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Dictionary of the Bible 







Dictionary of the Bible 









A. E. DAVIDSON, D.D., LL.D. S. R DRIVER, D.D., Lrrr.D. 


H. B. SWETE, D.D., Lrrx.D. 



Edinburgh: T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street 

New York : CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, i53-i57 Fifth Avenue 



M .2, 

[The liign^^^Ji^^Qnslation and of Reproduction are JUserved.} 



' GiTE heed to . . . teaching/ Perhaps the Church of Christ has never given 
sufficient heed to teaching since the earliest and happiest davs. In oui- own day 
the importance of teaching, or, as we sometimes call it, expository preaching, has 
been pressed home through causes that are various yet never accidental ; and it is 
probable that in the near future more heed will be given by the Church to teaching 
than has ever been given before. 

As a contribution towards the furnishing of the Church for that great work, 
this DiCTiONAKY OF THE BiBLE is published. It is a Dictionary of the Old and New 
Testaments, together with the Old Testament Apocrypha, according to the Authorized 
and Eevised English Versions, and with constant reference to the original tongues. 
Every effort has been used to make the information it contains reasonably full, 
reliable, and accessible. 

As to fulness, In a Dictionary of the Bible one expects that the words 
occurring in the Bible, which do not explain themselves, will receive some 
explanation. The present Dictionary more nearly meets that expectation than any 
Dictionary that has hitherto been published. Articles have been written on the 
names of all Persons and Places, on the Antiquities and Archseology of the Bible, 
on its Ethnology, Geology, and Natural History, on BibHcal Theology and Ethic, and 
even on the obsolete or archaic words occurring in the English Versions. The 
greater number of the articles are of small compass, for care has been exercised to 
exclude vague generalities as well as unaccepted idiosyncrasies ; but there are many 
articles which deal with important and difficult subjects, and extend to considerable 
length. Such, for example, is the article in the first volume on the Chronology of 
the New Testament, and the article in the present volume on Jesus Christ 

As to reliability. The names of the authors are appended to their articles, 
except where the article is very brief or of minor importance ; and these names are 
the best guarantee that the work may be relied on. So far as could be ascertained, 
those authors were chosen for each particular subject who had made a special study 
of that subject, and might be able to speak with authority upon it. Then, in addition 
to the work of the Editor and his Assistant, every sheet has passed tkrough the 
hands of the three distinguished scholars whose names are found on the title-page. 
Those scholars are not responsible for errors of any ki^Pif such should be dis- 


covered in the Dictionary, but the time and care they have spent upon it may be 
taken as a good assurance that the work as a whole is reliable and authoritative. 

As to accessibility. While all the articles have been written expressly for 
this work, so they have been arranged under the headings one would most naturally 
turn to. In a very few cases it has been found necessary to group allied subjects 
together. But even then, the careful system of black-lettering and cross-reference 
adopted should enable the reader to find the subject wanted without delay. And so 
important has it seemed to the Editor that each subject should be found under its 
own natural title, that he has allowed a little repetition here and there (though not 
in identical terms) rather than distress the reader by sending him from one article 
to another in search of the information he desires. The Proper Names will be found 
under the spelling adopted in the Revised Version, and in a few very familiar 
instances the spelling of the Authorized Version is also given, with a cross-reference 
to the other. On the Proper Names generally, and particularly on the very difficult 
and unsettled questions of their derivation, reference may be made to the article 
Names (Pkoper), which will be found in the third volume. The Hebrew, and (where 
it seemed to be of consequence for the identification of the name) the Greek of the 
Septuagint, have been given for all proper and many common names. It was found 
impracticable to record all the variety of spelling discovered in dififerent manuscripts 
of the Septuagint ; and it was considered unnecessary, in view of the great Edition 
now in preparation in Cambridge, and the Concordance of Proper Names about to be 
published at the Clarendon Press. The Abbreviations, considering the size and scojie 
of the work, will be seen to be few and easily mastered. A list of them, together 
with a simple and uniform scheme of transliterating Hebrew and Arabic words, will 
be found on the following pages. 

The Editor has pleasure in recording his thanks to many friends and willing 
fellow-workers, including the authors of the various articles. In especial, after those 
whose names are given on the title-page, he desires to thank the Rev. W. Sanday, 
D.D., LLD., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, who 
has again read many of the articles and given valuable assistance in other ways ; 
next, the Rev. G. M. Mackie, M.A., of Beyrout, whose knowledge of modern Syrian 
life is both intimate and sympathetic ; also Professor Mahaffy of Dublin, who kindly 
read some articles in proof; Professor Ryle of Cambridge; Principal Salmond 
of Aberdeen ; Principal Stewart of St. Andrews ; and Principal Fairbairn and 
Mr. J. Vernon Bartlet, M.A., of Mansfield College, Oxford. The Editor regrets to 
have to record the death, since the issue of the first volume, of Dr. D. Shearer and 
the Rev. H. A. White, M.A., New CoUege, Oxford. 

•,• Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, have the sole right of pnMication of this 
Dictionary of the Bible in the United States and Canada. 






















































u, w 














u, w 






























8, ah 





I. General 

Alex. = Alexandrian. 

Apoc. = Apocalypse, 

Apocr. = Apocrypha. 

Aq. =Aquila. 

Arab. = Arabic. 

Aram. = Aramaic. 

Assyr. = Assyrian. 

Bab. = Babylonian. 

c.=: circa, about. 

Can. = Canaanite. 

cf . = compare. 

ct. = contrast. 

D = DeuteronomLst. 

E = Elohist. 

edd. = editions or editors. 

Egyp.= Egyptian. 

Eng. = Endish. 

Eth. = Etlnopic. 

f. =and foUoAving verse or page ; a.s Ac lO*^'- 

fF. =and foUo'wing verses or pages ; as Mt ll**** 

Gr.= Greek. 

H = Law of Holiness. 

Heb. = Hebrew. 

Hel. = Hellenistic. 

Hex. = Hexateuch. 

Isr. = Israelite. 



Jems. = Jerusalem. 

Jos. = Josephus. 

LXX = Septuagint 

MSS = Manuscripts. 

MT = Massoretic Text. 

n. =note. 

NT = New Testament. 

Onk. = Onkelos. 

0T = Old Testament. 

P= Priestly Narrative. 

Pal. = Palestine, Palestinian. 

Pent. = Pentatcucli. 

Pers. = Persian. 

Phil. = Philistine. 

Phoen. = Phoenician. 

Pr. Bk.= Prayer Book. 

R= Redactor. 

Rom. = Roman. 

Sam. = Samaritan. 

Sem. = Semitic. 

Sept. = Septuagint. 

Sin. =Sinaitic. 

Symm. = Symmachus. 

Syr. =Syriac. 

Talm. = Talmud. 

Targ. = Targum . 

Theod. = Theodotion. 

TR=Textus Receptus. 

tr. = translate or translation 

VSS = Versions. 

Vul".= Vulgate. 

WH = VVestcott and Hort's text. 

II. Books of the Bible 

Old Testament. 

Gn = Genesis. Ca= Canticles. 

£x = Exodns. Is = Isaiah. 

Lv = Leviticus. Jer = Jeremiah. 

Nu = Numbers. La = Lamentations. 

Dt = Deuteronomy. Ezk = Ezekiel. 

Jos = Joshua. Dn = Daniel. 

Jg = Judges. Ho8 = Hosea. 

Ru = Ruth. Jl = Joel. 

1 S, 2 S = 1 and 2 Samuel. Am=Amo8. 

1 K, 2 K = 1 and 2 Kings. Ob = Obadiah. 

1 Ch, 2 Ch = I and 2 Jon = Jonah. 

Chronicles. Mic = Micah. 

Ezr = Ezra. Nah=?Nahum. 

Neh = Nehcmiah. Hab = Habakkuk. 

EstsEsther. Zeph=Zephaniah. 

Job. Hag = Haggai. 

P8 = Psalms. Zec = Zechariah. 

Pr = Proverbs. Mai = MalachL 
Ec = Ecclesiastes. 


I Es, 2 E8=l and 2 To = Tobit. 

Esdras. J th=: Judith. 

Ad. Est = Additions to 

Wis = Wisdom. 
Sir = Sirach or Ecclesi- 

Three = Song of tlie 

Three Children. 

New Testament. 
Mt = Matthew. 
Lk = Luke. 
Jn = John. 
Ac = Acts, 
Ro = Romans. 
1 Co, 2 Co = 1 and 

Gal = Galatians. 

Sus = Susanna. 

Bel = Bel and the 

Pr. Man = Prayer of 

1 Mac, 2 Mac = l and 2 


Eph = Ephesians. 
Pn = Philippians. 
Col = Colos-sians. 

1 Th, 2 Th = 1 and 2 

1 Ti, 2 Ti = 1 and 2 

Tit = Titus. 
Philem = Philemon. 
He = Hebrews. 
Ja= James. 

1 P, 2 P= land 2 Peter. 
1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn = l, 2, 

and 3 John. 
Rev = Revelation. 



UI. English Vkbsioxs 

Wyc.=Wyclifs Bible (NT c. 1380, OT c. 1382, 

Purvey's Revision c. 1388). 
Tind. = Tiii(iale'8 NT 1526 and 1534, Pent. 1530. 
Cov. = Coverdale's Bible 1535. 
Matt, or Rog. = Matthew's (i.e. prob. Rogers') 

Bible 1537. 
Cran. or Great =Cranmer's 'Great' Bible 1539. 
Tav.=Tavemers Bible 1539. 
Gen. = Geneva NT 1557, Bible 1560. 

Bi8h. = Bishops' Bible 1568. 
Tom.=Tomson'3 NT 1576. 
Rhem. = RhemLsh NT 1582. 
Dou. =rDouay OT 1609. 
AV= Authorized Version 1611. 
AVm= Authorized Version margin. 
RV = Revised Version NT 1881, OT 1885. 
RA''m = Revised Version margin. 
EV^Auth. and Rev. Versions. 

IV. Fob the Litbrature 

^jffr= Ancient Hebrew Tradition. 

-4r=Altes Testament. 

£i = Bampton Lecture. 

BM= British Museum. 

5^P= Biblical Researches in Palestine. 

CIG = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 

CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. 

C7)S= Corpus Inscriptionum Semitic-arum. 

COT= Cuneiform Inscriptions and the OT. 

Z)jB=Dictiona^ of the Bible. 

EHH— Early History of the Hebrews. 

<x.4i'=Geographie des alten Palastina. 

GGA = Gotttngische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

GGN= Nachrichten der konigL GreseUschaft der 

Wissenschaften zu Giittingen. 
G VI= Geschichte des Volkes Israel. 
RCM= Higher Criticism and the Monuments. 
HE =B.istoTia. Ecclesiastica. 
HGHL = EUstorical Geog. of Holy Land. 
ffl= History of Israel. 
5^/P= History of the Jewish People. 
nPM= History, Prophecy, and the Monuments. 
IJG = Israelitische und Jiidische Geschichte. 
J5X= Journal of Biblical Literature. 
J!Z)rA =Jahrbiicher fiir deutsche Theologie. 
JQIi= Jewish Quarterly Re\-iew. 
JBAS=Jo\ixnal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
JBL=Jevnsh. Religious Life after the Exile. 
KAT =I)ie Keilinschriften und das Alte Test. 
^/B=Keilinschrtftliche Bibliothek. 
L CBl = Literarisches Centralblatt. 
XOT=Introd. to the Literature of the Old Test. 
iyr5^fr£=Neuhebraisches Worterbuch. 

NTZG = Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte. 

0N= Otium Norvicense. 

OrJC= The Old Test, in the Jewish Church. 

P£= Polychrome Bible. 

PEF= Palestine Exploration Fond. 

PEFSt = Quarterly Statement of the same. 

PSBA = Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology. 

PJ?£'=Real-Encyclopadie fiir protest. Theologie 

und Kirche. 
^PJB= Queen's Printers' Bible. 
P^-/= Revue des Etudes Juives. 
PP= Records of the Past. 
i?5= Religion of the Semites. 
SBOT=SacTed Books of Old Test. 
5J?'=Studien und Kritiken. 
5P= Sinai and Palestine. 

5 1FP= Memoirs of the Survey of W. Palestine. 
ThL or ThLZ =Theo\. Literaturzeitung. 
JAr=TheoL Tijdschrift. 

TSBA = Transactions of Soc. of BibL Archaeology. 
2'f7=Texte und Untersuchnngen. 
fFl/l/=TVestem Asiatic Inscriptions. 
WZKM='WieneT Zeitschrift fiir Kunde des 

ZA = Zeitschrift fiir Assvriologie. 
ZAW or Z4rir= Zeitschrift fiir cue Alttest. 

ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- 

landischen GreseUschaft. 
ZZ>PF= Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina- 

Z.K'.?P= Zeitschrift fiir Keilschriftforschnng. 
Z^JF'= Zeitschrift fiir kirchliche Wissenschaft. 

A small superior number designates the particular edition of the work referred to, as KAT-, LOT*. 


The Kingdoms of Judah axd Israel 
Jerusalem .... 

facing page 1 
„ 600 


Rev. Walter F. Adexev, M.A., Professor of 
New Testament Exegesis in the New College, ; 

Ven. A. S. Aglex, M.A., D.D., Archdeacon of j 
St. Andrews. 

Rev. WiLLOUGHBY C. Allex, M.A., Chaplain, 
Fellow, and Lecturer in Theology and Hebrew, 
Exeter College, Oxford. 

Rev. Benjamin Wisxer Bacon, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of New Testament Criticism and 
Interpretation in Yale University, New 

Rev. John S. Banks, Professor of Systematic 
Theology in the Headingley CoUege, Leeds. 

Rev. W. Emery Barnes, M.A., D.D., FeUow of 
Peterhouse, Cambridge. 

James Vernon Bartlet, M.A., Lecturer in 
Church EUstory, Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. Llewellyn J. M. Bebb, M.A., Principal of 
St. Davids College, Lampeter ; formerly Fellow 
and Tutor of Brasenose CoUege, Oxford. 

Rev. Willis Judson Beecher, D.D., Professor 
of Hebrew Language and Literature in Auburn 
Theological Seminary, New York. 

Rev. William Henr¥-Bennett, M.A., Professor 
of Old Testament Exegesis in Hackney and 
New Colleges, London ; sometime Fellow of 
St. John's College, Cambridge. 

Rev. John Henry Bernard, D.D., Fellow of 
Trinity College, and Archbishop King's 
Lecturer in Divinity in the University of 

Rev. J. F. Bethitne-Baker, M.A., Fellow and 
Dean of Pembroke College, Cambridge. 

Frederick J. Bliss, B.A., Ph.D., of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund in Jerusalem. 

Rev. Alexander Balmain Bruce, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of Apologetics and New Testament 
Exegesis in the Free Church College, 

Rev. Charles Fox Burxey, M.A., Lecturer in 
Hebrew, and FeUow of St. John Baptist's Col- 
lege, Oxford. 

Rev. Wexfrid O. Burrows, M.A., Principal of 

Leeds Clergy School. 
Rev. George G. Cameron, M.A., D.D., Professor 

of Hebrew in the Free Church College, 


The late Rev. James S. Candlish, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of Systematic Theology in the Free 
Church College, Glasgow. 

Rev. William Carslaw, M.A., M.D., of the 
Lebanon Schools, Beyrout, Syria. 

Rev. Arthur Thomas Chapman, M.A., Fellow, 
Tutor, and Hebrew Lecturer, Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge. 

Rev. Robert Henry Charles, D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Greek in the University of Dublin. 

Rev. Frederic Henry, M.A., D.D., 
Fellow and Lecturer in Theology, Christ's 
CoUege, and Principal of the Clergy School, 

Lieut. -Col. Claude Regnier Conder, R.E., 
LL.D., M.R.A.S. 

Fred. C. Conybeare, M.A., late FeUow of Uni- 
versity CoUege, Oxford. 

Rev. G. A. Cooke, M.A., Rector of Beacons- 
field. Bucks, and late FeUow of Magdalen 
CoUege, Oxford. 

Rev. Henry Cowan, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Church History in the University of Aberdeen. 

W. E. Crum, M.A., of the Egypt Exploration 


Rev. Edward Lewis Curtis, Ph.D., D.D., 
Professor of Hebrew Language and Literature 
in the Divinity School, New Haven. 

Rev. Andrew Bruce Dayidson, D.D., LL.D., 
Professor of Hebrew in the New CoUege, 
, Edinburgh. 

Rev. T. WmoN Davies, B.A., Ph.D., M.R.A.S., 
, Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament 

I Literature in the Baptist CoUege, Bangor, and 

i Lecturer in Semitic Languages in University 

! CoUege, Bangor. 

I Rev. W. T. Da\ison, M.A., D.D., Profes.sor of 
j Old Testament Exegesis in the Handsworth 

Theological CoUege, Birmingham. 

Rev. James Denney, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Systematic Theology in the Free Church 
CoUege, Glasgow. 
j Rev. Marcus Dods, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Exegetical Theology in the New CoUege, 
Rev. Samuel Rolles Driver, D.D., Litt.D., 
Canon of Christ Church, and Regius Professor 
of Hebrew in the Universitv of Oxford. 



Kev. David Eatox, M.A., Glasgow. 

Rev. William K. Eddv, of the American Mission, 
Sidoii, Syria. 

Hqv. William i:\vi \(;, M.A., Glasgow, for- 
merly of Tiberias, Palestine. 

Itev. George Fkkiuks, M.A., D.D., Cluny, Aber- 


liev. Alfim.I) j:i;M;>r (;.\i;\ii:, M.A., B.D., Mon- 
trose ; Exaniiaor in Biblical Languages in the 
Congregational Hall, Edinburgh. 

G. Buchanan Gray, M.A., Lecturer in Mansfield 
College, Oxford. 

!■ ^ \ Willi: <:i;ii,m:, M. A., Ph.D., Forfar. 

I l.i,i;\\i i,i.\ \ ( .i;ii KITH, M.A., F.S.A., 

oi the l>iili>h Mil - um ; Superintendent of the 

Arciueological Sui vty of Egypt. 

Rev. G. Harford - Battersby, M.A., Balliol 
College, Oxford ; Vicar of Mossley Hill, 

.1. KiNDKL Harris, M.A., Litt.D., Fellow and 
Librarian of Clare College, and Lecturer 
in Paleography in the University of Cam- 

Rev. Artiiii; ( am.kv 1Ii:\I)LAM, M.A., B.D., 
Rtctoi 111 Wilwvii, Herts; formerly Fellow 

(»t All >,.ul> Collruv, Oxford. 

FiMTZ Mmmmki,, I'll.!)., LL.D., Ord. Professor of 
S.iiiiiic j,au;^uages in the University of 

Kdwaim. liri.L. M.A., LL.D., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., 
laio iJircciur of the Geological Survey of 
Ireland, and Professor of Geology in the Royal 
College of Science, Dublin. 

Frank Bvkov .Iivons, M.A., Litt.D., Principal 
of Bisiiop llailield's Hall, Durham. 

Rev. Archibald R. S. Kennedy, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of Hebrew and Semitic Languages 
in the Universitj- of Edinburgh. 

Rev. James Houohtox Kkwedy, M.A., D.D., 
Assistant Lectur. r in ilic Divinity School of 
Dublin Universii\. 

Eduard Konig, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Old 
Testament Exegesis in the University of 

Rev. .loiiN i.AiDLAW, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Sj'stematic Theology in the New College, 

Rev. Walter Lock, M.A., D.D., Warden of 
Keble College, and Dean Ireland's Professor 
of New Testament Exegesis in the University 
of Oxford. 

.\lexander Macalisteu, LL.D., M.D., F.R.S., 
F.S.A., Fellow of St. John's College, and 
I'rofessor of Anatomy in the University of 

Rev. J. A. M'Clvmoxt. M.A., D.D., Aberdeen. 

Rev. George M. Mac kik, M.A., Chaplain to the 
Church of S. (iiliiiid ut Beyrout, Syria. 

Rev. John Ma.cpherson, M.A., Findhom, 


D. S. .Mai;(.<ii.I()Ith, M.A., Fellow of New Col- 
lege, an.l l.;iu.ii;\ii Professor of Arabic in the 
University ni ( txtur.!. 

Rev. John- Ti km i; M \i; n \i,r.. MA.. Principal 
oftheBaptiM Cnll.-.., .M;uirl,,M(r. 

Rev. ALEXANDti: Mai.tin, MA.. 1 >.!)., Professor 
of ATK)logeiie I ii..,!,, y ill ;Im N, w College, 

John Massie, M.A., Yates Professor of New 
Testament Exegesis in Mansfield College, 
Oxford ; formerly' Scholar of St. John's Col- 
lege, Cambridge. 

Joseph Bickersteth .Mayor, M.A,, Litt.D., 
Emeritus Professor of King's College, London, 
and Hon. Fellow of St. John's College, Cam- 

Rev. Selah Merrill, D.D., LL.D., U.S. Consul 
at Jerusalem. 

Rev. James Millar, M.A., B.D., New Cumnock. 

Rev. George Milligan, M.A., B.D., Caputh, 

Rev. R. Waddy Moss, Professor of Classics in the 
Didsbury College, Manchester. 

Rev. William Muir, M.A., B.D., B.L., Blair- 

W. Max MiJLLER, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of 
Archaeology in the University of Pennsylvania. 

Rev. J. O. F. Murray, M.A., Fellow of Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge. 

Eberhard Nestle, Ph.D., D.D., Professor at 

Rev. Thomas Nicol, M.A., D.D., Edinburgh. 

Rev. James Orr, M.A., D.D., Professor of Church 
History in the United Presbyterian Hall. 

Kev. Robert Lawrence Ottley, M.A., succes- 
sively Student of Christ Church and Fellow 
of Magdalen College ; sometime Principal of 
the Pusey House, Oxford. 

Rev. William P. Paterson, M.A., D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology in the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen. 

Rev. James Patrick, M. A., B.D., B.Sc, Examiner 
for Degrees in Divinity in the University of 
St. Andrews. 

Arthur S. Peake, M.A., Professor in the Primi- 
tive Methodist College, Manchester, and 
Lecturer in Lancashire Independent College ; 
sometime Fellow of Merton and Lecturer in 
Mansfield College, Oxford. 

W. F'linders Petrie, M.A., D.C.L., Professor of 
Egyptology in University College, London. 

I. A. Pinches, Sippar House, London. 

Theophilus Goldridge Pinches, M.R.A.s., of 
the Egyptian and Assyrian Department in the 
Britisn Museum. 

Rev. Alfred Plummer, M.A., D.D., Master of 
University College, Durham. 

Rev. Frank C. Porter, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Theology in Yale University, New 

Rev. George Post, M.D., F.L.S., l' n 

the American College, BejTout. 

iRA M. Price, M.A., Ph.D., B.D., Associate 
Professor of Semitic Languages and Litera 
tures in the University of Chicago. 

Rev. Cyril Henry Prichard, M.A., late Classical 
Scholar of Magdalen College, Cambridge. 

Rev. George T. Purves, D.D., LL.D., Professor 
of New Testament Literature and Exegesis 
in Princeton Theological Seminary, New 

William M. Ram-av, M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., 
Professor of liuinanity in the riii\rr-ity of 
Al>erdeen, Honorary Fellow of Kxeter ami 
Lincoln Colleges, Oxford. 



The late Rev. Henky Robert Reynolds, D.D., 
Principal of Cheshunt College, Herts. 

Rev. Archibald Robertson, M.A.. D.D., Prin- 
cipal of King's College, London, late Fellow of 
Trinity College, Oxford. 

Rev. J. Armitage Robinson, M.A., Ph.D., D.D., 
Canon of Westminster. 

Rev. Herbert Edward Ryle, M.A., D.D., 
President of Queens' CoUege, and Hulsean 
Professor of Divinity in the University of 

Rev. Stewart Dingwall Fordyce Salmond, 
M.A., D.D., F.E.I.S., Principal and Professor 
of Systematic Theology in the Free Church 
College, Aberdeen. 

Rev. Willi Ail Sand ay, D.D., LL.D., Lady 
Margaret Professor of Divinity, and Canon 
of Christ Church, Oxford. 

Rev. Archibald Henry Sayce, M.A., LL.D., 
FeUow of Queen's College, and Professor of 
Assyriology in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. John A. Selbie, M.A., Maryculter, Kin- 

Rev. David W. Simon, iLA., D.D., Principal of 
the United CoUege, Bradford. 

Rev. John Skin'NER, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Hebrew and Old Testament Exegesis in the 
Presbyterian College, London. 

Rev. George Adam Ssuth, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 

Professor of Hebrew in the Free Church 
College, Glasgow. 

Rev. Vincent Henry Stanton, MA., D.D., 
Fellow of Trinity College, and Ely Professor 
of Divinity in the University of Cam- 

John F. Stenning, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer 
in Hebrew and Theology, Wadham College, 

Rev. George B. Stevens, Ph.D., D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology in Yale 

Rev. Alexander Stewart, M.A., D.D., Prin- 
cipal of St. Mary's College, and Professor of 
Systematic Theology in the University of St. 

Rev. James Strachan, M.A., St. Fergus. 

Rev. Thomas B. Strong, B.D., Student and Censor 
of Christ Church, Oxford, and Examining Chap- 
lain to the Bishop of Durham. 

Rev. Hentiy Barclay Swete, M.A., D.D., 
Litt.D., Regius Professor of Divinity, Cam- 

Rev. John Tayloh, M.A., Litt.D., Vicar of 

Henry St. John Thackeray, M.A., Examiner 
in the Education Department, formerly 
Divinity Lecturer in Selwyn College, Cam- 

Rev. G. W. Thatcher, M.A., B.D., Hebrew Tutor 
and Lecturer on Old Testament History and 
Literature in Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. Joseph Henry Thayer, M.A.. D.D.,. 
Bussey Professor of Xew Testament Criticismi 
and Interpretation in the Divinity School of 
Harvard Lniversity. 

Rev. Geerhardus Vos, D.D., Profesoor of Biblical 
Theology in Princeton Theological Seminary,. 
New Jersey. 

Rev. George Walker, M.A., B.D., Callander. 

Col. Sir Charles Warrf.n. rr.C.M.G., K.C.B., 
F.R.S., Royal Engineers. 

Rev. Adam C. Welch, M.A., B.D., Helensburgh. 

The late Rev. Henry Alcock White, M. A., Tutor 
in the University of Durham, and formerly 
Fellow of New College, Oxford. 

Rev. Newport J. D.White, M. A., B.D., Librarian 
of Archbishop Marsh's Library, and Assistant 
Lecturer in Di\-inity and Hebrew in the 
University of Dublin. 

Rev. Owen C. Whiteholse, M.A., Principal and 
Professor of Biblical Exegesis and Theology, 
Cheshunt College, Herts. 

Rev. A. LUKYN Williams, M. A., Vicar of Guilden 
Morden, late TjTwhitt and Crosse Scholar of 
the University of Cambridge. 

Major-General Sir Charles William Wilson, 
R.E., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., D.C.L., LL.D., 

Rev. Francis Henry Woods, M.A., B.D.. Vicar 
of Chalfont St. Peter, Bucks, and late Fellow 
and Theological Lecturer of St. John's Col- 
lege, Oxford. 

Rev. John Wortabet, M.A., ^I.D., Beyrout, 


VOL n Map 5 . 






FEIGN (Lat. fingtre, to mould, invent ; Old Fr. 
feindre, ptcp. feignant). — 1. To devise, invent : 
Neh 6^ ' There are no such things done as thou 
stiyest, but thou feignest them out of thine own 
heart ' [h-.^, only here and 1 K 12» EV ' devise ') ; 
2 P 2^ ' And through covetousness shall they with 
feigned Avords make merchandise of you ' (xXatrrots 
\&yoi.s, only here in NT ; Salmond "' made up or 
craitly constructed speeches ')• Cf. Lk 24ii Tind. 
' their wordes seemed vnto them faj-ned thinges ' ; 
and Knox, Hist. p. 177, ' Which reports are all 
((Jod knoweth) most vain, fained, and untrue.' 
2. To put on an appearance, pretend : 1 K 14* 
' she shall feign herself to he another woman ' 
('•n?i7.=); so 146; i g oi^ 'he changed his be- 
haviour before them, and fei^ed himself mad 
in their hands' (:>^i-ir); 2S 14^ 'feign thyself to 
be a mourner ' (s<r'^?Xi7ir;) ; Ps 17^ ' give ear unto 
my prayer, tJuit goetJi not out of feigned lips ' 
(.■n^a 'r?r, lit. ' lips of gmle '). Cf. Knox, Bist. 
101, ' yet was every head so fully answered, and 
especially one. ... To wit. That Paul at the com- 
mandment of James, and of the Elders of Jeru- 
salem, passed to the Temple, and fained himself 
to pay his vow with others ' ; and Elyot, The 
Governour, ii. 432, ' Unto euery man disclose nat 
thy harte, leest perauentme he wyl gyue to the 
a lained thanke, and after reporte rebukefully of 
the ' ; Barlowe, Dialogue, ed. 1897, p. 48, ' Then 
beganne he [Luther] stoutly to fortery his fayned 
favth voyde of good workes ' ; Tindale, JVorks, i. 94, 
'tor where right faith is, there bringeth she forth 
good works ; if there follow not good works, it 
is (no doubt) but a dream and an opinion or 
feigned faith ' ; also Tind. Expositions, 163, ' And 
for them that would not receive such pardons 
feigned they purgatory, and for them that re- 
ceived them feigned they pardon, turning binding 
and loosing, with preaching God's word, unto buy- 
ing and seUing sin for money.' 

Feignedly = with pretence, deceitfully: Jer 3^" 
' Judah hath not turned unto me with her 
whole heart, but feignedly' (i^?3 'in falsehood,' 
as AVm) ; 2 Es 8^ ' Think not upon those that 
have walked feignedly before thee' {false con- 
versati sunt). So Tindale, Works, i. 177, ' the 
children of the devil, in time of adversity, fly 
from Christ, whom they followed feignedly.' 

J. Hastings. 

FELIX, Antonius, procurator of Judaea (Ac 
2325'-2427) at the time of St. Paul's last visit to 
Jerusalem and anest there. The military tribune 
Clandlas Lysias sends Paul under escort to Csesarea, 
with a letter to Felix reciting, in a light favour- 
VOL. II. — I 

I able to his own conduct, the circumstances of the 
j arrest. Arrived at Caesarea, the apostle, after a 
I purely formal interview, is remanded by Felix for 
j trial, and detained in the government house (prae- 
torium), orio^inally a palace of Herod the Great, 
I untU the arrival of his accusers. On the fifth day the 
proceedings begin. The case against the prisoner 
is opened by an advocate (see Tertullus). Evi- 
dence is given by the Jews, and, upon a sign from 
the procurator, Paul makes a speech in defence. 
Felix, perhaps interested in the matter by his 
Jewish wife (Ac 24-), then adjourns the trial till the 
arrival of Lysias, and Paul is again remanded as a 
prisoner, but under lenient conditions. We hear 
nothing of any resumption of the trial. But after 
some days Felix, accompanied by Drosilla (and, 
according to some authorities for the Western 
t«xt, at her special request), sends for Paul and 
gives him audience concerning the belief ' in Christ ' 
(or 'Jesus as Christ'). The apostle (taking, as 
|0|Saal, common ground vrith his hearer) addresses 
nbim upon broad moral truths, and the judgment 
(looked for by heathens as well as Jews) after 
death. Felix becomes alarmed, and sends him 
away till a future occasion. He sends for him 
(' secretly,' Gig.) ' somewhat often ' for further con- 
versation, excited mainly bv the hope of a bribe 
(cf. Kamsay, St. Paul the Trav. p. 310 ff.). Two 
years after St. Paul's arrest Felix is recalled, and, 
to ingratiate himself Avith the Jews (or, according 
to some Western sources, for the sake of DrusUla), 
leaves Paul a prisoner. 

The dubious light in which the character of 
Felix appears in the NT narrative is bright com- 

Eared with that shed upon it by the other 
istories of the time. Fehx was the (apparently) 
younger brother of Pallas, the well-known and 
all-powerful favourite of Claudius. That An- 
tonius, not Claudius, was the nomen borne by 
Felix (Tac. Hist. v. 9; the nomen Claudius for 
Felix is based on a probably corrupt reading in 
Suidas, s.v.) suggests that Felix wais a freedman 
of Antonia, mother of Claudius (so also probably 
Pallas; see Jos. .471^. x^^II. vi. 6 ; cf. Schiirer, HJF 
I. ii. 175). The brothers claimed descent, as Tacitus 
ironically mentions, from ancient kings of Arcadia 
{Ann. xii. 53). 

We first hear of Felix in connexion with the 
disorders in Samaria under his predeceaeor Ven- 
tidius Cumanus. The latter refusing to uuniah 
the Samaritans for the murder of some GalilsMm 
pilgrims, the Zealots massacred many Samaritaas, 
and were in turn massacred by Cumanus. Both 
sides appealed to XJmmidius Quadratus, legate of 



Syria, wIjo intervened with great severity and 
sent Cuiuanus to Rome (Jos. BJ II. xii. 3 S. ; Ant. 
XX. vi. 1-3). According to Josephus, Felix was 
now, at the reqaest of the high priest Jonathan, 
vrho had been sent to Rome with Comanus, sent as 
saooessor to the latter ; iind Jos. proceeds to relate 
how, upon completing his twelftn year (Jan. 24, 
A.D. 6§), Claudius gave certain territories to 
Agrippa. Coupled with the fact that Tacitus places 
the aeiMsition of Cumanus in the year 52, this 
fairly fixes Felix' appointment to the latter year. 
A difficulty arises, however, from the fact that 
Tacitus, in his account {Ann. xii. 54) of what led 
to the deiMJsition of Cumanus, speaks of Felix as 

• »am ;>nV/ewt Indaeae impositus , . . ut [Cumano] 
Galilaeorum natio, Felici Samaritae parerent.' It 
has been attempted to combine the latter state- 
ment with the ' many years ' of Ac 24" by the 
hypothesis that before his appointment as pro- 
curator Felix had held some suoordinate appoint- 
ment in Samaria. But Josephus clearly intimates 
that Felix was first appointed to the province on 
this occasion ; and on the whole, in spite of the 
authority of Mommsen and the arguments of Blass 

iAct. Apost. p. 21), we join Schiirer in following 
Fosephus here, as likely to be the better informed. 
Felix received from his patron the (for a freed- 
man) unprecedented honour of military command 
as well as civil jurisdiction (' cohortibus et alls pro- 
uinciaeque' . . . Suet. Claud. 28). His character as 
governor was that of a man raised from a low origin 
to unfitting eminence — 'per omnem saeuitiam 
et libidinem ius regium seruili ingenio exercuit' 
(Tac. Hist. V. 9). The general results of his rule 
are aptly summed up by the same writer, * inteni- 
pestiuis remediis delicta accendebat ' (Ann. xii. 54, 
and see Tertullus). His ferocity against the 

* Zealots ' and their supposed partisans gave birth, 
or new strength, to the Sicarii, — a more numerous 
and extreme class of fanatics, — who were in turn 
used by fanatical rebels (cf. Ac 21**) until half the 
nation was in the wildest disaflection. St. Paul 
probably came into contact with Felix as stated 
above from two to four years after the accession 
of Nero (54), by whom Felix must have been con- 
firmed in office. The iroXXA in) of Ac 24'" are hardly, 
therefore (jis Harnack, Chron. 253, contends), com- 

£atible with a date earlier than the last named, 
►uring the last two years of Felix' tenure of office, 
and therefore during Paul's imprisonment at 
CtBsarea, fall the serious riots between the Jewish 
and Syrian inhabitants of the latter town about 
laaroKiTda. Felix, M'hose customary methods had 
failed to quell the disturbances, sent the heads of 
both parties to Rome for the emperor to decide the 
case. But l)efore any final decision Felix was 
recalled. The violence with which he had inter- 
fered in this matter jiartly explains his anxiety to 
do the Jews a i>arting favour (Ac 24'^ ; see Jos 
BJ II. xiii. 7 ; Ant. xx. viii. 7). The Jews, how- 
ever (Jos. A nt. XX. viii. 9), lodged an indictment 
against him, which failed only through the in- 
fluence of Pallas. Of Felix' later history nothing 
is known (see Schiirer, UJP I. ii. 17411"., and the 
authorities cited by him. For the chronological 
questions involved, see Festus, and art. Chrono- 
logy OF NT, p. 417 f.). A. Robertson. 

FELLOW ( from /(?= property, money, and lag to 
lay ; lieiice ' one who lays down money in a joint 
undertaking with others'). In AV two easily 
separated meanings are found. 

1. Partner, companion. The Heb words are (a) 
5n r(a'. Ex 2'», Jg 7'».".«2, i S 14» 2S 2'««», Is 
.34", Jon \\ Zee S* ; RV adds 1 K 20» for AV 
' neighlKuir," ns the word is generally tr^ elsewhere 
in AV and 14 V. Once the hm. of this word (n;'i • 
* Por the rewling: sc« Moore, in loe. 


r6'Ah) is tr'* 'fellow,' Jg 11*^, though in the next 
verse it is ' companion ' as in Ps 45''*, its only 
remaining occurrence. RV has ' companion ' in 
all tlireo places, (h) tjij Mbhfr, Ps 45\ Ec 4", Is 
44", Ezk 37'" ; RV in Ezk ' companion,' as the 
word is elsewhere tr'* in AV and RV, except Jg 
20" (o'ljq n(j^ c*')*!^, EV ' knit together as one 
man ') ; and Aram, forms 13- Mhhar, Dn 2'*- " (in 
V." ' companion ' as RV in ail), and n-j^n habhrhh, 
Dn 7*'. (c) n'cv 'dniith, Zee 13^ ('n'pjK, -cih EV ' the 
man that is my fellow'). The word is in form 
abstract, hence lit. ' the man of my fellowship ' ; 
but elsewhere it occurs only in Lv and in the con- 
crete sense of * neighbour.' 

The Gr. words are (a) ^ vXrialov, only once and 
fem.. Bar 6" 'she reproacheth her fellow' (cf. Jg 
11" above, where, however, the LXX is (Tweraipis). 
The commonest word for ' neighbour ' in NT is 
6 irXrjfflov. (b) iraipos, Mt 11'*. (c) m^toxoj, He l'-*, 
a quotation from Ps 45^ where LXX has ^t. (d) 
olirepl, Three '^i. 

This meaniiid^ of ' fellow ' luay be illustrated by the foil, para- 
graph from T. Adams, // Peter (Sherman's ed. p. 42) : — ' As 
fellows, in due measure, with God himself : " Truly our fellow- 
ship is with the Father, and with his Son Jesus Christ," 1 Jn 
13. We may have a society with man, this is requisite, for we 
are all of one mould; but to God, what, all fellows? Yes, we 
have a fellowship with God ; such is his mercy, not our merits. 
The proud gallant scorns the poor mechanic : What, are you 
my fellow? Yet. rnor* sceptra ligonilAui eequat, Death tsikea 
away difference between king and beg-L-ar, tumbles both the 
knight and the pawn into one bajf. Well, let the world despise 
us, it is enough the Lord doth not disdain our fellowship.' 
Again (on p. 43) Adams says, ' Thus we partake of the Divine 
nature (with all reverence be it spoken) as fellows. But, not to 
deny the King his supremacy, we are fellows with Christ in 
his joy, reserving the throne to himself.' Cf. also Ac 4^3 Wye. 
(1388), ' thei camen to her /elotoig, and telden to hem. hou grete 
thingis the princis of preestis and the eldre men hadden scid to 
hem' ; He 11)33 Wye. (1388), 'ye weren maad felowia of men 
lyuynge so.' Shaks. Tempest, ui. 1. 84 — 

' To be your fellow 
You may deny me ; but I'll be your servant.' 

2. Person, first without and then with con- 
tempt ; for the word has a history. Melvill (Diary, 
Wod. p. 78), can say of John Dury, ' He was a 
verie guid fallow, and tuk delyt, as his special! 
comfort, to haift' his table .and houss tilled with 
the best men,' and thereby express reverence for 
him. But Adams (// Peter, p. 43) says, ' There is 
a generation of men that lavish their estates, — as 
we say, fling the house out at the windows, — that 
call themselves good fellows,' where the meaning is 
still ' companion,' but the glory is departing. The 
word was used to express easy familiarity, then 
l)y a superior in condescension to an inferior, and 
finally as the utterance of contempt. In Gn 39* 
Tindale has, 'And the LoRUE was with loseph, 
and he was a luckie fellowe,' where ' fellow ' is 
simply ' man ' ; nor is contempt expressed in Mk 
4" ' what felowe is this ? For bootli winde and 
see obey him' ( = Lk 8-^) ; and even in Mk 2^ ' how 
doeth this felowe so blaspheme?' (oOtoj), or Jn 6'- 
' How can this felowe geve us his flesshe to eate ? ' 
(oOtoj) the sense is probably no more than ' this 
man,' or at least than we should express by ' this 

The Heb. words so translated in AV are (a) »'k 
tsh, I S 29^ 'Make this fellow return' (RV 'the 
man'); in plu. 'fellows,' Jg 18*» (e'fj nc cvjs, lit. 
'men, bitter of soul,' as RVm ; Moore, 'men of 
acrid temper'). RV adds Jg 9* (AV ' persons') 11* 
(A V ' men '). In these places neither the Heb. nor 
probably the Eng. means more than 'person.' 
And even when ' this fellow ' is the tr" of (h) nt zeh, 
' this' (1 S 21'* ftt* 25'^', 1 K 22=" = 2 Ch IS*", 2 K 9'^; 
to which RV adds 1 S 29*), there is at least less 
contempt expressed than the words now carry. 
The Greek words correspond to the Hebrew. («) 
i-v-^l), 1 Mac 10*' 'certain pestilent fellows ' (dfSper 
Xo«,uo/) ; Ac 17' 'took unto them certain lewd 
fellows' (rii'dt S.vSpai iroyrjpovi). (6) oiiTos, Sir 13**, 



IMac 4', Mt 12»* 26«", Lk 22*9 233, Jn 9», Ac 
18^. RV prefers 'man' except ia Sir, where 
' fellow ' is simply omitted, (c) 6 twoCtoj, Ac 22**. 

Perhaps the strongest expression of contempt is 
given wnen 'fellow' is added to an adj. The 
examples are (a) n'pi rekim, 2 S 6* ' vain fellows' ; 
(6) ToXfiTipds, Sir 8" 'hold fellow'; and (c) \oifi6s, 
Ac 24* * pe-stilent fellow ' (cf. iySpet Xot/iol, 'pestilent 
fellows,' 1 Mac 10«i above). 

The Amer. RV prefers ' base fellow ' to AV ' son 
(man) of Belial,' and 'base fellows' to sons (men, 
children) of Belial.' See Beli.vl. 

In comjwsition ' fellow ' always means partner 
or companion. The foil, compounds occur in AV : 
(1) Fellowcitizen (awnrokiTvi), Eph 2i», RV adds He 
8", reading 6 toXj'ttjs with edd. for 6 TXiicioy of TR 
which gave AV 'neighbour.' (2) Fellowdisciple 
{awfiadTrrris), Jn 11". (3) Fellowheir {ffwKX-npoi'OfjUK), 
Eph 3*. (4) Fellowhelper (awepy6i, see 'fellow- 
worker'), 2 Ck) 8^, 3Ja8. (5) Fellowlaboorer 
(<rwep76s, see ' fellow-worker), Ph 4», 1 Th 3^ 
Philem ^- ". (6) Fellowprisoner {mvatxMXijToi), Ro 
16^ Col 4i», Philem ^. ( 7 ) Fello wservant (otJi'SouXos), 
Mt 18^ a. 31. » 24^^ Ck)llMM = ' fellow-worker ' in 
Col), Rev 6" 19^* 229. (g) Fellowsoldier (TR awr/xi- 
Ttt^s, edd. <n/F<rr.), Ph 2», Philem-. (9) Fellow 
worker {so 1611, ffwepySs), Col 4". RV adds 'fellow- 
worker/ Ro 16*- » (AV 'helper'), 1 Co 3^ 'we are 
God's fellow-workers' (AV 'labourers together 
with God'), 2 Co 8« (AV 'feUowhelner'), Ph 2» 
(AV ' companion in labour ') 4', Philem ^ ** (AV 
' f ellowlabourer '), 3 Jn « ( AV ' fellowhelper '). ( 10) 
Workfellow (awepyds), Ro 16^. (11) Yokefellow 
(TR av^iryoi, edd. oTJvfiryor), Ph 4'. To those RV 
adds (12* Fellow-eldep {avu-rpea^&repos, T. WH, 
avyrp.), 1 P 5» (AV 'also an elder'). (13) Fellow- 
member of the body (TR, awrauiyuK, edd. avvawitm), 
Eph 3« (AV 'of the same body'). (14) Fellow- 
partaker {(7i-MM^oxos, T. WH, ffw/i.), Eph 3« (AV 

For Fellowship, see Communion. 

J. Hastings. 

FENCE.— This Eng. word is not used in NT. In 
AV of OT it translates various Hebrew words. 
In the case of three of these, the tr. is a mistake, 
and is changed m RV (Is 5=», 2 S 23^, Job 10"). The 
words from the stems rtir and bdzar, "ns and t*?, 
denote fortifications or fortified places {e.g. 2 Ch 8' 
11^, Dt 3* etc.) Those from the stem q&dar, -na, 
denote a stone wall (Ps 62^, Job 19»). RV tr. the 
words of this stem by ' fence ' in many places 
where we find ' wall ' or ' hedge ' in AV. A fence is 
properly that which fends or defends. The fence 
described in the Heb. words of this group is 
ordinarily the enclosure defending a field or vine- 
yard or sneepfold. See Hedge. 

W. J. Beecher. 

FENCED CITIES ("v>?= ^:i, properly 'cut oCF' 
from outside, and hence inaccessible ; R V generally 
substitutes 'fortified' for 'fenced'). — Collections 
of houses in ancient times may be classed under 
three heads: (1) Cities, walled or fenced. (2) 
Unwalled towns and villages, with towers for 
resort of ^-illage^s in times of danger. (3) Un- 
walled tON\Tis and villages. 

The number or size of the houses did not affect 
the question. A city might be of very small 
extent. Gn 19^ ' Behold now, this city is near to 
flee unto, and it is a little one : Oh ! let me escape 
thither (is it not a little one ?) and my soul shall 
live.' On the other hand, the suburbs of a city 
might become so extensive that it became equiva- 
lent to a town \*-ithout walls. Zee 2* ' Jerusalem 
shall be inhabited as \-illages without walls, for the 
multitude of men and cattle therein.' 

Towns and villages that were without walls 
were a prey to any hostile foraging party, and 
were considered of no account. Lv 25^" 'If a 

man seU a dweUing-house in a walled city, then 
he may redeem it. . . . But the houses of the 
villages, which have no wall round about them, 
shall be reckoned with the fields of the country.' As 
a village or town prospered and more solid noaBet> 
were built, they woula for purposes of defence be 
joined together, and the town would thus become 
a walled city. Towns and villages appear to have 
been depenaent upon fenced cities botn for admini- 
strative purposes and for protection of the inhabit- 
ants. Jos 15*^ 'Ashdod with her towns and her 
villages ; Gaza with her towns and her villages.' As 
an indication of absolute security, a land of safety 
is pictured as 'a land of unwalled villages . . . 
dwelling without walls, and having neither bars 
nor gates' (Ezk 38^^). The suburl» of the cities 
were occupied by cattle (Jos W 21*). The villages, 
however, were not wholly without protection. 
The Israelites could not drive out the inhabitants 
of the valley or low country because they had 
chariots of iron (Jg 1"^, Jos 17"). Both at Jericho 
and Damascus houses were built on the city walls 
(Jos2", 2Coll»). 

Sufficient stLU exists of the remains of the 
ancient cities of Palestine, together with the 
historical accounts, to give us a clear idea of the 
positions and the general configuration of their 
walls. They were buUt in commanding positions 
both in the hill-country and the plains, and on the 
seashore they were generally on promontories. 
In many cases most inaccessible positions were 
taken advantage of, so that the battering-ram 
mi^ht be of no avaU. Dt 1** ' The cities are great, 
and fenced up to heaven.' Cisterns were cut in 
the rock for the supply of rain-water, so as to 
be independent of water from without (2 Ch 26^*, 
Neh 9^, Jos. BJ v. iv. 3, vn. ^iiL 3). 

There are many remains of ancient cities still 
exposed to \iew in various parts of Palestine, 
inhabited by nomadic tribes, where the system of 
defence can yet be observed : as an example, 
Masada, built by Jonathan Maccabseus, and 
strengthened by Herod the Great, may be men- 
tioned. None of the remains, however, can be 
accurately ascribed to the time of Joshua, though 
the sites may not have changed, and it Ls doubtful 
whether at that early date the walls of fenced 
cities were of the same solid type as that which 
necessarily obtained when the battering - ram 
came into use. Some of the fenced cities men- 
tioned in the Book of Joshua were taken by 
stratagem, but others were taken by a.ssault by a 
nation which did not possess the mechanical con- 
trivances required for the capture of cities with 
strong walls. From what remains of the ruins of 
Jericho (assumed to be near 'Ain es-SuIt^n), it may 
be inferred that these walls were built from the 
earliest date of sun-burnt bricks ; and from the 
knowledge we now possess of the walls about 
Jerusalem, it mav be considered that at the time 
of the capture of the city by Joab the walls were 
built of small stones. 

The stones of the ancient towers and walls of 
Jerusalem still existing are of considerable size, 
some of those in the wall of the temple enclosure 
weighing nearly 90 tons. At Baalbek the great 
temple stands on a massive wall, with courses of 
stone averaging 3 ft. 9 in. in height. Tliirty feet 
in advance of this, N., S., and W., is a protecting 
wall, 10 ft thick, of monoliths weighing 600 to 8<:»0 
tons each, three of them being estimated to weigh 
over 1000 tons each. 

The bulwarks of the fenced cities of Palestine, 
so far back as the time of tlie Jewish kings, appear 
to have consisted of a solid ma.«*>nry wall of cut 
stone, with parapets and battlements, and with 
towers at inter>'als from which the fo<»t of the wall 
cotdd be seen (2 Ch 3-^, Jer 3 1»). In Uie walls were 



watchmen (2 K 9", 2 S 18" Is 62«). Within th. 
city Mas usually a citadel or acropolis (Jg 9*'), aiid 
without Mere walls, outworks, and towers (2 Ch 
14^ ' Let us build these cities, and make about 
them walls and towers, gates and bars ' ; 2 S 20^'^, 
Is 26>, Nah 3«, 2 Ch 26«). 

The protracted resistance offered by many of the 
fenced cities of Palestine may liave been due as 
much to the strength of their position as to their 
walls ; Samaria resisted the king of Assyria for 
three years, and Jerusalem successfully resisted 
tlie power of Rouie, and only fell before Titus owing 
to tne internal dissensions of the Jewish leaders. 

The whole subject connected with the attack and 
defence of cities and fortiti&d places is treated of 
under War, and special cases for reference will 
bo found under Jekusalem, Samaria, Jericho, 
Gath. C.aza, and other strongholds of Philistia. 
See i' C. Warren. 

FERHEi ^-;7;k 'anAI/ah, Lv ll** AV).— The ferret 
is not found in' Palestine or Syria, and cannot be 
the animal intended. It is probably, as in RV, 
the gecko. See Gecko. G. E. Post. 

PERYENCY, FERYENT. — Fervency is found 
only in Jtli 4'' 'every man of Israel cried to God 
witn great fervency {(Krivtia [B -la], which in the 
same verse is tr'* ' veheraency,' as it is tr^ in 2 Mac 
14**; RV always 'earnestness.' The Gr. word 
occurs also 3 Mac 6^', and in NT Ac 26^ iv iKreveiq., 
AV 'instantly,' RV 'earnestly'). Knox (Hist. 
132) says that after the martyrdom of Walter 
Mill 'began a new fervency among the whole 
people ' ; and Works (ed. Lamg, iii. 289), ' Peter, 
m a fervencie, firste left his bote, and yet after 
feared.' The adj. fervent is twice applied literally 
in the sense of 'mtense,' 2P 3'" 'the elements 
shall melt Avith fervent heat' (/cawoiJ/teca Xu^Verai), 
and 3^* (Ko.vffo'uneva HiKerai). 'With fervent heat' 
(lit. 'being burned up') is the Bishops' tr°, and is 
retained in RV ; most of the other VSS have simply 
'shall melt with heat.' Cf. Elyot, The Governotir, 
ii. 322, ' beynge sore chaufed with fervent heate 
and the lengthe of his iournay ' ; and Dt 28^ Gen. 
'The Lord shall smite thee with a consiunption, and 
with the feauer, and with a burning ague, and with 
feruent heat.' The word is also applied to cold, 
as R. Fo.K, Chron. 116, 'Hit was a fervent coolde 
weder ' ; Stewart, Cron. Scot. ii. 337, ' The fervent 
frost so bitter wes.' J. HASTINGS. 

FESTIYAL.— See Feasts and Fasts. 

FESTUS, Porcius, succeeded Felix as procurator 
of Judii'a. On his arrival he visited Jerusalem, 
whither the priests endeavoured unsuccessfully to 
induce him to send for Paul. His reply (Ac 25'^), 
that to hand over a man unheard was ' not custom- 
ary with Romans' (whatever it miglit be for Jews), 
has a touch of disdainful dignity. Endeavouring to 
induce Paul to consent to a trial at Jerusalem, he 
provokes and allows the appeal to Caesar. Then 
follows the hearing Iwforo Festus and Agrippa, 
the latter of whom is there as an expert assessor. 
The attitude of Festus is throughout (25'» 26"- ^') 
one of official impartiality, touched with good- 
natured indifference to the technicalities of Jewish 

The gens Porcia is not otherwise known to have 
oomprised a family of Festi, nor is this Festus 
known to us apart from the NT and Josephus. 
According to the latter, the first important event 
of Festus' governorship was the decision of the 
emperor in favour of the Syrians at Cffisarea 
(Felix, »uh fin.). This was eflected by Beiyllus 
(so all MSS in Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 9; tndgo 'Burrus'), 
Greek secretary to the emperor, whom the Syrians 

hail wdii by corruption. This decision provoked 
ili(! .Uws to riots, in which Josephus sees the first 
simnierings of the war of 66. This point mxist not 
be forgotten when we come to the question of 
dates. The other principal occurrences of Festus' 
tenure of oHico mentioned by Josephus y/exQ, firstly, 
the putting down of the Sicarii, and especially of 
one dangerous rebel, similar to the one of Ac 21** 
(Ant. XX. viii. 10 ; cf. JJJ II. xiv. 1) ; secondly, the 
disturbances at Jerusalem in consequence of the 
wall erected at the temple to intercept the view 
from the new wing of Agrippa's i)alace. Festus 
took the side of Agrippa, but allowed the priests 
to appeal to Rome. Before the result of this 
appeal was kno^vn Festus died. 

The important question connected with the name 
of Festus is that of chronology (see art. Chrono- 
LOOY of NT, p. 417 tf.). According to Eusebius 
and Jerome (Eus. Chron., Schone ii. 148 f.; Hier. 
de vir. illustr.), Felix became procurator in the 
eleventh year of Claudius (51), Festus in the second 
year of Nero (56), Albinus succeeded Festus in the 
sixth or seventh year of Nero (60 or 61), and the 
Acts bring us (so Euthal. Praef. in epp. Patdi) to 
the fourth year of Nero (58). There has been a 
tendency lately, e.g. on the part of Blass and Har- 
nack, to revert to this chronology. But apart 
from the fact that had Festus governed Judasa for 
four or five years, Josephus would surely have had 
more to tell us in connexion with his procurator- 
ship, the authority of Eusebius in this matter is 
more than precarious. Eusebius, doubtless, made 
use of Julius Africanus, who in turn used Justus 
of Tiberias, who stated the death-year of Agrippa 
II. But that Justus stated the years of the pro- 
curatorsliips there is not a word of evidence to 
prove. Eusebius may be as far from the truth 
here as when he places the outbreak of the 
Neronian persecution in 67-68. At the same time 
the question is worth reconsidering, and tlie recent 
discussion of Harnack (Chronol. d. altchr. Lit. 
p. 233 If.) deserves more minute discussion than 
the limits of this article allow. The chronology of 
Eusebius has the merit, be it what it may, of 
fitting in with Clemen's date for St. Paul's arrest, 
namely, A.D. 54 (1 Corinthians, § 6). But that 
the nile of Festus was a short one, everything 
goes to prove ; and, as we saw above, the disturb- 
ances which then began were viewed by Josephus 
as the first mutterings of the great stx)rm of the 
year 66. But it Avould help us much if we could 
fix the date of the arrival of Albinus, which was 
separated by only a few stormy months from the 
death of Festus. Unfortunately, we have only the 
terminus ad quern firmly fixed, namely, the summer 
of 62 (Schurer, HJP I. u. 183, note 47). That his 
successor Gessius Florus was procurator only from 
64-66 may be taken as proved (ib. note 58). But 
we liave only inferential evidence, though it 
amounts to high probability, that the rule of 
Albinus was short. Perhaps the date furnished 
by Aretas, with which Harnack fails to deal 
satisfactorily, coupled with the general data of St. 
Paul's life (1 CORINTHIANS, § 6, smaU print), may 
suflice to make us pause before putting the arrival 
of Festus anything like as eany as 56. On the 
other hand, as Albinus cannot have arrived later 
than 62, and the events of Festus' procuratorship, 
together with those which follow his death and 
precede the arrival of Albinus, though insuflicient 
to fill five years, are yet too many for one year, it 
is hardly possible to place the arrival of Festus 
later than 60. The system adopted s.v. CuRONO- 
LOOY may bo right in going back two years 
further (60 to 58). On the whole this variation may 
be taken, upon a full review of all our materials, 
as the most probable limit of doubt as regards this 
important date. It may be remarked that if Festus 



arrived in 60, the Sieria o\rf of Ac 28** ends about 
February 63 ; between this and the Neronian perse- 
cution of midsummer 64, to which Hamack would 
again bring back St. Paul's death, there is sufii- 
cient though hardlv ample time for the events 
jiresupposed in the £pp. to Timothy and Titus (see 
Schiirer, as quoted aoove, esp. note 38 ; Hamack, 
as quoted above ; Blass, Acta Apost. Ed. Philol. 
p. 23, and the authorities for Cheoxology of NT). 

A. Robertson. 
FETCH.— To fetch is to cause to come, as Fuller, 
ffoii/ Warre, 230, ' If they should say the Templars 
were burned wrongfully, they may be fetched over 
the coals themselves for charging his Holinesse so 
deeply ' ; and this meaning is easily seen in most of 
its phrases. 

1. Fetch up, 1 S 621 1\ So Shaks. Ant. and CUop. 
IV. XV. 35 — 

' Had I great Juno's power. 
The strong-wing'd Mercory shoold fetch thee np, 
Aad set thee by Jove's aide.' 

2. /'e^fAa^'ain, I.e. cause to come back (see Again): 
I Es 4** ' Swift is the sun in his course, for he com- 
passeth the heavens round about, and fetcheth his 
course again to his own place in one day ' (xtLXu' 
aroTp^ei). Cf. Bunyan, Holy Citie, 252, * Bevivings 
that (like Aquavitae) do fetch again, and chear up 
the soul ' ; and Tindale, Expositions, 165, ' He will 
return again unto his mercy, and fetch his power 
home again, which he lent to vex thee.' 3. Fetch 
about : 2 S 14^ ' To fetch about this form of speech 
hath thy servant Joab done this thing ' (35P "Mj;^ 
r^-^ *ir^¥, lit. ' for the purpose of bringing round 
the face of the bxisLness, or as RV * to change the 
face of the matter'). See About, and cf. Shaks. 
K. John, IV. ii. 24— 

* Like a, shifted wind nnto a sail. 
It makes the course of thought^ to fetch about.' 

Bacon, Essays, ' Of Cunning ' (Gold. Treas. ed. p. 
95, 1. 5), ' It is strange, how long some men will lie 
in wait, to speake somewhat they desire to say : 
and how farre about they wrill fetch; and how 
many other Matters they will beat over to come 
near it.' i. Fetch a compass, i.e. 'make a circuit,' 
instead of going in a straight line. Thus FuUer, 
Pisgah Sight, XV. ii. 43, ' Wicked men may for a 
time retard, not finally obstruct our access to 
happiness. It is but fetching a compass, making 
two steps for one ; a little more pains and patience 
will do the deed.' The Heb. is simply the verb 2;; 
sdbhabh, which means to make a turning or a 
circuit. RV gives ' turn about ' in Nu 34', Jos 15*, 
and ' make a circuit ' in 2 S 5®, 2 K 3». The 
Gr. is vtpiipxofiai, go round about, Ac 28" (RV 
'make a circuit').* In 'fet«h a compass' as in 
'fetch about' the idea of the circuitous route is 
not in the verb, but in its complement. t See 
COMPA-SS. Similar phrases are found, as T. 
Adams, // Peter, 54, * Merchants would give 
raucli to know a short cut to those remote places 
of traffic, without passing straits or fetching bouts' ; 
Fuller, Holy Warre, p. 29, ' As if sensible of his sad 
fate, and desirous to deferre what he cannot avoid, 
he [the Jordan] fetcheth many turnings and wind- 
ings, but all will not excuse him from falling into 
the Dead sea.' 5. Fetch a stroke, Dt 19* 'his hand 
fetcheth a stroke with the axe.' So Fuller, Hobj 
Warre, 219, ' Being about to fetch another stroke, 
the Prince with his foot gaue him such a blow that j 
he felled him to the ground ' ; and Bunyan, Holy \ 

* Lightfoot {Fre^h Sevition^ 193) says, 'We hare heard how 
the inquiring schoolboy has been perplexed at reading that St. 
Paul and his companions "fetchea a oompaas" when they set 
sail frona Syraciise (Ac 2S13), not being able to reconcile this state- 
ment with the date given for the invention of this instrument.' 

t Fuller, Hoi]/ Warre, p. 119, says, ' His navie he sent about 
by Spain ' ; then on p. 120, ' behold his navie there safely 
arriving, which with much difficidtie and danger had fetched a 
compass about Spain.' 

War (Clar. Press ed. p. 47, 1. 20), ' If I fetch my 
blow, Mansoul, down you go.' 6. Fetch onta 
breath. Sir 31» 'he fetcheth not his wind short 
upon his bed' (o6r iaeftau^ti, RV 'he doth not 
breathe hard'). Cf. Shaks. 1 Henry IV. 11. iv. 
579, ' Hark, how hard he fetches breath. Search 
his pockets ' ; and Troilus, III. ii. 23, ' She does so 
blush, and fetches her wind so short, as if she 
were frayed with a sprite: Til fetch her. It is 
the prettiest ^•illain : she fetches her breath so 
short as a new-ta'en sparrow.' 

In Old Ei^[:U8h there were two distinct verbs, fet and fetch. 
Fet seems to have been the older of the two. Ind^d, Bradley 
{Oaf. Eng. Diet. «.». •Fetdi') belieres that Piatt and Sjeven 
are right in deriving teUix from fet by » aiiq;ular series of 
changes. The i of the oldest form /etiron became * oonaonantal 
V, then this (y being sounded as ee became written so, and ee 
easily passed into me spelling <*. Cf. ort-yeard, in Old Eng. 
oreeard, now crduird. 

Fet and Fetch were smonvmons in meaning, as we may see 
from Tindale, whose tr« (1534) of Mt ^i^^^■ W is, ' And let him 
whidi is on the hoosse toppe not ctmie downe to tet (Siptu) eny 
thinge out of his housse. Nether let him wbidi is in the felde 
retume backe to fetche (£.mu) his clothes^' Fet gradoally gave 
way to fetch. In the Geneva version of 1560 it is found in the 
imperat, 1 S 20M ' wherefore now send and fet him vntome, for 
he shal surely dye,' and in the indie, Dt 19i» ' Then the Elders 
of hisdtie shal send and fet him thence.' And even in AV of 
1611 the infin. is once employed, Jer 36^ 'So the king sent 
lehudi to fet the roule.' But after the Old Eng. period the 
word was used chiefly in the past tense and past ptcp., as an 
alternative with ' fetdit' or ' f etcdied,' and that is Hs use else- 
where in AV. 

In the 1611 ed. of AV ' fet' occurs 9 times (2 S ^ W^, 1 K 7^3 
9«, 2 K U*, 2 Cai 1211, Jer 26» sen, Ac 28W) ; 'tetcht'5 times 
(Gn 187. 1 S 71, 2 8 14», 2 K 3», 2 Ch 117) ; and 'fetched ' 6 times 
(Gn 18* 27", Joe 15», Jg 18i«, 1 S IQM, 2 8 4^ In course of 
time, chiefly through the influence of Dr. Paris (1762) and Dr. 
Blayney (1769), 'fet' was banished from AV. In his Comb. 
Paragraph Bible of 1873, Scrivener restored it to all its original 
I^aces, taiA Scrivener's text is used in the Camb. BOtU far 
School* and CoOege*. But the Camb. and OxL Parallel Bibles 
do not use it once. They use even ' f etcht ' only (Mice, Gn 18^ ; 
elsewhere always ' fetched.' J. HASTINGS. 

FETTER.— Three Heb. words are translated 
fetter. 1. nrnj, Arab, nahds, copper. In La 3^ 
this word is rendered chain, in Jer 39' 52" (RV) 
fetters, also in Jg le^i, 2 S 3»», 2 K 25', 2 Ch 33" 36«. 
In the Arab. tr. by Van Dyck, c:Rfri is rendered 
sU6sil nahds, copper chains, or sitsxlatain min 
nahds, two chains of copper. It is still the custom 
in Syria to attach a chain to each of the rings put 
round a prisoners ankle-s, the middle of the chain 
being fastened to his girdle. A prisoner is thus, 
according to the Arabic way of speaking, bound 
with two chains. 2. "J^, Syr. kehel (a late word 
borrowed from Aramaic. The Arab, kabal is 
probably a loan-word from the Aramaic). There 
are two passages in which this word is used, both 
referring to fetters of iron, Ps 105** and Ps 149*. 
3. 71, eg! (Is 45", Nah 3^« fetters of captives. Job 
36^ fig.). Horses and other animals are usually 
tethered by ropes fastened to the fore foot and 
the hind foot on one side. W. Caeslaw. 

FEYER.— See Medicine. 

FIELD.— See Agricui^ture. 


FIGS (i2'flm UTitUm, the fmit of the Jig tree, 
which Is .TjKp ti'Sndh; in NT avinj is the^gr tree, 
and ffvKOf the Jig). — The fig tree, Fictts Carica, L., 
is cultivated everywhere in the Holy Land, and 
also grows spontaneously in many places. It is 
a tree of moderate size, seldom attaining a height 
of 15 ft., but its spreading branches often cover a 
circle with a diameter of 25 to 30 ft. Fig trees 
are habitually planted near houses, and the people 
sit in their shade, and that of the ^-ines which 
grow over the trellises. This familiar sight did 
not fail to be noted in OT and Apocr. as an emblem 
of peace and prosperity (1 K 4*, Mic 4^, Zee 3", 




1 Mac 14"). There are numerous varieties of figs 
cultivated, some of which bear a tart, blackish 
fruit, others a sweet, greenish or whitish one. 
The branches are straggling and naked in >vinter, 
but when the rains are nearljy or quite over, small 
green knobs appear at the ends of the twigs. They 
are the young fruits, J5 pag, ' green figs (Ca 2"). 
The leaf-bud now expands, and the new pale green 
leaves soon more or less overshadow the little li^s. 
This is a familiar sign of early summer (Mt 24^-'). 
Hence a fig tree with leaves must already have 
younjp fruits, or it will bo barren for the season. 
The urst figs ripen late in May or early in June. 
They are called in Heb. n-i^s? InkMrAh, in Arab. 
bdkurah, that is, first rij>c, Is 28* (AV hasty fruit), 
Jer 24«, Hos 9^", Mic 7>. 

When our liord camo to the fig tree near 
Bethany (Mk 11"), just before the passover, i.e. 
from late in March to the middle or April, 'the 
time of figs was not yet,* that is, the season for 
ripe figs had not come. Among the various ex- 
planations of Christ's action which may be given, 
the only ones which seem to us worthy of con- 
sideration are the following: (1) That being 
hungry, and seeing from a distance that the tree 
had leaves, and therefore was not dead, he came, 
not to find new fgs, but to find and eat any figs 
of the last season which might have remained over 
on the tree. The expression 'if haply he might 
find anything thereon' implies that ne did not 
expect to find much. One or two figs will often 
stay an empty stomach marvellously. According 
to this opinion, the ofl'ence of the fig tree was the 
fact of not having what must have been a very 
exceptional relic of a former harvest. (2) That, 
finding leaves, he knew that there should be young 
fruit, and hoped that there might, even at that 
early period, be 'the first ripe figs,' bikktirdh. 
According to this interpretation, the fault of the 
tig tree was in not having a precocious fig or two 
before the time, 'for the time of figs was not yet.' 
We Avill not dispute the possibility of finding a 
winter fig or two on a tree (although during a 
residence of thirty-three years in Syria we have 
searched and inquired in vain for them), or of the 
exceptionally early maturing of some variety of 
figs, perhaps not now cultivated. Neither of these 
theories, however, accords with our conception of 
Christ's justice. In neither case would the fig 
tree bo blameworthy. We are not held account- 
able for extraordinary attainments in religion. 
(3) Christ was at the moment hungry. Orientals 
do not eat early in the morning. Labourers and 
artificers come fasting to their work, and often 
toil an hour or two before eating. So it is pre- 
sumable that our Saviour, in his morning walk 
of two miles from Bethany to Jems., had not 
broken his fast. The physical sensation of hunger 
as a basis gave direction to his thoughts, as he 
happened to see a most familiar spectacle, a fig 
tree, at a distance, with fresh, young foliage. The 
fact that it is mentioned that ' the time of figs was 
not yet' (AV), or 'it was not the season of figs' 
(RV), would seem to prove that Christ would not 
have thought it strange had he not found mnter 
figs OT precocious first fruits. It is hardly conceiv- 
aole that he could have condemned the tree for 
that. But, when he arrived, ho found no fruit at 
all. Immediately the disappointment of unsatisfied 
hunger was lost in the moral lesson which flashed 
across his mind. A fig tree with leaves should 
have at least green fruit. This one had none. 
There was pretension, which, in the moral sphere, 
is hypocrisy. Having leaves and no fruit, it was 
a deceiver. The ripeness of the fruit is not the 

Coint. If it had liad unripe fruit, it would not 
ave been condemned. It was condemned because 
it had nothing but leaves. 

The failure of the fig and vine was a sign of 
great distress (Jer 5" 8'^ Jl V" i", Hab S^^- "). Figs 
were dried and pressed into cakes for foo<i ( 1 S 25^"). 
These were used as poultices (2 K 20^, Is 38"). 
Fig leaves are thick, palmately lobed, and often 
a span or more across. There is no good reason 
to doubt the identity of the leaves w-liich Adam 
and Eve used to make aprons (Gn 3^). 

G. E. Post. 

FIGURE.— 1. Dt 4'*' ' Lest ye corrupt yourselves, 
and make you a graven image, the similitude of 
any figure' (h^^ sr/mel. Driver 'statue.' The word 
is foundr also 2 Ch 33^-" EV 'idol,' and Ezk 8»» 
EV ' image.' The meaning 'statue' is confirmed 
by the I'lioen. inscriptions. See Driver on Dt 4** 
and Davidson on Ezk 8^). The Eng. word seems 
to be used in the obsolete sense of the distinctive 
shape or appearance of a person or thing. The 
Gen. version lias ' a graven image or representacion 
of anie figure ' ; the Bishops', ' a graven image and 

Sicture of any maner of figure.' Cf. Chaucer, 
lonk's Tale, 232— 

' And thanne had god of him [Nebuchadnezzar] compassioun, 
And him restored his reg:ne and his figure ' — 

i.e. his proper shape as a man. So Shaks. Hamlet, 
I. i. 41— 

'In the same flgrure, like the king that's dead." 

2. 1 K 6^^ ' he carved all the walls of the house 
round about Avith carved figures of cherubims' 
(niv^p? mikla'Cth occurs only in this ch. and the 
next: 6'* EV 'was carved,' i.e. 'was carving of ; 
(332 EV 'carvings'; 7^^ EV 'gravings'). These 
'carved figures' (as the single Heb. word is here 
tr'') were representations of cherubim cut in relief 
on the wood of the doors. See Carving. For 
this use of the Eng. word, cf. Caxton, Cato, A iii. b, 
' to adoure the ymages and other fygures humayn ' ; 
and Milton, Lycidas, 105 — 

' Next Camus, reverend sire, went footing slow, 
His mantle hairy, and his bonnet sedge. 
Inwrought with figures dim.' 

3. Is 44" ' The carpenter . . . maketh it [the 
image] after the figure of a man ' (n':3ri tahhnlth). 
The Heb. is frequent for the outAvard appearance 
of a person or tiling. It occurs along with semel 
(above) in Dt 4'® and is tr* 'likeness.' The Eng. 
word is used in the same sense as 1 above. Cf. 
He 1* Wye. ' he is the schynynge of glorie, and 
figure of his substaunce ' ; and Mk 16'^ Tind. 
' After that, he appered unto two of them in a 
straunge figure.' 4. Ac 7** ' figures which ye made 
to worship them ' ; and Ro 5" ' who is the figure of 
him that Avas to come ' (ri/Tros). Sanday-Headlam's 
note on the Greek Avord is as folloAvs — 

iw« (riirru) : (1) the ' impression' left by a sharp blow («» 
rwr»» tSi «X*», ' the print of the nails,' Jn 2fP->), in particular the 
* stamp ' struck by a die ; (2) inasmuch as such a stamp bears 
the figure on the face of the die, ' copy,' ' figure,' or ' representa- 
tion ■ ; (8) by a common transition from effect to caose, ' mould,' 
' pattern, ' exemplar ' ; (4) hence in the special sense of the 
word type which we have adopted from tlie Greek of NT, ' an 
event or person in history corresponding in certain character- 
istic features to another event or person. 

In Ac 7*' the meaning is 'representations' or 
'images of gods' (the second meaning above) ; in 
Ro 5" it is 'type' (the fourth meaning above). 
S. He 9** 'Christ is not entered into the holy 
places made with hands, which are the figures of 
the truer but into heaven itself {avrirvira tQv 
dXTjOivuv, RV ' like in pattern to the true ') ; and 
1 P 3-' ' The like figure Avhereunto even baptism 
doth also nOAV save us' (fl #coi r/ftas durriTinrov yvv 
ad^ei pdirifffia, RV ' which also after a true likeness 
doth now save you [reading v/iSi^ AA-ith edd.], even 
baptism,' RVm 'in the antitype'). The antitype 
{t6 ifrirvToir) is the event or person in history 
that corresponds Avith the tyjie (6 ri'iros) — see 
Sanday-Headlam alwve. The one that occurs first 



in history is the type, the second the antitype. 
Hence in He 9** heaven is the type, the noly 
place in the tabernacle the antitype ; but in 1 P S-'^ 
the water of the deluge is the type, of which 
l>aptism is the antitype. See Type, and cf. Cart- 
wnght. Cert. Belig. (1651) i. 222, 'The Rock . . . 
was a Type and a Fi^ire of Christ.' 6. He 9* 'a 
ligure for the time then present,' and 11" 'Ac- 
counting that God iCfis able to raise him up, even 
from the dead ; from Mhence also he received him 
in a figure ' (rapaioX^, RV ' parable,' in both). The 
meaning of 9* is clear, but 11^ is much disputed. 

There are two faTourite interpretations : (1) ' As a parable,' 
fc of the resurrection. Wrclif ('in to a parable') and the 
Rhemish (* for a parable ') decline to commit themselres.* 
IumL in ed. of 1534 translates ' for an ensample,' and is 
followed by Coverdale ; but in 1526 ed. he had boldly 'as an 
ensample of the resurrection,' and this was adopted by Cranmer, 
and very nearly by the Bishops (' in a eertairu similitude (if the 
returreetion"). Thlstrogivesa well-recognizedsensetors^a^.r. 
The objection felt against it is that Isaac was actually not raised 
from the dead. Hence the favourite interpretation at present 
is that of AV ' in a figure,' i.e. figuratively ; Isaac was not really 
dead, but he was as good as de»a, and so %uratively was raised 
from the dead (see Westcott, ad loe.y. Cf. Geneva ' in a sorb' 
The objection is that r»ptuUkii has not elsewhere this meaning. 

7. 1 Co 4' ' And these things, brethren, I have in 
a figure transferred to myself and to Apollos ' 
( fieTe(Txijf^'rt(ra). The Gr. verb tr'* 'in a figure 
transferred ' elsewhere means to change one's form 
or appearance {(rxvfia) into some other form, 
2 Co 11"- !*• " (AV ' transform,' RV ' fashion into ' 
or ' fashion as ') and Ph ^ (AV ' change,' RV 

* fashion anew '). Here it is the truth stated that 
is to change its application : applied by the i 
apostle to himseK and Apollos, it really applies to i 
the Corinthians.! 8. Sir 49® 'he made mention 
of the enemies under the figure of the rain' (iv 
<-u^p<f, RV ' he remembered the enemies in storm,' 
RVm 'in rain'). 

RV gives ' figure ' for AV ' interpretation ' in 
Pr 1*, out with ' interpretation ' in marg. (■"^'^s), 
elsewhere only Hab 2* (EV ' proverb,' RVm 
' riddle ') ; and for AV ' fashion,' Ac 7** Twroj (see 
Fashion). RV also introduces the verb ' to 
figure,' not in AV text, Lv 26^ (' figured stone ' as 
.\V'm, Heb. n"5^ ]Z^, AV 'image of stone'); and 
Nu 33^^ ( ' figured stones,' Heb. ••v;f5, AV ' pictures '). 
See Idolatry and Stone. This meaning of the 
verb (evidently 'adorned with figures or designs') 
may be illustrated from Shaks. Bich. II. in. iii. isO — 

' ra gire my jewels for a set of beads, . . . 
Xy figured goblets for a dish of wood.' 

J. Hastings. 
FILL. — As a subst., meaning a full supply, fill 
is used of food, Lv 25'*, Dt 23-* ; of drinlr, 2 £s 1» 
Jth 7^ ; and metaphorically of love, Pr 7^ ' Come, 
let us take our iili of love until the morning.' Cf. 
S. Rutherford, Letters, xxxv., 'those who livelong, 
and get a heavy fill of this life ' ; and Shaks. Trail. 
and Cress. Y. viii. 4 — 

' Best, sword ; thou hast thy fiU of blood and death.' 

The verb to fill is frequently used by Wyclif 
(and other early writers) m the sense of execute, 
accomplish, modern fidf I. Thus Gn 27* (1388) ' he 
hadde go in to the teeld to fille the comaundinent 
of the fadix ' (1382 ' that he fulfille the heest of the 
fader'); Lk 9^ (1380) 'forsothe Movses and Elye , 
weren seyn in mageste ; and thei sey3en his goynge j 
out, which he was to tiUinge in Jerusalem' (1388 I 

• wluch he should fulfille '). So once in AV, 2 Es 4* j 
' when the number of seeds is filled in you ' (im- > 
pletusfuerit • RV ' fulfilled '). 

• But the Rhem. NT has a marginal note, ' lliat is, in figure j 
and mysterie of Christ dead, and aliue againe.' ^iis margin { 
probably gave AV the word ' figure." ' 

t Field (OS, ad loe.) suggests ' by a fiction ' for EV ' in a figure.' 
In Ulustxation of the Gr. verb he quotes 1 S 2S3 ' Saul disguised 
himself ' (Sym. utnrx^ucLTirw (<tvr«i) ; and 1 K 14* ' Arise, I pray 
Uiee, and di^uise thyself' (Theod. AUT««^r.ujiTi«»i r(z»rW)i 

To • fill up ' is to fill to the full, the prep, up, like 
Gr. Kard, intensifying the verb : as Mt 23* ' Fill 
ye up then the measure of your fathers' (xXijp*^. 
ffart) ; * 1 Th 2** ' to fill up their sins alway ' (e/» rb 
apa-r\r)pSxrai) ; Col 1-* ' Who now rejoice in my 
sofferinCT for yon, and fill up that which is behind 
of the evictions of Christ in my flesh for his body's 
sake, which is the church ' (oprava-rXtipui, RV • fill 
up on my part,' which is Lightfoot's tr.) t ; Mt 9" 
' No man putteth a piece of new cloth unto an old 
garment, for that which is put in to fill it up 
taketh from the garment, and the rent is made 
worse ' {to vX-fipuua airrov, lit. ' its filling ' ; RV ' that 
which should fill it up') ; so Mk 2^ ; Rev lo^ 'in 
them is filled up the wrath of God ' (^reXeV^, RV 
' is finished '). Cf. Shaks. 1 Henry IV. in. iL 116— 
'To fiU the month of deep defiance up 
And shake the peace and safety of our tjirone.' 

J. Hastings. 

FILLET.— Two words are tr^ so : (1) owi Mt, 
Jer 62^ of that which would ' compass ' the pillars 
which kin^ Solomon had made in the house of the 
Lord, and which the Chaldaeans brake to carry 
the bras-s away ; AVm ' thread ' ; RV ' line,' which 
is the translation in 1 K 7^ of both AV and RV. 
See Pillar and Temple. The same word is used 
for the scarlet 'thread' which Rahab placed in 
her window (Jos 2*^), and for the threefold ' cord ' 
which cannot be broken of Ec 4". (2) [po^] 
JtAshHk, only found in plu. and with suffixes. 
Ex 27"'0- " 36« 3810- "• "• "• ^, of that which clasped 
the pillars in the tabernacle, those of the pillars of 
the court being overlaid with silver, those of the 
pillars at the door with gold. See Pillar and 
Tabernacle. The verb prn hishshak, to furnish 
with fillets, is tr* ' fillet ' where it occurs. Ex 27" 
' the pillars - . . shall be filleted -vdih. silver,' 38"* 
'the pUlars . . . were filleted with silver,' 38* 
'[Bezalel] filleted them' (RV 'made fillets for 
them '). 

A fillet is a little thread (Lat. filum, a thread, 
Fr. fil, dim. filet). Its oldest and commonest ^pli- 
cation is to a ribbon for binding the hair. Thus 
Spenser, FQ L iiL 4 — 

' From her fiure head her fillet she undight ' ; 

and Fuller, Holy Warre, 125, ' They pleaded that 
the Crown was tied on Guy's head AWth a woman's 
fillet.' But it came to be used early, and is stUl in 
use, for any narrow strip of binding material. 

J. Hastings. 
FINE. — For the subst. Fine see Croies ant> 
Punishments. The adj. 'fine' is of frequent 
occurrence, but only in a few cases does it re- 
present a Heb. or Gt. word. These are: (1) zha 
tdbh, 2 Ch 3*-* 'fine gold,' Ezr 8^ 'fine copper,' 
La 4^ ' most fine gold ' (in Gn 2^ it is tr'* ' good,' its 
usual tr°, ' the gold of that land is good '). Aram. 
29 tdbh, Dn^ 'fine gold.' (2) p-^ sdrik. Is 19» 
' fine flax,' lit. ' combed flax,' as RV. (3) 19 p&z, 
Ca 5" ' most fine gold,' Ges. ' refined gold.' (4) 3^ 

" Ct Shaks. K. John, n. L 556— 

' I trust we shaQ, 
If not fill op the measure <rf her will, 
Tet in some measure satisfy her.' 

t This is the only occurrence of the particular compound «rr- 
Kt»~r>rsiai in bibUcal Greek. Lightfoot gives classical ooota- 
tions, in order to bring out that the special force of mrvi is 
' from another quarter.' That is what is sought to be expceawd 
by 'on my part.' But T. K. Abbott ('Intern. Crit. Com.' m 
foe.) points out that KicrXirM* itself, in the two instMictn 
where in NT it is used with imfnam (1 Co 16*7, Ph a»X ejq>reBBe« 
a supply coming from a different quarter from the defi c letK y. 
He finds the idea of btUanee in the im, and hopes it is not an 
over-refinement to suggest that mmumaimf**t is more unassuming 
than sMMrAji^, ' since part of the force of the word is thrown 
on the idea of correqwndence.' Christ's afflictions are incom- 
plete tOl Paul brings his quota of afBiction to add to them. And 
every Christian must bring his quota of affliction to add to 
them before they are complete. For the aflUctions are not 
the afflictions of Uie Redeoner, but of His Body the Cboidi. 
They are His afflictions just because the Church is His Body. 

mebh, P8 81»« 147" ' the finest of ihv \\l„..i,- lii. 
as AVm and IlVm'fat of wheut': tlie iullei 
phrase ' kidney-fat of wheat ' is found in Dt 32^*. 
(5) KaOapbt, Jth W 'line bread' (RVm 'pure'). 

In all other cases ' line ' goes with its subist. in 
order to bring out the full meaning of the aubst. in 
the Ileb. or (Jreek. It is used (1) along with linen 
for v^ shrsh, Gn 41« Ex 25* etc., f:zk Hi"- " 27" ; 
for pa lu^, 1 Ch 4" VS-'', .2 Ch 2" 3'*, Est 1« 8", 
Ezk 27" ; for jnp sAdhin, Pr 3P* (RV ' linen gar- 
ments '), Is 3»; for i?B«t 'Hiin, Pr 7" (RV 'linen 
of the yam ') ; for ^ixrcrot, Lk 16>», Rev 18" ; for 
(adj.) pixTffLvoi, 1 Es 3«, Rev 18" 19««"* "; and for 
invbibv, Mk IS*" (RV 'a linen cloth'). (2) With 
flour for nhb sdleth, Lv 2» etc.. Nu 6" etc., 1 K 4*2, 
2 K 7'- "• ", i Ch 9» 23», Ezk 16«- " 40" ; and for 
<retil8a\ii, Sir 35- 38", Bel», 2 Mac !» 15'», Rev 18". 
(3) With (fold for ^ppdz, Job 28", Ps 19" 119>", 
Pr 8", Ca"5", Is 13'^ La 4» ; for Dn|i kethem, Job 31", 
Pr 26", Dn 10" (RV ' pure gold ') ; and for pin 
hdrUz Pr 3", Zee 9». (4) With brass for xaXfoVi- 
^apoy'[-oil Rev I'f 2" (RV ' burnished '). Thus the 
adj., which was introduced to mark a distinction 
in the Heb. and Greek words, has been used so 
freely as to obliterate any distinction, and RV has 
done little to restore it. ' Fine' means 'finished' 
(Lat. finitus. Old Er. Jin), and hence of superior 
quality, and that is its meaning in all those 
places. RV, however, has introduced the word in 
the sense of ' broken small,' ' of minute particles,' 
Dt9" 'as fine as dust' (noy^ fn, AV 'small as 
dust '). 

The verb to fine (mod. ' refine ') is derived from 
the adj., and signifies to make pure. It occurs 
only Job 28* ' Surely there is a vein for silver, and 
a place for gold where they line it ' ('P',', RV ' which 
they refine ). 'Fining 'is used twice, Pr 17' 'the 
fining pot is for silver' (ll^O, Amer. RV 'refining 
pot '), so 27^^ ' Finer ' occurs only Pr 25'* ' a vessel 
for the finer' (fpX Amer. RV 'refiner'). 

J. Hastings. 

FIR l■v^•^. bSrCsh ; once D'n'ii^ bSrothim, Ca 1" ; 
dpKtvOoi, K^Spos, irlrvs, Kvirdpia<roi, ireOKT] ; abies, 
cupressiis). From the numerous words by which 
the LXX has tr'' the Heb. original, it is clear 
that the learned men of that day were not agreed 
as to the identity of the tree intended. In a 
considerable number of passages the tr" is not 
the name of a tree at all. Tlie conditions required 
in the tree are — (1) That it could supply boards 
and planks and timber for doors (LXX we^Kivat, 
1 K 6"-»*). (2) That it could supply beams (LXX 
KiSpivoi, 2 Cli 3') for the roofing of the temple. 
These must have been large, and veiy strong. 
(3) That it was useful in sliipbuilding (Ezk 27*). 
The LXX in this passage has transposed the words 
for cedar and fir, giving as follows : * The cedar 
from Senir was built for thee, the planks of the 
decks were taken off the cypress of Lebanon, of 
which to make for tliee pine masts.' It uses here 
Kvirapi<Tffo% for the transf)osed word. It is not clear 
why the word pine in the last clause was added. 
Perhaps it refers to the resinous quality of the 
wood. (4) It was suitable for musical instruments 
(2 S 6"). The LXX, however, in this passage 
renders the word birdshim by ^v Icx^i, in strengOi, 
and not by the name of any tree. This corre- 
sponds with the parallel passage 1 Ch 13* 'with 
ail their might,' where the Heb. text is tjr^;? 
orr^^\ instead of c'c*^n? 'j(a_ "^b?. If we adopt the 
readug of 1 Ch in 1 S, the abruptness and apparent 
onseasonableness of the mention of the -wood of 
which the musical instruments were made is 
avoided, and the two passages satisfactorily recon- 
ciled. The slight clerical error which would thus 
be corrected is obvious on a comparison of the 
two texts side by side. Budde has adojited this 
amended reading in his new edition of the t€xt 

oi Siimuel. Should we also adopt it, there would 
nu longer be any necessity to consider the adapta- 
tion of the bSrOsh to the manufacture of musical 
instruments (see Wellh. and Driver, ad loc). 

Pinua Halepensis, Mill., has been proposed as 
the equivalent of bSrOsh. But its wood is not 
durable, and would hardly have been chosen for 
the beams of the temple. Two other trees have 
been proposed as the equivalent of bcrOsh, either 
of which would meet all the requirements : Juni- 
perus excelsa, M.B., and Cupressus sempervirens, 
L. The former is called in Arab, lizzdb and 


sherbtn. It grows in the alpine and sub-alpine 
regions of Lebanon and Antilebanon, up to an alti- 
tude of 9000 ft. Its coinus, when not hacked by 
the woodman, is ovate-lanceolate. Its trunk is 
straight, and its Avood very solid and durable. 
It has dense ascending branches, small appressed 
leaves, and black berries as large as a marrowfat 
pea. The wood is well stored with resin — a fact 
which threatens the tree with extinction, as the 
remaining forests are fast being cut down by the 
tar smelters. Its trunks make .solid and inde- 
structible beams, and its wood, which is reddish 
and fragrant, is suitaV)le for l)oards, planks, ship 
timber, and other purposes. But, notwithstanding 
the suitableness of tiie juniper as a tree to the 
requirements of the case, the weight of evidence 
is in favour of the cypresn, Cupressus sempcrmrens, 
L. This tree has qualities resembling those of 
the last named. It has a straight trunk, hori- 
zontal, somewhat straggling branches, forming an 
ovat<5-oblong comus, small appressed leaves, and 
globular galbules, about an incn in diameter, com- 
posed of woody, shield-shaped scales. Its >vood is 
useful for all the purposes indicated for the fir. 
Its name, Kvrdpiaaot, is one of the most frequent 

translations of it in the LXX. It is called in 
Arab, saru and sherbin, both of which are the 
equivalent of cypress in that language. Contrarj' 
to an opinion cited in Oxf. Heb. Lex., under the 
head rii5, it is found in abundance in Lebanon 
and Antilebanon. A variety of it, with ascend- 


ing branches, forming a lanceolate comns, is the 
familiar cemetery cypress, so common in the neigh- 
bourhood of Oriental cities. Many of these have 
tall straight trunks, which woulcf make massive 
beams and ship timbers. G. E. Post. 

FIRE (in OT most commonly pk, -rvp, rvpiafiUK, 
also -'*, n? K, rnj? ; in Dn occurs Aram, tu ; in NT 
"Tvp, also xi'pd, <^dn) denotes primarily the ordinary 

Erocess of combustion, with its accompaniments of 
ght and heat. The Scripture references to it 
are too numerous to classify exhaustively. Those 
which deserve special attention fall into two 
groups, according as the word is used in a literal 
or in a figurative sense. 

I. Literal Usage.— Here we may distinguish 
— 1. Fire accompanying Gkxi's presence. Besides 
numerous metaphoricad allusions in connexion 
Avith theophanies, there are several references to 
fire as a physical phenomenon appearing on such 
occasions. 'See Gn 15>', Ex 3^ (the burning bush). 
Ex 19", Dt 436 (;^£t Sinai), Ex 4Sfi^, Nu 9l^ Dt 1», 
Ps 78" 10539 (the guiding pillar). 2. Sacrificial 
fire, (a) SacriiSce by fire was a primitive mode of 
worship (Gn 8» 22«). (b) Under the Mosaic law 
fire was a most important means of offering the 
various prescribed sacrifices, which are described 
as ' oflermgs made by tire imto J'.' For this pur- 
pose a fire was kept continually burning on the 
altar of bumt-offenng (Lv &^, 1 Es 6**). Accord- 

ing to Lv 9^ it had a miraculous origin, and it 
was sinularly rekindled in Solomon's temple (2 Cb 
7'**). Some find a reference to this perpetual fire 
in Is 31* (but see Cheyne, Delitzsch, in loc.), and 
in the name Ariel (the hearth of God?) applied to 
Jems, in Is •29»-2-7. In 2 Mac I"-** there is a 
legend about the hiding of the sacred tire at the 
faB of Jerus., and its discovery by Nehemiah after 
the Exile. For the story of a later rekindling see 
2 Mac 10*. (c) Mention is made of special answers 
by fire when sacritices were offered elsewhere than 
at the regular sanctuary, as in the cases of Gideon 
(Jg 6»), EUjah (1 K 18*), and David (1 Ch 21*). 
(rf) Fire was used for offering incense. It was 
carried in censers (Lv 16^ **), or placed on the altar 
of incense (Ex 30"-*), and the incense sprinkled 
upon it. To use any other than the sacred fire 
for this puipose was to offer 'strange fire,' the 
offence for which Nadab and Abihu perished (Lv 
10^, Nu 3^ 26*1). (e) Human sacrifice, especially 
child sacrifice, bv fire was practised bv certain of 
Israel's neighbours (Dt 12»S 2 K 17'="). It was 
strictly forbidden in the law (Lv IS^i, Dt IS^"), but 
is repeatedly mentioned as a sin of Israel (2 K 17^', 
Jer 7=" 19* 32», Ezk IS^i 20»-»), being carried on in 
particular by Ahaz (2 K 16», 2 Ch 28*) and Manasseh 
(2 K 21«, 2 Ch 33«). The scene of these rites was 
Topheth in the valley of Hinnom (Jer 7"). See 
W. R. Smith, -^5", pp. 352, 353, and Driver, Deut. 
p. 222. 3. Lightning. In such expressions as 
'fire from heaven,' 'the fire of God,' etc., which 
describe at times a destructive agency (Lv lOi*, 
2 K l^"-^, Job 1«), and at rimes the' token by 
which sacrifice was approved (2 c, above), some 
sach phenomenon as bghtning is evidently to be 
understood, as also when ' fire and hail ' are men- 
tioned together (Ex 9^^ **, Ps lOo^^ 148«). 4. Fire 
for domestic purposes. Its use in this respect was 
twofold, (o) For the preparation of food, as for 
roasting fl&sh (Ex 12«, 2 Ch 35^3. Is 44^«, 1 Es l^*), 
for broiling fish (Jn 219), for baking (1 K 17", 
Jer 7"). ib) For warmth, as in Is 44i«, Jer 36«, 
Mk 14«, Lk 2W, Jn IS^*, Ac 2S-. In Pal. fire is 
only occasionally used for heating, and there are no 
regiolar fireplaces except in kitchens, but portable 
braziers or 'fire-pans' are employed. The larger 
houses have special ' winter rooms ' (-Jer 36*^, Am 
3^). In these a cavity is made in the middle of 
the floor, in which the ' stove ' (nx) is placed- When 
the fire has burnt out a wooden frame is placed 
over it, and this is covered with a carpet so as to 
retain the heat (Keil, Bib. Arch. ii. 107 ; Nowack, 
Heb. Arch. 141 ; Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 124). The 
Arabs in the desert use as a hearth a hole lined 
with stones (Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, i. 209). 
The use of fire on the Sabbath for domestic pur- 
poses was forbidden in the law (Ex 35^ ; Jos. U ars, 
II. viii. 9). 5. Fire in metallurgy. Fire has been 
employed from the earliest times for refining, cast- 
ing, and forofing metals. Among the Scripture 
allusions to this use are Ex 32** (the golden calf), 
the various references to 'molten images,' and also 
S Is 4412 5416, 2 Es 16^, Sir 25, 1 P r. 6. Fire as a 
destroying agent. Among the effects of fire de- 
'. struction is naturally prominent. Death by fire (or 
i possibly burning q/Yer execution by another method) 
\ was the penalty for certain ofl'ences (Lv 20^* 2P, Jos 
i 7^ **), and was also a mode of inflicting vengeance 
(2 S 12P [?], Jer 29^, Dn 3"- ^, 2 Mac 7^). Conquerors 
I burned the idols of vanquished nations (2 K 19^, 
! Is 37^), and the Israelites were specially enjoined 
j so to destroy those of the Canaanites (Dt 7^, 1 Mac 
5®). Fire was a common means of destroying 
j cities and property taken in war ; and hence ' a 
fire shall ^o forth,' ' I wiU send (or kindle) a fire,' 
are formmae which occur frequently in the pro- 
phetical books. Setting a crop on fire was one 
i way of provoking a quarrel (Jg 15*-', 2 S H"), 




and provision was made in the law (Ex 22") for 
making good tlie damage done by fire accidentally 
raised. Fire was a convenient method of destroy- 
ing obnoxious >vritings (Jer 36P, 1 Mac 1**). The 
disposal of human bodies by burning was quite 
exceptional among the Hebrews (1 S 31", Am 6'"), 
but the refuse or the bodies of animals used in 
sacrifice was destroyed by fire (Lv 4" 6* 16", 
He 13"). Garments infected by ' leprosy ' were to 
be burnt (Lv 13'*-"), and it was also common to 
bum rubbisli of various kinds, as stubble (Is 5'-')> 
chaff (Mt 3l^ Lk 3"), and tares (Mt 13='«). Topheth 
(2 e, above) is said to have become in later times a 
receptacle and burning-place of rubbish. (This is 
donbted by llobinson ; see BliP' i. 274. ) Fire is 
contemplated as the means by which the visible 
universe is to be destroyed (2 F 3^""). 7. Fire as a 
purifying agent. This use arises from the previous 
one in cases where impurities are of a comoustible 
nature while the material to be purified is not so 

II. Metaphorical Usage.— Many of the fore- 
going properties and uses of fire have sujrgested fig. 
applications of the word. Thus we find it em- 
ployed as a symbol — 1. Of God Himself, (a) Of 
His glory, in such visions as those described in 
Ezk 1'^ ^ 10«- ^ Dn 7» 10«. (b) Of His protecting 
presence (2 K 6", Zee 2«). (c) Of His holiness 
(Dt 4« He 12'^). 2. Of God's righteous judgment, 
which tests the deeds of men (Zee 13% Mai 3^ 
1 Co 3"). 3. Of God's wrath against sin (Is m^'^- 1«, 
Jer 4* 21", La 2«<, Ezk 2P' 2:I'\ Am 5« 7* etc.). 
4. Of the punishment of the wicked (Ps 68- 97^ 
Is 47", Ezk 28'», Mt IS*'-" 2 Th l^). Topheth or 
Grehenna (I. 6 above) suggests the language in 
Is 66-\ Jth 16", Sir 7", Mt IS^, Mk 9*^-«. Fire 
is the emblem of the danger which the saved 
escape (Zee 3^*, Jude '^). ' Eternal fire ' and ' the 
lake of fire ' are images of the punisliment of the 
lost (Mt 2o«, Jude ^ Rev 19»» 2Ui»- "• " 218). 5. Qf 
sin (Is 9^* 65'), and particularly of lust (IIos 7*^, 
Sir 523'*), and of the mischief of the tongue (Pr 16-"^, 
Ja 3«). 6. Of trouble and affliction (Ps 661-, Is 43-, 
Jer 51«, Hab 2"). 7. Of religious emotion (Ps 39^), 
and especially of prophetic inspiration, as * the word 
of the Lord ' (Jer 5^* 20» 23'»). 8. Of the law (2 £s 
13»). 9. Of the Holy Spirit (Mt 3'\ Lk 3'«, Ac 2^). 

Reference is apparently made in 2 Mac 10^ to 
the method of procuring fire by striking steel 
against flint. With regard to fuel, the material 
used for the sacrificial fire, both in primitive and 
in later times, was wood (Gn 22*- *, Lv 6"). Special 
arrangements were made for supplying the altar 
fire. The Gibeonitcs were made 'newers of wood' 
for the house of the Lord (Jos 9^), and after the 
Exile a special wood-offering was appointed for the 
temple (Neh KJ^* IS^'). It is called by Josephus 
the festival of Xylophoria ( Wars, II. xvii. 6). For 
ordinary purposes the staple fuel was charcoal 
(see Coal), but other materials were also used, 
such as thorns (Ps 58» 118'-, Ec 7«, Is 33") and 
grass (Mt 6* Lk 12''»). The asphaltum found 
near the Dead Sea is combustible, as is also the 
'stink-stone' found in the same neighbourhood, 
which is burnt along with camel's dung (Burck- 
liardt. Travels in Surin, p. 394). The last men- 
tioned, as well as other kinds of dimg (Ezk 4"), is 
also used alone as fuel (Niebulir, Travels in Arabia, 
a. 232 : Wright, Palmyra and Zenoinn, p. 369). 

Jamks 1'atuick. 

FIREBRAND. — See Brakd. FIREPAN. — See 

FIRKIN.— See Weight-s and Mr\suKfc:s. 

FIRMAMENT.— See Cosmo* iuxv. 

FIRSTBORN^— See Family. 

FIRST-FRUITS (0^139, in Lv 2320 c-i??, LXX 
wfXjrroytvvfifMTa ; n'^'Hi anapxfi). — The custom of 
offering first-fruits was shared by the Isr. with 
many other ancient nations, and it is also found 
in many savage religions. Frazer {Golden Bough, 
ii. eS-SiO) cites many examples to show that the 
new corn was eaten sacramentally in order that 
the worshippers might share in the divine life of 
the corn-spirit, witli which it was assumed that 
the grain was instinct. The eatinj' of the first- 
fruits is, then, similar to the earliest form of animal 
sacrifice, in which the victim was regarded as 
divine, and the essence of the sacrifice lies in 
the communal feast and the participation of all 
the worshippers in the divine life. The two still 
remain separated by an important difference. The 
divine animal probably belonged to the kin of the 
worshippers, and the sacrificial meal strengthened 
the bond of kinship by a distribution of tlie com- 
mon life. There is no reason for assuming this 
in the case of the corn-spirit. He gives, further, 
several instances of tlie offering of tlie first-fruits 
to the deity, in which the sacramental idea is 
absent (Golden Bough, ii. 373-384). The oflering 
is in these cases of the nature of tribute or thank- 
oftering. It is considered unsafe to eat of the 
new crops till the god has received his share, 
and the rite thus falls into the same category 
as numerous others familiar to the student of 
ritual and custom. The offering of tlie first-fruits 
does not sanctify the rest of the crop, but it makes 
it lawful food (W. R. Smith, BS,"^ 241). 

The Heb. first-fruits belong to the latter class ; 
they are tribute, not the staple of a sacramental 
meal. The history is not in all points clear, partly 
owing to the shifting sense of tlie terminology'. 
It is essential, if confusion is to be avoided, to 
keep the regulations of the codes distinct, and 
take them in their chronological order. 

(a) In the oldest legislation (JE) the first-fruits 
of the harvest are required (Ex 23'" 34^'). Twice 
the curious phrase occurs, 'the first of the first- 
fruits' (on^s? n'vtn. Ex 23>9 34-^ so in Ezk 44**). 
This is taken by some to mean the first-ripe, by 
others the choicest, of the first-fruits. But prob- 
ably ' of the first-fruits ' is added to explain ' the 
first,' the first, that is, the first-fruits. It seems 
probable that in Ex 22^ first-fruits are referred 
to in the Avords 1j;,d-i] ion^:? (lit. ' thy fulness and 
thy tear,' paraphrased in RV as 'the abundance 
of thy fruits and of thy liquors'), on account of 
the mention of the firstborn in the parallel clause. 
If so, the first-fruits can hardly be confined to 
cereals, but will include wine and oil (' thy 
liquors'). The LXX gives awapx"-^ aXwroy Kal 
\-nvov ('first-fruits of thy threshing-floor and wine- 
press'). A feast was connected with the offering, 
' the feast of harvest, tlie first-fruits of thy labour ' 
(Ex 23'«), 'the feast of weeks, even of the first- 
fruits of wheat harvest' (Ex 34''"). The amount 
to be offered is not stated ; it seems to have been 
left to the discretion of the offerer. It is inter- 
esting to observe that a man brought Elisha as 
a gift • bread of the first-fruits, twenty loaves of 
barley, and fresh ears of corn ' (2 K 4''-). 

(6) In Deuteronomy (D) the Isr. is ordered to 
bring of his first-fruits in a basket to the central 
sanctuary and ])resent it to the priest, with a pro- 
fession of gratitude to God for deliverance from 
Egyp. bondage and the possession of the fruitful 
land of Palestine. A feast tlien follows, in which 
the Levite and the stranger are to share the 
offerer's hospitality (Dt '2l6^-^^). According to 18'' 
the priest is to receive the first-fruits of com, 
wine, and oil, and the first of the fleece. Tlie two 
regulations seem to be in conflict, and it has l>een 
supposed that IS'' is a later addition. Pos.sibly 
there is no discrepancy. The basket of first-fruits 




nia^ be only a portion, and this may be the first- 
I'nuts meant in 18*, the rest being kept for the 
feast, or it may be the whole and the feast not 
made of the first-fruits at all. (See Driver, Deut. 
\>. 290. He decides for the latter alternative.) It 
i.s not clear what was the relation of the first- 
fruits to the Tithe. Several scholars regard them 
as really identical, but this is not certain. See 

(e) As Dt 18* claims the first-fruits for the 
Levitical priests, so Ezekid, whose legislation 
forms the transition to the Priestly Code, claims 
for the priests (i.e. the sons of Za^ok) 'the first 
of all the first-fruits of everything,' and, in addi- 
tion, the first of the dough (44*). 

(d) In the small code known as the Law of 
Holiness (H) it is enjoined that on the day after 
the Sabbath a sheaf of the first-fruits of the har- 
vest should be brought to the priest, who should 
wave it before the Lord. A oumt-offering and 
a meal-offering are to accompany this ceremony, 
and, till it is accomplished, no bread, parched 
com, or fresh ears must be eaten (Lv 23'*-"). 
Seven weeks later two wave loaves of two-tenths 
of an ephah of fine flour and leavened are to be 
offered as first-fruits (Lv 23"'. The additional 
regulations in 23^^^ are for the most part a later 
insertion interpolated from Nu 28^-®). 

(e) In the Priestly Code (P) the reskUh and the 
bikkHrim seem to be distinguished. In Nu 18^ 
the best of the com, wine, and oU, that is, the 
reshith, belongs to the priest. In the next verse 
the hikkurim of all that is in their land also belong 
to the priest. Probably, the bikkurim shoidd be 
interpreted as the first ripe raw fruits, whUe the 
rishith will be the prepare! oil and wine and com. 
(So "WeUhausen, Nowack, and RV.) Accordingly, 
we find in Xeh 10** that the bikkurim of the 
ground and of the fruit trees were brought into the 
house of the Lord, while the reshith of dough, heave- 
offerings, fruit, wine, and oil were brought into the 
store-rooms of the temple (ICF 12**). The distinc- 
tion is observed in LXA and by Philo and Josephus. 
In Nu 15'^- -' it 13 enacted that the first of the dough 
also shall be given as a heave-offering. According 
to Lv 2^ leaven and honey might be included in 
the first-fruits, though they could not be part of 
any offering made by fire. The meal-offering of 
first-fruits consisted of parched com in the ear 
with oU and frankincense. Part of the com and 
oil with all the frankincense was to be burnt 
(Lv 2^*-'^). An interesting law, which rests on 
the same principle as the law of first-fruits, is 
that of Lv 19^-=^, which ordains that the fruit of 
a tree shall not be used for the first three years 
after it is planted ('three years shall they De as 
imcircumcised unto you'), and shall be consecrated 
to God in the fourth year. In the fifth year it 
may be eaten. 

(/) In the later period a distinction was made 
between the bikkHrim and the terumSth (ntaT? 
oblations) ; the fullest treatment of the subject 
is in the two tracts of the Mishna which bear 
these names. The bikkurim were taken from 
wheat, barley, grapes, figs, pomegranates, olives, 
and honey. The fruits were offer^ fresh by those 
who dwelt near Jems., and dried by those who 
came from a distance. The companies came in 
a procession headed by the ox for the sacrifice, 
and marched to the music of pipes. They were 
met in Jerus. by the chief priests. The offerers 
then carried their wreathed baskets on their 
shoulders to the temple courts, and were wel- 
comed by the Levites with the singing of Ps 30. 
Then the baskets were given to the priests, and 
the formula (Dt 26'-i'>) was repeated. The ^eni- 
TTioth were a tax for the support of the priests, and 
used only by them, and were levied on every kind 

of frait of the ground and of trees. The choicest 
of the fruits were to be given ; not more than ^ 
or less than ^of the crop was expected. There 
was also the ^cUlah (aVn), which was the first of 
the dough, jftr oi the whole piece in the of 
private individuals, and -^ in that of public 

LirBKATTiEB.— Nowack, Beb. ArtMol. iL pp. 256-257: Wdl- 
hausen, PivUgom. pp. 157, 158; Scbarer. HJP u. L 237-2*2. 
See aJso Philo, Defaio eopkini and De prcemii* taeerdctum, 

A. S. Peake. 
FIRSTLING.— A firstling * is the first (in time) of 
its kind, Pr 3' Cov. ' Honoure the LOBOE with thy 
substaunce, and with the firstlinges of all thine 
encrease.' In Macbeth, iv. i 147, Shaks. uses the 
word of the first thoughts of the heart and the fijrst 
acts of the hand — 

' From this moment 
The very fintlings of my heart shall be 
The fir^Iings of my haiKL' 

In EY it is used only of the firstborn of beasts, 
though the Heb. words so tr* ("ra? or ■"ni3?, and 
•cf) are tised also of the firstborn of women. 

FISH. — Fbhes are very abundant in the inland 
waters of Pal. and Syria, except the Dead Sea, 
as well as in the adjacent Mediter. and the Nile. 
Even the intensely ^t springs by the Dead Sea 
swarm with certain kinds of fish, while the water 
of that sea, which contains a large percentage of 
chloride of maCTesium, is fatal to all animal life. 
Thousands of hsh are borne by the rapid current 
of the Jordan into that sea, and, as soon as they 
reach its waters, are stupefied, and fall a prey to 
cormorants and kingfishers, or their bodies are 
washed Hp on the shore and feed the ravens and 
vultures. Tristram mentions forty-three species 
of fish found in inland waters. Of these the large 
number of twenty-two are pectdiar to Pal. and 
Syria, and of this number fourteen are peculiar 
to the Jordan VaUev and one to the mountain 
lake of YamGni, S.E. of the cedars, and three 
inhabit only the Damascus lakes. Many of the 
species swarm in immense shoals in the Sea of 
Galilee and in the warm foimtains by its shores, 
as well as in the Jordan and" its affluents, the 
Leontes, the Orontes, and the lakes of Antioch, 
Qems, etc. Fresh -water fishes are also very 
abundant in all the perennial streams which flow 
into the Mediter., often ascending long distances, 
and not infrequently leaping up the rapids and 
cascades to reach their spaAvning places. The 
adjacent Mediter. is also well stocked with a large 
number of species of fish. 

The large number and great fecundity of fish 
is expressed in the Heb. name Jj ddg, from n^ 
to multiply abundantly. They were taken from 
the earliest times, and many of them used as food 
(Gn 9^ '). Not a few of them are highly specialized 
in form and aspect ; yet, whUe a considerable num- 
ber of land animaJs and birds and even insects 
had names in Heb., not a single species of fish is 
named in the Scriptures. The only attempt at 
classification was into clean and unclean (Lv 11'-^*). 
The former comprised those which had fiins and 
scales; the latter, all others. This distinction 
was recognized in ancient Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. 
Egyp. iii. 58, 59), and under el-Hakim, who pro- 
hibited the sale of unclean fish (Lane, Mod. Egyp. 
L 132). The good and bad fish (Mt 13**j may have 
referred to this distinction, or to some other 
standard of excellence. The writer has seen a 
fisherman on the Mediter. coast in his anger beat 
to a jelly the head of a iish to which he objected. 

• From>ir»t and ling a suffix with varyiiig force but generaQy 
dimin., seen also in changeling-, daiting, fatliii;, londfing, 
f oondling, gosling, hireling, inkling, nestling, nttrseling, sib l i n g, 
stripling, starrehng, underling, worldling. 




At otiier times tliey cast them away on the shore, 
or back into the water. 

The Hebrews seem to have classified together all 
creatures livinj^ in tlie waters, whetlier ' whales ' 
AV, or 'sea-monsters' IIV (Gn 1*'; Heb. tan- 
ntnim), or ' great fish ' (Jon 1" '?'n} 3^ ddg gddhOl), 
or the 'living creature that moveth' (Grn 1^'), or 
' fish ' (v.--»). 

The fish was an object of idolatry in all the 
ancient world. The Philistines worshipped Dagon, 
the Fish-god (1 S 5*), who was represented with 
the body of a man and the tail of a fish (but see 
Dagon, p. 544'). Hence it was forbidden to make 
an image of a fish (l)t 4*®), which to the Heb. 
included, as Ijefore said, all living creatures in 
the water (Kx '20^). G. E. Post. 

FISHER.— Fisher, says Bradley {Oxf. Eng. Diet. ), 
is now archaic, being superseded in ordinary use 
by ' fishennan.' AV has followed previous versions 
in giving 'fisher' in Is W, Jer 16'«, Ezk 47i<* (3«i, 
only plu.), Mt 4'8-i», Mk l^*- " (AXteuj), though it 
has ' lisherman ' after Tind. and the others (except 
Wye. and Ilhem. ) in Lk 5^ (dXiei/y). For the ' fisher's 
coat * of Jn 2P see COAT. 

FISHING — The natural history of Palestine fish 
has been little studied. Along the coast there 
are the usual Mediterranean varieties, with an 
undue proportion of mullet. Some 33 varieties of 
fresh-water fish have been counted in the Jordan 
Valley, where fish swarm in Galilee as remarked by 
Tristram, and in the waters of Merom one may see 
tons taken in one day by a drag-net. The fact that 
the fish of this basin resemble African species was 
first observed by Josephus. ' There are several 
kinds of fish in it (Galilee), different both to the taste 
and sight from those elsewhere.' Also he .says of 
the Capharnaum fountain, ' it produces the Coracin 
fish' {BJ 111. X. 8). Several Nilotic species abound. 
The Chromides, carp-like, are called by the Arabs 
'combs,' from their flat shape and projecting spines. 
Of the SiluridjB, sheat fish (Clarias Macracan- 
fhiis. Arab. Berboot) grows to the size of 3 or 4 ft.; 
its flesh is much prized. Most abimdant are the 
barbel and bream, while dace, bleak, and loaches are 
found. Eels are in many streams, and SAvarm in 
the Orontes. Near Tripoli is a pool full of sacred 
fish. Fossil fish, beautifully preserved in the 
Lebanon limestone, are of existing genera. While 
not strictly fish, we may mention that along the 
coast are dolphins, seals, and whales— the two 
latter very rare. The ' badger skins '( AV Ex 26^^) 
were probably of the lied Sea dugong, a marine 
mammal, whose skin is u.sed now ; and the Hebrew 
term pnn corresponds to Arab, tuhas, which includes 
this animal. 

Fishes technically are not mentioned in the 
creative acts of the fifth period except as included 
in the terms py, lit. 'swarmer' (AV 'moving 
creature'), and c'Vnan c^jw? (AV 'great whales,' 
RV 'great sea-monsters'). The first of these 
tfiiii-. occiirs Tiiore specifically Lv IP* D^ijn jn^. 
liii liuiiiiiiinii oi juan, however, it is interesting 
to note, is given over fish, D'n «ii (Gn 1^, renewed 
Gn 92, cf. Ps 8»). 

Fish were a staple article of diet in Egypt, and 
their loss part of the plague (Ex T""). The 
Israelites murmured, 'we remember the fish we 
did eat freely' (Nu ll»). The ceremonial law 
declared all that had not ' fins and scales ' an 
'abomination' (Lv 11"^'^). The repeated prohibi- 
tion of worship of anything 'that is in the water 
under the earth' (Ex 20*), 'the likeness of any 
fish that is in the waters beneath the earth' 
(Dt 4^*), was needed, for the Philistines worshipped 
Dagon = ' little fish ' (1 S 6^ ; but see art. Dagon). 
It has also been alleged (but see Baethgen, JieL-geJi. 

60) that ' Sldon was the fish goddess of Phoenicia ' 
(Tristram). This cult existed both in Assyria and 
India. Solomon, in his wisdom, ' spake of the 
fishes' (IK 4^). In the time of Nehemiah, fish, 

Srobably cured, were brought by the Tyrians to 
erusalem (Neh 13"), where we Know there was a 
' Fish-gate.' See Jerusalem. 

The 'great fish (V'nj jt Jon 1") prepared' for 
Jonah has been supposed to be a shark or whale. 
Both AV and RV tr. K^roi in Mt l^*" ' Avhale ' (RVm 
' sea-monster '). The fact that a killer- whale, 21 
ft. long, can swallow porpoises and seals would 
imply that a much larger whale 7night swallow a 
man. Part of the skeleton of a whale, 43 ft. long, 
is in the museum of the Syr. Prot. College, Beirdt. 
The carcass of tliis whale was cast by a storm on 
the coast near Tyre. 

As a type of restoration, Ezk 47'* ^° tells us that 
in the Dead Sea ' shall he a very great multitude 
of fish.' • These fish shall be according to their 
kinds, as the fish of the gieat sea, exceeding 

Fish in NT brought a livelihood to the apostles ; 
they are one of the 'good gifts' (Mt 1^") twice 
miraculously multiplied to the multitudes (Mt 
I'jner. issMff.j Broiled fish was eaten by our 
Saviour (Lk 24*^) and given by Him to the disciples 
(Jn 21®- ^'}. The discrimination between good and 
bad fish is used as a type of final separation of classes 
of men (Mt 13*). To the early Christians the fish 
became a sacred symbol, the Greek word Ix^fis 
being formed by the initial letters of the four 
Gr. words used in the confession, 'Jesus Christ, 
Son of God, Saviour' ('Irjaovs Xpia-ros, QeoO vtos, 
Zurfip). See D.C.A. s.v. 'IxOvs. 

As formerly, so now, in the East fishing is the 
occupation of the simple and jioor, and wholly un- 
known as a pastime. The methods and means 
have likewise changed but little. These were 
principally — 

(1) The small net cast by hand. Din (Ezk 26"-" 
323 4710^ Hab P'- ", Mic 7\ Ec 7-*"), SIktvov (Mt 42« 
etc.), 6.ix<t>l^\7i(iTpov (Mt 4^^ Mk P''). This is very 
commonly employed still. The present writer has 
watched its use at Tabigha (probably Bcthsaida), 
where fish gather at the outlet of streams into the 

(2) The seine, nib;? (Is IQS) or n-itp? (Hab 1"), 
(xay/ivr]. This was used in two ways — either let 
down into the deep and drawn together in a 
narrowing circle and then drawn into the boat or 
boats (Lk 5*'^), or as a semicircle drawn to the 
shore (Mt 13*). Both these methods are seen 

(3) The hook, n^n (Is 198, Job 4P), njv, rp (Am 4"), 
iyKiffTpov (Mt 17^). This was used with a line, 
^jn, but no mention is made of a rod, as fly-fishing 
is unknown. Hab 1" mentions all the three 
methods we have described. 

(4) The hariK>on or spear (Job 41"), EV ' barbed 
irons' (nis'^), 'fish spears' (d':t ^^W). This is a 
method depicted on E<_'yptian and Assyrian monu- 
ments. At present it is jum ti-'^l niily m night 
by torchlight. 

In spite of the mistranslations ' li<h jiools' 
(Ca7* AV), 'ponds for fish' (Is lO^" AVi, is 
no evidence that the pools of the Bible were u.sed 
for fish culture. 

The Turkish Government now taxes fishing as 
an occupation, and also takes 20 per cent, of the 
price of the fish sold in the seaports, and collects 
this again if the fish are taken to another port. 
The fisheries of Merom and Galilee are farmed out 
to contractors, who forbid all others to engage in 
the trade. 

As an occupation fishing has been honoured by 
the selection of its followers as apostles ; by being 
the object of Jesus' special favour on two occasions 




(Lk o'*-. Jn 21) ; and chosen as the type of earnest, 
skilful soiil-saving (Mk 1", Lk 5»»). 

W. K. Eddy. 
FISH-GATE.— See Jerusalem. 

FISH-POOL occurs in AV of Ca 7* ' Thine eyes 
are [like] the fish -pools of Heshbon,' but the exact 
translation is simply '{XJols' (so RV ; Heb. nisis, 
LXX XiAU'at). See Hitzig, ad loc., and art. Hesh- 
bon. Equally unwarrantable is the introduction 
of ' fish ' in Is lO*", where AV, following Ibn Ezra, 
tr. r?;-'?^^ iry 'rj-!?? 'aU that make sluices [and] 
jH)nds for fish.' The passage is obscure (see 
Skinner, ad loc. ), but probably the correct tr" is 
that of RV, 'all they that work for hire shaU be 
grieved in soul.' * It is possible that the elsewhere 
unexampled 'cik (for '54S) was a play suggested by 
the employment of the ' workers for hire ' in the 
construction of water-tanks (csjk ; so Del. quot- 
ing Ehrentreu, ad loc.). The LXX, while agree- 
ing with this tr° of pj^-'c^k {XvwifiiieofTan koX raj 
•yi-xas xovitrowriv), gives ' manufacturers of strong 
drink ' (rotoi/yres tw i't'^oi'),t instead of ' workers for 
lure.' They must hare read -go for irrr. 

J. A. Selbee. 

FITCHES.— AV g^ves fitches in the text in 
two places. 1. Ezk 4*. Here the Heb. is n^£3 
/.ussemeth, tr*^ in AVm and RV spelt. We believe 
the plant intended is the kirseneh or kirsenneh of 
the Aralw, Vieia Ervilia, L. The same Heb. word 
is used in two other places (Ex 9*^, Is 28*), where 
AV has rye and RV spdt (see Rye). 2- Is 28»-». 
Here the Heb. is n$g kezah. This is the nutmeg 
flower, Nigella sativa, L., a Ranunculaceous plant, 
cultivated everywhere in the East for its black 
seeds, which are used as a condiment and a 
medicine. It is called in Arab, shuntz, or shihniz, 
and hahbat el-barakah, i.e. the seed of blessing, or 
el-habbat es-savda, i.e. the bUuk seed. An Arab, 
proverb says, 'in the black seed is the medicine 
for every disease.' Avicenna recommends it in 
dyspepsia, and for bronchial and other affections. 
Orientals often put a pinch of the seeds on the 
middle of the upper surface of the flat loaves of 
bread before baking. In baking they adhere. 
Pliny alludes to their use by bakers (Nat. Hist. 
xix. 52). They are believed to assist digestion. 
They have a warm aromatic flavour and carmina- 
tive properties. Like other seeds produced in 
small quantities, as cummin, they are often beaten 
out with a stick, as mentioned in Is 28*^, instead 
of being threshed out with the m6rag. 

G. E. Post. 

FLAG. — Two Heb. words are tr^ hy flag. 1. inx 
{'dAu ; dxet [in LXX of Sir 40^^ this was supposed 
till 1896 to represent the Heb. 'dA>/] ^ovropLor) 
occurs in three connexions, (a) Where the kine 
feed in an 'dhu (Gn 41*-"). (6) Where Bildad 
asks, ' Can the rush (xcj, rdnpm) grow up without 
mire? can the flag (5rn», poOro/ju») grow without 
water?' (Job 8"). (c) In a passage (Hos 13^) 
where both AV and RV, following the LXX, give 
brethren for c.-x 'dhim, which the Ox/. Heb. Lex. 
regards as a plural of mv, abbreviated from Di.nK 
dMwim, the context seeming to point to a water 
plant, withering before the E. wind, which dries 
up its spring. In the passage in Job the g&me 
and the 'dhu occur in the two members of a 
I'arallelism. RVm gives for gdme ' papyrus,' and 
tor 'dhu 'reed-grass' (cf. Ebers, Egypten u. die 
Biicher Moses, 338 f.). The latter is no more 
definite than flag, and therefore only confuses 
the question of identity by another term. We 

* Rashi has ' ponds of rtgt,' where the waters rest and are 
retamed I Ibn Ezra gives ' where are the souls of the fish ' ; 
this is also adopted by Kimr:hi in his Lexicon (' pools in which 
they hunt fish ') ; in his Comm. he mentions it, but he himself 
offers the same explanation as the EV. 

t Properly ' beer,' which was a farourite Egyptian beverage. 

have the authority of the LXX that the g&me 
was the wdrvfxn, papyrus, and the 'dhu, ^ovrofww, 
which some believe to be Cyperus esculentus, L, 
the edible galingale, and others Butomus umbel- 
latus, L., the flowering rush, both swamp plants. 
-n^ (Gn 41*- ") should ne rendered ' in the flower- 
ing rushes,' or 'in the sedges,' or 'in the feus.' 
Similarly, the doubtful irpK 'dhtm (Hos 13^*). The 
same indefiniteness is found in the Arab, term 
rabi', which means literally 'spring,' and refers 
to 'spring herbage,' and half, which refers to 
Gramtnece and Cyperacea in general. It is also 
found in the Enghsh 'grass.' 

2. i)D (suph, i\ot, carectum) is used (a) of the 
sedgy or reedy plants on a river's bank (Ex 2*-*, 
Is 19*); (b) of tceeds (Jn 2*), meaning sea-teeeds. 
From the presence of these, and perhaps of other 
marine growths, as of coral, the Red Sea was 
named »pm2: (yam-s6ph). G. E. Post. 

FLAGOH occurs five times in AV, but in only 
one of these instances is the tr" retained by BV, 
namely Is 22**, where both VSS tr. O'^jjn '^? by 
' vessels of flagons.' h^ or S^ (when not used for 
a musical instrument) generally means a leather 
pitcher. Here it is perhaps an earthenware bottle. 
On the other hand, RV introduces ' flagons ' in two 
instances where it is not found in AV, namely 
Ex 25» 37^* (in both nijr^). This tr" is probably 
correct (see Cup), although RV gives ' cups ' for 
the same Heb. word in Xu 4^ In all these three 
passages A V has ' covers. ' In the remaining four in- 
stances where AV_gives ' flagons,' the Heb. is ^'V» 
(2 S 6^3, 1 Ch W, Hos 3^ [p-:^ •g^vie], Ca 2* [nw^] j 
cf. nyTq -rp >ip^ ' the raisin-cakes [AV ' founda- 
tions '] of Kir-hareseth,' Is 16'). The meaning of 
this word is a ' pressed cake . . . composed of 
meal, oil, and dibs' (W, R. Smith, OTJC^ 434, 
n. 7). Hence in 2 S 6»», 1 Ch 16*, RV gives 'cake 
of raisins ' for AV ' flagon [of wine],' in Hos 3* 
'cakes of raisins' for 'flagons of wine,' and in 
Ca 2? 'raisins' (RVm 'cakes of raisins') for 
'flagons.' The LXX has in 2S 6» Xdyopop drb 
■nrfdyov, in 1 Ch 16* afiopein), in Hos 3^ riftfrnra 
fuerd araipidoi, and in Ca 2* nvpoi. Luther, who like 
AV adopted a false Rabbinical derivation and 
interpretation of nyvj?, tr. in 2 S 6" and 1 Ch W 
ein Aossel iFein, and in Hos 3^ eine Kanne Weins. 
In Ca ^ he has Blumen. In Kautzsch's AT we 
find for 2 S e" and 1 Ch 16» Bosinenkuchen, and 
for Hos 3^ and Ca 2* Traubenkuchen. See further 
imder FOOD, p. 32^ J. A- Selbie. 

FLAX (n^9 pishtdh, Xu-or, linum). — ^The Heb. 
and its equivalents in Gr., Lat., and Eng. are 
used (1) for the growing plant (Ex 9**) ; (2) for 
the stalks when cut (Jos 2* fsn 'flv^?, XifOKoXa/iV, 
stipulce lini); (3) for a toiek made of the fibres 
(Is 42* 43'", AV ' tow,' RV ' flax,' marg. ' a wick '). 
The root form nys pesheth, with suffix 'b?5 pishti, 
LXX ddbvtd fiov, is also used for the flax fibres 
(Hos 2*-»). The plural of the same, cpb^ pishttm, 
m used for the hackled fibres (Pr 31'', Is 19») ; 
these are twisted into cords (Jg 15^*) or woven 
into stuif (Dt 22'^). The shorter fibres are called 
rxygi ne&reth = tow (Jg 16*, Is 1**). The plural 
pishtim is also used for linen (Lv 13**-^), as well 
as for linen garments (w."-*, LXX Ifiarltp crvw- 
■rvlptf, Ezk 44" «rroXd» Xxfoj). 

Flax, Linum sativum, L., is a plant of the 
order Linaceoe, which has been cultivated from 
the earliest periods of the world's history. It is 
a perennial, with slender stalks, 2 to 3 ft. high, 
linear-lanceolate leaves, and showy blue flowers. 
Its stalks produce the strong fibres out of which 
linen is manufactured. These stalks were dried 
on the flat roofs of the houses (Jos 2^), then 
steeped in water to catise the decay of the pulp. 



then hackled (Is 19") to straighten the fibres and 
comb out the shorter ones, which are toio (.Ig 16*, 
Is 1"). It was regarded as a crop of inijMjrtance 
(Ex IPS Hos 2"). Linen garments were used by 
the priests, etc. (Lv 13*^-") ; the material is usually 
spoken oi as ^ sMsh (a name still retained in the 
Arab, shiish, which is used for the grade of cotton 
cloth known in English as cheese-cloth). The mum- 
mies of Egypt were swathed in linen bandages. 

G. E. Post. 
FLIYINO.— See Crimes and Punishments. 

FLEA (vT[9parCsh,'^v\\oi, joulex). — An insect, 
Pulex irritans, L., universal in warm climates, 
and a great pest to man and the animals which 
it infests. Insignificant an it is, its bite is veiy 
irritating, often causinjj considerable swelling and 
intolerable itxiliing, whicli robs its victim of many 
an hour of sleep, and makes him ridiculous in his 
frequently vain eflorts to catch his tormentor. 
The habit of the natives of the East of sleeping 
in the same clothes which they wear by day, and 
spreading their beds on the mats on which they 
sit, contributes much to the multiplication of the 
insect in their houses and camps. Fleas swarm 
esp. in the lilthy tents of the Bedawln, and in 
stables and dog kennels. The flea is mentioned 
by David (1 S 24"),* who compares himself to 
this contemptible insect, in order to ridicule the 
insensate character of Saul's persecution by liken- 
ing it to the vain hunt above alluded to. In Ex 
8^' R Vm has ' fleas ' for ' lice ' (wh. see). 

G. E. Post. 

FLESH, represented by T?-?, tn-^ in OT, and by 
ffdp^ and wp^as in NT. '^^•■^ occurs very seldom in 
comp. witii the constant word "ly?, but seems to 
cover some of the same meanings, particularly flesh 
for food, and flesh of consanguinity. Cf. rs 73^ 
78=»- 27, Pr 11", Jer 51=", Lv 25^. KpUs is only used 
twice in NT, and each time in the phrase Kpia 
^yttv, Ro 14**, 1 Co 8". It is impossible to do 
justice to the biblical uses of this term Flesh with- 
out clearly distinguishing at least the following 
five meanings : — 

1. Substance of an animal body, whether of 
beast or of man (e.ff. Gn 41*, Lv 4", Job 31"!, 1 Co 
15*). For this use of the term in its application 
to Food and to Sacrifices, see under these words. 
It denotes the living human body in such places as 
Ex 4S Lv 13'" 17". Indeed, through a great part 
of OT flesh is equivalent to the whole human 
Body, on the principle mentioned s.v., in which 
application, it is to be noted, that the LXX often 
renders -1^7 (sing.), in accordance with Gr. idiom, by 
the plural ffdpKes (e.g. Gn 40'», Nu 12i«, Job 32="), 
and even by ffQfia (e.g. Lv 15", 1 K 21"). 

2. Relation, of consanguinity or by marriage 
(e.g. Gn 2'^ 37=7, Neh 5», Is 58', Mt 19«, 1 Co 10'«). 
The literal word is used in theorig. in places where 
the versions, our o\vn included, employ a peri- 
phrasis • near of kin ' (e.g. Lv 18^ 25'"'). In the 
same significance, the fuller phrase ' flesh and 
bones ' is peculiarly biblical (e.g. Gn 2» 29", Jg 9», 
2 S 5' 19'-^ '^ Eph 5*", cf. Lk 24»»). 

3. Creature nature generally, human nature 
particularly. In this use it can denote all terres- 
trial beings possessing life (Gn 7*') ; especially the 
finite earthly creature in contrast with God and 
with the spirit which immediately comes from 
God. ' The Euyntians are men, and not God ; and 
their horses liesli, and not spirit' (Is 31*). The 
frailness and dependence of man is the thing 
marked by this contrast (e.g. Gn 6*, Job 34", Ps 
56* 78»», Is 40"-» quoted 1 P l**). There is a per- 
sistent tendency in translators and commentators 
to ignore this peculiarly biblical antithesis, and 

* Its mention in 1 S 2(}^ is due to oorrupUon in MT (see 
Driver, Wellh., Uuddc, ad lac). 


confound it with the Greek antithesis between 
material and immaterial. Further, though finite 
and creaturely weakness is implied in it, there is 
not necessarily any moral disparagement, e.(f. ' all 
flesh ' is used for the ' whole human nice ' m con- 
nexions that are most honourable, e.g. Pa 65- 
U5'^\ Is 40», Jl 2^. Conclusive as to this is the 
use of * flesh ' for the human nature of our Lord 
(Jn 1", Ro 1» !)«, 1 Ti 3»«). In the same line with 
this stands the more expanded phrase ' flesh and 
blood ' for human nature on its earthly side in 
contrast with something^ greater than itself (Mt 
16", 1 Co 15«', Gal 1»«, Eph 612, He 2", to which 
should perhaps be added Jn 1*'). This phrase is 
peculiar to tne NT, though germane to the OT 
idea ' the life of the flesh is in the blood,' and the 
beginning of the usage can be traced to the OT 
Apocr. writers (cf. Sir 14'* 17*M- It is common in 
Rabbinical literature. This whole biblical use of 
the term ' flesh ' in application to man means that 
he is so called from his creaturely nature, or from 
his nature on its creaturely side. 

i. As one constituent of human nature (the 
corporeal) combined or contrasted with the others. 

OT usage presents a variety of such combina- 
tions. The whole of man is expressed as ' flesh ' 
and 'soul' in Ps 63*, Job 13" 14^ ; as 'flesh' and 
'heart' in Ps 7328, gzk W-^ Ec 1P», Pr 14«>; as 
'flesh,' 'heart,' and 'soul,' Ps 84*, in all which a 
duality of outer and inner, or lower and higher in 
man, is plainly intended. But so far is ' flesh ' 
from being despised in these contrasts that it is 
joined with the liigher elements in the relation of 
the whole man to God and to his future (?) hopes, as 
in Ps 631 169 84-', Job lO-'^. In the NT its use m this 
sense for the lower element in man, without any 
ethical disparagement, though not very frequent, 
is still clear. In a sufficient number of passages it 
occurs coupled with ' spirit,' in the Pauline writ- 
ings as well as others, to show that these two are 
the natural elements of which man is made up, 
exactly as 'flesh' and 'soul,' 'flesh' and 'heart' 
are in the OT (e.g. Mt 26«, Ro 22«- », 1 Co 5»). 
' Flesh ' is used by St. Paul of corporeal presence, 
cognizable by the senses, in contrast to fellowship 
in ' spirit ' (2 Co 5'^, Col 2^- »), indeed of man's 
earthly or bodily life without moral qualifica- 
tion ((GJal 2'^, Ph 1-2). Even when man's sinful 
state is the topic, the dual nature is sometimes 
expressed in the usual terms ; * desires of the flesh 
and of the mind ' (Eph 2*), ' defilement of the flesh 
and spirit' (2 Co 7*^, seem to mean that man's 
nature, in both its constituent parts, is attected by 
sin. There is a use of this antithesis, between 
flesh and spirit, in application to Christ, which 
points to lower and higher elements in His person- 
ality quite peculiar to Himself (e.g. Ro I'-*, 1 Ti 
3'«, I P 3>»). 

5. Its ethical or doctrinal sense. Besides the 
morally indiff'erent applications of flesh already dis- 
cusse<l, there is in the NT, and esp. in tlie Pauline 
writings, a use of it which is charged with ethical 
or doctrinal content. It is thus used once in 
contrast with 'mind' (Ro 7**), mori- froqnently 
with 'spirit' (Ro 8*- »• «• ' bv 8. ». w. i ^ g"). 

In the same manner the adjo. ^Idy,' 

'carnal' are contrasted with ' spiriui.ii in Ko 7", 
1 Co3'»-*, 2 Co P*. Col 2»8 'fleshly mind,' orig. 
' mind of the flesh.' * That in the connexions 
cited above flesh with its adjective has reference 
to the principle of sin and its seat in man's fallen 
nature, while 'spirit' and 'spiritual' refer to the 
principle of the regenerate or divine life in man, 

• There occurs in the same writinars a quite unethical use of 
'carnal' as e<)uiva1ent to ' corporeal ' or 'earthlv,' c^. Ro 15*?, 
1 Co 9", 2 Co 33 lo*. He 7>8 ; for the ooniplicatiorig both of read- 
ing and rendering in these jHwiisaj'es, created Uy the uae of 
rufM4**( or rtifMitK, see Trench, A'.T. Sj/noni/ms, '».v. 




will hardly be questioned. Bat various have been 
the accounts given of the rationale of this meta- 
phorical or indirect use of flesh and ' fleshly ' in a 
theolo^cal or doctrinal sense. "Writers like Hol- 
sten, Pfleiderer, Schenkel make strenuous eflforts, 
without much success, to derive this peculiarly 
Pauline application of the term from the older 
sense of it as denoting the weakness and frailty of 
man's nature. The only account which seems to 
satisfy all the ideas involved is that the 'carnal' 
denotes the sinful element in man's nature, be- 
cause that element entering his nature now in the 
ordinary course of human production is an inherit- 
ance of the flesh ; whereas the ' spiritual ' is that 
which comes into it from above, or is given in the 
New Birth. This explanation is confirmed by our 
Lord's words, reported in Jn 3*. For some further 
remarks on this question and on the possible con- 
nexion of all the meanings of flesh here noted, see 
Psychology. J. Laidlaw. 

FLESH-HOOK.— See Food. 

FLESHLY, FLESHY.— :Modem editions of AV 
have retained the distinction between 'fleshly 'and 
' fleshy ' of 1611. Fleshly is that which belongs to 
•lie flesh and not the spirit, carnal. It occurs in 
NT 2 Co 1^, 1 P 2" (<rapjct«:6s). Col 2» ' fleshly mind ' 
yoDs TTjs ffapKdi, ' mind of the flesh '). In Ad. Est 
14^* the meaning is apparently simply mortal 
(o-dp/ctFos). Fleshy is that which is mauie of flesh 
(and not of stone), soft, tender. Sir 17", 2 Co 3^ 
{ffipKVKK). The distinction did not appear in the 
earlier versions : Wye. Tind. Gen. Bish. have 
' fleshly ' in 2 Co 3', C?ov. has ' fleshy.' Nor was it 
observed by Eng. writers of the day : T. Wright 
(1604), Passions, V. iv. 212, says, 'Fleshy concupis- 
cence deserveth rather the name of Mercenarie 
Lust then Love,' and Culpepper and Cole, Anat. 
I. xvii. 45, 'Such as are given to fleshy desires 
have larger Kidneys than ordinary.' But once 
made it is well worth maintaining. 

J. Hastixgs. 

FLESH-POT.— See Food. 

FLIES.— See Fly and Plague. 

FLINT (in OT trayr, <ucpAro/MW, <rTeped xeVpa ; -a, 
ixp&rofioi, xerpa, ifr^ipos ; t$, areped. rirpa ; in Apocr. 
iicp&rofuys, Ko'x^al) is the term by which the fore- 
going Heb. words are rendered, in AV generally, 
and in RV uniformly. The reference in every 
ease is to a rock or 8t<Hie whose characteristic 
quality is hardness or sharpness. The Gr. equiva- 
lents have a general rather than a definite mean- 
ing, aicp&TOfjxn being elsewhere (Sir 40^' 48") tr^ 
'hard (RV sheer) rock,' while in Is 2^ 51' arepeb. 
xirpa stands in LXX for tis (rock) ; though, on the 
other hand, in Job 22^ tss is represented in Vnlg. 
by silex. On the whole, flint is the substance 
which best fulfils the conditions stated, and in the 
passages where small stones rather than masses 
of rock are referred to it is probably the true 

cr^W; corr^ponds to Assyr. elmOu (ZDMG xL 738% wfakfa 
seems to mean any hard stone used for strikinfr fire, even nx* 
crystal or diamond. According to Honmtel {PSBA, xr. 201), 
elmeiu is abbreviated from atgamOu (Heb. r^^l^K Ezk 13^- U 
3S3Z), both beii« variants <d gUgannuk or gOnlaamith, which is 
a synonym of GiUubar, an ancient Bab. fire deity. 

Flint is the name given to the rock from which 
Moses brought water in the wilderness (Dt 8", 
Ps 114*, Wis 11*). Flints were the j)rimitive 
instruments of circumcision (Ex 4^ RV , Jos 5*- ' 
RV). In the latter passage LXX expands nis^n 
C"!^ into fiaxaipai TrerpLvas ^k rirpas iicporo/iov. 
The LXX additions to Joshua relate how these 
knives of flint were preserved as a memorial in 

Timnath-serah, and were buried with Joshua there 
(21«*' 24f»). In 1 Mac 10'' the absence of flints in 
a plain is given as a reason why cavalrv sliould 
not be encountered there, as slingers would thus be 
at a disadvantage. The word used is k6x>^, and 
it is found in a similar connexion in the LXX of 
1 S 14", which, however, does not correspond vnth 
the MT (Wellhausen, Text der BB. Sam. 87, 88 ; 
Driver, Heb. Text of Sam. 82, 83). In the Song of 
Moses 'oil from the rocky flint' (Dt 32") is a 
poetical way of describing olives growing on rocky 
soil (see Job 29*). In J^ 28*, to illustrate man's 

fawer and skill, it is said that the miner puts forth 
is hand upon the flinty rock, and overturns the 
mountains. The hoofs of the Assyrian horses are 
compared to flint (Is 5®), which is also an emblem 
of prophetic resoluteness (Is 50', Ezk 3*). 

Flint is a form of silica, a mineral which occurs 
in its purest condition as quartz. Flint is found 
in bands and nodules in certain calcareous rocks, 
notably in chalk, in various parts of the world. 
It is exceedingly hard, and breaks with a glassy 
fracture and sharp edges. When pieces of it are 
struck together, or against steel, sparks are 
emitted, and this method of obtaining fire has 
been used from the earliest times. It is probably 
alluded to in 2 Mac 10*. Flints are often dark 
coloured owing to impurities. Their origin is one 
of the problems of geology not yet completely 
solved, but it is supposed that the siliceous frame- 
work of certain marine organisms was dissolved, 
and afterwards deposited in cavities, or actually 
substituted for the material of other organic 

A great part of Palestine and the Sinaitic penin- 
sula is composed of Cretaceous strata, which pass 
on the W. into Nummulitic (Eocene) limestone. 
In both of these formations flints are found ; and 
in some of the strata, especially those which line 
the Jordan Valley, thev are particularlv abundant 
(Green, Physical Geology, 231-33; Hull, 6' JIT 61). 

James Patkick. 
FLOCK. — Four Heb. words are tr'* flock: — 
1. TTj 'ider, roiftviov, orffKij. This word, when 
used alone (Gn 29»-8, Jg 5i«, 1 S 17»», Ps '2,^, Ca 1' 
etc.), usually signifies a, flock of sheep or goats, or 
both mingled. It corresponds to the Arab, katii. 
The exception to tliis is in Gn 32'^ ^, where it is 
tr^ drove. jKs 'i-^ (Gn 29», Jl 1", Mic 5») signifies 
flocks of sheep, an<i "SJ? 1ir, in the same sentence 
in Jl, is herds of cattle, and e'tj.t -nj (Ca 4' &) flock 
of goats, nvr -nj (Jer 13") is the flock of Jf, that 
is, God's people (of. Zee 10*), and c^n-tn thb (Ca 6«) 
a flock of ernes, "ns ^f? the tower of 'eder (the 
flock) (€}ii 35*^) is a place near Bethlehem, men- 
tioned again (ific 4*) as the ' hiU ' (marg. ' Heb. 
Ophel') of the daughter of Zion. Some suppose 
it to have been a tower on the hill Ophel at 
Jerusalem. If Ophel be Zion, the allusion would 
be perfect in its details. See Herd. 

2. jxs zu'n. This word, which means sheep, is 
the original of most of the passages in OT tr* 
flock. It corresponds to the Arab, ddn, but ddn 
refers to sheep as distinguished by having wool, 
from goats, which are known by the name of 
ma'z. Z6'n may include both, Gn 38" RV (cf. 
AV) *I will send thee a kid of the goats from 
the flock ' {z6'n). In some cases the context makes 
it clear that it does not include both, as in 1 S 25* 
' he had three thousand sheep {z6'n), and a thou- 
sand goats ('izzim), and he was shearing his sheep 
(zd'n) in Carmel.' Where z6'n and MMr are men- 
tioned together, they are always tr^ flocks and 
herds. It would be better, in every case where 
the context does not clearly demand the rendering 

flock, to translate z6'n sheep. 

3. jKXTT rsfo mikneh hazzd'n (Gn 47"), is tr* AV, 
RV 'flocks,' RVm 'cattle of flocks.' It would 




have been better rendered possession of sheep, and 
mikneh luibbdk&r, in the same verse, possession of 
oxen (cf. Ec 2''). 

4. njp? milpieh (Ps 78*«), is tr<« AV, RV 'flocks.' 
It is elsewhere generally rendered ' cattle ' ; once 
' possessions ' (Ec 2^). 

The NT words for flock are irolixvi) and iroliiviov, 
the latter of which is usetl exclusively in a lig. 
sense of the Church (Lk 12*^ Ac 20», 1 V 5^ etc.). 

G. E. Post. 

FLOOD (Gn 6-9").— A story connected with the 
early liistory of man, which tells how, in con- 
sequence of their sins, especially those of violence, 
Gthi destroyed by a flood the wliole race, excepting 
only Noah and llis family and two (or seven) pairs 
of every animal. These were saved in a huge ark 
or chest, which Noah had been directed to make 
when first warned of the coming flood. As the 
waters were abating, Noah sent forth a raven 
which ilid not return, and afterwards a dove twice 
at a week's interval, in order to ascertain whether 
the ground was dry. This was shown to be so by 
the dove returning the second time with an olive 
leaf in her mouth. The ark finally settled on Mt. 
Ararat. On leaving the ark, Noah offered up a 
sacrifice which appeased God, who promised never 
again to destroy the earth with a flood. 

Simple and imiform as this story appears, it is 
a fact admitting of no reasonable doubt that the 
account of Genesis is really composed of two Flood 
stories, which, whUe agreeing in general purport, 
differ considerably botli in character ana detail. 
One belongs to the early source of the Hexateuch 
known as J, the other to the post-exUic P. They 
may be clearly distinguished here by the names of 
Goa and other well-known characteristics of these 
documents. The sections ascribed to J in Kautzsch's 
A T are 6^'* 7^"'" ^■■'"* ^'^' ^^''"i''* 22-23 g2b-3a. 6-12. isb. 20-22 ^ 

p g9-23 -6. 11. 13-16». 18-21 'J':;4a_g2a g3b-5. 13a. 14-19 01-17 (qjj 

7*"® see below). It will be sufficient to notice that 
in P we find the minute directions regarding the 
construction and size of the ark, the blessing of 
Noah, the laAvs against murder and eating blood, 
the covenant of the rainbow ; in J only we have 
the picturesque narrative of sending out the raven 
and the dove, and the sacrifice of Noah, which 
so pleased J" that He determined never again to 
curse the ground. In some respects the accounts 
of J and P contradict each other, (a) According 
to P one pair of every kind of animals is to be 
selected (G^"'-""), according to J seven pairs of clean 
and two of unclean (7-- ^). But in 7°- ^ where the 
actual entry is made, a reviser has, it would seem, 
combined the statements of J and P so as to agree 
with P. As it stands, the distinction between clean 
and unclean animals in that verse is purposeless, 
and indeed has the effect of emphasizing what 
appears like an act of disobedience on Noah's part, 
who took only one instead of seven pairs of clean 
animals as directed in 7*. In J this verse must 
have run much as follows : ' Of clean beasts, seven 
and seven, of unclean beasts, two and two, went 
unto Noah into the ark.' In P the statement 
was probably, ' Of the fowl after its kind, and of 
the cattle after its kind, and of everything that 
creepeth upon the ground after its kind, two of 
every (sort) did he bring into the ark, as God 
commanded Noah.' (6) According to P it was 150 
days before the waters began to subside (8'), and 
it was 8 months and 13 days before the tops of the 
mountains were visible (cf. 7" and 8'), and a whole 
year and 10 days before the earth was perfectly 
dry (8"). According to J the duration of the 
Flood was only 40 days (7^^ go)^ and even l)efore 
this the water had considerablj' abated (S*""* *^ ^"^''• 
12. lab) (p) What is in P a covenant with Noah 
that the waters should ' no more become a flood to 
destroy all flesh ' (9"), is in J the self -deliberation of 

J" in consequence of Noah's sweet-smelling sacrifice 
(8"* '^). See Hexateuch. 

I. HI.STORICITY OF THE FLOOD.— Until compara- 
tively recent times the belief in a deluge covering 
the whole world and destroying all men and animals 
except thdse providentially preserved in the ark 
was practiqally universal among Christians. The 
fossil remains of marine animus, and the Flood 
traditions common .to people in so many different 
parts of the world, were. confidently appealed to as 
establishing the truth of the Bible story. Our 
increased knowledge of geology on the one hand 
and of comparative mythology on the other have 
now shown the little value of such evidence, and 
on these and bther grounds ^his belief has been now 
surrendered by most biblical scholars a.s untenable, 
(a) It has been frequently pointed out that the whole 
quantity of moisture contained in the, world, whether 
in an aqueous or vapprous form, if all reduced to 
water, would. not be nearly enough to cover the 
highest mountains,, supposing that the earth's sur- 
face was in anything like its present condition. 
But there is no evidence or scientific probability 
that the whole surface, was ever so contracted or so 
levelled as to admit such a possibility. (6) Again, 
a thorough examination and a comparison of the 
numerous Flood myths make it impossible to refer 
them all to one single event, (c). Anthropological 
science points in the same direction. The diversity 
of the human race and of language alike makes it 
extremely improbable that men were derived from 
a single pair, and this, together with what we 
know of the early civilization of man, makes it 
impossible that a universal Flood should have 
occurred within at least many centuries of the 
time assigned by biblical chronology. The early 
relics of primitive man found in caves, ancient 
graves, etc., all over the world, point to an un- 
broken succession of human beings, their advance 
in civilization developing by gradual stages, and 
the whole extending over many thousands of 

{d) But, after all, the most obvious difficulties 
are those which lie on the surface in the narrative 
itself, supposing that it describes a flood extending 
over the whole world as we now know it. Noah is 
said to have collected together animals of every 
kind, one pair at least of each. I^et us try to 
imagine the long journeys necessary to different 
parts of the world, including the Tropics and the 
Arctic Resions, and that in an age wnen the diffi- 
culties and dangers of travelling mitst have made 
it almost impossible, and t^he difficulty of captur- 
ing and bringing home the animals when captured. 
How many years will it still take the Royal 
Zoological Society, with all the resources of 
modern civilization, to collect even single sjieci- 
mens of all the known larger animals of the world, 
to say nothing of the hundreds of species still 
unknown, nothing of the myriads of- insects. 
crustacecB, etc., included in the 'creeping things" 
of the Bible ! Again, the dimensions of the ark 
could not possibly have allowed room for the 
housing of all the creatures ; for, supposing that 
they were shut up in separate cells (' nests,' Gn 6" 
RVm), almost as mucn space would have been 
required for passages to get at them as for the 
cells themselves. We have also to take into 
account the immense amount of room required 
for the storage of food, especially that needed for 
the larger animals, such as hay for the elephants, 
and ajiimals of different sorts for the camivotxe, 
besides all the food necessary for some time after 
the Flood, before revived vegetation should make 
fresh food procurable. Even if Ave could suppose 
that the dimensions of the ark permitted all this, 
how Avould it have been possible to keep all these 
animals alive? The polar bear would have re- 




quired very different conditions from the tiger or 
the boa-constrictor. How, again, is it conceivable 
that eight persons shoiild have b^en sufficient to 
attend to the wants of all these animals, as well as to 
their own ? But besides all this, there is no pro- 
vision for making the ark seaworthy. It is merely 
a huge woo<len box liable to capsize, and quite in- 
capable of weathering a storm. The difficulties 
here pointed out readily suggest the true answer. 
The Flood was not in the writer's view universal, 
as we should understand a universal Flood, simply 
because the world he is writing of is a totally 
different world from ours. It is a very little 
world. Men and animsds are all living within 
easy reach of each other. Man is still the lord of 
creation. He can gather together the animals to 
be saved, whether beast of the field or fowl of the 
air. at his will. No difficulties, even such as would 
have occurred in the writer's own day, have any 
place in that ideal world of the distant past, where 
holy men walked with God, and there was no need 
of miracles, because everything was of course so 
diflerent. That the writers and compilers of Greneais 
sincerelv believed the story we need have no doubt, 
but in t^e light of scientiMc and historical criticism 
it must be frankly recognized as one of those many 
stories or legends which are found in the folk-lore 
and early literature of all peoples. 

II. The Relation of the Bible Flood Stobies 
TO SIMILAR Stories of other Peoples. — It was 
formerly supposed that the many Flood stories 
found in ditfereut parts of the world were all 
traditions of the Bible Delude brought by various 
peoples from the ancient cradle of the human race. 
A comparison, however, of the stories with one 
another and with the Bible narrative makes it quite 
clear that they stand severally in a very different 
relation to the latter, and are due to many different 
causes. We may roughly divide these stories, 
according to their resemblance to the Flood story 
of Genesis, into the foUo^ving classes : — 

L First and foremost stands the Babylonian or 
Accadian account of the Deluge. This is so like 
the Bible story, both in its general drift and many 
of its details, that it cannot be other than a 
different version of the same. The Babylonian 
legend itself exists in two forms. One is contained 
in the fragments of Berosos, an Egyptian priest of 
the 3rd cent. B.C., who wrote a history of Babylon. 
The second is contained in a cuneiform inscrip- 
tion on tablets preserved in the British Museum, 
and first deciphered ' Smith in 1872. 

(a) Of these the l y short and of com- 

paratively little importance., except that some 
difi'erences of detail in comparison with the other 
prove that the Babylonian story had a wide cur- 
rency. The main dilierences are the clay which 
Xisuthros, the hero of the Flood, finds on the legs 
of the birds when they return for the second time, 
and the translation of Xisuthros' daughter and the 
pilot of the ship, as well as that of Xisuthros him- 
self and his wife. 

{b) The story of Berosus is altogether thrown 
into the shade by the far fuller and more circum- ; 
stantial account found on the Accadian tablets. 
These contain an epic poem in 12 parts. Each 
part is connected with a sign of the Zodiac, and 
the llth, containing the Flood story, has the sign 
corresponding to Aquarius, ' the water-bearer.' 
In this part the deified Sit-napisti, or, as the name 
is sometimes written, Khasisadra (Xisuthros), com- 
municates the history of the Flood at the mouth ' 
of the Euphrates to his grandson Gisdubar (the j 
Nimrod of Genesis). Ea, the god of wisdom, [ 
reveals to Sit-napisti the intention of the gods | 
of Surippak — Ann, Bel, etc.— to bring a Flood, | 
and commands him to build a ship, and save ; 
what he can of the germ of Ufe. Sit napi-ti 
VOL. n. — 2 

expostulates on the absurdity of building a ship 
on dry land, but finally consents. The making of 
the ship is then given in some detail, among otlier 
things its dimen.sions (according to G. Smith, 
600 cubits long, 60 broad, 60 high; omitted by 
Sa5rce), and the pouring of bitumen over its tides, 
inside and out. Food was brought into the ship, 
including beer and wine, and also all that he had 
of gold and silver. 'Slaves and concubines, the 
cattle of the field, the Jjeasts of the field, the sons 
of the people : all of these did I bring up.' The 
ship was built by the help of the sun-god Sanms, 
who fixed the season for the Flood on the evening 
before §lt-napisti shut the door. A highly poetical 
description is then given of the storm, brought 
about by the direct agency of the gods of wind, 
water, etc., so terrible that even the gods trembled 
and sought refuge in the heaven of Ann, where 
they crowded in a heap ' like a dog in his kennel,' 
and gods and goddesses wei>t for pity. For six 
days and nights the storm continues, and subsides 
on the seventh. The sea begins to dry. Sit-napisti 
opens the windows and sees the corpses floating on 
the water. On the horizon he sees land, and the 
ship is steered for the moimtain of Nizir, which it 
reaches the second day. On the seventh day after 
this he sends forth a dove, which finds no resting- 
place and returns ; then a swallow, which does the 
same ; and lastiiy a raven, which feeds on the carrion 
and does not tvtum. The atiimala are sent forth 
to the four winds, and a sacrifice is offered on an 
edtar which he builds on the peak of the mountain. 
The gods smelt the savour, and ' gathered like flies 
over the sacrifice.' Thereupon the great goddess 
lighted up the rainbow which Ann had created. 
Biel, angrj- with the gods that his will had not. 
been fullv carried out, alone refused to come to the 
altar, fle stayed by the ship and would have 
stopped the exit of the survivors ; but Adar 
explained that Ea had revealed the counsel of 
the gods to S!t-napisti. Then Ea himself ex- 
postulates with Bel for wishing to destroy the 
faithful with the sinners. Better at any rate to 
send wild beasts, or famine, or plague. After all, 
it was only by a dream that he had revealed the 
determination of the gods. Then Bel enters the 
ship wid very graciously makes a covenant with 
Sit-napisti, saying that henceforth he and his 
wife are to be as gods, and Sit-napisti is to dwell 
at the month of the river. * (Sayce, Fresh Light, 
ch. iL) 

This story is said by experts to be as old at least 
as 3000 years B.C. That the early Hebrews deriv«i 
the story from Babylonia, and not I'ice versd, may be 
considered a practical certainty. While Babylonia 
from the days of the Patriarchs was highly ad- 
vanced in civilization, the Jews, even far down 
into their history, were comparatively simple and 
far less civilized even than the Canaanitish tribes, 
who themselves derived their culture from Babylon. 
The Babylonian language and script had already 
before the Exodus b€>oome naturalized in Palestine, 
and been made, as the Tel el-Amama tablets show, 
the official means of communication between the 
Babylonian court and the varioiLS Canaanitish 
tribes. Thus there was more than one channel by 
which a popular story of Babylonia might become 
part of Jewish folk-lore. At the same time the 
variations in the story suggest that it is likely to 
have passed through many mouths before it reached 
its Bible form. Even the differences in its religious 
character are more probably due to gradual changes 
of thought and feeling than to a single literarr 
process. It is, however, quite possible that if 
several variations of the story were, as is probable, 
current, some few particulars in the Bible story 
may be actually more original than in the Accadian 
version. The sending out of the birds in the latter 




is rather pointless, as the non-return of the raven, 
which fed upon the corpses, proved nothing. 
Both the J and P stories are derived from tlie 
Babylonian, each docunjent selecting for the most 
part, and sometimes enlarging upon, those details 
which best accorded with its own character and 

ii. A very large number of Flood stories bear 
only a very general and probably accidental re- 
semblance to tlie biblical or Accadian Deluge. 
The mere fact that a It-gtiiid has to do with a flood, 
even though it be a universal one, is not enough 
to constitute any real relationship to the Bible 
Deluge-story. Jor such legends can be proved to 
have arisen from several dili'ereut causes. These 
causes may be roujjhly divided into three classes : 
1. Some theory ot Creation which connects it 
with water as perhaps a creative element. P'lood 
stories dealing with Creation bear comparison with 
' the deep ' of ( Jn 1' rather than with Noah's Flood. 
Thus the Binnas in the Malay Peninsula held that 
the earth was originally completely covered with 
a hard crust. God in early ages broke through 
the crust, so that the water covered the whole 
world. Out of the water He afterwards let rise 
Mt. Lulumet and other hills, as well as the plain 
on which the Binnas now live. This conception of 
the centre of the world as a vast body of water we 
find again in a Flood story of the Acawoio (British 
Guiana), and is probably to be understood in the 
biblical plirase ' the water under the earth ' 
(Ex 20*), the idea being that the land floated on 
the water. 

2. Most frequently, however, the Flood story 
is the highly coloured tradition of some historictu 
event or extraordinary natural phenomenon. 

A. Among island and coastland peoples (a) the 
early settlement of their ancestors, who came in 
boats across the ocean. In such stories the par- 
ticular land in which they live was the lana of 
refuge from the great Deluge. In the story of the 
Binnas this tradition is combined with the notion 
of Creation. The primeval man and woman were 
created in a boat, which moved over the waters 
until at hist it stranded on dry land. (6) The 
apnearance or disappearance of an island by a 
volcanic eruption. Thus the inhabitants of the 
Minahassa (the northern volcanic peninsula of 
Celebes) relate that the land originally rose out of 
a flood ; and the stories of the Fiji and Pelew 
islanders appear to have originated from the dis- 
appearance of islands by volcanic action, (c) A 
tidal wave resulting from an earthquake. The 
Flood story current among the Eskimo in tlie 
Prince of Wales Peninsula is expressly connected 
\vith an earthtjuake. In a story of the Makah 
Indians (Wasliington Territory) it is related how 
the water flowed into the land from the Pacific, 
imtil Cape Flattery became an island. Similar 
features are found in the stories of some other 
Indian tribes — among them the Araucanians (in 
Chili), with whom the Flood is the result of an 
earthquake accompanied by volcanic eruptions. 

B. Amung inland peoples the causes of Flood 
stories are (a) very frequently the overflow of some 
river, especially where, by the bursting of its banks, 
a large plain is inundated. This is the case in 
China, where, however, the Flood stories liave 
hardly pa.ssed out of the region of sober liistory into 
that of myth, and deal with floods similar to those 
which have been known to have taken place, — tlie 
last two during the 19th cent, in 1852 and 1881. 
In the second of these no fewer than two millions 
are said to have perished. The Chinese Flood 
stories, then, are evidently not derived from 
Babylonia, and we should avoid yielding to the 
temptation of appealing to the early connexion 
in language and script between China and Baby- 

lonia.* (b) The formation of a lake or inland 
sea, or its disappearance by the water eating 
out a channel for itself through soft rock, such 
as limestone. Livingstone tells a legend describ- 
ing how the Dilolo Lake in Central Africa (on 
the southern border of the Congo State) came 
into existence as the consequence of a woman's 
curse pronounced upon a native chieftain who 
refused hospitality. The inhabitants of Thibet 
relate how once a flood covered the whole country 
and destroyed the ape-like inhabitants. By the 
compassion of a god the waters were drained off, 
and the new people taught civilization. In Santa 
F6 de Bogota in Colombia there is a storjy that 
there was once a huge flood brought about by the 
witchery of a wicked woman, who caused the Rio 
de Bogota to overflow and fill the basin-like plain 
of Cuiidinamarca. Her good husband changed 
her into the moon, and opened the present outlet 
through the limestone rock by which the water 
now flows down over the Falls of Tequendama 
(cf. Schwarz, Sintjluth, noticed in Expos. Times, 
viii., 1897, 271 f.). (c) The melting of the winter 
snows. In the district of the Indian tribe of the 
Chippewas there is a story telling how a mouse 
once gnawed through the bag which held the heat, 
and tliLs escaping, the melting snow became a flood, 
which covered the whole world. 

3. Not infrequently, and sometimes in con- 
nexion with one or more of the causes already 
mentioned, the Flood story appears to have 
originated in an attempt to account for some 
otherwise unexplained fact, as — (a) The dispersion 
of peoples and difl'erence of language. This is 
especially frequent among, if not indeed peculiar 
to, the Indian tribes of N. America. Among the 
Thlinkeets in the North West the difference of 
speech between them and the rest of mankind is 
naively accounted for by the breaking of the ark 
in two, their ancestors having been in one half, 
those of all other races in the other ! More 
frequently, the dispersion is the result of the boats 
drifting away in the waters of the Deluge, as, e.g., 
with the Bella Coola Indians (between 52 and 53° 
N. lat. on the coast of the Pacific). The ancient 
rock-carvings found among the aborigines of 
Mexico, in which, as it is said, a dove is depicted 
distributing gifts of speech in the form of tongues 
to the survivors of the Flood, would l»e a striking 
illustration of this kind of Flood story, could we 
be certain that this interpretation of it is correct ; 
but it is at least doubtful, (b) The red colour of 
some of the N. American tribes. This colour is, 
according to the Crees, the direct consequence 
of the Flood, the Red Indians of to-day being the 
descendants of the single woman who was rescued, 
when the waters had all but covered her (see below, 
III. 9). On the other hand, the Herero, a native 
tribe of South Africa, relate that it was the Flood 
that brought to their ancient homo the white man 
and woman from whom thev are descended ; hence 
their pale colour. (c) The existence of fossil 
remains on dry land, and even on hills. It is 
curious that the same evidence which, from the 
days of Tertullian at any rate, has been frequently 
adduced as evidence of tlie Biltle Flood has been 
appealed to by several difl'erent pe»)ples a-s evidence 
or their own Flood stories ; and if the reinuins did 
not in every, or perhaps in any, case actually give 
rise to the story, they certainly helpe<l to give it 
credence and permanence. With the Leeward 
islanders the mussels and corals on their hills are 
a standing proof of an ancient flooii, in which all 

• See, e.g., 'The Origin of Chinese Culture and Civilization,' 
Lippincott's Monthly Ma/jazinr, June ISiK) ; De Lacouperie, 
'The Old Babylonian CharaotiTx ami their Chinese Derivatives,' 
in Bab. and Oriental Heconl, Mun-li IHSS ; and 'New Accadian' 
Papers by Ball iu PUBA, Nov., Dec., 188U ; Feb., June, 1890. 




but one small coral isluiid were immersed. The 
Samoan islanders call attention to the fish which 
have been turiieil into stone; and the central 
Eskimos of X. America can still see the outer 
sliells of many iim.<aels, fish, sea-dogs, and whales 
whicli were left upon the dry land by the Flood. 
id) The same Eskimo tribes give a similar ex- 
jilaiiatiuii of glaciers. They are the icebergs left 
ti:i t!u' rops of the mountains by the receding 

1 important to observe that the cause of 

111 ■ r i.H'i story has very often a special connexion 
with the locality to which it belongs. Thus we 
notice tliat the melting of the ice is a frequent 
cause with the extreme northernly tribes of N. 
American Indians. Earthquakes are a common 
feature in the Flood legends of tribes on those 
coastlands of America where they frequently occur. 
The submergence or emergence of islands accounts 
for those of tribes inhabiting volcanic districts. 
In China the Flood stories are associated with the 
bursting of the banks of the great rivers where such 
events occur, and are accompanied with great loss 
of life and property. Still more remarkable is it, 
on the otlier hand, that in Africa, where the over- 
flow of the great rivers is a regular and expected 
phenomenon, and, in fact, has become necessary 
to cultivation, and therefore cannot be considered 
as the result of special divine agency, Flood 
stories are singularly rare, and never of this 

iii. Very frequently an old myth has become 
mixed up with, or at any rate coloured by, the 
Babylonian or Bible story. Thus the account of 
the Grecian Flood (Deucalion's) as given in the 
de Dca S[/m ot the pseudo-Lucian, a writer of the 
■2nd ( er.t. A.D.. differs from the earlier form of the 
ntained in Ovid (Met. i. 16^-437), for 
1. y the addition of several details belong- 

ing to cne IJabylonian and biblical stories, such as 
the name Sisythes ( = Xisuthros), the.building of a 
chest, the saving in it of Deucalion's family and 
pairs of every animal. Plutarch similarly intro- 
duces Deucalion's sending out the dove to ascertain 
the weather { !), according as it returned or remained 
behind. This colouring is probably, however, in 
most cases due to the teaching of Christian mission- 
aries, who would naturally emphasize and uncon- 
sciously, or perhaps even intentionally, exaggerate 
points of resemblance between native folk-lore and 
BiMe stories. Andreeifiee Literature ^ielow) quotes 
!iow how easily the Bible Flood could find 
o the folk-lore of an imaginative people. 
A nu^^lo^arv heard a Flood story from a native 
Hottentot which bore a suspicious re>enil)lance to 
that of the Bible, and yet he was assured that it 
had been handed down from early ages. Shortly 
after he met another missionary, who told hiiu that 
he had himself tau-lit the native the Bil>le story. 
It is not always easy to say positively that a 
legend has been influenced by the Bible Flmxl, but 
in the following cases it may be considered higidy 
probable : — (a) When the legend resembles the 
Bible story in one or more definite particulars, but 
in general drift or in its more important features 
diti'ers widely from it. In that of the Mandari 
(a branch of the Kolds, East India), the flocnl out 
of which a brother and sister only had been rescued 
under a tree, is put an end to by tlie serpent 
Lurliing, in connexion with lohom appenrs the 
rainhoiv. In the Lithuanian story the rainl)uw is 
sent to comfort a pair of wretched survivors, and 
counsels them to obtain ofispring by jumping over 
the Ixjnes of the earth. The Lummi Indians 
(north of Washington Territory) have a story that 
an old man escaped on a raft to a mountain, and 
thcrire twice sent forth a crow, which returned the 
second time with a leaf. (6) When the parts 

conesponding with the Bible story break the 
context, and do not tit in well with the rest. 
This is obviously the case with a stoir of the 
Algonquins (an Indian tribe of N. America), 
preserved in a very curiotis pictographic document, 
where, in the mid'dle of a passage describing how 
some of the people were rescued on Turtle Island, 
the mention of a boat, as though an independent 
means of rescue, is very awkwardly introduced, 
(c) Where two forms of the story exist, in one of 
which the biblical features occur and in the other 
are absent. When, as with Deucalion's Flood, 
the former is known to be later, the probability 
of interpolation may be considered a certainty. 
Among the Mandans, an Indian tribe on the 
Missouri River, according to a current Flood legend 
the ark is a tower-like building, and the supposed 
model of the building, which is preserved as a 
relic in a public place, Ls in shape like a wooden 
cylinder. But not only is this model called ' the 
great canoe,' but, in the festival which commemor- 
ates the Flood, the representative of ' the First 
Man,' who was saved therein, tells how ' the great 
canoe ' stranded on a high mountain. Moreover, 
the festival is always arranged to take place when 
the willows are in leaf, because, so they say, it was 
a branch of that tree, with all its leaves on, which 
the bird brought back to the ark. It is clear that 
we have here a confusion between two stories — an 
ancient legend according to which the survivors 
were saved in a tower, and the Bible Flood, {d) 
Where tlie Flood legend is mixed up with other 
stories from the Bible. Thus in that of the Papagos 
(an Indian tribe, east of California), Montezuma, 
the hero of the Flood, is so ungrateful to his de- 
liverer, that he presumes to build a house whose 
top is to reach to heaven, whereupon the great 
Spirit sends his thunder and destroys the building. 
This evident borrowing from the tower of Babel 
story makes us suspect that his sending out the 
jackal after the Flood to see how far the land 
extendeil, originated in the sending forth of birds 
from Noahs ark. In one of the Mexican legends, 
current in the neighbourhood of Cholulu, an 
artificial mountain, raised as a memento of the 
mountain in the caves of which the seven giants 
were saved from the Flood, threatened to reach 
to heaven, whereupon the gods sent down fire and 
destroyed several of the builders. This legend, 
connected with a half-finished pj-ramid, shows 
how reaiiily Bible stories found their way among 
the aborigines of Mexico, and explains why 
features of the Bible Flood so often occur in the 
Flood myths of various Mexican tribes. In the 
story of the Mandari, above referred to as giving 
special prominence to the Bible feature of the 
rainbow, the creation of man out of earth stands in 
close connexion with the Flood. Similarly, the 
F1o<k1 story of the Macoushi (near British Guiana) 
relates how the first man found, on waking out 
of a deep sleep, a woman standing by his side. 
After this we can feel very little confidence in the 
originalit J' of the statement that after the Flood the 
rat sent out liy a survivor returned with an ear of 
maize in its mouth. This is evidently nothing 
else bjit a local adaptation of the dove and the 
olive branch, (e) The stories of the Papagos and 
Macoushi give another ground for suspecting 
biblical inHuence, namely, where some well-known 
features of a class of Flood legends appear so 
ciianged as to a^iee with the Noachian Deluge. 
The oliltrt of the sending forth of animals in the 
In<i: is, as a rule, to obtain earth to create 

dr\ _ ! the survivors. A rat is sent forth 

as' w til as other animals for this purpo>e in the 
legend of the Ojibways and the Chippewa:-, a lish 
in those of the Sac and Fox Indians. But in the 
stories of the Papagos and Macoushi the object 




IB, as in the Bible, to discover the extent of dry 

In some cases, however, the appearance of bibli- 
cal details may be after all a mere coincidence. 
The likolihooa of such coinciilence becomes far 
greater tlian wo might have thought when we 
take into account the very large number of Flood 
stories and the singular variety of detail. The 
following is an attempt to give as shortly as is 
practicable some idea of the extraordinary extent 
of this variety. 

III. Vaiuety of Details in' difkerext Flood 
Legends. — (l) T/te Beings destroyed by the Flood 
are often described as strange or unnatural beings, 
such as baneful monsters (Persian Bundehesn) ; 
ape-like men (Thibet) ; descendants of a primeval 
man and woman, who were drowned in the sea 
and became a whale and a crab ; the descendants 
appear, however, to have been human in form, at 
any rate capable of religious and moral delinquency 
(Andamanese) ; giants (later Scandinavian Edda) ; 
men, one tribe of whom consisted only of women, 
another of men with dog-like tails (Fiji islanders) ; 
gods of the earth upon whom the Flood was sent at 
the request of the nether gods (the Sac and Fox 
Indians); a demigod (Ojibways, see above); im- 

5 effect men (Quich6 Indians of Guatemala) ; the 
escendants of gods and men (Miztecs of Mexico, 
of. Gn 6»-<). 

(2) The re«507J,?/or<Aci7ooc? are differently given. 
Very frequently to get rid of these monstrous 
forms of life (in the Bundehesh a second Flood is 
necessary to purify the world of the poison which 
the monsters still left behind them) ; as in the 
Bible, to punish men for their wickedness (An- 
damanese) ; or, more frequently, for some definite 
crime or offence, as the refusal to wash and work 
(Mandari) ; killing and eating a huge serpent 
(Dyaks of Borneo) ; cooking a fish in violation of 
a sacred promise (Gip^^ies or the Sieben Gebirge) ; 
the crime of the demigod Menaboshu against the 
water- serpents in killing their king and three sons 
in revenue for the destruction of his little pet 
wolf (Ojibways) ; the inhospitality of a local S. 
African chieftain towards a woman Avho, in con- 
sequence, brought about a local flood through her in- 
cantation (Dilolo Lake) ; the insult perpetrated on 
a sea-god by a fisherman who fished in sacred waters 
and caught the god by his hair (Leeward Islands) ; 
the injury done to the raven by ' the wise man,' 
who had punished it by throwing it into the fire 
(Hare Indians, North America). In one case, as 
already noticed, the F'lood is the result of a 
quarrel between the gods of the nether and upper 
world (the Sac and Fox Indians). 

(3) The direct cause of the Flood is usually the 
rise and overflow of the sea, or of some river or 
lake; rather less frequently a prodigious storm 
and rainfall. An exceptional case is the melting 
of the winter snow (Chippewas, see above, II. 2 B c). 
Once it is occasioned by the blood flowing from a 
slaughtered giant (later Edda). Occasionally, the 
FIockI consists of hot water (Finns). In the legend 
of the Quich6 there is a second Flood of resin after 
one of water, and occasionally fire takes the place 
of water (so with the Yuracar^s in Bolivia, among 
whom a legend of this sort has many parallels with 
the Flood stories of other peonies). In an Eskimo 
story the people are destroyea by heat as well as 
by the water. In one case the Plood is cansed by 
the accidental breaking of a jar (examined through 
curiosity) containing the waters of the ocean 
(Haiti Island). Similarly, a flood is caused by an 
inqnisitive ape taking away the mat placed in a 
hollow tree to stop up the water which communi- 
cated with the water beneath the earth (Acawoio, Guiana). 

(4) The Flood generally seems to have come 

unexpectedly ; but sometimes the survivors vxre 
forewarned, as a rule by a god, but occasionally 
through the medium of animals. In the sacred 
books of India it is the lisli, wliich is no other 
than the incarnate Vishnu, or, in one form of the 
legend, even the great Brahma himself. In the 
legend of the Cherokee Indians (N. America) it is 
a dog which tells his master, having first attracted 
his attention by standing up to his neck in the 
water and refusing to stir. In one of the Peruvian 
stories it is the llamas which warn their shepherd. 
He had noticed that they looked sad and gazed at 
the stars, upon which he inquired the cause, and 
was told of the coming Flood. 

(5) The Flood is generally represented as uni- 
versal, though originating in some definite place ; 
but sometimes it is purely local. 

(6) Men are usually drowned, but in one legend 
some of them are devoured by sea-monsters ( Algon- 
quins). In several of the Peruvian Flood stories 
they are changed into fish, and in one instance 
the dead bodies become salmon and frogs (Maidn, 
near Sacramento). 

(7) The number of survivors varies very greatly 
in the diflFerent stories. Where the inhabitants of 
the world are monsters, they are, of course, all 
destroyed. Sometimes even men are all destroyed, 
and a new set of men created. Sometimes, on the 
other hand, they appear to have all escaped 
(Kabadi, a south-east district of New Guinea). As 
a rule, the survivors are very few, most frequently 
a single family, or even less ; in several cases only 
one man or woman. Once it is only the coyote 
(prairie-wolf) of all living beings (Wai)po, Cali- 
fornia) ; in another story it is the coyote and the 
demigod Montezuma (Papa^os) ; in another the 
raven and his mother (Thlinkeets, Indisin tribe of 
N. America, see below, III. 9). 

(8) The reason why the particular survivors were 
permitted to escape is generally left unexplained. 
But when it is explained, it is usually, of course, 
because they had no part in the cause for which 
the Flood was sent. Thus in the Gipsy legend 
(see above. III. 2), Avhile the wife who cooked the 
fish is struck by the first lightning flash of the storm 
which preceded the Flood, the husband, who was 
faithful to his promise, was saved. In the legend 
of the Leeward Islands (see above. III. 2), however, 
by a strange want of poetic justice, the penitent 
fisherman succeeds in appeasing the wrath of the 
god, and he and his family alone escape. 

(9) The methods of escape exhibit also great 
variety. In many cases it is by fleeing to a moun- 
tain or an island, the latter generally being left 
unimraersed by the rising water, not so much from 
its elevation as from its sacred character (Algon- 
quins, Victoria, Leeward Islands, Greece, etc.). 
Sometimes the place of refuse is the top of a tree 
(Karens in Burmah, Tupi in Brazil, Acawoio in 
British Guiana), or underneath (!) a tree (Mandari), 
or in caves (Mexicans of Cholula) ; once in the hole 
of a huge crawfish in a rice field (Uraus, a branch of 
Kohls) ; in a tower expressly built for the purpose 
(Mandans, see above, II. iii. c). The most usual 
method of escape, however, is by a boat or raft of 
some kind. In one of the Fiji stories, two gods 
themselves come in a boat, and fish the drowning 
bodies out of the water. The raft or ship is usually 
allowed to drift, but sometimes, as in the Accadian 
storjr, it is regularly steered. In the legends of 
India it is towed by the god-fish with a rope tied 
to his horn. Sometimes, to prevent its drifting 
away, it is secured by a rope, fastened either to a 
stone acting as an anchor (Kamtschatka), or, more 
frequently, to a tree (Pelew islanders, Twanas of 
Pnget Sound, Washington Territory). Occasion- 
ally, as in the Bible story, the means of escape is a 
floating chest (Banar in Camtmdia) ; in one legend 


a nut-shell, which conveniently fell from a god, 
who was eating nuts in heaven during the Flood, 
on to the topmost peak of a mountain, whither men 
had fled for refuge (Lithuanians). Usually, as in 
the Accadian and Bible stories, the ark lands on 
a mountain ; but, curiously enough, in some of the 
Persian legends the mountain of refuge itself 
floats like a boat. Other means of escape are still 
more quaint. In one legend the raven and his 
mother, presumably in a pre-raven state of exist- 
ence, put on birds' skins and fly up to heaven, 
which the former, in his impetuosity, hits so 
violently that his beak gets stuck. In this pre- 
dicament he is obliged to wait till the waters reach 
him (Thlinkeets). In another the single surviving 
maiden succeeds in catching hold of a bird, which 
liies up with her to a rock of safety (Crees). 

(10) The Flood usually disappears by subsidence 
or evaporation ; but, in isolated instances, it flows 
away down a hole (Deucalion's Flood, Tinney 
Indians), or into a lift in a mountain, and so finds 
its way into the sea (Maidu). 

(11) The survivors in several legends send out 
animals from their various retreats, usually to 
dive down into the waters, that they may get 
earth, out of which new land is created. Of this 
we have a characteristic example in the story of 
the Ojibways, in which the survi\-ing Menaboshu, 
after having stood on the topmost peak of a 
mountain for five days, with the water up to his 
mouth, in despair prays a passing sea-gull to dive 
down and discover whether the land has been 
entirely washed away. After the gull has dived 
several times to no purpose, Menaboshu sees the 
stifiened body of a musk-rat floating by. Ha^Tng 
restored it to life, he sends it down on a similar 
ijuest. After a long while the dead body of the 
musk-rat appears on the surface with a few grains 
of sand in its claws. These Menaboshu throws on 
the water, and they become little islands, which 
grow and join together until they form habitable 
earth. In the stories of the Sac and Fox Indians, 
it is a fish which returns wdth its htige mouth full 
of earth ; in that of the Chippewas, the beaver, 
otter, musk-rat, and northern diver, all dive down, 
and the last rettims with mud in its webbed feet. 
•Sometimes, as in the Bible, and presumably the 
Accadian stories, the animals are sent forth to dis- 
cover whether or where the land is dry (Papagos, 
etc. , see above, II. iiL e). 

(12) The survivors, hard put to it for food, some- 
times feed on fish, which they either cook by 
putting them under their armpits (I) (Tolowa in 
California), or with fire procured by rubbing sticks ; 
together, at which the ^od is angry, and turns the ' 
fish into dogs (an old Mexican story in the Codex \ 
Chimalpopoca). Fire is obtained in a similar way ! 
in the legend of the Dyaks of Borneo. In the I 
Andamanesian story an arctic bird sends down a j 
firebrand from heaven. In one of the Peruvian i 
legends, meals are provided for the two surviving \ 
brothers by two parrots. 

( 13) There is a verj' curious variety w-ith r^ard 
to the methods by which the world was re-peopled 
after the Deluge. When all the inhabitants were 
destroyed, there was, of necessity, a new creation. 
Most frequently, as in the Bil>le, the new men 
were simply the oflspring of the few survivors, but 
in several legends they appear as propagated in 
some strange and miraculous manner, as by stones 
thrown over the survivors' heads (Deucalion's 
blood, Acawoio and other Indian tribes on the 
Upper Orinoco). In one story cocoa-nuts are thrown 
with a similar result (Maypuri and neighbouring 
tribes of S. America). In the Lithuanian story 
men come into being by the survivors leaping over 
the bones of the earth. According to the Pelew 
islanders, it was by intercourse of the gods with a 



woman whose dead body was bronght to life, and 
indwelt for a time by a goddess. Another legend 
ascribes it to the union between the single surviv- 
ing maiden and a great eagle (Crees). StUl more 
curious is the legend of the Wappo, who ascribe 
the re-peopling of the world to the coyote, which 
planted the tail feathers of various birds in the 
places where wigwams formerly stood. According 
to the Tinney Indians, it was brought about by 
the gods changing animals into men. 

(14) The deification of Xisuthros after the Flood 
in the Accadian story has hardly a parallel in the 
myths of other peoples. Sometimes the survivor 
is already a sort of god (Papagos). In the story of 
the Pelew islanders the gods wi^ to deify the last 
woman, whom they had already restored to life, 
but are prevented by the malice of the bird Tariit 
{Ball us pectoralis). 

If we now examine these legends in connexion 
with their locality, we shall find that features 
which repeat themselv^es (leaving out of considera- 
tion what has been borrowed from the Bible story) 
in several legends are of two kinds : (a) those 
which characterize the legends of neighbouring or 
related tribes ; and (6) those which appear sporadic- 
ally, so to speak, in far separated peoples. As 
examples of the first we may notice, generally, the 
tendency to combine Flood stories with animal 
fables common to almost all tribes of American 
Indians, andmore especially the fables of the coyote, 
the jackal, and the raven, each of which marKs off 
a definite group of tribes. We may instance also 
the floating mountain, which is confined to the 
neighbourhood of Peru. In many cases the second 
dass belongs to the form which the legend would 
be most likely to take. It is more likely that men 
would escape a flood by going up into a mountain, 
or by means of a boat or raft, than in any other 
way, and therefore we find this to be most fre- 
quently the case. But when we consider the great 
multiplicity of stories, it is not at all surprising 
that, in a few isolated cases, the imagination of 
different peoples should independently hit upon 
the same idea. Where so many methods of escape 
suggested themselves, it might easily have occurred 
to more than one people that the boat of safety 
was like a chest, or, again, that the boat was tied 
by a rope. In the same way we may account for 
tfie really far stranger incident, the subsequent 
creation of men out of stones. 

It is of the greatest importance to notice that 
this second class of similarities is bv no means 
confined to features contained in the bible story. 
Those who argue for the truth of the latter on the 
ground that several of its details are confirmed by 
other legends, are in danger of pro\-ing too mucn. 
The same argimient makes equally for the truth of 
other details not found in the Bible. If all these 
stories are really the traditions of one single event, 
does not the evidence point to a boat rather than 
an ark, if indeed the survivors did not merely 
ascend a mountain ; and is not the statement of 
the boat being moored by a rope, which appears in 
legends so widely scattered, at least as probable as 
that of the sending out of animals, on the presence 
of which, in different legends, so much stress is 
often laid? For, as a matter of fact, the stories 
which contain this feature are often liable to the 
suspicion of a Christian colouring on the grounds 
above given, and indeed it is just this picturesque 
touch which would inevitably most strike the 
imagination, and most easily find its way into 
the popular stories of a people. It must also be 
borne in mind that there is a vast difference be- 
tween sending out animals to ascertain how far 
the waters were dry, and begging them to dive 
down under the water to obtain earth for making 
drv land. The clav on the feet of the birds in the 




Babylonian story is connected with the first, 
that on the feet of the diver in the story of the 
Chippewos with the second. In a word, all that 
the multifarious Flood stories really can be said to 
prove is, that there was among a very large number 
of ancient peoples the belief m a Flood, and often, 
though by no means so frequently, in a universal 
Deluge ; but this alone does not prove that they all 
describe one real event, still less that the one true 
account of that event is the liible Flood. It is 
rather the case that a thorough study and com- 
parison of these stories make both these hypo- 
theses extremely improbable. 

IV. The Cause of the Accadian Flood Story. 
— Four theories as to the origin of the Flood story 
are possible. That it was originally (1) a mere 
product of the fancy, (2) a nature myth, (3) a 
cosmogonic fable, (4) the poetical presentation of 
some natural occurrence. The first is contrary to 
the analogy of similar legends among all peoples, 
and hardly needs serious discussion. The second 
lias in its favour the connexion of the Flood story 
with Aquarius, and possibly, perhaps, the location 
of Sit-napisti at the mouth of the Euphrates ; but, 
on "the other hand, this watery subject, supposing 
the story to be already in existence, was specially 
suited for this particular zodiacal sign ; and the 
mouth of the Euphrates might be deemed a fitting 
place for the deified hero of the Flood. The third 
finds some analogy among the Flood legends of 
other nations, but the analogy of the great 
majority of Flood stories is strongly in favour of 
the fourth, and there can be no doubt that it is 

The question then arises, 'What event is likely to 
have given rise to the Accadian story ? ' (a) That 
it was a universal Deluge is, for reasons already 
given, quite out of the question. (6) Writers have, 
however, still maintained (and founded their argu- 
ments on scientific grounds) that this Flood was 
much more than a h>cal flood, and really covered 
a very considerable area. Among these is the late 
Professor Prestwich, a man who, on account of his 
}^logical researches, is entitled to the highest 
respect (see Literature). He maintains the view, 
that long after the appearance of pala?olithic man 
there was a submergence of the crust of the earth, 
chiefly in Western Europe, but extending to tlie 
N. W. of Africa, though probably not as far as Egypt, 
causing a great inundation of the sea, which rose 
(relatively speaking) at its highest to about 1500 ft. 
on the Continent, and 10<X) ft. in England. It seems 
to have risen suddenly and to have subsided soon ; 
that is to say, the inundation did not probably last 
more than a year or two at most. It destroyed a vast 
amount of animal and some human life, so that some 
species of animals became extinct in regions which 
they formerly inhabited : for example, the lion, 
panther, spotted hyaina, caftir cat, hippopotamus, 
.\frican elephant in Europe and N. Africa, and all 
the then existing mammalia in Malta. Theproofsof 
this inundation are : (1) the various forms of what 
the Professor calls distinctively Bubble Drift 
(distinct in character from the Glacial Drift in its 
various forms of breccia, etc. ), and (2) a sedimentary 
deposit (loess) found on mountains (distinct from 
all valley deposits left by rivers). It seems prob- 
able to him that, when the Flood rose, animals of 
all sorts were driven to the mountains, where some 
escaped, from which the submerged districts were 
again re-stocked after the Flood. In one instance 
(at Palermo) it would appear that the light-footed 
animals, which would have had little difficulty in 
making their escape, survived, whereas the hippo- 
))otamus became extinct. Without attempting to 
call in question the geological ar<^uments on whicli 
this view is maintained, it will be readily seen 
that it is extremely difficult to make it squni <■ with 

the evidence of the Flood traditions of difiierent 
peoples, to which Professor Prestwich himself 
appeals to fortify his case. Had this view been 
correct, we should certainly have expected to find 
wide recollections of the Flood throughout the 
region where it occurred, and more faint traditions 
in other parts. But this is by no means the case, 
and the district of Babylonia, from which the most 
important and graphic Flood story originates, is, 
according to our present knowledge, wanting in 
those geological phenomena on whicli the Professor 
depends (indeed they have not yet l)een discovered 
even in the east of Europe), and therefore is 
apparently beyond the region of the supposed 
Deluge. On the other hand, in Europe Flood 
legends are comparatively scarce, and usually of a 
very mythical type (i,WcMf, Lithuanians, etc.); in 
N.W. Africa they are altogether absent. Again, 
they are most frequent by far in Northern and 
Central America, regions far removed from the 
supposed locality of the Flood. The same objection, 
though not to the same extent, lies to the view 
that the Accadian Flood story is to be referred to 
geological changes in Thibet, by which what was 
once a great inland sea became a plain (see above, 
II. 2 B 6). 

Judging from the genesis of similar legends, this 
Accadian story is far more likely to have originated 
in Babylonia itself, and to be due to some local 
cause. The same analogy, if we take also into 
account the character of the country, suggests that 
our choice lies between a great overflow of the 
Tigris and Euphrates caused by an extraordinary 
rainfall, and the incursion of a tidal wave througu 
an earthquake somewhere in the south. Edward 
Siiss, whose views are mentioned by Andree, is 
inclined to think that both these causes were at 
work. He argues from the description of the 
Accadian story, which speaks not only of the 
earth trembling, and the breaking out of the floods 
below the earth, and the waves of the storm-god 
reaching up to heaven — expressions which point to 
an earthquake accompanied by a tidal wave — but 
also of the whirlwind, and the thunder, and the 
overflow of the canals. Del. (Gen. 1887, p. 164), 
Haupt (Amer. Joum. Philol. ix. 423 f.), and esp. 
Huxley (Essays on Controverted Questions, 586 ft., 
619), agree with Siiss, and Dillm. (Gcn.^ p. 175) in- 
clines to the same view. Andree gives several 
instances, recorded in histoiy, showing to what 
an enormous distance an earthquake affects the 
movement of the sea. For example, an earthquake 
which took place in Peru on the 13th of August 
1868, caused a great wave which struck the Sand- 
wich Islands on the foUoAving day, and on the day 
after washed the coastlands of Australia and New 
Zealand. How terrible the destruction Avrought 
by a local inundation may be, is shown by the 
cyclone which struck the coast of India on Nov. 1st, 
1864, and involved the loss of 60,000 lives. It Ls 
not so very surprising that in Babylonia, as in 
many other countries, such a flood should by long 
oral tradition have been magnified into a universal 
Deluge, from which only a few survive*!. 

It nas been necessary in this article to lay con- 
siderable stress on points of resemblance between 
the Flood story of the Bible and the numerous 
Flood legends of other peoples. We have shown 
that, looked at from a merely historical i)oint of 
%'iew, they stand on a similar footing, and, in fact, 
that the Bible story is merely a later variant of one 
of them. Here, however, the resemblance ends. 
In tone and religious character the Bible story is 
immeasurably above all others. It is true, indeed, 
that the God of the Flood, Who took pleasure in 
the sweet smell of Noah's sacrifice, stands far 
below the God of the psalmist, Who delighted not 
in burnt-otVcrinirs fuul sacriliio, Imt in abrokenand 




troubled spirit. But for all that, it is a God who 
hated iniquity, transgression, and sin as utterly 
unworthy of His own creation, not a deitv aven^n^ 
a merely personal insult, far less, as in the original 
story, a troop of gods wrangling with each other 
in jealous rivalry. Even though it be true that 
the Israelites found this Flood story handed down 
from the religious mists of a far distant past, a 
religious student of Scripture will have no difficulty 
Ln recognizing that divinely guided religious feeling 
;md insight by which an ancient legend became 
the vehicle of religious and spiritual truth. 

Lttbrattrs. — Geori^ Smith, The Chaldean AeeoutU o/Genent, 
new ed. by Sayce ; KAT^, 6&-79 ; Sayoe, HCM, 107 fl. ; J. Prest- 
wich. On Certain Phenomena belonging to the dote of the but 
Geologieal Period, and on their bearing upon the Tradition <{f 
the Flood, MwTnilUw, 1895; Andree, Du FhOaagen, ethno- 
graj>hiieh betraehtet, Brunswick, 1891, — on exc^ent woric 
giving a summary of the Flood I^ends of a lai^ number of 
rMes, and nuule much use of in this article ; Charles Hard- 
wick, Christ and other Master*, Cambridge, contains some 
Flood legends, see esp. pt n. iiL 3, pt. m. iL pp. 162-164 ; F. 
Lenonnant, Oripinee de Fhittoire d'aprit la Bxble, Paris ; see 
a!so in this DB the art^ Babtuuoa, p. 221. 

F. H. Woods. 
FLOOD. — A flood is &flow of water. In early 
Eng. (as in late) it is used of the flow of the tide, 
as Trin. Coll. Horn. (1200) 177, ' For swiche flode, 
and for swich ebbinge the prophete nemmeth this 
woreld se.' But in the earliest quotation in Ox/. 
Eng. Diet, it is applied to a stream, — an application 
which has long since dropped out of prose, though 
it is still in use poetically. In this sense ' flood '' 
is of frequent occurrence in AV. The following 
is a complete list of the passages in which the 
word is found. 

1. A stream : Job 14" {ndh&r, usual word for 
' river,' RV ' river ') ; 20^' ' the floods, the brooks 
of honey auad butter' {ndhdr, RV 'the flowing 
streams ') ; 28^^ ' he bindeth the floods from over- 
flowing '(ndA^r, RV ' the streams that they trickle 
not,' RYm ' Heb. from weeping,' the allusion is to 
the use of lime or clay to prevent water perco- 
lating into the mine— Davidson) ; Ps 98* {ndh&r) ; 
Job 28-' ' the flood breaketh out from the inhabit- 
ant' (nahal, usual word for 'brook,' here under- 
stood of the miners ' shaft,' RV ' he breaketh open 
a shaft away from where men sojourn') ; Ps 74^* 
' Thou didst cleave the fountain and the flood ' 
{nahnl, in ref. to the stream from the rock in the 
wilderness) ; Is 44* ' I will pour water upon him 
that is thirsty, and floods upon the dry ground ' 
(ndz^im, ptcp. of n&zal, to flow, RV ' streams '>. 
In Apocr., 2 Es 16® (fiumen, RV 'river'). Ad. 
Est ll^"' a great flood ' (xora/xAs /:i^7as, distinguished 
from fUKfA rrrrn, ' a little fountain ' ; RV ' river ') ; 
Sir 21^ 39" (KaTo«rXiv^s). This meaning is found 
in Shaks., but more rarely : Much Ado, L L 318 — 

' What need the bridge much broader than the flood?' 

2. A special river : (a) The Euphrates, Jos 34' 
• Your fathers dwelt on the other side of the flood 
in old time ' {^rin -ci-2, RV 'beyond the River') ; 
so 243 (-4i- ' from/ etc. ), 24i*- ^. In Apocr., 2 Es 13" 
' the most High . . . held still the flood, till they 
were passed over' [statuit Venas fluminis, RV 
' stayed the springs of the River ') ; 1 Mac 7* 
' Bacchides . . . who ruled beyond the flood ' (^ 
ry v€pav to\j -x-orafiov, RV ' in the countrv beyond 
the river'). Cf. Rev 9" Wye. 'Vnbynde foure 
aungels, that ben bounde in the great flood 
Eufrates' ; Milton, FL i. 419— 

' With these came they who from the bordering flood 
Of old Euphrates to the brook that parts 
E^^rypt from Syrian g^und, had general names 
Oi Baalim and Ashtaroth.' 

ifj) The Nile -. Ps 78« (av'^iu, RV ' their streams') ; 
Am S*"* 9**^ ; the Heb. is v^'6r, the word for the 
Nile, the Rirer, as RV ; in S*" and 9^ Mizraim ' of 
Ej^ypt' is added, but that is quite exceptional. 

Sometimes RV translates boldly by ' Nile ' Is 
197 ttr. 8 (AV ' brook '), 23»- " (AV ' river'), Jer 46'- • 
(AV 'flood'). Zee W^ (AV 'river'). Cf. Ac 7» 
Wye. ' whanne he was put out in the flood, the 
daughter of Farao took hym up.' (c) The Jordan : 
Ps 66* 'they went through the flood on foot' 
(n&h&r, RV 'river'). Cf. Pr. Bk. 1549, 'by the 
Baptism of thy well-beloved Son Jesus Christ, 
thou didst sanctify the flood Jordan, and all other 
waters, to this mystical washing away of sin ' (so 
1552, 1559, and Scot, Liturgv, 16i>4 ; but in 1662 
changed to ' the river Jordan^). 

3. An overflow of water, a torrent : Job 22"* 
' whose foundation was overthrown with a flood ' 
(lit., as Da v., 'was poured away and became a 
flood,' RV 'was poured out as a stream,' Heb. 
n6Mr) ; Ps 32* ' in the floods of great waters ' (i^ 
n'2i d:5, RV ' when the great waters overflow') ; 
69« (n^s^ shibhdleth, the word which baffled the 
Ephraimites to pronounce, see Shibboleth) ; 69^* 
' waterflood ' (shU)b6lfih mayim, 1611' water flood') ; 
90* ' Thou carriest them away as with a flood ' 
(ngpni, lit., as Cheyne, ' thou stormest upon them ') ; 
Is 28* 'a flood of mighty waters overflowing* 
(zerem, properly a flood of rain, a downpour ; RV 
' tempest') ; Jer 47- ' an ove^flo^\-in^ flood ' (nahal, 
RV 'stream,' Cheyne 'torrent,' who says, 'It is 
in autumn-time that the torrents of Palestine 
become dangerous, and water - courses, dry or 
almost dry in summer, become filled with a 
furiously rushing stream'); Dn 9^ 11^, Nah 1* 
(shitqph). In Apocr., Wis 5^ 'the floods shall 
cruelly drown them ' (xora^j, RV ' the rivers shall 
sternly overwhelm them'). In NT, Mt 7»-w 
(rora/Ltoi), Lk 6*^ (rMimtvpa, fr. root of rlfirXrifu, 
to fill) ; Rev 12«- « (xora/toi, RV ' river ') ; and 12» 
' that he might cause her to be carried away of 
the flood' (-rorafuxttdptp-ar, RV 'carried away by 
the stream '). 

4. Noah's flood is always designated in Heb. 
maibul, in LXX xar<ucXiKr/u6;, and in Vulg. diluvium 
(whence Eng. 'deluge'). The reffl in OT are Gn 
6n7« 9U&«.i5.»iQi.a ii» Ps29i»; inApocr., 
2Es39-", Wis 10*, Sir 40^0* 44"- "; and in NT, 
Mt 24^ » Lk 17^, 2 P 25. See preceding article. 

The only doubtful ref. is Ps SSio 'The Lord sitteth upon the 
flood' (2?; ^^h), EV 'sat a» king at the Flood"). The 
majority of recent commentators take it with BV to be a ref. to 
Xoah's Flood. ' The storm,' says Kirkpatrick, ' reminds the poet 
of the great typical example of judgment and mercy, in whidi 
Jehovah's judicial seventy was eudUted.' The chief aign- 
ment in favour is the use <rf the word (observe tiiat it has the 
article ^the Flood'). Against is the unexpectedness of the 
reference to ttie Flood, and the prep. (7) 'at,' 'to,' <w 'on.' 
Kirkpatrick says of the prep. : ' we may render. Sot for the 
Flood ; with His seat on His throne in order to execute that 
memorable judgment (Ps ST)-' The tr«> of AY (which is that of 
Geneva Bible) makes the ref. to be to a flood of water in the 
storm itself. This is clear from the note in tine Gen. BiUe. 
Johnson {SpeaktT'e Com.) agrees. But the storm is a storm ot 
wind, not of water ; oi rain there is no mention in the psidm, 
although it may be ai^^ed that it is presapposed. Cbeyne 
carries liie psalmisfs mind beyond the Noochic Flood to the 
original meaning of the word. That is ' destruction ' ; ' a wast- 
ing flood ' being only secondary. He therefore boldly ignores 
the Flood and any ref. to water, and tr. 'At the storm 
Jehovah sat enthroned' (Boot cf Ptalme, p. 81, and Grit. Xote 
on p. 330).t 

5. It is only in poetic parallelism that 'flood' 
is used of the sea : Ps 24* — 

* He hath founded it [the earth] upon the aeaa. 
And established it upon the floods ' ; 

Ps933 '«•, Jon 2» (all ndhdr) ; and Ex \^{n6zcl'im, 
of the waters of the Red Sea). In Apocr., 2 Es 
415. 17. 19. 31 {fluctus, RV ' waves '). 

* So plainly in AY, since the marg. ref. is to Gn 7U ; and ate 
Or. is M-nxXoTfUt : but BY omits the ref., and prints ' flood,' 
not 'Flood'; and the recently discovered Heb. text gives 
' river ' (Cowley and If enbauer)i 

t This cancels the * Partdmient' tro ' Jehovah has seated him- 
self above the flood,' and its note, 'either the deluge <»* tbe 
heavenly ocean already referred to in v.s.' 




6. Finally, the word is thrice used metaphorfc- 
ally : 2 S 22» = P8 18* ' the floods of ungodly men 
made me afraid ' ("jJcV? '^PJ. lit. ' streams of Belial ' ; 
RV ' floods of ungodliness ' ; see Selbie, Cheyne, 
and Honimel in Expos. Times, viii. [1897] 360, 423, 
472; and Baudissin, Cheyne, Jensen, ib. ix. 40, 91, 
283, 332). Cf. Sliaks. Timon of Athens, I. i. 42— 

* Tou lee this conference, this great flood of visiton.' 
Also 1 Mac 6" ' a flood of misery ' {trora/xdi, RV 
simply ' a flood '). Cf. Milton, On Time, 13— 
' And Joy shall overtake us as a flood.' 

J. Hastino.s. 
FLOOR.— The word ' floor ' is now most familiar 
as the part we tread on in a room ; but it once as 
readily suggested the platform on which corn was 
threshed. Hence in AV (after earlier VSS) 
'floor' stands as the tr" of pi gOren, fourteen 
times, which elsewhere is mostly tr^ ' thresliing- 

The Heb. word occurs altogether 86 times : It is tr» ' thresh- 
ins-floor ' (1611 two sep. words) 19 times (On 50"), Nu 1520 

IS". 30 Ru 32, 1 S 23', 2 S 60 2418- 21. 24, 1 Oh 139 211S. 18. 21. 22. 2d, 

2 Oh 31, Jer f)l33), and ' floor' 11 times (On 50», Dt IS", JgeS7, 
Ru 33- «• 1«, Is 2lW, Hos 92 133, Ji 23\ Mic 412). RV gives 
' threshing-floor ' everywhere except Gn SOU, Is 2110, and Jl 224, 
retaining ' floor ' in these places. Elsewhere gdren is tr<i ' bam- 
floor' 2K 027 (1611 'bam floor'; BV ' threshing - floor"), 
' threshingplace ' 2 S 2418 (leii ' threshing place,' BV 'thresh- 
ing-floor'); 'a void place' 1 K 22'0=2Ch 18» (RV 'an open 
place '), ' barn ' Job 3012 (rv ' threshing-floor '), ' corn ' Dt lOis 
('after that thou hast gathered in thy corn and thy wiiie.'BV 
'after that thou hast gathered in from thy threshing-floor and 
from thy wine-press '), and in Hos 9' [all] the fuller phrase kol- 
gom6th dAgdn is tp* ' cornfloor ' (1(511 ' com floor '). 

The only other OT word is n^iK 'iddar, which 
occurs only I)n 2** and is tr'* ' threshing floor ' 
(B!P^lli<, EV 'summer threshing-floors'). In NT 
aXuv occurs only Mt 3^^ Lk 3'' and is tr<> 'floor,' 
RV 'threshing-floor.' In Apocr. area is tr* 
•floor' 2E8 4» (so RV), 4?^-^ (RV 'threshing- 
floor'). See Agbiculture. 

For the floor of a room see Hou.SE. 

J. Hastings. 

FLOTE — The timber for the temple, being cut 
in Lebanon, was conveyed by sea to Joppa in flotes : 
1 K 5" (nm^, RV 'rafts'), 2 Ch 2^^ (nn-?-.). The 
logs themselves would form the raft ; hence in 
I Es S** it is said that for the building of the 
second temple the timber was brought to the 
haven of Joppa, not ' by rafts' (AV, as if o-xeS/ais), 
but 'in rafts' (RV, cf. LXX <rxe5/as). In 1 K 5» 
LXX reads o-xeSks, in 2 Ch 2'" (rxeSiats. 

AV 1611 spells 'flotes' at each occurrence. 
Modern editions give ' flotes ' in 2 Ch 2^' * and 
1 Es 5"", but ' floats ' 1 K f)*. Scrivener restores 
* flotes,' and is followed in Camb. Bible for Schools 
and Colleges. 

FLOUR.— See Food. 

FLOURISH.— Two stages niav be marked in the 
use of the verb to flourish : 1. 'ro flower, blossom, 
said (a) literally or (6) metaphorically, as (a) Lyte 
(1578), Dodoens, II. xx. 117, ' It beginnethto floure 
at the toppe of the stalke, and so goeth florishing 
downewarde.' So in AV Ya- 12' 'the almond tree 
shall flourish' (yny,, RV 'shall blos.som'); Ca 6" 
7" of the vine (n-59, RV 'bud'; cf. Chaucer, Par- 
sonnes Talc, § 43, Student's ed. 697, 'To smelle 
the sote savour of the vyne whanne it florissheth ') ; 
Is 17" ' in the morning shaltthou make thy seed to 
flourish' ('ri'i^p, RV ' thou makest thy seed to 
blossom') ; Ps 90* of the grass (pv;, Del., Cheyne 
' blossoms '). (6) Metaphorically of persons or 
things : Ps 103" ' As for man, his days are as 

* Why was/otes left in 2 Ch '! Because less read, and reck- 
oned of leas consequence 7 So in the Heb. Bible some explain 
the preaence of Eih-baal, 1 Ch S^^ 933, when the name was 
changed in 2 S into I$h-botheth. 

grass : as a flower of the field so he flourisheth ' 
({"V;i3 •TiyC r'*?» lit. ' as the flower of the field so he 
flowereth ' : so Ps 72»« 92^ 132'«, all ptz [in Hiph.], 
which means to bring forth flowers, and is tr^ 
'blossom' in Is 27*" as well as [in Qal] Ezk 7*'*); 
Sir 39" ' flourish as a lily ' {6.v0y)craTt dvdoi ; RV 
* put forth flowers '). 2. To shoot up quickly, or 
grow vigorously, again said literally of plants and 
metaphorically of persons and things. Thus Ezk 
17^ in the Wyclifite version of 1388 is ' Y made the 
drie tree to brynge forth boowis,' but the earlier 
version has ' Y made the drye tree for to florisshe,' 
which is retained in AV. In this sense are all 
the remaining instances of the word, th«> Heb. 
being some part of ni?, or (in Ps 92") the a<lj. ]::n 
(Aram. i;yi Dn 4'') ; the Greek dvaddWeiv, Sir P* 
ll-m 4(3i-.' 4cjio^ ph 4" ; and the Lat. /&r('re, 2 Es 6=«. 

J. Hastings. 
FLOWERS. — Visitors to Palestine unite in their over the flowers. Everywhere they 
brighten the landscape with their brilliant colours, 
white, yellow, blue, violet, purple, maroon, crim- 
son, scarlet, brown, and even black. Fields, many 
acres in extent, are aglow with anemones, ranun- 
culi, poppies, chorisporas, silenes, clovers, milk 
vetches, chamomiles, groundsels, crocuses, colchi- 
cums, irises, ixiolirions, gladioli, and tulips. The 
hedges are gay with their wealth of broom, roses, 
and brambles. The sandstone is clothed with 
pink and white rook - roses, and dainty little 
heaths. The hillsides are adorned with the lavish 
blossoms of the styrax, the redbud, the arbutus, 
and the myrtle, fiven the bleak shingle of alpine 
Lebanon, 10,000 ft. above the sea, is covered with 
large patches of Vicia canescens. Lab., and V. 
gregaria, Boiss. et Held., with their beautiful 
racemes of blue and white flowers. The table- 
land of Moab is gorgeous with deep purple irises. 
Finally, the deserts nave a rich and varied flora, 
numbering over 400 species, not found in other 
localities. Flowers are an emblem of beauty (Mt 
6^'-), but at the same time of frailty and instability 
(Job 14^ Ps 103i», Is 281 496, Ja po etc.). The com- 
ing of flowers is a sign of spring (Ca 2'^-). ' The 
flower of her age' is the bloom of a maiden's youth 
(1 Co 7=***). G. E. Post. 

■ FLOWERS in Lv IS*^- ^3 signifies the menstrual 
discharge ( n^^, RV ' impurity '). So Andrew, Bruns- 
wyke's Distyll-Watcrs, A iii. 'the same water . . . 
causeth women to have her flowers, named men- 
struum.' In the same sense Fr. fleurs ; but both are 
now obsolete. 

FLUE-NET.— In Hab Vhn ' flue-net ' is given as 
an alternative for 'drag' of the text (Heb. nip;?). 
The form^M is found in French, and fluwe for a 
fishing-net in Dutch. The flue (together with 
the ' trammel or hooped net whatsoever ') is for- 
bidden to river fishermen in early laws. The 
word is still in occasional use, as Three in Norway 
(1882), vi. 44, 'Seven boats . . . were out wth a 
huge flue net.' Coverdale has ' yarne' in this and 
the foil, verse, and is followed by the Geneva and 
Bishops' Bibles. 

FLUTE.— See Music. 

FLUX.— Ac 28" ' the father of Publius lay sick 
of a fever and of a bloody flux,' t.e. lit. a flow of 
blood (iromjluxus, ptcp. oiJliiCrc, to flow, through 
Ft.JIux; the spelling in 1611 is 'flixe' ['bloody- 
flixe'], a spelling derived from the Fr. pronuncia- 
tion with ii — Bradley); Gr. dvcreyrepia in TK, but edd. 
prefer the later form 5i'(rei'T^p<o»' ; RV 'dysentery.' 
The AV tr" comes from Wyclif, who in ed. 1380 
has ' Sothli it befel, the fadir of Puplius for to ligge 
trauelid with feueres and dissenterie, or flix,' thus 




using 'flix' without the adj., for it often stood 
alone in earlv Enjr- as a synonym for dysentery. 
But the ed. of 13S8 has ' blodi flux.' So in Mt 9** 
Wyclif (13S0) gives 'And loo ! a womman that 
sufi'ride the flix, or rennynge of blood (Gr. 
alixoppooDaa) twelve yeer, cam to byhynde and 
touchide the hemme of his clothe,' but ed. 1388 
' the blodi flux.' And so T. Fuller, Holt/ Warre (ed. 
1640), p. 216, * The siege was no sooner begun but 
the plague seised on the Christian armie : whereof 
thousands died ; amongst others, Tristram, King 
Lewis his sonne : And he himself of a flux followed 
after." But p. 94, ' King Almerick himself, wearied 
with whole volleys of miseries, ended his life of a 
bloudy flux.' See Medicixe. J. Hastings. 

FLY In 1 S 14« (reading osa with Ker6, for 

Kethlbh bm) and \S^ (Dr?n) A V gives (and RV re- 
tains) 'fly upon the spoil,' a more forcible render- 
ing than that of the previous versions ' turn to ' (the 
Bishops' have ' ^te them to ' in 14*^). In 1 S 25^^ 
' flew upon ' ( A\ ' railed on ') is used figuratively : 
2'j? ' bird of prey ' comes from the same root. 

In Lv 11^ 3B occurs the curious combination 
'flying creeping thing' (riyri ]~^). As Driver 
points out (art. Creepixg Thixgs, see also Com. 
on Dt 14^* where the phrase is 'every creeping 
thing that flieth '), the Heb. word here used does 
not describe creeping but swarming creatures ; so 
that the tr" should be 'winged swarming things,' 
not as in RV ' winged creeping things,' the refer- 
ence being to insects like the locust. 

FLY, FLIES.— Two Hebrew words are translated 
Jli/ : — 1. nni zebkubh, /wla, musca. This word is 
found only in two places (Ec 10^, Is 7^). It corre- 
sponds to' the Arab, dhubdb, which is specially 
applied to house flies, but is also underst<xxi in the 
general sense of insects resembling them. It is used 
in Arab, as an emblem of roeakness, ' he is more frail 
than the fly ' ; and of coTitemptibleness, ' he is more 
contemptible to me than the buzzing of the fly.' 
' The refuge of the flv ' is a proverb, applied to mm 
who is protected by lus ignobleness. ' The father 
of the fly ' signifies a person with a stinking breath 
fcf. Ec 10\). It is also said of such a person that he 
is ' more stinking in breath than the father of the 
fly.' From these qualities dhuhab has come to 
signify ei-il or mischief. An unlucky man is ' a fly 
man.' The same expression is also used to denote 
demoniacal possession, or insanity, or ignorance. 
More or fewer of these various si^aifications in the 
Arab, may have obtained also in the Heb. word, 
which would account for the god of Ekron being 
called Baal-zebub (2 K 1^), 'the god of flies. ^ See 

2. 2i:j 'drobh, Kwo/twa, omne genus mtuearum, 
EV Ex 8«»-» gwarms ^ flies, AV Ps 78« lOo^^ 
divers sorts of flies, RV swarms of flies. In all 
three passages LXX gives icw6/iv«x, dog fly, a word 
the significance of which in Greek is not clear. 
The Rabbins interpret 'drobh as referring to a mix- 
ture of noxious insects, as if from ;"ii' 'Arab, to 
mix. Some have argued from Ex 8^ ' there 
remained not one,' that the fly referred to must 
be a definite species, which was sent as a plague, 
and totally destroyed at its close. But even if the 
expression ' not one ' is to be pressed to its literal 
interpretation, it would not necessaiily imply 
that the swarms were all of one kind. They might 
have been 'divers sorts.' The fact that the 
swarms of flies ' devoured ' the Egyptians, has been 
supposed to imply that they were flies that bit 
them. But, apart from the fact that a biting fly 
could hardly be said to devour its \-ictim, the true 
interpretation is to be sought in the comparison of 
the two members of the parallelism, 'flies which 
devoured them, and frogs which destroyed them.' 

Both are strong expressions of the ruinous nature 
of the plague, and in both the reference is probably 
more to the corruption of their food and drink than 
to the destruction of their bodies. As it Ls im- 
possible to determine whether a particular insect, 
or a mixture of insects, is intended, we may accept 
swarms of flies as conveying the essential meaning 
in the passages in question. See Plagitk. 

A resident in the cooler parts of Europe and 
America can hardly realize the number and per- 
sistence of the flies which swarm in Ei:ypt and 
Syria. They not only defile food, but convey con- 
tagion, particularly that of ophthalmia, diphtheria, 
and, one kind of fly, that of tno/^nan^/nw^u/e. They 
also deposit their eggs in wounds and sores, and 
sometimes in the nose and ears of filthy people, and 
their larvae hatch out, and fill these cavities, to the 
great distress and injury of the unfortunate patient. 

G. E. Post. 

FODDER occurs only once in AV (Job 6' as tr" 
of V'V^, strictly mixed ^ood, farrago [see Oxf. Heb. 
Lex.]). RV not only retains the term here, but 
introduces it in Jg 19^', where the denom. vb. "ybz 
('give fodder,' AY 'give provender ') occurs. The 
same Heb. word >'^5 occurs in Job 24®, but here 
RV has 'provender' (AV 'com'), and in Is 30^ 
(AV and RV ' provender '). This last term (see 
Provexdkb) is more frequently the tr" of k-st.:: 
Gn 24^- » 4227 43^, Jg 19^*. See further under 

FOLD.— (^) Ix OT.— 1. .Trii (only in plur.), 
properly the walls or fences erected to shelter and 
defend the flock, Nu 32i«- »*• * Zeph 2«. 2. t?t Is 5^' 
Mic 2^ prob. means 'pasture' (so RV), but both 
the text and the meaning of this passage are 
doubtful (see Nowack,^ ad loc.). .3. -t^??, a tran- 
scriptional error for K^ap (from xVj 'shut up') in 
Hab 3". The correct form appears in Ps 5(P 78™. 
4. rm ' farm ' or ' homestead ' (2 S 7*), including 
both farm-house and lands; often used in con- 
nexion with sheep and shepherds (Is 65'"*, Jer 33^), 
and also poetical for ' habitation,' whether of men 
or flocks (Is 23*, Jer 31'^ of Jems. ; Pr 3» of the 
righteous ; Ex IS**, 2 S 15^ of J'). 5. [ii>c] only in 
pi. const, rvxi 'pastures' ( Jl 2'-, Ps 65'2,"jer 23" 
Am 1*, where see Drivers note). 6. n:?©f , which in 
AV of Ps 68^ is tr* 'pots,' prob. means 'sheep- 
folds' (so RV), like 7. c:r'5f= Gn 49" (of Issachar 
' couching between the sheepfolds ' [RV], ' between 
two burdens ' [AVJ), Jg 5^® (of Reuben ; see Moore's 
note). 8. In Is 13* where AV has ' neither shall 
the shepherds make their fold there,' it is a verb 
that is used, f "?1~, which RV accurately tr. ' make 
their flocks to lie down.' 9. In 2 Ch 32^ r:""??? -TJX 
cannot mean as in RV ' flocks in folds ' ; the AV 
'cotes for flocks* is prob. correct, although this 
involves a transposition and the reading otts;^ nrjut 
(see Kittel in SBOT, ad loc. ). 

{B) Ix NT. — 1, aiX-rj, the enclosed space or court 
withm which the sheep were penned, Jn l(fi- ^•'. 2. 
iroifivii. In Jn \(fi^ AV has ' there shall be onefold,^ 
a mistranslation which suggests an erroneous 
doctrine of the Church. The meaning is correctly 
given by R V ' they shall become one^od; ' (cf. lAt 
26^1, Lk' 28, 1 Co 9^^). 

Folds were used mainly as a protection at night 
from -ndld beasts (cf. Gn 31^, 1 S 17^ >. They con- 
sisted of an enclosure surrounded by a stone wall 
(Xu 32^®), by preference near a well (Ex 2^*^, Ps 
23'-), and had often the extra protection of a tower 
(Gn Zo^ (?), 2 Ch 28i'», Mic 4^). The flocks were 
carefully counted as they passed in and out (Jer 
33^). Sometimes a number of flocks might be kept 
in one fold under the charge of a ' porter ' {Bvpupot), 
who opened to each shepherd as he came to reclaim 
his flock (Jn lO*). See further under SnEKP, 
Shepherd. J. A. Selbie. 




FOLDEN.— This earlier ptcp. of the verb to fold 
is found in Nah 1'** ' while they be f olden together 
as thorns ' (RV 'like tangled [Amer. KV entangled] 
thorns'). The meaning is that the thorns are 
intertwined so as to form an impenetrable hedge. 
The tr" comes from the Geneva Bible, ' For he 
shall come as nnto thomes folden one in another,' 
with the marginal gloss, 'Thogh the Assyrians 
thinke them selves like thomes tliat pricke on all 
sides, yet the Lord wil set fyre on them.' For this 
sense of the verb to fold cf. Mt 27^ Wye. 'thei 
foldynge a crowne of thomis,' and Ca 7* Gov. • The 
lutyre of thy lieade is like the kynges purple folden 
up in plates.' The Heb. (cj^p) is used in Job 8'^ 
of roots entwined round a heap of stones, EV ' His 
roots are wrapped about the heap. ' 

J. Hastings. 

FOLK was at one time used as equivalent to 
• nation'(Ger. Volk). Thus Ac 10" Wye. 'in eche folk 
he that dredith God and worchith rightwisnesse is 
accepte to hym ' ; Ps 33" Gov. ' Blessed are the 
people that nolde the LORDE for their God, and 
blessed are the folke whom he hath chosen to be 
his heritage ' (a tr" preferred by ' Four Friends ' : 
see Psalms Chron. Arranged, 1891, p. 387) ; 2 Es S^* 
Gov. ' Amonge all ye multitudes of folkes thou hast 
gotten the one people.' So in AV Jer 5V* 'the 
people shall labour in vain, and the folk in the 
fire (D'5>><^ ; RV ' the nations for the fire '). So in 
Pr 30^ the meaning is ' nation,' though the applica- 
tion is to the ' comes,' after Gov. 'tiie conyes are 
but a feeble folk ' (Heb. oy). But in Gn 33" (cy) 
the word is used of a chieftain's followers or re- 
tainers, a special sense which is now only Scottish.* 
Cf. G. Pettie (1581), Tr° of Guazzo's Civ. Conv. 
iii. 170, ' The maister of the house . . . ought . . . 
to shewe himselfe more seuere towards his owne 
folke, then towards others.' In NT the word is 
thrice used for people or persons indefinitely (Mk 
6', Jn 5', Ac 6'*), and there is no corresponding 
Greek word. In the last passage a plural form is 
employed ('sicke folkes' m 1611), which is now 
used only of relatives, esp. in the phrase ' young 
folks,' the word ' folk ' bemg itself collective. See 
Kinsfolk. J, Hastings. 

FOLLOW, FOLLOWER.— In the OT ' follow ' is 
sometimes the tr" of the adv. nnx ahar (often in 
plur. constr. 'inx), after, with some verb meaning 
to CO or walk, tbrice with n'n to be (Ex 23*, 2 S 2^'*, 
1 K 16^^^). This verb is often omitted, however, a 
pregnant Heb. idiom being the result, as 1 S 13^ 
' allthe people followed him trembling ' (vjqn rrin, 
literally, as AVm ' trembled after him ') ; Am "7" 
'the Lord took me as I followed the flock' ('■?.D><o 
I>ivn, lit. as AVm 'from behind the flock,' RV 
' from following '). Still more idiomatically, the 
verb 'to fill' is used with this adv., and then the 
Eng. is ' follow fully ' or ' whoUy,' as Dt P" ' he 
hath wholly followed the Lord ' (m.T nqx kV?, lit. 
'ho hath filled up after the Lord,' or as AVm 
« fulfilled [to go] after'). 

Occasional^, the meaning is to follow so as to 
overtake, to pursue, when the Heb. is '^, as Ps 
38» 'I follow the thing that good is.' Then the 
Eng. is most often ' follow after,' as Gn 44* ' Up, 
follow after the jnen ; and when thou dost over- 
take them, say unto them.' The force of these 
passages is probably lost to the modem Eng. 
reader. Thus in Is ii" ' Woe unto them tliat rise 
up early in the morning, that they may follow 

* Ct. Kethe'8 Teraion ot Pi 1003 (as it first appeared in Daye'i 
PMlter, 1660-61)- ' 

' The Lord ye know is Owl in dede 

with out onr ai<le, ho did us make : 
We are his folck, he doth us fede, 
and for his shepe, he doth us take." 
Uodem editors have oItere<l ' folck," which represents ' people' 
in the prose versions, into ' flock,' which represents nothing. 

strong drink,' though RV retains ' follow,' the word 
conveys the sense of determined pursuit (LXX 
iiwKfiv, Vulg. sectari, Luther sich bejleissigcn). CI. 
Shaks. Coriol. IV. v. 104— 

' Since I have ever followed thee with liate.' 

In Ps 23* ' Surely goodness and mercy shall follow 
me all the days of my life,' the Heb. is the same 
('^lEi-):), but the Eng. is probably rather 'accom- 
pany me,' as 1 Go 10^* Tind. 'There hath none 
other temptacion taken you, but soche as foloweth 
the nature of men.' 

To the Heb. text iflTi, i.e. ' pursue ' of Jg 8« (EV ' Follow 
after me '), Moore prefers >T], i.e. ' follow down,' after LXX K«»ii- 
fifin iwi'a-t) fMu, and tlie Heb. of the next clause. 

Another Heb. phrase tr'* ' follow ' is lit. ' at the 
feet of,' as Jg 8" ' the people that follow me ' ('^^l?, 
lit. 'at my feet'); so Ex 11», 1 S 25", 1 K 201", 
2 K 3*. Finally, the Heb. verb ps'j to cleave to is 
occasionally translated 'follow close after,' Jer 42", 
or ' f. hard after,' Ps 638 (and in Hiph. 1 S 14'^, 2 S 
1«, 1 Ch 102): or ' f . hard upon,' 1 S 3P (Hiph.) 
' And the Pliilistines followed hard upon Saul and 
upon his sons.' Gf. Job 13^ Gov. 'Wilt thou be 
so cruell and extreme unto a flyenge leaf, and 
folowe upon drye stubble?' and Bingham (1623), 
Xenophon, 115, 'They dare and will be readie to 
follow upon us if we retire.' RV adds Jg 20*^ 
' the battle followed hard after them ' ( AV ' over- 
took them'). 

In 2 Mac 4*^ vpoa-yopevo) in its solitary occurrence 
in bibl. Greek is tr'* in AV 'followed tlie matter ' (ot 
wporjyofr/iffai'Tes, RV ' they that were spokesmen '). 
The word is common enough in class. Greek in the 
sense here intended, viz. to speak for, or claim a 
right, in public. The En^. of AV means to pursue 
the matter to its accomplishment, to prosecute the 
affair ; for which cf. Hum. Toum (IfJO'S), i. 30, ' giving 
his lawyer double Fees, that his Gause may be well 
followed' ; and Shaks. 2 Henry IV. I. i. 21 — 

' O ! such a day, 
So fought, so followed, and so fairly won. 
Came not till now to dig^nify the times, 
Since Ctesar's fortunes.' 
No other obsolete or unusual expression seems to be used in 
the Apocr. which is not represented in OT or NT. But the 
variety of words tr<i in AV ' follow ' is instnictive. The foil, 
are found : ijaXsuflfa., Jth 1513, Sir 2328 (BV omits), 2 Mac 4" &» ; 
«J«*»X«ufl-'ai, Sir 62, Three i» ; la-a^oXet/fli*, Ad. Est li>-«, Sir 468 ; 
xxroiKoXouOiu, Jth ll<i; (raoaaoXei/W*, 2 MacSH ; J«i«»>,SirlllO(RV 
' pursue ') 278 2919 (Qr. diuzvt ipyoXx^iias, AV ' he that under- 
taketh and followeth other men's business for gain,' RV ' under- 
taketh contracts for work') 31' 342; xttrctiiuxai, Sir 271" (RV 
' pursue ') ; iropiCofMii, To 4* ; ^oftvtcuti itria-ai, Sir 401", RV ' walk 
after'; t«-/T»/uue,u.a),2Mac228(Gr. TiiiinropiCtrSxi rcii vrcypaufUMif 
T^f iirireuijt ccrcrevtTts, AV 'labouring to follow the rules of an 
abridgement,' RV ' and again having no strength [njarg. ' making 
no effort'] to fill in [marg. 'enlarge on') the outlines of our 
abridgement '); i|!>x«"«i iriim, 1 Mac 227 (UV ' come forth after '); 
yha/u.*! T^w,2 Macll2» ; JtiAea/, Sir 5118 (A V ' earnestly I followed." 
RV ' I was zealous for '), 2 Mac 4iO (AV ' followed so earnestly,' 
RV ' earnestly followed ') ; rCtvui, 2 .Mac JH (RV ' accompany '). 
Besides those verbs there are the expressions rr.t i,tcoytyfitit,uitr,t 
irirrcXr,,, 1 Es2if, AV ' these letters following,' RV ' the letter 

following ' ; ri ixfyiypxfiiMta, ' OS followeth ' ; T^ ix'fii'ri, ' on 

the day following ' ; and in 2 £s teqru>r (>7. 9 nis, s^tbsequor 7**. 

In NT the most frequent word is the simple verb 
Ako\ov04u, which is used 77 times in the Gospels of 
following Jesus, and only once otherwise (Mk 14"> 
of following the man with the pitcher of water. 
We tind also 5 of its compounds tr'' either ' follow ' 
or 'follow after' : (1) (^aKoXovdiw, to follow out or 
to the end, 2 P 1>« 2'-- ^ ; (2) iwaKoKovd^u, to follow 
close npon, Mk 16», 1 Ti 5" (EV 'diligently 
followed'), 5^* ('Some men's sins are open before- 
hand, going before to judgment ; and some men 
they follow after,' i.e. may he undetected by man, 
but follow them hard to God's judgment-seat), 1 P 
2*' ; (3) KaraKoXovO^u, to follow Iwhind, used only of 
women in NT, Lk 23", Ac 16'" ; (4) irapaKo\ove4u, to 
folloM' close, to follow up, tr^ ' follow ' in A V only 
in • Mk ' 16" ' these signs shall follow them that 



l^elieve,' bat the same vb. is used in Lk 1' of 
following up the details of a narrative (AV ' having 
had understanding,' RV 'having tracedthe course '), 
al<o in 1 Ti 4' of closelv follow ing Paul's teaching, 
so as to teach alike { AV ' good doctrine whereunto 
thou hast attained,' RV ' which thou hast foUowed 
until now), and in 2 Ti 3^" so as to practise it (AV 
' hast fully known my doctrine,' RV ' didst follow 
my teaching ') ; (5) ffvpaKoXovdiu, to follow by one's 
side, to accompany a leader, Mk SF 14'^, Lk 23**. 

As radhaph in C)T is almost invariably tr* bv Siwku 
in LXX, so Sttiicw itself is sometimes tr* in KT by 
• follow,' He 12^^ ' Follow peace -with all men,' 
1 Th 5" ' f. that which is good,' 2 Ti 2^^ ' f. right- 
eousness,' and Lk 17* ; or ' follow after,' Ro ff"* " 
14« 1 Co 14^, Ph 3", 1 Ti &\ RV has ' foUow 
after ' throughout, except Ph 3" ' press on.' The 
compound KaraoithKus is used in Mk 1", its only 
occurrence, and tr^ in EV ' followed after ' ; but, as 
Gould says, that tr° is inadequate, since the icard 
gives the' idea of hard, persistent search, as in our 
phrase ' to hunt down,' hence rather ' pursued him 
closely.' In all those passages, however, the Eng. 
' follow,' even with the addition of ' after,' is now 

In t lie tr° of some of the compounds of aKoKovdioi 
the sense of ' follow ' is very nearly ' imitate.' This 
is unmistakably the meaning where the Gr. is 
fufittffdcu, 2Th 3'- », He 13", 3 Jn ". Thus in He 13; 
'whose faith follow.' RV has always 'imitate." 
Cf. T. Adams (1615), Spirit. Navig. 41, 'Glasse 
among stones is as a foole amongst men ; for it 
foUowes precious stones in colour, not in virtue." 
So fufirrrris in all its occurrences (1 Co 4" 11^, Eph 
o\ 1 Th 1« 2l^ He Q^) is rendered by ' follower '_ in 
A V, by ' imitator ' in RV ; and ffvpiufxip-fis, Ph 3^~, is 
in A'V^ 'followers together,' in RV 'imitators 
together.' Cf. Burke (1781), Corresp. ii. 437, ' We, 
who ought to have taken the leali in so noble a 
work, are but iU followers even of the examples 
which are set to us.' 

In 1 P 3^ the edd. prefer W^nu after the best MSS to 
■Mwt.tiu of TB, hence ' zealous ' in BV for AV ' followers.' 

J. Hastings. 
FOLLY.— See Fool. 

FOOD. — I. The material eaten for the sustenance 
of the body is often mentioned in the Bible, in AV 
most commonly as bread, bnt oft«n as meat, 
occasionally as food or victuals. '?;»c ma'dkhdl, 
or victual in general, is used about 29 times, 
always in its literal sense ; cn^ lehem, literally 
bread, is used for food in general about 230 times, 
r\nd is often used figuratively (see Bread). Vrk 
okhel is used 42 times for food or victuals in the 
literal sense, and the cognate 'oJMah is used by 
Ezekiel for fuel, in the sense of food for the fire. In 
the NT ^pQfJM is the word used 17 times, and rpoffn) 
16 times. /S/xStrts is used 4 times by St. John and 
5 times in the Epistles, often in a metaphorical 
sense. The commonest metaphorical uses are (1) 
that which refreshes the soul, doing the will of God, 
•'n 4^ ; and in a cognate sense Christ our Saviour 
is the food of the soul, Jn 6^ ; (2) advanced doc- 
trinal teaching, 1 Co 3^, He 5" ; (3) mere cere- 
monial observances. He 9^** 13* (for other uses see 

II. FooD-STrFFS. — AccordingtoGnl^theoriginal 
iood of mankind consisted of fruits and seeds which 
the earth produced naturally. In this respect 
raan resembled those of the higher mammals which 
iire most nearly allied to him in structure, which 
.ire for the most part herbivorous and frugivorous. 
After the primary dispersion the spoils of the 
ihase were added to the primirive dietary even 
from the earliest times, for the broken bones of 
w Ud animals and the shells of molluscs which had 
served as food are among the earliest traces of 

primeval man as yet discovered. There were 
mighty hunters even before Nimiod (Gn 6^* 10^), 
and implements of the chase were among the first 
of mans inventions. 

In process of time, as agricultural and pastoral 
industries developed, the produce of the tilled field 
and of the herd and nock supplied men with 
additional food-stufls (Gn 4- »•*•»). The ex- 
pression of the divine sanction for these additions, 
recorded in Gn 9*, seems to have for its special 
object the injunction of the taboo concerning the 
eatin^of blood. 

A . The inhabitants of the Bible lands lived chiefly 
on veffetable food. At the present day, bread, 
olives and oil, butter, milk, and cheese, fruit and 
vegetables, with meat on special occasions, or in 
particularly wealthy housenolds, make up the 
dietary of most of their descendants in the East 
(Thomson, L 98). The staff of life was, and is, 
bread made of cereal grains, especially wheat, 
luillet, dhArah, and barley, to which is now added 
rice, unknown in Bible times (see Bread). 

(a) Parched com is 5 times mentioned as an 
article of diet, and is coupled with bread in Lv 23". 
One form of this, called '73 {kali), was made of the 
common, nearly ripe wheat by heating the grain 
on an iron ' girdle ' (Lane, L 251 ; Robinson, iL 50), 
or by binding the ears into wisps and roasting them 
over the fire {ib. iiL 393). In Arabic kali means 
anything done in the frving-pan, and the material of 
the parched com may be meal, or polenta, or flonr, 
or else the unground grain. It is a common food 
of labourers (Ru 2^*), and is sold ready prepared in 
Eastern towns as a convenient food for travellers. 
David brought 3 pecks of it to his brethren at Elah 
(1 S 17") ; and Abigail brought 5 pecks to David's 
men (1 S 25**). In Lv 2" ' green ears of com dried 
by the fire' are mentioned, and in Lv 23^* these 
are coupled with parched com. This form is made, 
according to Abul Walid, of finer garden wheat, 
which is called 'rri; karmel (2 K 4**). In RV this 
is called ' bruised com of the fresh ear,' alluding to 
its being beaten in a mortar (Pr 27—). When this 
bruised com was dried in the sun it was called rha"^. 
Hphdth (Pr 27^, 2 S 17"), Grain of this kind was 
used to cover the well in which Ahimaaz and 
Jonathan were hidden at Bahurim (LXX ipa^txhO, 
Vulg. siccans ptisana). The flour and parched 
com of 2 S 17'^ IS called iXevpw ml dX^Tor, m>ur and 
polenta or meal in LXX (see Herod. viL 119). 
'AXipiTw is used in Homer for barley-meal only, 
but Hippocrates uses this word for meal in genenil. 
For classic and Hebrew usage of polenta see 
Graner, de oblatione Primitiarum, in Ugolini, vol. 
xviL Royle has contended that kali is not com, 
but some leguminous plant, as kalee is the Hindi 
for pulse ; but R. Salomon in his Commentary on 
Aboda Zara says that there are two kinds — one of 
com and one or deer or lentUes. For mention of 
parched peas see Plautns, Bacch. iv. 5. 7, and 
Horace, de art. poet. 249. Robinson speaks of a 
variety of this parched com which is first boiled, 
then bruised in a mill to take off the husk, then 
dried ; this is named bitrgoul (ii. 394). According 
to Burckhardt, burgoul is wheat boiled with 
leaven and dried in the sun, cooked by being 
boiled with butter and oU. It is the common dish 
with all classes in Syria {Notes, i. 59). 

(6) The leguminous plants, beans and lentiles, 
form an important part of the diet of the Western 
Asiatics. These were probably included in the 
c'y'T! zer6'im, or pulse of Dn 1", which was despised 
but snfiBcient nourishment (v.**- ") ; in Theod. the 
word is (rrfpfULTa (LXX 6<nrpta, R'V'm herbs), which 
meant any vegetable food ; see the name of the 
herbseller'in Aristoph. Lysist. 457. In 2 S Ir* the 
word pulse is not in the Hebrew. 
Lentiles {^"tiT. 'dddshim, LXX ^xtims), the seeds 

of Ervum lens, which is still, as formerly (2 S 23"), 
cultivated in Palestine, and used nq food (Thomson, 
i. 2.J3 ; Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 65). There are two 
varieties, one pale red the other dark brown, and the 
pottage made by boiling either of these is savoury 
(Gn 2^), pleasant to the taste, and red, hence 
Esau callea it ' the red, this red ' (see incident in 
Diog. Laert. vii. 3). In Kfrypt lentiles were called 
CirSCtna (Pap. Anaslasi, iv. 15), and in Assyria 
a'ssu. In Greece thoy were used as food by the 
poor (Aristopli. Pluttcs, 1004-5 ; and Phorecrates, ap. 
Athen. iv. p. 159). Tlie Romans regarded lentiles 
as an Egyptian plant (Virg. Georg. i. 228 ; and 
Martial, Epig. xiii. 9), and they were sometimes 
used as a bread-stuff (Athenseus, Deipnos, iv. 158 ; 
see also Ezk 4'). An allied species of vicia is used 
as a camel-food by the Arabs, and called kersenna 
(Robinson, ii. 83). Lentile flour is sold in this 
country under the name ' revalenta.' Lentiles 
were brought by Barzillai to David in exile (2 S 
17^). Pottage is sometimes made by boiling the 
lentiles with meat, more commonly a little suet is 
added to the water wlien boiling (Kitto). 

Beans ('^is pol, LXX kwi/aos), the seeds of the 
common bean, Faba vulgaris, are also used in 
Palestine for food, esiiecially by the poor. The 
bean is originally a native of Persia, and was some- 
times used as a bread-stuff, as it is still in Savoy 
and other parts of Europe (Ezk 4'j Pliny, xviii. 
12); it is sometimes eaten parched or roasted (Theo- 
critus, Jd. 7. 65 ; Robinson, iii. 87). Food of this 
kind was brought to David in exile (2 S 17^, but 
LXX omits tlie parclied pulse). More commonly, 
beans are boiled in oil with garlic (Shaw, Travels, 
i. 257) or in water, and made into pottage, with 
or without meat ; sometimes they are eaten with 
butter and pepper. Robinson describes raw beans, 
soaked in water until they sprout, as part of the 
Lenten fare of the monks at Mount Sinai (i. 259). In 
Egypt Ixjans were used, and have been found some- 
times in mummy cases ; they Avere called kat'a, ari, 
and sometimes pir, but the last was probably the 
bean of the Nelumbium lotus, and kat'a is tr. by 
Lieblein the Onuntia fruit. Birch and Eisenlohr 
tr. khi;p in the Harris papyrus as ' bean ' ; if so, they 
formed a part of the oUering to Ptah ; altliougli 
Herodotus says that they were not eaten in Egypt, 
and were accounted impure (ii. 37). For similar 
prejudices against beans, see Porphyry, de Absti- 
ncntia, i. 26 ; Diog. Laert. \\xi. 19 ; Olement Alex. 
Strom, iii. , and other authors. The high priest was 
forbidden to eat beans and lentiles on the day before 
the great Day of Atonement (Gemara, Joma, i. § 4), 
and the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to eat them 
also, as they were thought to dull the senses and 
cause disturbing dreams. For other superstitions 
concerning beans see Pliny, xviii. 12. 

Husks (KtpiTia) in the parable of the Prodigal Son 
(Lk 15'") are the dark purple horn-like pods of 
Ceratonin siliqiia, the cnarrub tree of the Arabs 
and of the Talmud. This is a large handsome 
spreading tree common in Mediterranean coimtries, 
whose sweet, fleshy pods, the caroba beans of the 
Italians, are used as food by the poor (Robinson, 
ii. 250). In Greece and Italy they were used by 
the Stoics as a disciplinary food for youths (Persius, 
iii. 55 ; Juv. xi. 68), and Horace s reference, Ep. 
n. i. 123, is well known. In Palestine, where the 
tree is fairly conmion, the beans are used as cattle 
food {Shabhath, xxiv. § 2), and are occasionally 
mentioned in the Talnmd (see Maimon. in Demui, 
ii. S 1, and Buxtorf, s.v.). Pliny refers to their use 
in feeding swine (xv. 24 ; see Columella, vii. 9), and 
in Italy they are thought to give a sweet taste to 
the animal's flesh. Tliey are imported into this 
country, and are sometimes called ' locust-beans ' 
or St. John's bread, from a mistaken notion timt 
they were the iKplSa of Mt 3''. Steeped in water 

they are used to make a pleasant, sweetish drink 
(see Pliny, xiii. 16 and xxiii. 8). 

Fitches in Ezk 4* (kusscmoth) were cereal grains, 
probably spelt (see Bread). The same word in 
AV of Is 28-^--'' is in Heb. n^i? ke^, LXX fiek&vOiov, 
and signifies the black cummin, which is the seed 
of a rauunculaceous plant, Nigclla saliva, a native 
of the Eastern Mediterranean countries. These 
seeds are beaten out of the potl-like follicles with a 
ni'itfeh or staff, and si»rinklcd on as a car- 
minative, as we use caraway seeds (Plinj', xix. 7). 
Tliey have a hot but not unpleasant taste. The 
plant is called kizah by the Arabs and kuzatu in 
tlie Assyr. plant list, and in Vulg. is named git. 
For references to the use of these seeds, see Plautus, 
Rudens. v. 2, 39 ; Ausonius, 344, 8 ; Dioscorides, iii. 
83 ; Pliny, xix. 8, xx. 17, etc. 

(c) Of cucurbitaceous plants, melons, cucumbers, 
and gourds are mentioned in the Bible. The 
two former are fruits much relished in Egypt 
(Nu IP). 

Cucumbers (o'Kf p kishshu'tm, LXX cIkvoi) are the 
fruit of Cncuniis chate (the khata of the Arabs) and 
C. sativus, the common cucumber. Both species 
grow freely in Egypt (Nu IP) and in Palestine, 
and, accoraing to Kitto, are eaten by all classes to 
an extent that would scarcely be credible in thb 
country ; and Forskal says this is tlie commonest 
fruit in Egypt [Ft. ^gypt. 168). Finn speaks of 
Arabs eating cucumbers by the wayside for 
refreshment (Byeways in Palestine, 2). Robinson 
saw fields of them (iii. 344), and Tliomson describes 
a garden of cucumbers with a booth for a watch- 
man (Is 1*). As birds do not eat them, a scarecrow 
is useless in such a place (Bar 6™). In Assjt. they 
are called kissu and in Egyptian skhcptu. Hippo- 
crates speaks of them as eaten when green [de Vict. 
Batione, ii. ). The fruit of the cluite is longer and 
greener than the common cucumber. They are 
often eaten with vinegar or bread, or filled with 
mince-meat and spices. Tristram notes Arab chil- 
dren bringing to school as their dinner barley-bread 
and cucumber, which they ate rind and all. 
Forskal describes the method whereby a delicious 
drink is made from its juice. 

Melons ( crass 'dbattihtm, LXX viiroves, Nu IP), 
called by the Arabs battikh, are grown and used 
abundantly both in E^pt and Palestine. Both 
the water-melon [Citrullus vidgaris) and the flesh- 
melon (Citcumis melo) are cultivated, and both 
were probably included under this name. The 
Talmudists distinguish these, calling the former 
melapepon and the latter 'ubattihim (Alaaserofh, i. 
§ 4 ; Terumotk, viii. § 6 ; Chilaim, i. S 2), but in 
Aruch they are both known by their Heb. name. 
It is singular that in Coptic they are called by 
theii- Greek name. 

Wild Gourd (n^-i^s), in plural piikaim, 1 K 6" 7", 
or jmkkuOth, 2 K 4^^, tr. in former passage ' knops,' 
in the latter 'wild gounl,' is the fruit of the vine- 
like Citrullns colocynthis, which is common in the 
Jordan Valley. 'To human nature it is of so 
mortal bitterness that little indeed, and even the 
leaf, is a most vehement purgative. They say that 
it will leave a man half dead, and he may only 
recover his strength by eating flesh meat ' (Doughty, 
i. 132). It is very rare in the hill-countiy of 
Ephraim, honce the son of the prophet wlio gathered 
it did not know the plant, but mistook it for the 
non-poisonous Cticumis prophetarum or globe 
cucumber common in Samaria. In an Arabic 
version of La 3'' the text is rendered ' he hath 
sated me with colocynth,' so proverbial is its bitter- 
ness. Its elegant sliape suggested its imitation in 
the ornamenting of the carved panelling of the 
temple and of the edge of the molten sea. In 
Assyr. it in vikkuti. 
Jonah's Gourd (;Vs'p JpUfdyOn, TJKX ko\oki>v0i;) 





which repix 
oil of kik IS ii 

\v;ts >u|.| M^r,! finm ilic hkriie-- of the name to the 
I"_y;iti:i:i /,'/W iHcroii. ii. ;t4) to lie the Bicinus 
;he Pahiin L'hrisii ^ .ijl plant, 

iijwiiiL;' hcrl) \\liifh ribes as 

Decoiiniij,^ almost tree -like aiui cainune of aflbrd- 
in;; shade ; even in our gardens its growth under 
litions is extraordinarily rapid. It 
what the kiki of the hieroglyphic 
' -i-nus is in Coptic called jismis, 
mcient form kesmes or kesbet. 
I til, ii. 1, says, however, the 
1 plant calleci by the Arabs 
kherua, wliich is rivinus. Tristram objects to this 
identification, as the ricinus is not a climbing plant, 
Ijut the passage in Jon 4" does not describe it as 
such ; he supposes the ph\nt to have been the roof- 
gourd or Lagenaria vulgaris of which Pliny states 
that ' shooting upwards with the greatest rapidity 
it soon covers the arched roofs of houses and 
trellises ' (xix. 24). The Vulg. renders it hedera or 
i^-y, and this occasioned a controversy between 
Jerome and Augustine (see Hieron. in Jon 4^ and 
Epist. 89). In early Christian art the plant is 
fancifully represented as a trailing melon-like 
plant covering a trellis-work, as on the sarcophagus 
in the Lateral! from St. Peter's crypt (Parkers 
Photog. No. 2905 ; see also Bellorius, de Antiq. 
Lucernis, pi. iii. fig. 30, for a representation on a 
lamp). An undetermined species of climbing plant 
in Assyrian was called kakulla. 

(d) Of alliaceous vegetables there are three 
mentioned as favourite foods of the Israelites in 
Egypt — onions, leeks, and garlic (Nu IP). All these 
are stiU much cultivated in Bible lands, and are in 
constant use among Orientals either raw or cooked. 

Onions (::'H'r bt?cdim, LXX Kp6np.vov), the bulbs 
of Allium cepa. These are commonly eaten raw- 
as a relish with bread, or boOed with meal (Robin- 
son, ii. 211), or with lentiles {Terumotk, x. 1; 
Martial, Epig. iii. 376), or with beef (Apiciiis, 224). 
By the A-syrians the onion was called sursu, and 
by the Egyptians h^t (Copt, mejol). Herodotus 
tells that on the casing of the great pyramid was 
inscribed the value of the onions, garlic, and 
radishes eaten by the builders (ii. 25). The later 
Latin writers say that the onion was deified by 
the Egyptians (Juv. xv. 9 ; Plut. de Isid'\ 353). 
Pliny (xix. 6) says that garlic and onions are 
invoked by them when taking an oath ; and Lucian 
[Jup. Trag. 42) says that the inhabitants of Pelusium 
were especially devoted to this cultus. There is, 
however, no native evidence for this. Among the 
Greeks onions were highly esteemed, and Homer 
speaks of Hecamede giWng Patroclus an onion as 
a relish (/?. xi. 630) ; but Lucian describes them as 
food for the poor [Dial. Mer. 14. 2 ; Ep. Sat. 28). 

Leeks r"^~ 1^0 zir, LXX irpdaa). The Heb. name 
used in Xu IP literally means 'green herb,' and is 
rendered grass, hay, or green herb in 15 other 
passages ; but as these are not human food, the 
translators have here followed the LXX, leeks 
being supposed to resemble grass in habit and 
colour. Leeks are eaten raw with bread, or sliced 
and put into vinegar, or boiled in pottage (Arte- 
midorus, i. 67). Nero is said to have on stated 
days fed only on leeks and oil to improve his voice 
(Pliny, xix. 6). The Egyptian leelv particu- 
larly esteemed by the Romans. ' iviiown as 
dga (Copt, cgi), while the A- ailed it 
ezcdhc, tisuratti. Ludolf translate- //"•.(;• ■ lettuce,' 
and Scheuchzer says that it probably means the 
Nelumhiiim lotus ; 'but the balance or evidence is 
in favour of the common leek (Allium porrum). 

Garlic [c-v shihn, LXX crKopSoif). The cloves or 
bulbs of Allium sritli-mn Avere so commonly used 
as flavouring tliat the Jews were reproached for 
their liking for these strongly-scented herbs. In 
Shahbat Jehudo thev are safd to smell foullv of 

garlic; and Salomon Levi defends tlieir ta-i.- in 
Theriac. Jud. i. § 20. In Egypt this plant was, 
and is still, much used (Herod, ii. 125 ; Wilkin.son, 
i. 169 ; Lane, i. 257). Garlic was supposed to have 
the power of neutralizing the poison of the asp, 
and its use by penitent criminals was believed to 
purify them and absolve them of guilt. In Maaser 
.sheni, v. § 8, garlic is called the 'Lord of tears.' 
At the present day it is much prized in the East as 
a remedy for many ailments ai itidote for 

many poisons ; Pliny enumenr s in which 

it was recommended medicinally, ana Prudentius 
speaks of an altar to the garlic as being erected at 
Pelusium. The Egyptians called it sesen (Copt. 

Bitter Herbs (o'I't."? merdrim, LXX viKpiSes, Vulg. 
lactucce agrestes) are mentioned in Ex 12*, Nu 9", 
and referred to in La 3'^ (EV ' bitterness '). Bitter 
salads are often eaten with meat in Egypt, Syria, 
and elsewhere, the commonest plant used for this 
purpose being the lettuce (Lactuca sativa), the a/a 
of the Egyptians, called by the Hebrews hazereth 
(probably the Assyrian haserottu). According to 
tne rabbinical writers (Pesachim, ii. § 6), there were 
five bitter herbs which might be eaten with the 
paschal lamb : the endive [Lactuca endivia) was the 
second of these, called by them ulshin (probably 
the Assyr. harussu) ; it also is common in Egj'pt. 
The third is called tliamkah, described by ilaimon- 
ides as a garden endive, the cichorium of Pliny 
(xix. 6), but said in Aruch to be a carduus, in the 
Gemara to be a gingidium, probably the Artedia 
squamata of botanists, a bitter aromatic umbellifer- 
ous plant. In Zcmatt David it is said to be a kind 
of helminthia which grows near date palms. The 
fourth, harhabina, was probably wiamtftmjn, or the 
horehound, but according to Lightfoot the beet ; 
and the fifth, maror, is called in Aruch a pot-herb, 
possibly Inula Helenium or Elecampane, which 
was a plant highly esteemed as a stomachic in the 
Pcgim^n sanitatis of Salemum. jVIaimonides says 
it was a bitter coriander, which, according to 
Varro, was often pounded, mixed with vinegar, and 
sprinkled over meat ; but Lightfoot thinks that 
maror is horehound (Ministerium Templi, Xlll. v. 2). 

It is probable that the words of the ordinance 
of the passover were not meant to specify any 
particular bitter herb. According to Pesachim, 
ii. § 6, the herbs might be eaten fresh or dried, but 
must not be soaked, stewed, or boiled. Delitzsch 
gives viarnt and rnuraru as the names of bitter 
garden plants {Assyr. Handworterbuch, 427). 

For Mandrakes see Medicine. 

(e) The fruits mentioned in the Bible are not 
very numerotis. 

Almonds {'r-7 shukUd, LXX Kapvov) are mentioned 
in Gn 43^^ as part of the present sent by Jacob to 
the Egj-ptian viceroy. They are said not to be 
common in Egypt, and the Egyptian name of the 
fruit is doubtful. Brugsch believes it to be the 
tree called net' ; but the Coptic uses the Greek 
name, which means any nut. According to 
Heracleon, Epicharmos, and Philyllius, Kapvov is 
specially used for the almond, the bitter almond 
being distinguished in Greek as Kcipva iriKpd or 
d/j.vy5d\a (see Athenfeus, Dcipnos, ii. 38). The 
almond was supposed to prevent the intoxicating 
effect of wine, and was consequently taken at wine 
banquets (Pliny, xxiii. 8 ; Plutarch, QuoMt. Conviv. 
vi. 4). This tree grows wild on Carmel and in 
Moab, and is ctiltivated extensively in Palestine. 
The Heb. name means ' hastener ' in reference 
to its early blossoming, hence the paronomasia in 
Jer 1^-. The blossoms, which look white at a 
distance, are compared to grey Lair in Ec 12*, and 
their shape was the pattern from which the cups 
of the seven-branched candlestick were made (Ex 
25^). Aaron's rod was probably a,n almond branch 




(Nu 17') ; but there was an old tradition that it 
was of storax wood, and that its bearing almonds 
was miraculous (see the verses falsely attributed to 
Tertullian, contra Marcion. iv. 117). In Gn 30" 
the almond tree is named nV li}z, the word from 
which the old name of Bethel was derived. Robin- 
son notes a sweetmeat made of a mixture of 
almonds and dates as a present given to distin- 
guished guests (i. 115). The ancient Medes mixed 
almonds with their bread. 

Apples (ij'BB tappdah, LXX ixfj^ov), mentioned in 
Ca 23-» 7" 8», Pr 25", Jl 1", cannot be the fruit to 
which we give this name, as it does not grow freely 
in Palestine, of which country it is not a native 
(see H. C. Hart, PEFSt, 1885, 282). Thomson sjiys 
that he has seen it growing luxuriantly (i. 172), 
but Tristram believes that he has mistaken the 
tree (N.H. of Bible, 334). Robertson Smith, on 
philological grounds, has defended the cl.ainis of 
the common apple (Pyrus malus) to bo identified 
with tlie tappuah, but its scarcity renders this 
very improbable (journal of Philologp, xiii. 1885, 
p. 65). Kitto believed it to be the citron, which 
now grows freely in Palestine, and is described in 
Jos. (Ant. XIII. xiii. § 5) as one of the trees whose 
boughs were used at the feast of Tabernacles ; but 
the citron is a native of N. India and China, and 
was probably of late introduction. Tristram has 
claimed the j\[iricot as the apple of Canticles. It 
is a very widely cultivated tree, but is a native 
of Armenia (lienoe called by Dioscorides fiTjXov 
'kpiuvMKov, HP i. 160), and is probably also a 
late import. The characteristics suggested by 
the texts are — (1) a shady tree, (2) with golden 
coloured fruit, (3) which is fragrant, (4) and 
pleasant to taste, (5) and which is the symbol of 
love. All these conditions are fulfilled by the quince. 
The tree is not very large, but it is one under 
whose shade one could sit or lie, as in the texts, 
and it is as suitable for this purpose as the vine or 
fig tree. Its frtiit is extremely fragrant, and some 
varieties might be called golden by contrast if 
gathered in a silver filigree basket (I^r 25"). It is 
pre-eminently the fruit of love (see the mass of 
evidence on this gathered in Celsius' Hicro- 
botanicon, 1. 255 ff.). The quince is called fjiT]Xoi> 
mthout any adjective by some of the Greek 
authors (see, however, II. ix. 542, where the /itjXov 
tree is called tall), and is the first of the apples 
described by Pliny (xxiii. 6). In the light or the 
description in the passage in Ca 8' the weight of 
evidence is in favour of regarding this tree as the 
quince, which, thougli unplea-sing to the tasteof most 
Europeans, is yet eaten with relish by many in the 
East, and esteemed most wholesome. Athenseus 
says that full ripe quinces are better food than 
any other kind of api)le [Deipnos, iii. 20). For 
a discussion on the nature of the tappuah, see 
Houghton, PSD A, 1889, 42. The quince has a 
special name in the Talmud, parish (see Kelaim, 
i. 4), and in Arabic, which forms the basis of 
Robertson Smith's argument ; but in Jerus. Tal- 
mud, according to Abu'l Walid, parishim means 
asparagus; see Guisius, in loco, Chilaim (I. iii.). 
A common tradition identifies the quince with the 
tree of tlie knowledge of good and evil. 

Dates, the fruit of the date-palm. Phoenix dacty- 
lifera, though given in the AVm 2 Ch 31* as a 
possible translation of vy\ cUbash (elsewhere 
rendered ' honey '), are not otherwise mentioned in 
the Bible. This is remarkable considering how 
frequently palms are referred to, and it has been 
supjM)sed that the word honey in the phrase so 
often used in the Pentateuch descriptive of Pales- 
tine may refer to dibs or date-honey made by 
boiling (town the fruit. This sweetmeat was made 
in Babylonia where palms alwimded (Herodotus, i. 
193), and was also made at Jericho (Jos. BJiv. viii. 

§ 3). LXX translates }':p in 2 S 16' ipolviKft, * dates,' 
and the palm is put among the fruit trees in Jl 1". 
As a cultivated tree the palm is little grown now 
in Palestine west of the Jordan. In Egypt the 
date-palm was called dm and bd, and dates oenrd. 
In Assyria the date-palm was ginmtnaru, and date- 
honey dispu. According to Doughty (i. 148), there 
is no worse food than the date, and he reports the 
Arabs as saying that when the date is eaten alone 
human nature decays. For references to the palm 
in classical and Oriental literature, see Celsius, 
Hierobot. ii. 44511. 

Figs (njKfi tScn&h, LXX (ru/cij), the fruit of Ficus 
carica, next to the grape the most highly prized of 
all the fruits of Bible lands, and 53 times mentioned 
in the Bible. Mohammed says of it that if any 
fruit has really come from Paratlise it must have 
been the fig. Botanically speaking, what is calle«l 
the fruit is the soft fleshy receptacle within which 
are the flowers and later the grain-like, hard, dry 
achenes. Hence the ancient authors speak of the 
fig tree as bearing fruit without flowers ( MaxTobius, 
Saturnalia, ii. 16) ; but as the fig itself is the inflor- 
escence, the language of Hab 3" is strictly correct. 
The buds or young figs appear before the leaves, 
hence a fig tree in full lear should have its fruit 
developed. The precocious tree of Mt 21'* and Mk 
11" was therefore unnaturally barren. The fig 
tree bears every year (Thomson, ii. 101), but the 
Rabbinists speaK of a variety called benoth shuah, 
which only brings forth fruit each third year 
(Maimon. Demai, i. 1, and Bartenora in Shebiith, 
V. V. 1), and it has been supposed that this is 
referred to in Mk 11". The manuring of such an 
unpromising tree is alluded to by Cato, as in the 
parable, Lk 13«. 

The first crop, called rrn^^ biklcurdh, -irpiSpofioi, 
begins to redden in March and is ripe by June ; 
unripe figs are called c?? paggim (hence the 

E lace-name Bethphage, 'house of green figs'). 
iXX calls the unripe figs in Ca 2" iXwdoi. ; but 
according to Theophrastus (vi. 8) and Hippocrates 
(574. 23) these are winter figs, which grow under 
the leaves and do not ripen. The early figs are 
the most delicious and refreshing (Is 28*, Jer 24', 
Mic 7S Hos 9'"), and are easily shaken oH" (Nah 3^*). 
See Macrobius, ii. 16. The untimely figs of Rev 
6'^ are olynthi. 

The summer fi^s, rp (2 S 16'), ripen in August and 
September (see also Mic 7', Am 8'). These are either 
eaten fresh or dried in the sun (Shabbath, viii. § 6), 
or made into cakes called D'^31 d^belim ( 1 S 25'' 30^', 
2 K 20^ 1 Ch 12«, Is 382'). \^ making these the 
figs are sometimes first beaten in a mortar, then 
pressed into acake(raaniY/t, xxviii. 1). These cakes, 
called by LXX iraXdOf), were either round or sauaru 
(see Terumoth, iv. § 8 ; Baba mesia, ii. ). Heroaotus 
uses the name iraXddr] of other fruit cakes (iv. 23), 
but Athenajus distinguishes fig cakes as ir. ^vplaKT). 
Such cakes are still used by the Arabs (Burck- 
hardt, i. 51), and with barley-bread are tlie common 
food of poor travellers in the East. The iovra 
Beth-diblathaim means the house of the tMo cakes 
of tigs. On the two crops of tigs see the 8i<f>6pov 
ffvKTji of Arist. Eccles. 708. 

A third crop of winter figs appears in August, 
and ripens at the end of November. These some- 
times hang on the tree when the leaves are shed, 
unless the tree be exposed to frost. 

Figs are liable to disease, both from parasitic 
fungi and from insects. There are several species 
of both, which attack the fruit and cause it to be 
shed prematurely, or to shrivel and become uneat- 
able (Jer 24" 29'^). For reflections on this vision 
see Ilieron. Comment, in Jer., on 5". 

Sycomore Figs (•^vp?'» pl- shikviim or shikmCth in 
Ps 78") are the small fig of the Ficus sycomorus, a 
bluish-purple fruit eaten by the poorer classes, but 




considered unwholesome and indigestible ( Dioscor, 
i. 182). The tree grows to a large size, and is 
found in Palestine in the lower lands from Joppa 
to E-rj'pt (1 K 10", 2 Ch 115; see Bartenora in 
Shebiiih, ix. 2). Jerome notes that they are easily 
killed bv frost, and so they were destroyed by the 
storm-plague in Egypt (Ps 78^). As in the hoUow 
receptacle the flowers which bear stamens are at 
the upper and those bearing pistils at the lower 
part, it ensures fertilization to pinch or incise 
them, thereby facilitating the entrance of the 
insects whose movements in the plant promote 
fertilization ; this is known as caprilication (Pliny, 
xiii. 14 ; Theophrastus, iv. 2). Amos caUs himself 
a oh\z boles, or scratcher of sycomore fruit, in 
allusion to this (LXX kvL^uv tyvKifupa, RV ' dresser 
of sycomore trees '). The superintendence of this 
was probably the function of Baal-hanan (1 Cb 
27^). This tree is abundant in Egypt, and of its 
wood most mummy coffins are made ; as its 
branches generally arise from the trunk low down, 
it is easily climbed (Lk IIH). The fruit was free 
from tithing among the Jews (Demai, L 1). 

Mulberries (x^? baca, LXX cvkol^vos) are not 
mentioned as fruit ; but as the tree is common in 
Palestine, and as the berries are now eaten freely, 
they were probably used in Bible times. The trees 
are named in 2 S 5^'* and 1 Ch 14^*, and the place 
named from them 'Baca's vale' in Ps 84*. Our 
Lord refers to the tree under the name sycamine 
in His lesson on faith (Lk 17°). For a description 
of the marvels of this tree see Pliny, xvi. 41, where 
it is described as being as remarkable as a creature 
possessed of animation (see also xxiiL 7). 

Nuts (''P? botnim, LXX rep^^ifOos) are the fruit 
of the Pistacia vera. This tree is a native of 
Syria, although not very abundant, and was 
brought into Europe by the Romans. The nut is 
the stone in the centre of the greenish drupe, and 
its kernel is oily, soft, and not unpleasant to taste. 
It is mentioned only in Gn 43". The tree is often 
mentioned, but its name n^x 'elah or 'el6n is trans- 
lated oak or tell tree, as Is 6^' (RV terebinth tree). 

Olives (n:] zayith, LXX ikcuw.), the same name for 
both tree and fruit. These are often mentioned in 
Scripture (37 times in OT and 18 in NT), and the 
Olea Europcea is a native of Palestine, and much 
cultivated for the sake of the oil extracted from 
its drupes. In Egypt the tree was called degam, 
and was esteemed in early days as a specific for all 
ailments (see Papyrus Ebers, p. 47 ; in the Harris 
Pap. it is called degetu). The tree is small, slow 
of growth, and irregularly branched. Its wood 
is hard and fine-grained, and its leaves like 
those of a large privet, but whitish beneath. 
It has a small white flower growing in racemes, 
and its fruit is well known. The wild plants of 
the olive are sometimes used as stocks on which to 
graft cultivated varieties with larger fruit (Ro 
11"). The low size of the tree made the olive leaf 
brought by the dove to Noah significant (Gn 8"). 
These trees are cultivated in orchards or olive 
yards (Ex 23") ; when ripe they are beaten (Dt 
24*) in order to strike off" the fruit (in Is 17* and 
24" badly tr. ' shaken '), and the fruit is brought to 
the oil mills, which consist of circular stone basins 
in which the drupes are crushed by a heavy stone 
wheel that is rolled over them. The mass is then 
put into small wicker baskets, which are piled over 
each other in a m'azerah or handpress, in which 
they are squeezed either by means of a lon^ lever 
or a screw. The ancient presses were all lever 
presses. After the first pressing the pulp is put 
mto copper pans, sprinkled with water and 
heated, and then pressed again. Where there is 
water-power the press is larger, and the mill is 
called a mutruf; in this the oUves are pressed in a 
stone cylinder, within which an iron-shod shaft 

rotates. In old presses the pressure of the lever 
was supplemented by heavy stones (Thomson, i. 
286). The oil b allowed to stand until the sedi- 
ment subsides, and it is then poured off" ; sometimes 
salt is used to clarify it. Among those who have 
no oil presses the pulp is put in hot water and the 
oil skimmed off!. The fruit is sometimes kept until 
soft and black before crushing. It b possible that 
in this state it may sometimes have been trodden 
bv the feet, but tliat is never done now (Mic 6"). 
"fhe oil is kept in cisterns of stone or cement (1 Ch 
27^), or in jars (khatcabks) kept in cellars. For a 
description of the oil presses see Robinson, BRP 
hii. 365 ; and Thomson, Land and Book, u. 286 K. 
Gethsemane means an oil press. 

The oil of the olive was one of the most im- 
portant products of the Holy Land : com, wine, and 
oil were its three staple crops. ' Certe oleo et vino 
gaudebat Palaestina prse JEgypto' (Reland, Palas- 
tina, ccclviL). The oil is used in cookery (Lv 2*), 
and is spread on bread (Ex 29^), or burnt in lamps 
for lighting (Ex 25"), or used externally for anoint- 
ing. This use is referred to in Jotham's parable 
(Jg 9^). The excessive use of oil was a luxury 
which brought men to poverty (Pr 21"). Olive oU 
is called n^j p^ sheinen zayith ; the finer oU which 
runs out of pounded olives without compression is 
distinguished as n'n? kdthith (Ex 27"*, Lv 24- etc.). 
Olive oil was one of the exports from Judah to 
Tyre (Ezk 27'"). Oil was occasionally carried as a 
part of their provisions by travellers (Lk 1(P). 

The olive tree is liable to a parasitic mould 
disease, a mildew which causes it to cast its fruit 
or makes its flower to shrivel (Dt 28**, Job 15**). 
It is also liable to be attacked by insects (Am 4'). 
The olive tree is used as a type of heavenly favour 
(Ps 52*, Hos 14*, Jer 11'*), and of family prosperity 
(Ps 128'). Oil is used metaphorically as expressive 
of divine grace (see AxoiXTIXG) ; or the salutary 
reproof of the righteous (Ps 141*). The oil of joy ^ 
spoken of in Is61^ see Erman, p. 23L The oil tree, 
'ez shemen of Neh 8^, 1 K 6^, Is 41'*, is generally 
believed to be the zackum or Balanites jEgyptieica, 
a native of the Jordan Valley, and one whose oil 
is esteemed as a useful medicine. 

Pomegranates (pan rimm6n, LXX p6a), used both 
for the tree and the fruit. This is also an abundant 
fruit in Palestine, of which it is a native, and is 
mentioned 32 times in the Bible. Pomegranates 
were among the fruits brought back by the spies 
from Eshcol (Nu 13"-^). The tree (Punica granntum) 
grows to about 20 ft. in height, and has myrtle-like 
leaves and scarlet flowers, which come out early 
in the spring (Ca 6"). The fruit is well known, and 
was a favourite with the Jews ; its bright colour is 
referred to in Ca 4^ Its sour juice was, and Ls, used 
in cookery (Russell, L 85 ; Thomson, i. 286) and in 
making cooling sherbet, as we use lemons. The 

t"uice is sometimes fermented (Dioscorides, v. 34), 
tut the wine is rather tasteless unless spiced (Ca 
8^). ' In this fruit Nature has shown to us a grape, 
and indeed not must, but wine ready made ' ( Pliny, 
xxiii. 6). The pomegranate supplied a pattern 
for ornament (IK 7^, Ex 28®. In RV 'pome- 
granates' in 1 K 7'* is tr. 'pillars'). 

Vines (je| gephen ; in Nu 6*, Jg 13" p^ri i?j gephen 
hayyayin, the wine-vine). The Vitis vinifera was 
the fruit tree most abundantly cultivated in Pales- 
tine and Egypt in ancient times. It is a native of 
the hilly countries north of SjTia, but early spread 
along the shores of the Mediterranean. Grape 
kernels have been found in mummy cases of the 
nth dynasty in Egypt, dating from about B.C. 
2iX>0. A special variety Avith dark red grapes is 
called PIS' sorek (Is 5-, Jer 2"^, Gn 49") ; these 
grapes have very small kernels. Figuratively, the 
unpruned vine in the sabbatic year and jubilee is 
called Ti} ndsir, being compared to the untrimmed 



Jiair of the Nazirite. The colocj-nth plant in 2 K 
4" is called ^cphen sddeh, a vine of the lields. A 
wild grape-vine bearing worthless grapes is called 

IJacchus aiuat coUea' (Virgil, Geovg. ii. 113). The 
valley of Kshcol, named from its bunches of grapes, 
produceil the great cluster which the two spies 
carried home between them on a stall', Nu 13"* 
(see Wagenseil, Suta, 709»). Modem travellers 
have seen bunches of 10 to 12 lb. in weight ; still 
larger bunches up to 19 lb. have been grown in 
this country under glass. The hills alx)ut Jezreel, 
where Naboth's vineyard was situated, were famous 
for tlieir vines, sis were the grapes of Ephraim 
(Jg %\ The Moabite hills of Sibmah (Is !(>*• », Jer 
48**), and those of Heshbon and Elealeh, were also 
renowned, and those of Engedi (Ca 1") in Judah. 
It was in the hill-country of Judah that the s6rek 
grew (Gn 49"), and the valleys of Sorek and Eshcol 
were named from these, as was Beth-haccherem, 
• the house of vines,' near Tekoa (Jer 6^). A bottle of 
Bethlehem wine was a present fit for a king (1 S 
le*"). The wines of Lebanon (Hos 14^) and of Helbon 
(Aleppo*) (one of the exports from Syria to Tyre, 
E/k 27^') are also named (Robinson, BRP iii. 472). 

In preparing the vineyard, the stones had to be 
gathered out of the soil (Is 6^). This is noticed by 
Cato (De Re Jitistica, 46), who says that the vine- 
yard should be 'bipalio delapidato.' It needed 
also to be fenced with a hedge (Mt 21^), a stone 
wall (Nu 22**), or a ditch, to protect it from the wild 
beasts, such as jackals (Ca 2^, Ezk 13*), boars 
(Ps 80"), and from robbers (Jer 49»). The favourite 
site was a hillside (Is 5S Jer 31', Am 9^'), and the 
plants are set about three paces from each other in 
rows (Robinson, ii. 80 f.). When the vines grew 
up they were sustained on stout stakes, over which 
the branches were trained (Ezk 19"- ^*). This was 
also the practice in Egypt; see Lepsius, Denkmdler, 
ii. 53, 61. All these conditions may be observed to 
this day, although the Mohammedan rule has dis- 
couraged viticulturein Palestine. There is usuallya 
tower (iri'/ryos) in a large vineyard, as described in 
Mt 21^, in which the watchers of the vineyard stay. 
Vineyards were called in Heb. D^a Jcerem. In Am 
5" this is coupled with ir:ri hemcd, 'pleasant,' in Is 
27" with Tjn hemcr, ' of wine,' but Targ. reads hemed 
here also, and LXX /ca\6j. The towers in the vine- 
yards for the keej)ers or vine-dressers (D'Pii)) (Ca 1") 
are mentioned in Chilaim, v, § 3, but in smaller 
vinej'ards they lived in booths (Is P). The vine- 
yard must not be so^vn with two kinds of seed, 
else the wliole produce Mas forfeited as a v}-i]> kodesh, 
or sanctified thing (Dt 22") ; but trees of other sorts, 
as fig trees, might be planted in a vineyard (Lk 
13', Mic 4*). Itamses ill. had olive trees in his 
large vineyard, which was called the 'spirit of 
Egypt,' Pap. Harris, i. 8. 7. 

The vine-buds appear in March, and send out 
new branches, which are called D'jn'f' sarigtm. 
These are not tendrils, for in Gn 40^" they are 
described as bearing friiit ; when living, these new 
branches are green, but when the surface is eaten 
by locusts the skeleton branch looks white (Jl F). 
The tendrils are called d'>i'?i zalzallim in Is 18', or 
^IfUlCeh in Jer 6» (see Basket). The flowers 

ippear in early April, and have a slight fragrance 
Ca 2"-"). 'Ihis M'as the time when the vines 
were pruned, hence it is said in the passage that 
in the spring-time the period of the t:;] or pruning 
of vines (RVm) has come (so LXX, Aa. Symni. 
Targ. Vulg.). AV follows Par<lion and Kimchi 
in rendering it ' the time of the singing of birds is 
come.' The reference to the pruning of vines in 
•In 15" is familiar. 

• Btit Schroder (COT> 11. 121) disputes the identification. 


The grape (3)H 'endb) grows in clusters, which 
are named Vat^^ 'eshkdl, LXX o-ra^fXij. The fruit- 
bearing branch is in Nu IS"''^ called ."n"iDi zSm6rdh, 
which IS the word used in the phrase descriptive of 
the worship of the sun in Ezk 8" ' they put the 
branch to tne nose,' usually taken as referring to 
an old Persian custom of holding a bundle of vine- 
rods, called barsom, before the face of the priest 
when praying to the unextinguished fire of the 
Pyrtetneia (Strabo, ed. Casaubon, xv. 733). For a 
dilFerent meaning see Tract Joma, 77*. 

The ripening grapes are called njii baser in Is 18', 
and nearly the same word is used in Job 15". 
These are sour and set the teeth on edge (Ezk 18*). 
Sickly vines sometimes drop their grapes in this 
stage (as in Job 15^), the result of a blight. In June 
or July the early grapes are ripe (Is 18'), and in 
September the vintage (TV? bazir) begins. This is 
a season of rejoicing, and during the grape -harvest 
the people live in booths in the midst of the vine- 
yards. It has been conjectured that the ordinance 
of the Feast of Tabernacles was a mode of turning 
this custom to the service of religion. This vintage 
season was celebrated at Shechem (Jg 9-"). The 
grapes are cut with a "n::]© maznurdh, or pruning 
hooK (Is 2*, Jl 31"), which is called Vj? maggdl, or 
sickle in Jl 3", and are collected in baskets. 
There was no vine-harvest in the sabbatic or 
jubilee year. For particulars on viticulture see 
Thomson, The Grape Vine ; and Barron, Vine 

The best grapes were dried in the sun into raisina, 
which were compressed into pisv zimmHk, or cakes 
(Kimchi). Abigail brought 100 such cakes to 
David (1 S 25^*), and David refreslied the fainting 
Egyptian with two such cakes ( 1 S 30^^*). Similar 
calces were brought by Ziba to David (2 S 16^ ; see 
also 1 Ch 12'*'). These raisins, as well as fresh 
grapes, were forbidden to the Nazirite while under 
his vow. To him all that comes of the grape, from 
the D'jsin harzannim, or kernels, to the i] zdg, or 
husks, was taboo (see Jg \Z^*). The nv^v. 'dsht- 
sMth, given by David to those who accompanied 
him in bringing the ark to Jerusalem (2 S B"*, 
1 Ch 16^), and tr. in AV ' Hagons of wine,' were 
probably cakes of raisins, as in RV, which has 
made a similar change in Ca 2*. The reading in the 
AV is supported on Talmudic authority, but this 
rests on a very doubtful etymology. For the use 
of these fruit-cakes by travellers see Russell, i. 82. 
Cakes of this kind were used as offerings to Baal 
(Hos 31). 

The grape gatherers were forbidden to glean, the 
ni'^Sj; 'ClelCth or gleanings being left for the stranger, 
the widow, and the fatherless. In the prophetic 
picture of rebellious Jerusalem as a vine, the fruit 
is described as being completely gleaned, the 
gatherer turning his hand bacK into the tendrils of 
the vine (Jer 6^ ; see also Jer 49*). 

A portion of the grape-harvest is used in n 
artificial honey or dibs, the juice expressed horn 
the grape being boiled into a .syrup, ' dulcis musti 
Vulcano decoquit humorem, et foliis undam trepidi 
despumat aheni' (Virg. Georg. i. 295). The iteb. 
name is cy\ ddbash, or honey, and it was an article 
of commerce exported from Palestine to Tvre 
(Ezk 27'^), and sent by Jacob to Egypt (Gn 43"). 
(See Dates, above. ) Dibs forms ' a part of the 
food of the present inhabitants of Palestine' 
(Thomson, i. 279 ; Russell, i. 82). It was, and is, 
the ordinary sweetener of cakes and pastry (Lv 
2", Robinson, iii. 381). 

Most of the crop was carried in baskets by 
girls and children to the wine-presses (see descrip- 
tion of the shield of Achilles, II. xviii. 562 ff.). 
These were cavities either hollowed out of the 
rock or built on the ground, and lined with 
masonry and cement (Mt '^l^). Each press, called 




nj gath, LXX Xijroj, was made of two parts. The 
upper was the ■"rys puriih (LXX rpoKiinoi'), or wine- 
press proper (Is 63' 5-). From the bottom of this 
a pipe, ^^i>• zinn6r, leads into the lower receptacle or 
ap/ yekeb ^LXIX vvo\T)inor, the 'fat' or vat of Jl 
2-* and 2P as in Mk 12i AV, wine-press RV). The 
names yekcb or gath are used, however, for the 
whole wine-press. In Ha^ 2'* the pur^ is called 
the press-fat ( AV) or wine-tat (RV, e/e^Aboda Zara, 
iv. 8). In these presses the grapes were trodden. 
The whole process is shown in several Egyptian 
pictures (Lepsius, iL 13, 53, 96, iiL 11»; Wilkin- 
son, i. 385), in one of which the treaders are repre- 
sented holding by cords from the roof over the 
puriih. Sometimes flat stones are put over the 
grapes to assist the treading. The garments and 
feet of those treading axe dyed with the 'blood 
of the grape ' (Dt 32", Is 63^). As they trod they 
shouted (Jer 48") and sang their vintage songs 
(Is 16^*). It has been supposed that there is a 
line of one of tliese preserved in Is 65^ (see Smith, 
OTJC- 209). The same customs are still observed 
wherever wine is made in the East (Robinson, L 
431 and ii. 81). The wine-press is a favourite 
figure with the prophets, typifying Grod's judgments 
on sin (Is 63', La l^*, Rev'l4»>). 

The first part of the juice which entered the 
yekeb was the first-fruits (Elx 22'-*), and was offered 
to God. In Egypt the residuum from the press 
is put into a sack and squeezed by wringing ; see 
Lepsius, ii. 53. 

There is no mention in the Bible of the subse- 
quent processes of wine-making, but probably the 
expressed juice was left in the 'fats' until fer- 
mentation had set in (Hag 2*), or put, as repre- 
sented in the Egyptian picture (Wilkinson, L 385), 
into jars, or, when fermented, it was transferred 
for storage to large ox-skins. These at the present 
dav are kept ranged around the storehouse or 
ceUar, which is called in 1 Ch 27-'' p!? t^ik 'ozar 
hat/i/at/hi. Bruce speaks of ox -skins capable of 
holding 60 gallons, and greased on the outside to 
prevent evaporation {Travels, iv. 334 ; see Athenaeus, 
iL 28. Herodotus speaks of camel-skin vessels, iii. 
9). When the deposit of the tartarous matter or 
lees (z~'~tshf"mdrim, LXX rpvyias, 56^a, or ^\a7><a} 
had taken place, the clear supernatant wine was 
poured off into a new vessel (Jer 48"), and this is the 
weU-refined wine of Is 25*. In this passage shemdrim 
is used in alliteration with shemdnim, ' fat things,' 
in the earlier clause. Drinking the lees is used 
allegorically in the sense of the bitter penal conse- 
quences of sin (Ps 75* ; see also Zeph 1^, Jer 48"). 

Wine is known by nine names in the OT, but 
these do not necessarily mean different kinds. The 
varieties of wines are named from the locality of 
their production. Thus we read of the wines of 
Kerotim, Tolim, Bethrima, Bethlaba, and Signa 
as those suited for the service of the sanctuary 
(Menaehoth, viii. 6). Other well-known wines were 
those of En-gedi, Acco, and Gaza. In Egypt the 
wines of Bubastis (Herod, ii. 126), of Sebeimytus, 
and of Mareotis (Strabo, xvii. 779 ; Athenaeus, i. 
33) were highly esteemed. Saronitic wine was so 
strong that it needed two parts of water to dilute 
it (Shabboth, Ixxvii. 1 ), and Babylonian wine need«i 
also to be diluted [Berachoth, i.). See Kimchi 
(Comm. on Hos 14*). 

The commonest word used for wine is p: yayin, 
a loan word from a non-Semitic root. This occurs 
143 times, being first mentioned in connexion with 
Noahs drunkenness. It is the word used for wine 
in the blessing of Jacob (Gn 49"- ") ; it is said to 
cheer God and man ( Jg ^), and to make glad the 
heart of man (Ps 104^'). Repentant and returning 
Israel is to be rewarded by again drinking the 
wine of her vineyards (Am*9^-')7 as she had done 
before (Ec 9'). It'was to be given to them of heavy 

VOL. II. — 3 

heart (Pr 31«), but its use had to be limited, for it 
was intoxicating, as in the cases of Nabal (i S 2^), 
Lot (Gn 19*^), Amnon (2 S 13^), the drunkards of 
Ephraim (Is 28'). It was the wine used by Job's 
family (Job 1") ; but king Lemuel was dissuaded 
from its use, because it is said to prevent judgment 
(Pr 31'), and to cause vomiting (Is 28^ 5", Hos 7»). 
It is called a mocker (Pr 20^ ; see also Jer 23^). It 
was this form of wine with which Melchizedek 
welcomed Abraham's return (Gn 14"). It is usually 
rendered di»o% by LXX. In general, this word is 
used when wine is spoken of as a beverage. 

SHTP tirosh occurs 38 times, and is rendered by 
LXX by oti-oj, ptif (Is 65*), or /udvfffia (1 S 1^, Jer 
13", Hos 4"). It is so called because it takes pos- 
session of the brain and inebriates (Gesenins ; out 
most modems reject this etymology). In enumerat- 
ing the products of the land, com and wine (tirSxh) 
are mentioned 21 times, and oil is coupled, with 
tirosh 15 times. The Targumists, Onkelos, and 
Jonathan render it by hainer. It \s said to take 
away the understanding in Hos 4", and its intoxi- 
cating qualities are referred to by the Talmudibts, 
'Tirosh easily takes possession of (Pii', a play 
upon the woni) the mind,* Sanhedrin, bcxvL § 1. 
In Joma, Ixxvi. 2, it is said, 'If thou abuse it 
thou shalt be poor (cq), if thou rightly use it thou 
shalt be head (wi) ' ; and in the Gemara on this, 
' Wherefore is it called tirosh ? Because all taken 
by it shall be poor.' In Jer 40**>- " the words yayin 
and tirosh are used as synonyms, and in general 
tirosh is translated ' new w ine in AV. It has been 
argued that tirdsh meant grapes, because the phrase 
is used ' to gather tirosh '' ; but the same is used of 
yayin, and both are spoken of as trodden out, 
yayin in Is 16"*, tirosh in Mic 6'^ Ck)Uating all 
the references, it seems as if tinjsh was especially 
used for wine as the produce of the >ineyara. Hee 
further. Driver, Joel and Amos, 79 f. 

T^ shikar, LXX aixepa, is the word tr. in general 
'strong drink,' which occurs 23 times in UT. It 
was used for the drink-offering (Nu 28'), and was 
permitted to be bought with the tithe money and 
consTuned at the temple (Dt H-*). In excess it 
caused merriment (Is 24*, Ps 69*^') and intoxication 
(Is 56^-) ; it is often coupled with wine, as if another 
intoxicating fluid ; Ibn Ezra saj"s it was made 
from palm-juice or wheat, Kimchi sajrs from fruit 
juice, Jerome from grain, grapes, or honey (Epist. 
ad Nqtotianum, iL 11), so it may have l)een like 
the biurley wine of the Egyptians (Herod. iL 77), 
or like arrack, which is at present often used 
in Palestine (Robinson, iii. 195). It is mentioned, 
among other places, in Lv 10*, Nu 6*, Dt 29*, Jg 
13*- '•l^ 1 S 11^, Mic 2". Strong drink was to be 
given to those ready to perish (Pr 31*), which has 
been supposed to refer to the practice of giving in- 
toxicants to deaden the pain of execution. Light- 
foot says that it was the practice of wealthy women 
in Jerusalem to provide the strong drink for this 
purpose {Hor. Heb. xi. 366). The vinegar given to 
our Lord may have been intended for this purpose. 
Shekdr seems to be named from its effects (tj? * to 
be drunk'). 

•)-:n hemer, used twice m Heb. (Dt 32", Is 27*, but 
last probably mistake for -nn) and six times in 
Aram. (Ezr 6* 7**, Dn 5*- *• *■ ^), seems to be derived 
from the sparkling, foaming appearance of ferment- 
ing wine. In Is 27- the clause in which it occurs 
appears to be another line from a vintage song. It 
was wine of this kind that Cyrus gave for the 
temple use (Ezr 6*). In Dt 32" it is called the pure 
blocKi of the grape, i.e. not mixed with water ; but 
RV has tr. it the blood of the grape, wine. It is 
red wine in Is 27^, and it was the wine which 
Belshazzar drank out of the temple vessels (Dn 5^). 

D'p^f 'dsis, a poetical synonym meaning that which 
is trodden out. It is the new wine of Ca 8^ : the 

sweet intoxicating wine of Is 49^, the sweet wine 
lamented by the drunkards in Jl 1", and that 
which is supplied to the restored remnant of Israel 
as a blessing (Jl 3'*). It is rendered in LXX i>afj.a, 
y\vKa<rti6i, but the sweet wine of Am 9" is fUBv- 
It is probably tlio same as * the sweet' of Neh 8*", 
where it is called D'pnipip mamtakkim, or sweetnesses. 

H^b s6be\ intoxicating drink in general, the wine 
of Is 1**, which was spoiled by mixture with water, 
or that in Hos 4^*, which had become sour, or that 
which drenched the drunkard to helplessness 
(Nah l'"). 

^ipp me^ek, in Ca 8' Jjy mezeg, LXX K^oaafia, is 
mixed wine, to which spices have been added to make 
it hotter and improve its flavour. In Pr 23*", Ps 75", 
Is 65" it is called mim^dk. In Pr 9'-- ' it is used 
metaphorically for the inspiring drink supplied by 
wisdom, and in Is S^ for the strong drink whicn 
warps the judgment. In Pr 23* it is a parallel 
synonym for yaj/in. 

rzh hoinez, or vinegar, is sour wine, the common 
retreshing drink for labourers, forbidden to the 
Nazirite while under his vow (Nu 6*), used in the 
harvest field (Ru 2"), and prophetically mentioned 
in Ps 69=". In Pr 10-* LXX renders it 6/upa^, an 
unripe gi'ape. 

In NT tlie word commonly used is oTvoy, as at 
the marriage feast at Cana. This wine in excess 
produced fifOiKTis (Jn 2'°). New wine was regarded 
as inferior to old (Lk 5*®). rXeC/oos, ' new sweet 
wine,' is mentioned in Ac 2'* as that by which the 
Jews thought the apostles were intoxicated at 
Pentecost. It cannot have been unfermented, as 
that would not have produced the effect, and 
I'entecost was eight months after the vintage. 

The collecting of juice from the grapes, wliicli 
the chief bvitler in his dream squeezed into the 
cup, was plainly only a symbol, as in the dream he 
saw the whole process of budding, blossoming, and 
fruiting taking place. There is no evidence of any 
such custom as squeezing grapes into a cup for 
royal or guest refreshment. There are several 
figurative names for wine : ' the fruit of the vine ' 
(Lk 22»"*), 'the blood of the grape' (Dt 32i*) ; the 
iformer reminds us of Pindar's 5p6<ros dfiw^Xov (vii. 3), 
or of the name of the vine oti>ov /i-fir-qp in /Eschylus 
{Pr.rsa, 614). 

The study of the names applied to wine shows 
that they are, for the most part, evidently syn- 
onyms, and that the substance indicated by them 
all was one which, if used to excess, was liable 
to cause intoxication. An attempt has been made 
to obtain a textual support for total abstinence 
by differentiating intoxicating from unfermented 
wine in the biblical terminology ; but it is only 
special pleading without adequate foundation. 
The teaching of Scripture as to the pernicious 
effects of intemperance in any form is clear and 
explicit, and the Apostle Paul has stated the case 
for total abstinence in llo 14 in a way which does 
not require the treacherous aid of doubtful exegesis 
for its support. 

The wine stored in the lar^je skins in the cellar 
was drawn for use into smaller skins, the bottles 
of Scripture, called rr^n heineth in Gn 21""^-, ^jj 
nebel, 1 S 1=^ lO^, 2 S 16' (this word is used figura- 
tively for the clouds in Job 38"), or ^^i: nod, Jos 
9^", Jg 4", 1 S 16^. This word is also used figura- 
tively m Ps 56* in alliteration with nud, ' wander- 
ing,' for there is no evidence of the use of lacry- 
matories among the Jews. The nod was liable to 
.shrivel if hung up in the heat (Ps 119«*). In LXX 
and NT bottle is dffKds. These were made of goat- 
skins, prepared by cutting off the head, tail, and 
feet, and then drawing off the skin from the body 
without other cutting, and stuffing it with straw, 
into whicli woo«ien wedges were then driven, to 
stretch it to its fullest capacity. The hair was 

left on the outer surface, the tail and limb holes 
were closely sewn up, and the neck hole left open. 
The skin was thereafter tanned with oak or acacia 
bark. These skins are prepared in this manner at 
the present day, and are called zuinzammiin or 
mattaru. When filled, the neck hole is tied round 
with a thong. Robinson saw about 500 of these 
bottles in one tanyard (ii. 75), The larger tK)ttles 
are of he-goat skins, the smallest of the skins of 
kids. This variety of size is alluded to in Is 22''^. 
When active fermentation is in progress these 
skins become much distended, and are liable to 
burst. This is especially liable to occur with new 
skins of young annuals, which are called :•«, as in 
Job 32". These are called in Vulg. laf/uncula;. 
Skins which are old are liable to crack, and 
cannot bear the tension of the carbonic acid pro- 
duced during fermentation. This is referred to 
in Mt 9", Mk 2^, Lk 5". The j.reservation of the 
wine did not mean keeping it from fermentation, — 
for, with the total absence of antiseptic precautions 
characteristic of Orientals, it would have been im- 
possible to do so, — but the storing of it in a bottle 
which could resist the strain. One of these bottles 
was a load for a man (1 S 10^). 

Wine was largely used in Egypt, and the figures 
of drinking feasts, and the painting of an inebri- 
ated female from a tomb oi the New Empire, are 
well known (see Wilkinson, i. 392, 424, etc. ). There 
is an interesting letter written by the scribe Amen- 
em-apt to Penta-ur, in which the evils of intem- 
perance are graphically described (Paja. Saltier, I. ix. 
9, etc.). The commonest beverage in Egvpt was 
beer, made from barley, and called kek. The wine 
made from the grape, also commonlj- used, was 
called arp, and date wine was called fjak. Among 
the presents to Ptah enumerated in the Hams 
Papijrus were 2366 wine vessels of one form and 
820 of another ; and in the inventory of presents on 
pi. 72 of that papyrus are 486,303 vessels of beer. 
The Persians were also much addicted to wine 
(Herod, i. 133), and the royal wine of Est V is re- 
ferred to by Athenanis (Deipnos. i. 51) ; it was 
called Chalybonian, and Posidouius sajs that it is 
made in Damascus. Figuratively, the washing of 
garments in wine means plenty and prosperity (Gn 
49"). Wine of astonishment, Ps GO* (RV stagger- 
ing), is a iigure of God's judgment on sin, making 
its objects helpless, as if intoxicated. This is called 
the cup of staggering in Is 51". 

The Yine of Sodom (Dt 32^2) is jirobably, as 
Seetzen and Robinson have supposed, the 'Osher or 
Calotropis procera, an asclepiadaceous plant, whose 
fruit looks attractive, but is full of dry cottony 
hairs. These are the 'grapes of gall.' Pococke 
supposed that it referred to diseased pomegranates, 
and Hooker conjectures that the colocynth may 
have been meant ; but its fruit has no resemblance 
to grapes (see Wild Gourd, above). Elliot suggests 
oak galls as referred to, and Hasselquist the egg 

Elant, either Solanum mclongena or S. Sodonimum ; 
ut the first identification is most probably correct, 
more especially as the Calotropis, while not very 
common, grows abundantly in one locality by the 
Dead Sea. 

Walnut (ri:K '<V'^~, /capita) is not mentioned as a 
fruit ; but a garden of nuts, which is mentioned in 
Ca 6", is taken l)y the rabbinical authorities as 
meaning a garden of walnuts. The Arabs call the 
tree gyaus, and it is very common in Palestine. 
The common walnut, Juglans regia, is too well 
known to need description. 

Fruit is referred to metapiiorically in the sense 
of (1) the result of a course of conduct (Ro 6"); 
(2) the work of the Holy Spirit in the conduct 
(Gal 5*", Eph 5") ; (3) children (Ps 127^*) ; (4) praise 
(Is .-)7"') ; (5) the results of industry (Pr 31"'- ='»), etc. 
Hallows (mV? malliuijf,, LXX dXifioy, Vulg. Ar- 




borum cortices) are spoken of in Job 30* as plants 
eaten by starving outcasts. They have been vari- 
ously identified as nettles by li. Levi, as possibly a 
mesembryanthemum by Kitto, as mallows [malva) 
bv Thomson (L. and B. i. 291), as Carchoru* otito- 
rlus by Sprengel ; but are most probably the salt- 
wort, as m the RV, the Atriplex halimtts or sea- 
purslain, which is called bv the Arabs tntdluah, 
and grows on the shores of tbe Dead Sea and of the 
Gulf of Akabah. It is a plant with sour leaves, 
and has been known to form a part of the diet of 
the people in j)eriods of scarcity. Thomson saw 
poor people cutting coarse green food of this kind 
as a relish for bread (ii. 345). The mallow in 
Arabic is called khubbarzeh. In a parallel passage 
in Job 24' the poor are said to cut V^s for their 
chiMren, which may be cattle food (Is 30^) or 
coarse vegetables in general, and probably the rrk 
or greens which the prophet went to gather were 
of the same nature (2 K 4*). The Syriac uses this 
name malluah for the Srvt or ' nettle ' of Zeph 2*. 

Juniper roots (cnn rothem). This occurs along 
with the last as part of the food of the outcast in 
Job 30*, but the word occurs also as the name of 
the tree under which Elijah sheltered {1 K IS**-), 
and in the phrase 'coals of juniper' in Ps 120*. 
LXX renders it 'VadfUv or "Pa/tdtf, and in Job pifas 
^v\ti}». Symm. tr. it pi^av ffirwr dypiuf, and Josephus 
does not name the tree, but calls it * a certain 
tree' {Ant. vm. xiii. 7). The Syriac VS calls it a 
terebinth, and Clement a Paliilms {Pmdagog. iii. 
236). The later Jewish authorities, however, 
recognized it as the desert broom, Eetama retem, 
which the Arabs call retamn. It is a shrub with 
pale pink flowers and very bitter roots. It grows 
about 10 ft. high, and in many places in the desert 
is the only shrub under which one could shelter. 
Robinson describes it in such places ; and one of 
the wilderness stations of Israel was called Rithmah 
=^broomy (Nu 33^-). The roots were used as fuel 
(Pa 120*), and the Revisers have put ' to warm them ' 
in marg. of Job 30*, which, considering the uneat- 
able nature of the roots, is a more intelligible ren- 
tlering. The word cr-^ may be regarded as a 
derivative of the verb cr,- 'to heat,' in which sense 
the same word occurs in Is 47". This sense is taken 
by some Heb. commentators, as R. LeW ben-Gerson 
[in he), but the rendering of the text is that in 
the Gemara, A boda Zara, i. Juniper roots are often 
used for fuel in the wilderness (Thomson, i. 345). 

B. Animal food consisted either of flesh or of 
animal products, such as milk, eggs, and honey. | 
Flesh was habitually used only in royal or great 
houses, and among ordinary people was chiefly 
used at feasts. Its sources were restricted by law 
among the Jews, by custom among the neighbour- 
ing nations. The word -.Xf, which literally means 
flesh meat (Ps 78*- '^), was sometimes used for food 
in general (Ex 2110). 

The division of beasts into clean and unclean, 
mentioned in the story of the Deluge (Gn 7*), was 
"\%T:itten in the light of later legislation, but em- 
bodies a distinction which can be traced back to a 
very early period of human history. The two lists 
of clean and unclean animals (Lv 11"- and Dt 14**) ; 
are practically identical. The mammals permitted j 
to be eaten were the ruminants proper, except the 
camel, which, with the hijrax, hare, and swine, ; 
are prohibited by name. There is reason to believe I 
that this selection is of more than arbitrary value, \ 
and that the danger of the transmission of parasitic | 
diseases bv the flesh of these is less than in the ' 
case of ,tne excluded forms (see Gueneau de 
Mussy, Etude srtr VhygUne de Mdise). For fanci- 
ful representations of the forbidden animals as 
types of vices, see Eusebius, Pra^p. Evang. viii. 9 ; 
Clement, Pccdag. iL 10; Novatianus, rh-_ ■"''■'■- 
Jvdceorum, iiL 

The permitted mammals named in Dt are ten. 
(a) The three domestic groups, ozeiif sheep, and 
tfo&ts. The first group was called in general .t^i.-s 
Mhem&h, or cattle (Dt 14*), neat cattle being distin- 
^ished as Tfl? bdkar, LXX/3<{«i, tr. the herd, as dis- 
tino^hed from the flock. The calf is in Heb. 
S:2 egd{la 27'') ; an 'egd marbek or fatted calf was 
killed for Saul by the witch (1 S 28**) ; see also Gn 
18^ (where the calf is ben bdkdr, 'the son of the 
herd') and 6 nrevrin fiaoxos of Lk 15*. "rs ghor 
(LXX /t6<rx.oi) is used for a buUock, as in Lt 22*^, 
Neh 5^*, or else t5 par, as in Nu 8*, Ps 22'* ; and a 
heifer is called 'eglath bakar (Gn IJ?, Dt 21') or 
paraK {Gn Al^, Nu 19^). Bulls are named (poet.) 
cryZK 'abbirim (Is 34^, Ps 22"*), and cows or cattle 
in general c^^hvt 'Ulaphim. The commonest breed 
were black or brown, short limbed and small, and 
thev were principally kept in the valleys and 
in t^e low country, rat oxen were part of Solo- 
mon's daily provision ( 1 K 4**) ; these were fed in 
a rtrx or stall, and hence are called stalled oxen 
(Pr 15") ; Solomon had also Msture-fed oxen (1 K 
4^, see also Elisha, 1 K 19^). The aurochs or 
wild bull (the Hebrew re'em) was probably seldom 
captured, even in nets (Is 51**). The buifalo was 
not originally a native, but has been imported into 
Palestine since Bible times. 

From the flock ;ks z6n (Gn 4-) the food animals 
were n^c tdJeh, or sucking lambs (LXX dpr&i yaXa- 
dijvos), as in 1 S 7*. A hogget or lamb from one to 
three years old was named ir^ kebes (Nu 7^^) or 
373 keseb (Lv 3^), LXX &nf<K or 6.pp6i. In Aramaic 
a youn^ sheep is called -rsx 'immar, as in Ezr 6* ; a 
ewe is 7n rdhel (Gn 31*^); and a fatted sheep 13 
kar (2 K 3*) ; while sheep in general are called 
.IP seh (Jg 6*). The commonest breed of sheej> in 
Palestine is the fat-tailed variety, whose tail is 
wide and flat, and may weigh 10 lb., most of which 
is pure fat. This fat tail (RV) is the ■■r^K 'alt/tih 
or rump (AV) of Ex 29^ (see Herod, iii. 113). 
In Northern Palestine and Syria there is also a 
short- woolled small sheep, resembling the merino ; 
both are varieties of the one species Oris Aries. 
The lamb was the commonest of all meats for 
feasts, and is stUl the animal often killed for a 
guest (Doughty, i. 16). The ram, ^k 'ayil, possibly 
the beden or wUd-goat (Gn 15'), was also used as 
food (Gn 31»). For the use of lambs see 2 S 12*, 
Is 53', and the paschal lamb (Ex 12*). 

The goat {-f:;7 sd'ir) was commonly kept in flocks 
in the more mountainous districts, while the sheep 
was fed in the lower pastures ; the two species of 
goat, Capra hirctis and C. mambrica, were not ap- 
parently differentiated by name ; the former is the 
common goat, the latter has a sheep-like head and 
long pendulous, flapping ears. The male or he-goat 
of the former breed is the r:n tayish, Gn 3<J*, F*r 30", 
and of the latter -nsr 'attiid (Gn 31"*), or in Aramaic 
T?? zephir, as Ezr 6". The tj 'ez may have been the 
Capra jEgagnts or Sinaitica, both of which are 
natives of Bible lands, and probably the source of 
Esau's savoury meat. The kid, *^? gedi (Dt 14**), is 
mentioned as the material for a small feast (Jg 6^ 
13"). Compare the Ipt^s of the parable (Lk 15®), 
and the elder brothers implied comparison between 
the kid and the calf. As the lamb is useful for his 
fleece as well as his flesh (Pr 27*), the kid is 
commonly usetl by the poorer or more economical 
classes (see 1 Es 1'). Rebekah used it for making 
Isaac's savoury meat (Gn 27'). 

The thrice-repeated taboo concerning seething a 
kid in its mothers mUk (Ex 23" 34-«, Dt H^i) has 
been interpreted: (1) As a prohibition of the 
slaughter of the mother and otlspring at the same 
time (as in Lv 22'-»). (2) As forbidding the killing of 
the young animal before it was eight days old ; we 
learn from the passage just quoted that an animal 
was not allowed to be sacrificed untU it had reached 

that age, and it has been thought that it was also 
unclean as fowl. (3) The most i)robable explana- 
tion is tliat it had reference to some cu.stoni among 
the surrounding nations, such as that described bv 
Cudworth and S[)encer (ilc lepibus ritunl. 
ii. 335), in which a kid was boiled in its mother's 
milk, and the broth sprinkled on the ground as a 
sacritice to propitiate the harvest gods and ensure 
fruitfulness. (4) Michaelis has supposed that 
mother's milk is a euphemism for butter, and that 
the foo«l forbidden was meat drenched witli butter. 
For otlier views ou this n?K'"' titcbdh, or abomina- 
tion, see Tract Chullin, viii. § 4, and Maimonides, 
More nebochiin, iii. 48. 

Milk and its derivatives formed an important 
element of the food of the Bible peoi)les, Pales- 
tine is described as a land flowing with milk and 
honey (Ex 3* and eighteen other places). 3i>i3 JiMldb, 
LXX yi\a, is used for fresh milk (Ca5'^ 18 28"), 
or of cream from which butter is made (Pr SO''). 
Milk of goats was esteemed the best (Pr 27"), then 
that of sheep (Dt 32"). Cow's milk is rarely as 
good as either of the others, on account of the 
unsuitability of the pasture, and is not often 
specified in the Bible. Camel's milk was probably 
used by the patriarchs, as we infer from Gn 32'* ; 
but it sours more quickly than other milk, and 
often pains strangers when they first take it 
(Doughty, i. 216). 

Milk IS used as a drink with meals (Gn 18*, 
Ezk 25^), and so is coupled with wine (Ca 5\ Is 55M- 
Wlien the pasturage is good, sweet milk is still 
handed round after an Arab meal. It is also offered 
as refreshment to travellers. Jael opened for 
Sisera a nud, or leathern bottle of milk (Jg 4'^), 
wluch Deborah ( Jg 5**) calls a sephel 'addtrim, ' a 
cup of the nobles ' (EV a lordly dish). Goat's milk 
is spoken of as the staple drink of servants (Pr 
27'-'') ; and, as the Hebrew children were mother- 
nursed, milk was their sole sustenance until they 
were weaned, hence the metaphorical sense of 
milk-feeding in 1 Co S^, He 5^'. The comparison 
of the law to milk was used by the Jews ; thus 
Kimchi on Is 55* says, ' As milk feeds and nourishes 
a child, so the law feeds and nourishes the soul.' 
Milk mixed with flour or rice, and eaten with 
salad, or occasionally with meat, forms a large 
part of the food of the poor in Aleppo (Russell, i. 
118) and elsewhere. Among some Jews milk is 
not eaten with meat, on account of their interpre- 
tation of Ex 23'* (see above). 

Batter (n><9n hem' Ah, LXX ^o'^vpov) is used for 
cream and thick preparations of it, as well as for 
butter proper. In Is 7" it probably means cream, 
and in Jg 5-^'' the milk which was called hdldb in 
Jg 4'" is named hetn'dh ; but it was liquid enough 
to be kept in a skin bottle, and was used to quench 
thirst. The ' butter ' of Gn 18* was probably 
soured milk, which Is now much used in tne East, 
and called leben (Burckhardt, Bedouins, i. 240). The 
process of churning is called pp mtz, or 'pressure,' 
in Pr 30". It is now performed by rocking a skin 
of milk uj)on the knees (Doughty, i. 221), or by 
beating with a stick a skin of milk hung up in a 
frame, or jerking a skin thus suspended to and 
fro (Robinson, i. 485). The milk used is that of 
goats (Robinson, iii. 69) or cows (Dt 32") ; some 
iforms of butter are semi-fluid, and hence the figiira- 
tive language of Job 20" 29". The amount of 
butter eaten by Arabs is large, when it can be 
procured. Kitto says that allwell-prepared Arab 
food swims in it ; and Burckhardt describes the 
Arabs as taking a cupful of butter as breakfast in 
the morning (see Robinson, i. 449). Melted butter 
is used, poured over bread in a Ijowl, as a breakfast 
dish, and is called sarnen (cf. Doughty, ii. 67 f., 
208 f , 6.V) f.). Metaphorically, the smoothness of 
hypocritical words is compared to butter (Ps 55-'). 

Cheese (yn'jhdrtf) is mentioned as a delicacy sent 
by Jesse to the captain of the troop in whicli his 
sons were (1 S 17'*), the expression used there 
meaning ten slices of curd. The [i?y'] shdp/idh 
(pi. sJuiphoth) of 2 S \7^ was probably the leben, 
which here was made of cow s milk. Cheese is 
often made of the milk of the ewe or of the goat. 

A third word, nj'^a gibtnAh, means a clot, and is 
compared (Job 10'") with the material out of whicli 
the Ixtdy develops (cf. oVi gOlrm of Ps 139'"). 

The Arabs use drie^ milk, which they rub up 
with water when wanted (Doughty, i. 262); this 
they call ^nereesy. It is also mentioned by Burck- 
hardt (i. 60). 

(b) Besides the three domestic groups, seven 
forms of large game were allowed to be eaten ; 
these were the fallow deer, Duma vulgaris (V'K, 
LXX ;\a0os, the hart of RV and AV, as in Ps 42', 
La I") ; the gazelle, Gazclla dorcas ('Zf z^bi, LXX 
SopKds, A V roebuck, 2 S 2'*), called by the Egyptians 
gahs, and often used as a sacrifice ; the wild cow 
antelope, Bubalus bosdaphus (■nsr': yahmur, LXX 
irvyapyos, Vulg. bubalus, AV fallow deer, RV roe- 
buck), called shes by the Egyptians. three were hunted (Dt 12'»-23, Pr 6"), 
and formed elements in Solomon's daily provision 
(1 K 4-''). The other large game were : the ibex or 
wild goat, Capra bedcn, the Ji'eafu of Egypt ; the 
Sinaitic ibex is also called "jj; (Job 39', Ps 104'*), hence 
the name of Heber's wife Jg 4"- '* (ijSK 'akk6, AV 
and RV wild goat) ; the addax, Antilope oddax 
(I't5'"i dishon, A\ and RV 'pygarg,' the ancientE^yp- 
tian nudu), an antelope with lyrate horns and wiite 
hinder part, not uncommon in some parts of West- 
ern Asia, and found in Palestine ; tne oryx, Oryx 
beatrix (ixfi tc6, LXX 6pv^, AV wild ox, RV ante- 
lope), a straight - horned antelope, extending in 
distribution from N. Africa to Persia ; the African 
form, called in Egyptian maud, difi"ers from the 
Asiatic in some respects, and is called 0. Icuconjx ; 
it is very commonly represented as being sacrificed 
in Egyptian pictures ; and lastly, the kibisch or 
mouflon, Oris traqelaphus (iti zcmer, LXX KafirjXo- 
TrdpSaXts, AV and RV chamois). This is a mountain 
sheep which is found in Lebanon, Moab, and the 
Taurus, as well as in Corsica. Neither the chamois 
nor the giratt'e is a native of Palestine. 

(c) The law of clean birds is one of exclusion. 
All carnivorous or predaceous birds and seabirds, 
together with the ostrich, raven, heron, and stork, 
are declared unclean. On the positive side, the 
birds named as articles of diet were six : (1) the 
pigeon (Cvlumba livia, njr yOnAh, LXX irepiffTepd.) ; 
(2) the tUFtle doYe (Turtur communis, n'ln t6r, LXX 
rpvyuiy). These two were the commonest birds 
used for food in Palestine, and the only ones 
admitted as sacrifices. (3) The partridge, or whicli 
two species are found in Palestine, Caccabis chufcar, 
the large Indian partridge, and A mviopcrdix Heyi, 
the small partridge of Judaea (1 S 26-'"). This bird is 
hunted, as it runs when pursued, and is slow to rise 
in flight (Robinson, iii. 403). Its nest is sought 
after on account of the eggs, which are favourite 
articles of food (Jer 17", Sir 11*"). LXX renders 
it vvKTiKbpa^, which is a kind of heron. The place- 
name Beth-hoglah means the house of the partridge. 
Partridges as food are represented on an AssjTian 
sculpture in the British Museum. (4) The quail 
(Cotumix communis, i)if se/dv, LXX dpniyofii^pa), 
which furnished meat to the Israelites in their 

j wilderness journey (Ex 16'-'). These arc common 
i in Egypt, where they are .salted and eaten raw 
j (Herodotus, ii. 77). Tlie quail annually migrates in 
i immense levies across the desert nearly along the 

line of the Israelites" march (Robinson, i. 260). (5) 
j Fatted fowl, which were prepared for Solomon's table 

(IK 4-^), are called c-is-i;. They were i)robably 
I dackB or geese, so largely used in Egypt, where 




tliey are called aptiu and terpu. The}' were ap- 
parently not domesticated, but caught in nets, 
fattened and eaten (Lepsius, ii. 46 and 132). (6) 
Fowl in Neh 5^ CTgv zippdrim, were probably 
domestic fowl introduced from Babylonia, to "n-hich 
they had been brought from India, their native 
country. In NT times they had become domesti- 
cated in Palestine. It is said in the Mishna that 
fowl were not allowed in Jerusalem {Baba Kama, 
vii. 7) ; but this is a mistake (see Mt 26'* and parallel 
passages). Our Lord was famUiar with them and 
their habits, see Mt 23", where He quotes from 
•2 Es 1» 

Eggs as articles of food in early times were those 
of wild birds (Dt 22«, Is lO'^ 59*) ; but with the in- 
troduction of geese from Egypt and domestic fowl 
from India they became much more important as 
a part of the diet, and now are very largely used 
(Lk 11^). There is no reference to the ancient 
modes of cooking them, but at the present day 
they are boiled, or eaten swimming in hot butter 
and with honey (Finn. 141), or eaten with olives 
(ib. 272), or boiled with rice (Robinson, L 91), or 
fried in fat. 

The ichite of an egg (n?c?n -rr rtr halldmuth) of 
Job 6* may be either the material literally ex- 
pressed, see Tract ChuU. 64a, or curdled milk ; but 
IS understood bv some as a succulent, tasteless plant 
like purslain, Portulaca oleracea, as in the RVm. 
This plant is common in most places in Palestine, 
and is in Arabic associated with imbecUity. Golius 
quotes the proverb 'more foolish than purslain,' 
Sentent. Arab. 81. For other meanings see 
Gesenius, Thesaurus, sub voce. 

Dove's dung, mentioned in connexion with the 
famine during the siege of Samaria, has been 
variously understood by commentators. It is said 
(2 K 6^) that one imperial pint of it was sold for 
about l'2s. 6d. c'jv'^q hctriyonim, or as it is in 
5er§ c'ji'2^ dibyonim, is understood by Josephus 
literally, and he supposes it to have been used as 
a condiment in place of salt {Ant. VS.. iv. 4). The 
threat in Rabshakeh's appeal to the Jews (2 K 18") 
is in favour of this view. Others have supposed that 
this material was used for fuel, as the cow dung 
in Ezk 4^ ; and Harmer thinks it was used to 
manure melons and other vegetables grown within 
the city {Obs. iii. 185; see Moriers Second Journey, 
p. 141). Fuller surmised that it might be the con- 
tents of the pigeon's crop. Linnajus and Smith 
identify it as the root of a liliaceous plant, the 
Ornithogalum umbellatum or star of Bethlehem ; 
but this as well as Bochart's conjecture, that it 
was a chick-pea or small species of deer, and the 
view that it was a small species of sorghum, are 
without foundation, as there is no reason why 
the price of these rare foods should be specified. 
On the whole, there is as much evidence for 
the literal interpretation as for any of these 

(d) No reptile was permitted to be eaten ; of 
fishes all that have fins and scales were clean ; but 
it is a remarkable fact that no species of fish is 
mentioned in the Bible, nor is there any discrimina- 
tion except good or bad (Mt 13*), and big and little 
(Jon 1", Jn 21", Mk 8^). The Sea of GalUee 
abounds in fishes, which are delicate and well 
flavoured (Robinson, ii. 386). Altogether 43 species 
have been found by Lortet, Tristram, and others, 
of which 14 are peculiar to the lake and to the 
Jordan. One of the largest of these, Clarias macra- 
canthus, being scaleless, was unclean {KopaKivos, Jos. 
BJ III. X. 8). The largest of the clean fishes are 
species of Chromis, which resemble the carp, and 
have large scales. One of these, Chromis XUoticus, 
called Moncht by the fishermen of Tiberias, has 
been found up to 5 lb. in weight ; another, C. 
Tiberiadis, is peculiar to the lake, and very plenti- 

ful ; C. Andrea and C. Simon La are also peculiar, as 
is the C. Flavii Josephi. There are also four .>*pecies 
of barbel of the genera Barbus, Scaphiodon and 
Capoetct, as well as one species each of dace, loach, 
and bleak, and two blennies, B. Lupulus and B. 
rarius. Sea fishery was carried on at Tyre 
(Ezk 26'), and from thence preserved fish were im- 
ported into Jerusalem (Neh 13^*), probably dried 
and cured. It was likel}- some dried fishes which 
formed part of the food with which the 5000 were 
fed. The fish-market at Jerusalem was probably 
at the fish-gate (2 Ch 33"). The fishpools of 
Heshbon (Ca 7*) have been regarded as indicating 
that the Jews kept fish in them for use ; but the 
word ' fish ' is here an interpolation. Abundance of 
fish was one of the elements in the prosperi^ of 
Joseph, according to his blessing, Gn 4^. Fish 
was one of the staple foods in Egypt (Nu 11*). 
See picture of fishing in Baedeker's Egypt, p. 411, 
and Wilkinson, ii. 102. 

(c) Four insects were allowed to be eaten accord- 
ing to the list in Lv ; these were : ( 1 ) the ."nnK 'arbeh, 
LXX ^povxos, the swarming locust, ^dipoda migra- 
toria; (2) Dj^p soTdm, LXX dTT<i«7j, probably Aery- 
dium peregrinum, the bald locust or AV ; (3) 'f'syj 
hargCt, liXX 6^to;«£xoj (AV beetle), a leaping 
animal, and therefore not a beetle, probably the 
khardjtda of the Arabs, which the Rabbins supposed 
to be a grasshopper, more probably the largest of 
the locusts, jEdipoda cristata ; and (4) 2:.- hftgab, 
LXX oKpts, probably the little black locust found 
in the Sinaitic desert which the Arabs call Faros 
el-jundi or soldiers' horses, recalling the description 
of the locusts in Rev 9". It is, however, not pos- 
sible precisely to identify these two latter forms. 
Locusts formed part of the food of the Baptist 
(ilt 3*, Mk 1*). Doughty describes them as being 
prepared by salting, and then being stived into a 
leathern Siick in wMch they kept good a long while. 
They mingle them, brayed small, with butter-milk. 
The best is the fat spring locust ; the later brood is 
dry and unwholesome (i. 203). Burckhardt says 
they are put alive into boiling brine, then dried in 
the sun, the head, legs, and wings being plucked 
oti" and then stored in bags. They are sometimes 
mixed with butter and spread on bread. They 
taste not unlike shrimps. On one of the Assyrian 
sculptures in the British Museum two slaves are 
represented vnth long sticks of locusts. 

Honey took the place of sugar in cookery, either the 
natural product ( 1 S 14^, Mt 3^ Lk 2i^, AV, not RV) 
or the art ificial dibs made of grapes ordates,described 
above. True honey is collected by the bee. Apis 
fasciata (see Bee). It is found in follows in rocks 
(Dt 32", Ps 81^) or in hollow trees (1 S 14»), from 
which it drops on the ground. A shrub or tree 
on which was a honeycomb was called "ir, a word 
used for honeycomb in Ca 5^. Birds, jackals, and 
ants would soon reduce a lion to a dry skeleton, so 
that in a few davs a swarm of bees might take 
possession of it (Jg 14®). Herodotus tells us that 
the head of Onesilus, suspended over the gate of 
Amathus, became filled with honeycomb (v. 114). 
See also the account of the Egyptian practice of 
killing a ealf and placing it in a favourable place, 
when in nine days bees swarm within the carcase 
(VirgU, Georg. iv. 300 ft'.). Compare with this 
Pythagoras' theory of. the origin of bees, Ovid, 
Metamorph. xv. 27. 

As honey is liable to ferment, it was forbidden to 
be used in any offering to God (Lv 2"), the pre- 
servative material salt bein^ used instead. Honey 
was one of the exports of PsQestine to Tyre. Along 
with it is named the substance Paxxag, supposed 
by some to be a sweetmeat. LXX translates it 
* cassia,' and the Vulgate ' balsam.' In the S\"riac 
it is said to be millet. 

At the present day honey is used by the Arabs 



to sweeten cakes (Ex 16") as we use sujjar. It is 
sometimes, but not often, eaten by itselt from the 
comb (.Ig 14*), or as it drops from the comb (1 S 
14"). The liquid honey as it has dropped, called 
1« zuph (Pr 16'-'^, Ts 19'*), is the best, ana a cruse of 
thisM'u.s part of tlic present brought by Jeroboam's 
wife to Ahijah (1 Iv 14'). Honey was brought with 
the other provisions to David in exile (2 S IT-*), 
and wild honey (iiAXi iyptox) was part of the Baptist's 
diet (Mt 3*). Butter and honey is expressive of a 
rich diet, see Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 54, but not 
Is 7"'^. Milk and honey are the products of a 
fertile land (Odi/ss. xx. 68). The eHectn of a surfeit 
of honey are "graphically described in Pr 25'*. Honey 
is still stored in jars or skins as of old (Jer 41**). 

Salt (n"jp), eaten with food as a condiment to 
flavour it (Job 6', Sir SO'*), used to preserve food, 
and given to cattle (Is 30^), was extracted from the 
salt beds by the Dead Sea, or made by evaporation 
from sea water. There are masses of rock salt 
several miles in extent on the S.E. of the Dead 
Sea (Robinson, ii. 108), and the salt of Sodom is 
named in a Gemara ; see also Josephus, Ant. XII. 
iii. 3, XIII. iv. 9. Much of this salt was very im- 
pure, hence it sometimes lost its savour as well as 
its preserving power, and was cast out on the land 
as waste (Mt 5'', Lk 14^). This was due to the 
rain washing out the salt and leaving only the 
earthy dross. Too much salt rendered the land 
barren, and to sow with salt meant to doom to 
perpetual desolation (Dt 29^, Jg 9«, Zeph 2», Jer 
17*, Job 39*). Salt was to be used with all the sacri- 
Hces (Lv 2", Ezk 43'^«, Mk 9^» TR). See 11. i. 449, and 
^^neid, ii. 133. For this purpose salt was sold in 
the temple market; see Maii, de usu Salis Symbol, 
in rebus sacris Dissert., Giessen, 1G92; Middoth,\. 3. 
The addition of salt to the animal sacrifice was 
probably a later arrangement. See Philo, ii. 255 ; 
Hottinger, Jur. Heb. Leg. p. 168, and de Usu Salis 
in CiUtu sacro, Marburg, 1706 ; Wokenius, de 
Salitura Oblationum, 1747. Salted incense is 
referred to in Ex 30^. Salt is much prized, both in 
Syria and Egypt. A Bedawi prefers salt to sugar 
wnen both are ofl'ered to him. It is an emblem 
of hospitality ; to eat bread and salt with one is to 
be bound to him by ties of hospitality, a covenant 
of salt (Lv 2", Nu 18", 2 Ch 13»). A similar 
alliance is expressed in Ezr 4". See Niebuhr, 
Beschreibung , 48 ; Btehrdt, de Fadere Salis. For 
the washing of infants in salt see Medicine. It 
is possible that the Sidonian Misrephoth-raaim of 
Jos 11* 13* may have been a place of salt-pans 
where sea water was evaporated. 

Hyssop (ailx), whicli may be mentioned as an 
accessory to the feast of Passover, though in itself 
not a food-stuff, is a labiate herb of inconspicuous 
size, which was used by the Egyptian priests for 
food (Porphyry, de Abstinentia, iv. 7), but is men- 
tioned in the Bible only as a means of aspersion, 
considered by Celsius to be the Hyssopus officinalis, 
a thyme-like plant. In Negaim, xiv. 6, there are 
five kinds recognized— the Greek (Origanum Smyr- 
nwum), the Egyptian {Origanum ^gyptiacnm), the 
wild {0. Syriacum), the Cochali {Origanum maru), 
and the Roman {Saturcja Juliana). As the hyssop 
had a firm stem and could be tied in a bundle, it 
was probiibly the 0. maru. Kitto conjectures that 
it is the poke {Phytolacca deeandra) ; but this is 
not a native of Palestine. Royle, Tristram, and 
Stanley believe it to be the caper {Capparis 
spinosa) ; but this does not fulfil the conditions ; it 
is soft, smooth, and irregularly branched, besides 
it is mentioned under another name as niV^t* 
nbtyondh (Ec 12», ' desire ' AV, ' caperberry ' RV). 
The flower - buds of the caper are supposed to 
stimulate passion and appetite, and were eaten 
with vinegar along with meat as they are still ; 
hence the metaphorical use in the passage, whose 


real meaning is better conveyed by the AV than 
by the RV literal reading. 

The following fruits or herbs arc used with 
meats as condiments : — 

Anise or dill (Mt 23'-''), an umbelliferous plant, 
Ancthum graveolens, whose fruits were used as a 
carminative. It is a native of Palestine. The 
allied Pimpinella anisum is tlie anise of Pliny ; 
but the dill is called by Hippocrates 6.vr)0ov, and by 
Dioscorides 6.vIki)tov, the word used in the text. 
Its properties are much the same as those of the 
caraway seed. For an account of references in 
classical literature see Pliny, xx. 17 ; and for a 
figure see Woodville's Med. Botany. In Moose- 
roth, iv. § 6, Rabbi Eliezer says the seeds, leaves, 
and stem of the shabath or anise are liable to tithe. 
Dill is called in Arabic shibt. At the present day 
the fruit of Anethum is called dill, and that of 
Pimpinella is anise-seed. 

Coriander, the small round fruit of Coriandrum 
sativtcm to which the manna was compared, used in 
the same way as anise, especially in Egypt (Ex 16'^, 
Nu IP). It is an umbelliferous plant, and grows in 
Syria and Egypt (see Pliny, xx. 20 ; and for figures 
or this and the following plants see Woodville). 

Cummin, also an umbelliferous plant {Cuminum 
sativum), whose fruit was cultivated as a carmina- 
tive, and was beaten with a rod ofi' the plant when 
it was ripe (Is 28-'', Mt 23^^). In Heb. it is called 
ja;, kammOn, and in Gr. kvhivov. For its use see 
Pliny, xix. 8. As to the doubt of its being tithed 
see Demai, ii. § 1. 

Mint {7)Sio(Ttiov, Heb. k^jt), the well - known 
aromatic labiate plant Mentha sylvestris, men- 
tioned with the last in Mt 23^. For its use among 
the Jews see Celsius, Hierobot. i. 546, and Pliny, 
xix. 47. See Uketzin, i. ^ 2; also Nedarim, 5Io ; 
Sliebiith, vii. §§ 1,2. 

Mustard {civairi), the small seed of the common 
Sinapis nigra, which grows to a veiy large size in 
Palestine as the 'greatest of herbs'^ (Mt 13** 17*', 
Lk 13" 17*), and is used as a condiment. See 
Thomson, Land and Book, i. 453. The pungent 
seeds of a small tree, Salvadora pcrsica, have been 
supposed by Dr. Royle to be the mustard of the 
parable ; but this is rarely, if at all, found in 
Palestine, and is not an herb, but a tree. The only 
claim is, that it is called in India khaj'jal, while 
khardal is the Arabic for mustard (see Royle, 
Journ. Asiatic Soc. 1844, No. xv., and Lambert, 
Trans. Linn. Soc. xvii. 449). 

To the miraculous food by Avliich the Israelites 
were fed, the name Manna is given. This has been 
supposed to be the guinuiy exudation of the Tamarix 
mannifera, a shrub which grows in the wilderness ; 
but the whole description indicates that it was a 
miraculous food. 

III. Taboos. — There are certain prohibitions 
specially mentioned in the Pentateuch. One of 
these, tne kid in mother's milk, has been already 
discussed. Blood is one of the most ancient of 
these taboos, and in connexion with it all animals 
which died of themselves or were killed other- 
wise than by being bled, were forbidden. Any 
such n^3j, ncbeldh, or carcase, might be given 1x) 
strangers, or sold to foreigners, but was an abomi- 
nation to the Jews (Dt 14'-''). The eater of it 
was rendered unclean (Lv 17" 22*). Likewise 
that which was torn of beasts (Ex 22"), while it 
might be eaten by the stranger, was not allowed to 
the Israelite (Lv 17"). Hunting by dogs was 
therefore not practised. The observance of this 
taboo of V:5 piggM, or abominable flesh, is 
referred to in Ezk 4" and Ac 10" (irav Koivbv Kal 
iKddapTov), and it was one of the four ' neces.sary 
things ' prohibited to tlie Gentile converts by the 
Jerusalem Council, Ac 15^ ('things strangled'). 
Theeatingof blooil. %\ hicli is one of the most ancient 




prohibitions (Gn 9*) re-enacted in the Mosaic law in 
which it is frequently repeated, had not only a 
hygienic basis, but had reference probably to the 
drink-offerings of blood which were parts of the 
heathen rituals (Ps 16^). It was thus a law of 
demarcation, and in Lv 19* eating with the blood 
and auguries are bracketed together. The poison- 
ous effects of bulls blood are referred to by several 
authors ; Midas (Strabo, I. xi. § 21) and Psam- 
menitus (Herodotus, iiL 15) are said to have been 
killed by it. 

The Fat of animals was also forbidden (Lv 7*) as 
food, and in the sacrificed victims this is called ' the 
food of the bumt-offering ' Lv 3". ' All the fat is 
the Lord's ' (v.i«), see 1 S 2'«, 2 Ch "", Gn 4*. What 
is specially referred to is the thick subcutaneous 
layer, and that around the kidneys and other 
viscera, as well as the fatty tails of the sheep. The 
' fat things ' of the promised spiritual feast in Is 
25* as well as in Neh 8^" are c'3?7; mashmannim, 
delicate things, not :''- hcleb, suet. 

The Sinew that shrank (Gn 3232), ^hich it was 
the custom of the Jews to avoid, was a tribal taboo 
although not specially interdicted by statute. It 
is not known what part is particularized by the 
name tj gid, as the word is a general one, used of 
the sinews of the whole body in the vision of dry 
bones, Ezk 37^. Some have supposed it to be the 
gi-eat sciatic nerve at the back of the hip ( Josephus, 
Ant. I. XX. 2), but that is not situated in the 
hollow of the thigh. This region, kaph hayyerek, 
evidently means the groin, which was facing his 
antagonist when Jacob was wrestling. There are 
two sinews there which if cramped cause lame- 
ness — one the tendon of the psoas, which exactly fits 
the description, but is very seldom cramped ; the 
other, that of the adductor longus, is exceedingly 
liable to cramp when the thi^h is twisted, and this 
causes agonizing pain and lameness, and would 
effectually disable a wTestler. I have known it to 
be severely strained in athletic exercises, causing 
lameness for several weeks. Some Jews have re- 
commended that the hind legs of animals should 
not be eaten, lest by accident this sinew should be 
partaken of by mistake. This was not the practice 
in early times, for Samuel's cook set the thigh of 
the animal before Saul as the piece of honour ( 1 S 
9^*. A V and RVm tr. pic* here ' shoulder '). See 
Tract Chullin, 7. 

Swine, forbidden as food to the Jews, were eaten 
by the surrounding peoples in general. The 
Egj-ptians also considered the pig unclean (Herod, 
ii. 47), for a reason the Greek author forbears to 
mention, but which we learn from the Book of the 
Dead, as the demon Set once appeared in the form of 
a pig. Hence they are never represented in the older 
monuments, but appear in those of the New Empire 
(Wilkinson, ii. 100). The foul habits and coarse 
feeding of swine, their supposed liability to glan- 
dular disease [which has given us the Latin name 
of such swellings 'scrofula '(Celsus, V. xxviii. 7), and 
its Greek eqnivalent x'^'^P^-^ (Hippoc. Aph. 1248)], 
and the notion that leprosy followed the eating of 
swine's flesh, contributed to this dislike. After the 
Captivity, however, especially under Syrian and 
Roman domination, the keeping of swine was prac- 
tised for commercial purposes if not for food, hence 
our Lord's references Mt 7®, Lk 15^^, Mt 8*" (see 
Thomson, i. 355 ff.). Swine's flesh is taboo to the 
Mohammedan as well as to the Jew. For a detailed 
consideration of this prohibition see Spencer, dc 
legihus Hebrmorum ritxialibus, Cambridge, 1727, i. 
p. 13L 

The Camel, which is eaten by the Bedawin, was 
forbidden by the Levitical code. It is coarse and 
rather dry meat. The milk, however, was used in 
Ijatriarchal times (see above). It was probably 
camels milk which Jael gave to Sisera. 

The Hare (n^K), only mentioned as being unclean 
because it is not cloven-footed, was common in the 
hilly regions. In the North the commonest species 
is Lepus Syriacus, in the South L. yEguptiacus, and 
in the Arabah and Dead Sea district L. Sinaitictu. 
It is said to chew the cud from its habit of sitting 
in its form, but it is not a true ruminant. The 
same is the case with the shaphan or coney, which 
is the Hyrax Syriacus. 

The oldest taboo is that of the fruit of the tree ny^n 
vn :ia ' of the knowledge of good and evil,' Con- 
jecture as to the actual tree meant is useless, but it 
IS worth noting that the banana was identified with 
it by many mediaeval writers ; see Brocard's Descript. 
Terra Sancta, xi. See also Celsius, Hierobot., iu 
which it is supposed to be the quince. 

In the NT there is added the taboo of things 
oflered to idols (Ac 21^, 1 Co 8^). The early ecclesi- 
astics increased the stringency of the apostles 
ordinance, and by the Council of Ancyra (c. 7) it 
was forbidden to a Christian to eat in any place 
which was connected with idolatrous worship, even 
if he brought his own food. On the other hand, 
Gregory, in \vriting to Augustine (Ep. xi. 76), 
recommends that the heathen sacrifices of oxen 
should be allowed to be continued in the English 
temples to accustom the people gradually to the 
change of ritual, but that they should be made on 
saints' days. For the tabooed vineyard on account 
of mixed seeds see above ; and for rabbinical 
comments on taboos see Aboda Zara, especially 
V. § 9. 

The Ass, though an unclean animal, was eaten 
during periods of famine. In 2 K 6^ it is said that 
during the siege of Samaria a -licq-rxn rosh-hdmur, 
or ass's head, was sold for about £10. It has been 
supposed that this meant a measure of com, but 
this is unlikely. In periods of dearth, distinctions 
of food are impracticable (Ezk 4'-^) ; for parallels see 
Plutarch (vit. Artax. Mnemon, i. 1023, and Xeno- 
phon, Anab. i. § 5). Even human flesh was eaten in 
such straits, see 2 K 6-^, La 4i», Ezk 5^^ 

IV. Food Pkeparatiox. — In primitive times the 
field, the flock, and the herd supplied all that was 
needful to the family, who procured it directly when 
wanted as in Gn 18* ; but with the growth of towns 
and the consequent di\"ision of labour, food became 
a matter of merchandise. It was so in time of 
famine (Gn 42*), or to those on journeys (Dt 2®- '^j. 
Markets or bazaars became established in the 
to\vns (Jer 37-^, and merchants and shopmen (1 K 
W) supplied the wants of the town-dwellers. We 
read of such sellers of victual in Jerusalem (Neh 13") 
and Samaria (Jn 4*), In this way, bread, water, 
fruit, mUk, and flesh are purveyed to the people of 
the cities of the East. 

Cookery was practised or supervised by the wife 
(Gn 18*), or by a slave (Gn 18"). At set feasts there 
was a cook employed (1 S 9^) who killed the animals, 
and hence was called n|? tabbdh, a word also applied 
to soldiers or executioners (Jer 39^). Some of these 
were female cooks (1 S 8^) who dressed the meats, 
and differed from the niEx or bakers, and the 
n:n;ri who were perfumers or spice mixers (IS 8^^ 
AV and RV ' confectionaries '). 

The animals were killed immediately before being 
cooked (Gn 18'', Lk 15^) ; the throat was cut and 
the blood poured out in accordance with Lv 1^ 
(see 1 S 14^-*^-) ; they were then flayed (Mic 3*) and 
cut up into joints, except in the case of small 
animals such as lambs, which were cooked whole 
(Ex 12**). With larger animals the flesh was separ- 
ated from the bones, and these broken when the 
flesh was to be boiled (Mic 3^). The doubtful 
air. Xry. 'Z'B is tr. in Job 15^ collops. 

Boiling was the ordinary method of cooking, 
hence h^^ bashal, to boU, is used of cooking in 
general (2 S 13*). The vessels used for this purpose 

were pots or caldrons of different kinds, which are 
called by six difleront names (see below). Some of 
the sacrifices were boiled, having first been flayed, 
the fat alone being burned (2 Ch 35'*). This was 
especially the case with the sacrificial feasts, peace- 
otlering, or hostia honorijica. In boiling, the caldron 
was first partly tilled with water, and the flesh put 
in (Ezk 24*) ; Hometimes milk was use<l, as Burck- 
hardt describes being done at the present day (i. 63), 
and occasionally the bones were used to make the 
fire burn briskly, as Ezekiel describes. When the 
scum rises it is taken off (Ezk 24*, but RV tr. nij^n 
h'l'dh, as ' the rust of the pot,' not scum, LXX /6s). 
in Ezk 24»<' AV tr. n'Enn hnrkiah, ' spice it well," 
as if derived from np-i to mix spices, but LXX has 
it iXarrudr) 6 fw^t^j, and RV renders it ' make thick 
the broth.' Spicing, that is, mixing with savoury 
or carminative herbs, was used to render meat 
savoury (Gn 27*), and such food was called 'dainty 
meat ' (Pr 23^' cy?i? rruit'cim, but called Tnariam in 
Ps 141*). Salt was also added, and when boiled 
the broth, pi? mdrak (Is 65* jf^ere, but the Kethib has 
parak, wliich means a stew or a mess of mincemeat 
in broth), was served separately (Jg 6^"*^). In 
modem Hebrew, soup is rp-ipT rakreketh. The 
broth may be used as a sauce for meat (Burckhardt, 
i. 63), or eaten with bread and butter (Gn 18*). 
Vegetables or rice or meal mav be boiled in it or 
eat^n mixed with it. Vegetable food was also 
boiled in water, with butter or with milk, to make 
pottage (Gn 25=^", 2 K 4**), which was of the con- 
sistence of thick Scotch broth or thin porridge. 

Roasting was practised with small animals, such 
as the paschal lamb, which was cooked whole (Ex 
r2*«) over an open fire (Ex 12'*, 2 Ch 35'*), which 
Avas of wood (Is 44^*). Animals taken in the chase 
were also roasted (inn hCirak, Pr 12^). Or the meat 
was baked in an oven, which may have been sunk 
in the ground (see Bread). The paschal lamb was 
flayed oefore being roasted (2 Ch 35"). Eli's sons 
(1 S 2'^"-) sinned in that they took part of the flesh, 
which should have been boiled, and roasted it. 
They also seem not to have been content with the 
priestly share, which was idtimately fixed as the 
breast of the peace-offering and the right shoulder 
(Lv T^^'*"-"). The only method of cooking fish men- 
tioned in the Bible is broiling (^tttos, Lk 24*^, see 
Jn 21*) on the coals. In the Gizeh Museum there 
is a representation of shepherds broiling fish over 
the fire, and wiping the ashes from them with little 
l)undles of straw (see Perrot-Chipiez, Hist, de I Art 
dans rantiqnit^, i. ). 

V. Vessels used in the conveyance and cooking 
of food. There were several kinds of basket (see 
Basket). The pots were of six kinds : 1. td sir, 
LXX \4^r)i, called in Jer P* a sir nupMah or boiling 
caldron. Of this kind were the flesh-pots of Egypt 
(Ex 16*) and the great pot used by the sons of the 
prophets (2 K 4*8), as well as the caldron of Ezekiel's 
visions (ll*-^ 24«), and of Zechariah (\4P^- 21). In the 
list of temple furniture this word is tr. 'pot' in 
1 K 7*" and 'pan ' in Ex 27*, in which cases it was a 
brazen vessel for ashes, not for boiling. It is tr'' 
'washpot' in Ps 60* and 'caldrons' in Jer 52^*(RV 
pots). 2. nn dtid, usually tr. basket (which see), 
IS the kettle of 1 S 2'* and the caldron of 2 Cli 35", 
tr. X^/3i;i by LXX in the latter case. 3. The pan of 
1 S 2", 1 K 7», and 2 Ch 4« is ir? kirjyor, LXX Xi^-qs. 
This word is variously tr. 'torch' (Zee 12®, RV 
•pan'), 'laver,' or washing vessel (Ex 30^* etc.), 
and seems to have l>een a shallow, wide-mouthed 
utensil. The c-y^ of Lv 1 1*», Avhich like the tanjivr 
or oven could be broken down, was probably, as AV 
and RV render it in the t«xt, a fireheartli or range 
for pots (RVm has ' steAvpan '), ])erh!vps of two 
sides as the dual indicates, LXX xt^/><i7ro5<j. i. The 
caldron of Mic 3' is nn^p Ukalla/iath, similarly tr. 
in 1 a 2", LXX x^/x*. an eartHenware vessel for 

boiling. These were slightly glazed by means of 
salt and litharge. This may be referred to in the 
DTP or silver dross of Pr 26^. 8. The pot of 1 S 2'* 
is -ni^pdrur, tr. 'pan' in Nu 11* (RV pots); in Jg 6*" 
it was a pot for holding broth, LXX xi'^M- S* ^^'^ 
pan of 2 Ch 35'* is nr^ht zel&Mk. This is the word 
Ir. ' cruse ' in 2 K 2"'*, and ' dish ' in 2 K 21" and 
Pr 19^ (AV tr. it here ' bosom ' as LXX Kb\iroi). 

The caldron of AV Job 41'* is properly translatetl 
' rushes ' in RV The figure being that leviathan's 
snortings make the pool in which he swims to boil 
like a caklron and the reeds to seem as if on fire. 

The J"?!? or flesh hook was a brazen fork (Ex 
27*), which had three teeth (1 S 2'^). The hooks of 
Ezk 40** for hanging up the slaughtered carcases of 
the ottered animals are called 0:087 shephattaim. 

The firepan or chafing dish of 2 K 25** n^TH? 
mahtdh was used for carrying burning coals. 
These vessels were of gold in the first temple. 

The dishes or trays or other vessels in which 
food and drink were served are known by various 
names. Pottage was eaten out of the pot in which 
it was boiled (2 K 4*"). Thomson describes the 
Bedawin sitting around a large saucepan and 
doubling their bread spoon-fasliion to eat their 
lentil pottage (i. 253). Many of the vessels named 
were employed only in the tem]»le service. 

•jp-iJK 'dgartdl, LXX \f/vKT-/ip, Vulg. phiala, only 
used in Ezr 1* and tr. ' charger,' was a gold bowl or 
basin, said by Ibn Ezra to be the same as that 
called mizrdk. 

IJN 'aggdn', LXX Kpar-qp, used in Ex 24* for a 
wash- vessel or basin for sacrificial blood, made of 
gold, silver, or brass. Its plural is tr. cups in Is 
222* . see also Ca V. 

TIiDx 'usuk, an oil vessel 2 K 4" tr. ' pot,' after 
Kimchi, but more probably a flask or bottle. 

ijnN 'argdz, a cofl'er or box, which could be slung 
to the side of a cart, such as that in which the 
votive offerings of the Philistines were sent ( 1 S 6"). 

J32p3 bakbuk, a wide-mouthed bottle or cruse for 
carrying honey (1 K 14*). It was of earthenware, 
and so was easily broken (Jer 19'- '*) ; LXX renders 
it /3t/c6y, which is the name given by Herodotus to 
the Babylonian casks of palm wine (i. 194). 
Athenseus uses it for a drinking vessel (784 D). 
In Maltese a large vessel of this kind is called 

a'53 ijdbtd, wine bowls (as Jer 35^ LXX Kepdfuop), 
of earthenware, from Avhich wine was ^wured into 
goblets. A silver cup used for drinking and 
divination Gn 44^; LXX kovSv, said to be a Persian 
word. It is used for the pots of wine out of which 
Jeremiah filled the k6s6th for the Rechabites, Jer 

nVj gulldh, LXX ffrpeirrbv avO^iuov, a round vessel 
for holding oil in a lamp Zee 4*, the golden cnise of 
Ec 12*, used also for the rounded bowls above the 
capitals of the temple-pillars in 1 K 7*^ and 2 Ch 
41a. 13^ possibly volutes such as those shown on the 
tablet of Saraas in the Brit. Museum. 

13 lead, a pail or barrel to hold meal 1 K 17'*, or 
water 1 K 18**. This name is given to Rebekah's 
pitcher Gn 24'*- ">*'•, and to Gideon's men's pitchers 
Jg 7'* ; see also Ec 12*. 

'^:p Mlt, a vessel in general, of gold and silver 
Gn 24**, or of clay Lv 11**, apparently so called 
irrespective of shape, used for tlie vessels of the 
temple Is 52", Ezr 1", Nu 4". 

ob kds, a wine cup as in Gn 40"- '*• ^'. Pharaoh's 
wine chalice, the cup which passed around the 
circle at a meal 2 S 1'2*. See also Pr 23*', used 
metaphorically Ps 11* 116'*, Is 51'"--, Hab 2'* etc. 

13 and 3p were vessels of measurement, the 
former about 8 bushels, the latter about 4 pints. 
nxp, also a measure, nearly equals the English peck, 
and is a little greater than the fibbios or ' oushel ' of 
Mt 5"*. See Weights and Measures. 

•tej kiph6r, a deep cup or chalice as 1 CIi 28", 
Ezr 1^*, and 8-'^, probably a cup with a cover. 

n;-? mahabath, a tlat plate (?) for frjing or baking 
bread Lv 6" 7^ 1 Ch 23^, Ezk 4». See Bread, 

.T^nj mahtdh, a tirepan 2 K 25**, or an incense 
bowl Lv 16", a coalpan Ex 27' 25**, LXX Tvptlov. 

n^gp menakkiytih, a sacrificial dish Ex 25* 37", 
Nu 4", Jer 52'*, probably a libation vessel. 

njT? medok6h, a mortar in which e.g. the mRnna 
was beaten before being Kiked Nu IP. 

frj!? a bowl ; of these Hiram made a hundred 
2 Ch 4», 1 K 7«- **. See Ex 25^, 1 Ch 28»- *', Nu 
7^, Zee 9^. For the numbers of these <tKa\ai and 
fffopiila, see Jos. Ant. vm. iiL 7, 8. It b a sacri- 
ficial bowl for dashing (pi;) the blood in a volume 
against the altar (see Driver's note on Am 6*). 

"Kj nod, a skin bottle, see above under Wine. 

"jzi nebd, a skin of wine 1 S 1^ 10», 2 S 16* ; this 
word is also used for an earthen vessel as in Is 22"-^ 
30'*. It is also the name of a musical instrument, 
a lute (RV) or psaltery or viol Is 5". 

«;C soph, a iMisin or bowl for blood Ex 12^, 
Jer 52**, for wine Is 51*", Zee 12*. 

Srr xephel, a bowl Jg 5=* 6" ; LXX \«d^ ; also 
in i K -^ and 2 K 12*3. 

-= pak, a ^-ial or flask of oil 1 S 10*, 2 K 9*-»; 
LXX ipaKos, probably the same as the bakbuk. 

nyss zapimhath, a water bottle 1 S 26*-, 1 K 19^, 
or an oil bottle 1 K 17*^ ; an oryballus or round 
vessel with a narrow neck, see Thomson, iL 21. 
See 2 K 9*"' for box of ointment. 

.Tn^jf zelaMh, a dish or bowl in which sacrifices 
were boiled as in 2 Ch 35*^, or a flat saucer for salt 
2 K *» 21*^ Pr 19^' 26'5. 

nz-iXi zinzeneth, in Ex le^^, was the pot in which 
the manna was laid up, a vase or jar according to 
Abu'l Walid and Sa'adya. 

'AXA^(TTpop of Mt 26' was a vessel made of satin 
spar or Oriental alabaster, which is a variegated 
kind of marble of calcium carlwnate, not thegypaum 
or calcium sulphate now called alabaster. Vessels 
of this kind are described by Theophrastus (de 
Odoribus, 41) and by Pliny (ix. 56) as elongated 
or pear-shaped w-ith fairly narrow necks. Some 
alabastra were made of glass, gold (Plutarch, 
Vit. Alex.), or earthenware (Epiphanius, rfe men- 
suris et ponderibiis, xxiv. 182). 

UtVof, the charger in which the Baptist's head 
was sent (Mt 14-- **), was a flat dish. Finn refers to 
a case in which some Bedawin sent the head of an 
enemy on a dish on the top of a pillau of rice (p. 35). 
The Trapo-yis of Mt 23'^ was a smaller dish on which 
dainty food was served. 

Of other XT vessels, rorripiov is the drinking 
cup of Mk 7*, and that used at the Last Supper 
Mk 14'^ etc. IfcTTT/s in Mk 1* is a Latinism, a cor- 
ruption of sextarius, a pint measure. The word is 
used by Sicilian writers, x"'^*"*' in the same 
passage is a copper or bronze vessel of any shape. 
iiSpiai \idivai at the fea^t at Cana { Jn 2*) were stone 
pitchers of considerable capacity. Early figures 
of these from sarcopliagi and from the well-known 
ivory plaque in Ravenna are publislied by Bottari 
and Bandini, and an ancient hydria is shown as 
one of these in the Ch. of St. Ursula in Cologne ; 
for others see Didron, Annales Archeol. xiii. 2. 

VI. The usual mrals in ordinary life were two — 
a mid-day meal or dinner, and an evening meal or 
supper, which was the more important. Break- 
fast was, and still is, an informal repast. That 
in Jn 21*3 was a meal after a night of toil, so 
' dine ' in AV is replaced in RV by ' break your 
fast' (a.pc(rrT)<TaTe). The meal at the Pharisee's 
house in Lk 11^ is also, as in RVm, a breakfast or 
early meal. Peter, defending the apostles, points 
out that they could not be drunken, as it was only 
9 o'clock in the morning (Ac 2*^|. Early drinking 
of \\-ine at such a time was a sign of deirradation 

(Is 5**), and eating in the morning is deprecated as 
culpable luxury (Ec 10**) and out of due season. 

It is still the custom in the East to make the 
morning repast a very slight one— a cup of milk, a 
piece of butter. Robinson describes melted butter 
{semen), or oil poured over bread, as a breakfast dish 
(iL 70), or cakes baked on the ashes and broken 
up and mixed with butter in a dish (iL 18). The 
morning meal of the Bedawi is about 9 or 10 
o'clock (Burckliardt, Notes, L 69). Dnmimond 
notices how his negro bearers in tropical Africa 
rose from sleep and b^an their day's work without 
food (Tropical Africa, p. 100). 

The mid-day meal or dinner in Egypt was at 
noon (Gn 43**), and probably was at the same time 
in Palestine (Ru 2**). Abstinence from this is 
called fasting (Jg 20^6, 1 S 14'^, 2 S 1*2 3?*). From 
these passages it is evident that the people were 
accustomed to ' eat bread ' at mid-daj-. God pro- 
mised to Israel bread in the morning and flesh in 
the evening (Ex 16*^). This early meal is the 
dpurrov of Lk 14*^. St. Peter's intended meal, 
interrupted by Cornelius' messengers, was at 
12 o'clock. This meal took some time to prepare, 
so the good housewife began to make ready this pn 
while it was yet night ( Pr 31*^). The meal'is called 
."TTPJ? 'druhah, as in Jer 40^ 52^, 2 K 25**, and Pr 15*^ 
The noon meal is described in Lane's Modem 
Egyptians, p. 156111 (Gardner's ed.). It sometimes 
was a period of excess (1 K 20*'). 

The supper after the day's work is done (Rn Z') 
is, and was, the more important meal (see Burck- 
hardt's Notes, i. 69), and the one at which flesh 
meat was more commonly used. At these meals 
the whole family was gathered together. Accord- 
ing to Josephus, the law required dinner to be at 
the sixth hour on the Sabbath day (Life, 54), i.e. 
at 12 o'clock ; but in § 44 he speaks of feasting ^vith 
his friends at the second hour of the night =8 p.m. 
See also BJ i. xvii. 4. and the great supper of 
Lk 14*5*- 

In the patriarchal days they seem to have sat 
on the ground as they do at present. Abraham's 
guests probably thus sat while he stood and served 
(Gn 18*). Jacol) says to his father ' sit and eat of my 
venison,' but that was probably because the blind 
old man was recumbent (Gn 27**). Jacob's sons 
also sat down to eat (Gn 37"''^), as the Egyptian 
shepherds are represented in a painting from 
Sakkarah, now in the Gizeh Musetmi. The Levite 
and his concubine sat down to eat ( Jg 19*). Saul 
also sat at meat (1 S 20*- *•), as did Samuel when 
he brought Saul to feast with him (1 S 9^), and 
Jesse and his family (1 S 16**). The old prophet 
and his guest likewise took the forbidden meal 
sitting at a table (1 K 13*). Sitting at meat is 
mentioned in Pr 23*, Jer 16», Ezk 44*. Sitting, 
however, might have in some of these cases meant 
reclining, for Oholibah is described as sitting on 
a stately bed with a table prepared before it 
(Ezk 23^), and the guests at Esthers banquet 
reclined on couches (Est 7*). The table is also 
mentioned in Ps 23*. Sitting on the ground was, 
however, regarded as a sign of humiliation and 
aba.sement in prophetic times, as in Is 3'-^ 47* 52^, 
Jer 13*« RVm, La 2'^ Ezk 26*«. 

In XT times the usual attitude was reclining 
and resting on the left elbow ; as at the supper 
described in Jn 13-^, John reclined in front of our 
Lord, and so when he leant back to speak to Him 
John's head was on Jesus' breast. It has been sup- 
posed from these expressions that the patriarchal 
custom changed, and that the practice of sitting 
as the Egyptians did was adopted by early Israel, 
the fashion changing in later time into the Graeoo- 
Roman custom of reclining on a couch with a 
cushion for the left elbow, and the right arm free j 
but it is probable that these changes were slight. 




and that the phrase sitting at meat does not 
specify a posture such as that to which we give the 
name. Tlius our Lord uses the phrase of the 
attitude in His own time (Lk W IT 23:-''), and the 
multitude whom He miraculously fed sat down on 
the ground (Jn 6'*). Of the talnes, we have pre- 
served a iiguro in the shewbread table on the Arch 
of Titus. They must have been high enough in 
the days of Adonibezek for the 70 captive kings to 
sit on a lower level (Jg V) ; but the same phrase is 
used in NT times of the crumbs falling to the dogs 
under the table (Mt 15", Mk 7**), and Lazarus is 
.'<aid to have sat at table at the feast (Jn 12''). 
The couches or mattresses on which the eaters sat 
or reclined are never mentioned except in the cases 
given above, and the stool in the prophet's chamber 
is the only material seat specified in the OT, except 
royal thrones. At ordinary meals it is probable 
that the family squatted around the dish, out of 
which they all helped themselves, even as is done 
at the present day oy the Bedawin. For an account 
of the ancient tables see Athenoeus, Deipnosophistoe, 
especially ii. 32. The costly couches tor reclining, 
with ivory corners, are mentioned in Am 3'^ and 
6*. Homer refers to sitting at food, //. x. 578 ; 
Odi/ss. i. 145. 

I'he food at an ordinary meal at present consists 
of messes of lentile-pottage (iij ndzid) eaten with 
bread or wooden spoons (Robinson, ii. 86 ; Gn 25^). 
Sometimes this is thickened with vegetables, or 
pillaus of rice with or without meat, thin sheets 
of bread serving for plates, and used to sop up tlie 
gravy (Finn, 24). Sometimes bread, cheese, olives, 
and leben make up the repast (Finn, 272). Doughty 
describes an Arab meal in whicli the family 
surrounded a vast trencher heaped with boiled 
mutton 'and great store of girdle bread.' Pieces 
torn oil" with the hand from the meat were lapped 
in the thin cakes of bread and handed to those 
viho could not reach the dish (i. 46). Robinson saw, 
likewise, the guests surrounding a circular tray on 
which was a mountain of pillau of rice boiled with 
Imtter, and small pieces of meat strewed through 
it. Otlier dishes used are sausages stuffed with 
rice and chopped meat. Burckhardt gives a graphic 
account of the discomforts of such a feast to one 
unax!customed to Eastern habits, Notes, i. 63. The 
poorer classes of Bedawin live chiefly on bread, 
eaten with raw leeks or radishes for flavouring, 
which is the ' dinner of herbs' (Pr 15" ; see Ro 14-, 
Dn P-). For sucli a meal the son of the prophets 
went out to collect the '6r6th or herbs (2 K 4^). 
The Bedawi meal described in Ezk 25' consisted of 
bread, dates, and milk. For an ordinary meal 
there is generally one dish, so that the member of 
the family who cooks, when it is brought in, has 
no further work. Hence our Lord's remonstrance 
with Martha, that one dish alone was needful 
(Lk 10^-). It was the duty of the cook to bring in 
the dishes when prepared (1 S 9^), and that of the 
head of the family to distribute the portions 
(1 S 1'), whose size might be varied according to 
his attection for the members of the circle. So 
Joseph gave Benjamin a fivefold mess, and Elkanah 
gave Hannah a double portion (but LXX says that 
he gave her only ntpiSa /xiav, ' a single portion,' 
ttecaitfc she had no child). Very often, however, 
the circle help themselves when tney can reach the 
dish, and as the meat has been cut up before being 
cooked it does not need any carving. At the 
present day the Mussulmans drink water or milk 
or ^eften with their meals, but probably in earlier 
times wine was used as a drink. In ancient times 
barley or polenta was used as rice is now, and the 
pillau was the ii\<f>iTufi.iva Kpia. of the classics (see 
Gruner, de JYimit. Oblafione). The food carried 
on journeys consisted of >»read, cakes of figs or 
raisins, parched corn, and water. Tlie cood 

Samaritan carried also wine and oil. Dough is 
sometimes carried tied in a wallet or cloth (see 
Doughty, i. 231). 

Vn. Feasts, or special meals, were provided 
on particular occasions, and are frequently men- 
tioned. These Mere of various kinds — (1) Feasts of 
hospitality for the entertainment of strangers 
(Gn IS'-"^-). These might be at anv time — Abra- 
ham's was at the heat of the day, Lot's (Gn IQ*"*) 
was in the evening. For such feasts at the present 
day see Burckhardt, Robinson, Dou^jhty, etc. 
(2) Entertainments of friends specially invited 
(Lk 14'* and many other passages). These were 
usually evening feasts. (3) Religious or sacrilicial 
feasts, non-Jewish or Jewish, ' eating bread before 
God' (Ex 1812), eating of sacrifices (Ex 34" 29**, 
Lv 19*- «, Nu 29i^'^-, Dt 12^ 27«- ^ 1 S 9'», 2 S 6»», 
1 K P 3i», Zenh V) ; also at the ofterihg of tithes (Dt 
14^*). Closely allied were (4) anniversary feasts, 
such as Passover (Ex 12'''), Purini (Est 9*^),"^ and the 
Lord's Supper. (5) Celebrations of the completion 
of a great work, such as the building of the temple 
(2 Ch 7*), the carrying home of the ark (2 S 6^»), 
a great deliverance (Jg W^), or the ratification of 
a treaty (Gn 26="' and 31»^). (6) At the beginning 
of a great work or laying a foundation. A refer- 
ence to such a feast is in Pr 9'*'. (7) Harvest- 
homes (Ex 23'«), sheepshearing (1 S 25=**, 2 S IS^O), 
vintage (Jg ff"), and other agricultural events, 
were likewise the occasions of feasting. (8) 
Family events were celebrated by feasts of 
relatives and friends : ciroimcision (Lk 2'*"*''), 
weaning (Gn 218), marriage (Jn 2', Gn 292--, To 
8'", Jg 14'", Mt 22-), the return of a wandering 
member (Lk 15^), funerals (2 S 3«, Jer 16^ Hos 9*, 
To 4'^). Birthday feasts were not common among 
Jews, some of whom thought them profane (Light- 
foot, Iselius), probably because other nations, such 
as the Persians, honoured them so conspicuously 
(see Herod, i. 133). Birthday feasts are mentioned 
in Gn 40^^ Job l^ Mt 14*"*). Among modern Jews 
the circumcision feast is an important occasion (see 

Any such feast was called r\px;r} mishtch, the 
primary meaning of which is a banquet of wine, 
such as that given by queen Esther (Est 5* 7''). 
Abraham's feast at Isaac's Aveaning is called a 
mishteh gddOl, or great drinking. Job feared lest 
his sons should be led into excess at their periodic 
feasts {\^) Such drinking feasts are specially 
mentioned in 1 S 25=^, 2 S 13-», Dn 5', and reprobated 
by the prophets Amos (6^) and Isaiah (5"). In 
the NT KGifioi are spoken of in Ro 13", Gal 5", 
and 1 P 4?. The fetist in 2 K 6^ is named rrj? 
kerdh, perhaps because the prisoner guests sat in 
a ring (cf. aw in 1 S 16"). 

For these banquets the food animals were slain 
eariy in the day (Is 22'^, Pr 9-. Mt 22^), and a 
second invitation sent to remind just before the 
feast (Est 6'*, Pr 9^, Mt 22^). The guests on arrival 
were sometimes welcomed with a kiss (To 7**, Lk 
7"" ; see Goezius, rfc Osculo, in Ugolini, xxx.), and 
provided with water to wash their hands, as they 
put their hands in the common dish (Mk 7^; see 
Odyss. i. 136). These washings were made burden- 
some by traditional rituals (Mk 7""''). When the 
visitors came from a distance they were supplied 
Avith water to wash their feet. So Abraham did 
for the angels at their noontide feast (Gn 18*), and 
Lot for their evening feast (Gn 19=^). So the old 
man at Giboah did for the Levite and his concu- 
bine (Jg 19-'). See our Lord's rebuke to Simon 
(Lk 7**), His own practice (Jn 13*), and apostolic 
reference (1 Ti 5'"). The anointing of guests is 
referred to in Ps 23», Am 6*, Lk 7*», Jn 12» (see 
Anointing ; and in addition to the literature 
quoted there, see Weyraar, de Unctione Sacra 
hfh., in Ugolini, xii. ; Reinerus and Vervvey, de 




Unctionibus, and Graberg, de unetione Christi in 
Bethania, in Ugolini, xxx.). The crowningof 
jruests with garlands is mentioned in Is 28S Wis 
•J^, Jos. Ant. xrx. ix. 1. See Plutarch, Symp. 
in. i. 3, and Martial, x. 19. After these pre- 
liminaries thev sat down, males and females 
together (Ru 2", 1 S 1*, Job 1*. Lk 10") ; and grace 
was said in Jewish feasts (Mt 14^, Lk 9^«, Jn 6"). 
The guests were arranged in order of rank (Gn 
43«, 1 S 9^- 20^, Lk l4^ Mk 12», Jos.^n^. XV. 
ii. 4), the highest occupying the 'chief room,' 
the seat on the protoklisia. In Assyr. feasts they 
are represented as sitting (Layard, 2iineveh,u. 411). 
For Je^vish practice see above. According to the 
Tosaphoth to Berachoth, vi., each guest had a 
separate table, but Pr 23' speaks of sitting at meat 
with the host ; and David savs that he sat at table 
^vith Saul (1 S 20*). The 'food was distributed 
either by the cook or by the head of the house 
(2S 6^, Gn 43^), and the most honoured guest 
received the largest portion (Gn 43** ; see Herod, 
vi. 57), or else the tit-bit (1 S 9^). To guests who 
could not come, presents of food were sometimes 
sent (2 S IP, Xeh S'", Est 9i^^). 

At a feast in NT times the guests reclined on a 
f rit7mn<)»,the couches being arranged on three sides 
of a square, the fourth side being open for serving, 
and strangers might stand around on the outer 
side (see Kashi, ad Berachoth, 466. 16 ; Pesachim, 
vii. 13). A wine cup was passed round con- 
taining wine mixed with three parts of water 
{Shabbath, viii. 1) ; to this there are many meta- 
phorical allusions in which the cup in the hand of 
the Lord is spoken of (Ps 75*, Jer 25" ; see Buxtorf, 
Si/nagog. Jud. xii. 242, and Werner, de Poculo 
Benedictionis). Tlie guests were entertained with 
music (2 S 19», Is 5^^', Am 6^-*, Lk 15^; see 
Maimonides, de Jejuniis, 5), dancing (Mt 14*), and 
riddles (Jg 14'-). After the feast the hands were 
washed, as they were soiled by eating. Finn saw 
a guest taking handfuls of buttered rice from the 
dish, out of which he squeezed the butter between 
his dngers and licked it as it flowed down {Byeways, 
171 ; Burckhardt, Notes, L 63). Grace was said at 
the close of the meal (Dt 8'*, Ro 14' ; see Berachoth, 
vi. % S). Wedding feasts were given by the bride- 
groom (.Jg 14"'), but the arrangements were carried 
out under the direction of a symposiarch or ruler 
of the feast, and they sometimes lasted seven days 
Jn 29, To 7»; see Selden, de Uxor. Heb. n. li). 
Wedding garments given to guests axe mentioned 
in Mt 22". 

The giver of the feast sometimes marked dis- 
tinguished guests by giving them a sop of bread 
held between the thumb and finger. A \f/a)iuov of 
this kind dipped in the hardseth was given by our 
Lord to .Judas. Sops are used to catch and convey 
jneces of meat (Lane, i. 193 ; Burckhardt, i. 63). In 
Proverbs the laziness of the sluggard is said to be 
such that he ■will not even lift up a sop (19^ 26'^). 

For metaphorical allusions to feasts see Is 25* ; 
the feast of angels at the finishing of creation is 
referred to in Job 38^. For Jewish feasts in 
general see Buxtorf, de conviviis vet. Hebrceorum. 

LiTERArrp.E. — For food-stuffs see Bochart, Hierozoicon, 
Frankt 1675 ; Tristram, A'at. Hist. o/PaUttine; Vwt, Flora of 
PaUttine ; Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, 1891 ; Ceteios, Hierobo- 
tanteon, Aatst. 1748; HiQer, Hiervphfftm, Tfitn^^en, 172S; Boeen- 
muller, Botany of the Bible, Etunboi^, 1840. For customs, 
Borckhardt, Beiten in Syrien, PtUditina, etc. (ed. GeseniusX 
Weimar, 1823, the same writer's IfiOe* on the Bedouint and 
Wahdbyt, Lond. 1S30, and his Travelt m Arabia, Ix>nd. 1839 ; 
Eobinson, BRP (3 vols. 1867) ; 'Chomaon, Land and Book (3 vols. 
1881-86) ; Doughty, Arabia Deterta (2 vote. 1888) ; Finn, Bgem^/t 
in Palegtine. Tahnudic quotations in the above article are from 
Surenhusius (Amsterdam edilionX A. MaCAUSTEE. 

FOOL.— .-I.IxOT. The words tr^ by 'fool,' 'folly,' 
' foolishness,' are the following : 1. "75:, n'^^j (opp. 
cr7 in Dt 32«, see Driver, ad lor. , and on 22^ 32i5- «). 

2. ^'P3, S95, rt^?, mi^'M, S?5, S^, m!?;9 (the root 
'yoa means possibly ' to oe thick, plump, sluggish '). 

3. ^lg, "?ix, n^jx (root-conception possibly the same 
as in the preceding). 4. "ii^rTi, n->V:.i, ra^Wi (from 
a root suggesting the idea or wild frantic folly). 
5. ^59, ."t^En (from a root ' to be insipid '), only in 
Job 1» 24", Jer 23'^ 6. " jn? (supposed by Dillm. to 
be connected with Eth. tahala, ' to err '), Job 4**. 

All these terms denote something distinct from 
imbecility on the one hand and insanity on the 
other hand. It is in the forms under i only that 
the notions of 'foUv' and 'madness' come together 
(cf. Job 12»', Is 44« with 1 S 21", Jer 25'«). As a 
rule, different words (derivatives from j::^) are used 
for ' madman ' and ' madness.' The OT idea of 
' folly ' can be best understood from the antithesis 
it forms to ' wisdom.' Wisdom is not a theoretical 
or abstractly scientific apprehension of things, but 
such a practical immediate insight into their 
reality and manner of action as enables one to use 
them to advantage. Correspondingly, a fool is not 
one who is deficient in the power of logical thought, 
but one who lacks the natural discernment and 
tact required for success in life. Both wisdom and 
foUy are teleological conceptions, and rest on the 
principle of adjustment to a higher law for some 
practical purpose. This general idea is, however, 
applied with considerable variety as to particular 
shades of meaning. 

(a) In the widest sense foUy is lack of common- 
sense in ordinary affairs (Gn 31®, 1 S 25® ["j^, rf:^]^ 
26^ [■?'??-], 2 S lo^ [bzz]). Here the element of'un- 
reasonableness and inexpediency is most prominent. 

{b) A moral and religious element enters into tlie 
conception where it expresses flagrantly sinful 
conduct snch as offends against the fimdamental 
principles of natural law and usage. In this sense 
tools are great sinners — impious, reprobate people. 
But the original idea is retained in so far as the 
thought of sudden divine retribution lies in the 
background, it being considered the height of foUy, 
by violating the elementary rules of religion and 
morality, to expose one's se£f to the untimely end 
which frequently befalls the fool (Jos 7", 2 S 3** 
(cf. Driver, in loco). Job 2" 30* 5*- » [all h^, rh^l 
Pa 107" ['?"5]). A profounder and more spiritiui- 
ized tnm is given to this idea in some of the psalms, 
where it is applied to sin as such (Ps 38' 69* [n^ix], 
cf. 2S 24'o \yz~i]). This whole usage, with"its 
identification of what is sensible and right, be- 
speaks a high development of the popular moral 
sense in Israel. 

(c) A special usage connected with the foregoing 
characterizes as foUy sexual sins of various kinds 
I (Gn 34", Dt 22-^, Jg'l9^'- ^- « 20«- ", Jer 29»). The 
standing phrase is ' folly in Israel,' ' which ought 
I not to be done,' the implication being that such 
offences go against all reason in undermining the 
foundations of society as well as destroying the 
holiness of Israel. 'Jz: and n^^ are regularly used 
in this meaning ; a synonym is rci ' lewdness ' ; 
cf. further the sense of riir?i in Hos 2", and of the 
verb in passages like Jer 14", Mic 7*, Nah 3^; 
further, r^^ in Job 42*. 

{d) Inasmuch as in the Mosaic law a sx)ecial norm 
has been given for the A\Tse guidance of Israel's 
life, disregard of this law is equivalent to foolish- 
ness. Apostate Israel is ' a foolish {h^) people 
amd unwis6 ' (Dt 32^); the Gentiles, not possessed of 
snch a revelation, are ' a foolish nation,' ' a no- 
people' (Dt 32^; cf. Dt 4«, Jer 4« [^?5]). The 
heathen diviners stand revealed as fools when the 
divinely-guided course of history foretold to Israel 
mocks their prognostications (Is 19^^- " 44^, Ezk 13^). 
Especially the higher classes among Israel might be 
expected to have profited by this \\-isdom (Jer 5*). 

(c) A more specialized meaning is assumed by the 
term ' fool ' in the so-caUed ^okhma-literature of 




the OT (Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and some psalms 
and prophetic passages). Here also foolishness is 
the ojnwsite of wisdom. But wisdom has developed, 
out of the unreflecting instinctive gift of seeing 
right and doing right, into the conscious art of 
successfully ordering the whole of individual life 
and conduct in harmony with the teleological 
principles of the divine government of the world, 
especially as embodied in the revealed law. Hence 
wisdom and folly are here introduced as personi- 
fications ; and tlie divine wisdom, as the arche- 
typal source of evei-y teleological arrangement, 
is distinguished from numan wisdom. Wisdom in 
this sense is 'practical virtuosity in the entire 
domain of ethics' (Riehm) ; it is equivalent to 
methodically applied religion and morality, as 
appears from the frequent interchange between it 
and the terms denoting piety and righteousness. 
Folly, as its contrast, is presented under two aspects, 
being either confined to a simple disregard of the 
rules of wisdom, or proceeding to open denial of the 
principle of divine government on which these 
rules are based. In the former character the fool 
is elaborately depicted in Proverbs. While wisdom 
consists primarily in circumspect behaviour, self- 
control, self-restraint, and teachableness, the fool 
is he who lets his undisciplined nature have free 
play— the self-reliant, self-pleased, arrogant, indo- 
cile, hasty with words, contentious, envious, quick 
to anger, intemperate, credulous, sluggish, given 
to pursuit of vain things, unable to conceal his 
own folly and shame. As easily seduced, he is 
called 'n? ' simj)le,' as unreceptive of instruction 
either by counsel or experience S'c?, as by nature 
stupid nyj, as insensible to the claims of God or 
man V?^ ; cf. the definition of h^} in Is 32® (in Pr 
h^ occurs only IV- '■'^ 30'^, "j'l^ 19 1., "j'ps 49 1.). 

Folly, in the most advanced sense of a systema- 
tically conceived and applied theory of life opposed 
to that of wisdom, is equivalent to practical atneism. 
The fool C?^) is he who has said in his heart, 
' There is no God ' ; by which, not a theoretical 
denial of the divine existence, but a practical 
negation of God's moral government is meant 
(Ps W 53^ 398, Is 9"). Synonymous with V?} in 
this meaning is yh ' mocker.' 

B. In NT. Analogies for most of the above 
meanings may be found in NT, usually with a some- 
what larger admixture of the intellectual element. 

(a) Foolishness appears as the lack of common- 
sense perception of the reality of things natural 
and spiritual, or as the imprudent ordering of 
one's life in regard to salvation ; d(f>puv, /iwpo's, 
iyorrroi (Mt 7;« 23" 25-''-, Lk ll-" 12-» 24-», Gal 31- »). 

(6) The OT i:}i as a moral reprobate reappears 
in the fiwpi of Mt 5-, a term of opprobrium dis- 
tinguished by its ethical import from the Aramaic 
'Pa^<i, occurring in the same verse and expressing 
merely intellectual imbecility. 

(c) Of the natural foolishness l)elonging to the 
heathen mind, the only remedy for which lies in 
the wisdom supplied by revelation, Ave read in Ro 
2^, Tit 3». The counterpart of the OT idea of 
the law as an institution for the wise guidance 
of Israel is furnished by St. Paul, who represents 
the gospel as a teleological arraiifjement in which 
the highest wisdom is manifested and recognized 
by the believer (Ro 11^). Inasmuch, however, as 
the Gentile mind sustains a radically wrong re- 
lation to the moral world, it fails to see this 
marvellous adaptation and decries the gospel as 
foolishness. Even the converted Greek is under 
temptation to justify its reasonableness from the 
worldly point of view by such a presentation as will 
materially alter its character. Hence the sharp 
antithesis, 1 Co l"-!»2" 3'«-!o 410, the wisdom of the 
Morld is foolishness to God, the foolishness of 
Christ crucified is the wisdom of Grod. 

{d) In Ito le"*, Eph 5'*- ^^ we are reminded of 
the 9okhma usage. The fool under whose mask 
St. Paul speaks 2 Co iV^f^- corresponds in a formal 
sense to the boasting fool of Proverbs. 

LiTERATURK.— Bruch, WHsheitHlehre der Hebriier; Oheyae, 
Job and Solomon ; Oremer, WOrtcrb. der NT Gr., t.vv. rt^, 
rt^iiL ; Delitzach, Proverbs (Introduction) ; Kun)er, Encyet. 
ii. 65-71; Oehler, Theol. of OT, part iii. ; Riehm, AltUit. 
Thfologie, 360-359 ; Sie^ried, Philo von Alexandri-en ; Smend, 
Lehrb. der alttest. JUligvonsgetehichU, 50S-.''.2.'j. 

Geerhardus Vos. 
FOOLERY.— Sir 22^ 'Talk not much with a 
fool . . . and thou shalt never be defiled with his 
fooleries ' (ov /ut; /xoXwOys iv Tt} ivrivay/M^ aiirov BS, 
-yfiari A ; RV ' thou shalt not be defiled in his 
onslaught '). The form in A, ivrlvayna, is found in 
Aq. at Is 28^ 32^ and in Symm. Theod. at Is 28* ; 
neither form elsewhere in Greek. The verb from 
which the subst. is derived, (PTivda-aw, is used in 
LXX, 1 Mac 2^" and 2 Mac 4*^ of casting stones, and 
in 2 Mac IV^ of charging an enemy. It is probably 
with the last passage in mind that RV renders 
'onslaught.' Edersheim {Speaker's Com.) prefers 
the more etymological tr" ' that which he throws 
out,' but understands that either saliva is meant 
literally, or that it is used figuratively for foolish 
words ; Bissell follows Fritzsche and Bunsen, and 
renders slaver, 'which, of course, is used for low 
and foolish words.' For the Eng. word, cf. Shaks. 
Winter's Tale, ill. ii. 185— 

' Thy tyranny 
Together working with thy jealousies, — 
Fancies too weak for boys, too green and idle 
For girls of nine, — O, think, what they have done, 
And then run mad, indeed ; stark mad ! for all 
Thy bygone fooleries were but spices of it.' 

J. Hastings. 
FOOT {hp,, irovi). — There are various ideas con- 
nected with the foot due to its position as the 
lowest part of the human body. 

1. Subjection, Jos 10"^, 2 S 22^^ Is 49^3, 1 Co lo^*- ". 
The foot on the neck is seen on the Egyptian 
monuments. The promise made to Joshua of 
possessing every place that the sole of his foot 
should tread upon, is literally claimed and acted 
upon by Islam. The Sultan is the Shadow of God, 
the token of the Almighty's presence and power ; 
military conquest is therefore a triumph of the 
faith and an inalienable possession. After the war 
with Greece in 1897, this article of belief created a 
religious dUemma with regard to withdrawing from 
conquered Thessaly. 

2. Humility, as in the relationship of disciple 
sitting at the feet of master (Dt 33», Lk 10^9, Ac 22»), 
and generally of inferior to superior in the act of 
obeisance and worship (Nu 16^ Ru 2'", Ezk 11", 
Mt 18^, Rv 5^* etc.). Such prostration forms part 
of the ordinary Moslem devotions. 

3. Defilement, Ex 3'. Contact with the common 
earth was considered defiling, and gave rise to the 
Oriental rule about removing the shoe, and on 
certain occasions washin": the feet before entering 
sacred places, such as buildings devoted to worship, 
shrines, and in houses the carpeted rooms where 
prayer is offered. Shaking the dust from the feet 
is an ejisy and often -repeated act on the dusty 
roads of the East. The shoe or slipper is not 
usually removed, but the foot is held out and 
shaken with the shoe hanging down from the toes, 
until tlie dust falls out. It was a symbol of scorn- 
ful and complete rejection (Mt 10", Ac 13"). The 
same thought is now more commonly expressed by 
shaking the collar of the coat (cf. Ac 18"). 

The feet were put in stocks (Job 13-'^), fastened 
with fetters (Ps 105'*; see Chain). They were 
also adorned with anklets (Is 3"*). 

When the word of God is called a lamp to the 
feet (Ps 119""), the reference is to village or town 
life, with ditches, refuse, and dogs in the pathway. 
A lantern was carried in the hand, or by a servant 

walking in front. Until recently, before the 
streets began to be lit by lamps at distant intervals, 
any one found walking at night without a lantern 
was liable to be arrested as a thief. In the 
journeys of the desert the direction is by the stars; 
or where there is a path the horse or baggage 
animal is trusted to keep it. 

Wa^hina the feet was rendered necessary bj' the 
heat and oust of the road, and by the open sandals 
or loose shoes that were worn.* As an attention 
rendered to a guest, both on account of the 
humility of the service and the comfort to the 
traveller, it belonged to the inner graces of hospi- 
tality (Lk 7®, Jn 13^ 1 Ti 5»»). 

For ' foot-breadth,' Dt 2», RV gives ' for the sole 
of the f. to tread upon.' For • foot ' of laver Elx 38" 
RV gives * base ' (p). By the lex talionis (Ex 21--', 
Dt 19^) ' foot for foot ' was exacted. In Dt 11^» a 
contrast is drawn between the climate and the 
methods of cultivation characteristic of Palestine 
and of Egypt. When Israel was in the last-named 
countrj- tiiey ' sowed their seed and watered it teith 
the foot.' The reference here appeare to be to the 
use of some machine by which water was raised and 
distributed for irrigation purposes (see Lane, Modern 
Egyptians, ed. 1871, ii. 25 ff.), but the precise 
method is doubtful (cf. the full and inteiesting note 
in Drivers Deut. p. 129, and in 2nd ed. p. xxi).* 

G. M. Mackie. 
FOOTMAN.— This word is used in two different 
senses : 1. A foot-soldier, always in plu. 'footmen,' 
foot-soldiers, infantry. The Heb. is either "hp. 
ragli (always sing, except Jer 12*, where the mean- 
ing is, however, not foot-soldiers but foot-runners ; 
see below), or more fully "hn erx 'ish ragli (Jg 20*, 
2 S S^ 1 Ch 18* 19i«). The Greek is mostly x«f« 
( 1 Es S^, Jth 1* 2*- "• ^1^£C,2 Mac 11^ 13-), Wt we 
also find dpSpes 1 Mac 9*, tftdXny^ 1 Mac Ifli^, Swd- 
/x«s 1 Mac 12*, and irefucw (r1 -i}) 1 Mac 16*. Foot- 
' men probably composed the whole of the Isr. 
forces (1 S ^'^ 15*) before the time of David. From 
Solomon's day onwards Israel certainly possessed 
also chariots and cavalrj- (IK ■i"-* *EV). See 
Akmy. The Eng. word is used freely in old 
writers in this sense, as Malory, Morte Darthur, 
I. ix. ' And when he came to the sea he sent home 
the footmen again, and took no more with him 
but ten thousand men on horseback ' ; L xiv. ' ever 
in sa\'ing of one of the footmen we lose ten horse- 
men for him.' 

2. A runner on foot : 1 S 22" ' And the king 

said unto the footmen that stood about him, Turn, 

and slay the priests of the LORD ' (c*r3 razim ; 

; AVm 'or guard, Heb. runners'; RV 'guard,' 

j RVm 'Heb. runners'). 'Rimners' would be the 

I literal, and at the same time the most appropriate 

} tr". The king had a body of runners about him, 

not so much to guard his person as to run his 

errands and do his bidding. They formed a recog- 

I nized part of the royal state (1 S 8", 2 S 15*) ; they 

served as executioners (IS 22", 2K l(^}; and, 

! accompanying the king or his general into battle, 

they brought back official tidings of its progress or 

event (2 S 18^^ and see Ahimaaz). Out of this 

running messenger the Persian kings developed a 

regular postal system (Est S^^, and see PoST). 

Runners were at one time in England an essential 
part of a nobleman's train. Thus Prior (1718), 
Alma, i. 58 — 

• Like Footmen ruaning before CoAcfaes 
To tell the Inn vrfaat Lord spproacfaes.' 

But the Bee (1791) says 'their assistance was 
often wanted to support the coach on each side, to 
* In modern Syria, where level irrigated ground like that of 
Egypt is planted with vegetables or mulberry trees in rows, 
the field or patch is laid out in shallow drills, and, as each re- 
ceives its sufficiency of water, a Uttle earth is token from the 
end of the next drill and patt«d by the naked foot into a dam, 
so that the water may pass to the "drill next in order. 

prevent it from being overturned.' The modem 
footman has a diflerent function, but he is the 
lineal descendant of the 'running footman,' as he 
came to be called, of an earlier day. 

In Jer 12* both the Heb. (o-^fi) and the Eng. 
(footmen) seem to be used in the more general 
sense of racers on foot : ' If thou hast run with the 
footmen, and they have wearied thee, then how 
canst thou contend with horses?' Cf. Webster 
(1651), Appius and Virg. I. L — 

' I hare heard of cnnning footmen that hare worn 
Shoes made of lead, some ten days 'fore a race. 
To give them nimble and more active feet.' 

FOOTSTOOL.— Although this word occurs re- 
peatedly in the Bible, it is remarkable that only 
twice at most is it used in its literal sense. In OT 
it appears in 2 Ch 9" as tr» of v^ (fr. vz^ ' tread 
under foot'), the golden footstool of Solomon's 
throne, but here Kitt«l (see his note in Haupt's 
OT) would read Z7Z3 ' lamb.' The one clear refer- 
ence to a literal footstool is in Ja 2* ' sit under my 
footstool ' {\nroTt>Silji> fwv). Everywhere else, both in 
OT (1 Ch 28», Is 661, La 2», Ps 99* llQi 132', in 
all of which it is tr» of cVr? tfin, the word tfrr being 
poet, or late) and NT (Mt 6^, Mk 12», Lk 20*3; Ac 2» 
7*f, He V^ 10^, all irrmroSior tQv -roSSiw, tr* by RV 
with strict accuracy 'footstool of my [thy, his] 
feet' instead of A\ 'my [thy, his] footstool'),* it 
is used metaphorically. Origmally 'p. c-n, spoken of 
God, seems to have designated the ark, 1 Ch 28^ 
but was naturally extended to include the whole 
of the temple. La 2^ (see notes of Thenius and Lohr), 
Ps 99* 1^2^ (cf. Is 601', Ezk 43"). In Ps 110» the 
vanquished foes of the Messianic King are put as 
a footstool under His feet. In Is 66^ earth is the 
footstool of Him whose throne is heaven. 

J. A. Selbie. 

FOR. — Both as prep, and as conj. ' for' has some 
archaic or obscure uses that deserve attention. 

1. When the meaning is on account of, as Gn 20* 
' Behold thou art but a dead man. for the woman 
which thou hast taken' ("?!•, RV 'because of). 
The RV has changed ' for ' into ' because of ' in 
Ezk 611 (Hgi, i,^^ . Qj^ 20», Est 9», Hos 91' (Heb. 
*?!•) ; Lv IG», La 4", Dn S" (Heb p) ; 2 S 13* (Heb. 
•na;;?); ;2K 16i«, Jer 9^ 38" (Heb. ^m); Jer ll" 
(Heb. y?!?): and into 'by reason of' in Lv 17"! 
(Heb. 5) i Dt 28/^, Is 31», Ezk 27i», Hos gi". Zee 2* 
(Heb. p). In NT aro, ir, iveKa, erl with dat. and 
Sid. ■Nvith ace. are all used in this sense, and tr* 
'for.' When the Gr. is Sid, with ace., RV changes 
' for ' into ' because of ' in Jn 4^, Ro 3^ 13', 1 Co 7*, 
Col 1', He 2'-', Rev 4"; and into 'by reason of in 
1 Co 7^, 2 Co 91*, He 51-. For this meaning cf. 
Chaucer, Bomaunt, A 1564 — 

* Aboat«n it is gras springing. 
For moiste so tbikke and wel lyking. 
That it ne may in winter dye. 
No more than may the see be drye.' 

Sometimes the meaning approaches that of against, 
as 2 K 16'* ' the king's entry without, turned he 
from the house of the Lord for the king of 
Assyria' ('i?c, RV 'because of); so Ps 27" Wye. 
' dresse thou me in thi path for myn enemyes ' : 
and Is 32"- Cov. ' He shalbe unto men, as a defence 
for the wynde, and as a refuge for the tempeste.' 

2. For means in-itead of, or in exchange for, as 
in Dn 8* ' the great horn was broken ; and for it 
came up four notable ones' (nr-B, RV 'instead of 
it ') ; Is 61^ ' For your shame ye shall have double ; 
and for confusion they shall rejoice in their 
portion' (nr?) ; so Nu si* (.^-5, RV 'instead of); 

* In Mt 22+» for AV ' till I make thine enemies thy footstool ' 
KV gives ' till I pat thine enemies imder thy feet ' (u^ i» Si rwU 
i%f^«b$ rto irazmvm I'l'K irtriiim] rSt «•}» r*t<X 

t On tlie faamdation and mt^nmg of this important passage 
see especially Kaliscfa, in loc. 

Gn 47" (?, RV ' in exchange for') ; Pr 21" (^, RV 
•in the steiwi of); Nu 18" (ihn, RV 'in return 
for '). Cf. Philem " Wye. ' now not as a servaunt, 
but for a servaunt a most dere brother.' 

3. For is occasionally equivalent to cw : Is 43' 
' I gave Egypt for thv ransom ' (ti??, RV ' as thy 
ransom') ; Mt 21'" ' they took him for a prophet' 
(ws) ; 1 P 2'» ' not usinj' your liberty for a cloke of 
maliciousness' (il>j). C7. Merlin (E.E.T.S.), iii. 642, 
' Thei clayme Bretai{;ne for thiers, and I clayme 
Rome for myne ' ; Defoe, Rob. Crusoe (Gold Treas. 
ed. p. 522), ' I was never pursued for a Thief 

4. For, as a conj., is used to introduce the cause 
or reason. Sometimes modern usa{je would prefer 
' because ' or ' seeing that,' as in Wyclif , Select WorJcs, 
iii. 105, ' And for God made alle thinges to help of 
mankynde, therfore we sholde axe thes thynges of 
Gcxl'; and p. 110, 'And ones they reprovede 
Crist, for his disciples wesche nought here hondes 
whanne they sholde eete, as here custome was'; 
and Tindale's tr" of 1 Jn 3'- in Expositions, 191, 
' And wherefore slew he him ? For his deeds were 
evil, and his brother's righteous' (in edd. of NT 
1520 and 1534 'because'). So in some places of 
AV, as Jn 1 1'*^ ' What do we ? for this man doeth 
many miracles.' In the foil, passages RV changes 
' for '^ into ' because ' : Nu 2V 27" 32'^ Dt 14^, 1 S 9'-^, 
Job \5^ 32'», Jer 20" 51", Ezk 36'», Dn 9^^ Mt 23'^ 
Lk 1" 4^' G« 2128, Ac 22'8, Eph 5^'", Pli l'^, 1 P 4", 
1 Jn 3», Rev 12'- : to which Amer. RV adds Jer 
3^', 1 Jn 3^. Some of those changes, however, are 
due to a change in the construction of the sentence, 
especially Ezk 36'*. There is, indeed, no glaringly 
obsolete example of ' for ' in tliis sense in A V, such 
as we find so often in Shaks. Cf. Tempest, I. ii. 

' And, for thou wast a spirit too delicate 
To act her earthj* and abhorred commands, 
Refusing: her grand hests, she did confine thee, 

Into a cloven pine.' 

5. The foil, phrases are archaic or obsolete : 

(1) For all, Ps 78»- 'For all this they sinned still' 
(n^iI-'7J?) ; Jn 21" 'for all there were so many, yet 
was not the net broken' (toijovtuv 6vtwi>). Cf. 
Chaucer, Knightes Tale, 1162 — 

' The sowe freten the child ripht in the cradel ; 
The cook y-scalded, for al his longe ladel.' 

(2) For becatise, Gn 22" ' By myself have I sworn, 
saith the Lord, for because thou hast done this 
thing . . . tliat in blessing I will bless thee' (jy '? 
T?'», RV ' because ') ; Jg 6*" Alas, O Lord God ! for 
because I have seen an angel of the Lord face to 
face ' (ir'?y"'9, RV ' forasmuch as '). So Knox, Hist. 
110, 'Let him be judged of you both foolish, and 
your mortall eneniie : Foolish, for because he 
understood nothing of Gods approued wisdome ; 
and enemie unto you, because he laboured to 
separate you from Gods favour ' ; and p. 159, ' One 
of the Bishops sons thrust thorow with a Rapier 
one of Dundie, for because hee was looking in at 
the Girnel door ' ; Barlowe, Dialoge, 76, ' W. Why 
do ye t!ien despise the vniuersall churche, because 
some of them oe noughte. N. Mary for because 
the more somme of the euyll, surmountethe the number of the good.*' (3) For that — 'he- 
cause,' Ex 16'- » (3), » 'See, for that the Lord hath 
given yo«i the Sabbath, therefore he giveth you on 
the sixth day tlie bread of two days ('?) ; 1 Es 7" 
(»Tt), 1 Mac 4'^iKal, RV 'and'); Jn 12'», 2 Co 1-'* 
(RV 'that'), 1 Ti I'Mall flr.) ; He V {d, RV 'if') 
a-* (fVeO, 2Co 5* (TR <?ir«5r), edd. i<f>' v), Ro5'2(^0' <^), 
Ja 4" ' For that ye ought to say ' (avrl rod X^7eii/, 
RVm 'Instead of your saying'). RV sliows a 
fondness for tliis phrase, omitting it from AV only 
where marked al)ove, and adding JgS"-"''*, Ezk 16* 

23'» (Heb. ?); Nu 12"''", Neh 2'», Is 19-" (Heb. 
-lyji) ; Jn 2** (3«A t6 with inf.) ; 2 Th 2'3 (Sn). Cf. 
Shaks. 3fer. of Venice, i. iii. 43 — 

' I hate him for he is a Christian, 
But more for that in low Bim]ilicity, 
He lends out money gratis.' 

(4) For to : The infinitive of purpose used often to 
be strengthened hy for, an idiom that is still in use 
locally. Thus Gn 43*' Tind. (1530), 'Joseph made 
hast (for his hert dyd melt upon his brother) and 
soughte for to wepe ' (changea in Matthew's Bible 
of 1537 into 'where'); Pr. Bk. 1549 (Keeling, p. 
33), 'To be a light for to lighten the Gentiles' (the 
'for' is omitted in the 1552 ed. and- afterwards) ; 
Fuller, Holy Warre, 215, 'As for his good father, 
he was content to let go the stall' of his age for to 
be a prop to the Church.' Although in AV this 
'for' seems always to express purpose, it Avas 
formerly added to the infin. even when no pur- 
pose was expressed, as Berners, Froissarf, 1. cxxvi., 
' The king of England being at Airaines wist not 
where for to pass the river of Somme.' The 'for' 
is retained or omitted in AV at the mere good 
pleasure of the translators. Moon (Eccles. English, 
117) gives a curious list : Gn 31'^ ' for to go,' Ru 1" 
'to go' ; Is 41*^ 'for to come,' Jer 40'' 'to come' ; 
Gn 41" 'for to buy,' 42'' 'to buy'; and so on 
through a list of fifteen couples. I'he RV for the 
most part leaves these inconsistencies alone ; but 
it adds some of its own. Thus in AV Iva. is tr'* 
' for to ' in Mk 3'», Jn 10"» 1P^ Ac 17'* 22», Eph 2"*, 
Rev 9'* 12^ ; RV changes all into ' that' with subj, 
except Ac 22*, which it leaves untouched. Again, 
in Mt 11* RV retains 'for to see,' but in the 
parallel passage, Lk 7-', omits the ' for,' though the 
Greek is the same. 

6. ' For ' as the tr° of ivrl, irepl, or hvip (and it is 
the frequent rendering of each of these prepositions) 
assumes considerable theological importance. The 
RV has been particularly careful and discriminat- 
ing in this case. Beyond that, the English reader 
must consult the exegetical commentaries, and 
such articles as ATONEMENT, Propitiation. 

J. Hastixcs. 

FORAY occurs once in RV (2 S S^" ' from a 
foray,' AV ' from [pursuing;] a troop'). The Heb. 
word nnj, which frequently means a marauding 
band (e.g. 1 S SOS-i^--^^ 1 K ll'-^), seems in this 
instance to bear the transferred but natural sense 
of an expedition of such a band. 

FORBEAR, FORBEARANCE.— In the stUl com- 
mon meanings of abstain from, refrain, or desist, 
forbear is used in AV both absolutely and with an 
infin. following. Thus absolutely, 1 K 22" ' Shall 
I go against Ramoth-gilead to battle, or shall I 
forbear?' ; Zee 11'- ' If ye think good, give me my 
price; and if not, forbear' (both h-m, the usual 
word so ti-'') ; 2 Co 12" (0e/5o^at). Or with foil, 
infin., Pr 24" ' If thou forbear to deliver them that 
are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to 
be slain ' (^liL-'rirrcK ; RV ' Deliver them that are 
carried away unto death, and those that are reatly 
to be slain see that thou hold back,' taking dk as 
a particle expressing a wish, not as a conj. 'if; 
80 Oxf. Heb. Lex. and most edd. ; RVm ' forbear 
thou not to deliver'); Ezk 24''' ' Forlwar to cry' 
(CT pi^n, lit. 'sigh, be silent'; RV 'Sigh, but not 
aloud'; Skinner, 'Sigh in silence': the Geneva 
Bible gives ' Cease from sighing ' ; Bishops', ' Moume 
in silence'; Douay, ' Sigh noldiug thy peace'; 
Sefjond, 'Soupireen silence'; Siegfriea, 'Seufze 
still'); 1 Co 9* 'Have not we power to forbear 
working?' ([toO] m^ ipyd^eadai) ; Eph G" ' forbearing 
threatening' (avi4vTfi t-Jjv Airet\-/i» ; T. K. Abbott, 
' giving up your threatening,' which they had been 
accustomed to use before they were Christians). 

Forbear is used once in AV (and retained in RV) 




rdkadrely, » c wMtiiicti oo wkaeb is ray laie: 
SCaiS^ 'forbewr thee Am neddfiDg witk God, 
who ie with me, Uuit he destior thee not * (^ft^ ! >jf» 
orrt^;^ Ob^.Xcx.'leaxvoffpnfrolaiKGod'). Here 
himmz Bcans lesliaiii thfad^ rnaia: ci. Ad. 
Est 16?" Cor., 'heeoadenoilarlieaiehiBKlf fitooi 
his ja jde.' 

Bat the Bost Botieesble me of *la*lM«r'iB as » 
liam»iliwt -ngh, im tte aoHe of iearwUi, igpatiemi 
wHk. The eMM^fas are, Soh 9" *Yet M aj yean 
£drit thoB fortwar then' (i3r% ^Ki^)??^ li*^ •• AYb. 
*£dak pcotiact orer Aem'; LXS d\nMs[Aii^] 
er mtrmtti Yvk. *jnitiazirti anper eos*); 2 Eis 1* 
'How ka^ dhall I foth c ai then, aato whma I 
hatre doae eo maA good Y* Im igma gm o am smtH m e i o} ; 
Eph4F=Coiy»'fnrtearii^oawaao<aier'( J* €x» » » 
AX3$!Ur)L SoTiBdaleratar.ofRerS^'thaacaaaesfc 
not fcvheare flieaB wfaidi are eryQ'; T. Adans, 
nPeter^ on ]>, 'Botitaa kends aader fur tMk, 
faD of Herod's and Kaiai««*8 exeentivcs: in this 
£oriiear as'; litii^rton^ MammrsMg Cimnuier- 
uOe* (Wodrow, Sdkct 1M«». L 3M), ' au aa eaha t 
fariioni for Hidr wtm-a mtmmitg 'i aad Ittaka. 
OOdfo, ]. n. 10— 

* vxik flhe BHfe codfaoB I ksw, 

BY iatiodoccs 'Cnrhearias' ia this aene iato 
the text of 2Ti 2f» fran AYa^ Oe text of AY 
bein; 'patieat* (<^ 4»4iBu»K, fit *patieat of 
WTO^,' ftOiB int. of iiffxm** to bear, aad onir 
wiQBg) ; aad it is IB tins seaae oaly th^ Fiiahear- 
aace oeems. Bo 2* :P 1*1'^*% iMith of God^ for- 
beanoMe wiOi nea; aad m BY, Ph # 'Let yovr 
ferbeanowe he kwnra aato aB nea' (rft ^nauofr; 
AY 'nodetatiiai.' BYm 'gmOenem'-. Yiaeearit, 
- FromrfcA^iea«oBalilevheaBeaa<aa<iafary»r9ar*; 
Wye. *pacieBee^' Tiad. 'aofteBe^' so Conr. C^raa.; 
(i«n. 'patiea* auad,' h> Kah.; Bheak *nodertie,' 
after Yale: aMrisaiiB^ Lather 'GdBadidDeit^' Wcii^ 
aider 'Lmdirinnit/ tibe Fteneh YSS *doaeear.' 
The idea, aaya Yiaeoit, is * Do Bot anlce a ri^noas 
aad ofastiaaie ataad tar what b yoor jjast dael. 
See Best aotidfc J. HAsnBGS. 

beanace is tihe tr. ia AY of KT of <nx>l> and ha^- 
sajfisnac of im wpa§ a p im. Thar dose coarBwrina ib 

paiiaeiii. Ttas ia Bo 2^ the wcaBh of GodTs 
'finrhenance aad hngwalfciiiig' is neatiaaed as 
Msig m pd to lead bmb to xepeataaee. Kb Bo 3F 
the £. of God is the eraaad, Bofc irf the fotginaiftia 
of sias, bat of titair i w i t twiami o B : aot of Ae 
sBBalliBK, bet of tlw waiyrwmi n of ffis jaonsb- 
■KBC The sane cwlaaatioBi ia xeaBued of 
arastiaas ia Eph 4P; th^ an to walk wosthy 
of ibar caDiii^, *with laig- uiMawg , i o ib e aiia g 
one aaotiier ia lote,* w^hete the last words ia- 
tevnet the firrt^ bi OT <Mx>lr seeaas to oeear 
oofy ia 1 Mae I2» IB the tedtaieal sense of 'trace'; 
the cone^oadSag Totbis ased ia awileiaageof 
BieaaiBg% whidi, however, are caaK- caoBeeted 
with eadi other. MmgpWii^m, a«uB, m the LXX 
is the iMolar nndern^ of theHoh. crsi 1^ It 
is nost beq[aeaiyy ased of God, aad ia cnalBBar 
tioB with snA wmtds as wAMSms, atMrtfimm, &e^ 
c^. It drrigaatwit that attnhato of God ia 
viitae of whidi He bean ka^ wiflk that which 
ptDwkes IDs ai^ear, and does aot j " w# i d at «■» 
to exeeate jadgneat i^oB it. 

Where /imnft§ti/im is Bnd of nen, the neaatag 
is sosB^iiaea nther diflne a JL It bnionciu akia 
to paticBee as weO as to tebeazaBee. Thas it 
is conbiBed with iira^w^ ia Col li> aad with 
<«nra«Ba(-^WH)iBJa5»;eLako2Ti3». These, 
exanpki^ as wdl as those ia HeC" Ja 3^, Sn-2*, I 
prove that Tieaeh's distiaetiaB is hardly acear- 
ate. TixL that pm 'P ' ^pim. wiD be foaad to expnsB 

patienee ia xwpeetof pcaraom^ inpHJi patiencA in 
reject of thiaga la the paasagn jv^t qwiteti 

p....j..a ^ , r z — 1 s- * • — - fi fj iiai l si i a i, fhr pi iwi ai i 

of what nrrai ■iliiii iiiaaialaBiiiis. Ilii tzMk of 

the good fife, aad is better r^radaeed by 'pataeaee' 
or 'cBdanaee' thaa by 'Iibij, iiiiiniiiiHi A real 
panBel to this ase is loaBd ia 1 IfaeS^ where we 
are told how the Boanas sabdoed aD ^aia br 
their eoBBsel aad their iPB4^pffc|iift ; where the w«ni 
evideatly neaas Ihat stabbom apiriiirtCBce, that 
aaafityn virtae of whi^thoa^ snaetiaMB de- 
feated ia battle, th^ ware always viefconoas ia 
wac Bat tho«h this seaee of ^sr^psfiHs is rqp&- 
seated ia HT, the psrfailiag one is that whiia is 
aloB, not to eadaiaae e bat to forbeanaee ; it i» 
a dowans, filoe that of God, ia arenpi^ wran^, 

a Rstzaiat of anger, a grwtlratja aad — *»li f v 

ia dteafii^ with those wte treat as BBJaayy. The 
svauny BOBS wosd ia this directian is rather «y««nvt 
thaa iw&fmij. There is a dUfiealt panage aboat 
God's kng-ndiaiBg ia Lk IS'. If we eonpare 
Sir £F • alftm t6 M fifmtitrs mUk r^i fmrnfmHi^i^ 
ir mtrms, tm Ir mmrfbfjf i«i^ <pd>fi>rfwwr, it esa 
hardly seen doabtfid that the evaagdfat BMaat 
by hn Isat wordbi, 'thoa^ he danre long iadal- 
genre to theai,' LC. to the cMnies of tibe deet ; if , 
howvrer, ir mtna nast refer to the deet, then 
there secan bo dear nea a ing to be eoi bat Ibj 
coniaiag tihe kmm of lAe •£ to tihe nst rfaanr, 
aad asyi^ that God nxcly does aot cxcrdse lopg- 
saBriiag (this woald be tiae cfiect vi the iatarogS' 
tive jbO where the iatoeslB of His deet are at 
rtiAe^ bat ave^es tten upwdily. Bat whateier 
we anlEe of this case;, there is no doabt that long- 
sufti iag aad fcebearaaec are d M rart ensticJly and 
f inmai Biwiily ywlitifs both of the diiine and of 
the OaiBiiaB character. As drstiaga^ied from 
eadi other, irmgH s a ggeais that it is atody a 
tenpoary restraiat imdb is beiag practised; thifr 
nay be the case wilft futf&§HpSm afaoi, iadecd it » 
the eaae^ aad hence mrii waraii^B as we hanre in 
Bo 2f^, bat it is not aaggetited by the word 
itsdL J. Seseket. 

IQBHDu— To foeliid is toorderoawiaittodo a 
thiagt aad the proper caastractiaB is a prriwnal 
oii9eetaadaBiaiB.,as 1 Th 2» ' Foriaddiii^ as to 
neak to the Gentiles that they n^t be nmed.' 
fistcnatonk aDows the oanaaaon of the peraan,a» 
Lk 23^ ' We fioaad tins fidhiw pervoti^ the aation, 
aad forladffiag to exie tribate to Giaeaar'; or of 
the iafoL, as Na U* ' My k«d lloae^ forbid theai^' 
Mt3»«BatJohBftrbadhiBB.' Batwhea 'fcrlad' 
is foaoid with an ia^oaL object and that alone, the 
luaaiiialiuii is oaifee irr^alar. There are two 
JBwIaarrit, 2P 9^ 'a daaah an ^peakiag with 
naa's voiee forbad the aiadam of the paop he t ' 
(BY<atvfBd'),*andAelCF'GBBaBynaB foslmi 
wder that then adhonld aot be Iwptiaed?' In 
both cases 1^ CbedC verb (aAioM'} is that asaaDy 
teaadated 'foabid,' aad ia Grade wriias it has the 

neaaiagiB of 'reatraia' (as 2 P 2^ and ' rdaae ' ta» 

Ae !&%. bat tte Bag. inerb 'ioabid' has not pr»- 

the»i aaeaniBgai. aad danld not faave been 

Ib both plaees 'forbid' is as aid as Wycfif, 

whoi. folkwiag tt» Yalg-^rnftiftare, Bsed lAe wwd 

Teayfireetr : eonmareitsaseia Ae IW ' Who was Y, 

that ny^dkeforbeede the Lovd, that he grae aot 

flie Hoofi Goost to hem that bOcnedea ia the aane 

of JhesaGMit?' 

Fran Wjdif afao conn did ikrtid, the atroag 

aadatrikiBgtiandatiaaiaf n^MiiKi* aadofi»i 


^MWft ii s ndWL •onacd ft«M OevBkMWtof 
- - _ ju 




only as an exclamation, Ad profanum ! Away with It ! Far 
be it ! Twice it Btaiids alone in the sentence, 1 S 14« 202 (n7''pii 
moo kS EV ' Uod forbid ; thou shalt not die '). Sometimes a 
pronoun accomivxnies it, 1 8 230 ("S nS'Sn, EV ' Be it far from 
me '), so Un 18-'', 1 S 200 221*. But most frequently it is con- 
nected with the sentence by a conjunction, |p with infln. 
Gn 18*J5 447 17, Jog 2416, 1 S 1223, o S 2317, i Ch lli», and 
(attached to the 'profane' thing) Job 34"' (yPIP htO .17711, 
EV 'Far be it from God that he should do wickedness'); or 
DK 1 S 14« 247, 2 S 20J0, Job 27*. The exclamation tended to 
assume the fonn of an oath, and in four places the name of J" 
is added, 1 S 247 2(}H, 2S 2317, 1 ch IXii*. The shorter fonn 
n^*?!? is used Gn 18« (»», Job 34i». 

The LXX translates the word variously : by f4.ii yittn* 
On 447. 17, Jos 22'.» 24i«, 1 K 213 ; by ^„j«^i;( (with or without 
ft*, «•«) On 181" tw, 1 8 '230 1233 202- » '2219 24« 20" ; bv "XwJ« /xt, 
[» »tH] 2 8 2020 6« 2317, 1 Oh 11 1» ; by J?i Ki/./.* 1 8 14* ; and by 
M^<ui i'lr. Job 27'*. 

The Vuljf. is more uniform, rendering by Ahgit (hocj a me (te, 
etc.) in all places exxent On 182-^'' nequnquam, 447 where ahidt 
of Old Lat. mav have dropiKMl out, 1 S 14« Hoe nefat est, and 
Propilius nit m'ihi Pomintu in 1 S 24'i 2611, 2 8 2317, 1 K 213. 

Wyclif followed the Vulgate, the later version having ' Fer 
be it fro me, thee,' etc., wherever Vulg. has Absit (hoc) a me, te, 
etc., and ' The Loni be merciful to me' in 1 8 24* 26", 2 8 2317, 
IK 213; while Gn 447 is 'Whi speketh oure Ix)rd so,' and 
1 8 14-»5 ' This is unleueful.' The earlier version is less uniform, 
thus Jos 2229 < v,(m{ shilde fro us this hidows gilt,' 1 Ch 1119 ' God 
sheelde,' 1 S 14-»-^ ' that is felony.' 80, wherever fj.ii yiteno 
occurs in NT the earlier Wye. vers, has ' Fer be it,' but the 
later has always '(iod forbcde.' And this phrase was accepte<l 
by Tindale, and after him by nearly all the Versions both in OT 
for hiUUah and in NT for u-h yittiro. 

aV and RV translate hdlUiXh by 'God forbid' ("The Lord 
forbid ' 1 8 2 1« 26", 1 K 213, and ' My God forbid it me ' 1 Ch lli») 
everj'where except Gn \^l>ia, 1 s 230 209 2215, 2 8 2mUs 0317, 
where the Wycliflte phrase ' Far be it from ' or ' Be it far 
from ' has been retained. This phrase Amer. RV prefers 
throughout OT. 

As we have seen, fcr, yiturt is only one of the renderings of 
fyXlUtih in LXX. Of the others ^»!J«/*a^ occurs twice in NT, 
Ac 1014 118 (EV 'Not so. Lord'), and 'ixius rti once, Mt 1622 
(EV ' Be it far from thee, Lord '). But m yivurt is found fifteen 
times, all but Lk 20'8 being in St. Paul's Epistles, and in twelve 
of St. Paul's fourteen instances it is used to express the apostle's 
abhorrence of an inference which he fears may be falsely drawn 
from his argument. See Burton, AT Moods and Tenses^, p. 79. 
EV translates everywhere by ' God forbid,' a phrase which 
is undoubtedly more forcible than the original, and for 
which Lightfoot suggests 'Nay, verily,' or 'Away with the 

' God forbid ' occurs also in Apocr., 1 Mac 221 ' God forbid that 
we should foi-sake the law and the ordinances' (^Ixmt iifjui 
KarxXuittiv, liV ' Heaven forbid,' RVm ' Gr. Ma]/ he be pro- 
pitious. Cf. 2 8 2317 Sept.') ; 910 "Dien Judas said, God forbid 
that I should do this thmg i^Iri fui yiittro !T«i/r>ai, RV ' Let it 
not l>e so that I should do this thing'). J. HASTINGS. 

FORCE. — Thesubst. 'force' has become restricted 
in meaning .since 1611. It then signified a man's 
l>en!onal might, as Jer 23'o 'their conrse is evil, 
and their force is not right' (n-jn?, Chcyne 'their 
miglit or lieroism'); even physical strength, as 
Dt 34^ ' hi.s eye was not dim, nor his natural force 
abated' (nh, only here, but adj. n"? is moist, fresh, 
of fruit, Nu &, or of growing or freshly-cut wood, 
Ezk 17-\ Gn 3(>", hence ' neither had his freshness 
fletl ' — Driver) ; Job 40'" ' his force is in the navel 
(KV muscles) of his belly' (px, here of behemoth, 
in 18^-^- of man's strength); Am 2" 'the strong 
shall not strengthen his force' (rtb). Cf. Ps 102"^ 
(Stemhold and Hopkins) — 

' My wonted strength and force he hath abated in the way.' 

Force as a personal attribute is now restricted to 
strength in action or application, as it is in Ezk 34* 
• with force and witli cruelty have ye ruled them ' 
(npm) ; and in the ' take by force,' which in 
Mt 11", Jn 6", Ac '2310 is the tr° of the single verb 
apwi^tiv, to seize. 

The phrase ' of force ' is now replaced by • in 
force.' It occurs He 9" 'a testament is of force 
after men arc dead' (j8(?/3aioj) ; and in a slightly 
different sense, 2 Es 7^ ' the good deeds shall be 
of force, and Micked deeds shall bear no rule ' 
(iustitift; vigilabunt, RV 'shall awake'): cf. 9*^ 
' the law perishetli not, but renmineth in liis force' 
(pcrmanstt in suo hotiorr, RV ' in its honour '). 
The phrase was also used in the sense of ' by com- 

pjilsion,' as we still use ' perforce ' ; so often in 
Shaks. as I Henry IV. II. iii. 120— 

'Will this content you, Kate? 
It must, of force ' ; 

Jul. Cics. IV. iii. 203— 

• Good reasons must, of force, give place to better ' ; 

MUton, PL iv. 813— 

' No falsehood can endure 
Touch of celestial temper, but returns 
Of force to its own likeness ' ; 

and i. 144 — 

' Our conqueror (whom 1 now 
Of force believe almighty)' — 

though Craik thinks ' of force ' in the last passage 
may mean ' in power.' 

lor Force, Forces = military strength, see ARMY. 

S. Hastings. 

FORD ("i^y.o, n-!;y.7. In Jg 12*- " AV needlessly 
substitutes ' passages ' for ' lords ' ; in 2 S 15-* 17" 
RV has 'fords' (nnay) where AV has 'plains' (nmy). 
See Driver's note, ad loc.). — Fords were important 
landmarks in early OT times, when there were no 
bridges across rivers. There seem to have been 
two principal fords across the Jordan— (1) that 
opposite Jericho (Jos 2^ Jg 3^8, 2 S 19"), used to 
this day for crossing from Pal. into Moab, except 
in early summer when the river is in flood (Jos 3") ; 
(2) Bethabara (the reading of TR and A V, but WH 
and RV have Bethany) where John baptized ( Jn 1®). 
The site has been identified by the officers of the 
Ordnance Survey, and described by Conder as the 
spot called 'Abdrah, where tlie Jalftd river, flowing 
down the Valley of Jezreel, debouches into the 
Jordan {Tent Work in Pal. p. 229). Some of the 
fords of the Jordan, of which about forty were iden- 
tified by the Pal. Survey, are impassable in spring or 
early summer, as the waters, swollen by the melt- 
ing of the snows of the Lebanon and adjoining 
repons, rise and overflow th^ir banks, covering the 
alluvial plains on either side. Such was the case 
when the Isr. under Joshua crossed on dry ground 
by command of J" to besiege Jericho (Jos 3**). 
Amongst the other fords mentioned in Scripture 
are those of the Jabbok (Gn 32"^) and the Amon, a 
river descendino; from the tableland on the east of 
the Jordan Valley, and at the time of the Isr. 
invasion forming the boundary between the 
Moabites and the Amorites (Nu 2V^), also referred 
to in Is 10*. The Romans were probably the first 
great bridge-builders over the streams of Palestine. 
(See, further, G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 266, 337 n. ; 
Moore, Judges, 102 f. 214 ; Driver, Text of Sam. 
245, 257.) E. HULL. 

FORECAST.— In the phrase ' forecast devices,' 
Dn 112^- •'» (n^^qo 2vn, RV 'devise devices'), the 
meaning is ' contrive beforehand,' as Golding (1587), 
De Mornay, xiii. 203, ' At the first sight the thing 
which was forecast by good order, seemeth to 
happen by adventure. In Wis 17^' the word 
occurs in the sense of ' think beforehand,' ' for- 
bode ' : ' Wickedness . . . always forecasteth 
grievous things' (K"-" 'irpoei\r]<l>ev, but B TrpoaelXritpev, 
whence RVm ' hath added'). 

FOREFRONT.— In earlier use the 'forefront' 
was opposed to the 'backfront,' as Evelyn (1659), 
To R. Boyle, 3 Sept. ' To the entry fore front of 
this a court, and at the other back front a plot 
walled in of a competent square,' and Leoni (1726), 
Albcrti's Archit. I. x.vxix. 2, 'From the . . . Fore- 
front of the Work I draw a Line quite thro' to 
the Back- front.' But the 'back' being no longer 
called a ' front,' ' forefront ' is mostly replaced by 
'front.' It is used in AV as tr" oi (1) vi^face, 
2 K 16'\ Ezk 40^»«'U 471 . (2) c'^ S^o ovcragainst the 
face. Ex 26» 28", Lv 8», 2 S II" ; (3) \V tooth. 




1 S U* ; (4) mh head, 2 Ch 2(F ; and rp6<ronrof face, 
1 Mac 4". RV changes Lv 8^ ' upon the mitre, 
even npon his forefront,' into ' upon the mitre, in 
front ' ; and 1 S 14' ' The forefront of the one was 
situate northward ' into • The one crag rose up on 
the north.' RV also adds Jos 22" 'in the fore- 
front of the land of Canaan' (^'a'^K, AV 'over 
Uiiainst ') ; and Ezk 40^* "* ' And from the forefront 
of the gate at the entrance unto the forefront of 
the inner porch' (c^x 'i?^-^i' pnx'n ns^ri •'i$-^s, AV 
' from the tace . . . unto the face '). 

FOREGO.— Sir 7" ' Forego not a wise and good 
woman : for her grace is ahove gold' (m'? darixfi 
ywaiKos ffotpijs Kal d7od-5s, RV ' Forgo not a wise 
and good wife'). The Gr. verb occurs elsewhere 
in LXX only in 8* ' Miss not the discourse of the 
elders ' (R\ ' aged '). In NT it is found only in 
the Pastoral Epistles, 1 Ti 1« (EV ' swerve '), 6*^ 
(EV 'err'), 2 Ti 2^^ (EV 'err'), and at each 
occurrence RVm gives 'miss the mark,' which 
is its lit. meaning (d and <rr6x<», a mark). The 
meaning here is jQmost certainly that suggested 
by Walil noli separari ab uxors sapienfe, ' do not 
separate yourself from, i.e. do not divorce a wise 
wue.' And that is probably the meaning of AV, 
which seems to be a new tr", the earlier Versions 
having uniformly ' Depart not from a discreet and 
good woman,'* with the addition, 'that is fallen 
unto thee for thy portion in the fear of the LORD,' 
after Vulg. quam sortitus es in timorc Domini. 
For in earlier Eng. ' forgo ' had the meaning of 
forsake, as Cursor Mumli (1340), 13,280, ' Petur and 
andrew . . . with o word haue thei ship forgone ' ; 
and Shaks. Henry VIII. UL ii. 422— 
' Crom. O my lord. 

Must I then leave yoa ? Must I needs forgo 
So good, so noble, and so true a master?* 

And this sense is still in use poetically, as in Mrs. 
Browning, Catarina to Camoens, iv. — 

' And ii they looked up to yon, 
All the light which has forgone them 
Would be gathered back anew." 

The spelling of modem ediHons of AV is forego, \mt forgo, 
which is the spelling of 1611 ('forgoeO, is the correct tana. 
Forego is a different word, and means 'to go before,' as 
Fotherby (1619), Atheom. n. iiL 2. 214, 'The cause doth 
alwaves his effect fore-goe.' The prep, in 'forgo' is /or (Ger. 
rerX' not fore, and reverses the meaning of the yerb, as in 
forbid, fordo, forget, forswear, forspent, forspoke. In forbear 
and forgive it adds force to the simple verb. 


FOREHEAD (njr, /i^T&woj').- This word occurs 
repeatedly in the Bible, both in a literal and in a 
metaphorical sense. It was upon his forehead 
that the high priest wore theplate of gold inscribed 
' Holv to the Lord ' (Ex 28^) ; the stone slung by 
Davi^ entered the forehead of Goliath (1 S 17*) ; 
leprosy broke out in the forehead of Uzziah when 
he sought to bum incense (2 Ch 26^*^-)- In Jer 3' 
' a harlot's forehead ' is the type of shamelessness ; 
in Ezk 3^- *• ' the people in their obstinacy are 
described as 'of an hard forehead,' but the 
prophet's forehead is to be made hard against 
them, his determination is to be equal to their 
own. In Ezk &**• a mark is directed to be put on 
the forehead of the faithful in Jerusalem. The 
name for this mark is i.~ tav, a letter (n) which may 
have been used in much the same way as a X 
amongst ourselves (cf. Job 31**, where, however, 
the sense appears to be somewhat different ; see 
Davidson's and Dillmann's notes, ad loc.). It is 
even possible that the reference in Ezk b to 
practices such as that described in Is 44' ' Another 
shall mark on liLs hand, Unto the LoED.' See 
CuTTiXGS IN THE Flesh, vol. L p. 538". These 
OT passages suggested the NT usage (Rev 7* 9* 
I316 141.9 17520*22*). 

* Except Wyclif (1382), ' Wile thoa not gon awei fro a wel 
felende womman, and a good.' 
VOL. II. — 4. 

In Ezk 16*-, where AV has ' I put a jewel on thy 
forehead,' RV gives more correctly ' I put a ring 
npon thy nose ' (i»jr^y cij pyi). 

For Lv 13*"- (' forehead bald') see 

J. A. Selbie. 

FOREIGNER occurs four times in AV. It is the 
tr° in Ex 12** of 2?rifl (RV more accurately '»o- 

ioumer'), in Dt 15» and Ob " of '-»;l;, and in 
Lph 2^ of ripoiKOi (RV ' sojourner ').' RV suh- 
statutes 'foreigner' for AV 'stranger' as tr» of 
T?i-I? in Lv 2325, and of 'i^i in Dt 17" 23» 29^. 
Amer. RV makes the same change in Ru 2", 2 S 
15^, where the Heb. word is the same. 

A cognate term is alien (s), which occurs in AV 
of Ex 18' as tr° of -B (RV correctly 'sojourner'), 
of -ci '13 in Is 61', and of 'T5J in Dt I4r^ (RV 
'foreigner'). Job 19", Ps 69*, La 5-. RV adds 
Kx 12*, Ezk 44"- », Pr o^\ where AV has ' stranger,' 
and Ps 144^^-", where AV has 'strange children' 
(Heb. in aU these -cj 'iS). 

StFangen is the favourite rendering in AV, not 
only of *-:;: or -crjz and nj (see below), but also of 
■a and Sv^w. The latter circumstance is specially 
unfortunate, because it obscures to the Eng. reader 
the distinction between the foreigner and the ger, 
which in Heb. is marked clearly enough, and on 
which not a little depends for the understanding 
of many passages. The ^ir \s indeed a foreigner 
by birth, l)ut he resides m Israel and is protected 
by the community; whereas the foreigner proper 
(nji) is not only jin alien by birth, but has neither 
home nor rights in Israel.' It would have been 
well if RV had uniformly, instead of occasionally, 
substituted 'sojourner' tor 'stranger' as the tr° 
of 13, and left ' stranger,' ' foreigner,' ' alien ' to 
represent such words as 1^ and -a. 

We shall now examine the linguistic usage of 
the last two Heb. words and their equivalents in 
LXX and NT. 

(a) 11 (Jtfr) in its root meuung ^^eais scarcely to differ from 
gtr, althoogfa ultimately the two words hare very different 
CMuiotetioiis. The orig. senae of both is one vho tumt cuide 
from the way («e. to lodge amiewiiereX It is easy to c«Hiiiect 
this witii the idea at a Uta m gei m* aHen. Amongst other 
appBations it is used to deaigiiAte one who is not of a priestlv 
Camay, Ex 2B« 30», No »•■» 1ST (aU PX tv 221a li 13(h). or 
who does not belong to the tribe of Levi, Nu 1« lSi(P). The 
plur. a^Jl is a frequent de^gnataon of foreign (generally hostile) 
peoples in contrast to Isael, Hos 7^ 87, Is 1", Ezk 7^, Jl 3^', 
Ob u eta The LXX equivalents are Jt^Jjirpi*; and ix>jyiyii, 
the fcwmer of whic^ oocun not infrequently in XT, the latter 
only once (Lk 1~^ of the Samaritan leper). 

(6) n^ipoti^^ or "VTi? (beHriuthdr}. U the root idea here 
is ttrangeaet$, periuqw 'stranger' might with advantage be 
reserved as the special tt** of these two equivalent terms, n^ 
is ] rthi 'exfle' in 2S 151' (of Ittai the Gittate); it is opposed 
to a 'brother' (nxX »•«• * fellow-Israelite, in Dt 153 17"; it is 
used of the stranger who directs his prayer towauxls the temi^e 
of Iraael's God, lK8«>=2Ch6»;<rfttJe foreign wives (jrtnz;). 
Ear 10* ; ci foreign garb fn?J VOQQ perhaps referring to the 
uniform of the foreign body-guardX Zeph is (cf . "C^r ' every- 
thing foreign,' >'eh 1330X I'he commonest LXX equivalent is 
ixxtfftf (c& Ac 7*, He 11^ ^X mXXsytrtif abo occurs {e.g. 
Gn ir^. Ex 12s, Lt ^25, Is 5«^C) and aiUUfidUr (Is 2S 61^ 
This last, which is ttie favourite LXX ti" of cW^ (PhUistinesX 
occurs only once in NT (Ac lOBS ot ComeSaa). Another 
favourite LXX rendering of n^ is {«»•* (e.g. 23 15» of IttaiX 
It is the exact oppoate of 'urtv&fit»>. Tbe mily instances of its 
occurrence in KT ai« Mt &s::ka 5577, Ac 17«. ^* 2»i», 
HeU», 3Jn6. 

As in olden times foreigner and enemf woe afanost ctMivert- 
ible terms, we find both 17 and "^2^ used so as to include the 
idea of hostiUty or barbarism (cf. Is 1^, Ps M3, Ezk U», Hos 7^ 
[all cnt], Ps \k^ « [T33 '32J. The same meaning of kottHe is 
contained in the iiAirfut of He llW, 1 Mac 1» 27, Sir 45i» etc.). 

Peesexce and Positiox of FOREIGKEKS IX 
Israel. — In the early stages of their history, the 
relations of Israel to foreigners did not differ essen- 
tially from those, of other nations. As the law, 
however, was gradually introduced, the attitude 
of Israelites to non-Israelites underwent a material 
change, until ultimately the 'nations' outside 




Israel became the 'heathen,' while the stranger 
domiciled in Israel, the ' gir,' became the ' prose- 
lyte' (l^ertholct). 

(a) The pre-Dcttteronomic Period. — Our earliest 
sources contain abundant references to foreigners, 
whether passinj^ strangers or residents in Israel. 
Trade was frequently the motive of their visits. 
The two words for ' merchant,' nnb and '?3'i, both 
mean origiiiully ' traveller ' ; in Pr SI'-" and Job 4P 
' Canaanite ' is synonymous with ' trader,' showing 
that in early times the travelling merchantmen in 
Palestine had been, not Israelites, but Canaanites. 
The danger of travelling alone (Jg 5') was avoided 
by caravans, some of the most important of whose 
trade-rout«s traversed Palestine (Gn 37**, 1 K 10*, 
Is «^ [Eng. 91] GO*- ^ Ezk 26="). It must never be 
forgotten that from the occupation of Canaan 
downwards Israel was in constant contact with 
foreigners in the shape of the large renmants of 
the original inluibitants of the land. Our different 
sources ofVer diJlerent explanations of the survival 
of the Canaanites, but they all agree as to the fact 
(Ex 23*', Dt 7*^, Jg 2^ 31"-). We liave the well- 
known story of the Gibeonites (Jo.s 9), as well as 
a whole list of Can. towns enumerated amongst 
the various Isr. tribes (Jg l'-"*'-) ; in 1^- it is the 
Isr. that dwell among the Can., while Issachar 
is actually tributary to the latter (Gn 49'^''). In 
Jg 5" (cf. 12") Ave hear of Amalekite remnants, 
in Jg 5** (cf. Ex 18>3ff-), Nu W\ 1 S 15" of Kenites, 
Midianites, etc. The Jerahmeelites, the clans of 
Caleb, Othniel, Kenaz, etc. (1 S .30"- ^s), appear to 
have been of Arabian or Edomite origin. Even 
at the era of the Exodus the early narrative JE 
speaks of a ' mixed multitude ' which attached 
itself to Israel (Ex 12**, Nu II''). Shechem was 
still a Can. city in the time of Abimelech ( Jg 9) ; 
Jerus. continued in the possession of the Jebusites 
down to the time of David (2 S 5*^-), and even 
after its conquest by the latter we find Araunah 
the Jebusite still in possession of property there 
(2 S 24 ; cf. Jos 15«3, Jg pi) ; RahaVs descendants 
dwell in Israel ' to this day ' (Jos 6^, JE) ; Gezer 
is first taken from the Can. bv the Pharaoh who 
was Solomon's father-in-law (ik 9^"). 

The general attitude to foreigners was one of 
hostility, where some special agreement or safe- 
guard was not present. Driven out from his old 
settlement, Cain protests, ' Whosoever findeth me 
shall slay me' (Gn 4"). The Song of Deborah 
(Jg 5), the story of ' Samuel and Agag (1 S 15*-''-), 
the cruelties of David to his prisoners (2 S 8* 12^^), 
illustrate the prevailing tejnper towards a foreign 
foe. Conduct passes uncensured when non-Israel- 
ites are concerned, which would have been con- 
sidered improper towards a fellow-countryman 
(Gn 12 Abraham and Pharaoh, Gn 26 Isaac and 
Abimelech, Gn 30'^'^- Jacob and Laban, Ex 3"^ the 
•spoiling' of the E-^yptians). 

The position of the foreigner being so precarious, 
people were slow t« leave their own country, esp. 
as this implied also abandoning the service and 
losing the protection of their ancestral gods (1 S 
26*"). Amongst the most frequent causes that led 
to such self - expatriation were famine (Gn 12"* 
Abraham, 26' Isaac, 47* Jacob and his sons, Ru \^"- 
Elimclech and his family, 2 K 8**- the Shunam- 
mite), blood-feud (Gn 4'« Cain, Ex 2" Moses, 2 S 
13** Absalom) or political reasons (1 S 27* David, 
1 K ur Jeroboam, 11" Hadad). 

There were, however, three circumstances that 
helped to mitigate the lot of tfie stranger in a 
strange land — (1) The hospitality to strangers, 
which is one of the noblest virtues of ancient 
peoples i • the stranger did not lodge in the street, 
out I opened my doors to the traveller ' (Job 31"''; 
cf. Gn 18. 19. 24. 43, Jg 13. 19, 2 S 12*, 1 K 17). 
Public inns in the modern sense (the Eastern khan 

is something quite different) were unknown and 
unneeded. In Lk 10*' we first hear of an inn 
(iravSoyetov) where the host (ira«'5oxei''j) takes pay- 
ment for accommodating travellers. While spies 
naturally received no consideration ((in 42", Jos 
2*'-)» the narratives of Gn 19 and Jg 19 show 
how scrupulously the old Israelites guarded their 
guests. In an age when the altar Mas univer- 
sally an asylum (see Altar, p. 76''), the helpless 
stranger wtis frequently considered to be under the 
special protection of the god of the land, hence 
the ' fear of God ' (Gn 20" 42'*) was an extra safe- 
guard to him. (2) The alliances with other nations 
of which we read must have exercised a consider- 
able influence upon Israel's attitude towards 
foreigTiers (1 K IS"*^- Asa with Benhadad, 2 K 16* 
Is7' Pekah with Rezin, 2K 16^ Ahaz with Tiirlath- 
pileser, 2 K 17* Hosea with So, 2K 20'**- Is 39 
Hezekiah with Merodach-baladan, Ezk 17'* Ze<le- 
kiah with Egypt). Those who had fought shoulder 
to shoulder against a common foe would not be 
strangers in each other's country. One of the 
most familiar results of this intercourse is seen 
in the syncretism in religious matters, against 
which the prophets protest (Is 17'", Ezk S'"- etc.). 
(3) Israel's own trading enterprises, which carried 
her citizens beyond the confines of Palestine (Ezk 
27" to Tyre, "l K 9-* 10" 22** to Ophir, 20^* to 
Damascus), taught the Israelites to sympathize 
with the feelings of a stranger >Vho came to 
sojourn in their land (Ex 23"). 

In Israel, as in most Oriental nations, the king 
encouraged the presence of foreigners at his court, 
and depended upon their fidelity more than upon 
that of his own subjects (IS 2F 22" Doeg the 
Edomite, 2 S 15'8 20^ 1 K l^*- ** Cherethites and 
Pelethites, 2 S 15'" Ittai the Gittite, 2 K 11*- '" Car- 
ites). By foreign marriages the Isr. king also 
sought to strengthen his position. Amongst David's 
wives were Abigail a Kalibbite, Maacali a Geshur- 
ite (1 S 25**, 2 S 3*), while his sister was married to 
Ithra an Ishmaelite (1 Ch2'^ not Israelite 2 S 17**). 
Solomon's harem included, besides Pharaoh's 
daughter, Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidon- 
ians, and Hittites (1 K 11'). The wife of Ahab 
was Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal king of the 
Zidonians(l K 16^'). Intermarriages with the Can. 
are forbidden in Ex 34'"- (JE), and there were 
doubtless many in Israel who disliked mixed mar- 
riages (Gn 29'" 24-'-»^, Nu 12', Jg 14=*) ; yet these 
must have been quite common. Unfortunately, the 
story of Dinalr and Shechem (Gn 34), which is of 
composite origin ( Wellh. Comp. 47 f. , 312 f. ; Kuenen, 
AbluincU. 25511'.; see atso artt. Shechkm, Simeon), 
has been so often worked over that it is impossible 
to draw inferences from it with certainty, but Jg 
3*"^- doubtless gives a true picture of the condition 
of things (cf. Gn 38*, Jg S'", 1 K 7'*). It was really 
more through amalgamation than by war that the 
Can. were subdued. The tribe of Judah con- 
fessedly contained a large admixture of Can. 
elements (see CALEB), and Ed. Meyer goes the 
length of maintaining {ZA W, 1886, 'pp. 1 ff.) that 
Joseph was originally a Can. tribe. It is this pro- 
cess of amalgamation that helps to account for 
the rapid in the number of Israel's warriors 
between the time of the judjjes and the early days 
of the monarchy (cf. Jg 5* with 2 S 24"). 

Besides foreign traders and resident gerim, there 
must always have been in Israel a number of 
foreign slaves, either taken cajitive in war, or 
bought froni Phcen. or other traders (Gn 17'*, Lv 
26*-'S Nu Sr-*"^-). SeeSLAVE.s. 

(6) The Period of thclJcutcronomir Leqislntinn. — 
To protest ajiftinst religious syncretismhad always 
been a chief part of the j)rophet's work. The 
worship of ^lie Tyrian Baal, and the corrupting 
influences of foreign civilization, were specially dis- 




tasteful to Elijah, whose feelings were shared by 
Elisha and the usurper Jehu (2 K 9. 10). It is 
significant that Jehonadab the son of Rechab is 
associated M-ith Jehu (2 K 10"*-), for the whole 
raison (tetre of the Rechabite movement lay in 
opposition to Can. civilization and in attachment 
to the primitive simplicity, alike in religious and 
secnlar matters (Jer 35, cf. W. R. Smith, Proph. 
of Isr. 84 f.). The attitude of the prophets who 
have left us their writings is equally clear (Am 2" 
315 5U. 35 gs gs^ Hos 2" 8'* 91'^ 10^3 12-*- 14^). Speci- 
ally noteworthy is Hos 9^ ' Rejoice not, O Israel, 
like the peoples,' where already ' peoples' is almost 
= ' heathen. The same disinclination to foreigners 
appears in Is 2« 10* 17" 28'5 30'* (protest against 
forei^i alliances), Zeph 1*- ", Jer 2*^- 1(F (althou«rh 
this last may be a late interpolation) 35'^- ST"-. 
These feelings find expression in the highest degree 
in the Deuteronoraic ' law-book ' of Josiah's reign 
(2 K 22). Israel is a ' holy people ' (Dt 7®), and the 
land must not be ' defiled ' (21^) or ' caused to sin ' 
(24^). The relation of Israelites to non-Israelites is 
henceforth determined k}f laic. The watchword is 
separation. The old injunction of Ex 23^^'- ( JE) is 
repeated in much stronger terras in Dt 7*'* 20'®"" 
(where the present aversion takes the form of a 
past command to exterminate the Can.), and 
special stress is laid upon the prohibition of inter- 
marriages with Can. (I)t 7^ Jos 23'-). Further, in 
Dt 15* and 23**, the foreigner {nokhri) is expressly 
excluded from participation in two of the Israelites 
prKileges— that of having a creditor's claims 
wafl'ed every seventh year, and that of borrowing 
without having to pay interest. In Dt 14*' he is 
allowed to use for food the flesh of an animal that 
has died of itself, a concession which, although 
made in the same passage to the ger, is ultimately 
withdrawn from the latter, and pronounced to be 
improper for any dweller in the land of Israel 
(Lv 17'5). See Ger. 

It is well to remember that universalism as well 
as particularism may be traced in the conduct and 
the teaching of the early prophets (cf. 1 K 17**^- 
Elijah and the widow of Zarephath, 2 K 5 Elisha 
and Naanian. Is 2-"'=Mic 4'"* the oracle of -the 
mountain of the Lord's house). This element found 
expression, however, in the direction of proselytiz- 
ing the ger, not in that of cultivating friendly 
relations with foreigners proper. For the develop- 
ment of this subject see Ger. 

(c) The Exilic and Post-Exilic Periods. — If an 
approximation of ger to Israelite was fostered by 
the Deut. legislation, and grew as time went on, 
npon the other hand the gulf between Israelite 
andforeigner became always wider. Even in'the 
'unclean' land of their exile (Ezk 4'"-), where 
sacrifice could not be offered, Israel could cling to 
her Sabbaths and to circumcision, and probably 
meetings akin to those of the later synagogue con- 
tributed to the maintaining of her separate exist- 
ence and manner of life. The legislative pro- 
gramme of Ezekiel is specially instructive for our 
subject. The. uncircumcised foreigners who kept 
guard in the temple (2 K 1 !**•)> and probably per- 
fomied other services (see Cherethites), are hence- 
forivard to be strictly excluded (Ezk 44*"'®), and 
such functions are to be discharged by the Levites 
(cf. 44- priests to niarrj- only virgins of the seetl 
of the house of Israel or the widow of a priest). 

The exiles who returned from Babj"lon had to 

solve the problem of their relations with the other 

inhabitants of Judfea and with their neighbours. 

A large number of the original inhabitants had 

; never been carried captive at all, Edomit«s and 

j others had taken possession of unoccupied settle- 

1 ments, and the colonists planted by the Assyr. 

I king in Samaria (2 K 17^") had probably also 

! encroachetl on Judaea. The majority of the old 

inhabitants, and a section of the returned exiles, 
were quite willing to coalesce with their neigh- 
bours (Neh 132*, Ma\ 2"), but, thanks to the fierj- 
zeal of Ezra and Xehemiah, such an incorporating 
union was prevented. The unsparing rigour with 
which the two reformers carried out their work is 
matter of history. See Ezra, NehemIjVH. It was 
a veritable crisis. Weapons of various kinds were 
used on both sides. It may be that literature was 

Eressed into the service. If Dt 23*"* be, as Well- 
ausen and Cornill think, a later interpolation, it 
may date from this period, while the Book of Ruth 
may have been a manifesto issued by the party of 
toleration. The triumph of the puritan party was 
completed when the covenant was sealed ( Neh 10**), 
' that we would not give our daughters unto the 
peoples of the land, nor take their daughters for 
our sons,' and when the Torah (P) was accepted a.s 
the norm of Israel's conduct (Neh 8). The ideal 
of P, even more than of D, is a holy people dwell- 
ing in a holy land, and serving GcmI according to 
the prescriptions of His law (Nu 35^, cf. Lv 19*""). 
The narrative portions of P carefully omit or 
modify what does not tally Avith this conception 
(e.g. no mention of Moses' sojourn in Midian, or 
his relations with the priest of that people ; 
Balaam, again, could not be a prophet of J", but 
becomes a Midianite counsellor, by whose in- 
strumentality Israel was led into immorality). In 
accordance with the above conceptions, Ezra de- 
liberately sought to erect a hedge, not only around 
the law, but around Israel, and thus to prevent all 
contact, except what was absolutely unavoidable, 
vnth those outside the pale of Judaism. If the 
ger had become the prosdyte to be welcomed, the 
n/>khri had become the heathen to be shunned. 
For the further develc^mient of the subject see 
Gentiles, Heathen*. 

LiTERATi"RE. — Bcrtholet's monograph. Die Stelhing d. Itr. «. 
d. Jud. zu d. Fremden (to which the above article has special 
obligations); Driver, Deut. xxsil., 98, 239; W. R. Smith, 
OTJCi 279, 364 f.; Chej-ne, Jeremiah, 67; Schurer, UJP 
n. i. 51-56; Benzdn^r, Eeb. Areh. 339 L, 350, 479; Thayer, 
yT Lex., and Cremer, Bib.-Theol. Lex. «. kxxvyijzf, aM^fit. 

FOREKNOW, FOREORDAIN.— Both these words 
translate the same Greek verb -rpoyuKiiCKeLv, the 
former in Ro 8^, the latter in 1 P l**. 'Fore- 
ordain' does not appear before 1611, but Tindale 
introduced ' ordain before ' in 1 P l-"", which was the 
more surprising that in Ro 8'^ he translated both 
verbs correctly, oOs rpoeyvu xal -rpowpiaer, ' those 
which he knewe before, he also ordeyned before.' 
Both verbs are rare in English, the earliest certain 
example of ' foreordain ' found by Oxf. Eng. Diet. 
being Norton's tr"^ of Calvin's Institutes (1561), 
iii. &)2, 'Some to be foreordeined to saluation, 
other some to destruction,' though the ptcp. is 
found in the Prol. to Wyclifs Mark (1420), 'The 
for-ordenede John.' RV tr. 1 P l-** correctly 'was 
foreknown,' and retains ' foreordain ' for rpoopl^eir 
wherever it occurs, Ac 4^ ( AV ' determine before '), 
Ro8^*MAV 'predestinate'), 1 Co 2^ (AV 'ordain'), 
Eph l-*- " ( AV ' predestinate '). 

FOREKNOWLEDGE.— As an attribute of God, 
foreknowledge is simply a special case or aspect of 
omniscience. God knows all thmgs, therefore not 
only the present and the past, but the future also, 
must lie open to His sight. This is implied in all 
His promises, whether they refer to the individual I 
only, as where offspring is promised to Abraham { 
(Gii IS'*), or are on a national scale, as when the 
glory of Abraham's descendants is foretold (Gn IS"*). ' 
It is' implied also in the warnings which God gives, 
or causes to be given, as in the story of Lot and 
Sodom (Gn 19), or in that of Moses before Pharaoh 
(Ex 8-11). To an earlier Pharaoh God shows in a 
dream ' what he is about to do ' (Gn 41^), and 




similarly, at a later period, to Nebuchadnezzar 

* what shall be in the latter days ' (Dn 2»- »). In 
all such casoH, however, it may be objected that 
they are less examples of foreknowledge than 
declarations regarding His own future action on the 
part of One who lias full power of doing what He 
wills ; that they illustrate therefore omnipotence 
rather than omniscience. This close association of 
the two attributes must always be allowed for in 
the usage of Scripture. Where all events are re- 
ferred to the direct action of the Deity, it is not 
strange that He should know and foretefl wliat He 
is about to do. It may be the sense that thus to 
foreknow and bring about events demonstrates the 
existence and activity of the divine, or it may be 
that the course of the world was already regarded 
as possessing a relative independence, which forms 
the ground of the appeal to the foreknowledge of 
God as proving His superiority to the idols oi the 
nations. Such an appeal occurs more than once in 
Deutero-Isaiah,e..(7. 18 42® 'Behold, the former things 
are come to pass, and new things do I declare ; 
before they spring forth I tell you of them ' ; 46'" 

* Declaring tne end from the beginning, and from 
ancient times things that are not yet done ; saying, 
My counsel shall stand ' ; cf. also 44*-* 48*- *• **. In 
the NT Jesus asserts foreknowledge on the part of 
God of what is yet hidden even from the Son (Mk 
13**); and St. James (Ac 15'*), quoting the words of 
Amos (9"- '*), substitutes for ' the LoRD that doeth 
this,' * the Lord who maketh these things known 
from the beginning of the world.' All the references, 
indeed, to the fulfilment of prophecy, which are so 
frequently found in the NT, are intelligible only on 
the assumption that they are taken as evidencing 
the foreknowledge of God. 

It is, however, in its application, not to events 
generally, but to salvation, and that both of the 
individual and of the community, tliat the question 
of the divine foreknowledge has arrested the 
attention, engaged the thoiights, and sometimes 
tried the hearts of men. True piety refers all 
things to God, and rejoices to see in the individual 
life of faith and love the manifestation of divine 
activity. It seems to it that, were the case other- 
wise, tnere could be no assurance of salvation, and 
the peace which is the most priceless possession of 
God s children would be impossible to them. It is 
argued that, as God is both able and willing to 
bring about the salvation of the individual, He 
must know beforehand, not only His purpose to do 
so, but its fiiltilment. AVe refer salvation, along 
with all other events, to the Divine Will ; but, as 
God is not only Supreme Will but Supreme In- 
telligence, before, or accompanying the forthputting 
of that will there must be an act of knowledge. 
Thus foreknowledge comes to be associated with 
Electiox and Prkdestination (which see) as a 
constitutive element in the ultimate ground of the 
salvation made known in Christ. But in proportion 
as this conclusion removes difficulties on tne one 
side, it raises them on the other. While theoretic- 
ally admitting the determinative influence of tlie 
divine action unou the course of events in general, 
we recognize tnat to us they are contingent, and 
we are not perplexed by a difficulty which Ave 
scarcely feel. But with the question of personal 
salvation it is different. Foreknowledge here im- 
plies a determinative action which seems to leave 
no room for choice, or moral freedom. Furtlier, 
experience shows that there are gradations in the 
extent of spiritual privileges accorded, and inlinite 
variations in the degree to which men avail them- 
.selves of these. Are we then to argue a limitation 
of the divine power, or of the divine will, to save? 
The interests of piety and moralitj', the facts of 
religion and experience, seem incompatible here, the 
one demanding an absoluteness of determination 

which the other cannot admit. It is the difficulty 
which has divided schools of earnest men and 
powerful thinkers, like the Augustinian and the 
relagian, the CalWnist and the Arminian, which in 
various forms and degrees enters into and moulds 
men's whole conception of the religious life. Into 
its later phases we cannot here enter ; we must 
confine ourselves to stating the data of the problem 
as they are presented in Scripture. 

In the OT the question in this special form scarcely 
occurs. The prophets regard Israel as having been 
chosen from among the peoples of the earth to be 
God's special heritage (Dt V""*, Neh O'- », Is 41«- » 
44'- 2) ; out the thought of a decree alfecting the 
eternal destiny of individuals could not present 
itself to those who had only a dim conception of the 
future life, and who regarded religious blessings as 
coming to the individual only through his member- 
ship of the elect nation. In the NT the difficulty 
is for the most part not acutely felt, the two sides 
of the problem oeing in turn referred to without 
any apparent sense of antagonism or incompati- 
bility. Thus Jesus recognizes the Father's action 
in revealing to babes what is hidden from the wise 
and prudent (Mt ll'-'^- -®), declares that to some it is 
given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of 
heaven, while from others it is withheld (Mt 13"""), 
says that many are called, but few chosen (Mt 
22" ; cf. Jn 6-" 12^"). On the other hand, He 
preaches the gospel of repentance (Mt 4"), and 
laments over Jerusalem for neglecting or abusing 
her opportunities (Mt 23*''). Nowliere is it made an 
excuse for the rejection of salvation that any one 
has not been included in the saving purpose of 

It is in connexion with certain passages in the 
writings of St. Paul that the questions in regard to 
foreknowledge definitely arise. These are two. 
How far does foreknowledge imply predestination, 
decision of the fate of an individual anterior to his 
personal existence and therefore to his own moral 
choice? and, What is the relation of foreknowledge 
to the ground of salvation ; is there anything fore- 
known Avhich accounts for the saving choice falling 
upon one and passing by another ? In Ro 8^^- ^ we 
read : ' For whom he foreknew (oOs vpotyvw), he also 
foreordained (AV did predestinate) to be conformed 
to the image of his Son, . . . and whom he fore- 
ordained, them he also called ; and whom he called, 
them he also justified ; and whom he justified, 
them he also glorified.' Here the process of salva- 
tion is represented as a chain, as a succession of 
stages, of which the origin Avas a divine purpose 
based upon a divine foreknowledge. The Avord 
vpoyivhiaKu in its ordinary classical use means 
simply 'to knoAV previously,' 'to have knowledge 
of beforehand,' and hence, since 'all demonstra- 
tion depends on previously existing knoAvledge ' {iK 
■irpoyiv(i}<TKOfiiv(i>v wdffa SidaffKoKia, Arist. Eth. Nic. vi. 
3), present knoAvledge leads to forecasting the 
future by tracing out the probable course of events ; 
cf. 2 P 3" ' Ye therefore, beloved, knoAving these 
things beforehand, bcAvare.' But, Avith men, the 
course of events can at best be foreknoAvn onlj' Avith 
a high degree of probability, it is never more than 
an inference founded on experience ; but God's 
foreknowledge must, we argue, be absolute, and 
involves the actual occurrence of that Avhich is the 
object of it, — if it refers to time xp6yvij)Cii .seems 
inevitably to involve irpoOfcis. There is, hoA\ ever, 
a certain vagueness in the Avav in Avhich -rrpoi-yvw is 
used in Ro S-"*, Avhich is still more apparent in Ro 
11- 'God did not cast olF his peo]»le AUiich he fore- 
kncAv.' There is something Avanting to fill up the 
conception. Cremer (Bibl.-Tkcol. Lex.) therefore 
.suggests taking those pa-s-sages in connexion Avith 
another class or passages, Avhere the simple verb is 
used, of which 1 Co 8' may be taken as an example : 




' If any man loveth God, the same is known of 
him ' (llyybKrrat irr' airrov). The union between God 
aud man thus expressed is represented in rpoiyru 
as anticipated and determined upon ' in the divine 
counsels before their manifestation in history.' 
Another shade of meaning which rpoyiPw<TK€w in 
these texts appears to bear is that in the chain of 
events leading to salvation it denotes the self- 
(tetermiiiation of God to that work. With the rpo- 
opl^etf the first active step to its fulfilment has been 
taken, but the foreknowledge of God implies His own 
adoption of the plan. It thus, as Cremer remarks, 
ideally precedes even the eic\eyea&ai of Eph 1*-^ ' Even 
as he chose (^^eX^^aro) us in him before the foundation 
of the world . . . ha\-ing foreordained {rpoopiaas) 
us unto adoption as sons,' iK\eyt<T$ai expressing ' a 
determination directed to the objects of the fellow- 
ship ' into which God has resolved to enter with His 
people. UpiryrcMTii thus ' denotes the foreordained 
fellowship between God and the objects of His 
sa\'ing counsels, God's self-determination to enter 
into such fellowship preceding the realization 
thereof.' This definition establishes the place of 
foreknowledge in the order of the saving acts, but 
does not free it of the difficulty which its connexion 
with that order involves. In the self-determination 
of God to save, if this has an individual application, 
the whole problem is raised. It is eWdent that the 
apostle, anxious to establish the Christian's faith 
upon a sure foundation, overlooks for the moment 
the bearing of his explanation upon the question of 
moral choice. There is no reason to think that he 
would ignore the latter. His Epistles are full of 
appeals which recognize the moral nature and 
responsibilities of man. But the key to his attitude 
is probably to be found in that personal experience 
which he describes in Gal 1", where, as Lightfoot 
remarks, he heaps up words to emphasize the point 
he is maintaining (' the sole agency of Grod as dis- 
tinct from his own efforts '), ' the good pleasure of 
God, w ho separated me (set me apart, devoted me 
to a special purpose), even from my mother's womb, 
and called me through his grace.' As he felt that 
he had been destined and was being prepared for 
his high office, even when he had been unconscious 
of it, and had been making in the opposite direction, 
so it was with humanity in general ; man was mov- 
ing towards the goal prepared for him, and God's 
purpose in spite of human recalcitrancy was being 
realized. But neither in the one case nor in the 
other did the leadings of Providence mean that the 
human will was being set aside. 

But now, turning to the other question, has the 
Tpxyvcjj of Ro S'^ 1 1- any special qualitative import ? 
God knows, foreknows. His people — what consti- 
tutes them His people, is there anything in them 
or about them which accounts for fore&iowledge 
becoming foreordination, which explains the ground 
of election ? Here opinions diller, and it is probable 
that each exegete will read into the word what 
agrees with his general doctrinal standpoint. Thus, 
to take one or two examples, Cremer appears to 
think there is no such import, the conception being 
complete in itself, and the word not indicating ' a 
decision come to concerning any one ' ; Grimm {NT 
Lex. , Thayer's ed. ) holds the 'meaning to be that 
' God foreknew that they would love him, or (with 
reference to what follows) he foreknew them to be 
fit to be conformed to the likeness of his Son.' This 
explanation (that of foreseen love) is adopted also 
by Weiss {NT Theology, § 88), while Godet {Romans, 
Eng. tr. ii. 109) takes 'faith' to be the other object 
of foreknowledge, the condition of salvation which 
God foreknew that His people would fulfil. It is 
doubtful, however, whether St. Paul had followed 
out his thought on this side into a definite form. 
He was concerned with the purpose of God, not 
with the ground of that purpose. Both in Gal 1", 

as we have seen, in reference to himself, and in 
Eph !*• " in reference to the Church, he lays stress 
upon the fact that God's action is • according to the 
good pleasure of his wiU, to the praise of the glory 
of his grace ' — ' according to the purpose of huu 
who worketh all things after the counsel of his own 

To these indications from the Paoline writings, 
the occnrrences of rpoyirwaKetv and -rp&yruais in 
other parts of NT (Ac 2==* 26*, 1 P l^- a>, 2 P 3") 
add nothing in regard to the questions we have 
been considering. St. Paul founds upon election, 
as the method appointed by Providence for the 
education of humanity, his religious philosophy of 
history. Some are set apart for special privilege, 
but nave also laid upon them special duty. The 
Jews are set aside until the Gentiles be come in ; 
salvation is extended to the Gentiles in order that 
the Jews might come to share its blessings; bnt 
'God does not cast off his people which he fore- 
knew ' ; His purpose is not abandoned, but worked 
out according to the dictates of infinite wisdom and 
perfect love. It has been suggested (Pliunptre, 
JEpp. of St. Peter, in ' CambridgeBible for Schools ') 
that in the wonls ' the foreknowledge of God the 
Father ' (1 P 1^) 'we find, perhaps, the secret of their 
(the apostles') acceptance of this aspect of the 
divine government. The choice and the knowledge 
were not those of an arbitrary sovereign wiB, 
capricious as are the sovereigns of earth, in its 
favours and antipathies, seeking only to manifest 
its power, but of a Father whose tender mercies 
were over all His works, and who sought to mani- 
fest His love to aU His children.' ' In what way,' 
says the same writer, 'the thought of man's freedom 
to will was reconcilable with that of God's electing 
purpose, the writers of NT did not care to discuss. 
They felt, we may believe, instinctivelv, half- 
unconsciously, that the problem was insoluble, and 
were content to accept the two beliefs, which 
cannot logically be reconciled.' In this condition 
of unsolved antinomy the Bible leaves all such 
doctrines as those of grace and election, a heritage 
of discussion and speculation to age after age of 
the Church ; yet, however difficult to the intellect, 
constantly receiWng its practical solution and 
reconciliation in the Christian experience of the 
soul, which is at once conscious of its own moral 
responsibility and of its dependence upon God. 

LrrEXATC&E. — In addition to the authorities cited above, see 
Sanday-HeadUm, Itoman$, ILee. ; the BMkal Uteidomes o< 
Bejai^lag, Bovon, and ScAmid ; CaniiiiKtaani, HitUrieai Tkeo- 
lam, iL 441 ff. ; K. MaBar, Die aotUithe Zuvoreraekmu tmd 
ErwaUung ; BXuce, Prtmdentiai Order of tie World QSaft), 
Leet. z. ; and the literature at end of aitides Hukikkx, 
Pmdestwatiox. a. StEWAKT. 

FOREPART.— The forepart (always one word in 
1611) is either the front portion of a thing (Heb. 
u^faee). Ex 28^ 39» (of the ' ephod '), 1 K 6* (of 
the ' oracle '), Ezk 42^ (of the ' chambers ' of 
Ezekiel's temple, RV ' before ') ; or specifically 
the prow or bow of a vessel (-rpupa), Ac 27*^, where 
it is opposed to the ' hinder part ' (so 1611) or 
stem (rpvfira). RV gives ' foreship ' in the last 
passage, so as to correspond with v.* (the only 
other occurrence of the Gr. word), where AV and 
RV have ' foreship.' The Ozf. Eng. Diet, queries 
if ' forepart ' is obsolete in this sense ; it has found 
no later instance than Dampier (1699), Voyages, n. 
L 74, * The head or fore-part is not altogether so 
high as the Stem.' For illustration of ' fore- i 
part,' meaning generally the front, take T. Adams, 
IJ Peter, on V ' There is a helmet for the head, a 
corselet for the breast, a shield for the foreparts; 
but no guard, no regard for the back ' ; and 
Bunyan, Holy War (Clar. Pr. ed. p. 224, 1. 35), 
' Every door also was tilled with persons who had 
adorned every one their fore-part against their 




house with something of variety and singular 
excellency, to entertain him withal as he passed 
in the streets,' where the ' fore-part ' is exjuained 
by the editor as ' the space lying between a house 
and the public street or highway, the plot of 
ground forming a garden or fore-court.' 

J. Hastings. 

FORERUNNER (irp6Spo/ioi) occurs once in Apocr. 
and once in NT. Wis 12* ' Thou sentest hornets 
as forenmners of thy host' ; He 6** 'whither as a 
forerunner Jesus entered for us.' The meaning of 
both these passages is illustrated by the classical 
usage of rpdSpofiot as a military term (Herod, i. 60, 
iv. 121, 122 ; .Esch. Theb. 80 ; Thuc. ii. 22, etc.). It 
was applied especially to the light-armed soldiers 
who were sent in advance of an army as scouts. 
A special corps of vpidpofioi was attached to the 
Macedonian array (Arriim, Anab. i. 12; Diod. 
xvii. 17). When a king was to travel, a forerunner 
was sent to see that the way was in good order 
(Is 40'"'- ; cf. Mai 3^). Both these OT passages are 
applied in NT to John the Baptist as the fore- 
runner of Jesus (Mt ll'", Mk P, Lk 7"). In Lk 9^2 
Jesus sends ' messengers before his face to make 
ready for him.' Cf. Jn 14* ' I go to prepare a 
place for you.' The kings of Israel had runners 
before their chariots (1 S 8^') ; Doeg the Edomite 
was the mightiest of Saul's runners (1 S 2V, reading 
cy^ for D'ln) ; Absalom and Adonijah prepared 
fifty men to run before them (2 S \ry\ 1 K 1«) ; 
Elijah ran before the chariot of Ahab (1 K 18**). 
See further under Guard, Runners. 

J. A. SELniE. 

FORESHIP In AV, Ac 27^ only, ' under colour 

as though they would have cast anchors out of the 
foreship ' (1611 ' fore-ship,' Gr. wpdipa, the bow of a 
ship). RV adds v.«. See Forepart. It was 
Tindale that gave ' forshippe ' as the tr" of vpcbpa 
in v.^ and 'foore parte' in v,'*^ The translators 
of AV retained the variety according to their 
precept, ' that nicenesse in wordes was alwayes 
counted the next step to trifling' {The Translators 
to the Header). 'Foreship' is still in use. P'or 
the anchorage of ships see Smith, Voyage and Ship- 
wreck of St. Paul, 132, and art. Ship. 


FOREST.— There are five Heb. words for collec- 
tions of trees and shrubs : — 1. ny; ya'ar, dpvfids. 
This word, which is by far the most common, is tr. 
sometimes/or&s« ( Jer 46'^, Mic S'"'^), more frequently 
wood (Dt 19» RV 'forest,' 2K 2*>, Ps 96^^ etc.). 
Its Arab, equivalent, war, signifies difficult, and 
is used for rugged and stony regions, whether 
wooded or not. The expression 'thickets of the 
forest' (Is 9i«) refers to a forest with tangled 

2. r-jn horcih is used twice for collections of 
trees :— (a) Wood(\ S 23"* etc.), where (reading nn) 
LXX has thenroper name Kalvij. RV text has 
wood, niarg. tie proper name Horesh (wh. see, 
and cf. Driver, Text of Samtiel, ad loc). Many 
believe that the reference here is to a town and 
not to a forest, (t) Forest (2 Ch 27*), where it is 
tr'* in LXX by Spvfi&i^ The same M'ord is used for 
dense foliage (Ezk 31* 'shadowing shroud '). It is 
iJso used for a ' bough' (RV ' wood') Is \T. The 
LXX here tr. 'of the Amorites and the Hivites,' 
and this is probably correct. In every instance of 
the 'genuine occurrence of this word, the proper 
meaning appears to be ' wixnled height.' 

3. 1139 sibhak, thicket Ab 9'» 10**, Jer 4''). This 
word is given as a proper name in LXX (Gn 22'" 
^(i^K). It is also tr^ by dpv/xSt, Ps 74» (AV ' thick 
trees,' RV 'a thicket of trofs'). 

4. D'5« 'dbhhn, dXar^. ' thickets' (Jer 4'»), called so 
on account of the darkness of such ]>Iace8. 

5. 0T!9 pardi^, irapdSfKTos. This is a word of 
Persian origin, found in Sanskrit, paradeza ; 
Armenian, pardes ; Syriac, pardaysA ; Arab. 
Jirdaus. It is used once (Neli 2") of a royal (AV) 
'forest' or (RVm) 'park,' under the care of an 
officer, whose permission had to be obtained in 
order to fell wood within its limits. It is twice 
used for orchards (Ca 4'*, Ec 2' pi. RV ' parks'). 

Pal. and Syria were doubtless much more heavily 
wooded in ancient times than now. Numerous 
forests are mentioned in Scripture. (1) The wood 
lands of the (^anaanites and Repliaim clothed the 
mountains of Samaria and Galilee, and extended 
apparently to Beth-shean (Jos 17""'*). Tabor is a 
representative of this woodof Ephraim. For another 
' wood of Ephraim ' see (9) below. (2) There was a 
forest near Bethel, clothing the sides of the ravines 
coming up from the Jordan Valley (2 K 2^'^- '^*). 
(3) The * forest of Hareth ' was on the W. slopes 
of the Judjcan hills (1 S 22»). (4) A forest in the 
hill-country, probably near Aijalon (1 S 14''''- ^, cf. 
V.*'), where Jonathan ate the honey. (5) The 
' fields of the wood ' (Ps 132") refer to the region of 
Kiriath-jearim, tlie 'village of the woods' (1 S 7^). 

(6) The forests where Jotham ' built castles and 
towers ' (2 Ch 27'*) were in the mountains of Judali. 

(7) If horesh (1 S 23'*^ etc.) refers to a wood, then 
there was a forest at the edge of the Judeean 
desert, near Ziph. The liXX seems to regard it as 
a place, Kalvij. Conder located it at Khurbet- 
Khureisa. Tristram, however, thinks that a 
forest was intended. (8) The latter opinion is 
strengthened by the allusion (Ezk 20**- •»*) to the 
'forest of the south field ' and ' forest of the south' 
(AV), and ' forest of the field in the south ' (Negeb), 
' forest of the south ' (RV). These must have been 
forests of S. Judfea, overlooking the Judsean 
\vildemess and et-Tlh. (9) There were extensive 
forests in Bashan (Is 2'^) and Gilead (2 S 18« 'the 
wood [RV 'forest'] of Ephraim'). (10) Lebanon 
was noted for its forests (1 K 7''*), as also Carmel 
(2 K 19^). RV ti-* iVn-i; in this passage 'fruitful field' 
(sc. of Lebanon, which seems demanded by the con- 
text). Forests are mentioned in Apocr. (1 Mac 4**). 

Forests were an emblem oi pride (Zee IP). They 
were contrasted with cultivated ground, as an 
emblem of neglect (Is 29'^). 

Notwithstanding the ravages of conquerors, and 
the improvidence of the people, there are still con- 
siderable wooded regions, even in W. Palestine. The 
slopes of the hills, and not a few of the sides of the 
ravines, are clothed with thickets, and in a few 
places there are groves of trees, as on the flanks 
of Carmel and labor. Gilead and Bashan have 
quite extensive open woods of oak, terebinth, 
arbutus, and pine. There are still traces of the 
old cedar groves of Lebanon, and large open 
groves of pine, oak, cypress, juniper, and spruce. 
There are also many scrubs of dwarf oaks and 
carobs. Willows and poplars and plane trees are 
abundant along the watercourses, and tamarisks 
along the seashore and in the deserts. Acacias 
are fairly numerous in the valleys around the 
Dead Sea, and southward to Sinai. Terebinths, 
carobs, evergreen oaks, ash, hackberry, aud Pride of 
India are scattered freely over the whole country. 
Large forests of full-grown trees are found in N. 
Lebanon, and in the heart of Amanus in N. Syria. 
In the latter chain are large districts, wholly 
occupied by forests of cedar of Lebanon, beech, 
pine, oak, hornbeam, cypress, spruce, and yew. 

G. E. Post. 

FORETELL.— Thrice * foretell ' occurs in AV, 
each time for a different CJr. verb, and twice in 
the sense of 'tell beforehand,' not specially pro- 
phesy or prognosticate : Mk 13^ ' Behold, 1 have 
foretold you all things' (vpoeLpnifKa, RV 'I have 
told you all things beforehand ') ; 2 Co 13" I told 





you before, and foretell you, as if I were present, 
the second time' (-rpoeipijKa xal rpoXiyu, RVJI 
have said beforehand, and I do sar beforehand,' 
RVm ' plainly ' for beforehand). For this mean- 
ing see Shaks. Tempest, iv. i. 149 — 

' These our acton. 
As I foretold you, were all gpiritJS ' ; 

and III Henry VI. I v. viL 12— 

' For many men that stumble at the threshold 
Are well foretold that dau^r lurks within.' 

In the third instance the meaning is prophesy, 
predict, Ac 3^ 'all the projphets . . . have like- 
wise foretold of these days (TR -rpoKa-HrntiKoM, 
but edd. KaT^77etXa*', whence RV 'they also told 
of these days '"). [xpoxaraTTAXw is accepted h\ 
edd. in Ac 3^8 (AV ' God before had shewed,' RV 
' God foreshewed '), and 7** (EV ' shewed be- 
fore ■)]. J. Hastings. 

FOREWABD.— In 1 Mac 9" it is said of the 
army of Bacchides, ' they that marched in the 
foreward were all mighty men.' The Gr. for ' they 
that marched in the foreward ' is ol -rfXifreLyuvuTraL, 
whence comes our ' protagonist.' The same 
word occurs in 2 Mac 15**, where Judas is called 
6 TptirTaytoviaTTjs irep t2» voKitujp, AV * the chief 
defender of the citizens,' RV ' the foremost cham- 
pion of his fellow-citizens.' It signified first the 
principal actor in a play, and then the person 
taking a leading part in any enterprise, the one 
who ' plays first fiddle,' in fact, as Liddell and 
Scott suggest. The Eng. phrase 'in the fore- 
ward ' comes from Geneva, ' they that foght in 
the forewarde were all valiant men.' The fore- 
uxird { = 'front-guard ') was the foremost line of 
an army, its vanguard ; thus Caxton (1489), Sonnes 
of Aymon, i. 41, ' Fyrste of alle came the fore- 
warde wyth the Oryflame ' ; and Shaks. Rich. III. 
V. iiL 293— 

' My foreward shall be drawn out all in loigth. 
Consisting equally of horse and foot.* 

RV translates, 'the mighty men that fought in 
the front of the battle ' ; which is almost a return 
to Wyclif (1382), 'the first of the bateil al the 
mighty.' J. Hastings. 

FORFEIT.— From Old French forfait or forfct 
after late Latin forisfactum, a trespass, or tine 
(Lat. foris without, and facerc to doj, a ' forfeit ' 
was originally an act outside of righteousness, and 
' to forfeit ' was to act unrighteously, to sin. 
Thus Berners, Froissart, I. ccccxxxi. ' Sir, ye 
know well the Fleming that be yonder have 
done us no forfeit ' ; and Chaucer, Parsones Tale, 
275 (Student's ed. p. 68-2*), ' And al this suffred Jesu 
Crist, that neuere forfeited.' From this the mean- 
ing passed early into the expression of a penally 
due for transgression, a tine ; and the vero came 
to signify to lose, or lose the right to, something, 
a meaning in which both subst. and vb. are stul 
used. But in its only occurrence in AV the vb. 
' forfeit ' (the subst. is not found) is used with 
direct reference to the authority or executive 
power to confiscate ; and in that sense it is 
marked by Oxf. Eng. Diet, as obsolete : Ezr 10^ 
'And that whosoever would not come within 
three days, according to the counsel of the princes 
and the elders, all his substance should be for- 
feited' (cir;, AVm and RVm 'devoted').. Of. 
Dn 2* Wye. ( 1382), ' your housis shuln be maad 
commouu orforfetid.^ 

RV introduces ' forfeit ' into Dt 2^ ' Thou shalt 
not sow thy vineyard with two kinds of seed; 
lest the whole ttuit be forfeited' (c^fp, AV 
' defiled,' RVm. ' consecrated ' ; Driver, ' lit. 
become holy or sacred, i.e. be forfeited to the 
sanctuary'); Mt 16=«, Mk 8*^ 'forfeit his life' 
{fj>/«u.'#3 T^v •■f'vxv'' a-vToO, AV 'lose his own soul ') ; 

and Lk 9^ ' and lose or forfeit his own self ' {(atrrbi> 
Si aroXearas fi j^tffuweds, AV 'be cast away'). In 
the remaining occurrences of ^rifuoOv (1 Co 3'* 
2 Co 7», Ph 3«), RV renders ' suffer loss.' 

J. Hastings. 
FORGE, FORGER.— Forge and fabricate come 
both from Lat. fabricare, the former through the 
Old French former, the latter directly. To 
'forge' is therefore to make or shape, as Ex 
4", Wye. (1382), 'Who made the mouth of man, 
or who forgide (1388 'made') the dowmbe and 
the deef, the seer and the blynde ? ' ; Tindale, 
Works (ed. RusseU, 1831), i. 93, 'The power of 
God . . . altereth him, changeth him clean, 
fashioneth and forgeth him anew.' It is espe- 
cially used of shaping metals by tire and hammer ; 
and in this sense RV uses the subst. forger, Gn 
4** 'Tubal-cain, the forger of every cutting in- 
strument of brass and iron ' (enhr^j 0d\ A V ' an 
instmcter [m. 'whetter'] of every artiticer in 
brass and iron'; so RVm). The passage is 
difficult, perhaps corrupt ; it is fully discussed 
in Dillmann and in Spurrell. But in A V ' forge ' 
and ' forfrer ' are used only in the metaphorical 
sense of framing or inventing lies : Job 13-' 'ye 
are forgers of lies ' (Tgvr'S^B) ; Ps 119** * The proud 
have forged a lie against me' (ig^ "hit ibr?) ; and 
Sir 51* ' lips that forge lies ' {ipfya^ofUvw yf/evSos). 
The Geneva tr. of Lk 19* is, ' If I have taken from 
any men by forged cauillation, I restore hym foore 
folde.' And Sliaks. Rich. II. iv. L 40, gives— 

' If thou deny'st it twenty times, thou liest ; 
And I will turn thy fals^ood to thy heart. 
Where it was forged, with my nfiet'» point.' 

J. Hastings. 

I FORGETFULNESS.— Forgetful in the sense of 
heedless, neglectful, is perhaps still in use collo- 
quially, but in literary English we should not 
now say as AV after Tindale in He 13^ 'Be not 
forgetful to entertain strangers' {rfji iptXo^evlas itii 
iriXawO&peade, RV ' Forget not to show love unto 
strangers '). ' A forgetful hearer ' ( Ja 1*) is more 
modem, but RV prefers ' a hearer that forgetteth ' 
(cLKpouLTTts eriXTjcfiorrjs, lit. 'a hearer of forgetful- 
ness,' as in 2* 'judges of evil thoughts ' = evil- 
thoughted judges'). 

In Sir 231^ the meaning is again, probably, heedUtt and ao 
unmannerly, 'Bemember thy father and thy mother, when 
tboa attest amooe great men. Be not forgetful before tbem, 
and so Otaa by thy custom become a fool ' {iii. rm iTajiBif). 
But the passage is obscure. Wyclif has it, ' Lest perauenture 
God foigete thee in the agfate of hem,' aJFter Vu%. Xe forU 
oMmaeatitr U Deus in corupecfu Ulorum • and he (or the Vnlg.) 
is followed by Rogers', Ck>vetdale's, the Bidiops', and the Oooay 
versions ; the Genera has ' lest thou be forgotten in their sight.' 
BY slightly alters the construction of tJie sentence, and so gets 
a new meaning — 

' Bemember thy father and thy mother, 
For thou sittest in the midst of great men ; 
That thou be not forgetful before them. 
And become a fool by thy custom.' 

The great men are presumably the father and mother ; if so, 
'^rreat ones' would have been better; the Gr. is simply «>a 
Lurtt /*tyirnirif. Ball, in QPB, follows Fritische and AV, and 
exfriains, 'Low language reflects upon one's upbringing.' 

Forgetfnlness occurs in Ps 88" 'Shall thy 
wonders be known in the dark? and thy right- 
eousness in the land of forgetfnlness?' (.ijpj n?)» 
where ' forgetfnlness ' is not the condition of losing 
all recollection, but of being forgotten, oblivi<m, — a 
meaning which Bradley {Oxf. Eng. Diet.) marks 
as probably obsolete. The condition of losing 
recollection might be represented as a blessed one, 
as in Shaks. // Henry IV. in. L 8 — 

' O sleep I O gentle sleep ! 
Nature's soft nurse, how have I foisted thee, 
'Hiat thou no more wUt weigh my eyelids down. 
And steep my senses in forgetfulness?' 

But the Psalmist's thought is rather as in Norton 
(1561), Calvin's Inst. IV. xviii. 704, 'This Masse 




. . • shamefully . . . imtteth his death in forget- 
fulnesse ' ; and Gray, Elegy, 1. 85— 

' For who. to dumb Forgettulnesa a prey, 
ThU pleasini; anxious being e'er resiKned, 
Lett the warm nrecincts of tlio cheerful day. 
Nor cast one longing ling'ring look behind Y' 

This is the meaning also of Wis 17' 'they were 
scattered under a dark vail of for<;etf ulness ' 
(d^e>7« Xi)tf7/i Ta/)a»taXi)MM«^«» Vulg. tcnebroso ob- 
Iwionia wlainento') ; but in 14* 16", Sir W^, the 
word is used in its usual sense of a tendency to 
forget. J. Hastings. 

F0R6IYENESS In OT three words especially 

are used to exiircss the idea of forgiveness — "i??* 
' cover ' or ' pacify ' ; n^p (root meaning unknown) ; 
K7J 'lift up^ or 'away.' AV and RV render all 
three usually ' forgive,' sometimes 'pardon.' The 
lirst and second are always used of a i vine forgive- 
ness-the first, rarely (Ps 78»8, Jer IS**, Dt 218, 
2 Ch 30"), the second, frequently (e.g. 1 K 8«>'-, 
L\ 4'*'-) ; the third is in common use of ordinary 
human forgiveness as well (e.g. Gn 50'^ Ex 10", 
1 S 15* 25**). In nearly all instances the context 
implies repentance for the olfence, and an inten- 
tion to avoid a repetition of it, as a condition 
of the forgiveness ; and as a result of it, that 
the offender is placed again in the position which 
he occupied before tlie onence, in the old covenant 
relation to God, or in the same friendly relation 
as before to the person aflected. Under the sacri- 
ficial system the repentance and the amends 
are represented by the sacrifice which is offered 
by the ofl'ender through the priest (see Oehler, 
Tlieology of the OT, § 139) ; but in other cases 
in the Psalms and the Prophets there is no 
suggestion of more than acknowledgment of sin, 
repentance, and that intention of amendment which 
is expressed by the phrase 'turning to the Lord.' 
Forgiveness is a free act on the part of God or of 
man ; it restores the offender to the state in which 
there is no obstacle to his communion with him from 
whom ho has been alienated ; it gives peace of 
mind (Ps 32), a consciousness of the divine mercy 
(Ps 103); it removes the fear of punishment and 
quickens love (2S 12i3, Job 33=8, Ps 103=). Nor is 
it only an individual matter ; the whole nation 
may be alienated from God through neglect of his 
will, and may by forgiveness be restored, — such is 
the burden of many a prophetic exhortation. 

It has been saia that 'no permanent state of 
reconciliation ' was established under the old cove- 
nant ; tliat there was only such forgiveness for 
the past as might enable men to begm again to 
seek justification through the works of the law. 
It has also been maintained that the old covenant 
furnished only a ' passing over ' of sin, a ' closing 
the eyes' to it on the part of God — by which, 
thougn satisfaction was not made, though there 
was no real remission of sin, punishment was 
forgone. The consideration of these questions 
involves the whole subject of Atonement (wh. 
see); but it may be stated here that neither the 
national and individual experiences recorded in the 
OT, nor the words and general lanjjuage used, 
seem to suggest any fundamental difference in 
the idea of forgiveness from that which we find 
in the NT. When St. Paul in a particular passage 
(Ro 3^) uses, with reference to sins committed by 
men living under the old covenant, a word (jrdpeatj) 
different from that (4^f<Tti) which is in common use 
in the NT to express ' forfjiveness,' he has in mind 
a different thought. He is arguing that because 
in former ages God had not exacted from men the 
punishment which was due for their sins (cf. Ac 

• On thl» important tenn nee Oxf. Ueb. Lex. i.v., also Driver, 
Deut. 24.S, 425 f., and art. PRoriTiATioff. 

14", 17**), his forbearance had been misunderstood ; 
he had ' passed by ' sins till the world was in danger 
of forgetting that he was a God of righteousness ; 
and the time had come for a signal exhibition of 
his hatred of sin in the propitiation made in Christ 
Jesus (see Ro S"*- ^ RV, the sense of the argument 
is lost in AV). With men such ' passing by^ might 
involve forgetting, it could not l>e the same as 
'forgiving'; with God it would be neither (see 
Trench, Synonyms, § xxxiii.). No argument with 
regard to the nature of forgiveness under the old 
covenant can be drawn from the passage. Indeed, 
so far as the relation between trie individual and 
God is concerned, there is nothing to indicate that 
the forgiveness granted by God in the experience 
of his people before the coming of Christ was 
different in kind from that which Christ pro- 
claimed. A difference in the requirement or it 
from men in their relations with one another, no 
doubt, may readily be detected between the teach- 
ing of the OT and the NT. It is here that the 
real development in the ethical teaching of the 
NT on the subject is to be found. The duty of 
forgiving injuries and wrongs committed against 
oneself or others cannot be said to occupy the pro- 
minent place in the OT that it has in the teaching 
of Jesus. It must be recognized that in this respect 
there is a real distinction to be d^a^vn. But true 
as it is that the revelation of the divine will and 
of the ideal of human life and character, the power 
of the whole revelation made in Christ, has im- 
measurably facilitated the individual's opportunity 
of conscious enjoyment of the divine forgiveness, 
and stimulated nis readiness to bestow forgiveness 
in his measure upon others ; yet it is none the less 
true that the same forgiveness of sin was offered 
to previous generations of men — 'they are not to be 
heard, which feign that the old fathers did look only 
for transitory promises.' The materials for deter- 
mining the idea of forgiveness are, however, so 
much richer in the NT than in the OT, that we 
turn to it rather than to the OT for the elabora- 
tion of the idea. 

So closely, indeed, is the principle associated 
with the teaching and work of Christ, that for- 
giveness has been called ' Christ's most striking 
innovation in morality,' and the phrase a 'Chris- 
tian ' spirit is commonly regarded as synonymous 
with a disposition of reaidiness to forgive an 
injury. The pagan ideal of manly life was to 
succeed in doing as much good to your friends and 
as much injury to your enemies as jjossible ; and if 
it be not true that forgiveness was a virtue unknown 
in the ancient world, it was at all events not one 
that was demanded or proclaimed as a duty by any 
ethical system. Indeed it is clear that without a 
sense of the need of personal holiness and the con- 
sciousness of guilt, without — in the widest meaning 
of the phrase — a conviction of sin, there could be 
no true repentance, no sense of the need of forgive- 
ness. And such a conviction of sin neither Greek 
nor Roman religion produced. 

The words which are xised in the NT are the Gr. 
representatives of the Heb. words in the OT. We 
have, though rarely, the word (KaXvirrw) meaning 
' cover' or ' hide ' (Ro 4\ 1 P 48, Ja 5^, all quoted 
from LXX) ; and once, with reference to former 
times, the word for ' passing by ' (Ro 3^) ; but by far 
the commonest word is that which expretsses the 
ideaof 'sending away,' or 'letting go' or 'relejising' 
(d4>{<n.s), which is rendered in this connexion either 
' forgive,' ' forgiveness,' or ' remit,' ' remission.' 
The noun occurs in this sense eleven times in the 
synoptic Gospels (not at all in Jn) and Ac (Mt 26", 
Iflk 1* 3», Lk 1" 33 24«, Ac 2** S^^ 10« 13» 26" ; 
eiglit times in Lk and Ac, a favourite word of 
St. Luke), and four times elsewhere (Eph 1', 
Col 1", He 9-^ 10"). In eleven of these instances 




there is added 'of sins,' in one 'of trespasses,* in 
one the same words are in the immediate context, 
and in the two remaining instances the word stands 
absolutely. (AV renders nine times 'remission,' 
six times 'forgiveness.') The verb with the same 
meaning occurs about forty times in the synoptic 
Gospels, once in Ac (8-), three times in Jn [Gospel 
once (2CF), 1 Ep. twice ( 1^ 2")], and twice elsewhere 
(Ro 4'', Ja 5^*). It is found predominantly with the 
usual word for ' sin ' {aftaprla) or ' sins ' expressed 
or implied in the context, but other words — 'debt,' 
' trespasses,' ' iniquities ' — are also used. The verb 
implies the complete removal of the cause of oti'ence. 
The sin is taken out of the way, out of sight. The 
debt is cancelled : the debtor released from his 
obligation (cf. Mt 18^**). As far as the oifender 
is concerned, the trespass is done away. He no 
longer has the sense of sin, of guilt and liability 
to punishment ; he is restored to the harmonious 
relations which existed before. (It is noticeable 
that though this is the favourite word of the 
Gospels and Acts, it is scarcely found in the NT 
outside them : the idea of forgiveness is merged in 
the wider ones of justification and salvation). 
Instead of this word St. Paul uses one (xa/)ij'e<j-^at 
ten times) which has the special sense ' confer a 
favour on,' 'be gracious to' — of men towards one 
another and of Christ in relation to them (2 Co 2^* ^^ 
12i», Eph 43^ Col 213 313), g^ Luke has this word 
twice (Lk 7^- ^), each time of a debt (AV ' frankly 
forgave '), and twice he has also a word {diroXOu, 
g37 6w)^ meaning to 'loose from,' 'release,' 'set at 
liberty.' In the Apocalypse the nearest equiva- 
lent is found probably in the idea of the blood 
' loosing ' from sin and 'cleansing' (e.g. Rev P 7" ; 
cf. 1 Jn l"-9)- 

The teaching of the NT as to forgiveness is 
sufficiently represented by (1) the sayings of Christ 
which led up to St. Peter's question and the answer 
to it (Lk IV- *, Mt 1815-17 and IS^i- ^), and the 
Parables of the Prodigal and of the srreat Debtor 
(Lk 1511-3-', Mt 18^-35) ; (2) the clause in the Lord's 
Prayer (with the comment which is added Mt 
G"- 1', cf. Mk 1125- 26). and (3) the allusion to 
blasphemy against the Holy Spirit (Mt 12^1 and 
parallels), and St. John's mention of sin 'unto 
death' (1 Jn 51^). 

(1) The teaching is given much more fully in Mt 
than in Lk, but the full essence of it is in the words 
of Lk, ' If thy brother trespass against thee, rebuke 
him ; and if he repent, forgive him. And if he 
trespass against thee seven times in a day, and 
seven times in a day turn again to thee, saying, I 
repent ; thou shalt forgive him.' It is clear at 
once that, if certain conditions are satisfied, the 
teaching of Christ admits of no limitations to the 
law of forgiveness. The account in Mt more 
vividly enforces this point. It represents Christ 
as at first only enunciating the general principle. 
St. Peter seeks for further guidance, wishing to 
reduce the principle to the compass of a definite 
rule, and asking, ' Loi'd, how oft shall my brother 
sin against me, and I forgive him V till seven 
times ? ' and it is in answer to his question that 
the words are elicited which raise the duty out of 
the sphere of mere numerical calculation — ' I say 
not unto thee. Until seven times : but, UntU seventy 
times seven.' There is to be no limit whatever to 
the readiness of a follower of Christ to forgive. 
On the other hand, it is equally clear that some- 
thing is required on the part of the offender before 
he can be the recipient of forgiveness. ' If thy 
brother . . . turn again to thee, saying, I repent ' 
— this is the condition : there must be the con- 
sciousness of sin, the free avowal of error (cf. 
Lk 15-1), the recognition of A^Tong-doing and the 
turning away from it, and, it seems, the willingness 
to make amends (cf. Lk 10*). That there must be 

such repentance* (ciiange of mind, acceptance of a 
new ideal of life) is still more plainly shown in the 
account of Mt : the Christian is not to remain 
passive till the oflender of his own accord comes 
to him penitent and begging reconciliation — he is, 
on the contrary, to adopt all rational means he can 
to bring home to him the error and evil of his 
conduct ; and should he still remain inpenitent 
and obdurate, there is no forgiveness for him — he 
places himself outside the pale of Christian life— 
'Let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a 

The Parable of the Prodigal Son shows the same 
relation between forgiveness and repentance. The 
wish to leave the father — the revolt against his 
will, his plan of life — was the sin : the return is 
in itself sufficient proof of repentance, even 
though it was prompted by the sense of failure 
and physical hunger ; the father recognizes it as 
such, and hastens to meet and welcome the 
offender, and forgives him before he has had time 
to put into words his confession of sin ; the son is 
in that moment restored to the position in his 
father's household which he had forfeited. (The 
teaching of the apostles as described in Ac lays 
similar emphasis on repentance as a first condition 
of salvation [e.g. Ac 2*^], baptism being from one 
point of view the outward mark of repentance). 
So, too, the publican goes down to his house 
'justified' because penitent (Lk 18"). 

Similarly, a readiness to forgive others is laid 
down as a condition for a man's own forgiveness 
(cf. Mt 612, jvik 1125. 26^ Mt 5'). The Parable of 
the great Debtor shows that the absence of a for- 
giving spirit in men prevents their being themselves 

(2) The instances of Christ's teaching which 
have been cited might be interpreted as having 
reference only to relations between men, though 
it is scarcely conceivable that the parables are 
not intended to be signiiicant of the relations of 
mankind as sons to God the Father, the ideal of 
character. The clause in the Lord's Prayer (Mt 612, 
Lk 11*) makes it evident that human forgiveness 
and divine forgiveness are represented as strictly 
analogous. There is indeed no indication of any 
fundamental difference between the forgiveness 
which the Christian wins from God and that which 
he in turn bestows upon his 'brother.' It is the 
same phrase which is used throughout — a phrase 
denoting actual ' remission ' of sin ; and it is used 
by Christ of his own action, and alike of God's and 
ot man's part in the mysterious process. If it were 
not so, it would be mockery to offer up the petition, 
' Forgive us our trespass, as we forgive them that 
trespass against us. ' The comment on the clause, 
which Mt appends to the Prayer, and the similar 
saying, which Mk introduces in connexion with the 
exhortation to faith in praying, forbid any difler- 
entiation (cf. Col S'^). The statements are quite 
general. Forgiveness is to be won by repentance 
and confession, whatever tlie nature of the offence, 
whoever the persons concerned m<ay be. (In view 
of the indisputably general application of the 
Parable of the Prodigal Son and the other 
references to forgiveness, it seems impossible 
to accept the uiterpretation of Mt 18'*i' which 
would limit its teaching to relations between 

(3) There are, however, two references which 
seem to set a limit to the possibility of divine 
forgiveness. One is the case of the blasphemy 
against the Holy Spirit ; the other is St. John's 

* Two words are used which imply change of mind (involving 
regret for the course pursued and change of conduct for tne 
future) Mt 4", Mk l^, Lk 157- 10, and change of wiU Mt 213» 
(on the question whether the distinction holds or not, see 
Trench, St/nonyms, § Ixix.) ; and there are also words which 
mean ' turning ' or ' conversion,' Lk 2232, Mt 183. 




allusion to 'sin unto death.' The first of these 
references declares tliat there is a supreme sin for 
which no man can ever hope to be forgiven — 
'All their sins shall he forgiven unto the sons 
of men, and their blasphemies wherewith soever 
they shall blaspheme' (Mk 3^); but with these 
sins and blasphemies there is pointedly contrasted 
one — 'Whosoever shall blaspheme against the Holy 
Spirit hath never forgiveness, but is guilty of an 
eternal sin,' and it 'shall not be forgiven him, 
neither in this world, nor in that which is to come ' 
(Mt 12"^). All that can Ije said wth certainty as 
to the nature of this sin is that the opposition of 
the scrilies and Pharisees to Christ was a sign and 
indication of it, and that the Pharisaic charge that 
it was by the powers of evil that he was enabled to 
perform his works of liealing, was the immediate 
occasion of his denunciation of it. Augustine 
regarded the sin as deliberate persistence in evil 
(for other interpretations see Westcott, note on 
1 Jn 5"). It would appear from the rest of Christ's 
teaching on forgiveness that it was in any case of 
such a character as to deaden and destroy the 
spiritual sense in him who yielded himself up to 
its influence, so tliat repentance would become 
impossible to him. The idea of unpardonable sin 
is further suggested by St. John's exception of 
' sin unto death ' from the subjects of intercessory 
prayer (1 Jn 5'"). To one who thus sins the way 
of forgiveness is closed ; at least it is not to be 
opened through the intercession of his brethren, 
which in other cases would avail. 

There remains to be considered the problem of 
the significance of Christ's cry from the Cross, 
' Father, forgive them ; for they know not what 
they do ' (Lk 23**). It is evident that it is a prayer 
for the forgiveness of those who have not repented, 
who have not even come to knowledge of their 
guilt. It cannot, however, be regarded as limited 
in its scope to the Roman soldiers, and excluding 
any reference to the share in the final tragedy 
taken by tlie party of the scribes and Pharisees. 
The solcliers could not be thought of as in any real 
sense needing forgiveness for carrying out their 
orders in what they could only consider an 
ordinary execution : even Pilate was treated as 
comparatively guiltless. The cry must therefore 
be the supreme expression of the human sympathy 
and love of Christ, of the great principle which he 
had always inculcated. The sin embodied in the 
conduct of the Pharisaic party he had condemned 
in burning words ; towards it there could not be 
any change of feeling ; but they might be brought 
to repentance late though it was, and the words 
which are under consideration are a prayer for that 
result, a loving hope for the enlightenment of those 
blind leaders of the blind. It may be a hope 
against hope, but the cry does not constitute an 
exception to the principles and conditions of 
forgiveness which are to be drawn from otlier 
parts of the NT. It is a crowning example of 
'forgivingness,' if so be that the divine mercy 
may transcend the usual conditions of the bestowal 
of the boon. Such a spirit of ' forgivingness ' may 
lie present (it has been noticed that it is required 
in all cases from the individual wlio has been in- 
jured), whether ' forgiven-ness ' (the remission of 
the offence as regards the person who has offended) 
ensues or not. The word ' forgiveness ' is capable 
of the active and of the passive sense. In the 
active sense it is clear that it is an ordinary 
Christian duty ; in the pa.ssive sense, l)efore it can 
be realized the conditions which have been elicited 
must be fultilled. 

LiTERATiRB. — Ochlcr, Thfol. of OT; Sclimid, Dih. Theol. of 
NT ; Marttnscii, ChriMian Ethict ; Seclcy, Kccr Homo ; DoriuT, 
Si/strm nf ChrlMian Dnctrime. See alao'Literatiire under artti. 
Atosemkst, Pboimtiatiom. J. !<". HkTHUXE-BaKER 

FORM. — Numerous as are the Heb. and Gr. 
words tr'* 'form,' the meanings of the word in 
AV and RV may be reduced to the following : 

1. Shape, as an orderly arrangement of parts, 
Gn P 'The earth was without form' (?nh, RV 
'waste'; so in Jer 4^*^) ; Wis 11" 'thy Almighty 
hand, that made the world of matter without 
form' (d( dfi6p<f>ov CXjjj, RV 'out of formless matter'). 
Cf. Shaks. K. John, ill. i. 253— 

'All fonn is formless, order orderless.' 

2. Such orderly arrangement as produces beauty, 
comeliness, Is 52" 53- ' lie hath no form nor come- 
liness' {-ttfin) ; Wis 15' 'they desire the form of a 
dead image, that hath no breath ' (eI5oj ; Farrar, 
' he yearns for the unbreathing beauty of a dead 
image'). For this meaning see Shaks. Mids. 
Night's Dream, I. ii. 233 — 

' Things base and vile, holding no quantity, 
Love can transpose to form and dignity.' 

3. Tlie special or characteristic shape of a person 
or thing, Ezk 8* 'And he put fortli the form of 
an hand, and took me by a lock of mine head' 
(n*:3ri ; so 10^) ; Dn 3'" ' Then was Nebuchadnezzar 
full of fury, and the form of his visage was 
changed' (ch^); Mk 16*^ Ph 2«-7 (nop(i>i,, the char- 
actenstic form of the Son of God and His char- 
acteristic form as the Son of Man ; see Gifford, 
The Incarnation, p. 22 fl'. ; and art. FASHION). Cf. 
Shaks. Com. of Errors, ll. ii. 200 — 

' Thon hast thine own fi)rm. 

No, I am an ape. 
If thou art changed to aught, 'tis to an ass.' 

Milton, Comiis, 1. 70 — 

' Their human countenance, 
Th' express resemblance of the gods, ia chang'd 
Into some brutish form of wolf or bear.' 

And Par. Reg. iv. 599— 

' Tnie image of the Father, whether thron'd 
In the bosom of bliss, and light of light 
(Jonceiving, or remote from Heav'n, enshrin'd 
In fleshly tabernacle, and human form, 
Wand'ring the wilderness.' 

4. The representation or pattern of anything, 
Ezk 8'" ' And behold, every form of creeping 
things . . . pourtrayed upon the waU round 
about ' (n':in) ; 2 Ch 4^ ' he made ten candlesticks 
of gold according to their form' (cpv'?, RV 'ac- 
cording to the ordinance concerning them'); Ezk 
4311 3«a<er (nnis) ; Ro 6" 'that form of doctrine 
Avhich was delivered you' (rviro^, RVm 'pattern') ; 
2 Ti 1^* ' Hold fast the form of sound words which 
thou hast lieard of me' {viroTVTrwffti, RV 'pattern '). 
So Wyclif's tr. of 1 Th 1' ' so that ye ben maad 
fourme, or cnsaumple, to alle men bileuynge ' ; 
and Locke, Human Underst. iii. iii. 230, 'To 
make abstract general Ideas, and set them up 
in the Mind, with Names annexed to them, as 
Patterns, or Forms (for in that sense the word 
Form has a very proper signification ).' S. Out- 
ward aspect (a) ; often the mere outward appear- 
ance as opposed to the inner reality (b) : Thus (or) 
Job 4^^ ' It stood still, but I could not discern the 
form thereof (nht-).'?, RV 'appearance'); IS 28'^ 
'And the woman said unto Saul, I saw gods 
ascending out of the earth. And he said unto 
lier, What form is he of ? ' (iN-n) ; Dn 2=" 3^* (n., 
RV ' aspect '). So Shaks. Coriol. ill. iii. 109— 

' Art thou a man ? thy form cries out thou art ' ; 

and Henry V. ill. vi. 72, ' Why, 'tis a gull, a fool, 
a rogue : that now and then goes to tlie wars, to 
grace him.self at his return unto London under the 
form of a soldier.' (b) 2S 14=^ 'To fetch about 
this form of speech liath tliy servant Joab done 
this thing' ("i^'in 'W, RV 'to diange the face of 
the matter'); Ro 2* 2 Ti 3^ 'Having a form of 
godliness, but denying the power thereof (both 




fi6p<pw<Tii, which is not so purely as <rxvf^ the mere 
outAvard form, but seems to be so used in both 
these passages, esp. 2 Ti 3', and that is clearly 
the meaning of AV. See Sanday-Headlam on 
Ro 2*^). In illustration, take again Sliaks., Henry 
V. 11. ii. n«> — 

' And othtr devils that suggest by treasons. 
Do l)otch and bungle up damnation 
With patches, colours, and with forms, being fetch'd 
From glistering semblances of piety ' ; 

and Othdlo, II. i. 243, 'a knave very voluble, no 
further conscionable than in putting on the mere 
form of civil and humane seeming, for the better 
compassing of liis salt and most hidden - loose 

The word 'form' has been occasionally introduced into RV 
when it is not in AV. It is used to tr. (1) Heb. ny^STi in all 
its occurrences except one, either for AV 'likeness' (Ex 20*, 
Dt 4'i!-25 5S), or 'similitude' (Nu 12**, Dt 412- is. 16), or 'image' 
(Job 416). The exception is Ps 171* ' I shall be satisfied when 
I awake with thy likeness,' where RV gives 'form' in marg., 
Amer. RV in text. (2) avg in 1 K 625 73? for AV 'size' ; but 
not in the only other occurrence of that word Jon 26 (EV 
' bottom ' — ' I went down to the bottoms of the mountains,' 
AA'ni ' Heb. cuttings off '). (3) Cia Lk S'S, Jn 537 (AV ' shape '), 
1 Th 5~ (AV ' appearance '). (4) rvxai Ac 2325 (av ' manner '). 

J. Hastings. 
FORMER. — This comparative adj. was at one 
time freely used to express the more advanced of 
two positions. Thus Wyclif (1388), after saying 
that Jacob 'departide (1382 'dyuydide') the puple 
that was with hym ... in to twei cumpenyes,' 
adds (Gn 32^^), ' And he comaundide to the forraere 
(1382 'forther'), and seide, If thou schalt mete 
my brothir Esau,' etc. ; and Knox, Hist. 88, ' Fiftie 
horse and men of the first rank lay dead at once, 
without any hurt done to the Scottish Armie, 
except that the Speares of the former two rankes 
were broken.' In this way 'former' is used in 
Zee 14* ' Living waters shall go out from Jerusalem ; 
half of them toward the former sea, and half of 
them toward the hinder sea' ('iioign D;ri, AVm and 
RV 'the eastern sea'); the 'eastern' sea being 
the Dead Sea, and the 'hinder' or 'western' sea 
(; -iqNrr -;r) the Mediterranean. 

FORNICATION. — See Crimes and Punish- 

FORSOMUCH. — Wis 12" 'Forsomuch then as 
thou art righteous thyself ' (StKatos Si iiv, R V ' But 
being righteous') ; and Lk 19" 'forsomuch as he 
also is a son of Abraham ' (ko^oti, liV ' forasmuch 
as"). The form is rare. Far more common is 
'forasmuch,' which occurs forty -three times in 
AV, and was introduced generally by Tindale (it 
does not seem to occur in the Wyclitite versions). 
Tindale always keeps the parts of the word dis- 
tinct, 'for as moche'; AV always presents an 
undivided Mord. It is Rogers {Mattlieid's Bible) 
that gives 'for so much' in Wis 12^'; but in Lk 
lO** AV is the first to use that form (perhaps by 
a slip of the pen or the printer), Tindale and 
others having 'for as moche.' 

FORSWEAR.— To 'forswear' is to undo one's 
swearing, in accordance with the meaning of for 
(see under Forego). In AV it is always used 
refiexively, 'to for.swear oneself,' with the mean- 
ing to swear falsely, to perjure oneself: 1 Es 1** 
' And after that king Nabuchodonosor had made 
him to swear by the name of the Lord, he for- 
swore himself, and rebelled ' (e<piopK-}^<ras 6.iri<TT7}) ; 
Wis 14-* ' they . . . lightly forswear themselves ' 
(eTTLopKovaiv raxioK) ; and Alt 5^ ' Thou shalt not 
forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord 
thine oaths ' {ovk iiriopKri<T€is ; AV is Tindale's tr°, 
Wyclif has the intrans. form, 'Thou shalt not 
forswere ' : with which we may compare T. Adams, 

// Peter, on 1* ' Peter swore like a ruHian, and 
forswore like a renegade, till Christ looked on 
him, and then he wept'). For the AV tr° cf. 
Shaks. Ill Henri/ VI. v. v. 75— 

' Clareiice. Did'st thou not hear me swear I would not 
do it ? 
Q. Margaret. Aj', but thou usest to forswear thyself : 
Twas sin before, but now 'tis charity.' 

FORT.— See War. 

FORTH. — As Germ, fort from vor, so ' forth ' is an 
adverb formed from ' fore ' ; and its general mean- 
ing is ' to the front.' When used with such verbs 
as ' bring ' or ' come ' it means forward into view, 
as Pr 25'' ' Put not forth thyself in the presence of 
the kin^ ' (RV ' put not thyself forward,' RVm 
'Heb. glorify not thyself'); Jn 8^"^ 'I proceeded 
forth, and came from God ' {e^ijXdov, R\ ' I came 
forth'). In this, its most characteristic meaning, it 
is used both literally and figuratively, and accom- 
panies a great many different verbs, as bring, Gn 1" 
'Let the earth bring forth grass,' Is 4P^ 'bring forth 
your strong reasons ' ; come. Job 14- ' He cometh 
forth like a flower, and is cut down'; put, Mt 13'^ 
'Another parable put he forth unto them' (■rapedrjKei' 
avTols, R\ 'set he before them'); stretch. Ex 25*' 
' the cherubims shall stretch forth their wings on 
nigh' (RV 'spread out'); shoot, Gn 40^" 'her 
blossoms shot forth ' ; send. Ex 15^ ' Thou sentest 
forth thy wrath ' ; shoio, Mt 14- ' mighty works 
do show forth themselves in him ' (al Swdufis 
ivep^fovcLv, RV ' these powers work ') ; and in like 
manner : set, Lk P ; stand, Jer 46^, Mk 3^ ; call. 
Is 31^ ; bud, Ca 1^ ; spring. Job 38^ ; creep, Ps 
l(M-o ; reach, Pr 31^0 ; shed, Ac 2«. 

Sometimes the idea expressed is motion from a 
confined place to a more open, as 2 S 22** = Ps 18^" 
' He brought me forth also into a large place ' ; Nu 
24® 'As the valleys are they spread forth' ; 2 S IP 
'at the time when kings go forth to war.' This 
meaning is also expressed by 'abroad.' When 
' forth ' is used, it is always with a verb of motion ; 
never as in Shaks. Comedy of Errors, II. ii. 212— 

' Sirrah, if any ask for your master, 
Say, he dines forth, and let no creature enter.' 

Then 'forth' expresses generally »iorc7n€n< aicay 
from a place, as Gn 3^ " God sent him forth from 
the garden ' ; and more particularly movement 
onwards from a given point, as Jos 18" ' the coast 
of their lot came forth between the children of 
Judah and the children of Joseph ' (RV ' the border 
of their lot went out') ; Mt 9^ 'Jesus passed forth 
from thence' (RV ' by ') ; Ph 3^ ' forgetting those 
things which are behind, and reaching forth unto 
those things which are before ' (R V ' stretching 
forward'). Cf. Ezk B'-* Gov. ' from the wildemesse 
off Deblat forth ' ; and Ps 12^ (Stem, and Hopk. ) 
' His large and great dominion shall from sea to 
sea e.xteud : it from the river shall reach forth unto 
earth's utmost end.' 

It is in this last sense only — 'forward from a 
given point ' — that ' forth ' is used with expressions 
of time. These are : ( 1 ) 'from this time forth ' (n^y? 
Ps 113- 1151* 1218) . (2) 'from that time forth' (Di-rr;? 
K?nn Neh 4i« ; K'nri n:;n-ja 13-i ; da-i rore, Mt 16-^ [RV 
omits ' forth ']) ; and' (3) ' from that day forth ' (dx' 
iK€ivr]s TTJs i]/j.epas, Mt 22^*^, Jn 1 1^). 

In many of the foregoing expressions modem 
usage would prefer 'forward' or 'out.' In the 
following examples ' out ' is distinctly the modern 
word : with put, Ac 9^"^ ' Peter put them all forth ' 
(so Gn 8», Jg 6-1, Mt 9^) ; with break, 2 S 5* ' The 
Lord hath broken forth upon mine enemies ' ; \Nith 
give, Ezk 18^- ^^ ' He that hath not given forth upon 
usury ' ; * with set, Ezk 271"* ' they set forth thy 

* Cf . Pref. to AV 1611, ' He gaue foorth, that hee had not scene 

any profit.' 



comeliness'; M'ith spread, Ezk 47'" 'a place to 
spread forth nets ' (RV ' for the siireading ol neta ') ; 
with cast, Jon l"- '-• " ; let, Lk 20" ' A certain man 
planted a vineyard, and let it forth to husbandmen' 
(KV 'out') ; look, Ca 2» 'he looketh forth at the 
windows ' (RV ' in,' Heb. i?) ; or omitted alto- 
gether, as in Jn 2" ' Juuus . . . manifested forth 
his glory. ' 

The phrase ' forth of,' which occurs in AV Gn 8" 
9"*, Jg IF', 2 Ch 23", Job 5«, Am V~, Jth 2"^', has 
sometimes been taken to be a prep. , as by Abbott 
(Shaka. Grammar, § 156). It seems, however, to 
be a contracted form of ' forth out of,' which is 
found Gn 8'* ' Every beast . . . went forth out of 
the ark.' Thus Gn 8"* ' Go forth of the ark ' ; Jg 
1 1*' ' whatsoever cumeth forth of the doors of my 
house to meet me ' ; Am 7" ' Israel shall surely go 
into captivity forth of his land ' (RV ' out of ') ; and 
even 2 Ch 23''* ' Have her forth of the ranges' (RV 
' forth between the ranks '). In illustration of the 
phrase, cf. Knox, Hint. 365, ' Herewith was the 
Queen more ottended ; and commanded the said 
John to passe forth of tlie Cabinet, and to abide 
further of her pleasure in the Chamber'; and his 
tr° of Ps 18"* ( Works, iii. 320), ' he hath dravven me 
forth of many waters' ; and so Bacon, Essays (' Of 
Prophecies,' Gold. Treas. ed. p. 150, 1. 13), ' In 
Vespasians Time, there went a Prophecie in the 
East : That those that should come forth of ludea, 
should reigne over the World.' A further ellipsis 
sometimes takes place, the ' of ' being omitted (not in 
AV), as Shaks. Alitls. Night's Dream, i. i. 164— 

' If thou lov'st me then, 
Steal forth thy father's house to-morrow night.' 

J. Hastings. 

FORTUNATDS {^oprovvaros), a member of the 
Church at Corinth, is mentioned in the lirst 
Epistle to that Church (16'') as having visited St. 
Paul at Ephesus, along with Stephanas and 
Achaicus. Tliey had gone as deputies to seek the 
apostle's help and advice regarding certain ethical 
questions, and especially regarding marriage, 
meats offered to idols, and spiritual gifts, and to 
strengthen the tie between him and the Corin- 
thians. The state of allairs which their state- 
ments disclosed is dealt with at length in the 
Epistle in which they are mentioned, and which 
most likely they carried back with them, perhaps 
in company with Titus. "Weiss suggests tnat the 
way in which the names are mentioned, seems to 
show that F. and Achaicus in some way belonged 
to the house of Steplianas. The name F., which 
is Roman, was a very common one, and hence it is 
precarious to identify St. Paul's visitor, as some 
have proposed to do, with the F. mentioned by 
Clement of Rome {Ep. 59). W. MuiK. 

FORTY.— See Number. 

FORUM.— Only in Appii forum (so 1611, not 
Forum as in mod. ed.) Ac 28"*, one of the stages 
in St. Paul's journey to Rome. The Gr. 'Aviriov 
(f>6poy is a transliteration of the Lat., which has 
been taken directly into English. Wyclif trans- 
lated the word: 'the cheping of Appius' ; so did 
the Geneva translators, 'the Market of Appius,' 
whom RV follows. But the other versions present 
various forms of the Lat. : Tind. ' Apipnorum ' 
(though he translates the other name 'the thre 
taverns'), so the Great Bible; Cov. 'Apifonim'; 
the Rhemish ' Apii-forum' ; Matthew's Bible, the 
Bishops' Bible, and AV ' Appii forum.* See Arpius 
(Market ok). 

FORWARD, FORWARDNESS.— Forward is used 
both as adj. and as adv. in AV, but the adj.. 

though independent in early Eng., seems to have 
been lost, and afterwards re-formed from the adverb. 
So the adv. properly comes first. 

As an adv. ' forward ' means ' towards the front,' 
as opposed to ' backward,' as Job 23* ' Behold I go 
forward, but he is not there ; and backward, but I 
cannot perceive him,' and Nu 32'''' ' For we will not 
inherit with them on yonder side Jordan, or for- 
ward, because our inheritance has fallen to us 
on this side Jordan eastward ' (•"i><>rt, ' further on,' 
as 1 S 20^ ' the arrows are beyond thee,' •iffl'Cn 1?i?, 
lit. ' from thee and onwards '). So Berners, Frois- 
sart, I. xvii. 18, ' All his barones went out of the 
cite, and the first nyglit they lodged vi. myle for- 
warde.' In the same sense it is applied to time, as 
Ezk 39^" ' from that day and forward ' ; 43^' ' upon 
the eighth day, and so forward.' Cf. Stubbes, Anat. 
Abits. ii. 34, ' If six tie would serue, they must have 
an hundred, and so forward.' A bold expression is 
found in 2 Es 3"* ' before ever the earth came for- 
ward,' that is, into existence (antequam terra 
adventarct), a tr" retained in RV, though it is 
perhaps unique in Eng. literature. 

When used figuratively with certain verbs ' for- 
ward ' has the meaning of ' advance the interests 
of, help the progress of an undertaking.' The verbs 
in A V are ( 1 ) set, I Ch 23^ ' to set forward the work 
of the house of the Lord ' (n:;;^, RV as AVm ' to 
oversee ' : so in Ezr 3*- " RV changes AV ' set 
forward ' into ' have the oversight,' though in 2 Ch 
34 '2 ' to set it forward ' is accepted for tlie same * 
Heb. with RVm ' to preside over it ' ; and in 34'^ 
' overseers ' of A V is changed into ' set forward,* for 
Heb. D'n«D). The phrase is applied to evil works 
as well as to good. Job 30'^ ' they set forward my 
calamity ' (i*?']?*) ; Wis 14'* ' the singular diligence of 
the artificer did help to set forward the ignorant to 
more superstition ' (irpoerpi-ipaTo, RV ' urged forward 
by the ambition of the artificer'). To those ex- 
amples RV adds 1 Co le** ' that ye may set me for- 
ward on my journey,' and 2 Co 1'*, 3 Jn * (all vpo- 
w^/j-TTu), where the meaning is somewhat different, 
to start one upon a journey. Shakespeare often 
uses the phrase intransitively (never trans, as here), 
as / Henry IV. ll. iii. 38, ' We are prepared. I will 
set forward to-night.' The expression 'set forward' 
in this literal sense is also found in AV, but only 
in Nu, where it occurs 15 times of the marching of 
the Israelites in the Wilderness. (2) Help, only 
Zee 1"* 'they helped forward the affliction' (ntj; 
nj;"j>, RVm 'helped the evil '), that is, the heathen 
not only acted as God's instruments in chastising 
Israel, but went further. (3) Haste, only 1 Es !■" 
'the Lord is with me hasting me forward' (^xt- 
aireiidwi'). (4) Brinn, only 3 Jn "^ ' whom if thou 
bring forward on tneir journey after a godly sort, 
thou shalt do well' (RV 'set forward,' as above). 
The same meaning is found intransitively with go in 
Gn 26'^ ' waxed great, and went forward ' (Ti^n 
•^iji %-hn, lit. as AVm, ' went going ' ; RV * grew 
more and more'); and Ad. Est 13^ The literal 
sense occurs in Nu 2^* 10* and ('go on forward') 
1 S 103. Cf. Goldsmith, Vicar, xi. (Globe ed. p. 21* 
1. 3), 'Mr. Burchell, wlio was of the party, was 
always fond of seeing some innocent amusement 
going forward ' ; and Shaks. Mids. Nighfs Dream, 
IV. ii. 17, 'If our sport had gone forward, we had 
all been made men. 

In modern English 'forward' as an adj. means 
presumptuous, impertinent. This meaning is found 
as early as the beg. of the 17th cent. : thus, Warner, 
Alb. Eng. IX. xlvii. 221, 'They touM how forward 
Maidens weare, how proude if in reque^st.' But it 

• The only remaining occurrence of the infin. ia 1 Ch 16*1. 
where AV has 'to excel,' AVm 'to oversee,' and RV 'to 
lead.' The meaning is undoubtedly always ' to preside over,' 
whether workmen or more especially a choir of singers. Th« 
ptcp. seen in 2 Ch 'M'^t is foun<l in the title of many psalms 
and translated ' the chief (RV Chief) Musician.' 




does not occur in AV. There the adj. means either 
ready, 2 Co 8'" 'to be forward a year ago ' (rd 
e€K(iv, RV ' to will '), or zealow, 2 Co 8" ' being 
more forward, of his own accord he went unto you 
{ffToi'Sai&Tffxn, RV 'very earnest') ; Gal 2"* 'which 
I also was forward to do' (e<rxo«5i5a<ra, RV 'was 
zealous') ; and 1 Mac 1", where the zeal is in a bad 
cause [irpoeBviiii0rt<Tiy Tiwet). Cf. Hall, Contempla- 
tions ( Works, ed. 1634, ii. 52), ' What mar\-ell is it 
if Grod bee not forward to give, where we care not 
to aske, or aske as if we cared not to receive?' 
and (for the meaning ' ready ') Livingstone {Select 
Biographies, Wod. i 229), 'Sir. James went back 
with mm, and finding him forward to go in with 
him . . . believed him.' 

Forwardness occurs once in Shakespeare, and 
then in later writers frequently in the mod. sense 
of over-confidence, presumption. As You Like It, 
I. ii. 159— 

• Since the youth will not be intreatcd, 
His own peril on his forwardness.' 

But in AV the only meaning is readiness or zeal. 
Once it is in a bad cause. Wis 14^' (arovSii ; RV 
' zeal ') ; elsewhere only 2 Co 8^ {axovSij, RV 
' earnestness '), and 9* ' I know the forwardness of 
your mind ' (t^f xpodv/dav vfiQv, RV ' your readi- 
ness). So Hall {iVorks, ii. 16), referring to the 
Wise Men from the East, says, 'God encourages 
their holy forwardnesse from heaven.* 

J. Hastings. 
FOUL (Old Eng./«/) is of the same root (Sans- 
krit j9m, to stink) as Gr. xiwand Lat. pits, purulent 
matter, as from a sore, and its earliest meaning is 
loathsome, whether to sight or smell. It is applied, 
for example, to blood, Wis 1 P^ ' a perpetual running 
river troubled -with foul blood,' in reference to the 
Egyptian plague (oT/xart \vdpudei, the only occurrence 
of this adj. in bibl. Greek, lit. ' witn blood like 
gore.' RV 'with clotted blood'). In this sense 
' foul ' is applied to disease, as Shaks. Hamlet, 
IV. i. 21— 

' But, like the owner of a foni diseaae. 
To keep it from divulging, let it feed 
Even on the pith of life ' ; 

and Lear, I. i. 167 — 

' Kill thy physician, and the fee bestow 
Upon thy foul disease." 

2. From this to moral uncleanness the step was 
easily and early made. In AV it is so applied only 
to unclean spirits, and only twice, Mk 9**, Rev 18- 
(both aKaOaprrm). 

The adj. ixM.B*/>rt( is used 22 times in NT with w*di/uc (Mt 2, 
Mk 11, 1.k 5, Ac 2, Bev 3) and once with rtiZ,u» 3<u/Mr/<c>(Lk4SS). 
Tindale translates by ' unclean spirit ' g:eneraUy, but he gives 
'foul spirit' in Mk 1« 53 7», Lk 4» 6>a 8», and is always 
followed by Cov., Cran., Gen., and (except in Mk 7^ Bish. 
Wyclii., and the Rhem. XT, after Vulg. tpirittu immundtu, 
have ' unclean spirit ' everywhere. AV seems quite accidentally 
to retain ' foul ' in Mk 92S ; but in Rev IS^it is probably retained 
for variety, the same Gr. word as applied to birds being tr* 
' unclean ' in the same verse. RV gives ' unclean ' everywhere. 

Since iKdOapros is properly ceremonially unclean, 
the moral element is less prominent than when 
vovTjpos is applied to -rvevfux. (Mt 12», Lk 7^ 8* 11», 
Ac 1912- 13- 15- 1«, AV ' evil ' or ' wicked,' RV always 
' evil '), and consequently ' foul ' with its suggestion 
of separation tlirough loathsomeness is a very 
appropriate tr", and is frequently used of e>'il 
qnrits, or their abode, in English literature. 
Thus Shaks. Tarn, of Shrevc, Indue, ii. 17 — 

' O, that a mighty man of such descent, 
Of such possessions and so high esteem. 
Should be infused with so foul a spirit.' 

Cf. Watts, Ps cxxL (L. M.) 25— 

■ On thee foul spirits have no power.' 

Shaks. has ' foul devil ' (^iVA. ///. I. ii. 50), and 
often ' foul fiend' (14 times, of which 11 are in K. 

Lear and always in the mouth of 'Edcar') as 
Rich. in. I. iv. 5g— 

' With that, methongfats, a legion of foul fiends 
En^-ironcd me.' 

3. ' Foul * is often set in opjposition to fair, and 
that (1) in the sense of ugly. Thus Chaucer, Clerk- 
Merchant (E. 1209)—- 

' If thou be fair, ther folk ben in presence 
Shew tlHra thy viaage and thyn apparaille ; 
If th<m be foal, be fare of thy dispence. 
To gete thee frendes ay do thy travaiile." 

This is the meaning of Job 16" ' My face is foul 
with weeping,' though RVm gives ' defiled,' as if a 
closer rendering of the Heb. (try??) ; but the Heb. 
root is to be red, and the most probable tr" ' my 
face is red with weeping.' So Livingstone, SeUct 
Biog. 306, ' When he came out all his face was fonll 
with weeping.' (2) As applied to weather : 1 Es 9* 
(Xetfuav), 9^1 (Spa x«M«P*»^), and Mt 16* (xetMwV). 

4. Foul is twice found in AV with the meaning 
of disgraceful: Sir 5" 'a foul shame is upon the 
thief ' [cJoxi/ni ; RV ' upon the thief there is 
shame ') ; ^P* ' A lie is a toul blot in a man' {fiQfios 
Tor>ip6s). Examples of both phrases are found in 
Shaks. Thus Eich. III. i. iii. 249— 

' Ha»t. FUae-boding woman, end thy frantic cone. 
Lest to thy harm thou move oar patimiir ' 
Q. Marg. Fool shame upon yoa ! you have aO mored mine ' ; 

and Much Ado, m. L 64 — 

' Nature, di&wii^ an anti<^. 
Made a foul blot.* 

5. The Amer. RV introduces ' foul ' in the mod. 
sense of dirty -. Is 19* ' And the rivers shall become 
foul' (AV 'And they shall turn the rivers far 
away ' ; RV ' And the rivers shall stink '). So 
Job 30" Cov. 'Their dweUinge was beside fonle 
brokes.' This is the meaning of the verb ' to foul' 
in Ezk 32^ 34^*- ^, its only occurrences, where it re- 
fers to the poUnting of running water. 

J. Hastixgs. 

FOUNDATION.— In the OT the words 'found' 
and ' foundation ' are for the most part tr" of ip; 
and its derivatives, which are freely used in a 
metaphorical as well as a literal sense. The foun- 
dation stones of some of Solomon's buildings are 
described as huge and costly (1 K 7"*). In con- 
nexion with the laying of the foundation stone 
various superstitious rites were widely practised, 
the offering of a human victim being a not in- 
frequent accompaniment of the ceremony (see 
TrumbuU, Threshold Covenant, 22, 51, 55 ; ^track, 
Der Blutaberglaube, 68). It is possible that the 
record of such an incident was embodied in the 
original form of the tradition preserved about Hiel 
the Bethelite, ' He laid the foundation [of Jericho] 
on (? 5) Abiram his firstborn, and set up the gates 
thereof on his youngest son Segub ' ( 1 K 16**). 

In NT ' foundation ' is used in two distinct 
senses, an active and a passive. In the former sense 
it represents Kara^oKii (properly ' founding '), which 
(except in He 11^ KaraSoXri ffrtpfuiroi, used of Sarah) 
is confined to the collocation kotoSoX?/ K&r/iov, ' the 
foundation of the world,' Mt 13*» 25**, Lk ll*, 
Jn 17^, Eph 1*, He 4» 9», 1 P 1», Rev 13« H*. In 
the passive sense ' the foundations of the eartJi ' 
( j^K ncic, once Job 38* Cfji? ' -pedestals,' once Ps 104' 
rrm^c 'bases') frequently appears in OT, ilic 6*, 
Is 2418 40^1, Jer 31*', Ps 82*, Pr 8». The passive 
sense of the word is in NT represented by OeixiXim 
(both literal and metaphorical). This word is 
used, e.g., in our Lord's simile of the two buildings 
(Lk G**-), as well as in St. Paul's simile of the 
building tested by fiire (1 Co S^^-). In 1 Co 3" the 
Church's foundation is Christ, in Eph 2" she is 
built upon the foundation of (the gospel of) the 
apostles and (NT) prophets, Jesus Christ being 
the chief comer-stone. 

In Jer 50*', where AV has 'foundations,' the 




meaning of n'i's'M is prob, 'bulwarks' (IIV) or 
' buttresses' {seeUxf. Jleb. Lex.). In Is 16^ ' raisin- 
cakes ' seems to be tlio meaning, not ' foundations ' 
(see Flagon). The ' gate of the foundation ' (niT 
•nc-n) in 2 Ch 23* is obscure. Perhaps we should 
read ^?D 'v ' the gate Sur,' as in 2 K 11", or cpsn V 
• tlie horse gate ' (see Oxf. Heb. Lex. s. iHo'). In 
2 Ch 3* for AV ' these are the things wlierein 
Solomon was instructed,' RV substitutes ' these 
are the foundations which Sol. laid ' (taking iQ^n as 
Hoph. inlin. of ip;). KV further gives ' founda- 
tions ' for ' posts ' in Is 6* as tr. of niex, a derivative 
from DK in metaph. sense. Finally, in two instances 
(Ps 89'* 97^) where AV tr. |"i3? ' habitation,' RV 
gives the correct sense * foundation. ' 

J. A. Selbie. 
FOUNTAIN.— 1. A fountain is a natural outflow, 
or spring, of water, and is in this way distinguished 
from a well of artificial construction (see Well). 
Palestine, owing to its physical structure, is especi- 
ally rich in fine springs of water. Remarkably 
appropriate is the statement (Dt 8''), * For the Lord 
thy God bringeth thee into a good land, a land of 
brooks of water, of fountains (ni:;yj and depths 
springing forth in valleys and hills.' 

2. The Cretaceous limestone of which W. Pales- 
tine is mainly comiK)sed being open and porous, 
the rain (or snow) which falls during the winter 
months percolates downwards and forms under- 
ground reservoirs in the strata, which burst forth 
along the sides of the Jordan depression, as also 
on the western flanks of the central table-land.* 
Equally favourable is the geological structure of 
the eastern sides of the Jordanic depression for the 
production of springs ; for the heavy falls of snow 
which cover the Lebanon and Hermon ranges in 
winter give rise to copious fountains which supply 
the head waters of the Litany, the Jordan, and the 
rivers of Damascus. Not less remarkable are some 
of the fountains of the region of Trachonitis and 
the Peraja, which have their sources in the volcanic 
mountains of the Hauran, and their outlets into the 
Jordan by the Hieromax and the Jabbok. Fine 
springs are also numerous along the western shoi"e 
of the L. of Tiberias, scattering verdure and 
fertility along their course. Amongst the Edoniite 
mountains and those of the Sinaitic peninsula the 
most important fountains are those of the Wady 
Musft, whicli flows down through the city of Petra ; 
the 'Ain Abu Werideh (or el- Weibeh), and Ain 
(ihurundel in the Arabah ; the Wady el -Ain at 
the entrance to the grand gorge of es-Sitt)<, between 
Jebel Musa and 'Akabali ; f and those which de- 
scend from the flanks of Jebel Mflsa (Mount Sinai) 
itself. The spring of "Ain !^adis, which issues forth 
at the base of a limestone cliff in the Badiet et-Tih 
(Wilderness of Paran), has been identified, with 
nmch probability, as the site of Kadesh-Barnea.t 

3. Thermal Springs. — Many of the springs which 
flow directly into the Dead Sea and the lower 
waters of tlie Jordan have a high temperature, 
due partly to the existence of volcanic rocks 
(basalt), still highly heated, with which the waters 
come in contact ; and partly to the depth below 
the surface to which the underground waters de- 
scentl before issuing forth into day. 

The following are the most important thermal 
springs § : — 

1. Hanimam (or Hnmmath), situated on the W. 

• The averajfe rainfall at Jerus. is about 30 inches, nearly the 
whole of which falls between Nov. and Feb. ; in the Lebanon it 
is probably considerably greater. See Gloisher, ' Meteoroloirical 
Observations at Jerus." in FEFSt, 1887-98. 

t Described by RiippeU, Miss Martineau, Dean Stanley, and 
Major Kitchener (MoutU Seir, App. 208). 

X This fountain was discovered by Rowlands, and his identifica- 
tion of it with Kadesh-Barnea has been supported by Holland 
and Tnunl)ull after personal inspection of the spot (KadetJi- 
liarnea, 1884). 

§ Some of the Jordan Valley springs appear to burst forth 

side of the Sea of Tiberias, near to which Herod the 
tetrarch built the city of that name.* Temp. 143 "3° 
Fahr., water sulphurous.t 2. Yarmuk, N. of Umm 
Keis (Gadara). Temp. 109° Fahr., water sulphur- 
ous.J 3. Zcrka Main (Callirrhoe), ten principal 
warm and sulphurous springs, of wliich the lowest 
reaches a temperature of 143" Falir.g Here Herod 
the Great bathed during liis last 4. 
'Ain Zara enters the Dead Sea on the E. side. 
Temp. 109° Fahr. If 5. 'Ain ea-Sul^dn, in the Plain 
of Jericho (el-GhAr), W. of the Jordan. Temp. 
71° Fahr. (See Auabah, JEKiCH(h) 6. 'Ain el- 
Beida enters the Wady el-Jeib S. of Jebel Usdura. 
Temp 91° Fahr. 7. 'Ain el-Khubarah, W. of the 
Dead Sea, water sulphurous. Temp. 88-915" Fafir.** 
8. 'Ain Feshkhah, W. of the Dead Sea. Temp. 
82' Fahr. tt 9. The springs of .<^non('yltHH w) near 
to Salim in Samaria, where John baptized (Jn 3*^). 
According to Conder the head springs issue from 
an open valley, surrounded by desolate hills ; but 
the water gushes forth over a stony bed and 
rapidly produces a fine perennial stream surroimded 
by oleanders. tt 10. Kishon. The springs forming 
the head waters of the Kishon are remarkable for 
their copiousness. Stanley describes them as ' full- 
grown from their birth.' They rise at the foot of 
Mt. Tabor and form a chain of pools and springs, 
together with quagmires and swamps, which were 
fatal to many of Sisera's army§§ (Jg 5-^). The 
river enters the Mediterranean at the northern 
base of Mt. Carmel. 11. Banids. The springs at 
the head of the Jordan at Banids (Citsarea Philippi) 
issue from a cavern above the town, constituting 
the ' upper sources,' and are augmented by a still 
larger fountain below, which is known as ' the 
lower springs ' ; so that the Jordan is full-grown 
from its birth. |||1 12. The Jerusalem fountains. 
Jerus. in former times was .supplied from several 
sources ; but we are here concerned only wfth the 
natural fountains. Of these the most remarkable 
are the Upper Springs of Gihon,^,*!^ which are inter- 
mittent, and break out underground in the Kidron 
Valley (Wady en-Nar), forming the chief source of 
this stream, from whence the water is carried by 
an underground conduit to a pool, now known as 
the ' Fountain of the Virgin ' ('Ain Umm ed-Dcraj), 
to the west side of the City of David. Tliis con- 
duit, 1760 feet (or 1200 cubits) in length, was 
constructed by Hezekiah on the approach of the 
Assyrian army (2 K 202*, 2 Ch 32*>). In 1880 a 
pupil of SchicK observed an inscription which was 
afterwards deciphered by Sayce and Gnthe. It 
contains in old Heb. characters a record of the 
construction.*** This fount is the only natural 
spring of water at Jerusalem, and is the chief source 
of supply of pure water at the present day. The 
pools of Solomon, near Bethlehem, were formerly 
the chief sources of supply for Jerus., and were 
conducted into the city by an upper and lower 
conduit hcMTi in stone, now fallen into disuse. 
The pools are supplied by a fine spring which is-sues 

along the line of the great ' fault,' by which the valley is tra- 
versed. (See Arabah.) 

* Jos. Ant. XVIII. ii. 3. f Lynch, Off. Rep. p. 202. 

X Robinson, Phys. Geog. Boly Land,'2i. 

§ Tristram, Land of Moab, xiii. 247; Conder, Heth and Moab, 
14.5, 149. 

II Jos. A nt. XVII. vi. 6. This spring is also supposed to be ttiat 
called ' En-eglaini ' (spring of the calves), Ezk 4(J0. 

f Lartet, Voy. d'Explor. 291. 

•* Tristram, Land of I»rael, 306. ft lb. pp. 252-266. 

XX Tent-Work in Palextine, p. 50. S§ lb. pp. C9, 97. 

ill! The springs rise at a level of about 1000 feet alx)ve the Medi- 
terranean, and are joinctl by the waters of the Ho-sbany coming 
down from the western slojws of Hermon (Conder, Tent-Work, 
215 ; Tristram, Land of Israel, 534). 

mi Explore*! bv Robinson in 18.18, and by Warren and Conder, 
SWP pt. II. 340 (isSf)), also Hcenvery of Jerusalem. 257. 

•*• Generallv known a.s the .silonm Tablet ; SWP ii. 340 (1886) ; 
Recovery of Jerusalem. 257 ; ZD.VG (1882), pp. 725-750; Sayce, 
BCM 877 ff. ; Driver, Ileb. Text of Sam. xv. ; PUcher, PSBA, 
xix. leSfT. 




forth from the limestone rock above the upper pool. 
The water is still carried by a condoit to Bethle- 
hem, and also fertilizes ' the gardens of Solomon ' 
in the valley below. E. HuLL. 

FOUNTAIN GATE.— See Gate and Jerusaleic. 

FOUR.— See Number. 

FOURSQUARE.— Now that ' square ' is confined 
to that which hsm faur equal sides, 'foursquare' is 
looked upon as redundant, though writers like 
Ruskin, steeped in biblical phraseology, use it 
still. Formerly ' square ' meant simply equal- 
sided, and the number of sides had to be expressed. 
Thus ' fivesquare,' 1 K 6^^, taken from the text of 
the Geneva Bible, ' the upper poste and side postes 
were fine square.' ' Foursquare ' is used of the altar 
of burnt-ottering (Ex 27^ 38^), of the incense-altar 
(Ex 3<)^ 37"*), and of the high priest's breastplate 
(28'* 39®), the meaning being clearly express^i in 
30^ ' A cubit shall be the length thereof, and a 
cubit the breadth thereof; foursquare shall it be' 
(spai). It is also used of the borders of the brazen 
bases in Solomon's temple (1 K 7** P?'39) ; of the 
inner court of Ezekiel's temple (Ezk 40*^) and of 
the ' holy oblation ' (48^) ; and, finally, of the holy 
city, new Jerusalem (Rev 2V^, Terpdyavoi). 

FOWL. — The word ' fowl,' now restricted to the 
domestic cock and hen, 'the barn-door fowl,' was 
formerly applied to all feathered animals, and occa- 
sionally even to all winged creatures. Thus Sir 11' 
in Wyclif s tr" of 1382 is ' Short in foules (Vulg. 
in volatilibu-s) is a bee,' though Purvey's Re\Tsion 
of 1388 gives, ' A bee is litil among briddis.' 
Indeed, when Wyclif has to make a distinction 
between feathered and unfeathered creatures that 
fly, he uses ' fowl ' of the latter : Ezk 39^' • Saye 
thou to eche bryd, and to aUe fouUs ' («Hr^? ""ss^ "^^j 
Vulg. die omni volueri et universis avibtis), though 
Rogers and Coverdale reverse the order, ' Speake 
unto alle the foules and euery byrde.' * And AV 
uses ' fowls ' of unfeathered winged creatures in 
Lv 1 1^ ' All fowls that creep, going upon all four, 
shall be an abomination unto you' (lirn n? "^2). 
This is Wyclif s tr° 'AUe of foules (1388, ' Al 
thing of fo'ulis ') that goth on foure feete ' ; after 
Vulg. Omne de volucribus quod graditur super 
quatuor pedes ; and Tindale's, ' all foules that 
crepe and goo upon all iiiL shalbe an abhominacion 
unto you.' The LXX has -rapra to. epxrrd tQ* 
Teretvujf ; RV ' All winged creeping things ' (see 
art. Creeping THlNGS).t T. Adams (Works, 
i. 13) distinguishes 'fowls' from 'flies': 'the 
eagles hunt no flies so long as there be fowls in 
the air.' He thus uses ' fowls ' exactly as we now 
use ' birds,' and that was its commonest use by 
far. Thus Bacon, Essays (Gk)ld. Treas. ed. p. 181, 
1. 22), ' Why, doe you not think me as wise, as 
some Fowle are, that ever change their Aboad 
towards the Winter?' 

RV accepts the AV rendering ' fowl ' or ' fowls' 
throughout OT, except Lv 11=», Eek 39'^, already 
noted, and in the three passages in which the Heb. 
is c-jz 'ciyit, a bird of prey : Gn 15" (RV ' birds of 
prey'), Job 28' (RV 'bird of prey'). Is 18« (RV 
' ravenous birds '). Cf. Bacon, Essays (p. 240, 1. 2), 
' But now, if a Man can tame this Monster, and 
bring her to feed at the hand, and govern her, 

* The_ Geneva Bible of 1560 translated more accurately (as 
LXX E.V»» stLt-ri iptiot Tirutai), ' Speake unto euerie feathered 
foule." This was accepted hy AV, with marg. 'to the fowl of 
every wing-.' RV has 'Speak unto the birds of every sort'; 
Siegfried, Sprieh zu den mannig/ach betehtcingten Vogein. 

t This use was either unknown to or ignored by Shakespeare 
when he wrote. Comedy of Errors, iii. L 79 — 

' I pray thee, let me in. 
Ay, when fowls have no feathers, and fish have no Sn.' 

and with her fly other ravening Fowle, and kill 
them, it is somewhat worth'; and Milton, FL 
X. 274— 

' A flock ol isvenous fowl.' 
In Wis 19" 'a new generation of fowls' (Wa* 
yiweaur dpviuip) is changed into 'a new race of 
birds.' In NT the Gr. (always plu.) is either 6p»e» 
(Rev 19^^*») or xrrtivop (Mt (i^ 13*, Mk 4^ *«, Lk 8» 
12" 13»», Ac 10^3 11«), and, except in the two places 
in Ac, RV changes into ' birds. 

J. Hastings. 
FOWL. — Neither in AV nor in RV has any 
system been followed in the rendering of the 
various words for birds in the Heb. original. 
Th^se words are — 1. 'j'-p "oph. This word signifies 
collectively birds or winged creatures. It is often 
in the construct state with c:5yn the skies. It cor- 
responds with the Arab, tair, the root of which 
seems to signify to fly. It ought to be tr* every- 
where birds. It i.s, however, more generally tr* 
fowl, but also often birds (Jer 4^). It is usually 
collective (Ezk 31*-^), but sometimes singular (?) 
(Gn l^'-", Lv 17^'). It is sometimes used for 
carrion birds (2 S 21"). 

2. nrz 'ayit, usually coUective (in Is 46" singular, 
applied to Cyrus) for birds of prey, is, however, tr'' 
in AV fovols (Gn 15"), RV birds of prey ; also 
AY fold* (Job 28^ Is 186), jjv birds of prey and 
ravenotis birds, AV and RV "ns? o^ ravenous birds 
(Ezk 39*). 

3. -^sns zipp6r is in many places a collective term 
for birds, from the root T3y z&phar, to ' twitter,' or 
' chirp,' or ' whistle ' (cf. Arab, safar, to ' whistle '). 
It is used collectively, Gn 15"', Lv 14*-», Dt 14", 
etc., where it is tr<» AV and RV ' birds' ; Dt 4", 
Neh 5l^ Ps 8f, where it is tr* EV 'fowl.' It 
is sometimes in construct state with "^^^a (Ezk 
17^ etc.), at others with ii? (Ps 148"). Zipp&r, 
like its Arab, equivalent 'usfur, is also used for 
the smaller twittering birds, particularly the 
sparrow (Ps 84' etc.). 

The zippor is said to nest in the cedar (Ps 104"), 
to flee to the mountains (Ps 11*), to be taken in 
nets and snares (Ps 124^ Pr 6', Am 3*). Four 
diflerent ways of taking animals and birds are 
alluded to in a single passage (Job 18*""). In all 
there are seven ditterent Heb. words for the various 
sorts of traps. The 'cage full of birds' (Jer 5*^) 
may refer to the custom of hanging cages of birds 
on the trees, on which birdlime or snares are 
placed, or near wluch the sportsman lies concealed, 
to entice the birds by the singing of the captives 
j (but see Cage). The voice of the zippor (Ec 12*) 
is the morning song, announcing the da^vn. 

4. "iJ? V*3 bdal-kan&ph (Pr 1"), the 'possessor of 
a wing,' is a figurative expression for a bird. 

5. In NT (and Sir 43^*) a-ereird (or r'a. x. ) is general 
for birds, by which it is tr^ in RV, while AV gives 
folds (Mt 13*, Lk 13^9). When birds of prey are 
intended bpvi<x is used (Rev 19^'). 

Birds are divided into dean and vndean (Dt 
14""*'). Lv gives the list only of the unclean birds 
(11"-^). The 'fowls that creep' or 'creeping 
thing that flieth,' RV 'Avinged creeping things' 
(Lv 1120-2S, Dt 14"»), may refer to such as the bats, 
and the insects that do not leap as well as fly (see 
full discussion in art. Creeping Things). The 
birds allowed in sacrifice were tvrtle-doves and 
pigeons (Lv 1""^^), and zipporim (Lv 14*"^). The 
last were prob. any twitterers or clean birds except 
the two above mentioned. Among the birds men- 
tioned as haAing been used as food are quails, 
partridges, fattal fowls {barburim, 1 K 4=^, see 
Cock), and fowl {zippor, Neh 5**). The last may 
refer to small birds. It is prob. that the sparrows, 
sold two for a farthing and five for two farthings 
j (Mt 10^9, Lk 12«), were for food. They and other 
I small birds aire caught and sold in immense numbers 




at this (lay, and at prices similar to thoso of our 
Saviour's (iay. Cocks ami hens are mentioned in 
NT, and were doubtless used for food. 

The migrations of birds are especially noteworthy 
in the Hfoly Land, as a country midway between 
the tropics and cooler rej^ions of the north. They 
nrc iiiitcd in Scripture (Ca 2"- ", Jer 8'). 

rin 1! ■;in'ri)iff is also alluded to (Ec 12-', Ps 104"), 
una Wh'Iv jfi'i/U (Ex 1!H, Dt 32"- "). 

Eggs w.K' .;iiin (Lk 11'-). The eggs of wild 
birds, on wliitli tiu' luu was sitting, could be 
taken, but not the lien at the same time (Dt 22*). 
Ostrich eggs are mentioned (Job 39", see Ostrich). 
'Eggs that are left' (Is 10") may refer to the 
supjdemcntary eggs of the ostrich or to the nests liavo been deserted owing to fright of the 
l-ntiii liinls. p^ggs of serpents are alluded to (Is 
.iK I. 1 i.i tlie expression 'sitteth on eggs' (Jer 
17" RV, AVm ' gathereth young'), see Partridge. 
Birds' nests are often found in places of Avorship 
(Ps 84'). For general subject of birds, their habits, 
etc., see Natural History. G. E. Post. 

FOWLER is marked by the Oxf. Eng. Diet, as 
' now rare,' the more commonplace ' bird-catcher 
being its substitute. It is found in AV, Ps 124'' 
(i^pV, ptcp. of [c^p;] to lay snares) ; Hos 9^ (enp; 
[all]) ; Ps OP, Pr 6» (chp;, found also in Jer 5^, AV 
'he that setteth snares' ; RV 'fowlers,' which is 
Wyclif's Avord). Shaks. has the word but once — 
Mids. Night's Dream, III. ii. 20 — 

' As wild geese that the creeping fowler eye.' 

For Fowling see under Hunting. 

FOX (h'jfiv shu'dl, dKuiirrj^, vulpci). — There can be 
no doubt that shu'dl meant Ixjth Jackal and fox. 
It is used in the sing, only once in OT (Neh 4^), 
where the intention is doubtless to refer to a 
small animal, and fox is more likely to be meant 
than Jackal. The plural shU'dlim is used in a 
number of places in OT. AV has tr^ it in all of 
them foxes. In two of these (Jg 15^ Ps 63i») the 
context makes it pretty certain that the Jackal is 
intended. In the first passage Samson is said 
to have caught 300 shU'dUm. This would be 
well-nigh impossible in the case of foxes, which 
are shy, solitary animals, but not difficult in that 
of jackals, which are gregarious. In the second 
the expression ' they shall be a portion for foxes ' 
implies a carrion-eater. Foxes may sometimes 
Join other animals in feasting on the slain, but it 
IS jackals that share with vultures the carrion of 
a battlefield. In the other passages of OT shudltm 
may mean either animal, though the context points 
i.ttlH'v to the habits of tlie fox than to those of the 
jailvul. Thus La 6'* reprt^'^l'^lt s v// adlim as walking 
on the ruins of Zion, and Ezk V6* ' shudlim in the 
deserts ' (RV ' waste places '), and Ca 2^'^ speaks of 
*lli(« foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines' 
ii;\' ■ \ ineyards'). A special woi'd for jaekals 
(HI Ills in OT c"x (see Dragon under □>?, and 


I 111' fir. dXibiTT]^ means the fox only. In NT the 
Miij. incurs onco (Lk 13*-), wliere Herod is spoken 
i)i ;i- a fox. Here tlie reference is to the well- 
kiKjwn cunning of this animal. It occurs twice in 
the plu. (Mt 8=*, Lk 9«) ' foxes have holes.' 

The fox of Syria does not diller essentially from 
till' coininon fox of Europe, Vulpcs vulgaris, L. 
It.-. Ijniiy i> about 14 in. long, and its bushy tail 
almost as long. It is of a grey colour, has a long 
imindi! snout, n:id small cunning eyes. It is a 
noctiniial nnima!. ]in)wliii<_' about houses and en- 
campmcni^. It lai'linvs |ii>uUry, and small birds 
and animals. It is aUo viry fond of grajics, and 
111. til it and the jackal do mncli niiscliicf in \ine- 
Aai'(l~. (j. i'^. I'dsr. 

FRAGMENT.— The word K\6.<Tixa (from kX&uv, to 
break) is used in the plu. (/cXdcr/iaTa) of tlie re- 
mains of the loaves .nul li'-lics in the account of 
the Feeding of tin- 1 i\r I'hou-and (Mt 14-», Mk 
C)*\ I.k 'y\ .In G'-- '-;, the Four Thousand (Mt I.I-. 
Mk Si, ,i!ii! in (he reference to these miracli.- t.\lk 
8'' -j, ami it is used nowhere else in NT.* 

The Versions have oflferod a n-eat variety of tr". w \. : ; 
varies between ' broken gobbets (Mt 142*'), 'relefls' (Mi ivv. 
Mk 88, Jn 612-13), and 'broken meat' or 'metis.' Tind. ha-s 
' gobbets ' in Mt 1420 and Mk 0*3, elsewhere ' broken meate ' 
(1528 ed. in Mk 8-'0 'levinges'). Rogers (.Matthew's Bible) 
introduces ' scrappes ' (Mt H'M), has ' gobbettes ' in Mk 6-*^, and 
' broken meate ' in the rest, (joverdale gives ' broken meate ' 
everywhere except Mk 6*3 ' broken peceo.' The Great Bible offers 
'fragments' as a new tr" (Mt 1420), and 'leauinges' (Mk 8i»), 
says simply ' baskettes full ther of ' in Mk 643, and for the rest 
has 'broken meate.' The Geneva and Bishops' Bibles follow 
the Great Bible in all places except Mk 6*8 'fragments,' and 
(Gen. 1660 only) Mt 1537 ' fragments ' again. The NT 
prefers 'fragments' everj-where except Mt 1*20 • leanings.' 
AV accepts 'fragments' in all but the two passages which 
refer to tne miracle of the Four Thousand, where it falls back 
on the rendering ' broken meat.' RV chooses ' broken pieces ' 
(which has appeared only once before, Mk 6*3 Cow), and uses 
it consistently throughout. 

Why were the Revisers not content witli W 
' fragments ' ? ' For some mysterious reasi > 
Sir Edmund Beckett (Should the Bevisiu 
Test, he Authorised? 1882, p. 91), 'they prefer 
"broken pieces" to " fragments that remained 
over " of the two sets of loaves and fishes. We 
have all heard of "broken victuals ' ; but the 
victuals were once whole, and had been broken. 
Each piece of bread or fish is a piece, and not 
broken, though broken otl', if they will be so pre- 
cise. But a fragment is a piece broken ofi'. So 
here is another miserable bit of pedantry of some 
kind, and for some unknown reason, which only 
turns right into wrong for nothing ; for the AV is 
certainly quite as accurate a translation : indeed 
the Durham Greek professor said more so. ' 

But there are two good rea.sons. In the first 
place the word ' fragment' carries, and has always 
carried, a sense of contempt. Shaks. uses the 
word seven times, and this is always present, 
mostly prominent. The aptest instance is perhaps 
Troil. and Cress. V. ii. 159 — 

' The fragments, scraps, the bits, and greasy reliqucs 
Of her o'er-eaten faith, are bound to Diomed.' 

Cf. T. Fuller, Holi/ Warrc, iv. 16 (p. 195), 'Yea, 
now full willingly would the Christians have 
accepted the terms formerly offered them ; and 
now their huniirie stomachs would make dainties 
of those conditions which before, when full of 
pride, they threw away as fra,L:iiieiit-~. In the 
second place the 'broken pieces' were not frag- 
ments of larger pieces ; all that the disciples gave 
to the multitude were ' broken pieces,' and tuese 
which were gathered up were the broken pieces 
that were in excess of the requirements. 


FRAME.— To 'frame' (from Old Eng. framian, 
to profit, succeed) is primarily to make good j^ro- 
gress, to prosper, as Melville. Di",-;/, j). 'JrJ. • The 
Bischope haid lurked a ycir or twa lyk a tod in 
his holl, as his custom was when things framed 
nocht with him.' Then it is used in a neutral 
sense, to get on well or ill as the case may be, as 
Rutherford, Letters, No. xxxii., ' But let us, how- 
ever matters frame, cast over the aflairs of the 
bride upon the Bridegroom.' And then come the 
various transitive meanings of preparing, fitting 
for use. In AV the verb is used with a direct 
object, except once with a foil, inllnitive. 

1. To contrive, to manage, Jg 1-"' ' In (oulii 
not frame to pronounce it right' (i? ---"; ;:;, lit. 
'fix to speak so,' perlia]!'; 'fix the miinl.' m. 
catch the sli.uln ditirii-iicr in the jironumiaiioin. 

* Its occurrences in LXX .ire Lv '.J« 621, jg 9,« 195, 1 s 30'-, 
2S 1121-22, Ezk 1319; where KV give 'piece,' except Jg 19* 
' morsel ' (of breatl), and Ezk 13i» ' handful' (of barley). 




Cf. Betum from Famass. IV. v. 62 (2nd pt.), 

• SchoUers must frame to liue at a low sayle.' 

2. To direct, Hos 5^ * Thej- will not frame their 
doings to turn unto their God' (?i9: kV, lit. as 
AVm * they will not give ' ; RV as AVm. ' Their 
doings •will not suffer them to turn unto their 
God,' with AV text in marg.). Cf. Rutherford, 
Lettrrs, No. clxxxvii., ' Frame yourself for Christ, 
and gloom not upoq his Cross' : Ps 145^ (L. M.), \ 
Stem, and Hopk. — 

' Therefore my mouth and lips TVl frame 
To speak the praises of the Lord.' 

3. To form. Is 29" ' Shall the thing framed say 
of him that framed it. He had no understanding ? ' 
(i-is7 -ex -ir ; Amer. RV ' formed ') ; and in RV, 
Job 10^ ' Thine hands have framed me and fashioned 
me ' i?=>y ; AV ' made me'). So Ps 106"», Stem. 
and Hopk. — 

' Upon the hill of Horeb they an idol-calf did frame ' ; 
and Shaks. Merch. of Venice, I. i. 51 — 

' Nature hath framed strange feQows in her time.' 

4. To fit together, make, Eph 2» ' all the build- 
ing fitly framed together ' (awapfioXoyovudnj) ; He 
II' ' the worlds were framed by the word of God ' 
(KanjpTiffOai) ; and in R V, Eph 4" ' all the body 
fitly framed and knit together ' (<rwap/«»Xoyo«//«j'<w). 
Cf. Spenser, FQ n. iL 30 — 

' And, thinking of those brancfaes greea to frame 
A girlond for her dainty forehead fit. 
He pluckt a bough ; out of whose rift there came 
Smal drops of gory bloud, that trickled down the same.' 

5. To devise, Ps 5(P ' thy tongue frameth 
deceit ' (tc? ?) ; 94^ ' which frameth mischief ' 
(Tap) ; Jer 18" ' Behold, I frame evil against vou ' 
(i|r) ; and in Amer. RV, Dt 31^ ' I know their 
imagination which they frame' (tojt, lit. 'do,' 
EV 'go about'). So Barclay (1514), Cy. (Percy 
See.) 23— 

' "nian frame they f landes men slyly to beg^ ' ; 

and Ps 1(F, Stem, and Hopk.— 

■ In these devices they have framed 
Let them be taken sure.' 

6. To express, embody, 2 Mac 15^ 'speech 
finely framed delighteth the ears of them that 
read the story ' (tA ttjs roTcwKei^j rod Xdyov ; RV 

• tie fashioning of the language '). AV is a modifi- 
eation of the Geneva tr°, ' the setting out of the 

^matter,' and may be illustrated from Milton, PL 
T. 460— 

' Bjs wary speech 
Thus to th' empyreal miniirtyr he framed.' 

As a subst. 'frame' occurs twice in AV, and 
means something constructed. I. The structure 
of the body, Ps 103" ' he knoweth our frame ; he 
rememl)ereth that we are dust ' («">?:). To this 
RV adds Ps 139^ ' My frame was not hidden from 
thee, when I was ma^e in secret ' ("CfV, AV ' my 
substance,' AVm ' or, strength ; or, body ') ; ani 
Amer. RV, Job 41^* 'his [leviathan's] goodly 
frame ' {xsnx V^, EV ' his comely proportion '). Sk) 
frequently in Paraphrases in Verse (1775), as 57* — 

' With sympathetic feelings tondt'd 
He knows onr feeUe frame ' ; 
and 51'— 

' We know, that when the soul tincioatii'd 
ShaO frcMn this body file. 
Twill animate a purer frame 
With life that cannot die.' 

2. The stracture of a city, Ezk 40* ' a very high 
mountain, by which was as the frame of a city ' 
(Ty-nj:??, Davidson, ' a buUding of a city, that is, 
a city-like or citadel-like buildLig '). 

3. RV adds Nu i^"- ", a frame ftted together for 
carrying things upon (eio, AV ' bar '). 

T ¥-1 A y n Iff f Q 
FRANKINCENSE (.-rp^ lebhdnAh,' Td^ot, \i^- 
VOL. n. — 5 

urit). — Lebh6n6h is erroneously tr^ in some places 
in AV * incense ' (Is 43** 60*. Jer 6» etc In RV it 
is correctly rendered yranX-4nc«»we). Incense, how- 
ever, is tlie proper rendering of another word .ttcp 
k&drdJi. Tms substance was compounded of i. 
and other aromatic gums, and seasoned with salt 
(Ex 30"-'*), ot stoeet, i.e. not so seasoned (Ex 25*, 
Lv 16^'). AU incense not so made was a strange 
incense, and could not be offered (Ex 30*, cf. 
' strange fire ' Lv 10*). 

F. is the fragrant resin of an Indian tree, Boswel- 
lia serrttta, Stackh., procured by slitting the bark. 
It is imported through Arabia (Is 60*. Jer 6^). It 
is known in Arabia by a name kindred to the 
Heb., ».«. lubdn. It was one of the gifts oflered 
by the Magi (Mt 2"). The 'incense' of both AV 
and RV (Rev 8*) should be ' frankincense.' 

G. E. Post. 


FRANKLY.— In Lk 7*^ the verb ^optoaro is tr^ 
' he frankly forgave.' The older VSS have simply 
'he forgave' (except Wydif, 1380, ' he gaf frely '), 
and R V returns to that. The purpose of the A V 
translators was, no doubt, to bring out on a special 
occasion the special force of this word, which, as 
Bruce says (Expos. Cfr. Test, ad loc.}, is a warmer 
word than itfuivai, and was welcome to St. Luke 
as containinjr the idea of grace {x^pis). It occurs 
only in the writings of St. Luke (Lk 7*^ **• «, Ac 3" 
25^« 27^) and St. Paul (Ro 8«, 1 Co 2", 2 Co 
27- 10 12«, Gal 3^, Eph 4»^, Ph 1» 2», Col 2" 3»w», 

The Eng. word 'frankly' is used, not in the 
mod. sense of candidly, openly, but in the old and 
literal sense of freely, unrestrainedly, as in Elyot, 
The Govemour, ii 234, ' puttynge out of their citie 
their women and all that were of yeres unhabill 
for the warres, that they mought more frankely 
stistayne famyne' ; and in Shaks. Meas.for Meas. 
m. L 106— 

'O, were it bat my life, 
nd throw it down for your deliverance 
As frankly as a pin.' 

J. Hastixgs. 
FRANTICK.— Sir 4* 'Be not as a lion in thy 
house, nor frantick among thy servants ' {tparrcuno- 
KowCJp, lit. 'conceiving fancies,' RV 'fanciful': 
Fritzsche understands ' suspicious,' ' mistrustful,' 
arfficohnisch, and is followed by Ball [QP^ ; but 
Bissell thinks the AV tr. suits the context best, 
and translates 'as a crazy man'). Tindale has 
' frantick ' for AV ' lunatick ' in Mt 17" ' Master 
have mercy on my sonne for he is franticke ' ; and 
Sir T. More ( Wcrkes, p. 270) uses the word in nearly 
the same sense of Luther, ' And therfore among 
many folishe wordes of Luther, as foolLshe as euer 
heretyke spake, he neuer spake a more frantike, 
than in that he saith that God hath nede of our 

FRAY occurs in Zee 1** of the terrifying of the 
' horns ' of the Gentiles, and ' fray away ' in Dt 28*, 
Jer 7*^ of the driving away of wild beasts from a 
dead body (all as tr" of "Hb?)- Amer. RV prefers 
'frighten.' 'Fray' is also found in 1 Mac 14'- 
' every man sat under his vine and his fig tree, and 
there was none to fray them ' (oig ^ 6 iKt/xt^Qp 
airoin, RV ' to make them afraid ') ; and ' fray 
away* in Sir 22** 'whoso casteth a stone at the 
birds frayeth them away ' {aroao^i avrd). 

Fray is what phQologists call an apbetic form of 'affray.' 
That is to say, ttie old vb. 'affray' lost its unaccented initial 
vowel by ^ibeBS [i^titmi], as 'esquire ' became 'squire,' and the 
like ; and this luuppened to 'affray' while still ^>elt 'atray,' a 
spelling preserved in its past ptcp. ' afraid '(='afrayed')- To 
•fray' is therefore (nriginally to 'disturb' (Anglo-Fr. effire^/er, 
late Lat. er-fridare, from ex and fridut (Old Hi|^ Ger. .^rufu], 
'peace'), a meaning well iUnstiated by the examples in AV. 




In Hob lOii Oor. uses both forms, 'Tee as a lyon roareth he, 
that they itutye be afrayed, like the children of the see : Uiat 
they may be scarred awaye from Egipte, as men scarre bvrdes : 
and frayed awaye (as doues use to be) from the Assirians londe.' 
The only occurrence of the vb. in Shaks. is Trail, and Crest. 
III. ii. 24 : ' She does so blush, and fetches her wind so short, as 
if she were frayed with a sprite.' J. HASTINGS, 

FRECKLE.— In Lv IS^* Tindale uses this word 
as tr" of Heb. bdhak, wliich occurs only in this 
place : ' Yf there appeare in their flesh a glister- 
ynge white somewhat blackesh, then it is but 
Irekels growen upp in the skynne : and he is 
cleane.' Wyclif's tr" (1382) was 'a wemme of 
whijt colour,' (1388) 'a spotte of whijt colour' 
(after Vulg. macula colons candidi, whence also 
Douay, ' a spotte of white colour '). Gov. preferred 
'a wiiyte scabbe,' Gen. 'a white spot.' But the 
Bishops' restored 'freckle' (in sing, 'a freckle'), 
;ind tiiat was accepted by A V, ' a freckled spot. ' 
RV prefers ' a tetter,' for the Heb. means more 
than we now understand by 'freckle,' though that 
word formerly described ah eruption on the skin, 
as in Wliitehead, Goat's Beard — 

* The freckles, blotches, and parch'd skins. 
The worms, whitih, like black-headefl pins, 
Peep through the damask cheek, or rise 
On noses bloated out of size. 
Are things which females ought to dread.' 

The word occurs also in Preface to AV 1611, 'A 
man may be counted a vertuous man, though hee 
haue made many slips in his life (els, there were 
none vertuous, for in many things we offend all), 
also a comely man and lonely, though hee haue 
some warts vpon his hand, yea, not onely freakles 
vpon his face, but also skarres ' — where also the 
word probably means more than it does now. See 
Tetter. J. Hastings. 

FREE, FREEDOM, FREELY. — The adj. free 
' has been a chief heirloom from Saxon times, and 
has made a figure in all stages of the national 
story. Perhaps no other Saxon adj. is comparable 
for length and variety of career. Originally mean- 
ing lordly, noble, gentle, it has with each change 
of the national aim so changed its usage as still to 
take a prominent place. In the growth of the 
municipal bodies the privileged members were 
designated/ree-TOcn ; in the constitutional struggles 
it managed to represent the idea of liberty ; and 
in these latter dajp^s, when social equality is the 
universal pretension, it signifies the manners 
thereon attendant in the modern coupling/rce and 
eaw.'— Earle, Philology of the Eng. Tongue'^, 413. 

The most modern meaning to be found in AV is 
also the most common, and it may be best to begin 
Avith that and work backwards. 

1. At liberty, not fettered, whether physically, 
as Milton, Samson Agonistes, 1235 — 

' My heels are fetter'd, but my fist is free ' ; 

or morally, as Locke, Human Underst. ii. xxi. 8, 
' So far as a man has a power to think or not to 
think, to move or not to move, according to the 
preference or direction of his own mind, so far is 
a man free.' So Job 3'» 'The small and great are 
there; and the servant is free from his master' 
(T^ri, the common Heb. word), and IP 2>« 'As 
free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of 
maliciousness, but as t he servants of God ' (iXevBepoi, 
the common Gr. word). 

Passages deserving attention are : (1) Ps 88B < Free among the 
dead' (T?ri D'n?3, RV 'cast off among the dead,' RVm 'cast 
away'), ftitzig, Ewald, and others tr. 'among the dead is my 
couch ' (taking T^n from Pfh, something spread, a couch, after 
the doubtful occurrence in Ezk 2~'^) ; but most cdd. now, as 
AV or RV (taking the word as the adj. usually tr<i 'free'). 
Oheyne in ' Parchment' Ptalnu (1884) gives, 'I am one turned 
adrift among the dead'; but in Book of Pmlnu (MiSS), 'I am a 
freedman among the dead,' remarking there, 'The psalmist 

alludes to the grim eulogy of death in his favourite poem Job S^^ 
[see above]. But he gives a new turn to the phrase. Unlike 
Job, he regards such freedom as the reverse of a benefit' — 
which Kirkpatrick describes as 'a far-fctchtd interpretation.' 
There is no question, however, that the plirase rciaills Job 318 
to our minds, and yet that the word is used here, and here only, 
in a bad sense. It means either separated from human friend- 
ship, or more probably from divine prote<:tion. Delitzsch's 
interpretation, ut free, diteharged, from the responsibilities of 
life, like Lat. defuiustut, is less appropriate to the context. The 
cognate subst. nT^lJ [rmtn] is used in 2 K 155 = 2 Ch 2621 of 
the teparate house or lazaretto to whtbh Uzziah was confined. 
(2) Ac 2228 ' And Paul said. But I was free born.' The Or. is 
siniply '£y» Si ««< ytyitniijuti, ' But I was even bom ' ; the word 
to be supplied is, however, 'Pw,u4e7««, ' Roman,' from the previous 
verse : so RV ' But I am a Roman bom.' 

RV adds Is 45'' 'he shall let my exiles go free' 
for AV ' let go my captives' (niv\). 

2. Unhindered, unimpeded, as Shaks. Love's 
Labour's Lost, v. ii. 732, ' For mine own part, I 
breathe free breath.' So 1 Es 4^^ ' And that all 
they that went from Babylon to build the city 
should have free liberty' (intapxiiv ry\v iXevdtpiav, 
RV 'should have their freedom') ; 2 Th 3' 'Pray 
for us, that the word of the Lord may have free 
course ' (rpixVy ^it. ' may run,' as AVm and RV). 
The AV tr" is a combination of Tind. ' maye have 
fre passage ' and Rhem. ' may have course ' ; RV Is 
a return to Wyclif's 'that the word of God renne.' 
RV adds with this sense 1 Co 7"" ' If the husl)and 
be dead, she is free to be married to whom she 
will ' (iXevOipa, AV ' at liberty '). 

3. Exempt, Dt 24' 'When a man hath taken a 
new wife he shall not go out to war, neither .^hall 
he be charged with any business ; but he shall be 
free at home one year' ('pj), i.e. exempt from public 
duties. I Ch 9^ 'the Levites, who remaining in 
the chambers were free ' (o'-no?, RV * free from 
service ') ; 1 Mac 15' ' And as concerning Jerusalem 
and the sanctuary, let them be free ' (iXevdepa, sc. 
from tribute); Mt 15* = Mk 7" 'he shall be free' 
— words added in italics to complete the sense 
without equivalent in Greek ; they are omitted by 
RV; Mt 17-« 'Then are the children free.' RV 
adds He 13^ 'Be ye free from the love of money' 
(d4>i\dpyvpos 6 rpjiros, AV ' Let your conversation be 
without covetousness ' ; RVm ' Let your turn of 
mind be free ' : Vaughan is more modem and 
literal, ' Let your disposition be unavaricious'). 

4. Acquitted after trial, often equivalent to 
innocent, as Shaks. Hamlet, II. ii. 590 — 

' He would drown the stage with tears, 
And cleave the general ear with horrid 8i)eech ; 
JIake mad the guilty, and apjml the free, 
Confound the ignorant ; ana amaze, indeed, 
The very faculty of eyes and ears.' 

In AV, Nu 5'»- 28- 31 Kv . and the verb Ro 6' ' For he 
that is dead is freed from sin' (Sedinalurrai, RV 'is 
justified '), i.e. is acquitted from the guilt of sin. 

6. Voluntary, gratuitous. Ex 21 '^ 'then shall 
she go out free without money ' (c;n, RV ' for 
nothing'). So the phrase 'free gift,' 1 Es 2* 
{evxals, i.e. votive offerings, RV 'gifts that were 
vowed') ; Jth 4'-' {eKoi''<Tia 56fj.ara), 1 Mac 10^* {Sifta, 
RV ' a gift ') ; Ro 5"- "'• '« (x<i/"«^Ma [not in v.i*, but 
understood there also], a word which is almost 
peculiar to St. Paul, occurring elsewhere only in 
1 P 4'", and ' is used of those special endowments 
which come to every Christian as the result of 
God's free favour (x«ip's) to men, and of the 
consequent gift of faith ' — Sanday - Headlam, 
Romans, p. 358 ff. It is tr^ ' free gift ' only in Ro 
516. 16^ ^Q which RV adds 6** ; elsewhere simply 
' gift '). So asrain we find ' free offering ' for the 
u.sual 'freewill offering' in Ex 36*, Am 4", Jth 

6. Generous or even noble, the earliest meaning 
of the word according to Earle (as al)ove), who 
quotes Shaks. Troil. and Cress. IV. v, 139 — 

* I thank thee, Hector : 
Thou art too gentle and too free a man.' 




This is Chaucer's meaning also in Nonne Preestes 
Jafe, 94— 

' For certes, what so any wonuuan seitb. 
We alle desyren, if it migbte be. 
To ban bonsbondes hardy, wyse, and free.' 

This sense occurs twice in AV, 2 C!i 29*' ' And the 
coneregation brought in sacrifices and thank offer- 
in;:s ; and as many as were of a free heart burnt 
otierinjrs' (RV 'willing'), and Ps 51^ 'uphold me 
with thy free spirit' (RV 'with a fr»e spirit,' 
Amer. RV and RVm ' willing ' ; both 31^, which as 
a subst. means 'prince,' 'noble,' in Pr 25' and 

On Pb 51» Earle {The PtaUer vf 1539, p. 290) says, 'So 1535 
(Ooverdale's Bible] after the Vuljf. et tpiritu prine^^aUeonJbrma 
me' — which, again, is after Sept. wn^LLKn i/ytumauf rnftrm fu. 
Here there can be no doubt that ' free ' was used, not in any of 
its lower aenaes, as when it is the equivalent of libtr as opposed 
to tervtu ; or eren in the sense of Uberal, boonteoos in gifts ; 
but (inclusive perhaps of this latter) with qiedal eye to that 
higher sense of lordly, noble, generous, princely, ro^ ; which 
is conspicuous in the best medisval osage of the word, and 
which qualified it to represent prindpalU and itytyuttxm. Kd>le 
iMOught this out well — 

' With that free Spirit West, 

Who to the contrite can dispense 

The princely heart of innocence.' 
Keble, it should be added, has also suggested the correct 
translation. What the psafanist prays for is not, as AY, that he 
may be upheld by God's free Spirit, bat, as RV, ttiat under tbe 
influence of the Spirit of God tus own spirit may become willing 
or spontaneous in the right. 

Freedom in Ac 22^ ' With a great sum obtained 
I this freedom,' is Roman citizenship (-roKtreia, 
RV 'citizenship'). See CiTlZEXSHiP. RV has 
changed ' liberty ' of AV into ' freedom ' for Gr. 
iXfvdepia in Gal o^-^**«, 1 P 2^^ though retaining 
'liberty' for the same Gr. word in Ro 8^, 1 Co 
10^, 2*Co 3'^ Gal 2», Ja 1^ 2^, 2 P 2«. In every 
case but the last it is the freedom of those who are 
not under law but under grace ; ' freedom ' is 
therefore the best word, and might have been used 
throughout. See Liberty. 

Freely is found in the sense of (1) unref^rainedly, 
as in Lv 14^ Wye. ' And whanne he had left the 
sparewe to fle in to the feeld frely ' ; and in AV 
Gn 2'*^ ' Of every tree of the garden thou mayest 
freely eat ' (^rxn ^ix, lit. ' eating thou shalt eat*' as 
AVm ; so 1 S 14»') ; Ad. Est le^' ' that the Jews 
may freely live after their own laws ' (xprtcdax, RV 
' live ') ; Ac 2® ' let me freely speak unto you ' (e^bp 
el-reu' fiera. rappfrjaia^, RV ' I may say unto you 
freely'); 26* 'I speak freely' {Tappifffiaj^o/nepos 
XaXcD) ; to which RV adds Jn 2'" 'when men have 
drunk freely ' (Srai' fieOvcOuxnir), lit. ' when thev are 
drunken,' as Lk 12**, and as Vulg. here ' cum ineb- 
riati fuerint.' Wyclif has ' whanne men ben 
fuliillid' (1382 'filled'); Tmd. 'when men be 
dronke,' so Matthews and the Great Bibles ; Cov. 
'whan they are dronken'; but the Geneva pre- 
ferred 'when men have wel droncke,' and it was 
followed by Bish., Rhem., and AV. RV is a com- 
promise between the two older translations. 

(2) For nothing, gratuitously : the most common 
meaning. It occurs in Nu 11' ' We remember the 
fish, which we did eat in Egypt freely' (c|- 'gratis,' 
or as RV 'for nought'). 'Freely' was WyclLFs 
tr" [1388, but 1382 ' gladly "l, and he no doubt used 
the word in the sense of ' for nothing ' after LXX 
Swpedv and especially Vulg. gratis, which gave 
the Douay ' gratis ' ; ' freely ' is the Bishops' word 
also ; but all others ' for nought ' (Tind., Rog.), or 
'for naught' (Cov., Gen.). .Also in 1 Mac 10» 'I 
freely set at liberty every one of the Jews' {dtpirjfu 
Aei'tfepai' dwpedy, RV ' I set at liberty without 
price); cf. Lk 4i* Tind. 'frely to set at liberty 
them that are bruised ' (an attempt to express 
the pregnant phrase dTo<yTet\ai redpaivfUyom ip 
i<pf(TeL, lit. ' to send away the shattered [so as to 
be] in release '). And in ^T Swp^dv ' as a gift,' from 
Baptd, a gift, is so rendered in Mt 10^ '^", Ro 3**, 

2 Co IF, Rev 2l«22", where the prominent thought 
is the grace (gratis) of the giver, as Mt 10" ' freely 
ye received, freely give.' And this is no doubt the 
meaning in Ro 8** and 1 Co 2^ where xa.fM.'iotiax is 
tr'* 'freely give.' Illustrations are Ex 21" Wye. 
' sche schal go out freli without money ' ( AV ' free,' 
RV ' for nothing ') ; Is 52* Cov. ' my people is frely 
caried awaye ' (EV ' for nought ; and Shaks. 
Winter's Tale, I. i. 19, ' You pay a great deal too 
dear for what's given freely.* 

(3) Voluntarily, spontaneously, approaching the 
meaning of 'generous,' 'nobte' given last for 
' free ' : Ps 54' ' I will freely sacrifice unto thee ' 
(n^-jp, RV 'with a freewill ofiering,' after most 
commentators, but Chevne prefers 'with a free 
will ' both here and at 5fu 15*) ; Hos 14* ' I will 
heal their backsliding, I will love them freely' 
(n^nj, LXX bfiokayun, Vulg. spontanee. Wye. [1382] 
' of my free will,' [1388] ' wilfuli ' ; Rog. ' wyth al my 
heart,' Gen. 'frely,' Don. 'voluntarily,' Cheyne 
' spontaneously '). And this is the meaning of 
' freely ' in Ezr 2** (RV ' willingly ') 7", where it is 
used to bring out the force of the Heb. verb. This 
is Milton's meaning {PL viiL 443) where God ad- 
dresses Adam — 

' My image, not imparted to the brate ; 
WlKMe feUowdiip therefore, onmeet for thee. 
Good reascHi was thoa freely dioakist distike.' 

Freeman : 1 Es 3** ( Aev^epoj) ; 1 Co 7— ' the Lord's 
freeman ' (drekfvdfpm, RV ' freedman '), so as to 
bring out the spiritual emancipation and to dis- 
tinguish from the natural ' heeman ' {e\ev6epoi) 
following. RV adds Col 3" (ikeiOepm, AV ' free'). 

Freewoman : 1 Mac 2", Gal 4**-»- *, jJl ikevdtpa, 
of the natural condition, and directly opposed to 
'bond-slave' (1 Mac) or 'bondmaid' (Gal). RV 
adds Gal 4'i. J. Hastings. 


FREQUENT.— In the sense of crowded, well- 
attended, ' frequent ' is common in writers of the 
17th cent, and earlier, as a 'frequent assembly' — 
Sanderson, Worfcs, ii. 242, 258, a ' frequent college ' ; 
'the College was sa frequent as the roumes war 
nocht able to receaue them '— Melvill, Diary, 50. 
The sense in which the word occurs in AV is akin 
to this, but more exactly tcell-acquainted, convers- 
ant : 2 Co 1 1** ' in prisons more frequent,* exactly 
as Knox, Wor/cs, iv. 139, ' Be frequent in the 
prophetis and in the epistillis of St. Paul.' The 
Gr. is -reptaaoripon, and KV follows Bish. and Rhem. 
'more abundantly,' the other VSS having 'more 
plenteously.' Amer. RV and RVm give 'fre- 
quent' in 1 S 3^ for 'open' of AV, 'the word of 
the Lord was precious in those days ; there was no 
open vision ' (n?j jim pK). 

FRET. — To ' fret ' is primarily to eat up, con- 
sume {for, intensive prefix, and etan to eat, like 
Ger. ver-essen), as in Alisaunder of Macedoine 
(KE.T.S.) L 1159— 

' Fayre handes and feete freaten too the bonne.' 

But a very early meaning and very common is to eat 
into, gnaw, corrode, as of a disease, and the word 
being used in this sense by Tind. in Lv l3«-ai.58 
14**, it was retained in AV. The uses in AV, 
then, are — 

1. Transitively : 1. Literally to eat away, cor- 
rode, Lv 135»-s3 i4« 'a fretting leprosy' (njn» 
in^?), and 13* 'it is fret* inward' (nnns). So 

• It will be observed that in Lv 13» ' it is fret inward,' A^^ »« 
tbe past ptcp. Cf. More, Utopia, i. (Lumby, p. 46, 1. 14X ' For 
he (and that no marveile) beynge so touched on the quicke, and 
hit oo the gaole, so fret, so fumed, and (At»ltA at it, and was in 
snch a rage that he oooM not refraine himaeUe from chidiiwe, 
skolding, railing, and reviKng.' Sinular forms are ' lift' Gn f", 
Lk 16» ; ' whet' Ps 643 Pr. Bk. 




Fuller says of the death of Godfrey {Holy Warre, 
Bk ii. ch. 6, p. 61), * It may be the plague took him 
out of the hands of that lingring disease, and 
quickly cut otl" what that had been long in fret- 
ting' ; and Shaks. makes Lear in the bitterness of 
his soul say of his daughter Goneril (Lear, I. iv. 


' It she roust teem, 
Ore*te her child of spleen ; that it may live 
And be a thwart dlsnatured torment to her 1 
Let it stamp wrinkles in her brow of yoiith ; 
With cadent tears fret channels in her checks.' 
"Ite trn of Pa 8912 in the Great Bible of 1530 was ' When thou 
with rebukes dost chasten man for sinne, thou makcst his 
bewtye to consume awaye, like as it were a mothe.' In 1540 
the explanatory phrase ' fretting a garment' was added, which 
being thereafter adopted into the text appears in the Pr. Bk. 
version. Of. Bacon, Advancement of Leaminn, ii. ii. 6, As 
for the corruptions and moths of history, which are epitomes, 
the use of them descn-eth to be banished, as all men of sound 
judgment have confessed, as those that have fretted and cor- 
roded the sound bodies of man v excellent lustories, and wrought 
them into base and unprofitable dregs.' 

2. Figuratively, in two senses. (1) To vex. 
Tindale says (ilxpos., Parker Soc. p. 31), 'And 
the nature of salt is to bite, fret, and make 
smart ' ; whence Adams passes to the fig. sense 
(// Petrr, p. 47 on 1^) * Do we cut, and fret, and 
trouble you : remember we are salt, the sharper 
the better.' So in AV, Ezk 16« 'Because thou 
bast not remembered the days of thy youth, but 
hast fretted me in all these things' ('V'^nsi; Anier. 
RV 'raged against'). (2) To disquiet oneself, Ps 
37* ' Fret not thyself because of evildoers' (nnnfi-'?><, 
so 37^- *, Pr 24") ; Is 8-* ' when they shall be hungry 
they shall fret themselves' (ivpn^i, Del. 'it is roused 
to anger ' ; Cheyne, ' he shall be deeply angered ' ; 
Skinner, ' he shall break out in anger '). 

The AV tr" is partly from the Gen. ' he shal euen freat him 
self,' and partly from the Bish. 'they will bee out of patience.' 
' He is out of pacience ' is Coverdale's ; Wye. [1382J ' it shal 
wrathen,' [1388] ' it schol be wrooth,' and the Douay ' he will 
be angrie,' are both nearer the meaning of the verb, being both 
after the Vulg. 'irascetur'; but both miss the force of the 
special form [Hithpael], which is found only here. The LXX 
gives kvirrfirrKr^i ; Luther, ' werden sie ziirnen.' A very close 
parallel occurs in Sir Thomas Wiat (Skeat's Specimens, p. 225) — 

' And whilst they claspe their lustes in armes a-crosse, 
Oraunt them, good Lord, as thou maist of thy might, 
To frcate inward, for losyng such a losse.' 

2. Intransitively, be irritable, chafe, grieve, the 
nkodem meaning : 1 S 1* ' And her adversary also 
provoked her sore, for to make her fret' (a^y-in n^ny 3), 
and Pr 19^ ' his heart fretteth against the Lord ' 
(IHi:). So Shaks. Jul. Cws. iv. iii. 42— 

' Fret tUryour proud heart break.' 

J. Hastings. 
FRIEND. — Heb. history has supplied the world 
>vith an example of true friendship, as romantic 
and beautiful as any in Grecian story ; and Heb. 
literature, though it contains no treatise de 
Amiritid, abounds in proverbs, setting forth, as 
eloquently as Laelius nuuself, the nature of this 
line human relation, the claims which it makes, 
and the blessings wliich it brings. If Jonathan and 
David are the Pylades and Orestes of the Bible, 
the pithv sayings of the ffokhma Lit. contain the 
philosonliy of friendship. A genuine attachment 
IS ^Hjssiole only between the virtuous — this is im- 
plied in all the directions given in the Book of Pr 
to the young man for his guidance in life, and ex- 
pressly indicated in the waniings of IS'* 28'', where 
the word (nj^n) rendered companion is that else- 
where often translated ^rtcnrf. That even natural 
ties cannot compare with the bond of friendship 
for strength and endurance, is said, not without a 
touch of satire, in 18** 'He that maketh many 
friends doeth it to his own destruction ; but there 
is a friend that sticketh closer tlian a brother.' 
David, in his lament, describes the affection 

of Jonathan for him as ' passing the love of 
women. ' That, as Lord Bacon puts it in his Essay, 
the principal fruits of friendship are healthful 
and sovereign, lx)th for the ail'ections and the 
understanding, comes out in the striking proverb 
(27"), ' Iron sharpeneth iron ; so a man sharpeneth 
the countenance of his friend ' ; while the anguish 
inflicted on a true heart when one trusted and 
loved proves false or unkind, is exliibited in a 
concrete form in the behaviour of Job's three 
friends, and in many a passionate cry wrung from 
tliat patriarch (Job 6**- =" 19*^), or from a psalmist 
under similar provocation (Ps 41"). 

Among the duties of friendship Cicero places 
high that of frankness in reproof and counsel ; and 
this could not fail of characteristic recognition in 
the proverbs of Israel, ' Faithful are the wounds of 
a fnend ; but the kisses of an enemy are deceitful ' 
(Pr 27''), while in 17* are indicated the tact and 
delicacy necessary in the discharge of this duty. 

Pr 27^" is the Heb. equivalent for the saying that 
' old friends are best ' ; and that poverty and trouble 
are, like lengtli of time, tests of the genuineness of 
friendly profession, in contrast with the pretended 
attachment of flatterers and parasites, is the theme 
of proverbs like li^ 19*- ''. True friends are rare 
witn the great and powerful, yet, as Bacon says, 
they set a higher rate than others on the rare 
possession, and the Bible gives many instances of 
the confidence of intimacy between kings and 
subjects, e.a. David and Hushai ; prophets and 
apostles and their disciples, e.g. Elijah and Elisha, 
Paul and Timothy. 

But, while the Bible presents an ideal of friend- 
ship equal to that demanded by other literature, 
it does not leave it there. It elevates it in a 
manner all its own to a transcendent height. It 
presents it, not only as a human relationsliip, but 
one possible between God and man. Abraham was 
the friend of God (2 Ch 20^, Is 418, ja o"^). With 
Moses, too, J" spake ' face to face as a man speaketh 
unto his friend ' (Ex 33"), and the Son of God used 
the naxaa friend in preference to servant, not only 
of the apostles, but also of all for whom He laid 
down His life (Jn 15i»- "• "). 

There are nine Heb. words or phrases rendered 
friend in the AV. Those of most frequent occur- 
rence are connected with the roots anx, expressing 
affection, and njfi sociability, the most common 
being ii, rendered 41 times friend, 104 times 
neighbour, and sometimes companion and fellow. 
The most usual equivalents in LXX and Vulg. are 
<f>L\oi and amicus. As a term of salutation the 
vocative iraipe is three times in NT rendered 
friend (Mt 20" 22^2 26^). 

Of course the term, friends sometimes implies no 
more than political associates or allies, e.g. 1 S 30^, 
Jer2a'-8. A. S. Aglkn. 

FRINGES (Heb. n'W ziztth).— In the time of our 
Lord, the Jews, especially those of the Pharisaic 
party (cf. esp. Mt 23°), attached the greatest 
importance to three material reminders or ' sensible 
signs ' of their obligations under the Law. These 
were the zizith (EV 'fringes'), the tiphillin or 
phylacteries (wh. see), and the mezuzah (Dt 6* 11^) 
on the doorpost. Of these the first-named was the 
sign to which the greatest virtue was ascribed. 
Its observance is first required by the law of Dt 
(22'*), where we read ' Twisted cords (c'^'^?, LXX 
arpevTi : AV, KV incorrectly ' fringes,' but RVm 
' tAvisted threads ') shalt thou make thee upon the 
four corners ('arba' kanphuth, AV ' four quarters,' 
RV 'four borders') of thy mantle (lit. 'covering' 
as Ex 22" [Heb. ^], see below) wherewith thou 
coverest thyself.' Tlie obiect here termed gSdtlim 
acquired later the special aesignation zizith rvyrf, — 
it is so rendered by the Targum Jems. i. (pseudo- 




Jonathan) in Dt 22'^ — for there can be no doubt 
that we meet the same enactment in an expanded 
form in the priestly legislation: 'And the LORD 
spake unto Moses saying, Speak unto the children of 
Israel, and bid them that they make them fringes * 
in the borders (so AV, RV ; more correctly ' tassels 
upon the corners'; cf. RVm) of their garments 
throughout their generations, and that they put 
upon the fringe of each border (i.e. the tassel of 
each comer) a cord of blue' (Nu lo''-*). There 
can be no question that the interpretation sug- 
gested by the EV, that a fringe attached to the 
hem of the garment is intended, is quite erroneous. 
We have only to turn to Hag 2^, where a still 
common Eastern practice is referred to, to see that 
kandph applied to an article of dress can only 
mean ' corner ' or loose flowing end of a garment, t 
Now, the Hebrews seem to have worn as an outer 
garment a large piece of cloth of the shape of a 
Scotch plaid (generally called simlak, see Dress), 
which also served as a covering (ras?) by night 
(Ex 22-*).:^ To the four corners of this garment, 
then, the ' twisted cords ' of Dt were clearly 
intended to be fastened. The more extended 
enactment of the Priestly Code, however, evidently 
contemplates a more elaborate arrangement of a 
tassel attached to each comer by a cord of blue. 
To these tassels the Greek translators give the 
name KpdcTeoa, the term exclusively used by the NT 
writers. It has even found its way into Targ. Onk. 
(prrn:)(cf. Dalm. Gram. Aram. 149) in both passages 
from the Pentateuch. The simlah was worn like 
the Greek himation, which is its NT equivalent, the 
loose end being thrown over the left shoulder. It 
was the zizith attached to this comer (r. KpaaxiSov t. 
I/mtIov) that was reached with comparative ease bj- 
the woman with the issue of blood approaching 
our Lord in the crowd from behind (Mt 9^'^, Lk 8**). 

When we attempt to go behind the prescription 
of the Torah, there is reason to believe that we 
have here an ancient custom, § perhaps with 
originallv magical or superstitions associations 
(see W.'R. Smith, JRS 416, note; Nowack, Heb. 
Arch. ii. 123) taken up and impressed with a new 
significance by the Hebrew legislation. Even so 
late as NT times a special virtue was supposed to 
be attached to the ' tassels on the four comers ' 
(ilt 14^, Mk 6^ ; cf. the special sanctity of the 
four homs of the altar, Lv 4'ff-, 1 K 1*«). To the 
more spiritually minded, however, they were, as 
they were intended to be, continual reminders' of 
the obligation resting on J's people to walk in 
His Law, and to keep all His commandments (see 
esp. Nu 15^- ^*). 

With the change in the fashion of the outer 
garments of the Jews, and with the increasing 
frequency and cruelty of heathen and Christian 
persecution, the Jews gradually ceased to wear 
the tassels in the way prescribed by the original 
legislation. A special article of clotliing was 
devised of the shape of a modem chest-protector — 
one part covering the breast, the other the back — 
with the necessary aperture in the centre for the 
head to pass through. This garment, to which the 
nam&s of tallith (n'^) and 'arba' kanpMth (Dt 
22'-) were given, had the tassels attached to its 
four comers, and was worn as an undergarment, a 
practice still observed by all orthodox Jews. The 
more zealous, however, wear it so that one or 

* The MT has here v:s.-i in the singular, but probably we 
ought to read with the Samaritan nv^Tt ; cf. LXX xfirrtitL. 

t Cf . 1 S 1527 24*- 3- U where the LXX renders s;;! by the exact 
terms to 3-T<5-jy(«. r^j- iiT>Mits, for which see Jevons and Gardner, 
itaniial o/ Gr. Antiq. 52. 

: Thai one and the same garment is intended in Dt and Xu is 
confirmed by the Targiim of Onkelos, which in both passages has 

j The practice of wearing tassels was known to the ancient 
Persians, as appears from the monuments of Persepolis. 

more of the tassels may be visible. The iallith 
now described came, later, to be known as tallith 
kat6n or ' small tallith,' to distinguish it from the 
tallith gadCl, * large tallith ' or prayer-shawl. The 
latter more nearly corresponds in shape t-^ the 
ancient simlah, being a quadrangular piece of 
white woollen (or sUken) cloth to w hich the tassels 
are attached in the manner about to be described. 
It is worn universally by the Jews during the 
daily service in the synagogue, either thrown over 
the head or round the shoulders, but always so 
that the tassels shall be visible in front. Special 
prayers are said before and during the act of 
adjusting the tallith. 

The rabbinical prescriptions with regard to the 
n-'V"? or tassels have been elaborated with charac- 
teristic detail, and fill many pages of the Jewish 
codes (see literature at end" of art.). Only a very 
few of these need be cited here. From a reference 
in the ilishna {Menakh. iv. 1) it would appear that 
the former practice of making the zizith by tvvist- 
ing three white threads with one of blue (or blue- 
purple) was falling into desuetude, perhaps owing 
to the increasing ditticulty of procuring the ex- 
pensive dve required ; and that it was henceforth 
permissible to use white threads alone so long as 
the numbers were complete (see Levy, Worterb. 
8. voc. 23J?). Somewhat later we learn from the 
curious, and in part obscure, paraphrase of Nu 15* 
in the Targum Jerus. i. (pseudo-Jonathan) appar- 
ently based on Talmudic decision, that the threads 
must be spun expressly for the purpose, not made 
of the refuse of the loom, and uiat they must be 
tied with five knots (j'Tss'p). According to the 
prescription still in force, it is required that four 
(whit«) threads (J's:!") shall be taken, of which one 
— technically called the shctmmesh or 'servant' — 
shall be considerably longer than the rest. A 
small hole or eyelet (3p:) is made in each comer of 
the tallith three thumb-breadths (D'Vtu) from each 
margin ; through this the four threads are drawTi 
and the ends brought together. A double knot is 
tied close to the margin of the tallith, the shammesh 
is then twisted tightly 9 times round the remaining 
7 threads and another double knot is tied ; then 
round 9 times and a knot ; then round 11 times 
and a knot ; and finally round 13 times and a knot, 
and the zizith is complete. Various mystic signifi- 
cations are attached to the ntmiber of knots and 
twistings. The most interesting, perhaps, is that 
which deduces from the whole a sjmbol of the 
complete Torah : thus the numerical value of the 
letters of the word n'X'V is 90 -i- 10 -f- 90-1- 10 -f- 400= 
600, which with the 8 threads and the 5 knots 
makes a total of 613, the exact number, according 
to rabbinic calculation, of the positive (248) and 
negative (365) precepts of the Torah. This has led 
to the exaggerated statement that the wearing of 
the zizith is of equal merit with the observance of 
the whole Law. 

Males only are to wear the tallith (so alreadj 
Targum pseudo-Jonathan on Dt 22®). This is 
compulsory after the 13th year, when the Jewish 
boy becomes a bar-mizvah, but the small tallith 
may be worn earlier. The size of the latter is said 
by Maimoiiides to be such that a boy, just able to 
walk alone, shall be completely covered by it. It 
is not necessary to wear the tallith at night ; this 
is inferred from tlie words of the Law, ' that ye may 
look upon it and remember' (Nu IS'*), an injunc- 
tion impossible of fulfilment in the darkness of the 
night.* As an illustration of the importance 
attached to the wearing of the zizith, the following 
anecdote is frequently quoted. The son of a 
famous Rabbi was asked which of the command- 
ments above all others his father had especially 

* This question was one of the differences between the schools 
of Hillel and Shamniai {Ediyj/oth, iv. 10). 




charged him to keep. His reply was : ' The law 
concerning the zi?Uh. On descending a ladder my 
father stepped on one of the threads and tore it on. 
He refusea to move from the spot till it was re- 
placed ' (Shabb. 1186). See also DuESS. 

LiTKRATrRK.— The rabbinical prescriptions are found in the 
authoritative codes of Maimonides ( l'a<< Ua-hazakah, Jlilkolh 
Zizith) and Joseph Caro (Shulhan 'Aruk Yori Dea, cli. 
viil.-xxiv.). A convenient compendium of the latter work is 
the D"n miK tny jn'^c'-'ry dik "n -ao, wuna, 1888 (rules 
concerning the zizlth, pp. 33-38). Also in the tractate Ziztth in 
Raph. KxTfihe'ini, ^eptem libri Talmudici varoi Uxerosolymitani, 
Frankfort, 1861 ; Hiller, De vestibut ftnwriatit Hebraorum, in 
Uffolini The«a»ru*, vol. xxl. More easily accessible is Boden- 
scnatz, Kirchliehe Verfammg d. heutigen Juden, 1748, pt iv. 
pp. »-15; Biixtorf, Synagoga Judaiea, pp. 160-170. Art. 
'^Frinircs ' in Kitto's Biblical Cydopcedia?. See also Driver on 

Dt 22i2. A. II. S. Kennedy. 

FROCK.—' A linen frock ' is named in Sir 40* as 
the dress of the poor in contrast to the ' purple ' 
of the rich {(l)iJ.6\ivov, lit. 'raw linen'; KV 'a 
hempen frock ' ; the word occurs only here in 
bibl. Greek). The ' frock ' was once the cover- 
all of the English labourer, and still remains as 
' smock-frock.' See Drks.s. 

FROG (ynw zSphardm, ^drpaxos, rana). — An 
ampltibious animal, noted in two connexions in the 
Bible. 1. As one of the plagues of Egypt (Ex 8""^*, 
Ps 78'" etc.). 2. As a form assumed oy unclean 
spirits (Rev 16'^- "). It is also mentioned in Wis 
19'". The frog refen'ed to in the story of the 
plagues is the Ranula esculenta, L., tiie edible 
frog. It is found in all stagnant waters in the 
Holy Land. The Arab, name for the frog, dufdd, 
bears a strong resemblance to the Hebrew. 

G. E. Post. 

FROM.— Following the Gen. Bible, 'from' is 
used in 1 Es 3'-^ as equivalent to ' away from ' : ' But 
when they are from the wine, they remember not 
what they have done.' This is the only occurrence 
of a meaning that is common in Shaks. Thus 
Macbeth, ill. i. 132— 

' For 't must be done to-night, 
And something from the palace ' ; 

and Jul. Cces. i. iii. 35 — 

' But men may construe things after their fashion, 
Clean from the purpose of the things themsehes.' 

FRONTLETS.— See Phylacterie.s. 

FROWARD.— Froward is the Northern form of 
' from ward,' as we have 'to and fro' for 'to and 
from.' Cf. Sidney, Arcadia, ii., 'As cheerfully 
going towards, as Pyrocles went frowardly from- 
ward his death.' Froward is thus the opposite of 
'toward,' and is used by Spenser {FQ vi. x. 24) 
in the litenal sense of turned from — 

' And eeke them selves so in their daunce they bore, 
That two of them stiU froward seem'd to bee, 
But one still towards shew'd her selfe afore.' 

In AV ' froward ' is always figurative, turned 
from in sympathy, opposed, hostile, as in Ps 18'-" 
* with the froward thou wilt show thyself froward ' 
(■y^SrH srpjrcv, RV 'with the pei-verse thou wilt 
show thyself froward'). Then, by an easy transi- 
tion, that which goes the wrong way to accomplish 
its ends, twisted, tortuous, not straightforward. 
Thus Dt 32» Tind., ' Tliefrowarde and overthwarte 
generation hath marreil them selues to himward ' 
(^KS), EV ' perverse,' which does not adequately 
express the sense, says Driver. Tindale's ' frowarcl ' 
is better than ' penerse,' for its meaning is just 
what Driver gives as the meaning of the Heb. 
here, 'the opposite of what is sincere, straight- 
forward, and frank,' denoting 'a character which 
pursues devious and questionable courses for the 

purpose of compassing its ends.' Thus Latimer 
(Sermons before Edio. VI., Arber's ed. p. 115), 
' The herte of man is naughti, a croked, and a 
froward pece of worke.' Still, 'froward' was 
frequently used in the sense of obstinate, as 
T. Lever, Sermons (1550, Arter's ed. p. 103), 'The 
father draweth not by force violent lye them that 
1)6 stubborne and frowarde, but by loue them that 
be gentyll, and come wyllyngly.' And the union 
of tne crooked with the obstinate gives perversity. 
RV prefers 'perverse' in 2 S 22*' = 1*8 18'* (as 
above), Pr 2" (not Amer. RV) 32" 11» ; and Amer. 
RV further in Dt 32», Pr 2^^ 6'* 8" 10^' 16'^8- ^ 22». 
RV gives 'crooked' in Pr 8* 21*, and Amer. RV 
'wayward' in Pr 2" 4-'* 17***, and 'cunning' in 
Job 5". But ' froward ' is introduced into 2 S 22*^ 
(AV 'unsavoury'), Pr 23« (AV 'perverse'). , It 
will be observed that the ideas represented by this 
word refer to conduct, especially in public life ; it 
is therefore of most frequent occurrence in Pr, 
where ' froward ' is found 14 times, elsewhere only 
7 times. 

Wj-clif rarely uses the word ; not in any of the places where 
it occurs in AV, his words being 'shrewd,' 'perverted,' or 
' wayward.' But it is found in Dt 211** (1382), ' If a man gete a 
rebel sone, and a fraward (1388 ' overthewert '), that herith not 
the fadres and modres heest' ; and as a various reading in 2 Ti 
S*. The introduction of the word so freely into Pr was made by 
Rogers and Coverdale. Its single occurrence in NT is from 
Tindale, 1 P 21** ' Servauntes obey youre masters with all feare, 
not only yf they be good and courteous ; but also though they 
be frow.irde ' (1526 and 1534). The Gr. is rxeXiif, which means 
tortuous as of a river, and then ethically rwt straiyhtfoncard. 
Here, says Salmond, it means not exactly 'capricious' (as 
Luther), or 'wayward' (as Rhem.), or even ' froward' (as Tind. 
Gov. Rog. Gran. Gen. Bish. AV, RV), but 'harsh' or ' penerse,' 
the disposition that lacks the reasonable and considerate, and 
makes a tortuous use of the lawful. 

The adv. frowardly occurs only Is 57" ' and he 
went on frowardly in the way of his heart ' (Tl^n 
33v^, lit. 'he walked turning away,' as AVm and 
RVm ; Amer. RV ' backsliding '). For the Eng. 
word cf. Knox, Hist. 137, 'Then began she to 
froAvne, and to look frowardly to all such as she 
knew did favour the Gospel of Jesus Christ.' 

Frowardness is used only in Pr 2^* 6" 10^^, n'i3»nei, 
a word which is found only in the plu. and means 
lit. ' turnings about,' i.e. ' lines of action, or modes 
of speech, adopted for the sake of escaping un- 
pleasant realities, or evading the truth, perversions 
of truth or right ' — Driver on Dt 32''* ; see his note. 
The word is ti"'* by the adj. 'froward' in Pr 8^* 
(' the froward mouth,' lit. ' the mouth of evasions ') 
1031 i6'28; by 'very froward' in Dt 32*'; and by 
'froward things' in Pr 2'^ 16^. Cf. Barlowe, 
Dialoge (Lunn's ed. p. 106), 'And no meruell, 
thoughe Saull fared the worse for hys people, 
wher as Moyses the most faythfull seruauute of 
god was partely by their frowardnes debarred 
fro the pleasaunt lande of behest. ' 

J. Hastings. 

FRUIT. — Palestine is always described as a 
fruitful land (Ps 107*», Is 5'). The number of 
' kindly fruits of the earth ' produced here is very 
large. The great diversity of climate makes 
possible the cultivation of plants from almost every 
quarter of the globe. Ihe following list of the 
products of the soil may be taken as an index, not 
exhaustive but illustrative of the capabilities of 
this ' land of promise ' : — Fitches (Is 28-'*- ^), opium 
poppy, mustard, cabbage, cauliilower, turnip, cress, 
radisn, flax, sorrel, rue, vine, Indian fig, jujube, 
lemon, orange, citron, lupine, beans, horsebeans, 
peas, lentils, chickpeas, mfish (Vigna Nilotica, L.), 
carob, strawberry, blackberry, peach, plum, almond, 
apricot, nectarine, apple, quince, medlar, Photinia 
Japonica, hawthorn, pomegranate, myrtle, water- 
melon, cantelope, scjuash, pumpkin, cucumber, 
coriander, dill, fennel, caraway, anise, celery, 
parsley, parsnip, carrot, carthamus (bastard saffron), 




chicory, lettuce, artichokes, potato, tobacco, tomato, 
esrgplant, henbane, nightshade, castor oil, sesame, 
oUve, tijr. sycomore, mulberry, hemp, walnut, edible 

Ce, satfron, banana, dat«, colocasia, maize, wheat, 
ley, sorghum, sugar cane. G. E. PoST. 

FRUIT. — The figurative, and indeed all the 
literal uses of the word ' fruit,' except the primary 
one of the fruit of fruit-bearing trees, are sug- 
gested by the Hebrew idioms, and belong to what 
may be called biblical Enj.'lish. Thus it is used 
of the general products of the earth, Ex 23" ' And 
six years thou shalt sow thy land, and shalt gather 
in the fruits thereof ("wa?, RV 'increase'). It is 
also used of the offspring of animals, including 
man, as Ps 127* 'Lo, children are an heritage 
of the Lord : and the fruit of the womb is his 
reward' ("!?, the common word for 'fruit'). In 
this sense notice La 2"-** ' Shall the women eat their 
fruit, and children of a span long ? ' (n?). 

It has be«n maintained {Ptainu Ckron, Arranged, pp. 150, 
4M9 that 'fruit' in Ps 7218 has this meanine in AY, 'There shall 
be an handfal of com in the eai^ upon ue top of the moon- 
tains ; the fmit thereof shall shake like Lebanon ' (H^X This 
might be true of Wyclifs ti« (1388X 'Sttdefastoease sdial be in 
the erthe, in the higfaeste plaoes of moanteyns; the frurt 
therof schal be eabannsid aboae tbe liban ' ; and more con- 
fidently of Coverdale's, 'There sluJbe an beape of come in the 
earth hye rpon the bdlles, his frute sbal shake like Libanos,' 
though the 'his' probably refers to 'com.' Bat the Geneva 
ti" is ' An handful of come shalbe soWen in tbe earUi, enen in 
tbe top of the mountaiues, and tbe frute thereof shiri shake 
like the trees of Lebanon : aiid the children shal florisb oat of 
the citie like the giaase of the earth,' «-ith the marg. note, 
'Tnder suche a King abalbe moste ^reat plentie, bottie of frute 
and also of tbe increase of mankinde.' And there is little 
doubt that AV followed the Gen. Bible here. 

Whether in the Heb. ' fruit ' refers to the fruit of the earth 
or of the King^s body is another matter. Ewald takes it to 
be the King's offspring, his posterity, as in Ps niO; go also 
Bmgess, 'Let His fruit be abundant, on the top of tiie hilla, 
like (the cedars oO Lebanon,' who compares Ps 9^ and Hos 145. 
Cheyne refers the 'fruit' to the people, 'May abnndance of 
ooni be in the land, upon the top of the moantains may it 
wave ; [and the peoplel--like Lebanon be its fruit.' 

Figuratively four meanings are found : 1. The 
product of effort, as Pr 31*^ ' Give her of the fmit 
of her hands ' {'^?) ; Ro 1" ' I purposed to come 
unto you, (but was let hitherto,) that I might 
have some fmit among you also, even as among 
other Gentiles ' (icapxos). 2. Benefit, profit, Jn 4* 
' And he that reapeth receiveth wages, and gather- 
eth fruit unto life eternal' ()copx6j, cf. Eng. 'har- 
vest,' the same word philologically). Ro 6^ 'What 
fmit had ye then in those things whereof ye are 
now ashamed ? ' ((co/Mr6s). 3. By a strongly idiom- 
atic Heb. phrase, 'The fruit of the lip,' that is, 
praise. Is oV^ ' I create the fruit of the lips ' (aij, 
cf. vb. in Pr 10*^), an idiom that was accepted into 
bibl. Gr., He IS^^ ' By him, therefore, let us oiier 
the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, 
the fruit of our lips giving thanks to Kis name ' 
{KCLpTos from LXX of Hos li-^i, '^? for c^). 4. 
Of moral consequences of action, Is 3^'^ ' the fruit of 
their doings,' cf. Jer 17^" 2F* etc. This differs 
from (1), for it is often undesigned, and from (2), 
for it is often used of punishment. 

J. Hastings. 

FRUSTRATE.— 2 Es 10« 'Forsake me not, lest 
I die frustrate of my hope ' {ut non frustra moriar), 
and Jth 11" 'That my lord be not defeated and 
frustrate of his purpose' (i-rpoKTm). So Hooker, 
Ecd. Politif, I. xi. 4, 'It is an axiom of nature 
that natural desire cannot utterly be frustrate ' ; 
and Knox, Hist. 29, 'King Henry frustrate re- 
turned to London, and after his indignation de- 
clared, began to fortify with men his frontiers 
toward Scotland.' Such past participles, formed 
in imitation of the Latin, are common in Eliza- 
bethan English. Shaks. uses this form still more 
boldly as an adj., TernpeM, ni. iii. 10 — 
' The sea mocks 
Our frustrate search on land.' 

The meaning is 'defeated,' 'baulked.' The same 
sense is found with the infin. in Ezr 4* ' Hired 
counsellors against them to frustrate their pur- 
pose' (T???); and with the finite verb in Is 44» 
'[the Lord] that fmstrateth the tokens of the 
liars' (Tse, Wye. [1382], 'voide makende tocnes 
of deuynoures^ ; Cov. ' I destroy the tokens of 
witches ' ; Del. ' who brings to nought the signs 
of the lying prophets'). And in the same seuse 
RV adds. Job 5^=' ' He frustrateth the devices of 
the crafty' (is?, AV ' He disappointeth '). But in 
Gal 2" the meaning is difierent, ' I do not frus- 
trate the grace of God ' (d^rnS, RV ' make void '), 
».e. not 'baulk,' 'thwart,' or 'disappoint,' but 
'nullify,' 'render inoperative,' 'make of no avail 
or value.' So Elyot, The Govemour, ii. 385, ' To 
suche persones as do contenme auncient histories 
... it may be sayd, that in contemnynge histories 
they frustrate Experience.' 

Goodwin, therefore (Works, L pt. 2, p. 206), miases tbe point 
wfaen he says, * It was God's great design to advance grace, 
and therefore be calls their stepfring aside from the doctrine 
thereof, a frastrating of the grace of God, GaL iL alt, wfaidi 
men do by mingling anytbii^ with it ; it is a frastrating of tbe 
grace of God, because it frustrateth tbe great design of God, 
for to frustrate is to make void a design.' Dr. Gw>-nne {in loe.) 
brings out the meaning thus : ' I do not make void the atoning 
grace of God by tednng to juttiff mtfte^f; for if r^teooanesB 
come by law, then, indeed, Christ died needlessly, and tJke graee 
o/ God it made of none ^i^et.' Tbe <dderTenions are inaccurate 
or inademiate. Wye. 'cast not awn' (after Valg. non abiieioy, 
so Gov. Ebem. ; Tind. 'despyse,' so Bog. Cian. ; Gen. better 
'abrogate'; Bish. 'reject' Augustine is ri^t— turn irritom/acio. 

J. Hastings. 
FRYING-PAK.— See Food. 

FUEL. — The Hebrews indicated fuel by a 
figure as the 'food of fire' (Is 9*- ^^ [Heb. *■>«] 
UK n'yztp, EV ' fuel of fire ' ; Ezk 15*- « 21*- n^rx). 
In ancient as in modem times, wood was no doitbt 
the principal fuel, either in its natural state or 
prepared as charcoal. There is no sufficient evi- 
dence of the use of mineral coal as fuel. With 
regard to the use of wood as fuel, we may assume 
that the variety of woods employed for this 
purpose was as great as it is in "^vria to-day (see 
the list prepared by Post in PUF :Jt, 1891, p. 1 18 ff. ). 
The term ofz (lit. tcoods) is applied equally to the 
' sticks ' or twigs gathered by individuals (Nu 
IS^^, IK 17i">- "), and to the faggots or logs 
prepared by felling and cutting up the trees of 
the forest (Lv !'"• 4"). A few of such trees are 
named in Is 44i*-^. Shrubs of every variety were 
used for the same purpose, such as the rothem 
(COT Ps 120* ' coals of juniper,^ more correctly as 
RVm • coals of broom '), a shrub very largely used 
as fuel by the Arabs of the present day (Palmer, 
Doughty). Reduced to charcoal (see below), the 
rothem (Arab, ritm) is said to throw out an intense 
heat. References to thorns (etc, cyp) as fuel are 
numerous in Scripture ; the 'dtad (ipx Ps 58"* 
[Eng. *]), probably the buck-thorn (see' THORNS 
-\XD Thistles), is mentioned in particular. The 
use of chaff", which includes the chopped straw 
(tibn) from the threshing-floor, is likewise referred 
to (Mt 3^), as also of ^^ithered herbage {x^pros, EV 
' grass ') in general (Mt 6*^, Lk 12^). 

The Hebrews, as we have remarked above, were 
familiar with the advantage, as fuel, of wood in 
the form of charcoal, for such, without doubt, 
was the ' coal ' of Scripture (see COAL). The 
ancient Egyptians, ace. to Wilkinson (ed. 1878, 
ii. 35, 36), used faggots of wood for heating water 
and boiling meat, but preferred charcoal for roast- 
ing. However this may have been among the 
Hebrews, the fuel used for the brasier (nx Jer 
Sff-*"- AV ' hearth,' RV ' brasier ') or chafing-dish 
{VH ii'3 Zee 12^, RV ' pan of fire '), by which the 
houses of the upper classes were warmed in winter, 
was undoubtedly charcoal (cf. Jn 18^ 21'). No 




Buch luxury would be found in the houses of the 
poor, who nad to content themselves with a lire of 
logs or twij^s placed in a depression in the floor of 
the living-room. The smoke from such a hearth 
(perhaps "Tjipto — although tliis word is in our extant 
literature used only of the altar-hearth, Lv 6' 
[Eng. 6"]— mod. Arab, the same) escaped as best 
it could through the door or the latticed window 
(Hos 13', EV ' chimney '). Chimneys in our sense 
were not known, although, by a corruption of the 
text, 2 Es 6* is made to speak of ' the chimneys of 

It is uncertain to what extent the Hebrews were 
familiar with the use of animal dung as fuel. 
This form of fuel, as is well known, is very exten- 
sively used in the East, both by the nomads and 
the fellahin. The dung of the camel is the 
favourite fuel of the Bedawin, while the Syrian 
peasant carefully collects the droppings of his 
cattle, which he uses either in the natural state 
when sufficiently dry, or mixed with straw. From 
the incident recorded in Ezk 4*2'"' we may at least 
infer that this form of fuel was not unknown (see 
esp. v."), although, as the country was more 
extensively wooded then than now, there would 
not be the same necessity as now exists for 
having recourse to it. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

FUGITIYE.— 1. Simply one who flees, as from 
danger or punishment (the modern, as it is also 
the earliest, meaning of the word, after Lat. 
fugitiviia). So Is 15'' ' His fugitives shall flee unto 
Zoar ' (RV ' Her nobles flee unto Zoar,' with • fugi- 
tives' in marg. The reading is doubtful and 
difficult, see the Coram.); Ezk 17^^ 'And all his 
fugitives with all his bands shall fall by the sword ' 
(so RV and Oxf. Heb. Lex., but reading again 
doubtful). 2. A deserter from duty. This sense 
belongs to fugitivus also. So Jg 12^ ' Ye Gileadites 
are fugitives of Ephraim ' ; Gov. 'runnagates.' 
That tnis is the meaning of EV is certain, but 
Moore holds that it is a misinterpretation, the 
Heb. word (o'i?'^9) meaning not ' runagate,' but 
' survivor ' (see his note) ; 2 K 25^^ ' the fugitives 
that fell away to the king of Babylon ' (nyx o'^ESn 
'?y ^h^i, RV ' those that fell away, that fell to the 
king ') ; Jth 16'^ ' as fugitives' children ' (ws iraiSas 
avTonokoivruv, RV ' as runagates' children ') ; 2 Mac 
S*' (the only example of the adj. in AV) ' He 
came like a fugitive servant through the mid- 
land unto Antioch ' (Spavirov rpbtrov, RV ' like a 
fugitive slave'). So Shaks. Ant. and Chop. iv. 
ix. 22— 

' But let the world rank me in register 
A master-leaver, and a fugiti^'e.' 

3. A Wanderer, as Foxe, Act. and Mon., iii. 747, 
•If thou wert an honest Woman, thou wouldest 
not . . . run about the Country like a Fugitive.' 
This is the meaning of Gn 4'*- " ' a fugitive and a 
vagabond' (iji yj, ptcp. of i'» to wander; LXX 
arivuiv koX rp^jjuov [preserving the paronomasia], 
Vulg. vagm et profuqtis; Luther, 'unstiit mid 
flUchtig'; Wye. [1382] 'vagaunt and fer fugitif,' 
[1338] ' unstable of dwellyng and fleynge aboute ' ; 
Gov. ' a vagabunde and a rennagate ' ; Bish. ' a 
fugitive and a vagabond'). Shaks. presents a 
close parallel in / Henry VI. ill. iii. 67— 

' When Talbot hath set footinjir once in France, 
And foshion'd thee tliat instrument of ill, 
Who then but English Henry will be lord, 
And thou be thrust out like a (ugiti\'e?' 

J. Hastings. 
FULLER.— The fuller's art is mentioned in both 
OT and NT only in connexion with himself. In 
the former the fuller's field (2 K 18", Is 7'' 36*) is 
the only word ust-d, and indicated an open field on 
the west of Jems, where cloths were fulled and 
8prea<l out in the sun to dry. The process of 

fulling in those times is unknown to us except 
indirectly, partly from the etymolo^ of the word 
(Djia, yva^evi), and partly from an Egyp. picture. 
It seems to have consisted in woiihing tue material 
with some preparation of lye, beating or rubbing 
it, and exposing it to the rays of tlie sun. This 
ensured a considerable amount of cleaning and 
bleaching ; and the remains of ancient Egyp. linen 
show that the result of the art, rude as it may 
have been, was highly satisfactory. In NT the 
only reference to it (Mk 9^) is wliere the garments 
of Jesus at His transfiguration are said to have 
become 'glistering, exceeding white: so as no 
fuller on earth can whiten them' (RV) ; and this 
description shows that the reader was familiar 
with the fuller's art and its beautifying efiects. 
The dress of Egyp. and Jewish priests was made 
of white linen, and among their higher classes of 
very fine material, whose lustre was enhanced by 
art. Fulling is still carried on in the E., probably 
very much as it was practised in ancient times, 
ancl is often employed before dyeing cloth and 
yarn, to remove impurities and improve the process 
of colouring ; but it is rapidly being superseded 
by the modem mode of bleaching. 

J. Wort A BET. 
FULLER'S FIELD, THE (D3i3 .niip, 6 dyobi yva4>iia^, 
ager fullonis), was the scene of Rabshalceh's inter- 
view with Eliakiiu and others (2 K IS", Is 36^), 
and of that between Ahaz, Isaiah, and his son 
(Is 7'). In each case it is named in connexion 
with the phrase 'conduit of the Upper Pool,' 
which is ' in ' or ' on ' ' the highway of the Fuller's 
Field.' The conduit apparently crossed the high- 
Avay at a point close to the city, as conversation 
carried on there could be heard by the people on 
the walls (2 K 18^). The place canndt now be 
identified with certainty. En-rogel we know was 
a resort of the fullers ; whence probably its name 
was derived. The same is true of Birket Mamilla, 
in the vale west of the city. The former, lying in 
the bottom of the valley S.E., would have been 
difficult of approach, and hearing from the walls 
impossible. The higher aqueduct from Solomon's 
Pools crosses the valley a little above Birket 
Mamilla, and seems to have entered the city close 
by the tower Psaphinus, at the N.W. angle. 
This, however, could hardly be called ' the con- 
duit of the Upper Pool.' From Birket MamUla a 
conduit takes ^^•ater to the Pool of Hezekiah, 
passing under the wall northward of the Jalla gate. 
Birket Mamilla being the ' upper ' of the two 
pools in the valley, there is at least a possibility 
that the Fuller's Field was located here. On the 
N., however, an ancient conduit entered the city 
E. of the Damascus gate. Its course without the 
wall has not been traced. It may have come from 
the large pool some distance out, to the left of the 
NAblfis road. On this side the city was easiest of 
approach ; the land here would perhaps best suit 
the description implied in n^y ' arable land ' ; 
Josephus {BJ V. iv. 2) speaks of ' The Fuller's 
Monument,' at the E. comer of the N. \\a\\ ; and 
Arculf mentions a gat« west of the Damascus gate, 
which at the time of his visit (towards the end of 
the 7th cent.) was called Porta Villa; Fullonis, 
• Gate of the Fuller's Farm ' (cf. Euseb. HE ii. 23). 
These considerations point to the location of the 
Fuller's Field on the N. of the city. But there is 
no evidence to warrant any certain conclu.-.ion. 

\f. EWINQ. 

FULNESS.— See Pleroma. 

FUNERAL.— See Burial. 

FURLONG.— See Weights and Measurks. 

FURNACE.— In OT five words are tr' furnace 




in EV. 1. 1723, a kiln for burning limestone into 
lime, or for smelting ore, chiefly iron. The former 
was constructed of lime-stones arranged in con- 
centric layers in the form of a dome, with an 
opening at the top for the escape of air and 
smoke, and another at the bottom for supplying 
the hollow of the dome with fuel. In this case, 
as well as in furnaces for smelting, great and 
long-continued heat was required, and the com- 
bustion caused a thick and aark column of smoke 
to ascend. It is this appearance that is referred to 
in the account of the destruction of Sodom and 
Gomorrah : ' and, lo, the smoke of the land went 
up as the smoke of a furnace ' (Gn 19^). 2. jwx, 
an Aram, word still in use in Syria (Arab. cUtun) 
for the lime-kiln described above. It occurs only 
in Dn 3, but there repeatedly as the 'furnace' 
into which Shadrach, Aleshach, and Abed-nego 
were cast. 3. ^-hz, Ps 12*, but the text here is 
quite uncertain. (See Cheyne, ad loc. and Expos. 
Times, viii. 170, 287, 336, 379.) 4. Tt3 (Arab. Mr, 
a blacksmith's fireplace), a smelting furnace, for 
iron (Dt 4*», 1 K 8", Jer II*), but especially for 
gold (Pr 17' 27*^), used metaphorically (Is 48^", 
nimace of affliction). 5. "«:?, sometimes tr. 'fur- 
nace ' (Gn 15^"), and sometimes ' oven ' (Lv 26^) — 
the latter being probably the correct tr". The 
Arab, word tannur is still in use on the Lebanon for 
a special kind of oven in which women bake bread. 
A pit is dug in the earth, and a hollow cylinder 
of pottery, about two feet in diameter, is let down 
into it. Fire is kindled at the bottom, and, when 
the smoke subsides and the cylinder is sufficiently 
heated, a thin circular layer of dough, spread out 
on a pad, is deftly stuck to the inner side of the 
cylinder. The calces, which are about a foot in 
diameter, are considered a very good kind of bread. 
The same word in Gr. of "NT (Mt 13*») and in 
Arab. (Kd/ufos, kamtn) means a furnace. In Syria 
the word is still in use for furnaces employed in 
heating public baths, and the heat generated in 
them is very great. J. Woetabet. 

FDRNITUEE.— In Gn 31" it is said that Rachel 
had taken the images (RV ' teraphim') belonging 
to her father, and put them ' in the camel's fur- 
niture.' The Heb. [-^] occurs only here (^|n-c5), 
and designates a basket-shaped {manquin which 
was placed on the camel's saddle, chiefly for carry- 
ing the women. See DiUmann, in loc., who quotes 
Knobel and refers to Burckhardt, Bedouins, iL 
85; W. G. Brown, Travels, 453; Ker Porter, 
Travels, iL 232 ; Jahn, Bibl. Arch. 54 ; see also 
art. Ca3IEL. The Eng. word is apparently original 
to AV. The older En^. VSS were misled by the 
Yulg. stramenta camdi, and Luther's die streu 
der Kamel (mod. edd. die Streu der Kameele), and 
render ' straw ' or ' litter,' though Gen. Bible has 
'saddle' in marg. (Wye. 1382 'the liteiyng of a 
camele,' 1388 ' the strewyngis of the camel '). 
The AV and RV word ' furniture ' is used in the 
general sense of equipment, accoutrement, as in 
Bunyan, Holy War (Ciar. Press ed. p. 112), 
' Wherefore, let it please thee to accept of our 
Palace for thy place of residence, and of the 
Houses of the best men in our Town for the re- 
ception of thy Soldiers and their Furniture.' 

The same word is given in AV 7 times (Ex 
317.8&U.9 35U 39sj^ j^-ah 2») as the tr. of ^2 keli, 
which is usually tr'' ' vessel.' RV prefers ' vessel ' 
in Ex 31^'^ 9 and 35", but gives ' furniture ' as the 
tr. of the same Heb. in Ex 25*, Nu 3« 7^ 2 S 24^ 
(AV all 'instrument'); Ex 40*, Nu !»»» i^^, 
1 Ch 9^ (AV all 'vessel'). 

For an account of the furniture of an Eastern 
house, see House. J. Hastings. 

FURROW — This is the ti^ in AV of the foUow- 

ing Heb. words. 1. t,-« Ps 65" (RV 'ridges'). 
This word, which is most familiar to us in the 
sense of a ' troop ' {e.g. 1 S SO'- ^ ^ and oft.), means 
literally a ' cuttmg,' and (in plur. fern, rhrn^) appears 
in Jer 48" in connexion with cuttings in the flesh 
as a sign of mourning. 2. rr^p or .t;;;- Ps 129*, 
where the word is used metaphorically, 'The 
plowers plowed upon my back, they made long 
their furrows' {cj;n:sp KetMbh, crjip ^ere). The 
only other occurrence of this word is in the obscure 
expression in 1 S 14" .rry TSf Ksp '?r*|, which in tr^ 
in AV 'within as it were an half acre of land 
[which] a yoke [of oxen miofht plow]' ; AVm ' half 
a furrow of an acre of land," RV ' within as it were 
half a furrow's length in an acre of land,' RVm 
'half an acre of land.' There is the strongest 
reason to suspect the originality of MT. LXX has 
«> ^oXUri Kal KirxXa^w rod rediov, and it is not im- 
probable that the Heb. expression originally speci- 
fied the weapons used by Jonathan and his armour- 
bearer, although in that case we have probably 
here a gloss transferred from v.^ (see WeUhausen 
and Driver's notes, ad loe., also Budde in SBOT). 
3. .^?-rj Ezk 17"-'*, where RV rightlv substitutes 
' beds,'" as in Ca 5" 6^ [aU]. i c-ra ^lob 31» 39'*, 
Hos 10* 12". The same word (in plur. ) is tr^ by RV 
' furrows ' in Ps 65^^, where AV has ' ridges.' 5. In 
Hos 10^® theKethibh has cnry, J^eri o^wir 'furrows.' 
Many modem scholars (following LXX, Vulg. and 
Pesh.) would read n^n:i;; ' transgressions.' The pas- 
sage appears to be hopelessly corrupt. AV (text) 
'when they shall bind themselves in their two 
furrows,' is of course meaningless. RV proposes 
' when they are bound to their two transgressions ' ; 
but even this fails to yield a satisfactory sense. 
Probably Nowack is not far wrong in liis con- 
jectural tr" um sie zu ziichtigen tcegen ihrer beiden 
Vergehungen, 'to punish them for both their 
transgressions.' Similarly Guthe (in Kantrsch's 
AT), wetm tie fur ihre zuxi Verschuldungen 
Ziiehtigung empfangen^ 'when they receive 

{mnisfatment for their two transgressions.' The 
atter will be their wrong choice of a king 
and their idolatry, or perhaps the reference may 
be to the two (^ves at Bethel and Dan (see 
Nowack and Wellh. ad loc., and cf. Siegfried- 
Stade, *. pjf). See further tinder AcBlCULxrEE. 

J. A. Selbie. 

FURTHER.— To 'further' in the sense of ' help 
forward' is used of persons in Ezr 8* 'they 
furthered the people, and the house of God ' (?>tf j). 
So Chaucer, Hous of Fame, 202^— 

' And gaf ezpres commaiindement. 
To wbiche 1 am obedient. 
To forthre thee with ad my-mig'bt.' 

Fnrtherance occurs in Ph 1"^ ** as tr. of ■KpoKo■rf^, 
which in 1 Ti 4^', its only other occurrence, is tr^ 
'profiting.' RV gives 'progress' in all. On the 
other hand RV introduces ' furtherance ' into Ph 
1* 2"- to express the force of etj with the ace. («'i 
rh fuayyeXtor, ' in furtherance of the gospel,' AV 
' in the gospel '). Cf. Healey (1610), St. Aug. Citie 
of God, I. xL 19, ' The pompes of the funeralls are 
rather solaces to the living then furtherances to 
the dead.' 

FURY.— The Heb. word non him&h, which is 
once (Est 1") tr^ ' anger,' and often ' wrath,' is 
66 (»t=.T of Dn 11** and Aram, icq, Kcg of 3^ " 
make 69) times tr^ ' fury.' Of these occurrences 
61 refer to God, and then Amer. RV prefers 
' wrath.' except in Is 42"-* 66^ ' fierceness.' Fuiy 
is also the tr. in AV of inn Mr&n in Job 2i5=' ; RV 
' fierceness,' as the word is a few times tr* in AV. 
In the Apocr. ' fury ' occurs as the tr. of dvft&t 
Sir 1-* 45i« 48"», Bar 1" (RV always ' wrath ') ; of 
dvitoi Wis 7* (AV 'furies,' RV " ^ ragings ') 10», 
2 Mac 4» (both AV ' fury,' RV • rage ') ; and of 




iXdarup 2 Mac 7' ' And when he Avas at the last 
gasp, he said, Thou like a fury takest us out of 
this present life ' (2i> h4p, Hkiarup ; the only occur- 
rence of the word in biblical Greek, though it is 

found also in 4 Mac 9»* 11*» 18»» ; RV ' Thou, mis- 
creant'). See Anger. J. Hastings. 

FUTURE.— See E.scHAT0L0Oy. 


GAAL ("jyj.acc. to Wellh. Isr. u.jud. Geschichtc, 
u. 26 = 'beetle,' cf. Arab, ja'ul; see Gray, Hebr. 
Prop. Names, p. 110), Jg 9»-*» son of Ebedlnjj^, LXX, 
A'A|8f5, B 'Iil>^i]\, prob. error for 'Iwi37)3, Obed njiy ; 
cf. LXX I Ch ^ IV 26^ 2Ch 23'. Less prob. 
'Iw,37jX, i.e. '?3r = '?v=T 'J" is Baal,' altered to Ebed 
to avoid offence). — Gaal, apparently a Canaanite 
and a new-comer to Shecheni, was the ringleader 
of a revolt against Abinielech, son of Gideon. He 
first ingratiated himself with the Shecheinites, and 
then adroitly seized the occasion of the popular 
vintaye-festival to incite them to revolt and make 
himself their leader. Zebul, Abimelech's ollicer 
in Shechem, heard of the plot, and sent a Avarning 
to his chief. Following Zeoul's advice, Abimelech 
marched against the town and surrounded it with 
ambuscades under cover of night. Gaal, from the 
entrance of the gate, noticed the approach of 
Abimeleohs men, and pointed them out to Zebul, 
who replied first with an ironical answer and then 
witli an open taunt, bidding him go forth and tight 
with them. In the battle which followed, Abime- 
lecli completely defeated the rebels, and Zebul 
drove out Gaal and his brethren from the city. The 
context suggests that the revolt was one of ' native 
Shechemites against the half-Israelite Abimelech ' 
(Moore). (Jaal poses as their champion. It is by 
no means clear that Gaal was an Israelite, and that 
his object was to rouse the Israelite population 
against the Shechemite ruler. W. R. Smith, 'Th. T. 
XX. 1886. p. 195 tr., would place v.^ after v.^^. ^nd 
Budde, Jiicht. u. Sam. p. 118, after v.'-'*. But no 
transposition is needed. In v.'* read with LXX njy: 
for nny ' Do not the son of Jerubbaal and Zebul 
. . . make slaves of the men of Hamor ? ' Another 
simple alteration is naj; (perf.) proposed by Moore, 
'Were not . . . subject to Hamor?' V.--' for ncK'i 
read -cki 'and I would say.' V.^^ for ns-in? 
' deceitfully '(?) read ic"]k? 'in Arumah,' cf. v.*'. 
C'ly can iiardly be right : Stade suggests cjn 
D-typ ; but the text is doubtful. See further under 
Abimelech. G. A. Cooke. 

GAASH (w'i'i). — A mountain in Ephraim, S. of 
Timnath-serah or Timnath-heres (wh. see), Jos 24^", 
Jg 2**. The torrent-valleys (D'^n^) of G. are men- 
tioned in 2 S 23=«' = lCh IP-'. 

GABAEL (B Va^a-qX, A raMaiJX).— 1. A distant 
ancestor of Tobit (To V). 2. A friend and kinsman 
of Tobit, residing at Rages in Media. To him 
Tobit, when purveyor to the king of Assyria, once 
entrusted, as a deposit, 10 talents of silver (Vulg. 
only : ' lent it under a lx>nd, because G. was needy ), 
To 1". For years the money was not claimed. 
The reason for this is given with great variety in 
the VSS (1"). When, however, blindness and 
poverty came on Tobit in Nineveh, he recollected, 
after prayer, the lontr-forgotten treasure (To 4^), 
and wislied his son Tobias to fetch it (4-'^). Tobias 
found a guide, Rai)hael in disguise, who said he 
had lodged with G. (To 5*). When Tobias married 
Sarah in Ediatana he sent Raphael for the deposit 
({y). G. welcome<l him, and brought forth tiie 
bags with seals unbroken, returning with Raphael 
to the wedding feast. All the VSS, except B and 
Heb. of Fagius, tell of a liearty blessing which G. 

gave the bridegroom when he met him (9*^). Instead 
of tliis, B (so EV) says, ' Tobias blessed his wife,' 
and Heb. Fag. 'Tobias was blessed still more, 
with Sarah his wife.' 

Heb. Fag. the form •?«'?!?, except in ch. 10, 
where we have 'yxn:, as always in Munster's Heb. 
Itala preserves the form most accurately, ' Gabahel,' 
•jKnj^zr ' God is high.' J. T. Mar.shall. 

GABATHA (Tardea). — One of two eunuchs 
whose plot against Artaxerxes (the Ahasuerus, 
i.e. Xerxes of canonical Est) was discovered 
and frustrated by Mardocheus (Mordecai), Ad. 
Est 12*. In Est 2-1 he is called BiGTUAN and 

in 6''^ BlGTIIANA. 

GABBAI ('3?, cf. Talm, '?3 'tax-gatherer').— A 
Benjamite (Neh 11"), but text doubtful (see Smend, 
Listen, p. 7). 

GABBATHA occurs only in Jn 19'» 'And he 

[Pilate] brought Jesus out and sat down (iKddifftv, 
not — according to Justin, Apul. i. 35, and the Gos- 

{tel of Peter, iKdOicrav avrbv dvi Kadeopav Kplffewi — ' set 
lim ') on the judgment-seat at a place called tlie 
Pavement (AiOdarpusTov), but in Hebrew Gabbatha' 
('EiSpalffrt Si Tap^aOd). 

The passage oilers serious philological and topo- 
graphical diiiiculties. 

(a) AidSarpuTov is clearly ' pavement,' especially 
of mosaic work {tessellatum) ; cf. in the OT, 
1«, Ca 31", 2 Ch P, but especially Aristeas (ed. 
Schmidt, p. 30, 3), where on the temple of Jeru- 
salem it is said : TA 5^ irdv i5a<f>os Xidoarpurrov 

{b) This particular Pavement was called in 
HebreAv ' Gabbatha. ' It is not necessary or pos- 
sible, though it is generally attempted, to seek in 
Gabbatha the exact equivalent of the appellativum 
XidSarpurrov (Onomnstica sacra, ed. Lag. 189, 87. 
202, 62, Ta^^aedi. XidlxxTpurov). 

(c) The Greek MSS offer scarcely any variety ; 
some uncials have Ta^ada. ; so also tne Harclen.sian 
VS in the edition of White ; but according to Bar- 
hebrteus it had KnxnsNa ; a few minuscules have 
'Ka.ircpada. Interesting in this connexion is the 
spelling of the Peshitta, unE-SJ, with the remark 
of Barhebrseus, that the i is to be pronounced 
hard like a and the s both times soft (cf. Duval, 
Or. Syr. p. 30); the Cureton and Lewis MSS are 
unhappily defective, but the Arabic Tatian has 

Uij^ii AV//(/"(!(i (thus cod. A, the text of Ciasea 

Ixxx^ ; in the translation Ciasea and Hogg re- 
tained Gabbatha). The Evangeliarium Hiero- 
solymitanum shows wni':, but codex C (in the 
forthcoming edition of Mrs. LeAvis) Kn33. On the 
deformations of the word in the MSS of the Latin 
Bible, see Wordsworth - White. The confusion 
with Golgotha (first hand of cod. Sinaiticus) is 
found elsewhere (Oliverus, Descriptio terrce sanctce, 
p. 20, 9, codd. I)X Golgatha, U Grabata). 

In this state of the evidence it is safest to pre- 
suppose an Aramaic ko??, as st. emph. of a feminine 
noun k;3 from the root 32J. But the origin ami 
meaning of »n3J is disputed. 

1. In Mt 28" we find xnaj in the Evang. Hier. 




ioxTpi^Xiop ; cf. YXhio^ic gab{b)atd=patdla, Dillm. 
Lex. 1168, and Latin gaoata. Martial, 7. 47, 11. 3. 
Schwally (IdioHcon) identified this with our Gab- 
batba. But this xr.zi seems to be a dialectic form 
of Kr53 (fern, of "p), Thesaur. Syr. 1791 ; cf. k^ib^ 
and Kr2?3, ib. 766, 1792. 

2. Neither can it be=K093 (uns'a) ' yault,' Ka/iipcL, 
i^iSpa, \f^a\is (Vogu6, Jnscr. Simit. i. p. 50, n. 70, 
ib. n. 50 ; Targ. Jer. xx. 2, 3, Naz. 56*), because of 
the vowel t in the first syllable, though the mean- 
ing would be very appropriate : an arch, niche, or 
cuiKjIa. under which the tribunal was placed on 
a mosaic pavement. 

3. Generally it is derived from 24 ' back ' ; but 
neither for the form nor for the meaning (Anhohe, 
' height ' ; Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl. Aravi. p. 
10) can examples be given. In the OT we have 
pnjs ; in the Mishna the plural ni2| ; for ttzz^i Targ. 
Ps 6S^*, Lagarde printed Joau; Levy, p. 1^, 
has x:i-: ; Gesen. r. 98, 96* we have "vim jkkiti 
a"v, ; more frequent is xnaan, Dalman, Gr. des 
Aram. % 25. i. ^, where also an example of spelling 
with £5 is given. 

4. Others thought of the root P2J, i.e. of an 
Aramaized *Kny3a 'hill' (comp. .i|?'=rrj2P, n-p if 
= *n';za). (The roots zi, s;:, and ^^z are closely allied ; 

cf. further ]u Lv 21^ =\2l.a^2iCi ; ( '^ \ g^O is ex- 
plained cavema by Barsalibi ; |XvSl.k^lD (5r^^> 
spelunca fomicata, Julian, ed. Hotiin. 139. 21). 
The exact form and meaning must therefore be 
left in suspense. 

{d) Xo place called Ai96<rrpbrrov or Gabbatha is 
mentioned by Josephus, or in any other known 
source besides the isT. But frequently we hear of 
a place called n"3 (=^tKrris), especially of the n3?*S 
.Tijri ' the hall of hewn quaders,' where the Saii- 
hedriu assembled (Schiirer, ffJP n. i 190). It 
has been attempted to identify these two places. 
Tradition seeks Gabbatha near the so - called 
' Ecce homo Arch.' Compare the articles Jeru- 
salem, Pilate, Prjetokium, TE>rPLE. For the 
sitting of the judge on the sella, see Schiirer, 
I. ii. 15 n. 8, and the literature there quoted, 
especially Josephus, Ani. XVHL iv. 6, where 
Philippus is praised : rmi Opitrov eh 3r Kpifeie Kaffe- 
j^Ofievos if Ttttj oSaiis i-ro/iivov . . . iK rov 6|f 05 ISpixrecji 
rod dpovov g icai T&xpt, yerofierr/i Kade^Sfitroi r^KpoaTo. 

Eb Nestle. 
GABBE L\ Ti^^-n, B Kd^^ij ; AV Gabdes), 1 Es 

5-^.— In Ezr 2* Geba. 

GABRIAS (B Fo^/Mos, k Ta^peL, indecl. Greek 
forms of '^?> [Aram. 'l?s], shortened form of ^xnaj 
' man of Gkvd ' ; omitting, as was customary, the 
name of the deity. Syr. and Heb. Fagii preserve 
the complete form). — Ace. to To 1" Gabrias was 
the brotlier of the Gabael to whom Tobit entrusted 
10 talents of silver. In To 4^ the Gr. reads 
Ta^ii\(fi T^ ToS Ta^pia, K Taipei, which AV and 
RV render ' the son of Gabrias,' thereby introducing 
an apparent contradiction, probably gratuitously. 
Compare 'loi/Sas 'Iokw^ov, Ac 1^, with Jude ^. 

J. T. Marshall. 

GABRIEL {'yir-e^, in LXX and NT Ta^ptv\, vir 
Dei, ' man of God ') appears in both OT and NT. 
In Dn 8^*" G. is the ' man ' who interprets Daniel's 
vision of the ram and the he-goat ; in 9^- he ex- 
plains to Daniel Jeremiah's prophecy about the 70 
years (Jer 25" 29") as 70 weeks of years, and 
amplilies details. In NT G. is named by Lk 
alone ; he foretells the birth of John to Zacharias 
(1^^), and acts as the angel of Annunciation to 
Mary (l^j. Diflerent in some ways as the later is 
from the earlier presentation, yet both can be 

* Luther, who had at first traoslated PjUuter (PavementX 
seems to have thoogfat <A the root R-3 ' to he hig^' ance he 
coined the word HoehpJUuter (High-pavement). 

easily united as parts, not only of one cliaracter, 
but even of one aspect of it, viz. that of bearing 
divine sympathy and comforting promise to those 
in need. These appearances are quite in accord- 
ance with the notion of G.'s character afforded by 
the later and more developed Jewish angelology. 
The developed angelolo»y of Dn is indeed used as 
an argument for the later date of that book 
(Driver, LOT* p. 508). If the 'one like the 
appearance of a man' (Dn lO"*) be G., as would 
appear from the fact that his message resembles, 
even in its words, that of G. in 8 and 9, then G. is 
a companion of ^lichael, and both are members 
of a class, the 'princes' or guardian-angels of the 
nations. In Enoch 9, G. is one of four great arch- 
angels ; but, comparing this with Lk 1" and other 
references, he is one of seven (Rev 8*) who present 
the prayers of the saints and go in and out before 
God (To 12>*). The Targums add G. as a gloss to 
other parts of Scripture ; according to pseudo- 
Jonathan, the ' man ' who showed Joseph tlie way 
towards his brethren (Gn 37'*) was G. ; again, with 
Michael and others G. takes part in the burial of 
Moses (Dt 34*); G. is also the angel whom the 
Lord sent to destroy the host of Sennacherib 
(2 Ch 32'^'). About the name Gabriel there is 
nothing distinctive, but it was probably a proper 
name from its first use : the personality, however, 
is very definite. Assuming that the supra-natural 
beings of the earlier books of the Bible are either 
the shriveUed-up descendants of the nature-spirits 
of primitive Semitic superstition (o'rjSit) or sub- 
ordinate personal beings fully representing God 
at a defimte time and place (c':x?5) (Schultz, OT 
Theol. iL 215 f. ; W. R. Smith. Ency. Brit.^ art. 
'Angel'), it is clear that G. belongs to the latter 
rather than the former. Nor has his connexion 
with, far less his derivation from, any of the seven 
Amshaspends of Zoroastrianism, the seven Baby- 
lonian planets, or the seven councillors at the 
Persian court (Ezr 7"), been made out. He is the 
messenger of J": a characteristic Jewish idea, 
though the number of the archangels — seven — 
may have been derived from foreign sources. We 
possess but little description of the special form 
under which he present^ himself ; to Daniel he is 
simply 'the man G.,' though an elaborate and 
striKing picttire is drawn of the ' man ' (G. ?) in 
Dn 10*-*. St. Luke is equally reticent, but calm- 
ness and sublimity are added : * I am G. that stand 
in the presence of' God.' In Dn 9*' G. is ' caused 
to fly swiftly,' but the passage is not clear ; RVm 
' sore wearied ' seems somewhat inept ; * gleaming 
in splendour' (Schultz, OT Theol. li. 226 n. 2) is 
more likely, though it proposes an emendation of 
the original. 

G. appropriates to himself the function of reveal- 
ing Gk)d. He brings the di^-ine into the phenomenal 
world. In this he is contrasted with ilichael, who 
fights for God and the chosen people. Yet in G.'s 
character there is also a stem element. Mohammed 
asserts him to have been the revealer of the Koran, 
— probably in opposition to the later Jews, whose 
pnnce was Michael, — but Mohammed also repre- 
sents G. as fighting for him, e.g. at the head of 
3000 angels a^inst the idolatrous Meccans. But, 
comparing Lk 1*» (also perhaps Dn 10>»-»-*^) with 
this, we see that these sterner aspects were not 
wanting even in the Jewish conception of (Jabriel. 

A- Grieve. 
GAD. — Gad is another form of goad, and the 
gadfly (so correctly RVm for xi?, in Jer 46* ; AV, 
RV ' destruction') is the goad-fly, the fly that stings. 
Hence the favourite derivation for the verb to ' gad ' 
(though it is not very certain) is to rush about 
like animals stung by the gadfly. Perhaps bettei 
and more simply (after Skeat), to drive about 
(which was the orig. sense), goad; then rush 





about as goaded. Of. Dryden, Virgil's Georgics, 
iii. — 

' their Btinfrs draw blood 
And drive the cattle g^adilint; through the wood.' 

Bacon expresses the usual mcanin*' of the word 
clearly in Essays 'Of Envy' (Gold, Treas. ed. 
p. 30, 1. 21)— 'For Envy is a Gadding Passion, 
and walketh the Streets, and doth not keepe 
home.' With which cf. T. Adams, // Peter (on 1*), 
' Man's knowledge should not be a gadding harlot, 
whose feet cannot keep within doors ; but a ^ood 
housewife to stay at home.' In AV we fand, 
Jer 2*" ' Why gaddest thou about so much to 
chance thy way?' ('^in-'i5, lit. 'why goest thou?' 
mostly poetic in Heb., but in Aram, the usual 
word "for ' to go away ') ; Sir 25^ ' Give the water 
no passage; neither "a wicked woman liberty to 
gad abroad' (after Vulg. veniam prodeundi, wliich 
again follows the reading ira^f>r]fflav i^68ov ; B has 
simply i^ova-lav ; kA vappijalav, whence IIV ' free- 
dom of speech '). 

Gadder occurs Sir 26"* ' A diunken woman and 
a gadder abroad causeth gieat anger' (after the 
reading koI ^e/ij3<lj, but not Vulg., which has no 
corresp. words, but to the Gr. [<5/ry7j fiey&XTj ywi] 
/UOvffos] adds et contumelia ; RV follows Gr. ' A 
drunken woman canscth great wrath '). Cf. Graf- 
ton, King John, An. 13, 'In the mean while the 
priestes within England had prouided them a false 
and counterfeated prophet called Peter Wakefielde, 
a Yorkshireman, who was a hermite, an idle 
gadder about, and a pratlyng marchant.' 

J. Hastings. 

GAD (n?, Sat/xdviov, dal/iuv; Fortuna; also, probably, 
13, Tvxv)- — Properly, the word should be used with 
the article 15? 'the gad,' i.e. 'the (god of) good 
luck ' ; that being the meaning of the word, which 
is apparently the same as nj gad, ' fortune,' Arab. 
jada, Aram. K73 gaddd, Syr. gadd. Gad was, 
therefore, originally an appellative, and its use 
as a divine name is due to its meaning. Examples 
of its appellative use are mi en ' the unlucky ' 
(Buxtorf, 387) ; Knjnj ' the fortime of Athe ' (de 
"Vogii6, Palm. 143) ; noynj and imyj, etc., in 
Carthag. inscriptions. "The god Gad as Ti^xi?, 
' Fortune,' seems to illustrate the origin of tlie 
Old Pers. word for *God,' baga* which may be 
traced back to the Sanskrit bhaga, ' fortune,' and 
Baethgen quotes in this connexion the Syr. phrase 
'I swear by the Fortune (h-ii) of the king' (P. 
Stnith, S.V.), ' fortune ' becoming thus a protective 
divinity, to whom temples were built and statues 
erected. The worship of this divinity became 
greatly extended in ancient times, and numerous 
Gr. inscriptions in the Hauran give the Gr. 
equivalent word (Tvxv), the identity of which with 
Gad, notwithstanding the difference of gender 
(Gad being masc, Tyche fem.), does not admit of 
doubt. A trace of the Syr. worship of Gad is 
regarded as being indicated by the exclamation 
of Leah when Zilpah, her maid, bore Jacob a son 
(Gn 30"). The expression used is tii, which is 
translated in AV (following the J^^rS, 1: n? ba gad) 
' a troop Cometh,' or ' fortune is come!' If, how- 
ever, tlie Kcthibh be followed (witli i)ointing n:? 
begad), the word may bo translated ' with Gad *t (in 
RV • fortunate,' m. ' with fortune '), a rendering 
favoured by many scliolars. As the name of 
Gad is not met with in Bab. literature, it would 
seem to have been a native Can. -svord, retained 
by the Israelites in consequence of the tendency to 
polytheism which existed among them as late as 
the time of the Bab. captivity, whon thoy 'pre- 

• Also the PhiTgian name of Zeus, BayaU.-. 
t The Tarp. of the pseudo-Jonathan and tliat of .1 inis. both road 
' ahicky planet cometh.' (Cf. also BaU's note, ad loc. , in Haupt's 

pared a table for Fortune [is?],' and filled up 
'mingled wine unto Destiny [v??]' (Is 65" RV), 
as did also the Babylonians and Assyrians for 
their gods (cf. Bel», also Jer 51*^).* By the 
astrologers Gad was identified with the planet 
Jupiter, called by the Arabs 'Great Fortuna,' 
and the question naturally arises whether tlio 
Assyrian Manu rabil,-\- 'great Manu,' identified 
by Lenormant with Meni or ' Destiny,' may not 
in reality be identical with Gad, Meni being, with 
the Arabs, 'Lesser Fortuna.' The Assj'rians also 
worshipped a god named ^ibf-dnnki, :;: a name 
meaning 'Bespeak thou my good fortune,' >vith 
whom Gad may also have been identified. The 
identification or Gad with the star of good fortune 
(pi^f 33i3 kokab zedek), the planet Juinter, is 
regarded as being of late date. 

Further testimony to tlie worship of Gad in 
Canaan is to be found in tlie place-names Baal-gad 
(Jos II" 12^ 13'), where Baal was worshipped as god 
of fortune, and Migdal-gad (Jos 15*^), ' the tower of 
Gad.' The Hebrews also were so accustomed to 
regard the worship of Gad as a natural thin", that 
the words addressed by J^sau to Isaac his father, 
• let my father arise ' (Gn 27^*). are explained in 
Bereshith Babba, p. 65, as an invocation to Gada 
or Fortune. 

LiTERATCRE.— Dillm., Del., and G. A. Smith on Is 66II, Del. on 
Gn 3011 J Lenormant, Chaidcean Magic, p. 120 ; Baethgen, Deitr. 
z. Semit. Rel. 76 ff. ; Noldeke in ZDMO (1888), p. 479 ff. ; Siegfried 
in Jahrb. f. jnot. Theol. (1875), pp. 356-367. 

T. G. Pinches. 

GAD (nj, rdS). — Son of Jacob by his concubine 
Zilpah, Leah's slave-girl. Gn 30" RV, ' Leah said, 
Fortunate ! and she called his name Gad,' follows 
the LXX, elTrev Aeia, 'Ep t&xx, and Vulg. Dixit 
feliciter. Field mentions the Greek rendering, 
eiiTvxvKa, 'I have had good fortune,' reading ij| 
or n33. Perhaps we should tr. ' W^ith the help of 
Gad' (Ball, Sacred Books of OT). Dillm. has 
' Gliickskind.' So Kethlbh ; the I^cre, punctuating 
differently, has n: n? 'Gad or Fortune comes.' So 
Symm. (fiXOev Tdd) Onk. and Syr. Aq. has ^Xdfv 
ei)fwifa (' well-living'), which Field, on the autliority 
of Jerome, etc., corrects to ev^wvia ('the being well- 
girded'). The view taken by these authorities 
suggests that Gad here is either the divine name 
found in Is 65" (see preceding art.), or is connected 
with that name. The AV 'a troop cometh' 
treats na as equivalent to inj, probably on account 
of Gn 49^'', which, however, is rather a play upon 
words than a serious etymology. Similar trans- 
lations are given by the Sam. Version (Dillm.) 
and the Gr.-Ven. ^/cet arpdrevjMa, 

W. H. Bennett. 

GAD (Tribe) ; for Name, see preceding article. 

i. Eaely History.— The relation of Gad to 
the other tribes is indicated genealogically by the 
statement, Gn 30" (J), 35-* (P), th;it (^ad and 
Asher were the sons of Zilpah, liachel's slave, i.e. 
probably, that Gad and Asher were closely con- 
nected, and either occupied a secondary position 
in, or were late accessions to, Israel. Tiie separa- 
tion of the Palestinian territories of tlie t^^ o tribes 
shows that this statement refers to a period before 
the completion of the conquest of Canaan. It is 
noteworthy that the names (^ad and possibly also 
Asher are connected with the names of Semitic 
deities. P (Gn 46^", Nu 20""") enumerates the sons 
or families of Gad, and states (Nu 1" 2" 7*=* lO^* 13") 
that, at the Exodus, the prince of Gad was Eliasaph 

* These lectisternia or tables for the gods are also referred to 
in connexion witl> ' the queen of heaven ' in Jer 718. 

t WAI III. pi. OC. oil'. 1. 2 c. 

i lb. obv. aOc, rev. 29f., the latter passage reading ' Kibi-dunki 
of Assur (and) Istar (or, of the god and goddess) of .Suti ' (prob- 
ably the people Suti transported b\' Kadiimati-Munii 'from 
east to west,' i,e. to Amurri or Phoenicia). Kibi-dunki is 
probably the same as the deitj' Iljbi-dunki, who is descril)c<l as 
mtiiirib dnmdti, ' the dispenser of favours.' 




ben-Deael (or Reael), and that the Gadite amongst 
the twelve spies was Geuel ben-Machi. Bachanan 
Gray (Ileb. Proper Names, 205) considers Eliasaph 
pre-exilic ; bat places Deuel and Geuel in a list of 
which he savs, 'The probability appears to me 
great that t^e following seventeen are of late 
origin, and, probably, also of artificial character' 
(p. -210). P also teUs us that Gad numbered 
4o,6o0 at the first census (Nu 1* 2"), and at the 
second 40,500 {MT Nu 2Q^), or 44,500 (LXX Nu 
26") ; and that Gad marched in the wilderness in 
the 'Camp of Reuben' with Reuben and Simeon 
on the south side of Israel (Nn 2^*-"). In Nu 1*-" 
Gad occupies the eleventh place, beween Asher 
and Naphtali ; in 1« MT and 26" MT, the third 
place after Reuben and Simeon, but in the cor- 
responding 1^ LXX, the ninth place, between 
Benjamin and Dan, and in 26*^ LXX, the sixth 
place, between Zebulun and Asher. In Nu 2" 
7** Gad occupies the sixth place, also after Reuben 
and Simeon. 

ii. The Cokquest.— In Nu 32 Reuben and Gad 
receive E. Palestine from Moses on condition of 
aiding in the conquest of W. Palestine. Although 
this chapter owes its present form to P, the main 

the Amon, and possibly farther north. Nu 32"* * 
(JE) assigns to Reuben, Heshbon, Elealeh, Kiria- 
thaim, Nebo, and Baal-meon — cities lying in a 
district about midway between the Jabbok and 
the Amon. This suggests that Reuben held an 
enclave in the territory of Gad. See Map, in which 
the names of the above Reubenite cities are printed 
in italics. (6) Jos 13. Though this chapter comes 
to us from P, it is probably bt^ed on earlier sources. 
P knows less about the E.'than about the W. tribes, 
and this ch. is obscure and self -contradictory; but it 
clearly locates Gad north of a line drawn from the 
north end of the Dead Sea, a little to the N. of 
Heshbon, and places Reuben south of the same 
line. This chapter is followed in the ordinary 
maps of Palestine. 

As to the northern boundary of Gad, the state- 
ments as to the division of Gilead between Gad 
and £. Manasseh are contradictory ; and the term 
Gilead was probably very elastic. The data are 
too obscure to determine any clear boundary 
between Gad and E. Manasseh, even as represent- 
i ing anv single account. In Nu 32® (P?) Moses 
' gives tlie land of Gilead to Gad and Reuben ; in 
Nu 32» (JE), Dt 31*, GUead belongs to Machir 

facts were probably contained in J or £ or both ; 
but the references to ' half Manasseh ' are editorial 
additions to the original narrative. Similar state- 
ments are made in Dt S'*-" 29^. Jos I2« (D^) 13*-« 
(D* P). Further, Jos l^-^ 41* (D*) teU us that 
Reuben and Gad fulfilled their promise, and Jos 
22i-« (1)2) that thev afterwards returned home. 

Jos 22*-" tells liow Reuben and Gad on their 
return erected a great altar by the Jordan — it is 
not clear on which side ; how the other tribes 
supposed it to be a schismatic altar and prepared 
for war, but were appeased on learning that it 
had been erected as a token of the unity of Reuben 
and Gad with the other tribes (see Ed). The 
narrative as it stands is one of the latest additions 
to P ; but it seems to be based on JE, though it 
has been so entirely reconstructed by a late editor 
that we cannot recover the original story. Here 
again the references to ' half Manasseh' are editorial 

iii. The Territory of Gad.— Besides minor 
references, we have two main accoiints of the 
territory : (a) Nu 32**-» (JE) assigns to Gad Beth- ' 
haran, Beth-nimrah, Dibon, Jogbehah, Jazer, • 
Ataroth, Atroth-shophan, and Aiwr, cities scat- ; 
tered over the district between the Jabbok and j 

ben-Manasseh ; in Dt 3^ Moses gives half Mt. 
Gilead to Reuben and Gad ; while in Dt 3" 
Reuben and Gad receive 'from Gilead.' Ap- 
parently in Jg 5" Gilead = Gad. In Jos 13^ « (P) 
G. has aU the cities of Gilead, and Machir ben- 
Manasseh has half Gilead. In the list of Levitical 
cities in Jos 21»-» (P), 1 Ch 6»-« Heshbon, 
which is given to Reuben in Jos 13", is reckoned 
as belonging to Gad. Ramoth-gilead is given to 
Gad ia Jos 208 (p) 2138.38 (P)^ jyt i^, lCh6»n 
See Table, p. 78. 

iv. History after the Conquest. — ^First we 
may notice the general relation of Gad to the 
other eastern tribes. Apparently, the strength 
of Reuben was broken at some early date (see 
Reucek), and this tribe became dependent on 
Gad, much as Simeon on Judah. Hence the 
situation in JE, in which Reuben occupies a 
group of cities in the territory of Gad. P's 
arrangement in Jos 13 is probably a conjectural 
restoration, after Reuben and Gad had disappeared, 
embodying the generjJ idea that Reuben lay to 
the south of Gad. Further, P's idea in Jos of the 
close early confederation of Reuben and Gad with 
E. Manasseh is also late. It is doubtful whether 
the eastern settlement of Manasseh was made 




before Israel crossed the Jordan, or later by 
Manassite clans, who recrossed the river from 
the West (cf. Manasseh). But, in any case, the 
interests of Gad and E. Manasseh were separate 
and often conflicting ; and the contratfictorv 
statements, some of which assi^ Gilead to Gad, 
while others make Gilead a clan of Manasseh, 
probably indicate that at an early date Gad (with 
its dependent Reuben) was practically Israel cast of 
the Jordan, and that clans of Manasseh afterwards 
encroached upon Gad's territory and occupied part 
of Gilead. According to Jg 6" neither Gad nor 
Reuben liad any share in the victory over Sisera. 
Gad must have been involved in the Ammonite 
invasion, the deliverance by Jephthah, and the 
quarrel with Epliraim in Jg 11. 12. 'Gileadite,' 
used of Jephthah and his followers, may ecjual 
'Gadite.'or be a general term for 'E. Israelite.' 
The genealogies, if pressed, make Jephthah a 
member of E. Manasseh ; Jg 12* may perhaps 
suggest that his followers belonged to clans of 
Ephraim and Manasseh, which had migrated to 
the east of Jordan ; but the verse is corrupt and 
obscure, cf. 11^. In any case, this Ammonite war 
illustrates the l>order raids and more serious in- 
vasions to which Gad, in common with Reuben 
and E. Manasseh, was exposed throughout the 

country into twelve districts, ' which provided 
victuals for the king and his household.' The 
description of the districts is vague and obscure, 
but it is clear that they do not coincide with 
tribal territories ; and it is sometimes held that 
this new arrangement marks the close of the old 
tribal system. But Gad at any rate, having by 
this time absorlwd Reuben, stood for S.E. Pales- 
tine, and continued to do so ; see below on Moabite 

At the disruption Gad fell to the N. kingdom ; 
and Penuel, apparently Jeroboam's capital (IK 
12'-"), probably lay within its territory. Jerolwam's 
interest in the district would add to its prosperity, 
but tend to abolish distinct tribal organization, and 
to merge E. Palestine in the N. kingdom. Prob- 
ably, as the Moabite Stone speaks of cities taken 
from Moab by Omri, Moab recovered its inde- 
pendence at or soon after the disruption. Such 
recovery of Moab may have been chiefly at the 
expense of Reuben ; out Gad also must have 
suffered through the gains of Moab, and profited 
by the conquests of Omri. Elijah, and probably 
(G. A. Smith, Hist. Geoff, p. 580) the brook Cherith, 
are of Gile.'id, i.e. probably Gad. 

In the long wars between Israel and Aram, E. 
Palestine was the battle-ground, and the brunt 


Absioxed to 








Jos 13 


Jos 208. 

Jos 21 








Dibon . 



Jos 1317 




cf. Nu 2130. 





•Taken from Gad. 







Atroth-shophan . 



» Zap)iou. 








Beth-nimrah . 



d Waters of Nim- 

Betb-haran . 














■• { 

Jos 1317 

l 15* 


•• -1 

cf. Nu 2130 and 
Jer 48.!. 

Mahanaim . 


''from' H. &M. 

history. Such a situation. Gad raided and raid- 
ing, but more than holding its own, is well 
described in Gn 49'", the blessing of Jacob (J from 
older source) — 

' Gad, the raiders shall raid him. 
But he shall raid upon their heel.' 

In Jg 20. 21 (late post-ex. Midrash on earlier 
basis, po.ssibly J, or J and E, see Moore and Budde, 
in loc.) the eastern tribes took part in the war 
against Benjamin ; Jabesh-gilead, the only city 
^vnich furnished no contingent, was sackea, and 
its inhabitants massacred, only the virgins being 
saved as wives for the Benjamites. 

During the wars with the Philistines, Gad was 
a stronghold and refuge of the Isr. (1 S IZ'). After 
Saul's death it became the main part of Eshbaal's 
kingdom (2S 2*). Later on it afforded a rallying 
point for David's adherents during the revolt of 
Absalom (2 S 17"). Amongst David's mighty men 
was Bani the Gadite (2 S 23***). Apparently, Gad 
was still strong and intact. It would profit by the 
strength of Israel under David and Solomon. In 
1 Ch 12®"" Gadites come to David when a fugitive 
from Saul ; and in 12=" Reuben, (Jad, and E. 
Manasseh come to David at Hebron to make him 
king. 1 K 4'-" tells us that Solomon divided the 

fell upon E. Manasseh. Even under Ahab the 
point of contact was at Ramoth-gilead. Probably 
E. Manasseh had practically disappeared in these 
wars, and Gilead again became synonymous with 
Gad. Gad itself also suffered (Am P- "). About 
the same time Moab revolted and captured Gadite 
cities in the South (Moabite Stone). Gad or Gilead 
shared in the renewed prosperity of Israel under 
Jeroboam II., but shortly after, in B.C. TM, E. 
Palestine was carried captive by Tiglath-])ileser 
(2 K 15'-*), and thus Gad disappears from history. 

Apparently, the territory was occupied by 
Ammon (Jer 49'). Ezk 48''"- ^ makes provision for 
Gad in the restored Israel. On the other hand, in 
Ob "* the E. tribes are so completely forgotten tliat 
Gileaxl is promised to Benjamin. In Rev 7* Gad 
is enumerated among the tril)es of Israel. 

Literature.— Buhl, Geog. d. alt. PaliUtina, 79; 0. A. Smith, 
HGUL, 566-568, 675-690 ; Budde, Richter, 45 f. ; SUde, U VI, i. 
145 ff.; Driver, Devt. 54 f., 410 f.; Moore, Jxtil-jes, 150 f., 164 f. 

W. H. Bknnett. 
GAD (nj) is entitled the seer (nihn 1 Ch 29^), 
David's or the king's seer (I Ch 213, o Ch 29-». 2 S 
24"), or the prophet (K-?'n, 1 S 22», 2 S 24"). His 
activity seems to have lain chiefly in the early 
period of the king's life, at least it is not he but 
Nathan who appears prominently in that palace 




intrigue which resulted in the accession of Solomon 
(1 K I"'-)- The name might suggest that he be- 
longed to the tribe of Gad ; but the only additional 
support for this view is found in tlie fact that 
several of David's chiefs came from that tribe ( 1 Ch 
12*). As for Ewald's suggestion, that Gad drew his 
inspiration from the school of Samuel, while this 
would agree well with his appearing immediately 
:^ter Da\-id's rupture with Saul (1 S 22*), it cannot 
be considered certain, so long as the existence of 
' a school ' of Samuel is merely a conjecture. 

Gad is represented as having announced the 
divine condemnation on the royal census, and as 
having ad \-ised the erection of an altar on Araunah's 
threshing-floor (2 S 24"^- = 1 Ch 2I»«^). The Chroni- 
cler again ( 1 Ch 29®) names him as having written 
an account of some part of his master's reign. A 
lat« conception associated him with the prophet 
Nathan (2 Ch 29^) in the task of planning some of 
the kings regulations with reference to the musical 
part of the service, while ( 1 S 22*) he is also stated 
to have acted as David's counsellor in peril during 
the period when the two dwelt together in 'the 
hold.' A. C. Welch. 

GAD, YALLEY OF (^^.^ hn} [' torrent-vaUey '], AV 
'river of Gad'). — 2 S 24*. Taken in connexion 
with Jos 13^ this passage would indicate that the 
river or valley of Gad was close to Rabbath- Ammon 
in the land of Gad ; but, on the other hand, ' the 
city that lieth in the valley ' is mentioned in con- 
nexion with Aroer on the river Amon (now el- 
ilojib), Jos 13'- ^^, Dt 2**. It appears to be certain 
that in 2 S 24*, instead of ' and they pitched in 
Aroer, on the right side of the city that is in the 
middle of the valley of Gad ' (t?k t^.t p?: n^n^s unn 
n|n "yrirrHW?), we ought to read, 'and they begain 
from Aroer, aind from the city that is in the middle 
of the torrent-valley, towards Gad ' (js? ^si^^p 'Win 
'XI I'^ij). This emendation, originally due to "Well- 
hausen (Text d. B. Sam. 217), was afterwards 
confirmed by Luc. «rai ijp^ayro drb 'Apoijp Kcd drb, 
K.T.X., and is accepted by Driver, Budde, etc. 
'The city in the torrent- valley ' was possibly '-4 r. 
See for a full discussion, both of the text and the 
topography. Driver, Text of Sam. 285 f., Deuter- 
ono7ny, 45.' C. Warren. 

GADARA, GADARENES.— The country of the 
Gadarenes is mentioned in the Bible only in con- 
nexion with one incident, viz. the miracle concern- 
ing the legion of demons who were allowed to 
enter the herd of swine (Mt 8^, Mk 5\ Lk 8*), and 
it is improbable that the city on the seashore 
mentioned in the account of that incident can be 
identified w ith the city of Gadara, which was situ- 
ated at least 6 mUes from the Lake of G^nnesaiet, 
and separated from it by a broad plain and the 
gorge of the river Hieromax. It is possible, how- 
ever, that the eastern side of the lake at the spot 
where the miracle actually occurred, which can be 
located with some certainty (see Gerasexes), was 
situated in the s-ub-district under the jurisdiction 
of Gadara. Against this view is the statement 
of Josephus {BJ iv. vii. 3), that Gadara was the 
capital of Peraea, which \s not supposed to have 
extended farther north than the Hieromax, the 
territory beyond that being Gaulaiutis. 

It has 6een suggested (Wordsworth's Com- 
mentary) that the incident took place on the 
boundary-line of the jurisdiction of the cities of 
Gadara and Gergesa, and that the swine owners 
of these Greek cities belonged to both places. 
Thomson (The Land and the Book, ii p. 36) points 
out that St. Matthew was from thus region and 
personally knew the localities, and that his render- 
mg of Gergesa is most likely to be correct ; while 
St. Mark and St. Luke, being strangers to this 

part of the country, may possibly have intended 
by mentioning the country of the Gadarenes to 
point out to their distant Greek and Roman 
readers the general position of the place where the 
miracle occurred ; Gergesa, or (Jerasa, or Chersa, 
however pronounced, being small and unknown, 
while Gaidara was a Greek city of importance, 
celebrated for its temples, theatres, and warm 
baths. See further under Gerasenes. 

The city of Gadara has thus no known connexion 
with biblical history ; it was, however, a fortress 
of great strength, and took a leading part in the 
struggles between the Seleucidse and thertolemies, 
and, from the strength of its position and its 
Hebrew name, it probjibly existed in early times, 
and according to the Mishna (Erubhin ix.) was 
fortified by Joshua. The name does not appear in 
history until Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, 
overcame Scopas, the general of the Egyptian 
king Ptolemy Epiphanes, at Paneas, near the 
fountain of the Jordan (B.C. 198), and recovered 
territory previously lost, including Gadara (Ant. 
XII. iii. 3 ; Polvb. v. 71). It was again taken from 
the Syrians by Alexander JannaBus the Has- 
monaean king oi the Jews, who, acting on a league 
of mutual defence with Cleopatra queen of Egypt, 
invaded Ccele-Syria and the territory adjoining and 
took Gadara after a siege of ten months (c. B.C. 100 ; 
Ant. xin. xiii. 3 ; BJ I. iv. 2), and enslaved the 
inhabitants, and compelled them to receive the law 
of Moses as proselytes of justice (Ant. xiv. xv. 4). 
The defeat of Alexander Jannseus by Obidas king 
of the Arabians, is related to have occurred at 
Gadara, a village of Gilead or Golan (Ant. xm. 
xiiL 5 ; BJ I. iv. 4), probably not the same as 
the fortress of Gadara. 

Gadara was demolished by the Jews and rebuilt 
by Pompey the Great (B.C. 63) to gratify Demetrius 
of Gadara, who was one of his own freelimen, when 
he established the Roman supremacy in Phoenicia, 
C<Ele-Syria, and Palestine ; he left the inhabitants 
in a state of freedom and joined the city to the 
province of Syria (Ant. XIV. iv. 4 ; BJ I. vii. 7). 
It counted from the era of Pompey, and became 
the seat of one of the five councils which Gabinius, 
proconsul of Syria (B.C. 57-55), instituted for the 
government of the Jews (Ant. xiv. v. 4 ; BJ i. 
viii. 5). Augustus Csesar added Gadara to the 
kingdom of Herod the Great (Ant. XV. vii. 3). 
The inhabitants subseqtiently accused Herod to 
C;esar of maladministration and plunderings, but 
Caesar would not hear them (Ant. XV. x. 2 and 3). 
On the death of Herod (B.C. 4), Gadara was trans- 
ferred to the province of Syria (Ant. xvn. xL 4 ; 
BJ n. vi. 3). On the revolt of the Jews against 
the Roman dominion, they ravaged the country 
about Gadara, and the Greek inbabitants rose np 
against the Jews and put the boldest of them to 
death and imprisoned others (BJ n. xviii. 5). 
Gadara was taken by Vespasian, on which occasion 
the inhabitants pulled down its walls to show that 
they wished for peace. It appears, however, to 
have still existed for many eentnri^ as an im- 
portant city, for bishops of CJadara are mentioned 
as having been present at the general councils of 
the Church. The style of the existing ruins indi- 
cates its having flourished during the time of the 
Antonines, and the coins extant extend over the 
period from the rebuilding by Pompey to A.D. 239. 
Gadara was a fortress of considerable strength 
(Ant. xm. iii. 3 ; BJ IV. viL 3), situated near the 
Hieromax (Pliny, HN 16), east of the Sea of 
Galilee and over-against Scythopolis and Tiberias 
(Euseb. Onam. s.v.). It was situated on the top of 
a lull, at the foot of which, at 3 miles' dist^mce, on 
the bank of the Hieromax, were warm springs 
and baths called Amatha (Onom. s.v. 'Gadara'; 
Itin. Ant. Martyr.). It had a district attached 




called Gadaris (liJ in. iii. 1 ; Strabo, XVI. ii. 45). 
It Avas one of the cities of Decapolis, and is called 
by Josej)hu8 the capital of Penea (liJ iv. vii, 3), 
though in another passage (BJ ill. iii. 3) he gives 
the bounds of Penea from north to south as ironi 
Pella to Machserus. It is frequently mentioned 
by Josephus in connexion with CudeSyria (Ant. 
XIII. xiii. 3). The main roads fromScythopolis and 
Tiberias to Damascus and Gerasa passed thron<,'h 
it. Josephus calls it a Greek town (Ant. xvil. 
xi. 4 ; BJ II. vi. 3), but it is evident from the 
historical accounts that many Jews were living in 
and around the city (BJ ll. xviii. 5), and it is 
probable that the number of Jews living around 
may have fluctuated from time to time and have 
depended on the friendly nature of the government. 

The site of (jradara nas been recognized at the 
ruins of Umm ^eis, which extend over the summit 
of a high hill, 1200 ft. above the Mediterranean, 
east of the Jordan on the southern side of the 
gorge of the Sheri'at el-MandhUr (Jarmdk or 
Hicromax), about 6 miles south-east of the southern 
side of the Lake of Gennesjiret. At the foot of 
the hill, about 3 miles north of Umm J^eis on 
the right or north bank of the SJieri'at, in a 
flat space below the cliffs, are the remains of the 
celebrated hot springs, baths, and buUdings of 
Amatha, describea by Eusebius, Antoninus Martyr, 
and Strabo. There are several hot springs along 
the bank of the river, but those clustered together 
at this spot are the most copious. The largest 
spring gives oft" more water than that of Tiberias ; 
tne temperature is 110° Fahrenheit. The water 
is strongly impregnated with sulphur. These 
springs are much resorted to by the BedaAvin 
for various diseases. The ruins about the baths 
are very extensive, giving the impression that this 
spot was also used as a favourite watering-place 
by the inhabitants of Gadara during inclement 
weather (Wilson, Recovery of Jerusalem). 

Umm Keis is situatea at the extreme north- 
western border of the high land of Northern 'Ajl-An, 
and commands a magnificent view of the Sea of 
Tiberias, Southern Jauldn, the Jordan Valley, 
Galilee, and Mount Tabor. There could hardly be 
a second point in this part of 'Ajlun, which com- 
bines so perfectly the advantages due to a magni- 
ficent soil and a commanding position (Northern 

The ruins of Umm Keis contain the remains of a 
very handsome and extensive city, with buildings 
of great ma^ificence, which appear to have been 
overthrown by an earthquake, many of the build- 
ings remaining as perfect in their ruin as though 
the shock had taken place yesterday. Josephus 
records an earthquake having occurred wiich 
devastated the country, B.C. 31 (Ant. xv. v. 2), 
and the ruins of Umm Keis may be due to an 
earthquake equally severe jit a later period. There 
are to be seen among the ruins two large theatres, 
a basilica, a temple, the main street running east 
and west, with colonnades, the columns lying just 
as they fell, and many large private buildings, the 
whole surrounded by a city wall with gates. There 
is a large reservoir, and an aqueduct brought water 
into the city. The columns are surmounted by 
Corinthian capitals. The basalt paving is in 
places q^uite perfect, and retains traces of the marks 
of chariot wheels. The eastern theatre is in an 
almost perfect state of preservation ; the approach 
to it would have been extremely grand, passing 
from the main street over a great platform sur- 
rounded by columns. A very interesting feature 
is the large Necropolis on the east and north-east 
side of the town, in which there are both rock- 
hewn tombs and sarcophagi ; the former are cut in 
the limestone rock without any attempt at con- 
cealment. A flight of steps lea^s down to a small 

court, from which two or three doors give access to 
the chambers : the doors are of stone, many of 
them still perfect, Avith stone hinges similar to 
those found in the Hauran. These tombs are 
inhabited by the present dwellers at Umm J^eis. 
Outside the town, to the east, the ancient name 
Gadara is still preserved in the name of the ruins, 
Jediir Umm J^eis (Wilson, Recovery of Jerusalem ; 
Schumacher, Northern 'Ajliin ; Macgregor, Rob 
Roy on the Jordan). The Christians of Nazareth 
were in the habit of holding a fair at Umm J^eis, 
until in recent years, the liedawln having overrun 
the country, they were obliged to desist. 

C. Warren. 
GADDI ("!3 *my fortune').— The Manassite sent 
as one of the twelve spies, Nu 13" P. 

6ADDIEL (hn-^.i 'God is my fortune' •).— The 
Zebulunite sent as one of the twelve spies, Nu 13'" P. 

GADDIS (Kaddls, otherwise TaSSU, A ; VaSSel, h ; 
Gaddis, Vulg. ; t-tf^t = Gadi, Syr. ; 1 Mac 2"), the 

surname of Johanan or John, the eldest brother of 
Judas Maccabaeus. The name perhaps represents 
the Heb. '■=13, Gaddi (Nu 13"), meaning ' my 
fortune.' II. A. WuiTE. 

GADI (n3;cf. Nabatsean nj (?n:), Euting, No. 
25 ; Palmyrene wnj, do Vogti6, No. 32 ; Taddel B, 
Teddel, TaXXeL A, Taddl Lnc). — Father of Menahem 
king of Israel (2 K 15"- '^). C. F. BuRNEY. 

GADITES.— See Gad (Tribe). 

GAHAM (oni). — The eponym of a Nahorite clan 
whose identity has not been established, Gn 22**. 
Gaham is described as a son of Nahor by his con- 
cubine Reumah. 

GAHAR (nnn). — A family of Nethinim who re- 
turned with Zerub. (Ezr2^'', Neh 7*"), called in 1 Es 
5*" Geddur. See Genealogy. 

GAI (k;?) is given as a proper name in RV of 
1 S 17*- ' until thou comest to Gai,' where AV has 
'until thou comest to the valley.' This last, how- 
ever, would demand K;3n as in v.^. In any case, the 
valley (ravine) referred to in v."- must be different 
from that which separated the ojDposing forces. 
See Elah (Valley of). The LXX, as is noted 
in RVm, has r^^ (Gath), and this Avould suit the 
context (cf. Wellhausen, Budde, and Driver, ad 
loc). Wellh. further proposes to treat Shaaraim 
not as a proper name, but, inserting the article 
(Dnji/s'ri), as= 'in the gateway.* That is to say, 
the Israelites pursued the Philistines to the gates 
of Ekron, and the wounded fell down in the gate- 
way of both Gath and Ekron. An alternative, he 
suggests, is to view the two expressions, 'until 
thou comest to Gath and to the gates of Ekron,' 
and ' even unto Gath and unto Ekron,' as doublets 
due perhaps to the names of these two cities being 
in tne former clause written indistinctly or in- 
correctly, in consequence of which an explanatory 
gloss was added on the margin and aiterwai'os 
introduced into the text. J. A. Selbie. 

GAINSAY. — To gainsay is to speak against, as 
Udal, Erasmus' Paraphrase on 1 Jn 1, 'And yf 
we wyll say, that wee have no sinne in us, we 
make God a lyar, and say agaynst hvm : and he 
that gayne sayeth hym, must needs lye' ; Rhcm. 
NT on Jn G*", ' The discontented and incredulous 
murmured and gainsaid it [the manna].' Wyclif 

* According to Hommel {Anciertt Heb. Tradition, 1897, 
p. SOO), from the Arabic, ' my grandfather is God.' 




has the older form agenseyen frequently, as Lk 
21'* (1380) 'I schal gyue to you mouth and 
w-ysdoni, to whiche alle youre aduersaries schulen 
not mowe agenstonde, and a^enseye.' Sometimes 
the meaning is rather wider and almost the 
same as oppose or resist generally. Thus Job 11^° 
Wye. (1382) 'If he tume vpso doun alle thingus, 
or in to oon drawe togidere, who shal agensein 
to hj-m?' (EV 'hinder'); and Pref. to AV 1611, 
' For, was there euer any thing proiected, that 
sauoured any way of newnesse or reneAving, but 
the same enaured many a storme of gaine-saving, 
or opposition?' So in AV we have Jth 8'* 
' there is none that may gainsay thy words,' 
where the Gr. is 8s AvrurrfiaeTai. toii XAyots aov, 
lit. ' withstand,' Geneva ' resist ' ; and Ad. Est 13* 
'The whole world is in thy power, and if thou 
hast appointed to save Israel, there is no man that 
can gainsay thee ' {8j afTiTo^eTai aot ; lit. ' range in 
battle against thee ' ; Cov. ' withstonde ner lett 
the'). And even when the orig. word expresses 
speaking against, the general sense of resist is 
often evident. 

The verb occurs in Lk 21" 'I will give you a 
mouth and wisdom, which all your adversaries 
shall not be able to gainsay nor resist' (after 
Wye, as above, who has the order 'agenstonde 
and agensave,' as Vulg. resistere et contradicere, 
and as L, t, WH avrurnjvai ovSi [T, WH fj] ap- 
TeiTety, while AV follows TR dm-eiTeiv ovSi dim- 
ff-njyai) ; 2 Es 5^ ' thev which did gainsay thy 

Sromises' {qui contradicehant sponsionibus tuis) ; 
th 12" 'Who am I now, that I should gainsay 
my lord ? ' {itrrepovffa t^ Kvpiip fiov) ; and 1 Mac l-t** 
' to gainsay his words ' (dm-ei-weiv tois vt' airrov 
frndrjao^jt^vois) ; RV ' to gainsay the words that he 
should speak,' i.e. resist his commands. To these 
instances RV adds Ac 19^ ' Seeing then that these 
things cannot be gainsaid' {avavripprfruv [WH av- 
avTiprfTwv'] ot)v Ivruiv tovtup, the only occurrence of 
this adj., though the adv. occurs Ac ICP, as below; 
AV ' spoken against ') ; Tit 2* ' not gainsaying ' 
{fiij avTiXeyovTas, AV 'not answering again,' AVm 

The adj. is found in Ro 1(P ' a disobedient and 
gainsaying people ' (dvTiXiyovra). The subst. occurs 
in Ac 10® 'Therefore came I unto you without gain- 
saying' {dvavTippiqTois [WH dvavripi^us]) ; Jude " 
'and perished in the gainsaying of Core' (icoi t% 
dPTtkoyif Tov 'Kopi dirdXovTo ; cf . LXX i'5wp dvn- 
Xoyiai = Heb. ."i^'-r; *c = Eng. ' water of Meribah ' of 
Ntt 20") ; to which RV adds He 12^ ' For consider 
him that hath endured such gainsaying (AV ' con- 
tradiction') of sinners against himself {dvriXoyiay, 
which in the other two occurrences, He 6^* V, RV 
tr. 'dilute'). The personal subst. 'gainsayer' is 
found Tit 1* ' to convmce (RV ' convict') the gain- 
sayers' (rows dn-iX^/oj^as iXeyxeiv ; Wye. [1380] 'to 
reproue hem that agen seyn' [1388 ' agenseien '], 
but in Prefatory Epistles of St. Jerome, ch. iii. 
[1388] Wye. has 'He comaundide also to Tite, 
among othere vertues of a bishop ... to with- 
stonde agenseyeris'). J. Hastings. 

GAJUS (rdioj).— The person to whom the Third 
Ep. of St. John is addressed. He is spoken of in 
terms of affection and respect as ' beloved ' (vv.^- '^ 
* "), walking ' in the truth ' (v.^), acting well to 
brethren and to strangers (v.*). But beyond this 
we know nothing of him. Some have thought to 
identify him with a Caius who is mentioned m the 
Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 46) as having been 
appointed bishop of Pergamum by John. Others 
have attempted to identify him with one or other 
of the men who bear the same name in the NT — 
the G. of Macedonia (Ac 19^), the G. of Derbe 
(Ac 20*), the G. of Corinth (1 Co 1", Ro 16^). But 
these are all associated with the Apostle Paul, and 
VOL. n. — 6 

there is nothing in the Epistle itself or elsewhere to 
help us to an identification. S. D. F. Salmoxd. 

GALAL ("j^j).— The name of two Levites, 1 Ch 
9^^ i«, Neh n". See Genealogy. 

GALATIA (Takarla) is understood by different 

scholars as the name of two distinct countries ; 
and, as the important associated questions are still 
under discussion, it is necessary to treat the term 
under two headings, and describe the history and 
geography of the two different countries which the 
term is said to denote. The fundamental question 
is this : Are the Churches of G. , to which St. Paul 
addressed an Epistle, certain congregations in the 
northern part of the great inner plateau of Asia 
Minor variously enumerated by different advocates 
of 'the North-Galatian Theory,' or are they the 
congregations of Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, 
and Lystra, in the southern part of the plateau, 
according to ' the South-Galatian Theory ' ? Each 
of the related terms Galatians and Region of 
Galatia in like manner demands double treatment. 
St. Paul mentions the Churches of G. in Gal 1-, 
1 Co 16^ ; and they are addressed with others in 
1 P 11. Finally, there is a doubt whether in 2 Ti 4i» 
Galatia or Gallia should be read, and, if Galatia is 
read, whether it does not denote Gaul (the modem 

While the opinions fall into two classes on the 
crucial question, there are varieties in each class. 
The South-Galatian theory is held both by those 
who can see no good reason to think that St. Paul 
ever was in North Galatia, and by those who 
consider that he travelled in North Galatia but 
made no important foundation there. The latter 
view is held by Zahn [Einleitung in das Xeue 
Testament). The North-Galatian theory in its 
common form maintains that the Epistle was 
addressed to the Churches of Ancyra, Ta^-ium, 
Pessinus, and possibly other cities ; but the most 
\*igorous argument that St. Paul never was in 
Ancyra or Ta\ium is urged by Zockler [SK, 1895, 
p. 79 f.),* who, approximating to Zahn's view, 
holds that St. Paul travelled little in Galatia, 
only in the extreme western and south-western 
parts, ib. p. 59 ff. , but maintains, unlike Zahn, 
that he founded several Churches in that obscure 
district and addressed his Epistle to them. Salmon 
(Introduction to NT, and arts, in Smith, DB) 
seems to come very close to Zocklers view,t 
though" he translates the critical passage in Ac 16® 
in quite a different way (Galatia, Regiox of). 
But these minor differences are comparatively un- 
important, relating to points of translation and 
antiquarian research ; t it is only the crucial 
question that is of fundamental consequence : To 
what group of Churches did St. Paul write his 
Epistle ? 

I. Galatia Proper, as used in the popular and 
ordinary Greek way (Roman Gallogrcecia), was the 
name applied to a large tract of country in the 
interior of Asia Minor, after it was taten pos- 
session of in the 3rd cent. B.C. by certain warrior 
tribes who had mi"Tated from Gaul towards the 
east. Irruptions of Gallic tribes into the eastern 
parts of Europe are first recorded in B.C. 281, when a 
smadl army under Cambaules attacked Thrace. In 
the following year (280) three large Gallic armies 

* So Findlay in Expository Times, viL (1S96) p. 236. Zockler 
takes Chase for the originator of this riew ; but the latter 
informs me that this is a misunderstanding of his words, and 
that he does not hold the view. 

f ' St. Luke's narrative does not warrant us to conclude 
with anv certaintv that St. Paul made any prolonged stay in 
Galatia Proper, or did much work in foimding Churches there 
(Smith, D£2 L llOoX ^ , ^ 

I Sometimea agreement in construction and translation 
results in total di^greement as to int«rpretation (Gai^tia, 
KEeiox of). 



advanced — one under Cerethrius against Thrace, a 
second under Brennus * and Acichorius against 
Paeonia, the third under Bel},'ius against Mace- 
donia and Illyria. The younj; king of Macedonia, 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, was defeated and slain when 
he rashly gave battle with a small army. In 279 
Brennus and other chiefs marched south into 
Greece ; but a (Quarrel arose on the way, and two 
chiefs, Leonnonus and Lutarius, led away 20,000 
Gauls into Thrace. Brennus' attempt was un- 
successful, and his army seems to have scattered 
in its retreat ; and part of it probably joined the 
Gauls who had invaded Thrace. Many of the 
invaders of Thrace went on into Asia, Lutarius 
crossing the Hellespont in some Macedonian ships 
which he seized ; Leonnorius crossing the Bosphorus 
at the invitation of Nikomedes, kin^ of Bitnynia, 
who wanted aid in his wars : the date of these 
events, so calamitous for Asia, was 278-277. 

No certainty is attainable as to the exact events 
and dates that followed. The Gauls ranged 
through most of western and central Asia Minor, 
a terror to all the inhabitants, plundering, slaying, 
burning. Antiochus I., king of Syria A.D. 281-261, 
was the first to ofl'er any serious resistance ; from 
his victories he is said to have gained his title 
Soter (saviour) ; but his success was far from com- 
plete. During the uncertain wars of the following 
years, the Gauls were often hired as mercenaries 
DV the contending kings and generals, usually by 
the weaker against the stronger. * Alternately 
the scourge and the allies of eacli Asiatic prince in 
succession, as passion or interest dictated, they for 
a time indulged their predatory instincts unchecked' 

But Attains I., king of Pergamos B.C. 241-197, 
checked their power in a series of campaigns about 
B.C. 232, ana confined them to a certain fixed 
country (previously part of Phrygia and of Cappa- 
docia or even of Paphlagonia), which was called 
henceforth Galatia. They had, however, probably 
occupied jjarts of that country long before, t find- 
ing it more open to actual settlement than the dis- 
tricts where many strong cities existed ; and the 
result of Attains operations was to circumscribe 
their territory, and to fix definite limits. 

In the sketch which Strabo (p. 567) gives of the 
Galatian constitution, he records the interesting 
fact that each tribe was divided into four cantons 
or tetrarchies, an old Gaulish custom mentioned 
among the Helvetii by Julius Caesar.^ Originally 
each tetrarchy had a chief or tetrarch ; § and there 
was a common council of 300 meeting in a grove 
called Drynemeton (Perrot thinks that it was 
situated near As.sarli-Kaya, about 7 hours S.W. 
from Ancyra),|| and iudgmg all cases of murder. 
This old system had wholly disappeared before 
the time of Strabo ; the monarchy of Deiotarus 
and of Amyntas (44-25 B.C.) had destroyed the 
last traces of the original Gallic constitution, and 
the Roman provincial organization was hostile to 
it. Even in early time, when war broke out, a 
single chief seems to have been chosen in each 
tribe (Livy, xxxviii. 19). 

The defeat of the Gauls by a Roman army in 
B.C. 189 (Livy, xxxviii. 18 ff., who uses Polybius 
as his autlioiity) broke their strength. They 
were placed between three powers, Pontus, Cappa- 
docia, and Pergamos, and were pressed on by all. 
They were worsted by Ariarathes, king of Cappa- 
docia, about 164 ; and they seem to have fallen 
under the influence of the Pontic kings in the 
latter part of the 2nd century, for Phrj-gia was 

* Brennus is perhap a title, not a personal name. 

t Perhaps by permission of the Pontic kinps (Mever). 

{ Bell. Gall. i. 12 ; see Mommsen in Ifennes, 1884, p. 816. 

§ Hence the title tetrarch was wrongly given to the three 
chiefs nominated by Pompey in b.c. 64. 
j II Drj/; intensive prefix (Holder), not (with Perrot) ' oak.' 


given by Rome to Mithridates iv. in 129, and he 
could not well rule over Phrygia if divided from it 
by the great independent country of Galatia (Van 
Gelder, p. 277).* The Mithridatic wars set free the 
Gauls from this yoke ; and their eagerness to aid 
the Roman arms against Pontus exposed them to a 
massacre ordered by Mithridates in 86. In 64, 
after the war was ended, Pompey appointed or 
recognized three tetrarchs,! Csustor probably amoii;,' 
the fektosages, Brogitarus of the Trokmi, and 
Deiotarus of the Tolistobogii : Deiotarus also re- 
ceived Armenia Minor witn part of Pontus, and, 
being much the most powerful, gradually made 
himself master of the Tektosages and Trokmi, 
and, finally, as the climax of a career of succc-sfnl 
treachery and murder, he was reco^ized as kin;: 
of Galatia by the Romans. He died at an aii 
vanced age in 40 B.C. His kingdom w;i^ -ivta by 
Antony to the younger Castor, along wiili inner 
Paphlagonia, which Pompey in 64 had assigned t<} 
Attalus (Dion, xlviii. 33). Castor soon died ; and 
in 36 Antony gave Galatia to Amyntas, and Paph- 
lagonia to Deiotarus Philadelphus, son of Castor 
(probably the elder), who reigned till B.C. .'"). \\ lun 
his kingdom was incorporated in the province 
Galatia (see II.).+ 

According to our authorities, the Gauls entered 
Asia as an army, not separately in distinct tribes ; 
but afterwards they appear as divided into three 
tribes, who arrogated to themselves tliret; distinct 
districts, the Trokmi claiming the Hellespontine 
coast, the Tolistobogii Aeolis and Ionia, i.e. the 
.^gean coastlands, and the Tektosages the lands 
of the interior (Livy, xxxviii. 16, where note the 
word postremo). This tribal classilication jiorsisted 
throughout later history, proving that eitli r tin' 
original army was formed mainly from these tliree 
tribes, or that three successive swarms, eacli 
mainly recruited from one tribe, entered Asia 
Minor. It seems, however, to be certain that con- 
tingents from a number of difl'erent tribes swelled 
the armies that invaded Greece, Thrace, and A sia : 
similarly, in Gaul certain great tribes, r.'/. the 
Aedui, had smaller tribes as dependants or clients 
(Csesar, Bell. Gall. vii. 75, iv. 6). From the 
ancient arrangement it would appear that the 
Tektosages were the first to seize Galatia, and 
that when the bounds were draAvn by Attalus i. 
the Tektosages were forced into the centre and 
north of Galatia, with Ancyra as capital, the 
Trokmi were concentrated round Tavium on the 
east, and the Tolistobogii round Pessini;- mi tlie 
west. In this position we find the tribes in all 
later time. 

The boundaries of the country called Galatia 
varied greatly at difterent periods. Thus the chief 
centre of a people Troknades, at the modern 
village Kaimaz (between Eski-Sheher and .'>ivri- 
Hissar, on the ancient road from I)oiy]ai<)n to 
Pessinus), was part of the Roman province A-ia 
{OIL iii. No. 6997) ; and yet the name Trokiiades 
is undoubtedh' Gallic, .so that ilie place must 
have been at an earlier time iiiuhuiod in the terri- 
tory of the Galatae. That is perhajis the most 
westerly point to which the territory owned In- 
the settled Gauls ever extended ; and hoth it and 
even Orkistos, which lies farther east, were prob- 
ably taken from the Galatian state by Attalus I.,§ 

* Phrygia Magna was given to Mithridates n. (.Tii'^ilii, "S. <") 
about B.C. 240; but it then included the coun: 
after became Galatia. Moreover, the gift was 
Pontic claim, never realized in fact. 

t See note § above. 

J See Niese, BAein. Museum, 18S3, p. 684 ff.; T. i; 
Revue Numism, 1891, p. 883 ff. ; Ramsay, lievue iks J' 
1894, p. 251. 

§ It was perhaps at this time that Orkistos was placed 
the control of Nakoloin (Clfj iii. No, toikiI: thp I'lTtMi; 
system was favourablr ' 
authority over a large 

t. ijf. 






and passed along with the rest of the Pergamenian 
kingdom into the hands of the Romans (see Asia). 
In late Koman time, probablj- wlien the pro\"inee 
G. Secunda was creattld about 390, the name was 
extended so far to the west as to include the old 
I'hrA'gian city Amoriom, which was after this 
called a metropolis of Galatia (so Hierocles and 
most Notitice Epise.).* ' 

On the north the dividing line between Galatia 
to the south and Bithynia and Paphlagonia to 
the north is indeterminable. Close to the north- 
western comer lay the city Juliopolis, which was 
in the 1st and 2nd centuries a Bithynian cityt 
(Pliny, Epht. ad Traj. 77; Ptolemy, v. 1), but 
about A.D. 297 was made a city of Galatia. Near 
the north-eastern comer lay Ganirra (Tchangri) 
and Andrapa (probably Iskehb), which were Paph- 
lagonian cities, and Eukhaita (probably Tchorum), 
a Pontic city, famous for the worship of St. 
Theodoras Stratiotes. 

On the east and south-east the dividing line 
between Galatia on the one hand, and Pontus and 
Cappadocia on the other hand, was also a varyinjj 
one, running east of Tavium (Nefez-Keui), capital 
of the Galatian tribe Trokmi, and west of the 
Pontic city Sebastopolis-Heracleopolis (Sulu-Serai). 
It is mentioned by Polybius that a certain territory, 
long disputed between the Gauls and the Cappa- 
docian kings, passed definitely into the possession 
of Ariarathes about B.C. 164. Basilika Therma 
(Terzili-Hammam) was well within Cappadocian 
territory in later time, and the disputed territory 
perhaps extended from it to the Halys or even as 
far as Lake Tatta. In the 4th centuiy after 
Christ, the frontier between Galatia and Cappa- j 
docia lay between the Galatian Galea (a village I 
subject to Aspona) and the Cappadocian Andrapa j 
IsuDJect to Pamassos). 

The southem limit was, doubtless, always quite ; 
vague, running across the level, treeless, sparsely 
populated plain of the Axylon, south of Amorium, 
north of Laodiceia-Katakekaumene, and touching 
or intersecting the large, shallow salt lake Tatta. 
The limit between Lycaonia on the south and 
Galatia on the north was probably never fixed very 
narrowly in this valueless plain ; and, moreover, we 
know that certain large districts were sometimes 
held by the Gauls, and sometimes separated from 
their country. A considerable tract of country lying 
along the west side of Lake Tatta, and stretching 
west towards Amorium and Laodiceia, is assigned 
by Ptolemy to Galatia under the name Proseuem- 
mene, i.e. rpwreiXriafiiPT) (xw/w), the 'Added Terri- 
tory.' The date when this territory was added to 
G. is uncertain. The opinion has been expressed 
doubtfully that it was separated from Lycaonia by 
Antoninus Pius (or possibly Hadrian) when the 
triple eparchy, Cilicia-Lycaonia-Isauria, was con- 
stituted a Roman province (Ramsay, Higtor. Geogr. 
of As. Min. pp. 251, 377) ; but that event seems 
not sufficiently important to have given a new 
name to the country, and the analogy of the 
similar name Epiktetos, i.e. fvU-np-tK *pi-yia, the 
' Acquired Phrj'gia,' suggests that the transference 
of territory took place as a permanent and real 
change of rule at a much earlier period. Now, 
according to Pliny {yat. Hist. v. 95), the part of 
Lycaonia that adjoined Galatia was given to it 
as a tetrarchy. This Lycaonian tetrarchy was 
certainly close to Ptolemy's ProseUemniene, and 
probably another name for it. Pliny says that 
the tetrarchy contained 14 cities, with Iconium as 
capital, and distinguishes it from Lycaonia Proper 

•Jlarquardt, Mm. StcuUmUt. L p. 359, errs in counting 
Amorium, Aizanot, and Orkistoe as cities of Galatia in the 
Roman period. 

t Wrongly mentioned as peiiiaps the seat of one of the Chnrdies 
of Galatia by many scholars 

(ipsa Lvcaonia), which extended along the front 
of Mt. Taurus. Ptolemy, indeed, does not make 
Proseilemmene extend so far west as Iconium ; 
but he is incorrect about the extent of all the 
divisions of this whole region. Lycaonia as a 
whole had been added to the Pergamenian kingdom 
by Rome in B.C. 190 ; but the kings were not 
strong enough to hold this distant territory, and 
part of it was probably taken by the Gauls about 
160; and this part afterwards passed under the 

S>wer of the Pontic kings along \rith Galatia. 
ence Eumachus, ^Nlithridates' general, who con- 
quered Pisidia, Isauria, and parts of Cilicia, 
evidently used Lycaonia as his basis of operations. 
Another possibility is that the part of Lycaonia 
held by Amyntas (see II.) was styled by him the 
Tetrarchy; but that is, for several reasons, less 
probable. Amyntas' i)art of Lycaonia, however, 
must have been nearly the same in extent as the 
Tetrarchy. In any case, the name Tetrarchy must 
have originated before the Roman provincial 
organization was instituted ; and thus Iconium 
had an old connexion with Gralatia {Studia BMiea, 
iv. p. 46 ff.). 

As to the relation between the immigrant Gauls 
and the older Phrygian inhabitants in Galatia, 
evidence fails ; but the analogy of similar conquests 
and the general facts of this case warrant some 
probable conclusions. It is not to be supposed that 
the older population was exterminated or exi)elled. 
The Gaulish invaders were few. The total number 
that first entered Asia under Leonnorius and 
Lutarius is stated as 20,000, of whom only half 
were fighting men ; the rest were women and 
children (Livy, xxxviii. 16, borrowing from Poly- 
bius). Doubtless, other swarms followed, encour- 
aged by the success of the first; but that was the 
main army. In the continual wars and marches 
and raids of the follomng 46 years, the number of 
deaths was probably larger than the number of 
births ; and the total Gallic population that was 
settled in Galatia, when its bounds were fixed by 
Attains about 232, cannot have been numerous. 
In a country nearly 2i30 nules long, such a popular 
tion must have been merely a small dominant 
caste amidst a much larger subject population ; 
and Van GJelder expresses the general opinion of 
historical investigators, that the Gallic invader? 
did not live in cities, or become agriculturists, but 
employed the natives as cultivators of the land, on 
condition of paying to the Gauls as lords of the 
soil a proportion of the produce, while the con- 
querors occupied themselves in war and in pastur- 
age, taking according to the usnal practice one- 
third of the land, and leaving two-thirds to the 
older population (Caesar, Bell. Gall. L 31). As 
Lightfoot, in his edition of the Epistle, p. 9, rightly 
declares, the population consisted of Phiygians, 
Gauls, and Greeks, to whom were afterwards added 
a considerable sprinkling of Romans and a smaller 
number of Jews ; and Van (Jelder rightly points out 
that the cities were mainly populated by the 
Phrygians, who practised the arts of peace and 
conducted all trade, while the Gallic chiefs dwelt 
in their fortified villages (tppovpia, castella), keeping 
up a rude barbaric magiiificenee, and the mass of 
the Gauls led a pastoral and half-nomadic life 
when they were not engaged in war. As late as 
E.G. 189 the priests of the temple of Pessinus were 
opposed to the Gauls, and welcomed the Roman 
armv of Manlius as deliverers ; but that would 
hardly have been possible, unless the city had been 
really Phrygian and not Gaulish.* Van (Jelder, 

* Eorte (Atheniiche MittheUungen det JntL 1897, pp. 16 and 
39) shows that Peasinos was not conqiiered by the Gatils till 
some Tear between 188 and IM ; and be poblidies an in9cript«m 
of about A.D. 80-90, which shows that of the ten leading priests 
at Pessinus fire were Chuols and fire beloiqred to the original 




p. 183, sajB of such cities as Tavium, Pei>sinu8, 
Ancyra, ' those cities were in Galatia, but were not 
Gahitian cities; they preserved Phrygian cliaracter 
and Phryjnan customs, now affected with a ( Jrecian 
tinge.' AH Jews, Greeks, and resident Komans 
would certainly be dwellers in the cities. In the 
governing cities, Ancyra, Tavium, Pessinus, a 
number of Gaulish families doubtless settled, and 
formed an aristocracy. Ancyra and Tavium, 
especially, were (iaulish strongholds from 250 
onwards (Maulius occupied Ancyra in 189) ; but 
Pessinus was more purely Phrygian, liut, even 
in Ancyra, indubitably, the mass of the lower and 
trading classes was Phrygian or Greek. 

In B.C. 189 the Galatian tribes are pictured by 
Poly bins and Livy as barbarians, devoid of any 
trace of Greek culture, fighting naked, without 
order or tactics, armed with swords and large 
wooden or wicker shields ; and their pastoral life, 
remote from cities and intercourse, long preserved 
their native customs. As the military power and 
the vigour of the Gaulish conquerors declined in 
the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C., they perhaps 
began to mix more freely with the older popula- 
tion ; and the opinion has Ijeen expressed that 
they even adopted the native religion, on the 
ground that certain Gallic names occur at the 
great native sanctuaries, implying tliat Gallic 
families began to hold priesthoods : in the 2nd 
century the high priest of Pessinus, bearing the 
holy othcial Phrygian title Atis, had a brother 
Aiorix, and in the 1st century Brogitarus was 
priest at Pessinus, while Dyteutus, son of Adiatorix, 
was priest at Comana Pontica under Augustus. 
But although some Gaulish nobles assumed the 
place and swayed the enormous i>ower that lay in 
the liands of the priest-kings of the great native 
temnles,* it does not follow that the mass of the 
Gaulish people adopted the Phrygian religion. 

Further, it has even been asserted by some recent 
scholars that the Gauls adopted to a large extent 
the manners and customs of the Gneco-Phrygian 
population, retaining not very much of tlieir Gallic 
ways and habits in the 1st century after Christ; 
but this opinion seems contrary to the evidence, and 
against natural probability.! The Gauls, though 
readily civilizahle, have not been quick to throw 
of!" national cliaracter and put on foreign character- 
istics. Moreover, they seem to have long retained 
the Gallic language, "for Strabo mentions that all 
three tribes spoke the same language and had the 
same manners; and so late as the 4th century 
after Christ, Jerome declares that they were bi- 
lingual, speaking Greek and a dialect like that 
used by tne Treveri in Gaul (though clianges had 
occurred). t Now, it is difficult to believe that a 
small caste amid a larger population could have 
adopted entirely the religion and customs of the 
surrounding population and yet retained their 
separate language. The first step in Hellenization 
was always the adoption of the Greek language. 
Moreover, Strabo, in .speaking of their uniformity 
of character, evidently does not mean that they 
had all adopted the Grajco-Phrygian manners and 
ways, but distinctly implies that there was a 
common Gallic character among tlie various tribes. 
The ambition of their chiefs, who found that the 
shortest way to power lay in adopting the civilized 

priestly families (Woch.f. klass. Phil. 1898, p. 8); the arranire- 
ment was proba>)ly made b.o. 18&-164. Oordiuni, a ^eat 
emporium in 189, must have been Plirjjrian ; later, it was con- 
quered bv Gauls, and disappeared from history. 

• On the priestlv power see Hennig, At. Min. Regex Sacer- 
dote* ; Ramsay, Cities and Biahoprict, \. pp. lof.. 101 1., 130 ff 

f The name Oallogr»cia is appealed to as evidence of the 
Hellenization of the Gauls ; but this name is Roman in ori^, 
and had no such implication among its originators. 

X Mommsen (Rbm. Gueh. v. p. 92) accepts the testimony of 
Jerome, which Perrot and Van Gelder tO' to discredit 

methods of Greece and liome, probably caused the 
first steps in change to be made. The chiefs con- 
nected themselves with the powerful priesthood, 
became priests themselves, and gradually the 
freer ohf Gaulish system was reidaced by the 
tyranny of kings. Tlie general opinion among 
those scholars who hold tlie Nortli-Galatian theory 
seems to be right, that these Gauls, even in A.I). 50, 
retained much of tlie Gallic character ; and they 
vainly seek to support that theory by finding Gallic 
characteristics in the congregations to which St. 
Paul Avrote his Epistle. When lAvy (xxxvii. 8) 
speaks of exoleta stirpe gentis, as the fact of his 
own time, he refers to tne decay of their warlike 
character rather than to any change of manners 
and customs.* Lightfoot (p. 12) rightly says, ' the 
tough vitality of tlie Celtic character maintained 
itself comparatively unimpaired.' 

No trace remains in local inscriptions (chiefly 
A.D. 100-250) of Gallic manners or language, and 
little of Gallic names; but that does not prove 
that the Gallic manners and language had been 
lost. A Gaul who received any education learned 
Greek ; and all who wrote, wrote in Greek. The 
Gaulish language was a proof of barbarism, and a 
reason for shame (whence the contempt for Gala- 
tians which appears in the Cappadocian Fathers, 
see Ramsay, Historical Geography, p. 288) ; no one 
would blazon his want of education to the world, 
and it may be doubted whether any one could 
write who spoke only Gaulish. Moreover, the 
inscriptions almost all belong to the great cities, 
which were civilized seats of Grseco-Roman culture, 
inhabited by Greeks, Romans, Phrygians, Jews, 
and Romanized Gauls (the latter forminjj a small 
aristocracy). Ancyra was quite a Romanized city, 
civilized and rich ; and Pessinus was so in a less 
degree. The native languages of Asia Minor, 
Phrygian, Lycaonian, etc., persisted through the 
Roman period, until destroyed by the language of 
the NT, but no traces of them remain in inscrip- 
tions (except a few execrations on tombs in the 
Phrygian language). 

In the time of St. Paul, therefore, there was prob- 
ably a great and marked difference between the 
rustic Gaulish population of Galatia, who retained 
much of the old ruder barbarian character, and 
were probably little aflected by Greek manners 
or language,! and the population of the cities, 
who spoke Greek, and the majority of whom were 
not of Gaulish origin. + But, while continuing 
Gauls in feeling, the Galatian tribes in A.D. 50 
must have been to some extent aflected in habits 
and standard of life during three centuries spent 
as a conquering caste amid more civilized peoples. 
The chief point to notice is that they were an 
aristocracy among inferiors ; and the effect pro- 
duced by that long experience on a race always 
proud, free, and bold, must be estimated. 

It is not justifiable in any case to select one 
or two of the long list of vices in Gal S"-'^, and 
quote some passage in which a similar fault is 
charged against Gauls ; the list in these verses is 
chargeable against human nature, not specially 
against Gaulish nature. In 6'- "^ niggardline&s is a 
characteristic of the Galatians, and in 1^ they 
change their religion quickly. It may be doubted 
whetTier either fact was characteristic of the Gauls ; 
though fickle in some respects, they never were 
quick to change their religion, but rather the con- 

* The speech of Manlius, .xxxviii. 17, is apptarently Livy's free 
invention, and contains a similar sentiment. 

f Similarl.y, Mommsen (IlOm. Getch. v. 92) shows that in Oaul 
the Gallic language continued in common usc«t least as late as 
the 4th century. 

J Salmon fully recognizes that the Christians of the Xorth- 
Galatian Churches were not as a rule the Gauls, but the 
Phrygians; and that the att«mpt to find Celtic characteristics in 
those whom St. Paul addresses is a failure (Smith, DB^ i. p. 

trary ; * greedy to seek money they were said to be, 
but at the same time the fault to which they tend 
is to be too apt to spend even to ostentation. The 
further quality, that the Galatians are 'a super- 
stitious people given to ritual observances,' was 
peculiarly characteristic of the type of religion 
widely spread over Asia Minor, with its ^eat 
seats at places like Pessinus, Pisidian Antioch, 
Comana, Ephesus, etc. We may say that the 
characteristics of the Galatian congregations are 
those of the general native population of Asia 
Minor, and not those of the Gauls. 

After the Roman imperial centre was trans- 
ferred tirst to Nikomedia, and afterwards to 
Constantinople, the Hellenization of Galatia pro- 
ceeded much more rapidly, for the north side of the 
plateau then rapidly advanced in civilization and 
importance (Ramsay, Histor. Geogr. pp. 74, 197 ff.), 
wmle the south side, which had previously lain on 
the line of the greatest routes, declined. Chris- 
tianity spread the knowledge of Greek in the 4th 
cent. ; and hence we find expressions like that of 
Themistius (p. 360), that Galatia is almost wholly 
Greek. That, however, is a rhetorician's phrase ; 
Jerome and the contempt expressed by B^^ and 
Gregory show that it is probably exaggerated ; 
but, even if it be near the truth, it must not be 
applied to the 1st cent. 

Galatia Proper, as it was in the 1st or 2nd cent., 
was a rough oval in shape, extending about 200 
miles in length (east to west), and 100 miles in 
breadth at the most. It is probably the most 
monotonous and least picturesque country of Asia 
Minor, so far as it is known ; but its north-eastern 
and eastern and southern parts are hardly explored. 
The climate is severe in the long winter ; and the 
want of trees over great part of the district (espe- 
cially near the lines of road, except part of that 
leading to Constantinople) makes the heat of 
summer great. There is a considerable extent of 
fertile soil (with much more pasture land, and 
barren undulating hilly ground) producing grain, 
fruits, cotton, tobacco, opium, etc. ; but, owing to 
difficulties in transport, the only important pro- 
ducts for commerce are wool and mohair (the fleece 
of the beautiful Angora goat). In the Byzantine 
period, after being ravaged by Persians and Arabs, 
Ancyra with Galatia in general (west of the Halys) 
passed into the hands of the Seljuk Turks, was 
held by the Latins for a short time, taken by 
Tartars, and finally captured in 1354 by the Turks 
under Suleiman. 

The earliest reference to Christianity in North 
Galatia is at Ancyra, where the local church (t) Kark 
Torov iKK\7)<Tia, cf . Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of 
Phr. i. p. 272 f. No. 192)' is mentioned about A.D. 
192 in an anti-Montanist treatise as ha%-ing been 
affected by Montanism and saved by the writer 
(Enseb. HE v. Id). Many martyrs suffered there 
under Diocletian, some of whom may have been 
brought from other parts of Galatia for trial at 
the capital ; the dates are not recorded, and only 
the names of most are known, but probably all 
may be placed in the great persecution (Clemens, 
Donatus, Papias, etc., 23rd Jan. ; Theodotus, etc., 
18th May; Plato, etc., 22nd July; Gaianus, 
Julianus, Rufinus, etc., 31st Aug. ; Marcellus, 
Silvanus, Gaianus, etc., 4th Sept. ; Seleuctis, 
Valerius, etc., 15th Sept.; Eusebius episcopus, 16th 
Sept. ; children, 23rd Sept. ; Theodorus episc., 3rd 
Nov. or 6th Apr. ; Eutvchus, Domitianus, 28th 
Dec. ). Any other early Churches in North Galatia 
have been ofeprhelm'ed in oblivion, and hardly a 
trace of ^ei^3F\ives. At Juliopolb, the martyrs 
Plato (fHfcd July, see above), Heuretos, and Gemellus 

* They were proverbially credulous of reports or of anything 
that flattered their vanity ; see Csesar, Beil. OtUL iv. 5 ; Mar- 
tial, V. 1, 10. 

were venerated in the 6th cent., but their connexion 
is uncertain.* At the Ancyran Council (A.D. 314) 
a full muster of Galatian bishops might be expected, 
but only Ancyra and Juliopolis were represented. 
The following bishoprics also can be trauced in the 
4th cent. : Kinna, 325 ; Tavinm, 325 ; Aspona, 
344; Pessinus, 403. + But in the 5th cent, there 
come into our knowledge Mnizos, 451 ; Orkistos, 
431 1 ; Petenissos, 451 ; Eudoxias, 451 ; Amorion, 
431 ; Myrikion, 451 ; and in the 6th or later, 
Verinopolis, 680; Kaloumne, 879; Klaneos, 680; 
Gierma, 553. We cannot conclude with certainty 
that a bishopric did not exist in the 4th cent., 
though it was not represented at the early Councils ; 
but, remembering that Galatia was situated so 
conveniently for the early Councils of Ancyra, 
Nicaea, and Constantinople, we must see in this 
list, when compared with those of the more distant 
Byzantine provinces Lycaonia and Pisidia, a proof 
that Galatia was late In taking its proper rank in 
the Christian world. Ancjia and the road to 
Constantinople are the early home of Cralatian 
Christianity ; and from thence it spreads. Above 
all, it is clear that western and south-western 
Galatia (where Zockler and Salmon place the 
Pauline Churches, and where Zahn, etc., believe that 
St. Paul preached) are latest of all in being thor- 
oughly christianized. Genua, Klaneos, Myrikion, 
Eudoxias, Petenissos (only Pessinus, Orkistos, and 
Troknades [the latter two in Roman Asia] can be 
traced to the 4th cent.). The inference drawn 
from the bishops' lists is confirmed by epigraphic 
evidence, which points to the conclusion that (ex- 
cept in Pessinus, where 4th cent. Christian in- 
scriptions occur) Christianity was late in taking 
root in south-western Galatia [Zeitschr. f. vergl. 
Sprochf. 1887, p. 383). There are a considerable 
number of Christian inscriptions in Ta\-ium and 
other parts of East Galatia ; but all are of late date. 

The Galatian Jews have left few memorials. A 
rather bold speculation (Ramsay, Cities and Bishop- 
rics of Phr. i. pp. 648 IF., 673) assigns Jewish origin 
to some noble families of Ancyra; and a report 
is spread that a highly important Jewish inscrip- 
tion has been found there, but it is not yet pub- 
lished. Jewish names occur in several late in- 
scriptions, probably of Jewish Christians, e.g. at 
Pessinus, Matatas (according to Lightfoot, p. 11, 
but the text is untrustworthy, CIG 4088) ; at 
Eudoxias (Yiirme), Jacob the deacon [SJeuLrow-os 
and Esther ; at TaWum, Daniel, etc. CIG 4129, 
which is Jewish, is MTongly assigned to Galatia 
by Schiirer (Jitd. Folk, i. p. 690), Franz, etc. : it 
belongs to Asia, being found near Dorylaion. The 
decree of Augustus, quoted as giving special privi- 
leges to Jews at Ancyra by Lightfoot, Schurer, 
and many others, depends on an error; it was 
addressed to the Koinon of Asia (Studia Biblica, 
iv. p. 41 f.). The Jews settled in the Seleucid 
colonies of Phrygia (Galatia II.) spread gradually 
to the great cities of Galatia Proper. 

II. Galatia Peovixcia is a complicated subject, 
and the mass of details is unintelli^ble, unless we 
observe the force which guided all the changes, 
viz. the Roman frontier policy, which sought to 
educate barbarous tribes up to the Roman standard 
by a gradual process, first placing them under a 
dependent and allied king, who could control them 

* On 15th April, martyrs in Tatidia GalacioB i»t>bably belong 
to Gallaacia. A martyrj Dikasioe of Tavium, of onknown date, 
is mentioned ; a Dikaaoe was bidtop there in 325. 

t jjLganiik. is added by Le Qnien ; bat Erec^tiiis, the tnshop in 
question, was more {vobaUy of Egdaumana or Glavama, a 
Lycaonian see on the Galataan fronlier, as »ppeazs from the 
forms Damanitanns, Gadanitanns, Gatmaneas, Planathon, etc. 

t Orkistos in a.d. 331 claimed to be wholly Christian in a 
petition to Constantine, OIL iiL 7000: it was at that time 
sabject to Kakoleia in Asia, and could not therefore be a 
bishopric Amorion, Orkistos, and Troknades were joined to 
Galatia about 3S6-395, Hitt. Georpr. At. Mm. p. 231. 




by his presence and annies (Strab. p. 671), and 
then receivinR them into the Empire as they be- 
came civilized and orderly. During the Ist cent. 
A.D. the province G. emlxxlied the Roman spirit 
in central Asia Minor, as opposed to the native 
kingdoms bordering on it ; and the history of G. 
Provincia is the history of Roman policy in its 
advance towards the Euphrates frontier — a long 
slow process, in which the Roman genius un- 
doubtedly was exerted to the utmost to influence 
and impress, to educate and di.<scipline, the popu- 
lation of the various countries taken into the 
province (lalutia (see also GALATIAN.S). 

The South - Galatian theory, then, takes the 
foundation of the Galatian Churches as an episode 
in the political and social history of the province ; 
and ina.«inii(h as several questions in Acts turn 
on the exact boundaries of the province, it is 
necessary to be minute and accurate as regards 
its growth (which is nowhere described fully). 

Amyntas, formerly a secretary of Deiotarus, 
was made king of Fisidia by Antony in 39, at 
the same time as Darius, giandson of Mithridates, 
was granted the kingdom of Pontus, and Polemon 
(.son of Zenon, the rhetor of Laodiceia) that of a 
part of Cilicia {i.e. either Ketis, or more probably 
the whole of Cilicia Tracheiotis). All were de- 
jiendent on Rome, and paid tribute (Appian, Bell. 
Civ. v. 75). Amyntas' kingdom included Apol- 
lonia and Antioch (a district which had been set 
free l)y Rome in B.C. 190, Strab. pp. 569, 577). 

In the interval between 39 and 36 Darius died 
or was disgraced. Polemon was his successor, and 
in 36, as king of Pontus, accompanied Antony to 
the Parthian war ; and as a reward for his services 
therein Armenia Minor was added to his kingdom 
in 35 (Dion Cass. xlix. 33; cf. Plutarch, Ant. 38). 
Polemon lost his Cilician kingdom early in 36, and 
probably Pontus was given him in compensation.* 
Antony, returning from Tarentum, gave all 
Tracheiotis except Seleukeia to Cleopatra (Strab. 
pp. 671, 669) as part of a great Asiatic kingdom ; + 
and a Cleonatrau era was instituted, of which the 
year 1 ended 31st Aug. B.C. 36 (Porphyrius, ap. 
Aliiller, Fragm. Hist. Grcec. iii. 724). 

In 36 Amyntas received from Antony a large ac- 
cession of territory, viz. Galatia Proper with parts 
of Lycaonia and Pamphylia (Dion Cass. xlix. 32). 
His kingdom included most of the great plains 
between Lake Tatta and Taurus (Strab. p. 608). 
The gift of part of Lycaonia was evidently in- 
tended to make his territory continuous, so that 
the Galatian portion should not be divided from 
the Pisidian portion by alien territory. Iconium, 
therefore, was necessarily included in it, as other- 
wise continuity could hardly be attained. :3: 

Amyntas and Polemon supported Antony at 
Actium, B.C. 31, but were conhrmed in their king- 
doms by Augustus in 30. Amyntas received 

• It is beyond doubt (Raillard, Nwnitmat. ZeUachrift, 1895, 
p. 23 a.) that Strabo, pp. 493, 495, 499, 566, 660, 568, 578, is 
always alludiiij; to the same Polemon, the famotis king of his 
own country Pontus, and the trusted ally of Rome^ it is in- 
admissible to separate one of these allusions from the rest as 
denoting some otherwise unknown Polemon. Strabo everywhere 
assumes that his readers recognize the one famous Polemon. 
But, as Monimsen clearly shows (Kphnn. Epinraph, ii. p. ZMff.), 
it is impossible to suppose that tins Greek kmg was the Roman 
M. Antoniiis Polemon ; the coins with that name on them belong 
probably to the period about a.d. 17-28. See below, note J. 

t On the date, see Kromayer in Hemut, 1894, p. .574 f. ; 
Gardthausen, AunvMut urui teine Zeit, i. pt. 1, p. 293. Plu- 
tarch, Ant.Sa (of. 54), and Dion Cass. xlix. 82. 8-5 (who omits 
Tracheiotis), are decisive as to the year, and Josephus (who gives 
84, Ant. Jud. xv. iii. 5-iv. 1) has made a mere error. 

{ Moreover, Amyntas proceeded to conquer Derbe, implying 
that he already hod iconium to start from. Previously 
Polenion's Cilician kingdom had included Iconium (Strab. p. 
.568); and hence in the Acta Pauii et Theelae his descendant 
Tryphaina ha<l estntts in the region of which Antioch was the 
governing centre ( K.iinsay, Chnrch in Bom. Emp. p. 896), and 
which included Iconium. 

Tracheiotis in addition, including Isaura (Strab. p. 
569), and he was i)ermitted freely to enlarge his 
kingdom out of non-Roman territory. Part of 
Lycaonia, including Derbe and Laranaa, had been 
seized by Antipater, once a friend of Cicero {ad 
Fam. xiii. 73) ; this was conquered by Amyntas 
(Strab. p. 569), but he soon afterwards perished, in 
B.C. 25, in attempting to reduce the Homonades, a 
people on the borders of Lycaonia, Pisidia, and 
Isauria (in the country south and east of Bey- 
Sheher lake). 

The kingdom of Amyntas passed with his whole 
property to the Romans, and a new Roman pro- 
vince was con.stituted, called Galatia, doubtless 
because Amyntas had been since 36 currently 
known to the Romans as king of Galatia (compare 
A.siA). The sudden death of Amyntas caused 
great confusion ; months must have elapsed before 
news reached Rome, and instructions came back 
after deliberation. Lollius was named as first 
governor of Galatia Provincia. He needed an 
army to carry out the change. Thus time elapsed, 
and only in B.C. 20 was the question of frontier 
and bounds settled. Pamphylia was apparently 
not included in the new province, though some- 
times the old attachment remained (Tacitus, Hist. 
ii. 9). Tracheiotis was given to Archelaos, king of 
Cappadocia, being tacked on to Eastern Lycaonia 
{i.e. Kybistra, etc.)* as an eleventh or 'added' 
Strategia of Cappadocia (ivSeKari) or iirlKTijTot, Strab. 
pp. 535, 537; ct. Appian, Bell. Mithr. 105, 114). 
Strabo (p. 671) says emphatically that the same 
extent of Cilicia 'rracheiotis was ruled by Arche- 
laos as had been held previously by Cleopatra (36- 
31) and Amyntas (30-25) ;t cf. also the inscription 
CIA iii. 545. Archelaos in A.D. 17 was summoned 
to Rome and degraded. He had teen a weak 

Erince, and when he, a few years previously, 
ecame temporarily insane, Augustus had appointed 
a tutor, and had also taken from him {)art of 
Tracheiotis, permitting Ajax about A.D. 11-12^ to 
become high priest of Kennatis and Lalassis with 
right of coinage. Cappadocia became a province 
in A.D. 17, but apparently Archelaos, son of the old 
king, was allowed to retain Eastern Lycaonia and 
part of Cilicia, while M. Antonius Polemon be- 
came dynast of Olba, Kennatis, and Lalassis,§ and 
reigned at least 11 years. In 36 Archelaos II. was 
king in Tracheiotis, and his attempt to take a 
census after the Roman style caused a revolt in 
Ketis, which seems to imply that Antonius Pole- 
mon's rule had passed to Archelaos (Tacitus, Ann. 
vi. 41 ; Expositor, April 1897, p. 281). In 37 
Tracheiotis and Eastern Lycaonia were given to 
Antiochus, king of Comraagene ; and though he 
was disgraced soon, yet Claudius in 41 restored his 
kingdom.!! He struck coins with the legend ATKA- 
ONSiN, implying probably that Laranda was added 
to his kingdom (it had been in the province since 

• This Lycaonian strategia, originally extending up to Derbe, 
was given by Pompey to Ariobarzanes, king of Capiwulocia, in 
B.C. 04 ; but Antipater seized Derbe and Laranda, defjing the 
Roman policy (apparently in the troubles following ."iO, Strab. 
p. 535). The Roman governors of Phrj'gia and Cilicia, B.c. 60- 
50, retained the right of passage across by Kybistra from 
Iconium to Tarsus (Cicero, Fam. xv. ii. 2, iv. 4 ; Att. v. xviii. 
1, XX. 2). 

t Ketis must be included in this kingdom, and cannot there- 
fore have been under separate dynasts with right of coinage, 
as some scholars have thought, at any period between B.C. 36 
and the disgrace of Archelaos ; but Aba ruled Olba under 
Cleojiatra as overlord till 31 (Strab. p. 672). 

J Coins of his second year name Augustus, of his fifth year 
Tiberius (W'addington, MHarujes de ynmi4fm. ii. p. 126X 

S He is mentioned by Strabo (p. 556), who makes him grand- 
son of Polemon, king of Pontus ; but probably the text is 
falsely arranged, and Strabo refers to the son of Polemon (who 
first held rule without title under his mother, queen Pytho- 
doris, after Polemon die<l, and then about a.d. 17 or 18 was 
made dynast of Olba ; see Ramsay, Church in Horn. Emp. p. 
427 f.). 

II But he gave Olba, Kennatis, and Lalassis to Polemon ii. king 
of Pontus (see below, Waddington, I.e. p. 129). 




B.C. 25, but it was the key to Tracheiotis, and 
necessary for successful administration of the 
kingdom). Thus Derbe came to be the frontier 
city of the Roman Province ; and it was probably 
this important position that led to its receiving 
the honorary title Claudio- Derbe. 

6. Provincia had meanwhile been enlarged also 
on the norih-east, and contained, when St. Paul 
visited it, the following districts in addition to G. 
Proper (all are mentioned in inscriptions of the 
1st century under these names) : (1) Paphlagonia, 
incorporated B.C. 5 (probably on death of Deiotams 
PhUaidelphus).* (2) Parts of Fontus, incorporated 
at various dates (Sebastopolis, Amaseia, and prob- 
ably Gazelonitis in B.C. 2-1, Comana in A.D. 
34-35), and called as a whole Pontus Galaticus, 
i.e. Pontus belonging to 6. as distinguished from 
Pontus Polemoniacits, which was governed by 
Polemon U. (that kingdom was ruled by Polemon 
II. A.D. 37-63, his mother Tryphaena bemg associ- 
ated with him until 54 : t in 63 it also was incor- 
porated in Galatia, but retained the distinguish- 
ing name Polemoniacns). (3) Phrygia, including 
Apollonia, Antioch, and Iconium (wh. see) : as 
contrasted with Phrygia Asiana (Galen, x. rp. iw. 
iv. p. 312, y\. p. 515 Kuhn), it would naturally be 
termed Phrygia Galatica (a title preserved only in 
a note of martyrdom. Acta Sanctorum, 28th Sept., 
p. 563, where Galacice is printed) : see Phkygia. 
(4) Pi.ndia, Ac 14**. (5) Part of Lycaonia, in- 
cluding the cities Lystra and Derbe, and some 
other places not yet organized as cities (such as 
Hyde, Barata, Perta, etc., summed up in Ac 14"* 
as i) Tfpixi^fXK). In contrast to Lycaonia ipsa 
(Pliny, SH v. 95), i.e. the non-Roman country 
governed by Antiochus and styled Lycaonia 
Anti'Khiana \CIL x. 8660), it was doubtless called 
Lycaonia Galatica, like Pontus Galaticus, Phrygia 
Galatica. (6) Lsauria, the territory attached to 
the city Isaura, and called 'lo-aupt/cTj (xw/») by 
Strabo, pp. o6S, 569. It has been maintained that 
the name G. was never employed in correct official 
usage to denote tliis large composite province, and 
that the proper and technical usage was to designate 
the province by enumerating its component parts. 
This position is untenable, and has been frankly 
abandoned bv one of its champions, Prof. E. Schiirer 
(Theolog. Litteraturztg. 30th Sept. 1893). The 
following arguments are decisive against it. 

{a) Ptolemy devotes the successive chapters of 
his Book V. to the Roman provinces of Asia Minor : 
ch. 1. IIojToi' «.-at Biduwias (the official name was 
strictly double, and so was the constitution in 
some respects) ; 2. r^ t'Stoi 'Acrias (as distinguished 
from Asia the continent) ; 3. Ai/rtaj ; 4. FaXartas 
I containing Paphlagonia, and parts of Pisidia, 
Lycaonia, and lsauria, mth the cities Antioch, 
Lystra, Isaura) ; 5. IlafjLipvXiai (which he says is 
bounded by Galatia on the north). 

(6) Pliny (who often uses G. in the narrower 
sense of G. Proper) defines in v. 146, 147, Galatia 
(i.e. the province) as reaching to Cabalia of Pam- 
phylia and to the ililyse, and as containing Lystra 
and various cities in the Phrygian, Pisidian, and 
Paphlagonian territories, altogether 195 peoples.^ 

(c) Tacitus {Hist. ii. 9) mentions Galatia and 
Pamphylia as being governed by Calpumius 
Asprenas, implying that the two formed one 
great continuous district. Eutropius (vii. 10) and 
Syncellus (i. p. 592) apply the name G. to the 
whole province formed in B.C. 25 ; and they simply 
reproduce an old authority, using G. in a sense 
which it no longer bore in their time. 


Vxjjz Dion, 48, 33, 5(8ee Holder, Aiti. SpraditAaU, p. 1581), 
and stLih. B\-z. «.r. Kiprnttt (Strab. p. 560X 

I (d) A practical ])eople like the Romans would 
, never use as the strictly technical and official title 
of a province 'Galatia, Paphlagonia, Pisidia, 
Phrj-gia, Lycaonia, Pontus Galaticus.' That 
accnmolatiou of names was used for the sake of 
clearness on milestones, enumerating the Vice of 
the various districts of the province {CIL iiL 312, 
318), and on honorary inscriptions to give addi- 
tional dignity to the governor of so many vast 
regions. These inscriptions belong to the later 
years of the century, when the constructive effort 
was exhausted, and the national spirit was reviving 
(Hadrian, at last, frankly recognized it). 

It is, however, clear that it was not the current 
and popular Greek usage to designate G. Pro- 
vincia by the name Galatia. The Greek-speaking 
natives, so far as evidence survives, called it the Gal- 
atic Province {CIG 3991), or enumerated the parts. 
It was only those who adopted fully the Roman 
point of view that employed the simple name 
Galatia ; and the use of that name must be taken 
as a sign that the person who uses it speaks as a 
Roman, and deliberately follows the Roman pro- 
vincial di^-isions, and would destroy those national 
distinctions which were opposed to the organized 
Roman unity. It is implied in the Sonth-Galatian 
theory that St. Paul took that view (see Gala- 
TIAXS n. ). The author of Acts, however, did not 
take that view ; and he never speaks of the pro- 
^'ince as Galatia, but mentions its parts (see 
Galatia, Regios of, IV.). 

No information has been preserved to enable us 
to sketch the constitution of this vast province, 
except that it was governed by a praetorian 
legatus A ugusti pro prcetore, and had no legions 
stationed in it. The name TaXarir^ '^roLpxia, 
which the people of Iconium employed to desig- 
nate the province about A.D. 54 {CIG 3991), 
clearly implies that the intention was to work the 
pro%-ince into a unity, like ^-l^ja Provincia, and to 
override the national distinctions of Lycaonian, 
Phrygian, etc. Undoubtedly, this attempt ultim- 
ately proved a failure : the national characteristics 
were too strong, and revived after a time. But in 
the period of growth (B.C. 25 to A.D. 63) a Wgorous 
effort was made to impose a Roman unity, ex- 
pressed by the Roman title G. Provincia, on the 
various races. If we could trust a rather bold 
interpretation of an inscription, which seems to 
make Apollonia a part of the Trokmi {Studia 
Biblica, IV. p. 53 f.), it would even appear that the 
attempt was made to enrol the various parts in 
one or other of the three Gaulish trib^ of G. 
Proper (rd rpia idirri), just as Asia with its equally 
great variety of peoples was ' the nation Asia ' 
[if A-ffia rb iOvoi, Dion Cass. liv. 30) ; so the term 
idvoi is frequently applied in inscriptions to desig- 
nate any entire province, however varied its popu- 
lation was. Unfortunately, inscriptions other than 
epitaphs are very rare in the pro\'ince Galatia. 

Ancyra was the capital of the province G. ; and 
it is probable that Colonia Caesareia Antiochia 
(see Aktioch) was a sort of secondary metropolis, 
being the centre of a system of Roman garrison 
towns (colonieB) and military or imperial roads (oBol 
^aaCKiKol, Ranisay, Church in Rom. Emp. p. 32), 
and a place where ceremonies of the provincial 
cnltus were held {op. cit. p. 396). Probably, the 
various parts of the province retained some 
separate individuality, though its nature is un- 
certain. Even after Pontus Galaticus and Pontus 
Polemoniacns had been merged in G. Provincia, 
they retained their separate names (in inscriptions 
and in Ptolemy), which implies that these artificial 
divisions of purely Roman origin had some real 
political distinction to preserve their separate 
existence. So also St. Luke seems to indicate 
some distinction between the districts of the pro- 




vinoe(8ee Galatia, Rkoion of). Metropoleis of 
various districts are known from coins or inscrip- 
tions (Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, Laranda of 
Lyc«.onia, Sapalassosof I'isidia, Isaura of Isaurica, 
Amascia and Neoc4i'sareia of the Pontic divi- 
sions) ; but the titles appear only in the 2nd or 
3rd century, and are no arfrunient for the Pauline 
period. Whether the Koinon of G. was a pro- 
vincial institution or conlined to Galatia Proper, 
cannot be determined ; but the Koinon of Lyoaonia 
(which has been quoted as a similar institution) 
was not founded till Lycaonia was incorporated 
(probably by Pius) in the new province of the 
Three Epareliiai (Ramsay, Hist or. Geogr. p. 377). 

The nuiiilnu- of Roman foundations made in G. 
Provincia between B.C. 20 and A.D. 50 is an index 
of the vigour with which the imperial policy was 
urged on in that region. Augustus founded seven 
colonies — Germa in North Galatia, and Antioch, 
Lystra, Parlais, Cremna, Comama, Olbasa in 
South Galatia, besides a system of roads and 
milestones measured from Antioch. Nothing com- 
parable in scale to this was done by him in any 
other part of the East. Under the succeedinf' 
emperors, we (ind several cities remodelled and 
Romanized in character and name : Papna- 
Tiberiopolis, Claudio - Seleuceia, Claudio - Deroe, 
Claudio-Iconium, all in South Galatia. 

Owing to the enormous extent of the Province 
G., the greatest variety of soil and scenery and 
products are found in it, from the dead - level 
plains on the Lycaonian and Cappadocian frontier, 
with their vast herds of sheep (alike now and in 
ancient times, Strab. p. 570), to the picturesque 
mountains and deep glens of Pisidia. On the 
northern half, see I. ; the southern half was a 
highly cultivated and rich country in the Ist 
century, containing many great cities, traversed 
by the two ini]iortant roads from east to west — one 
from Cilieia through Iconium and Antioch to 
Apameia and the yEgean coast, one from Com- 
raagene through Ca^sareia Capp. and Laodiceia 
Katakekaumene to Ajjameia. All intercourse 
by land l>etween inner Asia and the west passed 
through the great Roman cities of South Galatia. 
Hence the great stream of intercourse backwards 
and forwards between Rome and the East, which 
played such an important part in moulding Chris- 
tian history, aflected these cities very strongly 
and developed them rapidly. Questions of doc- 
trine and ritual were debated there at an early 
time, and (-ailed for decision. Jewish emissaries 
from Jerusalem (Gal 1^ 4" etc.) would natu- 
rally pass through tliem and affect them first. 
On the other hand, as Rome was the magnet that 
attracted all intercourse, it is not so easy to see 
how Jewish emissaries should affect Ancyra very 
early ; and utterly improbable that they should 
affect the towns in the western parts of Galatia 

Tnat Jews in large numbers dwelt in the cities 
of Plnygia Galatica is well known. They were 
greatly favoured as colonists by the Seleucid 
kings ; and their presence may be confidently 
looked for in all Seleucid foundations. Seleucus I. 
and his successors found them loyal and trusty 
settlers in their garrison cities, such as Antioch, 
Apameia, etc., cities which served to maintain the 
Seleucid power in a foreign land. The Jewish 
colonists had the right of citizenship, along with 
various special privileges of a kind which their 
religious ideas required, as regards burial, money 
grants in place of oil-distribution, etc. ; and their 
privileges and rights seemed to have been summed 
up in a body of city law, called in an Apamean 
inscription vbno% tQv 'Ioy6o/w«' (Ramsay, Cities and 
Bishoprics of Phrygia, pp. 538 f., 668 f.). Seleucus I. 
• On the roMla, Be* Ilittvr. Otogr. pp. 43 (., 49 f. etc. 

granted them citizenship in all his colonies, im- 
plying that there were Jews in fell, and his suc- 
cessors carried out the same policy (.los. Ant. Jud. 
XII. iii. 1, § 119, 125); and Antiochus the Great 
about 200 B.C. brought 2000 Jewish families 
from Babylonia to the cities of Phrygia fuid 
Lydia [id. ib. § 148 ff.). These Seleucid colonies 
were almost all planted on the southern side of the 
jdateau, and chiefly on the great lines of com- 
munication leatling east and west ; and the mass 
of Jewish colonists are to be expected in the cities 
along these routes. They penetrated farther 
north in the course of trade ; but their settlement 
in North Galatia belongs to a period later than 
their establishment in the soutli. 

The Jewish colonists undoubtedly exercised 
great influence on the development of Asia Minor 
in the Roman period ; but they have left few 
conspicuous traces of their presence. They adopted 
Greek and Roman names (at least in public fife), 
and it is doubtful how far they retained any 
knowledge of Hebrew ; hence they are hardly 
to be distinguished from the ordinary citizens, and 
the attempt to do so in ch. xv. (also xiv. ) of Cities 
and Bishoprics of Phrygia is very speculative. 
But they seem to have taken part in public life, 
and to have exercised great influence through their 
wealth and ability, as well as through the power 
of their peculiar and impressively pure religion. 
Even the marked analogy which existed in point 
of ceremonial between the Asianic and the Judaic 
religion increased the influence of the latter (see 
Galatians II.). 

Few Jewish or Jewish-Christian inscriptions 
can be detected in South-Galatian cities, because 
the names are usually unrecognizable and few 
emblems or Jewish formulae are employed : in 
Antioch, Sterrett, Epiyr. Joum. No. 138 (cf. Cities 
and Bish. of Phrygia, p. 525 n. 1) ; and at Apol- 
lonia. Bull. Corr. Hell. 1893; in Iconium, CIG 
40016, 3998, 39956, 9270; and in Laodiceia 
Combusta, CIG 3989c?, and Athcn. Mitth. xiii. 
pp. 241, 254, 255, 258, 260. Among the few known 
inscriptions of Lystra and Devbe none have any 
Jewish appearance, except one with the name 
Mouisas at a village a little west of Derbe (Ster- 
rett, Wolfe Expcd. No. 46). 

Cliristian inscriptions are comparatively numer- 
ous in Galatic Phrygia and Lycaonia, especially 
in the country that lies north and north-west of 
Iconium ; and, thougli none are dat-ed, yet style 
indicates that some must be as early as the 3rd 
century. Besides the Jewish-Christian ones just 
mentioned, others certainly or probably Christian 
(some perhaps Jewish-Christian) and early (omit- 
ting all that are later), are A. E. Mitth. 
Oesterr. 1896, p. 36 f., Nos. 20, perhaps 19, 24; 
Sterrett, Epigr. Joum. 142, Wolfe Exped. 555 
(see Expositor, Oct. 1888, p. 263), Joum. of Hell. 
Stud. 1890, p. 165, No. 23 (cross above omitted by 
editor), Athen. Mitth. xiii. p. 249 ff. Nos. 44,49, 
53, 54, etc., with others unpublished. As is 
pointed out in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 
pp. 511, 715f., epigraphic evidence would suggest 
that this district is one of those wlitif ("Inistianity 
took the earliest and strongest IkiIiI. Little is 
known about the lat«r history of the Churches of 
Galatic Phrygia and Lycaonia. It is suggested that 
St. Mark carried on evangelisation in the eastern 
districts after about 60 A.D. ;* and his name is 
commoner than any other except Paul and John 
in the Christian inscriptions of tiie district (Athen. 
Mitth. xiii. p. 252 ff. Nos. 55, 56, 61, 92, 99; St. 
Paul the Trav. p. 351). Round Iconium, Antioch, 
and to a less degree Lystra, clings a great body of 

• Bartholomew, the apostle of the Lycaonians, ia probably 
to be connected with the Inner Lycaones of the province Asia 
{CUiet and Bithoprics, i. 700). 




early tradition ; but Derbe is as little prominent 
in tradition as in the narrative of Ac, and the 
earliest known bishop seems to be Daphnus, 381. 

III. In 2 Ti 4^* Tiseliendorf with k reads e/j 
TaWlav, WH eis TaXaTlav. The former reading 
would necessitate a new article containing an 
account of Gaul (raXXia) : even the latter reading, 
as many contend, refers to that country (cf . Theod. 
Moj)s. ad loc). Gaul is called ToXaWa by many 
Greek * writers ; and, beyond doubt, that was the 
current Greek name in the 1st and 2nd cents. ; but 
it may be doubted whether St. Paul, whose usage in 
names geographical is thoroughly Roman,t would 
not here also employ^ the Roman term, if he meant 
Gaul. Moreover, it could not escape him that 
VaKaria would be ambiguous, and would naturally 
be understood as Galatia by Timothy, who was 
resident in Asia ; and it is highly probable that 
he would not use that term to signify Gaul with- 
out employing some of the various ways of dis- 
tinguishing. We must conclude that either St. 
Paul meant the same country which he elsewhere 
calls Galatia, or the true reading is FAAAIAN, 
which would readily be corrupted into TAAATIAN. 
Manuscript authority, however, is generally con- 
sidered decisive in favour of TakaTlav, though 
Tischendorf thinks otherwise. Against Tischen- 
dorf's reading it has been stated that FaXXta or 
FdXXot is first used in Greek by Epictetus (or 
rather Arrian), Dissert, ii. 20. 17 (Lightfoot, Gal. p. 
3 note) ; but Strabo (p. 195) has VaWiKov, used in 
a way suggesting that he recognized it to be the 
Roman equivalent to the Greek VaXaTiKov. 

Fourth century tradition says that Crescens was 
sent to Gaul ; and the Churches of Vienne and 
Mayence claimed him as their founder; but the 
latter claim is certainly improbable, and the whole 
tradition may be founded on a false interpretation 
of 2 Ti 4^'*. There was a natural desire to connect 
the Gaulish Church with apostolic times ; this 
would lead to the interpretation of G. in that 
passage as Gaul ; the name raXXiav would be 
written as a gloss on the margin, and this false 
reading finally crept into a few manuscripts. 
Tillemont's argument (Memoires pour servir etc., 
i. art. 52, note 81, pp. 133, 263), that the evangeli- 
zation of Gaul did not take place so early as this 
supposed mission of Crescens, has never been 
seriously shaken, and remains the most probable 

Even more improbable is the view that in 
1 Mac 8^ the reference is to Roman victories in 
Gaul. At the period in question, about B.C. 160, 
the Romans had recently conquered Cisalpine 
Gaul ; but there is no reason to think that this 
not specially important event would produce any 
effect on the mind of the Jews. On the other 
hand, the Galatians were a terror in Asia for 
nearly a century ; and even the victories of Attains 
had only restrained the range of their power, 
but not broken it. But Manlius marched at 
\vill through their land, and defeated them in 
the heart of their country ; and this event would 
be noised thiough the Seleucid dominions, and 
would naturally suggest to the Jews the desira- 
bility of entering into friendly relations with a 
government that could exercise such power on the 
Seleucid frontier. 

Literature. — Van Gelder, de GaWs in Grceeia et Asia 
(188S); Droysen, Geseh. des Helleiii»mtu ; Zwintcher, de 
Galatarum TctrarchU; Perrot, de Galatia Prov. Romana, 
also Exploration Archiologique de la Galatie, etc., an<l Mem. 
d'Archeol. p. '2-29 S. ; Robiou, Hist, des Gaulois d'Orient, 
Paris, lSf)6 ; Contzen, Die Wanderungen der Kelten, Leipzig 
18C1; Thierrj-, Hist, des Gaxdois (very poor); the elabor- 

• r«XaT.'a and TotXaTai are so used in Diodorus. Strabo, 
Josephus, Plutarch, Appian, Pausanias, Dio. Cass., Athenaeus, 

t Zahn, Einleititng, § 11, A 4, and Galatiaxs II. 

ate and usetui Wemsdorff, de liepubliea Galatarum, 1743; 
Clemen, Chronologie d. Pauiin. Bri^e, 201 ff.; Zahn, Einlei- 
tung in das Xetie Testament ; the Introductions to the editions 
of the Epistle ; Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 
Ch. H. K., Church in the Roman Empire, chs. ii.-vL, St. Pa%U 
the Traveller, chs. v. vi. viii. ; Th. K«inach, Revxte Numisma- 
tique, 1891, p. 377 fl.; Niese, Rhein. Mtu. 1883, p. 583 flf. On the 
Galatian controversy the most recent articles are : North- 
Galatian side, Schiirer, Jahrb. f. protest. Theol. 1832, p. 471, 
Theol. Litterztg. Sept. 30, ISau ; Chase, Expositor, Dec. 1893, 
May 1894 ; Zockler, SK, 1895, p. 51 fl. ; Fiiidlay, Expotitory 
Times, vii. pp. 54, 235. South-Galatian side, Gifford, Expotitor, 
July 1S94 ; Kendall, Expositor, Nov. 1893, Apr. 1894 ; Holtz- 
mann, Zft. /. Kirchl. Gesch. 1893, p. 336 ff. ; Ramsay, Expogitor, 
Jan. Feb. Apr. Aug. 1894, July, Aug. 1895, Expository Times, 
vii. pp. 142, 285, Sttidia Riblica, iv. p. 17 ff. ; Clemen, Z/t. f. 
tciss. Theol. xsxvii. p. 396 ff. On the QiteUenkritik, see Schmidt, 
de fontibus reterum auctorwn in enarr. expedit. a Gallis 
susceptis (Berlin, 1834) ; Miiller, Fragm. Hist. Graee. iv. p. 640 ; 
Nissen, Kritische Untersuchungen (BerL 1863), as well as Van 
Gelder, etc. (Stahelin, d. Gal. in Kleiruisien, subsequently 
published, is in agreement). W. M. RaMSAY. 

GALATIA, REGION OP, more strictly rendeied 
Galatie Region (t) YaXariKr] x'^P*> Ac 18^ ; ij ^pvyia 
Kal TaXaTiKr] X'^pa, Ac 16''), is a phrase difhcult to 
explain, because it takes us into the popular topo- 
graphical terminology of a district and a period 
that are utterly obscure. 

I. According to the North-Galatian theory, and 
also according to Zahn, who holds the South- 
Galatian view in all essentials, this term is merely 
a synonym for roXarta in the common sense of 
G. Proper. The difficulty in accepting this ap- 
parently simple interpretation is that the use 
of the term VaXaTiKT] x'^P^-j where TaXarla should 
be expected, is not supported by analogy. The 
only analogy quoted is eiri 'AyK^pas rrjs TaXaTiKijs, 
Arrian, Anab. ii. 4. 1 ; but this denotes, not 
• Ancyra of the Galatie country,' as is assumed, but 
' Ancyra the Galatie ' as distinguished from Ancyra 
the Phrygian (r^ ^pvyiaK^, Strab. p. 567) ; Arrian, 
in describing the period of Alexander the Great, 
uses the word by anticipation. If the reference in 
Ac 16^ 18^ is to G. Proper, all Greek usage, earlier 
and later alike, demands that the noun VakaTia 
should be used ; and this is all the more necessary 
if (as is maintained on this \'iew) it is coupled with 
the noun ^pvyia.. The defenders of this interpreta- 
tion can hardly plead that the obscurity of the 
subject should be accepted as an excuse for their 
failure to explain the reason of this perplexing 
and unnecessary deviation from common nomen- 
clature ; because the adj. TaXariKos is used with 
comparative frequency in the topographical termi- 
nology of that period, and always in a well-marked 
and characteristic way. This point needs careful 
study. There is a regular tendency to distinguish 
the scope of the derived adjective in -ikos from the 
simple word : thus, for example, ol 'ATraXt/coi 
^aaiXih are the whole dynasty of wliich the Attali 
were the most prominent members (Strab. p. 288) : 
Hpiya FaXart/cd are deeds perpetrated by anybody 
similar to ^pya. rCiv FaXarcDj' : FaXariKis /coXiros, 
"ZiKeXiKhv TT^Xayos, etc., are the bodies of water 
adjoining or pertaining to Galatia, Sicily, etc.: 
T) IffavpiKT] x^P°- ^^'^s the whole region of which 
Isaura was the leading city, but it did not all 
belong to Isaura. ilany examples might be 
quoted ; but the closest parallel to the pair of 
terms FaXart/cTj X'^P°- scad. FaXarta is XaKdivLKi] yij 
and AaKuvia. AaKuvia is the old historic land of 
LacedcPmonia ; but AaKwviKT] yrj comprises the 
entire region which had passed under Spartan 
rule and been added to Laconia, including Mes- 
senia and the land near Pylos (Thuc. ii. 25, iv. 41, 
V. 34; Xen. Hell. vi. 2. 9 and 31). As Spartan 
power d\vindled, yri AaKwviKri shrank in extent till 
it practically coincided with Laconia. The dis- 
tinction is analogous to that between ' British 
territory ' and ' Britain ' ; the former being enor- 
mously wider than the latter. There are cases in 
which, for some special purpose, the wider terra 




may be used about the smaller country ; but in 
orchnary expression the wider term is used only 
about tne enlarged country. It is not safe to say 
more than that a tendency exists to observe this 
distinction ; as time goes on, its delicacy often 
leads to its being blurred.* In the adj. VaXariKoi 
the distinction is well observed. In an Iconian 
inscription" of A.D. 54, the enlarged Galatia Pro- 
A-incia is raXarui) ixaoxda (C'lG 3*J91) ; the part of 
Pontus included in the province is called VaXariKos 
in many inscriptions and in Ptolemy : similarly, the 
corresponding term Phrygia Galatica once occurs. 
If St. Luke u.sed VaXaTiKi) x^P"- where YaXarla. would 
have been the simple and clear term, he contra- 
dicts all that we know of contem])orary usage, 
and yet attains no conceivable purpose thereby. 
The Greek-speaking population of Asia Minor 
ordinarily called Galatia Proper Yakarla, and 
Enlarged Galatia raXart/cT) (usually with some 
noun) : only wlien they adopted tlie Roman point 
of view, Greek-speaking persons fxicasionally and 
for some special purpose used YaXtnia in the Roman 
sense of the Province. Analogy points to the con- 
clusion that the Greek Luke would use YoKartK^ 
Xiispa to indicate the Province, which the Roman 
Paul calls YaKaria. 

II. Liglitfoot argued that in Ac 16* r^v ^pyylav 
Kal Ta\a.TiKT\v x'^po-" must denote a single territory 
to which two epithets are applied, ' the region 
which in ancient time was Phrygian and after- 
wards Galatian.' This explains why an unusual 
term was adopted ; but such antiquarian lore is 
quite out of keeping with the style of Acts. We 
require here a current term in popular speech, for 
that is the character of Lukan expression. Zahn, 
who, like many other scholars, holds that ^pvyLav 
here must be a noun, demands some case analogous 
to the double topographical epithet. Liglitfoot gave 
only Lk 3^ : we add some from Strabo, p. 195, t6 
<(>v\ov 6 vvv YtxWiKov re Kal YaXaTiKbv Ka\od<n ; p. 788 
(of the Nile mouths) rb fikv llrjXovaiaKbv Kokelrat., 
rh hk Kavw^LKbv Kal"iipaK\eio}TLK6v •,\ p. 802 (Xois is 
defined as) vteip rod ^tfievvvriKoD Kal <PaTviTiKov 
<tt6/mtos, i.e. above the Sebennytic - Phatnitic 
branch in the upper part, where these two branches 
are still joined, and wliich may bear either name ; 
p. 97, rrji' ^KvdiKYjv Kal KeXTiKtjv, the (northern) zone 
that may he called either Scythian or Celtic (after 
the two cliief races that inliabit its eastern and 
western parts) ; p. 670, rov KiXikIov Kal Ila/x<(>v\iov 
Tp&rov. The Greek *ca( is used to connect alterna- 
tive names (Latin sive, seti, English or, alias) ;X and 
the grammatical character of Lightfoot's construc- 
tion seems clearly established by these examples. 
In Ac 18^ YaXariKTi x'^P"- on his interpretation must 
be used needlessly for Galatia Proper. 

III. Giflbrd (Expositor, July 1894, p. 12) accepts 
Lightfoot's construction, but interprets ' the border- 
lands of Phrygia and Galatia.' Tlien Ac 18*^ men- 
tions ' the Galatic Province (Region) and Phrygia.' 
This view has much to recommend it. It gives in 
16®a route leading direct from Iconium by Dorylaion 

* So sometimes vntix yij A»)unixri or x''f* ^- But in such 
cases a purpose can often be detected. Aristophanes stands 
alone in usin;,' /ietxa/nxx! as 'Laconian women' | but that was 
undoubtedly an Athenian slang term, perhaps m the sense of 
•women of laconian type '(of. A««4wi*a, shoes of Laconian styleX 
Such U8a|j:e8 as irikif r«X«Tntti, cit^' belon^inof to the VxXxTiti. 
i.e. Oalatian city, ToXiuof &iirirx\ixei, war in which the Thessali 
take one side, arc of a difTerent class. 

I An exactly equivalent form is nsed by Ptolemy, iv. 5, 
'lifi»icXuiTiK>t rrtput, rs xoii K»a>,3(x«v (on the sense of r* xtu'in 
names, see liamsay, Citxe» and BUhopricn, i. p. 037 f.). 

t In Greek, esp.of later period, xki often means ' or,' Thuc. vi. 
60, 1; n. 85. 2 ; 42, 3; Ar. Eq. 2K (Neil); Aesch. Sept. 414 f., 
1058 ; Bur. Stipp. 895 ; Jph. Aul. 043 ; Plut. Q. Conv. iv. 2, 
065c ; Poetgate on Proi>ert. v. 6, 51. The Koman tive is 
often used to connect alternative names, where the Greek 
form is either i tuti or WixrXfjutitt ; sec Jfarqu.irdt, R6m. 
J'rivatcUterth.i p. 27; Cajrnat, Manuel d'Kpigraphie Lat.'* 
p. 57. 

to Bithynia, making St. Paul turn direct towards 
that country when forbidden to preach in Asia ; 
then, when he came to Doiylaion over-against 
Mysia,* he was forbidden to cross the liithynian 
frontier, and turned west. It then liecomes, however, 
almost necessary to suppose that the proliibition 16' 
was given in Iconium or Lystra, and that .St. Paul, 
abantloning his previous intention (15**) of going 
over all the Churches, omitted Antioch. Salmon 
interprets much in this way, but is clear that 
Paul Avent to Antioch, and translates Ac 16® as in 
next section, IV. (Smith's Bib. Diet.'- i. p. 1105). 

IV. Another explanation takes us into the 
obscure minutiaj ot the Galatic Province. The 
various parts of the province retained a certain 
distinction (see Galatia II.), and were probably 
termed Rcgioncs or x^P"-'-- The term Jic(/io occurs 
in one inscription, mentioning a centurion charged 
with duty m the liegio of which Antioch was 
centre, i.e. Phrygia Galatica.t while x'^P"- i* 
understood in Strabo, pp. 568, 569, 17 *l<rai;pt»c^) 
[xi^pa), and in Ptolemy, v. 6, 17, M 'XvnoxfMt^ 

The route taken by St. Paul in Ac 16>-« and 18« 
led across two of the regions (xw/xxt) of the Galatic 
Province, viz. the Galatic part of Lycaonia and the 
Galatic part of Phrygia ; the former contained 
Derbe and Lystra, the latter Iconium and Antioch. 
In 18*^ two regions are mentioned, rV YaXaTiKrjv 
X'^po-v Kal ^pvyiav : here it is grammatically equally 
possible to take iipvyiav as noun and as adj. ; for 
when two ditlerent names, expressed by two adjs. 
agreeing with the same noun, are coupled by Kal, 
the regular usage is to express the noun onlj- 
with the lirst (so in Strabo,§ tjjj' 'AicwTa»'7)i' fiepLoa 
Kal TTjv 'Sap^wvlriv, p. 191 ; rb '}i\.(vS-q(iiop arop-a Kal 
rb TaviTiKbu, p. 802 ; rov Aiyalov veXdyovs Kal rov 
llafji(pvXiKov Kal rov 'laaiKov, p. 121 ; in Epiphanius 
[Hceres. 19), rrjs Na^artK^s X'^P^^ ^al 'Irovpalas Kal 
Mwa/3trt5os KaVApriXiridoi ; and others innumerable 1!). 
The two regions intended ought to be the x^P^^ 
AvKaovla and the X'^P'^ ^pvyia. Now, Roman 
Lycaonia was naturally always designated with 
reference to the other half, non-Roman Lycaonia. 
One pair of terms would be Lycaonia Antiochiana 
(found OIL X. 8660) and Lycaonia Galatica (not 
actually found, but it may be assumed confidently 
on the analogy of Pontus Galaticus, Phrygia 
Galatica) ; another pair of terms would be 'Avn- 
oxi-avT) (xwpa) as in Ptolemy, and YaXariKr) x^P"- ^^ 
in Ac 18-^. The latter pair would be naturally 
used by a person speaking inside tlie country and 
not requiring to name it,1[ the former by a person 
outside the country. The Phrygian region of the 
Galatic Province was called ^pvyia x^pa by St. Luke, 
who seems to have always used tliis form of desig- 
nating the various regions of the province (but 
those who prefer to treat <^pvyia as a noun in 18^ 
may take the same sense from the noun as from 

* xxra as iu Ac "277 ; Thuc. vi. 65 and 104 ; Herod, i. 76. 

t ixaretTcipxKf piyundpiev, Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey, 
No. 92, who wrongly alters to [xjiy. ; Prof. O. Hirschfeld 
accepts the reading given above (and in the copy), see Berlin 
Akad. Sitzunggber. 1893, p. 421. 

J In that jjassago the two parts of Lycaonia (Galatica and 
Antiochiana) arc opposed to each other iimlcr the names 
Lycaonia and Antiochiana ; they retained distinct names in the 
2nd century, but evidently great variety existed in the way of 
designating them, and Ptolemy selects an ill-fitting pair of 

§ Strabo, who very rarely uses the common article to hold two 
nouns togetlier (an example, however, in p. 38S), repeats the 
article with the second member. 

II Strabo has two other forms, much rarer, xtKirtut rit «•» 
'Aifietrtxit K»i rat Tvfer,,ix»t. p. 92 ; T» K/mrixit ««< 2ixtXjxii> 
Ktii 2«/>2w«v xi\jtLy»e fiadia im, p. 59. In the latter clikss we can 
usually see the intention to treat the whole as a imity made 
up of several {mrts ; and the exanii)le quoted is so harsh as to 
be suspicious in text (if correct, the grammar is much worse 
than Strabo's average). 

% The author of Ac 1823 speaks from the point of view of a 
person in the country, placing himself alongside of St. Paul. 




<l»/>iryia with X'^P^ understood, for in the inscrip- 
tions of Antioch the noun is often used to desig- 
nate Galatic Phrygia [C/Z iii. Suppl. 6818, 6819], 
and St. Luke may be allowed to speak as the 
people of Antioch wTote). Ac 18^, then, implies 
• he made a mission tour * through the Galatic 
region (Derbe and Lystra) and the Phrygian 
ticonium and Antioch), stablishing all the dis- 
ciples (in all the Galatian Churches).' + 
Ac 16* is more complicated. It describes the 

{"onmey from Lystra onwards, i.e. through Galatic 
^hrygia. Had' the expression been tt/v ^pvyiay 
Xul'/xii', there would have been less doubt ; but the 
author, wishing to bring out with minute accuracy 
that his meaning was restricted to the Galatic part 
of the large country of Phrygia, added a second 
adjective to express ' the Region that is Phrygian 
and Galatic,' i.e. 'which was geographically 
Phrvgia, but politically Galatia.' J The verse, then, 
implies 'they made a mission tour* through the 
Fhrygo-Galatic Region (Iconiumand Antioch), [but 
no farther], because they were forbidden to speak 
the word in Asia (which they entered immediately 
on going onward from Antioch).' 

It is objected that this view is too complicated 
and artificial ; but the complicacy arises from our 
being forced to write a lost page of history con- 
cerning an obscure comer of the empire, before we 
can interpret the language of an author who 
assumes that we are as familiar as he was with 
the terminology of his own time. Asterius, bishoj) 
of Amasia in Ponttus Galaticus 400 A.D., under- i 
stood 18^ exactly in this way, for in paraphrasing | 
it he uses the words, ttjp AvKaoviav kcu rat TTJi 
<Ppvyiat xoXeij {Horn. viiL, Migne, Patrolog. Grcec. 
vol. xl.). This testimony of a man familiar with 
the topography of Asia Minor should have great 
weight ; and Zahn is not justified in setting it 
aside as a false inference, into which Asterius was 
betrayed by taking Antioch in Ac 18^ as Pisidian 
Antioch. Asterius places the journey through 
Lycaonia and Phrygia immediately before the 
visit to Asia (Ac 19^), and therefore evidently 
understood tt^v TaXaTiKriv x'^'P*'*' •^"i ^pvyiav in that 
sense. No mere error about Antioch explains such 
a rendering of 18^. We have here a distinct testi- 
mony by an ancient authority in favour of the 
view stated in this section. W. M. Ramsat. 

GALATLOS (roXdrot), used only in Gal 3^. 

I. According to the majority of scholars, it denotes 
the people of Galatia Proper, a mixed population, 
consisting of a minority aescended from the three 
Gaulish tribes, and a large majority of the ancient 
population, Phrygians west of the Halys, Cappa- 
d<x;ians east of that river, with an intermixture 
of Greeks, Romans, and Jews. In the great cities, 
such as Ancyra, the Phrygians, etc., probably con- 
stituted the overwhelming majority, while Gatils 
were found there only as a small aristocratic caste ; 
but in country parts the Gauls were more numerous. 
That is the usual sense of the term G., and needs 
no proof. On the character of these Gauls, their 
position as a small conquering caste of barbarians 
among a more numerous and more educated 
population, and their relation to that older popula- 
tion, see Galatia I. 

The general population of North Galatia was 
summed up as Galafai in ordinary ancient usage. 
But this term had no ethnological implication ; it 
did not mean that the people so designated were 

* On this sense of iiixSo, see Expotitor, Kay 1806, p. 386 ff. 

t Such is the reading of RV, Tiachendcwf, westoott and Hort, 
etc. But probably lightfoot was right (JBtbUeal JStMy«, p. 235X 
that the TB and AV represent the correct reading h^. 

t This cannot justly be interpreted as deacxibing any other 
country than the region of Antioch, ApoQonia, and Iconiom ; 
bat Sabnon, while translating by these words, interprets than as 
describing part of Galatia Proper (Smith, DB p. 11U6X 

all of Gallic descent, for it is doubtful whether ao 
much as live per cent, of the total population was 
of Gallic origin, and it is practirailly certain that, 
in the great cities, an even smaller proportion of 
the population was of Gallic descent.* The name 
Galatai meant really no more than 'people of 
Galatia,' though the usual ethnological fiction 
crept in, and Phrygians and Greeks were feigned 
to be of the three tribes, jnat as the composite 
province Asia was called an idroi (see p. 87''). It is 
quite unjustifiable to suppose that the Churches 
addressed by St. Paul, even if they were situated 
in North-Galatian cities, consisted of persons of 
Gallic blood to any important extent : the proba- 
bility is that such Galatian Christians would be to 
a very large extent free from any mixture of Gallic 
blood. Only in that form of the North-Galatian 
theory which is advocated by Dr. Zockler is it 
admissible to suppose that the Christian Galatians 
were to some extent GauLs (see p. 81, 84 f.). The 
historical review given under G.-VLATIA, and the 
authorities quoted there, furnish the proof of the 
statements here made. 

The origin of the peculiar Greek word raXd-nit 
is doubtful ; it probably arose among the Greek 
settlers on the Gallic coast at MassaliaorMassUia, 
and means, according to Holder {Spraehschatz), 
' noble,' while Galli means ' warlike.' Three terms 
occur in Greek writ-ers, and it was only at a later 
period and in a half-hearted way that a distinction 
was drawn between TaXdrat as the people of 
Galatia in Asia, FdWot as the people of Gaul or 
France, and KArot as the generic name of all 
cognate tribes whether found in these two coun- 
tries or elsewhere ; the last of these distinctions, 
which is universal among modem writers, can 
hardly be traced, even in embryo, among the 
ancients (though the use of KeXrtKos in Strab. vii. 
5. 2, p. 314, approximates to it) ; but the Romans 
began sooner to appreciate the convenience of the 
distinction between Galli and Galatoe in political 
usage, and the geographers adopted it from them 
by degrees (traces of it appear in Strabo). 

II. It is maintained by other scholars, that, 
corresponding to the term Galatia Provineia, 
there was a Roman term Galatce, indicating the 
body of provincials. It was necessary in ofiicial 
and legal usage to have a term designating the 
entire population of a province ; and the term was 
always the etlinic derived from the oflScial name 
of tlie province. Thus all the inhabitants of 
Africa were Afri (e.^. Juvenal, viii. 120 ; Pliny, 
Epist. ii. 11. 2), of Hispania Baetica Boetici (Pliny, 
Epist. iiL 9. 3, etc.), and so on, even though 
several nations inhabited each province, some of 
which, e.g. Carthaginians or Greeks, regarded 
themselves as far superior to barbarian Afri, etc. 
The Romans used these generic terms when it 
was necessary to describe as a class the whole 
population; but 'the same writer who at one 
time and from one point of view summed up the 
population of Sicilia Frovinda as Sicvli, would at 
another time and for another purpose pointedly 
emphasize the Greek character and origin of the 
people of Syracuse or Messana,' and would dis- 
tinguish them from the Siculi as a difierent race.t 
Similarly, the term Galatce was for purposes of 
generalization employed by the Romans to sum 
up the entire population of the province Galatia ; J 
but its use in this way is determined by the pur- 

* Slaves Sosias, Maiphateis, etc., called VaiAnu in Delphic 
inscriptkHis, are by imce Phrygian (SxpotUor, Angast ISOSX 

t See Sttidia £iMiea, IT. p. 26 ff., fw a faller dtacDflsion (wfak^ 
according to Zahn lEinUtiung, pu 130], 'atufOrtuA und uber- 
zeugend handeU hieton'y. 

X For example, Tacitas speaks of levies from the provinces of 
Galatia and CappadociJ^ stRnetimes as habiti per G a la t i a m 
Cappadociamgme dSeetus {Ann. xiiL 35), sometnnes, wMt h» 
usual love ot vaiiatMn in language, as Gitlatarum CappOr 




pose and views of the speaker. Tliree points are 
involved in this use of the term : ( 1 ) the speaker or 
writer is generalizinj' about a set of inhabitants of 
the province ; (2) lie lias not in mind any thouglit 
of the racial cliaracter — as I'hrypians, Pisidians, 
Galatians, etc. — of the persons .'uldressed ; (3) he 
is speaking from the Roman point of view. All 
these three points are united in Gal 3'. (1) St. 
Paul is addressing in a generalizing style people of 
two cities in Phrygia and two in Lycaonia, viz. the 
members of tlie lour 'Churches of Galatia.' If it 
is possible to speak of the 'Churches of Galatia,' 
it must from the same point of view bo possible to 
classify the members as 'Galatians.' (2) There is 
here no thouglit of racial character, only of classify- 
ing a group of towns by their common character, 
and no common characteristic lies so near as their 
common Roman relation. The policy of Rome was 
to prevent the subject cities from uniting with one 
another, and to unit-e them all closely to herself ; 
and their Roman relationship exists only in virtue 
of their forming part of a Roman province. Hence 
analogies from modem divisions, such as English 
counties, which opponents of tliis interpretation of 
the term G. bring forward, are inapposite : a 
native of an Englisli county does not rank as a 
Briton in virtue of his belonging to the county, 
but a native of the province Galatia ranked as a 
member of the Roman Empire in virtue of his 
belonging to the province. Similarly, a modern 
governor might sum up members of a Society with 
branches in New Brunswick and Ontario as 
' Canadians,' though even here the parallel is not 
complete, for New Brunswick was a part of the 
British Empire before it was federated witii 
Canada, but liycaonia Avas governed by a native 
prince before it was incorporated in the province 
Galatia. (3) Paul, the civis Romanus, naturally 
spoke from the Roman point of view. His whole 
career shows how thoroughly he accepted the 
existing political facts and inculcated loyal sub- 
mission to the reigning power. He classified his 
Churches according to the provinces, Achaia, 
Macedonia, Asia, Galatia. Especially after the 
decision in favour of religious freedom pronounced 
by Gallio, he recognized, also, tiiat the liberal 
Roman administration was his ally against the 
Jews.* But, from the outset, the Pauline teach- 
ing was, as a practical force in society, tending to 
produce certain results, which the Roman policy 
also aimed at, viz. (I) spread of the Greek lan- 
guage as being used in the Christian books; 
(2) revolt against the power of the great religious 
centres witli their colleges of priests ; (3) educa- 
tion of the people ; (4) development of a feeling 
of unity among members of different nations, i.e. 
destruction of national separation.! 

But would the people or Pisidia and Lycaonia be 
willing to accept the title Galatae ? It has been 
maintained that this is incredible, and that the 
burden of proof lies with those who assert that the 
names Lycaonian or Pisidian or Phrygian would 
ever be disowned by natives of that country. But 
two of the four Churches were in Roman cities, 
Colonia; Romnna; ; to judge from the analogy of 
colonin Corinth with its numerous Roman names 
(see Corinth, p. 480''), there were almost certainly 
some Romans in the Churches : could these be 
addressed as Lycaonians? And the non-Roman 
population of a colonia shared in the honour of 
doeiLnujru atixtiia (Ann. xv. 6) ; and Syncellus, depending on 
an older authority, after mentioning the province Galatia, says 
that Augustus imposed taxes on the G., obviously meaning the 
whole people of the province. 

* J'rom this point of view, the conii><)sition of Gal should be 
placed after the trial before (Jallio, rallier than (as Zahn, J-:in- 
leituna, 5 12, puts it) before that event : perhaps at Antioch 
(Ac 1S22). 

t .Sec Zahn, Einleitung, | 11, A 4 (St. Paid the Trav. p. 

130 fr.). ^ 

their city. The provincials, with Oriental facility, 
adopted the Roman ideas and titles, and learned 
to contemn the uneducated barbarians outside the 
pale of the empire, to pride them-selves on being 
civilized and Romanized, and to adopt as marks of 
honour Roman names : thus the four Pauline 
Churches were at Claudio-Derbe, Colonia Julia 
Felix Gemina Lystra (sometimes with exaggerated 
Roman feeling. Lustra), Claudio- Iconiuin,* and 
Colonia Ca;sareia Antio<!hia. To cities which were 
proud of titles like these, it is surely beyond 
dispute that the national names, Phiygian or 
Lycaonian or Pisidian, were far less honourable 
than the proAnncial title. Among tiie Romans a 
national designation, Phrj'x, Afer, Syrus, etc., 
was a slave's name ; and among both Greeks and 
Romans the Phrygians were known as a race of 
slaves. t The Roman Empire, moreover, which 
brought peace and fair government after centuries 
of war and oppression, was immensely popular in 
the Asiatic provinces. 

Accordingly, the possibility that St. Paul should 
address a groujj of Christians in two Roman colonies 
and two half-Romanized cities of the province 
Galatia as ' Galatians,' must be admitted. Whether 
he actually did so, is a matter of interpretation of 
Gal and Acts. 

The general type of religion and manners among 
the population of the Phrygian and Lycaonian 
cities seems to have been much the same : it was 
found also in the great North-Galatian cities 
like Ancyra and Pessinus (see Galatia I.); and 
the Gentiles addressed in Gal, Eph, Col are of 
that type. A highly elaborate religious system 
reigned over the country. Superstitious devotion 
to an artificial system of rules, and implicit obedi- 
ence to the directions of the priests (cf. Gal 4*""), 
were universal among the uneducated native 
population. The priestly hierarchy at the great 
religious centres, hiera, expounded the will of the 
god to his worshippers.^ Thus the government 
was a theocracy; and the whole system, with its 
prophets, priests, religious law, punishments inflicted 
by the god for infractions of the ceremonial law, 
warnings and threats, and the set of superstitious 
minutijE, presented a remarkable and real resem- 
blance in external type to the old Jewish ceremonial 
and religious rule. It is not until this is properly 
apprehended that Gal 4^"" becomes clear and natural. 
Paul in that passage implies that the Judaizing 
movement of the Christian Galatians is a recurrence 
to their old heathen type. After being set free from 
the bonds of a hard ceremonial law, 1 hey were putting 
themselves once more into the bonds of another 
ceremonial law, equally hard. In their action 
they were showing themselves senseless (av&rfroi, 
Gal 3'), devoid of the educated mind that could 
j)erceive the real nature of things. There is an 
intentional emphasis in the juxt^iposition of avb/trroi 
with FaXdrat, for it w8ls the more educated party, 
opposed to the native superstition, that would most 
warmly welcome the provincial title ; hence the 
address, 'senseless G.,' already anticipates the 
longer expostulation (4'-"), 'G. who are sinking 
from the educated standard to the ignorance and 
superstition of tlie native religion.' 

Further, the great strength of the Jews in the 
cities of South Galatia and South Phrygia had 

f reduced a peculiar mixed type of religion. The 
'hrygian religion of Sabazios formed the founda- 
tion on which this mixed type was built up. 

* Created a colonia by Hadrian ; older authorities say it was 
made a eolonia by Claudius, and Zahn {Kinleitnng, p. ISO) 
wrongly follows them. 

t As Mommsen points out, the national designation aa 
Lycaonian or Phrj'gian was the servile desij^ation applied 
to slaves, horses, and marines (cla^siarix), who wore originally 
servile (Uermet. 1884, p. 83 fT.). 

X Cities afid Bitfioprict of Phrygia, i- 134 ff., 147 fT., 94 fT., etc. 



Salxizios was identified with the Jewish Sabaoth ; 
and the Most High God {^«dj v-^iffros) was adored 
in a form strongly influenced by Jewish elements, 
but yet in many eases indubitably pagan. Purely 
Jewish references to tlie dei>i vxpiaro^ also occur, 
and are to be distinguished from the mixed 
worship. Considerable sections of the Phrygian 
people, especially in the centre and south, were 
aflected by the semi-Jewish, semi-pagan cult ; and, 
as M. Cumont observes in his admirable paper, 
Hypsistos (Supplement d la Revue de Vinstruction 
puol. en Belg. 1897) : ' ces milieux, tout penetres 
d'idees bibliques sans 6tre ^troitement attaches h. 
la loi judaique, constituaient un terrain fecond 
pour la predication chretienne, et Ton s'explique 
mifux, en t«nant compte de cette situation, que 
la foi nouvelle, ait opere plus de conversions en 
Asie Mineure, que dans toute autre region.' The 
remark which il. Cumont makes about Asia Minor 
in general applies with most force to those districts 
where the Jews were specially strong. See also 
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. pp. 667-676, 
also pp. 388, 533, 538, 566, etc. ; Schiirer in Tkeol. 
Littztg. 1S97, p. 506. AY. M. Ramsay. 

SHIP.^ — The Pauline origin of this Epistle has never 
been called in question by a critic of first-rate 
importance, and until recently has never been 
questioned at all. In the early part of the 2nd 
cent, it formed a part of Marcion's Apostolicon. 
A little later it was included in the Syr. and Old 
Lat. VSS, and was recognized by the Muratorian 
Canon. It is cited as the work of St. Paul by 
Irenteus (III. vi. 5, III. xvi. 3, V. xxi. 1), by Cle- 
ment of Alexandria {Strom, iii. 16) ; and it is 
quoted by Justin Martyr {Dial. c. 95 ; Oratio, 5) 
and by Athenagoras (Legatio, c. 16). And wliile 
the echoes of its language which have been detected 
in Clement, Barnabas, Ignatius, and Hermas, are 
somewhat dull and doubtful, a clear reference 
to the Ep. occurs in Polycarp (Phil. 5), eld&res oS» 
Sti 6 $fbs ov fivKT-r]pi(;'eTai (Gal 6^), and almost cer- 
tainly in the words (c. 3), ijris iarlv fx-^p vivruv 
rnMi>'(ci. Gal i^). 

The internal evidence is irresistible. It has 
been felt that it is a real person who speaks in 
the Ep., a person engaged with earnestness and 
vehemence in a critical conflict. A Paulinist of 
the 2nd cent, would not be likely to dwell upon the 
fact that his masters apostleship had been called in 
question, or to represent some of his earliest and 
most highly prized conquests from heathenism as 
slipping through his fingers. Esp. does the subject 
discussed in the Ep. speak for its early date. It is 
a polemical tract, a contribution to a controversy 
which Avas raging at the time of its appearance. 
As Gloel says, it is not a sermon, it is not a 
treatise, it is a sword-cut, delivered in the hour of 
CTeatest danger by a combatant who is assaulted 
by determined foes. The question, then, is. When 
was there any risk of Gentile Christians being 
compelled to submit to circumcision ? It is idle to 
look for such a danger in any generation subse- 
quent to the year A.D. 70. Before that time there 
already existed throughout the empire strong 
Gentile churches of nncircumcised members. And 
if this letter is part of a conflict against real and 
not imaginary dangers, a place must be found for it 
in the earliest years of Gentile admission to the 
Christian Church. It can surprise no one that this 
admission should have been won only by conflict. 
To discard ^losaism might well seem to the Jews 
to be equivalent to discarding religion. The sur- 

E rising thing is that the Gentiles were led to 
berty by a Hebrew of the Hebrews. But what 
brought St. Paul to the front was not merely that 
he had been appointed Apostle and Defender of 

the Faith to the Gentiles, but much more that he 
perceived that this was a conflict involving the 
very existence of Christianity. Was Christ sutti- 
cient for salvation, or must other things be added ': 
This was the question which St. Paul saw to be 
involved in the question of circumcision. To his 
eye it was an alternative, Circumcision or the 
Cross. And this Ep. bears upon it the marks of 
having been written in the very heat of this con- 
flict. But if so, then it can have proceeded from 
no other hand than that of the man whose life was 
spent in the service and defence of the Gentiles. 

The first assault upon its authenticity was niade by Bmno 
Bauer in 1850 (KritUc der Paul. Brief e). This critic maintained 
that it was a compilation from Ro and Co, intended to correct 
the false impression of St. Paul conveyed by the Acts. In 1886 
Pierson and Naber published their Verigimilia. Laceram eondi- 
tionem XT fxemplix illuitrarunt et ab oriffine repetierutit 
(Amstelodami), which has been well rendered 'The NT in 
Tatters.' Theyallege that the Epistles known as Pauline were 
really compiled by Paulus Episeopus (Paul the Bishop), who 
made use of letters or parts of letters which had already been 
addressed to Gentile churches by a missionarj- of reformed and 
spiritualized Judaism. This theory discredited its authors 
rather than the Epp. of Paul. (See Steck, Der Gaiaterl/rief ; 
Kuenen, ThT, xx. (1886) 491 ff., included in the Gesammelte 
Abhandlunrjen, tr* by Budde, 1894, pp. 330-369 ; Van Manen in 
the Jahrhiieher fur Protest. Theol. 1887 ; Zahn in Zeitschrift f. 
Kirchlic/ie Wissentehqft, 1889). Loman {QtuBstitmes Pauiince, 
Amsterdam, 1882-86) supposed that the four great Epistles of 
St. Paul were written in his name to recommend unirersalistic 
Christianity in opp. to the original Christianitj-, which had been 
a Jewish Messianic movement centring in a mythical Jesus. 
Paul was not wholly mj-thical, but the canonical Paul was. 

Scarcely more serious or plausible than those assaults was 
that of Rudolf Steck of Bern, who, in 1888, published at BerUn 
his small \ olume, entitled Der Galaterbrief naeh $einer Echtheit 
untergucht nebit kritiseken Bemtrkiingen zu den patiKniichen 
Hariptbriefen. In this publication Steck aimed at proving 
that the sketch of primitive church history offered by the 
Tiibingen school was as little in correspondence with fact as the 
outline given in the Bk of Ac, and that the four principal Epp. 
of St. Paul are as Uttle entitled to be considered genuine as the 
smaller Epp. Baur had contented himself with sajing, ' There 
has never been the slightest suspicion east upon these four Epp. 
They bear on themselves so incontestably the character of PauUne 
originality that it is not possible for critical doubt to be exer- 
cised upon them with any show of reason.' Very good, says 
Steck, but where does Baur learn the marks of • PaulSie origin- 
ality ' ? Is he not perilously near a petitio principiit He rejects 
Ac as a true picture of Paul's character : whence, then, does he 
receive the true impression? Accordiiielv, Steck applies to Gal 
the Tiibingen method, and finds that it is not genmne. Much 
has been derived from Ro, bur it betrays a more fully developed 
Paulinism ; and the borrowed expressions appear in Gal as 
stones from an old house built into a new wall. The date must 
be subsequent to a. d. TO, because Jerus. is said to be in bondage(!). 
The inviting of attention to the large letters in which Paul 
writes is a manifest attempt to palm off the Ep. as Pauline. 
This criticism was answered from the Tiibingen side by Holsten 
and Holtzmann ; but by far the most effective reply is to be 
found in Gloel's Die yungste Kritik det Galaterbri^es aufihre 
Bereehtigung gepriift (Erlangen, 1890). See also Lindemann's 
Die Eehtheit der Paulinischen Hauptbriefe gegen Stedfs Ctn- 
tturzversrtch vertheidigt. Steck was followed by Volter, who 
attempted to show (Die Komposition d. Paul. Hauptbriefe, 
Tubingen, 1390) that Gal is spurious and dependent on Ro 
and 1 and 2 Co. [A full account of these assaults upon the 
genuineness and integrity of Gal is given bj* Knowling in his 
Witness of the Epistles,' pp. 133-243. See also Clemen, Die 
EinheitU'ehkeit der Paul. Briefe (Gottingen, 1894), pp. 100- 
125 ; and, on the other side, van Manen in Expos. Times, Feb., 
March, April, 189S]. 

ii. The Persons addressed.— These are desig- 
nated (1-) ' the churches of Galatia.' Alone among 
the Epp. of St. Paul this is addressed, not to an in- 
dividual or to any single church, but to a grouji 
of churches. AVhere are we to look for these 
churches? For the name 'Galatia' has a wider 
'■ and a narrower application (see Galatia). Are 
' the churches of G.' to be sought for in the geo- 
graphically limited district inhabited by the Celtic 
Galatians, or in the wider region comprehended 
: in the Kom. province, G. ? The majority of critics 
' hold that as m the Bk of Ac the term G. is used in 
! the narrower sense to denote the district of G. 
! proper, or original, so this Ep. is addressed to 
I the chtirches of that remote country, which prob- 
i ably existed in the towns of Ancyra, Pessinns, 
' Gefma, and Tavium in the N., and not to the 



churches of Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe 
in the S. Such is the opinion, e.g., of Weiss, 
Lipsius, Sieflert, Lightfoot, Davidson, and Godet. 
On the other hand, the claims of provincial G. 
have been advocated by such critics as Kenan and 
Perrot in France; Mynster, Weizsiicker, Hausrath, 
Zahn, and Pfleiderer in Germany. And this 
opinion has recently been reinft>rced by the ad- 
hesion of Prof. W. M. Ilanisay, whose personal 
knowledge of Asia Minor and acquaintance with 
its history lend great weight to his judgment. 

There nre three sources from which liffht upon this question 
may \>e sought : the Bk of Ac, the other I'ttuline Epp., and this 
Epistle itself. In the Uk of Ac (13i'*-142*) we possess a pretty 
full account of the foundation of churches in S. O., although it 
is to be noted tliot the writer uses the ethnographical names, 
Lycaonia and Pisidia, and not the political designation of the 
district, 0. On the other hand, no account is given nor any 
notice taken of the founding of churches in N. G. And this 
silence is not sufficiently accounted for by the fact that at the 
time of the presumed founding of these clmrches St. Luke was 
not St. Paul's companion, for other events of which St. Luke was 
not an eye-witness are fully described. But if St. Luke joined St. 
Paul immediately after the apostle had been so warmly received 
and so successfully engaged in N. Q., as by the hypothesis he had 
been, then certainly it is strange that no notice should be taken 
of so remarkable a mission. No sure conclusion can be based on 
this silence, but it is more likely that a letter should have been 
addressed t<> churches regarding which we have some informa- 
tion than to those of which St. Luke tells us nothing. For it is 
to be consi(lere<l that .St. Luke must have known the intense 
interest which St. Paul took in the churches thus addressed, and 
would naturally have informed himself and others about them. 

The passage in the Bk of Ac {IQ*>>) in which St. Paul's route 
from Derbe and Lystra to Troas is described, has been claimed 
both by the advocates of the N. G. and by the upholders of 
the S. G. theory. According to Ramsay (Church in Rom. 
Emp. pp. 74-111), this journey was described by one who wrote 
under the immediate influence of St. Paul himself. It must 
therefore be accepted as exact and intelligible. Antioch in 
Pisidia may be taken as the starting-point, for probably it was 
while in that city, and while he was making arrangements for 
passing westwartls through Asia to Ephesus, that it was made 
plain to him that he must not at tnis time proclaim Christ 
in Asia. Instead of going W., therefore, he turned to the N. 
'And they passed through Phrygia and the region of G.,' and 
so reached Mysia. Now, it is not to be denied that if any one 
was so minded it was possible to go from Antioch to Pessinus 
in G., and from Pessinus to Genua, and at that point to form 
the tlesign of entering Bithynia. But in this the force of 
the topo^'raphical notice, that it was when they had come over 
against Mysia that they proposed to enter Bithynia, is entirely- 

Accordingly, Prof. Ramsay proposes another route, following 
the road which runs N.W., and not the rOcid which runs N.E. 
This road would have led St. Paul and his party into Bithynia, 
but when they came so far N . as to be opposite Mysia, that is to 
say, as to have it lying to their left, ' the Spirit of Jesus suffered 
them not' to enter Bithynia. and therefore, turning to the W., 
they skirted the southern border of Mysia, and so came to Troas. 
Certainly, this gives a route that has great probability in its 
favour. For (1) any one proposing to go from Lystra and Perbe 
to Bithynia would naturally go by the road passing through 
Dorylaion, and from this road, or anv part of it, it would be out 
of the way to enter G. proper. And (2) to use Prof. Ramsay's 
words, ' From N. G. no possible route to Bithynia could "be 
said to bring a traveller to a point ' over against Mysia,' still 
less ' to the frontier of Mysia.' Another strong iwint in favour 
of this route and undelayed Journey is this, that in vv.6- ^ (Ac 
16) a single definite journey is described. The statement, ' They 
passed through Phrygia . . . and when they came opposite 
Mysia,' seems to leave no room for any such mission in G. as is 
required by the N. Gal. theory. It is not easily credible that 
had St. Paul intercalated into this journey a digression east- 
wards of about 30() miles into N. G., so "important a mission 
would have been j)a.ssed over in silence. 

This theory, however, implies a rendering and a construc- 
tion of Ac 10* to which exception has been taken. This verse, 
as it stands in modern editions, reads thus : hiiiXUtt 11 rr.y 
^pvytttt xoc] Va,Xa.riKv,i vsi/picv^ xii/kiit)iitTi< Ciri rav^AyUu VlvtCfjucTof 
/.tiXrireci Tit Xiytyi i> t>) 'Afl-/«. Prof. Ramsay contends that 
4-fnjyia,* is here an adj., not a substantive, and that the designa- 
tion Tr,» . . . x*/'«* means 'the country to which tlie epithets 
Phrygian and (ialatic apply,' 'the Plirygo-Galatic territory.' 
This country, Phrygia-Galatica, lies in the southern part of the 
Rom. province G., and includes Iconium, Lystra, and Antioch 
of Pisidia. But in the only other passages in which St. Luke 
mentions Phrj'gia (Ac 2'" and IS^J) he uses ^pvyin as a sub- 
stantive. In the latter of these pjwsagos the expression t;.» 
T»\tfnxr,t 5;*f«t» xa.) tpvyitm throws light on 16*. It may be 
iiifcrre<I that in both passages he had the same tract of country 
in view, and that as in IS^u tpvyici is a substantive, so it is 
in 1G6. And as it is p^mmatically possible to render the dis- 
pute<l phrase ' Phrjgia and the Gal. country-,' it becomes verj- 
doubtful whether Prof. Ramsay's rendering is tenable. 

It has also been supposed that the use of the phrase ' the Gal. 
country,' and the avoidance of the simple ' Oaiatia,' impiies or 

Bugg^esta that St. Luke may have wished thus to indicate that 
he was s)>eaking of the whole land that could i>e called 'Galo- 
tian,' rather than of the smaller country which originally waa 
known as G. This is plausible. But it may be that the WTitcr 
wished to indicate that rural districts as well as cities were 
evangelized by St. Paul (see 146). 

Again, Prof, Ramsay's construction requires a somewhat 
unusual and ditficult relation of the partici|>le xatXuOitrit to the 
main verb hiiixSt: The natural construction undoubtedly is 
that which RV has adopted, involving that St. Paul and the 
rest passed through Phrygia and G. in consequence of having 
been prevented from preaching in Asia. But Prof. Ramsay 
maintains that the sequence of the verbs as they sUind in the 
sentence \» t\\e sequence of time: '(1) they went through the 
Phrygo-Galatic land ; (2) they were forbidden to speak in Asia ; 
(3) thejr came over against Mysia ; (4) they cssaye<l to go into 
Bithynia ; (5) the Spirit suffered tiiem not ; (t!) tJiey passed 
through Mysia ; (7) they came to Troas.' 

In this uncertainty the suggestion of Dr. Oifford (Expositor, 
July 18U4) is worthy of consideration. He sup|>oses tiiat the 
Phrygian and Gal. country is the borderland bet^vcen the two 
countries, the E. edge of Phrygia and the W. stri]> of G. Leav- 
ing Antioch, St. Paul, insteoffof going W. to Ephesus in Asia, 
as apparently he had intended, went northwanis through the 
Phrygian-Gal. borderland with the puri>ose of entering Bithynia ; 
but when he came opposite Jlysia ne was compelled to turn W. 
to the coast. 

In the other Epp. of St. Paul we find one significant allusion 
to 'the churches of G.,' 1 Co lOi 'Concerning the collection for 
the saints as I gave order unto the churches of G., so do ye.' 
Now, if by this designation we are to understand the churches 
of N. G. exclusively, then how is it that the churches of the 8., 
which he so repeatedly visited and cherished, were not included 
in this great scheme of beneficence ? On this allusion to ' the 
churches of G.' Dr. I'lunimer has the following just observation : 
'We are not entitled to conclude that because St. Luke, when 
historically relating the course of St. Paul's journeys, describes 
the places visited by their precise geographical designations, St. 
Paul may not have used the word G. in a wide stnsc when in 
want of a word to include all the churches which he had foimded 
in the Rom. province of G. In fact, if he had wished to include 
under one designation the churches of Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, 
and Lystra, together possibly with others in the adjacent 
district, it is ha^ to say what other term he could have used. 
There is ... no certain evidence that St. Paul founded churches 
in G. proper ; if he did, these, of course, would be included among 
the churches of G. But the question is wliether we are bound to 
understand St. Paul's use of the word as excluding all churchts 
save of G. proper? Now, it is not likely either that 
when he was organizing a collection for the poor Christians of 
Jerus., he would omit to apjieal to the churt-hes in the Gal. 
province with which his relations were so intimate, or that 
he would leave those churches unmentioned \\\\''.\ -vriiing to 

In the Ep. itself (4i^'*) there occurs mi ai; il u \<i the 
circumstances in which he first preaclied tl»u gospel to tlie 
churches now addressed, etixrs ert ii' icrUnitMy rf,! rxpxi; 
iir,yytXiirK/j.r,y C/^'it t» Tpirtpcv, which Can only moan, 'you know 
that it was on account of an infirmity of my flesh I formerly 
preached to you.' This statement impUes that he was weak 
and ill when in the district referred to, and that but for this 
weakness he would not have preached in it. Prof. Ramsaj' in- 
geniously construes the situation thus : While on his first 
journey St. Paul caught a fever at Perga, and as its natural 
cure a change to the higher and purer air of Antioch was pre- 
scribed. He reached Antioch with traces of illness upon him, 
and with liability to its recurrence. This is iwssible ; but may 
not the ' weakness ' have been connected with the stoning he 
suffered at Lystra? It was after this stoning, which must liave 
left very obvious marks upon him, that he preached in Derbe, 
Lystra itself, Iconium, and Antioch (.\c 14'^23). in this case, 
as in the course of events suggested by Prof. Ramsay, t» 
vfiript* receives its proper sense, 'on the former of my two 
visits.' • 

But whatever the weakness was, and however incurred, tlie 
fact remains that it afforded him an opportunity of preaching in 
a district where he hod no intention of preaching : a district, 
therefore, which lay on the road to some more attractive field 
of operation. Now, it will scarcely do to say that G. proper lay 
on the road to nowhere, for, as we have seen, St. Paul had a 
desire to enter Bithynia, and might, because debarred from Asia, 
have chosen to pass through the western edge of G. on his way 
to the more northern province. It se(ni>', therefore, as easy to 
construe this expression in keeping with i'ih X. tlalatian theorj- 
as with the S. Galatian. 

We find from the Ep. itself that emissaries from Jerus. had 
appeared among the Gal. churches, and it has been argued that 
such persons would scarcely have fH>netwted so far into the 
interior of Asia Minor as the N. Gal. theory supixwes. But this 
is both to misconceive the accessibility of the region and to 
underrate the eager propagandism of the Jew and the antiixithy 
to St. Paul. It is more to the puri>ose to piiint to ;'iH and to 
find in it an allusion to the circumcision of Timothy, which was 
well known among the S. Gal. churches, and mi^ht naturally 
be used as a handle against St. Paul, and a ground of charging 
him with inconsistency. 

*The Greek interpreters understood the «rfiin/« of per- 
secution. Theodoret, e.g., says : tut'irtt t«xx^> t^ipn io'/ r*v 
rittMtrtt krifuttt, tuni^iiMtti mm rTftfiX.*ifMf*i M«t fiupi» Cir»,uitmt 



The internal evidence which the Ep. bean, that it was ad- 
dressed to Celts, cannot be regarded as trustworthy. Lig-htfoot 
and others have collected very interesting notices of the Celtic 
'•*■■"•' "'"r, their sensuousness and impiusiveness, and so forth, 
' adduced from the Ep. illustrations of these qualities 
re certainly striking. But although these might serve 
lorative evidence to an otherwise strong argument, the 
' V of founding upon them is at once apparent when it is 
: d how difficult it is to grasp national character, and 
.. ..i.> .ve reflect that the Celtic character produces typiies so 
diverse as the Irish, the Welsh, and the Highlanders of Scot- 

iii. Occasion* of the Epistle.— The Galatians 
had received St. Paul w-ith extraordinary demon- 
strations of friendliness (4^*). They had felicitated 
themselves on their good fortxme in having him 
for their guest, and they had received his gospel 
as a message from heaven, or as if Christ Jesus 
Himself had come among them (4"). Churches 
had been formed, and they 'ran bravely' (5'). 
That a second visit had been paid to these churches 
before this letter was -mitten, is the natural infer- 
ence from some expressions which occur in it. The 
rd irpdrepov of 4^ might merely mean • formerly,' 
and not definitely ' on the former of two occa- 
sions ' ; neither is the expression of the 16th 
verse decisive (uirre fx^P'^ i>fiCiv yeyova aXr/Oevuv 
xifjiiv), for it is possible that in these words he might 
be merely alluding to the change of feeling to- 
wards him produced by the representations of 
his enemies, or anticipating the resentment this 
letter itself might occasion. But when he uses 
such expressions as those which occur in 1^ 
and 5', and which point to emphatic warnings 
uttered when he was among them, it would appear 
that such warnings are incongruous with the cir- 
cumstances of his first visit, and must be referred 
to a second, when he perceived symptoms of de- 
fection from the gospel he had proclaimed. 

The symptoms he had obsened rapidly de- 
veloped. They were moving away from the free 
standing of faith to the bondage or the law ; they 
were bein^ circumcised, observing days and new 
moons and other seasons, and returning to the 
weak and ])eggarly elements from which St. Paul 
believed they had escaped (i6 49-i'> 53). In this 
retrograde movement St. Paul sees a renunciation 
of grace, a \-irtual renunciation of Christ (5^). He 
still tried to persuade himself that irreparable 
damage had not yet been done (5^°) ; but assuredly 
the evil leaven was working among them, and ' a 
little leaven leaveneth the whole lump ' (5^). 

This sad change had been wrought by the 
Judaizing party, and apparently in great part by 
one individual. This individual seems to have 
been a personage of some distinction. He exerted 
a fascinating power over the Galatians (3^), and 
apparently claimed to speak with authority (1*). 
Whether St. Paul actually knew him is doubtful 
(see 5' 5<rTty edi' ^, and 5" and 3^) : that he knew 
him by name may be taken for granted. 

No special reason need be sought to accotmt for 
the Judaizing party ha\-ing emissaries in G. The 
question of the relation of GentUe Christians to 
the Jewish law was sure, sooner or later, to emerge 
in every church in which there were any Jewish 
Cliristians. Must a GentUe enter Christianity 
through Judaism? and to what extent is the 
Mosaic law binding on GentUes? — these questions 
must be answered, and the battle between legalism 
and liberty fought through to the end. Super- 
ficially, the Judaizers, who maintained that to 
become a Christian a man must also become a 
Jew, had a great deal to say for themselves. The 
law was a divine institution. The promises had 
been given to Abraham and his seed. The Messiah 
was the Messiah of the Jews. Jesus Himself had 
been circumcised, and had kept the whole law, 
Tlie original apostles did the same. Was not this 
an obvious and infallible example ? Besides, if the 

Gentile converts were not to keep the law, how 
were they to escape from the immoralities in 
which they had been brought up ? And who was 
this Paul who taught them to neglect the law ? 
What claim had he to be considered an apostle ? 
He did not keep company with Christ while on 
earth, as the others had done ; he was not called, 
as they had been, to the apostolate by the Lord 
in His lifetime ; he had no external authentication 
of himself, like their letters of commendation from 
the mother-church at Jerusalem. The Judaizers 
did not scruple even to speak slightingly of his 
appearance, and to insinuate that his motives 
were impure and his conduct inconsistent with his 
teaching. When it suited him he practised circtmi- 
cision, as in the case of Timothy. If, therefore, 
he had not enjoined it on the Galatians, it was 
through a desire to please men (5" 1^"). 

All personal abuse and calumny St. Paul could 
no doubt have overlooked ; what he could not 
overlook Avas the Judaizing adulteration or sub- 
version of the gospel of Christ. And the very 
speciousness of the arguments used, and the chai-- 
acteristic zeal for the law displaj^ed by the 
Judaizers, all the more emphatically inspired St. 
Paul with the feeling that the crisis was of tre- 
mendous moment, and that his life-work among 
the Gentiles himg in the balance. For not only 
was he aware that to demand circumcision and 
impose the whole Mosaic law on the Gentile 
world, was to undertake a hopeless task, but 
also he perceived that it would obscure the 
gospel of Christ. He saw, as apparently no other 
man of influence saw, that to represent anything 
else than the cross of Christ as essential to salva- 
tion, was really to affirm that the cross alone was 
not sufficient. St. Paul recognized that it was 
either the law or Christ ; that a man could not be 
justified \)j both. ' Behold, I Paul say unto 
you, that if ye receive circumcision, Christ wiU 
profit you nothing' (5^); 'je are severed from 
Christ, ye who would be j ustified by the law : 
ye are Killen away from grace' (5* Ka-nipY^dirre 
drd XptoToO drives ev pdfup diKcuovffde, Tr)s x'^P"''*^ 
i^eviffaTe). The importance of the crisis cannot 
be over-estimated. ' It really seemed as if the 
mighty enthusiasm of Pentecost might sink into 
respectable legalism, as if Christianity might be 
strangled in its cradle by the iron hand of the 
law, as if it might sink into an obscure Jewish 
sect, and disappear in the national ruin, instead of 
breaking its fetters, spreading its mighty spiritual 
pinions, and claiming the universal heaven as its 
home ' (Bishop Moorhouse, Dangers of the Apos- 
tolic Age, p. 21). 

Date of the Epistle. — The date of the Ep. 
has been, and still is, contested. It has been 
assigned by different critics to the beginning, to 
the close, and to every intermediate stage of its 
author's epistolary activity. It stands first in the 
canon of Marcion ; but tliere is reason to believe 
that this canon was not arranged in chronological 
order (Tertul. adv. Marcion. v. 2). One or two 
modem scholars, as Michaelis, Koppe, Zahn, have 
placed it earliest among the Epp. of St. Paul ; 
while Koehler and Schrader consider it the latest 
(Davidson, Introd. L 73). Calvin held that it was 
written before the Council at Jems., and that the 
visit to Jems., which St. Paul relates in Gal 2, 
is the same as that which is mentioned in Ac 11*, 
and is not that of Ac 15. This view has received 
the powerful advocacy of Prof. Kamsay (Expositor, 
Aug. 1895), who argues that the account of the 
journey in Ac 11. 12 is 'in the most singular 
agreement ' with the narrative of Gal 2. Hausrath 
dogmatically pronounces that the Ep. was written 
in the autumn of 53, and on the following ingeni- 
ously discovered ground : ' As the Gral. are on the 



point of joining with the synagogue in celebrating 
the beginning of the sabbatical year (Gal 4"*), 
lasting from Sept. 53 to Sept. 54, the Ep. must 
date from the autumn of 53, in which St. Paul 
crossed into Macedonia ' ( Time of the Apostles, iii. 
188. Hausrath, of course, holds the S. Gal. theory). 
Renan, again, places the Ep. between the second 
and third missionary journeys, and dates it from 

The majority of contiitcntal critics, however, 
such as Weiss, Holtzmunn, Sieffert, Lipsius, and 
Godet, place it very early in the Ephesian resi- 
dence, and consequently first of the four great 
Epp. In this finding they are considerably influ- 
enced by the ofh-ws rax^ws of 1*. This expression, 
it is supposed, involves that no long time can 
have elapsed between St. Paul's second visit to 
the Gal. churches and this letter. Lightfoot, 
however, has shown (Gal. pp. 41, 42) that this con- 
clusion rests on two erroneous assumptions: (1) 
that * so soon ' means ' so soon after I left you ' ; 
whereas it rather refers to the time of their con- 
version ; and (2) that a period so indicated cannot 
embrace more than a few months ; Avhereas 
' quickness and slowness are relative terms,' and 
the expression might have been used ' though a 
whole decade of years had passed since they were 
first brought to the knowledge of Christianity.' 
Warfield, irrespective of the ofh-ws raxews, finds 
reasons for placing the Ep. before the other three 
which belong to this period, ' only a few weeks at 
most before 1 Co,' i.e. 'about or somewhat earlier 
than the passover time of the year A.D. 57.' His 
strongest argument is drawn from 1 Co 9- 'If to 
others I am not an apostle, yet to you at least I 
am,' in which he finds an allusion to the recent 
disparagement of St. Paul's apostleship among the 
Galatians. (Joum. of Exegetical Soc. Paper read 
in Dec. 1884). 

Lightfoot and Salmon bring the Ep. down a few 
months later, and date it from Corinth early in the 
year A.D. 58. The resemblances between Gal and 
2 Co and Ro are obvious. The ideas suggested 
in Gal 3 and 4 regarding the Spirit as the promise 
of the Father, and as the true emancipator and 
sign of sonship, are elaborated in Ro 8. The 
impossibility of salvation by works, or of finding 
anything but a curse in the law, is taken up again 
in Ro and expounded at large. But neither can 
there be any doubt regarding the priority of the 
Ep. to the Galatians. The similarity and dis- 
similarity between the two Epp. are of that kind 
which tends to show that the Ep. to the Gal. 
could not have been written either after or con- 
temporary with the Ep. to the Rom. , and that it 
was not, therefore, a compendium of it ; nor is it 
probable that it was written very long before it. 
See Jowett, St. PauVs Epp.^ i. 240 (2nd ed. om.). 

The similarity to 2 Co is also apparent. There 
is the same selr-defensive tone and the same in- 
v((ti\ I' ;i;,'ainst those teachers who interfered with 
Ids work. In Corinth as well as in G. emissaries 
from Jerus. were at work ; but in the Cor. Ep. no 
elaborate exposure of their doctrinal error is given. 
The conflict Detween himself and the Judaizers has 
not reached the doctrinal stage. And hence it is 
argued that the Ep. to the Gal., in which this 
stage is reached, and in which, together with a 
defence of his apostolic authority, there is also an 
elaborate exposure of the error of the Judaizers, 
must be later than the 2nd to the Corinthians. 
This conclusion, though not certain, is highly 

Recently, however, fresh indications of date 
have been pointed out by Ramsay and McGiff'ert. 
The former in his illuminating papers on the Ep. 
(Expositor, 1898) argues with much force that it 
was written from Antioch at the close of the 

second missionary journey (Ai is !. It was on 
that journey St. Paul had circunu i>ed Timothy 
(Ac 16^'^), and this gave plausibility to the insinua- 
tion of the Judaizers that when it suited him he 
preached circumcision (Gal 5"). It was on that 
journey also he delivered to the Galatians the 
decrees ordained at Jerus. (Ac 16*), and this might 
seem to give colour to the allegation that he was 
the mere messenger of the higher officials and not 
himself an apostle (Gal 1. 2). McGiff'ert, on the 
other hand, thinks it is unquestionable that in 
Gal 2 St. Paul is relating events about which the 
Galatians had no previous knowledge, at least 
from him ; while it is incredible that he should 
have visited G. subsequent to these events without 
speaking of them. On these and other grounds, 
therefore, yi.cGiWert(Apostol. Age, pp. 227-8) thinks 
it probable that the Ep. was written from Antioch 
previous to his departure on the second missionary 
journey. Subsequently, the Judaizers, while they 
might, as at Antioch, refuse to eat with the 
Gentiles, could scarcely urge their circumcision 
without seeming to break with the motlier-church. 

Contents of the Epistle.— The Epistle divides 
itself into three almost equal portions — a personal, 
a doctrinal, and a practical. In the first two 
chapters St. Paul disposes of the insinuations 
which the Judaizers had made against his authority 
and standing as an apostle. In the two following 
chapters he explains the relation of the law to 
Christ, or of Mosaism to Christianity. And in the 
closing chapters he refutes the allegation that 
liberty and licence are the same. 

To the disparagement of his apostolic standing, 
and consequently of the gospel he preached, he 
makes a threefold reply : (1) He declares himself 
to be an apostle, not sent merely from a Chris- 
tian community, or commissioned by a huiiiiui 
authority, but by Jesus Christ ; and this he pro\ es 
by a brief narrative of his movements subsequent 
to his conversion, by which it is made apparent 
that his gospel could not have been learned from 
men (ch. 1). (2) It was only after he had been 
preaching for many years that he went at length 
to confer with the apostles at Jerus. ; and even 
then, so far from receiving additional light or 
being reprimanded, he received from tht>m ac- 
knowledgment and encouragement (2'-'"). (3) In- 
stead of being instructed by the older apostles, or 
being obliged to occupy a subordinate place, he 
himself had occasion to rebuke St. Peter and 
assume the position of instructor (2""-^). 

Next, St. Paul examines the dogmatic signifi- 
cance of the demand that the Gentiles should km p 
the whole law. And first he appeals to their uwn 
experience. As Christian men they had received 
the Spirit. Had this all - comprehending gift 
become theirs by the observance of the law? 
They knew it was not so ; they had received the 
Spirit as a gift. Believing God s offer of the Spirit, 
they had accepted what God gave (3^-'). Nor was 
this an exceptional or novel experience. It M-as 
the same witli t lie typical justified man, Abraiiani. 
Whatever Ik- enjoyed of God's favour ho had liy 
faith (3^-^). Indeed, so far from the law liaving 
power to bless, it has only jiowcr lo (ursc. and <>n 
this account and from this curse ( lirist came to 
redeem n-^ (IV' '-i. Moreover, huniind- oi ytar> 
before tlie hiw wa> heard of, the prumi-e lia<i iieeu 
given to Abraham, and could not be made of none 
effect by any subsequently introduced institution. 
The promise held the field. It was given irrespec- 
tive of the law, and could not be annulled by ii. , 
And yet the law was not superfluous. It liad i^•^ 
use. It was added to instruct the conscience, that 
men might know their sin to be transgre»ic>n. and 
might learn to crave righteousness. It was meant 
to stimulate men to crave the coming of the Spirit. 



And thus it served the purpose of a schoolmaster, 
or of the guardian who took charge of boys under 
age. But when the fulness of time is come the 
guardian is no more needed, the full-groviTi son 
having received the spirit of his father (3^*— 4'^). 
Lastly, out of the law itself St. Paxil brings proof 
that tliere is a better thing than law, even liberty. 
This he does by allegorizing the story of Ishmael 
and Isaac. 

In the third division of the Ep. (5. 6) St. Paul 
proceeds to vindicate Christian liberty against all 
aspersions. First of all (5^"^), he exhorts the Gal. 
to stand fast in their liberty, and to beware of 
coming under bondage to minute observances. On 
the other hand, he warns them against using this 
liberty as an occasion to the flesh (5"-6^*). In a 
brief conclusion, written with his own hand in the 
large characters which distinguished it from the 
more clerkly writing of his amanuensis, he con- 
trasts his own devotedness and afiectionate at- 
titude towards them with the selfish aims of the 

Hence, as Godet says, ' This Ep. marks an epoch 
in the history of man ; it is the ever-precious 
document of his spiritual emancipation.' 

Difficulties raised by the Epistle. — l. Its 
discrepancy with the Acts of the Apostles. — Baui 
{Paul, c. V.) maintains that the autobiographical 
statements made by St. Paul in Gal 2 shed an 
unfavourable light on the Ac, ' the statements in 
which can only be looked at as intentional de\-ia- 
tions from hist, truth in the interest of the special 
tendency which they possess.' Weizsacker {Dcts 
Apostol. Zeitalter. p. 87 tf., Eng. tr. i. 102) follows 
in Baur's steps with pedantic rigour. 

Cl) The first discrepancy which is discovered by » oom- 
parison of the two narratives is that whereas St. Paul says 
that three years elapsed after his conrerskm before be 
retomed to Jems., St. Luke says (Ac 9^ is Vi irXiifmlm 
iiuifu *s!a>a/ (which Weizsacker inaccurately renders 'nar 
einige Tage,' 'only a few days'), he was compelled to leave 
Damascos. To find here a discrepancy damaging to the trust- 
worthiness of Ac, is to neglect the consideration that St. Paul 
bad a reason for giving the exact time, while St. Lake bad no 
occasion to be definite and rigidly exact. (2) A second dis- 
crepancy urged by Baur has more weight. St. Lnke smrs (9*) 
that when St. Paul came to Jerus. he sought to attadi niaoseif 
to the disciples, but they feared him. How. was it possiUe that 
the Christians of Jems, should not have heard of his conver- 
sion"? There was constant communication between the two 
places, and St. Paul was so outstanding a figure that it is difficult 
to believe that his adhesion to the Christian Church should not 
have been known to all Jerusalem. It has been urged that his 
absence in Arabia may have withdrawn him from attention ; 
that he may not have occupied the outstanding position at that 
time which subsequent events suggest, and, indeed, attboogb 
commissioned to Damascus, it seems to have been at hia own 
request, and not because he was selected by the Sanhedtin. 
Besides, even in St. Paul's own account (Gal 1»), it appears that 
he was still known rather as the persecutor than as a convert 
And, on the other hand, even in Luke's account, it is apparent 
that some, e.g. Barnabas, knew of his conversion. The intro- 
duction by Bamabas has certainly the air of truth. Xo doubt 
difficulties remain ; but not such as discredit the accoimt in Ac, 
oooaidering the very different points of view of the two writers. 
(3) A third discrepancy is found in the statement of St. Paul, 
that he saw none of the apostles but Peter ; whereas St. Luke 
aays that Bamabas ' brought him to the apostle* . . . and he 
was with them going in and going out at Jems., preaching 
boldly in the name of the Lord ' (Ac 9*7- 38). Weiaaicker is here 
again inaccurate in alleging that St. Paul hinuylf aasaies us 
that he got to know no one in the Chiux:h, and that he con- 
tinued for years to be personally unknown to the members. 
This is not what St. Paul says. He states that he saw no other 
apostle beddes Peter, and that he remained unknown to the 
Churches of Judcea. Whether he became acquainted with 
Christians who were not apostles, and whether he preached in 
Jerus. or not, he does not say. Ilie discrepancy resdly amounts 
to this, that in the one account he is represented as being 
introduced to the apostles as a body, in the other to St. Peter 
alone. (4) The difficulties whidi Baor raises, and which Weiz- 
sacker inherits, regarding the visit to Jems, which Luke inter- 
polates between the two mentioned by St. Paul, are triflii^ and 
fictitious. Weizsaeker's ground for rejecting this visit is tbat 
' Paul assures us he was seen by no one in Jerus.' during the 
fourteen years which elapsed' between the first and seocmd 
\-isits mentioned in Gal. Where St. Paul makes this statemmt 
we do not know. (5) The discrepancies which the Tubingen 
school at one time found between Gal 2 and Ac 15 have been 
rather thrown into the background by the living members of 
VOL. II. — 7 

! that scbooL Pfieiderer, e.g., says {Eibbert Leet. p. 103, cf. 

; p. lllX ' the u^reement as to the chief points is in any case 

I greater than the discrepancies in the details, and these dis- 

I crniancies can be for the most part explained amfriy by the 

I difference of the standpoint of the relatos.' 

I It is further objected that the conduct ascribed 
\ to St. Paul in the Ac is inconsistent with the 
i attitude he assumes and the principles he main- 
! tains in Gal. In Ac he is represented as circum- 
cising Timothy (16*), as shading his head in fulfil- 
ment of a vow (18^*), as attending the Jewish 
feasts (20"), and as being at charges for four men 
who had a vow on them (21^**). Such acts of 
conformity to the law are, it is thought, incom- 
patible with the principle St. Paul lays down in 
the Ep., 'If ye be circumcised, Christshall profit 
you nothing.' The solution is obvious. When 
St. Paul makes this strong statement, what he 
means is, If you observe the ordinances of Moses 
because you believe them to be necessary to 
salvation, Christ shall profit you nothing. To- 
gether with this fundamental" principle he held 
also as an ethical maxim, that it is right to become 
all things to all men, a Jew to the Jew if need be. 
And when he observes the Mosaic ordinances in 
the temple, it is not because he believes they have 
any virtue for salvation, but because he wishes 
to give no oflFence to his Jewish brethren. These 
Jewish observances have become to him matters of 
indifference, and only when they are lifted out of 
their proper position and con.sidered essentials do 
they become dangerous. ' Neither .is circumcbion 
anything, nor uncireumcision ' (Gal 6**, cf. 1 Co 
7"). That he did not yield when it was demanded 
of him as a matter of principle that he shotUd 
circumcise Titus, is perfectly con.sistent with his 
circumcising Timothy as a concession to expedi- 
ency. No doubt St. Paul's principle carried with 
it the inference that as circumcision and the 
keeping of the whole ceremonial law were un- 
necessary for the Gentiles they were unnecessary 
for Jews also. But if the Jew clung to the 
temple service, the stated hours of prayer, and 
other observances, while at the same time he 
recognized that Christ alone was sufficient for 
salvation, St. Paul rather defended than de- 
nounced his position. So long as the obser\-ances 
of the law were treated as matters of indifference, 
St. Paul was content to leave the Jewish conscience 
to the education which time must bring. His 
attitude towards things indifferent is fully ex- 
plained in 1 Co 8, 102»-» 

2. Collision with St. Peter at Antioch. — In Gal 
2U-14 yyQ gjj^ g^ descriprion of a scene which is 
certainly derogatory to the dignity of St. Peter, 
and which casts suspicion even on his authority. 
Naturally, this has quickened in the interpreting 
mind a desire in some way to shield the great 
apostle. Clement of Alex, held that the Cephas 
of Gal 2 was not the apostle, but 'one of the seventy 
disciples, a man who bore the same name' (Euseb. 
ff£ I. xii. 2). Although many persons adopted 
this view, it was so manifestly untenable that the 
idea was started that the two apostles arranged 
the scene for the edification of the people, who 
might thus more clearly see the folly of Judaizing. 
The champion of this idea was Jerome, who, how- 
ever, says that it was first broached by Origen. 
A somewhat angry correspondence followed be- 
tween Augustine and Jerome, in which the former 
found it easy to expose the lameness of the pro- 
posed interpretation. He maintained that ' to speak 
well of a falsehood uttered in God's behalf was a 
crime not less, perhaps even greater, than to speak 
ill of His truth' (see Augustine's Letters, esp. 
28 and 40). Strangely enough, the idea seemed 
to attract many minds. Chiysostom advocated 
it, and Theodore speaks of it as at any rate a 




possible view [' sive consensu ipsam controversiam 
inter se simulaverunt pro aliorum utilitate, sunt 
vere quidem mirandi, eo quod omnia ad aliorum 
utilitatera facere adquieverunt ']. The point is 
treated with fuhiess in Lightfoot, Gal., 127-131. 

LiTBBATOBE.— The fouF TtttX Orcek commentators, Chrysos- 
tom, Theodore of MopsuestU, Theodoret, and Theophylact, are 
always lucid and sensible, although the two last named are 
(or Uie most part reproductions of the two first mentioned. 
The late Bishop Lightfoot in his Commentary on the Epistle 
devoted several pages (pp. 223-232) to an account and estimate 
of the patristic and mediajval writers who have dealt with it. 
To this nothing need be added except that the com. of 
Theodore can now be con8ult«d in the convenient ed. of Dr. 
Swete published by the Camb. Univ. Press in 1880-1882. Amonp: 
the Latin Fathers, Jerome and Auijustine have both left exposi- 
tions of thia Epistle, the former esu. beinjf of value. Among the 
Reformers, Luther, Calvin, and Beza may be consulted with 
advantage. Estius, Bengel, and Wetstein contribute much 
from their special points of view. Among more recent exposi- 
tions the followiMK are worthy of mention : Usteri, Komm. 
iiber d. Gal. (lS;!:i); Schott, Kpistolce P. ad Thess. et Gal. 
(1834) ; Windischmann (Roman Oath.), Eikliirung d. Gal. (1843) ; 
Hilgenfeld, Der Wa/otcrftrM-/ (1852)- EUicott, Crit. and Gram. 
Comment, on Gal. (1854) ; Jowett, The Epintles of Paul (1859, 
2nd ed. 1894); Bisping (Rom. Oath.), Gal. (2nd ed. 18fi3); 
Hofmann, Die heil. Schrift NT, ii. 1 (1863); Lightfoot, St. 
PauFs Ep. to Gal. (1865) ; Meyer, Crit. and Hand- 
book (1870); Sondav in Ellicott's NT (1879); Holsten, Daa 
Evangelium d. Pauiiu (1880); Philippi, Gal. erkldrt (1884); 
Sieffert in the re-edited Meyer (1886) ; Palmieri (Rom. Cath.), 
Gal. (1886) ; Schaff in Illiutr. Popular Com. (1831) ; Beet, Com. 
on St. PauTs Ep. to Gal. (1885) ; Findlay in Expositor's Bible 
(1888) ; Goebel, JSeuteM. Schriften (1889) ; Comely (Rom. Cath.), 
Gal. (1890) ; Lipsius in Hand-eomm. (2iid ed. 1892) ; Zockler in 
Strack and Zockler's Kaf. Comm. (2nd ed. 1894) ; B. Weiss, Die 
Paulin. Briefe (1896) ; Zahn, EirdeU. in d. NT (1897). [Useful 
bibliographical bsts will be found in Meyer, Sieffert, and Lipsius.] 

Marcus Dod.s. 
GALBANUM (n}3^n helbendh, xa^^o.vri, galbanum). 
— A gum resin, Ferula galbaniflua, Boiss. et 
Buhse ; and F. rubricaulis, Boiss. It is kno^vn 
in Arab, by the name kinnah, and in Persian 
jis birzed. It occurs in the form of tears and 
lumps. The tears are round, yellow to brownish- 
yellow, translucent, and not larger than a 
pea. The lump galbamim is more common, and 
consists of irregular masses of a brownish or 
brownish-yellow colour, composed of agglutinated 
tears. Fruits with bits of stem and other im- 
purities are mixed with the resin. The odour is 
balsamic. Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii. 56) declares it to 
be a product of a kind of giant fennel, growing in 
Amanus. There are many species of Ferula, 
Ferulago, Colladonia, and otner large Umbelliferae 
in Amanus, but no such gum is now extracted 
from any of them, and none of the plants reputed 
to yield galbanum grow there. Pliny (I.e.) and 
Virgil (Georg. iii. 415) say that its smoke drives 
away serpents. G. is imported from India and the 
Levant. It is mentioned only once in the OT 
(Ex 30**) as an ingretiient of the sacred incense, 
and once in Apocr. (Sir 24'^). G. E. Post. 

OALEED (•y]jhi 'cairn of witness,' LXX Bowbs 
naprvpet, E -lov). — The name which, according to 
Gn 31^', was given by Jacob to the cairn erected 
on the occa.sion of the compact between him and 
Laban. There is evidently a characteristic attempt 
also to account in this way for the name Gilead. 
The respective proceedings of .Jacob and of Laban 
are uncertain, for the narrative is not only of com- 

Sosite origin, but has suffered through the intro- 
uction <jf glosses into the text. Kautzsch-Socin 
remark that even if v.*^ belonged originally to E 
(which Wellh. strongly denies, setting it down as 
a gloss due to pure pedantry), it is certainly intro- 
duced by R in the wron^; place. A similar remark 
applies to v.** ' Therefore was the name of it 
called Galeed,' which probably was derived from 
J. There is a confusion in the present text due 
to the attempt to iiarmonize E's account of the 
erection of a mazzcbdh with the statement of J 
that it was a 'cairn' (Sj) that was erected. It is 
pretty certain that we should read ' Laban ' in- 

stead of 'Jacob' in v.« (so Wellh., Dillm.). The 
LXX seeks unsuccessfully to reduce the narrative 
to order by means of transpositions. 

Literature. — Commentaries of Del. and Dillm. ad loe. ; Ball 
in Haupt's SBOT ; Kautzsch-Socin, Genesis 73; Wellhausen, 
Comv. d. Hex. 42 f. ; Kittel, Hist, of Ueb. i. 143, 156; Driver, 

LOfin. J. A. Selbie. 

GALIL/EAN (raXtXatos). — An inhabitant of Gali- 
lee. The apostles, who spoke with divers tongues 
on the day of Pentecost, were said by the crowd to 
be Galila'ans, which made the matter all the more 
surprising (Ac 2'); a massacre of Galilu^ans by 
Pilate was reported to Jesus (Lk 13') ; Pilate 
spoke of Jesus as a Galila'an (Lk 23") ; Peter was 
told, when tryinjj to conceal the fact that he was 
a Galilaean, that it was useless for him to do so, as 
his speech * betrayed him (Mk 14'"); the attitude 
of the Galilseans towards Jesus is contrasted with 
that of the Jerusalemites (Jn 4'"). In the article 
Galilee some traits of the inhabitants are men- 
tioned, to which very much might be added. They 
were healthy, brave, and industrious ; they de- 
veloped the resources of their province in a 
wonderful manner ; they were skilful merchants, 
and added to their wealth by shipping their 
commodities to other parts of the a\ orld ; from a 
religious point of view, they were the most liberal- 
minded people of Palestine ; they were enterprising, 
intelligent, and possessed a poetical talent of very 
high order ; and in the great struggle with Rome, 
A.D. (56-70, they were the strongest defenders of 
liberty of whom the Jewish nation could Imast. 

S. Merrill. 
_ GALILEE ('?'^3n, n^'"??.?, a-\m h^bi, TaXetXaia).— It is 
singular that a proA'ince so well known as Galilee 
was in NT times, and occupying the place it did 
in the history of the Jewish nation, is mentioned 
but six times in OT (Dillm. also in Jos 12-^). Three 
of these being identical (Jos 20' 21»^ 1 Ch 6'*)— a 
mere statement of the fact that Kedesh, the city 
of refuge, was in Galilee — the number is reduced to 
four. When Kedesh is mentioned (in these three 
passages), also the invasion of Tiglath-pileser (2 K 
15^), and Solomon's present of twenty cities to 
Hiram (1 K 9"), Galilee is spoken of in the same 
familiar manner that it is m NT or in Josephus. 
There remains one instance only which attracts 
our attention, namely, Is9' ' Galilee of the nations. 't 
This has always been admitted to be a difficult 

[)assage. The only biblical commentary is the 
listorical notice of Tiglath-pileser's invasion (2 K 
15^), ' he took Ijon, and Abel-beth-maacah, and 
Janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, and 
Galilee, all the land of Naphtali.' Here Galilee 
appears to be as well known as Gilead ; and no 
hint is furnished as to its extent or character. 
The same can be said of the transaction between 
Hiram and Solomon (1 K 9"*^-); for whatever 
meaning the word ' Cabul ' may have, it is evident 
that Solomon considered the twenty cities a proper 
and ample compensation for the favours he had 
received from Hiram. 

Thus far we have gained little except to learn 
that the Bible gives us no account of the origin of 
the word Galilee, of how large an area it embraced 
at first, or of how it came to be applied to all the 
northern part of Palestine. 

Palestine west of the Jordan was, in the time of 
our Lord, divided into three provinces, Judaea, 
Samaria, and Galilee. The latter was the most 
northern, and occupied in general the territory 
that had been assigned by Joshua to the four 
tribes, Asher, Naphtali, jfebulun, and Issachar. 

* Alluding probably to a Oalilatan habit of confounding the 
gutturals (Smith, UGHL 423 n. ; Dalm., Gram. d. Aram. 6, 42 f.). 

t The wortl, which h.os regularly the art., 'thegdlil,' appears to 
mean ' circle ' or ' district.' Apparently, Is 91 gives the full title. 




It extended to the Jordan on the E., the Leont>es, 
Zitanu, on the N., the territory of Tyre, which 
was then a narrow strip of seacoast, on the W., 
and below the territory of Tyre it touched the 
Mediterranean and included Ptolemais (Accho) and 
Mount Carmel, and on the S. the line, which was 
irregular, passed near Ginea {Jenin), included 
Scythopolis or Bethshean to the E., Taanach 
and Megiddo to the W., and followed the Carmel 
ridge to the Mediterranean. Its extent in miles 
was about sixty from north to south, and about 
thirty from east to west. 

Joseph us divides the province into Upper and 
Lower Galilee. Lower Galilee extended east and 
west from Carmel to the Jordan ; the S. line 
would be that already indicated as passing near 
Jenin, and the N. boundary included Artela on 
the west of the Sea of Galilee, and also Jotapata 
{Je/at). Tarichea, Tiberias, Sepphoris (the capital 
of Galilee during a large portion of Christ's life), 
Cana, and Nazareth were all in Lower GalUee. 
The boundaries of Upper Galilee are given by 
Josephus ( Wars, III. iii. 1 ; Life, 37), and were 
no doubt well understood by his readers; but it 
is difficult for us to indicate its limits, since the 
places noted still remain unidentified. The dis- 
trict extended from Bersabe on the S. to Baca 
on the N., and from Thella, a place bordering 
on the Jordan, to Meroth on the west. 

In the year B.C. 47 Galilee had as military 
governor a young man then but twenty-five years 
of age, who subsequently became known to the 
world as Herod the Great. He had been appointed 
to this position by his father, Antipater, and proved 
a successful ruler. After his death, in B.C. 4, his 
son Antipas was made tetrarch of Galilee, and, 
since he was not banished by Caligula till A.D. 
39, he governed the province during the entire 
life of our Lord. During the reign of Antipas, 
Galilee was bounded on the E. by the dominions 
of his half-brother Herod PhUip n. After the 
removal of Antipas, Galilee came under the rule 
of Herod Agrippa I. , who died in A.D. 44 as described 
in Ac 12. Although these men ruled by the favour 
of Rome, they were still native rulers, and in that 
fact the inhabitants felt a degree of pride, because 
their dependent state was thereby made less 
apparent and no doubt far less galling. 

In comparing Galilee with other portions of the 
Holy Land, there are certain respects in which it 
can claim to be unique. In fact it would be 
difficult to find anywhere else on the globe another 
district of equal size whose natural characteristics 
are so wonderfully diversified as are those of 

The white dome of Hermon was ever present to 
the inhabitants as much as if that mountain had 
risen from their own soil, and the same was true 
of the wide expanse of the Mediterranean to the 
west. The long line of seacoast with its cities of 
wealth and its composite life must be taken into 
the account, and on the other side the depression of 
the Jordan Valley, in which, 700 ft. below the level 
of the Mediterranean, lay the Sea of Galilee. In 
Lower Galilee the group of Nazareth hills was 
picturesque ; isolated Tabor had a grandeur and a 
beauty of its own, whUe in Upper Galilee but a 
single peak, Jebel Jermuk. reached a height of 
4|XI0 ft. ; 2000 to 2o<» ft. being the general eleva- 
tion. Nowhere were the mountarus rugged, their 
gradual slopes and the intervening valleys were 
always attractive. The Esdraelon plain was of 
inexhaustible fertility, and so was the region about 
Lakes Merom and Tiberias. The climate was all 
that could he desired ; the temperature was mild 
on the seacoast, hot in the Jordan Valley, and 
always cool in the highlands. The air was in- 
vigorating, and no doubt it was owing partly to 

this fact that the Galilaeans were always noted for 
bein^ healthy, hardy, and brave. The forests, 
meadows, and pastiires, the tilled fields and gardens, 
the vineyards and olive orchards, the broad acres 
covered with wheat and barley, the fountains, 
streams, lakes, and rivers, the prosperous cities 
and towns which dotted the land, made the aspect 
of the country singularly varied and attractive. 

In the Blessing of Moses (Dt 33) upon the tribes 
occupying this territory there are suggestive hinU. 
as to its natural features and the peculiar pro- 
ductions of its fertile soU. Special characteristics 
of these highlanders are brought out in other 
portions of OT which are fully confirmed and 
illustrated by what we learn from other sources, 
regarding both country and people. The NT, 
Josephus, the Talmud, and modem research 
present attractive, not to say fascinating, pictures 
of this highly favoured land. 

How frequently in the Gospels are the 'cities 
and villages ' of Galilee mentioned, leading us to 
suppose that its surface was thickly covered with 
flourishing centres of life. While Josephus praises 
the fertility and populousness of the entire pro- 
vince, he rises to enthusiasm when he describes 
the Plain of Gtennesaret, ' that unparalleled garden 
of God ' ( Wars, m. iii. 2, 3 ; x. 8). ' For sixteen 
miles about Sepphoris,' says the Talmud, ' the 
region is fertile, flovving with milk and honey.' 
' The land of Naphtali is everywhere covered with 
fruitful fields and vines, and its fruits are renowned 
for their wonderful sweetness' (Talm. Bab. Megilla 
6*). Five of Solomon's commissariat officers were 
assigned to this region, who furnished for the royal 
table fine flour, meal and barley, great numbers 
of fat oxen, also pasture-fed oxen, sheep, harts, 
gazelles, roebucks, and fatted fowl (1 K 4^**). 

In early times the forests of GalUee were 
extensive, and even in the country's present 
degradation they are deserving of notice, for there, 
besides many flowering trees, shrubs, and aromatic 
plants, we find the vine, the olive, and the tig, 
the oak, the hardy walnut, the terebinth, and the 
hot-blooded palm, the cedar, cypress, and balsam, 
the fir tree, the pine, the sycomore, the bay tree, 
the mulberry, the almond, the pomegranate, the 
citron, and the beautiful oleander. And, amon^ 
other productions of the soU, Galilee can still 
boast of wheat, barley, millet, pulse, indigo, rice, 
sugar cane, oranges, pears, apricots, and some 
other fruits, besides vegetables in great variety 
(Merrill, Galilee in the Time of Christ, pp. 14-21). 

But a fine climate, a rich forest growi;h, great 
fertility of soil, and a wealth of vegetation pre- 
suppose an abundant supply of water, and in this 
respect GalUee was notably favoured. One might 
almost say that the lawgiver had this province 
specially in mind when he promised the Hebrews 
that they were to enter a ' land of brooks of water, 
of fountains and depths, springing forth in valleys 
and hUls ' (Dt 8^). Lake Merom and Lake Tiberias 
both belonged to GalUee. and the latter was justly 
the pride of the nation. The Jordan flowed through 
them both, and the water of both was sweet and 

All of the Jordan north of the Sea of GalUee 
and one-third of its length to the south of that 
was reckoned to GalUee. The sources of this river 
at Banias and Dan are remarkable for their natural 
features and for the volume of water which in each 
bursts forth from the giound. From the eastern 
side of the watershed of GalUee numerous small 
streams flow into the Jordan, whUe those on the 
west side make their way into the Mediterranean. 
Of the latter one of the most celebrated was the 
Kishon (Nahr Mukatta), which took its rise near 
the foot of Tabor, and after a winding course 
i across the plain of Esdraelon entered the sea near 




the base of Carmel. This stream had a number of 
feeders from the north, from Mount Gilboa and 
the region of En-gannim, and also from the south. 
This is ' that ancient river ' famed in the triumph 
song of Deborah and Barak (Jg 5). 

Near Acre another stream entered the Mediter- 
ranean, the Belus (Nahr Naman), regarded as the 
Shihor-libnath of Jos 19'-'*, with which is connected 
the interesting tradition that from its fine sand the 
Phoenicians first raatle glass. It is a fact that this 
sand was so highly prized that numerous ships 
came here to convey it to the glass shops of Tyre 
and Sidon, then the most famous in the world. The 
supply was thought to be inexhaustible (Pliny, 
n}f xxxvi. 65). 

All vegetation in Galilee would be affected by 
the ' dew of Hermon ' which is praised in Ps 133^ 
and snow from this mountain was carried as a 
luxury to Tyre and Sidon, and to Sepphoris and 
Tiberias the capitals of Herod Antipas. Springs 
and fountains were so abundant in Galilee that it 
would be next to impossible to count them. In 
addition to these, notice must be taken of the 
Hot Springs of this province, which had a world- 
wide fame as resorts for health and pleasure. 
Those at Tiberias were probably the most cele- 
brated, and their medicinal advantages were 
known even in Rome (Pliny, HN v. 15). The 
benefit to be derived from bathing in this hot 
sulphur water was so great tliat not only the 
common people but peojile of learning and rank 
came hither, seeking by this means to restore their 
health (Jos. Life, 16; Jer. Talmud, Sfiab. 3»). 
These springs had a rival in those of Gadara, about 
two hours S.E. of the Sea of Galilee, where still 
existing ruins of a small theatre^ bath houses, 
paved courts, beautifully carved stone seats 
or chairs, dressing rooms, etc., indicate the lux- 
urious provision that was made for the guests 
(Merrill, East of the Jordan, pp. 150-153). 

One would hardly expect to find that Galilee, 
directly under the perpetual snows of Hermon, 
Avould be subject to earthquakes ; still such is the 
fact, and several very severe calamities are on 
record as liaving visited that country. In 1759 
Safed was destroyed by an earthquake, and 
another in 1837 killed five thousand people out 
of a total population of about nine thousand. 
Chasms opened in the earth, and the houses being 
built on a steep hillside fell one upon another, and 
the ruin was terrible. Tiberias at the same time 
was visited in like manner, and half its inhabitants 
killed. The ravages then caused are still evident 
in ruined houses and in the cracked and twisted 
walls of the city, which have never been repaired. 

Although there had been a large deportation of 
its inhabitants by Tiglath-pileser, and no doubt 
much destruction of life in other wars, Galilee 
seems to have entirely recovered from these 
calamities, for there is abundant evidence that 
in our Lord's time the country was densely popu- 
lated. The conditions of life there — climate, soil, 
enterprise, and industry, and a ready market for 
all products — favoured such a result. The exact 
number of its inhabitants at any given time may 
be a matter of speculation ; it has been reckoned 
from two millions to three millions at the begin- 
ning of our era ; but since it was then customary 
for people to congregate in cities and towns, we 
shall be aided in our judgment if we turn our 
attention briefiy to them. When the division of 
the land took place among the four tribes, sixty- 
nine cities at least are mentioned by name. 
Josephus in his account of Galilee mentions by 
name about forty cities and villages. It is inter- 
esting to note that of the nineteen cities assigned 
to Naphtali sixteen were ' fenced ' (n>^ 'ii?), Jos 
19^. A>)out the Sea of Galilee there were ten or 

twelve flourishing towns. Were not this fact 
corroborated by historical evidence, it might be 
disputed were one to judge solely by the present 
ruined condition of that region. 

Beginning at Tiberias and going round by the 
S. we come first to Bethmatis, where was a syna- 
gogue, and which consequently ranked as a city. 
Beyond that was Taricnea, famous for its ship- 
building and its fisheries, of whose inhabitants six 
thousand young men were sent by Vespasian to 
Corinth to work on the Isthmus canal, and thirty 
thousand more were sold as slaves {Wars, ill. 
X. 10). A fine bridge crossed the Jordan where 
it leaves the Lake, and beyond that on the E. side 
was Gcrgcsa, the scene of the demoniaijs and the 
herd of swine (Mt8^'^). On the brow of the moun- 
tain E. of Gergesawas Garnala, ' the strongest city 
in that part ' ( Wars, ll. xx. 4), which withstood a 
siege of seven months, and was subdued only when 
Vespasian led against it three of his legions. Near 
Gamala was Hippos, one of the cities of the 
Decapolis. At the N.E. corner of the Lake was 
JuI'ms, which previous to our era bore the name 
of Bethsaida, and which Herod Philip ll. trans- 
formed into a beautiful and flourishing city, where 
he himself in A.D. 34 was buried in a costly tomb. 
On the W. side we have Chorazin, not far from 
the Lake, and Capernaum, Bethsaida, and Magdala 
directly on the shore. Capernaum was called 
Christ's 'own city' (Mt 9'); Bethsaida was the 
home of Philip, Andrew, and Peter, possibly also 
of Zebedee and his sons James and John ; and 
Magdala is memorable for the touching story of 
Mary and her connexion with our Lord. Close to 
Magdala, just above the famous robber-caves of 
Wady Haman, was Beth-arbel, a stronghold from 
the earliest times (Hos 10^^). We have now 
reached our starting-point, Tiberias, which was 
a city of great political importance, having been 
rebuilt in magnificent style by Herod Antipas not 
long before Christ began His public ministry, 
when it became the capital of the province. 

No more than a glance at the country itself is 
needed to convince one that this province pos- 
sessed an unusual number of lar^e towns, to some 
of which Avas attached special nistoric interest. 
There may be mentioned Safed, visible from the 
shore of the Sea of Galilee, ' a city set upon a hill,' 
one of the sacred cities of the Jews ; Hazor, the 
royal city of king Jabin ( Jg 4-) ; Cana, where our 
Lord's first miracle was performed (Jn 2) ; Sep- 
phoris, the capital of the province till it Avas 
removed to Tiberias, — it was a strong place, where 
Avas a royal magazine of arms, and Avhere the 
public archives Avere kept ; Kedesh, one of the 
cities of refuge, and, under Tyiian rule, a centre 
of pagan Avorship ; Jotapata, Avhere one of the 
longest and most desperate sieges during the Avar 
with Rome took place ; Tabor, conspicuous and 
beautiful in its position, and strongly fortified 
from the earliest times ; Jap/ui, Avhich ' had very 
strong Avails and a large number of inhabitants ' 
(Jos. Life, 45) ; Zabulon, whose houses Avere built 
after the model of those of Tyre, Sitlon, and 
Beirflt, that is, Avith great elegance and of unusual 
height ; Gabara, mentioned Avith Tiberias and 
Sepphoris as one of the largest cities of Galilee 
(Jos. Life, 25) ; Gadara, Avhere Vespasian's first 
blow Avas struck in his campaign in Galilee ( Wars, 
III. vii. 1) ; Bcthshean, interesting in its ancient 
history, and still more famous under its ncAv name 
Scythopolis ; Ptolenuiis, Avhere the Roman fleet 
and army gathered that had come to destroy the 
Jews as a nation ; and, finally, Coisarea Phiiippi, 
Avhich under the name Banias Avas a seat of idol- 
Avorship ten centuries before it Avas known to the 
Greeks, and by these i>eople in turn transformed 
into a shrine of Pan under the name Paneas, 




adorned by Herod the Great, and still more by his 
son Herod Philip II., a place lisited by Vespasian 
as the guest of Herod Agrippa 11. , and later by 
Titus, Monderfully attractive in its situation, but 
chiefly interesting' to the Christian from its con- 
nexion with our Lord. This rapid review, which 
embraces only a few of the better-known places of 
Galilee, indicates that wherever we turn our eyes, 
on hillside or plain, we look upon town, city, or 
village of prosperous GalUee, and the conclusion is 
forced upon us that its population was dense. 

Among the productions of Galilee, the olive was 
perhaps the most prominent. In the Blessing of 
Moses it is said of Asher, ' let him dip his foot in 
oil ' ( Dt 33^). The Rabbis said, ' In Asher oil flows 
like a river,' and ' It is easier to raise a legion of 
olive trees in Galilee than to raise one child in 
Judaea.' Both Syrians and Phoenicians, and fre- 
quently people from a greater distance, obtained 
their main supply of oil from this province. Great 
stores of it existed in Jotapata, so that in the 
siege of that place by the Romans oil was heated 
and poured over the soldiers who were crowding 
up to the walls, and, as it was at the same time set 
on fire, the efi'ect was terribly disastrous. Of the 
vast cmantity of oU which Solomon gave yearly to 
king Hiram, 150,000 or 200,000 gallons, a large 
proportion was supplied from Gjililee (2 Ch 2^"). 
It is needless to add that the amount of revenue 
derived from this source was great. 

Next to the oil. the amount of wheat raised in 
Galilee was equally surprising. For this article 
the demand of Phoenicia, whose ships went over 
the world, was enormous. In Ac 12**, when war 
was on the point of breaking out between Herod 
Agrippa I. and the people of Tyre and Sidon, the 
latter succeeded in appeasing Herod's anger, which 
for them was most fortunate, since ^rithout the 
supplies of various kinds which they derived from 
his country they could not live. 

Not only oil, wheat, and barlqr, but large quan- 
tities of dried figs, grapes, wine, pomegranates, 
honey, were raised and sent abroad, as well as 
numberless fatted fowl, sheep, and cattle. Flax 
al~o was produced in large quantities, which the 
weaving establishments and dye-houses of the sea- 
coast to^Tis transformed into useful or costly and 
beautiful fabrics. 

Moreover, the fisheries of the Sea of Galilee 
must be mentioned as one of the chief industries 
of this province. Choice kinds of fish were 
abundant, and when properly prepared were sent 
over the world. Both Tarichea and Bethsaida 
seem to have derived their names from the fish 
factories for which they were famous. 

The Phoenician coast lying so near Galilee, all its 
industries, manufactures, commerce, and luxuri- 
ous livinw would only increase the market facili- 
ties of Galilee, of which her industrious inhabitants 
were ever ready to avail themselves. The pros- 
perity of Galilee was enhanced by the network of 
roads which covered it (see Smith, HGHL 425 f. ). 
These roads help to explain also the facility with 
which the 6j(\os assembled, which so often thronged 
our Lord. 

Besides its natural attractions, its varied pro- 
ductions and commercial facilities, its populous- 
ness and wealth, Galilee appeals to us more 
strongly than in any other way by its unique 
place in the religious history of the world. It was 
the cradle of the Christian faith. Joseph and 
Mary belonged to Nazareth, and there Jesus lived 
the larger part of His life. The peculiar influences 
of this mountain city, and its wonderful outlook 
over land and sea, no doubt had their eflfect upon 
the mind of Christ during His boyhood and youth. 
When He desired larger opportunities for reaching 
His fellow-men, He did not go out of His province 

to Jerusalem, Rome, or elsewhere, but removed to 
Capernaum on the shore of the Lake (Mt 9*). A 
large proportion of the apostles, the men who 
helped to shape early Christianity, were from 
Gaulee — namely, Peter, Philip, Andrew, James, 
John, all of whom were from Bethsaida ; Matthew 
from Capernaum ; besides Bartholomew or Na- 
thanael, and James the Less, son of Alphaeus and 
Marj', and possibly others, for even those who 
were not bom there could by virtue of residence 
and labours be classed as Galilseans (Ac 1"), 
There is a tradition that the parents of the 
Apostle Paul came from Gischala in Galilee, 
which is not at all improbable when we remem- 
ber how large a number of Jews in the days of 
Herod went forth from Palestine to seek "their 
fortunes in the distant commercial centres of the 
Roman world. Salome the wife of Zebedee, Anna 
the prophetess who joined in the welcome to the 
infant Jesus, furnish hints as to the piety and 
intelligence of the women of this province. 

It is scarcely necessary to look back to the pre- 
Israelitish period. Still even then the Baal wor- 
shippers from the seacoast, who sought out the 
most attractive spots for their degrading rites, 
had crowded in and set up their altars in the most 
beautiful groves and on many of the hills of 
Galilee — Kedesh, Dan, and Caesarea Philippi being 
some of the best- known of these idolatrous centres. 

It is a significant fact that the Jews, after the 
destruction of Jerusalem, should have chosen 
Galilee as their religious centre. This becomes 
indeed a matter of great surprise when we c-on- 
sider the relations of the orthodox Jews to the 
Founder of Christianity and His foUowers as these 
are portrayed to us in the Gospels. They must 
have considered it a congenial atmosphere for 
their libraries, schools, and learned men, for here 
these flourished in a remarkable manner. During 
the long period of three or more centuries many 
synagogues were erected, and remains of some of 
these are still found at different places, tho*e at 
Biram, Chorazin, and Tell Hum being familiar to 
everybody. Here, before A.D. 200, the Mishna 
had been compiled, i.e. the oral or traditional law 
to which Christ so often referred was given a tixed 
form by being written down, and also the com- 
mentary on this, known as the Palestinian Talmud, 
was made, having been completed about two 
centuries later. Tiberias, like Safed, became one 
of the sacred cities of the Jews, and here the great 
Maimonides and some other of their famous Rabbis 
were buried. 

Among the famous personages of Galilee may 
be mentioned Barak, one of Israel's heroes ; De- 
borah, the author of a triumph song ; the judges 
Ibzan, Elon, and Tola, who judged Israel forty 
years ; the prophets Hosea (?), Jonah the son of 
Amittai, and Elisha the successor of Elijah. This 
was not Elijah's birthplace, still he can be said to 
belong to Galilee, because this was the scene of a 
large part of his labours. 

The fascinating and inspiring natural objects so 
abundant in GalUee — ^ine-clad slopes, plains 
brilliant with flowers, and the beautiful lake deep 
within the bosom of the hills — could hardly fau 
to awaken the spirit of poetry ; and besides the 
well-kno\vn examples in proof of this, some eminent 
scholars, as Gesenius and others, would locate 
here the Song of Songs. 

Not only did our Lord, and also His disciples by 
birth or residence, belong to Galilee, but it is sur- 
prising to find so large a proportion of the Gospels 
picturing Galilsean scenes and life : places, people, 
parables, miracles, healing ; rulers, soldiers, mer- 
chants, beggars ; everything so vi\id that we seem 
to be walking with the Master along the shore 
and from tillage to village of His native land. 



The Sermon on the Mount (Mt 5), the raising of 
the widow's son (Lk T"'"*), stilling the tempest 
(Mt 8'^), feeding the five thousand (Mk 6**), the 
transfiguration (Mk 9'), the marriage feast (Jn 2'), 
the custom house (Lk 5'^), the draught of fishes 
(Lk 5*), the mountain refuge for secret prayer 
(Mt 14^), the little child in the Saviour's arras 
Mk 9**), and the marvellous explanation of the 
bread of life (Jn 6), — these and a multitude of 
other sayings and incidents which make up the 
Gospels take us at once to Galilee. The number 
and variety of natural objects which Christ intro- 
duces 80 frequently in His utterances, illustrate 
the extent and correctness of His habit of observa- 
tion. Nothing escapes His notice, — sky, earth, 
sea, fields, flowers, grass, grain, fruits, trees, fish, 
birds, and animals, — the salient facts of the world 
immediately alxtut Him were grasped and made 
the basis of beautiful lessons. A very exhaustive 
article on this subject, entitled ' Christ as a Prac- 
tical Observer of Nature, Persons, and Events,' 
may be found in the Bibliotheca Sacra, July 1872, 
pp. 510-531, by the present writer. 

The part played by Galilee in the war with 
Rome will always command the admiration of the 
world. It was a life-and-death struggle, and her 
people rallied with the utmost enthusiasm to 
the defence of their fatherland. The fact that 
during the lirst year of the war Galilee stood 
alone has not received the attention it deserves. 
The forces that were, or might have been, 
gathered in Judaea were not sent to her aid. From 
their camp at Ptolemais four veteran legions with 
their engines of war marched towards the hills of 
Galilee ; but it proved to be no holiday expedition 
on which they had started. The campaign was 
long and bloody ; the highland patriots resisted 
with almost superhuman energy ; the Romans 
were successful at last, but their victory was a 
costly one. The hardest fighting of the war Avas 
done on the soil of Galilee, and in that terrible 
year one hundred and fifty thousand of her people 
perished. From the days of Joshua to those of 
iJar-Cochba no Jewish army had shown greater 
valour than did the compatriots of Je«us of 
Nazareth — the men from the home-land of Christ. 

Literature.— For a full account of this province in all its 
historical phases of interest, see the present writer's Galilee 
in the Time of Christ, Boston (U.S.) 1881, London 188.5 ; cf. 
also his Edit of the Jordan ; G. A. Smith, HGHL 413 B. ; 
Neubauer, Giog. du Talmud, 180 fiP. ; Reland, Palest.; Robin- 
son, BRP^ ii. ; Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, 361 fif. ; Conder, 
fTandbk. to Bible, 301 ff. ; Gu^rin, GaliUe ; Buhl, Geog. Alt. 
Paldst. ; Baedeker-Socin, Paldst. ; Schiirer, UJP (Index). 

S. Merrill. 
GALILEE, MOUNTAIN IN.— After our Lord's 
resurrection, the eleven disciples went away from 
Jerusalem ' into Galilee, unto the mountain where 
Jesus had appointed them {els rrjv TaXiXalav «s rd 
Spoi ov ^rd^aro a&roh 6 'It/ctoOs).' There the disciples 
saw and worshipped Him, and received His final 
commission (Mt 28^''-=»). No record or hint indi- 
cates to us what mountain is meant. For harmon- 
istic reasons the theory that the Galila^an hill was 
the Mt. of Olives, whose north point is said to 
have borne the name ' Galilee,' has found favour 
in some quarters. This opinion scarcely needs 
refutation (see Keim, Jesus of Nazara, vi. 380 n.). 

S. Merrill. 
GALILEE, SEA OF.— This appears in the Bible 
under several different names, which must first be 
noticed. Modern writers not infrequently speak 
of the ' Lake of Tiberias,' but this term is never 
used in NT. Moreover, Lk 5* is the only place where 
the name 'Lake of Gennesaret' CkLiMvr} Tewqaapir) 
occurs. In four instances it is referred to as ' the 
Lake' (XfyuvT;), Lk 5* gw. sa. S3^ ^,^^1 -^^ several others 
as 'the sea' (06.\acrca], Jn 6''"^. Twice John 
employs 'Sea of Tiberias' (OaKaaca rrjs Tii^epiddos), 

6' 21^ but in the first case he had already men- 
tioned in a natural way the Sea of Galilee, and 
immediately added as an explanation for his 
Gentile readers that it was the same as the Sea of 
Tiberias. This reduces the use of the latter name 
to a single instance. ' Sea of Galilee ' {d<i\a<raa 
TTjs TaXiXalas) would seem to bo the best known 
and most appropriate name, and this is used five 
times (Mt 4^* IS'*, Mk P* V\ Jn 6»). Glancing at 
the OT we find for this body of water two names, 
or properly one name speUed in ditl'erent ways. 
The ' Sea of Chinnereth ' (n-ij? c;) aiJi^ears in de- 
fining the boundary of the land (Nu 34"), and 
again in defining the border of the territory of 
Gad (Jos 13-^). ' Sea of Chinneroth ' is given in 
describing the territory of Sihon that was con- 
quered by Moses (Jos 12'). Chinnereth (n-jp) is 
used once alone (Dt 3") and Chinneroth (nnp) 
also (Jos IP), both referring to the Sea of Galilee. 
Once Chinneroth is used for a district conquered 
by Benhadad (1 K 15™), and Chinnereth appears 
in Jos 19^' as a 'fenced city.' It is perfectly con- 
sistent with Oriental usage for a city, a district, 
and a body of water adjoining it to be called by 
the same name, although it is quite possible that 
Dt 3" (see Driver, ad loc), Jos IP 19*> all refer to 
the city Chinnereth or Chinneroth. 

To this brief survey of biblical names for this 
lake we may add that Gennesar {t6 iiSup toS 
Tevvrjffdp, RV ' the water of Gennesareth ') is given 
in 1 Mac ll*'. Josephus had occasion to refer 
to this lake many times, and he always uses 
the name Gennesar (e.f/. Ant. xill. v. 7). The 
change from the Heb. Kinnereth to Gennesar was 
a natural one (but see G. A. Smith, HGHL 443 n. ). 
Josephus adhered to the OT name in its changed 
form, while the NT writers, as we have seen, used 
the title ' Sea of Galilee.' 

As to the meaning of these names, Galilee is 
obviously derived from the province of that name, 
and Tiberias from the city on the west shore of 
the lake. Chinnereth may be from n^?, 'harp.' 
Benzinger {Heb. Arch. 23) thinks this improbable ; 
and Fuerst suggests 'basin.' Gennesaret may 
have the same meaning as Chinnereth if we allow 
that it was simply transferred from the Hebrew ; 
or it may be from gan and sdr, ' prince's garden,' 
applied, of course, to the Land of (jennesaret, from 
which the Sea of Galilee is once called the ' Lake 
of Gennesaret' (Lk 5'). 

The Sea of Galilee is 13 miles long and a little 
less than 7 miles wide in its widest part. Its 
greatest depth is less than 200 ft. It is not 
quite oval in form, although it appears to be 
so when looked at from the surrounding heights. 
It is more properly pear - shaped, having the 
small end at the south. Its level below the 
MediteiTanean is about 700 ft. On the east 
side the mountain rises from its shore to an 
elevation of 2000 ft., the same as that of the 
great plateau of Bashan beyond. On the west 
side there is also a mountain wall, but towards 
the north the slopes are very gradual, and on 
the south the lake touches the plain of the 
Jordan Valley. To the eye it is a most attractive 
object, a beautiful body of wiiter set deep in a 
vast basin among the hills. Not onlj' the Jews, 
but people of many other races who were not 
natives of the soil, have prai.sed the beauty of the 
Sea of Galilee. ' Although God has created seven 
seas,' said the Rabbis, ' yet He has chosen this one 
as His special delight.' They speak of its 'grace- 
fully flowing ' or ' glidiu" waters.' The mountains, 
the peaceful shore at their base, the blue water 
overarched by the blue sky, form a landscape 

})icture that has kindled the enthusiasm of many 
learts. It is seen at present at its worst estate ; 
but in the time of our Lord this shore was a con- 




tinuous garden, and even the matter-of-fact Pliny 
declared that this lake was ' surrounded by pleas- 
ant towns ' (^^A" V. 15). 

These towns have been described briefly in the 
article Galilee, but the list at least may be 
repeated : — Tiberias, and south of it Bethmaus, 
Tarichea, Sinnabris, Gergesa, Gamala, Hippos, 
Julias, Bethsaida, Chorazin, Capernaum, Magdala, 
and Beth-arbel. On the mountain to the S.E. 
was Gadara, Safed on its lofty summit to theN.W., 
and a castle was perched directly above Tiberias 
almost overhanging the lake. Through "Wady 
Hamam the Horns of Hatttn appeared, and to the 
north rose the magnificent dome of Hermon. 
This famous mountain is not one of a cluster, it is 
not hemmed in and dwarfed by surrounding peaks, 
but it stands alone, revealing its full grandeur. 
From the shore of the Sea of Galilee, if we add its 
depression of 700 ft. to the elevation of Mount 
Hermon, we look up to its summit a sheer height 
of over 10,000 ft. Among aU the mountains of 
the world, such a view is seldom surpassed. 

The hiUs, which appear to surround the lake, 
recede from the shore a distance varying from a 
few hundred yards to half a mile or more, and this 
belt is generally level, so that, without cutting or 
tilling, a carriage road could readily be constructed 
entirely round the lake ; with a horse and carriage 
the circuit could be made in four or five hours. 
At two points, where the recession of the mountain 
is greatest, two charming plains are formed, 
namely, el-Batiha on the N.E. of the lake, and 
Gennesaret on the N.W. They resemble each 
other, are equally fertUe, but it is Gennesaret 
that has always received the most praise. See 

The river Jordan enters the lake at the northern 
end, and passes out at the southern end. It brings 
down so much sediment at times that it appears 
like a very dirty stream : still the water of the lake 
itself is always clear ; it is also sweet and cool. 

The steep mountain wall on the E. side, already 
referred to, is volcanic, a part of the great lava 
formation which includes the Bashan plain and 
the Hauran mountains, where exist a score or 
more of extinct craters. The hot springs of 
Gadara, within 5 miles of the S.E. comer of the 
lake, those at Tiberias on the W. shore, and like- 
wise the earthquakes which visit that region from 
time to time, are indications that internal fires 
still exist. The latest recorded earthquake from 
which Tiberias suftered severely was in 1S37, 
vividlv described by the American missionary 
Rev. Wm. M. Thomson, well known as the author 
of The Land and the Book. The region to the N. 
of the lake through which the Jordan passes, 
extending to Chorazin and Tell Hum, is simply a 
mass of large basalt boulders, packed so closely 
that it is next to impossible to get through them. 

The hot springs near Tiberias have been famous 
from the earliest history of the country, and the 
inhabitants still prize them for their medicinal 
uses. The volume of water is large, and, coiild 
they be properly cared for and managed by other 
than their present degraded owners, there is no 
reason why these springs should not become one 
of the most famous health resorts in the world. 
Except in midsummer the climate is delightful— 
in fact, tropical ; and when a person is dulled by 
the strong winds of mountain or tableland, the 
sensation of going down to the warm, even balmy, 
atmosphere of the lake shore is one of extreme 

Equally with the hot baths, the fish of this lake 
have always been held in highest estimation. 
Laws traditionally dating from the time of Joshua 
(Bab. Talm. Baba Kama, 806) regulated this in- 
dn.stry, and, with certain limitations, made this 

fishing ground free to all. There were several 
choice varieties, and the inhabitants of the region 
boasted that some of them were the same as those 
found in the NUe. There seems, moreover, to have 
been an inexhaustible supply of fish. Eiethsaida 
on the north was a ' house of fish ' ; Tarichea on 
the south was ' a fish factory,' and the trade in 
this commodity had enriched its citizens. On the 
part of the Jews there was not only a choice in 
kind but in quality as well, for they distinguished 
sharply between ' clean ' and ' unclean,' a fact no 
doubt alluded to in our Lord's parable of the net, 
where the ' good were gathered into baskets, and 
the bad were cast away ' (Mt 13*^- ■•*). 

The lake is subject to violent storms, owing 
partly to the difference of temperature about it 
from that of the mountains or tableland so far 
above it, so that the event recorded in Mt 8**, 
when Christ stilled the waves, was of no infrequent 
occurrence. From an eminence the writer has 
several times seen the clouds gather above the 
lake, a dense black mass, not covering a great 
area, and sink lower and lower towards the water 
as if about to smite the surface ; and even should 
they not actually do so, they disturb it so that 
the waves are strong and boats are placed in great 

From the way in which the NT speaks of boats 
and ships on the Sea. of GalUee, we infer that it 
was covered with them. There seem to have been 
numbers of them ready at any given point. Given 
ten or twelve flourishing cities on or near the 
shore of the lake between which there was con- 
stant communication, it could not be otherwise 
than that the number should be great. These 
boats were engaged in fishing or traffic, or in 
carrying travellers or parties of pleasure from 
shore to shore. Some writers are slow to admit 
that there were ships of any size on the lake, 
although the Greek word for ship (xXowr) is used 
in the XT, whether the Sea of Galilee or the Medi- 
terranean is the body of water referred to. So far 
as this evidence goes, the boats might be as large 
in one case as in the other. On one occasion 
during the Jewish war, when a movement was 
planned against Tiberias, Josephus in a short 
time got ready two hrmdred and forty ships from 
Tarichea and its vicinity alone ( Wars, n. xxi. 8 ; 
Life, 32). In this city shipbuilding was a lucra- 
tive industry. At a later period during tliat 
war many of the soldiers and citizens of Tarichea 
took refuge from the Romans in ships, and four 
thousand to six thousand of them were slain — 
showing that the boats, to have held such a multi- 
tude, must have been of considerable size. Josephus 
speaks of 'climbing up into the ships' (Wars, m. 
X. 5), which implies quite a diflerent craft than 
would be meant had he said ' they stepped from 
the shore into their boats.' In Jn 21^ is found a 
reference to the small boat (vKoiapiop) which always 
accompanies, being frequently towed after, a large 
ship the same as now. From all that we can learn 
of the facts, we certainly have a right to picture 
the Sea of Galilee in Christ's time as dotted with 
white sails, just as we know that the shore was 
lined with cities and the whole basin fuU of life. 
Between its present state and its former prosperity 
the contrast is extremely painful. 

The Sea of Galilee was praised by the Romans 

and was the pride of the Jews, but it appeals to the 

Christian far more strongly than it could possibly 

have done to them, because of its connexion with 

Jesus of Nazareth. It is He that has made it 

immortal. Everywhere about this lake we trace 

His footsteps, and at everv point locate some act of 

I His blessed ministry, 'fhe memories of His life 

I linger here as nowhere else in Palestine. He made 

I one of its beautiful cities (Capernaum) His home 




(Mt 4"). Here He called the fishermen Peter, 
Andrew, James, and John to be tishers of men (Mt 
418-iwj^ also for the same purpose Matthew was 
called from the receipt of custom (Mk 'i"*""). Here 
' multitudes ' came to Him ' to be healed of their 
diseases,' and ' he healed them all ' (Lk 6"->»). Out 
of the lar{;e nuuiber of such cases we readily recall 
that of the nobleman's son (Jn 4^-**), the cen- 
turion's servant (Mt 8*-'*), the raising of Jairus' 
daughter (Mt O'*'"*), the paralytic who was let 
down through the uncovered roof (Mk 2'-"), the 
demoniac in the synagogue at Capernaum (Mk 
pJ-*"), the demoniac of Gailara on the eastern 
shore (Lk 8«-«), the blind man at Bethsaida (Mk 
8*2-«), and tlie curing of Peter's wife's mother of 
the fever (Mt 8"""). Of anotlier class of incidents 
which illustrate our Lord's character and His life 
in Galilee, a few may be mentioned, as His walking 
on the water and stilling the tempest (Mt W-^-'-^), 
and His feeding of the five thousand (Mt U"--^). 
Still another illustrative class comes under the 
head of conversations, lessons, and warnings. In 
the leaven of the Pharisees hypocrisy was rebuked 
(Lk 12') ; in the innocence of childhood humility 
was inculcated (Lk 9**"**) ; the feast with Levi 
showed that social courtesies are to be observed 
(Mk 2") ; that both patriotism and religion have 
their claims upon the individual is made clear in 
the paying of the tribute money (Mt 17**'^^) ; the 
signs in the sky as well as the sower in the field 
teach valuable truths (Mt 13'-'" and ch. 16) ; and it 
was here in Galilee that the foundation principles 
of the New Religion were first promulgated and 
the nature of the liread of Life imfolded (Mt S''**, 
Jn 6). It is to some or all of these facts that 
Christ Himself alludes as 'mighty works' (Mt 
ir^---'), which would have moved the people of 
Tyre, or even those of Sodom, could tney have 
witnessed tliem. 

Of the cities about the Sea of Galilee attention 
should be directed to Capernaum. There was 
some special reason why our Lord chose this as 
His residence. Its importance was not wholly 
commercial ; more than any other city of the north, 
one might say with truth of Palestine, with the 
single exception of Jerusalem, it was a centre of 
news. Roads led thence to Damascus and the 
Euphrates ; to the cities of the Mediterranean 
coast which were in touch with Europe ; to the 
S.W. by Gaza and thence to Egypt ; to the S. 
along tne great mountain range to Shechem, 
Jerusalem, and Hebron ; to the Jordan Valley and 
the ricli and populous country of Persea. Sailors, 
soldiers, merc-hants, travellers, messengers, officers, 
princes, men of many classes and from many parts 
of the world, passed through this place on business 
or pleasure. The fame of some startling event, 
some great healer, some teacher of unusual wisdom, 
would be carried thence with rapidity and in every 
direction. While this fact serves to illustrate 
further the busy life of this lake shore at a single 
point, we cannot help feeling at the same time 
that it makes more significant the other fact that 
Christ took up here His residence. The record is 
very simple, 'leaving Nazareth ... he dwelt in 
Capernaum' (Mt 4'=*). Could it have been said, 
' Jesus shut himself up in a cloister,' how widely 
different would have been the history of Christi- 
anity ! 

Additional Note. — It seems necessary to add the 
following note on the depth of the Sea of Galilee. 
In 1875 Lortet made soundings which corre- 
sponded in general with those already known and 
accepted by Palestinian scholars. He also found, 
as he supposed, near the north end of the lake 
where the Jordan enters, a hole ' 250 metres in 
depth,' which would be over 800 ft. Having 
crossed the lake at or near this point many times, 

and made soundings of his own, the present writer 
was certa,in that Lortet was wrong. The bottom 
of the hole would be 100 ft. lower than the surface 
of the I>ead Sea. Moreover, had such a hole ever 
existed, it would very soon have been filled by 
mud brought down by the Upper Jordan. These 
facts were laid before the public. In 1890 another 
Frenchman, Th. IJarrois, made soundings, but 
found nothing to corroborate Lortet's impossible 
figures. Soon after, Lortet admitted that he was 
in error. The mischief having been done, the 
mistake is perpetuated because i>eople quote Lortet 
without being aware of the corrections. Lortet's 
book, La Syrie d'Attjourd'hui, wa.s published in 
1884 (see pp. 505, 506), and Barrois' notes may be 
found in the PEFHt for July 1894, pp. 211-220. 

Literature.— In addition to what has been cited in the article, 
the rea<ier may consult the following : Merrill, Galilee in the 
Time of Chritt, also his Eaut of the Jordan ; Neubauer, Oiog. 
du Talm. 25, 45, 214 f. ; G. A. Smith, JJGJIL 439 ff. ; Robinson, 
BRF^ ii. ; Ue Saulcv, Jourmn round the Dead Sea. etc. ii. 
392 ff. ; Buhl, Geog. lis, 229 ; Tristram, jS'at. Hist, of Bible, 285 ; 
Keland, Pal. i. 239, 240 ; Baedektr-Socin, Pal. ; Uu6rin, GaliUe. 

S. Merkill. 

GALL. — The Eng. rendering for two Heb. words. 
1. n-no m^rirdh, or n-jno mSrOrdh, denotes ' bitter- 
ness,' corresponding to the Arab. mCrdrah. It is 
used in this sense (Job 13^), ' thou writest bitter 
things against me,' miroroth. The expression n^ifK 
nniD 'clusters of bitternesses' (AV and RV 'clusters 
are bitter '), Dt 32-'-, is a parallelism with grapes of 
gall, is\-!"'-;i\^ 'innebM-rCsk, i.e. poppy -heads (see 
below). This meaning led to its application to the 
bile (Job 16"), and the gall bladder, as its re- 
ceptacle (Job '20-', To 6* etc.). The ancients sup- 
posed that the poison of serpents lay in the gall 
(Pliny, Nat. Hist. xi. 62 ; Job 20"). 

2. v»-\ or rn r6sh. — A plant characterized by its 
bitterness, ' a root that beareth [rOsh] gall and 
wormwood' (Dt 29'*), 'the wormwood and the 
(7-6sh) gall ' (La 3"*). Jer (8'* 9") speaks of ' water 
of {rush) gall.' Figuratively, one in affliction is 
described as 'compassed with (r6sh) gall and 
travail ' (La 3'). Judgment is said to spring up as 
hemlock (rosh) 'in the furrows of the field' (Hos 10*), 
and is said to be ' turned into (rush) gall' (Am 6'-). 
It is impossible to tell with certainty what plant 
is intended. Some have supposed tlie poi.son 
hemlock, C'onium maculatum, L., but this is not a 
field plant. Others have supposed the colocynth, 
Citrullus Colocynthis, L. This, although it has a 
bitter fruit, is not a plant of ploughed ground. 
Others, again, have supposed the darnel, Lolium 
temtUentum, L. This, however, is not bitter. The 
more probable view is that the poppy, Fapaver, 
is intended, perhaps P. rheas, L., or F. somni/erum, 
L., the opium plant. A head of this plant is 
called in Arab. I'ds el-khishkhash, ' head of kliish- 
khdsh,' the word ras being the same as the Hebrew 
7-6sh, a head. They are called in Eng. poppy-heads. 

What was the (xoM) g<^f^ that was nungled with 
vinegar (Mt 27^, cf. Ev. Fetr. 5, x°^V*' M"-d f^ovs ; 
RV 'wine,' cf. Ps 69="), and the myrrh mingled 
with imne (Mk 15'^ (ff/Mvpvur/jievou ohov)^ Both 
of these evangelists add that, at a later period 
in the crucifixion day, a man soaked a sponge in 
vinegar, and put it on a reed, and gave it to 
Jesus to drink (Mt 27**, Mk 15**). Jesus evidently 
partook of it. John doubtless alludes to the same 
(19^-*'), showing how our Saviour called for it 
by saying ' I tliirst ' (v.^*"). John adds that the 
sponge dipped in vinegar was ' put upon hyssop. ' 
It is probable that the soldiers who mocked Christ 
by ottering Him vinegar (Lk 23^), did so only to 
aggravate His thirst, and did not give it to Him, 
ana that this refinement of cruelty led to the bond 
fide off'er which our Saviour accei>ted. How was 
it that He called for this draught after He ha<l 
refused the one at first offered before His cruci- 




fixion ? It is well known that a cup of wine 
with frankincense in it was given to criminals, 
just before their execution, to alleviate their pain. 
Slyrrh would have properties similar to those of 
frankincense. It is possible that the gall of Mt 
was the same as the myrrh of Mk, the word 
myrrh being of the same root as the Heb. original 
of gall (Ps 69*^), and, like it, signifying primarily 
bitter. Mt, according to Hengstenberg, gives the 
word xo^^» which agrees textually witi the LXX 
of the psalm, that he may point out the pro- 
phetic character of the latter, and its fulfilment 
in Christ, while Mk gives the name of the sub- 
stance used. This sutetance is said by Mt to have 
been given in ofos, which means both sour wine 
and vinegar, and by Mk in 6tvo%, which is the 
ordinary word for wine. Here again, ace. to 
Hengstenberg, Mt aims at textual conformity with 
the psalmist, while Mk gives the more familiar 
name. Jn also notes the prophecy of thirst (19^, 
cf. Ps 692'), and its fulfilment in Christ. The 
motive of our Saviour, in refusing the potent 
anaesthetic oflered before His sacrifice was com- 
plete, would seem to have been His desire to endure 
all that was appointed for Him, in full conscious- 
ness of the purpose in view. He only consented 
to moisten His parched lips and tongue at the last, 
not to soothe His anguish, but to gain strength 
enough to enable Him to cry, 'with a loud voice,' I 
' It is finished,' that is, ' my work is done, and the j 
world is saved,' and then He bowed His head and ' 
gave up the ghost. G. E. Post. 

GALLANT.— In Is SS^^ as adj., and in Nah 25°, 
Zee 11^^ as subst., 'gallant' is employed to tr. 
the Heb. word "1"k ^addir, which is also both 
an adj. and a subst. As an adj. 'addir signifies 
magnificent or majestic ; and as a subst. a great 
one, a noble. In Is 33^ the adj. is applied to a j 
ship, and it is to be observed that in the same j 
verse the word is used of J" (AV ' glorious,' RV j 
'in majesty'). In this sense of magnificent the \ 
Eng. word ' gallant ' is nearly obsolete. Bunyan 
{Holy War, Clar. Press ed. p. 8) uses it of a 
country (as 'addtr is applied to a nation in Ezk 
32"^, EV 'famous'), 'Now, there is in this gallant 
country of Universe, a fair and delicate town, a 
Corporation, called Mansoul.' J. Hastixgs. 

GALLERY.— 1. AV in Ca 7* reads 'The king 
is held in the galleries. ' The Heb. is D'?cnT> which, 
there is no reasonable doubt, means 'in the tresses' 
(so RV). The king is captivated, that is to 
say, by the tresses of this ' prince's daughter.' 
c*Ern, prob. of Aramaic origin (DUlm., Siegfried- 
Stade), is found elsewhere only in Gn 3(^ and 
Ex 2^*, in the sense of 'watering troughs.' In 
Ca 1^ the KerS has UD'rn (AVm 'galleries'), but 
the Kethibh ud'itj appears preferable ( AV and RV 
' rafters ' ; Siegfried - Stade, and Baethgen in 
Kautzsch's AT, 'Getafel,' i.e. 'panelling'). 2. 
p-Bx, a word whose etymology and meaning are 
both obscure. It is found only in the description 
of Ezekiel's temple, Ezk 41i«- « 42=»- *. In the first 
of these passages the Kethibh has pinx ; Comill 
substitutes ^'i^r.-^ ' its walls,' and this meaning, 
if not reading, appears to be demanded by the 
context (cf. notes of Da\-idson and Bertholet, ad 
ll.eitt.). The tr° 'colonnade' (Siegfried - Stade, 
Savlengdnge (?), AVm 'walks with pUlars') would 
suit some of the other passages. See further, 
under Temple. J. A. Selbie. 

GALLEY occurs once in OT (Is 33^1 AV and 
RV), where it is said of the (metaphorical) waters 
defending Jerusalem 'that no galley with oars' 
shall enter them. The Heb. is o:y 'jk, which 
would be more correctly tr'' 'no fleet ['ix being 

a collective noun, riijMi denoting a single ship] with 

The gaUey of mediaeval times was the successor 
or representative of the war-gaUevs (naves lonace) 
of the Romans, Greeks, and Cartnaginians. (See 
Ships). It consisted of a long narrow open boat 
worked by oars, but carrying one or two masts 
with lateen sails to be used when the Avind was 
favourable. There was a short deck at the prow 
for carrying the fighting men, and another at the 
stem for the captain, knights, and gentlemen. 
The largest of these vessels were called galleasses, 
and were formerly employed Ttry the Venetians, 
Spaniards, and Portugese, lliese last in the 
Spanish Armada earned each 110 soldiers and 
222 galley slaves. The Venetian galleasses were 
about 162 ft. long above, and 133 ft. by the keel ; 
32 ft. wide, with 23 ft. length of stempost. They 
were furnished with three masts and thirty-two 
banks of oars ; each bank having two oars worked 
by six or seven slaves, generally chained to the oar. 
In the prow were three small batteries of cannon, 
together with guns on each quarter, and the com- 
plement reached 1000 or 1200 men. Along with 
these war-vessels of the largest size were the half- 
galleys, from 120 to 130 ft. in length, furnished 
with two masts and sails, to be used as required, 
and carrying five pieces of cannon. Of a size still 
smaller were the quarter-galleys, provided with 
twelve to sixteen bsuiks of oars. Galleys were in 
use on the Thames down to the beginning of the 
century ; and a common punishment for crinunals 
in England and France was to be 'sent to the 
galleys ' for life or for shorter periods. 

The life of galley slaves in mediaeval times was 
miserable in the extreme. They were generally 
chained to their benches or oars, and compelle<i 
to work by boatswains, who occupied a bridge 
running along the centre of the boat, and were 
armed with long whips, which they applied merci- 
lessly to the bare backs of the oarsmen. Their 
food consisted of biscuit, with sometimes a little 
rice or vegetables ; their drink was water often 
foul, but containing a little \-inegar or oil. A 
galley slave when condemned in perpetuity was, 
in a ci^Tl sense, dead ; he could not dispose of his 
effects, nor inherit; if married, his marriage was 
null ; and his widow could not have any of her 
dower out of his goods, which were confiscated. 
Amongst the Mediterranean nations, galley slaves 
were generally prisoners of war. E. Hl"ll. 

GALLIM (c'>3 'heaps'). — A place near Jeru- 
salem, 1 S 25**. It is personified, along with 
Anathoth and other towns, in Is 10*. It is 

fenerally placed to the N. of Jems., but may 
ave been to the S., at the motlem Beit Jala, 
near which are remarkable stone cairns. See 
SWP vol. iiL sheet xvii. 

GALLIC (YaXkiwv, Ac 18).— Son of M. Annaeus 
Seneca, a Roman eques and rhetorician, brother 
of Seneca the philosopher, and uncle of Lucan the 
poet. He was bom at Cordova, but came with his 
father to Rome in the reign of Tiberius. Origin- 
ally called M. Annaeus Novatus, he was adopted 
by, and took the name of, L. Junius Gallio (Dio C. 
Ix. 35). Under Claudius he became proconsul * of 
Achaia, probably through the influence of Seneca, 
who was Nero's tutor, and also perhaps, as Renan 
suggests, on account of his ' haute culture hellen- 
ique.' He entered on office at Corinth during St. 
Paul's first visit to the city, c. a.d. 52-53. An attack 
* The title indicates that A<-haia was a senatorial province, 
and illnstiates ttie writer's aoconugr ; for under Hboios and 
CaUgnla it had been imperially goreroed ^tna. Arm. 78X mkI 
tinder Nero it received temporary 'liberty' in 66 or 67 a.». 
(Suet. Nero, 24X Claudius transferred the province to tbe 
Senate in 44 a. d. 




of fever, which he attributed to the climate, led 
to his departure, and to a sea- voyage for his health 
(Sen. Ep. 104) ; eventually he returned to Rome 
(Dio C. Ixi. s.f. ). Seneca's high position after Nero's 
accession in 54 would secure for G. a continuance 
of court favour, and he may be the L. Junius to 
whom a wax tablet found at Pompeii refers as 
consul under that emperor. Pliny (HN xxxi. 
33) remembered a voyage of G. 'post consulatum,' 
on account of blood-expectoration. When Nero 
constrained Seneca to kill hiniself (A.D. 65), G. 
begged for his own life (Tac. Ann. xv. 73), and 
was spared at the time ; but afterwards he and his 
brother Mela (Lucan's father) became victims.* 
With apparent timidity G. united singular amia- 
bility. Seneca (who dedicates to G. his De ira and 
De vita bcata) writes : ' Nemo mortalium uni tam 
dulcis est quam hie omnibus ' ; he eulogizes him, 
also, as free from vice, impervious to flattery, and 
one whom to love to the utmost was to love too 
little {Q.N. iv. Pr.). His reputation for wit is 
attested by Dio, who refers (Ix. 35), about 160 
years after G.'s death, to a 'jocus urbanissimus ' 
of his t as still current. 

Soon after G.'s arrival at Corinth, a band of 
Jews, provoked by the conversion of Crispus, the 
ruler of their synagogue, and relying, probably, 
on the new proconsul's complaisance, dragged St. 
Paul before his tribunal, clamouring for judgment 
against a man who ' persuaded men to worship 
God contrary to the (Mosaic) law.' Judaism was 
a ' religio licita,' and entitled to protection ; but 
G. saw in St. Paul's alleged offence only the out- 
come of some internal religious disputation among 
the Jews, and neither a civil wrong done to the 
complainers (dSlKrina) nor an outrage against public 
morality (pq.Sioipyi)iia irovrjpov). He declined to hear 
St. Paul's defence in a case which called for no 
judicial intervention, and contemptuously drove 
the accusers from his judgment-seat. Wnen the 
Greek by-standers, J without special interest, prob- 
ably, in the apostle, but readily showing their 
animus against the unpopular Jews, seized and 
beat Sosthenes, the successor of Crispus and the 
ringleader presumably of the disturbance, G. re- 
frained from interposing ; the Jews, he doubtless 
considered, would not be the worse for being thus 
taught to keep their religious disputes to them- 
selves. To this assault on Sosthenes, not to the 
Christian faith, the statement ' G. cared for none 
of these things ' directly refers ; but it is not likely 
that he interested himself further in St. Paul or his 
doctrine ; and it is no more than possible that a 
report about the apostle by G. to Seneca helped 
afterwards to lead to a personal connexion, itself 
doubtful, between Seneca and St. Paul (Lightf. 
Phil. Exc. ii.). G.'s Roman justice protected, but 
his Roman pride would ignore, the man to wliose 
incidental association with him his own notability 
is mainly due. 

LiTKRATURE. — Add to reff. above, Hausrath, art. 'Gallio,' in 
Schenkel's Bib.-Lex. v. ii. ; Farrar, Seekers a/ter God, pp. 16-21 ; 
Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, pp. 257-261. On Gallio as a 
possible link of connexion between St. Paul and Seneca, 
Oelpke, De Familiaritate P. et S. ; Aubertin, Siniqtie et St. 

t'aui. H. Cowan. 

GALLOWS.— See Hanging, and Crimes and 
Punishments, vol. i. p. 525*. 

• So Dio C. Ixii. 25. Jerome places G.'s death (by compulsoiy 
suicide) prior to Seneca's {Add. to Chron. Etiseb. p. 161, ed. 

t When Claudius was poisoned by his wife Agrippina, O., 
alluding to the deification of emperors, and to the custom of 
dragging criminals by a hook to the Tiber, spoke of Claudius as 
' unco in coolum raptuni.' 

t The word ' Greeks' is not in the oldest MSS, but is prob- 
ably a correct gloss. Ewald, however (/iwt. J*r. vii. 880), refers 
to the Jew's the assault on Sosthenes, whom he identifies with 
the Sosthenes of 1 Co 1, and regards as already in 8>-rapathy 
with St. Paul. 

OAMAEL (A roAui^X, B rdfi7}\oi), 1 Es 8».— In 
Ezr 8'' Daniel (which see, No. 2). 

GAMALIEL (''K'^93, Vana\i-fiK = Reward of God). 
— 1. The son of Pedalizur, and 'prince of the 
children of Manasseh ' (Nu 1"> 2«> 7**- *» 10-«). 2. ' A 
Pharisee ... a doctor of the law, had in honour of 
all the people,' who intervened in the Sanhedrin 
on behalf of Peter and the other apostles (Ac 5''*"*'), 
and the instructor of Saul of Tarsus (Ac 22*). This 
Gamaliel is generally identified with the famous 
Rabbi Gamaliel, the grandson of Hillel the 
founder of the more liberal of tiie two schools into 
which the Pharisees were divided. He is known in 
Jewish ^vriting3 as Gamaliel ha-zdken, i.e. the older, 
to distinguish him from his grandson Gamaliel ll., 
and from his high character an'', learninj' was tiie 
first of the seven Jewish doctors who were honoured 
with the title of Rabban (our Rabbi or Master). 
All that we can learn of Gamaliel proves him to 
have been an open-minded, liberal man, though 
some of the anecdotes usually cited in support of 
this, such as the story of the Statue and the Bath 
quoted by Conybeare and Howson, are now known 
to refer to his grandson (Jramaliel II. How far, 
however, he was in advance of his times is shown 
by his studies in Greek literature, which by the 
narrower Rabbis was put on tlie same level as 
Egyptian thaumaturgy, and by various humane 
enactments. Thus he laid it down that the poor 
heathen should have the same rights as the poor 
Jews in gathering the gleanings after harvest, and 
that the Jews on meeting the heathen should 
extend to them the customarj'^ greeting, ' I'eace 
be with you,' even on their feast days, when 
they Avere mostly engaged in worshipping their 
idols ; while to him are also ascribed certain laws 
to protect wives against unprincipled husbands, 
and widows against unscrupulous children (see 
Ginsburg in Kitto's Bibl. Cycl., art. 'Gamaliel'). 
In view of all this, it is easy to understand the 
attitude which Gamaliel adopted in the Sanliedrin 
on the occasion of the apostles' trial ; altliough 
even there his conduct must be traced rather to a 
prudential dread of violent measures than to a 
spirit of systematic tolerance. There is nothing 
certainly to prove that he had at any time a 
decided leaning towards Christianity, and the 
traditions that he was a secret disciple (Clement, 
Rccogn. i. 65), and was baptized by Peter and Paul 
(Phot. Cod. 171, p. 199), are now universally re- 
jected. He died, as he had lived, a strict Jew ; and 
so great was his reputation that, according to the 
Mishna (Sota, ix. 15), ' with the death of Gamaliel 
the reverence for the law ceased, and purity and 
abstinence died away.' It is riglit to add that 
Baur and the Tubingen school find it so difficult 
to reconcile Gamaliel's attitude in Ac 5 with the 

Eersecuting spirit afterwards shown by Saul, then 
is pupil, that they pronounce the whole passage 
unhistorical. But do pupils never in later years 
diverge from their teachers' doctrines ? And may 
not special circumstances have arisen in connexion 
with the appearance of Stephen which called forth 
a fanatic zeal in Saul little in accord with his early 
training ? 

LiTBRATURB. — Lechler, Apogt. and Pogt-Apost. THmes, i. 76, 
n. 1 ; Farrar, Life and Work of St. Pa id, i. , Excursus v. ' Gamaliel 
and the School of Tubingen'; Schiirer, Jl.fP u. i. 183, 323, 
363 f. For the Jewish references to G., Ginsburg, in the art. 
above cited, refers specially to Frankel, Hodc'ieticain MUcJiiiam, 
UpsisB, 1859, p. 57 fl. G. MiLLIGAN. 

GAMES do not appear in the Scriptures of the 
Jewish people with anything like the same 
frequency as on the monuments and in the ancient 
literature of Egypt and Greece and Rome. Of 
public gaimes like those of ancient Greece there is 
no mention in the OT, although in the Maccabcean 




period we read that Jason the high priest (2 Mac ' 
4'""), in his zeal for the introduction of Greek 
customs, obtained the authority of Antiochus 
Epiphanes to set up a Greek place of exercise, and 
form a body of youths to be trained therein. His 
conduct in this is severely condemned, for it is 
said of him and of the priests under his influence 
that ' they had no more any zeal for the services 
of the altar, but, despising the sanctuary and 
neglecting the sacrifices, they hasten to enjoy that 
which was unlawfuUy provided in the pialjestra, 
after the summons ot the discus; thinking of no 
account the honours of their fathers, and thinking 
the glories of the Greeks best of all ' (2 Mac 4^-*- "). 
Of children's games there are but few traces. 
It is given by the prophet Zechariah as a token of 
the peace and prosperity that should one day bless 
Jerusalem, that the ' streets of the city shall be 
full of boys and girls playing in the streets thereof ' 
(Zee 8'). What their games might be the prophet 
does not say. One of the diversions of Je^^•ish 
children, we know from the Talmud, was imitating 
the doings of their elders ; and Jesus has made us 
familiar with children playing at marriages and 
funerals, ' calling one to another, and saying. We 
have piped unto you, and ye have not danced ; we 
have mourned to you, and ye have not wept' 
(Mt IP', Lk 7^». The children seem also to have 
amused themselves with living creatures. 'Wilt 
thou play with him as with a bird ; or wilt thou 
bind him for thy maidens ? ' is Gods remonstrance 
addressed to Job (Job 41'), where He asks the patri- 
arch if he could make a play t! ' ..odile, 
as the child does of a bird. diver- 
sion of children as well as of le (Job 
21"). The Talmud speaks eh the 
children played vrith nuts, a:. in con- 
nexion with the proverbial Litiii exprcoaion relin- 
quere nuces, we may have & reference to it in St. 
Paul's words, ' Wlien I was a child, I spake as a 
child, I understood as a child, I thought as a i 
child; but when I became a man, I put away ' 
childish things ' (1 Co 13"). * \ 
Of manly sports among the Jews the traces \ 
are likewise few. Atrhery seems to have been I 
piractised as a sport as well a« cultivated for the re- 
1' ' aty of the render- 
\ .-e it as evidence, 
u v% hen he complains 
-ue up for his mark ; 
I about ' ; and we find 
) - • He hath bent his bow, 
:or the arrow.' The use of 
1 an important part in the 
' Israelite (Jg 20^8, 1 S 17'^ 
• ' have demanded con- 
in the case of the left- 
uld sling stones at an 
hairbreatiih and not miss. A sport which was 
common fimrng the youtlis of Palestine in the 
time of' libed by him as consisting 
of rai?i. at weight to the knees, to 
the head, and above the head, 
acc _ rh, wrestlers being matched 
ag; :.iiii_' to this test. It has 
be^ and others that 'the 
V'Ui _ is to be explained by 
th- „c;d by Jerome, being some- 
tli _ stone' of Highland games 
m : asion may be simplj* to a 
V- • to be borne, and dangerous 
to vith it (compare Dn 2^, Mt 
21^). I . as we have seen, was introduced 
wi»b or ■. exercises by Jason the high 
pr 'tin times (2 Mac 41^ "). It 
«" ' of stone, or of wood, or of 
■ ' i^uit weight. A specimen in 
tl mi Is said to weigh about 12 

quirements of war. Tl 
ing in 2 S 1^' does not a 

but Job- ■ ' > ■ 

(Job 16 
his arro- 
the same iuiu_ 
and set me -^ 
the slin'i 
iCh IJ 
handed 1 

pounds. The throwing of the discus was one of 
the essential exercises of the pentathlic contests. 
It was thrown from a low platform known as the 
/3aX/3(s, and the man who threw it the greatest 
distance was the winner. A skilful athlete, by 
putting all his weight into the throw, would some- 
times hurl it more than a hundred feet. The 
attitude of the player and the manner of holding 
the discus is seen in Myron's celebrated statue of 
the 5t<rico;36\oj, sho^vn in books of Greek antiquiues. 
Their devorion to this sport and the other exercises 
of the Grecian pentathlon, even to the neglect of 
the services of the altar, brought great unpopularity 
to Jason the high priest and his brethren of the 
priesthood, and Jason has been handed do^^'n to us 
as ' that ungodly man, and no high priest.' 

Hunting, as a diversion, was not pursued till 
the days of Herod, who . CTeatly favoured the 
introduction of Greek and Boman customs ; and 
the Talmud gives strong warning against it. The 
theatre, too, was condemned as sternly by the 
Talmud as by Tertullian ; and it was a hope of the 
days of Messiah that the buildings devoted by the 
Romans to theatrical representations would be 
turned into seminaries for the study of the law. 
Josephus (Ant. XV. viii. 1), speaking of the theatre 
and the amphitheatre built by Herod at Jerusalem, 
declares both of them to be in direct antagonism to 
the sentiment of the Jewish people. 

Music and song fall to be treated rather in con- 
nexion with worship, but they were largely culti- 
vated, as was also the dance, as a source of enjoy- 
ment. At the vintage merrymakings (Jg 9^" 21=^), 
at the gatherings of the young men in the city 
gate (La 5"), at triumphal processions (Jg 11**, 
1 S IS*), at celebrations of victory (Ex 15*"-). at 
the accession of kings (1 K 1**), and at domestic 
rejoicings (Jer 31*, Lk 15^), music and singing, 
and oftentimes dancing, were called in to give 
expression to the gladness of such occasions. 

Story-telling and riddles were a common diversion 
of the ancient Hebrews, as they are of the Arabs 
to this day (Jg 14^', Ezk 17-, 1 K lO^). Feasts and 
wedding-parties were enlivened by such amuse- 
ments. Samson's riddle (Jg 14'*), with his wager 
that the guests vnXL not be able to answer it within 
a week, is a specimen of the kind of thing that was 
common. As to games of chance and 0/ skill, the Jews 
seem not to have known them till they learned them 
from the Greeks. The soldiers who, perhaps by means 
of the dice, cast lots for the seamless robe of Jesus, 
were Roman soldiers. There was a game among 
the ancient Greeks (see Liddell and Scott under 
(toWa/Stfw), in which one person covered his eyes 
and guessed which of his companions struck him ; 
and a similar game among the ancient Egyptians 
(Wilkinson, ii. 59), in which a man knelt wth his 
face to the ground and had to guess who struck 
him on the back. Was this the idea of the insult 
offered, when the men that held Jesus blindfolded 
Him, and struck Him on the face and blasphemously 
asked Him, ' Prophesy, who is it that smote thee ? ' 
(Lk 22"). 

In NT, especially in the Acts and in the Epistles 
of St. Paul, the allusions are almost exclusively to 
the games and athletic contests of ancient Greece. 
We do read in the Epistle of St. James of 'the 
crown of life which the Lord hath promised to 
them that love him ' ( Ja 1^), but the allusion can 
be explained from Jewish ideas without reference 
to Greek games. In the Epistle to the Hebrews 
(12'*-) we have the imagery of the assembly {rttpoi 
fuifrrvpwv), of the contest (d.ywv), of the race (Tpexvfi-f')t 
of the training {6yKor i-roOifuvoi rdrra), of the 
absorbed and eager racers {dfopupres), all most 
\-ividly set before us. It is in connexion vrith 
St. Paul, however, that these allusions are most 
frequent and distinct. Wherever the great 




apostle travelled among the cities of the Greeks, 
at Corinth, at Ephesus, at Athens, the athletic 
contests in wliich all the kindreds of the Grecian 

f)eople took such pride met his eye, and furnished 
lim with his aptest and most ellective illustrations 
of the Christian life. The gymnasium or place of 
training, and the stadium or racecourse, were con- 
spicuous and familiar in every considerable city. 

The foot-race occupies the largest place in the 
imagery of the apostle, as it was the contest 
whicli of all the Grecian games aroused the deepest 
interest and the keenest excitement. In his 
addresses reported in the Acts of the Apostles, St. 
Paul alludes to the foot-race, — describing John the 
Baptist as 'fuliilling his course' (Sp6ixo%, Ac 13^), 
and speaking of himself as counting not even life 
dear unto him that he may finish his course (5p6fios) 
with joy (Ac 20^). In his Epistles the image 
occurs again and again. In his very first Epistles 
he asks tlie prayers of the Thessalonians that the 
word of ' the Lord may run {rpixv) and be glorified ' 
(2 Th 3^ RV). In his last, when the crown is full in 
view, he writes to Timothy, saying, ' I have fought 
the good fight (rbv Ka\6v dywva) ; I have finished 
the course ' (t6v Bpo/xov) (2 Ti 4^- *). His whole career 
as an apostle and as a follower of Christ, and that 
of his converts, is a race ; he is anxious ' lest by 
any means he should run, or had run, in vain' 
(Gal 2-) ; he hopes to rejoice ' in the day of Christ 
that he had not run in vain' (Ph 2^*); 'ye did 
run well,' is his remonstrance to the Galatians ; 
' who hath hindered you, that ye should not obey 
the truth?' (Gal 5^). 

In the Epistles to the Philippians and the Cor- 
inthians his employment of the imagery of the games 
reaches its hignest point : ' Not as though I had 
already attained, either were already perfect ; but 
this one thing I do, forgetting those things which 
are behind, and reaching forth (eTreKTeivdfifi'os) unto 
those things which are before, I press (diuKw) toward 
the mark {crK07r6i>), for the prize (^pa^eiov) of the 
high calling (t^s Slvu kX^o-cws) of God in Christ 
Jesus' (Ph 3^2-i4j . 'Know ye not that they which 
run in a race {ol iv (rraSLif) rpexovrei) run all, but one 
obtaineth the prize ? So run, that ye may obtain. 
And every man that striveth in the games (ttos 6 
dyu>vit^6fifvoi) is temperate in all things {eyKpareijeTai 
wdura). Now they do it tliat they may obtain a 
corruptible crown, but we an incorruptible ((pdaprbv 
ffrifpoLvov . . . &<p0afyrop). I therefore so run, as not 
uncertainly ; so fight I {irvKTevu, passing from the 
racer to the boxer), as not beating the air : but I 
butl'et (urrwTTtdfw) my body, and bring it into bond- 
age (oovXaycjyu)) ; lest by any means, after that I 
have preached to others ((o/pi^^as, having summoned 
others to the contest), I myself should be rejected 
(dSoAct/uoj, driven in disgrace from tlie games as not 
having contended in accordance with the rules)' 
(1 Co y-^-27 RV). The imagery in these passages 
is unusually full and rich. The strenuous, exciting, 
and definite purpose of the racer, the self-control 
imposed during the period of training, with the 
punishment of the body to make it more fit, the 
prize, the crown, the reward of the victor, the call 
to the contest, and the proclamation of the con- 
ditions, the chance of final disgrace if these are not 
properly observed (compare 2 Ti 2"), are all set 
forth with a vividness that must have brought home 
powerfully and impressively, to those wfio were 
familiar with the Isthmian and Olympian games, 
the lessons of Christian instruction which the 
apostle wished to convey. 

In other passages there are allusions to the 
onlookers (1 Co 4*), to the umpire or judge (Col 3" 
Ppa^eviru ; cf. Kara^pa^evfTu of Col 2'° and notes of 
Lightfoot and Abbott ; 2 Ti 4* 6 StVotoy /c/jtrijj), to the 
joy of victory (Ac 20^). To the "ladiatorial spec- 
tacles of the amphitheatre, St. Paul makes what 

we may take to be a figurative reference ( 1 Co IS*" 
idiipioix6iXyi<ra iv 'E(p4ffif)). At Ephesus St. Paul came 
in contact with the directors of the games held in 
the city of Diana. The Asiarchs (Ac 19*^ rtvis Kal 
rdiv 'Aeriapx^'' Hvrti avT(^ <pi\oi) mentioned as friendly 
to the apostle have long been one of the puzzles 
of commentators, but it is now certain (see Hicks 
in his Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the BM, iii. 
2, p. 81 ; and Ramsay, The Church in the lioman 
Empire, ch. vii., and art. AsiAKCH) that those 
officials were the high priests of the worship ottered 
to the Roman emperors within the province of 
Asia. The cities of the province joined together in 
an association for the worsliip of the emperors, and 
the head of the association was styled high priest 
and Asiarch. In this capacity he had to furnish 
every year funds for the celebration of the pro- 
vincial games in honour of the reigning Coesar, 
and it ai)pears that as the cult of the Cjcsars and 
the worsliip of Diana were in close alliance, the 
games in honour of both would coincide, and be 
held in the month Artemision — the month of May, 
sacred to Diana. 

Literature.— Low, Die Lebensalter in der Judischen Litera- 
tur, 1875 ; Howson, Metaphors of St. Paul, ch. iv. ; Percy 
Gardner, ^eto Chapters in Greek History, ch. ix. ; Kitto, Smith, 
Heiwog, art. 'Games.' ThoMA.S NlCOL. 

GAMMA9IM (on;?;). — A term of very doubtful 
meaning, occurring in Ezk 27" 'The Gammadim 
(AV -inis) were in thy towers.' No place of the 
name of Gammad Is known, but a proper name is 
what the context seems to demand. Probably, 
Cornill's conjecture one? (Zemarites, Gn 10'*') is as 
good as any. Lagarde {Onom. Sacr. ii. 95) proiwses 
DnDJ (they of Gomer, Cappadociun~s [?]). RVm 
' valorous men,' although supported by Gesenius 
(Thcs. 292), has not commended itself to the 
majority of scholars. LXX has 0i)\a/cej ; Symm. 
appears to have read d'td dji, ' and also Medes.' 

GAMUL (SiDj ' weaned'). — A chief of the Levitts, 
and head of the 24th course of priests, 1 Ch 24". 
See Genealogy. 

GARDEN (13, properly ' enclosure ' ; njj, const, nja 
in Ca 6", Est P V- *' ; k^ttos). — These terms appear to 
have been practically equivalent to the Armenian 
pardes (D-n-ig Neh 2^ Ca 4", Ee 2' [all]), which in 
Asia Minor to-day is applied equally to flower and 
vegetable gardens, orcnards, parks, and pleasure 
grounds. The garden planted eastward in Eden 
(Gn '2^) combined the features of all ; and these 
were present in the Jewish idea of paradise, 
TrapdSeKTos (Lk 23^), which in rabiinical language 
was nn?. They figure again in Mohammed's 
descriptions of e^-t/«>i»eA, 'the garden,' the Moslem 
paradise, wherein flowing fountains, full rivers, 
shady trees, and abundant fruits ave constantly 
named as attractions to ' the faithful.\' 

Gardens are usually enclosed by Ijedges, dry- 
stone dykes with a layer of thorns built in near 
the top, or by walls of compressed mml, dried in 
the sun, as are the celebrat^sd {gardens that encircle 
Damascus. The cactus, or prickly pearl is a com- 
mon hedge in the warmer districts. \lts multi- 
tudinous sharp spines otter a splendM defence 
against intruders ; but it is apt soon t« become a 
harbour for venomous tilings. If olie break 
through such a fence, he need not be surarised if a 
serpent bite him (Ec 10*). A mud-buifl hut, or 
booth of wattled twigs, is erected for »u watch- 
man within the enclosure. The rtAtur, <v ' watch- 
man,' is the modern rej rosentative ok the "Xti 
(Job 27'*). He is not the gardener, buH one who 
guards the f raits and vegetables from pifflage. The 
gardener is named only onre directly in Sfcripture, 
ici;7rot'p6j (Jn 20"). Rut gardening as a ijueans of 




livelihood has always been a popular calling in the 

Patches of land thus enclosed were cultivated 
by most families in ancient times. Now, in Pales- 
tine, thev are found only in the environs of larger 
towns, tn some parts of Asia Minor every house 
has its own garden. 

Kings and men of wealth had extensive and 
beautiful gardens adjoining or near to their resi- 
dences. 'The king's gardens' at Jerusalem 
(2 K 25*, Neh 3") lay in the fat valley S.E., close 
by the Pool of SUoam. Recent excavation shows 
tnat the western wall of the pool may have been 
the parapet of ' the stairs that go down from the 
city of David,' Neh S^ (PEFSt, Jan. 1S97, p. 13 ; 
Oct. 1897, p. 264). The gate Gennath (Jos. BJ 
V. iv. 2) possibly took its name from the fact that 
it led to the gardens outside the city. It seems 
to have stood some distance E. of the Jaffa gate, 
where Uzziah once erected a tower of defence 
(2 Ch 26^). With the exception of the rose gardens, 
which had existed from the days of the prophets 
(Is 3o^), no gardens were found in later Jerusalem, 
on account of the evil odour arising from decaying 
weeds and the manure employed. They crept up, 
however, close to the walls. Titos, incautiously 
venturing near to ^-iew the city, was surprised by 
the Jews, and escaped with (fifficulty, being en- 
tangled among the garden trenches and hedges 
which ran out from the walls (Jos. BJ V. ii. 2). 
Koheleth speaks of planting great gardens and 
making pools for watering them (Ec 2^). Tradi- 
tion locates these in Wady Artds, S. of Bethlehem. 
Three gigantic reservoirs, lying in the head of the 
vale, are supplied by a series of springs. From 
these the gardens below were watered ; a supply 
also being carried to Jerusalem in conduits. These 
seem to be indicated by Josephus {Ant. mi. vii. 3) 
when he speaks of a place Etham, about 50 fur- 
longs from the city, with fine gardens, abounding 
in ri^Tilets of water, whither Solomon used to drive 
in state in the early morning. The floor of the 
valley is stUl cultivated by the villagers of Artas, 
and yields richly, but the surrounding slopes are 
rocky and bare. Possibly, there is a trace of the 
ancient delights of this neighbourhood in the name 
of a contiguous height, called by the Arabs Jebcl 
d-Fureidis, ',Moxmt of the little Paradise.' From 
the Targum on Ec 2" we leam that Solomon in- 
dulged his splendid tastes by cultivating in these 
gardens foreign trees and plants, ' which the 
goblins and demons brought out of India.' But 
the Targumist seems to identify these with ' the 
king s gardens ' mentioned above. ' The boundary, ' 
he says, ' was from the wall that is in Jerusalem, 
by the bank of the waters of SUoam.' The grow- 
ing of exotics is paralleled by the monks of Sinai, 
but for a different reason. They are Greeks, not 
Arabs. And so, as Dean Stanley says (Sinai and 
Falistine, p. 52), one ' sees in the gardens the pro- 
duce, not of the desert or of Egypt, but of the isles 
of Greece ; not the tamarisk, or the palm, or the 
acacia, but the olive, the almond tree, the apple 
tree, the poplar, and the cypress of Attica and 

Ahasuertis is said to have entertained all the 
notables of his empire with many and varied 
splendours, for seven days, in the garden attached 
to his palace (Est 1^"*). For the pleastire of his 
queen, the king of Babylon constructed the re- 
nowned ' hanging gardens,' the (cpe/uurroj rafxideuroj 
of Berosus (quoted by Jos. c. Ap. i. 19). Joakim, 
a rich Jew of the Captivity, 'had a fair garden 
joining unto his house ' (Sus ••), in the seclusion of 
which were all conveniences for bathing (v.^). Of 
gardens on this princely scale there is an excellent 
illustration in el-Bahjeh, the palace built for him- 
self by Abdullah Pasha near Acre. It is sur- 

rounded by a great extent of ground, beautifully 
laid out, wherein are reservoirs of water, and multi- 
tudinous conduits to all parts of the enclosure. 
Flowers of every hue brighten the soil ; fruit trees 
vie with each other in season, oliering their 
tempting burdens ; the homelier vegetables also 
have their place. The pleasant pathways, and 
retired and shady noolcs, under embowering 
greenery, make a very paradise amid the exposed 

Egypt was compared to 'a garden of herbs,' 
watered ' with the foot ' ; Palestine was a land 
' which drinketh water of the rain of heaven ' 
(Dt 11"). Gardens could be made in Egypt 
wherever water coidd be led from the river. The 
ground was divided into compartments by little 
banks of earth, along which ran the water 
channels. One side of the bank was broken down 
with the foot, allowing the water to flow into the 
division : the breach repaired with the foot, the 
stream was led into the next division, and so on 
until all were refreshed. This process may be 
seen to-day. In Palestine, for the most part, the 
presence of a spring, or a capacious cistern, was 
essential to the existence of a garden. In the 
Jordan Valley the river aflbrded abundant streams, 
which, carrying beauty and fertility with them, 
made the plain as ' the garden of the Lord ' 
(Gn 13"). But such gardens as those of Hebron, 
Nablfis, and Jenin — wherein we have a reminiscence 
of old En-gannim (Ca 4") — are created by the 
spring that gurgle up from under the mountains. 
The luxuriant groves around Jalfa depend upon 
deep weUs, whence the water is raised by a chain 
of buckets revolving on a wheel, turned usually by 
a span of mules. The wheels are of rude con- 
struction, the pinions often being formed of broken 
branches, and the creaking they make is not 
charming. The water is stored in a large tank, 
connected with the gardens by a network of 
cemented channels. Towards evening the outflow 
is opened, and throughout the orchards is heard 
the musical ripple of running water, and light 
figures dart among the trees, guiding the streams 
whither they will. This familiar scene is reflected 
in the proverb, ' the king's heart is in the hand of 
the Lord as the watercourses. He tumeth it 
whithersoever he will' (Pr 2P). Wisdom in her 
beneficent power is compared to a ' stream from a 
river,' and 'a conduit into a garden' (Sir 24*). 
Gardens, with plentiful supplies of water, were 
to the Oriental suggestive symbols of prosperity. 
Balaam likens the spreading tents of Israel to 
'gardens by the river side' (Nu 24*). The house 
of Jacob restored to favour shall be ' like a watered 
garden' (Is 58", Jer 31^). By foul idolatries the 
sap of manhood is dried up, and men become ' as a 
garden that hath no w-ater ' (Is 1**). 

Cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions, and garlic, so 
common in Egypt (Nu 11*), and probably also 
lettuce and endive, were grown in Palestine, to- 
gether with such plants as coriander (Ex 16*^, 
Nu 11'), caper (Ec 12" RV), camphire or henna 
(Ca 1"), cummin (Is ^^•^, Mt 23^), mustard 
(Mt 1331- s--), anise (Mt 232»), and rue (Lk 11*^). 
Vines clung to almost every hillside. In olden 
times the mulberry, olive, fig, pomegranate, 
almond, and walnut (Ca 6") were well known. 
The tappuah (Ca 2*- * 7*) was probably the apricot. 
To these the Mishna adds the quince, the citron, 
the medlar, and the service (Chilaim, i. 4). To-day 
the orange, lemon, and peach grow luxuriantly in 
the groves, e.g. at Jafla, Sidon, and Damascxis. 
I The banana flourishes at Sidon ; while apples and 
i pears are ctdtivated ■with moderate success. The 
I egg plant, the tomato, and the potato, together 
with the homely cabbage, are tound in almost 
1 every garden. See further under Food. 




The gardens, with their shady foliage, have 
always been a favourite retreat for the people 
during the hotter seasons. It was reckoned a 
token of public peace and security, when a man 
could sit without fear under his vine and fig tree, 
the two often growing together (Mic 4*, Zee 3'"). 
Many family meals are eaten under the shelter of 
spreading lig and mulberry. In the cool of the 
day companies assemble in the gardens ; as dark- 
ness falls, the light of a lamp swung on a bough 
twinkles through the greenery ; and sounds of 
laughter and song, accompaniea by the twanging 
of the oud, or the shrill voice of the pipe, are 
borne far upon the quiet air. When the fruits 
are ripening, and until they are safely gathered, 
many make their beds under the fruit trees. 

The secluded recesses among clustering trees 
and bushes made the gardens a popular resort for 
purposes of devotion. They were often the haunts 
of idolatrous worship (Is l--* 65" 60"). Baruch 
(6™) compares the idols, 'gods of wood,' set up in 
the garcfens, with the 'scarecrow,' vpo^affKAviov, 
'in a garden,' which 'keepeth nothing.' An 
abiding charm clings to the slopes of Ohvet, be- 
cause Jesus ' ofttimes resorted . . . with his dis- 
ciples ' to a garden there ( Jn 18^ Lk 22^^), where 
linger the deathless memories of Gethsemane. 
The Moslem who spreads his little carpet, and 
solemnly prays to Allah under the shade of the 
trees he tends, is true heir to the ancient tradi- 
tion of the Orient. 

The garden sometimes contained the family 
tomb or burial-cave. In the garden of Uzza both 
Manasseh and liis son Anion found sepulture 
(2 K 21'" 21'^). Nor can we forget that in the 
place where Jesus 'was crucified there was a 
garden, and in the garden a new tomb, wherein 
was never man yet laid. There . . . they laid 
Jesus' (Jn 19^'- •*•-■) W. EwiNG. 

GAREB (315).— One of David's 'Thirty' (2 S 23^8, 
1 Cli 11^"). Like Ira, in the same verse, he is de- 
scribed as an Ithrite (nj;)^!?), i-e. a member of one 
of the families of Kiriath-jearim (1 Cli 2''^). In 
notices of this kind, however, it is more usual to 
give the name of the locality to which the warrior 
belonged, and we should probably read with Wellh., 
in both cases, 'of Yattir ' ("^n:^), a town in the 
hill-country of Judah (Jos 15« 2\^*, cf. 1 S 3(F^). 
See Ira. J. F. Stenning. 

GAREB (an?).— A hill near Jerusalem, Jer 3p9. 
Its situation is uncertain, being located by some, 
e.g. Riehm and Graf, to the S.W., while others 
place it to the N. of the capital. At tlie present 
day there is a Wady Gourab to the W. of Jeru- 
salem. (See Neubauer, Gtog. du Talmud, p. 150). 

GARLAND.— See Crown. 

GARLIC (Die' shiim, rk (XKdpSa, allia). — The bulb- 
lets of .^^^JMw.w^iytt/ra, L., still known in Arabic by 
the cognate thihn. It is now, as in the days of 
the ancient Egyptians (Nu IP), a favourite addi- 
tion to the complex stews and the roasts of the 
Orientals. It is cultivated everywhere in the 
East. Too often the natives reek with its stale, 
penetrating odour. G. E. Post. 

GARMENT.— See Dress. 

GARMITE ('Pi:n).— A gentilic name applied in a 
totally obscure sense to Keilah in 1 Ch 4'*. The 
text in the LXX is hopelessly confused (cf. Swete's 
ed., and see Kittel's note in Haupt's Sacred Bks. of 


GARNER.— Garner, which is now archaic if not 

obsolete, and granary, the form now in use, both 
come from Lat. granaria, a storehouse for grain 
(itself from granum, a grain, com), the former 
through the Fr. gemier, a variant of grenier, the 
latter directly. Gamer occurs in plu. Ps 144" 
(D'li9, t'he only occurrence) ; JI V (nnyiK, a common 
word, used both of stores of any kind and of store- 
houses for any purpose ; the Eng. word ' garner * 
is narrower in meaning) ; and Sir 1" (tA dTroSoxeta 
[B»''K, -ta B*«] ; a word peculiar to Sir, where it 
occurs also 39" EV ' receptacles,' Cowley and 
Neubauer 'treasure'; and 50" EV 'cistern': it 
is also of wider use than ' gamer,' being applied 
in the last two cases to receptacles for water). 
In NT 'garner' is used in the sing., Mt.3'*'^ = Lk 3" 
(&iroeijK-n, elsewhere in NT tr^ ' barn,' Mt 6^ 13*>, 
Lk 1218- 2^). Chaucer (Prol. to Cant. Tales, 592) 
says of the Reve, ' Wei coude he kepe a gerner 
and a binne ' ; and T. Adams, Worlcs, i. 87, says, 
' The Lord sends grain, and the devil sends 

RV retains the subst. in all those occurrences, 
and introduces the verb, Is 62" 'They that have 
garnered it shall eat it ' (vcpxp ; A V ' gathered,' 
which RV uses for the verb ry?,-:-:, which occurs 
in the same verse). J. Hastings. 

GARRISON.— See War. 

GAS (Tds, AV Gar), 1 Es 5**.- His sons were 
among the 'temple servants.' The last nine 
names in this list, of whom Gas is one, have no 
corresponding names in the lists of Ezra and 
Nehemiah. The AV form is derived from the 
Aldine text. 

GASHMU («7:, rd^e^it, Neh 6").— A form of the 
name Geshem (which see), probably representing 
the pronunciation of N. Arabian dialect. Proper 
names with the termination .u (5) are found in 
Nabatiean inscriptions. The words ' and Gashmu 
saith ' do not occur in the older MSS of LXX f ABs*). 

H. A. White. 

GATAM (cny:).— The son of Eliphaz (Gn 36'' = 
1 Ch P"), and ' duke ' of an Edomite clan (Gn 36'") 
which has not been identified. 

GATE.— 1. ntV, root ni'y' ' cleave,' ' divide ' (?) ; 
a gate or entrance of a camp (Ex 32^), city (Jos 
'2Q\ palace (Est 2'»), or temple (2 Ch 23-'«) ; tti-Xij, 
porta. 2. VB Aram., only in Daniel. A gate or 
mouth as of a furnace (3-*). Gate of the King or 
Royal Court (2^®). Corresponding terms in Arabic 
and Turkish are used of the califs and Turkish 
emperors, and of the Persian court (Gesen.) ; cf. 
dOpa, fores. yin 'porter,' 'doorkeeper' (of the 
Temple), occurs in Ezr 7^. The usual Heb. term 
is ni'12'. 3. nng, root nn? 'open.' The entrance of 
the gate of a city (Jos 20^ Jg 9*>). 4. n^^, root hVt 
' hang down ' ; the leaf of a door, dual, folding 
doors such as the gates of a city ; /cXco-ias, valva. 
For Doorway and Doof, and distiiution between 
n^-n and lyy, see HOUSE. 

City gateways among the Greelvs and Romans 
in later days appear to have been principally used 
for making secure the city, but in early times 
among the Greeks and at all times in Syria they 
have been used for many public purposes, and 
were important positions in the economy of the 
state. Jerome says that as the Hebrews were for 
the most part employed in labouring in the field, 
it was wisely provided that assemblies should be 
held at the city gates, and justice administered 
there in a summary manner, that those lal)Ouring 
men who were busy at their work might lose no 
time, and that the country people might not be 
obliged to enter and spend their time there 
(Cruden, Cone. s. ' Gate '). 




The gate of the city in the early dawn of 
civilization was the ordinary place of public re- 
sort for the transaction of business and adminis- 
tration of justice, and for discussing the news, 
just as the doorway of the house was the place 
where private business was despatched and friendly 
greetings exchanged. It was also the place of the 
markets, where goods were exposed for sale. 

Gesenius givesthe foil. explanation(*.t;. nsy). 'At 
the gates of cities there was the forum (arp), where 
trials were held, and the citizens assembled, some 
of them for business and some to sit at leisure 
to look on and converse (Gn 19^ Ru 4", Pr 31», 
La 1*) ; whence " in the gate," often for " in the 
forum," " in judgment," Dt 25^ Job 5* 31^, Ps l•27^ 
Pr 22-, Is 29==i, Am o^'>- ^ ^.' Cf. further Driver 
on Am 5^". The word ah") is rendered by Gesenius 
— (1) a street, (2) open place, forum, i.e. an ample 
space at the gate of Oriental cities where trials 
were held, and wares set forth for sale, 2 Ch 32® ; 
cf . Neh 81- 3- 1«, Ezr lO^. In RV ' broad place ' has 
been substituted in several instances for ' street ' ; 
the tr° proposed in QPB is ' public place.' 

In the earliest days the city gate is mentioned 
as the place of public resort, where people met for 
business and to discuss news. Gn 19^ 'And Lot 
?4at in the gate of Sodom ' ; Gn 23'* ' Ephron the 
Hittite answered Abraham in the audience of the 
children of Heth at the gate of his city ' ; Gn M^ 
' And Hamor and Shechem his son came unto the 
gate of their city, and communed with the men of 
their city ' ; 1 S 4" ' Eli sat upon his seat by the 
side of the gate watching the way ' ; 2 S 15^ * 
' Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel at 
the gate of the city ' ; Neh 8' ' Ezra the scribe read 
the law to the people gathered together into the 
broad place (forum) before the water gate.' 

The gate was also used for administration of 
justice, deliberation, and audience for kings, etc. 
Dt 21^ the stubborn and rebellious son is to be 
brought before the elders of the city at the gate ; 
Dt 25^ if the man does not like to take his brother's 
■\vife, she shall go up to the gate unto the elders ; 
Jos 20* the manslayer shall declare his cause 
before the elders of the city of refuge at the enter- 
ing in of the gate ; Ru V Boaz consulted the 
elders at the gate concerning Ruth's property ; 
2 S 19^ king David sat in the gate, and the people 
came before him ; 1 K 22'* the kings of Israel 
and Judah sat in an open place at the entrance 
of the gate of Samaria, and all the prophets 
prophesied before them ; Jer 38^ king Zedekiah 
sat in the gate of Benjamin ; La 5" ' The elders 
have ceased from the gate ' ; Am 5^ ' Ye that 
afflict the just, that take a bribe, and that turn aside 
the needy in the gate from their right' ; Zee 8'* 
' Jud^e truth and the judgment of peace in your 
gates ' ; Ps 69^ ' They that sit in the gate speak 
against me.' 

Until the battering-ram was perfected with its 
machinery, so as to be serviceable against heavy 
stone walls, the gate was the only point in a welT- 
buUt city wall Avhere a successful assault could be 
made, and there is constant reference in the Bible 
to 'war in the gates' (Jg 5*J, and to them that 
turn the battle to the gate (Is 28*), and shall 
speak with the enemies in the gate (Ps 127*, where, 
however, the enemies are perhaps only forensic). 

In the account of the assault on Abel-beth- 
maacah in the time of Da\-id, EV says that the 
people that were with Joab ' battered the wall to 
throw it down ' (2 S 20^') ; but the meaning of the 
Hebrew nrinn ysn^ cn'r:?? is doubtftd. See Ehiver, 
Text of Sam. 265. Mention is made in Deuter- 
onomy (20"^) of building bulwarks (Tisp, lit. ' siege,' 
i.e. siegeworks) against a city in war ; yet, even 
as late as the final taking of Jerusalem by the 
Assyrians (B.C. 588), the battering-ram was used 

against the gates (Ezk 21-), though Ezekiel (4*) 
also appears to speak of the ram being used round 
about, against the walls. Among the Mace- 
donians tne ram first became an important mili- 
tary engine in the time of Philip and Alexander 
the Great (cf. Thuc. ii. 76). 

At the siege of Rabbah (c. B.C. 1000) the 
garrison made a sortie, and the army of Israel 
was 'upon them even unto the entering of the 
gate ' (2 S 11-'*). In the attack on the strong tower 
within the city of Thebez (c. B.C. 1170), Abimelech 
went hard unto the door of the tower to bum it 
with fire { Jg 9*"-). Nehemiah (B.C. 444) also speaks 
of the city gates being burnt vWth tire (Neh 1* 
2^- "• '') ; and Jeremiah prophesies that the high 
gates of Babylon shall be burned with fire (Jer 51**). 
The breaking of gates of brass and cutting in sunder 
the bars of iron is spoken of (Ps 107**, Is 45^). 

City gateways, in order to be secure against 
these various forms of attack, required flanking 
towers (2 Ch 14^ 26^ 32*, Ps ^^, Ca S*", Ezk 26^) to 
protect the entrance, and galleries above (2 S 
lg34. 33)^ from which the defenders could throw 
boiling pitch and oil upon the assailants : there 
were probably two sets of gates, one to each 
entrance, with a courtyard or barbican between. 
' And David sat between the two gates, and the 
watchman went up to the roof of the gate unto 
the wall ' (2 S 18**). There was a chamber over 
the gate (2 S 18^). Possibly, at the outer entrance 
there was a portcullis or cataracta, which is 
described by \ egetius as an ancient contrivance ; 
and it has been suggested (' Cataracta,' in Smith's 
Die. Gr. and Bom. Anti^ities) that it is alluded 
to in the passage, ' Litt up your heads, O ye 
gates ; and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors ' 
(Ps 24^- 9 ; cf. Jer 20= ol*^). 

Rooms would be required for the guard of the 
gate, for the porters, and for the watchmen, and 
the entrance gateway would require to be of con- 
siderable dimensions, where the people of the city 
could readily congregate. Being of so great im- 
portance from a defensive point of xievr, the chief 
oflicer of the city would naturally take great 
Interest in its secure condition ; and being on the 
high road from the country the traders would 
bring their wares there, and would be detained 
there before entry for exsunination and toll. Thus 
the vicinity of the gate would naturally become the 
public place of resort for business and pleasure, 
where also justice could be administered and 
punishment meted out. 

As civilization and luxnry increased, the gate- 
ways seem to have been less used among the 
Greeks and Romans, the Agora or Basilica, or 
j forum and portico, being placed near the royal 
palace, or. In a seaport town, near the harbour; 
and the markets were divided up according to the 
articles sold there (Polvb. Ix. 47, x. 19). Some 
articles, such as salt fisli, seem to have been sold 
outside the gates (Aristoph. Eqttit. 1246). But 
even in late days among the Greeks and Romans 
the gates were surmoimted by towers (Virg. Aen. 
vi. 552), and Polybius (xv. 29) calls a building at 
Alexandria ' the gatehouse at the palace U6€« for 
the transaction of public business.' The entrances 
to military camps (castra) were, when nec-essity 
arose, defended W towers (Caesar, B. G. vui. 9). 
The gateway at Treves, so late as the time of the 
emperor Constantlne, was built In such a style as 
shows that it was intended to be used (Turing 
peace for the object of civil government. 

In Syria the vicinity of the gate has always 
been tlie focus of business transactions, but as 
Gre^ and Roman Influences prevailed, no doubt 
the gate did not occupy, for a time, so important 
a position In the social life of the people ; and 
markets were constructed In various parts of the 




city apart from the gates. In the latter days of 
Jerusalem the upper city is called by Josephus 
{Wars, V. iv. 1) the Agora or market place ; the 
sheep market was on the north side of the temple, 
near the pool of Bethesda (Jn 5") ; and a place is 
mentionea outside the second wall wliere were the 
merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market 
of cloth (Jos. Wars, v. viii. 1). In early days, 
however, the markets were probably close to the 
gates, ' To-morrow about this time shall a measure 
of fine flour be sold for a shekel, and two measures 
of barley for a shekel, in the gate of Samaria 
(2 K 7' ; cf. Neh IS'*- /»). 

In the Assyrian cities the gateways were either 
arched or had flat stone lintels, with flanking 
towers and overhead galleries, as at Khorsabad 
(Layard, Nineveh, ii. 388, 395, and bas-relief in 
British Museum, ' Assyria,' 25, 2G, 49). Hero- 
dotus (i. 179) and Ctesias state that the walls of 
Babylon were furnished with 100 brazen gates, 
with lintels and sidcposts of the same material, 
and with 250 towers to protect the weaker parts. 
Jeremiah (51'^- ***) speaks of burning these gates. 
In Nebuchadrezzar's account of Babylon, stamped 
on the bricks, the great gates are described as 
made of cedarwood covered with copper, with 
thresholds of bronze. 

In the later Egyptian temples the gates appear 
to have been fortified (Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. 
i. 409). At Pompeii may be seen a gateway pro- 
tected by a portcullis, with a barbican, within 
which again were gates of wood and ii'on. 

Besides the open space or forum at the entrance 
of the city gate, there was evidently an open place 
of assembly near tlie entrance to the temple and 
before the gate of the royal palace. At Jerusalem 
there was the broad place before the water gate, 
which appears to have been on the south side of 
the outer court of the temple (Neh 8^'*). At 
Shushan, Mordecai went to the broad place of the 
city before the king's ^ate ; and queen Esther made 
her petition to king Ahasuerus at the king's gate 
(Est 4852; cf. Herod, iii. 120, 140). Daniel sat in 
the gate of the king (Dn 2^^). It is not improbable 
that in Est and Dn ' gate ' is used by metonymy 
for ' palace ' or ' king's court. ' Cf. the modern 
' Sublime Porte. ' 

The gates were closed and guarded by night. 
Jos 2"- ' ' About the time of the shutting of the 
gate, when it was dark ' ; Neh 7* ' Let not the 
gates of Jerusalem be opened till the sun be hot : 
and while they stand on guard let them shut the 
doors, and bar ye them ' ; Is 60" ' Thy gates also 
shall be open continually, they shall not be shut 
day nor night ' ; Rev 21 -^ 'And the gates thereof 
shall in no wise be shut by day (for there is no 
night there) ' ; Neh 13^* ' When the gates of Jeru- 
salem began to be dark before the sabbath, I com- 
manded that the doors should be shut.' The 
gateways of palaces and temples were highly 
ornamented — tnose of Nimroud (B.C. 884), Perse- 
polis, and Khorsabad (Fergusson, Archit. pp. 154, 
160, 174) were flanked by colossal figures of animals, 
winged bulls at Nimroud and Khorsabad. The 
doors of city gates were usually plated with iron 
or copper, to prevent their being easily burnt or 
broken (Ps 107*', Is 45^). In the teniple of Solomon 
( 1 K 6**) the doors leading to the Holy of Holies 
were of olive wood, Avith carvings of cherubim and 
palm trees, and overlaid with gold. The doors to 
the temple were of cypress wood, carved in like 
manner, and overlaid with gold, with doorposts of 
olive wood (1 K &^^-, 2 K 18i«, Ezk 4123'-). Josephus 
( Wars, V. v. 3) speaks of nine of the gates of the 
temple courts being covered with gola and silver, 
while the east gate of the inner court (the Beautiful 
Gate of Ac 3-) was of Corinthian brass, and greatly 
excelled the others. These gates were 30 cubits 

high and 16 broad> while the doors of the east gate 
were 40 cubits high and required 20 men to close 
them, and had bolts fastened deeply into the solid 
stone threshold (Jos. Wars, V. v. 3, VI. v. 3). 

The bars, bolts, locks, etc. , of doors of gateways 
were the same as those used for doors of houses, 
but larger in proportion (see House). 

In some cities of Syria the doors were made of 
massive pieces of stone. Buckingham (Arab 
Tribes, p. 221) describes ponderous doors of stone 
in the Hauran, 15 in. thick, closed on the inside 
with bars. Burckhardt (Syria, p. 90) mentions 
doors of the city gate at Kufflr, 10 ft. high, of 
single pieces of stone ; he also mentions doors at 
Ezra, of one piece, 4 in. thick, some upwards of 
9 ft. in height, turning upon hinges worked out of 
the stone. 

Maundrell (Early Travels, p. 447, a.d. 1697) men- 
tions large stone doors to tombs at Jerusalem, 6 
in. thick, turning on hinges of the same piece with 
the door. Schumacher (Northern Ajlun, p. 71) 
^ves a sketch of a basalt door to a tomb at Umm 
l^eis (Gadara), 4 ft. high, 7 in. thick, with stone 
hinges, and a lock and bolt which can be pushed 
home and withdrawn from the outside. Gates of 
single precious stones are mentioned poetically (Is 
5412, Rev 21-^'). 

At the present day the people of the East have 
reverted to their primitive customs regarding the 
uses of the gate, and many business and social 
duties are carried out there. Thomson (Land and 
the Book, i. p. 31) mentions having seen at Jaffa 
the I^Adi and his court sitting at the entrance of 
the gate, hearing and adjudicating all sorts of 
cases in the audience of all that went in and out 
thereat. At Suakin in 1886 the present writer 
found it necessary to sit at the gate to transact 
ofiicial business in order that the public might freely 
approach and relate their grievances. Bertrandon 
de la Broquere (Early Travels, p. 349, A.D. 1433) 
gives an interesting account of his reception at the 
court of the Turks, the ' Sublime Porte,' at Con- 
stantinople. The ambassadors were received at the 
gate of the palace, and all business was transacted 
there. Chardin relates (vii. 368) that the principal 
gate of the royal palace of Ispahan Avas held sacred, 
and used by criminals as a place of refuge. The 
present writer conducted all his business transac- 
tions with the governors of Al-Arish, Nukl, and 
Akabah in 1882 at the gate, where there were 
arched roofs giving protection from the sun and 
rain, and seats for the administration of justice. 
At Nukl the council chamber was immediately 
over the gate. The city gateways of the present 
day have usually flanking towers and overhead 
galleries, with an arched passage within, so that a 
second set of gates may be erected inside the 
barbican or courtyard. ' Frequently in the gates 
of cities, as at Mosul, these recesses are used as 
shops for the sale of wheat and barley, bread and 
grocery' (Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 57 not«). 
Morier (Second Journey through Persia, p. 189) 
speaks of the market for mules, asses, and camels 
held every morning outside the gate of Teheran, 
and also states that temporary shops Jind tents of 
sellers of all sorts of goods were erected there. 
Denham and Clapperton (Discoveries in Africa, 
i. 216, 217) speak or the markets for slaves, sheep 
and cattle, wheat, rice, etc., outside one of the 
principal gates of a town. At Jenisalcm there is 
an extensive temporary market outside the Jattia 
gate on a Sunday morning, and here also is the 
principal place of public execution. 

The gate of a city is necessarily the place for 
the collector of local customs to sit to receive 
the moneys due for commodities entering the city 
(Mt 9»). 

These gateways are often very highly oma- 

men ted, sentences from the Korfln being inscribed on 
the doorways and on the doors (cf. Dt ^, Is 54^-, Rev 
•21^). Maundrell (£arlt/ Travch; p. 488, A.D. 1697), 
speaking of Damascus, says, ' In these walls you find 
the gates and doors adorned with marble portals, 
carved and inlaid with great beauty and variety." 
Tlie city gates of the present day are usually two- 
leaved, of wood studded with iron nails, and often 
covered Tvith iron or copper plates. As in olden 
times, the gates of walled cities, such as Jeru- 
salem, Damascus, Cairo, etc., are closed at night 
(Kobinson, BBP iii. 455 ; Lane, Mod. Egijp. i. 25). 

Burying places were outside the gate (Lk7^-); 
so was the irpoo-evxv at PhUippi (Ac 16'^) ; Jesus 
sutl'ered ' without the gate,' He 13" (cf. Lv 24", Nu 
15^, 1 K2iw-i3etc.). 

The word ' gate ' is used, in a figurative sense, in a 
variety of ways. It is used, esp. in Dt, to denote 
the citv itself, ' And thy seed shall possess the gate 
of his enemy' (Gn 22i" 24*^, Dt 12>2). We read also 
of the gat« of heaven (Gn 28") ; the gate of the Lord 
(Ps 118=*) ; the gates of death (Ps 9") ; the gates of 
the grave (Is 38'*) ; the gates of Hades (Mt 16^8). 
The gate from its importance and defensive strength 
becomes the synonym for strength, power, and 
dominion. ' T&ou shalt call thy walls Salvation, 
and thy gates Praise' (Is 60^*) ; 'The Lord loveth 
the gates of Zion ' (Ps 8"-) ; ' Lift up your heads, O 
ye gates' (Ps 24") ; in time of calamity the gates 
howl and languish, lament and mourn (Is 14^' 3*, 
Jer 14-). By metonymj- 'the gat«s' meant those 
who administered justice at the gates and held 
government (Horn. B. ix. 312 ; cf. Mt 16'«). 

To keep and watch over the temple, city, and 
palace gates were porters (doorkeepers) and watch- 
men {Ti^v, dvpapos, 7ri'Xwp6s, portaritis, janitor). In 
the temple of Jerusalem the duties of keeping the 
gates ultimately devolved upon the Levites ( 1 Ch 
9i8f. 1523:-.^ 2 Ch 3V\ Jer 35*). In the time of the 
Chronicler 4(KK) of the Levites were porters (door- 
keepers) about the temple (1 Ch 23^), and the porters 
waited at every gate (2 Ch 35^' i. The location of 
the porters at the gates is given in 1 Ch 26. 

In the palace of Shushan (Est 2^ 6-) the king's 
chamberlains kept the door. In the time of our 
Lord it is mentioned that a maid kept the door of the 
court of the high priest at Jems. ( Jn 18^^, cf . Ac 12^). 
There were also porters and watchmen to the city 
gates. David sat between the two gates at Maha- 
naim, and the ^\atchman went up over the gat« 
and called unto the porter (2 S 18^). The lepers 
called to the porters of the city of Samaria (2 K 
7*"). Nehemiah on rebuilding the walls of Jeru- 
salem speaks of appointing the porters, and 
appointing watches of the inhabitants (Neh 7^-) ; 
he also set his servants over the gates when they 
were shut on the Sabbath (Neh 13^'). There were 
also guards to the gates (2 K 11^) and guard 
chambers (1 K 14^). Keepers of prison doors are 
spoken of (Ac 5'^ 12*). 

The porter or doorkeeper {dvpup6s) of a fold is 
spoken of as opening to the shepherd (Jn 10^). 
In private houses there were doorkeepers to watch 
the entrance (Mk 13^). In Greek and Roman houses 
there was a small room (dvpdv, cella) for the porter 
and also for his dog, which wa.s usually kept in 
the hall to guard the house (Aristot. Oecon. i. 6 ; 
Plato, Protag. p. 314 ; Aristoph. Emiit. 1025 ; 
Tibull. i. 1. 56). C. Warrex. 

GATH (n: ' wine-press ' ; LXX Yid ; Jos. Tlrra ; Vulg. 
Geth), one of the five royal cities of the Philistines 
(Jos 13^ 1 S 6^"), the site of which is still uncertain, 
though its position can be located, -within a radius 
of a few miles, from the various references to it in 
Scripture. The preponderance of opinion is in 
favour of its identity with the village of Tell es-SCifi, 
the Blanchegarde of the Criisaders ; while some 

VOL. II. — 8 

authorities give reasons for identifying it with the 
village of Beit Jibrin, which is aJso identified as 
Eleutheropolis. These two sites are about 8 
miles apart, within that portion of the Shephelah 
or undulating country which was allotted to the 
tribe of Judah, and is recognized as being within the 
border of the Philistines. According to Josephus, 
however (Ant. V. i. 22), Gath was in the territory 
of Dan, and is coupled with Jamnia as though in 
its vicinity on the southern border of the tenitory. 

Gath is not mentioned in Jos as having been 
allotted to either the tribe of Judah or Dan, but 
all the references to it indicate that it was close to 
the border separating these two tribes : in common 
vrith Ashdod and Gaza, it remained in possession 
of the Anakim after Joshua had destroyed them 
out of aU the other cities of Palestine (Jos 11^). 

Gath was a fenced city of considerable import- 
ance, and was constantly the scene of struggles 
between the Philistines and Israelites, and was 
taken and retaken bv either side (IS 7" 17*- "■', 
2 S 21», 2 K 121', 1 Ch 721 8" IS' 20«, 2 Ch 11« 26«). 

The journey of the ark of God from Ashdod to 
Gath (1 S 5), and thence by Ekron to Beth-shemesh 
and Kiriath-jearim, indicates the site of Gath to 
have been near the boundary-line between Dan 
and Judah. The account of the flight of the 
Philistines on the death of Goliath, ' by the way 
to Shaaraim, even unto Gath and unto Ekron' 
(1 S 17°-), gives the same indication. 

Gath remained a stronghold of the Philistines 
during the reigns of Saul and David, and the latter 
twice (but see David, i. 564*) took refuge there : 
first, when he fled from Saul at Gibeah (1 S 21'«) 
he Ment to Achish the king of Gath, and being 
discovered, feigned himself mad in their hands ; 
secondly, when he again fled from Saul at the head 
of 600 men, he dwelt with Achish at Gath, and 
formed a friendship with him (1 S 27*) and with 
the Gittites, 600 of whom came after him from 
Gath when he reigned in Jerusalem, and accom- 
panied him under Ittai the Gittite on his flight 
from Jerusalem over Jordan (2 S lo^^-), when nis 
son Absalom conspired and stole the hearts of the 
men of Israel. 

Behoboam fortified Gath (2 Ch 11*), but it seems 
to have fallen again into the hands of the Philis- 
tines, as Uzziah * brake down the wall of Gath ' 
(2 Ch 26*) when he went forth and warred against 
the Philistines. Amos about this time speaks of 
' Gath of the Philistines ' (Am 6^ ; see Driver's 
note). The last reference to Gath as an existing (?) 
city is in the Bk. of Micah (1'*), in the days of 
Hezekiah king of Judah, ' Declare ye it not at 
Gath.' Both Ashdod and Ekron are referred to in 
the times of Josiah (Zeph 2*) and after the Exile 
(Zee Q'), but Gath has disappeared from history. 
It may have been destroyed when Hezekiah smote 
the Philistines even unto Gaza (2 K 18*), or when 
Sennacherib ' came up against all the fenced cities 
of Judah and took them ' (2 K 18^'), as it plays no 
further part in history. 

Little is learned concerning the site of Gath by 
reference to Eusebius and Jerome. Gath is stated 
to have been 5 Roman miles north of Eleutheropolis 
towards Diospolis (Lvdda), while Gath-rimmon, a 
Levitical city in the tribe of Dan, is stated as about 
12 mUes from Diospolis towards Eleutheropolis : 
this would in each case indicate a site close to 
Tell es-Sdfi, which is situated within the boundatry 
of the tribe of Judah, and is nowhere near the site 
which Gath-rimmon is supposed to have occupied 
in Dan, not far from Joppa and Lydda. It may, 
then, be assumed that both these references are to 
the royal Gath of the Philistines and not to Gath- 
rimmon (Onomast. s. 'Gath'). Jerome in another 
work (Comm. in Mic 1") states that Gath, one of 
the five cities of the Philistines, was situated near 




the borders of Judah on the way from Eleutheropolis 
to Gaza, and ^\^a.s then a very large village. 'Iiiere 
is obviously a mistake in the word ' Gaza,' as the 
way indicated does not go near the borders of 
Judah. Eusebius further mentions the Gath to 
which the ark was taken from Ashdod on the way 
to Ekron as lying between Antipatris {Ras el-'Ain) 
and Jamnia ( Ycbna) ; this line hes within the tribe 
of Dan, and the Gath thus located appears to be 
Gath-rimmon and not the royal Gath. 

The Crusaders considered Gath to be identical 
with Jamnia (Yebna), and erected there the castle 
of Ibelin, which Benjamin of Tudela {Enrhj Travels, 
p. 37) identifies with Jabneh, now Yebna (Will. 
Tyr. 16. 24. 25). 

The view that Gath, Bethgabra, Eleutheropolis, 
and Beit Jibrin are all one and the same city is 
based by Thomson (Land and Book) and Canon 
Tristram (Bible Places) on the ground that Beth- 
gabra and Beit Jibrin may be rendered ' house of 
the giants' ( Anakim), and on the finding of the name 
Kherbc.t Gat among tlie ruined heaps at Beit Jibrin, 
and also on the assumption that Mareshah was a 
suburb of Gath (2 Ch ll^, Mic 1"), from the con- 
nexion of the words in those two passages. As, 
however, the word Gath in Hebrew signifies 
' wine-press,' and as the Anakim at one time occu- 
pied all the territory round about, this proposal 
cannot be pressed home. 

The view generally accepted is that proposed by 
Porter in 1857, viz. that Gath is represented by 
the site of the modern village of Tell es-SAji. 
The position generally satisfies all the geographical 
references so far as they go, and for a fenced city 
it is naturally a very strong site, having precipitous 
sides towards the west. The only difficulty is that 
the sites of Ekron, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gaza, and 
other Philistine fenced cities do not present any 
natural features capable of defence ; they are 
simply mounds on the undulating plain, and it 
may oe that Gath may yet be discovered as a 
mound somewhere near Tell es-Sdfi. If it had 
such pronounced natural features for defence as 
the hill in question has, it is difficult to understand 
how its existence can have so completely dis- 
appeared from history after the time of king 

Tell r^-SdJi (BRP- ii. pp. 29-32) is an isolated 
oblong hill or ridge stretching from north to south 
Ijetween the Shephelah to the east and the plains 
of Philistia to the west, Wady es-Sunt (the 
valley of Elah) passing by on the north. It stands 
out conspicuously towards the north, south, and 
west, about 300 ft. above the plain and 700 above 
the Mediterranean ; and, presenting on three sides 
many hundred feet of white precipices, would as a 
fenced city have been remarkably strong. There 
are many caves and excavations on the northern 
scarps ; water is obtained to the west at the foot 
of the hill. The name signifies 'the white hiU,' 
and it can be seen at several hours' distance to 
north and west. 

On the top is a modern village of mud huts with 
a sacred weh/. There are still remains of drafted 
stones visible, remnants of the old castle of 
Blanchegarde (Alba Specula), erected in A.D. 1144 
bj' Fulke of Anjou as a check against the incur- 
sions of the Saracens from Ashkelon. It was 
taken by Saladin in A.D. 1191 and dismantled, but 
was again fortified by Richard of England in the 
following year. It continued for some centuries as 
a place of importance in the hands of the Moslems. 
(See, in additicm to the authorities cited above, 
G. A. Smith, UGHL 194 ff. ; Gautier, Souvenirs de 
Terre-Sainte, 93). C. Warken. 

GATH-HEPHER {n?nri nj ' wine-press of digging'; 
in Jos 19" with n locale 190 np: which A V mis- 

takenly tr. Gittah-hcpher;. 
proi)het Jonah (2 K H^), and on 
Zebulun and Naphtali near Japhi 

/I... i/>i>i Lit ...i.t..i, I I ;j 

The home of the 
on the border of 
ia and Himmon 
(Jos 19'^- "), which have been' identilied in the 
villages of Yd/a and Jiummdnek. 

Tliere is a general concurrence in the identifica- 
tion of Gath-hepher with the jiresent village of 
cl-MeshIt£d (SWr i. pp. 363-367), the site of one 
of the many Moslem tombs of Neby Yftnas, the 
prophet Jonah. This village is regarded by both 
Christians and Moslems as being the home of the 
prophet Jonah, and there appears to be a chain of 
tradition supporting this view. About 2^ miles to 
the west of el-Meshhed is the village of SeffHrieh, 
where there are still the remains of a castle and 
church identified by Ilobinson (BRP ii. 345) as 
the site of the Sepphoris of Josephus, the Tsippori 
of the Rabbins, a mace not mentioned in Scripture, 
but afterwards called by the Romans Diocteaarea. 
Jerome says (Promm. in Jonam) that the home 
and tomb of the prophet Jonah were shown at a 
small village 2 miles from Sepphoris or Diocaesarea 
on the road to Tiberias. Benjamin ui Tudela in 
the 12th cent, states that the tomb of the [irophet 
Jonah was shown in his time near Sep]>horis(ii'o;-/y 
Travels in Palestine, p. 89). Isaac Chelo in the 
14th cent, states that tte name of Gath-hepher was 
Meshad (Carmoly, Itin. p. 256). The rabbinical 
writers state that the tomb of Jonah tlie prophet 
was sho\\'n at Gath-hepher on a hill near Sepphoris. 
The wehj or makdn has two domes, and is very 
conspicuous, dominating the plain on the north at 
a height of 1250 ft. above the Mediterranean. 

Literature. — Besides the authorities cited above, see 
Baedeker-Socin, Pal. 252 ; Reland, Pai. iL 786 ; Neubauer, 
Giog. du Talm. 200 f. C. WaRREN. 

GATH-RIMMON (psrn;).— There are perhaps two 
places mentioned of this name. 

1. A Levitical city in the territory of Dan (Jos 
21-^, 1 Ch 6®"), situated near Jehud, Bene-berak, 
and Me-jarkon, not far from Joppa (Jos 19**). 
The site has not been ascertained. Tliis is prob- 
ably the Gath mentioned by Eusebius as lying 
between Antipatris and Jamnia (Onom. s. ' Gath'). 
A Gath-rimmon is mentioned as lying between 
Diospolis and Eutheropolis, but this reference is 
probably to the royal city of Gath. See Gath. 

2. A town of Manasseh, w est of Jordan (Jos 21^), 
assigned to the Levites. It is only once mentioned, 
with no indication whatever of its situation %yithin 
the tribe of Manasseh. It follows immediately 
after Gath-rimmon of Dan in the previous verse ; 
and as the LXX has 'l€,^a<?d (B) or Baidcrd (A), and 
the parallel passage in 1 Ch 6^" has Bileam (ny^s), 
it is possibly an error of the transcribers. Oa-f. Ucb. 
Lex. Avould read in Jos 21'^ c;''?3:, and identify this 
with the place referred to in 1 Ch 6™ (so also Bennett 
in SBOT on Jos ad lac). See further Ibleam. 

C. Wakkex. 

GAULANITIS (rai^Xaj-ms).— The name of a dis- 
trict east of the Sea of Galilee, and frequently 
mentioned by Josephus, together with Trachonitis, 
Auranitis, and Batana^a. It is from Gaulon, 
TaiXibv, which is the Gr. form of the Heb. word 
Golan, l^iJ, of which the modern Arab, representa- 
tive is Jatddn. Could we locate with certainty 
Golan, which was the northernmost of the three 
cities of refuge east of the Jordan, we should have 
the central or chief city of the district in question, 
and thus \>e able, no doubt, to determine its geo- 
graphical limits more definitely. 

After the death of Herod the Great, Gaulanitis 
fell to his son Philip, and during his long reign 
was a portion of his dominions (Ant. XVIII. iv. 6). 
It was divided into two parts. Upper and Lower, 
and belonged to Agrijjpall., from whom it revolted 
to the Romans in A.D. 66-70 (Josephus, Life, 37 ; 




IVars, III. iii. 5, IV. i. 1). The province could not 
have been of great extent ; it was free from hills, 
having some portions rocky and others exceedingly 
fertile. It is a part of the great east- Jordan 

51at«aa, and rises some 2000 ft. above the sea-level, 
udging from existing ruins, this region was once 
densely populated. See on the whole subject 
Schumacner, The Jauldn. S. MtJiRlLX.. 

GAULS (FaXdrai) are mentioned in 1 Mac 8^ as 
conquered bv the Romans, and in 2 Mac 8* as 
defeated in fiabylonia by the Jews (RVm in the 
second passage and AV in both read ' Galatians'). 
The historic^ allusions are doubtful, although 
probably the former passage refers to the victories 
of Manlius in Asia Minor (B.C. 189). See further 
under Galatia, p. 89». 

GAZA (r!js Gn W, Dt 2^, Arab. Ghuzzeh).— 
One of the five chief cities of Philistia, situated on 
a slight eminence amidst trees and gardens at a 
distance of 2 miles from the shore of the Medi- 
terranean, and on the high road from Egypt 
to Jafla and the East {lat. 31-30= N. ; long. 34^ 
33^ E. ). Between the present town and the coast 
rises a high range of sandhills,* which protects the 
town from the westerly winds of winter, but is a 
constant source of danger and loss, as the sands, 
impelled by the winds from the sea, are ever ad- 
vancing inland ; and it is supposed, with much 
probability, that the city of the time of the judges 
(c. B.C. 1100) is buried beneath these immense 
mounds. To the east of the town rises a ridge, 
270 feet high, called el-Mimtar, or 'the watch- 
tower,' supposed to be the moimt, ' in the direction 
of Hebron,' to which Samson carried the gates of 
the city (Jg 16*) ; and on the coast are some traces 
of ruins, Tell et-Tineh and el-Mineh, which are con- 
sidered to mark the position of the former harbour. 
There is, however, no natural harbour, or safe 
anchorage, at any part of this coast for many miles 
from Gaza, and the place could never have been 
a seaport town. One of the most interesting ob- 
jects about Gaza is the forest of ancient olive 
trees extending for 3 miles alon^ the Jaffa road, 
somewhat resemblinc' a forest ot ancient oaks in 
the gnarled and wrintled character of their bark, 
and the girth of their corrugated trunks.f The 
country around is rich and well cultivated, or else 
laid out in pasturage for sheep, goats, and herds i 
of cattle ; and the Arabs from the neighbour- j 
ing desert assemble here in the market-place \ 
to buy and sell commodities. They belong to I 
the Azazimeh and Terabin tribes inhabiting the j 
districts to the X. and S. of the Wady es-Seba j 
(here called the Wady GhQzzeh), and stretching \ 
southwards into the sterile region of the Badiet ; 

History. — Gaza is one of the most ancient cities 
named in the Bible. We find it mentioned, along 
^nth the cities of the plain, as lying along the 
border of the Canaanites (Gn 10^**),* and it was 
captxired, but not retained, by the tribe of Judah 
on the invasion of Pal. by the Israelites ( Jg P^- ^). 
The special interest of its early history is connecteid 
with the exploits of Samson during the wars between 
Israel and the PMlistines (Jg 13-16), at Avhich time 
G. seems to have risen to a i)osition of great im- 
portance, and to have become the capital of the 
Philistine confederacy ; a position Mhich it re- 
tained down to the time of Alexander the Great. 

• Survey Map of Palestine. 

t One of these trees was found to be 19 feet in circumference 
at 4 feet from the ground when measured by the present writer 
in 1SS4 ; and many of them may be a thoiisand years of age 
«uid upwards. 

X It does not necessarily follow that Gaza was in existence at 
th»t time, but only in the time of the writer of the Book of 

In the year B.C. 710, when joined in alliance with 
Sabako king of Egypt, and ruled by Hanno, it was 
attacked by Sargon and the army of Assyria. A 
great battle was fought at Raphia (the modem 
Kaieh), about half-way between Gaza and the 
Wady el-'Arish ('River of Egypt'), in which the 
allies were defeated by Sargon. Hanno was de- 
prived of his crown, and carried captive to Assyria 
by the conqueror. This was the first trial of 
stren^h between the two great powers of Egypt 
and Assyria.* Still later (B.C. 332) G. was strong 
enough to resist for a period of two months a 
siege by Alexander the Great, after the battle of 
Issns, out was ultimately taken by storm. The 
city at this time is descrioed as 20 stadia distant 
from the sea, and very difficult of access owing to 
the height of the sandhills. The city itself was 
wide, and placed on a lofty hill and strongly forti- 
fied by a wall.t 
But the ultimate decay of G. foretold by the 

Erophets (Jer 47, Am 1®, Zeph 2*. Zee 9*) was 
astening towards ftilfilment. G. suffered greatly 
(1 Mac ll<>i-6- 1343J jjj tije -wars between Ptolemy 
rx. and Alexander Jannseus, a prince of the Mac- 
cabtean line (B.C. 105-78). By Augustus it was 
assigned to the kingdom of Herod along with the 
neighbouring maritime cities. This brings us to 
the first event recorded in NT histoiy in which 
the name of G. comes prominently into view, 
namely, the conversion and baptism of the Ethi- 
opian eunuch, which took place near the city (Ac 
8*). The precise spot where he was baptized 
by Philip cannot be determined \»ith certainty ; 
but it may be inferred to have been at the 
crossing of either the brook Wady el-Hessy or 
Wady el-Halib by the road from Jaffa to Gaza.* 

Henceforth G. almost disappears from the page 
of history, till in A.D. 634 it was captured by the 
generals of the first calif, Abu Bekr. Ihiring 
the crusades it was garrisoned by the Knights 
Templars, but finally fell into the hands of Saladin 
after the disastrous battle of Hattin (A.D. 1170). 
Since then it has remained a [Mohammedan city.' 
(For a full accoimt of Gaza and its history see G. 
A. Smith, HGHL 181 ff., and cf. Gautier, Souvenirs 
de Terre-Sainte, llBfl'.; Clermont-Ganneau, Arch. 
Researches in Pal. (1896), p. 279 ff.). E. Hull. 

GAZARA (Fofdpa, Tdi'apa, Faj'Typd, Tdffripa). — An 
important stronghold often mentioned during the 
Maccabaean struggle, 1 Mac 4'* 7^ 9*^ 13^ (in this 
last all MSS have Td^aw, Gaza, but the context and 
the parallel passage in Jos. Ant. XIU. vi. 7 show 
that the correct reading is Tai^dpay, see RVm) 13** 
14'** 15^ W, 2 Mac 10**. In Ant. XU. vii. 4, XIV. 
v. 4, il'ars, I. ^iii. 5, it is called Gadara. There 
seems to be no doubt that it is the OT Gezek 
(which see). See further, Schiirer, HJF L i. 261 f., 
372, and G. A. Smith, HGHL 215 ff. 

J. A. Selbie. 

GAZELLE (':;? zebhi, oopicdj).— AV renders zebkt 
in the poetical books, and in 2 S 2^* 1 Ch 12* by 
roe. RV gives the same rendering, but adds in 
the marg. in all but three places (2 S 2^^, Ca 3» 7') 
gazelle. In the lists of animals used as food AV 
renders zebhi by roebuck, while RV renders it in- 
consistently Anth itself in the other passages, 
gazelle. "the latter is undoubtedly the correct 
rendering for all, instead of roe and roebuck. The 
Arabic word zabi, the exact counterpart of zebhi, 
is one of the names of the gazelle in that tongue ; 

* Kawiinson, Ane, Mon. voL ii. 144. 

t Arrian, iL 26, where an account of the siege is giren. During 
its progress Alexander received a wound in the shoulder. 

t The Hessy is crossed by the road at a distance of 12 miles 
from Gaza, the HaUb at 5 miles. Either of these spots fits in 
with the narrative. The ruins of el-Mineh on the seaooast 
mark the site of a town and episcopal see of tbe 5th cent. 
called ' Constantia ' or ' Limena Gazse.' 




the other is ghazdl, from which our word gazelle is 
derived. It was expressly permitted as food 
(Dt 12" 14* 15*"). It was daily served on Solomon's 
table (1 K 4^). Asahel and the Ga<lite8 were as 
fleet as zChlm (2 S 2»«, 1 Ch 12"). The ?&bhl was 
much hunted (Pr 6', Is 13'*). It is frequently 
alluded to in Ca (2^- »• " 3» 4"> V 8"). The fem. form 
n\y^ ifSbhtyydh became (by law of interchange) 
Aram, fabitha, which was translated BopKdt = 
gazelle (cf. Ac 9^). 

The gazelle, Gazella Dorcas, L., is one of the 
most beautiful of the antelopes. It is abundant 
throughout the country, but especially in" the 
remoter mountain districts and in tlie deserts. It 
is often met with in herds, which sometimes number 
as many as a hundred. The general colour is fawn, 
with white and dark stripes down the face, and a 
white mark on the hind quarters. A local variety, 
called the arid gazelle, Gazella Arabira, Ehr., is 
found in Gilead. It is of a darker fawn colour 
than the type. 

Gazelles are hunted by lying in wait for them at 
the springs, or by chasing them with greyhounds 
and falcons. They are very fleet, however, and 
often 'deliver themselves n-om the hand of the 
hunter' (l*r C). They are often taken in large 
numbers by driving them into an enclosure, with 
a pitfall at either side. As many as fifty may 
thus be taken at one time. When taken young 
the gazelle is easily tamed, and becomes very 
aft'ectionate. G. E. POST. 

GAZERA (A rafi/pd, B Ka^vpd), 1 Es 5^'.— His 
sons were among the ' temple servants. ' In Ezr 2*^ 

GAZEZ (lu, Wellh., de gent, et fam. Jud. 26, 
would write lu). — 1. A son of Ephah, Caleb's con- 
cubine, 1 Ch 2^^. 2. In same verse a second G. is 
mentioned as a son of Haram, who was another of 
Ephah's sons. Smith's DB ^ incorrectly states 
this second G. is omitted in B. The latter MS 
reads both times TefoCe; Luc. has in second 
instance Fafdj. 

GAZINGSTOCK.— Men are no longer punished 
by being exposed to public gaze, whether iii the 
stocks or otherwise, and * gazing-stock ' has gone 
out of It is one of several compounds of 
'stock' which have become obsolete. We find 
' mocking stock ' in 2 Mac V ; and Tindale uses 
' gestyngestocke ' in Dt 28*^ for EV 'byword.' 
The only compound still in use is ' laughing-stock.' 

Gazingstock (1611 'gazing stocke') occurs Nah 
3' 'I . . . will set thee as a gazingstock'; Heb. 
'xn? [in pause], lit. ' as a sight ' (from int ' to look 
upon') ; the word is found also in Gn 16^^ ('kt Vn, 
AV 'Thou God seest me,' RV 'Thou art a 'God 
that seeth,' RVm 'God of seeing' — which is prob- 
ably nearest the mark, r6t being a subst. here) ; 
in 1 S 1612 of David (EV 'goodly to look to') ; and 
in Job 33-1 ('xh?, of the wasting away of Job's 
flesh, EV ' that it cannot be seen '). For the 
thuught of Nah 3^ Davidson refers to Ezk 28"- 1", 
Mt P", 1 Co 4* ; to which may be added the other 
example of 'gazingstock,' Pie 10^ (cf. also Moab. 
Stone, 1, 12, ' a g, to Chemosh and to Moab '). Here 
the ptcp. dearpt^Sfievoi is tr'' in AV ' whilst ye were 
made a gazingstock,' in RV 'being made a g.,' a 
tr. which conies from the Bishops' Bible ; Wye. and 
Rheni. having ' spectacle,' after ViUg. spectaculum 
facti. This is the only occurrence of the Gr. verb, 
but diarpov yLvofuu is found in 1 Co 4*, already 
referred to, in a precisely similar meaning, EV 
'We are made a spectacle unto the world,' which 
is Wyclifs and the Rhem. tr., again after Vulg. 
spectarulum facti. Tindale's word here is ' gas- 
j-ngestocke,' and he is followed by the other ver- 

sions. Shaks, uses 'gaze' for ' gazing-stock ' in 
Macbeth, v. viii. 24 — 

' Then yield thee, coward, 
And live to be the show and f^vzc o' the time ; 
We'll have thee, as our rarer uionHters are, 
Paint«d upon a pole, and uiulerwrit, 
" Here may you see the tyrant." ' 

J. Hastings. 

GAZITES ([D]'njyn).— The inhabitants of Gaza 
(wh. see), Jos 13» (AV Gazathites), Jg 16*. 

GAZZAM (oj3). — A family of Nethinim who re- 
turned with Zerub. (Ezr 2'", Neh T*'), (.ailed in 
1 Es 5^1 Gazera, See GENEALOGY. 

GEBA. — 1. (j;33,inpauseV33 = (?a&a,a'hiJl ) Acity 
of Benjamin — one or those assigned under Joshua 
to the Levites (Jos 2V', 1 Ch 6«"). It was situated 
on the N.E. border of Benjamin (Jos 18*'*). It is 
abundantly clear from the history of the two king- 
doms that Geba is to be identified with the modem 
Jeba. The latter lies some 7 miles to tiie N. of 
Jerusalem, the road to Avhich joins the main road 
between Bethel and Jerusalem, just N. of Tell el- 
FUl (Gibeah). It is situated on the S. side of the 
steep defile of the Wady Stiweintt, facing Mich- 
masn (Mukhmds) on the other .side (1 S 14* 'The 
one crag rose up on the north in front of Michmash, 
and the other on the south in front of Geba '). It 
was from this spot that Jonathan (1 S 14}'-), 
accompanied only by his armour-bearer, started to 
descend the precipitous clifis of the pass, and, in so 
doing, purposely revealed himself to the garrison 
of the Philistines on the opposite height. The 
words of the latter merely served to confirm the 
two warriors in their resolve, while the very 
audacity of their undertaking ensured its success. 
Climbing up on their hands and feet (v.^*), they 
fell upon the astonished Philistines Avith un- 
diminished vigour, and, by their daring, initiated 
a panic, Avhich quickly spread throughout the 
Philistine forces, and caused the complete discom- 
fiture of the latter at the hands of Saul. Saul, 
with but a scanty remnant of his forces, would 
seem to have been encamped at Gibeah (13'® Geba 
must be a mistake for Gibeah ; cf v.^*), some 3 
miles to the S., so that Jonathan could start on 
his daring errand without awakening the suspicions 
of his countrymen as to the object of his expedition. 
In the reign of Asa king of Judah, this important 
position on the frontier was fortified with ' the stones 
of Ramah (er-Bdm) and the timber thereof, where- 
with Baasha (king of Israel) had builded' (1 K 15-"- 
= 2 Ch 16"). From this period onwards G. appears 
to have marked the N. limit of the kingdom of 
Judah. Hence we find the old formula, 'from 
Dan to Beersheba,' whi(.'h denoted the extent of 
the united kingdom, altered into ' from Geba to 
Beersheba' (2 K 23», cf. Zee 14i"). The position of 
Geba, its strategic importance, and its distinction 
from the similar-sounding Gibeah (for the latter 

foint cf. Jos IS-**' -^), are once more clearly shown in 
saiah's dramatic picture of the march of Senna- 
cherib's army against Jerusalem from the N. 
(Is 10*8-*=*, see Gibeah, 2 (4)) ; while in the times of 
Ezra and Nehemiah it was still a well-known spot 
(Neh 11" 122» ; cf, 7^«, Ezr 2^, 1 Ch 8«). 

In the following passages the HebreAV text 
wrongly gives Geba for Gibeah : Jg 20'°' ",18 
13*- '" ; for further details see Gibeah, 2. In Jg 
20^1 (see above) Geba is to be restored in place of 
Gibeah, while in 2 S 5** it seems probable that Ave 
should restore Gibeon for Geba, in accordance with 
the parallel passage 1 Ch 14"^. 

2. (rai^al) About 3 miles N. of Samaria. It 
Avas the southernmost of the three fortresses 
which connnanded the road leading up from Es- 
draelon, through the pass of En-gannim (Jentn), 




into Samaria. It was between this fort and Scy- 
thopolis that Holof ernes pitched his camp pre- 
paratory to attacking Judaea ( Jth 3^"). 

J. F. Stexntng. 

GEBAL.— 1. >5J, ra..SdX or Tt^, Ps 83« [Eng. "H. 
A mountainous district south of the Dead Sea, 
■which still bears the name of JeMl (Robinson, B£ 
ii. 154). Josephus regards To^oXins as a part of 
Idumaea {Ant. u. i. 2, cf. rx. ix. 1), and Jerome 
explains Seir bj- Gebaiena (Euseb. Onomast. 'Seir'). 
In Ps S3* Gebal is named, together with Ammon, 
Amalek, and other nations, as forming a confederacy 
against Israel. The date and occasion of the psalm 
are unknown, but many commentators connect it 
with the events described in 1 Mac 5. 

2. "7^, {ol rpeff^&repoi) Bv^Xlun' ,Ezk 27*. GeBALITES 
c'^3jrt, AV Giblites, but in 1 K ' the stonesquarers,' 
Jos 13', 1 K 5^. A Phoenician city, situated on 
rising ground near the sea, at the foot of Lebanon, 
and a£>ut 20 miles N. of Beirtit. The name is 
found frequently in Phoenician {CIS 1) and Assy- 
rian inscriptions in the forms Gubal or Gvbli (cf. 
Schrader, VOT i. 174 and Gloss. ), and also on the 
Tel el-Amama tablets ; while to the Greeks the 
town was well known as Byblus (Bt'^Xoj or Bt,3\ot, 
cf. Strabo, xvi. p. 755). The modem name is 
Jebeil. The city was celebrated for the worship 
of Adonis and Astarte, while its maritime im- 
portance is attested by Ezekiel, who speaks of 
the 'elders and wise men of Gebal" as being the 
carpenters or ' calkers ' of the ships of Tyre (27®). 
According to Jos 13' the land of the Gebautes 
(AV Giblites) was included ^vithin the ideal bound- 
aries of Israel ; but it was never occupied by the 
Israelites, and it seems doubtful whether it could 
in any sense have been regarded as belonging to 
the Promised Land. Moreover, the passage is syn- 
tactically incorrect (''r??? n?Cn)» ^Jid the widely 
different reading of LXX points to an early corrup- 
tion of the text. It is better to read ' as far as the 
liorder of the Gebalites,' "r??n '7-3^ -:t', omitting the 
preceding words n?'71 '^^Cj ^^^ to suppose that 
the territory of Gebal extended inland in a south- 
easterly direction (see Dillm. ad loc.). The 
Gebalites are mentioned again in 1 K 5'* [Heb.*^], 
where they are said to have fashioned the stones 
for the building of the temple along with the 
builders of Solomon and the builders of Hiram. 
But here, too, the text is probably faulty. Thenius 
reads, ' and Solomon's builders . . . fashioned 
them (the stones), and a border for them' 
(n?y?;:i for C''??3rn, LXX i3a\ov). H. A. WHITE. 

GEBER ("C| ' man ' or ' mighty man,' To^^p A, 
om. B Luc. i K 4^^). — One of Solomon's twelve 
commissariat officers, whose district lay to the E. 
of Jordan, and perhaps S. of that of the officer 
mentioned v.^*. At the end of v.^* comes a sen- 
tence referred by AV and KV to this Geber, and 
rendered ' and he was the only officer which was 
in the land.' This is usually thought to inean 
that in this large district more than one officer 
might have been expected, but that this was not 
the case, probably because the country was rugged 
and thinly populated. Such a rendering, however, 
together ^\^th the interpretation put upon it, can 
by no means be extracted from the Hebrew, which 
is certainly corrupt. Klostermann by a clever 
emendation obtains the statement ' and one officer 
was over all the officers who were in the land,' 
the reference being, not to Geber, but to Azariah 
son of Nathan, mentioned v.' as 'over the officers.' 
Cf. the interpretation of Jos. {Ant. vni. ii. 3) exi 
06 ToiTiiiv els wdXuf apx<^v aroBedeiKTo. 


GEBIM (c'zjn 'the trenches'). — A place N. of 
Jerusalem, the inhabitants of which are graphically 
pictured bj* the prophet as saving their goods by 

flight upon the approach of the As^jri&n army. 
Is lu*' only. In Eusebius {Onomast. s. 'GSebin') 
a Geba 5 Roman miles from Gophna, on the 
way to NeapoUs (Shechem), is noticed. This is 
the modern Jebia, which, being near the great 
northern road, is a possible site for Gebim. See 
SWF voL ii. sh. xiv. C. R. Coxdeb. 

GECKO (.iB^K 'andkdh, fiiryaXifi, 77iy^a/«).— The AV 
(Lv ll**) renders 'dndkdh, ferret. This animal, 
however, is not found in the Holy Limd, and is not 
at all likely to be the one intended here. The 
LXX AiiryaX^ signifies the shrew mouse, of which 
several kinds are met with in the Holy Liuid : (1) 
Sorex araneus, De Selys, Arab, fdr el khalA, in the 
hilly districts of N. Galilee ; (2) S. tetragonurus, 
Desm., in Lebanon ; (3) S. pygmeexis, De Selys, 
abont one-third as large as the first ; (4) S. crassi- 
caudus, Licht., a silver-grey species, in the S. 
deserts; (5) S. fodiens, Schreb., the water shrew, 
by streams in Ccelesyria and Antilebanon. Not- 
withstanding the above tr" of the LXX and the 
notion of the Rabbins that the hedgehog was the 
animal intended, the position of 'dtndkdh among the 
lizards has inclined scholars to regard it as one of 
them. The RV has adopted gecko (so Pesh.). This 
rendering, however, must be regarded as purely 
conjecturaL There are several of the Geckonidcein 
the Holy Land. The commonest of all is the com- 
mon gecko, Ptyodactylus Hasselquistii, Schneid., 
which is found everywhere among rocks and in 
ruins and about houses. It has a fan-shaped foot 
(whence its generic name), with suckers by the 
sides of the toes, so that it can walk on smooth 
walls, and even run inverted like a fly. It moves 
noiselessly. But it can emit a rapid clucking 
sound, by vibrating the tongue against the palate. 
The name gecko is an attempted imitation of this 
sound. There is a popular superstition in the 
country, that a gecm, crawling over the body, 
wiU produce leprous sores ; hence its name obu 
burets, ' father of leprosy.' This opinion, which is 
probably ancient, would add to the lacertine form 
of the animal a reason for considering it unclean. 
It has a flattish-triangular head, covered with 
scales, a wide mouth, large eyes and small teeth, 
and a broad tail, nearly as long as the body. The 
general colour is black, but the whole body is 
spotted with rows of rounded warts or promi- 
nences. It is the most repulsive-looking of the 
lizards in Palestine. G. E. POST. 

GEDALIAH {^rx-^Zh -:hf 'J" is great').— 1. Son 
of Ahikam, who had protected Jeremiah from the 
anti-Chaldsean party ( Jer 26-^), and probably grand- 
son of Shaphan, the pious scribe (2 K 22). G. 
naturally shared the views of Jeremiah. This 
commended him to Nebuchadnezzar, who made 
him governor over 'the poor of the people that 
were left in the land.' His two months' rule and 
treacherous miuder are detailed in Jer 40, 41 
(2 K 25-^"*'). At Mizpah in Benjamin the scattered 
elements of the national life gathered round G. 
First came Jeremiah, then the remnant of the 
army, and finally the Jews that had been dispersed 
in the adjacent countries. At G.'s bidding they 
began to settle in the deserted towns, and to 
gather in the now ownerless crops. Meanwhile 
Baalis, king of the Ammonites, resolved, by the 
assassination of G. , to destroy ' the remnant of 
Judah " ^.Jer 40*'). He found a tool in Ishmael ' of the 
seed royal,' formerly a high officer under Zedekiah, 
but now a bandit in the service of Ammon 
(411"). Disbelieving the warnings which he re- 
ceived, G. entertained Ishmael and ten followers 
at Mizpah. G. and the small garrison of Jews 
and Chaldseans were slain, probably while at table 
(Jos. Ant. X. ix. 4), and their bodies cast promiscu- 




ously (41') into the ancient cistern of Asa. The 

Slot of Baalis succeeded but too well ; for the 
ewish captains, fearing lest they might be held 
responsible for the audacious murder of the great 
king's representative (4P- '*), fled into Egypt, 
carrying with them Jeremiah and ' all the remnant 
of Judah.' ' It seemed to Ikj the revocation of the 
advantages of the Exodus' (Stanley). The anni- 
versary of G.'s murder — the third day of the 
seventn month, Tisri (Zee 7" 8"*) — has been ever 
since observed as one of the four Jewish fasts. 
GrStz (see Cheyne on Jer 41^) argues that G.'s 
government lasted five years, but his reasons do 
not seem conclusive. 

2. 1 Ch 2.")'- " eldest ' son ' of Jeduthun, leader 
of the second course of temple musicians. 3. Ezr 
10'* (1 Es 9'* Joadanus), a priest 'of the sons of 
Jeshua,' who ' had married a strange woman.' 
i. Jer 38* son of Pashhur (Jer 20'"*), a ])rince in 
the reign of Zedekiah. 5. Zeph P grandfather 
of the prophet Zephaniah. ii. J. D. WHITE. 

GEDDUR (A T(d8o^p, B KedSovp), 1 Es 53«.— In 
Ezr 2*' Neh 7*® Gahar. nnj was perhaps read 

OEDER (ti3). — An unidentified Canaanitish 
town, whose king was amongst those conquered 
by Joshua, Jos 12i3 (only). While LXX A has 
Tad^p, B has 'Acref. It is very probably identical 
with Beth-gader of 1 Ch 2«i. In 1 Ch 27^8 Baal- 
hanan, who had charge of David's olives and syco- 
mores, is called the Gederite ('l^sc), which may be 
a gentilic name derived from Geder, although some 
prefer to derive it from Gederah (wh. see). 

GEDERAH. — AV of 1 Ch 42="' reads, 'Those 
that dwelt amon^ plants (RVm plantations) and 
hedges,' but RV gives ' the inhabitants of Netaim 
and Gederah,' and this is probably the correct tr" 
of ."n"i« D'v^} '371'. In that case the Gederah re- 
ferred to would probably be the city of that name 
located by Jos 15^" in the Shephelah, the modern 
Jedtreh [SWP vol. iii. sh. xx.) and the Gedour of 
Eusebius (Onomast. p. 254, Lagarde, 2nd ed.). The 
gentilic name Gederathite (^n-iun) occurs in 1 Ch 
12*. J. A. Selbie. 

6EDER0TH (nima, in 2 Ch 28" 'jn).— A town of 
Judah in the Shephelah, Jos 15", 2 Ch 28i8, noticed 
with Beth-dagon, Makkedah, and Naamah. It 
appears to be the modem Kntrah near Yebna, 
where a -Jewish colony is now established. Possibly 
it is also the Kidron of 1 Mac IS^'-*- •»! 16». See SWP 
vol. iii. sh. xvi. C. R. CoNDER. 

GEDEROTHAIM (o^nii^) occurs in Jos 15^ as one 
of the fourteen cities of Judah that lay in the 
Shephelah. There are, however, fourteen cities 
■without it, and it is probable that the name has 
arisen by dittography from the preceding Gederah 
(NOldeke, Krit. d. AT, 101). The names of the 
cities in the LXX show several divergences from the 
MT ; in v.*** Adithaim is omitted, and after Va5r]p6. 
we read koX aX tVai^Xeis aiV^s, which is exadently 
intended to be the tr" of Dwia ('sheep-folds'). 
Both the Oxf. Heh. Lex. and Siegfried - Stade 
are surely in error in stating that the name is 
omitted in the LXX. The subterfuge of the AVm 
'Gederah or Gederothaim' is, of course, not per- 
missible. J. A. Selbie. 

GEDOR (nnj, ^^3)._l. A town of Judah, named 
along with Halhul and Beth-zur, Jos 15"* ; cf. 
1 Ch 4*-'« 12^ (in this last -liijn, Baerand Kitt«l 
nnan). It is generally identified with the modern 
Jcdnr (Robinson, BJiP- ii. 13) north of Beit Sur. 
2. The district from which the Simeonites are said 

to have expelled the Hamite settlers, 1 Ch 4'"'-. 
The LXX, however, reads Fipapa (Gerar), and 
Gerar 'suits admirably as to direction' (Kittel in 
SBOT). This reading is adopted also by Ewald 
{Gesch. Jsr. i. 344), Bertheau (Chron. 51), Hitzig 
(on Mic P'), Graf (Der Stamm Simeon, 25), Oxf. 
Heh. Lex., Siegfried-Stade, etc. 

6ED0R (nnj, iia 'wall').— !. A Benjamite, an 
ancestor of kin" ^aul, 1 Ch 8'* iF. 2. 3. The 
eponym of two Judahite families, 1 Ch 4'*- 1*. See 

GE-HARASHIM (c's^^n n'ls), ' valley of craftsmen,' 
1 Ch 4'*, Noll ll*". In the latter passage it occurs 
with Lod and Ono. The name may survive at the 
ruin Hirsha, E. of Lydda. See S\VP vol. ii. sh. 

GEHAZl ('iqi, except in 2 K 5*« 8«-», where it is 
'iqJ, * valley of vision ' ; LXX Tif^et, Vulg. Giezi) is 
four times called the servant (tw, lit. 'boy') of 
Elisha, a term which indicates a lower kind of 
service than Elisha's ' ministry ' to Elijah. He 
may, however, be the person called in 2X4** 
Elisha's minister (n-j^?), trie word whicli is applied 
to Elisha himself in 1 K lO^*. Gehazi is one of 
those Bible characters — Achan, Judas, Ananias, 
Demas, etc. — whose crimes and apostasy point the 
moral that the love of money is a root of all kinds 
of evil. What is known of him is told in three 

1. In the story of the lady of Shunem (2 K 4«-") 
he appears as a man of shrewd practical sense, but 
incapable of understanding the impulses of deep 
feeling. His moral quality is scarcely defined. 
Elisha having failed to persuade his benefactress 
to ask any favour, turns in perplexity to consult 
his servant (4*^). G. has penetrated the good lady's 
thoughts, and tells the prophet of her secret longing 
for a son. Elisha perceives that his servant's insight 
has surpassed his own, and, recalling the Shunam- 
mite, promises that the desire of her heart will be 
granted. In the sequel to the story, when the 
lady, bereft of this child of promise, comes in haste 
to the retreat at Carmel and casts herself at the 
prophet's feet in a passion of grief, G.'s common- 
place mind is shocked at this liberty taken by a 
woman. He would rudely thrust her away ; but 
the prophet, pitying her unknown sorrow, reproves 
his servant for adding to the bitterness of her soul. 
When she has told the cause of her grief, G. is 
directed to hasten to Shunem, saluting no man by 
the way (cf. Lk lO'*), and lay the prophet's staff on 
the face of the child. 

2. In the story of Naaman G. appears as a 
finished example of covetousness (2 K 5-*'-''). His 
baseness is in startling contrast to the high- 
mindedness of his master. In vain does Naaman 
press his treasure on the acceptance of Elisha ; he 
has to depart with it intact (5'«). To the sordid 
mind of G. this situation of affairs presents a 
temptation wliich he cannot resist. His passion 
for gain, probably long nourished in secret, 
suddenly overmasters him. The voice of reason 
and religion is stifled, and blasphemy, lying, sacri- 
lege, and fraud come to serve liis master passion. 
Elisha's refusal to take the stranger's gold seems 
to him madness. ' As J" liveth,' he will secure a 
portion of it for himself— thus lightly does he use 
the same oath with which P^lisha solemnly refused 
the filthy lucre (5i«-="). Running to overtake the 
Syrian cavalcade, G. invents a clever story of two 
poor young sons of the prophets having just come 
to Samaria, whose wants Elisha has bethought 
himself of sumjlying out of the treasure which he 
had refused for nimself. G. begs for them a talent 
of silver (£400 !) and two changes of raiment. 




Plausible though the story was, it could hardly 
fail to lower the prophet in the estimation of the 
.Syrians. Tliey would retlect that he was like 
other men, after all. But G.'s request is at once 
^zranted, and two of Naaman's servants return to 
.Samarin laden with the changes of raiment and 
twice as much silver as had been asked. When 
they come to the hUl C^fir, LXX tit rb aKoreiwiw, to 
the secret place, from a reading Sji-s ; Vulg. jam 
vesperi) G. the men and conceals his 
prize. He then boldly present.s himself before his 
master, and in answer to a question assures him 
with an air of innocence that he has been nowhere. 
But the prophet has at last discovered his servant's 
true character, and with searching interrogations 
lays bare his guilt, and reads the very thoughts 
and intents of his heart. G. is utterly confounded. 
Pale and speechless he hears the curse of Naaman's 
leprosy entailed, with awful appropriateness, on 
himself and his family for ever, and goes from 
Elisha's presence a leper, white as snow. 

3. In the thiid narrative (2 K 8^"*) G. appears 
engaged in conversation \\-ith king Jehoram, who 
has called him to recite the story of Elisha's 
wonderful deeds. G. is telling of the restoration 
of the Shunammite's son to life, when the lady 
herself comes on the scene to petition the king to 
reinstate her in the house and land which she had 
lost in a recent famine. The difficulty of imagin- 
ing the king talking to a leper and G. glorifying 
Elisha has led some critics to suppose that this 
narrative is misplaced, and should appear before 
2 K 5. But it reads quite naturally as it stands. 
Conversation with lepers was not forbidden. The 
story certainly shows G. in a more favourable 
light than the previous narrative. The notice 
taken of him by the king, and the truthfulness 
and respect with which he recounts the deeds of 
his former master, may be charitably taken to indi- 
cate that atiiietion had at last made him a wiser 
and better man. 

Elisha's choice of this covetous man to be his 
follower presents a difficulty of the same kind, 
though not so great, as Christ's choice of a 
covetous disciple. It appears that the prophet's 
insight, though often marvellous, was sometimes 
quite ordinary (2 K 4^*). He confesses his inability 
to read the mind of the Shunammite : ' J" hath hid 
it from me. and hath not told me' (4*^). In the 
same way iie was evidently mistaken vrith regard 
to the character of his servant. He probably chose 
liim for his ready wit and practical sense ; and if 
he detected in him a love of money, he may have 
hoped that tlie force of example would wean him 
from it. But to minds steeped in avarice the 
means of grace are often a savour of death rather 
than of life, and a holy example may not change 
the heart. • Happy was it for Gehazi,' says Bishop 
Hall, 'if, while his skin was snow-white with 
leprosy, his humbled soul was washed white as 
snow -n-ith the water of true repentance.' 

GEHENNA. — The word Gehenna, Tieirya in 
Tischendorf and W H. (or Teivpa according to other 
scholars, on the ground of its derivation from the 
Aram. c|rt?), is derived ultimately from the Hebrew 
expression cir 'I = ' valley of Hinnom,' Jos 15* 18", 
Neh 11*'. which is an abbreviated form of ]^3 
C3.7 = ' valley of the son of Hinnom,' Jos 15* 18". 
2Ch 28» 3;H Jer T^'-^ 19^ «, or in the Kethib of 
2 K 23^* Eirr-i^ 'j. But this place became so notori- 
ous through its evil associations that it was simply 
called 'the valley' Kar e^oxv", Jer 2^ 31* and the 
gate of Jerusalem leading to it 'the valley -gate.' 
2 Ch 269, Neh 2i3- >« 3^^ This valley lav to the S. 
and S.W. of Jerusalem (Robinson, BBP ii. 273, 
274). The derivation of cj^ is quite uncertain. 
In the LXX this name appears variously as <f>dfMy^ 

'OrV (B: Efyj/t. A), Jos 15*; (B) rdrrj Zorrd/t (B : 
vloO 'Brri/t A), Jos 18»« ; TaUvra (B : Tal 'On&fi. A), 
Jos 18" ; Tot^erW/i (B : Tr,3€€vw6fi. A), 2 Ch 28» ; 7* 
^k 'Ew^M (B : 71J ^evyon A), 2 Ch 33«. Elsewhere 
we find generally ^payi [viov) 'Err6/x. 

This term is used in a variety of meanings in 
the course of Israelitish and Jewish history. These 
we shall consider separately according as they 
appear in OT, Apocalyptic literature, the NT, or 
in later Judaism. 

I. Its use ix the OT fails under three heads, 
(a) It is used in a merely topographical tense. 
Thus it formed the boundary between Jndah and 
Benjamin, Jos 15* 18", and the northern limit of 
the district occupied by the tribe of Judah after 
the Captivity, Neh 11*, and lay in front of the 
gate Harsith of Jerusalem, Jer ItF. See further 
under HixxoM (Valley of). 

(b) It is used in a religious signifieanee <ts imply- 
ing a place of idolatrous and ivMuman sacrifices. 
These were first oft'ered by Ahaz and Manasseh, 
who made their children to ' pass through the fire ' 
to Molech in this vaUey, 2 K 16', 2 Ch 28», and 2 K 
21*, 2 Ch 33®. sacrifices were probably made 
on the 'high places of Topheth, which is in the 
valley of the son of Hinnom,' Jer 7'^ ; cf. .Jer 32^'. 
In order to put an end to these abominations, 
Josiah poUutetl it with human bones and other 
corruptions, 2 K 23^**- ^ ". But this worship of 
Molech was revived under Jehoiakim, Jer 11**"", 
Ezk 20**. In consequence of these idolatrous 
practices in the Valley of Hinnom, Jeremiah 
prophesied that one day it would be called the 
' Valley of Slaughter,' and that they should ' bury 
in Topheth till there be no place to bury,' Jer 7* 
19^*. Many scholars have accepted the statement 
of Kimchi (c. 1200 A.D.) on Ps27 : 'Gehennam fuit 
locus spretus, in quem abjecerunt sordes et cadavera, 
et fuit ibi perpetuo ignis ad comburendum sordes 
illas et ossa : propterea parabolice vocatnr judicium 
impiorum Gehennam.' But this is denied by 
Robinson, i. 274, who writes that 'there is no 
evidence of any other fires than those of Molech 
having been kept up in this valley' (Rosenmiiller, 
Biblisch. Geogr. u. i. 156, 164). 

(c) It signifies the place of punishment for re- 
bellious or apostate Jews in the presence of the 
righteous. G«hinnom or Gehenna is not actually 
mentioned with this signification in the OT, but 
it is it and no other place that is implied in Is 50" 
' in a place of pain shall ye lie down, and 66** with 
this new connotation. Both these passages are very 
late, and probably from the same hand — not earlier 
than the 3rd cent. B.C. (see Cheyne, Introd. to the 
Bk. of Isaiah, p. 380 ; Smend, Alttestamcntliche 
JSeligionsgescfuchte, p. 506). Further, the punish- 
ment of the apostate Jews in Is 66"-^ is conceived 
as eternal : ' They shall look upon the carcases of 
the men that have transgressed against me ; for 
their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be 
quenched, and they shall be an abhorring to all 
flesh.' The punishment of Gehenna is implied also 
in Dn l?-^ ' some to shame and everlasting abhor- 
rence.' We should observe that the same word ftf^ 
' abhorrence ' occurs in these two passages, and in 
these only, and the reference in botn is to Gehenna. 


IX Apocalyptic Literature. * In this literature 

'* There is no akctomi mention of the word Gehenna in Ublical 
Apocryphal Kteratore ; bat in Jth 16^7 — 

•Mu Wnnw jammrrmfiffit rm yittt u»u. 

Mtti xXtiunmu h msrti.m an mlinf — 
the reference to Gehenna is vmdeniable. In Sir 7^~, howerer, 
the text kzi>txr,r,; tu%3*Zt rC» x«j rzttArl is probably corrupt, 
being without the support of the Sjniac Version and the best 
MSS of the Ethiopic. Sheol, moreover, has beccHne synonym- 
ous with Gehenna in the Similitudes Thus: 'Sheol will 
devour the sinners in the presence of the elect,' 5fi*, cf. 63". 




this conception underwent further development, 
(a) Thus Golienna was conoeived as a place of 
corporal and spiritual punishment for apostate 
Jews in the presence of tfte righteous for ever. (See 
Eth. En. 27-» 90»- '-"). In the Similitudes of that 
book, i.e. chs. 37-70, there is a slight modilication 
of the above idea. Thus, though the punishment 
is everlasting, only its initial stages will be exe- 
cuted in the presence of the righteous. On the 
expiration of these, the wicked will be swept for 
ever from the presence of the righteous, 48^ 62"- ". 

(b) A place of spiritual punishment for apostate 
Jews in the presence of the righteous. Heretofore 
Gehenna was always conceived as a place of both 
corporal and spiritual punishment. This new 
development is attested in the Eth. En, 91-104 
(c. 134-95 B.C.). Thus in 98' 'their spirits will 
be cast into the furnace of fire.' Cf. also 103*. 
From 99" 103^- « it is clear that Sheol and Gehenna 
Ixave become equivalent terms in this writer also. 
See also 10()". The same conception is found in an 
Essene writing, i.e. Eth. En. lOS** and in the 
Assumpt. Mos. 10^°. In the latter passage Gehenna 
or rather ' the valley ' is mentioned by name (see 
Charles, Assumption of Moses, pp. 43, 44). It is 
noteworthy that in all these booKS only a blessed 
immortality of the souls of tlie righteous is taught. 

(c) A place of corporal and .spiritual punishment 
for all tlte wicJced in the presence of tlie righteous. 

We arrive at this stage of development in 2 Es 
■788-38 < Y,t, apparebit locus tormenti, et contra 
ilium erit locus requietionis : clibanus gehennse 
ostendetur, et contra eum jocunditatis paradisus. 

Et dicet tunc Altissimus ad excitatas gentes 

"Videte contra et in contra; hie jocunditas et 
requies, et ibi ignis et tormenta." ' 

III. Its Meaning in the NT.— In the NT 
Gehenna is always the final place of punishment 
into which the wicked are cast after the last judg- 
ment. It is a place of torment both for body and 
soul. Thus Mt 521* ' It is profitable for thee that 
one of thy members should perish, and not thy 
whole boiJy go into Gehenna.' So also in 5^". 
Some have argued that Christ has here only the 
living in view ; but this limitation appears un- 
warranted. It is not till after the final judgment 
that the wicked are cast into Gehenna. At the 
resurrection, soul and body are united. Both are 
punished in Gehenna. Gehenna as the last punish- 
ment was conceived also as the worst. It slew 
both soul and body — not, indeed, in an absolute 
sense, but relatively. Thus Mt 10^ ' Fear him 
which is able to destroy both soul and body in 
Gehenna.' Cf. Lk 12". This final stage of retri- 
bution is carefully distinguished in Eth. En. 22"-i3 
There the souls in the third division of Sheol are 
raised in order to be delivered over to their worst 
penalty, but of the sinners in the fourth division it 
IS said : ' Their souls will not be slain on the day of 
judgment, nor will they be raised from thence.' 
For the phrase ' slaying of the soul ' in this con- 
nexion, compare also Eth. En. 108'"**. Gehenna 
is conceived as a fire, Mt 5'^ 18** ; an unquencliable 
fire, Mk 9" ; as a place where ' their worm dieth 
not, and the fire is not quenched,' Mk 9^ ; a 
'furnace of fire,' Mt 13''--*; 'the outer darkness,' 
Mt 81^ 22" 25"-*'. It is the 'lake of fire' in Rev 
1920 20i»- »• « 218. Hades is finally cast into it. 
Rev 20'''. In the NT Hades and Gehenna seem 
never to be confused together. 

IV. In later Judaism. —Here Gehenna is con- 
ceived as a Purgatory for faithless Jews, who 
were afterwards to be admitted into paradise, but 
stUl remained the place of eternal perdition for 
the Gentiles (cf. Weber, JUdi.<trhe Thcnlo(jie^, pp. 
341, 342 ; Driver, Sermons on OT, 79 f., 87, 89 f., 97). 

R. H. Chaeles. 
GELILOTH (nib'S^, ra}^iau0, A 'Aya\\i\M).—One 

of the places mentioned in Jos 18^^ as defining the 
S. boundary of Benjamin. The border, it is said, 
after leaving the valley of the son of Hinnom, 
'went out' first to En-sheiuesh (probably 'Ain 
JIaud, about 2 miles E. of Jerusalem), unci after- 
wards to G. 'in front of the ascent of Adummim,' 
and so passed on into tlie Jordan Valley. The 
'ascent of Adummim' is in all probabdity the 
ascent, some 5 miles long, leailing up from the 
plain of Jericho to Tala'at ed-Dumm, about 6 
miles E.N.E. of Jerusalem, on the regular route 
between Jeioisalem and Jericho. The place G. 
has not, however, been identified ; and all that can 
be said about it is that it was some spot on the 
boundary between Benjamin and Judah, conspicu- 
ous as a landmark to a traveller clunbing up this 
steep ascent. In Jos W, where the N. boundary 
of Judah (in the opposite direction) is described, 
the place, similarly described, is called Gilgal 
(^a^jn, LXX B 'laayAb, A TaKy&X). We have no 
means of determining which is the true reading ; 
the idea that the Gilgal between Jericho and the 
Jordan can be intended is, of course, quite out of 
the question ; the border, at the point in question, 
must, as is evident from the terms employed 
('went up,' 15«''-^»; 'went down," 18'^»»"»'), have 
been above the plain. 

Geliloth, in the sense, as it seems, of circuits 
or districts, appears also (in the Heb.) as the 
technical name of the administrative districts of 
the Philistines (Jos 13", Joel 3 (4)< ; cf 1 Mac 5^'^)— 
perhaps, of those ruled by their five ' lords ' 
(Jos 13'). It occurs likewise in the obscure and 
uncertain expression (Jos 22^"-^^), 'districts of 
Jordan ' (i!!")!n n'l'?''?^), which describes the locality in 
which the altar ' Ed ' was built by tlie 2k tribes. 

S. R. Drivee. 

GEM.— See Stones (Pbecious). 

GEMALLI (-^Qi ' camel - owner,' or 'my re- 
warder ').— Father of the Danite spy, Nu 13^- P. 

GEMARA.— See Talmud. 

GEMABIAH (nnja, inn?^ ' J" hath accomplished '). 
— 1. A son of Stiaphan the scribe, from whose cham- 
ber Baruch read the prophecies of Jeremiah in the 
ears of all the people. He vainly sought to deter 
king Jehoiakim from burning the roll (Jer 36^"- "• 
^2-=^). 2. A son of Hilkiah who carried a letter 
from Jeremiah to the captives at Babylon (Jer 29"). 

GENDER (a dipt form of 'engender,' which 
comes from Lat. ingcnerare, through Old Fr. en- 
gendrer, the d being excrescent after n as in 
'tender' from tener) is used in AV both transi- 
tively and intransitively, both literally and figura- 
tively. The trans, and lit. sense 'to beget' is 
common in Wyclif, as Mt 1^^ (1380) 'Abraham 
gendride, or bigate, Ysaac' ; and Ec 6' (1388) 'If 
a man gendrith an hundrid fre sones, and lyveth 
many yeris, and hath many daies of age, and his 
soule usith not the goodis of his catel, .and wantith 
biriyng; Y pronounce of this man that a deed 
borun chUd is betere than he.' It is from Wye. 
(1388) that the AV tr. of Job 38** comes, 'The 
hoary frost of heaven, who hath gendered it?' 
(njp;, Gen. ' ingendred ' ; RVm ' given it birth '). 
In Zee 13' Wye. uses the word of mother as well 
as father, 'his fader and moder that gendrideri 
hym,' and in the same verse he speaks of ' his 
fadir and modir, gendrers of hym ' ; and then in 
Gal 4-^ he employs the word of the mother alone 
= bear, bring forth children, ' ^endrin^e in to 
aeruage.' This has passed into AV (in Tindale's 
form 'which gendreth imto bondage') through all 
the intermediate versions (Gr. d% Sox'\eiav Yei'i'awra, 
RV ' bearing children unto bondage ). 




The Or. verb yonui, like the Eng. verb ' gender,' property 
refers to the father, but is used of the mother in Lk l'*- ^ 23S>, 
Jn 16*1, and in this passage. The iwning of the pMBiig« Ss 
well brought oat by Lighitoot, ' for these women an (repreeent) 
two covenanta; one of them, viAteA tnu given from Mount 
SiiHUi, bearing children unto bcmda^ ; inasmuch as she (•!▼<;) 
to Bagar.' Add Gwynne's explanation, 'As Hagar, the bond- 
woman, brought forth children unto bondage, — for Ute chiklren 
fkdlow tibe condition of their mother, — so likewise did the Sinaitic 
covenant bring forth children xmto bondage ; the (me is a fit 
representative of the other.' 

This trans, verb is used metaph. in 2 Ti 2^ ' But 
foolish and unlearned questions avoid, knowing 
t hat they do gender strifes ' {yerwQa-i fidxai ; Wye. 
• gendren chidingis,' Tind. 'gendre stryfe,' Rhem. 
' ingender braules '). 

The intrans. examples ( = ' copulate,' ' breed ') are 
Lv 19^9 and Job 21" with which cf. Shaks. Othello, 
IV. ii. 62— 

' Or keep it as a cistern, fat foul toads 
To knot and gender in.' 

T i-i A cTn^f c 

GENEALOGY.— Under this title Will be con- 
sidered — A. Biblical Genealogy in general; B. The 
(ienealogical Lists of the Tribes of Israel and a 
few other lists of names : C. Lists of persons and 
families associated with the labours of Ezra and 

A. 1. Definition. — The word genealogy (sing, 
and plur. ) occurs in OT as a tr. of the Heb. noun 
iTC: (ax. \e7. Nrfi 7') and of the denom. verb 
ZT] (only Hithp. in 1 and 2 Ch, Ezr, and Neh), 
'.\"ith the meaning of a family register or a regis- 
tration by families (1 Ch 4** o^-'- " etc.). In con- 
nexion with these registrations are often given | 
lines of descent (cf. iCh 1-9), and occasionally ' 
the pedigrees of individuals (1 Ch 2i*-^ *-^ et aL). \ 
Tables of genealogical descent also appear in OT j 
as an expansion of the word nn^n, * generations ' ; 
(cf. Gn 51 10^ 11^* etc., al^ Mt l^ ;3i',d\oj yeviaews 
'Ii7<roC 'S.fH.ffToij, LXX for n'l-T'.T t?:, • The genealogy 
of Jesus Christ,' RVm). (Jenealogies appear in two 
forms — one giving the generations in a descending i, 
scale (Gn 5, Ku 4^"^ etc.), the other in an ascend- 
ing scale (1 Ch fr"-", Ezr 7^-^ etc.). 

2. The registration of families and individuals. — 
Just when the Hebrews began to preserve fsunily 
registers it is impossible to determine. lists of 
families and of citizens for official purposes must 
have been made very early, in connexion, for ex- 
ample, with the census of Da^-id (2 S 24). Familiarity 
Nvith such enrolments is implied in the reference 
to ' the book of J" ' (Ex 32^^, Ps \2/S^% ' the book 
of life' (Ps 69=^, cf. Is 4^ Dn V2}), and they seem 
to be directly mentioned in Jer 2^, Ezk 13*. At 
the time of the giving of the Deuteronomic law- 
there must have been some way of determining 
whether one was of pure Isr. descent (Dt 23^"*). 
But in the earlier centuries of the pre-exilic period, 
when marriages probably were freely made with 
the old Can. inhabitants, and when these inhabit- 
ants were being gradually incorporated and 
amalgamated into Israel, a motive for carefully 
preser>-ing lines of indi\-idual descent is not appar- 
ent, and we have no reason to believe that such 
records were generally made. An exception, 
which is onlv probable, may have occurred in the 
case of rovalty, nobility, and perhaps the priest- 
hood. (TLe laws of inheritance seem not suffi- 
ciently complicated to have required the preserva- 
tion of family genealogies). After the restoration, 
however, when Israel had become a church, and a 
sharp line of separation was draAvn between the Jews 
and the other peoples of Palestine, and union with 
them b\- marriage had become a grievous trespass 
{ Ezr 9'~*), the case was far different. Hence, from 
the time of reforms introduced by Ezra and 
Nehemiah (c. B.C. 444), the preservation of family 
genealogies, or records of the descent of individuals, 
became a matter of special importance. Already, 

at that time, certain families were debarred from 
the office of priests because they could not produce 
genealogical registers (Ezr 2*^-«, Neh 7*^"*^). From 
then onwards care was doubtless exercised for 
their preservation. Their value is shown by the 
repeated allu-sion to them in I and 2 Ch, Ezr, and 
Neh. To become a priest, a prime requisite wa.s 
an evidence of proper pedigree. From the state- 
ment of Josephus that his pedigree was given in 
the public records (Vita, 1; cf. c. A p. L 7), it is 
prolMible that family genealogies were thus kept 
from their importance in reference to inheritance, 
marriage, redemprion of lands, and service in the 
temple. Many families at the time of Christ 
evidently had genealogical registers (Mt 1^, Lk 2*" 
322ff-, Ac 4» Ko 11^ Ph 3'). 

' Daridids, or descendants of the bouse ot David, were found 
among the Jews in the Persian, Grecian, and even as late as the 
RcMnan period (comp. Zonz, A noMcten, Xo. 5, p. 46, note 18). 
But,inc(M)aequence of the exterminating' wars and the Dispersion, 
the records of old families were lost as ^riy as the first ceatnriea. 
and even the families of the priests did not remain unpolluted 
(Jertu. KidduAin, iv. 1)' (Zunx in Asber's Jtinerarg Oif Benj. 
TSideia, iL p. 6X Julius Africanus {JSp. Aristides, v.) gives a 
tradition that Herod I. destnqred the goiealogical lists which 
were k^it at Jems., to deptwe Jewish tamiBew^ flie knowleik^ 
ci their descent. This fOory is doubtful, though reodved by 
some. (See Sacfas, Beitrage, Heft iL i^ 155iF.>. 

3. Figurative and artificial genealogies. — ^These 
appear frequently in OT. In Gn 5 an unbroken 
line of desc-ent of ten generations — from Adam to 
Noah inclusive — furnishes a chronology for the ante- 
diluvian period; in Gn 11^*"^ a similar line from 
Shem to Terah inclusive furnishes the chronology 
of the period from the Deluge to the birth of Abra- 
ham. In Gn 10 is a table of nations, presenting the 
geographical and political relationships in the form 
of a genealogy or family tree from the three sons 
of Noah. From Terah, Abraham, and Isaac is 
traced the descent of the peoples with whom Israel 
recognized a close racial union, i.e. the Arauiieans of 
N. Mesopotamia (Gn 22'-'^^), the tribes of Arabia (Gn 
25^"^), the Ammonites and Moabites (Gn 19^' >, and 
Edomites (Gn 36). These peoples, lx)th as wholes 
and in their various subdivisions, are mentioned 
as descendants from individual ancestors bearing 
generally tribal or geographical names, as though 
peoples and tribes grew out of single honaeholds. 
The same principle is applied to Israel, who is 
represented as the father of twelve sons, bearing 
the names of the twelve tribes, from whom in like 
manner sprang the various clans and fanailies of 
these tribes (cf. Gn 46*"^, Nu 26). 

This form of rejnresentation is not peculiar to OX writers. U 
is the usual way m which primitive peoples explain their <Migin 
Mtd tribal relationships. The Greeks traced their deacent bom 
Hellen, who had three sons, Dorus and Aeolus, who gave their 
names to the Dorians aad Aetdians, and Xuthus, who through 
his two sons, I<m and AduBus, became the foretether of the 
lonians »aA AchananB. But eqiecially is this the meUiod of 
Sexn. people, as is illustrated among Inael's kinsmen, the Arabs. 
Accordin«r to their writers, the inluilMtants of Arabia are ' patri- 
archal tribes formed by the subdivision of an or^^inal stock on 
tt>e sysbaa of kinship through male descendants. A tribe was 
but a larger family ; the tribal name was the name or nickname 
of a oMnmon ancestcM-. In process <rf time it broke up into two 
or mcMre tribes, each embnuang the descendants of one of the 
great ancestor's sens, and tidong its name fran him. Tbese 
tribes were i^;ain divMed and subdivided on the same princqile.' 
' Between a nation, a tribe, a sept or sub-tiibe and a family, 
there is no difference on this theory, except in sise and distance, 
from a common ancestor' (W. R. Smith. Kindtip and Marries 
in Early ArtMa, pp. 3L). This likewise seems to have been 
the new in Israel, aiod is especially worked out in P. (Host <^ 
the genealogical taUes and tribal and fiunily l^ta in the Hex. 
belong to tius documentX 

WTule in some instances tribes, clans, or families 
take their name from historic persons, — some Arabic 
clans are thus nskmed {Kinship, p. 15: Sprenger, 
Mohammed, iii. p. cxxxvi. Jour. Bibl. Lit. voL xi. 
1892, p. 120), — in genealogical lists the founders of 
tribes, clans, and families are usually to be re- 
garded as eponymous heroes, for countries and 
cities are frequently mentioned as parents (Miz- 




raim (in 10'*, Canaan 10", Gilead Jg IP, Hebron 
1 Ch 2**, et al.). Under the form of family experi- 
ence are given events of tribal life (Gn 38. See 
G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 289 ; Stade, Gesch. i. 
pp. 157 f. ; Moore on Jg l"""). Elder sons prob. 
represent earlier or more powerful tribes and lami- 
lies ; marriages their coalitions, the weaker being 
perhaps tlie wife, and an inferior a concubine ; 
untimelj' deaths their disappearances ; dilierent 
relationships of the same person political or geo- 
graphical changes or diflerent traditions (cf. Stade, 
Gesch. i. p. ;W). But many genealogical stories 
and relationships originated evidently in folk- 
tales, and hence they jiresent a minghng of fact 
and fancy, and the relationships of father, mother, 
wife, son, daughter, etc., cannot be interpreted 
upon any uniform theory in respect to the precise 
meaning of eacli. 

Where j^edigrees for generations of remote anti- 
quity are given (Gn 5. ll""*', 1 Ch 2»-i- G^-^ et al.), 
tliey probably do not rest upon authentic records, 
but are artilicial. 

' Life in tbe Orient is much too unsafe, and the changes much 
too ffcesA, for one to expect to find family records of several 
centuries. Moreover, in the desert [and so generally under 
nomadic conditions which Israel for centuries experienced] 
family archives are unimaginable, and it is sheer nonsense to 
believe that all the branches of a family tree could be preserved 
by raemorj- ' (Sprenger, Mohammed, iii. p. cxli). 

This statement, made in view of Arabian gene- 
alogies, is equally applicable to those of early man- 
kind and Israel. These, too, when they present a 
continuous line of descent from father to son, are 
the conjectures of later ages (see CHRONOLOGY of 
OT). They are, however, not the fruit of a spirit 
of deception, but of good faith with poetic imagina- 
tion in vindicating family rights and privileges, 
and religious institutions, or in glorifying the 
family and national and religious heroes. The 
impufse for the formation of such pedigrees is 
synchronous Avith the stress laid upon purity of 
descent and the actual keeping of family gene- 
alogies. Tlie names introduced were not usually 
inventions, but taken from legend and story, 
representing often historical persons, families, and 

These artilicial pedigrees abound in Arabic gene- 
alogies (see Sprenger), and also occur in Jewish 
writings — for example, the Seder Olam sutta. 
(Zunz, Gottcsdicnstliche Vortrdge, Berlin, 1892, pp. 
142 ti". ; Asher, Jtincr. of Benj. of Tudela, vol. ii. 
pp. 6 ft-.). 

B. The Genealogical Lists of the Twelve 
Tribes. — These lists are found almost exclusively 
in Gn ■i&--*. Ex 6"-'-«, Nu 26»■«■^ 1 Ch 1-9. They 
exhibit diti'erent sources, and have suffered much 
in transcription, especially those in Chronicles, 
.so that we often have little more than a con- 
fused mass of names, which defy any proper genea- 
logical treatment. The genealogies are partially 
figurative and artificial, ami partially genuine 
family records ; but where the exact line is to 
be drawn betAveen those due to fancy or theory 
and those due to records cannot always be deter- 
mined. In some instances tliere may be a com- 
mingling of Ijoth elements. The Avhole history 
liehind these genealogies is very obscure ; hence 
the explanatory notes, when they depart from a 
recital of mere facts, must be received as tenta- 
tive. The lists are prepared also primarily for 
the pHrix>se of locating OT proper names in this 
Dictionary, and many names are given which 
probably represent no real persons or families, 
but have arisen from textual errors. 

N.B. The tribes are indicated by Rom. numerals. The vari- 
ous lists under each tril)€, K''i>ui>fd by generations, pedigrees, 
or other 1'la.ssifications given in OT, are numbered with Anil)ic 
nnmenils. providing a ine.'ins of cross - referencr. Hiiivv 

(Clarendon) tj-pe indicates the father of tli , . iiersons 

whose name or names immediately follow, italics indicate a 
son of the preceding and the fatlicr oi the succeeding ^a con- 
tinuous line of descent from father to son is indicated by a 
succession of names in italics). The child or children of the 
person named in heavy type or italics immediately preceding 
are given in ordinary type. Mothers' nuiiies are placed in 
brackets before their children. The following abbreviations 
are used : d. daughter, f. father or father of, m. motht-r, s. son 
of, ss. 8on» of. 

Since these lists are found mainly in 1 Ch, the following 
abbreviations are used referring to its" literature : 

Be. = E. Bertheau in Kgf. Handb. 1873 ; Ke. = C. F. Keil in Bible 
Comrn. [1872]; Ki.=:R. Kittel in the SaerejH Bookt of the OT, 
a critical edition of the Heb. Text, 189,") ; Kau. = E. Kautz^tch in 
JHe Heilige Schriftd. a. T. uberitetzt uiul herawigeijcben, 1894; 
Oe. = S. Oettli in Kgf. Komm. 1889 ; Sni. = R. Smencf, Die Listen 
der Biicher Ezra uiul Nehemiah, 1881; We. =J. Wellhausen, 
De Gentibug et Familiig Jvdceit muv 1 Chr. 2. 4. enumerantur, 
1870; We. J'rol.-J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the IIi»tory of 
Israel, 1885; Zoe.=0. Zoeckler in Lange's Commentary, 1870. 
[Unfortunately, Gray's Studies in Heh. Proper Names and 
Hommel's Anc. Ueb. Tradition both appeared -too late for use 
in the present article]. 

Jacob: (m. Leah) Reuben (l.), Simeon (ll.), Levi 
(III.), Ju(hih (IV.), Is.sachar (v.), Zebulun (VI.), d. 
Dinah ; (m. Kachel) Joseph (Manasseh and 
Ephraim) (vii.*''), Benjamin (viii.); (m. BUhah) 
Dan (IX.), Naphtali (x.); (m. Zilpah) Gad (XL), 
Asher (XII.), Gn 35«''-»', cf. 29=*i-30=" 35" 46»-» 
49--=", Ex p-» etc. 

This genealogy is a reflection of a more or less artificial 
division of Israel into twelve tribes (cf. the twelve sons of Ish- 
mael, Gn 26i3-i«). The history and the sentiment which occa- 
sioned such a motherhood, as well as the order of birth of these 
tribes, and the placing of a daughter among them, is only 
partially clear (see I8R.*f.l, and Stade, Gesch. i. 145 ff.). 

1. 1. REUBEN: Hanoch, Pallu (2), Hezron, Carmi, 
Gn 46», Ex &\ Nu 26"-, 1 Ch 5^. 

2. Pallu (1) : Eliab, Nemuel, Dathan, Abiram, 
Nu 268'-. 

3. Joel (A)''., Shemaiah, Gog, Shimei, Micah, 

Beaiah, Baal, Beerah, 1 Ch o'"^-. 

4. — Joel (3) ?, Shema, Azaz, Bela, 1 Ch 5^ 

5. Jeiel, Zechariah, 1 Ch 5". 

Hanoch, Pallu, Hezron, and Carmi are names of clans (Nu 20*), 
of which we know nothing further. Hanoch appears also as a 
clan of Midian (Gn 25^), and Hezron as one of Judah (Nu 2()'-i) ; 
Nemuel is mentioned only in this connexion. For Dathan and 
Abiram see Korah. The relation of Joel to any of the four sons 
of Reuben is not given. Ki., after Sam. and Arab. VSS, removes 
Joel and inserts Carmi, but the Joel of vv.* and 8 may be the 
same (Be.) ; Shema (v. «)= Shemaiah or Shimei. Beerah (1 Ch 5«) 
was a prince of the Reubenites, carried away by Tiglath-pileser. 
Bela, with whom Jeiel and Zechariah are associated, repre- 
sented a powerful clan, occupying a wide extent of territory 
(1 Ch 58f). 

II. 1. SIMEON: Jemuel,* Jamin, Ohad,t Jachin,t 
Zohar,§ (m. Canaanitess) Shaul (2), Gn 46i», Ex 6", 
Nu 26^•''-l^ 1 Ch 4'^^ 

2. Shaul (1) : Shallum, Mibsam, Mishma, Ham- 
muel, Zaccur, Shimei, sixteen sons and six 
daughters, 1 Ch 42»-=". 

3. [A list of princes], Meshobab, Jamlech, 
Jo.shah, (s. Amaziah) Joel, Jehu, (s. Joshibiah, s. 
Seraiah, s. Asiel) Elioenai, Jaakobah, Jesho- 
haiah, Asaiah, Adiel, Jesiraiel, Benaiah, Ziza, (s. 
Shiphi, s. Allon, s. Jedaiah, s. Shimri, s. She- 
maiah) 1 Ch 4="-=*«. 

4. Ishi, Pelatiali, Nir.riah, Rcphaiah, 

Uzziel, 1 Ch 4«. 

The descent of Shaul from a Canaanitess mother (Gn 461*, 
Ex 616) implies a clan of mixed Isr. and Can. elements. No- 
thing further than their mention is known of the other clans. 
(On the early disappearance of Simeon see Simeon). Mibsam 
and Mishma (2) are names also of Ishmael's descendants (Gn 251'*, 
1 Ch 1*^, and suggest a mingling of Simeonites with the Arabians. 
The princes (3) represent families of shepherfls which, in the 
reign of Hczekiah, had conquered for themselves a dwelling- 
place near Gerar (1 Ch 439-^1, Ge<lor -MT, Gerar LXX, Ki.). The 
sons of Ishi are captains who went to Mt. Seir, and, smiting the 
Amalekites, abode there (1 (;h 4« -B). 

We. {Prol. pp. 212 f.) doubts the historicity of the Chronicler's 
notices of the continued existence of the tribes of Reuben and 
Simoon during the Heb. monarchy ; Stade also, of Simeon 
{Gesch. i. p. 1.55). On the other" hand, Graf thought that the 

• Nemuel, Nu 2612, 1 Ch 4'«. 

t Wanting 1 Ch 4«, Nu 26»2-»4. 

t Jarib, 1 Ch 424. § Zerah, 1 Ch 43^. 




tribes had not entirely died oat, and saw historical movements 
of their remnants in'the Chronicler's statements {Der Stamm 
Sinifon. pp. ii S.). This is more probable. 

III. 1. Levi: Ger8hon(2) (3),* Kohath(9), Merari 
(31), Gn 4»5". Ex 6»«, Nu 3" 26*^, 1 Ch 6»- »« 23«. 

2. Gershon (1> (3) : Libni (6), (Ladan (7)), Shimei 
(8), E.X G '. Xu 3»», 1 Ch 6" 23*. 

libni and Ladan (1 Ch SSf-s 26*1) evidently represent the same 
dan. Libni is derived from the priestly dty Libnah. Why 
I'f'S^a (n*^) should be its equivalent is not clear. PossiUy 
Taaiitih (•*!^^) (1 Ch 4^) — if a town — and Libnah were identical, 
and Ladan (J^''?) is to be connected with the former. Or Ladan 
niay have been a pure clan or famOy name, and Libni one 
taken fr-^m place of residence. 

3. Gershon (1) (2) : Jnhath, Shimei, Zimmah, 
Ethan. Adaiah, Zerah, Ethni, Malchijah, Baa- 
seiah. Michael, Shimea, Berechiah, Asaph, Zaccur 
(4), Joseph, Nethaniah, Asharelah.t 1 Ch 6»-° 25*. 

The pedigree of Asaph the singer (see Asaph)l His four sons, 
aoc to the Chronicler, were appointed by David for the service 
of song in the house of the Lord (ICh 251^ >. See also (6X and see 
notes under (22*i>)k 

4. Zaccor (3) :* Micaiah,% Mattaniah (5), She- 
mnioh, Jonathan, Zechariah, Xeh 12**. 

The peflisree of Zecdiariah, a musician who, with his brethren, 
i.i. fe" '^' musicians, Sbemiuah, A2arel, Milalai, Gilalai, Maai, 
Netha:.'ri. Judah, Hanani, took part in the dedication of the 
wall oi Jems. CN'ehl?*f-'*); Mattimiahin this pedigree evidently 
corresy-onds to the M. who was ' chief to begin the thanksgiving 
in praver' (Xeh lli'O; mentioned also as a resid«it of Jeras. 
(ICh •.'■■->. 

5. Mattaniah (4) : Hashahiah, Bant, Uzzi, Neh 

The pedigree of Uzzi, an overseer of the Levites at Jeras. 
(Xeh 11—), whose descent is given thus from Mica (Micaiah) (i), 
of the sons of Asaph. Another line of descent from a Mattaniah of 
the ss. Asaph is given in 2 Ch 201*, yix. Mattaniah : Jeiel, Ben- 
aiah, Zechariah, Jahaidel. Jahaziel was the Levite who en- 
couraged, by divine inspiration, Jehoshaphat and his people, 
prior to the battle with the children of Ammon, Moab, and Mt. 
Seir (-2 Ch yfi^l 

6. Libni (2) : Jafutth, Zimmah, Joah, Iddo, Zerah, 

Jeatlierai, 1 Ch 6««-. 

Jeatherai CTfiX*), otherwise unknown, is evidently Ethni 
(."SS*) (v. 26), and (6) is a fragment of a pedigree of Asaph (3). 
(Cf . the similar names ; so Be. ; Zoe. rejects this assumption). 
Iddo 0™)prob.= Adaiah (."t;T2); Joah (riKV), perhaps through 

textual corrupt ion = Ethan Qp'x). 

7. Ladan (2) : Jehiel, Zetham, Joel, (ss. Shimei) 
Shelomoth, Haziel, Haran, 1 Ch 23«-, cf. 26«. 

8. Shimei (2) : Jahath, Zina,!; Jeush, Beriah, 1 Ch 

These ' sens ' (7) and (S) of Ladan and Shimei, ace. to the 
Chronicler, represented Levitical houses of the time of David. 
Zetham and Joel (7), as the sons of Jehieli, were placed over the 
treasuries of the house of the Lord (1 Ch 2622). xhe introduc- 
tion of ss. Shimei (7) as subordinate to Ladan (1 Ch 23^) is diffi- 
cult of explanation. ProbaUy genealogies varied ; cf. Jahath 
s. Libni in (6), and Shimei s. Jahath in (3X 

9. Kohathfl): Amram (10), Izhar (21), Hebron 
(27), Uzziel .28), Ex 6'^ Xu S^^, 1 Ch 6" ^^ 23*2. 

10. Amram (9) : (m. Jochebed) Aaron (11), Moses 
(18). Miriam, Ex &^, Nu 26», 1 Ch 6* 23^^. 

11. Aaron (10) : Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar (12), 
Ithamar. Ex 6=3, Nu 26«, 1 Ch 6» 24^ 

12. Eleazar (11): Phinehas, Abishua, Bukki, 
Uzzi, Zcrahiah, Mcraioth, Amariak,Ahitub,Zadok, 
Ahimoaz, Azariah, Johanan, Azariah, Amariah, 
Ahitub. Zadok, Shalltnn, Hilkiah, Azariah, Sera- 
iah, Jehozadak,*: 1 Ch 6*"", cf. Ezr 7^-* i.e. (14). 

Eleazar, with whom this pedigree starts, was, according to P, 
Aaron's successor (Xu 20*), and priest at the time of the con- 
quest of Canaan (Joe Xi^). Phinehas is mentioned as his 9oa 
and ='-<=-;- . Tos 24», Jg 2028). Seraiahthe t Jehozadak, with 
\^'' -Tee closes, was chief priest at the faO of Jeras. 

(K vaa taken captive and put to death at Biblah 

(■- .: — . .^hile Jehozadak went into captivity (1 Ch &^). 

♦ Gershom. 1 Ch ftisr.. 

t Zabdi. Xeh 11" ; Zichri, 1 Ch fti^. 

f Mica, Xeh 1122. 

^ Jozadak. Ezr 3* et al. 

t Jesharelah, 1 Ch 251*. 
E Zizah, 1 Gh 23U. 

Hence this ped^^ree, according to the Chronider's view (that 
of P) of the origin o( Israel's reUgious instituticMis, was designed 
to fitmisb a list of high i»ieat8 from the entrance into Canaan 
until the Captivit}-.* As racfa a list, this line of descent preseau 
certain strilong features. (1) There is no mentkm of the line of 
priesthood, KlT: Pkinduu, AMbtb, AUmdedk, Abiathar (1 8 14^ 
&"), unless Ahitob f. Zakkric (r.S) is identical with Ahitub f. 
Ahimeledi. This, however, is unprohsble, since the ranoral of 
AtNathar, in wliose |dace Zadok was establisiied, is regarded as 
a fulfilment of the vrapbeay d ib» disestablishment of the 
house of Eli (1 K 2>r-»).t 

(2) Jehcusda (2 K U», 2 Ch 22", etcX and Urijah (2 K 16»*), 
are not maiti<Hied, and the order of the priests appears incor- 
rect. Amariah was chief priest in the reign of Jehosha{diat 
(2 Ch 19U). The next priests mentioned in the historical books 
are Atariah in the reign of Uzziah (2 Ch 26?>). and HTTlriah in 
the rogn of Josiah (2 K 22*, 2 Ch siS). In this list, however, 
there is no .\zariah between Amariah and Hilkiah. 

(3) The number of ptiestB, including Aan», frran the Exodus 
to the Captivity, is euctly 23. Allowing forty years, or a genersr 
tion, for each, this gives 40 x 12-^40 x 11 years. Now, according 
to the artificial chronology of P, Jg, 1 and 2 K, 1 and 2 Ch (see 
Chsoj^olost or OT), 480 yean elapsed from the Exodus to the 
founding of Sokanon's temple (1 K &■}, and 480 years from thence 
to the founding of the second temple, and the Captivity occurrwl 
in the elevenUi generation of th& second poiod. Hence these 
22 names seem dioeen to fit exacts into this dirtMKdogiad 
scheme. This is still further seen in the statement — transferring 
lOb to 9>> (Be. Oe. Zoe.)— that Azariah tiie 13th priest (indndii^ 
Aarcm) ministered in Sokaooa's tonple. 

(4) There is a suipiisii^ number of names occurring more 
tlMn once. Such repe ti tion, whfle possible in a genuine pedi- 
gree, has decidedly * saqncioia look, as though yie names were 
used ami^y to rqwesent so wndx time. 

Hence, in view of these facts, it is evident that this list of 
name^ oorering many centuries, does not rest entirdy npon 
hi8t«»ical reoorcb, hut, as a whole, is artificial. This accords with 
tiie modern critical view of the late c»isin of the Levitical law 
and instltodons {OTJC, Lect. ix.-xiiL ; LOI* pp. 126-15©). The 
explsnation of Josephus mentioned is not hosed upon facts, but 
is a moe surmise. That this list should not be in harmony 
with statements elsewhere io 1 and 2 Ch shows that it prob- 
ably did not originate with the author of Chronicles, but 
represented a notion about the line of priests, varying from 
that which he elsewhere followed. Ki. assigns it to the" subse- 
quent additions of 1 and 2 Ch. (On this list see We. Pro/. 
pp. 22?ff.). 

13. Jehozadak (12) : Jeshua, Joiakim, Eliashib, 
Joiada, Jonathan, Jaddna, Ezr 3*, Neh 12^**-. 

This genealogy brings the list of high priests down to the 
time of Alexander the Great (Josephus, Ant. TX. viiL 4). 

14. AaFon (10): Eleazar (11), Phinehas (12), AU- 
shua, Bukki, Uzzi, ZeraAiah, Meraioth, Azariah, 
Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok, ShaUum, HUkiah, Azar- 
iah, Seranah, Ezra, Ezr 7^*'. 

This ancestry of Ezra, the priest and scribe (see Eziu), is 
evidently the same as that of Jehoadak (12) nren in a shorter 
form. Ezra appears to have been a descraidant, probably a 
great-grandson, of Seraiah f. JdxiMdak, through a younger 
brottier. Of similar descent is Aisriah (Seraiah, Neh'llU) s. 
HUkiah, s. Meafaullam (=ShallumX s. Zadok, s. Meraioth, s. 
Ahitub, menti<med among the priests residing in Jerns. (1 C!h 
911, Xeh llU). Seraiah is probably the correct reading, since the 
substitution of Azariah nugfat be suggested by 1 Ch &^, but not 
the converse. The two names appear, however, ^sewhere 
interchanged (cL Ezr 2* with Kefa 7^ This Seraiah repre- 
sented a division of the post-exilic priests in Jeras. (Xeh 11 lu.). 
That he should belong to the high print's family has been 
thought striking (Sm. p. 8X 

15. .Jehoiarib, Jedaiah, Harim, Seorim, Mal- 
chijah (16), Mijamin, Hakkoz, Abijah, Jeshua, 
Shecaniah, Eliashib, .Jakim, Huppah, Jeshebeab, 
Bilgah, Imnier(17), Hezir, Happizzez, Pethahiah, 
Jehezkel, Jachin, Gamul, Delaiah, Maaziah, 1 Ch 

* The ofaservatiott on Aw>riah in t.^O also shows this. 

t The Jewish explanation of these bets, given by Josephus, 
is that the family of Phinehas s. ol Aaron, represented in (12X 
at first held the high priesthood, and afterwards it was trans- 
ferred in Eli to the faniuly (A Ithamar s. Aaron, who held the 
priesthood imtil ZadoVs establishment, which restored it again 
to the &mily of Phinehas, which had in the meantime been in 
private life (Jos. Ant. t. xi. 5, vrn. L 3). This explanation has 
Tisnally been received. (Ke. thinks that alter the slaughter of 
the iniests at Kob the tabernacle was moved to Gibeon, and the 
high priesthood intrusted to ZadtA's father, and thus, during 
the re^^ of David, Zadok was miest at Gibeon H Ch \&^, and 
Abiatl^ at Jerusalem). The Chnmicler evidently held to this 
double line of priests, for he say^ that both Eleazar and 
Ithamar execut«l the priest's office, and places Sladok as the 
representative of the former and Ahimdech (evidently A biath a r 
s. Ahimelech) as representing the latter at the time of David 
0. Ch 24i*>. 




These are the names of the heads of the twenty-four courses 
of priests, sixteen taken from the ss. Eleazar and eight from the 
BH. Ithaiiiar, who, ace. to the Ohroniclcr, were nssijfned by 
David for service in the house of the Lord. Jehoiarib, Jcdaiah, 
and Jachin appear also among the prieuta or priestly families 
of the post-exilic inhabitants of Jerus. (1 Ch O'O, Neh 1U«). 

16. Malchijah (15) : Pashhur, Jeroham, Adaiah, 
1 Ch 91-. 

17. Iramep(15): Meshillemith, Meshullam, Jah- 
zerah, Adiel, Maasai, 1 Ch 9", cf. Neh IV^: 

Adaiah (10) and Maasai (VV 5 = 'D?'5^ Amashsai, Neh 1113) 
(17) are among the post-ex. priests or priestly families of Jeru- 
saluni. In Neh 1W^<- the pedigrees are sli),'htly different, i.e. 
Malchijah, Pashhur, Zechariah, Amzi, rclaliah, Jeroham, 
Adaiah ; Immer, Methillemoth, Ahzai, Azarel, Amashsai. 

18. Moses (10): Gershom (19), Eliezer (20), Ex 
182'-, 1 Ch 23". 

19. Gerahom (18) : Shebuel,* Jehdeiah, 1 Ch 23", 

20. Eliezer (18): Rehabinh, Isshiah,f Joram, 
Zichri, Shelomoth, 1 Ch 23" 24=^ 26«. 

Of these descendants of Moses, who, ace. to the Chronicler, 
represented Levites of the time of David, Shebuel (19) and 
Shelomoth (20) were rulers of the treasuries. A certain con- 
fusion appears in the different lengths of descent assigned to 
each, and in the fact that Jehdeiah (19) and Isshiah (20) appear 
as their contemporaries (see ref.). The LXX obviates this by 
reading Eliezer, Rehabiah, Isshiah, Joram, Zichri, Shelomoth 
(1 Ch 2G2''). 

21. Izhar (9) : Korah (22»''), Nepheg, Zichri, Ex 

22*. Korah (21) : Assir, Elkanah, Ebiasaph (24), 
Assir, Tuhuth, Uriel, Uzziah, Shaul [Elkanah], 
Amasai, Ahimoth (ss. Elkanah), Zophai, Nahath, 
Eliab, Jeroham, Elkanah, Samuel (LXX), Joel 
(Syr. RV), Abiah, 1 Ch Q--^. 

Korah in this list appears as the son of Amminadab (see 

22''. Korah (21): Ebiasaph (24), Assir, Tahath, 
Zephaniah, Azariah, Joel, Elkanah, Amasai, Ma- 
hath, Elkanah, Zuph, Toah, Eliel, Jeroham, 
Elkanah, Samuel, Joel, Heman (23), 1 Ch 6^-^. 

These two lines of descent (22») and (22'>) are evidently the 
same (Be. Zoe. Oe.), as may be clearly shown by placing the 
names in parallel columns side by side. 







Assir Elkanah Ebiasaph. 


































1 Abiah. 


In respect to the variations : Amminadab appears in Ebt 623 
as tlie father-in-law of Aaron, and may liave been placed for 
Izhar in (22») through an oversight. Assir and Elkanah are 
either redundant in (22») through a similar cause or have fallen 
out from (22'>). Uriel and Zephaniah are ditticult to explain as 
equivalents. The names Uzziah and Azariah are interchange- 
able (as in the case of the well-known king of JudahX The 
tlifferences between the other corresponding names have prob- 
ably arisen through transcription. The context clearly de- 
mands the addition of ' Samuel his son ' in v.27 and ' Joel ' in v. 28. 

This pedigree is clearly artificial. A portion of its construc- 
tion comes from 1 8 li, where Elkanah is mentioned as s. 
Jeroham, 8. Elihu, s. Tohu, s. Zuph. Zuph is probablv a 
district, and Tohu (Toah Nahath) a family (cf. Tahath 1 Ch 720 ; 
We. Prol. p. 220). The story of Samuel shows distinctly that 
he was not a Levitc, for then he would have belonged to the 
Lord without the gift of his mother (1 S l27f.). He is made a 
Levite by the Chronicler according to the notions of his own 
times respecting Samuel's service at the sanctuan'. 

The motive for this pedigree of Heman, and also those of 
Asaph (3) and Jeduthun (Ethan) (36), is very apparent. At the 

* Shubael, 1 Ch 2420. 

t Jeshaiab, 1 Oh ^ 

time of the Chronicler there were three guilds of singers, named 
after Asaph, Heman, and Ethan (1 Ch m^) or Jeduthun (1 Oh 
2.')'). reckoned as belonging to the three great Levitical houses 
of CSershon, Kohath, and Merari. The Chronicler as-sumes that 
this organization of singers dated from David, but in reality it 
was quite modern, for, according to Ezr 2*1 Neh 7**, ss. Asaph 
and singers were equivalent, and the singers were distinct from 
the Levites. (This distinction is held by 8m. p. 26 ; OTJCi 

&204; Baudissin, Gegch. det A. T. Priesterthuins, p. 142 ff.; 
owack, Ueb. Arch. ii. p. Ill ; on the other hand, Torrey 
claims that no such distinction can be found in Ezr and Neh., 
Cotnp. aTul Hist. Value of Kzr and Neh, p. 22 f.). Gradually, 
however, sing^ers were evolved into Levites and the three giiilds. 
Remains of steps of this evolution and fluctuating traditions 
appear in the Levitical genealogies. In Ex 0^' the three ss. 
Korah are Assir, Elkanah, and Abiosaph ( = Ebiasaph), i.e. f. 
Asaph, and hence we should expect to find Asaph a descendant 
of Korah, but, according to (3), he is not. Also we find Assir 
and Elkanah placed not co-ordinate but following each other 
(21»*'). Different genealogists certainly worketl over these 
names. (22») (22'») ore assigned by Ki. to different sources; 
(22») to the older. The ss. Korah appearing in the titles of the 
Ps (42. 44-49. 84. 85. 87. 88) probably mark a step in this evolu- 
tion earlier than the formation of the three guilds. Korah in 
1 Ch 2*3 is associated with Tappuah as a son of Hebron. This 
indicates either a place or Judsan family of that name from 
whose Levites originated the Levitical Korahites (We. It. und 
Jiid. Gesch. p. 151 f.). 

23. Heman (22''): Bukkiah, Mattaniah, Uzziel,* 
Shebuel.t Jerimoth, Hananiah, Hanani, Eliathah, 
Giddalti, Romamti-ezer, Joshbekashah, Mallothi, 
Hothir, Mahazioth, 1 Ch 25*. 

These fourteen sons of Heman were appointed by David, ace. 
to tho Chronicler, for the service of song in the house of the 
Lord (1 Ch 256- ''■31). This list of names is most interesting, since 
prob. from Hananiah (^n^<'7^< '^jq ■"'^WD), certainly from Giddalti 
(nk'inD Tnin 'fiiV? njSjj^^; nij^ 'RD^hi 'b^":), they are a frag- 
ment of a hymn or psalm which perhaps originally read : 'Be 
gracious to me, J" ; he gracious to me 1 thou art my God. I 
have magnified and exalted the help of liim sitting in distress, 
I have declared abundantly visions ' ('ripiiJ njjx '^N 'JsO "^l 'WO 
fiNVno Triin 'nite nyij 2V- iiy 'Pcph)). There is some doubt 
about the exact rendering and construction of these lines (cf. 
Ewald, Auifiihr. Lehrbuchd. Ueb. Spraehe, p. 680 ; ZAW, 1886, 
p. 260 ; We. Prol. p. 219 ; Oe. Kau. Ki. in loco), but none about 
the names, at least the last six, being fastiioned out of such a 
prayer or meditation. 

24. Ebiasaph (22*'') : Kore, Shallimi, Meshele- 
miaht(25), 1 Ch 9i» 26i. 

25. Meshelemiah:;: (24): Zechariah, Jediael, 
Zebadiah, Jathniel, Elam, Jehohanan, Eliehoenai, 
1 Ch 262'-. 

In (24) (25) we have families of porters or door-keepers as- 
signed by the Chronicler to the time of David. It is possible 
that Shallum and Meshelemiah or Shelemiah represent the same 
person or family (Be. Oe.). M.'s descent is given through Kore 
from Asaph (1 Ch 261), evidently to be read Ebiasaph (LXX B, 
Ki. RVm). With Shallum are associated Akkub, Talmon, and 
Ahiman (1 Ch 917). Akkub and Talmon appear as porters in 
post-exilic Jerus. (Neh 1119). Zechariah (25) is mentioned 1 Ch 

The Chronicler doubtless designed also that Obed-edom the 
door-keeper, with his sons Shemaiali, Jehozabad, Joah, Sacar, 
Nethancl, Ammiel, Issachar, and Peullethai, and the ss. Shema- 
iah, Othni, Rephael, Obed, Elzabad, Elihu, and Scmachiah, 
should be enrolled among the Korahites (1 Ch 26*"-i9)(Ke. Zoe.), 
although Obed-edom's descent from Jeduthun (iCh 1C38) would 
suggest that he belonged to the Merarites. That this Obed- 
edom is intended to represent Obed-edom the Gittitc (2S CiO'-, 
ICh 1313), transformed, like Samuel f22ai>), into a Levite, is most 
probable, although the contrary has oeen maintained. (Ke. also 
distinguishes between the singer Obed-edom and the door- 
keeper Obed-edom (1 Ch 1521- '■")). 

26. : S}ielomoth,% Jahath, 1 Ch 24*-. 

These are mentioned as Izharites of the time of David. Their 
descent is not given more specifically. 

27. Hebron (9) : Jeriah, || Amariah, Jahaziel, 
Jekameani, 1 Ch 22,^^ 24'-°. 

These Ilebronitcs are mentioned as serving in the house of 
the Lord at the time of David (1 Ch 232*). i„ the family of 
Hebron we may have a perpetuation of the old line of priests, 
subordinated into Levites, who originally ministered at the 
sanctuary of Hebron ; at any rate the name must be associated 
with Levites residing in Hebron. Jeriah (Jcrijah) is mentioned 
in 1 Ch 26318- as the chief whose brcthrtn weri; appointed by 
David overseers of the Reubenites, Gadit«8, and the half-tribe 
of the Manassites ' for every matter pertaining to Go<l and for 
the affairs of the king.' A Hashabiiw of the Hebronites, with 

* Azarel, ICh 2518. 
} Shelemiah, 1 Ch 26". 
I Jerijah, 1 Ch 2031. 

t Shubael, ICh 2530. 
§Shelomith, ICbSSU. 




his brethren, is given a similar position of ' oversight of Israel 
beyond Jordan westward' (v.w). Eliel is mentioned as the 
chief of the Hebronitee at the removal of the ark (iCh IS^X 

28. Uzziel (9) : Mishael, Elzaphan, Sithri, Ex 6*» ; 
Micah (29), Isshiah (30), 1 Ch 23» 24»«^. 

Sithri is mentioned only in E:: 6^. Mishael and Elzaphan 
in Lv 10* are commanded to carry out of the camp the bodies 
of Kadab and Abihu. Elizapban (= Elzaphan) in Xu 33<> is 
appointed prince of the families of the Kohathites. As a family 
name it appears in 1 Ch 158, 2 Ch 29". To Micah and Isstuah 
is assignea ^neral Levitical senice along with the Hebronites 
(27) (see above). 

29. Micah (28) : Shamir, 1 Ch 24^. 

30. Isshiah (28) : Zechariah, 1 Ch 2i^. 

Nothing special is assigned to these Uzzielites (29) (30% who 
are given among ss. Levi (rf the time of David (see ref.). An 
Amminadab was the chief of the Uzzielites at the time of the 
removal of the ark (1 Ch ISIO). 

31. Merari (1): Malili (3-) (35^), Mushi (34), 
Jaaziah ? (38), Ex G'^, Nu 3« 1 Ch 6i» 23» 24^. 

It is possible that the family Hoshi (T'2) derived their name 
from Moses ("t^:) (We. It. und Jud. Getdu p. 151 f.). On the 
appearance of Jaaziah, among ss. Merari, mentioned in 1 Ch 24%, 

see below (3i). 

32. MahU i3l) : Eleazar, Kish (33), 1 Ch 23^. 

33. Kish > 32) : Jerahmeel, 1 Ch 24-^. 

34. Mushi (31) : Mahli (35), Eder, Jerimoth, 
1 Ch 24^0. 

These Merarites (31)-(34) are recorded as in general Leritical 
service at the rime of Da\id (see ref. and 1 Ch 2S3* 2431). 

35». Mahli (34): ShcTner, Bani, Amzi, HUkiah, 
Amaziah, Hashabiak, Malluch, Abdi, Kishi,* Jedu- 
thun (Ethan) (36) (37), 1 Ch 6**-*^. 

Instead of Jeduthan we have the name Ethan in 1 Ch Q", bat 
both names are undoubtedly designed to indicate one and the 
same person (Be. Ke. Oe. Zoe.). Ct on this pedigree the re- 
marks on 22»'>. 

35". Mahli (31) or (34) : LUmi, Shimei, Uzzah, 
Shimea, Haggiah, Asaiah, 1 Ch 6'^-. 

The pedigree of an otherwise unknown Aisaiah Be. regards 
it as a fragment, in spite of the great difference of namea, repre- 
senting originally the same line of descent as that seen in the 
first members of 36*. Ee. Zoe. and Oe. reject this hypothesis. 

36. Jeduthan (35») : Gedaliah, Zeri, t Jeshaiah, 
Hashabiah, Mattithiah, Shimei, 1 Ch 25*. 

These six sons (Shimei is derived from 1 Ch 2517), with their 
father, were assigned by David, ace to the Chronicler, to the 
service of song in the house of the Lord (ref.X 

37. Jeduthan (SS*") : Galal, Shemaiah,t Obadiah, § 
IChOis, Xehlli'. 

Obadiah is mentioned among the Levites residing in Jems, 
after the Exile (ref.). 

38. Ja&zlah (31), Beno? Shoh^un, Zaccur, Ibri, 

I Ch 24- . 

Beno Cu3 'his son,' LXX, Vulg. RV) arises from a clear 
misonderstanding of the Heb. text, and should be struck out of 
tlie list of sons. It is the common noun (|Z) with the pro- 
nominal ending, and should be rendered ' his son,' i.e. Jaaziah 
is the son of Merari. The MT is diificult and probably corrupt 
(see Be. Oe. KL). Ke. and Zoe. regard the references to Jaa^h 
and his sons as a gloss. The name Ibri (ir;) ' Hebrew," is notice- 
able, and shoT\-s at once that we are in a post-exilic or relatively 
late period of Israel's history. 

39. Hosah : Shimri, Hilkiah, Tebaliah, Zechariah, 
1 Ch 26i«-. 

Hosah of the ss. Merari (closer descent is not given), with his 
sons and brethren, all of whom numbered 13, is recorded among 
the door-keepers of the house of the Lord of the time of David. 
To him and Shuppim (L'jr) was given the charge of tlie gate 
• Shallecheth ' westward. The name Shuppim, however, is a ditto- 
graphy from the preceding C'=zsn ' the storehouse,' smd is to 
be struck out (KL) 0- Ch 2610-16). 

* Kushaiah, ICh 151". 
J Shammua, Jfeh 111". 

tizri, ICh 2517. 
§ Abda, Xeh U17. 

Additional Li.sts of LEAaxEs. 

40. Of the reign of David : a. Uriel (.ss. Kohath), 
Asaiah (ss. Merari), Joel (s-s. (Jershom), Shemaiaii 
(ss. Elizaphan), Eliel (ss. Hebron), Amminadab 
(ss. Uzziel), 1 Ch 15*"". 

6. Zechariah, Ben, Jaaziel,* Shemiramoth, Jehiel, 
Unni, Eliab, Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mattithiah, Eli- 
phelehu,Mikneiah,Obed-edom, Jeiel, Azaziah, ICh 

c. Shebaniah, Joshaphat, Nethanel, Amasai, 
Zechariah, Benaiah, Eliezer, 1 Ch lo-^. 

d. Chenaniah, Berechiah, Elkanah, 1 Cli lo^**-. 

The Levites (abed) are mentioned in connexion with David's 
removal of the ark to Jerusalem. List a were chiets of the 
Levitical families ; list b, the singers or musicians with psalteries 
and harps under the direction of Heman, Asaph, and Ethan : 
list e, priestly trumpeters. Chenaniah (d) was the leader of 
the song or 'the carrying op of the ark, and Berechiah and 
Elkanah were door-keex>ers, also an Obed-edom and Jehiah 
(ICh 153*). 

41. Of the reign of Jehoshaphat. Teachers of 
the law. (a) Priests : Elishama, Jehoram. {b) 
Levites: Shemaiah, Nethaniah, Zebadiah, Asahel, 
Shemiramoth, Jehonathan, Adonijah, Tobijah, Tob- 
adonijah, 2 Ch 17^ 

42. Of the reign of Hezekiah: a. Mahath s. 
Ama-sai, Joel s. Azariah (ss. Kohath), Kish s. 
Abdi, Azariah s. Jehallelel (ss. Merari), Joah s. 
Zimmah, Eden s. Joah ((jershonites), Shimri, 
Jeuel (ss. Elizaphan), Zechariah, Mattaniah (ss. 
Asaph), Jehuel, Shimei (ss. Heman), Shemaiah, 
Uzziel (ss. Jeduthun), 2 Ch 291^-". 

These Levitt are mentioned as employed by Hezekiah in 
cleansing the temple after its defilement in the reign of Abaz. 

b. Rulers : Conaniah, Shimei (his brother). Over- 
seers : Jehiel, Azaziah, Xahath, Asahel, Jerimoth, 
Jozabad, Eliel, Ismachiah. Mahath, Benaiah, 2 Ch 

During the reign of Hezekiah, ace. to the Chronicler, the 
people contributed abundantly of tithes and fiistfruits, and 
these men had charge of the tithes and oblations brought into 
the chambers of the temple (2Ch 31*-i.t). 

c. Kore s. Ininah, Eden, Miniamin, Jeshoa, 
Shemaiah, Amariah, Shecaniah, 2 Ch 31**^. 

Kore was the porter at the E. gate of the temple, and had 
chai^ of the free-will offerings and the distribution of the 
p(»tions of the priests. Under him were the others named 
above, stationed m the cities of the priests to distribute the 
portions of the priests (2Ch 31i*-i7). 

43. Of the reign of Josiah: a. Shaphan s. 
Azaliah, Maaseiah, Joah s. Joahaz, Jahath, 
Obadiah (ss. ^lerari), Zechaiiah, Meshullam (ss. 
Kohathites), 2Ch 34«- ^. 

These persons are all mentioned in connexion with the repair 
of ibe temple. The first three, of whom Shaphan was the scribe, 
Maaseiah was governor of the city, and Joah (or his f. Joahaz) 
the recorder, seem to have had general superintendence of 
Hie work, while the other four oversaw the workmen. The 
first three were not necessarily Levites, and are grouped here 
merely for convenience of reference (2 Ch 34S-13). 

b. Rulers of the Temple: HUkiah, Zechariah, 
Jehiel, 2 Ch 35^. 

c. Chiefs of the Le^^tes : Conaniah, Shemaiah, 
Nethanel, Hashabiah, Jeiel, Jozabad, 2 Ch 35*. 

These had charge of the distribution of the offerings at the 
delebration of the passover kept by Josiah (2Ch 351-1*). 

IV. 1. JUDAH: (m. Shua, Gn 38--^) Er, Onan, 
Shelah (2) (3) ; (m. Tamar, Gn 38'^»), Perez (4), 
Zerah (59), Gn 4&^, Nu 26»**-, 1 Ch 23*-. 

Er and Onan are represented as dying in Canaan (Gn 3S7-i*> 
4613, Nu 2619), implying that two of the ancient and original 
clans of Jndah early disappeired. The Canaanite mothers, 
Shua and Tamar (Gn 38% ^tf-), indicate a union with Canaanites 
(see art. Judah). 

2. Shelah (1) : Er f . Lecah, Laadah f. Mareshah. 
Families of Ashbea, Jokim, men of Cozeba, Joash, 
Saraph, Jashubi-lehem ?, 1 Ch 4*"-. 
• Jahaziel,lChie6. 




Er here appears as the son and not the brother of Shelah. A 
remnant of the clan Er may have miiuil uiili, und lucoine sub- 
ordinate to, that of Shelah. Mar ly (see 
Maresuah), probably also Lecah ime of 

• I'l " •• fiinily cannot be detci ;....- :. ,. ^ -- '"^X ^® 

' : On 385). Jashubi-lehem has arisen from a mis- 

untf of the text, cnji •5;{*;i = Dnj> n'3 n^'^- '"^"'-^ ^^^^ 
luturucd lo Bethlehem." The'Vuljf., following evidently an old 
Jewish Midrash, renders v.2a et qui ttare fecit tolem, virique 
ineiuiacii, et Sccuru* et Incenderu, out principe* fuerunt in 
Moab, et qui recergi Hunt in Lahem. Tiie whole posijapre (vv.2i-23) 
is very obscure, and i)robubly preserves the family traditions and 
relationships of certain weavers and potters of the post-exilic 
times. The ref. to Moab and a return suggests some story 
siniiliir to that of Kiilh. Ki. assigns the verses to the later 
ad<litions to Chronick's. 

3. Shelah fam.: Zechariah, Joiarib, Adaiah, 
Hazainh, Cul-hozeh, Banich, Maaseiah, Neh 11". 

This is the genealogy of Maaseiah (jnynji), representing a 
f imily of the inhabitauU of Jerus. after the Return (Neh ll*). 
In 1 Ch 9» the name is Asaiah (n;';'y). 

4. Perez (1) : He/ron (5), Hamul, Gn A&\ Nu 2%-'\ 
1 Ch •!'. 

5. Hezron (4): Jerahmeel (6), Ram (16), Chelu- 
bai (Caleb) (29) (35), 1 Ch 2». 

Ram as a second son of Hezron is su-i'ii ions : (UBecauseOT 
knows of no Judasan clan Ilani co-ordinate with Caleb and 
Jerahmeel. (2) The descendants are given, not in families and 
cities, but simply m a pedigree of David. This pedigree in 
1 Ch 210-18 appears talcen from Ru 4i8'22, where Ram may have 
stood for Ram the son of Jerahmeel (6), the father's name 
being omitted (We. p. 17 f.). Yet, while the pedigree of David 
may be coniectural, the Chronicler is clearly nearer the truth 
in deriving his descent from Ram s. Hezron than from Ram s. 
Jerahmeel, since, according to the narrative of 1 and 2 S, 
David caimot have been a Jerahmeelite. That the Chronicler's 
Judiean genealogies should principally consist of Calebit