

Mystics  ;  Poetry. 
Advertisements  ;  Dress  of 

the     Clergy;      Hooper  ; 

Ornaments  Rubric. 
Bishops  ;  Courts. 
Holy  Eucharist,   Doctrine 

of ;  Reunion  (2). 
Archdeacon  ;       Bancroft  ; 

Bishops  ;  Procurations. 


Wales,     Church 
in 


r;     Llandaff;      St. 
Asaph;  St.  David's. 


Walmisley,  The 
mas  Attwood 
Ward,  W.  G. 

Watts,  Isaac 
Wells  .  .  . 
Wesley,  Samuel 

( 1 662-1735). 
Wesley,  Samuel 

(1766- I 837) . 
Wesley,  Samuel 

Sebastian  . 
Westminster  As 

sembly    .     . 

Whichcote,  Ben- 
jamin 
Whitby,  Dr.  .     . 


see  Musicians. 

Newman  ;  Oxford  Move- 
ment ;   Reunion  (i). 

Hymns  ;   Poetry. 

Bath  and  Wells. 

Wesley,  J.  and  C.  ;  Socie- 
ties, Religious, 

Musicians. 

Musicians. 

Calvinism  ;  Erastianism  ; 
Nonconformity,!.;  Puri- 
tanism. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 
Latitudinarians  ;  Reunion 
(4)  ;    Theological    Col- 


Whitby,  Synod 
of 

White,  Robert   . 

Whitsun  -  farth- 
ings  .... 

Wilkins,  John 

William  I.      .     . 


Winchester  Col- 
lege   .... 
Wither,    George 

Woolston,  Tho- 
mas  .... 

Worthington, 
John  .     .     . 

Wren,  Sir  Chris- 
topher    .     . 

Wur  temburg 
Confession. 

Wynfrith  .     . 

Zwinglianism 


leges. 

Oswy;  Theodore ;  Wilfrid. 
Music. 

Pentecostals. 

Chester ;  Evelyn,  John. 

Lanfranc  ;  Norman  Con- 
quest ;  Papacy  ;  Wulf- 
stan. 

Wykeham  ;  William  of 
Waynflete. 

Hymns  ;  Music ;  Musi- 
cians. 

Deists. 

Cambridge  Platonists. 

Architecture. 

Articles  of  Religion. 
Boniface. 

Eucer  ;  Holy  Eucharist, 
Doctrine  of;  Reforma- 
tion ;  Tillotson ;  Water- 
land. 


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