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Dictionary of the Bible 

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Dictionary of the Bible 











H. B. SWETE, D.D., Litt.D 


S. R. DRIVER, D.D., Lirr.D. 





Edinburgh : T. & T. CLARK 

Copyright, iqco, by 

TAe Rights of Translation and of Reproduction 
are reserved 


Tins Dictionary of the Bible, as stated in the Preface to Volumes I. and II. already 
published, is intended as a contribution towards furnisliing the Church for the great 
work of teaching. It is a Dictionary of the Old and New Testaments, together with 
the Old Testament Apocrypha, according to the Authorized and Ilevised Versions, with 
constant reference to the original tongues. Every effort has been used to make the 
information it contains as full, reliable, and accessible as possible. 

1. As to fulness. In a Dictionary of the Bible we expect an explanation of 
all the words occurring in the Bible which do not explain themselves. The present 
Dictionary meets that expectation more nearly than any work hitherto published. 
Articles will be found on all the Persons and Places that are mentioned in the 
Bible, on its Archaeology and Antiquities, its Ethnology, Geology, and Natural 
History, its Theology and Ethics, and on such words occurring in the Authorized or 
Revised Version as are now unintelligible or liable to misapprehension. Much 
attention has been given to the language, literature, religion, and customs of the 
nations around Israel. The Versions have been fully treated. Articles have been 
contributed on the Apocalyptic and other uncanonical writings of the Jews, as well 
as on such theological or ethical ideas as are believed to be contained in the Bible, 
though their modem names are not found there. 

2. As to reliability. The writers have been chosen out of respect to their 
scholarship and nothing else. The articles have all been written immediately and 
solely for this Dictionary, and, except the shortest, they are all signed. Even the 
shortest, however, have been contributed by writers of recognized ability and 
authority. In addition to the work upon it of authora and editors, every sheet 
has passed through the hands of the three eminent scholars whose names are fcund 
on the title-page. 

3. As to accessibility. The subjects are arranged in alphabetical order, and 
under the most familiar titles. All the modern devices of cross-reference and 
black-lettering have been freely resorted to, so that in the very few instances in 
which allied subjects have been grouped under one heading (such as Medicine in 
this volume) the particular subject wanted will be found at once. Proper Names 
are arranged according to the spelling of the Eevised Version, but wherever it 
seemed advisable the spelling of the Authorized Version is also given, with a cross- 


reference. The Abbreviations, considering the size and scope of the work, will 
be seen to be few and easily mastered. A list of them, together with a simple 
scheme for the uniform transliteration of Hebrew and Arabic words, will be found 
on the following pages. 

It is with devout thankfulness that the Editor sees this third volume of an 
arduous though congenial work issued within reasonable limits of time. The fourth 
volume is in progress, and may be looked for next year. He has pleasure in again 
expressing his thanks to many friends and fellow-workers, including the authors 
of the various articles. But especially he desires to thank the members of the 
editorial stafiT, the publishers, the printers, and (without mentioning others whose 
names have already appeared in the Preface to Vols. I. and II.) Mr. G. F. Hill of the 
Department of Coins and Medals in the British Museum for assistance and advice in 
the preparation of the illustrations to the article on the Money of the 13ible. 

*,* Mflwrni. ChAilw Seribner'i Sons, New York, have the nolo riglit of publication of thU 
DiOTiOKARY or THI BiBLB In the United SUtee and Canoiia. 






h ^ 

h n 

t ,^» 

g a 

th ci^ 

d -r 

J Ti 

ii n 

u r 

11, w T 

kh ^ 

z t 

d J 

u n 

dh j 

t 13 

^ J 

i. y •• 


k D 

« IJM 


sh J. 

111 72 

. • ^ 

n 3 

^ J' 

s D 

t It 


? 1^ 

P C 


? 2? 


V p 

f i-J 

r n 

^ J 

s, sh c ir 

k cJ 

t n 

1 J 

m /♦ 

n ^ 

h >i 

u, \y ^ 

i, y cj? 


L General 

Alex. = Alexandrian. 

Apoc. = Apocalypse. 

Apocr. = Apocrypha. 

Aq. =AquiJa. 

Arab. = Arabic. 

Aram. = Aramaic. 

Assyr. = Assyrian. 

Bab. = BabyloiiiaL. 

c.= circa, about. 

Can. = Canaanite. 

of. = compare. 

ct. = contrast. 

D = Deuteronomist. 

E = Elohist. 

edd. = editions or editors. 

Eng. =Ent:lisli. 

Eth. = Etliiopic. 

f. =and following verse or page ; as Ac lO**'* 

ff. =and following verses or pages ; as Mt H^sff. 

Cr.= Greek. 

H = Law of Holiness. 

Heb. = Hebrew. 

Hel. = Hellenistic. 

Hex. = Hexateucli. 

Isr. = Israelite. 

J = Jab wist. 

J* = Jehovah. 

Jenis. = Jerusalem. 

Jos. = Joseph us. 

LXX = Septuagin t. 

MSS = Manuscripts. 

MT = Massoretic Text. 

n. =note. 

NT = New Testament. 

Onk. = Onkelos. 

0T = Old Testament. 

P= Priestly Narrative. 

Pal. = Palestine, Palestinian. 

Pent. = Pentateuch. 

Pers. = Persian. 

Phil. = Philistine. 

Phcjen. = Plioenician. 

Pr. i;k. - Prayer Book. 

R = Kodaotor. 

Horn. = Roman. 

Sam. = Samaritan. 

Sem. = Semitic. 

Sei)t. =Se])tuagint. 

Sin. = Sinai tic. 

Symm. =Synimachu3. 

Syr. — Syriac. 

Talm.= Talmud. 

Targ. =Targuiii. 

Theod. =Tlieoi lotion. 

TR=Textus Receptua. 

tr. = translate or translation. 

VSS = Versions. 

Vulg. = Vulgate. 

Wli = W'estcott and Hurt's text. 

II. Hooks of the J5iule 

Old Tatament. 

Cn = (icnci«iH. 
Ex = Hxc^iuH. 
Lv = Ix'viticus. 
Na = Nnnil>ers. 
Dt = Den t eronomy . 



1 S.2»=:l nnd28amael. 
1 K, 2 K = I and 2 Kingn. 
1 Ch, 2 Ch « 1 and 2 

Ezr a Ezrii. 
Nch =■ Nchoiiilah. 

I'm ■ I'aalniii. 

Ca= Canticles. 
Is = Isaiah. 
Jer= Jeremiah. 
La = Lamentations. 
Ezk = Ezckiel. 
Dn = Daniel. 
HoB = HoMea. 
Am = Amos. 
Ob = Obadiah. 
Jon = Jonah. 
Mtc = Micah. 
Naii = Nahum. 
Mai m MalacliL 

Ki., 2 En ^ 1 

and 2 To-Tobit. 
Jill -Judith. 

Ad. Est = Additions to Sus = Su.s)uinii. 

Wis = Wistlom. 
Sir = Sirach or Ecolesi- 

Bar = Baruch. 
Thnjc = Song of the 

Three Children. 

Bel = Bel and the 

Pr. Man = Prayer 

1 Mac, *2 Mac= 1 and 



New Testament. 

Mt = Matt hew. 

Mk = Mark. 

Lk = Luku. 

Jn = John. 

Ac = ActH. 

Iio = KoiiianH. 

1 Co, 2 Co = 1 and 2 

(tal ^CiihitianH. 
Enli = Kj'lu'MianH. 

Col aa Colli Mi:iris 

I Th, 2 Th = 1 and 2 

1 Ti, 2 Ti = 1 and 'J 

Tit = Titus. 
Philein- Philemon. 
Ho= llclirows. 
Ja = JamuH. 

1 P, 2 P=I and 2 Poter. 
1 Jn, 2 Jn, .•{ Jn = l, 2, 

and .'i .lohn. 


III. English Versions 

Wyc.=Wyclif'8 Bible (NT c. 1380, OT c. 1382, 

Purvey's Revision c. 1388). 
Tind. = Tindale's NT 1526 and 1534, Pent. 1530. 
Gov. = Coverdale's Bible 1535. 
Matt, or Rog. = Matthew's (i.e. prob. Rogers') 

Bible 1537. 
Cran. or Great=Cranmer's 'Great' Bible 1539. 
Tav.=Taverner's Bible 1539. 
Gen. = Geneva NT 1557, Bible 1560. 

Bish. = Bishops' Bible 1568. 
Tom.=Tomson's NT 1576. 
Rhem.=:Rhemish NT 15S2. 
Dou.=Douay OT 1609. 
AV = Authorized Version 1611. 
AVm = Authorized Version margin. 
RV = Revised Version NT 1881, OT 1885. 
RVm = Revised Version margin. 
EV = Auth. and Rev. Versions. 

IV. For the Literature 

.(4 /rr= Ancient Hebrew Tradition. 

.r47'=Altes Testament. 

£Z« = Bamj)ton Lecture. 

J5;i/= British Museum. 

£i?P = Biblical Researches in Palestine. 

C/G'' = Corpus Inscriptionum Griecarum. 

C/i/ = Corpus Insfiiptionum Latinarum. 

CIS=Cor\m9> Inscriptionum Semiticarum. 

COr= Cuneiform Inscriptions and the OT. 

Z>7? = Dictionary of the Bible. 

EHH -Eenly History of the Hebrews. 

6'.i4/-'= Geographic des alten Paliistina. 

(?(r.4 = Gottingisclie Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

(r(riV= Nacliricliten der konigl. Gesellschaft der 

Wissenschaften zu Giittingen. 
G<7F=Ge8rliichte des JiidLschen Volkes. 
<jF/=Gesoliichte des Volkes Israel. 
irCil/= Higher Criticism and the Monuments. 
//^£=Historia Ecclesia.stica. 
HGHL = Historical Geog. of Holy Land. 
fl^/= History of Israel. 
//c/^P= History of tlie Jewish People. 
ZrPilf= History, Prophecy, and the Monuments. 
.fiTPiV = Hebrew Proper Names. 
/J(T = Israelitische und Judische Geschichte. 
t/PZ = Journal of Biblical Literature. 
t7Z)7'A = Jahrbiicher fiir deutsche Theologie. 
i7'()/t= Jewish Quarterly Review. 
J^^.(4 .5= Journal of theRoyal Asiatic Society. 
t7^L = Jewish Religious Life after the Exile. 
J^jr5= Journal of Theological Studies. 
KAT=T>iQ Keilinschriften und das Alte Test. 
KIB — Keilinschrif tliche Bibliothek. 
ZCJ5/ = Literarisches Central blatt. 
X07'=Intro(l. to the Literature of the Old Test. 

iV//irZ> = Neuhebraisches WOrterbuch. 

NTZG = Neut«stamen tliche Zeitgeschichte. 

Oi\r=Otium Norvicense. 

OP = Origin of the Psalter. 

07'J'C=The Old Test, in the Jewish Church. 

P^ = Polychrome Bible. 

P^P= Palestine Exploration Fund. 

PEFSt = Quarterly Statement of the same. 

PSBA = Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archtcology 

P.BJ? = Real-Encyclopadie fiir protest. Theologie 

und Kirche. 
CPP = Queen's Prijiters' Bible. 
P£J= Revue des Etudes Juives. 
7^P = Records of the Past. 
i^i'= Religion of the Semites. 
SBOT=iiaicred Books of Old Test. 
jSJr=Studien und Kritiken. 
iS'P = Sinai and Palestine. 

5 1F7'' = Memoirs of the Survey of W. Palestine. 
ThL or ThLZ =Theo]. Literaturzeitung. 
ThT =Theo]. Tijdschrift. 

Ti^jB^ = Transactions of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology. 
Tt7 = Texte und Untersuchungen. 
W'.<4/= Western Asiatic Inscriptions. 
TrZ/!L'il'/= Wiener Zeitschrift fiir Kunde dea 

ZA = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie. 
ZAW or ZJnr= Zeitschrift fur die Alttest. 

ZD3IG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- 

liindischen Ge-selLschaft. 
ZDP r= Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina- 

Z/iTi^P— Zeitschrift fiir Keilschriftforschung. 
ZA'ir= Zeitschrift fiir kirchliciie Wissenschaft. 

A small superior number designates the particular edition of the work referred to, as KAT^, LOT^. 


(Plates) Coins current in Palestine c. b.c. 500-a.d. 135 . between pages 42i and 'i25 
(Map) St. Paul's Travels facing page Gdl 


IsRAKL Abrahams, M.A., Editor of the Jewish 
Quarterly Review, and Senior Tutor of the 
Jews' College, London. 

Rev. Walter F. Adenev, M.A., Professor of 
New Testament Exegesis in New College, 

Ven. A. S. Aglen, M.A., D.D., Archdeacon of 

St. Andrews. 

Rev. WiLLOUGHBY C. Allen, M.A., Chaolain- 
Fellow, and Lecturer in Theology and Heorew, 
Exeter College, Oxford. 

Rev. John S. Banks, Professor of Systematic 
Theology in the Headingley College, Leeds. 

Rev. W. Emery Barnes, M.A., D.D., Fellow of 
Peterhouse, Cambridge. 

James Vernon Bartlet, M.A., Professor of 
Church History, Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. L. W. Batten, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of 
Hebrew, Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

Rev. Llewellyn J. M. Bebb, M.A., Principal of 
St. David's College, Lampeter ; formerly Fellow 
and Tutor of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

Rev. Willis Judson Beecher, D.D., Professor 
of Hebrew Language and Literature in Auburn 
Theological Seminary, New York. 

P. V. M. Benecke, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of 
Magdalen College, Oxford. 

Rev. William Henry Bennett, M.A., Professor 
of Old Testament Exegesis in Hackney and 
New Colleges, London ; sometime Fellow of 
St. John's College, Cambridge. 

Rev. John Henry Bernard, D.D., Fellow of 
Trinity College, and Archbishop King's 
Lecturer in Divinity in the University of 

Frederick J. Bliss, B.A., Ph.D., Director of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund in Jerusalem. 

Rev. W. Adams Bhuwn. M.A., Professor of Sys- 
tematic Theology in Union Theological Semi- 
nary, New York. 

F. Crawford Burkitt, M.A., Trinity College, 

Rev. William Carslaw, M.A., M.D., of the 
Lebanon Schools, Beyrout, Syria. 

Rev. Arthur Thomas Chapman, M.A., Fellow, 
Tutor, and Hebrew Lecturer, Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge. 

Rev. Robert Henry Charles, D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Greek in the University of Dublin. 

Rev. Frederic Henry Chase, M.A., D.D., 
Christ's College, Princij>al of the Clergy 
Training School, Cambridge. 

CoL Claude Reignier Conder, R.E., LL.D., 

Fred. C. Conybeare, M.A., formerly Fellow of 

University College, Oxford. 
Rev. G. A. Cooke, M.A., formerly Fellow of 

Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Rev. Henry Cowan, M.A., D.D., Profes.sor of 

Church History in the University of Aberdeen. 

W. E. Crum, M.A., of the Egypt Exploration 

Rev. Edward Lewis Curtis, Ph.D., D.D., 
Professor of Hebrew Language and Literature 
in the Divinity School of Yale University, 
New Haven. 

Rev. T. Witton Davies, B.A., Ph.D., M.R.A.S., 
Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Lit- 
erature in tlie Baptist College, Bangor, and 
Lecturer in Semitic Languages in University 
College, Bangor. 

Rev. W. T. Davison, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Systematic Theolog'v in the Handsworth 
Theological College, Birmingham. 

Rev. James Denney, M.A., D.D., Professor of 

Systematic Theology in the Free Church 

College, Glasgow. 
Rev. W. P. Dickson, D.D., LL.D., Emeritus 

Professor of Divinity in the University of 


E. von DobschUtz, Lie. Theol., Professor of 
Theology, Jena, Germany. 

Rev. Samuel Rolles Driver, liiD., Litt.D., 
Canon of Christ Church, and Regius Professor 
of Hebrew in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. David Eaton, M.A., D.D., Glasgow. 

Rev. William Ewing, M.A., Glasgow, for- 
merly of Tiberias, Palestine. 

ReV. W. Fairweather, M.A., Kirkcaldy. 

Rev. George Ferries, M.A., D.D., Cluny, Aber- 

Rev. George G. Findlay, B.A., Professor of 
Biblical Literature, Headingley College, Leeds. 



Rev. John Gibb, M.A., D.D., Professor of New 
Testament Exegesis in Westminster College, 

G. Buchanan Gray, M.A., Professor of Hebrew 
in Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. Alexander Grieve, M.A., Ph.D., Forfar. 

Francis Llewellyn Griffith, M.A., F.S.A., 
of the British Museum ; Superintendent of the 
Archseological Survey of the Egypt Exi)lora- 
tion Fund. 

Rev. Henry Melvill Gwatkin, M.A., D.D., 
Fellow of Emmanuel College, and Dixie Pro- 
fessor of Ecclesiastical History in the University 
of Cambridge. 

Rev. G. Harford - Battersby, M.A., Balliol 
College, Oxford ; Vicar of Mossley Hill, 

Rev. Arthur Cayley Headlam, M.A., B.D., 
Rector of Welw\'n, Herts ; formerly Fellow 
of All Souls College, Oxford. 

Edward Hull, M.A., LL.D., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., 
late Director of the Geological Survej' of 
Ireland, and Professor of Geology in the Royal 
College of Science, Dublin. 

Montague Rhodes James, M.A., Litt.D., 
Fellow and Dean of King's College, and 
Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cam- 

Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A., Queens' College, 

Rev. Archibald R. S. Kennedy, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of Hebrew and Semitic Languages 
in the University of Edinburgh. 

Rev. H. A. A. Kennedy, M.A., D.Sc, Callander. 

Rev. Thomas B. Kilpatrick, M.A., D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology and Apologetics 
in Manitoba College, Winnipeg, Canada. 

Eduard Konig, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Old 
Testament Exegesis in the University of 

Rev, John Laidlaw, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Systematic Theology in the New College, 

Rev. Walter Ia>ck, M.A., D.D., Warden of 
Keble College, and Dean Ireland's Professor 
of New Te.stament Exegesb in the University 
of Oxford. 

Alexander Macalister, LL.D., M.D., F.R.S., 
F.8.A., Fellow of St. John's College, and 
Professor of Anatomy in the University of 

Rev. J. A. M'Clymont, M.A., D.D., Aberdeen. 

Rev. Georor M. Mackik, M.A., Chaplain to the 
Church of Scotland at lieyrout, Syria. 

Rev. Hugh Macmillan, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 

Rev. JoMV MAOPHERfOir, M.A., Edinburgh. 

Kev. D. 8. MAItooLIOTTTIl, M.A., Follow of New 
College, and Luiidiim Professor of Arabic in 
the ImlverHity of Oxford, 

Rev. John Turner Makhiiall, M.A., Principal 
of ilie Baptist CoUvtre, Mnnciiustcr. 

Bev. Gkoroe Cursii Martiv, M.A., D.D., Roi- 
gato, Sarrey. 

JOBir MaMB, M.A.. Yatee Professor of New 

Oxford; fu 
Uge, Can bridge. 

K.xcuosls in ManNileld Colleue, 
Oxford; forrnvrly hkliolar of St. John's Col- 

Joseph Bickersteth Mayor, M.A., Litt.D., 
Emeritus Professor of King's College, London, 
and Hon. Fellow of St. John's College, Cam- 

Rev. Selah Merrill, D.D., LL.D., U.S. Consul 
at Jerusalem. 

Ilev. James Millar, M.A., B.D., New Cumnock. 

Kev. George Milligan, M.A., B.D., Caputh, 

Kev. R. Waddy Moss, Professor of Classics in the 
Didsbury College, Manchester. 

Kev. Warren Joseph Moulton, M.A., B.D., 
Ph.D., Instructor in tlie Biblical and Semitic 
Department of Yale University, New Haven. 

Rev. William Muie, M.A., B.D., B.L., Blair- 

W. Max Muller, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of 
Old Testament Literature in the Reformed 
Episcopal Church Seminary, Philadelphia. 

Rev. J. 0. F. Murray, M.A., Fellow of Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge. 

John L. Myres, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Student 
of Christ Church, Oxford. 

Eberhard Nestle, Ph.D., D.D., Professor at 

Rev. Thomas Nicol, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Divinity and Biblical Criticism in the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen. 

W. NowACK, Ph.D., Professor of Theology in the 
University of Strassburg. 

Rev. James Orr, M.A., D.D., Professor of Church 
History in the United Presbyterian Hall, 

Rev. William P. Paterson, M.A., D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology in the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen. 

Rev. James Patrick, M. A., B.D., B.Sc, Examiner 
for Degrees in Divinity in the University of 
St. Andrews. 

Rev. John Patrick, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Criticism and Biblical Antiquities in 
the University of Edinburgh. 

Arthur S. Peake, M.A., Professor in the Primi- 
tive Methodist College, Manchester, and 
Lecturer in Lancashire Independent College ; 
sometime Fellow of Merlon and Lecturer in 
Manstielil College, Oxford. 

William Flinders Petrie, M.A., D.C.L., Pro- 
fessor of Egyi)tology in University College, 

Thkophilus Goldridge Pinciie-s, M.R.A.S., of 
tlie Egyi)tian and Assyrian Departnicnt in the 
BritiHli Museum. 

Rev. Alkkkd Plummkr, M.A., D.D., Miistor of 
University College, Durham. 

Rev. Frank Ciiamiikki-in I'oitTi.ii, M.A., Ph.D., 
D.I)., ProfuhKor of !{il)li(iil Theoloj^'y iu the 
Divinity School of Vale University, New 

Rev. Harvky Porter, B.A., Ph.D., I'mfeasor in 
the American College, Bt-yrout, Syria. 

Rev. (Jkohgk Po.«iT, M.I)., F.L.S., Professor in 
the American College, Boyrout, Syria. 



Ira Maurice Price, M.A,, B.D., Ph.D., Professor 
of Semitic Languages and Literatures in the 
University of Cliicago. 

Rev. Cyril Henry Prichard, M.A., late Classical 
Scholar of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and 
Lecturer at St. Olave's, Southwark. 

Rev. George T. Purves, D.D,, LL.D., recently 
Professor of New Testament Literature and 
Exegesis in Princeton Theological Seminary, 
New Jersey. 

William M. Ramsay, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D., 
Professor of Humanity in the University of 
Aberdeen, Honorary Fellow of Exeter and 
Lincoln Colleges, Oxford. 

Rev. Henry A. Redpath, M.A., Rector of St. 
Dunstan's in the East, London. 

Rev. Archibald Robertson, M.A., D.D., Prin- 
cipal of King's College, London, late Fellow of 
Trinity College, Oxford. 

Rev. Stewart Dingwall Fordyce Salmond, 
M.A., D.D., F.E.LS., Principal and Professor 
of Systematic Theology in the Free Church 
College, Aberdeen. 

Rev. Archibald Henry Sayce, M.A., LL.D., 
Fellow of Queen's College, and Professor of 
Assyriology in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. John A. Selbie, M.A., Maryculter, Kin- 

Rev. Vincent Henry Stanton, M.A., D.D., 
Fellow of Trinity College, and Ely Professor 
of Divinity in the University of Cam- 

John F. Stenning, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer 
in Hebrew and Theology, Wadham College, 

W. B. Stevenson, M.A., B.D., Professor of 
Hebrew and Old Testament Introduction in 
the Theological College, Bala. 

Rev. Alexander Stewart, M.A., D.D., Prin- 
cipal of St. Mary's College, and Professor of 
Systematic Theology in the University of St. 

Rev. Aaron Emmanuel Suffrin, M.A., Curate 
of Sparsiiolt with Kingstone Lisle, Berks. 

Rev. Henry Barclay Swete, M.A., D.D., 
Litt.D., Regius Professor of Divinity, Cam- 

Rev. John Taylor, M.A., Litt.D., Vicar of 

Henry St. John Thackeray, M.A., Examiner 
in the Board of Education, formerly Divinity 
Lecturer in Selwyn College, Cambridge. 

Rev. G. W. Thatcher, M.A., B.D., Hebrew Tutor 
and Lecturer on Old Testament History and 
Literature in Manstield College, Oxford. 

Rev. Joseph Henry Thayer, M.A., D.D., Litt.D., 
Bussey Professor of New Testament Criticism 
and Interpretation in the Divinity School of 
Harvard University. 

Cuthbert Hamilton Turner, M.A., Fellow of 

Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Lieut. General Sir Charles Warukn. G.C.M.G., 

K.C.B., F.R.S., Royal Engineers. 

Rev. Adam C. Welch, M.A., B.D., Helensburgh. 
The late Rev. Henry Alcock White, M.A., Tutor 

in the Utiiversity of Durham, and formerly 

Fellow of New College, Oxford. 

Rev. Nfwport J. D.White, M. A., B.D., Librarian 
of Archbi.-^iiop Marsh's Library, and Assistant 
Lecturer in Divinity and Hebrew in the 
University of Dublin. 

Rev. Owen C. Wiihehouse, M.A., Principal and 
Profes.sor of Bililical Exegesis and Theology, 
Cheshunt College, Herts. 

Major-General Sir CHARLES WilliaM Wilson, 
R.E., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., D.C.L., LL.D., 

Rev. Francis Henry Woods, M.A., B.D., Vicar 
of ChaHurit St. Peter, and late Fellow and 
Theological Lecturer of St. John's College, 

Rev. John Wortauet, M.A., M.D., Beyrout, 


KIR (Tp). — The name of a country and nation. 
It occurs in tlie followiuf;; pas.s<ages : — (I) Am 9^ 
l^ir is the land from which God brought the 
A.raniieans (Syrians), as He led the Israelites from 
Egypt, etc. It must, after this analogy, be a 
country remote from tlie principal seat {i.e. 
Damascus) of the Aramaums in Amos' time. The 
LXX reads 'depth,' 'pit' (^6dpoi, i.e. lyp). (2) 
2X16" After the capture of Damascus, the Ara- 
ma'ans were carried captive to I^ir by the king 
(Tiglath-pileser in.) of Assyria. This would in- 
dicate that i}.iT was under Assyrian douiinion, and, 
again, at a considerable distance from the region 
of Damascus near the borders of the Assyrian 
empire. But the name of the country was wanting 
in the LXX originally (B), and inserted later (A, 
etc. KvprivrivSe) from the Hebrew text (after Sym- 
nuichus). Therefore this passage is suspicious ; see 
Field, Hex/ip. pp. xxii, 682. (3) Am I' threatens 
indeed : tlie people of Aram shall go into captivity 
unto Kir (LXX 'the one called as ally,' eviKX-qTos, 
Kip?). But this passage also seems to be inter- 
polated from Am 9''. If Kir was the original home 
of the Aramaeans (Am 9''), the Assyrians would 
never have deported them back to their old country, 
where they would have found remainders of the 
original stock of their nation, anil would have, 
by union with them, become strong again and 
dangerous to the king of Nineveh. The Assyrians, 
as well as other nations, deix>rted their captives 
always to countries where they were strangers, 
separated by language and race from the inhabit- 
ants of the new country, and therefore forced to 
rely upon the government which had settled them 
there. Consequently, the name Kir in this passage 
is strange, and to be used only with caution. (4) 
Is 22^ an attack on Jerusalem is described, evi- 
dently that of the Assyrian army under Senna- 
cherib (cf. 2 K 18) : ' And Elam bare the quiver with 
chariots of men * and horsemen, and I;Cir (LXX 
avva-Y(ayft, cf. ^'^pt) uncovered (n-ii;) the shield' {i.e. 
prepared it for fighting). Consequently, Kir was 
among the allies or subjects of the Assyrians, and 
was a warlike nation. (5) Also Is 22'' seems to 
belong here : inn"'?^ yiCi ip liTiP?, RV ' a breaking 
down (others, surrounding) of the walls (sing. !) and 
a crying to the mountains,' LXX airb fUKpoO ius 
fieydXov xXai'tDi'Tai iwi to, 6prj, Vulg. 'scrutans murum 
et magnificus super montem.' The passage was 
rendered by Cheyne (following Delitzscn, Paradies, 
236), ' Kir undermineth, and Shoa is at the mount.' 
Klostermann, Bredenkamp, Cornill, Winckler 
{Alttest. Untersuch. 177, who conjectures, ' who 
* ' Of men ' may be a gloss, see Duhm. 
VOL. III. — I 

stirs up ^^oa' and Shoa' against the mountain') 
have, however, given up the paronomasia and 
corrected ^ir to Koa (yip), a nation mentioned 
together with Shoa' in Ezk 23-^ ; the J^utii or 
^u of the Assyrian inscriptions, a warlike 
nomadic tribe S.E. of Assyria, chiefly on the 
banks of the modem rivers l)ijS,l& (the Gyndes of 
the classics) and Adhem adjoining the Sutu, i.e. 
the biblical Shoa. This agrees with Is 22**, where 
Kir is a neighbour of Elam. It results that we 
have to try the same emendation also in this 
passage (Is 22"), and indeed the LXX reads there 
consonants which come nearer to jnp than to Tp, 
likewise in Am 9 (where ii'P= original yip). See, 
further, art. KOA, footnote. 

It is very probable, then, that in all passages the 
same pastoral people Koa' Vip, were originally 
meant. The corruption of one may have caused 
that of the other places. (For the Assyrian and 
Babylonian texts see Delitzsch, Paradies, 233 ; 
Schrader, KAT^ 425). The country Gutium, Guti, 
which is mentioned as early as B.C. 3000 in in- 
scriptions, seems to be the same as Kuti, KuM, 
Ku, which is only the later spelling.* The in- 
habitants seem to have been always Semites, so that 
their relationship to the Aramaeans, who appear in 
cuneiform inscriptions first in Southern Babylonia, 
is very plausible. Otherwise, the cuneiform inscrip- 
tions have been searched in vain for a nation ^^ir. 
The ancient versions (Aq., Vulg., partly LXX, 
Targum) were guessing when they introduced the 
Libyan Cyrene, which is absurd, t By those to whom 
the emendation of I^ir to ]^oa' seems too bold, the 
conjecture may be hazarded that some day the name 
Kir will be discovered in the same region E. of the 
Lower and Middle Tigris, where various nomadic 
tribes roamed with the rapacious Shoa" and Koa'. 
But the emendation seems more plausible. 

W. Max MtJLLER. 

KIR (OF MOAB) (aKio-Tp,T6Tejxos'"'7S Mwa/3(e)iTt5os, 
mums Moab). — One of tlie chief towns of the land 
of Moab, coupled with Ar of Moab, Is 15^. Since 
in the Moabite tongue A;?r = Heb. 'tr or 'dr, it is 
conceivable that Kir of Moab and Ar of Moab are 
identical. The almost universally accepted identi- 
fication of Kir of Moab with the modern Kerak 

* Perhaps occurring also in Egyptian texts as Gut, see W. M. 
Miiller, Atsien, p. 281. 

t More modern guesses : the Kvpet or 'Kippas, river of Armenia, 
the modern Kur (Michaelis). But this name has ifc not k, and is 
too far north. Bochart proposes Kovprvti (Ptol.) in Eastern 
Media, but this place is obscure and too far east. Furrer 
suggests the region near Antioch called KCppos, Kvppia-Tixv, but 
this name was given only in later times in imitei«on of a 
Macedonian city (see Mannert). 



rests apon the Tai^m on Isaiah, where Kir is 
lemtered fay KerakKa (so also apparently Ar of 
Moab). This may have been a native name wliich 
has snrriTed, or it may be a rendering of that 
name whidi has supplanted it. The modem name 
of Kerak can be traced back as belonging to the 
place in early times. Under the form XapoKfiw^a 
It af^pears in the acts of the Council of Jerusalem 
A.D. 596, and in the geographers Ptolemy and 
Stephanas of Byzantium. 1 he Crusaders discerned 
the steateji^c importance of the place as command- 
ing the trade route from Egvpt and Arabia into 
Syria. Under king Fulco of Jenisalem, a.d. 1131, 
a castle was built there, of Avhich extensive re- 
yet be seen. Saladin in a.d. 1183 
ly besi^ed it ; it fell into his hands 
in A.D. 1188. The contributions which the 
Chroniclers of the Crusades make to the local- 
izing of the site are full and interesting ; it was 
then the chief city of Arabia Secunda, or Petra- 
eensis; it is specified as in the BelkA, and dis- 
tingoiahed from Moab or Rabbat, and from Mons 
R^^alis or Montreal. The Crusaders further 
identified it with Petra, or gave that name to 
it; an error which the Greek Church has per- 
petuated, for the Greek bishop of Petra has his 
•eat at Kerak. It is frequently referred to in 
vriters of the Christian period as Chnrak-Moba 
(also Mobu-Charax), corrupted to Charakdma, 
Ckaraprnmeha, Kturach, and Kara. On the (jues- 
tion m the identity of Kir of Moab with Kir- 
hareeeth or Kir-heres sec art. on these names. 

The Wady ei-Kcrak runs S.E. from the head of 
the bay of the Dead Sea, which lies east of the 
peninwila el-IasAn, uniting with the Wady 'Ain 
rranji about 10 miles up. Kerak is situated on 
a lofty spur between these two ravines, and is 
about four thousand feet above the level of the 
Dead Sea. The aides of the hill descend steeply 
•one thoaaaad feet to the bottom of the valleys, 
bat the height on the other side is much greater, 
•o that the town is commanded by hills on every 
side. (This may explain 2 K 3-* •'"'). Such a 
position was for ancient warfare almost impreg- 
nable. The great weakness must have l>een \n ant 
of water, and there are remains of enormous nn-k- 
bewB ciatema. The city was surrounded by a 
wall of great thickness, which had but two 
•atraneaa— one on the N.W., the other on the 
8., each being approocht'd by a long tunnel cut 
throQgh the eolidi n>ck. 'I'here are remains of live 
great tovera ; but furtlier inveMtigation seems 
w eeded to decide what in ancient Moubite work, 
aad what is dna to nietliu-val engineers. 

A map of the town is given in de Sanlcy, La 

UiaufVML— B«lHid. Pal. MS. us, 706 ; nohac<|r1ln, Vila 
' ' ' - J Oaotwhia (' - I - 

Mitm. UM. mUUma Itmmtlmitm, U. tSO ; H. 

Jtslstf. dk »: 


. MS. UA, 
■rtiM, wJ. G< 

\f\tfr, fiS, Itw ; i,>im»rc- 

jr«r Jr*rt«, L ifMr.;MHni 


', fmtMttn^, I. iiii r. 


KIRJUU (A %tf»fd. V 
I Ka fl^.— TIm paooie ' 

' "1, AV rirnnia), 
, I and (iiihlM- re. 

Inntrtt from nitbvloti ul. iv'\ .i , 

In ■ ■ It 

^f • ■ . . ' I I I li 

dor lu tU« UcXittitc aiUUtt Q beiug rvaU as 9. 

K y« tm rrnr 

I.> r«f rolx' 

•>" KII-HEt . M 

•<»;•«., mmr» /UUia, Jar 4V" *i tn U JU" 

paiisnl form c-irrrp, AV Kir-haresli, LXX Tetx<n 
iveKaivicrat, Vulg. ad mumm cocti lateris). — These 
two names are to be taken as slight variants 
of one and the same proper name denoting a place 
in the country of Moab, evidently regarded as a 
place of the Yirst rank, of great strengtli and 
importance. The natural conclusion that Kir of 
Moab is meant is a conjecture, but has received 
general assent. 

The LXX and Vulgate regard these names, 
however, as phrases, the meaning of which is 
sought by an attempted Hebrew etymology. 
That they were so regarded when the vowel 
points were added to the text need not be 
assumed, though some traditional etj-niology may 
have inlluenced the pointing. Certainly, the ety- 
mologies suggested connecting them witli kir, ' a 
wall,' and some Hebrew word denoting ' day,' or 
its manufactured protiucts such as ' bricks ' or 
'pottery,' do not lead to any convincing result. 
Tliat kir also denoted a * fortress or walled city ' 
in Hebrew seems assumed to meet the case ; 
a ' city of potsherds ' or a ' brick fortress,' even 
with the explanation ' because the chief seat of 
Moabite pottery,' is too obviously lame. Such a 
meaning would go against the identilication with 
modern Kerak. The top of a steep hill is unlikely 
to be a ' seat of pottery,' and the accounts of the 
remains there point to the ancient walls being of 
stone, not brick. 

There does not seem any call to seek a Hebrew 
etymology. If it was a Moabite name, and the 
variations in si)elling and vocalization suggest its 
being foreign to the Hebrew scribes,* then we 
must turn to the native tongue for an etymology. 
There we lind that kir is the Moabite for ' town,' 
walled or fortilied. The second element of these 
names is not, however, preserved in the scanty 
remains of the Moabite tongue (cf., however, the 

flace name MIJRTm line 14 of Mesha's lnscri}>tion). 
'aimer (The Desert of the Exodus, p. 47*2 f.) says 
that hdrit means ' mound ' in the language of the 
modern inhabitants. The obvious ditliculty is that 
an interciiange of t and s is unusual ; we should 
expect lather harcS than hares as roprosenting 
modern harit. The modern language of Moab 
would need detailed examination before a decisive 
rule could be laid down.t Of a somewhat similar 
Assyrian word f«)r ' mount ' (often a wooded hill), 
both forms, hurin and hursu, exist side by side. 

If the commonly received identilication of the 
phu-e with Kir ot Moab and that with modern 
Keritk be correct, we might regard ' mouiilaiu 
fortress' as a suitable naiiu> ; but that does not 
establish tiie etyniology in the absence of direct 
evidence from native sources. All tiiat is said of 
Kir-liere.H, etc., seems to suit Kerak well enough, 
and tlie Targum on Isaiah renders Kir-hareseth 
by Kirak tnk/ii/iott, whi(^li periiaps iioiiits to a 
'iliir fortress of some kind. See, turtbcr, art. 
Kii: OK MoAii. C. H. >\ . Johns. 

KIRIATH (nnp).— A town noticed with Gibeah as 
Iwhtnging to Hcnjnmin, .los IS-". Itoth the textand 
the nite are uncertain, but the latter may ])ossibly 
Im« found at l\uriit il ' Kunh, ' town of grapes,' w«>st 
iif .leru^jili-m, which is often cullrd simply l\iirirh 
l>V the inluibilanls. See Sill' vol. iii. sliei^t xvii. 
'I liiH village, on the road from daHa to •lenisalem, 
XH iiIho now called Afm (i/i^ish, from a celebrated 
chief Ml mimed, It is remarkable for its lino Nor- 
innti church, built in the I'ilh cent. A.D.. 

It in held, howev««r, by most OT scholars tliat in 
Jim IM* l^iritith in a mistake for ^iirinth-jcariin, 

• ' llnrothrlh e.f llin dpiilllr*' (.T|{ 4» IS 1") Im ii Nliiiiliir naino, 
nml IhiIIi II nii'l llnmelh iiinv uo liiii'k to Cuiiminil)' nDuri-cH. 
I Tlmrv U a Knur h»vttla ■llll, :!:• iiiliiiilrN' wulk iiIm)M' l)i-Hl'« 

iilH'W iwA, |i. uuir.). 



onj;; having been dropped through confusion with 
the following on^. Jsot only does n^p bear the ap- 
pearance of a construct, but the same conclusion 
IS supported by the LXX, B Kal irjXeis Kai ra/3- 
awdiapeifi (where Gibeath and Kiriath-jearim are 
mixed up), A irdXis 'lapifi, Luc. irjXtj 'lapeifi (cf. 
Dillm. aa. loc, and Bennett in SBOT). 

KIRIATHAIM (D:nnp).— 1. A town in a ' plain ' 
(n)<f) inhabited by the Emim at the time of Chedor- 
laomer's campaign (Gn 14-'), mentioned with Heshbon 
and Elealeh as built by Keuben (Nu 32'"), also 
mentioned with Kedemoth and Mephaath, farther 
south, and with Betii - peor, Baal - meon, and 
Beth-jeshimoth (Jos 13^*- ^'^- -""). It appears as a 
Moabite town in Jer 48-'', Ezk 25*, and on the 
stone of Mesha (line 10) is called Kinjaihcn. It 
may be distinct from Kerioth (which see). Accord- 
ing to the Onomastiron (s. KapiaOaei/i, Kapidffa), 
it lay 10 Roman miles west of Medeba. The 
site is uncertain, although many identify Kiria- 
thaim with the ruiu called KareyAt, lying S.W. of 
MaJcaur (Machajrus) and S. of Jebel Attdrus. It 
is probably to be sought towards the south of the 
Mo.ab plateau, but may have been near Heshbon. 
Burckhardt's identitication with et-Teim, 1^ miles 
W. of Medeba, is now generally abandoned. 

Literature. — Porter, Handbook, 300 ; Tristram, Land of 
itoab, 275, 305; G. A. Smith, HGHL 567 f. ; Buhl, GAP 276f.; 
Dillmann on Gn 143 and Nu 3237. 

2. A city in Naphtali, given to the Gershonite 
Levites, 1 Ch 6''* [Heb."'). In the parallel passage, 
Jos 21^^ it is called Kartan (which see). 


KIRIATH-ARBA (ij^x nnp, in Neh 11'^ ysi^n 'p). 
— A name which occurs repeatedly in the OT, 
always except in Neh 11^ with the explanation 
that it is anotlier name for Hebron, Gn 23^ 3o^ 
(both P), Jos 14'« 1513 (both JE) 15*^ 20^ 21" (all P), 
Jg P". For the situation and history see art. 
HkbkoN. Kirinth-arba is probably = 7 c/rw/jo/t*,* 
'four-towns' (cf. j?;?* in? 'seven wells'), the name 
possibly implying that the city had four quarters 
occupied by four confederate clans. If the name 
Hebron means ' confederacy,' it may have had a 
similar origin. In the MT of Jos 15^=* 21" M'^ 
Kiriathnrba is taken as= 'city of Arba,' the latter 
supposed founder of it being called ' the father of 
the 'Anak,' or ' the greatest man among the "Ana- 
kim.' As Moore points out, however, the LXX 
has preserved the original reading in the first two 
of these passages, jriXu 'A/)/36/c /xrjTpoiroXis (i.e. dk not 
»5S) 'Ecok:, and in H^' Snin c-i>tn is another mis- 
correction. It may be noted further that those 
last two words gave rise to a curious T»iece of 
Rabbinical exegesis, 'ha'dclnm haggadol' being 
supposed to im]>ly that Adam was buried at 
Kiriath-arba (Hebron), ' the city of four saints,' 
namely, Abraliam, Isaac, Jacob, and Adam. 

J. A. Selbie. 

KIRIATH-ARIM, Ezr22».— See Kiriath-jearim. 

KIRIATH-BAAL ('7i;3 "H? ' city of Baal ').— See 


KIRIATH-HUZOTH (nisn nnp ' citj; of streets' (?), 
LXX TriXfis e'Trai'Xewf, Mhich perhaps implies a read- 
ing nnun instead of ni^n). — One of the places to 
which Balak first went with Balaam, Nu 22-'^. 
It seems to have been near Ir of Moab (v.^), and 
may have been a suburb of that city. Tristram 
(Land of Moab, 305) is inclined to identify it with 
Kiriathaim, others (e.g. Knobel, Keil) think it is 
the same as Kerioth. C. R. Conder. 

• So e.g. Moore and Hommel, the latter of whom identifies 
Kiriath-arba with the Jtubnti of the Tel el-Amarna letters 
(^4//7'234 f.), but see Koniyr'sart. on the Habiri in Erpox. Times, 
March 1900. Sayce and Petrie make Rubflti = Rabbah of Jos lo«<*. 

KIRIATH-JEARIM (a^:j,\ nnp 'city of thickets'). 
— One of the ciiief towns of tlie Gibeonites, Jos 9^^, 
on the border of Judah and Benjamin (assigned to 
the former tribe in Jos 15»- «« 18^^, Jg 18^^ to the 
latter in Jos 18** if Kiriath [which see] = Kiriath- 
jearim). The position is more particularly described 
in Jg 18^2, where the Mahanch-dan ('camp of Dan '), 
which Avas near Zorah and Eshtaol (Jg 13-^), is said 
to have been ' behind' (i.e. west of) Kiriath-jearim. 
Kiriath-jearim appears also to have been near 
Beth-shemesh (1 S 6'^'), which was near Zorah. It 
may have been the city beyond the border of Ben- 
jamin where Saul first met Samuel (IS 9°-", cf. 
10^). When the ark was sent back by the Philis- 
tines, it remained at Kiriath-jearim till the time 
of David (1 S 1"-, 2 S 6-, where the city is called 
Baale Judah [but 'h^i^ is an error for ^i'3]). In 
Jos 15^ it bears the name Kiriath-baal, ' city of 
Baal,' and it is the same place that is called in Jos 
15*- 1" and 1 Ch 13® Baalah. Its inhabitants seem 
to have been related to the Hebronites, 1 Ch 2^. 
After the Captivity it is mentioned as re-peopled 
(Neh 7^ ; Ezr 2-^, where Kiriath-arim [on;; nnp] is 
a clerical error for Kiriath-jearim [c'l^' p] ; 1 E^ 
51", where it appears as Kariathiarius). It is prob- 
ably Kiriath-jearim that is referred to in Ps 132*', 
where ' the field of the wood ' is mentioned as the 

Elace where the ark was found. The prophet Uriah 
en-Shemaiah, wlio was put to death by Jehoiakim, 
was a native of Kiriath-jearim (Jer 28*"'^). In the 
4th cent. A.D. (Ononiasticon, s. ' Cariathiarim'), it 
was shown 9 Roman miles from Jerusalem, on the 
way to Diospolis (Lydda), but this would not be 
near Beth-shemesh or Zorah. In the upper part of 
the valley of Sorek an ancient ruined site called 
'Enna exists, on the south side of a veiy rugged 
ravine. It is evidently a town, with a remarkable 
rock terrace, and wells in the valley to the east. 
This site (suggested by Henderson) is suitable, 
being within sight of the mouth of the ravine, 
beyond which lies Beth-shemesh in the more open 
part of the valley, east of Zorah and Eshtaol, which 
appears to answer to the * camp of Dan ' (Maluineh- 
dan). The ruin is on the ridge on which Chesalon 
(which see) stands, and therefore in the required 
position on the border which appears to have run 
north from Kiriath-jearim to Chesalon (Jos 15"- ^''), 
or to have left Chesalon in Benjamin, north of the 
border which followed the valley of Sorek. The 
whole ridge is covered with copse to the present 
time. Possibly, Kiriath-jearim is noticed in the 
Tel el-Amarna letters (No. 106 Berlin) as Bitu Belti 
or Beth Baal, a city revolting against Jerusalem 
(others suppose Jerus. itself to be so called in this 
passage); and it is remarkable that it was one of 
the few cities that submitted, without fighting, to 
the Hebrews. 

Robinson's identification of Kiriath-jearim with 
Kuriet el-'Enab or Abu Ghosh does not meet the 
requirements of Jg 18''' and 1 S 6. 

LiTEBATCRE. — The whole (question of the site is fully discussed 
in .^WP vol. iii. sheet xvii. ; see also Henderson, Palestine 
(Index) ; G. A. Smith, UGUL 225 f. ; Moore, Jiidgeg, 393 f. ; 
Dillmann on Jos 9" ; Buhl, GAP (Index) ; Robinson, DltPi ii. 
11 f. (Smith, Moore, Dillmann, Buhl, all speak with more or 
less suspicion of the correctness of Robinson's identification with 
Kuriet el-'Enab, but decline to commit themselves to the 
' Erma site, which Buhl pronounces to be still more improb- 
able, and Smith remarks that it would place Kiriath-jearim 
very far away from the other members of the Gibeonite league. 
Neither of these writers, however, gives due weight to the 
position near Chesalon). C. R. CONDER. 

KIRIATH-SANNAH (njp nnp, TrdXts ypafi/idruv) 
occurs once (Jos 15^" P) as anotlier and presumably 
an older name for Debir (wh. see). A third name 
was Kiriath-sepher (which see for site) ; and this, 
not Kiriath-sannah, was the reading of the LXX 

To those who retain the Massor. reading the 



ig is obscure. G«senius ( Thcs. ) takes Sannah 
* for a contraction of Saasannah, and translates 
'palm-city'; bat, besides that the contraction is 
■nlikdy, one hmrdly expects a nalni city in ' the hill- 
cu uttti jr.' S«yee {HCM5A\ following a suggestion 
nMBtaoned by Ewald (Ge»ek. L M7 n.), translates 
'city of insbvetion,' and uses the name to support 
Ids rery precarious theory tliat Debir was a library 
and archi%'e town of the Canaanites. He further 
mggesta that the name may be present as Bit 'Sani 
in ft fragmentary' letter from bbed-tob the vassal 
kng ofJeraaalem, in the Tel el-Amama collection. 
A. C. Welch. 

KDtllTH-BBPHBR (*» rr-ip, w6\ii ypamidTwi> ; 
Kmfm^0tifafi «^ 7', B in «fg I") is twice mentioned 
in the paimllel pasaa«es (Jos 15i»-, Jg V"-, J) 
as the older name of a town which tbe victors 
eaDed DelNr. It is frequently identiTieil with the 
preaeDt ed-DhAheriveh, a village which lies ' 4 or 
bovn 8.W. of Hebron,' on a high road down 
Wady Khnlil, and which is on the frontier of the 
hiU-conntiy towards the N^eb (see. however, 

Maay eomnentators from the earliest times, 
firffmig the word a^ Heb., have translated with 
varioos shades oi sense ' book town ' (cf. LXX 
above, Vnlff. eivita$ litterarum, Targ. tik "p). 
Sayee (JSTCir 54) has based on this a theory about 
the eoDdition of literary culture among the early 
Canaanites, The three town names yield him 
pvoof of the presence of an oracle, which gave 
rise to a libnuj, and so attracted students to a 
miivanitj. It is utterly unwarranted to build so 
iBiMh oa the uncertain etymology of a lion-Heb. 
wotd. Smith {HUt. GetMjr.'TtQ n. ) suggests that the 
SSBW may be ' toll-town,' and he compares for the 
tnuMlation 2 Cb 2", and for the toll the town's 
pos i tio o on a road into Syria. But the sense given 
to "MO is somewhat artificial. It Is much more 
Ukflly that traces of the same foreign root are to 
be tooad in Sephar of S. Arabia [iin IU») and 
SejDhanraim (2 K 17**). See the whole subject very 
fBUy and fairly discossed by Moore, Judges, 26 f. 

A. C. WiacH. 

iniUS ( K The form in Ad. Kst 1 1' of 

Kish (Est 9^ of tlic great-grandfather of 

MoideeaL bcv Kmn, No. 4. 

■HH (#7) —1. The father of Saul the first king 
of Israel ( I S 9» IV U»', Ac 13"). He wiw the son 
of Abiel of the trilie of lleninmin. In 1 Ch 8»» 
^ Ner and nut Ahiel is said to have Iwen the 
father of Kish,* Imt there HceniH to have been some 
eonfasion ia tlie text, due iwrhajNi to the very 
•Uifitieal ebaraeter of the record or to the fre<iiient 
lasarmirx of ihi. umm family namcH. The Iiome 
of Kisli Iv wftj» nt (jilN*nh (rendered 

•Ihe hii till, hill* in A V and 

BV of 1 8 It/ Hu doeM nut Hcern to have 

bsaaiaaay y- Miit, hut 14* have Injen living 

Iha iiai|fJa Ii: , when hln Mon wan 

••IM to be L ,,f the foregoing, 

tba Ml of J- ^ • '^1. 1 The 

■ga yw Ola ( 1 ( 'h 'j:i>- » 

y^ ; > Ch IP' lor of Mor- 

MMlt^aMBi tiMu i !:)*;£*/. Sim* Kktukk. 

W Miin. 
T lor of 

-a. In nil 

'Till of llllt 

_^ " III IJM, lirnl 

••the aiwt' „ .slut I) nmfiTR 

Wm » Hb •" iMM a«.«a4 - T ;. and in I.*." Ktuiaiot 
'<^ J. A. HM.BIK. 



• Miil Os Msaprto nor) m4 lUvtaali r«Ml tb* Snt 
aba» •! ll«ss ;5S; • Aad l««r li^ aC^ iSa^ 

KISHION ('\^''4^)- — A town allotted to Issaohai 
(Jos 19-"^'), given to the Levites (2r-*, where AV 
lias Kislion). The parallel passage, 1 Ch 6''^ 
(Heb."], reads Kedesh, which is taken (perhaps 
wrongly) by Dillmann and others to be a textual 
error for Ivishion. The latter name lias not been 
recovered, while there is a large ruined mound 
called Tell JCedes near Taanach in Issachar. See 
SWP vol. ii. sheet viii. C. R. Conder, 

KISHON (po^^i hnii'B b x^tf^o-^povs Keto-wj/, other 
forms Kicniv, Kiffawv). — This is the ancient name of 
the stream which drains almost the whole of the 
great plain of Esdraelon and the surrounding 
uplands. All the waters from Tabor and the 
Nazareth hills, which reach the plain eastward of 
a line drawn from Jksdl to Nain, together with 
those from the N. slopes of Little Hermon, are 
carried into Wady esh-iiherrdr, and thence to the 
Jordan. The district between Little Hermon and 
Gilboa, reaching as far west as el-Fuleh, also 
inclines eastward, the Avaters flowing down Nahr 
Jalud past Beisdn into the Ghor. The torrents 
from Little Hermon between Shunem and Nain, 
and all from the Galilycan hills A\est of Iksdl, 
make their way through the soft soil of the plain, 
to join the deep hidden flow of Kislion. The main 
supplies, however, come from the southern side. 
The longest branches of the river stretch up the 
lofty steeps of Gilboa away to the east of Jenin. 
They are dry torrent-beds, save only in the rainy 
season, when they carry down foaming floods to 
swell the central stream. Tiie most distant peren- 
nial source is'AinJcntn, which rises in the glen 
behind the town. It is carried by a conduit to a 
well-built fountain in the centre of the place, and 
thence is distributed for irrigation among the 
gardens and orchards. By these much of the water 
is absorbed ; and in sumiiier the bed of the river a 
mile away is as dry as the surrounding nlaiii. 
Copious springs in the neighbourhood of Taauiik 
and Khdn Lcjjun, and many smaller sources along 
the southern Iwrder of the plain, send contribu- 
tions to the volume of Kishon. About 3 miles 
east of Haifa it is joined by the streams from tlie 
great fountains of Sdadiych, which rise under the 
northern base of Mount Carniel, on the edge of 
the i>luin of Acre. 

The Ki.shon ('crooked or tortuous' [?]) pursues 
a tortuous course, in a north-westerly direction, 
keeping well into the centre of the plain. It 
sweeps round by Tell cl-Kassis, breaks tiirougii a 
narrow i)ass on the north of Carmel into the plain 
of Acre, ami enters the sea a little to the mntii of 
Jfai/ft. El-Mii/ya((a', 'the watercourse,' is the 
Arab name for tliis stream. The old name Kishon 
HceiiiH to have quite «Usup]n'iii('d ; but of its 
identity there is no reasonable doubt. If tlie 
' waters of Megiddo' (Jg T)'"), by which clearly the 
Kishon an<l its branclies in the ncighl)ourhood of 
tliiit city is meant, became a popular name, the 
Arabs may have exchuiigc«l Miifi(/i/<>, which was 
nieaMiuglcHM to them, lor Miihttia', so closely 
reHembling it in sound, tlic inclining of which tlicy 
knew ((;. A. Smith, UGH/.' 3S7), and which, 
IxtMidcM, was every way apnropriate ; for cl- 
Mnkfitfn' in par cxrellriiir. ' tlie watercourse ' of 
the dint ri<-t. * In the yielding soil of the plain it 
liHM hollowed out a gicut trench, oft(>ii not less 
than ITi or 2<l feet in depth, along the bottom of 
which till) waters may ereeji almost unseen to the 

In the higher reachcH the waters swiftly dis- 
at>|M<nr with the advancing Hiiminer. The siirfaeo 
of the plain grown har<l in the heut , and cracks ia 
all diri'ctiunM, Have only in the vicinity of H]irings, 

* Maort> (Juiljtet, IfiH n.) ri-Jm'tii ili'c|i|i-<lly tliu allutii|>t to llnd 
Um mum M*ui»tl>> In Mukada. 



where, owing to the depth of adhesive mud, travel- 
ling is always dangerous. After entering the plain 
of Acre it is seldom dry, and from the fountains of 
Sdadlyeh it flows in a constant sluggish stream, 
between deep banks, surrounded by thick jungle 
and marsh-land. This part has been reputed a 
haunt of crocodiles. In recent years Macgregor 
stands alone in claiming to have seen one of these 
reptiles while descending to the shore in his canoe 
(Itob Roy on the Jordan, pp. 398-404). A sliort 
distance from the sea the river is spanned by a 
wooden bridge ; but save in times of flood it is 
easily forded along the sandbank thrown up by 
the waves at its mouth. From the bank south- 
ward, fringing the coast, stands a grove of beautiful 
date palms. Northward are great tracts of barren 
sandhills. The main ford is where the road crosses 
from 5aifa to Nazareth. Here a succession of 
bridges has been built, whose workmanship guaran- 
teed their speedy demolition by winter spates. 
The means of crossing now are not diil'erent from 
what they were in the days of Sisera. The fords 
higher up are mostly safe in summer for those who 
know the locality of springs. In winter they are 
often quite impassable ; to attempt them at that 
season without a qualitied guide is to court disaster. 
The conditions change with great rapidity, inten- 
sifying the treacherous character of tiie river. A 
few hours of such rain as at times falls on the 
encircling mountains are sutticient to change the 
dry bed into tlie channel of a rushing stream, and 
the baked earth along the banks into a quagmire. 
If G. A. Smith's translation (HGHL^ 395) of Jg 
5^',* 'torrent of spates,' be correct, it is entirely 

The tides of conflict often rolled along the banks 
of the Kishon in this great battlelield of the 
ancient world, but its name is seldom mentioned 
in history. The hrst probable reference to it is in 
Jos 19'^ ' the brook that is before Jokneam ' (RV) ; 
Jokneam of Carmel being identihed with Tell 
Keimun, the allusion seems clear (but see Dillm. 
ad loc). Kishon next appears in the account of 
Israel's victory over Sisera and his hosts (Jg 4', cf. 
Ps 83*), and is enshrined in tiie song celebrating that 
glorious event, as an ally of the triumphant army 
(JgG'**--'), where a most realistic picture is given 
of the enemy's rout. The storm beat hard in the 
faces of the foe ; the moistened soil, firm enough 
for the passage of footmen, yielded to the tread of 
cavalry ; the terrilied plunging of the horses as 
they sank in the deep nure tlirew their ranks into 
confusion, leaving them exjwsed to the onrush of 
the eager and agile highlandmen. The pitiless 
rain sent down swift cataracts from the hills, and 
soon Kishon in dark and sullen Hood rolled onward 
to the sea. Any ford would then be difficult. The 
foreign horsemen knew none of them, and in vain 
efforts to escape they simply plunged into the 
river to die. The ground in the neighbourhood of 
Megiddo, where this battle appears to have been 
fought, is extremely treacherous, as the present 
writer had occasion to prove, even as late as the 
month of May (1892). 

Kishon again figures in the narrative of Elijah's 
encounter with the false prophets (1 K IS**). The 
scene of this famous contest is, with tolerable 
certainty, located at el-Mahralcah, ' the place of 
burnt sacrifice,' a rocky plateau at the eastern end 
of the Carmel range. Thence the doomed men 
were led down for slaughter in the Kishon. A 
path, steep but practicable, leads to the river just 
at the base of Tell el-Kassis, ' hill of the minister,' 
or 'presbyter.' The bed of the Kishon after the 
prolonged drought was, of course, dry ; but the 

* On the very obscure expression D'Cnp '^n^ (AV, RV ' that 
ancient river' ; LXX xt^/^pf'"' '^PX'^'"*) see, further, Moore, ad 

down-rush from the coming storm would soon 
efface all evidence of the prophet's ghastly work. 
Close by this hill the grim tragedy was probably 
enacted. Kishon is not mentioned again in the 
sacred records, and the name does not occur in 
Josci)hus. Eusebius and Jerome mistakenly describe 
it as rising on Mount Tabor ; Benjamin of Tudela 
(A.D. 1173) speaks of pc^'p "^n; as descending from 
Mount Carmel. He evidently ai)plies Dvrnp '?nj 
(Jg 5^1) to the Belus, Nahr Ndamun, near Acre. 

Literature.— P£P ^em. ii. 36, 90, etc.; Conder, Tent-Work 
tn Palestine, 69, 97 ; Thomson, Laiid and Book, ii. 208-218, 
230-234, etc.; G. A. Smith, JIGIIH 3S2, 30i; Robinson, BJif 
111. 228, 232, Later Res. 114, etc. ; Macgregor, Itob Roy on the 
Jordan, 394, 398-404 ; Stanley, Sinai and Palextine, 336, 339, 
3o5 ; Maundrell, Early Travels in Palestine (Bohn), 430. 


KISS (verb, pp.;, <pt\4u and K-ara^tXew ; subst. 
•"'ipVi, <pl\T]fj.a). — A mark of affection or favour, 
given upon the lips, cheek, brow, beard, hand, 
clothing, even the ground trodden upon, etc., 
according as it bore less or more of the idea of 
respect or fear. As a common form of salutation, 
it had a place in the social life of ancient times, 
and still has in the East, which it no longer 
possesses in modern European countries, being 
limited by our latter-day reserve to the more 
tender relationships of life. The OT affords no 
plienomena regarding the kiss distinctive from the 
u.sages of ancient peoples other than Hebrew : in 
NT we find one peculiar form (see below, 5). The 
various circumstances and occasions in which the 
kiss, in .some form or other, finds place may be 
enumerated as follows : — 

1. The kiss as a token of domestic affection. 
The mother caressing her infant, fondling it with 
hands or lips, is so natural that probably we need 
not go further for the origin of kissing : we have, 
however, no instance of this mentioned in the 
Bible (but cf. 1 K S^^*'-). The extension of the kiss 
to other family relationships (in law and blood 
alike) is but natural : we may distinguish three 
cases, (a) Parents kiss their sons and daughters, 
Gn 3I-*- »' 48'" (grandchildren), Ku P. (b) Brothers 
and sisters kiss each other, Gn 33^ Ca 8' ; in Gn 
29" Jacob kisses llachel as her cousin ; the male 
cousin having the same right as the liroiher (as 
among the Bedawin, Wetzstein, ZDMG xxii. 
93, 108). (c) Children kiss their parents, Gn 27^« 
50' (Joseph kisses his dead father, on which see 
Schwally, Leben nach d. Tode, p. 8, and cf. the 
solemn kiss at the end of the orthodox rite of 
burial [Neale, Holy East. Ch. ii. 104'']), Ku l'<. 

2. Connected with (a) we have (remembering 
that the relation of father to child was not without 
a stern element : in older times he had the power 
of life and death; see Benzinger, Heb. Archdol. 
148) the kiss as a mark of condescension, 2 S 15' 
(Absalom kisses the people) 19^" (David kisses 
Barzillai) ; the king or prince as father of his 

^ 3. From (b) we may derive the kiss oi friendship. 
From among brothers the privilege of kissing is 
carried into relations outside of tiie family strictly 
taken, Gn 29'* (Laban and Jacob), To 7^ (Raguel 
and Tobias — cousins once removed) ; then an:ong 
friends as such, 1 S 20^' (Jonathan and David). 
Meetings and partings were naturally the special 
occasions for the kiss ; — a fortiori for the family 
kiss as under 1—1 K 19*", To 10'^ Lk 7-"*, Ac 20«'' ; 
a still more fitting occasion was the reconciliation 
of friends, Gn 45", 2 S 14^, Lk 15-'". Here, too, 
belongs the false kiss, Pr 27", Sir 29^, Lk 22'^- *^ ; 
also the kiss in a metaphorical sense, Ps 85'", 
Ezk 3'» (AVm). 

4. Again, from (c) we have the kiss as a mark of 
respect growing into reverence, 1 S 10', Pr 24-", Lk 
738. 45b . gee also Gn 41^" (but cf. Dillinann, Genesis, 
ad loc.) ; cf. the kissing of the royal hand, or the 



pope's sandal ; slaves kissing the sleeve or skirt of 
their master, as still in the East ; the conquered 
lriMiii|r the omqiieror's feet, or the ground he treads 
noon ('Ikkiiig the dust,' Ps 72*, Is 4«F, xMic 71"). 
Idob were kissed by their worshippers, 1 K 19"*, 
Hoe 13*, to which mar be compared the kissing of 
the Black Stone in the Ka'ba at Mecca ; towards 
the hearenly bodies as deities a kiss was thrown 
with the hand (Job 31").* 

S. In NT and thesubseqnent usa^ of the Church 
we find the kiss as a token of Christian brother- 
hood -. a hohr kiss (^vt^ &ytop), Ro 16^ 1 Co 16-\ 
2 Co 13", 1 Th 5* ; a kiss of love (ifUXijfia aydinii), 

I P 5^. In time this became a regular part of the 
Qivreh senrice as the ' kiss of peace (acrra<x/ji6i 
<^|»frft, oecnlam pads. Const. Apost. ii. 57. 12, 
TUL ft. 5; Tertolf. de Omt. 14). At first it was 

I nonuseaou2>ly ; later the men kissed the 
the women the women. 

C Finally most be mentioned the kiss as a token 
of loM between the sexes, naturally seldom inen- 
tioned eren in OT (Ca l^ and in a bad sense 
IV 7**), and, as might be expected, not at all in NT. 

A. Grieve. 

DTE. — There are two passages in AV (Lv 11", 
Dt Wit where * kite' occurs as the tr. of .tx 'aijydh. 
la another passage (Job 28^) AV gives ' vulture ' 
for ViyjNlA. In all RV gives ' falcon.' In the first 
two pa— goi RV tr. nfi cUCdh and .in dayydh, 
•kite.' In both AV tr, 'vulture.' In Is 34" RV 
tr. dliq^fiMA,* kites,' A V ' vultures.' DiVAh, dayydh, 
and 'iqmdA refer to birds of prey of the falcon tribe. 

II is endent from the passages in Lv and Dt that 
the words are generic, and it is a waste of time to 
eadcavoor to fasten specific meanings on them. 

There are three kites in Bible lands: (1) MUvus 
ietiniUf 8av., the Jied Kite, which may be the 
'ojfifdk. It b called in .Vrab. sn-/. It is common 
in winter, and in rainy weather the flocks of red 
kite* ait motiunlots in rows on rocks and trees. 
(2) if. miffrans, Bodd., the Black Kite, iterhaits the 
dd'dh or dayjfAA. It is very common in Egypt, 
where it perpetually hovers over the towns and 
food* upon garbage. It comes to Palestine and 
8jria^ March, and »oon Kpreads over the country. 
{m^ M. jEfflfptim, (iniel.. the Efjypliitn Kit'-. It is 
from the former hy its yellow bill 
I deejily forkitl tail. It is fouiiil in Pales- 
thM efaiefljr in iIjc Jordan Valley an«l adjacent 
rarinea. t;. E. Post. 

EITBOM (pc?). A <'iin;i;itiit«t town in the terri- 
tory of Zebolun, J- 1 '. s. . Kattatii. 

RITTIIf (c>»:. i.r. prop. • KitianH* [note 0"»j in 
I* '/a'- Kl., Jrr -J"), jivuifk. of ra {CI Si. i. 11], more 
ommUjt itt KUion [l. L 10, U, 14, 19, 88 etc.] ; 

* *IU^^ttw see ' 1% fM(AV. EV tmtX is sa mtrmelr doubt- 
M P>**V^ TIks MT 73 tp^j b prab. oorrnpt, and nothinir la 
fflM4 tar iliif^ MbMHoUar tMt. |« for Arun. 13. Aq., 
,JmmmiiMtonth la bb Conm. on !■■ he trivea adorate 
. tafee ^3.'|Mir»,' 'olMto' {at. RVm), mmI tr., rMpeo 
.mrm fU tm n U M mtSt, «/MM*4#iw« mHo^. mdomtefun. 

sad nSm), '\9hMti bwtraoUM/mar 

— ^ ls(hQllO) tipte tp;p*j ' put 

,Md iMshMbHaadaiU by Ksiii|.h!.uM.n 

i w^^W wr, m \ Tklt In hU Utrat t txw iif Uia 

►>^ b na^f a tn^mtmX at Um ,.,| 'wlUi 


AM 49 h0Ms«« «Mt inaUtaf . 

tmthmU .^„. tmdpmmontm ted Is ntln. 
• **** '' "''K i^ mtn »«d ny:". and 

TWl**' , . NHtfn««l«. tNllm.. i.rivrf. 

Ml»«i^ a«aL aad Lk \ > 

AV Chlttim, so also RV in 1 Mac P 8'). — > 

Seople described in Gn 10^ as descended from 
avan, and therefore belonging to the Greek 01 
Gra'co-Latiu races of the West, occupying terri- 
tories stretching along the coasts of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea. ElishahjTarshish, andKodanim('P65toi 
in LXX, better than Dodanim of MT), named in 
that passage alongside of Kittim, are now gener- 
ally identified respectively with Sicily and Southern 
Italy, Spain, and Rhodes. As these are all islands 
or coastlands in the West, it is natural to look 
to the same region for the localizing of the Kittim. 
That they were islanders is explicitly asserted by 
the phrase current among the prophets, ' the 
isles of Kittim ' (Jer 2'", Ezk 27*^). But though 
distinctly Westerns in respect of geographical 
situation, they are represented as having been 
from the earliest times intimately associated 
with the civilized and commercial peoples of the 
extreme eastern limits of the Mediterranean coast. 
Thus Ezekiel (27'^) mentions ' the isles of K.' as 
supplying Tvre with boxwood, or more probably 
sherbin wood, a species of cedar, out of wliich the 
benches or decks of their costlj* and luxurious 
ships were constructed. And further, we find that 
the prophet in this passage places ' the isles of K.' 
between Baslian and Elishah, therefore west of 
the former and east of the latter, i.e. between 
Palestine on the east and Sicily or Italy on the 
west. In Is 23^- '- Tarshish or Spain is said to hear 
from the land of K. of the fall of Tyre, which im- 
plies that the land of K. lay somewhere between 
Tyre and Tarshish. The country of the K., there- 
fore, must have been an island situated somewhere 
in the eastern part of tlie Mediterranean, to the 
east at least of Sicily, and not very far removed from 
the coasts of Tyre. Joscphus (Ant. i. vi. 1) points 
to the name of the city Kition or Citium in 
Cyprus as a memorial of the residence of the K. 
in that island. This writer also, most probably 
drawing his information from tradition current 
among the Jews of his day, states that the ancient 
name of Cyprus was Ceth'ima, and tluit it received 
its name from Cethimus, the third son of Javan, 
who had settled there, and whose descendants held 
nossession under tlio name of Kittim. Epiphanius, 
bishop of Salaniis in Cyprus, whoso life covers 
most of the 4tli cent., makes use (Ilwr. xxx. 25) of 
the name K., in a wiiler sense, to include not only 
the inhabitants of Cyprus, hut also those of Rhodes, 
and even of the coastlands of Macedonia. This, 
indeed, is quite in keeping witii tlie later Jewish 
usage of this word. 'Tlie siiips of K.' in Dn 11** 
are evidently tliose of Um Konians, and 'the land 
of K.' in 1 .Mac 1' 8» is evidently that of tlie Mace- 
donians. In this late period the name was ani)liod 
generally to the lands and pcojiles of the West. 
The reference to the Uonians in Dn ll-"" is qnito 
distinctly to the ex|>etliti(in of Cains I'opilins 
Laciias. This Uoman general was sent in A. I). I(i8 
against Antiochus Kpi|iliiinfs, who hiul »>ntcred 
Egypt and attacked tlmt coiinlry, (luickly reduc- 
ing him to HubmiHsion and causing liim hastily to 
withdraw to Syria. The story of the canijjaign is 
U.ld by PolybiuH(xxix. II) in' l.mguage singularly 
like that emjiloyi-*! in |)ani<'!. Sim« also Livy, Hist. 
xliv. ll>, xlv. II. 'I'his wi.l.T a|.j)lication"of the 
name K. iH<|uite in a«'conlance wilh (li(« usage of 
JoMcphuH (.int. I. vi. 1). wli(, siiys that, it is fn.m 
the iMiMMcMMion of the ishuid of ('i-thinia, or Cy]»ruH 
by CethimuH that 'all iKlantls and the greatc t 

iMirt of the McaiMHiHtM are na I Cethim by tho 

H««hri!WH.' At the Hanie time, just, as here also in 
JoMcphuN, it appears to be tin* uniininious oiiinion 

of aiitii|uily that tl rigiinil location of the K. 

W(iN ill the inland of Cy|>rMN. 

In verv eiirl;!' tiiiieH the Ph(i<nieianH had sailed 
up and down in the Mcditerianoan, and. whihi 




trafficking in their wares far and near, they estab- 
lished colonies in several of the islands, and at 
points along the coast convenient as depOts for 
their foreign carrying trade. From its natural 
situation Cyprus must have early attracted tlieir 
attention, and must soon have become their prin- 
cipal station in the conducting and extending of 
their trade with the West. Herodotus (Hist. vii. 
90) distinctly states that most of the Cypriote 
cities had originally been Phoenician colonies. 
The Phojnician origin of Kition, a city in the 
south-east of the island, now Larnaka, is plainly 
witnessed to by Cicero (de Finibus, iv. 2U), and 
naturally enough the Phoenician settlers in other 
parts of the island would carry with them the 
name of their oldest and principal foundation. 
These Phoenician settlements in Cyprus date from 
a very early age — it may be even before the days 
of Moses (Diodor. v. 55. 77 ; Herodot. i. 105 ; 
Pausan. i. 14. 6). After a time it would seem 
that these Phoenicians in Cyprus were joined by 
certain Canaanitish refugees, who had been driven 
out by the Philistines, and that they brought with 
them their moon goddess Atergatis (Derceto), 
whose temple was built at Old Paphos, while that 
of the Phoenician Baal was at Kition (see AsH- 
TORETII). The existence of such Phcenician colonies 
in Cyprus is witnessed to also by the occasional 
references in history to the Kittim as subject to, 
or at least as claimed as subjects of, Tyre. It 
would seem that even as early as the days of king 
Solomon the K. were subject to the Tyrians, and 
compelled by Hiram to pay tribute (Jos. Ant. viil. 
v. 3, c. Apion. 1. 18). Josephus also tells how 
Elulicus, king of Tyre, sailed against the revolted 
K., and reduced them again to submission (^4?;^ 
IX. xiv. 2). In the annals of Sargon the Cypriote 
kings are referred to as put under tribute in B.C. 
700 (Schrader, COT'^ ii. 96). 

It is not, however, to these Phoenician colonists 
that the name is given in Gn 10*. The Phoenician 
K. may rather be set alongside of the Caph- 
torim (Gn 10'''), who are represented as Cushites, 
and of the sons of Ham, and as inhabiting some 
island or coastland near to Cyprus, in all proba- 
bility Crete. The Japhethite K., as sons of 
Javan, belonged to the Greek family of nations — 
whetlicr to the ancient pre-Hellenic Carian popula- 
tion of the island, or to some Hellenic tribe which 
had in early times settled there, can scarcely now 
be determined. Interesting inscriptions have been 
discovered near Larnaka, the ancient Kition, 
which, although figured in Phcenician letters, are 
yet composed in a Greek dialect. This seems to 
indicate that the people from whom these inscrip- 
tions have come down to us were a Greek people, 
ethnographically belonging to the family of Javan, 
retaining their languajfe and modes of thought, 
but largely iniluenced by the presence of a 
Phoenician immigration. That they adopted the 
Phoenician letters and mode of writing is just the 
sort of result we should have expected, seeing 
that tiie Phoenician colonists were enterprising 
merchants, who would naturally lead in matters of 
commerce and correspondence with those around. 

The last recorded words of Balaam are a pro- 
phecy of the destruction of Asshur and Eber by 
some conquering power coming in ships from ' the 
coast of Kittim ' (Nu 2i-^). It is quite evident that 
here the term cp? nrp is used, not to describe the 
island of Cyprus, or any other exactly defined 
territory, but as indicating quite generally some 
great Western people wliicli had made themselves 
a name, and become a terror among the nations. 
No doubt Asshur and Eber stand for the great 
powers of the East collectively, and the prophecy 
IS a foretelling of the utter overthrow of the sove- 
reignty of the Eastern monarchies by the advanc- 

ing power of the great empires of the West. The 
beginning of the fulfilment was seen in the cam- 
paigns of Alexander the Great, but it was much 
more truly and permanently realized in the de- 
velopment and growth of the empire of the Eomans. 
The phrase ' coast of Kittim,' therefore, does not 
mean Macedonia, nor Home, but simply the 
Western power which, for the time being, is to the 
front, or gives promise of prominence and perman- 
ence in the immediate future. See Cyprus. 

Literature. — Besides works mentioned in the text, see Kurtz, 
History of the Old Covenant, vol. iii. Edin. 1859, j). 450ff. ; Orelli, 
The OT Prophecy of the Consummation of God's KiHgdom, Edin. 
1885, pp. 14i^-147 ; Bevan, Short Commentary on Daniel, Camb. 
1892, p. 190 f. ; Ewald, History of Israel, London, 1880, vol. v. 
pp. 245, 297. See also ' Chittiin ' by Kautzsch in Uiehm, Hand- 
wiirterbuch, p. 234 ; and by Kneucker in Schenkel, Bibellexicon, 
1515 f. ; and the Uterature under Cyprus. 

J. Macpherson. 

vol. i. p. 317*. 

KNEE, KNEEL (tii? [Assyr. hirku], in Dn G" 
Aram, 'ni?, once Dn 5® Aram. np-iN ; ' kneel ' is 
expressed by vb. ^"i? in Qal,* 2 Ch 6l^ Ps 95« [all], 
cf. Aram. ptcp. "^-^.z in Dn 6'° and Uiph. ^-i.n:i used 
in Gn 24" of causing camels to kneel. The LXX 
and NT terms are -ybw, ' knee,' and 'yowweTdv, 
'kneel'). — The knees appear repeatedly in Scrip- 
ture as a seat of strength, and hence as weakened 
througii terror, Job 4* ('thou hast confirmed the 
feeble knees'; cf. Is 35^, He \2^-); Ezk 7" ('all 
knees shall be Aveak as water' ; cf. 2F [Heb.'-]) ; 
Dn 5® (the appearing of the handwriting upon the 
wall so terrified Belshazzar that ' his knees smote 
one against another ' ; cf. Nah 2'^). A psalmist 
complains that his knees are weak through fast- 
ing, Ps 109-*. Amongst the plagues denounced 
upon disobedience to the Deuteronomic law is this, 
' The Lord shall smite thee in the knees . . . with 
a sore boil,' etc., where the reference appears to be 
to some form of elephantiasis (see Driver, ad loc. ). 

Kneeling down to drink (from their hands) 
the attitude adopted by a portion of Gideon's 
warriors on the occasion of the famous test, Jg 
"js. 6 (;\here see Moore's note). One of the stages 
in the measurement of the depth of the river which 
Ezekiel saw issuing from the temple was that ' the 
waters were to the knees '(Ezk 47'*). Delilah made 
Sainton sleep r7'3^5"''y Jg 10''^ ; the Sliunammite's 
son sat upon his mother's knees till he died, 
2 K 4-^ ; children were dandled upon the knees, 
Is 661-. 

Gn 48'2 (E), 'And Joseph brought them out 
from between his knees' (r|-|3 uvo onx fjc'i' x^i'l), is 
not perfectly clear, but the meaning probably is 
that Joseph took his sons away from Jacob's knees, 
before himself bowing down to receive the bless- 
ing (v.^'* connects directly with v.'-' in E's narra- 
tive, the intervening vv.'^- '* being from J). 

In Gn 30* (E) Rachel gives Bilhah to Jacob ' that 
she may bear upon my knees' ('313'Sy i'?ni) ; in 
50-'^ (also E) the children of Machir the son of 
Manasseh were born upon Joseph's knees (n>; 
r]5V 'n?"'?y) ; Job (3'-) asks, ' Why did the knees 
receive me?' (0:3-12 'Jicip a"'^D). In the first two 
passages at least t there appears to be an allusion 
to the custom of placing newly-born infants on the 
father's (or grandfather's) lap as a token of his 
recognition or adoption of them (cf. Horn. Od. xix. 
401). Rachel thus undertakes to acknowledge 
Bilhah's children as her own^ and Joseph recog- 
nizes Machir's children as his descendants (see 

* The other conjugations have the sense of 'bless' (jfiel), 
'bless oneself (yiph. and Hithp.), 'be blessed' (Pual). The 
pass. ptcp. Qal "llj also occurs 71 times wilh the meaning of 

t In Job 312 Dilhnann finds nothing more than a placing ol 
the newly-born child on the knee of the midwife or the father, 
without any symbolical meaning (but see Ouhm, ad loc.). 



Dfllin. on all these three passages ; alao art. Birth 
in vol. i. p. 300^: Ploss, Das Weib\ ii. 177 ff.; 
Stade, ZA /»' vL ( 1886), 143 ff. ). 

Kneeling as an attitude in worship is repeatedly 
mentioned in Scripture, 1 K 8** = 2 Ch 6'' (S>olomon 
at dedication of the temple) ; 1 K 19^^ (' the knees 
which hare not bowed to Baal ' ; cf . Ro 1 1-*) ; Ezr 
9*(Ear« in ctmfessing the iniquity of the forei^'n 
marriages) ; I» 45i"(' to me everv knee shall bow ' ; 
cf- Ro 14", Ph 2"», on which last see Lightfoot's 
note); Dn 0'*(when Daniel prayed three times a 
day) ; Ac 7*» (the dying St. Stepllen) ; »« (St. Peter 
before the raising of Dorcas); 20* (St. Paul pray- 
ing with the elders of Ephesus) ; 21' (a similar 
scene at Tyre) ; Eph 3" (St. Paul's prayer for the 
* Epbcsians.'). A variation from this attitude is 
fooDd in 1 K 18**, where Elijah in praying for rain 
•pot his face between his knees ' (V713 ps r^ cy.'i). 
Ijie same mental feeling underlies the adoption of 
V wil l ing in addressing an entreaty to a fellow- 
eicatare, or in doing homage to a superior, 2 K 1'' 
(Ahariah's officer in entreating Eli jali to spare his 
life) ; Mt 17** (the father uf the epileptic- boy came 
Imeriing to Jesus [-/i^vrtrCiiw aiTjv]) ; Mk 1^ (tlie 
Imer); 10" (the rich young ruler) ; Mt 27-» (the 
aoldien mocked Jesos by kneeling down before 
Him [7«rvrmJffo*Tei IftTpoffBep airoO, cf. Mk lo*" 
rMrrn T^rara wpoatK^ow airi^]). In Lk 5^ Simon 
Peter falls down upon his knees {rpo<r^r«T(i> tois 
T^psMv) as he cries, * Depart from me : for I am a 
■infol man, O Lord.' 

For the doabtful ' Bow the knee ' of Gn 41^ see 
Abbech. J. A. Selbik. 

KVIFB (rj9* n^;^?).— Knives were originally of 
flint or sharp atone (Ex 4** ■«, Jos 6*- ' ony nia-tn), 

Hint knives have been found in a cave (ft 
Antelias, near Beirftt, amongst bones and char- 
coal ; and also in a caleareons deposit on the uUl 
road along Uie s ea c o a st near the Nahr cI-Kelb. 
It is said that flint knives are still used by tlie 
Bedawtn of the Syrian desert. The knives gener- 
ally used in Syria are sheath-knives, and are stuck 
in the girdle. Ther arc from 8 to 10 in. long, 
inclnding the luuufle. They are used for every 
norpoM for wfaieh a knife is ru(|iiir(Ml, and are 
lomidaUe weapons. W. Cakslaw. 

KNOCK.— See House, vol. ii. p. 435. 

OOP (a variant of knob and of knap [in knap- 
wwd). Old English etuup) is used by our translators 
to rander 1. "to kaphUr, the spherical ornament 
on the stem and arms of the golden lamimtand in 
the Ubemacle (Ex 29^** and parll. |MiMt. 37" »). 
The Ursek translators have ffaipvr^p, tho Vulgate 
apA mv m In , Lnther Knauf (a kindred word). Tliu 
'kaops' are easily reoogni/;ib!<> in the familiar re- 
pg ^sailla t l ou of tlio later ' vaod]«»ti<k ' on the arch 
of THaa. For thoir raUtkm to the rent of the 
orMUMHrtalion mt« TAliKltiifACi.i-: {mh'. dealing with 
the pll^iitf^ en 1 ir knop in nwn 

on tM stem •. , nitiH^irx on the 

ehverse of eertam JcMuh cuiiu (sec .Momky). 

TIm samo mvrA.haphl6r, ooonrs in two other 
w i—i g ss of Hm Or, vix. Am 9> (AV ' nmilo tlii< 
lintdTof the door,' marg. 'ebapiu«r' [mt KVj or 
' ktHiu'i. snd 7A<tAi IT'rAv 'tlm niini 1 Ilm. 1 ' niiu'. 
•kr ,,f 

MX . ,,lv 

»" ■' lit llm 

=• ■■■•■■•■ * 'tor t<» 

mI (hn 


or r 1, 

of f. ...... ■•.. 

art. Cu\i-iru(i. 

2. In our EV ' knops ' is also the translation 
of an entirely different word D'^iJ?, pekaini, ol 
whicli the precise signification is still uncertain. 
It is used to describe the ornamentation on the 
cedar lining of the temple walls: 'And there was 
cedar in the house within, carved with knops 
(marg. 'gourds') and open flowers' (1 K 6^® RV). 
This must refer to some egg-shaped (cf. Targum, 
in loc. ) ornament, carved in low relief, perhaps, as 
the margin proposes, the fruit of the citrullus 
colocynthus, which appears to bear in Hebrew the 
cognate name pakku ah — the ' wild gourd ' of 2 K 
43s ♦ Two rows of the same ornamentation were 
introduced ' under the brim ' of the great ' molten 
sea' whicli stood in the temple court (1 K 7^^). In 
this case, however, the knops were not the product 
of the artist's chisel, but were cast with the sea 
(ib.). See Sea (Brazen). A. R. S. Kenned v. 

KNOWLEDGE.— The word ' knowledge ' is here 
considered, not generally, but only in the etliico- 
religious sense, or so far as there is an approxima- 
tion in Scripture to a technical (theological) use of 
it. At the very beginning of the OT the probation 
of man is connected with the tree of the knowledge 
of good and evil (Gn 2'"). The view of ' knowledge ' 
underlying this mythical narrative seems to be that 
which is brought out in Wellhausen's interpreta- 
tion {Prolifjoi/inu-, p. 316 f.). To know good and 
evil does nut nioiin in Hebrew to have the moral con- 
sciousness developed ; it means to be intelligent, 
' to know what's what.' The desire to know is the 
desire to be like God — to possess His secrets, to 
wield His power, and so to be independent of Him. 
But the gratification of this desire, so the moral 
would originally run, always defeats itself. The 
impulse to know, tlie impulse which creates science 
and civilization, is indulged at a great cost. We 
build Babylon, and become conscious that we have 
lost Eden, That this api)reciation of ' knowledge,' 
which pervades the sceptical passages in Ecclesi- 
astes, underlies the third chapter of Genesis, is not 
to be denied ; but neither can we deny that the 
myth is so treated by the writer as to make it 
yield an explanation of tlie transition in human 
iiistory from innocence to guilt. The eating of 
the forbidden fruit was an act in which man lost 
the knowledge of God and acquired the knowledge 
of sin. 

i. The OT everywhere assumes that there is 
such a thing as the knowledge of (]i«)d, but it is 
never sju-culutive, and it is never achieved by 
man. (Jod is known becuusi) He makes Ilimsoff 
known, and lie makes Himself known in His 
character. Hence the knowledge of God is in the 
()T = truo religion ; and as it is of God's grace that 
He appears from the beginning speaking, com- 
manding, active, so as to be known for Mhat He 
is, HO the re<'eptiiin of (his knowledge of God is 
ethieully <-ondit ioMctl. The secret (niD, \\{. fiu'.udly 
ronvcrmttiiiu) of the liOlM) is with them that fear 
Mini (Pk 2.'>'*) ; the spirit of knowle«lge and of the 
fear of the I.0III) are one (Is 11'-'). Gn the other 
hand, an irreligious man is deseribed as one who 
d<H*H not know (iud ; and that tlio\igli he is the 
prient miniHteriiig at the ajtiir (1 S 2''-'). The 
moral e(irruptii)ii of (lie lust days of Israel is 
(leNcrilK'd by llosea when he wril<'M. ' Tln>re is no 
truth, nor luving-kindiieHH, nor ktiowledgi* of (iod 
in the land' (Hom 4')- The ethical eonti^iit and 
value of (liiN knowledge are seen also in eh. ((*' ' I 
duHtre iiierey and not saeriiiee, and the knowhtdge 
of (tod mure (hati biinil ulVeriiigs.' It is in this 
MiniH) of an ex|H>riiiietitMl ari|iiaiii(aii<'e with (iod'a 
ehnriu'ter, and a life de(eniiiiieil liy it, that a 

• It liaa Ikwii iHilnlrd diiI (Ulw, Arn\n. I'jliiiufnnamen, p. 
fin) llial n;'P9 III Ihc Minium ilaiiitloii a ball of yarn (nuo tlili 
wuni mmI n^pf In L«vy, Jftuhtb. WOrterb. $.vv.). 



universal knowledge of God is made the chief 
blessing of the Messianic age. ' The earth shall 
be full of tlie knowledge of the Lord' (Is 11"); 
' They shall all know me, from the least to tlie 
greatest' (Jer 3P^). And this again is not because 
men have achieved it by speculative eil'orts of their 
own : ' All thy children shall be taught of the 
Lord' (Is 54'^). Side by side with this practical 
knowledge of God the OT makes room for any 
degree of speculative agnosticism. God is great 
beyond all our tlioughts : His ways are unsearch- 
able (Job 5"). He is a God who hides Himself 
(Is 45^^), and gives no account of His matters. 
But such agnosticism is not a rival of religion, of 
the knowledge of God : it is a part of it. The 
knowledge of God includes a recognition of His 
immensity, and part of man's worship must always 
be silence (Ps 65'). This is especially brought out 
in the Book of Job. The conception of true 
religion as the knowledge of God is probably the 
true antecedent and parent of some NT expressions 
for which affinities have been sought in the 
l^henoraena of Gnpsticism. John (6**) quotes Is 
64'* (see above) ; and the key to the emphasis 
which he lays on ' knowing ' God, or the truth, or 
Jesus Christ, is more likely to be found in such 
passages as are referred to above, than in modes of 
thought alien to Christianity. 

ii. In the NT it will be convenient to take the 
ditterent sections apart, (a) In the Gospels Christ 
appears first in the character of a teacher, moved 
witli compassion for a people left without the 
knowledge of God, excluded from His kingdom 
because the key of knowledge — i.e. knowledge 
itself, the key which should open the door of the 
kingdom — has been taken away by its guardians 
(Lk II'-). He represents it as the chief privilege 
of His disciples that to them it is given to know 
tlie mysteries of the kingdom of heaven (Mt 13'"'") 
— mysteries which kings and prophets had longed 
to see, but could not. He represents it as His 
own unique distinction that He alone has, and can 
communicate, the knowledge of God as the Father, 
in whieli true religion henceforth consists (Mt 
1 1^'-^). But here, as in the OT, it is no abstract 
conception that Jesus wishes to impart ; to know 
God as Father is in reality to know tnat we are the 
children ol God, and in Knowing it to become His 
children. The new knowledge has to give a new 
character to our life, and if there is no trace of 
such a new ciiaracter it is vain for us to say that 
we know the Father : we are in darkness in spite 
of all God has done to make Himself known. The 
ethical conditions of this knowledge are plainly 
stated in Mt 5^ Jn 7" ; and in Jn 17^ it is identified 
with eternal life, the perfect blessing that the Son 
of God has come to impart. The proper relation to 
God is always conceived by St. John to be involved 
in the true Knowledge of God ; to know Him that 
is true and to be in Him that is true are all one. 
It is exactly this sense that the knowledge of God 
has in Hos 4. 6, or in Jer 31 : there is no schism 
between the intellectual and the practical for the 
apostle or the prophet ; the two are united in the 
integrity of the heart, which in Scripture is the 
organ of knowledge. When we read in Jn 8*'' ' Ye 
shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you 
free,' the freedom spoken of is probably not so 
definite in its application as in many places in St. 
Paul. The idea rather is that to be right with 
God puts one right, sets one free, in all other 

(b) In Si. PauVs tvntings knowledge appears in 
many aspects, (a) In contrast with tlie wisdom of 
this world the gospel as a whole is conceived as a 
■wisdom of God, which God has revealed in His Son 
and interpreted by His Spirit. There is, indeed, 
or there might have been, a natural knowledge of 

God (Ro I'"'-, Ac 14"), but a knowledge of God in 
any sense bringing salvation is possible only 
through the reception of God's Spirit (1 Co 2). 
Such knowledge every Christian possesses ; Christ 
is made to him wisdom ( 1 Co 1*'), and he is chosen 
in sanctification of the Spirit and belief of tli,e 
truth (2 Th 2'3). But St. Paul speaks of knowledge 
in another sense. There are degrees of insight 
into the one great truth of God ; there are truths 
which are not imparted to babes, but only spoken 
' among the perfect' (1 Co 2**) ; tliere is a xa/^^Mi, a 
special spiritual gift, called ' the word of know- 
ledge ' ( I Co 12''), in which the Corinthians were 
rich ; and though a x^P'f'^M'i "was given to one for 
the good of all, we see that knowledge might be 
the possession of a few, or of a circle, not of the 
whole Church. To judge from 1 Co 2''"- one of the 
subjects with which this higher knowledge was 
concerned was eschatology — ' all that God has pre- 
pared for tliem that love him.' But it had also 
more directly practical applications. An enlight- 
ened conscience in regard to the use of things in- 
different was one mode of it. ' As touching things 
offered to idols, we know that we all have know- 
ledge ' (1 Co 8'). Christian intelligence generally 
was sufficiently developed to know that an idol is 
nothing in the world. But in some it was not 
sufficiently developed to know that this mere 
perception of a principle is no adequate guide to 
Christian conduct. It is not by principle merely, 
but by consideration of persons, circumstances, and 
consequences, that a Christian must act ; in other 
words, not by knowledge but by love. Knowledge 
in this abstract sense is not without moral peril ; 
it inflates the individual, whereas love builds up 
the body of Christ. All through the First Ep. to 
the Corinthians, knowledge as a gift distinguishing 
one Christian from another is subordinated in this 
way to love (chs. 8. 12. 13. 14). 

(^) When we pass to the Epp. of the Captivity, 
knowledge has quite another position and emphasis. 
The gospel is (confronted with a ^iXoaocpia, which is 
at the same time a 'vain deceit,' something deter- 
mined by human tradition and agreeing with ' the 
elements of the world,' Jewish or pagan (Col 2**) ; 
and in opposition to this philosophy, or as it would 
now be called theosophy, the Christian revelation is 
defined and expanded as the true wisdom of God. As 
a formal indication of the extent to which the gospel 
is here put under the point of view of ' knowledge,' 
Holtzmann {NT Tlwologie, ii. 237) quotes the fol- 
lowing list of words from the Ep. to the Ephesians : 
aKoOeiv, dX-^Oeia, dXTjdeveiv, aVoKciXv^ts, dtroKoK&jrTeiv, 
dTTOKpi'TTeiv, &(ppuv, yivw<TK€n>, yi/Qffis, diSacTKaMa, 
Si5dffKeiv, eld^vai, iinyi,vd)(TKeiv, iiriyvwai^, fiavOdfeiv, 
livarijpiov, voeiy, vovs, vXdvr), ffKorli^eadai, aK&ros, <xo<pLa, 
ao<p6s, <rt/«'ecrty, avviivai, (pavepouffOat, 0tDs, (porri^eiv. This 
knowledge centres in Christ. He is the mystery 
of God, in whom are all the treasures of wisdom 
and knowledge hidden away (Col 2-). All the 
questions which man has to ask in the sphere of 
religion — questions as to the origination of the 
world, its natural unity, the place in it of the 
human race ; questions as to the relation of 
humanity to God, its sin, reconciliation, and glory 
—must find their answer in Him. The doctrine of 
Christ in these Epistles is expanded into a Christian 
interpretation of the world, and this is the object 
of Christian knowledge. It is not to be the 
property of a class. St. Paul warns every man and 
teaches every man in every wisdom, that he may 
present every man perfect in Christ (Col 1^). As 
in the earlier Epistles, there is a certain eschato- 
logical reference in the knowledge or wisdom which 
is so emphasized here : Christ is conceived among 
the Gentiles as ' the hope of glory ' (Col 1'-"), and St. 
Paul prays that the Ephesians may have the eyes 
of their hearts enlightened to know what is ' the 




-^ of his calling, and what the riches of the glorv 
». his inheritance in the saints' (Eph l^*). Such 
inward illumination indeed is the aim of the 
Irttos ; they can be summed up (Weiss, h T fheol. 

5 428) in Uie praver ' that the God of our Lord 
esos Christ, the Vather of glory, may give unto 
yoa a spirit of wisdom and revelation in the 
biovledge of him ' (Eph 1'"). In this last passage 
knowledge is ixiyyuciz, a word which as opposed 
to -iwC^ii denotes full or further knowledge, and 
which, though frequent in St. Paul, is used besides 
only in He and 2 P. According to Cremer, it is 
always naed of a knowledge which has the strongest 
inllaaiee on the religious life ; it is combined with 
aadl exwewions as rod deoc, d\i;tffias, tou vlov rod 
§fgS jwSfuimjpiov Tov 6toi', rod 0f\rifuiTOi tov Oeov, 
n» K*^ iM^ I. X. It does not therefore suggest 
an abatiaetly intellectual view of Christianity— a 
theology, so to speak, as distinct from a religion ; 
nut as in the OT and in St. John, knowledge 
indodes the spiritual and moral relation to its 
obiect,which answers to the nature of that object. 
Troth as troth is in Jesus is not only to be believed 
and known but done by the Christian (I Jn 1*). 
What St. Paul calls ^ (-riyruffis rov deoO is not only 
a deeper comprehension of the Christian revelation 
in itself, but a deeper insight into its practical 
8ijni^c<uice and obligations. 

(y) In the P:i8toral Epistles Christianity is con- 
ceived as a teaching or doctrine (oiSaffKaXia) more 
ddlnitely than in anv other part of the NT. 
Christians are those who have repented and come 
to the knowledge of the truth (I Ti 2^ 43). To 
oppose the gospel is to resist the truth (2 Ti 3"). 
Bnt though the truth can be stated by itself, it is 
alwayH ofrooral import. It is the truth ' which is 
acoording to go<inness ' (Tit I'), «■ 5i5a<r*ca\ia KaXi) 
and bytalp«vca. When men abandon it or reject it, 
it is from some moral unsoundness ; they turn 
from the troth, and with itching ears heap up 
teaebers 'according to their own lusts.' The 
'knowledge fal.>»ely so called' (1 Ti 6-'"), whether 
the AmlN«u% justifies a reference to Marcion or 
DOC» is conoeived as a morbid phenomenon opposed 
to the morally wholesome teadiing of Christianity, 
and whoever is mislctl by it ' errs concerning the 
faith' — his religious life misses the mark. 

(r) In the otlur Ixjoka of the NT knowledge is not 
% cbaracteristic conception. In 2 P it has a certain 
pTfffwinmcin (I^* i*' 3"*), in a sense more akin to 
that wUeh it Itvars in the Pa.storalt) than elsc- 
wbcrat the iwlypi^^ or full knowledge of (iod, or 
of Jesos oar Lord, is saving knowle<ige. Wo grow 
In It an wr grow in the grace of our I^rd Jesus 
Christ ' prcK-eswH of growth arc one. It 

is nor KfUM fur our deliverance from the 

poUnti'MiN " M. In the Kp. to the HebrewK 

^liWil doO» ' ' all, arid /trtyvwirit only in lU'-** 

E\ Tit P. I .. _ i ,. Ihit ihi! whole KplMtle niay 
rsganlsd as a spucinifn of a particular kind 
of ChriirtUn •/▼^'f '• nvo-.tii/oM the diHtinction 
httwr* ' ' 't apprehenHion of 

Chrl«< writ«<r exhibits his 

own * knowiPiiL'- ' tion of the ()T 

vhkth ■•!(•• It* > iK't'TH typical 

ofChHsC Thl- liiil-dilVcrent 

from Iho #»f7»- of (mmI, uvun 

Christ, whlrfi irril KpiMllcs ; 

yeiS'^ • unity of 

the N iito U> n 

ChHstwn J 
Is tte ati> 

•UiImI !»•; » <'xpr«'M- 

t li, wliicli 

III! virtue 

UK by tli« NT 

J. I)KN!(KY. 

I rig not 

MO* MM i> 



KOA (Kip ; "Txoi'f B, Aoi/5 A, Koue Q ; Targ. 'Kjnpj 
Syr. ViQJD; Aq. Kopvcpaiov ; Ynlg. principes).—ln 
Ezk 23-^ ' the children of Babylon and all th j Chal 
dajans, Pekod, and Slioa' (pc*), and Kod , ail the chil. 
dren of Asshur with them,'— most probably the con- 
tracted form of Kutit, Kuti, the name of a people 
(also called Gutium, Guti), often mentioned in tJie 
Assyrian Inscriptions, whose home was to the N. 
of Babylon, in the mountainous district between 
the upper Adhem and the Dijfila (see the map in 
Del. Faradies ; KA T- ad loc. ). * Tlie following are 
the grounds for this conclusion. The inscriptions 
speak often of a country Su-cdin, Su-tium, or 
Huti, ; and as Ezk names together Fe/cod (also 
Jer 50-1) and Shoa, so Sargon (Khors. inscr. 1. 19 : 
KIB ii. 55 ; cf. 11. 82, 123, 135 f.) mentions together 
among his conquests PwA-wrfM and Suti : elsewhere, 
moreover, in the inscriptions, the shorter form Su 
is found for Su-cdin, Su-timn : on these grounds, 
therefore, it is probable that the Shoa of Ezk are 
the Suti of the inscriptions (S.E. of I>^utu, in the 
direction of Elam). Further, as Ezk. couples to- 
gether Shoa and Koa, so the inscriptions often 
couple together Su-cdin or Suti with Istitu:-\ & 
presumption thus arises that as Shoa corresponds 
to Suti or Sutu, so Kod corresponds to li^utu, the 
only link in tlie complete proof that is missing 
being the fact that (according to Del.) the shorter 
fornrA'M (corresponding to Su) is not known to 
occur in the inscriptions. Nevertheless, the identi- 
hcation is a very probable one ; and if, as Hil- 
precht's discoveries appear to have shown,^ the 
Chebar was ' a large navigable canal near Nippur, 
Ezekiel would not, speaking comparatively, have 
been far distant from any of the tliree peoples 
named in this verse. Both Sutu and I.vutu are, as 
\\mv\i\GV (Alttcst. Untcrss. 1892, 178) remarks, the 
stand ing /wcs of Assyria: the words in Ezk. 'all 
the children of Asshur,' are not, however, neces- 
sarily in apposition with these two names.§ 

Ges. (Thes.) defends tiie appellative sense jirin- 
cipes ; but his etymology, though ingenious, must 
be owned to be far-fetched and improbable. See, 
further, Schrader, KAT- ad lor.; and especially 
Delitzsch, Faradies, pp. 234-6 ; and cf. art. KiR in 
the present volume. S. It. Drivkk. 

KOHATH (nnp) is known to us only from P and 
till' Chroiiicler. According to these writers, he was 
the second of the three sons of Levi (Ex G"', Nu 
3", 1 Ch (»'■ '* 23"). He had four sons, Amram, 
Izhar, Hebron, and Uz/.iel (Ex ()'\ Nu 3'", 1 Ch 
«■•'■"' 23'-), and lived to the age of 133 years (Ex G'<*). 
In 1 Ch tP Amminadab is said to be the son of 
Kohath, but lliis is probably a cleri(!al error for 
Izhar (cf. (P). His sister was JoclK'l)ed, the aunt 
and wife of Amram, and the niotlu'r of Moses 
( Ex O", Nu 20""). Eor tlie rebellion of iiis grandson 
Korali (Nu 10) see KoltAlI. Notliing furtlier is 
related of K. itiTsoiially, but we havi- fuller par- 
ticulars of the fortuncs'of his descendants. Their 
history falls into three i»eri()ds-(l) thc^ wilderness 
warideririgK ami the settlement in Cnniuin, (2) the 
moiian-hy. (3) the period aft«'r the I'.xile. 

1. At the time of the census taki'ii by Moses 
in the wilderness of Sinai the Kuhathites were 

• Or tu'c. U> Winrklir (f'ntfrtt. ziir altor. Omch. 131), like the 
Suti, a n.Miiuilli! irllH- of Urn M<».ii"iliiiiiian iiluliin. 

i Cf. Kilt I, !>• f'. wl"'r<" "'" 'wiilrMprrmi Kiili" ami tlu! 'Suti' 
»rtt iiuiii> .1 ill Mi< ri'ii4lvi< lliK'N iitiKiiiu till' triln'N NiiliJiiKatril liy 

Itnl I (f, I:i2f. Ii.i-.). Hi) Har({iiii, /.«'. {hill ii. &,'i), 

,„,,„, llirii' lliu'H iH'fori' I'ulfuilu ami Snli. 

• /. < t/.r I'niv. lif I'mimi/li'. I^■ (IslKS), p. 'ZS; cf. 


I u i.iikniiip mill Klimtcrinaiiii) woiilil rinid 

jpp |. , . . pr. iittini') in Ih '.J'^". TIiIh In favouri'd 

ttlwiliy w! Mux Miilli'r (lii art. Km uIhivc) ; liiit tlii' two namcl 
mrp ilimuiill, to huniiimlw with "ipipo, I'Xfipl by ({ivinif HiIh x urb 
srtillntry iiiMiilniii) llkr 'mirrDuml' ur 'iillr ui'.' 



divided into four families, the Amramites, the 
Izharites, the Hebronites, and the Uzzielites 
(Nu 3^). Tlie whole number of males from a 
month old was 8600 (3'*), and between 30 and 50 
years of age 2750 (4^- *• ^"^^). Their position in the 
camp was on the side of the tabernacle southward 
(3'^''), and tiieir chief at this time was Elizaphan 
the son of Uzziel (3^). The office assigned to them 
by P during the wilderness wanderings was the 
carrying of the sanctuary and its furniture, after it 
had been prepared for travel by Aaron and his 
sons (3^1 4^-15 iy:ii) In tjjjg respect the Kohathites, 
the family of Aaron, had a more honourable office 
than that given to the descendants of Gershou the 
elder brother, and they consequently precede the 
Gershonites in Nu 4, Jos 21, 1 Ch 6. 15, 2 Ch 29'=*. In 
consequence of the greater holiness of their burden 
they carried it upon their shoulders (Nu 7"), in con- 
trast to the Gershonites and Merarites, to whom 
waggons and oxen were given {V- "). The Koha- 
thites are also mentioned at the time of the census 
taken by Moses and Eleazar in the plains of Moab 
by the Jordan, when the whole number of Levites 
was 23,000 (26"). 

At the allotment of Levitical cities by Joshua 
and Eleazar after the settlement in Pal., thirteen 
cities out of the territories of Judali, Simeon, and 
Benjamin were assigned to the Koiuithite descend- 
ants of Aaron (Jos 21<- J3-'» [P]=l Ch G""*") ; and 
ten others out of the territories of Ephraim, Dan, 
and AVestern Manasseh to the rest of the Kohathites 
(Jos 2P- -^-'^ [P]=: 1 Ch 6«i- '^■'">). 

2. In the reign of David, as narrated by the 
Chronicler, we have several references to the 
Kohathites. The Kohathite family of Heman, 
together with the Gershonite family of Asaph and 
the Merarite family of Ethan or Jeduthun, were, 
ace. to this writer, specially set apart to administer 
the temple music (cf. 1 Ch 6^'-'*'' 16^^- *^ 25'-^, and see 
Heman). In accordance with this, at the bringing 
up of the ark into Jerus., of the large number of 
Kohathites who are sjiid to have been present 
(1 Ch 155. 8. 9. loj^ Heman and certain others took 
part in the music (15''-''*). Descendants of the 
four Kohathite families are mentioned as ' heads 
of the fathers' houses' when David divided the 
Levites into courses ( 1 Ch 23^---^), and in 1 Ch 26'- ^s-" 
the particular oflices held by descendants of the 
first three families are given in detail. Kohathites 
are spoken of as taking part in the temple ser- 
vices in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 20'"), and as 
co-operating with the other Levites in cleansing 
the temple under Hezekiah (2y''--'^). 

3. In the period after the Exile we find very few 
traces of the Kohathite family. The Jierechiah, 
son of Asa, son of Elkanah, mentioned in 1 Cli 9'", 
was probably a Kohathite. So also were the 
'children of Shallum' who accompanied Zerub- 
babel (Ezr 2^; cf. 1 Ch 9"-i», Neh I'l^, in last 

The Kohathites ('nniTn; in Nu \0^\ 1 Ch 20i» 
D-nriiTn) are mentioned Nu 3-''- *^ 418.3^.37 iQ-n 265^, 
Jos 21^- 1^ 1 Ch 6=*- ^ 933, 2 Oh 20'9 29'-. Also called 
' the sons of Kohath,' Ex 6'», Nu 3'9- =9 4^ *• '^C-' 7», 
1 Ch 6-- '**• ---'• «'■ «"• '«» 15s 23'-*, or ' the children of 
Kohath,' Jos 21»- *"(-)• -«. For their history see 
above. W. C. Allen. 

KOHELETH — See Ecclesiastks. 

KOLAIAH (n;yip). — 1. The father of a false 
prophet named Aliab, Jer 29-' [Gr. 36-' ; vlov 
KovXiou only in Q'"*']. 2. The name of a Benjamite 
family' which settled in Jerusalem after the Cap- 
tivity, Neh 11'; B Kodia, A KwXetd. 

KONJE {Kwvd, Jth 4*).— So B calls an unknown 
town of Palestine. But S reads KwXd (as A in 

Jth 15^ for XwXd) ; A has Kuvas. Some MSS 
read KwfMs, whence AV ' the villages.' 

F. C. PonxER. 
KOPH (p).— The nineteenth letter of the Hebrew 
alphabet, and as such employed in the 119th Psalm 
to designate the 19th part, each verse of which 
begins with this letter. It is transliterated in 
this Dictionary by k. 

KORAH, DATHAN, ABIRAM (mp, jn^, dt58).— 
Most readers of the Eng. Bible are familiar with 
the story of Korah's rebellion, and of the terrible 
fate that overtook him and his followers. When 
we turn, however, to the record of these events 
(Nu 16), it is by no means easy to reduce it to a 
consistent or continuous narrative. The thread of 
the story is strangely broken, and we encounter 
remarkable repetitions (vv.°- ''• "^). Here, as in 
many other cases, we are helped by the labours of 
those critics who have analyzed the contents d' 
the Hexateuch. 

There is reason to believe that three strata are 
present in the composition of Nu 16 and 17. This 
conclusion, which had been previously reached by 
various critics, was first placed on a thoroughly satis- 
factory basis by Kuenen (ThT (1878), p. 139 ffi), 
whose analysis has been substantially accepted by 
critics of such diti'erent schools as Baudissin, Cornill, 
Dillmann, Driver, Robertson Smith, and Well- 
hausen. Of the three narratives, the first two were 
originally quite independent of one another, while 
the third works over the material from the stand- 
point of a later age than that of the second writer. 

I. We have a narrative from the well-known source JE, 
which has suffered very slight mutilation at the hands of the 
final redactor. It tells how Uathan and Abiram, descendants of 
Reuben, the oldest of Jacob's sons, rose against Mosen, because 
they were jealous of the authority he claimed, and were dis- 
appointed with the results of liis leadership. On being informed 
of their munnurings, Moses cited them to appear before liim ; 
but they refused to obey the summons, and rejjeated to his 
messengers their complaints (Nu lii'^'^^'^). Moses, in anger(, 
went to their tents in company with the elders of Israel, and 
solemnly warned the people to withdraw from the neighbour- 
hood of Dathan and Abiram, who, with all their households, 
were then swallowed up by the earth (vv.SSW). 'This is a 
rebellion of laymen against the civil authority claimed by 
Moses ' (Driver). 

II. The author of the priestly narrative (P) relates quite a 
different story. Korah, at the head of 250 princes of the con- 
gregation, instigates a rebellion against Moses and Aaron, in 
the interests of the people at lanje against the tribe 0/ Levi. 
' All the congregation are holy,' says K. (v.S), and as much en- 
titled as the Levites to discharge religious functions. Mosea 
invites them to put the matter to the proof by coming on the 
following day with their censers to offer incense. They accept 
the challenge (vv.18- is*), and, in the act of offering, they are con- 
sumed by Are from the Lord (v.36). Their fate provokes the 
people, who murmur that Jloses and Aaron had killed the people 
of the Lord (v.-»l). A plague breaks out in consequence, which 
is only staj'ed by the atoning offering of Aaron (v.'is), The story 
of ch. 17 is the sequel, and comes from the same source, P. The 
blossoming of Aaron's rod is meant to establish, not his rights 
in opposition to those of other Levites, but to establish the 
prerogative of the tribe of Levi as represented by Aaron, in 
opposition to the other tribes as represented by their respective 
princes. Here, again, we have a rebellion of laymen, but 
directed this time against the ecclesiastical authority claimed 
by the tribe of Levi. 

III. Another writer of the priestly school, whom we may 
designate, with Cornill, P", worked up the narrative at a later 
period. In his version of the story, K., at the head of 250 
Levites, opposes, in the interest of the tribe of Levi, the monopoly 
of the priesthood claimed by Aaron (vv.sil). The test proposed 
by Aloses is the same as in the second narrative (vv.i6. I7, wliich 
are a repetition of vv.6. 7), and P's account of the fate of the 
rebels is adopted (v.^) witliout change. From the hand of the 
latest writer come also vv.^ ■*", which relate how the censers of 
the 250 were made into a covering for the altar, to be a memorial 
of the fate of the rebels. 

It is evident that the two priestlj' narratives have quite 
different aims. In P there is no opposition between Levites and 
priests, but between non-Levites and Levites, whereas in P'^ 
there is a sharp distinction between the tribe of Levi and the 
family of Aaron. (Note especially v.'JO, where the moral of P^'s 
narrative is thus given, ' tliat no stranger which is not of the 
seed of Aaron come near to burn incense before the Lord, that he 
be not as K. and as his company '). On the other hand, it is not 
quite certain whether, according to the original narrative of P 
even K. himself was a Levite, for the words in v.i 'the son of 



Umt, the Ma of Kobath, the son of Levi,' may well come from 
tbe J**"^ of the redactor. But in any case it is clear enough 
tbat all tdaSSOfoOonreis were not Le^-ites ; a conclusion which is 
, if oonfinMtioo were aeceaetry, by N'u 2r-», where the 
I of Zdonlkelwd plead that their father had no part in 
theldidBan ofKac^r As Zdophebad belonged to the tribe 
of JfMMHdk, ti«w plea need not bare been offered if all K.'s 
Mven bad been LevHea. ,. , 

w « n^ *rM> — b e twe e n JE and P, and the original independ- 
I of tt tttr aanatiTea, are equally wparent. JE knovs-s only 
and Afairan, P knows miiy Korah ; and, accordingly, 
tlw author of Dt U*, who is acquainted with the Jahwistic 
bat aot with the Plieatty document, mentions only Dathan and 

The aaalyais of the two chapters may be given as follows 
(pnctkaQjr after Drirer):— 

JHB 101^^ is-i*- v-** s;v34. 

p 18U. Sb-Ta. 18-M. Tlm.3Sa>.3^ 4I-M. ch. 17. 

n* eanpoaite d>aracter of the namtive is borne out by the 
MMntian, after 16>, of the two parties, Dathan and Abiram on 
theoDS baad, Korah and his company on the other. They act 
WiwiamjCrf TT.»4 with tt.U-U} ; they are addressed separately 
(dLTT>1fnth TT.*^ *^; they are punished separately and diff er- 
•■t<y(clT.awithT.»)L . ^ 

■baoca of the welduv process by which the narrative has 
MRHMd the OMnpaiatiTe smoothness of its present form may 
b* dstaetod is ▼.'^ (* ye aoa* of Levi '), and in v.32b('andall the 
BBB ttet appeftainca onto Korah, and all their goods ')• 

It cannot be over-emphasized that all the in- 
dications in the narrative point to the above 
rMolt^ and that literary differences combine with 
diflierences of acents and of motives to establish 
three distinct elements in the composition. ' Of 
in Uaelf a difference of motive is no ground 

for sapposin;; that the narrative in which it appears 
leaf eon)i>osite authorship ; that inference follows 
■oldy from the vianner in which the difference is 
hUrodured ... In itself an alliance between an 
eodesiastical and a civil party is perfectly intelli- 
gible ; but the literary analysis shows Nu 16 to be 
eompoeite ; and when the coin{)onent parts have 
been eeparated into two groups, it is found that 
the •etors in one group represent ecclesiastical 
intereete, while they represent civil interests in 
theother. 8nch a coincidence cannot be accidental ; 
the diflferencen of i>er>H)n and motive (though they 
might have been combined in such a manner as to 
arooae no raspicion whatever that the narrative 
waa eomponite) ao coincide with literary differences 
aa to eorroborate the conclusion to which tliese 
point' (Driver, LOT*, App. r»23f. [cf. « p. 6.')]). 

We have thus diM;ntanglc<l three distinct narra- 
threa, of which the laxt two are memorials of the 
atmiP^ea that took place, and of the various stages 
that were paaaed throuffh before the prerogatives 
of Levi were admitted by the other trilnis, and 
thoae of the bonae of Aaron by tlie other I.evitical 
familHrr At whatever datv wu place these laat 

results, we may be certain that they were not 
reached without fierce opposition. 

One or two remarks have still to be made on the 
text of Nu 16. In v.^ nf>'\, for which the LXX 
offers eXdXijffey, and which AV and ItV both render 
' took men' (supplying the last word), can scarcely be 
the correct reading. There is probably a copyist's 
error also in nVg"? pN] ' and On the son of Peleth.' 
There is no mention of On in the subsequent narra- 
tive, nor does his name occur anywhere else in the 
OT. F"or Peleth Ave should doubtless read, as in 
Ex 6" etc., Pallu, and perhaps, as Graf suggests, v. ^'' 
should run thus : iS'^TI? «'^3"I? 3k''7n 'J3 d"]'???! in-Ji. 
In vv.-^ and '^ Wellhausen and Driver agree in 
holding that the original reading was probably 
' tabernacle of J".' 

Literature.— Driver, LOT^ 59 fl., App. 523 f. [6, C3fif.]; Graf, 
Gesch. B. d. AT, 89 ff. ; Baudissin, Qes. d. AT Priest. 35 n. ; 
■\Vellh. Camp. 106, 339; Reuss, AT, iii. 34, 454; W. R. Smith, 
OTJC^ 402; Kuenen, ThT xii. (1878), p. 139fT., Ilex. 95, 334; 
Oort and Hooykaas, Bible for Yoking People, iv. 242 ; Cornill, 
Einleit.'i b9f. ; Kittel, Hist, of Hebrews, i. 219. 

2. Korah, a son of Esau (Gn 36^). 3. A ' duke ' of 
Edom (Gn 36'"). 4. A son of Hebron (1 Ch 2«). 

J. A. Selbie. 

KORAHITES (vriij), or SONS OF KORAH (i? 
Trip) ; AVhas in Nu 2t5'*8 Korathites, and in Ex 6-S 
1 Ch 12« 26', 2 Ch 20i» Korhites. — The inference 
from Nu 16*-', that the whole family of Korah 
perished along with their head, is checked by a 
note in 28^^ to the effect that the 'sons of Korah 
died not.' This explanation was called for in view 
of the fact that a well-known guild connected with 
the second temple traced their descent to Korah. 
At one time the ' sons of K.' appear to have con- 
stituted one of the two great temple choirs, the 
Asaphites composing the other (see AsArH). We 
have two groups of Pss (42-49and84. 85. 87. 88) whose 
superscription rnp ^i^i sliows that they were taken 
from what was once the hymn-book of the Korahite 
choir. The musical service of the temple had been 
remodelled by the time of the Chronicler, when 
three guilds (Heman, Asaph, Ethan) had replaced 
the original two (Asaph, Korah). The Korahites 
have now l)ecoine a guild of door-keepers ( 1 Ch 9'' 
26'- "etc.), nltliongli a reminiscence or their former 
functions as singers is found in 2 Ch 20"* (W. R. 
Smith, OTJC'^ 205 n.). J. A. Selbie. 

KORE. — 1. (K-ip) The eponyni of a Korahite guild 
of d«K>r- keepers, 1 Cli 9'". 2. (KTp) Son of Iinnah, 
a Le\-ite in the time of Hezekiah, 2 Ch 31". 

KUSHAIAH. -Sou Kisiu. 




L. — 1. This symbol was proposed by de Lagarde 
(Genesis grcece, 1868, p. 12) to denote tlie illumin- 
ated Purple Manuscript of the Greek Genesis at 
Vienna, one of the chief specimens of Christian 
book-illumination. The manuscript is designated 
VI by Holmes, and the text has been edited by 
him from a copy of Alter, 1795, in a publication 
preparatory to the great Oxford Septuagint (title : 
Honorabili, et admodum reverendo, Skute Bar- 
rington, LL.D. Episcopo Dunehnensi, Epistola, 
complexa Genesin, ex codice purpiireo-argenteo 
Ccesareo- Vindobonensi expressam ; et Testamenti 
Veteris GrcBci, versionis septuaginta -viralis, cum 
variis lectinnibus demio edendi, Specimen. Dedit 
Robertus Holmes, S.T.P. Oxonii, MDCCXCV foL). 
It is a parallel to the famous Codex Cottonianus 
Geneseos in the British Museum, and has not been 
used by Swete for his edition of the Greek OT 
(vol. i. 2nd ed. 1895),* because at that time it was 
not yet published in full facsimile. This has been 
done since in the splendid work. Die Wiener 
Genesis heraiisgegeben von Wilhelm Jiitter von 
Hartci iind Franz Wickhoff. Beiluge zum xv. 
und xvi. Bande des Jahrbuches der Kunsthistori- 
Hchen Sammlungen des Allerhochsten Kaiser- 
hauses. Mit52Lichtdrucktalfeln,etc. Wien(Prag, 
Leipzig), Y. Tempsky, 1895 fol. (the Greek text in 
transcription, pp. 102-125). An exhaustive mono- 
grapli on the pictures of the MS has recently 
been published by a pupil of Prof. V. Schultze of 
Greifswald, Willy Liidtke, Untersuchungen zu den 
Miniaturen der Wiener Genesu (Inaugural Dis- 
sertation, Greifswald, 1897, 50 pp.). Liidtke con- 
siders the volume as the first known manuscript of 
the Bible in which pictures are connected with the 
text, the hrst illustrated book of Bible story, and 
is inclined to assign it to the latter half of the 5th 
cent. E. M. Thompson (Handbook of Greek and 
Latin Paleography, 1893, p. 154) makes it prob- 
ably of the latter half of the 6th cent. ; Kenyon, 
of the 5th or 6th cent. The text is sometimes 
abbreviated, and several passages are very difficult 
to read ; the MS is therefore less important for the 
textual criticism of the Greek OT ; but it is a monu- 
ment of the first rank in the history of Christian 
art. Attached to the codex are two leaves from 
the purple MS of the New Testament, called N. 

2. In the criticism of the NT the symbol L is 
used to designate the Codex Regius, a manuscript 
of the Greek Gospels preserved in the National 
Library of Paris, now numbered 62. It was known 
already to Stephen, who called it ri, as is stated in 
the volume by a later hand, ' Roberto Stephano i?.' 
Scrivener (Introduction to the NT, 4th ed. (1894) 
J). 138) overlooked this -rj, and misunderstood, there- 
fore, this entry when he wrote, ' it was even 
then in the Royal Library, although "Roberto 
Stephano" is marked in tlie volume.' Griesbach 
rated the MS very high : Tischendorf published it 
in full in his Monumenta sacra inedita, 1846. It 
is ascribed to the 8th cent., and was for a long 
time unique, as giving two alternative endings to 
the Gospel of Mark, namely — besides and before 
the received one, which is introduced by the head- 
ing icTiv Si Kai ravra (f>€pjfiei'a fMera rb' €(f)0^ovvTo yap, 
a shorter ending, printed by Westcott-Hort after 
the one just mentioned. 1*1118 wretched supple- 
ment, as Scrivener styles it, is separated in this 
MS from the words oi the text (icpo^ouvro ydp) by 
an ornamented line, and introduced by the head- 

• Its readings will find a place in the Apparatus of the larger 
edition, which is now being prepared by Brooke and M'Lean. 

ing ip^peral irov Kal raura. Recently it has been 
found in several Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Ethiopic 
documents, the nearest ally to L being a manu- 
script on Mount Sinai (A^^), ascribed to the 7th 
cent. The latter has the subscription fvayy^Xiov 
Kara MapKov immediately after i(f>o^odvTo ydp; then 
follows the shorter supplement (whether intro- 
duced by the same formula as in L is not certain, 
theAIS being defective at that place) with slight 
variations (oin. xai before &XP^} adds dfii^v after 
awTTipia) ; after this comos ^(rriv di Kal ravra etc. 
On the questions connected with the end of St. 
Mark see the monograph of Dean Burgon (1871) ; 
P. Martin, Introduction a la critique textuelle du 
NT, Partie pratique, tome ii. (1884) ; Westcott- 
Hort, NT, App. 28-51, witli the additional notes to 
pp. 38 and 51 on p. 142 of the reprint of 1896 ; J. R. 
Harris, ' On the alternative ending of St. Mark's 
Gospel,' Journ. of Biblical Literature (I^Q^l), pp. 96- 
103 ; H. B. Swete, I'he Gospel according to St. 
Mark (1898), p. xcviff. ; Th. Zahn, Einleitung in 
das Neue Testament (1899), ii. pp. 227-235, 237- 
240. The shorter ending had its origin probably 
in Egypt ; there also L seems to have been written. 
On the third leaf of tlie MS is a note by a later 
hand, which might show where the MS was before 
it came to Europe, if it could be read and inter- 

{)reted with certainty (a Georgios tov Aida-Ko^irrj 
eft some MSS els rou'ludwov tov llavXov rb 6(TiriTiov). 
Eacsimiles are to be found in Tischendorf, plate 
i. n. 7, plate iii. n. 7 ; Scrivener, plate ix. n. 21 ; P. 
Martin, Description technique des manuscrits grecs 
relatifs au NT conservies dans les bibliothdques de 
Paris (1884), plate 1. Eb. Nestle. 

LAADAH (my"?).— A Judahite, the 'father' of 
Mareshah, 1 Ch'4-i (B Maddd, A AaSd). 

LABAN (19% Aapdv).—i. Son of Bethuel (Gn 28»), 
grandson of Nahor, Abraham's brother (22**- -- 24-^, 
— in 29* ' son ' = grandson), and brother of Rebekah 
(24-'" ; 25*"), uncle of Jacob on his mother's side 
(27** ; 28-), and (after his marriage with Leah) his 
father-in-law as well. When Abraham and Lot 
migrated from ^aran (on the Belikh, a tributary 
of the Euphrates, in Mesopotamia) into Canaan 
(Gn P2*' *), Nahor remained behind in ^laran ; here 
his family grew up around him (22-"'-^ ; the names, 
except in the cases of Bethuel and Rebekah, are, 
however, those of tribes) ; and IJaran (cf. 29^), 
though the identification is not made expressly, 
is, there can be no doubt, the ' city of Nahor ' (24^"), 
to which Abraham's servant took his way, when 
sent by his master to find a wife for Isaac from 
the land of his nativity. Laban's home (Gn 24'") 
was in 'Aram (AV Syria) of the two rivers' (the 
Euphrates, in its upper course, and the ^Jabor) ; 
and so, like his father Bethuel (25'-" 28^), he is called 
specifically the ' Aramjean ' ( AV Syrian), 25^ 31-"- ^ 
(cf. of Jacob, Dt 26''). It is in connexion with the 
negotiations for Rebekah's hand that we first read 
of Laban. He is evidently the moving spirit in 
his father's house. He comes forward to receive 
Abraham's servant, listens to what he has to say, 
and takes the lead in the .subsequent negotiations 
(2429-33. 50. 63b. «)^ It ig no doubt true that in the 
East (cf. Gn 34"- '^ Ca 8») a girl's brothers have 
a prominent voice in the disposal of their 
sister's hand ; but, independently of this, Laban 
seems clearly to throw his father Bethuel into 
the background. It has been observed that Laban 
already displays the grasping disposition which was 




numifested more fully afterwards in his dealings with 
Jacob : he is attracted bv the rinsr and bracelets 
vhich Abraham's servant liad given his sister (24*'). 
What we read about Laban subsequently relates 
exdnaivdy to his dealings M-ith Jacob (iiO'^-Sl"). 
Tbese have been described so fully in the art. 
Jacob (vol. ii. pp. 52S-9, 533) that an outline will 
be sufficient here. Laban must now be pictured as 
quite an old man. Jacob, sent by his mother to 
ner hrother, arrives at ^Jaran, and quickly finds 
his uncle's house (29*""). He remains witli him a 
month (29") ; at the end of which time Laban, no 
donbt discovering that his services as a shepherd 
are likely to prove valuable to him, asks Mm on 
what terms he will remain with him. He replies 
that he \»ill sen'e him 7 years for his younger 
danj^ter Rachel. At the end of the 7 years Laban, 
by arose, passes off upon him his elder daughter 
Leah ; and onlj permits him to have Rachel as 
wtSlf on condition that he serves him for 7 years 
wan <29**^). At the end of the second 7 years 
Jacob is anxious to return home ; but Laban, 
reloctant to part with a profitable servant, invites 
him, with a show of disinterestedness, to name the 
torms on which he will continue in his service 
(SO**^. Jacob thereupon proposes an arrangement 
by which, ostensibly, lie will gain little or nothing, 
and with which, therefore,La ban immediately closes, 
bat which, it soon appears, his son-in-law knows 
how to turn to his own advantage (SCP-^). Laban, 
enrions of Jacob's increasing prosperity, now shows 
ill-will towards him ; his sons (mentioned also in 
80^) complain that Jacob has taken away all their 
father's possessions : accordingly Jacob, after con- 
sulting with his wives (who both agree that their 
father has shown them no real affection, 31"-*'),* 
takes flight, accompanied by his family and their 
beloiigings (31'**). His father-in-law, considering 
that be has some kind of claim on the services and 
baloDgings of his son-in law, and vexed besides at 
the loas of the teraphim (which Rachel had stolen), 
■tarts in pnrsoit. Un the way, apparently on the 
ni^t before he came up with Jacob, *as if an evil 
eonaeienee frreyed t»ecretly upon him ' (Ewald, Hist. 
i. 1B6), be is warned in a dream not to proceed 
uainat Jacob too violently {31^). Overtaking 
the fugitives on the In.rders of Oilea<l, Laban 
wo nst ratos with Jacob on his ungrateful treat- 
HMBBt of him, and especially for having carried 
a way hb daughters secretly, which was both an 
affnoBt to them (31"*), and an injury to his own 
feelinn (31*). Jacob, in reply, declares that he 
was afraid, if he t<»ld I^almn, that ho would retain 
MadanghttTN by force ; ami then, after the incident 
iHth the teraphim (in which I.Aban is outwitted by 
Ms owa daaglit4tr), ho g<Mf« on to reniin<l him of 
*»• Umg ^mn whi«-li h»» lins spent ungrudgingly in 
«■ Mfiriee, and of the ri'i>cate<l attempts that 
Labaa bad made (31"-) to deprive him of hJH lawful 
••f»IP> CI"***). L*ban, oouMcioiiH of the truth 
in Jaeovs refiriNu-hcu. malcmi no attempt to reply : 
"•**■•••*••»' 'i l'rot«»»«tinglhatev<Tytliing 

^?r" J*"?? ' '•>' '''" ! '""' •^'"•'» "'•'•li'* <« 

*">— f*> «fP«l* ' • I I -Mling hiniM'lf jis con- 
— f— dJo r Mada tiyl.'- ! . Ifnr«. Accordingly he 
|ir«i|iiM«a eov«Mn » ■ • ..n- (Dthut 

iairs *■■?•" ...ii-mmt 

MNtMiriMliar Jae"' My^ marked 

MralMBp of stoti' ii|,, with hoNtilu 

!5*?A V^"'™' »*»•• i-r. on I ho object 

?!'*'*• ry'y*' ' 'I'»«" 'ovrnnnt 

! y*y y— **— '.'' •> •» |'«rti..«. I^ilmn 

Tb« chaiMter of lAimn i niinble one. 

iMMKo «ily«arkiN' 
^yv« M fm MT mr ti- '; 

His sister and daughters all show duplicity and 
acquisitiveness ; and Laban displays an exaggera- 
tion of the same qualities. His leading motive 
is evidently self-interest ; and he is not particular 
in the choice of means for securing his ends. The 
ruse by Mhich he passes off Leah upon his nephew 
instead of Rachel, is an unpardonable piece of 
deceit. In his subsequent dealings with his son-in- 
law, he does not. treat him equitably. It is ad- 
mitted by him, expressly in J (30-"), and by impli- 
cation in E, — for the statements in 31^"^^ cf. v.^, 
pass unchallenged, — that Jacob is a good servant ; 
but Laban seeks to make out of him more than 
fair profits. In 30^"** he betraj^s his grasping 
disposition by closing with an arrangement which, 
if carried out fairly, could not but have proved an 
inequitable one for Jacob, and in which, therefore, 
Laban had no right to be surprised if he found him- 
self circumvented. In the narrative of E (3P"^^) — 
which (vv.®"i-) ditters from that of J in not represent- 
ing Jacob as taking any unfair advantage of his 
father-in-law (cf. ii. p. 533, note) — Laban is charged 
with defrauding Jacob, and arbitrarily changing the 
wages that had been agreed upon, to suit his own 
ends (vv.''- *^). And his daughters own (31"- *') that 
he is a hard and unnatural parent. 

2. A place mentioned in the obscure verse, Dt 1' 
(see Comm. ; or above, art. Dl-ZAHAB). Nothing 
can be said about it, except that if the verse 
describes a locality in the ' steppes of Moab,' Laban 
will be the name of a place in that neighbourhood, 
otherwise unknown ; while if, as others suppose, 
the verse, at least in its orij^inal context, described 
places passed by the Israelites in their previous 
wanderings, it may be identical with the LlBNAll 
(which see) of Nu 33-'*' (which, to judge from v.", was 
near a Hazcroth, as was the case also with the 
Laban mentioned in Dt 1'). S. R. Driver. 

LABANA {Aa^avd), 1 Es 52»=Lebanah, Ezr 2«. 

LABOUR.— As a subst. 'labour' is now almost 
confined to what is called the abstract use— the act 
or state of Ial>ouring. Formerly it expressed also 
the fruit of labour, as Ex 23'" ' when thou hast 

f fathered in tiiv labours (^'f>'p) out of the field'; 
lab 3'' 'The lal)()ur (i;?7,?) of the olive shall fail' 
(Davidson, ' the jtroduce of tlie olive'). Hence the 
word is frequently in the jtlural, as Jn 4="* 'other 
men laboured, and ye are entered into their laliours ' 
(tii t6v k6vov airrOiv, RV ' into their labour '). Knox, 
Hist. 1)2, has tlie word in the sense of 'ellort,' 
'(Jreat labours were made to make them have a 
good tijiinion of the iMassc' 

The verb is used witii a trans, force in 2 Mac 2^*' 
' Rut to use brevity, and avoid much labouring 
of the work (ri i^fprfOLaTiKbv ttjj 7r/)a7/iiaT(f )ias irapai- 
TtTcOai, RV ' to avoid a laboured fulness in tlie 
treatment'), is to be granted to him that will make 
an aliridgoment.' So in beg. of Pref. to .W Kill, 
' Zeale t<i promote the common good, whether it be 
by devising any thing our selves, or revising that 
which hath itene laiioured by «>(hers, descrvetli 
certainly much resp«>ct and esteeme, but yet 
lindetli but cold intertainment in the world.' Cf. 
Hall, iyiii/,s, ii. 1(M), ' these are the men whos(( (Mire 
wee mUHt labour' ; Pref. to Itliem. NT, IS.VJ, 'The 
|MM»re ploughman, could tiieii in labouring the 
ground, King the hyuincM and psalmes eitiicr in 
knowen «»r unknowen hiiiguagcM, as tlu\v heanl 
them in tim holy (liurcli, though they couhl 
neither reade ?u)r know the Hense, meaning, nini 
niyNtericN of the same.' J. Hastino.s. 

LACCUNUB {.KaxxnC^voi, AV Lneunus), 1 Es 0=". 
'I'liK name in E/r l(P' is ('iii;i,ai,, to which the 
Viil^'. form Cii/ru.s III I l'",M M|i|iroaclics. 

H. St. .1, I'MACKKlfAV 




LACE.— Lace is from Lat. laquaus, a snare, 
through the Old French laqs, las, and it is used in 
the sense of snare in Chaucer, Spenser, and otliers. 
Thus Chaucer, Legend of Good Women, 600 — 

' Cut love had broght this man in swiche a rage. 
And him so narwe bounrlen in his las, 
Al for the love of Cleopataras, 
That al the world he sette at no value.* 

Then it is used for any cord or band, as Fuller, 
Holy Warre, 123, ' Pitie it was that Kahabs red 
lace was not tied at his window.' This is the 
meaning of the word in AV, where it occurs 
only as tr. of h'np pdthil,* Ex 28^ ('And they shall 
bind the breastplate by the rings thereof unto the 
rings of the ephod with a lace of blue ') 28" 39-^- '■'^ ; 
and of K\wff/ia in Sir 6** ' her bands are purple lace ' 
{KXCxTfia vadvdivov, AVm ' a ribband of blue silk ' ; 
RV 'a ribband of blue'; Fritzsche, 'purple-blue 
threads'; Bissell, ' hyacinthine threads'). Cf. 
Shaks. Winter's Tale, ill. ii. 174 — 

• O, cut my lace, lest my heart, cracking it, 
Break too.' J. HASTINGS. 

LACEDEMONIANS. — The Avord AaKtSainhvioi 
occurs only once in LXX, and its Eng. eq\iivalent 
only once in KV, viz. 2 Mac 5". Jason, the head 
of the Hellenizing partj' in Jerus., who had bought 
the high priesthood from his brother Onias III. 
during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, was 
himself outbidden and expelled from the office by 
Menelaus his brother (Jos. Ant. XII. v. 1 and 
XV. iii. 1), or, according to 2 Mac 4^, the brother 
of Simon, a former governor of the temple. On a 
false report of the death of Antiochus, Jason made 
an unsuccessful assault upon Jerus. ; but, after 
causing great loss of life among his fellow-citizens, 
he was driven an outcast to the land of the Am- 
monites, from there to the court of Aretas an 
Arabian prince, then into Egypt, and lastly to the 
L., in whose country he died a dishonoured exile. 
The reason of liis ultimate recourse to the latter 
people was the alleged kinship between the Jews 
and the Greeks, resting on tlie supposed connexion 
between Peleg and tlie Pelasgians, a prehistoric 
people mentioned as living in dill'erent parts of 
Greece and coasts of the /Egean Sea. Peleg, how- 
ever, or Plialeg, whose name implies ' division ' 
(Jos. Ant. I. vi. 4), the ancestor of Abraham and 
the son of Heber, — tlie eiionymous ancestor of the 
Hebrew race, — was (Jos. ib.) the great-grandson of 
Noah, and belonged to the Semitic family. The 
Pelasgians, on the other hand, were part of the 
Indo-European stock, and afterwards mingled with 
the Hellenes in Greece, and with the Carians, 
Lydians, and Phrygians in Asia Minor. 

LiTERATCRB. — Rawllnson's Ilerodotus, vols. i. and iii., Appen- 
dixes and Notes. C. H. PRICHARD. 

LACHISH (tr-j^ LXX Aaxet's, twice with the art. 
T7]v Aaxft's Jos lO*-*', in Jos 15^ B Max^jy, B"*" 
Aax^js ; Vulg. Lachis). — An important fortified 
town in Judah. Its king, Japhia, formed a league 
with four other Canaanite kings, viz. those of 
Jerus., Eglon, Hebron, and Jarmuth, to smite the 
Gibeonites, as they had made peace with Israel 
(Jos 10^"^", JE mainly). Joshua overcame the 
united forces, and the kings fled to a cave in 
Makkedah, where they were pursued by the 
Israelites, who rolled stones against the mouth 
of the cave. Later, the kings were taken out, 
humiliated, and hanged on five trees. At sunset, 
by command of Joshua, their bodies were taken 
down and placed in the cave, at whose mouth 
Btones were again rolled. The siege of L. by 

♦Elsewhere pdthll is rendered in AV 'bound' Nu 1915; 
• nbband ' Nu 1538 (rv ' cord ') ; ' thread ' Jg 169 (RV ' string ') ; 
'line' Ezk 40^; 'bracelets' Gn 3818 (RV 'cord') 38''» (RV 

ords ') ; ' wires ' Ex 39^. 

Joshua, according to D-, occupied parts of two days 
(vv.^i- *^). When it was taken, all the inhabitants 
were put to the sword. 

The place is next n'.entioned in the list of 
cities built by Kehoboam for defence, by which it 
may be understood that he re-fortified the town 
(2Ch IP). Amaziah fled to L. from a conspiracy 
in Jerus., but he was pursued and slain there 
(2 K 14i« II 2 Ch 25-"^). The prophet Micah inveighs 
against L. as ' the beginning of sin to the daughter 
of Zion, for the transgressions of Israel were found 
in thee' (Mic 1^*), an enigmatical utterance, the 
conjectures regarding the meaning of Avhich will be 
found in Nowack's Comm. ad loc. When Sen- 
nacherib made his raid on the kingdom of Judah, 
he took all the fortified cities, including L. (2 K 
IS^''- ''', Is 36^). The scene of the siege is depicted in 
an Assyr. sculpture, now in the British Museum. To 
this place Hezekiah sent messengers with immense 
gifts and promises of submission, to induce the 
Assyr. king, who was there encamped, to abandon 
the campaign (2 K 18"'i"*). In reply, Sennacherib 
despatched a great host against Jerus. (2 K 18''' || 
Is 36^). But his forces were miraculously destroyed, 
and he returned to Assyria, abandoning his con- 
quests (2 K 19*>- 38 II Is 37^- ^, 2 Ch 32-i). The 
account in 2 Ch 32" mentions the envoys sent to 
Hezekiah, but not the expedition against Jerus., as 
it says of Sennacherib, ' but he (himself laid siege) 
to L., and all his power with him.' When c. 120 
years later, Nebuch. king of Babylon, destroyed 
the kingdom of Judah and carried the people into 
captivity, L. was one of the cities taken (Jer 34'). 
On the return of the Jews, L. was one of the 
places re-occupied, but it is noticeable that while 
each of the other places is spoken of as beinj?, 
occupied ' with the villages thereof,' ' Lachish 
and the fields thereof ' are referred to as if the 
occupation was but feeble (Neh 11**). It is not 
mentioned in the NT, nor in the Apocryplia. 

Scholars are now generally agreed tliat L. is to 
be identified with Tell el-Hesy, a mound in the 
rolling country between the maritime plain and 
the Judtean hills, 16 miles E. of Gaza, a little to 
the north. This identification was first proposed 
by Conder, who sees in the radicals of the modern 
name a reminiscence of the ancient, though tlie 
change in the second radical from d to n is unusual. 
The position of Tell el-Hesy corresponds fairly with 
Jerome's description of L. in the Onomasticon. He 
says : ' Lachis in tribu Juda . . . et nunc est villa 
in septimo milliario ab Eleutheropoli euntibus 
Daromam.' Eleutheropolis is the modern Beit 
Jibrin, 10 miles from Tell el-^esy, which nearly 
coincides. Daroma maj' be the Shephelah, or low 
country, in which Tell el-IJesy is situated. Another 
equally important mound. Tell en-Nejileh, is found 
3^ miles to the south of Tell el-5esy, about the 
same distance from Beit Jibrin. Both have springs 
at their base. These two mounds seem to represent 
L. and Eglon, which were within easy marching 
distance, as Joshua took Eglon on the day that he 
left L. (Jos 10^^). As Eglon disajjpears from history 
earlier than L., and as the remains on the top of 
Tell en-Nejileh are earlier than those on the top of 
Tell el-^esy, Petrie regards the former as Eglon 
and the later as Lachish. However, until syste- 
matic excavations are conducted at Tell en-Nejileh, 
the matter should not be held to be finally settled. 

The site of Tell el-5esy is admirably suited for 
a toAvn, as the original dwellings stood on a blulf 
facing east, some 60 feet above the Wady el-5esy, 
and were furtlier protected by ridges to the west 
During the course of centuries the remains accumu 
lated, until the last occupation stood some 120 feel 
above the stream-bed. In 1890, Petrie, excavating 
for the Pal. Explor. Fund, studied the tell, during 
a short season, in cuttings around its sides, arriving 




at conclasions which the present ^^Tite^'s more ex- 
tended work, covering four seasons, modified, but 
did not materially alter. One-third of the mound 
being chosen, it was cut down, layer by layer, each 
layer representing a distinct occupation, until the 
▼iisin sod was reached. We have thus the plans of 
ognt cities, the second built on the ruins of the first, 
the third on the ruins of the second, and so on. 
This series of superimposed constructions is due to 
the material, tach city was built of mud-brick, 
which requiresnothing but mud-brick for itsfounda- 
tkMl The cities were approximately dated by the 
objeeta found in situ. The first three or four towns 
occapied an area about ^ mile square, while the 
2ater towns confined themselves to a space about 
100 yards sqnare, and may thus be regarded as a 
•eties of forts, as almost all are fianked by thick 
walls. The earliest town was distinguished by 
peculiar styles of pottery, which have been named 
Amorite. It also contained a group of unique 
branxe implements. It is fortified by a strong wall 
and tower, and may be dated at about B.C. 1700. 
City II. is dated by scarabs at about B.C. 1500. 
City III. was buried under a thick bed of ashes. 
Oataide one of its chambers was discovered a cunei- 
form tablet, which from its style and contents is 
■hown to belong to the period of the Tel el-Amarna 
taUeta, which were letters sent to Amenhotep in. 
and IV. of Egypt, about B.C. 1450, by their allies 
and dependants in Syria, Palestine, and farther 
east. It mentions the name of Zimridi, who, as 
we learn in a tablet from Jems., was governor of 
L., murdered in that city by servants or the Egyp. 
king. The hopes suggested by the discovery of 
this tablet are far-reaching. The date B.C. 1450 
for t\m city is confirmed by scarabs found here. 
In City IV. (B.C. 1400-1000) Pham. pottery prevails. 
Here iron objects first appeared, but these were 
found in all the superimposed cities. In City V. 
(about B.C. 1000) and City VI. (about 800) Jewish 
ware is prevalent. City VI. has a great accumula- 
tioOt fron> whicli we inter a long occupation. The 
red and black figured Greek jittery is common in 
Citiea VII. and VIII., suggesting B.C. 500-400 as 
the limit* of those occupations. The absence of 
csoins and of Itoman and seleucidan remains shows 
that the site was deserted after B.C. 400. 

The remains at Tell thus corresiiond 
admirably to the historv of Lachish. One of the 
earlier dues undoubtedly fell a prey to Jo.shua, a 
later one wa« fortified by I«vliol>oani, and we may 
point with conHiderable confidence to the thick 
walls of City VI. as the fortifications tJiken by 
Sennacherib, whose w;ulpture8 comtnemorating 
the aveni bear a striking resemblance to Tell 

Wa nave, bowevor, in considering the identifica- 
tion, to count with the phrase of Jerome, ' nunc 
«si viiU.' While the teil shows no late remjuiiH, 
tbaadJaMnt fields are strewn with Honum pottery, 
and S miles away b the slight ruin of Umm-Lafcii 
rbni eie Clermont-Ganneau, liihl. lUn. in I'nl. i. 
(,*•••) ©• 4IIJ,eo«tainlng Ilonum rmuiinM, which wuh 
lonMrly fdentiSed with L. and which INtrie trims 
lalea, • ber [? ( see Mound of Many Citi.s, p. MI | 
moUmt wac Laehiab/ He snggostM that m.mhi aft.-r 
Ibe reCom of the Jews from cxiln they removed 
^hmmMmmni to UmmlMkit. The name in pro- 
nantpALaggU bjr Uie Arabs, who pron«Huici) a p 
. "W* '• . ^ ?*>■■«• ''»» 3 to p IM not c«munon. 
<»•* •Hhf, »» the ael'U fM— i-m ..| |,,,^^, ..^ ^^ 
Ummt.U iku, we have 1 i, „iiiy ea-ily 

wyrmsu t the town stu ,, the tiiii« of 

farlteCdOMiitUw"! i.r 

LACK is both a subst. (=want) and a verb ( = be 
deficient in, want). Thus as subst., Ex 16'** 'he 
that gathered little had no lack ' ; Job 4'^ ' The 
old lion perisheth for lack of prey ' ; Ph 2™ ' to 
supply your lack of service toward me' {t6 vfiHv 
ixTTfprjixa ; RV 'that which was lacking in your 
service') ; 1 Th 4'^ ' that ye may have lack (xpelav, 
RV 'need') of nothing.' Cf. Elyot, Governom , 
ii. 263, ' To the one and the other is required th>3 
vertue morall called fortitude, whiche as moche 
as it is a vertue is a Mediocritie or meane botwene 
two extremities, the one in surplusage, the other in 
lacke ' ; T. Lever, Sermons, p. 83, ' yome doo raveyn 
and spoyll that which is not their owne, and be 
ever in lacke and neede.' Lever uses tiie subst. 
in the plu. also. Sermons, p. 74, ' These be verye 
small thinges towardes the amendment of so many 
lackes, in so great a multitude.' 

As a verb ' lack ' is both trans, and intrans. 
Thus Ja P ' If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask 
of God.' Cf. Ro 2-''tind., 'An informer of them 
which lacke discrecion ' ; Pr. Bk. 1549 (Comn^union), 
' And if there be any of you, whose conscience is 
troubled and grieved in any thing, lacking comfort 
or counsel, let him come to me, or to some other 
discreet and learned priest, taught in the law of 
God, and confess and open his sin and grief secretly, 
that he may receive such ghostly counsel, advice, 
and comfort, that his conscience may be relieved.' 
Tlie intrans. use, though Abbott [Shales. Gram. 
§ 293) gives it in his list of ' trans, verbs rarely 
used intransitively,' is often found in AV. Thus 
Ps 34'" 'The young lions do lack, and suffer 
hunger'; 1 Co 12'-'^ 'having given more abundant 
honour to that part wiiich lacked.' Cf. Pr. Bk. 
1552 (Com.), 'there lacketh nothing but the 
guests to sit down'; and Hall, Works, ii. 51, 
' Either will or ability lacked in them.' 

Earle (Psaller of 1539, p. 2C7) points out that, in place of 
Mack 'of previous versions, AV otten has 'want.' He quotes 
Ps 231 ' therefore can I lack nothing ' in 1539, ' I shall not 
want' in 1011 ; Jg 18io, Lk ISH And he explains that the word 
' lack ' had in the meantime suffered depreciation from the use 
of it as a common interpellation by stall-keepers to passc-r»-oy ; 
What d'ye lack, what d'ye lack ? To Early's examples add .Ja 1-* 
Tind. 'lacking nothing,' AV 'wanting nothing'; and for the 
subst., ' for Ittcke of knowlage ' in the Canib. MS of Ridley's 
Bre/e Declaration, reprinted by Moule (p. 95), changed in the 
Oxford and ' modernized ' MS into ' want. 

J. Hastings. 

LAD. — In OT the only word tr** ' lad ' is nyj na'nr 
(33 times), and in NT watdApiov (once, Jn 6"). Like 
na'nr in Heb., 'lad' has always been used collo- 
quially in Eng. for 'servant.' Once RV changes 
' lad ' into ' servant,' 2 K 4"* ' And he said to a lad 
(1*30, RV 'his servant'), Carry him to his mother.' 
Tindale uses the word of Joshua, Ex 33" ' Antl 
when Moses turned agayne in totiie hoste, the liuld 
Josua his servaunte the sonne of Nun depart eil 
not out of the tabernacle' (AV^ 'his servant [RV 
' niiniHter '] .loshua the son of Nun, a young man ). 
Once the Rhem. version translates irah i)y 'lad,' 
Mt 17'* ' the ladde was cured from that houro ' ( AV 
and all i)reviou8 versions 'child,' RV ' boy '). 

J. Hastinos. 

LADAN (nv^). — 1. A name occurring in the 
genculogy ot tloHhuti, 1 Ch 7^ (Aa55di'). 2. A 
(ierNlionite family niime, 1 Oh 2\i'-'^-^ (B 'E5di', 
A AtaUv) [H\"i"^ (H \a5dv, AaSdv''", A AfSd*/"", 
Aaaddf). Ill U'^ it appears as LlllNI (wh. see). 

LADDER (o^p, )cX/ua().— 1. Jacob in his dream at 
llcllii'l Mjiw a 'lu<l(l(>r' Hot uj) on the earth and 
rcui'liing to hcuviii iGii 'JH'^). The Ilcb. wnrd 
occiiTM only here, and tiiougli lA'.X rcnderH it by 
K\l/ia( it luiH been <l<Mibted whet licr ' ladder ' (rim- 
veys its exact meaning.* The heights near Bethel 

* llnndcrwiM (Kr/w»*. Tiitifi, Jan. IHIKI, p. ird f.) oontonda 
that .Iwiili'ii ' InddtT ' wiM roully a tuinple-lowur ulinilur to the 
tialiylonlan K-SagUa 




are said to present the appearance of steps from 
certain points of view, and it has been conjectured 
that in Jacob's dream the piled-up rocks around 
him were transformed into a vast stairway on which 
angels went and came (Dillm. and others note that 
the angels are conceived as wingless. See Angel, 
vol. i. p. 94*). The visionary ' ladder ' was a symbol 
to Jacob of the communication with God whicli 
was open to him, and Christ alluded to it in 
claiming that this communication between heaven 
and earth would be perfected in Himself (Jn P^). 
See Bush, Notes on Genesis; Dods, Genesis, in loc. 
2. In 1 Mac 5*" ladders are mentioned among the 
preparations for the siege of Dathema. The use 
of scaling ladders for attacking fortified walls was 
general in ancient warfare. Such ladders are repre- 
sented on Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, as 
well as on later classical remains. See Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptians, i. 243 ; Erman, Ancient Egypt, 
533 ; Layard, Nineveh, ii. 372 ; Kiistow u. Kochly, 
Geschiclitc des Griechischen Kriegswcsens, 205, 32U ; 
Rich, Horn, and Gr. Antiquities, s.v. 'Scalae.' 

James Patrick. 

LADDER OF TYRE (dirb rijs kXI/juikos TOpov; 
Vulg. a terminis Tyri ; Syr. ' from the borders 
of Tyre,' 1 Mac IP^; Talm. nisT kdSid ; ' KU/xaros 
in Alex. 64, 93 ist vielleiclit vorwitzige* Aende- 
rung des unverstandenen Ausdrucks,' Grimm, 
Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, loc. cit.). — This was 
evidently a prominent landmark ; it is given as the 
northern limit of the territory to the captaincy of 
which Antiochus VI. promoted Simon Maccabteus 
(1 Mac IP"; Jos. Ant. XIII. v. 4). In describing 
the situation of Acre, Josephus mentions it again, 
as a mountain lying about 100 stadia to the 
north {BJ ll. x. 2). The mountains stand round 
the plain of Acre almost in the form of a semi- 
circle, terminating S.W. and N.W. in the bold 
promontories of Carmel ami lids en - Nakurah, 
which drop precipitously on the shore. Between 
the base of Carmel and the beach there is a strip 
of land, leaving room for a highway, which affords 
free communication between the plain of Acre and 
that of Sharon. The cliff's of lids en-Nakurah, on 
the contrary, plunge straiglit into the waves, and 
the journey northward is made with difficulty over 
the height. This has led many to identify Eds 
en-Nahurah with the 'Ladder' to be scaled before 
the land of the Tyrians could be approached. But 
when this obstacle is surmountetf, a not less for- 
midable barrier is interposed between the traveller 
and Tyre by Rds el-Abyad, 'the white promon- 
tory,' Pliny's Promontorium album, at a few miles' 
distance, on the northern edge of a pleasant vale. 
The clilfs of this headland ' of white indurated 
marl interlaced with seams of dark-coloured flint,' 
fall from a great heiglit, sheer into the sea. Along 
the face of the preciiiice a pathway has been cut, 
to be traversed not without danger ; the crags 
rising steeply from the edge on one hand, and 
on the other a perpendicular descent, the waves 
booming among the rocks and caves 200 ft. below. 
The ascent to this path is cut after tlie manner 
of a staircase. This, perhaps, has led some to 
identify the Ladder of Tyre with lids el-Abyad. 
But the same was tnie of lids en-Na/cth-ah before 
certain recent alterations (PEF 31em. i. 192). 
Asher hazards the conjecture that Benjamin of 
Tudela intended this place by "iis nsin (vol. ii. p. 75). 

A study of the locality together with the state- 
ment of Josephus (BJ II. x. 2) has convinced the 
present writer that the name Ladder of Tyre was 
not applied to either of tliese promontories alone. 
Speaking in succession of the mountains of Galilee 
and Carmel, Josephus says that which the natives 
call the Ladder of the Tyrians ' is the highest of 
all." Hds en-Nakiirah, which is only 223 ft. high, 
* Suggested perhaps by ipiam which follows. 
VOL. III. — 2 

does not answer the description ; neither does Rds 
el-Abyad, which, in addition, is not visible from 
Acre, it could apply only to the lofty ridge N. 
of the plain, measuring some 8 miles across, and 
rising to a height of over 1000 ft., which, as it 
sinks seaward, throws off three distinct headlands, 
terminating abruptly on the shore : lids el-Mu- 
sheirifeh, Rds en-Nakiirah, and Rds el- A byad. The 
two former, being close together, are often spoken 
of as one under the name of the second. These 
western spurs, barring the approach to the Phceni- 
cian plain, doubtless suggested the name, ' Ladder 
of the Tyrians,' applied to the whole mountain. 

Literature.— Kobinson, Later Researches, 66, 89; Stanley 
Sinai and Pal. 264,266, 269; Thomson,, 1/awd and Book, ii. 
246, 26a, 265; Neubauer, Giog. du Talm. 39; PEF Mem. i. 
143, 192; Maundrell, Early Travels in Palestine (Bohn); 
Baedeker, /"ai. and 6'i/r.2 271. W. EWING. 

LADE. — The mod. form 'load' occurs in AV 
1611 twice, Is 46' 'your carriages were heavie 
loaden,' and Ps 68'* 'Blessed be the Lord, who 
daily loadeth us with benefits.' Elsewhere the 
form is ' lade,' which is now used only of ships. T. 
Fuller, Holy and Profane State, p. 359, says, ' The 
ship may have Castor and Pollux for the badge, 
yet notwithstanding have S. Paul for the lading.' 

J. Hastings. 

LADY. — This word occurs six times in AV, 
translating three different words. {\)r\-y^igebhereth, 
which means ' mistress ' and is so translated every- 
where else (viz. Gn 16'*-«- ", 2 K S\ Ps 123^ Pr 30===*, 
Is 24"-'), is translated ' lady ' in Is 47*- ^, a tr" which 
has come down from Wyclif. RV retains 'lady,' 
but Amer. RV prefers ' mistress.' 

(2) n"i-^ sdrdh, the name of Abraham's wife, 
signifies 'princess,' which is its tr. in 1 K IP and 
La 1' in AV and RV. But in Jg S"^, Est 1'* AV 
gives 'lady,' which RV changes to 'princess' in 
the second passage ; the same change .<<liould have 
been made in the first also. In Is 49^* both have 
' queen,' with AVm ' princess.' 

(3) In NT Kvpla, which occurs only 2 Jn'- *, is 
translated ' lady,' a tr" which again comes from 
Wyclif. In this case the tr" is much disputed, 
some taking the word as a proper name. See art. 
John, Epistles of, vol. ii. p. 740 f. 

As in the sense of master ' lord ' has nearly passed out of use, 
except in its application to Christ, so ' lady ' in the sense of 
mistress is rapidly passing away, except in reference to the 
Virgin Mary.* The Douay version of La 1' was originally ' How 
doth the citie ful of people sit solitarie : how is the ladie of the 
Gentils become as a widow?' But the modern editions have 
' mistress ' for ' ladie.' Cf. Gn 16'* Wye. ' And Agar seigh that 
sche hadde consey ved, and sche dispiside hir ladi ' ; and Is iV 
Gov. 'and thou thoughtest thus, I shalbe lady for ever.' 

J. Hastings. 
LAEL (^h\, BA AaiJX.. Luc. AaouTjX ; O.L. [Lyons 
MS] Dael; — apparently an eiTor extending through 
all known copies of the LXX, and earlier tlian the 
O.L.). — A Gershonite Levite, Nu 3^. The name 
means ' belonging to God, 'and is interesting as being 
almost the only example in OT of such a formation 
(preposition + divine name). The idea exjjressed 
by it ' appears to rest on a reflection which must 
have been foreign to the highest antiquity' (Nol- 
deke, WZKM, 1892, p. 314, quoted in Gray, Heh. 
Proper Names, p. 207 ; cf. also Wellhausen, licstc-, 
p. 7). The nearest Semitic parallel to it adduced 
by Niildeke is the Palmyrene cdc'? ' belonging to 
the sun.' J. A. Selbie. 

LAHAD (in^). — A Judahite family name, 1 Ch 4- 
(B Aadd, A Add). 

LAHAI-ROI.— See Beer-lahai-eoi. 

* In the ' glosses ' as they were called, i.e. marginal notes, tc 
the fragment of NT printed by Trndale in 1525, there occurs at 
Mt 1'-^ 'it foUoweth not that .loseph knew our lady atterward. 
In the notes to the NT of 1538, 'Mary' is substituted for 'our 




LAHM AM (2rr"r. perh. textual error for D-pn^, which 
is adopted by KVmLahmas, following LXX Max^j 
and Lnc. Ao>x^j).— ^A town of Judah, noticed with 
others near the foot of the hills, Jos 15^. There is 
a ruin called el-Lahm, near Beit Jibrin, which is a 
poflsiUe site (cf. Tobler, DritU Wanderung, 129; 
sWP\o\. iii sheet xx.). C. R. Coxder. 

LAHM I. — The name given in oar copies of 
Chronicles to a certain Philistine giant. The 
statement is: 'And smote Elhanan . . . Lahmi 
the brother of Goliath the Gittite' (1 Ch 20«). 
Bat the parallel statement is : ' And smote Elhanan 
... the Bethleheniite Goliath the Gittite ' (2 S 
21*). Any one who will compare these, as written 
in Hebrew characters, will find reason to think 
that one is a copy of the other, and that one 
et^iyiftor the other misread his copy. Probably 
the reading in Samael is correct, and the word 
Lalimi (•"-r^-nic) is properh* a part of the word 
Bethlehemite('5">n n's), the giant in question being 
a relative and namesake of the Goliath whom 
Darid slew (but see art. David, vol. i. p. 562^ and 
cf. Driver, Text of Sam. p. 272). 

W. J. Beecher. 

LAI8H (e^^). — 1. The original name of the town 
of Dan (wh. see), Jg W-u.T..2i xiie variation 
LaiiMm (wh. see) occurs in Jos 19^'^^. 2. The 
lather of Palti or Paltiel, to whom Michal, David's 
wife, was given by Saul, 1 S 25**, 2 S 3'*. 

LAI8HAH (.-v:^). Is 10»>.— The name of a place 
eontnttini with Gallim, and mentioned here along 
with other localities in Benjamin and Judah. If 
Gallim be Beit Jala near Bethlehem, Laishali 
would also be in that neighbourhood. 

LAKE.— The inland waters which may be classed 
nnder the tenn lakes are of two kinds— open and 
dosed. Open lakes, in which the water is fresh, 
have an outlet in tiie form of a river or stream by 
which the unevajwrated waters escape ; while, in 
the case of cluttiid lakes having no outlet, the 
wat«r \h»j receive from streams or springs is 
evaporated as fast a.s it enters, and as a general 
rcKult the water of such lakes is salt or brackish. 
Of both of these varieties we have examnles in the 
eases of tlie three princiiMil lakes of Palestine ; 
those of Huleh (Merom), Galilee (Tiljerias), and 
toe Dead Kea. In the ease of tlie first two, the 
irateraof the Jordan descending from tliuir wmrces 
n the Lebanon, augmented by many otlier streams 
flowing; in from the east and west, enter from the 
north and iiam out from the south ; nnally enter- 
InjC at the northern end of the Dead Sea, they pass 
off inU> the air by evaiiorati(jn, there l>eing no 
fmtJei from this great ni^ervoir (see Mkuom, 
jYT»or » Gaulik, I.. OK : Dead Sea). Tlieso 
lakes Ming enen deiieritM*d umler their own names, 
onir a few points by which thtry are connected with 
earh iAhrr nr>M »»»• not IcimI Ihti'. 

' *) ^'' ' " "-^ ""' '^''^'If'Tiir. Inkrg. — As 

r"* f" ""' «li«l«Hation of the strata 

'iih fmiit' is now rccog- 
1 th<' VHlh-y, or line of 
• limy 1m! infiTred tluit 
> < due to uiif<|ual Mtib- 
<>f tliiM lino of valley ; 
'tioMH where the 
\'tt js'feater than 
ihicd by the 
' :iiim', which 
•■ •' i'"i improbable 

■' "■>' '> ■i|.,-...||.«-a| 

I. Ill 

that volcanic action during the Miocene and 
Pliocene periods may have played an important 
part in the formation of these great hollows. 
The evidences of volcanic action all along the 
eastern side, and, to a limited extent, along the 
western side, of the Jordan valley are shown in 
the vast sheets of lava of the Jaulan, Gilead, and 
Moab ; and it seems a fair inference that the 
withdrawal of such enormous quantities of matter 
from the underground magma, and its extrava- 
sation at the surface, may have resulted in pro- 
ducing subsidences in the bed of the Jordan 
valley similar to those known to exist in other 
volcanic regions, such as Auvergne in Central 
France and the countries bordering the !Mediter- 

(2) Relative levels. — The surface of the Lake of 
Haleh is 7 feet below that of the Mediterranean, 
and its depth slight ; that of the Sea of Galilee 
682 feet below the same level ; and that jof the 
Dead Sea 1292 feet : thus the fall between the 
L. of HQleh and that of Galilee is 675 feet in a 
distance of 10 miles, being about 67 feet per 
mile, that between the L. of Galilee and the 
Dead Sea 610 feet in a distance of 65 miles, being 
at the rate of nearly 9 '4 feet per mile ; the Jordan 
is therefore, at least in its upper section, a rapid 
stream. The above distances are measured in a 
direct line. 

Besides these three most important lakes, we 
may mention — 

(a) L. Phiala (Birket er-Rflm), lying at the 
southern foot of Hermon, a lake, circular in 
form and about half a mile in diameter, which 
occupies the crater of an extinct volcano ; one of 
the great group of Trachonitis.* 

(h) Birket el-Jish. — Another small lake of vol- 
canic origin, occupying the crater of a truncated 
cone called Jebel J ish, not far from Safed, on the 
western side of the Jordan valley. 

(c) The Damascus Lakes. — These shallow sheets 
of water, which in summer are converted into 
swamps, are fed by the Abana (Nahr Barada) 
and Pharpar (Nahr Taura) 'rivers of Damascus' 
(2 K 5'^). These streams, issuing from the ravines 
in the liCbanon, by whose springs they are fed, 
pour their life-giving waters over a tract of the 
Syrian Desert in wiiicli tlie city of Damascus is 
situated ; and, assisted by an ancient system of 
canals and conduits, spread fertility over an area 
of several hundred stiuare miles, converting it into 
a garden remarkable both for the richness and 
the variety of the vegetation, which has been a 
theme of admiration for all travellers. The Abaim 
traverses the city itself, and its waters are dis- 
tributed by .seven canals and conduits (see Damas- 
cus). Looking at tlio Jienelicent oHects of the 
Maters of tliesc rivers (m the soil of Syria, Naaiuan 
seems to have be«'n fiiily justilied from his point 
of view in exclaiming, ' Are not Aban.i luid 
Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the 
waters of Israel ? ' E. Hull. 

LAKKUM (o'|i7, B AuSdfj., A S.Kpov, Jaic. AaKovfi). 
-A (fiuii of NHphliili, .los MP. It is mentioned 
in the Ot»iiniiisli<tiii as XaKov/x, but the site has not 
been recovered. 

LAMA. See Eli, Eli, Lama Sadaciithani. 

LAMB is um-il to render various Hebrew terms, 
of whiili till' most. fre<|iienl. arc [\\v fdllowing : 
1. f;5/.'/«.y, \,\\ ifivU, Willi its fciiiiiiincs ///mv?/! 
and kiilistlh, d/ui/dt, V.\ ' rwe liiiiili,' wlicnco by 
iiD'tuthi'HlH the h'MM <'oiiimoii forms 3^'5 kr.sih anil 
."ijyj kixlttlh. Ki.lti:s is said to ocicur H7 times in 

• llMnrilKMl liy H. Morrill (Kiut nf thti Jordan, 14 (18H1)) 
TrUlnuii (iMnd qf lirofl, MM, 2nd o<l.). 




Ex, Lv, and Nu (all in passages belonging to P) in 
connexion witli the ritual of the various sacrifices. 
It most nearly corresponds to our 'Iamb,' being 
very frequently employed with the qualification 
'of the first year' (•"ijv'"13 lit. 'son of a year'). In 
a number of passages the Revisers have sought to 
bring out more clearly the distinction between 
the masc. and the fem. forms by rendering hebes 
more uniformly ' he - lamb ' (as opp. to kibsdh 
'ewe-lamb,' Nu 6" etc.), see Nu V^^- 28»*- 29^*^-, 
Lv 14'^- ^1. 

2. ni^ seh, which strictly denotes ' a head of small 
cattle ' (ft<x), i.e. a sheep or a goat, and therefore 
lacks the precision of kebes (cf. Ex 12' ' Your [Pass- 
over] lamb (1^) shall be without blemish, a male of 
the first year, ye shall take it from the sheep (c*i;'5?) 
or from the goats'). In a few passages our EV 
have 'sheep' where, as in Ex 12' just quoted, the 
context points to 'lamb' as the more appropriate 
rendering, so e.g. Lv '22-''. 

3. 13 kar, perhaps a he-lamb at a stage inter- 
mediate between the kebes and the 'ayil ("?:«) or 
ram. KCirim are mentioned as delicacies Dt 32'^, 
Am 6*, as coveted spoil IS 15", and as tribute 
Is 16", 2 K Z* (Mesha's to the king of Isrjiel ; cf. 
RVm and Comm. in loc). 

In three passages of the Greek translation the 
obscure word n^'^'P kesitnh is wrongly translated 
' lambs ' (see art. Kesitah). 

We liave seen how frequently lambs are men- 
tioned in connexion with the sacrifices of the 
Priests' Code. Of these may be singled out the 
daily morning and evening sacrifice — the T?n tdmid 
of later Judaism ; cf. Dn 8"*- and Mishnajo«mm — 
at each of which ' a male of the first year, without 
spot,' was ottered (Ex 29=«"f-, Nu 28="^-) ; the Sabbath 
tCiinid, when the number of lambs was doubled 
(Nu 28'*'-) ; the sacrifices at the great festivals such 
as Pentecost, when nine lambs in all were ottered, 
and Booths, when the daily number rose to four- 
teen (Nu 29'*''^*, but seven only on the eighth day, 
v.^). To a ditt'erent category belong the mother's 
ottering of a lamb after childbirth (Lv i'2*), and the 
leper's of ' two he-lambs and one ewe-lamb of the 
first year' (Lv H^"**^-). For the special case of the 
Passover lamb, see art. Passover. 

The flesh of the lamb was naturally esteemed a 
delicacy among the Hebrews as elsewhere (Dt 32^'', 
Am iS* ; also 2 S \^^-, Nathan's parable of the ewe- 
lamb). It was forbidden, however, to kill a lamb 
till it was a week old (Ex 22*, Lv 22^), and even 
then the dam and lier offspring must not be killed 
on the same day (Lv 22-**). 

It was inevitable that so familiar and character- 
istic a creature as the lamb should supply Hebrew 
writers witli a variety of figures. Thus the gam- 
bolling of lambs in the spring-time suggests itself 
to the author of tlie Book of \Vis<lom as a suitable 
figure for tlie exuberant and praiseful joy of the 
Hebrews on the occasion of the exodus from Egypt 
(Wis 19" ; cf. a similar figure in Mai 4^ [Heb. 3-'"]). 
In Hebrew, as in other literatures, the lamb 
is the symbol of innocence and gentleness, as 
opposed to cunning and ferocity. ' What fellow- 
.ship,' asks ben-Sira, 'hath the wolf with tlie 
lamb?' (Sir 13" ; cf. Horace, Epod. iv. 1) ; yet <me 
of the most striking features of the Messianic age 
is the cessation of this hereditary antipathy, when 
'the wolf shall dwell with the' lamb' (Is 11"; cf. 
65-^). The lambs are the special object of the 
Messiah's care (Is 40'^ cx^a tihVim, Apva^). In the 
spirit of this prophecy we find that ' feed my lambs ' 
(to dpvia /j.ov) was part of the Master's threefold 
charge to Peter (Jn 2p5). 

The lamb as the synonym of guileless innocence 
and gentleness, further, is appropriated by Jere- 
miah, who, all unsuspicious of the wiles of his 
enemies, describes himself as ' a gentle lamb ' 

(Jer IP" RV), a figure repeated in the familiar 
portrait of the suttering Servant of J ", who is also 
portrayed ' as a lamb that is led to the slaughter ' 
(Is 53^ RV).* The influence of the latter passage 
in shaping the Messianic Hope of Judaism cannot 
be over-estimated. Thus it is generally admitted 
that it, above all, was in the Baptist's mind when 
he pointed to our Lord with the words, ' Behold 
the Lamb of Godf (6 dfivbs toO deou) which taketh 
away the sin of the Avorld' (Jn !-"•*• »«; cf. Ac H^'^). 
It is not impossible, however, that there may also 
be included a reference to tlie lamb of the daily 
sacrifice and even to the lamb of the approaching 
Passover (see Westcott, in loc), since the writer of 
the Fourth Gospel beyond a doubt declares the 
Saviour upon the cross to be the true Paschal 
Lamb (see esp. Jn 19=*« ; cf. for St. Paul 1 Co S'). 
This expiatory aspect of our Saviour's death is also 
emphasized by St. Peter in his application to Christ 
of the technical attributes of tiie sacrificial victim, 
' a lamb without blemish and Nvithout spot '(IP 
P"; cf. Ritschl, Die christl. Lehre v. d. McchtJ'er- 
tigung\ 1882, ii. 176, 177). 

There remains the oft-recurring (twenty-seven 
times) symbol of the Book of Revelation, in which 
our Lord is figured as the 'Lamb' (note apvlov 
throughout, not d/uj'js), first introduced in 5*^ ' as 
thougli it had been slain' (dpctoj' . . . ws i(T<payiJi€vov). 
This is not the least striking of the points of con- 
tact — even though the terms used are not identical 
— between the Apocalypse and tlie Fourth Gospel 
(see the latest commentary, Bousset, Die Offen- 
bnricng Johannis, 1896, p. 200), and in so far 
supports the opinion of those who seek the source 
of the apocalyptic symbol in the Paschal Lamb 
rather than in Is 53^ (for the whole question see 
the commentaries and works on NT theology). 
The lamb in early Christian symbolism is beyond 
the limits of a Dictionary of the Bible (see art. 
Lamb in Smith's Diet, of Christian Antiquities). 
A. R. S. Kennedy. 

LAME, LAMENESS.— See Medicine, 

LAMECH (ri'^h, A(i/iex)-+— !• A descendant of 
Cain, Gn 4^^''- (J). He is said to have married two 
wives, Adah and Zillah (v.^" the first mention of 
polygamy in the Bible), the former of whom became 
the mother of Jabal and Jubal, the latter of Tubal- 
cain (v.'"**^-). Legend ascribed to Laniech the fol- 
lowing somewhat enigmatical utterance, which 
has been preserved by J in poetical form : — 

'Adah and Zillah, hear my voice ; 
Ye wives of Lamech, hearken unto my speech ; 
For I slay (have slain ?) a man for wouudin{f me, 
And a young man for bruisinjj me. 
If Cain shall be avenged se\ enfold, 
Truly Lamech shall be avenged seventy and sevenfold.' 

The above is frequently called * the sword-lay,' 
being supposed to be a glorification by Lamech of 
the weapons forged by his son Tubal-cain, by the 
aid of which he can defy his enemies and defend 
himself, instead of having to look, like Cain, to 
God for protection. This is the generally accepted 
interpretation of modern scholars (those who are 
curious to make acquaintance w^ith Jewish and 

* The terms are different, however, in the original : a^3 in 
Jer 1119, n-^ in Is 537. 

t Cf. also the pseudepigraphic work, The Testaments of the 
Twelve Patriarchs: 'Honour Judah and Levi, for from them 
shall arise for you the lamb of God (o ifc»«f roZ Uio'i), saving all 
nations by grace ' (Test. Josephi 19). 

* Dillm. and Holzinger agree (against Budde) that the name 
iph is unintelligible from Hebrew, but that Arabic may give 
the meaning juvenis robustiis. Ball (' Genesis,' in SBOT), 
following Homniel (PSBA, March 1893), considers Lamech 'to 
be an easy adaptation of Bab. Lamija, "the Servant" (of 
Merodach), another title of Sin, synonymous with Ubara in the 
name Ubara-tutu, " vassal of Mero<lach," the 'Utikpty,; (or rather 
'llrraprni) Of Berosus, and father of S'-trcnOpo;, the hero of the 
Flood, who corresponds to the Hebrew Noah.' 




patristic fancies may refer to Smith's DB, s. 
'Lamech'), and there can Ije little doubt that it is 
buuhIt correct. Wellhausen (Ccrmposit ion d. Hex. 
905), it is true, thinks it is precarious to explain 
the lay from its present context, with which it 
may have a purely accidental connexion. That is 
to say, he sees no necessity for connecting Lamech's 
language with Tubal-cain's invention, out would 
leoogniie in it only a piece of characteristic Oriental 
bravado (the calling in of the wives is characteristic 
too, parallels being found amongst the Arabs) 
nttered by one clan (or chieftain) against another. 
Uolxinger subetantially accepts Wellhausen's ex- 

S. A descendant of Seth and father of Noah, 
Gn 5»«- «•*•<• (P), 1 Ch 1'. From the coincidence of 
the names Lantech and Enoch in the Cainite 
genealogy •£ J (Gn 4) and the Sethite genealogy 
d P (ch. 5), as well as the very close resemblance 
between a number of other names in the two lists, 
it is generally held that we have before us two 
recensions of one and the same list, the object of 
the one being to trace the descent of the human 
Uf*' tii H" ancestor called Cain, the other to one 
C.I Delitzsch, wliile opposing this, agrees 

wi uisen, that, together with the genealogy 

4'*"- t«riuinating in Lamech and his three sons, 
there was in the Jaliwistic document another 
genealocy which started from Adam and termin- 
ated in Noah and his three sons, and that this has 
been displaced by the genealogy of P (ch. 5). 
Wellh. lin<ls tlie conclusion of J's narrative in 5*®, 
its opening perhaps in 4'-*'-. 

LrnarATTRS.— Buttmann, Mylhologtu, i. 152 IT. ; Budde, Bib. 
UrpiatkUkU. \(n, 130 ff. ; Wellh. Comp. 5, 305 ; Kuenen, Hrxa- 
tmtk (MacmiUaa), 252 ; Keuss, A T 213 f. ; Stade, ZA TW (1894), 
m, SS&C; Comm. of l)eL, DiUm., and Uolzinger, ad loc. 

J. A. Selbie. 
LAMED (b).— The twelfth letter of the Hebrew 
alphaU-t, and as such employed in the U9th Psalm 
to desi^ate the 12th part, cacli verse of whicli 
begins with this letter. In this Dictionary it is 
tnuialiterated by i. 


LAMENTATIONS, Hook of— consists of five 
poems, whose subject is the sufferings of Judah 
•ad Jerusalem during tijo siege and subsequent to 
the capture of the city by the Chahljeans (B.C. 
fiSSK The description of the woes of the people 
IB IntersperMd with confeasions of sinr, exhortations 
to repentance, and supplications for a return of 
the divine favour. 

I. Namk AXi) pi.ACK I.v THK Canox.— In Hebrew 
Bibim the tif lo of f hf IhkjIc, tiiken from its oixsning 
*uii. j^.y - " ""^ ')• Anotlicr name, 

whlra oeeor liMMorctic Hutwcription and in 

the Talmuil • ■ -il literature, in Kinofh 

<"|TP). to Wl: t III. O/>,>0J of till'!* Sfpt. 

yw t P* / ''idoncM, I.iiincntii of 

•feroOM ftO'i iii.rn. In the Hub. Canon 

(aeaofdiiM t- „ MKH) the Uiok iH phu-ed 

AOMM toe Ka/iubhim or l|jigi<igr«pha, and forms 
imntdUMili^mMtfilUthw l(<illH(('iinti(*l<iH, Ruth, 
UmUU00% Eeeletiaiiteii, KNth.-r). Themt were 
nH4 n tiM nrntfOCM Mrvio- Mil minted oc<-aMiuri« 
•»«nr jr«ur, LAtMnUtkms on llm Ulh of Ab, the 
•aaiv^niary of tlin doHtrtictiun of tin. temple. In 
the M(rf>(. ■« in thr Kn;;. Uilij... l.iiiiH-ntaliuiiN im- 

PMedlai' I.I, I i -1,1^ wiiMnotthe 
r, '"•■" f'Mind it, 
' 11 'Mil] 1 ,1 lir(., 
*•" ■'■.'.. i 1, , IH 

t • 

*" Mint 

UMtfaisftu. \s jjtu Umj Itttui l>w«/k ttlUitiMi lo its 

present position in the Alex. Canon, it came to be 
regarded more and more as an appendage to ita 
predecessor, until Jeremiah-Lamentations could be 
reckoned a single book like Judges-Ruth. Tnia 
result was reached all the more readily in some 
quarters owing to a fancy for reckoning the 
canonical books of the OT as twenty-two, the 
number of letters in the Heb. alpliabet. (See 
Kyle, Canon of the OT, 219 f., and Wildeboer, 
Entstehung des AT Kanons, 76 f.). 

II. Structure of the Book.— The first four 
chapters are acrostic poems, of which the first, 
tlie second, and the fourth contain each 22 verses 
which open with the Heb. letters in succession. 
Ch. 3 contains G6 verses, and each letter is re- 
peated thrice, having three successive verses 
assigned to it. Ch. 5 is not acrostic, but con- 
tains 22 verses. In chs. 1 and 2 the verses consist 
of three members, in 4 of only two, while in 3 
each verse has but a single member. It is the 
division of these members, however, which char- 
acterizes the four poems we are discussing. The 
Kinah or elegy is marked by a peculiar rliythm 
which differentiates it from ordinary Hebrew 
poetry. De Wette, Keil, Ewald, and others helped 
to elucidate the nature and laws of the elegiac 
measure, but to Budde belongs the merit of having 
thoroughly investigated and explained the sub- 
ject. His conclusions are set forth mainly in an 
essay in the ZATW (1882, pp. 1-52); but the 
Eng. reader will find all that is essential in an 
interesting article contributed by' the same author 
to the Netv World (Marcli 1893), under the title 
' The Folk-Song of Israel in the mouth of the 

The characteristic features of the elegiac measure 
are that each verse-member (there may bo one or 
more members in a verse) is divided by a ccrsura 
into two unequal parts, of which tiie second is tlie 
shorter (the proportion is generally 3 :2), and that 
this second part, instead of balancing and re- 
inforcing the first, as is usual in the Heb. poetry, 
is frequently an imperfect echo of it, or not 
inirallel in thought to it. (See Driver's LOT^ 
4o8). Budde has proved that tliis was the strain 
atl'ected by the ' mourning women ' in their 
lamentations for the dead. In Jer 9", where 
these are summoned to utter a dirge, the ' limp- 
ing verse,' as Budde calls it, is introduced with 
great effect (w.'"- -'• --') alternately with tlie ordi- 
nary evenly-moving verse. There are numerous 
otlmr instances of its occurrence in tlus OT, of 
which \> (! may cite the magiiilict'iit passage Is 14'"'"''" 
(ode on the king of IJabyloii), E/k 19, and Am 5'-' (cf. 
Driver's note on thi.i last piussage). The prophets 
seem to have adopted this measure whenever they 
desired to make an unusually deep imiiression. 
It is obvious that all the associations connected 
with it rendenul its eniploynieiit in Lamentations 
specially suitable. ' The singer or slumps em- 
ployed this versilicatioii because it aMordtnl them 
the surest way of i)Uttiiig their listeners into a 
nuKxl corres|ioti(liiig to their m(>laiiclioly utter- 
an(*eH. High and low, li>anied and unlearned, ol<l 
anil young, man and woman, all understood this 
melody, all felt (.hemselves transporlcnl by it to 
the bier «)f their rt'latives or neighbours, and were 
carried away by it to lunvail tiu-ir jieople, their 
city. tlicMiH(.|veM ' (Ihiddc). Tim plaintive iiielan- 
••holy cadence can Im> fully apineiiated only in the 
original Hebrew, but its etl'cct (^iii be a]>]iro\i- 
mately reproduced even in Kiiglish. Take as au 
example 1" - 

' Hit a<ivonmrl<<» aro lM<c()m« Iho head, 
Hit I'tii'inli'ii proMiM-p ; 
For Iho I^ont liitlli iilllii'icd fur 

For (III' iiiiiltHii(l<i of lior trnrmifroMioM : 
Utr J'uiiriK chlliln'ti iini ]nnm iiil^o uaptivlly 
Ikiforv Ihc udvvnary.' 




(It is greatly to be regretted that this peculiar 
rhythm is not exhibited in the RV, although in 
Kautzsch's A T it is reproduced very effectively in 
German by Baethgen). 

The text of Lamentations is in some instances 
corrupt, and it is not easy to bring every verse 
under Budde's sclieme. Still, not a little success 
has been achieved by this critic and others in 
restoring the original text of the Kinah. See, 
further, art. Poetry. 

From all this it is evident that in poems such 
as those that make up Lamentations we have no 
simple spontaneous outburst of grief, but the 
result of conscious effort and of not a little 
technical skill. While ch. 5 is not in the Kinah 
meiisure (it is only accidentally that vv.^-^-" 
conform to it), something of the same effect is 
produced by the assonances {u, nu, anu, enu, 
inu, unu), which recur 44 times (Reuss), and to 
which there is no parallel in the OT except in 
Ps 124. 

III. Analysis of the Contents.— Each of the 
five poems is complete in itself, and forms a well- 
rounded whole, independent alike of its pre- 
decessor and its successor. This was admitted 
even by Eichhorn, who ascribed all the five to 
Jeremiah, but held that they were composed by 
the prophet at different times and when in dif- 
ferent moods. Attempts have indeed been made 
to trace a progress either in the historical situation 
(de Wette), or in the thoughts (Ewald), from one 
chapter to another. The former failed completely 
to accomplish his self-imposed task, and the scheme 
of the latter can be carried through only by dis- 
covering in the Lamentations features that are 
absent and ignoring others that are present. 
Ewald certainly lays himself open to the sarcastic 
remark of Thenins, that upon such principles a 
connexion could be established between the most 
disparate elements in the world. Let any careful 
student judge whether it is correct to say with 
Ewald that chs. 1 and 2 contain the bitterest 
and, as yet, hopeless complaints ; that in ch. 3, 
Avhich is the turning-point, the poet reaches comfort 
at least for himself ; that in ch. 4 lamentation 
indeed recurs, but now the people break in with 
the language of prayer and hope ; Avhile in ch. 5 
we have nothing but prayer, offered by tlie whole 
community, whose tone is sad indeed, yet com- 

f)osed and hopeful. No doubt Ewald exhibits 
lere an attractive model from whicli the author 
or authors miqht have worked, but they have 
not done so. Nay, so far from there being any 
traceable connexion between the different poems, 
it is no easy matter sometimes to discover con- 
necting links between the verses of the same poem. 
The truth is that the nature of the subject did not 
readily admit of logical development, and it may 
have been partly for tliis reason and as a mne- 
monic device that the acrostic scheme was adopted 
in the first four chapters (its absence in ch. 5 has 
never been satisfactorily explained). In chs. 2 
and 4 the verses have the firmest, in 1 and 5 the 
loosest connexion. In the light of the foregoing 
remarks it will be understood that the following 
scheme of analysis, which is mainly Lohr's, is 
largely provisional. 

Ch. 1 contains two divisions— (a) vv.i"^^'' spoken 
by the poet (with the exception of ^) ; [b) w."-^--"-^ 
spoken by the city (with the exception of "). 
The ever-recurring themes are the aoandonment 
of the city by her allies, the distress of her 
inhabitants, the pride of the enemy. In v.* there 
is already a confession that Jerusalem has been 
justly punished for her sins, and in ^ already a 
cry to God, which is repeated in "". In vv.^^'^", 
where the city is supposed to speak, we have an 
appeal to passers-by, to whom under a variety of 

figures the misery of Zion is described In v." 
the poet suddenly speaks again in his own person, 
but in vv.i^- ^^ it is once more the city that appeals 
to all peoples, and in vv.^""^^ addresses a prayer to 
J" to execute vengeance on the foes who had 
gloried in Jerusalem's misfortunes. 

In ch, 2 the situation reminds us of Jer 14^^"^*'. 
There are two main divisions— (a) vv.^'^^. The 
daughter of Zion has been crushed down by the 
judgment of J", all her political glory has faded, 
her temple has been destroyed, the city and its 
inhabitants have suffered alike. The agonies of 
the siege, the despair of the citizens, the terrible 
scenes due to famine, are realistically depicted ; 
(b) v\.^^-'^. The poet turns to the people with 
mingled warnings and consolation. The sin of 
Jerusalem, especially of her false prophets, and 
the scorn that has overtaken the latter, are held 
up to view ; the nation is invited to turn to J " in 
supplication (vv.^**- ^''), and it responds in the prayer 
of vv.^"^^. 

Ch. 3 is the most important from a religious point 
of view, and is also constructed with the most art. 
It differs from the other chapters in being spoken in 
the 1st person singular, although we should perhaps 
understand the 'I' not of an individual, but of 
the people collectively, after the manner of Pss 31. 
34. 35. 51, and many of the later psalms.* The 
chapter may be arranged under three divisions. 
(a) Vv.^''* touchingly describe the utter desolation 
of the people, but at the mention of God in v.^^ ^ 
ray of hope darts into the soul of the speaker, who 
after the parenthetical passage (vv.^'*'''^) passes on 
to fulfil in (b) a didactic function (vv.^-^"*'). The 
inexhaustible compassion of God is insisted upon, 
the purposes of grace which He may have in His 
visitation are suggested, all tending to enforce the 
call to repentance, (c) In vv.^-'^^ there is a return 
to th^ tone of complaint, which soon passes, how- 
ever, into joyful confidence (vv.'*^-^*) that God will 
hear and deliver, while vv.^^"^ breathe a prayer 
for vengeance on tlie nation's foes. (As to the 
interpretation of vv.^"^- and the question of a 
precative perfect, see Ewald's Heb. Syntax, Ken- 
nedy's tr. p. 15; Driver's Heb. Te?tse«*, pp. 14, 25; 
Davidson's Heb. Syntax, p. 63). 

Ch. 4 closely resembles in structure ch. 3. 
There are two main divisions, the first of which 
falls into two subdivisions, (a) Vv.i'^i, of which 
vv.i"^ exactly balance vv.''"^^. The ]'v^ 'J? of the 
one is parallel to the d'TV} of the other ; in both 
sections there is a description of the sutterings 
occasioned by famine, and a tracing of these to 
the anger of J" (v.^^, which breaks the connexion, 
probably owes its origin simply to the necessities 
of the acrostic scheme). In (6) there are three 
subdivisions — (1) vv.^^'^® treat of the sin and the 
punishment of the priests and the projjliets ; (2) 
yy i7.'.!o of ^jje gjn and the punishment of the king 
and his courtiers, who looked in vain to Egypt for 
help ; (3) vv.'''i- ■'^ address a word of threatening to 
Edom and of comfort to Israel. 

Ch. 5, like ch. 1, is wanting in consecutive 
thought. It opens with a prayer that J" would 
look upon the reproach of His people, which 
is described from a variety of points of view 
(yy_2-i8)_ Zion's desolation suggests, by way of 
contrast, J"'s abiding power, upon the ground 
of which the poet repeats his appeal for help 
(vv.-""-'^). The last verse being considered one 
of ill omen, the Jews were accustomed in read- 
ing to repeat after it the preceding verse. For a 
similar reason the same usage was followed in 

* So Calov, Hupfeld, Reuss, Cheyne, Smend (see esp. ZATW, 
1882, p. 62 ff.)- <->n the other hand, Budde {Klafjelicder, 92 f.) 
contends for the individual sense of the ' I,' by which he 
supposes the author of the poem to have intended an eye- 
witness (most likely Jeremiah) of the destruction of Jerusalem, 




eoDnexion with the last verse of Isaiah, Malachi, 
and Ecdesiastes. 

rV. AtTTHOBSHIP. — Both in Jewish and in Chris- 
tian circles a tradition has long prevailed that 
the hook was written hy Jeremiah. We will 
examine — 

(a) The External ^rufenre. — While the Heh. 
BiUe is silent as to the authorship of Lamentations, 
it is otherwise with the Sept., where the book opens 
thus : ad iyiptro fura to aixMO'^'^riffdTJi'ai rdv 'IffparjX 
ad 'lepovfoXiitt ipiiiuiBrjnn tKadiffty 'lepefiiai KXaiuv 
Koi i$f4i^nafp rim Opfjror rovror iirl 'lepovcaXijfi. Kai 
thnr ('And it came to pass, after Israel was led 
into captivity and Jerusalem laid waste, that 
Jerenuah sat weeping, and lamented with this 
fauwBBtation over Jerusalem, and said'). It has 
been nrsed that these Mords, which sound like 
the rendering of a Heh. original, imply a notice 
to the above effect in the Heb. MS from which the 
Sept. translator worked. The Vulg. opens with 
wwds which reproduce in Lat. the above Gr. sen- 
toice, with the additional phrase et amaro animo 
tuMpiraiu et ejulans, and these words in italics 
imply, ace. to some, the existence of yet another 
Heb. original. In ch. 5, moreover, Vulg. has the 
heading Oratio Jeremut prophetee. The sui)er- 
scription of the book in l^esn. also supports the 
same tradition. 

There are, however, two circumstances that 
greatly weaken the force of the above evidence. 
nrstly, the absence of any allusion to Jeremiah 
in the MT would be utterly inexplicable if such a 
notice as occurs in tlie Sept. had ever stood in 
the Hebrew. As everj' student knows, it was 
far more the tendency of copyists to add than to 
KonpreM. Secondly, the place of the book in the 
Heb. Canon, not attached to Jer, but included 
among the KithUbhim, is hard to reconcile with 
ita prophetic authorship. As Driver remarks, 
at least three centuries separated the Sept. from 
Jeremiah, and its notice quoted above may be 
merely an inference founded on the general re- 
wmlilsiuo of tone whicli the lamentations exhibit 
to neh iwsmges as Jer 8i«-9, 14-15, and on the 
rslareoee aasomed to be contained in S'^'"-!^ to 
inddenta in the prophet's life (Jer 20^ 38*''). It 
WM doobtleM a similar feeling that gave rise to 
the extraordinary conflate reading r^ AavlS 'Upe- 
fU0v, which in the title in some MSS of Ps 137 
(Cbeyne). According to Ixihr and Gerlach, the xal 
^Mr«, etc., of the Kept, was written in order 
to eoiwaet Lamentations with the [iro^hecies of 
Jenmiab, probably at tlie time when it was an 
ob)«iei to rednce the numlier of Ixioks in the Canon 
to twenty-two. It nec«l iM-arcely Imj added that 
the statements of the FnthvrH, the Hti]H;rHcrii)tion in 
the Targnm, and the citationH from the Talmud, 
luive no independent value as evidence in regard 

to tiM Mtbonbip. 
n haa been 


2 Hi 

much diiM>UM<ion as to the 
a.'* • Ami .l-D-iniaii lamented 
men and singing 
i iiiicntutionH unto 

tMadaj, and lht!> miuin Ihtiu an ordinance in 

' thfi/ (ire. writtrn in tin- Imnrntn 
^fom*. 'nttmrnlUon in l\w wunU we 
Ha*" ilsllMMdmlar to our iMMik of IwiUH-nlationii. 
If m, wn •litHilft ItAvo a tradition n« iiirly aM the 
^y* «f' 'ilrlftr {*!. D.<r. tt'iO) in fliv<.iir of 

*?* ***'** '"''' "' *** '''""' " l'*»rii<>n <»f itH 

•J***"'* '|ii)-Hti<in in 

••• ■•t: //( ri'f<Tr)'d 

•• ''W^ r //(/ i/r,i,l 

5H ?" •' <lif kingM 

of JimIa I. |,„,„.„t 

I*" It our 

•«'■- olhiT 

BMMl, a |(ical Mwu.> ui lUi , I mrliolam 

of the day understand the Chronicler to refer 
to the canonical book of Lamentation 3. Lohr 
oUers three reasons for tliis conclusion: (1) it is 
hard to believe that there were extant other 
lamentations by Jeremiah outside the Canon ; (2) 
the Chronicler might readily have referred such 
passages as La 2** and 4*'*' to Josiah ; (3) an un- 
critical writer like the Chronicler might easily 
have committed a blunder into which Jos. (Ant. 
X. i. 5) probably and Jerome certainly fell. The 
words of the latter in commenting on Zee 12^^ are, 
' super quo ( Josia) lamentationes scripsit Jeremias, 

?'tice leguntur in Ecclesia et scripsisse eum Para- 
ipomenon testatur liber.' The same interpreta- 
tion of the Chronicler's language is supported by 
Noldeke, Cornill, Wildeboer, W. R. Smith, and 
Budde.* If it be correct, it gives us a testimony 
in favour of Jeremiah's connexion with Lamenta- 
tions, dating from about the same period, and en- 
titled to much the same consideration as the testi- 
mony of the Sept. which we have just examined. 
As the external evidence is manifestly insuffi- 
cient to decide the question, we are thrown back 
upon — 

(b) The Internal Evidence. — At the first glance 
this may seem to be in favour of Jeremiah's 
authorship, which has been strongly maintained 
by Keil and others. The verdict of modern criti- 
cism, however, is given for the most part against 
the traditional view. The undoubted affinities of 
all the five chapters with Jer (see a list of simi- 
larities in Driver, LO'F^ 462rf) are recognized bj' 
critics of all schools, but are explained on the 
ground that this prophet's works were the favourite 
study of the author or authors of Lamentations, 
Mho were in such sympathy with his spirit that 
the book might be entitled 'Lamentations of the 
sons of Jeremiah ' (Clieyne). 

There are several passages which militate 
against Jer.'s authorship. La 2* ('Her prophets 
find no vision from the Lord') might almost be 
pronounced decisive. In tiiis same verse, more- 
over, jiin is used in a speci<al sense which meets us 
for the first time in Ezk 12-'. A number of other 
instances are cited by Cornill (Einlcit.'^ 247) where 
the language shows such a dependence upon 
Ezekiel (who did not publish his prophecies beiore 
U.C. 570), that Jeremiah's autliorsliip seems out 
of the question. La 4" does not sound like the 
language of Jeremiah, who never shared the hopes 
of those who looked for help to Egypt. La 4-" 
could hardly be spoken of Zedekiah liy one who 
judgetl him as Jereiiiiah did. Chs. 1 and ;") imply 
an acquaintance with Dcutero-Isaiaii, while ch. 3 
contains echoes of the later psalms and of Job 
(whitrh probably dates at the earliest from the 
Exile). In his Jith kikI Sii/omon, Cheyne adduces 
the following ])arallels witli the latter book — 
La 37":^Jol. UV, La 31^ .lob 31 P, La 3'"-= Job 10'«, 
La S'-i^^Job 7*' 1«'-'-', La 3'*'».= Job 30". The 
ilepen«lene<' of the elegies upon Job is more likely 
than the converHc^ HUp|>ositi()ii. 

A cireumHtane(' that may have some bearing on 
the qm'Htioii of authoiHliiii, is that the order of 
the letters V. an<l B is dillerent in chs. 2-4 from 
what it In in ch. 1. In the latter the normal ordet 
IM followed, in the otluT three chapterM B j>rectides 
V (a phenomenon which occurs also in the correc^t 
te\l of I'm 'M us well HH in I'r 31 (according to the 
l..\.\|, prolialily also in I's <.))., and, according to 
Hiekell, ill Null 1 ; cf. Hilddi-. K/>iifr/in/rr, lU.i.). 
Even if wo Hiip|HiHe, with TheiiiuH, Ewald, Nilgels- 
bacli, and others, that at one time the order of 
thu llcb. alphaltut was not ilelinitely fixed, it is 

• MiiiIiIp iMilnla otit, however, timt llir Ohroiilcler (Ioph not 
attrlliiiui all Hve imiciiim (41 .lerfiiiiiili, Imt iiPiNirctitIv only 0110 of 
Itiftii, tlie iithi-r four iN'liiif umIuiiimI lo Inu 'viniffiiK iiiun am! 
■liiKlnK wiitiHin' (KtaytHmltr, \t. 7:1). 

hardly likely that one and the same author would 
have followed difl'erent orders in two successive 
poems. This would indicate, then, that at least 
ch. 1 is from a different hand from chs. 2-4. 

In regard to the linguistic aspect of the ques- 
tion, it may be mentioned that Lohr {ZATW, 
1894, Heft 1 ; cf. Driver, i07'« 46§) subjects the 
vocabulary of Jeremiah and of Lamentations to a 
comparison, the result of which is that while the 
words common to both are four times as numerous 
as those found only in Lamentations, yet the latter 
contains a great many words not found in Jere- 
miah. These words, moreover, are without ex- 
ception important, while the common use of words 
like v^v. or J3, of course, proves nothing as to com- 
munity of authorship {e.g. c* for n?*?*, which occurs 
in La 2'^- ^^ 4" 5'®, is unknown to Jer). Many of 
the above considerations tell not only against 
Jeremiah's authorship but against — 

V. The Unity of the Book.— While there is 
comparative agreement amongst modern critics 
that Jeremiah is not the author, there has been 
much diversity of opinion as to the number of 
authors whose work is to be traced in the book. 
W. It. Smith argued strongly that the book is 
a unity (art. 'Lamentations' in Encycl. Brit.^), 
but the prevailing tendency at present is decidedly 
adverse to this opinion. It is pretty generally 
agreed that at least ch. 3 is by a different and 
later hand than the rest of the book. Budde 
formerly (ZATW, 1882) agreed with Stade, who 
is content to go this length, and who assigns 1. 2. 
4. 5 to a single author. Thenius holds 2 and 4 
to be Jeremiah's, while 1. 3. 5 are assigned each 
to a separate author. A considerable number of 
modern critics divide the book into three groups 
in the following chronological order (2 and 4) 
(1 and 5) (3). This, which M'as the scheme of 
Noldeke, has gained the adherence of Lohr, 
Coriiill, Wildeboer, and now (Klagelieder, 1898, 
pp. 74 ff.) substantially of liudde.* Another 
arrangement of the book is that of Cheyne 
(Jeremiah in ' Men of the Bible' series), which also 
recognizes three groups (1. 2. 4) (3) (5). On this 
q\iestion criticism has not yet spoken the last 

VI. Place and Date of Composition.— Upon 
these two points there are differences of opinion 
even amongst those who sujiport Jeremiah's 
a\itiiorship of the book. The freshness of the 
l)ictures has often been adduced as an argument 
for an early date. It may be said, however, that 
while there is something that appeals to the 
imagination in the old picture of the faithful 
prophet sitting down to lament the fate of the 
city which had turned a deaf ear to his warn- 
ings, it is a psychological improbability that a 
man of Jeremiah's spirit should have turned out 
acrostic poems, and especially such a laboured 
work of art as ch. 3 amidst blackened ruins wliere 
the fire had hardly cooled, and in streets where 
the blood had hardly dried. Heuce, even if the 
poems were his, we should have to think of a 
relatively late date for their composition, when 
the bitterness of the moment had given place to 
calm retlection. (With this tallies 5-"" 'so long 
time'). Thenius, who regarded 2 and 4 as genuine 
productions of Jeremiah, dated the one at about 
B.C. 581 (prior to the third deportation after tlie 
murder of Gedaliah), and the other at a later 

Eeriod, during the prophet's sojourn in Egj'pt. 
,6hr formerly fixed upon 550 as an approximate 
date for the completion of the book. This would 

• Who assigns chs. 2 and 4 to an eye-witness (not Jeremiah) of 
the calamities they describe, dates chs. 1 and 5 (from dij'erent 
hands) about 530 (or later) and 550 respectively, while he fixes 
the date of ch. 3 much later, in the pre-Maccabaean period in 
the 3rd cent. B.C. 

allow sufficient time to account for the references 
to Ezekiel. In a later work (1893) Lohr is willing 
to come down as late as 530, but objects to a 
post-exilic date, because he holds that the Kinah 
measure, although found in Deutero-Isaiah, can- 
not be traced in any post-exilic work (not occur- 
ring in Hag, Zee, Mai, Jl, or Jon-). Wildeboer 
finds nothing in the contents of the book to compel 
us to fix upon the close of the Exile as the ter- 
minus ad quern for the publication of Lamenta- 
tions. Some of the elegies might well have been 
composed in Babylon by an exile who did not 
share the sanguine expectations of Deutero-Isaiah, 
or even in Judaea by one who had returned with 
Zerubbabel in 536. Wildeboer thinks, however, 
that the latest possible date is 516, the year when 
the rebuilding of the temple was finished. But if 
the possibility of Lamentations being post-exilic is 
admitted, some plausibility must be conceded to 
Cheyne's suggestion (Founders of OT Criticism, 
356) that as the church of the second temple 
composed its own psalms, it is far from impossible 
that it preferred to indite fresh elegies for use on 
the old fast-days. There were details enough in 
the historical books to enable a poet possessed 
of dramatic imagination to draw the pictures in 
Lamentations. The tone of the book, however, is 
inconsistent with the contention of Fries (ZATW, 
1893), that chs. 4 and 5 belong to so late a period 
as that of the Maccabees. This is conclusively 
proved by Lohr (ZATW, 1894), who exhibits the 
complete contrast between the Maccabajan Psalms, 
where the people protest that they suti'er in spite 
of their innocence, and the Bk. of Lamentations, 
which confesses throughout that the nation's 
suffering is due to the nation's sin. 

Literature.— Driver, LOT^ 450-465 ; Comill, EinleUfi 244- 
248; W. R. Smith, OTJCfi 181, 219, also art. 'Lamentations' in 
Encyc. Bnt.»; Wildeboer, Lit. d. 4 T, 298-303; Noldeke, AT 
Lit. 142 ff.; artt. by Budde, Smend, Lohr, Fries in ZATW 
(1882-1894) ; Ryle, Canon of OT, 69, 115, 121, 219 ; Wildeboer, 
KnUteh. d. AT Kan. 9, 12, 17, 77, 13Hf. ; Buhl, Canon and 
Text of OT, 20, 39 f. Of modern foreig-n commentaries may 
be mentioned those of Thenius, Keil, Ewald, Gerlach, Reuss, 
Niigelsbach, Lohr (1891 and 1893, the latter in Nowack's Uand- 
kom. z. AT; both Lohr's works are exceedingly valuable, and 
there is an important review of the first by A. B. Davidson in 
Crit. Review, Jan. 1892) ; Minocchi, Le Latnent. di Geremia, 
1897; Budde in Kurzer lldcomm., 1898. Amongst Eng. com- 
mentaries are those of Payne Smith (in Speaker's Coram.), 
Plumptre (in Ellicott's Comm. on OT), Cheyne (in Pulpit 
Comm.), cf. the same author's Jeremiah in 'Men of the Bible' 
series, and his Founders of OT Criticism, 3.56 f . ; Streane {Camh. 
Bible for Schools), Adeney (in Expositor's Bible). See also 
Greenup, Targum on Lam. , Comm. of Rabbi Tobia ben Elieser on 
Lam., Short Comm. (m Lamentation*. J. A. SeLBIE. 

LAMP (T?^, "13, Xtjxvos, \afiirdi). — The first of these 
words is tr'* ' torch ' in Nah 2^ and Zee 12® ( AV and 
RV) ; and in Gn 15", Jg 7^ Job 41'», Ezk V^ the 
same tr" is adopted by RV in place of ' lamp ' of AV. 
The other Heb. word, as well as the Gr. XayUTrdj,* 
may mean torch likewise, but is more properly 
lamp, with oil and wick, as in the description of the 
golden candlestick (Ex 25-'^'^'') of the tabernacle, 
and those made by Solomon for the temple (2 Ch 
42u.2i)^ which were kept burning all night (Ex 30'- *, 
Lv 24--^). 

The common lamps of Pal. were of terra-cotta, 
as we have abundant evidence from the numerous 
specimens found in all parts. Glass lamps of Egyp. 
or Phoju. make might have been known, and bronze 
lamps are not infrequently found. Very little is 
known of the lamps used in Egypt. Herod, (ii. 62) 
describes them as flat saucers filled with a mixture 
of salt and oil, on the top of which floated the 
wick. The oldest form of lamp found in Pal. is not 
unlike that described by Herodotus. It is like a 
shallow saucer, the rim of which, on one side, is 
pinched together, forming a narrow channel through 
which the wick passed (see Fig. 1). This style ia 
* See under art. Lantern. 




called Phoen., and is found in the tombs and ruins 
of the oldest cities in Phirnicia and Palestine 
{PEFSt, 1893, p. 14 ; and Bliss, J/mih</ of Many 
Cities, p. 87). The more common forms are oblong, 
bat not open like the alx)ve. There is a saucer- 
like depression in the upjier surface, at the bottom 
of which there is an orifice for the admission of 
the oil into the lamp, and another opening at the 

extremity for the ailmisHion of the wick. At the 
opposite end there i.H often a Bmall handle (see 
FigK. 2 and 3 : Fig. 3 in bronze). Sometimes the 
form is circular, an oi>en saucer-shape, with a 
■nailer aaacer inverted in the larger (see Fig. 4). 
Tlii* fonnof lamp, especially No. 2,* with or with- 
oat the handle, is called Roman, and was doubtless 

ly uwmI in the time of Christ, and is most 
. the kind rcfcrrwl to in the parable of 
VirginM (.Mt 2.'»). They hold littlo oil, an<l 
'Mill ni><r<l ffpluniMhing. Tli«) iM'iiMants of 
'1 Pal. iim; thcMc lnni|mhtill, although jHttro- 
^ in iwtnl pIniujH tiik*-n tlio place of olivo oil 
lur iigiiitag. An u|i«n glaits or tcrra-cotta cup witli 

of rair tnr a wink is ofUin mwn in tlu^ \HHnvr 
houmm, and this they frer|U»ntly keep 

r- mht(mu> 

■ *» i-«llc<i 

burning all night. The people of the country do 
not like to sleep without some light in the house, 
and a dim one furnished by such a lamp suits their 
purpose. In illuminations at weddings and on 
feast-days this open style of lamp is much em- 
ployed. The wick used is a small one drawn 

Fio. 4. 

through a piece of cork and left to float on the 
surface of the oil. 

Lamps appear to have been kept burning before 
the tcraphiiii (images of ancestors) ; hence the 
words ' the lamp of the wicked is put out' (Job 18" 
21") may have originally meant that tiie wicked 
shall have no male descendants to fulfil this duty 
of placing a lamp before his image (so Schwally, 
Leocn nach don Tocie, 40). H. PouTEli. 

LAMPSACU8(1 Mac 1523RVm).-See Sampsamks. 

LANCE.— See Spear. 

LANCETS (n?T 1 K IS^S). — A mistaken correc- 
tion in nuMlcrn ecld. of the original reading of the 
AV of IGll, ' lancers,' i.e.. 'lances,' properly spears 
used for hulling. Hotii forms of the word are 
old, * launcetis ' being tlie later Wyclilite form in 
this passage. AV of Kill adoj>ted the 'launsers' 
of the Itishops' IJible (spelling it 'lancers,' how- 
ever), and the change into 'laiuiets' was not made 
before 1702. Cf. Scrivener's Introduction to the 
A V, ])p. .\lvi, xlvii. See Speak. 


LAND CROCODILE (Lv W^ liV)._See Cuame- 

LAND LAWS. See LAW (in OT)and Sabbatical 

LANDMARK (^^3*). — An oltject, such as a stone, 
a hi'iij) of stones, or a tree with a nmik in its 
liaik, intended to fix the limit of a Held, a 
farm, <»r llm properly of an indivi<lu»l. In 
Pali'Htinu these landmarks are scrupulously re- 
Mpi'cled ; and in iiassing along a road or juitliway 
(inn may observe from time to time a stone placed 
liy tiie cilge of tiie Held from whicli a shallow 
furrow has brcn ploughed, nuirking the limits of 
cultivation of iiei^iilMiiiring proprii^tors. 

In onli-r to iicrpi-iiiale llie oiisi-rvanco of the 
rights indicati'd l»y liindiiiurkH in the Mosaic ritual, 
a curH4» is pronounced against the surreptitious 
roniovnl «if a landmark belonging to one's neigh- 
iNMirlDt lie*, for the meaning of which see Driver, 
iiUliM-.). In Kgypt the hmd had to lie re-measured 
and allotted after each iiiuiidiilion of the Nile, an(l 
iNMindaiy stoiii'H placid at the junclioii of two 
pro|H'rlii<H. A collection of siudi objects is to bo 

M«cn in the Aanyritin liuoni, liritish Museum. 

E. Hull. 

Meets I 




Names.— [a) Tlie greater part of the Old Test, is 
written in the language called by the Assyrians 
' the tongue of the west country ' ( Winckler, Die, K. 
I. Sargons, p. 72, 1. 423, etc.),* by biblical writers 
'the lip of Canaan' (Is W«), or 'Jewish' (2 K 18^6- ^ ; 
of. Neh 132^), by the Rabbis ' the Sacred Tongue ' 
(Sotah, vii. 2, etc. ), or ' the Text ' as opposed to * the 
Targum' (Bab. Megillah, 18a, etc.), or 'the lan- 
guage of the Law ' as opposed to ' the language of 
the doctors' (Weiss, Studien zur Mischnalhsprache, 
p. 9). The Palestinian f Rabbis further apply to it 
the term ' Hebrew' (J erus. Megillah, p. 19, etc.), 
and the absence of this name in the OT can be due 
only to accident ; it is the term regularly em- 
ployed by Greek-speaking Jews (hrst occurring, it 
would seem, in the Pref. to Sir ; used also by 
Josephus, Ant. I. i. 2), and it can only be through 
ignorance that Pliilo substitutes ' Chaldee ' for it. 
The name ' Hebrew ' v/as adopted by early Chris- 
tian writers (e.g. Ac 21^**), and with the spread of 
Christianity it migrated into Asiatic, African, 
and European languages ; some of whicli have also 
adopted from the Rabbis the name 'Sacred Tongue.' 

(b) The portions of the OT which are not in 
Hebrew are in the language called Aramaic in the 
Bible (2 K 18-« etc.) and Talmud (Bab. Shabbath, 
126, etc. ), and not infrequently ' Targum ' in the 
latter (Bab. Megillah, I.e.), ' Syriac ' in the LXX 
and sometimes in the Talnmd (Jerus. Sotah, vii. 2). 
It would seem that the name ' Chaldee ' does not 
belong properly to tliis language, although the 
Aramajans and Chaldees are sometimes juxtaposed 
in old inscriptions (Sennacherib, ed. G. Smitli, p. 
30). It is probable that the use of the name for 
'Aramaic' is due to the comparison of Dn 1^ with 
2^ ; and the identitication of the two appears in the 
notes of Jerome and Ibn Ezra on the latter pas- 
sage, though the LXX translator of Dn 2^^^ appears 
expressly to avoid it. In Syriac works, probably 
through similar reasoning, ' Chaldee ' is sometimes 
said to mean 'Old Syriac' {Thes. Syr. s.v. ' Kal- 
daya'); but in very late times the 'Chaldaeans' 
are identilied with the ' Nestorians,' probably on 
the ground of their geographical position (Badger, 
Nestorians, i. 181; cf. Rassam, 'Biblical Lands,' 
in the Proceedings of the Victoria Institute). In 
Aramaic are written (1) Dn 2*-7-", (2) certain docu- 
ments quoted in Ezr 4^-6^'* and 7^-"'''', ostensibly in 
tlieir original language ; it is, however, noticeable 
that the connecting narrative is also in Aramaic ; 
(3) Jer 10", regarded by some as an interpolation, 
wliile others endeavour to account for the transi- 
tion on rhetorical grounds. There are besides 
several places in the OT where the writers appear 
to lapse into Aramaic, possibly through the fault 
of their copyists. In Jos 15'-* the adjective n^in, 
in the name ' New Hazor,' is Aramaic ; in 14* an 
Aramaic word (voci) is substituted for the Hebrew 
of the word ' melted ' in the phrase ' melted our 
heart' (cf. Dt l-*^). Sporadic cases of words which 
are Aramaic both in derivation and grammatical 
form occur in Is 30-«, Ezk '24-« 33^, Ps 116'-, pos- 
sibly Job 37", Dn 11^, and elsewhere. 

(c) The employment of other languages than 
these in the OT does not exceed the quotation of 
isolated words and phrases, or calling attention to 
varieties of nomenclature. Besides the Aramaic 
equivalent for Gilead cited in Gn 31^'', Egyptian is 
quoted ih. 41^- *^ (JE), Moabite Dt 2", Ammonite 
ib. V. ^", Sidonian and Amorite ib. 3*, Tyrian I K 
9'^ Persian (?) Est 3', Babylonian (?) Dn 4^, per- 

* Delitzsch {Ilandwiirterlnich, s.v. 'hilani') suggests that 
Hittite is meant here. It would seem, however, that the words 
are easily cxplicahle as Canaanitish (cf. Jer 221-*), and B. 
Meissner (Nock eininal das lilt UiUdni, 1893) thinks this does 
not admit of a doubt. 

t In the Babylonian Gemara '^3y at any rate sometimes 
means a foreign language, e.g. Shabbath, 115a. 

haps Philistian Is 2^. Moreover, it may be observed 
that, in speaking of dignitaries, biblical writers 
are ordinarily (not invariably) careful to give them 
their native titles : see Ex 15'*, Jos IS^-'-'S Ezk 23", 
Hos 105, Est P 412 8i», Dn S'^ etc. 

2. Antiquity. — The Hebrew language may be 
appropriately termed the Israelitish dialect of 
Canaanitish. Outside the OT the chief pre- Alex- 
andrian monuments of the Israelitish dialect which 
we possess appear to be an inscribed weight in the 
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, found at Nabliis, 
and the Siloam inscription (Driver, Notes on 
Samuel, p. xv), probably of the age of Hezekiah. 
But of other Canaanitish dialects we possess far 
earlier monuments. The oldest of' these are the 
glosses of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (see Winckler's 
edition in the KIB, 1896). The writers of these 
epistles sometimes accompany their Assyrian with 
a Canaanitish equivalent, using, of course, the 
cuneiform character for both (examples are 181. 5 
khalkaat, explained by abada, 'perished'; 189. 16 
ana shame by shamima, 'heavenward'; 191.24 
sise by suusn, 'horse'; 189. 18 kakkadunu by 
rushunu, 'our head'). It may be noted as a 
peculiarity of the writers' dialect that the sub- 
stantive verb in it would appear to have drawn 
some of its tenses from the stem in use in Phoen- 
ician (and Arabic), and others from the stem in 
use in Hebrew (and Aramaic). ' If you say kuna,' 
says one writer, 'I will answer yahya' (149. 30). 
These tablets are assigned to the 15th cent. B.C., 
but the existence of the Canaanitish language 
is certified for a yet earlier period by some of 
the loan-words found in Egyptian monuments, 
some of which go back to the 16th century or 
earlier. The bulk, however, of these loan-words 
occur in papyri of the 14th and 13th cents. 
B.C. Maspero, who first brought this fascinating 
subject into prominence (in liis Epistolographie 
Egyptianne, 1873), thought that during those 
centuries the employment of Semitic words was in 
fashion among the upper classes in Egypt ; and if 
this opinion be correct, it follows that the Canaan- 
itish language must by then have reached a high 
state of development. This opinion, however, 
was not shared by J. H. Bondi, who, in his disser- 
tation on these words (Leipzig, 1886), collected as 
many as sixty-five of them ; while a still greater 
number was collected by W. Max Miiller (in his 
Asien und Europa, 1893), who has since (in tlie 
volume dedicated to Ebers, 1897) tracked out a few 
in the celebrated Papyrus Ebers, which deals with 
medical prescriptions. Whether their introduction 
into Egyptian was the work of the ujjper or the 
lower classes, the variety of the spheres of thought 
to which they belong is such as to allow of tlieir 
being compared with the words afterwards borrowed 
by tlie Copts from the Greeks. The unsatisfactory 
nature of the Egyptian transcription renders them 
somewhat less amenable to grammatical analysis 
than the Tel el-Amarna glosses. Of the remain- 
ing monuments of the Canaanitish language, the 
inscription on a patera dedicated to Baal-Lebanon 
in Phcjenician [CIS i. No. 5) is probably the oldest, 
while the Mesha stele (of the time of Jehoshaphat 
of Judah) approaches most nearly to the Israelitish 
idiom, being in Moabitic ; of the other Phoenician 
inscriptions, that of Byblus (C7>S', i. 1) approxi- 
mates to Hebrew, but the most important is 
doubtless the Eshmunazar inscription (CIS i. 3), 
about the time of Alexander the Great. Eroni 
Palestine the Canaanitish language was carried by 
Phoenician colonists to Africa, the islands and 
harbours of the Mediterranean, and Spain. Here 
it was supplanted first by Greek, and then more 
extensively by Latin ; but would seem to have 
survived as a spoken language down to the 5th 
cent. B.C., and perhaps later. 



3. Origin. — The Canaanitish language belongs 
to the Semitic family, and is closely allied to the 
Arabic, i.e. the language made world-famous by 
the conquests of Mohammed and his successors. 
These are the only languages of tlie Semitic family 
that hare, in regular use, (1) a prefixed article, 
leading to a variety of syntactical rules ; (2) an 
interrogative prefix of a single letter,* as well as 
asyllabio prefix of the same import (Dt 32^) ; (3) 
a series of passive conjugations, formed bj- a 
change of vowel from the active ; t (4) a regular 
eoojncation Niphal ; t — Canaanitish has, moreover, 
eonsiderable remnants of (5) a case system ; (6) an 
infinitive system ; (7) a mood sj'stem identical with 
thoee of classical Arabic. The theory represented 
in the granunar of J. Olsbausen (Brunswick, 1861), 
according to which the relation of Hebrew to 
Arabic is that of daughter to mother (in the sense 
in which these metaphors may be used of languages), 
is that which best suits the facts ; § and indeed 
the proximate ancestors of Hebrew forms can in 
the ^reat majority of cases be easily found in 
AralMC. The apparent absurdity of deriving so 
ancient a language as Canaanitish from one of 
which the earliest monuments in our possession 
are so recent, disappears in the face of the over- 
whelming evidence which comparative giaminar 
can produce. The earliest specimens of chissicul 
Arabic that have come down to us are not, indeed, 
earlier than the 6th cent. A.D. ; and though 
numerous inscriptions in other dialects have been 
discovered in both S. and N. Arabia, the dialect 
of the Koran is scarcely represented in any stone 
monauients earlier than the composition of that 
book. There is, however, no doubt that the Mo- 
hammedans inherited a literary language, whicli 
prevailed over the greater part of the Arabian 
neninsula, with flight ditl'erences of dialect. But 
for the early history of that language we cannot 
go to MohaJrnmcdan writers, but are left to what 
we can infer. 

The line of investigation to be followed is the 
same •■ that applied by M. Pictet to the Indo- 
European languages, and which employs the 
•Momption (called by M. Lenormant 'the true 
prineiple ') that, where kindrol nations which have 
separated call objects or institutions by the same 
nsm es, and there are no signs of those names 
having been borrowed indefMiudently, they must 
have possessed the names and the objects, etc, 
before theyparted. A comparison tlierefore of the 
Hebrew and Arabic names for a variety of things 
khonld jrive ns something like a correct i<lea of the 
state of Arabian Hociety when the Canuanites 
firai mi, thward. The result would seem 

to beth- :.':— 

The nation irum which the Canaanitish colonies 
wn a nat ed mn«>t \u-toru (hat event have attaiiutd as 
bl|dial«v«l of development a« any Oriental State 
anmflaMMid bjr Kuro|N- hajt nuurhcd. Society was 
already oripuiixod on tlie linMiit uf the family, for 
tha UuignMUtm have identical namei* for ' fiither-in- 
law,' ' m<rtii«rinlaw,' 'iMm in law,' and ' daughter- 
in-law,' wbieb Moessarily imply it ; but the fiimily 
was polygamic, sine* the relation of ' fellow wife ' 
Is h t A i tti ti by Um same name with the proper 
f ktmtiUt ttuutum. Tb* traUa sjtt«m of naming 
fai «M la AfaUa wonld mmd to nave oxiNte*! aU*. 
abtm tha Canaanitas rataln all three wordM for 

• Tks AiBMslo of UmM siM hst tUa 

tlbsM l ii i i l Afwasisas wiAss Mm! ol ths Mwii rtww 

MM tmns s« IbMw iMdvM, lbs Dsbrmr of the OT nlmw* 

ssnMiMsMs silisi of a famtn of (bo int Horin, wtiloh tho 

fMnsMMau IsUm ommmC »oo n»sts «. TIm pun«tu*ton Uienti- 

lM«Mi#Vs/.llM|MiitfsofU. ISK li>>4«UMi 19^ l.vOM 

• xtiirni*. 
.1 Ui aiMiUy Uils 

Hmn IM sw At sellMir • nt*r t» Uw i 

'naming' and 'names,'* but have apparently 
ceased to distinguish between them accurately ; 
and tlie castes of freemen and slaves were already 
distinct. The life of the people was passed partly 
in villages, partly in towns, Avith streets and 
squares, and defended by walls. The same cereals 
were cultivated in the fields, many of the same 
pot-herbs in the gardens, mostly the same fruits 
m the orciiards and plantations, and tlie same 
animals domesticated as afterwards in Canaan ; 
and the chief agricultural processes had already 
been invented and named. Various trades were 
exercised in the towns : there were smiths and 
carpenters who understood the use of the saw, the 
axe, and the adze ; there were money-changers 
with scales,! and there were money-lenders. J Tlie 
last two trades imply some acquaintance with 
arithmetic, and the Arabs before the Canaanitish 
migration possessed special names for 'tliousands' 
and 'myriads.' Money-lending implies the calcu- 
lation of daj's, and this is based on astronomical 
observation, the beginnings of whicli already ex- 
isted, for some of the constellations § were already 
named. Writing already existed, || and, it would 
seem, an alpliabet,^! and certain styles of elegant 
composition were already jiractised. * * Religion had 
already taken shape : men could distinguish be- 
tween the sacred and the profane, they had a 
pilgrimage, and learned v.arious ceremonies, in- 
cluding, probably, genuflexions and prostrations. 
The prophetic profession seems to have existed in 
a variety of forms. Custom liad already to some 
extent become stereotyped in tlie form of law. 

It is probable, therefore, that the Canaanites 
is.sued from a country where a classical language 
was spoken and written. Some tribes may have 
carried tiiat language with them into their new 
home ; but, in the case of those whom we know 
Ijest, it M'ould ajjpear to be a vulgar dialect of 
Arabic which formed tiie basis of the language. 
Many curious [)arallels can be found between the 
language of the Bible and the dialects of Arabic, 
spoken in Egypt and Syria in the present day. ft 
While in general simplifying the structure of the 

• njD in Arabic, 'to address by an indirect name,' i.e. to call 
a man by his son's name, ' father of so-and-so,' instead of by his 
own. In the Atthdni the nari-ators often iH)int out how the 
Caliph il'(i)tna/ii, ' callo<l me Abu so-and-so ' to do me honour. In 
Hyriiic the worti merely means to 'name'; in Hebrew, Is 4;'>-* 
'to call by a family name,' Job S'^'-ii 'to flatter.' It would seem 
clear that the Arabic iiniot ice (extraonlinary as it is) lies behitui 
both the lleb. and Syr. usa);e. The word lakab, in Arabic 
' title,' serves to (five a verb to the Hebrew D'^ : ?3|~; n^'{< 
n^oy^ ' whose names have lH>en mentioned,' Nu 117. 

t D'JIKO is a case of ]K)|)ular etymolo^'y. The root ]1' being 
lost in Hebrew, the word was jmpularly derived from [IN 'an 
car.' The l'artha«;inians have a similar wortl, Rev. Ann. v. 12. 

} The Hell, nci, of which the construction is jieculiar, seems 
evidently coMne<'ted with min'nh, ' deferred i>ayment.' 

I Heu HominelH article In the XDMd, IV^'M. 

I Tho word IJO Heenw U* Ihj the Arab, zihr, which occurs in 
the carlle»t Araltiu known to us. See Mu'aUakah of Labld. 
The Asityr. tatar is UMe<l in early Anibic also. The meanin;^ 'to 
wriU>' is lo«t in Hebrew, but lies behind the sense of I'^c. 

U r\in hM Uio senne of Arab, htijii, ' to articulate,' in several 
ptuMogM : I>r b7, U M)» 13. 

** It M«ina (lilllcult to He|iamto the word y};^';^ used with 
U'3) HonO", KJjnp Jer 2l»'J0 (cf. 2 K l)ii), from the Arab, mj, 
' rhymwl prosti," the tnullllonul MyUt of the Kii/itnn. The lleh. 
p')n wa« (xiut|Mre<l by Mi-ler with tho Arab. hijd. •?»'!? and 
tiutlhal Bp|K>ar to Ih> uIno lniti<|iendent. 

It H<mia pXttnipliH are kIvim by W Writfht In his Arnliie 
Oramtnar liiM\ e<t.)nnd IiIm CiiiiijMtratiiir (,'nimmnr. The form 
«p'7V1 (Nu !»)») In vulvar (^mi all a nil for ^ataUumuiiii). . Tho 
UWM of IJl oiui bv llluNtmUHl by those of j/a'nlin laniruaKes that 
borrow from Ar»bla. Tho use of "i;'»| as a ilrial and explanatory 

IMrtiola would Mem to bo a vulKarlsm. ^j!i^ In no umd in 
miMie Amb. dlatecU, ntid IlkewJHi- in miHlrrn ArmcM. the relat.iv* 
tntr lino Uken the pliui' of )/'■/'"' 'thai.' I'l rliaps the Hob. 
ni(!ii 'to do,' U tho Arab, yhiuhiya vulifurly used; cf. Limn 
ai-'arab, kla. MS, A 



ancient language, they contain many relics of tlie 
classical rules. The classical language from which 
both are derived must therefore have flourished 
long before the IStli cent. n.C, for which time 
the existence of the later language is certified. 
The elaborate syntax and accidence which the 
early poetry of the Arabs exldbits would seem to 
have been codified more than two thousand years 
before that poetry was composed. It is in favour 
of this result that the Arabs have no accurate 
notion of the commencement of their literature, 
or of the time when any of their classical metres 
was invented. Yet those metres imply the whole 
of the grammatical sj'stera, wliich can only have 
been the product of organized study. That all 
trace of the schools and colleges of early Arabia 
should have perished is noteworthy, but scarcely 
extraordinary, if we consider what such isolated 
monuments as the Mesha stele or the Iguvine 
tablets imply as to the extent of literatures that 
have wholly perished. 

The evidence for the priority of Arabic grammar to the de- 
velopment of the Canaanitish language is to be found i>artl,v 
in what may be termed the resi<lues which Canaanitish exhibits. 
Of these, examples are to be found (1) in the spelling, (2) in the 
grammatical fonns, (3) in the syntax. 

(1) As examples of orthographic residues, we may notice (o) 
the employment of K to represent the sign of prolongation of 
the vowel o in a number of words in which the Arabic 
has the consonantal K preceded by a short a (e.g. B'Ki, 
[NX, n~K' ; see Bottcher, Lehrbnch, i. p. 246). In some 
other words the letter K is still written without aflfecting 
the pronunciation. It would seem clear that the tril)es who 
migrated from Arabia to Canaan had already found ditti- 
culty in pronouncing the consonantal Aleph,' viXnch indeed 
many still regard as the hardest of the Arabic consonants. 
They pronounce<i a for a', a pronunciation which indeed the 
Arabic granmiarians tolerate in poetry. But while this Ct in 
Arabic was either retained or reduce<l in the direction of e, the 
jnmiigrants pronounced it as well as other Arabic a's (with rare 
exceptions) as 6. The writing [tii for zon therefore is a case in 
which an old spelling is retained after it has become doubly 
unsuitable to represent the correct pronunciation ; and in ail 
cases where this letter represents anything but the soft breath- 
ing, it must be regarded as a remnant from an earlier language, 
or due to false analogj'. The perjietual interchange which we 
notice in the OT between roots n"? and roots n""? shows that 
the consonantal K could no longer be pronounced at the end 
of a word. But from etymological orthography of this sort we 
can infer with certainty the existence of a literature in which 
the orthogra]>hy agreed not only with etymology, but with the 
actual jironunciation ; in other words, tlie existence of written 
documents in Arabic earlier than the Canaanitish migration. 

(fc) Of no less interest as an etymological remnant is the em- 
ployment of the letter n at the etui of words to represent the 
lengthening of a vowel, a peculiaritj' which the Phcenician 
dialects apparently do not share with the Hebrew and Moabitic. 
This mode of writing has two obvious sources. In Arabic the 
pausal form of nouns ending in atun is ah, and in this form the 
h ia pronounced as a consonant (Heb. n), a-s we learn from its 
treatment in verse : thus martahah is made to rhyme with 
intabah, in which the h is radical (Hariri, ed. 1, p. 64), etc. This 
pausal form has in Hebrew ousted the other. That it is every- 
where pronounced d for ah is a phenomenon to be easily illus- 
trated from Hebrew itself (in which the ah of the feminine 
suffix has a tendency to sink into a), and from many other 
languages. But the Phoenicians did not adopt this pausal form, 
retaining the t in the absolute as well as in the construct state. 
Hence one of the sources of this OJiployment of the letter h was 
wanting in their language. 

The second source of this phenomenon is to be found in the 
masculine suffix of the third person. Relics of the Arabic Am 
are not infrequent, but ordinarily (as in modern Arabic locally) 
that suffix is reduced to 6. When modern Arabic is written, 
the h is retained (see e.g. ^a1,a'\f al-latdif, Cairo, 18i)4, p. 51, 
etc.), and the same is the case frequently in Hebrew and in 
Moabitic. In all these cases, however, it is an etymological 

(c) As a third case of etymological writing, we may note the 
employment of the sign C to represent s. This orthography 
is characteristic of the older forms of Hebrew, Phflenician, and 
Aramaic, falling gradually into disuse in all of them. Now we 
know that the words which in Hebrew are written with b 
almost invariably correspond to Arabic words with sh. Since a 
great number of the words which in Arabic have the sibilant 
that corresponds with O have that letter in Hebrew also, the 
desire to avoid confusion may well have perpetuated the old 
spelling in the cases where a gh had come to be pronounced s. 
We learn, moreover, from the well-known passage in Jg 126 that 

in parts of Palestine only one of these sibilants could be pro- 

(2) Of the grammatical residues, which are numerous, we 
need merely notice the variation in the second and third per- 
sons plural of the imperfect between the forms un and u. All 
distinction in meaning between these forms is clearly lost ; at 
most it can be said that some writers have a predilection for 
one form rather than the other. Classical Arabic, however, 
distmguishes them very decidedly : the dropping of the n with 
Its vowel is a sign of the subjunctive or jussive mood, and is 
not an isolated phenomenon, but belongs to a system. What 
renders the treatment of these forms by the Hebrews peculiarly 
interesting is that the vulgar Arabic written by Jews, Chris- 
tians, and even Moliammedans, exhibits the same phenomenon. 
Such writers as Jephet Ibn Ali are well acquainted with both 
forms : only the sense of their proper employment fails them. 

(3) As a syntactical residue we may instance the treatment 
of the numerals. Here the Arabic rule is very simple, and its 
ground can easily be seen. One part of it is that the numbers 
11-99 take after them the accusative singular. If the usage of 
the Hebrew OT be tabulated, the only expression for it seems 
to be that with words which from their nature are constantly 
coupled with numerals the Arabic rule is fairly regularly 
observed ; with others the plural is more common, but the 
singular optional. Thus in Jg 82!* ' The land rested forty year," 
but V.30 ' Gideon had seventy sons ' ; Jg 92 speaks of ' seventy 
man," but v.2< ' the seventy sons of Jerubbaal," v.s«> ' his 
seventy brothers." In Jos the rule is sometimes observed 
with the word ' man,' but other variations occur which stamp 
the language as patois-like and ungrammatical : the following 
examples of the syntax of the word 'twelve' taken from Jos 
3 and 4 show how unsettled was the usage in even so ordinary 
a matter. 312 &v. t^j; ^ly, 42 dt;n -i-;;^ Q^yy, i* -i-^^n a^yy 
t^'x; 43-9 D'j^K n-i.i;'j; o'riy, 4» '« n-i.^;; ^n-y. The rule 'seems 
to be similarly observed when numerals precede the word 
'\^H 'a thousand,' owing to ancient calculations, whereas the 
old rule about the syntax of words following rp^} seems to be 
equally often observed and forgotten. From the practically 
regular observance of the Arabic syntax in the case of the 
word ' year,' which from its nature must be constantly coupled 
with numerals, it seems reasonable to infer the antiquity of the 
Arabic rules. The oniinary style of the OT exhibits therefore 
in this case, as in the last, a survival from an older language. 

At what time the Canaanitish language first 
began to be written cannot be determined ; but it 
seems certain that there can have been no break of 
any length between the writing of Arabic and the 
writing of Canaanitisli ; the etymological rem- 
nants would otherwise be inexplicable. Thus 
the writing of aiment in French for aime must 
be inherited from a generation who both pro- 
nounced and wrote aiment or amant ; had French 
been first written by persons who pronounced the 
word aime, the nt could never have been intro- 
duced. We cannot know either whether the 
Canaanitish orthograpliy was gradually formed 
or became lixed at a dciinite epocli. Tlie evolu- 
tion of Ethiopic from Sabisan, M-hich otters some 
striking analogies to that of Canaanitish from 
Arabic, is in favour of the latter supposition. who made Ethiopic a written language 
abandoned some of the Sabaean letters and intro- 
duced others. Thosewho gave Canaanitish a litera- 
ture omitted some si.x or seven of the letters of the 
old Arabic alphabet, but added none. It is prob- 
able, then, that the double pronunciation or the 
six letters n£3Dnj3, with which we are familiar in 
Hebrew, Phoenician, and Aramaic, Avas not yet 
•noticeable. The lost letters are to some extent 
the same as those which are no longer pronounced 
in many of the countries where Arabic is spoken, 
albeit tliey are still written. In Canaanitish th 
coalesces with v, dh with i, kha with n, dad and zd 
with s, ghain with ]!• This rule holds good ordi- 
narily, but human speech is subject to fluctua- 
tions, and irregular correspondence (as e.g. hin 
Arab, khadhala, myj Arab, tdadhdhara) need not 
always imply independent roots, where the signifi- 
cations are clearly akin. In the case, moreover, 
of the other letters the Canaanitisli dialect shows 
considerable deviation from the Arabic, sometimes 
in a manner that can be paralleled from dialects 
the peculiarities of which are noted by Arabic 
grammarians. Thus it would appear that there 
was a tendency to shift from medice to tenues (e.g. 
ipa, Arab, jto ; nna, Arab, inj ; ^n, Arab, ^t ; 'jVt;', 



Arab, zhv ; rsr, Arab, jrnjr ; -ite, Arab. 1*2), which 
ean be paralleled from what has hapjjened in other 
languages {e.g. modem Armenian as compared 
witn ancient). The Canaanitish language shows 
farther considerable confusion of the gutturals : 
besides the tendency to pronounce p for o (e.g. ipa 
for T33, rpy for r3y, pns for ~ni), we lind n for y 
(.Tmp, Arab, .tinp), •"' for n (e.g. rnz, Svr. nrz, Arab. 
mc), 3 for n (."oa for Arab. tJh), etc. there is also 
eonsiiderable confusion of the sibilants (s for t in 
pen, o for s in psr, t for s in t>i, etc.), and of the 
liquids (e.g. :p: for spS, jn for en, n'jD for ncD); 
moreover, the letter n is frequently displaced 
by the emphatic b, e.g. S;p for '?np, etc., and o by 3 
(e.g. 2VJ for crj, n^np for many, jna for ina). 
Further phenomena which often meet us in 
Tulgar dialects are the frequent assimilation of 
the nasal n before another consonant (cf. Ital. 
•Mae for mensem, mod. Armen. gigni for gingni, 
' he falls '), and the misplacement of the aspirate. 
Indeed, in Canaan itish as well as in the older 
Anunaic and in some of the S. Arabian dialects, 
an initial breathing seems regularly to lie aspir- 
ated when it is a grammatical pretix, and some- 
times when it is radical (so "Et for -fin) ; but, on 
the other hand, the Hebrew sometimes substitutes 
the soft breathing for the aspirate (cf. hs'k with 
Arab, ^z'n), especially in the middle of a word (so 
IS. 'a witness for Tiy 'one who knows' ; cf. Jer 
2fl^ ip rn* ; in through "wi for nm). Where two 
of these irregular changes occur in the same word, 
it often U-comes unrecognizable ; and the occa- 
•ional trans^Mwition of radicals introduces great 
difficulty : lost as some mod. Armenian dialects 
have tepur (or phethur, so Hebrew has mi- for nsi, m'? 
for nVi ; cf. c»y for Arab. j-sy. The chief gram- 
matical ditrerences between Arabic and Hebrew are 
due (I) to the loss of the final vowels, which in the 
older language have syntactical value ; (2) to the 
exaggeration of the accent, resulting in the 
■trengtbening of some vowels and the loss of 
others ; (3) to the tendency to simplify, which 
explains the loss of whole series of forms in many 
of those languaueH that have grown out of the 
deear of elaMiciu idioms. In the opinion of some, 
the language has by these changes gained in 
Tlgoor what it has lost in finesse— a matter which 
ninst be left to the individual taste.* 

Of the families of words in use in Canaanitish, 
it would seem that more than half can be identified 
with roots known to the lexicogTa()lu!r8 of classical 
Armhie; bat the waywardness whuh characterizes 
hooMUi s p e ec h has not failed to leave its mark on 
the trcMJnent of the old words in rcHpect liotli of 
their preservation and the evolution of their 
ligniAeatlon*. Thus Canaanitish and classic^al 
Arabic have the Mtmo word for 'jHsatre,' but dif- 
frr»nt wordu for ' war ' ; the samfi for ' to cat,' but 
different for 'to drink'; the same for 'near,' liut 
diWwent for 'far'; the name for 'low,' hut dif- 
fennit for 'hiuh'; the Hnme for 'gold,' but <iif- 
fsf ent for •»ilv««r': the laime for 'to ride.' l»ut 
diflbrvnt for ' to »it' nml ' to Htand ' ; the Maim! for 
••••,' bat different for 'hormj,' though the sume 
for • liorseman.' In Mtvernl of thewj cawis, and 
in nttMeroiM others, while the snine wonls (»r 
th« aaoM families are rutaineil in ImiiIi Ian- 
•p» mmt o« Iks •••(MaM of AnUito rnrnttax thirr arc 
••** i?^'» **• ^T- *"»• *•»•»• "<**•• mwiy ».• apiH-ani 
mm, fr «». Of ttM lM«kMi pitirsl tba only rwU •xampli. lit 
Ifcs or HI 1 1 1 to ks list plural of l?); la oUttr .auw. lu 
■ " ■ " ■ •• !««, #«• tlMiigti Us fona bs prsMSl. t.o- h:>^p 
V« n*. la ■SMfllMi's LtMmak ii» uumi 1. ...iui» ..r i),»«. 

• I'lC, 

HOT, yrttm. An»$t • awx. 

guages, the meaning in one or other has been 
so generalized or specialized as to render the 
introduction of another necessary in order to 
represent the original meaning. In some cases 
it is likely that neither language retains the 
original sense ; but in most it would seem that, in 
spite of the late date of our Arabic documents, 
the Arabic signification is prior ; and good service 
has been done bj' those acquainted with both lan- 
guages since the days of the Talmudists in track- 
ing out the development of these significations. 

A few familiar cases are — (I) the Hebrew for 
'to say' "iCN, in Arab, 'to command' : that 'to 
command ' is the original sense is shown by occa- 
sional relics of that meaning in the OT (2 S P) 
and by the derivative noxrin ' to be proud,' a sense 
which can scarcely be connected with the Hebrew 
' to say,' but derives very naturally from the 
Arab. ' to play the prince or commander,' like 
the words -nniyn (Nu 16'^), Ncjnn (ib. W). (2) nr, in 
Heb. 'to act insolently,' in Arab, 'to increase' : 
a relic of the older usage seems to be found in Dt 
18'*' ' the prophet who shall add to speak in my 
name words which I have not commanded him ' : 
the Latin loquetur ultro would exactly illustrate 
the transference of ideas. (3) Tiie Hebrew '7'7n 
' to profane,' and "jnn ' to begin,' seem both trace- 
able to the Arab. Vn 'to loosen,' whence both 
ideas flow by & course of reasoning exactly 
similar to that illustrated in the evolution of the 
Aramaic mr. In several cases what we have in 
Canaanitish is apparently an expression current 
in the mouths of the vulgar exalted into a 
classical phrase : the Hebrew words for ' hand- 
maid ' and ' family ' would appear to have .a very 
obvious etymology in Arabic (cf Koran, iv. 28 ; 
Moniamx of Snif, i. 28), which, however, would 
exclude them at the first from the mouths of the 
well-bred. A certain number of alterations in 
meaning can bo explained by po]Jular misappli- 
cations, e.g. the Canaanites use lor ' blind ' the 
word which in Arab, means ' one-eyed,' for ' deaf ' 
the word which in Arab, means 'dumb.' 

It is not in our power to gauge the whilom 
wealth of the Hebrew binguage,* and far more of 
the copious Arabic vocaliulary may have been 
retained by the Canaanites than is ordinarily 
Hui)pt)sed. Most of the books of the OT offer 
examples of kapnx Icgomena that can be satis- 
factoril}' explained from the Arabic, whether in 
the form or anticiuated phrases for which the 
ordinary language emjiloys other synonyms (e.g. 
Dt 27" naon, Aral), itshnt, ' be silent,' in every way 
parallel to the herald's ' O yez '), or of dialectic 
words (r.g, rnj, Arab, nisuh, ,Ig ;i'^-), or of Avords 
which there is no reason to sui)poso to have been 
rare, but which for one reason or another the 
biblical writers have not elsewhere occasion to 
emidoy (e.g. ni^'tyj^ 'sneezing,' Job 41'*). 

Arabisms in this sense can bo found not only in 
the latest bildical writers,! but even in the frag- 

• III tlic ('"iioonluiioo i)iil)liNlii'il at Wiirwiw, ISSS, rootn iiru 
Iflvoii ill lurtfc l.v|>t', i^'riit ((■(luiiliii),' fiicli <!i)iijiij,'atii)ii nv\»i- 
ruU'ly) arc iMirknl with u circlii, aixi noiiiiK willt u Hlar. 
AcfiiriliiiK |4i <-<>in|Mituti<iiiN iiiiulu for tills urtlolc, the imiiiburii 
urc ri-H|M.cli\oly 'Z{)!>h, -.'ICJO, :iii:i7. 

f Ht> Va: 111 "iia ' I" try,' Aral). Intra ; in Limln al-'arab, v. IM, 
•rvrral cDrioui) |MutiiaK<'N "f <>lil aiitliiirfi am clti'tl in wliioh thin 
Won! (MMMirK. Thu otyiiic)li>({y in jfivoii by (Ion. Thru., but 
•)iiiiit<-<l In tho Oj^f. IIpIi. Iji'x. U'* t'^; am Hcarcdy have 
\M>fu thoiiKht out by tho wriU'r front tho bibli<'al CKi:, but 
rniiNl rcprrncnt nn olil wnnl (Arab, i/n'im). A tvw Htriliinjf 
Arabimiiii niiiy Im- iMiJIi'dctl ln>rr. On 'JH'" 0^0 ' a HtaircaNii.' 
Ami), tullnm ; 4lll<l '•)» ' wliili- broiul,' Arab, huwiniri ; ^'S^ 
n'JI'JC ' li»Ki:aK'',' Arab. ninlCnl, pliir. of mnIA' (it Ih cMirioim 
that Miihaniiiicil iim-n MiIn woni in Kuvnn, xli. 25, wlicri' thiH 
vnmp In rcpri'Mi-iiti-il • wIhmi they oponcil llu-ir ba^ftfajfi' maid- 
'ahum'. Till' I'baiiKf of V to n In caiiNiHl by tin,' l<>rowiii)( 
n : In l-^cypt It In now •muloinary to May nnof for nyoiy, 
nns^N (or nyS'iN (TanUvy, (Jrammairti, p. v.]) ; Ex 6< tyn^O. 



ments of Ben-Sira, and in the New-Hebrew of the 
Mishna.* As borrowing from the Arabs is highly 
improbable, and in many cases shown by the pho- 
netic changes to be impossible, the whole stock of 
words common to Canaanitish and Arabic must 
have constituted the linguistic capital of the 
former language. The parallelistic style, which 
is probably earlier than the migration, served to 
retain in use many synonyms which might other- 
wise have disappeared ;t but without a far greater 
mass of literature than has come down to us we 
could not pronounce without hardihood on the 
original bulk of the Canaanitish vocabulary, or 
deny any genuine Arabic root a place in it. J 

4. Secondary Soiirces. — Of the roots and words 
which the Hebrew vocabulary contains, a great 
number cannot be identiiied in the Arabic dic- 
tionary. Of these, however, some seem to have 
been current in Arabia before the migration, for 
we find them in the Ethiojjic language, which we 
know to have sprung from a S. Arabian dialect. § 
A few more are stamped as Arabic by their 
occurrence in S. Arabian inscriptions. || But this 
still leaves a great number unaccounted for. We 
have therefore to recognize in Canaanitish a non- 
Arabic element, and must endeavour to account 
for its origin. 

According to the biblical account, the patriarchs 
and their families having acquired Hebrew in 
Canaan, sojourned in Egypt, but retained their 
own language, which was brought back to 
Canaan. Although the seclusion of the Israel- 
ites in Egypt, on which some of the narratives 
insist, would account for their failing to adopt the 
language of Egypt, their dependent position there 
would lead us to expect that their Hebrew would 

' ye make idle,' Arab, tufrighutia ; 26* n'''S'5pl5, Arab. 
mukalilat ; Lv 1928 n^h;, Arab, kitabat ; Nu 1915 Tpy 
' a co\er ' or ' lid,' Arab, gimdd ; 25^ n^p ' a tent,' Arab. 
kubbah ; Dt 6^ DijijJC' ' thou shalt teach them,' Arab, sanna ' to 
prescribe," whence 'the sunnah'; 185V n;^;^, Arab, sala; Jos 
1012 en ' remain,' ' abide,' Arab, dwn ; Is IQiJ nio^, Arab. 
tmiwAfir ' saw ' ; 33'-0 [ys 'to migrate,' Arab, zdana; 32-* jV],', 
Arab, 'ilj ' barbarous' ; 4126 p'-nvj • truthful," Arab, fiddik ; Jer 
12** yny, Arab, dabu'un ; Ezk l& najc* 'loud-tongued,' Arab. 

* So 3ipny BikkurOt/i, vi. 11 ; JiiK ib. vii. 6. 

t So Job 161** ' niy witness C^y) is in the heavens, and my 
testis nn^' in the heights " ; 185 ^'^.^ parallel to "vh ; Pr 2225 
l^xn parallel to J?np^ ; 273 '?9J parallel with njs. The reten- 
tion of [Tin (Phoen.) and cn^ (Egyp.?) as names for 'gold' is 
perhaps due to poetical necessity. 

I Some parallels between the expressions of the Arabs and 
the OT are put together by O. Jacob, Studien in Arabischen 
Dichtern, iv. (llalle, 1897), and by E. Nestle, Alarginalien, p. 
58 ff. A longer list could be got from the commentaries of 
A. Schulteiis and F. Hitzig. Some curious cases are : ' when 
their foot slippeth ' (Ut 'i'Z^^ etc.), for ' when misfortune befalls 
them,' in Arabic zalla 'l-kadam (Koran, xvi. 96) ; commencing 
letters with ' and now ' (2 K 56 102), in Arabic ammo, ba'du, 
i.e. 'after compliments': 'swallowing my spittle' (Job "19) 
used for ' resting a moment' as in Arabic ; ' hast thou listened 
in the council of G(xl,' etc. (Job 15*), bears a curious likeness 
to the theory that the Jinns used to listen there and so learn 
mj'steries {Koran, xv. 18). The phrase D'^3 ri?n ' to curry 
favour ' is perhaps to be e.xplainetl from the Arab, khald in 
Koran, xii. 9, ' the face of your father shall be clear (yakhlu) 
for you." Much of the 'eloquence' of the Koran illus- 
trated from that of the OT, e.g. ' ask the village ' for ' the 
people of the village ' in Koran, xii. 82, resembles Dt 92**. 

{ See the Hebrew dictionaries, s.vv. J3K, E'N, hzv«, K13, 
-i3n, Dsn, j'n, m', ns', m-, niD, id"?, nJ3, bJj, Km, ipi, 
-DO, nny, fjiy, .1:2, ids, nas, ncp, {"n, pm, ys'i, nne', nstr, 
DSC, ypn. Specially interesting identifications are those of 
the Heb. D'np ' men,' nnn^D (2 K 1022), niyri'-D (Ps 587). with 
the familiar Heb. T^n 'he told," perhaps Eth. aghada should 
be compared ; with y no 'a paranymph ' mar'awl = nuptiator ; 
with Vya 'to rebel' ma'let = defectio. 

II So, e.g., the preposition liDj;;, and .1711 (with the same 
meaning as in Eshmunazar's epitaph) in the glossary to 
Mordtmann's article in MUtheilungen des K. Museums zu 
Berlin, 1893. 

be affected by their long exile from Canaan, and 
that their literature would show traces of Egyptian, 
which other Canaanitish monuments would fail to 
exhibit. This expectiition is not fuliilled. If the 
hieroglyphic vocabulary * be collated with the 
Hebrew, the cases in which they show any cor- 
respondence are extremely rare, and these cases 
seem to belong to a period prior to the separation 
between the Egyptian and Semitic races : in any 
case, the fact that they are mostly Semitic and 
not specifically Hebrew words, shows that they 
were not learned by the Israelites in Goshen. The 
Coptic vocabulary is indeed far more illustrative 
of Hebrew ; but this is due mainly to the exten- 
sive borrowinjf of Canaanitish by the Egyptians at 
a period to w-liich reference has been made ; and 
in many cases the words are Semitic with purely 
Canaanitish forms, and words which, while 
isolated in Coptic, belong to extensive families 
in Semitic. The few words in Hebrew which may 
be justly regarded as Egyptian are such as may 
easily have been brought by travellers.f It is, 
however, surprising that the historians of the 
Egyptian episode in Exodus are acquainted with 
scarcely any of the Egyptian technicalities Avhicli 
we should have expected them to introduce, e.g. 
the words for taskmasters, magicians,t pyramids, 
and that one of the writers excerpted should sup- 
pose that the Egyptians spoke Hebrew (Ex 2'"). 
One of the authors copied in Gn is better in- 
formed on this point (4'2^), but even his employ- 
ment of Egyptian words is inconsiderable. Very 
different is the amount contributed to Canaanitish 
by the language of Assyria. We learn from the 
lei el-Amarna tablets that in the ir)th cent. 
B.C., while Palestine was under Egyptian suze- 
rainty, the otlicial language of commuiiication was 
Assyrian, albeit the Canaanites had a language of 
their own. The employment of Assyrian as an 
oliicial language points, however, to a yet earlier 
period of Assyrian supremacy. The language 
known as Assyrian is indeed Semitic, but greatly 
mixed with foreign elements, and with the con- 
sonantal system seriously deranged : it is there- 
fore probable, where Canaanitish and Assyrian 
have words in common which are unknown to the 
other Semitic languages, that the former has 
borrowed from the latter. These \\ords have 
been the subject of some classical monographs ; § 
and they are such as affect the whole character of 
the syntax, pronouns, conjunctions, prepositions, 

* Pierret, Voeabulaire Hieroglyphique, Paris, 1876. 

t One of the few philological observations of interest in the 
Haggaflah is the suggestion of 11. Nehemiah (first occurring in 
Fesikta, ed. Buber, p. 109fc) that 'JJK is the Coptic anok : God, 
he thought, addressed the Israelites (Ex 202) jn Egyptian 
because they had forgotten Hebrew. This view appears for 
the last time, perhaps, in Peyron's Lex. Copt. Egyptian words 
occurring as such in the OTl were collected in the last century 
by Jablonski (Opuscula, vol. i., republished Leyden, 1805) ; 
Wiedemann's Sammlung ^■Egs/ptischer Worter (1883) reduces 
the list to meagre dimensions. A great collection of kindred 
Egyptian and Semitic words was made by Schwartze in his 
Altes ^-Kgypten, 1842 (p. 1000 sqq.) ; whereas Uhlemann, de Vet. 
Auyypt. lingua (1851), endeavoured to collect those which 
might reasonably be supposed to have been borrowed by the 
Hebrews. If we take no account of (a) proper names, {b) 
words of pre-Semitic antiquity, (c) words borrowed by the 
Egyptians, the number left is small ; ii<% Copt, iaro ; ;nx 
(Gn 412), Hier. a^M, Copt, axi ; "I'S^ (a shrine), Hier. teber, 
Copt, tabir, Abel, Kept. Untersuchungen, 422 ; if the theories 
expounded in that work be correct, it will be difficult to deny 
mp (Ex 21'> etc.; cf. Copt, kros) and "15? an Egyptian origin ; 
and the last has been regarded as Egyptian by good authorities. 
nyc* of Gn 2612 seems to be rightly compared with Copt, shaar, 
and pp ' a species ' with Copt, mini (a native Egyptian word 
according to Abel, I.e. 28). De Kouge {Chrestom. i. 56) sug- 
gests that 'K 'island' is Egj'pt. aa, and (ib. 40) identifies 
snehem with Dilbg (hv 1122). 

I Wiedemann, while offering an Egjqitian etymology foi 
CtJin, allows that it is probably Hebrew. 

§ Frd. Delitzsch, Hebrew and Assyrian and Prolegomena, 



numerals, familiar adverbs, as well as political, 
commercial, legal, and religious terms.* It is not 
improbable that one of the most characteristic of 
the Hebrew idioms is due to the influence of 
Aa^rian.! The study of the Assyrian monarchs' 
•nnals and letters also reveals plirases which 
form part of the rhetorical capital of the Hebrew 
aothors,^ which it is probable were originally 
imitations of the Assyrian style. The Aramaic 
langnage has also inherited some of the Assyrian 
wit which the Canaanites did not adopt.§ 

There remain, however, a number of Canaanitish 
words Mhich cannot be identihed from any of the 
soorees that have been enumerated. Several of 
these were probably tribal words of the com- 
munities that migrated northwards, and, though 
ancient and Semitic, never formed part of the old 
classical langnafe ; while others may liave belonged 
to the cla.ssioaI language, though thej- have become 
obsolete in all its otlier descendants. It is likely. 
moreover, that a considerable number of Canaan- 
itish words were learned from the Canaanitisli 
aborigines. A race that may be named in tliis 
connexion, the Hittites, has left monuments the 
decipherment of which has occupied many scholars 
without as yet leading to any satisfactory result. 
An eminent As.«vriologist lias recently endeavoured 
to identify the Hittites with the Armenians (Jensen, 
HittUer und Armenier, 18!)S) ; and since tlie Hittite 
race at one time played an important part in Pales- 
tine, we should e.vpect, if Jensen's conjecture were 
correct, to find .some considerable illustration of the 
Canaaniti.sli vocabularj' in tlie Armenian hmguage. 
The mi.\od nature of that language (of which the 
basis is Indo-germanic) renders its employment for 
the explanation of Hebrew extremely hazardous ; 
and many tempting identifications of words can be 
shown to l)e due to pure accident. || The local 
names of Palestine, of wiiich the IJk. of Joshua in 
particular funiishes a great number, throw less 
light than might be expected on the character of 
the aboriginal languages employed there. The 
ravater number seem very certain"ly Semitic, albeit 
they not infrequently, both in vocabulary IT and 

•Ib FhL DttitSMh's HandwOrterbueh some 160 words and 
RMta an Iw Ulustrmtcd from Hebrew, but not from Arabic. 
Bunpin 0* th« worda referred to above are iha (Heb. v, 
vWoec, p« rii s|M, Kif^), ki-i ('5), ma (perhaps -h^tt), itti 
<"•>> •♦*■ («r»X s-te-a (nfc). isJi-U (Try), maa-du (ikp), 
f^^yf*^ iis-*l-*i« (^^J). other example* of common words 
m wkich OMMsaitMi and Amyrian ajfree auraintit tlic H. Semitic 
fiwop sw : crj^ cSn, -rtn, lytt, z-h, pjk, fin, ich ; mn ; 
PI (ilsrt): nr; np-J ; oyo, uxo ; ikj, H'i (hinder); pc'i 
(kto); 730 (fool); 163 (mourn); may, "nay (produce); ikc 
(body) ; XT (ra^wl) ; Ten (roalnUin). hyn in Naid to J)o a 
y^'IIII^J* ^.^?*;^ ** «!««• ^y the Aanyriann, and from 

ti* Ms wmt wnwrafM. Mo«t of the Awyrinn chronicle* 
?^^-?K .*?• **^' !*• ^*^ lm,H.rf.Ht. It wem 
S UlSt UW SaaylhUfl swployroi m of thin t.rm in Hebrew 

•n« sa taitsUaa at Um AmyrUu,, which th. n divcio|)ed 

.-*!*»> ?HJ!!t TTli*- *.-.P '" "• ^- «»""»•- A'T* ^«'«'-- 

••5f*'>5; WWMk la piMM lilu a potU«r'» vuMet • (Knnron, 
IMNM): 3? ate for ' Blm rft llH Wi,' OWJ SV a* an epithet of 

SSJW'uTyJSjSiSS.'r::!,/;^ «'n>.H> in hu 

f 'Stif**** **^ ^ oomini In Uia Tel el-Amama UbleU. 
l^SmS^utSSZ^giJm^ ""nnW •«"»e InUrMiinij illua- 


■trip' ( 


( M y Af«M«lsa,Moardla( to LsfwtU ((h$. 

waniltaMM^rMiiMirtwArMMisfiUn'y "i. •! 
■MM* Ct K 07, iarWH. Ml MM). > 

p. 8). A 

r ' nionu- 

wm4i^,mk^ "'"»'•■ ThUI« 

thm Arm, M«m>m, bat aft^nranU ,■ , „t ^i.„ 

IS— WiT i^y. MM. lISnMSnt.. .Irrlvallon. 

^\!±y Vj^ y^ «*"■>? ^ -• Ulll...*A'«ra». 

•■ n,mm. nnafiMstorw jfpf^ »mm iirMorvwi the lanmn. 

grammatical form,* exhibit traces of an older 
language than that known to us as Canaanitish. 
A considerable number of these names can be 
traced to the 15th cent. B.C., and even earlier, in 
Egyptian and Assyrian records. An un-Semitic 
remnant there is, but its linguistic character is 
ditticult to fix. 

5. Progress of the Language. — The Tel el- 
Amarna tablets represent the country as settled 
in States, somewhat as we find it described in the 
Bk. of Joshua. The States in which Canaanitish 
was spoken must have acquired the language 
either prior to their separation, or posterior to it if 
that consisted in the hegemony of the community 
whose native language it was. 

Dialectic dift'erences developed as the Canaanites 
began to write, each dialect preserving something 
which the others discarded, f but also evolving 
peculiarities of its own. It would not, however, 
appear that the Canaanites down to a late period 
had any ditticulty in understanding each other. 
Jeremiah (27*) expects his message to be understood 
by Edomites, ISloabites, Ammonites, Tyrians, and 
Sidonians ; and the tombstone of Eshmunazar con- 
tains phrases which seem to imply some acquaint- 
ance on that king's part with the Hebrew Scrip- 
tures. J When David succeeded in welding together 
an Israelitish empire, it Mould seem that he took 
steps to make the language of Israel § (rather than 
that of Judah) official ; and to the extent of the 
elements of grammar such as were taught in the 
schools the Israelitish language was thereafter 
uniform. These elements would, however, appear 
to have been exceedingly meagre. The scientific 
spirit would seem to have failed the ancient Israel- 
ites absolutely ; || and it is tlie same habit of mind 
which seeks to codify the order of nature and to 
find regularity in human speech. The Israelites 
could indeed distinguish and despise a foreign ' 
pronunciation, If and set value on correct speech ; ** 
out it is im))robable that their power of judging 
this matter went beyond questions of intonation 
and accent : throughout tiie t)T there is scarcely a 
grammatical term to be found ; and tliougli several 
of the M-riters have a fondness for etymologizing, tf 
the cases in which modern scholars regard tlieir 
efforts as successful are rare. The result of the 
want of gramnmtical training is apparent in even 
the most classical portions of the () T. Whore the 
writers have to do with quite ordinary words and 
notions, their language is regular; but so soon as 
this region is left, it becomes tentative, and it is 
partly due to the variety of these ex])eriments 
that the Hebrew grammars reach a bulk that is 
out of all pnqtortion to the literature with which 
they have to tleal. Thus, where the prophets have 
to addn'ss comjtanies of in/nnn, we find no certainty 
alK)ut tlu! grammatical t<'niiinati()ns ; Isaiah (.'W'-) 
tries three ditlerent ways of forming the imperative 
to Ihj employed in such a case; Kzekii^l (l.S'-'"-^) 
tries tliree ways of forming the pronominal sulHx. 
The attemiits nuide to form the inlinitives of the 
conjugation Nipknl, and indeed of all tlui derived 
conjugations, are very varied. Utluir curioua 

• f.<i. yi^-jf^ JoH 11H.1, iKT 21OT. 

f M« in a iMtlun InmTJiitlon wo find the pluperfect foniicd l)y 
ap|H>i<lll<>n of [3 kilnn iih in cIntiHliul Ariihic ; Holt. Iiuh ncitlwr 
Ihr old Hiilmtaiilivc mtIi Mor tlic I'oMNtriD'llori. 

tConiimrr <n|M<'liilly llnu \'l willi In :i7i'l nif^ n\f^h Bliy 
'"•/"Vv^ ; kIw.wIhti' the ttilverb iiNcd with ttt-jfc' Ih nnp. iNh (ivi.) 
In the «enM> of ' beauty * <M'cur» Ik KVK d-y'n nni? In a favourite 
idiriute Willi l^oiieleth, wlir>. however, In proliiildv later liian tlie 

liiPM rlplloii. n iiiiiiieniement bearn a cuHoum likoncsii to 

llerj'kliib'ii hvniti, In .'IhKI. 

fCf. Wlnikler'x <;«-«.ViiV/if,i luriiflii. 

II I'erhniw nnxxceplloti ithoutd Imi niadolnfavourof iref irraiiliv 

^ l» :i2< Xiif. • » 1 J. 

•• llrb. ;j 1JJ7 .!({ f.Hl. 

f I Vak "HfK I* |>prha|Ni the moat curious. 



Bpecimens of uncertainty as to the right form 
are to be found in Jos 6"- -*, Dt 2^ 3^, Jer 
5P etc. 

The state in which the text of the OT has come 
down to us renders it difficult to speak positively 
on this matter ; but perhaps the result of a com- 
parison of the few duplicate texts which we possess 
is sucii as to show that philological considerations 
did not concern the editors and copyists who were 
also the authors of the historical texts. The 
alterations introduced merely through the absence 
of any idea of accuracy and witliout any religious 
or political interest, such as are to be observed in 
the parallel texts of Jos \5^^-^^ and Jg l"-l^ Is 2--* 
and Mic 4i-», or Is 36-39 and 2 K 18-20, suggest 
the impossibility of basing a grammatical system 
on books so preserved ; for it is clear that the 
copyist's licence extends so far as tlie substitution 
not only of synonyms, at least for ordinary ideas, 
but of what to the copyist seemed optional gram- 
matical forms for one another, this latter licence 
including not only orthography, but what seem to 
us nujst serious syntactical variations, resulting in 
what to the rigid grammarian might seem grave 
errors, though the general sense is not affected. 
It is unfortunate that the duplicate texts of Ps 14 
and 53, Ps 18 and 2 S 22, and of the oracles 
common to Nu, Is, and Jer, in which the language 
is from the nature of the subject choice and 
obscure, reveal an amount of licence on the 
copyist's jmrt that is far greater than wiiat appears 
where the texts .are easy. How nuicli, therefore, 
that is abnormal in our text is due to the original 
authors and how much to the hands through which 
it has passed, cannot without fresli discovery of 
MSS be ascertained ; but it seems likely that if 
there had been Hebrew grammarians as well as 
writing-masters in any pre-Christian < eutury, the 
sphere of the optional in Hebrew grammar would 
have been reduced to narrower limits. There are 
forms in the existing text of the OT which might 
suggest vast surmises as to the extent to which a 
Palestinian could have observed the rules of Arabic 
grammar without being unintelligible.* 

Owing to the fact that the language was never 
fixed by organized studj', the distinction of dialects 
and periods is hazarilous ; and the very different 
opinions that excellent scholars have held about 
the time and place to which portions of the OT 
belong, show that there is little definite to be said 
about these matters. We learn from Jg 12" that 
an Ephraimite could not pronounce the letter v 
correctly ; but it by no means follows that his writ- 
ing would show any signs of this inability. Some 
scholars have attempted to distinguish two dialects 
in the OT, others three (North Palestinian, South 
Palestinian or Simeonic, and Jewish : so Bottcher, 
Lehrb. i. 15 fi". ), but it may be doubted whether there 
is a single grammatical form which can with safety 
be said to belong to one dialect rather than another. 
If it be the case that revisers have introduced 
uniformity where there were previously marked 
difl'erences, we cannot now get behind tiieir work. 
It is, however, possible to note in several of the 
OT narratives peculiar words or usages which may 
have been characteristic of the tribes from which 
tliose narratives emanated, though the extent of 
the literature at our command does not justify us 
in asserting this positively-. Thus rrva (Jg 13*) 
may be Danite for 'razor' (Arab, miisa), i'pis' (Jg 
IP") Gileadite for 'witness' (Eth. sanul'l; cf. Pr 
21-^), Ji?J Manassite for ' to rule ' ( Jg 9'*). Several 
other curious phrases occur in the history of 

* e.g. 'JlSppp Jer loio (=mukallUu-nl, Schultens); in:n 
Job4S(=mmAM); 152 ■■jjixj-jn. Apparently, the use of In and 
iin to form the plural was optional, see Mic 312 quoted in Jer 
2(;i8. From Jer 253 and Ezk 14^ it might seem that the pre- 
formative of the 4th and 7th conjugation might be pronounced K. 

Gideon, and several in those of Ehud ( Jg 3^'"-") and 
Samson (Jg 13-16) ; perliai)s some of those in tlie 
last two narratives are not Israelitish at all, but 
Moabitic and Philistian ; and indeed in Jg 16^' the 
form pne' seems clearly intended to be Philistian, 
but is certainly not exclusively so. In the parts 
of the 2nd Bk. of Kings which treat of the uortliern 
kingdom, scholars have tried to detect much local 
phraseology ; and the same has been tried with 
the prophecies of Hosea, Amos, and others. The 
general uniformity of the language renders tlie 
term 'dialect ' inapplicable to these minute nuances 
of style, which for the most part may be char- 
acteristic of individual writers rather than of 

The chief characteristics of the Israelitish dialect 
were jirobablj' fixed by the time of the consolida- 
tion of the united kingdom under David ; and it 
is not probable that from that time to the first 
captivity it altered very seriously. The com- 
paratively settled state of the country being 
favourable to the growth of the arts and the 
development of professions, a certain number of 
words continued to accrue from foreign sources, 
chiefly Assyria * and Egypt, but to some extent 
also India t and Greece,:}: while old words were 
utilized to express new ideas, or old roots to form 
fresh derivatives. In the case of the sacerdotiil 
profession we can apparently trace the formation 
of a terminology on somewhat the same lines as 
that by which the terminology of Mohammedan 
tradition was afterwards formed. The inability of 
the language to form compounds somewhat limits 
the resources of the inventors of words ; the same 
form has to do duty for ' to contaminate ' and ' to 
declare impure,' the same for 'to expiate' and ' to 
otter as an expiatory sacrifice.' Lexicography is 
slightly more represented in the OT than grammar, 
albeit it is curious that in the one case where a 
technical terra is defined at length (Dt 15-) that 
term (iBSy') does not recur elsewhere. The wealth, 
however, of the old Arabic language seems to have 
been so great that the preservation rather than 
the invention of words was desirable. § 

6. Periods. — With regard to the periods of the 
language of the OT it is generally agreed that 
the Bks. of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, 
Ecclesiastes, and Daniel display sutticient ditt'erence 
from the style of most of the remaining books to 
justify the application of some terra like New 
Hebrew to the language in which they are com- 
posed. All these books have in coraraon the 

• e.g. Ezk 1633 rm, Bab. nidit (Meissner, Bahyl. Privatrecht, 
p. 149) ; pov. Assyr. isku (ib. 127) ; 0'DD3 nikdm, ib. 

t For India see Coinm. on 2 K 1022. Lagarde (Ge«. Abh., first 
Essay) suggests an Indian origin for JSK, aT\Z (Ca 416), aiid 

X One of the early Rabbis suggested that niirtp in Gn 49^ was 
the Greek word iJiMx«.tf"*. (R. Eleazar quoted in Levy, NUWB, 
iii. 11(3). The identiilcation is tempting, as the word is exceed- 
ingly obscure ; but it is not certainly right. One other pre- 
exilic word B":^? is certainly identical with the Greek maXXttick 
(known to Homer) ; it is un-Semitic in form, and would seem to 
belong to a monogamous community ; and can be derived with- 
out much difficulty from Greek roots. The word T^'p (Ex 2018 
etc.) seems to be a contraction of the Aram. T?p7, which in its 
turn can scarcely be anything but the Greek Aa^o-aJ- ; for it 
has no Semitic affinities, and means 'a meteoric light,' which is 
the very sense the word has in old Greek writers {e.g. ^Eschylus, 
VhoJph. 590, Aa^;T«5!.- triSdtpoi, mentioned among physical 
terrors). How this word got into Hebrew and Aramaic seems a 
mystery. TllS of 2 K 930 etc. seems to be the Greek fvxo;, and is 
certainly identical with Lat. /ucux ; but the meaning of the 
Greek word does not quite agree. In post-exilic times the 
immigration of Greek words is easily intelligible, but vcrj' few 
can be detected with certainty. mpET of 2 Ch 2i& [Eng.iO] has 
a Greek appearance, but cannot be identified ; ji'l^N of Ca 39 is 
in the same case. The identification of '"11?? with ^irx*! has 
found little favour. 

§ See the collection in Freytag's Einleitung ins Studium der 
Arab. Sprache. 



anployment of Persian * or Aramaic t words for 
ideas which the oliier Hebrew was quite equal to 
expressing, as well as for idea^; which ]ierhaps 
were not known to the older Hebrews ; tand 
Ecdeaastes in partiealar is marked by the intro- 
dnetioo of several particles t which seem foreign to 
the older language, and which seem to imply tliat 
the writer had been schooled in some very ditferent 
rehicle of expression. These particles were in- 
herited by the post-biblical literature, with some 
otherswhich are probablvasold as Koheleth, though 
not onployed by him. NVhether some of his turns 
of expression were suggested by the necessity of 
traoslating from the Greek cannot at present be 
determined: this ingenious writer has every ap- 
pearance of being a great innovator in language, 
and indeed seems to say so (12"). Esther shares 
with Ecdesiastes some of the new particles, and 
from tlie nature of its subject-matter exhibits the 
Povian element very markedly. Tlie Hebrew of 
Dn, though marked by conscious imit^ition of ' the 
BiUe* (tF), which is not alwaj's, perhaps, felicitous 
(10** compared with Is 21^), lapses occasionally into 
phrases that arc characteristic of the very latest 
style,! *o^ f^*^ l>ns some Syriasms that are peculiar 
to itself.l The language of the four remaining 
books is prncttcally the same, although the Persian 
element is less apparent in Ch, which, on the 
other hand, exhibit grammatical formations which 
•eem Mi»hnic*I rather tlian biblical, and Syriac ** 
nUber than Hebrew. 

Were more of the iiistorical parts of the Apoc- 
rypha presen'ed in their original language, it is 
probalMe that it would chiefly diH'er from this New 
Uefaraw in the introduction of Greek words, such 
aa are found in great numbers in the Mishna, but 
the oocorrence or which in the later Hebrew of the 
OTasa rharactcristic of lateness seems doubtful. 
If the Bk. of IJuth lielongs to the early part of this 
period, it« author lia.s kept it free from tlie most 
characteristic piirases of the New Hebrew, while 
rmplojring several expressions which, though isol- 
ated, appear to be antique. 

It is certain that a considerable portion of the 
rest of the UT was already known to the writers 
uf these works and conHtituted their cla.ssical 
literature; and of this collection the largest 
•^iHmiit that can be assigned to a single period 
jrith eertaint V consists of the IJks. of Jeremiah, 
Eiekiid, and I)eut«?ronomy, the genuineness of the 
greater jH»rtion of the lirttt two being ordinarily 
adinittea, while there seem cogent reasons for 
•aeigBiag the lifth Ixxik of the Pentateuch to about 
the lane epoch. Thii» may therefore Ix; called the 
'daMicml' iMrriod of the language, tliough the 
portions of litaiah which lielong to the (ilose of the 
Esile seem to surpass them in brilliancy. AH 
these books show signs of literary ambition : 
'laakh' claims, with juHti<<>, ilii; |M>HH«>HMion of 

a scholar's tonsnc (.V**) ; .leretniah Ik coMHciouH of 
tbeeflbetaof tils oratory (iiTP), an<l dictutcH for a 
Tmdia§ pablic (a6») ; many chapterM of K/k reveal 
•MM/ aad preparation ; the vnlitu which Dt clainiH 
lor tie 'words' rould M-arcdy b« more utrongly 

• B|pt tor >97 EMsad lio i n7 ror c^ Uir mmI R«t ; nifK 
Cp ir t s i e AmfiUm isUwr Ums Psnlsa) for •^ (x K &>) Neh, 
M. aa« A } (HfrV '^r r?^V ''>rn}^ Kv snd K*t. 

♦IW 'wnt ^ ' Kr; c;^tnr »|3S Ec, E»t. Ch ; 

mmmmim •( omc •mi y. 

• Ol ^ (m^ttiif tm Oh bHMst, mH (Uii) only la Kst 

trmr r,. 

expressed than in 6*'^". These writers inherited 
some prophetic phraseology from earlier prophets 
(Jer 23-", where a verb 'to nenm' is coined, meaning 
to use the characteristic phrase of the prophets), 
and, indeed, some prophetic commonplace (so Jer 
25*' seems to give the traditional proem to a pro- 
phecy, the words recurring from Am l-and Jl 4^**) ; 
but it is probable that in the main their language 
represents that of the ruling and official class at 
Jerusalem in its last century of independence. It 
is not im natural that there should be a group of 
words and phrases which are peculiar to Dt and 
Jer, and another group peculiar to Jer and Ezk. 

The gieater portion of the OT, however, does 
not consist of works produced by single individuals, 
embodying their ideas in their own language, but 
of the work of schools or societies, Avho compiled, 
abridged, and edited. The main streams have 

Eerhaps been separated by critics with success ; 
ut each of these main streams is made up of a 
variety of smaller rills, so to speak, which cannot 
be localized. Owing to the variety of the docu- 
ments, written and oral, poetical and prose, Aviiich 
are utilized in one place or other of the series which 
extends from Gn to 2 K, we have a great variety of 
idioms exemplified, of which only in rare cases we 
can define either the time or the locality. The 
only cases which deserve much attention are, of 
course, those for which the ordinary language has 
synonyms. In the Bk. of Leviticus a word (n'a;;) is 
used eleven times for ' neighbour' which may be said 
to occur nowhere else ; this must clearly be indica- 
tive of dialect, but it is not known which. In 
the ' law of the slave ' (Ex 2V-^-), a plirase (i£3J3) 
for ' by himself ' occurs three times which is not 
known elsewhere. In the episode of Esau (Gn 27) 
words occur for such common notions as ' to touch ' 
(CIS), ' to plot ' (Dn:nD), ' a quiver ' ('*?n), ' a deceiver ' 
(iTvno), 'a superior' (t2j), which occur nowhere 
else. All of these would seem to be dialectic ; 
and the last, which is the masculine of a word that 
occurs frequently in the feminine, is certainly so. 
The story of Joseph (Gn 37-50) has a whole 
vocabulary of its own ; as dialectic there may be 
characterized the words for 'just' (p), 'sack' 
(nnnCK), ' restore to his place ' (iJ3 Vv 2'cn), ' load ' 
(IVB). The word for 'just,' which occurs live times 
in this narrative, but for wliidi in the same sense 
we have to go to Syriac authors, must certainly 
have met us elsewhere in the OT, if we possessed 
other documents of the same place and the same 
time as those to which the original story of Joseph 
belonged. Although many of the expressions 
which the documents emploj-cd by the compilers 
contain must have been as unintefligiblo to them 
as they are to us, the cases in whi(!h they en- 
•leavour to interpret or to emend them are rare. A 
case of an emendation occurs in .Jg 3'"- -■', but both 
altcriiiilivt's are obscure to us. In 1 S {)'" atlontion 
is <iillrd to the ancient import of a word, and in 
Gn IJ'^a hard word is glossed, but in neither 
is the ancient |thilology uncc^iiivocally cotiliriiu'd by 
nuMlern. Wlierc we liav(( parallel niirratives (as in 
(Jn l^)■•'•^ Dt P', and Nu 14**) wo can soinetimea 
trace the remains of ancient interpretations of 
diiiiculticH. The reason that these glosses are so 
few is jirolialily to bi- found in the fact tliat with 
the llrltrcWH HHwilh the Arabs a book is rather 
tile poMschsion of an iiHlividiial or a family ( Dt 31-'') 
than of tlui puhlir; the skeleton writiii'' almost 
necesHtt^iteH an aiithori/ed exitonent. A second 
ruAHon in nrobalily to lie found in the tendency to 
abridge, whicji has reduced the iHruelitiah literature 
to HO nmall a compUHM. 

Whether it is poMsible to obtain any fix<'(l lin- 

linlic (•pocliM in th<' claKsiciil mid ante clussical 

it«<rature HeeniM exceedingly douliDul. It is indt-ed 

(MMMlblu to tell ArumuiMiuH'by phonutio rulua ; i)ut 




as Aramaisms meet us in very early literature, — e.g. 
one of the characteristic words in tlie story of 
Jephthah is an Aramaism, a word which occurs 
also in Deborah's song,* — no argument as to date 
can be drawn from tlieir occurrence, except when 
they belong to the classes already noticed. From 
the fact that the Canaanitish and Aramaic peoples 
have the same modification of the old Arabic alpha- 
bet, which they, indeed, subsequently developed 
somewhat ditt'erently, — from the fact that the oldest 
Aramaic most resembles Canaanitish, and that one 
of the oldest Canaanitish inscriptions which we 
possess contains an Aramaic Avord,t it would seem 
that the two nations though speaking different 
languages migrated simultaneously, and, until the 
final extinction of Canaanitish, did not cease bor- 
rowing from each other's vocabulary. We should 
obtain more fixed points from the internal growth 
of the language, if the literature were sufficiently 
large to enable us to name with precision the 
inventors of words ; but this we are not able to 
do. Most of the passages that might seem of use 
for the history of particular words, turn out not to 
be so. In Jer 23*^ the use of the word massCi for 
' oracle ' is emphatically forbidden ; but we find it 
employed nevertheless by authors far Later than 
Jeremiah (Mai V). The words of Dt 24** seem to 
imply tlie existence in some form of the technical 
rules of Lv 13 and 14, but it is impossible to say 
how many of the terms tliere employed existed in 
the time of the Deuteronomist. A very little of 
the sacerdotal terminology can be traced back to 
those ancient times before the Canaanites separated 
into nations,:;: but for the origin of most of it we 
have no datn. 

The poetical books have been left out of the 
above considerations, because choice and archaic 
language is characteristic of the poetry of all 
nations, and the widely divergent dates assigned 
by the best scholars to various psalms show the 
difficulty that is felt in distinguishing the really 
arcliaic from aflected archaism. The five poetical 
books of the OT would seem to hij,ve enuinated 
from different schools, and the Psalms and Proverhs 
probably also contain materials collected from very 
different ages. That they emanated from schools 
is shown by the predominance in each of a peculiar 
vocabulary, which in the case of the Psalms would 
seem to have been inherited by the authors of the 
much later Psalms of Solomon. The obscurity and 
rarity of the expressions is in other cases no clue 
to the date of the Psalms, for some of the least 
intelligible phrases are found in compositions which 
are agreed to be exceedingly late.§ The Proverbs 
are remarkable as professing to embody the com- 
positions of non-Israelites, but tlie chapters in 
which these are collected may perhaps liave been 
translated, as indeed the text of Pr 25' implies that 
the proverbs of Solomon were. The nature of the 
collection prevents it from preserving niucli of the 
popular language, as the proverbs of most nations 
do, and as a collection of sayings current among 
the Israelites, such as those to which the prophets 
occasionally refer (cf. Jer 23-'" SI-"", Ex 11'), would 
undoubtedly have done. But these exhibit the re- 

• 130% Moore in his vf.hiable commentary sajs such an 
Aramaism is impossible in Old Hebrew ; but is not this a ' Macht- 
spruch'? Similarly.Dillmann tries toexplainaway Q'^e* in Gn 426. 
3^(7 of 2 S 17", nij; of Jer 205, are also Aramaic. If the form 
kattdl be everywhere Aramaic, as it seems to be, it would be 
ditficult to point to any portion of the OT that would be 
certainly free from Aramaism (see Hos S**, 1 S l^. 19). Another 
striking case of a word known only from the Aramaic is 
'jP'Vnn in Hezekiah's ode (Is 38i6). 

t riB'NI in the patera of Baal Lebanon. 

J e.g. dW, 7' 73, nSy (at anv rale the verb). tVd would seem 
to have been borrowed by the Ejjjptians, whence the Copt. 

5 See e.g. Pss 74. 80. 
VOL. III. — -i 

mains of a somewhat developed philosophical, or 
perhaps we may say mystic vocabulary, and are 
marked by the further recurrence of several phrases, 
which, though not technical, seem to have been 
employed only in the school of the writers.* The 
Book of Job, which is ostensibly non-Israelitish 
throughout, is probably, from a linguistic point of 
view, the most remarkable in the OT, thougli to 
what extent (if at all) it contains non-Israelitish 
materials cannot with the present evidence be de- 
termined. Choice and obsolete phrases seem to be 
paraded here, as in the artificial poetry of tin 
Arabs ; but. the commentary wliich may originally 
have accompanied them has not been handed down. 
Modern criticism is inclined to ascribe this book to 
a series of writers ; but if so, they must have had 
access to the same sort of literature, for even a 
portion of such doubtful authenticity as the Elihu 
speeches differs from the rest, not so much in the 
quality of the language as in the quantity of ob- 
scure and striking expressions, many of which can 
here be interpreted (like those in the rest of the 
book) from the Arabic and Aramaic languages. It 
is probable that the Canticles preserve more of the 
popular style than any other portion of the OT 
poetry. The matter is such that the employment 
of a rustic dialect lends it a special charm ; but the 
dialect cannot any more than the others be located. 
The language of the Lamentations has some 
peculiarities of its own, but also has much in 
common with that of the Psalnis.t 

The separation of the sources and the fixing of 
the dates of the pieces composing the OT has been 
attempted with varying success by modern critics. 
Neither the earliest nor the latest verse in the OT 
can be named with certainty, but there is probably 
none either earlier than 1100, or later than 100 B.C. 
That the earliest fragments were in verse must not 
be hastily assumed, since the Oriental peoples 
employ verse not only to commemorate, but also to 
glorify the past ; J and, owing to the considerations 
that have already been urged, tlie verses which are 
occasionally quoted in the older historical books 
in connexion with particular events must, until 
further discoveries of literature, be located rather 
by religious and political than by linguistic data. 

The continuity of the Hebrew language would 
seem to have been finally snapped with the taking 
of Jerusalem by the Romans ; circumstances having 
forced the survivors of that catastrophe to adopt 
some other idiom for the ordinary needs of lite, 
though it has not ceased to carry on a sort of 
existence to this day, partly as a learned language, 
partly as a vehicle of communication for members 
of the Jewish community througliout the world. 
The commencement of its decay is no doubt to be 
dated from the time when acquaintance witli 
another language was necessary for high offices 
of State ; and this would seem to have been tlie in Hezekiah's time (Is 30'^), and was prob- 
ably the case earlier. During the first exile and 
after it, acquaintance with some other language 
was requisite, not only for the official, but for 
the ordinary householder ; and tliough Nehemiah 
busied himself with the maintenance of the Jewish 
language in its purity (IS'-^'"-), his own style gives 
us no exalted notion or his standard in that matter. 
The question, however, of the precise epoch at 
which Hebrew ceased to be a living language is 
fraught with considerable difficulty, owing to tlie 
deartli of materials for settling it. Josephus, who 
survived the Fall of Jerusalem, says (BJ, Preface, 

* e.g. 1113 ' to despise,' n'B' for ' a witness ' y'jjnrt. 
t Driver's Introduction to the Literature of the OT contains 
important observations on the usage of the different writers. 

J Thus the author of the historical manual Al-Fakhri {circ. 
1250) quotes the verses of the poet at Al-Radi (circ. lOOO' on 
I Omar ii. (pb. 720). 



I 1), that being a Hebrew, he had written a liistory 
of the war in his native language ; but wlien lie 
paroceeds to state that the whole, down to the 
remotest of the Arabs, had access to that work, 
•oeh a deaeription applies better to Aramaic than 
to Hebrew. The passages in the writings of the 
Babbis which bear on this question are too late to 
give tmstworthv information.* 

7. Biblicfil Aramaic. — The earliest Aramaic docn- 
meots which we possess are the inscriptions hrst 
paUiBbed by E. Sachau in the Collections of tlie 
Beilin Hiiaeiim for 1S93, which certify the existence 
of a written Aramaic language for the earl}* part 
of the Sth cent. B.C., or earlier, just a^t the inscrip- 
tions on weiehts and indorsements on Assyrian 
contracts, collected in the second volume of the 
CIS, certify it for the latter half of the Sth cent. 
and later. The opinion of M. Maspero, {I.e.) that 
evidence for the existence of the .Aramaic language 
in to be found in far earlier Eg^'ptian documents, is 
now aeeepted by Egjptologisls. As has already 
been obeorred, "the oMest Aramaic is without a 
namber of the characteristics that serve to dis- 
tinguish the later languajje from Canaanitish ; but 
it aeems possible that this |>Iienomenon is in part 
dne to the influence of the Canaanitish orthography, 
■nee the Aramaic representation of the letters fh 
and <I4 does not seem derivahle from the Canaanitish 
and old Aramaic sh and z, whereas it is easily deriv- 
able from those letters themselves. In grammar 
this languaj^e .nhows some striking attinity with 
the 8. AralMan dialect SalKean ; but in vocabulary 
the earliest Aramaic seems to agree remarkablv 
with Canaanitish, and though several words which 
are ordinary in .Aramaic only figure in iK)etical 
langnage in Heb., this is what is fre(juently found 
in toe ease of kindred nations. 

The area within which the Aramaic language 
was employed seems even in Babylonian times to 
liave biMfn 'rery^ creat ; we liave .Aramaic inscrip- 
tions and papyri found in .*^yria, Hahvlonia, Egypt, 
and Arabia, which there are goixl grouiuls for 
regBriliiiL' jm <>nrlier than Cyrus. Its employment 
«*■*»' ' wnz. B.C. as a diplomatic language 

(!•/■;• • •♦ an Aramaic hegemony either in 

politics ur hicraturc of wnne previous century ; for 
it seems clear that the only languages ever em- 
pl^red ia thb way are such as have for one of 
Chwe raaaoCM become imjMjrtant to memlM>rs of 
•any nattonalitles. The Aramaic verse in .ler 
(10") is shown by the form «»f the word 'earth,' 
and the t«rminatiun of the word 'shall pei. h,' to 
bdong to the earliest form of Aramaic of wliich 
we have eMpUxanoe ; but the fa«t that the ordinary 
Ar — aid tor •earth' »M-rur>t in the wcchkI half of 
the TMW ihoiro that no conlidi-ncf mn Im- placed in 
tJMtniditipO,S'-l ■• - l.i'ii- ... i,..|,|,. thai (|„,oM 

Ara«Mi« fpnii> ,l ihrongliout. 

Tfcs iWW W ies «■ 'I'l Aramaic was 

vmreoHMdenibli- in tiiall<.r» itlimlirig viN-aliulary - 
tmA as to leave a |ioniinneiil mark on the language ; 
bnl oatMcnunntar and nyntax it mouM seem to 
have hM •ftbar 1«m afbet or a dillercnt eflect from 
that wMcb it aMTBiMd on ' ri^li. Tin- 

iiiiHlun of th« Peniaos to « K....n,s i,. 

hav*. ■{rafn larmly «lbet4xl ii. ., v.Kalm 

' ' the dOMnMmts in E/rn whi<-h iH'lung to j 

>n Mrlod Iwar %iitnoNii to the inllux of I 
[•"'"y word*, whieh, if lUvm d<><iinienlM arc 
imwM» tha laagMAga miut mImkhiI at the com 

' mt u t iA thai ^f\ ' 

•'^"*n of tlisMe dnettOMtti 
"ot of the papyri pAM,. 

ortffn. Tim \ 

Th. with 

■<.. ii.'.ir.). 

of .lnwiuli 
«r« char 

'ill llrlifvw). 
>>, Irail Ut t%» 

acterized by a distinctly more modern idiom than 
that of Ezra ; and, indeed, contain such decidedly 
Hebrew constructions that it is evident that either 
their author thought in that language, or they 
represent a translation from it. Of the Aramaic 
inscriptions which have been discovered, pei'haps 
those of PalmjTa aiiproach most closely to the 
language of Daniel. The language has begun to 
assimilate Greek words, but there is as yet no 
regular system of transliteration. The language 
is rigidly distinguished from the later Christian 
Aramaic by the preservation of the old passive 
forms, by the fact that the emphatic form still has 
the force of the definite article, as well as by 
certain peculiarities of grammar and orthography. 
The later Jewish Aramaic, while in some of these 
matters it has developed uniformly with tJie 
Christian dialect of Edessa, in others has retained 
the older forms, and in vocabulary ditiers widely" 
from all Christian dialects, save that known as 
Palestinian Syriac. Unlike the language of Canaan, 
Aramaic held its ground during the integrity of 
the Roman Empire in the East, developing a 
variety of dialects and of scripts, and, though ousted 
in the seventh and succeeding centuries by Arabic, 
it has still representatives in the dialect of the 
Christians of Mesopotamia, which the mission- 
aries Stoddart, and, more recently, jNIacleane, have 
endeavoured to provide with grammar and vocabu- 
lary, and in some other less known dialects. 

Literature. — The historj' of the earliest grammatical studies 
in Hebrew is sketched by VV. Bacher, 'die Anfiinge der Heb. 
Gramniatik," in ZDMG xlix. 1-&1 and 334-392 ; for the few 
notices of grammar to be found in the Talmuds see further 
A. Berliner, DeitriUje zur Heb. Grarnmatik iin Talmud u. 
Midnisch, Berl. 1879. Bacher's papers carry the history of 
Hebrew grannuar and lexicography down to the end of the ioth 
cent. ; while the invention of the vowel-points is connected 
with the labours of the Massoretos, the first actual author of a 
grammatical treatise was the Ouon Saadya {ob. 941), whose work, 
however, exists only in quotations ; to the 10th cent, belong 
the lU»alah of Jehudah Ibn Koraish, ed. Barges and Goldberg, 
Paris, 1842, the Mahbereth or dictionary of Menahem Ibn Saruk 
^ed. li. Filiiwwski, Lond. lSr)4 ; see also Siegnunid Gross, Mena- 
hem li. Saruk, Breslau, 1872), and the Tex.'iubhah or 'Kesponse' 
of Dunash B. I^bi-itt (Qii. II. Schroter, Breslau, ISOC ; cf. S. O. 
iStern, ' Liber ResjKinsiomMn,' Vienna, 1870) ; to the 11th cent. 
the 'Book of Hebrew Boots 'of H. Jonah, called Abu 'l-)Valid 
Mrrwan (ed. by A. Neubauer, t)xford, 1875, cf. Neubauer, 
' Notice sur la lexicograi)hie IK-braique,' in Jmtrn. A»iat. 18G1), 
and his grammar, calle<i Ilanilciiiah (ed. Goldberg, Krankf. 
ISOfi). See further for this early jicriod Kwald u. Dukes, 
Utitniffe zur Getchiehte der altenten Au^lefjung n.SAO. des A. 
Tettaiiienten, Stut tgart, 1844. We are brought nearer to modern 
times by the works of Abraham Ibn Kzra, ^fo^'lle I'fihiyn hak- 
IfixlfHh («1. Heldenheim, Oironbach, 1791), Se/er Sahuth (ei. 
Lippnmiin, Kiirth, 1827), and SaJ'ali ll'rurah (oil. Linpmann, 
Kurth, 18;t0) ; see also Bacher, Abrahairt, Ibn Ezra ah Gram- 
maliker, tStroHsburg, 1881. To the same century belongs the 
lexicon of Solomon Il.n I'arhon, completed at Salerno, 1100 
(«.<l. S. <i. Stern, I'ressburg, 1S44 ; cf. M. Weiner, J'archon als 
Griimmatikrr n. Li-xif(«iriiph, OITen. 1870). Still more ini- 

tMirtttnt were tin- yriunmalical and lexicographii'ul works of 
•livid Khiil.ii 1 11(10 123.'.), whosn Mkhlot has been often i>rinted, 
flntt at ('onHtantlnople, 1.131 ; see also .1. Tauber, Staiulfmnkt n. 
Lfittuw) den U. I). Kimhi alu Gruiinnaliker, Breslau, 1807. 
Illit dii-tlotinry, culhsl Se/er tiaiihKhoraKhim, has also been 
r<.|M>ule4lly prin(<Ml, uiohI recently by Biesenthal and Lebrecht, 
IW-rlln, IM<7. 

Thi' KuniiH-nn t(tu<Iy of Hebn'w and Ohaldee commences with 

tho gmininam and dictionaries of Sebastian Munster anil 

I'ni'niniti, lfi2f> 1.143 ; In the next niilury the T/irmturiia 

' .IK of .1, Buxlorf, Biwol, 1003, was of considerable 

In thin century the workn of W. (iesenius have, 

i.dhiu' nruiv rhiil'.. ninliitiilned tln-lr populuritv ; his 

III I ivd lit lliille, l.S13(fol'l(.wid 

'•y I '•, Leipzig, 1817), has re- 

]'•■•■'' i : n.liilcd ; the 20111 edition, 

iil'iLMi. .1 in IMKO at Lflp/ig, and wa« 

nil ('iiwli-y, Oxford, I89H. Of (ieseniuH' 

I «:.H II, KwaM. the author of both a 

>i ; the N(|i edition of the former, 

/i drr heb. .V/i/vrc/w, appeiired at 

V of which WHH translated by 

■ iiiiportant works on Hebrew 

' 7i, llrunNvvIck, ISOI ; !•> 

' ii. Leipzig. I.SOO (in man} 

li .. \il i.|.i»iiie.l); II. SInde'M Lr/nbiie/i, 

1.1 not touch the »yntax); K. K. Konig, 

■ , Irf'lpzlg, INNI I.S1I7. Driver's Ihbnw 

7V,n.. I II, I ,,| , uxfunl, l»l»0); Har|wr'» KlemenlH of Hebrew 



Syntax (London, 1890) ; and Wickes' Treatises on Hebrew 
Accentuation (Oxford, 1881-1887), are of great importance. 
Lexicography is mainly represented by various editions of the 
dictionaries of Gesenius (Ilandivorterhtich, Leipzig, 1810, 13th 
ed. by Buhl, 1899 ; new edition by Brown, Briggs, and Driver 
in course of publication ; ThesaxiruH, 1835-1858, finished by 
E. Eodiger) ; while these can be supplemented by the Con- 
cordances, of which that by Mandelkern, Leipzig, 1896, is the 
newest and fullest. The grammar of the Aramaic parts of the 
OT has been treated most recently by K. Marti in Petemiann's 
eeries, Leipzig, 1896, and II. Strack, Leipzig, 1896. Some of the 
more important monographs on special questions have been 
noticed above ; but the various journals devoted to the study 
of the OT, e.g. the American Hebraica and the German ZATW, 
as well as those devoted to literature and to Oriental 
study, contain more articles of importance than can be noticed 
here— 1899. D. S. MaRGOLIOUTH. 


ryplia may with fair accuracy be de.scribed as a 
collection of works emanating from Jewish com- 
munities in the period between the close of tl»e OT 
Canon and the commencement of that of the NT. 
Most of these books seem to have been composed 
in Hebrew, a few in Aramaic, and the rest in 
Greek ; but as they were preserved in tlie Chris- 
tian community, the Hebrew and Aramaic originals 
were at an early time lost or neglected, and their 
place taken ])y (Ireek translations ; and in the case 
of some, which never acquired lasting authority, 
the Greek tran.slation itself has been lost, and tlie 
work preserved, if at all, in secondary versions. 
This has occurred in the of the Books of 
Enoch and of Jubilees, which are known chiefly 
through Ethiopic versions ; while tlie Fourth Book 
of Ezra, the Apocalypse of Baruch, and the 
Assumption of Moses, are known in secondary 
translations, — in the first case in a variety of lan- 
guages, in the second in Syriac, and in the third 
in Latin. Books 2 and following of Maccabees are 
known to have been written in the language in 
which we possess them (Greek); and tlie same is 
probably the case with the Epistle of Jeremy ; 
but the remaining books would seem to be all 
translations, though it is not always to dis- 
tinguish Hellenistic Greek from translated Hebrew. 
The most ambitious in point of style is the Wisdom 
of Solomon, whicli few even now regard as a 
translation ; yet the proof that it is one is ditticult 
to elude ; for 14'" ' for that which is made shall be 
punished tojjether with him that nmde it' is 
clearly a mhtmnsldtion of a sentence that is 
quoted in the Midrash on Gn 48 (Rabba, § 96) cb-s 
n3V:.T ja j'ynsj i3 ^nn•^ p pyiEJC 'just as the wor- 
shipper is punislied so is that whicli was Avor- 
sliipped,' the translator's mistake being due to his 
giving tlie verb lav its Aramaic sense ' to do or 
make,' whereas the author u.sed it in its Hebrew 
sense 'to worship.' It may be added that the 
Greek of this verse (rb irpaxOkv aw rQ dpaaavTi 
KoXaad-qcerai.), which really means 'that wliicli has 
been done shall be punished together witli him 
that did it,' shows signs of mistranslation that 
could have been detected without the aitl of the 
original. It is, however, certain that the trans- 
lator's object was rather to provide a masterpiece 
of (ireek rhetoric than to rei)roduce his original 
faithfully ; and in the absence of materials it seems 
impossible to lix with precision the limits of the 
work translated, or the character of the original 
language, which must in any case have shown 
signs of (h-eek influence. 

That the book called Ecclesiasticusorthe Wisdom 
or the Proverbs of Jesus Ben-Sira was originally 
written in Hebrew we know from the statement of 
the Greek translator in his preface ; but tlie date 
of the disajjpearance of the original is a matter of 
obscurity. Jerome professes to have seen it. The 
writings of the earlier Rabbis contain a certain 
number of quotations from it, which are collected 
by Cowley and Neubauer (A portion of the Oriff. 
Hebrew of Ecclus., O.xford, 1896) ; this collection, 

however, requires considerable reduction. The 
reason for its disappearance is doubtless to be 
found in the passage in the Gemara of B. San- 
liedrin (f. 1006), in which it is asserted that a Jew 
would risk his eternal .salvation by reading it ; the 
passages, however, which are cited there both for 
and against this opinion, seem very inadequate for 
either purpose. From these quotations we should 
gather that the author used a language siinilai;^ to 
that of the Mishnic authors, i.e. a liighly developed 
New Hebrew ; and this there seems no reason to 
doubt, though it is likely that the quotations 
are not scrupulously accurate. In an essay by 
the present writer, published in 1890, reasons 
were brought forward for thinking tliat many of 
the diflerences between the Greek and tiie Syriac 
versions, both of which were made from the 
original, could be solved by the assumption that 
the writer used New Hebrew words ; and that the 
writer used a nine-syllable metre, of which the 
base was a foot called in Greek Bacchic, consisting 
of a short, a long, and a short : the middle syllable 
being invariably long, whereas tiie others were 
common. Ben-Sira, however, professes to be in 
the main a compiler from the UT (24-"-'), which he 
doubtless imitated constantly ; but in this he is 
doing himself an injustice. 

In 1896 a leaf was brought over from Cairo con- 
taining a portion of Ecclus. in Hebrew, followed by 
the discovery of other portions, published in the 
work mentioned above, while yet other portions 
await publication.* The present writer lias shown 
grounds ( The Origin of the Orir/. Heb. of Ecclus. , 
Oxford, 1899) for thinking this Hebrew a retransla- 
tion made in the Uth or 12th cent. A.D., partly 
from the Syriac and partly from a Persian version 
of the Greek. + 

The remaining poetical book in this series, the 
Psalms of Solomon, would seem to have been ren- 
dered into Greek by a specially skilful hand : had 
we the original, it is probable that it would reveal 
little difference in expression from many Psalms in 
the Psalter ascribed to David. 

Of the post-biblical historical writing of the 
Jews occasional fragments are to be found in the 
Talmud, e.g. B. Kiddii.<ihin, f. 6Qa. Tiie okl forms 
are still retained, though the writer introduces 
without scruple vulgarisms of his own age. It is 
probable that the historical portions of the Apoc- 
rypha were in a style similar to tliis, but of 
course we cannot be sure. The Book of Judith is 
known to have been written in Hebrew from .S^, 
where the word ' saw ' evidently is a mistransla- 
tion of a Hebrew word signifying ' plain ' (tb'D) ; 
the statement of Jerome that Chaldee was the 
original language of the book, must therefore be 
regarded as inaccurate. Attempts that iiave been 
made to find mistranslations from the Hebrew in 
the other books, e.g. in Tobit by F. Rosenthal 
( Vier Apocryphische Biicher, 1885), and in 1 Mac by 
tlie same scholar (das erste Makkabderbuch, 1867, 
p. 6) seem to have ])roduced no convincing result. 
The title of tlie latter, which is handed down by 
Origen, sarbeth sarbane ' historia3 historiolarum ' 
seems certainly Aramaic, and indeed Syriac (Thes. 
Syr. col. 4323. 4), and it is unlikely that a Hebrew 
book would have a title of this sort. 

The prophetic and apocalyptic style is repre- 
sented by works ascribed to Baruch, Ezra, and 
others. The Book of Baruch consists very largely 
of phrases taken from the OT, and hence the 
elaborate reconstruction of the original by Kneucker 
(Leipzig, 1879) probably gives a correct idea of the 
author's style. In the Apocalypse of Baruch some 

* See now Wisdom of Ben Sira, bv Schechter and Taylor, 
Camb., 1899 ; and G. Margoliouth in JQli, Oct. 1899. 

t See Konig and Margoliouth in Expos. Times, August 1899 
and foil, months ; also Smend in ThL, Sept. 1899 ; L6vi in REJ, 
Ap.-June 1899 ; and Bacher in JQR, Oct. 1899. 



relies of the original Hebrew can, it has been 
tJkoogfat (R. H. Charles in his edition, pp. xliv- 
Kii) be discerned in errors of the translation ; and 
tbe sameis said to be the case with tlie Assumption 
<rf Moses (R. H. Charles in his edition, pp. xxxix- 
xIt). Too little of the original lanj^uage can in 
any case be recovered to enable us to speak with 
eotaint J of its character. 

D. S. Margoliouth. 
sabject of this article is the species of (ireek in 
which our canonical NT Scriptures are written. 

A person familiar with Attic Greek, who should 
take in hand for the first time a Greek NT, 
coaJd not fail to be stmck by its peculiar 
idiom. Apart from traits which distinguish 
one portion of the volume from another (see V. 
p. 4 1 below), the language in general would seem 
■tiange to him— by reason of tlie admixture of 
popalar, not to say plelwian, terms in its vocabul- 
ary ; bv its occasional outlandish and hardly 
inteUigible phrases and constructions ; by the 
WMgrii use of the connectives and other particles 
bjr whidi the earlier writers give balance, shading, 
and point to their periods : by the comparative 
avoidance or irregular use of the genitive absolute, 
attraction, and other syntactical devices for secur- 
ing compactness and gradation in the presentation 
of thought ; and throughout by a style which, 
tboogh often monotonous, is conspicuous for its 
diwe h i B as and simplicity ; a style which, while it 
allow* oeouionally the iligressions and broken or 
anaeolnthie sentences characteristic of colloquial 
and nnedncated utterance, is seldom encumbered 
with parentheses or protracted and entangled 
periods ; a style obviously the expression of men 
too simple, self-forgetful, and earnest to pa^- nuu-h 
beed to literary- elegancies or the established rules 
of the rfafltoririan. 

Before considering in detail the characteristics of 
this variety of (ireek, thus distinctly marked in 
Toeabolary, construction, and Ktyle, we must notice 
briefly its name, its origin, and its history. 

la) Name. — Some of the names proposed for 
this pec uliar idiom are evidently too restricted in 
tlMir referenee, m respects time or pl.-ice or lH)tli 
(as. 'the ecdedastieal dialect,' 'the Alexandrian 
dialect," Palestinian (ireek'). Others, like '.Jewish 
Greek.' ' Jewiith-Ciiristian Greek,' though intrin- 
^eally approoriate, have failed to gain currency. 
Bat the ap|iellation ' Hejlunistic Grin^k,' first sttg- 
' apparentlv by the younger Scaliger, is now 
amvenally accepted. Trotests on the 
tad that thin name not only fails to in«licato 
•■**»** the language deviates from 

ordinary ' ! 'on-Mfincntly is less des<Tiptive 

•■•■•' * Greek' would Ik;), 

■"' "• ■' ^^'ical or meaninL'less, 

' f'l t.rrekinh (Jreek, are 
:.;« it. ItM adrtption has Iteen 
I'V the utw of 'K\,\T>i'i<rrr)t 
• ) nn the deNigimtion of;,' .U'Wn. The npjilii-a- 
' Ui< (Jr. of ft particular 
Mun, HtMc<< that term 
I he idiom of the 

"nry of AtlienN 

li'-r dialect, the 

' foriuM of the 

Im'I (utiiilien of th« Gr. 

• ti of Greek W«"» mtleli 

i"'»l and K.I ,11 

Great III 

■ .' I .11 
at Jcngth Uicfc atiMv a KUMnui^Ulmt l>|i«i of (irvok 


la wl 

fa Ae (A- 


known as the ' Common Dialect ' {ij koivt), sc. StdXe- 
KTos), a prominent abode of which for two centuries 
or more befoi'e the Christian era was the empire of 
the Ptolemies and their capital Alexandria. Here 
dwelt myriads of expatriated Jews, to whom in 
time their native or ancestral tongue became so 
unfamiliar that a Gr. translation of their sacred 
books was prepared to meet their needs (approxi- 
mately between B.C. 285 and B.C. 150 ; see Septua- 
GIN'T). To this version much of the reverence felt 
for the Heb. originals was soon transferred, and its 
common use by all Jews resident outside of Piles- 
tine did much to fix and perpetuate the type of 
Greek it represents. That Greek, after undergoing 
the modifications resulting inevitably from the use 
of separated localities and intervening generations, 
furnished the vehicle by which the revelation of 
God through Jesus Christ was given to the world. 

Its origin discloses its fitness for its providential 
office. It embodied the lofty conceptions of the 
Heb. and Christian faith in a language which 
brought them liome to men's business and bosoms. 
It was an idiom capable of such use as not to 
forfeit the respect of the cultivated (see, for 
example, Ac 17-<f- 26-'*'''-) ; yet, in substance, it 
was the language of everyday life, and hence 
fitted for the dissemination of the gospel by 
preaching wherever Greek was spoken. It differs 
evidently from the language of writers like Philo 
and Josephus, who, though of Heb. extraction, 
addressed themselves to the educated classes and 
aspired after idiomatic elegance of expression. It 
occupies apparently an intermediate position be- 
tween the vulgarisms of the populace and the 
studied style of the litterateurs of tlie period. 
It aflbrds a striking illustration of the divine policy 
in putting honour on what man calls ' common.' 

((■) Hiftonj. — The true nature, however, of this 
noteworthy idiom was for a time in certain quarters 
unrecognized. This is surprising in view of the 
deviations from the classic standard wiiich stare one 
in the face from every page of the NT. Moreover, 
the educated man among tlie ajjostles frankly con- 
fesses his lack of the graces of classic diction (1 Co 
2' ••• 1", 2Co 11«); and competent judges of Greek 
among tiie early Ciiristians, such as Origen (c. Cels. 
vii. 5'J f., PhUoinlii, iv., ed. Kobinson, p. 41 f.) and 
Chrysostom (Horn. 3 on 1 Co I'"), not only are for- 
ward to acknowledge the literary inferiority of 
the biblical language, but find evidence in that fact 
lioth of tlu! divine condescension to the lowly and 
of the surpjissing dignity of llie contents of revela- 
tion in that, though ("icstitute of the charms of 
IKilite literature, it could yet comniand the alle- 
giance of the cultivated. Leading scholars of the 
Keformation period also (Krasmus, Lullier, Melan- 
clithon, Ih'za) held in the main the same correct 
opinion. Ihit early in the 17th cent, this opinion 
encountered emphatic dissent, which led to a dis- 
nuHsion (known as tiie ' I'lirist Controversy ') which 
was protracttul for more than a century, and C(m- 
diictetl at times with no little heat. Tlie heat was 
largely <lue to tlu« ciicmnslniice lliat those mIio 
denied the claMsic. purity of NT (Jreek were thought 
by their op|H)neiitH to dishonour the divine author 
of the lMM»k. Ihit if these over-zealous champions 
of the divine honour had had their wjiy, they would 
have disproved (he I'laini of the volume to Im (he 
priMluctiuii of ( Jn-ek Mpeiikin;,' Jews of (h(> Istceid., 
and have nullilied ( he pliil(»lo;,Mcal evideuce it alh)rds 
tliftt, at that o|K)cli. there ent(<red a new and trans- 
forming energy into (he realm of huninn thought. 
Wo Huu the foolishness of (Jod to he wiser than 
men. (A full hihliogrnphy of (his instructive 
'•"ntroverMy, with u <'ritieal estimate of the 

iimeiitH advanced on both sides, is given in 
■ liiiiiedcrN W'iitrv, fi 2). 
Thn poculiaritioM of the NT language will bo 



most conveniently exhibited in connexion with the 
several elements entering into its composition, 
viz. — 

I. The later or ' Common ' spoken Greek. 
II. The Hebrew or spoken Aramaic. 

III. The Latin and other foreign tongues. 

IV. The religious or distinctively Christian element. 
To the consideration of these will be subjoined^ 

V. A summary view of the peculiarities of Individual Writers. 

VI. Some of the linguistic Problems in the NT, with the aids 
to their solution. 

VII. A glance at the Bibliography of the subject. 

The peculiarities noticed in the first four divisions may be 
classified as (A) Lexical, and (li) Grammatical : — The former 
comprising — a. New Words, and b. New Meanings ; the latter, 
a. Peculiarities of Form, and b. Peculiarities of Construction or 

At the outset it should be noted that not a little uncertainty 
still exists with regard to many points of detail ; and the limits 
of the present exposition will restrict for the most part the 
examples and specifications given to a few representative par- 

I. The 'Common 'or Spoken Greek.— (^) In 
its Lexical relations :^a. New words. A few of 
the NT words commonly reckoned as belonging to 
later Greek are the following : — 

d^aprji, dyaWidofMai, dyvur]fia, d5T]\6Ti]s, dOtCfio^, 
ddtriu], aKaipeofiai, dKardXuros, dKardiravaTOi , d\eKTopo- 
tpupla, dWrf/opew, dfierddeTOS, dneTavdrp-os, dvddeL^is, 
dvadeupidj, dvavTlpprjTos, dvaTro\6yr]TOS, dcdxi'C'S, dvri- 
diaTiOrjfM, dvTO(p0a\fj.^ii}, dvvirdraKTOs, dirapafiaTOi, direX- 
wtfw, dTrepKTtrdcrTCiJS, dirodr)aavpi^(j}, diroKapadoKia, dtro- 
Ke(pa\l^(i), dirpjcriTos, daroxi'^, drtvl^w, ^pa^dov, 
yoyyv^u, yovvTrtrio}, daffidaifiovia, Biayvupit^u, Siaypr]- 
yopiw, Siavyd^o), Sta((>r]fjd^iA), 5iep/j,riv€vii>, diOdXaffffos, 
diodfvu, Si\pvxos, dovXayuyeoj, Svaepfirivevros, iyyi^u, 
eyKaK€(i), ^yxpiu, edviKdi, eKdairavdu, eKdiKiu) (etc.), 
(Kdafi^oi, eKwXijpwcrty, eKreveia, ^faprifw, i^icrx^x^, 
^TTidavdrios, ^iricrKijvdu, eirixopriyeu, erepdyXuffjos, ei'a- 
peareu, evSoKew, eijOvSpofiew, evKaipew, eOKotro^, Ti/xiibpiou, 
ijpefios, ffrjpiofMaxei^, 6pia/xj3ev(i>, IfiaTicrfMis, ia&rifios, 
Kadrjuepivbs, Karafiapew, KaTaywvi^ofian, Kardk-pifia, 
KaTdXv/ita, Karavrdu, KaTairoveu, KaToirrpl^Ofiai, Kfvo- 
5o^ia, KfpiJ.aTi(TT7ii, Ku/j,6iroXts, /J.e6epfirivev(i}, /iera/uop^uw, 
fieTpioiradeu, vecjTepiKos, oSrjyds, oiKoSofiri, o^wvtov, 
iraXivyeveiria,, irdvTOTe, irapaxfifJi'OLO'io., irapeiffaKTOs, iraptiff- 
epxofiai, irapeiridTjiJ.oi, irepiXd/xiru}, irepLox'f), vopifffios, 
TpoeXiri^w, irpoffeyyi^w, irp'jaKai.po%, irpo<7KXyip6u, pqSi- 
ovpyriixa, (TTjixeLjij}, ffKiaXrjKojipuTos, ffrpaToXoyeu), arpa- 
ToirfSdpxfls, ffiivKardOecris, ffvvjiaaiXevo), avv/xepi^u, 
(Tvvodia, ffwirviyu), <TvvvTroKpivofw.i, TeXuiviov, r^pdSiov, 
TiTpapx'Tl's, Tpicrreyos, viodecria, vTrepirXeoi'd^w, i/iroypa/jL- 
fi6i, viroXifiirdv it), inroTvirojan, (pLXavroi, ipiXridovoi, 
X^i-p('ypo-<t>ov. Several verbs in -6w (e.g. dvaKaivltu, 
5o\t6w, dwa/xou, x^P'''''^'^)y "'T'^ (^•ff- a'X/"ttX''Tti'w, 
dvadefiaril^u, dvefil^u), -evcj {e.g. aixP^aXorrevw, yv- 
nviTfvu), /jLadrjTfvu), fiecnrevw) are either of later 
coinage or modifications of earlier endings. 

These may serve as specimens of the diflference 
between the vocabulary of the NT and tliat of 
the classic writers. But it must be remembered 
that our imperfect knowledge makes it impossible 
to say how many such words, apparently late, are 
merely old words reappearing after a period of 
disuse — a phenomenon often exemplihed in our 
own vernacular; or how far, again, they may- 
have been long current in colloquial speech, al- 
though remaining foreign to the language of litera- 
ture, as, for example, the swarm of everyday 
deities catalogued by Augustine in his de Vivitate 
Dei, iv. 8, 11, 21, are alien to the Jupiter, Juno, 
and the rest that make up the literaiy 'properties' 
of the poets. 

But tliis list of specimen words brings to view 
certain general characteristics of the NT vocabul- 
ary ; for example, its employment of terms which 
in the earlier Greek are distinctly literary and 
even poetic. To some such already given may 
be added the following : dyiXr], dddiravoi, dS-qtioviw, 
al(x9T)Tripioi', dXvaLTeXris, dp-dw, &fj.ep.irTos, dfi^pLfivos, 
avaOdXXui, dvaKpd^w, avrjixepos, aTraXXorpiJu, diripavTos, 

dTr68r]fj.os, diroipdiyyoixai, dtroTO/Mia (-yuws), diroi/'t/xw, 
dcrdXevTos, dcrxv/^^", draKTOs, dri/j.di'o}, avyd^oj, avddSrjs, 
aO^U}, avToxetp, ai'^fw, d<pavTOS, dcfipl^u, ^apiu, 
^aerrdfoj, ^pix'^, ^pwaifio^, yeverri, Seffp-ios, diavyr/s, 
5LTjV€K-qs, doXios, ^KdrjXoi, eKfjLdcrcrw, (KteXew, 4p-^aTevw, i/ji,- 
Tral^u), ep,(pavl^(j}, evdXios, erraiTeta, 4iraKpodop,ai, eiriKcXXu, 
eTTicr^aXTjs, ipeiSw, ipiOi'^d], ecrd-qs, evdia, ewcrxW"''^'''?) 
€V(ppoavvri, ■fjinos, vx^'^ {vX°^)j davdcri/j.os, 6eoaTvy7)s, 
dviXXa, 6vfi.o/€0}, iKfids, Ifxeipofiai {o/m.), KaKdui, /cai/' 
Xijyua, Kev6(i}, KXavd/j,6s, kXcos, kXv5u}u, KoXXdio, Kparaio?, 
Kvp&u, XdfiTTu, fiayeijw, fiaffri^u, firjTpoXi^as, /nox^oi, 
fiveXds, fiufj-dofiai, vvard^u, ddw-ij, oiKTipjxbs, Spaffis, 
ovpav6dev, iravoiKel, iravirX-qOel, irapaXoyii^ofiai (etc.), 
iraporptjvu, wevixpo^, irid^uj, iroXviroiKiXos, irpoireTrjt, 
fnirii^u, pvirap6s, crairpbs, ffKopwi^u, crvfj,iradris, TTjXavyQs, 
rpdfios, Tpv^Xiov, Tvp^d^w, vireprjcpavos, (pavrd^u, (peyyos, 
<pifj,5u, x^'-l^^^, xf'/'a7W7ew, x)^iapjs, uSifw. 

Conspicuous in it also is the later Greek fond- 
ness (agreeably to the popular striving after strong 
expressions) for compounded and sesquipedalian 
words. Of these the following may serve as addi- 
tional representatives : dv€Kdi.r]yr]ros, dvfKXdXrjros, 
dve^ep€\i)V7)Tos, dvinaLaxwTO^, dvTairoKpivotxai, Svcr^d- 
araKTOi, efJ-irepiiraT^ca, e^ayopd^u, e^uKoXovdiu, f^ava- 
TfXXw, i^ofxoXoyiw, eiriya/jL^peuu, ^uoyoveu, Karafipa^evti), 
KaraSwaaTevw, KaTa<TO<pi^ofiai, Kanaxvu, XiOojioXew, 
fiaraioXoyia, fieroiKeffia, Oi/co5e<r7ror^w, dXiyo^vxos, 
TrarpoirapddoTos, irpoffava^alvw, Trpo(TavaTrXr)p6u), irpoa- 
avaTLdrip.1, irpoaKaprepiu, Trpo(, ffvvava/xlypvfii, 
avvevwx^ojxaL, ffvi'KaTa\pr](pi^ct), avvavTiXa.iM^dvofUj.1, avvv- 
iroKpivopiai, ffvvvTTOvpyioj. 

The biblical writers indulge this partiality still 
further ; as witness such words as the following : 
dyevfaXoyip-os, a'ip.aTeKXv<Ti.a., aXXorpioeiriffKoiros, dvi^i- 
KUKOS, dvdpuirdpeffKOi,, eK^rjritj}, iKfxvKTT]- 
pl'iti}, eKtreipdt^u), i^aaTpdirTW, iiravawavij}, €TridiaTdcr<, 
iiriSLopdjui, iin(TK€vd^(j}, einffvvTpix'^t lepovpyiw, nara- 
KXripodoriu, KaraKXripovofJiiw , KaraXidd^o}, Kare^ovcridl^oj, 
KarecpidTTjpLi, KaroiKTyrTipiov, p.iada.iTo5oaia, 6p6oTop.iui, 
opKcafioffta, dxXoTTOiiu, iraparnKpalvw, irepiaffTpdirro}, 
woTap,o(f)!)pT]TOS, irpoevdpxop.a.i, crvvaLXt^dXwTos, virepeK- 
trepLaaCu's, virepevrvyxdvu, xpV<^'''oXoyia, XP^'^^^^-'^'''^^'-'^^' 
Moreover, not a few decomposite words are found 
in it — as in general in the later Greek — which 
have been formed by prefixing a preposition (as 
iwi, Sid, irapd, vpo, irpjs, avv, inrip) to a word already 
in use. Conversely, simple verbs are sometimes 
substituted for their compounds more usual in the 
classic period; as, ipwrdw for iirepurdu (Mk 8®), 
KpvvTu for diroKpfjiTTU} (Mt 11'-''), ddpol^o} for crvvaOpol^u} 
(Lk 24^^), 8eiyp.aTitu for irapaSei.yp.aTii'u (Mt 1'"), ox^i^w 
for efoxXiu} (Ac 5'"), t/3^</)w for dvarpicpu (Lk 4'"). 

Another characteristic of NT Greek (as of 
modern Greek, and indeed of popular speech in 
general) appears in the disproportionate number 
of so-called diminutives its vocabulary contains : 
dpviov ,yvvaiKdpiov ,€pi(piov jdvydrpiov, ixOvSiov, KXiudpiov, 
kXivISiov, KOpdcnou, Kwdpiov, dvdpiov, dxj/dpiov, {■n-a.ibiov) 
iraiSdpiov, TrivaKidiov, irXoidpLov, irolp.viov, irpo'fidTLov, 
(TavddXioy, arpovdlov, (Jxoi.viov, (popriov, xj/ixiov, \p(j3fxiov, 
ihrdpiov, iL'tIov are among them ; and even ^L(3Xapi8ioi>, 
a diminutive of a diminutive, occurs. Several of 
these words have quite lost any diminutive force — 
if indeed they ever had it (cf. e.g. drjpiov, Kpaviov, 
etc. ). For ihrdpiov (Mk 14^^ Jn 181"), ^^.^^^ ^-^i^ 26''), 
Lk (22*") substitutes ovs. 

b. But not merely had later Greek, as it dis- 
closes itself in the NT, enlarged its vocabulary by 
the introduction of new words (or the revival of 
those long disused), it had also modified more or 
less the meaning of many retained from the classic 
period. This is exemplified by the meanings sub- 
joined to the following words : dKaraaTacrla ' politi- 
cal disorder,' dvdK€ip,ai and dva-TriirTu ' recline at 
table,' dj'aXt^w 'depart (from life),' dvacrTpe( 
' conduct one's self,' dvTiXT]p.^pis ' help,' diroTdcra-ofiai 
' bid farewell,' ' renounce,' d<f>avii^u} ' render un- 
sightly,' yevrip-ara 'fruits of the eaitli,' duifta 'house- 


la:n^guage of the i^ew test. 

tl^' frrevits ' petition,' irrparfi ' shame,' efxi-yo/xcu 
' speak out,' ipuraw ' request,' tv<rxri(jLuv ' honour- 
alue' of rank, (ixapurrfa 'thank,' fworot^w 'cause 
to live,' ' quicken,' /torourroX^ ' apparel,' ^vkov ' a 
taree,' rA ■wfpiepya ' ma^c,' repiffTdofiaj. ' be dis- 
tncted' (with cares, etc.), -rrdiM (without adjunct) 
*a corpBe,' ^iin *a street,' criWofiax 'withdraw,' 
nryynl 'moment,' inmsplpu 'compare,' 'interpret,' 
#M>firrvu 'establish,' 'prove,' a-xo\ri 'school,' auinara 
(withoat adjunct) 'slaves,' Tpuyv i.q. eaOiu, <f>0dyu 
* emne to,' ' arrive at,' x«v^i"« ' feed ' (of persons), 
irimi(t§ neariy i.q. dfti, xpvf^'rii'j^ 'be styled' or 
'callecL' And when the moditication is not so 
■ariced as in these cases, there is at times a 
chsB^ in frequency of. use which indicates a 
cfaanfle at least in connotation. This is illus- 
tratra in the use of ^\i-rw, 6eup^u, and opdw to 
express seeing ; of fyxoftat, xoptvofuii, and v-wdyu to 
denote goine ; of XaVw and Xiyu in reference to 
■I wl iiiB The caste or social status, so to speak, 
OT WOTtu varied in ancient as it does in modem 
ttOMs with age and locality. 

Many verba, moreover, which in the earlier Ian- 
na^ weie commonly transitive, assumed a re- 
lenve or neater sense ; e.ff. dWx(^(Lk Id-*"), dTopiirru) 
(Ac 27*), mifdpw, aP^u (Mt 6-», Epli 2^'), fVwrxi'w (Ac 
9»), 4wifi6Xku{M k 4=^), /cX.Vw ( Lk9'-), wapamw/u (i>erh. 
Mk 4*), wrpi^ (Ac 7*^) and its compounds. On 
the other hand, some neuter verbs came to be used 
tnuBsitirely or cansatively ; as, /SXaordcu ( Ja 5'^), 
fiOmrfvi^tt (.Mt 27*), yowvrrriia (Mt 17"), Si^pdu and 
wwitt (Mt 5»). ^fiwoptvonat (2 F 2»), ei'SoK^w (.Mt 12'8), 
|M#yrff^ (Mt 2^"). An interesting extension of 
thb OMge appears in 6 ydp dxidweM . . . 6 di ^i 

(B) But this brings to our attention the Gram- 
matital peculiarities which the language of the 
NT exhibitA in common with later Greek. Pecu- 
liaritieK of this claMs, whether relating to form 
or to oonstmction, are much less numerous tlian 
thoae which, agr eea bly to the general law of 
growth in language, aflect its vocabulary. 

a. The peemiariiies of form are some of them 
eoannoii to the difbrent dialects of the earlier 
Grselc ; aa, fioOXn, i^*i, Miaoi, riBiairi, ^5a<f>ioS<Tiy, 
i^it04tni^, ^yicXXf, ^^\^p, to the Attic ; dat. 
YV*t gBO< lUid dat. in -i^, --g, from nouns in -pi (as 
li^XX^** 'P¥P^< *'^'>MMi'P<», avtipa), tlie presents ylfofiai, 
7ww#>«#, also tlrtr (<Ira), nft«'r the Ionic; dtpiuvrtu 
(fur i^irrai), ^w (for Irrw), 6pi>ti {fpfis), lield to Ihj 
Ikrric ; /Jord^ti^, rollat. form of ii5vyiiOr}y, (Kdtxuvaa 
(••Ai^t^), Mftfw (^^m), Kpic : ditOKTiwyia (-rrtiyw), 
ifSolic Otlieni may be traced to the i>oi)iilnr pre- 
faraMtforHMularity of intle<rtion : o.g. tiie changu 
of VMto fal |H Into vcriM in w ; the termination -sai 
n HM ted pan. sing., an 3i}ratfa<, Kavxdoai ; tlie in- 
flMlioa sHa, •lat, 'iar*, etc. ; the aorixtM Idvaa, 
^ftyw k i ^fnn tMn from dyu, ^a(T) from lixu, 
WM Um llM. Tber» in alw> a pro|H>nHity U> omit 
Um MUpnaat of the plu|M«rfc<-t, and cHitefialiy to 
09m tm Sad aor. the endingN of tlu) iirHt, n« 

ilKOaif, dXOdria, etc.; 
we iiiifl tlx"* i^nd 
:mw (M m U t m^t iUKi»6«v), dim doubt lew to 
» loro of —initiation in form. Sundry noiinN 
Imv* varyteg fwidaw. a« 6 and i, itdrot, Xi^i-ii, x.^ W ; 
*Md f* AMt, n^t ♦x«»*(T). 9*tJ\KH -Xiop, wXooToi, 
«*lrMs 4 fisf nnd r* ruof{ and nven a twofolil 
MMMmi, M <i#^ plur. -^ and -Md. tXtot ov 
MM •••*, mr^rw •••> and •••«, also tt" 
•«««. -^Iwtv (■• ^mrAmi^M an.i 
oUiani MOW a fn^frfirruti nl l{m< 
IraHad lomM, » 
Ut luidmiUtam . 
t«r»»i! ' '^'(|iioni/uti«. ttJi 

iho parfaet, yf^wrar, c^Ku/.'if, «i, 
' (llj^ w f), Wrrwa» (><*«««»). IKfra ii 

■ad la tiM Inpwfaet of fx* 


favoured by the gradual obscuration of the dis- 
tinction • between tlie perfect and the aorist (see 
in b below), to which cause also may be due the 
occasional appearance of the ending -Kes for -/cas 
in the 2nd pers. sing, of the perfect. The dual 
number has disappeared, and the word 5vo itself 
tends to become indeclinable. Particles of rest 
{rod, 6irov, etc.) have superseded those of motion 
(xot, Sirot, etc.); eh has encroached largely upon 
the province of tis, and irorepos {-pov, except in 
Jn 7^") has disappeared. 

Negligent or variant pronunciation appears in 
irregularities of spelling ; sucli as the retention of 
fi in sundrj' forms and derivatives of Xafj-^dvu (as 
\T/lfi.^e<x0ai, dvdXrjfjLxf/ii, etc.); the neglect of assimi- 
lation in com{K)unds of iv and crOv ; the doubling 
or non-doubling of v, p, and some other letters, 
e.ff. yivrjfia. ; inconsistency respecting v movable, 
elision, and the tinal s in dxpts, /xexpi-s, oih-wy. The 
interchange of sundry letters, as in fj-avr^s and 
fjMffOos, ^^ivvvjn and (rjievvvfu, (T<pvpLs and airvpis, ojdels 
and ovSeis, xorair6s and TroSaTrys ; and especially 'in 
the case of the vowels €i, e, rj, i, as Avell as ai, e, a 
tendency to that obliteration of distinctions which 
culminated in itacism and the pronunciation of 
modern Greek. 

Many of these irregularities, and others both of 
form and pronuncijition, have been adopted by the 
editors of tlie te.xt of the NT in conformity with 
the usage of the oldest extant MSS ; but how far, 
in any given case, they are to be set down to the 
account of the original authors or of later scribes, 
is a ((uestion to be settled only after the other 
nearly contemporary writings have been edited 
with equal attention to such details, and in the 
light of the accumulating testimony of inscrip- 
tions, papyri, and otiier relics. 

b. The Syntactical i)eculiarities which the NT 
shares in common with later and spoken Greek, 
though less numerous than the formal, are not 
less noteworthy. They ajipear particularly in the 
constructions of the verb. liesides those alluded 
to in the oiiening paragraph of this article, may 
be mentioned : — tlie general disuse of the optative 
in dependent sentences ; the weakening of con- 
structions with Xva. (a particle which had nearly 
s'.ipplaiited flTrws), which often have the force merely 
of the classic iiiUnitive ; the interchange of edv 
and dv ; tlie use of fnav with the indicative (Rev 8'), 
and in dependent clauses to denote indelinite fre- 
(juency ; an extended use of fin, and also of the 
hnal inlin., the genitival inlin., and the inlin. with 
in and tli ; the scanty employment of interrogative 
particles, and the use of d in direct questions 
(perhaps a liebraism) ; the ordinary substitution 
of the {(rcHent jiarticiple for the future, and in 
general a fondnt;ss for the present tense (especially 
\tyti, fpx'Tai, etc.) agreeably to the love of vivicl- 
nesM and tlirectneHs ; a lax use; of the aorist jiarti- 
ciple, in fact a temlency to blur the distinction 
iMitween the aor. tense and the perfect ; the use 
of l<tit\oy as a particle of wishing; the jn-elixiiig 
of Aftt to the hortatory subjunctive, and the pleo- 
naMtic use of the iiiiprrnlivcs of opdi>, jiXtirnu (as 
ip&rr /<\^ir«T» dw6, etc. .Mk H'-^) ; the tendencv of /xi) 
to encroacli on the province of oi'*, especially with 
inlinitiveH and participlcM, und to prevent a hiatus ; 
the iiHo of the cnmpoiitiil negative oi'i /j.-^ ; employ- 
ment oi tlfxl with tlie participU) as a iKsriphrasis 
for the Hiiiiple vcrli; aiui the ln'i|. omission of the 
copula tifxl ; carclcMhineHM in placing particles (r.^. Apa 
Lli ir"-« yr \.k II". Toifv^ lie i:»'\ linw(hi\ .•■{'"'). 

The |Hipiilar striving after emphasis wliitli np- 
|x!urH in many of thi'Hc usages shows itself, furllicr, 
in the umi of the active voice with the nHlexivo 
protiiiitn itintead of the middle ; of I'Sioj insteatl of 
111'' nimple iMmwHsive pronoun; of fU for the in- 
• liiiltu ni, and, in general, a needless niultiplica- 



tion of pronouns ; of devices for strengthening the 
forms of comparison, e.g. €\axi-(rrjT€pos, nei'^orepos, 
fidWov irepi<j(yoT€pov, and the use of irapd and virip 
with comparatives instead of ^ (yet 17 alone is at 
times used with comparative force, Mt 18", 
Lk 15'^, 1 Co 14^") ; of prepositions to reinforce the 
simple cases. The use of the neut. sing, of an 
adjective with the art. as a substitute for the 
abstract noun, though not unusual in tlie classics, is 
more common in Paul and Hebrews, and in the later 
Gr. writers became a striking literary mannerism. 

II, The Aramaic and Hebrew Element.— It 
is usual to distribute the Hebraisms of the NT 
into two classes : ' perfect ' or pure Hebraisms, 
which consist of such words, phrases, and con- 
structions as have no precedent or analogue in 
extant Gr., and hence are held to be directly 
transferred to the NT from the mother tongue of 
the Jews ; and ' imperfect ' Hebraisms, consisting 
of Hebraistic expressions to be found, indeed, for 
substance in Gr., but the use of which by the NT 
writers is most naturally traced to the influence 
of their native language. The limits of this latter 
class, however, our scanty knowledge of the his- 
tory of the later Gr. language makes it ditticult 
to iix ; and for our present purpose it will be more 
convenient to follow the classihcation adopted by 
us hitherto. A just impression, moreover, of this 
element of the NT language requires that our 
presentation of facts shouKl be liberal and in- 
clusive, rather than rigorously restricted. For 
example, the word airipixa with the meaning pro- 
geny may be traced as far back as ^schylus and 
I'indar ; but the more than thirty instances of its 
use in this sense in the NT fairly entitle it to be 
enrolled as a Hebraism. 

(A) Lexical Hebraisms : — not all of which, be it 
remembered, first make their appearance in the 

a. New u-07-d.t. — Of these, some are (1) Semitic 
words simply transliterated ; as, d^jid, a.\\r)\ovid, 
d/jLTiv, yapj3add, yoXyodd, Kopfidv, ird<rxa, pa^^el etc., 
paKd, a-ajHauid, ffardv, aiKepa, raXeidd, xf/'ot'/3e/v ; others 
are (2) (ilrecized by some slight change, generally 
of termination ; as, ^dros, 7^e»'ca, ^i^avioi', (and as 
is commonly thought) Acd/iijXos, Kifva/jiu/jLov (to which 
may prob. be added the names of several other 
plants and spices, as well as of precious stones ; 
as, Kv/Mvoi', Xi^avos, avKd/xivoi, vaawiros, <Tdir<()€ipo%), 
Kopos, fJLa/j.ui>ds, fidvva, adrov, ffd^lfiaTov. 

b. Far more numerous are the words and phrases, 
Gr. in form, which under Heb. inlluence have 
taken on a new meaning ; as, (S776X0S (dpxdyyeXos), 
6 ai(jiv ovTos (eKfii^os, 6 /jl^XXwp), dvdOefia {-ri^eiv), 
yXCxraa 'a people,' Sieiu and Xveiv 'to forbid' and 
'permit,' 6 did^oXos, S6^a 'brightness' {rov (porrds, 
Ac 22'^), Siiva/Ms toO ovpavov (of the stars), ivthiriov 
Tov Oeov 'in the judgment of God,' e^oimoXoyeiffdai 
'give praise,' e^opKiar-qs 'an exorcist,' eirLO-Koirr] of 
the divine visitation, (UaK/jo^n/x^w 'be long-sutl'ering," 
vvfi(l>r] 'daughter-in-laAV,' oiKodonelu in trop. sense (?), 
tvo/xa ' authority,' 6(pdaX/ji6s woprjpJs of envy, 6</)ei- 
X^TTjs {-XriiJ.aTa, in reference to sin), TrepiTrareiv and 
656s in a technical sense, of a course of life, {iroutv 
vo/iov in classic Greek ' to make a law ') TrouTi> rbv 
vofiov ' to do, keep, the law,' iropevfcrOaL ' to die,' 
also IT. oTTtVw Ttv6i to 'become one's follower,' Trop- 
vetjeiv (-veia) of idolatry, irp5<r<i}irov davfid^'fiv and 
\afil3dv£iv, also els irplxruirov jSX^ireiv, etc., of exter- 
nals, (TKavdaXov {-XL^eiv) in a lig. sense, airip^ia ' off- 
spring,' 4>ii3Tl^u3 of spiritual enlightenment. 

Not a few are due to national institutions, 
usages, historic incidents, and the like ; as, dKpo- 
^vffria, dTrodeKardw, dTrocrvvdycjyos (dpxi-<Tvvdyoryos, 
etc. ), ol dproi TTJs irpodeaecos, ypa/uL/u-aTevs, 5La0r)K-q, 
BiaffTTopd, d(j}8eKd((>vXov, evKaivia {-vi^w), eiriyafjiiSpevw, 
ccvovxi^i^, OvcnaarripLov, t6 LXa(jTr)pi.ov, Kadapi'^w and 
K0Lv6u levitically, nX-qpovofiiu in its technical use. 

Xarpeia the ritual service, Xvrpiio in its theocratic 
sense, yaoo-xoTot^w, vofxodidlcrKaXos, 6XoKavTO}fj.a, Trarpt- 
dpxv^j irevTrjuoaTrj, irpeajSvT^pLOi', TrpoarjXvTOS, Trpo(p7p-r)S, 
irp<j}TOKadiopia. irpwTOTjKia, aK-qvoTTTjyia, vibs rod dv- 
OpJuTTov {rod deov), <pvXaKTT)piov. There are indica- 
tions, however, that some of these terms [e.g. 
KdOapl^u, Trpscr^iiTipiov, ■n-po<p7irr;s) were known to 
heathen usage in a religious reference (Deissmann, 
Neue Bibelstadian, Marburg, 1S97). 

Others spring from the Oriental love of pictorial- 
ness and circumstantiality ; as, direpLTp.r)Tos ry Kap- 
dig., iv KapSiq, XeYetf, rj Kapbla riij,i2v irfwXdTvvrai, iv 
yepvtjTois yvvaiKuiv, iv rj/xepais Hpi^idov, ivuni'^eadai, 
i(jKa\j/e KoL ifidOvve, ^ryrelv rrjv Tpvxw tivos, Kapwds tCjv 
XeiXiuf, TTOTTipioi' in a fig. application, crdp^ Kai al/xa, 
airXayxvl'ieadai, arripL'geLV to irpjawTrov, arofxa fxa.xo.ip7]S, 
vlos or riKvov with the gen. especially of an abstract 
(e.g. eip-qvris, ^povr-qs, (fxirros, dpyrjs, viraKo-qs, etc.), 
Xf 'Xos T-^s daXdaarj^. 

But some of these phrases may with equal pro- 
priety be ranked with — 

(B) Grammatical Hebraisms. — The great dis- 
similarity in structure between the Heb. and the 
Gr. operated as a barrier to the free introduction 
of the characteristic idioms of the former language 
into the latter. The grammatical influence of 
their native tongue shows itself in the NT writers 
rather in their general style of expression ; in 
particular, a marked inaptness in the use of 
moods (even as compared with contemporary Gr. 
authors), simplicity of construction, and a co- 
ordination of clauses which would have seemed 
monotonous if not illogical to a Greek. Still, 
usages are not wanting which distinctly recall the 
Hebrew. Among them are the following : — An 
extended use of prepositions ; for instance, iv (cf. 
5) : not only in construction with verbs, as evSoKelv, 
dfivueiv, etc., but particularly with instrumental 
force, as Kpd^eiv iv (pojvrj fieydXy (Rev 14'*), iroielv 
Kpdros iv ^paxiovi (Lk P'), iroXe/xeTv iv rfi pofKpaig. tov 
arbixaTo% (Rev 2'®). — eh (cf. \) : in such phrases as 
ylveffOai eh ov8iv (Ac 5^), Xa/J-jBdveiv eh KX-qpovofiLav 
(Hell*), Xoyl^effdai eh irepiTofirjv (Ro 2-^) ; and in 
general, its insertion before the second accusative 
after verbs signifying 'make,' 'hold,' etc., as, eh 
irpo(priT7jv avTbv elxov (Mt 21'**'). — dirb (cf. jc) : as, 
^eiryeiv dirb, etc. (Mt 3'', Jn \(y).—iirl (cf. ^]i) : as, 
iXiri^eiv iiri, etc. — iierd (cf. C]l) : fj.eya.X(;veiv, TroieXv, 
^Xeos ixeTd, etc. (Lk l^-^^). — Periphrastic expansions 
of prepositions : — by the use of 6(f>OaXfi6s (cf. 'J'i'?) 
Mt 21^-, Lk 19*^ ■—wpbaujirov (cf. ^ith) Ac 5", Mk l^ 
Ac 13-^ -—(TTofia (cf. 'rs) Mt 4^ Lk P», ('9 h]i) 2 Co 
13', Mt 18'6;-xf'> (cf.TS) Jn lO^'*, Gal 3'«, Ac 22!* 
7*\— The employment of ^uTrpoaOev (Mt U^ IS'-*), 
ivdjiTLOv (Ac 6*), KaTevJjTTiov (Eph 1^), KaTivavTi (Ro 4'^), 
dwiaw (Lk 14^), as prepositions. — The pleonastic use 
of pronouns (see above, I. B. b, sub Jin.), especially 
aiViis [e.g. Rev 2"- "), which is even added in a 
relative sentence (Mt 3'^ Mk 7-*, Rev V-^ etc.).— 
The use of a limiting genitive to express quality 
(Lk 18", Ja 2^ 1-*). — The use of (a superfluous) ^at 
iyiveTo (or iyiveTo 5i) before a specification of time 
or occurrence. — An imitation of the Heb. infinite 
absolute by a cognate dative prefixed to the verb 
(as iTTidv/xiq^ iTredufiTjaa Lk 22'^, X"-P9 X^^P^'- Jri 3"-'''), or 
(in quotations) by a prefixed participle (as (iXiirovTes 
jSXi^eTe Mt Ki'-*, cf. the pictorial dvacTTds or iropevdeh 
before a verb). — el (cf. Heb. on) in sentences with 
suppressed apodosis as a formula of swearing or to 
express emphatic negation (He 4^- *, Mk 8'-). — A lax 
use of diroKpivo/ (cf. n.;j;) when no proper question 
has preceded. — ■KpoaTid-qp.L (cf. ^ip;) with an infin. to 
ex])ress repetition [e.g. irpoaideTo Tpirov Tre/j.\f/ai Lk 
20(11)1-).— A superfluous use of bvo/Mt (Mt I'-i, Lk 
2^1 ; found in papyri as early as H.c. 260). — The 
repetition of a numeral to give it distributive force 
{e.g. 5vo 5i'o Mk 6^ ; cf. avfiirjaia (Tv/j.Tr6aia, TvpaaLal 
irpaaiai Mk 6^"'-, (and probably) ijiMepa Kai i}ixipq.2, Co 



4*. — s^ . . . »ai equivalent to oWe/y. — Sueli phrases 
as t{ iiul Koi vol (Mk 1^, Jn 2^), rfpi a/jLaprias, sc. 
0¥fia (Ro 8>!). 

The majority of these Hebraistic forms and con- 
atmctkms appear in the LXX also, -which as a tr. 
— in parts servile, and made by persons some of 
whom evidently had but an imperfect acquaintance 
with the Gr. lansnage — is far more Hebraistic in 
its cast than the ITT. But it would be a mistake 
to assame that this tr. in its peculiarities repre- 
sents a ^pe of Gr. established and in actual 
cumoej at the time. Such an assumption would 
rererse the historical process. While its language 
reprodnees fundamentally, no doubt, the popular 
Gr. of the Ptolemaic j>eriod, its distinctive char- 
acter is due rather to the translators' exaggerated 
deieraiee to the Heb. sacred text, and their 
■achiniril reproduction of it. Yet beyond all 
qvastkm the idioms of this Gr. reproduction of the 
earlier Scriptures, made familiar as they were by 
the reUffioaa use of the version for generations 
anMm^ Um Jews of the Dispersion, must have had 
great mflnence in forming the type of Gr. current 
among people of Jewish stock. Indeed, owing to 
the eoomopolitan relations of that race during the 
time inter*-ening between the origin of the two 
bodies of literature, it need not surprise us to 
enooontor idioms having a distinctive Hebraistic 
flavoor eren in native Gr. circles. Consequently 
oar daarificationti here, as elsewhere, are more a 
matter of convenience than of rigorous historical 
arcoraey. We must not forget the uncertainty 
arinng from our present defective knowledge. 
We most not interpret the fact of prior occurrence 
into c l ear proof either of primary* origin on the 
one band, or dire<-t derivation on the otiier. We 
most not overlook the truth that coincidences of 
popular expression are to be found in many widely 
■eparated and unrelated tongues. But, notwith- 
■tanding all uncertninties and abatements, the 

Gieral influence of the L.XX upon NT Greek was 
abitabiy great. (S«>e Schmicders ll'ijier, § 4. 
lb. A good LtxWon and Grammar of tiie LXX 
are proasing needs of the Htiulent of Biblical Greek, 
and are now wtu\v |H)MHih|«> by Swete's edition of 
the tffxt, and Hatch an<l He^iiiath's Concurdnnre. 
Help on one minor jMJint may l»e found in C. W. 
Votaw'a comiirehenHJve lists of Thf. Use of the 
Injhtititte in lUfJienl Greek, i)^). 5, 9. Chicago, 181H). 
Kee Viteaa as mentioned in the Bibliography, 
VII. below). fe 1 J> 

Hot not all the influence on the language of the 
NT writem cniiiu from Hebrew and Aramaic or 
from the LX.X. Other InnguageM foreign to the 
Gr, had left their trac«m on that language by tlie 
lat rtmt. of our era, si»me of which can with 
tolirralile aMnirani'n Imi |ioint<-<l out. 

III. O mr.H KOICKIOM Kl.KMKNTH. — (y4) The 

snBfWnary of It<imf, and iln multifariouM oflicial 
nlations with th«- i-tpulations iiniler its sway, in 
wbirhrri '^ployed itsvenuu-ular 

(m« I.ATI 1 pri-pare iih toex|N>ct 

to in4 um a If «r trnccN oi i^iiiu in the itopulur 
laagMfi of tbo apoatolle period. 

a, Tfc f.0rirnl /../.n»«M« In NT consist chiefly 
M HmUcUI hi V tonas, names of coIuh, 

artMas of si, 'nslls, etc t ss, dtaipio^, 

•*»^#*«». *X«« »*ti$Hn, ttirrvplidP, K9)pao%,, 
ssWris. M W T t M ^ ^«i^. Xirrtop, Xtlltpufoi, \lrpa 
HjU. tthmf), itAMtXKm, tunftpApa, /<iAior, tMiot, 
i^*T^, Vfmiriftm, 0wAft»t, t\tk,»ip9top, aovtdpiop, 

♦^ . 
^' 'mm of persons and 

■' t«t«'luiica) terms 6 

i.AMn {.iirnx* rin|>|Mnr ih ///ystfiaK AoOrai (npttram 
SmnU f* Uf*m X«|i/M#M# {ml is aerijt^n), r* iKOPbr 

TToieiy (satis facere), avfi^ovXiov Xafi^dveiv (covsilhim 
capere). Notice .ilso <ri> 6^17 (Mt 21'^ tu videris), 
6ype<T0€ avToi (Ac IS^^). 

b. The influence of the Lat. language upon the 
Grammar of NT Gr. is much more difficult to trace 
with confidence than in the ease of the Heb., owing 
to the closer structural affinity betjveen the Lat. 
language and the Greek. Traces of that influence, 
however, may be detected, it is thought, with more 
or less distinctness in the following constructions : 
— The preference for 8ti. and 'iva over the accusative 
and infinitive (cf. tfie growing \ise of nt after 
impero, rogo, etc., sequum est, nios est, etc.) ; the 
encroachment of the subjunctive on tlie optative 
after an historic tense ; the tendency to obscure 
the distinction between the perfect and the aorist ; 
the use of dw6 before tlie genitive after (pvXdacreii' 
and other verbs of fearing (cf. cavere ab) ; the 
exclusive use of tlie infinitive (even of the inf. 
passive) after KeXeveiv ; the use of the accusative 
after irpoipxeffOai (cf. pra^ire .aliquem), of tlie dative 
after yaiiiu (cf. nubere alicui), of e/c after viKdw (cf. 
victoriani ferre ex) ; the continuative 6s equivalent 
to Kai ovTos (cf. qui = et hie) in a co-ordinate clause ; 
the anticipatory position of Av6 and irp6 in speci- 
fications of time and place ; the general omis- 
sion of the interjection (tD) before the vocative, 
the use of the preposition cOv as tantamount to 

(B) But the cun-ent Gr. of our Lord's day had 
appropriated other foreign elements from the 
languages spoken in the various provinces of the 
empire. These, again, were chiefly names of local 
objects or usages. Among such are reckoned the 
following:— /iaiW, /Si^Xos (/ii)/3\oj), ffLvawi, <nv5uii> (yet 
cf. 'IfSij, Sind), recognized as Egyptian ; Kpi^arros 
(cf. I^t. grab'itns), waptufioKi), i>v/j.r]'>, as Mace- 
donian ; ayyapeL'u (yet see /Escli. Agam. 2S2), yd.^a, 
aavSAXiov (SaKov), as Persian ; dppa^wv as I'huMiician ; 
^[5»7 (-5a) as Gallic or Celtic ; fiovvbs as Cyrenaic and 
Sicilian. Several of these words, however, liad 
long before become naturalized in (Jreek. 

IV. But the clement which most consi)icuously 
distinguishes the Gr. of the NT is the Hemgious 
Element. Here we come to the very centre and 
soul of our subject. For the NT language is no 
mere medley of miscellaneous linguistic sur- 
vivals, no mechanical mingling of diverse in- 
gredients; its vitality rcsi(les in the spirit that 
quickens it. This «liscloscs itself on every page. 
It ushers a reader into a new realm of thought, 
and intnxhKcs him to a new type of life. Both 
liad (heir natural ellect on the speech of the first 
ImjI levers. Yet just iHicauso the essence of the 
language eonsists in its new spirit, it escajics 
anatomical dis.scction. It is as pervasive as the 
atmosphere, but as intangible as a perfume. 
Hence it is most inaticquatelv exliibito(l by any 
catalogue of specifications. The few i)articulars 
that can here Im( set down will serve, at the best, 
as mere suggestions of its character. 

(A) The religious element in its Lexical aspects. 
Many of the NT words denoting concrete objects 
or external institutions and relations W(^re in- 
herited from .Indaism, ami have been illustrated 
under II. .1. a and b aliove. Wc- will hei(>, there- 
fore, coiiliiie iMiiseiveM nmiiiiy to those of u muro 
internal or sjiirilual ehara<!ter. 

a. The i/v/;v/.v wholly new aro, from the nature 
of the case, coniparatividy few, and any list of 
them that may Ih^ atti>mpted is subject to doubt 
and reviwion by reamm of pn-sent imperfect. Unow- 
ledge. Hut among t be niore disl iiK^I iv<> t lie following 
may |M«rhnps \hi mentioned : iyaOojroda, Q/ffx/'o\t/35u)i, 
d«ard«(/Nrof, iXhyrjiia , dfaKaivlxt) (■KainuiTii), dvrifUffOia, 
iprixptaroi, iw/nSvffii, AwrXtyfi'ii, avroKardnpiros, 
iipiXdyaOot, d(/uXdityupo%, flarroXoyt'o), SaifinviwST]^, 
ittaionpufla, iiXoyoi, SilIiktiji, SoKifti^, ^yKOfijioop^t, 



ide\odpr](TKia, elScSKoXarpla etc., iiri-ovcnoi, erepodiSa- 
(TKaXecj, evayyfXiffTrjS, evfierdSoTos, einrpoaiowew, Oeodi- 
BaKTOs, IcrdyyeXos, KaXoStSdc/caXos, Kapdioyvwarrji, 
KaraOe/JiM-ri^w, K€fO(f>uvia, Xoyo/j-axet^ ("X''*); oXiyjiricTTos 
(-iria'Tia), dpOoirodew, 6<pdaXiJ.o5ovXia, TrXr]po<popla, iroXv- 
airXayxva, TrpocrwjroXri/jLirTTjs (-XrjfnrTeo}, -Xiqixypia), 
Trpu3TOKc.0eC.pJ a, avp'^ojoiroiew, crvvKaKOTraOeuj, (tvvko.- 
KOMX^'j', (rvfaraupocj, trw^i'XOJ, (ppevaTrardu) (-7rdr7/j), 
(j>v(Tto(i3 (-criwtns), xPV'^'^^'^''^I^°-'-j i'evSd5eX(poi, ^ei/5afl-6- 
ffToXoi (and other compounds of \f/ev5o-). 
Incomparably more noteworthj^ are — 
b. The New Meanings with which the new faith 
has freighted tlie old terms. 

A few of these meanings are of a technical or 
ritual character ; as, dSeX^Js of fellow-Christians, 
rb dvTlTvirov [tvitos), dwocTToXri (-Xos, in the official 
sense), dpxai, e^ovcriai, etc. of angels, j3dirTi(r/jLa, 
yXQ(X<Ta. of the ' gift of tongues,' didKOvoi, iKKX-qaia. 
(cf. iKXeKToi, kXtjtoi), eTriaKoiros, evayylXiov (-XtffXTjs), 
lepeh of Christians, irapabeiaos (2 Co 12'*), 6 wapd- 
kXtjtos, irpotpTiTevu} (-<^i7T7jj) of a Christian function 
(cf. II. A. b. above), 6 xp'^tos. 

But the aggregate influence of Christianity is 
shown in modifying, more or less, the mass of the 
NT vocabulary. It has elevated, spiritualized, 
transfigured words previously current. It has set 
old terms in new relations. It has added lustre to 
conceptions already radiant. It has made sub- 
stantial, and clothed with divine majesty, ex- 
pressions embodying the instinctive judgments 
and aspirations of men. Its transforming power, 
being dillused and a matter of degree, cannot (as 
has been already said) be adequately exhibited in 
isolated particulars. The attempt, furthermore, 
to illustrate it would require space not here at 
command. Only a few terms, therefore, will be 
set down, the study of which, it is believed, will 
more than verify the statements just made : such 
words as dydirrj, eiprji/r], i^wt), iriffTi^, trweiSijtny, ffWTTjpia, 
xdpis are monuments of its power to raise language 
to a new level. Words of secular reference like 
K^cTfios, of national application like ol Hyioi, 6 Xa6s 
rou deoO (He 4^), 'lapa-qX (lio 9^), of everyday life 
like 65os, xayts, TrpoffKOfifia, (popriou, even the very 
component parts of man's being — (rdp^, i'l'xv, 
ifvidyia, take on an ethical significance, of which 
in this last case the later philosophic use furnishes 
l)ut a foregleam. A servile word like rairetvocppoavvr] 
is ennobled ; a term like o-rai'pjs, suggestive of 
infamy, is crowned with a halo of glory. The 
emphasis given to other words has made them the 
cardinal terms of doctrinal discussion through the 
Cliristian centuries : witness diKaiou and its cog- 
nates, dtroXirrpuxTii, dirwXeia, eiri<XTp^(p€(jdai, Ipya, 
ddfaroi, fjLfTdvoia, etc. 

(B) Even the Grammatical influence of the new 
religious thought bears witness to its fertilizing 
power. Take as an instance iriffTevu with its half 
a dozen different constructions in the NT (viz. 
absol. ; with the dat. ; with et's and the accus. ; 
with eiri and the accus. or the dat. ; with iv and 
the dat. ; with an object accus.). 'EXTrt^'ei;', oyao- 
XoyeTv, and other words experienced a similar 
enlargement of construction under Christian con- 
ceptions (see A. Buttmann, Gram, of Nl' Greek, 
§ 133, 4 sq., Eng. tr. p. 173 ft'.); anil the wealth 
of suggestion made to reside in such phrases as 
iv Xpi(7T<p, eV Kvpiq), is full of instruction (cf. G. A. 
Deissmann, Die neutest. Formel ' in Christo Jesu ' 
untersucht, Marburg, 1892). 

V. But the circumstance that the NT forms a 
body of literature having its own distinct linguistic 
peculiarities, must not make us overlook the fact 
that it contains within itself considerable diversities 
of language as well as of style. The uniqueness 
of the volume, and the practice of using it as the 
one authoritative source and test of Christian 
truth, tend to make us isolate it unhistorically 

from the literature that immediately preceded and 
followed it, and, on the other hand, to unify it 
unwarrantably. It is a library comprising the 
works of, perhajis, ten or more difi'erent authors. 
The statement that 'they all use the same lan- 
guage ' requires at once the qualification ' but they 
do not all use it in the same way.' The first three 
Gospels, for instance, with all their indications of 
a common basis, exhibit in their present form 
indubitable marks of the individuality of their 
several authors. The frequent use of rbre (dirb Tore 
— some 90 times), ij ^aaiXeia, tCjv ovpavGm (some 33 
times), iva (ottws) irXripwd?i {to pyjOev, etc., some 12 
times), 6 waT7]p 6 iv [to2%) ovpavoh or 6 oi;/)dvios (20 times), 
irpocrepxecTdaL (51 times), (rvvdyeiv (24 times), dfuxuipelu 
(10 times), etc., mark distinctly the personality of 
Matthew. The use of evdui (some two score times), 
of the pictorial particijjle, of diminutives and 
Latinisms, and, notwithstanding his terseness, a 
proneness to emphasize by the repetition of 
equivalent phrases {e.g. SiairavTb^ vuktos Kai rifidpas, 
5^ ; icrwOev e\' ttjs KapStas, 7^^ ; t'vi' iv ry /catpCfJ TovTip, 
10**; a-qiJLfpov Tavrrj Trj vvktL, 14^"), etc., are some 
of the traits that characterize no less distinctly 
the second Evangelist. A comparison of the sec- 
tions common to Luke with the other two shows 
the distinctively literary cast of his phraseology. 
The identitj' of topic but throws the difl'erence in 
langujige into greater relief. He distinguishes 
himself from the other Synoptists by his fondness 
for infinitives {iv ti^ with the inf. 37 times, roD 
with the inf. 25 times), for Kai iyevcTo or iyeveTo di 
(43 times), 5^ /cat (29 times), Kai aiiros (28 times), a-vv 
(25 times), Tropevofiai (50 times), viroaTpiipeiv (22 
times), ivwiTLov (20 times), l/x-n-pocrdev (10 times). 
The strikingly Semitic complexion of his first 
chapter, and the variations between his language 
in the Gospel and in the Acts, are doubtless attrib- 
utable in large measure to his sources. The terms 
X670S, (TKOTia {(Tk6tos), <f>^s, fwj) {aldivios), dXridtia, 
dj^a, Kplffis, K6crfJ.os, fiapTvpiu {-pia.), yivuxTKU}, incrTevu], 
the phrases dtj.7}v d/xrjv, d/Maprlav ^x^"'> yfvrjd'^vai iK 
{rod) deou (or TTvev/xaTos), eivai iK {toO Kofffiov, etc.), 
17 icrxo-TT) rifiipa, 6 vlos, irarrip, etc., are at once 
recognized as characteristic of John ; and not less 
so are his short and simple sentences and their 
asyndetic collocation, his co-ordinateness and 
parallelism of construction (note direKpidr) Kai direv), 
his verbal reiterations, his Plebraisms (xap^ X'^^P^' 
3-", vloi (fxiTTos 12'"', 6 vlbs TTjs dTTdjXeias 17'^), his 
emphatic demonstratives, his combined particles 
{KalToiye, 6fj.u3s fxivToi), his Meakened 'iva, and 
especially his recurrent oTiv, which often marks 
mere transition instead of logical sequence. 

The distinctive vocabulary of the creative Paul 
is too salient and well known to be dwelt upon : — 
his abstracts : dyadoocruvr], dyicjcrvvri, dyviTTjs, dirXoTris, 
diKaioKptaia, diKaiwais, Soki/atj, ivipyeia, evurrjs, i^avd- 
cracrts, eTniroOrjcris, evcrx'Of^ocTvvr], iKavoTTji, iXaporijs, 
KaivoTTji, Kevodo^ia, fi€0o5ia, fiuipoXoyla, ocpdaX/xodovXia, 
irewoid-qcTii, iridavoXoyia, ttioti/s, irpoaayuiy-f}, ffKXrjpjTrjs, 
vloOeaia ; — his compounds : dKara/cdXi;7rros, dXdXijros, 
dfxeTafiiXriTos, dfj.eTav6rjT0i, dva7roX6yT]ro's, dveKdi-qyrjTos, 
dve^epevvTjTOS, dve^ix^'io^'^TOs, dvdpunrdpecTKOs, d^Tava- 
TrXr/pjw, dwapa(TKevaaTos, diroKapadoKia, dTropcpavi^co, 
diroToXfjido}, ideXoOpTjaKia, iirava/iUixvriaKU}, erepodidaa- 
KaXius, €Tepo^vyiu), einrpocriaTriio, 6-qpiojj.axii^, iVoi/'i'xos, 
6Xi.y6\j/vxos, Kara^pa^evw, KaToirTpi^o,uaL, Kevodo^ia, 
KOcr/JLOKpdTwp, yU.eTacrxW^'"'i''^> opdoirobiu}, 7rapetcr^/)X"j«at, 
wpoevdpxofJ-at, TrpoffavawXripou}, crvvvTrovpyioo, ffvvvwo- 
Kpivofiai, vTTfpevTvyxdvu} ; — his particles : dXXd /xev- 
ovvye, dpa odv, idv re ydp, iKTbs ei firj, ov fiovov 5^ dXXd 
Kai, Tk ydp . . . bfxoluji Sk Kai, vwepeKTrepicraou, wairepei, 
wj 6ti. Not less familiar are the cliaracteristic^i 
of his style : — his long and sometimes involved 
sentences, his participial appendages and amplifi- 
cations, the irrepressible crowding of his thoughts, 
his imperial disregard for niceties of construction 



in his determination to 'wreak his meaning on 

Very different is the studied rhetorical period- 
icity of the writer to the Hebrews. Tlie nature 
ol his theme, indeed, leads him to use many words 
and constructions found in the LXX ; but the 
goieral air of his vocabulary, no less than of his 
style. Is literary. Keminiscences of classic phrase- 
oUxy meet us in his urs Irm eiTfif and fnaOev d<p' Sjv 
fnJev. His varied use of particles — bijTov, idvirep, 
mt^irrtp, Koirtp, catrot, ficri-rfira, t« (re yap), and 
Um affectedly indefinite rov('2^, 4*)— further attests 
his culture. So do the periphrastic phrases dpx'?" 
^mffUw^m (i.o. ifj(^(a$ai), T€tpav Xa/ifidyfiy (yet cf. 
trifi^^tv X. 2 Ti l^ X^^^r \. 2 P F, etc.), and sucii 
tenns as aJc^^nOtHO^, a-ravyaafta, fyyvm, IXeyxos, 
fits, ds t4 diifr<Wt, wpjff<paTos, rpax'jX'j'"'', X«'P«»'"^P- 
Still, he betrays conspicuously the later Gr. fond- 
Bcss for sonorous words (see p. 37 above); as, 
A yp f XiTniTot, aifULTfKXVii'ia, d/cardXiTo$, dfifTdderoi, 
Aw«Ta«if6w, dtrriAaffUrrrifu, drapd/jaros, dcpofiotovcdat, 
twr^^yntprvroT, iretaayurf^, €vrtpi<rraTOi, Karayuvi- 
ftgtm, ptrpiowaBfif, fuedaroioaia, ooKUfioaia, avvt-ri- 
limfrmpw, fltc, bear witness. One ot tlie noteworthy 
grammatical peculiarities of the Epistle is its use 
of the perfect tense as nearly tantamount to the 
■orist {e.a. 11"*; note the co-ordination of the 
two in the former pMissa^e), in accordance witli 
the laxity of the late and less cultivated Ai-riters 
(cf. <.^. Kev5', 8»etc.). 

In some respects the Ep. of James shares the 
eharaeteristics of that to the Hebrews. In style, 
to be sore, it is very ditlerent : terse, abrupt, vivid, 
ineiaiTet at times picturesque, not to say jioetic. 
Bat its Tocabalary exhibits a similar variety and 
amplitode; and in the Hkiiful use of the Gr. 
language its author is inferior to no NT writer. 
Pceoliar to him are the compounds ddidnpiroi, 
AtardUrarof, dWXcof, ivtipaarot, ivoKviu, d<t>v(TTtpiu), 
Jlsi^o»iw<i|i, 9amni(pbpm, KaKoraOia, Karijonai, voftoOi- 
Tiff, wttkbrrXarfX"'^, ffyp-jf-ipoiroi, x/'«^<'^<**^''''Xtoj, the 
bookish terms dwooKiafffia, fipOto, tfx<f>irTOi, ^fdXioi, 
tmrH^tta, itftftot, vapaWay/), pvrapia, rpon/i, rpox^f, 
Tfvfdu, and the pictorial dptfd{u, axrxiu, Si\l/vxoi, 
tiwphrtia, iXoXi'ini, l>iri(u, ff'/fwu, tf>\oyii'u, <f>plcau), 
XaAu>«7«#Y/M. HiH Ep. containi* ^Mlme seventy words 
tkiat are peeoUar to him ; while the Ep. to tlie 
Heb., nmAj three times as long, exceeds that 
Bomber liv M*aroely one hundred ; und 1 P, nearly 
iden' i^^'th with James, falls short by some 

ten li 'liter of its fieculiar terms. Some of 

James a wyrdj*, e.g. woKvawXayxtKn, x/>i/ao^aKri/Xto(, 
are thought to ho of his own coinaj^e. 

Jade, when its diminutive extent is conMiderod, 
iaqoite ■• ebaracteriHtic as James in itM tfrinin- 
ok^QT. Saeh words and phrases as d-ito6iopli;u>, 
4rr«4^rM, itwop^tii^, ^wayufifofuu, iwa^pliu, fitfiyf/l- 

>MI^M, 9%pttciOi4, tfVtXdt, ^ll'OWUtpi¥6t, wp6 wcurrit 

Tw6 t l i m t, $*t>ftdtoirrti wpiauma, sufUciently mark 
lU ladiriditality. 

Tba nwobolary of the Petrine EplNtlcN presents 
the plMnOMMIon that of the one biiudri'd nnd 

twerty tNia wonU fiiund iti ilirin mid nowhcrtt eUo 
lathe N I unnion to iMiih 

K pUtl s s. < uImmiI the Niniu 

muabw«<: llniltrntHonienixiy- 

thfoe, th' A hilu in lenKlli their 

I'tly licbraiHtic 
iic in the NT, 
< Ml niiK-h to its 
a till pliriiMm as 

ird of the 

The Ai 

WhI Otx. 


pcMllar to itr-«a to its intr* 

conventionalities of Gr. grammar, of which 6 dfj.'fiv, 
d-rb 6 wf Kai 6 ^v Kal 6 epxo/J-evos, dvd eh (KaffTos, 5i\ 
fivpiddfs, SfJ-OLOV vlbv dvOpwirov, (pwvrj X^yojv, i) oial, 
oval followed by the accusative (8^^ 12*^), edodr/ p.oi 
K-dXa/xoi . . . X^yoiv, etc., are specimens; and to 
them may be added a propensity to lapse into the 
use of the nominative, although this case is thus 
left suspended in mid-air (cf. 1^ 2'^ 3^^ V 9"* 
1413. 14 lyii). Its deviations from the ordinary laws 
of Greek construction are at times so bold and 
capricious as to start the query whether the work, 
in parts at least, is not the mechanical reproduction 
of an Aramaic original. 

The undeniable individuality of the several NT 
writers may put us on our guard against too confi- 
dently over-pressing slight variations in phrase- 
ology into proof of difference in authorship or of 
substantial difference of thought. Changes in a 
writer's vocabulary, even in his style, may be due 
to the topic treated, or the character and circum- 
stances of the persons addressed ; or may be 
nothing more than those varying mannerisms 
which temporarily bear sway with all writers 
except the most practised, lor example, it has 
been noticed (see "W. H. Siincox, The Writers of 
the New Testament, p. 37) that Paul to express 'in 
every thing ' uses iv iravri in the Epistles to the 
Thess. and Cor. (twelve times), but in the Pastoral 
Epistles (V irafftv (six [live] times), while in that 
to the Philippians (4'-) he unites the two : ei* 
irai^i Kal iv irdinv (cf. 2 Co 11"). On the other 
hand, the similarities, even coincidences, in 
language to be noted at times in different 
NT writings (on comparing, for instance, the 
Pauline Epistles and 1 P, or 1 P and Ja, or the 
writings of Luke and the Ep. to the Heb.) present 
a problem which this is not the place to discuss. 

SuHico it here to say, that they suggest the early 
giowth of a distinctive religious terminology which 
largely became the common possession of the 

brotlieihood of believers ; and remind lis also that 
not all the reciprocal influence of the Christian 
leaders upon one another was exerted through 
their writings. Moreover, as well coincidences as 
dillerences in vocabulary may admonish us afresh 
that NT (ireek is not an isolated language, but can 
lie correctly appreciated only by being studied in 
its relation to the written and spoken Greek of the 
ajKistolu' perioil. 

VI. PutiHi.KMS. — It has been intimated more 
than once already in the course of this article that 
considerable ignorance still exists respecting sundry 
details Ijelonging to the NT language. This ignor- 
ance shouhl not be exaggerated. It is not such as 
t<i throw niKcituintv over the general tenor of 
biblical teaching. Nevertheless, the student and 
the Christian are alike concerned in its removal. 
The frank recognition of it is an in«lispensal)le 
preliminary to tin* patient study and research by 
which alone it can be diminished. Over and above 
matterH (-loiKJcd in uncertainty by reason of our 
Mt^antv hiMttirical knowledge such as ' baptism 
for the dea.r (I Co I'l*). ' tlif gift of tongues' 
(1 Co 14, etc.), the apostle's 'thorn in the ll(>sii ' 
(2 t'o I'J'), etc. — there are iioiiits both of h^xico- 
urnphy andof graniinar respecting whicli unaniniity 
liiiM not yet Ihu'ii reached by lending expositors, 
mill which coiiMe(|uently a]ipeal invitingly to the 
untiTpriHinu' Htndetit. 

Among tlie former may Imi enumerated ipirayp.6i 
(Pli 'J^ ; how far, if at all, is the distinction 
lN!tween verlml noiins in -^0, -/xot, and -cris obliter- 
iit««d or oltMciired in NT (ireek?), rV dpxM (-In S'-"), 
JfififHudofiai (Mk P\ Jn 11="' etc.). ('foi/cWa (1 Co 11"'), 
;^'a (I P IV"), imfiaXujv (Mk 14"), ^wioi'xnoi 

1 ■ l.k 11"), fi'irro(ffraro» (lie 12'), KaTovTplt, 
,J ! u .S'"). ««0aXii« (Nik 12*), hofffUKbt (lie II'K o5(i» 
rsKif (or Movmttc, Mk 2'"'), wapapvauev (He 2')j 




(Ac \* etc.), (TVVKpivovTei (1 Co 2'^), Tpoirrjs airocr Klaa na 
(Ja P''), Tpox^i yeuiaeus (Ja 3"). Further, what is 
the distinction, or how far is it regarded by the 
NT writers, between fiXXos and ^repos {e.g. Gal l"'-), 
^otjXofiaL and d^Xoj [e.g. Mt P'"*), eip.1 and inrdpx^ {eg. 
Ph 2"), etc. ? How far do tlie uses of eis and «V tend 
to approximate, and the difference in the classics 
between the several cases after prepositions {e.g. 
irpis) grow indistinct ? Does e/s to with the inhn. 
always express purpose ? What is the difference 
between elye and ei'Trep? Is 8i6ti ever equivalent to 
the simple for"! Is Srt ever tantamount to the 
interrogative wfuj (Mk 9"- ^), or does ei introduce 
a direct question ? Does Paul use the Ist pers. 
plur. of himself alone ? etc. etc. 

Turning to points more strictly grammatical, 
we may mention — the use and force of the article : 
how far (if at all) does it deviate from the classic 
standard ?— with ttSs {e.g. Eph 2-i 3«, Ac 2^, 1 Ti 
l^") ; with vj/xoi ; with wev/xa (ayLov) ; in such pas- 
sages as Ilo 5' 3^, 1 Ti 2^*. Is the classic law 
requiring an article before an attributive participle 
which follows a dehnite antecedent rigorously 
observed (cf. 1 P 3'"- ^) ? Is there any difference 
in meaning between 6 6x^os noXvi and 6 iroXOs 6x^°^ 
(cf. Jn l^^- '- and Mk 12^'') ? What is the difference 
between avrb^ and eKcli/o^ in 2 Ti 2^ ? Are avroD, 
etc., used retlexively? Is ficrrts ever a pron. of 
simple reference {(.(/. 6s, cf. Mt 22'-' 18^)? What is 
the force of the genitive in the phrases diKaioavvrj 
deov (cf. Ko V), iriaris 'l-qffov XpiffroO (Ilo 3")? 
Does aKoveiv {puiVTJs difl'er in sense from <f>o)V7)v olkoikiv 
(cf, Ac 9*- 7 22^- » 2U", and see Buttmann, NT 
Grammrtr, §§ 132, 17 ; 144, 16)? 

The matters above specilied are called ' problems,' 
because difference or opinion about tliem still 
exists in reputable commentaries ; although it may 
be questioned whetlier several of them have not 
been already disposed of in the judgment of 
scholars. To them may be added the stock exe- 
getical problems, such as Mt G'^ Lk 12^" 18^ 
Ac 2l)^^'', Ja 4*, 2 P 1^ ; together with more general 
questions, such as, What etrect,'if anj', had amanu- 
enses on the style of tlie NT writings ? What 
indications, if any, of the locality of their origin 
do the NT writings disclose? What influence, if 
any, had the Heb. parallelism in obliterating for 
the Jewish-Greek mind the delicate shades of 
difference between Gr. synonyms ? What in- 
lluence, if any, had the use of Jewish manuals in 
producing agreement in the form or the employ- 
ment of OT passages? (Note the agreement in 
combined quotations, deviating in the same par- 
ticulars from the LXX, which occur in Ko 9^-'- ^ 
and 1 P 2«-« ; cf. Ro 12'« with He 10^). 

The uncertainties still cleaving to the NT 
language it is by no means over-sanguine to hope 
nuiy be gradually, and in the end greatly, reduced. 
Not a little help towards this result is yet to be 
drawn from the literary relics of the centuries 
immediately preceding axd following the Christian 
era. The more accurate t-diting and careful study 
of these relics, which is alr^^^dy engaging the efforts 
of scholars, is yielding results wliicli both justify 
and augment expectation. Particulars, individu- 
ally slight, amount to a considerable gain in the 
aggregate. Meantime, noteworthy accessions to 
our knowledge of the language of the Alexand. 
and Gr. -Roman period have already come from the 
inscriptions, and especially the papyri (some of 
them going back to the days of the Ptolemies), 
which the last few decades have unearthed, and 
which it may reasonably be hoped are but the hrst- 
fruits of a rich harvest of discovery. Resemblances 
in j)hraseology are instructive even where the 
intellectual and religious quality of the conceo- 
tious covered may be widely different (cf. e.g. 'tds 

deov, Kvpios, fftarrip, as used of the Roman emperors, 
and in the vocabulary of the Stoics). Moreover, 
the unalterableness, and in many cases the dehnite 
date of many of these sources, lift their testimony 
above the suspicion of possible clerical modilication 
from which tlie text of even our best extant NT 
MSS is not always quite free. 

Vn. The Literature of our subject requires little space here. 
Suffice it to refer the reader to Schiniedel's 8th ed. of Winer's 
Grammatik, of which the first part {Kinleit. und Fonnenlehre, 
pp. 194) appeared in 1894, the second in 1897, and where ahnost 
no publication of moment is left unmentioned. A careful review 
of Pt. i. by VV. Schmid in the GGA, 1895, No. 1, pp. 26-47, 
deserves also to be consulted. The comparison of the NT 
language with the later Gr. has been greatly facilitated by the 
last-named scholar's elaborate work, JJer Atticismug in seinen 
Umqitvertreterii von Dionynug von Ilalikamags bis auf den 
zweiten Philostratus (vol. i. 1887, vol. ii. 1889, vol. ill. 1893, 
vol. iv. 1896, Index 1897), by the treatise of William Schmidt, 
de Flavii Jogephi eloeutione, etc., in Fleckeisen's ' Jahrbiicher 
fiir classische Philologie,' 20ter Supplementband (1894, pp. 345- 
550), by the Subgidia ad cognoscendum Grcecorum germotiem 
vultjarem e Pentateuchi versione Alexandrina repetita of H. 
Anz in ' Dissertationes Philolog. Halenses,' vol. xii. (1894) 
pp. 261-387, and by G. A. Deissmann's Bibehtudien (JIarburg, 
1895), which contains, pp. 57-168, an instructive study of the 
Gr. of the LXX in the light of the results furnished by papyri 
and recently -discovered inscriptions ; supplemented ui 1S97 by 
A'eite Bibelslitdien ; new ed. in Eng. tr. by Grieve, 19()0. 

Other noteworthy recent works dealirig directly with the 
language of the NT are : Joseph Viteau, Etude sur le Grec du 
Noueeau Testament: Le Verbe ; Syntaxe deg Propogitiong 
(pp. 240, 8°, Paris, 1893), especially convenient owing to the 
summary of NT peculiarities given at the close of e^ery 
chapter ; particular attention is paid also to the usage of the 
LXX, which is made still more prominent in his Etude, etc. : 
Sujet, Coinplem'tU et Attribnt (pp. 248, Paris, 1890); F. Blass, 
Grammatik d. yeutest. Griechigeh (pp. 329, 8°, Gottingen, 1896 ; 
Kng. tr. by Thackeray, 1898), which has the exceptional merit 
of recognizing the characteristics of the several writers, anil 
of frequently noting variant readings from the MSS., and 
citing parallels from the Apostolic Fathers ; E. W. Burton, 
Syntax of the Moodg and Tenses in NT Greek, 2nd ed. pp. 215, 
1893 ; H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of NT Greek, pp. 172, 1895 ; 
Dalman, )yorte Jesu, 1898. 

Interesting light is throw« on sundry details also by Arnold 
Meyer, Jegu Muttergp-rache, pp. 176, Leipzig, 1896 ; and Edward 
Hicks, Traces of Gr. Philosophy and Rom. Law in the NT, pp. 
187, Lond. 1896. 

The multiplying of manuals of a popular character (Combe, 
Huddilston, Moulton) indicates a growing interest in the 
language, and emphasizes the demand for a new work by a 
master hand which shall combine the excellencies of the 
standard treatises of Winer and Buttmann, utilize the knowledge 
of the subject which has accumulated during the last thirty 
years or more, and furnish a student with a compact yet com- 
plete handbook.— [1897]. J. H. Thayek. 

LANTERN occurs only in Jn 18^ 'with lanterns 
and torches and weapons,' where it is the tr. of 
(pavos, a word which occurs only here in biblical 
Greek, and is not common elsewhere. That 
' torch ' would be a more accurate rendering than 
' lantern ' seems clear from Xenophon's viro <f>avov 
iropeveadai {Rep. Lac. v. 7). The word is formed 
directly from •/•ati'w * to give light.' The Eng. tr. 
is from Wyclif, ' with lanternis and brondis and 
armys,' who thus translates the Vulg. 'cum laternis 
et facibus et armis,' and all the versions follow 
with ' lanterns ' (except Cov. who has ' with cres- 
hettes, with lanternes, and with weapens '). ' Lan- 
tern ' was formerly used with more freedom than 
now. Wye. translates Jn 5^ 'Sothli he was a 
lauterne urennynge and schynynge ' (Tind. ' He 
was a burninge and a shyninge liglit'; Geneva, 
'candle'), and Ps 119'"^ 'Lanterne to my feet thi 
woord ; and light to myn pathis' (1388 ' Thi word 
is a lanterne'); so Cov. 'Thy worde is a lanterne 
unto my fete, and a light unto my pathes,' and 
this is the form in which the verse is quoted at 
the time; as, Tind. Expositions (Parker Soc), 

fi. 149 ; Ridley, Brcfe Declaration, 96, ' by the 
anterne of tliy worde'; Knox, Works, iii. 301, 
' The bryght lantarne to the fete of these that 
by nature walke in darkenesse'; and Davenant, 
Fast Sermon (Fuller's Life, p. 276). 

Trench in his NT Synonyms, p. 157 fl., endeavours to dis- 
tinguish the five words ifois, (fiyyo;, ^rii,p, XCxyos, and Aa/^a-a; ; 




bat he ncBM to bare forgotten fmwit. ^i; and ciyyK mean 
'Bptat,' the fotmer dii^y the light of the sun, the latter 
dueflj ttwt o( tlw moon. *tt ii p is a luminary. A:;^**;, he 
, Aoold alwiqre be tnnsUted * lamp,' and AJtu^c; ' torch.' 
ArtUKtioas Are Talid, tboogfa it is not possible to ob- 
tbem invariebljr. How far the RV has done so may be 
■eea tnm the foOowing list : — 

^ it cTefjwbefe 'light' in AV and BV, except Ja li" AV 
and BY 'UgfaU'CUie Father of lights,' ri, fir^), Ac 10°^ RV 
('he called for fights,' ^^rm); in Mk 14^ AV renders irfii ri 
#£( 'at the Sre,' aad in the par. passage Lk '22^ ' by the fire,' 
RV boUi 'in the light of the fire ' ; in £]% at> edd. prefer • *mpv'*t 
■nS f i m lor TB rwZ xu.u^Ttt, whence RV 'the fruit of the 
light'for AT'tbefmit of the Spirit.' 

#MTVis 'B^t,' Ber Slu, and in plu. 'lights,' Ph 2», in both 
vcniaaa, with BVm * Inminaries.' 

^iff* oaem only in Mt 24». Mk ISM, Lk lis. and both 

1y'« ia ia^ tiaiwlated 'lamp' in Mt S5i- s. 4. 7. 8, and RV 
ictaoM with tHug. 'torch,' also in Rev 4^ which RV retains 


Ib Ber 8>* BV turns AV ' lamp ' into ' torch,' 

I AV ' tordi ' in Jn 18> and ' li>,'ht ' in .\o 20'. 

Xigtm has been transiated ' lamp ' in R V in all its occurrences, 

bat AV variM between 'candle' in Mt 5is, Mk 4-ii. Lk S>» 11» ■»^ 

U>. Ber UtB txt; aad 'light' in Mt 6B, Lk 11»4 12^, Jn 539, 

t p iw. Bar tin. J. Hastings. 

LAODICEA {.Kaoimla, Tisch. and WH, as appears 
in K everjwhere, and in B Col 2\ Rev 1" 3": 
Laodieia or Laudicia often in I^atin Versions. B 
kas A»otU€ui in Col 4"- »»•>•; so TK everjwhere. 
hmMmm Is certainly the correct Greek foriu ; it is 
tlie practirallv universal fomi in Greek literature, 
Strsoo, Stepn. Byz., Philostratus, etc., also an 
inwription dated [iri AaoSt]K(lat a.D. 129.* The 
good Latin form in Laotlicea, not Laodieia. The 
Mkriv Turkish form Ladhikf [compare Lndik, still 
hmq of the Pontic and Lycaonian citie.s] points 
to Aoo^fia. The forms XavSiKtia and AaoiKfta 
oeenr later). — Laodicea, distinguished from other 
< iti > i of the same name as (tI ti^ Xvki^i, or ad 
Ljfcum, was founded probably l)y Antiochus II. 
Theoa, B.C. 261-'246, and naiiied after his wife 
Laodike. It waa place<l on a spur of the low hills 
fringing the Lycos valley on the south, about 2 
■iUm KMith from the river. It is close to the 
aCatioo «:...... Hi .n the Ottoman llailway, and 

Um btBti' I tenizli runs up the valley of the 

little riv' . close to the western ;:ates of 

the city. It uitn distant only miles from Hiera- 

di«, and 1 1 from Colossje (Col 4'»- >*). Behind the 
la to the aoutli, only a few miles awny from the 
city, r»ji« the ifreat rant;e of Mount Salbakos 
(BabalJaph), and to the Mount Ka<lmos 
<KImmum I>n;.'h), Iwth reaching,' to tlie lu'i;,'iit of 
aUrat 8CXJl» ft. alwvu the st?a, while the city is 
only about 800 or WfO ft. aUve the sea. Before 
l^aodieea wan foundetl, the chief t<iwn or village of 
thb jiart of the valley waj» c<>rtninlv situated at 
Denizli. mile« auuth, cUmn under Kiillmkos, whore 
tbe natural water-supply waa extraordinarily 
alMin<Unt ; and after iMwIm'a decayed, ulMitit tiu; 
•ad of tb« ilth cent., iK'nixli attain Uxik its place 
** **f^_*^^ *'•/ "' *'"' *'•«'•« valley. t LiWHiicea 
vaa dapaodait fur it« water on an aqueduct whoso 
wh ll — a ee required more Kkill and prudence 
Hmm eottld be applte<l in the I'.'th cent. It has 
•var dtf- '— ralliid V^killtHHtiT, 'the Old 
rortiea*. i^'uinlied from the modem city 

uenUti. N .item,' 

*!'? ■ i.aodii'na in now utterly deserted. 

Tb' • not c«in»iiiruou« or ini|H>HinK ; the 

ilt« hA* L««n rirtwl to iiuihi and repair I)eni/.li, 
Md in tt-cttnl ytmrn much injury has thus lioen 

founded to l»e a t^arriiton 

■'«••' III il"'' ' iiv mikI 

<•) lUl.lo 


population ^vas selected and i^lanted there likely 
to be loyal to the Seleucid kings. Hence tliere are 
some traces of a Syrian element in the population.* 
Jews also formed part of the citizens ; tliese may 
have been brought there by the founder, or been 
settled there by Antiochus the Great towards B.C. 
200, when he sent 2000 Jewish families from 
Babylonia to the cities of Phrygia and Lydia 
(Joseplms, Aitt. Xll. iii. 4).t In B.C. 62 Flaccus, the 
governor of the province Asia, refused to let the 
money which was regularly sent to Jerusalem by 
the Jews go out of the country, because he feared 
that the loss of specie might be dangerous. At 
Laodicea, by the governor's orders, 20 pounds 
weight of gold, which had been collected by the 
Jews, was seized ; and at Apameia 100 pounds 
weight (Cicero, pro Flacco, 68). A letter of the 
Laodicean magistrates is preserved by Josephus 
(Ant. XIV. X. 20), promising to obey the Roman 
orders, and grant full religious freedom to the 

Laodicea was a small city until after the Roman 
period had begun ; then it rajiidly became great 
and rich. Destroyed by an eartlimiake in A.D. 60, 
it disdained to seek help from tlie liberality of the 
Emperors, as man}' of the greatest cities of Asia 
had done ; vrvpriis opibus reoaluit (Tacitus, Ann. 
xiv. 27). Hence its boast, Rev 3^^ ' I am rich, and 
have gotten riches, and have need of nothing.' It 
was renowned for the beautiful glossy black wool 
of its sheej), and carried on a great trade in 
garments manufactured from this wool. Owing 
to ifcs central position at the point where the great 
trade-route from the East was joined by several 
branch-roads, and its importance as chief city of 
the Cibyratic convcntns, to which, at stated inter- 
vals, the people of many cities and a large district 
flocked, it became a centre of banking and linancial 
transactions ; and Cicero intended to cash there 
his bills of exchange (Ep. ad Fam. iii. 5. 4). Hence 
Rev 3"* ' I counsel thee (not to take the gold of thy 
bankers, but) to buy of me gold refined by fire, 
and (not the glossy black garments made in the 
city, but) white garments.' 

Laodicea was not far east of the temple of 
Men Karon, connected with wliich was a famous 
school of medicine in the century immediately 
Ixifore and after (Mirist. Tiiere was an article 
called 'Phrygian Powder,' used to cure weakness 
of tiie eyes; it is very proliabic tliat this was 
made at Laodicea. t Hence ' 1 coun.scl thee (not to 
use thy ' Phrygian Powder,' but) to buy of me 
eyesalvo to anoint thine eyes that thou mayst 
see '(Rev 3'"). 

Very little is known about the history of 
Christianity in Luodicea. Timothy, Mark, and 
ab«)vc all Mpiipliias (Col 1"), arc likely to iiav(> been 
hrst inslrumciilal in sprcaiiiug (lie new religion in 
the Lvcos valley; attt'r tliem came I'liilij) (he 
AiKwtle, and (according to late tradition) .Joiin. 
Archippus, Nym|'lias (Col 4">), and Diet replies 
(3 Jn*), are named liy unlrustwortiiv tradi(i()u as 
the first l»iMhi)pH of Laodicea. Sagaris, a bisliop of 
LaiMlicea, «lied a martyr ai)out. A.D. 160. Sisimuus, 
a biNliop, and .\rtemon a nicsbyler, under Dio- 
cletian, are mentioned in (lie Artix S. Artniumis 
(Oct. H), a la(e an<l poor jiroduction.g Pew (Chris- 
tian inNcrip( ions are known. Laodici-a was renie-. 
M>nt«wl by its liiMhop Nounechios at the Council of 
Niciea, A.D. 3'J5 ; and a council was ludd in the 
city alNMit 344 :iC3. It was the leading bishopric 

• Op. Ml. II. .13. 

♦ iMi llip lilntory of tho Phrygian Jew* (who Bcein to have 
\h'vu fur ni'irr riiiiiii>r<iiiii In A|>iiiiii'in and ('imlral I'hryifia timn 
In IaimII'tu) wo »;i. pil. III. II. ell. XV 

J Hii llii< fnnioim t'lilriiinn of I,ii<Mli(M'a wan calloil 'the 
I'liryirlnn ' hy liln lultnlrcr lli<riMli>ii AIIIimih, «/». cit pp. 4.1, wi. 

I mliiT ninrlym at l.a<Hlli'«a, up. cit. pt. II. pp. 4U4, Uli 
Add Tn*pliluiii« and 'riiulliiit, Acta tsanc.l., lllli Muruh. 




of Phiygia throughout the Christian period. Tlie 
subscription at tlie end of 1 Ti, iyp6.(p-q diro AaodiKeias, 
has no authority, and is certainly false. The 
Epistle called 17 e/c AaoSiKeiat (Col 4"*) is perhaps the 
existing Epistle to the Ephesians (wh. see). The 
80-called Epistola ad Laodicenses is a late and 
•worthless forgery. St. Paul himself had never 
visited the Lycos valley (Col 2^). 

Laodicea is classified by NT writers under the 
geographical name Asia. Zahn, however, and 
Blass consider that St. Luke reckoned it, not 
under Asia, but under Phrygia (see Lydia, against 
this view). 

LiTGRATOTiz. — Most of what has been learned about Laodicea 
t< collected by Ramsay, Cities ami Bixhoprics of Phrygia, pt. i. 
pp. 1-83, 342 f.; pt. ii. pp. 512 flf., 542 if., 785 f. Anderson in 
Journal of Hellenic Studies (1897), p. 404 ff., and Weber in 
Jahrbiich. des Arch. Instituts (1898), pt. i., supplement that 
work. Among the older travellers Hamilton gives the best 
account ; but Smith, Pococke, Chandler, Arundell, Fellows, 
Texier, are all worth reading. \V. M. llAMSAY. 

LAODICEANS (AaoSt/cety, Latin Laodicenses) is 
the correct term for the people of Laodicea (Col 
4^*). AaoSiKfiJs is the invariable form on coins. 
AaodiKTjvSs is used in the sense of ' made in, or 
belonging to, Laodicea ' ; and in Latin Liodicenus 
also occasionally is used for a man of Laodicea. 

W. M. Kamsav. 

LAPPIDOTH (nirr'? 'torches,' 'liames,' cf. Ex 
20i«; IJ Aa</.et5co0, A Aa^i5(i(^).— Husband of Deborah, 
Jg 4*. For the form of the name, with the fem. 
pi ur. ending -(>^A, cf. Naboth, Meremoth, Meraioth, 
Jeremoth, Mikloth ; prob. an intensive plur. (Konig, 
Si/ntax d. Heb. Spr. § 2G1), perhaps with a figura- 
tive meaning (Bcittcher, Lchrhuch, § 719a). Jewish 
conmientators, e.g. D. Kiinchi, Levi ben-Gershom, 
identify Lappidoth ('flames') with Barak ('light- 
ning'); so Hilliger, />'/.« Deburahlied p. 11; 
Wellh., Composition p. 223; Budtle, Richt. u. Sam. 
p. 69. Other Jewish interpretations explain that 
Deborah was 'a woman of torches,' i.e. made wicks 
for tlie sanctuary, or, 'a woman of flames,' refer- 
ring to the fiery or energetic character of her 
prophesying. I'hese explanations are improbable. 

G. A. Cooke. 

LAPWING.— See Hoopoe. 

LARGE. — Like Lat. largus, 'large' formerly 
expressed abundance rather than bulk. Its mean- 
ings in AV are all practically obsolete, and are 
apt to be missed. 1. Spacious, of great extent, as 
Jg 18'* ' When ye go, ye shall come unto a people 
secure, and to a large land ' (en; nj-T nxni, RV 
'and the land is large'; lit. 'spacious on both 
hands ') ; Neh 4'" ' The work is great and large, 
and Ave are separated upon the wall, one far from 
another'; Is 30^ 'In that day shall thy cattle 
feed in large pastures ' ; Jer 22'^ ' I will build me 
a wide house and large chambers' (n'm-i? ni'^y., 
AVm 'through-aired chambers'; RV 'spacious 
chambers'); Rev 21'* 'And the citj' lieth four- 
square, and the length is as large as the breadth ' 
(RV ' as great as the breadth '). Cf. Howell, 
Letters, I. i. o, 'I pray God bless us both, and 
send us, after this large Distance, a joyful meet- 
ing.' 2. U neon fined, free, as 2 S 22-» || Ps 18'» ' He 
brought me forth also into a large place,' (2Tr\-^, 
tr** 'a large place,' also in Ps 118^ Hos 4'*, but in 
Ps 31* 'a large room,' RV ' a large pljice' ; except 
in Hos (where see Cheyne's note), it is an expres- 
sion denoting great prosperity. De Witt trans- 
lates Ps 18'" ' He brought me forth into room 
unconfined,' and points out that the opposite is 
the 'calamity,' or 'sore pressure 'of the previous 
verse) ; 2 Es 1" ' I led you through the sea, and 
in the beginning gave you a large and safe pas- 
sage' (plateas vobis in invio munitas exhibui, RV 
' where there was no path I made for you high- 

ways '). Cf. Mt 7'^ Rhem., 'Enter ye by the 
narrow gate, because brode is the gate, and large 
is the way that leadeth to perdition.' So Hall, 
Works, ii. 2, ' None but a sonne of Aaron might 
otter incense to God in the temple ; and not every 
Sonne of Aaron, and not any one at all seasons : 
God is a God of order, and hates confusion no 
lesse than irreligion : albeit he hath not so straitned 
himselfe under the Gospell, as to tie his service 
to persons, or places, yet his choice is now no 
lesse curious because it is more large ; he allowes 
none but the authorised, he authoriseth none but 
the worthy.' Cf. also Shaks. As You Like Jt, II. 
vii. 48— 

' I must have liberty 

Withal, as large a charter as the wind, 

To blow on whom I please ' ;, 

and Hamlet, iv. iv. 36 — 

' Sure, He, that made us with such large discourse, 
Looking before and after, gave us not 
That capability and godlike reason 
To fust in ua unused.' 

3. Liberal in giving, only Mt 28" 'They gave 
large money unto the soldiers' (Tindale's tr., 
Gr. dpyvpia Uaud). This meaning was once very 
common. Thus Shaks. 2 Henry VI. I. i. HI — 

' the poor King Reignier, whose large style 
Agrees not with the leanness of his purse ' ; 

and Dryden, Brit. Red. i. 86 — 

' Large of his treasures, of a soul so great 
As Mils and crowds his universal seat.' 
In Gal 6'1 we have the nearest approximation to the modern 
use, ' Ye see how large a letter I have written unto you with 
mine own hand.' The Gr. is ^rr.xixaif y/>a.fjLfjui,<ny, which KV 
translates ' with how large letters,' introducing the modern 
meaning of 'large' unmistakably, t'ield (Otm/n. AVri>. iii. 117), 
who calls the RV the only possible rendering, says, ' St. Paul 
was a very indifferent penman, and when he did not employ an 
amanuensis, was obliged to write in very large and, probably, 
ill-shaped characters.' He illustrates from Plutarch's C'ato: 
' In describmg Cato's method of e<lucating his son, the historian 
tells us that he wrote histories for him loith his own hand and 
in large characters' {iSiet x^'P' '"*' iu.iyxXots ■ypcc/u./uMirn). The 
Eng. word recalls Milton's Sonnet ' New Forces of Conscience ' — 

'New Presbyter is but old Priest writ large.' 

The phrase 'at large' occurs Wis 19^ 'For they 
went at large like horses' (ive/nriOrjaai', Vulg. de- 
paverunt [escam] ; RV 'they roamed at large'); 
Sir 47'^ ' After him [David] rose up a wise son, 
and for his sake he dwelt at large' (Kar^Xvffev iv 
wXaTvff/j.!^ : Bissell explains, ' He was no more 
full of care for this and that ; he gave up all 
to the management of his son.' But Ball 
[QPB], ' Solomon enjoyed ease and freedom for 
David's sake ') ; 2 Mac 2^** ' To stand upon every 
point, and go over things at large, and to be 
curious in particulars, belongeth to the first author 
of the story ' (irepl tto.vtwv iroie'iada.i X&yoi', RV ' to in- 
dulge in long discussions,' RVm ' to provide a place 
for discussions.' Fritzsche prefers the reading of 
codd. A and V irepliraTov irouiffdai \6ywv, 'to make the 
round of matters' ). Cf . Rhem. NT, p. 204 {Argument 
to John's Gospel), 'the intent of this evangelist 
writing after the other three, Avas, to omit the 
Actes of Christ in Galilee, because the other three 
had written them at large ; and to reporte his 
Actes done in lurie, which they had omitted.' 

Largely, in the sense of freely, occurs in 1 Mac 
16"* ' when Simon and his sons had drunk largelv ' 
(ip-eOvadr), RV 'had drunk freely'; Ball and Bissell, 
' Avere drunk,' which is the only possible meaning). 
Cf. North's Plutarch, 'Alexander,' p. 687, 'Then 
did Alexander otter great presents unto the god, 
and gave money largely to the priests and ministers 
of the temple.' 

Largeness occurs only 1 K 4^^ ' And God gave 
Solomon Avisdom and understanding exceeding 
much, and largeness of heart' (a"? ani), Avhere the 
meaning is not, as now understood, a charitable 
disposition, but breadth of intellectual interest, 




the difference being due, however, to the differ- 
ence between the Heb. and Eng. uses of ' lieart.' 
Thus the marjr. of the Geneva Bible (copied into 
the Bishops' Bible) explains the phrase, 'able to 
comprehend all things," where the tr. is 'a large 
heart.' But it is probable that as first used by 
Wyclif the Eng. phrase meant liberality in giving, 
as the marg. note to the 1388 ed. has ' largenesse 
of kcrie, to spende in greet worschip.' Cf. Elyot, 
Gvcemour, 'u. 104, 'Croesus, the riche king of 
lidia . . . saide on a tyme to Cyrus, when he 
behelde his liljeralitie, that suche largenesse as 
he used sholde bringe hym in povertie, where, 
if he lysted, he mought accumulate up treasure 
incomparable.' J. Hastings. 

LASCIYIOUSNESS is the tr. in AV and RV of 
aWXrria in Mk 7", 2 Co \'2-\ Gal 5'», Eph 4'9, 1 P 4?, 
Jnde^ The Gr. word is found also in Ko 13^^ 
where both versions have ' wantonness,' and three 
tames in 2 P, viz. 2^ TR xoWol i^aKoXovdi^ffovcnv 
mirQm toTi drwXciatt, AV ' many shall follow tlieir 
pernicions ways,' but edd. &(X(\ftiais, whence RV 
* their lascivious doings ' ; S' f »> aatXyflq. avaarpo^ri), 
AV ' filthy conversation,' RV ' lascivious life ' ; 
and S" iatXyt'uM AV ' through much wantonness,' 
RV 'by lasciviousness.' In LXX dfffX^eia occurs 
wily twice. Wis 14* AV ' shameless unclean- 
»• RV 'wantonness'; and 3 Mac 2=* 'acts of 

The et 

Btymology of ifffKyfia has had a curious 
Uatocy. The derivation from a nriv. and ZiXyn, a 
Piridian city, is still mentioned by lexicographers, 
though it IS doubtful if it was for morality or 
immorality tliat that city was famous : Thayer- 
Grirom, 'whose citizens excelled in strictness of 
morals ' ; Trench, ' whose inhabitants were in- 
famous for their vices.' The favourite derivation 
is, however, a and ai\yta, i.e. di\yw to charm. But 
the tun of the w<jrd in NT alone is sullicient to fix 
ita meaning and to show that 'lasciviourness' is 
too raatricted and definite to cover it all. Tiie 
meaninc \n ab!«en(« of restraint, indecency ; and 
althoom that is generally regarded as shown in 
sensoality, there are pas.«ages, as Mk 1^ and 
I P A*, where sensuality is not yet in sight. In 
the latt*'! ■ , a-H Saltuond points out, the 

writer I- !i a gcMcral term ('excesses') 

auflieient ; - .... ...^.c unliritllt-d conduct of all kinds, 

and then paaeea to particulars. Trench thinks 
'wantonneM* the liest rendeiin<?, 'standing as it 
doea in a remarkable ethical ccmnexion with 
i#/XY«<a, and having the same duplicity of mean- 
ing,' i.e. indccencv in general and sensuality in 
partiralar. See 'I rench. A' 7" Synmnims*, y. 'AW., 
aaf) 'ri.t....r ST (irr.rl: Lrx., f.i: The leading idea 

in ' iifobubly conduct that is shamelesH. 

It i- I'd with wopytia and inaflapjla in 2 Co 

12" aitd iial .V*, where vopvtia is n special form of 
impurity ; dtaOaptria uncleanncHM of any kind tliat 
may, howrvnr, l»« nn<M!en ; d<r^\ytta unclcunncss 
that n\un-k» pnl<li«: decency. Kee Liglitfdot on 

(;al 6'* and I Th _" ■•'■•• ' - •■; \„frs ,>n J-Jn,,. ,,/ 

St. Pant, p. 21). I- that in all the 

nIarM iti wliich "i In found it has 

w*^' "-d by iIhj AV trnnNlatorM. The 

•wl nearly alwa^'H ' wanlonncHM' (oxcent 

la Hyr, nii'i Uhifm. following tin' Vulg. toocloNcly 
■nd ipving • l«'<lM-rv ' or ' imiiurity ' inoMtly). IIV 
Im4 <iarri<Ml tlin iiiistakii Mtilt further by c'lianging 
* wantoiUMOT ' of 'i I' '1** into ' las«ivi(niNiii<sH.' 

.1. IIahtinos. 
LA "FA In novitr niontioniHl by any 

<Mi' ■•■♦•pf HI Lttk«"; but ill tli« 

'h'l ' , ii.'i. tliat nn 

Wft iiicntioiied. 

Ia-.>.'< "..- ■....« i i>ii . \. ..',); and as 

ttL I'aol • Mhip Iry for idernblu time in 

the Havens, it would be necessary to purchase 
stores from the city, on which account it conies to 
be mentioned by the historian. Tlie ruins of the 
city were examined in 185'J by tiie Kev. G. Brown. 
They are about 5 miles east from the Havens, and 
1 mile east from Cape Leonda or Leona ; and 
according to Mr. Brown are still called Mcra-ia. by 
the Cretan peasantry. This may probably be the 
Lisia mentioned in the Peutinger Tables as 16 
miles south from Gortyna. In an air line the 
distance on the map seems hardly more than 12 
miles ; but in mountainous Crete the road may be 
16 miles. Mr. E. Falkcner has published an old 
Venetian description of the island of Crete, which 
mentions in this neighbourhood a place Lapsea, 
with a ruined temple (Mr. Brown mentions two 

Literature.— Smith, Voyage and Ship^creck of St. Paid, 
3rd ed. p. 29o f . ; Falkener in Museum of Clans. Antiq. (1852), 

p. 287. W. M. Ramsay. 

L&SHA {VP^, A AaVa, E and Luc. Ada-a). — Men- 
tioned only in Gn 10^", as forming the boundary of 
the Canaanites towards the east. Jerome and 
Jerus. Targum identify with the famous hot 
springs of Callirrhoe in the Wady Zerka Ma'in to 
the east of the Dead Sea ; but this appears to be 
too far to the north, and, as Dillmann remarks, we 
rather expect a situation on the west side of the 
Dead Sea or of the Ghor. Wellh. [JBDTh xxi. 
403 f.) would change ivS into n-^h or aph, i-e- Laish 
(Dan) on the nortliern boundary of Canaan ; but 
the boundary from north to south seems to have 
been sufficiently given in the words ' from Zidon 
... to Gaza,' and we expect a boundary now in a 
new direction, namely, trom west to east. One 
might think of the promontory el-Lisdn at the 
south end of the Dead Sea, but if tliis were in- 
tended, the art. would have been found, ir;.!, as 
in Jos 15-'. J. A. Selbie. 

LASSHARON. — Amongst the kings subdued by 
Joshua, the MT (followed by AV, RV) includes 
the king of Lassharon (AVm Sharon). In the 
Onomas. (s. 'Saron') the name Sharon is applied 
to the region between Tabor and the Lake of 
Tiberias, stated to l)e ' still called Sarona.' The 
name Sarona is at tlie present day applied to a 
ruin on this plateaii, whicli is a ])ossible site for 
Lassharon [SIVF vol. i. slieet vi.). Sarona is 
mentioned on the list of Thothmes III. See 

The text of Jos 12^' appears to be in some dis- 
onler. While MT has fny^ Ti^-p p5.x ^^5, B of the 
LXX has fia(Ti\ia'0<p^K TT}s'ApJ)K {A simply /3a<riX^a 
'A<f)^K), where 'ApuK is doubtless a conupiion of 
^apibv. The Ileii. text before B would thus appear 
to have been j'ny'j p:t» xhri ' king of Aphok in 
Siiaron,' the Sharon being not the plain of that 
name on the coast, l)uL tiie <listrict in Galilee 
altove mentioned (so Dilim. on Jos 12"* ; cf. Wellh. 
Sam. p. 55). C. R. CoNDKR. 

LASTHENES {\aa0^vr)i), an officer of liigii rank 
und(!r Demetrius n. Nikator. He bears tlie iionor- 
ary titles of 'kinsman' {ai'Yyevifii 1 Mac 11'") and 
* father' {wariip ih. 1 1"-) of the king, the former not 
necessarily implying near relationship to Demetrius 
(cf. 1 Mac KC*"'), and the latttT pointing to his 
suiwrior age, and to tli<^ advice (cf. (hi •15'* of 
iIoMcpli) and proli'clion wiiich he jillordcd to tiie 
young prim i> (cf. llawliiiHon and Ziickliir). Iliniself 
a Cretan, he raised a body of Cretan nu'rcenaries, 
and enabled Dtiimdrius to lan<l in Cilicia., and 
wrest the throne of Syria from Alexander Ibilas 
(Jos. Ant. XIII. iv. 3, 'cf. 1 Mac 10'"). Kroni the 
ni'W kin ' Lasthem's hci'ihh to liav(! recciv(>d some 
olllcial |MiHiti<»n, possibly tiiat of governor of CujIo- 



Syria (cf. 1 Mac 10*'-'). Hence when Demetrius 
was endeavouring to make terms with Jonathan 
the Maccaba'an, he wrote to Lastlienes in favour 
of the Jews, and forwarded a copy of his letter to 
the Jewish prince (1 Mac 11-""*^, Jos. Ant. Xlii. iv. 
9). It is prol>able tliat Lasthenes was the powerful 
favourite, who, by encouraging the luxury and 
tyranny of Demetrius, eventually brought about 
his overthrow by Tryphon (Diod. xxxiii. 4, and 
Vales, ad loc). H.A.White. 

LATCHET (Tins', [/ids).— The word refers to the 
leather thongs used for tying on sandals. (See 
Dress, vol. i. p. 627"). In Gn 14^ Abram tells 
the king of Sodom that he had taken an oath 
that he would not accept at his hands ' from 
a thread to a shoe-latcliet ' (h'^li'V-iy lyi o'n-?), i.e. 
nothing of his most worthless possessions, much 
less anything of value. In Is 5-' it is stated that 
the army to be brought from afar against dis- 
obedient Israel would be of such disciplined energy 
that no loose girdles or broken latchets would be 
seen in it. John the Baptist indicates his relation- 
ship of inferiority by saying that he is unworthy 
to loose the latchet of the shoes of Christ (Mk F, 
Lk 3"*, Jn r-''). Among Orientals everytliing con- 
nected with the feet and slioes is deli led and 
debasing, and the stoojiing to unfasten the dusty 
latchet is the most insignificant item in sucli 
service. G. M. Mackie. 

LATIN.— In Jn lO^* (Lk 23M inferior text) it is 
stated tiiat the inscription on the tablet placed upon 
the cross by Pilate ' was written in Hebrew, and in 
Latin, and in Greek.' There seems to be no clear 
evidence that the affixing of such a tablet to the 
cross was a legal requirement, or even the ordinary 
usage. But a tablet or placard announcing a 
criminal's oH'ence was often carried before him on 
his way to execution, or hung aliout his neck, and 
sometimes he was preceded by a herald proclaim- 
ing liis crime (cf. Sueton. Caliij. 32, Dumit. 10 ; 
Dion Cass. Octav. 54. 3. 7 ; Euseb. HE 5. 1. 44 ; 
Mishna, Sanhedr. 6. 1, 10. 6). Inscriptions and 
proclamations in two or more languages were not 
uncommon (see Jos. Ant. XIV. x. 2, 3, xii. 5). The 
taldets set up in the temple at Jerus. forbidding 
any foreigner on pain of death to enter the Holy 
Place, were some in Latin, some in (Jreek ; Jos. 
BJ V. v. 2, VI. ii. 4 (one of the latter, unearthed 
about twenty-live years ago by M. Clermont- 
Ganneau, is reproduced and described in the Revue 
ArcMologlmw, for 1872, p. 214 tl".; cf. PEF, Twenty- 
one Years Work, p. 167 f.). Although Greek 
formed a part of the training of every educated 
Roman, and was the widest medium of communi- 
cation even in Palestine, yet Latin was especially 
employed as the legal, olhcial, and military lan- 
guage, and Roman pride was disposed to be ten- 
acious of it in intercourse witli provincials (see 
Val. Max. 2. 2. 2 ; Dion Cass. 57. 15. 3). The 
emperor Claudius, for example, who was fond of 
Greek learning, and iin adept in the use of the 
language (Sueton. Claud. 42), deprived a pro- 
minent Greek of Roman citizenship for ignorance 
of Latin {ihid. 16). Abunilant ret!', may be found 
in Mayor's note on Juvenal, xv. 110. 

Respecting the influence of Latin upon the later 
Greek, see LANGUAGE OF THE New Testament. 

J. H. Thayer. 


* Abbreviations used in this article : — 
OL = 01d Latin Version (or Versions). 
Archiv.=Archiv /iir lateinisehe Lexikographie, ed. bv E. 

CSEL = Corpus Seriptonim Ecctesiasticonim Latinorum, 

pub. under auspices of Vienna Academy. 
GGA - Giittinjjiische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

witnesses which are of primary importance for 
determining the text of NT, and, in a modified 
sense, that of OT also, the early Lat. VSS occupy 
a foremost place. Hitlierto, perhaps, their im- 
portance has not been sufficiently recognized. But 
the rapid developments in the science of textual 
criticism which ttiis century has seen are bringing 
more clearly into view their unique value. This 
consists mainly in their high antiquity, on the one 
hand, and their extraordinary faithfulness to the 
text which they tr., on the other. The last-named 
characteristic has never been disputed. As to the 
other, there is, at least, a general agreement that, 
at the latest, a Lat. tr. of the Bible already existed 
in the middle of the 3rd cent. A.D. But this means 
much. The oldest Greek MSS which have, as yet, 
come down to us, cannot be dated further back 
than the 4th cent. The great majority of them 
must be placed at a much later date. The early 
Lat. VSS, therefore, as extant in MSS or biblical 
quotations in the Fathers, supply us with evidence 
prior to any contained in Gr. MSS. But this 
comparison must be made with caution. Other- 
wise it would only mislead. Our extant Gr. MSS, 
of course, witness to a text far earlier than the 
date of their own origin. The evidence of a 
version is only second-hand. And, besides, it is 
always more or less local, presenting us with im- 
portant data for determining one particular type 
of text, but restricted as to the value of its general 
bearing. From another point of view, however, 
this limitation has advantages. The history and 
character of the version must, of necessity, shed 
light upon the history of the Church in the definite 
area over which its influence has spread. And this 
is pre-eminently true of the Lat. VSS. They are 
closely bound up with the origin and diffusion of 
Western Christianity. Through the influence of 
the Lat. Fathers they have, to a great extent, 
moulded its theological conceptions and its current 
theological terms. Finally, to the history of the 
Lat. language their contributions are invaluable ; 
for they preserve the late Lat. renderings of 
an extant Gr. original, using many varieties 
of synonyms, many abnormal constructions, and 
many strange formations, all of wliich reveal 
the tendencies of the later language, and li.x 
witli more or less certainty particular dialectical 

1. Naiiw. — The name Old Latin is used here to 
denote the Lat. VS or VSS which existed previous 
to, or independent of, the great revision made by 
Jerome at the close of the 4th cent.* The desig- 
nation is derived from the Lat. Fathers themselves, 
who speak of ' uetus editio,' 'antiqua interpre- 
tatio,' ' uetus translatio,' and the like. It seems 
time now to abandon the misleading term ' Itala,' 
or even 'uetus Itala,' to denote the pre-Hierony- 
mian type of text. For, as we shall see later, the 
name ' Itala ' is most ambiguous, and forms the 
central point of one of the keenest controversies 
wliich has ever arisen on this complicated subject. 
The expression ' Old Latin ' makes no assumption, 
but simply states an admitted fact. Under this 
heading there might fall 'mixed' Lat. texts, in 
which OL and Vulg. readings are found side by 
side. As a rule, however, such texts have a Vulg. 

Stud. Dihl. = Studia Diblica, by Members of Univ. of Oxford 
4 vols. 

SK=Theolof)igche Studien und Kritiken. 

T. u. U. - Texte wiul Untersuchunrjen (Gebhardt and Har- 

Z ivTh = Zeitschrift filr wissennchaftliche Theologie. 
* See Wordsworth, OL Biblical Texts, \\ p. xxx : ' Old-Latin 
texts . . . mean all early Latin versions of the Bible which are 
not Hieronymian, of whatever date the MSS may be which 
contain them, or in whatever country they were current.' It 
is surely refining too minutely when Sittl (Bursian-Miiller'a 
.Jahresbericht, vol. Ixviii. p. 249) asserts that the tenn ' )>re- 
Hieronymian ' ought to be applied only to the biblical quotf- 
tions of the older Fathers. 



base, and it is onlv when the OL element in them 
is of marked importance that they will be noticed 
below (see Vulgate). 

2. We have sjx>ken above of the OL ' Version or 
Version*.' This brings before us a much-debated 
question. Was tliere originally only a single tr. 
m the Seriptmres into Lat., or were there several or 
many distinct versions? Before discussing the 
pointy let US guard against certain misconceptions. 
No one has ever argued that one ti/pe of OL text, 
whether of OT or NT, presents itself in the Lat. 
MSS or Fathers from the time of Tertullian on- 
wmids. The most casual comparison of our exist- 
ing anthorities disproves this at once. For while, 
as we shall find, both MSS and Fathers may be, 
with eantion, classified by groups, even within 
those provisionally separate classes, a considerable 
amoont of variation appears. Still greater and 
more distinct are the diHerences which seem to 
jnstify ns in shading off those groups from one 
another.* That is to say, even those who main- 
tain that one original VS lies at the basis of all 
mbseqaent OL texts, are quite willing to admit the 
existence of various recensions oi that version, made 
at different times and in different countries. In 
addition to this, it would be admitted on all sides 
that this assumed original tr. was by no means the 
work of one band : that separate books were done 
into Lat. by separate translators, both in OT and 
in NT, and that some, in all probability, were tr*" 
at a later date than others. But those scholars 
who adhere to the hyjiothesis of a single original 
Tersion hold that, admitting many minor differences 
both in readings and renderings, there appears, 
through the complexity of variations, one funda- 
mental groundwork. While the various authorities 
■eem to move on different lines through several 
venwA, they return to an agreement sufficiently 
striking to demand the assumption of a common 
«oarce.t E<|iuilly imjHjrtant names can be adduced 
in rapport of the oninion that there were, at least, 
■erenu distinct OL versions. + And certainly, at 
first sight, there seems much to justify the hypo- 
thesis. The same passage often api>ears in very 
different form.H in tne various MSS and Fathers. 
To gain «onie iniprew<ion of tliese variations, we 
have only to turn to the formidable array of 
parallels from MSS and Fathers given in such 
works OS H. Linku's Sttulien ztir Itala,% or Ziegler's 
pU lat. liibeiuUrtrtzungen vor Hicronymus. How 
«• tfce qnestion to be «l.-cided ? Quite naturally, an 
appeal lias been made to the expressed opinions 
ol the Lat. Fathers themselves, more especially 
Aagnatine and Jerome. And some passages in 
tamr writings soem to have a real connexion witli 
the nroblem. Thus Aug. de Doctr. Christ, ii. 11 : 
'Qbi ■erifitaraa ex Ili'l>ra*a lingua in Onecam 
■art«nuit numerari poMnunt, I^itmi autcm inter- 
"' - .lo; ut cnim cuiijue primis li<iei 
MiiH ucnit v<m\v\ (Jni'cus et ali- 
iil^ -II. i MtriuiMiuo lingua- lialwre 
nstari.' Two chapters 
iiHO, hesays: 'quoniam 
i.i <(iinm pItireN interpretes 
Ht<|uii itidirio conuntur 
ingiia inMpiciiitur, 


qoantui ,iii 



•t •,-,■ 

•KH|Ui, iH'ii n|ii<nri'i, nioi in ea 

I lie ii\nit hpeakN of an 

•tfM|Ht, iH'ii n|ii<nri'i, n 

<UM» (aUmUatar/ 
falU iiarMM Uiinoi 

Laiinonun intvrpretum,' II and uses 

wpsistlnn <llfrcr- 

•Hwil WwMwd 

mtmt t rmdiim tnm 

I n^. Mt„ iMlM, SmSTiL KlTBr'i 
'y v£li!W ' ^" » ""x ?**« Mw»i*, Ctu, ........ 

— 'sTn-W. I«|. It, 107 «. 

many other similar expressions.* It is quite evi. 
dent that Aug. believed in a large number ol 
separate OL versions, t 

In the writings of Jerome the facts are pre- 
sented somewhat differently. Thus, for example, 
in his Prcef. iti lib. Paralip. : ' cum pro uarietate 
regionum diuersa ferantur exemplaria, et germana 
ilia antiquaque translatio corrupta sit, atque 
uiolata, nostri arbitrii putas aut e pluribus iudicare 
quid uerum sit aut nouum opus in ueteri opere 
cudere.' And again, Epist. ad Daniasum : ' si enim 
Latinis exemplaribus tides est adhibenda, responde- 
ant quibus : tot sunt pajne quot codices.:}: Sin 
autem ueritas est quaerenda de pluribus, cur non 
ad Grajcam originem reuertentes ea qua; uel a 
uitiosis interpretibus male edita uel a praesump- 
toribus imperitis emendata peruersius uel a librariis 
dormitantibus aiit addita sunt aut mutata cor- 
rigimus?' See also his Pnvf. in lib. Job. It 
seems as if, in the passages quoted, Jerome ia 
thinking rather of separate and most corrupt re- 
censions or copies (exemplaria) of the tr" than of 
several distinct versions. For in the first lie con- 
trasts the ' germana antiquaque translatio ' with 
the 'diuersa exemplaria' of it wliich have arisen 
tlirough corruption and local variations. And he 
could scarcely speak of there being almost as many 
separate tr"* as there were MSS. On the other 
hand, many passages can be quoted from his writ- 
ings which give colour to the opposite hypothesis. 
So, e.g., in his Prirf. hi Proverb, he talks of ' im- 
periti translatores ' ; in Epist. 18. 21 of ' interpre- 
tum uarietatem.'§ In what way can the apparent 
confusion of the evidence be harmonized ? I'erliaps 
we are not justified in treating these statements of 
the Fathers as authoritative on the subject. There 
is much force in the words of Zahn : || ' It is a 
thoroughly short-sighted attempt to seek in the 
occasional utterances ... of a Jerome or an Augus- 
tine regarding the Latin Bible an ansAvcr to the 
questions whicli bear on the date of its origin, the 
original unity or multiplicity of translators. Tijcse 
men would not have kept back from us a definite 
tradition regarding the place, the time, the origin- 
ator of the version or versions, if they had pos- 
sessed such. . . . Wliat they say has neitlier in 
form nor meaning the slightest resemblance to an 
historical tradition or an ancient report. It is 
rather the scanty result of a more or less intelli- 
gent view of tlie actual facts which they had before 
tiieir eyes.' We cannot, at least, be blind to the 
riietorical exaggeration in tlie passages quoted. 
And it seems (juito reasonable to suppose that 
Jerome and Aug. are simply ])utting forward their 
own liy])otlieses to account for the state of things 
which they lind existing. Probably, tliey could 
give no nu»re definite answer to tlie question before 
us tlian that wliich Jerome gave as to the use of 
Thcodot ion's tr. of Daniel by the (^liurch in place 
of the \.W : ' et hoc cnr nccidcrit ncscio' (rnrf. 
in /)ini.). It is along other lines that the problem 
must )k> approacluMl. 

It has liei'ii already observed that a comparison 
of the extant OJi texts, whether in MSS or iMithers, 
reveals dearly enough a lart^e niimlu'r of more or 
lesH im]iortant variations. These are of diU'erent 
kiuds. Sometimes the variant consists in the use 

• Sre llic larjfc collection of quoUUions bearing on this point, 
fnim Aiiif., In /ii-i{lcr, op. ril. jip. (I-IO. 

f WiMi-iiinn'N ult('in|il (AW(//« on \'(iri(iiiK SvMi'etg, i. p. 2-t ff." 
U> iiliDW llial • Intcriiri'tiirl ' ami Uh (•<>(( mil ch can Ih- tiscil, and are 
ili««*<!, l>y AtiK., of rirrnnionn ax well a.s IninslallonN, is now din- 
rriH||t<Ml even liy (Icfi-Mdcrit of llio oriu-viTHion tlicory, e.;/. 
Krll/jwlio, (»;». ril. ]>. iHti. 

! '<»f no |iiuiH»Ki< In thlNjiidirnK'ntniorR true than of tliiN actual 
iHMilrnci' llmOf, wlii<-li Im lianllv <iiiot<'<l in the minn' way in uny 
llirio MHH* (II. .1. White in Srrlvcncr'H fiit,-<>ilurti„n, vol. 11 
|>. *2. Kce iilwi WorilHworlh and Whlt(''» VxUjate, Kasc. i. p. 2) 

tHoe /letfler, o;i. eit. j). l.'l. 
Uuch. it. ST Kanont, Ul. I. p. 8S. 



of a synonym : sometimes it jiresupposes a differ- 
ent underlying Gr. text : sometimes it shows 
another form of construction : sometimes it lies in 
an addition or omission, wliile. at times, it is merely 
an inversion of the order of words in a sentence, or 
a difference of spelling. One or two examples will 
make our meaning clear. 

followed is found on almost every page of the OL 
versions of OT. The same cause would also be at 
work in NT. Add to this the carelessness of 
scribes and tlie independent efforts at translating 
tlie original, either delibaratelj'^ introduced into the 
text or gradually gliding into the text from the 
margin, and we nave causes which seem, at least, 

Matthew 2^-*. 

k (Cod. Bobiensis). 
Et cum hi' natus esset 
in bethlem iuda^re in die- 
bus herodis regis ecce 
magii ab oriente uener- 
unt hierosolima dicentes 
ubi est qui natus est 
rex iudoeor uidimus enim 
Btellam . . . Set autem 
rex herodes turbatus est 
et tota hierosolima cum 
eo. Et conuocatis omni- 
bus sacerdotibus et scri- 
bit plebis (jujerit ab eis 
ubi >^ nascitur. 

a (Cod. Vercellensis). 
Cum ergo natus esset 
Jesus in bethlem ciuit- 
ate iudseaj in diebus 
herodis regis ecce magi 
ab oriente uenerunt 
hierosolyma dicentes ubi 
est qui natus est rex 
iudneorum uidimus enim 
stellam eius in orientem 
et uenimus adorare eum. 
Audiens autem herodes 
rex turbatus est et omnis 
hlerosolymsi cum ipso. 
Et [congreg]auit omnes 
principes sacerdotum et 
scribaspopuli et interro- 
gabit ab eis ubi Christus 

Exodus 32"-i». 

Cod. Wirceburgensis. 
Et audiuit ihs uocem 
populi clanuintium dixit 
ad Moysen uox pugnte 
in castris auditur. Et 
dixit Moyses non est uox 
de principum cum uirtute 
sed nee uox de principum 
fugai sed uocem prin- 
cipatus uini ludentiimi 
ego audio. Cumque 
adpropinquasset castrai 
uidet iiitulum et choros 
populi. Et iratus animo 
Moyses proiecit de manib 
suis duas tabulas et com- 
minuit eas sub montem. 
Et sumens uitulum quern 
fecerant combussit igni 
et comminuit eum minu- 
tatim et seminauit enm 
in aqua et potauit lilios 

Cod. Lugdunensis. 
Et cum audisset lesus 
clamorem populi claman- 
tium, dixit ad Moysen : 
non uox pugna- in castris 
auditur. Et dixit Moy- 
ses : non est de principi- 
bus cum uirtute, sed nee 
uox de principium fugai 
sed uocem principatus 
uini ego auifio. Cum- 
que adpropinquassent 
castrae uident uitulum 
et choros populi: et iratus 
animo Moyses proiecit 
de manibus suis duas 
tabulas et comminuit eas 
sub montem. Et sumens 
uitulum quern fecerant, 
combussit eum igni et 
conteruit eum minutatim 
et seminauit eum in 
aqua, et potauit illud 
tilios Istrahel. 

The above instances are taken entirely at random 
to give a general idea of the agreements and 
differences of the parallel texts. It must be said 
that in many passages the differences would be 
found to be far more considerable than in either of 
those above. Yet, as the total result of numerous 
comparisons of the various texts with each other, 
one IS bound to admit, at least, the increasing pro- 
bability of the conclusion that at the basis of all 
the types of text there is one original version which 
has determined, in great measure, the character of 
all the subsequent revisions.* For surely the 
difi'erences can be reasonably accounted for. In OT 
we know that at this time the MSS of the LXX 
were in a state of hopeless confusion — a confusion 
■which had been intensified by the misuse of Origen's 
critical signs. A proof of tlie mixture of Gr. texts 

* There are some books in which two types of text seem far 
more marked, e.g. the Synoptic Gospels and Apoc. ; while in 
others, such as the Pauline Epp., there is a much closer 
resemblance between ill types of text. This suggests one of 
the most important methods to be followed in investigating 
the OL Bible— that, namely, of treating each group of books 

VOL. III. — 4 

b (Cod. Veronensis). 
Cum ergo natus esset 
Jesus in bethlehem ciuit- 
atem iudeaj in diebus 
herodis regis . . . oriente 
uenerunt in hierosoly- 
ma dicentes ubi est qui 
natus est rex iudajorum 
uidimus enim stellam 
illius in orientem et 
uenimus adorare eum. 
Audiens autem rex He- 
rodis turbatus est et 
omnes hierosolyma cum 
illo. Et congrega . . . 
sacerdotum et scribas 
populi et interrogauit ab 
eis ubi Christus nas- 

/(Cod. BrixianusX 
Cum ergo natus esset 
Jesus in bethleem iudeaj 
in diebus herodis regis 
ecce magi ab oriente ue- 
nerunt hierosolyma di- 
centes, ubi est qui natus 
est rex iudneorum uidi- 
mus enim stellam eius 
in orientem et uenimus 
adorare eum. Audiens 
autem herodes rex tur- 
batus est et omnis hiero- 
solyma cum illo. Et con- 
gregauit omnes principes 
sacerdotum et scribas 
populi et re(^uisiuit ab 
eis ubi Christus nas- 

sufficient to explain the numerous variations.* As 
an instance of what was possible, the Psalter which 
Jerome had corrected according to the LXX was so 
corrupted by scribes in his own life-time that he 
was compelled to emend it a second time.f But 
after all, as Burkitt puts it : J ' whether there were 
one or two independent versions is a compara- 
tively minor question in face of the undoubted 
fact that the independent versions were few in 
number. ' 

3. The problem which is of paramount impoitance 
in this subject is, Can we trace the history of the 
version (or versions) ? For the sake of the subse- 
quent discussion we will here subjoin a list of the 
extant authorities for the OL Bible. § 

Old TKSTAMHyiT.—HEXATEUCH.—i. Cod. Lug- 
dunensis [6th cent.]. At Lyons (MS 54). Gn 16"- 1« 
I71-18 195-2!) 2633-35 27-3315 37^-38« 42*'-'='"J, Ex l-T'" 
219-35 25a5_26i3 27"-*"'!, Lv 1-18*" 25^5-^"^, Nu, Dt, Jos, 
Jg l-ll3i(?). Published as far as Dt ll^ by U. 
Kobert, Pent. Versiu Led. Antiquissima, etc. Paris, 
18S1. Remaining part discovered by Deli.sle in 
autumn of 1895. See ' Academy,' Nov. 30th, 1895. 
For the romantic history of the MS, see the ' Avant- 
Propos ' of Robert's work. 2. Fragments in Cod. 
Ottobonianus, No. 66 [8th cent.]. In Vatican. 
Fragg. of Gn from chs. 37, 38, 41, 46. 48-50 ; of 
Ex from chs. 10, 11, 16, 17, 23-27. Pub. by C. 
Vercellone in Varies lectiones Vulg. etc. Tom. i. 
pp. 183 tf. 307 fi"., Rome, 1860. 3. Cod. Wircebur- 
gensis [6th cent. ?]. Univ. Libr. of Wlirzburg (MS 
64a). Gn 36--7- "--^ 401*"* 41^-^, Ex 22^-^ 25»'-26i=^ 
3213-33 3313-27 35i3_36i 392-4030^ Lv 423-5S S^Mi 7--"- 

16-17. 23-l!7 gl-3. 6-13 117-9. 12-15. 22-25. 27-47 lyl'l-lgSl 1931_20S 

201" 2o_2i2 22i»-'-'« 23»-», Dt 28^-^3 31""=*. Pub. by E. 
Ranke, Par Palimpsest. Wirceburfjensiiim, Vienna, 
1871. 4. Cod. Monacensis [5tli or 6th cent.]. Hof- 
Bibliothek at Munich (Lat. 6225). Ex 9^^-lQ^ 
1228_i44 1610-20' 3p5-33^ 36»M03^ Lv 3"-4-» III--I36 
14i7_i5io 1818-203, Nu 3**-4S 43i-5« V''''^ ll'-»-12" 29«- 
30= 31"-35« 36^-13, Dt 8i9-10i=' 22^-23* 28i-3i 30i8-32-'s. 
Pub. by L. Ziegler, Bruchstucke einer vorhieron. 
Ubersetz. d. Pent. Munich, 1883. 5. Fragg. of 
Genesis (25-'*-28'*), from a Lat. VS of the Quwst. of 

* See Wellhausen in Bleek's Einleitung in d. AT*, p. 595. 
t See P. Corssen, Epist. ad Galatas, p. 3. 
J Old- Lat. and Itala, p. 5. 

§ Books marked with an asterisk the writer haa not had the 
opportunity of seeing. 



Philo. Pub. by F. C. Conybeare, Expositor, 4th 
series, vol. iv. pp. 63 ff., 129 tf. 6. Gn 12i"-13'^ 
1^" in Falimpscstus V'indobonensis, pub. by J. 
Belsheim, 1885. 

Historical Books.— i. Ruth. Cod. Complu- 
tensil [9th cent.]. Univ. Libr. Madrid (MS 31). 
Pub. by S. Berger, Textes Lat. ined. de I'Anc. 
Test. Paris, 1893. 2. Jg 5 fr. Com. of Verecnndus 
in Vercellone. 3. Fragg. of Jg, also 1, 2 S and 
1, 2 K, being notes on margin of Cod. Gothicus 
[lOth cent.]. At Leon. Pub. from copy in Vatican 
br C. Vercellone, Varite Lectiones, Tom. ii. The 
hitherto unknown Marginalia of Cod. Goth, have 
been transcribed bv Linke from the Vat. copy, 
thoQgli not yet pu^lisheii. See Archiv, viii. 2, 
vn. I1I-I2. t*. 1 S 2S-"' from MS No. 2 at 
Ednnedeln [15th cent.]. Pub. bv S. Berger, op. cit. 
ft. Some verses of 1 and 2 S and 2 K from several 
Corbey and S. Germain MSS. Pub. by P. Sabatier, 
BMiontm . . . latitue Versiones, vol. i. Paris, 
1751. ft. 1 S 9>-« 15'*-", 2 S 2»-3*, 1 K S'^*. From 
two leaves at Magdeburg and Quedlinburg. 
First two Fraijg. pub. bv W. Schunr, SK, 1876, 

S121 ff. All four by Weissbrodt, Index lectt. 
rutubergenns, p. llff. IK S'-ff. Pub. by 
A. Diining, Ein nenes Fragm. d. Quedl. Itala- 
Codex, 1888. 7. 2 S 10"-11»^ 14"-» [7th or 8th 
cent.]. Parchment leaves at Vienna. Pub. by 
J. Haapt, * Veterut antfhien.n. vers libr. II. Regum 
fraqmentn . . . Vienna, 1877. 8. 1 S l'*-2»» 3>''-4"' 
ft*-" gO-KF 10»«-11" U"-**, 2 S 4"'-5-» lO^-ll" 13"- 
14* 17*'-I8* [5th cent.]. Palimpsest at Vienna. 
Pnb. by J. Behheim. * 1'fiUiupsestu.t Viwlohnnensui, 
1885. 9. {n) Cod. Corbeiensis, No. 7 (now xMS. lat. 
1 1549). At Paris. liook of Esther.: Pub. by 
Kabatier, op. cit. (6) Cod. Valliccllanus, B. vii. 
E«t 1-2. rub. by Sabatier, by 'roiniimsi, more 
•eeumtely by Bianchini.§ (r) Cod. Pechianus. 
Fragg. of Est 3-end. Sakitier. (d) Cod. Lat. 
HonaceniM 6239 [9th cent.) Est. Pub. by J. Bel- 
^heiul, Librot Tobitr, Iitdit, Ester . . . ex Cod. 
Monae., Trondhj»ni, 1K93. {<•) MS of Lyons, No. 
IMw B^gianing nml conclu.sion of VM. I'lib. by 
8. Bemer, Notice, pp. 31-32. This aiu-iunt resume 
of Emer alao found in Cod. Co7npluti'n.iis, Cod. 
Canme$mt, No. 35, Cod. Mounr. 622.'), Cud. 
Ambnmanuji E. 28 inferior, of wliicli second alone 
haabaeo pub. (liiblioth. Ca«in. T. i. 1N73). 

FomcAL Books.— \. (//) Fragment of Fleury. 
Job 40M.I Pub. by Raliatier, Tom. i. |>. fKM. Sec 
abo B^rv' "••'t de In Vulg. p. 86. (A) Fragg. of 
Job fr.. .,f ChI. fiiithirus at Le<m (lUlli 

cent. ). I lines pub. by Berger, AW «>»!, pp. 

21-22. 2.i<i;Cod. VeronentU. At Verona. Book 
of Paalniii. Pub. Iiy Kiarn-hini, I'-inltrrimn dii/ilrx 
CanliciJt, in Iii-* I'im/iritr ('iinoti. Srrifit. 
t, 1740. ih) Cod. Sangermanensis. Lat. MS 
Ko. II?M" l'.'>>t<ithiMMif nationale, Paris. Pub. 
Ijr 8al. '•/. Tr.m. 2. (r) Fragg. of OL 

Imltor :"><-H|Mat Cnrlsrulie. S<'e K. Mone, 

'L tUti m. MttmtH, n. 40; nliio *l>e li/irin iMdiin/ut. p. 
4ft. Gkrkniho. IW5. (//) ConHidernbI«< extracts 
from OL t*««tt«tr (n Muawrnbie Liturgy (Migne, 
Fatroi. htttn't. T. Kfi). H...- Kauleii, Cnrh. d. 
VtUg.p. IWir. Gaum, KtrrhfuiffHih. Sp-niiius, 

I. |k ftAflT. liMMlfalfi, fr. 4 pMtlll : Ciiniiil ns', 
CVrMflMf, M td Mm tntti, Cuijilinitiu um in Sabat ier. 
Boo 9m OL PwUter gimnmlly. I^ignrde, I'rulte 
•imm nmttn Amtgah' lUr l'tt>-in. (J/M-rart^ufi«j drtA T, 

. !*? > 5ft!f' '•*" '' "/ J*»'"«w. pp. Uxvii- 

twrtlt Wi W mj w I ,nUiiu,.„ in rf! AT*, u. 

S'lbJiarsiSi: " -' "»• "^' "'"• ^" 

iUittatM Iw mat*- i.a.U, w« hnv* not mi 

"-'*•-•——••'•• ' ^ f.>M.. 31. 

■ r, i« not 
^ ...-I iHil., Uy 

»• ' !• f <1rrl»»d It. 

•»* 1. I> n. 

1885. See also H. Ehrensberger, Psalteritim Veins 
(Tauberbischofsheim, 1887). 3. (a) Cod. No. 954, 
Palimps. I nijierial Library, Vienna. Pr2'-4-* 19'''''^. 
Piib. by A. Vogel, Beitr. z. Herstell. d. alt. lat. 
Bibdiibersctznng, Vienna, 1868. [b) Palinii)s. St. 
Paul in Lavaiit-thale, Carinthia. Pr IS-'"^" 16'-*- 
17'-. Pub. by F. Mone, *Dg libr. palimps. (c) Cod, 
11 of St. Gall [8th cent.]. Fragg. of Pr, Ec, and 
Ca. Pub. by S. Berger, Notice, p. 23 H. (rf) 
Marginal readings from Pr in MS, Lat. 11553. 
Bibhoth. Nat. Paris. See Berger, Hist, de la Vulg. 
p. 65. (e) A few Fragg. of Pr in Sabatier, Tom. 
2.t Fragg. of Ec and Ca, disc, by Amelli. Still 
unpub. SeeZiegler, Latein. Bibeliibers. p. 107, n. 6. 

FROPUETICAL BOOKS.— ±. Fragg. of a Wein- 
garten MS at Fulda, Darmstadt, and Stuttgart 
[prob. 6th cent.]. Hos 4'3-i^ 5^- "^ V^ S'"*- 1^*"'^ 91-" 12, 
portions of vv.^- 7- »• ^^ 131. s i34_i42^ Am S-^^-e^ 8i"-9i 
9»-10», Mic P-3* 43-7-», Jl l'"" 23-5 42-4. is-n^ jon P^- 
4«, tEzk 16«-17« 17'''-18» 24'-»-25>^ 26'"-2'77 2V''-^^ 
28>-i7 42^. 6. 14 43£!_445 44i!»_45:2 46»-^3 47-"'^ 48--=*", I)n 
2i»-3a 9i5_iQU_ p„][,_ in full, with Appendix, )jy E. 
Ranke, Fragm. Vers. . . . nntehieron. Vienna, 
1868. His previous work, Fragm. lies. Am. et 
Mich. Marburg, 1856, is included in that above 
named. So also Vogel's Fragg. of Ezek. from, St. 
Paul in the Lnvant-thal. Additional Fragg. of 
Propliets. Weingarteii MS. Stuttgart. Am 7'^- 
8'", Ezk i8«-'7 2()"*--'i 27"-i' 33-8-3" 340. s-i--^ Dn ll=»-3». 
Pub. by E. Ranke, Fragm. Stiifgardiana, 1888. 2. 
Cod. Wirceburgensis. Palimps. [prob. 6th cent.]. 
Univ. Libr. of Wiirzburg (MS 64a). Hos P-2i3 
4'»-7', Jon 3'"-4». Is 2n'-30« 45-''-46", Jer I212-I312 
14is-i6_ Fragg. of 15, 16, 17, l8'«-20-'208-7-«-i"-i'-"-i«-'8 
2l'-233^ 35"-37" 38-3-40^ 41>-'7, La 2"'-3^», Ezk 24^-2i 
26'»-27^ 34"'-35» 37'""^ 3S»--'" 4(F-42i8 45'-46'' 4H^-'^, 
Dn [Sus] •■'■•« l>»-2'-'3''>''' (including Oratio Azarim) 
8»-9"' ItF-l !•• 1 1-""--"- ■■^-^- •■^••^- 3'-33- M-i-i (Jiel et Drac.). 
Pub. bj' E. Ranke, Far Falimpsist. Wircebur- 
gensinm, Vienna, 1871.§ 3. Fragg. of Is and Jer 
discovered in a Bol>l)i() Leetionary at Turin by G. 
.\melli. Still unpub'.islied. See Ziegler, Die lat. 
Bibditbers. p. 105, n. 2. 4. Fragg. of .lerem. from 
Cod. Sangdllensis, No. 912. Pub. by Tischendorf, 
M):)i. s'lcr. et prif. p. 231. More fully by F. C. 
Ibirkitt as Apjjendix to Old Latin and the Itala, 
I). 81 fl". Camb. 18!)(). 8. A few 'Cantica' from the 
Prophets in Sabatier, Tom. 2.|| Some 'Cantica' 
nlso j)ublislietl by Fleck, IVissmsch'iftlirhe Rcise, 
lUl. li. Abt. 3, p. .33711'. See fnrtlier, Hamann, 
Canticitni. Moi/si, .lena, 1874, and Bianeliini, Y'indi- 
riir, etc., who pnb. 7 ' Cantica ' fr. Verona MS of Ps. 

Al'OCKVI'HA.— 1. Fourth [Srrond] Esdras. Com- 
plete text ed. hy Bensly and James, Cambridge 
fexta and Stiulies, iii. 2, 1895. For iHuticnlars 
regarding MSS see the Introduction to the above, 
and also Thr Mi-s.sinij Fratfrnrnt of the Fourth Book 
(f Ezra, hy n. L. Mensiy, Camb. 1875. 2. '/'bird 
[Fir.i(\ Esihiis. TwdOli 'I'exls. Onlinarv Vulg. 
and another contained in MS Lat. Ill ol IWMiotli. 
Nat. at Paris (printed in Sabatier) ; in Mazarine 
MS 29; I)ouai7; Vi.'iina 1191 ; Ma.lrid E. R. 8. 
Kragg. of another text in Laganle, Septuaqinta- 
Studirn, 1892. Tlieil 2, fr. I.ueca MS. S.'Tobit. 
OL versicm found in M.SS IHblioth. Nat. lat. 6, 93, 
161, 11505, 11553; in Cod. (iothieus at Leon; 

( lliTitiT iMiinla (lilt lliiil tlicri' iiri< a viiMt iiiiiiilx'r of vnriiuita 
fr.Mii iIk' <>I, in Viilif. MSS of the Sii|ii..iitial IiooUn, <•.<;. I'liri!) 
.MS, I l'.',:i, .ft-.t...) tilH.vr ; IlililiMif Tlii'.Kliilfi. ; MS No. 7 at Mt'tz. 
1' 'rtJiiil i-oiittlliiilioii \>y (N>i-iiill, Dan lliirh 
'' '"'7, 1'roliir. (>i>. '.!.'> :iri. t!oriiill ilcimliN tho 

\\ -\ "', (lie VVurzlmr({ rulini|m. liv A ( llcrlii- 

)H,i.,i...) nv., M. w KriiuK. of Wi'liiif., K/.k :t.'|7 l\ |)ii 11<h*i, 
jmli. li.V I' ('iii>iM'li, Xwri uruf l''riujmi')it<\ olc, II<Tliii, ISIMI. 

f Tlil» Iricliiili'N till' Vn\i(\i. piili. \>y Milliter, Frivjui. Vera. 
Aiili-hirnm. rO;, Itiim. IHHI. 

I Thn Km|{|{. of till' l>ro|ilii'(ii piih. from F,iit. u:Iohr('H in a 
IKilliiijw lit OrolU Kirrnlft, liy .1. Ctir.TM, Hoiiio, 1S07, (ire not 
'■ ' '■ Im' iri'iiiildit ol/ nvi'ri liy (!o/./ji liiniNclf. Mo 

• llii-y nri' n vcmloii nmiln" piirtly frriiii llm Oi,, 

'• iitn Dtrli-iciit nKri'cniciil wltli lliu (iruok. 



Cod. Complutensis at Madrid ; Bible of Huesca 
(Museo Arqueologico of Madrid) ; MS 6239 at 
Munich ; MS 7 at Metz ; E. 26 infer, of Ambrosian 
Libr. ; Cod. Regio-Vaticanus, No. 7. Of tliese, 
MSS 93, 11505, 11553 of liibl. Nat. and Cod. 
Regio-Vat. have been pub. by Sabatier. Munich 
MS 6239, pub. by J. Belsheini, Libros Tobix . . . 
etc., Trondhjera, 1893. 4, Judith. MSS Biblioth. 
Nat. lat. 6, 93, 115U5, 11549, 11553 ; Cod. Gothicus 
at Leon ; Cod. Complut. ; Bible of Huesca ; Auctar. 
E. infra 2 of Bodleian ; Metz 7 ; Munich, 6239. 
Of these, 93, 11505, 11549, 11553 of Bibl. Nat. have 
been pub. by Sabatier. Mun. MS 6239, pub., as 
above, hj J. Belsheini. 6. Wisdom of Solomon 

Sassed into Vulg. unrevised. See Lagarde, 
Uttheilungen, i. 241-282, Gottingen, 1884. 6. 
Sir also passed into Vulg. unrevised. See 
Lagarde, op. cit. 283-378. Another version in 
a Fragin., embracing 21-"-3i 22i-^ from MS at 
Toulouse, pub. hy C. Douais, U7ie ancienne Version 
latine, etc., Paris, 1895. 7. Bamch. Also pre- 
served in Vulg. Another OL version in MSS Bibl. 
Nat. lat. 11, 161, 11951 (pub. by Sabatier) ; Arsenal 
65 and 70 ; Vallicellanus B. 7 (pub. by Sabatier and 
also Bianchini, Vindicite) ; Cod. Casinensis 35 ; 
Reims MS No. 1 (in Sab.). 8. 1 and 2 Mac. 
passed into Vulg. unrevised. Another text con- 
taining 1 Mac 1-13, pub. by Sabat. from MS 11553 
of Bib. Nat. Text of 2 Mac from MS £ 26 infer, 
of Ambrosian Lib., pub. by A. Peyron, 31. Tall. 
Vic. Oral, fragm. ined. Stuttgart, 1824, i. p. 70 ft'. 
Both books complete in Cod. Complut. Extracts 
from OL version in Cod. 356 of Lyons. See for 
one or two other Fragg. , Berger, Notice, p. 38. 

Extracts from all OT books except Ru, Oh, and 
Jon ; and from all Apocr. books except 3 and 4 Es 
in Liber de diuinis Scriptnris sine Speculum, 
erroneously ascribed to Augustine [8th or 9th 
cent]. Pub. from Cod. Sessorianus, No. 58 (now in 
Biblioteca Vittorio Manuele at Rome), by A. Mai 
(1) in Spicilegium Romnnum, ix. 2, pp. 1-88 ; (2) in 
Nova Patrum Bibliotheca, i. 2, pp. 1-117, Rome, 
1852. Pub. from six MSS by F. Weihrich, vol. 12 
of CSEL, 1887. See especially Weihrich's dis- 
sertation. Die Bibel-Eaxerpte de diuin. Script, etc. 
Vienna, 1893. This authority quoted as m. 
Lagarde in Septuaqinta-Studien, 1892, Theil 2, pp. 
5-44, pub. some OL Fragg. containing genealogies 
from the whole Bible. These are partly from a MS in 
Cathedral of Lucca = M (c. A.D. 570) ; partly from a 
Bobbio MS at Turin, dependent on M = C. He 
there states that those Fragg. belong to the Ch. OF 
N.W. Africa. Several Fragg. published by Ver- 
cellone in Dissertationi Accademiche, Rome, 1864; 
also Gustafson, Fragm. Vet. Test., Helsingfors, 

New Testament. t 

Gospels.— &. Cod. Yercellensis [4th cent, or perh. 
later]. Cathedral of Venelli. Four Gospp. ' Many 
words and letters mutilated or missing. Want- 
ing in Mt 24^'*-25i«, Mk l---s^ 41^-^* ; aim. entirely 
42«_5i9. I5i5_i67_ Lk P-1-; 11^-" aim. entirely; 
1112--26 12^-59 p^^i, ]i,y J i,.[co, Sacros'nirfus 
Evangg. Cod. S. Enscb. etc. Milan, 1748 ; by Bian- 
chini, Evangcliarium Quadruplex, Rome, 1749 
(reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Lat. xii.); also by 
J. Belsheini, Cod. Vercellensis, Christiania, 1894.t 
aw. Fragmenta Curicnsia [5 or 6], Raetisclies 
Museum at Chur. Lk 12"--'« 13i«-=^. Pub. by E. 
Ranke, Fragm. Antujuiss. Evang. Luc. Curiensia, 
Vienna, 1873 ; also in OL Bibl. Texts, ii. Oxf. 1888. 
Recognized as having the same original as a. It is 
part of the same MS as n. b. Cod. Yeronensis 
[5 or 6]. Chapter Libr. Verona. Gospels. Want- 

\ The- NT MSS of the OL are. as a rule, designated by the 
small letters of the alphabet. This originated with Lachmann 
hi his critical ed. of the NT. 

I But see review by Gregorj', Theolog. Lit. Zeit. No. 21, 1894. 

ing in Mt p-n W^-"^ 22,^^-'^, Mk 13«-i»- =^*-16-», Lk 
19-.ti_2i29^ Jn 7^-81=^ (erased). Pub. in Bianchini'a 
Evangeliarium, and Migne, op. cit. c. Cod Colber- 
tinus [13]. Paris (Lat. 254). Gospels (rest of NT is 
Vulg.) Pub. by Sabatier, T. iii. ; also by Belsheira, 
Cod. Colbertinus, etc. Christiania, 1888. See 
Ranke, Fragm. Curiens. pp. 9-10 ; Burkitt, Old 
Latin and Itala, p. 35 If. d. Latin Version of 
Cod. Bezae.t [6]. Cambridge. See Rendel Hants, 
Studxj of Cod. Bezae, Camb. 1891, and his Four 
Lectures on Western Text of NT, London, 1894, 
F. H. Chase, Syriac Element in Cod. Bezae, I^ond. 
1893, and Syro-Latin Text of Gospels, I/ond. 
1895 ; F. Blass, Acta Apostolorum, Prolegomena, 
Gottingen, 1895; J Acta A post. sec. Formam . . . 
lioinanam, Leipz. 1896, SK, 1894, pp. 86- 120, and 
Hermathcna, xxi. p. 121 ff. Especially Sanday 
in Guardian, May 18 and 25, 1892. e. Cod Pala- 
tinus [prob. 5]. Vienna. (Pal. 1185). Single leaf 
at Trin. Coll. Dublin. Fragg. of e in a copy in Valii- 
cellian Libr. at Rome. Extant: Mt 12^''-13i3 
(13i»-«* in Dublin leaf), 14" ("-^i in copy at Rome), 
^--24^" 28--'-''*, Jn 11-181^- =»-Lk 8»»-^8-ll^-'-*-'-245», Mk 

120_48.19_6« 12»7-^ 13-^.3.24-27.33-3(i, ('phis is USUal 

' Western ' order of Gospp. ). Pub. by Tischendorf , 
Evangelium Palatiniim, , Leipz. 1847. Leaf at 
Dublin by Abbott in Par Palimpsest. Dublinens. 
Lond. 1880. 14"--'i by H. Linke, Neue Bruchstilcke 
desEv. Pal., Sitz.-Berichte of Munich Acad., 1893, 
fasc. 2, pp. 281-287. Pub. anew by Belsheini, 
Evang. Palat. etc. Christiania, 1896. f. Cod. 
Brixianus [6]. Chapter Libr. Brescia. Wanting : 
Mt 8i«-2«, Mk 123-13^- 1453-6^- 7o_i620_ p^i^ _ ^y 
Bianchini, op. cit. ; Migne, op. cit. ; also by Words- 
worth and White in their Vulgate, flf,. Cod. Cor- 
beiensis [prob. 10. See Gregory, Prolegomen. iii. 
pars. ult. p. 957]. At St. Petersburg (Ov. 3, D. 
326). Belonged to Lib. of Corbey, near Amiens. 
Matthew. Closely related to Vulg. Pub. by Mar- 
tianay, Vulg. Ant. Lat. et Itala, etc., Paris, 1695 ; 
by Bianchini(o;). cit.); by Sabatier ; and by Beisheim, 
Christiania, 1882. ff.,. Cod. Corb. ii. [6 or 7]. Paris. 
(Lat. 17225). (:!ospels. Wanting: Mt P-IP**, Jn 
17i'-18» 20-'--'-21«, Lk 9«-10^i 11«-12«. Some vv. 
wanting in Mt 11, Mk 9, 16. Pub. bj Beisheim, 
Christiania, 1887. Collations pub. by Bianchini, op. 
cit. gy. Cod. Sangermanensis. [9]. At Paris. (Lat. 
11553). Formerly at S. Germain des Pres. OL 
only in Mt. Other Gospp. have Vulg. text mixed 
with OL readings. Collation of readings pub. by 
Martianay in ed. of fi^, and rejjrinted by Bianchini. 
Pub. by Bp. Wordsworth, OL Bibl. Texts, i. Oxf. 
1883. go. Cod. Sangerm. ii. [10]. Paris. (Lat. 
13169). Appar. mixed OL (?) and Vulg. text. Ber- 
ger (Hist, de la Vulg. p. 48) considers it to belong 
to the Irish recension, h. Cod. Claromontanus 
[6 or 7]. Vatican. (Lat. 7223). OL only in Mt. 
Wanting : Mt l^-Z^^ U^-W^. Excerpts in Sabatier. 
Pub. by Mai, Scriptor. Vet. Nova Collcctio, iii. 
p. 257, Rome, 1828. By Belsheini, Christiania, 
1892. i. Cod. Vindobonensis [6 or 7]. Vienna. 
(Lat. 1235). Once at Naples. Lk 106-231", Mk 
2n_329 44_ioi- 33-143« \5^-*\ Pub. by Alter in Neues 
Eepertorium, etc., vol. iii. pp. 115-170 (Mark), 
Jena, 1791, and in Paulus' Memorabilia, vii. pp. 
58-95 (Luke), Leipz. 1795. Collation in Bianchini. 
Also in full, by Beisheim, Cod. Vindobonensis, 
Leipz. 1885. j. Cod. Saretianus [5]. Discovered 
at Sarezzano. Now at monastery of Monte 
Cassino. Jn p8_333 333_520 gai-aa. 4»-6f. (i8_732 8«-9-i. 
See G. Amelli, *Un Antichissimo Codice biblico 
Latino purpureo, Monte Cassino, 1893. k. Cod. 
Bobiensis [prob. 5]. Turin. (G. vii. 15). Mk 
88-11. 14-16. i9_i68^ ]yjt ii_3io 42_i4i7 i5O0-3fi_ YMh. by 

t See art. Text of NT. 

X See also imyK)rt. review of Blass by Holtzmann, Thcol. Lit 
Znt. 1896, No. 3, and other notices referred to there. Corssen 
GGA, 189C, No. 0. 



F. Fleck, Anecdota Sacra, Leipz. 1837, pp. 1-109 ; 
byTischendorf, Jahrb. derLitcratur, A nzcige-Blatt, 
various vols. Vienna, 1847-49 ; by Wordsworth 
and Sanday, OL Bibl. Texts, ii. Oxf. 1886. 1. 
Cod. Rehdigeranas [7]. Breslau. Once belonged 
to T. von Rehdiger. Wanting : Mt V-2^^, Jn 1'" 
M g»« iiK_i.2»> 13»*-14» 15='-»* 16i»-21» Mt and 
Mk pub. by Scheibel, Breslau, 1763. Collation of 
Teadines inserted by Scheibel in ed. 3 of Gries- 
bach's^^T. Pub. by H. F. Haase jEran^^e/tor. . . . 
vetiu Lat. intcrpretatio (in Index lect. univ. Vratis- 
lav.), Breslau, 186»-6. m. Extracts from Liber de 
dUf. Script, give Speculum, of which the chief MS is 
Cod. Senorianiu, No. 58 [8 or 9], at Rome. Errone- 
oosly ascribed to Aug. Quotations from all NT 
books except Phileni, He, and 3 Jn. See p. 51. 
■. FraKmenta Sangallensia [5 or 6]. St. Gall. 
(lis 1394). Mt 17'-1S^^ 19=»-21' 26»-«>®-" 27^*- 
28F-»^, Mk 7'^" 8*^-l»'» 13---» 15'»»-16", Jn 19»-«. 
Frigg. of Jn 19'='-'^. Pub. by P. Battifol, Fragm. 
SangiUeiisia, Rev. ^ rcA/'o/. * Paris, 1885, vol. iv. 
pp. 306-321. (Fragg. last named above in separate 
I note,* 1884). Also by H.J. White, OL Bibl. Texts, 
iL Oxf. 1886. Recognized now to belong to same 
BIS as a^ o. St. Gall Fra^. [7]. In same vol. as 
n. Mk 16'*-». Same editors, p. St. Gall Frag. 
[7 or 81. (.MS 1394, vol. 2). Seems to W^long to a 
mass lor the dead. Jn 11"-". Pub. by Forbes, 
Arimtlmot Mittal, Burntisland, 1864 ; by Haddan 
and Stnbb«, Councils, etc., vol. i. Append. G. p. 
197, Oxf. 1869 ; by H. J. White, OL Bibl. Texts, li. 
q. Cod. Monacensis [7]. Royal Libr., Munich. 
(LaL 6234.) Gospels. Wanting: Mt 3»-4-° 5»- 
6*- •-"•. Jn 10»»-12" 218--^ Lk 23«-=» 24"-39, Mk 
li-n laMi, Pub. by H. J. White, OL Bibl. Texts 
iii. Oxf. 1888. r. Cod. Usserianus [6 or 7]. Trin. 
Coll. Dublin. (A. iv. 15). Wanting : Mt 1'- 
IS* »-16»»- 21*-« 28'»-» Jn l'", Mk 14"-158- =»-16». 
Pub. by T. K. Abbott, Evangel, versio Antehier. 
Dublin, 1884. (A collation of a second Cod. Usser. 
is given in which the jwirts of Mt extant are appar. 
OL, while in the otlicr Gonpp. tlie text is ahn. 
Vulg). a. Ambrosian Fragg. [6]. .Anihrosian 
Libr. .Milan. (C. 73 inf.). Lk ll^'^ 18*-1»^7 20^- 
2I» Pub. by A. M. Ceriani, Mon. Sacr. i. pp. 1-8, 
.Milan. 1861 ; ahw in OT Bibl. Texts, ii. t. Berne 
Fra^ [5 or 6). Berne, (MS 61 1 ). Mk 1="*' 2^=" 
3"-«*7 Pub. by H. Hacen, ZwTh. xxvii. pp. 470- 
484 ; also in OL Bibl. Texts, ii. v. Fragmeotum 
TladoboaeBSe [71. Vienna. (Lat. 502). Jii 1<F- 
20". Pnb. by ll. J. White, ()L Bihl. Tvxts, iii. 
Two leave* of a Gospel .MS [6], Ixxuul up witli 
Ambrosias 'De fide Cntholiui,' in Hcrioiiictiiu; 
Libr. of K. Paul in Carinthiu. See Von (Jobhanit, 
Tkeol. Lit. Zeit. IHW, No. 17. IVrhaps there 
■boald also be added the interlinear Lat. tr. of the 
Ood. SaasaUensis (A). See Rendel Harris, Cod. 

Smtgnlhf— I " '""I 

Act*. e. vfrHJdii <(f Cod. 

LM^laau g. Cod. Oi/{ai Holmionili 

Q3L Mt<M kbobii, A«- and Apoe in OL version. 
Thi*puiti«n jmb. Inr IltdMheini, ChriHtiania, 1 879. 

fc■ll•■ fragM. (to or 11|. AmhroNian Libr. 
6^7*'M^, l»Bb. bv Cerinni, Mnn. Sm-r. etc, 
T. L Urn. S. pp. 127-188. h. PalimoMtt of Floury 
!• or 7J, FarU. JUt. (MOO 01 Ac V 4'" 5» 7' 
«-i^ 9^ 14^ 17««-1H» 28«* fiB»-27» R.v 1' 2' 
r-*" II»«-I2" 14" I6». I P 4" ft'«, 2 P I' 2", 1 Jn 
1*-*^, iht*m Ni Kb'tiry on thn l.«»ir«. Fragg. «»f 
A« ^ I |. .TiiT). Further fiorlionN 

K*' ' unuil of I'hitid. (ii, 2-1(1- 

y .......... M v.Mof Ap«»<') 

n, pp. m:, 
' 11. f'liiiiiii 

«• ■ Mo I 

aat'i ■! jiiii ffr li: 

/fc' ' m. A» in (ioijMl H. Cod. 

•fi T«»f »w ST. 


Palimps. Bobiensis [5 or, more probably, 6]. 
Vienna. [Lat. 16]. Ac 2Z^'^-'^ 24«-25-^- ^-26-- '■'^- 
21^'- 2%*-'^-^^ ad fin. Mutil. in parts. Partly pub. 
by Tischdf. Wiener Jahrb. d. Literat. Bd. cxx., 
Anz. Bl. pp. 36-42, 1847 ; by Belsheim, Fragmenta 
Vindob. Christiania, 1886 ; and by H. J. White, 
OL Bibl. Texts, iv. Oxf. 1897. Fragm. of Ac in 
Vulg. MS of Perpignan. [13J. MS lat. 321 at 
Paris. Ac 11-138 28'«-=*i. Pub. by S. Berger, Un 
ancien texte Latin des Actes, etc. Paris, 1895. Also 
MS at Wernigerode. See Blass, SK, 1896, p. 436. 
Contains import, readings. Harnack (Th. Lit. 
Zeit. 1898, No. 6, sp. 172) gives sev. vv. of Ac from 
Miscellanea Cassinese, 1897. 

CarHOi/c.Bi'/sr££i.— flf. Cod. Corbienensis [10]. St. 
Petersburg. (Qv. i. 39). Ep. of St. James. Pub. 
by Martianay along witli ffj ; by Belsheim, Der Brief 
des Jac. Cliristiania, 1883 ; and by Wordsworth, 
Stud. Bibl. i. pp. 113-150, Oxf. 1885. Reprinted 
in Commentary on St. James bj' J. B. Mayor. 
See a dissertation on it in Stud. Bibl. i., by San- 
day. (But cf. OL Bibl. Texts, ii. p. cclv). h. See 
under Acts. m. See inider Acts. q. Munich 
Frag. Chn. 6436 [6 or 7]. 1 P P-i" 2'^"-3'' 4i«-5^ 
2 P \^-*, 1 Jn 3«-5^>. Fragg. of St. Peter,. pub. by 
L. Ziegler, Brur/istiicJce eincr vorhieron. Ubersetz. 
des Petr. Briefs, Munich, 1877. Fragm. of St. John 
also pub. bv Ziegler, Itala-fragmente, Marburg, 
1876. 8. As in 'Acts.' Ja P-'S^- i^-S"- »" ac^ /»i. 
1 P 11-12 iw-i". 

Pauuse ErisTLEs. — d. Lat. version of Cod. Claro- 
montanus. See art. Text of NT. e. Lat. ver- 
sion of Cod. Sangermanensis. f. Lat. version of 
Cod. Auf^iensis.t g. Lat. version of Cod. Boerneri- 
anuB. See an elaborate discussion of the double 
Latin renderings of Cod. Biern. by H. llonsch, 
ZwTh, 1882-1883. gue. Cod. Guelferbytanus [6]. 
Palimps. at Wolfeiiliuttel. (Weissenb. 64). Ko 
11»-12» 12"-13« 14«-«' 15^-1^ 1 Ti 4}\ Pub. with 
Gothic Fragg. by Knittel, Brunswick, 1762, and 
also by Tischdf, Anecdota Sacr. etc, Leipz. 1855, 
l)p. 153-158. m. See under Acts. r. Freisingen 
Fragg. [5 or 6]. Munich. (Chn. 6436). Ho 
14'<'-15'2, 1 Co l'-3' 6'-7^ 15'-»-« 16'---^ 2 Co li-2i" 
3n_r,i iw_^vi 9io_ii:io i2n_i3io^ Qn\ 25-i*- >«-3», Eph 
lic_23.6-i« (}•« i^ii 11-20^ I 'Pi pj_2'= 5'8-6i3, He 6«- 
75. 8_gi 9S7_n7. Pu)>. by Ziegler, Italnfragmcntc., 
etc. Marburg, 1876. Two additioiuil leaves con- 
taining (ial 3'-4^ 6»-'7, Eph 1'-", pub. by E. 
Woltllin, Neue Bnichstiicke der Frcis. Itala in 
S. U. of Municli AciuitMiiy, lloft 2, j)]). 253-280, 
1893. r-. Fragm. from Munich. Ciiu. 6436 [7]. 
Ph 4"--», 1 Til 1'-'". I'ul.. along witii r. r=' 
Oottwclg Fragg. ((5 or 7J. Ro 5"'-6^- «"', (ial 48-i»- 
■"-5-. Pub. by Riiiisch, ZwTh. xxiii. j)]). 224-238. 

Ai'ocALYi:-iK.—g, See under Acts. m. See under 
Acts. h. See under Acts. On Apo(!. in general, 
see H. Linke, Studien ziir Itala, Breslau, 1889. 


Alrimus Avifns. — Arclibp. of Vionno, c. 450- 
fiI7 (?). Important witness for (iallican type of 
text. See Berger, Hi.sf. de la I'idi/. p. 2. 

Ambrose- Uu. of Milim fr. 374 to 397. See 
lUinseh. Zeit. J. histor. Thevl. 1869, pp. 434-479 ; 
187(», 91-14."). 

Ambrosiiistrr, — Name given to autlior of Ccunm. 
on till- tliirtecn epp. of I'mil. \Vii(l(«n lowunis ciul 
of 4th cent. Sei> Alaiujd, /wTk. IS83, ]i. 27 11". 

^rnoAiiM.— Afriuun presbyter. Begin, of 4th cent. 

t Hut r,n ■ ' • V) of MH8 iieo Wi'hU^U and Ilort, 
ST. vol 
! Till" 1 \ thoiio of the \M,. KiitlicrM wliowi worlu 

' ' ; nliiliiliiK liiiporlaiil cxtriictH fr<>ni (»li 

■'till' llirlil u|iiiii ilK hiMtory. Sfc, im tlio 

iml KiilliiTH fcir till' NT text, a sinr>f«'Nti\o 

. .. ,u .^'u.i i,u„ „. p. iir, IT. l.y Ii. J. Ill-till. Uofcrcnooi 

ii,:i.|r In Ihlii lint, 1/1 lllxriilitri' aliiiiwt untircly ooncorn tlio 

'i/./iWi/ ifiiiiiiUioiui of iliii wrlti'm. 

lati:n veksio^^s, the old 


Auctor Exhortationis de pcenitentia. Erroneously 
ascribed to Cyprian. See Wunderer, Bruchstucke 
einer African. Bibeliibersetzung, Erlangen, 1889. 

Auctor libri ' De aleutoribus.' — Harnack would 

?lace this treatise at least as early as Cyp. See 
'. u. U. V. 1, 1888. Miodonski, Anonymus adversus 
aleatores, Leipz. 1889, makes the author depen- 
dent on Cyp. See also Haussleiter, Th. Lit. Bl. 
1889, 5, 6, and 25. 

Auctor libri ' De Pascha Computus.^ — Africa, 
A.D. 243. 

Auctor libri ' De promissionibus.' — Erroneously 
ascribed to Prosper of Aquitania. Written appar. 
c. 450, perhaps in Campania. Writer has close 
connexion with Africa. See Corssen, Der CypHan- 
ische Text der Acta Apost. Berlin, 1892, p. 5. 

Auffustine. — Bp. of Hippo, 354-430. See Ronsch, 
Zeits'. f. histor. Theol. 18G7, pp. 606-634; CSEL 
vol. xxviii. sec. iii. pars 3, ed. by Zycha,* Preface, 
p. V If. ; see also his Bemerkungen zur Italafrage 
in Eranos Vindobonensis, 1893, pp. 177-184 ; Des- 
iac(|ues in tltudes lieligieuses, 1878, p. 736 ft". ; 
Weihrich in Serta Harteliana, Vienna, 1896 ; Pet- 
schenig, Berl. Phil. Woch.-Schr. 1896, 24. 

Barnabas. — Lat. version of Epistle. Prob. before 
end of cent. 5. See Gebhardt and Harnack, Patr. 
Apost. 0pp. Ease. 1, pp. xvi, xxix. 

Capreolus.—Hy. or Carthage, fl. 431. See L. 
Ziegler, Itala -Jragmente der paulin. Brief e, pp. 

Cnssian. — Monk at Marseilles, ob. c. 435. See 
CSEL vol. xvii. ed. by Petschenig, Preface, p. 
Ixxviii ft". ; VollmoUer, Human. Forschungen, li. 
p. 392 ft". 

Clement. — Latin version of his First Ep. ad 
Corinthios. See G. Morin, Anecdota Maredsolana, 
ii. Maredsous, 1894. 

CoTOTOorfmn.— Perhaps middle of 3rd cent. See 
Corssen, GGA, 1889, i. pp. 311, 312. 

Cyprian.— \\\). of Carthage, ob. 258. See Sanday, 
OL Bibl. Texts, ii. p. xliitt. ; Koiisch, Zcitsch. f. 
histor, Theol. 1875, p. 8511".; Dombart, ZtvTh, 1878, 
p. 374 ; Lagarde, Symmicta, i. 74. 

Didascalia Apostulorum. — OL Version. See 
Hauler, Sitz.-Berichte of Vienna Academy, Phil.- 
Hist. Classe, Bd. cxxxiv. Abt. xi. 

Fulgentius.—Bp. of Ruspe, c. 468-533. See 
S. Berger, Le Palimpseste de Fleury, pp. 16-18. 

Gildas. — Of Britain. Perhaps end of 6th cent. 
See Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, etc.. Appendix G. 

Hermce Pastor. — Lat. version. See Haussleiter, 
De Versionibus Pastoris H. Latinis, i,, Erlangen, 

Hilary. — Bp. of Poitiers, ob. 368. See A. 
Zingerle, Die latcin. Bibelcitate hei S. Hilar, von 
Poitiers, Innsbriick, 1887. 

Irenceus. — Bp. of Lyons, fl. 180. Lat. tr. of his 
irpds alpiaeis. Date doubtful (Tischdf., Gregory: 
end of 2nd cent.; WH 4th cent.).t 

Jerome. — Presbyter, ob. 420. See art. VULGATE. 

Lactantitis. — Atricau Mriter, c. 260-c. 340. See 
Ronsch, Zeit. f. histor. Theol. 1871, p. 531 ft". ; 
Brandt, Archiv, v. 2, p. 192. 

Lucifer. — Bp. of Cagliari in Sardinia, ob. 371. 
See Dombart, Berliner Wochenschrift, 1888, p. 171. 

Matemus, Julius Eirmicus, tl. perh. r. 345. 

Novatian. — Heretical bp. at Rome, fl. 252. 

Optatus. — Bp. of Milevis in Numidia, fl. c. 368. 

Philastrius. — Bp. of lireseia, fl. 380. 

Primasius. — Bp. of Adnunetum, N. Africa. 
Middle of 6th cent. See Haussleiter in Zahn^s 
Forschungen, iv. pp. 1-224. 

* Unfortunately, most unsatisfactory as regards biblical quota- 
tions. Z. corrects Aujj. accordin<? to an arbitrarily chosen text 
of LXX. Soe E. Preuschen in Thi-ol. Lit. Zeit. 1897, 24. 

I The Clarendon Press' announces Novum Testatnentum S. 
Jrencei, containinn a full collatioti of its readings with those of 
OL authorities, edited by I'rof. Sanday. AVill be published as 
one of OL Bibl. Texts series. 

Priscillian. — Bp. of Avila in Spain, fl. end of 4th 
cent. See Schepss, CSEL, vol. xviii. Introduction, 
and in Archiv, iii. 3 u. 4, p. 307 ft". 

Salvian. — Of Marseilles, fl. 450. See J. B. 
Ullrich, De Salviani scripturce sacr. versionibus, 
Neustadt a. Haardt, 1893. 

Tertullian. — Of Carthage, c. 150-c. 240. See 
Ronsch, Das Neue Testament Terttdlians, Leipz. 
1871. See also import, criticism of Ronsch by 
J. N. Ott, Fleckeisen's Jahrbilcher, 1874, p. 856 fl. 

Tyconius. — African, fl. c. 390. See E. C. Burkitt, 
Rules of Tyconius, Camb. 1894 ; Haussleiter, Der 
Urspr. des Donatismus, Th. Lit. Bl. 1884, 13. 

Victor.— Bp. of Tunis. Middle of 6th cent. 

Victorinus. — Bp. of Pettau in Pannonia, fl. c. 
300. See Haussleiter, Luthardt's Zeitsch.f. kirchl. 
Wissenschaft, vii. pp. 239-257. 

Vigilius. — Bp. of Thapsus (Africa), fl. c. 484. 

We may add here Eritzsche, Liber Judictim, 
Turici, 1867 (containing quotations in Eathers from 

The above lists of MSS are believed to be fairly 
complete. Eor further particulars regarding NT 
MSS, see H. J. White in Scrivener's Introdiiction*, 
p. 45 ft". ; C. R. Gregory, Prolegg. to Tischdf. 's 
NT^, vol. iii. pars ult. p. 953 fl". Numerous details 
of importance are to be found in S. Berger's Hist, 
de la Vulg., Paris, 1893. We have attempted to 
make the OT as full as possible, since hitherto 
there has been no convenient survey of the materials 
in hand.* 

The earliest attempt to collect the fragments of 
the OL version was m.ade by Elaminius Nobilius 
(assisted by others), Vctus Test. sec. LXX latine 
redditum, Rome, 1588. This consisted of quota- 
tions from the Eathers, with the gaps filled up by 
the editors. It was entirely .sujjerseded by the 
great work of the Benedictine, P. Sabatier, whose 
Bibliorum sacrorum latince vcrsiones antiqua seu 
uetiis Itcdica appeared at Reims 1739-1749.t It is 
made up, partly of extracts from the Eathers, and 
partly (to a less extent) of fragments of ^ISS, 
chiefly at Paris. It is a monument of painstaking, 
self-denying work. But it reouires to be used with 
caution, as the critical ideal of that time was 
necessarily somewhat crude.:}: 

Strangely enough, it remains the only full col- 
lection of quotations from and fragments of theOL 
version of OT and NT, although a rich abundance 
of material has come to light since Sabatier's day. 

A new work, however, on the lines of Sabatier, 
is being prepared under tlie auspices of the Munich 
Academy. It is to deal with Or.§ 

We must return to the problem already stated. 
Can we trace the history of the Latin Bible ? It is 
needful to deal very cautiously with our small 
group of data, lest our conclusions should go 
beyond the facts. Much of the discussion has 
centred round the origin of the Latin Version. 
Was the Bible flrst trd. into Latin at Rome or in 
N. Africa, for were the two great centres of 
Western Christianity ? Or is there any other 
alternative ? Various hypotheses have been put 
forward with confidence. Some scholars, such as 
Kaulen,|| Reinkens,1I and Gams,** decide for Rome 
on the supposition that the lower stratum of 
members in the Christian Church of the Metropolis 

* This was written before the appearance of Nestle's art. in 
Herzog'^, iii. 24 ff. 

t Reprint at Paris, 1757. 

J See E. Ranke, Frag. Vers. . . . Antehieron. 1868, pp. 7-14. 

§ See Linke, ' Ueber den Plan einer neuen Ausgabe der Itala,' 
Archiv, viii. 2, pp. 311-312. For the various collections of 
material in addition to Sabatier, see the lists of MSS above, 
where the works which contain the several fragments are 

n Gesch. der Vtilg. p. 109 ff. • 

% Hilarius von PoitierK, p. 336«. 

** Kirchengesch. Spaniens, i. p. 86 sq. 



woulil, from the earliest times, require a Lat. tr. 
of the Scriptures. And yet we know that Greek 
was the language of the Roman Liturgy, even 
nithin the 3rd cent.* Since the appearance of 
Wiseman's Ttco Letters on some parts of the con- 
tnmerty concerning 1 John v. 7 (reprinted in Essays 
on Varum* Subjeets, i. pp. 5-70), perhaps the 
majority of critics have accepted Africa as the 
birthplace of the Lat. Version. As we sliall find, 
there are several important facts in the history of 
the OL which give countenance to this hyi>othesis. 
The earliest form of tlie version to whicli we can 
ansigD a definite date, namely, that used by 
Cyprian, plainly circulated in Africa. The lan- 
guage and style of the trn., taken generally, find 
their closest parallels in African writers. Indeed 
it is this latter point which has, in the minds of 
many, led to a definite decision in favour of Africa. 
Hut there are certain cautious which deserve 
attention. To begin with, k, the oldest MS 
authority for the s|)ecially ' African ' type of text, 
in considered by the best palaeographers to liave 
been written outride the lx)unds of Africa,t and 
tlie same is true of h, another leading witness. 
. Bat, further, too much stress must not be laid 
on the 'Africanism' of OL Bible. It must be 
borne in mind that the Lat. literature of the 2nd 
and 3rd centuries which we possess is almost 
exclusively African. And so we are in danger of 
labelling with that name a type of diction which 
may well have prevailed throughout the Latin- 
speaking provinces of the Kom. Empire. A 
definite foundation is given to this last hypothesis 
bjr the fact that there are numerous points of 
contact between the OL Bible, the Campanian 
I'etronins, the Church Fathers (chiefly African), 
the JutiMtii, Papinian, Ulpian, and Faulus, and the 
Lat. Inscriptions of .•Vfnca.J And the dialect of 
the Spaniwn and (jallican Lat. writers, so far as 
we poMesa it, cannot be separated by any well- 
marked boandaries from that of Africa. § In 
short, the current investigation of Late-Latin is 
mofe_ and more tending to reduce the so-called 
'Africanism*,' and to establish a wider basis for 
their oe< 

siblc to obtain some light on the 
Mible from a different direction, 
ire usually found in itsconipimyV 
• fur to si'ck. A glance ut tlie 
ny of the larger edd. of NT 
■i-'tnnt grouping of the OL 
III! other (Jr.-l>at. MSS, 
to say, the OL MSS 
Mil of the autliorities for 
t.-xt of NT.If 
iithority is unrivalled on a 
qiMMtioti of thin kind, in H|>eaking of the term 
^}^'mU^m.' •«yH;«» 'It hfiM InKome evident that 
rmMnii' ' ' rrent in ancient times 

la toe I \ . .tt, and itrobubly to a 

IJT^' * .ii-ir. On tlie wliole, we 

•»' tbdt the " WcMtern " text 

•••" til NVcuiern Syria or Asia 

origin o: 
Whit or 
The an: 
apparatus n 
snowN UM an 
MKSwith I) 
and the .Syr 
form an ■■•■■ 
the MM 

Now ( 

^t mm WM dMT, Amtmf, Itoy n. law, wtto qtiot«a Maundn 

p. 9at. ThMmsna, ih. viil, 
r—uxtmr »*rmm sml Coliirn- 

•I |», 24fl. rt. 

■ It. ) II. Mtt n. 
Inf. Sfirnehti, 
Kroll, Ithfin. 

» !»*» no), niu. 

Mft lU M> Vjri 

nttt, II. 

Minor, and that it was soon carried to Rome, and 
thence spread in ditterent directions to N. Africa 
and most of tlie countries of Europe.' Already 
E. Ranke {Par Palimpscstorum Wirceburgens. p. 
432), in discussing the origin of the Wiirzburg 
Palimpsest of OT, had concluded from the use of the 
word 'legati' for ijye/j.6fe$ {Gn 36^^ et al.) that its 
birthplace was to be sought in one of the Imperial 
provinces which were governed by ' legati.'* Now 
Syria is virtually the only one of those which 
could well satisfy the requirements of the casa. 
But this assumption has some valid reasons in its 
favour. It is an undoubted fact that here and 
tljere tliroughout OT the OL agrees in a remark- 
able way with the Luc. recension of the LXX, a 
recension intimately connected with Antioch in 
Syria. t Of course this recension was much later 
than the origin of the OL, but one of the marked 
elements in Lucian's text is also present here and 
there in the OL. KaulenJ also had pointed out 
that the trs. of the OL seemed to have an accurate 
knowledge of Heb. or Aramaic. This would most 
easily be accounted for by assuming tliem to be 
situated either in or near or in intimate connexion 
witli the Rom. province of Syria, which included 
Palestine. But, further, there is the extraordinary 
agreement, even in rare and isolated readings, of 
the early Syr. VSS with the 0L.§ Accordingly, 
putting those various threads of evidence together, 
we had been led to the hypothesis that in Syria, 
and probably at Antioch, a most important re- 
ligious and theological centre, we must look for 
tiie home of the original Version as well as of 
the 'Western' text. Since coming to this con- 
clusion, we find that the same theory is supported 
by most powerful arguments in a brilliant review 
or Rendel Harris's Studu of Cod. Bczce in the 

Guardian of May 18 and 2o, 1892, by Sanday. 

_ . of ■ " 


Let us give the briefest summary of his main 

JT i»«»MtjrT Tmt. 

In order to explain the relations of the OL MSS 
among themselves and to the Syriac VSS,1[ he 
l)elieves that the starting-point niust have been 
not a single MS bilingual ** or other but a ivorkshop 
of MSS — that at tlie very threshold of the Lat. 
VSS there must have been several MSS copied in 
near proximity to each other, and atl'ected by allied, 
but yet different, (Jr. texts. He then asks in 
wliat rlass the version was likely to arise, and 
finds the answer in tlie 'notarii,' public copyists 
wlio hud not only to do witli copying but with 
translating. ' And wliere could this class of copy- 
ists congregate most thickly but in the suite of 
the governor of one of the most important pro- 

• Tlilu fact U also noted in an article in the Guardian, 
May 'i!>, IWl, by I'rof. SaiKlay. 

♦ Sff C'crittiil, //<) rerensiuHi dti LXX e la versione latina 
tiftin llnliKtiinii . . . Itiiii III K. iMiiliito Loiubardo . . . 18th 
K»'l>. 1>-W1), i'N|>. pp. 4 fi. 

J (irtrh. iler Vul'j. p. HO IT. 

I Siirrly tliiH cuiiiiot lie accounted for on the supposition of 
Znliii (lie.fh. lUi ('iinon», i. j). ATI), Hint NT wiis a jfift Ijroujflit 
liy Tuliiui l<i hiM frllow-coiiiilrynu'ii from llonif. It is dillioiilt 
to iiiviv'liii' Hint llio (IliriHlliiiiH of Syrlii no loiijf tlu! very centre 
"f '! ■ ' r tlic Kultli, liiid to drpi'iKl on a t;luitici! occiirrfnoe 

t' 11 of till- Krripliirt'N, alllioiijfli, nt llio Kiiiiic time, 

II 'iini'xion of 'I'll! inn Willi tliu earliest Htu(,'rH of tlie 

H\ 1 1 >ri I'' i':iMlliil \w dotiltted. 

I! K. II. (lliiuti) (Hinii'M to the Hame concIiiHion re(far<iinff the 
lilrllii>!:ii'.- of III.. 'WeMtcnr text from n. totally dilYernit pciint 
of !v, the ul tempt lo prove that lieliii'id the ' Wecleni' 

I' uti eerliiiii (Ir-Myr. liillnifual MSS, in wliicli the 

^.i i .1 powerful iiilliieiiee on tlie (treek. In Miimiiiiii); 

up, li- :>l ■■• i|iiiili'a Hie review aliove llienlloiiecl in Nn])port of IlitI 
i-iliclii,|oii«. See Si/ri'i'- Jilriiu-iit in Ciitl. llrzir, pp. IH'J-HIt; 
Syro Trxl nj (ioHju-ln, pii. i;w 14V!. The artfuinentH ho 
hrliiit* forward do not di>penil on llio validity of hiu general 

« i;>i,tr<Hin, May Sfi, IHfC!, p. 7H7. 

■" ■■ Ih' theory of Kendel Ilarrin, C<hI. liczcr, p. 220 ho. 

I' thut Iho ar.lMtype of Cod. He/.., Hyr., and oij 

w . .1 of ihi- r>v|,-<ltiiii.-!il (■■iMiielOanon made ahoiil 

*.i'. "1- ,, i.. r.n .Ilrl-Xoxtu,' r. u. {/. X. 1, 

Mp. t>i> 



vinces?' Valuable evidence is adduced to show 
that the OL was the work of some one possessing 
a special acquaintance with the administrative 
arrangements of Palestine.* Further, it is pointed 
out that the author or authors of the ' Western ' text 
had a knowledge of Heb. and Aramaic. And hnally, 
the numerous interpolations which appear in this 
text, as derived either from oral tradition or from 
some early fragmentary written source, could have 
no more probable birthplace than the province of 
Syria. As to the relations of the Syr. VS, Sanday 
thinks that it ' took its rise in the very midst of 
the development of the Lat. Version.' Of course 
this is only theory ; but a theory which seems 
adequate to account for the phenomena in question 
is the only basis on which successful investigation 
can be reared. 

We come, however, to actual facts when we 
make inquiry as to the first certain trcaces of the 
OL Version. How far back can it be traced? We 
can speak with absolute certainty of Cyprian. 
His works (especially the Testimonia) abound in 
biblical quotations. What is of greater import- 
ance, Cyp. usually [perhaps always] adheres to one 
particular type of text. This provides us with a 
fixed date and a standard. We can aHirm that in 
the year 250 A.D. a Lat. tr° of the Bible, whose 
characteristics we are able to determine, circulated 
at Carthage. IJut this is virtually identical witli 
the OL Version of the Gospp. preserved in Cotl. k, 
with Cod. h of Acts, a text used by Aug. in the 
Acta cum Fclire Manichcuo and Contra Epist. 
Manich., and that of the Comment, oit the Apoca- 
lypse by Primasius.t It stands also in a close 
relation with Cod. e, though a certain distance 
separates them.ij: It is found in the biblical 
quotations of Lactantius, Firmicus Maternus, Op- 
tatus, Commodian, Auctor libri dc P romissioni- 
bus, and, to a certain extent, Lucifer.§ These facts 
may quite reasonably suggest that in Cyprian's time 
there was some othcial, ecclesiastical recognition 
of a particular type of text. II But is it i^ossible to 
go behind the days of Cyprian ? Certainly, in the 
earlier Father, Tertuftian, whom Cyp. called 
' magister,'1T there are some expressions bearing 
on this point which have to be reckoneil with. 

Adv. Marc. v. 4 (Gal 42^) : Haso sunt enim dua tcstamenta, 
sine, 'dua) ostensiones,' sieut imieiiimus intervirt'tatuni. C. 
J'rax. 5 : ideo<iue jam in usu est nostrorum, per siniplicitatein 
interpretationis, 'sennonem' dicere in priniordio apud deum 
f\iisse cum magis 'rationem' competat antiquiorem haberi. 
De Monog. 11 : sciamus plane non sie esse in Grajco authentico, 
quomodo in usum exiit per duarum syllabarum, aut callidam 
aut simplicem euersioneni : 'si autem donuierit uir ejus' 
(1 Co 73*»). Adv. Marc. iv. 1 : 'alterius instrumenti uel quod 
ma(^is usui est dicere testamenti," 

These passages seem to show clearly that some 
ielinite usage already existed ; tliat there was 
already some standard of tr" to follow. But there 
is more marked evidence than tliis. E.g. Gal 3-" 
is thus quoted by Tert.** {Adv. Marc. v. 3) : ' Omnes 
enim tihi estis /rt^ci.' Here, plainly, '/r^ei' must be 
a variant of the Lat. ' dei ' and not of Greek deod. 
Tert. had a Lat. text before him, and evidently he 

• Giuirdian, May 25, 1892, p. 787. 

t See Sanday in OL Bibl. Texts, ii. pp. xlii-cxxviii ; Corssen, 
Der Vyp. Text dcr Acta Apost., Berlin, 1892. It is of interest to 
note that the text nearest to h of Acts is the margin of the 
I'hilox. Syr., which has a- most intimate relation with the OL. 
On the text of the Testimonia, which is a most important ques- 
tion for the OL Version, see Sanday, op. cit. v- 42 ff., and 
Appfndix XL p. 123. Also his essay in Stud. BM. iii. 'The 
Cheltenham List,' etc. Dombart, ZicTh. 1879, p. 379 ff. 

♦ Cod. e, which has certainly an ' African ' base, has suffered 
from the intrusion of other elements. See Sanday, loc. cit. 

§ Mr. F. C. Burkitt, however, who has kindly read this article 
in proof, holds that the biblical quotations in these writers are 
solely from the Testimonia. 

II See Watson's remarks on Cyprian's low estimate of the OL 
Version, to which, uevertheltss, he rigidly adhered. This 
suggests that the text he used had some official sanction. 
Stud. Bibl. iv. pp. 194-195. 

H Hieron. de Vir. illustr. 53. 

•* See Zuniaer, SK, 1889, ii. p. 339. 

had not compared it with the Gr. original. Now 
Tert.'s quotations from the Bible are numerous. 
What can be said of their relation to the Bible of 
Cyp. ? The most rapid survey of Tert. 's quotations 
puts us on our guard against hasty inferences. 
For his method of quoting is most fickle.* Often his 
words are a mere paraphrase ; often a more or less 
distinct reminiscence of the text : while constantly 
the same passage is cited in the most varying 
forms. The general impression which his biblicai 
extracts leave is that of a tr** which he uses, but 
does not regard as in any sense authoritative : 
which, perhaps, has only been for a short time 
known in Africa and is only gradually coming into 
use. This would find an adequate explanation if 
official sanction only ratified the version either a 
little before or in the days of Cyp. And yet the 
existence of such a tr" is almost necessary to 
explain the richness and fulness of Tert.'s theo- 
logical vocabulary. We have endeavoured to make 
a somewhat full collation of Tert.'s quotations 
with those in the Testimonia of Cyp., fusing mainly 
that part of Tert.'s works which has appeared in 
the Vienna Corpzis of the Latin Fathers (vol. xx. 
pars 1), ed. A. KeilFerscheid and G. Wissowa, and 
in addition Konsch"s Das NT TertuUian's. The 
results are rather vague and confusing. Evidently, 
in the Epp. Tert. and Cyp. use the same Lat. text. 
For the Gospp. the case is different. There is, 
indeed, a frequent agreement of Tert. with Cyp. 
and k, and, again, a frequent disagreement. In 
the latter instance, Tert. coincides pretty often 
with a, h against Cyp., let In OT Tert. has some 
important points of contact with Cyj>.'s text of 
Psalms. As regards the Pent, and tiie Prophetic 
books, it is not easy to speak definitely. In the 
former (in which the range of our collation has 
been very narrow), the differences seem mostly to 
consist in the use of synonyms. In the latter, the 
quotations come fairly close to eacli other, excei>t 
in Dn, where Tert. uses the LXX, wliile Cyp. 
usually follows Theodotion.§ 

Even before a thorough investigation of the 
subject had been made, Hort, with liis wonted 
grasp and insight, had undertaken a classification 
of the extant NT documents. The earliest group 
he named African, consisting of texts which 
agreed, on the whole, with the quotations of Tert. 
and Cyji. To this he assigns k, c, and h of Ac and 
Apoc. The second class he designates European, 
to embrace a type of text wliich may be eitlier a 
revision of the ' African ' or a separate tr", but 
which circulated at all events in North Italy 
and the West of Europe generally. Under this 
heading he would probably place a, a,,, b, c, ffo, h, 
i, n, r, and p of Gospels ; g, g.^, and s of Ac ; 
perhaps /of Ja and g of Apoc. The third family 
he names ' Italian.' The name is derived from 
the famous passage of Aug. (dc Doct. Christ, ii. 15), 
in which he recommends a tr" (interpretatio), 
whiLh he calls 'Itala,' and which is presumably tlie 
text which he usually follows. Now this is found 
often II to be a revision of the ' European ' text. 

• An excellent example is his citation of 1 Co 15-*7, which 
appears in three of his separate treatises in three distinct 
forms. One of these is identical with Cyprian's text. 

t Vol. iii. of CSKL, ed. Hartel. The Vienna Cor/nts furnishes 
by far the most trustworthy texts for the Lat. Fathers, and 
has been used for this article where available. But see on the 
text of the Testimonia in Hartel's ed. the references under 
n. t in preceding column. 

; I'erhaps Tert. may have become acquainted with a ' F.uro- 
pean ' form of text at Rome. 

$ For a full discussion of this last point, see F. C. Burkitt, 
Old Latin and Itala, p. 18 sq. Corssen,- Zwei neve Fragnwnte 
d. Weing. Prophet en-MS, Berlin, 1899, pp. 45-47, believes that 
not only did Tert. use various texts, but texts which already 
had mixed elements. 

II Not always. The Bible of Aug. is a most variable quantity. 
See CorssL-n, Dcr Cyp. Text, etc. p. 25 ; Zycha, VSEL, vol. xxviii. 
I sec. 3, pars 3, pp. v-vii. 



To this class he refers / and q of Gospels ; q (?), 
r, r^ r, of the Epp. This enumeration omits many 
of the texts given in our list, some of which he 
hesitates to classify, while others, such as the Lat. 
texts of the bilingual MSS (Cod. Bezfe, Claromont. 
etc. etc. ), he does not regard as strict evidence for 
OL Bible.* Let us briefly examine this classifica- 
tion in the light of recent investigations. As we 
have already seen, the earliest traces of the OL 
Bible are found in Africa. Perhaps the tr" came 
there by way of Rome, whose connexion with 
Africa and Carthage at this time was as intimate 
as can be conceived.t Perhaps it travelled west- 
ward through Upper Egypt. Indeed, certain 
phenomena bearing upon the underlying Gr. text 
might seem to favour this hypothesis, notably a 
remarkable attinitv here and there in OT with the 
recension of Hesycliius,and in both UT and NT with 
Cod. Alex.t In any case we are quite justified in 
giving the name ' African ' to the group of texts 
mentioned above in connexion with Cyp., although 
this makes no assumption as to their origin. § It 
is at this point that we enter on more uncertain 
ground. Are the ' European ' texts a separate 
family from the ' African ' ? We believe that 
Sanday's suggestion quoted above, that a ' work- 
shop ' of MSd existed at the origin of the OL, is the 
most adequate yet put forward to account for the 
facts. For this is very much the impression made 
on an unbiassed mind. There are, assuredly, 
marked differences between the ' African ' and 
'European' texts, but they are not separated by 
any hard-and-fast lines. Tliere are |x>ints at which 
they shade otf into each other. Perhaps it may be 
allowable to reuard a ;! (in Matthew, at least) as 
a «-onnecting link between the ' African ' and 
• European ' faniiiit's. A credible tradition associ- 
ates it with Eusebius, Bp. of Vercelli, situated 
between Milan and Turin, a part of Italy to whicii 
Gr. influence had not, in any iM)werful degree, 
extended, and where a Lat. Bible would be early 
required. Here, in Italy, it would Ikj quite natural 
that many of the rouglinesses of the original tr" 
dionld be toned ilown, an<l that is, indeed, the 
character of ' Euroiienn ' in so far as it may 
be distinguiHheii from 'African' Latin. H The 
viridnesN of the latter gives i)hicc to a certain 
instpiditjr ; there is a Icmm l>old use of comiM>und 
exprewkms; tome wortU have a large extension 
given to their meaning ; there is a more normal 
nee of the commoner parts of siM>ech, such as 
pmMMiitions and pronouns. Accordingly, the so- 
called ' African ' elements in n may Ih: merely the 
more nark<?d troren left of the original tr" or of 
one type of it. From a careful collation of the 
raa^lingM of the I>nt. tr" of IrenieuM** with the 
loading .MS authorities, jf while Iren. J.nt. Htands 
eoostaJitlv alone, there M*emM to lie a more than 
itaJ oofwexion between his text and that of 

• Urn. for HofTs ci— tiwIloB. Wattoott snd Hort't UT, U. 

f fk» OMfrt. <im»Um $. Omak. d. i 
' illilsafliiltylslitUM>Mi' 

1 nfMfBlMsailiilty IsbtUcTMi' 

f It Mgkt lm» lo b« Botiosd Ihit' 
IM* rfok sad wUk food nmon, \X\c Ui. tr" >i( \\i» 
Nm AriU. via. f, B. tMff. ; 4, p, fioi n. 

I iMtaftaa a^ ll \m latsfwUiit Ui fliwi Omi thr (|i 

uiiil .Sir. 


lie WM W!hlllllMtl0 

lavMwaa a^ ] 
•( JVMSIteaMvsa 
Wtkap s> B — IS . sad > wmi wa i i ori or tA Cyprian. H«o Iturkltl, 

^ ••. I . ' 

" for thn osrllvr (t«t« 

'^ ' "'■■>., ;.ii, UUratur, 

• in lUitg. W. p. 
I i>y Ntlcrvn, 

">tl«IM<«'tlW '■' 

' '-IKf/, mI, I> 

r<'»i<l<m l*r««« 

Aui\ till' iNMirtray ut 

■ |>rut*ls for lh» UMt 

a* Perhaps rft (Lat. of Cod. Bezce) is not far 
removed from this stage in the history of the text, 
and it is not improbable that Cod. Bezce was 
written in Lyons where Irenseus was bishop. It 
should also be borne in mind that Irenaius, a 
native of Asia Minor, was in closest connexion 
with the East. And, as bearing upon this, the sug- 
gestion of Prof. Armitage Robinson must be noted, 
that already, in A.D. 177, a Lat. VS of the Bible 
was known to the narrator of the story of the 
martyrdoms at Vienne and Lyons. J Tiiese facts 
seem'to hint at a connexion between the earliest 
branch of the ' European ' family and the South of 
Gaul.§ A remarkable clue to the whole history of 
the version, as well as this special point, would 
be furnished if Blass' !l theory of a double recen- 
sion of Luke's writings were made good. The 
rough draft first made by Luke is seen, he holds, 
in the Cod. Bezce especially and its allied docu- 
ments. The second and more polished copy is the 
received text. But Luke has always been closely 
associated with Antioch. This would therefore 
be another line of evidence pointing to the birth- 
place of the version. 

The most representative text of the ' European ' 
group is the Verona MS h, which seeins to have a 
close affinity with all the other members of this 
family.H And yet here again we are reminded of 
the danger of snarply distinguished groups. For 
in some parts of b there are, possibly, signs of the 
' Italian' revision already to be found,** while some 
markedly ' African ' plienomena also reveal them- 
selves, ft An important subdivision of this group 
is that embraced bj-r:J::J and /).§§ They seem to 
contain a specially Irish or British form of text 
which appears repeatedly in various Vulg. MSS.|||| 
They often agree with tiie quotations of Fastidius 
and (iildas. And this goes far to suggest a British 
recen^iion of the 0L.T1I It is quite natural that this 
British type of text should have intimate relations 
with the ' European ' family, seeing that there was 
an established line of communication between 
Ireland esjiecially and monasteries such as Bobbio 
and St. Gall in the North of Italy and Switzer- 
land. IVriiaps tliere is a hint to be gained in tliis 
(lirection bearing upon the wliole history of the 
version. It is possible that every region of 
importance, ecclesiasticallj-, may have had its own 
recension.*** There are certainlj' traces of this in 
Sjiain also. And an important contribution to its 
history is made by the biblical quotations of 
Priscillian, whose works have been lately dis- 
covered by Dr. G. Schepss, and edited by him in 

• There Ih n iliHtinctly isolated clement in Irenaous. Is this 
■pecislly 'Oallic'? 

t See Rftxli'l Ilurris, Cod. Be2(e, p. 160 ff. 
1 See J'antwn of S. I'iTj)ftiui, pi>. l>7-100. 
I IVrhniiH then- niii.v have Ix-cii I'veii a * (Jallionn ' rpcpnsion of 
thi' tr". TUf I'vidoiicf for thiH is coiisidrralily aii^rmcnli'd by 
>ii))lii'ul qiiolatioiiH from rt'cciitly diMooviTt-d ' /V Myxtfniii of 
lillnry uiid I'rrf'irinatio. Sec Kcrtiard, I'roc. ((/" Royal Irish 
Acail. Unl ncr. vol. |i. No. 2, p. \K> tl. 

Sr. r. I. I, tiiTH under CihI. Ilrzii' in lint of M8,S. But Blaas 
■ -niifn the oriK'in "f thi' ' Wi'Ktcni ' text to Uonic. 
' Hrc Jiirintitn liniiutiiam, ISIMl, p. 7. 

• iiioHt iiitiiiiati' c'iiiiti('\ioii Ih with 7 und t. 

•• .Sit, 1)1. r.jctt, 11. ApiHiid. III. i>. i:mi. 

|» lit. Ad<li'n<lii, p. V.M. 

W Inilii l'.iii'ii|M-aii Kriiiii), >' ixmiid toHtnnd o1o!«<Nt to/i. Kroin 
C'l' ■ "■ iniulc, lllwiKci>rlninly u^ri'iit n-m'inbl'incu to b. 

■I. Trxit, II. pp. i;iHi iii;. I'ointJt of conUct aro 
kIi' ' /> und (/. 

IL .SIuii.v iLulinu" In Ihr II<H)k of Mulling roi-nll C-xl. r. See 

ii. J. I^wliir, llimk <>t MulliiKj, VaWix Imi»7, <Hp. jip .V. (ia, i;{4, 

144. M.M.i ilior.iiiifli dlHiuHHlon of aMlnilli'H of MhIi OI. toxt. 

('■"' I lrl"h VS wuM pro!) not itidlK<'nouH. Tlio VS on 

*!' iiidrd, and froniuhlrh Hit African, Italian, aiul 

</ ' drrhiHl, niav have conu' from the rcjflon wli. 

AnollHT ilUtlncllvrly /ciVi/i text in Hook of 

Mci'iiiN 111 havK adi'tlnltr rrlatlon to Mii* SpaiiiHh 

. I. Ilinl. lU la Vuhi. pp. .'ll IT. a:! IT. 

• " I" iniwl lMi|H.rtaiil, AppiMid. (1 in Haddan 
•ll' ■ l>\ \»\. I. pp. 170 \\\>^. 

1 tU, Arademy,tio\. VA,\m9. 



vol. xviii. of CSEL. Those quotations, indeed, 
bear a great resemblance to the ' Late- African ' 
group, wliich will be glanced at imniediately, but 
they present special points of affinity with typical 
Spanish MSS, especially those of Leon.* Of the 
other ' European ' texts, (j and g„ of Ac agree 
remarkably with that found in the numerous 
quotations of Lucifer, Bp. of Cagliarit (in Sardinia). 
ff of St. James X appears also to be of this family, 
although there is probably an African colouring 
in Jts text. It is of importance to notice that 
' European ' texts were tliose most commonly used 
in Gaul. For this the chief witness is Hilary, 
lip. of Poitiers. 

There is a less marked distinction between the 
'European' and ' Italian ' groups than between the 
former and the 'African.' For, admittedly, tiie 
'Italian' is a revision of the 'European.' We 
have already referred to the derivation of the name 
from Aug.'s celebrated dictum, de iJoct. Chris, ii. 
15 : in ipsis autein interjjretationibus Itala ceteris 
prasferatur, nam est verborum tenacior cum per- 
spicuitate sententia>. A keen discussion has 
centred round the expression ' Itala.' Bentley 
went the length of proposing to read ' ilia . . . 
quai' for 'Itala . . . nam.' This proposal has been 
revived by Corssen,§ who seeks to show that it fits 
in with the context. But this is merely to cut the 
knot. We cannot help believing that the true 
solution is that suggested by an admirable article 
in the Theolog. Jicricw for 1874 by Kenrick, who 
[)roves beyond doubt that Northern Italy by the 
end of the 3rd cent, was regularly known under 
the name ' Italia. 'll But this was the very region 
in which Aug. had first become acquainted with 
the Scriptures. And the quotations of Ambrose, 
his teacher and guide, agree with thisV ' Italian ' 
type of text. Is it not, at least, probable that this 
revision was made in N. Italy, and so naturally 
became known to Augustine ? II 

Burkitt has recently essayed to prove that Aug. 
here means nothing else than the Vulg. of Jerome.** 
His main argument is the Gospel quotations in the 
Dc Consenftu Evangelistarum and a passage in the 
Contra Fdicem. It cannot be doubted that the 
text of the Gospp. in the former stands in closest 
agreement with the Vulg. ; while the latter also 
appears to be Jerome's revision, though it stands 
side by side with an ' African ' text of Acts. Yet 
it must be remembered that, in the Gospels, texts 
like/and j/„ are in close agreement with the Vulg., 
and there would always be the tendency to correct 
Aug.'s text according to Vulg. readings. This 
latter hypothesis would quite account for the 
phenomena in Contra Fclicem. But, even supposing 
Aug. did (as he quite well may have done) use the 
Vulg. in this treatise, how can this be used to prove 
that he designates it by the name ' Itala ' in the 
celebrated passage quoted ? Surely the data are 
insufficient to justify so wide a generalization.ft 

• See Berber, Hut. de la Vulg. pp. 8 ff. (esp. pp. 27-28). 
The Frag, of Sir, lately published by Douais, belongs to the 
Sj-Kvnish family, and Berber's Perpignan Frag, of Acts has 
apparently a connexion with the Spanish text. It is of some 
importance to find that the poet Juvencus, prob. a Spaniard by 
birth, is nearest, in his biblical text, to a and h. 

t When Lucifer has an 'African ' text, he is usually quoting 
d;rBCtly the works of Cjiirian. 

t In this Ep. the "remarkable resemblance between the 
' Speculum ' (ni) and Priscillian is very clear. 

S Jahrbiicher f. prot. Theol. 1881, pp. 510-512. 

II See pp. 326-328. H See Ceriani, Itendiconti, etc. 1886, pp. 4,5. 

•* Obi- Latin and Itala, pp. 55-<;5. The suggestion had been 
previously made by Reuss in the 2 and 3 edd. of his Uistory of the 
JVT, that the ' Itala' of Aug. might be Jerome's first tr" of the 
Bible from the LXX. See also C. A. Breyther, Diss, de vi, quam 
anliq. Verss. . . . lat. in cri»in evang. iv. habeant, Merseb. 1824. 

tt Would not the fact, which Burkitt adduces, that the Vulg. 
Gospels were published under the auspices of Pope Damasus, 
have suggested, almost inevitably, the epithet ' Romana ' I But 
BO weighty an authority as Berger is inclined to believe that 
the solution oJ the 'feestion may be found in the direction 

This ' Italian ' revision has regard both to read' 
ings and renderings. It is an attempt to soften the 
harsher Lat. tr"", while, at the same time, the Lat. 
text is corrected according to a non- Western and 
late group of Gr. MSS.* 

The leading representative is/, q is also usually 
assigned to this family ; but, as Mr. White f has 
shown, ' if it be Italian in its readings, it is 
European in its renderings.' Indeed q shows a 
mixture of various elements, t having close relations 
to k, b, f, g^, and a. The other most important 
representative of this group is to be found in the 
Freisingen Fragg. of the Epistles.§ These exhibit 
a remarkable resemblance to the quotations of 
Aug. and Capreolus, Bp. of Carthage. Perhaps we 
ought to mention here an interesting type of text 
found chieflj' in the Catholic Epp. It is the Late- 
African of the epoch of the Vandal supremacy. || 
It is found in h of Cath. Epp. ; apj)arently in 1 J IF 
of the Freisiugen Fragg., and in Fulgentius, Bp. of 
Ruspe. It Mas probably derived from the ' Italian ' 
type, but greatly modified by its transference to 
Africa. The important text of the 'Speculum ' (m) 
probably belongs to this group,** and, though not 
entirely of the same type, we may assign to it the 
Fleury Apocalypse (A). Berger would place the 
text of Priscillian as the transition between the 
' Italian ' family and this ' Late-African ' group. 

There still remains a large number of texts which 
have not been classified. These are the Gr.-Lat. 
MSS, in which the Gr. text must, of course, have 
had a powerful influence upon the Latin. ft There 
is Cod. Colbertinus (c), a MS of Languedoc, which 
has ' African,' ' European,' and Vulg. elements. 
(7, Xt seems to be distinctly ' European ' in St. 
Matthew, although ' Italian' and, at times, Vulg. 
readings appear. I has apparently a Vulg. base 
with numerous OL readings intermixed. §§ The Lat. 
interlinear version of Cod. Sangallensis (5) is shown 
to contain, at, a very important OL element, 
which sometimes goes back to the earliei; stages of 
the ' European ' text.|| i| The latest OL text of Acts 
discovered by Berger in a MS of Perpignan occupies 
' a central position in the midst of the various re- 
censions.' HIT It seems to have a Spanish colouring, 
but yet to belong to the same general family as the 
Gigas (g), s (Bobb. Frag.), the Frag, in the Rosas 

indicated by Burkitt. See Bulletin Critique, Sept. 5, 1896. So 
alsD Zahn in Theolog. Lit.-Bl. xvii. No. 31, and Corssen, Bencht 
iiber die lutein. Bibeliibersetzungen, p. 5. 

* ' The " Western " MSS DG (in the Epp.) are usually found on 
the side of those readings which tlie " Italian " MSS have 
rejected.' Sec Zimnier, S£, 1889, ii. p. 354. 

t OL Bill. Texts, iii. p. xxi. J ' Ein sehr buntes Ding' (Corssen). 

§ Perhaps this text had an official sanction, as is assumed with 
reason for the version of Cyprian. 

II See Berger, Le Palimpseste de Fleury, pp. 15-18. 

% This text seems almost identical with the ' Speculum.' 

** But see an import, article in Classical Review, iv. pp. 414- 
417, by Sanday, in which he suggests that ' the Speculum was 
put together somewhere in the circle in which Priscillian moved, 
and from a copy of the Bible which, if not exactly his, was yet 
closely related to it ' (p. 416). This is certainly borne out by a 
comparison of OT passages in Priscill. and the 'Speculum.' 

tt But is not Ilort's estimate of the value of the Lat. texts too 
low ">. {Introduction, p. 82). There is a very close agreement in the 
Epp. between the Lat. of Cod. Clarom. and Cod. Bnjrner. and the 
quotations in Victorinus and Ambrosiaster. On the basis of this, 
Zimmer has made out, at least, a strong case for three types of 
text in the Epp. (1) ' Princeps ' = text found in Tert. and Cyp. 
(2) ' Communis ' = text of Clarom. — Buem. — Victorin. — Ambros'<='', 
being a revision of (1), with closer adherence to Gr. original. (3) 
Bible of Aug., Freis., and Gottweig Fragg. A typical example 
of the ' Italian ' revision. See SK, 1889, li. p. 331 f. Also, Der 
Galater-Brief im alt. lutein. Text, Konigsberg, 1887. 

Jt Thus, e.g., in Mt 2, a minute collation of authorities shows 
that a b q respectively are closer to gr, than to each other oi 
any of the remaining Lat. authorities. 

j§ ['Vulg. in Mt and Mk, OL in Lk, mixed (but chiefly Vulg.) 
in Jn '—Burkitt]. 

|i II See Harris, Cod. Sangall. p. 19. 

Tf«[ See Berger, Un ancien texte Latin, pp. 11-18. He aska 
whether in Acts there is any distinction between ' European ' 
and ' Italian ' texts. We are inclined to think that the same 
question might be relevant as regards the Pauline Epp. 



Bible,* and Cod. e (Laadianus) of 'Acts,' i.e. to the 
• Earopean ' group. 

For NT authorities, Hort's learning and judg- 
ment have laid a sound basis of classitication. In 
the case of OT MSS such a grouping does not yet 
exist. And any attOLpt at furnisliing principles 
of genealogical relationship seems beset on every 
side with no ordinarj- dithculties. The reasons are 
^ain. Only in rare instances have we a variety of 
docaments covering the sanie ground. Even when 
this is the case, their fraginentarv nature renders 
it unsafe or impossible to generalize. In OT the 
quotations of the Fathers are, as a rule, specially 
perplexing, because, by this time, the text of the 
LXX had reached an almost hopeless state of con- 
fusion. It is only when a thorough examination of 
the principal cursives of the LXX has been made 
that order can be brought into the chaos. We do 
not propose, therefore, to attempt a classification. 
All we can do is to give the results of a more or less 
minute comparison of the leading witnesses for 
OT. Let us follow the order in uie list of MSS 

UexaieueK, — "We have here our best opportunity 
for comparing various texts, as there are four 
authorities which cover, to a great extent, the same 
ground. These are Cod. Lugdunensis, Cod. Wirce- 
burg.. Cod. Monacens., and the Fragg. of Cod. 
Ottobon. A comiMirison of the four texts reveals, 
at first sight, some strange phenomena. In Gn 
there is a close agreement between Cod. Ottob. and 
Cod. Lugd. In Ex, Cod. Lugd. and Cod. Wirceb. 
ti>j»an»ntlv belong to the same tr., while the 
Munich ilS seems to stand by itself. Co<i. Ottob., 
which appears to have suflered grievously by cor- 
ruption, has a possible resemblance to the two first- 
named MSS. In Lv there is a good deal of varia- 
tion between the three chief texts (Ottob. not 
extant). In Su and Dt we find that Cod. Lugd. 
and Cod. Monac. have, without question, the same 
«rarce. while the relation to them of Cotl. Wirceb. is 
dif!i^ult to detcnniiie. When we compare patristic 
^notations with the texts, it is striking to dis- 
.sover that those of Lncifer have a remarkable re- 
MmUancc both to Cod, Lugd. and to C«k1. Wirceb. 
What can U? said of such coniplex results? We 
believe the >«olution lies in taking into account the 
nnderlying (ir. text. Accepting tlie classifications 
made oy ( Vriani t and l^agunle* in reference to the 
Locianic, li(r)>ychian, and I'uicstinian recensions uf 
the LXX, we find phenomena such as the following. 
In a iwrtlon of (in in which wo liave compare<l Co<l. 
Wirceb. with the cliief (Jr. authorities, the result 
•bowii thn niowt extraordinary mixture. On the 
whole, r< ' \» - ' •: . |(m«.Ht to the ' Cotton ' 
(ieniMtii i K also fin<ls a pliice. 

TlMrroar- . . ;i<l)litinn, of ' Lunanic' 

feadingii, and the I'nl. rcc4-nhion is not wanting. 
A iiioiluirconiM-ation in y^'rconfirmsthc mingling of 
•lementu in tlin text. Here, CinI. Wirceb. hIiowh 
•a intimate ndnlion with AKand llcHychiuH, but 
tliera \m ahw a Locinnic Htrain tlirougliout. Follow- 
laf Um mom methixl with CihI. Lugd. in Ac, we 
nwh » Uk« ri'iiiili. From tin- d<-finil<> factn already 
•<«• 'III inipri-MMion li-ft by repeated 

9mi>\ I-., wi- iiri" li'd to iM'lieve that in 

tllia uxwxy ul nritingH the exljint d<MiimentH 
fiTDlMMljr ffO bark to nn uripinni ir»of wliich tliey 
■ferWMMMNM. On! lirtydf 

LXXtMtSptVVali' I Sworn 

IranMrfliMl eauMti '><it4-ciion 

and mixtnrn •■■ uun do<MimuntM.j| 

* Mm Noiwvf, /' 

f Mm a, M. r.' /„f, ^fiin 

/toMilUM'ltrrit.' 41), and 


. Ubr. 

I •(« irtUlM<MC», D: 

>U<u J/', l>|i. t^MM. 

This is quite sufficient to account for the manifold 
differences. And it is to be observed that some 
portions suffered from this process far more severely 
than others. Probably, we might not be wrong in 

E lacing the above-mentioned MSS parallel to the 
iter 'European' texts* of NT, if not to the 
'Italian.' They have something in common both 
with the quotations in Ambrose and those of the 
'Speculum ' {m). The Fragg. of Gn pnh. by Cony- 
beare come closest to Cod. Lugd. and S. Ambrose. 
Historical Books. — According to our list, these 
consist of Ruth, Fragg. of Samuel and Kings, and 
Esther. Apparently, the text of liu, wliich is 
' Spanish,' agrees almost exactly with the quota- 
tions of Ambrose, and so may be designated 
' Italian.' t The Fragg. of Samuel and Kings, 
while having their origin in different countries, 
are linked together in various ways. They all 
seem to luave an intimate connexion with tlie re- 
cension of Lucian.t while they have the closest 
resemblance to the quotations ot Lucifer, Ambrose, 
and Claudius of Turin. Accordingly, they may be 
cLassed, perhaps, as early ' Italian.' § In Est much 
confusion is found among the extant texts, perhaps 
arising from the fact that only .a ' resume,' as 
Berger calls it, and not a complete version, existed 
in the OL Bible. We have compared Sabatier's 
text, which is from a Corbey MS No. 7 (at Paris), 
with that of the Munich MS pub. by Belsheim, the 
Vallicellian text (in Sabatier), and the extracts 
given by Berger from a Lyons MS. Probably, 
this last is the best. It resembles closely 
the Vallicellian text and that of Belsli. (which 
appear to us to be almost identical), while the 
Curb, text in Sabat., owing to mutilations and 
corruptions,!! seems a long way inferior to all the 
others. Here, again, we may perhaps go the length 
of saying that one tr" seems to lie at the foundation, 
but it has undergone much revision and corruption 
from a comparison with Or. texts whicli had boen 
subject to an exceptional amount of mixture. 
From an almost entire lack of qTiotations in the 
Fathers it is impossible to attempt to localize the 
text. There are frequent traces of the ' Lucianic ' 

Poetical Books. — The extant remains of Job are 
so scanty that it is difficult to come to nny con- 
clusion regarding the text. Aiipareutiy, the Frag, 
of Fleury, wliich is found both in the Speculum' 
and Priscillian, l»elongs to the earliest form of the 
Lat. VS, following tlie same tyi)e of (Jr. text as 
('yp. and Lucif. , and therefore, perhajts, being 
entitled to the designation ' African.' 

According to Burkitt.ll a second type of OL is 
found in tlie (juotations of Amlirose, based on the 
lejidiiig uiiciHls of the L.X.X and in iiitiniate con- 
nexion with tlie (ireek. The Fragg. which Berger 
has pub. from tlu^ margin of the Leon Cod. also 
reveal a closi! attiiehiiieiit to tlie (ireek ((>sp. Cod. 
A), and coincide nH»«t fretjuently with tlie quota- 
tions of Ainbr. and Aug. IVrlmps the two last 
tyiicM of text ought to lie called ' Italian.' 

r'or a gemiiiitly ' .African' text of Ps our most 
truhl worthy authority is MS L. of ('vprian's Tisti- 
moiii'i. Tlie N'eroiia and St. (leniiain I'saiters 
liolli exhiliit a later type of text, ailhmigii the 
f<»rmer Iuih Hulfered less revision. It woulil be 
ruMlj (o Mpc<'ify eitiier text delinitely as ' F'liropean ' 

• Hi'iiilcl lliirriN imliitH out N(iiii« very mirlDim rfHcinlilanci's in 
•IM'lllnif ImIwitii (^ihI. iI mill CihI. I.iiu'il., which pi to MU(fK'*''<t, 
li.- Until,., I hill linih wvrv Ith.itii-viilii'y MS.S (Sluiii/ ^f Cod. 

.\iitie/>, pp. I'i, l;i. 

!••, Sfjiluuiiiiitii-Studifn, 1802, I. pp. 71, 72; 
!'• " llrli. Vfxl i\f Siimtifl, pp. Lxxvii-lxxxil ; Iliir- 

k mill lliilii, p. II, 

•7' <•'!■ |'I>. H, If., 
I .Mill iii'iii il«'li"llvi' itp;H'iiri< Id III' lln> ('(1(1. I'cchliinill wliich 
Hah. kIvio r<ir thi< l»(U-r imrl of the liuiik, (iLot AVt lit to ba 
|Mili, hv Tlili'liMiinn. 
f OtdlMin, cUr. |i)t. 8, 3*2-34. 



or 'Italican.' A notewortliy feature is that the 
Verona MS sliows a strikinji: agreement witli 
Any.'s text of Ps, Avhile decidedly marked is the 
affinity between the St. Germ. Psalter and the 
quotations of Cassiodorus the Calabrian. The 
portions of the OL Psalter found in the Mozarabic 
Liturgy belong to this latter type of text.* 

Proverbs. — Here we can distinguish two recen- 
sions. The one is represented by Vogel's Fragg., 
which agree with the quotations of Cyp. and 
Vigilius of Thapsus, having also a close resem- 
blance to the ' Speculum.' It may be designated 
' African.' The other is seen in the Fragg. of 
the St. Gall ISIS, No. 11. These have their chief 
jiarjillels in Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine. 
They therefore belong to the ' Italian ' family. 

The Fragg. of Ecclesiastes ami Canticles named 
in our list are of precisely the same character as 
the second recension in Proverbs. We may here 
note that for OT it seems even more difficult than 
in the NT to draw a line batweea ' European ' and 
' Italian ' texts. Often, indeed, there api)ears to be 

Prophetical Books. — In attempting to classify the 
extant OL texts of the Prophets, we are met, as 
in the Hexateuch, by the difficulty of conflicting 
evidence. Fortunately, part of the ground has 
been cleared by Burkitt in his Rules of Tyconius. 
Much of what follows depends on his important 
investigations. The extant Fragg. of the Prophets 
I)lainly do not belong to the oldest stratum of the 
()\j tr". It is needful, therefore, to begin as usual 
with Cyprian; as we have seen, Tertullian's quota- 
tions are of doubtful value. Now, IJurkitt has 
clearly provedf that Tyconius the Donatist(c. A.D. 
400) used an OL version of the Prophets (in 
Isaiah at least X) almost identical with that of Cyp., 
the only dill'erence being a slight revision of the 
Latin. Hoav does this writer stand towards our 
two chief MS authorities, the Weingarten [xv) and 
VViirzburg (A) Fragg. ? At many points he is in 
close agreement with both, but esjiecially, perhaps 
(e.g. in Ezk), with w. Now, a comj>arison of jyand 
h shows so many agreements in proportion to 
dillerenoes that we cannot help l)elieving that they 
are copies of the same tr" of the Propliets, whose 
variation is accounted for by varying elements in 
the Gr, texts by which they were revised. § In h, 
e.g. in the midst of a great mixture of types, the 
Luc. strain is considerably more prominent than 
in K'.!| Accordingly, we may perhaps call h an 
' Italian ' text ;1I its coincidences with Ambrose, and 
to a less extent with Augustine, are noteworthy. 
w is possibly an earlier revision of the same tr"."* 

* There seems to be a close resemblance in Ps between Pris- 
cillian and the 'S^)ecuUini.' Tlie Latin Psalter with An^lo- 
Saxon paraphr. pub. by Thorpe, Oxf. 1835, is almost identical 
with the so-called ' Roman ' Psalter of Jerome, althouj^h 
occasionally it diverges. The text of Cassiod. has also a most 
intimate connexion with Uoman Psalter. 

t Rules of Ti/cottius, pp. lii-cvii. 

i It must be noted that there is a considerable difference 
between Tyconius' text of Is and of Ezk. See important table on 
p. cvi of op. cit. Burkitt suggests that perhajis there was 'a 
partial revision of the African Bible anterior to Cyprian,' the 
result of which is seen in the text of Ezk in Tyc. This point has 
been already brought forward in connexion with the quotations 
of Cyprian. 

S See also Comill, Das Buck d. Proph. Ezech. p. 31 fT. But 
see Corssen's most important discussion of the two MSS in Xwei 
neue Fragmente d. Weiiui. Propheten-MS, Berlin, 1899, in which 
he shows that the variation is largely due to the insertion of 
glosses in the texts. 

II May it be that the infusion of this element into OT texts 
corresponds to the 'Antiochene' revision of NT? Since this 
was written, we are interested to see that Sanday is inclined to 
assign the above-named revisioti to Lucian {Oxf. Debate, p. 29). 

II Streane, Double Text of Jeremiah, p. 370, shows that for 
Jer h is non-African and prob. Italian. His searching in- 
vestigation goes to confirm our hypothesis. 

** Ranke shows that w has points of contact with Amobius, 
Lucifer, Ambrose, and Hesychius (a Dalmatian bishop). See 
Fragmenta . . . Antehieron. fasc 2, pp. 122, 123. This would 
suggest a very wide diffusion. An attempt to trace points of 

It is interesting to note that Tyc. has a text 
es.sentially the same in the Prophets as anothei 
Donatist, Habetdeus, whose quotations can be 
assigned to the year A.D. 411. And to make the 
coincidence still more important, it is found that 
the St. Gall Frag, of Jeremiah has remarkable 
points of connexion with the biblical text used 
by a Donatist in the pseudo-Augustinian Contra 
Fulgzntium Donatistam. This goes some way to 
establish a Donatist tradition of the OL version.* 

A comparison of Tyc. with the ' Speculum ' re- 
veals a far greater amount of difference than be- 
tween the former and Cyprian. But there is so 
much important resemblance that the variation is 
probably due to a gradual revision of the language 
in m. This, as Burkitt points out, greatly enhances 
the value of the ' Speculum,' though a late text, for 
the criticism of the LXX.f 

In some passages the ' Spec' has a very close 
connexion with A, while in others it is entirely 
different. In comparing the quotations of Tertull. 
and Cyp., with reference to the Gr., for another 
purpose, the writer was surprised to find that in 
the Book of Daniel, while Cyp. sometimes used 
Theodotion's version and at others the LXX, 
Tert. seemed invariably to folloAV the latter. The 
whole subject has been thoroughly investigated by 
Burkitt, J who proves beyond question, that while 
Theodotion was followed as early as the 3rd cent, by 
Auctor de Pascha Com/mtus, and thenceforward 
throughout the Lat. Church (also in A and to of 
Prophets), Tertull. adhered to the LXX, as also, 
to some extent, did Cyp., whose text is niixed.§ 
This shows the varying histories of the several 
books of Scripture, a fact which has been already 
noticed in regard to NT. 

Apocrypha. Fowth [Second] Esdras.— The 
texts of this book have been accurately studied, 
with the result that the leading authorities fall 
into two groups. Two MSS, Cod. Sangermanensis 
(pub. by Sab.) at Paris (Bibl. nat. lat. 11504-5) 
and Cod. Ambianensis (Amiens, Bibl. Communale 
10) have a ' French ' text ; the other two. Cod. 
Complut. (Madrid Univ. 31) and Cod. Mazarinaius 
(Paris), present a 'Spanish' type of text. The 
other extant texts are related to these two 
families. II 

Third (First) Esdras. — Here, again, we possess 
two types of text, both of which are represented 
in Sab. , and one of which is the Vulg. Both texts 
are evidently of great antiquity, presenting many 
of the most typical characteristics of the ' African ' 
group. Probably, Vulg. is an emended form of the 
other version. 

Tobit. — As appears from our list, there are many 
MSS extant of tlie OL version of Tobit. So far as 
we can jiulge, they all go back to one tr", though 
considerable differences exist. A rough comparison 
leads us to believe that the leading texts are re- 
lated somewhat as follows : Sabatier's text (derived 
from MSS lat. 93 and 11505 at Paris) seems closest 
to the quotations of Lucifer. Slightly dillerent 
from it are Paris MS lat. 11553 and Munich 6239, 
which .agree closely. Cod. Regio-Vat. No. 7 is 
more independent of the other texts, and may be, 
perhaps, a separate translation. If It contains only 
chs. i.-vi. The rest is Vulgate. The quotations 
in Speculum seem to show a third recension. 

agreement and differences between the two texts (w and ?i) and 
the Fathers has led, on the whole, only to confusing results. 
Clearly, we have much yet to learn regarding the OL version (or 
versions) of the Prophets. 

* Cf. Rendel Harris on the Montanist character of Cod. Beza 
{Studi/ of Cod. liez. p. 148 ff.). 

t Rulex of Ti/con. p. Ixiv. 

X Old Latin and Itala, pp. 18-31. 

5 This mixed text also found in Lactantius and Firmicua 

II See Fourth Book of Ezra, by Bensly and James, pp. xii-xxii, 

If See Fritzsche, Hdbitch zu. d. Apokryphen, ii. pp. 5, 11. 



Jufiith.— As in To, the OL of Jth appears in a 
variety of MSS. Wliile one original lies, appar- 
ently, behind all the texts, it api>ears to us that 
Mnn. MS 6239 has the oldest type of text. A some- 
what longer and perhaps later fomi is found in the 
text of 8a Fiat ier (Paris MSS lat. 93, 115 lo). The 
Paris MS lloo3 seems to a mixed text, now 
agreeing with Mun. MS, now with Salwit. MS 
lat. 11549 (at Paris), while somewhat mixed, agrees 
perhaps more often with Mun. MS.* 

Wisdom of Suionutn. — As already pointed out, 
this is proved to be an ' African ' text. It seems 
to be fully as old as Cyp.t 

Sirach. — The Vulg. text of this book is also 
' African ' Latin. Curiously enough, however, chs. 
44-dO are shown by Thielmann J to have been ti'^. 
later than chs. 1-43, 51, and they belong to the 
'European' tvpe of text. The Prologue i* also 
'European.' Tlie Frag. ed. by Dounis is app.'ir- 
ently a 'Spanish' text, being a revision of the 
primitive ' African ' version. 

Bartuk. — Two main types of text, so far as we 
can judge from the |)ublished MSS, ure extant in 
this book. The one is the Vulg., which agrees with 
the quotations of Cvp., Vigilius, and, as a rule, 
Fulgentius. The other, which is not far removed, 
is represented bv Paris MS 11951, Rheinis MS No. 1, 
Uld Vallicell. iJ. 7 (all in S^ib.). We cannot say 
Oindi as to patristic evidence, but at times, at 
I«ast, it is corroborated by the quotations of Hilary 
and Augustine.§ 

Mtuxabeejs. — In 1 Mac two forms of text can be 
traced. The one is the Vulg. The other, which 
in many passages is identical witli the Vulg. and 
then disagrees to a great extent, is found in Paris 
MS lat. 11553, pub. by Sabat. It agrees uniformly 
with the quotations of Lucifer, which are very 
numerous in this book. Berger points out that 
this latter rests on the same tradition as that of 
Cod. Oimplut., while there are readings in the 
Leon Palimpsest (Chapter Lib. No. 15) which seem 
to lie behind the St. Ciermain text in Snb. II A 
mixed text, ac«>rding to Berger, is found in the 
Lyons MS No. 35<i 

In 2 Mac we find several versions more or leas 
distinct. The Vulg. stands by itself. A mixed 
text is that of Lyons MS 356.11 The text of Cod. 
Complut. is of a ditrerent type from the Vulg. We 
have not lieen able to see the text from .\mbrosian 
BfS E. 20 infer., pub. by A. Peynm."* Berger 
(Hi*i. de la Vulq. p. l.'W) wiys of it : ' Tim vi-rsion 
. . . preserved hy our .MS is not found elsewhere, 
and \» of extreme ini|iortnnce.' tt 

A few words onght to Uf said, before we conclude 
tllis article, mmn the <ir. text which un<lerlies the 
OL version. For, after all, ittt primary iniporUmce 
CiOliriata in tlie ovidencf* it fnrnishfM for tli<! original 
Or. t«Xi of both (>T and NT. <)l)vioiiHly. the in- 
qairy la very wide in it« range. Wu can only 

I la Oman, iibtr dot Biuh .hiitfth (Wflnburv, tOM), 
pisslMt, n ail il i rn tM PMtoMIHl- ' rl.. in Nal*.) In 

• Mtfato t«% tiMagk ttoidjr ralsi«.i , n.- wmiid 

ako aatai h asprt M oi W Ood. iVi ■■ ). whirl, ),<• 

dwOk tt Ussih Mum to i'srW M- 
Wmmhmti Uidttr. Hm auouil. 
MMsdw tost «( IhlHl. wMoti |g « 
MmMUHmm W 'AMoaii.' »m 

f. It», gf4fm lkmnn . BHtr r. Tr, 

mHI. ^iMai. m ' *-^- i»tiiMl^ir 

t ^MtM*. »« f , .rUnt •nd v»lim».lo 

' ■■ ■ - rK-irw.rfu.y .nil. uiii uyUeyn In Ountan'a 

ill. p. U. 
kmf, /M« nn^ Banuk, Utpt. Itt9. 

i'. '* 

' ''*<^-nmU Onttonvm vnStattn 

. . ■ ■ 'i 

•' '• vkluahir iirt. ' A|M>tirr- 

>••• M.m* Ui Kaiitmh'a *l>to 

give the barest outline ; and even this, in the 
present condition of the investigation, is incom- 
plete and -provisional. Two most important and 
suggestive statements are made by Hort as to the 
type of Gr. text circiilating at the period with 
Mhich Ave are here concerned. ' The text of D 
presents a truer image of the form in which the 
Gospels and Acts were most widely read in the 
3rd and probably a great part of the 2nd cent, 
than any other extant Gr. MS.' And again : 'A, 
both in the Gospels and elsewhere, may serve as a 
fair example of the MSS thai, to judge by patristic 
quotations, were commonest in the 4th cent.' (In- 
trod. pp. 149, 152). These words, in our view, 
have a very significant bearing on the question 
before us. For it has become sufficiently clear 
that the period froni the middle of the 2nd cent, 
to the end of the 4th is the most important for the 
OL version. Keeping them in mind, let us come 
to the actual facts, in so far as we are able to 
present them. 

The NT must be our starting-point. What can 
be said as to the earliest group of texts, presum- 
ably the 'African' family? Cod. k, which, as we 
have seen, agrees with Cyp., is the most important 
witness. Fortunjitely, Sandaj', in the work so 
often quoted, has a valuable Appendix on ' the Gr. 
text im[)lied by /w'* Elaborate lists showing the 
relation of k to the leading Gr. authorities plainly 
declare that the main elements in its text are the 
' Western ' (as represented by I>) and the ' Neutral ' 
(k B in particular). The ' Western ' strain slightly 
predonunates. As regards the kindred Cod. e, a 
collation we have attempted of several long sec- 
tions from the Gospp. reveals a close relatiim with 
B and one almost as intimate with D, n, and A. 
The one fact which strikes us in comparing the two 
sets of results is that A has become an important 
factor in Cod. e. When the ' European ' group is 
investigated, it is interesting to note the changing 
of places l)y the MSS. We have taken a and o 
as typical texts, and the results for both are, on 
the whole, congruous, except that n seems to have 
a much more important place in b than in a. In 
both, B loses tJie j)rominent position which it 
occui)ie<l in the ' African ' group. D has, of course, 
a predominating influence, but it is closely fol- 
lowed by A. Indeed it looks as if, in the Gospp. 
at least, the influeiu'e of A were among the chief 
forces in diflcn-ntiatiiig the 'European' from the 
'.African' group. And tliis seems to coincide 
remarkably with llort's hypothesis of a Syrian 
recension, perhiijjs made at Antioch, about the 
beginning-or a litth; before the beginning of the 
4th cent., whose influence spread in all directions. 
For, in the (Jospp. , 'A has a fundamentally 
Syrian text.' In any cas(>, the great increase 
in the A element is plainly no accidental cir- 
cumstance, but, as we shall iind in the OT, a fact 
intimately bound up with a certain stage of the 
OL version. 

We have taken f as rojiresentative of the 
' Italian ' texts. T)ie facts which a minute ex- 
aiiiinution of long sections in ISIt, Mk, and Lk 
brings <iut are of tlie kind we might expect. Tluiro 
is, apparrnlly, a great mixtun; of elements in the 
nndeilying Greek. One of the most noteworthy 
of fheso is repri'Hcnted by Cod. L, itself a very 
mixed text, containing early readings niiiigh^'d 
with 'Alexandrian,' 'Western,' and 'Syrian' 
elements. C<mI. (I is iiImo pmiuinent, which iignin 
IH eom|NtH<!d of moHt. various fmins of text. As 
invariably, I) is still an im|i(>rtant fiiclor, while A 
aim) appearH to have lost, little ground, h and B 
have not regaineiHIie pla<-t^ tiiey occnpi(>d in the 
• African ' j^ronp. In Ac, an we have seen, wo can 
at leuMt diMtinguiHli between the 'African' and 
• t)L IUI.1 r.xt», II. A|.p<iiil. I. PI.. l»f)-122. 



' European ' texts, represented most typically by 
the Fleury Palimpsest (the text of Cyp.) and the 
Gigas (the text of Lucif.) respectively. From 
Corssen's investigation* it is plain that the former 
depends on a ' Western ' text even more uniform 
than D. The latter, so far as a rough survey of its 
readings can reveal, has a very mixed cliaracter. 
D is a i^rominent factor in it, perhaps the most pro- 
minent. Of the other more important uncials, E, 
and at some distance A and C, seems the best re- 

{)resented.t One has the impression of a text be- 
onging to a time of revision. And the phenomena 
found here appear to justify Berger's query as to 
whether, in Ac, there is any distinction between 
'European' and 'Italian' readings. :J Space for- 
bids any further examination of the NT books 
except that we may point out that the chief of OL 
versions of the Epistles § (except Freis. Fragg.) 
seem to depend for their text mainly on D and G, 
whether separate or coml)ined, and often on the 
group D G K L.ll The Freis. Fragg. have a far 
greater mixture of elements, being apparently 
revised from INISS such as C A k L (while their basis 
is D G). In the Apoc. the text of Primasius seems H 
to approach closest to that of Andreas of Ca'sarea, 
and Cod. P ; but there remains an important 
element peculiar to himself.** 

As regards the Gr. text underlying the OL of 
the OT, our statements must be even more general 
and provisional. For the leading uncial MSS of 
the LXX have never been gronped, and we cannot, 
witli any deliniteness, state their mutual relations. 
And the cursives, which in the LXX are of unique 
importance, have received little investigation. 
Hence there are few ascertained data on wliich to 
base any reasonable hyiK)thesis. Certainly, the 
classification into families of texts, and the marking 
oil' of stages in their history, would be a difficult 
task. F' r this tr" must have undergone from 
firnt to last the most varied treatment. The 
original Gr. VS, the rival tr*" of Aquila, Theodo- 
tion and Symmachns, the attempt of Origen to 
purify the text, the subsenuent recensions of 
Eusebius, Lucian, and Hesychius, all have con- 
spired to produce a chaos in the MSS of the LXX. 
This has a bewildering ettect on the comparison of 
the OL with the underlying Gr. No doubt we may 
say that the earliest Lat. VS of the OT must have 
been made from the pre-hexaplar Gr. text wliich 
was in common use. ft But we know little of its 
history. It must also have been subjected to 
various forms of corruption. We cannot identify 
it with the genuine LXX. W^e are also unable to 
state definitely the relation borne to it by the 
great extant uncials and those groups of cursives 
which are assumed (with more or less reason) to be 
particular recensions. Accordingly, the following 
notes must be somewhat vagiie ancf liypothetical. 

In the books which apparently preserve a 
fundamentally ' African ' text, such as Sirach, 
we might expect to find a relatively pure Gr. 
text at their base. Nor are we, on the whole, 
disappointed. This OL text shows a close rela- 
tion to Cod. 248, which is here, perhaps, the best 
representation of the original Gr. text.+:J: But, 

• Der Cyp. Tijf d. Acta Apost., Berlin, 1892. See esp. p. 18 ff. 

f The Fleury text has a very intimate connexion with it, 
while it shares many readings also with the text of Aug. and 
with that of the Vulgate. 

} Ifn ancien texte . . . de» Actes, p. 18. 

§ Codd. Claromont. and Boerner. and the texts of Victorinus 
»nd Ambrosiaster. 

n In this group they are often joined by Jerome in his Com- 
mentaries. See Corssen, EpM. ad Galatas, pp. 52, 53. 

H This result is provisional, as our investigation only embraced 
two or three chs. of Apoc. See Bousset, TextkritUche Studien, 
pp. 1-44. 

** See Haussleiter, Zahn's Forgchungen, iv. pp. 207-224. 

ft Designated by the Fathers 'uulgata editio' and jMiv>i. 

tt See Kyssel in Kautzsch's ' Av>okryphfn,' pp. 244-249, and 
Ilerkenne, De Vet. Lat Eecleg. Capp. i.-xliii., Leipz. 1899. 

in the words of Lagarde,* 'all the MSS of the 
Gr. tr" of the OT are either directly or indirectly 
the result of an eclectic procedure.' This is the 
key to the phenomena of the OL version of the 
OT. t When we come to examine the large group 
of OT texts which we have designated either 
'European' or 'Italian' (and the boundary be 
tween them is, at least, a fluctuating one), tha 
result is most confusing. In the Uexateuch, aa 
already observed, there appears an almost in- 
definite amount of mixture. It is, perhaps, useless 
to ask to which of the great uncials the leading 
MSS are most nearly related. For other elements 
intrude continually. Here and there, indeed, a 
definite relationship reveals itself, as, e.g., in 
Exodus Avhere Cod. Wirceb. has a distinct connexion 
with the group A F. But, as a rule, both in it, in 
Cod. Lugd., and in Cod. Monac. there are constant 
traces of Hesychian:}: and Lucianic readings, as 
well as relations of an undefinable kind to the 
leading uncials. 

In the Historical books it can, at least, be 
affirmed that the recension of Lucian is one of the 
prominent elements lying at the basis of the text.§ 
riiis is specially noticeable in the Vienna Fragg. 
of Samuel and the Leon Fragg. of Kings. Ceriani 
had observed the agreement of ' Lucianic ' MSS 
with the text of Ambrose and the 'Speculum.' 
And thus he is led to believe that the ' Italian ' 
revision of OT (which perhaps includes the ' Euro- 
pean') had, partly at least, for its standard, 
some MSS of the same type as those used by 
Lucian in his recension. At the same time, A 
and B cannot be ignored. Indeed, as Lagarde 
has pointed out,j| Cod. A has a specially close 
connexion with the OL text of OT which asserts 
itself here and there.lF Wlien the Prophetic books 
are examined, this becomes more evident. In 
Ezk, e.g., Cornill has shown that the text both of 
h and ^o has close relations with A, although 
these are sometimes obscured by Hexaplaric omis- 
sions and insertions, or confused by later cor- 
rections and corruptions.** The same holds of 
other books, e.g. the OL of Joh.W It is a note- 
worthy fact, and suggests a real connexion between 
the OL of OT and NT at a certain stage, as we 
have already seen the prominent place A occupies 
in all but the oldest NT texts. C<msiderations 
of space prevent us from lingering on this most 
important but complicated department of our 
subject. We cannot do better than close with a 
quotation from Burkitt's summary of conclusions 

• Anmerkimgen zur griech. Uehersetz. der Proverb, p. 3. 

t Thus, e.g., Vogel's Fragg. of Proverbs, which are plainly 
'African,' agree 18 times with A rather than B, 17 times witli 
B rather than A ; they have 18 readings only found in cursives, 
while 110 are peculiar to themselves. 

J Cornill connects Cod. A closely with the Hesychian recen- 
sion (see Ezeehiel, p. 67). Silberstein {ZA W xiv. p. 20), after an 
elaborate investigation, comes to the conclusion that the origin 
of the form of text in A must be referred to the recension of 
Origen. He agrees, on the whole, with Cornill as to B. 

§ See Vercellone, VaricB Lectiones, ii. p. 43C. Driver, Notes 
on Samuel, pp. Ixxvii-lxxxii. Ceriani, Recensimii del LXX, 
etc., p. 4. It is now generally admitted that MSS 19, 82, 93, 
ami 108 (in Holmes and Parson's ed. of LXX), agreeing, as they 
do, with the quotations of Theodoret and Chrysostom, represent 
the recension of Lucian. See also Lagarde, Vet. Test. Grutce, 
Pars Prior, Gott. 1883, Preface. 

II Septuaginta-Studien, i. pp. 71, 72. 

ir A question which still awaits investigation is the relation of 
A to Lucian. This would shed much light on the OL. It is of 
interest to find that the prevailing type of text in quotations 
from the LXX in the Gospels is that of A and Lucian. B is 
scarcely observable. See Staerk, ZwTh. 1893, i. p. 97 ff. 

** Cornill would connect A with the recension of Hesychius 
(Ezeehiel, pp. 67, 71). Unquestionably, those cursives "which 
contain in all likelihood this latter te.vt are an important 
element for the criticism of the OL of the Prophets along with 
the kindred Cod. Marchalianus (Q), which has copious marginal 
notes from a Hexaplar copy. See Ceriani's niojt important 
dissertation, De Codice Marchaliano Cmnmentatio, Rome, 1890. 
He compares the various texts of the LXX from sections of the 
Prophets, both mutually and in relation to the OL. 

ft See Berger, Notice, p. 23. 



as to the relation of the OL to the Gr. text in the 
I*rophet3.* For, in all probability, similar pro- 
cesses and results would appear in the other 
groape of writings. ' The OL brings us the best 
independent proof we have that the Hexaplar 
signs introduced by Origen can be relied on for 
the reconstruction of tlie LXX. . . . Together 
with the Hexaplar text,' it 'often agrees as to 
omissions with the text of B. . . . Yet the same 
anthorities convict B here and tliere of interpola- 
tions. . . . AVhen we turn from questions of in- 
sertion and omission to questions of rendering of 
the Heb. and the substitution of one Gr. word for 
another, we find that the OL in the Prophets 
sometimes supports "Lucianic "readings.' And 
finally, ' there are rentlerinjjs found in the OL 
representing Gr. readings winch have ditsappeared 
fmn every Known Greek MS, but wliicli, by com- 
parison with the Hebrew, are shown to preserve 
the genuine text of the LXX from wltich the 
readings of our present Greek MSS are corrup- 
tions. In these passages the OL is sometimes, but 
not always, supported by one or both Egyptian 

One subordinate department of our subject has 
not been touched, as, to a great extent, lying out- 
side the scope of the present article, and also as 
requiring far more space tlian could be ailorded. 
We refer to the Latmity of the OL versions. It 
•eems advisable, however, to give references to 
WMne of the leaiiing authorities. 

A large c<»lh'<'tion of material is to lie found in 
Itala Hnd Viilijutfi, bv H. Konsch, ed. 2, Marburg, 
1875. This work «leals with j)cculiarities of forma- 
tion, inflexion, grammatical structure, and mean- 
ing. See a penetrating criticism of it by J. N. 
Ott (Fleckeisen's Jnhrh. f. Philolngie, etc. 1874, 
p. 77m (T, H33H'. ). Konsch also contributed a great 
nnnilxT of articles Ut various journals. See especi- 
ally hit* 'Sprachliche I'aralk'len'and 'Itala-Studien' 
in ZtrTh.iim, I88i-S2: ' Zur vulgaren und bibli- 
■ehi'ti I.atiiiitat,' in Zcitsch./. die ustcrreich. Gym- 
W" ~ No. 11. There are further studies on 

ihi- M his >»Vm/r«V>/o<7wr;A«£fct7r«7c, 1887-89, 

and L'ullciiiincn phUolotjn, 1890. Of great imjtort- 
anee is the unfinished work of G. Kotl'mane, 
G€$ekiehU tUs KirrhnlntiAns, Breslau, 1879-81 
(onl^ 2 parts of vol. i. have aj)p<>an'd). It devotes 
MMCial attention to the Christianizing of Late- 
Latin, and the moulding of it Ut biblical use. 
H. Scbacbardt's clnlMiratu Vokfilitmus dts Vnltfur- 
Latcms, I^eipz. 18(HMi7, contains much tiiat is 
•Oggeative for the langtmge of the version. More 
direetly ' .» our Hubicct is K. Sittl's Die 

lokalen l In itin ilirlntiin. S]>ritrlii\V.xh\n- 

gnt. I8hu . .il.-i largely with 'African' Latin, 

uritlt SpM-inl rerereiirt* t«i the Bible. The Jfnntlf/urh 
Kur VtUffutii. hy F. Knulen, .Mainz. 1870, alwj pro- 
videa material for Mtiidy. Valuable collections of 
linsttistie fttctM arc to Iju found in some of the 
add. of tlia MHH. Hee. wtiecially, that of the 
Lyons I'antotettehj, bjr 0. Robert, pp. xli Ixxxv, 
rxtiu <««vMi «/l.i-.i. ......».,!„ nn examinatii»n of 

tb' V of the text, as well 

•• iiiH and new words ; 

K ' "in H'irrrhurffnuiiuin. 

Eriinialical noten ; and 
/, O/, ItiU. Textit, ii. 
!' ' mention hImi Uenilel 

'<» 'h iv. V, xli. xxv|,, 

^' "■"♦. pp. IxvHI-ev. 

•J*' il'|'<iunx in Stuilin 

''•' I vol. iv. of the Mime 

nv on the Style, nnil 
. i.y K. W. \VatiM»n. Ke« 
IM. tltr Itala, I80A. By 

ri^^. '^'' 

also Kbrlien, 

far the richest storehouse of matter bearing on 
tlie Latiuity of the OL is the Archiv fur lutein. 
Lcxiko(irapldc, ed. by Wolfflin (pub. at Leipzig). 
The following articles are of special importance : 
'Die ersteu Spuren des African. Lateins,' by 
Wolfflin (Jahrg. VI. Heft i. p. 1 it); 'Die Heimath 
der Appendix Probi,' Sittl (vi. 3, p. 557 It.) ; ' Die 
Sprache Priscillian's,' Schepss (iii. 3, p. 307 tf.); 
' Lucifer von Cagliari und sein Latein,' Hartel (iii. 
1, p. 1 tt. ) ; ' Lexikographisches aus dem Bibellatein,' 
Thielmann (i. 1, p. 68 ff.); ' Minucius Felix,' 
Wolftiiu (vii. 4, p. 4G7ff.); 'Die latein. Sprache 
auf. african. Inscliriften,' Kiibler (viii. 2, p. IGl tf.) ; 
' Spuren gallischen Lateins bei Marcellus Empiri- 
cus,' Geyer (viii. 4, p. 469) ; articles on ' Wisdom 
of Solomon' and 'Sirach,' by Thielmann, already 
referred to ; ' Die europiiischen Bestandtheile des 
latein. Sirach,' Thielmann (ix. 2, p. 247 tf. ). See also 
the ' Jahresbericht iiber Vulgiir-und Spatlatein,' by 
K. Sittl in Bursian-Iwan Midler's Jahresbericht, 
Ixviii. pp. 226-286, and that on ' Die cliristlich 
lateinische Litteratur von 1886-87 bis Ende 1894' 
in the same series, by C. Weyman, 1896.* For 
further references to the language of particular 
authors see the list of Fathers. We have omitted 
mention of the numerous works which deal with 
the Latin language in general. 

Tliis article has dealt only with the early history^ 
of the Latin translations of the Bible. Their 
later developments from the time of Jerome on- 
ward are treated under VULGATE. 

For the general literature of the subject, see 
the autiiorities referred to throughout the article, 
Nestles art. in Herzorf (iii. 24 il.) which appeared 
wliile this was in the press, and Corssen's admirable 
Bericht iiber die lutein. Bibelilbersstzungen (Bur- 
sian's Jnhresb. Bd. ci. ), published only in time to 
admit of a few footnotes being added from it during 
final revision. H. A. A. Kennedy. 

LATTER.— The adj. 'late' is now regarded as 
having two forms for tlie compar. and superl., 
later, latest, and latter, last, and a dill'erence in 
meaning is usually observed. But the distinction 
is quite recent. In modern editions of AV the 
only spelling is 'latter,' but tlie ed. of 1611 had 
'later in four places. Is 47^, .Jer 5'-^ 48^^ 49^'-', and 
there is no ditfcrence in meaning. Shakespeare 
has 'later' twice (ace. to '\\i\.Yi\Gii's Cuncvrdancc), 
once in ref. to time, ' And she goes down at tAvclve 
— I take't, 'tis later, Sir' (Macbeth II. i. 3), once 
as equivalent to 'latter' as it was then used, 
K. John III. I. 288— 

' Tl«>rpfi)rp thy later vows apiitist thy first 
la in thyMi'lf rt-hfUion to thyself.' 

Ho also uses ' latest ' for ' last,' as Love's Labour's 
Lost, V, ii. 797, — ' At the latest minute of the 

In AV as in Shakespeare 'latter' is always 
(except when «listinc(ly opposed to 'former') 
equivalent to 'last.' Thus in AV, Job 19'-"> 'For 
I know that my redeemer liveth, and that he 
nhall stand at (he latter day upon the earth' 
(ItV 'lit the last upon the <'aVth ) ; 2 P 2-'*' 'the 
latter end is woiNt< with them (han the beginning' 
(UV 'tint last state is Ix'come worse with them 
than the liist'): and in Shaks. /Irmif V. iv. i. 
143, 'All those ]e({N and arms and lieatls, ciio|)ped 
oir ill II battle, sliail join together ut the latter 
day' ; und 1 Ilcttry VI. II. v. 38 - 

' AimI III III* iMiiintn ii|»cn<l my Inllrr KMp.' 

The expreMwioiiH 'hitler end' and 'last end' aro 
thiiM equivalent, and IhiIIi ottl-fasliioned redun< 
For Latter Rain see Hain. J. HASTmas. 

• Yut lat4>r III, m<v ' .liilin-xli. iihi-r Vuljrilr-uiid Hniltlatvln ' hv 
r. llrypr, liuralnti'a JiihimlM-richl, X(!vlll. pp. aa 117. 




LATTICE.— See under Window in art. House, 
vol. ii. p. 435''. 

LAUD (taken directly frcm Lat. laudare, to 

f)raise) as a synonym for ' praise ' seems never to 
lave been very frequently used, either as verb or 
subst., though the latter was more common than 
the former. Shaks. has eacli twice. In AV the 
subst. does not occur, and the verb was retained 
only once, Ro 15" ' Praise the Lord, all ye Gentiles; 
and laud him, all ye people.' The Greek verbs 
here are dill'erent (atVew and eiraii/^u), and no doubt 
Tindale, from whom the tr. comes, introduced the 
variation purposely ; but AV seems simply to have 
accepted it from the immediately preceding versions, 
for in Ps 117^ of which this is a quotation, the Heb. 
verbs are again different, and Coverdale's tr. was 
again 'praise' and ' laud,' but the Geneva version, 
followed by the Bishops, changed ' laud ' into 
' praise,' and AV has ' praise the Lord, all ye 
nations: praise him, all ye people.' KV obliter- 
ates tlie distinction between the Greek verbs in 
Ro 15" giving 'praise' twice, but restores it in 
Ps 117' ; and in Ps 145^ RV again introduces 
' laud ' for ' praise ' to tr. the same Hcb. verb. 
But in Ps 147'^ RV has taken over the AV tr. 
' Praise tlie Lord, O Jerusalem ; praise thy God, 
O Zicn,' tliough the Heb. shows the same dis- 
tinction in its verbs. Driver (Parallel Psalter, 
1898) is more consistent, rendering ni^ by ' lauii ' 
wherever in the Psalter it can be so rendered (63"* 
117' 145^ 147'-), and keeping 'praise' for S'?.-!. 

Tindale uses the verb in Lk llF' ' the whole 
multitiule of the disciples began to rejoyce, and 
to lawde God with a loude voj ce ' ; and the subst. 
in 1 P 1' ' that youre fayth . . . myglit be founde 
unto lawde, glory, and honoure at the apperinge 
of Jesus Christ,' and 2'* ' for the laude of them 
that do well.' 

It is doubtful if even the verb can be used now 
without allectation ; but if it can, and the Revisers 
seem to have thought so, it is a pity it was not 
consistently used for eiraii'^w (Lk IG'', Ro 15", 1 Co 
ll-'- '^* --), to distinguish it frcm the more common 
alvio), to praise. J. HASTINGS. 

LAUGHTER.— The laughter mentioned in the 
Bible is of three kinds, ( 1 ) loud laughter as opposed 
to demonstrative weeping, (2) wondering or in- 
credulous, and (3) derisive. 

(1) ];^oheleth allows that there is a time to 
laugh as well as a time to weep (Ec 3^), but he 
reckons sorrow better than laughter (7*), and calls 
laughter madness (2-'). Bildad offers Job the pro- 
spect, if he be really upriglit, of a time when God 
will lill his mouth with laughter (Job 8-') ; the 
returning exiles enjoyed such a time (Ps 120^ ' Our 
mouth was then lilled with loud laughter' — De 
Witt) ; and Jesus promises it delinitely in the 
Restitution to those who weep now (Lk 6-'). In 
every instance it is the Oriental loud laughter, 
which is rarely heard, and only upon occasion of the 
utmost glad surprise. Christ's woe is pronounced 
on those who laugh now when no such surprise is 
possible (Lk 6-'^). 

(2) iSIore frequent is the laughter of wonder or 
incredulity. So Abraham (Gn 17'') and Sarah 
(18'-) laughed when they heard the promise of a 
son. And even when the promise could not be 
doubted longer by themselves, they knew that all 
that heard would laugh at them (21**), they were 
so old. 

RV retains in Gn 216 the AV translation ' all that hear will laugh 
with me.' But 'Tpnj;^ can mean only ' will laujrh at me ' ; cf. 
Job 522 397. 18. 22, Ps 598. still it is not derisive laughter that 
Sarah fears ; she does not fear the laughter at all ; she only 
knows that when people hear of it they will laugh, it is so aston- 
ishing as to be still almost incredible. ' Laugh with me ' is the 
rendering of the ancient versions and of all the English versions 

from Wyclif, except Tindale, 'And Sara sayde, God hath made 
me a laughinge stocke, for all that heare, will laugh at me.' 
(Joverdale bus even, ' God hath jirepared a joye for me, for who 
80 ever heareth of it, wyll rejoj se with me,' and is followed by 
the Geneva translators and the Bishops. Kalisch defends the 
AV tr., on the ground that ' no other stnse is adapted here but 
the smile of surprise and admiration.' But Dillmann, Del., 
Kautzsch (tiber mich), Segond (de moi), and most modern com- 
mentators translate ' will laugh at me ' — meaning, however, to 
express surprise rather than derision. 

(3) But the most frequent occurrence of laughter 
is in derision. The feeling ranges in exjuession 
from the gentle mocking of Daniel (Bel '") to the 
judicial laughter of Him that sitteth in the heavens 

(Ps 2^). 

There are three Heb. verbs translated ' laugh,' pny (except 
Jg 1625 Ezk 2332, confined to Pent.), its later form pny, and 
jyp- ■'^'1 three are occasionally rendered in AV ' laugh to scorn,' 
but esp. the last, which does not properly mean to laugh but to 
scoff at or scorn. In 2 Es 22i claudum irridere noli is tr^l 
'laugh not a lame man to scorn,' and the expression 'laugh 
to scorn' is found in the Gr. Apocr. as the tr. of xxTxyiXuai, 
Jth 1212, Sir 711 20" (cf. also 1 Mac lO^ ' I am laughed to 
scorn for thy sake,' lyii Ss iyivrfirit ilt xaTxyiXura.) ; txysXaiu, 

Wis 4I8 ; xxTxuMxxeuMi, Sir 137 ; and ^^s'"'?*'. 2 Mac T^' ; cf. 
also Sir C-* ' Shall make him to be laughed to scorn of his enemies,' 
irrixtfUM ix^f^" !r«;»,»-8/ avTiv. In NT xxTKytXaa is SO tr*i where it 
occurs (Mt 924 y jik 54" II Lk §53 at the raising of Jairus' 
daughter), so that a distinction is maintained between the 
simple yfXcLO) (only in Lk 62'. 25) and its more emphatic com- 
pound. The phrase is due to Tindale in these places, who thus 
im])roved on Wyclif ' thei scorneden hym.' Tind. was followed 
by all the versions. 

The phrases ' laugh on ' and ' laugh upon ' are 
now obsolete, though we retain the ecjuivalent 
'smile upon.' They occur once each. Job 29-^ 
'If I laughed on tliem, they believed it not' {pniyv. 
cn'hit, RVm ' I smiled on them when they had no 
conridence ' ; the AV tr. comes from the Geneva 
Bible, whicli explains its meaning by the marg. 
note, ' That is, thei thoght it not to be a jest, or 
thei thoght not that I wold condescend unto 
them '), 1 Es 4*' ' if she laughed upon him, he 
laughed also ' (^d»' trpoayeXdiTj) aiyr^J, 7eX?). 

J. Hastings. 

LAUNCH is now transitive only. In AV it 
occurs intransitively and only so. RV has changetl 
the word into 'set sail' (Ac 21'), 'put to sea' 
(Ac 27-'^), or simply 'put' (Lk S'*), and once has 
retained it (Lk 8^-). The transitive use must be 
the older, as the verb is formed from 'lance,' and 
means primarily to ' hurl a lance,' and then to 
send (a ship) into the water. Spenser uses it fre- 
quently in the simple sense of ' to pierce,' almost 
as we now use 'lance,' as FQ II. iv. 46, ' For since 
my brest was launcht with lovely dart.' Shake- 
speare has the word only once, and it is transitive, 
'I'roil. and Cress. II. ii. 82 — 

' Why, she is a jiearl, 
Whose price hath launch'd above a thousand ships.' 

The Greek is either (1) the compound form i^avayai, which 
occurs in MT only thrice, Mt 211** in the sense of returning into 
a city, and Lk 5*. * in the sense of ' put out ' (RV) to sea (in 53 
AV has ' thrust out,' after Tindale) ; or (2) the simple, 
which is found only in the writings of St. Luke (though the 
active ivxyn 'bring up' occurs in Mt 41, Ro 10^, He I320, as 
well as in Lk and Ac), but there it is of frequent occurrence. 
AV varies in its tr. between ' launch forth ' (Lk 822), ' launch ' 
(Ac 211 272. -i), ' loose ' (Ac iai3 ICU 2721), ' sail ' (Ac 182i 21)3. 13), 
'set forth' (Ac 212), and 'depart' (Ac 272 2810.11). rv has 
usually 'set sail '(Ac 1313 16II 1S21 203.13 211-2 2721 2811), but 
also ' launch forth ' (Lk 822), > embark ' (Ac 272), ' put to sea ' 
(Ac 274- 12), and simply 'sail' (Ac 28i0). The idea expressed in 
the prep. «va is not ' up ' to the ship, but up to the high sea 
from the lower harlwur or coast-lme ; cf. xxrx/ixim 'go down' 
to the coast from the higher land. J. HASTINGS. 

LAYER (iVg or t? ; LXX Xovr-^p). — This is the 
name given to the ten brazen basins made by 
Hiram for Solomon's Temple, 1 K 73"- 38. 43 ( = 2 Cli 
4«. 14) » They were raised on high st-ands, and 
furnished with wheels. Anything beyond this is 
difficult to ascertain with certainty. Keil and 

* In 1 K 7-10 I^^l'7n should be emended to niTpn (cf. v.45 I 
2 Ch 411- 16 and LXX Xs/Su-ra,-}. 




others make out the bases or stands (nbb?) to 
have been square boxes with ornamented panels. 
Novrack {Heo. Arch. ii. pp. 44-46), following Stade 
{ZATiV iii. 159 1!".). correct.s the text, which at 
present is unintelligible in parts, and, further, 
utili2e3 for comparison the vessels now known to 
have been used in Semitic antiquity from the evi- 
dence of the AssjTian monuments. He thus 
arrives at a more probable reconstruction, though 
he is perhaps over-bold in venturing on a con- 
jectural sketch of a laver as he understands it. In 
the following description of the details Nowack is 
followed in the main. 

The base or stand was made up of a lower and an 
upper division. The lower division was a square 
framework, of which the sides were partly open. 
If they had been massive plates of metal, each 
3x4 cubits, the whole \\ould have been too heavy 
to move. Moreover, the Assyrian examples show 
a much lighter kind of stand than those used in 
supporting the Greek ampliora. The sides were 
nice an unglazed window-frame, witli liorizontal 
borders or panels ' (nni--?) and vertical ledges or 
ciXMcpieces (cj^). At the corners were under- 
setters or shoulders, i.e. s<iiiare pillars whose lower 
extremities were extended to form feet, in which 
were fixed the axles, on which the wheels turned. 
The wheels, each IJ cubits higli, were thus com- 
pletely under the body of tlie base. Thus the 
lower part of the base l>eing itself 3 cubits high, 
its top edge was 4^ cubits high. On tlie top of 
this lower part was a pedestal (1 K 7^) consisting of 
a round compass or rin" (v.**) something like the 
capital of a colunm (v.*'). The outside measure- 
ment of this ring was 1^ cubits across, and tlie 
inside measurement 1 cubit, while it was raised 
half a cubit above the base proper (v.^). As the 
diameter of the latter was 4 cubits, the supports 
(stay* or hands) of the ring must have .sloped in- 
waras very considerably. 1 hese supi^rts seem to 
hare sprung from a .S4|uare framework (v."') resting 
on the top of the hnaa. As a dome with a central 
circular window ih often built over four square 
walls and supported by four ribs from the corners 
•loping inwards, so this o()cn metal frame had a 
Moare base and a round opening or ring, into 
wVieh the basin or lurcr litte<i. The borders and 
itofV were omamcnted with lions, oxen, and 
ebmmhini, and witli embossed wreaths. 

It is remarkable that these ten lavers do not 
nsmpjifttr in the Nketch of the new temiile put forth 
bj* I .] in the temple of Zerubl)abul, nor is 

anv them found in P'h representation of 

•' 'I'' !:istwo hear of them is tliat 

of the buses and t(«»k the 
From this tlie suggestion 
htif it the connecting parts of 

lh» in tumui similar const riic- 

Uons of whi' !j.i'<)h»gy has evidence, 

hollow, or th ..<»d iMHide plated over 

With bnuM. An inr till- iiiHciirding of the molten 
Mftaad loanipvablelaverM, which m-cuiH to iiKJicate 
•OOM ptrUiiVu-t' fl'Jllill^l llii'iii it hiU4 Im-cii (;on- 

J««etar»<t liicul aHMtciatiouH 

whJrh h , l„|. Tlie great 

tntti'- ; vvitli th4: deep (o'inri) and 

•b' •iidx. It In obMi>rvud that 

Kfikfi. . whi'i'ti'il liivcrM ortia- 

••llod I chi-ruhiiii, yrl hiiH a 

vwon (cli- ., I'M, uniting the <;har- 

••••rtitkai o< ', and "'agle, and of 

»h o<la d o— 1> ifh tlii-ni, tli« wliolo 

laaMv mggcAitii hcation of the 
doMsbonMon li> 
Uos of Om Chnu 

MMort It in Kinu''. u. 

toltjr IimaIos oottld have Iwen put to p 

Tli« i<xf)liinn> 

No hint is given in the elaborate description of 
any means for drawing off water. The symbolical 
interpretation gives a tine suggestiveness to these 
vessels. The priest of J" draws near to Him as 
Lord of the furtliest abyss and of the rolling storm 

Although, as Ave have seen, the molten sea and 
ten lavers have no parallel in the account of the 
tabernacle,, yet we find there a single laver. It is 
mentioned only in passages whicli are secondary in 
relation to Ps (Ex 30i^--i3P 35i« 38« 39''8 40", Lv 8"), 
and nothing is said as to its size or shape. It 
consisted of two parts, the basin and its pedestal 
(]3). The word 'base' (nyiDp) is not used. In Ex 
38* it seems to be stated that it was made of the 
mirrors of the serving women. Others, with some 
violence to the Hebrew, render ' (provided) with 
mirrors for the serving women.' Its purpose was 
definite, viz. that the priests might wash their hands 
and feet there before entering the tabernacle, by 
the door of which the laver stood on the inner side 
of the brazen altar. So in He 10-^ the imagery is 
applied to the true worsliipper, and in Tit 3'^ the 
laver becomes a type of the baptismal font, by 
which (5ia Xovrpov TraXiyyeveaias) believers have 
access into the Clinrch of the firstborn. In Zerub- 
babel's and Herod's temples there was, in accord- 
ance with P's representation, a single laver. 

Literature.— Keil, Nowack, and Benzinger on Bibl. Archseo- 
logry (only the first translated) ; Gesenius, Thes. ; the com- 
mentaries on Exodus and 1 Kings. 

G. Harford-Battersby. 
LAW (IN Old Testament).— 

1. History of the term 'Torah.' 
ii. Torah threefold— judicial, ceremonial, moral, 
iii. Rise anil history of written Torah. 
iv. Synonyms of ' law ' : — 

"(1) Jilishpdt ; (2) hok, hufckdh ; (3) mizwdh ; (4) 'idwoth 
or 'edOth; (Tij piklfudlm. 
V. The different codes of Hebrew law :— 

A. JE : (1) the Decalogue ; (2) Book of the Covenant - 

summary of its provisions —the ' Little Book of the 
Covenant' — age and character of the Book pf the 

B. Deuteronomy— summary of its provisions— changes 

in the laws repeated from JE — the new provisions 

C. The Law of Holiness (H) — summary of its provisions 

— ooni]>ared with Book of the Covenant. 

D. The I'rii'sts' Code (1*)— sunuuary of its provisions— 

P characterized and compared and contnisted with 
earlier cinles and witli inslitutions of other Semitic 
peonies— danger of abuse of ceremonial law — piuda- 
gogic olficti of the Law. 


The Heb. word for 'law' is tfirrih (n"iin), from 
hCiruh (n-jin), to point out Gn 40-'*, or to direct 
.Jg 13", meaning properly, a pi)inting out, or direc- 
tion, and being used specially of authoritdtice 
direction, given in .Jehovah's name — prinunily, no 
doubt, by priests, though it is by no nicnns limited 
to what is given by them — on points of moral, 
religious, or ceremonial duty. 

The rof)t ydrdh HigiiilU'H properly in throxc or cast ; and hence 
it Ih iM>HMiblr, OS liaH iM-en conjectured (Wellli. Hint. :«)4, cf. 
Skiizrit, iii. 107, I'll. 2, H;t; Nowiu-k, Arch. ii. 07; Bonziiiger, 
Arrh. 4(lS), that tlio priinlilvo meuning of liAriih in this con- 
nexion wim to cant the Macred lot— or arrows used as lots— at 
a winctuiiry, for the ))ur|>oNe of attcurluining the will of tlio 
(lellv nil Ix'hulf of tliime who i-ftine to consult it (the won! is 
uiieil of ftmliii'i liilH .Ion IS", and of nhiiotiinj arrows 1 S 'iO^'U at.). 
(!iilnp. the iiNe iniidi' hv the pricNt of the ICjihod and ITrlinand 
ThiiniMiUn. I H li:' '« '(L,\.\) <l (t-sp. l.X.X) « vU:. T6rdk, if 
tlilN view IM' correct, will hiive denoted originally the 'direc- 
tion' iilitalni-d by nieanH of the Hacred lot: it reinaineil a liuty 
of the Inr. prleNt to leiu'li J"'» ictruh, though this particular 
inellKMJ iif nwertulninic it no doubt fell early into abeyance, 
and till' term aiiinlred a ninrc general MeiiMe. ('oni|i. tlio pr. 
miineii 'TerelilnlhCK) of Moreh.' or 'the teacher' ((3n 12«, Dt 
ll*u), and 'iiilH'nth-Moreli,' 'Hill of the teiiclier' (Jg 71), most 
prulMbly Iho *i'al« uf niidenl ('uniuinitu oriuileH. 

i. Tim word had a history ; and in order to under- 
Klnnd it |ir< |o!ly, the Mliiges of its history must 
1ms brii-llv noted. (I) One of the earliest passages 
in wiiicli it occurs is Ex IB'"-'" (i<^), whuru tho 



decisions given by Moses on disputes ' between a 
man and his neighbour ' — evidently on secular 
matters — are termed the ' statutes ' and 'directions ' 
of God. This passage sets before us Heb. law 
in its beginnings. ' It is to be remembered that 
in early Semitic life government was largely ad- 
ministered by means of " Toroth," authoritative 
decisions, delivered by the chief or judge, who 
gave his verdict upon the basis of custom or pre- 
cedent. It was the reign of Tliemis, or of what 
we might call Consuetudinary Justice.* A picture 
of such an administration, actually conducted by 
Moses on such lines, stands before us in the narra- 
tive of Ex IS'^-^'^' (Ryle, Canon of the OT, p. 32). 
Decisions given in this way, especially on diHicult 
questions (cf. Ex IS-'*), would naturally form pre- 
cedents for future use (cf. OTJC- 3(J4) ; .and thus 
an increasing body of civil and criminal law would 
gradually grow up. (2) In the propliets the term 
is used of teaching given in Jehovah's name — 
sometimes by priests, but more frequently by 

trophets — on questions of religious or moral duty, 
losea (4®) attributes the crimes prevalent in Israel 
(vv.^--) to the priests' forgetfulness of the TorCih 
of their God (cr. 8*" '"') : this passage is important, 
as showing that the priestly ' torah ' included a 
moral element (cf. Ex 23^", Lv 10), and was de- 
pendent for its effectiveness upon the ' knowledge ' 
of God. The word is used similarly, of moral and 
spiritual te.aching, in Am 2^. In Is P" tlie ' TdrCih 
of our God' is the exposition whicii follows (vv.^^"''') 
respecting the true character of religious service ; 
Is 5'-^ the TorCih which Judah has rejected consists 
of the precepts of civil righteousness and morality, 
tiie disregard of whicii the prophet has been de- 
nouncing (vv.*"^) ; Is S"** ^ it denotes the half- 
political half - religious advice just given by the 
pro]>het (vv.'-'i'): it is used sinularly in 31)" (see 
v.'"'- ; and cf. v.-"**, where the prophets are called 
by tlie corresponding participle, the 'directors' 
[teachers] of the people of Jerusalem). In Jer 6'* 
y^ 16'^ 26^ 32-'^ 441U. a jjjg reference may be partly 
(see 26^) to the preaching of the propliets, i)artly 
(notice the context, and the addition in 9'^ 2(5^ 44'" 
of ' which I set before j'ou ') to the teaching of 
Deuteronomy. Other examples of the same gene- 
ral sense of direction, though not specially given 
by prophets, are Ps 78' (of a ditlactic Psalm), 
Job 22-- (' Receive now direction from his [God's] 
mouth'); in the mouth of a mother, Pr 1" Gr" ; 
of a teacher of practical wisdom, Pr 3' 4- 6^ (cf. 
IlVm) 7- IS'''; of tiie nu)del woman, 31^** ('law,' 
in all these passages, is a misleading rendering). 
It is also used of the giiiddnce, or direction, to be 
given by J", or His re[>resentative, in tiie future 
ideal age : Is 2M = Mic 4-), Jer 31=«, Is 42^ (of the 
preaching of J"'s ideal servant), 51^. (3) Side by 
side with this broader proi)iietical application of 
the term, there was, however, a narrower one, 
in which it was particularly associated with the 
priests, antl (like the cognate verb hjruh) denoted 
the oral direction given by them in Jehovah's 
name, especially on matters of ceremonial observ- 
ance, such as the nature of the ditlerent kinds of 
sacrifice, the cases in which they weie respectively 
to be ottered, tiie criteria of leprosy, the conditions 
upon wliich it dejiended wiietiier a tiling was 
'clean' or 'unclean,' etc.; the laity came to tiie 
priests for instruction on all such jioints, and tiie 
answer given to them was tordh, 'direction.' Hag 
2", though a late passage, shows what ' toraii ' 
was very clearly : the prophet is told to inquire 
of the priests whetiier in two particular cases an 
object becomes 'holy,' or 'unclean,' in tlie words 
' Ask now direction of the priests ' [not as RV, 
' concerning the law ' : there is no art. in tiie 
Heb.], the answer to the inquiries being tiie ' direc- 
* Cf. Maine's Ancient Law, ch. 1. 
VOL. III.— 5 

tion' or tdrdh (cf. Mai 2® 'truthful direction was 
in his mouth'; v.'' 'they seek direction from his 
mouth'; v.** 'ye have caused many to stumble 
by your [false] direction^ ; v." 'and have respect 
of persons in direction' [not 'in the law']). Eor 
earlier instances, partly of the subst., partly of 
the cognate verb, see Dt 17" (of decisions given 
by the supreme court of priests and lay-judges on 
cases of civil or criminal law) ' ace. to the direction 
wherewith they direct tiiee, and ace. to the judg- 
ment which they tell thee, tiiou slialt do,' 24* 
' take heed that thou do according to all tliat the 
Levitical priests direct you ' (in the case of leprosy), 
33'» 'they teach Jacob thy judgments [Ex 21'], 
and Israel thy direction,' Mic 3" ' her priests 
direct for hire,' Jer 2* (' the handlers of the tordh 
[n-iinn 'B'^h], i.e. the priests, know me not'), 18'* 
' direction will not perish from his mouth,' i.e. tlie 
priest and his functions will never come to an 
end (said by those who disbelieved Jeremiah's pre- 
dictions of disaster), Zeph 3^ ('her priests have 
profaned what is holy, they have done violence to 
tordh,' — .Tiin "D^n), Ezk 7-'* {' direct io7i shall perish 
from the priest, and counsel from the elder ' : cf. 
La 2^ 'without [priestly] direction'), 22* ('her 
priests have done violence to my tordh, they have 
profaned my holy things, they have made no 
ditterenoe between the holy and the common '), 
44'-'^ (cf. Lv 14") 'they shall direct my people 
between the holy and the common, and make 
them to know between the unclean and tiie clean ' 
(notice in these two passages the connexion of 
tordh with ceremonial distinctions), Hab I^ ' there- 
fore tordh is numbed' {i.e. is paralyzed, inett'ec- 
tual : tiie violence and disorder, vv.^**-^'', incap- 
acitates even the priests in the discharge of their 
duties). Tliese passages show clearly tlie associa- 
tion of tordh with the priests (cf. also 2 K 17-^-", 
2Ch 15^) ; they show not less clearly that, altliougii 
it denoted a simply oral direction, this 'direction' 
was regulated by certain fundamental principles, 
whicii miglit 1 e neglected or violated by unfaitliful 
priests. (4) In process of time, tordh came furtiier to 
denote a body of technical direction on a given sub- 
ject : in tills sense it occurs frequently in P, esp. 
in the expression 'this is the tordh ('law') of tiie 
burnt-ottering, of the cereal ottering, of leprosy, 
of the Nazirite,' etc., Lv 6"- '•»• '-* 71.11.17 ^w ^1^ 

1389 14.'. Sa. 84. 87 153;i .2(J4«^ ]Sfu 529. 30 QIS. 21 jgj. 14 3lJ_ 

As, however, Wellii. has pointed out {Hist. 59, 
395 ; cf. Nowack, ii. 9H), the more original sense 
of tordh even here will have been that of direc- 
tions given to tiie laity, not (as in Lv 0-7) rules 
regulating tiie priests' own praxis at the altar. 

In Dt (1» 4»--*^ 17'«-"* 27''-'*--« 28'*«i 29-'''' 30'« 
31». 11. 12. 24. 20 3246) ^jjg term, esp. in the expression 
'this law,' is used somewhat amijiguously : some- 
times it denotes more particularly the code of 
laws embodied in Dt ; sometimes it is used more 
generally of the exposition of an Israelite's duty 
contained in the book, and consisting partly of 
the actual laws, partly of the hortatory introduc- 
tions and comments accompanying tiiem, in otiier 
words it denotes the Deuteronomic legislation 
generally ; in the last-named sense it also occurs 
repeatedly (often in siutli phrases as ' tiie book of 
the law,' 'the law of Moses,' 'the law tiiat Moses 
comm.anded,' etc.) in the Deuteronomic sections of 
Jos and Kings (Jos V-» g^'- 3^- »* 22=> 23«, 1 K 2=*, 
2 K lU-*' H** 17'^" •"• '" 21® 22** ^' 23-^- '■^). 

After the time of Ezra,* when P liad been com- 
bined with JEU, and the Pentateuch had assumed 
(virtually) its present form, the term is used, yet 
more generally, of the Pent, as a whole, as 1 Cli 
16^ (witli reference to Ex 29'"^ff- P), 2 Cii 31* etc., 
Ezr 3'-, Neh 8"''-. In the Psalms it is used often 

* The reference in Malachi (42) is to Deuteronomy : set 




of the le^nslative parts of the Pent, in general, as 
Ps 1- 19' 37'' 40^ (perhaps here with particular 
reference to Dt), 94'^ 119'- '» etc. 

jL From the preceding sur\'ey of passages, it 
Wurbe apparent that Hebrew turdh had a tliree- 
fold character : it was judicial, ceremonial, and 
moral. The ceremonial tonlh is most prominent 
in the OT ; but the judicial and moral turdh was 
not less a reality, esp. in early times. Nor is it 
doabted b^ critics that this tCrdh, under all its 
an)ects, originated with Moses. Wellhausen writes 
{Hut. 396, 397 n., 438): 'The priests derived their 
Torah from Moses : thev claimed only to preserve 
and guard what Moses' had left {Dt'33^*" ). , . . 
fewn th e_t''-f-"-i'-'' f'liition [of the Pent.] it is 
iaitan ffi; i" founder of the Torah.' * 
"iio?*^. nnv icate a finished code : he 
V . iider of a j>iujc//j7c, and of a ^rrtfW/on ; 
li le first to call mto activity the actual 
jBcn~e i i>r law and justice, and to Iwgin (Ex 15^ 18) 
^e s eries of oral decisions which were continued 
alter iitm by tlie priest.' And Montefiore, after 
enipba;sizing the fact that from the beginning J" 
wa* a moral God, a God of justice, continues 
{Hibb. Ltct. pp. 45, 64 f.), 'Most original and 
characteri.stic was the moral inlluence of Yahveh 
in the domain of law. Yahveli, to the Israelite, 
was emphatically the Gotl of rijjrht. . . . From the 
earliest times onward, Yahveli's sanctuary was 
the «lciH)sitarv of law, and the priest was his 
spokesman, 'riie oracle of V'ahveh, of wliich the 
priesta were the interpreters, decided suits and 
i|aaiTels, and probably gave guidance and advice 
in questions or .social ditiiculty. The Torah — or 
teaching— of the priests, half-judicial half-pajda- 
gogic, was a deep moral influence ; and tliere was 
no t'h*rin*nt in the religion which was at once 
mon; genuinely Hebrew and more closely identified 
with the national God. There is good reason to 
|wli^-e that this priestly Torah is the one religious 
'-*--'^- — jibich cou IfiTTorrectly attributed to 
. TiiuQsh Mos^fe^ 'aii iiiit f'" °"t>^"- 
•■■•■^^ ■ -•■-. •• •■ -aUijuilie 

.... xodaa of 
^^^ I, in giving 

"JtHJfhji evident from 

the term ol Kx Is'^' itlic puoplc come to Moses 
tu ' inquire of (iod ' for the settlement of civil 
dwputeM, and his decisions are 'the statutes and 
turilh of (Jixl'i 21" '*r- " (comj). 1 S 2'^).t (^lestions 
of cerenionia! nl.w fell naturally within tlje priests' 
province ; and their answers on this subject were 
rejrnHfH «iniilarly a« the judgments of (Jod. It 
'• I'lirr, ifrom the ethi<-al character of J",, 

tl' "M of Moses and his successors, even 

oil jiiiiii-iiii and ceremonial matters, were always 
penneated by a strong moral clement. The (fe- 

..1 l.V Mn. 

'It'liiiilcly luui'ked 
Lilly a regulative 
i~i which, as lime 
lor the pur|M)si) of 

10* A 
lAnlMMlrn ii|Mfri Iii<' ii 

wMi on, wen foiiml 
maaUiur new needn. 

fmmnnr-gintfniticin <.f'prir.«t-( tonnother, a?i»i 
d* ' I lo lliomi who came to 

f »l>"» .Foil JW" i>r 3|;ii) 

'^' it lirnt comtnitti'd 

'" I the IVttt, hIiowh 

'' ' '"I liiitno' 

:n>m one 
'I'<' ; and 

JiL 'Td^rdA' waa oriffinnlly »m/, handed down 


to tb« king ti>' 

(2)^that_tlieiiifl'erent groitps-cannofr IreTegarded as 
thej)roduct of a single generation, but must spring 
from different peritwis of tlie history. TheslTanu 
other indications make it clear that the process of 
writing down the oral Torah was a gradual one. 
First of all, small collections of priestly Turoth on 
particular subjects were written down : then these 
were enlarged, or supplemented by others: till the 
final result was the body of turoth embedded in our 
present Pentateuch. I^TThese different collections 
did not often remain in their primitive form : new 
provisions were introduced into tliem ; they were 
revised and adjusted to suit the requirements of a 
later age : in some cases, they were largely ex- 
panded by parenetic or other additions. '" The 
frequently loose arrangement of subjectS^ In the 
various groups is a sufiicient proof we no 
longer possess them in their original form. The 
process of writing down began, no doubt, at an 
early date ; though we cannot say definitely how 
early. The Book of the Covenant is an early 
written collection of such tdroth : it is true, the 
name is not .actually given to it ; but the analogy 
of Ex IS"*- ^ shows that it would correctly describe 
it. The ritual section of this collection (23'"-i'*) 
appears in a different recension in Ex 34^*^'^^. 
Otlier collections of tGroth are those forming the 
original nucleus of the ' Law_of Holiness' (see 
below). The laws forming tbe bails^of the Deut. 
code were also doubtless, at least in the great 
majority of cases, taken by the writer from a 
written source (or sources). The existence of 
written toroth is implied distinctly in Hos 8'- RV 
(where J" says tiiat, however many ' directions ' He 
writes for Ephraim, His people treat them as some- 
thing with which they have no concern) : the con- 
text, however, and 4" (see above) show that the 
allusion here is not to ritual, but to ethical and 
religious i)recei)ts, especially those relating to civil 
righteousness. * 

There ia an interesting, but obscure, passage bearing on this 
sut)jeet, in Jer 8^* ' How say yc, We are wise, and J"'s direc- 
tion is with us? Surely falsely hath it wrought, the false pen of 
the scribes.' The priests here claim that tlicy possess the 
legitimate tradition, and principles, of J"'s tdrdh : Jeremiah 
replies that the scribes— whiiMi must denote here those who 
connnittcd this tdrHh to writing— ha<l dealt falsely, i.e. (apjmr- 
ently) had been untrue to the principles which it was their <futv 
to maintain, had in some way i>erverted or falsified the tOrah 
of which they were the exponents (cf. 2**, though there is not 
here any reference to writing). We do not know m<ire pre- 
cisely wliat Jeremiah alludes to : perhaps to heathen rites, for 
which, in the syncretistic fashion of the day, the false priests 
sought thus to gain the sanction of J"'s name. 

Other priestly laws were written down by Ezekiel, 
in his draft for the worship of the restored com- 
munity, esp. in chs. 43-45 (cf. DTJC- 374-*877 ; 
Tlyle, (Vth««, 73) ; but the great bulk— those, riz^ 
ismbraccd in wiiat is now generally knowiV as TTm 
' l^riostft' rod(>* — were not, it seems, codified till 
somewhat later, when, the tcmiilt? having beiMi 
(lesl roved, and the worshi|) iiilerni|)lod, the priests, 
flint tlio tia<liti<)ns of tlicir order might not )»c for- 
gotten, rcdiUMMl to writing and systematized what 
had hitlM*rto heeii familiar to them from tiie daily 
exercise of their profession (cf. Weliii. Hist. iS'Ji., 
4<»i ; Ityle, Canon, 71-74 ; Montefiore, Jli/ib. Lcct. 
'23 f f. ). 

iv. Siptonyms of ' Law.' f — 1. t59f9 mishpal, 
'judgment' (K(tmctimes rendered 'ordinance'), 
proiicrly u diMMMion given in an individual case, 
atitl then eNtablishcd as a |ii'ec(>dent for other 
similar <wiscm. Mishjtii( occurs in this sense in 
.JK, Kx !.")•'* ('there mail(> he for it (Israel) a 
statute anil ori/iminre, and tln'ro ho proved it,' — 

• W. nil nil Inf. : 'Offcnlmr Wclmingen (Ibor dio D'hSk nyi 
'■ ■ dunmlN nclion aiifge/.elchiiut vorlngen ' ; of. Ili»t 

I N..wack,(i(</of.; Kuril;; OJfiih.-Hi-iir. II. 820; Kylo 
' " / . .'i:!. 

( U. Uiiga», Uljhcr Crit. of the llex.^ (MiT), p. 242 tf. 



a noticeable passaf^e, witnessing, like Ex IS'^- -" 
above, to Moses' work as a fraiiier of laws for his 
people *), 21' and 24^ (of the enactments in the 'Book 
of the Covenant ' prescriljing penaltitjs for particular 
offences, introduced by if or when, and contained 
chiefly in 21'-22'^) ; in H (always combined with 
nipn ''statutes') Lv 18^-»-« ig^*' -l^-'^ 25»« 2Gi*-^^--*« 
(here n'i?~) ; in Dt, usually with 'statutes' (□"]?", 
not as in H nipn), of the provisions of the Dent, 
code (chs. I2-20K 4'- »• «• i^- « 5'-=»' &-'^ 7"- '^^ 8" 
111- 82 121 2Gi«- 17 3018 . also in the Blessing of Moses, 
33'" (as pronounced by the priests : || ' direction ') ; 
in P rarely, and in the specilic sense of Ex 21' 24^ 
only Nu 27" 35-^' ^, cf. 36' '. t The primary sense 
of the word is an enactment of the civil or criminal 
law ; but it is also (as in H) apjilied to enactments 
of the moral or ceremonial law, wliich migiit be 
viewed analogously as Divine 'decisions.' (Tiie 
word occurs also frequently in other books besides 
the Pent.):;: 

In Gn 14'' Kadesh is called ' En-mishpat,' ' spring of judgment,' 
— eitlier, it seems, because it was the site of an ancient oracle, 
at which decisions were given for the settlement of disputes, or 
(Wellh. Uist. 343, 397 n., 430, 439) from its having been the 
scene of Moses' legislative acti\ity, during what appears to 
have been Israel's long stay there (Driver, UeiU. p. 32 f.). 

Mishpat also occurs sometimes in the enlarged 
sense of right ('Recht'), as a rule of action in 
general : it thus becomes virtually equivalent to 
religion, reganlcd as a system of practical duties ; 
Jer 5^ ' they (the poorer classes) know not the way 
of J", nor the mish/idt of their God,' v.* 8^, Is 4'2' 
' lie sliall bring fortli {\mh\inh) right (i.e. religi<m)to 
the nations,' vv/* * 51^ (il toruh), 58- ; cf. 2 K H-'* -^ 
(AV and RV, poorly, 'manner'). 

2. pn, npn, huk, hiikl/dh, 'statute,' from |?pn to cut 
in, in.<ieribe, engrave (Ezk 23'\ Job ID-", Is 10', Pr 
8'* [AV and RV ' decree ']), and therefore denoting 
projierl}^ something cngriiren on stone, or other 
durable surface, though applied in usage to any 
kind of fixed ordinance. It was a common practice 
in antiquity to engrave laws upon slabs of stone or 
metal {arrjXai), and to set them up in some public 
place — and the same custom is presupposed in the 
use of these two words in Hebrew. Both terms 
occur frequently in H, Dt, ami P. The earliest 
examples (.IE) are Ex 1'2-^ 13'" IS''" ^s isi6.:i« (E) ; 
cf. (in a dillerent connexion) (Jn 47-'*', also Jos 24-', 
Jg n^, 1 8 30-». The combination 'statutes 
and judgments' is common in H and Dt (see 
above). For instances in P (often in the ex- 
pression, 'a statute [RV frequently, 'due'] for 
ever '), see Ex 27-' 28« 29"- -*^, Lv 3'" «'»• -- 16-'« "• ■^* 
etc. § 

3. rns? mizwdh, 'commandment,' a general term, 
implying something commfindcd (viz. by J"). Most 
frequent in Dt (43 times), as 4-- •'" o'-"** K Rare in 
the other codes: in JE, Ex lo'-'* 16-* 20*<prob. from 
Dt), 24'-^ : in H, Lv '22=" 2()^- '^- " ; in P, Lv 4^- '=<• --• -'' 
517 273J, Nu 15--- ^'- =*»• •»" 30'^ 

4. ni-ty 'cdwoth or 'cdoth, ' testimonies ' : iri the 
Pent, only Dt 4-« 6''- 2« ; a theological term, denot- 
ing generally moral and religious ordinances, 
regarded as an attestation, or solemn declaration, 
of the Divine will. In P the sing, tesfiittoni/ is 
used frequently of the Decalogue, as a statement 
Kar e^oxv" of God's will for man, esp. in the ex- 
pressions ' Ark, tables, or tabernacle, of the testi- 
mony,' Ex 25"'-=''-- 27-' 31"* 34-'«, Nu I'"'", and 

5. D'-i|i!3;>j77.(7(/m, 'precepts': only in the Psalms 
(19* lOS's 111"',' and 21 times in Ps 119). 

V. Hebrew law falls into distinct Codes, those 

* Cf. Wellh. JIM. 343 ; and Dillni. ad loc. 

i Cf. Ex 219- 31, Dt 2117, Jer 327- », Ezk !&« 23-«. 

J See further Baentsch, Das Bxtn(h»buch (1W)2), 29-34. 

§ Both these words are also used sometimes of lawn of nature : 
•3 Jer 31^'6, Job 2S26, Ps I486 (pn) ; Jer 5'^ 3135 332!, job 3833 


viz. of JE, Dt, H, and_P, and the characteristics 
of these must neiff be examined.* 

A. In JE we have (1) the DECALOGUE (wh. sec), 
Ex 20--'7, a concise but comprehensive summary of 
tlie fundamental duties of the Israelite towards 
God and man. We have (2) the ' Book of the 
Covenant' (Ex 20'^-23^^ ; in explanation of the 
name see 24'), the laws contained in which com- 
prise two elements (24^), the ' words ' (or commands) 
and the 'judgments': the 'judgments,' expressed 
all hypothetically, and relating to the civil and 
criminal law, being comprised in 21'-22"-^-^, and 
the ' words,' consisting mostly of positive injunc- 
tions of the moral or ceremonial law, and introduced 
by thon shalt or thou shalt not, being comprised in 
2o«-.'6 22i«-^-'- 2S-31 23'-i9. With iheform of the laws, 
and the parenetic additions which they sometimes 
exhibit (as 22^"-^), we are not here concerned : the 
laws tiiemselves are designed to regulate the life 
of a community living under simple conditions of 
society, jind chiefly engaged in agriculture. They 
may be grouped as follows f: — 

i. Enactments relating to eioil aiid criminal laxc: 

1. The rights of Hebrew slaves (male and female), 21111. 

2. I^w of murder and manslaughter vv-i'^i-l-*, of violence 

to a parent v.i*, of man-stealing v.i6, of cursing a 
parent v.i''. 

3. Bo<lily injury caused by men yv.l8-?7 (bodily injury in- 

flicted in a quarrel v.iSf. ; beating a slave to death 
v.'**f- ; injury done in a quarrel to a pregnant woman 
v.22_ or other bystander w.'ii-'n j striking out the eye 
or tooth of a slave v.26f.). 

4. Bodily injury due to animals, or neglect of reasonable 

precautions vv.2>3<i (injury done by an ox to a free man 
or woman vv. 28-31, or to a slave v.32 ; injury caused by 
neglect in leaving an open pit v.33r. ; injury done by an 
ox to one belonging to another person v.38f. ; in the 
first and last of these cases, the i)enalty, where the 
neglect is culpable, is materially increased). 

5. Theft 221-1 (theft of ox or sheep v.l ; burglary vv.2-4). 

6. Compensation for damage v.6i'- (damage (lone hy stray- 

ing cattle v. 5 ; damage done by fire spreading to 
another man's field v.<>). 

7. Compensation for loss or injury in various cases of 

depJosit or loan vv.''-i5 (cases of deposit vv.V-l*. 10-13 ; 
case of injury to a borrowed animal v.l4f). 

8. Compensation for seduction v.iB'-. 

ii. Moral, religious, and ceremonial enactments: 

1. Law relating to altars 2()'-'*-28 (altars to be of earth or of 

unhewn stone, and not to be approached by steps). 

2. Sorcerj- and bestiality to be punished with death 22i8f.. 

3. Sacrifice to ' other gods' to Ije punished with the ' ban ' 


4. Humanitarian laws 2221-27 (the g(r, or resident for- 

eigner, the widow and the orphan, not to be ©(ipressed 
22'-'i 24 ; interest not be taken from the poor 22'-'; a 
garment taken in ple«lge to be returned before night- 
fall 22'«f-). 

6. God not to be reviled, nor a ruler cursed 2228. 
8. Firstfruits and firstborn males to be given to J" 2229f- 

(cf. 131'^, where it is added that the firstling of an 
ass is to be either redeemed with a lamb or killed, 
and the firstborn of a man is to be redeemed) ; and 
flesh torn of beasts not to be eaten 2231. 

7. Veracity and impartiality in giving evidence in a court 
of law 231-3. 

8. An enemy's beast to be presented from harm 23-*f-. 

9. Justice to be administered imi>artially 23'>-ii (bribes not 
to be taken : the poor and the ger not to he oppressed). 

10. The seventh year to be a fallow year, and the seventh 
day a day of rest 23IC12 (the motive in each case is a 
philanthropic one). 

11. God's commands to be honoured, and 'other gods' not 
to be invoked 231'. 

12. The three annual pilgrimages (of Unleavened Cakes, 
Harvest, and Weeks) to be observed 231*1? (all males 
to appear before J" at each). 

13. Three closing regulations 2318-19 (sacrifice not to be 
offered with leavened bread, nor its fat to remain un- 

* The literary characteristics of the Codes do not fall within 
the scope of the present article ; but it may be remarked in 
passing that each ix)sse8ses distinctive literary features of its 
own, and that even the form of the laws sometimes differs in 
the different codes : thus, while in Ex 21-i3 a law commonly 
begins in the form zi^K n3' '31 (2120. 22. -jo etc.), in P the form 
'D CIK or '3 B'2: is frequent (Lv 12 21 42 etc.), and in H the 
form "irN B"N B"N(Lv 173-8. 10. 13 etc.). 

t Comp. Stade, Geseh. i. 636 ; Ilolzinger, Einl. 243. Many of 
these laws seem to fall into groups of ten, which L. B. Paton 
has endt'a\ oure<l recently to restore in their (suppostd) original 
completeness ; see JBL, 1893, p. 79 ff. (an abstract in LOV^ p. 40) ; 
and cf . Briggs, I.e. p. 211 ff. 




burnt until the following morning ; flrstfruits to be 
brought to ' the house of J" ' ; a kid not lo be boiled 
in its mother's milk). 

The ceremonial provisions contained in 23'""^' are 
repeated in 34^^'""-* — a section sometimes called the 
•Little Book of the Covenant,' and sometimes also 
(from ^*) the 'Words of the Covenant' — with 
changes of order, and slight verhal variations, and 
with the addition in 34'-"^" of more specilic injunc- 
tions against idolatry. * 

The * Book of the Co venant ' is th e old est Code of 
/ Hebrew law with whictrwe artTEcquainfeTP-older, 
' (jio doabt, than the narrative (E) in which it was 
incorporated ; it embodies, to use Cornills expres- 
sion, the 'consuetudinary law of the early mon-' 

chy,' and embraces (m accordance with the 

use of turSh and niishput, explained above) the 
iaiong wlijch had accumulated giadu- 

use it was desijnied had made some progress 
iu civilization is evident frcuiiiheoiauy restrictions 
imposed on tlie arbitrary action of the individual ; 
on tHeother hand, that it was still in a rel.Ttively 
archaic condition ap|>ears from such regulations as 
SI**" and 2r-^-* (the Ifx t'alionis), or the conception 
of God as the inmiediate soun-e of judgment (21* 
22^*; cf. 1 S 2*^). The stfjge of oociety for which 
the Code was designed, and the characteristics of 
the Code itself, are well indicated by W. R. Smith 
[OTJV^ 34011".). 'The society contemplated in it 
18 of very simple ^structure. The basis «»f life is" 

r cultural. Cattle and agricultural produce are 
maiii elements of wealth; "and the laws of 
property deal almost exclusively with them. The 
principles oT criniinal and civil justfce are those 
rtill current aiuuiig the Arabs of th0* desert, viz. 
retaliation and iKMuniajy compensation. Murder 
U dealt witli by the law of blood revenge: but' 
the distinction— which in Greece >vas still not 
MCOgn i/e<l in th<- ;i_'i- of Homer— is drfvaji l>etween 
mordcr r, amT 'the innocent 

man-*! un at (^.od's alUr (21", 

•'•). With mitrder are 
' s against parents, and 
■— occasions. of self- 
aiijustcd at the 
i inal injuries fall 
under the inw^l ret«iif»t-ion, just as murder does. 
lilnv- for bIfMv is «.f ill tlif hnv.of the Arabs ; and in 
C;i . (ifscit, the retaliation 

ly of ficlf-help. Excciit 
no |)Mnishniciit, but only 
:i ^omc r.'isfs is jit the will of 
1i:. , ill.' MJiiTMutiveof direct 
, )>d by law. l>e- 

f' iwri, and loss of 

' I liief .who cannot 

I" I rr HM'nrrd for the 

■I- III j.'.c.ioni after 7 yenrs, 
to ii'iiiuiii :i lioiidnian, anci sealH 
""'tuition at tli(! door of the 
if bloo«l n'vcrigi' ugainHt his 
' inif.-.l "Jf""- ; llinii-li, in- 


*yHfMM ' W iilni'ii >.iii\c-. urrt! 

wS^w ' ' n, it may \>*' inf<TH'd, 

.< ...' • of t||(. family 
^ i ' iM property 

{2V), w»K» r. , i.iIm- h.-r to 

a biuliand : uud m* u ilaki>{lavi •• di^liononr in com- 
|iMi«it4<«l lijf lirw M a iNituiinry \inm to her father 

'••-«i»': a4«-»»» .'n* Mi-'n., .,,,-1 ,,«.,, with 

•lltfitl >vrt«J ttiifvmKV*). > 'iwMI thcM 

\am»m'titrmUmm nt J/ ». .,rt f„||y, 

BHrm I*, p. tW«. 
turn, tunlm. wt Vtuutm Aim i't nuMmu»n in vol. I. 

w n r tuary. 
maaltrr («. 

claim \> 


To manj' of the laws th 're are interesting paral- 
lels in the eiirly codes of other nations (e.g. in 
Solon's Code at Athens) : these are pointeci out in 
the commentary of Dillmann. Some of the pro- 
visions seem to us harsh (21-^ 22''*), but accountj 
must be taken of the age for which they were! 
presepibed ; and a humane regard for the unpro-l 
tea<^^and the helpless is unquestionably the domi-f 
j0t\t spirit of the Code. 

Turning now to the more distinctively moral an^ 
religions aspects of the Code, we observe firstly thti 
regard paid to the claims of humanity and justicell 
An emphatic voice is raised against those crying|' 
vices of Oriental governpient, the maladministration 
l»f justice and the oppression of the poor. The gcr, 
or foreigner living in Israel under the protection of 
a family or a community, has no. legal status, but 
he is not to be oppressed. The Sabbath is enjoined 
as a day of rest for men and cattle ; and the pro- 
duce of every field or viney.ard is to be left to the 
poor one year in seven. Religious institutions are 
in a simple, undeveloped stage. He m ho sacriticea 
to any god but Jehovah falls under' the ban. The 
only ordinance of ceremonial sanctity is to abstain 
from the Hesh of animals torn by wild beasts. 
Altars are to be of simple, almost rudimentary, 
structure. The sacred dues are iirstlings and 
lirstfruits ; and the former must be presented at 
a sanctuary on the eighth day. This regulation 
of itself presupposes a ])luiality of sanctuaries, 
which also agrees with the terms of 20-*^ The 
three pilgrimages, at which eveiy male is lo appear 
before J ", mark three periods of the agricultural 
year — the beginning and the close of harvest, and 
the end of the vintage. The only points of sacri- 
ficial ritual insisted on arc abstinence from leaven 
in connexion with the blood of the sacrillce, and 
the rule that the fat must be burnt the same night. 
The only sacrifices named are burnt -oll'erings and 
ptiace- (or thank-) oHerings (20-^). 

'Ji. The next code which has to be considered is 
thai; of Dcntcrunomij. From a literary point of 
view, Deuteronomy (disregarding the few short 
jtassjiges belonging to P, and the two poems in 
chs. 32. 33) consists of a code of laws accumpanietj 
by hortatory introductions and comments. Heiii 
we are concerneil only with the laws as such. A 
comparison of the laws embodied in Dt Mith those 
of the ' Bo()k of tlie Covenant ' at once shows tliat 
thoy are designed for a community living under 
more fully developed social conditions. T)t, speak- 
ing generally, may be described as a revised aud 
enlarged edition of the Rook of the Covenant, 
udaptetl to the rc(j\urements of a later age. With 
the exception of tlie compensations to lie paid for 
various injuries (Hx 21'" 22"^), nearly all the pro- 
visions of Kx 21)--- 23-'^' are included in it; aud 
there are in additit»n many entirely new ones. A 
complclo talmliir synopsis of the two codes will bo 
ftMind aliove (vol. i. p. (1(1(1 f. ) ; here, therefore, it will 
be sunici««nt to give a brief o\illino of the Deut. 
Code, and to mak(^ some general rennuks on the 
DciitcroMomic changes and additions. 

(Jut line of laws in Deuteronomy : — 

L Ufti'junm Ohiu'rennceii : 

I. i.nw cif •.iniftr miiii'iimrv I'ii ** (Imrnt-offcririprs, wicri- 
l\i'«'H [i.r. )iuiii'i'-i)irrilll>rn|, tilhi'H, 'llcavi'-olfcrillgs' 
lllrNKniilM, lUiil iMliiT orTiTin^'H fniiii the tn'odiico of 
(Ik- »iiII|, vdWB, fri'i'wlll olTcritiHH, iiml tliKtliiiK-s, all 
til Ih- iilTrn-d lit thi' rriid'iil wiiictuurj' : blooil not to 


I.awii iiKitlriNt tilt- worKliip of ' other (joilii ' Ti*'-!.'?'*'. 
SaiiiMK.v of thi' liiK.v U' 4i ({HTNoii not to bo (liHflK'iirpd 

in nioiiriiiiiK M"' ; law of I'lciin luul iiiiclvun aiiiiiiula 
t't'i''"''; \\v*\\ of iiiilniulM «lyliijf of tlioiuMcIviiH not to 

In' I'IiIi-II I I'll) 

i. I.uw'11 (i'ti<liii(( III itini<lii)riit<> thi< coMililion of the poor 
H'« l.'.l'"(.liHii.mi(loii of till' tidic U'-lia'; 

ri'llrf iiriil toili-liiorN cvcrv ni'vi'hIIi \vm Ifi' " ; 

Inwof i.lmi.r> I.MHIN). 

ft. OITt'rlnipi <i'*<l fuNllvuU (nnillinif ninluN to be alTcrcil lo 



J" 1519-23 ; regulations respecting the observance 
of the three annual jiilgriniages 10^17). 
•1. The Office-bearers of the Theocracy : 

1. Judges, lCi**-20 (to be appointed in all cities ; and to be 

strictly impartial in judgment). 

[IC'^if- asherahs and 'pillars' prohibited ; 171 sacri- 
fices to be without blemish ; IT^-' an Israelite, 
convicted of idolatrj', to be stoned to death J. 

2. The supreme central tribunal 178-lS. 

3. The king 17i*-20. 

4. Priests 181 «. 

5. The Prophet 18»-22 (v.ior. against different forms of 

magic and divination). 
iii. Criminal Law',: 

1. JIanslaughter and murder 191-13 211-9 (cities of refuge 

191 1^ ; synibolical rite of e.xpiation for an untraced 
murder 211-"). 

2. Law of the landmark 191-*. 

3. Law of witness 1915 21. 

[Four laws designed to secure self-control and for- 
bearance in the conduct of war, c. 20. 21lu-U]. 

iv. Miatellancous Lairg, relaiiiv) chiejly to Ciiil and Domestic 
itfe— 2115-25 : e.g. primogeniture 21'5i' ; treatment of un- 
dutiful son 21'8-2l ; lost cattle or other property to be restored 
to its ou-ner (based on Ex 23-") 22''*; law of 'tassels' 22''''; 
slander against a newly-married maiden 2213 21 ; adultery 2222 ; 
seduction 222329 ; prohibition of marriage with step-mother 
223U ; usury (interest) 2319- 20 ; vows 2321-3 ; divorce 24'-* ; man- 
stealing 24" (based on Ex 2116) ; leprosy 24»- " ; iiledges '246. iu-l3 ; 
family of a criminal not to be punished with him 24i6 ; ex- 
cessive severity in punishment forbidden 251-3; Levirate- 
marriage 255-10 ; just weights and measures 251316. 

Note also the inoral and religious duties which form the sub- 
ject of the imjjrecations in 2715S'- (all with parallels in JE, H, 
or Dt ; see Driver, Deut. p. 299). 

This oiitliae will suflSee to ^\ye an idea of the 
greater vaiiety of subjects included in the Code of 
I)t as compared witli that of jJE, as also of the 
greater detail in which they are mostly treated. 
The organization of society is more complex ; and 
institutions at once more numerous and more 
varied are needed to regulate it. The following 
are the principal changes in the laws repeated 
from JE. In Ex 21'' a daughter sold by her father 
into slavery does not go free in the 7th year : in 
Dt 15>--'^ she does; since the law of Ex was 
formulated, society has advanced ; a fatlier's power 
over his daughter is less ab.solute than it once was, 
and it is no longer u.siuil for a Hebrew girl to be 
bought to be the wife of her master or his son. In 
Ex 21'^ the asylum for manslaughter is J"'8 altar : 
in Dt 19 six cities are set ajmrt for the purjiose. 
In Ex 22'"'- seduction is treated among ca-ses of 
injur}' to property ; in Dt (22^'- ) it appears among 
laws of moral jiurity. Jn Ex 22** firstlings are to 
be oliered on the 8th day from birth ; in Dt 15-" 
they are to be presented annually — a change ren- 
dered necessary by the substitution of a single 
central place of sacrifice for the local altars. In 
Ex 23'"'- the sabbatical year is essentially one of 
rest for the soil, in Dt 15^"^ the institution is so 
applied as simply to form a check on the power of 
the creditor. 

In otiier cases, the principle of the older law is 
merely extended, or jresh detinitions are added. 
Thus Dt 13 and IT'-*''' may be regarded as expan- 
sions, witii reference to jiarticular cases, of the 
brief law against idolatry contained in Ex 22-'" : 
16'"'^. as compared with Ex 23^-'"", adds fresh 
regulations for the okservance of the three annual 
Pilgrimages ; 18'"'- (against divination aud magic) 
extends the principle of Ex 22"* (sorceress alone) to 
other analogous cases ; 19*'"^' (the law of 
is a development, with special provisions, of the 
general jjvinciple of Ex 23' ; 22^"'* extends the prin- 
ciple of Ex 23^* to other cases of lost property as (pledges) does that of Ex 22-«'- ; 22^--"'' 
(seduction) particularizes with greater precision 
than Ex 22'"'- the cases which might arise. There 
are also instances in which the older law is 
repeated without further modification than that 
of form, as IG""- (Ex. 23«- »), 23""- (Ex 22=«), 24? 
(Ex 21'«). 

Those provisions of Dt, which are without 
parallel in JE, relate mostly to conditions which, 

in the age when the laws of JE were drawn up, 
were not yet regarded as demanding legislative 
regulation : the greater variety of subjects in- 
cluded in the Code is evidence both of the growth 
of civilization in itself, and also of more systematic 
and niaturer reflection upon its needs. Afumla- 
mental principle of the Deut. legislation is opposi- I / 
tion to the heathen practices of the Canaanites : f 
this is particularly prominent in the parenetic 
parts of the book, but it also determines several of 
tiie laws. The law of the single sanctuary (ch. 12), 
it cannot be doubted, is largely prompted by the 
desire to free the worship of J " from the heathen 
elements by which it had been contaminated at 
the local shrines ; the essential aim of the law of 
the king (17""-") is to guard this most important 
office against the influence of foreigners or par- 
ticipation in foreign policy ; the laws of 12^-13'" 
14'-»--" 16-1-^ 17-'' IS'**-" 225 23'''-, are also, some 
obviously, others, it is probable, implicitly, directed 
against heathen observances. Of ritual and cere- 
monial laws there are but few in Dt, though more 
than there are in JE. Sacrifices and other dues are 
to be brought to the central sanctuary (ch. 12), but 
little (v.") or nothing is said of the ritual with 
which they are to be presented. Only blood is not 
to be eaten ( 12'6- ^ 15^), in accordance with an old 
practice in Israel (1 S li^-'- ^), though no provision 
on the subject occurs in the legislation of JE. 
The laws regarding firstlings, and the observance 
of the three Pilgrimages (15'""=^ 16'"'^), are fuller 
than the corresponding ones in JE. llegulations 
of a ceremonial character without parallel in JE 
are those relating to clean and unclean animals 
(14=*-**), tithe (H'----'"), the offering of sacrifices 
without blemish (17'), the dues of the priests 
(18'"*), the brief note on leprosy (24'"-), and the 
liturgical forms to be used by the Israelite at 
the central sanctuary, when he presents his first- 
fruits (2G'""), and after payment of the triennial 
titlie (26'--'*). It need only be added that it would ^ 
be a serious mistake to suppose that the laws of ; f 
Dt were the creation of the age in which the book | 
was composed. This may be the case with one or ; 
two : but the majority are beyond question much 
older, th 

in a new literary 
with fresh motives 

C. y[G coine itext to the Law of Holiness (H), 
Lv 17-26. This consists substantially of an older 
body of laws, which have been arranged by a later 
editor in a parenetic setting, the whole thus 
formed being afterwards incorporated in P, with 
additions and modifications designed for the pur- 
pose of harmonizing it more completely with the 
system and spirit of P. For details see Leviticls, 
or LOT^ p. 47 fl'. ;* here our attention nmst be 
confined as far as possible to the older body of 
laAvs thus imbedded in this part of Lv. 

Outline of the original nucleus of the Law of 
Holiness : — 

173a. 4 (partly). Domestic animals, when slain for food, to be 
presented at a sanctuar.v. 

17» (partly). All sacrifices to be offered to J". 

1710. I3f. (partly). Blood, whether of domestic or wild animals, 
not to be eaten. 

186 23. Laws of chastity (four pentads of laws : v.6-10 kinship 
of the first degree ; vv.u-is kinship of the second degree ; vv.i6la 
relationships through marriage ; vv. 20-23 purity outside the 
family, ancl Molech-worship). 

1034. s» 20. 23 3U. Religious and moral duties : vv.3-4 law-i parallel 
with the first Table of the Decalogue ; vv.H 12 laws parallel with 
the Sth and 9th Commandments ; vv.i3-i«- 32-36 laws of conduct 
towards one's neighbour, — justice in judgment, freedom from 
malice, respect of elders, justice in trade, etc. ; vv.26-3i nothing 
to be eaten with the blood, divination and other heathen 
superstitions not to be practised. 

[Vv.5-8 on peace-offerings, v.l9 against dissimilar mixtures, 
V.20 a special case of unchastity, are unrelated to their present 

* For chs. 18-20, 21-22, also, the valuable discussions cf L. B 
Paton, JBL, 1897, p. 31 ff.; 1898, p. 149 ff. 

the aim of Dt being merely to present tiiem I ' 
ew literary setting, and to inculcate them ' 



oootext, and probably once stood elsewhere in H. V.9f (g-Iean- 
iags to be left) U better placed in 23'— ; and vv.23-25 (fruit of 
aewl; planted trees not to be eaten till the fifth year) is a 
crrwiitonial rejpilation more akin to ch. 23, or 2ifi-T, than to the 
■ain topic tA cb. 19]. 

SOW. Penalties for Molech- worship, and necromancy (vv.2-6. 27)^ 
■ad for different c&ses of unlawful marriage and unchastity 
(■mOar to, and in manv cases the same as, those prohibited in 

Cha. 21-22 (with the exception of some redactional additions) 
««——««''■«' rejfulations respectin;; priests and offering (restric- 
in domestic life obligatory ujon the priests 21ii5; 

physical imperfections disqualifying from the priesthood 2116-^ ; 
eoodltaoos for partaking in ' holy ' food 22i-it> ; animals offered 
la Mcrillce to be free from imperfections 22i''-23 ; three special 
rrcolations regarding' sacrifices 22^^). 

Ssia-tt. U-iT.lit-U (partly) «> (mostly) 22. 39 (middle part), 
•••*•*•<• (rKuhtions for the observance of the Feasts of V.n- 
learened Cues, Weeks, and Booths). The rest of the chapter 
ooiwwtf o< sonplemental regulations relating partly to these 
FWwta , partly to other sacred seasons, incorporated from the 
point o( view of P. 

84 " ^ '* ' "-*• (laws on blasphemy, and certain cases of injury 
to BMO and beastX 

25^fc, parts of vv.*«, perhaps in particular vv.8-^ i"*- is 'S- 
IT-tlM-;S.aMte.«i.47.S3.U Land to lie fallow in the sabbatical 
year rr.*-' ; land not to be sold beyond the next Jubile v is-is ; 
and toar regulations for the relief of the impoverished Israelite 
T.». T.>M» (usury not to be exacted of him), vv.39. 40a. 43 

S8U (certain fundamental religious duties). 

Tb the original Law of Holiness belong also, in all probability, 
L» llt7.»-lCu.a.4i (animals permitted, and prohibited, for 

The andens of Ex 3iu-i^ (on the Sabbath); and of Nu 1538 

)The original nucleus of H, when compared with 
the IW>k of t4j«» C^vennnt, will be seen to deal 
irti ' ' fidly with civil and criminal law, 

Ml ith the moral and ceremonial law. 

rii , . ,.....v.iuns relating to criminal law are 
I Uiose in 24''--' : those in ch. 2o nii<i;ht be classed as 
/belonging formally to civil law ; but they are re- 
/ cardexl more properly as expressions of religious or 
/ oomanitarian principle. In chs. 18-20 the funda- 
f mental njoral principles underlying the Decalogue 
and j>art.s of the liook of the Covenant are applied 
to a mucli larger number of intlividual cases than 
is the iiXMi in tiie earlier legislation. Ceremonial 
legi-lation has evidently advanced : tlie numljer of 
regtilations relating to priests and sacrihces is 
noticeable. The only species of sacrilices men- 
tioned are, however, the same us those mentioned 
in Dt, viz. the burnt- and tlie peace-offering. 

TIf •' •'-■ 'i'- feature of this <'nmp of laws 

»" fii.A'iz. their subonfination to the 

•" ''^* — P'^Ttjy ceremonial, partly 

to attacli to i\\v laws in their 

a to be an addition due to the 

iitlation of the Priests' Code, properly 
. is confined almost entirely (see ex- 
Nii 27'" .V). ;«») to curemonial observ- 
i.iji^V those ri'hiting to sacrilice and 
'i he foMowing is an outline of tlio 
''•'I in it (directions for tiie construe- 
• und its parts omitted) : — 

liOil ot 

(ii, jr 

U 1 rt 

« .. 



•■»• ttt* iMtMt* )>u*liwn .W Uw mvsioflcrtHg 

•. Ill tiia iimlM aiirlllan' U> 
"■ ' •■•"■•■ •ai-riDi'es llierv 


u» Keoiit of l/'nicavoncd Cakes; 
lur iNtrtukliig in the Passover. 

'"'tl of I he prU-its. 

I'Mir 'ill, and the incense. 
ilibaUi to Im obsorvad 

i!i which it is to III 

In whirh a ipilll-o(rrrltiir (01^^) is 
1/ ..I ih« Kultl-uflwriiiu follows In 

Lv 619-2' the high priest's daily meal-offering. 
(jU4 30 disposal of the flesh of the sin-otfering. 
7»-io the priests' share of the burnt- and nieal-offering. 
711-21 on the species of peace-offering, and the conditions 

under whicli the flesh is to be eaten. 
72'-!-27 fat and blood not to be eaten. 
72i 34 the officiating priest's share of the peace-offering. 
10i2f. I4f. the yiriest's share of the meal- and peace-offering 

(substantially a duplicate of (jis and 7^f). 
101 .ao the flesh of the people's sin-offering (413-21) to be 

eaten by the priest, 
ll-lti Laws of Purification and Atonement : — 

11 Clean and unclean animals. 

HI -i). 41-47 animals clean and unclean as food (H's law on 

the subject, with slight expansions). 
1124-40 on uncleanness caused by contact with the cai'cases 

of certain animals. 

12 purification after child-birth. 

13-14 Leprosi' (in man, clothing, and houses ; diagnosis ol 
symptoms, and ritual of purification). 

l.") Purification after certain natural secretions. 

16 Ceremonial of the annual Day of Atonement. 

17-26 Supplementary additions "in various parts (as 192:.'.); 
redactional additions harmonizing chs. 21-22 with the 
principles of P ; in ch. 23 the parts not assigned above 
to H (the Day of Atonement, vv.26-;v.' ; and regulations 
for the observance of the other sacred seasons, fuller 
than those of H, but not so minute as those of Nu 
28-29) ; 241'* the lamps in the tabernacle ; 245m the 
shewbread ; in ch. 25 sidditions, partly consisting of 
more detailed regulations, esp. regarding the redemp- 
tion of land, and partly extending the benefits of the 
Jubile from lands to persotis. 

27 the commutation of vows and tithes. 
Nu oi-t Lepers, and other persons ceremonially unclean, to be 
excluded from the camp. 

55-8 a supplement to Lv 61^7 (Heb. 5i-»-2G), prescribing 
that, in case the defrauded person is dead, and there 
be no next-of-kin, the com]>ensation is to be paid to 
the priest offering the guilt-offering. 

5'J-lo Dedicated things to belong to the priest receiving 

511-bi law of ordeal for a woman suspected by her husband 
of unfaithfulness. 

61-1 the law of the Nazirite. 

(;22-27 the formula of priestly benediction. 

81-* instructions for fixing the lamps upon the golden 

86 2ti the consecration of the Levites, and (v.23ff.) their 
period of service. 

09-1'* (a law arising out of the incident, 9iS) the supple- 
mentary or 'Little' Passover (to be observed by those 
accidentally debarred from keeping the regular Pass- 

15'-i*> the meal- and drink-offering to accompany every 
burnt- and peace-ofTeriug. 

15i'"-2i a cake of the first dough of each year to be offered 
to J". 

1522-31 the sin-offering, to be offered by the connnunity, 
or an individual, for sins of inadvertence (a parallel to 
I,v 4i3-2i-'.n3i). ' 

153' "11 the law of ' tassels ' (expandetl from the shorter law 

of II). 
181 ' the duties, and relative position, of the priests and 

the Levites. 
IS"-!" the reveinies of the priests. 
182032 distribution of the tithe between priests and 

10 the rite of purification, by means of water mingled 

with the ashes of a red heifer, after defilement with 

a (•or]>se. 
271" the law of the inheritance of daughters, in families 

in which there is no son. 
28-29. A prie«tly calendar, pre.scribing the public sacri- 
fices to he offered ut each season. Cf. Lv 23. 
80 the law of vowH. 
8121 30 the law of the distribution of spoil taken in war 

(after purillcatioii, to be divided etpially between the 

holdiers engaged and the community, — the priests, 

however, to have ,in o' Hio former, and the Levites 

^ of the latter). 
861" Forty-eight cities appointe<l for the residence of the 

Slfl!^ \m\v of murder and manNlaugliter (cities of refuge 

with regiilutioMN fur their iisi'). 
80 llelrtHKiH [HmseHMing luiuliv.l property to marry into 

their own tribe (Huppleiuent to 27'"). 

The higiily Hyhfcmal izcd cimiiuiter of the logis- 
fttion of r will he appan-nt from this outline. It 
[cuntreH in the * tuhcnuiclc,' tlut jindotyim of tlio 
later tempi)'; its aim is to hccuiu lUa holinexs of 
Ihihi'I, to iiiainlaiii 11 comniuiiily worthy, lioth 
'eolicctively iiinl imliviilMiiIiy, of tlie consecrating 
prc^unre of Cod in its inidHl (cf. H.\ 2n^^-"', Nu .^^i^ 
.■<."»■"). TIh) pricHtN, willi tln! Li'viles as tluiir mini- 
sters, serve the Hanctnary : they maintain Ihero, 
on lielialf of the eoinmuiiity, the suitable sacriliueu 



and rites of atonement and purification ; tliey are 
also at hand to jjresent the sacrifices, and perform 
the purifications, ol)ligatory from time to time 
upon individuals. The sacrifices are numerous ; 
and the details are minutely regulated. P exhibits 
the idea of a holy people dedicated to God, and 
realizes it on a larj^'e scale, ^'he ' congregation ' 
(■tJK) is not a nation, but a church. Tliis idea is 
substantially the same as that which underlies Ezk 
40-48 ; but it is worked out in greater detail. 
\ The principles most prominent in tlie Code are 
I those of atonemgiit. t"t9) and mijifi<tHt.ion^ina, 
iK^jp); the s^ScftfTces most frequently prescribed are 
itiie guilt-offering (c^'n) and, especially, the sin- 
'offering (hn'^o), neither of which is mentioned at 
all in any of the other codes, tliough both occur 
in Ezk* (see further Sackifice). The great aim 
of the Code is^ in fact, by nieans of th«*ie rites, 
to remove the sins and defilements which are in- 
consistent with the presence of J" in His sanctuary 
in Israel's midst. 

The silence, or the contradiction, of the earlier 
literature f makes it probable that the I'riests' 
Code, in tlie form in whicli we have it, or, in other 
I words, the completed Priests' Code, is tlie work of 
the age subsequent to Ezk. When, however, this 
is saitt, it must not be understood to be implied 
that all the institutions of P are the creation of 
that age. On the contrary, there are allusions in 
the earlier literature to many of them (though 
sometimes with evident variations of detail) which 
show that, at least in a more rudimentary form, 
they were already in force. 

Examples: On 82i (J) 'savour of contentment' (Lv 19, and 
often in P) ; Jff Vi-*- ^ ' unclean ' (cod ; J^; 13*- 7, Am i'lf- Nazir- 
ites ; IS i'-** ' flre-sacriflces ' (Lv 1", and frequently); 3^ the 
' lamp of God ' (Ex 27'*) ; O^fr. a t'uilt-offering (C^K) ; 21« the 
shewbread ; Am 4-*- 5 tithes, thanktu;ivinti: ofTerings, and free- 
will offerings; 8^ (so llos 2li, Is lio) observance of the 'new 
moon ' (Nu SS'H*) ; Is lis a ' convocation ' (Lv 23"'*- s etc.) ; 2 K 
IC* (but no evenimj burnt-oflfering, as in P ; cf. Kyle, Vanun, 
p. 84 f.)- And in Dt, not only the parallels with H,t but also 
tithes (though with regulations very ditferent from those of P), 
' heave '-offerings (12'>etc.), vows, freewill offerings, ceremonial 
uncleanness in persons (I2'*-''*!) as well as in things (14* "•*'), and 
produced by particular causes (21''» |Nu 35^*1 23iW- |Lv 15l<>] 
24» [Nu 513] 2CH [Nu 19ii- " ; „f. Hos <d*\), the 'az^reth, or 
' solemn assembly ' (1(J8 ; cf. Am b'^-, Is 113), a tdrah for leprosy 
(24'*). Ezk also, esp. in chs. 43-45, alludes to a still larger 
number of usages of the same kind, and, moreover, employs 
a ])riestlv phraseology which presents many atlinities with that 
of P(cf."i/03'<il45flf.). 

A priesthood in itself implies the existence of 
a ceremonial, more or less developed, a.s. the case 
may be : the oldest traditvons of tlie Hebrews 
mention repeatedly an "Ark" and 'Tent of Meet- 
ing ' as exiisrm.g in the Mosaic age ; and there 
are early allusions to Aaron, to a hereditary 
priesthood descended from hini, and to the duties 
— consisting partly in giving decisions on points 
of civil and criminal law, partly in the mainten- 
ance of ritual observances — discharged by the tribe 
of Levi (Ex 4" 18'-', Dt 10«" 33'" ; cf. Jg IT"^). The 
simplest and earliest ceremonial regulations are contained in Ex 2u-J--« 2-2^-3i 23'^-"*, and the 
parallel code of Ex 34'""-'" : but these are obviously 
of a rudimentary ciiaracter ; and it is only natural 
to .supjiose that, as time went on, fresh definitions 
and distinctions would be introduced, and more 
precise rules wouk^be prescribed for the method of 
sacrifice, the ritual to be observed by the priests, 
the dues which they were authorized to receive 

•Ezk 40»9 4213 4429 4620; the riNcn, also, 4319- 2i. 22. 25 4427 
4517. 1». 22. 23. 25. Neither, it is to be observed, appears as a neic 
institution in Ezk. 

t See LOT 129-132 (6 136-139). The most noticeable contra- 
dictions with Dt relate to the position and revenues of the 
priestly tribe, the disposal of tithes and firstlings, and the 
manumission of slaves (ib. 77 f., «S2f. ; Driver, Deut. xxxviii.- 
ix., 169-172, 185, 187). In 2 K 12iti observe that the guilt- and 
sin-offerings consist in money payments (cf. RS 402 f., '-423). 

J See vol. i. p. 600 f . 

from the people, and other similar matters. After ' 
the priesthood had acquired, through the founda- '^ 
tion of Solomon's temple, a permanent centre, it 
is probable that the pjfocess of development and i 
systeniatization advanced more rapidly than be- , 
fore ; the allusions in Dt imply the existence of | 
priestly usages beyond those which fall directly! 
within the scope of the book, and Ezekiel, being '. 
a priest himself, refers to such usages more dis- 
tinctly. Although, therefore, there are reasons 
for concluding tJia t 1 ;,| ie le t ri slation of P did not \ 
assume finally the shape in 'WhicTi we have it 
Qtitil after the age of Ezk, it rests ultimately upon 
an ancient traditional basis ; it exhibits the final 
TTeveTopment and sjstematization of elements and 
^priticiijles, which in themselves are of great an- 
tiquity ; and many of the institutions prominent 
in— tF are recognized, in various stages of their 
growth, by the earlier pre-exilic literature, by Dt, 
and by Ezk.* 

The question is not one of great importance in the present 
connexion ; but it should be added that it is doubtful whether 
the legislation of P springs throughout from the same age ; 
there are indications that it exhibits sometimes the usage of 
different periods side by side. Cf. Dillm. Ex-Lv, 413 (2 455 : on 
Lv 4), Xu-DtJo», 84, 181 (on Nu 28 29), 635, 641 f., 643 ; Kuen. 
Uex. §§ 6. 13-15; 15. 28 30; Holzinger, EM. 41»-25, 453 f. ; 
also Ryle, Canon, 84-88. 

In its general features — i.e. the general principles , 
of sacrifice, tithes, annual festivals, purification, \ 
etc. — the ceremonial system of the Hebrews did \ 
not differ essentially from tlie systems prevalent | 
among other Semitic nations, and indeed among 
ancient peoples generally, as, for instance, the 
Greeks.f It is not improbable that elements in 
it were borrowed from the Canaanites. Some of 
the Heb. sacrificial terms (nai, cbv, V^'jo, nn;c, '?'?3) 
are found in the Carthaginian inscription, relating 
to sacrifices, preserved now at Marseilles ; J and 
vows are also frequently mentioned in other Pha-n. 
inscriptions. There are analogies for the Sabbath 
among the Babylonians ; and even CIRCUMCISION , 
(which see) Mas not a rite peculiar to the Hebrews. 
The Levitical ritual, though its form is late, is 
based ultimately ' on verj' ancient tradition, going 
back to a time when there was no substantial 1 
difference, in point of form, between Heb. sacri- 
fices and those of the surrounding nations' {ES 
198, '^215). Of course, among the Hebrews, these 
common Semitic institutions received, as time ( 
went on, many moflifications and speci<al adapta- 
tions. But the really distinctive character, which ; 
they exhibited in Israel, consists in the new spirit 
with which they are infused, and the higher prin- 
ciples of which they are matle the exjjonent. The . 
gim ojLtliii-iieb. legislation was ' not so much to i 
creaTea new sjstem as to give a new sigttificance ' 
lo'^that^'Avluch bad already ]on<j existed among 
Semitic races, and to lay the foundation of a higher / 
symbolism leading to a more spiritual worship'/ 
(Kyle, Canon, p. 28; cf. Ottley, Bampt. Lect. 229).' 

The most conspicuous feature in the legislation 
of P is perhaps the multii)lication and specializa- 
tion of ceremonial observances, which has been 
already twiched upon. 

Another characteristic, which Wellh. has empha- 

• W. R. Smith (02VC2 372 f., 377, 3S2-4) points also to the 
evidences of ancient ritual law in the hands of the priests ; 
cf. Stade, Gesch. ii. 66 (who instances in particular Lv 1-7. 
11-15. 17-26, Nu .5-6. 9. 15. 19, as being for the most part 
'Niederschrift vorexilischen Gebrauchs'); Cheyne, Jiuish liel. 
Life after the Exile, 81. There are also many examples of 
archaic ideas and usages embedded in P, not less than in the 
other codes: see, e.g., Lv 11 ('uncleanness'; cf. liS 4281f., 
^447ff.), 147-53 {ih. 402, 2 422). 162if., 21« al. (the 'bread ol 
God' ; ib. 207, 2224), Nu SUf- (*. 164 f., 2i80f.), 192ff.. 

t W. R. Smith, US, Lect. vi. (on sacrifice), and elsewhere j 
Ryle, Canon, fi. 27 f. Cf. the 'Sacrificial Calendar from Cos, 
published by E. L. Hicks in the Jmtrn. of Hellenic Studies, 
ix. (lS8S)p. 323ff. 

J CJS I. i. 16o ; see the transl. in Hogarth's Archceology and 
. Authority (IbOO), p. 77 f.; and cf. US liOO, 219 n. (2217, 237 u.). 




sized, is the statutor y character of religion in the 
Priestly Code", as cOnflti'ftStmi with its morecsj^- 
taneons character in the earlier codes. Inthe 
earlier >odes religious observances arise largely 
out of the circumstances and incidents of daily 
life. Sacritices are the spontaneous outcome of the 
religious feeling of the worsliipper ; the feasts are 
occasions, of religi9us observance fixed bj' the 
annually recurring seasons of harvest and vintage ; 
the Sabbath is an institution designed expressly for 
humanitarian ends. In P,tliis is all ditierent : the 
obtjervances are systematized ; their original signi- 
ficance is obliterated ; they are to be regarded 
simply because J" has enjoined them ; the Sabbath 
is niatle not for man, but for God, and the slightest 
infringement of its sanctity is to be visited with 
deatli (Ex 31'*, Nu 15"). A system of ceremonial 
ol«servances of this kind manifestly lies in gieat 
danger of being abused : excej)! in jiersons of more 
thau ordinary spiritual vitality, it tends to stilie 
and sterilize real spiritual life. Among the later 
Jews (as allusions in the NT and the Mishna show) 
it led actually to these consequences, and a religion 
of excessive formalism was the result. The 
fundamental conception o f the priestly J R£islationT 
that of a jHJoijIe ever serving God i n hoTin gSy^Eiid 
purity, \^, in the abstmct,~-»-grear one ; "but the 
means adopted for its reaiizsvtion^^z. aroutine of 
ext'iiial <pi>-ti\;iiR'es, are not tliose which, in the 
:co*>»»*I," The routine degenerates' 
I \ternality and formalism. There 

al-u anulhcr point to be observed. In the ideas 
If holiness and purity, ritual and moral distinctions 
kere confuse*!. Exactly the same penalty is im- 
for infringements of ritual (Ex 3U^- **, Lv 
174. ».w i9»)as for grave moral offences (Lv 18-*). 
Deatli w the penalty, alike for murder (Nu 35") 
land for Sabbath-breaking (Ex 31" 35*). Purifica- 
'tion from ain is prescrilxjd after purely physical 
delilcnient, as Xhrough contact with a corpse, and 
even for a house-which has Ixicn atlected by leprosy 
(Lv 14«« Nu I9'-'- «'»•■■" [the Heb. in these pas- 
sages for clmnsr, purify is properly to ' free from 
sin 'J). A sin-offering is also sometimes enjoined 
for merely ceremonial uncleanness (e.g. Lv S'--", 
Nu e*"")' Mr. Monteliore comments on the in- 
dilTerence to blooilshed, combined with zeal for 
ritual purity, displayetl by the singular— and, we 
may \x sure, iileal — narrative of the war with 
Midian in Nu 31 (w."- •«• «"). The principle of 
ceremonial cleanness and uncleanness, it may Imj 
noticed, vtnn the jntint on which our I^rd broke 
ino<»t dectHively with the Mos^iic law (cf. n. 75'').* 

The priuMtf^ legi..<latioti. however, tliough it 
bulks largely in the I'entateiuh, never, it must be 
remembered, formed the aolr rule of life for the 
iNraelite. Tin- cmlen of .IK ami Dt wvw not 
»J*OKat4?d by it ;^ t| ^; warm m oral and M|iirituiil 
teofiiin;.' of I>i jiOiMiijiMM'il «'xa4-t ly'tTK^TrrmnmniolU y 
ft- y\ of 1* ; and (he teaching of l)t 

y the indiroft, Joir by no means 
M»ny of til I-^fativo parts 

ii. The I moreover, re- 

• ■•• ami II. .him;.- <-\p<>ni-nts of 
• >t till! pariimount clainiH of 
ill lilnul obMcrvanccH. The 
iiiulinm of I' wait tliUH 
(i'-laiowledge<l by the 
'•. The tIewH were 
of till) ceremonial 
' I'-, the 'law' 
I'lii'd, and to 
loniul inxtilu- 
'dilfll' iIht law 
<■< .-..tiii'lft'- li, 




eorr«Mit«t> for 
rUmm mt hnml, 


tions were the expression of profound religious 
ideas, and furnished an outlet for varied ami \ 
genuine religious feelings ; while, treated as a 
whole, the ' law,' as the later Psalmists almnd- 
antlj- attest, provided an atmosphere in which a 
religious spirit — for something, of course, in such 
matters, depends upon the temper of the wor- /j 
shipper — could breathe freely, and draw in spiritual/ 
refreshment. The ceremonial legislation never/ 
had a separate existence of its own ; and th^ 
Jewish ' law,' if it is to be judged properly, must 
be judged as a whole, and not witli exclusive 
reference to one of its parts. 

In the earlier codes the broader duties of 
lumanity, justice, and morality are chiefly and 
uHiciently insisted on. They were adapted to 
reate a righteous and God-fearing nation. Tlie 
sraelite who obeyed loyally the precepts of Dt 
ould not deviate widely from the paths of truth 
lind right. As time advanced, a ceremonial system 
was gradually developed, and this, though the 
earlier provisions just referred to were not abro- 
gated, became ultimately the more formal and 
distinctive expression of Israel's faith. And this 
system played an important function in the re- 
ligious education of mankind. ' It enforced and 
deepened the sense of sin. It declared the need 
of restoration and forgiveness. It expressed in the 
form of institutioijs the great principles which 
regulate man's converse with God. It emphasized 
fthe signilicance oi sacrihce under its different 
aspects, as eucharistic, dedicatory, propitiatory.* 
It taught more and m6re distinctly that an atoning 
rite nnist precede the acceptance of the worshipper 
by God. It thus establislied the principles wiiich 
in the fulness of time were to receive their supreme 
and final application in the sacrifice of Christ. In 
all Jia^ages, the jNIosaie law held before the eyes 
of Israel ah ideal of duty to be observed, of laws 
^ be obeyed, of principles to be 
ijiught them that human nature needed to be.rG- 
str.iined ; it impressed upon them the necessity of 
discijiline. And 'in the post-exilic age, when thfil, 
disintegrating influences of Hellenism might have 
operated disastrously upon the nation, the insti- 
tutions of the law bound together the majority 
of its menil>ers in a religious society, strong enough 
to resist the forct^s which threateneil to dissolve 
it,'t ind able to guard enicieiitly the sjjiritual 
treasures with which it hud Ikcu intrusted. Through 
the ordinances of the law, inijierfect in tliemsolvt>s 
though they might be, (Jod thus trained and dis- 
ciplined His people, till it should be ripe to cast off 
the yoke of external ordijiances, and be ruled by 
principles operative from within (Jer Sl-*^'') rather 
than by commands im|i(»sed from without. And 
this is the sense in which St. Paul speaks of the 
law as a vaiSafiiryb^ eU Xporriij' ((!al 3'-^). The 
iraiSaywyjt was the 'tutor' (IvV), or superior slavct, 
intrustt'd with the moral education of a child ; 
and the law was similarly an agency for discip- 
line, or moral training, holding the nation in a 
moral constraint {^(ppovpovfitOa, v.-') till it was lit 
for the frecilom of mature age, to be s(\cured by 
Christ. And tin- means by which the law acted in 
this capacity was partly by (luickeniiig and discij)- 
lining nnin's moral sense, partly by bringing to 
light tranNgieHHion, and ho awaktming the sense of 
sin and the need of forgiveness, which in vi(,'W of 
man's moial weaknesK it could not itself provide. 

On the view taken of tlu; 'law' in the NT see 
the following aiticl<>; and on tlu; law in post- 
biblical .hidaism (the Mishna, etc.), see ToiCAH. 
* It oiiu'lil not III tliid c'liiiiii'xiiiii to li(> (orifott.cii that only 

iiiuiilrntittDitl ••lii>< WITC Itloiifil liir liv Hie HlM-otroi'ilH{, not hIiiH 

' IiIkIi liumr (Nu 1Ci^>'), i.f. In (luill>oiutu 

'.". >m tht OT, p. laif. ; o(. Uunduy, Lit 

11 wi . (Mil, \ , /ii. Tint. 



Literature. — Kuenen, Relig. of Isr. (1875) ii. 250-286 (on P), 
llibb. Led. 1882, 82 ff. (priests and tdn'th), 150-167 (the priestly 
law), Uex. J 10. 4 (meaninjj of tordh) ; Wellhausen, Hint, 
pasnim, esp. clis. i.-iii. ix. (see Contents, pp. xi-xvi), x. (the 
Oral and the Written Torah), and pp. 435-440, Isr. u. .Jiid. Gesch. 
(1894) pp. 134 flf. ; W. K. Smith, OTJC'i p. 298 ff. (Torah), 428- 
430, and Lectures xi. (laws of J E) xii. (Oeut. and P) ; Ryle, 
Caiwn of the 07' (1892), 22-33, 48 f., 57-60, 71-4, 75-91 ; Monte- 
flore, llibb. Led. 1892 (see Index, ' Torah ' and ' Law ') ; femend, 
Alttent. liel.-Gesch. 1893 (see Index, 'Thorah' and 'Gesetz'); 
Schultz, OT Theol. i. 188 ff. and ch. xviii. (sacred institutions 
of Israel, ace. to P) ; Nowack, Arch. (1894) ii. passim (sacred 
institutions described according to the different Codes, see Con- 
tents) ; Briggs, Higher Crit. of the Hex.'^ (1897) ; Bruce, Apolo- 
getics (1893), pp. 208 ff., 261 ff.; Sanday, Bampt. Lect. 1893, 
Lect. iv. (pp. Ifi8-188); Oltley, liainpt. Lect. 1897, Lect. v. 
(re!i<;ious ideas and syniljolism of P) ; Cheyne, ./etcish liel. Life 
after the Exile, li><J9,' p. Its. S. R. DRIVER. 

LAW (IN New Testament). — 

Use of term ' Law ' in NT. 
L Relation of Jesus to the Law. 

(1) His recognition of its di\ine origin and authority. 

(2) His critical attitude towards the Law. 

II. Attitude of the Early Church to the Law, and especially the 
practice and leeching of St. Paul. 
A. Practice of the earliest Christian society. 
Ii. Practice and doctrine of St. Paul. 

(a) His practice during his Second Missionarj* 


(b) His practice during his Thinl Missionary Journey. 

(c) St. Paul's use of the term ' law.' 

Id) His teaching in his Four Great Epistles as regarfls 
(1) the place of the Law in History ; (2) the 
mode in which it acts in the individual who 
lives under it ; (3) the relation of Law and 
Gosj>el, and esp. the relation of Christ's Death 
to the Law ; (4) the relation of the Christian 
to law. 

(«) St. Paul's action on his last visit to Jerusalem. 

(f) Teachiiijj: of his later Epistles. 

III. The Law in the Eiustle to the Hebrewik 

IV. The Law in the other NT Books. 

J Literature. 

The word law {vinoi) is used in the NT of ' any 

law whatsoever' ((jrinun, Lex. s.v.), but when 
'the law' is siioken of without qualification, it is 
alwajs tli<? law of God which is meant. This 
is not a classical meaning or use of the word, 
and explains tlie fact that in the NT (with the 
exception of a quotation from tlie I..XX of Jer 
31 (38)»»in He 8'" lO'") it is always found in the 
singular. ' The law of God,' or ' tlie law of Moses,' 
or ' the law ' simplirifer, is the style of Scripture ; 
a cla.ssical writer would say 'the laws' of Athens 
or of Solon. But ' the laM,' and ' law ' without the 
article, are religious conceptions, and it is as such 
that they are treated here. The word occurs some 
190 times in the NT, hut it is not found in Mk, 
in Th. 2 Co, Col, Tit, 2 Ti, Thilem, 1 and 2 P, Jude, 
the Ejtp. of John, and Kev. To bring out its 
significance in the NT it will be convenient to 
examine (1) the relation of Jesus to the law; 
(2) tlie attitude of tlie early Church to the law, 
and especially the practice and teaching of St. 
Paul ; (3) the peculiar view of the law taken in the 
Ep. to the Hebrews ; and (4) the indications in 
oiher NT books of legal or antinomian tendencies 
in the first century of the Christian era. The 
necessary jjieliminary to the understanding of all 
these points is a knowledge of the contents of tlie 
' law ' of the OT, for which reference may be made 
to the preceding article. 

I. The Kklaiiion of Jesus to the Law. — 
To begin with, tilie relation of Jesus to the law 
was j)assive, lil<fi that of every Jew. He was 
born under the /aw (Gal 4^) ; the requirements of 
the law in regard to circumcision and purification 
were complieil with in His case as in that of any 
child of Jewish birth (Lk '2-"-). He was taken up 
to the temjjle wlien He had completed His twelfth 
year (Lk 2^-'^'), and became, like other Jewish 
youths, n-i>rt j; (or ni>;'? i;) a son of the law. He 
would be instructed in it, and its responsibilities 
would be laid on Him, simply because it was the 
law of the nation of which He was a member. He 

must have accepted it as part of the national 
inheritance to which He was born. The NT gives 
us no means whatever of judging how the passive 
unconscious relation to the law was changed into 
the conscious and responsible one which we see 
when our Lord entered on His public work. No 
doubt He grew into that power of judgment and 
liberty of action which characterize His ministry ; 
but we cannot tell what etibrt and perplexity, or 
whether any effort or perplexity, accompanied this 
growth. When we consider the shortness of His 
ministry, it seems extremely improbable that we 
should be able to trace within its narrow limits 
any 'evolution' or progressive change in His 
attitude to the law. That attitude was really 
determined by His character, by the spirit of son- 
ship, of free appreciation of (lod's will, of un- 
restrained love to man ; and His character was 
com])lete when He identified Himself with our 
sinful race in His baptism, and received there the 
attestation of the heavenly Father as His beloved 
Son. No doubt, as one thing in His life led on to 
another, and as opposition defined His attitude, it 
became more and more clear what His relation to 
' the law,' both as a divine institution and as a 
divine institution administered and corrupted by 
man, must be ; but in principle this was deter- 
mined from tlie beginning. Hence it is not 
necessary, under the itiea that clear self-conscious- 
ness is the last result of action, to attempt to 
trace in detail the practical impulses under which 
our Lord's attitude to the law was gradually 
defined, or to assume that He was learning His 
own juind all the time (so practically Holtzmann, 
NT Theologie, i. 130-100) ; we may take the 
Synoptics as they stand, and aim at a more 
systematic view. 

(1) Speaking positivelj^, Jesus recognized the law 
as a whole as a divine institution, and therefore 
as invested with indefeasible divine authority. 
He expressed His sense of this authority in the 
strongest ixissible language ; and, with the idea of 
the law as embodied in writing present to His mind, 
declared that ' till heaven and earth should pass, 
one jot or one tittle should in no wise pass from the 
law till all should be fulfilled' (Mt 51**, cf. Lk 16"). 
It has Ijeen asserted that Jesu.s, whose attitude (as 
we shall see) to certain parts of the law was at 
least critical, could not have used such language, 
and that it belongs to the Judaism of the First 
Gospel. But it is found also in the Third, Nvliich 
is Gentile or Pauline rather than Jewish, and the 
assertion is pedantic. Jesus certainly believed 
that the law embodied a revelation of God ; it was, 
in short, God's law ; and without considering in 
what respects it might be subject to modification 
or expansion, He could say broadly that just 
because it was God's law, not the dot of an i or the 
stroke of a ^ could be abrogated by any power on 
earth. And when confronted, as He is on both 
the occasions when He uses this strong language, 
with the deformed righteousness of the Pharisees 
(Mt 5-", Lk 10'^-"), by which the law of God was 
virtually annulled, we can easily believe that He 
could and did express Himself thus vehemently. 
This seems truer, jisychologically, than to say with 
Wellhausen (Israeli fisehe u. Judische Geschiehte'^, 
p. 382) that He found room everywhere for His 
soul, and was not straitened by what was little in 
the law, so highly did He exalt the worth of that 
which was great : the latter one should do, the 
former not leave undone. It is a more placid and 
controlled statement of Christ's relation to the 
law in principle which is found in Mt 5", the text 
or theme of the Sermon on the Mount: 'Think 
not that I came to destroy the law or the prophets : 
I came not to destroy, but to fulfil.' The law and 
the prophets is a compendious expresuion for the 



ancient religion as emVodied in the OT. To no 
part of this — neither to the statutory elements in 
It nor to the elements of promise, neither to its 
morality nor to it« hopes — was Jesus in any sense 
hostile. There must have been something in His 
conduct or teaching to raise the question, some- 
thing which created difficulty for men who 
identified the law with the current interpretation 
of it in the Ilabbinical scliools or in the religious 
practice of the day ; but when it was fairlv stated. 
It created no diificulty for Jesus. In tlis con- 
science there was no sense of antagonism or 
antipathy to the old revelation either of God's 
will or of His purpose. On the contrary. He had 
come to identify Himself with that revelation, and 
to consummate it. The xXjjpJJo-at in Mt 5^" applies 
to the OT in both its parts. It is true that in the 
rest of Mt 5 it is the law alone which is taken 
account of, and this has made it possible to doubt 
whether rXij/yoHrcu means ' to show the full meaning 
of,' or ' to keep perfectly ' ; but the very absence 
of the object in v.", and the disjunctive if (the law 
or theprophets), show that Jesus was thinking of 
the OT a« containing elements at once of require- 
ment and of promise, and asserting that all it 
meant in both kinds would be brought to its con- 
summation in Him. Hence in principle there is 
no antagonism between Jesus and the law, be- 
tween the NT and the OT. For the conscience of 
Jesos they needed no reconciliation. Tlie New 
Testament was in Him, and He was thoroughly 
at home in the Old. 

It agrees with this that Jesus refers freely to 
the law as a religious authority, and as the way to 
life. • If thou wouldst enter into life, keep the 
commandments' (Mt 19"). 'What shall I do to 
inherit eternal life? Jesus said to him, What is 
written in the law?' (Lk 10*). ' Tliey have Moses 
and the prophets; let them hear them' (Lk 16^). 
It Bfne» further with this, that in the most un- 
sparing denunciation of Pharisaism and hypocrisy. 
He saleguarded with scrupulous care the sanctity 
of the law they 'hedged' and abused: 'The 
scribes and the Pharisees sit in Moses' seat : all 
things therefore tiiat they say to you do and 
observe' (Mt 23>). Like Mt 5'» this saying has 
been impogned on the ground that Jesus could 
not. in consistency with His real opinion, have 
spoken thus. This is the criticism of persons who 
have never spoken to a crowd, and who do not 
know that the large consistency of leaving a sound 
and IwmogmnouB impression on the mind is in- 
diflbreni to the abstract precisian consiHtency 
which dictates such doubts. Why should not 
Jestts say, 'As interpreters of the law of (iod, 
show them all due reverence ; as keejKjrs of the 
law of (Jod, iNiwaro of following their example '? 
They were |K»«ir interpretiTM, no doubt, but the 
funelion itMelf was a legitimate one, and all that 
tbsT dhl In th« exereise of it was, primil f'urir., 
•Btltled torespeet. Even if it wtre not ho without 

3 salification (and in part, of- courKe, it was not, as 
•SOS immediately goes on to hIiow), the quiililica- 
tion ooald be left to take caru of itm-lf ; the main 
latatWitof the tnomtnit wait Ut ex|>oiH] the PliariKaic 
fnmtUea ^'1' ^^' '' '"w wan ho \vick<'illy 

annnllod. TTi" void {iio-poOy) tUi^ law of 

C.kI (Ml I.V i,„i, .1. -MS laid to till) 

'v I III- <)p|H)Nite 

'liliriM IliM own 

•III, Ilk Mpite of all the 

. It hmt itM righU ; with 

' III fr<i<loni, it catuu to its 

Milude of JoNUH to 

to lakn aiidunt in 

' ' IN'd a nioni critical 

attitMde. \\ iittuut auy m:ums of hu*liUty to the 

law, He was conscious of its imperfection ; this 
is implied even in His having come to fulfil it. 
Of this there are various indications. 

(a) He speaks of the old revelation as a whole, 
as of a thing which has had its day. ' The law 
and the prophets were until John : from that time 
the kingdom of heaven is preached'; ir is a new 
era, in which they have no longer the same 
significance (Lk 16'^ Mt ll'-). There is a para- 
bolic hint of this also in Mk 2-"- and H Mt 9", 
Lk 5". 

(6) He delights in summaries of the law, in 
which it is at once comprehended and tran- 
scended. ' Whatsoever ye would that men should 
do to you, do ve even so to them : for this is the 
law and the prophets ' (Mt 7^^ cf. Mt 223'-'»). Such 
summaries lift the soul above all that is statutory 
and positive in the law ; in other words, they 
enable it to conceive of religion as the keeping of 
law, and yet as without any element of legalism. 

(c) He presents a positive new standard of life 
from which legalism has disappeared. Sometimes 
it is His own e.xample (Jn 13'^), interpreted as in 
Jn IS** into a new commandment of love like His 
own. Sometimes it is the example of the heavenly 
Father, whose love, impartial and inexhaustible, 
is the pattern for His children (Mt 5^^ ■'**). It is by 
this standard of love that all the nations are un- 
consciously judging themselves now, and will be 
judged by Him at last (Mt 25^'*-). Sometimes it is 
represented as 'the will of ray Father who is in 
heaven ' (Mt 7^^ 12'*'). All these modes of conceiv- 
ing the standard of disciple life, though not 
annulling ' the law ' but fulliiling it, are neverthe- 
less inditt'erent to it, either as a historic document 
or as a national institution. 

(d) Jesus distinguishes within the law between 
its weightier matters — judgment, mercy, and faith ; 
and its more trivial ones — the tithing of mint, anise, 
and cummin (Mt 23-^ || Lk IP-). This is not 
exactly the same as to say that He subordinated 
the ritual to the moral, though no doubt He did. 
Nothing could put this more forcibly than Mt 5-^'-. 
A man is to leave his gift before the altar, to be 
reconciled to his brother. There is no law except 
love ; no statute tliiit can be pleaded against it, 
no rite so solemn but must give way to it. The 
tendency of legalism is to reduce all command- 
ments to a level ; they aie all parts of a divine 
law, and it is not for men to pick and choose be- 
tween them ; and the Jewish conscience, to which 
the law was one law and God's law, could not lind 
itself at home in the division of it into ritual and 
moral. For it there was a moral obligation to 
kee^i what Me call the ritual law. IJut as this 
distinction of Jesus mastered the miiul, the sense 
of moral proportion came back, and it was felt, by 
some at least, that there were elements in the law 
which were waxing old and nsady to vanish away. 

(«,') ilesuH expressly and formally criticised (lie 
law as it was int«'rpreted in the conscience and 
practice of His countrymen. In Mt 5-'"^'* we have 
a HcricH of illuHlratioiiH. The sixth commandment 
(v.''"^-), the seventh (v. ^"■•),thelaw of perjury (v. ^"•), 
the lix tiiiiuu 1.1 (V. ''•'*"■), tin? law as to the treatment 
«)f neighlKiurs and enemies (v.*-'"^-), are discussed in 
snccession. It. is not iilwoys dear when it is the 
letter (»f the OT itself, and when it is only the 
current legal reiidiTing of it, which is under 
review ; but in eitiier case Jesus adopts a free 
critical attitude towards it, and exalts it to a new 
iKjwer. On one of tlie subjects t<Mi(!lied in this 
chapter, in eonnexiun with the seventh eomniiind- 
nient, niimely, the law of iuarri«g<! and divorce, 
JcHiiH on another o<'casi(in tacitly withdrew a per- 
misHion which lie re<-o;;ni/ed as conceded l)y llie 
MoMiic law {iTriTitt\p(v Mwii(r»)v), in tlie intiMcst 
of the idvui of marriage. ' ilucauHU of your hard' 



iiess of heart Moses allowed you to put away your 
wives, but from the beginning it was not so' (Mt 
19* II ]\Ik). Tlie question was one on which Jewisii 
schools were divided, and Jesus legislates upon it 
in independence, indeed, of Dt 24\ but in harmony 
with the law embodied in the creation, narrative, 
Gn 2^^. From tlie point of view of legalism it is 
impossible to say why tiie authority of Dt should 
be relative and that of Gn absolute ; and tlie 
positiveness with which Christ pronounces marriage 
indissoluble, except by the sin which, ipso facto, 
annuls it, shows that He has comi)letely tran- 
scended the legal standpoint. (See, further, art. 
Marriage). The same holds of His criticism of 
tiie Sabbath law, the subject on which He came 
most fre(|uently into condict with His country- 
men : cf. Mt 12'"'- (tiie disciples plucking the ears 
of corn ; the healing of tlie withered hand) ; Lk 
2310-17 (thg woman with a spirit of inlirmity), 14^" 
(the dropsical man) ; Jn 5''" (the paralytic at 
iiethesda) ; Jn 9 (the blind man restored to sight). 
Cf. Lk 6* (D ; tiie incident of the man working on 
the Sabbath). Here it is impossible to say that Jesus 
was hostile to the law of God, or to any ideal of the 
Sabbath having its roots in the OT. Uut He was 
irreconcilably hostile to the accumulation of tradi- 
tional human precepts into which the prohibition of 
labour, in the interest of man and beast, had been 
expanded by the perverse ingenuity of the scribes 
(cf. Schiirer, GJV^ ii. 470 tf. {HJp II. ii. 96 tt.]). 
He was hostile to the method of interpretation 
which defeated God's purpose in giving the law, and 
changed a blessing into a burden. He was espe- 
cially indignant tbat on a day which was made 
for man He siiould be forbidden to do works of 
humanity, by exercising His power to heal. As 
Son of Man, the head of the kingdom in which 
humanity was to come to its rights. He claimed 
to be Lord of the Sabbath, and to judge all 
statutes concerning it according to their agreement 
or disagreement with its humane intention. It is 
in connexion with contiicts of this kind that we 
iirst read of His enemies plotting His death (Mk 
3") : He wounded their pride in their legal holiness 
too deeply to be forgiven. It is one of the defects 
of legalism that the less the grounds of the law 
can be discerned — in other words, the more positive 
and arbitrary it is — the greater seems the merit 
of punctually observing it. Hence the numberless 
prohibitions into which the fourti commandment 
had been developed had a greater importance for 
the legally-trained conscience than the weightier 
matters of the law ; and the assumption of free- 
dom toward them, as by Jesus, was regarded as 
tlie most daring impiety. How far the teaching 
and practice of Jesus were immediately grasped 
by His followers we cannot tell ; there are indica- 
tions in the Gospel (Lk 13'") that there were many 
jirepared to appreciate them. But if in relation to 
the Sabbath and to the law of marriage we can 
say that Jesus criticised the legalistic practice of 
His time by reference to the ideal enshrined in 
the or itself, we are on different ground when we 
come to consider — 

(./') The attitude of Jesus to what we should 
call the ritual law — that part of the law and 
custom of the Jews which was purely positive, and 
in which there was really no ethical content. As 
far, indeed, as tiiis was represented by the cultus 
of the nation. He treated it with at least silent 
respect. We do not know that He was ever 
present at a sacrilice, but neither do we hear that 
He ever denounced sacrilice. He certainly spoke 
of the temple as His Father's house, and as destined 
to be a house of prayer for all nations ; and in a 
flame of zeal H(! drove from it tiie traders who 
made it a market-place and a den of robbers (Mt 
21'^ il). He paid the temple tribute, not, indeed, 

because He was bound to do so, — on the contrary. 
He, and His disciples also, as the king's children, 
were free from such imposts, — but to avoid offence 
(Mt I?-*"-''). He did not shrink from touching 
tlie leper (Mt 8'"*), being raised above the thouglit 
of ceremonial pollution ; but He told him to go 
and show himself to the priest, and offer the 
gift which Moses commanded, for a testimony to 
them. Tliere is a combination here of inward 
liberty and indifference, with a formal outward 
respect determined by circumstances, and neces- 
sarily ceasing with them. Cf. also Lk 17'^. (In 
this connexion it may be noted that the iilea of 
CKavSaXov as a thing to be avoided in conduct is 
part of the new moral ideal of Jesus, dependent on 
the primacy He gives to love ; we are bound to 
consider others — as He did, for instance, in paying 
the temple tax — with a consideration which we 
nay not need ourselves ; and to deny tliis con- 
sideration, and out of selfishness injure otiiers 
or lead them into sin, is denounced by Him in 
the most passionate words, Mt IS**'-)' I^ut there is 
one point in which, according to the evangelic 
tradition, Jesus comiiletely broke not only with 
the practice of His time, but with the law of Moses 
itself — the distinction, namely, between clean and 
unclean foods, and the observance of various ritual 
purifications by washing, Mk 7'"-^, Mt \b^''^. The 
discussion here starts from the violation by His 
disciples of ' the tradition of the elders.' To this, 
naturally, Jesus could allow no authority ; but 
He went further, and assailed it as a morally 
malignant thing which practically annulled the 
law of God. He appealed to Scripture [e.g. to the 
fifth commandment, Mk 7'"") against this tradi- 
tion — to the law of God against the ordinance of 
man — precisely as the Reformers appealed to the 
Bible against the Church (Holtzmann, NT Theol. 
i. 141). But in explaining to the people ('Hear 
me, all of you, and understand ') the principle on 
which He acted. He went further still, and, as 
the evangelist expressly asserts, ' made all meats 
clean' (Kadapi^uv irdvTa ra ^pibjiara., Mk 7^"). In Lk 
IP'' the same subject is treated more from the 
point of view of indifference ; it is only when the 
dish is fflled with the proceeds of rapine that there 
is anything offensive in insisting on its being out- 
wardly [i.e. Levitically) clean ; but in Lk UF (the 
mission of the Seventy) there may be a reference 
to the more thorough view. The missionaries are 
to eat and drink wliat they are offered, with no 
needless scruples. This decisive breach with the 
law was felt to be what it was both by the 
opponents of Jesus and by Jesus Himself : ' Then 
came the disciples and said unto him, Knowest 
thou that the Pharisees were offended when they 
heard this saying?' . . . 'Let tliem alone,' He 
answered ; ' they are blind guides ; and if the blind 
guide the blind, both shall fall into a pit' (Mt 

It is at this point, where this decisive breach with 
legalism is accomplished, that Jesus is compelled 
to leave Palestine (Mt 15'-' || Mk), to give up the 
attempt to win the people, and devote Himself to 
the training of the Twelve. It was only to a select 
company tliat His mind could now be unfolded ; a 
great gulf had been lixed between Him and the 
worshippers of the law, across which no under- 
standing was possible. Nor do the Gospels give 
us the means of knowing how far He was able to 
carry the education of the Twelve on this subject. 
The 'meats and drinks and divers washings' were 
part of a system ; what of tlie remaining part of 
it? What of all that element of the law which 
was identihed with the temple and its worship? 
What of animal sacrifice? What even of the 
covenant sign, circumcision ? As for the temple. 
He predicted its fall, and with it the collapse oi 



the ritual worship. But was this element in the 
law to have fullilnient through Him, or was it 
only to be destroyed ? The one liint we have of an 
answer to this is the fact that Jesus spoke of His 
own death as the basis of a (new) covenant between 
God and man — that covenant which Jeremiah fore- 
told (SI'**-), which has as its fundamental blessing 
the forgiveness of sins. To connect the forgiveness 
of sins with the shedding of blood is in tlie Bible 
inevitably to conceive tlie shedding of blood as 
sacrificial ; only sacrificial blood atones for sin. 
In Uie great word siK)ken at the Supper, therefore, 
Jesus hints at a fulfilment in His own person of 
that whole side of the law which has to do with 
approaching God in worship, Mt 26-^. He gives 
the impuL>e and the justification to that inter- 
pretation of His life and death in relation to the 
(Levitical) law which we afterwards find in the Ep. 
to the Hebrews, 

On the whole, then, it may be said that the 
attita>Je of Jesus to tlie law was that of entire 
loyalty to it as the revelation of God's will, entire 
comprehension of it in its principle and aim, entire 
subordination of every expression of it to its prin- 
riple, entire superiority to all human interpreta- 
tions of it, as designed perhaps for its greater 
security, but actually making it of no eJlect ; and 
entire indifference, not indeed to tlie law as con- 
stituting an order for appro.iching God in worship, 
but to those elements in the law wliich, because 
in themstlves without ethical significance, operated 
to corrupt conscience, and to divide men from one 
another without moral ground. 

II. The Attitude of the Early Church to 
THE Law, and e-specially the Practice and 
Teaching ok St. Paul.— ^. At frst the law 
preitented no problem to tlic Christian society. 
Ail the members of that society were Jews, and 
devout Jews. The Ananias wiio baptized St. Paul 
is described as tvXa^rjt Kara, rbf yd/iov, and as having 
testimony borne to liim by all tlie Jews inhabiting 
Dania.<«cus (Ac 22'-), and this character was no 
doubt typical. Tlie early Christians, in company 
with the apostles, assiduously frequented the 
temple (Ac 2*^ V 5"-^); the observance of the 
law, so iar as it was observed by common people, 
would be a matter of instinct with them— a part of 
their nationality, the relation of whicli to their 
religion never prei^ented itself to their miiuls. The 
charges mtula against them by the nriests have 
IMrer anv reference to the law, and the proofs 
addaoed lor the McHsiahsliip of Jesus, which seem 
to have filled a conHiderable space in apostolic 
preaching, were related not to the law, but to 
prophecy'. As far as the Hk. of Acts gives us 
any indication, diHiculty first emerged in connexion 
with the prMiching of St. Stephen. Ho was 
chartfifl with f»|ieaking ' blaH|ihemouH words against 
hUmm and afjainst <^mI ' ; with incesMintly ' Hp<;ak- 
iag words aiiainst lliix Holy Place ami against 
tM law'; wltb saying that 'Jesus of Nazareth 
will daetroj tliis place, and change the cuHtoins 
wbieh Moses delivered tu um' (Ac 0). Prom thcHu 
a a w isal k wa we can only Infer that the new wine 
waa befrinninir to hufMt the old lM)ttl<M, and that 
tha ea e o ilee of Christianity, uiih NeniteM Hhurpened 
bjr iMUnMi sad fear, saw iHThn|m M>oiier tlmn its 

friends thai it was iimm-iikmIu .ildi,!., with 

tlm mtablUlKNi It'gnliMni ' linrcli. It 

*«* divtnf (tnd linninn ; .itiuiial and 

' Ititiilly with the 

<k. lint in the 

* '" it. for Jews 

*" '• 'I JcHUH as 

thf • 

• 11 tile attention 

of '^ ' ■> attendant on 

tba re ceptiu tt vi Ci«(uultu« iiiu> the Church. While 

St. Peter, divinely led from Joppa to Ca?sarea, 
was yet preaching the gospel in Cornelius' house, 
the Holy Spirit fell on all those who heard the 
word (Ac lU""). The circumcised believers who 
were there were amazed, but St. Peter saw the 
significance of the event, and at once had them 
received into the Church by baptism, and associ- 
ated familiarly with them (Ac IP). When his 
conduct — wiiicli really meant that the ceremonial 
law, as a Jewish national law, separating the Jews 
as God's people from all others, had ceased to have 
religious significance — was called in question at 
Jerusalem (Ac 11^-), lie defended it apparently 
with the full consciousness of what it meant. ' If 
God gave them the same gift as he gave us also 
when we believed in the Lord Jesus Christ, who 
was I that I should obstruct God?' (cf. Ac lo'"^-)- 
It is implied here that the gift of God — in other 
words the Holy Ghost — is the essential of Chris- 
tianity, and the only one ; where it is found, 
nothing else counts, and no questions are to be 
raised ; circumcision is nothing and uncircumcision 
is nothing. But if this is so, then (so far as it is a 
term of communion and a condition of salvation) 
does not the law as a whole, to which men v;ere 
bound by circumcision, cease to have any religious 
significance? Is it not possible already to define 
the Church as a society in whicli there is neither 
Jew nor Greek ? * 

This inference, which was involved in St. Peter's 
conduct, and in his defence of it, was not, liowever, 
clearly drawn at once. Tiie exceptional case of 
Cornelius was regarded as excei)tional ; one man 
and his family could not make a Cimrcli, and this 
isolated instance might perplex rather than en- 
lighten the simple-minded. But with the ex- 
tension of the Church to Antioch, and especially 
with its extension beyond Antioch through tlie 
mission conducted by Paul and Barnabas, the 
subject was brou'jht up with greater urgency. In 
the account of the first mission of these apostles, 
we have a hint of the peculiar Pauline attitude to 
the law : ' in this man (Jesus) every one who be- 
lieves is justified from all things from wliich ye could 
not be justified by the law of Moses,' Ac 13-"'. It 
is not in this, however, but in the doctrine of a 
crucified Messiah, and perhaps in personal jealousy, 
that an explanation may bo found of the opposi- 
tion ofierecl to the mission en route. Not Jewish 
Christians attached to the law, but Jews who were 
not Christians at all, resisted the preachers. 

AV'hen Paul and Barnabas returned, they summed 
up tiie result of their mission in the words: ' (iod 
has ojiened the door of faith to the (ientiles,' Ac 
H''^. But this ' conversion of the Gentiles,' though 
the news of it caused great joy in Phojiiicia and 
Samaria (Ac l.")''), awakened very diilerent feelings 
even in Christian circles at .lerusalem. Emissaries 
from Jerusalem insisted on teiiciiing {^Sida<TKoi', Ac 
IT)-) the brcjthren at Antioch — men who had be- 
lieved in .l»'sus Christ and received the Holy (ihost 
— that without circiniicision tlicy could not bo 
saved. It was a delilierate challenge not only to 
the work of Paul and llarnabas, but, as they 
believed, to tlu? work of (Jod ; and as it involved 
the unity of the Church, it was arranged that Paul 
and Karnabas with some brethren from Antioch 
should go to Helll(! it with the apostles and elders 
at .lerusalem. It was not a oiirstion on which tho 
aposllcH to the Gentiles could compromise; and 
everything depi'iided, not indeed for the future 
of ('hristiunity, but for the present peace of the 
(!hui'ch, on the conciliatory spirit and insight of 
the leadtfrM of the Church lit .lenisiilem. Boom wasf 
given for diMMiMsioii (Ac !.'»'), but the question was 
settled by the argument of St. Pettsr- iin argnment 

* Wn hnvi! amiimcHl alKivc timt tliu CuriiuliiiB e]iiso(le la 
hlatorl<»t, and sUio In 1(4 rliflil pluco. 



identical in principle with tiiat of ch. 11 : 'God 
wlio knows tlie heart bore witness to them (the 
(Jentiles) in tliat he gave them the Holy Spirit 
just as he did to us ; and he made no distinction 
between us and tliem, in that he purihed their 
hearts by faith.' For tlie Gentiles, at all events, 
a place in tlie Church and a jjart in salvation is in 
no way dependent on circumcision, or on keeping 
the law of Moses. This was the principle for 
which St. Paul contended ; and it was in consist- 
ency with it that he refused to have Titus cir- 
cumcised on the occasion of this visit to the 
Jewisii Church (Gal 2*), and that he withstood 
St. Peter to the face when, during a subsequent 
visit to Antioch, he yielded to Jewish pressure, 
antl withdrew from fellowshiiJ with Gentile be- 

The recognition of this principle on both sides 
does not discredit tiie decree of Ac 15~*-. The 
decree is a measure of expediency, necessarily of a 
temporary character, but one to which (in tlie in- 
terests of peace and of the Church's unity) St. Paul 
could easily enough iigree — once his principle had 
been recognized. Where Judaism was tocused, 
in Jerusalem for instance, the law would assert 
itself as inevitablj' as nationality or patriotism ; 
in purely Gentile Churches no question as to its 
place in revelation or its religious signiticance 
niiglit ever be raised ; in places where Jew and 
Gentile were much in contact there would no 
doubt be inconsistencies, misunderstandings, and 
practical compromises and accommodations of 
various sorts. Of these the decree is a specimen. 

B. The centre of interest in the NT is now in 
the practice and tfie doctrine of St. Paul. — (a) In 
the course of his second mission he visited Europe, 
and in a few verses of the 1st Ep. to the Corinthians, 
written to a Church founded in the course of this 
mission, he gives a clear and precise account of the 
principles on which he acted. ' Being free from 
all, I made myself a slave to all, that I might gain 
the more. And I became to the Jews as a Jew, 
tliat I might gain Jews; to those under law, as 
under law, not being myself under law, that I 
might gain those under law ; to those without law 
{i.e. tlie Gentiles as 'outlaws' from tiie Jewish 
point of view), as witliout law, not being without 
law to God, but under law to Christ (Iwofj-os be- 
cause tlie Christian lives m the law, he is not 
under it as one to whom it speaks from without 
and from above, and whom it oppresses), tiiat I 
migiit gain those without law' (on the whole 

fassage 1 Co yi''--3 see the masterly note of 
Alwards, C'omm. ad loc). It is in pursuance of 
*^^his policy tiiat St. Paul at the outset of this 
journey circumcises Timothy (Ac IG"*), and delivers 
to the Churches on his route the decree of the 
Jerus. Council (Ac IG^) ; it is still in pursuance of 
it that he preaclies at Corinth a gospel to which 
everything is indillerent but Jesus Christ crucihed 
(1 Co 2"), and declares that circumcision is nothing 
and uncircuiiK'ision nothing (1 Co 7"*'). 

In these v<;ises in 1 Co it may be assumed that 
St. Paul is inter|>reting the principle on which he 
had acted wiien at Corinth, and on which he acted 
everywhere. The man who is called (i.e. who 
becomes a Christian) uncircumcised is not to cir- 
cumcise himself : the nu\n who is circumcised when 
the call comes to him is not to undo or disguise the 
fact : as far as the gospel and membership in the 
Church are concerned, circumcision and uncircum- 
cision are neither here nor there. It is of this 
principle and practice that St. Paul says : so I 
ordain in all the Churches (1 Co 7^^). The Jewish 
oj (position to St. Paul at Corinth seems also to 
have fastened on this aspect of his work : it no 
longer flowed from personal jealousy, as probably 
in Galatia. The charge laid against him before 

Gallio was that he persuaded men to worsliip God 
irapa rbv yj/xov (Ac 18'*), by which is no doubt meant, 
in violation of tlie Mosaic law. Judaism was a 
religio licita, and as the teaching of St. Paul wa.s 
frankly inditierent to the national character in 
virtue of which the law possessed this public 
standing, his enemies thought to bring him within 
the scope of the Roman law as violating it. Yet 
with all this he was anxious to maintain com- 
munion with the mother Church at Jerusalem, and 
at the close of his journey formally paid his re- 
spects to it once more (Ac is-^). 

(b) To the third mission of St. Paul, M'liich is 
ordinarily dated as commencing 55 or 56 [Turner, 
52] A.D., belong the great controversial Epistles, 
1 and 2 Co, Gal, and lio, in which his doctrine of 
the law (for he was obliged both by his spiritual 
experience and by the challenges of his adversaries 
to have a doctrine) is expounded in all its aspects. 
Law in a sense is lihe subject of all, but especially 
of the two last named. The very frequency with 
whicli the word occurs is signihcant. It is found 
32 times in Gal, 76 times in Ito, 8 times in 1 Co ; 
elsewhere in the Epistles ascribed to St. Paul only 
G times. In Gal the reference is mainly to what we 
should call law in its ritual aspect, for the claim 
made on the Christians of Galatia by the Judaizers 
was that they should submit to bo circumcised ; in 
Ho, on the other hand, it is the moral Law which 
is the subject of discussion. Yet this distinction 
is not one which would be present, at least vividly, 
to St. Paul's mind. He thinks of the law as one, 
and as the law of God ; and his point is tliat 
statutory obedience is not the way of salvation. 
Much of the difficulty which his opponents had 
in understanding St. Paul must have been due 
to the ajiparently (and inevitably) equivocal atti- 
tude which he assumed to the religion of Israel. 
On the one hand, the gospel was a specilically new 
thing. It was independent of the law. It did for 
him what the law could not do (Ko 8^). It had to 
be defined by contrast with the law ; sometimes it 
seemed as if it could be defined only by opposition 
to the law, as in 2 Co 3 where they are confronted 
as ypdfifjLa and irvev/xa, as airoKreweLv and ^uo-kokIv, 
as Kard/c/3i(riy and SiKaioavvrj, as to KaTapyo^fxeyov and 
TO fxevov. Even in Ho, which is written in a more 
conciliatory mood, pains are taken to show that 
in principle the two religions (the law and faitii, 
works and grace, wages and i)roniise) are mutually 
exclusive (Ko 4). On the other hand, the con- 
nexion of the new religion with the old is as in- 
dubitable. The diKaioffvurj deou preached in the 
gospel may be X'^P'^ vo/j-ov, yet it is witnessed to l)y 
the law and the propiiets (Ko S-\ cf. 1-- '" 1(/"). 
Tiie last passage referred to is particularly striking, 
for in it St. Paul apjilies to the gospel words 
spoken by Moses about tiie law, and that for tiie 
very purpose of pointing the superiority of the 
gospel to the law. In otiier words, he read tiie 
OT as a Ciiristian book, and yet proved from it 
the thesis tiiat tiie OT religion was not Chris- 
tianity. But though this inevitable formal diffi- 
culty must often have led to misunderstanding in 
controversy, it is no more than formal, and the 
apostle's position is intelligible enough. Tiie OT, 
if regarded as a code, is not Christian, is indeed 
antichristian, as every religion based on statutes 
and therefore legal in spirit must be ; but as a 
revelation it has the promise of Ciiristianity in 
it, and bears witness to the gospel. 

(c) Before examining St. Paul's doctrine, or the 
various suggestions of his Epistles, oa the law, it is 
necessary to observe more closely his use of the 
word, (a) He sometimes has it with, sometimes 
witiiout, tiie article. Tiie question iias been 
raised wiietiier tlie meaning is tiie same in tiie two 
cases. If we ask questions which were not present 



to the mind of the writers whom we are interpre- 
ting, we are apt to get unreal and unreliable 
answers ; and in answering this question there has 
been little agreement among scholars. No doubt 
when St. Paul says ' the law,' without any quali- 
fication, he is thinking of the law of Moses. There 
was nothing else in the world to describe by that 
name. The one specimen exhausted the species. 
Is anything else meant when he speaks of ' law ' 
without so delining it ? The answer given by such 
scholars as Lightfoat and Giti'ord is tiiat in such 
cases what St. Haul has in view may indeed be the 
law of Moses, but it is that hiw not definitely us 
Mosaic, not as the historical institute witli which 
the Jews were familiar, but indefinitely, and 
simply in its character .as legal. In spite of the 
objections of Grafe, this view seems thoroughly 
sound. Even wliat is regarded as a decisive case 
on the opposite side (Ko o^ vofios di xapeiff^Xdeu) is 
much more effective antl relevant to the apostle's 
aj^ment if we render ' Law came in,' instead of 
'Tiie Law.' St. Paul is writing of the great 
spiritual forces which have dominated the history 
of humanity, Sin, Law, and Grace, and it is in 
their character as such, not in their historical 
definiteness, tliat lie is concerned with them. It 
is only when this is admitted, that what St. Paul 
says of law has any interest for others than Jews. 
It was because he could conceive of the law of 
Mofles not as Mosaic, but simply as legal, that he 
could find an analogxie to it among the (Jentiles, 
and preach to them also a gospel (and the same 
(Tospel) which meant emancipation from legalism. 
The Gentiles, he says, in explaining how it is 
possible for them to be judge<l by God, though 
they have no law (in the sense in which Israel had) 
yet do bv nature the things required by the law, 
and so display ' the work of the law written in 
their hearts' (Ho 'i''"-). Thej' have the idea of a 
task to Ije <Ione, just as the Jews have ; and there 
U a 'natural legality,' to use an expression of 
Chalmers, in men which disfnises them to aim at 
achieving righteousness in this way. The first 
thought of man, Jew or Gentile, is that he will do 
the things that are required of him, — in otiier 
words, kepthelaw, — and on tiie ground of what 
he thu.s achieves claim as of right the apjirobation 
of iitxL This i.H what St. Paul means by attaining 
right«iiH«ne«s i( tpyuf fj/iov, by works of law. The 
MuMaic law is included, but it is included not as 
Mfwaic, but as legal, and it does not exhaust the 
tsoncept. The law may Ik^! the form that haunts 
Um mind of the 'natural legalist' the world over; 
and to all such alike, Jew or tJcntile, St. Paul 
declarcit that the way they are treatling can never 
lead to acT<<ptanco with (JikI. It does not matter 
what the NiK'cial content is which is emlio<lied in 
the legal lorni : it may !« muiiily what wo call 
ritual, fi *' Ki). to the (iahitians, or mainly 

what »• if. an in the Kp. to tin- Koman»<'; 

In no cii .IT ctin statutory olicdictice con- 

utitute a riaini on G<sl or commatid IIIh approba- 
tion • Hy wnrk^ of law nhall no llcHh 1m; iiiHtifie«l 
in K I ;■'). 

' I her point to lie cleared up in St. 

Paiii • ii«M' III I III- wor«l. There am pasxages in 
which 'ilichii*'' iM until with a gciiiti>4. in n way 
whiili mituit,'mi» t,, n modern, |NTliapM especially to 
•»• ' that the word is iiwd with moiiio 

•I'l' •M-nwi it now JM-ars in phyrtjcal 

»«-niK« . llm* ' tiiif law of sin wliich is in my 
nit^ilM'r*' U intorprntod am ih« sinful nMsle in 




>i habitually act 
of tliii hpirit of 

V-' t'f : .;'n 

* ui* va,MU«t/a«. Iht* i» uiUii iutcrprvted Ui mean, 

' I find therefore this regularly recurrent pheno- 
menon, — this " law " in the st«se of modern science, 
— that when I would do good, evil is present with 
me' (so Winer, ed. INIoulton, p. 697, who renders 
t6v vojxov normam ; and cf. Meyer or Sanday and 
Headlam, ad loc. ). But tlie ' law ' of modern science 
belongs to an intellectual world which was not then 
in being, and there can be little doubt that by tvpiaKw 
ipa Tov vofiov St. Paul means to say, ' this is wliat I 
find as as the law is concerned, — I mean well, 
but am perpetually baffled by tlie presence of evil.' 
(So Vaughan). The Mords Tbv vj/jlov refer to the 
law of jNIoses, under which St. Paul had his 
experience of legal religion ; but it is the experi- 
ence also of every one who has tried legal religion 
in any shape, Mosaic or another. So in the other 
passages referred to above, ' tiie law ' is to be 
conceived as related to a legislator, and not as 
in modern physics. 'The law of God' (Ro 7-^) is 
the law which God enjoins ; the law ' of the 
mind' (v.^) is the law which the ^'oOs or practical 
reason of the man prescribes, or the law of God 
as re-enacted in conscience ; tiie law of sin is the 
mode of life (not in which sin is normally ex- 
hibited, but) which Sin, personified as a rival to 
God, enjoins upon man and compels him to follow ; 
the law of the Spirit of the life in Christ Jesus is 
the mode of life (not in which spirit acts auto- 
matically, and on the analog}' of a physical foice, 
but) which the Spirit authoritatively prescribes, 
and, as being in its essence impulse as well as law, 
enables man freely to realize. 

There are, however, cases in which the genitive 
with v6iJ.oi is of a ditterent kind, and in which vo/mos 
itself seems to be used in a larger sense, almost = 
' religion,' as something instituted by God. Thus 
in Ko 3-" St. Paul says boasting is suininarily 
excluded, and asks 8ia. Troiov v6ij.ov ; through wiiat 
sort of law ? In other words, Wiiat sort of char- 
acter must we suppose Christianity as a divine 
institution to possess, in order tiiat this result 
must follow ? Is it to be characterized by works, 
or by faith? The latter, says St. Paul : the geni- 
tives in the verse being those of the characterizing 
quality. In v.*' of the same cliaptcr pofj.ov is 
ambiguous. It may refer to tlie OT religion as a 
whole; and then tlie answer to the question. Do 
we annul (the) Law through faith? would be given 
in cli. 4, where St. Paul shows that the justi- 
ticati<m of Christians has its prototype in that of 
Abraham, — in other Avoids, tfiat tiie old order is 
coiilirnicd {lardyofiev), not subverted, by the new. 
Ihit vjfj.oi> may lie generic, and the question may 
mean, Do we then annul Law — all that has ever 
lieen known as moral order, all that has ever been 
supposed to Hifcguard iiiorality wlietlier of Mosaic 
or other origin by our faith, i.e. by our new 
ChriHtian religion? In this case, the jiroof of the 
assertion that w«! do not aiiiinl but establish Law 
liy Paitli- that the Christian religiim is the only 
ellcctive guarantee of nuualitv is given, not in 
cli. 4, but ill clis. US, wlu'ic ("iiristi.inity is siiown 
to involv(> the possession of the Holy Spirit. 

(i/) Wc may now proceed to notice more particu- 
larly what St. Paul teaches about Law, Ijcariiig in 
mind that it was through the Mosaic law that he 
•dilaitietl the experience out of wiiicli he speaks, 
but that h(> speaks for tiu' IxMietit of men wiio may 
have had a siiiiilnr experiencci nltlioiigh lliey linil 
never heard of Moses; in other words, that even 
where he is formally ilisciissiiig t/ir Law, it is Law 
Itself, in all that is characteristic of it as legal, 
which he is really concerned with. 

(I) As regards its plac(« in history, it is an 
entirely siiliordiiiate thing. Tim gn'al spiritual 
powers wliirh have bad doininance in I lie life of mini 
are Sin and tirace; in comparison with IIkmh, Law 
inn minor matter. Sin entered the world {«la-fj\Oev, 



Ro 5'2), and so did Grace, but Law only irapeKxrjXdev^ 
entered as an accessoiy, or in a snl>ordinate capacity 
(Kg 5-"). To a Jew, the most important figure in 
religion was Moses ; St. Paul arfjues tliat the 
importance of Moses in the spiritual liistory of 
humanity is an entirely inferior thing when com- 
pared to that of Adam or of Christ. This is the 
purport also of the argument in Gal S''*'^-, where he 
aims at showing tliat the Promise— i.e. the Chris- 
tian religion as it was announced to Abraham, 
and in a sense iini)arted to him— was not con- 
ditioned by the l^aw, which came 400 years after- 
wards, and that not by the immediate act of God, 
but 'ordained through angels, by the hand of a 
mediator.' It is not so clear wliether St. Paul 
regarded Law, or tlie reign of Law, either in its 
more statutory form as in Israel, or in its vaguer 
form as present to conscience among the Geniiles, 
as a positive preparation for the gospel. The 
figures of the prison-liouse and tlie iraiSayuiybs in 
Gal 3'^'- hardly amount to this. As Lightfoot 
remarks, 'tlie tempting explanation of irai5ayi,)yb% 
eh XpKTTov, "one to conduct us to tlie school of 
Christ," ought probably to be abandoned.' Ei'j 
Xpiarw really means 'until Christ came.' During 
the jne Christian stage of our life we were ' shut 
up and kei)t in ward under the law'; it was our 
prison and our moral guardian, but St. Paul does 
not regard it as leading us to Christ. The irat5a- 
7^7 jy was a slave who bad to e.xercise a certain 
moral restraint over the lx)y under his charge ; the 
law, too, was servile, an inferior type of religion, 
and all it could do by itself was to atteuipt a 
similar restnaint. 

(2) On the mode in which Law acts in the indi- 
vidual %\lio lives under it, St. Paul has much to 
say. (a) It brings the knowledge, especially the 
full knowledge (iviyvwais) of sin, Ko S-"" 4^^ and 
esp. 7"'" ' I luul not known sin, but through the 
law,' etc. The description of spiritual experience in 
Ko 7''-' is not to be mechanically interpreted ; it 
belongs to what may be called ' ideal biography.' It 
is neither the experience of the regenerate nor of 
the unregeneicate man, but the ex[»erience, if one 
might say so, of the unregenerate man seen through 
re<;enerate eyes, interpreted bj' a regenerate mind ; 
it is individual experience, but universalized ; it is 
not a deposition for a law court, but some kind of 
essential eternal truth. It contains much of St. 
Paul's doctrine of the law— a doctrine resting on 
experience of his own. The starting-point is 
purely ideal. 'I was alive without the law (x^pts 
vjfxov) once.' This is not a date which can be tixed 
in anj^ one's life. There is not really a golden age, 
a happy time to which we can look back, when we 
liacl no conscience, and therefore no bad conscience. 
It is, however, the assumed starting-point of the 
spiritual life for St. Paul. It lasts till its peace is 
invaded by the Law. When the commandment 
comes, sin wakes up to life, and the man dies. 
The prohibition of the Law reveals to man his 
antagonism to it. The Law comes to him, from 
without, and it is without : man and the law, the 
very moment the law appears as such, are dis- 
covered to be in some kind of antagonism to each 
other ; conscience first exists as a bad conscience. 

(/i) The law not only brings the full conscious- 
ness of sin, it also brings its doom. The law works 
wrath, Ro 4'^. There is a ' curse of the hiAV ' which 
comes \ipon all who violate it. To know that one 
has broken the law is to know that he is subject 
to this curse. The doom of death stares him in 
the face. St. Paul nowhere gives an analj'sis of 
ffdvaTos, or Kardpa, or KaraKpifia, or any of the words 
he uses in this connexion, and it is merely mis- 
leading to introduce such tlistinctions as ])bysical, 
spiritual, and eternal death to interpret his mean- 
ing. That death which is the doom or curse of 

the law is one awful indivisible thing, which only 
a despairing conscience can lealize, and which in 
too overwhelming to be the subject of such dis- 
tinctions. It includes in every case the feeling 
that God, whose the Law is, is against those who 
have broken it. 

(7) The Law, according to St. Paul, stimulates 
sin, and was given for that very purpose. ' The 
Law came in beside, that the trespass might abound,' 
Ro 5-^. The Law was added tCov wapa^dcrewv x°-P'-''> 
Gal 3" : where ' because of transgressions ' must be 
interpreted on the analogy of Ro 5-" iVa TrXeoi-cicrT/ 
TO TrapdTTTCjfia. Cf. also Ro 7'* ' that sin through the 
commandment,' i.e. through the law in one of the 
injunctions or prohibitions composing it, 'might 
become exceeding sinful.' This is one of the most 
daring points in St. Paul's doctrine, yet it rests on 
the familiar psychological fact that prohibition 
provokes resistance. When the law — any law 
whatever — says ' Do not,' there is something in 
man which is inclined to say 'I will.' The 
peculiarity is that St. Paul represents God as 
availing Himself of this characteristic of human 
nature in order (indirectly) to prepare man for 
salvation. When he says that the purpose for 
which Law came in was that the trespass might 
abound, the purpose is conceived as God's. It is 
as though God saw that the only way to get man 
to accept His righteousness was to make him 
despair of his own, and the way to make him 
despair of his own was to subject him to a dis- 
cipline under which the sin that was in him 
would reveal its exceeding sinfulness, its irresistible 
tyrannical strength, and annihilate all his hopes. 
It is in this connexion of ideas that St. Paul says 
the law is the strength of sin, 1 Co 15^. No dou\)t 
it was at this point that his doctrine would seem 
most impious to a pious Jew. The Law, his 
adversary would naturally assume, was given to 
be kept. It was given to guide man in the way 
of life, to be a light to his feet and a lamp to his 
path. It was a kind of insanity — so it would seem 
to him— to represent it as given to stimulate sin, 
to counteract its own nature, defeat its own pur- 
posij, jxnd to its own supersession by a new 
religion. Rut, in reality. Law is used in two 
different senses by the parties to this controversy. 
The Jewish interlocutor whom we have supposed 
is thinking of the whole OT revelation, which is 
not necessarilj- legal at all ; St. Paul is thinking 
of it specifically as legal, as that system of statutes 
and traditions to which it had been reduced in the 
Pharisaic circles in which he had been brought up ; 
and he is interpreting (iod's jnirpose in giving the 
law through his own experience — surely an ex- 
perience in which the hand and purpose of God 
could be traced — under those conditions. If ex- 
perience proved anything, it proved that God 
could mean nothing bj' the law (as St. Paul had 
known it) except to make a full revelation of sin. 
It was not meant to bring salvation, it was meant 
to bring despair. 

(5) But though the law acts in this paradoxical 
Avay, and does so in pursuance of God's purpose, 
God is not to blame for the sin which is multiplied, 
nor is the character of the law itself in the least 
de<Tee compromised. The law is spiritual and 
holy. Both irvevfiariKd^ and 017105 are words which 
indicate the connexion of the law with God. The 
commandment, the prohibition or precept in which 
the law expresses itself, is holy (=divine), just 
( = answering to the relations which subsist be- 
tween God and man, or between men themselves), 
and good ( = morally beneficent). Tiie explanation 
of the disastrous working of the law (disastrous, 
though God's grace makes it an indirect i)repara- 
tion for the gosi)el) is to l)e found in man himself, 
and especially in his nature as iiesh : ' I am 



vdpKiPoi, a creature of flesh, sold under sin,' Ro 

The law, perhaps, ought to be able to do for us 
something quite ditterent from what it actually 
does; but it cannot do that other thing; it is 
weak ' through the flesh,' Ro 8^ St. Paul nowhere 
explains how the flesh has come to have this 
peculiar, native, invincible antipatliy to the law, 
and this is not the place to inquire ; it is enough 
to notice that it is on his conception (which like 
all his other conceptions is not an abstract but an 
experimental one) of what the flesh is, tlie 
most characteristic part of his doctrine of the law 
depends. It is liecause tlie tt^-sh is what it is that 
the law stimulates sin, plunges man into despair, 
and so prepares liim for the gospel, i.e. for a divine 
righteousness to whicli ' works of law ' contribute 
nothing, though witness is Iwrne to it ' by the law 
and the prophets.' The flesh and the law together 
explain the universal need and the universal 
craving for redemption. 

(3) It is necessary, however, to define the relation 
of law and gospel more closely. It is true that the 
law contributes nothing to the gospel : no statutory 
obedience whatsoever enters into the SiKaioaOvrj 
0«ov preached by St. Paul to sinners whom the 
law has brought to despair. Btit the law is not 
ignored by tne gospel. It is Gods law. It is 
enforced by the most terrible sanctions : its sen- 
tence of condemnation, its curse, its doom of death, 
are awful realities, and cannot simjtly be passed 
bv. Nor in St. Paul's gospel are tiiev passed by. 
The very heart of that gospel is Christ*s relation to 
the law — His relation to the law, not merely as a 
law which issues commandments, but as a law 
which has pronounced sentence upon man. When 
Christ is said to l»e made under law, to redeem 
them that are under law, it is this which is in 
view : St. Paul has a gospel to preach to men 
under the condemnation of the law, because that 
condemnation Iuls l>een taken on Himself by Clirist. 
Th'iM is the idea which explains all the formuhe the 
apOKtIe uses in describing the redeeming work of 
Clirist, and which explains above nil tiie fact that 
the redeeming work of Christ is so constantly 
identified with His death. Death is the doom of 
sin, the sanction, the curse, the sentence of the 
law ; and in dying for us Christ recognized without 
abatement the utmost claims of the law as ex- 
preanve of the holy will of Cod. It is in this 
MOM that He is said to have l)ecome a curse for 
IM, and to have licen made xin for us by (hhI ; it is 
in this sense n I M4^i that (iod is Huid in (iim to have 
eundemned sin in the flesh. All these pa.Hsugos((jal 
31a 4M.^ 2Co.V», I{o8») dewrils; the same thing : the 
almtilute honour paid to the law by Christ in freely 
snbmitting to that death in which the law's con- 
demnntion of hunumity is expressed. 

\\ ,. .1,. ■.,,. .\.^..y,.,\\i ^^|,i^ r(»nn«^xion of ideas by 
i»> is merely physical, niui that the 

c>i ii tluMliNtm of sin is faiitastii! or 

nr. Nothing thnt hap{>enH to man is 

ni< ' al. All that liap]M<nH to a H]>iritual 

lui 1 the last rcHort a spiritual nieaniu'' ; 

*»!• ■ ath in interpreted (not. through its 

f)li>-i>>> ' •• ' 'ir eonditions, but as it 

niiMt l» tlie moraliHt, and tim 

tliMitoci <ietice. if will Ik« hard 

to (in«l fur It nny olhiTr si;;nilinitiee than that which 
Ht. Paul mrjt-i<itlm. It is the dri'aiiful e\p<>rienr.e in 
which c*tnm-Usnti9 tuwn not the debt of nature, but 
Ut« wnftm of ftln : and it im as nurh (hut (.'hrist is 
oooeaived iw ^-t ■■■■"■.,.. t,, Jt. 

TIm Mine ' > lie more elnlK)rnte passago 

Ro 3""*, C' .re represented a* si't forth 

'n ... in hi* IiIoinI, with a view 

U» • "I*" riyhteoiisn«*«i«, owing to the 

|M«RUi^ by <.t ■ kinn ill the forlsMiranco of 

God.' The idea is that God's treatment of sin 
hitiierto — His suspense of judgment— cast a shadow 
on His righteousness : it might be questioned 
whether God was really concerned about the 
ditt'erence between right and wrong. But at the 
cross His righteousness has been cleared from this 
shadow. How ? Because there the doom of sin 
has fallen upon His own Son. Nothing could 
show more conclusively that God was inexorable, 
irreconcilable to sin — that God's law was an in- 
violable law. There is nothing in the argument of 
Weiss [Comm. on Ro 3"') tiiat punishment and pro- 
pitiation are alternatives between which God had 
to choose, but which had nothing to do with each 
other. God chose to make propitiation for the sin 
of the world, and He did it, according to St. Paxil, — 
not in this passage only, but in all the others cited 
above, — in the following way : He sent His Son to 
take the sin of the world upon Him in all those 
consequences of it in which His condemnation and 
the sanctity of His law are expressed, and especi- 
ally, theretore, in death. Death in Christ's case 
has propitiatory siguilicance, — in other words, it is 
the basis of gospel, — because it is the bearing of 
sin, the full recognition, in their full extent, of the 
Law's claims upon man. To dissolve the relation 
between the Deatli of Christ and the sentence of 
the Law — to take the curse and condemnation 
out of the Cross — is to annihilate the gospel as 
St. Paul understood it. It is essential to a doctrine 
of atonement that it should in this .sense at least 
'establish the law.' 

(4) But the question remains, What is the relation 
of the Christian to the Law, or to law in general ? 
Much of the paradox of St. Paul's teaching gathers 
round this point. In all religion, of course, from 
the point of view of ethics, there is something 
paradoxical. It belongs to religion, as such, to 
transcend the etiiical point of view, yet to con- 
serve and i)roniote, indeed to be the only ettective 
means of conserving and promoting, ethical in- 
terests. Hence moralists are the most severe, if 
at times the most inept, critics of religion, and St. 
Paul's idealism .and his paradoxes together pro- 
voked and still provoke iuliiiite comment. Yet his 
position is quite clear. On the one hand, the 
Christian has nothing more to do with law in any 
way. ' I through law died to law that I might live 
to God.' An exhaustive experiment of living under 
law convinced him that there was noitlier life nor 
righteousness to be found that way, and he was 
done with law for ever. ' I am crmilied with 
Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ 
who lives in me.' The old end of life is not 
reno>ince<l ; his aim is still righteousness ; but 
the old means are renounced. Righteousness is 
not to be achieved out of his own resources, 
and brought to God lor His approval ; it is to 
be the work of Christ dwelling in him (lirough 
His Spirit. Law was weak through the tlesh, 
and could n(»t tlo what was wanted ; iiut the 
Spirit is stronger than the flesh, and can secure 
in spite of it what the law failed to secure ; 
in us (Christians), as we walk not after the 
flesh hut after the spirit, ' I he just demand (t6 
biKaiwua) of the law ' is fullilled, Ko 8'. Sin has 
not doniinicm over us, for w(! are not under law 
(the working of whi<"h has been explaiiii'tl above 
umler '2 (7)), hut uiuler grace ; law only enslaves to 
sin; hut . grace gives the quickening spirit and 

Hence in the Christian religion, as St. Paul 
understood it, nothing statutory could have any 
place. To giv(! a l(!j;al aulliorily lo any formal 
jtHM-ept, ethical or ritual, is t<» shut the door of 
lio|M>, and ojien again the door of despair. It is 
to contemn the Spirit, which is Christ's gift, and 
the cn»HM, by which He won it, and to renounce (he 



liberty with which He has made us free. St. Paul 
was not an an^inomian (for the just demand of the 
law is to be fullilled in all Christians), but he was 
certainly an rtnomian. He recof,Miizes no law in 
the Church but the law of the spirit of the life in 
Christ Jesus, and while that is both law and im- 
pulse it is essentially personal, and can never be 
reduced to statutory form. He can speak of 
Christianity indeed (to which circumcision is no- 
thing and uncircumcision is nothing) as ' the 
keeping of tlie commandments of God,' 1 Co 7^" ; 
but all legalism is eliminated when the law is 
described as having its fultilment in love, Ro 13'", 
Gal 5'^ and 'the law of Christ' is explained as 
' bearing each other's burdens,' Gal 6^. Legalism, 
in short, and Christianity (life in the Spirit) are to 
St. Paul mutually exclusive ideas ; and though in 
a formally constituted society, i.e. in sense a cor- 

f (oration in tiie eye of the law, a legal creed and a 
egal organization might become necessary, the 
idea that the existence of Christianity depended 
upon them could only have seemed to him a fatal 
contradiction of all that Christianity meant. 

(e) At the close of his third mission, St. Paul 
came again to Jerusalem. He had with him the 
collection from the Gentile Churclies, and was most 
eager to maintain brotherly relations between the 
Gentile and the Jewish sections of Christendom, 
though he had grave misgivings as to what might 
happen. Cf. Ac 2V«-, 2 Co 8 and 9, PiO lo-^«-. The 
opposition to his ' lawless ' Christianity, wliich had 
followed him in all his churches and been combated 
in his four great Epistles, liad been busy in Jeru- 
salem also. The native Christians there were 
devoted in their attachment to the law in its 
national aspects {irdvTes fiyXwrai tov vh/xov, Ac 21-"). 
Tliey had been sedulously instructed (Kar-qxh- 
6t)aav) that St. Paul was teaching the Jews who 
lived abroad to apostatize from the law, neither 
circumcising their children nor keeping the tradi- 
tional customs. This was undoubtedly the logic 
of St. Paul's gospel, though thexe is no evidence, 
apart from this unscrupulous assertion, that St. 
Paul ever sought to denationalize his countrj-men ; 
and it is a fair question whether St. James and his 
elders did not ask him to do something which 
would leave an essentially false impression when 
they asked him to associate himself with certain 
men in a vow, that all might know that none of 
the things which they had been drilled to believe 
about him were true, and that he himself also in 
his conduct was an observer of the law (v.-*). 
Probably, in yielding to this request, St. Paul was 
carrying to an extreme the conciliatory principles 
of 1 Co O'-"*"^- ; but the tumult which ended in his 
imprisonment and transfereiu-e to Rome prevented 
any further development of the controversy about 
law between the apostle and the Jewish Christian 

ij ) The later Epistles hardly enable us to add 
anytliing of importance. In Eph the law as a 
national institute — the law of commandments con- 
taineil in ordinances, cf. Col 2'^ — is regarded as a 
dividing wall between Jew and Gentile ; it has 
been broken down and annulled by the death of 
Christ, and with it the enmity which severed the 
two great branches of the human family ; they are 
now one new man. In Col what St. Paul has to 
deal with is a movement which in its requirements 
re-sembles the ritualistic legalism with which he 
had been confronted in Galatia ; the difference 
is that in Galatia the legalism attached itself 
directly to the law of Moses, in Colossai it seemed 
to be connected with some philosophical or theo- 
sophical system, possibly of Essene affinities, and 
therefore more exacting in its demands than the 
letter of Moses' law. Cf. Col 2i«''-. St. Paul was 
equally irreconcilable to it in both cases, and for 

VOL. III. — 6 

the same reason. As dead Avith Christ, the Christian 
was dead to tliat whole mode of being, that whole 
conception of life, which allowed order to be pre- 
scribed from without. It was worse, of course, 
when the multiplied prohibitions, ' Touch not, 
taste not, handle not,' had no divine sanction (a*. 
the Mosaic law had) or even the pretence of it, but 
were merely a tradition of men. The conscience 
which has received the Spirit of Christ is shirking 
its own responsibilities when it allows others to lay 
down the law for it. To be perfectly free, and to 
take the whole responsibility of freedom, is the 
only way to wholesome morality and to Christian 
sanctification. ' Therefore let no one judge you in 
eating or drinking, or in respect of a festival or 
new moon or Sabbath.' All laws and customs as 
such tend to extinguish the feeling of personal 
responsibility, to blunt the keenness of individual 
conscience : hence to bind them on the conscience, 
in their character as legal and customary, is anti- 
christian. In Ph 3'" there is a sudden fierce flash, 
provoked we cannot tell how, of the ideas and tem- 

fer that belong to the great controversial Epistles. 
n the Pastoral Epp. , which represent a considerably- 
later date, we can see that questions connected with 
law still engaged attention, though there is nothing 
indicative either of the passion or the interest in 
principle which characterize the earlier years of 
the apostle. Titus (3") is warned to decline iJ.dxo.s 
vo/xiKOLs, as though the whole subject were prac- 
tically settled ; and we catch the same half-con- 
temptuous tone in 1 Ti V, where persons are 
referred to, Judaizing no doubt, who wish to be vofjLo- 
di5d<TKa\oi though they have no idea of the functions 
of law. It may be questioned whether the two 
verses following come up to the insight of Ro 7, 
but they have their own truth, and probably served 
the writer's purpose. When the battle was prac- 
tically over, and the victory won, even St. Paul 
may have expressed himself in this almost inditt'erent 
commonplace ; perhaps he despaired of gaining 
access to the general mind for any profounder 
statement of the truth. The legalism of the persons 
who forbade to marry and commanded to abstain 
from meats (1 Ti 4^) cannot have been Mosaic, but 
must have been of some philosophical type, akin 
to that found in Colossje. 

III. The Law in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
— The Pauline allinities of the Ep. to the Hebrews 
cannot be denied, but the conception of law in it is 
very different. Law here is sometimes expressly 
the law of Moses (7^ 9'" 10'-'*), but it is regarded 
not so much as a set of statutes to be punctually 
obeyed, as a religious constitution under which the 
nation liad to worship. Cf. the use of the verb vofio- 
dertlv in 7" 8^. The fundamental idea of the book 
is that there is one people of God through all ages, 
though it has stood at ditl'erent times in ditlerent 
relations to Him. Its relation to God, its nearness 
or distance, depends on the kind of priesthood it 
has ; and when the priesthood is changed there is 
necessarily also a change of law : that is, < he re- 
ligious constitution is altered, V'-. The old law — 
the religious constitution under which the people 
of God lived when mediation was that of the 
Levitical priesthood — 'made nothing perfect' (7'"); 
there was no absolute or linal religion then, no 
purgation of conscience, no sure immediate joyful 
access to God. Christianity, on the other hand — 
the religious constitution under which the people 
of God live now, when mediation is that of the 
Melchizedek priest, the Son of God — is the reXei- 
werts of what was promised of old. The new 
covenant is legally constituted on the basis of 
better promises (8**). It has, with the definite 
outline of reality, the good things of which the 
law had only a sliadow (10'). 

There is nothing in St. Paul which exactly 



corresponds to this : not even in Col 2'^, still less 
in what he says of the promise in Gal 3 or of 
the promises in 2 Co 1=^. In fact, we do not find 
in St. Paul any conception of Leviticalism as pos- 
sessing a religious significance, as dealing even in 
a jKithetically disapjjointing way with spiritual 
necessities in man, which would find their adequate 
satisfaction only in Clirist. In the Ep. to the 
Hebrews Christ is still regarded as making pro- 
pitiation for sins (2'"), but His deatli is not put, so 
Droniinently as in St. Paul, in relation to the Law. 
Vet in lO'*-, where such emphasis is laid on Christ's 
obedience, it is to be noted (see v.^*^) that the 
obedience required of is specifically that of 
a Redeemer : i.e. ex hi/pothesi, the obedience of 
One who becomes one with the sinful not only in 
nature but in experience and in lot (one of the 
leading thoughts of the Epistle, cf. 2**^**), taking on 
Himself their flesh and blood, their temptations 
and discipline, the whole burden, curse, and doom 
of their sins, and so setting them free. Yet the 
difference between the conception of Law here and 
in St. Paul is seen in this, that while St. Paul ex- 
presses the result of this redemptive death by SiKatodv, 
m Hebrews it is expressed by ayldl;^etv. In other 
words, the result to St. Paul is that there is no con- 
demnation, the claim of the Law against the indi- 
ridoal is annulleil ; to the writer to the Hebrews 
the result is that worsliip is made possible ; the soul 
i« able now, as it was not before, to draw near to 
Goil ; true religion is put within its reach. This 
distinct iun ju.->tifies us, after all, in saving that the 
distinction between moral and ritual law belongs 
to the NT. St. Paul does mainly think of law as 
moral — God's demand for rigiiteousness ; Hebrews 
thinks of it as ritual— the medium through which 
or the constitution under which we worship. But 
in both cas^ the law comes to an end with the 
goroeL Christ finishes it as a wny of attaining 
rii^teoasness, Ro 10*. Hebrews finislies it also as 
a mode of worshipping God, IS'"*-. 

IV. The Law in thk other NT Books.— 
Amonjg the n-uK.ining books of the NT, those which 
exhibit mo«t intlications of the controversy which 
bad raged between Jewish and Gentile Ciiristians 
are the Apocalyi>se and the En. of James. In the 
former (2'-*) the Church in Thyatira is threatened 
becatue it tolerates • the woman Jezebel who . . . 
teaehea and seduces my 8er\'ant8 to commit forni- 
cation, and Ui cat thitigs oH'ered to idols,' i.e. to 
violate the compact of Ac 15^'-, cf. Rev 2*». There 
uiny have l»ceu a spurious, antinomian influence 
at work hen*, which aiipcaliMl to St. Paul's nanu', 
liu^ it is n».*urd (with Rfiuin, Saint Paul, i>p. 303, 
307, LAnUchrisl, p. 'MYAW.) to regard this as a 
denunciation of St. Paul's doctrine. Although, 
too, the y\iKx;alv|Hto lays great stress on works, it 
never regards them as having the character of 
»UtttU>r3r acts of ' '■ — ; in other words, they 
I lif works of Jesus (2-"), 

- ■ itii love, faith, ministry, 
•.Itzmann, NT Thml. i. 4«.'»). A 
i"Ti for the Christian life (the 
iidmintsof (;(mI. 12" 14'», cf. 
"d, like other things in the 
I '",, 7i»). 'I'll,, conception of 
I "!'• i>roves li'galiiMi in (In? 
- HI ill Jesus Himself ( M t Tt"). 

If th«rra Ma iuture which is determined according 
lo fiinn't ■»otk«, nnrl flii** j., the leaching not of 

'^ I it JM neither legal 

'" It tell on the pre- 

*' "^1 John the numerons 

f" 1' the except ion of 1", 

»'■ ■■! " •• ■ —•■■ fed 

•'■ Mcs 

Of Uud. 

are not legal. 
andarcco oriliii 
and p. ' 
kaetilntf of i 
9) la probo 

Apoc, f 

a rewx 
auth«;r ' 

The Ep. of James is more difficult. It has often 
been treated as a document of legal Christianity, 
the aim of which is to refute the Pauline doctrine 
of justification by faith apart from works of law. 
But it is remarkable that the critical passage 
(21^'-'*), in wliich faith and works are discussed in 
their relation to each other, never once uses tlie 
Pauline expression ip~ia. vJfj.ov. If the writer is 
controverting St. Paul, it must be admitted that 
he has not grasped the Pauline point of view, and 
that Luther's verdict on his work was justified. 
His conception of faith is not the same as St. Paul's, 
and that is why he has to supplement it by works ; 
and the works by which it is supplemented, and in 
which indeed it is exliibited, are not what St. Paul 
meant by works of law. They are not acts of 
obedience to any statutory embodiment of divine 
will. As illustrated in v.^^^- they are rather what 
St. Paul would have called fruits of the Spirit. 
They are, if we choose to say so, the fulfilment of 
a law, but the writer takes care that we do not 
conceive the law legally. It is a law which must 
be actually obeyed, no doubt, but it is also the law 
of liberty (1* 2^-), wliicli Christians freely and 
spontaneously fulfil ; it is condensed, as in the 
teaching of Jesus, Mt 22^", into the 'royal law,' 
Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself ; and it 
is perfect. The law, in short, is the same as the 
word of God, and to St. James this is not external 
and preceptive. There is a native affinity be- 
tween man and the word ; when he receives it, it 
becomes an implanted word, a thing tliat strikes 
root in his nature and has power to save liis 
soul (1'-'). With this word God has begotten him ; 
it is in his heart, as Jesus promises, spirit and 
life (Jn G"^) ; the law, that is, is impulse as well as 
law to the Christian, and the keeping of it is 
perfect freedom. Formally a contradiction of 
Paulinism, it is at bottom the same kind of ex- 
perience which is here described. To St. Paul 
Christianity is a new religious relation to God, 
which lie defines by contrast to leralism ; to St. 
James it is rather a new ethical life, wliidi lie 
describes in terms of law, but of law from wliich 
legalism has been eliminated. See, further, Jamks 

The conception of St. James is that from which 
the phenomena of nascent Catholicism can best be 
understood, and this is a strong argument for 

imtting the l>ook late. In the other Catholic 
ijiistles Law is not mentioned, but it is clear from 
Jiide, 2P and 1 Jn, that tiiere were tendencies to 
antiiioniianism at work in many jilaces. Such 
teiuh'ncics >(hmii inseparable from every revival of 
religion, religion, as al ready remarked, transcend ing 
even while it guarantct;s morality. To countonut 
them without reintroducing legalism and lapsing 
from a Christian to a pre-(;iiristian type of religion, 
was not easy ; an<l the use of v6nos by St. tiamos, 
the habit of conceiving tiie OT as a revelation of 
God's will for the ordering of life, and of regarding 
Jesus as the Le;;iHliit<ir by whom the revelation 
was made |ierf»!ct, led inevitably and not slowly to 
the conception of Christianity itself as a new law. 
This conctiplion is comiiKm to t'liristian writers 
from narnalias onward. The new law niiglit have 
been, and at first was, akin to ' the law of liberty' 
in St. .lames, ' the law of fiiilli.' ' the law of ('iiiist,' 
' the law of the spirit of the life in ('hrist .lesus ' in 
St. Paul ; but as the (Miurch bi'caiiHi a State, and 
orthodoxy took the nlaei! of inspiration, tin; new 
law was correspondingly degraded, and in the 
eaily and the iiiediieval Catholic; (yliiircli the 
very idea of spiritual liberty was lost. Tliu 
reli^jiouM ideiilJHm of St. I'aiil was far above out 
of its wight, and it was not till the ('liiircii was 
born again in the Kith <;ent. tlint the gosp<-l, 
which brings a rightoousnuss of (iod to which 




works oli law contribute nothing, fairly found 
access into the human mind. 

LiTBRATUKE.— The NT Theologies of Baur, Weiss, Beyschlag, 
Holtzinann ; Ewald, ///, vols. vi. vii. viii. of the Eiig. tr. ; 
Schiirer, GJV'i ii. 404fif. [UJP li. ii. 90fT.]; Wellhausen, 
Jsraelitische u. Jiidische Gegchicfite^, pp. 342-356; Weizsacker, 
/)«« apostolische Zeitalter, p. 624 ff. and pussim [Kng. tr. 
ii. 303 if.] ; M'Giffert, Hist, of Chrintianity in the Apostolic Aijc, 
gee Inde.ic, b.vv. Law, Liberty ; Hort, Jtuiaistic Christianity, 
paggitn; Kitschl, Itechtf. u. Versohnung, vol. ii., and Die 
Jiritste.hung der altk. Kirche (2nd ed.) ; Baur, Paulux, vol. ii. 
pp. 145-183, etc. ; Bruce, The Kingdom of God, pp. 63-84, and 
St. Paxil's Conception of ChrUtianitj/ ; Wendt, Die Lehre Jesu, 
p. 207 ff.; Schiirer, Die Predigt Jesu in ilirem Verhiiltniss 
zum AT; Holstcn, Zum Eix/in. des Paulus u. des Petrus; 
Grafe, Die pautinische Lehre vom Gesetz; Zahn, Das Gesetz 
Gottes nach der Lehre u. Erfahrung des Ap. Paalus ; Mdn^goz, 
Le Pichi et la Riidcmptio'n d'apris S. Paul ; A. Sabatier, 
L'apotre Paul ; Pfleiderer, Der J'aulinismus, and Das Ur- 
ehristenthum ; Jowett, ' Essays and Dissertations' (vol. ii. of 
his Comrn. on St. Paul's Epp. to Thess. Gal. Horn.); Gifford on 
llomans (Appendix to Introduction) ; Mackintosh, Christ and 
the Jewish Law ; Clemen, Die Christliche Lehre von der Suiuie, 
PP- 20-08. J. DeNNEV. 

LAWGIVER oocnrs six times in AV of OT 
(Gn 401", Nu 2li», Dt 3S-\ Ps GU^ [Hcb.y]^ logs [Heb.s]^ 
Is 33--) and once in NT (Ja 4>-). In the OT it is 
the tr" of ppnp, in NT of vofioB^rrji. Tlie root 
ppn means 'to cut in,' 'inscribe,' 'engrave,' and 
hence, from the practice of inscribing a decree 
(pri, npn) upon tablets [see Law (l\ OT) above, 
p. 67*], 'to enact or command.' Thus we find in 
Jg 5" hn-i^: "ppin= ' the commanders of Israel.' The 
Fo'el ptcp. ppnp appears to have two distinct 
senses: (a) that of 'leader,' 'commander' {'law- 
gixer' is too narrow a term, especially as in the 
mind of the English reader it is associated so 
closely with the Mosaic law). This is the meaning 
of the word in l>t 33-'^ ('a commander's portion 
was reserved'), where it is used of the leader of 
the warlike tribe of Gad ; in Jg 5'* (' out of Machir 
rame forth leaders' [cpphp || D'ppin of v.**]) ; and in 
Is 33^^, where ijppnp ' our lawgiver' (LXX Apx'^") is 
used in parallelism with i3c?c' ' our judge' and ?:?^a 
'our king.' (6) The other meaning which it 
appears to be neces-sary to postulate is that of 
'ruler's or commander's start',' which it would 
bear in Gn 49i'' (where p?no is narallel with B5y), 
' The [royal ?] sceptre shall not uepart from Judah 
nor tile ruler's stati' from between his feet ' ; in 
Nu 2li» (II mi';;'p 'stall'), where RV 'with the 
sceptre ' is plainly more aj)propriate as .a rendering 
of ppnc2 than AV and ll\ m ' by direction or order 
of the lawgiver ' (LXX iv rrj /3aa-t\etg avrCiv, Vulg. 
in datore leqis) ; and in Ps (iO^= 108" 'Judah is my 
sceptre,' although LXX has ^aaiXevs 'king' (simi- 
larly Pesh. and Vulgate). 

The most controverted of the above passages is 
Gn 41)'*'. For vSn psp pphpi the LXX has Kal ijyov- 
fievoi e/c tUv fnjpQv ai/Tou, Vulg. et dux de femorc 
ejus, Targ. Onk. 'nua 'jao Niroi, all three taking 
ppnp in a personal sense, and understanding psp 
vhii to be a promise of an unbroken .succession of 
descendants. But the parallelism between ppnp 
and Dj-^j" demands that these two words liave 
similar senses (the LXX is consistent in this 
respect, rendering c^c* by fipx'^") 5 ^"^1 ^^ there 
can be little doubt that '(royal?) sceptre' is the 
meaning of B2S', 'ruler's statl' seems a very ap- 
I)ropriate sense for ppnp. Then again the expres- 
sion y)p. psp, which is parallel to ni?nrp, may mean 
' from before him ' (cf. n-^n i'5 used of Jael in Jg 5-''), 
referring to ' the actual position of tiie long stall', 
grasped in the riglit iiaiid as the chief walks or 
stands still ' (Ball in SBOT, ad loc). The mention 
of the 'feet 'rather than the hands Ball explains 
as due to the fact that it is not a short ornamental 
sceptre tliat is in view but a long statV reaching to 
the ground, and he compares the Egyp. hieroglyph 
for ' great man,' 'chief,' 'king' (tira), which is a 
figure holding the staff as described above. He 

notes, further, that similar insignia of authority 
are still carried by the Bedawin sheikhs and head- 
men of villages, and considers that the idea of a 
sitting figure, witii the statl' held between the feet, 
as seen in some ancient sculptures, does not har- 
monize so well with the context which suggests 
movement. In any case the meaning of the couplet, 
' The sceptre shall not depart from Judah nor the 
ruler's stafi" from before him,' appears to be that 
Judah is to retain the hegemony among the tribes 
of Israel (or probably the royalty [note nay ab- 
solutely]), n'?'^' N3' 'D Tj, on the meaning of which 
last words see art. Shiloh, and cf., above all. 
Driver in Camh. Joxirn. of PhUology, xiv. (1885), 
and in Expositor, July 1885, p. lUff. See also 
Dillm. and Spurrell, aa loc. 

The only NT occurrence of ' lawgiver ' is, as we 
have said, in Ja 4^^, where vofioOeriji is coupled 
with KpiTTjs, the two terms being used of God as at 
once tlie Supreme Lawgiver and Judge. This is 
the only instance in which voixoderrji is used in the 
NT, although the verb vofj-odereio occurs in He 7" 
8* and the noun vo/xoOeaia in Ho 9'*, in all these 
three passages the reference being directly or 
implicitly to the giving of the law to Israel. 

On the work of Moses as the lawgiver of Israel 
see Law (IN OT), above, p. 66, and MosE.s. 

J. A. Selbie, 

LAWYER (voiJ.iK6i).—ln the NT the name usually 
given to the scribes is ypa/ipLareii (man of letters) ; 
but vo/j.ikI>s ('lawj'er') and vo/modidaffKaXos ('doctor 
of the law') are also occasionally u.sed. Of the 
two latter terms, the second is found only in 
Lk 5'^, Ac 5**, and 1 Ti V (where it is used of 
woixld-be teachers of the law in the Christian 
Church) ; while tiie first occurs most frequently 
in Lk (7^ lO-'^ l !«••»«•« 14^), once in Mt (22^*), and 
nowhere else in the NT except in Tit 3'*. A com- 
parison of Lk 5" with v.'^i and Mk 2** Mt 9^ shows 
that the three terms were used synonymou.sly, 
and did not denote three distinct cla.sses. The 
scribes were originally simply men of letters, 
students of Scripture, and the name at first given 
to them contains in itself no reference to the law ; 
in course of time, however, they devoted them- 
selves mainly, though by no means exclusively, 
to the study of the law; they became juri-sts 
rather than theologians, and received names which 
of themselves called attention to that fact. Some 
would doubtless devote themselves more to one 
branch of activity than to another ; but a ' lawj'er ' 
might also be a 'doctor'; and the case of Gamaliel 
shows tliat a ' doctor ' might also be a member 
of the Sanhedrin (Ac 5^). 

Long before the time of our Saviour, the law, 
written and oral, had become the absolute norm 
of Jewish life. Every detail of life, civil as well 
as religious, was regulated in tiie minutest manner 
by the law. It was impossible for the ordinary 
Jew to be fully acquainted with the innumerable 
statutes referring, e.g., to Levitical purity or the 
keeping of the Sabbath, and to apply them to 
the fresh cases that emerged daily ; and yet his 
standing before God depended upon his .scrupulous 
observance of these statutes. It was absolutely 
necessary, therefore, that a special class of men 
should devote themselves expressly to the study 
of the law. These were the 'scribes,' 'lawyers,' 
or 'doctors of the law.' 

(a) Their first .and main function was to study 
and expound the law, including the innumerable 
' traditions of the fatliers' ; they had so to explain 
it as to show its application to the circumstances 
of the present time ; for every new case that 
occurred they had to find out some pertinent 
statute or precedent ; anti, in the absence of such 
a statute or precedent, they had to deduce some 
I rule from their knowledge of what was legaL 




They were thus men wliose special calling it was 
to know what was le<^al. 

(6) Their special knowledge of the law naturally 
qualified them for holding the office of judge ; 
and in all probability the members of the various 
Sanhedrins throughout the country were chosen, 
as for as possible, from among their number. 
From such pa--<sages as Mt IG-i 20i8 211* 27", 
Mk 8" 11" 14«-» lo\ Lk 9=^- 20^ 22^, Ac 4', in 
which they are named among the supreme Jewish 
anthorities, it is evident that some of them were 
members of the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem. Though 
they had no official standing in the synagogues, 
their knowledge of the Scriptures generally and of 
the law in particular would lead to their being the 
principal sj^eakers in religious assemblies (Mk P-). 

(r) The teaching of the law was also one of their 
essential functions. In the time of our Saviour 
there were si)ecial academies {befh hammidrash) 
in various parts of the Jewish world ; in Jerusalem 
certain halis and rooms of the outer court of the 
temple were set apart for this purpose (cf. Lk 2*). 
The pupils sat in a semicircle round their teacher, 
who also sat on a slightly raised bench. The 
teaching was mostly oral and catechetical ; it 
consisted mainly of a constant repetition of the 
various 'traditions of the fathers' dealing witli 
all manner of real and imaginary cases ; the pupils 
were encouraged to put questions to their teachers ; 
they also attended the discussions that leading 
Itabbis held among themselves, and were probably 
also allowed to be present at meetings of the 

For their judicial and teaching activity the 
' lawyers ' or ' doctors ' were understood to receive 
no payment. Some of them would therefore 
maintain themselves by following a trade (cf. 
Ac 18'), and doubtless many men of means would 
adopt a profession which was almost universally 
held in tne very highest esteem. They were not, 
however, always so unselfish as Jewish sources 
represent them (cf. Mk 12*' = T-k 20^^). They were 
alao exceedingh ambitious of honour (Mt 23''"", 
Mk 12»-», Lk li"-« 2U*i). .More especially they 
demanded, and received, sucli honour from their 
papils. According to the Talmud, one's teacher 
IM to be more reverenced and honoured than one's 
father, if the latter is not also a man of learning ; 
• for luH father has only brought him into this 
world, while his teacher, who teaches him wisdom, 
bringH him to life in the future world' (quoted 
In Schlircr, UJP u. L 317). See, further, art. 

LmaAtvBa.— Tba uf ■ 

J WfMk, in 8clMnk< 

fr«*by athttrer; < 
[UJP %u L SlZff.l; I 
Jir«M<aA. LtSff. : O. i 
II. i. HoUmtMin. S. 
JM. Ottdt.' 183 ff.. aim ,xi>.,,n 
Ormd 4m Tatmtid, etc, 1W7, p. 

--- \irtc' in Ucrzog'a RE^ 

bjr MfMk. in 8clMnk< . KI<>p]Hr. in Uiehin'g 

HWBtht athttrer: • rii. rN n.iyi \\. 31a IT. 

'" r JrsHM the 

''•, ISl ff. ; 

■ II, l»r. u. 

I hioUyie an/ 


I). Katov. 

LAY. — An Abrupt uno of tins Hiinplo verb to lay 
»U f«rtind in ,Mt H'« ' lie wiw IiIh wife'n mother laicl, 
«nd nick of a fi-ver.' It i» a literal tr. of the (ir. 

C^ir^nTr Kal wi'piaffovffaf ; UV givcH 'lying HJck,' 
norinjc the »ai. V *••'! Utrui (M-cum in .Mk 7*' 
•Kh« fcmild tb« <i <ml, and her <lauglifrr 

laifl auon the b«-.i , -..,.< <>i rijt K\iyri% (odd. 

HwtMof ^p\im4wow iwi TUP >c\li>i}i>)). Cf, Ac I'.i^ 
•IVirW , , . f««ll oM nU-t']t, and wim laid unto Iiih 
Y" : waHpai ai'rou). Hall, 

" I vant (m nick ; he doth 

J*"' 'i^ "I ■t<«»r«;»», but InyuN him at 


' '• to Inv U xm'il in Jon 3* in the 

i»n«« ui ■ Ujr nsiiii*,' ' Ifo nroMt from liiN tliroiio 
ami Im' laid liU rol»n from him.' Tin? KxiireNMlon 
U i/rvgulaf , and duo to the word ' from ' following. 

To lay mef.ns to 'impute' in Job 24*^^ 'God 
laj-eth not folly to them ' (d'^;-k'7, RV ' iinputeth 
it not for folly'; cf. 1 S 22'' 'Let not the king 
impute anything unto his servant,' Heb. atfi-in) 
So Jouson, Sejamis, ii. 1 — 

' So prepare the poison 
As you may lay the subtle operation 
Upon some natural disease of his.' 

Some phrases demand attention : 1. Lay along, 
see Along. 2. Lay apart, Ja l-*' ' Wherefore lay 
apart all filthiness' (diro^^/iei'oi, RV 'putting away,' 
a metaphor from the putting ofl' of clothes — 
Mayor). 3. Lay at, meaning ' strike at,' Job 41-'* 
' The sword of him that layeth at him cannot 
hold.' Cf. Holliind, Suetonius^ Caligula, c. 25, 
' With her perilous lingers shee would not sticke 
to lay at the face and eyes of other small Children 
playing together with her.' 4. Lay away, i.e. lay 
asi^e, Ezk 26'*^ ' Then all the princes of the sea 
shall come down from their thrones, and lay away 
their robes ' ; Ad. Est 14- ' Esther . . . laid away 
her glorious ai^parel.* Cf. Spenser, FQ I. viii. 

' Such the sight 
Of fowle Duessa, when her borrowed light 
Is laid away, and counterfesaunce knowne.' 

5. Lay doion, meaning to stake or deposit, Job 17^ 
' Lay down now (ni n^'jy, RV ' Give now a pledge '), 
put me in a surety with thee.' Cf. Is ]4i5, Gov. 
' Yet darre I laye, that thou shult be brought downe 
to the depe of hell.' 6. Lay hands on. The verb 
Kpariu} 'to gain power over,' 'seize,' is so tr"^ in 
Mt 18^ 21^", and Tridfw 'to seize,' 'capture,' in 
Jn 8-". For Kpariw RV prefers tlie more modern 
' lay hold of,' and for Tridfw ' take.' 7. Lay open, Pr 
13'* 'A fool layeth open his folly' (RV ' spreadcth 
out,' as AVm). Cf. Fuller, Holy IVarre, v. 2 (p. 
231), 'I will lay open my cause, and justice shall 
be done without any by -respect.' 8. Lay out, 
2 K 12" ' And they gave the money, being told, 
into the hands of them that did the work . . . 
and they laid it out to the carpenters and builders,' 
a compromise between the Gen. version ' payed it 
out' and the literal tr" 'brought it forth,' RV 
'paid it out.' 9. Lay wait occurs often. The 
more moilern form 'lie in wait' is also found, as 
well as 'laying await' and 'laying of wait.' See 
Wait. J. Hastings. 

LAYING ON OF HANDS {inie^ai^ x^'P^", Vulg. 
iiiijio.titio ni'Diita or viatntuni), .Ac 8"*, 1 Ti 4''*, 2 Ti 
1", He G-'. — The ceremony tlius described is men- 
tioned frequently both in OT and NT, where it 
ai»[)ear8 in connexion with religious acts of widely 
different ciiaracter. 

i. Oi-i) Tkstament. — (a) It occurs as a symbol 
of benediction in Gn 48''"^- 'Israel stretched out 
his riglit hand and laid it (nyp., eTr^jjaXef*) uimn 
Kpliraim's head . . . and Josepli said . . . Put (o'-c, 
^Tri^fs) tiiy right hand upon his (Maiiassoh's) head.' 
In giving the iiigh ])riestly blessing to the con- 
gregation ' Aaron lifted up his hands toward tiie 
people ' (Lv U-"'' tf^"\ ^idpas) ; but the acition, (hough 
rilually distinct,! sticms to iiave hiid in this case 
the same Hignilicance as tlx; imposition of hands 
tipon an indi\iduiil (cf. N>l it'' (!iriOi/i<rov<nv rd 
6t>ond /xov ("irJ to'W nloi't 'Icrpa-ZiX, Kal ^7u) K 17)105 fiiXoyricct) 
aiWoi'it), (ft) Tlie laying on of hands ticcujiies an 
Important plac«i in tiie Hacrilicial system of P 
(l')x 'JU'"- '•• '" Lv !*■ " (LX.\) 3'-' "■ '" 4''* '■'*' '■"'• *■ s''*"'" 
1(P' ; cf. 2 Ci'i 21P). It is preHcribed in the case of 
(I) the l)ull(M'k and tiie rams oll'cred at the conse- 
cration of Aaron an<l his sons ; (2) ]irivate oU'eriiigs 
of (|ua<lnipedH on all occasions ; :]: (3) sin otierings 

* i<rittmyii't tin xM*' Usually— In thu NT always — iniitlica 
limtlli- a<-ticiti. 

♦ Cf. IHrt Chr. Ant, I. p. 757 f. 
t Hoo Illlliiianii 011 Lv I* 71. 




made on behalf of the whole congregation, in the 
event of a common dyvorifia ; (4) the goat ' let go 
for Azazel.' (c) Witnesses laid their hands on the 
head of a person charged with a capital ott'ence 
(Lv 24'^ Sus»*). {(l) Tlie trihe of Levi at their 
dedication received impo><ition of hands from repre- 
sentative members of the other tribes (Nu 8'"). 
(e) Moses appointed Joshua to be his successor in 
the same manner (Nu 27''*- ^, Dt 34"). In all these 
cases except (a), "ico, LXX iiriTidivai, is used. 

It is not easy to grasp the common idea which 
underlies the various OT uses of this primitive 
ceremony. In (a) and (c) the laying on of hands 
seems to denote the imparting of a personal gift or 
function ; see Dt, I.e. ' Joshua . . . was full of the 
spirit of wisdom, for Moses had laid his hands upon 
liim.'* But in (b), (c), (d) the prominent thought 
is that of the devotion to God of the object on 
whicli hands are laid, to which must perhaps be 
added in the case of certain ott'erings the idea of a 
transfer of responsibility or guilt to the victim 
(Lv 16-^ : cf., however, Schultz, OT Theology, Eng. 
tr. i. p. 391 If. , and W. R. Smith, BS'^ p. 422 f . ). On 
the whole, it would appear that tlie fundamental 
meaning of tlie symbol was identification by con- 
tact, with the subsidiary idea of transference, 
whether from man to man, or from man to God. 
By laying liis liands on a child or disciple, the patri- 
arch or prophet signilied that he desired to impart 
to the younger life powers or gifts which had been 
committed to liiinself ; by laying his hand on an 
ottering, the ott'erer solemnly identified himself 
with the victim which he dedicated to the service 
of God ; by laj'ing their hands on the head of a 
criminal, the witnesses of the crime delivered him 
over to judgment. 

ii. Nkw Testament. — (a) This symbol was 
once employed by our Lord in an act of benedic- 
tion (Mt lU'^-i»=Mk 10'3i«=Lk 1815): ' then were 
there brouglit unto liim littlechildren that he should 
lay his liands on tliem and pray . . . and he laid 
his hands on tliem.' As the desire originated M'ith 
the friends of the children, it must have had its 
origin in the custom of the time (cf. Buxtorf, de 
Synag. p. 138). Tlie blessing of the ascending 
Lord was given to the Eleven in the manner pre- 
scribed to Aaron (Lk 24'^ eVcipaj rds x^^P"^^ avrov 
evXliyTjcrei' avrovs). (b) Our Lord habitually laid His 
hands on the sick as a sign of healing (Mt 9^*= 
Mk 5^, Mk 6' 7=*- 8-»- ^, Lk 4^" 13>») ; we may prob- 
ably add the passages where dirTecxdai is used in 
similar contexts with or without ftcTelva^ rrfv x"/'<* 
(Mt 8='=Mk ]«, Lk 5'^ INIt 8'« 9-'« 20^^ Mk 7^, Lk 
22*').t This practice was continued by the apostles 
and their followers ('Mk' 16^*, Ac 9i-- " ; cf. Iren- 
a,'US, np. Ens. JfE v. 7, toi)s Kafivovras 5td rijs rOiv 
X^tp^o iirid^aeus i^vrai). (c) The Apostles used the 
laying on of hands with prayer in the act of im- 
parting the Holy Spirit to the baptized (Ac 8*''- *® 
H)**). The Lord had breathed ui)on them when 
He communicated the Spirit (Jn 2(F*), and this 
€fi<t>v(r7iffti Avas peculiarly appropriate (Jn 3^, cf. 
Gn 2") ; but as it symbolizeil a divine power and 
a personal relation to tlie Spirit of God which 
was incommunicable, no attempt was made to 
repeat it ; when the Ai^stles passed on to other 
believers the gifts whicli they had received, they 
were guided to the ordinary sj'inbol of benediction. 
It is to this use of the imposition of hands that 
reference ajipears to be made in He 6- ^airTKTfiwv 
SidaxV" eTTiOecredis re x^^P^" (t^f- ^'•'* ^uTLaOei/Tas 7ei'<ra- 

• A somewhat different account appears in Nu 27^*, ' take 
thee Joshua ... a man in whom is the gpirit [lit. ' there is 
spirit,' i.e. the necessary endowrnent for the office in view], and 
laj' thine hand upon him.' 

t In several of these instances hands were laid upon the 
part affected and not upon the head. The communication of 
heahng iKJwer by contact (Mk S^w) is probably the thing 

fiivov? Ts TTJi duped^, k.t.X.). (d) The imposition of 
hands was also used by the Apostolic Ciiurch on 
certain occasions when members of the Church 
were set apart to a particular office or work (Ac 6* 
13», 1 Ti 4'^ 2 Ti 1"). The occasions specihed are 
those of the appointment of the Seven, the sending 
forth of Barnabas and Saul, and the subsequent 
sending forth of Timothy to accompany St. Paul 
(Hort, Ecclesia, p. 215 f.). Of the use of the rite 
in the ordination of presbyters and deacons there 
is no direct evidence, if we except 1 Ti o--" (on 
which see below) ; for in Ac 14-^ xetporocet;' doubt- 
less refers to the election of presbyters in the 
various churches, and not to the ceremony of their 
admission to office. Nevertheless, as Dr, Hort 
points out, ' Jewish usage in the case of Rabbis and 
their disciples * renders it highly probable that (as 
a matter of fact) laying on of hands was largely 
practised in the Ecclesiae of the apostolic age as a 
rite introductory to ecclesiastical office.' In the 
post-apostolic Church the rite was practically uni- 
versal ; the exceptions which have been observed 
admit of an intelligible explanation.t (e) The 
context of 1 Ti ai-^ (xe?/)as rox^wy fi-qSevl iirirLOei, firjSi 
KOLvdivei d/jLafrrlais dWorpiais) has led some eminent ex- 
positors (Hammond, Ellicott, Hort) to see in that 
verse a reference to "the use of the imposition of 
hands in the reconciliation of penitents. The 
custom was undoubtedly early, if not primitive ; 
cf. Ens. HE vii. 2 ; Const. Ap. ii. 41 ; Cypr. de. 
laps. 16, cp. 15. On the other hand, the main 
current of patristic interpretation is against this 
explanation of St. Paul's words, and it is not im- 
po.ssible to explain them in reference to ordina- 
tion without doing violence to the context ; .see, 
e.g. Theod. Mops, ad loc. : ' non facile ad ordina- 
tionem quemquam producas sine plurima pro- 
batione ... si (inquit) te ut convenit probante 
ille deliquerit, non est tuum crimen.' 

For the post-apostolic history of the ceremony 
see Morinus, de Ant. Eccl. Hit. (passim) ; Suicer, 
Thes. s.vv. xf'/'o^o"^'^) x^'-P^^^'^^"- ! Diet. Chr. Ant. 
art. 'Imposition of Hands'; Mason, lidation of 
Confirni'ition to Baptism. H. B. SwETE. 

LAZARUS OF BETHANY.— The name Lazarus 
is an abbreviation of the Heb. Eleazar = ' God 
hath helped.' In the LXX we hnd both 'EXeafdp 
and 'EXedj'a/jos; in Josephus commonly 'EXedfapos. 
But Adfapos occurs BJ V. xiii. 7 

All that we know of L. is told us in the Fourth 
Gospel. He was the brother of Martha and Mary, 
who are mentioned by both St. John and St. Luke. 
In Jn IP the names are probably given in order of 
age, ' Martha, her sister, and Lazarus.' In both 
Gospels Martha seems to be the eklest, and the 
mistress of the house ; and the fact that Luke 
does not mention L. points to his being youngei', 
and perhaps much younger, than his sisters. All 
three were specially beloved by Christ (Jn 11*). 
We know that He visited them more than once 
(Lk 10=*»-^-, Jn lP-53), and it is probable that He 
often did so when He was at or near Jerusalem. 
They were probably well-otf. The number of 
condoling friends from the city, and the costly 
ointment used by Mary, point to this. That they 
had a funeral vault of their own may be true, but 
is not stated. Luke does not give the name of the 
village in which they lived, probably because it 
was not stated in the source which he used ; but 
John tells us that it was Bethanj'', which is barely 
two miles from Jerusalem. He calls L. ' a certain 

* See Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. et Talin. s.v. •"la'pp; Hamburger, 
Real-Eiicyclopudie, s.v. 'Ordinirung' : a Rabbi could make hi8 
scholar a Rabbi by the use of a formula which was ordinarily 
accompanied by imposition of hands. 

t On the occasional omission of the ceremony in the ancient 
Church (Hatch, Organization, p. 133f.) see T. A." Lacey, L'impo 
sition des mains dans la consecration des eveques, Paris, 1896. 




man, Lazarus of Bethany, the village of Mary 
and her sister Martha' \lV). There has never 
been any doubt about its site, and the modern 
name is deriveil from Lazarus — EI-Azcrljeh, or 
Lftzarieh.* Here Christ raised Lazarus from the 
dead. Here Mary anointed His feet. Here He 
b^an His triumphal entrj- into Jerusalem. Here 
He rested during several of the days before His 
Passion. And from some spot near to Bethany 
He ascended into heaven. L. was sitting at meat 
with Him when Mary anointed His feet, and his 
presence attracted many of ' the common people of 
I the Jews' to the village, that they might see, not 
I only Jesus, but the man whom He had raised from 
I the dead : and the hierarchy in their plots against 
Christ ' took counsel that they might put L. also 
to death, because that by reason of him many of 
the Jews went away and believed on Jesus' (Jn 
12*-*""). The multitude that had been present 
when Jesus called L. out of the tomb were enthusi- 
astic in bearing witness during the triumphal 
procession, and attracted others from the city to 
meet Him (Jn 12""). 

Here all that we know about L. ends. The 
chief interest in the brief account of him lies in 
the miracle of which he was the subject. The 
raising of L. is commonly regarded as the climax 
of Christ's miraculous activity ; and perhaps no 
portion even of the Fourth Gospel has been more 
vigorously assailed by hostile critics. Not only 
the miracle as a whole, but a large number of the 
details, have been made the objects of rigorous 
and minute criticism. It would be hardly too 
much to sav that every objection, reasonable or 
nnreasonable, that ingenuity could devise has 
been nrged. And the reason for this is intelligible. 
The consequences of the truth of the narrative are 
00 considerable. Spinoza is said to have declared 
that, if he could be convinced of the truth of the 
raising of L., he would break up his system and 
become a Christian (Bayle, Diet. s.v.). That is 
not a logical statement, for the Christian faith 
depends, not upon the raising of L., but upon the 
resorrection of Jesus Christ. Yet such a deeliira- 
tion shows that, as at the time when it was 
wrought, a miracle of this character is capable of 
exercising a mighty influence upon the intellects 
•ad hearts of men. It cannot fail to raise the 

Soestion, ' What manner of man is this, that even 
eath and the grave obey Him ?' 
The two mo«t reasonable objections to the nar- 
rative OS a whole are ( 1 ) the silence of the Synopt- 
ist«, and (2) the amazing character of the miracle. 
It will be best to take them in this order ; for 
injoatioe may be done by taking the second to 
•agmeat the weight of the first. It may Iw 
doobted whether any one evangelist was ever 
iadueed to record any particular miracle by the 
tboagbt that it waa of a K|H>cially surj/rising 
diariieter. They give us samples of all Christ's 
mighty workN, eapeoially those which had a 
■uuked efleei upon His disciplet and other hearers. 
(I) The dilHoalty respeciing the silence of the 
Synoptic Gospel* M to the raJMing of I>. has been 
Nerioosly exagaentted vv*>n by apologistH. 'i'hus 
Trwich nuyn, 'It must nlwnyM remain a mysterv 
why t»d«i n»ir««li«, frnnwwnding as it doos all 
o*'' '"• Ixird wrcHight, MO meiMor- 

■bi nftiT it till! c))iiHe(|U(!nceH 

*• hdtiM |iav«« iH'f-n pUMM'd 

O*' r • \iirig<li»tM' {Mill III in", 

P- ' i.ii-.|ii'|h have Iwi-ii more 

minnlciy nlii tlii'Mi wordn were written 

(IM<J), and th it in tint main they give us 

• Nrliwani awnM t/» \m Alono In dliiTnitlntr Uin t\Ui ; but many 
■virivfn |f«*ail«f« nrti \twtvtMii\\m nlnnit tlio vault at tliv 
UAUnn nt m •U%m. in lh» mUUtU t^ tht Htlagt, which la ■hvwn 

one and the same tradition, and that a very frag- 
mentary one, is now much more fully realized. 
It has been seen that this common fragmentary 
record has preserved hardly any particulars about 
the interval between the close of the ministry in 
Galilee (which is its chief theme) and the last 
Passover. St. Luke alone has done anj^thing con- 
siderable to till this blank, and the silence of the 
Synoptists should rather be called ' tlie silence of 
St. Luke.' And here again a similar explanation 
is applicable. ' The great intercalation ' in the 
third Gospel (9^^-18") is itself very fragmentary, 
and seems to come from more than one source ; 
and there is nothing very astonishing in the fact 
that St. Luke had no source which mentioned the 
raising of Lazarus. Indeed there is nothing un- 
reasonable in the conjecture that, if he had used 
a source which mentioned it, he would still have 
omitted it ; for he had already recorded two 
instances of Christ performing this miracle. And 
Ave misunderstand Jn IP^ if we suppose that it 
was the raising of L. which determined the 
hierarchy to put Jesus to death. Some time 
before this His enemies decided to kill Him, and 
tried to do it, as St. John himself tells us (?'• ^- '^^- ** 
g59 jQ3i^ jjjuj even in this very narrative 1 P- '"). The 
raising of L. was the cause, neither of the enthusi- 
asm of the people at the triumphal entry, nor of 
the deadly nostility of the priests. It merely 
augmented the one and quickened the activity of 
the other. Both would have existed and have 
been efficacious, even if L. had not been raised. 
None of the evangelists need the story of L. to 
make the narrative intelligible. John, knowing 
that the others had omitted it, tells us Avhat he 
himself had heard and seen. It was of special 
interest to him, because of its effect in converting 
some of ' the Jews ' ; and he had recorded no other 
instance of Christ's raising the dead. 

{'2) Is it correct to say that the raising of L. 
' transcends all other miracles wliich the Lord 
MTought'? It would be safer to atlirm that it 
seems to us to transcend them. But is this view 
correct ? In the main it is a modern view. To 
us raising the dead seems to be a miracle siii 
generis ; and raising a man who has been dead 
four days seems to be a stupendous instance of 
a stupendous kind of miracle. But to the philo- 
sojihic believer in miracles all genuine miracles 
are alike. When natural causes are inade- 
quate and a supernatural cause is admitted, 
all degrees 0/ clij/icnlti/ are excluded. One who 
has Omnipotence to aid him cleanses lej)ers and 
raises the dead as easily as he heals ordinary 
diseases. If any miracle is credible, raising a 
man who has been dead four days is crediiih;. 
It is ilh)gical to say that the evidence would 
warrant us in believing a miraculous cure, but 
does lutt warrant us in believing in the raising 
of a dead man. 

The objection, that Jn H-i'-m is inconsistent with 
the fact that in accusing .lesus before (lie Sanhe- 
drin and I'ilatc no mention is ma(l(> of tlu! mirai^le, 
is not rcaMonablc. It would have paralyzed the 
Saiilicdrin to admit tliat .lesus had worked such u 
sign. The diMinay of the jiriests at the miracles, 
and their silence about it at the trial, are entirely 

Some of the criticisms of the details require 
notice. Very diflerent views are taken about tiio 
' four ilayH' (hcc Andn-ws, J.i/ru/ nur J.un/, p. 4(1.')). 
Trobably L. died (he day (hat Jesus heard of his 
illncHH, iind was buried almost immediately (2 K 
1)**, Ac T)"- '"), This would be all (he more neces- 
sary if In? died of some infectious dist^ase. Then, 
after two days (11"), Jesus set out for Bethany, 
and was jiart of two days on the rond. But 
this is unimportant. It is urged that Ills wait- 




ing tM'o days and allowing L. to die, in order to 
prove the sisters and reveal His own glory more 
signally, was heartless. So far as we know, He 
did not act thus. Had He started at once, He 
would probably have arrived too late to see L. 
alive. ' But he could have healed hitn from a 
distance.' No doubt He could, if it had been 
God's will. But He ever -worked in accordance 
with the divine plan ; and in this plan the raising 
of L. was to do three things : (a) strengthen the 
disciples' faith ; (fj) convert many of the Jews ; 
(c) cause the priests to hasten their movements, 
so as to be ready when ' his hour had come ' 
(Ijis. 48. S3) Healing L. from a distance would 
have been less efiicacious for the first of these, and 
would have done little towards the other two. 

The indignation and sorrow attributed to Him 
(11^-^) are said to be unworthy of the incarnate 
Logos. Evidently St. John, the exponent of the 
Logos doctrine, did not think so. To those who 
believe in the reality of Christ's humanity there is 
nothing strange in His being angered by the 
hypocritical wailings of His enemies, and shedding 
tears of sympathy with the sisters (11*^). 

We are told that ^5t; 6^ei (IP") expresses, not 
merely Martha's expectation, but a fact. And are 
we prepared to maintain that Christ restored a 
putrid corpse to life ? The reply to which is, that 
we luive no right to dogmatize, but that we have 
full right to believe that God, who had determined 
tliat L. should be raised, had preserved his body 
from corruption. 

When tlie stone was raised, Jesus lifted up His 
eyes to heaven and said, ' Father, I thank thee 
that thou didst hear me' (ll*')- It is maintained 
that such words on tlie lips of the God-Man are 
unreal. Only those who tlunk that the incarnation 
involves the extinction of the human nature by 
the divine can so think. Christ here intimates 
whom they have to thank for the immense mercy 
that is before them. The Son can do nothing of 
Himself ; His power is from the Father (S'""''*). 
The words are parallel to ' declare how great 
things God hath done for thee' (Lk 8^"). 

Our intellectual ditiiculties would not be at an 
end if we were to admit that no such miracle ever 
took place. The hypothesis that the story is a 
fiction is quite incredible. The narrative holds 
together witli the closest consistency (11'"^® and 
n--M with ^'■>-**) ; and the story as a whole not only 
harmonizes with what follows, but explains it 
section by section (1145-m.54-87 i2'-«- »-»• i-^-i«). The 
people who take part in it are intensely real, and 

?uite beyond the evangelist's powers of invention, 
n particular, the characters of the two sisters are 
not only very true to life, but receive remarkable 
confirmation from the entirely independent sketch 
of them by St. Luke (10**-»='). There, in utterly 
ditt'erent circumstances, the practical Martha and 
contemplative Mary are as real as in St. John's 
narrative. The only reasonable explanation of 
the harmony between the two pictures is that both 
are taken from life (Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, 
p. 38; Fairbairn, Expositor, 1st series, ix. p. 189). 

The narrative with its evidence of the miracle 
is there, and must be explained. How did the 
report of sucli an event arise? We have our 
choice of various suggestions. (1) The old Kation- 
alism otl'ers us a remarkable coincidence. L. was 
in a trance, from which he was recovering just as 
Jesus reached the tomb. When the stone was 
removed, Jesus perceived that he was not dead, and 
cried, ' Lazarus, come forth.' (2) Renan sees 
clearly that something really did take place at 
Bethany which was looked upon as a resurrection ; 
but he rejects the idea of mere coincidence. The 
family of devoted disciples arranged that I>. should 
pretend to be dead, in order that Jesus might 

overwhelm His foes by seeming to restore him to 
life : and Jesus allowed Himself to take part in 
this imposture. (3) Keim regards the whole as 
undoubtedlj' a fiction, made up largely of Synoptic 
materials, and composed partly as a great final 
picture of Christ's powers, partly as an exposition 
of His saying that Jews who did not listen to 
Moses and the prophets would not be persuaded 
though L. rose from the dead (Lk IG^'). It is 
a parable translated into fact. (4) Others take a 
similar view, but ditter as to the central gern;. 
These make the whole story an allegorical illus- 
tration of Christ's declaration, ' I am the Resur- 
rection and the Life,' etc. (Jn ll-*), which is the one 
substantial factor in the composition. (5) Strauss 
falls back on his usual expedient of treating the 
narrative as a myth. There are many variations 
in explaining details, but these five are typical of 
the expedients employed by those who regard a 
miracle as wholly incredible. Each person must 
judge for himseli whether any of these explana- 
tions is more satisfactory than a belief in the 
reality of the miracle. The first two are revolting 
even to those who hold that Jesus was only the 
best man who ever lived, and they entirely fail to 
explain either 11'"^" or "'^^ The others ascribe 
to the evangelist a creative power which would be 
a miracle in the literature of that age. For, even 
if he got some ideas from the other Gospels or 
from popular imagination, the form of the nar- 
rative, with its impressive reality and vividness, 
its internal consistency and its harmony with the 
rest of the Gospel ana with St. Luke, is his own. 
The Apocr. Gospels show us what kind of stories 
early Christians could invent, when they tried to add 
to what was known about Christ. ' No narrative 
of NT bears so completely the stamp of being the 
very opposite of a later invention ' (Meyer, ad loc. ). 
' The Johannine narrative is both unexplained 
and inexplicable, unless its historical character be 
accepted (B. Weiss, Leben Jesu, bk. vi. § 6). 
In particular, the silence of the narrative is as 
impressive as its contents, and is in marked con- 
trast to fiction. Nothing is told us of the emotions 
or experiences of Lazarus. No word of his is 
recorded. Not even his amazement, or joy, or 
trouble at being restored to life is described ; 
and he makes no revelations about the other 
world. Would a writer of romance have denied 
Iiimself this attractive theme? Would he have 
been thus careful to avoid gratifying unhealthy 
curiosity? See art. Jesus Christ, vol. ii. p. 625. 

Various untenable identifications have been made in con- 
nexion with the story of Lazarus. Mary has been identified 
eitiier with Mary Majjdalene, or with tlie sinner in the house 
of Simon the Pharisee, or with both. Almost certainly they 
were three different persons. Simon the Pharisee has been 
identified with Simon the leper, in whose house was the meal 
at which Martha served, Mary anointed the Lord's feet, while 
L. was one of those who reclined with Him at table. This also 
is highly improbable. All these identifications, however, have 
been suggested by some patristic writers as well aa by some 
moderns. It was reserved for the imagination of a modern 
scholar to identify L. himself not only with the young ruler 
who had great possessions (Mt 1916, Mk lOi', Lk IS'**), but with 
the young man with a linen cloth about him, who was near 
being arrested with Christ (Mk 1451). We do not know that 
L. was young ; it is moSt improbable that he was a ruler ; and 
although the family seems to have been well-to-do, there is 
no evidence that L. had great possessions. And were there so 
few young men in Palestine that wherever we find one men- 
tioned we must assume that he is the same as some other one? 
To identify the ruler of Lk 181* with the young man of Mk 14Si, 
and both of these with L., is against all probability. The inter- 
esting article on Laziirus in Smith's JJIi is an excellent example 
of spinning ropes of sand. 

In various forms of early Christian art the resur- 
rection of Lazarus was a favourite subject. It is 
found, from the 3rd cent, onwards, very often 
in paintings and sculptures, and sometimes in 
mo.saics. And there is evidence that it was also 
woven or embroidered on clothing. In earlj' ex 




amples Christ is a large figure and Lazarus a very 
small one, and the latter is ^Tapped tightly in 
grave cloths. Small images of Lazarus were some- 
times fastened outside tombs. See the autliorities 
J noted in Trench, Miracles, § 29 sub J^n. ; Smiths 
Hct. o/Chr. Ant. ii. p. 949; Kraus, ii. p. 2St3. 
Legends about Lazarus are less common than 
one might expect. The Jews are said to have 
sent him and his sisters with other disciples to 
sea in a leaky boat, which took them safely to 
Marseilles, where he became a bishop, ^^'riters 
of mediaeval romances sometimes made him their 
mouthpiece in publisliing their ideas about the 
nuseen world (T. Wright, St. Patrick's Purgatory, 
p. 167 ff., London, 1844). No trust can be placed 
in the tradition preserved by Epiphanius that 
Lazarus was thirty when he was raised, and lived 
thirty years aftenvards (Ua;r. ii. 2. 652). In short, 
nothing historical can be added to the brief narra- 
tive of St. John, which has never ceased to impress 
the mind of Christendom. 

In conclusion, it is worth noting that this narra- 
tive contains important evidence respecting Christ's 
human consciousness. Supernatural knowledge 
was within His reach (Jn II*-"-"); but when He 
eonld acquire the necessarj- information in the 
nimal way He did not make use of supernatural 
means (11"-**). A. Plum.mer. 

LAZARUS AND DIYE8.— In this parable alone 
is a name given to any of the persons introduced. 
The name Lazarus may be a later addition, to 
connect the parable with L. of Bethany, who did 
*go to them from the dead,' and still they did 
not repent. More probably, the name suggests the 
helfJessncu of the man, so far as his fellow-men 
wtre concerned. Tertullian argues that the name 
proves that the story is historical, and tliat the 
srene in Hades confirms his view that the soul is 
corporeal {de Anim/i, vii.). In this parable also 
popular osage has given the other chief character 
a name. In the West * Dives' has become almost 
a proper name ; and this in spite of the fact that 
tnulitiun had given the name of Nineuis to the 
rich man (Kuthyin. Zig. on Lk HP). 

Thin itarablo is the counterpart of the parable 
of the Unjust Steward. That teaches what good 
remilts may be won by a wise use of present 
advantages. This teaclies how calamitous are the 
raralts of failing to make a wise use of tlicm. It 
iliostntes aU* tlie jircccding saying, that what 
is exalted among men may be an al>oniination in 
the night of (iod (Lk 10"). It is not 'Kbiimitic' 
It neither states nor implies that it is wicked to 
be rich. Dives is condemned, not for having IhH'n 
wealthy, but for having foumi in wealtli his liigliest 
good, and for not having used it to win Honiething 
Mtter. Ontof thiw mammon he miglit have miide 
L. and otbers hiH ' frieiiils,' und ihroiigli tlicm liavo 
aerared 'eternnl talM^rnnch-H.' Iktth lialveH of the 

K table are original, and each \h UfvtU'il to explain 
B Other. It is a grave error to niipik>n<> that the 
■eene io Hades is tin* only jiart of the juiraiili; that 

i* " :< -. t, or that ilH pur|Niw! in to t<'a«-h uh 

tb' 'f the iinwcn world, 'i'ho one thing 

II' ' ''• 'I'"' our condition there (lepcndM 

ti| ' ixid that tliJH may pnxhicu 

• ■ "I human jiidgmenlH. The 

"* ■ 't«J icpri'fMjnt Jewish iilens alM)ut 

**'' "» no way confirm tlioHis id<'a»«. 

I" • 'I' lit I., (inlizi- the jiicl lire, din- 

•iiii-.:i..| (..I,!, ,11. •{• miIniI iiH if they were 
**"' '' I •«. lUf tongue, the Mami<, etc., 

•'■ f Iho actual linger and tongue 

' • |inrnble I,. (Hkn liix name. 

■*' "I Ilethanyj in HJIent ; and 

bla >iicnt*) lA uMtrunivc. It imlicatvs tluit. just 

as Dives is not punished for his wealth, so L. is 
not rewarded for his poverty. He is rewarded for 
his patient submission. In life he does not mur- 
mur at God's unequal distribution of goods, nor 
rail at Dives for his neglect of him. In Slieol lie 
does not triumph over Dives, nor protest against 
the idea of liis being at his beck and call. He 
leaves Abraham (a righteous rich man) to decide 
everything ; and Abraham points out that as the 
one had had uninterrupted lu.xury, and the other 
uninterruiJted misery, in life, so there can be no 
interruption in the reversed conditions of eitlier 
in Sheol. 

The hypotliesis that Dives and his five brethren 
represent six of the Herods (father, sons, and 
grandsons being called brethren for simplification) 
is incredible. Those who hold it consistently 
maintain that the parable is wrongly attributed 
to Christ, and is a later composition. Christ cer- 
tainly would not have made a personal attack of 
this kind on any one, although He did not hesitate 
to censure Antipas publicly (Lk 13^-). 

The belief that Lazarus was a leper has produced such words 
as lazzaro for leper and lazzaretto or lazar-house for leper- 
hospital. Dviriiij^ the Crusades an order of knijjhts of St. 
Lazarus was founded (1119, 1255), with the special duty of 
protecting: and tending' lepers. It lasted till modern times, but 
IS distinct from the much more modern order of Lazarists or 
Lazarians. A. PlUMMER. 

LEAD (m,5x 'opheretk) is often n.amed among the 
spoils from Syria under Tahutmes III. ; and it was 
common enough by B.C. 1200 to be used in Egypt 
for the sinkers of fishing-nets. This use was 
familiar to Israelites, as the Song of Moses lias 
'sank like lead in the mighty waters' (Ex 15'"). 
Lead in the literal sense is mentioned in Nu Sl^-* 
(P) along with brass, iron, and tin, and along with 
the same metals is used figuratively of Israel in 
Ezk 22*'' (cf. v.-") ; and it appears in Ezk 27^'" along 
with silver, iron, and tin as an article of commerce 
brought from Tarshish to Tyre. In Job 19-^ the 
sufierer exclaims, ' O that with an iron pen and 
lead [my words] were graven in the rock for ever ! ' 
There may be a twofold reference here : {a) to the 
use of a leaden tablet to be written on with an iron 
pen, (b) to the cutting-out of an inscription on a 
rock, but more probaiily there is but one figure 
before the minds eye of the speaker, — that of 
pouring molten lead into the letter-forms sunk in 
the stone. (See Davidson and Dilliuann, ad loc). 
See, further, under Minks, Mining. 

W. M. Flinders Petrie. 

LEAH (nx'?, htla.). — The elder daughter of La ban, 
and one of .Jacob's wives. The ruse l»y which siie was 
palmed oil" by licr fatlier ujioii .Jacob, who imagined 
that he was mairyiiig llacliel, is described in 
(Jn 29-"'^-. As to her personal a])j>earance, we are 
told that her eyes were ni3"i, which the LXX 
render hy aaOtvfU, and KV by ' tender,' i.e. weak or 
<lull. Tlie context and the etymology of the word 
l)oth favour this meaning rather than that of 
'beautiful,' wliicii is attributed to the word by 
Onk. and Sa'adya, who imagine that the sense 
intended is, that though Lenli had line eyes siie 
was otherwise not so handsome as Ivucliel. 15y 
ln«r marriage with .la(M)l), Lcnli became the mother 
of six sons, Ki'uliiMi, Simi'on, Levi, .iiidali, Issachar, 
Zebiiliin, and a (laughter, Dinah, ( in 29'"-='";U)"'- -"•-'. 
Hee.JAColi, vol. ii. p. WS. Along with her sister she 
expresKcd Hvuipalhy with .Jacol> on account of his 
treatment by I.ahan, ami agreed to ac('ompany 
her huHJiand in his llighl, from her father, .'U^-'^-''^ 
When the meeting betwei-n .Jacob and I'isaii was 
alKtiit to take ]ilaee, heah and lii>r cliildreii were 

III need in an iiitermediato position Ix'tweeii the 
landmaidH with tiieir (liiildreti in the fnmt and 
Uaeliel with her «'liildren in the rear, ;I3'-^'^. Leah 
is niuulionud in -ItF' as having lieeii buried in the 




cave of Machpelah, having evidently died prior to 
Jacob's going down to Egypt. In Ku 4'^ the 
women who invoke a blessing on the union of 
Boaz and Ruth, m.ake honourable mention of Leah 
and Rachel as having ' built ' the house of Israel. 

It is clear that the most ancient division of 
Israel distinguished Leah tribes and Raciiel tribes. 
Wellhausen (Prolefj. 150; cf. W. R. Smith, Kinship, 
195, 257 ; Stade, ZATW i. 112 ff.) regards Levi as 
a patronymic derived from Leah. See Levi. 

The meaning of the name Leah is somewhat un- 
certain. Gray {Heb. Prop. Names, 96) accepts the 
meaning ' wild cow ' (so VV. R. Smith, Kinship, p. 
119 [' bovine antelope'] ; Frd. Delitzsch, Proleg. 80, 
and [doubtfully] Noldeke, ZDMG, 1886, p. 167). 
Others, as Haupt (GGN, 1883, p. 100), compare the 
Assyrian Wat in the sense of ' mistress.' tfpon the 
ground that the narrative in Gn 29^'' describes the 
one sister as ugly and the other as beautiful. Ball 
(in SBOT, ad loc.) suggests a connexion between 

nx'? (and perhaps 'i'?) and the Arab, root t_?y * to 
be ugly,' II. 'to look ugly or malignantly.' See 
Lane, p. 2077. J. A. Sklrie. 

LEANNOTH, Ps 88 (title).— See Mahalath under 
art. Psalms. 

LEASING is the Anglo Saxon ledsung, 'a lie,' 
and comes from leas, ' false,' which Skeat believes 
to be tlie same word as leas, loose, so that ' leasing ' 
is literally ^looseness of .statement.' In the Acta 
of James I. of Scotland, 1424, ' It is ordanjrt — that 
all lesingis makaris and tellaris of thaim, the 
quhilk may ingener discorde betuix the king and 
his pepill, — salbe challangit be thaim that power 
has, and tyne lytl" and gudis to the king' — Jamie- 
son's Scottish Dictiunarij, s.v. ' Lesing-makare.' 
And still older, in the Preface to king Alfred's 
Laws, the 44th article is, OnscAna thft k leiisunga 
= ' Shun thou ever leasings.' Wyclif uses the word 
often. Tims, Jn 8** ' \Vhanne he [the deuel] 
spekith a lesinge, he spekith of his owne thingis ; 
for he is a lyiere, and fadir of it.' He also lias 
the forms ' leasing-maker,' Pr 21^ and ' leasing- 
monger,' as Sir 20-^ 'IJetere is a theef than the 
customablenesse of a man, a leesyngmongere ' (1382, 
'than the besynesse of a man liere'). With 
Wyclif's translation of Jn 8** cf. Knox, Historic, 
p. 288, ' But who can correct the leasings of such 
as in all things show them the sons of the Father 
of all lies'; Elyot, The Governoar, ii. 217, 'And 
the devill is called a Iyer, and the father of 
leasinges. Wherfore all thinge, which in visage 
or apparaunce pretendeth to be any other than 
verily it is, may oe named a leasinge ; the execution 
whereof is fraude, whiche is in effecte but untrouthe, 
enemie to trouthe, and consequently enemye to 
god ' ; and Twysden, Decern Script, col. 2650, ' For 
before that the feiule fader of lesynges was lowside, 
was never this gabbyng contryvede.' 

The word occurs three times in AV, Ps 4* ' how 
long will ye love vanity, and seek after leasing?' 
(Heb. 315 liypjri, Wye. ' sechen lesing,' Cov. 'seke 
after lyes,' Gen. ' seking lyes,' Douay ' seeke lying,' 
Bish. ' seeke after leasing,' RV ' seek after false- 
hood ' [so also Driver, Parall. Psalter, with note 
'i.e. probably vain plans (2') for the ruin of the 
Psalmist, and false charges or calumnies against 
him,' to which he adds on p. 487, under Corrigenda, 
' Or better, perhaps, false and baseless imputations ' 
by impatient and distrustful companions, 'reflect- 
ing discredit upon the Psalmist']) ; 5" ' Thou shalt 
destroy them that speak leasing' (zn n.2-n. Wye. 
' Th'>u schalt leese alle that speken leesyng,' Cov. 
• Thou destroyest the lyers,' Gen. ' Tliou shalt 
destroy them that speake lyes,' Don. ' Thou wilt 
destroy al that speake lie,' Bish. 'Thou shalt 

destroy tliem that speake leasing,' RV 'Tiiou 
shalt destroy them that speak lies'); 2 Es 14" 
' For the truth is lied far away, and leasing is 
hard at hand ' (appropinquabit mendaciuni, RV 
' For the truth shall withdraw itself further off, 
and leasing be hard at hand ' ; the AV is again 
the tr" of the Bishops). In Is 59^ Cov. has ' leasing ' 
as tr" of -li^f (AV and RV ' lies '). 

The Morcl, which is frequently Tised by Spenser in 
his antiquated English, is found only twice in 
Shaks. (Twelfth Night, I. v. 105, and Coriolanus, 
V. ii. 22), and by the time of Thomas Fuller 
dropped out of use. In Ch. Hist. III. i. 33, Fuller 
says, ' Amongst the many simoniacal Prelates that 
swarmed in the land, Herbert, Bishop of Thetford, 
must not be forgotten ; nicknamed (or litnamed 
shall I say?) Losing, that is, the Flatterer; our old 
English word leasing for lying retains some affinity 
thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating 
fellow a Glozing Companion.' J. Hastings. 

LEATHER, LEATHERN (niy '6r, S^pf>.a,8ep/xdTiuos). 
— Elijah and John the Baptist wore a girdle of 
leather (2 K P niy i^ix, Mt 3*, Mk P fiuvr? 5epfiaTivij. 
In the last passage AV needlessly introduces the 
variet}', 'girdle oi skin'). Although mentioned in 
EV only in connexion with girdles, leather must 
have been used for many purposes. The Heb. and 
Gr. words properly mean skin ; and in such p.assages 
as Ex 25* ( ' rams' skins dyed red, and badgers' skins' ) 
they clearly refer to tanned skins, and perhaps in Nu 
Sr-"" ('all that is made of skins') they do the same. 
Leather was used for thongs, latchets of sandals, 
etc. Water- lK)ttles and wine-bottles were often 
made of leather, as at the present day in Syria and 
Palestine. The Egyptians used it for many pur- 
poses besides those mentioned, such as coverings 
for shields, seats of chairs, etc. (Wilkinson, Am: 
Egyp. ii. 185-189) ; also for writing (ib. 183), rolls 
being made of it like papyrus. See, further. Skin, 
Tanner. H. Porter. 

LEAVE. — The verb to leave is often used in AV 
in the sense of 'desist,' 'leave off,' as Gn 18'*^ 
' And the Lord went his way, as soon as he had 
left communing with Abraham ' ; Ru 1"* ' When 
she saw that she was stedfastly minded to go with 
her, then she left speaking unto her ' ; Ac 2F- 
' when they saw the chief captain and the soldiers, 
they left beating of Paul.' Cf. Tind. Expos. 
p. 106, ' He that buildeth a costly house even to 
the tiling, will not leave there, and lose so great 
cost for so small a trille more.' So Latimer, Serin. 
of the Plough, ' If I might see any such inclination 
in you, that you would leave to be merciless, and 
begin to be charitable, I would then hope well of 
you ' ; and Shaks. / Henry IV. V. v. 44 — 
' Let us not leave till all our own be won.' 

' Leave off' is also found in AV, as Sir 23'^ ' All 
bread is sweet to a whoremonger, he will not leave 
off till he die ' ; 47" ' But the Lord will never 
leave off his mercy.' And it is used both with the 
ptcp. in -ing, and with to and the in/in., as Gn 17'-' 
' And he left off talking with him ' ; 1 K 15-' ' he 
left off building of Ramah ' ; Gn 1 1» ' they left ott 
to build the city ' ; Hos 41° ' they have left off to 
take heed to the LORD.' In Gn 17" Tindale's 
Pent, of 1530 has ' left of talking,' but the ed. of 
1534 'left talking.' 

In Ac 18^" and 2 Co 2'^ a.TroTd(T<ro/j.aL is tr'' ' take 
leave of.' RV retains this tr. and introduces it in 
iMk (i^ for AV ' send away ' ; but in Lk 9«i RV 
retains ' bid farewell ' of AV, and in 14^^ (the only 
otiier occurrence of the Gr. verb in NT) changes 
AV ' forsake ' into ' renounce.' The verb aaTrdi'o/ 
is once (Ac 21") rendered 'take leave of in AV, 
when RV prefers ' bid farewell.' 




With the expression in Ac 21' ' Now when we 
had discovered Cyprus, we left it on the left hand ' : 
cf. Ac 2.>>* Rhe:ii. ' Paul had purposed to saile 
leaving Ephesus ' ; Nu 34'- Tind. ' And then goo 
don*ne at the lordayne, and leve at the siilte 
sea ' ; and especially Guylforde, Pijlgryinage, p. 14, 
' whiche yle we lefte on our lefte hande towardes 
Grece.' J. Hastings. 

LEAYEN (Tktr, ^5M17, /«rm«n<i/ni).— The Hebrew 
word sfor (^x^), which probably expresses the idea 
of fermentation, is found only five times in the 
OT (Ex 12"-" 13^ Lv 2", Dt 16*); more commonly 
we find a word from another root, denoting to 
bs sour, and hence to he leavened ({~r! fuimcz). 
Bread, kneaded in a baking trough (n-^x^p Ex S.^ 
12**), and leavened, probably by means of a lump 
of fennent«d dough, must have been a common 
article of food among the Israelites ; but as time 
was required to allow the leaven to work (Hos 7^), 
bread of another kind was used when food was 
reqnired at short notice. This took the form of 
unleavened cakes (Gn 19», Jg 6>», 1 S 28-*), called 
mof^k (recK^), either as being sweet, unsoured 
(r»Y = 'to suck,' so Ges.), or on account of their 
dry, insipid character (Fleischer in I^vy, NHWB 
iiL 315; Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. 145). It was, 
according to Ex 12**-*' (JE), unleavened cakes of 
this kind that the Israelites baked for themselves 
on their hurried dejKirture from Egj-pt, since they 
bad not time to leaven their dough. 

In early times leavened bread, as a common 
article of food, probably formed a part of a sacri- 
ficial meal, ana of the gifts otl'ered to the Deity 
by the worshipper (cf. 1 S 10"). In the Northern 
kingdom h-aven was an accompaniment of the 
thank-oin-riiig, though Amos seems to refer to the 
costom in terms of disapproval (Am 4'). Traces of 
a stmtlar naage are to be found even in P ; for the 
•hewbread (Lv 24*-» [P]) was probably leavened, 
while leavened cakes, as bread of the first-fruits, 
formed part of the sacred gifts presented at the 
F«Mt of Weeks 'Lv 23", cf. »» [H]), and also 
aeoompaaied the peace-oHering, when ottered as 
a thaalugiving (Lv 7" [PJ). In none of these 
eaaee, however, was the leavened bread actually 
plaeed upon the altar. On the other hand, to eat 
anything leavened, or even to keep it in the iiuuse, 
waa strictly forbidden during the seven days of 
ma^'Uh (Kx I3»-' 23" 34'" [.JEJ, Dt W *", Ex 
12»^», Lv 23*«, Nu 28»' [P]), a festival which was 
originally diMtinct from the Pas-sover, though Dt 
•bows a tendency to comhinc the two (Dt 10', and 
ef. Drivfr, nrl toe,). A historical explanation of 
the ' ■ri is given in JE, wiiere, a** we saw, 

tlif l<-avcned cakes is conne<;ted with the 

•ventM «i tiio exodtu(Ex 12***), and a connexion 
bttween Um exodtu and mttjfCtli is Huggested else- 
where (Ex la^' 28» 84'*). Similarly, in Dt 10' 
Um njuwrened oakea of this Hcason are termed 
•the biwid of affliction,' from their aHHocialion 
I I >MMi(lnge «if till! NraeliteM, and 

I lure. Proliahly, lutwever, the 
»ra»i oi tn'iffi,tn woa ofiuinallv theo|M'ning festival 
of Ibe banreni mmnmi (cf. Dt 'UV, Lv 23<"') ; in tluM 
OSM Um turn tA leftvened cukfM nuty 1m) explained 
from the nae of new corn, liaMiily prepaieil for 
for»d In the bony Ume at the li. /iniiin^' ..t lmrve«t, 
> tb« deaira not to mi iruiUwitii 

jraar'a donirh /won \ ,,, I'mhtf., 

Kng. ir. pp, K> "" " ' ill l., i i. 

The more set' 

fleea wa« doul.... .. i ii,„ 

proeMOM of fomwii Lcuvcti 

w«« r«>jifirdn#| tm n. ■u ; anil «<•• 

' fiotii Miy iiiful-oU'ering 

• I. (ui lor.), and luyn down 

•.lie prin'-i|>i<) uiBi nifthing lcavvnu«l, nor cvun 

honey, which might produce fermentation (cf. 
Plinv, 11, 15), was to be burnt as an ottering to 
J". 'The laws in JE (Ex 23i« 34^) also forbid the 
use of leaven in a sacrilice, but in both passages 
a special reference is made to the Passover, and 
it is possible that the prohibition was originally 
confined to this feast (cf. ES p. 203 f.). 

The association of leaven and corruption is not 
confined to the OT. Plutarch explains on this 
ground why the Flamen Dialis was not permitted 
to eat bread prepared with leaven {Quces. Horn. 
109) ; and fermentum is used in Persius for ' cor- 
ruption' {Sat. i. 24). In the NT there is, indeed, 
the parable of the leaven, where its unseen inttu- 
ence and penetrating power is taken as a symbol 
of the growth of the kingdom of heaven (Mt 13^, 
Lk 13-*') ; but elsewhere our Lord warns His 
disciples against the ' leaven ' of the Pharisees 
and of Herod (Mt lO^-'^, Mk S'^ff-, Lk 12i) ; and St. 
Paul, emphasizing its secret and expansive work- 
ing, quotes the proverb, ' A little leaven leavens 
the whole lump' (Gal 5', 1 Co 5®), to warn his 
converts against the contagious example of evil- 
doers, and exhorts them to purge out the old leaven 
of malice and wickedness (1 Co 5^). Similarly, in 
Rabbinical writers leaven is used as a symbol of 
evil : thus K. Alexander prays against ' the leaven 
in the dough,' i.e. the evil inclination in the heart, 
which prevents man from doing tlie will of (iod 
(Talm. Bcrachoth, 17a ; and cf. Lightfoot, Hor. 
Hcb. on Mt 16«). H. A. White. 

LEBANA (Kj?^), Neh 7*®, or LEBANAH {^p% 
Ezr 2^. — The head of a family of returning exiles, 
called in 1 Es 5'-^ Labana. 

LEBANON (in prose with art. p^^n, except 2 Ch 2^'' 
[Heb.'''J ; in poetry 18 times with art., 20 times 
without. LXX At/iaxos, generally with art. ; Vulg. 
Lihnnus).* — Derived from root [[sV] 'to be white,' 
either from the snow which covers the summits 
seven months in the year, or from the light colour 
of the limestone in its upper ranges. 

Lebanon is mentioned in the OT over 60 times, 
but almost two-thirds of the references occur in 
noetical passages. It is not mentioned in the NT. 
While includeil in the land assigned to the Israel- 
ites, Jos 13" (1)'-), these mountains were never con- 
quered by tiiem (Jg 3'-^), the actual limit of con- . 
quest l)eing ' IJaal-gad in tiie valley of Lebanon, 
under Mount llermon' (.Fos 11"). This valley of 
Lebanon was known to the Greeks as Ciele-Sj-ria, 
ami is the modern JUtkd'. Anti-Libanus proper 
is mentioned but once in the 01' as ' Lebanon 
towards the sunrising' (Jos 13"). The Hivites are 
said to Im; inhabitants of the Lebanon'(Jg 3''), and 
the (Jiblites dwelt at (Jebal (the modern Jchitif, 
(ireek Jii/li/i).<i, at the base of the mouii(aiiis) (Jos 
LS*-*). During the reign of Solomon, tbe Li'l)anon 
uj)IK>arK to have been suitject to Hiram king of 
lyre, who contracted to bring cedar lre«!s, lirs, 
and almug (alguni) trees by sou to Jojjpa for the 
temple (1 K 5", 2 Ch 2«). On the otlier liand, 
Solomon apjiears (o have erected buihiings in the 
Lebanon (1 K »"'. 2 Ch 8"). At Mm rebuilding of 
l\w t<'mple, after tlie restoration, cedar trees were 
again lMou;;iit from the Lebanon (Ezr 3^). See, 
further, art. Ckdau. 

Mt. Leitanon runs N.N.E.-S.S.W. for !)5 miles 
from j\(ihr Knsmiifrh, hit. 33^ 20' (known as (iio 
Li(.(lny, the clasMic! Leontes, along its upptrr course), 
to Nii/ir r/h'ifiir, the aiK-ient. Klciit iierus. Tho 
nlain of the liiihi' separates it from th(! Anti- 
l.ibanuH, wliii'li, hlmting from tlie Itarada, runs 
for 05 miles roughly parallel to the Lebanon. 

* Tlio nAiiin an|M-arii In AMvr. a» //nfcudrin, etc. (hoo Hcliradcr, 
COTtttn 1 K ft"'), utul III VAtyv. pcrliapH a» Jlawannu (mco W 
MftX Muilvr, A$. u, Kurop. llWf., 2U4). 




Strabo (xvi.) represents the two ranges as parallel, 
but is in error in stating tiieir direction : Lebanon, 
according to liira, beginning at Tripolis, and Anti- 
Libanus at Sidon, l)oth running towards Damascus. 
The foot-hills of Lebanon — the western range — 
rise abruptly from the seashore, except for the 
narrow strip of plain at Sidon, and for the tri- 
angular projections of the promontories of Bey- 
rout and Tripoli. At its southern end the mam 
ridge is divided into two ranges, roughly parallel, 
by the brook Zahardni, which, after flowing south- 
wards, turns abruptly west and enters the sea 
south of Sidon. The eastern ridge is known as 
Jehel liihdn, and the western as Jebel Taura (alt. 
4500 ft.), lioth are more or less wooded. Near 
the plateau on which stands Ke/r JJotcni, these 
two ridges merge into one, which is separ- 
ated from the twin peaks Taumdt Nilui (alt. 
5(525 ft. and 5550 ft.) by a notch 600 ft. deep. The 
ridge now becomes higher and more pronounced, 
rising to an altitude varying from 5500 to 7000 ft. 
Its various parts are locally named from the larger 
villages, as Jebd Niha, and Jebel Bariik. North 
of the latter the ridge falls to an altitude of 4700 
ft., and is crossed by a transverse ridge, Jebel 
Kuneisch (alt. G960 ft). A narrow watershed con- 
nects this with Jebel Sannin, a triangular-shaped 
mountain — one face being parallel to the sea, one 
in the line of the main ridge, and the third or 
northern one running roughly east and vest. Its 
highest point is on the eastern face. From a 
distance the top apj)ears to be level, but it is 
exceedingly rough owing to numerous conical 
depressions, in which snow may be found late into 
the summer. For some distance beyond Sannin 
the top of the main ridge is really a broad, rolling 
plateau, called Jebd Muneitri, varying in altitude 
from 5800 to GliOO ft. North of the village 'Akurah 
the altitude increases rai)idly, and the west<?rn 
part of this broad mass is broken up by a series of 
intricate ridges, suddenly breaking down into the 
great amphitheatre of the Nahr Kadisha. This 
is bounded on the by the narrowed main 
ridge, joining on to the huge mass which forms 
the northern side of the amphitheatre. This is 
named as a whole Dahr el-Kadib, and is sur- 
mounted by two series of peaks, roughlj' parallel, 
varying in height from 9800 to 10,225 ft. The 
highest neak is calletl Jebel Mtikhmnl by Burton, 
but no local trace of the name appears to have 
been recovered by later travellers. The western 
face of this northern mass is a series of sheer 
clitt's. To the north another great amphitheatre 
opens ont, in which are found the head waters of 
the northern branch of the Nahr el-BArid. Be- 
yond this rises the Jebel el-Abiadh (a\t. 7380 ft.), 
after which the mountain breaks down to the 
valley of the Nahr el-Kebir, and the low, rolling 
hills joining the Lebanon to the mountains of the 

With very few exceptions all the Lebanon streams 
rise on the western face. South of Beyrout the 
main rivers have their sources in high valleys be- 
tween ridges approximately parallel to the main 
ridge. Their course is thus first southerly, then 
westerly, to the sea. They are the ZaharAni, the 
Awwali (Bostrenus), and the Damur (the Tamuras 
of Strabo, and the Damuras of Polybius). North 
of Beyrout the head waters of the rivers are in 
wide amphitheatres, separated from each other 
by narrow watersheds, in places 5(X)0 to 6000 ft. 
high ; and in their course to the sea they break 
through the spurs of the great hill in narrow 
gorges. The western face of the Lebanon is thus 
extremely rugged and varied in contour. The 
main streams are —Nahr Bojrout (the Magoras), 
with its two branches, rising on the face of 
Kuneiseh, and between Kuneiseh and Sannin 

respectively, Nahr el-Kdb (I>ycus flumen) drain- 
ing Sannin ; Nahr Ibrahim (the Adonis) with its 
main sources at Af ka and 'Akftrah ; Nahr ej-Jauz ; 
Nahr Kadisha, draining the Cedar amphitheatre, 
and entering the sea at Tripoli ; Nahr el-Bdrid ; 
and, finally, the boundary river, Nahr el-Kebir, 
which sweeps around the northern end of the 
mountain. The eastern face of Lebanon presents 
a very different aspect from the Avestern, as it 
slopes directly down to the plain of the Buka', 
sometimes with no foot-hills, and unbroken by 
any important valleys, except at the south end of 
Kuneiseh and at Zahleh, where the Nahr Berdaflni 
comes out of a wild gorge. There are several large 
fountains at the base of the main ridge, and the 
Lake Yammftneh, with its intermittent fountains, 
lies in a depression between the main ridge and 
the partly wooded foot-hills, north-west of Baalbek. 

A few words as to geoluqy. The Lebanon is com- 
posed of three conformable series of strata, all of 
which are sometimes exposed on the sides of the 
deepest valleys. The lowest is regarded by some 
authorities as lower cretaceous, by others as upper 
Jurassic. It consists of several thousand feet of 
hard, thick -layered limestone, containing few 
fossils, among which are sponges, corals, brachio- 
pods, and, most characteristic, Cidaris glandarift, 
from which the formation has been named the 
Glandaria limestone. While forming the bottom 
of the deepest valleys, by foldings it is in 
places elevated to the height of from 4000 to 
5000 ft. It weathers into grand castellated 
rocks, whose bluish-grey sides are beautifully 
fluted by the frosts and rains. The second series 
of strata has been named from a characteristic 
fossil, Trigonia syriaca, the Trigonia zone. It 
consists of sandstone, soft limestone, and clay, 
with here and there small quantities of poor 
bituminous coal and bituminous limestone, witii 
pyrites and efflorescent salts. The sandstone is 
from fifty to several hundred feet thick, and by its 
red colour serves readily to distinguish the other 
series of rocks. Most of the Lebanon pines grow 
on this sandstone. The limestone and clays of the 
Trigonia zone may attain a thickness of from 500 
to 1000 ft., and are very rich in fossils. The 
third series has been ncamed the Hippurite lime- 
stone, as some of its strata are almost entirely 
composed of fragments of hippurites, which in 
places are found well preserved. There are also 
many nerineas. The hippurite limestone occurs 
on the sides of Lebanon, where, with the other 
formations, it is extensively faulted and folded, 
and it forms the summits or all the highest moun- 
tains, where it is in most cases nearly level. 
Its greatest thickness must be nearly 5000 ft. 
At low levels near the sea are found chalks, 
with and without flint, which are the uppermost 
of the cretaceous rocks, and which aj)pear to have 
been deposited after the mass of the mountains 
was well above the sea, since they are in no case 
found in the centre of the range. In several 
localities the chalk has yielded numerous finely- 
preserved flshes. Upon the chalk is found soft 
miocene limestone, and a porous sandstone of a 
quarternary date which is largely calcareous. 

From the above description it will be seen that 
the Lebanon presents some magnificent scenery. 
It is no wonder that the salient features of this 
border-land to their country seized upon the im- 
agination of the Hebrew poets. The deep and 
sudden gorges, the sweeping amphitheatres, the 
variety of colouring in the soil, the towering 
snow-covered peaks, the gushing fountains, — all 
unite in producing pictures of almost bewildering 
variety. Villages are scattered everywhere ; some 
nestle at the mountain base, others cling to the 
steep sides, while still others are perched on ridges 




over 4000 ft. alx)ve the sea. Manj' of the bald 
promontories of rock are crowned by belfried 
monasteries. The extent of cultivation is extra- 
ordinary, and the system of terracing is carried 
to a height of almost ()0<30 ft. Wheat, the vine, 
the olive, the mulberrj-, and the walnut all abound. 
The water from the various fountains is carefully 
stored up and led off in irrigation. A consider- 
able quantity of silk is manufactured. Tlie 
Lebanon was once well wooded, but the charcoal 
burners and the browsing goat are now powerful 
destructive agents. The valle}' of the Nalir Ibra- 
him, however, is still thickly Mooded with oak and 
pine, while the stream is shaded with plane trees. 
Besides the historic grove of the cedars above 
Besherreh, there are still small groves on the ridge 
sonth of Kuneiseh, and a more extensive forest at 
el-Hadeth, south of the Nahr ^^adisha. Jackals 
abound, but hyaenas, wolves, and panthers are fast 

Of ancient buildings there are very few traces, 
the principal ones being the ruin at Dcir el-^ula'a, 
above the Beyrout river ; ^uldat d-Fukra, near 
^aunin ; and the temple of Venus at Afka, the 
source of the Adonis. This was destroyed by 
Constantine owing to the licentious rites practised 
there. The site is striking : behind the temple 
there rises, for 1200 ft., an almost perpendicular 
cliff, richly coloured, at the of Avhich is 
a large cave, from which in the spring-time a 
volume of water gushes forth, immediately joining 
the perennial stream, which plunges down in a 
series of three cascades. The water is said to be 
At times impregnate<l with mineral salts, giving 
a red colour, typifying to the ancients the blood 
of Adonis. At the mouth of Nahr el-Kelb are in- 
scriptions in Assyrian, Eg^-ptian, and Greek. At 
the bottom of the wild ^adisha gorge there are 
many early anchorite caves ; in front of some of 
them convents have been erected — notably fCnn- 
nuhtn, the traditional seat of the Maronite patri- 

The feudal system lasted in the Lebanon far into 
the preaent centory. In consenuence of the 
nasMCTMof 1860 the government of tiie mountains 
w«a reorganize<I, with a Christian governor under 
the general protection of the Powers. The i)opula- 
tion is aboQt half a million, and includes the 
fi>liowing sects, which are given as nearly as pos- 
sible in the order of their numbers, the most 
munenifu being first :— 


Greek Orthodoi. 




N**hf i miiiil s m . 


SjrrUc sod AniMnisii. 

In seneral the Dnues arc to l)c found south of 
the Beyrout river, while the Mtronghol.l of the 
Maronitee ia to the north. (For detailH as Ui 
the Maronltes. ■«» PKFSt, mrj, IJUhm). Owing 
••'•MWt eflor ' l,„th I'roteMtaiit 

and Ronwa < i of m-IiooU is 

verylanr" 'l .. ^ ui the L«ban««Hc 

••» «*«'l f the rest of the 

peasant f. 'mo, 

^^' ' ■ l^Umoii is divided from the 

Anil I bron<l vnllny known in itn 

' ' ' •l-'Atis, nnd in itn 

/>'. It is drain<*d liy 

• — ' which riHOM in 

i'l IlilWH Mlllth, 

' li riHi'N ft whort 

• >v I. northward. Th« 

I'liblo. The Unka 

1 8U|>|M>rls n largo |>opu)a< 

tion in the villages scattered over it, and especially 
in the valleys along its sides. The northern end 
is much less fertile. (For the splendid ruins oi 
Baalbek see reff. at end of this article). At its 
southern end the plain suddenly contracts into 
a narrow gorge, through which the Litfiny flows. 
Both the plain and Anti-Libanus are subject to 
the Governor of Damascus. 

Anti-Libanus, Jth V only ('AvrM^avos. In Dt 1' 
3^ 11-^ and Jos V 9' the Heb. p:?^ is rendered by 
'KvTiki^avos). — The southern limit of Anti-Libanus 
may be conveniently placed at the Barada river 
and Damascus, leaving the mountains to the south 
to be considered us part of the system of Mount 
Hermon. It runs roughly parallel to the Lebanon 
for 65 miles, terminating rather abrujjtly at the 
plain of Hums. The main ridge is separated from 
the plain of Cciele-Syria by a small plain and ridge 
at the north end ; by a rough mass of low ridges, 
called Jebel Kusha'a, in the central part ; and by 
the plain of ZebedA,ni witli ridge in the southern 
part. At the north the main ridge is narrow, but 
broken by a series of prominent peaks ; the central 
mass is broader, higher, and rougher ; while the 
southern part is diversified by long wadis leading 
off" to the east, with a single wady (5ariri) leading 
to the south. To the east of the main ridge there 
is a descending series of plateaux, gradually 
dropping to the level of the plain of Damascus, 
and separated by live ridges which spread out 
somewhat like a fan, and which, if produced, 
would meet in the main mass of Hermon. 

The highest plateau (alt. 5255 ft.), Avhich is 
called 'Asal el-\Vardf AyoXxis nortlnvard, past the 
towns YabrAd and Nebk, and is watered by a num- 
ber of fine fountains. The prinoijjal peaks of the 
Anti-Libanus are : Halimat ^iibu (8250), Halimat 
JfCdrah (8150), and Halimat Kurrais (8150) at the 
northern end ; Tida'al Musa (8755) in the central 
mass; Abu el-Hin (8135) and the BludAn ridge 
(8090) farther south. The only considerable 
streams of Anti-Libanus are the Ynhfi'tfah, empty- 
ing into the Littlny ; Helbiin, flowing eastward to 
the Danmscus plain ; and tiie Barada (Abana of 
Scripture). This important river has its main 
ujiper source in tlio soutli end of tlie plain of 
Zelx'iirmi, in a beautiful pool fed by many siuings, 
but drains the Mhole of that plain ; the volume of 
water is mucli more than doubled by the fountain 
of '.^in Fijeh, which joins it less than half-way to 

LiTKRATi'KR.— The (feo;rra))hical and gfcologrical descriptions 
are condensed from iinpuhliiihed notea made by I'lofossor 
WeHt ttiid I'rofcMsor IHi.v respectively, both of tlie Syrian 
I'rote.stant College, Iloyrotit. The table of population is taken 
from the llook of Stalisticsof the Lebanon, pnblisbi'(l in Arabic, 
IHIKS. The reader may refer further to sueli works as Robinson, 
/;/;/'-'ii.4a5ir.,41);); U. a. smith, y/f;///.4r>tT. ; liuhl, Cr'.l/'llO; 
ihirton and Drake, UnfxiUori'd .S'//n'« ; de Saulcy, ./(j«r)i«^ 
roititil the Dead Hea, etc., ii. GSSff. (especially on" the niina 
of llaalb. k). i<\ J. Ijijss. 

LEBAOTH (rfK;^ i.crhni)s ' li(messes').— A city in 
S. Jiidnh, .los l.V'-. Site unknown. It is called in 
JoM 19" Bcth-Iebaoth, and in 1 Cii 4='i (perhaps by 
textual error) Beth-biri (wh. see). 

C. R. CoNDKn. 

LEBBAEUS (A</-J/ia(05) is tlie mime givcMi to one 
of the Twelve in AV of Mt 111-', liut rejected Ity 
KV as without HuHtcioiit authority. The leiuliiig 
unci the meaning of the nami! will be fully discussed 
in art. TirAi)i)/i:(;s. See also WM-, Nidr.s; ])\). 11, 
24, 1 Jl.aiid Diilinaii, ]l'<)itr ./c.vk, p. 40. The greatest 
ohwtirily i»re vails regarding him, bull he view wliiidi 
iiliMitilies him with the TlinddieiiHof Mk 3"* and ISIt 
HP(KV).theJudHsof JamcHof LU(J"'aiid Acl'saiid 
the JtiduN, not Iscariot, of .In 1 1''^ may lu^ accepted 
without HcriouH heMitatioii. There are no refer- 
micex to him in NT except those in the lists of the 
Twelve and IhenueHtion rucurdud by St. John, \\ lie 




carefully distinguishes him from the traitor, and 
nothing whatever is known of his ultimate career. 
See, further, art. THADUiEUS. \V. MuiR. 

liEBONAH (njb^, Af/Swvd).— A place near Shiloh 
on the way to Shechem, Jg 21^". It is the ruin 
called Khan el-Lubbnn, about 3 miles W.N.W. 
of Seilun (Sliiloh). See SWP vol. ii. sheet xi. ; 
Robinson, BRP^ 271 f. ; Guerin, S'tmnric, ii. 164 f. ; 
Baedeker-Socin, Pal.'^, 217. C. R. CoNDER. 

LECAH ("I?'?). — A name occurringin the genealogy 
of Judah (1 Ch 4-^) as the 'son' of Er. Most 
probably it is the name of a place, although 
it is impossible to identify it. See Genealogy, 
IV. 2. 

LEECH.— See Horseleech. 

LEEKS. — The word Tvn Mztr is usually tr. 
' grass ' (see Grass) or ' liay ' (see Hay), but iii one 
passage (Nu 11') it is tr. ' leeks.' Its occurrence in 
this passage with the other two alliaceous plants 
unions and garlic, and the authority of the LXX 
irpdaa, Vulg. porri, ancient Syriac and Arab., 
have caused most interpreters to accept the AV 
and RV ' leeks.' The jjlant is Allium Porrum, L. 
It is extensively cultivated in the East. It has an 
ill-delined bulb, leaves about an inch broad, and 
a stem about 2 ft. in height. The young stem, 
enveloped in its leaves, is banked up, as in the case 
of celery, and jilucked up while tender, before the 
flowering head is developed. It is eaten raw, or 
made into a salad, or used as a flavouring for 
cooked dishes. It has a more delicate flavour than 
onions or garlic. It is known in Arab, by the 
name kurrdth. G. E. PoST. 

LEES.— This is the tr° in AV and RV of Heb. 
c-i-^v* in Is 25'""«, Jer 48", Zepli I'-; in its only 
remaining occurrence, Ps 75'-* [Eng.*] it is rendered 
'dregs.' The word 'lees' is a plur., formed from 
Fr. lie (the sing, seems never to have been used in 
Eng.), which is deflned in Cotgrave's Fr. Diet, as 
' the lees, dregs, grounds, thick substance that 
settles in the bottome of liquor.' The further 
derivation from Low Lat. lia, accepted by Skeat, is 
rejected by Brachet. In Is 25"**^ the word is used 
in an apparently good sense, ' a feast of wines on 
the lees, of fat things full of marrow, of wines on 
the lees well relined ' ; and that passage, being 
most frequently quoted, has given 'lees' a some- 
what less offensive meaning in mod. Eng. than 
' dregs.' But there is no difl'erence between the 
words, as may be seen from Shaks. Trail, and 
Cress. IV. i. 02— 

' Drink uyi 
The leea and dregs of a flat tamed piece.' 

Macbeth, II. iii. 100— 

' The wine of life is drawn, and the mere leea 
Is left this vault to brag of." 

And in Is the sense of shcmdrim is the same as 
elsewhere, the /trees or dregs of wine. But wine 
that, after fermentation, is allowed to stand long 
on its dregs, gathers strength or body, and when 
filtered before drinking is superior to recently 
fermented wine. The figure in Jer and Zeph is of 
one who has had little trial in life, has been too 
long at ease, and grown indolent and indiflerent. 
See Wine. J. Hastings. 

LEFTHANDED (in 1611 two words) is the tr° in 
Jg 3'= 20'" of p?:-T n?N, which is literally ' shut up 
(or bound) as to the right hand,' as in AVm. The 
Heb. phrase, whicli occurs nowhere else, is used 
first of Ehud and then of ' 700 cliosen men ' of 
Benjamin, w'lo 'could sling stones at an hair 

breadth, and not miss.' The adj. tax is in New 
Heb. ' lame,' and the AV translation is no doubt 
right. It comes from tlie margin of the Geneva 
Bible at 3'^ the text being 'lame of his right 
hand,' and from the text of the same at 20'*^. The 
LXX gives oLfiipoTepodi^ios, ' double handed,' and the 
Vulg. ' qui utraque manu pro dextera utebatur ' 
(in 20'" 'ita. sinistra ut dextra prailiantes '), 
whence Wye. ' the which either lioond uside for 
the right ' (in 20'® ' so with the lift as with the 
right lightynge '). Gov. has ' a man that mighte 
do nothinge with his righte hande.' The Douay 
follows the Vulg., ' who used both handes for the 
right.' J. Hastings. 

LEG. — 1. [yi? New Heb. from root n^ ' bow ' or 
'bend'] The sing, is not found in OT, but the 
dual fem. D'yi? occurs repeatedly in tlie ritual of 
P, Ex 129 2917, Lv P-13 411 8-1 9" (chiefly in tlie 
collocation 'the inwards and the legs'); in Lv 11-' 
of the long bending hinder legs of the saltatorial 
Orthoptera (see Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v., and the illus- 
tration on p. 84 of Driver's Joel and Amos). The 
only other occurrence of the word is Am 3'- (of 
the shepherd rescuing two legs of a lamb out of 
the mouth of a lion). 

2. V^i, lit. ' foot.' 1 S 17® Goliath had greaves 
of brass ' upon his legs ' (vV^t'^V ; LXX e'Trdcw tZv 
ffKeXdv aiiTov). 

3. pic', denoting the upper part of the leg, in- 
cluding, or sometimes synonymous with, the thigh 
(^l.')- («) Of animals. This word is wrongly 
translated 'shoulder' by AV (cf. LXX t6v (ipa- 
Xiova) in Ex 29"-^, Lv r-^-^-ss.m ^■^.•^<i Q-n loi-i- 1*, 
Nu 6=» 18i», 1 S 9'^\ in all of which RV correctly 
renders 'thigh.' The pi? was a choice piece, and 
as such is mentioned in 1 S 9-^ as having been 
reserved by Samuel for Saul. One of the chief 
points of ditterence, in the matter of the priestly 
revenues, between the Deuteronomic and the 
Priestly Code, is that in the latter the priest's 
share of a sacrifice is the breast and right thigh 
(Lv 7^-'^), M'hereas in the former it is the head, 
maw, and shoulder (yni, lit. 'arm,' Dt 18^). See 
W. R. Smith, OT JC-' 3S3 note 3, and Driver, 
Deut. 215. (b) Of men. In Dt 28=*^ one of the 
curses threatened on disobedient Israelites is that 
thej' will be smitten ' upon the knees and upon 
the legs with an evil boil,' where the reference 
is probably (see Driver, ad loc.) to a species of 
elephantiasis. — In C.a 5'' the Shulammite compares 
the legs of her beloved to pillars of marble. — 
Nebuchadnezzar's image had his legs (Aram, 'nipy) 
of iron, Dn 2^. — In Pr 26'' the pointing of the text 
is somewhat doubtful. The MT has 059? c:pt:' vh-^ 
(AV ' the legs of the lame are not equal ' [AViu 
' are lifted up '], RV ' the legs of the lame hang 
loose'). If we adopt RV tr", probably we ouglit 
to point vS^ (so Ewald, Siegfried-Stade, and [doubt- 
fully] Oxf. Heb. Lex. ). Delitzsch (Comm. ). followed 
by Kamphausen (in Kautzsch's AT) and Wildeboer 
{Comm.), points 'iV^, which he takes to be a noun 
= 'a hanging down.' The tr" of the verse Avould 
then be, ' as the hanging down of the legs of the 
lame,' etc. In any case the general sense of the 
passage is clear, namely that a ' parable ' is as 
useless in the mouth of a fool as are the legs of 
a lame man. — In Ps 147'" 'legs' <are a symbol of 
strength, ' (The Lord) delighteth not in the 
strength of the horse, he taketli no pleasure in 
the legs of a man.' — For Jg 15* ' He smote them 
^ir'^i' P^^.' lit. ' leg upon thigh,' see art. Hll'. 

4. S^t;' in Is 47- is wrongly translated ' leg ' in 
AV. The correct rendering is ' train.' The proud 
daughter of Babylon is called upon to assume the 
guise of a slave, to take the millstones and grind 
meal, to remove her veil, to strip off hei train, 
to uncover her leg (pic' ' thigh '), i.e. to gird up 




her garments that she may wade through the 
5. In NT ffKcXoi — only of the breakin" of the 
i legs to hasten death, which was practised on the 
two cmcitied robbers but not uinjn Jesus, Jn 19^'^-. 
This practice, known &s inceXoKoria (cf. the hap. leg. 
ffKfXoKOTftr in Ei: Petr. 4) or cruri/rngittm, is referred 
to in Anr. Vict. Ca-s. 41 ; Plant. Asin. il. iv. G8 ; Cic. 
Bosc. Am. 20; Seneca, Ir. iii. 22, etc. (see full list 
in Keim, Jesus of Nazara, Eng. tr. vi. 253 note 3). 

J. A. Selbie. 
LEGION. — This word, familiar as it is to us, 
%^:is not a familiar word to the inhabitants of 
I'llestine in NT times, for the legions were 
stationed in the frontier provinces, and nothing 
happened to bring them into Judsea until the 
outbreak of the Jewish war in A.D. GG (see 
Augustus' Band). Keyiuv (so si>elt in n* B* D ; 
\tffCj9 usually in AC) occurs in NT only in Mt 
2»)", Mk 5*- '*, Lk 8* — and even so never in its 
[■ri>j>er sense of 'a legion of Koman soldiers'; 
It never occurs in LXX (so Hatch-Redpath) ; 
and it is rare (if it occurs at all) in Josephus 
{ri-j/iui. stands for ' legion ' in BJ ii. 544, iii. 8, 
97, ed. Niese, et passim).* Nor, again, is there 
much evidence that the word in its Semitic 
form (k:v:'? or p'j'', pi. k:!':"? or |*jvi> or ni:v]'?) was 
well known in Palestine early in the Christian 
era. It is found (S. A. Cook,'G Inssari/ of Aram. 
Inser.) in the Palmyrene Inscrintions (1st- 3rd 
centA. of the Christian era), ana at least once 
in the OT Pesliitta, Nu 24*^ ' Legions shall go 
forth from tlie land of the Kittim' (similarly 
Targ. Jer. ih.). On the other hand, the word 
ij» fairly common in Taimudic and Midrashic 
literature (from 3rd cent, of the Christian era 
onward.t), and some instances may be quoted in 
UloMtration of XrynAr in NT. 

(I) It connotes a great number. 'It is easier 
to feed one legion in Galilee than one sucking 
child in the land of Israel' (Genesis Bab. xx. 6 
/?»!.. pd. Wilna, 1878). 

'' i'lg «iK»cial and severe punishment, 

the FUmmI are compared to a 'cruel 

/>*/*. iv. G ; cf. also v. 6). 

unoting (under certain circumstances) un- 
A legion on the niarcli ii unclean 
nkullH to Ik3 ti8e<l as cliarms are always 
ith it (Talm. Bab., Hull. 123«). 

ing attendance on a king. God 

K'l at the nassage of the Ited Sea 

"- •■.' Froil. U'lh. xxiii. 7). The trilie 

"f I^'Vi ion wliich stands in <;o(l thu 

Kin-'n I „,n. Hah. i. 12). G<)d when He 

n-e' IH attended by iiiiiltitmleK 

' !•♦ (Num. liab. xi. p. 81), col. a, 

riccN ilIiiHtrat4) both Mt 2fl"(' Twelve 

' ; cf. (I)(4); and Mk 5" ('lc«i«>"; 

: cf. (I) (2). The idea of un- 

"iiiiiicnt in the M-ord. 

A Iw'i II in our \Atu\'n time waH an 

•rmy «•«" ' -.'If, fon«<i«tiiig of lM)th iiifiuitry 

to iipwardM of rt(J<K) 

S/aaf/n'mn'iKiinf/, it. 

II' r. //,//' I. ii. 4» 51 ; 

■ ; Plummor, St. Luke 8* 

I _, . . -J -: J,, M.v. irjS, 


I-EHABim ir,n 10" 1 Ch I" C'Zr;), Aa/*.r/u. Aa/ic^ 

• the nnitie of a nation de- 

t.r. nearly relnti'd to the 

i.ii..ii. -.1 Moi.iri itlwnyN liave nutiii'd the 

• it •iitiilarity of th« muni) U> tliat of Ihu Lubitn, 

IM II ' I, 

Libyans. Some suppose Lehabim to be merely a 
corruption for original cz^h ; others, a double 
writing of this name, which they suppose to be 
hidden in the an?'? Lndim connected with it ; 
others suppose Lehabim and Ludini (Lubim ?) to 
have been different tribes of the same nation, 
therefore, witli similar names. Certainly, the 
graphic simihirity between A and m is small, only 
D'3K^ might form a transition. An insertion of 
h for phonetic reasons is anything but i^robable ; 
the insertions of A in other cases are not sufiiciently 
analogous. Therefore, the origin of the present 
form remains obscure. On the other hand, it can 
hardly be doubted that the Libyans are meant 
(see LUBIM). Strange etymologies such as from 
art/ ' flame,' i.e. those living in a flaming hot 
country (!), or wild guesses such as the translation 
of Walton's Arabic version, ' the inhabitants of 
Behnesa ' (Middle Egypt, near Oxyrhynchus of 
the Greek time), deserve no consideration. 

W. Max MiJLLER. 

LEHI ('n^ ' jawbone,' ' cheek ' ; LXX Aei^(e){, 
Aex^> ~i-a.yd}v ; Luc. Aex^^ 5 'A.^.Q, Jos. Aiit. V. viii. 
8, 9 ^layii)!'). — A place in Judah, the scene of 
Samson's slaughter of the Philistines, Jg lo'-*"'*. 
In 2 S 23" n;-^ 'to Lehi ' (LXX Luc. e-n-l (nay6va), 
is to be read for .rn^ ' to the troop (?).' The site is 
unknown. Schick (ZDPV x. 152 f.) suggests 
Khurbct ex-Sij'jafjh {ffiaywv), 2 m. S.S.E. of Sor'ah ; 
but see Smith, //GV/Z, 222 n., and Moorc,Jiidgcs348, 
M'here other identifications are quoted. The name 
' jawbone ' must have been suggested by the forma- 
tion of a prominent rock ; cf. "Uvou yvdOos, the naine 
of a peninsula on the W. of Cape Malea, the S. E. 
promontory of the Peloponnese (Strabo, p. 303, ed. 
Casaub.). Perhajis Beer-lahai-roi (Gn 1G>^) is to 
be explained in the same way, 'nt 'nV 'the jawbone 
of the antelope,' Arab, 'urwii/e 'mountain goat' 
(VVellh. Prolcg.^ 339 and n.; Ball, 'Genesis' in 
SPOT 6G) ; cf. also the place-name in Arab., lahi/ 
gamal ' camel's jawbone.' 

The Philistine marauders made Lehi their head- 

auarters for attacks upon the Hebrews of the 
istrii^t ; the name of tin; place Wc'is suggestive ; 
and tradition attached to it the story of Samson's 
exploit with the 'fresh jawbone' (/r/ii) of an ass. 
Po]tular etymology exj)laiiio(l Kamath-lohi, Jg 15'^, 
' the height (from riini) of Lehi,' as the place where 
Samson threw away (rdmah) the jawbone ; a 
hollow basin in the hill-side, sha])cd like a ' mortar' 
(mahti\sk v.'«, cf. Zcph 1", Pr 27--), which held the 
water of the 'Partridge Spring' {'fn hiikture', cf. 
1 S 2(P, Jer 17"). liccanui the spring which God 
L'ranted when Samson called (/.-am') for help in 
his exhaustion (see En-uakkouk). Thus the 
legend was founded upon the popular explana- 
tion of these names; indeetl the word 'n^3 v.'" 
might mean either ' in LeOii ' or ' with a jaw- 
bone ' (Mt)ore, ./uififis 347). It is noteworthy 
that the exploit of Shammah, one of Davids 
might V men, also took place at Lehi, 2 S 23'* 
(nee above), and lu^ars considerable resemblance 
to the Htory (»f Samson. Cf. also the story of 
Shumgar, Jg 3'". G. A. CooKE. 

LEMUEL (''H^D^ or ^^s-)).- The name of a king 
otlicrwi"*!' unknown, (o whom his mollirr addressctl 

the words r »rdcd in Pr 31'-". Most moderns 

underMtnnil Pr 30' (see l{\'ni) to imply that Lemuel 
wan 'king of Miihmh' in Arabia; where lived the 
dem'cndaiitH of MiiHsa, the son of Lshnniel men- 
tioned ill Gn 'S>'*, I Ch !*». See AdUi;. The 
name LiMiniel miiy be compan>d witli .Jt^muel in 
(Jn 4(i"', or Ncniur-l 1 Ch 4-^; and in meniiing 
with Lael, u man consecrated 'to Ciod,' in Nu 3-^ 
(wjo Gray, Jlcb. Prop. Names, 207). 

\V. T. DAVISf»N. 

LEN DING. -Hoc Dedt. 




LENTILS (DV-jy 'dddshim, (paKos, lots). — The 
authority of tlie LXX and Vulg., and the identity 
of the Arab, 'adas, make it certain that the grain 
intended in the four passages where '&ddshirn occurs 
(Gn 25»S 2 S IT-'*' 23", E/k 4") is the lentil, Ervum 
Lens, L. It is an annual, of the order Ler/uminosa;, 
witli pinnate, tendril-bearing leaves, of 5-6 pairs of 
oblong-linear leaflets, 1-4-tlowered peduncles, white 
corolla, and ovate-rhombic, 1-2-seeded pods half an 
inch long. The seeds are lenticular, with a reddish 
outer coat. They are cultivated everywhere in the 
East. They are usually stewed with onions, rice, 
and oil, or small bits of meat and fat, and seasoned 
to the taste. This dish, which is known as mujed- 
derail, is universal among the poor. It is by no 
means unpalatable, and is common enough on the 
tables of the ri(ih also. The colour of it is a 
darkish-brown. It would seem that it was red in 
Esau's day (Gn 25^"). The term red, however, is a 
somewhat indefinite one in the East, and applies to 
a number of shades of red and brown. It was 
' pottage ' of lentils, similar to if not identical with 
mujedderah, for which Esau sold his birthright(v.^). 
liCntil flour is still made into bread in Egypt by 
the very poor, as in ancient times (Ezk 4''*). 

G. E. Post. 
LEOPARD (^^J ndmer, irdpdaXit, pardiis). — A well- 
known animal, Felis jiardus, L., still called nimr 
in Arab., a name which, however, it shares with 
the tiger. It is a fierce carnivorous creature, often 
attaining a length of 4 ft. from the tip of the nose 
to the insertion of the tail. It is a type of ferocity 
(Is 11"). It is exceedingly agile, and swift in its 
attacks (Ilab 1**). A four-winged leopard is used as 
a type of the Macedonian, or, according to another 
interpretation, of the Persian Empire ( Dn 7*). It is 
specially noted for the patience with which it waits, 
extended on the branch of a tree, or a rock near a 
watering-place, expecting its priy, on which it 
springs with a deadly precision. Hence ' a leopard 
shall watch over their cities ' ( Jer 5"), and ' as a 
leopard by the way will I observe them' (Hos 13^). 
The black spots on the yellow ground of its fur 
(Jer 13-^) make it one of the most beautiful of 
animals. The skins sometimes sell in Syria and 
Palestine for as much as £10. They are used as 
rugs and saddle covers. Some dervishes wear a 
leopard's skin over their back. Leopards are still 
found in Lebanon (cf. Ca 4"), though rare. One 
was shot near Kefr Matta, within 15 miles of 
Beirflt, in the winter of 18GG-7, after it had killed 
GU goats. A young one was taken at Bano, about 
15 miles north of Tripoli, the same winter. One 
was seen at Jisr el-l^iuii, about 10 miles from 
Beirflt, a year or two beifore. They are not rare 
along the Litftny (Leontes), and in the Antilebanon, 
and the ravines which open into the Jordan Valley. 
Anotlicr species of leopard. Fells jubata, Schreb., 
the chctah, or hunting leopard, the fehd of the 
Arabs, is found in Galilee and Gilead. It is 
occasionally domesticated, and used by the Arabs 
for hunting. Botli Nimr and Fehd are names 
commonly given to boys, as emblems or presages of 
strength and valour. 

The word ndmer, in its feminine form nimrah, 
and its jtlural form nimrim, is several times used 
in the names of jdaces, as ' Nimrah ' and ' Beth- 
nimrah (Nu 32^-^), now Nahr Nimrin, and the 
'waters of Nimrim' (Is 15^ Jer 48-'^), and 'the 
mountains of the leopards' (nimrim, Cn ^^). The 
leopard is also alluded to in Sir 28-^ and Rev 13^. 

G. E. Post. 

LEPROSY (ninv or ny-iy v^zdra'ath, nega' zdrdath : 
liXX and NT \eirpa). — A genus of diseases with 
which, in a special degree, tlie element of unclean- 
ness was associated. The removal of other maladies 
is spoken of in NT as healing, but the removal of 
leprosy is called cleansing (^It 8» 10"* 11", Mk \*-, 

Lk 4'-^ 7- 17'^). The only case in which the verb 
idadai is used in this connexion is in Lk 17" in the 
case of the Samaritan, whose relation to the cere- 
monial law would perhaps not be recognized by a 
Jew : in all other passages it is Kadapl^eiv. Leprosy 
also involved exclusion from the community as did 
no other disease ; and the leper was looked upon, 
not only as defiled himself, but as a source of 
defilement to his neighbours. 

There is an initial difficulty in the identification 
of these diseases, as the Greek word X^Trpa. is used 
by the early physicians as the name of a skin 
disease, now called psoriasis, characterized by an 
eruption of rough, scaly patches. Hippocrates, 
Polybius, and Paulus i^gineta treat it in general as 
a curable disease of not very serious import. This 
skin disease is neither contagious nor dangerous to 
life, nor, in most cases, productive of much incon- 
venience or sufi'ering to the individual ; and, ex- 
cept for the sense of disgust engendered by the 
disfigurement which it causes in the rare case of 
its affecting the face, it is not injurious to the 
community. And yet the LXX translators and 
St. Luke must have known of this use of the word 
which they employ as tlie equivalent of zdra'ath. 
On the other hand, the disease now called leprosy 
must have been known in Bible times, and could 
scarcely escape notice. Besides, other diseases of 
the skin did not produce ceremonial uncleanness, 
and this group of scaly eruptions which the Greeks 
called lepra was not necessarily associated with 
dirt or vice, and could scarcely be singled out from 
allied diseases as divine visitations ; also the 
scaliness which, Irom the first, is distinctive of 
these, is not mentioned as a specific character. 

The true leprosy has been Known in India since 
the days of Atreya, about B.C. 1400 ; and it is said 
to be referred to in Japanese records about 500 
years later. In the Egyptian papyrus Ebers, 
written in the reign of Amen-hotep I., about B.C. 
1550, there are over a score of prescriptions for an 
apparently intractable disease called ukheAlu, which 
attacked the head, the limbs, the face, and the 
body generally ; which was attended with the 
development of bean-like nodules [hnnhun), open 
sores, or skin spots, which were lialle to ulcerate, 
and had to be covered with plasters. The singular 
form of this word M'.ns probably khed, and in 
Coptic the derivative chat is used for a swelling, 
and, with the status constrnetus of the verb er 
prefixed (erchot), it is used for a sore or an uk^er. 
There is little doubt that this disease was leprosy. 
In the Coptic version of Leviticus another cognate 
word is used, ceht, to denote leprosy. 

The first classical reference to the disease is in 
the Prorrhetica of Hippocrates (ii.), Avhere, after 
referring to lepra, he mentions the Fhnenician 
disease as a far more serious mal.ady. There is 
also a reference to leprosy, although not by name, 
in a fragment of Hesiod quoted by Eustathius in 
his Cunimcnt. in Odi/ss. v. p. 174(5. Galen men- 
tions it under the name elephantiasis, and says 
that it is common in Alexandria, on account of 
the coarse food of the people. To this also 
Lucretius (vi. 1114) refers — 

' Est elephas morbus qui propter flumina Nili 
Gij^iiitur /Ejjypto in media neque prajterea usquam.' 

Some have supposed that the Xeixv" XevKJS of 
.-Eschylus [Choephoroi, 281) is leprosy, but it is 
more probably the scaly psoriasis, as is the same 
word in Eumenides, 754. Themis;)n is said by 
Coelius Aurelianus, iv. 1, to have described it a))Out 
B.C. 100, but his description is lost. The scanti- 
ness of the references in classical literature before 
the beginning of the Christian era support the 
statement of I'liny (xxvi. ), that it was brought into 
Europe from Syria by the army of Poinpey (B.C. 
01). Others of the Greek and Latin physicians 




of lat*r dale describe it under the name elephanti- 
asis (Celsas iii. 2o, and Soranus, according to Mar- 
cellus, xix.). Paulus iiigineta compares it to 
cancer of the whole body. Aretieus also gives a 
graphic description of its loathsome lat«r stages. 
For an account of the characteristics of the 
advanced stages see Thomson, Land and Book, 
iL 530. 

The first biblical reference is in the account of 
the signs given by God to Moses whereby he was to 

Erove to Fharaoti his divine commission (Ex 4* J) ; 
ut inEx7'*"^lP), where his interview with Pharaoh 
is reported, there is no mention of this sign l)eing 
shown. Tlie reason of this omission is not ditticult 
to understand. This incident may be the founda- 
tion of Manet ho's story quoted by Joseph us (c. Ap. 
L 31), that Moses was a leper, and was expelled 
from Heliopolis on this account. Manetho also 
said that the Jews were driven out of Egjpt be- 
cause they were a^cted with this disease (ib. 

The second historical mention of it is very 
si^ificant^ In Nu 12'" the smiting of Miriam 
with leprosy is recorded. Here we have a graphic 
reference to the effects of the disease in Aaron's 

frayer for his sister, when he says, * Let her not, 
pray thee, be as one dead, of wnom the flesh is 
half consumed (eaten awaj-j when he cometh out 
of his mother's womb' (v.*-). 

In Lv 13 there are minute instructions given for 
the recognition of these diseases in their early 
stapes. Here the name is used with negd pre- 
fixed to indicate that it is regarded as a ' stroke 
from God ' (cf. Vulgate rendering of ' smitten ' by 
Uprotum in Is oi*). There are here apparently 
seven varieties of the disease to be distinguisheu. 
(1) ngif t£cth, LXX ouXt), a rising of the skin or 
subcutaneous noclule. (2) nrgp ^nppaliath, LXX 
ffrifieuTla, a scab or cuticular crust. (3) na73 bahcreth, 
LXX TTjXairyij/Mi, a bright or shining siwt. These 
are the earliest appearaiu-cs, and even at this stage 
the disease is said to cxhilit the two distinctive 
features of being really Hubcuticular, and of turn- 
ing the hairs white. If these diagnostic marks 
are present when the suspect is brought before 
the priest, he is to be pronounced unclean at once ; 
but if not, he is to be shut up for seven days, and 
then again insi>ccted. Should the disease have 
uodergone no change during this period, he is 
Ufgun to be isolated for another week, and again 
examined. (4) Another form, or perhaim a later 
■taffe of the discaitv, is that in whicli '(piick raw 
flesh,' tliat is, red granulation tissue, ajipears in 
Ibe tumid spot (v.'») ; this was to be recognized as 
a sore sicn, and the |M;rHoii declared unclean. (5) 
One of toe raost singular provisions of the law is 
*'•"* '" v,«*, referring to the cases in wliich the 
"resoence beoomes universal from licud to 
i<rii this ooeurs, the fHsrson is ])ron(iuncod 
Htan. It is nrolmblo that in this case the priest 
was to ooosider it as a form of pmringis, and nob 
as a gmnine leproHy, which is rarely universal 
until a lat« staice, and then is not white. If, 
however, anv >i|ni of the cm'xiMtence of leprous 
ttweration with the whitcncMt hhould appear, III! is 
to bedet'tAn-*! iiMcIeun (v.i^'). To provide for the 
*ase in '^ rcdncMN or »M»re in only a 

tmrnpifnt;^ tn-U n=t nften cKTurs in almost 

anjr skin du«.M in to come again t<i 

the Miest asfto i , hfulud, when he is 

■Ifaui to be |frun<.iiiii-<-ii i < 

In aJI theee oases tli> • in the early 

fllair«^ !• 1»lwi-«M \,'UTtm^ ii,.. irilillration 

»• «'■ lour, and 

*'^ ' in cliii'lly 

',i>'. If, during 

iippi'arM to Ih! 

• iMiDHlialdark,' 

following LXX diiavpd), and not spreading, he is to 
be pronounced clean, and the disease is said to be 
only nnsrp mi^pahath, a scab, i.e. psoriasis, unless 
on further inspection it appeared to be spreading. 

(6) Another variety, described in v.^", is that 
which attacks the cicatrix of an ulcer or a boil, 
I"~f shehin, in which there is a white rising, sccth 
lebhdndh, that is, a smooth shining spot, red in 
patches ; the description seems to indicate some 
one of an obscure group of diseases of the skin, 
called by various names, cicatricial keloid, scleri- 
asis, etc. Between all these diseases and leprosy 
there are many points of resemblance, but there is 
no evidence that they are contagious. In doubt- 
ful cases the priest is to require a week's quaran- 
tine in order to decide whether it is true leprosy 
or only zdrebeth haslishehin (KV ' the scar of the 
boil,' AV 'a burning boil'), a temporary swelling 
from the irritation of the scar, or else only tlie 
cicatrix itself (v.^). A similar form of the disease 
may attack the scar of a burn (v.^^), and is to be 
treated in the same way. 

(7) The form of disease affecting the hairy 
scalp (v.**) is called pnj nethek (LXX OpaOa/xa, AV 
'a dry scall'), and is to be diagnosed by the 
presence of thin yellow hairs. Every suspicious 
case is to be inspected, and if there be no black 
hair in the spot whereby its nature may be tested, 
the person is to be subjected to a week's quaran- 
tine, after which, if the disease is not spreading, 
all the hair is to be shaven except that on the 
scall. If, after another m eek's seclusion, the scall 
still appears to be spreading, lie is to be pronounced 
unclean, whether there be yellow hair or not. In 
the Tract Ncqaim, x. 5, it is directed tliat two 
hairs should be left in shaving the part, outside 
the margin of the scall, so as to test its spreading. 
Yellow thin hair and yellow crusts are character- 
istic oifavus or crusted ringworm, which is a very 
contagious disease, due to the presence of a fungus, 
Achorion Schoenleinii. The preseTicc of black hair 
in any diseased patch is usually suHicient evidence 
that no parasitic fungus is present. 

In w'^"- rules are given for the diagnosis of 
bchdrOth lehhiinoth, white shining spots on the 
skin, — whether another variety of disease or not it 
is dillicult to say. If these are dim or dull in 
colour, they are only ' freckled spots' (AV, 'tet- 
ters ' liV). This eruption, which is called pnla hohak 
(^aljMr in .lerus. Targ., LXX dX^is), is probably the 
\ivpa of the older Oireek ])hysicians, the vitiliqo of 
Celsus, and does not render tlie sullerer unclean. 
A common eczematous skin disease is called in 
some j)lace8 in Arabia by this name still ; see 
Eorskal's note to Nicbuhr's Arabia, 1774, 119. 
Accordinfj to Minch, a form of vitiliqo is prevalent 
among the Sarts of Turkeslan and is called by 
them pi/rz. Those alllictod with it are segregated 
from the commuuily along with the lepers, as it 
is regarded as contagicms. IJaiiiness and forehead 
baldness are distinguished from leprosy in vv.'"'""'', 
unless they are com plicated by the otlier signs 
of leprosy, in which case the man is to bo jao- 
nounced utterly unclean, as the plague is in the 

The Habbinic comments on these regulations in 
Ncijiiim, Siplini, and MirhUta are very prolix, and 
add nothing to our real knowledge of tlic disease. 
It. Chanina recognizes lU kinds; U. Dosa, \V1; and 
Akiba, 72. In Jalhut on tloli 2H-'' nmii is said to 
be niiiile up li/ilf of water and half of blood ; if he 
sin, this Imlmirf is distiirlicd,- eitlier tiio water 
ln'conn'M excessive /ind lie is dropsical, or tlie blood 
im-reaseM and he becnuies leprous. Many of the 
later comnientalorH, medical and otherwise, are 
not much Itettcr. See Mason Good, Stitihj of 
Mf.dirinr, iv. 

I-'or thoMj pronounced unclean tlmro was n* 




further seclusion ; but they are to be excluded 
from the community, to live outside the towns, 
with rent clothes (in the case of men ; women were 
not to rend their garments, Soto, ii. 8), and the 
hair of their head going loose. They are directed 
to cover their upper lip, and to cry ' unclean.' This 
exclusion is represented as put in practice when 
the tabernacle was constructed (Nu 5-^, P), and 
Miriam was one of those temporarily shut out 
in the early days of the law (Nu 12'*, JE). The 
Deuteronomic code refers to these laws (Dt 24*). 
The four lepers of 2 K 7* were thus outside Samaria 
even during the siege. According to Negaim xii. 
11, if lepers entered into a house, they rendered it 
unclean (see also Kellm i. 4) ; or, if under a tree, 
they defiled any one passing beneath its shade. 
As they could not enter a walled town, they were 
excluded from synagogue services there ; but in 
unwalled towns there was often a place set apart 
for them in the synagogue, into which they could 
enter before the rest of the congregation ; but they 
could not leave until every one else had departed. 
Any transgression of tliese rules was punished by 
40 stripes (see Otho, Lex. Rabbin. 324). 

The Jews regarded leprosy as a contagious 
disease, and recent investigations have confirmed 
this opinion, although it is not communicated very 
easily, and seems to have a long incubation period. 
It is produced by a si)ecific schizomycetous fungus, 
Bacillus leprcB, discovered by Hansen in 1871, 
wliich is of very minute size. Tliese organisms re- 
tain their vitality for a long time. Koljner found 
them living in a piece of leprous tissue that had 
lain forgotten, wraj)ped in a piece of paper, for 
ten years. It is a peculiarly human parasite, the 
result of many experiments showing that it is not 
communicable to animals by inoculation. The 
bacillus has been found, though sparingly, in the 
earth of a patliway frerniented by lepers at the 
Almora Asylum. Cases like that of Damien show 
that it is communicable to healthy persons. For 
other instances see Abraham in AUbutt's System 
of Medicine, ii. 41. It is interesting to note that 
Calmet long ago supposed leprosy to be due to 
organisms, which he describes as animalculae that 
eat the skin from within (Comm. on Levit.). 

It was probably a fairly common disease among 
the Jews (Lk 4-^), although not many cases are 
mentioned ; but there are more references to it 
than to any other ailment. It has been supposed, 
tliough without any reason, that the kiln-work in 
Kgypt fostered it in the days before the Exodus. 
Buxtorf, however, says it is not as common among 
the Jews as among other peoples, and ascribes 
this to their separateness, and to their abstinence 
especially from swine's flesh (see Tacitus, Hist. 
v. 4). In the NT there are records of only twelve 
cases : the ten lepers in Lk 17'-, the leper in Mt S"* 
whom our Lord touched (cf. Mk 1**, Lk 5'-), .and 
Simon the leper (Mt26'', Mk 14*); but these are 
only specially selected cases, for He commanded 
His disciples to cleanse the lepers (Mt 10** ; see 
also Mt IP and Lk 7-"-^). 

The course of the disease is slow, especially in 
the early stages ; there are cases on record of 
persons wlio lived as lepers for 40 years. Observa- 
tions in Trinidad gave an average of nearly 9 
years as the duration of the disease (Beavan Rake). 
According to Danielssen, in Norway, and Carter, 
in Bombay, the average duration of life in the 
nodular form is about 9 years, and in the form 
which att'ects the nerves and causes anaesthesia 
(the commonest form in the East) it is 18i years. 
Cures are rare;, the official report for Norway 
gives 38 cures during the period 1881-85 (the total 
number of lepers tliere in 1892 was 500), Simon 
the leper may have been one of those cured by 
Christ (for traditions see Ambrose, Comm. on Lk 6 ; 
VOL. II J. — 7 

Theophylact in Mt 26 ; Nicephorus, HE i. 27). In 
the early stages there are often few symptoms and 
little discomfort, and sometimes ' the eruption 
may vanish altogether, giving rise to illusory 
hopes of cure' (Abraham). It is therefore easy to 
understand how a great general like Naaman 
might retain his office although a leper (2 K 5'). 
(See in this connexion Jos. Ant. ill. xi. 4). King 
Robert the Bruce, who according to Ker (ii. 357) 
died of this disease, was apparently sutl'ering 
from it when he lield the Parliament at Canibus- 
kenneth, and organized his last invasion of Eng- 
land. According to a doubtful tradition the 
emperor Constantine was a leper ; see Zonaras, 
Annales, xiii. c. 3. 

The sudden infliction of leprosy as a divine 
judgment is recorded not only in the case of 
Miriam, but also in that of Gehazi (2 K 5'^), which 
could not be due to infection, although it is called,' 
the leprosy of Naaman, as in all known instances 
the incubation period is much longer. There is 
also the example of Uzziah (2 K 15', 2 Ch 26-*). 
Of him it is said that he lived in a n'^'Dnrt n'2 bcfh 
hahophshith, LXX oIkos aircpovadiO (or a^xpovaiLd , or 
a(p<pov(TLuv), 'a several house' or (RVm) 'a lazar 
house.' According to Jos. Ant. IX. x. 4, this judg- 
ment was accompanied by an earthquake (see Zee 
14** ^). This author also states that, being a leper, 
Uzziah was buried in his own garden ; but anotlier 
account is given in Ch. Herodotus says that tlie 
Persians believed that a man was attlicted with lep- 
rosy for having committed some ott'ence against the 
sun ; that every stranger wlio had the disease was 
driven out of the country ; and that they even 
destroyed Avhite pigeons, thinking them to be 
leprous (i. 138). For other references to leprosy as 
a judgment see Erachin 16 ; Baba Bathra 10. 4 ; 
Midrash liabba on Lv 14, etc. Chrysostom saysi, 
however, that in his day lepers were not excluded 
from the cities ( Vidi Domimim, etc. iv. ). 

The heredity of leprosy was generallj^ believed 
in by the Jews ; it is referred to in the curse on 
Joab (2 S S-''), and in the punishment of Gehazi 
(2 K 5-^). The Leprosy Commission in India could 
discover a history of heredity only in 5 per cent. ; 
and of the 108 cases in the Tarn Tar.iu Asylum 
only 16 had a leprous parent or grandparent. No 
treatment is referred to in the Bible ; the washing 
of Naaman was a trial of faith, not a remedy (in 
connexion with his speech about Abana and 
Pharpar see Strabo, viii. 3. § 19, concerning tlie 
river Alpheus). Jehoram, from his ejaculation in 
2 K o', evidently thought leprosy beyond human 
skill to cure. 

The date of the spread of the malady to Western 
Europe is unknown, but it was in Britain before 
the lirst Crusade, as the leper house at Canterbury 
was founded in 1096, the year of the starting of 
the Crusade. Between that date and the building 
of the last in 1472, one hundred and twelve such 
asylums were set apart for lepers in England. In 
early Christian times there were special rules for 
lepers. The Council of Ancyra (314) excluded them 
from the churches, and ordered them to remain out- 
side with demoniacs and those guilty of unnatural 
crimes, all of whom were called hiemantes (xeifia'sl- 
/.levoi) on this account (Martene, ColL Ampliss. vii. 
p. 1365). It is supposed that the small skew window 
often seen in old churches, and commanding a view 
of the altar, was for the purpose of allowing the 
hiemantes to see the mass, lience these squints 
are often called leper windows or li'icfioscopes. The 
Third Council of Orleans forbade lepers to wander 
from one diocese to another ; and Gregory II. , in his 
letter to Boniface in A.D. 715, directed the adminis- 
tration of the Eucharist to them by themselves. 
The bishops were also ordered to supply them witi' 
food and raiment out of the Church lunds. 




There is no reference in the Bible to leprosy as a 
tA'pe of sin ; the nearest approach to this is in Ps 
51', where the reference is to the ceremonial 
cleansing of the leper. Among the Fatliers, also, 
there are few who take note of a similitude so 
familiar in mo<lem homiletics. Origen (Horn. vii. 
in Sii) speaks of heretics outside the Church as 
Imving leprosy of mind ; and Chrysostom (Horn. iv. 
tM Ti 2) is one of the earliest writers who directly 
compares the defilement of sin to leprosy. The 
one part, indeed, of the Levitical law which is 
most often notice<l. is the cleanness of the man 
who is all leprous, and this is used to illustrate the 
mo(tt diverse lessons by Tertullian {de Pudicitia, 
XX.), Theodoret (Quastiones in Lv 13), and Origen 
(in Levit. viii. 231). In one of the epistles doubt- 
fully attributed to Jerome, he treats of the various 
kinds of leprosy (Ep. xxxiv.). Leprosy was most 
commonly- regarded as a type of heresy rather 
than of other sin (Kupertus Tuitiensis, p. 271 , 
Bede, 111 loco, ' Lepra doctrina falsa est ' ; see also 
Sabojias Maums, Allcfforia, s.v. 'Lepra'). 

When a leper l»ecame cured of his plague, he 
did not resnme his place in the community until 
he had been ceremonially cleansed. The priest 
went outside the citj- to look on him, and if he saw 
tliat he was healed (1) he commanded that two 
living clean birds be brought, with a rod of cedar 
wood (probably juniper, the wood of Jtiniperus 
oxyeednu supposed to be incapable of decaying) 
a cabit long (Xeg. 14. 6), scarlet (wool),' and 
hjwop ('the humblest plant for a disease gener- 
ated Vy pride,' Midra.s/i Rahba, Koheleth 10. 4). 
One bird was to be killed, in an earthen vessel, 
o*-er running water — that is, water from a run- 
ning stream is to be put into the earthen vessel to 
keep the blood liquid, and as a type of purifica- 
tion. The living bird and the cedar, to which the 
hyasop was to lie tied with the scarlet woollen 
band, are to be dinpcd in the blood, and the leper 
is to be sprinklea therewith seven times. Some 
hare Mipf>osed that, as 'the blood is the life,' this 
aignifiea the imparting of a new life to one who 
has, ceremonially, been dead. He is then declared 
clean, and therefore nermitted to come into the 
city ; and the living »)ird is set free in the oi)en 
country — a symlwl of the carrj'ing away of the evil 
(see Frazer, Golden liouqh, ii. 151). (2) The leper 
is then to wash his clothes, shave ofl' all his liair, 
and liathe ; but must stay outside his jumse fur 7 
days ; he then reix-ats the ablutions and shaving, 
and (3) on the 8th day nmkes his final oflering at 
the temole. Thix oonKists (n) of a guilt -olVering 
of a he-lamb, which with n log (about 3 gillM) of 
olive oil waa to be wav)-<l In-fore the Lord, and the 
lamb waa to be killed. The priest was then to 
take sooM of its blood, and to touch with it the 
riffht ear, the right thumb, an<l the right great toe 
of the rleanMNl man ; the jiriest was then t«» \nn\r 
tii<- '-d oil into the jMilm of his left hand, 

•»>■: liui right forehngi^r in it, he was to 

m»ritiki.' Muno of it M'ven tinifM In-fore th<! Lord, 
and thim to touch with it the placcH upon which 
thiTblotid of lb" "•••■' ••I- ■;••.' hail iM-en iiiit.and the 
nmt of thif oil .1 oil thi- Ii-pcr's head. 

Thia offering n to <;(nI for the loss 

of Mfrvioo oil' iiniT of IiIm seel iimIou- -the 

blood and oil .tioiieiiM-nt and reconnecra- 

lioo. (A) A MM-oii'i III- liiiiib wan to In* ollered ax a 
iin-oflMag, ■• an atoiicnicnt for win (Mi Iwh re- 
■dr»i*-'>'->« 'mi-. ••t.. i-onKrc(<(ilioii, and aflcrwardH 

1^' to \)t' olP-n-d iiM a hiiriil oUcr- 

«>fc' 'Wi ••phnh (iilHiiit 74 <|iiurtM) of 

■oor «'• 'i'lg. I>uring tlieM< ceremonien 

MM' '»»•'• 'ho Nicnnor gut*- iNitween the 

f^*"' "I iheCfiurt of Inrai'l, into 

•*•' " t'UU't iiiilil the piiiilira- 

^' • * I'Mir iiiiin \va*» allowed 

to substitute two doves for the second pair of 
lambs, one for the sin-offering and one for the 
burnt-offering, and needed only to bring T^th of an 
ephah of flour for the meal-offering (Lv 14''^-). 

In mediaeval times a man Avho was a leper was 
formally excluded from the Church by a funeral 
mass, in which earth was thrown on his feet as a 
sign of symbolic burial, the priest saying ' sis 
mortuus mundo, vivens iterum Deo.' The leper 
then laid aside his garments in the church and put 
on a black habit. An account of the rituals ob' 
served in connexion with lepers is given h^ 
Martene (de Hit. Antiq. iii. 10). The ceremonies 
for tlie readmission of those healed were similar 
to the penitential and reconciliation ceremonies 
for the other hiemantes. 

Opinions are divided as to the nature of Job's 
disease. The Talmvidists called it hakok or scr<atch 
ing leprosy (Baba Kninma SOb). From the descrip- 
tion of the symptoms (2"') and of his isolation 
(19"'2i), it has been supposed to be some form of 
leprosy * (see Mp:dicine). J'or older opinions on 
the subject see Wedel, de Morbo Hiobi, Jena, 1687. 

Leprosy in Garments. — In Lv IS^'''^- is a descrip- 
tion of certain reddish or greenish discolorations 
in garments, woollen, linen, or leathern, which are 
called zura'ath mawHereth (v.^^), a fretting leprosy, 
eating a hole in a garment. It is probably the 
effect of a fungus or mildew, said, but with slight 
evidence, to be from the use of the wool of dead or 
diseased sheep (Michaelis, Gom. on Laws of Moses, 
iii. 290), or from the skin of a diseased animal ; but 
this would not account for its attacking linen. 
Whether it is due to a specific parasite (as Foriu- 
stecher supposed, Isr. des neunzchn ten Jahrhunderts, 
1847, No. 32) or not is uncertain, but this is im- 
probable. If after a week's seclusion the stain 
spreads, the garment is pronounced unclean, and is 
to be burnt. If it have not spread, the fabric is to 
be Mashed and shut up for seven days more, when, 
if it remain unchanged, it is to be burnt ; but if it 
fade after washing, the spot is to be torn out and 
burnt, aiul the rest of the garment is to be M'ashed 
and pronounced clean. Where garments are worn 
for a long time, as they often are in the East, 
fungus growths are not unlikely to occur. It has 
l)een 8Ui)posed that the ' garment spotted by the 
flesh ' of Jude'-" refers to this; perhaps also there 
is a reference in Job Ki-** and 30^^ 

Leprosy in the House. — Certain discoloured 

f)at('h<'s on the inner walls of a house are said to be 
eprotis(Lv 14''^"^). These are described as hollow 
strakes, shikn'dviiroth, that is, depressed spots, 
coloured greenish or reddish. When discovered, 
the occupant is to emi>ty the house, lest, if pro- 
nounced uiudean, all in the house be deliled. The 
nriest is then called to inspect, and he shuts up the 
iiouHo for a week. If it spread in this time, the 
stones are to betaken oiit and cast into an unclean 
place ; the plaster is to be 8craj)ed oil" the walls, 
and the house re-plastered. It no return take 
iilace, the house is clean ; but if it recur, the whole 
liouse is to lie <lestroyed. Hcfore the cleansed 
housi- is inhabited, a cleansing ceremony similar to 
the liiNl part of I lie cleansing cerciiioiiy of the 
lepi;r is to be performed. It is inobaiile that this 
iliwase is the formation of a Hocciileiit mass of 
calcium nitrate, such as often takes jilace when 
the giiMCH set free from decaying animal matter 
act on the lime of itlaster, and is sonuttimes 
called mural salt. This, with an accompaiiiiueiit 
of mould or other liyphoiiivceloiis fiiii;.;ns, produces 
an appearance like that liescribed (see IMechrodt, 
Thrurrt. - I'rnrt. Ahh'Diill. u/irr die f/rsarhi'.n der 
Fnir/iflifkit in (ltlnnidin, Weimar, 1835), 45). 
•lerome H|iiritiiali/eH this ]tlague, 'Arbitror (jum in 
* Hi> t>avl<lM>ti, Dilltimtiii, and iiiokI inudurii uuminoiilatoni ; 




parietibus domus lepra esse referatur, hsereticam 
perlidiam notari' (Ep. xxxiv.). 

LiTEiiATURE. — The bibliography of leprosy is immense, but 
most of the older treatises are of little value. The best are 
Cartholinus, de Morbis Biblicis, Hafnias, 1671 ; also the treatises 
of Domdorf (Zurich, 1728), Withof (Duisburg, 1758), Eschenbach 
(Rostock, 1774), Chamseru (M^m. de la society d'emalation, 
Paris, 1810, iii. 335), Jahn {Uiblische Archuolor/ie, Wien, 1818, 
ii. 355), Zensler (Oegohichte des abendldndincheii Aussatzes). 

For the modern literature the most useful works are Abraham, 
in AUbutt's Sj/atem of Medicine, ii. 41 ; Rejjort of the Leprosy 
Commisgion to India, London, 1S93 ; also Jteport of the Cotn- 
jnission to the Cape of Good Hope, 1894-95 ; Hillis, Leprogy in 
liritish Guiana, 1881 ; Carter, Leprogy and Elephantiagig, 
1874; Rake, Heports of the Trinidad Agtjlum, 1889-1893; 
Danielssen and Boeck, Traiti de la Spidahkhed, Paris, 1898 ; 
Winch, Prokaza na TticjC Jiosxii, Kiev, 1889 ; Kox and Far- 
quhar. Endemic Skin Digeageg of India, London, 1876; Wolters 
in CeiUralblatt fiir Bakteriolo'jie, xiii. 1893 ; Simpson, Edin- 
burgh Medical Jounuil, 1841-42, vols. Ivi., Ivii. ; Thin, L'pnisy, 
London, 1893 ; J. K. Bennett, Diseases of the Bible, 1887. For 
an account of the Knights of St. Lazarus, who had always a 
leper for their Grand Master, see Htilyot, Ordres Monast. 1721 ; 
Mochsen, de ined. eqitit. di'jnit. ornat. p. 56. 

On the Levilical prescriptions regarding leprosy, see, above 
all, Dilhnann-Kyssel, Ex~Lv, p. 553 ff., where further refer- 
ences to the literature of the subject will be found. 

A. Macalister. 
LESHEM (c-^h). — A form, occurring only in Jos 
1947 M,<^ of the name Laish (which see). Wellh. (de 
Gcntihiis, etc. 47) emends c^S, wliich is admitted 
liy Dillm. to have been 'perhaps' the original 

LESSAU (A Aeo-j-ooi/, V'^'' Aeeo-aoi5).— A village 
{Kufiri) where an encounter took place between the 
tJew.s and Nicanor, 2 Mac 14'*. The site is un- 
known, and the text is uncertain. Dessau of AV 
may be due to the frequent interchange of A and 
A in uncial Greek, or (as Ewald conjectured) it may 
be another form of Adasa (cf. 1 Mac 7**). 

LET. — There are two Anglo-Saxon verbs some- 
what alike in spelling but directly opposite in 
meaning, Uv.tnn to permit, and lettan to hinder. 
In middle English hetnn became leten, and lettan 
became letten, and they were still distinguishable. 
The double t was ke[)t by careful writers in the 
verb meaning ' to hinder,' or tlie .subst. meaning 
' hindrance,' as by Milton m Arcupagitica (Hales ed. 
p. 57, 1. 1), 'evill hath abounded in the Church by 
this lett of licencing.' But when it was dropped 
there was no way, except by the general sjnse of 
the passage, of distinguishing two words whose 
meanings were so ditterent that a mistake was 
equivalent to the insertion or omission of a not. 
In AV the verb occurs six times with the sense 
of 'hinder,' and is always spelt in the ed. of 
IGll with one t, Ex 5* ' Wlierefore do ye, Moses 
and Aaron, let the people from their works?' 
('y'-!?n, KV 'loose'); Nu 22'" """■«• 'Be not thou 
letted from coming unto me' (text, 'Let nothing 
hinder thee'); Is 43'^ 'I will work, and who 
shall let it?' (113'^;, AVm 'shall turn it back,' 
IlVm 'reverse it'); Wis 7"- 'an understanding 
spirit . . . which cannot be letted ' (aKilsXirrov , KV 
' unhindered ') ; Ro I'^ ' oftentimes I purposed to 
come unto you, (but was let hitherto)' (€Ku>\v9r]v, 
KV^ 'was hindered'); 2 Th 2^ ' only he who now 
letteth ivill let, until he be taken out of the way ' 
(6 KOTexw, RV ' one that restraineth '). The verb 
occurs also in Pr. Bk., Collect for 4th Sun. in 
Advent, ' we are sore let and hindered in running 
tlie race that is set before us.' In the I'r. Bk. of 
1552, 1559, and 1604 (Communion), we read, ' It is 
an easy matter for a man to say, I will not com- 
municate, because I am otherwise letted Avith 
worldly business'; but in 1662 'letted' was 
changed into 'hindered.' Examples from the 
earlier versions -which have been changed in AV 
are Job 3F' Cov. ' Yet they of myne owne hous- 
bolde saye : who shal let us, to have oure bely ful 
of his flesh ? ' 1 P 3'' Tind. ' that youre prayers be 

not let.' Cranmer is fond of the word, frequently 
using it along with one or more synonyms, as 
Works, i. 82, ' she wrote letters to the Po{)e, calling 
upon him in God's belialf to stop and let the said 
marriage ' ; p. 85, ' do not interrupt, let, or hinder 
the said David.' 

As a subst. ' let ' is found in AV only in the 
heading to Dt 15, ' It must bj no let of lending or 
giving.' It occurs occasionally in Pr. Bk. In 
the Preface to the Scotch Liturgy of 1637 we read, 
' After many lets and hindrances, the same cometh 
now to be published, to the good, we trust, of all 
God's people, and the increase of true piety, and 
sincere devotion amongst them.' ' In all our pro- 
mises,' says Tindale (Ec )os. p. 57), ' it is to be 
added, If God will, and If there be no lawful let.' 


LETHECH occurs in AVm and RVm of Hos 3^ 
instead of ' an lialf homer ' which is read in the 
text of both AV and RV. Both the original read- 
ing of the passage and the capacity of tlie measure 
(?), called lethech, are uncertain. For the MT 
D'li'C' ^n.^ the LXX reads v^/3e\ otvov, 'a skin of 
wine,' which may or may not imply that a diilerent 
Heb. text from the present lay before the Greek 
translator (see Nowack, ad loc.). According to 
Jewish tradition, the lethech = ^ ho'nier=4 bushels. 
See art. Weights and Measures. It has been 
computed that the whole amount of grain here 
mentioned would have been equal in value to 15 
shekels of silver, so that the price paid by Hosea in 
money and kind together would be 30 shekels. 
He thus re-acquired his wife for the cost of a slave 
(cf. Ex 2P^). J. A. Selbie. 

LETTER.— See Eplstle. 

LETUSHIM (cy^aS Aarovcrielfi) and LEUMMIM 
(c'3x^, Aow/x(Of'M)- — Sons of Dedan, Gn 25^. The 
MT gives the names of Dedan's sons as Ashurim, 
Letushim, and Leummim ; but the LXX prefixes 
to this list Raguel (PayovriX) and Nalnleel (Na/35f^\). 
The three given by the MT are pointed as plurals, 
and hence were regarded by some ancient inter- 
preters as descriptive epithets (so Targ. Onk. ); 
and the third of the names, XeMwtwiMM ('nations ' 
in Heb.), lends itself well to that explanation; 
some races which the ethnologist chose to classify 
among Dedanites may have been known as 
'nations' or 'hordes,' just as the Berbers are 
called by the Arabs KabiVil or ' tribes,' and their 
language Kahili. For Letushim the Rabbis (Rashi. 
ad loc.) suggest an etymology from the Hebrew 
verb v^i meaning ' scattered ' ; they can indeed 
point with justice to the interchange of *? and : 
at the beginning of words, but this exjilanation 
does not seem satisfactory. The apparent con- 
nexion of this word with the verb v-^b ' to sharpen ' 
is rather in favour of the view (taken by Steiner 
in Schenkers Bibel-Lexkon) that the words repre- 
sent names of trades ; and such a classification 
would bear a curious likeness to that of the S. 
Arabian Parias, some of whom are called HCCik, 
' weavers,' etc. (Maltzan, lleisen in Arabien, i. 
190, 191). The greater number of authorities, 
however, regard these words as proper names, and 
Letushim has been compared with ib-bV of some 
Nabata?an inscriptions (Ley, ZlJMG xiv. 403, 404), 
while a name resembling Leummim has been found 
in a Saba'an inscription (Oxf. Heb. Lex.). If they 
are personal names, the linal o could be more 
easilj' explained from Sabican than from Nabata*an. 
Glaser {S/cizze, ii. 401) thinks the home of the 
trilies thus designated is to be sought in the 
Sinaitic peninsula, but he throws no new light 
on the name. D. S. Margoliouth. 

LEYI ('i'?, LXX Aci'(e)t(0).— Son of Jacob and 



Leah. The meaning and derivation of the name are 
dncertain. (1) In Gn 29** (J) Levi is interpreted as 
joined, i.e. husband to wife ; the root lavah is used 
with this meaning in the reflexive conjugation 
(Niohal), Is 56»- «, Ps 83» : in Arab. it = ' turn, bend.' 
In Nu 18*** (P) there is a word-play ; the tribe of 
Levi is jvined to, attendant on, Aaron. After the 
establishment of the Levites as subordinate temple 
ministers, this meaning was read into their name ; 
it does not, of course, represent an etymology in 
the strict sense. (2) Lagarde, Orientalia ii. 20, 
Mittheilungen i. 54 tf., explains Levites as those 
trho attached themselves to, accompanied, the Israel- 
j itee at the Elxodus from Egypt ; like Moses, they 
I trere Egyptians. The name might also mean 
those wOio were attached to the ark. Thus Levi 
is not a name like the names of tlie other patri- 
archs, but an adjective ; and it need not have uorne 
the same nieanmg in the time of Ezra as in the 
time of Solomon or Moses. (3) Baudissin, Gesch. 
AT Priegterthums 72 n.*, finds in the name an 
original abstract meaning, lev= ' following, escort,' 
from which the adj. levi was formed, in the sense 
of one who escorted the ark. The name was thus 
first given to the tribe of priestly servants, and 
from them to the ancestor of the tribe. Against 
these views see Kautzsch, SK, 1890, 771 f., who 
points out tliat tlie manner in which Levi is con- 
necte<l with Simeon by a merely genealogical and 
political relationship, s>ich as exists in tlie Ctase of 
the other sons of Jacob, makes it impossible to 
see in J^vi the special character which the above 
views presuppose. The name of the tribe was not 
derived from the name of any ofhcial function ; 
the escort of the ark was not the prerogative of 
the Levites only, for in the older narratives it is 
the priests who have this charge. Similarly, Stade, 
ZATWi. 1881, 112-116, insists, with reason, that 
no ditferent origin can be allowed to Levi than is 
ffiven to the other patriarchs. Against deriving 
Jevi from lavah, he urges the form of the noun with 
i, and the fact that in early times Levi was a 
purely secular triln', Gn 49*-^. (4) Hommel, Auf- 
mtze u. AfihfiniUunfim 30 f., SiidArnh. Chrestom. 
127, AIIT 278 f., connects levi with lavi'u (fern. 
lan'at)-oriat, on the Mina'an inscriptions from 
el-Ola, N. of Medina ; and Mordtmann, Beitmge 
X. mindtAchen Eviffranhih, 1897, 43, and Sayce, 
E'irly I/ijtt. of thc'lleha. 1897, 80, agree with him. 
The umgo of the wc»rd in these inscriptions ( ' a priest 
of Wadd,' ' liitf priestess') is, however, very diflerent 
from the umo^o of Ixivi in the OT. Siich an ex- 
pre«ion •• 'a Levite of J"' is never found ; and 
ibc primary meaning of Invito is not ' priest,' but 
'amemberof the trilMi of Levi.' (5) Wellhauson, 
Proleffom*ma* 14<5, proftoscs an etymology which 
ha* »•• r; !''<'d, and may Im) considered 

the m<> |iiit forward : Levi is Nitnply 

agentili- iw.i.i .m m-^ mothcr'H imin<>, Lenli — ' wild 
OOW* (Arab, la'ai/, In'at). So Slad««, ZATW i. 
II2-II6, ^;r/i. H«l, I.VJf, ; Gray, llrhr. Pr. Names 
06, ate, Noldekti on the whole accepts thin, though 
not without h'Hftution, y.l)M(i xl. IHHCJ, 107.* 
Robert-' ii who uuiintainH that 'the most 

ancieni t tin; iMrncliteM Ih U'twcen Uaclii>l 

and Ltmii. ifoiii animal iinmi'N, di-tectM in IIiIh 
CubUj MaCorj th«! pn-Mfrn-it of thi< iiialriiiri'hiil 
Wft^ma tti ri'rkoniiiK di-mcnt. and thi; cuHtom of 
wliair ' I ihttnnuH'Nof aniiiialH(totiuniHm); 

Kimakt,. .inr/e Wt. 19.-). 219 f. , 2.')7. («) Two 

oCJmt el> luuliz-ji-i mny Ik- mentionf<l. Wi-llluium-n, 
iUtiMmn u. yi,rarf/r$t n ill. 114 M. (lliii noh- in 
emlUail in tb«MM!ond edition (IN97), p. II9|, alludcH 
to tb« aiMiant Afmble ctii>t4»m of lonNuminK the IIcmIi 




of a sacrifice at a family meal. A portion of the 
flesh was set aside for a guest whom it was desired 
to treat with special honour (cf. 1 S 9'-^^), and called 
tlie lavijja (Agh. vii. 76. 6). The lavijja would be 
the priests' jjortion ; hence possibly the origin of 
tiie name Levi. In this connexion we can hardly 
fail to remember the Min.iean to^i'w = ' priest.' 
G. H. Skipwith, in the JQR xi. 1899, 264, ingeni- 
ously connects levi with Jeviathan, the root lavah 
describing the coils of the serpent. This suggests 
that Levi derived his name from a serpent-god, and 
may explain why the J^evite Moses selected the 
brazen serpent, Nehushtan, as an emblem of the 
God of Israel ! 

Early history of Levi. — An incident in the early 
history of Levi is preserved in Gn 34. The yoimg 
Can.aanite chief, Shechem, had conceived a passion 
for Dinah, the sister of Simeon and Levi, and had 
' humbled ' her, to the indignation of the sons of 
Jacob (vv."*"-^*^- ''). The two brothers undertook 
to avenge the outrage themselves ; they assassin- 
ated Shechem, and carried ott" Dinah out of his 
house (vv.-^"-'^). That the action of Simoon and 
Levi was treacherous and savage is implied in J, 
the earlier of the two documents which are com- 
bined in Gn 34. Shechem had accepted the terms 
imposed upon him by the father and brethren of 
the damsel (vv."- 1--^^). What the terms were is 
not stated ; possibly the circumcision of the bride- 
groom before marriage ( Wellliausen, Proleg.^ 355 n. , 
Composition 319: cf. Ex 4-^"-", and Robertson 
Smith, RS 310), or the grant of a piece of territory 
to Jacob near Shechem (Cornill, ZATW, 1891, 12, 
cf. Gn 37^-''^")- Whatever the agreement, 
Simeon and Levi violated it, and acted independ- 
ently of their brethren, who took no part in the 
deea of violence, and of their father, who bitterly 
resented it. We may notice that Jacob's reproof 
is prompted by instincts of self-preservation, and 
not by moral displeasure. The two brothers, how- 
ever, take up a moral ground in their retort, evi- 
dently with the sympathy of the narrator (34-'"' *').* 

The story may be understood to describe an 
episode in the early struggles of Israel in Canaan 
after the Exodus. The attachment of Shechem, 
son of Hamor, to Dinah, daughter of Jacob, will 
then rei)resent an alliance between a branch of the 
Israelite family and the city of Shechem ; and the 
action of Simeon and Levi may be interpreted 
either as an attempt to seize by force this important 
city for themselves, or as a blow struck to free the 
Israelite element in the city from the danger of 
Iteing swallowed up by the Cauaanite majority. 
Whatever the motive may have been, the tradition 
is dejir that there was treachery and violence on 
the Israelite side, and that in consequence Simeon 
and Levi received a repulse from which they never 
re(!overe«l. Simeon became merged in Judah, with 
uiKlcliiied |)ossessioiis on the S. frontier (cf. tlos 
1!)'" with 15-"-*- ■•'-), thou-'li the trilie does not seem 
to have l)een ho (lompletely shattered as Levi 
(Jg !"•"); while Levi also found shelter in .Imlali, 
i»ut for the most j)art btteame a homeless wanderer 
in the territory of the other tribes. 

This is the state of things implied in (!n 49'*"' 
' I will divide them in .lactdi, and scatter t hem in 

• Tho niKivr fdllciwN llic rurlliT imrralivc, .). In tlii' ollur 
iK'ciMiiil, liv NoiiK' iimhIkmimI til K(NV<'llli., ('oniill, IliiI/.iiiK'crl, by 
(illicni U> l'(l>illiiiuiiti, Driver l> |iiiNsilily IiiihimI on K, Hull I'-), 
lluiiiDr, on iH'lialf of IiIn hoii, llrirntiiitrH II K;cii(>ml niiil'riiiK>- 
nlllnrii-<', vv.X'" ; (hr ('lr<'iii)\i-iHiiin of nil iiiuIch Ih Hli|>uUitt'(l and 
lu-i'i'iitril im llu' ri(nilllliiii, vv. '■' ''■'•'"•-•'', ami nil the komh of 
.laciili wrrak Itii'lr VfUifi'iiiirc wllh wliolcMaIr Nlu^l^rllll'^ vv. '■i'*""- 
'/7'ii»(rf. thf latiT niirrallM'N ci( Mii' fiiniiiirNl of (\iiiauii). I'cr- 
lia|)H III)' vi'ti|;i'ittir(- wiiH iwcrilicil to all Israel liei-iuise of llio 
liilir feilliiif iilioiil, tiilxecl niarrlaKiH, if. Nti •.!.'■•> li ;tl"'l (!'). Kzr 
KiJ IM If thiH nnrrnllve I>i<Ioiikn lo lO, an eilitor of Hio Heliool 
• \- ...y^-Ai ■nu.'ii) liaN woi'ki'il over Mie whole after the eoni- 
"II of .1 ami K. See eH|ieeially on tlil-i eh. Kiienen, TliT 
.... :..i'—(lftammrHf Ahhatullunni'n vl. ; Wellh.iunon, Com- 
ixniUonUi 'iVi; C'ornlll, ZATW, im\, I-IO. 

Israel.' The verses express, in the lan<,aiage of 
vigorous denunciation, the popular verdict upon 
the oliending tribes. It must have taken shape 
not long after the deed was done ; and as the inci- 
dent of Gn 34 belongs most probably to the early 
days of the conquest of Canaan, this will agree 
very well with the date generally accepted for the 
Blessing of Jacob, the period of the Judges, Samuel, 
and David. Neither Simeon nor Levi is mentioned 
in the Song of Deborah, Jg 5. 

Levi and the Priesthood. — The next important 
evidence for the early history of Levi is furnished 
by Jg 17 and 18, a most ancient document. Here, 
for the lirst time, the Levite is a priest. The follow- 
ing facts are to be gleaned from these chapters. 
(1) The Levite comes from Judah, the headquarters 
of the tribe, Jg 17^'*. Both in these chs. and in 
19'' ^"^ the Levites are connected with Judah ; two 
of them come from Bethlehem W''^.* We can 
detect traces of this connexion in the names of 
some Levitical families, such as Libni, Hebroni, 

(2) But if the Levites had found a home in 
Judah, their dispersion had already begun ; the 
pressure of circumstances was driving them to seek 
a maintenance where they could find one, Jg \1*- *. 

(3) At this period any one might become a priest. 
Micah could consecrate one of his sons to the priest- 
hood, 17®. But if a Levite could be found, he was 
much preferred, as being specially qualilied for the 
oHice, Jg 171"- 13 18'". The Levite nunistered in 
any private or local sanct\iary where his services 
were paid for, Jg 17-»- '"•»- 18^-*>. His special skill 
lay in consulting and interpreting the sacred oracle 
(18*'-), and in conducting the ritual of the ephod, 
teraphim, and graven or molten image (17* IS"- 

SiU. 30\ 

(4) Two points about the family of the Levite 
(or liCvites) in this story call for special notice. 
In 17'' it is said that ' the young man ' was ' of the 
family of Judah ' ; in IS-*" that tlie Levite Jonathan 
was a grandson of Moses. The former of these 
statements raises a ditliculty : how could a Levite 
be described as belonging to tlie family of Judah ? 
It has been suggested (Wellliausen, "Sloore) that 
' Levite ' here denotes the office, not the race ; the 
point of importance in early times being not the 

tedigree but the art of the priest. If tliis could 
e established, the difficulty is disposed of. But 
it is hard to believe that at this early period, 
which cannot be far removed from the date to 
which Gn 34 and 49^"'' belong, the Levites as a tribe 
had disappeared, and that their name had been 
given to a priestly caste which was open to the 
member of any tribe who might care to enter it 
(see Wellhausen,P/-o%.» 14(5; Hommel, ^i/7'2G8). 
No satisfactory explanation has been given of tiie 
words 'of the family of Judah' as they stand. 
They seem to be omitted by LXX B, and are treated 
by Kuenen and Kautzsch (Hcil. Schr.) as a gloss ; 
but a scribe would hardly invent such a statement 
about a Levite. Budde, liichter 116, suggests 
(after Studer) that the woids have been altered 
out of respect for ]Moses,t and that the original 
reading was 'of the family of Levi,' or 'of the 
family of Moses.' For want of any better explana- 
tion, this cinrection may be provisionally accepted. 
At the close of the story (18^) jit is stated that 

* Two narratives are interwoven in ch. 17. According to one 
there is a young Levite (^i■il^) residing in Micah's neighbourhood, 
wliom Micah treats as a son, consecrates and makes his priest 
(vv.7- lib. 12a). The other narrative tells how a Levite (t^'xri) 
from Bethlehem comes, in the course of his wanderings, to 
Micah's house, and is hired by him as his priest (vv.s-iO"- !-''• 13). 

t Wellhausen, l»r. it. Jud. Gexchichte- 191 n. Korah (Korah) 
Beetns to have been originally a clan of Judah, 1 Ch 2-'3. 

* The same motive, to avoid connecting the priest of Dan 
with Moses, instigated the Jewish correction of Moses into 
Manasseh in lS»o. Perhaps this is the reason why LXX B omits 
the words here. 

Micah's Levite, who had been kidnapped by the 
Danites, became the founder of a line of priests 
who ministered at the cliief sanctuary of Dan 
until the exile of the ten tribes in 722, or of the 
N. tribes in 734 (2 K IS-"-*). Jonatlian's priesthood 
was therefore hereditarj%* and, what is more, his 
descent is traced back through Gershom to Moses. 
It is probable that we have here a clue to the 
obscure problem. How did the Levi of Gn 34 and 
49 become the Levi of the sanctuary ? Most likely 
the answer is, Through the influence and position 
of Moses. Moses was the founder of Israel's 
religion, the chief minister of the sanctuary ; and 
Moses was a Levite. His own clan supported and 
followed him (Ex 32=6--'9 E). The sacred lore of 
the priesthood, the traditions of public worshij), 
the usages of the oracle, were preserved in his 
family and handed down to his descendants. Thus 
we find the Mosaic families of Gershom and of the 
Mushites (probably from Mosheh, Moses) mentioned 
in the genealogies of P, Nu S'^' -i- ^^ 2(j''"- , 1 Ch 6i- 1''- 1^*. 
The priesthood, however, was not confined to the 
family or tribe of Moses ; but the prestige of his 
name, the importance of his position in the history 
of the national religion, induced those priests, who 
did not necessarily belong to his race, to call ti>em- 
selves Levites, and to justify the title by some kind 
of genealogical fiction, or by the common Semitic 
practice of regarding membership of a guild or 
order as equivalent to sonship.f In this way 
there grew up a priestly tribe or Levi which looked 
upon Moses as tlie founder of their order and the 
ancestor of their race.ij: The formation of such a 
trib3 was rendered all the easier because there had 
existed an ancient tribe of Levi, which, although 
it was broken up in the early days of the occupa- 
tion of Canaan, nevertheless produced one famous 
son who became the ancestor of a new Levi with a 
changed character. When the change began it is 
impossible to say ; it must have come about by 
degrees. Those who maintain that the Levite of 
the early period of the Judges (Jg 17. 18) could 
belong to 'the family of Judah' and at the same 
time claim to be a grandson of Mosts (18*"), do not 
appear to allow sufficient time for the official sense 
of Levite and the artificial connexion with Moses 
to have established themselves. 

A different account of what may be called the 
conversion of Levi from the barbarous tribe to the 
priestly caste is given by van Hoonacker in his 
work, La Sacerdore Lii;itique, 1899, 304-311. His 
view may be mentioned as representative of those 
which differ from the account given above. He 
takes Gn 34 as referring to an incident of the 
first immigration of the Hebrew clans into Canaan. 
Gn 49 is also assigned to a pre-Mosai(idate, chiefly 
on the ground tlmt it is unlikely that the tribe to 
which Moses belonged would be spoken of in the 
terms of vv.'"'' so soon after his death, if the Bless- 
ing of Jacob be assigned to the period of the 
Judges. In the early days of the settlement in 
Canaan after the Exodus, the tribe of Levi pos- 
sessed not only the prestige of its connexion with 
Moses, but the prerogatives of the priesthood 
which it owed to him. Not much later, iij the 
period of the Judges, we find Levites popularly 
regarded as priests : the interval is not long 
enough for the change in the character of the 

* Similar establishments of hereditary priests are mentioned 
at Shiloh (Kli) and at Nob (Ahimelech), 1 S ISf- 21. The priest- 
hood of Shiloh was traced back to the famil.v of Moses (1 S ^^, 
though this is a post-Ut. passage) through Phinehas, son of 
Eleazar, son of Aaron (Nu 2oia P, 1 S 23", Jos 24** E). Well- 
hausen regards Eleaiair as = Eliezer, son of Moses (Ex IS'*), and 
so makes the priesthood of Shiloh directly Mosaic, Proleg.'i 144. 

+ In the oldest documents the descent is traced back to Moses 
rather than to Aaron. Moses, not Aaron, is the chief minister 
of the sanctuary in Ex 337-11 E. The designation of Levites as 
' sons of Aaron ' belongs to P. 

X See Benzinger, Ueb. Archdol. 416 ff. 




tribe to have taken place. Accordingly, van 
Hoonacker believes that the 'conversion' of Levi 
occurred during the sojourn of Israel in Egypt, 
and supposes that Levi developed not only a 
capacity for assimilating the culture and civiliza- 
tion of Eg>'pt,* but a special zeal for the national 
religion. In this way tlie Levites naturally rallied 
round Moses in his great religious enterprise, and 
becjiuse of their superior culture became recognized 
as tlie spiritual organ of tlie community. Against 
the view of van Hoonacker it may be said that 
the evidence is no more in favour of the conver- 
sion of Levi having taken placa in Egypt than 
in the period which followed the struggle for 
Canaan ; while the historical and geographical 
conditions implied in the Blessing of Jacob are 
not those of the pre-Mosaic but the i>ost-Mosaic age. 

It does not fall within the scope of this article 
to deal with the later developments and organiza- 
tion of the priestly tribe of Levi, which will be fully 
treated of in art.'l^RlESTS AXD Levites. Besides 
Jg 17 and 18, 19 and 20, the only other places in pre- 
exilic historical books where Levites are mentioned 
are 1 S 6", 2 S 15=", 1 K 8* 12=»i, and all of these ap- 
pear to be secondary or Deuteronomicf One other 
important passage, however, requires mention, to 
complete the early account of Levi, Dt 33*-". The 
Blessing of Moses ' breathes the bright and happy 
spirit of the earlier narratives of the Kings,' and 
may be dated shortly after the separation under 
Jerolxmm I. By this time, then, we find that 
I^evi has become thorouglilj- established as the 
priestly tribe, enjoying the priestly rights of 
administering the divine oracle and instruction 
(torah), and offering incense and sacrifice ; tliough 
it appears that the exclusive priesthood of the 
Levites was not without its optwnents even at 
this period (Dt 33"). The BIe.<sing describes the 
chaiactcr of the i<leal Ixjvite by an allusion to 
past histor}' when the fidelity and disinterestedness 
of the tribe were conspicuously proved. Tliough 
Iasy'i is not mention* d in connexion with tlie 
events of MaMa:i and Meribah (ExlT'"'', Nu 20"*-"'), 
yet it in poiuible that another version of these 
incidents was current in which the trilx! was in 
some war tested by Jehovah.* The other jjast 
event allnded to is that in Kx 32-'' •*, when the 
I.«yites distinguished themselves by remarkable 
disinterestednesM. The reference to this occasion 
is, however, disputed ; for the verlw in Dt 33*''*' 
may be translntcd as presents and not as itasts, 
and the stati-ment may be merely a general one. 
Nevertbelewt, the allusion to Ex 32 may be implied 
»t the •"-•••' •' 

The ! MithoritieH have Iteen cited aliove. 

Besidi- .:iy |»e mentioned <;raf, Crgrhu-hte 

dfM Siiimmrm J^n in Merx, Atihir. I8(J7, i. 08- 
irjO. 2W* 236; K<lu. Meyer, GrMrhirhtr ,hs Alter- 
thunu, 1884. i. 377 ».; Vt. v. Humm.'lau.r, S.J., 
Das vormoMauche I'licnteithum in Isrml, 1S<»«». 

<;. A. CdOKK. 

LIYIATHAM (fpriV liwifrithan).~V\w deH<ripti<m 
of lifviathnn (Job 41) clearly p«)intH to tlip rrnniililr 
(LXX ipdkup). Again, the m<<iition of leviathan 
(LXX ipA»oprt%, I'm 74'*) is in the miilillf of an 
•lltiaion lo thf niirarleit ronnecte<| with the E.\«mIuh 
of till- UxtuAiU"*. I^'viathun here is to Im! under- 
•'■ ' ■''•• erocodilf, Ilii< <-nibli<m of ' I'liaraoli, 
•' l^yypl. •In- gn-al dragon (ffintiim) that 

||. ,M„l.i ,.( I,,.. ..i..,-' i\r,_\i i>tj:.,. .'i'|„. 

V^opl' (IV /.r.)are the 

•"''' ' ■ li riiaraoliM host 

\ Urt«*f, b" 

. iiniiM-r nariH')! niiioiiK 

■ «.»), >l>MHii: nticl tlir 

.1.. ..(,.,. „t Kir» fBMilly. I H t*-' 

wnoiit* (l,XX) U> th« hoiue uf 

became a prey (com p. 'people,' 'folk,' Pr 30'^- -'), 
On the other liand, leviathan of the sea (Ps 104-*, 
LXX dpoLKUf) cannot be the crocodile. It is j)robably 
the whale. AV hales are not rare in the Mediter- 
ranean, which is doubtless the 'sea great and wide' 
(v.''"). Parts of skeletons of two rorquals are pre- 
served in the Museum of the Syrian Protestant 
College at Beirflt. One was thrown on shore near 
Tyre, and the other at Beirftt itself. In Job 3^ 
' leviathan ' of IIV and AVm ( AV ' their mourn- 
ing') is taken by most modern conmientators to 
refer to the dragon, which in popular mythology 
was believed to darken or eclipse the sun and 
moon by ' throwing its folds round them or swallow- 
ing them up. Enchanters were supposed to have 
power to set this dragon in motion' (Davidson, 
Job, p. 20). The same mythological allusion 
underlies Job 26^* (see Dillmann's note) and Is 27^ 
(see Cheyne, ad loc). G, E. Post. 

LEYIRATE LAW.— See Marriage. 

LEVIS (A Aewy, B -ds), 1 Es 9". — Wrongly 
taken as a proper name in this book ; in Ezr 10^^ 
' Shabbethai the Levite' stands in place of 'Levis 
and Sabbateus.' 

LEYITES.— See Levi and Priests and Levites. 

LEVITICUS (called by the Jews, from its open- 
ing word, Nip'i ; other names found in the Mislma 
are c>ni3 mm ('Law of Priests'), '3 isp ('Book of 
Priests'), rij?-;;? nsp ('Book of Offerings'), cf. 
Mcnach. iii. 4 ; Mcgilla, iii. 6 ; Siphra, etc. ; LXX 
A€v(€)iTiKiiv (cf. Philo, KeviTLKT) (iij3\ot) ; Vulg. Leviti- 
cus). — Leviticus is the third part of the sixfold 
work now generally known as the Hexateuch. 
It belongs in its entirety to the Priestly scliool 
of writers (P). For the explanation and proof of 
this statement see art. Hexateuch. 

As the whole book can be ascribed to a single 
'document,' it might seem the literary jirob- 
lem was a simpler one than in the case of Genesis 
and Exodus. In fact, however, the questions that 
demand solution are, though in large measure 
ditlerent from, yet no less com}ilex than, those of 
the earlier books. The geologist who has settled 
to what ' formation ' the rocks of a district behmg, 
has yet to investigate the composition and relative 
order of the ])erhaj»s dislocated and contorted strata 
which are comprised under the same general title. 
In the art. on Exouus (§ IV.) we have already 
seen how dociuments after being separated from 
others may be again resolved into tlistinct com- 
ponents. The extent to which this process is 
carried out below may seem unwarranted, for, 
thougii many of tiu^ ]ioints are fully treated in 
well-known works like Kuencns Hex. and Drivers 
LV7', it has not been usual to juess the analysis 
HO far. It is, however, believed that the main 
lines are firmlv laid on grounds that have ]>roved 
generiillv conviiiciug, even though details may bo 
regardeil as unsc^ttled. 

LllKH.MlV STltlU "itntE.- The 27 chapters fall 
n'adily apart into four divisions which are suc- 
oesHively discussed, i.r. (1) the Law of Sacrilice, 
1-7; (2) the Consecration of the Priesthood, S 10 ; 
(3) the Law of Clean nnd ITnclean. with appendix 
on tlie Day of Atonement. II 1(5; (4) tlie Law «)f 
IIoliiieHN, with apjiendix, 17 27. 
. (.v.//. l''or explanation of abbreviations and 
siyMs see EXoDl'S), 

^ i, 1-7 : The Law of Bacrifioe. 

A, Anitli/tictil Sitmtnan/. 

V< (li'iiciN'N inntcrint conMlHtinir of vrii-xlly Iciicliinif or toiah 
cimIIIIiiI iH-forc l'«, niiil Niilii>i'(|ti('iilly lii(.!or|HiruU'(l. 
!'• iiiarkii WTlioim wrlltcii ullor I'K. 




+ in any column shows supplements of the same school and 

t Many similar titles or introductory' clauses, added by the 
compiler, are left to the student to notice. 




A Manual for Worshifpebs. 


Rp Title.: 


BuRNT-OFKERiNQ of the herd. 


. of tiie flock. 

+ 14-17 

. of fowls. 


Meal-ofkekino of fine flour. 

+ 413 

. baked, etc. 


. of ttrstfruits. 

318 of the herd. 


. of the flock : sheep. 




. eating fator blood forbidden. 


SiN-OFFERiNQ for anointed priest. 


for wliole congregation. 


for a ruler. 


for any person (a goat). 

+ 82-35 

(a lamb). 

516 for any person (lamb or goat). 

+ 7 10 

(fowls for poor). 

+ U-13 

. (meal for poorer). 

+ 14 16 

GuiLT-OFFERiNo for trespass in holv things. 


. for unknown sins. 

+ <fl-1 

. for trespass against a 


A Manual for Priests. 


Rp Title. 





+ 19-23 

of the priest. 


Rp Title. 


Ritual of SiN-OFFERlNO. 


Sup|>lement to above. 




Priest to have skin of the bumt-offering. 

+ 9 

Priest to have meal-offering. 


Sons of Aaron to have all meal-offerings. 

11 21 

Ritual of Peace-offbrino. 

+ 22-27 

+ 2S-34 

Wave breast and heave thigh for pnests. 


Anointing portion of priests. 



B. Critical Notes. 
AVith regard to this division there are two ques- 
tions to answer. (1) Doi-s it form part of the 
•rreat Priestly writing (!*«) which contains E.\ 25- 
2!>? (2) If not, what is its rehition to it? Is it, 
like Ex 85-40, later, or is it in the main earlier? 
Let the facts decide. The process of exhibiting 
them will bring out other points requiring special 
attention in these chapters. 

a. The directions in Ex 29 for Aaron's conse- 
cration ordered burnt-, sin-, and peace-off'erings. 
Now the ritual there prescribed precisely accords 
with the requirements of Lv 1-7, which are there- 
fore already assumed in a passage which precedes. 

b. After Ex 35-40 (or tlie shorter account of the 
erection of the Tabernacle which it has replaced) 
we expect to hear of the fullilment of the other 
command, in Ex 25), to consecrate Aaron. But 
Lv 1-7 comes in before Lv 8, the account of the 
consecration. It appears, that is, as an inter- 

c. At the same time, Lv 1-7 is linked with P« 
by a practical identity of sacrificial terminology. 

d. Certain elements, however, which are often 
mentioned and constantly presupposed in V« and 
P", are either absent from these chapters, or appear 
in clauses which can be readily removed as inter- 
polations, or lind place in passages otlierwise 
marked as exceptional. Such are the presupposi- 
tions that the people are living in a camp, that 
their sanctuary is the Tent of Meeting, and that 
the only priests are Aaron and his sons. 

For instance, the Feiit 0/ Meeting is unmentioned from lio to 
216 ; in 13 its occurrence is plainly an interpolation, for it 
interrupts the connexion (for the acceptance of the victim 

depends, according to 2219-25^ on the absence of blemish). 
Again, in 1-3 the priest occurs 11 times, and Aaron's sotis the 
priestx (or an equivalent phrase) 11 times. The facts, that 
each paragraph reverts to the singular, that sing, verbs follow 
plural subjects l^f- U'- etc., that LXX twice, and Sam. once, 
correct to pi., all go to prove that the priest was the original 
term, and that the peculiar phrase Aaron's sons the priests, 
15.8.11 22 32^ is an adaptation of the simple term the priest by 
prefixing Aaron's sons and altering sing, to pi. Contrast the 
uniform formula of P« Aaron and his sons. 

e. Moreover, the conspectus A, given above, on 
the face of it suggests that 1 -7 is not itself 
homogeneous. It falls apart into two codes, eacli 
of which treats the whole round of oflerings, but 
without reference to the other, and with a different 
aim and plan. Again, the two codes 1-6' and 
g8_'j38 iiave been themselves subject to revision and 
enlargement. The nucleus of 1-6'' is 1-3, a little 
code which perhaps never dealt with sin- and 
guilt-offerings. In any case 5-6' are distinct in 
form, and much more so 4 (P'). 

A few instances of the clues which have been followed may 
be given as illustrations of method. 2'*-i6 is marked as sup- 
plementary, for (1) it repeats i-3, and (2) it uses thou and ye 
instead of he as in the rest of 1-3. — i distinguishes the altar 
of sweet incense from the altar of bumt-offering (see art. 
Exodus, IV.), and elaborates ceremonial ; it is therefore given 
to Ps (perhaps better to P''). In Ex 29 Ps and Lv 8 P» even 
at the consecration of Aaron the blood of the sin-offering was 
not as here (4t>'-, cf. I7f.) brought into the holy place. — 51 6 is 
older than 4, because of the variety of cases in view, and the 
absence of ritual direction. It has features that connect it 
with Pi>.— Si'HS and 6i-7 are not by author of Si-f, for the guilt- 
offering, which in 6 is confused with the sin-offering, is here 
clearly assigned to cases of damage done to the interests of 
Jahweh or a neighbour. — 517-19 interrupts the connexion, and 
completes i-<>, not 1^16. In i-fi atonement is provided for 
unconscious offences after discovery ; but what if calamity 
vaguely convicts of unknown guilt? Here is the remedy. 

The remaining section 6^-7 has also been edited 
afresh with several additions. The original work 
is easily separated by following the clues given by 
the introductory formula This is the law of ... , 
and by the list of subjects given in the colophon 
7^', which concludes this little ' Priests' Manual.' 

Both the order of subjects (see A above), and 
the framework in which they are set, support the 
view that this section is not based on 1-6^ nor 
by the same author as 1-3. 

f. Except in 4, where the indications point to 
a later date than P^, there are no clear signs that 
any of the sections in 1-7, The Law of Saciu- 
FICE, formed part of P* or were subsequent in 
date. On the contrary, when a few isolated 
phrases have been removed, there is an unbroken 
appearance of independence and priority. (In tlie 
Oxf. Analvt. ed. of the Hex. the text is printed 
so as to bring this out clea,rly). And, as this 
conclusion agrees with the preceding indications, 
it is regarded as established that these chapters 
belong to an earlier series of priestly teachings 
(toroth), and may be designated P*. 

§ 2. 8-10 : The Consecration of the Priesthood. 

A. Analytical Summary. 





8 In the 

Consecration of Aaron and his 



> Aaron's sons, etc., anointed. 
The octave of the consecration. 





Death of Nadab and Abihu. 
Prohibition of mourning to Aaron 

and surviving sons. 
Priests on duty not to drink wine. 


Priestl v d u ty as to clean and unclean 



Priests' dues. 

Blame for not eating sin-offering. 

B. Critical Notes. 
As Ex 35-40 is generally supposed to have taken 
the place of an earlier and briefer account of the 




fulfilment of Ex 25-28, so Lv 8 is held to be an 
expansion of an original short naiTative of the 
consecration of the priesthood as ordered in Ex 29. 
In .view of its laborious reproduction of Ex 29, and 
a few modifications introduced, it would be rash to 
assign it to the original draft of P*. 

The Anointing of the tent K"", the altar, etc. ", and Aaron'8 
sous with his and their garments, -W, is irreconcilable with 
the absence of such injunction in Ex 29'-9, and marks these 
verses as glosses, like Ex 2S-»i and part of 2921 (ond of the 
anointing oil). LXX puts Lv S^Ob after u. 

In 9^ the main thread of the Priestly Law and 
History Book P« is resumed from Ex 29, the 
original brief account of the making and erection 
of the .sanctuary and consecration of the priesthood 
liaring probably been displaced by fuller narratives 
in Ex X>-40 and Lv 8, a.s suggested above. Note 
that only one altar is mentioned, and that the 
blood of the sin-ottering is not brought into the 
Holy Place. Tliat 9 is earlier than 4 is seen from 
•, and than 8 from ". 

VJK. ia late P*, for in ^ anointing is extended to Aaron's sons 
(•e« above).— lCK«f- is itself a fragment, and to it i*f- is loosely 
attadied. The latter betravs athnity with Ph, cf. 202Jt>-28. Of. 
abo Dt H*-* 248 33io._ioi2-i5 Except the intnxluclory clause, 
this par. recalls P«. In particular, notice the peculiar expression 
a koif ntoee •* (il a eUan piact i-«), which occurs also in e'"- 26f- 
7*- It IS defined in ^'^ as betide the altar ; whereas the clause 
in the court of the tent of meeting is probably a gloss in (ji6. 2S 
(In 1(M" it is altered into the jUaee of the sanetuaiy). — In 10i'>-20, 
a late supplement, fault is found for contravention of 6^ (see 
tarther Kuen. Uex. { 6 n. 2lX 

3. 11-16: The Law of Clean and Unclean. 
With Appendix on the Day of Atonement. 

A. Analytical Summary. 






Clbax and U.nclban Food : land 



Food that u abomination : water 








. creeping things on 


. tbingii unclean by 
(-1 intact. 


. dead clean beasts. 


Koon THAT IS ABoMl.^'ATlo.^ : creeping 
thin;,'* on earth. 


f...,.luM..M..f (•_'). 


' XI). 


' 1 ) and (2). 


!• ifter CillLUHIRTII. 


COM- lit iMiverty. 


Linuwr : detection nnd diwriininu' 
tion, on the itkln. 


on the hou«l. 


nilo for le|)«ni. 


in a ramient (with colophon) 
LsnuMr cLKAMMKii iiY Uitim. 



Lvproay cleaii*>3(l byrogulofMcriflces 


oaiw of poverty. 


.... cose of a houso. 


Colophon to t»i «. cx|>andL«l. 


•■ONCnox* and means of oleanains. 





DAT or Arrwianirr. 


iolMiui •UNMHRMt by Aaron tor 

110 •• 


ti u m 

■pMlal Monmimt for Aaron. 

Tinr of atmiiinient ma<le annual. 

♦ "K 

T»ii« l»» \m r«p<*at«ti by oaoh hlvh 






Annual day of atonement. 
Statement as to accoiuplishment 
by Aaron. 

B. Critical Notes. 

Like 1-3. 5-6^ 6''-7, the chapters 11-15 betray 
that they are substantially earlier than P«, though 
subsequentlj^ united in their present form with the 
main Priestly code. In the case of 11 on food and 
contact, and 13 f. on leprosy, it is possible to dis- 
cover several layers of legJil material. 

1 1 : On eating andtouching animals. — The reasons 
for the analysis given above lie mainly on the sur- 
face. A section '^'^ on land animals which are 
clean or unclean is followed by '''-^ which are 
in subject a sequel, dealing with water animals, 
birds, and winged creeping things, but which no 
longer discriminate animals as unclean (cf. Dt 
14^"-"), but as an abomination ("fp?', not nayin, as 
Dt 14*). These verses, again, are continued in ■*"• 
on creeping things upon the earth which are an 
abomination ; wliile ^-**^, which uses the same 
word as a verb, forms the obvious conclusion of 
the series. Into this series ^^"■"* has been thrust, 
dealing with the ditterent subject of uncleanness 
through contact. It is doubtful whether this last 
passage is included in the colophon ■"*'• 

Dt 143-20 compared with 11. Though interpreters differ, the 
facts, when taken all together, favour the priority of Dt over 
Lv. (1) The clean animals' names, given Ot 14^f-, are omitted 
in Lv as covered by general law in •>'• ; while names of birds, 
etc., are retained of necessity. (2) The cases of camel, hare, 
and coney are expanded in Lv ll^-B. (3) Lv 11S>12 is an expansion 
of Dt 14'*'- (4) The new term abomination is used in Lv. (5) In 
its present fonn at least Lv 11 in 24-40 covers the question of 
contact, which Dt would hardly have omitted had it been con- 
taiiu'd in the ordinance quoted. ((>) Dt omits mention of creep- 
inn things vpvn the earth, Lv ll-*lf- (7) The exceptions in 
11-if- are wanting in Dt. (8) The prohibition which is absolute 
in Dt 1421a is relaxe<l in Lv 113!> ; cf. IT'S. 

It is hard to s.ay why the abomination series of verses should 
begin where it does, seeing that the tenniiiology in Dt is uniform 
over the whole range of cases. Perh.aps the compiler had before 
him two variants of the ordinance quoted in Dt, and found one 
fuller than the other in dealing with the later cases. The 
signs of reduplication in "12 confirm this conjecture, bj- re- 
vealing the jiresence of a ' join ' of the two legal threads. 

11'J4.40. xiiis, section is distinct from 1-)^ for (1) it deals 
mainly with touching (eating •*'*» only), while 1-23 deals mainly 
with eating (to\iching » and perhaps H) ; ('.i) il enumer- 
ates only the vnclean, and mentions only two classes in- 
8tea<l of five ; (8) it prescnbes means of cleansing ; (4) it is 
doubtful if it is inciludcd in the colojihon. Dut -'•'■■»•> is hardly 
to Ik; reckone<l honio«eneous. »2-38 ig probably secondary on 
its own account, for the transition is very abrupt from cases of 
animals that make ])ersons unclean to cases of things that any 
of those animals may make unt^lean. Hut if •'«!. originally 
iK'longiKi to -4 -II', then 32a.i js (rjcarly an addition, ^'s*'-, how- 
e\ er, looks more like a completion of 2 s^ perlians misplaced by 
intrusion of the abominaliiin passages. 24:)1| on the other 
hand, at no |H>lnt prcsupiwscs 223, but is complete in itself. 

12 : On purijirntion after childbirth. — This short 
chapter, wliose ciiiof interest lies in the fulliliiKMit 
of its conditions iit the presentation of Christ in 
the Icniplc, HCfiiis in -'■ to refer to and depend 
upon l.'>, and ]trcsents tlie same features. 

The only trace of the camp form of legislation characteristic 
of I't In found In'"'. V." In marked as a supiilcment ; for (1) it 
iKitiuw lifter the colophon 7i>, and (2) elsewhere (t>^ 1421, <'f. 114) 
the provision lor cmtesi of poverty is seen to be u later luldllion. 

13 f.: On tcpro,<ti/. — Thii laws in tliis section pr«- 
iiOMt a very complex i>roiilcin to the student. Dt 
24" ;{iv(>H no detiiils Huch ns iirc foinid about (ilcnn 
and iiiK'h'iui in II-'-", imt rt'lVrs for (he proc(Mhire 
ill a ciiMc «if leprosy to \\n\ torali of t lie priests, 
prcMUiiialily oral. The oxtnMiio elaltoratiou of 
treatment detailed in 13 f. niiiy perliii|)H indicate 
that the iiHiigit wiih not coinniitteil to writing till 
a lati< period ; but, apart from introiluiMory plirnsen 
niid an oc(uiMional gloHs, there are no h'\'^]\h of the 




influence of P« in the sections assigned to P'. But 
these relatively older portions are not liomogeneous. 
For wliile 13 is entirely occupied with the detection 
and discrimination of leprosy and the regulation 
of the leper's life, and 14 provides for the cleansing 
of the recovered leper, each is independent of and 
distinct from the other. Each, too, contains earlier 
and later elements, which may be readily separated 
as in the analysis above. 

Tlie colophon i4''''-57 will furnish a good starting-point in 
indicating the nature of the argument. Originally, it probably 
consisted only of "''i' : tliis is the law of leprosy, in accord- 
ance with the usage elsewhere (fifteen times tAw t* the law of. . . 
in P»)> iind came after Vi^, for even in its expanded form there 
is no reference to eleansiiuj, and 13'7-59 has its own colophon. 
Then the reference was made more explicit : thu is the law for 
(unique phrase) all manner of plague of lejrrosi/, and for a seall 
s< (referring to 132 ■■** and 29-44)_ to teach when it is unclean and 
%chen it is clean S7a. The a^ldition of 13'*7-59| though it has its 
own colophon, produced the clause and for the leprosy of a 
garment »*», and similarly there followed (for the Heb. con- 
struction is different) and for an house 65b^ to refer to 14*3-53, 
which was kindred to 13-''' -89 ; while 5<i, which clearly was a gloss 
to make pointed allusion to 132-2i_ providing for a rising and 
for a scab and for a bright spot, has been inserted wrongly, 
instead of before and for a seall. 

In 136 etc. the priust, after examining a man with a favourable 
result, shall pronounce him clean . . . and he shall \rash his 
clothes and be clean. But in 1 1, if the plague be healed, many 
ceremonies must be performed before the priest shall pronounce 
him clean '', and then he has not only to wash his clothes, but 
to shave oj all his hair, arul bathe himself before he shall be 
clean <*\ Yet both the archaic colouring and the alteDiate 
vagueness and precision of the ritual directions in 142-8 proclaim 
that this passage is comparatively early. Was the author of 
13 ignorant of tliis ceremonial, or did he think it superstitions 
or unintelligible? — 14'J-20 seems to be a description of an inde- 
I)endent form of cleansing after the pattern of the latest sacri- 
ficial law (perhaps introduced to supersede the old form, or 
because it was liecoming obsolete), which the compiler has 
combined with 142*« by the link ^^. For originally a second 
shu\ing "a could hardly have been required. Moreover, 
although the present arrangement is meant to suggest that the 
first cleansing only whnitted to the camp, there is no higher 
grade of sanctity conferred in 20^ only he shall be clean as 
before. The clause 3a which leads up to this view contradicts 
SI". — 1421 32 ig a supplement, as it has a separate colophon (cf. 
12**). ^1433-52 is a fresh supplement independent of 13^7 89^ for it 
combines the mode of cleansing in 142-8 and 9-20, and has other 
marks of later origin. 

15 : On secretions. — This chapter by its tedious 
repetitions suggests a later date than most of F*. 
Hut only twice does a clause recall P*, i.e. in ^* 
and -" ttnto the door of the tent of meeting, and 
this is a frequent gloss. The sa<iriHcial ritual 
enjoined does not go bej'ond the prescriptions of 
5, and is omitted in the case of normal secretions. 
The case of 12 is similar. 

In 1531* we catch an echo of Ph ; and 3ib (UVm : when they 
defile my dwelling that is in the midst of them), which most 
naturally refers to the gracious inhabitation of the land by its 
Divine Lord, recalls a time when the visible structure had not 
been elevated to the place it occupies in Ps, monopolizing the 
term dwelling. 

16 (Appendix) : On the Day of Atonement.-— This 

is not the place to discuss the historical origins of 
the great Jewish fast. See art. Atonement ( Day 
OF). It must suflice to support briefly the analysis 
given above, which takes a middle course between 
the conservative view thiit 16 is an early homo- 
geneous whole, and the radical view that no part 
of it is even as early as P«. (1) It is possible to 
disentangle a main thread of ordinance providing 
for the cleansing of the hobj place, and the tent of 
meeting, and the altar, and for a solemn atone- 
ment for the sins of the people. This bears the 
marks of P«. (2) From tiiis there falls apart a 
series of verses (see above) providing for a special 
atonement for Aaron and his sons, which is con- 
nected in 1 with the death of Nadab and Abihu, 
but which does not lit in with the context. (3) 
*^''- orders the ceremonial to be repeated Ijy each 
subsequent high priest. (4) ^'^ and *** make it an 
annual fast day. 

(1) The main thread is given to Pg, because it contains 
nothing inconsistent with the ritual in Ex 29 or Lv 9, and be- 
cause the altar 12. is. 20. 23 jg used as if only one were known, 
while the use of a censer in I2f. seems to exclude the presence 

of an altar of incense. (2) The atonement for Aaron, being 
omitted in the summaries in !■* and 2O; can hardly be original 
and the awkwardness of 3 and 6 justifies their excision as supple- 
ments. The sevenfold sprinkling and the heightening of the 
high priest's dignity are both peculiar to Ps. (3) The absence 
of any Aaron phrases, the substitution of holy sanctuary 33 for 
holy place it>f-20^ and of the pi-iests'^'i for himself and his hou^e 
!'■ I'l", and the generality of the terms, confirm the view that 33f. 
is a later addition. (4) Again, if 2u -ai. a4a w'ere original, mention 
would not be made only of one element, tlie atonement for the 
children of Israel, while the cleansing of the holy place, the 
tent of meeting, and the altar, is passed over. 34» would fit 
better before 3i. 

§ i. 17-27 : The Law of Holiness. 

With Appendix on Vows, etc. 

A. Analytical Summary. 








Rule of Sacrifice. 
A parallel ordinance. 
Prohibition to eat blood, 
or dead carcase. 

181-20 > 

On Sex Relations. 

+21 ^ 

On Molech-worship. 




Various Laws, on justice, 
equity, kindness, pure 
worship, etc. 

On Molech-worship. 

On reverence for parents. 

On Sex Relations. 


On Clea.v and Unclean. 


Agaitist witchcraft. 


On the Pkiesihood : sanc- 
tity of priests. 


. the iiigh priest. 


, . disqualifying 


. . rules of clean 
and unclean. 


their food holy. 



On SAnRiFiCES without 

blemish : burnt-otfering. 

. peace-offerings. 




. when they are 
A SACRED Calendar : in- 
The Sabbath. 
, Passover and un- 
leav. bread. 

039-11. 12 
13. '14 

. The wave sheaf. 


The Feast of 

19a' 19b-20 



. Feast of Weeks. 



. On gleaning. 
Feast of Trum- 
. Day of Atone- 




. Feast of Booths, 
and conclusion. 




Feast of Booths. 
Oil for, and lighting of, 

the lamps. 
Regulations for the Shew- 

Stoning of a blasphemer. 


Stoning for blasphemy; 
lex talionis, etc. etc. 


The Sabbatical Year. 



Tlie year of Uberty in oOth 



258b. 9b. 

J- The year of Jdbile. 

10b. 11a. 

12a. 13 



The sabbatical year (con- 
Land inalienable. 

24-27. 28r 


Provision for Redemption 
OK Land. 

Rule as to hoi'se property. 

Houses of Levites inalien- 



Usury, and hired service. 


Termination of service. 


Bond servants foreigners 

47-49. 53 


Service with strangers. 



with redemption. 















- Redemption of Heb. slave. 
Commands as lo worship. 


toi/opuos to tlie Law of 

On Vows : persons, cattle, 

houses, fields. 
Firstlings and devoted 

things excepted. 
Appendix on tithes. 
Colophon to Leviticus. 

B. Critical Notes. 

For a general account of the Law of Holiness, 
and of the criteria which distinguish it from the 
rwt of P, see art. Hexateuch. Careful lists of 
pecnliar words and phrases are given in Driver, 
ZOT; Holzinger, Eiiil. in d. Hex.-, and Oxf. Anal. 
Hrjc. Here we have to do only with the actual 
use of the criteria in the analysis, and with the 
internal structure of P*" itself. Any general re- 
marks under the latter head will be found under 
§ S. It will be enough to point out in advance 
that traces of more than one series of parallel 
laws will be found in the present code. 

17J-7r . The jtlace of sacrifice. — As it stands, this 
paasage requires that no animal shall be slaugh- 
tered except as a sacrifice, and at the door of the 
tent of meeting. In anj- case this contlicts with Dt 
1*2, which allows slaughtering at home. But the 
elaoseg referring to the camp and the (door of the) 
tent of meeting can be excised without loss, as in 
many other cases where they ill suit the contejct. 
When they are removed, the injiinctiun remains 
tliat all slaughtering is to take place at the altar 
of J', which is only rea.Honable, on the one hand, 
U many altars are allowable, as is recognized in 
E'b Covenant Itook, Gn 2(F*, and in the pre- 
Deateronomic narratives ; or, on the other hand, 
if a small company of exiles are gathered round 
the restored temple in Jerusalem after the Exile. 
The latter alternative is upheld by Baentsch, 
Addis, etc. The former is maintained by Kittel, 
Itaudistin, W. U. Smith, and Driver. — 17*'- is to 
the some effect, only including strangers. — In 
I'lv-M ^|,g ^ork of the later e<litor may be sus- 
|N!Ctefl. but cannot be jiointcd out with i)recision. 

|H*"'» : (Pn *r.x rtlntiimx. — This section has a 
parallel in 20*'-", but it is not agreed how the two 
are oooneetMl. The latter ]>aK.sage is composed of 
varion* nlements, not all on the same subji>(-t. Its 
onlinanci'ti are in the form of Cases, or Judgments, 
thr. m>iH Hull , . . , or if a mnn . , . , whereas in 
18 we liavi! the older tyjKs of Words, Thou shall 
wd. . . . Only in 20 are penalties stated. Proli- 
ably w« have in IH, nearly intttct, the series which, 
in an all<*r«td form, with Judgiinnts insti-ud of 
WortU, and with {STnaltii^s aila«-hed, underlies 
W*^, where it i« comliined with other (|uote(l 


H' " 'K'/iM. The contents of this chai>tor 

arB fled from various sourci>M, many of 

'* . , ii« u shown by th<^ numerouM parallels 

inoul nncienl nsli-s (for ri'fs. see O.rf, 

ri— .11.. .1. .... i..,Mi III), divcrsiiy 

I (ihI, mid till! 

' of r» or li». An 

uutltMt* i»i \,U*) 14 MKiiwii* will show tliis. 

•>4 iMa * mmwmnt t immU ot • 

•n. «Iri«> himmf ami rmtrrvti" 
•■Mani, en Mwlinw. i*i Imm A 

I. .'. In 

'" l"« '•. r...l (|iilUi 

wonts, |>rp<!«<lMt Uy m cwn- 

mandment, on justice. — i^f. has 5 words on kindness, clinched 
bj' the grand positive woi-d, Thou shall love thy neighbour 
as thyself. — ^^ has a general commandment, and 3 words on 
mixtures, the last altered. — 20 is a Judgment on seduction, 
with a supplement by P" 2lf.._23-':5 jg an ordinance on young 
fruit trees, like the law on the Sabbath year in 252i>-7 etc.. — 26ai 
has 10 commandments against superstition and irreverence, 
the last 2 in 31 being altered, and with supplements using 2iid 
person sing, in 27b. 29_ — 32 has 3 words on reverence. — 33f. con- 
tains laws of 3 types on strangers.— ^^■'■^'^ contains 2 command- 
ments on weights and measures, and a general conclusion. 

The next chapter, 20, is remarkable for the fact 
that 4 of its 5 sections have a parallel in P"" else- 
where. Thus i-« II 18-1, i"-^-»^ II IS"--"*- =^2-30^ -■"*''--" 
II ll-»-»^ 27 II 1931. YoT 1"--^ see on 18«-i9. 

21-22 : On the priesthood and sacrifices. — These 
chapters, while presenting many of the features of 
P'', have undergone more revision, it would ap- 
pear, than 18-20, perhaps because their subject 
was one wliich occupied more of the attention of 
later legislators. Ditierences of form, changes 
from 3rd to 2nd pers., and the introduction of 
fresh superscriptions IV- i" 22i- "• '■^, all point to 
diversity of source. 

218, with its thou shall, referring to Israel, may be a fragment 
from an earlier source. — 22i'-2d appears to be made up of two 
ordinances, isb-so ond 21-25^ with many parallels in detail. Both 
this section and 222rff- have been ascribed to P', not P^, but 
without sufflcient reason. The marks of Pi" are not absent, 
and there is enough difference in the ordinances from those 
on the same subjects elsewhere (TH-l**) to suggest that an 
earlier stage is reflected here. 

23 : A sacred calendar. — In this chapter there 
is prescribed a series of ' holy convoca,tions,' in 
language largely made up of phrases character- 
istic of P*' and P*, with exact dates by numbered 
days and months. This is ascribed to P». But 
with it is combined another series of holy days, 
which does not mention ' holy convocations ' or 
use the peculiar phrases of P* and P* (except in 
isolated sentences distinguishable as interpolated), 
but bears indications of P'' and is marked by a 
picturesque style. Each of these series has been 
interpolated or revised. 

232b-3 on the Sabbath can hardly be original, for * is clearly 
the commencement, and * also hardly includes the Sabbath 
under its terms. — i*-!-* has been expanded. Tlie original 
elements from Pl" are clearly seen in lOb-ii. Ua. Here a feast of 
firstfruits is described which is not referred to elsewhere. 
The inorrow a/ter the Salibath, H- I5f.^ requires explanation 
by some context now missing. But probably it is rightly con- 
nected with Unleavened liread. — i^-i relates to Pentecost, or 
Feast of Weeks. 21 only is preserved from Pn, but in l^f- par- 
ticulars have l)een incorrectly added from Nu 2S2729. ph had 
ye shall present with the bread tiro he-lambs of the first year for 
a sacrifice of ]>eace-offerings. -22 jg repeated from li)»''-. — 2;i-2a 
institutes the Feast of New Year's Day, with trumpet blasts. — 
26-32 ix marke<l P", because on Iti we found that the l)ay of 
Atonement os a yearly fast was not original in Pk. 2i) [g a 
briefer title than If- 23f-'33f.._33-3U contains Pk's ordinance as to 
the Feast of Booths complete, and ^rf. 44 his conclusion of the 
calendar. But in !"*-'2 the eclitor has introduced from P'> a 
graphic uc<-i>unt of the manner in which it is to be kept. The 
stress in this is on the mixle of keeping the feast, as above in 
"•20, ami the date is left indednite, when ye hace ijathered in 
the. fruits of the land, l'i*» being a harnioni/.ing addition by the 
e<litor, in Hcoonlani'e with later jiru'-tii'i". Kiniiliirly i".'o^ which 
UHes the phmseology of PK, and mentioiiK an Hth dav, is foreign 
to the context, which like Dt l(Jii*i» only knows 7 days for the 

24 : On nil fur the lamps '"*, shemfiread '"", and 
hlasphemg "'''^. ^'* is parallel willi Kx 27-'"- ami 
Nu 8'"*, and it is not easy to determine the onicr 
of priority. On the whole, the present passage 
HinuiiH iiuwt original. Both it and ''''•' an* regarded 
OS fragmt>ntH of I'", ])ut lu're ]tos-ilily to replace 
similar ordinuMctfH of I"', even as in 'J.'J alike pro- 
ccHM liaH u'diii' on. Ill each (rasi* (lie iiliraHcoiogy is 
ptircly thai, of I'". '""••' Ih a curious jiaragrapli, in 
which iL central core ""'-22^ contamin;' various 
ordin/iticcH on bhiMpln'iny ""•, murder '^•2U)_ assatilt 
""•, killing a beast '"• 2'", jn found HurrouiKleil l»y a 
narrative envelopis which reMcmliles ollifis fotiiid 
in I'', wliih^ tin; phniHi'ology supports this ascrip- 
tion. The laws are given to P'', as they contain 




several words and phrases characteristic of that 
code, and follow the same models. Contrast 
also "» and ^'^^. 

25 : On the Sabbatical and Jubile years.— ^^'"^ 
with ^'^'-^ institutes the Sabbiitical year as a 
general fallow-year for the whole land. The i>ar- 
ticulars harmonize with the feast regulations of 
P'', and the phraseology is also that of P''. Its 
ascription to tliat code is tlierefore generally 
allowed. But it is dill'erent with regard to the 
rest of the chapter, where undoubted marks of 
Pk or P' are found side by side witli words and 
phrases (Baentsch notes 14 such) characteristic of 
P''. These phenomena point to the intermixture 
of elements, but liow to cllect a separation is 
matter of conjecture. The yl na/z/sw above adopts 
the view that the term jubile and the claiises or 
passages in which it occurs are P'. This is 
thought probable, because — (1) Lv 26, which lays 
stress on the Sabbath years, does not allude to the 
jubile ; (2) most of these clauses and verses bear 
other marks of late origin ; and (3) general con- 
siderations (see art. Saubatical and Jubile 
Yeaks) support the same conclusion. The lin- 
guistic evidence, however, leads to the inference 
that the main ideas of the institution of the 50th 
j'ear as a year of release were expressed in legal 
form by the school of P*" and have survived in a 
modified shape in this chapter. 

8-1" is full of rfdiindancies, and when the clauses given to P" 
are removed, the remainder is almost complete as an intellig'ible 
whole. 8b mentioning the day of atonement aa an annual fast 
nmst be late, and it is conjectured from Ezk 40^ that the 10th 
day of the 7th month was the old New Year's Day. Thus in 
the original source the incongruity of the trumpet blasts on 
the solemn fast day is not found, but has been inserted as an 
inteqiretation of *•». i* shows in Ileb. a confusion of sing, and 
plur. persons, and its last clause seems to be altered to lead up 
to 15^ itself modified by 1*>, while something which introduced 
!■* is now missing. That "is breaks the connexion between 
" and 19 is another proof that it has been the subject of editorial 
handling. — '-^ is given to P« for linguistic reasons, cf. •*", and 
from analogy with ^i, a jubile piece. It contains, moreover, 
the final stage of principle, explicitly stated instead of merely 
implied.- — '-^ states the rule of whiclT 23 jg a particular case. 
Like ■•**, however, it may be P», as the plural is less common 
in Pi". — In 20-31 the jubile references are so embedded in the 
material that no analysis is feasible, though an earlier basis is 
possible. Contrast ami if a man 28- 29 with 25. 35. — 28 »l providing 
for city property has the air of later legal refinement. — 32-S4 ig 
the latest addition of all, with its provision for Levites who 
have not yet l)een mentioned themselves, much less their 
cities ; cf. Nu Sdi-". — For further ]Kirticulars about this difficult 
chapter, see the art. referred to above. 

26 : Concluding exhortation. — ^'^ contains brief 
laws forbidding false worship and conjmunding 
the true. — In *"" is founil a long discourse, similar 
to those found at the end of other codes. Ex 23^"^- 
E, and Dt 24 D. Already hortatory fragments 
have appeared in lb^-'>- -^■»' ID**'- 2(J'-^' 22^'-='. In 
all a common phraseology is used, identical ex- 
pressions frequently occur, the same stress is laid 
upon the stipreme deity of J", the need for holi- 
ness, and the danger of contamination by the 
Canaanites. There can be no doubt that the last 
and longest marks the completion of the code 
known as the Law of Holiness. (See, further, 
below under § 5). 

27 : On votes and tithes. — ^"^ deals with the 
subject of vows, and employs the fully developed 
terminology of V« and P». tt is assigned above to 
the latter, because in '""^^ tlie year of jubile is so 
prominent an element. — '^'-'^ contains certain sup- 
plemental provisions. — **'^ is an appendix on 
tithes which must be pronounced of very late 
composition. Even in Nu 18-'"^- tithes seem to 
be, in accordance with the prescriptions of D, 
restricted to vegetable i>roduce. 

§ 5. AUTHOR.SHIP and Date. — As we have seen, 
the Book of Leviticus turns out to be made up of 
many pieces, so distinct from one another in style 
and contents and tone that they can only be 
assigned with probability to many writers, none 

of whom can be identified with Moses. Though, 
however, we cannot arrive at names of authors, 
we may aiiproximately reckon up the number of 
distinct writers whose hands betray themselves in 
the striking example of well designed literary 
product, which we call the Book of Leviticus. 

a. We begin with that portion of the book 
which all will admit is the oldest, i.e. the Law 
of Holiness in 17-26. 

(1) The structure oi this section is analogous to 
that of two other important Hebrew codes, viz. 
E's combined Words of the Covenant and Judg- 
ments in Ex 20-''--23, and the Deuteronomic Code 
in Dt 12-28. In all three cases we have a collec- 
tion of somewhat miscellaneous enactments, intro- 
duced by a law as to sacrifice and the place of 
worship, and closed by a prophetic discourse. In 
Lv 26"" there is in addition a colo])hon explicitly 
marking the termination of a body of Sinaitic 

(2) The style and language prevailing in these 
chapters distinguish them from the rest of P. 
Tlie peculiarities are best seen in 18 20 and in 26. 
But, after gaining an impression of them there, 
it is impossible to examine closely 17 or 21-22 or 
23-25 without recognizing the presence of the same 
characteristics. It is true that passages are en- 
countered without these signs, antt others in which 
the phenomena are mixed. But these are suffi- 
ciently explained by supposing that the compiler 
who incorporated P'' in P revised and supple- 
mented his original, as was universally the custom 
Avitli ancient editors. It agrees with this that 
the portions which have thus received alteration 
are those which deal with ritual and the priest- 
hood. Considering the shortness of the whole, it 
is wonderful how many words and phrases are 
peculiar to it among the Pentateuchal documents. 
(See the lists already referred to, p. 106*, % i B 
line 3). In the legislation the style is far more 
concise and direct, and far less technical, than in 
the rest of P, while the rhetorical mould in w hich 
the discourse in 26 is cast has left its impress 
upon a number of shorter hortatory passages 
recurring amidst the legislation in a manner 
equally foreign to P as a whole. But the most 
marked effect of style is produced by the reitera- 
tion of phrases expressing the leading ideas of the 

(3) These leading ideas are few but great, and 
they dominate every chapter. i. There is a 
unique sense of the majesty and presence of 
God, expressed by the constant recurrence of the 
' Divine I ' in the phrases / am J", etc. If the 
more difl'usely rhetorical style of Dt is like the 
varied harmonies of organ music, in the Law of 
Holiness we rather hear the solemn strokes of a 
great church bell, proclaiming the dwelling of the 
Most Higli God amongst men, and calling them 
to worship and obey. ii. This eliect is enhanced 
by the isolation of one attribute, the holiness of 
God, which carries with it as a corollary the 
holiness of His j)eople. iii. The negative to these 
positives is supplied by the awful peril of profana- 
tion from the peoples of the land, with their 
heathen orgies and abominable customs. — No 
other section of the Pent, shows the explicit com- 
bination of the same elements. 

(4) The nature of the contents makes for the 
same conclusion. The entire legislative material 
of the Pent, may be grouped under the following 
heads : — 1. The Family, 2. Persons and Animals, 
3. Property, 4. Judgment and liule, 5. Idolatry 
and Superstition, 6. Clean and Unclean, 7. Sacrifice, 
8-11. Sacred Dues, Seasons, Places, and Persons. 
The last six classes thus relate to ceremonial and 
ritual, the first five to religion and morals gener- 
ally in social life. Now, while E and D are rela- 




lively most copious on these five heads, P*" is 
practically the only part of the large mass of P 
which deals with these matters at all, except the 
law of jiibile (certain temporary regulations in Nu 
are not reckoned). 60 per cent, of the ordinances 
of P*" belong to these five classes and have no 
parallel in the rest of P, but, with one doubtful 
exception, may all be matched from E or D. Only 
40 per cent, come under heads where parallels with 
the rest of 1* are numerous. 

(5) The resemblances >\'ith EzeJdel have long 
attracted attention. They are indeed so striking 
as to have led many critics to argue that the 
prophet was the author of the code. The similar 
relation between Dt and Jeremiah was indeed often 
interpreted in the same way. Hut if in each case 
it has been found imi)0.ssible to sustain the hypo- 
thesis of identity of authorship, in each case also 
it has been demonstrated that a close connexion 
subsisted between tlie two. And if it cannot be a 
mere coincidence that Jeremiah is the first writer 
to betray indebtedness to Dt, so it is natural to 
conclude that, if P** had been long in existence 
as a literarj- whole, it would not have been left to 
Ezekiel to show traces of its peculiar phrases and 
ideas. Some of the most striking of these parallels 
may now be enumerated for the examination of 
the student. 

Parallels between Lv 17-26 and Ezekiel* 


The Lam. 

2. The Hortatory Pagtagei. 








208 7. 19 cf. 20 



2S'J8 3922. 28 



(not in Is or 


1410 4410. 11 







2018-21, cf. 58 


187. It W 


1112.20 18fl.l7 



20II- 13 3(52/ 



lSM-30 2022f. 

207. 18 




8»17, cf. 18 




86, cf. B- 13. IT 94 



1813. M 







S0«, of. 11« 




801 > 

84a-M 1417 




88»- 10 16W 




87»- 27 437.9 



87» sex iiao 


87«, cf. 14" 






30U, cf. 19M 




(6) From the above (taken in connexion with 
the previous critical notes) certain inferences may 
be drawn: i. TIhto in a Bubatantinl unity in Lv 
17-26, but it is the unitv of a scliool and not of an 
iodividuaJ. ii. It in diHicult to say wlietlier the 
eonpiler of the code and autlior of tlio closing 
dieeoone wns before or after Ilzk, but on the 
whole It Is more probnlilc that he wjw later, to- 

the letpslation ((H^caninual l'Iohmcm excepted) ui'vd 
be Ut4>r than Kzk. iv, Tlui i.rophet ai.n..alH to 
MM resU uiMin the coUcctionMof lawM whiili under- 
Me the preiwnt text, v. In their form (cf. their 
fTMraent groapinu in 10'h and ft'«) and in tlieir 
yhetapee (rf. the An^Io . Snxon I'mitintinls, 
mUMd aliMi U,T a mdn ««..) th'-Mi lawM nmy well 
be vrrv nit... m <,..i ;,...,. v \^ indi-.-d V-tter 
' ir origin. An 

^' • . howi'ver, ih 

ttel III.) rtjUiMul J * iiii-^ii.K i.-Kiwlation. The 
mipethy of J with Ihu pri.f.lhoo<l in reiMjateclIy 

h hn« Imon mid nlmvo und«>r % i ti and 
I '• ■ ify »h« ind'Tonce that there wan u ivecond 

/V^ li»»i«iv»« ar* all uiiiin it^mx Iho*lirorolnff O*/ 

^^-.'.f^'^'L'.llfLrl." !• »".'•""' '" '"" '■ "'« »ntro<lut 
n tol^ wtUi Um whuto qiMwUoii 

school of priestlj' canonists (P*), who set thera- 
selves to reduce to writing tlie current religious 
praxis of the Jerusalem Temple, all of wliich was 
apparently accepted as Mosaic. It may be con- 
sidered doubtful whether their work had been 
carried very far, even if it Avas begun, before the 
destruction of the Temple rendered it necessjiry, 
if tlie whole tradition was not to be lost. 1-3 
and 6*-7 probably represent two collectors, and 
11-15 one or more. 

c. It may very well have been one of this school 
who developed its presuppositions yet further, and 
carried them out more vigorously, embodying them 
in the great book of History and Law called I's, of 
which but little is included in Lv. In it all takes 
place in and for the camp, and centres round the 
Tabernacle and its single altar, Aaron the one 
anointed priest forming with his sons the exclu- 
sive priesthood, and the sons of Levi the minister- 
ing tribe. The most natural date is after the 
Kestoration, as no trace of this system is found 
till the arrival of Ezra. 

d. Last came a long line of scribes (P*), com- 
bining, revising, expanding, and sujiplenienting, 
until the Pentateuch reached its present form. 

§ 6. Hi.sTORicAL Significancf: of Leviticus. 

a. As thus resolved into its component parts, 
arranged in chronological order, though not all 
furnished with definite dates, the book beconie.j 
a great witness to the Christian doctrine of evolu- 
tion. As, under the inspiration and prompting of 
the Spirit of God, the laws for conduct and worsliip 
were shaped and modilied, their form largely de- 

f)endent on historical circumstances, so we who 
lave had committed to us the revelation of absolute 
truth in Christ may expect to have amongst us a 
presence of the Spirit adequate to enable us to 
apply that truth for each age till the end comes. 

b. Lv is the literary monument of the Hebrew 

Eriesthood. Overshadowed in the earlier history 
y kings and prophets, represented in the pages 
oi written ^iropliecy by the degenerate members of 
the order, it is in Lv and Ezk that we see how 
the priests trained Israel to associate a high 
stanclard of morality with a stately form of 
worship, which, though freely using material 
means, was, in its essence, and still more as com- 
pared with contemporary forms of religion, severely 
spiritual and rich in .symbolical signilicance. 

c. The earlier collections in the one case (P**) 
carry us back to the earlier years of the monarchy, 
and in the other (I") preserve probalily with accu- 
racy the procedure at the Temple during the period 
after Josiah's reformation, and no doubt partially 
rellect the praxis of previous centuries, for tlie 
continuity of custom and persisttuicj' of ritual 
where no historical revolution luis taken place must 
be remeniberetl. 

d. Ah a wiiolc, Lv is the mirror of the S('c<uid 
Temple aiul its system. Wliciwtver it or its several 
parts were written, it is on all hands admitted that 
ilH provisiouH wore never fully executed till the 
time of Ezra. 

8 7. Uki.kmou.s ok Lf.viticitr. 

a. We Htill need, side by sicle with the propln-tic. 
the priestly view of ri-liglon. (See ij 6 b). V"or all 
.1" was iMrael's (Jud, but for the one His Kigliteous- 
nesH, and for the otliiT Mis Holiness was the 
dominant attriliutc (Tlie c.-irliiM- proiilicl i(; l(;rm 
'Holy One of Israel' hardly belongs to the sariio 
circle of iih^as as Lv.) 

b. Amid till! labyrinth of connect(>d iiut fre- 
quently contlicting ordimiiiceH the wiitcOiwonls of 
tli«i iif c'linlile us to tlirend tlu! maze 
Hrciiiely. Tlierii are dillereiKcs in Mie way iiy 
which it iH Hotight to reali/o llni idinl : the iileil 
iH liut one, the Holy (imi .iniiil II lliilv l'<'(i|>l.' in u 
Holy l4Liid. 




c. The Law of Sacrifice, reminds us of our human 
need for something visible and outward in our 
worship, wliiie its particulars happily illustrate, 
even if they do not teach, the various parts of 
(christian devotion. Sacrifices are elements in the 
visible fabric of relij^ion by which tlie spiritual 
service of the Holy iJod was ^iven a protective 
shell for its growtli : eternal moments in the life 
energy of the worshipping spirit, visualized in 
temporary form : signposts pointing to the Perfect 
Sacrifice : earnests of that Sacrament which re- 
places sacrifice proper by commemoration and com- 

d. The Law of the Consecration of the Priesthood, 
with the multitude of ordinances on the duties and 
lioliness of the priests, must ever remain solemn 
reading for all those who believe themselves to 
have been made priests unto their God, and especi- 
ally for them on whom the great High Priest has 
laid the awful burden of ministering as His com- 
missioned representatives. 

e. Lastly, the Laia of Clean and Unclean enforces 
one great lesson alike of the Incarnation itself and 
of the life of the Incarnate, that the body matters 
intensely. Health lielps not happiness only, but 
holiness. Cleanliness and godliness have their 
real and close relations. The study of hj'giene, 
the promotion of public health by helping to make 
or enforce good sanitary laws and bye-laws, the 
provision of baths and wash-houses or of a water 
sup|ily, simple li\ing, good housewifery, the stamp- 
ing out of infectious diseases, the treatment of the 
poor and sick, — if Lv only furnished texts for the 
commendation of these things, could we say that 
its religious value was insignificant ? 

• Literature. — (See art. Hexatevcii). Kalisch's Comm. is the 
best in Eiijr. ; of. also i)river and White in Polychrome Bible 
(brief comiiients) ; Kello<»-j,' in Kxpos. Bible (for application) ; 
lli'xupla in Lenticitm, 1031 (older views fully given); see also 
arts. P1UEST8 AND Levites, Sacrikice, Tvpe, Uncleanness. 

G. Hakforu-Battersbv. 
LEWD, LEWDNESS.— The Anglo-Saxon la^wed 
(or geliwed) was the past ptcp. of laiwan, to 
enfeeble ; in middle Eng. it appeared as lewed, 
which was afterwards contr.acted to lewd. Thus 
the earliest meaning is ' enfeebled,' ' useless,' as in 
riers Ploivnian, ii. 186 — 

'Chastite with-oute charite worth chev-nid in helle ; 
Hit is as lewede as a lauipe that no lyght j's ynne.' 

Next we find the meaning of ' ignorant,' which was 
the usual sense of the word down to Shakespeare. 
Thus Chaucer, (?) Eomaunt, Frag. C. 1. 6217 — 

' Lered or lewd, lord or lady ' ; 
Spenser, Shepheards Calendar, ii. 10 — 

' Lewdly coniplainest thou, laesie ladde. 
Of winters wracke for making thee sadde ' ; 

and Ascham, Scholemaster, p. 45 : ' This lewde and 
learned, by common experience, know to be most 
trewe.' Froin this arose a special use of the word 
to designate the laity, who are the lewd inasmuch 
as they are the unlearned, and so are distinguished 
from the ' clergy ' or ' clerks,' the learned. * Wyclif 
(i:i82) translates IS 21* 'And answerynge the 
preest to David seitli to hym, I haue not leeuyd 
loouys at hoond (1388, ' Y haue not lewid, that is 
comyn, looues at liooiul '), but oonli hooli breed.' 
Again, in the Wyclitlite tr. of 1388, Ac 4'3 is 
rendered, 'And tiiei siyen the stidfastnesse of 
Petre and of Jooii, for it Avas foundun that thei 
weren men unlettrid, and lewid men, and thei 
wondriden, and knowen hem that thei weren with 
Jhesu'; Avhich in 1380 had been ' founden that 
thei weren men with oute lettris, and idiotis ' (Gr. 

• Trench and Skeat hold that the sense of ' lay ' came first, 
and that 'ignorant' developed out of it, the laity being seen to 
be ' the ignorant party.' But the other order seems proved by 
the examples we have gathered. 

iSiQrrai — private persons, ' laymen ' ; Vulg. idiotae ; 
Tind. ' la3e people ' ; Cran. ' laye men ' ; Khem. 'of 
the vulgar sort '). The two meanings of ' ignorant ' 
and ' lay ' are closely combined in Ascham, Worlcs, 
(ed. 1815), p. 203, 'Hereby is plainly seen, how 
learning is robbed of the best wits ; first, by the 
great beating, and after, the ill choosing of sciiolars 
to go to the universities : whereof cometh partly 
that lewd and spiteful proverb, sounding to the 
just hurt of learning, and shame of learned men, 
that the greatest clerks be not the wisest men ' ; 
and in Sir John Davies, The Soul, st. 13 — 

'Thus these great clerks their little wisedome shew. 

While with their doctrines they at hazard play ; 
Tossing their light opinions to and fro, 
To mocke the lewde, as learnd in this as they.' 

From this developed next the sense of * wicked ' by 
an easily understood transition. Sir John Davies, 
Discoverie of the State of Ireland (ed. 1613), p. 181, 
says the followers of the Irish chieftains ' were 
borne out and countenanced in all their leM'de 
and wicked actions'; North (Plutarch, 'Cicero,' 
p. 802) has 'This Verres had been Praetor of 
Cicilia, and had committed many lewd jiarts 
there ' ; and this is the meaning in Milton, PL iv. 

' So clomb this first grand thief into God's fold : 
So since into his Cliurch lewd hirelings climb.' 

And then, finally, came the meaning of 'lustful,' 
the special wickedness to which the ignorant were 
prone, and the only meaning that has remained 
to the word. This is as old as Chaucer ; cf. also 
Spenser, FQ ll. i. 10 — 

' O would it so had chaunst, 
That you, most noble Sir, had present beene 
When that lewd ribauld, with vile lust advaunst, 
Laid first his filthy hands on virgin cleene ' ; 

Milton, PL i. 490— 

' Belial came last, than whom a Spirit more lewd 
Fell not from Heaven, or more gross to love 
Vice for itself ' ; 

and Camus, 465 — 

' But, when lust, 
By unchaste looks, loose gestures, and foul talk, 
But most by lewd and lavish act of sin. 
Lets in defilement to the inward ^>arts, 
The soul grows clotted by contagion.' 

In AV lewd, lewdly, and leiodness are found in 
both the meanings last noted, and there is no sharp 
distinction between them. The special sense of 
' lustful,' while usual in OT, does not occur in 
Apocr. or NT. 

The Heb. words are (1) n^t zimmah, which is tr** 
'lewdness' in Jg 20* (Moore, 'abomination,' which 
is the Geneva word), Jer 13-^, Hos 6" (Cheyne, 
' outrages '), and often in Ezk (\Q*^- «« 22" 23^J- =*'• -•»• ^• 
48 Ms. 49 24'* : see Davidson on 16**). This word has 
a range of meaning from the colourless ' plan ' or 
' pur|iose' (only Job 17") to the special sin of un- 
chastity. Besides the above, it is rendered in AV 
' purpose ' (Job 17"), ' thought ' (Pr 24«, so RV, 
but OHL 'evil device'), 'wicked device' (Is 32"), 
'wickedness' (Lv IS''' 19-'«20'*"«, KVm 'enormity'), 
' mischief (Ps 26'» \W^, Pr 10^*, RV in last two 
'wickedness'), 'heinous crime' (Job 31"); in Ezk 
16-"^ the Heb. ' way of lewdness ' is tr"* ' lewd way,' 
so ' women of lewdness ' in 23** ' lewd women ' ; in 
Pr 21-^ Heb. ' in lewdness ' is ' with a wicked mind,' 
RVm ' to atone for wickedness ' ; and in Ezk 22" 
it is 'lewdly.' (2) The derivative n-rip is once 
(Jer IP^) rendered 'lewdness' ; and (3) mV?^ nabh- 
luth, in its only occurrence (Hos 2'") is so translated, 
AVm 'folly or villany,' RVm 'shame.' 

In Apocr. the adj. occurs in Ad. Est 16* ' lifted up 
with the glorious words of lewd persons that were 
never good ' (rots t^v direipayaOQv kj/xttois irapeKdovrt^, 
RV 'lifted up with the boastful words of them 
that were never good ') ; 16* ' lewd disposition ' 




{KaKOTiffria) ; Sir 30" 'lewd behaviour' (aa-xvi^o- 
<rinnj, RV ' shameless beliaviour ') ; and Sir IG '"''"""« 
• It is better to have none, than many lewd 
children ' ; the adv. in Wis 15* ' employing his 
labours lewdly ' (KaKjtxoxOo^, RV ' labouring to an 
evil end'); and the subst. in To 4'^ 'in lewdness 
is decay and great Avant ' (iv rri dxp" Jr-ijrt, RV ' in 
naughtiness'). In NT the adj. occurs but once, 
Ac 17* ' certain lewd fellows of the baser sort ' (tCiv 
afopaiii/y rtros AfSpas iroi^poi's, RV ' certain vile 
fellows of the rabble'); and the subst. once, Ac 
18" ' If it were a matter of A\Tong: or wicked lewd- 
ness' {paiioi-pyTina Tovripbr, RV * wicke<l villany'). 

J. Hastings. 
LIBJUVUS (At'SttKos, Libnnns).—T\\e (Greek) form 
of the I Heb.) name Lebaxox (wh. see), 1 Es 4^ 5***, 
2 Es Ij-*", Jth r, Sir 24" 50'=* [all]. 

LIBERTINES. — In Ac 6* we read that 'there 
arose certain of them that were of the synagogue 
called (the synagogue) of the Libertines, and of the 
Crrenians, and of the Alexandrians, and of them 
of Cilicia and Asia, disputing with Stephen.' In 
close relation to the question who the Libertines 
were, stands the (question as to the number of 
sjmagognes here indicated. It ha.s been held that 
only one sj'nagogue is implied (Calvin, Wieseler ; 
of. Hort, JudaUtic Christianitij, 50) ; that tliere 
were two .synagogues — the one consisting of Liber- 
tines and Cyrenians and Alexandrians, the other 
of Cilicians and Asiatics (Winer, Holtzmann, 
Wendt) ; that eacli of the five parties had a separate 
Kj-nagogue (Schiirer, Hausrath). The last view is 
supported bj- the fact that in Jems, the synagogues 
— though they did not numljer 480, as afhrmed in 
rabbinical traditions — were verj* numerous, and by 
the consideration tliat even if the inhabitants of all 
the places mentioned could have lx;en accommodated 
in one synagogue — a supposition which tlie large- 
nei« of the Jewish |)0|)ulation in Cyrene and 
Alexandria renders verj' improbable— there was no 
c«iminon l)ond to bring together men from towns or 
dij»trictH HO widely !«!parated. 

If this view 1 e sound, it helps to determine the 

qoeHtion wliether by tlie L. we are to understand 

tne inhabitants of some town or the designation 

of a flaws. The association of the Libertines with 

' lians, etc., would naturally suggest tlie 

• -4 of some town in Proconsular Africa, 

••--il emendations of the text (.Vt^wrtWi' 

■') or \iiivwy twv /cord Ki'pTj»'7;j') based 

loa have l)een made (see lUass, Philo- 

iVii.). It is argued by (Jerdes (' de 

tinonim,' Exnrcit. Acad. 1T.S8, who 

at I: Mie furnishcH a eonjplete statement 

and ■ of other views) that if Luke had 

meant /,i'/ ritnx in the Honuin sense, he would 

Itave tiaed a (ir.. not a Lat. word ; that Snidas men- 

tiona a toM-n named LUtrrtum ; and that among 

thoMs prcM'ntnt the Council of Carthage in 4! 1 was 

Victor KplMCopUH Errlmiir i'lithulinr. I.ihriliurnsis, 

Wtween whom and the rival Donatint bishop a 

sliarp rMTiminntinn took place (MauMJ. iv. 1(1, 1C2). 

V. ' •' • r.f Siiidas is probably derived 

ti Ar ; and, moreover, it is 

I" ••itit tlu' Ji'wiMli c(»ntingont 

• could have miiiiitaini-d 

I JiTUHalem. Moreover, 

' of T7/f XtyofiinTH wNtniH 

1 .1 th«« pfi*tMibiHtv of our 

like lliu others 

• itire« thai tho 
' or the adlier- 

' I I lid the HiiggcH- 

(loit <>( Ltwbliool (//</#. //'/>. >/ /></;/!. ) thai tJicy 
Hi?r« Pal, Jrwii who liiul ln-en enxlnved and hiiI'i. j 
Mqa'mlljr M«i frae, wooondtMle that the LilmrtinpM i 

were freedmen in thz Hom^n sense of the term. 
They were mainly descendants of tliose Jews who 
had leen taken as prisoners to Rome by Pompey 
in B.C. 63, and there sold as slaves. We learn from 
Philo (Leg. ad Gaium, c. 23, ii. 568 (Mang.)) that 
the majority of the Roman Jews belonged to the 
class of freedmen (cf. Tacitus, Ann. ii. 85; Suet. 
Tib. c. 36). Their enslaved condition lasted but a 
short time, and they soon became an important 
factor in tlie community. Whether they were 
manumitted by their masters because their value 
as slaves was greatly lessened by their tenacious 
adherence to their national customs (Hausrath), 6r 
because their fidelity as slaves suggested to their 
masters that as freemen they would be of still 
greater service (Berliner), or whether they were 
ransomed by their own countrymen (Gratz), we do 
not know ; but the language of Pliilo seems to 
indicate that the first-mentioned cause was the 
most influential. The fear of the Jews expressed 
by Cicero (pro Flacco, c. 28) is no doubt rhetorical ; 
but rhetorically it would have been pointless if the 
Jews had been a feeble folk (cf. Hor. Sat. i. 4. 143). 
By such of them as returned to settle in Jerus. or 
were temporarily resident there, a synagogue Avas 
built. According to Hausrath the building of a 
separate synagogue was a necessity, as from a 
theocratic point of view they were subject to 
certain disabilities. Among the inscriptions quoted 
by Schiirer (Die Gemeindiverfassung der Juden in 
Rom, p. 15) is one referring to a synagogue t2v 
Avyv(TTr](Tiwv ; and if, as is probable, this refers to 
freedmen or slaves in the house of Augustus, it 
seems to show that at Rome was reproduced the 
type of distinctions that existed in Jerusalem. 
Like the other Hel. Jews, the Libertines were 
keenlj' opposed to the new faith, and the very 
inferiority of their social svnd theocratic standing 
nmy have caused them to emphasize the distinctive- 
ness of their religious position (cf. Gerdes, op. cit.; 
Schiirer, o/>. cit., H.TF II. ii. 56 f., 276; Hausrath 
in Schenkel, Bibel- Lexicon ; Meyer on Ac 6" ; Ex- 
positor, July, 1895, p. 35). JoiIN Patiuck, 

LIBERTY.— The only passage in which this 
word needs verbal attention is 1 Mac 10^^ ' And 
whosoever they be that flee unto the temple at 
Jerusalem, or be within the lilierties thereof, being 
indebted unto the king, or for any other matter, 
let them be at lilierty, and all that they have in 
my realm.' The ' liberties ' of the temple are its 
precincts, the parts within which its inmates have 
liberty of action. The Gr. is fipm, bonlers, bounds. 
Scrivener gives this as one of tlio colloquialisms 
peculiar to the Ajwcr., which the AV translators 
acc(!pted with slovenliness from the Bishops' l>ilile. 
It is also the tr. of Coverdalo and the Geneva 
Bible. Wyclif's word is ' coasts '^boniidaries, and 
so Douay, after Vulg. y/nt's. J. llASilNGS. 

LIBERTY.— This idea forms one of the char- 
acteristic (liH'erences b(^t\ve(>n OT and NT con- 
cepticms of religi<m. In OT the idea is almost 
entirely absent. 'The fear of th<^ Lord' is the 
distinctive name for religion (Ps 34" etc.), 'ser- 
vant' is the dlHtinctive title of the good (Ps 10", 
lie 3* etc.). G<m1 is thought of ciiiclly as the 
HUpreme, universal soven-ign and ruler. Is 33-"-'. 
OlK'dience is the central virtue of religious char- 
acter, to which all lileMsings are promised, 1 S 15^-'. 
To illustrate this position fully, it would 1)0 n(>ces- 
Wiry to i|Uote a large part of the OT. We do not 
mean tliat tliere are no inilicntioTis of more in- 
tiuuite lehitiiinH liel ween God aiid man. Tlie freer, 
L'entler MJde of religion is uiKloubtediy known. 
riie law <»f lov<! for God iind mnn is promulgiitcd. 
.Many of the pMalniiHtH and proplii*tH riH(> to lofty 
liuijffitM of divine joy and fellowship. But the 




ground-tone of OT piety is reverential fear. This 
Older of development in revelation was fitting and 
indeed inevitable. The OT age was the age of 
cliildhood in revealed religion, and children are 
trained for independence by a course of obedience 
and subjection to authority (Gal 4"-). ' The law 
hatli been our tutor to bring us unto Christ ' 
((jal 3^^). The patriarchal age certainly seems 
to breathe a freer spirit than the age of the law 
proper. Still, even tlien religious thought and 
feeling can only liave been elementary ; and this 
is the impression made by the narrative. Of later 
days St. Paul uses strong, even harsh, language, 
'weak and beggarly rudimenLs' (Gal 4"). Tlie 
prevailing spirit was a 'spirit of bondage toi fear' 
(Ko8'*). At the same time the emphasis laid on 
God's work of redemption must have given rise 
to thoughts of spiritual freedom (Ex 1.3^*, Dt 7**, 
1 Ch 17-' etc.), and in Is 6V this trutii finds glori- 
ous expression. It is perhaps worth while to 
notice that, while in the political system of Israel 
there is no trace of the idea of liberty in the 
modern .sense, tliat system is distinguished from 
tlie despotisms of the day by many humane regu- 
lations unknown elsewliere, such as those with 
regard to slavery (Ex 2P) and land (Lv 25"*- '^). 

Cliristianity brought, first of all, freedom from 
the ceremonial restrictions and conditions of t)T 
religion. The Mosaic law is described as ' a yoke 
which neither we nor our fathers were able to 
bear' (Ac 15^). To all attempts to continue or 
reimpose the yoke on Christian believers. Si. Paul 
offered unflinching and successful resistance (Gal 
3J4 5iff)j and so Mon the victory of Christian free- 
dom for all time. The teaching of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews throughout supports St. Paul (9^ lO'). 
The NT condemns beforeliand all attempts to 
reduce Christianity to a mere system of ritual. 
The Lord Jesus, St. Paul, and St. John are at 
one in their insistence on spiritual religion. 

But the chief NT doctrine on this subject is 
that of inward freedom as the privilege of all 
believers. Sin brings into bondage (Jn 8^, Ro 
(J16I.) . |j,j^ from this bondage believers are saved 
both negatively and positively. This is the pro- 
found meaning of redemption in the NT sense — 
deliverance from that sense of guilt and fear and 
condemnation which ojijjresses and fetters the soul 
(Ro 8-, Tit 2'* etc.). 'Ye were servants of sin, 
ve became servants of righteousness' (Ro 6"'). 
knowledge of the truth is the means (Jn 8^^), 
Christ Himself the source (Jn 8**, 2 Co y~), of this 
highest freedom. The ' spirit of bondage ' gives 
place to the 'spirit of adoption' (Ro 8'*, Gal 4"). 
oin, death, the world, are conquered enemies (I Co 

lo^'fT-, Ro 83^-38, 1 Jn 5''). The exultant sense of 
power, of present and future triumph, enjoyed 
by the believer, is vividly expressed in passages 
like Ro 5'--^" (ji-'. 22 gss^ Spiritual freedom culmin- 
ates in the relation of children in which believers 
stand to God. In our Lord's teaching, in St. 
Paul's and St. John's, this is always represented 
as the distinctive privilege of the saved, so pro- 
found and far-reaching is the NT revelation of 
the divine Fatherhood in the fullest sense : ' your 
Father in heaven' (Mt 5« V\ Jn ^--i^ Ro 8i«, 
1 Jn 3'^-). St. Paul expressly contrasts the state 
of the servant and the son : ' Thou art no more 
a servant, but a son ' (Gal 4''). God is thought 
of as Father, no longer as Ruler merely. The 
most signal exercise of the liberty of chiidren of 
God is the boldness with which believers draw 
near to God (He 41" W^). Christians are invested 
with the full privileges of the priesthood (1 P 2**). 
Liberty is not to pass into licence (Gal 0'*, I P 2^'^). 
St. James speaks of a ' law of liberty ' (1*^ 2'^). 

On the thorny questions which liave arisen in 
connexion with liberty and necessity, Scripture 
says nothing, but implies much. By always ap- 
pealing to man as responsible, by callinj^ upon 
him to repent and believe, by holding him ac- 
countable for the results of his action, it assumes 
that he is free, and in the most definite way refutes 
the doctrine of moral fatalism. Man may become 
the slave of sin, sinking into spiritual paralysis ; 
but it is his own act, and recovery is ahv.ays pos- 
sible in this life. Only so far as his action is 
voluntary, and his slavery self - induced, is he 
guilty. Pharaoh who hanlened his heart repeat- 
edly, Ahab who ' did evil above all that were 
before him,' Jeroboam ' who made Israel to sin,' 
are terrible examples of the hardening effects of 
sin ; but their ruin Avas their own work ; they 
'sold themselves to work evil' (1 K 21-''). Other- 
wise, they could not have been punished by God 
as they were. Whatever speculative difficulties 
may be raised on the ground of the divine omni- 
.science, or the law of heredity, or the ])rinciple 
of cause and eflect, they vanish before man's in- 
vincible consciousness of moral responsibility and 
the Scripture declarations of God's righteousness 
and man's freedom (Gn IS-^^, Ezk 33i"-, Jn 3'" 5«). 

J. S. BANK.S. 

LIBNAH {n:2)).—i. The third of the 12 stations 
following Hazeroth, mentioned only in Nu 33'-"- -' 
(see Exodus, IV.), unless it is the same place that 
is called in Dt 1' Laban. Its position is not known. 

2. A city taken by Joshua (Jos lO-'- ^), and, from 
the context, situate between Makkedah and 
Lachish. The name occurs in the list of con- 





Nu 3320 



as A. 
as A. 


Jos 1029 







2K 8» 


24 18 

Is 378 














ol y' Aapavd 

1 Ch 6^^ [Heb.'»2] 
2K8-'-i = 2Ch21i» 







quered kings (12^*) between Arad and Adullam, 
in a jn"oap of 9 cities of the Shepliclah (15*^') and in 
the lists of priestlv cities (21'=*, 1 Ch 6^- [v.»" LXX 
and Eng.]). The MT in Ch describes it as a city 
of refuge, but the text requires emendation, and 
the renderings of AV and RV give the probable 
sense. The city revolted at the same time as 
Edom from under the hand of Judah in the time of 
Joram [Jehoram] (2 K 8-, 2 Ch 21"'). It appears 
to have been a stronghold, for the king of Assyria 
attacked it in the time of Hezekiah (2 K 19^, Is ST*). 
In the last days of the kingdom of Judah it was 
inhabited by Jewish families, for Josiah took to 
wife a daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah (2 K 23=" 
24'*) This is the last biblical notice of the place, and 
no reference to it occurs in later times. It was prob- 
ably in the neighbourhood of Beit Jibrin, and a site 
4 miles to N.W. has been proposed, and (PEFSt, 
Jan. 1897) another, 10 miles S.E. of Tell el-Hesy. 

The LXX renderings are veiy varied, Xe^va. or 
AoiSfd occurring most frequently ; for /3 is substi- 
tuted fi in some places, and XeSfxva occurs in A. 
The first vowel is often varied, but generally no 
vowel is found between /3 and p, and in this respect 
the renderings are distinguished from those of 
Libnah (I), which introduce w between /3 and v ; 
At^wd, with n for /3 in B. The first syllable of 
the rendering ^futd in 2 K 8^ may l»e a duplication 
of the last syllable of the preceding word. On 
the previous page in a list of the LXX variations. 

A. T. Chapman. 

LIBNI C^S, Ao;9er(e)0.— The eldest son of Gershon, 
that is to say, the eponym of a principal family 
of Gershonite Levites, Ex 6'', Nu 3'», 1 Ch 6'^- ■*' 
[Heb. * »1. In 1 Ch 6" [Heb. "], perhaps owing to 
some di.sIocation of the text, tlie name appears as 
that of the eiwnym of a family of Merarites. The 
r>atronyniic Libnites ('^?S?) occurs in Nu 3-' 26**. 

LIBRARY.— See Writino. 


LICE (D^s, D'j? kinntm, Di? kinnam, <TKvl<f>et, 
KwlTti, tciniphes, ctni/c*).- The usual meaning of 
9KPl^ = KPl\f/ is plant-louse. It is also u.sed for 
various species of gnats. Some have supposed it 
to dcHignate a species of worm. Whether it (-an 
be underMtood of tlie louse also is not clear. The 
tr. in the text of EV (Ex H'« RVm 'sandJlies' 
or 'Mens,' "• ", Ps 105=") 'lice' is based upon 
the authority of the Talmud ; on the fact that 
the insects alluded to sprang from the dmt, not 
from the water; that the lice were in, not on men 
and beairt^ i.e. in their hiir ; that the Targum, 
SjrrUc, and Arabic VSS tr. the word by one which 
•ppe»r» to mean lice rather than (jmttH. Scholars 
are Ntill divided on the Kubjiu-t (see Mkiiicink, 
p, 330), bat the weight of eviilencc- w-^^ms to be in 
lavonr of tire as the thinl of the plagues of Egypt. 
Lice Kwarm on the (Mirwrns of uiK-h-unly [M'oiile in 
the Kast. The iM'tt^tr classi-s of the ancient. Kgyp- 
tiana, however, were HentpulotiHly clean ; and Hcro- 
dolU"! sayit that the priests Hhave<l all the hair 
iuini their hemU and iNMliim every third day, lest 
lh«v lilioiild hfirhour any of those unclean ii'isectM, 
ana M»delile the leniples. Such a [M'st, tlierefore, 
Wtmld \m fM'eulinrlv al»liorrent to them. See, on 
the whole subject, I)illiii. on Ex 8". 

O, K. Post. 

LICINCE i ' ,„• |„ ,ii| ii,, ,MTnr. 

rencen in A N in iinJitrciently 

•lirwflce* (I M . . , „ .;,. . , ,\c 21*" 'jri'"), <»r 
'Hrenw' Mth II**, Mir I.V). ami the verb doennot 
orr^ir fJV retnini ' lin ri. ■• • f .i„Ili„;; m> ulwayn), 
•*" ' ; '^ have licence 

tt^ Tiji «toi*iai aiTOf, i;> -u ii nn-iii Im! alluwuci 

him through the king's authority ') ; Ac 21*" AV 
'And when he had given him licence" (iinTpixpavTOi 
5i airroD. liV ' And when he had given him leave ') ; 
and 25"' AV ' liave licence to answer ' (Toirof diro- 
Xo^iaj, RV ' have had opportunity to make his 
defence'). AV had already changed 'licence' of 
earlier versions into ' leave,' as Jn 19=*^ Tind. ' And 
Pylate gave him licence.' The verb was once 
common in the same sense, as Ac 22 '"^"■'""« Rhem. 
'Being licensed by the Tribune to speake to the 
people ' ; Elyot, Governour, ii. 294, ' he licenced 
Plato to departe Avitliout damage.' Milton uses 
both subst. and vb. in their modern meaning in 
Areopngitica (Clar. Press ed. p. 6), 'But lest I 
should be condemn'd of introducing licence, while 
I oppose Licencing.' J. Hastings. 

LIDEBIR (nsi'?).— Proposed in RVm of Jos IS^* 
as alternative rendering to of Debir (text). See 
Debir No. 2 and Lodebar. 

LIE, LYING, and the many other words of the 
group, describe various forms of tlie sin against 
truth, and serve to illustrate an important element 
of the biblical morality. 

The principal Heb. and Greek terms are the following : — 
1. npv* ' lie • {Qal and Pi.). Ij^^?* ' falsehood ' (Jer IQi^), 'a lie ' 
(Ps 11969), frequently preceded by "iD'n, also used adverbially 
= ' falsely '(2 8 181=*). 

2. 313 (root meaning quite uncertain) 'to speak falselj',' esp. 
in Pi. (with S or ? pointing to the person addressed) ; yiph. 
' to be found or show oneself a liar' (Pr 306), Iliph. 'make or 
make out a liar' (Job 242j). 3i3 'a lie'; '3 C'^n 'a liar' 
(Pr 1022) ; cf. 3i;n Jer 15I8 (of failing, deceptive brook, cf. vb. in 
Is .^7"), Mic 1». ' 

3. vn^ ' to be lean,' ' become emaciated ' (Ps 10924) ; pf. 
with 7 or 3 ' to lie to one ' (1 K 13I8, Jer 512) ; 2fiph. ' to feign 
obedience ' (Dt 33^9). Vnj ' leanness ' (Job 16S), usually ' a lie,' ' a 
calumny ' (Hos 10"). trna ' deceitful ' (Is 30»). The root mean- 
ing is uncertain, possibly that of /ailing. 

4. IJ, only in plur. D"n3 (root TI3, t.e. K12 'to invent') 
'empty or boastful talk' (Job 11='), thence applied to utterers 
of such, as liars, diviners (Is 442-\ Jer 50*i). 

8. Kif' 'emptiness,' 'vanity' (Ps COH), thence applied to 
things of no substance or injurious, as the falsehood, the idol, 
the wicked or criminal act (Pr '^^^, I's 24'» 2(H, Job ll") ; cf. 
H\<y ny 'a hollow, insincere witness' (Dt &20) with ni^^J ly, 'a 
faJse witness ' (Ex 20i<'). 

e. In NT the 8ubjet:t is handled by the use of the group of 
words connected with ^iCfin, here used only in the middle 
voice. •^i^iirVtu is used abs. (Mt 511, 2 Co ll^i etc.) ; with ace. 
of person lied to (Ac 5''); with dat. (Ac 5-») ; t'li t/>« (Uol-3»); 
jMtri rti( i>.r,Oi!ttf (Ja S'*). The list includes ^tCtrn): 'a de- 
ceiver ' (Jn a** etc.), ' a false teacher ' (1 Jn 2'-^) ; •i^iuif,! ' false,' 
'wicketl' (Ac C'^, Kev 21**); ••i'l'vief 'lying,' 'a lie,' csp. of false 
religion (Jn H**, Ko 128) ; ^-iCa-.tta ' a falsehood ' (llo 3") ; irJ-tuSv,; 
of (Joel 'that cannot he'(Titl-); •4.ii/2>oXc>of ' teaching falsely' 
(1 'Ii 42);ii„(| various compounds descriptive of enemies of the 
faith, as ^ti^iaitXfn (Cal 'i*), •i^tuiciTig-TtXK (2 Co ll^-i), 4'iuSa- 
rpofirrn (Mt 7'* etc.), ^tuhtiiiarxa^ot (2 P 2'), ■vJ'li/Sc'»(W»-T»f 
(.Mt 24.M, Mk 13'^). 

1. The biblical writers describe various types of 
lying. In its most general aspects— the saying 
what we know to be with intent to deceive 
— it is clear that it was rejirobated by the coninion 
conwienct" of Israel (cf. Pr lil-- Wf), and it is ex- 
j)reHsIy con(h>inned in the ancrient Law of Holiness 
(Lv 19""'-). llsiiully, however, in tlie legislation, 
including the Decalogue, sjuMial c<»giii/.aiice is 
liiken of lying of the (^riiMiiial kind consisting 
either in the perjured testitnoiiy wliicli jnocures 
an unjust sentence (Dt- Ml'''-', cf. Kx 20'"), or in 
the false statement which is the iiislriiment of 
fraudulent dealing (Lv II'"'-). In the pn>])lietical 
writings lying is conceive<i, not inerely as a i)rin- 
eipal kind, but almosl as the soul, of wiirkediiess, 
and so soinelimeH appciiiH as tlie symbol of all 
moral evil (llos 12', <•!". Is 11"). At a lal(n' period 
'lie' is a favourite 'lescription of tlie message of 
the faUe proplittts (Jer '27'"), and of the utteninces 
of mMJthwiyers (Im 44'''''), and the same iil(\a is oftcaj 
vxpruHse<l in the designation of iilols and idolatry 




In NT, in wliich the duty of truthfulness is 
strongly insisted on in contrast to Oriental deceit- 
fulness, it is suggested that there are three lies 
par excellence — heathen religion (Ro 1'"'), the claim 
of the false apostle (Rev 2-), and the denial 'that 
Jesus is the Christ' (1 Jn 2-''). 

2. The heinousness of lying appears in various 

{)articulars — that it is utterly inconsistent with the 
loliness which is of the essence of the divine 
nature, and gives a law to the people (Lv 19^^), and 
more particularly with the commandments of a 
God who Himself is absolutely true (Ps 89^') ; and 
also that it has anti-social eflects of a ruinous and 
far-reaching kind (Prophets, passim ; cf. Pr 26'^'*). 
In NT its sinfulness is further emphasized by 
tracing it to the example and inspiration of Satan 
(Jn 8*^, Ac 5"), or to the old man which is put oil" 
in conversion (Col 3"). 

3. The penalties of lying are set forth in an 
ascending scale. Various saws in Pr point to the 
heritage of contempt which is the portion of the 
habitual liar. The judicial punishment of the 
false witness is the recoil upon himself of the evil 
'he had thought to do unto his brother' (Dt 19"*). 
In the history of Gehazi (2 K 5), and of Ananias 
and Sapphira (Ac 5), the aggravated lie is punished 
by a sjjecial judgment of ajipalling severity. In 
Ps 24'* lying is numbered with the sins which dis- 
qualifj' from the worship of, and so exclude from 
communion with, God. And as a consistent de- 
velopment of this stern judgment we lind it in 
the NT as one of the list of sins by which the 
essence of character is tested, and which, become 
habitual, entail the forfeiture of eternal salvation 
(Rev 2P'' 22'»). 

Two problems arising out of the subject may be 
briefly referred to. The first is connected with 
the jiassages which seem to represent God as using 
deceitful meaijs — esp. 1 K 22'-", where He is said to 
have lured Ahab to destruction by ' putting a lying 
spirit in the mouth of the prophets,' and in a lesser 
degree 1 S 16^, where He instructs Samuel to con- 
ceal his real purpose from Saul by ottering a 
sacrifice. As regards the first of these cases it 
may, however, be fairly held, as is indeed required 
by the general tenor of OT religion, that the sense 
is satisfied by regarding God, not as the author of 
sin, but as overruling wickedness to the working 
out of His righteous purposes. ' All that is meant 
is that, in carrying out God's decree of condemna- 
tion, he (the lying spirit) liecomes a means of 
leading the king on to his doom through the fawn- 
ing guile of these false proi)hets' (W. S. Bruce, 
\thics of OT, n. 2G9). It should be added that the 
difficulty of this class of passages is less keenly 
felt when the mechanical theory of inspiration is 

A second problem concerns the attitude of the 
Bible in its moral teaching towards the casuistical 
controversy over the lie of exigency. In other 
words : when we have said of a statement that it is 
wittingly false, or intended to deceive, is it thereby 
condemned as having the character of guilt? or 
does it lose this character if it can be shown that 
the false statement was required in self-defence, or 
by the law of love ? Of such lies we have examples 
in the lives of Abraham (Gn 20'-) and of David 
(IS 2P^), although obviously it does not follow, 
any more than in the case of the graver failings of 
OT saints, that they are recorded for example and 
guidance. On the whole, the rigorous doctrine must 

* Under the same category reference may be made to ttie 
passage ( Jn T^- lO- !■<) where our Lord said, ' i ^,0 not up to this 
feast' ; then ' went he also up, not openly.' But, with the 
reading of BL {oix . . . s^rrau), or even without it, if the sentence 
is continued (i iui: xxipe; e'i^u ^iT>.i.piirix.i), the dilHculty almost 
disappears. What is quite certain is that the author of the 
Fourth Gospel cannot have thought that any unveracity was 
implied. See Meyer, in loc, 
VOL. III. — 8 

be judged more in harmony with the spirit of the 
biblical morality, the common scriptural ground 
being that it is ours to obey the commands of the 
moral law, and that God may be trusted for the 
consequences. For a full discussion of the lie of 
exigency in tlie light of Christian principles, see 
Martensen's Christian Ethics (Eng. tr. ■*), vol. ii. 
p. 216 ft"., also Newman Smyth's Christian Ethics, 
p. 392 ft". W. P. Patersox. 

LIE. — The verb to lie was formerly used in the 
sense of pass the night, lodge, sleep. We find an 
example of this in Is 14^* ' All the kings of the 
nations, even all of them, lie in glory, every one 
in his own house' ('3;^; RV 'sleep,' as Gen. 
Bible): cf. Jos 2' AVm 'and lay there,' for text 
' and lodged there ' (n7V'"'3|E' i). So North, Plutarch, 
'Demetrius,' p. 895, 'For they ordained that the 
place behind tlie Temple of Minerva called Par- 
thenon (as who would say, the temple of the 
Virgin) should be prepared for his house to lye in'; 
and Bunyan, PP (Clar. Press ed. p. '240), 'Then 
they called for the Master of the House, and he 
came to them. So they asked if they might lie 
there that night?' On which Venables remarks, 
' To lie continued in familiar use till the end of the 
last century for to stop the night at a place. This 
is the hinge of Walton's witty translation of Sir 
Henry Wotton's definition of an ambassador— " an 
honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his 
country." ' 

The following phrases should be noticed : 1. Lie 
along. See Along. 2. Lie on or Lie upon. This 
phrase occurs in the figurative sense of 'oppress,' 
' annoy," as Dt 29-" ' all the curses that are written 
in this book shall lie upon him ' (ia n^fn-i ; Driver 
remarks that f3"3 is ' to lie down as an animal ' 
[Gn 49"], and thinks the metaphor forced, preferring 
the Sept. Ko\\-qdrt(TovTai, 'shall cleave to him'); 
Jg 14" ' and it came to pass on the seventh day 
that he told her, because she lay sore upon him ' 
(iHiip'irr, RV ' she pressed him sore,' Moore ' siie 
besieged him ' ; the same verb is tr"* in IG^** ' she 
pressed him,' AV and RV) ; Ps 88^ ' Thy wrath 
lieth hard upon me' (^PvP '^V. Driver ' presseth 
upon me'); Sir G-^ 'She will lie upon him as a 
mighty stone of trial' (iaxvpos iarai iir' avtip, RV 
' shall she rest upon him ') ; Ac 27-" ' no suudl 
tempest lay on us' (x«A'wj'os . . . iiriKeifJL^i'ov) : RV 
accepts this very literal and old-fashioned tr. here, 
as well as in 1 Co 9'® ' lie upon ' for the same verb, 
but elsewhere eirlKei/xai is tr'* 'press upon' (Lk 5*), 
' be instant' (23-^), ' impose on ' (He 9'") ; but where 
the meaning is literal, ' lie upon' (Jn IF^ AV, but 
RV ' lie against,' with m. 'ujiou') or 'lie on' (21") 
is of course used. Tindale {Expos, p. 100) says, 
' Covetousness made the Pharisees to lie on Christ, 
to persecute Him, and falsely to accuse Him ' ; and 
again (p. 119), ' Thou wouldest not that men should 
do thee wrong and oppress thee ; thou wouldest 
not that men should do thee shame and rebuke, 
lie on thee, kill thee,' where the editor of the 
Parker Soc. ed. explains ' on is used for of or 
against,' apparently taking 'lie' to mean 'tell 
lies.' In Jg 19-" the phrase has a somewhat mihler 
but very similar meaning, ' let all thy wants lie 
upon me' (the Heb. is simply 'be all thy wants 
upon me'). In Nu 21" the meaning is 'touch.' 
' And at the stream of the brooks that goeth down 
to the dwelling of Ar, and lieth upon the border 
of Moab' (iJ,?Y^l, RV as AVm ' leaneth upon'). 
3. Lie out = jlroject, Neh 3-'- -"• ^^ of the tower 
which projected from the king's palace (RV 
'standeth out'). The phrase appears not to be 
English, but a literal rendering by Coverdale (wlio 
in v.-"^ has ' lieth outwarde ') of the Heb. n^'n, LXX 
6 ifJx^"^ ^ii^o- qum prominebat. 

The old past ptcp. lien occurs in Gn 20^", Ps 68**, 




Jer 3*, aiid KV retains (except in Ps 68", where a 
dili'erent tr. dispenses with it), but Amer. KV 
changes to 'lain.' Cf. Job 3** Gov. 'Then shuKle 
I now have lyen stUl, I shulde liave slepte, and 
bene at rest ' ; Fuller, Holij Warre, p. 137, ' And 
it was good plowing up of that ground which had 
loDg lien fallow.' J. Hastings. 

LIEUTENANT, RV Satrap, Ezr 8--6, Est 312 8» 
9»: also Dn 3-^ -"^ Q^«-, where AV ' Prince.'— The 
Heb. c'^fT; rrs ('dhashdarpcnim) represents the Pers. 
kkshatrapufan (=protectors of the realm), a title 
found on Persian inscriptions, e.g. that of Behistun 
(cf. Lagarde, Gcs. Ahh. 68, 14; Spiegel, Altpers. 
Keilinsch. 215). In Gr. the word became i^aTp6.Tn]% 
or ffarpdrris ; in the LXX we find a considerable 
variety of rendering, SiMKr/rai Ezr, olkov6/xoi 1 Es 8*", 
irrpaTTfyol, Apxarrft rCJv ffarpawCjv Est, aarpdirai Dn, 
Ihrarot Dn (Theod. ) ; in Vulg. satrapes, principes. 
The satrap was the governor of a Mhole province 
(cf. Dn 6' [but see Bevan, adloc], Herod, iii. 89), 
and he held the position of a vassal king. His 
power, however, was checked by the presence of a 
royal scribe, whose dutj' it was to report to the 'great 
king ' on the administration of the province. Also, 
the troopswere for the most partunderthe command 
of an indei)endent general. Under the satraps 
were the *i>ehahs,' or governors of smaller districts. 
In Ezr 8" the term satrap seems to be used some- 
what loosel}', or the historian has unduly extended 
the scope of Ezra's commission ; the only satrap 
whom it would really concern was the ruler of the 
district west of the Euphrates, 'the governor 
beyond the river' (Ezr 5'). H. A. White. 


i. The Terms. 
IL Examination of the Biblical Teaching:. 

A. Old Test, teaching : (1) the earlv narrativea of Gn ; 

(2) the Pentateuch ; (») the Proiihets ; (4) the 
Poetic-al lx)ok8 ; (.5) the Wisdom literature. 

B. A|)ocm>hal and Apocalyptic teaching. 

C. New Test, teaching: (1) the .Synoptics; (2) the 

Johnnnine writinRs, (n) the Gosjk-I, (h) the First 
Ei.istle, ( •) the AjKHalviwe ; (3) the Pauline Epistles ; 
(4) the rest of the New Testament. 
UL Conclusions to be drawn from the Scriptural use of the 

(a) I>octrinal. 

(b) Ethical. 

L The Terms.— (1) In the OT the regular word 
for 'to live' is .rn from the older root ."nn (so 
Ph«iTi.; Aram, rn) with the same signification, and 
■ttnilar fonus occur in Arab., Syr., and allied 
tongues. It occurs in the sense of 'having life,' 
e.if. Ex 33* • man shall not see me and live ' ; Gn 5=» 
etc. ' Adam livnd an liundrcd and thirty years ' ; of 
•continuing in life' when death threatens, e.g. 
(in 'Mj^ ' he shall pray for thee, and thou sluilt 
t!vc ; or specially of the W)ul as source of life, as in 
Gn 12" 'that my soul may live liecause of thee.' 
It in alM> nncd with projm. = 'to live upon or bi/,' 
•a On 27* 'ly thy sword shalt thou lire,' DtH' 
•man doth not lite by bnf/ul only, iiut by every- 
thiiitfthftt^.ro«;wiU!thoutof the mouth of the Lord 
' *'"• life of nuin is spoken of as 
■ to the divine Htatutes (as 
Mim do, he shall live in (by) 
I abHohitelv in the s<'nhe of 
"I,et the king live '(UVtn). 
Milion of returning to life 
'. or death, as 2 K H' ' shall 
1 ? ' .Ig Irt'" • luH spirit came 
'" i Is 26"" Thy dead shall 
forms it signilies ' to give 
.' ' to i|uiekeii.' 'to restore,' 
'<( III" Almighty givetii me 
11 >«• save MiuN alive?' Is SH'" 
; 2 K 8' etc. • whuM) noii ho Iind 

tliiTiii ;. 'i< 

• to I»ro«rj¥T, 


I r 





Btoim 1*1 iiic. 

The adjective 'n 'living' is used of God as the 
source ot all life, as Jos 3^" ' the living God is 
among you ' ; .and most commonly in the formula 
of the oath ' as tlie Lord li\ eth,' e.g. Ru 3'^. It is 
the ordinary word for ' living ' of men or animals. 

The word for 'life' most generally is a i^lural 
emphatic form (c"*-) from the same root. Tliis is 
used to denote not only physical life, but also 
welfare or hajipiness, as Pr 16^^ ' in the light of the 
king's countenance is life'; Dt 30-'" 'to love the 
Lord thy God . , . for he is thy life and the length 
of thy days' ; Ps 30^ 'in his favour is life.' Once 
(in late Hebrew) it is used of eternal life, viz. 
Dn 1*2-' ' many shall awake, some to everlasting 
life' (c^iy '.'n). It bears also the signification of 
means of life, sustenance, as in Pr 27^^ ' mainten- 
ance for thy maidens,' though the general word in 
this latter sense is .to?. There is also the form 
n;n, which denotes 'a living being," 'an animal,' 
and more particularly ' wild animals,' but it is used 
occasionally in later poetical writings in the sense of 
'life,' as Ps 143^ 'he hath smitten my life down to 
the ground ' ; Job 33'^ ' he keepeth back his life 
from perishing.' 

It is noteworthy that the Hebrew name for 
'Eve' (n,-) is traced in Gn 3-'' to this root, though 
it has been otherwise interpreted (see EvE). 

A very important word is ty?J, lit. ' breath,' sig- 
nifying the sotd as the principle of life. We find 
it in its literal sense in such passages as Job 41'^ 
[Eng.-'] ' his breath kindleth coals,' and Is 3-". 
As life, its seat was sujiposed to be in the blood, cf. 
Lv 17^^ • For the life of the flesh is in the blood.' 
It is a general term for life in many "senses, as 
1 K 2-3 ' at the peril of his life ' ; Pr 10^ one's life 
' hungers.' A si)ecial combination is n;- ^^i ' living 
creatures,' as in Gn 1-^ etc.; so it is used by synec- 
doche for a ' man,' as Lv 5' etc. ' if any man sin ' ; 
Gn 46'"* 'even sixteen souls, i.e. persons' (cf. corre- 
sponding Eng. usage), and even for the emphatic 
personal pronoun, as Is 46^ ' themselves are gone 
into captivity'; Ps IV 'why say ye to me?' 
Curiously it is sometimes = ' a dead body,' cf. Nu 5'-. 
a^V 'the heart' is occasionally used as = ;yfj, see Ps 
102S Jer 4'8. See, further, art. SoUL. 

In the LXX the usual equivalent of C'ri is fwij, 
though once (Pr 31'-) (iiot is used, and the latter 
frequently has the signification of the period or 
course of life in the NT, e.g. Lk S''' ' ])]easures of 
this life ' ; as also of resources, as Mk 12^^ ' even all 
her living.' The sjiecial NT ideas covered by ^wtJ 
are discussed below. For e'pj and also 3*?, ipvx-f) is the 
equivalent ; and tliis word also Jilays an imnortant 

J»art in the lang\iage of the N T, as also does its 
lerived adj. ^cximJi. 

(2) The most ordinary Hebrew verb signifying 
' to die ' is rxc, and tiiis is used in the most general 
sense of man, beast, and even of trees and land. 
Cf. Job 14" 'the stock thereof die in tlie ground,' 
and (in 47'" ' wlierefon* sliouiil we die, both we and 
our land t ' l''rom this is derived the word nis 
'death,' sometimes personified, as in Ps 4}n* ' Death 
shall be their sheplierd ' ; cf. Is 38'". It is used 
as = the (dii)ili'. of the dcud, as in Ps '.)'" ' the gates of 
d(>ath,' and Pr 1-^ ' the chamliers of death ' (tlunigh 
these might be untleistood in (he former sense as a 
person). There is (lie deri\(Ml form nr.-sn, only 
found in tin; phrase "n-;^, as I's 7!*" 'tlie sons of 
deiith ':-' those that are nppointi'd to death' (EV). 
(For Sli((ol and .\ba(l<lon, si'c arts, on these words, 
and also E.sciiatomkjv ok Tlir, OT in vol. i. p. 740). 
J''or (h'atli in the snecial aHp(M!t of a destnu^tive 
plagiii! on men, as Ex A" ' lest lie fall upon us with 
p«'slilerice,' or on cattle Ex 0", tliere is the Avord 
i;-' (L,\\ Odvarot). 

Tln! moMt general wonl in the L.\.\ as (equivalent 
to the n(>lirew terms above noted is dAvaroi. In 
thu NT it iit used in the uamu HigniliuMtiun, and is 




also found personified, as in 1 Co 15^' ' O death, 
where is tliy victory ? ' llev P* ' I have the keys of 
death and of Hades.' It is frequently used of 
spiritual death, either during earthly life, as in 
Ko 7'* ' Did then that which is good become death 
unto me?' 1 Jn 3'^ ' He that loveth not abideth in 
death,' or in the world to come, as specially ' the 
second death ' (6 Seurepo^ ddvaros}, as Itev 2'^ ' he 
shall not be hurt of the second death.' 

For ^57is see art. Hades, sub voc, and also 
ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NT in vol. i. p. 752. 

ii. Examination of the JJiblical Teaching on 
THESE Ideas. — A. Old Testament Teaching.— 
(i) In the Early Narratives of Genesis. — At the 
very opening of Scripture, in both accounts of the 
Creation, we find dehiiite teaching on life and death, 
(iod created every living creature. Gn 1-" 'And 
God said. Let the waters bring forth abundantly 
the moving creature that hath life.' Again we 
read in Gn P" of ' every beast of the earth, and 
every fowl of the air, and everything that creepeth 
ui)on the earth, wherein there is life.' The second 
account is more delinite in its teaching as to the 
creation of man; thus Gn 2'' describes how 'the 
LoitD God formed man of the dust of the ground, 
and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life ; 
and man became a living soul.' Next we read of 
the ' tree of life,' which is common to the tratlitions 
of other Semitic peoples, and of the punishment 
attachetl to the eating of the ' tree of the know- 
ledge of good and evil' ; Gn 2>^ 'in the day that 
thou eatest thereof, thou slialt surely die. The 
literal and metaphorical senses of the word 'die' 
constitute the force and subtlety of the serpent's 
temptation in Gn 'A* ' Ye shall not surely die.' To 
prevent man gaining the gift of immortality he 
IS driven out of the garden, and the tree oi life 
guarded, Gn T^"-*. 

(2) In thz Pentateuch, — The ordinary word for 
'life' is V'} (LXX ^vxf)), as in Gn ^* 'but flesh 
with the life {v^i) thereof, which is the blood 
thereof, shall ye not eat.' This recurs repeatedly 
throughout the whole of the legal writings, and the 
naiTative that is coloured by the ju'lestly tradition 
(see, e.g., Lv 17" 24'«, Dt 12'^). Life is used in the 
familiar absolute sense in Dt 30"'- ' See, I have set 
before yon this day life and good, and death and 
evil' (cf. Sir W^). 

(3) In the Prophets. — The main prophetic teach- 
ing on this subject is found in Isaiah and Ezekiel. 
In a poetical (prolably late) passage of the former 
we read. Is 25* ' He hath swallowed up death for 
ever' (cf. 2 Ti P"), and in Is 26i« 'Thy dead shall 
live, thy dead l)odies shall arise . . . and the earth 
shall cast forth the dead (lit. the Rephaim, i.e. 
shades).' In another poetic passage, the psalm of 
Hezekiah, recorded in Is 38'""-'", there is much 
important material, but it is probably late, and 
should be classed with the teaching of the poetic 
books (see below). The passage speaks of ' the 
gates of Sheol' (v.^"). Death is presented as the 
end of all communion with God and men, ' I shall 
not see the Lord, even the Lord, in the land of the 
living : I shall behold man no more with the in- 
habitants of the world' (v."). But God speaks to 
him, and he cries, ' O Lord, by these things men 
live, and wholly therein is the life of my spirit.' 
And again, ' Sheol cannot praise thee, death can- 
not celebrate thee : they that go down into the pit 
cannot hope for thy truth. The living, the living 
he shall praise thee as I do this day' (vv.^**- 1"). 

In the teaching of Ezekiel there is frequent 
reference to life in the pregnant sense of enjoying 
God's favour, and the accompanying earthly pro- 
sperity that is it3 sign. Thus Ezk 33'"--^ the 
teaching of which is summarized in vv.'** '* as 
follows : ' When the rigliteous turneth from his 
righteousness, and comuiitteth iniquity, he shall 

even die therein. But if the wicked turn from his 
wickedness and do that Avliich is lawful and right, 
he shall li . e thereby ' (cf. 3i8--» 18-*"^^ 2U"). In the 
prophetic portion of the Bk. of Daniel there is one 
reference, though probably of very late date, to 
' eternal life ' in 12- ' many of them that sleep in 
the dust of the earth shall awake, some to ever- 
lasting life.' 

(4) In the Poetical Books. — References are much 
more numerous in the Psalms and in Job. Thus 
in various passages of the Bk. of Job we have 
presented the popular conception of the existence 
of the dead, e.g. 3^-"'", where the ' wicked cease from 
troubling, and the weary be at rest,' where ' the 
prisoners are at ease together, and the servant is 
free from his master ' ; or 10-"", where that world 
is described as being ' of the shadow of death, 
without any order, and where the light is as dark- 
ness ' ; yet the writer rises to the vision of something 
much higher and brighter, as in H'"'''', where he 
asks, ' If a man die, shall he live again ? All the 
days of my appointed time would I wait till my 
release should come.' Cf. 33-'* 'He hath redeemed 
my soul from going into the pit, and my life shall 
behold the light.' His 'blood' is used for his 
wrongful death (see legal idea of identity of the 
blood and the life, below) in 16"* ' O earth, cover 
not thou my blood, and let my cry have no resting- 
place' (cf. Gn 41", Ezk 247-8, jg 26-1). As to the 
great passage 19-*-'', and in what sense it denotes 
personal immortality, see A. B. Davidson's com- 
mentary on Job, in loco, and Appendix. 

In the Psalms we read of ' the path of life ' in an 
ethical and spiritual sense as the way of obedience 
to God (cf. Ps 16'') ; of God as the ' fountain of 
life,' Ps 36» (cf. Jer 2'3) ; Ps 30* 'in his favour'; 
Ps 21^ ' he asked life of thee, and thou gavest it 
him ' ; Ps 27^ ' the Lord is the strength of my life ' ; 
Ps 34'- ' What man is he that desireth life, and 
loveth many days, that he may see good ? ' 42* ' the 
God of my life ' ; 66" ' God . . . which holdeth our 
soul in life.' 

Death has all the gloom and disappointment it 
had in Job, e.g. Ps 6' ' In death there is no remem- 
brance of thee : in Sheol who shall give thee 
thanks ? ' In 49'^ death is personified. 

(5) In the Wisdom Literature. — (a) In the Bk. 
of Proverbs the same poetic figures of life fre- 
quently occur, e.g. ' the paths of life,' 2"* 5* ; ' tree 
of life,' 3'« ll^o 13'=^; 'well or fountain of life,' 10'^ 
J3U 14^7 In the absolute sense the word occurs, 
e.g. 3-- ' so shall they be life unto thy soul ' ; 8*' 
'whoso findeth me findeth life.' Contrast the 
use of ' death ' in S'*® ' all they that hate me love 

By a figure 'light and darkness' are used for 
' life and death ' in Ec iF-s. 

B. Teaching of the Apocrypha and the 
Apocalyptic Literature.— Hlm'^e words occur 
most frequently an<l with most special significance 
in the two books of the Wisdom Literature in the 
Apocrypha, viz. those of Wisdom .and Sirach. In 
the former fwi) occurs in several interesting con- 
nexions, cf. Wis 1'-^ ' Court not death in the error 
of your life' (cf. Pr S^s and 21«) ; 13'8 'for life he 
beseecheth that which is dead,' where reference is 
made to idolatry ; cf. also 14'^ ' the invention of 
them (i.e. idols) was the corruption of life'; 16'^ 
' for thou hast authority over life and death, and 
thou leadest down to the gates of Hades, and leadest 
up again.' 

Jn the Book of Sirach ^u-^ occasionally means 
sustenance, e.g. 4' ' My son, deprive not the poor 
of his living,' 34''^ 'The bread of the needy is the 
life of the poor.' The general use is that of the 
figurative and absolute sense Ave have found in Pi 
and elsewhere, e.g. 4'^ ' He that loveth her li.e 
Wisdom) loveth life,' cf. Pr 3'8 : 6"" a faithful friend 




is a medicine of life,' 15" ' before men is life and 
death' (cf. Dt 30^*). For the special phrase injyr] 
i"(*^, see 21" ' The knowledge of a wise man shall 
be made to abound as a flood, and his counsel as a 
fountain of life' (cf. Tr 13" and 14-^). An instruc- 
tive contrast is found in 40^ ' A man that looketh 
anto the table of another, his life is not to be 
counted for a life.' 4'*0Cn has also one or two usages 
that maj- be noted here. It is, of course, ordinarily- 
translated soul in the general sense of that worcl, 
OS in Wis 3' ' the souls of the righteous are in the 
hand of God,' but frequently comes near to its NT 
significance, e.g. Wis 9^^ 'a corruptible body 
weigheth down the soul' (cf. 2 Co 5'-»), cf. 15^ 
• when he is required to render back the soul (life) 
which was lent liini.' Two verses bring the several 
terms into close conjunction. Wis 15"* ^* ' He was 
ignorant of him tliat inspired into him an cactive 
Boul i^f/vx^), and breathed into him a vital spirit 
{wptvfm i'un-iKo)'), But he accounted our very life 
(fti^) to be a plaything, and our lifetime (^ios) a 
gainful fair ' ; cf. also 16". 

In Sirach we may note two passages : 10^ ' Who 
will justify him that sinneth against his own soul 
(\ti/X^)* •'^"d who will glorify him that dishononreth 
his own life {i^(^', ? ' and 16^ ' the soul of every living 
thing' ('pvxvi' xavTos iifiov). 

In 2 Esclras, ch. 7, there is a very important 
pa.><sage, mainly contained in the portion re- 
covered by Bensly, a translation of which is to 
be found in the RV. It is a vision of the 
last judgment, which is to be preceded by seven 
days of such silence as was before tlie Creation ; 
then follows the general resurrection, and the 
seating of the Most High in majestj' as judge. 
The seer understands how few can stand m the 
judgment, and exclaims, ' An evil heart hath 
grown up in us, which hath led us astray from 
these statutes, and hath brought us into cor- 
ruption and into the ways of death, hath showed 
us the jtiiths of i)erdition, and removed us far from 
life ; and that not a few only, but wellnigli all that 
have l*een created ' (T^^'J). Thereafter follows a 
vision of the various stages through which the 
wicked and the righteous pass after death. The 
day of judgment is <leclared to be ' the end of this 
time and the l*eginning of inmiortality ' (though 
e/ initium in omitted in the Lat. MS) (7''^ I"'''). 
Again, in the 8th chapter the High declares 
to the seer, ' Unto you is purmlise opened, the tree 
of life is planted, the time to come is prepared . . . 
wenkncMH is done away for you, and [death] is 
hidden ; hell and corruption are fled into forgetful- 
nem . . . and in the end is showed the treasure 
of immortality ' (8*'-'- ^). 

In the I'lialmx of Solmnon a few passages deal 
with the resurrection, ej). 3'* 'They that fear the 
I^rd Hhall ri»*e again to life everlasting. And their 
life nhall bo in tiie light of the I<ord. and shall fail 
no niwo'; 13'" 'Thi! life of the righteous is for 
ever, iHit Minners hIuiII Im* taken away for ch^stnic- 
ti«in'; W* 'The holy of the Lord hhall livn in him 
for ever : the \MrnA'm: of the Lord, the tretss of life, 
urn hi* holy ones. The holy of the Lord shall in- 
herit life \n \i\tu\tuy\n.' For sinnerH the lot is uImo 
•ntioint<i| in nccordnnce with their deeds ; thu:- 3" 
•He («'ll, lj«?<nHiM! I'vil was hin fall, and he shall 
nut nii«? njrnin : tin- dftttnulion of the sinner is 
for everloMtinu' : luid l.'i" '- 'HinnerH shall perish 

' everiOMting ; iui*l 
in ill- di.v ..r It... I ... 

'idjiMient for ever, when 
II Mis judgment, to ru- 

' H) oi-enrs a iias- 

j* "V" from 2 AV/*Y»*, 

V\ !.^liiil ul.tHhm 

I"' !' " y bh'XM and 

"'":''"' ^ ' ■ •■ ■ • .< r, Similar 

(• L . .^ on the judKMient are found in i.lis. 61. 61. 

92. 103. and 108, from which we learn that the 
resurrection of the body pertains only to the right- 

In the Apocalypse of Baruch we h.ave the uni- 
versal resurrection foretold, and the punishment 
of the wicked, as, e.g., in ch. 30 'And the secret 
places shall be opened wherein have been kept the 
souls of the righteous, and they shall come forth 
. . . but the souls of sinners shall languish the 
more, for they know that their punishment has 

C. NT Teacui.\'G.—(\) The Synoptics.— In the 
first three Gospels these words are used with con- 
siderable fulness and variety of meaning. We 
have 'life' (s'wtj) used absolutely as an eiiuivalent 
for salvation in its fullest sense, as in Mt 7" ' For 
narrow is the gate a,nd straitened the way that 
leadeth unto life, and few be they that lind it'; 
and in the repeated phrase ' to enter into life,' Mt 
18» etc., Mk 9^» etc.; once (Lk W^) the word is 
used of 'lifetime on earth.' 'Eternal life' (j'orj 
ald^vios) occurs a few times, cf. Mt 19'«--», Mk 10=«'. 
i'l'XV is frequently used for the natural physical 
life in the bod}% as in Mt 2-" ' the young child's 
life,' Mt 6-^ 'Be not an.xious for your life.' Yet 
these are separable, and are commonly spoken of 
as ' body ' and ' soul.' Thus Mt 10'''* ' Be not afraitl 
of them which kill the body, but are not .able to 
kill the soul ; but rather fear him which is able to 
destroy both soul and body in Gehenna.' This 
double sense of the word, as denoting the higher 
and lower life, — that inherent in the earthly body, 
and that which remains when the union is broken, 
— lends itself to what may be almost called a play 
uiKjn the word, as in the recurring thought, 
Mt lO^*" ' He that lindeth his life shall lose it ; arid 
he that loseth his life for my sake shall find it,' 
cf. Mt 16-' and the parallels. In the same sense 
is life used in such passages as ' rest unto your 
lives' (EV 'souls'), Mt 11'-^; 'In your patience ye 
shall gain possession of your lives' (EV 'souls'), 
ij\i 21'". In 0113 case fwT^ is used with a similar 
meaning, viz. Lk 12'' ' a man's life consisteth 
not in the abundance of the things which he 
possesseth.' fvxv is also u.sed of our Lord's oder- 
ing of Himself, as in Mk 10'''' 'to give his life a 
ransom for many.' 

fiios is used of 'living' in the sense of mainten- 
ance, and only occurs once outside of Luke, and 
that in a parallel passage quoting our Lord's own 
words, viz. 'all her living,' Mk 12-", cf. Lk 21-«. 
See also Lk lo'-'* ^"aiul S-*". In one case it denotes 
the earthly existence, viz. Lk 8''* 'cares and riches 
and jdeasnres of this life.' Odvaros in the Syiio]i(ics 
dt'iiotes death as the termination of tills cart lily 
lift!, as Mt UP 'shall not taste of death,' Mk 
ICP 'condemn him to death,' Lk 22^*^. 'I am ready 
to go to tieath,' etc. 

(2) y/w; Jtih'inuine Writivas. — (n) The Gospel. — 
The idea of life (CwtJ) is a tavourite one with the 
writer of the l'"ourt!i (lospel, and has a sjiecial sig- 
nilicance. 'Life' in the aiisoliite scnst^ (with or 
without the «'pithet ' eternal ') in wiiich houses it 
is the M|H'cial possession of (iod, of wlii( ii lie m.iUes 
men sliarers when Ihev beli(>v(! in Him Ihroiigii His 
Hon. Thus .In I' ' In dim was lift;, aiul the life was 
the light of men'; 3'" 'Hint wlioso(!ver lielitnetli 
may in him have eterii.'il lite'; .'P' 'he tiiat be- 
lievelii not, liie Son slinll not m(M! life'; o-'' ' as the 
Father hath lift- in hiiiiself, even so gave he to 
tlie Son also (o liavc* lif<> in himself'; 17^' Tliisis 
lift! elernal, that they should know I liee the only 
true (iod, and him whom tlioii didst send, even 
.lesiis Chrint'; lo'" *I came IliaL they may have 
life,' etc. Spe( iaily notewdrthy are the phrases 
(.'hrisL uses to descrihe Himself and His missitm. 
'The bread of life,' ti''" ; 'the words that I have 
spoken unto you are H[)irit and are life,' 6"'; 'he 




tliat followeth me shall have the liglit of life,' 8^'- ; 
' I am the life,' IF' 14« ; cf. also 4'^. 

^pvxri is used in similar senses as above noted, 
hut of special value is tiie form of our Lord's \\o\\{ 
in 12-^ • He that loveth his life loseth it ; and he 
tiiat hateth his life in this world shall keir-p it unto 
life eternal.' in this Gospel forms a distinct contrast 
to '<;wq, as above illustrated, e.g. 5-^ ' He that 
hearetli my word and believeth him that sent me 
. . . Iiath passed out of death unto life' (cf. Pauline 
use below); but it is also frequently used in the 
ordinary sij^nilication. 

(b) The First Epistle. — The special signification 
of ^uiTf and Odvaros that we have noted in the 
(Jospel recurs in tlie first Epistle, and receives new 
ajtplications. Thus 1 Jn 1'-^ 'That which was 
from the beginning, that which we have heard 
. . . concerning the Word of life (and the life was 
manifested . . . and we declare unto you the life, 
the eternal life, which was with the Father)'; 'we 
know that we have passed out of death into life,' 
S''* ; ' God gave \into us eternal life, and this life 
is in his Son,' 5''. Special note must be taken of 
the verses (5'"-") that deal with 'sin unto death' 
(anapTia irpos ddfarov), probably 'tending towards' 
death (see Westcott'a Commentary, in loco, and 
Add. Note, p. 2U!)). 

(t) The Apocalypse. — This mystical book has 
many references to life, particularly in figurative 
phrases, such as 'the tree of life,' 2' 22- (in wliich 
return is ma<le to the imagery of the early tradi- 
tions of Genesis, cf. Ezk 47^-) ; ' the crown of life,' 
2'" ; ' the book of life,' 3^ 13* ; ' waters of life,' V^ 
21" 22^'^. ^vxv is used of the life separated from 
the body, hence rendered ' souls ' in our version in 
6" and 20^. Very Hebraic are its uses in 8" and 
16^ being an obvious imitation of the language 
of Gn 1 (Tn v^i). A striking use is that in 18'^, 
where xf/vxa-s dvdpcbirutf are reckoned among the 
merchandise of the traders, probably meaning 
slaves (cf. Ezk 27^^ ; also Nu 3Fs- *"■ •*« [Heb]). 

(3) The Epistles of St. Paul. — In addition to uses 
of i/'i'x^ similar to those already given, tiie follow- 
ing are notewortliy: 'doing the will of God iK 
fi'xv^ ('from the lieart,' EV''),' Eph G" ; obviously 
it means ' putting all the jiower of one's life into 
it' ; cf. Col 3-'*. The threefold partition of human 
nature is given in 1 Th 5-^ 'may your spirit and 
soul and bodj' be preserved entire.' 

St. Paul's use ot fw?) in the absohite sense is very 
much akin to St. John's. The plirase ' eternal life ' 
is conmion, cf. Pto '2' 5-^ 6--, Gal G», 1 Ti V^ etc. 
niustrations of the use of fwrj as fully expressing 
the highest possible life are found in llo 5'^ ' they 
. . . reign in life througli the one, even Jesus Christ'; 
Ko iV 'we also might walk in newness of life'; 
1107'" 'the commandment which was unto life'; 
llo 8'° ' the Spirit is life l>ecause of righteous- 
m^ss'; 2 Co 2"^ 'a savour from life unto life'; 
2 Co 4'" ' that the life also of Jesus may be mani- 
fested in our body ' ; 2 Co S'* ' swallowed up of 
life.' In the same way he frequently uses the 
verb ^Tjv, e.ff. 2 Co O" 'as dying, and, behold, we 
live ' ; Ph P> ' to me to live' is Christ ' ; 1 Th 3» 
' for now we live if ye stand fast in the Lord.' 
The Heb. form 'n "jn, in its LXX equivalent, debs 
i'Qv, is frequent, not only in direct quotations, but 
in St. Paul's own writing, e.ff. Ko 9*' (from LXX), 
2 Co 3s 6'", I Th I'', I Ti3'5 4"'. 

In the case of the word Oifaros, while frequently 
used in its common signification, as, e.g., 110 8**, I Co 
15-', Ph 2^ etc., it bears in the Pauline writings 
very deep and wide-reaching meanings. Some- 
times it is personified (as in the OT), e.g. Ko 5'^ 
' Death reigned from Adam until Moses' ; 1 Co 15'-* 
'the last enemy that shall be abolislied is death.' 
It is frequently used in a figurative sense to 

describe the putting away of sin, as in Ko C'", 
where we read of being ' baptized into Christ'-s 
death,' of 'him that hath died' being 'justified 
from sin,' and so on; or, on the contrary, 110 7'" 
speaks of the commandment being ' foimd unto 
death,' for ' sin, finding occasion through it, slew" 
Paul. The sinful Hesh is called ' this body of 
death ' (Ko 7-^). ' The mind of the flesh is death ; 
but the mind of the Spirit is life ' (Ko 8''). ' Death ' 
in its figurative sense is further illustrated in 2 Co 
p. 10 < ^y.g ourselves have had the answer of death 
within ourselves . . . God who delivered us out of 
so great a death.' The messengers of the Cross 
are ' in them that are perishing a savour from death 
unto death ' (2'''-). The law is ' the ministration 
of death ' (2 Co 3^ cf. 7'"). Death as a dissolution 
is spoken of as a present power in 2 Co 4"- '- ' we 
which live are alway delivered unto death for 
Jesus' sake ... so then death worketh in us, but 
life in you.' 

In 2 Ti 1"" Ave read of Christ 'Avho abolished 
death, and brougiit life and incorruption to light 
through the gospel.' 

(4) The Best of ths NT. -In He 7'^ we read of 
'the power of an endless life (fcj^s dKaraXurov — 
indissoluble).' In Ja 1'-' we have the figure of the 
'crown of life.' In 1 P 3" we read of ' the grace of 
life,' and in 2 P P of ' all things that pertain unto 
life,' obviously in the absolute sense. In Jude''" 
there is the striking phrase ' looking unto the 
mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ unto eternal life.' 
In 1 P xpvxv is of frequent occurrence in Hebraic 
senses, and might sometimes be rendered 'life,' as 
in 4'" 'commit their souls in welldoing unto a 
faithful Creator ' ; cf. He 10=*" 12^ 13'^. 

The most important passages on ' death ' are in 
He 2"-'^-^*, which tells of 'Jesus, because of the 
sutt'ering of death, crowned with glory and honour ; 
that by the grace of God he should taste death 
for every man . . . that through death he might 
bring to nought him that had the power of death, 
and might deliver all them who through fear of 
death were all their lifetime subject to bondage' ; 
and He O"*- '®. See also Ja 1'* ' Sin, when it is tuU- 
grown, bringeth fortii death ' ; and 1 P 3"* of Christ 
' being put to death in the fiesli, but quickened in 
the Spirit.' 

TURAL USK OF THKSE WoRDS.— (a) Doctrinal.— 
God is in Himself the source of all life, physical, 
moral, and spiritual. He has not only called it 
into being, but sustains it. Life is God's gift, and 
can have no other origin. It is therefore a direct 
oftence against God to destroy even physical life. 
This sentient life is, in the OT, represeutetl as 
inhering in, and inseparable from, the blood of the 
animal. Hence blood becomes sacked. It is a 
.symbol of the mystery of life with which it is 
identified. Blooil thus becomes the most sacred 
and solemn sacrificial ofi'ering. 

Sin is rebellion against God, and so involves 
separation from Him, Avhich culminates in death. 
Thus death is the final punishment of sin. By 
death, then, can it alone be destroyed. Therefore 
sacrifice was necessary ; and in the s<acrifice the 
victim and offerer become identified, so that the 
latter's sin is cleansed through the acceptance of 
the offered life of the victim. Not only so, but 
this sacrifice must be continual, in order to main- 
tain the fellowship that is being daily broken. 
Life is possible only througli sacrifice. Yet ' death 
is common to the race.' What then? Death in 
the OT means a land of gloom and shadow, where 
intercourse with God is impossible. The inhabitants 
of that realm can neither pray nor Their 
life is joyless and colourless. 1 hat this could not be 
the end for all gradually liecame clear, so there arose 
a doctrine of a double meaning Lotli in 'life' and 




•death.' True life meant conscious and purposed 
fellowship with God ; true death was not the dis- 
solution of body and soul, but tlie separation of sin 
persisted in. Thus we tind Job and the Psalmists 
rising to the conception of escape from Hades, and 
to the assurance of an endless life in (iod's presence. 
The way to ensure this is to walk in God's statutes, 
and love and honour Him witli all one's heart. 
He will vindicate His chosen against all enemies. 

Thus, through the more definite teaching on im- 
mortality of later Judaism, was paved the way for 
the doctrine of the New Testament. Our Lord 
did not have to explain the meaning of ' eternal 
life' and its opposite, but to show how they 
were respectively to be avoided and won. Fellow- 
ship is once more the prominent and central idea. 
All words point to it. To ' know,' to ' love,' to 
'eat,' to 'drink,' to 'keep words and command- 
ments,' to 'have' — these constitute the language 
of the eternal life. The intimacy of union with 
God through Christ becomes its one essential con- 
dition ; and, on the contrary, the lack of that 
union entails eternal death. 

In the teaching of St. Paul we find that the 
lower life is purified and transformed into the 
higher. All that is sensual, sinful, earthly, dies, 
and only the spiritual elements remain. But life 
is one and undivided, so that even the body has 
its spiritual protoplasm (so to say), like the germ 
within the seeA, wnich develops into the spiritual 
body, and so gives reality to the resurrection. It 
is the resurrection tliat crowns the work of faith, 

* if in this life only we have hoped in Christ, we 
are of all men most pitiable.' It is no unreal, 
shwlowy, or t>artial life that lies beyond the grave, 
but life in all its fulness and perfection — ' the life 
that is life indeed.' 

The NT is consistent in presenting Christ as the 
sole mediator of life. His life inheres in God, 
and the life He is enabled to communicate to men 
inheres in Him. Even the life of the physical 
universe is pos.sil,le only in Him — 'all things have 
been createtl through liini and unto him '(Col l"-^*, 
1 Co 8*). In St. Paul and in St. John we find the 
fullest presentation of these teachings, but all 
ajfree in the primary conceptions. St. John's teach- 
ing on the eternal life is very full and varied, and 
IH thus admirably summed up by Dr. Westcott : 

• It is a life which, with all its fulness and all its 
potencies, is now -. a life which extends l;ey(md the 
limits of the individual, and preserves, completes, 
crowns individuality by jtlacing the part in con- 
nexion with the whole : a life which sjitisfies while 
it qnickens a^piraticm ... a life which gives 
anitv to th<; constituent jiarts and to the com[)lex 
whole, which brings together heaven and earth, 
which oJFiTH the sum of existence in one thought' 
(C''/m//i ' //- i:i>f/. of John, pp. '217, '218). 

It i 

it III 




lkf«^iUHe life is GcmI's unique gift, 

1 e wu-red. Hence all < rimes against 

• icn its value by maiming the body's 

■TA.Ts or jMirity, by renih-ring life bunh^n- 

'••«Hion, or still mor«f l)y destroying 

■ iM't of miirrliT, are re<k(incd as 

liiiii.iiw The s(u:redneHH of lif(? 

t'li'd in the commiind- 

111 the varioUHclalMtnite 

li Icuislation. The etiiical 

Iv fi'lt by nil Om' prophets, 

1 im- levclic'il 

li the ttiinr, 

.!•! and bitter. 

' > r litulM its strongest 

Life is too great to 

I will either save His 

' r, «ii will rescue them 

\ rfidi III niiiiifiiiiii. (iinl is inl«>reste(| 

*hnll live and not die { this makes the 

great basis of Ezekiel's appeal. One of the greatest 
lessons of the Book of Jonah is to enforce the 
value of life in the eyes of God. He had pity on 
the great city of Nineveh because it had witlun it 
' six score thousand persons . . . and also much 
CJittle.' Life, even that of animals, is precious in 
His eyes, and all that is possible must be done to 
save it. 

Life must be guided by moral precepts, and these 
are clearly set forth as the condition of a long and 
honovired career, e.g. Ps 15, which states the char- 
acteristics of the man ' that shall never be moved ' ; 
Ps 16, which contains the assurance of fellowship 
with God, continued after Sheol has been passed 
through ; Ps 9P*'^^ 119, Pr passim, but specially 

OS2-36 J^Q16-25 jg8. 16. 20-23_ 

When we turn to the NT we find these ideas 
much more clearly emphasized and enforced by 
additional considerations. Jesus in His teaching 
re-sets the moral law, and renders it more stringent 
by His interpretation. Mnnler is no longer con- 
fined to {in outward act, but is an attitude of the 
soul ; lust is in thought as well as in deed. And 
these standards are to be the guide of the neAv life 
He bestows. A man can live only by obeying 
these statutes in their spirit. To be an inheritor 
of the kingdom of God one need only keep the first 
and second commandments, — love God and love 
one's neighbour ; but their interpretation and out- 
reach is very wide ; they are not to be understood 
in the letter but in the spirit. If His conditions are 
understood, then His command gives the promise, 
' This do, and tliou shalt live' (Lk 10-*). ' Eternal 
life ' is not only the gift of God, but the condition 
of maintaining it ks to be in constant communion 
with God. ' He that eateth me, he also shall live 
because of me,' are Christ's mystical words in Jn 6^". 
And again, in Jn 10'" we read, ' I came that they 
may have life, and may have it abundantly (Kal 
irepia-abv ^x'^'''"')-' This links our Lord's teaching 
closely with tiiat of St. Paul, who is very clear on 
tiie ethical side of the doctrine of the divine life. 
Thus in Ko 5'" he argues tliat ' if we were recon- 
ciled to God througii the death of liis son, much 
more, being reconciled, shall we be saved by his 
life.' From this thought springs the Avhole con- 
ception of the new life in Christ, witli its powers, 
f)rivileges, and responsibilities. It is not tlie man 
limself who lives, lint (^iirist who lives in him. 
Tlie controlling force is Christ. 'To me to live is 
Clirist,' says tiie ajiostle. A new code of ethical 
conducrt tiierefore emerges, ' We are debtors, not 
to the llesh, to live after the llesh ; for if ye live 
after the flesh, ye must die ; but if by (lie sjiirit ye 
mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live' (Ho 
8'" '*). Hence tiiere is a mortal contlict in the 
man who is 'alive unto God' betMccii the llcsiily 
law and the spiritual. Tlie tragedy of Calvary is 
re-enacted in each individunl soul, wliiiOi has both 
to be crucified with Christ and to rise with Him. 
The eviden<-e of this new life is in the jirodutition 
of the ' fruits of tlie Sjiirit,' of wliidi we have a 
list, as cont rusted with the 'works of the ilesh ' in 
< ial r)'"-^. Tims tilt' gn-at doctrine (if thi? resurrec- 
tion Ik'coiik's the central niiwer in daily Cliristian 
living, and albinlH not oiiiy the assiiraiK (^ of a life 
beyoiiil the giav»(, but renders piissibje lli(> advance 
in ' holiness,' without wiiicli no man can see .hu 

l.iTKiiATCitK. - Uililliiw, /)i'W(' Doctrine of Man'', 2;t:tff. ; Dc- 
lllWM'li, llililiciil J'nijiiiiihirii/, Kiii{. Ir., Iiidrx, n.vv. ; Ciivf, 
Scriphiriit llnrlrine o/ Sncrlllrr, ;il2f. ; Fitiilljiy, Chrijilliin 

JJiirh-iiir nnil Miirnlt (KitmU'.v 1 1.), IHHIT. ; |l<'iiii'c, Wi/i/c/o'- 

linniliii (pfiimhn); Monlrlliiri', IlihhrrI Lri-t., liidfx ; K. While, 
//((r' in rhrmt ; rclavcl-iUlKr, Li- I'roht!-mr tie I'Jmniortni'iti 
(l'iiri«, IWiI '■'); Kiirrur, Klcnuil llnpr, iiml Mfirf/ and Jiiilij. 
infnl; Hulinonil, i'hrimlian Ihu-trini' of /nnniirtiilili/'^, IKD" ; 
IU-«'l, V'/i" /,(iW ThiniiH, Witt.; Il.irt. 'Vlw Way, tlif Tnitli, and 
Ihf Lljr, |Kli:i(ltiil><iiui lA'f't-. for IS71); Huniluvllc'iidliuii, Com. 
on Huinatu (on (V ""«" Ufi l!i') ; Sicveim, Jo/ilinni ir. Thcolo'j},; 




312 ff.; Hyde, Social Theolocjy, 149 ff.; Dahle, Life after Death ; 
Macpherson, art. ' Tha New Test. View of Life ' in Expos. 1st 
Ser. V. 72 fT.; Massie, art. ' Two New Test. Words denoting Life ' 
in Exjios. 2nd Ser. iv. 380ff.; Malheson, art. 'Pauline View of 
Death ' in Expos. 2nd Ser. v. 40 ff. See also the authorities cited 
under the three articles on Eschatology in vol. i. ; the Oxford 
Concordance to the LXX ; and the comm. on the books quoted. 

G. C. Martin. 

LIGHT (Heb. ■i'ik, i'in?, the latter of the sun and 
moon as the abode of lif^ht, Gn 1'^"^^, Gr. <p2s).* — 
i. With the Jews, as anionjj other Oriental jieoples, 
there was a feeling of sanctity connected with the 
idea of light. It was, according to Gn P, the 
first tiling shaped by God out of chaos, and after- 
wards located in the sun and moon. In Job 38"* 
the original source of light is a mystery known 
only to God, 

ii. By very natural processes of thought many 
secondary ideas became attached to the word. ( 1 ) 
In Job 3-" it is a synonym of life, contrasted in 3^" 
with the darkness of the womb, and in 10" with 
the shadow of death. (2) It is associated very fre- 
quently with joy and prosperity, as in Est 8'", Job 
18'-*, where the light of the wicked is to be put 
out, whereas in Job 22-^ the light shines on the 
ways of the righteous. In Is 9- the joy of Israel 
under the government of the ' Prince of Peace ' is 
to be like the shining of a great ligiit in contrast 
to the preceding misery (cf. 2 S 23''). (3) It is u.sed 
as a symbol of moral excellence, as in Pr 4'^, where 
progress in goodness is compared with the dawning 
* that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.' 
Tliis use is very frequent in NT, as in Mt Q'^''^-'^ 
(Lk ll»^-38). often with the collateral thought of 
the influence which the light has upon others, as 
in Mt 5"-'« (Lk 8i« 11=") ; so of Christianity in con- 
trast with tlie darkness of lieathendom, as in Ei)h 
5»- '», Col P-'- 13, 1 P 2^ In Ho 13'l-'^ 1 Tii 5^-«, in 
connexion witli this thought there is a contrast 
between the active duty of a soldier's life by day 
and the debauchery of night. (4) The term is also 
ajiplied to spiritual knowledge. Thus in Lk 16* 
the 'sons of light' are contrasted with the 'sons 
of this world ' in point of wisdom. In 2 Co 4'''® the 
glory of Christs revelation illumining the hearts of 
Christians is beautifully compared with the light on 
Moses' face in Ex 34-"''-*'. See also iii. (3) {n) below. 
(5) In a more intellectual sense the word is used ot 
the occult wisdom of the sage in Dn 2-"-' 5"' ^*. 

iii. I>y far tiie most important uses of the word 
are those connected more delinitely with theology. 
That the Hebrews, like other Sem. peoples, origin- 
ally worshipped the sun and moon may i)erliups be 
considered probable, but cannot be proved from OT. 
In the earliest historical records they ajipear, on 
the contrary, as believing in an intensely personal 
God, as in Gn 3^ 8-', Ex 4'*^. At the same time 
the idea of God was frequently as.sociated with 
light. How far such conceptions of the Deity 
were the expression of definite theological belief, 
how far they were merely the language of poetic 
metaphor, cannot always be determined M'ith any- 
thing like certainty. In all jirobability the one 
passed into the other by imperceptible gradations, 
the thought of an earlier becoming gradually the 
poetry of a later age. (1) In Ex 24'" the place 
under God's feet was like ' a paved work of sapphire 
stone, and a.s it were the very heaven for clearness.' 
In Ezk V^ the heavenly beings who bear the 
throne* of J" are ' like burning coals of hre,' and in 
r-''* ' the appearance of tlie likeness of the glory of 
J" ' is like ' the bow that is in the cloud in the day of 
rain.' In Ps 104- He is described as at the Creation 
covering Himself 'with light as with a garment,' 
and in 1 Ti 6^" as dwelling ' in light unapproacli- 
Jible.' In Is 60^"^ the presence of J " when He comes 
to visit His people is described as a glorious sunrise 
lu contrast to the darkness which covered the earth 
* See under art. Lanter-V. 

as a whole ; and in GO'"" -'* His perpetual presence is 
as a sun which never sets, so that His people have 
no need of the sun and moon, cf. Rev 21--* 22\ (2) 
In other passages God is described as Himself 
Light. In Is 10'' He is called the ' light of Israel,' 
the main thought of the passage being that He 
who is properly the glory of Israel becomes a con- 
suming fire burning up the ungodly, cf. Hos 6' 
(R Vm). In Is 5P, on the contrary, God's judgment 
of Israel, in the sense of His merciful acts of justice, 
is a beacon light to the Gentiles, cf. 60^. In the 
words 'God is light, and in him is no darkness at 
all ' (1 Jn I''), the intention is to express the ' awful 
purity' of God, which makes it impossible to have 
fellowship with God and walk in darkness. (3) In 
NT the word ' light ' is frequently applied to Christ, 
a usage suggested by such passages as Is 9'- ^, as in 
Lk 2=*-, Jn P-s-" 3'^ 95 12**, especially {a) with the 
idea of imparting light, in the sense of spiritual 
and moral knowledge, to others, as in Jn P S'**-'. 
(b) As a source of safety to Himself (Jn II''- 1") and 
others (8'- 12^- »«), the light making it possible to 
walk in what would be otherwise darkness, and 
therefore dangerous, (c) On the analogy of ii. (1) 
it is as.sociated with spiritual life, as in Jn \* 8^'^ ; 
cf . Eph 5'^ ' Awake . . . and Christ shall give thee 
light.' (d) Although St. John speak~i boili of the 
Father (1 Jn P) and of the Son as Light, there is 
nothing to show that he himself conceived of Light 
as suggesting the relation of the Son to the Father ; 
on the contrary, Jn P-^* would seem to imply a 
leaning towards a more anthroi)omorphic con- 
ception of the Divine Persons. But a step in the 
direction of the Nicene conception of ' Light out of 
Light' had already been made by the writer of the 
Wisdom of Solomon, who speaks of wisdom as an 
atravyaa ixa ^wrds aiSlov, Koi elaoiTTpov aKrjXiSuiTov rrji 
r. deov evepyeias, ' An efl'ulgence of everlasting 
Light, and an unspotted mirror of the energy ot 
(iod ' (Wis T*-*"). The writer of the Ep. to the Heb. 
boldly applies this thought to Christ, whom he 
calls the d7raii7a(T/aa t^j Sj^t^s Kai x<^P''-'<^VP ttjs 
i/trocrTdjewi avTov (deov), 'the etl'ulgence of (God's) 
glory, and the impress of his substance' (He P), and 
thus introduces the familiar thought of Catholic 
theology, made all the more natural and easy by 
the language of St. John. (4) The word was 
applied also in a less degree to others : as John 
the Baptist, who lighted up the way to Christ (Jn 
P- " i)^), and St. Paul, who carried out Christ's 
work among the Gentiles (cf. Lk 2^'- with Ac 13^^). 

It is needless, perhaps, to add that the ideas of 
light derived from the Bible have in all ages been 
reflected in the prayers and hymns, as well as in the 
creeds, of Christendom, We have familiar illustra- 
tions of them in the collect ' Lighten our darkness,' 
and the hymn ' Lead, kindly light.' 

F. H. Woods. 

LIGHT, LIGHTNESS. — The adj. 'light,' the 
opposite of ' heavy,' was formerly used as we now 
use easy. Thus in Lord Berner's Froiisart, xxiii., 
' who gave light credence to them ' ; Hall's Work.i, 
ii. 94, ' the God of mercy is light of hejiring, yet 
He loves a loud and vehement solicitation, not to 
make Himselfe inclinable to graunt, but to make 
us capa])le to receive blessings.' This passed into 
the meaning of careless, which we lind, for ex- 
ample, in Tindale's Pent. 'Prologe,' p, 12, 'Then 
marke the grevous fall of Adam and of us all in 
him, thorow the lightregardinge of the com- 
maundeinent of god.' From which the stej) to 
worthless was short. This is the meanin"- of 
the word in AV: Nu 2P 'our soul loatheth'^this 
light bread ' ('^pSiTn cnr-?^ nyij ^r^:-j, LXX r, 8e fvxv 
riixQiv irpoa-wxOi.a-ev ev ry d.pT($ n^ SiaK^vq) [roiVtjt.'], 
Vulg. 'anima nostra jam nauseat super cibo 
isto levissimo,' Wye. 'oure soule now wlatith 
upon this moost light meet,' Tind. 'ourc boules 




lothe this l\-ghte bred,' Matt. [Rog.] 'oure 
80iiles lothe tliys lyghte breade ' with inarg. ' that 
is so litle worth,' liVm 'this vile bread'); Jgd* 
' Abimelech hired vain and liglit persons, which 
followed him'(cvr!J? C'p*i nv:?* ; LXX dvdpai Kcvovi 
cat SciXw'-y [A 6a/i^ovfuyovs] ; Vulg. ' viros inopes et 
vagos,' Wye. ' nedi men and vaguiint ' ; Cov. ' men 
that were vagabnndes and of light condicions'; 
Gen. ' vaine and light feliowes,' so RV) ; Zeph 3* 
•Her prophets are light and treacherous persons' 
(nr(|3 •?,;!« cnrrs ; Cov. • light personnes and unfaith- 
full men '). In Sir 7*^ the meaning is more definite 
and more disgraceful, ' Hast thou a wife after thy 
mind ? forsake her not : but give not thyself over 
to a light woman,' i.e. 'wanton' : the Gr. is fiiffov- 
luwTi, AVm and RV 'hateful,' RV'm ' hated ': ' light' 
here is peculiar to AV, earlier VSS having ' hate- 
ful,' and is rather a paraphrase than a translation. 
For its meaning cf. Shaks. Mens. V. i. 280, 
• Women are light at midnight.' Shaks. often 
naes the word in a double sense, as Merch. of Vcn. 
D. vi. 42, 'A liglit wife doth make a heavy husband.' 

Ligbtminded occurs in Sir lO"* ' He that is hasty 
to give cretlit is ligbtminded ' (xoD^oj Kapbiq. ; Vulg. 
' levls corde est,' whence Erasmus, Of the Commune 
Crede, fol. 32, ' And a certayne wise man of the 
Hebrues doth name those persones leves corde, 
lyghte ni^mded whiche doo easilye and soon geve 

TIk- adv. litfhtly is used in AV with the various 
meanings of the adj. (1) Quickly or ea.fih/ : Gn 26^" 
'one of the people might lightly have lien with thy 
wife' {DSC, LXX fUKpoO, Gen. 'had almost lien'); 
Is 9» 'at the first he lightly afflicted the land . . . 
and afterward did more grievously afflict her ' 
i*ys^, UV 'he brought into contempt'); Jer 4-^ 'I 
lielield the mountains, and, lo, they trembled, and 
all the hills moved lightly' (''?5'pn:i, RV ' moved to 
and fro,' RVm as AV);*Mk !>" 'for there is no 
man which shall do a miracle in my name, that 
can lightly siKj^k evil of me ' (raxv, Vulg. ' cito,' 
Wye. 'soone,' Tind. 'lightlyge,' RV 'quickly'). 
Cf. Tind. Expos, p. 61, * there is none so great an 
enemy to thee in this world, but thou shalt lightly 
love him, if thou look well on the love that Goil 
Hliowed thee in (-'lirist'; Rhem. NT on .In 4'-^ 
'Afterward the said Schismatikes (wliicii is lightly 
the end of al Schismes) revolttHJ quite from the 
Jcwc« religion, and dedicated their temple in 
Garizim to lupiter Ol3'mi)ius, as Calvin's supi)er 
and tiiM bread and wine is like at lengtli to come 
V> the itacrilicc of ( 'ercs and Racchus ' ; and .Malorj', 
Morle ct Arthur, iii. 3.'W, 'Rut now goe agaiiio 
lightly, tor thy long tarying putteth me in 
j«*oi»aniie of my life.' (2) I'oorlif, worthlessly, 
alwayN with ' enleem,' Dt 32", 1 H *>• IM". 

LWitncM is frivolity, passing into wantonness. 
Jfr # ' And it came to pass, tliroiigh the lightness 
oflier whoredom, that the land was jHilluted ' ; 
its* 'that . . . cautM! my iM-nph- to err by their 
lien, and by their lightness' (UV 'vain IsmHtiMg'); 
2Co |W Mid I uw liKhtnessT' U\a>t,pia, KV ' lickle- 
IMSw'). cf, .l«r 'i* Cov. 'What unfaithfiilnesse 
UmnAn ytniw fntlit'rit in me, that they wente so 
farrn away«< fro me, fallinge to lightneHse, and 
IfPinK M> vnyne ? ' 

Tlin virrb to li^tfin means either (I) to mnkn 
li'ihi unhunlu I S «l» ' |M>riuiventiiro he will 
'rnolfyou'; .Ion I*. Ac2T"'*' 
■ f'.'i to fiire, liifht, tnf If/htm, as 
!•■" ' ' may lighten our eyes'; 

i'" ' ' lit«t I shtep the slifep of 

'' ' ' * ill giv«i ui» Mlri-ngth, 

M). Cf. Ih .'I.V Cov. 
I.I, ...I.. 1... i,.,i i • . 

but, ub : bvM llurjr Mt>tt) UnUlvtutd i 

The phrase to light on or upon means always 
to coT7ie down upon, to hit upon: (Jn 28", Dt ly', 
Ru 2^ 2 S 17'-, 2 K 10'% Mt 3'", Rev 7"* ' neitlier 
shall the sun light on them, nor any heat' (tt^o-t; 
ew' aiToos, RV 'strike upon them'). Cf. Mt 10'^ 
Tind. ' Are not two sparrowes solde for a farthinge ? 
And none of them dothe lyght on the grounde 
with out youre father.' J. Hastings. 

LIGHTNING is a well-known phenomenon accom- 
panying thunderstorms. It consists of brief, vivid 
dashes, which are caused by electric discharges 
passing from one cloud to another, or from a cloud 
to the earth. In the latter case great damage is 
usually produced at the point where the discharge 
strikes the earth. Trees and houses are often 
shattered, holes made in the ground, and life in 
the vicinity destroyed. 

In EV of OT ' liglitning ' is usually the render- 
ing of p"!^ ; but as this word sometimes refers to 
the physical phenomenon and sometimes to other 
appearances resembling it, it is not ahv.ays literally 
translated. LXX usually renders it by daTpawri, 
but in Nah 3^ i^aarpairT'.iv is used, in Ezk 21'"- " 
ffTiX^uaii, in Ezk 21-'* aTiX'^eiv, in Job 20-^ derpov {a 
doubtful reading — dcrpa, A &v5pa), and in Job 38^ 
Kepavvos. In AV pii is rendered 'glitter' or 
'glittering' Dt .32«, Job 20-^, Ezk 21" ••«, Nah 3», 
H.ab 3", and 'bright' Ezk 2V^. The only places 
in RV where pTi is not translated 'lightning' are 
Dt 32" ('glittering' sword), Job 20-2 ('glittering' 
point), Nah 3^ Hab 3'' ('glittering' spear). The 
verb pi"! occurs once with the cognate noun Ps 144". 

' Lightning ' in EV stands once (Job 37^) for 
•fix ('light,' LXX 4>wi), and once (Ex 20i«) for t5^ 
('torch,' LXX Xa/iTtij). In Ezk 1'^ the Heb. is pip, 
which is possibly a corruption of p-ip (Cornill, 
Smend). Here l/XX (A) has ^if^^ic, and so Tlieod. ; 
.Sj'inm. has dK-ris acrTpairijs, .and Aq. dvop'joia rj 
dcTTparri. In two passages (Job 28"" 38-"', also RV 
Zee 10') 'lightning' is the equivalent of Tin, a word 
the meaning of which is imcertain, though it is 
undoubtctily connected with a thunderstorm. 
Gescnius-Buhl renders it by Gewittcrwolke, LXX 
by riyayfia in .lob '28-"", Kvdoifibs in .lob 38-", and 
(pavraala in Zee 10', Mhere AV has ' bright clouds.' 

^iaffTpivretv occurs in LXX as a I'enderiug of 
other Heb. words, Ezk 1^- ">, Dn 10". 

In Apocr. and NT 'liglitning' always stands for 
iarpiTrr) or daTpiwretv. These words, however, like 
P"3"", do not always refer to physical lightning, and 
are not translated quite uniformly. Thus in 
Wis IP* d(TTpdirTovT€i is 'shooting' (AV) or ' llasii- 
ing' (RV) sparkles, in Lk '24* darpdiTTOva-a is 
' shining' (AV) (tr ' dazzling ' (RV), and in Lk ll^^ 
darpaw^ is ' bright shining.' 

Lightning is mentioned in connexion with 
thuniicrstorms, mostly in poetic descriptions, 2S 
'22'o, I's 18'* JI7* l.^V, .r,>r 10'^ .')1'«. Its association 
with thumlcr is tht^ basis of a comjjarisoii in Sir 
32'". Tilt! Epistle of .ler (v.*") refers to its lieauty, 
and in the LXX Aild. to Dn (;P, Song of Three ^') 
it is siininioned along with the rest ol nature to 
praise God. God is generally re])resentetl as 
sending it, ami the lack of the power to do so is 
one proof of the weakness of man (.lob 38''*i. 
Lightning is nsHociated with tlicophaiiics as at 
Sinai fEx M)'" '>'(»"*), in Ezckicl's vision (lOzk I'''-'*), 
uikI in various sliiges of the Apociilyjist! (Uev 4" 8' 
11'" W). It is regarded as an instrninentof God's 
judgment in I's 144", Sir 43'-'. In Zee !»'* (Jods 
'arrows' of destruction are comiian'd to lightning, 
whieh Meems also to be sptdven of as His ' swcnd ' ill 
Dt .32". and as His 'speiu' in Ilab 3". The glitter 
of weapons JH frequentlv descrihed as 'liglitning 
in .loh 2<»\ V./.U '2\^"-''--\ Nail .3'. Either the 
Moeed or the Ihisliing of eliiuiols is compared to 
lightning in Nah 2*. Ligiilning is a ligure foi 




brightness of countenance Dn 10*, Mt 28*, and of 
raiment Lk 24'', for the suddenness of tlie Second 
Advent Mt 24-^ Lk 17-^ and for the swift com- 
pleteness of Satan's overthrow Lk 10"*. 

In some passages 'lire' evidently refers to 
lightning, as when ' fire and hail ' are mentioned 
togetlier (Ex 9^, Ps 1(J5=*- 148«), and when 'lire 
from Iieaven ' is spoken of either as an agency of 
destruction (2 K l'"-i^-iJ, Job l^") or as a token of 
God's acceptance of a sacrifice (1 K IS***, 1 Cli 21'-*). 
See FiiiE, Thunder. James Patrick. 

LIGN-ALOES.— See Aloes. 

LIGURE (c\yhhshcm ; \iyijpiov ; Ugurius, ligyrius). 
— In Ex 28'" 30'-, the only places where leshem 
occurs, AV accepts the transliteration of tl e Vulg. 
liqitrius, first introduced by Wyclif (1380 'ligyre,' 
1388 ' ligurie '). It is one of the stones in the third 
row of the high priest's breastplate (see Breast- 
plate OF THE High Priest, vol. i. p. 319). The 
Gen. Bible gives 'turkeis'; KV 'jacinth.' See 
Jacinth and Stones (Precious). 

LIKE, LIKING.— The adj. 'like' is used in AV 
for modern 'likely,' in Jer 38" ' he is like to die 
for hunger in the place where he is,' and Jon I'' 
' the ship Avas like to be broken.' Cf. Bacon, 
Essays, p. 48, ' A Christian boy in Constantinople 
had like to liave been stoned, for gagging, in a 
waggishnesse, a long Billed Fowle'; and Ruther- 
ford, Letters, No. xxi. ' It is like the bridegroom 
will be taken from us, and then we shall mourn.' 
The obsol. expression ' like as' is common. Thus 
Jer 23^*^ ' Is not my word like as a fire?' Wis 18" 
' Like as the king, so suffered the common person.' 
So are the expressions ' like to' or ' like unto,' as 
2 K 17'^ ' They . . . hardened their necks, like to 
the neck of their fathers'; Ex 15" 'who is like 
unto thee, O Lord, among the gods? who is like 
thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing 
wonders? ' Cf. Utlall, Ernsmus' Paraphrase, vol. ii. 
fol. 278, ' He once purged us frely from al synne, 
to make us lyke manered unto himself e, whiche 
neyther any law nor any mortal man could be 
liable to do.' ' Like ' is often found with the mean- 
ing of equivalent ; modern usage would be content 
with the less expressive ' same,' as Ex 30** 'of each 
shall there be a like weight' (Tind. 'of etch like 
luoch ') ; Wis 7'' ' all men have one entrance into 
life, and the like going out'; Ac 14"^ 'men of 
like passions with you ' ; 19-* ' the workmen 
of like occupation ' ; IP 3-' ' The like figure 
whereunto even baptism doth also now save 
us.' Cf. Preface to AV, ' If we will descend 
to latter times, we shall finde many the like 
examples of such kind, or rather unkind accept- 

As a subst. ' like ' is now only provincial ; in A V 
it occurs a few times: (1) the like, 1 K 10-'" !l 
2 Ch O'" ' There was not the like made in any 
kingdom' ([?, LXX ourws) ; 2 Ch P- 'neither shall 
there any after thee have the like' (js) ; Ezk S" 
'I will not do any more the like' (>r^^^D■^, LXX 
bfxoia) ; 18'" ' If he beget a son that is a robber, a 
shedder of blood, ami that doeth the like to any 
one of these things ' (nx ; RV ' that doeth any one 
of these things,' RVm ' that doeth to a brother 
any of these things'; see Davidson's note); 45-^ 
Jl 2"^ 'there hath not been ever the like' (''lir) ; 
Wis 16' ' Therefore by the like were they punished 
worthily' (SC b^oiuv) ; Sir 7'- (t6 6>o£ov) : (2) Ibis like. 
Job 41^ ' Upon earth there is not his like ' ("'?*'?, 
LXX Sfioiov ai'ry) ; Sir 13" ' Every beast loveth his 
like' {t6 o/noLOf avTiS) : (3) their iik:. Sir 27" 'The 
birds will resort unto their like' (rd o,uoia aiVots) : 
(4) such like, Ezk IS''* (;??) ; Gal 5^' (rd S/iota tovtois). 
Cf. Mk 2''^ Rhem. 'al marveled, and glorified God, 

saying, Tliat we never saw the like' ; Shaks. Jul. 
Cies. I. ii. 315 — 

' 'Tis meet 
That noble minds keep ever with their likes.' 

The verb 'to like' is both trans, and intrans. 
The trans, verb means either to ' be agreeable to,' 
'please'; so Sir 15'^ 'Before man is life and 
death ; and whether him liketh shall be given 
him ' (6 eav evdoKria-r] ; RV ' whichsoever he liketh ') ; 
cf. Erasmus, Commune Creda, fol. 4, ' For so it 
hath pleased god and hath lyked him to geve his 
benefites and gyftes to one man, by another man ' ; 
fol. 38 ' The lorde hethe made all thynges, what 
so ever it hath liked hym, in heven and in earthe ' ; 
Pr. Bk. ' Of Ceremonies,' ' Some be so new-fangled, 
that they would innovate all things, and so despise 
the old, that nothing can like them, but that is 
new': or else it means to 'be pleased witii,' 
'approve of,' so 1 Ch 28^ 'among the sons of my 
fatiier he liked me to make me king over all 
Israel ' (ny-j '5, RV ' he took pleasure in me '). 
Usually this trans, verb is used impersonally, 
Dt 23'" ' where it liketh him best' (iV aicsj, LXX o5 
ikv dpiari avT(^) ; Est 8* ' as it liketh you' (orrw aiaj) : 
Am 4^ ' for this liketh you, O ye children of Israel' 
(cp^nt< p 'J, LXX 'oTi ravra Tjydinjcrau ol viol 'IcrparjX) ; 
Sir 33'* ' As tlie clay is in the potter's hand, to 
fashion it at his pleasure ; so man is in the hand 
of him that made him, to render to them as liketli 
him best.' Cf. Gn IG' Wye. (1388) ' Lo ! thi ser- 
vauntcsse is in thin bond ; use thou hir as it 
likith ' ; Hall, Works, ii. 45, ' It likes thee well, 
that the Kingdom of heaven should suH'er violence.' 

The intrans. verb occurs twice, Dt 25'' 'And if 
the man like not to take his brother's wife' 
([•B.7: nh) ; and Ro P* 'And even as they did not 
like to retain God in their knowledge ' (ouk edoKi- 
yuacrai', RV ' they refused'). 

In 1 Es 4*" is found the obsolete form ' like of,' 
'all men do well like of her works' (Trdfres eudoKovai 
Tois fpyots avrrjs), which is retained in RV. So in 
Preface to AV, ' Solomon was greater than David. 
. . . But was that his magnificence liked of by 
all ? We doubt of it ' ; Melvill's Diari/, p. 302, 
' The King had determined to bring ham the 
Papist Lords again, and lyked of nan that wald 
nocht wag as the bus waggit ' ; Defoe, Orusoe, 
p. 274, ' Upon the Captain's coming to me, I told 
him my Project for seizing the Ship, which he 
lik'd of wonderfully well.' 

The verb to liken is of frequent occurrence, and 
means to compare, as Is 40"* 'To whom then will 
ye liken God ? ' Cf. Tindale, Works, i. 107, ' On 
this wise Paul also (Ro 5) likeneth Adam and 
Christ together, saying that Adam was a figure of 

For likeness see Image. 

Likewise is sometimes a mere conj., also, as 
Dt 12'^'' ' even so will I do likewise ' (d?, LXX iroi-rtaw 
Kdydo), especially in NT as tr. of Kal. But more 
frequently it is an adverb, in the same way ; thus, 
Jg 7'^ ' Look on me, and do likewise' (f?) ; Est 4'" 
'I also and my maidens will fast likewise' ([5); 
Lk 22-'" ' Likewise also the cup after sup[)er ' 
(wo-ai'Tws) ; Rev 8'^ (oyttoiws). In Mt 21-'' we have 
the expression 'in like wise,' but the meaning is 
simply also, 'I in like wise will tell you by what 
authority I do these things ' (Kayd), RV ' I like- 
wise'). Cf. Jn 5-' Tind. 'For lykwyse as the 
father rayseth up tlie deed ' ; and Lever, Sermons, 
p. 108, ' Excepte ye spedelye repente and amende, 
ye shall everye one be lykewyse served.' 

The subst. liking was at one time in use in 
the sense of outward appearance, and then such 
an adj. as 'good' or 'ill' qualified it. It occurs 
once in AV, Job 39^ ' Their young ones are in 
good liking' (lo^r;:). In the same sense 'liking' 
is used as an adj. in Dn 1'" ' why should he see 




your faces worse liking (c'?>:i) than the children 
which are of your sort?' SVyelif (loSS) uses the 
subst. in Gn 2'" in the sense of delight, ' And a 
rj-ver yede out fro the place of likyng to nioyste 
paradis' (1380, 'the place of delite)^ For the 
adj. cf. Ps 92" Pr. Bk. 'They also shall bring 
forth more fruit in their age, and shall be fat and 
•well-liking' (in 1539, ' well lykenge').* 

J. Hastings. 
LIKHT ('"fV. B Aaxett/x, A Aaicetd). — The eponym 
of a Maoassite family, 1 Ch 7"*. See Genealogy, 
VII.» 5. 

LILITH (n-V*V ; LXX dfOK^rravpot ; Symm. \dfj.ia 
[tXafda]; Vulg. lamia).— Is 34^* KVm (only); AV 
'screech owl'; AVm and RV 'night monster'; 
Cheyne 'night fairy' (in PB 'Lilith ).' The Heb. 
word occurs in a description of the scene of desolation 
among Edoms ruinea fortresses, where ' the wild 
beasts of the desert (c-^y) meet witli tlie wolves (c"x), 
and the satyr (f:;^) cries to his fellow, and Lilith 
takes up her abode.' The reference is not to an 
animal, but to a female demon of popular super- 
stition, analogous to the 'alulcnh or vanijiire or Pr 
30". The Jewish belief in Lilitli probaldy grew up 
during the Exile ; the name was unquestionably 
borrowed from Babylonia (cf. the Assyr. I'd and 
lilit). Lilith was a demon (.Tiy) regarded by the 
Jews as specially hostile to children, although 
grown-np persons were also in danger from her 
(cf. the " of the Greeks, the Strix and 
Jximia of the Romans, and the ghiUs of the Arabs). 

The name Lilith is generally derived from the 
root meaning 'night' (Bab.-Semitic lihUu, Eth. 
Iflit, Heb. V:^), night l)eing the special season of 
this demon's i>o%ver and activity. IJaudissin, how- 
ever (o/). cit. Ih'Iow), doubts whether this derivation 
lie correct, although it may have been assumed as 
the IjAMis of .>iome later Jewish conceptions. He 
quotes Jensen to the eflect that the Sunierian liln 
(ssAsHjT. Iil6) means ' wind ' (cf. Del. Asst/r. HWIi, 
$.v. MilO'), and that 'the handmaid of Lila' is 
broaght into relation to 'the house of the wind.' 
BamiixAin suggests that even in Zee 5" there may 
be a tbonght of Lilith in the prophet's mind, when 
be describes the two women with stork-like wings 
in which wa« the wind (nn). 

The lielic'f in Lilith existed among the Jews of 
MeMj^totamia, where a Hjiecies of Lilitli-worship 

|>rcvaile<l «w late as the 7th cent. A.D. In the 
{abbinical Iit4;raturc Lilith figures largely (see 
Huxtorf, Lkx. Tnlm. a.v.). She was said to have 
been the \\T*t wife of Adam, and to have flown 
awav from him and litM-ome a demon. The Targ. 
on Job l'» ap|MirentIy identifies the <jueen of Siielia 
witli Mlitli iHt't: (Jriitz's Mouatsr/irif't, 187<l, pp. 
187 " \ Cheyne in commenting on Is 34'*). 

^* , nrlM. I)K.M()N in vol. i. p. 690f., 

and .Siciii .Mos .1 1 1:. 

f,fT«»«Tf«K. — Tl . 1 • nlariM of ^^«'^•Iln, nrlltZfli^h, find 

i#i'."»ri Lfturn, imj, y^. 140 ». ; lloniirxl, \<„-»niHt. KiiU 


J. A. Beldib. 

• In • r>' 

ttw MlhiU' 

. . . wUU I 


Uklfi? •■■ ' 

■awiiro In hi« wllclon o( tlif IVallor of 
" 'Th" «>l«l vofit llrinn «fi» flrit hn- 

•♦•?> ■..,... ....„i .T,„ . ,„ ,,,■,/.,,. » lU..- I.-l .|11.«|C11||M111 

tottUt, kV • ancimlinc U> •*»ry ituut'a rlK.U-« '\ 

LILT. — There are three questions to be settled 
in reference to the lily : (l)*Wliat was meant by 
]^'\v sh ushan, le'iu' shCshan, and n)i'\v shOshannCih \ 
(2) Are shushan and shOshannuh the same as Kplvov 
(Mt 6^- ^)? (3) What is meant by ' lilies of the 
field ' ? 

(1) The word shiishan or shoshan is still pre- 
served in siisan or sCsan, a word of Persian origin, 
but adopted in this form into the Arabic. It is 
possilile that it entered the Heb. from the same 
source. The capital of Persia was called in Heb. 
Shushan (Neh l\ Est 2* etc., Dn 8-). Atlieno- 
dorus (xii. 513) says that tliis name was derived 
from the abundance of the lilies (shushdnim) in 
its neighbourhood. Susan in Arab, is a general 
term for lily-like flowers, as the lily, iris, pan- 
cratium, gladiolus, etc., but more particularly the 
iris. It is as general as the English term lily, 
which is applied to flowers of the genera Liliuni, 
Gladiolus, Convallaria, Hemerocallis, of the bot- 
anical order Liliaccce, and to Nymphrea, Nuphar, 
Funkia, etc., not of that order. The Heb. shushan 
must be taken in the same general sense. This 
makes it easy to explain all the references to the 
flower in the OT. Some of the lilies grow in ' the 
valleys' (Ca 2^ not our ' lily of the valley,' Con- 
vallaria, which does not grow in the East), such 
as several species of Iris ; others ' among thorns ' 
(Ca 2-), as other species of Iris ; others in pastures, 
as still other species of Iris jind Gladiolus (2* 4' 6^). 
Its flowers were tj-pical of luxuriance (Hos 14'), as 
are those of all the Irises, Gladioli, and Pancratia. 
The comparison of lips to lilies (Ca 5^^) may refer to 
fragrance, not to coloiir. The allusion to lilies as 
features of architectural ornament doubtless refers 
to the recurved Iccaves of various flowers of the 
lily tyjte, imitations of which were wrought in 
stone for ca]>itals of columns (1 K 7^"), and bronze 
for the lip of the molten laver (2 Ch 4'''), as they 
have been in similar works of art in other lands, 
from ancient times to our day. The meaning of 
the term shoshnnntm in the title of Pss 45. 69 (cf. 
Shiishan-iduth. Ps 60, and Shushannim- eduth, 80) 
is obscure. See Psalms. 

(2) Is shiisluin the same as Kpivov (Mt (r^-^)^. 
The Chaldee Targnm and nu)st of the Rabbis 
render it by 'rose.' Kimchi and ben - Melech 
render it in one place (1 K 7''-*) 'violet.' The 
LXX, however, tr. it always by Kpivov. This is 
probably correct for several reasons, (n) Wherever 
there are not urgent reasons to the contrary, a 
LXX tr. has the i)reference. (/>) Kpivov has in 
(Jreek the same general application to lily-like 
plants as shushan in Hebrew and lily in English. 
(r) There is no reason for translating shuslian dif- 
ferently in diflercnt places, as in the alH)ve men- 
ti<med authorities and in the Juda>o-Si)anish VS, 
which tr. shushan in Ca by ' rose,' and in Hos by 
' lirio' = Lilium candidum. Admitting, then, the 
correctness of the L.\.\ tr. Kpivov, we may assume 
that Mt used this (Jrcek word to express the 
Anumiic word used by our Saviour, wliich was 
doul)ll('HH a modilication of shiishnn. 

(:<) What is meant by 'lilies of the field ' ? It 
is plain that our Saviour sixike in a way that His 
heanas would understand. Thert'fore (a) thtro 
couhl not have been inchuled in Mis allusion any 
|tlaiit unknown to His aiitlicncc. This would 
exclude I. ilium ('liidndnuiruni, I,., and Liliiiui 
Mtirtfii/mi, I,., wlii<'li \in.\r. Iiccn assunu'd by some 
as the HjK'cics inli'tulcd, on account of their lifauty, 
but neither of which in found in I'lilcsliue. Liliuni 
candidum, L., is also not a plant of Palestine, and 
being white would not. suit. (1m! coni|iariHon with 
Solonion'H royal garment h. iMirtluTinore, if this 
hpeeii'H had been inlende<|, X//)(oi' vhi/r. I ill/, \\(m\i\ 
lirobably have been used, instead of Kpivov, which 
Is geiiural. ' (/>) None of the wnter lilies could have 

been intended, as the lilies were ' of the field.' 
(c) It is not likely that they were anemones or 
poppies or artichokes. All tliese flowers had their 
own names, and would not have been siifrgested 
to the popular mind by the term lily, {d) It must 
therefore have been some plant of the modern 
order Liliacece, Iridacece, or Amaryllidaccce.. 
Any of these would have been called Kplvov, and 
most would now be called popularly lili".s in Eng- 
lish, (c) It was not only a lily-like plant of the 
field, but had a stem, wiiich, wiien dried, would 
be useful as fuel (Mt 6^). This would exclude 
the crocuses and colchicums, Anemone Coronarin, 
L. (which, however, has the support of Tristram), 
and other stemless plants. (/) It was a flower 
of rich colours. The plants which realize all 
these conditions are the various species of Gladi- 
olus, which are indigenous in Palestine, G. Illy- 
ricus, Kodi, G. se(jctum, Gawl, G. atroviolaccns, 
Boiss., and Ixiolirion montanum, Lab. All these 
grow among the grain, often overtopping it, and 
illuminating tiie broad fields with their various 
shades of pinkish purjile to deep violet-purple and 
blue, truly royal colours. Any one who has stood 
among the wheat fields of (lalilee, and seen the 
beautiful racemes of these flowers, peering up in 
every direction above the standing corn, will see 
at once the appropriateness of our Saviour's allu- 
sion. They all have a reedy stem, which, when 
dry, would make sucli fuel as is used in the ovens 
(Arab, tanniir). These stems are constantly 
plucked up with tiie orher wild plants from 
among the wlieat, to feed cattle or to ])urn. 
The beautiful Irises, /. Sari, Schott, /. Palestina, 
Baker, /. Lortti, Barb., and /. Helcmn, Barb., 
have gorgeous flowers, and would suit our Saviour's 
comparison even better than the above. But they 
are plants of pasture grounds and swamps, seldom 
found in grain fields. If, however, we understand 
by ' lilies of the field ' simply wild lilies, these 
would also be included in the expression. Our 
Saviour's comparison would then belike a 'com- 
posite photograiih,' a reference to all the splendid 
colours and beautiful shapes of the numerous wild 
plants comjireliended under the name lily. This 
seems to us the most simj)le and natural interpreta- 
tion, and meets every requirement of the passage. 

G. E. Post. 

LIME (Tt;*, Kovia) is the commonest of the so- 
called ' alkaline earths,' its basis being the metal 
calcium. Tlie various forms of limestone, some of 
Mhich are very abundant in Palestine, are com- 
posed of carbonate of lime. When this is strongly 
lieated, it is converted into oxide of lime or 'quick- 
lime,' and becomes soft and crumbling. Quicklime 
combines readily and even violently with Mater to 
form ' slaked lime,' which is one of the chief ingredi- 
ents of mortar (wh. see). As the mortar ' sets,' the 
slaked lime absoibs carbonic acid gas from the air, 
and is reconverted slowly into carbonate of lime. 

Lime is mentioned only twice in EV. In Is 33'^ 
it is predicted that tiie Assyrian oppressor shall 
be 'as the burnings of lime (T7 nis-ii;'?) — a figure 
for destruction. (Similarly in Is 27" the stones of 
idolatrous altars are to be ' as chalkstones [nr'.4?N, 
LXX Kovia XfTTTTj] that are beaten in sunder,' prob- 
ably after being 'burnt.' See Chalk-Stones). 
In Am 2' the Moabites are denounced because 
they ' burned the bones of the king of E<lom into 
lime' (see Drivers note). Phosphate of lime is tiie 
chief mineral constituent of bones, and is un- 
changed by burning. Both in their appearance 
and in their composition, therefore, bone ashes 
have something in common with calcined lime- 
stone, and are naturally described by the same 
term. Besides these two passages, ix occurs in 
Dt 21 -■ * both as noun and as verb, and is trans- 
lated ' plaister ' (wh. see). 

In Mt 23-'^ our Lord, in denouncing the scribes 
and Pharisees for their hypocrisy, compares them 
to Td(poi K€Kovia/j.ivoi. It was the custom of the 
Jews to whiten the outside of their tombs with 
lime every year on the loth of Adar, the object 
being to make the tombs conspicuous, tliat passers- 
by might avoid defilement (see Meyer, Holtzmann, 
in loc). In our Lord's saying, the whiteness is 
viewed chiefly as a deceptive outward embellish- 
ment, contrasting with the corruption within. 
Similarly in Ac 23* St. Paul calls Ananias the 
high priest to2x°^ K€Kovia/x4vos. 

James Patrick. 

LIMIT. — The subst. occurs only in Ezk 43'" 
' Upon the top of the mountain tiie whole limit 
thereof shall be most holy,' where it means a 
region or space within certain limits or bounds 
(Heb. "tidj, LXX ra opia : tiie Heb. word is.common 
in this sense, but it is usually rendered by ' border' 
or 'coast': Wye. [1388] has 'coostes' here, [1.S82] 
' eendis ' ; Cov. ' corners ' ; Geneva gives ' limits '). 
For the Eng. word cf. Shaks. / Henry IV. ill. 
i. 73— 

' The archdeacon hath divided it 
Into three limits very equally.' 

The verb occurs twice : In Ps 78^' it means to 
set limits to, restrict, ' they turned back and 
tempted God, and limited the Holy One of 
Israel' (iinn, LXX irapih^wav, IIV 'provoked,' 
KVm 'limited'). 

The tr. ' limited ' comes from the Gen. Bible, which explains 
its meaning in the marg., 'As thei all do that measure the 
power of God by their capacitie.' But it is usually taken in 
another sense : thus in JQH iv. 441, Dr. Friedlander says, 'My 
conception of God is based on the teaching of the Scriptures, 
God is the Creator and the Ruler of the Universe, and by His 
decree phenomena appear and events occur which are contrary 
to human expectation, i.e. miracles are wrought by Him. Ac- 
cording to the idea of Iklr. Montefiore, the Divine Being is bound 
to act according to certain laws established by human reason. 
This is by no means a new theory. Asaph in Ps 78^', speaking 
of the Israelites in the wilderness, says, Yea, they turned back 
and tempted God, and limited the Holy One of Israel.' The 
translation is due to the fact tliat the same Heb. form occurs in 
Ezk O-* along with the word tiiiv (which is the name of the last 
letter of the Heb. alphabet, and was originally in the shape of a 
cross), where it is tr* 'set a mark.' But most follow the LXX 

^apoilutKi, Syr. \Olm, Vulg. exacerhaverunt, and Jerome con- 
citavenint, and translate ' grieved,' or as RV ' provoked,' 
Kautzsch krdnkten.* 

The Amer. RV introduces ' limit ' in this sense 
into Job 15*. Cf. Adams, Works, i. 26, ' being an 
infinite and illimited God.' 

The other occurrence of the verb is He 4^ 
'Again, he limiteth a certain day,' where the 
meaning is 'fix as a limit' (opifet, KV ' delineth'). 
So Berners' Froissart, xxiv. ' It was not long after 
but that the king came to his palace of West- 
minster and all his council was commanded to be 
tiiere at a certain day limited ' ; Bradford, Plym. 
Plant, p. 82, ' Their time limited them being ex- 
pired, tliey returned to the ship.' 


LINE. — 1. The word most freq. translated ' line' 
in AV is lij kmv or i|^ knw. The kaxo is a marking otF 
or measuring line, as it is fully defined in Jer SF", but 
is usually called simply tlie ' line.' It is especially 
the builder's measuring line, as Zee P" ' I am re- 
turned to Jerusalem with mercies : my house shall 
be built in it, .saith the Lord of hosts, and a line 
shall be stretched forth u[)on Jerusalem'; and so it 
comes to be used of the line that marks ofl the part 
that is to be taken down and destroyed, as 2 K 21'* 
'And I will stretch over Jerusalem tlie line of 
Samaria, and the plummet of the house of Ahab,' 

* Burgess (Xotes on Heb. I'ss) adopts the tr. ' set a mark, 
and has the interesting sugj,'estion that the Israelites proposed 
to put God to Ike text : if ile provides flesh in the wilderness, 
then we shall acknowledge Him ; somewhat after the manner 
of Caliban—' That's a brave god, and bears celestial liquor ; I 
will kneel to him.' 




i.e. the line that marked them off for their destruc- 
tion ; Is 28'' ' Judgment also will I lay to the line, 
and righteousness to the plummet' (RV 'And I 
will make judsiemeut the line') ; Is 34" ' the line of 
confusion.' Tlien the word comes into use meta- 
phorically for whatever goes by line or measure- 
ment, a rule of life : thus in Is 28^" the drunkards 
of Ephraim mock Isaiah's teaching as ' precept 
upon precept, precept ujwn precept, Tine upon line, 
line upon line, here a little, and there a little,' 
showing by tlieir use of a series of monosyllables 
(ztw la-zatc, zair la-zaw, kaic la-knw, kaw la-kaw, 
zc'er shtim, zecr ahum) both their drunkenness and 
their disgust. I'or the Kng. word here cf. Archbp. 
Hamilton's CaterJiisin (Mitchell's ed. fol. v), ' For 
as ane biggare [ = builder] can nocht make ane evin 
up wal without direction of his lyne, a mason can 
nocht heu ane evin aislair staine without directioun 
•»i his rewill, ane skyppar can nocht gj'de his schip 
to gud hevin without direction of his compas, sa 
a man or a woman can nocht ordour or gj'd his 
lyif evin and strecht to the plesour of GOD with- 
out direction of his commandis.' 

The onir passage of difficulty is Ps 1(H ' Their line is g^one 
out ihrouifh all the earth, and "their words to the end of the 
worbl.' .Wm 8ii|»e8ta as alternative translations 'their rule' 
or "direction"; RV accepts the tr. of AV (which conies from 
tbe Gen.) without maripn. The same verb is found with the 
■MaMuing' line in Ezk iT-', and {>crhaps the majority of mod. 
exiwnton accept this tr, the meaninif then being that the 
hMkrena aend out their line to mark off and take possession of 
the irbole earth, an idea suggested by the line of the horizon 
nuuung round the earth. So Del., Per, De Witt, Kirkp., 
Kautacfa. But the oldest translators thought of the line as 
perfaap* a bowstring that gives forth a tottnd. So LXX ifVcyyK, 
bymot. ix**' "'*•'• *"'! ^ "''■»• *oniir. Wye. ' soun,' Cov. ' soundc,' 
Dioa. 'soiumI,' Segond retentisument. King 'strain.' Prac- 
ticallr the aame meaning is got by Cheyne and Wellh. in 
aaotber way. They read cSp for c;p, and trans. ' their voice.' 
Thtj ate not influenced, as some of the older expositors perhaps 
were, by Ko 10>8, where 8t Paul quotes the L.XX and applies 
Uie words to tbe world-wide proclamation of the gosx>el. 

The only places in A V where kaw is not tr^ ' line ' 
are Is 44'* ' [cariK^nter's] rule,' where, however, liV 
gives 'line'; and IK--^, where the Heb. lipp *i3 is 
trannlatcd in .W • a nation meted out ' (lit. as AVm 
'a nation of line line') ; the context demands rather 
the active meaning 'that meteth out,' as KV 
(which, however, retains AV in marg.). Cheyne 
[Erfmn. 3rd «er. vi. 45')) criticizes AV as impossible 
and UV a« barely {tosHible. His own rendering is 
*•'■• '-'-'■•i'_' strong nation' (in .S7/f> 7' 'a nation of 
Mgth'), which is got by changing the 
>' "■', a subHt. formed after Arab. k"ioion, 

' nlreiiglh ' : and with that Skinner agrees, lies. 
iTf^u. i.v.) had nuggested a distinct sulmt. ip, ami 
tr^ * rfen» rohiiMtui/iiinii , pr. rolwris rolwris,' after the 
Arab.; Jiuhl in the latest ed. (lHJM»)of i\\o Hand- 
Korttrhurh odopto i;ri3 srlmiije Kraft with some 

X For S^r, ftcc Cord. In P» 10* 'The lines are 

ffttlfn unto Mie in iileasant places,' the reference is 

to the i>r»rtion nuirked off by the lino or measuring 

eord. In .Io<» 17* the word is tr. ' iK>rtions,' ' And 

tlt«r« f«ll l4'n |MirtionM to Manaswli ' (ItV 'parts.' 

I»V- " 3. pn in tr, 'lino' only in 1 K 7'*, 

cubits did compaMs 4'itlii'r of them 

,1 s.... I'.v.K. 4. Fur ^np (only 

' ' .^ 2"'-' the liun of 

' ^iind in tlnj window. 

It t> *- vviitil hi II!, Mho has ' exvepte thou 

jpyt*' wytiduwi! I lie lyne of tliiM row*. 

aolOttri^i T'ti"' . . . 'And kIm! knyt tlie rose 

•oioarad Ijrnn in tlt« wyn<l<*\v«.' 6. in;;', in fs 44" 

mrtd, U in \V I,,... i,..,| iii,,,.' iiv gives 

'1*^' I'KXCII,, 

\n i i-i"» 'not to iMinMt in 

•IKHti«r K. iiX" made ready to our 

li«n«r (/r , AViii 'rule,' IIV 'in 

•noilMrs prorinc4<, lom 'i)t limit, V,x. mcanuiing 

rod'}. The AV tr. is from the Gen. Bible, which 
explains it by saying, ' God gave the whole worlde 
to the Apostles to i)reache in, so that I'aul here 
meaneth by the line his porcion of the countre ia 
where he preachi^d.' J. Hastings, 

LINEAGE.— Lk 2* only, 'he was of the house 
and lineage of David ' (e^ oikov Kal irarpias, RV ' of 
the house and family'). Spenser uses the word in 
the same sense, FQ I. i. 5 — 

' So puro and innocent, as that same lambe. 
She was in life and every vertuous lore, 
And by descent from royall lynage came.' 

Cf. also Nut-Brown Maid (in Skeat's Specimens, p. 

' Ye shal not nede further to drede, 1 wyl not disparage 
Vou, god defende, sith ye descende of so grete a lynage.' 

Wyclif uses the word in the wider sense of kin- 
dred or tribe, as Ps 72" ' And all the lynagis of 
earthe scliulen be blessid in hym ' ; 78''''- "^ ' he 
chees not the lynage of Effraym. But he chees 
the lynage of Juda ' ; liev 5* ' a lioun of the lynage 
of Juda.' J. Hastings. 

LINEN. — The manufacture of linen is an ex- 
tremely .ancient art. The Egj^ptians attained 
proticiency in it at a very early time. To them 
Pliny ascribes the invention of weaving (vii. 56), 
and tlie honour is given by Athenajus to Patliymias 
the Egj'ptian (lib. ii.). Linen-weaving became a 
profitable calling, jjroviding occupation for large 
numbers. Strabo (xvii. 41, p. 813) says tliat 
Panopolis, or Chemmis, w<as inhabited by linen- 
weavers. Judging by the representations that 
have been preserved, the implements used must 
have been comparatively rude ; but cloth of very 
fine quality was produced with them. So delicate 
indeed were certain fabrics that they were described 
as 'woven air.' Specimens of Egyptian work in 
the form of corselets are mentioned by Herodotus 
(ii. 182, iii. 47), one dedicated by Amasis to 
Minerv.a in Lindus, tiie other sent by him to the 
Laceda'inonians, 'made of linen, with many liguros 
of animals inwrought and adorned with gold and 
cotton wool'; and he notes tliat 'each tliread, 
thougli very fine, contained ,SGO threads all dis- 
tinct.' Egyptian fine linen, yarn, and embroidered 
work were widely prized, and reckoned superior to 
those of any oilier country. Four qualities of 
Kgyiitian linen are specilica by Pliny (xix. c. 1), 
viz. I'anitic, Pelusiac, Butine, and Tentyritie, A 
large export trade was carried on to Arabia and 

The Egyptian priests wore linen clothes, and 
according to Herodotus (ii. Wt) were not allowed to 
wear anything else. Ihit Pliny (xix. 8) says (liat 
although tliey used linen tliey i)referred cotton 
roljCH ; ami the Bos(\tta Stone mentions 'cotton 
pirments' provided for tlie use of tiie temples. It 
IS most inobable tliat tlie nndergarnientH were 
always of linen, while robes of cotton worn over 
them would have to be left outside the temi)les. 
Lin(>n was regarded as fresh and cool in a hot 
climate, with a teiiih'ncy to k(M;p the iiody chvui. 
This, with lli(^ religions prejudice requiring linen 
only to Im« worn in the ti'inpii's, may accoiml for 
the belief that the priests wrre pioliihited from 
ever wearing anything elsct. When the worship of 
Isis was introduced into (Jrec-ee and Itonu! (riiit, 
df. Ik. v, 3) the same (■nsloms as to priestly dross 
were adopted (Wilk. Avr. F.iiijp. iii. 117). 

Great quantities of linen w(>re <'mployed in 
wrapping lint muniniies of Ihedcnd (lliio<l. ii. Sd). 
The bandiiL'cs used for this piir|iost' were invariably 
of linen. I'liis has been dcmonsl rated by a series 
of careful liiicroHcopi(; examinations well des( ribc<l 
by Wilkiiuon (Am: K'jijp. iii. 115, 1 Ul). Wool 




was never used in tliis way, becanse of a belief 
tJiat it tended to breed worms which would (h'stroy 
the oody. Tlie poor niij,d)t wear cotton garments 
in life, provided their nnnnmies were wrapped in 
linen after death. Linen was used for both men 
anil animals, and sometimes the bandages were as 
mudi as 1000 yards in length (Wilk. ib. iii. 484). 

The influence of Egypt on Israel is seen perhaps 
in the prominence given to linen in the furniture 
of tiie tabernacle and in the dress of the priests. 
The trade with Egypt was maintained (Pr 7^*^), and 
the material was liighly prized by the neighbour- 
ing Tyrians (Ezk 27''). "Plax was early cultivated 
in Palestine (Jos 2"), but tlie native industry in 
linen, as in other woven stutt's, was chiefly contined 
to tlie women of the iiousehold. The liner kinds 
were brought from abroad. 

The terms used for ' linen' in Scripture are — 
1. 2. vz', nj. As a mark of distinction IMiaraoh 
clothed Joseph in linen garments (try), from which 
we may infer that linen formed part of the ordinary 
dress of royal, or at least eminent persons (Un 
41^-). Shesli corresponds in form with the Arab 
slutsh, a line muslin, made of cotton, and much 
used to guard against mosquitoes and sand-Hies. 
Linen is, however, here intended. Shcsh is some- 
times used as the equivalent of had (n;), about 
which there is no doubt (cf. Ex 28«- •»- SO-**, Lv IG^). 
iihf'sh ajjpears to be the more general term. It is 
used for the ollerings brought by the people (Ex 
25'') ; the materials used in the hangings of the 
tabernacle (Ex 2Gi*"«- 27" '''*^- 35. 36. 38) ; the iinery 
of women (Pr 31-^ AV 'silk,' Ezk IG^"- ^'^) and the 
cloth of sails (Ezk 27"), as well as for the various 
garments of the priests (Ex 28»«»*- 39-- '*''«•)•. In 
Ezk IG"* we have the peculiar form 'W ; this is 
probably due to proximity to the similarly sound- 
ing 'v-D. 

na is used exclusively of articles of dress, and 
principally of the holy garments of the priests 
(Ex 28^^ 3S)^«, Lv Gi" IG^"*^-)- In 1 ^ 22i« the priests 
are designated as persons that wear a linen {had) 
ejihod. Samuel, as a cliild, engaged in religious 
servi<;e, was girded with a linen ephod (I S 2'*). 
David in his dance before the Loril was similarly 
girded (2 S G", 1 Ch 15-'). The nnin wearing linen 
garments is chosen for special work (Ezk l)-i- 3- n 
10-- ^■'') ; and the great ligure in the vision by the 
river Hiddekel wears similar attire (Dn 10» 12«- '). 
It appears therefore that bud is restricted to uses 
that are of a religious character. 

The distinction between shish and bad cannot be 
indicated with certainty. In the phrase ' had of fine 
twined shish' (Ex 31)-**), the latter term evidently 
means the thread of which the cloth is woven. 
This suggests tliat while had is used only for the 
cloth, shi'sh is applied indifferently, now to the 
thread and now to the woven stuff. Abarbanel 
(on Ex 25) says that had was a singde thread, and 
slush (Heb. =G) was formed by twisting together 
six single threads. But this seems in contradiction 
to the above. 

3. |-i3, LXX /3i''<ro-os, is from the root J'i3, to be 
Avhite, still heard in the Arab htis used for native 
linen. Of Aranuvan origin, it was used specially 
for the Syrian bijssus (Gesenius). In Ezk 27^" it is 
distinguished from Egyptian shesh (cf. v.''), but 
elsewhere the distinction is ignored (cf. 2 Ch 3'\ 
Ex 2G^M. Targum Onkelos gives buz as the eijuiva- 
lent of shish. Biiz is the name given to linen, in 
which the house of Ashbea attained eminence as 
workers (1 Ch 4-i, cf. 2 Ch 2}^), of which David's 
robe was made (1 Ch 15-"), of v.hich the veil of the 
temple was woven (2 Ch 3'^), and with which the 
Levite singers in the temiJe were clothed (2 Ch 5'-). 
Of this were also the cords Avhich fastened the 
hangings in the king's gardens at Shushan the 
palace (Est 1*). Mordecai's dress when he went 

out from the king was of fine linen (h4z) and 
purple (Est 8''\ cf. Lk IG^"). The Syrian' trade 
with Tyre included 'purple and embroidered Avork 
and buz' (Ezk 27^"). Josephus takes hyssus as the 
equivalent of both sMsh and had, describing the 
offerings of the Israelites in the Avilderness for the 
tabernacle as hyssus oi flax (Ant. vi. 1), the hang- 
ings for the tal)ernacle as sindon of byssus [ib. 2), 
and the priests' drawers and vestments as hyssus. 
The vestment, he says, was called chethone (rijhz), 
which denotes linen (ib. Vll. i. 2). This corresponds 
closely with the Arab kittdn, the common name 
for linen stufls. The presumption of the mystic 
Babylon is shown by her arraying herself in fine 
linen (hyssus), the fitting dress of the Lamb's 
wife, since it symbolizes ' the righteousness of 
the saints' (Rev 18''' 19*). Such raiment also is 
congruous with the character of those wlio follow 
him who is called the Eaithful and True (ib. 19'^). 

4. nny? (or na'?) is a general term ; ap))lied to tlie 
plant ( Jos 2»), to the raw material (Jg 15'^ Pr 31'^), 
to heckled flax (Is 19*), to threads in a mixed web 
(Dt 22'»), to cloth (Lv 13^' ''••'-••). to the prophet's 
girdle (Jer 13^), to a measuring-line (Ezk 40*), and 
to the sacred garments of the priests (Ezk 44"- '*). 
See Flax. 

5. I'll?, an artic