NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES
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THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. VII.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE _^"~'
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN •
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURIXti
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. VII.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN ;
G. & C. &. H. CARV1LL, NEW YORK J P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1830."
Steam Power Press — W. L. Lewis' Prral.j
No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.
/
. CONTENTS
OF THE
SEVENTH VOLUME.
JOHN ADAMS'S CORRESPONDENCE,
CONTINUED.
— O©^—
Page.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, December 14th,
1782, - - - - - - 3
The King of Sweden's compliment to the United
States. — The signing of the preliminaries an-
nounced to Parliament. — Quotes a note from the
Courier de l'Europe. — Requests leave to return.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadel-
phia, December 19th, 1782, 4
Mr Jefferson accepts his appointment. — Financial
arrangements for raising a revenue.
To Charles W. F. Dumas. Paris, January 1st,
1783, - - " . " . " " " 6
M. Brantzen. — Conversation with Mr Oswald on
freedom of navigation.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, January 22d,
1783, 8
Preliminaries and armistice between England, and
Spain, and France, signed and sealed. — Terms
England offers to the Dutch.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, January 23d,
1783, ------- 10
Grounds of Mr Adams's opinions of European poli-
tics. — Mr Laurens's services. — The northern
powers friendly to America. — America has suf-
fered by reposing confidence in a certain minister.
14
VI CONTENTS.
Page.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Paris, January 29th, 1783, 13
Proceedings of Congress in reference to the armed
neutrality. — America is ready to accede to its
principles.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, February 5th,
1783, - - - - - -
Causes of the revocation of his commission for nego-
. tiating a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. —
Recommends the appointment of a Minister to
England for negotiating a treaty of commerce. —
Mr Adams's idea of the qualifications necessary
for an American Minister, particularly at the Eng-
lish Court. — Address and fluency in speaking
French of little importance.— Mr Jay's services
and qualifications.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadel-
phia, February 13th, 1783, - 23
Financial embarrassments of the country.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, March 2d, 1783, 25
Transmitting an application from a French house at
Leghorn to be appointed consul or commercial
agent of the United States.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadel-
phia, April 14th, 1783, - - - - 26
Ambiguous expressions in the declaration of the ces-
sation of hostilities.— Affairs of the Dutch.— Mr
Adams's accounts.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, April 14th, 1783, 28
Mr Hartley succeeds Mr Oswald.— Prospect of a
general congress at Paris.
To Robert Morris. Paris, May 21st, 1783, - 30
The Dutch loan ; perplexities and embarrassments. —
Wishes to be at home to persuade the Americans
to pay taxes and build ships.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, May 24th, 1783, 31
A temporary regulation of commerce with England
will be necessary. — The American ministers in-
vited to London with a promise that they should
be treated as the ministers of other sovereign
states. — The English court wishes to interchange
ministers with America.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, May 30th, 1783, 34
Receives the ratification by Congress of the treaty
with Holland. — Delay in the negotiations of the
definitive treaty.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 9th, 1783, 35
"Letters from a Distinguished American," written
by Mr Adams.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 16th, 1783, 36
Ambiguities in the articles of the provisional treaty
CONTENTS. VU
Page,
occasioned by the critical state of aiiairs. — The
Dutch have been of important service in bringing
about the termination of the war. — Expresses a
wish to return ; is unwilling to remain in Europe
if the embassy to England is given to any other
person. — Policy to be pursued in raising a loan in
Holland. — Conduct of General Washington dur-
ing the discontent in the army.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 23d, 1783, 41
Obstacles in the way of agreeing upon a regulation
of commerce.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 23d, 1783, 42
Embarrassments of the English Ministry. — A party
in England in favor of restricting the commerce
of the Americans. — America and the West Indies
are mutually necessary to each other. — Thinks it
politic to revive the trade on the former footing, if
necessary.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 24th, 1783, 45
Fictions of the European Gazetteers.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 27th, 1783, 46
Progress of the negotiations of the other powers. —
Expects to obtain nothing more favorable than the
terms of the provisional treat}'. — Conduct, charac-
ter, and materials of the British Ministry.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, June 27th, 1783, 48
American ships arrive in England. — Dubious policy
of the Ministry. — The American Ministers would
effect more in England. — France does not desire
a reconciliation between England and the United
States.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 3d, 1783, 51
The American Ministers make visits to the Ministers
of all the powers. — The coalition. — The commerce
with the West Indies. — Receives a visit from the
Ambassador of the Emperor of Germany. — The
other Ministers return his visit.
To Robert Morris. Paris, July 5th, 1783, - 56
State of affairs in Europe at the moment of signing
the peace. — Expediency of signing it without con-
sulting the French Minister.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 7th, 1783, 59
The British Ministry avoid any definitive proposi-
tions. — The West India commerce in regard to
the different powers.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 9th, 1783, 63
Mediation of the Imperial Courts. — Explains the
necessity for concealing the separate article from
France ; and for signing the treaty without a pre-
vious communication of it to the French Court. —
The foreign Ministers cease to treat the American
Ministers with reserve.
Vni CONTENTS.
Page.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 10th, 1783, 67
French policy in regard to the fisheries. — Letter of
M. Marbois. — M. de Rayneval's correspondence
with Mr Jay. — France wishes the exclusion of the
Americans from the West Indies.
To Robert Morris. Paris, July 10th, 1783, - 70
Means of raising a loan in Holland.
To Robert Morris. Paris, July 11th, 1783, - 72
Necessity of sustaining the credit of the United
States by providing' for the prompt settlement of
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 11th, 1783, 74
Obligations of America to France. — Reasons for
maintaining a close connexion with France.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 12th, 1783, 75
Algiers. — Negotiations with Portugal.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 13th, 1783, 77
Reasons for forming a treaty of commerce with the
Emperor of Germany.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 14th, 1783, 81
Jealousy of American ships and trade in France and
England. — Proclamation of the English court per-
mitting intercourse between America and the
West Indies in British vessels. — Fish, potash and
pearlash not admitted. — This measure is the result
of French policy. — Remedies to be applied by
America.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 14th, 1783, 85
Exclusive policy of the European powers in regard
to commerce. — Views of Austria and Russia to-
wards the Black Sea, the Danube, the Archipel-
ago and Turkey.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 15th, 1783, 88
Mr Hartley offers no definitive propositions. — "Ob-
servations on the American States."
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 16th, 1783, 89
Visit to the Count de Vergennes. — Conversation
relative to the West India commerce. — Means of
retaliating the British restrictions on the com-
merce with their islands. — The Americans ought
to send ships to China. — Doubtful complexion of
British politics.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 17th, 1783, 94
Conversation with Mr Hartley on the English trade
and policy in the East. — Importance of forming
commercial connexions with the Dutch. — Con-
versation with the Due de la Vauguyon relative
to the French and English policy in Eastern
Europe ; on the colonial commerce. — The British
restrictive policy will produce wars.
CONTENTS. IX
Page.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, July 18th, 1783, 99
The United States must counteract French and
British policy by forming connexions with other
nations. — Necessity of a common authority in
America for managing foreign affairs, regulating
commerce, raising a revenue, &c. — The friend-
ship of the Dutch must be secured.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 23d,
1783, - - - - - - - 103
Sugar trade, and sugar refineries may be carried on
by Americans as well as by the Dutch. — Conver-
sation with M. Visscher and M. Van Berckel on
the trade with the Dutch Colonies. — M. Van
Berckel's remarks on a loan in Holland. — Conver-
sation with the Prince of Orange on the ranks of
foreign Ministers.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 25th,
1783, ------- 109
Intrigues of the English to restore their former con-
nexions with Holland. — The Dutch complain of
having been deceived by the French Ministers. —
No progress in the negotiations between England
and Holland.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, July 28th,
1783, ------- 112
Sugar trade. — American loan in Holland. — Loans of
the other powers there.
To Robert Morris. Amsterdam, July 28th, 1783, 115
The loan in Holland. — Suggests the expediency of
sending out ships loaded by the States with their
respective staples. — Probability of obtaining a loan
in England.
To Robert RrLivingston. The Hague, July 30th,
1783, - 117
Trade with the Dutch Colonies. — Account of the
limits, &c. of the Dutch West India Company re-
ceived from the secretary. — General commerce
with the European West India Colonies.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 31st,
1783, ------- 122
Conversation with the Sardinian Minister, who ad-
vises the sending of a circular by Congress to the
European powers, giving an account of the Dec-
laration of Independence, of the acknowledg-
ment by other powers, &c. ; recommends com-
mercial connexions with Italy ; remarks on the
Austrian policy towards Turkey. — Efforts to de-
tach Holland from her connexion with France.
VOL. VII. B
X CONTENTS.
Page,
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August
1st, 1783, - - - - - . ' - 127
Conversation with the Portuguese Minister on com-
mercial matters. — Dr Franklin's treaty with Por-
tugal.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August 2d,
1783, ------- 131
Conversation with M. Berenger on the European
politics of the day.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August 3d,
1783, - - 133
Necessity of securing reciprocity in the commercial
treaties. — Dissatisfaction in Holland with France.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, August 10th,
1783, - 136
Interview with the Spanish and Portuguese Minis-
ters on commercial subjects. — Extraordinary in-
crease of the commerce of the neutrals. — No pro-
gress in the negotiation. — Causes of the delay.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, August 13th,
1783, - - - - - - - 140
Exchange ratifications of the provisional treaty with
Mr Hartley. — The project of a definitive treaty
produced by Mr Hartley in the words of the pro-
visional treaty. — Mr Hartley objects to the media-
tion of the Imperial Courts.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, August 13th,
1783, ------- 143
Probable policy of France in regard to Turkey. —
Situation of the Count de Vergennes considered
precarious.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, August 13th,
1783, - - 145
Expresses his discontent with Dr Franklin's nego-
tiating treaties with several powers without com-
municating with other Ministers. — Remarks on
the treaty with Denmark.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, August 15th,
1783, 149
The belligerent powers except Holland are agreed. —
Remarks of M. Brantzen on the conduct, policy,
and situation of the Count de Vergennes. — The
Queen and some of the council are opposed to him.
To the President of Congress. Paris, September
5th, 1783, - - - - - - - 152
The definitive treaty signed, sealed, and delivered. —
A new commission necessary for negotiating a
treaty of commerce. — The Count de Vergennes
CONTENTS.
Page.
was not desirous of admitting the mediation of
the Imperial Courts. — Mr Adams regrets not hav-
ing admitted the mediation. — Policy of forming
commercial connexions with the European powers.
To Elias Boudinot, President of Congress. Paris,
September 8th, 1783, 156
Accepts the joint commission for negotiating a
treaty of commerce with England. — Advises that
it be extended to the other powers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, September
8th, 1783, 158
Management of the European Journals. — Courier de
l'Europe.
To the President of Congress. Paris, September
10th, 1783, _-.._. 160
Advises the opening of negotiations with all the
Courts of Europe, and with the Barbary powers.
JOHN JAY'S CORRESPONDENCE.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 20th, 1779, - 171
Action at sea between the French and English.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 22d, 1779, - - - 172
Repairs of the ship.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 24th, 1779, - - - 174
An account of the condition of the ship, and the
causes of his favoring the steering for Martinique.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 25th, 1779, - - - 190
Recommends Mrs Smith to the attention of Con-
gress.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 25th, 1779, - 191
Draws on the fund for the payment of his salary
for a hundred guineas, to be distributed among
the officers of the Confederacy.
To the President of Congress. St Pierre's, Mar-
tinique, December 26th, 1779, - - - 192
M. Gerard proposes to send home the Confederacy
to refit. — She is permitted to refit in Martinique,
and a French frigate is ordered to carry Mr Jay
CONTKNTS.
Page.
195
and M. Gerard to France. — Mr Bingham's ser-
vices.
To Arthur Lee. Cadiz, January 26th, 1780, - 194
Requests of Mr Lee information.
To the Count tie Vergennes. Cadiz, January 27th,
1780, - - - - -
Recapitulation of former proceedings relative to
Spain. — Requests the interposition of the King in
favor of America.
To Don Joseph Galvez, Minister of the Spanish
Court. January 27th, 1780, - - - -199
Stipulation in the treaty between France and the
United States providing for the accession of
Spain. — Mr Jay appointed to carry it into effect.
To the President of Congress. Cadiz, January
27th, 1780, - - ". , - " " - 202
Reasons for his landing in Cadiz.
Instructions to William Carmichael. Cadiz, Janu-
ary 27th, 1780, ------ 203
Directions as to his conduct towards M. Galvez, the
Spanish Minister, and the French Ambassador,
for procuring information.
William Carmichael to John Jay. Madrid, Febru-
ary 15th, 1780, ------ 207
Cordial reception by the French Ambassador. —
Should have been addressed to the Count de
Florida JJlanca. — Prospect of reception by the
Spanish Ministry. — M. Miralles has been in-
structed to assist in the conquest of Florida. —
There is no coldness between the French and
Spanish Courts.
To the President of Congress. Cadiz, February
20th, 1780, - - - - - - 209
Mr Bingham advanced the hundred guineas distrib-
uted among the officers of the Confederacy.
Count de Florida Blanca to John Jay. Pardo,
February 24th, 1780, - - - - - 210
Expresses his Majesty's satisfaction with Mr Jay's
arrival, and declares there is no obstacle to his
coming to Court in an informal character.
To William Carmichael. Cadiz, February 25th,
1780, - 211
Was informed by M. Gerard that M. Galvez was
the Minister with whom all business with the
United States was to be transacted. — Wished to
have discovered the sentiments of Spain towards
America, independently of French influence. —
Requests further information as to the instructions
to M. Miralles.
CONTENTS. Xlll
Page.
To the President of Congress. Cadiz, February
29th, 1780, : - - 215
Transmitting papers. — Generally believed that the
American islands will be the theatre of the next
campaign.
To the President of Congress. Cadiz, March 3d,
1780, ------- 216
M. Guatier of Barcelona desires to be American
consul there. — Necessity for consuls in Spain.
To the President of Congress. Cadiz, March 3d,
1780, - - 217
Reason for not making personal application to the
Ministry at first. — Policy of France. — M. Gerard's
opinion. — Spain is already at war with England.
De Nenfville 8c Son to John Jay. Amsterdam,
April 6th, 1780, - - -. - - - 219
Congratulations on his arrival.
Answer to De Nenfville &, Son. Madrid, April
27th, 1780, - - - : - 219
Their letters to Congress were received before his
departure. — The success of America important to
Holland.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, May 26th,
1780, - - - - - - - 220
Arrival at Cadiz. — Draws on Dr Franklin. — Extract
of a letter from Dr Franklin (April 7th, 17^0).
contradicting the report that the Loan Office bills
payable in France were not honored. — Certificate
of Mr Grand to the same effect. — Correspondence
with Mr Lee. — Letter of the Count de Yergennes
in reply to that of Mr Jay announcing his arri-
vals -Reply of Mr Jay (Aranjues. May &ti», 1780),
to the Count de Vergennes assuring him of his
confidence in M. de Montmorin. — M. Gerard in-
forms him thai he should address himself to M.
Galvez. — Writes to that Minister. — Answered by
the Count de Florida Blanca. — Letter of Mr Jay
(Cadiz, March 6th, 1780), to the Count, express-
ing the confidence of the United States in the
King's favorable disposition, and declaring his in-
tention of setting out for Madrid. — Arrives at
Madrid.— Questions from the Count de Florida
Blanca (dated March 9th, 1780), requesting infor-
mation on the civil and military state of the
American Provinces. — Reply of Mr Jay (Madrid,
April 85th, 1780)] to the preceding questions, com-
prising his commission and that ol Mr Carmichael,
with details in reply to the questions ; the demo-
cratic nature of the American governments ren-
ders a knowledge of their affairs easily attainable.
XIV CONTENTS.
1. The Civil State ; population of* each State ;
government of each State and the Articles of the
Confederation; disposition of the people, who
were at first only desirous of a redress of griev-
ances, but now determined on independence, with
the grounds of this opinion ; there is no British
party in America ; revenues; public debts; re-
sources ; possibility of supporting their credit in
the operations of Government, in commerce, in
the protection of the national industry ; advan-
tages to result to Spain from the independence of
American States, in the reduction of the British
power, and in the commerce with America ; ability
of the United States to furnish naval stores.
2. The Military State ; number of the troops ;
the commander in chief; means of recruiting by
the militia ; deficiency of arms, of clothing ;
means of subsistence ; naval forces ; the people will
not submit ; their disposition towards the Kings of
France and of Spain ; financial embarrassments ;
sending supplies to America would be the surest
means of humiliating Great Britain. — Receives
the resolutions of Congress drawing on Mr Lau-
rens and himself for £100,000 sterling each. —
Letter of Mr Jay (Aranjues, April 29th, 1780), to
the Count de Florida Blanca in consequence of
the foregoing resolution, giving an account of the
financial operations of Congress, and requesting
aid from his Majesty. — Conference with the
Count on the subject of the preceding letter ; the
Count states that Spain has been subject to heavy
expenses during the preceding year, but that his
Majesty intends to give America all assistance in
his power, and has directed him to confer with his
colleagues in the Ministry on this point ; wishes
Mr Jay to contract to furnish Spain with frigates
and light vessels ; promises to engage ' in the
King's name to pay the bills of exchange if pre-
sented ; the pretensions of America to the naviga-
tion of the Mississippi an obstacle to a treaty. —
Letter of Mr Jay (Aranjues, May 12th, 1780), to
the Count de Florida Blanca stating his confiden-
tial connexion with the French Ambassador, and
wishing to know if he may communicate to him
the subject of the conference. — Reply of the
Count de Florida Blanca (Aranjues, May 14th,
1780). — Mr Jay's note to the French Ambassador
informing him of Sir J. Dalrymple's arrival at
Madrid. — Note of M. de Montmorin in reply, de-
claring his entire confidence in the Spanish Minis-
try. — Extract of a letter from Mr Jay (April 26th
1780), to Mr Adams informing him of Sir J. Dal-
rymple's arrival at Aranjues. — Sir J. Dalrymple
requests permission to go through Spain, and a
Page.
CONTENTS. XV
Page,
passport through France —Sir J. Dalrymple pre-
sents to the Count de Florida Blanca Lord Roch-
ford's project to prevent the war by a confedera-
tion between France, Spain, Portugal and Eng-
land ; the confederates to guaranty mutually
their Colonial possessions ; to participate in the
commerce of the English Colonies under certain
limitations, to be settled by five persons, one from
each country ; to settle the contested privileges
of the Americans on just principles ; disadvan-^
tages resulting to Spain from the independence of
the English American Colonies, first by promoting
a contraband trade between the American States
and the Spanish Colonies, and secondly by expos-
ing the Spanish Colonies to the attacks of the
Americans, who will soon form establishments
in the South Seas ; all Europe is interested in
preventing the independence of America. — The
Gardoquis ; Mr Jay is destitute of resources ; dif-
ficulty of conveying intelligence ; expenses of a
Minister at the Spanish Court ; coldly treated by
the Ministers of the Northern powers ; ignorance
of American affairs in Spain ; the secrets of Con-
gress well known to the Spanish and French
Courts.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Madrid,
May 27th, 1780, ------ 282
Mr Laurens is not arrived.
To James Lovell. Madrid, May 27th, 1780, - 283
Want of intelligence from America.
William Carmichael to John Jay. Aranjues, May
27th, 1780, - - - - ' - - 283
Destination of the Spanish fleet.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, May 28th,
1780, - - 284
Enclosing the preceding, the information in which
he considers authentic.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, May 30th,
1780, 285
Receives the resolution of Congress, desiring the
Ex-Presidents of Congress to lodge their public
correspondence in the Secretary's office. — Mr Jay
did this at the time of his retirement from the
office.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, May 30th,
1780, - - - - - - 285
Bills drawn upon him are arrived.
De Neufville & Son to John Jay. Without date, 286
Bills drawn on Mr Laurens, who is not arrived. —
Have promised the holders to accept them.
XVI CONTENTS.
Page.
De Neufville & Son to John Jay. Amsterdam,
June 1st, 1780, 287
Are willing to accept the bills drawn on Mr Lau-
rens, provided they are permitted to draw on Dr
Franklin at seven or eight months.
De Neufville & Son to John Jay. Amsterdam,
June 8th, 1780, ------ 288
Have accepted the bills on Mr Laurens, and request
that some method of reimbursing them may be
adopted.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Jay. Phil-
adelphia, June 16th, 17 SO, - - - - 288
Reasons for drawing on him. — Have drawn for an
additional sum.
To De Neufville & Son, at Amsterdam. Madrid,
June 18th, 1780, - 290
Thanking them for their offer to accept the bills
drawn on Mr Laurens.
To De Neufville & Son. Madrid, June 25th,
1780, ------- 291
Is uncertain whether he shall be able to reimburse
them for their advances.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, July 10th,
1780, ------- 292
Remittances from America are necessary.
De Neufville St Son to John Jay. Amsterdam, July
13th, 1780, ------ 293
Cannot accept any more bills. — Would undertake a
loan if authorised.
De Neufville & Son to John Jay. Amsterdam, July
28th, 17S0, ------ 295
Dr Franklin has offered to accept further bills drawn
on Mr Laurens ; they will therefore continue to
accept those presented.
To De Neufville Se Son. Madrid, July 29th,
1780, - - - - - - - 296
Has not power to authorise them to raise a loan. —
The capture of Charleston will have no effect on
the determination of the Americans.
To De Neufville h Son. Madrid, August 16th,
1780, - - - - - - - 29S
Expresses his sense of their friendly conduct to-
wards America.
To Silas Deane. St Ildefonso, September 8th,
1780, - - - - - - - 299
Desires to correspond with him.
CONTENTS. XV11
Page.
To the President of Congress. St Iklefonso, Sep-
tember 1 6th, 1780, ----- 299
It is necessary to cease drawing bills on him. — The
King of Spain has offered his responsibility to
facilitate a loan.
Instructions to John Jay. In Congress, October
4th, 1780, - - - - - - - 300
Directing him to insist on the navigation of the
Mississippi. — The boundary. — Florida.
To De Neuiville k, Son. Madrid, October 4th,
1780, ------- 302
Connexion between Holland and the United States.
— Shall recommend their house to Congress. —
Spanish ordinance establishing a paper curren-
cy. — Effect of this measure on the bills drawn on
him ; wishes to know if money could be raised in
Holland for Congress on the joint credit of Spain
and the United States.
To James Lovell. Madrid, October 27th, 1780, 304
Difficulties of finding a safe conveyance for his let-
ters. — Receives little information from the com-
mittee. — M. Dohrmer.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, Novem-
ber 6ih, 1780, ------ 306
The Abbe Hussey arrives at Madrid with Mr Cum-
berland. — Notes of Mr Jay's conference with the
Count de Florida Blanca. — Conference of Mr
Carmichael with the Minister. — Note from the
Count de Florida Blanca (Aranjues, June 0, 1780).
to Mr Jay on the subject of aids ; his Majesty is
willing to become responsible at the expiration of
two years to the holders of the bills drawn on
Mr Jay. provided Congress will build four frigates
and some light vessels for the King ; the Ameri-
cans may send for stores to the Spanish ports for
this purpose ; the squadron manned by Americans
and under Spanish colors to intercept the English
East India vessels. — Reply of Mr Jay (Aranjues,
June 9th, 1780) ; expectations of the Americans
from Spain ; the holders of the bills will prefer
recovering the amount on protest, to waiting for
the payment two years ; the Spanish treasure
from America may arrive before the bills become
payable ; Mr Jay is authorised to pledge the faith
of the United States for the repayment of any
sums his Majesty may lend ; former aids ; Con-
gress has not the resources necessary for building
ships; difficulty of manning them with American
sailors, who prefer sailing in privateers ; the
country is not in a condition to undertake foreign
enterprises; the Americans will always be ready
CONTENTS.
to cooperate with Spain against the Floridas or
elsewhere ; unfavorable conclusions will be drawn
as to the condition of Spain, if she cannot supply
such aid to men in arms against her enemy.— Mr
Jay's reasons for not touching on other points of
the proposition.— Note from Mr Jay to the Count,
informing him of a new draft— Reply of the
Count, promising to pay the bill, and declaring
that no more can be paid without consulting
the King ; the proposition of the Count having
been rejected, it becomes necessary for Mr Jay to
devise other means. — Reply of Mr Jay to the
preceding (Madrid, June 22d, 1780), proposing as
a means of paying the bills the advance of the
£25,000 to £40,000 sterling promised ; the sum
necessary for building the ships cannot be raised
by Congress ; America cannot pay the debts oc-
casioned by the war till peace ; advantages re-
sulting to Spain by the furnishing of aid to Amer-
ica. — Reasons for not pushing the treaty at this
time.— Letter from Mr Jay to the Count de Flor-
ida Blanca (Madrid, June 23th, 1780), transmit-
ting the resolutions of Congress, directing that
bills be issued redeemable in specie in six years;
this plan may enable the United States to supply
the vessels, 'his Majesty becoming responsible for
a certain part of the sum so issued. — Note from
Mr Jay to the Count de Florida Blanca, stating
that he has been called on to accept new bills. —
Reply of the Count de Florida Blanca, declaring
nothino- can be done in regard to the new drafts
without consulting the King and the other Minis-
ters ; requests further explanations of Mr Jay's
plan for furnishing the ships and engaging the re-
sponsibility of the King. — Note from the Count
de Florida Blanca to Mr Jay, requesting to know
when the bills lately arrived will become due. —
News of the capture of Charleston. — Mr Jay's
notes of a conference with the Count de Florida
Blanca, July 5th ; capture of Charleston ; death
of M. Miralles ; the Count advises Mr Jay to be
cautious of Messrs Joyce, who hold the bills ; re-
grets the precipitancy of Congress in drawing ;
specie might have been remitted from the Spanish
Colonies directly to the United States ; remarks
on the deranged state of the finances of the
United States ; the difficulty of raising money in
Europe ; wishes to wait the arrival of a certain
person ; Mr Jay observes, that Congress have
adopted measures for restoring the finances ; sug-
gests that Spain might furnish aid by bills on
Havana ; states in reply to a question of the
Count, that ship timber may be furnished from
America ; urges the importance of accepting the
bills ; reminds the Minister of the piomisc of
Pacre.
CONTENTS. XIX
Page.
clothing ; evasive and uncertain nature of this •
conference. — Note from Mr Jay to the Count de
Florida Blanca (Madrid. July llth, 1780), inform-
ing him that new bills have been presented ; the
Messrs Joyce consent to have their bills payable
at Bilboa. — Answer of the Count to the preceding,
desiring a delay till the arrival of a certain per-
son. — Jvlr Jay requests that Mr Harrison be al-
lowed 'to remain at Cadiz. — Note from the Count
de Florida Blanca (July 29th), granting Mr Har-
rison permission to remain at Cadiz ; still waits
the arrival of the person above mentioned. — Note
from Mr Jay to the Count de Florida Blanca
(August llth), announcing the presentation of
more bills. — Reply of the Count de Florida
Blanca, regretting that he must still wait the ar-
rival of a certain person. — Letter of Mr Jay (Mad-
rid. August 16th, 1780), to the Count de Florida
Blancafstating that the holders of the bills grow
impatient. — Letter of Mr Jay to the Count de
Florida Blanca (Madrid, August 18th, 1780), in-
forming him that bills have been received by the
Gardoquis, which will be immediately presented. —
Letter from Mr Jay to the Count de Florida
Blanca (St lldefonso, August 25th, 1780), urging
the necessity of providing for the acceptance of
the bills. — Mr Jay's notes of a conference witli
the French Ambassador, August 27th; Mr Jay
o-ives an account of his proceedings since his ar-
rival, and requests the Ambassador to obtain an
answer for him from the Spanish Minister ; Mr
Jay was encouraged to expect that he should be
supplied with money to meet the bills ; the Am-
bassador thinks that the Spanish Minister will
pay the bills, and promises to speak to him on the
subject. — Subsequent coolness of the French
A uibussador. — Second visit to him ; he advises
Mr Jay to write again to the Count de Florida
Blanca, praying an audience ; Mr Jay declines
making any supplications, or purchasing by con-
cessions the acknowledgment of independence ;
declares bis determination to write on the subject
of the treaty, and if treated with the same neglect
to return ; conduct of France. — Mr Jay consents
to send Mr Carmichael to the Minister.— Note from
the Count de Florida Blanca introducing M. Gardo-
(jU i —Conversation with M. Gardoqui on the sub-
ject of the bills ; second conversation with M. Gar-
doqui, who proposes the surrender of the navigation
of the Mississippi.— Objections to this measure. —
Conversation with M. Del Campo on the same
subjects. — Conversation with the Secretary of the
French Ambassador.— M. Gardoqui informs him
from the Count de Florida Blanca that no more
bills can be paid by Spain.— Letter of Mr Jay
CONTENTS.
(St Ildefonso, September 14th, 1780), to the
Count de Florida Blanca, requesting to know if
any aid is to be expected from Spain. — Answer to
the preceding, dictated by M. Del Campo. in the
name of the Count de Florida Blanca, to M. Gar-
doqui, declaring the readiness of his Majesty to
assist the States.— Letter from Mr Jay to Count
de Vergennes (St Ildefonso, September 22d,1780),
giving an account of his proceedings in Spain ;
requesting the aid of France in meeting the
bills.— Letter of Mr Jay to Dr Franklin (same
date), on the same subject. — Notes of a conference
between Mr Jay and the Count de Florida Blanca
(September 23d) ; satisfaction of the King with
the measures of Congress for supplying the Span-
ish forces in the West Indies ; plan of the English
Court to attempt an accommodation with Amer-
ica ; Mr Jay enters upon the points mentioned in
the paper dictated to M. Gardoqui ; on the manner
of making known the King's responsibility ; on
the King's being disgusted with the drawing of
bills without his consent, and without terms of re-
compense ; the bills were drawn on Mr Jay, and
the faith of the United States was pledged for the
payment of any sum advanced ; Mr Jay wishes
the evidence of an understanding between Amer-
ica and England ; Congress had given proofs of
friendship by sending a Minister to negotiate trea-
ties of amity and alliance ; the delaying of the
negotiations owing to the Minister not sending
the promised notes on the subject ; terms of such
a treaty ; Spain ought not to expect the expenses
of the war will be refunded ; America will be
ready to render every assistance possible. — Mr Jay
returns to Madrid and accepts the bills. — Equivo-
cal nature of the Spanish policy. — Extract of a
letter from the Count de Vergennes to the French
Ambassador, stating that it will be difficult to
make advances to Mr Jay. — Letter from Messrs
Couteulx and Co. to Mr Jay (Cadiz, October 3d,
1780), complaining of the expenses and difficulty
of supplying and sending home American sea-
men. — Mr Jay to Messrs Couteulx and Co.
(Madrid, October 15th, 1780), directing them to
settle accounts with Mr Harrison. — Difficulties in
the conveyance of correspondence. — A copy of the
correspondence of the Commissioners in France
in the hands of a certain foreigner.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, November
30th, 1780, .___.. 389
Enclosing copies of papers from Morocco. — Delays
of the Spanish Court. — Remarks on the enclosed
account of the revenues and expenditures of
Spain for 1778
CONTENTS. XXI
Page.
From D'Audibeit Caille to John Jay. Aranjues,
April 21st, 1780, _. ... 392
Is authorised to declare the pacific intentions of the
Emperor of Morocco towards the United States.
To D'Audibeit Caille, - 393
Expresses his satisfaction with the disposition of the
Emperor of Morocco.
Copy of M. D'Audibert Caille's Appointment, 394
Copy of M. D'Audibert Caille's appointment to
officiate as consul of ail nations, who have no
consul in Morocco.
Copy of tbe Declaration by the Emperor of Mo-
rocco, February 20th 1778, - - - - 396
Certificate of Pedro Umbert, that the above is con-
formable to the truth.
Certificate of M. D'Audibert Caille. December
1st, 1779, - 397
Certificate of M. D'Audibert Caille that Don Pedro
Umbert is employed for foreign affairs at the
Court of Morocco.
D'Audibert Caille to Congress. Sale, September
6th, 1779, ------- 397
The Emperor of Morocco intends to be at peace
with the United States.
General State of the Revenues of Spain in the
Year 1778, 399
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Madrid,
November 30th, 1780, - - - - 401
Necessity of providing means for the safe convey-
ance of the public correspondence. — His letters
are opened and many kept back both in Spain and
the United States.
Instructions to John Jay. In Congress, February
15th, 1781, - " - - - - - 403
Instructing him to recede from the demand of a free
navigation of the Mississippi below 31 c .
James Lovell to John Jay. February 20th, 1781, 404
Has received no letters from him of late.
James Lovell to John Jay. March 9th, 1781, - 405
Ratification of the articles of the Confederacy.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, March
22d, 1781, - 405
Supplies from Spain. — Russian mediation. — M.
Necker's report.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, April 25th,
1781, - 406
Spain insists on the exclusive navigation of the
CONTENTS.
Page.
Mississippi. — Letter from Mr Jay to De Neufviile
and Son (Madrid, January 8th, 1781), renouncing
the idea of a loan in Holland separate from that
negotiated by Mr Adams. — Mr Jay's proceedings
in regard to the payment of the bills. — Advises
that the unfinished ships be sold to Spain. — Dis-
position of Portugal. — Dr Franklin. — Mr Cumber-
land's mission. — Disposition of Spain.
The President of Congress to John Jay. In Con-
gress, May 28th, 1781, - - - - 415
Expressing the satisfaction of Congress with his
conduct. — Instructs him to disavow any under-
standing between the United States and Great
Britain ; to avoid referring to the treaty with
France in his negotiations with Spain ; to declare
that facilities will be granted for the exportation
of naval stores for the Spanish marine; to con-
tinue to provide as far as possible for American
seamen in Spain ; to open a correspondence with
M. D'Audibert Caille.
To the President of Congress. Aranjues, May
29th, 1781, .----.. 419
Conversation with the Count de Florida Blanca on
the admission of letters.
James Lovell to John Jay. Philadelphia, June 4th,
1781, - - - - * - - - 420
The affair of the Dover cutter.
James Lovell to John Jay. Philadelphia, June
15th, 1781, 421
Case of Dumain and Lyon.
Robert Morris to John Jay. Philadelphia, July
4th, 1781, - - _ - - - . - - 421
Mr Morris is appointed Superintendent of Finance.
— Objects to be accomplished by this office. — Ex-
pectations of aid from Spain. — State of the finan-
ces. — Disposition of the nation. — State of the
army. — Advantages that will result to Spain by
aiding America. — The United States cannot be
dangerous to Spain. — Amount desired.
Robert Morris to John Jay. Philadelphia, July
7th, 1781, ------- 435
Necessity of immediate aids.
Robert Morris to John Jay. Office of Finance,
July 9th, 1781, ------ 436
Proposes a plan for sending home American seaman.
Robert Morris to John Jay. . Philadelphia, July
13th, 1781, 438
Reasons which induced him to adopt the enclosed
plan of a national bank. — Wants aid from
CONTENTS. XX111
Page.
Spain. — Suggests that an attempt should be made
to obtain money from Portugal.
Robert Morris to John Jay. Office of Finance,
August 15th, 1781, - - - - - 449
Directing to protest certain bills, assigning as a
reason his instructions.
James Lovell to John Jay. Philadelphia, August
15th, 1781, - - - - - - 450
Surrender of Pensacola.
To the President of Congress. St Ildefonso, Sep-
tember 20th, 1781, ----- 451
Regrets that instructions should have been given
the American Ministers to concur in any terms to
which France should accede.
To the President of Congress. St Ildefonso, Oc-
tober 3d, 1781, ------ 454
Conversation with the Count de Florida Blanca,
who complains that Congress has not shown
any disposition to oblige the King ; remarks
relative to M. Gardoqui. — Mr Jay regrets that
the instructions concerning the Mississippi had
not been kept secret ; use that might have
been made of the claim. — Has another interview
with the Minister ; stoppage of the letters from
America ; the affair of the Dover cutter ; cession
of the claims of the United States to the naviga-
tion of the Mississippi ; the Count remarks that
these affairs can be settled at a general peace. —
Letter from Mr Jay (Madrid, July 2d, 1781), to the
Count de Florida Blanca, declaring that he has
been instructed to cede the exclusive navigation
of the Mississippi. — Letter from Mr Jay (Madrid,
July 2d, 1781), to the Count de Montmorin, com-
municating the above. — Receiving no answer
from the Minister, Mr Jay calls upon him, and is
informed that he cannot attend to the matter. —
Letters from Mr Jay (Madrid, July 13th, 1781),
to the Count de Florida Blanca communicating
his instructions. — Note from the Count de Florida
Blanca (St Ildefonso, July 1st, 1781), to Mr Jay
proposing to attend to American affairs. — Mr
Jay visits the Minister with Major Franks ;
general conversation. — Renewed delays. — Let-
ter from Mr Jay (St Ildefonso, September 16th,
1781), to the Count de Montmorin, enclosing
the draft of a letter to the Count de Florida
Blanca, and requesting the advice of the Ambas-
sador. — Note from the Count de Florida Blanca
to Mr Jay requesting him to call upon him. —
Notes of the conference between Mr Jay and the
Count de Florida Blanca (September 19th, 1781) ;
the Count requests Mr Jay to draw up an outline
XXIV CONTENTS.
Page.
of the proposed treaties ; aids ; commercial con-
nexion ; treaty of alliance ; the Count observes
that Congress has done nothing to gratify the
King ; a person will be appointed to confer fur-
therewith Mr Jay. — Letter from Mr Jay (St Ilde-
fonso, September 22d, 1781), to the Count de
Florida Blanca requesting that some decisive
measure be taken in regard to American affairs. —
Propositions toward a plan of a treaty, with re-
marks ; the subject of aids will require a separate
convention ; also the regulation of the mutual
conduct of the parties during the war. — Mr Jay's
reason for limiting the duration of the offer con-
tained in the sixth proposition, relating to the
navigation of the Mississippi ; arts of Spain. —
Note from the Count de Florida Blanca to Mr
Jay, expressing a hope that some progress will
soon be made in the consideration of the proposi-
tions. — Embarrassments in providing for the pay-
ment of the bills. — Mr Harrison's services. —
Proposes the sending of an agent to Portugal.
To the President of Congress. Madrid, October
18th, 1781, ------ 506
Has protested some of the bills.
Robert R. Livingston to John Jay. Philadelphia,
November 1st, 1781, - - - - - 507
Organization of the new executive departments. —
The debt of the United States not so large as
might have been expected. — British American re-
cruits. — Proposes that Spain should furnish a con-
voy between Havana and the United States. —
Plan for paying the French troops in specie from
Havana.
Robert R. Livingston to John Jay. Philadelphia,
November 28th, 1781, - - - - - 511
State of military affairs. — The Marquis de la Fay-
ette.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS,
ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER
PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE
COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE
TREATY OF PEACE.
VOL. VII.
CORRESPONDENCE
JOHN ADAMS
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, December 14th, 1762.
Sir,
There is more matter than time to write at present.
The King of Sweden has done the United States great
honor in his commission to his Minister here, to treat with
them, by inserting, that he had a great desire to form a
connexion with States, which had so fully established their
independence, and by their wise and gallant conduct so
well deserved it ; and his Minister desired it might be re-
membered, that his sovereign was the first who had volun-
tarily proposed a treaty with us.*
Mr Secretary Townshend announced, on the 3d of
December, in a letter to the Lord Mayor, the signature of
our preliminaries. On the 5th, his Majesty announced it
in his speech to both Houses. Addresses of thanks, in
both Houses, passed without a division.
* See Dr Franklin's letter on this subject, dated June the 25th, 1782.
Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. III. p. 371.
4 JOHN ADAMS
There is a note in the Courier de ['Europe, of the 6th
instant, worth transcribing, viz. "We mark these three
lines in italics, to notice at present the assertion, which we
shall consider more fully hereafter, that we do not owe to
any of the causes assigned at present, even in the two
Houses of Parliament, the peace, the blessings of which
we consider as certain, but to the armed neutrality. This
peace will be durable."
T have transcribed this note, because it falls in with an
opinion, that I have long entertained. The armed neu-
trality, and even Mr Dana's mission to it, have had greater
effects, than the world is yet informed of, and would have
had much greater, if his hands had not been tied.
On the 4th instant, I wrote a resignation of all my em-
ployments in Europe, which I have now the honor to con-
firm, and to request, that the acceptance of it may be
transmitted to me several ways, by the first ships.
I have the honor to be, &ic.
JOHN ADAMS.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, December 19th, 1782.
Sir,
The enclosed letter for Mr Dana you will open and
peruse. It may possibly contain information, that may
be useful to you, which it will be unnecessary to repeat
here.
I mentioned in my last, Mr Jefferson's appointment ; I
have the pleasure of adding now, that I have received an
account from him of his acceptance of the place. He will
be here in the course of ten or twelve days, and sail
with Count de Rochambeau, who proposes to return to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 5
France. The French troops have embarked with the
Marquis de Vaudreuil, and are to sail for the West Indies,
unless they should receive counter orders, by a frigate,
which is now in the river. Her letters are not yet come
up, as she unfortunately run ashore at Dover ; it is yet
uncertain whether she will he saved.
The great political question, which at present engages
the attention of Congress, is the means of providing for
the payment of the public debts, or at least establishing
such funds for the regular discharge of the interest, as may
set their creditors at ease as to their capitals. It was
imagined, that a duty of five per cent upon all imposts
would afford a fund adequate to this. Congress accord-
ingly recommended it to the several States to impose the
duty. They have all complied, except Rhode Island.
Her refusal renders the other laws nugatory, as they con-
tain clauses suspending their operation until the measure is
generally adopted. Congress are about to send down a
committee to endeavor to persuade Rhode Island to com-
ply with a measure, that they deem so essential to public
credit. It is extremely difficult in a country, so little used
to taxes as ours is, to lay them directly, and almost im-
possible to impose them so equally as not to render them
too oppressive on some members of the community, while
others contribute little or- nothing. This difficulty is in-
creased by the continued change of property in this coun-
try, and by the small proportion the income bears to the
value of lands.
By a short letter just received from Mr Jay, it appears,
that England has at length swallowed the bitter pill, and
agreed to treat with the "Thirteen United Slates of Amer-
ica." I am still at a loss to account for this commission's
q JOHN ADAMS.
being directed to Mr Oswald, while Mr Fitzherbert's con-
tinues in force ; or is that revoked ?* I will not trouble
myself with guesses, as I must receive despatches today,
that will explain the mystery, if either Dr Franklin or Mr
Jay have kept their words with me.
I have the honor to be, &lc.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS.
Paris, January 1st, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Returning this evening from Versailles, where I t had
been to make the compliments of the season, I found your
favors of the 26th and 27th of December. The letters
enclosed shall be forwarded, as you desire.
The Dutch Ministers here have no occasion for my
assistance. JYon tali auxilio. I have the honor to be
more particularly acquainted with M. Brantzen, who is
certainly a very able man, and universally acknowledged
to be so by all who know him. The arguments, which I
know he has used with the British Minister, are such as
can never be answered, both upon the liberty of naviga-
tion, and the compensation for damages. He is an entire
master of his subject, and has urged it with a degree of
perspicuity and eloquence, that I know has much struck
his antagonists.
Unnecessary, however, as any exertions of mine have
* The two commissions were for distinct purposes ; Mr Oswald's to
treat with the American Commissioners alone ; and Mr Fitzherbert's to
treat for a general peace with the European powers, then at war with
England.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 7
been, I have not omitted any opportunity of throwing in
any friendly suggestions in my power, where there was
a possibility of doing any good to our good friends, the
Dutch. I have made such suggestions to Mr Fitzherbert.
But with Mr Oswald, I have had several very serious
conversations upon the subject. So I have also with Mr
Vaughan and Mr Whiteford.
To Mr Oswald I urged the necessity of Great Britain's
agreeing with the Dutch upon the unlimited freedom of
navigation, from a variety of topics, some of which I may
explain to you more particularly hereafter. Thus much I
may say at present, that I told him, that it was impossible
for Great Britain to avoid it ; it would probably be insisted
upon by all the other powers. France and Spain, as well
as Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, the Emperor, and
Portugal, as well as Holland, had already signed the armed
neutrality. The United States of America had declared
themselves ready to sign, and were ready. The combina-
tion being thus powerful, Great Britain could not resist it.
But if she should refuse to agree to it with Holland, and
the other powers should acquiesce, and Holland should
make peace without it (which would never, however, be
the case,) yet all would be ineffectual, for Holland would
forever be able to make use of other neutral bottoms,
and would thus enjoy the benefit of this liberty and reality,
though denied it by treaty, and in appearance. It would,
therefore, be more for the honor and interest of Great
Britain to agree to it with a good grace, in the treaty with
Holland. Nay, the wisest part she could act would be to
set on foot a negotiation immediately for signing herself the
Treaty of Armed Neutrality, and then admitting it into the
treaty with Holland would be a thing of course. At one
8 JOHN ADAMS.
of these conversations Dr Franklin was present, who sup-
ported me with all his weight ; at another, Mr Jay sec-
onded me with all his abilities and ingenuity. Mr Os-
wald has several times assured me, that he had written
these arguments and his own opinion, in conformity with
them, to the King's Ministers in London, and I doubt not
they will be adopted.
With respect to the compensation for damages, it is im-
possible to add anything to the arrangements M. Brantzen
has urged to show the justice of it, and if Britain is really
wise, she will think it her policy to do everything in her
power to soften the resentment of the Dutch, and regain
their good will and good humor.
The rage of Great Britain, however, has carried her to
such extravagant lengths, in a cause unjust from beginning
to end, that she is scarcely able to repair the injuries she has
done. America has a just claim to compensation for all
her burnt towns and plundered property, and indeed for
all her slaughtered sons, if that were possible. I shall con-
tinue to embrace every opportunity that presents, of doing
all the little service in my power to our good friends the
Dlutch, whose friendship for us I shall not soon forget.
This must be communicated with great discretion, if at all.
My best respects to all.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, January 22d, 1783.
Sir,
Upon a sudden notification from the Count de Ver-
gennes, Dr Franklin and myself, in the absence of Mr
Jay and Mr Laurens, went to Versailles, and arrived at
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 9
the Count's office at ten o'clock on Monday, the 20th of
this month. At eleven, arrived the Count d'Aranda and
Mr Fitzherbert. The Ministers of the three Crowns,
signed and sealed the preliminaries of peace and an ar-
mistice, in presence of Doctor Franklin and myself, who
also signed and sealed a declaration of an armistice be-
tween the Crown of Great Britain and the United States
of America, and received a counter declaration from Mr
Fitzherbert. Copies of these declarations are enclosed.*
The King of Great Britain has made a declaration con-
cerning the terms, that he will allow to the Dutch ; but
they are not such as will give satisfaction to that unfortunate
nation, for whom, on account of their friendship for us, and
the important benefits we have received from it, I feel very
sensibly and sincerely. Yesterday we went to Versailles
again to make our court to the King and royal family upon
the occasion, and received the compliments of the Foreign
Ministers.
The Count d'Aranda invited me to dine with him on
Sunday next, and said he hoped that the affairs of Spain and
the United States would be soon adjusted a V aimable. I
answered, that I wished it with all my heart. The two
Floridas and Minorca are more than a quantum meruit for
what this Power has done, and the Dutch unfortunately are
to suffer for it. It is not in my power to say when the
definitive treaty will be signed. I hope not before the
Dutch arc ready, in six weeks or two months at farthest I
suppose.
It is no longer necessary for Congress to appoint another
person in my place in the commission for peace, because
* Contained in the Correspondence of the Ministers for negotiating
peace.
VOL. VII. 2
10 JOHN ADAMS.
it will be executed before this reaches America. But I
beg leave to renew the resignation of the credence to the
States-General, and the commission for borrowing money
in Holland, and to request, that no time may be lost in
transmitting the acceptance of this resignation, and another
person to take that station, that I may be able to go home
in the spring ships.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, January 23d, 1783.
Sir,
The letters you did me the honor to write on the 6th,
and 18th of November, came safe to hand.
You do me honor, Sir, in applauding the judgment I
have formed from time to time of the Court of Britain,
and future ages will give me credit for the judgment I
have formed of some other Courts. The true designs of a
Minister of State are not difficult to be penetrated by an
honest man of common sense, who is in a situation to know
anything of the secret of affairs, and to observe constantly
the chain of public events ; for whatever ostensible appear-
ances may be put on, whatever obliquities may be im-
agined, however the web may be woven, or the thread
doubled and twisted, enough will be seen to unravel the
whole.
My opinions, as you observe, sometimes run counter to
those generally received ; but the reason of this has gener-
ally been, that I have had earlier evidence than the gen-
erality, and I have had the satisfaction to find, that others
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, u
have formed the same judgment, when they have had the
same intelligence. I do not affect singularity, nor love to
be in a minority, though truth and justice have sometimes
obliged me to be so. You say, that nothing can be more
conformable to your wishes than the instructions I trans-
mitted. I am not surprised at this ; it is very natural.
Had I never been on this side of the Atlantic, I believe I
should have been of your mind in this particular. At
present I cannot be, and I believe, by this time, the Dutch
regret having given them. You will hear enough of the
reason of it. I have lived long enough, and had expe-
rience enough of the conduct of governments, and people,
nations, and courts, to be convinced, that gratitude, friend-
ship, unsuspecting confidence, and all the most amiable
passions in human nature, are the most dangerous guides
in politics. I assure you, Sir, if we had not been more
cautious than the Dutch, we should have been worse off
than they, and our country would have suffered much
more.
j\lr Laurens has been here, and has behaved with great
caution, firmness, and wisdom. He arrived so late, as only
to attend the two last days of the conferences, the 29th
and 30th of November. But the short time he was with
us, he was of great service to the cause. He has done great
service to America in England, where his conversation has
been such as the purest and firmest American could wish
it, and has made many converts. He is gone again to
Bath, and his journey will do as much good to his country
as to his health. He will return to the signature of the
definitive treaty.
The ratifications of my contracts have been received.
The release of Captain Asgill was so exquisite a relief
' J2 JUlIJN ADAM!;.
to my feelings, that 1 have not much cared what interpo-
sition it was owing to. It would have been a horrid damp
to the joys of peace, if we had received a disagreeable ac-
count of him.
The difference between Denmark and Holland is of no
serious nature. The clue to the whole is, the Queen
Dowager is sister to the Duke of Brunswick ; but there is
nothing to fear from Denmark. As to the northern
powers, we have nothing to fear from any of them. All
of them, and all the neutral powers, would have acknowl-
edged our independence before now, by receiving Mr
Dana to sign the principles of the armed neutrality, if he
had not been restrained from acting. The unlimited con-
fidence of Congress has been grossly abused, and we
should have been irreparably injured, if we had not been
upon our guard. As our liberties and most important in-
terests are now secured, as far as they can be, against
Great Britain, it would be my wish to say as little as pos-
sible of the policy of any Minister of our first ally, which
has not been as we could desire, and to retain forever a
grateful remembrance of the friendly assistance we have
received. But we have evidence enough to warn us
against unlimited confidence in any European Minister of
State.
I have never drawn upon Dr Franklin for any money,
since the end of my two and a half years' salary ; and he
tells me he has made no use of the bills. I had received
money for my subsistence of Messieurs Willinks, and as it
will be but a few months more, at farthest, that I shall
have to subsist in Europe, I beg leave to proceed to the end
in the same way. I shall receive only the amount of my
salary, and settle the account with Congress on my return.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. iy
I hope to be safely landed on my native shore id the
month of June ; and to this end, I beg that an appointment
may be made to the Dutch mission, and the acceptance of
my resignation be transmitted to me by the first ships.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO C. W. K. DUMAS.
Paris, January i>9tli, 1783.
Sir,
Upon receiving the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the 24th, late last evening, I went immedi-
ately to consult with my colleague, Mr Jay, and we agreed
to go this morning to Dr Franklin. Accordingly today
we went together to Passy, and communicated your letter
to him, and after recollecting the powers we have received,
we all agreed that 1 should make you the following answer.
You will readily recollect the resolutions of Congress,
which I did myself the honor two years ago to communi-
cate to the President of their High Mightinesses, and to
the Ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the
Hague. The letter to the President was sent "au greffe,"
and there may, perhaps, be now found. These resolutions
contained the approbation of Congress, of the principles of
the declaration of the Empress of Russia, and authorised
any of the American Ministers in Europe, if invited thereto,
to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance
of them.
Sometime after this, Congress sent Mr Dana a commis-
sion with full power to accede to the principles of the
Marine Treaty between the neutral powers, and he is now
at Petersburg, vested with these powers, and, according to
14 JOHN ADAMS.
late intelligence received from him, has well founded ex-
pectations of heing soon admitted.
It is the opinion of my colleagues, as well as my own,
that no commission of mine to their High Mightinesses con-
tains authority to negotiate this business, and we are all of
opinion, that it is most proper that Mr Dana should nego-
tiate it.
But as there has been no express revocation of the
power given to all or any of us, by the first resolutions,
and if the case should happen, that Mr Dana could not at-
tend in season, on account of the distance, for the sake of
accelerating the signature of the definitive treaty of peace,
we should not hesitate to pledge the faith of the United
States to the observance of the principles of the armed
neutrality. I wish it were in my power to give you a
more satisfactory answer, but candor will warrant no
other.
With great respect to the gentlemen, as well as to you,
I have the honor to be, Sir, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
• .^ **)*
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, February 5th, 1783.
Sir,
The resolution of Congress of the 12th of July, 1781,
"That the commission and instructions, for negotiating a
Treaty of Commerce between these United States and
Great Britain, given to the Honorable John Adams, on the
29th day of September, 1779, be, and they are hereby
revoked," was duly received by me in Holland ; but no
explanation of the motives to it, or the reasons on which
it was founded, was ever transmitted to me by Congress,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 15
or the Committee of Foreign Affairs, or any individual
member, nor has anybody in Europe, or America, ever
once attempted, that I know of, to guess at the reason.
Whether it was intended as a punishment to me, or with a
charitable design not to lead me into temptation ; whether
it was intended as a punishment to the English for their
insolence and barbarity ; whether it was intended to pre-
vent or remove suspicions of allies, or the envy and green
eyed jealousy of copatriots, I know not. Of one thing,
however, lam fully satisfied, that Congress had reasons, and
meant well ; but whether those reasons were founded on
true or mistaken information, I know not.
When I recollect the instructions, which were given and
revoked with that commission, I can guess, and only guess,
at some considerations, which might, or might not, operate
with Congress. In these instructions, Congress deter-
mined,
1st. That the common right of fishing should in no
case be given up.
2dly. That it is essential to the welfare of all these
United States, that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration
of the war, should continue to enjoy the free and undis-
turbed exercise of their common right to fish on the
Banks of Newfoundland, and the other fishing banks and
seas of North America, preserving inviolate the treaties
between France and the said States, he. he.
3dly. "That our faith be pledged to the several States,
that without their unanimous consent no Treaty of Com-
merce shall be entered into, nor any trade or commerce
whatever carried on with Great Britain, without the ex-
plicit stipulation hereinafter mentioned. You are, there-
fore, not to consent to any Treaty of Commerce with
]6 JOHN ADAMS.
Great Britain, without an explicit stipulation on her part,
not to molest or disturb the inhabitants of the United States
of America, in taking fish on the Banks of Newfoundland,
and other fisheries in the American seas, anywhere, except-
ing within the distance of three leagues of the shores of'
the territories remaining to Great Britain at the close of
the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by nego-
tiation. And in the negotiation you are to exert your most
strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance in the Gulf
of St Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova
Scotia ; as to which latter we are desirous, that even the
shores may be occasionally used for the purpose of car-
rying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of these States."
These instructions are very decisive in favor of our in-
dubitable right to the fisheries ; and it is possible, that
Congress might be of opinion, that commerce would be
the strongest inducement to the English to make peace,
and at the same time, that there was something so naval in
the fisheries, that the dread of acknowledging our right to
them would be the strongest obstacle in the way of peace.
They might think, too, that peace was of more importance
to the United States, than a British acknowledgment of our
right to the fisheries, which, to be sure, would have been
enjoyed by our people in a good degree without it.
Reasonings like these might influence Congress to re-
voke the commission and instructions in question. But
whatever probability there might appear in them at tha L
time, experience has since shown, that they were not well
founded. On the contrary, arguments have been found to
convince the British Ministers themselves, that it was the
interest of their King and country, not only to acknowl-
edge the American right to the fisheries, but to encourage
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 17
the unrestrained exercise of it. These considerations,
therefore, can be no longer of any weight against a treaty
of commerce with Great Britain, or against accrediting a
Minister to the Court of St James. Nor can I conceive
of any motive now existing against this measure. On the
contrary, so many advantages present themselves to view,
that I think it my duty to recommend them to Congress as
proper to be adopted without loss of time. If there are in
Congress any of those gentlemen, with whom I had the
honor to serve in the years 1775 and 1776, they may pos-
sibly remember, that in arguing in favor of sending Minis-
ters to Versailles, to propose a connexion with that Court,
I laid it down as a first principle, that we should calculate
all our measures and foreign negotiations in such a man-
ner, as to avoid a too great dependence upon any one
power of Europe ; to avoid all obligations and temptations
to take any part in future European wars. That the busi-
ness of America with Europe was commerce, not politics or
war. And above all, that it never could be our interest to
ruin Great Britain, or injure or weaken her any further
than should be necessary to support our independence,
and our alliances ; and that as soon as Great Britain
should be brought to a temper to acknowledge our sover-
eignty and our alliances, and consent that we should main-
tain the one, and fulfil the others, it would be our interest
and duty to be her friends, as well as the friends of all the
other powers of Europe, and enemies to none.
We are now happily arrived, through many tremendous
tempests, at that period. Great Britain respects us as
sovereign States, and respects all our political engagements
with foreign nations, and as long as she continues in this
temper of wisdom, it is our duty to respect her. We have
VOL. VII. 3
jg JOHN ADAMS.
accordingly made a treaty with her and mutually sworn to
be friends. Through the whole period of our warfare
and negotiations, I confess I have never lost sight of the
principles and the system, with which I set out, which ap-
peared to me to be the sentiments of Congress with great
unanimity, and I have no reason to believe that any change
of opinion has taken place ; if there has not, every one
will agree with me, that no measure we can pursue will
have such a tendency to preserve the government and
people of England in the right system for their own and
our interest, and the interest of our allies too, well under-
stood, as sending a Minister to reside at the Court of
London.
In the next place, the Court of London is the best sta-
tion to collect intelligence from every part, and by means
of the freedom of the press to communicate information
for the benefit of our country, to every part of the world.
In time of peace, there is so frequent travelling between
Paris, London, and the Hague, that the correspondence of
our Ministers at those Courts may be carried on by private
hands, without hazarding anything from the infidelity of
the posts, and Congress may reasonably expect advantages
from this circumstance.
In the third place, a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain is an affair of great importance to both countries.
Upon this occasion I hope I shall be excused if I venture
to advise, that Congress should instruct their Minister not
to conclude such a treaty, without sending the project to
them for their observations and fresh instructions, and I
think it would not be improper, on this occasion, to imitate
the Dutch method, and take the project, ad referendum, and
transmit it to the Legislatures of all the States for their
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 19
remarks, before Congress finally resolve. Their Minister
may be authorised and instructed, in the mean time, to
enter into a temporary convention for regulating the pres-
ent trade, for a limited number of months or years, or
until the treaty of commerce shall be completed.
In the fourth place, it is our part to be the first to send
a Minister to Great Britain, which is the older, and as yet
the superior State. It becomes us to send a Minister first,
and I doubt not the King of Great Britain will very soon
return the compliment. Whereas if we do not begin, I
believe there will be many delicacies at St James', about
being the first to send. I confess I wish a British Minister
at Philadelphia, and think we should derive many benefits
from his residence there. While we have any foreign
Ministers among us, I wish to have them from all the great
powers with whom we are much connected. The Corps
Diplomatique at every Court is, or ought to be, a system
representing at least that part of the system of Europe,
with which that Court is most conversant.
In the same manner, or at least from similar reasons, as
long as we have any one Minister abroad at any European
Court, I think we ought to have one at every one to which
we are most essentially related, whether in commerce or pol-
icy, and therefore while we have any Minister at Versailles,
the Hague, or London, I think it clear we ought to have
one a£ each, though I confess I have sometimes thought,
that after a very few years, it will be the best thing we can
do to recall every Minister from Europe, and send embas-
sies only on special occasions.
If, however, any members of Congress should have any
delicacies, lest an American Minister should not be received
with a dignity becoming his rank and character at Lon-
20 JOHN ADAMS.
don, they may send a commission to make a treaty of
commerce with Great Britain, to their Minister at Madrid,
or Versailles, or the Hague, or St Petersburg, and instruct
him to carry on the negotiation from the Court where he
may be, until he shall be invited to London, or a letter of
credence may be sent to one of these, with instructions to
go to London, as soon as the King shall appoint a Minister
to go to Philadelphia.
After all, however, my opinion is, that none of these
manoeuvres are necessary, but that the best way will be to
send a Minister directly to St James', with a letter of cre-
dence to the King, as a Minister Plenipotentiary, and a
commission to treat of a treaty of commerce, but with in-
structions not to come to any irrevocable conclusion, until
Congress and all the States have an opportunity to consider
of the project, and suggest their amendments.
There is one more argument in favor of sending a Min-
ister forthwith ; it is this, while this mission lies open, it
will be a source of jealousy among present Ministers, and
such as are or may be candidates to be foreign Ministers,
a source of intrigue and faction among their partisans
and adherents, and a source of animosity and division
among the people of the States. For this reason, it is a
pity, that the first choice had not been such as Congress
could have continued to approve, and the first measure
such as Congress could have constantly persevered in. If
this had been the case, the door of faction would have been
kept shut. As this, however, was once my department,
by the voice of eleven States, in twelve present, and as I
will be answerable at any hazard, it will never be the de-
partment of any one by a greater majority, there seems to
be a propriety in my giving my advice concerning it, on
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 21
taking leave of it, if such is the will of Congress, as 1 have
before done in this letter, according to the best of my judg-
ment. And if it should not be thought too presumptuous,
I would beg leave to add, what is my idea of the qualifica-
tions necessary for an American foreign Minister in gen-
eral, and particularly and above all to the Court of St
James'.
In the first place, he should have had an education in
classical learning, and in the knowledge of general history,
ancient and modern, and particularly the history of France,
England, Holland, and America. He should be well
versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of nature
and nations, of legislation and government, of the civil
Roman law, of the laws of England, and the United
States, of the public law of Europe, and in the letters, me-
moirs, and histories of those great men, who have hereto-
fore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the
affairs of nations, and the world. He should be of an age
to possess a maturity of judgment, arising from experience
in business. He should be active, attentive, and indus-
trious, and above all, he should possess an upright heart,
and an independent spirit, and should be one, who decid-
edly makes the interest of his country, not the policy of
any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest,
or those of his family, friends, and connexions, the rule of
his conduct.
We hear so much said about a genteel address, and a
facility in speaking the French language, that one would
think a dancing master and a French master the only
tutors necessary to educate a statesman. Be it remem-
bered, the present revolution, neither in America nor
Europe, has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by
22
JOHN ADAMS.
fluency in French, nor will any great thing ever be effected
by such accomplishments alone. A man must have some-
thing in his head to say, before he can speak to effect, how
ready soever he may be at utterance. And if the knowl-
edge is in his head, and the virtue in his heart, he will
never fail to find a way of communicating his sentiments to
good purpose. He will always have excellent translators
ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any lan-
guage he desires.
As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended
to after a first or second conversation, and even in these, it
is regarded no more by men of sense of any country, than
another thing, which I heard disputed with great vivacity
among the officers of the French frigate, the Sensible. The
question was, what were the several departments of an Am-
bassador and a Secretary of Legation. After a long and
shrewd discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes,
"that the Secretary's part was to do the business, and that
of an Ambassador to keep a mistress." This decision
produced a laugh among the company, and no ideas of the
kind will ever produce anything else, among men of under-
standing.
It is very true, that it is possible, that a case may hap-
pen, that a man may serve his country by a bribe well
placed, or an intrigue of pleasure with a woman. But it is
equally true, that a man's country will be sold and be-
trayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where
it will be once served. It is very certain, that we shall
never be a match for European statesmen in such accom-
plishments for negotiation, any more than, I must and will
add, they will equal us in any solid abilities, virtues, and
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 23
application to business, if we choose wisely among the ex-
cellent characters, with which our country abounds.
Among the Ministers, who have already crossed the At-
lantic to Europe, there have been none exceeding Mr Jay
and Mr Dana, in all the qualifications I have presumed to
enumerate, and I must say, that if I had the honor to give
my vote in Congress, for a Minister at the Court of Great
Britain, provided that injustice must be finally done to him,
who was the first object of his country's choice, such have
been the activity, intelligence, address, and fortitude of Mr
Jay, as well as his sufferings in his voyage, journeys, and
past services, that I should think of no other object of
my choice than that gentleman. If Congress should neg-
lect all their old Ministers, and send a fresh one from
America, they cannot be at a loss, for there are in that
country great numbers of men well qualified for the ser-
vice. These are most certainly better known by name to
Congress than to me, and, therefore, I shall venture no fur-
ther, but conclude, by wishing this arduous business well
settled, and by assurances to Congress, and to you, Sir,
of my warmest attachment and respect.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, February 13th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
On my return, the night before last, from a journey to
the State of New York, I found your favors of the 6th,
the 7th, the 17th, the 19th, and the 23d of September.
They contain important and useful information ; and that
24 JOHN ADAMS.
particularly of the 6th is replete with matter, which de-
serves an attention, that I lament not having it in my power
to give it at this moment, as the express, by which this
goes to Baltimore, is on the wing.
I congratulate you most sincerely upon having sur-
mounted all the obstacles, that opposed themselves to the
completion of our important connexion with the United
States [of Holland]. It has, I think, given the last blow
to the pride of Britain. Its power, so far as it could
endanger us, was past recovery before, except as it derived
force from its pride, which, like the last struggles of a
dying man, gave an appearance of vigor to the body, which
it was about to destroy.
This covers a ratification of the treaty. The first
copy sent by Mr Jefferson has not been signed by me,
owing to my absence. That gentleman has not yet sailed
from Baltimore, having been delayed by a number of the
enemy's cruisers, which infest the Bay.
We this day received the speech of his Britannic Maj-
esty. It breathes so much the language of peace, that I
begin to think it will be unnecessary to give Mr Jefferson
the trouble of going over at all. The delays he has met
with leave you longer without intelligence from hence, than
I would ever wish you to be, though no important event
has taken place, except the evacuation of Charleston.
Our distress for want of money has rather increased, than
diminished. This object will demand your attention, full
as much if the war should be terminated, as if it should
continue. The army, and the other public creditors, begin
to grow very uneasy, and our present exhausted situation
will not admit of internal loans, or such taxes as will suf-
fice to give them relief.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 25
I have sent you three different sets of cyphers, not
thinking it advisable to send duplicates. Be pleased to
let me know whether any and which have arrived safe.
I am, Sir, &jc
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, March 2d, 1783.
Sir,
I am very much of your opinion, that all places in gen-
eral, in foreign countries, under the United States, should
be filled with Americans, but am sometimes requested to
transmit to Congress applications and recommendations
in so pressing a manner, and by persons of distinction,
that it would be scarcely civil to refuse.
Such an instance is the following, and if Congress
should depart from the general rule, I suppose, that no
person at Leghorn has so good pretensions.
The application to me is this, — "Messrs Touissaint,
Doutremont &. Co., merchants of great credit at Leghorn,
who obtained, fortyfive years ago, letters of nobility from
the Court of France, pray the gentlemen, the deputies of
the United States of America, to grant them the place of
Consul, or of Agent of their commerce at Leghorn."
At least, if Congress, or their Ministers, have occasion
for a correspondent in that city, they will not be at a
l6ss.
I have the honor to be, &,c.
JOHN ADAMS.
VOL. VII. 4
26 JOHN ADAMS.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, April 14th, 1783.
Sir,
I received two days ago your favors of the 22d and
23d of January, with the declarations for the cessation of
hostilities, on which a doubt of much importance to the
people of this country is started, to wit, to know at what
period hostilities ceased on this coast, that is, what is
meant by "as far as the Canaries." If it means in the
same latitude, hostilities ceased here the 3d of March,
and a great number of vessels must be restored. If it
does not mean a latitudinal line, what does it mean, which
carries any certainty with it ? The terms of the provis-
ional treaty also occasion much debate. A variety of
questions have been started, but these I shall speak of in
my letter to you in conjunction with your colleagues, that
you may, if opportunity should offer before the Definitive
Treaty is concluded, find some means to rid them of their
ambiguity.
It would give me pain to find, that the Dutch do not
attain their objects in the close of the war, and still more
to impute their misfortunes to any desertion of their inter-
ests by France, since 1 confess freely to you, that her con-
duct, as far as I have observed it, has appeared to me in
the highest degree generous and disinterested. The ex-
treme langour of the Dutch, their divisions, and the less than
nothing that they have done for themselves, entitle them to
little. Without the uncommon exertions of France, they
would not have had a single settlement left, either in the
East or West Indies. So that they lay absolutely at her
mercy, and, therefore, I was pleased to find their instruc-
tions to their Ministers so expressed as to leave no room to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 27
fear, that they would obstruct the peace, when they con-
tributed so little to the prosecution of the war. But I
rather pitied, than blamed their weakness ; they were torn
by factions, and clogged by an executive, which strove to
find reasons for having no execution.
Congress, the day before yesterday, agreed to ratify the
Provisional Articles as such, and to release their prisoners,
in which the British took the lead. The tories have little
reliance upon the effect of the recommendations of Con-
gress; great numbers of them have sailed, and are daily
sailing for Nova Scotia.
With respect to your salary, I must pray you to settle
with Dr Franklin the amount of bills drawn in your favor.
You will, with those that go by this conveyance, receive the
amount of three quarters' salary, at two thousand seven
hundred and seventyseven dollars and sixtyeight ninetieths
per quarter, which were laid out in bills at six shillings
three pence, this money, for five livres, which was a very
advantageous exchange for you. This, however, Con-
gress have directed, by the enclosed resolution, to be
altered, and your salaries to be paid in bills at the rate of
five livres, five sous per dollar. As this resolution retro-
spects you will have, with the bills transmitted to you,
livres more than is due for three quarters' salary. This
will be deducted from the last quarter, for which I will get
a warrant, and leave it with the Treasury here for you or
your order. By settling this matter with Dr Franklin, and
redrawing upon your banker in Holland, you will leave my
accounts unembarrassed, which is of consequence to me,
as I have determined to quit the place I now hold, in the
course of a few weeks, and enjoy in retirement the pleasures
of peace. I have charged no commissions on these money
transactions, nor do I propose to charge any.
28 JOHN ADAMS.
Your account of contingent expenses is before a com-
mittee. Should Congress agree to accept your resignation,
(which I am sorry to see you offer, since the connexions
you have formed, and the experience you have acquired,
might render you particularly serviceable in Holland) it
will be best that you settle it with them yourself on your
arrival. The want of permanent funds, and the opposition
which some States have given to every attempt to establish
them, the demands of the public creditors, and particularly
of the army, have excited much uneasiness here. Satis-
factory measures will, I hope, be adopted to calm it, and
do ample justice. The army, whose proceedings I trans-
mit, have done themselves honor by their conduct on this
occasion. Too much praise could not be given to the
commander-in-chief, for the share he had in the trans-
action, if he was not above all praise. •
i I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, April 14th, 1783.
Sir,
You may easily imagine our anxiety to hear from Amer-
ica, when you know that we have no news to this hour,
either of your reception of the news of peace, or that of
the treaty with Holland, four copies of which I put on
board different vessels at Amsterdam, in October.
We have been in equal uncertainty about the turn,
which affairs might take in England. But by letters from
Mr Laurens we expect him every day, and Mr David
Hartley with him, in order to complete the definitive
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 29
treaty. It would have been more agreeable to have
finished with Mr Oswald. But the present Ministry are
so dissatisfied with what is past, as they say, though no-
body believes them, that they choose to change hands.
It will be proposed, I believe, to make a temporary ar-
rangement of commercial matters, as our powers are not
competent to a durable one, if to any. Congress will, no
doubt, soon send a Minister with full powers, as the treaty
of commerce with Great Britain is of great importance,
and our affairs in that country require an overseer.
It is confidently asserted, in letters from Holland, that
M. Markow, the Minister Plenipotentiary from the Em-
press of Russia, has received from his mistress a full
power to come to Paris, to the assistance of the Prince
Bariatinski at a Congress for a general pacification.
There is, as yet, no answer received from the Emperor.
If the two Imperial Courts accept of the mediation, there
will be a Congress ; but I suppose it will relate chiefly to
the affairs of Holland, which are not yet arranged, and to
the liberty of neutral navigation, which is their principal
point. I wish success to that Republic in this negotiation,
which will help to compose their interior disorders, which
are alarming.
I know not whether it will be insisted or expected, that
we should join in the Congress, nor do I know what we
have to do in it, unless it be to settle that point as far as it
relates to us. There is nothing in difference between us
and Great Britain, which we cannot adjust ourselves, with-
out any mediation.
A spring passage to America is so great an object, that
I should be very sorry to have the negotiations spun out to
such a length as to oblige me to lose it, and I take it for
30 JOHN ADAMS.
granted, I shall now receive the acceptance of my resigna-
tion by the first ships.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, May 21st, 1783.
Sir,
I am just now honored with yours of the 19th of Janu-
ary, by the way of London. We have not yet had the
happiness to receive, as we should be disposed to do with
open arms, our excellent old friend Jefferson, and begin to
fear that the news of peace has determined him not to
come.
I thank you, Sir, for your polite congratulations ; when
the tide turned, it flowed with rapidity, and carried the
vessel, as I hope, into a safe harbor.
As to the loan in Holland, I have never troubled you, nor
any one else in America, with details of the vexations of
various kinds, which I met with in the negotiation of it ;
indeed, I never thought it prudent or safe to do it. If I
had told the whole truth, it could have done no good, and
it might have done infinite mischief. In general, it is now
sufficient to say, that private interest, party spirit, factions,
cabals, and slanderers, have obstructed, perplexed, and
tortured our loan in Holland, as well as all our other
affairs, foreign and domestic. But as there has been a
greater variety of clashing interests, English, French,
Stadtholderian, Republican, and American, mixing in the
affair of our loan in Holland, it has been more puzzled
than anything else. If, in the bitterness of my soul, I had
described the fermentation, and mentioned names, and
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 31
drawn characters, I might have transmitted a curious tale,
but it would have only served to inflame old animosities,
and excite new ones.
A great many things are said to me, on purpose that
they may be represented to you or to Congress. Some
of these I believe to be false, most of them I suspect, and
some of them that are true would do no good. I think it ne-
cessary, therefore, to employ a little discretion in such cases.
Messrs Willinks & Co. will write you from time to time,
as they tell me they have done, the state of the loan. Mr
Grand wants all the money, but they wait your orders.
The loan has been and will be damped by transmitting the
money to France, but your necessities were so urgent, that
you could not avoid it.
In my opinion, if you had a Minister at St James's, and
he were authorised to borrow money generally, in England
or elsewhere, it would serve you greatly, by causing an
emulation even in Holland, besides the money you would
procure in London, which would not be a trifling sum.
I wish I were in Congress, that I might assist you in
persuading our countrymen to pay taxes and build ships.
With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to
be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, May 24th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose copies, to be laid before
Congress, of several papers. 1st. Mr Hartley's full pow-
ers of May 14th. 2dly. The order of the King of Great
Britain in Council, for regulating the American trade, of
32 JOHN ADAMS.
May 14th. 3dly. Articles proposed by the American Min-
isters to Mr Hartley, April 29th. 4thly. Mr Hartley's
observations left with us May 21st. And 5thly. Mr Hart-
ley's proposition of the same day.*
This proposition, however, upon inquiry, we find Mr
Hartley does not incline to subscribe to, before he sends it
to his Court for their orders. So that we have not
yet given him our opinion of it. He has sent a courier
to London, before whose return we hope to have further
intelligence from Philadelphia.
The present British Ministry discover an indecision and
timidity, which indicate instability. Some persons from
England imagine, that my Lord Shelburne will come in
again. The change would produce a longer delay; but I
think would be no disadvantage to America. If he had
continued in power, I think we should have finished, or
been ready to finish, before now with Mr Oswald. Mr
Hartley's dispositions, however, are very good, and if left
to his own judgment, would be liberal and fair.
The idea of reviving the trade, upon the plan of the
laws of Great Britain before the war, although those laws
were calculated so much for the advantage of that country
and so little for the advantage of ours, might be admissible
for a few months, until Ministers could be appointed on
both sides to frame a treaty of commerce ; provided no
advantage should be ceded by it, in the negotiation of such
treaty, and provided, that such a temporary convention for
trade should neither delay nor influence the definitive
treaty. It is much to be wished, that the definitive treaty
of peace, and a permanent treaty of commerce, could be
* These papers will be found in the Correspondence of the Commis-
sioners for making peace.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 33
signed at the same time. This, however, seems now to be
impossible ; and, therefore, some temporary regulation of
commerce seems unavoidable. But we are as yet too un-
certain of the sentiments of the Court of St James, to be
able to foresee, whether we shall be able to agree with them.
Mr Hartley has been here four weeks, and nothing has
been done, although he was very sanguine before he left
London, that he should send home a convention in less
than half of four days.
Congress will see by Mr Hartley's commission, that they
are become the "good friends" of the King of Great Brit-
ain. Mr Hartley on his first arrival here communicated to
us in form, an invitation from the Ministers, with the
knowledge and consent of the King, to all the American
Ministers to go to London, with the assurance, that we
should be there presented at Court, and treated in all re-
spects like the Ministers of any other sovereign State. He
also communicated the desire of his Court, that the two
Powers should interchange Ministers as soon as possible.
I hope that the first ship will bring a Minister for that
Court, or a commission to some one to go there, because
I think it would have been useful to us to have had one
there three months ago, and that it would not be less use-
ful now. The permanent treaty of commerce, neverthe-
less, should not be hastily concluded, nor before Congress
shall have had an opportunity to judge of the project, sug-
gest their amendments, and transmit their orders.
No preliminaries are yet signed with the Dutch, and I
am very anxious for their lot.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
VOL. VII. 5
34 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, May 30th, 1783.
Sir,
On the 28th of this month, the letter which you did me
the honor to write me on the 13th of February, which ar-
rived at the Hague, I received, enclosed with the ratifica-
tion of the treaty with their High Mightinesses, which will
be exchanged by M. Dumas, as the conferences here for
the definitive treaty will not admit of my taking so long a
journey at this time.*
This arrival in season to exchange the ratifications before
the departure of M. Van Berckel, which is to be in about
three weeks, is fortunate. I hope that the first ships from
America will bring my letter of recall from that Republic,
and another Minister, or credence to some one now in Eu-
rope, to take my place.
I am happy to find that any letters of mine in Septem-
ber last contained information that you think of conse-
quence, although, not having my letter book here, I am
not able to recollect the subject. The final completion of
the negotiation with Holland gives me a pleasure, which
will not be equalled, but by that of the definitive treaty of
peace, which languishes at present for want of decisive in-
structions from Mr Hartley, in such a manner, as gives
cause to suspect that the present Ministry are not firm in
their seats.
The presence of a Minister in Holland would encourage
your loan of money there, but it would be quickened still
more, by your sending a Minister to London, with powers
* The particulars of the ratification will be seen in M. Dumas's
Correspondence.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 35
to borrow money there. Emulation is the best spring ; or
call it rivalry, or jealousy, if you will, it will get you money
if you put it in motion.
I have received two cyphers from you, Sir, one begin-
ning with No. 1, and ending with No. 1011. The other
beginning with Amsterdam, and ending with Provinces.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 9th, 1783.
Sir,
The enclosed, No. 121 of the Politique Hollandais
having translated a few sentences of mine, and the author
intending to insert more, as he has already inserted a good
deal of the same correspondence, I think it proper to
transmit you a short relation of it.
In 1780, at Paris, a number of pamphlets of Mr Gallo-
way's were sent me from England. 1 wrote to a friend an
answer to them. He sent it to London to be published.
But whether the printers were afraid, or from what other
motive, I know not. I heard nothing of them until the
spring and summer of 1782, when some of them appeared
in print, in Parker's General Advertiser, under the title of
"Letters from a distinguished American," he. but with
false dates.
There are in those letters so many of the characteristic
features of the Provisional Treaty, of the 30th of Novem-
ber, 17S2, that the publication of them in England, at the
time when they appeared, may be supposed to have con-
tributed, more or less, to propagate such sentiments as the
more private circulation of them before had suggested
36 JOHN ADAMS.
to a few. And as they were written by one of your Min-
isters at the conferences for peace, who repeated and ex-
tended the same arguments to the British Ministers in the
course of the negotiation, it is proper that you should be
informed of them. Whether I have in any former letter
mentioned this subject, or not, I do not recollect. If I
have, 1 pray you to excuse the repetition.
I have the honor to be, &ic.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 16th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday afternoon, the duplicate of your letter of the
14th of April, No. 16, was brought in to me, with the post-
mark "Brest" upon it. As soon as I had read it, I went
out to Passy, in hopes that other despatches had arrived
there, but 1 found none. While I was there, a packet of
newspapers addressed to us all was brought in, with the
post-mark of Brest on it. I still hope and believe, that
other despatches, by the same conveyance, will appear in
a few days, but whether they are still in the post office, or
whether the Due de Lauzun intends to bring them in
person, is uncertain.
I think, Sir, there is no room to doubt the justice of
your opinion, that the latitude of the Canaries is meant,
and, consequently, that hostilities ceased on the whole
coast of the United States on the 3d of March.
I am well aware, that a variety of questions may be
started upon the provisional articles. The great points of
sovereignty, limits, and fisheries, are sufficiently clear.
But there are too many other things in much obscurity.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 37
No one of us alone would ever have put his hand to such
a writing. Yet there is no one to blame. It must be con-
fessed, that it was done in haste, but that haste was inevi-
table. The peace depended absolutely upon the critical
moment, when that treaty was signed. The meeting of
Parliament was so near, and the slate of the Ministry so
critical, that if that opportunity had been lost, there would
have been at least another campaign. There were never
less than three of us, and there were finally no less than
three to be consulted on the other side. These inaccura-
cies are much to be lamented, but they were quite un-
avoidable. We shall endeavor to explain them in the
definitive treaty, but I fear without success.
I hope, Sir, you will excuse me, if I think your expres-
sions fall short of the real merit of the Dutch. If they
had accepted the Russian mediation for a separate peace,
we should have seen a very formidable difference. The
vast weight of the Dutch in the East Indies, being added
to that of France, has influenced the minds of the natives
in such a manner, as to turn the scale against England.
The Cape of Good Hope was indispensable to France,
and we are not yet informed what proportion of the ex-
pense of French operations in the East Indies is to be
borne by the Dutch East India Company, at whose solici-
tations, by their agents, sent early to Versailles, they were
undertaken. From twelve to fifteen British ships of the
line, in the best condition, with the best officers and men,
have been kept almost constantly in the North seas to
watch the Dutch, a momentous diversion, which made the
balance more clear in favor of the allies in the East and
West Indies, as well as in the Channel ; and it may be
added, and that with strict truth, the battle of Doggerbank
38 JOHN ADAMS.
imprinted more terror on the imaginations of the British
navy and nation, than all the other sea engagements of the
war.
Your observations of their unfortunate situation are,
however, very just) and their exertions have not been such
as they might and ought to have been. But this was the
fault of the enemies of France in Holland, not of their
friends, and, unhappily, those enemies are to be gratified
by the terms of peace prescribed to that power, and those
friends mortified. And this misfortune probably arises
from the instructions in question, by which they made
themselves of no importance, instead of acting the part of a
sovereign, independent, and respectable power. If they
had held their own negotiations in their own hands, they
would probably have obtained better terms. I could men-
tion many facts and anecdotes of much importance ; but
these have been communicated to me in confidence, and
as this is a discussion that concerns us only indirectly, and
as our instructions were parallel to theirs, although the ex-
ecution of them was different, and the event different, I
shall waive any further observations upon the subject.
We are happy to learn, that Congress have ratified the
treaty, imperfect as it is, and that each side has released
its prisoners. Mr Hartley communicated to us officially
two days ago, that orders were gone to New York to evac-
uate the United States.
Dr Franklin has never made any use of the bills for my
salary, and I have never received any part of them. I
shall easily settle that matter when I get home, which your
letter encourages me to hope will be very soon. The
connexions I have formed in Holland may be of use to
the public, wherever I may be, in America, or elsewhere,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 39
as well as even In that country itself. Those connexions
will readily become those of any Minister Congress may
send there. It cost me all my happiness, and had very
nearly cost me my life, to form them ; it cost me more ; it
has left me in an ill state of health, which I never shall fully
repair. I shall carry Holland in my veins to my grave.
It will cost no man anything to go there now. His mind
will be at ease, and he will have spirits necessary to take
care to preserve his health. To me it has become physi-
cally necessary, as well as a moral and religious duty, to
join my family. This can be done only by going to them,
or bringing them to me ; and to bring them to Holland is
what I cannot think of, both because, that on account of
my own health, as well as theirs, and on other considera-
tions, I should not choose to live among those putrid lakes,
and because I think I can do my country more and better
service at home than there.
I will not disguise another motive, which would be alto-
gether insurmountable, if it were alone. I do not think
it consistent with the honor of the United Stales, any more
than with my own, for me to stay in Holland, after the
appointment of any other Minister whatsoever to the mis-
sion upon which I came to Europe, and which has been
taken from me without assigning any reason. Congress
are the sovereign judges for themselves and the public of
the persons proper for all services, excepting that every
citizen is a sovereign judge for himself. I have never
adopted the principle, that it is a citizen's duty to accept
of any trust, tiiat is pointed out to him, unless he approves
of it. On the contrary, I think it a right and a duty, that
no law of society can take away, for every man to
40 JOHN ADAMS.
judge for himself, whether he can serve consistently with
his own honor, and the honor and interest of the public.
When the existence of our country and her essential
interests were at stake, it was a duty to run all risks, to
stifle every feeling, to sacrifice every interest, and this duty
I have discharged with patience and perseverance, and
with a success, that can be attributed only to Providence.
But in time of peace, the public in less danger abroad
than at home, knowing I can do more good at home, I
should do a very wrong thing to remove my family to stay
in Holland, merely for the sake of holding an honorable
commission, making and receiving bows, and compliments,
and eating splendid suppers at Court.
There is one piece of advice 1 beg leave to offer to
the Minister who may go to Holland, respecting a future
loan of money. It is, to inquire whether the house of
Hope would undertake a loan for us, either in conjunction
with the houses who have the present one, or with any of
them, or alone. In my private opinion, which ought to be
kept as secret as possible, we might obtain a large loan in
that way, and that we cannot in any other. The people
in that interest have the money. I am not personally
known to that House, nor any one of them to me, but I
know they are all powerful in money matters, and I be-
lieve they would engage.
The happy turn given to the discontents of the army, by
the Genera], is consistent with his character, which, as you
observe, is above all praise, as every character is whose
rule and object are duty, not interest, nor glory, which I
think has been strictly true with the General from the be-
ginning, and I trust will continue to the end. May he long
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 41
live, and enjoy his reflections, and the confidence and
affections of a free, grateful, and virtuous people.
I have the honor to be, Stc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 23d, 1783.
Sir,
Your favor of the 14th of April, No. 16, acknowledged
the receipt of mine of the 21st and the 22d of January,
but took no notice of any letters, which went by Captain
Barney. Neither Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, nor myself have
any answer to the despatches, which went by this express ;
although yours to me, No. 16, gave cause to expect letters
to us all, with instructions concerning the Definitive Treaty.
This profound silence of Congress, and the total darkness
in which we are left, concerning their sentiments, is very
distressing to us, and very dangerous and injurious to the
public.
I see no prospect of agreeing upon any regulation of
commerce here. The present Ministry are afraid of
every knot of merchants. A clamor of an interested
party, more than srn evil to their country, is their dread.
A few West India merchants, in opposition to the sense
and interest of the West India planters, are endeavoring to
excite an opposition to our carrying the produce of the
West India Islands from those islands to Europe, even to
Great Britain. There are also secret schemes to exclude
us, if they can, from the trade of Ireland, to possess them-
selves of the carrying trade of the United States, by pro-
hibiting any American vessel to bring to Great Britain any
commodity but those of the State to which it belongs.
VOL. VII. 6
42 JOHN ADAMS.
Thus, a Philadelphia vessel can carry no tobacco, rice, or
indigo, nor a Carolina vessel wheat or flour, nor a Boston
vessel either, unless grown in its own State. In this way,
a superficial party think they can possess themselves of the
carriage of almost all the productions of the United States,
annihilate our navigation and nurseries of seamen, and
keep all to themselves more effectually than ever. They
talk too of discouraging the people of the United States,
and encouraging those of Canada and Nova Scotia, in
such a manner as to increase the population of those two
Provinces, even by migrations from the United States.
These are dreams, to be sure ; but the dreamers are so
many, as to intimidate the present Ministry, who dare ven-
ture upon nothing that will make a clamor. I have lately
heard, that the merchants in America are waiting to hear
the regulations of trade made here. They 'will wait, I
know not how long. There is no present prospect of our
agreeing at all upon any regulations of trade.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 23d, 1783.
Sir,
The British nation and Ministry are in a very unsettled
state ; they find themselves in a new situation, and have
not digested any plan. Ireland is in a new situation ; she
is independent of Parliament, and the English know not
how to manage her. To what an extent she will claim a
right of trading with the United States, is unknown. Can-
ada too, and Nova Scotia, are in a new situation ; the
former, they say, must have a new government. But
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 43
what form to give them, and, indeed, what kind of govern-
ment they are capable of, or would be agreeable to them,
is uncertain. Nothing is digested.
There is a party, composed probably of refugees,
friends of the old hostile system, and fomented by emis-
saries of several foreign nations, who do not wish a cordial
reconciliation and sincere friendship between Great Britain
and the United States, who clamor for the conservation of
the navigation act, and the carrying trade. If these should
succeed so far as to excite Parliament or the Ministry to
adopt a contracted principle, to exclude us from the West
India trade, and from trading with Canada and Nova Sco-
tia, and from carrying freely, in vessels belonging to any
one of the Thirteen States, the production of any other to
Great Britain, the consequences may be to perplex us for
a time, may bind us closer to France, Spain, Holland,
Germany, Italy, and the northern nations, and thus be fatal
to Great Britain, without being finally very hurtful to us.
The nations of Europe, who have islands in the West
Indies, have, at this moment, a delicate part to take.
Upon their present decisions, great things will depend.
The commerce of the West India Islands, is a part of the
American system of commerce. They can neither do
without us, nor we without them. The Creator has placed
us upon the globe in such a situation, that we have occa-
sion for each other. We have the means of assisting each
other, and politicians and artful contrivances cannot sepa-
rate us. Wise statesmen, like able artists of every kind,
study nature, and their works are perfect in proportion as
they conform to her laws. Obstinate attempts to prevent
the islands and the continent, by force or policy, from de-
riving from each other those blessings, which nature has
44 JOHN ADAiMS.
enabled them to afford, will only put both to thinking of
means of coming together. And an injudicious regulation
at this time may lay a foundation for intimate combina-
tions, between the islands and the continent, which other-
wise would not be wished for, or thought of by either.
If the French, Dutch, and Danes, have common sense,
they will profit of any blunder Great Britain may commit
upon this occasion. The ideas of the British cabinet and
merchants, at present, are so confused upon all these sub-
jects, that we can get them to agree to nothing. I still
think, that the best policy of the United States is, to send
a Minister to London to negotiate a treaty of commerce,
instructed to conclude nothing, not the smallest article,
until he has sent it to Congress, and received their appro-
bation. In the meantime, Congress may admit any Brit-
ish or Irish ships, that have arrived, or may arrive, to
trade as they please.
For my own part, I confess I would not advise Con-
gress to bind themselves to anything, that is not reasonable
and just. If we should agree to revive the trade upon the
old footing, it is the utmost that can, with a color of justice
or modesty, be requested of us. This is not equal, but
might be borne. Rather than go further, and deny our-
selves the freight from the West Indies to Europe, at least,
to Great Britain, especially rather than give away our own
carrying trade, by agreeing that the ships of one State
should not carry to Great Britain the produce of another,
I would be for entering into still closer connexions with
France, Spain, and Holland, and purchase of them, at the
expense of Great Britain, what she has not wisdom enough
to allow us for her own good.
I have the honor to be, &.c.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 45
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris. June 24th, 1783.
Sir,
The gazettes of Europe still continue to be employed,
as the great engines of fraud and imposture to the good
people of America. Stockjobbers are not the only people,
who employ a set of scribblers to invent and publish false-
hoods for their own peculiar purposes. British and
French, as well as other politicians, entertain these fabri-
cators of paragraphs, who are stationed about in the various
cities of Europe, and take up each other's productions in
such a manner, that no sooner does a paragraph appear in
a French, Dutch, or English paper, but it is immediately
seized on, and reprinted in all the others ; this is not all ;
in looking over the American newspapers, I observe,
that nothing is seized on with so much avidity by the
American nouvellists, for republication in their gazettes, as
these political lies. I cannot attribute this merely to the
credulity of the printers, who have generally more discern-
ment than to be deceived. But I verily believe, there are
persons in every State employed to select out these things,
and get them reprinted.
Sometimes the invention is so simple, as really to de-
ceive. Such, I doubt not, will be that of a long para-
graph in the English papers, all importing that Mr Hart-
ley had made a treaty of commerce with us, or was upon
the point of concluding one. Nothing is further from
the truth. We have not to this hour agreed upon one
proposition, nor do I see any probability that we shall at
all, respecting commerce.
We have not, indeed, as yet, agreed upon a point res-
46
JOHN ADAMS.
peering the definitive treaty. We are waiting for those in-
structions of yours, which you mentioned in yours of the
14th of April, which I have not yet received.
Americans should be cautious of European newspapers,
as well as of their own ; more so, indeed, because they
have not so much knowledge, and so good opportunities
to detect the former as the latter. There is a great num-
ber of persons in Europe, who insert things in the papers
in order to make impressions in America. Characters are
in this way built up and pulled down, without the least
consideration of justice, and merely to answer sinister pur-
poses, sometimes extremely pernicious to the United
States.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 27th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, and myself, met to
prepare the definitive treaty, and made so much progress
in it, that tomorrow we shall be ready to communicate to
Mr Hartley the result. But 1 have small hopes of obtain-
ing anything more by the definitive treaty.
The Duke of Manchester, and Count d'Aranda have
arranged everything between England and Spain, and are
ready to finish for their two Courts. France, I presume,
waits only for Holland, or perhaps for some other negotia-
tion with the Imperial Courts. If all the other parties were
now to declare themselves ready, we should be puzzled.
In such a case, however, I am determined (and I believe, but
do not know, that my colleagues would join me) to declare
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 47
myself ready to sign the provisional treaty, totidem verbis,
for a definitive treaty.
From all I can learn, I am persuaded we shall gain
nothing by any further negotiation. If we obtain anything
by way of addition or explanation, we shall be obliged to
give more for it than it is worth. If the British Minister
refuses to agree to such changes as we may think reason-
able, and refuses to sign the provisional articles as defini-
tive ones, I take it for granted, France will not sign till we
do. If they should they are still safe, for the provisional
articles are to constitute the treaty as soon as France has
made peace, and I should rather have it on that footing,
than make any material alteration.
I have put these several cases, because I should be sup-
prised at nothing from the present British Ministry. If
they have any plan at all, it is a much less gracious one
towards America, than that of their immediate predeces-
sors. If Shelburne, Townshend, Pitt, &c. had continued,
we should have had everything settled long ago, to our en-
tire satisfaction, and to the infinite advantage of Great
Britain and America, in such a manner as would have
restored good humor and affection, as far as in the nature
of things they can now be restored.
After the great point of acknowledging our independence
was got over, by issuing Mr Oswald's last commission, the
Shelburne administration conducted towards us like men
of sense and honor. The present administration have
neither discovered understanding nor sincerity. The pres-
ent British administration is unpopular, and it is in itself so
heterogeneous a composition, that it seems impossible it
should last long. Their present design seems to be not to
commit themselves by agreeing to anything. As soon as
48 JOHN ADAMS.
anything is done, somebody will clamor. While nothing is
done, it is not known what to clamor about. If there
should be a change in favor of the Ministry that made the
peace, and a dissolution of this profligate league, which
they call the coalition, it would be much for the good of
all who speak the English language. If fame says true,
the coalition was formed at gambling tables, and is con-
ducted as it was formed, upon no other than gambling
principles.
Such is the fate of a nation, which stands tottering on the
brink of a precipice, with a debt of two hundred and fifty-
six millions sterling on its shoulders ; the interest of which,
added to the peace establishment only, exceeds by above
a million annually all their revenues, enormously and intol-
erably as they are already taxed. The only chance they
have for salvation is in a reform, and in recovering the
affection of America. The last Ministry were sensible of
this, and acted accordingly. The present Ministry are so
far from being sensible of it, or caring about it, that they
seem to me to be throwing the last dice for the destruc-
tion of their country.
I have the honor to be, Stc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 27th, 1783.
Sir,
A few vessels have arrived in England from various
parts of America, and have probably made the Ministry,
merchants, and manufacturers less anxious about a present
arrangement of commerce. Whether these vessels have
rashly hazarded these voyages against the laws of their
DIPLOxMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 49
country, or whether they have permission from Congress,
or their States, we are not informed.
It would have been better, no doubt, to have had an
agreement made before the trade was opened, but the
eagerness of both sides may not easily be restrained.
Whether it is practicable for Congress to stop the trade, I
know not, or whether it would be expedient if practicable,
I doubt.
The balance of parties in England is so nicely poised,
that the smallest weight shifts the scales. In truth nothing
can be done without changing the Ministry, for whatever is
done raises a cry sufficient to shake those who do it. In
this situation, it is a question whether it is best to keep
things in suspense, or bring them to a decision. If Con-
gress were to prohibit all trade with England, until a
Treaty of Commerce were made, or some temporary con-
vention at least, it might bring on a decision, by exciting a
cry against the Ministry for not making a convention.
But the moment a convention is made, a cry will be raised
against them for making it. The present Ministry, to judge
by their motions hitherto, will hazard the clamor for not
making one, rather than that for making one. They think
it least dangerous to them, especially since they have seen
so many American vessels arrive in England, and have
heard, that British ships are admitted to an entry in the
ports of America, particularly Philadelphia.
The most difficult thing to adjust in a Treaty of Com-
merce, will be the communications we shall have with the
West India Islands. This is of great importance to us,
and to the islands, and I think to Great Britain too. Yet
there is a formidable party for excluding us at least from
carrying the produce of those islands to Great Britain.
VOL. VII. 7
50
JOHN ADAMS.
Much will depend upon the Minister you first send to
London. An American Minister would be a formidable
person to any British Minister whatever. He would con-
verse with all parties, and if he is a prudent, cautious man,
he would at this moment have more influence there than
you can imagine.
We are chained here on the only spot in the world,
where we can be of no use. If my colleagues were of
my mind, we would all go together to London, where we
could negotiate the Definitive Treaty, and talk of arrange-
ments of commerce to some purpose. However, one
Minister in London, with proper instructions, would do
better than four. He would have the artifices of French
emissaries to counteract, as well as English partizans ; for
you may depend upon it, the French see with pleasure the
improbability of our coming soon and cordially together, as
they saw with manifest regret, the appearances of cordial
reconciliation under the former administration. These
sentiments are not unnatural, but we are under no obliga-
tion, from mere complaisance, to sacrifice interests of such
deep and lasting consequence. For it is not merely mer-
cantile profit and convenience, that is at stake; future wars,
long and bloody wars, may be either avoided or entailed
upon our posterity, as we conduct wisely or otherwise the
present negotiation with Great Britain.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 51
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 3d, 1783.
Sir,
On the last Ambassador's day, which was last Tuesday,
Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, and myself waited on the Count de
Vergennes, who told us, he thought he had agreed with
the Duke of Manchester, but that his Grace had not yet
received the positive approbation of his Court. The
Count advised us to make a visit altogether to the Ambas-
sadors of the two Imperial Courts. Accordingly, yester-
day morning we went, first to the Count de Mercy Argen-
teau, the Ambassador of the Emperor of Germany, and
King of Hungary and Bohemia. His Excellency was
not at home, so we left our card.
We went next to the Prince Bariatinski, Minister Plen-
ipotentiary from the Court of Russia ; our servant asked
if the Prince was at home, and received for answer, that
he was. We were shown into the Prince's apartment,
who received us very politely. While we were here, Mr
Markoff came in. He also is a Minister Plenipotentiary,
adjoined to the Prince in the afTair of the mediation. I
told him we proposed to do ourselves the honor of calling
on him. He answered, "As you are an old acquaintance
I shall be very happy to see you." Whether this was
a turn of politeness, or whether it was a political dis-
tinction, I know not. We shall soon know, by his return-
ing, or not returning, our visit. The Prince asked where
I lodged, and I told him. This indicates an intention to
return the visit.
We went next to the Dutch Ambassador's, M. de Ber-
kenrode. He was not at home, or not visible. Next to
52 JOHN ADAMS.
the Baron de BJoine, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of
Denmark ; not at home. Next to M. Markoff's. The
porter answered, that he was at home. We alighted, and
were going to his apartment, when we were told he was
not come in. We left a card, and went to the other Dutch
Ambassador's, M. Brantzen, who was not at home ; en
passant, we left a card at the Swedish Minister's, and re-
turned home, the heat being too excessive to pursue our
visits any further.
Thus, we have made visits to all the Ministers, who are
to be present at the signature of the definitive treaty.
Whether the Ministers of the Imperial Courts will be pres-
ent, I know not. There are many appearances of a cold-
ness between France and Russia, and the Emperor seems
to waver between two opinions, whether to join in the
war that threatens, or not. Perhaps the Ministers of the
Imperial Courts will write for instructions whether to re-
turn or not our visit.
After I had begun this letter, Captain Barney came in,
and delivered me your duplicate of No. 12, November the
6th, 1782; duplicate of No. 14, December the 19th,
1782, and triplicate of No. 16, April the 14th, 1783, and
the original of your letter of the 18th of April, 1783, not
numbered. The last contained my account. But as I
have never received any of this money from Dr Franklin,
or M. Gerard, but have my salary from Messrs Willinks Si
Co. at Amsterdam, I am extremely sorry you have had so
much trouble with this affair.
Although in your later letters you say nothing of my
resignation, or the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it
soon, and then I shall have an opportunity to settle the
affair of my salary at Philadelphia.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 53
Alter reading your letters to me, I went out to Passy to
see those addressed to us all. Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, and
myself, (Mr Laurens being still in England) read them all
over together. We shall do all in our power to procure
the advantages in the definitive treaty, you mention. The
state of parties is such in England, that it is impossible to
foresee when there will be a Ministry, who will dare to
take any step at all. The coalition between Lord North
and his connexions, and Mr Fox and his, is a rope of sand.
Mr Fox, by pushing the vote in the House of Commons
disapproving the peace, and by joining so many of the old
Ministers in the new administration, has justly excited so
many jealousies of his sincerity, that no confidence can be
placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry, that the most
amiable men in the nation, Portland, and the Cavendishes,
should have involved themselves in the same reproach.
In short, at present, Shelburne, Pitt, Townshend, and
the administration of which they were members, seem to
have been the only ones, who, for a moment, had just
notions of their country and ours. Whether these men, if
now calied to power, would pursue their former ideas, I
know not. The Bible teaches us not to put our trust in
Princes, and a fortiori in Ministers of State.
The West India commerce now gives us most anxiety.
If the former British Ministry had stood, we might have
secured it from England, and, in that case, France would
have been obliged to admit us to their islands, $e defen-
dendo. The first maxim of a statesman, as well as that of
a statuary, or a painter, should be to study nature ; to cast
his eyes round about his country, and see what advantages
nature has given it. This was well attended to, in the
boundary between the United States and Canada, and in
54 JOHN ADAMS.
the fisheries. The commerce of the West India Islands,
falls necessarily into the natural system of the commerce
of the United States. We are necessary to them and
they to us ; and there will be a commerce between us.
If the government forbid it, it will be carried on clandes-
tinely. France can more easily connive at a contraband
trade than England. But we ought to wish to avoid the
temptation to this. I believe, that neither France nor Eng-
land will allow us to transport the productions of their
Islands to other parts of Europe.
The utmost we may hope to obtain would be permis-
sion to import the productions of the French Islands into
France, giving bond to land them in some port of that
kingdom, and the productions of the English Islands into
some port of Great Britain, giving bonds to land them
there. It must, however, be the care of the Minister, who
may have to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain, to obtain as ample freedom in this trade as
possible.
While I was writing the above, my servant announced
the Imperial Ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He
said, that he was happy that the circumstances of the times
afforded him an opportunity of forming an acquaintance
with me, which he hoped would be improved into a more
intimate one. 1 said, his Excellency did me great honor,
and begged him to sit, which he did, and fell into a con-
versation of an hour. We ran over a variety of subjects,
particularly the commerce which might take place between
the United Stales and Germany, by the way of Trieste
and Fiume, and the Austrian Netherlands, and the great
disposition in Germany to migration to America. He
says he knows the country round about Trieste very well,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 55
having an estate there ; that it is a very extensive and a
very rich country, which communicates with that maritime
city, and that the navigation of the Adriatic sea, though
long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do
with the Barbary powers. He said, he thought all the
powers of the world ought to unite in the suppression of
such a detestable race of pirates, and that the Emperor had
lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the subject.
I asked him if he thought France and England would
agree to such a project, observing that I had heard that
some Englishmen had said, "if there were no Algiers,
England ought to build one." He said, he could not
answer for England.
It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the conversation,
which turned upon the frugal and industrious character of
the Germans, the best cultivators in Europe, and the dis-
honorable traffic of some of the German Princes in men, a
subject he introduced and enlarged on himself. I said
nothing about it. Rising up to take leave, he repeated
several compliments he had made when he first came in,
and added, "The Count de Vergennes will do me the
honor to dine with me one of these days, and I hope to
have that of your company. We will then speak of an
affair upon which the Count de Vergennes and you have
already conversed."
This shows there is something in agitation, but what it
is I cannot conjecture ; whether it is to induce us to make
the compliment to the two Imperial Courts to sign the
definitive treaty as mediators, whether there is any project
of an association for the liberty of navigation, or whether it
is any other thing, I cannot guess at present, but I will
write you as soon as I know. Whatever it is, we must
56
JOHN ADAMS.
treat it with respect, but we shall be very careful how we
engage our country in measures of consequence without
being clear of our powers, and without the instructions of
Congress.
I went out to Passy, and found from Mr Jay, that he
had made his visit there, in the course of the day, hut had
said nothing to Dr Franklin or him about the dinner with
the Count de Vergennes. In the course of the day, I had
visits from the Prince Bariatinski and M. de Markoff, the
two Ministers of the Empress of Russia. The porter told
these gentlemen's servants, that 1 was at home, but they
did not come up, but only sent up their cards.
While I was gone to Passy, Monsieur de Blome, Envoy
Extraordinary from the King of Denmark, called and left
his card. Thus the point of etiquette seems to be settled,
and we are to be treated in character by all the Powers of
Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 5th, 1783.
Sir,
Your favors of the 12th and 29th of May were deliv-
ered to me on the 3d of this month by Captain Barney.
Every assistance, in my power, shall be given to Mr Bar-
clay. Mr Grand will write you the amount of all the bills
which have been paid in Holland, which were accepted by
me. You may banish your fears of a double payment of
any one bill. I never accepted a bill without taking down
in writing a very particular description of it, nor without
examining the book, to see whether it had been accepted
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 57
before. I sent regularly, in the time of it, copies of these
acceptances to Dr Franklin, and I have now asked him to
lend them to me, that I may copy them and send them to
you. The Doctor has promised to look up my letters, and
let me have them. The originals are at the Hague, with
multitudes of other papers, which I want every day.
Among the many disagreeable circumstances attending
my duty in Europe, it is not the least, that instead of being
fixed to any one station, I have been perpetually danced
about from "post to pillar," unable to have my books and
papers with me, unable to have about me the conveniences
of a house-keeper for health, pleasure, or business, but yet
subjected in many articles to double expenses.
Mr Livingston has not informed me of any determination
of Congress upon my letter to you of the 17th of Novem-
ber, which distresses me much on Mr Thaxter's account,
who certainly merits more than he has received, or can re-
ceive, without the favor of Congress.
I thank you, Sir, most affectionately for your kind con-
gratulation on the peace. Our late enemies always clamor
against a peace, but this one is belter for them than they
had reason to expect after so mad a war. Our country-
men too, I suppose, are not quite satisfied. This thing and
that thing should have been otherwise, no doubt. If any
man blames us I wish him no oiher punishment than to
have, if that were possible, just such another peace to nego-
tiate, exactly in our situation. I cannot look back upon this
event without the most affecting sentiments, when I consider
the number of nations concerned, the complications of inter-
ests, extending all over the globe, the characters of actors,
the difficulties which attended every step of the progress,
how everything labored in England, France, Spain, and
VOL. VII. 8
58
JOHN ADAMS.
Holland, that the armament at Cadiz was upon the point
of sailing, which would have rendered another campaign
inevitable, that another campaign would have probably-
involved France in a continental war, as the Emperor
would in that case have joined Russia against the Porte ;
that the British Ministry was then in so critical a situation,
that its duration for a week or a day depended upon its
making peace ; that if that Ministry had been changed, it
could have been succeeded only either by North and
Company, or by the coalition ; that it is certain, that
neither North and Company, nor the coalition, would have
made peace upon any terms, that either we or the other
Powers would have agreed to ; and that all these difficul-
ties were dissipated by one decided step of the British
and American Ministers. I feel too strongly a gratitude to
Heaven for having been conducted safely through the
storm, to be very solicitous whether we have the appro-
bation of mortals or not.
A delay of one day might, and probably would, have
changed the Ministry in England, in which case all would
have been lost. If, after we had agreed with Mr Oswald,
we had gone to Versailles to show the result to the Count
de Vergennes, you would have been this moment at war,
and God knows how or when you would have got out.
What would have been the course ? The Count de Ver-
gennes would have sprinkled us with compliments, the
holy water of a Court. He would have told us ; "you
have done, gentlemen, very well for your country. You
have gained a great deal. J congratulate you upon it, but
you must not sign till we are ready ; we must sign alto-
gether here in this room." What would have been our
situation ? We must have signed against this advice, as
J
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 59
Mr Laurens says he would have done, and as I believe Mr
Jay and I should have done, which would have been the
most marked affront, that could have been offered, or we
must have waited for France and Spain, which would have
changed the Ministry in England, and lost the whole peace,
as certainly as there is a world in being. When a few
frail vessels are navigating among innumerable mountains
of ice, driven by various winds, and drawn by various cur-
rents, and a narrow crevice appears to one, by which all
may escape, if that one improves the moment and sets the
example, it will not do to stand upon ceremonies, and ask,
which shall go first, or that all may go together.
I hope you will excuse this little excursion, and believe
me to be, with great respect and esteem, your most obe-
dient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 7th, 1783.
Sir,
We cannot as yet obtain from Mr Hartley, or his prin-
cipals, an explicit consent to any one proposition whatever.
Yet England and France, and England and Spain are
probably agreed, and Holland, I suppose, must comply.
Our last resource must be to say, we are ready to sign
the Provisional Treaty, totidem verbis, as the Definitive
Treaty.
I think it is plain, that the British Ministry do not intend
to sign any treaty till Parliament rises. There are such
dissensions in the Cabinet, that they apprehend a treaty
laid before Parliament, if it did not obtain ac ! .antages, of
GO
JOHN ADAMS.
which they have no hope, would furnish materials to over-
throw them. A new administration is talked of, under
Lord Temple. The West India commerce is now the
object, that interests us the most nearly. At dinner with
the Due de la Vauguyon, on Saturday last, he told me,
that he believed the commerce between the French West
India Islands and the United States, would be confined
to ships built in France, and navigated by French sea-
men.
"So then, M. le Due," said I, laughing, "you have
adopted the ideas of the British navigation act. But sup-
pose the United States should adopt them too, and make a
law, that no commerce should be carried on with any West
India Islands, French, English, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish,
but in ships built in America, and navigated with Ameri-
can seamen ? We can import sugar from Europe. But
give me leave to tell you, that this trade can never be car-
ried on without a great number of seamen, which the
French vessels being all large require, and your navigators
are too slow. The trade itself was only profitable to us
as a system, and little vessels, with a few hands, run away
at any season of the year, from any creek or river, with a
multitude of little articles, collected in haste. Your mer-
chants and mariners have neither the patience to content
themselves with much and long labor, and dangerous voy-
ages for small profits, nor have they the economy, nor can
they navigate vessels with so few hands." "Aye, but we
think," said the Duke," if we do not try, we shall never
learn to do these things as well and as cheap as you."
The Duke told me, some days before, that he had had a
great deal of conversation with the Count de Vergennes,
and he found he had a great many good ideas of corn-
DlPLOxMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, 61
merce. The Count himself told me a few weeks ago, "in
our regulations of the commerce hetween our Islands and
you, we must have regard to our shipping, and our nur-
series of seamen for our marine ; for," said he, smiling
politely enough, "without a marine, we cannot go to your
succor."
In short, France begins to grow, for a moment, ava-
ricious of navigation and seamen. But it is certain, that
neither the form of government, nor the national character,
can possibly admit of great success in it. Navigation is so
dangerous a business, and requires so much patience, and
produces so little profit among nations who understand it
best, and have the best advantages for it, where property
is most secure, lawsuits soonest and cheapest ended, (and
by fixed certain laws,) that the French can never interfere
much with the Dutch, or Americans, in ship building or
carrying trade. If any French merchants ever begin to
carry on this commerce, between America and the Islands,
they will break to pieces very soon, and then some new
plan must be adopted. The English, for aught I know,
will make a similar law, that the communications between
us and their Islands shall be carried on in British built
ships, or ships built in Canada or Nova Scotia, and navi-
gated by British seamen. In this case, we must try what
we can do with the Dutch and Danes. But the French
and English will endeavor to persuade them to the same
policy, for the Due de ia Vauguyon told me, that he
thought it a common tie (lien commun.) In this they will
not succeed, and we must make the most we can of the
Dutch friendship, for luckily, the merchants. and Regency
of Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their
Islands by the treaty. Happily, Congress will have a
(32 JOHN ADAMS.
Dutch Minister, with whom they may consult upon this
matter, as well as any others, but I should think it would
not be convenient to invite an English or French Minister
to be present at the consultation.
I am at a loss, Sir, to guess what propositions made to
us Congress have been informed of, which they had not
learned from us. None have been made to us. The Dutch
Ambassadors did once propose a meeting to us, and had it
at my house. Dr Franklin came, but Mr Jay did not,
and Mr Laurens was absent. The Ambassadors desired
to know, whether we had power to enter into any engage-
ments, provided France, Spain, and Holland, should agree
to any, in support of the armed neutrality. We showed
them the resolution of Congress, of the 5th of October,
1780, and told them, that Mr Dana had been since vested
with a particular commission to the same effect. We
never heard anything further about it.
Not seeing, at the time, any probability that anything
would come of this, nor intending to do anything of any
consequence in it, if we should hear further of it, without
the further orders of Congress, we did not think it neces-
sary to write anything about it, at least, till it should put on
a more serious appearance. If the Count de Mercy's din-
ner, to which we are to be invited, with the Count de
Vergennes, should produce any insinuations on this sub-
ject, (which I do not, however, expect) we shall inform
you, and request the orders of Congress.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. C3
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 9th, 1763
Sir,
Since the dangerous fever I had in Amsterdam, two
years ago, I have never enjoyed my health. Through the
whole of the last winter and spring, 1 have suffered under
weaknesses and pains, which have scarcely permitted me
to do business. The excessive heats of the last week or
two have brought on me a fever again, which exhausts me
in such a manner, as to be very discouraging, and inca-
pacitates one for everything. In short, nothing but a re-
turn to America will ever restore my health, if even that
should do it.
In these circumstances, however, we have negotiations
to go through, and your despatches to answer. The lib-
eral sentiments in England respecting the trade are all
lost for the present, and we can get no answer to anything.
It is the same thing with the Dutch. One of the Dutch
Ambassadors told me yesterday at Versailles, that now,
for five weeks, the English had never said one word to
them, nor given them any answer. These things indicate,
that the Ministry do not think themselves permanent.
The Count de Vergennes asked Dr Franklin and me,
yesterday, it we had made our visits. We answered,
that we had, and that they had been promptly returned.
"The thing in agitation," says the Count, "is for you to
determine whether your definitive treaty shall be signed
under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, or not.
Ours and the Spanish treaty with England are to be so
finished, and if you determine in favor of it, you have
only to write a letter to the Ministers of the Imperial
64
JOHN ADAMS.
Courts, who are here." I told him, in the present case,
I did not know what a mediation meant. He smiled,
but did not seem to know any better than I ; at least,
he did not explain it. We told him we would determine
upon it soon.
How we shall determine, I cannot say. For my own
part, I see no harm in accepting the mediation, nor any
other good, than a compliment to the two empires. In
Europe it may be thought an honor to us, and, therefore,
I shall give my voice, as at present informed, in favor of it,
as it seems rather to be the inclination of the Count de
Vergennes that we should.
Your late despatches, Sir, are not well adapted to give
spirits to a melancholy man, or to cure one sick with a
fever. It is not possible for me, at present, to enter into a
long detail in answer to them. You will be answered, I
suppose, by all the gentlemen jointly. In the meantime, I
beg leave to say to you a few words upon two points.
1st. The separate article never appeared to me of any
consequence to conceal from this Court. It was an agree-
ment we had a right to make ; it contained no injury to
France or Spain. Indeed, I know not what France has,
or ever had, to do with it. If it had been communicated
to this Court, it would probably have been communicated
to Spain, and she might have thought more about it than
it was worth. But how you could conceive it possible for
us to treat at all with the English, upon supposition, that
we had communicated every, the minutest thing, to this
Court, when this Court were neither obliged, nor thought
proper, to communicate anything whatever to us, I know
not. We were bound by treaty no more than they to
communicate. The instructions were found to be abso-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 05
lutely impracticable. That they were too suddenly pub-
lished, is very true.
2dly. A communication of the treaty to this Court, after
it was agreed upon, and before it was signed, would have
infallibly prevented the whole peace. In the first place,
it was very doubtful, or rather, on the contrary, it is cer-
tain, the English Minister never would have consented that
we should have communicated it. We might, it is true,
have done it without his consent or knowledge ; but what
would have been the consequence ? The French Minister
would have said, the terms were very good for us, but we
must not sign till they signed ; and this would have been
the continuance of the war for another year, at least. It
was not so much from an apprehension, that the French
would have exerted themselves to get away from us terms
that were agreed on, that they were withheld. It was
then too late, and we have reasons to apprehend, that all
of this kind had been done, which could be done. We
knew they were often insinuating to the British Ministers
things against us, respecting the fisheries, tories, he. during
the negotiation, and Mr Fitzherbert told me, that the
Count de Vergennes had "fifty times reproached him for
ceding the fisheries, and said it was ruining the English
and French commerce both." It was not suspicion, it
was certain knowledge, that they were against us on the
points of the tories, fisheries, Mississippi, and the western
country.
All this knowledge, however, did not influence us to
conceal the treaty. We did not, in fact, conceal it. Dr
Franklin communicated the substance of it to the Count and
M. de Rayneval. So did I. In a long conversation with
the Count and M. de Rayneval together, I told them the
vol. VII. 9
gQ JOHN ADAMS.
substance of what was agreed upon, and what we further
insisted on, and the English then disputed. But the signing
before them is the point. This we could not have done,
if we had shown the treaty, and told them we were
ready. The Count would certainly have said to us, you
must not sign till we sign. To have signed after this
would have been more disagreeable to him, and to us too.
Yet we must have signed or lost the peace. The peace
depended on a day.
Parliament had been waiting long, and once prorogued.
The Minister was so pressed, he could not have met Par-
liament' and kept his place, without an agreement upon
terms, at least, with America. If we had not signed, the
Ministry would have been changed, and the coalition come
in, and the whole world knows the coalition would not
have made peace upon the present terms, and, conse-
quently, not at all this year. The iron was struck in the
few critical moments when it was of a proper heat, and has
been moulded into a handsome vessel. If it had been
suffered to cool, it would have flown in pieces like glass.
Our countrymen have great reason to rejoice, that they
have obtained so good a peace, when, and as they did.
With the present threatening appearances of a northern
war, which will draw in France, if our peace was still to
be made we might find cause to tremble for many great
advantages, that are now secured. I believe the Count
himself, if he were now to speak his real sentiments, would
say, he is very glad we signed when we did, and that with-
out asking his consent.
The Due de la Vauguyon told me and M. Brantzen
together, last Saturday, "if you had not signed when you
did, we should not have signed when we did." If they
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 67
had not signed when they did, d'Estaing would have sailed
from Cadiz, and in that case nobody would have signed
to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more dis-
agreeable circumstances than we were. We are none of
us men of principles or dispositions to take pleasure in
going against your sentiments, Sir, much less those of
Congress. But in this case, if we had not done it, our
country would have lost advantages beyond computa-
tion.
On Monday, Sir, we pursued our visits, and today we
finish. Yesterday at Court all the foreign Ministers be-
haved to us without reserve, as members of the Corps Di-
plomatique, so that we shall no longer see those lowering
countenances, solemn looks, distant bows, and other pecu-
liarities, which have been sometimes diverting, and some-
times provoking, for so many years.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 10th, 1783.
Sir,
In the present violent heat of the weather, and feverish
state of my health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my pen,
and must pray you to accept of a few short hints only.
To talk in a general style of confidence in the French
Court, he. is to use a general language, which may mean
almost anything, or almost nothing. To a certain degree,
and as far as the treaties and engagements extend, I have
as much confidence in the French Court as Congress has,
or even as you, Sir, appear to have. But if, by confi-
dence in the French Court is meant an opinion, that the
68
JOHN ADAMS.
French Office of Foreign Affairs would be advocates with
the English for our rights to the fisheries, or to the Mis-
sissippi river, or our Western Territory, or advocates to
persuade the British Ministers to give up the cause of the
refugees, and make Parliamentary provision for them, I
own I have no such confidence, and never had. Seeing
and hearing what I have seen and heard, I must have
been an idiot to have entertained such confidence, I should
be more of a Machiavelian, or a Jesuit, than I ever was,
or will be, to counterfeit it to you, or to Congress.
M. Marbois' letter is to me full proof of the principles
of the Count de Vergennes. Why ? Because I know,
(for it was personally communicated to me upon my pas-
sage home, by M. Marbois himself,) the intimacy and con-
fidence there is between these two. And I know further,
*
that letter contains sentiments concerning the fisheries,
diametrically opposite to those, which Marbois repeatedly
expressed to me upon the passage, viz. "That the New-
foundland fishery was our right, and we ought to maintain
it." From whence I conclude, M. Marbois' sentiments
have been changed by the instructions of the Minister. To
what purpose is it where this letter came from ? Is it less
genuine, whether it came from Philadelphia, Versailles, or
London ? What if it came through English hands ? Is
there less weight, less evidence in it for that ? Are the
sentiments more just, or more friendly to us for that ?
M. de Rayneval's correspondence too with Mr Jay.
M. de Rayneval is a Chef de Bureau. But we must be
very ignorant of all Courts not to know, that an Under
Secretary of State dares not carry on such a correspon-
dence without the knowledge, consent, and orders of the
principal.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. (59
There is another point now in agitation, in which the
French will never give us one good word. On the con-
trary, they will say everything they can think of to per-
suade the English to deprive us of the trade of their West
India Islands. They have already, with their emissaries,
been the chief cause of the change of sentiment in Lon-
don on this head against us. In general they see with
pain every appearance of returning real and cordial friend-
ship, such as may be permanent between us and Great
Britain. On the contrary, they see with pleasure every
seed of contention between us. The tories are an excel-
lent engine of mischief between us, and are, therefore,
very precious.
Exclusion from the West India Islands will be another.
I hold it to be the indispensable duty of my station, not
to conceal from Congress these truths. Do not let us be
dupes, under the idea of being grateful. Innumerable
anecdotes happen daily to show, that these sentiments are
general. In conversation, a (ew weeks ago, with the Due
de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the West India trade,
I endeavored to convince him, that France and England
both ought to admit us freely to their islands. He entered
into a long argument to prove, that both ought to exclude
us. At last, I said, the English were a parcel of sots to
exclude us, for the consequence would be, that in fifteen or
twenty years we should have another war with them.
"Tant mieux ! tant mieux ! je vous en felicite," cried the
Duke, with great pleasure. "Tant mieux pour nous,"
said I, because we shall conquer from the English in that
case all their islands, the inhabitants of which would now
declare for us, if they dared. But it will not be the
better for the English. They will be the dupes, if they
70 JOHN ADAMS.
lay a foundation for it. "Yes," said the Duke, "I believe
you will have another war with the English." And in this
wish he expressed the vows of every Frenchman upon the
face of the earth. If, therefore, we have it in contem-
plation to avoid a future war with the English, do not let
us have too much confidence in the French, that they will
favor us in this view.*
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 10th, 1783.
Sir.
Upon the receipt of the despatches by Barney, I sent
off your letters for Messrs Willinks & Co. and I received
last night an answer to the letter I wrote them upon the
occasion. They have engaged to remit Mr Grand a mil-
lion and a half of livres in a month, which has relieved Mi-
Grand from his anxiety.
This Court has refused to Dr Franklin any more
money. They are apprehensive of being obliged to take
a part in the northern war, and their own financiers have
not enough of the confidence of the public to obtain money
for their own purposes.
Your design of sending cargoes of tobacco and other
things to Amsterdam, to Messrs Willinks & Co. is the
best possible to support our credit there. The more you
send, the more money will be obtained. Send a Minister
* See a letter from Dr Franklin, containing remarks on Mr
Adams's opinions of the policy and designs of the French Court,
dated July the 22d, 1783. Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. IV. p.
138. Also a letter from Mr Laurens, Vol. II. p. 486.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 7{
too ; residing there, he may promote it much. It is a mis-
fortune, that I have not been able to be there, but this
post cannot be deserted. Instruct your Minister to inquire
whether the House of Hope could be persuaded to engage
with Willinks in a new loan. This should be done with
secrecy and discretion. If that House would undertake it,
you would find money enough for your purpose, for I rely
upon it, the States will adopt a plan immediately for the
effectual payment of interest. This is indispensable: The
foundation of a happy government can only be kid in
justice ; and as soon as the public shall see, that provision
is made for this, you will no longer want money.
It is a maxim among merchants and monied men, that
"every man has credit who does not want it." It is
equally true of States. We shall want it but little longer,
if the States make provision for the payment of interest,
and therefore we shall have enough of it. There is not a
country in the world whose credit ought to be so good,
because there is none equally able to pay.
Enclosed is a pamphlet of Dr Price's, for your comfort.
You will see by it, that the only nation we have reason in
fear wants credit so much, that she is not likely to have
it always, and this is our security. By some hints from
Mr Hartley, he will probably return to London, and not
be here again. The present Ministry is so undecided and
feeble, that it is at least doubtful whether they will make
the definitive treaty of peace.
With great respect, &cc.
JOHN ADAMS.
7 2 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 11th, 1783.
Sir,
In my letter to you of yesterday, I hinted in confidence,
at an application to the house of Hope. This is a very
delicate measure. I was induced to think of it merely by
a conversation which M. Van Berckel, (who will soon be
with you, as he sailed the 2Gth of June from the Texel,)
had with M. Dumas. It would be better to be steady to
the three Houses already employed, if that is possible.
You will now be able to converse freely with that Minister
upon the subject. I should not advise you to take any de-
cisive resolution at Philadelphia, but leave it to your Minis-
ter to act as shall appear to him best upon the spot. The
Houses now employed are well esteemed, and I hope
will do very well. But no House in the Republic has
the force of that of Hope.
All depends, however, upon the measures to be taken
by Congress and the States for ascertaining their debts,
and a regular discharge of the interest. The ability of the
people to make such an establishment cannot be doubted ;
and the inclination of no man who has a proper sense of
public honor can be called in question. The Thirteen
States, in relation to the discharge of the debts of Congress,
must consider themselves as one body animated by one
soul. The stability of our confederation at home, our
reputation abroad, our power of defence, the confidence
and affection of the people of one State towards those of
another, all depend upon it. Without a sacred regard to
public justice no society can exist ; it is the only tie which
can unite men's minds and hearts in pursuit of the common
interest.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. . 73
The commerce of the world is now open to us, and our
exports and imports are of so large amount, and our con-
nexions will be so large and extensive, that the least stain
upon our character in this respect will lose us in a very
short time advantages of greater pecuniary value than all
our debt amounts to. The moral character of our people
is of infinitely greater worth than all the sums in question.
Every hesitation, every uncertainty about paying or re-
ceiving a just debt, diminishes that sense of moral obliga-
tion of public justice, which ought to be kept pure, and
carefully cultivated in every American mind. Creditors at
home and abroad, the army, the navy, every man who has
a well founded claim upon the public, have an unalienable
right to be satisfied, and this by the fundamental principles
of society. Can there ever be content and satisfaction ?
Can there ever be peace and order ? Can there ever be
industry or decency without it ? To talk of a sponge to
wipe out this debt, or of reducing or diminishing it below
its real value, in a country so abundantly able to pay the
last farthing, would betray a total ignorance of the first
principles of national duty and interest.
Let us leave these odious speculations to countries, that
can plead a necessity for them, and where corruption has
arrived at its last stages ; where infamy is scarcely felt,
and wrong may as well assume one shape as another,
since it must prevail in some.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
JOHN ADAMS.
VOL. VII. 10
74 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 11th, 1783.
Sir,
As there are certain particulars, in which it has ap-
peared to me, that the friendship of a French Minister has
heen problematical, at least, or rather, not to exist at all, I
have, freely ^mentioned them to Congress ; because I hold
it to be the first duty of a public Minister, in my situation,
to conceal no important truth of this kind from his masters.
But ingratitude is an odious vice, and ought to be held
in detestation by every American citizen. We ought to
distinguish, therefore, between those points, for which we
are not obliged to our allies, from those in which we are.
I think, then, we are under no particular obligations of
gratitude to them for. the fisheries, the boundaries, exemp-
tion from the tories, or for the progress of our negotiations
in Europe.
We are under obligations of gratitude, for making the
treaty with us when they did ; for those sums of money,
which they have generously given us, and for those, even,
which they have lent us, which I hope we shall punctually
pay, and be thankful still for the loan ; for the fleet and
army they sent to America, and for all the important ser-
vices they did. By other mutual exertions, a dangerous
rival to them, and I may be almost warranted in saying, an
imperious master, both to them and us, has been brought
to reason, and put out of the power to do harm to either.
In this respect, however, our allies are more secure than
we. The House of Bourbon has acquired a great acces-
sion of strength, while their hereditary enemy has been
weakened one half, and incurably crippled.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 75
The French are, besides, a good natured and humane
nation, very respectable in arts, letters, arms, and com-
merce, and, therefore, motive-:, of interest, honor, and
convenience, join themselves to those of friendship and
gratitude, to induce us to wish for the continuance of their
friendship and alliance. The Provinces of Canada and
Nova Scotia in the hands of the English are a constant
warning to us to have a care of ourselves, and, therefore,
a continuance of the friendship and alliance of France is of
importance to our tranquillity, and even to our safety.
There is nothing, which will have a greater effect to over-
awe the English, and induce them to respect us and our
rights, than the reputation of a good understanding with the
French. My voice and advice will, therefore, always be
for discharging, with the utmost fidelity, gratitude, and
exactness, every obligation we are under to France, and
for cultivating her friendship and alliance by all sorts of
good <^ices. But I am sure, that to do this effectually,
we must reason with them at times, enter into particu~
Jars, and be sure that we understand one another. We
must act a manly, honest, independent, as well as a sen-
sible part.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, Stc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 12th, 1783.
Sir,
Reports -have been spread, that the Regency of Algiers
has been employed in fitting out ships to cruise for Amer-
ican vessels. There are reports too, that Spain has an
76
JOHN ADAMS.
armament prepared to attack their town. How much
truth there may be in either, I cannot pretend to say.
Whether Congress will take any measures for treating
with these piratical States, must be submitted to them.
The custom of these Courts, as well as those of Asia and
Africa, is to receive presents with Ambassadors. The
Grand Pensionary of Holland told me, that the Republic
paid annually to the Regency of Algiers a hundred thou-
sand dollars. I hope a less sum would serve for us ; but
in the present state of our finances, it would be difficult to
make any payment. Mr Montgomery, of Alicant, has ven-
tured to write a letter to the Emperor of Morocco, in con-
sequence of which, his Majesty was pleased to give orders
to all his vessels to treat American vessels with all friend-
ship. Mr Montgomery ventured too far, however, in
writing in the name of the United States, and what will be
the consequences of the deception T know not.
Dr Franklin lately mentioned to Mr Jay and me, that
he was employed in preparing, with the Portuguese Am-
bassador, a treaty between the United States and Portu-
gal. The next Ambassador's day at Versailles, I asked
him if we could be admitted to the Brazils ? He said, no,
they admitted no nation to the Brazils. I asked, if we
were admitted to the Western Islands? He said he thought
Madeira was mentioned. I told him, I thought it would
be of much importance to us to secure an admission to all
the Azores, and to have these Islands, or some of them,
made a depot for the sugars, coffee, cotton, and cocoa, he.
of the Brazils. He liked this idea, and went immediately
and spoke to the Ambassador upon it. He said, the Am-
bassador had told him, that they could furnish us with
these articles at Lisbon, fifteen per cent cheaper than the
English could from their West India Islands.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 77
This treaty, I suppose, will be submitted to Congress
before it is signed, and I hope Congress will give a close
attention to it, in order to procure an exemption from as
many duties as possible, and as much freedom and secu-
rity of trade in all their ports of Europe and the Western
Islands as possible. If any particular stipulations should
be necessary, concerning the free admission of all the
articles of our produce, as rice, wheat, flour, salt-fish, or
any other, the members of Congress may readily suggest
them.
I could wish that the Court of Lisbon had sent a
Minister to Philadelphia to negotiate a treaty there. 1
wish that advantages may not be lost by this method
of preparing treaties here, by Ministers who have made no
particular study of the objects of them.* Benefits on both
sides may escape attention in this way. A good treaty with
Portugal is of so much consequence to us, that I should
not wonder if Congress should think it necessary to send a
Minister to Lisbon to complete it.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 13th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday Colonel Ogden arrived with the originals of
what we had before received in duplicates by Captain Bar-
ney. The ratification of the Dutch treaty had been
before received and exchanged. The ratification of their
* See the draft of a Treaty with Portugal, in Franklin's Corres-
pondence, Vol. IV. p. 150.
78
JOHN ADAMS.
H'gh Mightinesses is in the safe custody of M. Dumas,
at present at the Hague.
I believe we shall accept of the mediation of the two
Imperial Courts at the definitive treaty, as it is a mere
formality, a mere compliment, consisting wholly in the
Imperial Ministers putting their names and seals to the
parchment, and can have no ill effect. The inclination of
the Count de Vergennes seems to he, that we should ac-
cept it, and as lie calls upon us to decide in the affirma-
tive or negative, I believe we shall give an answer in the
affirmative.
The Empress has promised to receive Mr Dana, as soon
as the definitive treaty shall be signed, and he has prepared
a treaty of commerce, which will be valuable if he can
obtain it.
The Emperor of Germany has caused to be intimated
several ways, his inclination to have a treaty of commerce
with us ; but his rank is so high, that his House never
makes the first formal advance. 1 should think it advis-
able, that we should have a treaty with that posver for
several reasons.
1st. Because, as Emperor of Germany, and King of
Bohemia and Hungary, he is at the head of one of the
greatest interests and most powerful connexions in Europe.
It is true it is the greatest weight in the scale, which is, and
has been, from age to age, opposite to the House of Bour-
bon.. But for this very reason, if there were no other, the
United States ought to have a treaty of commerce with it,
in order to be in practice with their theory, and to show to
all the world, that their system of commerce embraces,
equally and impartially, r:ll the commercial States and
countries of Europe.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 7)
Jelly. Because the present Emperor is one of the great-*
est men of this age. The wisdom and virtue of the man,
as well as of the monarch ; his personal activity, intelli-
gence, and accomplishments ; his large and liberal princi-
ples in matters of religion, government, and commerce,
are so much of kin to those of our States, (perhaps indeed
so much borrowed from them, and adopted in imitation of
them,) that it seems peculiarly proper we should show this
respect to them.
3dly. Because, that if England should ever forget her-
self again so much as to attack us, she may not be so
likely to obtain the alliance or assistance of this Power
against us. A friendship once established in a treaty of
commerce, this power would never be likely to violate,
because she has no dominions near us, and could have no
interest to quarrel with us.
4thly. Because the countries belonging to this power
upon the Adriatic sea, and in the Austrian Flanders, are
no inconsiderable sources ot commerce for America. And
if the present negotiations between the two Imperial
Courts and the Porte shall terminate in a free navigation
of the Danube, the Black sea, and the Archipelago, the
Emperor's hereditary dominions will become very respec-
table commercial countries.
othly. Because, although we have at present a pleasant
and joyful prospect of friendship and uninterrupted alliance
with the House of Bourbon, which I wish may never be
obscured, yet this friendship and alliance will be the more
likely to continue unimpaired, for our having the friend-
ship and commerce of the House of Austria. And (as in
the vicissitudes of human affairs all things are possible) if
in future times, however unlikely at present, the House
gO JOHN ADAMS.
of Bourbon should deal unjustly by us, demand of us
things we are not bound to perform, or any way injure us,
we may find in the alliance of Austria, England, and Hol-
land a resource against the storm. Supernumerary strings
to our bow, and provisions against possible inconveniences,
however improbable, can do us no harm.
If we were not straitened for money, I should advise
Congress to send a Minister to Vienna. But as every
Mission abroad is a costly article, and we find it difficult,
at present, to procure money for the most necessary pur-
poses, I should think it proper for Congress to send a com-
mission to their Minister at Versailles, London, Madrid,
Petersburg, or the Hague, who might communicate it to
the Court of Vienna, by means of the Imperial Ambassa-
dor. The Emperor in such a case would authorize his
Ambassador at that Court to prepare and conclude a
treaty, and in this way the business may be well done,
without any additional expense.
M. Favi, Charge (VAffaires of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany, the Emperor's brother, has called upon me so
often to converse with me upon this subject, that I doubt
not he has been employed, or at least knows that it would
be agreeable to his Court and their connexions, although
he has never made any official insinuations about it. This
gentleman has been employed by the Republic of Ragusa
to consult American Ministers upon the subject of com-
merce too. I have told him, that the American ports were
open to the Ragusan vessels, as well as to all others, and
have given him the address/ by which they propose to
write to Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 81
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 14th, 1783.
Sir,
A jealousy of American ships, seamen, carrying-trade,
and naval power, appears every day more and more con-
spicuous. This jealousy, which has been all along discov-
ered by the French Minister, is at length communicated
to the English. The following proclamation, which will
not increase British ships and seamen in any proportion as
it will diminish those of the United States, will contribute
effectually to make America afraid of England, and attach
herself more closely to France. The English are the
dupes, and must take the consequences.
This proclamation is issued in full confidence, that the
United States have no confidence in one another; that
they cannot agree to act in a body as one nation ; that they
cannot agree upon any navigation act, which may be com-
mon to the Thirteen States. Our proper remedy would
be to confine our exports to American ships, to make a
law, that no article should be exported from any of the
States in British ships, nor in the ships of any nation,
which will not allow us reciprocally to import their produc-
tions in our ships. I am much afraid there is too good an
understanding upon this subject between Versailles and St
James's.
Perhaps it may be proper for Congress to be silent upon
this head until New York, Penobscot, &tc. are evacuated.
But I should think, that Congress would never bind them-
selves by any treaty built upon such principles. They
should negotiate, however, without loss of time, by a Min-
VOL. VII. 11
82 JOHN ADAMS.
ister in London. A few weeks' delay may have unalter-
able effects.
PROCLAMATION
At the Court of St James, the 2d of July, 1783.
Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
"Whereas, by an Act of Parliament, passed this session,
entitled an 'Act for preventing certain instruments from
being required from ships belonging to the United States
of America, and to give his Majesty, for a limited time,
certain powers for the better carrying on trade and com-
merce, between the subjects of his Majesty's dominions,
and the inhabitants of the said United States ;' it is amongst
other things enacted, that, during the continuance of the
said act, 'it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty in
Council, by order or orders to be issued and published
from time to time, to give such directions, and to make
such regulations, with respect to duties, drawbacks, or
otherwise, for carrying on the trade and commerce be-
tween the people and territories belonging to the Crown of
Great Britain, and the people and territories of the said
United States, as to his Majesty in Council shall appear
most expedient and salutary, any law, usage, or custom to
the contrary notwithstanding;' his Majesty doth, there-
fore, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, hereby
order and direct, that pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp and flax,
masts, yards, and bowsprits, staves, heading, boards, tim-
ber, shingles, and all other species of lumber, horses, neat
cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry, and all other species of live
stock, and live provisions ; peas, beans, potatoes, wheat,
flour, bread, biscuit, rice, oats, barley, and all other species
of grain, being the growth, or production of any one of
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 83
the United States of America, may, until further order, be
imported by British subjects, in British built ships, owned
by his Majesty's subjects, and navigated according to law,
from any port of the United States of America, to any of
his Majesty's West India Islands ; and that rum, sugar,
molasses, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento, may,
until further order, be exported by British subjects, in
British built ships, owned by his Majesty's subjects, and
navigated according to law, from any of his Majesty's
West India Islands, and to any port or place within the said
United States, upon payment of the same duties on ex-
portation, and subject to the like rules, regulations, secu-
rities, and restrictions, as the same articles by law are, or
may be, subject and liable to, if exported to any British
colony or plantation in America. And the Right Honor-
able the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury,
and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, are to
give the necessary directions herein, as to them may re-
spectively appertain.
STEPHEN COTTRELL."
One of the most remarkable things in this proclamation
is, the omission of salt-fish, an article, which the islands
want as much as any that is enumerated. This is, no
doubt, to encourage their own fishery, and that of Nova
Scotia, as well as a blow aimed at ours. There was, in a
former proclamation concerning the trade between the
United States and Great Britain, an omission of the ai tides
of potash and pearlash. These omissions discover a
choice love for New England. France, I am afraid, will
exclude fish too, and imitate this proclamation but too
closely ; if, indeed, this proclamation is not an imitation of
84 JOHN ADAMS.
their system adopted, as I believe it is, upon their advice
and desire.
These, however, are important efforts. Without saying,
writing, or resolving anything suddenly, let us see what
remedies or equivalents we can obtain from Holland, Por-
tugal and Denmark. Let us bind ourselves to nothing, but
reserve a right of making navigation acts when we please,
if we find them necessary or useful. If we had been de-
feated of our fisheries, we should have been wormed out
of all our carrying-trade too, and should have been a mere
society of cultivators, without any but a passive trade.
The policy of France has succeeded, and laid, in these
proclamations, if persisted in, the sure source of another
war between us and Great Britain.
The English nation is not, however, unanimous in this
new system, as Congress will see by the enclosed specula-
tions,* which I know to have been written by a confidential
friend of my Lord Shelburne ; I mean Mr Benjamin
Vaughan. This Minister is very strong in the House of
Lords, and Mr Pitt, in the House of Commons, has at-
tached to him many members in the course of this session.
If that set should come in again, we shall have a chance
of making an equitable treaty of commerce. To this end
a Minister must be ready ; and I hope in mercy to our
country, that such an opportunity will not be lost in delays,
in compliance to our allies.
1 have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* This paper is missing.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 85
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 14th, 1783.
Sir,
The United States of America have propagated far and
wide in Europe the ideas of the liberty of navigation and
commerce. The powers of Europe, however, cannot
agree, as yet, in adopting them in their full extent. Each
one desires to maintain the exclusive dominion of some
particular sea, or river, and yet to enjoy the liberty of nav-
igating all others. Great Britain wishes to preserve the
exclusive dominion of the British seas, and, at the same
time, to obtain of the Dutch a free navigation of all the seas
in the East Indies. France has contended for the free use
of the British and American seas ; yet she wishes to main-
tain the Turks in their exclusive dominion of the Black
sea, and of the Danube, which flows into it through some
of their Provinces, and of the communication between the
Black Sea and the Archipelago, by the Dardanelles. Rus-
sia aims at the free navigation of the Black Sea, the
Danube, and the passage by the Dardanelles, yet she con-
tends, that the nations, which border on the Baltic, have a
right to control the navigation of it. Denmark claims the
command of the passage of the Sound, and by the late
Marine Treaty between the neutral powers, it was agreed,
that the privateers of all the belligerent powers should be
excluded from the Baltic. France and Spain too begin
to talk of an exclusive dominion of the Mediterranean, and
of excluding the Russian fleet from it ; or, at least, France
is said to have menaced Russia with a fleet of observation
in the Mediterranean, to protect her commerce to the
trading seaport towns of the Levant. But, as England
S6
JOHN ADAMS.
possesses Gibraltar, find the Emperor of Morocco (he
other side of the Straits, France and Spain cannot com-
mand the entrance ; so that it will be difficult for them to
support their pretensions to any exclusive dominion of the
Mediterranean, upon the principle on which the northern
powers claim that of the Baltic, and the Porte the passage
of the Dardanelles.
France, at present, enjoys a large share of the trade to
the Levant. England has enjoyed a share too, and wishes,
no doubt, to revive it. The Emperor and the Empress,
if they succeed in their views of throwing open the Dan-
ube, Black Sea, and Archipelago, will take away from
France and England a great part of this trade ; but it is
not likely that England will join with France in any oppo-
sition to the Emperor and Empress.
In order to judge of the object, which the two Empires
have in view, we should look a little into the geography of
those countries.
The project of setting at liberty the whole country of
ancient Greece, Macedonia, and Illyricum, and erecting in-
dependent Republics in those famous seats, however
splendid it may appear in speculation, is not likely to be
seriously entertained by the two Empires, because it is im-
practicable. The Greeks of this day, although they are
said to have imagination and ingenuity, are corrupted in
their morals to such a degree, as to be a faithless, perfidi-
ous race, destitute of courage, as well- as of those prin-
ciples of honor and virtue, without which nations can have
no confidence in one another, nor be trusted by others.
The project of conquering the Provinces of Albania,
Romelia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Little Tartary, from
the Tuiks, and dividing them between the two Empires,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 37
may be more probable ; but the Turks, in Asia and Eu-
rope together, are very powerful, and, rf thoroughly
awakened, might make a great resistance ; so that it is
most probable, the two Imperial Courts would be content,
if they could obtain by negotiation, or by arms, the free
navigation of the Danube, Black Sea, and Archipelago.
This freedom alone would produce a great revolution in
the commerce of Europe. The river Don or Tanais, with
its branches, flows through the Ukraine, and a considerable
part of the Russian dominions, into the Black Sea. The
Danube flows very near Trieste, through the Kingdom of
Hungary, and then through a Turkish Province into the
Black Sea. If, therefore, the Black Sea and the Danube
only were free, a communication would be immediately
opened between Russia and Hungary quite to Trieste, to
the great advantage of both Empires. But if, at the same
time, the passage of the Dardanelles was laid open, all the
Levant trade would be opened to the two Empires, and
might be carried to Trieste, either by the Danube, or
through the Archipelago and the Gulf of Venice. . This
would be such an accession of wealth, commerce, and
naval power to the two Empires, as France is jealous of,
and may be drawn into a war to prevent.
It is a question how the King of Prussia will act. It is
the general opinion, that, as he is advanced in years, loves
and enjoys his laurels and his ease, and cannot hope to
gain anything by the war, he will be neuter. If he is, the
issue cannot be foreseen. The Emperor is vastly power-
ful, and his preparations are immense. Perhaps France
may not think it prudent to declare war. I should be sorry
to see her again involved in a war, especially against the
principles she has lately espoused with so much glory and
advantage.
3g JOHN ADAMS.
For my own part, I think nature wiser than all the
Courts and States in the world, and, therefore, I wish all
her seas and rivers upon the whole globe free, and am not
at all surprised at the desire of the two Empires to set
those near them at liberty.
I think, however, that whatever turn these negotiations
may take, they cannot directly affect us, although we may
be remotely interested in the freedom of the Levant trade,
and of the seas and rivers in the neighborhood of it.
I have the honor to be, &sc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 15th, 1783.
Sir,
Enclosed are copies of papers, which have passed be-
tween Mr Hartley and the American Ministers. We have
not thought it prudent to enter into any written controversy
with him, upon any of these papers. We have received
whatever he has offered us. But he has offered noth-
ing in the name of his Court, has signed nothing, and upon
inquiry of him we have found that he has never had au-
thority to sign officially any proposition he has made.
I think it is evident, that his principals, the coalition, do
not intend to make any agreement with us about trade, but
to try experiments by their proclamations. I think, too,
that they mean to postpone the definitive treaty as long as
possible. We can get no answer, and I believe Mr Hart-
ley gets no decisive answers to anything.
Enclosed also is a pamphlet, entitled, "Observations on
the American States," said to have been published by
Lord Sheffield, and to have been composed by four Amer-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Q9
ican renegadoes. The spirit of it needs no comments. It
deserves to be attended to, however, by Congress. It is
a fatal policy, as it appears to me, to see a British Ambas-
sador at Versailles, and a French Ambassador at St
James's, and no American Minister at the latter. This is
admired at Versailles, I doubt not, but not because they
think it for our interest.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, &ic.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 10th, 1763.
Sir,
Yesterday we waited on the Count de Vergennes at
Versailles, and showed him the project of a letter to the
Ministers of the two Imperial Courts, which he read and
approved. We told him, that we were at a loss what
might be the effect of the mediation ; possibly we might
be involved in difficulties by it ; possibly the British Min-
isters might persuade the mediators to offer us their advice
upon some points, respecting the royalists for example,
which we could not comply with. The Count said, that
he had told them, that as soon as he had fully agreed with
England upon all points, their mediation should be accep-
ted, and they should sign the treaty as such ; and we
might agree to it in the same manner. He said we were
not obliged to this, but as they were to be present and sign
one treaty, it would look better to sign both. It would
be a very notorious, public, and respectable acknowledg-
ment of us, as a power, by those Courts. Upon this foot-
VOL. VII. 12
90
JOHN ADAMS.
ing we left the letter with him to be shown to the Imperial
Ministers.
We asked the Count if he had seen the British procla-
mation of the 2d of July. He answered, that he had. I
asked him if the King had determined anything on the
subject of salt provisions, and salt-fish, whether we might
import them into his islands. He said we might depend
upon it, they could not supply their islands with fish, that
we had two free ports in their islands, St Lucia, and a port
in Martinique. By the thirtysecond article of the Treaty
of Commerce, these free ports are secured to us ; nothing,
he said, was determined concerning salt beef and pork,
but the greatest difficulty would be about flour. I told
the Count, that I did not think it would be possible either
for France or England to carry on this commerce between
the islands and continent ; it was profitable to us only as
it was a part of a system ; that it could not be carried
on without loss in large vessels, navigated by many sea-
men, which could sail only at certain seasons of the year,
&c. Upon the whole, I was much pleased with this con-
versation, and conclude from it, that we shall do very well
in the French West India Islands, perhaps the better in
them the worse we are treated by the English.
The Dutch and Danes will, I doubt not, avail them-
selves of every error, that may be committed by France
or England. It is good to have a variety of strings to our
bow ; and, therefore, I wish we had a Treaty of Com-
merce with Denmark, by which a free admission of out-
ships into their ports in the West Indies might be estab-
lished. By means of the Dutch, Danes, and Portuguese,
I think we shall be able to obtain finally proper terms of
France and England.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. cjl
The British proclamation of the 2d of this month, is
the result of refugee politics ; it is intended to encourage
Canada and Nova Scotia, and their fisheries, to support
still the ruins of their navigation act, and to take from us
the carriage even of t our own productions. A system,
which has in it so little respect for us, and is so obviously
calculated to give a blow to our nurseries of ships and
seamen, could never have been adopted but from the
opinion, that we had no common legislature for the govern-
ment of commerce.
All America from the Chesapeake Bay to St Croix I
know love ships and sailors, and those ports to the south-
ward of that bay have advantages for obtaining them when
they will, and therefore I hope the Thirteen States will
'unite in some measures to counteract this policy of Britain,
so evidently selfish, unsocial, and I had almost said hostile.
The question is, what is to be done ? I answer, perhaps
it will be most prudent to say little about it at present, and
until the definitive treaty is signed, and the States evacu-
ated. But after that, 1 think in the negotiation of a treaty
of commerce with Great Britain, Congress should tell
them, that they have the means of doing justice to them-
selves. What are these means ? I answer, let every State
in the Union lay on a duty of five per cent on all West
India articles imported in British ships, and upon all their
own productions exported in British ships. Let this im-
post be limited in duration, until Great Britain shall allow
our vessels to trade to their West Indies. This would
effectually defeat their plan, and encourage our own car-
rying trade more than they can discourage it.
Another way of influencing England to a reasonable
conduct, is to take some measures for encouraging the
92
JOHN ADAMS.
growth in the United States, of West India articles ; anoth-
er is to encourage manufactures, especially of wool and
iron among ourselves. As tilt-hammers are now not unlaw-
ful, and wool may be water-borne, much more may be done
now than could have been done before the war. But the
most certain method is, to lay duties on exports and
imports by British ships. The sense of a common interest
and common danger, it is to be hoped, will induce a per-
fect unanimity among the States in this respect. There
are other ways of serving ourselves, and making impres-
sions upon the English to bring them to reason. One is
to send ships immediately to China. This trade is as open
to us as to any nation, and if our natural advantages at
home are envied us, we should compensate ourselves in
any honest way we can.
Our natural share in the West India trade, is all that is
now wanting to complete the plan of happiness and pros-
perity of our country. Deprived of it, we shall be strait-
ened and shackled in some degree. We cannot enjoy a
free use of all our limits without this ; with it, I see nothing
to desire, nothing to vex or chagrin our people, nothing
to interrupt our repose or keep up a dread of war.
1 know not what permission may be expected from
Spain to trade to the Havana, but should think that this
resource ought not to be neglected.
I confess I do not like the complexion of British politics.
They are mysterious and unintelligible. Mr Hartley ap-
pears not to be in the secret of his Court. The things
which happen appear as unexpected to him as to us.
Political jealousies and speculations are endless. It is pos-
sible the British Ministers may be secretly employed, in
fomenting the quarrel between the two Imperial Courts and
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 93
the Porte, and in secretly stirring up the French to join the
Turks in the war. The prospect of seeing France en-
gaged in a war may embolden them to adopt a system less
favorable to us. The possibility of these things should
stimulate us, I think, to form as soon as possible treaties
of commerce with the principal powers, especially the Im-
perial Courts, that all our questions may be decided.
This will be a great advantage to us, even if we should
afterwards be involved in a war. I put this supposition
with great reluctance. But if England should in the course
of a few years or months have the art to stir up a general
war in Europe, and get France and Spain seriously in-
volved in it, which is at least a possible case, she may as-
sume a tone and conduct towards us, which will make it
very difficult for us to avoid taking a part in it. If such a
deplorable circumstance should take place, it will be still a
great advantage to us, to have our sovereignty explicitly
acknowledged by these powers, against whom we may be
unfortunately obliged to act. At present they are all dis-
posed to it, and seem desirous of forming connexions with
us, that we may be out of the question.
The politics of Europe are such a labyrinth of profound
mysteries, that the more one sees of them, the more causes
of uncertainty and anxiety he discovers.
The United States will have occasion to brace up their
confederation, and act as one body with one spirit. If
they do not, it is now very obvious, that Great Britain will
take advantage of it in such a manner as will endanger our
peace, our safety, and even our very existence.
A change of Ministry may, but it is not certain that it
will, give us better prospects.
1 have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
94 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris. July 17th, 1783.
Sir,
Last evening Mr Hartley spent two hours with me, and
appeared much chagrined at the proclamation, which had
never been communicated to him by his principals. He
ha3 too much contempt of the commercial abilities of the
French, and, consequently said, that the French could
derive but little benefit from this step of his Court, but
lie thought the Dutch would make a great advantage of it.
I endeavored to discover from him, whether he suspected
that his Court had any hand in stirring up the two Imperial
Courts to make war upon the Turks. I asked him what
was the state of their Mediterranean trade, and Levant
trade. He said, it was dead, and that their Turkey Com-
pany was dead, and, therefore, he did not think his Court
cared much about either, or would ever do anything to
prevent the Empires. He thought it possible, that they
might rather encourage them.
I am quite of Mr Hartley's mind, that the Dutch will
profit by all the English blunders in regulating the West
India trade, and am happy that M. Van Berckel will be
soon with Congress, when its members and Ministers may
communicate through him anything they wish to their
High Mightinesses. They may inquire of him what are
the rights of the East and West India Companies? To
what an extent our vessels may be admitted to Surinam,
Curacoa, Demerara, Essequibo, Berbice, St Eustatia ?
What we may be allowed to carry there ? and what bring
from thence to the United States, or to Europe? Whether
we may carry sugars, he. to Amsterdam, Rotterdam, he. ?
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 95
There are at Rotterdam and Amsterdam one hundred
and twentyseven or eight refineries of sugar. How far
these may he affected, &ic. ?
I lay it down for a rule, that the nation which shall
allow us the most perfect liberty to trade with her Colo-
nies, whether it be France, England, Spain, or Holland,
will see her Colonies flourish above all others, and will
draw proportionally our trade to themselves ; and I rely
upon it, the Dutch will have sagacity to see it, and as they
are more attentive to mercantile profit, than to a military
marine, I have great hopes from their friendship. As there '
will be an interval before the signature of the definitive
treaty, I propose a journey of three weeks, to Amsterdam
and the Hague, in hopes of learning in more detail the
intentions of the Dutch in this respect. I am in hopes too
of encouraging the loan to assist our Superintendent of
Finance. The Dutch may be a great resource to us in
finance and commerce. I wish that cargoes of produce
may be hastened to Amsterdam to Messrs Willinks &t Co.
for this will give vigor to the loan, and all the money wc
can prevent England and the two Empires from obtaining
in Holland, will not only be nerves for us, but, perhaps, be
useful too to France in her negotiations.
T have spent the whole forenoon in conversation with
the Due de la Vauguyon. He thinks that England wishes
to revive her trade to the Levant, to Smyrna, Aleppo, Sic*
and her carrying trade in Italy ; and although she might
be pleased to see France involved in a war with the Em-
peror and Empress, yet he thinks her funds are not in a
condition to afford subsidies to either, and, therefore, that
she will be perfectly neutral. Quere, however, whether if
by a subsidy or a loan of a million or two a year, she could
96
JOHN ADAMS.
make France spend eight or ten millions, she would not
strive hard to do it ? The Duke thinks, that France will pro-
ceed softly, and endeavor, if possible, to avert the furious
storm that threatens, and to compose the disputes of the
three Empires, if possible ; but she will never suffer such
a usurpation as the conquest of the Turkish Provinces in
Europe. France will certainly defend Constantinople.
He thinks that the Empress of Russia has not revenues,
and cannot get cash to march and subsist vast armies, and
to transport great fleets, and that the Emperor has not
revenues to support a long war.
This is, however, a serious business, and France lays it
so much to heart, and looks upon the cbance of her being
obliged to arm, as so probable, that I presume this to be
the principal motive of her refusal to lend us two or three
millions of livres more.
As to our West India questions, the Duke assures me,
that the French Ministry, particularly the Count de Ver-
gennes, are determined to do everything they can con-
sistent with their own essential interests, to favor and pro-
mote the friendship and commerce between their country
and ours. That they, especially the Count, are declared
enemies of the French fiscal system, which is certainly the
most ruinous to their commerce, and intend to do every-
thing they can to make alterations to favor commerce ; but
no change can be made in this, without affecting their reve-
nues, and making voids, failures, and deficiencies, which
they cannot fill up. They must, therefore, proceed softly.
That France would favor the commerce between Portu-
gal and America, because it would tend to draw off that
kingdom from her dependence on England. That Eng-
land, by her commercial treaty with the Portuguese, in
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 97
1703, has turned them into an English Colony, made
them entirely dependent, and secured a commerce with
them of three millions value. France would be glad to
see this, or as much of it as possible, turned to America.
The Duke agrees fully with me in the maxim, that
those Colonies will grow the most in wealth, improvement,
population, and every sort of prosperity, which are allowed
the freest communication with us, and that we shall be
allowed to carry lumber, fish, and live stock, to their
islands, but that the export of their sugars to us, he thinks,
must be in their own ships, because they are afraid of our
becoming the carriers of all their commerce, because they
know and say, that we can do it cheaper than they can.
These sentiments are different from those, which he men-
tioned to me a (ew days ago, when he said, the West
India trade with us must be carried on in French bottoms.
The Duke said, the English had been trying to deceive
us, but were now developing their true sentiments. They
pretended, for awhile, to abolish the navigation act and all
distinctions, to make one people with us again, to be
friends, brothers, &.c. in hopes of drawing us off from
France, but not finding success, they were now showing
their true plan. As to the pretended system of Shelburne,
of a universal (ree commerce, although he thought it would
be for the good of mankind in general, yet, for an English
Minister, it was the plan of a madman, for it would be the
ruin of that nation. He did not think Shelburne was sin-
cere in it ; he only meant an illusion to us. Here I differ
from the Duke, and believe, that the late Ministry were
very sincere towards us, and would have made a treaty
with us, at least to revive the universal trade between us,
upon a liberal plan. This doctrine of ruin, from that plan,
VOL. VII. 13
9S JOHN ADAMS.
to the English, has been so much preached of late in Eng-
land by the French and the American refugees, who aim
at establishments in Canada and Nova Scotia, and by the
old Butean administration and their partisans, that I do not
know whether any Ministry could now support a generous
plan. But if Temple, Thurlow, Shelburne, Pitt, &.c.
should come in, I should not despair of it. It is true, the
Shelburne administration did encourage the ideas of cor-
dial, perfect friendship, of entire reconciliation of affections,
of making no distinction between their people and ours,
especially between the inhabitants of Canada and Nova
Scotia and us, and this, with the professed purpose of des-
troying all seeds of war between us. These sentiments
were freely uttered by Fitzherbert, Oswald, Whiteford,
Vaughan, and all who had the confidence of that Ministry;
and in these sentiments they were, I believe, very sincere.
And they are, indeed, the only means of preventing a
future war between us and them, and so sure as they de-
part from that plan, so sure, in less than fifteen years, per-
haps less than seven, there will break out another war.
Quarrels will arise among fishermen, between inhabitants
of Canada and Nova Scotia and us, and between their
people and ours in the West Indies, in our ports, and in
the ports of the three kingdoms, which will breed a war in
spite of all we can do to prevent it. France sees this and
rejoices in it, and I know not whether we ought to be
sorry ; yet I think we ought to make it a maxim to avoid
all wars, if possible ; and to take care that it is not our
fault if we cannot. We ought to do everything, which the
English will concur in, to remove all causes of jealousies,
and kill all the seeds of hostility as effectually as we can ;
and to be upon our guard to prevent the French, Span-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 99
iards, and Dutch, from sowing the seeds of war between
us, for we may rely upon it they will do it if they can.
I have the honor to be, Sic.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 18th, 1783.
Sir,
There is cause to be solicitous about the state of things
in England. The present Ministry swerve more and
more from the true system, for the prosperity of their
country and ours. Mr Hartley, whose sentiments are at
bottom just, is probably kept here, if he was not sent at
first, merely to amuse us, and to keep him out of the way
of embarrassing the coalition. We need not fear, that
France and England will make a common cause against
us, even in relation to the carrying-trade to and from the
West Indies. Although they may mutually inspire into
each other false notions of their interests at times, yet
there can never be a concert of operations between them.
Mutual enmity is bred in the blood and bones of both,
and rivals and enemies at heart they eternally will be.
In order to induce both to allow us our natural right to
the carrying-trade, we must negotiate with the Dutch,
Danes, Portuguese, and even with the Empires ; for the
more friends and resources we have, the more we shall
be respected by the French and English ; and the more
freedom of trade we enjoy with the Dutch possessions in
America, the more will France and England find them-
selves necessitated to allow us.
The present Ministers in England have very had ad-
visers ; the refugees, and emissaries of various other sorts,
100 JOHN ADAMS.
and we have nobody to watch and counteract, to correct
or prevent anything.
The United States will soon see the necessity of unit-
ing in measures to counteract their enemies, and even
their friends. What powers Congress should have for
governing the trade of the whole, for making or recom-
mending prohibitions, or imposts, deserves the serious
consideration of every man in America. If a constitu-
tional legislative authority cannot be given them, a sense of
common danger and necessity should give to their recom-
mendations all the force upon the minds of the people,
which they had six years ago.
If the union of the States is not preserved, and even
their unity, in many great points, instead of being the hap-
piest people under the sun, I do not know but we may be
the most miserable. We shall find our foreign affairs the
most difficult to manage of any of our interests ; we shall
see and feel them disturbed by invisible agents, and causes,
by secret intrigues, by dark and mysterious insinuations, by
concealed corruptions of a thousand sorts. Hypocrisy
and simulation will assume a million of shapes ; we shall
feel the evil, without being able to prove the cause.
Those, whose penetration reaches the true source of the
evil, will be called suspicious, envious, disappointed, ambi-
tious. In short, if there is not an authority sufficiently
decisive to draw together the minds, affections, and forces
of the States, in their common foreign concerns, it appears
to me we shall be the sport of transatlantic politicians of
all denominations, who hate liberty in every shape, and
every man who loves it, and every country that enjoys it.
If there is no common authority, nor any common sense
to secure a revenue for the discharge of our engagements
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 1Q1
abroad for money, what is to become of our honor, our
justice, our faith, our universal, moral, political, and com-
mercial character ? If there is no common power to ful-
fil engagements with our citizens, to pay our soldiers, and
other creditors, can we have any moral character at home ?
Our country will become the region of everlasting discon-
tents, reproaches, and animosities, and instead of finding
our independence a blessiug, we shall soon become Cap-
padocians enough to wish it done away.
I may be thought gloomy, but this ought not to discour-
age me from laying before Congress my apprehensions.
The dependence of those who have designs upon us, upon
our want of affection to each other, and of authority over
one another, is so great, that in my opinion, if the United
States do not soon show to the world a proof, that they
can command a common revenue to satisfy their creditors
at home and abroad, that they can act as one people, as
one nation, as one man, in their transactions with foreign
nations, we shall be soon so far despised, that it will be but
a few years, perhaps but a few months only, before we
are involved in another war.
What can I say in Holland, if a doubt is started, whe-
ther we can repay the money we wish to borrow ? I must
assure them in a tone, that will exclude all doubt that the
money will be repaid. Am I to be hereafter reproached
with deceiving the money-lenders? I cannot believe there
is a man in America, who would not disdain the supposi-
tion, and therefore I shall not scruple to give the strongest
assurances in my power. But if there is a doubt in Con-
gress, they ought to recall their borrowers of money.
I shall set off tomorrow for Holland, in hopes of improv-
ing my health, at the same time that I shall endeavor to
102
JOHN ADAMS.
assist the loan, and lo turn the speculations of the Dutch
merchants, capitalists and statesmen, towards America.
It is of vast importance that the Dutch should form just
ideas' of their interests respecting the communication be-
tween us and their islands, and other colonies in America.
I beg that no time may be lost in commencing conferences
with M. Van Berckel upon this subject, as well as that of
money ; but this should r.ot be communicated to the
French nor the English, because we may depend upon it,
both will endeavor to persuade the Dutch to adopt the
same plan with themselves. There are jealousies on both
sides tbe Pass of Calais, of our connexions and negotiations
with the Dutch. But while we avoid as much as we can
to inflame this jealousy, we must have sense and firmness
and independence enough not to be intimidated by it, from
availing ourselves of advantages, that Providence has placed
in our power. There ever have been, and ever will be,
suspicions of every honest, active, and intelligent Ameri-
can, and there will be as there have been insidious attempts
to destroy or lessen your confidence in every such char-
acter. But if our country does not support her own inter-
ests, and her own servants, she will assuredly fall. Persons,
who study to preserve or obtain the confidence of Amer-
ica, by the favor of European statesmen, or Courts, mnst
betray their own country to preserve their places.
For my own part, 1 wish Mr Jay and myself almost
anywhere else but here. There is scarce any other place
where we might not do some good. Here we are in a
state of annihilation.
I have the honor to be, &c.
.JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 105
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 23d, 1783.
Sir,
On Saturday last I left Paris r and arrived here last night.
This morning I sent M. Dumas to M. Van Berckel and
M. Gyselaer, to inform thera of my arrival, and to desire
a conversation with them, upon the subject of the com-
merce between the United States and the Dutch establish-
ments in the West Indies.
M. Van Berckel told M. Dumas, "that St Eustatia and
CuraCyOa were open to the vessels of all nations, and to the
commerce of all the world ; but that it was not the interest
of the West India Company alone, but that of the whole
State, thai obliged them to confine the commerce of their
sugars to themselves, because of the great number of their
refineries of sugar. That all their own sugars were not half
enough to employ their sugar-houses, and that at least one
half of the sugars refined in Holland were the production
of the French W T est India Islands."
I suppose that some of these sugars may have been car-
ried first to St Eustatia, and brought from thence to Hol-
land, and some others may have been purchased in the
ports of France, and imported raw from thence. I do not
know that Dutch vessels were permitted to purchase sugars
in the French Islands, and export them from thence.
This matter deserves to be examined to the bottom. If
France has not sugar-houses for the refinement of her own
sugars, but is obliged to carry them, or to permit their being
carried, to Amsterdam and Rotterdam for manufacture,
why should she not be willing, that the same sugars should
be carried by Americans to Boston, New York, and Phil-
]04 JOHN ADAMS.
adelphia ? Surely France has no predilection for Holland
rather than America. But what is of more weight, all the
sugars, which America takes, will he paid for in articles
more advantageous to the Islands, and to France, than the
pay that is made hy the Dutch. If any sugars refined in
Holland are afterwards sold in France, surely it would be
more for the interest of France, or rather less against her
interests, to have the same sugars refined in America, and
afterwards sold in France, because the price of them would
be laid out by us in France. There is this difference be-
tween us and the Dutch, and all other nations, we spend
in Europe all the profits we make and more, the others
do not. But if the French sugars, refined in Holland, are
afterwards sold in other parts of Europe, it would be just
as well that we should sell them. We have sugar-houses
as well as the Dutch, and ours ought not to be more ob-
noxious to French policy or commerce than theirs.
Sugars are a great article. There is a great consump-
tion in America. It is not the interest of any nation, that
has sugars to sell, to lessen the consumption there. All
such nations should favor that consumption, in order to
multiply purchasers, and quicken the competition, by which
the price is raised. None of these nations then will wish
to prevent our having sugar, provided we offer as high, or
a higher price. How they will be able to arrange their
plans, so that we may have enough for our own consump-
tion, without having more, without having some for expor-
tation, I do not know.
We have now St Eustatia and Curac.oa, St Lucia and
Martinique, St Thomas and St Martin's, no less than six-
free ports in the West Indies; and perhaps England may
be induced, necessitated indeed, to add two more to the
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 105
number, and make eight. At these free ports, it will be
hard if we cannot find sugars, when we carry thither all our
own productions, in our own ships. And if the worst
should happen, and all the nations, who have sugar Islands,
should forbid sugars to be carried to America in any other
than their own bottoms, we might depend upon having
enough of this article at the free ports, to be brought away
in our own ships, if we should lay a prohibition or a duty
upon it in foreign ships. To do either, the States must be
united, which the English think cannot be. Perhaps the
French think so too, and in time, they may persuade the
Dutch to be of the same opinion. It is to be hoped we
shall disappoint them all. In a point so just and reason-
able, when we are contending only for an equal chance
for the carriage of our own productions, and the articles of
our own consumption, when we are willing to allow to all
other nations even a free competition with us in this car-
riage, if we cannot unite, it will discover an imperfection
and weakness in our constitution, which will deserve a
serious consideration.
M. Visscher, Pensionary of Amsterdam, who came in to
visit me, when I had written thus far, showed me a list
of the Directors of the West India Company, and refers
me to M. Bicker, of Amsterdam, as one of the most intel-
ligent of them. He says, that the Colonists of Surinam,
Berbice, Essequibo, and Demarara, have been in decay,
and obliged to borrow money of the merchants at home,
and have entered into contracts with those merchants, to
send them annually all the productions of their planta-
tions to pay the interest and principal of their debts ; that
this will make it difficult to open the trade.
Soon after M. Visscher went out, M. Van Berckel
VOL. VII. 14
106 JOHN ADAMS.
came in. I entered into a like conversation with him,
and told him, that I thought the decay of their planta-
tions in the West Indies had been owing to the rivalry of
other nations, especially the English, whose Islands had
greater advantages from a freer communication with North
America ; and ] thought it might be laid down as a rule,
that those Islands would flourish most in population, cul-
ture, commerce, and wealth, which had the freest inter-
course with us, and that this intercourse would be a
natural means of attracting the American commerce to
the metropolis. He thought so too.
I then mentioned to him the loan ; and asked him, if
he thought that the States-General, the States of Holland,
or the Regency of Amsterdam, would be likely, in any
way, to aid us ? He said, no ; that the country was still
so much divided, that he could not depend upon any as-
sistance in that way. That the Council of Amsterdam
was well enough disposed ; but that the Burgomasters
were not so. That M. Temmink, M. Huggens, and M.
Rendorp, were not to be depended on in such an affair.
That, therefore, our only resource was, to endeavor to
gain upon the public opinion and the spirit of the nation,
and that, in this respect, he would do me all the service
in his power. He thought that the present uncertainty
about the definitive treaty, and the fate of the Republic,
would be an obstacle ; but the definitive treaty once
signed, he thought our loan would succeed very well. I
asked him, whether he thought that the junction of three
houses in my loan was any obstruction to it ? and whether
any one of them, or whether any other house, would do
belter ? I told him what his brother, (now I hope in Phila-
delphia,) had said to M. Dumas, viz. that the house of
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 107
Wilkem and Van Willink alone would succeed sooner
than the three. I asked him, whether he thought the
house of Hope, either alone, or in conjunction with that of
the Willinks, or any other, would undertake it ? He said,
this might well be, and that if they saw their interest in it
they would, for those mercantile houses had no other ob-
ject in view. He promised me to make inquiry into this
matter, and let me know the result.
Upon this occasion, 1 must inform Congress, that it is
absolutely necessary they should send another Minister to
this Republic, without loss of time ; because our three
present houses, before they would undertake the loan, ex-
torted a promise from me, not to open another with any
other house until the five millions should be full. This
engagement I took for myself alone, however, and ex-
pressly premised that Congress should not be bound by it ;
that Congress should be perfectly free, and that any other
Minister they might send here should be perfectly free to
open another loan, when and with whom they pleased. A
new Minister, therefore, may open a loan when he will,
with Hope, Willink, or whom he will, and I am persuaded
it would succeed to a good amount.
I made visits to day, the 25th of July, to the Grand
Pensionary, the Secretary Fagel, the President of the
week, and M. Gyselaer ; and returned visits to M. Van
Berckel and M. Visscher, M. Gyselaer says, that at
present there is no ready money {argent comptant) in
the Republic, but in two months there will be, and the loan
will go very well.
At noon I went to the house in the Grove, to make my
court to the Prince and Princess of Orange.
The Prince either bnppened to be in a social humor, or
10S
JOHN ADAMS.
has had some political speculations lately, for he thought
fit to be uncommonly gracious and agreeable. He made
me sit, and sat down by me, and entered into familiar
conversation about the negotiations of peace. He asked
many questions about it, and the probability of a speedy
conclusion of the definitive treaty. At length, he asked
me, if Dr Franklin was left alone ? I answered, that Mr
Jay was with him. He asked, if I returned before the
signature ? I answered, that such was my intention. He
asked, whether Dr Franklin was an Ambassador? I an-
swered, that he was a Minister Plenipotentiary only. He
asked, if none of us were Ambassadors ? I answered, that
we all had the same rank of Ministers Plenipotentiary,
and that Congress had never yet made an Ambassador.
He said, he was astonished at that ; that he had a long
time expected to hear, that we had displayed the charac-
ter of Ambassadors. I asked his Highness, what reason
he had for this, and what advantage there was in it ?
"Why," said he, "I expected that your Republic would
early assert her right to appoint Ambassadors. Republics
have been generally fond of appointing Ambassadors, in
order to be on a footing with crowned heads. Our Re-
public began very early. We had eight Ambassadors at
the peace of Munster ; one for each Province, and one
supernumerary. And we always choose to appoint Ambas-
sadors, for the sake of being upon an equality with crowned
heads. There are only crowned heads, Republics, and
the Electors of the Empire, who have a right to send Am-
bassadors ; all others can only send Envoys, and Ministers
Plenipotentiary. Princes cannot send Ambassadors. I
cannot, as Stadtholder, nor as Prince, nor in any other
quality, send a Minister of any higher order, than an En-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 1Q9
voy, or Minister Plenipotentiary." He asked me, what
was the reason the Congress had not made use of their
right ? I answered his Highness, that really 1 did not know.
It was a subject I had never much reflected on ; perhaps
Congress had not. Or they might think it a matter of
ceremony and of show, rather than substance ; or might
think the expense greater than the advantage. He said, it
was very true, the dignity of the rank must be supported,
but he thought the advantage worth more than the ex-
pense.
I am utterly at a loss for his Highness' motives for en-
tering so minutely into this subject. Whether M. Van
Berckel, before his departure, had mentioned it ; whether
he thought he should please me by it ; whether he thought
to please Congress by it ; whether he affected to interest
himself in the honor of the United States ; or whether any
of the politicians of this, or any other country, have put
him upon it, or whether it is mere accident, I know not.
They are the words of a Prince, and I have reported them
very exactly.
I have the honor to be, &,c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 25th, 1783.
Sir,
It is the general opinion here both among the members
of the States, and at the Hotel de France, that the
delays of the definitive pacification are contrived by the
Court of London, in order to set all their instruments at
work in this Republic, to induce it to renew its ancient
connexions with Great Britain, particularly their alliance,
HO JOHN ADAMS.
offensive and defensive, by which each power was bound
to furnish the other, if attacked, a certain number of
ghitis and troops. Against this the patriotic party is de-
cided, and they are now very well satisfied with the Grand
Pensionary, Bleiswick, because he openly and roundly
takes their side, and the Court is said to be discontented
with him for the same reason. There is, no doubt, an
intelligence and correspondence between the two Courts
of London and the Hague, to bring about this point. The
Grand Pensionary told me yesterday, that the Court of
London desired it, and there were persons here who de-
sired it, and he knew very well who they were ; but that
most certainly they would not carry their point. Van
Berckel, Visscher, and Gyselaer, all assured me of the
same, and added, that the fear of this had determined
them not to send a Minister to London, but to go through
with the negotiation at Paris, although they were all highly
dissatisfied with the conduct of France, and particularly
with that of the Count de Vergennes.
They all say, he has betrayed and deserted them, play-
ed them a very bad trick, [tour) and violated his repeated
promises to them. They do not in the least spare M.
Berenger and M. Merchant, who conduct the French
affairs here in the absence of the Due de la Vauguyon,
but hold this language openly and freely to them. These
gentlemen have sometimes found it hard to bear, and have
winced, and sometimes even threatened ; but their ans-
wer has been more mortifying still ; "Do as you please,
drive the Republic back into the arms of England, if you
will. Suppress all the friends of France, if you choose
it." And some of them have said, "we will go to Amer-
ica." They all say, that France had the power to have
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 1 J [
saved them. That the acquisition of Tobago was no
equivalent to France for the loss of the Republic, he. &c.
&c. They are all highly pleased with the conduct of
their own Ambassador, Branlzen, with his activity, intelli-
gence, and fidelity. They all say, that they would send a
Minister to London to negotiate there, if they were sure of
being able to carry an election for a man they could de-
pend upon. But the Court here would have so much
influence in the choice, that they would run a risk of
sending a man, who would insensibly lead them into a
revival of the old ties with England, which, they say, is
enslaving the Republic to that kingdom.
I learn here from all quarters, a confirmation of what I
had learned before at Paris from M. Brantzen and the
Due de la Vauguyon, viz. that the Duke of Manchester
had given them no answer, nor said a word to them for six
weeks, in answer to the propositions they had made ;
among which was an offer of an equivalent for Negapat-
nam. They offered some establishments in Sumatra and
Surat. Lately the Duke of Manchester has received a
courier, and has given an answer, that a real equivalent
might be accepted. No answer is given to any other
point, and this is vague ; so that another courier must go
to London and return. Parliament is now up, and per-
haps the Ministers may now be more attentive, and less
timorous.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
112 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, July 23th, 1783.
Sir,
I find, upon inquiry, that there are in this Republic, at
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Dort, near one hundred and
thirty sugar-houses. The whole of the raw sugars produced
in Surinam, Berbice, Essequibo, and Demarara, are wrought
in these houses ; and, besides, raw sugars were purchased
in Bordeaux and Nantes, after being imported from the
French islands, in French bottoms. Raw sugars were
also purchased in London, which went under the general
name of Barbadoes sugars, although they were the growth
of all the English Islands, and imported to London in Brit-
ish bottoms. I have learnt further, that great quantities of
raw Brazil sugars were purchased in Lisbon, and that
these were cheaper than any of the others. All these raw
sugars were imported into Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and
Dort, and there manufactured for exportation. We must
endeavor to obtain a share in this trade, especially with
Lisbon, or the Western Islands.
Since it is aertain, that neither Portugal, France, nor
England has been able to manufacture all their raw sugars,
but each of them sold considerable quantities to the Dutch,
I suppose that we may undoubtedly purchase such sugars
in future in Lisbon, Bordeaux, Nantes, London, and per-
haps Ireland, and carry them where we please, either home
to America, or to Amsterdam, or to any part of Europe,
and there sell them, and in this way promote our own car-
rying-trade, as well as enable ourselves to make remit-
tances. I cannot see why the English, or French, should
be averse to their sugars going to America directly ; and if
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. H3
they insist upon carrying them in their own ships, we may
still have enough of them. The Dutch have the most
pressing commercial motives to bring home their West
India produce ; yet they would really gain the most by
opening a free communication with us, because they would
the most suddenly make their colonies flourish by it.
Molasses and rum we shall have, probably, from all the
islands, English, French, and Dutch, in our own bottoms,
unless the three nations should agree together to keep the
whole trade of their islands in their own ships, which is
not likely.
I have made all the inquiries I could, and have sown all
the seeds I could, in order to give a spur to our loan.
Three thousand obligations have been sold, and the other
two thousand are signed ; but at this time there is a greater
scarcity of money than ever was known. The scarcity is
so great, that the agio of the bank, which is commonly at
four or five per cent, fell to one and a half. The Direc-
tors, at length, shut up the bank, and it continues shut.
The English omnium, which at first was sold for eight or
ten per cent profit, fell to one and a half. The scarcity of
money will continue until the arrival of the Spanish flotilla
at Cadiz. Seven eighths of the treasures of that flotilla will
come here, and make money plenty. Then we may ex-
pect, that my obligations will sell.
In the meantime, I have great pleasure in assuring you,
that there is not one foreign loan open in this Republic,
which is in so good credit, or goes so quick as mine.
The Empress of Russia opened a loan of five millions,
about the same time that I opened mine. She is far
from having obtained three millions of it. Spain opened
a loan with the House of Hope, at the same time, for two
VOL. VII. 15
114 JOHN ADAM.S.
millions only, and you may depend upon it, it is very far
from being full. Not one quarter part of the loan of
France upon life-rents, advantageous as it is to the lender,
is full. In short, there is not one power in Europe, whose
credit is so good here as ours. Russia and Spain, too,
allow of facilities to undertakers and others, in disposing
of their obligations, much more considerable than ours ;
yet all does not succeed. You will see persons and letters
in America, that will affirm, that the Spanish loan is full,
and that France and Spain can have what money they
please here. Believe me, this is all stockjobbing gascon-
ade. 1 have made very particular inquiries, and find the
foregoing account to be the truth. Of all the sons of
men, I believe the stockjobbers are the greatest liars. I
know it has been given out, that the Spanish loan, which
was opened at Hope's, was full the first day. This I know
has been affirmed in the hearing of Americans, with a con-
fidence peculiar, and with a design, 1 suppose, that it
should be written or reported to Congress. But I am
now assured, that it is so far from being true, that it is not
near full to this hour. Let me beg of you, Sir, to give
Mr Morris an extract of this, because I am so pressed fof
time, that I cannot write to him.
Upon further inquiry concerning sugars, I find, that the
Dutch were used to purchase annually considerable quan-
tities of the raw sugars of Spain, as well as of France, En-
gland and Portugal. Some of these they obtained by a
clandestine trade between Cura^oa and Havana, and
St Domingo ; but the greater part were purchased at
Cadiz.
1 suppose our merchants and masters of vessels will be
as adroit at inventing and executing projects of illicit trade.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. H5
as others. But this is a resource, that Congress and the
States cannot depend on, nor take into their calculations.
Illicit trade will ever bear but a small proportion to that
which is permitted. And our governments should take
their measures for obtaining by legal and honorable means
from Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, and Den-
mark, all the productions which our people may want for
consumption, for manufacture, and for exportation.
I have the honor' to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Amsterdam, July 26th, 1783.
Sir,
Upon inquiry of those who best know, I see no proba-
bility of success from any application to authority in this
country, for reasons which I have explained to our Minister
of Foreign Affairs. Our only resource is in the public
opinion, and the favor of the nation.
I know of nothing which would operate so favorably
upon the public, as the arrival of a few vessels with cargoes
of American produce, addressed to your bankers, and ap-
propriated to the payment of interest. The report of such
an event would greatly augment our credit, by spreading
the opinion of our ability and disposition to pay.
It would be presumption in me, at this distance, to un-
dertake to advise you, who are upon the spot, and much
better informed. But I beg leave to suggest the question,
whether an application of Congress to the States would not
succeed? Suppose Congress should represent to the
States the necessity of an exertion, in order to obtain a
116 JOHN ADAMS.
loan at present, to enable you to satisfy the most urgent
demands of the army, and other public creditors, until the
States can agree upon some permanent establishment, and
should recommend to each State to furnish a cargo of its
produce, in proportion to its rate upon the list. For exam-
ple, South Carolina and Georgia a quantity of rice or
indigo; Virginia and Maryland, of tobacco; Pennsylvania,
of wheat or flour ; and the Northern States, of fish or any
other thing. Suppose these cargoes, which need not be
expensive for the Thirteen States, should be sent to Am-
sterdam or anywhere else in Europe, the proceeds of
sale to be remitted to Amsterdam to your bankers. The
reputation of this, if well planned, adopted, and executed,
would give a strong impulsion to your loan, if adopted
here.
I am but just arrived, and have not yet seen our ban-
kers. Saturday and Sunday are usually spent at country
seats. But before I leave this place, I shall be able to in-
form you more precisely, whether you may depend on any-
thing from hence. No pains of mine shall be spared.
The British stocks are so low that we may hope for some-
thing. If a Minister is sent to London, you should give
him a commission to borrow money. If he conducts the
matter with secrecy and caution, he may probably obtain
a considerable sum there. There are monied men in
that country who wish us well. There are others who
may easily be inspired with more faith in our funds, than
they can rationally have in their own. If upon advising
with proper persons, he should not judge it prudent to open
a loan there, he might easily put things in a train for some
individuals to purchase obligations in your loan in Amster-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 117
dam. So dismal are the prospects in England, that many-
men are on the wing to fly, and some would be willing to
transfer their property across the Atlantic.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 30th, 1763.
Sir,
I have been the more particular in my letters to you
concerning that extensive manufacture and commerce of
refined sugars in this country, because the proximity of all
the sugar colonies to us renders a share in it naturally use-
ful and convenient, both to us and them. Fifty thousand
hogsheads of raw sugar are annually wrought in this Repub-
lic, and exported at a great profit to Germany, Denmark,
Sweden, Russia, Poland, and Italy. At Amsterdam I visit-
ed a number of respectable merchants, in order to discover
their sentiments concerning the communication between us
and their Islands and sugar colonies, They all agree, that
St Eustatia and Curacoa are and will be commercial
Islands, open and free to all our vessels. St Martin's is
divided between the French and Danes and the Dutch,
whose share of it does not flourish. The colonies upon the
continent, Surinam, Berbice, Demarara, and Essequibo,
are at a greater distance from us. But they will be open
to our vessels and their cargoes, because they all agree,
that those colonies cannot subsist without our horses, lum-
ber and provisions, nor without the sale to us of their
molasses. We shall be allowed to take in return molasses,
with which some quantities of sugar, coffee, and other pro-
duce are always smuggled, as they say. But although
US JOHN ADAMS.
nothing lias been as yet determined, it is the general opin-
ion, that the produce of the colonies must be brought home
in Dutch ships, as heretofore, molasses excepted.
From the Secretary of the West India Company I have
obtained a few minutes, in so bad French, that I almost
despair of rendering them intelligible. 1 have attempted it,
however, in the following translation, viz.
"In the grant of the West India Company, renewed, or
more properly newly erected, in the year 1700, continued
in 1730, prolonged afterwards in the year 1760 for two
years, and in the year 1762, from the first of January to
the thirty first of December, 1791, are found the limits
fixed, only for the inhabitants of these Seven United Prov-
inces, under the name of the United Company of these
Provinces, upon the coasts and country of Africa, compu-
ting from the Tropic of Cancer to the southern latitude of
the Equinoctial Line, with all the Islands in this district,
situated upon the said coast, and particularly the Islands of
St Thomas, Annebon, Islands of Principia and Fernando
Po, as also the places of Essequibo and Baumenora,
situated upon the Continental Coasts of America, as also
the Islands of Curac.oa, Amaba and Buen Aire. All the
other limits of the ancient grant being open for the com-
merce of all the inhabitants of the Republic, without ex-
ception, upon condition, however, that if the Company,
oriental and occidental, should judge proper to navigate to
the Islands situated between the coasts of Africa and
America, beginning at the Ascension and further south, or
any of them, and should occupy it before any other should
have a private grant, with exclusion of all others for so long
time as it shall occupy its places, and in case they should
desist, these places should return under the second class,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. H9
open for the navigation of every individual of the Republic,
paying an acknowledgment, &c. That the said partic-
ulars, trading in the said districts, shall be obliged to ac-
knowledge the Western Company, and to pay them for
the right of convoy, and consequently in form of acknowl-
edgment, viz. for the productions and merchandises for
the West Indies, two per cent, and returning from thence
into these Provinces, two per cent more for the commod-
ities in return. And further, the ships navigating to places
farther distant in America, contained in the ancient grant,
both in going and returning, should pay five florins per last,
or more or less as their High Mightinesses shall judge
proper to determine hereafter; observing, nevertheless,
that these five florins per last shall not be demanded of
ships navigating to the Carribee Islands, which shall pay
the ordinary duty for convoy to the Colleges of the Admi-
ralty from which they sail, and the said private navigators
shall be held, moreover, for the satisfaction of the Western
Company, to give sufficient caution, that they will not nav-
igate, nor cause to be navigated, the places contained in
the first class, ceded to the Company with exclusion of
all others. And if any one is found to act contrary, and
to navigate to any place situated in the prescribed limits,
and granted to the Company, his ship and cargo shall be
confiscated and attacked in force, by the ships belonging
to the said Company ; and if such ships and merchandises
or commodities, shall be sold or entered into any other
country or foreign port, the owner and his accomplice shall
be liable to execution, for the value of the said ships and
merchandises or commodities.
"The Company has also the right to require an acknowl-
edgment of all those who shall navigate, import or export
120 JOHN ADAMS.
any merchandise to or from places belonging to the said
Company, notwithstanding they may be subject, and may
belong to the domination of other Kings or Princes, situa-
ted within the limits stipulated in the grant ; and especially
of every foreign vessel, bringing any commodities or mer-
chandises from the West Indies, or the limits stipulated in
the grants into the Provinces, whether upon its own ac-
count, or freight, or on commission, whether such foreign
vessel shall come directly from the West Indies, and the
limits of the grant, into the Provinces, or whether she
shall have carried her cargo to other countries or king-
doms, for what reason soever this may be done. Excep-
ting only in case the merchandises of the proprietor should
by negotiation be changed in nature, and that the duty of
this country fixed to the place should be paid, which any
one alleging shall be obliged to prove sufficiently, accord-
ing to the amount of the merchandises. Declaring, more-
over, for the further elucidation of the said grant, that
under the name of the New Low Countries, in conse-
quence of the three per cent, which the Company has a
right to require for the merchandises sent there, or brought
from thence, is understood that part of North America,
which extends itself west and south of the northern part of
Newfoundland as far as the Cape of Florida, and for what
regards the payment of the two per cent under the name
of the West Indies, to be computed from the Cape of
Florida, to the river Oronoco, and the Islands of Cura-
90a. For what concerns the other places of America,
contained in the most ancient and precedent grant, in re-
gard to the five florins per last, upon the vessels there navi-
gating, shall be understood all the Carribee Islands, Cuba,
Jamaica, Hispaniola and Porto Rico, as also all the other
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 121
coasts and countries, computing from the river Oronoco
aforesaid, by the straits of Magellan, Le Maire, or other
passages or straits, situated under these, as far as the
strait of Aryan, both upon the sea of the north, and the
Islands situated upon the other side, and between them, as
also the southern countries, situated between the two me-
ridians, touching at the east the Cape of Good Hppe, and
in the west the eastern part of New Guinea, inclusively."
If this paper is not very clear to Congress, it is not more
so to me, and perhaps to the Dutch themselves. There is
a dispute likely to arise between the West India Company
and the College of the Admiralty about it, which will be
explained further as it proceeds, by whatever Minister you
may send here.
Upon the whole matter of our communications with the
European establishments in the West Indies ; we' shall
carry freely our commodities to the French and Dutch,
excepting, perhaps, flour to the French, which however
will be carried, I suppose, to St Lucia and Port Roval, as
well as St Eustatia and Curac,oa, St Thomas's and St
Martin's, and there sold to any nation that will purchase it.
Molasses and rum we shall bring away freely from the
French and Dutch. And if we can obtain of them the
liberty of carrying sugars, coffee, &c. from their posses-
sions in the West Indies to their ports in Europe, giving
bonds with surety to land them in such ports, it will be as
much as we can expect. If they will allow raw sugars,
coffee, cotton, he. to be sent freely to the United States in
their own vessels, this would be an advantage for us, though
not so considerable as to bring them in ours. What the
English will do is uncertain. We are not to lake the late
proclamation for a law of the Medes. The Ministry who
VOL. VII. 16
122 JOHN ADAMS.
made it are not firm in their seats. If Shelburne comes
in we shall do better ; and, to be prepared to take advan-
tage of so probable an event, you should have a Minister
ready. We have one infallible resource, if we can unite in
laying a duty or a prohibition. But this measure must not
be hastily taken, because by negotiation, I apprehend, the
point may be carried in England. To this end it may be
proper to instruct your Minister, and authorise him to say,
that the States will find themselves obliged, against their
inclination, to lay a prohibition or heavy duty upon all West
India goods imported, and all American productions ex-
ported in British bottoms, if the trade is not regulated by
treaty upon an equitable footing.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 31st, 1783.
Sir,
The last evening at Court in the house in the Grove,
where all the foreign Ministers supped, the Count Montag-
nini de Mirabel, the Minister Plenipotentiary from the
King of Sardinia, took an opportunity to enter largely into
conversation with me. As he and I were at a party of
politics, while the greatest part of the company were at
cards, for two or three hours, we ran over all the world,
but nothing occurred worth repeating except what follows.
The Count said, that his advice to Congress would be
to write a circular letter to every power in Europe, as soon
as the definitive treaty should be signed, and transmit with
it a printed copy of the treaty. In the letter, Congress
should announce, that on the 4th of July, 1776, the United
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 123
States had declared themselves a sovereign State, under
the style and title of the United States of America ; that
France, on the 6th of February, 1778, had acknowledged
them ; that the States-General had done the same on the
19th of April, 1782; that Great Britain, on the 30th of
November, 1782, had signed with them a treaty of peace, in
which she had fully acknowledged their sovereignty ; that
Sweden had entered into a treaty with them, on the 5th of
February, 1783; and that Great Britain had concluded
the definitive treaty under the mediation of the two Em-
pires, if that should be the fact, &c. Such a notification
to all the other powers would be a regular procedure, a
piece of politeness, which would be very well received,
and the letter would be respectfully answered by every
power in the world, and these written answers would be
explicit, and undeniable acknowledgments of our sov-
ereignty.
It might have been proper to make this communication
in form, immediately after the declaration of indepen-
dence; it might have been more proper to do it after the
signature of the provisional treaty ; but that it was ex-
pected it wouid be done after the definitive treaty. That
these circular letters might be transmitted to your Minis-
ters for peace, or such of them as may remain, or to any
of your Ministers in Europe, to be by them delivered to
the Ministers at the Court where they are, or transmitted
any other way. That Congress must be very exact in the
etiquette of titles, as this was indispensable, and the letters
could not be answered nor received without it. That we
might have these titles at the Count de Vergennes' office
with precision, &c.
The Count then proceeded to commerce, and said,
124 JOHN ADAMS.
that all the cabinets of Europe had lately turned their views
to commerce, so that we should be attended to and res-
pected by all of them. He thought we should find our
account in a large trade in Italy, every part of which had
a constant demand for our tobacco, and salt-fish, at least.
The dominions of the King, his master, could furnish us in
exchange, oranges, citrons, olives, oil, raisins, figs, an-
chovies, coral, lead, sulphur, alum, salt, marble of the
finest quality and gayest colors, manufactures of silk, es-
pecially silk stockings twenty per cent cheaper than
France, hemp, and cordage. He said, we might have
great advantages in Italy in another respect. We had it
in our power to become the principal carriers for the peo-
ple of Italy, who have little skill or inclination for naviga-
tion or commerce. The [cabotage) carrying-trade of
Italy had been carried on by the English, French, and
Dutch ; the English had now lost it, the French had some
of it, but the Dutch the most, who made an immense
profit of it ; for to his knowledge they sold in the Baltic,
and even in Holland, many Italian productions, at a profit
of five or six for one. That we should have the advan-
tage of them all. By bringing our tobacco and fish to
Italy, we might unload at some of their ports, take in
cargoes upon freight for other ports of Italy, and thus make
coasting voyages, until we had made up our cargoes for
return, or we might take in cargoes on freight for Germany,
or the Baltic. The Dutch, he said, would be the greatest
losers by this rivalry, but as long as the Italians and Amer-
icans would be honestly gainers, neither need be anxious
for that. That there was a very good port in his master's
dominions, which was perfectly free, where we might go
in and out at pleasure, without being subject to duties,
searches, or visits.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. ]£5
We then made a transition to Turkey ; the Count could
not, for his part, blame the Emperor for wishing to open
the navigation of the Danube ; his kingdom of Hungary
was one of the finest countries in the world ; it was one of
the most fertile, producing in great abundance wines of
various sorts, all excellent, though Tokay was the best ;
grains of every sort in great quantities, metals of all sorts,
gold, silver, copper, iron, quicksilver ; yet all these bless-
ings of nature were rendered in a manner useless by the
slavery of the Danube. The Emperor was very unfortu-
nate, in having the Danube enslaved on one side, and the
Scheldt on the other ; and in this age, when the liberty of
navigation and commerce was the universal cry, he did not
wonder at his impatience under it. He did not think, that
England would meddle in the dispute, as her trade to the
Levant had declined. The Dutch had some still, but
France had now the greatest part of it to Smyrna, Alexan-
dria, Aleppo, in short, to all the trading towns of Turkey
in Asia, for this is what is understood by the Levant trade.
France, he thought, could not venture to engage in the
war in earnest, in the present state of her finances.
I have learnt, since I came here, that France is desirous
that this Republic should declare herself concerning this
Turkish war. But she will avoid it. Unhappily, France
has lost much of her influence here. Her friends fear,
that the odium of losing Negapatnam will fall upon them
among the people. The English and the Stadtholderians
are endeavoring to detach the Republic entirely from
France, and to revive the ancient connexions, particularly
the ancient alliance, offensive and defensive in the treaty of
1674. A Mr Shirley, at Paris, has lately proposed to M.
Boers, and M. Van der Pere, two agents of the Dutch
126 JOHN ADAMS.
East India Company, who have been a year or two at
Paris, and are reputed to be in the Stadtholder's interest,
that England had the best dispositions towards the Repub-
lic, and would give them ample satisfaction if they would
treat distinctly from France, and renew the ancient cordial
friendship, and proposed an interview with the Dutch Am-
bassadors upon this subject. The agents proposed it, but
Brantzen refused, to the great satisfaction of the principal
republicans. Yet M. Berenger tells me, that some of the
republican members begin to be afraid, and to think they
shall be obliged to fall in with the English.
Upon conversing with many people in the government
and out of it, in Amsterdam as well as the Hague, they all
complain to me of the conduct of France. They all con-
fess, that the Republic has not done so much in the war
as she ought, but this is the fault of the friends of England,
they say, not those of France, and the worst evils of all,
that befall the latter, are the reproaches df the former, who
now say insultingly, "this comes of confiding in France, we
always told you, that you would be cheated," &c. France
ought, they say, to have considered this, and not have im-
puted to the Republic the faults of her enemies, because
the punishment falls wholly on her friends.
I mention these things to you, because, although we are
not immediately interested in them, they may have conse-
quences which may affect us; and, therefore, you ought
to know them. I think, however, upon the whole, the
Republic will stand firm, and refuse to receive the alliance,
though they sacrifice Negapatnam. France wishes to win
the Republic into an alliance, but feels an awkwardness about
proposing it, and, indeed, 1 doubt whether she would now
succeed ; she might have succeeded heretofore. But, in
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. J27
plain English, Sir, the Count de Vergennes has no con-
ception of the right way of negotiating with any free peo-
ple, or with any assembly, aristocratical or uemocratical.
He cannot enter into the motives which govern them ; he
never penetrates their real system, and never appears to
comprehend their constitution. With empires, and mon-
archs, and their Ministers of State, he negotiates aptly
enough.
1 have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 1st, 1783.
Sir,
I had last evening some conversation with D. Joas Theb-
lonico de Almeida, the Envoy Extraordinary of Portugal,
who desired to meet me today at any hour at his house or
mine. I promised to visit him at twelve, which I did.
He said, he had heard that the French Minister had
proposed to the Duke of Manchester, at Versailles, to re-
duce the duties upon French wines in England to the level
of those upon Portugal wines, and begged of me to inform
him if it were true, because, if it were, Portugal must en-
deavor to indemnify herself by opening a trade with Amer-
ica, or some other way, for such a project will be ruinous
to the sale of their wines in England, which was their only
market. I answered, that I had heard of such a project
among multitudes of others in private conversation, but
knew no authority for it. We have a treaty, says he,
made in 1703, by which we have stipulated with the Eng-
lish, to permit the importation of their cloths, upon con-
dition that they allow the importation of Portugal wines
128 J OHN ADAMS.
upon paying one third of the duty upon French wines; if
they violate the treaty, says he, we shall be rid of it.
I asked him, if his Court permitted the English, or any
other nation, to go to the Brazils ? In the last century, said
he, between 16G0 and 1670, we did agree with Charles
the Second, who married a daughter of Portugal, that the
English should go to the Brazils, and after that, the Dutch
sued for permission to go there too, and we granted it.
But we found it inconvenient, and in 1714 or 1715, at the
treaty of Utrecht, we agreed upon an article with Spain,
to exclude all nations from the Brazils, and as the English
Ambassadors were there, we have since held that nation
bound, and have confiscated their vessels as well as the
Dutch which venture there. The English have sometimes
made strong remonstrances, but we have always told them,
if we admit you, we must admit the Dutch too, and such
has been their jealousy of the Dutch, and dread of their
rivalry, that this has always quieted them, choosing rather
to be excluded themselves, than that the Dutch should be
admitted. So that this commerce has been a long time
carried on in Portuguese ships only, and directly between
the Brazils and Lisbon.
1 asked him, whether we might not have free communi-
cation with all their Western Islands, and whether one or
all of them might not be made a depot for the produce of
the Brazils, so that Portuguese ships might stop and de-
posit cargoes there, and American vessels take them ? He
said, he would write about it to his Court by the next post.
At present, Brazil communicated only with Lisbon, and,
perhaps, it might be difficult for government to secure the
duties at the Western Islands. I asked, if there were any
refineries of sugar at Lisbon ? He said, none. Their
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. J29
sugars had all been brought here by the Dutch for refining ;
that all their carrying-trade with other parts of Europe
had been carried on by the English and Dutch ; that
their mercantile navigation (marine marchand) before this
war, had been upon a very poor footing, but it was now
much changed, and they began to carry on their trade in
their own vessels. I observed, if their trade should con-
tinue to be carried on by others, it must be indifferent to
them whether it were done in English, Dutch, or Ameri-
can vessels, provided it was done to their equal advantage.
But if they should persist in the desire to conduct it in
their own vessels, they might purchase ships ready built in
America cheaper than they could build them or buy them
elsewhere. All this, he said, was true. That they could
supply us with sugars, coffee, cocoa, Brazil wood, and even
with tea, for they had an island, called Macao, near China,
which was a flourishing establishment, and sent them annu-
ally a good deal of tea, which the Dutch usually bought
very cheap at Lisbon to sell again.
He asked, whether Portugal wines had been much
used in America. I answered, that Port wines, common
Lisbon, and Caracavalles, had been before the war fre-
quently used, and that Madeira was esteemed above all
other wine. That it was found equally wholesome and
agreeable, in the heats of summer and the colds of winter,
so that it would probably continue to be preferred, though
there was no doubt that a variety of French wines would
now be more commonly used than heretofore. He said,
they should have occasion for a great deal of our fish,
grain, and perhaps ships or ship-limber, and naval stores,
and other things, and he thought there was a prospect of a
very beneficial trade with us, and he would write largely
VOL. vii. 17
130 JOHN ADAMS. \
to his Court upon it. I replied, that I wondered his Court
had not sent a Minister to Philadelphia, where the mem-
bers and Ministers of Congress, and even the merchants of
the city, might throw much light upon the subject, and
assist in framing a treaty to the greatest possible advantage
for both countries. He said, he would write lor a com-
mission and instructions to negotiate a treaty with me. I
told him, that I believed his Court had already instructed
their Ambassador at Versailles to treat with Dr Franklin ;
but that I thought that Philadelphia or Lisbon were the
proper places to treat, and that I feared mutual advantages
might be lost by this method of striking up a bargain in
haste in a distant country, between Ministers who could
not be supposed to have made of commerce a study.
In a letter from Paris yesterday, I am informed that a
project of a treaty with Portugal, and another with Den-
mark, are to go home by Captain Barney.* These
projects have never been communicated to me, nor to Mr
Jay. I hope that Congress will not be in haste to con-
clude them, but take time to inform themselves of every-
thing which may be added to the mutual advantage of the
nations and countries concerned. I am much mistaken, if
we have not lost advantages by a similar piece of cunning
in the case of Sweden.
With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to
be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
* For these treaties, and some account of them, see Franklin's Cor-
respondence, Vol. IV. pp. 114, 115, 130, 141, 150.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 131
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 2d, 1783.
Sir,
M. Berenger, the Secretary of the French Legation,
has this moment left me. He came in to inform me of
the news. The Empress of Russia has communicated to
the King of Prussia, a treaty of alliance between the Em-
peror of Germany and her, defensive against the Christian
powers and offensive against the Turks. The King of
Prussia has answered her, "that he is very sensible, upon
this communication, as one is upon the communication of
things of great importance." Thus wrapped up in an im-
penetrable reserve is this great warrior and statesman.
We may discern by this answer, what all the world would
know without it, viz. that his Majesty has no joy in this
new alliance. Still he expresses no sorrow ; and main-
tains a perfect liberty to take which side he will, or
neither, at his pleasure, and the same reserve he will prob-
ably hold to the end of the war.
M. Berenger says, if Prussia is neutral France must be
so too, for she cannot cope by land with the two Empires;
that this Republic, is desired lo declare, but does not
choose it ; that they are dissatisfied, and the republicans
murmur a good deal, and are wavering, and that the other
party will do nothing ; that England hitherto has favored
an accommodation between Russia and the Turks ; that
the British Ambassador, at Constantinople, has co-operated
with the French to bring about an accommodation ; that
the Turks have offered Russia the (ree navigation of the
Black Sea and passage of the Dardanelles, and the same
with a free navigation of the Danube to the Emperor, but
j 32 JOHN ADAMS.
they will not accept it, but are determined to drive the
Turks from Europe ; that France has determined to put
her army upon a war footing, because it has been much
neglected during the late war ; that he believes France
and Spain will shut the Mediterranean against a Turkish
fleet, as Russia, Sweden, and Denmark excluded warlike
vessels from the Baltic in the last war ; that this state of
things gives him great pain, and must embarrass the Count
de Vergennes. It is a great and difficult question, whether
France should take a side. H she does not, and the Em-
pires should prevail, it will be an immense aggrandizement
of the House of Austria, which, with Russia, will become
two great maritime powers ; that England will act an in-
sidious part ; pretend to favor peace, secretly foment war,
and join in, at the end, if she sees a favorable opportunity
to crush France. These are sensible observations of M.
Berenger, who added ; that a new difficulty in the way of
the definitive treaty had arisen between England and
Spain, respecting the Musquito shore, so that more cou-
riers must go and return.
I confess myself as much in pain at this state of things
as M. Berenger, and, therefore, I wish most ardently, that
we may omit no proper means of settling our question with
every Court in Europe, and especially our plan of com-
merce with Great Britain. If this is too long left in un-
certainty, the face of things may soon change, so as to
involve us in the complicated, extensive, and long war,
which seems to»be now opening.
The prospect of returning to Paris, and living there with-
out my family, in absolute idleness, at a time when so many
and so great things want to be done for our country else-
where, is very disagreeable. If we must live there, wait-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 133
ing for the moving of many waters, and treaties are to be
there negotiated with the powers of Europe, or only with
Denmark and Portugal, I pray that we may all be joined
in the business, as we are in the commission for peace,
that, at least, we may have the satisfaction of knowing
what is done, and of giving a hint for the public good, if
any one occurs to us, and that we may not be made the
sport and ridicule of all Europe, as well as of those who
contrive such humiliations for us.
With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &,c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 3d, 1783.
Sir,
The fiscal systems of the powers of Europe have such
an ill influence on commerce, that they deserve the serious
attention of Congress and their Ministers, whenever they
have under consideration a treaty with any foreign power.
In conversation yesterday with M. d'Asp, the Charge
d'Affaires of Sweden, I inquired of him what imposts
were payable in their ports upon the importation and ex-
portation of merchandises, and observed to him, that 1 had
lately seen in the gazettes, that the King had taken off
certain duties upon the importation of merchandises from
America, in Swedish ships. He agreed that such a thing
had been done. This ought to alarm us. All the powers
of Europe, who are called neutral, have felt a sudden
increase of their navigation in the course of the late war,
and the profits they have made have excited a desire to
augment it still further. If they should generally exact
duties of our ships, and none of their own upon the impor-
134 JOHN ADAMS.
tation of our produce, this will be as great a discourage-
ment to our navigation as it will be an encouragement to
theirs. Whether this has been attended to in the treaty
with Sweden I know not, for I have not seen it. But it
ought to be carefully considered by those who negotiate
the treaties with Denmark and Portugal, the Emperor and
Empress, and all other powers. We have a good right to
insist, that no distinction shall be made in their ports be-
tween their ships and ours ; that we should pay in their
ports no higher duties than they pay in ours.
I should think it therefore advisable for Congress to
instruct their negotiators, to endeavor to obtain equity in
this respect. This is the time for it, if ever. If we can-
not obtain it by negotiation, we must think and talk of
doing ourselves justice by making similar distinctions in
our own ports between our vessels and theirs. But here
again comes in the difficulty of uniting our States in such
measures ; a difficulty which must be surmounted, or our
commerce, navigation, and marine will still be ruined, not-
withstanding the conservation of the fisheries. It deserves
to be considered by whom this new method of huddling
up treaties at Paris is contrived, and for what purposes.
It may well be conjectured, that it is done with the secret
intention of preventing these things from being attended
to; for there are persons who had rather that any other
people should have navigation than the Americans. I
have good reason to believe that it was known at Ver-
sailles, that Mr Dana had well digested his thoughts upon
this subject, which was reason enough for some people to
endeavor to take Sweden out of his hands, in whose de-
partment it was. Their success is much to be lamented.*
" The plan of the treaty with Sweden was sent out to Dr Frank-
lin by Congress, and adopted with hardly a verbal alteration. See
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 135
I had yesterday and the day before long conversations
with the Baron Van der Capellen de Pal, and M. Gyse-
laer. They both complain to me, in the most pathetic
terms, of the cruel situation of the friends of America and
France in this Republic. They both say, that they are
looking round every way like drowning men for support.
The Province of Friesland, their great dependence, wa-
vers, and many of their fellow-laborers are discouraged.
They both inquired of me very earnestly, if closer con-
nexions could not be formed with us ; if we could not
agree to warrant to each other the liberty of navigation, or
enter into an alliance, offensive and defensive. They see
they shall be obliged to make a shameful peace, and that
the blame of it will fall upon them, which will give a tri-
umph to the Court, and put their persons even in danger.
They say, the King of France, by his Ambassador, in
July, 1 782, gave them a positive assurance that he would
never separate his cause from theirs. In consequence of
this, they had instructed their Ambassadors never to sepa-
rate their cause from his. On their part the agreement
had been sacredly observed, but not on the other. With
Great Britain enraged against them, with a formidable
party in the Republic furious against them, with the King
of Prussia threatening them, and abandoned by France,
their prospects are, they say, as disagreeable as can be
conceived.
There are many appearances of designs to excite the
people to seditions, and I think it probable that the Court
of London studies delays of the Definitive Treaty in this
hope. I still believe, however, that the people will be wise
and the Republic firm, and submit to the immense losses
the plan, and the treaty as adopted, in the Secret Journals of Con-
gress, Vol. III. pp. 227, 369
136 JOHN ADAMS.
of the war, and that of Negapatnam, rather than renew
their old submission to the Court and to England.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 10th, 1783.
Sir,
On the 6th I left the Hague, and last night arrived here.
I had several interviews, on some of the last days at the
Hague, which I had not time to give you an account of/
as a great part of my time was taken up with visits to take
leave of the Court, the President, the Grand Pensionary,
Greffier, he. ceremonies which must be repeated at every
coming and going, and upon many other occasions, to the
no small interruption of business of more importance.
I asked the Count de Sanafee, the Spanish Minister,
with whom I have always lived upon very good terms,
whether it might not be possible to persuade his Court,
that it would be good policy for them to allow to the citi-
zens of the United States of America a free port, in some
of their islands at least, if not upon the Continent of South
America? He said he did not know; that he thought,
however, his Court would be afraid of the measure, as free
ports were nests of smugglers, and afforded many facilities
of illicit trade, (le commerce interlope.)
I asked him further, whether measures might not be
taken at Madrid, to the end that the sugars, coffee, cocoa,
he. of their Colonies might be carried to the free ports
of France, Holland, and Denmark, in the West Indies or
one of them, in Spanish vessels, that they might be there
purchased by Americans ? He said he was not able to
foresee any objection against this. I asked him again,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 137
what objections there could be to admitting American ves-
sels to the Spanish Islands of Cuba and Hispaniola, to
carry their produce and purchase molasses, as they did in
the French and Dutch Colonies. Such a commerce
would be useful and profitable both to them and to us.
He said that he could not pretend to give any opinion upon
any of these points. But that we must negotiate them at
Madrid. I hope Congress will instruct their Minister at
the Court of Madrid to propose all these things, and en-
deavor to obtain them.
The Portuguese Envoy, Don Almeida, returned my
visit, and brought with him a copy of the treaty between
Spain and Portugal, made at Utrecht in 1715. This treaty
was signed under the warranty of Great Britain, and one
article of it is, that each nation shall confine the com-
merce with its possessions in America to its own subjects.
I had much satisfaction in the conversation of this Minister,
who, though a young man, appears possessed of more
than common intelligence, and a desire to inform himself
of everything which can affect his nation. He is, as he
told me, a nephew of the present Prime Minister at the
Court of Lisbon. He says, that the King his master, (a
style which they continue to use, although the Queen is the
sovereign, and her husband is but her subject) allows but
sixty thousand Dutch guilders a year to his Ambassador at
Versailles, which not being sufficient for his expenses at
that Court, he is continued there because he is very rich ;
but that he is not a man of business.
He again enlarged upon the subject of Portuguese navi-
gation, which has been prettily increased, (ires joliment
augmente) during the late war, and would have been still
doubled if the war had continued another year; that
VOL. vii. 18
138 JOHN ADAMS.
their merchants and mariners had pushed their navigation
with more spirit than skill ; had sent their wines and other
things in prize vessels purchased in France and Spain, all
over Europe ' } hut that their seamen not being experi-
enced, many vessels had been lost, so that the price of
insurance was ten per cent with them, when it was not
more then three or four with other neutral nations ; that
the profits had nevertheless been so considerable, as to
excite a strong inclination still to increase their shipping
and carrying-trade. These observations are worth repeat-
ing to Congress, because all the other neutral powers have
felt a like advantage. The commerce of the northern
powers was so increased, and had turned the course of
business that way to such a degree, as occasioned to the
Danish Minister at Versailles, for example, a loss of forty
per cent upon his salary. So much was exchange affected.
The late belligerent powers, having observed this sud-
den increase of the commerce of the neutrals, and that it
was owing to the sudden growth of their navigation, are
alarmed. So that the attention of all the commercial na-
tions is now turned to navigation, carrying-trade, coasting-
trade, ho., more than ever We should be apprised of this,
and upon our guard. Our navigation and carrying-trade
is not to be neglected. We have great advantages for
many branches of it, and have a right to claim our natural
share in it.
This morning I went out to Passy, and found from Dr
Franklin and Mr Jay, that nothing farlher had been done
since my departure, but to deliver to Mr Hartley a fair
copy of the project of a definitive treaty, which I had left
with my colleagues ; that Mr Laurens had been here in
my absence, and returned to England ; that he was of
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDEJNCE 139
opinion, the present British Ministry would not remain a
fortnight ; that Mr Hartley had been seven weeks with-
out a letter from his principals, and then received only an
apology for not having written, a promise to write soon, and
authority to assure the American Ministers that all would
go well. These last are words of course. There are but
three ways in which I can account for this conduct of the
British Ministry. 1st. The fact is, that they foresee a
change, and do not choose to commit themselves, but wish
to reserve everything for the foundation of a future oppo-
sition, that they may attack the definitive treaty which
may be made by a future Ministry, as they attacked the
provisional and preliminary one, made by the last. 2dly.
That they are exciting secretly and insidiously the troubles
in the north, in hopes of involving France, and then assum-
ing a higher tone. 3dly. That they are in expectation,
that seditions may be excited in Holland, and the Dutch
induced to renounce France, and renew the ancient alli-
ance with England.
I see no more appearance of the definitive treaty, than I
have done these six months. Mr Hartley, I am told by
Mr Jay, thinks that the French Court wish to delay the
signature ; that they do not wish to see the peace finished
between England and America, while matters are uncer-
tain in the north. There are so many considerations on
both sides of the question, whether the French Minister
wishes to finish soon or not, that it is hard to decide it.
Neither Court possibly is very zealous to finish, while so
great a scene as the northern war lies under so much
obscurity.
] have the honor to be, &ic.
JOHN ADAMS.
140 JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 13th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday I went to Court with Dr Franklin, and pre-
sented to the Count de Vergennes our project of a defin-
itive treaty, who told us he would examine it and give us
his sentiments upon it.
It was Ambassadors' day, and I had conversations witli
a number of Ministers, of which it is proper I should give
you an account.
The Dutch Ambassador, Berkemode, told me, that last
Saturday the Count de Vergennes went to Paris, and dined
with the Imperial Ambassador, the Count de Mercy, in
company with the Duke of Manchester, the Count d'Ar-
anda, the Prince Bariatinski, and M. MarkofF, with their
Secretaries ; that after dinner the Secretaries in presence
of all the Ministers read over, compared, and corrected the
definitive treaties between France and Great Britain, and
between Spain and Great Britain, and finally agreed upon
both. So that they are now ready for signature by the
Ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain as principals,
and by those of the two Imperial Courts as mediators.
The Duke of Manchester told me, that Mr Hartley's
courier, who carried our project of a treaty, arrived in
London last Saturday, and might be expected here on next
Saturday on his return.
In the evening, on my return from Versailles, Mr Hart-
ley called upon me at my house, and informed me, that
he had just received a courier from Westminster, who had
brought him the ratification of our provisional treaty, under
the King's own hand, and under the great seal of the king-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 141
dom, enclosed in a silver box, ornamented with golden tas-
sels as usual, which he was ready to exchange tomorrow
morning. He informed me farther, that he had received
very satisfactory letters from the Duke of Portland and
Mr Fox, and the strongest assurances, that the dispositions
of his Court were very good to finish immediately, and to
arrange all things upon the best footing; that he had
farther received plenary authority to sign the definitive
treaty tomorrow, or tonight, if we pleased ; that he had
received a draft ready formed, which he would show us.
We agreed to go together in the morning to my col-
leagues, and this morning we went out in Mr Hartley's
carriage, exchanged the ratifications, and he produced to
us his project of a definitive treaty. It is the provisional
treaty in so many words, without addition or diminution.
It is only preceded with a preamble, which makes it a
definitive treaty. And he proposed to us, that all matters
of discussion respecting commerce or other things should
be left to be discussed by Ministers, to be mutually appoint-
ed to reside in London and Philadelphia. We told him,
that it had been proposed to us, that the Ministers of the
two Imperial Courts should sign the treaty as mediators,
and that we had answered, that we had no objection to it.
He said, he had unanswerable ones. First, he had no
authority, and could not obtain any certainly under ten
days, nor probably ever. For secondly, it would, he
thought, give great offence to his Court, and they never
would agree that any nation should interfere between
them and America. Thirdly, for his part, he was fully
against it, and should write his opinion to his Court. If he
was about to marry his daughter, or set up a son in the
world, after he was of age, he would never admit any of
142 JOHN ADAMS.
his neighbors to interfere, and sign any contract he might
make, as mediators. There was no need of it.
We told him there was no need of warmth npon the oc-
casion, or any pretence for his Court to take offence ;
that it had been proposed to us, that the Imperial Minis-
ters should sign as mediators. Our answer had been, that
we had no objections, that we were willing and ready to
consent to it, or even to request it. His Court had a right
to consent or dissent, as it thought proper. To be sure,
the mediation could not take place without their consent.
That he might write to his Court the proposition, and if he
received orders to consent or dissent, it would be equally
well. In the meantime, we were ready to sign the defini-
tive treaty, either with or without the mediation, whenever
the other parties were ready to sign, according to his
project just received from his Court, that is, simply a repe-
tition of the provisional treaty.
We have agreed to this, because it is plain, that all
propositions for alterations in the provisional articles will be
an endless discussion, and that we must give more than we
can hope to receive. The critical state of things in Eng-
land, and at the Court of Versailles, and in all the rest of
Europe, affords pressing motives to get this business fin-
ished.
Mr Hartley told us from his Court, that they had ex-
pected an American Minister at St James's these three
months, and that all further matters might be there dis-
cussed.
He also announced to us the birth of another Princess,
the fifteenth child of the Queen, upon which event he re-
ceived our congratulations, which I hope Congress will
approve and repeat by their Minister in London ; for these
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 243
personal and family compliments are more attended to in
Courts, and have greater effects than may be imagined.
I lament very much, that we cannot obtain an explana-
tion of the article respecting the refugees, and that respect-
ing debts ; but it is plain, we must give more than they
are worth for such explanations ; and what is of more de-
cisive importance, we must make a long delay, and put
infinitely greater things at hazard by this means.
I have the honor to be, &.c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 13th. 1783.
Sir,
The question before the French cabinet, whether they
shall involve themselves in a war against two Christian
Empires, in order to support a Turkish one, is of a serious
nature on many accounts. If the Turks should be driven
out of Europe, France would lose some of the Levant
trade, and some of the coasting trade of Italy ; and these
commercial and naval considerations are enforced by
others, which lie deeper in the human heart, the ancient
rivalry between the great Houses of Bourbon and Austria,
and between the vast countries of Germany and France,
and between all the lesser powers, which depend upon
them. To these considerations is to be added, that an
Austrian Princess is now upon the throne of France, to
whom it is no doubt a melancholy consideration, that there
is danger of a war between a husband and a brother.
The city politicians are looking out for alliances with
Prussia, Holland, and even England, but can find none.
It cannot be expected that either will engage; yet the
French Minister has gone far towards compromising his
144 JOHN ADAMS.
master, by augmenting the army to a war establishment,
and by threatening to shut up the Mediterranean Sea.
In this posture of affairs, it is not surprising, that there
should be a fermentation at Versailles, and since my re-
turn to Paris, I find it is the general topic of conversation.
Monsieur de Breteuil, late Ambassador to the Court of Vi-
enna, who is supposed to be esteemed by the Queen, and
connected with her friends, is lately, about a fortnight ago,
called to the King's council, and the Mareschal de Castries,
who is in the same interest, is said to be new modelling
the subordinate offices in his department.
From these, and many other considerations, it is gen-
erally concluded, that Count de Vergennes' continuance in
the Ministry is precarious. Mr Hartley last night and to-
day began conversation with me upon the subject, and is
very sanguine that his Minister will continue in place but a
very short time, and assures me that the Duke of Man-
chester is of the same opinion. I pretend to form no
opinion, because I have ever carefully avoided conversa-
tions and connexions, which might be misinterpreted into
an attachment to persons or parties in this kingdom.
I know, that for the last nine months many sensible
people have thought this Minister in a tottering situation ;
others think he will weather out the storm, which all peo-
ple agree is preparing for him. Time will discover. One
thing is agreed on all hands, that he is not in favor with the
Queen, and as he has taken up the cause in a pretty high
tone against the Emperor and Empress, if he should be
now displaced, Congress, I think, may infer from it, that
France will not take a part in the war ; on the contrary, if
he remains, it is probable she will.
I have the honor to be, &sc.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 145
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 13th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday at Versailles, the Baron de Walterstorffcame
to me and told me he had delivered to Dr Franklin, a
project of a treaty between the Court of Denmark and the
United States, and asked me if Dr Franklin had shown it
to me ? 1 answered him, that I knew nothing of it. He
said, he wondered at that, he presumed it was because of
my absence at the Hague, for that it had been shown to
Mr Jay. There by the way he was misinformed, for upon
my return from Versailles, I called upon Mr Jay on pur-
pose to ask him, and he assured me he had not seen it.
I asked Walterstorff, if his orders were to propose his pro-
ject to us all. He said no, this Court had been informed,
that Dr Franklin was the Minister authorised and empow-
ered by Congress to treat with all the powers of Europe,
and they had for this reason sent him orders to deliver the
project to Dr Franklin, but he supposed Dr Franklin would
consult his colleagues. The same information, I doubt
not, has been given to the Court of Portugal, and every
other Court in Europe, viz. that Dr Franklin is alone em-
powered to treat with them ; and in consequence of it, very
probably, propositions have been or will be made to him
from all of them, and he will keep the whole as secret as
he can from Mr Jay, Mr Laurens, Mr Dana, and me.*
' Franklin did not assume this authority, but reported to Congress,
that propositions for treaties had been made, and desired that author-
ity to conclude them might be sent to him, or some other person. See
on this subject, Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. IV. pp. 74, 97, 99,
110, 114, 141. For the treaty with Sweden he had a special author-
ity. Secret Journals, Vol. III. p. 240.
VOL. VII. \9
146 JOHN ADAMS.
Now I beg to be informed by Congress, whether he has
such authority or not ? Having never been informed of
such powers, I do not believe he has them. I remember
there was seven years ago a resolution of Congress, that
their Commissioners at Versailles should have power to
treat with other powers of Europe ; but upon the dissolu-
tion of that commission this authority was dissolved with
it ; or if not, it still resides in Mr Deane, Mr Lee, and my-
self, who were once in that commission, as well -as Dr
Franklin. And if it is by virtue of this power he acts, he
ought at least to communicate with me, who alone am
present. I think, however, that neither he nor I have any
legal authority, and therefore that he ought to communi-
cate everything of this kind to all the Ministers here or
hereabout, Mr Jay, Mr Laurens, and myself, at least.
It is not from the vain wish of seeing my poor name
upon a treaty, that I write this. If the business is well
done, it is not of much importance in itself who does it.
But my duty to my country obliges me to say, that I
seriously believe this clandestine manner of smuggling trea-
ties is contrived by European politicians on purposej that
Mr Jay and I may not have an opportunity of suggesting
ideas for the preservation of American navigation, transport-
trade, and nurseries of seamen. But in another point of
view it is of equal importance. This method reflects con-
tempt and ridicule on your other Ministers. When all
Europe sees, that a number of your Ministers are kept
here as a kind of satellites to Dr franklin in the affair of
peace, but that they are not to be consulted or asked a
question, or even permitted to know the important nego-
tiations which are here going on with all Europe, they fall
into contempt. It cannot be supposed that Congress mean
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDEiNCE. 147
lo cast this contempt upon us, because it cannot be sup-
posed they mean to destroy the reputation, character, influ-
ence, and usefulness of those to whom in other respects
they intrust powers of so much consequence ; and there-
fore I am persuaded, that Congress is as much imposed
on by it as the Courts of Europe are.
I asked the Baron, what was the substance of the treaty.
He s&id his Court had taken for a mode), my treaty with
Holland. I said nothing to him in answer to this, but I
beg leave to say to Congress, that the negotiation with Hol-
land was in very different circumstances. We were then
in the fiercest rage of the war. A treaty with that Repub-
lic was at that time of as much weight in the war, as the
captivity of Burgoyne or Cornwallis. A treaty with any
power was worth a battle or a siege, and no moments of
time were to be lost, especially in a country so divided,
that unanimity being necessary, every proposition was dan-
gerous. At present the case is altered, and we may take
time to weigh and inquire. The Baron tells me, that St
Thomas and St John, two of their Islands, are free ports,
but that St Croix, which is of more importance than both,
is not. That foreign vessels, our vessels, are permitted
to bring our produce, and carry away half the value in
sugar, &c. The Island produces, communibus annis, twenty
thousand hogsheads of sugar, and their molasses is better
than that of the French, because they make only "sucres
eruies." He says, they have some sugar-houses at Co-
penhagen. But notwithstanding this, I think it is worth
while for Congress to try if they cannot, by the treaty, ob-
tain a right to take away cargoes, to the full value of those
they bring. It is worth while to try too, if we cannot
obtain a tariff, to ascertain the duties to be paid in expor-
tation and importation. It is worth while too, to endeavor
J4S JuliN ADAMS
to get the duties ascertained in the Danish ports in Europe,
at least that we may not pay in their ports more than they
pay in ours ; or that our vessels may not be obliged to pay
more than theirs, especially when we import our own pro-
duce. I pretend not to be a master of these commercial
.subjects, but 1 think that Dr Franklin has not studied the
subject more than myself, that both of us need the advice
of Mr Laurens and Mr Jay, and that all of us want that of
American merchants, and especially of Congress. I am
therefore against this secret and hasty method of conclud-
ing treaties, at this time, when they may be more maturely
reflected on.
I know very well to what ill-natured remarks these re-
flections are liable, but they shall not hinder me from
doing my duty. I do sincerely believe, there are clandes-
tine insinuations going about to every commercial nation in
the world, to excite them to increase their own navigation
and seamen at the expense of ours, and that this smuggling
of treaties is one means of accomplishing the design, al-
though Dr Franklin may not be let into the secret of it.
For, from long experience and observation, I am per-
suaded that one Minister at least and his dependants would
prefer, that the navigation of any nation in the world, even
that of the English, should grow, rather than ours. In the
last Courier de V Europe, it is said, that all the commercial
powers are concerting measures to clip the wings of the
eagle, and to prevent us from having a navy. 1 believe it.
That is to say, I believe measures are taken with them all
to bring them into this system, although they are not let
into the secret design, and do not know from whom the
measures come, nor with what views promoted.
With great regard, I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 149
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 15th, 1783.
Sir,
France, England, Spain, and America are all agreed ;
but Mr Hartley is sanguine, that the treaty will not be
signed, because, he says, the Count de Vergennes does
not mean to sign it. His reasons for this opinion I know
not, and I think he is mistaken. It is very certain, how-
ever, that the French Minister is embarrassed, and would
not, perhaps, be sorry to find good reasons for postponing
the signature for some time.
Congress may judge in some degree ol the situation of
things, by the following conversation, which I had this
morning with M. Brantzen, the Ambassador Extraordinary
from the States-General, to whom I returned the visit he
made me yesterday, when I was abroad.
He told me, "that he was as far, and indeed farther
than ever, from an agreement with the Duke of Manches-
ter. He had given up, he said, all pretensions to a com-
pensation for the unjust damages of the war, and he had in
a manner waived his claim ot the restitution of Negapat-
nam. But the Duke of Manchester now insisted peremp-
torily upon, not only all the ancient salutations from the
Dutch flag to the English, but upon an unlimited liberty of
navigation in all the seas of the East Indies. He had des-
patched an express to the Hague the day before yester-
day, who would arrive today ; but the Grand Pensionary
was sick, and the States of Holland not sitting ; so that
there must be some time before he could have an answer.
Concerning the salutes to the flag, there would be different
opinions, but they would be all of a mind against the lib-
150
JuHN ADAMS.
erty of navigation in the Indies. He could not, therefore,
expect from their High Mightinesses permission to sign,
and the Count de Vergennes would be embarrassed. All
the other powers were ready, and to make them wait
would raise a cry.
"To sign without Holland would raise a terrible storm
in Holland against the Count, and no small one in France.
And even, if the States should authorise him to sign a
shameful peace, this would raise no less clamor in Hol-
land and France against the Count. He will, therefore,
not know what to do, and will seek to postpone ; for the
parlies of the Marquis de Castries and of M. de Breteuil
will take advantage of every clamor against the Count, as
these parties wish M. de Breteuil in his place. I am per-
suaded, therefore, that the Count himself looks upon his
own situation as very hazardous. It has been so a long
time. It was his instability in his place that made him
sign the preliminaries, for money to carry on the war could
not be obtained without M. Necker, and M. Necker
would not come in with the Count, as they were and are
sworn enemies to each other. He was, therefore, re-
duced to the dilemma to make peace or go out. I have
good reasons to believe, that the Mareschal de Castries
disapproves of the Count's conduct towards our Republic.
He certainly deceived me. The States-General did very
wrong to bind me to leave so much to the French Minis-
ter ; but I thought him an honest man, and that I could
trust him ; so I left things to him, according to my instruc-
tions, depending on his word, and, at last, I found myself
the dupe. No, not a dupe, for I am always upon my
guard not to be a dupe. But he deceived me ; and when
one, whom I have reason to believe an honest man, de-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 151
ceives me, I cannot call myself a dupe, for I can do no
other than believe an honest man, when he gives me his
word."
In several of your letters, Sir, you have insisted on my
reciting to you my conversations with foreign Ministers.
You must not esteem them infallible oracles. They are
often mistaken in their facts, and sometimes wrong in their
reasonings. But these sentiments of M. Brantzen are of
so much importance, that I thought proper to recite them.
It will, indeed, be necessary for your foreign Ministers to
be more inquisitive than we have been, and to transmit to
Congress more information concerning the intrigues of
Courts, than we have done. If the Mareschal de Castries
and M. de Breteuil, who is now in the Council, and M.
Necker, are not friends to the Count de Vergennes, and
all the world here agree they are not, Congress ought to
know it. Although I would have so much respect to the
Queen, as not to name her Majesty upon unnecessary oc-
casions, yet, upon this, when she is sister to the Emperor,
and the question at Court is, whether there shall be a war
with her brother, it is obviously a matter of so much im-
portance, as to make it a duty to communicate to Congress
her sentiments, which all men here agree are favorable to
de Castries and Breteuil, but not partial to the present
Minister of Foreign Affairs. I said in a former letter, if
this Minister continues, there will be war ; but I am told
by some, if there is war, he cannot continue ; for neither
he, nor his friends, can raise the money. M. de Rayne-
val, however, affirmed positively to Mr Hartley, that
nothing but death could remove the Count.*
* This affirmation was verified. The Count de Vergennes con-
tinued in the Ministry till his death, which happened, February
13th, 1787.
!52 JOHN ADAMS.
All these things show the critical and uncertain constitu-
tion of this Court, and the uncertainty when the definitive
treaty will be signed, notwithstanding that four powers are
agreed, and, therefore, I can give Congress no clear in-
formation upon that head. This is a great chagrin to me,
both on account of the public and myself, because I am as
uncertain about my own destiny as that of the public.
With great respect, 1 have the honor to be, Sec.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 5th, 1783.
Sir,
On Wednesday, the 3d day of this month, the Ameri-
can Ministers met the British Minister at his lodgings at
the Hotel de York, and signed, sealed, and delivered the
Definitive Treaty of Peace between the United States of
America and the King of Great Britain. Although it is
but a confirmation or repetition of the provisional articles,
I have the honor to congratulate Congress upon it, as it is
a completion of the work of peace, and the best that we
could obtain. Nothing remains now to be done but a treaty
of commerce ; but this in my opinion cannot be negotiated
without a new commission from Congress to some one or
more persons. Time, it is easy to foresee, will not be
likely to render the British nation more disposed to a regu-
lation of commerce favorable to us, and therefore my
advice is to issue a commission as soon as may be.
There is another subject on which I beg leave to repre-
sent to Congress my sentiments, because they seem to me
of importance, and berause they differ from many sanguine
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 153
opinions, which will be communicated to the members of
that assembly from partisans both of England and France.
In the late deliberations concerning an acceptance of the
mediation of the Imperial Courts, the British Minister
refused it, and in the conferences we had with the Count
de Vergennes upon this subject, it was manifest enough to
me that he was not fond of our accepting it; for although
he maintained a perfect impartiality of language, neither
advising us for, nor against the measure, yet at last, when
it was observed that Mr Hartley was averse to it, he
turned to Dr Franklin and said, that we must agree with
Mr Hartley about it, with such a countenance, air, and
tone of voice (for from these you must often collect the
sentiments of Ministers) as convinced me he did not wish
the mediation should take place.
It was not a subject which would bear insisting on either
way. I therefore made no difficulty. But I am, upon
recollection, fully of opinion that we should have done
wisely to have sent our letter to the Imperial Ministers,
accepting the mediation on our part. The signature of
these Ministers would have given reputation in Europe
and among our own citizens. I mention these, because I
humbly conceive that Congress ought, in all their proceed-
ings, to consider the opinion that the United States or
the people of America will entertain of themselves. W e
may call this national vanity or national pride, but it is the
main principle of the national sense of its own dignity,
and a passion in human nature, without which nations can-
not preserve the character of man. Let the people lose
this sentiment, as in Poland, and a partition of their country
will soon take place. Our country has but lately been a
dependent one, and our people although enlightened and
vol. vn. 20
154
JOHN ADAMS.
virtuous, have had their minds and hearts habitually filled
with all the passions of a dependent and subordinate peo-
ple ; that is to say, with fear, with diffidence, and distrust
of themselves, with admiration of foreigners, he. Now I
say, that it is one of the most necessary and one of the
most difficult branches of the policy of Congress to eradi-
cate from the American mind, every remaining fibre of this
fear and self-diffidence on one hand, and of this excessive
admiration of foreigners on the other.
It cannot be doubted one moment, that a solemn ac-
knowledgment of us by the signature of the two Imperial
Courts would have had such a tendency in the minds of
our countrymen. But we should also consider, upon every
occasion, how our reputation will be affected in Europe.
We shall not find it easy to keep up the respect for us, that
has been excited by the continual publication of the ex-
ploits of this war. In the calm of peace, little will be said
about us in Europe unless we prepare for it, but by those
who have designs upon us. We may depend upon it,
everything will be said in Europe and in the gazettes,
which anybody in Europe wants to have repeated in
America, to make such impressions upon the minds of
our citizens as he desires. It will become us, therefore, to
do everything in our power to make reasonable and just
impressions upon the public opinion in Europe. The sig-
nature of the two Imperial Courts would have made a
deep and important impression in our favor, upon full one
half of Europe, as friends to those Courts, and upon all
the other half as enemies.
I need not explain myself further. I may however
add, that Americans can scarcely conceive the decisive
influence of the governments of Europe upon their people.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 155
Every nation is a piece of clockwork, every wheel is un-
der the absolute direction of the sovereign as its weight or
spring. In consequence of this, all that moiety of mankind
that are subject to the two Imperial Courts and their allies,
would, in consequence of their mediation have been open-
ly and decidedly our friends at this hour, and the other
half of Europe would certainly have respected us more for
this. But at present, the two Imperial Courts not having
signed the treaty, all their friends are left in a stale of
doubt and timidity concerning us. From all the conver-
sations I have had with the Count de Mercy and M. Mark-
oft', it is certain that the two Courts wished, as these Minis-
ters certainly were ambitious to, sign our treaty. They
and their sovereigns wished that their names might be
read in America, and there respected as our friends.
But this is now past. England and France will be most
perfectly united in all artifices and endeavors to keep down
our reputation at home and abroad, to mortify our self-
conceit, and to lessen us in the opinion of the world. If
we will not see, we must be the dupes ; we need not, for
we have in our own power, with the common blessing, the
means of everything we want. There is but one course
now left to retrieve the error, and that is, to send a Minis-
ter to Vienna with power to make a treaty with both the
Imperial Courts. Congress must send a Minister first, or
it will never be done. The Emperor never sends first,
nor will England ever send a Minister to America, until
Congress shall have sent one to London.
To form immediate commercial connexions with that
half of Europe, which ever has been, and with little varia-
tions ever will be, opposite to the House of Bourbon, is a
fundamental maxim of that system of American politics,
j 56 J °HN ADAMS.
which I have pursued invariably from the beginning of this
war. It is the only means of preserving the respect of the
House of Bourbon itself; it is the only means in conjunc-
tion with our connexions with the House of Bourbon, al-
ready formed, to secure us the respect of England for any
length of time, and to keep us out of another war with that
kingdom. It is, in short, the only possible means of secur-
ing to our country that peace, neutrality, impartiality, and
indifference in European wars, which, in my opinion, we
shall be unwise in the last degree, if we do not maintain.
It is, besides, the only way in which we can improve and
extend our commercial connexions to the best advan-
tage.
With erreat respect, I am,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ELIAS BOUDINOT, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 8th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday morning Mr Jay informed me, that Di
Franklin had received, and soon after the Doctor put into
my hands, the resolution of Congress of the 1st of May,*
ordering a commission and instructions to be prepared to
those gentlemen and myself for making a Treaty of Com-
merce with Creat Britain. This resolution, with your
Excellency's letter, arrived very seasonably, as Mr Hart-
* "Ordered, That a commission be prepared to John Adams, Ben-
jamin Franklin, and John Jay, authorising them, or either of them in
the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between
the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the re-
visal of the contracting parties previous to its final conclusion ; and,
in the meantime, to enter into a commercial convention, to continue
in force one year."
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 157
ley was setting off for London with information from us,
that our powers were executed.
I am very sensible of the honor, that is done me by this
resolution of Congress, and of the great importance of
the business committed to our care ; and shall not, there-
fore, hesitate to take a part in it. I can attend to this
business, and at the same time have some care of your
affairs in Holland ; and in case the present loan should be
full in the course of the next winter, I can open a new
one, either by going to Amsterdam, or by having the obli-
gation sent to me in Paris to be signed. In this way
there will be no additional expense to the public, as I have
informed M. Dumas, that there must be no expense made
at the Hague on my account, or on account of Congress,
but that all his expenses must be borne by himself, or he
must at least settle them with Congress. I have so much
regard for this gentleman, and such an opinion of his worth
and merit, that I cannot but recommend him upon this
occasion to Congress, for the commission of Secretary of
that Legation, but as economy is and ought to be carefully
attended to, I presume not to point out the salary, which
will be proper. There are so many ways of pillaging
public men in Europe, that it will be difficult for Congress
to conceive the expenses, which are unavoidable in these
countries.
If the principle of economy should restrain Congress
from sending Ministers to Vienna, Petersburg, Copenha-
gen, and Lisbon, they will probably send a commission to
Paris to negotiate treaties there, because I think it will ap-
pear to be of great importance, both in a political and com-
mercial light, to have treaties with these powers. If this
should be the case, as three of us will be now obliged to
158
JOHN ADAMS.
attend at Paris the tedious negotiation with every Court,
we can all at the same time and with the same expense
attend to she negotiations with the other powers ; which
will afford to all an opportunity of throwing in any hints,
which may occur for the puhlic good, and will have a
much better appearance in the eyes of Europe and Amer-
ica. I do not hesitate, therefore, to request, that if such
a commission or commissions should be sent, that all your
Ministers in Europe may be inserted in it. If the arrange-
ment should make any difficulty in America, it will make
none with me ; for although I think there was good
reason for the order in which the names stand in the new
commission for peace, and in the resolution for a new
commission for a treaty of commerce, that reason will not
exist in any future commission.
Mr Hartley's powers are sufficient to go through the ne-
gotiation with us, and I suppose it will be chiefly conducted
at Paris, yet we may all think it proper to make a tour to
London, for a few weeks especially, in case any material
obstacle should arise. We are told, that such a visit
would have a good effect at Court and with the nation ; at
least, it seems clear it would do no harm.
With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor
to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 8th, 1783.
Sir,
As the resolution u Congress of the 1st of May has
determined it to be my duty to remain in Europe, at least
another winter, 1 shall be obliged to say many things to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 159
your Excellency by letter, which I hoped to have had the
honor of saying upon the floor of your house. Some of
these things may be thought at first of little consequence,
but time, and inquiry, and consideration, will show them to
have weight. Of this sort, is the subject of this letter.
The views and designs, the intrigues and projects of
Courts, are let out by insensible degrees, and with infinite
art and del'rcacy in the gazettes.
These channels of communication are very numerous,
and they are artificially complicated in such a manner, that
very few persons are able to trace the sources from whence
insinuations and projects flow. The English papers are
an engine, by which everything is scattered all over the
world. They are open and free. The eyes of mankind
are fixed upon them. They are taken by all Courts and
all politicians, and by almost all gazetteers. Of these
papers, the French emissaries in London, even in time of
war, but especially in time of peace, make a very great
use ; they insert in them things which they wish to have
circulated far and wide. Some of the paragraphs inserted
in them will do to circulate through all Europe, and some
will not do in the Courier de P Europe. This is the most
artful paper in the world ; it is continually accommodating
between the French and English Ministry. If it should
offend the English essentially, the Ministry would prevent
its publication ; if it should sin against the French unpar-
donably, the Ministry would instantly stop its circulation j
it is, therefore, continually under the influence of the
French Ministers, whose under-workers have many things
translated into it from the English papers, and many others
inserted in it originally, both to the end, that they may be
circulated over the world, and particularly that they may be
I(J0 JOHN ADAMS.
Seen by the King of France, who reads this paper con-
stantly. From the English papers and the Courier de
VEurope, many things are transferred into various other
gazettes, the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Deux
Ponts, the Courier d* Avignon, and the Gazette des Pays
Bas. The Gazettes of Leyden and Amsterdam, are some-
times used for the more grave and solid objects, those of
Deux Ponts and d'Avignon for popular topics, the small
talk of coffee-houses, and still smaller and lower circles.
All these papers and many others discover a perpetual
complaisance for the French Ministry, because they are
always in their power so entirely, that if an offensive par-
agraph appears, the entrance and distribution of the gazette
may be stopped by an order from Court, by which the
gazetteer loses the sale of his paper in France, which is a
great pecuniary object. Whoever shall hereafter come to
Europe in any public employment, and take in the papers
above enumerated, will acknowledge his obligations to me
for mentioning them. He will find them a constant source
of amusement, and sometimes of useful discoveries. I
may hereafter possibly entertain Congress with some curi-
ous speculations from these gazettes, which have ali their
attention fixed upon us, and very often honor us with their
animadversions, sometimes with their grave counsels, but
oftener still with very subtle and sly insinuations.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 10th, 1783.
Sir,
As I am to remain in Europe for some time longer, J
beg leave to take a cursory view of what appears neces-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 161
sary or expedient to be further done in Europe ; for I
conceive it to be not only the right but the duty of a For-
eign Minister, to advise his Sovereign, according to his
lights and judgments, although the more extensive infor-
mation and superior wisdom of the Sovereign, may fre-
quently see cause to pursue a different conduct.
With Spain no doubt Congress will negotiate by a par-
ticular Minister, either the present one or another, and
perhaps it would be proper that the same should treat with
Naples. With the two Empires, Prussia, Denmark, Portu-
gal, Sardinia and Tuscany, I humbly conceive, it might be
proper to negotiate, and perhaps with Hamburg ; but there
are other powers with whom it is more necessary to have
treaties than it ought to be, I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tu-
nis, and Tripoli.
T presume that Congress will not think it expedient to
be at the expense of sending Ministers to all these powers,
if to any. Perhaps in the present state of our finances it
may not be worth while to send any. Yet the present
time is the best to negotiate with all. I submit it to con-
sideration then, whether it is not advisable to send a com-
mission to such Minister as you judge proper, with full
powers to treat with all, to the Ministers now in Paris, or
to any others. But I humbly conceive, that if powers to
treat with all or any of these States are sent to any of your
Ministers now here, it would be for the public good, that
they should be sent to all. If Congress can find funds to
treat with the Barbary Powers, the Ministers here are the
best situated, for they should apply to the Court of Ver-
sailles and their High Mightinesses in the first place, that
orders should be sent to their Consuls according to treaties
to assist us. Ministers here may carry on this negotiation
VOL. VII. 2t
1( J2 JOHN ADAMS.
by letters, or may be empowered to send an agent if ne-
cessary. I have no private interest in this business. My
salary will be the same, my expenses more, and labor
much increased by such a measure. But as it is of public
importance, I think, that no unnecessary delicacies should
restrain me from suggesting these hints to Congress.
Whatever their determination may be, will be satisfactory
to me.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your
Excellency's, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN JAY ;
MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF
SPAIN, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS
FOR NEGOTIATING PEACE.
John Jay was a member of the first Congress, which
assembled at Philadelphia in September, 1774, having
been, with four other persons, chosen a delegate from the
city and county of New York. He was also in the Con-
gress of the following year, but after the organization of the
government of New York he was made Chief Justice of
the State, and retired from Congress. On the 21st of
October, 1778, even while he held the office of Chief Jus-
tice, he was elected by the Assembly a delegate to Con-
gress for a specific object, till the first of March following.
The Assembly at the same time declared, that by the con-
stitution of New York both these stations were consistent
with each other.
Mr Jay joined the Congress on the 7th of December,
and was elected President of that body three days after-
wards, as the successor of Henry Laurens. He discharged
this office with great dignity and credit to himself till Sep-
tember 27th, 1779, when he was appointed Minister Plen-
ipotentiary to negotiate a treaty of amity and alliance with
Spain. He sailed for France about the first of November
in the same ship with M. Gerard, who had been the late
French Minister in the United States. Accidents at sea
compelled the Captain of the vessel to put into Martinique,
whence Mr Jay sailed in another vessel for Europe, and
arrived at Cadiz on the 22d of January, 1780. Here he
remained between two and three months, and then pro-
ceeded to Madrid, and entered on the duties of his
mission.
1(56
The two principal objects, which Mr Jay was instructed
to obtain, were a grant of aids in money and military sup-
plies from Spain, to assist in prosecuting the war against
the common enemy, and a treaty between Spain and the
United States. After encountering for more than two
years innumerable embarrassments, vexatious delays, cold
treatment, and a provoking indifference, that would have
exhausted the patience, if not ruffled the temper of most
men, he met with very little success in the former object,
and none at all in the latter. The Spanish Court seemed
nowise inclined to recognize tiie independence of the
United States, or to show them any substantial marks of
friendship, and yet there was evidently a willingness to
keep on terms, and be prepared to act according to the
issue of events. Tardy promises of money were made by
the Minister, which he was reluctant to fulfil, and it was
with extreme difficulty at last, that Mr Jay succeeded in
procuring from his Catholic Majesty the pitiful loan of one
hundred and fifty thousand dollars. In the treaty he
made no progress, but was put off from time to time, with
pretences as frivolous as they were insincere. He was
never received in his public capacity, nor in any other
character, than that of a private gentleman empowered
to act as Agent for the United States. In short, it must
be confessed, that the conduct of Spain, in regard to this
country during the revolutionary war, was not such as
to inspire the gratitude or respect of succeeding genera-
tions.
Meantime, on the 13th of June, 1781, Mr Jay was
chosen one of the Commissioners for negotiating a peace,
when the parlies at war should be prepared for such an
event. Having already made considerable progress with
167
Mr Oswald in the treaty, and being persuaded that the
British government were in earnest as to their professed
desire for peace, Dr Franklin wrote to Mr Jay requesting
him to repair to Paris, and join in the negotiation. He
arrived in that city on the 23d of June, 1782, and shortly
afterwards engaged in the duties of his commission with
his colleague. Mr Adams did not arrive till the 2Gth of
October. The preliminary articles were signed on the
30th of November.
Mr Jay continued in Europe the year following, and
signed, with the other Commissioners, the Definitive Trea-
ty, September 3d, 1783. Several months previously
he had asked permission to return home, but he did not
embark till June 1st, 1794. He arrived in New York
on the 24th of July following.
It having been understood that he would soon return,
Congress had elected him Secretary of Foreign Affairs on
the 7th of May, as successor to Mr Livingston, who had re-
signed some time before. He accepted this appointment,
and took charge of the office, which he filled with the
same dignity and ability, that had marked his conduct in
every public station.
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN JAY.
INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY, MINISTER FC ' NEGOTIAT-
ING A TREATY WITH SPAIN.
In Congress, September 29th, 1779.
Sir,
By the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian
Majesty and the United States of America, a power is re-
served to his Catholic Majesty to accede to the said
treaties, and to participate in their stipulations, at such
time as he shall judge proper, it being well understood,
nevertheless, that if any of the stipulations of the said
treaties are not agreeable to the Court of Spain, his Cath-
olic Majesty may propose other conditions analogous to
the principal aim of the alliance, and conformable to the
rules of equality, reciprocity, and friendship. Congress is
sensible of the friendly regard to these States manifested
by his Most Christian Majesty, in reserving a power to his
Catholic Majesty of acceding to the alliance entered into
between his Most Christian Majesty and these United
States; and, therefore, that nothing may be wanting on their
part to facilitate the views of his Most Christian Majesty,
and to obtain a treaty of alliance, and of amity and com-
vol. vn. 22
170 JOHN JAY.
merce with his Catholic Majesty, have thought proper to
anticipate any propositions, which his Cetholic Majesty
might make on that subject, by yielding up to him those
objects, which they conclude he may have principally in
view ; and for that purpose have come to the following
resolution ;
That if his Catholic Majesty shall accede to the said
treaties, and, in concurrence with France and the United
States of America, continue the present war with Great
Britain for the purpose expressed in the treaties aforesaid,
he shall not thereby be precluded from securing to himself
the Floridas ; on the contrary, if he shall obtain the Flori-
das from Great Britain, these United States will guaranty
the same to his Catholic Majesty ; provided always, that
the United States shall enjoy the free navigation of the
river Mississippi into and from the sea.
You are, therefore, to communicate to his Most Chris-
tian Majesty the desire of Congress to enter into a treaty
of alliance, and of amity and commerce with his Catholic
Majesty, and to request his favorable interposition for that
purpose. At the same time, you are to make such pro-
posal to his Catholic Majesty, as in your judgment, from
circumstances, will be proper for obtaining for the United
States of America equal advantages with those, which are
secured to them by the treaties with his Most Christian
Majesty ; observing always the resolution aforesaid as the
ultimatum of the United Stales.
You are particularly to endeavor to obtain some con-
venient port or ports below the thirtyfirst degree of north
latitude, on the river Mississippi, for all merchant vessels,
goods, wares, and merchandises, belonging to the inhabi-
tants of these States.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 171
The distressed state of our finances, and the great de-
preciation of our paper money, inclined Congress to hope
that his Catholic Majesty, if he shall conclude a treaty with
these States, will be induced to lend them money ; you
are, therefore, to represent to him the great distress of
these States on that account, and to solicit a loan of five
millions of dollars upon the best terms in your power, not
exceeding six per cent per annum, effectually to enable
them to co-operate with the allies against the common
enemy. But before you make any propositions to his
Catholic Majesty for a loan, you are to endeavor to obtain
a subsidy in consideration of the guarantee aforesaid.*
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 20th, 1779.
Sir,
This is the only opportunity of transmitting a letter to
Philadelphia since our arrival ; and as the route, which
this is to take, will be very circuitous and doubtful, it will
be short and general.
Having lost our bowsprit, all our masts, and many of
pur sails, as well as split our rudder, off the Banks of
Newfoundland, we steered for this Island, and arrived yes-
terday afternoon. The Governor and Admiral are at Port
Royal. They are informed of our being here, and I shall
see them either at this or that place, according as we shall
find it to be their intention to come to the one, or remain at
the other. Till then, it must continue doubtful, whether
we shall be able to obtain a passage in a French frigate, or
* The above is the form in vhich the instructions were reported
by a committee.
172 JOHN JAY -
speedily refit our own ; neither of which can be done with-
out the interposition of government.
Two days hence, a vessel will sail for St Eustatia. I
shall write more particularly by her, and it is more than
probable, that those letters will come to hand before this.
Yesterday, a fleet of twentyfive merchant-men under
the convoy of a frigate, bound from France to this place,
were attacked on the southern coast of Martinique, near
Port Royal, by a number of the enemy's ships of war
from St Lucia. Fourteen merchant-men were captured,
and two driven on shore. The rest escaped during a
very severe action between three line of battle ships under
Monsieur le Motte Piquet, (who went from Port Royal
to their relief) and double the number of the enemy.
This intelligence was communicated to me this morning by
the commanding officer here.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 22d, 1779.
Sir,
By a message received yesterday afternoon from the
Marquis de Boullie, I find there is no reason to expect
him or the Admiral here very soon. We shall, therefore,
set out for Port Royal early tomorrow morning, and en-
deavor to get our ship refitted as soon as possible. She
will follow us in a day or two, and, as the enemy's ships of
war are frequently cruising near the Island, she will go
under convoy ; four of them are now in sight of this town.
It seems agreed on all hands, that the expense of refit-
ting the Confederacy will be very considerable. To
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 173
reduce this matter to greater certainty, I have desired the
captain to make out an estimate of his wants ; he promised
to prepare it, and give me a copy this evening. If I re-
ceive it before nine o'clock, it will accompany this letter,
otherwise it will be transmitted by the next conveyance.
The agent here tells me, he is without cash, and in debt
on the public account. I fear he has been neglected. I
shall, however, defer saying anything further on his subject
till I shall be better informed. Should an opportunity
offer of writing to your Excellency from Port Royal, I
shall embrace it, if not, I shall take the first after my re-
turn. As the government here will, I hope, advance the
money necessary for preparing the frigate for sea, I am
anxious that you may have the earliest intelligence of it,
that timely provision may be made for the payment.
Of the fleet mentioned in my letter of the 20th instant,
only nine were taken or destroyed.
7 o'clock. — I had written thus far, when Captain Hard-
ing called upon me. He has made out an estimate of the
ship's wants, and given it to Mr Bingham, without having
made a copy for me, which it is now too late to do to go
by this vessel.
On our return from Port Royal, the captain will trans-
mit particular accounts of everything respecting the ship,
which he ought to communicate. He has been too much
engaged to prepare his despatches to go by this vessel,
and, therefore, postpones writing for the present, especially
as he would have leisure only to repeat the general ac-
count of our misfortune contained in my letter.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
174 J° HN JAY -
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 24th, 1779.
Sir,
My former letters to your Excellency of the 20th and
22d instant, (a triplicate of the former, and a duplicate of
the latter are herewith enclosed) have already informed
Congress of the disaster, which imposed upon us the neces-
sity of coming hither. But as that necessity has been and
still continues the subject of much inquiry and investigation,
it is proper that the facts from which it arose be minutely
stated.
On the 7th day of November last, between the hours of
five and six in the morning, in latitude 41 03 N. and lon-
gitude 50 39 W. the Captain being in bed indisposed, and
the master and second lieutenant on deck, the ship going
nine knots an hour in a brisk breeze and rough sea, but by
no means hard weather, her bowsprit and all her masts
gave way in less than three minutes. The day was em-
ployed in clearing the ship of the wreck, and getting up a
little sail ; towards evening a heavy gale came on. During
the night, the tiller was lashed fast, and she lay too very
well, the wind blowing hard at south east. The next
morning the shank of the rudder was found to be so much
wrenched and split, that the Captain then told me he
thought it a greater misfortune than the loss of the masts.
There were two French gentlemen on board, who, it was
said, and 1 believe with truth, were well skilled in mari-
time affairs, having been bred to that business from their
infancy, viz. Monsieur Roche, a Knight of the Order of St
Louis, and a Captain Remuy, of Marseilles. Either this day
or the, next, I am not certain which, M. Gerard remarked
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 175
to me, that without any previous counsel, it seemed to be
the unanimous opinion of all the naval officers on board
to go to the West Indies, and that he believed it would
be best, though he said he was at first inclined to oppose
it. The first expedient to steer the ship was by the cable
and a spar ; below the split in the rudder there was a bolt
with two rings, to which it had been intended to fix a chain
for the purpose of steering the ship in case of such acci-
dents, but the fixing the chains had been omitted ; through
this ring the Captain passed a chain, and .to each end of
it fastened a strong rope, which was conducted over the
quarters, and this was the second mode of steering her ;
but from the uncommon breadth of the rudder by which
its power became unusually great, and the acuteness of the
angle between it and the chains rendering a greater force
necessary than if it had approached nearer to a right angle ;
the bolt, though to appearance a good one, broke nearly in
the middle, and came out.
It seems the rudder of this ship was hung after she had
been launched, and that to do it the more easily, an eye-
bolt had been fixed in each side of the rudder below the
shank ; to these eyebolts two chains were then fixed,
which crossing the edge of the rudder in opposite direc-
tions, were fastened to pennants made of cordage, provided
for the breechings of our twelve pounders. These pen-
nants passed through blocks at the end of spars, run out of
the ports of the cabin. From thence they were led
through blocks in opposite ports of the main deck to the
capstan, by means of which they were very conveniently
managed, and the ship without much difficulty steered.
Such however was the force and wear they underwent
before our arrival in calmer latitudes and smoother seas,
176
JOHN JAV.
that they generally gave way every day or two ; and the
Captain tells me, no less than six hundred weight of that
cordage has been consumed in that service.
So great was the swell off the Banks, and so high,
though not severe the winds, that near a fortnight elapsed
before the ship was put in her present condition for sailing.
The same obstacles also retarded the repairing of the rud-
der, which after all was so weak that it was not thought
advisable to steer by the tiller, and to prevent any further
injury from its striking against the ship, which it constantly
did in calm weather, bags stuffed with oakum were placed
on each side of it, and a man employed night and day to
tend them.
Some days before the 23d day of November, the Cap-
tain told me, he thought it advisable to call a council of
his officers, and submit to their consideration the pro-
priety of continuing our course towards Europe. M. Ge-
rard shortly after mentioned to me the sitting of this coun-
cil, and said, he could assure me that the Chevalier Roche
and Monsieur Remuy would not give their opinions on the
subject but in writing, and on being requested to do it in
writing by the Captain. This intelligence appeared to me
extraordinary, but as it was not necessary that my senti-
ments relative to it should be known, I made no reply to
M. Gerard, but by degrees turned the conversation to
another subject ; nor did I give the least hint of it to the
Captain, but observed a perfect silence relative to it. It
appeared to me that those gentlemen either overrated their
importance, or entertained improper ideas of the merit of
our officers, and I confess it gave me pleasure to hear that
they were not consulted at all.
The council of officers was held the 23d of Novein-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 177
ber last. The Captain gave me their report, together with
a return of the provisions and water on board, and assured
me of his readiness to proceed to any port whatever, that
M. Gerard and myself should direct. I gave these pa-
pers to M. Gerard, and although I did not think it expe-
dient by consulting the French officers to give them rea-
son to suppose, that I concurred in sentiments with them
as to the importance of their opinions, yet I told M. Ge-
rard, I was well satisfied he should communicate to them
the report of our officers, and obtain their sentiments on
the question stated in it, and the better to enable him to
do it, I proposed that we should postpone the discussion
of the subject till the next day, or longer if necessary.
He took the papers, said it was very well, and that he
would speak to those gentlemen. A day or two after,
being on deck, M. Gerard took me aside and gave me
the papers, telling me that he had seen these gentlemen,
and that they both declined giving any opinion about it;
that they had always been, and still were, ready to do
anything for tUe benefit of the ship ; that had they been
requested to give their opinions while the matter was in
agitation, they would have done it ; that it was now over,
and determined ; that under these circumstances their
opinion would be of no avail, and that they did not choose,
by declaring their sentiments, either to confirm the report,
or give it ineffectual opposition. M. Gerard further inti-
mated, that those gentlemen seemed to think their giving
their advice in the course of our troubles had given offence
to the officers of the ship ; but I had never reason to think
their apprehensions well founded. Upon this conduct of
those gentlemen, I briefly observed to M. Gerard, that as
they were passengers, we had no right to demand their
vol. vn. 23
178 JOHN JAY
opinions, and that they had a right to withhold them, or
not, as they pleased, and for such reasons as they might
think proper ; but that as the Captain of the ship had
been directed by the marine committee to obey such or-
ders as he should receive from us, it was necessary that
in the present conjuncture we should decide on the re-
port ; that the Captain, in my opinion, would not be justi-
fiable in further pursuing his course against the solemn
and unanimous opinion of all the officers, unless by our
express orders ; and he would be culpable in changing it,
without a previous application to us for direction. M.
Gerard observed, that he was sensible of the honor done
him by the order alluded to, but that it was not conveni-
ent to him to give any opinion or direction on the sub-
ject. It did not appear to me prudent to reply to this,
and therefore I took the first opportunity of turning the
conversation to another topic. As this circumstance pre-
vented the Captain's receiving any positive orders from
us on the subject, he was of course left to pursue his own
judgment, but being desirous of my opinion, I gave it to
him, in the manner endorsed on the report of the council,
of which a copy is herewith enclosed.
The reasons on which this opinion was grounded are,
in part, contained in this report, but there were others not
mentioned in it. That Congress may the better judge of
their force, it is necessary that they be informed of some
previous circumstances.
The first fair day after losing our masts, I went to the
door of M. Gerard's room on the deck, which was open,
to bid him good morning. Chevalier Roche was with
him ; they were conversing on the course most proper for
us to steer, and the port most proper to make for. M.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 179
Gerard was for going to Cadiz ; he had an excellent set of
charts, and he had then one of the Atlantic Ocean, with its
American, European, and African Coasts, and the inter-
vening islands, before him. By the assistance of this
map we perfectly understood his reasoning. The Cheva-
lier at that time inclined to the West Indies, and I heard
him, on leaving the room, tell M. Gerard, that to endeavor
to get to Europe in the present condition of the ship,
would be to "run a very great risk of perishing in the
ocean." Some time after this, M. Gerard perceiving that I
had adopted no decided opinion on the subject, (and that
was really the case) in the course of an evening he spent
with us in the cabin, (none of the officers of the ship being
present) desired me to attend particularly to his several
reasons for going to Cadiz, and consider them maturely
before I made up my judgment. I promised him to do it,
and was as good as my word. He proceeded to observe;
1st. That the distance to Cadiz and to Martinique
differed but little, and that no weighty argument could be
drawn from this difference.
2dly. That between us and Cadiz lay the Western and
Canary Islands, into some one or other of which we might
run, if necessary.
3dly. That if, on our arrival at either of these Islands,
it should appear impracticable or imprudent to proceed
further, our persons at least would be safe, and we might
get to Europe in one of the many vessels, which frequent
those Islands ; whereas, on the other hand, there were no
Islands between us and Martinique, and we should, in
steering southward, be obliged to run all that dibiance
without finding any place by the way, at which we might
touch, or, in case of danger, find shelter.
180 J0HN JAY -
4thly. That if calmer seas were our object, we should
find them in going eastward as welbas southward ; that we
must not expect to meet with the trade winds at that
season but in a very remote southern latitude ; that in
crossing the latitude of Bermudas, we should meet with
heavy squalls, and bad weather ; that in the latitude be-
tween that and the trade winds, we must expect variable
winds, and particularly long calms, which are often more
dangerous, and more to be dreaded than hard winds.
5thly. That in a voyage to Cadiz, we should have
nothing to apprehend from the enemy, but to Martinique,
everything.
6lhly. That if we should arrive safe at Martinique, we
should probably be detained there until next Spring ; that
the vessels, which usually sail from thence for France
every fall, would have departed before the time we should
reach the Island ; that he had reason to believe it would
be very difficult, if not impracticable, to obtain a frigate,
and, among other reasons, urged the absence of Count
d'Estaing, and the improbability that any subordinate
officer would undertake without his orders to grant us one,
even admitting what was very unlikely, that one might be
spared from the service.
7thly. That the ship might remain long at Martinique
without being made ready for sea, for want of naval stores,
provisions, he.
These were M. Gerard's reasons for our steering for
Cadiz, by the way of the Azores, and I do not remember
to have afterwards heard an additional one. Whether the
French officers really thought them conclusive, or whether
they found it convenient to make a compliment of their
sentiments to a gentleman very able to serve them, is un-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. igl
certain ; but I believe they in appearance inclined to M.
Gerard's opinion, and gave him implied reasons to think
their sentiments corresponded with his.
The matter appeared to me in a serious light, and to re-
quire caution on many accounts. Every consideration
called me to Spain ; private as well as public good forbade
a difference with M. Gerard. I had reason to believe him
well disposed towards me ; I perceived, clearly, that he
could not with any patience admit the idea of being absent
from Europe at so important a season, and that he could
scarcely treat with common decency the reasons urged for
going to Martinique. Hence it appeared obvious, that
should I be the means of his losing his objects, or should
any public inconveniences result from our not being in Eu-
rope during the winter, I should be censured, not only by
him, but by all those who judge of the propriety of a meas-
ure only by its consequences, of which number are the far
greater part of mankind. Thus circumstanced, I found
myself in a very unpleasant situation, without any way of
extricating myself, but by agreeing to a sort of middle
proposal ; viz. to order the Captain to land us on
one of the Western Islands, and then leave the ship to
shift for herself. This would have satisfied M. Gerard,
and we should have been as good friends as ever. I
thought it my duty, however, to form my decision care-
fully and honestly, and abide by it firmly. It was that
we should proceed to Martinique. Some of the reasons
for it are set forth in the report of the council of officers.
The whole together were briefly these.
1st. That the officers of the ship, including the carpen-
ter, who were to be presumed to be better judges than M.
Gerard or myself, were of opinion, that we ought not to
182 JOHN JAY.
attempt to go to Europe, and had this reason stood single
and unexplained, I should not readily have ventured to
reject it, especially as it appeared to me against the inter-
est of the officers to come to the West Indies, and I have
heard them constantly and uniformly regret the necessity
of it ; but 1 also thought they decided on good grounds ;
for
2dly. The rudder daily gave us infinite trouble, almost
every day a pennant breaking, and on every such occasion
the ship for some lime left to the direction of the wind and
waves, a circumstance which might be fatal in hard weath-
er, and near land; the quantity of cordage consumed in this
way of steering; the doubt of our having sufficient for the
purpose without stripping the guns, which would thereby
be rendered useless; the rudder irons daily becoming more
and more loose, and, by the nails drawing out, opening a
passage for the water into the stem of the ship. By this
circumstance our bread had been damaged ; the danger
of our being obliged to get rid of the rudder entirely, and
steering only by the cable, which in northern seas, and
winter season, is very inadequate. This event would have
arrived in case either of the eye bolts in the rudder had
given way, as the first mentioned one had done, or the
upper irons become entirely loose ; and for this event it
was thought necessary to prepare, by removing the obsta-
cles to unhanging the rudder. Indeed the upper irons in
the course of our passage here, with fair winds and no
storms, became so loose as to render it necessary to lash
the head of the rudder with ropes to a bolt fixed for the
purpose in the cabin floor.
3dly. The sails we had left were bad, having been ori-
ginally made, as Mr Vaughan the second Lieutenant told
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 183
me, of damaged canvass ; they frequently split ; we had
none to replace them, nor a sufficient stock of twine to
mend them, eight pounds only being left of the twenty odd
we brought from Philadelphia ; nor were we much better
supplied with cordage, for which there was a daily demand
and some of which was very bad.
4thly. Our jury masts were not calculated for hard
weather, the foremast being sprung a few feet below the
top, and not able to endure a hard storm.
For these reasons the rough weather common in north-
ern latitudes was by all means to be avoided, and smooth
seas sought.
As to the conveniences to be derived from the Islands
laying between us and Cadiz, I took some pains to ex-
amine into that matter. We had maps and descriptions of
them all, and our master had been at many of them. I
found there was not a single harbor in any one of them
in which a ship could ride at anchor in every wind ; on
the contrary neither of them has anything more than open
roads, out of which it is necessary for ships to make the
best of their way, and put to sea whenever certain winds
blow, a task which our ship was very far from being in
condition to perform.
From this and other circumstances it was evident we
could not refit in either of those Islands, not even so much
as get a new rudder ; for admitting materials for the latter
could be had, yet such was the difficulty, if not impossi-
bility, of hanging it in an open road, from whence the ship
was every moment exposed to the necessity of going to
sea by an unfavorable wind, that we could expect to derive
no advantage from these Islands, except the prospect of
obtaining some refreshments, which we could do without,
184 J OHN JAY.
and the value of which would not have compensated for
the risk of approaching them in our condition.
As to the idea of our steering that course with a view of
being landed on one of those Islands, and from thence
going to Europe in another vessel, leaving our own to her
fate, no earthly consideration could ever have reconciled
me to it. The reasoning which was insisted on, that our
being seasonably in Europe was of more importance to
the United States than a frigate, and that in time of war,
and for the public good, lives were to be risked by sea as
well as by land, was a species of reasoning which applied
to this case led to conclusions, which never have been,
and I pray God never may be, among my principles of
action. Had this plan of being landed on one of the
Azores or Canaries been adopted, we should have either
landed the crew with us or not j if the first, the frigate
would have heen given to destruction. This appeared to
me inconsistent with the public good, because, if we reach-
ed Martinique, I had no doubt of a passage, and my arrival
in France eight weeks sooner or later did not appear to
me of equal importance to the United States with the frig-
ate. Had the crew been left on board, it must have been
with a view of saving the ship, either by her reaching Eu-
rope or the West Indies. The probability of her effecting
either became then a most important question, as the lives
of between two and three hundred Americans depended
on the event. Against it were opposed the dangers of the
seas, and the want of provisions j the former would have
increased with the approach of winter, and therefore the
longer the ship was detained to the northward, the more
she had to suffer, and to fear. The frigate after having
landed us on either of the Islands, must either have gone
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 185
on towards Europe, or endeavored to get to the West
Indies.
All the considerations abovementioned opposed the first,
and whoever compares the time necessary for a voyage for
a ship under jury masts, and almost without a rudder, from
the banks of Newfoundland to the Azores or Canaries,
and from thence to the West Indies, with our stock of pro-
visions, will find them inadequate to the purpose, and be
convinced of the cruelty of subjecting one's fellow citizens
to such extremities. For these reasons I positively refused
to join in this system.
As to the position in favor of going to Europe, that we
should find the seas calmer as we advanced eastward,
equally as we went southward, all the officers of the ship
testified against it, nor would they admit that we had as
much to dread from calms as from hard gales. The sup-
posed difficulty of obtaining a passage from Martinique
made but little impression on me. I could not suppose
the Islands left unprotected by ships of war, or that the
commanding officer would refuse to order a frigate on this
service, if M. Gerard would represent it to be of importance,
which I was sure he would do. How long our ship might
be refitting here was not to be ascertained, but I could not
prevail upon myself to believe, that the King of France
would keep so considerable a fleet in those seas, without
providing for the usual accidents they would be exposed
to from the sea and the enemy. At the worst the ship
would be in a safe port, and among a people bound by
treaties and by interest to afford aid and protection, at
least until Congress should be informed of her situation,
and have an opportunity of providing for her wants. As
to ourselves, in case we meet with the imagined difficulties
vol. vn. 24
IQQ JOHN JAY.
respecting a passage, it would be easy by passing over to
St Eustatia to get very safely in a Dutch ship to Holland.
On these reasons the advice I gave to the captain to
come here was founded. I thought them right then, and
was daily more and more confirmed in an opinion of their
propriety. In the course of our run here, we had all the
way fine, fair breezes ; and, except in the latitude of Ber-
muda, smooth seas and scarce any calms. The night be-
fore we made the land, it was thought proper to lay the
ship too, after the moon set, which was between twelve
and one o'clock, and she continued in that position only
four hours and a half. Such, however, was the effect of it
upon the rudder, and so much damage did it receive from
it, that had the ship continued as much longer in the same
state, it was agreed on all sides, that the rudder would
have been rendered useless.
M. Gerard, hurt by being disappointed in his expecta-
tion of being seasonably in France, and perhaps mortified
at my preferring my own sentiments to his, ceased to ob-
serve that cordiality and frankness, which had before at-
tended his conduct towards me. Nay, he once went so
far as to tell me I had my reasons for coming here. I
appeared not to understand him, and continued to endeavor
to render the conversation as light and general as possible.
This was a tax imposed on my feelings by regard to public
good ; as a private man, I should have acted differently.
Thus matters continued till about ten or twelve days
before our arrival here, when M. Gerard observed to me
in the presence of the captain, that it was time to think
which side of the island of Martinique it would be most
prudent for the ship to go, the north or south side, and
proceeded to state the reasons which ought to induce us to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 137
prefer the north ; particularly, that in the present condition
of the ship, she would if she went to the south side be in
great danger of running by the island to the leeward ; for
that as we might expect the wind at northeast, she would
not be able to lay sufficiently close to the wind, to reach
Port Royal or St Pierre's ; besides, that she would be in
danger of calms, and being in sight of St Lucia, would be
exposed to the enemy's ships of war, without having reason
to expect succor from any French ships of war ; none of
which, he said, cruised off the eastern part of the island,
between Martinique and St Lucia. He then showed the
advantages of going the other side, by an enumeration of
many circumstances, of which I have notes, but which it
would be too tedious to mention. The obvious meaning
of all this appeared to me to be, that we should direct the
captain to go to the -northward of the island ; but as I
neither thought myself authorised, nor found myself in-
clined to interfere with the particular navigation of the ship,
to which I was not competent, I only observed to M. Ge-
rard, that his reasoning appeared to me to have weight ;
that it was a subject I did not understand, but that I thought
his observations merited attention. On this the captain
remarked, and I thought with propriety, that it was impos-
sible to determine on which side of the island it would be
best to go, until we were at or near the parting point, for
that circumstances at present unforeseen might render that
way rash, which we might now think prudent ; for instance,
an unexpected change in the wind, or the appearance of an
enemy. He therefore thought a decision of the question
improper, till we arrived off the eastern part of the island.
This appeared to me so perfectly reasonable, that I thought
no more about the matter, and I did not suspect that M.
188 JOHN JAY.
Gerard would have felt any further anxiety about it ; but
it nevertheless so happened, that in the afternoon of the
14th instant, there was a conversation in the cabin relative
to a wager, which of the two we should see first, land or a
sail. In the course of this conversation, M. Gerard ob-
served, that it would depend on our going on the north or
south side of the island, and insensibly leaving the subject
of the wager, proceeded minutely to recapitulate his rea-
sons for the one, and his objections to the other. In the
progress of this disquisition, he grew warmer and warmer,
and at length addressing himself more particularly to the
captain, said, he was surprised that those facts and ob-
servations should meet with so little attention ; that he
owed it to his conscience and personal safety to mention
and enforce them, and that he should represent the whole
matter to his Court, &tc. The captain repeated what he
had before said relative to the impropriety of deciding on
which side of the island we were to go, until we had made
the land, observed whether any vessels were on the coast,
and knew how the wind would be. He then questioned
some matters relative to the navigation round the island, on
which M. Gerard had insisted.
For my own part, as the subject was so serious, I wished
to be informed of some others, which appeared to me to
want explanation. The captain had informed me, that the
master had been at the taking of Martinique last war, and
was well acquainted with its bays, harbors, and coasts. I
desired the captain to send for the master, which was im-
mediately done. On this, M. Gerard more animated than
usual, said, he pretended to no extraordinary knowledge on
the subject, but that he had made inquiries, and was satis-
fied with the opinion he had given ; then repeated what he
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPOxNDEiNCE. 139
had before said, about his conscience, personal safety, and
Court, and was opening the door to go on deck, when I
asked him if he would not stay, and hear what the master
had to say. He said, no, he did not want to hear any-
thing farther about it ; he had done his duty in delivering
what he had to us, and we might do as we pleased about
the matter. 1 made no reply, but proceeded to examine
the master, and one of the lieutenants. On the whole it
did not appear to me necessary, but on the contrary invid-
ious to give the captain any positive orders on the subject ;
nor did I enter into any farther conference respecting it
with M. Gerard. I knew that no good would result from
altercation, and that the best way of treating unreasonable
propositions, cavalierly dictated, was silently to go my own
way, uninfluenced by them.
This last business rendered M. Gerard still more dissatis-
fied with me. We observed, nevertheless, and still observe
great politeness towards each other, but it proceeds more
from the head than the heart. On coming ashore, I flat-
tered myself we should have left all these controversies
behind us ; but this city was soon entertained with them.
The opinions of French officers were taken by M. Gerard
about the sufficiency of the rudder to have gone to Europe;
thf question about the northern and southern navigation
was stated and agitated. M. Gerard claims the merit of
having saved the ship, by having, as he insinuates, dragged
us into the measure of taking the northern passage, he. he.
As we are safe in the harbor, these matters are now of no
consequence, and therefore I constantly avoid the subject.
How they may be represented at Philadelphia is of some
moment, and therefore it appears to me expedient to trou-
ble myself and Congress with this narration.
190 JOHN JAY.
I cannot conclude (his letter without expressing my sat-
isfaction with the attention and politeness observed by the
captain and other officers towards the passengers, as far at
least as my knowledge extends.
1 have the honor to be, he.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 25th, 1779.
Sir,
As singular instances of humanity and patriotism always
merit, and sometimes meet with public notice, I take the
liberty of transmitting to Congress a copy of the Rev. Mr
Keith's narrative of the conduct of a Mrs Smith, at New
York, to the Americans there, who had been taken at Fort
Washington.
Conversing, while at sea, with Mr Keith (our chaplain,
who had been one of those prisoners) respecting the cruel-
ties exercised towards them by the enemy, and the manner
in which they were treated by the inhabitants of the city, he
mentioned the behavior of this Mrs Smith ; whose conduct
appeared to me so remarkably liberal, disinterested, and
christianlike, that I desired him to commit it to paper, with
a design to enclose it to your Excellency. I know nothing
more of this woman than what Mr Keith told me ; but, as
from his profession and character I am induced to credit
what he says, I transmit this account of her, that if, on fur-
ther inquiry, it be found to be just, Congress may have an
opportunity of saving from poverty and distress a widow,
who generously divested herself of a decent maintenance,
and applied it to the relief of many citizens and servants of
the United States, who were then gloriously enduring the
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 191
most extreme cruelties, for their faithful attachment to the
rights of their country and mankind.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 25th, 1779,
Sir,
I have done, what perhaps I shall be blamed for, hut
my pride as an American, and my feelings as a man, were
not on this occasion to he resisted. The officers of the
Confederacy were here without money, or the means of
getting any. The idea of our officers being obliged to
sneak, as they phrase it, from the company of French offi-
cers, for fear of running in debt with them for a bottle of
wine, or a bowl of punch, because not able to pay for their
share of the reckoning, was too humiliating to be tolerable,
and too destructive to that pride and opinion of indepen-
dent equality, which I wish to see influence all our officers.
Besides, some of them wanted necessaries too much to be
comfortable, or, in this country, decent. In a word, I
have drawn on the fund, pointed out for the payment of
part of my salary, for one hundred guineas in their favor.
to be divided among them according to their respective
ranks. Indeed, it would have given me pleasure to have
done something towards covering the nakedness of the
crew ; but the expense I have been put to by coming
here, and the preparations for another voyage, would not
admit of it.
I have the honor to be, Stc.
JOHN JAY.
192 JOHN JA7.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 2Cth, 1779.
Sir,
On our arrival here, M. Gerard told me that he was about
to write to the Governor and Admiral at Port Royal, and
asked me whether I also chose to write, or would leave to
him the necessary communication ; offering to mention to
them whatever I might desire. As I was well satisfied
that he should take the lead in the business, I replied, that
I was obliged to him, but did not think it necessary for
him to communicate anything to those gentlemen from
me, except our arrival, and the confidence I had in their
readiness to afford us aid.
I thought it would have been improper to apply for a
passage in one of their ships, till I know in what time our
own could be refitted, and on this subject it appeared to
me most advisable, that application should be made by our
agent here ; and that I should reserve all interference, till
it should be rendered necessary by obstacles. Mr Bing-
ham accordingly wrote without delay to the Governor,
and had immediate and full assurances of his readiness to
afford us every aid in his power. Nothing now remained
to be ascertained, but the time in which the repairs could
be made, and this depended on the state of their naval
stores.
Mr Bingham went with us to Port Royal, on a visit to
the officers of government, (a compliment paid them by
all strangers.) The Governor again assured him, that
everything should be done for the ship that was possible,
and some orders were given for the purpose. This
passed, I believe, without M. Gerard's knowledge. About
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 193
two hours after our arrival at Port Royal, he took me
aside, observed that great difficulties and delays would at-
tend the Confederacy's refitting there ; that there were no
masts or spars in store, and the expectation of supplies un-
certain ; that an old mast of a merchant-man had been
purchased for one of their ships of war, and that a main
yard for another had been made' of four pieces for want
of a proper spar, and, after some general hints about ex-
penses, provision, &,c. proposed, that the frigate should be
provided with a new rudder, and proceed to America to
refit. I objected, that, contrary to our expectations, the
English had an acknowledged superiority in these seas ;
that three French frigates were at that instant flying from
four ships of the line, which were in full chase of them ;
that a frigate under jury masts would find no safety in
flight ; that it would be more prudent for Captain Hard-
ing to remain here without being refitted, till he could get
materials and supplies from America, or receive orders
from Congress, than expose his ship to such imminent
danger, and, therefore, that I could not possibly come into
the measure he proposed.
M. Gerard replied, that she might be convoyed to sea
by the French squadron here j but this required no an-
swer. It was not to be supposed, that the French squad-
ron, which, in their present state of inferiority, choose to
keep their eyes constantly on Port Royal, would expose
themselves to very unequal combat, for no higher object
than that of convoying the Confederacy seventy or eighty
leagues off the coast, or, that if they did, she would then
be out of that degree of danger, to which no ship in her
condition ought to be exposed. Besides, I could not
reconcile it to the wisdom of France long to leave their
vol. vii. 25
194 JOHN JAY.
fleet here destitute of naval stores, or to disgust their allies
by a conduct neither just nor politic. We agreed to leave
the matter till the next day, when we expected to see the
Admiral ; but in an hour or two afterwards the Admiral
came in ; and a very little time elapsed when the Gover-
nor, and shortly after M. Gerard told me, the "whole ar-
rangement was completed ; that the same attention should
be paid to the Confederacy as if she had been a French
frigate, and that the Aurora, of thirty odd guns, should
carry us to France." The fact is, that the officers of gov-
ernment in general, and the Governor in particular, are
strongly attached to everything that is American.
Our agent here is in high estimation. 1 really believe,
from everything I hear, that he has done his duty faith-
fully, and that he well deserves the notice and approbation
of Congress. This leads me to take the liberty of re-
marking, that it would, probably, be much for the public
interest, if Congress were to pay off all private debts due
from them to subjects of France, and have none but
national engagements with that kingdom. The debts un-
avoidably contracted here, for the outfit of the Deane, &c
ought certainly to be paid. Our credit and reputation
suffer from such delay. We sail tomorrow morning, at
six o'clock.
I have the honor to be, &ic.
JOHN JAY.
TO ARTHUK LEE.
Cadiz, January 26th, 1780.
Sir,
As a knowledge of the measures you may have taken
and the information you may have acquired, relative to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 195
the objects of your commission from the United States
of America to conclude treaties with his Catholic Maj-
esty, would probably enable me with greater facility and
advantage to execute the duties of my appointment, per-
mit me, Sir, to request the favor of you to communicate
the same to me in such manner as you may judge most
prudent.
1 have in my possession some letters directed to you ;
they are voluminous, and probably contain printed papers.
They may also be confidential and important to you.
Under these circumstances I can only judge of your
inclination by what would be my own in a similar situa-
tion. 1 should wish that they might be detained till I
could have an opportunity of directing the manner of their
conveyance. Upon this principle they shall remain among
my papers till I receive your orders what to do with
them.*
I am, Sir, he.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Cadiz, January 27th, 1760.
Sir,
It is with very sensible pleasure that I commence a cor-
respondence with a Minister, of whose disposition and
abilities to promote the happiness of my country we have
received repeated proofs, and on a subject that affords
His Most Christian Majesty an opportunity of perceiving
the desire and endeavors of the United States to be-
* Seethe answer to this letter in Arthur Lee's t 'onespondence.
Vol. II. p. 27G.
196 JOHN JAY.
come cordial and steadfast friends and allies to an illustri-
ous branch of his royal house.
By the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian
Majesty and the United States of America, His Most
Christian Majesty, in consequence of his intimate union
with the King of Spain, did expressly reserve to his Cath-
olic Majesty the power of acceding to the said treaties,
and to participate in their stipulations at such time as he
should judge proper. It being well understood, neverthe-
less, that if any of the said stipulations should not be agree-
able to the King of Spain, his Catholic Majesty might pro-
pose other conditions analogous to the principal aim of the
alliance, and conformable to the rules of equity, reciproc-
ity, and friendship. And the Deputy of the said States,
empowered to treat with Spain, did promise to sign, on
the first requisition of his Catholic Majesty, the act or acts
necessary to communicate to him the stipulations of the
treaties abovementioned, and to endeavor in good faith the
adjustment of the points in which the King of Spain might
propose any alteration, conformable to the principles of
equality, reciprocity, and perfect amity.
But as the above reservation has always been no less
agreeable to the United States than to their great and
good ally, both considerations conspired in inducing them
to make the 6rst advances towards attaining the object of it.
And, therefore, instead of waiting till the requisitions men-
tioned in the said article should be made, they have thought
proper to assure his Most Catholic Majesty, not only of
their readiness to comply with the terms of it, but of their
desire to obtain his confidence and alliance, by carrying
it immediately into execution on the most liberal princi-
ples. Trusting also that the same wise reasons which
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 197
induced his Most Christian Majesty to give birth to the
said article, would lead him to facilitate the endeavors of
his allies to execute it, they resolved that their desire to
enter into the said treaties should be communicated to his
Majesty, and that his favorable interposition should be
requested.
The more fully to effect these purposes, the Congress
were pleased, in September last, to do me the honor of
appointing me their Minister Plenipotentiary, and, in pur-
suance of this appointment, I sailed from America for
France on the 26th of October last, with M. Gerard, who
was so obliging as to wait till I could embark in the frig-
ate assigned for his service. After being thirteen days at
sea, the frigate was dismasted, and her rudder so much
damaged that it was thought imprudent to proceed on our
voyage. We therefore steered for Martinique, and arrived
thereon the 18th of December. I cannot, on this occa-
sion, forbear expressing my warmest acknowledgments for
the very polite attention and hospitality with which we
were received and treated, both by the officers of govern-
ment and many respectable inhabitants of that island. We
left Martinique on the 28th day of the same month, in the
Aurora, in which I expected to have gone to Toulon,
but on touching at this place, it appeared that the further
prosecution of our voyage had become impracticable with-
out running risks that could not be justified.
Thus circumstanced, the respect due to his most Cath-
olic Majesty demanded an immediate communication of
my appointment and arrival, which I had the honor to
make in a letter to his Excellency, Don Joseph Galvez,
of the Council of his Catholic Majesty, and general Secre-
tary of State for the Department of the Indies, of which
the enclosed is a copy.
193 JOHN JAY.
, Will you, therefore, Sir, be so obliging as to lay this cir-
cumstance before his Most Christian Majesty, and permit
me through your Excellency to assure him of the desire
of Congress to enter into a treaty of alliance, and of amity
and commerce with his Catholic Majesty, and to request
his favorable interposition for that purpose ?
I am happy in being able to assure you, that the United
States consider a cordial union between France, Spain
and them as a very desirable and most important object,
and they view the provision, which his Most Christian
Majesty has made for it by the abovementioned article,
not only as evinsive of his attention to his royal ally, but
of his regard to them.
Under these views and these impressions, they are most
sincerely disposed, by the liberality and candor of their
conduct, to render the proposed treaties speedy in their
accomplishment, and perpetual in their duration.
Your Excellency will receive this letter by M. Gerard,
who is so obliging as to take charge of it, and to whom the
Congress have been pleased to give such ample testimo-
nies of their esteem and confidence, as to enable him to
exert his talents with great advantage on every occasion
interesting to them.
I cannot conclude without indulging myself in the pleas-
ure of acknowledging how much we are indebted to the
politeness and attention of the Marquis de La Flolte, and
the other officers of the Aurora, during the course of our
voyage.
With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to
be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. [Qf)
TO DON JOSEPH GALVEZ, MINISTER OF THE SPANISH
COURT.
Cadiz, January 27th, 1780.
Sir,
Permit me through your Excellency to have the honor
of representing to his most Catholic Majesty, that on the
sixth day of February, 1778, the respective Plenipoten-
tiaries of his most Christian Majesty, and the United States
of America, by whom the treaties now subsisting between
them were concluded, did make and subscribe a secret
article in the words following, viz.
"The Most Christian King declares, in consequence of
the intimate union which subsists between him and the
King of Spain, that in concluding with the United States
of America this treaty of amity and commerce, and that
of eventual and defensive alliance, his Majesty had intend-
ed, and intends to reserve expressly, as he reserves by this
present separate and secret act, to his Catholic Majesty,
the power of acceding to the said treaties and to participate
in their stipulations, at such time as he shall judge proper.
It being well understood, nevertheless, that if any of the
stipulations of the said treaties are not agreeable to the
King of Spain, his Catholic Majesty may propose other
conditions analagous to the principal aim of the alliance,
and conformable to the rules of equality, reciprocity and
friendship. The deputies of the United States, in the
name of their constituents, accept the present declaration
to its full extent ; and the deputy of the said States, who
is fully empowered to treat with Spain, promises to sign,
on the first requisition of his Catholic Majesty, the act or
acts necessary to communicate to him the stipulations of
200 JOHN JAY.
the treaties above written. And the said deputy shall en-
deavor, in good faith, the adjustment of the points in which
the King of Spain may propose any alteration, conforma-
ble to the principles of equality, reciprocity, and perfect
amity ; he the said deputy not doubting but the person or
persons, empowered by his Catholic Majesty to treat with
the United States, will do the same widi regard to any
alterations of the same kind, that may be thought neces-
sary by the said Plenipotentiary of the United States."
The Congress willing to manifest their readiness fully
to comply with an article, which they have reason to believe
particularly agreeable to their great and good ally, and
being desirous of establishing perpetual amity and harmony
with a Prince and nation whom they greatly respect, and
with whom various circumstances lead them to wish for
the most cordial and permanent friendship, have thought
proper to request his most Catholic Majesty to accede to
the said treaties, and thereby preclude the necessity of
that measure's originating in the manner specified in the
article. For this purpose they have done me the honor
to appoint me Minister Plenipotentiary, and directed me
to communicate to his Most Christian Majesty the desire
of Congress on this subject, and to request his favorable
interposition. They also made it my duty to give his
Most Catholic Majesty the fullest assurances of their sin-
cere disposition to cultivate his friendship and confidence ;
and authorised me, in their behalf, to enter into such treaties
of alliance, amity, and commerce, as would become the
foundations of perpetual peace to Spain and the United
States, and the source of extensive advantages to both.
Thus commissioned I embarked without delay on board
the frigate, which had been appointed to carry the Sieur
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 201
Gerard to France, and saiied with him for that kingdom,
from Pennsylvania, on the 26th day of October last.
But after having been thirteen days at sea, the frigate
was dismasted, and her rudder so greatly injured, as to
oblige us to alter our course and steer for Martinique.
We arrived there on the 18th day of December last ; and
sailed from thence on the 28th day of the same month in
a French frigate which was bound to Toulon, but had
orders to touch at this port for intelligence. We arrived
here the 22d instant, and received information of recent
events, which rendered the further prosecution of our
voyage too hazardous to be prudent.
Providence having thus been pleased to bring me direct-
ly to Spain, the respect due to his most Catholic Majesty
forbids me to postpone communicating to him my appoint-
ment and arrival ; and the same motive will induce me
to remain here till he shall be pleased to signify to me his
pleasure. For although nothing would afford me more
sensible pleasure, than the honor of presenting to his Maj-
esty the despatches, which I am charged by Congress to
deliver to him, yet on this, as on every other occasion, it
shall be my study to execute the trust reposed in me, in
the manner most pleasing to his Majesty, agreeable to the
true intent and meaning of the article abovementioned.
And that his most Christian Majesty may have the high-
est evidence of the intention and desire of Congress fully
and faithfully to execute this article, I shall immediately do
myself the honor of communicating the same, together
with my appointment and arrival ; and I flatter myself, that
the request of Congress for his favorable interposition, will
meet with the same friendly attention, which he has uni-
formly extended to all their concerns, and of which I am
vol. vii. 26
202 JOHN JAY.
too sensible not to derive the highest satisfaction from ac-
knowledging it on every occasion.
Mr Carmichael, my Secretary, will have the honor of
delivering this despatch to your Excellency, as well as of
giving every information in his power to afford. This gen-
tleman was a member of Congress at the time of his ap-
pointment, and will be able more fully to express the ardor
with which the United States desire to establish a union
with France and Spain, on principles productive of such
mutual attachment and reciprocal benefits, as to secure to
each the blessings of uninterrupted tranquillity.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration and
respect, he.
JOHN JAY.
P. S. I do myself the honor of transmitting to your
Excellency, herewith enclosed, a copy of my letter to his
Excellency the Count de Vergennes.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Cadiz, January 27th, 1780.
Sir,
This morning M. Gerard set out from this city for
France, and Mr Carmichael, charged with despatches from
me to the Spanish Ministry, accompanies him as far as
Madrid.
We arrived here the 22d inst. and I have been so much
engaged ever since in preparing letters, &c. as not to have
an opportunity of writing circumstantially to your Excel-
lency by Captain Proctor, who I am told is to sail early
in the morning for the Delaware or Chesapeake.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 203
We left Martinique on the 28th of December, in the
Aurora frigate, bound to Toulon. On touching here for
intelligence we were informed, that the enemy had ac-
quired a decided superiority in the Mediterranean, and that
the coast was infested by their cruisers, all of whom we
had fortunately escaped. Hence it became improper for
me to proceed to France by water, and it would in my
opinion have been indelicate, and therefore imprudent to
have passed silently through this kingdom to that, for the
purpose of making a communication to his most Christian
Majesty, which could be fully conveyed by paper. On
this subject I shall take the liberty of making a few further
remarks in a future letter.
Congress will be enabled to judge of the propriety and
plan of my conduct, from the papers herewith enclosed,
viz. a copy of a letter to M. Galvez, the Spanish Minis-
ter ; a copy of a letter to the Count de Vergennes ; of
both these 1 have sent copies to Dr Franklin ; a copy
of a letter to Mr Arthur Lee ; and a copy of my instruc-
tions to Mr Carmichael.
It is in pursuance of what appears to me to be my duty,
that I shall render frequent, particular, and confidential ac-
counts of my proceedings to Congress. I flatter myself
care will be taken to prevent the return of them to Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
INSTRUCTIONS TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
Cadiz, January 27th, 1780.
You will proceed to Madrid with convenient expedition,
and if M. Gerard, with whom you set out, should travel
204 J0HN JAY
too deliberately, I advise you to go on before him. The
propriety of this, however, will depend much on circum-
stances, and must be determined by your own discretion.
On delivering my letter to M. Galvez, it would be
proper to intimate, that I presumed it would be more
agreeable to him to receive my despatches from you, who
could give him information on many matters about which
he might choose to inquire, than in the ordinary modes of
conveyance. And it may not be amiss to let him know,
that his not receiving notice of our arrival from me by M.
Gerard's courier, was owing to a mistake between that
gentleman and me.
Treat the French Ambassador with great attention and
candor, and that degree of confidence only, which pru-
dence, and the alliance between us may prescribe. In
your conversations with people about the Court, impress
them with an idea of our strong attachment to France ;
yet, so as to avoid permitting them to imbibe an opinion of
our being under the direction of any counsels but our own.
The former will induce them to think well of our con-
stancy and good faith, the latter, of our independence and
self respect.
Discover, if possible, whether the Courts of Madrid and
Versailles entertain, in any degree, the same mutual dis-
gusts, which we are told prevail at present between the
two nations, and be cautious when you tread on this deli-
cate ground. It would also be useful to know who are
the King's principal confidants, and the trains leading to
each.
To treat prudently with any nation, it is essential to
know the state of its revenues. Turn your attention,
therefore, to this object, and endeavor to learn whether the
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 205
public expenditures consume their annual income, or
whether there be any, and what overplus or deficiency,
and the manner in which the former is disposed of, or the
latter supplied.
If an opportunity should offer, inform yourself as to the
regulations of the press at Madrid, and, indeed, throughout
the kingdom ; and the particular character of the person
at the head of that department. Endeavor to find some
person of adequate abilities and knowledge in the two lan-
guages, to translate English into Spanish with propriety,
and, if possible, elegance. I wish also to know, which of
the religious orders, and the individuals of it, are most es-
teemed and favored at Court.
Mention, as matter of intelligence, rather than in the
way of argument, the cruelties of the enemy, and the in-
fluence of that conduct on the passions of Americans.
This will be the more necessary, as it seems we are sus-
pected of retaining our former attachments to Britain.
In speaking of American affairs, remember to do justice
to Virginia, and the western country near the Missis-
sippi. Recount their achievements against the savages,
their growing numbers, extensive settlements, and aversion
to Britain, for attempting to involve them in the horrors of
an Indian war. Let it appear also from your representa-
tions, that ages will be necessary to settle those extensive
regions.
Let it be inferred from your conversation, that the ex-
pectations of America, as to my reception and success, are
sanguine ; that they have been rendered the more so by
the suggestions of persons generally supposed to speak
from authority, and that a disappointment would be no less
unwelcome than unexpected.
206 J0HN JAY
I am persuaded, that "pains will be taken to delay my
receiving a decided answer as to my reception, until the
sentiments of France shall be known. Attempts will also
be made to suspend the acknowledgment of our indepen-
dence, on the condition of our acceding to certain terms of
treaty. Do nothing to cherish either of these ideas ; but,
without being explicit, treat the latter in a manner ex-
pressive of regret and apprehension, and seem to consider
my reception as a measure, which we hoped would be im-
mediately taken, although the business of the negotiation
might be postponed till France could have an opportunity
of taking the steps she might think proper on the occasion.
You will offer to transmit to me any despatches, which
M. Galvez may think proper to confide to you ; or to re-
turn with them yourself, if more agreeable to him.
You will be attentive to all other objects of useful in-
formation, such as the characters, views, and connexions of
important individuals ; the plan of operations for the next
campaign ; whether any, and what secret overtures have
been made by Britain to France, or Spain, or by either of
them to her, or each other ; whether any of the other
powers have manifested a disposition to take a part in the
war ; and whether it is probable that any, and which of
them, will become mediators for a general peace, and on
what plan. If the war should continue, it would be ad-
vantageous to know whether Spain means to carry on any
serious operations for possessing herself of the Floridas,
and banks of the Mississippi, &.c. &tc. he.
Although I have confidence in your prudence, yet per-
mit me to recommend to you the greatest circumspection.
Command yourself under every circumstance ; on the one
hand, avoid being suspected of servility, and on the other,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 207
let your temper be always even, and your attention unre-
mitted.
You will oblige me by being very regular and circum-
stantial in your correspondence, and commit notbing of a
private nature to paper unless in cypher.
JOHN JAY.
WILLIAM CAUMICHAEL TO JOHN' JAY.
Madrid, February loth, 1780
Dear Sir,
T arrived in this city late in the evening of the 11th,
after a tedious and disagreeable journey. The next day,
although much indisposed, I waited on the French Am-
bassador, who had, by a message over night, requested M.
Gerard to engage me to dinner. I was received by him
and all his family in the most friendly manner, and was
offered every service in his power, to render us without
those personal professions, which give birth to many un-
meaning words and more suspicion. Indeed, I have nei-
ther expressions nor time to represent the apparent candor
and liberality of bis sentiments. He entered fully into the
good disposition of his Court, and informed me, that the
King, as a further proof of his friendship for us, had
agreed to pay us annually the additional sum of three
millions of livres during the continuance of the war, in
order to enable us to purchase the necessaries for our
army, &c. &tc. and that his Majesty had also determined
to send a considerable marine and land force early in the
year to America, to be at -the disposition and under the
direction of our General. Seventeen sail of the line,
and four thousand troops, are also to be sent to the West
208 JUHJN JAY -
Indies, if they have not already sailed. Judge after this, if
attention, candor, and apparent unreservedness, were not
the more necessary on my part.
On inquiring, 1 found that M. Galvez was at the Pardo,
about two leagues from Madrid, where the King resides at
present, and in the course of conversation discovered, that
the proper channel of address ought to have been through
the Count de Florida Blanca.
The Ambassador offered to introduce me, but as this
could not be done with propriety without previous appli-
cation, he undertook to make it the day following, and to
fix the time for my reception by both, and I think the man-
ner will be the sole difficulty.
Among other circumstances, which induce this conclu-
sion, is the certain knowledge I have obtained, that M.
Mirales received instructions several months past to enter
into engagements with Congress, to take into pay a body
of troops to assist in the conquest of Florida. Your own
good sense will point out the use, which may be made of
this intelligence. It answers to one point of the instruc-
tions, which I had the honor to receive from you. The
short time I have been in this city has not hitherto given
me an opportunity of writing so circumstantially as I could
wish, in the matters abovementioned, and much less of giv-
ing a decided opinion on many objects contained in your
instructions. I find, however, hitherto no difficulty in ac-
quiring in time a knowledge on most of the subjects re-
commended to my attention.
I have reason to believe, that the same disgusts do not
subsist between the Crowns as between the nations, but
the most perfect harmony and good understanding.
1 have been positively assured, and from good authority,
that no overtures have been made for peace.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 209
The Dutch are arming, which is a circumstance in our
favor, as their preparations originate from their discontent
with England, on account of the late affair of the convoy.
Mr Harrison is here, and proposes to proceed to Cadiz
next week, which will furnish me a good opportunity of
writing to you. I enclose you the last paper received from
America ; the people were in high spirits, and everything
in a good state in the beginning of January.
I cannot conclude without mentioning the very polite
manner in which the French Ambassador offered his per-
sonal civilities in everything, that depended on him, to be
useful to you in this place.
M. Gerard will write to you himself, yet I must do him
the justice to mention his personal kindness to me, and the
candid representations he has made in every public com-
pany here of the prosperous situation of our affairs.
I have the honor to be, &tc.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Cadiz, February 20th, 1780.
Sir,
The papers herewith enclosed are duplicates of those,
which I had the honor of transmitting to your Excellency
by Captain Desaussure. As yet I have received no intel-
ligence from Madrid, owing 1 believe to the extreme bad-
ness of the roads.
When at Martinique, 1 informed Congress by letter,
dated the 25th of December last, that I had drawn a bill
in favor of the officers of the Confederacy on Dr Franklin,
for one hundred guineas. At the time that letter was
vol. vn. 27
210
JOHN JAY.
written, I had made the officers that promise, and had
directed the bills to be made out accordingly, but just as I
was coming away and closing accounts with Mr Bingham,
he, perceiving that the money 1 was about to draw for the
officers was to come out of my salary, in the first instance,
was so obliging as to offer to advance that sum on the
credit of Congress, and thereby save me the necessity of
drawing. I accepted his offer, and gave notice of it to the
officers by Mr Lawrence, the clerk of the frigate.
I have the honor to be, he.
JOHN JAY.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO JOHN JAY.
Translation.
Pardo, February 24th, 1780.
Sir,
Having received by the hands of Don Joseph de Galvez,
the letter which your Excellency sent by Mr Carmichael,
and having communicated the contents to his Majesty, I
have it in command to inform you, that his Majesty highly
approves the choice, which the American Congress have
made of you to the trust mentioned in your letter, as well
on account of the high estimation in which his Majesty
holds the members who made the choice, as the informa-
tion he has received of your probity, talents, and abilities.
His Majesty also received with pleasure the information of
the desire which the Colonies have to form a connexion
with Spain, of whose good disposition they have already
received strong proofs. Nevertheless, his Majesty thinks
it necessary in the first place, that the manner, the forms,
and the mutual correspondence should be settled, upon
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 211
which that Union must be founded, which the United
States of America desire to establish with this monarchy.
For this purpose there is no obstacle to your Excellency's
coming to this Court, in order to explain your intentions
and those of the Congress, and to hear those of his Maj-
esty, and by that means settling a basis upon which a per-
fect friendship may be established, and also its extent and
consequences.
His Majesty thinks, that until these points are settled, as
he hopes they will be, it is not proper for your Excellency
to assume a formal character, which must depend on a
public acknowledgment and future treaty. But your
Excellency may be assured of the sincerity and good dis-
positions of his Majesty towards the United States, and of
his earnest desire to remove every difficulty, for the mutual
happiness of them and of this monarchy. This has been
intimated to Mr Carmichael, who can communicate the
same to your Excellency, to whom I beg leave to make a
tender of my service, being, &c.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
Cadiz, February 25th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 15th instant was delivered to me
last evening. I congratulate you on your safe arrival, and
hope the agreeable circumstances of your present situa-
tion will compensate for the fatigue and trouble you ex-
perienced on the way to it.
It gives me pleasure to hear the French Ambassador
has been so obliging, and I am glad to find from your
212
JOHiN JAY.
letter, that your attentions to him at least keep pace with
his civilities, especially as you are no stranger to the dis-
tinction between the candor and politeness of a gentle-
man, and that unbounded confidence which is seldom
necessary.
The intelligence you received from him is so agreeable
and so interesting, that although the nature of it leaves me
no room to doubt of this having been signified by the
Court of France to Congress, either through Dr Franklin
or the Count de la Luzerne, yet as unexpected accidents
may have retarded its arrival, I shall also transmit it by a
vessel, which will sail in a few days for Boston.
I regret your not having been more particular on the
subject of the mistake you have been led to suppose in the
direction of my letter, as I wish to have the means of de-
termining whether it was from decisive authority that M.
Gerard, whose opinion I requested on that subject, without
hesitation told me, that M. Galvez was the Minister with
whom all business with the United States was to be trans-
acted, and urged several reasons for his being of that
opinion. From that gentleman's knowledge of the Courts
of Europe, and the departments established for the des-
patch of business in each, particularly with that of Madrid,
with which his Court had been so long and so intimately
acquainted, I was induced to desire and confide in his
information on that point. Very conclusive reasons, there-
fore, are necessary to induce a belief of his having been
mistaken. But as it is of importance that all errors of
this kind be known, and, if possible, corrected, I must re-
quest your attention to this matter in your next.
I am at a loss to determine from your letter whether or
not you have sent my despatches to M. Galvez. From
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 213
your not having seen that gentleman, nor expecting to be
introduced to him till the 17th instant, I conjecture that
my letter did not reach him till that day ; if so, I fear the
delay will appear as singular to him as I confess it does
to me. It does the more so to me, as my letter would
have introduced you, and as you were apprised of my
apprehension that pains would be taken to delay my re-
ceiving a decided answer, as to my reception, until the
sentiments of France should be known. Perhaps the
advice you received, as to the time and manner most pro-
per for the delivery of it, was a little influenced by a de-
sire of gaining time. 1 wished to have felt the pulse of
Spain, and, by their conduct on this occasion, to have been
enabled to determine whether their councils, with respect
to the United States, are in any and in what degree inde-
pendent of those of France, or whether directed by them.
This would have been very useful in the further progress
of the business, and might have been easily obtained, had
my letter been delivered immediately on your arrival, be-
cause in that case, before the sentiments of the French
Court could have been asked and received, sufficient time
would have elapsed to justify your applying to M. Galvez
for an answer ; and, whatever that might have been, cer-
tain inferences would have been deducible from it. For
these reasons, and not from an expectation of opposition
from France, I regret this delay. But as my conjectures
may prove groundless, and if just, you may have very
cogent reasons, I forbear further remarks till I shall again
have the pleasure of hearing from you.
Are you sure that the intelligence you heard respecting
M. Mirales is certain "? I am sorry by this question to
lengthen your next letter, especially as writing in cypher is
214 JOHN JAY.
tedious and disagreeable. But that intelligence is import-
ant ; if credited, it may have an influence on American
measures, which, if it should be groundless, might be inju-
rious. The transmission of information to Congress, by
which their councils and determinations may be affected,
is a very delicate business, and demands the greatest care
and precision. It is not uncommon, you 'know, for one
gentleman to think a matter certain, which another of no
greater discernment, and judging by the same evidence,
will deem somewhat doubtful. I would choose, there-
fore, with respect to all interesting intelligence, and par-
ticularly such as I may transmit to Congress, to possess as
far as possible every circumstance necessary to form a
judgment of its credibility, such as the rank and character
of the informants, and the means they have of acquiring
the information they give, that I may represent it as enti-
tled to that degree of credit only, which, on full considera-
tion, it may appear to deserve. I observe this less with
reference to the case in question than as a general rule.
Besides, as we correspond in cypher, no danger can result
from being explicit.
I am well satisfied that the short time you had been** at
Madrid did not admit of your writing on the several sub-
jects contained in your instructions, on all of which, if
aliovved sufficient time, 1 am persuaded you will be able
to obtain important information. However, as the object
of your going to Madrid was to prevent delays in my re-
ceiving an answer to the letter to M. Galvez, the other
instructions, however important, are to be considered as
secondary, and though I wish that great and constant atten-
tion may be paid them, yet by no means to the neglect or
prejudice of the first.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 215
I am much obliged to you for the American paper en-
closed in your letter. Everything from our country is
interesting. If you should find any more of them, whose
contents afford either information or entertainment, send
them, and you shall receive from me all I may meet with
here, which come under that description.
The letter you gave me reason to expect from M. Ge-
rard has not yet arrived ; perhaps the next post will bring
it. On the first occasion I have of writing to him, I shall
take the liberty of mentioning the sense you have of his
personal kindness and attention to you.
The polite offers of the French Ambassador to be use-
ful to me in all things that depend on him at Mads id, as
well as his civilities to you, demand my acknowledgments,
which I must beg the favor of you to present to him.
I am, Dear Sir, he.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Cadiz, February 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency in
the enclosed papers,* all the intelligence I have received
from Madrid. Mr Secretary Thompson will decypher
them. An opinion begins to prevail, that America will be
the theatre of war the ensuing campaign, and that the
islands there will be the principal objects of contention.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* See above, p. 207, Mr Carmichael's letter, dated February 15th,
and Mr Jay's reply, p. 211, dated February 25th. See also a letter
in Carmichael's Correspondence, dated February 18th.
216 JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Cadiz, March 3d, 1780.
Sir,
Agreeably to my promise to the Marquis de la Fiotte,
I must inform your Excellency, that a Monsieur Jean Guy
Guatier, merchant at Barcelona, recommended to the
Marquis by Monsieur Aubere, the French consul there, is
desirous of becoming the consul of the United States at
that port. He had been encouraged, as M. Aubere says,
to expect this appointment by Dr Franklin, but as he
supposed my arrival would prevent the Doctor's inter-
ference, it became necessary to make the application to
me. I told the Marquis that my commission did not
authorise me to comply with his request, and that all I
could do would be to mention his friend's application to
Congress.
How far it may be proper to grant appointments of this
sort to any but citizens of America, is a question whose
importance will not, I am persuaded, escape the notice of
Congress. A sensible, active consul is a very useful
officer in many respects, and has many opportunities of
doing essential services to those who employ him, or to
whom he may be most attached. It is most certain, that for
want of proper persons appointed to take care of our dis-
tressed seamen, who, escaping from captivity at Lisbon,
Gibraltar, &c. daily arrive here, America loses many of
them. Humanity as well as policy calls for this provision.
I have some of them now with me, destitute of bread
and money, and almost of clothes, and of the means of
getting either, unless by entering into the French or
Spanish service. Such as may arrive here after my going
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 217
to Madrid will be friendless unless I employ some person
to take a little care of them, which I shall take the liberty
of doing, being fully persuaded that the same principles
which press me into that measure will induce Congress
to approve it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Cadiz, March 3d, 1780.
Sir,
Captain Morgan being still here, waiting for a fair
wind, I have an opportunity of transmitting to your Ex-
cellency a copy of a letter* just come to hand from the
Count de Florida Blanca, in answer to mine to M. Galvez.
Being apprehensive that if present I should probably be
amused with verbal answers capable of being explained
away if necessary, until the two courts could have time
to consult and decide on their measures, I thought it more
prudent that my first application should be by letter rather
than in person.
The answer in question, divested of the gloss which its
politeness spreads over it, gives us, I think, to understand,
that our independence shall be acknowledged, provided we
accede to certain terms of treaty, but not otherwise ; so
that the acknowledgment is not to be made because we
are independent, which would be candid and liberal, but
because of the previous considerations we are to give for
it, which is consistent with the principles on which nations
usually act.
* See this letter above, dated February 24th, p. 210.
vol. vii. 28
218 JOHN JAY.
I shall proceed immediately to Madrid. There are
many reasons (hereafter to be explained,) which induce
me to suspect that France is determined to manage
between us, so as to make us debtors to their influence
and good correspondence with Spain for every concession
on her part, and to make Spain hold herself obligated to
their influence and good correspondence with us for every
concession on our part. Though this may puzzle the
business, I think it also promotes it.
M. Gerard has often endeavored to persuade me, that a
certain resolution of Congress would, if persisted in, ruin
the business, which however he did not appear much
inclined to believe, but, on the contrary, that if every
other matter was adjusted you would not part on that
point. I assured him that ground had, in my opinion,
been taken with too much deliberation now to be quitted,
and that expectations of that kind would certainly deceive
those who trusted them. And, indeed, as affairs are now
circumstanced, it would, in my opinion, be better for
America to have no treaty with Spain, than to purchase
one on such servile terms. There was a time when it
might have been proper to have given that country some-
thing for their making common cause with us, but that day
is now past. Spain is at war with Britain.
I do not like the cypher in which I write, and shall
therefore defer further particulars till Mr Thompson shall
receive the one now sent him.
I have the honor to be. with great respect and esteem,
your Excellency's most obedient servant,
JOHN JAY.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 219
DE NEUFVILLE &t SON TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, April 6th, 1780.
Sir,
We beg leave to congratulate your Excellency on your
safe arrival in Europe. By principle warmly attached to
the American cause, we could wish that we saw our
States in a situation to acknowledge the independence of
their sister Republic, and though we could only cultivate
private connexions as yet, we took the liberty to address
some intelligence to your Excellency when President of
Congress. We should reckon ourselves extremely happy
to know whether our letter came to hand before your
Excellency left Philadelphia, and whether we may form
any hopes that our zeal may prove successful for the
benefit, as we intended, of both countries.
Meanwhile we have the honor to be, with all possible
regard, he.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
ANSWER TO DE NEUFVILLE &£ SON.
Madrid, April 27th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
I have had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the
6th instant, and am much obliged by your kind congratu-
lations on my arrival in Europe.
The letters you mention to have written to Congress
had been received before I left Philadelphia, and referred
to a committee. This mark of attention was justly due to
the interest you take in the American cause, and the dis-
position you manifest to serve it. I presume that the
committee soon made a report, and that answers to your
220 JOHN JAY.
letters have been written, although perhaps the many
hazards to which letters from America are exposed may
have prevented their reaching you.
When the rulers of your republic recollect in what
manner and on what occasion they became free, I am per-
suaded they cannot but wish duration to our independence,
nor forbear considering it as an event no less interesting
to every commercial nation in Europe than important to
America. These and similar considerations, added to the
injustice they daily experience from England, will, I hope,
induce them to call to mind that spirit of their forefathers,
which acquired a glorious participation in the empire of the
ocean, and laid the foundation of the commerce, affluence,
and consideration they transmitted to their posterity.
Permit me to assure you that I shall consider your cor-
respondence as a favor, and that 1 am, with great re-
spect, he.
JOHN JAY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, May 26th, 1780.
Sir,
Since my departure from America I have had the
honor of writing the following letters to your Excellency,
viz. 20th, 22d, 24th, 25th, 25th, 26,th and 27th of Decem-
ber, 1779, from Martinique; and 27th of January, 20th,
28th and 29th of February, and 3d of March, 1780, from
Cadiz. I am still uncertain whether any, and which of
them, have come to your hands, and request the favor of
particular information on this subject.
Of such of them as respect immediately the business
committed to me I now send duplicates, as well as copies
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 221
of such other papers as, taken collectively, will give
Congress a full and accurate state of their affairs here.
Thi? packet, of which an exact copy goes by another
vessel, will appear voluminous. It will nevertheless be
found interesting. I have interspersed such observations
as to me appeared proper for the purpose of explanation.
On the 22d of January, 1780, 1 arrived at Cadiz, without
letters of credit or recommendation to any person there.
The Chevalier Roche (a passenger with us) was so
obliging as to procure me credit for about two hundred
pounds sterling with a relation of his, to whom I was
obliged to give a bill on Dr Franklin at a more than usual
short sight. I afterwards became acquainted with the
house of Le Couteulx and Company, who offered me
what money I might want, and furnished me accordingly,
with great cheerfulness. I was very disagreeably cir-
cumstanced.
Finding reports ran hard against American credit, and
that bills on Dr Franklin were held very cheap, by reason
of his having, as was there said, postponed, delayed, and
in some instances refused payment of them, on very
frivolous pretences, I did, on the 26th of January, 1780,
inform him by letter of my arrival, and of these reports.
In answer to this, the Doctor, on the 7th of April,
1780, wrote me a very friendly letter, asserting these
reports to be false, and enclosing a certificate of his
banker, which proved them to be so. Of this I have
made the proper use, and as the same reports prevailed in
Martinique, and probably in the other islands, I wish the
remedy to be as extensive as the mischief, and therefore
transmit the following extract from his letter on that
subject, and a copy of the certificate mentioned in it.
222 JOHN JAY.
Extract of a Letter from his Excellency Dr Franklin,
dated April 1th, 1780.
" The reports you tell me prevail at Cadiz, that the
Loan Office Bills, payable in France, have not been duly
honored, are wicked falsehoods. Not one of them, duly
endorsed by the original proprietor, was ever refused by
me, or the payment delayed a moment. And the few not
so endorsed have been also paid on the guarantee of the
presenter, or some person of known credit. No reason
whatever has been given for refusing payment of a bill,
except this very good one that either the first, second,
third or fourth of the same set had been already paid.
The pretence that it was necessary for the whole set to
arrive before the money could be paid, is too absurd and
ridiculous for any one to make use of, who knows any-
thing of the nature of exchange. The unexpected large
draughts made upon me by Congress and others, exclusive
of these from the Loan Office, have indeed sometimes
embarrassed me not a little, and put me to difficulties.
But I have overcome those difficulties, so as never to have
been obliged to make the smallest excuse, or desire the
least delay of payment from any presenter of such bills.
Those reports must therefore have been contrived by
enemies to our country, or by persons who proposed an
advantage to themselves by purchasing them at an under
rate. Enclosed I send you a certificate of our banker in
refutation of those calumnies."
Copy of the abovementioned Certificate.
Translation.
" I, the subscriber, banker at Paris, and alone charged
with the payment of the bills of the Loan Office, declare,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 223
that I have paid, without exception or delay, all such bills
to this date, accepted by his Excellency Dr Franklin ;
that, to my knowledge, no such bill has been refused
payment ; but that several have been presented after they
had been once paid.
" I declare further, that whatever is contradictory to
this present is false.
" In testimony of which I have here signed my name at
Paris, this 15th of March, 1780. GRAND."
It appearing to me of importance that I should as soon as
possible be informed of the measures, which Mr Arthur Lee
might have taken leading to a treaty between the United
States and Spain, I did, on the 26th of January, 1780,
write him a letter, of which the following is a copy.*
Mr Lee, in answer to this, wrote me a polite letter on
the 17th of March, 1780. The following is a copy of it.f
As, for reasons, which will appear in the course of the
following papers, and which I hope will meet with the ap-
probation of Congress, it became proper for me to remain in
Spain, I apprised the Court of France of it by a letter to
his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, on the 27th of
January, 1780, of which the following is a copy. J
The Count's answer to this is in the following words.
Translation.
" Versailles, March 13th, 1780.
" Sir,
" I have received your favor of the 27th of January, and
I am fully sensible of the confidence you have reposed in
* See above, dated January 26th, p. 194.
t See this letter in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 276.
t See above, p. 195.
224 J0HN JA Y
me, by communicating to me the object of your mission.
You know too well the attachment of his Majesty to the
United States, not to feel assured that he sincerely wishes
you success, and will be eager to contribute to it. The
Count de Montmorin has received instructions accordant
■
with this disposition, and I do not doubt that your confi-
dence in him will enable him to fulfil them to your entire
satisfaction.
" I have the honor to be, &,c.
DE VERGENNES."
On the 9th of May, 17S0, I replied to the Count as fol-
lows.
" Aranjues, May 9tU, 1780.
" Sir,
" The letter which your Excellency did me the honor
to write me, on the 1 3th of March last, was delivered to
me by the Count de Montmorin on my arrival at Madrid.
" I should not have thus long delayed the pleasure of
replying to it, if I could have prevailed upon myself to have
given your Excellency complimentary professions, instead
of sincere assurances. Unreserved confidence in an Am-
bassador of our great and good ally was just, as well as
natural ; and I am exceedingly happy to find that personal
considerations, instead of forbidding, prompt it. M. Ge-
rard, whose judgment I greatly respect, had given me a
very favorable impression of this gentleman, and I am con-
vinced from my own observation, that he was not mistaken.
His conduct towards me has been that of a wise minister,
and a candid gentleman. Your Excellency may therefore
rely upon his receiving all that confidence from me, which
these considerations dictate. Permit me to add, that I
never indulge myself in contemplating the future happiness
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 225
and independence of my country, without feeling the warm-
est attachment to the Prince and people, who are making
such glorious exertions to establish them.
"With the most lively sentiments of respect and esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
I requested the favor of M. Gerard to inform me, to
which of the Ministers of Spain it would be proper to
address any letters, which I might think proper to write to
that Court. He told me M. Galvez, and enumerated his
reasons for thinking so. On the 27th of January, 17S0, I
wrote a letter to that Minister. The following is a copy
of it.*
Mr Carmichael was the bearer of this letter, and as his
going to Madrid to expedite an answer to it would give
him an opportunity of acquiring, as well as giving informa-
tion on several subjects, I gave him the following instruc-
tions.!
I have desired Mr Carmichael, for greater certainty, to
give me notes in writing of all the information he gained in
pursuance of these instructions, but he has postponed it
for the sake of enlarging them by some important addi-
tions.
My letter to M. Galvez was answered the 24th of Feb-
ruary, 1780, by the Count de Florida Blanca, in the words
following, viz. J
To this letter I replied as follows, viz.
•■'Cadiz, March 6th, 1780.
"Sir,
"I have been honored with your Excellency's favor of
* See above, p. 199. t See p. 203. $ See p. 210.
vol. vii. 29
226 JOHN JAY.
the 24th ultimo, which did not come to my hands till some-
time after its arrival.
"The sentiments which his Majesty is pleased to enter-
tain of me, together with the polite manner in which your
Excellency has been so obliging as to express them, de-
mand my warmest acknowledgments, and give additional
force to the many motives, which render me desirous of a
permanent union between his Majesty and the United
States.
"The honor and probity, which have ever characterised
the conduct of Spain, together with the exalted reputation
his Majesty has acquired, by being an eminent example of
both, have induced the people of the United States to re-
pose the highest confidence in the proofs they have received
of his friendly disposition towards them ; and to consider
every engagement with this monarchy as guarantied by
that faith, and secured by that ingenuousness, which have
so gloriously distinguished his Majesty and this kingdom
among the other Princes and nations of the earth.
"Permit me to request the favor of your Excellency to
assure his Majesty, that the people of the United States
are convinced, that virtue alone can animate and support
their governments ; and that they can in no other way
establish and perpetuate a national character, honorable to
themselves and their posterity, than by an unshaken ad-
herence to the rules which religion, morality, and treaties
may prescribe for their conduct. His royal mind may also
be persuaded, that gratitude will never cease to add the
influence of inclination to the power of dignity, in render-
ing them solicitous for the happiness and prosperity of
those generous nations, who nobly strengthened their oppo-
sition to a torrent of oppression, and kindly aided in free-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 227
ing them from the bondage of a nation, whose arrogance
and injustice had become destructive of the rights of man-
kind, and dangerous to the peace and tranquillity of Chris-
tendom.
"Having therefore the most perfect conviction, that the
candor and benignity of his Majesty's intentions are equal
to the uprightness and sincerity of those of Congress, I
shall set out in a few days for Madrid, with the pleasing
expectation that there will be little delay or difficulty in
adjusting the terms of a union between a magnanimous
Monarch and a virtuous people, who wish to obtain, by an
alliance with each other, only reciprocal benefits and mutual
advantages.
"I have the honor to be, with perfect respect and con-
sideration, your Excellency's most obedient, and most
humble servant,
JOHN JAY."
On the 4th of April, 1780, I arrived at Madrid, and Mr
Carmichael delivered to me the following questions from
the Count de Florida Blanca, to which he had declined
giving answers, viz.
Questions from the Count de Florida Blanca, dated the
9th of March, 17 SO.
Translation.
"Before entering into a discussion with Mr Jay or Mr
Carmichael, jointly or separately, on the subject of the
affairs of the United States of North America, and their
mutual interest with respect to Spain, it is judged indispen-
sable at Madrid, that the Catholic King should be exactly
informed of the civil and military state of the American
Provinces, and of their resources to continue the present
228 JOHN JAY.
war, not only for the defence of their own liberty, but also
with respect to the aid and succors they may be able to
afford Spain in its operations, in case hereafter this Crown
should become the ally of America. The Civil Affairs
ought to comprehend,
"1st. A true account of the population and form of gov-
ernment of each Province of the Union, and the resolution
of the inhabitants to continue the war with vigor, as long as
it is necessary.
"2dly. Whether there is any powerful party in favor of
England, and what consequences are to be apprehended
from it ; whether the heads of this party suffer themselves
to be seduced by the great promises of the British govern-
ment.
"3dly. A statement of the revenues of these Provinces,
and of their ability to contribute to the general expense ; to
which may be added, whether they will be able long to
support this burthen, and even to increase it should it be
judged necessary.
"4thly. A statement of the public debts, and of the
particular debts of each State, taken collectively or sepa-
rately, of their resources to lessen them, and the possibility
of their being able to support their credit in all the opera-
tions of government, in the commerce of their inhabitants,
and above all in the protection of national industry.
"5thly. By what means, or with what branches of com-
merce, will the States of America have it in their power
to indemnify Spain, whenever this power may second the
views and operations of the Americans ; and particularly
the Court wishes to know, whether it may be convenient
for the said States to furnish ships of war of the best con-
struction for the Spanish marine, and likewise limber and
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 229
other articles for the King's arsenals, and the whole with-
out loss of time, and fixing the terms on which they would
make an agreement of this nature, and who would be
commissioned to bring the vessels and these naval stores
to Spain.
"With respect to the Military State of America, it is
necessary to be informed first, of the number and strength
of the different bodies of troops armed by the Provinces,
and of their present situation, in order to judge whether
they are sufficient to oppose the enemy wherever they
may go, and particularly in Carolina and Georgia.
"Further, it may be expedient to know the means of
augmenting the American army in case it is necessary, or
to keep it always on the same footing, notwithstanding its
daily losses. In what condition their clothing and arms
are at present ; whether they are partly in want of those
articles, and how much it would require to remedy those
defects.
"The subsistence oi an army being an object of the
greatest consequence, the Court desires to know if proper
measures have been taken for that purpose, that it may be
ascertained whether it can act everywhere, if necessary,
even in the above mentioned Provinces, without danger
of being in want of necessaries.
"It is highly essential for the Provinces of America to
keep a marine to act against the common enemy, and to
secure their own possessions during the present war. The
Spanish Minister therefore is desirous of knowing its
strength, including the armed vessels belonging to indi-
viduals, and by what means it may be augmented, and
what succors will be necessary for that purpose.
"The Court of Spain, desirous of information on these
230
JOHN JAY.
subjects with all possible frankness and precision, does
not pretend to dive into matters, which Mr Jay or Mr
Carmichael may regard as reserved to themselves. Its
only aim is to be acquainted with the present state of the
American forces, their resources, and ability to continue
the war, so that if it was in consideration for new allies to
supply them with succors of any kind, the former might
be able to plan on solid grounds their operations conve-
nient for the common cause, and for the particular advan-
tage of these States, without running the risk of being
misled by false calculations for want of foresight and pro-
per information."
"Pardo, March 9th, 1780."
My answer to these questions is contained in a letter I
wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca, on the 25th of
April, 1780; the removal of the Court to Aranjues, and
his attending the King at that time at an annual chase, ren-
dering it useless, and perhaps improper, to endeavor to
call his attention to these matters sooner. The following
is a copy of it.
"Madrid, April 25th, 1780.
"Sir,
"Mr Carmichael has delivered to me a paper he had
the honor of receiving from your Excellency before my
arrival here, containing heads of many important inquiries
respecting which it was thought necessary, that his Cath-
olic Majesty should be exactly informed before entering
into a discussion with me and Mr Carmichael jointly or
separately, on the subject of the affairs of the United States
of North America, and their mutual interest with respect
to Spain ; but that the Court, though desirous of informa-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 231
tion on these several articles, with all possible frankness
and precision, did not mean to dive into matters which
Mr Carmichaei and myself might regard as reserved to
ourselves only.
"Being persuaded, that direct and accurate information
respecting the nature and extent of the commissions given
to that gentleman and myself, would be very agreeable to
your Excellency, I take the liberty of transmitting the
following copies of each.
'The delegates of the United States of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Planta-
tions, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Car-
olina, and Georgia, in Congress assembled, to all who
shall see these presents, Greeting.
'Whereas an intercourse between the subjects of his
Catholic Majesty, and the citizens of these United States,
founded on the principles of equality, reciprocity, and
friendship, may be of mutual advantage to both nations,
and it being the sincere desire of the United States to
enter into a treaty of alliance and of amity and commerce
with his Catholic Majesty, know ye, therefore, that we,
confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the
Honorable John Jay, late President of Congress, and
Chief Justice of the State of New York, have nominated
and constituted, and by these presents do nominate and
constitute him, the said John Jay, our Minister Plenipo-
tentiary ; giving him full power general and special to act
in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with
the Ambassador or Plenipotentiary of his Catholic Majesty
232
JOHN JAY.
vested with equal powers, of and concerning a treaty of
amity and commerce, and of alliance, and whatever shall
be so agreed and concluded for us and in our names, to
sign, and thereupon make such treaty or treaties, conven-
tions and agreements, as he shall judge conformable to the
ends we have in view, in as ample form, and with the
same effect, as if we were personally present and acted
therein, hereby promising in good faith, that we will ac-
cept, ratify, fulfil, and execute whatever shall be agreed,
concluded, and signed by our said Minister Plenipotentiary,
and that we will never act, nor suffer any person to act,
contrary to the same in the whole, or in any part.
'In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to
be given in Congress, at Philadelphia, the 29th day of
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and seventynine, and the fourth year of the inde-
pendence of the United States of America.
'Signed by the President, and sealed with his seal.
'SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
'Attest, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary:
'The United States of America, in Congress assembled.
To the Honorable William Carmichael, a delegate in Con-
gress from the State of Maryland. Greeting.
'We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your
patriotism, ability, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these
presents, constitute and appoint you, during our pleasure,
Secretary to our Minister Plenipotentiary, appointed to ne-
gotiate a treaty of amity and commerce, and of alliance
with his Catholic Majesty. You are, therefore, carefully
and diligently to discharge the duty of Secretary, by doing
and performing all things thereunto belonging, and, in case
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 233
of the death of dur said Minister, you are to signify it to
us- by the earliest opportunity, and on such event, we au-
thorise and direct you to take into your charge all our
public affairs, which were in the hands of said Minister at
the time of his death, or which may be addressed to him
before notice thereof, and proceed therein, according to the
instructions to our said Minister given, until our further
orders.
'Witness, his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President
of the Congress of the United States of America, at Phila-
delphia, the 29th day of September, in the year of our
Lord, 1779, and in the fourth year of our independence.
'SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
'Attest, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary:
"The inquiries in question are numerous and important.
They do honor to the sagacity which suggested them, and,
if fully answered, would produce a very interesting history
of the present condition of the American States. On some
of the subjects proposed, I can give your Excellency full
and positive intelligence; on others, only general and by
no means precise information. On all, however, I shall
write with candor.
"Such is the nature of the American governments and
confederacy, that the Congress, and all other rulers of the
people, are responsible to them for their conduct, and can-
not withhold from their constituents a knowledge of their
true situation, without subjecting themselves to all the
evils, which they experience, who substitute cunning in the
place of wisdom. Hence it is, that a knowledge of their
affairs is easily attainable by all who will be at the trouble
of collecting it, and as it is neither the policy nor inclination
VOL. vii. 30
234 JOHN JAY.
of America to draw a veil over any part of their affairs,
your Excellency may be persuaded, that every considera-
tion forbids their servants, by a suppression, or misrepre-
sentation of facts, to deceive or mislead those whose amity
they so sincerely endeavor to cultivate, as they do that
of Spain.
I. THE CIVIL STATE OF NORTH AMERICA.
"Your Excellency has with great propriety arranged
the subjects of your inquiry under two heads ; the
Civil and Military States of North America. The first
of these is again branched into several subdivisions, at the
head of which, is the
Population of each State.
"The exact number of inhabitants in the United States
has not, I believe, been ascertained by an actual census in
more than two or three of them. The only computation
made by Congress was on the 29th of July, 1775; the
manner and occasion of which exclude every suspicion
of its exceeding the true number. Congress had emitted
bills of credit to a very considerable amount, and were
apprised of the necessity of emitting more. Justice de-
manded that this debt should be apportioned among the
States according to their respective abilities ; an equitable
rule whereby to determine that ability became indispen-
sable. After much consideration, Congress resolved,
'that the proportion, or quota of each Colony, should be
determined according to the number of the inhabitants
of all ages (including negroes and mulattoes) in each
Colony,' but as that could not then be ascertained exactly,
they were obliged to judge of, and compute the number
from circumstantial evidence. The delegates gave to
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 235
Congress an account of the population of their respective
Colonies, made from the best materials then in their
power, and so great was their confidence in each other,
that from those accounts that computation was principally
formed. Your Excellency will readily perceive, that the
delegates were far from being under any temptations to
exaggerate the number of their constituents ; they were
not ignorant, that by such exaggerations they would in-
crease their portion of aids, both of men and money, and
that whatever errors they might commit, could not be rec-
tified by an actual numeration during the war. The com-
putation then formed was as follows.
New Hampshire, .... 124,069 and a half
Massachusetts Bay, .... 434,244
Rhode Island, 71,959 and a half
Connecticut, ....... 24S,139
New York, 248,139
New Jersey, 161,290 and a half
Pennsylvania, 372,208 and a half
Delaware, 37,219 and a half
Maryland, 310,174 and a half
Virginia, 496,27S
North Carolina, 24S,139
South Carolina, 248,139
3,000,000
Exclusive of the inhabitants of Georgia, who were not at
that time represented in Congress, and of whose numbers
I have no information that I can confide in.
The Form of Government of each State.
"In the pamphlets I have now the honor of transmitting
to your Excellency, viz. No. 1, No. 2, No. 3, No. 4,
236 J° HN JAY
and No. 5, you will find the constitutions of New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and South Carolina.
The others I have not with me. The great outlines of
them all are very similar. By the last accounts from
America, it appears, that Massachusetts Bay had not as
. yet agreed upon their constitution, but had it then under
consideration.
"It cannot be necessary to observe to your Excellency,
that these new modes of government were formed by
persons named and authorised by the people for that ex-
press purpose ; that they were, in general, instituted with
great temper and deliberation upon such just and liberal
■ principles, as on the one hand to give effectual security
to civil and religious liberty, and on the other make
ample provision for the rights of justice, and the due ex-
ercise of the necessary powers of government.
"The articles of confederation agreed upon by Con-
gress, and approved by every State in the Union except
Maryland, provide for the general government of the Con-
federacy, and the ordering of all matters essential to the
prosperity and preservation of the Union in peace and war.
I ought also to inform your Excellency, that the reasons
why Maryland has as yet withheld her assent to those
articles, do not arise from any disaffection to the common
cause, but merely from their not having adopted certain
principles respecting the disposition of certain lands.
The Union and Resolution of the Inhabitants to continue
the War ivith Vigor as long as may be necessary.
"On this subject I can give your Excellency certain and
positive information ; the storm of tyranny and oppression,
which had for some years been constantly growing more
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 237
Wack and more terrible, began to burst with violence on
the people of North America in the year 1774. It was
seen and felt and deprecated by all except those, who ex-
pected to gather spoils in the ruins it was designed to
occasion. These were those who enjoyed, or expected
emoluments from Great Britain, together with their im-
mediate dependants and connexions ; such as the offi-
cers of government throughout the Colonies, but with some
very distinguished exceptions ; those of the clergy of the
church of England almost without exception, who received
annual salaries from the society established in England
for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts; foreign
adventurers, buyers and sellers, who, being no further
attached to the country than as it afforded the means of
gain, soon prepared to speculate in confiscations, and
courted the notice of their sovereign by intemperate zeal
for the ruin of his subjects. With these exceptions, the
great body of the people moved together, and united in
such firm and considerate measures for the common safety,
and conducted their affairs with such regularity, order,
and system, as to leave no room to suppose them to be
the work of only a prevailing party, as our enemies have
always represented and affected to consider them.
"There was, it is true, another class of persons not
much less dangerous, though far more contemptible than
those I f.rst mentioned ; persons who in every revolution,
like floating weeds in every storm, obey the strongest
wind, and pass from side to side as that happens to
change. I mean the neutrals, a pusillanimous race, who
having balanced in their minds the advantages and disad-
vantages, the gains and dangers of joining either side, are
seduced by their fears to form a thousand pretexts for
23S
JOHN JAY.
joining neither ; who, to manifest their loyalty to their
King, when his armies were successful, gave them every
aid in their power, except drawing their swords against
their country, and who, when their countrymen prevailed,
were ready to render them all possible service, except
taking arms against their Prince.
"The auxiliaries, whom the British measures and forces
found in the country, consisted of persons from these
classes. And although when these first appeared in, and
wounded the bosom of America, she was obliged to ex-
tend her arms to repel the assaults of a foreign enemy,
yet such was the union and spirit of her inhabitants, that
she was soon enabled not only to put them under her feet,
but on the ruins of her former governments to erect new
ones in the midst of invasions from without, and treacher-
ous combinations from within. Being able to obtain no
other terms of peace than unconditional obedience, she
had sufficient courage to declare herself independent in
the face of one of the best appointed armies Britain could
ever boast of, as well as sufficient strength to limit its ope-
rations, and reduce its numbers.
"It may perhaps be observed, that the first object of the
war was a redress of grievances ; that the present object
is independence ; and it may be asked whether the people
are as much united with respect to the last as they were
with respect to the first.
"I am certain that the people of America never were
so well united as they are at present, in that of their inde-
pendence. Exclusive of actual observation on the spot, I
think so because,
"1st. The Declaration of Independence was made by
Congress at a time, when the great body of their constitu-
ents called for it.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 239
"2dly. Because that declaration was immediately recog-
nised by the general assemblies and legislatures of the
several States, without exception.
"3dly. Because the successful army under General Bur-
goyne was defeated and captured by a great collection of
the neighboring militia, to whom he had offered peace and
tranquillity on their remaining at home, terms which it was
natural to suppose a great many of them would have ac-
cepted, had the Declaration of Independence been disa-
greeable to them.
"4thly. Because the Congress, consisting of members
annually elected, have repeatedly, expressly, and unani-
mously declared their determination to support it at every
hazard.
"5thly. Because their internal enemies have been either
expelled or reduced, and their estates to a very great
amount in some of the States confiscated and actually
sold.
"6tbly. Because constitutions and forms of government
have since been instituted and completely organised, in
which the people participate, from which they have ex-
perienced essential advantages, and to which they have of
consequence become greatly attached.
"7thly. Because Congress unanimously refused to enter
into treaty with the British Commissioners on any terms
short of independence, and because every State, though
afterwards separately solicited, refused to treat otherwise
than collectively by their delegates in Congress.
"Sihly. Because the inhuman and very barbarous man-
ner in which the war has been conducted by the enemy,
has so alienated the affections of the people from the King
and government of Britain, and filled therr hearts with such
240 JOHN JAY.
deep rooted and just resentments, as render a cordial
reconciliation, much less a dependence on them, utterly
impossible.
"9thly. Because the doctrine propagated in America by
the servants of the King of Great Britain, that no faith was
to be kept with Americans in arms against him, and the
uniformity with which they have adhered to it, in their
practice as well as professions, have destroyed all confi-
dence, and leave the Americans no room to doubt, but that,
should they again become subjects of the King of Britain
on certain terms, those terms would as little impede the
progress of future oppression, as the capitulation of Limer-
ick, in 1691, did with respect to Ireland.
"lOthly. Because the treaty with France, and conse-
quently virtue, honor, and every obligation due to the repu-
tation of a rising nation, whose fame is unsullied by violated
compacts, forbid it.
"1 ltbly. Because it is the evident, and well known inter-
est of North America to remain independent.
"12thly. Because the history of mankind, from the earli-
est ages, with a loud voice calls upon those who draw their
swords against a Prince, deaf to the supplication of his
people, to throw away the scabbard.
"13thly. Because they do not consider the support of
their independence as difficult. The country is very de-
fensible and fertile ; the people are all soldiers, who with
reason consider their liberty and lives as the most valuable
of the possessions left them, and which they are determined
shall neither be wrested or purchased from them but with
blood.
"14thly. Because for the support of their independence,
they have expressly, by a most solemn act, pledged to each
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 241
other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor ; so
that their bond of union, for this very purpose, thus formed
of all the ties of common interest, common safety, mutual
affection, general resentments, and the great obligations of
virtue, honor, patriotism, and religion, may with reason be
deemed equal to the importance of that great object.
Whether there is any powerful Party in Favor of England,
and tvhat Consequences are to be apprehended from it 1
Whether the Heads of this Party suffer themselves to be
seduced by the Promises of the British Government 9
"What has been already said, on the subject of the
union of the people in North America, will I imagine in a
great measure answer these questions.
"If by a party in favor of England is meant a party for
relinquishing the independence of the United States, and
returning to the dominion of Britain, on any terms what-
ever, I answer there is no such party in North America ;
all the open adherents of the Crown of Great Britain having
either voluntarily quitted or been expelled from the country.
"That Britain has emissaries and masked adherents in
America, industrious in their little spheres to perplex the
public measures, and disturb the public tranquillity, is a
fact of which I have not the most distant doubt, and it is
equally true, that some of these wicked men are by a few
weak ones thought to be patriots, but they cannot with
any propriety be called a party, or even a faction. The
chief mischief they do, is collecting and transmitting intelli-
gence, raising false reports, and spreading calumnies of
public men and measures ; such characters will be found
in every country so circumstanced, and America has not
been negligent in providing laws for their punishment.
VOL. VII. 31
242
JOHN JAY.
"The obvious policy of the Court of London has in-
duced them to boast perpetually of their party in America;
but where it is ? of whom composed ? what it has done, or
is doing ? are questions to which they constantly give eva-
sive answers. Much also have they said of the numbers
that have joined their arms in America. The truth is, that
at Boston, Rhode Island, New York, and Philadelphia,
they gleaned some of that refuse of mankind, to be found
and purchased by any body in all commercial cities. It is
also true, that some men of weight and influence in the
country, who joined the enemy on their first successes, did
draw away with them several of their immediate depend-
ents, whom they persuaded or otherwise influenced to enlist
in their service. To these may also be added the prison-
ers, who at different times they forced into their service by
famine, and other severities too numerous as well as bar-
barous to be here particularized. But I have no reason
to believe, that all these aids put together ever exceeded
three thousand men. This business, however, (except
with respect to prisoners,) has long been over, and before
I left America many of those deluded people had returned
and implored the pardon of their country.
"In America, as in all other popular governments, your
Excellency knows there must and ever will be parties for
and against particular measures and particular men. The
enemy, adverting to this circumstance, have had address
enough to ascribe differences and temporary heats arising
from this source, in which they were not interested, to
causes much higher, and more flattering to their import-
ance ; and this they have done with so much art, as to
have imposed in some instances on the credulity of men
high in reputation for sagacity and discernment.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 243
"If your Excellency will be pleased to peruse a pam-
phlet marked No. 6, which you will find enclosed with the
other papers I herewith transmit, and entitled ' Observa-
tions on the American Revolution,' you will perceive that
nothing is to be apprehended from this supposed party in
North America.
A Statement of the Revenues of the States, and of their
Ability to contribute to the General Expense ; whether
they will be able long to support this Burthen, and in-
crease it if necessary ?
"The Confederated States have no fixed revenues, nor
are such revenues necessary, because all the private prop-
erty in the country is at the public service. The only
restriction imposed by the people is, that it be taken from
them with wisdom and justice, or to be more explicit, that
the sums required be proportionate to the public exigen-
cies, and assessed on the individuals in proportion to their
respective abilities.
"A nation can seldom be destitute of the means of con-
tinuing a war, while they remain unsubdued in the field,
and cheerfully devote their all to that service. They may
indeed experience great distress, but no distress being
equal to that of subjection to exasperated oppressors, whose
most tender mercies are cruel, the Americans had little
difficulty in making their election.
A Statement of the Public Debts.
"This subject your Excellency will find fully discussed
in an address of Congress to their constituents, in which
they compute their debts, and mention the means they had
taken to preserve the public credit. It is also herewith
enclosed, and marked No. 7.
244
JOHN JAY.
A Statement of the Debts of each particular State.
"Although exact accounts of these dehts are contained
in the public printed acts of each State, yet as I neither
have any of those acts or extracts from them with me, and
my general knowledge on this head is very imperfect, I
am deterred from giving your Excellency any information
respecting it, by the very great risk I should run of mis-
leading you on this point.
The Resources to lessen these Debts.
"Taxes ; foreign and domestic loans ; sales of confis-
cated estates, and ungranted lands.
The possibility of their supporting their Credit in all the
Operations of Government, in the Commerce of their
Inhabitants, and, above all, in the Protection of Na-
tional Industry.
"As to the possibility of supporting their credit in the
cases mentioned, there is no doubt it is very possible.
How far it is probable, is a question less easy to answer.
If the taxes called for by Congress last fall be duly paid,
all will be safe. But whether they have been paid or not
I am wholly uninformed, except that I find in a public
paper that Virginia had made good her first payment. As
I daily expect to receive advices from America on this
subject, I shall postpone saying anything further on it at
present, but your Excellency may rely on my communi-
cating to you a full state of what intelligence I may have
respecting it.
"As to supporting their credit in commerce, it is attend-
ed with considerable, though not insurmountable difficul-
ties. They are of two kinds, the want of sufficient com-
modities for remittances, and the risk of transporting them.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 245
North America abounds in valuable commodities, such as
fish, oil, lumber, provisions of flesh and corn, iron, tobacco,
and naval stores, peltry, indigo, potash, and other articles,
all of which have greatly diminished since the war ; the
laborers formerly employed in producing them having been
often called to the field, and by other effects of the war
been prevented from regularly following their usual occu-
pations. Of. some of these articles America still produces
more than is necessary for her own consumption, but the
risk of transporting them to Europe renders her remittan-
ces very uncertain. The asylum, which all British armed
vessels find in the ports of Portugal, enables them to cruise
very conveniently and with great advantage off the West-
ern Islands, and other situations proper for annoying vessels
from thence to France, Spain, or the Mediterranean.
Hence it is that the trade from America to St Eustatia has
of late so greatly increased, it being carried on principally
in small, fast sailing vessels, that draw but little water, and
that the chief remittances to Europe have been in bills of
exchange instead of produce.
" With respect to the protection of national industry, I
take it for granted that it will always flourish where it is
lucrative, and not discouraged, which was the case in
North America when 1 left it ; every man being then at
liberty, by the law, to cultivate the earth as he pleased, to
raise what he pleased, to manufacture as he pleased, and
to sell the produce of his labor to whom he pleased, and
for the best prices, without any duties or impositions what-
soever. I have indeed no apprehensions whatever on this
subject. I believe there are no people more industrious
than those of America, and whoever recurs to their popu-
lation, their former exports, and their present productions
246 JUH ^ JAY -
amidst the horrors of fire and sword, will be convinced
of it.
By what Means, or tvhai Branches of Commerce, will the
States of America have it in their Power to indemnify
Spain, whenever this Power may second the Views and
Operations of the Americans ?
"America will indemnify Spain in two ways, by fighting
the enemy of Spain, and by commerce. Your Excellency
will be pleased to remark that Spain as well as America is
now at war with Britain, and therefore that it is the inter-
est of both to support and assist each other against the
common enemy. It cannot be a question whether Britain
will be more or less formidable if defeated or victorious in
America ; and there can be no doubt but that every nation,
interested in the reduction of her power, will be compen-
sated for any aids they may afford America, by the imme-
diate application of those aids to that express purpose at
the expense of American blood.
"Your Excellency's well known talents save me the
necessity of observing, that it is the interest of all Europe
to join in breaking down the exorbitant power of a nation,
which arrogantly claims the ocean as her birthright, and
considers every advantage in commerce, however acquired
by violence, or used with cruelty, as a tribute justly due to
her boasted superiority in arts and in arms.
"By establishing the independence of America, the
empire of Britain will be divided, and the sinews of her
power cut. Americans, situated in another hemisphere, in-
tent only on the cultivation of a country more than suffi-
cient to satisfy their desires, will remain unconnected with
European politics, and not being interested in their objects,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 247
will not partake in their dissensions. Happy in having for
their neighbors a people distinguished for love of justice
and of peace, they will have nothing to fear, but may flat-
ter themselves that they and their posterity will long enjoy
all the blessings of that peace, liberty, and safety, for which
alone they patiently endure the calamities incident to the
cruel contest they sustain.
"While the war continues, the commerce of America
will be inconsiderable ; but on the restoration of peace it
will soon become very valuable and extensive. So great is
the extent of country in North America yet to be cultivat-
ed, and so inviting to settlers, that labor will very long re-
main too dear to admit of considerable manufactures.
Reason and experience tell us, that when the poor have it
in their power to gain affluence by tilling the earth, they
will refuse the scanty earnings which manufacturers may
offer them. From this circumstance it is evident, that the
exports from America will consist of raw materials, which
other nations will be able to manufacture for them at a
cheaper rate than they can themselves. To those who
consider the future and progressive population of that
country, the demands it will have for the manufactures and
productions of Europe, as well to satisfy their wants, as to
gratify their luxury, will appear immense, and far more
than any one kingdom in it can supply. Instead of paying
money for fish and many other articles as heretofore,
Spain will then have an opportunity of obtaining them in
exchange for her cloths, silks, wines, and fruits ; notwith-
standing which, it is proper to observe, that the commerce
of the American States will forever procure them such
actual wealth, as to enable them punctually to repay what-
ever sums they may borrow.
248 JOHN JAY.
How far it may be convenient for these States to furnish
Ships of War, Timber, and other Articles for the
King's Arsenals, without Delay, and, if in their Power,
on what Terms *?
"I am much at a loss to determine at present, and
therefore will by no means give your Excellency my con-
jectures for intelligence.
"It is certain, that in ordinary times, America can build
ships as good, and cheaper than any other people, because
the materials cost them less. The ships of war now in
her service, as to strength and construction, are not ex-
ceeded by any on the ocean. On this subject I will write
to America for information, and give your Excellency
the earliest notice of it. Naval stores, and particularly
masts and spars, may certainly be had there, and of the
best quality, and I doubt not but that the Americans
would carry them to the Havana or New Orleans, though
I suspect, their being in a manner destitute of proper con-
voys for the European trade, would render them back-
ward in bringing them to Spain, on terms equal to the risk
of capture, on the one hand, and the expectations of pur-
chasers on the other.
II. THE MILITARY STATE OF NORTH AMERICA.
The JYumber and Strength of the American Troops, their
present Situation, and Ability to oppose the Enemy,
especially in Georgia and Carolina.
"Six months have elapsed since I left America, and I had
not seen a return of the army for some time before that
period. It did not, I am certain, amount to its full comple-
ment, and, in my opinion, did not in the whole exceed
thirty or thirtyfive thousand men ; I mean regular troops.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 249
"The Commander-in-Chief, whose abilities, as well as
integrity, merit the highest confidence, was authorised to
conduct all the military operations in the United States
at his discretion, subject, nevertheless, to such orders as
the Congress might think proper from time to time to give.
It is impossible, therefore, for me (not having received a
single letter from America on these subjects since my ar-
rival) to decide in what manner or proportions these troops
are employed or stationed, though I am confident it has
been done in the best manner.
"All the men of proper age in America are liable to do
military duty in certain cases, and with a few exceptions,
in all cases. The militia is for the most part divided
into a certain number of classes, and whenever rein-
forcements to the main army, or any detachment of it are
wanting, they are supplied by these classes in rotation.
These reinforcements while in the field are subject to
the like regulations with the regular troops, and with them
submit to the severest discipline and duty. Hence it is,
that the people of America have become soldiers, and that
the enemy have never been able to make a deep impres-
sion in the country, or long hold any considerable lodg-
ments at a distance from their fleets. Georgia and South
Carolina, indeed, enjoy these advantages in a less degree
than the other States, their own militia not being very
numerous, and speedy reinforcements from their neigh-
bors of North Carolina and Virginia rendered difficult by
the length of the way. They have, nevertheless, given
proofs of their spirit by various and great exertions, and I
have reason to believe, that all possible care has been
taken to provide for their safety, by furnishing them with a
vol. vit. 32
250
JOHN JAY.
proper, body of troops under Major General Lincoln, a
very good officer, as well as a very good man.
"Arms are still wanting in America, many of those im-
ported proving unfit for use, and the number of inhabitants
who were without proper arms at the beginning of the
war, calling for great supplies. The army, and a consid-
erable part of the militia, especially in the Northern States,
have in general good arms.
"The article of clothing has been, and still is a very in-
teresting one to the American army. It is impossible to
describe, and, indeed, almost impossible to believe, the
hardships they have endured for want of it. There have
been instances, and I speak from the most undoubted au-
thority, of considerable detachments marching barefooted
over rugged tracts of ice and snow, and marking the route
they took by the blood that issued from their feet ; but
neither these terrible extremities, nor the alluring offers of
the enemy, could prevail on them to quit their standard,
or relax their ardor. Their condition, however, has of
late been much bettered by supplies from France and
Spain, and American privateers ; but adequate provision
has not yet been made for the ensuing winter, and I can-
not conceal from your Excellency my anxiety on that
head. A supply of clothing for twenty thousand men,
added to what is engaged for them in France, would make
that army and all America happy.
"I foresee no other difficulties in providing subsistence
for the American armies in every station in which they
may be placed, than those which may attend the trans-
portation of it. But when I reflect on the obstacles of this
kind, which they have already met with and surmounted,
I have little uneasiness about future ones. The last crops
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 251
in America promised to be plentiful when I left it, but
whether there would be any and what considerable over-
plus for exportation was then undetermined, the damages
done the wheat in Maryland, Virginia, and North Caro-
lina by a fly, which infested those countries, not being to
my knowledge at that time ascertained.
"How many ships of war belong to Congress, is a
question I cannot answer with certainty. I think there are
not more than ten or twelve in the whole. Of privateers
there are a great number, but how many exactly has not
been computed. In my opinion, they exceed one hun-
dred, several of them very fine ships. The Governor of
Martinique told me, that in that Island alone, the Ameri-
can privateers had brought and sold above five thousand
African slaves, which they had taken from the enemy.
Nine tenths at least of all the rum and sugar used in North
America, these three years past, have been obtained in the
same way, and to their successes have the public been in-
debted for the most seasonable and valuable supplies of
military stores which they have received. I left several
vessels on the stocks at Philadelphia, and heard of more
in other parts.
"Upon the whole, his Majesty may rest perfectly as-
sured, that the Americans are determined, though forsaken
by all mankind, to maintain their independence, and to
part with it only with their lives ; the desolations and dis-
tresses of war being too familiar to them to excite any
other passions than indignation and resentment.
"That the country will supply its inhabitants with pro-
visions, some clothing, and some articles of commerce.
"That there is no party in America in favor of return-
ing under the dominion of Britain, on any terms whatever.
252 JOHN JAY.
"That the King of France is very popular in America,
being in all parts of it styled the protector of the rights of
mankind, and that they will hold the treaty made with him
inviolate.
"That the people in America have very high ideas of
the honor and integrity of the Spanish nation, and of his
Catholic Majesty especially, and that this respect and
esteem unite with their interest in rendering them so de-
sirous of his friendship and alliance.
"That the greatest difficulty under which America la-
bors arises from the great depreciation of her bills of
credit, owing principally to a greater sum having been
emitted than was necessary for a medium of commerce,
and to the impossibility of remedying it by taxes before
regular governments are established.
"That great attempts, seconded by the general voice of
the people, have been made to retrieve the credit of those
bills by taxation, the issue of which was as yet uncertain,
but if unsuccessful, a recurrence to taxes in kind was still
left, and would be practised, though it is an expedient which
nothing but necessity can render eligible.
" That if France and Spain were to unite their endeav-
ors to conquer Britain in America, by furnishing the latter
with the necessary aids of ammunition, clothing, and some
money, there is reason to believe, that the House of Bour-
bon would find it the most certain and least expensive
method of reducing the power of their irreconcilable ene-
my, and not only command the gratitude and perpetual
attachment of America, but the general approbation of all
who wish well to the tranquillity of Europe, and the
rights of mankind. Thus would that illustrious House
erect glorious and lasting monuments to their virtues in the
hearts of a whole people.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 253
"I fear your Excellency will consider the intelligence
here given, less full and precise than you expected. I re-
gret that it is not in my power to render it more so, but it
is not. I hope however it will be thought sufficient to open
a way to those further discussions, which must precede
the measures necessary to bind America to Spain, as well
as to France, and thereby complete the division and con-
sequently the humiliation of the British Empire ; a work
too glorious and laudable not to merit the notice of so mag-
nanimous a Prince as his Majesty, and engage the atten-
tion of a Minister of such acknowledged abilities as your
Excellency.
"I flatter myself that the importance of the subject will
apologise for my trespassing so long on your Excellency's
patience so soon after your return to Aranjues.
"I have the honor to be, &,c.
JOHN JAY."
This letter gives occasion for many observations, which
I am persuaded will not escape Congress, and therefore I
forbear repeating them. Your Excellency will be pleased
to observe, that on some of the subjects of it I ought to be
without delay apprised of the intentions of Congress, and
furnished with such information and instructions as may be
necessary to enable me to fulfil them.
On the 27th of April last, 1 received at Madrid a
letter from the Committee of Foreign Affairs, enclos-
ing copies of the resolutions of Congress of the 23d
and 29th of November, 1779, for drawing on Mr Laurens
and myself for £100,000 sterling each. I went the next
day to Aranjues, and the day after wrote to the Count de
Florida Blanca, in the words following, viz.
254 JOHN JA1f -
"Aranjues, April 29th, 1780.
"Sir,
"By the address of Congress lo their constituents on the
subject of their finances, which I had the honor of transmit-
ting to your Excellency, you have doubtless observed, that
in September last Congress came to a resolution of emit-
ting no more bills, than, with those already emitted and in
circulation, would amount to 200,000,000 of dollars ; that
about the same time they called upon their constituents
to raise money by taxes, and assigned the first day of Jan-
uary last for the first payment, at which day it was sup-
posed, that the bills to be emitted would be nearly ex-
pended.
"Congress perceiving that at once to stop the great
channel of supplies, that had been open ever since the
war, and to substitute another equally productive, was not
one of those measures, which operate almost insensibly
without hazard or difficulty ; and well knowing that if the
first payment of these taxes should be delayed beyond the
limited time, the treasury would be without money, and the
public operations obstructed by all the evils consequent to
it ; they were of opinion, that collateral and auxiliary meas-
ures were necessary to ensure success to the great system
for retrieving and supporting the public credit. So early,
therefore, as the 23d day of November last, they took this
subject into their most serious consideration, and although
they had the highest reason to confide in the exertions of
their constituents, yet having received repeated assurances
of his Majesty's friendly disposition towards them, and
being well persuaded, that they could avail themselves of
his Majesty's friendship on no occasion more agreeable to
him and advantageous to them, than on one so interesting
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 255
to the United States, and important to the common cause,
they adopted a measure, which, but for these considerations,
might appear extraordinary, viz. to draw bills upon me
for £100,000 sterling, payable at six months' sight.
"The drawing bills previous to notice of obtaining
money to satisfy them may at first view appear indelicate,
but when it is considered that the whole success of this
measure depended on its taking place between the 23d of
November, and the first of January last, in which period
it was impossible to make the application, his Majesty's
magnanimity will I am persuaded readily excuse it.
"As I shall always consider it my duty to give your
Excellency all the information in my power, that may ena-
ble his Majesty from time to time to form a true judgment
of the state of American affairs, it is proper, that I should
inform your Excellency, that Congress, having reasons to
believe that a loan might be obtained in Holland, did
shortly after my leaving America take measures for that
purpose, and on the 23d of November last resolved to
draw bills on Mr Henry Laurens, to whom that business
had been committed, for the sum of £100,000 sterling.
"I greatly regret that it was not in my power to advise
your Excellency of these matters sooner ; but it was not
until the 27th instant, at Madrid, that I received the letter
which informed me of them.
"As further remarks would draw this letter into great-
er length, than the opinion I have of your Excellency's
discernment will permit me to think necessary, I forbear
longer to engage your lime and attention, than to request
the favor of your Excellency to lay it before his Majesty.
" The eyes of America are now drawn towards him by
their opinion of his virtues, and the situation of their af-
256 JOHN JAY.
fairs ; and I flatter myself it will not be long before their
hearts and affections will also be engaged by such marks
of his Majesty's friendship, as his wisdom and liberality
may prompt, and their occasions render expedient.
"With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to
be, he.
JOHN JAY."
On the subject of this and my former letter, I had a
conference with the Count, on the 11th of May, 1780, of
which the following are notes, taken immediately after it
ended.
Aranjues, May 11th, 1780.
Mr Jay having waited on the Count de Florida Blanca,
in consequence of a message received on the evening" of
the 10th, the latter commenced the conversation by ob-
serving that he was sorry that his ignorance of the English
language prevented him from speaking with that ease and
frankness, with which he wished to speak in his confer-
ences with Mr Jay, and which corresponded with his own
disposition and character.
He observed that he intended to speak on two points.
The 6rst related to the letter Mr Jay had written to him,
on the subject of bills of exchange drawn on him by Con-
gress, that being an affair the most pressing and more im-
mediately necessary to enter upon. He said that the last
year he should have found no difficulty on that head, but
that at present, although Spain had money, she was in the
situation of Tantalus, who, with water in view, could not
make use of it; alluding to the revenue arising from their
possessions in America, which they were not able to draw
from thence. That their expenses had been so great in
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 257
the year 1779, particularly for the marine, as to oblige
them to make large loans, which they were negotiating at
present. He entered into a summary of those expenses,
and particularized the enormous expense of supporting
thirtyfive ships of the line and frigates in French ports-
He observed, that to do this they had prepared a very ex-
pensive and numerous convoy at Ferrol and other ports of
Spain, loaded with provisions, naval stores, and every
other article necessary for the squadron before mentioned,
which convoy did not arrive at Brest until the day on
which the Spanish fleet sailed from thence. That the
supplies so sent had emptied their magazines at Cadiz,
Ferrol, and other ports, and had frequently obliged them
to buy at enormous prices the necessary stores to supply
the fleet under the admirals Cardova and Gaston, on their
arrival in the ports of Spain. That they had been forced
to sell these stores thus sent to France, and others pur-
chased for the same purpose at Bourdeaux, Nantes, and
elsewhere, at half price ; and added, that their loss on this
occasion could scarce be calculated. This, joined to the
other expenses, and the great losses they had sustained in
their marine and commerce, but chiefly in the former, and
the great expenses they were at in consequence thereof,
rendered it difficult for the King to do for America what
he could have done easily the last year, and which he de-
clared repeatedly, and in the strongest manner, it was his
intention to do, as might be judged from his conduct here-
tofore ; touching slightly on the succors sent us from
Spain, the Havana, and Louisiana, but dwelling on his
conduct in the negotiation last year with Great Britain, in
which he would on no account be brought to sacrifice the
interests of America.
vol. vn. 33
258
JOHN JAY.
Such being his Majesty's disposition and intentions pre-
vious to the war, Mr Jay might easily judge, that he was
not less determined at present to support their interests,
whether formally connected with America by treaty or
not. That, notwithstanding the losses and misfortunes sus-
tained, the King's resolution, courage, and fortitude in-
duced him to continue the war, and therefore they were
obliged to incur much expense in order to fill their maga-
zines and make the necessary preparations for this cam-
paign and the next, yet that it was his Majesty's intention
to give America all the assistance in his power. That it
was as much his inclination as duty to second these dispo-
sitions, and that he had received the King's orders to
confer with his colleagues thereon. He observed, how-
ever, that, although he was First Secretary of State, he
must first confer with them on this subject; and from his
own personal inclinations to second the King's intentions
and to serve America, he was desirous of concerting with
Mr Jay measures in such a manner as would prevent him
from meeting with opposition from his colleagues, and
therefore he spoke to him not as a minister, but as an
individual.
In order to facilitate this, he said it was necessary to
make some overtures for a contract, in case Mr Jay was
not absolutely empowered to make one ; and then he
pointed out the object most essential to the interests of
Spain at the present conjuncture. He said that for their
marine they wanted light frigates, cutters, or swift sailing
vessels of that size. That for ships of the line, they could
procure them themselves ; that if America could furnish
them with the former, they might be sent to their ports in
Biscay, loaded with tobacco or other produce, and, dis-
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 259
charging their cargoes, be left at the disposition of Spain.
He also mentioned timber for vessels, but said that was an
article not so immediately necessary, though it might be an
object of consequence in future. He observed that he
mentioned this at present in order that Mr Jay might turn
his thoughts on that subject as soon as possible, and that
he would, in order to explain himself with more precision,
send him, either on Saturday or Sunday next, notes con-
taining his ideas on this subject, and adding that he hoped
that the one, viz. Jay, would assist the other, meaning
himself, to manage matters in such a way as to procure
the means of obtaining for America present aid.
With respect to the bills of exchange which might be
presented, lie said that at the end of the present year, or
in the beginning of the next, he would have it in his power
to advance twenty five, thirty, or forty thousand pounds
sterling, and in the mean time, should these bills be pre-
sented for payment, he would take such measures as
would satisfy the owners of them, viz. by engaging, in the
name of his Majesty, to pay them, observing that the
King's good faith and credit were so well known, that he
did not imagine this would be a difficult matter. He also
said, that in consequence of what Mr Jay had written with
respect to clothing for the American army, it might be in
his power to send supplies of cloth, &tc. which he would
endeavor to do.
Mr Jay, in answer, assured him of his high sense of the
frankness and candor with which he had been so obliging
as to communicate the King's intentions and his own senti-
ments, and gave him the strongest assurances that he
should, for his part, with the same frankness and candor,
give him all the assistance and information in his power to
260 J0HN JAY -
forward his generous intentions in favor of his country,
and that he might depend that in doing this, he would
neither deceive him in his information, nor mislead him by
ill grounded expectations.
The Count then expressed his confidence in these assur-
ances, said he had been well informed of the characters,
both of Mr Jay and Mr Carmichael, (who was present at
the conference,) and said, that he considered them as les
hommes honnetes, and that no consideration could have
prevailed upon him to have treated with men who did not
sustain that reputation.
The Count then proceeded to the second point, viz.
with respect to the treaty in contemplation between Spain
and America. He began by observing, that he now spoke
as a Minister, and as such, that he would be as candid and
frank as he had just been speaking as a private man ; and
that it was always his disposition to do so with those from
whom he expected the same conduct. He then proceeded
to observe, that there was but one obstacle from which he
apprehended any great difficulty in forming a treaty with
America, and plainly intimated that this arose from the
pretensions of America to the navigation of the Mississippi.
He repeated the information, which the Court had received
from M. Mirales, that Congress had at one time relin-
quished that object ; that he also knew from the same
source, that afterwards they had made it an essential point
of the treaty. He expressed his uneasiness on this subject,
and entered largely into the views of Spain, with respect to
the boundaries. (He mentioned Cape Antonio and Cape
, and expressed their resolution if possible, of ex-
cluding the English entirely from the Gulf of Mexico.)
They wished to fix them by a treaty, which he hoped
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 261
would be perpetual between the two countries. He spoke
amply of the King's anxiety, resolution, and firmness on
this point, and insinuated a wish that some method might
be fallen upon to remove this obstacle. He observed, that
the King had received all his impressions with respect to
the necessity of this measure, previous to his being in place,
and appeared to regard it as a point from which his Maj-
esty would never recede, repeating that, still however he
was disposed to give America all the aid in his power,
consistent with the situation of his affairs, to distress the
common enemy ; that this point being insisted on, it would
be necessary for the Court of Spain to obtain the most ac-
curate knowledge of local circumstances, with which he
supposed Mr Jay and his constituents were more fully
apprised than his Majesty's Ministers could be. That for
this purpose they had already written to the Havana and
Louisiana, in order to obtain all the necessary information,
which he gave reason to believe they had not yet received.
He dwelt on the necessity of this information previous to any
treaty, and expressed his own regret, that ways and means
could not be found to obviate or overcome this impedi-
ment.
Mr Jay here took an opportunity to mention, that many of
the States were bounded by that river, and were highly inter-
ested in its navigation, but observed that they were equally
inclined to enter into any amicable regulations, which might
prevent any inconveniences with respect to contraband or
other objects, which might excite the uneasiness of Spain.
The Count, still, however, appeared to be fully of opin-
ion, that this was an object that the King had so much at
heart, that he would never relinquish it, adding, however,
that he hoped some middle way might be hit on, which
262 JOHN JAY.
would pave the way to get over this difficulty, and desired
Mr Jay to turn his thoughts and attention to the subject, in
which he assured him he was as well disposed to assist
him, as in the means of procuring the assistance and suc-
cors for America beforementioned ; always repeating the
King's favorable disposition, his inviolable regard to his
promises, he. he. On this subject he also subjoined, that
whenever Mr Jay chose to go to Madrid, he desired to
have previous notice of it ; for in those cases, he would
leave his sentiments in writing for him with Mr Carmichael,
or, if he should also go to Madrid, that he would then write
to Mr Jay there, to which he might return an answer by
the Parle (a post which goes to and from Madrid) to
Aranjues, every twentyfour hours.
Mr Jay expressed his full confidence in what the Count
had done him the honor to communicate to him, and as-
sured him of his satisfaction and happiness in having the
good fortune to transact a business so important to both
countries, with a Minister so liberal and candid in his man-
ner of thinking and acting.
The conference ended with much civility on the one
part and on the other, and with an intimation from the
Count, that he should take an opportunity of having the
pleasure of Mr Jay's company at dinner, and of being on
that friendly footing on which he wished to be with him.
What passed in the course of this conference needs no
comment, though it calls for information and instructions.
If Congress remains firm, as I have no reason to doubt,
respecting the Mississippi, I think Spain will finally be con-
tent with equitable regulations, and I wish to know whether
Congress would consider any regulations necessary to pre-
vent contraband, as inconsistent with their ideas of free
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 263
navigation. I wish that as little as possible may be left to
my discretion, and that, as I am determined to adhere
strictly to their sentiments and directions, I may be favored
with them fully, and in season.
The Count de Florida Blanca had upon all occasions
treated me with so much fairness, candor, and frankness,
that between the confidence due to him and the footing I
was and ought to be on with the French Ambassador, I
was embarrassed exceedingly, especially as there is little
reason to doubt of their being on confidential terms with
each other. I was reduced to the necessity, therefore, of
acting with exquisite duplicity, a conduct which I detest
as immoral, and disapprove as impolitic, or of mentioning
my difficulties to the Count, and obtaining his answers.
I preferred the latter, and wrote the following letter to the
Count de Florida Blanca.
"Aranjues, May 12th, 1780.
"Sir,
"It is with the utmost reluctance, that I can prevail upon
myself to draw your Excellency's attention from the great
objects that perpetually engage it. But the liberality,
frankness, and candor, which distinguished your conduct
towards me the last evening, has impressed me with such
sentiments of correspondent delicacy, as to place me in a
most disagreeable situation.
"Deeply sensible of the benefits received by my coun-
try from their illustrious ally, prompted by duty and incli-
nation to act not only with the highest integrity, but the
greatest frankness towards him and his Minister, and influ-
enced by the good opinion I have imbibed of the talents,
attachment, and prudence of the Count de Montmorin, I
have given him and his Court assurances that he should
264 JOHN JAY.
receive from me all that confidence, which these consid-
erations dictate. These assurances were sincere ; I have
most strictly conformed to them, and as no circumstances
of delicacy forbid it, I have communicated to him the
information I gave your Excellency relative to American
affairs, and the resolution of Congress for drawing bills
upon me, these being the only transactions within my
knowledge and department, which related to that pro-
posed connexion between Spain and America, for the ac-
complishment of which, the King of France has been
pleased to interpose his kind offices with his Catholic
Majesty.
"But, Sir, my feelings will not allow me to permit the
confidence due to one gentleman to interfere with that
which may be due to another. Honor prescribes limits to
each, which no consideration can tempt me to violate.
You spoke to me the last evening in the character of a pri-
vate gentleman, as well as of a public Minister, and in both
without reserve. Let me entreat your Excellency there-
fore to inform me, whether I am to consider your con-
ferences with me, either in the whole or in part, as confi-
dential. I am apprised of the delicacy of this question.
I wish I could know your sentiments without putting it.
I assure you my esteem and respect are too sincere and
too great, not to make me regret every measure, that can
give you an uneasy sensation. On this occasion I am
urged by justice to you as well as to myself, and that must
be my apology.
"Unpractised in the ways of courts, I rejoice in finding
that I am to transact the business committed to me with
a gentleman, who adorns his exalted station with virtues as
well as talents, and looks down on that system of finesse
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 265
and chicanery, which, however prevalent, wisdom rejects
and probity disapproves.
"With sentiments of attachment and esteem, I have the
honor to be, he.
JOHN JAY."
To this I received the following answer.
Translation.
"Aranjues, May 14th. 1780.
"Sir,
"Sensible of the favorable opinion you are pleased to
entertain of my conduct, both as a minister and a private
gentleman, I have the honor to assure you, that on every
occasion, you shall experience nothing but frankness and
candor on my part. Besides that my own principles are
invariable on these points, I am certain thereby to follow
the example and good intentions of the King my master.
"The delicacy, which induced you to doubt, whether
there would be any impropriety in communicating to the
Ambassador of France the explanation we had in the
course of our late conference, accords well with the idea
I first formed of your character, and I am pleased with this
mark of your attention. Besides, it appears to me that
you may do it freely, especially as those explanations are
founded on principles of equity and wisdom, for the bene-
fit of the common cause. But if, hereafter, circumstances
demand a more pointed reserve, by accidents we cannot
now foresee, we shall always have time to agree upon
those points, which it may be necessary to keep secret.
"I am, Sir, with the most sincere attachment, and the
most perfect consideration, your most humble and most
obedient servant,
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA."
vol. vii. 34
266
JOHN JAY.
I have not yet received from his Excellency the notes
mentioned in the conference, and therefore cannot have
the satisfaction of sending copies of them to Congress by
this opportunity.
On the 9th of April, 1780, Sir John Dalrymple arrived
here from Portugal with his lady. On the evening of the
10th I heard of it, and the next morning sent the following
card to the French Ambassador at Aranjues, viz.
"Mr Jay presents his compliments to his Excellency
Count Montmorin, and informs him that Sir John Dalrym-
ple arrived here the day before yesterday from Lisbon,
and it is said, intends to be at Aranjues today. What
business should call this gentlemen here, or enable him to
obtain license to come, are questions which I am per-
suaded will receive from your Excellency all the attention
due to their extent and importance.
"Madrid, May llth, 1780."
To this I immediately received the following answer on
that subject, viz.
Translation.
"M. de Montmorin received this morning Mr Jay's
note, and thanks him for the information. M. de Mont-
morin is fully sensible of the importance of it, and although
he is far from entertaining the least doubt on the senti-
rnpits of the Spanish Ministry, he will not fail to take
the precaution to be informed of everything connected
with Sir John Dalrymple's arrival. He advises Mr Jay to
follow the same course. Courts are so beset with in-
trigues, that nothing should be neglected, which may tend
to discover them. He repeats that he has not the slightest
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 257
cause to suspect the Spanish Ministry, but on the contrary,
has the strongest reasons for confiding in its integrity and
honor. M. de Montmorin begs Mr Jay to accept his
compliments, and to present his respectful homage to Mrs
Jay."
Learning that Sir John had obtained leave to go to
France in his way to England, I apprised Mr Adams of it
in a letter of the 26th of April, 1780, of which the follow-
ing is an extrac
"Sir John Dalrymple is here ; he came from Portugal
for the benefit of his lady's health, as is said. He is now
at Aranjues. He has seen the Imperial Ambassador, the
Governor of the city, Senior Compomanes, the Duke of
Alva, and several others named to him I suppose by Lord
Grantham, who I find was much respected here. He will
return through France to Britain. I shall go to Aranjues
the day after tomorrow, and shall form some judgment of
that gentleman's success by the conduct of the Court to-
wards America."
On waiting on the Count de Florida Blanca, a few days
afterwards at Aranjues, he told me that Sir John had
applied to him to obtain from him permission to go through
Spain to France, and to the French Minister for a pass-
port through that kingdom to England. The indisposition
of his lady was the reason assigned for not going from
Portugal by water. That in conversation, Sir John took
occasion to say several things respecting the war, and the
manner of drawing it to a conclusion. That the Count
desired him to reduce what he would wish to say on that
subject to writing, and that Sir John thereupon sent him a
268 JOHN JAY.
paper, entitled "A Historical Anecdote," of which the
following is a copy.
A Project of Lord Rochford to prevent the War.
"Before the declaration of France in favor of America,
Lord Rochford, formerly Ambassador in Spain and in
France, formed a project to prevent the war. Tt was, that
England should propose a great treaty of confederation be-
tween France, Spain, Portugal, and England, the objects
of which should be the three following ; the first, a mu-
tual guarantee between these four powers of their posses-
sions in America and the two Indies, with a proviso, that
a war in Europe should never be a war in those remote
regions on any pretext whatever, fixing also the number of
troops and vessels to be furnished by the contracting pow-
ers against the power that should contravene the peace in
those distant parts. The second object was, to grant a
participation in the commerce of America to France,
Spain, and Portugal, as far as such participation might not
be incompatible with the common interests, and without
the rivalship of English America and England. The third
object was, the adjustment of the contested privileges of
the Americans upon principles just and honorable for
them. Lord Rochford was at that time Secretary of
State. He told me, that the first person to whom he had
communicated this project was the late Prince of Maza-
rano, Ambassador of Spain, and that though old and in-
disposed, he arose and embraced him, and said, 'Ah ! my
Lord, what divinity has inspired you ?' Lord Rochford also
communicated it to a friend of his, who was then, and still
continues one of the Ministers of the King of England,
who gave it his approbation ; but Lord Rochford soon
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 269
after quitted the Ministry and retired to the country, by
which accident the project failed of being presented to the
cabinet of the King.
"I have given a relation of this anecdote, because 1
am one of the four or five persons who alone know the
truth of it, and because I am of opinion, that it is not yet
too late to revive a project, which will save a million of
christians from becoming widows and orphans. As to the
first object of such a confederacy, Lord Rochford did not
doubt of the proposition's being accepted by all the powers,
because it was the interest of all to accept it. The
losses of France in the two Indies the last war, and
their misfortunes in the East Indies in the present one,
where, in six weeks, they have lost all they possessed ;
the losses of the Spaniards in the last war in the two
Indies, and even the stroke the other day in the Bay of
Honduras, by a young captain with a handful of soldiers ;
the facility with which Portugal lost the Island of St
Catharine in the Brazils, and the misfortunes of the Eng-
lish armies the three last years in America, all prove that
France, Spain, Portugal, and England, have their tender
parts in America and the two Indies, and of consequence,
that they have all an interest in a mutual guarantee of their
possessions in those three parts of the world.
"As to the second object of the confederacy, I am sen-
sible, that the idea of the other three powers participating
in the commerce of America, under the limitation of its
not beins; incompatible with the common interests of Eng-
lish America and England, iv an idea somewhat vague,
and subject to disputes. But, fortunately for humanity,
there are five persons in those five countries, of characters
which render them proper to draw the outlines of some
270 JOHN JAY.
determinate regulations, which will admit of no disputes,
and may enrich France, Spain, and Portugal, without im-
poverishing England and her Colonies. In America there
is Doctor Franklin, perhaps the first genius of the age,
who is well acquainted with the commercial connexions
between America and England ; France has her Comp-
troller-General, who, from his youth, has been brought up
in the practice of commerce ; in Spain, we find M. Cam-
pomanes, who has employed the maturity of his life in
studies, that give him a superiority in discussions of this
kind ; Portugal will be assisted by the counsels of the
Duke of Braganza, who has gathered knowledge in almost
every field, in courts, in libraries, and even on the ex-
changes of the merchants of Europe ; and as for England,
she has a Minister who, thoroughly versed in the true in-
terests of commerce, will not refuse to America what he
has just granted to Ireland.
"As to the third object of the confederation ; England,
who much boasts of her own magna charta, will make no
difficulty in granting a magna charta to the liberties of
America. Perhaps the best means to expedite this meas-
ure would be to give a carte blanche to Dr Franklin.
A generous confidence is the surest means to secure a
generous man. Spain has two very solid interests in
the success of such a confederacy, and against the inde-
pendence of America. The first is, that if English Amer-
ica becomes independent, Spanish America will be over-
run with the contraband of the Americans thus indepen-
dent of England. 1. England is bound by treaties with
Spain not to carry on the contraband trade. 2. She is
restrained by the fear of this contraband's drawing a war
upon her in Europe, which was the consequence of it in
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 271
the times of Sir Robert Walpole. 3. The clearness of Eng-
lish and European commodities sets natural bounds to the
quantity of this contraband. But when the Americans are
independent, they will say, first, they are not bound by
the treaties of the English ; secondly, they will not be re-
strained by fear, being so far from Spain, and having de-
fended themselves against eighty thousand English soldiers
and marines, they would but little dread the forces of Spain;
and thirdly, the low price of American commodities will
cover the Spanish Colonies with contraband. Indeed, ne-
cessity itself will oblige the Americans either to carry on
this contraband, or to make war on Spanish and Portu-
guese America and their Islands. They have neither gold
nor silver among themselves, and without these precious
metals, they can neither cultivate their lands nor carry
on commerce. They will only have four sources from
whence to draw them ; first, their commerce with Eu-
rope ; secondly, pensions from France and Spain ; thirdly,
a contraband trade with the Provinces of Spain and Por-
tugal in the new world ; and fourthly, a war in these
Provinces.
"While the Americans continue in a state, which the
English call rebellion, their commerce with Europe will be
interrupted by English cruisers. Thus they will draw but
a small quantity of these precious metals from this first
source. The pensions of France and Spain will be much
too inconsiderable to support the agriculture and manufac-
tures of so extensive a country. Their only remaining
source then for these metals will be in the contraband, or
wars with the Spanish and Portuguese Provinces. To
prevent this contraband, the treaty of confederation miglit
make provision against the contraband both of the English
272
JOHN JAY.
and Americans. It is a delicate point for an Englishman
to suggest the means, but were the two nations sincerely
disposed for peace, 1 could in a quarter of an hour suggest
the infallible means.
"Spain has another interest, perhaps still greater, against
the independence of the Americans, and, consequently, in
favor of the treaty in question. The Americans, who
will be . able to fly with their sails wherever they please,
will make establishments in New Zealand, the Islands
of Otaheile, or some other Islands in the South Sea,
from whence they will torment the Spaniards in that sea,
and even the English, the French, the Portuguese, and
the Dutch, in the East India Seas. Being independent,
no treaty will prevent their making such establishments.
They may make them consistent with the laws of nations.
Captain Cook in his last printed voyages says, there are
forlyseven thousand seafaring people in the Island of Ota-
heite alone ; and Captain Wallis, who discovered those
Islands, told me at Lisbon a few days ago, that the inhabi-
tants of Otaheite went to the mast-head of the English
ships, and ran on the yard-arms as well in three days'
time as the English mariners, and gave me two reasons for
it. The first was, that living on fish, they are all seafaring
people; and the second, that those who wear no shoes
are always the most dexterous in mounting the upper parts
of a ship. Captain Cook also in the same voyage gives
a description of a port and city in New Zealand, which
might in a few weeks be made impregnable, and one needs
only look at the shape of the Islands in the South Seas, in
the maps we have of them, to be convinced that they have
no small number of these impregnable ports.
"I show myself as much a friend to Spain, to France,
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 273
to Portugal and Holland, as to England, in disclosing
the following idea, which may have escaped others. Here-
tofore it was impossible to go to the South Seas with any
safety, but in the months of December and January, and
by the dreadful latitudes round Cape Horn. But the late
discoveries of Captain Cook and other Englishmen have
demonstrated the practicability of going thither in every
month of the year, round the Cape of Good Hope, and
the fine latitude of New Zealand, and in almost the same
time ; the one being a passage of four and the other of five
months. Because the same west wind, which blows al-
most the whole of the year, and retards the vessels passing
by Cape Horn, carries them with rapidity by the Cape of
Good Hope and New Zealand. Hence it follows, that
when the Americans quarrel with Spain, perhaps on the
subject of the contraband, they will send their ships on the
coast of Chili from their establishments in the South Seas,
by the latitudes of New Zealand, and with the west winds,
which always blow in that quarter. This is a voyage of
only five weeks; for Captain Cook in one voyage, and Cap-
tain Fourneaux in another, went from New Zealand to Cape
Horn in less lime, and the journal of the winds annexed to
the voyage of Captain Cook shews, that the west winds in
those latitudes bear to the east the proportion of ten to
one. When their vessels are on the coasts of Chili, they
will take the advantage of the land wind, which, blowing
constantly from south to north, will carry them along the
coasts of Chili and Peru. With this wind they will go in
fourteen days to the Bay of Panama, and in the course of
this voyage they will ravage the sea coasts, and make prizes
of all the vessels they meet. The naval force of Spain
at Lima will not have it in their power to hinder them,
vol. vii. 35
274 JOHN JAY.
for the same south wind, which will push the Americans
forward, will prevent the fleets of Spain going to meet
them. From the Bay of Panama they will return by the
^reat wind of the tropics, which never fails blowing from
east to west, either to their settlements in the South Seas,
or to sell their prizes in the seas of China or India, from
whence they will perhaps again return with new vessels,
newly manned, to repeat their ravages. Their return will
either be by New Zealand in coming from the Indies, or
by the latitude of forty north in coming from China. In this
last case they will fall on Mexico, and profiting of the land
winds which always blow there from north to the Bay of
Panama, they will ravage Mexico as before they ravaged
Chili and Peru. From the Bay of Panama they will re-
turn by the great tropic wind, either to their own homes
in the South Seas, or to the seas of Asia to renew a war,
insulting, tormenting, and without remedy.
"On the other hand, when at war with England, France,
Portugal, or Holland, they will direct their course from
their establishments in the South Seas, and fall upon the
possessions of those powers in the East Indies. They will
have two great routes to go and return by ; the one to the
west of New Zealand, the other by the Islands between
China and New Holland, and in this they will have as
many passages as there are Islands. Thence follows the
impossibility of waylaying their vessels, either going or on
their return. These consequences may all be prevented
by the treaty proposed by Lord Rochford, in which it
might be stipulated that these Islands shall forever belong
to their present inhabitants and their posterity, for cer-
tainly the nation who shall first possess herself of them
will command the commerce of the South Seas and
those of Asia.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 275
"Europe, wishing for the independence of America, re-
sembles a man asleep on ice, and not sensible that ice
thaws, and therefore to give the greater weight to the con-
federation, Holland and Denmark, who have interests in
both the new worlds, might be invited to become contract-
ing parties to those articles of treaty, which regard the mu-
tual guarantee.
"The reason of the frequent breach of treaties is, that
they are made without provision for the future reciprocal
interests of the contracting nations. The only ones that I
know of, that pay attention to this object, are the^treaties
between Portugal and England ; by which Portugal gains a
preference for the sale of her wines in England, and Eng-
land for the sale of her cloths in Portugal. The conse-
quence is, that there never has, and in appearance never
will be, a war between Portugal and England. It would
not be difficult, either in the general confederation, or by
separate treaties of commerce between England on the one
part, and the three kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, and France
respectively on the other, to advance infinitely the commer-
cial interests of all three, by their connexions with England.
Spain having wines, oil, fruits, salt, fine wools, and some
other articles, which England has not, and England having
iron, with coal in the same fields for the manufacturing of
it, and by the moistness of her climate long wool for cloths
of a low price, also tin, fish, with some other articles, which
Spain has not, it follows, that when England is rich she
will buy more articles of Spain, and when Spain is rich she
will buy more articles of England, and consequently, that
one cannot enrich herself without enriching the other. The
same reasoning applies to the natural connexions between
England and Portugal. There is even a natural connex-
076 JOHN JAY.
ion between England and France in many articles of com-
merce, if the jealousy of fools, and misinformed persons
did not perpetually interrupt it. I have heard from cer-
tain authority, that had the Abbe Terray continued in the
Ministry of France, there would have been a tariff between
France and England for the entry, on the most favorable
conditions, of the wines and articles of mode of the one
nation, and the manufactures of iron and wheat of the
other, and England might have procured the consent of
Portugal for the diminution of her commerce of wines with
England by other indemnifications. England in favor of
France, Spain, and Portugal, might, without injury to her-
self even permit the exportation of those wools, paying a
duty at the exportation thereof. The exportation of the
superfluous wool, would be an advantage to the proprie-
tors of lands in England, to the King in furnishing him a
new revenue, and to those three nations, in giving them an
article necessary for their manufactures.
"Unfortunately for humanity, the Abbe Terray is no
more ; but happily for humanity, Dr Franklin, the Comp-
troller-General of France, M. Compomanes, the Duke of
Braganza, and Lord North are all still living, and the King
of Spain, with the Count de Florida Blanca, may put all
these five in motion.
"For my part I have no authority from the English Min-
isters to present this project, but living in friendship with
the greater part of them, and on an intimate footing with
the others, I am certain that some of the sentiments in this
memorial correspond with their manner of thinking on the
subject. I confess I received a letter in Portugal, fourteen
days before my departure for Spain, from Lord Rochford,
who is not at present in the Ministry, but who is so taken
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 277
up with a project that does him so much honor, that he
has advised me to feel the pulses on the possibility of
making it succeed, and that I have a letter on the same
subject from the Duke of Braganza, who entered into the
views of my Lord Rochford not as a politician, but as a
friend to humanity.
"Encouraged by such men, and still more by the dic-
tates of my own heart, I wrote to one of the English Min-
isters, that if I did not find minds too much heated, and
there was no danger of giving offence, I intended to do
justice to the project of my Lord Rochford, in Spain and
in France, and begged him to send me an answer to Paris
whether the Ministry of England approved or disapproved
my intentions.
"I have only to add, that my views being to unite, and
not to separate nations, I have no objection that the Min-
isters of France and Dr Franklin should each have a copy
of this memorial."
The Count spoke of Sir John and his anecdote very
properly, and concluded with assurances of the King's
firmness.
The manner in which Sir John speaks of Dr Franklin,
however just, I impute to a design of injuring the confi-
dence reposed in him by his constituents.
The house of Gardoqui at Bilboa are rich, in favor
with the Ministry, and friends to America. The Navy
Board have sent to them for goods for the use of the navy,
and have remitted to them only an inconsiderable part of
the sum to which they will amount, desiring the residue on
credit, and promising speedy payment. One of the House
now here spoke to me on the subject ; I advised him to
complete the orders. It is of the utmost consequence that
278
JOHN JAY.
the Navy Board be punctual in their remittances. Amer-
ican credit is not high, and ought to be higher. I am the
more anxious on this subject, as that House is exceedingly
well disposed, and a disappointment would not only be
injurious to them, but much more so to us. Perhaps it
would be a good rule if the United States were to contract
debts only with Governments, and never with individuals
abroad.
I received a letter last week from a Captain Hawkins at
Cadiz, informing me that the Americans, who had escaped
from captivity and were collected there, were fitting out a
vessel for America, which they were arming, and wished
to be enabled to act of 
